Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
by
JOSEPH BUIST
URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
n
URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
OLDEN TIMES
IN A
HIGHLAND PARISH
BY
r\
WILLIAM MACKAY, LL.D.
SECOND EDITION
41 Remember the days of old, consider the years of many generations."
Deut. xxxii. 7
THE NORTHERN COUNTIES NEWSPAPER AND PRINTING AND
PUBLISHING COMPANY, LIMITED
1914
PRINTED AT
NORTHERN CHRONICLE
INVERNESS
WILLIAM MACKAY, LL.D.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
THE following pages are the result of much gathering,
begun during my school and college days, of the
traditions and legends and songs of my native
Parish, and of much searching, in more recent
years, for written records referring to it. I have
endeavoured to give in them a plain and accurate
account of the Olden Times, and a true picture of
the Past. The work is, however, that of a novice
in book-writing, who has written it, for his own
diversion and recreation, during hours of freedom
from the labours and anxieties of a busy profes-
sional life; and, while no effort has been spared to
ensure accuracy of statement, the book is probably
not without blemishes of a literary nature which it
might have escaped in other hands, and under more
favourable circumstances.
I have received generous help in connection with
the work. My parents, whose wonderful store of
legend and song first suggested it, and the old
people, all over the Parish, whose tales at many a
ceilidh are still a pleasing recollection, are now
VI PREFACE
beyond the reach of this expression of my gratitude ;
and so is The Chisholm, who placed his family
papers at my disposal. Others who helped are,
happily, still with us. To Caroline, Countess
Dowager of Seafield, I am specially indebted, — for
free access to the numerous and invaluable ancient
papers preserved at Castle Grant. My thanks are
also due to Mr Eraser-Mackintosh of Drummond,
for the use of interesting documents in his posses-
sion; to Dr Dickson, Curator of the Historical
Department, Eegister House, Edinburgh; Mr Clark,
of the Advocates' Library; Mr Law, of the Signet
Library; the Eev. Walter Macleod, Edinburgh; Mr
Francis James Grant, W.S., Edinburgh (a worthy
descendant of the learned James Grant of Corri-
mony) ; the Clerks of the Synod of Moray and of
the Presbyteries of Inverness and Abertarff; and
the officials of the Eecord Office, London, — for much
courtesy and aid in the course of my researches; to
Provost Eoss, Inverness, for the very successful
"restoration" of the Castle, which forms the frontis-
piece, and for the architectural description and
ground plan of the Castle; to Mr Mackintosh, artist,
Inverness, for the sketches of the Bridge of the
Leap and Mac Uian's Pool; to Mr Grant of Glen-
moriston, for the loan of the Killicrankie Shield, of
which an illustration is given, and for the portrait of
PREFACE Vll
Patrick Grant, the protector of Prince Charles; to
Mrs Grant, senior, of Glenmoriston, for the drawings
of Iain a' Chr again 's Sword and the Glenmoriston
Pillory; to Miss Cameron, late of Lakefield, for the
drawing of , the Urquhart Brooch; to the Council of
the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, for the illus-
trations of the Balnalick Urn and Bronze Blade, and
of the Balmacaan Sculptured Stones; to Mr J. E.
N. Macphail, M.A., advocate, Edinburgh, who has,
at great trouble, revised almost all the proof-sheets;
to Mr Alexander Macbain, M.A., Inverness, who, in
connection with the appendix on Place-Names, has
freely given me out of the abundance of his Celtic
learning; to my father-in-law, Mr John Mackay,
Hereford, author of " Sutherland Place-Names," for
valuable suggestions on the same subject; and to
my Wife, who has relieved me of much of the labour
connected with the transcription of old writings.
It has been the will of Fate that the story of the
Parish should be told by the last man who has a
home or a holding in it of a family who, for centuries,
acted some little part in that story. I hope I am
doing the old place a service and not a wrong by
publishing it. I trust, also, that no one will
find cause of offence in anything I have recorded
concerning his or her forefathers. It is the duty of
the historian, however humble he or his subject may
Vlll PREFACE
be, to tell his tale truthfully and without favour;
and I have, in endeavouring to act up to that
duty, experienced the pain of having to record
unpleasant things, not only about my own forbears,
but also regarding ancestors and relatives of some
of my best friends on earth. The only comforting
reflection is that the men of the Past ought not to
be judged by the moral standard of the Present.
WILLIAM MACKAY.
CRAIGMONIE, INVERNESS,
Christmas, 1893.
NOTE TO SECOND EDITION
THE first edition having for some time been out of
print, the Publishers find themselves encouraged to
issue a second. A few necessary corrections have
been made, and here and there new information has
been given. Mr W. J. Watson, LL.D., author of
1 Place-Names of Boss and Cromarty," has read the
proofs of the Appendix on Place-Names, and I am
indebted to him for valuable suggestions on difficult
and doubtful points.
WILLIAM MACKAY.
CRAIGMONIE, INVERNESS,
March, 1914.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— BEFOEE 1296
PAGE
The Early Ages. — Physical and Climatic Changes. — Early Man. —
The Caledonii.— The Picts.— Urchard in Moravia.— The
Legendary Origin of Loch Ness. — The Children of Uisneach.
—The Wars of the Picts.— The End of their Kingdom.—
Incursions of the Norse. — Monie, Son of the King of
Scandinavia. — The Conflict of Craigmonie. — The Risings of
the Moraymen. — Conachar in Urquhart. — The Big Dog and
the Wild Boar. — Origin of the Forbeses, Mackays, and
Urquharts. — The Harrying of the Church Lands. — The Pope's
Protection to the Church of Urquhart. — Gillespic Mac-
Scolane's Deeds and Death. — Urquhart Granted to Thomas
Durward. — Sir Alan Durward. — Dispute regarding Church
Lands. — The Settlement. — Sir Alan's Death. — The Cummings 1
CHAPTER II
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH— 1296 TO 1362
Edward I. invades Scotland. — John of Glen-Urquhart. — Urquliart
Castle taken by the English. — Sir William Fitzwarine Con-
stable.— He is harassed by Andrew Moray. — A Sabbath Day's
Journey and Fight. — The Countess of Ross in Urquhart. —
Moray Besieges the Castle. — Death of William Puer and
Fitzwarine's Son. — An Army of Relief. — The King's Instruc-
tions.— Fitzwarine's Letter to the King. — Sir William
Wallace. — The English expelled from Urquhart. — Forbes
Constable. — Fitzwarine in Prison. — His Wife's Devotion. —
Edward's Great Invasion. — The English again in Urquhart. —
Forbes and his Garrison put to the Sword. — His Wife's
Escape. — Sir Alexander Gumming Constable. — Bruce. —
Thomas Randolph Proprietor of Urquhart and Glenmoriston.
— His Highland Followers. — His Regency and Administration
of Justice. — His Murder. — Death of his Son, Thomas
Randolph.— John Randolph. — Sir Robert Lauder holds the
CONTENTS
PAQ«
Castle against Baliol. — His Visitors at the Castle. — Sir Eobert
Chisholm. — John Randolph Slain, and Chisholm made
Prisoner. — Chisholm Constable of the Castle. — Death of
Lander. — His Character 1$
CHAPTER III
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— 1346 TO 1455
The Barony of Urquhart reverts to the Crown. — Is granted to the
Earl of Sutherland. — Acquired by the Earl of Stratherne. —
Sir Robert Chisholm. — His Urquhart Possessions go to the
Wolf of Badenoch. — Stratherne lets the Barony to the Wolf.
—The Wolf withholds the Rent. — A Royal Quarrel. — Appeal
to the King. — The Wolf and the Bishop. — The Burning of
Elgin Cathedral.— Thomas Chisholm.— The Wolf's Death.—
Scramble for his Possessions. — Urquhart seized by Donald of
the Isles. — Charles Maclean. — Parliament deals with the
Castle. — The Red Harlaw. — The Barony possessed by the Earl
of Mar. — Claimed by the Duke of Albany. — A Compromise. —
. The Castle repaired by the King.— Death of Mar.— The Lord
of the Isles seizes the Barony.— Hector Buie Maclean's
Exploits. — The Tragedy of Caisteal Spioradan. — Ogilvy of
Balfour holds the Castle for the King. — The Castle taken by
John of the Isles. — No Rent. — Parliament annexes the Barony
and Castle to the Crown ........ 38
CHAPTER IV
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH— 1455 TO 1509
The Lordship of Urquhart granted to the Lord of the Isles for
Life. — He and his Highlanders in England. — His Rebellion
and Attainder. — The Earl of Huntly in charge of the Lordship
and Castle. — The Macleans claim Urquhart. — Their Position
and Power. — A Thirty Years' War. — The Lordship let to
the Baron of Kilravock. — Opposition to him. — Arbitration. —
Bonds of Friendship. — Strange League against the Baron. —
He throws up his Lease. — The Parish Waste. — Sir Duncan
Grant to the Rescue. — His connection with the District. — The
Conflict of Foyers. — The Red Bard in Urquhart. — Struggle
for the Lordship. — Lease to the Bard. — The Bard King's
Chamberlain. — He trades with the King. — The Lordship
granted to Himself and his Sons absolutely. — The reasons
for the Grants 59-
CONTENTS XI
CHAPTER V
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— 1509 TO 1535
PAQB
The Charters of 1509. — The New Baronies of Urquhart, Corrimony,
and Glenmoriston. — Eeservation of Church Lands. — The
Proprietors' Duties and Services to the Crown. — The Castle
to be added to and Strengthened. — The Inhabitants to be
Protected. — Waste Lands to be Eeclaimed. — The King's High-
way to be Improved. — Bridges to be Maintained. — Hemp and
Flax to be Cultivated. — Strange Division of the Parish. —
Gradual re-adjustment of Marches. — Troubles with the
Inhabitants. — Troubles with the Crown. — Compositions for
Crimes. — The Last of the Macleans. — Invasion of Sir Donald
of Lochalsh. — A Large Booty. — Prices of the Period. — The
Bard's Proceedings against Sir Donald. — The Bard's Treaty
with Lochiel. — Death of the Bard. — Seumas nan Creach. —
Barbarous Decree against the Clan Chattan. — Urquhart
exempted from the jurisdiction of Local Courts . . .77
CHAPTER VI
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH— 1535 TO 1560
Troubles in the Western Highlands. — Feud between Ranald Gallda
and John of Moidart. — The Lairds of Grant and Glenmoriston
assist Ranald. — Battle of Blar-na-Leine. — Glengarry and
Lochiel invade Glenmoriston and Urquhart. — The Great
Raid. — The Spoil and the Despoiled. — Urquhart Burnt. —
Incidents of the Raid. — The Strong Woman of Richraggan. —
The Big Smith of Polmaily. — His Adventures with the
Fairies.— A Wonderful Filly.— The Smith's Sons Slain.—
Legal Proceedings against Glengarry and Lochiel. — Their
Lards apprised to the Lairds of Grant and Glenmoriston. —
Glenmoriston's Death. — His Character and Influence. — Dis-
pute regarding his Succession. — The Ballindalloch Feud. —
Death of the Laird of Grant.— Sad state of the Country.— The
Justiciar of Urquhart and Glenmoriston. — A ghastly Gift to
the Queen Regent. — The Reformation. — The Church's Patri-
mony Alienated. — John Mackay acquires Achmonie. — The
other Church Lands fall to the Grants . . . . . 94
CHAPTER VII
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH— 1560 TO 1626
The Camerons and Clan Ranald plan another Raid. — Mackintosh
and Mackenzie of Kintail ordered to protect the Parish. —
League of Loyalty to Queen Mary. — The Men of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston in Arms for her. — Their March into the
XI 1 CONTENTS
PAGK
South. — Urquhart Feu-duties applied toward the Queen's
Maintenance in Lochleven Castle. — Patrick Grant of Glen-
moriston invades Ardclach. — He marries the Thane of
Cawdor's Daughter. — The Thane builds Invermoriston House,
— Iain Mor a' Chaisteil of Glenmoriston. — His Combat with
an Englishman. — His Fir Candles in London. — His Influence
and Acquisitions. — Appointed Chamberlain of Urquhart. —
He murders a Packman. — Criminal Letters against him. —
Feud between the Macdonalds and the Mackenzies. — The Raid
of Kilchrist. — The Conflict of Lon-na-Fala. — Allan of Lundie's
Leap. — The Murder of the Mason of Meall-a'-Ghro. — Bonds
of Friendship between the Laird of Grant and Glengarry ,
and Allan of Lundie. — A Big Timber Transaction. — The Laird
saves Allan . 118
CHAPTEE VIII
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— 1603 TO 1640
The Proscribed Macgregors seek Shelter in Urquhart and Glen-
moriston.— Their Harbourers Fined. — Their Evil Influence on
the Men of Urquhart. — Doule Shee's Raid. — Commission of
Fire and Sword. — Housebreaking at Balmacaan. — The Carron
and Ballindalloch Feud. — Career of Seumas an Tuim. — His
Supporters in Urquhart and Glenmoriston. — The Castle
Repaired. — The Clan Chattan in Urquhart. — Their Friends
Prosecuted. — The Earl of Moray persecutes Grant of Glen-
moriston.— Grant visits the King, and His Majesty Intervenes.
Death of Glenmoriston and the Laird of Grant. — The Story
of the Covenant. — The Covenant subscribed by the Lairds of
Grant and Glenmoriston. — Opposed by the Parish Minister
and Lady Mary Ogilvy, Liferentrix of Urquhart. — A Short
Conflict. — The Minister Yields. — Attempts to stent Urquhart
for the Army of the Covenant. — Lady Mary's Concessions . 136
CHAPTER IX
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH— 1640 TO 1647
The Solemn League and Covenant. — Montrose and Alasdair Mac
Cholla Chiataich take the side of the King.— The Laird of
Grant and the Tutor of Glenmoriston hold aloof. — Alasdair's
Requisition on the Tutor.— The Tutor's Trick.— A Brilliant
Campaign. — Battle of Inverlochy. — The Laird of Grant sends
men to Montrose. — The Covenanters invade Glen-Urquhart. —
Lady Ogilvy robbed and driven out of the Parish. — Her
Appeal to her Son. — Undertaking to support the King. —
Montrose's description of the Laird's Recruits. — Urquhart
Men killed at the Battle of Auldearn. — Montrose's Higli-
CONTENTS Xlil
PAGE
landers in Glen-Urquhart. — Kaid upon the Aird. — Lovat calls
upon The Chisholm to drive the Eoyalists out of the Parish. —
Disputes and Notarial Writs. — Montrose's vengeance on the
Frasers. — His skirmish in Glenmoriston. — His Exile. — Huntly
takes the field for the King. — Middleton defeats Huntly in
Glenmoriston. — Lady Ogilvy's Troubles and Death. — Feud
between her tenants and those of Glenmoriston. — A Fight at
a Funeral. — Death of the Big Miller. — The Condition of the
Castle 150
CHAPTER X
«
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— 1647 TO 1668
Landing of Charles II.— He is supported by the Laird of Grant. —
Patrick of Clunemore at Worcester. — The Fate of his Fol-
lowers.— Cromwell's Soldiers in the North. — Glencairn's
Eising for the King. — Lochiel and Kenmure in Urquhart. —
Middleton supersedes Glencairn. — Middleton pursued by
Monck. — Monck in Glenmoriston and Kintail. — Middleton
defeated. — Dalziel of Binns and Middleton in Glenmoriston and
Strathglass. — The Chisholm tried by Court-Martial, and Fined
and Imprisoned. — The English place the First Ship on Loch
Ness. — The Story of the Event. — Peace and Prosperity. — The
Eestoration. — The Caterans Let Loose. — The Hanging of
Hector Maclean. — The Burning of Buntait. — Dispute between
Glenmoriston and Inshes. — Glenmoriston Burns the Barns
of Culcabock. — He seizes Inshes and keeps him Prisoner. — Is
apprehended by the Eobertsons of Struan. — The Dispute
settled. — Donald Donn and Mary Grant. — Donald's Career,
Capture, and Death . 166
CHAPTER XI
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— 1668 TO 1690
The Laird of Grant's Chamberlain killed by Mackay of Achmonie.
— Mackay forced to surrender Achmonie to the Laird. — Fatal
fight in Slochd-Muic. — Achmonie conferred on William
Grant. — Eestored to the Mackays. — Thomas Grant of Bal-
macaan. — Culduthel's Eaid on Borlum. — The Castle repaired.
—The Monmouth Eebellion. — Unsettled state of the Country.
— The Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston support King
James. — The Eevolution. — The Laird of Grant supports
William and Mary. — The Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston
adhere to James. — Dundee's Campaign. — The Camerons' Eaid
on Urquhart. — Quarrels in Dundee's Camp — Killicrankie. —
Adventures of Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston in the
XIV CONTENTS
Battle. — Iain a' Chragain's Troubles. — Invermoriston House
Burnt, and Glenmoriston Devastated. — A Whig Garrison in
Urquhart Castle. — The Castle besieged by the Jacobites. —
Supplies for the Garrison. — The Haughs of Cromdale. — Close
of the War 191
CHAPTER XII
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— 1690 TO 1708
The Parish Unsettled. — The Castle garrisoned by the Whigs. —
They Vacate and Destroy it. — Its Last Eecord. — Its Chambers
of Treasure and Pestilence. — King William's Measures to
subdue the Highlands. — Devastation of Urquhart. — The
Losses of the Laird of Grant and his Tenants. — Compensation
recommended by Parliament, but refused by the King. —
Insecurity of Life and Property. — Raids and Dackerings. —
Proceedings against Achmonie. — Eaids by Glenmoriston
Men on Dalcross, Glencannich, and Dunain. — Colonel Hill
endeavours to stop their Adventures. — Horses stolen from
Shewglie.— The Track and its Eesult.— The Macmillans of
Loch-Arkaig-side take a Spoil from Glenmoriston. — The Fight
of Corri-nam-Bronag. — The Eaid of Inchbrine. — The Conflict
of Corribuy. — Death of Shewglie. — His Son's Revenge. —
Death of Gille Dubh nam Mart 210
CHAPTER XIII
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— 1693 TO 1736
Fairs Established in Glen-Urquhart. — Erection of the Eegality of
Grant. — Sir Ludovick Grant acquires Abriachan, Culnakirk,
and Clunemore. — He makes over Urquhart to Brigadier Grant.
— The Brigadier's Career. — The Fifteen. — The Brigadier on
the side of King George. — The Men of Urquhart and Glen-
moriston support the Chevalier. — Glengarry and Glenmoriston
in Argyll. — Sheriffmuir. — Keppocli's Eaid on Urquhart. — The
Brigadier and the Jacobites of Urquhart. — Attainder of Iain
a' Chragain. — Invermoriston House Burnt, and Glenmoriston
Forfeited. — The Forfeited Estates Commissioners and their
Difficulties.— The Court of Sir Patrick Strachan.— The Battle
of Glenshiel. — The Commissioners' Factors. — The Factors in
Glenmoriston. — Patrick Grant joins Donald Murchison. — The
Fight of Afch-nam-Muileach. — General Wade. — Fort-Augustus
Built. — Wade's Eoads. — Galley placed on Loch Ness. — Glen-
moriston purchased for Iain a' Chragain. — The Price and its
Application. — Iain a' Chragain's Death. — His Career and
Character .225
CONTENTS XV
CHAPTER XIV
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH— 1719 TO 1746
PAGE
Sir James Grant.— The Forty-Five.— The Three Alexanders of
Urquhart support Prince Charles. — A Message of Welcome
to the Prince. — Agitation and Threatenings. — Jacobite
Recruits from Urquhart and Glenmoriston. — Ludovick Grant's
Policy of Caution. — The Prince's Letter to the Gentlemen of
Urquhart. — His Cause espoused by the Minister. — A Sabbath-
Day's Meeting in support of the Prince. — The Factor's
Reports to Ludovick. — Ludovick's Letters to the Factor. —
Patrick Grant of Glenmoriston joins the Prince. — Their Firet
Interview. — Prestonpans. — Colonel Macdonell's Demand. —
Achmonie's Mission to Castle Grant. — Ludovick's Message to
the Gentlemen of Urquhart. — Macdonell in Urquhart. — An
interrupted March. — The Macdonalds and the Erasers in
Urquhart. — The Conference of Tornashee. — Doubts and Hesita-
tions.— Corrimouy and Achmonie visit Ludovick. — The Earl of
Cromartie, the Master of Lovat, and Macdonald of Barisdale
in the Parish. — Achmonie's Undertaking to the Laird of
Grant. — The Cause of the Prince prospers in the Parish. —
The Factor in Despair. — The Prince's arrival in Inverness. —
New Recruits from Urquhart ...... 241
CHAPTER XV
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH— 1746
The Battle of Falkirk.— The Duke of Cumberland in Scotland.—
Prince Charles at Inverness. — Cumberland crosses the Spey.
— The Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston summoned to join
the Prince. — Culloden. — Incidents of the Battle and Flight. —
Alexander Grant's Exploits. — Heroic Wives. — Ludovick Grant
and his Eight Hundred in Urquhart. — Rebel-Hunting. — Pro-
tections promised, and the Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston
Surrender. — Fears and Forebodings. — Treachery. — Despair
and Maledictions. — Ludovick's Intercession and its Result. —
Shewglie and his Son and the Minister in Tilbury Fort. —
Shewglie's Death. — Release of his Son and the Minister. —
Banishment to Barbados. — The Fate of the Exiles. — Notices
of some who Returned. — Donald Mackay. — William Grant.- -
Donald Macmillan. — Alexander Grant. — Donald Grant. —
Alexander Ferguson. — Donald Ferguson .... 271
XVI CONTENTS
CHAPTER XVI
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH— 1746 TO 1747
The Government's Treatment of Ludovick Grant. — Glen-Urquhart
harried by the English Cavalry. — The Blanket Eaid. — Inver-
moriston House Burnt, and the Glenmoriston People
Plundered. — Cumberland at Fort-Augustus. — Atrocities in
Glenmoriston. — A Eeign of Terror. — The Story of Eoderick
Mackenzie. — Cattle dealing between English Soldiers and
Southern Drovers. — Gay Life in the English Camp. — Horse-
Eacing Extraordinary. — The Seven Men of Glenmoriston. —
The Wanderings of Prince Charles. — The Prince in Glen-
moriston.— His Three Week's Life with the Seven Men. — An
Oath of Secrecy and Fidelity. — The Prince's Movements. — His
Escape. — His Appearance and Habits. — Devotion of the Seven
Men. — The English leave Fort- Augustus. — Famine and
Pestilence in the Parish. — The Use of Arms and the Wearing
of the Hghland Dress Prohibited.— A Terrible Oath.— Eesults
of Culloden.— Close of the Olden Times . .291
CHAPTER XVII
THE CHUECH IN THE PAEISH— BEFOEE THE EEFOEMATION
Introduction of Christianity. — St Ninian and Ternan. — The
Temple, or St Ninian's Chapel. — The Story of Merchard. —
His Church in Glenmoriston. — Traditions concerning Him. —
His wonderful Bell. — Drostan, Patron Saint of Urquhart. —
His Chaplainry and Croft. — Eelapse of the People into
Paganism. — St Columba's Mission. — Marvellous deeds in the
district of Loch Ness. — Opposition of the Druids. — Columba
in Urquhart. — Conversion of Emchat and Yirolec. — Inver-
moriston Church. — Columba's Well. — St Adamnan. — The
Church of Abriachan. — The Mission of Curadan. — The Church
of Corrimony. — Gorman. — The Churches of Lag an t-Seapail,
Achnahannet, Pitkerrald, Kilmichael, and Kilmore. — The
Celtic Clergy and their Services. — Fall of the Druids. — Their
Eeligion and its Eemains. — The Eomau Catholic Church
Established. — Origin of Parishes and Church Endowments. —
Erection of the Parish of Urquhart.— The Parish Church and
its Property. — The Chapels and their Crofts. — The Chancellor
of Moray. — The Clergy of the Church and Chapels. — The
Eeformation. — The Parish Priest turns Protestant. — Loss of
the Church Lands in the Parish. — The People Spiritually
Destitute 320
CONTENTS Xvil
CHAPTER XVIII
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH— FEOM THE REFORMATION
TO THE REVOLUTION
PAGE
The Church of the Reformation. — John Knox's Superintendents. —
Episcopacy. — Presbytery Established. — Scarcity of Preachers.
— Exhorters and Readers. — Mr James Farquharson, Exhorter
in Urquhart. — The Parish under the Charge of Andrew
McPhail. — John McAllan, first Protestant Minister. — The
Rev. Alexander Grant. — New Churches. — Grant's Troubles
with the Church Courts. — He resists the Covenant, but is
forced to Subscribe.— The Rev. Duncan Macculloch.— His
Want of Maintenance,, and Troublous Career. — His Deposition.
— A Six Years' Vacancy. — Restoration of Episcopacy. — Mac-
culloch Reinstated. — A Presbyterial Visitation. — Lamentable
state of the Parish. — Macculloch's Resignation. — How he
slew a Glenmoriston Man.— Loose and unruly walking in
the Parish. — Searching for a Minister. — The Rev. James
Grant. — His Presbyterial Trials. — Induction Ceremonies. —
Persecution of Roman Catholics. — Papal statistics of the
Parish. — The Rev. Robert Monro appointed Preacher in
Abertarff and Glenmoriston. — His Difficulties, Privations,
and Irregularities. — Lord Lovat's Midnight Marriage. —
Presbyterial visitation of Urquhart. — Peace and Prosperity.
— The Elders. — The Rev. Robert Gumming. — Monro's Pro-
test.— Prelacy in the Parish. — Troubles in the Church. — The
Revolution. — Presbytery Re-Established 345
CHAPTER XIX
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH— FROM THE REVOLUTION
TO THE DISRUPTION
Episcopacy in the Parish. — The Rev. Robert Cumming remains
Episcopalian, but retains the Living. — Cumming and the
Presbyterian Clergy.— The State of the Parish.— Presbyterian
Missionaries. — Presbytery Meetings in the Parish. — The Rev.
William Gordon. — A Missionary Preacher settled in Glen-
moriston.— The Rev. John Grant. — He favours Prince
Charles and is imprisoned in England. — His Death and
Character. — The Rev. James Grant. — The Rev. James Fowler.
— Troubles in the Parish. — The Meetings of Duncan of
Buntait. — The Factor interferes and mysteriously Dies. —
The Rev. James Doune Smith. — Charges of Immorality. —
The People desert the Church. — Presbyterial Enquiry. —
Smith interdicts the Presbytery. — The Disruption. — The
Rise, Influence, and Character of the Men. — State of Religion
XVI 11 CONTENTS
PAGE
in Glenmoriston. — The Rev. Robert Monro. — Royal Bounty
Missionaries. — Glenmoriston erected into a Parish quoad
sacra. — Churches and Chapels in Olden Times. — Worship and
Church Service in the Past. — Legends and Relics of the Saints.
— Festival Days. — Gaelic Liturgy. — The Gaelic Bible. — Gaelic
Tunes. — The Sabbath in Olden Times. — Sports and Pleasures.
- -Sunday Christenings and Penny Weddings. — Lykewakes. —
atroduction of Puritanism. — Its Progress and Effects . . 370
CHAPTER XX
EDUCATION AND CULTURE IN THE PARISH
Education before the Reformation. — The Parochial System. —
Unsuccessful attempts to plant Schools in the Parish. — The
First School. — Charity Schools at Duldreggan, Milton, Pit-
kerrald, and Bunloit. — The First Parish School. — Subsequent
Agencies. — The Education Act. — Old Salaries. — Old School
Books. — Gaelic in Schools. — Old Punishments. — Cock-fighting
and other Sports. — Urquhart Authors. — James Grant of Corri-
mony. — Charles Grant. — Lord Glenelg. — Sir Robert Grant. —
James Grant. — John Macmillan. — Buchanan Macmillan,
King's Printer. — Patrick Grant. — James Grassie. — Angus
Macdonald. — William Grant Stewart. — William Somerled
Macdonald. — James Grant, Balnaglaic. — Allan Sinclair. —
The Bards of the Parish. — Iain Mac Eobhainn Bhain. — Ewen
Macdonald. — Shewglie and his Daughter. — Alasdair Mac Iain
Bhain. — Iain Mac Dhughaill. — John Grant. — Archibald Grant.
— Angus Macculloch. — Lewis Cameron. — Angus Macdonald. —
William Mackay. — Hugh Fraser. — Survival of Bardism . 393
CHAPTER XXI
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH
Decay of Folk-lore.— Decline of the Ceilidh.— Satan in the Parish.
— His Conflicts with the Men. — The Death of the Factor. —
Fair Ewen of the Goblin. — Hags and Goblins. — Cailleach &'
Chrathaich. — Destruction of the Macmillans. — Cailleach Allt-
an-Diinain. — Death of Macdougalls and Macdonalds. —
Cailleach Allt-Saigh. — Cailleach Chragain-na-Caillich. —
Donald Macrae's Adventure. — Daibhidh and Mor of Corri-
Dho. — Their Feud against the Men of Urquhart. — Bocan na
Sleabhaich.— The White Mare cf Corri-Dho.— The Death of
Alasdair Cutach. — The Fairies and their Haunts. — Theft of
Mothers and Babes. — Other Depredations. — Fairy Love-
making and its Results. — Gay Life in Fairy Knowes. — The
CONTENTS XIX
PAGE
Fairy Smith of Tornashee. — The Witches of the Parish. —
Their Pastimes and Pursuits. — Divination. — Dead Men and
Demon Cats. — A Famous Seer.-^The Evil Eye. — Second Sight.
— Sacrifices and Safeguards 417
CHAPTER XXII
INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH
Origin and History of Agriculture and Laud-Ownership. — Davachs
and other Divisions. — Rise and Fall of Population. — Sub-
Division of Holdings. — The Occupiers of the Soil. — Origin of
the Crofter. — Leases. — Agricultural Productions and Customs.
— Ancient Trade in Cattle,, Skins, Wool, and Furs. — Rents
and Services. — Foundation of Lewistown and Milton. —
Famines. — Game Laws. — An Ancient Royal Forest. — Timber
Traffic. — Trades. — Old Industries. — Copper Mine. — Iron
Works. — Lime Manufacture. — Distaff and Spindle. — Linen
and Woollen Factories. — Introduction of Spinning Wheels. —
Ale. — An Ancient Brew-House. — Whisky-Making. — Modern
Breweries. — Roads and Bridges. — Traffic on Loch Ness. —
Ancient Boats. — CromwelFs Frigate. — The Highland Galley.
— Steamboats. — Highland Hospitality.— Inns. — Samuel John-
son at Aonach. — The Dwellings of the Past. — Modern Improve-
ments.— Law and Order. — Sanctuaries. — Baron Courts and
their Procedure. — Curious Administrative Division of the
Parish. — Church Courts. — The Poor. — Social Customs. — Fights
and Feuds. — Modern Changes. — The Conclusion . . . 437
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A:
Description of Urquhart Castle 467
APPENDIX B :
I. Details of Spoil taken from Glenmoriston in October, 1544
II. Details of Spoil taken from Tenants in Glen-Urquhart in
April and May, 1545 .471
APPENDIX C :
I. Lease by the Bishop of Moray to John Mackay and his
Wife, of Achmonie. 1554 479
II. Lease by the Laird of Grant to Donald Cumming of
Dulshangie, of Meikle Pitkerrald. 1660 . . . .480
III. Articles of Agreement between James Grant, Esquire of
Grant [afterwards Sir James Grant], and James Delias,
Mason at Garthkeen. 1770 . . . 482
XX CONTENTS
PAGE
APPENDIX D :
Charter by the Bishop of Moray to John Mackay and his
Wife and Son, of Achmonie. 1557 483
APPENDIX E :
Donald Donn 487
APPENDIX F :
Proceedings Brigadier Grant against Alexander Mac Uisdeau
Glass in Buntait and his Mother ..... 490
APPENDIX G :
Accompt Ludovick Colquhoun of Luss with the Publick for
the Purchase Money of the Estate late of John Grant,
late of Glenmoriston, attainted 463
APPENDIX H :
I. A List of the Persons in Urquhart who were Concerned in
the Rebellion, Surrendered themselves Prisoners to Sr.
Ludovick Grant, and were by him brought in to Inverness.
1746 494
II. A List of all the Men in Glenmoriston that Surrendered
themselves to Sr. Ludovick Grant, May the 4th, and by
him delivered to his Royall Highness the Duke of
Cumberland, May the 5th, 1746 495
III. List of Arms Surrendered to Ludovick Grant at Balma-
caan, May, 1746 498
APPENDIX I :
Report of the Cattle and other Effects taken by the Army
from the Country of Urquhart in 1746 .... 499
APPENDIX J :
Extracts from Bishop Forbes" " Lyon in Mourning" . . 501
APPENDIX K:
The Seven Men of Glenmoriston 502
APPENDIX L :
Notices of the Principal Families of the Parish . . . 505
APPENDIX M :
Letters of Collation by the Bishop of Moray in favour of Sir
John Donaldson to the Chaplainry of St Ninians. 1556 . 515
APPENDIX N :
Stipend of the Parish Minister at various periods . . . 518
APPENDIX O :
Selections from the Productions of the Bards .... 519
APPENDIX P :
Baron Court Records ......... 546
CONTENTS XXI
APPENDIX Q:
I. Abstract Accompt of the Bussiness done at the Manufac-
tureing Station of Glenmoriston and Neighbourhood by
me, Alexander Shaw, Undertaker for said Station, the
year 1764 555
II. Accompt of the Distribution of Wheels and Eeels ordered
by the Honourable Commissioners of Annexed Estates to
the Inhabitants in the Neighbourhood of the Manufac-
tureing Station of Glenmoriston, the year 1764 . . 556
APPENDIX R :
Extracts from the Drumnadrochit Inn Visitors' Book . . 557
APPENDIX S :
The Poor, and Fools 562
APPENDIX T :
Papers concerning the Marriage of an Urquhart Heiress in
1737 564
APPENDIX U :
The Urquhart Settlement in Nova Scotia ..... 570
APPENDIX V :
Urquhart and Glenmoriston Place-Names ..... 572
INDEX . . 589
ILLUSTRATIONS
Urquhart Castle in the Olden Times .... Frontispiece
Urn and Bronze Blade found at Balnalick . . facing page 3
Pac-simile of Letter by the Governor of the Castle to Edward I.
in 1297 facing page 20
The Bridge of the Leap 73
Mac Uian's Pool 75
Iain a' Chragain's Shield ........ 205
Iain a,' Chragain's Sword 209
Ruins of the Castle ....... facing page 211
The Urquhart Brooch 212
Patrick Grant, one of the Seven Men of Glenmoriston . . . 314
Ancient Trees at Site of Temple .... facing page 336
Ancient Sculptured Stones at Balmacaan . . facing page 338
Stone, with Cross Inscribed, from The Temple .... 385
The Glenmoriston Pillory 463
Ground Plan of the Castle facing page 467
URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTEE I
BEFOEE 1296
The Early Ages. — Physical and Climatic Changes. — Early
Man. — The Caledonii. — The Picts. — Urchard in Moravia.
— The Legendary Origin of Loch Ness. — The Children of
TJisneach.— The Wars of the Picts.— The End of their
Kingdom. — Incursions of the Norse. — Monie, Son of the
King of Scandinavia. — The Conflict of Craigmonie. — The
Risings of the Moraymen. — Conachar in Urquhart. — The
Big Dog and the Wild Boar. — Origin of the Forbeses,
Mackays, and Urquharts. — The Harrying of the Church
Lands. — The Pope's Protection to the Church of Urquhart.
— Gillespic Mac Scolaiie's Deeds and Death. — Urquhart
Granted to Thomas Durward. — Sir Alan Durward. —
Dispute regarding Church Lands. — The Settlement.—
Sir Alan's Death. — The Cummings.
" I BEND mine eye/5 sings the Gaelic bard, "on the
ages fled; seen but in slender gleams is all that was
— like to the glimmer of a sickly moon on water
winding through the glen."1 And as it was in the
days of the bard, so it is even now; for slender,
1 " Tha mo shealladh air linnte a dh'aom,
Cha'n fhaicear ach caol na bli'ann —
Mar dhearrsa na geallaich tha faoin
Air linne tha claon 's a' ghleann."
— OSSIAN : " Cath Loduinn."
2 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
indeed, and few are the gleams that cheer the
student of the past on his dark journey through the
early ages. In the beginning, says our oldest
Book, the earth was without form, and void; and
Geology tells how, during the slow course of im-
measurable time, it assumed its present aspect-
how the rocks were made, the mountains raised, the
valleys formed, and the sea divided from the dry
land. In the process great changes came over the
face of the earth. Not to go beyond our own Scot-
land, the land at one time rose high above the
ocean : at another, it sank deep beneath its waves.1
For untold ages it was exposed to the scorching
rays of a tropical sun : for another period of
perhaps equal duration it lay buried under an
overwhelming weight of ice, that crushed its rocks
and rounded its mountain sides.2 The marks of
these great changes still remain; but there is little or
no trace of its earliest inhabitants. We step almost
into modern times before we get the first glimpse of
man as he slowly emerges from a state scarcely
higher than that of the beasts of the field. Fol-
lowing him down through the centuries, we are
able to trace his progress by such land-marks
as the use of weapons and implements — at first
made of stone, and thereafter, as his knowledge
1 The margin of a lake, which in former ages covered the lower
portions of Urquhart, is still seen in the beautiful terrace which almost
surrounds the Strath.
2 Deep ice markings on the rocks beyond Achtuie indicate the
course of one great glacier which passed over the ridge from the
direction of Strone Point, and of another which came down the Glen,
from the direction of Corrimony.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH D
widens, of bronze or of iron;1 the abandonment of
the natural caves of the earth for habitations built
with his own hands; and the cultivation of the soil
for the production of food for himself and the
animals which he has tamed for his service. There
is no written record of the earlier ages. For the
first references to the inhabitants of the Highlands
we must search the pages of certain Latin authors
who derived their knowledge of them from the
Eoman soldiers who served the Cassars in Britain.
From Lucan and other writers of the first century
we learn that in their time our part of the island was
inhabited by the Caledonian Britons (Caledonii
Britanni) , the same who valiantly opposed the
legions of Agricola at the battle of Mons Grampius.
We gather from the geographer Ptolemy, who
flourished about the year 120, that in his day the
country extending from Loch Long (Lemannonius
Sinus) to the Beauly Firth ( Varar ffistuarium2) ,
and embracing the glens which now bear the names
of Urquhart and Glenmoriston, was peopled by the
Caledonii, one of several tribes into which the Cale-
donian Britons were then divided; and in the time
of Severus (A.D. 208), those tribes were combined
into two nations — Caledonii and Mosatce — which, a
century later, appear under the general name of
1 Numerous stone implements have been found in the Parish. In
1887 a beautiful bronze blade was found in a sepulchral urn at
Balnalick, for a description of which (by Mr Angus Grant) see Proc.
of Society of Antiq. of Scot., 1887-8.
2 The name Varar still survives in the River Farrar, and Glen
Strathfarrar— the Glen of the Strath of Farrar.
4 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Picti, a name well known and much dreaded during
the latter years of the Eoman occupation. North
of the Grampians were the Northern Picts. The
Southern Picts inhabited the country lying to the
south and east of that range. Those divisions were
again sub-divided into provinces, the most noted of
which was Muireb or Moray, which extended, on
the one hand, from the Spey to the Forne or Beauly
(the ancient Varar), and, on the other hand, from the
Moray Firth to Lochaber. In Moray was situated
that district the history of which this book is to tell
— the " Urchard in Moravia," and " Urquhart in
Murrayland, ' ' of former annalists.
The legendary element bulks largely in the early
story of the district. Once upon a time, says one
pretty myth, the great glen which now lies under
the waters of Loch Ness was a beautiful valley,
sheltered from every blast by high mountains,
clothed with trees and herbs of richest hues. This
vale was covered with verdant pasture, over which
roamed the flocks of the people; and through it
flowed a majestic river in which was found every
fish good for the food of man. Although the people
were many, peace and friendship prevailed. The
women plied the distaff, and their homes and
children they did not forsake; and when the men
did not hunt the boar in the forest they chased the
deer on the mountain, and when they did not chase
the deer on the mountain they tended their cattle
on the plain.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 5
There was a spring in this happy vale which was
blessed by Daly the Druid, and whose waters were
ever afterwards an unfailing remedy for every
disease. This holy well was protected from pollu-
tion by a stone placed over it by the Druid, who
enjoined that whenever the stone was removed for
the drawing of water, it should be immediately
replaced. ' The day on which my command is
disregarded," said he, " desolation will overtake the
land." The words of Daly were remembered by the
people, and became a law among them; and so day
followed day, and year gave place to year.
But on one of the days a woman left the child of
her bosom by the fireside, and went to the well to
draw water. No sooner did she remove the stone
from its place than the cry reached her ear that the
child had moved towards the fire. Eushing to the
house, she saved the infant — but she forgot the
word of the Druid, and omitted to replace the
stone. The waters rose and overflowed the vale;
and the people escaped to the mountains and filled
the air with lamentation, and the rocks echoed
back the despairing cry — Tha loch 'nis ann, tha loch
'nis ann! — " There is a lake now, there is a lake
now !" And the lake remained, and it is called Loch-
Nis to this day.1
The Tales of the Sons of Uisneach account
otherwise for the name of the Loch. In the days of
Conachar Mac Nessa,2 who was King of Ulster in
the first century, there lived in Ireland a man of the
l Loch-Nis : so written in Gaelic ; pronounced Loch Neesh.
2 Conachar — anciently Conchobar.
6 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
name of Colum Cruitire, whose daughter Deirdire,
or Dearduil, was the most beautiful woman of her
age. " She was the fairest drop of blood between
earth and sun, and there never was born in Ireland
a drop of blood so fair as she." Conachar resolved
to make this daughter of beauty his wife. :c Give
me but a year and a day in my maidenhood," said
she; and her request was granted. Before the end
of the year and day, who visited the King but
his cousins Naois, Aillean, and Ardan, the renowned
sons of Uisneach. Naois fell in love with Dearduil,
and Dearduil loved Naois; and, accompanied by
Aillean and Ardan, they fled together to Scotland.
On the shore of Loch Naois (Loch Ness) they built
a tower from the window of which they could slay
the salmon, and from the door the bounding stag;
and here they for a season lived in safety and
happiness. But their retreat became known to
Conachar, and he sent Farquhar Mac Eo to them
with an assurance of his friendship and an invitation
to a great feast which he was about to give. Dear-
duil foreboded evil, and entreated Naois not to go;
but he would not listen to her, and they all accom-
panied Farquhar Mac Eo to Ireland. The King's
promises were fair, but his heart was false; and the
Sons of Uisneach were treacherously slain, and their
bodies laid in one grave. Then Dearduil looked
into the open grave and said— : ' Let Naois of my
love move to one side : let Aillean press close to
Ardan : if the dead could only hear, you would
make room for me." And the dead did make room
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 7
for her; and she, laying herself by her husband's
side, expired. But the King would not have
Naois and Dearduil lie in the same grave, and he
caused her to be buried on the opposite bank of an
adjoining stream; and a tender pine sprang out of
the grave of Naois, and another out of the grave of
Dearduil, and the pines grew and joined above the
stream.1
Although the Children of Uisneach were thus
slain, their fame did not die in Alban; and as the
name of Naois is borne by Loch Ness, the river
Ness, and Inverness, so does the vitrified fort of
Dun Dearduil, on the Stratherrick side of the lake,
bear that of his faithful Darthula.2
The Eomans, whose dominion never extended
over the territory of the Northern Picts, were
forced, in the year 410, for ever to quit Britain;
and for the next century and a half the history of
the North of Scotland is hidden in impenetrable
mists. When the clouds rise, we find Brude Mac
Mailcon, the Pictish King, who had his seat on the
1 See the full Gaelic version of this tale (by Mr Alex. Carmichael,
LL.D.) in Transactions of Inverness Gaelic Society, Vol. XIII.
2 The legendary origin of the name of Loch Ness must not be
accepted seriously. The true origin will be discussed in the appendix
on place-names. The Children of Uisneach, however, who gave many
place-names to the district of Loch Etive, appear also to have been
associated with the district of Loch Ness. In Deirdire's Lament for
Alba, Naois and herself are thus referred to : —
lie sent to her a frisking herd —
A wild hind and a fawn at its foot;
And he went to her on a visit
As he returned from the host of Inverness.
— Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Dublin (1808);
Translation in Highland Monthly for July, 1890.
8 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
banks of the river Ness, at war with the Dalriad
Scots, a Gaelic race whom he defeated in 560;
and St Columba at war with paganism at Brude' s
court, and preaching the gospel in Airchartdan —
the first mention we have of the name of our Parish.1
Columba Js story will be told in a future chapter.
Brude died about 584, and for generations after his
death his successors maintained a hard struggle
for existence — sometimes fighting with their old
enemies of Dalriada; sometimes engaged in inter-
necine feuds with Pictish claimants to the crown;
and, latterly, involved in frequent trouble with
the fierce Norse Vikings, who had begun to ravage
and lay waste the Scottish shores. Suffering thus
from within and without, the Pictish monarchy
gradually declined, until, in 844, Kenneth Macalpiri,
King of the Scots, but in whose veins Pictish blood
flowed, placed the crown of Brude on his own
head. He did not extirpate the Pictish nation, as
historians have erroneously supposed. On the con-
trary, for half a century he and his successors
were called kings of the Picts. The old race still
survived, and the present inhabitants of the
province, including the people of Urquhart and
Glenmoriston, are their direct descendants — mixed
with the Gael, and to a slight extent with the
Norse and the Saxon. The Pictish tongue, however,
which was nearly allied to the Welsh, gave place
in course of time to its distant relation, the Gaelic
language of the Scots — the result, mainly, of the
l Adamnan's Vita Sancti Columbse III., c. xv.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 9
influence of the Gaelic-speaking clergy of the Celtic
Church.
Those Picts of Moray were deeply imbued with
the spirit of liberty, and very stubborn was the
fight which they made for their independence. Led
by their own mormaor s, or " great-mayors/5 they for
many years struggled for freedom, not only against
the Scots, who harassed their southern borders, but
also against the Norsemen, who pressed hard upon
them from the north. For a time they were forced
to own the Norse sway; but they threw off their
yoke in the time of the Mormaor Finlay, who in
1020 was succeeded by his son, the famous Macbeth.
The new mormaor at first allied himself with the
Scottish King — the Gracious Duncan of Shakes-
peare— and made common cause with him against
the powerful Norwegian Earl Thorfinn. In the end,
however, he slew the King, and joined the Earl in
partitioning the country between themselves. Mac-
beth took the crown and the territory of the dead
King, leaving the province of Moray to Thorfinn,
who became ruler of all Scotland north of the
Grampians. The Moraymen repudiated the selfish
arrangement, but it was only on Thorfinn' s death in
1057 that they were able finally to get rid of the
Viking rule.
In connection with these events, tradition relates
that Monaidh Mac Righ Lochlainn — Monie, son of
the King of Scandinavia — landed in Argyll with
a large force, accompanied by his sister. His
retreat to his ships having been cut off bv the
10 URQTJHART AND GLENMORISTON
natives, he was pursued northward through the Cale-
donian valley, until he reached Urquhart, where he
made a stand on the high rock of Craigmonie,
which is still crowned with the remains of ancient
fortifications. There he and his companions bravely
held their own for a time, his sister taking shelter
in a crevice still known as Leabaidh Nighean an
Righ — the Bed of the King's Daughter. Driven
at last to the plain below, the Norsemen were
forced to give battle, and were defeated with great
slaughter. Monie escaped with his sister, but at
Corrimony he was overtaken and slain. The people
of the Glen took kindly to the hapless princess, and
she lived among them for many a day.1
King Duncan left a son, Malcolm, called Ceann-
mor, or Bighead, who, when he reached the years
of manhood, resolved to wrest his father's kingdom
from Macbeth. His efforts met with success, and
Macbeth lost his crown and his life in battle with
him, in 1057. About the same time, Thorfinn died,
and the province of Moray reverted to the rule of the
mormaors, who assumed the style and claimed the
independence of kings. But the covetous eye of
-Ceannmor was on the fair province. He invaded it in
1078, and, routing the forces of the Mormaor Maels-
nectan — Ri Muireb (King of Moray) as he is called in
the Annals of Ulster — annexed it to his crown. On
l The Norse Sagas contain numerous instances of women accom-
panying the Vikings on their warlike expeditions. The place-names
in the immediate vicinity of Craigmonie point to some conflict or con-
flicts of the past — Blair na Geilt, the Field of Terror; Poll a' Ghaorr,
'the Pool of Gore; Lag nan Cuspairean, the Hollow of the Archers.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 11
Malcolm's death it again fell under the rule of the
mormaors, and a long struggle for it began. In 1130
David the First defeated the Moraymen, and slew
Angus their mormaor, and four thousand of their
number. Ar fer Muriamh in Albain — the slaughter
of the Men of Moray in Alban — are the significant
words in which the Irish annals record the event.1
After this disaster, the Men of Moray not only
owned David's sway, but also fought under his
banner. In his war with King Stephen they fol-
lowed him into England, and had the honour of
fighting under his own immediate command at the
Battle of the Standard.2 But they were submissive
only so long as they were weak, and in 1160 they
again measured swords with their old foes. The
superior numbers of the Scots prevailed; and Mal-
colm the Second, wishing to put an end for ever to
the aspirations of the Moraymen, removed their
principal men to other parts of his kingdom, and
gave their possessions to loyal followers of his own.
The pacification which he desired was, however, not
yet possible. The old race still continued to dream
of a separate independence, and new leaders arose to
guide and direct them.
During the latter half of the twelfth century
Urquhart appears to have been under the rule of
one Conachar, or Ochonachar, a mighty man who
looms largely in the half mythical legends of our
Parish. He is supposed to have been an Irishman
1 Annals of Innisfallen, in Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, 170.
2Hailes' Annals.
12 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
of the royal house of Ulster, and he probably
received the Castle of Urquhart and the surround-
ing territory, which is said to have been previously
possessed by Macraes and Macleans,1 as his reward
for services rendered to the King in the war of 1160.
To Conachar the families of Forbes, Mackay, and
Urquhart still look back as their common ancestor;
and, in allusion to his wonderful feat of killing a wild
boar of extraordinary fierceness and strength, the
three families in after years adopted the boar's head
as their arms. Strangely enough, the legend of his
adventure with the boar, which is referred to by a
historian2 of the house of Forbes in the seventeenth
century, still survives in our Parish. Once upon a
time, says this tale of the olden time,3 the Castle of
Urquhart was occupied by a mighty man named
Conachar Mor Mac Aoidh — Great Conachar, son
of Aodh — who possessed a dog, which, on account
of ito extraordinary size, was known as An Cu
Mor — the Big Dog. The Big Dog, when young,
was fleet of foot and powerful of limb; but
age and its infirmities gradually overtook it, and
at last it seldom moved beyond the walls of the
Castle. Conachar desired to destroy the useless
animal, but was prevented by an old woman who
1 Rev. James Fraser of Wardlaw's Chronology of the Bissets and
Erasers of Lovat, MS. in Advocates' Library.
2 William Forbes,, who states, in his Preface to Lumsden's
" Houss of Forbes," that Conachar " kjlled a great boare, and he hade
three sons, who were called the sons of him that killed the boare or
the beast."
3 See the full Gaelic version in the Author's Legends of Glen-
Urquhart : Transactions of Gaelic Society of Inverness, Vol. I. (1872).
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 13
said, " Leig leis a' chu : tha lath' fhein a feitheamh
air" — " Let the dog live : his own day awaits him."
And so it did; for on one of the days, as Conachar
went forth to hunt, he was followed by the Big
Dog, playful and nimble as in the days of its youth.
The country was ravaged and ruined at the time by
a wild boar from which no man was ever known to
have escaped alive ; and, ere Conachar had proceeded
far, he was attacked by the fierce monster. Manfully
though he defended himself, his spear fell harmless on
his rough-skinned foe, and he would have been over-
powered had not the faithful Cu Mor joined in the
combat. The struggle was long and terrible, but in
the end the boar was slain. But, alas ! the dog also
received its death-wound, and expired at its master's
feet. Conachar himself, thus saved by its devotion,
lived for many a day. He and his sword lie
beneath Clach Ochonachair, at Innis Ochonachair in
Urquhart.1
iThe Forbeses trace their descent from Conachar's son, John, to
whom King- William the Lion granted the lands of Forbois in
Aberdeenshire [History of the House and Clan of Mackay, 27].
Conachar Js son, 'Alexander, was employed by the same King to repel
the Danes from Caithness, and, having succeeded, received the terri-
tory of the vanquished, and became the first Chief of the Clan Mac
Aoidh or Mackay [History of Clan Mackay, 27; William Forbes' Pre-
face to " Houss 6f Forbes"]. Archibald Grant, the Bard of Glen-
moriston, ?ings —
" Rugadh air a' mhuir a' cheud fhear
O'n do shiollaich Clann Mhic Aoidh —
Conachar mor ruadh o'n chuan."
That is, "He was born on the sea from whom the Clan Mackay are
descended — Great Conachar the Red, from the ocean." The Urquharts
are descended from another son of Conachar. The eccentric Sir Thomas
Urquhart states, in his True Pedigree, that in B.C. 554 " Beltistos
married Thomyris. This Beltistos was surnamed Conachar, for which
cause a certain progeny descended of him is till this hour called the
14 URQUHAET AND GLENMORISTON
Notwithstanding the Plantation of Moray, as the
removal of the native chiefs, and the settlement
of strangers in their place, was called, the natives
of Moray still continued to give trouble to the
Scottish kings. They looked with no friendly eye
on the established Eoman Catholic Church and the
feudal institutions which it found it politic to
foster; and so freely did its possessions suffer at
their hands that Pope Innocent found it necessary,
in 1215, to issue from his far-off home on the
banks of the Tiber a special protection to several
churches within the province. Among them was
that of our Parish — Ecclesia de Urchard ultra
Inuernys.1 The Pope invoked the curse of God and
of Peter and Paul on such as disturbed the churches
or their possessions; but the Men of Moray cared for
none of these things, and Zion was not yet to enjoy
peace and felicity. In 1228, Gillespic Mac Scolane
placed himself at the head of the disaffected, and in
course of his career set fire to Inverness, burnt certain
generation of the Ochonachars, a race truly of great antiquity and
renown in the dominion of Ireland. Beltistos founded the Castle of
Urquhart above Invernasse [Inverness], which, being afterwards com-
pleted by his posterity, hath ever since been called the Castle Vicki-
chonchar/' Nisbet the antiquary states that a brother of Lord
Forbes, " having in keeping the Castle of Urquhart, took his name
from the place;" and William Forbes, in his Preface to the " Houss of
Forbes/' informs us that Conachar's second son " was called Urquhart,
of whom is descended the Laird of Cromartie and the Urquharts; and
to testifie to all posteritie that they descended of him that killed the
beast, they caused erect just the like monuments at the Castell of
Urquhart as is lying at Logie, which is yet to be seen there, as is
alleadged." It may be more than a coincidence that Inverness-shire
contains an Urquhart and an Innis-Ochonachair ; Koss-shire an
Urquhart and a Bad-Ochonachair; and Fifeshire an Urquhart and a
Kil-Conquhar (Cill-Conachar).
l Registrum Moraviense, p. 43.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 15"
castles, which were then built of timber, and harried
the lands belonging to the Church and the Crown.
The King marched against him in person, without
much effect; but, in 1229, the insurgent chief and his
two sons were treacherously slain by John Gumming,
Justiciar or Chief -Justice of Scotland, who sent their
heads to the King.1 The long struggle of the Men of
Moray for liberty thus came to an end. Henceforth,
they dreamt no more of a separate independence.
Upon the suppression of the insurrection the old'
plan of bestowing the lands of the offenders upon loyal
strangers was resorted to. Urquhart was granted to
Thomas Durward,2 who possessed extensive estates in
other parts of the kingdom, and who was appointed to
the then high office of Sheriff of Inverness. He was
succeeded by his son, Sir Alan Durward, Justiciar of.
Scotland, who, having married Marjory, an illegiti-
mate daughter of Alexander the Second, entered into^
negotiations with the Pope to legitimate her, and from
whom was descended Nicholas de Soulis, one of the
claimants to the Crown after the death of the Maid of
Norway. Sir Alan coveted and claimed a half davach3
of land in Urquhart, which belonged to the church of
IFordun; Hailes' Annals.
2 The name was derived from the office of King's doorward
(ostiarius), which became hereditary in the family.
3 Glen-Urquhart consisted of ten davachs — deich dochan
Urchudainn — which varied in extent. The word is derived from the
Gaelic dabhach, a vat. Like boll, bushel, &c., it originally repre-
sented a measure of grain, and, also like those words, came in time to
be applied to a certain extent of land — an extent, probably, sufficient
to receive a dabhach of grain as seed. Certain fields in Urquhart
are still called bolls.
16 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the Parish, and the revenues of which were enjoyed
by the Chancellor of Moray. William, the Chancellor,
resisted the claim. Through the intervention of the
Bishop the quarrel was ended by a compromise, the
terms of which were embodied in a Latin deed which
does credit to the monkish lawyers of the period.
4 ' That noble man," Sir Alan Durward, says this deed,
after narrating the cause of the dispute — " that noble
man, for the sake of peace, has given to the church of
Urquhart half the lands claimed, namely, the half of
the half davach which is called the half davach of the
foresaid church, in pure, free, and perpetual charity.
But he and his heirs will possess the other half of the
half davach in perpetual feu-farm, giving therefor
yearly to the church of Urquhart ten shillings, namely,
five shillings at Pentecost [Whitsunday], and five
shillings at the feast of St Martin [Martinmas] in
winter next following. But further the said church
of Urquhart will have one whole croft and one toft of
four acres assigned to the said church near it, in a
suitable and convenient place, in gift of the said noble
man, in pure, free, and perpetual charity."1
1 Reg. Morav., 96. The lands in dispute were those of Achmonie,
which originally extended from Drambuie to Cartaly (Reg. Morav.,
155). The part retained by the Church under this Agreement was
Achmonie proper : the portion ceded to Durward was Culnakirk,
which, at a later period, fell to the Crown, and was granted to John
Grant of Glenmoriston in 1509. In 1557 Achmonie proper was sold to
John Mackay. Latterly its revenues seem to have gone to the Bishop.
The return made for lands held by the Church in pure charity (in
puram eleemosynam) consisted of prayers and supplications for the
grantor during his life, and masses for his soul after death. No
pecuniary payments or military services were exacted.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 17
The deed was executed in March, 1233, and wit-
nessed by Gylleroch de Urchard and others.
Sir Alan Durward died in 1275 without male
issue, and his estates were divided among his three
daughters. His great rivals, the Cummings of
Badenoch, seem soon afterwards to have obtained
possession of Urquhart Castle and its domain, and
to have retained it until the troubles that followed the
death of King Alexander the Third.
18 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
CHAPTER II
1296—1362
Edward I. invades Scotland. — John of Glen-Urquhart.—
Urquhart Castle taken by the English. — Sir William Fitz-
warine Constable. — He is harassed by Andrew Moray.—
A Sabbath Day's Journey and Fight. — The Countess of
Ross in Urquhart. — Moray besieges the Castle. — Death
of William Puer and Fitzwarine's Son. — An Army of
Relief. — The King's Instructions. — Fitzwarine's Letter
to the King.— Sir William Wallace.— The English
expelled from Urquhart — Forbes Constable. — Fitz-
warine in Prison. — His Wife's Devotion. — Edward's
Great Invasion. — The English again in Urquhart. —
Forbes and his Garrison put to the Sword. — His Wife's
Escape. — Sir Alexander Gumming Constable. — Bruce. —
Thomas Randolph Proprietor of Urquhart and Glen-
moriston. — His Highland Followers. — His Regency and
Administration of Justice. — His Murder. — Death of his
son, Thomas Randolph. — John Randolph. — Sir Robert
Lauder holds the Castle against Baliol. — His Visitors at
the Castle. — Sir Robert Chisholm. — John Randolph slain,
and Chisholm made Prisoner. — Chisholm Constable of the
Castle. — Death of Lauder. — His Character.
THE events that led to the invasion of Scotland by
Edward the First of England are well known to every
reader of Scottish history. At the battle of Dunbar,
fought in April, 1296, the Scots were defeated; and,
among the prisoners taken by the English when
Dunbar Castle subsequently surrendered, were John
of Glen-Urquhart and his neighbours, Christine, son
of John of the Aird, and two of the valiant Grahams
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 19
of Lovat. These northern warriors were in the
retinue of the Earl of Eoss, with whom they were sent
in chains to England. John of Glen-Urquhart was
confined in Berkhamstead Castle until July, 1297,
when he and the Grahams were liberated on condition
of serving the English King in France.1
After Dunbar Edward marched victoriously
through Scotland, until he reached Elgin. From
that ancient ecclesiastical centre he sent out detach-
ments of his army to seize the northern strongholds.
The Castle of Urquhart, which now appears for the
first time on the page of undoubted history, was
taken and placed under the charge of Sir William
Fitzwarine, an English knight who had acquired
influence in Scotland through his marriage with
Mary of Argyll, Queen of Man, and Countess of
Stratherne.
Having arranged for the management of affairs
in Scotland, Edward returned to his own country,
exulting in the thought of having effectually subdued
the Scottish people. But he was doomed to dis-
appointment. In the South Sir William Wallace had
placed himself at the head of a resolute band who
refused to bear the English yoke; while to his
companion, Andrew Moray, son of Sir Andrew Moray,
proprietor of Petty, near Inverness, and of Avoch in
Eoss, was entrusted the duty of raising the High-
landers. Moray's appeal to the northern patriots met
with a ready response, and, notwithstanding the active
friendship of John of the Aird, who desired to procure
l Rotuli Scotiae, I., 43, 44. Stevenson's Historical Documents,
II., 51.
20 URQUHART AND GLENMOKISTON
his son's liberty, and of the Countess of Boss, who
worked for her husband's release, Fitzwarine and his
English garrison were sorely pressed. His own letter
to the King, giving an account of his troubles, still
exists.1 From this venerable and somewhat mutilated
document, which is dated the 8th day before the
Kalends of August (or 25th July), 1297, and of which
a fac-simile is here given, we learn that certain persons
who were moved against Fitzwarine having betaken
themselves to Andrew Moray at the Castle of Avoch,.
and to Alexander Pilchys, or Pilche, a patriotic
burgess of Inverness, for aid, Sir Eeginald le Chenr
who commanded the English troops at Inverness,
wrote to Fitzwarine requesting him to repair to that
town on Sunday next after the Feast of the Ascension,,
for consultation concerning the King's affairs. The
Constable of Urquhart accordingly travelled to Inver-
ness on the Sunday morning, with a company of
horsemen. Having attended the conference, he
started on his return journey ; but on the way he was
attacked by Moray and Pilche, and two at least of
his principal followers fell, wounded, into their hands,
in addition to eighteen of his horses, " of which ten
were sufficient for every good work." The skirmish
appears to have been a severe one.2 The riders of
the captured horses were doubtless slain or taken
prisoners; and the probability is that Moray also lost
some of his men. Fitzwarine himself escaped, and
1 No. 3258 of Koyal Letters, in Public Record Office, London.
2 The fig-lit is probably commemorated by Eas a' Chath (the
Cascade of the Battle) and the adjoining- " Battlefield," near Doch-
four and 011 the ancient road leading from Inverness to Urquhart by
Caiplich.
tfllWfJii
irthM&l !,! feWP*
5:*'i P
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 21
reached the Castle. He was followed by Moray and
Pilche; and next morning. the Countess of Eoss, who
had also arrived in the district, sent an esquire to
assure him that she had not been a party to the attack,
and to offer her aid in the defence of the fort. He,
however, did not desire her intermeddling, 'lest
greater peril should happen to him;" and so returned
her his thanks and declined the offer, as he " trusted
sufficiently to defend himself and the Castle." The
esquire departed and got safely past Moray's
retainers arid the burgesses of Inverness. The
Constable then looked forth from the Castle and
saw the force of the Earl of Boss's son, whom the
Countess had sent to his relief; but, " believing
that for evil he had come," he again refused the
proffered aid. His suspicions were, however, un-
founded, and the Countess subsequently furnished
him with much needed supplies, and ' did many
other good works."
Moray, having gathered a considerable army,
besieged the Castle, and in a night attack killed
William Puer, and Eichard, the Constable's son, and
apparently several others. He, however, raised the
siege, and retired for a time with his men to the
Castles of Avoch and Balkeny, and the woods of
the district — the result, probably, of assistance
given to Fitzwarine by the Countess and John of the
Aird.
Tidings of these events soon reached the watchful
Edward, and on llth June he addressed a letter to
Henry le Chen, the warrior-bishop of Aberdeen,
22 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
ordering him and Sir Gartenet, son of the Earl of
Mar, to the relief of the Castle. :t Because from
the report of certain individuals/' says the King,
after complimenting the Bishop and Sir Gartenet
on their diligence and fidelity in the government
of the Sheriffdom of Aberdeen— ' because from the
report of certain individuals we learn that certain
malefactors and disturbers of the peace, roaming
about, have killed some of our servants, and im-
prisoned others, and that they detain those thus
imprisoned, and are maliciously laying ambushes
for our beloved and faithful William Fitzwarine,
Constable of our Castle of Urquhart, for the pur-
pose of seizing that Castle, and, if possible, capturing
William himself, we, desiring to stop their mischief-
making as quickly as possible, lest worse may come
of it, entrust it to you, asking you in the faith and
love in which you are held by us — strongly enjoining
you — that you and the forementioned Gartenet,
taking with you all your own forces and those of
the whole Sheriffdom of Aberdeen, proceed to the
foresaid Castle without any delay, and see the con-
dition of it; and thereafter, in consultation with the
said William, provide and direct that the Castle
may be so strengthened and garrisoned that no
damage or danger may in any way occur to it.
And, for arresting malefactors of this kind and
bringing them to justice, do ye comport yourselves
with the vigour I expect of you, that I may
rightly commend in this business your diligence
and fidelity."1
IRotuli Scotiae, I., 41.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 23
At the same time John Gumming, Earl of
Buchan and Constable of Scotland, and his brother,
Sir Alexander Gumming, were ordered to join the
Bishop and Sir Gartenet with their men, and to
remain in the North until the disturbances were
quelled.1 Obedient to these commands, the Bishop
and the Earl and the two Knights led their united
forces toward Urquhart. On their way they were
met near the Spey by Andrew Moray, at the head
of ' ' a very large body of rogues 3 ' whom the Eng-
lish wished to fight; but ' the aforesaid rogues
betook themselves into a very great stronghold of
bog and wood, where no horsemen could be of
service."2 When the expedition reached Inverness
the leaders sent for the Countess of Eoss, who came
and gave them willing aid in counsel and men; and
from that town they, in July, despatched letters to
the King, reporting their progress and commending
the Countess for her zeal in His Majesty's cause.3
At the same time Fitzwarine sent his letter of 25th
July, together with a petition for the release of
Christine of the Aird. "Be it known, moreover, to
your dread Lordship," said he to the King, " that
a certain noble man, who is called John of the Aird,
has been diligent about our safety and in saving the
lives of our boys, and has one son at Corff, who is
called Christine, who was taken from the retinue of
the Earl of Eoss; for whom I supplicate that you
will deign to send him to me, and in my aid to
1 Stevenson, II., 211. 2 Report to Edward. — Ibid.
3 Stevenson, II., 209-211.
24 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Urquhart; you knowing for certain that by the
contemplation of him I shall have the country
favourable and gracious : and where he is he serves
you to no purpose, and we shall have great favour
by his presence in this country : and, if this does not
please you, retain him in your Court, if you please."1
When the Bishop and his companions approached
Urquhart with their large army, the patriots who had
so troubled Fitzwarine prudently betook themselves
to their native fastnesses, and patiently watched the
course of events. They had not long to wait. Sir
William Wallace made his way into the North of
Scotland with a body of tried followers. It is difficult
to trace his footsteps, and what his successes were we
have no means of exactly determining. But we know
that he was at Aberdeen; he is said to have reached
Cromarty; he probably saw Moray's Castle of Avoch;
and the authoress of " The Scottish Chiefs," in repre-
senting him as visiting the Castle of Urquhart, may
in her romance have accurately stated a historical
fact. Be that as it may, before the end of the year
the English were driven out of Urquhart; and the
keeping of the Castle was entrusted to Sir Alexander
de Bois, or Forbes, who faithfully held it in name
of Baliol, to whom the Scots still looked as their
lawful King. Forbes had an hereditary interest in
the Castle, for he was the great-great-grandson of
Conachar, its ancient lord.
Before the Castle surrendered to the patriots
Fitzwarine was appointed Constable of the Castle
1 Royal Letters, No. 2472, in Record Office, London.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH 25
of Stirling. He subsequently fell into the hands
of the Scots, by whom he was kept in prison.
His wife, Mary of Argyll, enjoyed the special
protection of the English King;1 but she was not
.satisfied with her own personal freedom. She
visited Edward in England, and interceded so
successfully on behalf of her husband that an arrange-
ment was come to in April, 1299, under which he
was set at liberty by the Scots in exchange for the
liberation of Henry St Glair by the English.2 At
the same time several other prisoners, English and
Scots, regained their liberty through the good
offices of Mary of Argyll.3 Her husband, however,
did not long survive. He was dead before the end
of the year.4
The war continued for several years, bringing no
great advantage to England, and causing distress and
desolation in Scotland. At last Edward resolved to
make a strenuous effort to bring it to a successful close.
Concluding a treaty of peace with France, he, early
in 1303, entered Scotland with an immense army of
English, Welsh, Irish, and Gascons. Meeting with
little opposition, he marched through the kingdom
until he reached the island-fortress of Lochindorb
1 Stevenson II., 370— footnote.
2 Bain's Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, II., 1062-
1104.
3 Stevenson II., 370.
4 Gough's Documents relating to the Campaign of Edward the
First, p. 249. Fitzwarine appears to have been a younger son of the
powerful family of that name in Shropshire. Mary of Argyll (Maria
de Ergadia) was in all probability a daughter of Ewen de Ergadia.
She was married to (1st) Magnus, King of Man; (2nd) Malise, Earl
of Stratherne; (3rd) Fitzwarine.
26 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
near Forres, burning and laying waste the country.
From Lochindorb he sent forth his forces against
the other strongholds of the North. Those of Elgin,
Forres, Nairn, and Inverness, awed by the near
presence of the Hammer of the Scottish Nation,
opened their gates without resistance. It was other-
wise with the Castle of Urquhart. In Edward's
letter to the Bishop of Aberdeen he directed him,
as we have seen, to consult with Fitzwarine as to the
best means of increasing the strength of the Castle.
The result of their deliberations appears to have been
the erection of those massive entrance towers whose
ruins still guard the only landward approach.1 These
towers, built to check the eager Highlanders, had now
become their defence; and, when Forbes was sum-
moned to surrender, he refused with scorn.. The
English, therefore, settled down on the gentle slope
that connects the Castle Eock with the adjacent
Eagle's Height, resolved to starve the garrison into
submission. Winter was near, and Edward returned
to the South, and took up his quarters at Dunfermline.
During the siege the English forces lay under the
shadow of the Eagle's Height, supporting themselves
at the expense of the surrounding country; while
the brave band on the Eock husbanded their scanty
stores to the utmost. But soon the last morsel was
doled out, and Forbes and his companions resolved
to fight their way through the enemy, or perish in
the attempt. The impatient besiegers see with joy
l See Appendix A for description of the Castle, by
Dr Alexander Eoss.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 27
the drawbridge lowered — but the only person who
crosses is an ill-clad female who informs them that
she is a poor woman who happened to be within
the Castle when the siege began, and that her present
condition — for she is about to become a mother
—necessitates her venturing forth. Her story is
believed; the generous soldiers permit her to pass;
and she climbs the brow of the Eagle's Height, from
which, as from the gallery of a theatre, she may
witness the desperate step about to be taken by her
husband — for she is none other than the wife of Sir
Alexander Forbes, clad in beggar's garb the more
easily to escape detection.
When the lonely lady had got fairly beyond
danger the drawbridge was again made to span the
moat, and Forbes and his faithful followers dashed
across into the midst of the astonished English.
They fought with the courage of despair—
" They fought together as brethren true,
Like hardy men and bolde ;
Many a man to the ground they thrue,
And many a harte made colde."
But it was not possible for them to pierce through
the mass of soldiery, and they were cut down to a
man.
Forbes' wife escaped to Ireland, where, to quote
Boece, " She bore hir son Alexander. This Alex-
ander, quhen Scotland wes recoverit out of Inglis-
mennis handis, come to King Eobert Bruce and
desirit to be restorit to his faderis heritage, quhilk
28 UEQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
wes occupyit for the time with othir possessoris.
King Eobert wes wery quhat was to be done in this
mater; for he thocht it nocht semand that ane prince
suld tak the landis fra nobill men, quhilkis wer gevin
to thaim in reward of thair manheid; and als it wes
not just to spulye the man of his kindely heritage,
quhilk had his fader, his freindis, and all his guddis
tint in defence of the realme. Thus wes ane midway
devisit be quhilk certane landis in Mar, of litil les
proffet than the landis of Urquhard, were gevin to the
said Alexander Boyis."1
This Alexander was a worthy son of his brave
father. He was a zealous supporter of the house of
Bruce, and fell at the battle of Dupplin in 1332.
The Castle having on the death of Forbes been
taken possession of by the invaders, Sir Alexander
Cumming was appointed Constable both of it and of
Tarwedaile, " two of the strongest castles in the
country,"2 and he continued to hold it in Edward's
interest till the final expulsion of the English by
Eobert the Bruce.
During Edward's triumphant progress through
•Scotland John Cumming of Badenoch, Governor of
the Kingdom, kept up a show of resistance; but his
forces were routed near Stirling, and his submission
speedily followed. Wallace, however, still refused
to yield; but in 1305 he was betrayed by the false
iBellenden's Boece (Ed. 1821), vol. II., p. 377. See also
Holingshed; Buchanan; Abercrombie's Martial Achievements; and
Aberdeen and Banff Collections (Spalding Club), 609.
2 Letter, Earl of Atholl to Edward I., in Kecord Office. Tar-
wedaile : probably Tarradale or Eedcastle, in Eoss-shire.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 29*
Menteith, and conveyed to London, where, after a
sham trial for treason to a King whose sovereignty he
had never owned, he was put to death with a refine-
ment of cruelty that brands the character of Edward
with indelible infamy.
With the view of terrifying the Scots into sub-
mission, Edward had the severed limbs of the patriot
publicly exposed in Berwick, Perth, and Aberdeen.
The effect was not what he had anticipated. The
ghastly spectacle only strengthened the resolution of
the people, and when, in 1306, Bruce deserted the
English cause and was crowned King of Scots,
desperate and determined men flocked to his standard,..
In the North his principal supporter was David,,
Bishop of Moray, who went through his diocese
exhorting the people to fight for liberty, and boldly
preaching the doctrine that to resist the English was
as meritorious as to join the Crusaders who made
their way to heaven through the blood of pagans and
Saracens.
Bruce, unfortunate at first, and forced to seek
safety in the Western Isles, at length met with some-
measure of success; and, making his way northward,,
he seized the Castle of Inverness, which was negli-
gently guarded on account of its remote situation.1
The capture of Urquhart Castle and the other northern
strengths speedily followed; and it is interesting to
note that among the bold barons who helped to*
1 Buchanan.
30 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
bring about this result was Simon Fraser, the first of
his name who settled in the district of Loch Ness.
Among the Scots who had espoused the cause of
Edward, and for a time refused to desert him, the
most renowned was Bruce' s nephew, Thomas Ban-
dolph. That young soldier was, however, captured
by Sir James Douglas and persuaded to join his
uncle ; and he thereafter served with such valour and
fidelity that in 1313 he was created Earl of Moray,
.and received a grant of that province, including
Urquhart and Glenmoriston. And thus it was, as
we have seen, that Bruce was unable to restore the
Castle lands to young Alexander Forbes on his return
from Ireland. Although the terms of Bandolph's
charter were comprehensive enough to convey the
Castle to him, it was during his lifetime garrisoned
and provisioned by the King; and after his death it
was expressly reserved from the grants of the Earldom
to his successors.
Eandolph, having visited his new northern terri-
tory, returned to Bruce with a following of Highland
vassals and retainers,1 who soon had an opportunity
of distinguishing themselves on the field of Bannock-
burn, where their young leader -commanded the
centre of the Scottish army. In that army, says
Holingshed, were three thousand fierce and forward
Irish Scots called Katerans or Eedshanks — an apt
enough description of the impetuous and kilted
Gaels who followed Eandolph in his exploits in
England and the south of Scotland, and to whom
1 Burns' War of Independence, II., 290.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 31
Bruce himself entrusted such desperate work as the
driving of the English from the heights of Biland in
Yorkshire.1
Bruce died in 1329, leaving the crown to his
infant son David, and having appointed Eandolph
regent during the boy's minority. The wars which
filled the great King's reign prevented his giving
that attention to the internal affairs of the country
which they required, and at the time of his death
bloodshed and thieving and general lawlessness pre-
vailed. The Eegent at once set himself to rectify
the evils. He made a progress through the country,
:c dispensing justice even to Inverness/'2 and dis-
charging his duties with a wise severity before which
crime speedily disappeared. Even the decrees of
the all-powerful Eoman Pontiff failed to turn him
aside from strict and impartial justice. A certain
person who slew a priest having fled to Eome,
procured papal absolution, and then returned.
Eandolph heard of the man's arrival as he was
holding a court at Inverness, and caused him to be
brought before him on the charge of murder. The
accused pleaded the Pope's absolution. ' ' The Pope, ' '
replied the Eegent, :c may absolve you from the
spiritual consequences of the sin, but for the crime
which you have committed against the law of this
land I am your judge ' ' —and he ordered him off to
instant execution.3 The means he adopted to repress
robbery were peculiar. :c Aware," says Tytler, " of
1 Tytler, I., c. iv. Barbour's Bruce (Spalding- Club), 433.
2 Scotichronicon, Lib. XIII., c. xviii. 3 Tytler, I., c. v.
32 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
the important influence of the local magistrates and
judges, he made every sheriff responsible for the
thefts committed within his jurisdiction; so that,
according to the simple illustrations of the chronicles
of those times, the traveller might tie his horse to
the inn door, and the ploughman leave his plough-
share and harness in the field, without fear; for, if
carried away, the price of the stolen article came out
of the pocket of the sheriff.3'1
But all too short was the Earl's career as judge
and administrator. John Baliol was dead, and his
son, Edward, resolved to fight for his father's crown.
Accompanied by a number of English barons
and their retainers, and encouraged by certain dis-
affected Scotsmen, he, in 1332, sailed from the
mouth of the Humber for Scotland. Eandolph put
himself at the head of an army, and prepared to
meet the invaders; but at Musselburgh he was
poisoned by an infamous friar whom his unscrupulous
enemies had hired for the purpose. His estates
and title fell to his eldest son, Thomas — a brave
youth \ who was killed a few months later on the
fatal field of Dupplin. Thomas was succeeded by
John, the Regent's second son, who worthily main-
tained the honour of his name. After the battle
of Dupplin, where the Scots were defeated, Baliol
pressed on to Scone, and was crowned King; but
the great bulk of the nation, inspired by Sir Andrew
Moray,2 who had succeeded Eandolph as Regent,
1 Tytler, I., c. v.
2 Son of the Andrew Moray who was in Urquhart in 1297, and:
who was killed at the Battle of Stirling in that year.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 33
stood by the son of Bruce, and, before the end of the
year, young John Eandolph suddenly swooped down
with a body of horse on Baliol's camp at Annan, slew
his principal supporters, and chased himself half-
naked over the English Border.
Edward the Third of England, who had hitherto
contented himself with giving secret encouragement
to Baliol, now resolved to assist him openly. Invad-
ing Scotland with a large army, he was victorious
at the battle of Halidon Hill, in July, 1333. Of the
four divisions into which the Scottish army was on
that day divided, one was led by John Eandolph,
assisted by Simon Fraser of Lovat, and another by
the Earl of Eoss. Lovat and Eoss fell. Eandolph
escaped to France, where he remained until the
following year.
The immediate result of the disaster at Halidon
Hill was the almost entire submission of Scotland to
Baliol. Five, however, of the principal fortresses
still refused to open their gates to him; and, as of
old, Urquhart was found among the faithful few.1
That stronghold had been well maintained by Bruce
-and the Eegent Eandolph,2 and, at the time at
which we have now arrived, Sir Eobert Lauder
of Quarrelwood, son of Lauder of the Bass, was its
Constable. He also held the important office of
Justiciar of the North. He and his northern retainers
were present at Halidon Hill, and hurried home
iBoece, II., 424; Hailes' Annals. The other castles were Dum-
barton, Lochleven, Kildrummie, and Lochmaben.
2 It was provisioned in 1332 " by order of the King." (Exchequer
Eolls, I., 418).
3
34 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
immediately after the battle, determined to defend
the Castle against the invaders. Next year (1334),
the English forces appeared before it; but the
Constable was prepared for them, and they were
successfully resisted until Sir Andrew Moray, John
Eandolph, and the Steward of Scotland arrested
Baliol's progress, and drove him once more across-
the Border.
Edward the Third, chafing under this reverse,,
again led an army into Scotland, and penetrated as
far as Inverness. John Eandolph stoutly resisted,
but, in 1335, his army was defeated at Jedburgh, and
he himself taken prisoner and sent to England, where
he was confined, first in the Castle of Bamborough,
afterwards in the Tower of London, and subsequently
in Windsor Castle, until 1341, when he was released
through the mediation of the King of France, and
exchanged for the Earl of Salisbury, who was a
prisoner with the French.1 Notwithstanding these
crushing calamities, Lauder continued loyal to King
David, and, although Baliol and the English
devastated the surrounding country with fire and
sword, the Castle does not appear to have fallen into
their hands. Before long Baliol was finally expelled
from Scotland; and, after some years of desultory
warfare, peace was concluded between England and
Scotland.
In Sir Eobert Lauder the Church had a warm
friend and a powerful protector; and, in considera-
tion of his many services to her, and of an annual
I Hailes' Annals; Tytler, I., c. v.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 35
feu-duty of four merks sterling, he, in 1334, received
a grant from John Pilmore, Bishop of Moray, of ' ' the
half davach of our land of Aberbreachy [Abriachan],
lying between the barony of Bonach [Bona] on the
east, on the one side, and the barony of Ur chard on
the west, on the other side; with our lands of Auch-
munie, lying between the land of Drumbuy on the
east, on the one side, and the land of Cartaly on
the west, on the other side, within the barony of
Urchard aforesaid."1 These estates of Abriachan
and Achmonie had long been the property of the
Church.
Within the old walls of his Castle Sir Eobert
Lauder entertained right royally. Among the guests
who were met together there on 4th July, 1342, were
William, Earl of Eoss; Eeginald, son of Eoderick of
the Isles; the Bishop of Moray; the Bishop of Eoss;
Sir James de Kerdale; Sir William de Mowbray; Sir
Thomas de Lichtoun, Canon of Moray; John de
Berclay ; Adam de Urquhart ; John Yong de Dingwall ;
and many others, clergymen and laymen ' ' 2 — a
goodly company truly. These all witnessed a charter
by the Earl to Eeginald, of the lands of Kintail, as a
reward for his services. But in those times the
course of friendship was liable to be interrupted, and
in 1346 the Earl assassinated Eeginald within the
Monastery of Elcho.3
IReg. Morav., 155. 2 Supplement to Acts of Parl. of Scot. 7.
3Tytler, I., c. v. ; Gregory's Highlands, 27.
36 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Lander's only daughter, Anne, who was married
to a member of the family of Chisholm, in Rox-
burghshire,1 had a son who appears to have lived
with his grandfather in Urquhart from his youth,
and who became well known in the North as Sir
Eobert Chisholm. In 1345 the young man received
from John Randolph, a grant of e two davachs of
land within our [Randolph's] barony of Urchard,
videlicit, the one half davach of Innermorchen
[Invermoriston] ; the quarter davach of Blare
[Blarie] ; and the quarter davach of Lochletare;
the three-quarter davach of Inchebrene, and the
quarter of Dulschangy."2 These lands were the first
Highland possessions of the family of Chisholm, and
it is interesting to note that during the course of
five centuries their names have scarcely undergone a
change.
In 1346, when Edward the Third was busy with
the siege of Calais, King David, who had now
reached manhood, invaded England with a large
army, in which were John Randolph and Sir Robert
Chisholm, and wasted the diocese of Durham; but
the expedition ended disastrously at the battle of
Neville's Cross, where Randolph, who commanded
the right wing, was slain. Chisholm was taken
prisoner along with the King, and probably did not
regain his liberty till His Majesty's release in 1357
—for we do not again meet his name till 1359, when
iBy some her husband is called Eobert; by others John. The
latter is probably the correct name. His son was called Robert,
after Sir Robert Lauder.
2 Family of Innes (Spalding Club), 59.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 37
he became Constable of the Castle in succession to
his grandfather. The old Constable survived for
a few years. On 1st May, 1362, he founded a
chaplainry in the Cathedral Church of Moray, at the
altar of St Peter, for his own soul and the souls of
his ancestors, and particularly for the soul of Hugh,
Earl of Eoss.1 And with this pious deed Lauder
the Good2 vanishes from our view — as true a patriot
and as brave a knight as ever fought in Scotland's
cause.
lEeg. Morav., 309.
2 The author of the 15th century chronicle known as Liber
Plus car densis, in referring to the five castles which refused to sur-
render to Baliol, gives " Castrum eciam de Urquhart, cujus custodiam
habuit dominus Thomas de Lawder, qui Bonus vocatus est." The
chronicler, however, errs in calling Lauder Thomas.
38 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTER III
1346—1455
The Barony of Urquhart reverts to the Crown. — Is granted
to the Earl of Sutherland. — Acquired by the Earl of
Stratherne. — Sir Robert Chisholm. — His Urquhart Pos-
essions go to the Wolf of Badenoch. — Stratherne lets the
Barony to the Wolf.— The Wolf withholds the Rent.—
A Royal Quarrel. — Appeal to the King. — The Wolf and
the Bishop. — The Burning of Elgin Cathedral. — Thomas
Chisholm. — The Wolf's Death. — Scramble for his Posses-
sions.— Urquhart seized by Donald of the Isles. — Charles
Maclean. — Parliament deals with the Castle. — The Red
Harlaw. — The Barony possessed by the Earl of Mar. —
Claimed by the Duke of Albany. — A Compromise. — The
Castle repaired by the King. — Death of Mar. — The Lord
of the Isles seizes the Barony. — Hector Buie Maclean's
Exploits. — The Tragedy of Caisteal Spioradan. — Ogilvy
of Balfour holds the Castle for the King.— The Castle
taken by John of the Isles. — No Rent. — Parliament
annexes the Barony and Castle to the Crown.
THE succession to the Earldom of Moray was limited
by Bruce 's charter to Thomas Kandolph and the heirs
male of his body. His sons, who both fell in battle,
left no issue, and accordingly the province, including
Urquhart and Glenmoriston, reverted to the Crown
on the death of John Eandolph in 1346. The other
Eandolph estates went to the Eegent's daughter,
;c Black Agnes/' famous in Scottish song and story
as the indomitable defender of the Castle of Dunbar
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 39
against the English. Her husband, the Earl of
Dunbar, assumed the title of Earl of Moray, and,
although his right to the Earldom was never formally
acknowledged, he was probably allowed to reap some
-of the advantages that flowed from its possession in
the days of the Eandolphs. The Castle and Barony
of Urquhart appear, however, to have been retained
in the King's hands; and, when the Earldom was
granted by Eobert the Second to Agnes' son, John
Dunbar, they were excepted from the grant.1
King David had no child to succeed him, and his
nephew, Eobert, the Steward of Scotland, was heir
to the throne, in terms of a settlement solemnly
ratified by Parliament. But the relations between the
King and the Steward were not of a friendly nature,
and His Majesty entertained thoughts of bestowing
the crown on another nephew — John, son of the Earl
of Sutherland by Margaret, daughter of Eobert the
Bruce. The voice of the nation was, however, for
the Steward, and, with the view of strengthening the
-Sutherland interest, the King bestowed various estates
on the Earl and his son, among them being the
Barony and Castle of Urquhart, which were conveyed
to them by charter dated the last day of February,
IReg. Mag1. Sig., 119. The original Barony of Urquhart was
•erected in the days of the first Randolph, and included Glenmoriston.
It was erected into a Lordship in the 15th century. In 1509 three
new baronies were created, viz., Urquhart, Glenmoriston, and
•Corrimony. Achmonie was included in the ecclesiastical Barony of
Spynie, erected in 1451, and subsequently in the smaller Barony of
JKinmylies, in the Regality of Spynie.
40 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
1359. 1 John's death, of the plague, in 1361, put
an end to these schemes, and on the Earl's death
in 1370, the Castle and Barony again became Crown
property.
David, whose reign was not a happy one for
Scotland, died in February, 1370, and the Steward
ascended the throne as Eobert the Second. On 19th
June following he granted the Castle and Barony
to his son, David, Earl of Stratherne, and the
heirs of his body, and, failing such heirs, to another
son, Alexander, Earl of Buchan, and the heirs of
his body.2 Although the Castle was not expressly
reserved from this grant, Sir Eobert Chisholm, who,
as we saw in our last chapter, became Constable
in 1359, continued to hold it for the Crown, and
his annual salary of £40 was paid out of the Eoyal
Exchequer.3
Chisholm early acquired great influence. He
was proprietor of Invermoriston, Blarie, Lochletter,
Inchbrine, and Dulshangie, in our Parish; he held
Achmonie in feu from the Bishop ; and he had exten-
sive estates in Morayshire and the neighbourhood of
Nairn and Inverness. He was Sheriff of Inverness,
and Justiciar of the regality of Moray; and, like his
grandfather, Sir Eobert Lauder, he held the still more
important office of Justiciar of the North. Like
Lauder, too, he was liberal to the Church; and
1 See Gordon's Earldom of Sutherland, 51-53; Additional Case for
Elizabeth claiming1 the Title and Dignity of Sutherland, p. 11,
where Gordon is corrected on certain points; Robertson's Index to
Charters, 49.
2 Keg. Mag. Sig., 85.
3 Exchequer Eolls, II., 143, 187.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 41
he it was who first bestowed on it the lands of
Direbught, which are now the property of the Kirk
Session of Inverness. ' Since it is known to all that
all flesh returns into dust," says he in his deed of
gift, " and that there is nothing after death except
Him who is the true safety, and who redeemed the
human race on the cross, therefore I make it known
to all by these presents that I have given, granted,
and, by this my present charter, confirmed, for the
salvation of my soul, and of the souls of my suc-
cessors and predecessors, and of all the faithful, six
acres of arable land lying within the territory of the
Old Castle, in the lower plain thereof . . . for
making an increase of divine worship for ever to the
Altar of the Holy Eood of Inverness."1 But, pious
though he was, he could resist the claims of the
Church when occasion demanded. Among the gifts
of the early kings to the Priory of Pluscardyn was
the mill of Elgin, to which certain lands were
* thirled," or attached, to the effect that the owners
of the mill could insist on grinding the corn grown
on them, and exacting the " multures," or miller's
portions of meal and flour, which were then a source
of considerable revenue. Sir Eobert's Morayshire
estate of Quarrelwood was thirled to the mill of Elgin.
When the mill was acquired by the Priory, that
1 Invernessiana, 62. One of the witnesses to this deed, which is
dated 1362, and is preserved in the archives of the Burgh of Inverness,
is Weland Shislach — perhaps the first appearance in the Chisholm
family of the Christian name Wiland, or Valentine, or, in Gaelic,.
Ualain, which subsequently became so common in Strathg-lass,
Shislach (Siosalach, or Siosal) is still the Gaelic name of Chisholm.
42 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
property was to a large extent, if not wholly, in a
state of nature. But it was subsequently brought
under cultivation, and thereupon the Prior demanded
the multures. For a time Sir Eobert appears to
have paid them, but he ultimately refused, on the
ground that when the gift was made no grain grew
on the estate, and that the thirlage could not
comprehend land subsequently brought under culti-
vation. The Prior, determined to enjoy the disputed
multures without coming into unpleasant personal
contact with the Knight of Quarrelwood, let them
on lease to a certain husbandman of Findrossie; but
when the man attempted to collect them he was
seized by Sir Eobert and cast into a private prison.
The matter was now brought into the civil courts,
and Sir Archibald Douglas and John de Hay, Sheriff
of Inverness, decided it in Chisholm's favour, But
the Bishop of Moray, who took up the cause of the
Prior, addressed a petition to Sir Archibald, craving
a recall of the judgment, arguing that the case did
not come within the jurisdiction of the civil magis-
trates, but fell to be decided in the ecclesiastical
courts, and concluding with a threat to excommuni-
cate the civil judges if they attempted anything
further by which the Prior might be wronged, or
the jurisdiction of the Church encroached on.1 The
threat of excommunication had the desired effect.
At a court held by the Bishop, in January, 1370,
the Prior's pleas were sustained, and Sir Robert
bound himself to pay the dues for the future.2
. Morav., 168.
2 MacphaiFs Religious House of Pluscardyn, 78.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 43
Sir Eobert's daughter, Joneta, or Janet, became
the wife of Hugh Eose of Kilravock. Their contract
of marriage, which was executed on Thursday, 2nd
January, 1364, within the church of Auldearn and
in the presence of the Bishops of Moray and Eoss,
and William, Earl of Eoss and Lord of Skye, is
an interesting document. Kilravock, in the usual
manner, binds himself to solemnise the marriage in
face of Holy Church. Sir Eobert, on the other
hand, undertakes to make over to him and the issue
of the marriage, the lands of Cantrabundie, with
their pertinents, within Strathnairn; and among the
other clauses of the deed is one providing " that
from the day of the celebration of the marriage the
said Sir Eobert shall keep and maintain his • said
daughter for three whole years in meat and drink;
but the said Hugh shall find and keep her in all
necessary garments and ornaments ' : - a strange
compact, when we consider the high degree of the
parties to it.1 The marriage of the young people
duly followed, and their descendants still enjoy the
ancient Barony of Kilravock. Of Sir Eobert 's sons
one, Alexander, married Margaret of the Aird, heiress
of Erchless, and became the founder of the family of
-Strathglass.
As the Constable advanced in years he relin-
quished his possessions in Urquhart. The lands
of Invermoriston, Blarie, Inchbrine, Lochletter, and
Dulshangie, which he acquired from John Eandolph,
were resigned into the hands of the King, who
ISee the Contract, in Family of Kilravock (Spaldiug Club), 36.
44 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
granted them, about the year 1384, to his son,
Alexander, Earl of Buchan, for an annual duty
of one silver penny, payable within the Castle
of Urquhart.1 And in 1386 he surrendered the
lands of Abriachan, Achmonie, and Kilmichael, which
he held of the Church, to Bishop Bur,2 by whom
they were in the same year granted to Buchan for
a yearly feu-duty of four merks sterling.3 Sir Robert,
having thus given up all his lands in the Parish,
resigned the post of Keeper of the Castle before 1390,
when we find his grandson, Thomas Chisholm, son
of Alexander Chisholm and Margaret of the Aird,
holding the office, with a salary paid out of the Royal
Exchequer.4 The old Constable soon afterwards
died, leaving behind him a reputation for honesty of
purpose and uprightness in judgment second only to
that of the great Randolph.
The Earl of Buchan, who was now owner of
Chisholm' s lands in the Parish, obtained from his
brother, the Earl of Stratherne, a lease of the
remainder of the Barony. But he would neither
pay the stipulated rent nor surrender the lease; and
in April, 1385, Stratherne appeared before the King
in Council and complained that Buchan retained
violent possession of the Barony. The King advised
the brothers to agree, and the matter was remitted
to His Majesty's other children for amicable settle-
iReg. Mag. Sig., 176.
2 Antiquities of Aberdeen (Spalding Club), IV., 376.
3 Reg-. Morav., 196. 4 Exchequer Rolls, III., 274.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 45
merit.1 Buchan, however, continued in possession;
and, as he had by this time entered on a career of
lawlessness which won for him the name of the
Wolf of Badenoch, the probability is that he also
continued to withhold the rents.
With the view of increasing his territorial
influence in the Highlands, the Wolf married the
widowed Eufamia, Countess of Eoss; but her
place in his heart and household was usurped by
one Mariota, daughter of Athyn, and his cruelty
to the injured wife drove" her from under his
- /MgV^C-g
roof. For redress she appealed to the Bishops of
Moray and Eoss, who, after hearing the statements
of both parties, gave judgment on 2nd November,
1389, within the church of the Preaching Friars in
Inverness, restoring her to her rights and status.
Her husband was ordained to send away Mariota,
and to adhere to his lawful wife, and treat her
honourably and with matrimonial affection, at bed
and board, and in food and raiment, and all other
things to which her high station entitled her, and to
find sureties that she should be properly treated,
" without the fear of death, and that he should not
in any way surround her with his followers, slaves,
nobles, and others, contrary to common law."
Buchan, who was present, formally acquiesced in
the decision, and gave as his sureties the Earl
of Sutherland, Alexander Moray of Culbin, and
Thomas Chisholm, Constable of Urquhart Castle;
and these "great and notable persons," being also
lActs of Parl... I., 189.
46 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
in attendance, undertook to pay to the Bishops a
penalty of £200 as often as he contravened the
terms of the judgment.1
But his acquiescence was a mere pretence, and
neither the Bishops' decree nor the risk of pecuniary
loss to his friends gave him any concern. He not
only failed to dismiss Mariota and act honourably
towards his wife, but, conceiving a spirit of revenge
against the Bishop of Moray, who had especially
befriended her, he laid violent hands on the posses-
sions of the Church within the province. The Bishop
retaliated by pronouncing against him the dread
sentence of excommunication. That step only added
fuel to the flame of his fury, and, in May, 1390—
the very month in which his royal father died — he
suddenly swooped down on Forres with his retainers,
and laid the town and its ecclesiastical buildings in
ashes. Still continuing his sacrilegious progress, he
in the following month set fire to " the whole town
of Elgin, and the church of St Giles therein, and
the House of God, near Elgin, eighteen noble and
ornate mansions belonging to the canons and chap-
lains, and" —sadly adds the chronicler of the event
' what must be more bitterly deplored, the noble
and beautiful Cathedral of Moray, the mirror of our
country, and the honour of our kingdom, with all
the books, charters, and other valuable things of
the country, therein kept for security."2 These
enormities were greater than even Alasdair Mor
IReg. Morav., 353. 2 Keg. Morav., 381.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 4
Mac an Bigh,1 as his Highlanders delighted to call
him, could perpetrate with impunity. The vigorous
prosecution of the Church, and the temporal
inconveniences that followed the sentence of excom-
munication, soon brought him to his knees; and,
within the church of the Black Friars in Perth, and
in presence of his brother, Eobert the Third, and
many of the nobility, he did abject penance, and
bound himself to make what reparation he could to<
the Bishop and See of Moray. He was thereafter
absolved by the Bishop of St Andrews, and lived a
better and more peaceful life till his death, in July,
1394. He left no lawful issue, and was pre-deceased
by his brother, the Earl of Stratherne, whose only
child was a daughter. During his retention of the
Barony of Urquhart his friend Thomas Chisholm held
the Castle for the Crown, and for the " keeping
and munition" of it was paid out of the King's
Exchequer at the rate of £14 Scots a month.2
Thomas succeeded to his mother's possessions in the
Aird and Strathglass, which, on his death without
issue, fell to his brother Alexander.
The death of the Wolf of Badenoch was the
signal for a great scramble for his extensive pos-
sessions. His natural sons, Alexander and Duncan,
seized some of them, and for a time kept both
Highlands and Lowlands in terror; while the
Earldom of Eoss, which he had enjoyed in right
1 Great Alexander, Son of the King-.
2 The following- payments to him appear in the Exchequer Eolls :
—£56 and £42 in the account for 1390-1, £26 13s 4d in the account
for 1391-2, and £33 6s 8d in the account for 1394-5.
48 URQUHAET AND GLENMORISTON
of his wife, and the limits of which had by this time
been extended so as to embrace Urquhart and Glen-
moriston, was claimed by Donald, Lord of the Isles,
as in right of his wife, Margaret Leslie,1 daughter of
the late Countess, by her first husband, Walter Leslie.
Donald' s< claim was resisted by the grasping and
unscrupulous Duke of Albany, Eegent of Scotland,
who obtained a title to it in favour of his own son,
John Stewart, Earl of Buchan.2 The Island Chief
was not in the humour to argue, and he promptly
appealed to the sword, with the result that before
the September following the Wolf's death Urquhart
and the Valley of the Ness were in the hands of
his brother, Alexander of Keppoch, the renowned
Alasdair Carrach of Gaelic legend and song. This
vigorous action alarmed the Earl of Moray, who
prudently bowed to the might of Keppoch, and,
by formal treaty, entered into on 25th September,
placed the lands and possessions of the Eegality of
Moray, and the church lands within the province,
under his protection for a period of seven years.3
Keppoch, true to his character as described by his
Gaelic name — Alexander the Crafty — soon construed
this protectorate into a right of ownership, and pro-
ceeded to gift the church lands of Kinmylies to
1 Called Mary by Gregory, but Margaret in Family of Leslie,
I., 75.
2 Euf amia, the Wolf's Countess, was succeeded by Alexander, her
son by her first husband. Alexander married Isabel Stewart,
daughter of the Regent, and had by her a daughter, Euphemia. On
his death the child was induced by her grandfather, the Eegent, to
resign her rights in favour of her uncle, the Earl of Buchan. She
subsequently took the veil.
3 Keg. Morav., 354.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 49
certain of his supporters;1 while to his faithful fol-
lower from the West, Charles Maclean, a son of
Hector of Lochbuy, he gave the keeping of the
Castle of Urquhart and the possession of certain
lands in our Parish,2 including probably the estate of
Achmonie, which had reverted to the Bishop on
the Wolf's death and was now embraced by his
protectorate. These were serious transactions for
the Crown; and in 1398 Parliament made a feeble
attempt to put matters right by passing an Act placing
the Castle in the hands of the King, ' ' who shall entrust
the keeping of it to worthy captains until the
Kingdom be pacified, when it shall be restored to its
owners."3 To place this enactment on the statute-
book was easy enough; to carry its provisions into
immediate effect was more than the Crown was able
to do; and Charles continued master of the fortress
until the career of the Lord of the Isles was checked
on the field of Harlaw. By his marriage with a
daughter of Cumming of Dulshangie,4 he acquired
influence among her people, and it was doubtless
under his leadership that a number of the men of
Urquhart and Glenmoriston entered on an expedition
to the West Coast in support of Donald of the Isles
in his war with his brother, John Mor of Islay. On
the approach of Donald's forces John fled to Galloway,
whither he was followed ; but no serious fighting took
lEeg. Morav., 211.
•2 Invernessiana, 97-100; Seanachie's Account of Clan Maclean, 243.
3 Acts of Parl., I., 571.
4 Seanachie's Account of Clan Maclean, 244.
50 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
place, and peace was soon restored between the
brothers.1
The Eegent Albany still pressed his claim to the
Earldom of Eoss, and, in 1411, the exasperated Lord
of the Isles resolved to put an end to his pretensions,
and to bring the whole of Scotland under his own
sway. Gathering an army of ten thousand men at
Inverness — in the ranks of which were Alasdair
Carrach and Maclean of Lochbuy, and, it may be
assumed, his son Charles, with the men of Urquhart
—he led it toward the Lowlands, bent on placing
the crown of the Stewarts on his own head.
But at TTarlaw, in the Highlands of Aberdeenshire,
he was met by a resolute host under the command
of the Wolf of Badenoch's son Alexander, who, by
forcibly marrying the widowed Countess of Mar and
obtaining a grant of her title and estates, had now
become a powerful noble. The leaders of the oppos-
ing forces were relations by blood and marriage but
deadly enemies by circumstances, and their meeting
on the Eed Harlaw was one of the bloodiest events
in Scottish history. The fierce stubbornness of the
contending hosts resulted in a drawn battle; but,
as sometimes happened on similar occasions in
after years, the Highlanders of the West were
discouraged by their failure to carry all before
them, and Donald returned to the Isles, leaving the
disputed territories open to his opponents. Mar
seized Urquhart and Glenmoriston, and refused to
l Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis, 303; The Macdonells of
Antrim.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH 51
give them up to his uncle Albany, who still per-
sisted in his claim. The dispute continued during
the Kegent's lifetime; but after his death his son
Murdoch entered into an indenture with Mar, giving
that nobleman the " profitis," or revenues, of the
lands, " till the tyme that thay may be sett to profitt,"
and binding him to let them to the best advantage
with all speed, and without fraud or guile; after
which Duke Murdoch was to have one-half of the
rents, while Mar was to get the other half during
his lifetime.1 About the same time Donald of the
Isles died, leaving his possessions and his claims to
his son Alexander.2
How far Mar respected the terms of the treaty
is uncertain, but if Albany ever enjoyed his share of
the rents — and it is not probable that he did — it must
have been for a very short period. In 1424 James
the First returned from his long captivity in England,
and immediately set himself to curb the power of his
turbulent nobles. Among the first he took in hand
were Duke Murdoch and his two sons, who were all
arrested at Perth, and, in May, 1425, put on trial
before a jury on which sat the interested Earl of Mar.
What the charge against them was does not appear
quite clear; but <c guilty" was the verdict, and father
and sons were executed on the Heading Hill of
Stirling.3
1 See the Indenture, dated 16th Nov., 1420, in Antiquities of
Aberdeen and Banff (Spalding Club), IV., 181.
2 Gregory's Western Highlands, 33.
3Tytler, II., c. ii. ; Burton, II., 402.
52 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Turning his attention to the North, the King next
convoked a Parliament at Inverness, to which he
summoned Alexander, Lord of the Isles, and some
fifty other Highland chiefs and leaders. They obeyed
the call without hesitation or suspicion; but as soon
as they were within the building in which the assembly
sat, they were seized and manacled and thrown into
dungeons, while James watched the proceedings and
exhibited signs of intense joy at the success of his
unkingly trick. Some were at once handed over to
the executioner. Others were kept in prison.
Alexander, on making due submission, was set at
liberty. But the King's perfidy rankled in his breast,
and, setting at nought the promise extorted from
him in his captivity, he ravaged the Crown lands
about Inverness, and gave the town itself to the
flames. James in person led a large army against
him, and he surrendered and was imprisoned in
Tantallon Castle. But his cause was taken up by
Donald Balloch and Alasdair Carrach, who encoun-
tered at Inverlochy the royal forces under the Earls
of Mar and Caithness, and defeated them with great
slaughter. Caithness died on the field. Mar,
severely wounded, wandered among the mountains
for a time, and was saved from starvation by a herd-
woman who gave him barley-meal and water mixed
in his shoe. His hunger having thus been appeased,
the Earl turned bard and gave expression to his
gratitude in poetic Gaelic :—
" Is math an cocair an t-acras,
'S mairg a ni tarcuis air biadh—
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 53
Fuarag eorn' a sail mo bhroige,
Biadh a b' fhearr a fhuair mi riamh." l
During these troubles the state of our Parish
must have been miserable indeed. Mar doubtless
claimed the service of the tenantry in the King's
cause; while the sympathies of the Macleans, and
probably of the majority of the people, were with
the Lord of the Isles. What actual support was
given to either side it is impossible to say; but the
Castle appears to have been held for the King, by
whom it was repaired in the year 1428-9 at a cost
of 40s.2
The Earl of Mar died in July, 1435, greatly
lamented throughout Scotland; and Urquhart and
Glenmoriston again reverted to the Crown. But
the King's assassination a few months later enabled
Alexander of the Isles, who had already succeeded
to the Earldom of Boss,3 to take possession of them
without opposition, and to place them under the
charge of old Charles Maclean's son, Hector Buie,
as his own seneschal or chamberlain.4 Hector, who
1 Transactions of lona Club. The lines are thus translated in
Sheriff Nicolson's Gaelic Proverbs : —
" Hunger is a cook right good,
Woe to him who sneers at food —
Barley crowdie in my shoe,
The sweetest food I ever knew."
The lines have also been attributed to Eobert the Bruce. (Lord
Archibald Campbell's Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition, I., 77).
2 Exchequer Eolls, IV., 498.
3 Alexander succeeded to the Earldom on the death of his mother
on whom it was conferred by James I. after the death of John, Earl
of Buchan, in 1424.
4 Family of Kilravock, 131.
54 UEQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
had thus become all-powerful in the Parish, was
ready to protect his people's property when occasion
demanded. In his time, and for centuries thereafter,
the large herds reared on the pasture lands of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston were an irresistible temptation to
the cattle-lifting hordes of Lochaber and the West,
who deemed it fair sport to periodically ' ' spuilzie ' '
the Parish. Hector resolved to retaliate. Leading
a band of Urquhart men into Lochiel's country
during the chief's absence in Ireland, he slew and
plundered without mercy. :< Eecalled by the groans
of the people," Lochiel hastened home; and Mac-
lean, wishing to avoid a pitched battle, retired
along the Great Glen, taking with him Somhairle
Cameron of Glen-Nevis and many other captives.
Proceeding, probably, along the southern shore of
Loch Ness, he shut himself up within the old Castle
of Bona which stood at the east end of the Loch,
and the ruins of which were almost entirely removed
during the construction of the Caledonian Canal;
and there he awaited Lochiel, who was in hot pur-
suit with the Western clans. When the Camerons
approached Hector welcomed them with a threat to
kill the captives. But by this time two of his own
sons and certain of his followers had fallen into
Lochiel's hands, and that chief, anxious to save the
lives of his kindred, offered to exchange prisoners.
Maclean declined the offer and carried his threat
into execution — whereupon his sons and the other
Urquhart men were hanged before his eyes by the
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 55
exasperated Camerons.1 These atrocities gave rise
to the belief that the restless spirits of the victims
haunted the old fortress, which has ever since borne
the name of Caisteal Spioradan.
Hector is said to have been killed at Bona, but
whether at this time or on a subsequent occasion is
not clear. He held the lands of Urquhart for behoof
of the Lord of the Isles, but he does not appear ever to
have got possession of the Castle. On the contrary,
after the Eed Harlaw ' ' worthy captains ' ' continued
to hold it for the King in terms of the Act of 1398;
and it was garrisoned and kept in repair at the
expense of the Crown. The money expended on it
in 1428-9 has already been referred to. In 1448,
and probably for some time previously, Thomas
Ogilvy of Balfour was captain of it, as well as of the
Castle of Inverness; and he continued in that office
until expelled by John of the Isles in 1452.2 With
both fortresses in his care, he sometimes had to
appoint deputies. An account rendered in Exchequer
by Andrew Kede, collector (custumarius) of the
great custom of the burgh of Inverness, shows that
that official kept Urquhart Castle for a time, between
4th July, 1447, and 12th September, 1448, during
which he disbursed £21 12s 4d as the expenses of
himself and of divers others who were with him in
the Castle for forty days and more, keeping the
same, including the cost of new buildings and of
1 Memoirs of Lochiel.
2 Exchequer Kolls, V., 380, 405, 421, 441.
56 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
repairing the old buildings of the Castles of Inver-
ness and Urquhart, " before the arrival of the King
at Inverness."1 For his services Ogilvy was paid
by the Crown. Between September, 1448, and
July, 1450, he received the sums of £36 5s 9d and
£7 12s; and the further sums of £31 18s 7d and
£40 12s between the latter month and July, 1451. 2
Between September, 1448, and July, 1450, William,
Thane of Cawdor, supplied him with corn for his
garrisons.3
Alexander, Lord of the Isles and Earl of Eoss,
died in 1449, leaving Urquhart and Glenmoriston
and his other extensive possessions to his son John,
a high-spirited lad of fifteen. The King — James the
Second — had the right as his feudal overlord of
choosing a wife for the young Earl, and he selected
a daughter of Sir James Livingston, younger of
Callander, promising a suitable fortune with her.
The marriage took place; but the disgrace and
attainder of Livingston soon followed, and the
King failed to pay the tocher. John thereupon
proceeded to recover it in his own way — he seized
the Castles of Inverness and Urquhart, penetrated
into Badenoch, and gave the old stronghold of
Euthven to the flames. By this time Livingston
had made his peace with the King; but on hearing
of these events he escaped from Holyrood to the
Highlands, and joined his son-in-law, who appointed
him Constable of Urquhart Castle. The King,
1 Exchequer Soils, V., 313. 2 Exchequer Rolls.
3 Thanes of Cawdor (Spalding Club), 15.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 57
conscious of his own fault, and having his hands
pretty full in connection with the Douglas rebellion
which then raged in the South, quietly condoned
these high-handed proceedings. Not only was
Livingston allowed to keep the Castle, but his
remuneration was paid out of the Royal exchequer;
and when, in 1454, he resigned his charge, he was
re-appointed Great Chamberlain, an office which he
had held at the time of his forfeiture.1 The young
Earl, too, continued in possession of the Lordship of
Urquhart, including Glenmoriston ; and in an
account rendered by Sir Alexander Young, King's
Chamberlain benorth the Dee, on 15th July, 1454,
and covering the period from 6th August, 1453, to
that date, it is explained that, although the Lord-
ship is the property of the King, the rents, which
are of the value of £100 per annum, have not been
collected, because the lands are in the hands of the
Earl. From the same account we learn that the
King was to be consulted with reference to the
course to be taken in regard to these lands, and a
similar entry occurs in the account ending 31st July,
1455. 2 The question was difficult to solve, but an
attempt was made, and in August, 1455, an Act of
Parliament was passed, by which .' ' forsamekill as
the poverte of the Crowne is oftymis the caus of the
poverte of the Realme and mony other inconvenients
the quhilk war lang to expreyme," certain " lord-
schippis and castillys," including the houses of
1 Exchequer Bolls, V., xcii., and VI., cliii. ; Tytler, II., c. iii. ;
Gregory, 43.
2 Exchequer Eolls, V., 655, and VI., 68.
58 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Inverness and Urquhart, and the lordships of them,
and the Barony of Urquhart, were * ' annext to the
Crown perpetualy to remane, the quhilk may not be
giffyn away nother in fee nor in franktenement, till
ony persone of quhat estate or degree that ever he
be, but [that is, without'] avys, deliverance, and
decret of the haill parliament, ande for gret seande
and resonable caus of the Eealme." l
1 Acts of Parl., II., 42.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 59
CHAPTEE IV
1455—1509
The Lordship of Urquhart granted to the Lord of the Isles for
Life. — He and his Highlanders in England. — His Rebel-
lion and Attainder. — The Earl of Huntly in charge of the
Lordship and Castle. — The Macleans claim Urquhart. —
Their Position and Power.— A Thirty Years' War.— The
Lordship let to the Baron of Kilravock. — Opposition to
him . — Arbitration . — Bonds of Friendship . — Strange
League against the Baron. — He throws up his Lease.—
The Parish Waste. — Sir Duncan Grant to the Rescue. —
His connection with the District. — The Conflict of Foyers.
—The Bed Bard in Urquhart.— Struggle for the Lord-
ship.— Lease to the Bard. — The Bard King's Chamber-
lain.— He trades with the King. — The Lordship granted
to Himself and his Sons absolutely. — The reasons for the
Grants.
THE object of Parliament in placing on the statute-
book the Act which closes our last chapter was to
annex inalienably to the Crown the Castle and
Lordship of Urquhart and the other royal properties
with which it dealt. But John, Lord of the Isles
and Earl of Boss, was not the man to relinquish his
possession of Urquhart in obedience to mere parlia-
mentary enactments, and his great power rendered
it inexpedient for the Crown to resort to stronger
measures. It therefore made a virtue of necessity;
and almost before the ink was dry on the statute-
book the Act was disregarded, and the Castle and
60 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Lordship were formally granted to him for his life
at the old rent of £100 per annum.1 He was
pleased and gratified with this show of royal favour,
and for a time the rent was regularly paid.2 More-
over, his loyalty equalled his gratitude ; and when in
1460 James the Second entered on his war with
England, he joined the royal army at Eoxburgh
" with a great company all armed in the Highland
fashion, with habergeons, bows, and axes, and
promised to the King, if he pleased to pass any
further in the bounds of England, that he and his
company should pass a large mile afore the rest of
the host, and take upon them the first press and
dint of the battle."3
His Majesty, we are told, rejoiced much that the
Earl " was so ready to hazard himself and friends
for defence of the King, and honour of the Common-
wealth;4 but although he and his followers did
good service in the congenial work of harrying the
North of England, the King's death, on 3rd August,
through the bursting of a cannon, put a stop to the
invasion, and he had no opportunity of proving his
own zeal and the bravery of his Celts. The King's
untimely death also cooled the Earl's attachment to
the Koyal line, and roused fresh ambitions within his
own restless bosom. For a time he kept his plans to
himself and was outwardly loyal to the infant King,
1 Thanes of Cawdor, 25.
2 Ibid, 25, 27, 29; Exchequer Rolls.
3 Lindsay of Pitscottie, 2nd Ed., 119, where the Earl is errone-
ously called " Donald."
4 Ibid.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 61
James the Third. With other Highland chiefs
he attended a Parliament in Edinburgh early in
1461; but before the close of the year he was
in treasonable correspondence with Edward the
Fourth of England and the banished Earl of
Douglas, which culminated in one of the most
remarkable treaties to which an English sovereign
has ever been a party. "The basis of it," says
Gregory,1 ' ' was nothing less than the contemplated
conquest of Scotland by the vassals of Eoss and the
auxiliaries to be furnished by Edward, with such
assistance as the Earl of Douglas might be able to
give. The Earl of Eoss, Donald Balloch, and John,
the son and heir of Donald, agreed, upon the pay-
ment to each of a stipulated sum of money, to
become for ever the sworn vassals of England, along
with all their retainers, and to assist Edward in his
wars in Ireland, as well as elsewhere. In the event
of the entire subjugation of Scotland by the Earls
of Eoss and Douglas, the whole of the kingdom to
the north of the Forth was to be divided equally
between the two Earls and Donald Balloch; whilst
Douglas was to be restored to the possession of
those estates between the Forth and the Borders of
England from which he was now excluded; and,
upon such partition and restoration being carried
into effect, the salaries payable to Eoss and his
associates, as the wages of their defection, were to
cease. The stipulated salaries were : — To the Earl,
£200 sterling annually in time of war, and 100
1 Western Highlands and Isles, 47.
62 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
merks in time of peace; to Donald Balloch, £40,
and to John, his son, £20, in time of war; and in
time of peace half these sums respectively."
This treaty was concluded on 13th February,
1462; but the impatient Earl had already assumed
the style of a sovereign,1 and renounced his allegiance
to the young King. From Inverness he issued pro-
clamations in true royal fashion; and his army,
under the command of his illegitimate son, Angus,
and the veteran Donald Balloch, speedily brought
the North to his feet. But his reign was short.
His followers after a time disappeared like the mists
of their own mountains; and in the end he was glad
to come to terms with the King. His life and his
property were spared, and for years all went well.2
But in 1474 his treaty with Edward became known,
and its astounding nature roused the Government to
action. At his Castle of Dingwall he was summoned
to appear before Parliament. He did not obey, and
in his absence he was pronounced a traitor, and his
estates forfeited. To carry the sentence into effect
a large armament, consisting of a fleet and land forces,
prepared to move northward. But before it started
the Earl entered into negotiations with the King,
which resulted in the restoration of peace. An
iThe Earl acted as an independent prince as early as October,
1461, when, by the advice of his principal vassals and kinsmen, in
council assembled at his castle of Ardtornish, he formally appointed
his trusty and well-belovel cousins, Ranald of the Isles, and Duncan,
Archdean of the Isles, his ambassadors to negotiate the treaty with
Edward IV.— (Gregory, 47.)
2 Gregory, 48, 49; Burton, III., 14.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 63-
arrangement which partook almost of the nature of
a compromise between independent Powers was
entered into. John was created a Lord of Parlia-
ment, with the title of Lord of the Isles, and he
retained the greater portion of his vast possessions;
but the Earldom of Eoss was taken from him and
vested in the Crown, and the Castle and Lordship of
Urquhart were retained by the King and placed
under the control of George, Earl of Huntly, His
Majesty's Chamberlain in the North.1
Thus terminated, in the year 1476, that posses-
sion of our Parish which, with various interruptions,
the great Island Chiefs had enjoyed by themselves
or their vassals since the death of the Wolf of
Badenoch in 1394. Their tenancy was not a profit-
able one to the Crown. The Exchequer Accounts
show that the stipulated rent of £100 a year was
seldom paid. In noting the non-payment in 1473,
Alexander Fleming, the King's Chamberlain, remarks
that His Majesty must be consulted regarding the
matter.2 The consultation, if it took place, was of
no avail; and for the remaining years of the Earl's
possession he insisted on withholding the rent as his
reward for keeping the Castle.3
Neither did the Islesmen's rule conduce to the
prosperity of the people. Their wars and feuds
were a constant drain on the manhood of the Parish,
and the country was frequently left a prey to the
1 Gregory, 49, 50; Burton, III., 14, 15; Exchequer Eolls, VIII.
See Acts of Parl. of Scot. II., for official documents relating to John's
resignation of the Earldom.
2 Exchequer Rolls, VIII. 3 Ibid.
434 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
fierce and needy neighbours by whom it was sur-
rounded. Even the severing of the Island connection
failed for a time to improve matters. The Macleans,
who were chamberlains for the Earls, and kept the
Castle for them after Livingston's resignation in 1554,
.acquired a power and influence which it was hard to
surrender. Within the old fortress they sometimes
entertained their princely patrons and other chiefs.1
At other times they led the flower of the men of
Urquhart on the distant expeditions of their Lords,
or in some feud on their own account against a
neighbouring clan. Charles Maclean, the first of the
race, added to his influence by attaching himself and
his posterity to the Clan Chattan.2 The alliance was
cemented by the marriage of his son, Hector Buie,
to Margaret, daughter of Malcolm Mackintosh, captain
of that clan.3 Hector was survived by at least three
sons — Ewen, who succeeded him in Urquhart ; Charles
Auchinson (that is, son of Eachann, or Hector), who,
in 1492, appears as a witness to a bond of friendship
between Sir Alexander Dunbar of Westfield, Sir James
Dunbar of Cumnock, arid Farquhar Mackintosh;4 and
lEarl John was there in November, 1466, when he granted a
charter of the lands of Keppoch to Hector Maclean's father-in-law,
Malcolm Beg Mackintosh. The traditions of Glenmoriston still speak
of the Island chiefs' progresses through that Glen on their way to
the Castle, and of their custom of exchanging shirts with the head
of the Glenmoriston Macdonalds (Mac Iain Ruaidh) as a pledge of
mutual friendship and fidelity. Mac Iain Ruaidh was known as the
Lord of the Isles' " Leine-chrios " — literally " waist-shirt " — signify-
ing counsellor or confidential adviser.
2 Invernessiana, 100; Mackintosh Shaw's History of Clan Chattan,
151. 3 Mackintosh Shaw, 153.
4 Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis, 83.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 65
Farquhar Auchinson, who witnesses the same deed,
and was the first of the family who possessed Doch-
garroch.1
Whatever rights Ewen had in Urquhart came to
an end with the close of its connection with the
Isles. From the Earl of Huntly he had no favour
to expect; and, setting up a 'claim of duchas, or
unwritten title, to the lands of Urquhart, he resolved
to hold them by the sword. Supported by the
heroic Clan JIc Uian in Glen-Urquhart, and by the
Macdonalds of Glenmoriston, he bade defiance to the
King's Chamberlain, and entered on a struggle that
lasted for upwards of thirty years. Huntly was
required to provide the Crown with the old rent of
£100, but questions of management were left to
himself, and he leased the entire Lordship to Hugh
Eose, Baron of Kilravock. Ewen Maclean opposed
Kilravock's entry, and his cause was espoused by
his uncle and adopted chief, Duncan Mackintosh,
Captain of Clan Chattan, and the latter 's brothers,
Allan and Lachlan. But Kilravock 's wife was a
sister of Mackintosh, and, probably through her
influence, he and they agreed to settle by arbi-
tration all disputes between them, and especially all
questions regarding Urquhart. The arbitrators were
Alexander Gordon of Megmar (son of Huntly), Sir
1 Invernessiana, 101. Hector probably gave his name to Gortan
Eachainn at Balmacaan. Balmacaan itself is written Ballymakauchane
— Baile-Mac-Eachainn, the Town of the Son of Hector — in the charter
of 1509 to John the Bard; but the name is Baile-Mac-Cathain — Mac-
Cathan's Township or Stead.
66 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Duncan Grant of Freuchie (Laird of Grant), Sir
James Ogilvy of Deskford, John Grant (son and
heir apparent of the said Sir Duncan), Alexander
Mackintosh of Eothiemurchus, and David Ogilvy of
Thomade. They met before the Earl of Huntly on
26th March, 1479, and, after solemn deliberation,
pronounced their award — "All which being heard,,
understood, and considered by the said Earl," records
the officiating notary, ' he with the advice of the
said arbitrators, and with the consent and assent
of the said Duncan Mackintosh, and Allan and
Lachlan, his brothers-german, let the foresaid lands
of Urquhart and Glenmoriston, with all their privi-
leges and just pertinents, to the said Hugh Eose of
Kilravock, and willed that he should intromit with
the same in the manner and form previously agreed
on between the said Earl and Hugh, and that as is-
contained in the foresaid lease to the said Hugh." x
Ewen Maclean, who was not a party to the arbi-
tration, refused to be bound by the decision; and, in
consequence of the trouble which he gave, Kilravock
procured, in 1481, two bonds of friendship from the'
Mackintoshes. The Chief, by deed dated 25th July,
binds and obliges himself and his sons, brothers,
and brothers' children, and his kin, friends, and
adherents, " gif owcht be brokin" of the previous
agreement, to rectify the same, as Huntly and the
said arbitrators may advise;2 and on the 23rd of
September his son Farquhar undertakes, in usual
bond of friendship style, to help, maintain, and
1 Family of Kilravock, 139. 2 Ibid, 143.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 67
defend the Baron and his kin in all their actions,
causes, and quarrels. And then follows this clause
in reference to Maclean: — "And if Ewyne Mak-
achtane [Ewen, son of Hector] will come before
Mackintosh — my father — and me, and bind himself
to submit to Mackintosh and eight persons chosen
by them with him, in all matters debateable between
the foresaid Baron and Ewyne, the foresaid Mackin-
tosh and the eight persons being sworn to give each
of them as far as they have right or law, it will
satisfy me; but, if the said Ewyne will not, I, the
foresaid Farquhar, bind and oblige myself, as is
before written, to take a onefold part with the said
Baron, and his bairns and party, against the said
Ewyne and his party; and this to do and fulfil in all
things, and by all things, in manner and form before
written, the great oath sworn and the holy evangel
touched, I, the foresaid Farquhar, bind and oblige
myself to the said Huchone the Rose, Baron, and
his sons, brothers, kin, and party, as is before
written, under the pain of inhability, perjury, and
infamy, in the most strict style and form of bond or
obligation that made is, or can be devised." 1
This solemn covenant did not in the least influence
Ewen's conduct. He still opposed Kilravock, and
he had an active sympathiser in his uncle, Lachlan
Mackintosh of Gallovie, who, although a party to
the arbitration, did not join in the subsequent
bonds. Gallovie resolved to strike the Baron within
1 The spelling is here modernised. See Family of Kilravock, 144,
for an exact copy of the bond.
68 UEQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
his castle of Kilravock; and, with that view, he,
on 15th May, 1482, entered into an indenture of an
extraordinary nature with his kinsman, Donald, son
•of Angus Mackintosh. The family of Eose had
been owners of Kilravock for two centuries before
the parties to this deed were born; yet they record,
as a justification of the enterprise on which they are
about to enter, that "it is rehersit, presumyt, and
in sum part knawin be part of the eldest off the
lande, that Huchone the Eois, barone of Kilravok,
sulde haff na tityll off richt to the castell of Kil-
rawok, na to the grunde that it standis on;" and,
taking it for granted that they have a right to seize
what they do not even pretend to be theirs, Donald
obliges himself, t{ in all possibill hast," to take the
castle and deliver it to Lachlan, who is immediately
to appoint Donald to be its constable so long as they
are able to hold it, whether by law or against law.
In return for these services Donald is to be placed
in possession of certain lands; and, "for the mare
kindnes, traistnes, ande securite," he is to marry
Lachlan3 s daughter Margaret. The young people
being within the prohibited degrees, the lady's
father undertakes to procure a dispensation from
the Pope at his own expense. But in the meantime
the canonical impediment is not to be allowed to
hinder the union. As soon as the said castle shall
be taken by the said Donald, proceeds the strange
paction, the said Lachlan shall forthwith, and
without any longer delay, handfast Margaret, his
;said daughter, to the said Donald, and she shall
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 69
lie with him as if she were his lawful wife; and, as-
soon as the dispensation comes home, the said
Donald is obliged, forthwith and without any longer
delay, to marry and espouse the said Margaret, and
to hold her in honour and worship at all his power
as his wedded wife, for all the days of his life.
Lachlan then binds himself to pay a tocher of forty
merks Scots, ten of which shall be paid at the time
of the handfasting, and ten at each term of
Whitsunday and Martinmas thereafter, until the
whole is paid; and to clothe his daughter " honestly,"
and to keep and maintain her in his own house for
two years, if Donald shall so require. And the
covenant is solemnly concluded by both parties
touching the holy evangel, and swearing the great
oath that they shall keep the same without fraud or
guile, or " cavillacione." l
It is stated by the old historian of Kilravock
that Donald actually surprised the Castle, and com-
mitted slaughter and destroyed papers.2 Be that as
it may, the Baron made up his mind to get rid of
Urquhart. He accordingly, on 24th June, 1482, got
from Huntly the office of keeper of the royal fort of
Redcastle; and in consideration of the services to be
rendered by him in that capacity the Earl relieved
him of his unprofitable and troublesome lease, and
discharged him of all sums payable under it.3
1 Family of Kilravock, 146. See similar clause as to the lady's
maintenance in Janet Chisholm's contract, p. 43 supra. A. merk Scots
was equal to 13s 4d Scots, or 3s 4d sterling, Scots money being then
about one-fourth of money sterling. By the 17th century, owing to
the depreciation of the Scottish coinage, it took £12 Scots to make
£1 sterling.
2 Ibid, 10. 3 Ibid, 149.
70 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
One effect of the struggle with the Macleans was
to aggravate the evils from which the country had
suffered in the days of the Lords of the Isles, and to
increase the wretchedness and poverty of the people.
The Exchequer Eolls — brief and bald though their
entries are — give us sad glimpses of the state of the
Parish. In an account rendered by Huntly in July,
1478, for the previous year, he deducts from the rent
of £100 the sum of £33 6s 8d, " on account of the
laying waste of the lands of Glenmoriston, as was
vouched at the audit;"1 and in the next year's
.account William Gordon of Dunmgas, the acting
Chamberlain for the time, makes a similar deduction
" on the ground that Urquhart and Glenmoriston
were waste, and could not be let for the year of the
account."2 In reference to the latter account,
Huntly is instructed " either to let or occupy the
said lands in future, as no further allowance shall be
made to him on that ground;" but, despite this, the
same abatement is allowed to him for the same reason
in the account from July, 1479, to July, 1480, and
again he is ordered to let or occupy the lands.3 The
state of the Parish, in short, had become wretched
in the extreme. The feuds which had so long raged
between contending claimants destroyed the man-
hood of the country; outside clans made thieving
inroads on the undefended glens; bloodshed and
rapine prevailed; the operations of seed time and
harvest were to a large extent suspended ; and the
1 Exchequer Rolls, VIII.
2 Exchequer Rolls, VIII. 3 Ibid.
TIMES IN THE PARISH 71
fertile fields became one great wilderness, incapable
of returning the miserable yearly rent of £100 Scots
—equal then to about £25 sterling — payable to the
Crown. In these circumstances Huntly, in obedience
to the King's commands, looked around for a stronger
tenant than Kilravock. His choice fell on the
Knight of Freuchie, Chief of the powerful Clan
Grant.
Sir Duncan Grant was not unacquainted with
the history and circumstances of the country of
which he was now asked to take charge. He had
been one of the arbitrators under the submission of
1479, and long before his time his family had a
territorial connection with the district of Loch Ness.
Stratherrick, which was the home of his family
before they settled on the banks of the Spey, was
possessed by them from the early part of the
thirteenth century, until it passed into the hands of
the Frasers about the year 1420. According to
.tradition, the Church estate of Foyers was their last
possession in Stratherrick, and they lost it in this
manner. The young bride of Gruer Mor of Portclair
went forth, as was then the wont of newly married
women, to receive the presents of her friends. At
Foyers she was grossly insulted by Laurence Grant;
.and she reported the outrage to her husband,
who resolved to punish the offender, and sailed
from Portclair with galleys full of fighting men.
Grant and his followers rowed out to meet him, and
a desperate fight took place in the bay to the west
of Foyers, which is to this day known as Camus
72 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Mharbh Dhaoine — the Bay of the Dead Men,
Defeated, and unable to reach the Stratherrick shore,,
Laurence made for Urquhart, followed by Gruer. At
Euigh Laurais — Laurence's Slope — above Euiskich,
he was overtaken and slain; and Gruer seized and!
retained Foyers.1
In Strathspey the family of Grant greatly-
extended their possessions, and became a numerous-
clan; and at the time at which we have now arrived
the Chief, Sir Duncan, was a man of great influence-
in the Central Highlands. But he was full of years,
and his fighting days were past; his only son died!
in August, 1482; and it was on his grandson John,
who was known by the name of the Eed Bard (Am
Bard Ruadh) , that the active duty devolved of
restoring order in Urquhart and Glenmoriston.
The Bard seems to have taken possession imme-
diately after Kilravock's renunciation of his right,
and, with the exception of an annual reduction of
fifty merks allowed from 1488 to 1496 " on account
of the waste of the lands of Glenmoriston," we meet
no more with abatements of rent in the Exchequer
Eolls. Huntly accounted regularly to the King for
the yearly sum of £100, although Grant does not
appear to have been too prompt in paying, for in
1492 he was four years in arrear.2 He had probably
a fair excuse in the difficulties which beset him in
his arduous and dangerous undertaking. In Glen-
Urquhart the Clan 'Ic Uian resisted long and'
1 Foyers remained the property of the Church till 1541, when ib
was conveyed by the Bishop to William Fraser of Aberchalder, who-
thus became Fraser of Foyers.
2 Chiefs of Grant, I., Ixxx.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 73
desperately, and tradition still tells of their exploits
—at one time chasing a swift-footed Strathspeyman
down the hill of Clunemore, until he saved his life
by leaping the swollen Coilty where it forces its way
through the gorge which is now spanned by the
picturesque Bridge of the Leap; at another, slaying
BlUDUE OK THE LEAP
a party of the invading clan, washing their heads in
Mac Uian's Pool, at the Bridge of Drumnadrochit,
and sending the ghastly trophies as a gift to the poet-
chief. In Glenmoriston the Macdonalds for years
opposed the Grants, and, in the language of the
74 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Exchequer Rolls, kept the lands " waste." But the
Bard's progress, if slow, was sure. In 1498 he
earned the King's substantial gratitude for the " gude
and thankfull service " of seizing and bringing to
justice Allan Mor Mac Ewen, a son probably of Ewen
Maclean;1 and he soon found his footing so secure
that he accepted direct from the Crown a lease of
the Lordship for five years from Whitsunday, 1502,
at the old rent of £100, of which, however, £20 a
year was allowed to himself as his fee for keeping
the Castle.2 He also traded with the King, and
received, in October of that year, £71 2s, as the
price of " 69 marts, with skins," supplied by him for
His Majesty's household.3 In 1505 he succeeded
Walter Ogilvy of Boyne as King's Chamberlain of
the Lordship and certain other Crown lands, and he
held that office until 1509, when his good fortune
reached its climax, and Urquhart and Glenmoriston
were bestowed on himself and two of his sons as
their own absolute property.
Various considerations moved the King to make
these grants. Ever since the days of the Wolf of
Badenoch, the lands embraced by them had formed a
bone of contention between rival claimants, and the
Crown derived little or no benefit from them; while
the royal Castle, falling from time to time into the
hands of men whose loyalty disappeared in their
1 For this service certain fines, which the Bard had incurred by
non-appearance at certain justice-aires, or courts, were remitted. —
Chiefs of Grant, III., 43.
2 King's Rental Book, 1502-1508, in Register House.
3 Exchequer Rolls, XII., 219.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 75
thirst for power, became rather a menace to the
Throne than a source of strength. Under the rule
of the Bard a marked improvement took place. His
loyalty was above suspicion. His prudence and
energy led to his employment in quelling dis-
turbances in Eoss-shire and Strathglass, and even
MAC UIAN S POOL
in the distant wilds of Mar. With his large Celtic
following, he was eminently the man to maintain
order within the extensive Lordship, which had
.almost come to be looked upon as a No-Man' s-Land.
It was believed, and with good reason, that, if the
territory was absolutelv made over to himself and
76 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
his family at a feu-duty not less than the old rent,
their interest in the preservation of peace would
be increased without pecuniary loss to the Crown.
And so the charters of 1509 passed the Great Seal,
and the Castle and Lordship of Urquhart for ever
ceased to be the property of the King.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 77
CHAPTEE V
1509—1535
The Charters of 1509.— The New Baronies of Urquhart,
Corrimony, and Glenmoriston. — Reservation of Church
Lands. — The Proprietor's Duties and Services to the
Crown. — The Castle to be added to and Strengthened. —
The Inhabitants to be Protected. — Waste Lands to be
Reclaimed. — The King's Highway to be Improved. —
Bridges to be Maintained. — Hemp and Flax to be Culti-
vated.— Strange Division of the Parish. — Gradual re-
adjustment of Marches. — Troubles with the Inhabitants.
—Troubles with the Crown. — Compositions for Crimes. —
The Last of the Macleans. — Invasion of Sir Donald of
Lochalsh. — A Large Booty. — Prices of the Period. — The
Bard's Proceedings against Sir Donald. — The Bard's
Treaty with Lochiel. — Death of the Bard. — Seumas nan
Creach. — Barbarous Decree against the Clan Chattan. —
Urquhart exempted from the jurisdiction of Local Courts.
" KNOW ye," says the King in the charter to John
the Bard1 — and the preambles of those to his sons
are in similar terms — ' that for the increase of our
rental, and the profit of the patrimony of our Crown,
and also with a view to the advancement of order and
manners, and the promotion of good government in the
lands underwritten, among the inhabitants thereof,
and for making those obedient to our laws who in
times past have been unruly, and disobedient to our
said laws, we have given, granted, and in feu-ferme
demitted, and, by this our present charter confirmed
1 Reg. Mag. Sig., Lib. XV., No. 173. Chiefs of Grant, III., 51.
78 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
to our lovite John Grant of Freuchie and his heirs
male All and Sundry the lands underwritten,
namely, the twelve merk lands of Bordlande [Borlum]
of Urquhart, with the Castle and Fortalice of the
same; the six merk lands of Kil St Ninian, with
the mill thereof; the six merk lands of Karowgar;
the six merk lands of Drumboy; the three merk
lands of Wester Bunloade [Bunloit] ; the three
merk lands of Middil Bunloade; the three merk
lands of Ester Bunloade; the six merk lands of
Ballymakauchane [Balmacaan] ; the six merk lands
of Gar tale [Cartaly] ; the six merk lands of Polmale
and Dulchangy; the nine merk lands of the three
Inchbrunys [Inchbrine] ; the three merk lands of
Mekle Deveauch; with the office of forester of our
forest of Cluny; and the huts commonly called the
shielings of the said forest — extending in all to forty-
six pounds of lands of new extent, as is contained in
our new rental, and all lying in our Lordship of
Urquhart, and within our Sheriffdom of Inverness;
but reserving to ourselves and our successors the
property of our said forest of Cluny and of the huts
or shielings of the same." x
The King then, in consideration of Grant's ser-
vices, unites and incorporates the whole of the subjects
above-mentioned into one barony, to be called the
Barony of Urquhart, with the Castle as its principal
messuage; but the lands of Petcarill Chapell are
excepted from the conveyance, and reserved to the
I The royal forest of Cluny (Cluanie) thus reserved by the King-
embraced the present forest of Ceanacroc and the lands to the west of
it as far as the watershed, which in the old time formed the boundary
with Kintail.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 7£
Chapel of St Ninian; which lands, adds His Majesty,.
" we are on no account willing to alienate."
In return for the grant the Bard and his suc-
cessors are taken bound to pay £46 6s Sd Scots-
of yearly feu-duty; to provide and maintain three
sufficient horsemen for every ten pounds of land-
that is, fourteen or fifteen horsemen for the whole-
Barony — for royal service in time of war beyond the-
kingdom; and, at the King's command, to convene
with all " fencible persons" dwelling on his lands.
These provisions wTere inserted on what may be
called national grounds. But the King has also
in view the domestic welfare and improvement of the
inhabitants of the Barony ; and the Bard and his heirs
are taken bound to repair or build at the Castle a
tower, with an outwork or rampart of stone and lime,
for protecting the lands and the people from the-
inroads of thieves and malefactors; to construct within
the Castle a hall, chamber, and kitchen, with all other-
requisite offices, such as a pantry, bakehouse, brew-
house, barn, oxhouse, kiln, cot, dove-grove, and
orchard, with the necessary wTooden fences; to reclaim
and labour untilled land lying in meadows or under
pasture; to make " stiling," or enclosures; to improve
the King's highway within the Barony; to cultivate
hemp and flax ; to watch over such matters of common
advantage as stone and wooden bridges, " faldyettis "
[cattle folds], and stiles; to provide common passage
through the lands and Barony; and thankfully and
obediently to pay their tithes and offerings to God
and the Church. The charter is dated at Stirling, the
8th day of December, 1509.
80 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
On the same date, and under similar conditions,
certain lands, erected into the Barony of Corrimony,
are conferred on the Bard's second lawful son, Iain
Og — Young John; and lands, incorporated into the
Barony of Glenmoriston, on his natural son — Iain Mor
—Big John — a man of singular stature and prowess,
who, despite the bar sinister, early attained to great
influence, and, in addition to Glenmoriston, owned
the estate of Culcabock near Inverness.
The lands embraced in the Barony of Corrimony
are the four pound lands of Corrymony; the four
pound lands of Morull; the eight pound lands of the
four Mikleis1; the forty shilling lands of Lochletter;
the forty shilling lands of Auchintamarag ; the forty
shilling lands of Deveauch; and half of the lands
of Mekle Clune [Clunemore], extending to twenty
shillings of land; and the forty shilling lands of
Petcarill Croy — extending in all to £27 of land as in
the new rental, and all lying in the Lordship of
Urquhart. The annual feu-duty payable to the
King is £27 6s 8d.2
Iain Mor's Barony of Glenmoriston consists of
the forty shilling lands of Conechane ; the forty
shilling lands of Craske; the forty shilling lands
of Enachur [Aonach] ; the forty shilling lands of
Auchlayn; the forty shilling lands of Wester
Tullclechart [Dulchreichard] ; the forty shilling
lands of Easter Tullclebhart ; the forty shilling
1 The four Meiklies included Shewg-lie, and Craskaig-, sometime
called Lakefield and now Kilmartin.
2 Reg. Mag. Sig., Lib. XV., No. 175; Chiefs of Grant, III., 54.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 81
lands of Wester Duldragyn; the forty shilling lands
of Easter Duldragin; the forty shilling lands of
Innerwik; the forty shilling lands of Blaree; the
forty shilling lands of Over Inver [Invermoriston] ;
the forty shilling lands of Nether Inver; the forty
shilling lands of Coulnakirk1; and half of the lands
of Mekle Cluny [Chmemore], extending to twenty
shillings of land — extending in all to £27 of land as
in the new rental, and lying in the Lordship of
Urquhart. In this case, also, the feu-duty is
£27 6s Sd;2 and the pecuniary result of the new
arrangement is that for the whole Lordship the
King is now to get £101 per annum, in lieu of
the £100 formerly payable but seldom paid.
With the exception of the Church lands of Ach-
monie, Pitkerrald Chapel, St Drostan's Croft at Bal-
macaan, St Adamnan's Croft at Tychat, and a croft
•attached to St Ninian's Chapel at Temple House, the
whole Parish thus became the property of the Grants.
It is difficult to account for the singular manner in
which the lands were divided between the Bard and
his sons. Probably the King's intention was to keep
them and their successors in dependence on each
•other, and to furnish them with a common motive for
the maintenance of peace. The Bard, as has been
seen, had the shielings of Cluny, situated more than
thirty miles from his Castle, and beyond the inter-
vening Barony of Glenmoriston ; and he also
possessed Carnoch and Kerrownakeill or Kerrow-na-
1 See p. 16 supra — footnote.
2 Keg. Mag. Sig., Lib. XV., No. 174.
82 URQUHART AND OLENMORISTON
Coille, beyond the lands of Corrimony, and on the
borders of Strathglass. Iain Mor had the detached
holdings of Culnakirk and half of Clunemore, both
in the very heart of his father's estate; while John
Og's Barony of Corrimony embraced the other half
of Clunemore, as well as Achintemarag, Divach, and
Pitkerrald-croy, also all situated in the centre of the
Bard's possessions. We shall hereafter see how
curiously this arrangement affected the administra-
tion of justice in the Parish ; and the inconveniences
to which it gave rise were so great that in the
course of time the proprietors found it expedient to
re-adjust their marches. In 1580, John, Second of
Corrimony, resigned his Barony in favour of Duncan,
heir-apparent of the Laird of Grant, who, on 19th
August, obtained a Crown charter thereof, in virtue
of which the Chiefs of Grant have ever since been
the feudal superiors of that estate. In granting to
John's successor a renewal of the title in 1610,
John, Laird of Grant, retained Shewglie and Loch-
letter, which accordingly ceased to form part of
Corrimony. In July, 1674, Ludovick Grant of
Grant made over Carnoch and Kerrow-na-Coille to
John Grant of Corrimony in exchange for Pitkerrald-
croy and Achintemarag. He had probably already
acquired Corrimony 's lands of Divach and Clune-
more. Glenmoriston's half of Clunemore, as well as
his lands of Culnakirk, were sold to Ludovick in
June, 1696. And as to the grazings of Cluny,
which became the common shieling ground of the
tenants of both Glen-Urquhart and Glenmoriston,
they have for generations been in the exclusive pos-
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 83
session partly of the Glenmoriston family, and partly
of the proprietors of Kintaii.
The Grants, notwithstanding the absolute right
which they had now acquired to the ancient royal
domain, had not yet attained to absolute peace. Iain
Mor of Glenmoriston, especially, experienced great
difficulty in reconciling to his rule the Macdonalds of
his Glen, who still looked on the Macdonald chiefs as
their only lords.1 The new proprietors, too, early
got into trouble with the Crown. Their charters pro-
vided that if they or their successors should at any
time be convicted of treason, murder, or common
theft, the forfeiture of their estates would be the
1 There were five septs of Macdonalds in Glenmoriston — Clann
Iain Ruaidh, Clann Iain Chaoil, Clann Eobhainn Bhain, Sliochd
Ghilleasbuig, and Clann Alasdair Choire-Dho. The first four were
descended from four sons of Iain Mor Ruigh-nan-Stop. That per-
sonage was on one occasion returning from Glen-Urquhart, along with
his sixteen stalwart sons, when they all sat down to rest at Fasadh-
an-Fhithich, near Allt-Iarairidh. As they rested, a raven flew over
their heads and dropped a bone in their midst. Twelve of the young
men handled the bone with curiosity, and as the thirteenth was about
to do so he was stopped by his father, who said, " Mas 'B fortan e, tha
gu leoir againn; ma 's mi-fhortan e, tha tuille 's a choir againn " —
"If it augurs good fortune, we have enough; if it forbodes evil, we
have too much." Before the end of a year and a day, the twelve who
touched the bone were all dead. The other four — Iain Ruadh (Red
John), Iain Caol (Slender John), Eobhan Ban (Fair Ewen), and
Gilleasbuig (Archibald) — survived, and from them sprang the four
septs called after them. Sliochd Alasdair Choire-Dho lived in Corri-
Dho. It has been, and still is, the custom in the Parish to bury the
dead on their backs, with their feet towards the east, in order that
when rising at the Resurrection they may have their faces towards
our Lord, as He appears in the east. Sliochd Alasdair Choire-Dho,
however, lie with their feet to the west, in order that, in rising at the
sound of the last trump, they may face their beloved Corri-Dho.
Their graves occupy the nearest corner to that Corrie of the old
churchyard of Clachan Mhercheird.
C84 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
penalty. But the apparent harshness of this provision
was greatly modified by another clause, which sanc-
tioned ' ' composition ' 3 for certain crimes. This
privilege, which resembled the Gaelic custom of Eric,
and under which pardon was purchasable for money,
was a source of considerable revenue to the Scottish
kings; and it was soon put in practice in our Parish.
In some unexplained manner the new proprietors
and certain of their tenants were, in 1510, held
guilty of receiving and assisting rebels, and forced
to make composition. Iain Mor of Glenmoriston's
•componitur is dated 1st July. On the 10th a
similar composition is made by a number of persons,
including John Makgillecallum in Borlum, and John
Eoy Makenis [Son of Angus], Donald Eoy Mak-
donald, Muldonych Owre, and John Makyngown [the
Smith's Son], all residing in Urquhart; and John
Makmurrych, Gillendris Makmurrych, Gillecreist
Macmuldonych, Donald Gowroy [Son of the Red
Smith], and William Alexanderson [i.e., Son of
Alexander], all on the estate of Corrimony; and the
Bard himself compounded on the 15th.1 Alexander-
son is especially distinguished, for he has slain, or
has been a party to the death of, Farquhar Macewen
—a crime for which he obtains express pardon.
Farquhar appears to have been a son of Ewen Mac-
lean ; and, with this incidental reference to his death,
his brave race disappears from record. In time they
ceased to dream of the ownership of Urquhart; and
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 56, 57.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 85,
E wen's descendants are now peaceful tenants on
lands for which their forefathers long fought and bled.
Greater misfortunes than these troubles with the
Crown were about to fall on the Parish. The bold
and chivalrous character of James the Fourth was
much to the liking of his Celtic subjects, and,
when he entered on that expedition which ended so
disastrously at Flodden, they nocked to his standard.
But it happened after his death as it happened after
the death of James the Second. The confusion that
followed destroyed the loyalty of the fickle Islanders,
and reawakened in their breasts the old desire for
independence. A Lord of the Isles was proclaimed in
1513 in the person of Sir Donald Macdonald of
Lochalsh whose father had previously claimed the
title. As the best bid for popular favour, Sir Donald
began his career by leading a large army into
Glen-Urquhart. Seizing the Castle, he expelled the
garrison and plundered and laid waste the Glen1—
among those who aided him being Chisholm of Comar,
Macdonald of Glengarry, an amazon from Buntait
who rejoiced in the name of Mor Euoin Evin, and her
son Donald Mac Alasdair. The spoil was rich and
varied. From the Castle were taken pots, pans,
kettles, napery, beds, sheets, blankets, coverings,
cods, fish, flesh, bread, ale, cheese, butter, salt hides,
and " uther stuf of houshald," of the value in all of
more than £100; while the booty from the land con-
sisted of 300 cattle and 1000 sheep, 300 bolls of bear
and 200 bolls of oats, with the fodder, from the town
1 Greg-ory, 114.
86 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
and grange of Kil St Ninian, which was in the
Laird of Grant's own hands; 100 bolls of bear and
200 of oats from Corrimony; 60 bolls of bear and
120 of oats from Achmonie; 100 bolls of bear and
200 of oats from Pitkerraldmore and Dulshangie;
120 bolls of oats and 60 bolls of bear from Meiklie;
120 bolls of oats and 60 of bear from Kerrowgair ;
and 120 bolls of oats and 60 of bear from the lands
of ' ' Tulaichla, ' ' probably Tullich of Corrimony. The
value of the oats, including straw, is stated at 4s per
boll, and that of the bear at 8s. Each cow is valued
at 26s 8d, and each sheep at 4s.
Sir Donald was not satisfied with the mere produce
of the land. As the successor of the old Lords of the
Isles, he would also have the territory, and for three
years he kept forcible possession of Glen-Urquhart,
:c lauboring and manuring " the fields, and preventing
the rightful possessors from enjoying their profits.
In legal proceedings subsequently taken by the Bard,
these profits, after deducting working expenses, were
estimated at 300 bolls of bear and 200 bolls of oats,
valued at the above prices ; and to this was added the
grazing of 600 cows and oxen, 1000 sheep and goats,
200 horses and mares, and 200 swine (the value of
each "soum" of grass being Is 6d), and also 120
merks of money, and 280 bolls of victual, bear and
meal, at the value of 8s per boll, as the amount of
"the maills, carriage, services, profits, and duties of
the remanent of the lands and lordship of Urquhart,"
of which the Laird was deprived during the three
years.1
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 62, 372, 373.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH 87
In consequence of the friendliness, if not the active
aid, of the Clan 'Ic Uian in Glen-Urquhart, and of
the Macdonalds in Glenmoriston, Sir Donald's sojourn
in the Parish was considerably longer than it would
have been under less favourable circumstances. But
the Grants finally prevailed, and Urquhart saw the last
of the invaders before the close of 1516. Having won
in the field, the Bard now entered the courts of law
against Sir Donald and his friends. A summons for
the loss and damage sustained by himself and his
fellow sufferers was called before the Lords of Council
at Edinburgh, on 26th February, 1517. The accused
failed to appear, and the extent of the damage was
referred to the oath of the Bard, who was present.
"Tua thousand pund, with the mair," was the sum
and substance of his evidence; and for £2000 judg-
ment was accordingly given. The Bard, however,
did not get his money. Sir Donald died in 1519. His
sisters, Margaret and Janet of the Isles, succeeded to
him; and in 1549 — long after the Bard's death — we
find his son James obtaining authority, under the
signet of Mary, Queen of Scots, to recover the debt
by poinding and selling the goods and effects of
Margaret, and of Thomas Dingwall of Kildune, son
and heir of the now deceased Janet; of Donald Mac
Alasdair, for himself and as heir of his mother, the
amazon of Buntait, who had also gone the way of all
flesh; and of Chisholm, and other offenders.1 What
the result of these proceedings was it is perhaps
l Chiefs of Grant, III., 62, 372.
88 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
impossible to ascertain. The probability is that the
debt was never recovered. In any case, no com-
pensation reached the people! of Glen-Urquhart for
the famine and distress which followed their spoliation
in the beginning of the winter of 1513-14, and the
violent possession of their holdings by the strangers.
Glenmoriston had the fortune to be inhabited mainly
by Macdonalds, and so it was spared.
One result of the invasion was that the Bard
sought an alliance with Ewen Allanson of Lochiel,
Captain of Clan Cameron, with whom he entered into
a bond of friendship on 22nd October, 1520. The
deed was executed at Urquhart before distinguished
witnesses, including the noble and mighty lord,
Thomas, Lord Fraser of Lovat; the venerable father
in God, Nychol, Prior of Beauly ; Hew Fraser, Master
of Lovat; John the Grant of Culcabock, as Iain Mor
calls himself; and Sir John McCoule, Vicar of Kil-
monivaig, who doubtless had come to watch over the
legal interests of Lochiel in connection with the trans-
action, for in that age the preachers of the gospel were
also the practitioners of the law. The Bard and his-
son and heir, James, and Lochiel and his son and
heir, Donald, bind themselves and their heirs for
ever to stand by each other, in " leil, trew, anefold"
kindness, and to defend each other in their persons,
goods, lands, and kin. The treaty especially provides
that the Camerons shall defend the Grants in Urquhart
and Glenmoriston, and that the Grants shall defend
the Camerons in Lochaber, against " all thame at
levis or dee ma;" and to strengthen the alliance, and
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH ^
" for the mair securitie," a marriage is, as usual,
resorted to. Young Donald Cameron is to marry the
Laird's daughter, Agnes Grant, in face of Holy Kirk,,
immediately after a papal dispensation rendered
necessary by some canonical impediment shall be
procured. Meanwhile, as in the case of the some-
what similar contract between Mackintosh of Gallovie
and Donald Mackintosh in 1482, l the rules of the
Church yield to the worldly interests of the parties;
and until the dispensation shall arrive the young
couple are to live together without the sanction of
religion — an arrangement calmly concurred in by
the pious vicar of Kilmonivaig. "And," to quote
the document itself, "if it shall happen that the
said dispensation come not home within the said
time of fifteen days after Martinmas [1520], the said
John the Grant is bound and obliged to cause them
be handfast and put together, his said daughter
Agnes Grant and the said Donald, for marriage to
be completed, in the default of the dispensation not
coming home at the said time." There is danger, of
course, that after the handfast period of probation
Donald may decline to tie himself indissolubly to the
young lady. And so to meet this risk Lord Lovat,
Alexander Cumming, son of Cumming of Altyre, and
Patrick Grant in Ballindalloch, become sureties that
the marriage shall be duly completed after the arrival
of the dispensation, under the penalty of one thousand
merks to be paid by them to the lady and her father
1 See p. 68 supra.
:90 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
in the event of Donald's refusal — and for that sum
they undertake to grant their formal bond at ' ' the
time that the said Agnes is handfast in hope of
marriage." The parties then touch the holy evangel,
.and give their ; ' bodily oaths ' ' to implement the
covenant; and so the bond of friendship is solemnly
•concluded.1 For the lady's sake it is pleasant to
record that Donald Cameron showed no desire to
discard her ; and in course of time their regular
marriage was duly solemnized. But the great object
of the treaty was not attained, and we shall hereafter
find Agnes' eldest son taking a leading part in the
most sweeping raid ever made on our unfortunate
Parish.
Under the charters of 1509, the Grants were, as
we have seen, bound to provide and maintain three
sufficient horsemen for every ten pounds of land, for
the King's service in time of war beyond Scotland,
and to assemble with all their fencible followers when
required within the kingdom. Several Highland
chiefs were in James the Fourth's army at Flodden,
and, although there is no clear evidence on the point,
it is probable that the Bard was among them. But
when he and his people were summoned by the Regent
Albany in October, 1523, to join him in an expedition
against England, they failed to obey. The Eegent's
army crossed the Border, and attempted to take Wark
Castle; but it was driven back, and the foolish adven-
ture came to an end. The conduct of the Grants was,
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 64.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 91
however, not forgotten, and they had to buy them-
selves out of the consequences of their disobedience.
On 13th February, 1527, by letters under the Great
Seal, James the Fifth remitted to the aged Bard and
his son James, their kinsmen of Glenmoriston and
Corrimony, and a number of other persons whose
places of residence are not given, their crime of
absence from the King's host at Solway and Wark,
and took them under the royal protection.1 The
list of defaulters was, however, not yet exhausted.
On 26th November, 1534, a number of Urquhart
men compounded for their absence from the Solway
expedition and other offences by paying £14 into
the King's exchequer. Their names deserve mention
— Gillanderis M'Gillemartyne M'Kerin, Kennoch
M'Gillepatrik, John Croy MTatrik M'Gillespik,
Donald MTaule Nele, John Dow M'Mulmore, and
James M'Kynkeir.2
The venerable Bard closed his long and useful
life in May, 1528, leaving the Barony of Urquhart
and his other estates to his son Seumas nan Creach
— James of the Forays. James had no sooner
.succeeded than he was called on by the King to
execute a strange and barbarous commission. The
Clan Chattan, whom we saw giving trouble in
connection with the claims of Ewen Maclean to
Urquhart, became, under the leadership of Hector
Mackintosh, such a scourge to their neighbours that
a royal mandate was issued in November, 1528, for
1 Chiefs of Grant, I., 515, and III., 72. 2 Ibid., III., 77.
92 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
their complete extermination.1 Directed to the
northern Sheriffs, the Earl of Moray, Lord Lovat,
John Grant of Freuchie, Chisholm of Comar, and
other Highland potentates, the writ commanded them
to invade the territories of the proscribed clan, and
to utterly destroy them by slaughter, burning, and
drowning, and to leave none of them alive except
priests, women, and children. What was to become
of the priests after their flocks were destroyed is not
suggested; but the women and children were to be
taken to the nearest port and put on board ships to-
be furnished at the King's expense, which would
" saill with thame furth of our realme, and land with
them in Jesland, Zesland, or Norway ; because it wer
inhumanite to put handis in the blude of wemen and
barnis."
John the Bard was dead before the commission
was issued, and the duty of executing it fell to Seumas-
nan Creach. But he and the other personages to
whom it was directed were slow to act, and the
Mackintoshes continued in their old courses. In 1534
they besieged and destroyed the castle of Daviot,
belonging to Ogilvie of Strathnairn, slew twenty-two
persons, including women and children, and carried
off a large booty of grain, cattle, goods, and household
effects. In this enterprise they were aided and
abetted by Seumas nan Creach himself, as well as by
Iain Mor of Glenmoriston, Gillanderis M'Gillemartyne
M'Kerin, and the other Urquhart men who com-
1 Spaldinsr Club Miscellany, II., xxxv., 83-
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 93
pounded for their crimes in November of that year.1
But this composition did not cover their offence of
.assisting Hector Mackintosh and his accomplices,
which was indeed specially excepted from the remis-
sion. A further payment became necessary; the
money duly passed into the King's treasury; and on
22nd July, 1535, Seumas nan Creach obtained a
general pardon.2 By this time, indeed, he had greatly
ingratiated himself with the King; and, on 28th July,
he received a royal letter exempting himself and his
friends and servants and the tenants of Urquhart and
his other estates, during all the days of his life, from
the jurisdiction of all courts and judges, except the
high civil and criminal courts in Edinburgh, and
prohibiting inferior judges and magistrates from
summoning or arresting the favoured people.3 The
Edinburgh courts were far distant, and for the
remainder of James' lifetime the men of Urquhart
were virtually independent of all law, save that of
their own baron-bailies. They would have been
better than the evil days in which they lived, if
they did not take full and frequent advantage of the
doubtful privilege which they had obtained.
1 Invernessiana, 206; Chiefs of Grant, III., 77.
2 Chiefs of Grant, III., 77. 3 Chief s of Grant, II., 1.
94 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTER VI
1535—1560
Troubles in the Western Highlands. — Feud between Ranald
Gallda and John of Moidart. — The Lairds of Grant and
Glenmoriston assist Ranald. — Battle of Blar-na-Leine. —
Glengarry and Lochiel invade Glenmoriston and
Urquhart. — The Great Raid. — The Spoil and the
Despoiled. — -Urquhart Burnt. — Incidents of the Raid. —
The Strong Woman of Richraggan.— The Big Smith of
Polmaily. — His Adventures with the Fairies. — A Won-
derful Filly.— The Smith's Sons Slain.— Legal Proceed-
ings against Glengarry and Lochiel. — Their Lands
apprised to the Lairds of Grant and Glenmoriston.—
Glenmoriston's Death. — His Character and Influence. —
Dispute regarding his Succession. — The Ballindalloch
Feud.— Death of the Laird of Grant. — Sad state of the
Country. — The Justiciar of Urquhart and Glenmoriston.
—A ghastly Gift to the Queen Regent.— The Reforma-
tion.— The Church's Patrimony Alienated. — John Mac-
kay acquires Achmonie. — The other Church Lands fall to
the Grants.
IN the summer of 1544 Hugh, Lord Lovat, and a
body of Frasers from the neighbouring district of
the Aird, passed through our Parish on their way to
join the Earl of Huntly in an attempt to suppress
certain disturbances in the Western Highlands, and,
especially, to assist Eanald Gallda in his struggle
with John of Moidart — Iain Muideartach — for the
chief ship of Clan Eanald. Eanald, who accom-
panied the Frasers, was a nephew of their chief,
and was related by marriage to the Lairds of
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 95-
Grant1 and Glenmoriston, by whom his cause was also
supported. The Laird of Grant joined Huntly with
a following from Glen-Urquhart and Strathspey; and.
in the ranks of the Frasers were to be found men from
Glenmoriston, led probably by one of Iain Mor's
natural sons.2 The Macdonalds of Glengarry and
Keppoch and the Camerons supported John of
Moidart; but, although Huntly penetrated into their
country as far as Inverlochy, they refrained from
giving battle, and he had to return homeward without
striking a blow. At the Water of Gloy the forces
separated, Huntly and the Laird of Grant proceeding
with the bulk of the army by Brae-Lochaber and
Badenoch to Strathspey, while Lord Lovat and Eanald
Gallda, with the Frasers and the men of Urquhart and
Glenmoriston, took the direct route to their own
countries, along the Great Glen. John of Moidart
1 It is difficult to say at what precise period Grant of Freuchie
began to be styled Tighearna Ghrannd, or Laird of Grant. Sir
William Fraser (Chiefs of Grant, I., 322) speaking- of the erection of
the Regality of Grant in 1694, states : — " From this date the Laird of
Freuchie changed his formal designation, and became the Laird of
Grant." But the title " Laird of Grant " appears at least as early
as 1569, and in 1592 James the Sixth so addresses the Chief (Chiefs, II.,
4, 11). Donald Bonn of Bohuntin, who nourished in the time of the
Commonwealth, repeatedly refers to Tighearna Ghrannd in his songs.
The probability is that the Chiefs were popularly called Lairds of
Grant long before they were so styled in formal writings.
2 Iain Mor's lawful son Patrick, who succeeded him in his lands
in Urquhart and Glenmoriston, is said to have taken part in the
expedition. He, however, could not have done so. Iain Mor's first
wife, Elizabeth Innes, was alive in 1541, and Patrick was a son of
his second wife, Agnes Fraser. In 1541 Iain appears to have had no
lawful son, as lands acquired by him in that year were destined to
John Grant of Freuchie, failing his three illegitimate sons and their
heirs.
$6 URQUHAET AND GLENMORIST01,"
now saw his opportunity. Carefully concealed on
the northern banks of Loch Lochy, he watched with
<eager eye the parting of his enemies, and stole along
the shore to meet Lovat at the east end of the loch;
and there the bloody fight of Blar-na-Leine took place.
'The opposing forces first discharged their arrows, and
then, casting aside their bows, and, according to
tradition, stripping themselves to their shirts, rushed
to close combat, and, with claymore and Lochaber
:axe, fought hand-to-hand for hours under a broiling
July sun. Both sides were literally cut to pieces. Of
the Erasers, according to their own historians, Fraser
•of Foyers and other four men alone escaped ; and they,
with their surviving comrades from Urquhart and
'Glenmoriston, returned home bearing tidings of the
•disaster, and carrying the dead bodies of Lovat and
his son and Eanald Gallda for interment within the
: sacred precincts of Beauly Priory.1
For the part taken by the men of Urquhart and
'Glemnoriston in the ill-fated expedition, John of
Moidart and his allies determined on revenge. A
-great invasion of the Parish was planned; and
Alasdair Mac Iain JIc Alasdair of Glengarry, his son
Angus, and Ewen Cameron, the young heir of
Lochiel, were appointed to carry it into effect.
Ewen's mother was a sister of the Laird of Grant,
and a half-sister of Iain Mor, and, as we saw in
our last chapter, the great object of the marriage of
1 Gregory's Western Highlands and Islands; Anderson's Family
-of Fraser; Chisholm Batten's Priory of Beauly. Blar-na-Leine is
popularly supposed to mean the Field of the Shirts; but the Gaelic
name is Blar na Leana, the Field of the swampy Meadow.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 97
which he was the issue was to secure peace and
goodwill between the clans. But it is not always
true that " blood is thicker than water;" and the
solemn treaty of 1520 was to him as wraste paper.
Into the project against his uncles he entered with
alacrity, and along with the old and young Lairds
of Glengarry gave the Parish a foretaste of what
was in store for it by appearing on the banks of the
Moriston in October, 1544, and taking a booty of
twenty " great" or full-grown cattle, eight calves, five
young cattle, four horses, one mare, twenty ewes, ten
wethers, twenty lambs, thirty goats, eighteen kids,
eighty-eight bolls of oats, twenty-nine bolls of barley,
and household goods to the value of £12 6s Sd, from
the lands of Invermoriston.1 The uplands of Glen-
moriston, which were possessed by the perhaps not
unfriendly Macdonalds, were not molested; and the
inhabitants of Glen-Urquhart were allowed the
privilege of feeding their flocks through the winter's
snows. But as soon as the winter was past — in
April, 1545 — the joint leaders suddenly swooped
down on the devoted Glen with a great host from
Glengarry, Lochaber, Glencoe, Ardnamurchan, and
the wilds of Clan Eanald, seized the Castle, and
swept the land of every hoof and article of food or
furniture which they could find — sparing only the
Barony of Corrimony, whose owner had taken no part
in the affair of Blar-na-Leine. Never before and
never after was Highland raid so thorough. For a
month or more the work of violence and devastation
1 Charter of Apprising to John Grant of Glenmoriston, Reg. Mag.
Sig., Lib. XXX., No. 263. See Appendix B for details.
7
98 TJRQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
went on; and when it was finished the invaders were-
the triumphant possessors of a magnificent booty,,
consisting of 1188 great cattle, 392 young cattle, 525'
calves, 2 plough oxen, 383 horses and mares, 1978;
sheep, 1099 lambs, 1410 goats, 794 kids, 122 swine,
64 geese, 3006 bolls of oats, 1277 bolls of bear and
barley, a miscellaneous assortment of furniture and'
other household goods of the value of £533 2s, £312
in money, twenty pieces of artillery, ten, 'stands of
harness, three great boats, and a quantity of linen and
woollen cloth.1
That the spoil was taken " with strong hand " we
know from the legal writs by which the Lairds of Grant
and Glenmoriston sought to obtain satisfaction from
Lochiel and his companions; and we learn from
another document of the period that in the process the
houses of the people were given to the flames.2 But
1 Charter of Apprising- to James Grant, Reg. Mag. Sig. XXX. ^
No. 314. See Appendix B for the details of the spoil an'd the names of
the despoiled.
2 Discharge by James, Earl of Arran, Governor or Regent of
Scotland, to the Laird of Grant, which is in the following terms : —
Gubernator, — Auditouris of our Chakker and Comptroller, we
grete you hartly weyll : Forsamekle as it is humly menyt and notourly
knawyne how the landis of Wrquhart and Glenmoristowne has beyne
hereyt and brynt be the Clan Cammeron, Clanrannald, and Clanayaner
quharthrow that our lowit James Grant of Fruquhie, fewar of the
saiddis landis, has gottyn na promt thairof sen the birnyng of the
sammyne, quhilk was in the monetht of Maii was ane year; quhare
upoune the said James hes menyt him to ws : Our will is, and we
charge you, the said James makand guid payment of all thingis bygane
that he aw the Queynis Graice and ws in this present Chakkere, that ye
allow and discharge the said James the Graunt and his partinarris,
fewarris of Wrquhard and Glenmoristoune, of thre termys maylis
bygane afoyr the dayt heyrof , of the sammyne landis, quhilk we be the
tenour heyrof dischargis and exonerys; kepand this precepe for your
warrand : Subscrivit wytht our hand, the xx. day of Julii, the yere off
God jm. vc. xlvj yeris [1546]. JAMES G.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 99
the formal records make no mention of how the Castle
was taken, despite its " twenty pece of artailzery;"
or of all the desperate fights and struggles and loss of
life that there must have been, ere the men and the
women of Urquhart yielded their flocks and their
possessions, to face famine and perish by hunger.
What the records omit, tradition to some extent
supplies. One legend tells how a woman of Eich-
raggan, seeing her only cow being driven away by the
Lochaber men, seized the animal by one of its hind
legs and held it fast ; and how Lochiel, amazed at the
woman's strength, ordered the men to leave the cow
with her.
But the great legendary hero of the period was
An Gobha Mor1 — the Big Smith, or Armourer, of
Polmaily. The Smith and his seven sons were noted
for their enormous strength. They were also as
skilful in the armourer's art as any who ever struck
anvil with hammer; and no weapons were to be
found in Scotland to equal their cold-iron swords
(claidheamhan fuar-iarunn) — much prized weapons in
the making of which the iron was heated and shaped
by heavy and rapid hammer-blows, without the agency
of fire.
If the Smith excelled as an armourer, he also
excelled as a husbandman; and his herd of
cattle at Polmaily were noted for their beauty.
But suddenly and in a single night they lost their
1 See the Author's Legends of Glen-Urquhart in Trans, of Inver-
ness Gaelic Society, Vol. II. (1873), for the Gaelic version of the Tale
of the Big Smith.
100 UKQUHART AND GJUENMOttlSTON
good condition, and became lean and famished; and,
feed them as he might, the Smith found it impos-
sible to improve their appearance. At that time
the fairies of Urquhart had their favourite retreat
at Tor-ria-sidhe (Tornashee), near Polmaily. The
Smith had one of them for his leannan-sidhe , or
fairy-love, and, as he rambled with her one day in
the woods, she informed him that her fellow-fairies
had stolen his beautiful cows, and that the lean kine
which gave him so much concern were croth-sidhe,
or fairy-cattle. Furious with rage, he hastened
home, and, armed with an axe, rushed into the
byre, determined to slay the unearthly herd. But
before he could strike a blow the cattle drew their
heads out of their halters and escaped into the open.
Seizing the hindmost by the tail, the Smith sped
with them till they came to Carn-an-Eath, in
Ben-a'-Gharbhlaich, near Achnababan. As they
approached the cairn, its side opened, and the cattle
rushed in, with the Smith at their tails. On
coming to a spacious chamber, which glittered with
precious stones, and was filled with articles of rarest
value, the animals were in the twinkling of an eye
changed into ordinary fairies, who desired the
astonished Smith to choose what he pleased for
his own. In a remote corner of the chamber stood
a little shaggy filly (loth pheallagach) , of which
he had heard his fairy-love speak as one of extra-
ordinary power; and he replied that he would take
the filly. " A tooth out of your informant's mouth,"
said the fairies; but they kept their word and gave
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 101
him the loth pheallagach, and strictly enjoined him
to use her only in the plough. The Smith promised
obedience, and went away with the shaggy filly.
For many years she was a marvel in the Glen, and
a blessing to the inhabitants—
Threabhadh i Achadh-nam-bo,
' S an Lurga-mhor bho cheann gu ceann ;
Mar sin 's an Gortan-Ceapagach,
Mu'n leagadh i as an crann ! l
But one day the Smith put the filly in a cart, for
the purpose of removing manure. He had broken
his promise to the fairies, and her wonderful power
left her for ever.
In the days of the Smith, a dispute as to their
marches arose between the Glen-Urquhart people
and the Frasers of the Aird. The Frasers pushed
their boundary line forward in the direction of
Urquhart to a point immediately behind the
township of Achintemarag, and sent a strong force
of young men to maintain it in spite of their
opponents. The Smith and four of his sons quietly
approached the young men and requested them to
return to their own country. On their refusal a
fight began, in which several of the Frasers were
killed, and the rest driven across the march claimed
by the Urquhart people. That march has ever since
been acknowledged by the Lovat tenantry, and the
1 Old lines which may be rendered —
Achnababaii she could plough,
And Lurgamore from east to west :
Likewise Gorstan-keppagach,
And still plough on without a rest !
102 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
affair is commemorated by Clach-a'-Ghobhainn Mhoir
—the Big Smith's Stone — to this day.
It happened about this time that one of Lochiel's
followers slew a man in Lochaber, and fled to
Urquhart, where he found shelter and employment
with the Smith at Polmaily. Lochiel heard that
the fugitive was in the Glen, and sent men to bring
him back. But he cut his hair short, and shaved
his face clean; and, although the Lochaber men
saw him as he worked at the anvil, they failed to
recognise him, and returned home without him. But
it soon reached the ears of Lochiel that the Gille
Maol — the Bald Young Man1 — whom they had seen
in the smithy, was the object of their search; and
he was very wroth at the Smith and the people of
Urquhart, and resolved to make a raid upon them.
Accordingly, he and a great many of the Clan
Cameron came and seized the Castle. But not
daring to meet the Big Smith and his sons in fair
fight, he sent for Gille Phadruig Gobha, the
Smith's son-in-law, and promised to give him the
lands of Polmaily as his own if he brought him the
Smith and his sons, dead or alive. " Choose out
for me two score of your bravest and boldest men,"
replied Gille Phadruig Gobha, yielding to the
temptation, "and I shall be their guide to-night."
The Smith's sons slept in a barn which stood on the
hillock at Polmaily which is still known as Torran
nan Gillean — the Young Men's Knoll — and at
1 According- to tradition, the Macmillans of Urquhart — Clann 'Ic
'Ille Mhaoil — are descended from this worthy.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 103
.midnight the traitor and a party of Camerons
-quietly left the Castle, and proceeded to Formally,
with the intention of killing the sons and then
•overcoming the father. Some of the Camerons
remained at the door of the barn while the rest
entered and attacked the sleepers, who, being with-
out their swords, were all slain, except the youngest,
whose back was broken, and who afterwards bore
the name of An Gobha Crom, or the Hump-Backed
.Smith.
While the work of treachery and blood was going
•on at Torran nan Gillean, the Smith's wife dreamt
that a big black sow, with a litter of young ones,
was undermining the foundations of the barn. She
dreamt the dream three times, and then roused her
husband and implored him to go and see whether
.all was well with their sons. Sword in hand, he
proceeded to the barn, and rushed on the Lochaber
men. They fled for the Castle, and he followed,
•cutting them down at every stroke. Observing his
son-in-law in their midst, he made efforts to reach
him, whereupon the traitor cried, " 'S mi fhein a
. th'ann ! }S mi fhein a th'ann /" — ' ' It is I ! It is I ! "
;' I know it is you," replied the Smith, at the same
time striking off the dastard's right ear, and placing
.it in his trembling hand as he crossed the stream
ever since called Allt Gille Phadruig Gobha; "I
know it is you; deliver that letter to Mac Dhomhnuill
Duibh,1 and tell him I shall breakfast with him
.at break of day." But before daybreak Mac
1 The patronymic of Lochiel.
104 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Dhomhnuill Duibh had left the Castle, and was far on
his way to Lochaber.
Eeturning to the barn, the Smith found all his sons
dead, except the Gobha Crom. His heart broke with
sorrow, and before long the Glen of Urquhart knew
him no more.
Such is the story of the Big Smith of Polmaily as
it has come down to us through the mists of the past.
We do not find the hero's name in the legal proceed-
ings which, as we shall see, followed the Great Eaid;.
but nevertheless they furnish a certain corroboration
of the tale, in so far as they show that among the
sufferers in Polmaily were — William, son of the
Smith; Fair John, son of Donald, son of the Smith;
and Baak (Beathag), daughter of Gowroy, or the Eed'
Smith. It is thus beyond doubt that a race of
armourers flourished at Polmaily in the olden time;,
and the Gobha Mor of tradition is more than the mere
creation of Celtic imagination.1
So heinous an outrage as the Great Eaid would
in stronger times have been avenged with lire and
sword; but the Kingdom was still suffering from the
disasters that closed the reign and the life of James
the Fifth; and the Regent Arran, who governed in
name of the infant Mary, Queen of Scots, was of an
easy temperament, and much disposed to let trouble-
some matters take their course. A royal invasion
of Lochaber and the country of Clan Ranald was
1 A sept of Macdonalds, in Urquhart, are still known as Sliochd a'
Ghobhainn Mhoir, the Eace of the Big- Smith. A spot near Tornashee-
is known as Ceardaich a' Ghobhainn Mhoir, the Big- Smith's Smithy.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 105
not to be looked for, and the proprietors of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston had to content themselves with an
appeal to the feeble arm of the law for what redress
was possible.
To avoid the multiplication of lawsuits, the
tenants made over their claims against the spoilers
to their respective lairds — the occupiers of the
Church lands of Achmonie assigning their rights
to Seumas nan Creach. That Chief and Iain Mor
of Glenmoriston, thus armed with a " title to sue,"
raised actions against Glengarry and his son and
young Lochiel, having first obtained from the Eegent
a discharge of three half years' feu-duties due by
them to the Crown, in respect that they had received
no rents from their lands " since the burning of the
same."1
The original summonses, issued under the royal
signet on 3rd August, 1546, are still preserved at
Castle Grant. The warrants to cite the defenders-
are peculiar — a citation by open proclamation at the
cross of Inverness is to be held as effectual as per-
sonal citation, ' becaus it is understand to the
Lordis of our Counsale that thair is ria sure passage
to the dwelling-places nor personall present of the
saidis personis." This singular provision, considering
the difficulty of making the Queen's writ run to the
gates of the Black Castle of Invergarry and the
shores of Loch Arkaig, was one of no small impor-
tance to William Bayne, the sheriff-officer who was
entrusted with the service of the summonses.
1 See Discharge on p. 98, supra — footnote.
106 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTO-N
Bayne did his duty at the cross, and the causes were
called before Alexander Baillie of Dunain, Constable
of Inverness, and John Cuthbert of Auldcastle,
Sheriffs-Depute of Inverness-shire, within the tol-
booth of the Highland Capital, on 22nd October,
1546. The defenders did not appear. The pursuers
attended personally, and so, doubtless, did their
plundered tenants. The Sheriffs took evidence of
the spoil and loss, and the defenders were ordained
to restore the cattle and effects, or to pay their value
and their " profits" for sixteen months, amounting,
in the case of the Laird of Grant, to £10,770 13s 4d
Scots, and in the case of Glenmoriston, to £718 lls Id
Scots.1
The defenders, who had thus become the legal
debtors of the Grants, were charged on the decrees.
They made no effort to restore the spoil or to pay its
1 The following1 prices are mentioned in the proceedings,, viz. : —
Great cattle, £2 per head; young cattle, from £l 6s 8d to £2 13s 4d;
calves, 6s 8d; horses and mares, £2 to <£4; ewes, 4s; lambs, Is 6d;
goats, 3s; kids, Is 4d; oats, 10s per boll; barley, 20s per boll. The
profits are calculated on the following bases : — " The profits of each
great cow above written by the space of the year aforesaid, extending
in milk, stirk, butter, and cheese to 13s 4d; the profit of each of the
cows for the space of four months beyond the said year, extending to
4s 5d ; of each young cow for the year, in milk, butter, and cheese, 10s,
and for the four months, 3s 4d each; of each horse for the year, in
labour, riding, and wages of leadings (conductionum), 30s, and for the
four months, 10s each; of each mare for the year, in foal and labour,
30s, and for the four months, 10s; of each ewe for the year, in wool,
butter, cheese, and lamb, 6s 8d, and for the four months, 2s 2d; of
each wether for the year and four months, in wool, extending to 16
pence; of each goat for the year, in kids and milk, 6s 8d, and for the
four months, 2s 2d; of each goose for the year, 5s, and for the four
months, 20 pence; of each pig for the year, 20s, and for the four
months, 6s 8d." The money is Scots. For its value in money sterling
see footnote 1, p. 69.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 107
value; and Bayne, the sheriff-officer, having failed, or
never seriously tried, to find any personal property
belonging to them which he could poind or distrain,
went to certain of their lands on 21st and 22nd April,
1547, and " denounced " the same to be " apprised ' '
to the Lairds of Grant and Glenmoriston in satisfaction
of the amounts due to them.1 Bayne doubtless got
through this dangerous formality in the enemy's
•country with all the secrecy and despatch in his power.
The next step in the process was more to his liking.
On the Clach-na-cudain of his own burgh he could
crow loudly, with less risk to his throat; and on the
26th of the same month he publicly proclaimed the
.apprising at the market cross of Inverness, and called
upon the distant debtors to appear before the Sheriffs
on the 20th of May, to witness the formal transfer of
their estates to the Lairds of Grant and Glenmoriston.
To this summons they naturally made no response;
.and, in their absence, the lands were apprised by an
.assize of twenty-one men of probity and position,2
who were solemnly " sworn on the holy evangels of
God" to do justice between man and man without
1 The Charters of Apprising, recorded in the Register of the Great
Seal (see pp. 97, 98, supra, foot notes), afford excellent examples of
the ancient process of " apprising," by which heritable or real pro-
perty was attached for debt.
2 They were — David Falconar of Halkertown, John Hay of Park,
Robert Munro of Foulis, Thomas Brodie of that Ilk, Thomas Dingwall
of Kildun, John Chisholm of Comar, Thomas Macculloch of Plaids,
•George Strachan of Culloden, Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, John
Symson (Fraser) of Erchit, Duncan Bayne of Tulloch, William
Denoon of Petmely, Alexander Dallas of Cantray, Alexander Ross of
Little Elian, Hugh Ross of Auchnacloich, John McEane McComas in
Auchnashellach, Robert McCallane in Inverlael, Murdoch Dow
McCoule, Murdoch Glas, Walter Innes, and Robert Falconer.
108 UKQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
fear or favour. To Seumas nan Creach were assigned
extensive tracts of country in Lochalsh, Lochcarron,
Lochbroom, Glengarry, and Morar, the property of
Alasdair Mac Ian 'Ic Alasdair and his son, and lands^
in Lochalsh and Kishorn, and the castle of Strome,
and the office of Constable thereof, belonging to Ewen
Cameron; while Iain Mor received certain subjects in
Lochalsh belonging to Lochiel, and lands in Loch-
carron belonging to Glengarry and his son.1 Charters
from the young Queen were granted to the Lairds,
subject to the debtors' right to redeem the properties
by paying the amounts due within seven years. Of
this privilege they did not choose to take advantage,
and, on the expirf of the period of redemption, the
charters became absolute.
The two lairds of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were
never able to take actual possession of the territories
to which they had thus acquired what the old High-
landers contemptuously called a sheepskin right ; and,
with the exception of Lochbroom, which was made
1 The lands apprised were — To the Laird of Grant, the twelve merk
lands of old extent of Lochalsh, the four merk lands of Lochcarron,
the twenty merk lands of Lochbroom, the third part of lands of Glen-
garry, Drynach, and isle and house of Sleismenane of Glengarry, and
the twelve merk lands of Morar, all belonging- to old Glengarry, in
frank tenement and lif erent, and to his son Angus in fee and heritage ;
the thirteen merk lands of Kishorn, with the castle and fortalice
thereof, commonly called the Strome, and the nine merk lands of
Lochalsh, all belonging to Lochiel; and to Iain Mor, the five merk
lands of Lochalsh, belonging to Lochiel, and comprehending the half
davach lands of Auchindarroch and Lundy, the half davach lands of
Fernaig-mor, half of the half davach lands of Fernaig-beg, Fynnman,
and Auchecroy ; and two and one-half merk lands of Lochcarron,
pertaining to the Glengarries, and consisting of the half of the half
davach lands of Achnashellach, the half of the davach half of the lands
of Dalmartvne, and the half of the davach lands of Torridon.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 109
over to Mackenzie of Kintail in 1570, these were in
the end all surrendered to their de facto owners. But
the royal grants had the effect of bringing Lochiel to
a more reasonable frame of mind, and of somewhat
lowering that high disdain with which he had
hitherto regarded the majesty of the law. On the
10th of October, 1548, he met his uncles, Seumas
nan Creach and Iain Mor, at Convinth, in presence
of John Mackenzie of Kintail, Kenneth Mackenzie
of Brahan, Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, and
others, and gave friendly assurances which resulted
in a new treaty. Lochiel undertook to keep " truely
his kindness and fidelity" to his uncle and his heirs,
especially in connection with the lands of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston, and to aid him in all manner of
actions against all mortals, except the Queen and
the Earl of Huntly, and the Laird of Mackintosh,
to whom he had recently given his bond of manrent ;
and the Laird of Grant agreed that, during his
nephew's good behaviour, the latter should uplift
and enjoy the rents and profits of the lands apprised
from him, and that they should not be alienated
from him, except under the advice of Mackenzie of
Kintail and his son Kenneth, the Laird's son — John
Grant of Mulben — Iain Mor, and others, the Laird's
' well-advised friends." Grant wrote his name like
a scholar, but the penman's art was incompatible
with the wild dignity of Lochiel, and his hand was
1 led at the pen" by Mr James Farquharson, that
priest of Urquhart whom he had helped to spuilzie in
the raid of 1545. l
1 See the contract, in Chiefs of Grant, III., 102.
110 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Two considerations weighed with Seumas nan
Creach in entering into this treaty — solicitude for
the peace of Urquhart and Glenmoriston, and a
painful conviction of his inability to uplift the rents
of the Western territories. As a matter of fact,
notwithstanding some efforts to make his nominal
right to the apprised lands a reality, he never
derived any benefit from them. In 1549 he made
formal complaint that his tenants in Morar, Glen-
garry, Lochbroom, Lochcarron, and Lochalsh, paid
him no rent, and that without his consent they
:i daylie fischis in his watteris and fischingis therof
and distroyis his growand treis of his
woddis . . . sua that the samyn woddis are all
utterlie failzeit;" and, in consequence, letters under
the Queen's signet were issued on 27th November
of that year, ordering the Crown officers to assist
him in dealing with the tenants.1 But no improve-
ment followed. The castle of Strome — the grey
ruins of which are still a picturesque feature in the
landscape of Lochcarron — continued to be' held by
his opponents, who were resolved to raze it to the
ground rather than let it fall into his hands. On
24th June, 1553, royal letters were issued com-
manding them to deliver it up to its lawful owner.2
But the command was not obeyed; and on 26th
August the troubled career of Seumas nan Creach
came to an end.
His son and heir, John Grant, lost no time in
obtaining a precept for infefting himself in the
1 Chief of Grant, I., 114. 2 Ibid, I., 115.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 111
Western territories.1 His object seems to have
been to put himself in the position of being able to
dispose of them for a consideration. In 1570, he
made over the Lochbroom portion to Mackenzie of
Kintail, who married his daughter Barbara; and a
year later he agreed to transfer to Angus of Glen-
garry his interest in that glen, and in Morar,
Lochalsh, and Lochcarron.2 The formal conveyance
to Angus was never executed — probably he did not
press for a sheepskin title — and Grant's son and
successor, John, undertook on 14th June, 1586, to
infeft the Laird of Mackintosh in the same lands in
consideration of an obligation by that Chief £C to keep,
preserve, and defend the lands of Urquhart, Glen-
moriston, and all other lands and roums pertaining
to the said John Grant of Freuchie, and his fore-
saids from all herschips [incursions], damage, and
inconveniences [that] may be committed or done
thereto in time coming by the Clan-Chameron, Clan-
Eanald, or any others, as he does his own lands and
bounds."3 No infeftment, however, took place, and
four years later Mackintosh voluntarily renounced
his right to the undesirable possessions.4 In 1597
they were claimed by Angus' son, Donald of Glen-
garry, and the matter was referred to arbitration,
with the result that in 1600 the Laird of Grant
conveyed them to Donald in feu-farm,5 and thus
parted for ever with estates which, since their
1 Chiefs of Grant, I., 127. 2 Ibid, I., 143.
3 See Agreement in Chiefs of Grant, III., 158.
4 Ibid, III., 176- footnote. 5 Ibid, I., 177.
112 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
acquisition in 1547, had only served to involve his
family in trouble and expense.
Of the connection of the Grants of Glenmoriston
with the lands apprised to them there is not so
much to tell. Iain Mor died a few weeks after he
obtained his charter, and until the year 1611, when
his grandson, Iain Mor a' Chaisteil, was served heir
therein,1 no attempt appears to have been made to
preserve even the semblance of a right to them. Iain
Mor a' ChaisteiPs title was duly recorded, but the
old possessors continued to keep a firm grip of the
soil; and in time the Lairds of Glenmoriston tacitly
surrendered a right which they were utterly unable
to enforce.
The death of John Grant, first of Glenmoriston—
or " of Culcabock/' as he was better known in his own
day — occurred in 1548,2 his brother of Corrimony
having predeceased him in 1533. 3 A man of great
energy and prudence, whose counsel was much sought
by his neighbours, he attained to a position of great
influence and power, and, in the end, died the proud
proprietor of Glenmoriston, Culcabock, Knockin-
tional (on which the Inverness Barracks now stand),
the Haugh, Carron, Wester Elchies, and Kinchurdie
in Strathspey, and the holder of less substantial
rights in the Western Highlands. His first wife was
1 Origines Parochiales, II., 396.
2 He is said to have died in September, 1548 (Chiefs of Grant, I.,
522); but he was alive in October of that year (p. 109, supra). He was
dead before 9th December, when the ward of his lands of Culcabock
was given to James Grant of Freuchie (Antiquarian Notes, 354).
3 Chiefs of Grant, I., 515.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 113
Elizabeth, or Isabella, Innes, daughter of Walter
Innes, and grand-daughter of Sir Eobert Innes of
that Ilk, by whom he had one daughter, Isabella.
Divorcing her, he entered into a union with Agnes,
•daughter of William Fraser, son of Thomas, fourth
Lord Lovat. This lady and himself were within the
forbidden degrees of affinity; and so, with the object
of removing the impediment and giving their children
the status of legitimacy, he obtained, in 1544, a
papal dispensation absolving her and himself from
the crime of incest, enjoining on them a " salutary
penance," granting liberty to solemnise their mar-
riage in face of the Church, and declaring their
children legitimate, whether born or to be born.1
Of the union thus sanctioned by the Pope there was
at least one son, Patrick, who succeeded his father
in his whole possessions, except Carron and Wester
Elchies, which were respectively left to Iain Mor's
natural sons, John Roy, and James.2
The precautions taken in connection with the
marriage of Iain Mor and Agnes Fraser secured the
•succession to Patrick. No sooner was the old laird
laid in his grave than John Grant of Ballindalloch
applied to the Queen for a grant of Glenmoriston,
on the ground that he had died without lawful heirs
male, and that the estate had therefore fallen to the
Crown. The application was granted, apparently
without enquiry into the allegations on which it was
based, and a royal charter was issued in favour of
1 See the dispensation, in Invernessiana, 217.
2 Chiefs, I., 522.
114 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Ballindalloch and his wife Barbara Gordon on 4th
March, 1548 — or 1549, according to modern com-
putation.1 Young Patrick's half-brothers, however,
stoutly resisted this attempt to rob him of his;
inheritance, and a feud arose, in course of which
Ballindalloch was slain. His claims were taken up
by his son without success. In 1556, Patrick was-
served heir to Iain Mor in the Barony of Glenmoriston,
and three years later he completed his title to»
Culcabock and the other Inverness possessions.2
John Grant, Seumas nan Creach's son and
successor, was served heir to his father in the estate
of Urquhart in October, 1553. 3 Under the charter
of 1509 a double feu-duty was payable to the Crown
on his entry ; but the Glen still suffered from the effects
of the Great Eaid, and on 6th April, 1554, the pay-
ment was remitted.4 John's estates were, indeed, still
a prey to neighbouring clans. To enable him more
effectually to punish offenders, Mary of Guise, Queen
iKeg. Mag. Sig. 2 Chief s of Grant, I., 522.
3 Seumas nan Creach left a will and an inventory of his moveable
estate, both written in Latin by Mr James Farquharson, priest of
Urquhart. The farm of Kil St Ninian, which extended from
Abriachan to Drumbuie, was in his own hands, and the stock, &c.,
thereon consisted of 80 bolls of oats, valued at £80 Scots, including
fodder; 8£ bolls of barley, worth, with fodder, £16; 20 plough oxen
(boves arabiles), valued at £40; 20 great cattle, valued at £40; 8
young cattle, two and three-year-old, worth £6 8s; 5 calves, £2; 64
"wild," or unbroken mares, worth £214 6s 8d; 18 foals, valued at
£27; and certain household effects and farm plenishing. It was at
Kil St Ninian (Temple-House), that the Lairds of Grant's tenants
paid their money rent, and delivered the rent which they paid in
kind. Hence it was called the Grange of Kil St Ninian as early as
1513.
4 Chiefs of Grant, I., 127.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 1 I 5
Eegent, appointed him Justiciar of the Crown within
the bounds of Strathspey, Urquhart, Glenmoriston,
and Strathdoun — bounds which his commission
describes as filled with " divers homicides, murders,
thefts, oppressions or sornings, reset of theft, and
open or strong-handed rapine ... to the extreme
depredation and destruction of our poor and faithful
lieges who inhabit the same."1 The Justiciar entered
on his duties with vigour — in one instance causing
certain evildoers, whom he could not apprehend
" quick," to be brought in dead, and presenting their
heads to the Queen Eegent, at Inverness.2
It was during these troublous times that the
doctrines of the Eeformation began to create a
spirit of unrest among the Scottish people. The
work of the Eeformers was greatly facilitated by the
unworthy lives of some of the clergy. Among the
dignitaries who helped to bring disgrace and disaster
on the old establishment was Patrick Hepburn,
Bishop of Moray. On him the vow of celibacy lay
lightly; and for his numerous illegitimate children
he made ample worldly provision by alienating the
ancient heritage of the Church. Having, as far
back as 1544, 3 disposed of Abriachan to Hugh, Lord
Lovat, he resolved to deal in the same manner with
its companion estate of Achmonie. That property
was let to John Mac Gillies, or Mackay, and his wife,
Katherine Ewen Canycht, for nineteen years from
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 116.
2 Invernessiana, 224. 3 Keg. Morav., 410.
116 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Whitsunday, 1554. 1 But the events that culminated
in the Eeformation were moving rapidly, and before
the expiry of the first three years of the lease, Mackay
became owner of the estate. Having paid " a certain
great sum of money in advance/3 and undertaken to
pay annually a feu-duty exceeding by the sum of £2
4s 6d the rent previously paid, he got a charter from
the Bishop on 6th May, 1557, conveying the old
property, " with the brew-house [brasina^ thereof
called Kilmichael," and including Kilmichael, Gara-
beg, Wester Ballachraggan, Drumcore, Breakrie-riach
and Eivoulich on the borders of Abriachan, and their
hill grounds to the marches of Kiltarlity, to himself
and his wife and the survivor of them in liferent,
and to their son Duncan and his heirs male in fee.2
The other Church lands in Urquhart fell to the Laird
of Grant. In 1556 Mary, Queen of Scots, presented
Sir John Donaldson to the chaplainry of St Ninian,
and the lands of Pitkerrald Chapel, and the crofts of
St Drostan, St Adamnan, and St Ninian; and gave
him the custody of the sacred relics of St Drostan.3
It was the last exercise of the right of patronage in
our Parish under the ancient rule. In 1560 the old
Church was overthrown. For its temporal possessions
there was a great scramble among those who had
1 See lease — Appendix C. A curious error occurs in the abstract
of the lease printed in the Begister of Moray (p. 393), where Katherine
Ewen Canycht — i.e., Katherine, daughter of Ewen the Merchant — is
called Katherine, Lady (Domina) Carrycht. The error is repeated in
the notice of the charter to the Mackays in 1557 (p. 394). Ewen
Canycht's name appears among the sufferers in the Great Eaid of 1545.
2 See charter — Appendix D.
3 See presentation and relative writs, in Chiefs of Grant, III.,
121-4.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 117
helped in its destruction, and the Laird of Grant, who
was a member of the Parliament which passed the Act
of Abolition, was not behind his associates in securing
his reward. He quietly appropriated the patrimony
of the priests in Urquhart ; and the lands which had for
ages borne the holy names of the arch-angel Michael,
and St Cyril, and St Drostan, and St Adamnan, and
St Ninian, were for ever lost to the sacred purposes for
which they were gifted by pious men of old.1
1 There were " Kirk lands" in Glenmoriston as late as 1572
(Register of Assignations, in Advocates' Library). These lands were
subsequently appropriated by the Lairds of Glenmoriston.
118 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTER VII
1560—1626
The Camerons and Clan Ranald plan another Raid. —
Mackintosh and Mackenzie of Kintail ordered to protect
the Parish. — League of Loyalty to Queen Mary. — The
Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston in Arms for her. —
Their March into the South. — Urquhart Feu-duties
applied toward the Queen's Maintenance in Lochleven
Castle. — Patrick Grant of Glenmoriston invades Ard-
clach. — He marries the Thane of Cawdor's Daughter. —
The Thane builds Invermoriston House. — Iain Mor a'
Chaisteil of Glenmoriston. — His Combat with an English-
man.— His Fir Candles in London. — His Influence and
Acquisitions. — Appointed Chamberlain of Urquhart. —
He murders a Packman. — Criminal Letters against him.
— Feud between the Macdonalds and the Mackenzies. —
The Raid of Kilchrist.— The Conflict of Lon-na-Fala.—
Allan of Lundie's Leap. — The Murder of the Mason of
Meall-a;-Ghro. — Bonds of Friendship between the Laird
of Grant, and Glengarry, and Allan of Lundie. — A Big
Timber Transaction. — The Laird saves Allan.
IN the olden times the wild inhabitants of Lochaber
and the country of Clan Eanald looked on the fair
reaches of Urquhart and Glenmoriston as a legiti-
mate field for cateran adventure as often as the
depleted glens were again fairly filled with cattle.
It was to those Western reivers that the " laying
.waste " referred to in the Exchequer accounts of
1478 and 1479 was greatly due. We saw them
clearing Urquhart in 1513, and again in 1545.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 119
They now began to think of another foray. Ewen
Cameron of Lochiel, who took so prominent a part
in the Great Eaid, died about the year 1554, leaving
his estates to his brother Donald Dubh, who, in
his turn, was succeeded by his nephew, Allan.
Allan was a mere child, and his grand-uncles, Ewen
Cameron of Erracht, and John Cameron of Kin-
Lochiel, constituted themselves leaders of the clan,
and, as a bid for popular favour, prepared to
invade our Parish in conjunction with their old
allies the Clan Eanald. A hint of their design, how-
ever, reached the Laird of Grant, and he lost no
time in seeking the protection of the Crown as his
feudal superior. His appeal was not made in vain.
.Signet letters, charging the chiefs of Mackintosh and
Kintail to assist him in defending the menaced lands,
were issued on 1st March, 1567, in name of King
James the Sixth, whose mother was now a prisoner in
Lochleven Castle.
" Forasmuch," says this writ,1 "as it is humbly
complained and shown to us by our lovite John
<jrant of Freuchie, that whereas he has the lands of
Urquhart and Glenmoriston, with their pertinents,
pertaining to him in feu-farm, heritably holden of
us, as his infeftment thereupon purports; and as he
is credibly informed divers wicked persons of the
Clan Eanald and Clan Cameron, conspired and con-
federated together, intend shortly to make incursions
upon the said John's lands, and to burn, harry, and
IThe spelling- is here modernised. See Chiefs of Grant, III., 132,
•for the writ in its original form.
1*20 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
destroy his poor tenants and inhabitants thereof,,
wherethrough the same shall be all laid waste and)
desolate, not only to his great skaith and damage,
but to the hurt and detriment of us, the said lands-
being of our property, which, being harried and laid
waste, we will want the feu mails [rents or duties]
thereof j1 which limmars and wicked persons, notwith-
standing, would not be able to execute their malice
and cruelty if the great men and clans adjacent to-
the said lands would concur with the said John's
tenants in their defence when they are invaded, as
they in no way will without compulsion : our will is-
herefore, and we charge you [i.e., the messengers or
officers of the law] straitly, and command, that,
immediately these our letters are seen, ye pass, and
in our name and authority command and charge
Lachlan Mackintosh of Dunachton, and Kenneth
Mackenzie of Kintail, and all others of the Clan
Chattan and Clan Kenzie, that they, at all times,
when the said John Grant's lands foresaid shall be
invaded or pursued by the said limmars and wicked
persons, rise, pass forth, and defend the same with
all possible diligence, and in no way suffer or permit
the said lands, or his tenants dwelling thereon, to be
oppressed, sorned, harried, burnt, or destroyed by
them, as they will answer upon their duty and
obedience to us : with certification to them, if they
be found remiss or negligent therein, they shall be
reputed, holden, called, and pursued as partakers,
fortifiers, and maintainers of the said limmars and
1 The feu duties were remitted after the raid of 1545.
See p. 105, supra.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 121
wicked persons in their cruelty and evil deeds, and
shall be punished therefor as if they had committed
the crimes themselves in their own proper persons.3'
The choice of the Mackintoshes and the Mac-
kenzies as defenders of the Parish was a singularly
happy one. The Clan Kenneth had for some
generations been gradually extending their name
and sway on the West Coast, and there were, at the
time at which we have now arrived, territorial disputes
of a serious nature between themselves and the
Camerons and Clan Eanald. In like manner the Clan
Chattan had grave questions to settle with the race of
Lochiel in connection with the possession of Glenluie
and Loch-Arkaig; and with the Keppoch branch of
Clan Eanald in connection with certain lands in Brae-
Lochaber. There was thus, notwithstanding the
formal style of the signet letters, no great " com-
pulsion ' ' required to set the Mackintoshes and the
Mackenzies at the throats of the would-be invaders.
Happily the confederates recognised the fact, and
shrank from their threatened enterprise. Urquhart
and Glenmoriston were spared; and the moral if not
active aid given by the Chief of Kintail was duly
rewarded in 1570, when he received in marriage the-
Laird of Grant's daughter, whose dower was her
father's territory in Lochbroom.
Mary, Queen of Scots, who, as we have seen, was
a prisoner in Lochleven Castle when the letters for
the defence of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were-
issued in name of her infant son, was soon forced
to abdicate in his favour, and to nominate her
half brother, the Earl of Moray, Kesent during his
122 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
minority. The sympathies of the men of the North
were, however, with the ill-fated Queen, and these
measures did not meet with their approval. In
1568, the Earl of Huntly, the Laird of Grant, Eoss
of Balnagown, Munro of Fowlis, the Laird of Mac-
kintosh, William Fraser of Struy, and certain others
subscribed a solemn obligation to ' ' defend the Queen's
Majesty, our sovereign, in her authority, as faithful
and true subjects ought to do to their native
princess, and to acknowledge no other usurped
authority."1 In May of that year the Queen escaped
from Lochleven, and, on her defeat at Langside,
fled into England; but Huntly still held out for
her, and with an army in which were the Laird
of Grant, Patrick Grant of Glenmoriston, John
Grant of Corrimony, William Grant in Borlum,
John Grant in Cartaly, and Alexander alias Alasdair
Grant in Urquhart, followed doubtless by the youth
and valour of our Parish, went through the country
with ' displayit baneris ': —now marching through
the streets of Inverness, now disturbing the sober
citizens of Aberdeen, or creating terror among the
peaceable inhabitants of Fetteresso and the Haugh
of Meikleour.2 But the Queen's cause was not to
prosper, and these displays were of no avail.
Huntly surrendered to the Eegent at St Andrews
in May, 1569; the Laird of Grant submitted
at Aberdeen on 7th June ; his example was
speedily followed by Glenmoriston and Corrimony
1 Miscellany of Spalding Club, IV., 156.
2 Chiefs of Grant, III., 137.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 123
and their followers ; and on 9th July a remission or
pardon was issued in name of the young King to
the Laird and his clan, including the Urquhart and
Glenmoriston Grants who have just been mentioned.1
The Queen's supporters bowed to the inevitable, and
the unhappy lady, cast into prison by Elizabeth of
England, on whose compassion she had thrown
herself, was kept in weary confinement until, after
the lapse of nineteen years, the headsman's axe put
an end to her sufferings on the black scaffold of
Fotheringay.2
While Patrick Grant of Glenmoriston did what
he could for his Queen, he did not forget his own
interests. In 1564 Bishop Hepburn granted the
lands of Farness and Atnach, in the barony of Ard-
clach, to John Wood of Tillidivie. These lands,
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 137.
2 Our Parish is otherwise associated in an interesting- manner
with the last days of Mary in Scotland. During her imprisonment in
Xiochleven Castle, the sum of £172 was assigned out of the feu-duties
of Urquhart and Glenmoriston and other Crown lands held by the
Laird of Grant, to meet her expenses there. In reference to this, the
Regent wrote as follows to the Laird on 23rd August, 1569 : —
" Richt Traist freynd, efter hertlie commendatioun : Forsamekle
.as the tyme the Quene, moder to our Souerane Lord, remanyt in
Lochlevin, thair wes assignit to ane part of the furnessing and
prouisioun of her house, the soume of ane hundreth three scoir twelf
pundis money of the fewmales [feu-mails or feu-duties] of the lands
of Vrquhart, Glenmoreistoun and vtheris the Kingis landis, quhairof
ye ar fewair; and seeing our brother, the Lard of Lochlevin, maid
the expenssis and yit wanttis the pament, it is our will, and we
•desire yow that ye faill not to deliucr the said sowme of jc. Ixxij. li.
to our said brother, the Lard of Lochlevin, or ony in his name,
presentar of this letter to yow, and the same sowme salbe thankfullie
diffesit . . ."
The payment was in the same month made to William Douglas of
Lochlevin, whose receipt, with the above letter, is still preserved at
€astle Grant.
124 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
apparently, were in the possession of Glenmoriston's-
illegitimate brother, John Eoy of Carron, who held
them by dachas, or unwritten hereditary title, and
who had acquired what right he had from his father,
Iain Mor. John quietly gave them up to Wood; but
Glenmoriston conceived that he had an interest in
them as his father's heir, and, by way of asserting his
right, invaded the disputed territory on its sale to
Hugh Eose of Kilravock in 1567, and slew and harried
the tenants. After " much jarring/' the matter was
referred to the judgment of Lord Lovat and John
Gordon of Carnborrow, who decided in favour of
Kilravock and ordained the Laird of Grant, as Glen-
moriston's chief, to put an end to the broils in order
that Eose might enjoy the lands in peace.1
Patrick married Beatrice, daughter of Archibald
Campbell of Cawdor, with whom he is said to have
become acquainted while attending the then noted
school of Petty. Tradition tells that her father,
visiting the young couple at Tom-an-t-Sabhail,2
was so affected with the meanness of their wicker
dwelling that he offered to build them a house at
Inverinoriston, more befitting the daughter of the
Thane of Cawdor. The offer was accepted; skilled
workmen were imported from the Thane's country;
and Patrick and his wife removed to Invermoriston,
which has ever since been the family seat.3
1 Reg1. Morav.,, 405; Family of Kilravock (Spalding Club), 77.
2 Barn-hill — a knoll on the south side of the river Moriston, oppo-
site Duldreggan.
3 Before the mansion-house was built on its present site there was
probably a tower on Torran-an-Tur (Tower Hill) at Invermoriston.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 125
Patrick, from whom his successors took the
patronymic Mac Phadruig, or Mac 'Ic Phadruig, died
in 1581, and was succeeded by his son John, who
soon became one of the most prominent men of his
time in the Highlands of Scotland, Like his grand-
father, he was a man of great stature, and, like him,
too, he was known as Iain Mor — Big John — to
which the words a' Chaisteil — of the Castle — were
subsequently added, in allusion to the part he took
in adding to and strengthening the house of Inver-
moriston. Of Iain Mor a3 Chaisteil' s marvellous
strength local seanachies have not yet ceased to tell.
During a visit to Edinburgh, says one tradition, he
was tempted to enter the lists against an English
champion, whose insulting challenge no one else had
the courage to accept. At the outset the com-
batants, as was customary, shook hands, when, to
the amazement of the spectators, Iain Mor crushed
the Englishman's hand into a jelly, and so ended his
boasting.
At another time, when he was in London,1 some
one sneeringly referred in his presence to the " fir-
candles" of his native Glen—
" Gleanna min Moireastuinn,
Far nach ith na coin na coinnlean !" 2
The Laird retorted by defying the scoffer to
produce in London a more elegant candlestick, or
more brilliant lights, than he could bring from his
Highland estate. A wager followed, and Iain
1 He was in London in 1631 and 1632.
2 " Glenmoriston the smooth, where the dogs cannot eat the candles .'"
126 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Mor despatched a servant to the North with a
message for the stalwart Iain Mac Eobhain Bhain—
a Glenmoriston bard distinguished alike for keen
wit and manly beauty. At the appointed time Iain
Mor's opponent appeared with a magnificent silver
candelabrum furnished with the finest of wax
candles. Glenmoriston had no such work of art to
show; but on a given signal the bard stepped into
the chamber, dressed in Highland garb, and holding
aloft blazing torches of the richest pines of Corri-
Dho. The effect on the astonished spectators was
even greater than the proud Glenmoriston had
ventured to hope, and he was declared the victor
with acclamation.
Iain Mor a' Chaisteil's temperament and char-
acter suited the rough times in which he lived, and
he early acquired great influence among his con-
temporaries. In disputes between his neighbour-
lairds he was constantly appealed to. He was
one of the justices and commissioners appointed by
King James the Sixth in 1592 to suppress disorders
among the Clan Eanald;1 and in 1622 he was
employed in a similar capacity against Lochiel.2 He
extended his territorial possessions by acquiring the
forest of Clunie and Glenloyne in wadset from the
Laird of Grant;3 by obtaining a similar title in
July, 1624, 4 to certain lands in Urquhart, including
Balmacaan, where he had already resided for a
1 See the Commission,, in Chiefs of Grant, III., 181.
2 Ibid., 335. 3 Ibid., 427.
4 Memorandum, dated 1681, at Castle Grant.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 127
number of years; and by acquiring in the same year
the lands of Pitkerrald, which, however, he only
held for a short time. To add to his influence, the
Laird of Grant appointed him chamberlain and baron-
bailie of Urquhart — an office which made him virtual
master of the whole Parish, and placed the lives and
fortunes of its inhabitants in his hand.
Iain Mor's power and influence notwithstanding,,
his name has come down to us associated with as
mean a murder as was ever committed by a man of
his position. In September, 1602, Donald Mac
Finlay Vic Norosiche, " merchant " —one of those-
travelling traders who in past days ministered to the
wants of the country people — was passing through
Glenmoriston on his way to or from Kintail.
With Finlay Mac Iain Roy, residing at Invermoriston,
and Alexander Dubh Mac Iain Roy, his brother, Big
John of the Castle waylaid the humble packman
6 upone the landis of Glenmoriestoun," bound his
hands behind his back, carried him as " ane male-
factour" into a wood, where, " as hangmen," they
hanged him on a tree, and so " wirriet him to deid"
—strangled him to death. Then cutting down the
quivering body, they ' with thair durkis gaif him
dyverse straikis in the breist and bellie, to the
effusione of his blood in grit quantitie;" and, having
thus despatched their victim, they placed the body
beneath a ' ' burn-brae ' ' —the overhanging bank of a
stream — pressed down the earth upon it, and so buried
it out of sight.
128 URQTJHART AND GLENMORISTON
Tidings of the dastardly deed soon reached the
^ars of the murdered man's friends in Kintail, and
Ms brother, Finlay Mac Finlay Vic Norosyche,
resolved to bring the perpetrators to justice. But
the law was slow to move against a Highland
•chieftain in the olden time, and twenty long years
vanished into the past before Finlay had the
satisfaction of seeing its cumbrous machinery in
motion. At last, criminal letters at the instance
of himself and Sir William Oliphant, the Lord
Advocate, were served on Glenmoriston and his
accomplices; and, on 2nd July, 1623, the cause was
called in Edinburgh, before Alexander Colville,
Justice-Depute. The accused, however, failed to
appear, and their surety, Patrick Grant of Carron,
was ordained to pay a fine of 700 merks, being 500
in respect of Iain Mor's non-appearance, and 100 for
the absence of each of his associates.1 And with
this payment the outraged majesty of the law was
appeased. Big John not only moved about free and
unmolested, but made his way to Court, and found
favour with the King;2 while Finlay Mac Finlay Vic
Norosyche was left to meditate in the solitudes of
Kintail on the evils summed up in his own Gaelic
proverb, 7s cam }s is direach an lagh — Crooked as
well as straight is the law.
Our Parish was soon to be the scene of a greater
tragedy than the murder of the merchant of Kintail.
We have seen how, in 1600, the Laird of Grant
iinally gave up to Macdonald of Glengarry his right
l Pitcairn's Criminal Trials. 2 See next chapter.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 129
to the lands of Strome ; and reference has been made
to the disputes that arose between the Clan Eanald
and the Mackenzies regarding their possessions on
the West Coast. These disputes had now ripened
into a deadly feud. In 1602 the Mackenzies wrested
the castle of Strome from the Macdonalds, who,
under the leadership of Allan Dubh, the young son
and heir of Eanald Mac Eanald of Lundie, resolved
to have their revenge. Allan began by travelling
through the Mackenzie country in the guise of a
pedlar; and having thus made himself acquainted
with the scenes of his intended operations, he, in
September, 1603, led a party of Glengarrymen into
the district of Eedcastle. Tradition relates how
he arrived on a Sunday morning at the church of
Kilchrist, and, finding it full of Mackenzies, quickly
surrounded it with his men, and set it on fire; and
how the distracted worshippers, as they endeavoured
to escape, were received on the swords and dirks of
the Macdonalds, whose piper strutted to and fro,
playing an impromptu pibroch, which, under the
name of "Kilchrist," has ever since been the war-
tune of Glengarry. Allan, as a matter of course,
lifted cattle and gave houses to the flames — burning
even the minister's " librarie and buikes " —and then
retired by Beauly and Glenconvinth with a booty of
horses and cattle.
On his way through Glen-Urquhart he rested his
men and spoil on the level moss at the base of Meal-
fuarvonie, which for ages furnished the people of
Wester Bunloit with their winter's fuel. But his
130 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
repose was short. Like the fiery cross, the flames of
Kilchrist drew the Mackenzies from far and near;
and a large number were soon on the track of the
Olengarrymen. As the Mackenzies rounded the
south-eastern shoulder of Mealfuarvonie, they saw
the Macdonalds on the plain below — ever since
known by the name of Lon-na-Fala, the Meadow of
Blood — and swooped down upon them with shouts
of revenge. For a time the Glengarrymen bravely
withstood the onslaught; but they were weary and
outnumbered, and Allan Mac Eanald had to seek
safety in flight, leaving the bulk of his followers dead
or dying. Wounded and weak, and pursued by his
enemies, he darted across the moor in the direction
of Loch Ness, until, after a run of about half a mile,
he suddenly found himself on a spur of the rock of
Craig Giubhais, from which there was apparently no
escape. To the left, and overhanging the shores of
the loch, was the precipitous face of the Craig, which
it was impossible to descend alive; to the right, and
curving round in front of him, yawned the wide and
deep gorge through which the burn of Allt-Giubhais
forces its way; behind, the eager Mackenzies were
at his very heels. Allan had but a moment for
decision. Eetracing his steps for a few paces, he
again flew towards the gorge, and, bounding across
it, landed safely on a pretty green slope which is
known as Kuidhe-a'-Bhada-Ghiubhais. His foremost
pursuer attempted to follow; but his toes barely
touched the opposite bank, and, falling backwards, he
seized a young tree, to which he clung for his life.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 131
Quick as thought Allan turned back, and with one
stroke of his sword severed the strained sapling,
and sent the brave Mackenzie to the bottom, a
mangled corpse. " I have left much with your race
to-day, ' J said he to his victim, as he struck the plant—
1 ' I have left much with your race to-day, let me leave
them that also." l
But Allan was not yet out of danger. The
Mackenzies, seeing the fate of their too daring com-
panion, retreated for a few yards up the stream, and
crossed it at Beala-nan-Clach — the Stony Ford.
Down the steep and wooded slopes of Euiskich,
Allan and his pursuers went until they reached Loch
Ness. Plunging in, Mac Eanald swam away from his
disappointed enemies, and was picked up by Fraser of
Foyers, who had seen him enter the water. From
Foyers he found his way to an island in his own Loch
Lundie, where he concealed himself. In time the
Mackenzies came to know of his retreat, and a large
company of them marched to Glengarry, carrying
with them a boat of the light description known in
Gaelic as coit. Fording the river Moriston at Wester
Inverwick, they rested at the rock still called Craig-a' •
Choit — the Eock of the Boat — and then crossed the
mountains to Loch Lundie. They launched their
coit and searched the island; but Allan had been
warned of their approach, and was now in the
1 By the Glen-Urquhart people the chasm is called Leum a'
€heannaiche — the Merchant's Leap — in allusion to the character
assumed by Mac Eanald. In Glenmoriston it is called Leum Ailein
Mhic Raonail — Allan Mac Eanald's Leap.
132 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
recesses of Meall-a'-Ghro, where, with the assistance
of a friendly mason, he made himself a place of
shelter between two ledges of a rock.1
The dangers through which he had passed, and
the hardships which he had endured, made him
suspicious even of his solitary companion; and when
the lowly hut was finished, he struck off the mason's
head as he crawled out on all-fours. Allan escaped
the vengeance of the Mackenzies, but he was ever
after the victim of remorse. " For the burning of
Kilchrist,'5 said he, " I hope for pardon; but I cannot
meet at the Judgment the faithful friend whom I
o
treacherously slew on Meall-a'-Ghro."
We have seen that the proprietors of Urquhart
early realised the wisdom of forming alliances with
their troublesome Western neighbours. The policy
which led the Bard to enter into a bond of friendship
with Lochiel in 1520 was followed by his grandson,
who concluded a somewhat similar treaty with
Angus Mac Alasdair of Glengarry in 1571. By
this latter contract Glengarry obliged himself to
cause his son, Donald, Mac Angus 'Ic Alasdair, to
marry the Laird of Grant's daughter, Helen, and to
deliver to the Laird " ane sufficient bond of manrent
quhilk maye justlie stand by the law of this realme,"
and bv which Glengarry and his successors and
^ o J
1 The traditional account here given of the invasion of Glengarry
by the Mackenzies is not without truth. The first Lord Cromartie
records that his grandfather, Sir Rorie Mackenzie of Coigeach, tutor
or guardian to Colin, second Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, " invaded
Glengarry, who was again recollecting his forces, but at his coming:
they dissipat and fled. He pursued Glengarry to Blairy in Moray,
where he took him " — that is, Blairy in Glenmoriston in the Province'
of Moray. — Eraser's Earls of Cromartie, p. xxxi.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 133
kindred would be bound to serve Grant and his
heirs in their quarrels, and especially to protect the
lands and inhabitants of Urquhart and Glen-
moriston. The treaty was renewed with Donald
Mac Angus in 1597, and again in 1600, when Grant
made over to him in feu-farm the castle and lands
of Strome. At the time of the Eaid of Kilchrist
'Glengarry was thus in the position of vassal to
•Grant; while Grant was on the other hand feudally
.bound to protect Glengarry and his kinsmen of
Lundie, " as becumis ane superiour to do to his
wassail."1 Allan Mac Kanald's exploits at Kilchrist
called for the superior's intervention; but the wily
proprietor of Urquhart set himself, not to bring
the offender to justice, but to befriend him and his
family, and so to bring them all the more effectually
under his own influence and control. On 23rd
July, 1606, Allan and his father met the Laird
.at Balmacaan, and signed a bond of mutual assist-
.ance and defence, by which they bound themselves
to serve and assist Allan Cameron of Lochiel, who
was also present, in such manner as Grant might
;' command or bid them by word or writ."2 The
friendship with the Lundies was carefully fostered
by the Laird during the rest of his life, and by his
son, Sir John Grant, who succeeded him. Allan
Mac Eanald and Sir John strengthened the alliance
by entering into an interesting mercantile trans-
action. The family of Lundie possessed woods in
Morar of great natural value, but which were utterly
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 197. 2 Chiefs of Grant, III., 203.
134 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
unprofitable in consequence of the ravages of thieving
neighbours, and of the difficulty of getting merchants-
to risk their lives in the attempt to cut down and
remove the timber. Sir John had experience as a
seller of timber on his own well-wooded estates ; and
he resolved to try his fortune with the woods of Morar.
In 1622, the lands which these covered were let to
him by Allan and his father on a lease for thirty-one
years, while he undertook to cut down the timber
gradually, to bring it to market, and to pay Allan and
his heirs ' ' the tua part ' ' (one half) of the price to>
be obtained for it.1
Among those who suffered from the evil deeds of
the Macdonalds at Kilchrist was Mr John Mac-
kenzie, minister of Killearnan; and no sooner was
Allan placed in possession of his family estate
than the minister took steps to obtain some
satisfaction for his losses. Letters were issued at
the instance of himself and the Lord Advocate
charging Lundie with having slain several of the
minister's tenants on the lands of Kilchrist; burnt
and destroyed twenty-seven dwelling-houses thereon,,
with the barns, byres, and kilns belonging thereto;
burnt and destroyed the reverend gentleman's whole
library and books, with 400 bolls of oats and 160
bolls of bear belonging to him; and stolen seventy
oxen and other cattle, and nine horses, including
the minister's own best horse. Mac Eanald's part in
the raid was too notorious to admit of defence, and
he refrained from appearing in court. In his,
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 425.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 135
absence — on 28th July, 1622 — his property and
possessions were forfeited, and himself declared an
outlaw.1 The Laird of Grant saved him from the
consequences. He instantly purchased the ' ' escheat' *
—that is, the forfeited estate and effects — from the
Crown, and left Allan in possession; and in 1626 the
latter acknowledged his indebtedness to the friendly
knight in a bond of manrent by which he bound him-
self and his heirs to be leal and true to the Lairds of
Grant for ever. And so the sun continued to shine
on Allan Dubh Mac Eanald, and, so far as the world
could see, he lived and died not much the worse for
the Burning of Kilchrist or the Murder of the Mason
of Meall-a'-Ghro.2
1 Chiefs of Grant, I., 222.
2 Sir William Fraser questions the truth of the story of the
burning of the church — (Chiefs of Grant, I., 222); and Mr Kenneth
Macdonald, Town Clerk of Inverness, has made a very able, if not
altogether successful, effort to free his clansman's memory from the
stain of sacrilege — (Transactions of Inverness Gaelic Society, XV.,
11-34).
136 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTEE VIII
1603—1640
The Proscribed Macgregors seek Shelter in Urquhart and
Glenmoriston. — Their Harbourers Fined. — Their Evil
Influence on the Men of Urquhart. — Doule Shoe's Raid.
— Commission of Fire and Sword. — Housebreaking a,t
Balmacaan. — The Carron and Ballindalloch Feud. —
Career of Seumas an Tuim. — His Supporters in Urquhart
and Glenmoriston. — The Castle Repaired. — The Clan
Chattan in Urquhart. — Their Friends Prosecuted. — The
Earl of Moray persecutes Grant of Glenmorison. — Grant
visits the King, and His Majesty Intervenes. — Death of
Glenmoriston and the Laird of Grant. — The Story of the
Covenant. — The Covenant subscribed by the Lairds of
Grant and Glenmoriston. — Opposed by the Parish Minister
and Lady Mary Ogilvy, Liferentrix of Urquhart. — A
Short Conflict. — The Minister Yields. — Attempts to stent
Urquhart for the Army of the Covenant. — Lady Mary's
Concessions.
DURING the early years of the seventeenth century,
the Laird of Grant and his tenants and clansmen
fell into trouble in connection with the proscribed
Clan Gregor, whose wrongs and sufferings are still
the theme of many a plaintive Gaelic song. Before
the beginning of that century the Macgregors had
for generations held possessions in the Southern
Highlands in virtue of the unwritten right of
duchas. With their neighbours, the Campbells,
the Colquhouns, and the Grahams, they had been
at constant strife. 'Many enormities were laid
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 137
to their charge, and the long list reached its height
in 1603, when, in the pass of Glenfniin, they
.swooped down on Colquhoun of Luss, and slew two
hundred of his vassals and tenants, besides many
gentlemen and burgesses of the burgh of Dumbarton.
Tidings of the carnage, evidenced by the production
of eleven score blood-stained shirts taken off the
bodies of the slain, soon reached the King; and the
utter destruction of the offending race was resolved
on. They were prohibited from meeting together,
or using the name of Macgregor. To harbour or
shelter them was made a crime. The Earl of Argyll,
armed with a royal commission to extirpate them,
scoured their glens and hill-sides with his vassals and
allies, and hunted them down like deer. For a time
they defended themselves and their families and flocks
with surpassing valour. But in the end the superior
numbers of their foes prevailed, and the wretched
remnant who survived adopted other names, and
sought refuge in distant parts of the Highlands.
With the Grants the unfortunate people had from
early times been united by the ties of clanship — both
races were, according to their seanachies, branches of
the ancient Clan Alpin — and to the territories of the
'Grants they now flocked. Although the relationship
rested on the haziest of traditions, it was sacredly
respected, and the inhabitants of Strathspey and
Urquhart and Glenmoriston gave willing shelter to
the homeless strangers. They suffered for their hospi-
tality. Commissioners were appointed to discover
and punish the harbourers of the dispersed Mac-
138 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
gregors; and among those who were found guilty
and heavily fined were the Laird of Grant ; Archibald
Grant, brother of the Laird of Glenmoriston ; James
Grant in Pitkerrald; Patrick Grant, son of the Laird
of "Breyis" (the Braes, or Corrimony); Alasdair
Eoy Grant in Shewglie; John Mac Iain Mullich,
Officer in Urquhart; Donald Og Mac Iain Mullich.
in Polmaily; and John Cearr Mac Donald Mac-
Donachie Mac Gillespick, Hucheon Mac Iain Donachie,
Duncan Mac Iain Mullich, and Duncan Mac Iain Glas,
all described as "in Urquhart;" as well as many in
Strathspey.1
Taking advantage of the law which in those
times made chiefs responsible for the conduct of
their people, Argyll called upon the Laird of Grant
to pay not only his own fine but also those inflicted
on his clansmen and dependants. The Laird admitted
his liability, but disputed the amount. Eecourse was
had to arbitration, and on 3rd February, 1615, the
total amount to be paid by the Laird for himself and his
friends and tenants was fixed at 16,000 merks,2 and
that enormous sum was paid before the end of the
month.3
The evil habits of the Macgregors, on whose
account this heavy fine was incurred, had a baneful
influence on their protectors in our Parish. During
their many years of strife and struggle as the
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 315.
2 A merk was equal to 13s 4d.
3 See receipt therefor in Chiefs of Grant, III., 316. The Laird
doubtless collected their shares of the amount from the other har-
bourers of the Macgregors.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 139>
Ishmaelites of the Highlands, they became expert
and daring in the appropriation and destruction
of their neighbours' property; and the men of
Urquhart soon began to follow their example. On
13th July, 1614, a Glen-Urquhart man, of the
name of Dugald Grant, but better known as Doule
Shee — Dugald of Peace — in sarcastic allusion, pro-
bably, to his character as a man of strife, made a
raid along with Thomas Calder in Delnie, Alasdair
Cain Mac Eobbie in Urchine, and Lachlan Mac
Lachlan Vic Donald Vic Iain Duy, on Colin
Campbell of Clunes, near Nairn — burning his cham-
bers, barns, and sheep-cot, houghing and slaying
three mares and a horse, and committing other
barbarities.1 For these crimes Dugald and his asso-
ciates were summoned to appear for trial, and, failing,
to do so, were put to the horn. A royal commission
was issued to Eobert Dunbar of Burgie, John Dunbar
of Moynes, and George Munro of Tarrell, requiring
them to bring the outlaws to justice, not only for their
attack on Clunes, but also on the charge of doing
' what in them lies to associate unto themselves all
such of the disordered thieves and limmars and
fugitives of the Highlands as they can foregather
with, intending thereby, how soon their number
shall increase to any reasonable company, then to
maintain an open and avowed rebellion." The com-
missioners were authorised to raise the lieges, and
pursue the accused with fire and sword, and to
detain as many as should be apprehended ' ' in sure
1 Thanes of Cawdor (Spalding Club), 227.
140 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
firmance and captivite," until justice should "be
ministrat upon them.'31 Their operations are not
recorded; but, so far at least as Doule Shee
was concerned, they had no result. That worthy
remained at large, and we find him years afterwards
in the train of the famous outlaw, James Grant of
'Carron.
The men of Urquhart made their own Glen the
scene of their next thieving adventure. In April,
1615, Balmacaan House, which at that time was
•occupied by the stalwart Iain Mor a5 Chaisteil, Cham-
berlain and Baron-Bailie of Urquhart, was broken
into, and fourteen locked chests forcibly opened, and
their contents stolen. Patrick Grant of Divach-
more, Duncan Grant in Wester Bunloit, James Mac
Alasdair Vic Iain Oig in Inchbrine, and Ewen Mac
Neil Vic Uian " in Little dune," or Clunebeg — a
member of the brave race who so strenuously opposed
the Grants a century earlier — were accused of the
crime, and cited by Glenmoriston to appear in Edin-
burgh to answer the charge. The case was called
on 21st July, 1620, when Glenmoriston withdrew
the complaint against Mac Uian, and declared him
innocent. The others were ordered to be tried on
the third day of the next justice-air, or circuit
court, at Inverness; and John Grant, younger of
Ballindalloch, who, bearing no love to Glenmoriston,
interested himself in their defence, became bound for
their due appearance.2 At this stage we unfortu-
nately lose sight of the proceedings, and whether the
l Thanes of Cawdor, 227. 2 Pitcairn's Criminal Trials.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 14 1
accused were convicted, and hanged, as house-
breakers were then wont to be, or whether they
were acquitted, and restored to their friends, will
probably never be ascertained.
We have seen how on the death of John Grant,
first of Glenmoriston, an attempt was made by
Grant of Ballindalloch to rob his young heir of his
inheritance; how the boy's part was taken by his
natural brother, John Eoy of Carron; and how
Ballindalloch lost his life in the quarrel. The feud
thus begun between the families of Ballindalloch
and Carron increased in fierceness as time passed,
and at the period at which we have now arrived
raged with murderous fury. In the year 1615,
Thomas, son of Grant of Carron, was met at an
Elgin fair by one of the Grants of Ballindalloch, and
savagely assaulted. James Grant, another son' of
Carron, rushed to his brother's aid, and slew the
assailant. Summoned before a court on the charge
of murder, James refused to appear, and was out-
lawed. Placing himself at the head of a band of
desperate men, he bade defiance to the authorities,
and became the scourge of the Central Highlands.
Ballindalloch and his possessions were the special
objects of his attention; but he did not scruple to
take other victims when opportunity offered or
occasion required. John Grant of Glenmoriston.
remembering how much his father and himself owed
to the house of Carron, sheltered and befriended the
outlaw and his band — " ane infamous byke of law -
lesse lymmars," among whom were the son — aye,
142 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
and the wife, too — of Robert Finlay Mac Iain Roy
in Glenmoriston, and the Urquhart veteran Doule
Shee, with his sons Donald, John, and Ewen.1
James Grant, or Seumas an Tuim — James of the
Hill — as he was commonly called, was at last seized
by the Mackintoshes, who had themselves been
released from outlawry on undertaking to effect his
capture. Carried south, he was lodged in Edin-
burgh Castle to await his trial, but by means of a
rope which his wife secretly sent him in a keg of
butter, he got over the Castle wall and descended
the rock; and, escaping into the Highlands,
wandered for a time among his kinsmen in Glen-
moriston, Glen-Urquhart, and Strathspey.2 Return-
ing to his old courses he, in November, 1634,
seized young Ballindalloch near his own house,
and kept him prisoner in a filthy kiln. This piece
of good fortune he endeavoured to turn, not to his
own advantage, but to that of the friends who had
sheltered him in his fugitive days. He offered to
set his captive free on condition that he would
procure a pardon for Glenmoriston and his sons, and
old Allan Mac Ranald of Lundie, who had all
befriended him, and for all those who had harboured
him on the estates of Grant, Glenmoriston, Lundie,
Carron, and Huntly; that he would discharge a
debt of 4000 merks due to him by Glenmoriston;
and that he would obtain from the Earl of Moray a
1 Proclamation by the Privy Council, quoted in Spalding's
Memorialls of the Trubles in Scotland (Spalding- Club), I., 430.
2 See Memorialls of the Trubles in Scotland, Vol. I., and Gordon's
Earldom of Sutherland, 414 et seq., and 459, for the career of Carron.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PAEISH 143
discharge of 5000 merks due by Allan Mac Eanald to
the Earl.1 The prisoner declined the terms, and
was detained; but in a few weeks he escaped
through the treachery of one of his guards, with
whom he is said to have conversed in Latin, and
immediately lodged with the Government a com-
plaint against the Lairds of Grant and Glenmoriston,
in which he stated that the dreaded freebooter was
then living among their tenants with their own
connivance. The Laird of Grant was ordered to
apprehend the outlaw, and he made a show of
obedience. His heart was, however, not in the
work, and James remained a free man until 1639,
when he was pardoned by Charles the First. He
was subsequently employed by the Marquis of
Huntly in hunting down fugitive Macgregors, and
thereafter in similar service against the Cove-
nanters. In the end he is supposed to have died a
natural death, after having for many years led a
wild and lawless life, charmed, apparently, against
all dangers.
The Laird of Grant entered, on 26th March,
1623, into a contract with James Moray, master
mason, for the repair of the Castle of Urquhart.2
The troubles of the times demanded that the old
fortress should be put in order, for pillage and outrage
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 448.
2 Contract at Castle Grant. Moray's tombstone was unearthed at
Kilmore, Glen-Urquhart, some twenty years ago. It bears the
inscription — te Heir lyis aen onest man caled James Muray, wha
departed this lyf . . . day of May, 1636 — Mento Mori." It is
the oldest stone with an inscription found in the churchyard, with
the exception of one other, bearing- the date 2nd March, 1621, but the
inscription on which is not further legible.
144 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
flourished in the North, and Urquhart was soon tO'
suffer. The Clan Chattan, quarrelling with the Earl
of Moray, invaded and raided his estates; and,
having thus acquired a taste for the work, they
in 1624 extended the field of their operations,
visiting Glen-Urquhart in their progress, and
' taking thair mete and food perforce quher they
culd not get it willingly, fra freindis allsweill as
fra their faes." The Earl hastened to the King,
and got himself appointed Lieutenant of the North,
with authority to subdue the unruly clan and to
line and otherwise punish such as had harboured or
aided them. Letters of intercommuning, prohibiting
all persons from receiving, supplying, or entertaining
them, under heavy penalties, were proclaimed at
Inverness and other burghs. In a short time they
surrendered and were offered pardon, on condition,
as we have seen, that they should bring James of
Carron to justice,1 and on the further condition that
they should furnish the Earl with the names of such
as had sheltered or entertained themselves after the
publication of the letters of intercommuning.2 To
these terms the ungrateful clan agreed, and Moray
proceeded to enrich himself by exacting heavy fines
from the benefactors they had betrayed. Among his
victims was John Grant of Glenmoriston, on whose
lands in Urquhart the Mackintoshes sorned in 1620.
Glenmoriston refused to pay the heavy sums in
which he was mulcted, and so persistent was Moray's
l Mackintosh Shaw's Mackintoshes and Clan Chattan, 31G.
2Memorialls of the Truble?, I., 7.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 145
persecution of him that at last he journeyed to
London to lay his case before the King.1 All he
demanded was a fair trial. The King listened to
his complaint, and addressed a letter to the Scottish
Privy Council, ordering them to take him bound to
appear before themselves or any court they might
consider competent, to answer the charges against
him.2
The effect of the royal intervention was to put
an end to the persecution to which Glenmoriston
had so long been subjected; and he was soon able
to come to an agreement with the Earl " quyetlie
efter he had maide gryt travell and expenssis for
his just defenss. "3 The trial which he had demanded
never took place, and he was allowed to pass the
few remaining years of his life in peace. He died
before 31st March, 1637. His Chief, Sir John Grant,
died on 1st April; and they thus both escaped the
troubles that were about to overtake their country.
1 Memorialls of the Trubles, I., 9.
2 The King's letter is in the following terms: — "Charles E. —
Right trustie and right welbeloved cousin and councellour, right
trusty and welbeloved cousins and councellours, and right trustie
and welbeloved councellors, wee greete yow well. Whereas John
Grant of Glenmoriston hath long attended our Court, humblie craving
of us that wee wold be pleased to give order that a course might be
taken for his tryall, touching some imputationes wherewith wee were
informed against him, who being willing to underly the law, and to
that effect to be tryed either before the Justice Generall, or any other
judicatorie yow shall think competent : Our pleasure is that yow tak
sufficient suretie of him for his, his sonnes, brothers, and servants
appearance before yow, or any judicatorie thought competent by yow,
at such a day as you shall think fitt to prescribe, that he may enjoy
the benefite of our lawes as is ordinarie in the like cases. Wee bid
yow farewell. From our Court at Whitehall, the 21 of Aprile, 1632."
3 Memorialls of the Trubles, I., 9.
146 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The story of Charles the First's unfortunate
attempt to impose an obnoxious liturgy on the
Scottish Church is well known. The tumult which
Jennie Geddes' stool raised within the church of
St Giles gradually developed into the great Civil
War which brought about the fall of the Bishops,
the execution of the King, and the subjugation of
Scotland by Oliver Cromwell. James Grant, who
had succeeded Sir John Grant, his father, as Laird
of Grant, took the popular side against Charles — a
side that at the outset was supported by almost all the
nobles and landowners in Scotland.
In April, 1638, the Earl of Sutherland, Lord
Lovat, Lord Eeay, and Mr Andrew Cant, of noted
memory, appeared at Inverness, and got the famous
National Covenant, which had already been sub-
scribed by thousands in the Lowlands, signed by
"the haill toune except Mr Williame Clogie, minister
at Innerniss, and sum few otheris3'1 — the town's
crier proclaiming the obligation of signing, with the
alternative of heavy penalties against all who were
obstinate or hesitating.2 The Laird of Grant and
young Patrick Grant, who had now succeeded to
Glenmoriston, threw their influence into the scale
of the Covenant; but the people of our Parish were
slow to follow their example, and the minister — Mr
Alexander Grant — resented, and for a time resisted,
the coercion exercised to procure his adhesion. But
after the Glasgow General Assembly had abolished
1 Memorialls of the Trubles, I., 88.
2 Hill Burton's History of Scotland, VI., 205.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 147
the Episcopal office, to which he was attached, he
yielded to the pressure brought to bear on him, and
signed the Covenant on 14th May, 1639. The cause
which it represented was, however, without his
sympathy, and it did not prosper among his people.
That cause had a sincere opponent in the Laird
of Grant's mother, Dame Mary Ogilvy, who, since
her husband's death, possessed Urquhart as liferent
proprietrix,1 and, with her younger children, resided
in the Castle. Dame Mary — or Lady Ogilvy, as she
was better known2 — was strongly attached to the
King and the Bishops. On the other hand, there
was no great love between herself and her son; and
she did what she could to counteract and render
fruitless his efforts for the Covenant. In this course
she doubtless had the approval of the minister of the
Parish.
In 1640 a great Covenanting army entered
England under General Leslie; and Major-General
Munro, a fierce Eoss-shire soldier, who had been
1 She possessed tinder contract, dated 21st June, 1634, between her
husband and herself. He reserved to himself and his heirs the liberty
to draw dams and passages to the ironworks in Urquhart, with liberty
to put and build the said ironworks on the lands, provided he and his
foresaids upheld the rental of the lands wherethrough and whereon
the said dams, passages, and ironworks should be drawn and built.
He also reserved the use of the whole woods of Urquhart for the use
of the ironworks, except to serve the use of the country from the
woods of Lochletter, Inchbrine, Cartaly, and Dulshangie, at the will
and pleasure of the tenants and inhabitants. — Chiefs of Grant, III.,
445.
2 She was a daughter of Sir Walter Ogilvy of Findlater, after-
wards Lord Deskford. It was customary in those times for ladies to
retain their maiden surnames after marriage. At a subsequent period
they used both surnames — a custom still adhered to by Scottish
lawyers.
148 URQUHART AND GLENMOR1STON
trained in the Continental wars, was left in command
of the forces of the Covenant in Scotland. Munro
rode with a small escort through the northern
counties, getting the chiefs and landowners to raise
their fighting men, and forward them to Leslie.1
He forced Lady Ogilvy to give him written authority
to send men from Urquhart, and to tax her lands
and tenants for their support. But the people
understood that the authority was not freely given,
and they refrained from actively responding to it.
In these circumstances the Laird took his mother in
hand, with the result that on 8th September she
made a formal declaration within the Castle in
presence of James Leslie, notary-public, Patrick
Grant of Glenmoriston, Alexander Baillie of
Dunain, and John Grant of Lurg, to the effect
that her son might, ' by word and not by
writ," do all things requisite and lawful for the
furtherance of the cause of the Covenant in
Urquhart.2 Glenmoriston, who acted as her son's
agent, pressed her to stent her lands for the main-
tenance of the men sent south, or to give her son
her concurrence and assistance in doing so, "or at
least to give power or warrant in writing to the
said James Grant [her son], or to her own bailies
and officers, for stenting her lands of Urquhart and
people for maintenance of those men whom she
should send south." The lady replied that she was
unable to grant the written warrant demanded, for
1 Memonialls of the Trubles, I., 320.
2 See the Permission, in Chiefs of Grant, III., 231.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 149
the reason that she had already given a similar
warrant to General Munro; but she offered not to
resist her son in any steps he might deem it proper
to take, in the event of his coming to the Parish
with the full acquiescence of the General, or of the
'* 'Tables'1 which now governed Scotland. She
absolutely refused, however, to give any active aid
to her son, whom she accused of having unnaturally
done her great harms, injuries, and oppressions; but,
she adds — having the fear of the Covenanters before
her eyes — that should he decline to undertake the
work of stenting her lands and collecting the tax
without her concurrence, she is willing to do so her-
self on receiving proper power and warrant from
the Tables. Glenmoriston's demands and the lady's
answers were, on 9th September, carefully committed
to writing, and solemnly certified by the notary.1
The limited concessions which she made were pro-
bably of no value to her son; and, so far as she
herself was concerned, they failed to save her from
the vengeance of the Covenanters.
1 See notarial instrument, in Chiefs of Grant, III., 232.
150 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTEE IX
1640—1647
The Solemn League and Covenant. — Montrose and Alasdair
Mac Cholla Chiataich take the side of the King. — The
Laird of Grant and the Tutor of Glenmoriston hold aloof.
— Alasdair's Requisition on the Tutor. — The Tutor's
Trick. — A Brilliant Campaign. — Battle of Inverlochy. —
The Laird of Grant sends men to Montrose. — The Coven-
anters invade Glen-Urquhart. — Lady Ogilvy robbed and
driven out of the Parish. — Her Appeal to her Son.—
Undertaking to support the King. — Montrose 's descrip-
tion of the Laird's Recruits. — Urquhart Men killed at
the Battle of Auldearn. — Montrose's Highlanders in
Glen-Urquhart. — Raid upon the Aird. — Lovat calls upon
The Chisholm to drive the Royalists out of the Parish. —
Disputes and Notarial Writs. — Montrose's vengeance on
the Frasers. — His skirmish in Glenmoriston. — His Exile.
— Huntly takes the Field for the King. — Middleton defeats
Huntly in Glenmoriston. — Lady Ogilvy 's Troubles and
Death. — Feud between her tenants and those of Glen-
moriston.— A Fight at a Funeral. — Death of the Big
Miller.— The Condition of the Castle.
THE Parliamentary Party in England, and the
extreme section of the Covenanters in Scotland,
entered, in 1643, into the bond and compact known
as the Solemn League and Covenant. The prin-
ciples embodied in that document were looked upon
by the Marquis of Montrose and other Scotsmen
who had subscribed and still adhered to the more
moderate Covenant of 1638, as unconstitutional and;
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 151
rebellious; and they resolved to support the King
in his conflict with the party which had adopted
them. At an interview with His Majesty in
December Montrose was authorised to raise the
Scottish Eoyalists and to co-operate with Irish
levies whom the Earl of Antrim, a powerful
kinsman of the Highland Macdonalds, was to send
to Scotland. The Irish soon arrived on the West
Coast under the command of a Highland warrior,
Alexander Macdonald, better known as Alasdair
Mac Cholla Chiataich — the renowned Colkitto of
John Milton. Macdonald, having taken certain
castles on the West Coast, and done some injury
to the Marquis of Argyll, landed in Knoydart, and
marched down Glengarry to Kil-Chuimein, the
modern Fort- Augustus. There he encamped, while
the fiery cross sped over the Central Highlands,
summoning the clans to rise for the King.1 The
summons was tardily obeyed. At first he was joined
only by Glengarry and the Captain of Clan Eanald,
followed by their clansmen, among whom were Mac-
donalds from Urquhart and Glenmoriston. The
Laird of Grant had no desire to follow the extreme
Covenanters in the revolutionary paths on which they
had now entered; but he was not yet prepared
to openly separate himself from them, and he
remained inactive. His example was followed by
John Grant of Coineachan, the Tutor or legal
l Leitir nan Lub, on the estate of Culachy, near Fort- Augustus, is
still pointed out as the site of his camp, as well as of the camp of
Montrose some months later.
152 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
guardian of young John Grant who had recently
succeeded to the estate of Glenmoriston.
Tradition tells that while at Kil-Chuimein Mac-
donald sent to the Tutor for a supply of cattle
for provision for his men. The artful Coineachan,
unwilling to grant his request, and still more
unwilling to incur his displeasure, forwarded a large
supply from the untamed herds of Corri-Dho. On
approaching the camp and seeing the soldiers and
their tents and banners, these denizens of the
remote glens broke away in a wild stampede, and
with a speed that defied the winds made their way
back to their native pastures. A good joke was
never lost on Alasdair Mac Cholla, and he sent a
message to ' ' Toitear liath Ghlinne-Moireastuinn ' }
the grey Tutor of Glenmoriston — complimenting
him on the success of his trick.
From Kil-Chuimein Macdonald proceeded across
the Grampians to Blair-Atholl, where he was joined
by Montrose, who assumed the command, and began
that brief but brilliant campaign which is the
foundation of his fame. Leading the Highlanders
into the Lowlands, he defeated the Covenanters at
Tippermuir, near Perth, on 1st September, 1644.
Turning northward, he won another victory at
Aberdeen, and still another at Fyvie. Penetrating
into Argyll in the dead of winter, he burned and
laid waste that county, and then pressed on towards
Inverness, which was held by the Earls of Sutherland
and Seaforth in the interest of the Solemn League.
At Kil-Chuimein he was overtaken by Iain Lorn
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 153
Macdonald, the Gaelic Bard,1 and urged to return
io Lochaber, as the Marquis of Argyll had entered
that country with a large army. It was the last
-day of January, and the snow lay deep in the
trackless passes. But Argyll had to be disposed of,
.and Montrose resolved to approach him secretly by
a circuitous route through the mountains. Turning
up Glen-Tarn2, he and his men trudged for forty
miles through heather and snow until they found
themselves, on the evening of Saturday, 1st Feb-
ruary, at the mouth of Glen-Nevis and within
gun-shot of the unsuspecting Campbells. That
1 That Iain Lorn was the messenger sent to Montrose is asserted
by a tradition which is corroborated by the following stanzas in the
^Bard's " Battle of Inverlochy," where he states that he saw Montrose's
army turn up by Culachy, and that he was at Inverlochy Castle
^during the subsequent battle : —
An cuala' sibhse 'n tionndaidh duineil
Thug an camp bha 'n Cille Chuimein ?
'S fhad chaidh ainm air an iomairt,
Thug iad as an nainihdean iomain.
Dhirich mi moch madainn dhomhnaich
Gu barr Caisteil Inbher-Lochaidh,
Chunna' mi 'n t-arm a dol an ordugh,
'S bha buaidh an la le Clann-Domhnuill.
Direadh a mach glun Chuil-Eachaidh,
Dh' aithnich mi oirbh surd 'ur tapaidh;
Ged bha mo dhuthaich 'na lasair,
'S eirig air a' chuis mar thachair.
The Bard makes no mention of Montrose in his song. He gives all
-the credit to Mac Cholla; and, without in any way detracting from
the great Marquis' soldierly and chivalrous qualities, it must be
admitted that his successes were due as much to Macdonald's Celtic
fire and knowledge of the Gael as to his own generalship. So long as
the Highland leader fought by his side, he carried all before him.
His engagements without Macdonald's aid — Philliphaugh and Culrain
— were disastrous to him.
154 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
night the weary men lay under arms; but ere the
early Sabbath sun had cast its beams over the
shoulders of Ben-Nevis they sprang upon their foes
and cut them to pieces. Argyll viewed the battle
from the security of his galley, and sailed home-
wards. Fifteen hundred of his men never left the
shores of Loch Linnhe.
Montrose's plans and prospects were now com-
pletely changed. Many who had hitherto held
aloof joined him. His great victory helped the
Laird of Grant to sever his connection with the
Covenanters; and he sent him three hundred men
to swell the ranks of the Eoyalists.1 For this
the Laird's residence at Elchies was plundered by
the Covenanters of Inverness; but he had his
reward in the hearty approbation of his mother,
the Lady of Urquhart, who had, as we saw in.
our last chapter, resisted his efforts in the cause
of the Covenant, and obstructed its progress among
her people. For her loyalty to the King and the
Bishops she suffered much. With the connivance
of the Tutor of Glenmoriston and other gentlemen
of our Parish, a company of the Covenanting forces
at Inverness invaded Urquhart about Christmas,
1644, robbed her of her household and personal
effects, and drove her out of the country. She
found shelter at Lesmoir; and from that retreat
she now encouraged her son to persevere in the
King's cause, and to avenge the wrongs which they
had both suffered. "Dispense with your goods,"
iMemorialls of the Trubles, II., 447.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 155»
she wrote him on 2nd April, 1645, in reference to
his loss at Elchies, " by way of care for the loss of
them, as I have done with mine; for, in conscience,
there is not left with me worth one servit1 to eat my
meat on. Yet think with me upon a way of repar-
ation, and, ere long, you joining with him2 who is
coming of purpose to aid you, I believe in God
that the Christmas pie which we have unwillingly
swallowed shall be paid home at Easter. How soon
I either see my son-in-law or hear any certain
word from the camp, I shall not fail to advertise
you. Meanwhile, be courageous, and remember
still how both your mother and yourself have
suffered."3
The Laird for once accepted the advice of his
Spartan mother. He had already — on 30th March
—entered into a bond with some of his friends,
among whom we find William Grant of Achlayn
in plenmoriston, by which they bound them-
selves in the most solemn manner to support the
cause of the King. His loyalty increased, but the
recruits whom he had sent to Montrose brought him
no credit. " Your men," wrote the Marquis to him,
' tho' they were lyke to Jacob's dayes, did not con-
tent themselfs with that, bot bade and feu as they
wer, heave all playd the runaways."4 Better stuff
was, however, forthcoming, and in May several
Urquhart men, including Eobert Grant, son of
1 Serviette.
2 Lord Lewis Gordon, her son-in-law, who had raised the Gordons
for the King.
3 Letter at Castle Grant. 4 Chief s of Grant, II., 16.
156 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Shewglie, died for their King at the battle of
Auldearn.
From the scene of that conflict Montrose marched
into the east and south of Scotland. On the 3rd of
September — a few days before his defeat at Phillip-
haugh — his Highlanders left him for the purpose of
securing their winter's fuel, and doing the annual re-
thatching of their houses. On their journey homeward
they sojourned for a time in Glen-Urquhart, and thence,
in conjunction with Urquhart men, made incursions
into the Aird, and drove away many cattle. Sir James
Fraser of Brea, brother of Lord Lovat, and a keen
adherent of the Solemn League, proposed to drive them
out, and called for the assistance of Alexander Chis-
holm of Comar — The Chisholm1 — who held a portion of
his estate, including Buntait in the vale of Urquhart,
as vassal of Lovat. Nothing, however, was done.
Sir James blamed Chisholm, and caused the follow-
ing instrument to be taken for the purpose of
1 Browne, in his History of the Highland Clans, sneers at the title
of " The Chisholm/' which, he says, is " not remarkable either for its
modesty or good taste, and which is apt to provoke a smile when it first
meets the eye or the ear of persons not accustomed to such definite and
exclusive appellations;" and one renowned member of the clan boasted
that only three personages were entitled to the definite article — The
Chisholm, The Pope, and The Devil ! The title is, however, a transla-
tion of " An Siosalach," which is ancient and natural. Even the
translation can claim the sanction of antiquity. The Author has
found many old documents in the Chisholm archives in which it is
used, the oldest being a lf Discharge to ye Chessolme for delyuerie
[delivery] off guidis [cattle] " to Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy,
dated 17th November, 1596. In the proceedings of a court-martial,
held by the officers of Cromwell at Inverness, in 1654, the appellations
•Chisholm of Comar, The Chisholm, and the Laird of Chishoim are
indiscriminately used.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 157
preserving evidence to be used against him in the
day of the triumph of the Covenant :—
"Apud Ercheless, undecimo die mensis Decembris,
1645. — That day compeirit Johne Fraser, grieve in.
Lovat, procurator for Sir James Fraser of Brey,
Knight, before Alex. Dunbar, Notar Publict, and
the witnesses underwritten, and protestit and tuke
instrument that Alex. Chisholme of Comar gave no
assistance of his men to the publict cause in putting
away of the publict enemie out of Urquhart : for
the quhilk cause John Fraser tuke instrument in my
hand, Alex. Dunbar, Notar Publict, day, yier, and
place above-written, before thir witnesses, Alex.
Fraser, of Little Struy, John Grant of Corvony
[Corrimony], Mr Thomas Howestoun, with diverse
uthers."1
But The Chisholm had his own version of the
tale to tell, and prudence suggested that he should
state it to the notary. That official accordingly
recorded the following on the same sheet of paper :—
" The quhilk day, yier, and place, Alex. Chisolme
of Chisolme of Comar compeirit before Alex. Dunbar,
Notar Publict forsaid, and the witnesses forsaid, and
tuke instrument that he haid more men upone the
Lord Lovat 's lands in the campe still with my Lord's
men there as [than] ye saids lands culd affoorde.
" As also, the said Alex. Chisolme of Comar tuke
instrument in the hands off me, Alex. Dunbar, Notar
Publict, in presens off ye witnesses forsaid, that the
said Alex. Chisolme of Comar offerit to go with his
1 Instrument at Erehless Castle.
158 URQTJHART AND GLENMOEISTON
whole men in Straglais [Strathglass] after the enemie,
if so be that Sir James Fraser and the rest of the kin
of Fraser wold go, quhilk Sir James and all the
rest of the specialls off the friends refussit, quhilk
the said Alex. Chisolme will qualifie before famous
witnesses :l all this was done, day, yier, and place
foresaid, — Per me,
" AL. DUNBAR, Norum Pubm-"
No legal proceedings seem to have followed on
these formal writs; but the Covenanting zeal of
Fraser of Brea brought down upon his clan the
vengeance of Montrose, who, on his return to the
Highlands after the battle of Philliphaugh, dealt out
such chastisement to them that, according to the
testimony of an eyewitness,2 not a horse, or a cow,
or a sheep, or a fowl, was left in their country from
Inverness to Guisachan.
Montrose tried, without success, to take Inverness
from the Covenanters. General Middleton, with an
army strong in cavalry, hastened from Aberdeen
to the relief of the town, and forced him, in
May, 1646, to retreat into Strathglass, and thence
by Glenmoriston, Kil-Chuimein, and Stratherrick
into Strathspey.3 In Glenmoriston he had an
encounter with the enemy, in which Thomas Dunbar
of Boghole was slain.4 His spirits were high, and his
hope of ultimate success strong. It was, therefore,
with feelings of keen disappointment that he received
I i.e., prove by witnesses of reputation.
2 Rev. James Fraser of Kirkhill, author of the Wardlaw Manuscript.
3 Wishart's Life of Montrose, 255.
4 Records of Synod of Moray — Minute of 5th October, 1646.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 159
on the last day of May a letter from the King, who
was now virtually a prisoner with the Scottish army
in England, ordering him to disband his forces and
betake himself to the Continent. The command was
obeyed, and he lived an exile from his country until
1650, when he made that ill-fated attempt on behalf
of Charles the Second which ended in his defeat at
'Culrain, and his capture and execution.
Charles the First soon had reason to regret the
-expatriation of his devoted general. Weary of his
life in the camp of the Covenanters, he resolved
to escape and place himself at the head of the
Scottish Eoyalists. As a preparatory step he sent
a, private commission to the Marquis of Huntly,
-empowering him to raise an army in the North.
Huntly, in whose household the loyal Lady of
Urquhart had found shelter, was strongly attached
to the King; but hitherto the feelings of jealousy
which he unhappily entertained towards Montrose
destroyed his usefulness and made his loyalty
of little avail. Now that his rival was out
of the way, he accepted the commission with
alacrity. He was not destined to succeed. The
King escaped from the Scots, but was recaptured
and delivered up to the English Parliamentary
Party. General David Leslie, a soldier of great
experience and ability, hastened from England to
Scotland, in April, 1647, to crush Huntly, who on
his approach retreated through Badenoch into Loch-
aber, where he disbanded his army. Along with his
son and a bodyguard of trusted adherents he fled
northward, followed by General Middleton with a
160 UEQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
body of horse and foot and a company of Camerons.
In Glenmoriston he was taken by surprise, and an
obstinate fight followed in which many were killed.1
" Midltone," says a writer of the time, "by their
[the Camerons5] convoy, being brought, both with
his horse and foot, upon them befor they could stand
to their arms, they, with great difficultie, got my
Lord [Huntly] and his sonne to horse; and, that he
might get tyme to be out of their reich, fourtie of
their best men stayes in the reir with such curradge
and valour and obstinat resolutione, as, if the Clan
Camerone, climing over the rocks, had not incom-
passed them, they had mad the pass good, in spight
of all their enimies. This pairtie was commanded
by [Leith of] Hearthill, a youth of tuantie years, or
litle more, but of such admirable valour, curradge,
and dexteritie in arms, as he was amongest his
enimies the most redoubted man that followed the
Marquise at that tyme. Being thus incompassed,
many of them were slaine; few wane away. Heart-
hill himself was taken, and Invermarkie Gordone,
with young Newtone, who, altho he wan frie at
that tyme, yit by means of the Forbeses, his
grandam's kin, he was surprysed soon efterwards;
and both Hearthill and he, being about one age and
dear comrades, ware soon efter had to Edinburghe,
where they ware both execute, for no cause but
standing in defence of their soverain lord's pre-
rogative."2
1 Memoirs of Lochiel.
2 Patrick Gordon's Short Abridgement of Britane's Distemper
(Spalding Club), 204-5.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 161
Through the devotion of Harthill and his com-
panions the Marquis and his son escaped; but he
was soon afterwards captured and put to death.
His son, Lord Lewis Gordon, son-in-law of the Lady
of Urquhart, took refuge in Holland.1
To Mary Ogilvy herself the troubles of the time
brought nothing but loss and vexation of spirit.
We have seen how her loyal enthusiasm brought on
her the displeasure of the Covenanters, and how,
when Urquhart was occupied by the soldiers of the
Solemn League, she was robbed and driven out of
the Parish, with the connivance, if not the active
assistance, of the Tutor of Glenmoriston and the
leading men in the Parish. In that letter which she
addressed to her son on 2nd April, she urged him to
think with her "upon a way of reparation," and
expressed in a somewhat dark parable her belief
that she would be restored to her possessions before
the ensuing Easter. The longed-for restoration did
not come. Her son placed caretakers in the Castle,
which on her death was to revert to himself; but
more than that he did not do. " My sufferings,"
she wrote him — her " honor abill and loving sone,
the Laerd of Grant," as she addresses him on 8th
1 A rising ground near Ceanacroc is still pointed out as the scene
of "the battle between the Camerons and the Gordons." According
to a Glenmoriston tradition, Huntly was severely wounded, and owed
his life to the bravery of a Macdonald of the Glenmoriston race of
Mac Iain Chaoil who carried him on his back off the field. Huntly —
so runs the legend — was so filled with gratitude that he caused to be
inscribed on the lintel of his castle gate the words — " Cha bhi Mac
Iain Chaoil a mach, agus Gordanach a stigh" — A Mac Iain Chaoil
shall not be without, and a Gordon within !
11
162 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
June, 1646 — " have been long from the hands of
those parties mentioned in your letter; but never
till this time have I found it resented by you. If
you continue in your resolution to revenge it you
will both clear your own honour from much suspicion
of much indifference in matters concerning my
prejudice, and purchase friends to assist you in the
like or greater occasions. There be some of greatest
worth who in respect of your by-past coldness can
hardly be brought to believe that now you are in
earnest; so that your own carriage must vindicate
you from suspicion. For the Castle, I intreat
you to make those to whom you have concreadit
[entrusted] it keep it well from those rogues till our
further advisementis [consultations], for howsoever
I could not be a party to keep myself from prejudice
while the whole country was enemies, I trust Sir
James shall find my friends of power sufficient to
right me at his hands — and if you play your own
part you shall find me your loving mother,
" MARIE OGILVY."
Four days later she writes him again in the
bitterness of her soul — " I always knew the men of
Urquhart to be knaves, and I hope ere long to make
them suffer for it ; but ' ' —she adds in reference to
the Castle— ' ' I beseech you to have care of the house
till you either meet with me or know my further
intention."
But for Lady Ogilvy there was no redress;
and before the end of another year death put her
beyond the power of the "knaves" who had so
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 163
terribly tormented her. The hardships she endured
and the circumstances connected with her flight
from Urquhart left their impression on the tradi-
tions of the Parish, which have not yet ceased
to tell of her. When the MacPhatricks,1 says one
Glenmoriston legend, were owners of Culnakirk and
other lands in Glen-Urquhart, their tenants were
-chiefly of the Clan Dougall, and were known as
Dughallaich 'Ic Phadruig — the Macdougalls of Mac-
Phatrick. Between those Macdougalls and the
tenants of Lady Ogilvy there was much enmity, and
at the funeral of one of the family of Glenmoriston,
who was buried at Kirkhill, a desperate fight took
place between the rival parties. Of Lady Ogilvy 's
men the most distinguished in the fray was Am
Muillear Mor — the Big Miller of Wester Milton.
The Macdougalls swore vengeance, and soon after-
wards surprised and killed him in his own house.
Lady Ogilvy and her people were greatly incensed,
and Dugald Mac Euari in Pitkerrald, the leader of
the Macdougalls, had to seek safety in the woods.
His wife, Mairi, Nighean Du-Sith — Mary, daughter
of Du-Shee2 — refused to inform his enemies of his
retreat, and by order of Lady Ogilvy she was seized
and placed in the lowest vault of the Castle.
Patrick Grant of Bealla-Do in Glenmoriston, having
heard of this, sent a message to the Lady to the
effect that if Mairi was not at once released he
would give her houses to the flames. Lady Ogilvy
1 MacPhatrick, or, more correctly, Mac 'Ic Phadruig : the
patronymic of the Lairds of Glenmoriston.
2 Du-Shee : apparently the Doule Shee of our last chapter.
164 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
gave no heed to the threat, and Patrick went with
a party of Glenmoriston men and set fire to her
farm buildings. In great anger she ordered her
people to follow the fire-raisers into their own glen
and punish them; but they refused, and so con-
cerned were they about the safety of their own
houses that they insisted on the immediate release
of the prisoner. The Lady was forced to give way;,
but she was so displeased with the men of Urquhart
that she left the Glen and never returned.1
On Lady Ogilvy's death, the Laird, her son,
succeeded to the Grant estate in Urquhart. He
was careful to preserve evidence of such effects
as her representatives or creditors might claim, and
on 27th June, 1647, " honest men" from Strathspey
made an inventory of the* " plenishing, goods, and
gear" within the Castle, in presence of a notary and
witnesses. The whole was found to consist only
of a timber bed, a taffil or small table, and a
form, in the " chamber above the hall;33 in the <c valt
chamber,33 a timber bed and a taffil; a board or
large table, a form, a taffil, and a chair, in the hall;
and, in the cellar, an old chest— ' without any kind
of other wares, plenishing, goods, or gear whatso-
ever, in all or any of the said houses and
manor place foresaid, except allenarly [only] bare
walls;33 and the value of the whole was estimated
1 According to tradition, it was in consequence of the feud
between the Big- Miller and the tenants of Culnakirk that the mill
of Easter Milton was built. Easter Milton formed part of the lands
of Culnakirk, and the mill is mentioned as early as 1646. — Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh's Letters of Two Centuries, p. 53.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 165
.at the sum of twenty pounds Scots money.1 Such
was the depth of the degradation to which the War
of the Covenant had reduced the old fortress which
^ century earlier yielded a rich spoil of ' ' plenishing ' '
:to the Western raiders, and in which, two centuries
earlier still, the nobles and prelates of the land
were entertained with becoming pomp by its proud
constables.
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 341.
166 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTER X
1647—1668
Landing of Charles II. — He is supported by the Laird of
Grant. — Patrick of Clunemore at Worcester. — The Fate
of his Followers. — Cromwell's Soldiers in the North. —
Glencairn's Rising for the King. — Lochiel and Kenmure
in Urquhart. — Middleton supersedes Glencairn. — Middleton
pursued by Monck. — Monck in Glenmoriston and Kintail. — •
Middleton defeated. — Dalzielof Binns and Middleton in Glen-
moriston and Strathglass. — The Chisholm tried by Court-
Martial, and Fined and Imprisoned. — The English place
the First Ship on Loch Ness. — The Story of the Event. -
Peace and Prosperity. — The Restoration. — The Caterans
Let Loose. — The Hanging of Hector Maclean. — The
Burning of Buntait. — Dispute between Glenmoriston and
Inshes. — Glenmoriston Burns the Barns of Culcabock. -
He seizes Inshes and keeps him Prisoner. — Is appre*
hended by the Robertsons of Struan. — The Dispute
settled. — Donald Donn and Mary Grant. — Donald's
Career, Capture, and Death.
AFTER the execution of the King, the Scottish
adherents of the Solemn League and Covenant
invited his son, Charles the Second, to come over
from Holland and reign in his stead. Charles landed
at Speymouth in June, 1650, and was enthusiastically
received. His adherents were routed by Oliver
Cromwell at Dunbar; but a new army sprang up and
followed him into England. The Laird of Grant sent
him 1400 men, under the command of his brother,.
Patrick Grant of Clunemore and Clunebeg in our
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 167
Parish, and provided with victual for forty days. At
the battle of Worcester, fought on 3rd September,
1651, the Scots were totally defeated. Patrick made
his way back to Urquhart, but few of his men were
so fortunate. Many of them fell in the battle. Some
were seized and sent to the American plantations.
Others perished in the attempt to reach their homes
through an unfriendly country whose language they,
neither spoke nor understood.
After Worcester Cromwell's soldiers marched into
Scotland and over-ran the country. At Inverness
they planted a garrison for the purpose of overawing
the North. For a time the remote clans held out
for King Charles, Angus Macdonald of Glengarry
being especially zealous. He travelled through the
Cameron and Macdonald countries and Urquhart
and Strathglass, stirring up the people against the
Usurper. His mission was not without success; and
when, in September, 1653, the Earl of Glencairn
unfurled the royal standard, he was joined by Lochiel
and many Highlanders. The Earl was a brave
soldier but an indifferent general; and, instead of
making a rapid rush on the English with his army
of 5000 men, he wasted his time and his energy in
aimless marches. In January, 1654, he sent Lochiel
—the famous Evan Cameron — and Lord Kenmure to
occupy our Parish and Strathspey.1 In the follow-
ing March he himself visited Glen-Urquhart and
Strathglass with 1150 horse and foot.2 He was
1 Military Memoirs of the Great Civil War, 227.
2 Court-martial proceedings against The Chisholm — at Erchless Castle.
168 URQUHAET AND GLENMORISTON
soon superseded in the chief command by General
Middleton, whom we last saw fighting against the
Eoyalists in Glenmoriston, but who was now himself
on the side of the King.
Middleton was not a man to be despised, and
General Monck, whom Cromwell had just appointed
Governor of Scotland, resolved personally to take him
in hand. Having arranged that he should be joined
by Colonel Morgan, who was stationed at Brahan in
Eoss-shire, and by Colonel Brayne, who had been
dispatched to bring 2000 men from Ireland to Inver-
lochy, he marched northward with a force of horse
and foot, which included his own regiment, now the
famous Coldstream Guards. At Euthven in Badenoch
he received the intelligence that the Eoyalist leader
was "about Glengarry's bounds;" and he started in
pursuit on 20th June. On the 21st he reached
Glenroy, where he burnt the houses of the people.
Learning that Middleton was in Kintail, he hastened
along the Great Glen and through Glenmoriston into
the Seaforth country. He there found that the
Eoyalists had turned southward in the direction of
Glenelg. He gave up the chase, devastated Kintail
with fire, and then crossed the mountains to Brouline
in Glenstrathfarrar, where he was met by Colonel
Morgan on 1st July. From Brouline he crossed to
Invercannich and proceeded down Glen-Urquhart
towards Inverness. From Inverness he marched
southward by Moy and Slochd-Muic, while Middleton
crossed Corriarrack into Badenoch and Perthshire.
On the 19th, Middleton was surprised and defeated
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 169
by Morgan at Lochgarry near Drumuachdar, and he
became a fugitive among the mountains.1 He was in
'Glenmoriston in September, along with General
Dalziel of Binns, afterwards of persecuting notoriety,
and three hundred men. From there they went to
Strathglass, where they were hospitably entertained
by The Chisholm. For this offence against the
Commonwealth that chief was, in April, 1655, tried
by court-martial, fined £50, and imprisoned in
Edinburgh.2 He was released on giving bonds for
his future good conduct, and permitted to return to
his own country.3
The Highlanders were slowly but surely brought
to acknowledge Cromwell's power. The Laird of
Grant gave several bonds for the peaceable behaviour
of himself and his tenants; and similar undertakings
1 Despatch by General Monck to Cromwell, in Library of Wor-
cester College, Oxford. This despatch — a long document of great
interest in connection with the history of the Highlands — was, with
•other despatches from Monck, printed by the Author in 1892 in Vol.
XVIII. of the Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness. It
.also appears in Professor Firth's Scotland and the Protectorate (Scot.
Hist. Society, 1899).
2 Court-martial proceedings, at Erchless Castle.
3 The Chisholm's passport, which is still preserved at Erchless, is
in the following terms : —
" The Laird of Chissolme beinge discharged his imprisonment by
the General [Monck] his especiall order, and haveinge given bonds
remaininge with mee accordinge to his Honor's directions, I there-
fore desire hee with his two servants and three horses may freely
passe to the place of his abode beyounde Invernes, and returne with-
•out let or molestation, they behaveinge themselves peaceably and
quietly. Given under my hand and scale at Edinburgh, this 31st
May, 1655. " HEN. WHALLEY, Judge-Advocate.
" To all whom it may concerne."
170 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
were given by Glengarry and other Western chiefs.
But the soldiers of the Commonwealth were not
satisfied with mere pledges. They took means to
open up the country and place it more effectually
under their own influence. Having built the
Citadel, or Sconce, at Inverness, and planted a
garrison at Inverlochy, they to some extent antici-
pated the promoters of the Caledonian Canal by
placing the first ship on Loch Ness, and establishing
regular communication between the eastern and
western seas. The manner in which the vessel was
brought to the loch is recorded by two writers of
the period. Eichard Franck, a literary trooper in
Cromwell's army, who saw the ship, discourses on
the wonderful achievement with amusing extrava-
gance in the following dialogue between himself
(Arnoldus) and his friend Theophilus :—
' Theophilus — What new inviting subject have
we now discovered?
Arnoldus — The famous Lough-Ness., so much
discours'd for the supposed floating island; for here
it is, if anywhere in Scotland. Nor is it any other
than a natural plantation of segs and bullrushes,
matted and knit so close together by natural
industry, and navigated by winds that blow every
way, floats from one part of the Lough to another,
upon the surface of the solid deeps of this small
Mediterrane : and here it is, in these slippery streams,
that an English ship, by curious invention, was haled
1 See Glengarry's bond for £2000 iu the Transactions of the Gaelic
Society of Inverness, Vol. XIV., 74.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 171
over the mountains to this solitary Lough; brought
hither on purpose to reclaim the Highlander.
Theop. — Do you romance or not, to tell me that
an island swims in the midst of the ocean, and a ship-
fluctuates in the midst of the Highlands; where
every rock represents a Charibdis, and every wave
threatens an inundation; where there's no harbour
without hazard of life, nor sea enough to promise
security to the mariner when the winds mingle
themselves with the waves that wash the pallid cheeks
of the polished rocks? Now tell me that can, where
the mariner must have berth (and the passinger
supplies), in this fluctuating ocean, when a storm
arises to eclipse his eye from a land discovery?
Am. — If eye-sight be good evidence, there's
enough to convince you ; behold the ship !
Theoph. — How came she here? Was she not
built in some creek hereabouts?
Am. — No.
Theoph. — By what means, then, was she moved
into this small Mediterrane? I solicite advice, and
you can solve the doubt.
Am. — Art was both engin and engineer to invite
this ship into this solitary Lough.
Theoph. — If so, it's strange that a vessel of her
force should leap out of the ocean, and over the hills,
to float in a gutter surrounded with rocks.
Am. — Not so strange as true, for here she is.
Theoph. — Was there a possibility of her sailing
from the Citadel to this eminent Lough-Ness, when
a boat of ten tun can't force her passage half-way
172 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
up the river? This looks romantick beyond the
ingenuity of art, or possibility of invention.
Am. — Let it look as it will look, I am sure it
was so.
Theoph. — You are sure it was so; then, pray,
resolve the point.
Am. — Why, thus it was : In the time of the
war betwixt the King and Parliament, this navigate
invention was consulted by Major-General Dean,
who, to compleat a conquest over the Highlanders
{in regard hitherto the law of a foreign Power had
never bridled them), he accomplished this new
navigation of sailing by land; who contrived the
transportation of this fair ship (that you now see)
into these torpid and slippery streams.
Theoph.— What, without sails?
Am. — Yes, without sail, pilot, card, or compass;
by dividing only the ambient air, as formerly she
plowed the pondrous ocean. Nor was she compell'd
to encounter sea or land in all her passage.
A motion must be had (that you'l grant), and means
considerable to move by (this you must allow), which
to accomplish, the sailers and souldiers equally con-
tributed. For a regiment (or it may be two) about
that time quartered in Inverness, who, by artifice,
had fastned thick cables to her forecastle, and then
they got levers and rollers of timber, which they
spread at a distance, one before another; whilst some
are of opinion these robust engineers framed a more
artificial and politick contrivance; but thus it was,
and no otherwise, Tie assure you; save only they
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 173'
fastned some cheeks and planks to the solid sides
and ribs of the ship, the better to secure her from
crushing upon transportation.
Theoph. — And did she pass in this manner, as you
tell me, to this famous Ness?
Arn. — Yes; she relinquished the brinish ocean
to float in the slippery arms of Ness. But to keep
her steddy in her passage, and preserve her from
rocking and rolling by the way, they consulted no
other project than what I tell you : save only some
additional supplies from Inverness, that with ropes
and tackle haled her along to this very place where
you now observe her. For you are to consider she
no sooner got motion, but by industry and art she
was steer 'd without a compass to this remarkable
Ness, where now she floats obvious enough to every
curious observer."
The other writer who refers to the event is a
Highlander — the Eev. James Fraser, minister of
Wardlaw, or Kirkhill. Even he, Royalist though
he be, warms into enthusiasm over the wonderful
doings of the English. They " brought such store,"
he writes, " of all wares and conveniencies to Inver-
ness, that English cloath was sold neare as cheape
here as in England. The pint of claret win for a
shilling; set up an appothecary shop with drugs, Mr
Miller their chyrurgion [surgeon], and Doctor
Andrew Monro their phisitian. They not onely
civilised but enriched this place. They fixt a garrison
at Inverlochy, and carried a bark, driven uppon
1 Franck's Northern Memoirs, 199.
174 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
rollers of wood to the Lochend of Ness, and there
enlarged it to a statly friggot, to sail with provision
from the one end of the Loch to the other; one Mr
Church governour, and Lieutenant Orton captain of
this friggot, and 60 men aboord of her to land upon
expeditions when they pleased. I happened my self e,
with the Laird of Strachin, near Portclare, to be
invited aboord by Orton, where we were gentily
treated. It were a rant to relate what advantages the
country had by this regiment. Story may yet record
it, but I onely set down in the generall something of
what I was eye-witness." l
Indeed, the presence of the English was an
unmixed blessing to the inhabitants of the district
of Loch Ness, who now enjoyed a greater measure
of security and justice than had fallen to the lot of
themselves or their fathers since the days of
Eandolph, and Lauder, and Sir Eobert Chisholm.
For the first time for three centuries the men of
Urquhart found themselves able to lie down at
night with the assurance that their cattle and
the fruits of their labour would not ere morning
be in the hands of the Western clansmen. The
Laird of Grant and his tenants appreciated the
repose that had thus strangely overtaken them,
and comported themselves so peaceably that
General Monck, on 10th February, 1658, issued
an order permitting them ' to keep their arms
for their defence until further order, they doing
IWardlaw MS., edited by the Author (Scot. Hist. Society, 1905),
p. 415.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 175
nothing prejudicial to his Highness and the Com-
monwealth." The only person in the Parish who
was not at peace was the minister, Mr Duncan
Macculloch ; for the heritors and parishioners deprived
him of his glebe and refused to pay his legal stipend,
with the result that he got into trouble with his
creditors, and neglected the duties of his holy office.
The extreme sectaries who had brought peace, but
not liberty, to others, had no sympathy for poor
Presbyterian Duncan Macculloch ; and the unchristian
conduct of his persecutors probably met with their
hearty approval.
The period of repose which the people enjoyed
came all too soon to an end. Oliver Cromwell
died in September, 1658, and, after the short and
troubled government of his son Eichard, Monck
marched from Scotland to London and brought about
the Eestoration of King Charles the Second. That
event took place in May, 1660, amidst great
rejoicings; but no sooner did the tidings of the
King's return reach the Highlands than the " louss
and ydle men" sprang from the leash which had so
long restrained them, and resumed their old work of
harrying and cattle-lifting. Eeivers from Glengarry,
led by Donald Bain and his son John Mac Donald Vic
Gorrie in Achluachrach, carried away cattle from
the Laird of Grant's tenants; for which spoil the
Earl of Glencairn, now Chancellor of Scotland,
ordered Alasdair Macdonald and his ward, Alas-
dair Mac Angus Mhor in Achluachrach, on whose
lands the Bains lived, to make restitution to the
176 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
sufferers. The Government, also, issued a com-
mission to the Laird of Grant authorising him,
and such as he should appoint, " with their assisters-
and followers, to search, seik, tak, and apprehend
all such sorners, broken men, thieves, robbers, and
others disturbers of the peace of this Kingdome, at
anytyme comeing, within any place of the bounds
wher the said Laird of Grant hes power or may
command; and for that effect, in cace of resistance,
with full power to the said Laird of Grant and his
forsaids to convocat arie sufficient and compitent
number of armed men, not exceiding the number of
fourty, for takeing and apprehending of the forsaids
persones; and being taken and apprehendit, to put
them in sure waird, firmance, and captivity in any
tolbuith or wairding-place within this kingdom, ?r
where they were to be kept until they were tried and
punished according to law.1
The salutary effect of these proceedings was to a
large extent counteracted by the King's desire to
please those chiefs who had been faithful to him in the
day of his adversity. To gratify them, the Citadel of
Inverness was, in 1662, razed to the ground — the
Laird of Grant assisting in the work of demolition.
Crime and disorder immediately followed the disap-
pearance of this last symbol of Cromwell's power and
protection. The Earl of Moray, Sheriff of Inverness-
shire, made some efforts to restore respect for the law.
At his request, Hector Mac Alasdair, a notorious
l Chiefs of Grant, II., 21; Domestic Annals of Scotland, 3rd Ed.,
II., 263.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 177
cateran of the Clan Maclean, and one who had slain
and robbed in various parts of the country, was appre-
hended by The Chisholm, and hanged. Hector had
relatives and friends who resolved to avenge his
death. His sons, John Maol, Allan, and Donald,
with Donald Mac Ewen Vic Kenneth, in Badenoch,
and about sixty others, made a descent on the lands
of Croichal and Mauld, in May, 1663, and in the dead
of night lifted forty cows belonging to Chisholm
and his tenants, and drove them, by Glenmoriston
and Fort- Augustus, into Badenoch. The Chisholms
followed in close pursuit, and tracked the cattle
across Corriarrack. They recovered twenty. The
rest were hamstrung by the raiders, who escaped to
the mountains. In November they appeared on
The Chisholm' s Glen-Urquhart estate of Buntait,
' under cloud and silence of night/' and gave " four
great barns, full of corn, and two houses" to the
flames. This was but an earnest of what was yet
to come. On the 24th of March, 1664, the same
resolute avengers again appeared, and filled the poor
people's cup of suffering to overflowing, by " treason-
ably burning all the houses and barns that were in
the haill half daach [davach] of Buntait, extending
to the number of twenty-two houses and barns, and
burning both oxen, sheep, and gaits [goats] that
were in the said houses, and cruellie wounding the
people that were within the same."
The legal writs which give these particulars1 are
silent as to the distress that followed these visitations.
l The writs are preserved at Erchless Castle.
12
178 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The Chisholm did what he could to get the poor
comforts of the law for the sufferers. Proceedings
were promptly taken at the instance of the Lord
Advocate and himself against the offenders, who
were cited to appear in Edinburgh on 8th June,
1664. They did not obey, and were declared rebels;
and on the 16th, a commission was issued in the
King's name, charging Lord Lovat; Lord Duff us;
Alexander Fraser, tutor of Lovat ; Kenneth Mackenzie
of Coul, and his son; The Chisholm; Hugh Fraser
of Foyers ; Hugh Fraser of Belladrum ; John Chisholm
of Buntait; John Grant of Glenmoriston ; and John
Grant of Corrimony, factor of Urquhart, to convocate
the lieges in arms, and to apprehend the rebels,
and pursue them to the death. ''And," adds the
King, " if in pursuit of the said rebels, their assisters
or complices, . . . there shall happen fire-
raising, mutilation, slaughter, destruction of corns
or goods, or other inconveniences to follow, we
. . . will and grant, and for us and our successors
decern and declare that the same shall not be imputed
as crime and offence to our said commissioners, nor
to the persons assisting them in the execution of this
our commission." l
Untoward circumstances impeded the action of
the commissioners at the very outset. The Chisholm,
to whom it naturally fell to lead them against the
outlaws, was, unfortunately, deep in debt; and,
powerful though he was in his own glens, and among
his own people, he had to confess that he could not
l Commission at Erchless Castle.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 179
venture beyond the bounds of his estates without
running the risk of incarceration by his creditors.
He petitioned the King for "a protection for his
person while he is putting the said commission in
execution."1 The result is not known, but the
probability is that it was not found expedient to
suspend the debtors' laws, even in favour of a High-
land chief armed with the King's mandate, and that
the burners of Buntait escaped through the pecuniary
embarassment of their principal pursuer.
The Government, in appointing John Grant of
Glenmoriston — the Iain Donn of his contemporaries
—one of the commissioners, acted on the time-
honoured policy of setting a thief to catch a thief.
Ere the ashes of the barns of Buntait were cold, the
barns of Culcabock, near Inverness, were given to
the flames by the fiery Iain Donn. The Lairds of
'Glenmoriston had, as we have seen, been proprietors
of Culcabock, including Hilton and Knockintinnel,
from the days of Iain Mor, the first of the family.
Their immediate neighbours were the Eobertsons of
Inshes, a wise race who made money, and lent it out
at interest. When Patrick Grant of Glenmoriston
died, in 1642 or 1643, he was owing John Eobertson
of Inshes " great sums of money." Patrick's heir,
Iain Donn, was at the time a minor, and he remained
for years under the tutelage of his uncle, Grant of
'Coineachan. Inshes, apparently before Patrick's
death, began legal proceedings for the recovery of
his money; obtained a decree of apprising of
1 Copy petition at Erchless.
180 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the baronies of Culcabock and Glenmoriston, the
effect of which was to convey the estates to him,
subject to Iain Donn's right to redeem them by pay-
ment of the debt within a certain fixed time; and
in January, 1645, was infeft in both baronies.1
He entered into possession of Culcabock, and let the
lands to tenants; but he was unable to take the
same course with the young debtor's estates in our
Parish, and, so far as these were concerned, he
rested on his conditional title, until the lapse of time
should make it absolute. He was not allowed to
rest in peace. Grant of Carron and other friends of
Glenmoriston interested themselves in the business,
and devastated the lands of Inshes. Eobertson, how-
ever, still adhered to his claims, and on his death,
about 1661, they were taken up by his son William,
who was infeft in the apprised lands in 1662. But
Iain Donn had now reached manhood, and the
loss of his Inverness possessions, and the danger
which threatened the estate of Glenmoriston,
roused him to action. He began in the spirit
of compromise. He proposed to relinquish all
claims to Culcabock if young Inshes would pay
l Inshes also apprised Balmacaan (which Glenmoriston held in
wadset), and Glenmoriston's other Glen-Urquhart possessions of
Clunemore and Culnakirk. In reference to these he wrote his Edin-
burgh legal adviser in 1646 — " You shall consult with your advocates
concerning the lands of Urquhart, belonging to Glenmoriston, for I
comprised Bellamaka, the Chine, Culin-kirk, and the mill. This
Bellamaka pays yearly 400 merks, holden of the Laird of Grant. He
is to redeem at Whitsunday for 3000 merks. See what course you
will have me do thereanent." The mill was, as it still is, situated at
Lower Milton, which formed part of the lands of Culnakirk. — Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh's Letters of Two Centuries, 53.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 181
him eight or nine thousand merks, and discharge
all claims upon Glenmoriston. Bobertson, who
had a legal title to both estates, declined the offer.
Grant, finding his peaceful overtures of no avail,
resorted to sterner measures. On the night of 4th
January, 1664, the citizens of Inverness, who had
not yet finished the festivities of the New Year,
were attracted towards the south-east by a great
glare in the sky. Two barns at Culcabock, contain-
ing one hundred and sixty bolls of corn belonging
to Inshes' s tenants, and to forty bolls of which he
was himself entitled, as his "ferme," or rent,1 were
in flames, and beyond salvation. Night shielded the
incendiaries, and they escaped; but Iain Donn and
his friends were suspected, and Inshes openly
accused them of the crime. ' I am sorry," wrote
Forbes of Culloden to him, on 10th February,2 " for
that miserable loss you have sustained, but cannot
think anywise of what you write concerning the
actors; and though you seem to wonder at these of
Glenmoriston, always the Lord will discover it in His
own time, and I hope they shall suffer for it."
Inshes, who was a clerkly young man, and a
Master of Arts, could also write piously when
occasion demanded. He wrote to the Bishop of
Moray, on 21st January,3 that the " malicious burn-
ing" is an act " so barbarous as all Christian and
honest men will abhorre, and requyres that such
1 Letter, Inshes to the Bishop of Moray, dated 21st January, 1664,
in possession of Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P.
2 Letter in Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's possession.
3 Letter in Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's possession.
182 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
course be taken thereanent as may rather be ane eye-
sore than ane encouragement to the wicked ;" and he
follows up this reflection by the practical suggestion
that the Bishop should order a collection to be
made in the parish churches within the diocese for
behoof of his injured tenants. "Honoured and
loving Friend," replied the Bishop, with becoming
sympathy, " yours I receivit, showing of your great
loiss, which ye have susteinit by the burneing of
your biggings [buildings] and comes, which trulie
affectes my mynd to heir the lyk insulencie committit
in the land, and in speciall haveing fallen upon you,
or any of yours, which I most willinglie wold repair
iff ther were any convenient way to doe it. And as-
to your desyre in committing the perticular to the
province" —that is, to have a collection made— ' it
is a thing that is not usuall nor handsome, and there-
fore it cannot be done efter that maner. But once
the nixt week [is past], I purpose, be the Lord's-
mercies, to see you at Inverness myselff, at which we
shall speak of it, and consider iff ther can be any
other way that may doe better. Till which tyme, I
committ you, with the rest of our relationes, to the
protection of the Almightie God." 1
The " other way," if devised, was not effectual.
The Laird made no concession to Glenmoriston, and
the latter dealt him another secret blow. On 20th
March, "the great barn-yards of Culcabock, belong-
ing to Inshes," writes the contemporary minister of
Kirkhill,2 " and 3 more, were all set on fire, 11 stacks,.
1 Letter in Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's possession.
2 Wardlaw MS. (edited by the Author), Scot. Hist. Society, p. 453.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 183
about 10 at night, all irrecoverably burnt. It made
such a dreedfull flame as put Inverness in a consterna-
tion, being so neare."
Eobertson, however, still continued to hold out,
and his opponent now resolved to seize his person,
and keep him captive until the terms offered him were
agreed to. Glenmoriston sought the aid of his
relative, Bailie Finlay Fraser of Fairfield, near Inver-
ness, to whom he wrote on 12th August— ' Worthy
and much Eespected Cousin, — If you remember,
when, as I sent your messenger to the Goodman of
Inshes, you told me that Inshes could not meet with
me upon our particular till Lammas were past. Now,
I request he would be pleased to be at Castel Spiritual
[Caisteal Spioradan, at the east end of Loch Ness]
upon Saturday, being 20th instant, when I shall bring
three or four friends, whereby we may take Inshes by
way of ceremony in our particular, and afterwards it
may happen his friends may move some occasion of
settlement. Thus, till your positive answer, I remain,
your very loving Cousin, — J. GRANT.3'1
The Bailie appears to have gone about the delicate
business entrusted to him with the tact and zeal
which his affection to his cousin demanded ; and, with
the innocent assistance of Brodie of Brodie and John
Forbes of Culloden, a meeting of the lairds was
brought about on 23rd August — not at Caisteal
Spioradan, but at Inverness. Inshes was accom-
panied by "three civil gentlemen" —to wit, Alex-
ander Cuthbert, Provost of Inverness, Eobert Eoss,
1 Letter printed in Inverness Courier, 5th March, 1845.
184 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
ex-Provost, and Culloden. Glenmoriston had a
retinue of a dozen or sixteen men; but these he con-
cealed in an ale-house until their services were
required. The gentlemen passed the afternoon
pleasantly enough in one of the ' ' closes ' ' of the
Highland Capital; but no great progress was made
with the work of reconciliation, and, just as they were
about to separate, Iain Bonn suddenly called his men,
and pulling Inshes off his horse, galloped off with him
to Glenmoriston. Next morning, Culloden, greatly
shocked, wrote Sir Hugh Campbell of Cawdor, giving
an account of the affair. " My Lord Brodie," said
he, " having spoken to me the other day at the burial,
anent the particular of the Laird of Glenmoriston
and Inshes, and wished me to interpose with Inshes
for a settling, to the end that any composition
[compromise] which might have been had should
have come your Honour's way, I do profess this was
the only cause why, in a manner, I insinuated myself
in that affair; whereupon a tryst is drawn on, and
having spent the whole afternoon yesterday in the
close, even as we were parting, and some of us come a
pretty way off, without as much as a cross word, or
the least occasion of offence offered, Glenmoriston,
with the number of twelve or sixteen men, whom he
had all the time lying down in an ale-house near the
place, rushed forth upon the young man Inshes, just
as he was" taking good-night of the laird, and turned
him off his horse, and carried him prisoner to the
Highlands, as would appear, till they extort that
from him by violence which friends could easily have
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 185
persuaded him to have given. This wicked and bar-
barous kind of procedure, under pretext of friendship,
and even while friends are travelling betwixt them
for an accommodation, should (I think) be argument
sufficient to persuade all gentlemen to resist it, and
particularly your honourable self. Wherefore I have
thought fit to give you notice, knowing you have
influence upon these men, to the end your Honour
may use your own moyen [influence] with them, and
in your own way, to get the poor man released, who
I hear say, would have been content to have made
yourself or any honest man judge to what satisfac-
tion he should have given them. The sooner this
be done the better for preventing of their further
barbarity. I need say no more, only the abuse is so
gross, and the preparative of so bad a consequence,
as of itself it calls for the assistance of all good men,
condign punishment inflicted upon the offenders,
even to the terror of others who might offer the like
again."1
Cawdor, who was related to Glenmoriston,
interested himself in the matter, and in the end
Eobertson undertook to pay his captor seven
thousand merks, and was released. But Iain Bonn's
offence was too heinous to be ignored by the
authorities, and by order of the Privy Council
he was apprehended by the Earl of Moray, Sheriff
of Inverness-shire. He contrived to escape, only
to be captured and taken to Edinburgh by the
Eobertsons of Struan, who had, in true Highland
1 Thanes of Cawdor, 317; Inverness Courier, 5th March. 1845.
186 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
fashion, espoused the cause of their northern clans-
man. The circumstances of his arrest and subsequent
release, are related in a letter addressed by James
Fowler, of Inverness, on 16th October, 1666, to-
Inshes, who was then in Edinburgh : — " I doubt not
but ye have heard of Glenmoriston, that he was
apprehended by the Eobertsons of Athole, and carried
to the Justice-General, who taking pity on him, and
also the gentlemen that apprehended him taking pity
on him, did dismiss him, upon his bond to appear at
Cluny, in Badenoch, against the 2nd of November,
with two of his friends, when they are to meet him
with two of their friends, for taking cognisance in the
assault and debate, and for removing of the same.
The forfeit is six thousand merks. You would do well
to advise with your friends in Athole, and send an
express to them; for once that people has espoused
your quarrel, they will not see you misused, but will
serve you to the full. Therefore, they should not be
met with ingratitude or forgetfumess." l
The negotiations for a settlement now proceeded
smoothly, and early in 1666 they were brought to a
successful termination. Iain Bonn agreed to relin-
quish whatever right he had to Culcabock, while
Inshes granted to him a bond for seven thousand
merks, undertook to discharge him of the con-
sequences of his illegal conduct, and gave up all
claim to the barony of Glenmoriston.2 The agreement
was duly carried into effect. Inshes, on 25th May,
1 Letter in Mr Fraser-Mackintoslr s possession.
2 Memorandum, holograph of Inshes, in Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's
possession.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 1ST
1666, " fully, freely, perfectly, lovingly, and finally"
discharged Glenmoriston, and his tenants and
servants, and promised to " entertain love, peace,
and amity" towards them;1 and on 9th March, 1668,
Glenmoriston granted Eobertson a formal deed of
corroboration of his right to Culcabock; and thus
the long-standing quarrel was happily ended. Iain
Donn lost the Inverness possessions of his family, but
he saved Glenmoriston and his land in Glen-Urquhart,
which Eobertson Js apprising had been threatening for
upwards of twenty years.2
Of the many wild adventurers who flourished in
the seventeenth century the most renowned was
Domhnull Donn Mac Fhir Bohuntuinn. Donald,
who was a son of Macdonald of Bohuntin, in Brae-
Lochaber, and a contemporary of lain Lorn, who
witnessed and sang of the battle of Inverlochy,
looked upon cattle-lifting as legitimate warfare, and
on the reiver's trade as a gentleman's calling. He
IDeed in Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's possession.
2 Iain Donn was still liable to prosecution by the Crown for his
offences against the law. He did not get rid of that liability till
1683, when a letter of remission was by warrant of the King passed
under the Great Seal for Scotland, " remitting and forgiving to John
Grant of Glenmoristoun the crime of violent and masterfull taking
and apprehending of the person of Mr William Robertson of Inshes,
of forcing and compelling him to grant bonds and other obligements,
and of his detaining and keeping him until he should grant the same,
and of sending and hounding out other persons to do and committ
the said crimes; and sicklike of all accession he had to the hounding
out of any person or persons to the assaulting mutilating or cutting
off the finger of Robert Andrews, messenger in Forres ; and all actions
and causes civil and criminal that may be moved pursued or laid to
the charge of the said John Grant for the same; and all peril or
danger he has sustained or incurred or shall sustain or incur through,
the said fault or offence, in his person lands or goods/'
188 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
was the Eob Eoy of his generation ; but he had more
poetry in his soul than the famous Macgregor had,
and, although his deeds brought him in the end to
the headsman's block, he died with the reputation
of never having injured a poor man, or imbued his
hands wantonly in human blood. The scenes of his
adventures extended from Breadalbane to Caithness,
and his custom was to make rapid journeys with a
few kindred spirits, by the least known mountain
tracks, and to swoop down upon the cattle of the
lairds and tacksmen where he was least expected.
He was aided and abetted by the smaller tenants
and cottars, to whom he extended his protection and
lavish generosity. An ardent wooer of the Highland
muse, he beguiled the tedium of the march and the
loneliness of the night watch by weaving delightful
Gaelic lyrics — love songs principally, which, how-
ever, give vivid glimpses of the life he led.
To our Parish, as we learn from tradition and his
songs, he was a frequent and not unfriendly visitor;
for on one of his journeys he met and loved Mary,
daughter of the Laird of Grant, who resided at the
time in Urquhart Castle. Donald was a gentleman,
and a gentleman's son, and the lady reciprocated his
tender feelings ; but her father refused to have him for
his son-in-law, and forbade all intercourse between
them. They, however, found opportunities of meet-
ing secretly on the wooded banks of Loch Ness. On
one of these occasions he left his companions on the
farm of Borlum, with a herd of cattle which he had
lifted in Eoss-shire. During his absence the owners
.appeared and claimed the cattle, among which was a
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 189'
white cow which they readily identified. The Laird
of Grant, called upon to explain how the reivers had
found shelter so near his residence, was very angry,
and swore, " Bheir an Diabhal raise a mo bhrogan
mar teid Domhnull Donn a chrochadh ! " ' The
Devil may take me out of my shoes, if Donald Donn is
not hanged !" Donald, pursued by the soldiers from
the Castle, but still anxious to be near Mary Grant,
betook himself to an almost inaccessible cave in Glaic-
Euidh-Bhacain, on the Ruiskich side of Alt-Saigh,
which is still known as Uamh Dhomhnuill Duinn—
Donald Donn's Cave. There, safe from his pursuers
and their sleuth-hounds — coin dubh Eadailteach—
black dogs of Italy — he passed his time in the
company of Glenmoriston's herdsmen from across the
burn of Alt-Saigh, or composing songs in praise of
Mary and the wilds that gave him shelter. But his
place of retreat was discovered by his pursuers, who,
unable to approach him in the cave, sent him a
message, as if from Mary, proposing an interview at
the house of a certain individual, who was repre-
sented to be her trusted confidant. Eager to meet
her, he repaired to the house at the appointed hour.
He was hospitably received by the supposed friend,
who promised that the lady would soon appear.
While Donald awaited her arrival, the cuach was
sent speedily round, and in his excitement he drank
deeply. At last, and at a signal from his treacherous
host, his enemies, to the number of sixty-three, as
he himself states in one of his songs, rushed in and
endeavoured to seize him. Starting to his feet, and
grasping his gun, he fired at them; but the weapon
190 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
also played false, and missed fire. Striking furiously
at them with the butt-end of the gun, he fought his
way out of the house, and ran for his life. But he
slipped and fell, and was taken and lodged in the
Castle dungeon. Convicted of the crime of cattle-
stealing, he begged for one favour before sentence of
death was passed upon him — he asked that he should
be beheaded like a gentleman, and not hanged. His
prayer was granted, and sentence was pronounced
accordingly : whereupon he exclaimed — ' The Devil
will take the Laird of Grant out of his shoes, and
Donald Donn shall not be hanged !"
The short period which passed between his
sentence and his death was occupied by him in
composing songs of exceeding sadness, which tell the
tale of his love and capture. At the place of execution
— Craigmonie — his thoughts were of his beloved ; and
the legend tells that as his severed head rolled from
the block, his tongue uttered the appeal, " Tog mo
cheann, a Mhairi !" — " Mary, lift my head I"1
l See Appendix E further as to Donald, and his references to
Urquhart.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 191
CHAPTEE XI
1668—1690
The Laird of Grant's Chamberlain killed by Mackay of Ach-
monie. — Mackay forced to surrender Achmonie to the
Laird. — Fatal fight in Slochd-Muio. — Achmonie conferred
on William Grant. — Restored to the Mackays. — Thomas
Grant of Balmacaan. — Culduthel's Raid on Borlum. —
The Castle repaired. — The Monmouth Rebellion. — Un-
settled state of the Country. — The Men of Urquhart and
Glenmoriston support King James. — The Revolution. —
The Laird of Grant supports William and Mary. — The
Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston adhere to James. —
Dundee's Campaign. — The Camerons' Raid on Urquhart.
Quarrels in Dundee's Camp. — Killicrankie . — Adven-
tures of Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston in the
Battle. — Iain a' Chragain's Troubles. — Invermoriston
House Burnt, and Glenmoriston Devastated. — A Whig
Garrison in Urquhart Castle. — The Castle besieged by the
Jacobites. — Supplies for the Garrison. — The Haughs of
Cromdale. — Close of the War.
ABOUT the year 1670 an event occurred in Glen-
Urquhart which added a chapter to the story of
our Parish, and involved the family of Achmonie
in much trouble. The Laird of Grant's chamber-
lain— a man of the name of Grant, who resided in
Strathspey — appointed the mod, or rent-collection
court, to be held on a certain day at Kil St Ninian, or
Temple House. The chamberlain did not appear at
the appointed time, and while the people waited for
him they drank freely at the expense of the gentlemen
192 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
of the Glen, among whom Gillies Mackay of Ach-
monie was prominent; and when Grant arrived he
found them excited and quarrelsome. The mod was,
however, proceeded with, and closed; and thereafter
the gentry and tenantry were entertained in the
usual manner in the grange barn.1 All sat late and
drank heavily, and as the hours passed the disposi-
tion to quarrel increased — the Grants and such as
were not of that name taking opposite sides in the
disputes, as was their wont. An insulting epithet
which the chamberlain applied to the men of Urquhart
brought the tumult to its height. Every man started
to his feet and drew his dirk. In an instant the
torches which served to light the barn were extin-
guished; and high above the shouts that followed
was heard the death-cry of the chamberlain, who had
been stabbed to the heart.
By whom the fatal thrust was given no one could
tell, but next morning Achmonie's dirk was found
red with blood. Time passed, however, and no step
was taken to bring home the crime to him, or
to subject him to the punishment for which
it called. But, after the lapse of many months, the
Laird of Grant invited him, as he had often done
before, to a hunting in Strathspey. The invitation
was accepted, and Mackay and a few attendants
journeyed to Castle Grant. They were hospitably
entertained the first day; but, early on the second,
Achmonie's room was entered by an armed band,
headed by the Laird, who informed him of his know-
1 See footnote, p. 114 supra.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 193
ledge of his guilt, and intimated that he must yield
his lands or his life. The Laird meant what he
said, and Mackay was compelled to surrender the
estate — on the understanding that it should be
restored to him as vassal of the Laird.
No sooner was the business arranged than the
Laird's illegitimate son, whose mother had become
the wife of the unfortunate chamberlain, entered
the room in which the Laird and Mackay were,
.and demanded— ' Ciod tha mise dol a dh' fhaighinn
.airson eirig mo bhobug : " ' What am I to receive
.as my stepfather's eric?"1 The Laird bade the
young man hold his peace ; but he was not thus to be
put off. As Achmonie arid his men passed homeward
through the gorge of Slochd-Muic he suddenly fell
upon them with a number of the factor's relatives and
friends. Several were killed on both sides ; and of the
Urquhart men Achmonie and one other only escaped.
The surrendered lands were given on lease or
wadset by the Laird to William Grant, of the family of
'Glenmoriston, whom we find in possession of them in
1677, and as late as 1691. Gillies Mackay did not
live to see the promised restoration; but the promise
was fulfilled on 24th May, 1721, when his son John
obtained from Sir James Grant a feu-disposition of the
estate, which was thereafter held of the Laird of
Grant, instead of under the Bishop or the Crown, as
in the past.2
1 Eric : compensation for death or injury.
2 Disposition at Castle Grant. John Mackay and his brother
Donald practised law in Inverness, as the smaller lairds and the
younger sons of the larger lairds were then wont to do. He was legal
adviser to the Laird of Grant in connection with Urquhart, as the
Author, his great-great-grandson, has been since 1875. See Mackay?
of Achmonie, Appendix IX.
13
194 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Notwithstanding the ungenerous treatment that
Lady Ogilvy had received in Glen-Urquhart, two of
her sons, when they grew up to man's estate, elected
to settle there, among the scenes of their childhood.
Patrick, who commanded the Grant Regiment at
the battle of Worcester, possessed Clunemore and
Clunebeg, while his brother Thomas — the Tomas
Dubh of his own time — held Balmacaan, where his
portrait is still preserved, and succeeded the
slain factor as chamberlain of Urquhart. Thomas
found much to worry and annoy him. In 1675 his
brother, Major George Grant, gave him great
offence by entering his territory, under cover of a
commission to suppress robberies in the Highlands,
and taking away, without his authority, farm stock
from the lands of Borlum-more. In December of
the same year, Malcolm Fraser of Culduthel and his
brothers, Alasdair Eoy and John Buie, made a
sudden raid on Borlum, and lifted sixty ewes, thirty
lambs, four horses, four mares, twelve cows, one ox,
one stirk, and ten ells of linen, belonging to the
tenants, Donald Og Mac Dhomhnuill and Alasdair
Mac Dhomhnuill Vic Iain Dui, alias Macdonell, who
afterwards sought redress in the Court of Session. 1
In 1676 the chamberlain repaired the Castle, at a
cost of 200 merks2 — the last repairs probably it ever-
received, for troublous times soon overtook the
ancient fortress. Next year he appears at a Presby-
1 Act and Commission, Donald Oig v. Frasers, at Castle Grant.
2 Letter from William Trent, Inverness, dated 20th April, 1676,,
at Castle Grant.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 195
terial visitation of the old church of Kilmore as an
elder of the Parish; but even there he found no peace,
for the harmony of the meeting was disturbed by
a dispute between Grant of Corrimony and the
Cummings of Dulshangie regarding an encroach-
ment by Corrimony on a grave within the church
belonging to the Cummings.1 And in October, 1678,
he and his neighbours, John Grant of Glenmoriston,
John Grant of Coineachan, and John Grant of Corri-
mony, and a host of other " heads and branches of
families " throughout the Highlands, were required
by royal proclamation to repair to Inverlochy, and
give bonds for the peaceable behaviour of themselves,
and their tenants and servants.5"1
The people of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were
not immediately affected by the persecutions of the
Covenanters which disgraced the reign of Charles
the Second. The minister and his flock conformed
to Episcopacy, and there was no suffering within the
Parish for conscience' sake. But when, after Charles'
death, the Covenanters, led by the Earl of Argyll,
attempted to place the Duke of Monmouth on the
throne, the men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston and
their neighbours were called upon to show their
loyalty to King James the Seventh. In June, 1685,
Lord Strathnaver, who was in command of the Eoyal
troops, issued an order from the heights of Drum-
uachdar, commanding ihe Master of Tarbat with his
men, and Thomas Eraser of Beaufort with the men of
1 Records of Presbytery of Inverness.
2 Antiquarian Notes, 188.
196 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the Aird, Sir Eobert Gordon of Gordonstown,
the Erasers of Stratherrick, the men of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston, and those of the Castle lands of
Inverness, to join the Duke of Gordon in a proposed
expedition into Argyllshire.1 The collapse of the
rebellion, and the execution of Monmouth and Argyll,
rendered the expedition unnecessary; but the pre-
parations which had been made for the war greatly
disturbed the North. At a meeting of the Presby-
tery of Inverness, held on 10th June, the minister
of our Parish and other clergymen were absent,
because they " could not wait upon the diet, con-
sidering the great stirs that was in the country in
respect of the preparation to His Majesty's host."2
The failure of the insurrection gave the Presbytery
unbounded joy; and on the 13th of August our
Parish joined in observing a day of solemn thanks-
giving ' ' for the happy and successful suppression
of the rebellion in both kingdoms."3
But the observers of the fast cried ''Peace, peace,"
when there was no peace. While the Covenanters of
the Lowlands were hunted down by the supporters of
Episcopacy, the Highlands were torn with clan
strifes and cateran outrages. A meeting of Presby-
tery, held at Inverness on 5th September, 1688,
was attended only by the ministers of Inverness and
Kirkhill, ' all the rest absent, some by reason
of the great stirs that were in the country anent
the late rebellion, and bloodshed in Lochaber " *
l Dunbar's Social Life (First Series), p. 310.
2 Records of Inverness Presbytery. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 197
—an allusion to the skirmish at Mulroy. Before the
end of the year the Prince of Orange landed in
England, and drove James off the throne. James'
cause was taken up by John Graham of Claverhouse,
Viscount Dundee, who, following the example of his
great namesake Montrose, placed himself at the head
of a Highland army. He was opposed by General
Hugh Mackay, a distinguished Sutherlandshire soldier
who had won the confidence of the Prince of Orange
during a long military career on the Continent.
To the Covenanters, Dundee was evil incarnate
— the " Bloody Claverse," who had sold his soul to
Satan, and, as part of the paction, was wading his
way to the realms of darkness through the blood of
the saints. To the Highlanders he was the great
Iain Dubh nan Cath — Black John of the Battles — a
brave and chivalrous soldier, true to his religion,
loyal to his king, devoted to his country, and, above
all, an enthusiastic lover of the lore of their own bards
and seanachies. The Macdonalds and Camerons
joined him early, and brought in the smaller septs in
their neighbourhood. Sir Ludovick Grant, the pro-
prietor of Strathspey and Urquhart, adhered to the
principles of the Eevolution, and supported Mackay;
but John Grant, younger of Glenmoriston, and James
Grant of Shewglie, ignored the claims of their chief
to their allegiance and took the side of Dundee.
Young Glenmoriston, better known by the name of
Iain a' Chragain,1 brought 150 men into the field,
while James Grant, who had added the district of
1 Iain a' Chragain — John of the Rock. So called from his having
after Killicrankie resided on the Cragain Darraich of Blairie.
198 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Inchbrine to his old wadset lands of Shewglie and
Lochletter,1 was followed by his tenants and by the
Macdonalds and Macmillans of Urquhart.
Glenmoriston and Shewglie, placing themselves
under the banner of Alasdair Dubh of Glengarry,
joined Dundee in Lochaber on 18th! May; but two
months elapsed ere they had an opportunity of
meeting the enemy. During that period of compara-
tive inactivity Dundee experienced great difficulty
in procuring necessary provisions for his forces, and
a party of Camerons resolved to help him, and at the
same time avenge the death of some of their clans-
men who had been hanged by the Laird of Grant.
Quietly leaving his camp, they, apparently without
his knowledge, marched into Glen-Urquhart and
began lifting cattle. The inhabitants resisted, and
one of them — a Macdonald, who claimed connec-
tion with the family of Glengarry — imagined " that
the simple merit of his name," to quote Drummond,
or rather Macgregor, of Balhaldy,2 " and the clan to
which he belonged, was enough to protect himself
and the whole name of Grant from the revenge of
the Camerons. Confident of this, he came boldly
up to them, and, acquainting them with his name
and genealogy, he desired that, on his account, they
would peaceably depart the country, without injuring
1 Discharge by Ludovick Grant of Freuchie, to James Grant of
Shewglie, dated 26th May, 1683, in possession of the late Dr Cameron
of Lakefield.
2 Memoirs of Lochiel. The name Drummond was assumed by
Macgregor of Balhaldy in consequence of the penal enactments against
his clan.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 199
the inhabitants, his neighbours and friends. To this
it was answered that, if he was a true Macdonald, he
ought to be with his chief in Dundee's army, in the
service of his king and country; that they were at
a loss to understand why they should on his account
extend their friendship to a people who had, but a
few days before, seized on several of their men and
hanged them, without any other provocation than
that they served King James, which was contrary
to the laws of war, as well as of common humanity;
that, as they had indeed an esteem for him, both for
the name he bore and the gentleman to whom he
belonged, so they desired that he would instantly
separate himself and his cattle from the rest of his
company, whom they were resolved to chastise for
their insolence. But the Macdonald replied that he
would run the same fate with his neighbours; and,
daring them to do their worst, departed in a huff."
The Camerons thereupon attacked the Urquhart
men, and, killing some and dispersing the rest, drove
their cattle in triumph to Lochaber. Dundee and
Lochiel connived at their conduct, ' ' both on account
of the provocation they had, and of the supply of
provisions which they had brought and generously
distributed among the army." But the brave Mac-
donald was among the slain, and his death was
keenly resented by Glengarry, whose name the
unfortunate man had unsuccessfully used to charm
away the Camerons. :' Glengarry," says Lord Mac-
aulay,1 ' ' in a rage went to Dundee and demanded
1 History of England.
200 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
vengeance on Lochiel and the whole race of Cameron,
Dundee replied that the unfortunate gentleman who-
had fallen was a traitor to the clan as well as to the
king. Was it ever heard of in war that the person
of an enemy, a combatant in arms, was to be held
inviolable on account of his name and descent? And,
even if wrong had been done, how was it to be
redressed? Half the army must slaughter the
other half before a finger could be laid on Lochiel.
Glengarry went away raging like a madman. Since
his complaints were disregarded by those who ought
to right him, he would right himself : he would draw
out his men, and fall sword in hand on the murderer
of his cousin. During some time he would listen to
no expostulation. When he was reminded that
Lochiel's followers were in number nearly double of
the Glengarry men, 'No matter/ he cried, 'one
Macdonald is worth two Camerons.' Had Lochiel
been equally irritable and boastful, it is probable
that the Highland insurrection would have given
little more trouble to the Government, and that the
rebels would have perished obscurely in the wilder-
ness by one another's claymores. But nature had
bestowed on him in large measure the qualities of a
statesman, though fortune had hidden those qualities
in an obscure corner of the world. He saw that this
was not a time for brawling; his own character for
courage had long been established, and his temper
was under strict government. The fury of Glen-
garry, not being inflamed by any fresh provocation,
rapidly abated. Indeed, there were some who-
suspected that he had never been quite so pugnacious
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 201
as he had affected to be, and that his bluster was meant
only to keep up his own dignity in the eyes of his
retainers. However this might be, the quarrel was
composed; and the two chiefs met with the outward
show of civility at the General's table."
Drummond of Balhaldy, whom Macaulay follows
in this narrative, states that Glengarry ' meant
nothing more by the great noise he made but to-
ingratiate himself with his people by humoring their
vanity, and showing them that the least injury
offered to the very meanest of them was equally his
own quarrel."1 The wisdom of his conduct appears
evident; for among his followers were Shewglie and
other Glen-Urquhart men who must have been well
acquainted with the chivalrous Macdonald who had
refused to save his life by deserting his neighbours.
His feigned anger had the desired effect, and the-
men of Urquhart did good service at the battle of
Killicrankie.
That battle, which the Highlanders know by the
name of Einrory,2 was fought on the 27th of July.
Mackay was marching northward from Perth;.
Dundee was on his way south. Early in the-
day the armies came in view of each other.
The Highlanders, wild with joy, clamoured for the
fray; but the sun was fast sinking behind the
Grampians before Dundee drew them out in order
of battle. Lochiel was credited not only with
great military genius but also with the power
of divination, and just before the onset he was-
1 Memoirs of Lochiel.
2 Raon Ruaraidh — Roderick's Field.
202 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
consulted as to the issue. ' That side will win
that first spills blood," replied the chief. "Do
you hear that?" said Iain a' Chragain, addressing a
noted Glenmoriston deer stalker who stood by his
side, and significantly pointing to an officer who,
mounted on a white steed, had galloped out of
Mackay's lines to survey the battlefield— :' Do you
hear that?" The stalker crouched forward and
fired; and down came the rider of the white horse,
shot through the heart.1 The battle now be^an.
o o
Casting off their plaids and coats, the clansmen
rushed forward with shouts of exultation. The
men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston formed part
of a battalion led by the young chief of Glengarry,
who carried the royal standard of King James. As
they charged, Shewglie was brought to his knees
by a ball that struck his shield; but it was only for
a moment. Exclaiming, " Och, but the boddachs
are in earnest!" he bounded forward.2 At a short
distance from the enemy the Highlanders paused for
a moment, and fired; and then, throwing away their
firelocks, sprang upon the foe with claymore and
Lochaber-axe. A Glenmoriston man, of the name
of Mackintosh, especially distinguished himself by
passing his sword from the left shoulder to the right
loin of a Hessian soldier.3 Mackay and his officers
1 Tradition in Glenmoriston.
2 Chambers' History of the Rebellions.
3 Glenmoriston tradition. Mackintosh's feat was one of " the
three wonders of the battle." His son fought for Prince Charles at
Falkirk and Culloden; and his grandson, John Mackintosh, joined the
British army, under John Grant of Glenmoriston, in 1780, and, after
seeing service in India and elsewhere, returned to Glenmoriston,
where he was remembered by persons who communicated the Killi-
•crankie traditions to the Author.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 203
-did all that brave men could do, but the Highland
avalanche swept all before it. The victory for King
James was dearly bought by the death of Dundee.
" How goes the day?" he asked, as he lay on the
sward, mortally wounded. " Well for King James,"
replied an attendant; " but I am sorry for your
lordship." "If it is well for him," said the dying
hero, " it matters the less for me." His place was
taken by General Cannon, who knew little of High-
land warfare and less of Highland sentiment, and
who soon offended and alienated the chiefs. In less
than a month the men who had adored Dundee,
and conquered as he lay dying, returned to their
homes, dissatisfied and disheartened; " and all the
fruits of victory were gathered by the vanquished."1
For the part taken by Iain a' Chragain in the
rising his praises were sung in Latin verse by admir-
ing Saxons,2 and in Gaelic duans by the bards of his
1 Macaulay's History of England.
2 In " Praelium Gillicrankianum," he is referred to in the lines : —
Glenmoristonus junior, optimus bellator
Subito jam factus hactenus venator.
(Glenmoriston the younger, suddenly became a warrior from being
Mtherto a hunter).
The author of " The Grameid," in describing Dundee's supporters,
thus sings of our hero : —
His quoque se comitem Morisina ex valle ferebat
Grantius egregius bello, non degener ille
Grantiades Balli dictus de nomine castri,
Qui Batavi partes praedonis, et arma secutus
Sustulit Auriaci vexilla nefanda tyranni.
Ille sed incoctum fido qui gestat honestum
Pectore, Caesareos Urquhartius acer in hostes.
Magnorum usque adeo mores imitatus avorum
Corripit arma manu, Regi inooncussus acerbis
204 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
own people. His loyalty, however, cost his father
and himself much. ' The enemy were so enraged
against him," says Balhaldy,1 " that they burnt his-
own seat to the ground, plundered his people, and
made such horrible devastations that the poor
gentleman was obliged to offer some proposals of
submission." At Inverness, Sir Thomas Livingston
dispensed military law at the head of the Scots
Dragoons and the regiments of Lord Strathnaver
(now an opponent of King James), Sir James Leslie,
and the Laird of Grant. Young Glenmoriston and
his followers had to be chastised, and Strathnaver
was entrusted with the work. He himself
has recorded that he did it well. (( To raise
up the spirits of such as were in the interest of
King and Government," says he in an unpublished
report (a fragment of which is still preserved at
Dunrobin), " I went out with a detachment from
Inverness of five hundred foot, and three troops of
Temporibus laturus opem, perque invia montes
Scandit inaccessos, magnoque in bella paratu
Arduus agmen agens graditur, quern Grantia pubes
Ordine servato ductorem in castra secuta est.
(With them also, from Glenmoriston, came as their companion in^
the war the valiant Grant; not that degenerate Grant who takes his
name from Balachastle [Freuchie, or Castle Grant], and who waa
following the party and the army of the Batavian robber, and was
upholding the nefarious standard of the Dutch tyrant; but the bold
Grant of Urquhart, bearing unstained honour in a faithful breast, and
keen against the foes of the Caesar. He, following the ways of his
great ancestors, took arms, and, undeterred by the misfortunes of the
time, contributed his help to his King. Through pathless tracts he
climbs precipitous mountains with great equipment for the war.
Tall in stature, he advances, leading his line ; and there follows
him into the camp, as their chief, the children of Grant, all in good-
order).
1 Memoirs of Lochiel.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH
205
Sir Thomas Livingston's dragoons, to Glenmoriston,
where with great difficulty we forced open the iron
gate [of Invermoriston House], not having a petard
to blow it open. Some of the rebels very nearly
SHIELD CARRIED BY IAIN A CHRAGAIN AT KILLICRANKIR —
IN GLENMORISTON'S POSSESSION.
escaped me, by a boy's acquainting them of our
march. I burnt their corn, and drove their cattle
and horses that fell in my way, to Inverness. This
put them into such a consternation that, notwith-
206 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
standing our defeat at Killicrankie, above fifteen
hundred came and took the oath to King William
and Queen Mary; and/' he adds, as if he felt he had
overstepped his duty, " I had Sir Thomas Living-
ston's warrant and approbation." Sir Thomas
accepted the responsibility, and wrote on the report :
1 I, underwritten, do hereby declare that what was
done at Glenmoriston was by my orders, and that I
altogether approve of the commander's conduct and'
diligence in that affair. — T. LIVINGSTON. At Inver-
ness, the 6th of September, 1689. J;
Those harsh measures brought little advantage
to the Government. Young Glenmoriston con-
structed for himself a rude fort on the Cragain
Darraich — the Oak Eock— of Blairie, and continued
true to King James. He soon found himself among
friends. 'Urquhart Castle was garrisoned by Captain
Grant with three companies of the Highlanders of
Lord Strathnaver and the Laird of Grant; but the
men were poorly armed, having neither swords nor
bayonets, and only a few carbines sent them by the
Duke of Hamilton.1 Before the end of the year the
old fort was besieged by the Jacobites. ' I am cer-
tainly inform'd," writes Sir James Leslie to Lord
Melville, on 6th December,2 " that 500 of the rebells
were come to Urquett [Urquhart] ; they threatned
the Castle, but I looke upon it to be in little dainger,
they [the garrison] haveing a fortnight's or three
weeks' s provisions. I sent the last night Captain
1 General Mackay's Memoirs of the Wars in Scotland and Ireland
(Bannatyne Club), 299-302.
2 Ibid, 299.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 20T
Grant up with ten bowles [bolls] of meale, and
ammunition, and thirteen men and a sargeant of
my regiment, and twelve of my Lord Strathnaver's;
but the boat springing a leake by forcing her out of
the river into the laugh [loch], he tooke but twelve
of my men and a sargeant, and sent the rest back
againe;" and, after referring to affairs in other parts
of the country, he concludes — "I have just now
received a letter from Corremonie, your nephewe's
brother-in-law, that the Highlanders are come into
the countrey of Urquett, with 4 or 500 men, under
the command of Glengerry and my Lord Fredrick
[Fendraught], and this night or to-morrow they
expect Laugheale [Lochiel] and Cannon with more
forces. It is reported that a great many of the
M'Kenzies are like to joyne them, as likewise severall
of the Fraziers." And he gives in a postscript a list
of the districts reported as ready to join Cannon—
among them being " the Urquhart and Strathglass
men,55 and " the Glenmoriston men."
Captain Grant, notwithstanding the hole in his
boat, reached his destination with his men and meal
and ammunition; and, landing at the ancient water-
gate, which was beyond the reach of the fire of the
Jacobites, " gott verry safe" into the Castle. From
there he wrote Sir James Leslie that the enemy
numbered 800 men — an estimate which he subse-
quently modified to 600. These circumstances were,
on 9th December, reported by Sir James to General
Mackay. :< I have likewise," said he, " given Captain
Grant, commander of the Castle of Urquett, £5,
:208 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
and am this day sending him ten bowles of meale
more, with candles; which money I must lay out of
my own pockett, and it costs me two per cent, to
gett, besides one per cent, to the officer for bringing
it. " Corrimony, who had hitherto kept him informed
of the course of events in the Glen, was himself now
under suspicion. The Sheriff-Depute, added Sir
James, " gives me notice that Corremonie is with
the enemie, and severall others, soe that they plav
fast and loose as they think fitt. I shall endeavour
to put myselfe in the best posture I can, having
given notice to all the countreys round about, as
Eoss, Elgin, and Murrey, to be in reddeness, and put
themselves in the best posture they can for theire
owne defence, having assured them of what assistance
I can afford."1
The Jacobites, indeed, had now so far recovered
from the confusion that followed Killicrankie, that,
with a Montrose or a Dundee at their head, they
might have turned the stream of British history.
They had, however, no such leader. The Highland
friends of the Stewarts were left to linger in Glen-
Urquhart for months, consuming the cattle and grain
of the people, but achieving nothing else. In March,
1690, Cannon was superseded by General Buchan,
who found the Highlanders disgusted, and their
zeal all but extinguished. A few rallied round the
new commander, including Iain a' Chragain and the
men of Glenmoriston. With these he went through
Lochaber, Badenoch, and Strathspey, with the
1 General Mackay's Memoirs, 302-5.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH
209
intention of raising the vassals of the Gordons, and
turning round on the garrisons in Inverness and
neighbourhood. But his movements were watched,
and, as his followers lay asleep on the Haughs of
Cromdale, on the last night of April, they were
surprised by Sir Thomas Livingston and his dragoons
and the Eeay and Grant Highlanders, and scattered
naked over the moorlands. They never rallied again;
and although Glengarry and Iain a' Chragain and
some others still withheld their allegiance from
William and Mary, and continued to give trouble,
the war in Scotland was virtually closed at
Cromdale. Two months later the hopes of King
James were for ever extinguished at the Battle of
the Boyne.
IAIN A' CHRAGAIN'S SWORD — IN GLENMORISTON'S POSSESSION.
210 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTEE XII
1690—1708
The Parish Unsettled.— The Castle garrisoned by the Whigs.
—They Vacate and Destroy it. — Its Last Record. — Its
Chambers of Treasure and Pestilence. — King William's
Measures to subdue the Highlands. — Devastation of
Urquhart. — The Losses of the Laird of Grant and his
Tenants. — Compensation recommended by Parliament,
but refused by the King. — Insecurity of Life and
Property. — Raids and Dackerings. — Proceedings against
Achmonie. — Raids by Glenmoriston Men on Dalcrossr
Glencannich, and Dunain. — Colonel Hill endeavours to
stop their Adventures. — Horses stolen from Shewglie. —
The Track and its Result. — The Macmillans of Locn-
Arkaig-side take a Spoil from Glenmoriston. — The Fight
of Corri-nam-Bronag. — The Raid of Inchbrine. — The
Conflict of Corribuy. — Death of Shewglie. — His Son's
Revenge. — Death of Gille Dubh nam Mart.
THE Eevolution Settlement, under which William
and Mary became King and Queen of Great Britain
and Ireland, brought no immediate peace to the
Highlands of Scotland. The friends of the Stewarts
still gave trouble, and for the protection of Urquhart
a detachment of Lord Strathnaver's men was,
early in 1690, placed in the Castle. This garrison
occupied it for at least two years — the last to which
it gave shelter.1 The written military record of the
1 The garrison probably consisted of 300 or 400 men. Sir James
Leslie, writing- to General Mackay from Inverness, on 9th December,
1689, stated that the Castle " could contain three companies very well,
and, for a stress, four."
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 211
old fortress closes on llth January, 1692, with an
order upon the Provost and Magistrates of Inverness
to furnish horses to carry meal for the garrison.1 It
was soon afterwards vacated by these Whig soldiers,
who prevented its occupation by the Jacobites by
blowing up the keep and entrance towers, and
destroying it as a place of strength. It was never
again repaired, and so dilapidated did it become by
1708, that the people took to carrying away the lead
that covered its roof, and the wooden partitions that
divided its chambers.2 Gunpowder and decay had
done their work ; and henceforth the Eoyal Castle, the
pride of the North since the days of the War of
Independence, is but a crumbling ruin.3
The old Laird of Glenmoriston and his son, Iain
a' Chragain, acting in concert with their neighbour,
Glengarry, long refused to take the oath of allegiance
• 1 The order, which is in the archives of the Burgh of Inverness, is
in the following terms : —
'•' You are herby Eequird to provide as many horses as may trans-
port ten bolls of meal from the magazin of Inverness to the nearest end
of Lochness, for the use of the guarison of Urquhart, and that aganst
tomorrow morneing, the twelfte of January Instant. Given at Inver-
nesse, January llth, 1692. For Their Majesties'] Service.— R.
CUNINGHAME. To the Provost and Magistrats of the towne of
Invernesse."
Co
2 See Appendix F. It is believed in the Parish that there are two
secret chambers underneath the ruins of the Castle — the one filled
with gold and the other with the plague. On account of the risk of
letting loose the pestilence, no attempt has ever been made to discover
the treasure. This myth, in various forms, and associated with
various places, is as old as the classic fable of Pandora.
3 The Author's ancestor, John Mackay of Achmonie, writing to
Brigadier Grant on 19th February, 1715, states— " The Castell of
Urquhart is blowen down with the last storme of wind, the south-west
syde theroff to the laich woult " [low vault]. It has now (1912) been
arranged that for the future the Castle will be under the care of the
Ancient Monuments and Historic Buildings Department of H.M.
Office of Works.
212
URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
to William and Mary. On llth January, 1692, the
King issued instructions to Sir Thomas Livingston,
ordering him to proceed against the ' ' Highland
rebels" who still held out for King James, " by fire
and sword and all manner of hostility; to burn their
houses, seize or destroy their goods or cattle, plenish-
ing or cloaths ; and to cut off the men. To that end,"
adds the King, " you are to join the troops, and divide
them in parties, as you see cause or opposition. The
ANCIENT BROOCH FOUND AT URQUHART CASTLE
troops at Inverness lie most conveniently to be
employed against Glenmoriston and Glengarry."1
Vigorous measures, which culminated in the massacre
of Glencoe, followed upon these instructions, and in
the end the Highland chiefs yielded.
During the troubles of the Ee volution, the Laird
of Grant and his tenants in Strathspey and Urquhart
suffered greatly. Despite the garrison in the Castle,
1 Papers Illustrative of the Highlands of Scotland (Maitland
Club), p. 60.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 213
Urquhart was devastated by the adherents of the
Stewarts. In the hope of obtaining some redress, the
Laird presented a petition to the Scottish Parliament
praying that a commission should be issued to the
sheriffs and commissioners of supply of the shires of
Inverness, Moray, and Banff, to enquire into the
extent of the damage. . His prayer was granted,
and early in 1691, Hugh Fraser of Belladrum and
James Fraser of Eeelig, two of the commissioners of
supply for the county of Inverness, opened an enquiry
in Glen-Urquhart and took the sworn evidence of
the tenants and inhabitants. Their report, dated at
Urquhart the 3rd and 4th days of February, bore
that the losses in our Parish of the Laird and his
tenants amounted to £44,333 5s 2d Scots, including
the damage, assessed at £2000, done to the Castle by
King William's soldiers.1 This report, with another
in reference to Strathspey, was duly submitted to
Parliament; while the Laird presented a second
petition* in 1695, setting forth that in consequence
of the ravages upon his estates, " his tennents were
so impoverished that he got little or no rent for
several years out of his lands in Strathspey; and he
was necessitat to discharge his tennents in Urquhart
the entire rent of that Barony, which is £6000
Scots, and that for the year 1689, 1690, 1691, 1692,
and 1693, their stocks being so entirely carried away
that they could not continow to labour without
that abatement."2 Including the above sum of
£44,333 5s 2d and the rents, the losses in Glen-
Urquhart amounted to £74,333 5s 2d Scots. In
1 Acts of Part., IX., 42G. 2 Ibid.
214 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Strathspey the Laird and his tenants suffered to the
extent of £76,152 18s 8d, making between the two
estates the enormous sum of £150,486 3s lOd Scots
— equal in value to the same amount in money
sterling in our day — as the price paid for the Laird's
loyalty to King William. The Laird prayed Parlia-
ment to assess and declare, the amount of his losses,
and " either to appoint him a fund for his payment
or at least to grant him a recommendation to His
Majesty for the same." The Committee for Private
Affairs, to whom the matter was remitted for
enquiry, found that the losses were correctly stated,
and Parliament recommended " the said Laird of
Grant to his Majesty's Eoyal and Gracious considera-
tion for repairing of the damages and losses contained
in the foresaid report."1 The recommendation was
ignored by the "Eoyal and Gracious," but very
ungrateful William; and, notwithstanding repeated
applications to himself and his successors down to the
time of George the Third, no compensation has as yet
been received for the damages and losses suffered by
the Laird and his tenants.
The troubles which accompanied and followed the
Eevolution greatly increased the insecurity of life and
property in the Highlands. During the last decade
of the seventeenth century and the first few years of
the eighteenth, the inhabitants of Urquhart and Glen-
moriston were freely plundered ; and they plundered
as freely in return. A few of the raids in which they
were implicated may be mentioned.
1 Acts of Par]., IX., 426.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 215
In February, 1690, " two red horse " were stolen
from Murdo Mac Coil Vic Curchy, one of The
Chisholm's tenants in Comar, and " tracked " to the
lands of Achmonie, which were then in the possession
of William Grant. Chisholm took up the cause of his
tenant, and instituted proceedings against Grant
before " The Commissioners of Justiciary, appointed
by His Majesty for securing the peace of the High-
lands," and on 31st May, 1698, judgment was given
for £40 Scots, being the value of the two horses, £20
.as the amount of loss, damage, and expense incurred
by Murdo in consequence of the theft, and £6 of
expenses. For these sums the Commissioners at the
same time issued a precept of poinding, authorising
their officers to distrain and sell Grant's effects. On
3rd February, 1099, the latter was " charged " by an
•officer, and he doubtless found it expedient to pay the
amount contained in the judgment.1
Some time before July, 1693, Archibald Grant,
alias Mac Conchie Vic Phatrick, in Coineachan, son
of Duncan Grant of Duldreggan, carried away much
spoil from James Dunbar of Dalcross, one of the bailies
of Inverness. The bailie, on 4th July, obtained a
decree of spuilzie in the sheriff court of Inverness,
against Archibald and some of his associates, for the
sum of £1224 17s 4d Scots of principal, with £60 of
costs. The sums were, however, unpaid as late as
October, 1703, when Dunbar obtained " caption," or
warrant of imprisonment, against the debtors.2
1 Precept of Poinding, at Erchless Castle.
2 Antiquarian Notes, 143; and Precept of Poinding, at Erchless
Castle.
216 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
In May, 1698, the same Archibald Grant, with
Patrick Grant, in Coineachan, his brother, and John
Grant of Glenmoriston, were involved in legal pro-
ceedings in connection with the theft from William
Chisholm, alias Mac Alasdair, tenant in Carrie of
Glencannich, of :' four cows, whereof one white-
bellyit brown cow, two black cows, and the fourth
prick-hornit branderit cow/' The cattle, " after
hot dackering, ' ' l were ' ' straightline tracked to the
bounds and graseings of Coinachan, possest by the
said Patrick and Archibald Grant, or the said John
Grant of Glenmoriston; and they, being required to
purge their saids bounds and graseings of the said
track, they either refused, or could not doe the
samen." The Chisholm, as the complainer's land-
lord, accordingly took the usual steps before the
Commissioners of Justiciary, who gave judgment
against the Grants for £48 Scots as the value of the
four cows, £20 of expenses, loss, and damage, and
£6 15s due to the Commissioners for administration
in the cause.2
At the same court Donald Mac Conachy Vic
Alasdair, in Dulchleichart, was found liable for 40
merks Scots, with £8 for loss and damage, and 10
merks and 2 shillings as the Commissioners' fees, in
respect of the theft from Alexander Mac Hutcheon
Vic Coil, in Glencannich, of two cows — " both which
cows prick-hornit and black colour. . . . And
which cows, after diligent search and try all made
1 Dacker, or daiker, to search.
2 Precept of Poinding1, at Erchless Castle.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 217
therefor, were recently dackerit to the said Donald
Mac Cutcheon, his said portion of Tullichard, or
graseing thereof, called Ardmullen; and which trackr
being by the said Complainer [The Chisholm]
intimate and published to the said Donald, he
absolutely refused to purge his said portion of the
said track."1
John Grant of Glenmoriston repeatedly found
himself in trouble in connection with the predatory
enterprises of his people. Eef erring, apparently,,
to a raid on the lands of George, Viscount
Tarbat, Colonel John Hill, Governor of Fort-
William, wrote as follows to his Lordship on
1st November, 1697: — "I sent lately to Glen-
^noriston to settle with and satisfy your Lordship,
which he promised to do; and if he fail, I shall be
a quick remembrancer to him." And the Commis-
sioners of Justiciary granted a decree on 7th April,
1699, at the instance of Charles Baillie, as executor
of the deceased William Baillie of Dunain, against
Duncan Grant and James Grant, sons of the Tutor of
Glenmoriston, John Eiach Mac Finlay vie Coil in Ach-
naconeran, John Dubh Mac Coile, servitor or servant
to Angus Eoy Cameron, sometime in Invermoriston,
James Eoy Mac Croiter in Coineachan, Alexander Mac
Iain vie Alasdair in Wester Inverwick, Finlay Mac
Finlay vie Coil, brother of the said John Eiach, Alex-
ander Macdonald in Duldregganbeg, Peter Grant ,
brother of Glenmoriston and lately in Divach, Donald
Dubh Mac Iain vie Neil, Malcolm Mac Coile vie Sorle,.
1 Precept of Poinding, at Erchless Castle.
218 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Alexander Dubh Mac Conachie Vore, Dalcattaig,
William Mac Conachie vie William there, Alexander
Keill Mac Coill vie Coill in Glenmoriston, " and
John Grant of Glenmoriston their Landlord, Master,
Chieftain, for his interest," for the sum of £2816
Scots, being the value of cattle carried away from
Dunain during the deceased's lifetime, with the sum
of £281, being the* tenth part of the value due to
the Commissioners as their fees. The process upon
which the decree proceeded, and the amounts
therein contained, were assigned by the executor to
William Baillie, then of Dunain, who made several
attempts to recover the money. In these he was
not successful; and after the lapse of twenty-two
years — on 28th January, 1721 — he sold the decree
to John Grant, younger of Glenmoriston, grandson
of the chieftain against whom it was originally
directed.1
In the month of August, 1701, Thomas Fraser,
in Shewglie, was secretly relieved by some unknown
persons of " ane blew horse or gerron,2 seaven-year-
old; ane dinish whyt-faced gerron, fyve-year-old, or
thereby; and ane gray mear, about fyve-year-old."
Fraser tracked the horses across the river Enerick
to Buntait, and thence to Comarkirktown, in Strath-
glass, possessed by John and Thomas Chisholm.
The Chisholms were unable to clear their bounds of
the track, and Fraser at once assigned his claim
1 Translation by Baillie to Grant, recorded in Inverness Commis-
sary Books on 4th May, 1727.
2 Gerron : Gaelic gearran, a gelding.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 219
.against them to Major James Grant, chamberlain
of Urquhart, who took the usual proceedings before
the Commissioners of Justiciary. The Chisholms,
.although apparently innocent, were remiss in their
defence, and were found liable in " the sum of ane
hundred and nyntie merks, deponed upon by the said
Thomas Fraser to be the value of the saids horses
and mear, together with the sum of ane hundred
.and ten merks in lieu of the dammadges and
expenses." They now, when too late, endeavoured
to push the track beyond their own lands, and
succeeded in bringing it to the bounds of Corin-
draihk, and thence to Guisachan, the property of
William Fraser, to whom they gave,' the customary
intimation. The latter cleared himself by following
it across the mountains " to the bounds and grazings
of Lundie in Glenmoriston, possessed by Patrick
Grant of Craskie, and Alexander Grant there, and
Patrick Grant in Coineachan," whom we have seen
in a similarly suspicious position in 1698. The
Grants received the usual notice, but, " notwith-
standing the trackers stayed and resided upon the
saids bounds the ordinary tyme appointed in such
cases, yet they [the Grants] could not purge the same
track from off their bounds." The Chisholms accord-
ingly caused a summons to be served on them on
12th May, 1702, for the amounts in which they
themselves had been found liable to the chamberlain
of Urquhart. The case came before the Commis-
•sioners, within the tolbooth of Inverness, on the
-26th, when the Grants were defended by a lawyer
220 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
named John Taylor, who " gave in certain defences
in wreitt, against the officer, against the citationes
being one fewer than fyfteen dayes, and the
citationes being generall as to the tyme of stealling
of the horses, collours, etc., of them, and craveing
expenses in respect of the said informalities. ' ' Unfor-
tunately for the Chisholms, the lawyer's pleadings
prevailed. The Commissioners found that the sum-
mons had not been validly served, and ordered the
defenders to be cited of new.1 The subsequent
proceedings, if such there were, have not been pre-
served.
Patrick Dubh Grant of Craskie, whose name
appears in these writs, was at one time, says tradi-
tion, spoiled of a number of cattle by a party of
Macmillans from Loch-Arkaig-side. Pursuing the
reivers, with his brother and his friends, he overtook
them at Corri-nam-Bronag, between Glen-Loyne
and Tomdoun in Glengarry. When he demanded
restitution of the cattle, he got the reply, c You
may take them, if you can." He tried, and suc-
ceeded; but in the struggle several fell on both
sides. The Macmillans still lie in the Corrie, where
twTelve cairns mark their graves. The Glenmoriston
slain were brought home, and buried with their
kindred in Clachan Mherchaird.
But the most notable event of those stormy
times, connected with our Parish, was the Eaid of
Inchbrine, which occurred in 1691 or 1692. 2 The
1 Precept of Relief, Chisholms v. Grants, at Erchless Castle.
2 James Grant of Shewglie, who was killed in the raid, was alive on
14th May, 1691. No reference to him has been found after that date.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 221
story, as handed down by tradition, is as follows.
Twenty years or more before the Eaid, a vagrant
woman from Lochaber arrived at Shewglie, and
was provided with food and shelter for the
night. Before morning she gave birth to a boy,
whom the goodwife of Shewglie offered to keep and
rear. The mother consented, and went her way.
The boy grew up unchristened, and, as he tended
Shewglie' s cattle, he was known by the name of
Gille Dubh nam Mart — the Black Lad of the Cows.
His young companions taunted him with his origin,
and made his life miserable; and at last he left
Shewglie, and made his way to Lochaber. The
Lochabermen soon brought his knowledge of Glen-
Urquhart into requisition; and under his guidance
a party proceeded to the Glen in search of plunder.
Crossing the mountains, they passed by Shewglie,
and came suddenly to Inchbrine, while the people
were absent in the distant peat moss. Hurriedly
lifting a large number of cattle, they retraced their
steps along the old path leading through Corribuy
and across Glen-Coilty. Summoned from the moss,
the men of. the Braes speedily gathered at the
house of James Grant of Shewglie, and requested
that he should lead them against the invaders.
Shewglie, whom we have seen distinguishing him-
self at Killicrankie, had not a drop of coward's blood
in his veins; but the followers of the Gille Dubh
were more numerous than the Urquhart men who had
hastily met, and he advised delay until more were got
together. " I will follow the Lochabermen,"
222 UEQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
exclaimed his impulsive wife, Hannah Fraser, " and
you may stay at home and ply the distaff. ' ' Smarting
under the taunt, he bade his men follow him, and set
out after the raiders, whom he overtook on a small
rocky plateau, lying to the south of the burn of Corri-
buy, ever since known as Cam Mharbh Dhaoine — the
Eock of the Dead Men. The Gille Dubh stepped out
to meet his late master. " I did not expect," said
the latter, ' ' that you would be the one to lift cattle in
Glen-Urquhart." :c Nor I," replied the young man,,
' ' that you would be the one to follow me, seeing I have
taken none of yours." On Shewglie's account the
spoil was at once given up, and the men of Urquhart
turned their faces towards their Glen. They had
proceeded but a few paces when a hare started from
among the heather and ran across the moor between
the two parties. Kenneth Macdonald, from Meiklie-
na-h-Aitnich, raised his gun and fired at it. The shot
had no effect on the hare, which was believed to be a
witch, but it brought disaster on Kenneth and his com-
panions. The Lochabermen thought it was intended
for themselves, and returned the fire. A desperate
fight followed. For a time the Urquhart men kept
their ground, and several of their opponents fell; but
in the end they were forced to fly, leaving eight of
their number, including Shewglie, dead in the heather.
The Lochabermen not only took possession of the
cattle again, but they also returned to Shewglie and
took every hoof belonging to that township. Hannah
Fraser, weeping over the result of her rashness,
approached the Gille Dubh and appealed for mercy.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 223-
" Kemember," said she, "that I long befriended you,
and that I am now a widow, and about to become the
mother of a fatherless child." There was no mercy
in his reply : — " Ma tha thu trom, beir searrach!"
" If you are with child, bear a foal !"
The people of Glen-Urquhart removed their dead
from Corribuy, and raised cairns on the spots where
the bodies were found. These still stand, one larger
than the others marking the place where Shewglie
fell.1
The lady whom Gille Dubh nam Mart so grossly
insulted was in due time delivered of a son, who
early dreamt of avenging her wrongs. At last,
when he had reached manhood, he rode alone to
Lochaber, and came to the Gille Dubh's house late in
the evening. His request for quarters for the night
was readily granted by that worthy, who, in accord-
ance with the rules of Highland hospitality, refrained
from enquiring who he was or whence he had come.
Finding the young man entertaining, the Gille Dubh
conversed with him on the deeds of former days till
far into the night. Grant alluded to the Eaid of
Inchbrine, and induced his host to relate the story.
When the tale was told, the young man sprang to his
feet and exclaimed, ' The hour of vengeance has
now arrived." " Who are you?" angrily demanded
the Gille Dubh. 'I," replied Grant, " am the foal
l The Raid of Inchbrine was further commemorated in a lament,
the words of which the Author has been unable to recover, with the
exception of the first two lines : —
'S aim maduinn Diardaoin
Thog- iad Creach Innse-Bhraoin.
(It was on a Thursday morning1 that they took the spoil of Inchbrine).
224 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
which the goodwife of Shewglie carried on the day
-of the Eaid of Inchbrine;" and, with these words,
he plunged his dirk into the man's heart. Bushing
out of the house, he leapt into his saddle, and was far
on his way to Urquhart ere the morning light fell on
the lifeless body of Gille Dubh nam Mart.1
1 We find frequent references at this time to the unsettled state of
the country. Writing in June, 1691, to Hay of Park, Sir Hugh
Campbell of Cawdor, after giving an account of raids made upon him-
self and his neighbours by Lochabermen, concludes: — " I tell you
these things anent the condition of the country that you may let my
good Lord Crawford know the case we are in, that so the Lords of
Counsel may take us under their care and particular protection, and
if their Lordships would please to order the Governor of Inverness or
the Commander-in-Chief to lodge one hundred men at Dunmaglass,
and as many, or more, at Aberarder, with a troop of dragoons (there
is plenty of grass in that country) they would do much to secure us
and all betwixt Spey and Ness, unless the Highlanders would draw to
a head again, which we are boasted — in which case those little garri-
sons of Aberarder and Dunmaglass may easily in two hours' time
retire to Inverness without danger."
Cawdor's suggestion was ignored, and a similar suggestion made
eight years later by Lord Tarbat for the protection of the country
lying to the north of Loch Ness met the same fate. " When I retired
to the North," sa;d his Lordship, writing to the Lord Chancellor in
May, 1699, "I saw all people quiet in great part; only the Highland
robbers were doing hurt to many of the peaceable subjects, whereof
and of a suitable remedy as to the five northern shires and a part of
Nairn I acquainted your lordship. And I do yet wish that the post-
ing of some 80 or 100 of the forces from April to December twixt
Invermoriston at the East, and the head of Lochourn at the West Sea,
may be ordered, which would save these shires who' now repine that
the soldiers, who live in sloth and idleness, are not doing this good
office to a considerable part of the nation, who give their money as
frankly as any do for pay to these forces." It was left to Simon, Lord
Lovat, to carry Tarbat's idea into effect. General Wade reported in
1725 that "the new-raised companies of Highlanders . . . were sent
to their respective stations with proper orders; as well to prevent the
Highlanders from returning to the use of arms, as to hinder their
committing depredations on the low country. The Lord Lovat's com-
pany was posted to guard all the passes in the mountains from the
Isle of Skye eastward, as far as Inverness."
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 225
CHAPTEE XIII
1693—1736
IF airs Established in Glen-Urquhart. — Erection of the Regality
of Grant. — Sir Ludovick Grant acquires Abriachan, Cul-
nakirk, and Clunemore. — He makes over Urquhart to
Brigadier Grant. — The Brigadier's Career. — The Fifteen.
—The Brigadier on the side of King George. — The Men
of Urquhart and Glenmoriston support the Chevalier. —
Glengarry and Glenmoriston in Argyll. — Sheriff muir. —
Keppoch's Raid on Urquhart. — The Brigadier and tbs
Jacobites of Urquhart. — Attainder of Iain a' Chragain. —
Invermoriston House Burnt, and Glenmoriston Forfeited.
— The Forfeited Estates Commissioners and their
Difficulties.— The Court of Sir Patrick Strachan.— The
Battle of Glenshiel. — The Commissioners' Factors. — The
Factors in Glenmoriston. — Patrick Grant joins Donald
Murchison. — The Fight of Ath-nam-Muileach. — General
Wade.— Fort-Augustus Built.— Wade's Roads.— Galley
placed on Loch Ness. — Glenmoriston purchased for Iain a'
Chragain. — The Price and its Application. — Iain a'
Chragain 's Death. — His Career and Character.
ALTHOUGH Sir Ludovick Grant failed in his endeavours
to get pecuniary compensation from the Government
for his own and his tenants' losses in connection with
the Ee volution, certain privileges were conferred
upon him which in that age were not without value.
On 15th June, 1693, Parliament passed an Act
appointing <;' ane free fair," to be called " Louis
Faire " after himself,1 to be held at the church of
1 Ludovick is a form of Lewis, or Louis.
15
226 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Kilmore, in Urquhart, on the last Tuesday of August
in each year, and another, to be called " Lady Fair,'y
in honour of his wife, to be held yearly, in November,,
at the same place. To these fairs all might " resort
for buying and selling of bestiall and all sorts of mer-
chant commodities whatsumever that shall be brought
thereto be any persones;" and the Laird and his-
successors were to receive " the haill tolls, customs,
emoluments, profits, and dueties belonging or that by
the laws and practiques of this realme belongs or
appertaines to any in the like caices, to be collected
and ingathered be him, his tacksmen, servants, or
collectors, to be appointed by him for that effect."1
On 28th February, 1694, his claims upon the King
were further acknowledged by the grant of a crown
charter erecting his whole lands, including the Barony
of Urquhart, as well as the Barony of Corrimony, the
feudal superiority of which he possessed, into the
Eegality of Grant.2
1 Acts of Parliament, IX., App., 93.
2 Ibid. X., p. 93. The Regality embraced inter alia " the lands
and barony of Urquhart, viz., Bordland [Borlum] with the fortalice
thereof, 6 merkland of Kill St Ninian with the mill, 6 merkland of
Kerrogar, 6 merkland of Dmmboy, 3 merkland of Wester Boimload,
3 merkland of Mid Bounload, 3 merkland of Easter Bounload, 6 merk-
land of Bahnakaan, 6 merkland of Garthali, 6 merkland of Polmalie
and Delshange, Little Clune, 9 merkland of the Three Inchbrenes, 3
merkland of Meikle Diviagh, with the office of forester of the forest of
Clunie, with the shealine's thereof, in the Lordship of Urquhart and
shire of Inverness, erected of old into one free barony called the
Barony of Urquhart, reserving to their Majesties and their successors
the property of the forest of Clunie, with the shealings thereof; and
also the forty shilling land of new extent of Bounload, in the Barony
of Urquhart and shire of Inverness, and the advocation, donation, and
right of patronage of the benefice of the Chancellory of Moray, com-
prehending the churches of Inverawin, Kirkmichell, Knockandoch,
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 227
•
Sir Ludovick, also, notwithstanding his troubles
and losses, found opportunities of acquiring new
estates. He purchased Abriachan from Alexander
Fraser of Kinnerras in 1695, and Culnakirk and
Clunemore from John Grant of Glenmoriston in the
following year; and having thus consolidated his
possessions in the district of Loch Ness, he made
them over in 1699 to his eldest son, Colonel Alexander
Grant, on the occasion of the latter 's marriage with
Elizabeth Stewart.1 The Laird retained his other
estates until his death in 1716.
Alexander Grant was a man of considerable note
in his time. He represented the County of Inverness
in Parliament for several years, took an active part
in the negotiations for the union with England, and
was one of the Scottish commissioners who signed the
Articles of Union in 1706. He was a brave soldier
and a capable officer, and saw much service in the
wars of the Duke of Marlborough, under whom he
received rapid promotion, until, in 1711, he was
raised, "for his loyalty, courage, and experience,"
to the rank of brigadier-general. In January, 1715,
he became governor of the fortress of Sheerness, and,
TJrquhart and Glenmoriston, and parish churches of Cromdaill., Advie,
Abernethie, Kincardin, and Dutchell, rectories and vicarages of the
same, in the diocese of Moray, and shires of Inverness and Elgin and
Forres, united to the foresaid lands of Easter Bounload in the barony
of Urquhart and shire of Inverness; and in like manner the lands and
barony of Corriemonie, comprehending1 the £4 lands of Corriemonie,
and £'4 lands of Morall, and £8 lands of Four Meiklies, 40s lands of
Lochletter, 40s lands of Auchatemrach, 40s lands of Diviagh, 40s lands
of Little Cloyne, and the half lands of Cloyne Meikle, and 40s lands of
Pitchirrellcroy, extending in all to a £27 laud, in the lordship of
Urquhart and shire of Inverness."
1 Chiefs of Grant, I., 501.
228 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
•
on the outbreak of the Jacobite insurrection of that
year, captain of the castle of Edinburgh. On the
19th of August he was appointed lord-lieutenant of
the counties of Inverness and Banff.
During the latter years of the reign of Queen
Anne, the Tory or Jacobite party made little attempt
to conceal their intention of bringing about the
restoration of the Stewarts on her death. Her some-
what sudden end in August, 1714, however, found
them unprepared; and, with few exceptions, they
appeared to acquiesce in the accession of George the
First. The Earl of Mar, who had great influence in
the North, offered his services to George, and obtained
from a number of Highland chieftains, including The
Chisholm and Iain a' Chragain, Laird of Glenmoriston,
a letter entreating him to assure the Government
of their loyalty to His Majesty.1 But these
professions were only intended to deceive. In
August, 1715, the Earl held the famous Hunting of
Braemar, at which it was resolved to rise in arms
for James, son of James the Seventh. Glengarry
was present at the Hunting, and so also, it is said,
was his neighbour, Iain a' Chragain. They were
old companions in arms, for they had fought side by
side for James5 father at Killicrankie. The Laird of
Grant and the Brigadier were enthusiastic Whigs,
but that circumstance did not prevent their clans-
men and tenants taking up the Stewart cause.
Under the banner of Glengarry were found Iain a'
1 Collection of Original Letters and Authentick Papers relating t<:
the Rebellion of 1715, 5.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARIS!? 229
Chragain and his men of Glenmoriston, as well as a
company from Glen-Urquhart, under the command of
Macdonald of Aught era, near Fort- Augustus, with
Alexander Cumming, a brother of Dulshangie, and
William Grant, a son of Corrimony, as his lieutenants.1
Alexander Grant of Shewglie, son of that Shewglie
who fell at Corribuy, privately exercised his influence
in favour of the Stewarts.2
The story of The Fifteen may be briefly told.
Mar unfurled his standard early in September, and,
marching southward, seized Perth, which he made
his headquarters. He was opposed by John, Duke
of Argyll, commander-in-chief of King George's
forces in Scotland. Glengarry and Glenmoriston
were sent into Argyll with five hundred men,
to raise the Jacobites of that county, and seize
Inveraray. They met with no success, and in
November they joined Mar — whose forces had
already been increased by the arrival of the
Chisholms and other northern clans — in time to
take part in the battle of Sheriff muir. In that
strange conflict the right wing of each army was
victorious, and the left defeated; and both sides
claimed the victory. But while the immediate issue
was doubtful, the result of the battle, and of the
defeat, on the same day, of Mackintosh of Borlum's
army in England, was to break the back of the
insurrection. Mar's army melted away; and, not-
withstanding the appearance on the scene of James
1 Chiefs of Grant, II., 95.
2 Memorial, dated 1746, at Castle Grant.
230 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
himself, the Eising of the Fifteen speedily came to
an end. During its course Macdonald of Keppoch
entered Glen-Urquhart with three hundred men,
committed great outrages, and carried off a large
booty.1
The conduct of the men who had gone from Glen-
Urquhart to join the Jacobite army gave their landlord,
Brigadier Grant, excessive annoyance, and he vowed
vengeance against them. :c By what information I
can get from some prisoners taken at Dunblaine," he
wrote from Stirling to his brother, Captain George
Grant, on 22nd December, " I find there were some
of the Urquhart men with the rebels. The company
was commanded by McDonald of Aughtera; Del-
shangie's brother, Alexander Cumming, was lieu-
tenant, and Corriemonie's sone William Grant, were
officers. I have a list of severalls of the private men
which I need not send, since you'l gett them from
Clury [Grant, Clury, the factor of Urquhart] or
Sheugly. I hope, whatever corns of others, you will,
with my other friends, take care that these men of
myn be secured; be shure you take no baile for them.
If they'r not able to maintain themselves, I desire
you'l at my charge lett them have a penny worth of
bread a day, and that without respect of persons or
relations; for, as far as it's possible for me, I will
prosecute them and endeavour to make examples of
them, that so future ages shall stand in aw of following
there footsteps. For if they should escape, I think
1 Major Eraser's Manuscript, II., 71; Arbuthnot's Life of Lovat,
215.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 231
others would be the readier to imitate them.
Besides, with me its ane aggravation of their guilt
that they joyn'd the Laird of Glengarry; and for
that reason I hope my friends will be at some pains
to secure these rebells, but lett [it] be so cautiously
manadg'd that the execution of it may be all at the
same tym. Fm told that John Grant in Divach has
been a very turbulent fellow on this occasion. I
therefore desire that he may be keept prisoner, and
not allow'd his liberty upon baile, as I hear he
purposes; and at the same tym lett him be warn'd
out of what land he possesses of myn again [against]
the next term. So give your orders to Clury anent
it." The Brigadier himself soon followed this angry
letter, and placed soldiers in the houses of Erchless,
Brahan, and Borlum near Inverness. His visit to
Urquhart was not so disastrous to his offending
tenants as they had probably expected.
In the Act of Attainder passed by Parliament
after the suppression of the insurrection, John Grant
of Glemnoriston, The Chisholm, and Alexander
Macdonald of Glengarry, are named among those
who had taken up arms against King George, and
were to stand and be adjudged attainted of high
treason if they did not surrender themselves for
trial on or before 1st June, 1716. Glengarry sur-
rendered, and was pardoned. Glenmoriston and The
Chisholm held out; and in their cases the attainder
took effect, and their estates w^ere forfeited. Inver-
moriston House was given to the flames by the
Whig soldiers, and, as in the days of the Eevolution,
232 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Iain a' Chragain had to betake himself to the-
natural fastnesses of that glen which, legally, he-
could no longer call his own. A cave in the face-
of a rock overhanging the river Moriston, near the
fall of Eas-Iararaidh, is still pointed out as his
favourite retreat until the King's general amnesty
in 1717 made it safe for him to appear in public.
The estate of Glenmoriston — now once again
Crown property — was, together with the lands
of The Chisholm, the Earl of Seaforth, and
other attainted landowners, placed by Parliament
under the management of the Forfeited Estates-
Commissioners. Those gentlemen did not find their
task an easy one. The tenants, in most cases,
adhered loyally to their old proprietors, and refused
to pay rent to the representatives of the Crown.
The story of Donald Murchison, Seaforth' s cham-
berlain, collecting the rents of Kintail, and sending
them to the Earl on the Continent, is well known.
In a similar manner Iain a' Chragain practically
continued to enjoy his old patrimony. The great
bulk of his estate was found by the Commissioners-
to be in the occupancy of his near relatives, under
rights which it was difficult to set aside. His-
brother Patrick held the lands of Coineachan and
Bealla-Do, under a wadset for 2000 merks Scots.
Patrick Grant of Craskie had a similar right to*
Craskie and Tomcraskie, in security of 3000 merks.
Angus or ^Eneas Grant possessed Duldreggan under,
a wadset for 3000 merks. John Macdonald held
Dulchreichart in securitv of 500 merks. The Laird' &
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 233
brother, Duncan, had Wester Inverwick, in security
of 1000 merks; his son-in-law, Alexander Grant of
Shewglie, tenanted Glenfad, and retained the rent
on account of the interest of two sums of 2000 merks
and £200 Scots due to him; and, to crown all, his
own wife, the daughter. of Sir Ewen of Lochiel, was
tenant of the home farms of Invermoriston and
Blairie in virtue of some right granted to her before
the Eising, as a safeguard, probably, against mis-
fortune.1
In addition to these legal difficulties, the officers of
the Commissioners ran considerable risk of personal
violence in the performance of their duties ; and,
when their surveyor-general, Sir Patrick Strachan
of Glenkindy, came north to make enquiry concern-
ing the lands of Glenmoriston and their rental, he
did not venture within the bounds of our Parish, but
held his court on the Green of Muirtown in
Inverness. In response to his summons, the Glen-
moriston wadsetters and tenants met him there on
29th October, 1718, and on oath declared the rents
and duties payable by them. As so ascertained, the
total yearly value of the whole estate amounted only
to £691 16s 8d Scots!2
Eumours of a Spanish invasion in the interest
of the Chevalier encouraged the Glenmoriston
tenantry, led by their old Laird and his sons, to
continue to defy the Commissioners; but their hopes
1 Forfeited Estates Papers, in Register House, Edinburgh.
2 Ibid. '
234 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
were almost destroyed when, in 1719, General
Wightman, marching from Inverness by Strath-
Derrick, Kil-Chuimein, and Glenmoriston,1 defeated
the Spaniards in Glenshiel. Still, however, no rents
found their way into the coffers of the Commissioners,
and so, to end the farce, two resolute Eoss-shire
Whigs — William Eoss of Easter Fearn, ex-provost
of Tain, and his brother, Eobert Eoss, one of the
bailies of that burgh2 — were appointed factors on
the estates of Seaforth, Chisholm, and Glenmoriston,
in October, 1720, with instructions to bring them
effectually under Government control. The factors
began quietly by serving the tenants with demands
for payment of their rents. The notices were treated
with contempt, and they therefore resolved to visit
the estates in person. Starting from Inverness, on
13th September, 1721, under the escort of Lieu-
tenant John Allardyce and a company of the Eoyal
Eegiment of North British Fusiliers, and proceeding
through Glen-Urquhart, they reached Invermoriston
" after some adventures," and there held a court on
the 21st, to which they summoned the wadsetters
and tenants. A few only obeyed. Easter Fearn
acted as baron-bailie, or judge : his brother took the
part of prosecutor, and formally demanded payment
of the rents of the crops for the years 1715 to 1721,
inclusive. Some of the tenants admitted that the
amounts claimed were due, and the baron-bailie gave
judgment against them. Others swore that, not-
withstanding the forfeiture, they had paid their
Uacobite Lairds of Gask, 461. 2 Taylor's History of Tain, 89.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 235
ren^s to the old Laird — a few adding by way of
•excuse that they were " stressed thereto." The
cases of those who had paid to the Laird were
referred to the decision of the Commissioners; while
the absent tenants were " held as confessed/3 and
judgment given against them.1
But these proceedings were of little avail. Among
those who watched them was Iain a' Chragain's
second son, Patrick, a young lad of spirit, who bore
no love to the gentlemen of Easter Eoss, and whose
great ambition was to cut short their factorial career.
When they left Invermoriston, with the intention of
visiting Strathglass and Kintail, Patrick, with a few
kindred spirits, took the short route by the Braes of
Glenmoriston to the West Coast, and informed
Donald Murchison of their approach. Murchison,
who had had some military experience as an officer
in the Jacobite army, resolved that they should not
enter the bounds of the Seaforth country; and, with
.about three hundred men, and accompanied by
Patrick Grant and his companions, he crossed the
mountains in the direction of Strathglass, and lay in
wait for them in the heights of Glen-Affaric. The
factors, having held courts in Strathglass, started
with their escort for Kintail. But their progress
was stopped at Ath-nam-Muileach, where they were
suddenly confronted by Murchison3 s party. After
an exchange of fire, Easter Fearn and Murchison
met between the lines, with the result that the
factors retraced their steps, leaving, it is said, their
1 Forfeited Estates Papers, in Register House.
236 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
commission in Donald's hands. In the skirmish
Easter Fearn and his son Walter and several others-
were wounded. Walter succumbed to his injuries,
and his body was carried by the Fusiliers to Beauly,
and buried within the walls of the Priory.
With the view of punishing the perpetrators of
this outrage, the authorities went to some trouble to-
ascertain who were present with Murchison. On
llth and 20th November, Eobert Gordon of Haugh,
Sheriff-Depute of Inverness, held courts of enquiry
at Inverness, at which witnesses gave the names
of such as they had recognised — among them being
Patrick Grant, and Donald Roy, Achnaconeran, son
of the Glenmoriston ground-officer.1 Similar courts
were held by John Baillie, also a Sheriff-Depute, at
Guisachan on 16th November, and at Duldreggan
on the 20th.2 But these enquiries had no result.
The Glenmoriston men escaped the punishment
which was intended for them, and Patrick Grant lived
to re-acquire the estate of his forefathers, which he
enjoyed till his death, at a great age, in 1786. 3
1 Forfeited Estates Papers. 2 Ibid.
3 The following fragment of a spirited old ballad on the skirmish
of Ath-nam-Muileach — The Ford of the Men of Mull — is now printed
for the first time. According to tradition, it was composed by a
Beauly woman who witnessed the return of the factors and the burial,
of Walter Boss :—
Ud-ud ! Ud-ud ! Ud-ud-iain !
Bu tubaisteach bhur comhal,
'Nuair thachair prasgan ullamh ruibh
Aig Ath-nam-Muileach comhla.
Gur h-olc a chaidh a' chomhairle leibh,
'S i dh'fhag bhur gnothach cearbach —
Gun deach Fear Fearn a mhaslachadh,
'S gun deach a mhac a mharbhadh.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 237
In the year 1724, Government sent General
Wade into the Highlands to enquire into the state
of the country; and, as the result of his report and
recommendations, he was commissioned to disarm
the Highlanders, and to carry out certain sugges-
tions which he had made. On 15th September,
1725, the men of Glenmoriston, Glengarry, and
Strathglass made a show of surrendering their
.arms to him at the then newly erected barrack of
Gun deach Fear Fearn a mhaslachadh,
'S gun deach a mhac a mharbhadh ;
'S gun tug sibh mal a' Mharcuis leibh
Air chupall each 's air charbad !
Gun deach Fear Fearn a mhaslachadh,
A's chaidh a mhac a reubadh;
'S chaidh luchd nan cota daithte 'sin
A chasaid a Dhuin-Eideann !
'Nuair chunna sibh nach b'urrainn duibh
Na giullain a bh'aig Domhnull,
Gun tug sibh an commission da
A fhuair sibh 'ghibht bho Deorsa !
Guidheam ceud buaidh-thapaidh leat,
A Dhomhnuill ghasda, ghleusda,
A Dhomhnuill threubhaich, churanta,
Ni feum dhe arm 's dhe eideadh !
(Ud-ud. Ud-ud ! Ud-ud-iain ! Awkward was your [the Whigs']
performance on the day on which the sprightly company [of Jacobites]
met you at Ath-nam-Muileach. Bad was the result of your consulta-
tion : it brought your errand to a feeble end; Fearn was disgraced, and
his son was slain. Fearn was disgraced, and his son was slain; and
you carried the rent of the Marquis [of Seaforth] with you on a bier
between two horses ! [A sarcastic allusion to the fact that, instead of
returning with the rent, they returned with young Fearn's dead body.]
Fearn was disgraced, and his son was mangled; and the men of the
coloured coats went to Edinburgh to complain ! When you saw that
you could not cope with Donald's youths, you gave up to him the com-
mission which you received in gift from [King] George ! I wish you
a hundred brave victories, O Donald the good and expert, Donald the
bold and valorous, who can put arms and accoutrements to proper use !)
URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Kil-Chumein, or Fort-Augustus; but they concealed
their best weapons, and only gave up such as were
of little use. Wade, following the example of
Cromwell, placed on Loch Ness a galley, capable of
carrying fifty or sixty soldiers; an independent
company of Highlanders, raised by the then effu-
sively loyal Simon, Lord Lovat, was placed along
a line stretching from Invermoriston to Loch Duich,
with the object of preventing the passage of cattle-
lifters from the countries of the Macdonalds and
Lochiel; and, most important of all, those military
roads which still bear the General's name, were
gradually constructed — one of them running from
Fort-Augustus across the hills to Aonach in Glen-
moriston, and thence westward to Glenelg.
Notwithstanding all these measures, the Forfeited
Estates Commissioners found it impossible to make
the lands under their charge of any value to the
public, and their sale was at last decided on. In
most cases friends took means to secure their restora-
tion to the old owners, and the kindly clannishness
of the Gael precluded competition by outsiders.
After more than one attempt to dispose of the
estate of Glenmoriston by public auction, the
Commissioners sold it privately to the Laird of
Grant's second son, Ludovick, a young advocate who
was at the time known as Ludovick Colquhoun of
Luss, he having succeeded to that property through
his mother. The deed of sale was signed on 3rd
December, 1730. Ludovick's entry was held to-
have been at Whitsunday of that year, and the
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 239*
price was £1086 sterling, with interest at five per
cent, from that term till payment. The price was
paid on 21st July, 1732, when the Barons of
Exchequer conveyed the estate to Ludovick, who
really acted for behoof of old Iain a' Chragain and
his family. ' There seemed," says Mr Hill Burton,
in reference to the forfeited estates,1 " to be a tacit
combination through the community to enclose the
property with a net-work of debts, burdens, and:
old family settlements, through the meshes of which
the Commissioners could only extract fractional
portions." In the case of Glenmoriston, Iain a'
Chragain and his friends had arranged matters so
well that the Commissioners extracted nothing, save
arrears of feu-duty due to the Crown. No duties had
been paid since the time of Killicrankie, and the
arrears now amounted to £75 3s 4d.2
In May, 1733, Ludovick conveyed the estate, not
to Iain a' Chragain, who was still under attainder, but
to his eldest son, John. He, however, retained the
right of superiority of part of Duldreggan, Inverwick,
Blairie, Over Inver, arid Nether Inver, in his own
person.
Young John Grant, the new proprietor, died on
3rd December, 1734. Iain a' Chragain survived till
30th November, 1736. Born in 1657, when Crom-
well ruled, Iain saw the Eestoration of the Stewarts
in 1660, and their final expulsion in 1688. He
fought for them at Killicrankie in 1689, and saw
1 History of Scotland, VIII., 350.
2 See Appendix G for account showing application of price.
240 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
his mansion destroyed and his country pillaged for
his pains. He fought for them again at Sheriff muir
in 1715, after which his residence was again given
to the flames, and his estates forfeited. He was
essentially a man of strife — eager, bold, and fearless ;
and in his younger days, when there was no fighting
to do, he gave scope to the natural bent of his mind
in a long litigation with the Laird of Grant about his
family's right to Balmacaan. In the estimation of his
people he was a perfect chieftain ; and traditions which
still survive show how deep the impression was that
his deeds made upon the popular mind, and with what
genuine affection his memory has been cherished even
to the present day.1
1 By his second wife, Janet, daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of
Lochiel, Iain a' Chragain had ten sons and five daughters, and at the
time of the lady's death in 1759, their descendants numbered 200
[Scots Magazine]. As a remarkable instance of the linking- of distant
ages by the lives of individuals, it may be mentioned that Iain, who
was born in the days of the Commonwealth, saw his grandson, Colonel
Hugh Grant of Moy (son of Grant of Shewglie), who was born in
1733, and survived till the year 1822. A sculptured stone covers the
grave (in In-ermoriston churchyard) of Iain a' Chragain and his son
John, bearing the following inscription : — " This stone is erected here
in memory of the Much Honoured John Grant, Laerd of Glenmoriston,
who dyed Novr. 30, 1736, aged 79 ; and his son, John Grant, Younger
Laerd of Glenmoriston, who departed this life ye 3d Decemr., 1734,
Aged 35 years." Adjoining is the tombstone of Iain's wife, on which
there is the inscription : — " This stone is erected here in memory of
the much Honoured Janet Cameron, Lady to the Honoured John Grant
of Glenmoriston, Daughter to the Honoured Sir Ewen Cameron of
Lochiel, who departed this life, Feby. 1759, aged years."
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 241
CHAPTEE XIV
1719—1746
Sir James Grant.— The Forty-Five.— The Three Alexanders
of Urquhart support Prince Charles. — A Message of
Welcome to the Prince. — Agitation and Threatenings. —
Jacobite Recruits from Urquhart and Glenmoriston. —
Ludovick Grant's Policy of Caution. — The Prince's
Letter to the Gentlemen of Urquhart. — His Cause
espoused by the Minister. — A Sabbath Day's Meeting in
support of the Prince. — The Factor's Reports to Ludo-
vick.— Ludovick's Letters to the Factor. — Patrick Grant
of Glenmoriston joins the Prince. — Their First Interview.
— Prestonpans. — Colonel Macdonell's Demand. — Ach-
monie's Mission to Castle Grant. — Ludovick's Message 'M
the Gentlemen of Urquhart. — Macdonell in Urquhart. —
An interrupted March. — The Macdonalds and the Frasers
in Urquhart. — The Conference of Tornashee. — Doubts
and Hesitations. — Corrimony and Achmonie visit Ludo-
vick.— The Earl of Cromartie, the Master of Lovat, and
Macdonald of Barisdale in the Parish. — Achmonie 's
Undertaking to the Laird of Grant. — The Cause of the
Prince prospers in the Parish. — The Factor in Despair. —
The Prince's arrival in Inverness. — New Recruits from
Urquhart.
BRIGADIER GRANT, who died childless in 1719, was
succeeded by his brother, Sir James Grant. Sir
James sat in Parliament from 1722 till his death in
1747; and in his latter years he left the manage-
ment of his estates to his son, Ludovick Grant —
the ' Ludovick Colquhoun 5: of our last chapter.
16
242 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Ludovick had practised for a time as a Scots
advocate, and he put his legal training to good use
in steering clear of both Hanoverian and Jacobite com-
plications during the struggle of The Forty-Five.
After the unfortunate Eising of The Fifteen, the
Old Chevalier made no serious effort to regain the
crown of his forefathers. But he was still looked
on by the Jacobites as their rightful monarch, and
their hopes rose as his son, Charles Edward, grew in
years and began to show signs of the manliness and
energy of the old Stewart race. In 1743 those
hopes seemed about to be realised. France prepared
to invade Britain with 15,000 men, and invited the
young Prince to accompany the expedition. Charles
ardently responded; but the ships which were to
carry the army across the English Channel were
scattered in a storm, and the enterprise was
abandoned. In vain did Charles appeal to the
French Government not to forsake him. Vain also
were his appeals to the Spanish Court. Both French
and Spaniards promised much, and did nothing;
and in the end the eager Prince resolved to gain an
empire without their aid, or perish in the attempt.
Sailing from France in a small vessel belonging to a
private gentleman, he arrived at Loch-nan-Uamh
on 19th July, 1745, accompanied only by seven
friends and one attendant. He landed on the 25th,
and despatched letters to such of the Highland
chiefs and other persons of influence as were likely
to assist him. The news of his landing speedily
spread, and, notwithstanding the feelings of disap-
pointment with which the Highlanders heard of the
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 243
wretchedness of his retinue and the slenderness of his
stores, many hastened to take part in what must
have appeared to the most sanguine of them as an all
but desperate attempt to drive the Guelphs off the
British throne.
The Camerons and the Macdonalds early joined
the Prince, and endeavoured to induce the men of
Urquhart and Glenmoriston to follow their example.
In this they had the co-operation of the Three
Alexanders of Urquhart — Alexander Grant of
Corrimony, who had his own tenants at his beck
and call; Alexander Grant of Shewglie, to whom
the inhabitants of the then populous districts of
Shewglie, Lochletter, and Inchbrine, looked for
guidance; and Alexander Mackay of Achmonie, the
friend and adviser of the inhabitants of the ' ' Strath, ' '
or the portion of the Glen lying to the east of Allt-aJ-
Phuill, or the Burn of Polmaily. Of these Shewglie
was the oldest and the ablest.1 His sympathies were
with the Stewarts in 1715, and his loyalty to them
grew as his years increased.2 As soon as he heard of
Charles' landing, he sent James Grant, son of his
cousin-gerrnan, Eobert Grant, who had fought at
1 Ludovick Grant described him as " a man very remarkable for
Highland cunning." — Memorial to the Attorney-General (copy at
Castle Grant). The documents quoted in this chapter are at Castle
Grant, except where otherwise indicated, and some of them are printed
in the " Chiefs of Grant."
2 Shewglie's " connections " were strong Jacobites. His father
was that James Grant who fought for King James at Killicrankie, and
was slain at Corribuy. His first wife was a daughter of The Chisholm ;
his second, a daughter of Iain a' Chragain, and grand-daughter of Sir
Ewen of Lochiel. One of his daughters was married to Cameron of
Clunes. in Lochaber.
244 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Sheriffmuir, to him with a message of welcome.
He composed songs in his praise, which were sung
at every fireside in the Parish. The sympathies of
the people were with the Prince, and the friends of
King George began to be alarmed. Lord President
Forbes of Culloden, writing on 15th August to Sir
John Cope, who was leading -an army northward
towards Corriarrack and Fort- Augustus, informs him
that, according to report, the Camerons and Mac-
donalds ' are endeavouring, by threats, to force
their neighbours, the Grants of Glenmoristone and
TJrquhart, to join them in arms," and concludes—
' ' If what I have before mentioned is true, that the
Highlanders who have joined the Adventurer from
France are beginning to use threats to compel their
neighbours to join them, it will naturally occur to
you that the immediate presence of the troops is
necessary.3'1 On the same day Brodie of Brodie
writes Ludovick Grant that " Sir John Cope will be
at Fort-Augustus probably on Saturday with his
troops, so that your people of Urquhart need not be
afraid of the threatenings sent them, of which the
bearer Corrymonie will give you the particulars."
The threatenings of the Camerons and Mac-
donalds were not necessary to induce the young
men of our Parish to place themselves under the
standard of the Prince. That standard was raised
at Glenfinnan on 19th August. The men of Glen-
moriston joined immediately afterwards, and the
Macdonalds and Camerons in Glen-TJrquhart were
I Culloden Papers, 372.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 245
eager to follow. These circumstances were reported
by Sir James Grant's brother — Major George Grant,
Governor of the Castle of Inverness, or Fort George,
as it was then called — to the Lord President, who
replied on 26th August :— ' I am willing to believe
that the intelligence you sent me from Urquhart is
not precisely true. That fools might have join'd I
doubt not; but I flatter myself their numbers are
small; and yet I shall give notice to Sir John [Cope]
of the rumor. In my opinion you ought forthwith
to acquaint your nephew [Ludovick Grant] with the
arrivall of Sir John amongst us, that he may give the
proper directions to hold his people in readiness to
join him, and to act by his directions, if there shall be
occasion."1
On the same date Major Grant wrote to Ludovick,
as Culloderi suggested, informing him of Sir John
Cope's movements, and adding — " Glenmoristone
and Glengary's people joyned them [the Jacobites]
on Saturday, and I'm airraid some of the McDonalds
and Camerons in Urquhart will follow their example
on account of the threatenings they have got."
The Prince arrived at Aberchalder, near Fort-
Augustus, on the 27th, and next day marched across
Corriarrack into Badenoch. Finding that Sir John
Cope had turned towards Inverness, he hastened
southward, and took possession of Perth on 4th
September.
Ludovick Grant appears to have been at heart a
sincere enough Whig. The new dynasty had, how-
1 Culloden Papers, 388.
246 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
ever, no great claim upon his services. His grand-
father suffered much in the cause of William the
Third; but his prayers for compensation were left
unanswered. In the Eising of The Fifteen, his uncle,
Brigadier Grant, made large sacrifices for George
the First, and got little thanks for his pains. The
practice of giving without receiving had, in Ludo-
vick's estimation, been carried far enough, and he
followed the example of certain other Highland
chiefs, and adopted a policy of caution.1 At an
interview with Corrimony, on the 15th or 16th of
August, all he exacted from his vassal was a promise
that, in the coming struggle, he should do nothing
on either side contrary to his will. At a later
period he took a somewhat similar undertaking from
another vassal, Mackay of Achmonie. In his letters
to Urquhart he urged the gentlemen and tenants
of that country to stay peaceably at home, without
indicating in the slightest degree that they were
under any obligation to fight for King George; and,
while he himself kept up a fair appearance towards
the Government, he did nothing, so long as the issue
was doubtful, that might subject him unduly to the
lAs early as 1737, Ludovick wrote his father in the following-
terms : — " Upon reflecting what our familie has suffered by polliticks,
and throwing- out our money upon all occasions for the service of the
•Government, without ever getting ourselves reimbursed, and at the
same time observing that former services seem rather to be a drawback
upon us, in place of recommending us to the favour of the present
Ministrie, I think it highlie prudent to live retired, and to endeavour
to recover the losses our familie has sustained. ... I see our
familie in possession of noething but a vast manie fair promises made,
as appears to me, without anie view of being performed. You know
verie well what assurancess I had, and you know what friendship I
met with."
OLDEN TIMES IN T"HE PARISH 247
vengeance of the Jacobites in the event of the
.Prince's ultimate success. He raised six hundred
men in Strathspey, ostensibly in support of the
Whig Government; but beyond accompanying Mac-
leod of Macleod for a few days in an expedition
into Aberdeenshire, and sending to his uncle, the
Governor of Inverness Castle, a hundred men who
subsequently surrendered to the Prince, and some
of whom joined his standard, he made no real effort
for King George until after Charles was crushed at
Culloden. According to a Strathspey tradition, he
in all this followed the advice of a faithful clansman,
Alexander Grant, better known as Alasdair Mor
;0g — Big Alexander the Younger — who recom-
mended him to let those fight who had nothing to
lose.1 His conduct met with the approbation of his
father, who desired him, in a letter written from
London, and which was intercepted by the Highland
army, ' to stay at home and take care of his
country, and join no party.'32 It was, however,
impossible entirely to restrain the men of Urquhart.
The Three Alexanders continued to agitate for the
Prince, and their appeals were seconded by the
Eev. John Grant, minister of the Parish. Charles
acknowledged Shewglie's welcome by addressing a
letter to himself and the other gentlemen of
Urquhart, which was publicly read by the minis-
ter at a meeting held in Kilmore churchyard
1 Tradition communicated to the Author by Alexander's descendant,
the late Major William Grant, factor of Urquhart.
2 Letter, John Grant, factor of Urquhart, to Ludovick Grant, dated
17th September, 1745.
248 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
immediately after divine service upon a Sunday in>
the end of August.1 Charles' Declaration and his
father's Manifesto were also read and interpreted,
and a proposal made that a certain number of the
tenants should join the Prince. Among those
present was John Grant of Ballintomb, factor of
Urquhart, who hastened to Castle Grant for Ludo-
vick's instructions. These were that the Urquhart
men should remain peaceably at home. Corrimony
and his companions represented to the people that
the young Laird, although outwardly on the side of
King George, had a " secret will " in favour of the
Prince. Their word was accepted, and Ludovick' s-
orders were disregarded. The factor again reported,
and Ludovick wrote him as follows, on 5th Septem-
ber :— ' I have just now received yours, about eight
at night. I know you have numbers of people
spreading numbers of stories of purpose to intimadat
my people of Urquhart to run to their ruin. I
know it's said the late Earl Marshall has landed1
with several thousands. I can assure you not one
word of that is founded on truth; whereas I have
certain information last night that there is 5000 '
good troops at Edinburgh, and severals of the
regiments from Ostend have landed; as also 6000
Dutch are daylie expected, and as many Dains; this
being the case, you may judge what must happen to
any who appear against the Government. For my
own part, what I desire and require of my friends
1 Memorial by Ludovick to the Attorney-General (copy at Castle-
Grant), and letter, John Grant, factor of Urquhart, to Ludovick.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 249:
and tennents is to remain at home, and cutt down
their cornes peaceably, as we are doing in Strath-
spey, and as most of Strathdoun and Glenlivat are
determined to do. . . . I shall conclude my
letter with desiring you make my compliments to
the gentlemen of Urquhart, and let them know that
I desire you and them to spirite up the tennents-
and inhabitants of Urquhart to remain peaceable at
home, and to assure them of all encouragement from
me, nay, of favours, if they are obedient ; whereas,
be they who they will that will act otherways than
I desire, they may expect the treatment that they
will justly merite from me. This I desire you read
publickly; and if any after this spirite up my
tennents to act a part against me, they may come
to suffer for it. Let nobody pretend to make the
people imagine I have a secret and revealed will;
for, if they insinuate any such malicious notions
among my tennents, assure you the people they are
deceiving them, and hurrying of them to their
destruction; and, that my sentiments may appear,
I desire you keep this letter as an evidence against
them." And in a postscript he adds — " I begin to
think that some people want to send off some of my
tennents of purpose to make a complyment of them
poor people, without the least regard to their real
interest; but warn you tha tennents to take care of
themselves, as I shall do of them conform to their
behaviour upon this occasion. I must take care of
my tennents, who pay me my rent, and will show
them marks of kindness which none other can do;
250 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
and before they be much older, if they behave well,
I will do them what nobody who may spirite them
up against me can do. Some folks who may hear
this letter read ought to consider well what they are
doing."
This message was more explicit in its terms than
the Laird of Grant's tenants had been led to expect,
.and the immediate effect of it was to prevent them
from joining Corrimony, who, with twenty of his
own people, had come as far as Milton on his way to
the Highland army. Upon the advice of Shewglie,
'Corrimony returned home "this tyme;" but he
declared that if Ludovick did not soon join the
Prince, he would "beg his excuses, and follow his
•own inclinations."1 Two of Shewglie' s sons, Eobert
and Alexander, were not so considerate. They set
out for the Prince's army on the llth, taking with
them a dozen young fellows from the Braes. On
their way through the Strath their little company
increased to twenty. Among their followers were
their relations, Alexander Grant, tenant of Easter
Inchbrine, or Balbeg, and his brother James, who
had conveyed Shewglie' s message to the Prince.
Alexander's conduct cost him the post of forester,
for which he was an applicant when the troubles
began, but before they ended a son was born to him,
whom he named Charles after the Prince, and who,
as one of the results of Culloden, went to India, and
in time became chairman of the East India Com-
1 Letter, the factor to Ludovick.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 251
pany.1 The situation of forester was given to " a
very honest fellow " named Macmillan, but for whom,
reported the factor, "all the Macmillans of this
country would have joined Lochiel."
Shewglie's sons were joined at Invermoriston, on
the 12th, by the Laird of Glenmoriston — that Patrick
who opposed the Forfeited Estates Commissioners in
1721, and who was popularly known by the name of
Padruig Bui, or Patrick the Yellow — with such of his
men as were not already with the Prince. The force
thus formed — about 350 men — hastened south across
Corriarrack, and reached Edinburgh at daybreak on
the 20th, having, in their eagerness to take part in the
expected battle between Charles and Sir John Cope,
travelled all night.2 Patrick Bui, travel-stained and
unshaven, rushed into the Prince's presence at Holy-
rood, and tendered his own and his companions'
services. Charles received him with a remark,
probably half-jocular, regarding the rough condition
of his beard. ' It is not beardless boys who are to do
your Eoyal Highness' s turn," retorted the offended
chieftain.3 " The Chevalier," says Sir Walter Scott,
' took the rebuke in good part ;" the men of Urquharc
and Glenmoriston, placing themselves under the ban-
ner of Glengarry, instantly joined in the march out of
1 Alexander is referred to by Lord Lovat in 1737, as "One Alex-
ander Grant, a soldier in Captain Grant's company, and son to Robert
Grant in Milntown, a cousin-german of Shewglie's." — Chiefs of Grant,
II., 362.
2 Henderson's History of the Rebellion; Caledonian Mercury of
23rd September, 1745.
3 Scott's " Waverley/' note 36.
252 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Edinburgh; and on the early morrow, and in the
right wing of the Highland army, they had their
full share in the destruction of Cope's forces on the
field of Prestonpans. After the battle the bulk of
the Glenmoriston men returned to their homes, but
about a hundred, along with the twenty men of
Urquhart, followed Charles into England, took part
in the stirring events of his masterly retreat, and
were present at " every engagement the young Pre-
tender had, until they were defeated by the Duke of
Cumberland at Culloden."1
The Jacobite leaders rightly judged that the
victory of Prestonpans would have the effect of
encouraging such as were well affected towards the
Prince, but had not as yet ventured to join his
army; and with the view of bringing such under
his standard, Colonel Angus Macdonell, second son
of Glengarry, a chivalrous youth of nineteen, was
sent north with a small company. Macdonell had
his eye especially on Urquhart, where the leading
men were known to be friendly, and on 30th September
he wrote from Dalwhinnie the following letter to the
factor :—
'( Dear Sir, — These serves to give notice that I
am thus farr on my way to Glengarry, and being
clad with the Prince's orders to burn and harass all
people that does not immediatly joyn the standard;
and, ase I have particullar orders to raise your
contrie, I doe by these beg the favoure you, on
1 Letter, Ludavick Grant to the Duke of Newcastle, 1746 — copy at
Castle Grant.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 253
receipt of this line, to have att lest one hundred
men readdie in five days after receipt of this, to joyn
my standart at Invergarrie; and, tho contrarie to
my inclinations, in caice of not dew observance to
this my demand, I shall march to your contrie with
the gentlemen here in company, Keapoch's brother,
.and Tirnadrish, &c., and shall putt my orders in
execution with all rigour; and, ase I have the
greatest regaird for Grant and all his concerns, I beg
you give nether your contrie or me any truble I doe
not choose to give; and your readdie complyance to
this favour will much oblidge him who is sincerely,
dear sir, your most humble servant,
" ANGUS McDoNELL."
" P.S. — Lett me have your answer per bearer,
which will determine me how to behave."
The bearer of this letter also conveyed a message
to the Three Alexanders of Urq.uhart, who deliberated
earnestly regarding the course they should follow.
Anxious to know what effect the Prince's successes
had upon Ludovick's mind, they despatched Ach-
monie to Castle Grant. The wary young Laird was
still sitting on the fence, and the course of events
had not yet clearly shown him on which side he
should leap. He therefore, on 6th October, delivered
to Achmonie a letter addressed " to the Gentlemen
of Urquhart," in which he spoke much of their
fealty to himself as their feudal superior, but not
one word of their higher duty — from the Whig
point of view — to his own superior, King George.
"Achmonie," he wrote, "has communicate to me
254 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the subject you have had latelie under your delibera-
tion. All the return I will give you, considering
what I formerlie writt to my Chamberlane, and
which he communicate to you, is this, that whoever
among you don't complie with my directions in this
present conjuncture, which is to remain peaceable at
home, and to be readie to receive my directions as
your superior, and as master of my own esteat, must
resolve to disobey me at your own perrill; and as I
have firmlie determined that whoever shall insult
me, or disturb anie part of my esteat, shall meett
with the returns such ane insult will merit e, I am
hopefull non of my neighbours will act a part by me
which I could not and can't allow myself to think
them capable of. I can't conceive the least tittle
anie man can have to command anie of my vassals
or tennants but myself; therfor whoever deserts
me to follow anie other at this time, I must look
upon it as a disobedience to me, which I will never
forgive or forgett to them and theirs. I am perfectlie
perswaded all the tennants will adhere and keep
firm to me if they are not lead astray by bad advice,
which I hope they will not follow. I am, gentle-
men, your friend, and will continue so if not your own
faults. - LUD. GRANT."1
Achmonie returned to Glen-Urquhart with this
message, but resolved to respect it only so far as
it suited his purpose to do so. He found Colonel
Macdonell in the Glen, not burnin and harassin
1 Copy Letter at Castle Grant.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 255>
the country, as threatened in the Dalwhinnie letter,
but doing what he could, by fair promises and glowing;
accounts of the Prince's triumphs and prospects,
to induce the people to follow him. Ludovick
had previously ordered the factor to convene the
tenants of Urquhart, should they be unduly pressed
by the Jacobites, and to bring them to Strath-
spey, where they would be more under his own
eye. The men were accordingly got together on
8th October, and such as consented to go to Strath-
spey marched as far as Drumbuie, where they were
stopped by Colonel Macdonell, accompanied by
Shewglie, Corrimony, and Achmonie. The factor
may be allowed to tell the story: — "In obedience
to your orders," he writes to Ludovick, " I convien'd
all the tenants of this country this day, in order to
march them to Strathspey, and there was only sixty
or seventy of the tenants that agreed to goe with
me. Dell1 and I came with all the men that joyn't
ous, the lenth of Drumbuie,2 so farr upon our way
to Strathspey, and Collonell McDonald and all the
gentilmen in this country came up with ous there,
and one and all of the gentilmen, but Shewglie and
his sone, swore publickly to the tenants, if they did
not return imediately, or two nights thereafter, that
all there corns would be burnt and destroyed, and
all there cattle carried away; and when the tenants
1 James Grant of Dell in Strathspey, a tenant in Urquhart.
2 That is, " Upper Drumbuie," the original Drumbuie, past which
the old road to Inverness, by Abriachan and Caiplich, went. The
farm now known as Drumbuie was, until recently, called Kerrowgair.
256 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
was so much thretned by the gentilmen, as well as
by Mr McDonald, they wou'd not follow me one
foot further; and, upon the tenants returning, Mr
McDonald assur'd me that this country wou'd be
quit safe from any hurt from him; and not only so,
but as some of the gentilmen that came north with
him hade the same orders as he had to distroy this
country if wee did not joyn them, he sincerely
assur'd me that he wou'd do all he cou'd to prevent
those gentilmen from comeing, and if he cou'd not
preveall upon them to keep back, that he wou'd run
me ane express in a few days, to put me on my
guard and acquaint me of there comeing; but one
thing I assure you of, or [that is, before] ten days that
this country will be ruin'd.
' Lord Lovat has not appointed a day for his
marching as yet, for am told that he has the meall
to make that he carrys alongs with him for his men's
subsistence. There's a report here this day that
ther's two thousand French landed at Cromarty
last Saturday, with Prince Charles' brother. You'll
please lett me have your advice how to behave, for
am in a very bade situation." And he adds in a
postscript — " Achmonie did not act a right part."
By thh time Lord Loudon was on his way with
his regiment of Whig Highlanders to Inverness,
which he reached on the llth : and tidings had
reached the North of the arrival of foreign troops in
support of King George, and of the great prepara-
tions made in England to suppress the insurrection.
To Ludovick it appeared hardly possible that
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 257
Charles could prevail against the mighty armies
which were being got together to oppose him. He
therefore began to see more clearly on which side of
the fence his interest lay; and in his reply to the
factor — dated 10th October — he showed more of the
Hanoverian partisan than he had hitherto done.
" I am not at all surpris'd," said he, " at the conduct
of the gentilmen of Urquhart, for, as they seem
determd to disobey my repeated orders, they want
to preveall with my tenants to do so likeways;
however, now that they most have heard that
General Legonier, with at least 18,000 of our troops
that have come from Flanders, and the Dutch, and
that there 12,000 Danes and the remainder of the
British troops dayly expected, and that no bodie
even at Edinburgh pretend, to say that the French
can spare any of there troops, I fancie they will
soon see there follie, and they must be satisfied that
in a little tyme I will make them repent there
conduct, and they will see the numbers they belived
would joyn the rebells dwindle to very few, if any
at all. Whenever you hear any motion among your
neighbours, make the best of your way for this place
[Castle Grant], and see to bring those men with you
who were comeing last day, and as many more as
you can, and assure them I will see what losses they
sustain repaid, and shall do all in my power after-
wards to (serve them when others must fly the
country. Don't lett any of the gentilmen know the
day you design to march over with the men,
otherways they may bring a possie to slope you,
17'
258 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
which will not be in there power if you be upon
your guard. I think you ought to have spyes in
the neighbouring countrys. See if -you can gett
money from the tenants who are dew, that wee may
clear when you come over."
The Government preparations which made the
young Laird incline so visibly to the side of King
George had the effect of throwing the less cautious
gentlemen of Urquhart more unreservedly into the
cause of the Prince. On the 14th Corrimony was at
Castle Bonnie (Beaufort) in consultation with old Lord
Lovat, who secretly worked for Charles and openly
wrote letters to Government officials protesting his
zeal for the King. The result of the interview was
that next day Corrimony wrote Ludovick declaring
his determination to " rise in arms to join the
Prince," and informing him that the Master of
Lovat was to come with three hundred men
to force the Urquhart men to join the Erasers,
who were about to march for the Highland army.
On the 16th six score Macdonalds arrived in the-
Glen, and threatened that they and the Frasers
would " spreath the country if the whole people did
not join them." The factor advised the people to
let the Macdonalds drive their cattle away rather
than yield to their threats, and promised that any
loss which they might sustain would be made good
by Ludovick; and for the moment his advice was
taken. But the Prince's friends continued the
agitation. On the 22nd a great meeting, convened
by Corrimony, Achmome, and James Grant, Shew-
alie's eldest son, was held at Tornashee. The Maste.v
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 259
of Lovat and Macdonald of Barisdale attended, and
urged the Prince's claims with such effect that about
sixty of the tenants agreed to join them. The
factor, however, did his best to dissuade them, and
the Macdonalds having foolishly threatened to
harry the country if they did not rise, they
changed their minds in anger; declared that
' they would not disobey Mr Grant, their Master's,
positive commands to them to continue dutiful, and
swore while there was a drop blood in their bodies
they would not allow the Macdonalds carry off their
cattle." By their boastings the Macdonalds had
spoiled the game ; and Barisdale and the Master of
Lovat withdrew, disappointed, to Castle Dounie,
leaving their followers behind them. The interference
of the factor gave great offence. Young Lovat
promised to return with two hundred more men
for the purpose of " forcing '; the Urquhart men
who had accepted his advice; and Corrimony, Ach-
monie, and young Shewglie vowed that the first of
them who should meet him would give him a
beating. It was, however, found unnecessary to
carry these threatenings into effect. The feeling of
resentment roused by the Macdonalds quickly abated,
and when, on the 25th, they and the Frasers marched
to Castle Dounie, they were accompanied by forty of
the Urquhart tenants. Lord Lovat, however, was
not yet prepared to send his clan to the Prince, and
the Urquhart men returned to their homes to await
his iinal decision.1
1 Letters and memorials at Castle Grant; and Narrative prepared
in 1746 by Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk, at Castle Grant.
260 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Ludovick Grant had for some time been pressed
to send to Lord London, who was at Inverness, the
independent company which he had raised, and
which was commanded by a son of Grant of
Eothiemurchus ; but he found excuses for keeping
it in Strathspey. When, however, he heard of the
proceedings at the meeting of the 22nd, he intimated
to the Lord President his intention to march with
500 men through Inverness to Urquhart, " in order
to prevent any more of the people of that country
being forced out upon the other side, contrary to
their inclinations and their duty to him."1 This
intimation was conveyed in a letter from Lord
Deskford to the Lord President, which only arrived
on the morning of the 26th — the very day on which
the Grants were to reach Inverness. The Lord
President at once consulted Lord Loudon. They
were surprised and alarmed at the sudden energy
displayed by a man who had not hitherto shown
excessive zeal for the King, and whose real sentiments
were not wholly beyond suspicion. " I wish with all
my heart," immediately replied the President, " and
so does Lord Loudon, that Mr Grant had communi-
cated his design to us before he set out with such
numbers, which may have the effect to begin horse-
play before we are sufficiently prepared. However,
since he is in the way, and has given no notice of his
route, I cannot tell how, even if it were necessary, to
prevent it ; and we must now do the best we can."2
1 Cullodon Papers, 431. Sir Archibald Grant, who accompanied
Ludovick, states the number of his men at 700. — Narrative, at Castle
Grant.
2 Culloden Papers, 431.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 261
There was no great cause for the President's
alarm. Early on the 26th the factor and Dell
arrived at Ludovick's camp with news of the
departure of the Macdonalds from Glen-Urquhart ;
and if he ever seriously intended to leave the bounds
of Strathspey, the intention was now dropped.
" This day/' he wrote to the President, from Inver-
laidnan, in Duthil, " I proposed to have marched to
relieve the poor tenants of Urquhart, who have been
most scandallouslie used; but just now I have ane
express from that countrie, informing me that
the Macdonells and Frasers have left the countrie,
after carrying about fortie of the men with them.
This day Eothie's1 companie shall be compleated,
and will be at Inverness Tuesday or Wednesday at
farthest : for the men, who have been all here since
Wednesday, will require a day or two at home to gett
readie."
Forbes was relieved to learn that Ludovick had
not started on his expedition to Urquhart; but he
could not understand the delay in sending the com-
pany to Inverness. " I am not sorry," he wrote him
on the 27th, " that the whole number did not then
come, as no plan had been concerted for the disposi-
tion of them; but I am under some concern that so
many of them as were proper for composeing Rothie's
company did not come, because those were expected
some time ago, and the company from Sutherland
arrived the night before the last. What I therefore
1 Rothiemurchus.
2Culloden Papers, 432.
262 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
send you back this messenger for, is, to beg that
Kothie's company may march without loseing a
moment; because we have rely'd upon them; and
the example to others will be bad, if they who were
rely'd on should prove dilatory. The oppression of
your Urquhart people, I am aifraid, continues still,
and there may, for ought I know, be occasion to
march a considerable body to relieve them from it;
but that in due time may be concerted properly and
executed, tho' it ought not to hinder the immediate
march of the company, who, in all events, will be so
far in their way."1
Rothie's company, consisting of 100 men, arrived
in Inverness on 3rd November, and was employed
to garrison the Castle under Ludovick's uncle, Major
George Grant. In the following February the
Major surrendered the Castle to the Jacobites :
whereupon some of his Grants went over to the
Prince.
The efforts of Corrimony and Achmonie to raise
the men of Urquhart did not meet with the success
they expected, and they became somewhat uneasy
regarding their own safety. They therefore jour-
neyed to Castle Grant on 28th October to confer with
Ludovick, and took with them Jane Ogilvie, Corri-
mony's wife, to intercede for them. A letter from
the watchful factor reached Ludovick before them.
" With the greatest submission," wrote he, " I think
you ought to see non of them, as they have acted
iCulloden Papers, 433.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 263
such a part by you as they have done ; and I asure
you that I can prove againest them what will forfite
both their esteats ; and if you forgive them when
they are so much in your power, you ought in justice
to meet with the same disaster if there was a
disturbance in the nation yearly, which am sure will
be the case if you'll not use this two lairds as they
deserve. Corimonie belives that his lady will
make his peice with you, which I hope he will be
mistaken in." The two lairds had undoubtedly
done enough to forfeit not only their estates but also
their lives, but they had reason to believe that
Ludovick, notwithstanding his letters, did not yet
wrish to commit himself irretrievably to the cause of
King George, and they did not hesitate to place
themselves in his power. So far as he was concerned
the time for final resolve had not yet arrived; and,
despite the factor's advice, he received and conferred
with the Jacobite leaders of Urquhart, and allowed
them to return to their homes in peace.
On leaving Urquhart Barisdale proceeded to
Lochbroom and Assynt, where, in concert with the
Earl of Cromartie, he endeavoured to force the
people to rise. In this he failed. Early in
November he returned to Castle Dounie, with
the intention of marching south with the Master of
Lovat and the Erasers, while Lord Cromartie and
his son proceeded to Urquhart with 150 or 160 men,
and there awaited him.1 Barisdale and his Mac-
donalds, and young Lovat, with six or seven hundred
l Culloden Papers, 247.
264 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Frasers, arrived in Urquhart on the 13th or 14th,
and were met by a great number of people in public
meeting 'at Pitkerrald.1 The Laird of Grant's
tenants still hesitated, and the old threat of taking
their cattle and destroying their corn was resorted
to. A quarrel between Barisdale and the Master of
Lovat, who both claimed the right to command them
when they should have made up their minds to join
the Prince's army, probably saved them. A severe
snowstorm also helped to cool the ardour of the
Frasers, and they returned to their own country. 7-
Barisdale proceeded to Glenmoriston, having previ-
ously written Grant of Duldreggan ordering him to
have the men of that Glen ready to march with him
to Perth, " otherwise he would destroy and burn it
stoop and roop." His threat was disregarded by
Duldreggan, but some of the Glenmoriston men joined
him, and the burning and destruction did not take
place.
Lord Lovat made the visit of the Frasers and
the Macdonalds to Urquhart the subject of a
strange correspondence with the Earl of Loudon.
That visit had undoubtedly been made at his own
instance, and for the sole purpose of raising the
country for the Prince. But it did not suit him to
admit so much. He wrote Loudon on the 19th
informing him that his son had been in Urquhart
protecting the people from the Macdonalds; and in
another letter, which he addressed to the Earl on
ILudovick Grant's Memorial to the Attorney-General.
2 Ibid. Trial of Lord Lovat.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 265
the 23rd, he wrote — " I can tell your Lordship with
pleasure that there is not a man belonging to me,
or who are called my people, but are at home, and
peaceable in their own houses. The last of them came
home Wednesday night from Urquhart, where they
were with my son, who went to Urquhart of purpose
to preserve the Grants in Urquhart from being
cpresst by the M'Donells, and I am glad to hear he
has behaved so well that he has the blessings of all
that country people; and the Laird of Grant's doers
have promised to represent to their master, who is
my son's cousin-germain, how kindly and oblidgeing
The Master of Lovat behaved to all the country. It
was but his duty; but in the days that we are in it is
very rare to find a man that does what he ought to
do to a friend and relation."1 These letters, it is
needless to say, were intended to deceive. Loudon,
however, refused to be imposed upon, and when the
time of reckoning came, Lovat 's duplicity cost him
his life.
After the departure of the Frasers and the Mac-
donalds, the Three Alexanders of Urquhart made
themselves more active than ever in endeavouring
to enlist volunteers for the Prince. These " fresh
attempts to debauch his vassals and tenants in
Urquhart " did not meet with Mr Ludovick Grant's
approval, and " he got, by contrivance, Mr Mackay
of Achmunie (a gentleman of that country), whom
Mr Grant was informed was a chief instrument in
endeavouring to debauch his people, to Castle
1 See Lovat correspondence in Transactions of Gaelic Society of
Inverness, XIV.
266 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Grant, and there prevailed with him, by a solemn
writ under Mackay's own hand, and by oaths, to
renounce all these bad measures, and to promise
that he should never attempt the like for the future,
but should, with all his influence, be at Mr Grant's
call whenever he pleased." So said Sir Archibald
Grant of Monymusk, who was employed after Cullo-
den to write a vindication of Ludovick's conduct;
but, as a matter of fact, the writ, which is preserved
at Castle Grant, makes no allusion to the insurrection,
or to Achmonie's part in it, and it was left to the
fortunes of war to decide whether it was to be inter-
preted as an obligation to support King George, or as
one to fight for Prince Charles : — " I, Alexr. M'Cay
alias M'Gilies,1 of Achmunie, do hereby promise and
declare that I will be constantly affectionate and faith-
ful to the Laird of Grant, my superior, and will further
and serve his interest to the utmost of my power,
and will use all the moyan [influence] and interest
I can have with others so to do, particularly with the
other feuars and tenants of the Estate of Urquhart,
and will be assistant to his bailies and chamberlains in
these matters whenever the said Laird's orders and
directions are made known to me; that I will answer
his call, and attend him to receive his directions, as
oft as I shall be required so to do ; and will advise and
induce, not only my own tenants, but all the other
feuars and tenants of the Barony of Urquhart, to do
the like as oft as they shall be required ; and that I will
never, directly or indirectly, act in the contrary. In
1 MacGillies was the patronymic of the family of Achmonie.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 267
witness whereof I have written and subscribed these
presents at Castle Grant, this 6th day of December,
1745 years. — ALEXR. M'CAY."
In Achmonie's view this obligation, wrested
from him by the masterful Ludovick, who had got
him into his power " by contrivance," was only to
be respected so long as he was within the reach of
his strong arm; and on his return to Urquhart he
set it at nought, and, in conjunction with Shewglie
,and Corrimony, continued to work for the Prince.
Their efforts were not without success. " I rune
you this express," wrote the now threatened and
almost despairing factor to Ludovick on 20th
December — the day on which Charles and his army
crossed the Border on their retreat from England —
' to acquaint you that the people of this country
has past my power to keep them any longer from
joyning the Highland armie. Ther's fifty or sixty
of them to goe for Perth the begining of next
week. There goeing is all oweing to Angus Grant,
who goes alongs with your tenants. Corimonie and
Achmony sends a part of there tenants, which I
belive in justice ought to bring them in equaly
guilty as they went themselves. Am told Ach-
mony's brother1 goes. The country people here and
I do not agree one minute, as am againest there
goeing to Perth. Corimonie and I quarald last
Friday, and upon the Saturday he sent for severalls
•of the men of his faimly, who came in full arms with
him in order to atact me, and after they came to
1 Donald Mackay, the Author's great-grandfather.
268 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Millntown, where I was then, they thought proper
to lett me alon. This is the situation am in for
some tyme past — am not only threatned by the
Highlanders for disuading your tenants from joyning,
but are threatned by the country people here.
Within thir [these] few days my house and corns
were threatned to be burnt, and I don't know how
soon this may hapen if am not suported by you.
Am always ready to riske my life in your service.
I hope if any of the small effects I have are
destroyed, that you'll see me redress' d, as you know
that my little moveabls are the greatest subject I
have to depend upon for the support of my faimly.
' If you'll be so good as to give me a posscession
elsewhere, to accomodate my wife and faimly and
cattle for some little tyme till the present troubls in
the nation are quell' d, Fie always stay here while
you'r pleas'd to imploy me, and obey your orders as
fair as lays in my powrer. If this you'll be so good
to agree too, it will be very oblidging, and if you
should not, Fie airways submitt myself to your
pleasure, and not put any little fonds I have in
ballance with serveing my chief."
And after giving this touching expression to his
anxiety for the safety of his wife and children, and
his devotion to his master, he adds this interest-
ing information :— ' Ther's eight companys of the
Frasers at Perth. The Master of Lovet has not
gone as yet. The most part of the Camrons are
come home; trier's not three hundred of them with
there chief. All the McDonalds of Brea-Lochaber
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 269
are come home too, thirty or forty; and ther's not
forty of the Glenmoristone men from home. The
Glengerry McDonalds stood it out best; ther's few
of them came home, accept those that returned to
Perth."
Before the end of the month, the Master of Lovat,
with a further detachment of Frasers, and the
Chisholms of Strathglass and Buntait, under The
Chisholm's youngest son, Eoderick, marched south-
ward through our Parish, and joined the Prince's
army at Stirling early in January. With a few
exceptions, however, the Laird of Grant's tenants
still held back, wavering between their allegiance
to Ludovick and their loyalty to Charles. But
when the Prince arrived in Inverness, on 18th
February, and the Urquhart men who had been in
his army returned for a brief season to their homes,
and told of their wonderful experiences in England,
of the brilliant brush with the enemy at Clifton, in
the honours of which they shared, and of the glorious
victory at Falkirk — glorious in their eyes, notwith-
standing the loss on the field of their brave young
leader, Eobert Grant, son of Shewglie, and the
accidental death after the battle of their colonel,
Angus of Glengarry1 — it was impossible for the
factor to restrain them any longer; and the Three
Alexanders brought about sixty of them to the
Prince, in addition to those who had already
1 Angus was married to a daughter of Robertson of Struan. Their
young- daughter, named Ano-us or Ano-usia, aftev him, became the
second wife of Alexander Mackay of Achmonie.
270 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
served him.1 Placed under the banner of Barisdale,
who had succeeded Angus Macdonell in the command
of the Glengarry regiment, they took part in the
pursuit of Lord Loudon and the Lord President in Eoss
and Sutherland. They returned to fight, and many
of them to die, on the Moor of Culloden.
1 Memorial at Castle Grant.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 271
CHAPTER XV
1746
The Battle of Falkirk. — The Duke of Cumberland in Scot-
land.— Prince Charles at Inverness. — Cumberland crosses
the Spey. — The Men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston sum-
moned to join the Prince. — Culloden. — Incidents of the
Battle and Flight. — Alexander Grant's Exploits. —
Heroic Wives. — Ludovick Grant and his Eight Hundred
in Urquhart. — Rebel-Hunting. — Protections promised,
and the men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston Surrender. —
Fears and Forebodings. — Treachery. — Despair and Male-
dictions.— Ludovick's Intercession and its Result. —
Shewglie and his Son and the Minister in Tilbury Fort. —
Shewglie's Death. — Release of his Son and the Minister.
— Banishment to Barbados. — The Fate of the Exiles. —
Notices of some who Returned. — Donald Mackay.—
William Grant. — Donald Macmillan. — Alexander Grant .
—Donald Grant. — Alexander Ferguson. — Donald Fer-
guson.
THE defeat of the Hanoverians at Falkirk caused
great consternation in London. Dissatisfied with
General Hawley, the Government offered the
chief command to William, Duke of Cumberland,
the King's son — a young man of twenty-five, who
had already had considerable experience as a
soldier, and had acquired some knowledge of
the Highlanders' mode of warfare at Fontenoy,
where they fought under him. The Duke promptly
accepted, and with ten thousand men set out from
Edinburgh on oOth Januarv, 1746, to measure-
272 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
swords with Prince Charles, who crossed the Forth
on 1st February, and, taking the Highland Road by
Drumuachdar, arrived in Inverness on the 18th.
Lord London and his Whig Highlanders abandoned
the town on his approach, and, crossing Kessock
Ferry, made their way into Eoss-shire. Fort
'George, as the Castle of Inverness was then called,
made some show of resistance, but, after a two days'
siege, its commander — Major George Grant of the
Black Watch, Ludovick Grant's uncle — surrendered
to the Prince's Highlanders, by whom the Castle
was immediately destroyed. Some of the Grants
who formed part of the garrison joined the army of
the Prince.
While Charles lay at Inverness — whence he
sent out detachments to take Fort-Augustus and
Fort- William, and other companies into Eoss,
Sutherland, and Atholl — the Duke slowly made
his way northward along the eastern seaboard.
At Aberdeen he remained for weeks, punishing
Jacobites, and waiting for reinforcements and the
spring. On 8th April he began his march to Inver-
ness, and crossed the Spey on the 12th. Tidings
of his approach reached Charles on the 14th, and
messengers were immediately despatched to call
back his Highlanders, who had for a time returned
to their homes. Among these were the men of
Urquhart and Glenmoriston. The summons reached
the Glenmoriston men too late for the coming con-
flict; but eighty men of Urquhart,1 accompanied by
1 Documents at Castle Grant.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 273
Shewglie and his sons Patrick and Alexander, and
by Corrimony and Achmonie, and the latter 's young
brother, Donald Mackay, set out on the 15th, and
arrived at the Prince's camp at Culloden that even-
ing. They found the army preparing to march to
Nairn, with the object of surprising the Duke
before daybreak. Tired though they" were after
their day's journey, they readily joined in the
adventure — all but Shewglie, who, on account of
his great age, returned to Inverness. The High-
landers started as soon as daylight had disappeared;
but the way was rough, the night was darkness
itself, a fierce north-east wind, laden with blinding
sleet, blew in their teeth, and their progress was so
slow that the dawn of a new day was upon them ere
they reached Kilravock, some three miles from where
the Duke lay. The Prince's bold plan had miscarried,
and, notwithstanding his eagerness to press forward,
Lord George Murray ordered a retreat — the best
order, probably, that could in the circumstances have
been given.
After this trying and fruitless march, the High-
landers, footsore and famished, found themselves
once more on the bleak moor of Culloden. Many of
them — among whom were the Urquhart men, who
had marched thirty or forty miles without rest or
food — stretched their weary limbs on the wet heath,
and were soon asleep. Others who were not so
fatigued, but whose only food for the last twenty -
four hours had been a morsel of coarse bread doled
out the previous day, wandered to Inverness and
18
274 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the neighbouring farm-houses in search of some-
thing to eat. Before the sleepers awoke and the
wanderers returned, Cumberland's host of ten
thousand men, fresh from the rest and festivities
which had marked the previous day as his birthday,
appeared in the east, marching with steady tread
upon the Highland camp. It was in vain that the
Prince's officers urged him not to risk all on a field
which was but too well adapted for the movements
of the English horse and artillery, and pointed to
the hills on the other side of the river Nairn as
ground on which the enemy would be at a disad-
vantage, and his Highlanders could effectively bring,
their peculiar mode of warfare into play. Deter-
mined that Cumberland should not pass on to
Inverness, and blindly confident in the prowess of
his mountaineers, he insisted on giving battle where
he stood. A desperate attempt was therefore made
to get his followers together. Those whom the call
reached responded with alacrity, and when the hour
of battle arrived Charles was at the head of five
thousand men — hungry and fatigued, it is true, but
full of ardour and devotion, and eager, in their
own words, to " give Cumberland another Fontenoy'r
—an allusion to the Duke's recent defeat by the
French. About one o'clock the Highlanders began
the fray by firing their miserable cannon. The
English artillery answered with deadly effect. For
half-an-hour the firing continued, and ghastly lanes
appeared in the ranks of the Highlanders. Then
they were allowed to charge in their own old style..
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 275-
Pulling their bonnets down over their foreheads
with a fierceness that Lowland spectators beheld
with dismay, they rushed forward and flung them-
selves with indescribable fury on the bayonet-
shielded front line of the enemy — the Macdonalds,
however, standing sullenly inactive, because they
had been deprived of their customary place of
honour in the right wing. The line fell back
before the shock, but there was another and
another behind, and as the Highlanders bounded
forward they were met with a terrific fire which
almost annihilated them. The survivors turned
and fled, and the cause of the Stewarts was lost
for ever.
The Prince, forced off the field by his attendants,
escaped in the direction of Strathnairn and Strath-
errick. The greater portion of his army crossed the
Nairn, and found refuge in the mountains. The
remainder, including the Frasers, Chisholms, and
the men of Urquhart, fled towards Inverness, pur-
sued by the Duke of Kingston's Light Horse,
slaughtering as they went — among the slain which
lined the road being many of the townspeople who
had come out to see the battle.
Of the Urquhart men thirty fell on the field or
in the flight.1 A few of the incidents of the day
still related in Glen-Urquhart may be recorded.
James Grant, that cousin whom Shewglie sent to
Charles with his message of welcome, and who had
followed the Prince into England, made his way,
1 Memorial at Castle Grant.
276 URQUHAET AND GLENMORISTON
terribly wounded, to his aunt's house at Cradlehall,
where he died in a few hours. His dust lies in
the Cradlehall garden. His brother, Alexander, not-
withstanding a wound in the head, made good use in
the flight of that skill which had already won for
him the name of The Swordsman. He saved
Somerled Dubh Macdonald by severing a trooper's
arm which was raised to strike him. Wishing to
avoid the streets of Inverness, he and his com-
panions passed by the town, and forded the Ness
above the Islands. William Macmillan, from the
Braes, was being hard pressed in mid-stream by
a trooper, when Grant stole behind, and with a
stroke of his sword brought horse and rider
into the water. His next stroke cleft the English-
man's head in twain. At the same place a trooper
shot Donald Macmillan from Shewglie in the thigh,
and was himself shot dead by a Lochaberman, who,
mounting his horse, and placing Macmillan before
him, galloped off to Glen-Urquhart, carrying with
him the first tidings of the disaster. Donald Fraser,
Drumbuie, saved himself by slaying a horseman who
pressed hard on him in the flight.1 Corrimony,
suffering from two severe wounds, was carried off
the field by John Garbh Cameron, Carnoch.
James Breac Chisholm, Upper Balmacaan, lay
wounded on the field for two days, and wit-
nessed the savage butchery of the Highlanders
after the battle. His own life was saved by an
l Fraser related this incident to the late John Mackenzie, Achinte-
marag-, who communicated it and other Culloden traditions to the
Author.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 277
English officer, who was moved to pity by his
sufferings. Among those who joined the Prince on
the 15th were Alexander Macfie, tenant of
Kerrowgair (now Drambuie), and his brother
Ewen. Next morning their young wives started
for the camp with food for them. As they
passed through Inverness the distant roll of artil-
lery told but too plainly that the expected conflict
had already begun. In the hope of being able in
some way to succour their husbands they still
hastened on. At Inshes they met the Highlanders
in full flight, and witnessed their slaughter by the
troopers. One of the latter, probably in wanton
jest, pointed his carbine at Alexander's wife, who,
believing that her hour had come, closed her eyes in
prayer. The soldier, however, did not fire, and the
two women, forgetting their own safety in their
concern for their husbands, pushed on to the scene
of the battle. There they found Ewen Macfie among
the slain. Alexander had escaped, and returned in
safety to his home. At Caiplich he and his com-
panions met the men of Glenmoriston, who were on
their way to Culloden, and who at once returned to
their own Glen.1
Cruel though the disasters of Culloden were,
greater trials awaited the inhabitants of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston. "It is the living parting," says
the Gaelic proverb, " that makes the sore wound."
The people of our Parish were made to feel
l Tradition communicated to the Author's father by the latter's
grandmother, Mary, daughter of Alexander Macfie and his heroic
wife.
278 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the bitter truth of the saying. Ludovick Grant
went to Aberdeen about the beginning of March
to pay his respects to Cumberland, whoA after a few-
days, ordered him to return to Strathspey, and to
meet him again at Speymouth with six hundred
men. Ludovick returned to his own country,
but failed to meet the Duke, his excuse being that
the Grants refused to leave their homes while the
Jacobites were near. The events of Culloden
changed all. No longer deeming it necessary to
act on the advice of Alasdair Mor Og — c< Let those
fight who have nothing to lose ': —the young chief
leapt with amazing agility off the fence on which
he had so long sat, and in less than two days had
eight hundred men at the service of Duke William.1
Employed in rebel-hunting, he captured Lord Bal-
merino and other Jacobites in Strathdearn, and, in
obedience to the Duke's commands, destroyed the
ploughs and implements of the people of that
district.2 Immediately after the battle John Grant,
factor of Urquhart, waited upon Cumberland at
Inverness, and was ordered to bring in the Urquhart
men who were loyal and disposed to follow Ludovick
as their chief.3 None came in, and before the end of
April Ludovick and his eight hundred marched into
the Parish.
1 Letter, Sir Archibald Grant to Sir James Grant, dated Inverness,
8th May, 1746. The documents referred to in this chapter are at
Castle Grant, except where otherwise indicated. Some of them are
printed in " The Chiefs of Grant."
2 Ibid.
3 Letter, Earl of Findlater to Ludovick Grant, dated Inverness,
I9th April, 1746.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 279
" I shall conclude my letter," wrote Ludovick to
the factor at an early stage of the troubles, ' ' with
desiring you make my compliments to the gentlemen
of Urquhart, and let them know that I desire you
and them to spirite up the tennents and inhabitants
of Urquhart to remain peaceable at home, and to
assure them of all encouragement from me, nay,
of favours, if they are obedient; whereas, be they
who they will that will act otherways than I desire,
they may expect the treatment that they will justly
merite from me." The gentlemen and tenants and
inhabitants of Urquhart did otherwise than as he
desired, and he now came to fulfil his promise.
With a vigour and devotion which contrast strangely
writh his inactivity before Culloden, he scoured the
country from Tullich to Temple — the Dan and
Beersheba of Urquhart — for the men who had been
" out " and were now fugitives in the woods and
among the' mountains. Corrimony found safe shelter
within the cave of Morall, where the remains of the
timber of his rough bed were seen by persons who
still live; but Ludovick carried away his own and
his tenants' cattle.1 Achmonie was equally safe in
1 The following document is preserved at Castle Grant : —
" Whereas Ludovic Grant of Grant had seized upon the lands of
Corrymonie in Urquhart cattle belonging to tenants of mine, and the
said Grant hath, upon the representations of me, Alexander Chisholm
of Chisholm, younger, delivered back 17 cows, small and great, seven
piece of horse, eleven sheep, and nineteen goats, belonging to those
tenants, I oblige myself that these persons, so far as I know, have
been in no ways concerned in the Eebellion, and that the said cattle
shall be forth-serving to his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland's
orders whenever called upon : In witness whereof, I have subscribed
these presents at Balmacaan this 30th day of April, 1746 years. —
ALEXR. CHISHOLM."
280 URQUHART AND GEENMORISTON
the crevice in Achmonie Craig, which still bears his
name.1 Patrick Grant, Shewglie's son, found refuge
in the woods of Lochletter : his brother Alexander
never returned from Culloden, and years after-
wards appeared in India as an officer under
Olive. James Breac Chisholm was among the rocks
of Craigmonie, where his food was brought to him
by a faithful dog. The retreats of the fugitives were
known to many of the people, but nothing would
make them give information, and, although Ludovick
continued the search for several days, his only
captives were John Bain (John the Fair),
Donald Bain, and Alexander Bain, all of Corri-
mony — "honest men," all of them, certified
the Eeverend John Grant, minister of the Parish,
who did what he could to screen the fugitives,
and kept their little money for them.2 The captives
and the cattle were sent under escort to Cumberland ;
but they were a poor result of the Expedition of the
Eight Hundred, and Ludovick strongly urged the
people to get their fugitive friends to surrender and
cast themselves on the Eoyal clemency. He sent a
similar advice to the men of Glenmoriston. His
counsel was unfortunately accepted. On the 4th of
May sixty-eight Glenmoriston men appeared at
Balmacaan, and surrendered themselves and their
arms. Their example was followed by sixteen of the
men of Urquhart.3 Ludovick was satisfied, and next
1 Uamh Fhir Achamhonaidh — Achmonie's Cave.
2 Letter, Ludovick Grant to the Duke of Newcastle.— Chiefs of
Grant, ii., 267.
3 See Appendix H for lists of those who surrendered, and of the-
arms given up by them.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 281
day he proceeded to Inverness with them, and with
the minister, old Shewglie and his son James, and
Donald Mackay, Achmonie's brother, and delivered
them all into the hands of Duke William.
The surrender was not made without doubts and
forebodings. James Breac Chisholm was on his way
to Balmacaan to give himself up, when the idea
of treachery forced itself so strongly upon his mind
that he returned to his retreat in the Bed of the
King's Daughter in Craigmonie. Glenmoriston and
Corrimony both started to meet Ludovick, but took
warning and turned back. John Macmillan, Borlum,
kept to the woods on the advice of his wife, who
quoted the proverb, " JS fhearr sith fo phreas na sith
fo ghlais 5: — " better peace in a bush than peace in
fetters." Ewen Macdonald left his home .at Livisie
with the other Glenmoriston men, followed by his
wife, who implored him to return. Her tears had
no effect, until, as the party was about to cross the
Urquhart march beyond Achnaconeran, she threw
the child which she carried at her breast in the
heather, and bidding her husband take it or let it
die, sped back as if her senses had forsaken her.
Ewen had but one choice; and he raised the child
and returned with it to his house, where he
remained. When Shewglie got into his saddle to
accompany Ludovick to Inverness, his mare turned
three times tuaitheal — that is, against the sun. His
old hen- wife, Stianach Bhuidh nan Cearc — Yellow
Stianach of the Hens — marked the evil omen,
and entreated him not to go. He went, and
never returned. On his advice, however, The
URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Swordsman returned home until it was seen how
it fared with those who did not equal him in guilti-
ness against the Guelphs, and he was spared. The
women, who formed the bulk of the great crowd
which gathered at Balmacaan to witness the
departure of the surrendered, filled the air with
cries of grief, and one old female stepped forward and
addressed the doomed men in words of prophecy—
' Urchadainn Mo Chrostain,
Cha bu rosadach thu riamh gus an diugh —
An taobh ris am beil sibh cuir bhur sail,
Gu brath cha chuir sibh cla.r na h-aoduinn I" l
The manner in which the surrender was brought
about has been recorded by Ludovick. " Mr Grant,"
he says, referring to himself, " in prosecution
of his own letters and manifestos during the time
of the Eebellion, and in prosecution of His Eoyal
Highness' orders, firmly determined to bring in as
many of the rebels in Urquhart and Glenmoriston
as he could, to be used as His Eoyal Highness
should judge fit. Accordingly, his men catched
some and sent them prisoners immediately on his
going to Urquhart, and for several days hunted the
others in that wild mountainous country; but on
their keeping out of his way he thought fit to
declare and publish that he could grant them no
sort of terms, but that if they did not quickly come
in and deliver up themselves and their arms, he
would never desist from ferreting them out, and
1 0 Urquhart of St Drostan, never wert thou unhappy until
to-day — to the place to which you [the surrendered] now turn your
heels you will not turn your faces till the Day of Doom !
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 283
that although the estate was his own he would burn
the houses and leave it as a forest rather than that
it should be inhabited by rebels; but that, by sub-
mitting, they would have the best chance (as many
of them pretended to have been forced) of saving
their houses and effects, and their wives and
children, and that even some of themselves might
have a chance for mercy on consideration of their
different cases, but that he could not pretend to
foretell what their fate might be; and he both sent
messengers and wrote an ostensible letter to a
peaceable honest man, one Grant of Duldreggan,
much to the same purpose — which letter, as he
hears, is in the hands of Sir Everard Faulkner [the
Duke's secretary]. The event was that besides the
^above mentioned sixteen Urquhart men, Duldreggan
brought him sixty-eight Glenmoriston people, and
that Mr Grant caused acquaint His Ebyal Highness
that these persons, in consequence of the above
hunting and threats, had surrendered to him with-
out the promise of any terms, and that His Eoyal
Highness might dispose of them as he should think
fit.551
There is reason to believe that, in his eagerness
to show results to Cumberland, Ludovick held out
greater hopes to the unfortunate people than he here
admits. " The fact is," he states in the same paper,
;c that none of the Urquhart people did surrender,
save only sixteen, when he was threatening murder
l Draft (at Castle Grant) of Memorial by Ludovick to Govern-
ment in answer to Petitions by the Shewglies and the Eev. John
k Grant.
284 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
and burning, after having hunted and chased them
for several days." The threat of murder — murder
of the innocent people who had not left their homes
and could be got at — was one which the fugitives
were not likely to take seriously; their turf houses
and little effects did not weigh much against their
lives and liberty ; their secret haunts were not known
to Ludovick and his Strathspeymen ; and, having
eluded their pursuers for several days, it is difficult
to believe that they left their fastnesses without an
assurance of safety. The tradition is that they were
promised " protections ': —letters from the authori-
ties securing them against further molestation — and
the breach of the promise gave rise to a saying
which was at one time common in the Parish
as indicative of treachery and danger— :' Cho-
sabhailt ri protection!" —" As safe as a protection !"
The tradition is fully corroborated by writings of
the period. The two Shewglies and the parish
minister state in a petition which tKey sent
from their English prison to the Duke of New-
castle, Secretary of State, that the men surrendered
on Ludovick 's " assurance that he would intercede
with His Eoyal Highness on their behalf, and that
after such surrender they should be permitted to
return to their respective places of abode : " l the
Reverend James Hay of Inverness, writing in
1749, asserts that "the men of Glenmoriston and
Urquhart were advised to go to Inverness, and
deliver up their arms, upon solemn promises that
1 Copy petition at Castle Grant.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 285
they should return safe, with protections; which
•encouraged also those who were not engaged, to
go:"1 Andrew Henderson, a Whig "Impartial
Hand," who accompanied Cumberland's army, and
afterwards wrote a "History of the Eebellion,"
records that " the people in the Eebellion, on submit-
ting to mercy, were dismissed to their own habita-
tions; only the Grants of Glenmoriston were led into
a snare through a mistake of their chieftain, who
assured them of pardon if they would but come in :"2
and the author of an old MS. history of the Grants
states that the fugitives were ' ' prevailed upon to
come and surrender themselves in expectation that
they would have got protections, and been allowed
to return to their country."
The unfortunate men were doomed to cruel dis-
appointment. Ludovick, as he himself has recorded,
delivered them up to Cumberland, " that His Eoyal
Highness might dispose of them as he should think
fit." Not one word did he utter by way of inter-
cession. On the contrary, 'he effectually destroyed
whatever feeling of mercy lurked in the Duke's
breast by delivering to him the letter addressed by
Prince Charles to the gentlemen of Urquhart, and
which had found its way into the hands of the
factor. The result was that all who had surrendered,
including the aged Shewglie and his son, and the
minister and Donald Mackay, were confined in one of
the churches of Inverness3 for some days, and then
l Chambers' Jacobite Memoirs, 256. 9
2 " Impartial Hand's " History of the Eebellion,, 337.
3 The Gaelic Church, according to tradition.
286 -URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
transferred to Government ships which sailed with
them on the 22nd for the Thames.1
The news of their betrayal struck terror into the
hearts of their relations and friends in Urquhart and
Glenmoriston. Men and women gave way to grief
and despair, and cursed Ludovick in language which
can hardly be uttered.2 For a time he and his friends
failed to realise the enormity of the offence which
had been committed against honour and humanity.
Writing from Inverness on 8th May to the old Laird
of Grant, who was in London, ignorant of the deeds-
which were done in his name, Sir Archibald Grant
of Monymusk, after giving an account of the sur-
render, excuses Ludovick for not having " catched
many more;" and two days later the young Laird
himself writes his father with evident satisfaction : —
" I had the honour yesterday of having His Eoyal
Highness' approbation of the part I have acted since
I came here. I intended to have set out for London
this day, but as the Major's trial comes on to-morrow
I must wait it.3 I shall, when we meet, satisfy you,
I hope, and all the world, with my conduct since the
beginning of this villanous rebellion. ... I
think old Shewglie is now in a way of repenting all
1 Jacobite Memoirs, 256; "Impartial Hand's" History of the
Rebellion, 338.
2 One example of the maledictions may be given : —
A Thighearn' og Ghrannda,
Gum a h-ard theid droch dhiol ort —
Gaoir na cloinne gun athair
Ga d' sgaradh o Flaitheanas Chriosda !
(O young Laird of Grant, great be thy evil reward — may the cry
of the fatherless children drive thee from the Heaven of Christ !)
3 Major Grant, Ludovick's uncle, who was tried for surrendering
Inverness Castle.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 287"
his villanous rebellious schemes, since he was a man
in the 1715 and ever since. His cunning will not
save him. I have done all I could to get hold of
Corrimonie and Achmonie, but have not yet suc-
ceeded.37 When he reached London he found that
the "world/3 far from being satisfied, condemned
the dishonourable capture with a unanimity that made
him wince, and that called forth long vindications of
his conduct from Monymusk, and Lachlan Grant,
a devoted clansman who practised law in Edin-
burgh.1 Shewglie and his son and the Eeverend
John Grant, from their cell in Tilbury Fort, laid
their version of the sad tale before the Government
in a petition to the Duke of Newcastle. A copy of
the document was sent to Ludovick, and he was
constrained to reply. He addressed a long letter to
Newcastle, in which, after denying the accuracy of
the statements made by the petitioners, and animad-
verting severely on their conduct, he made an appeal
on behalf of their humbler associates. " 1 must beg
leave,33 said he '" to inform your Grace that there
are 68 of the men of Glenmoriston, and 16 of the
men of Urquhart sent here [i.e., London] prisoners.
These unhappy men surrendered themselves to me,
May 4th, without any promise of pardon, but threw
themselves upon His Majesty's mercy, and sur-
rendered their arms, which were delivered to his
Eoyal Highness3 order. As none of these people
were at the battle of Culloden 3; —a humane untruth
which may be pardoned— '' and were the first who-
surrendered, without attempting to make .terms,,
1 Both papers are at Castle Grant.
288 URQUHART AND GLENMOEJSTON
and, as since that time many of the rebels who have
surrendered have been allowed to live in their own
countries, I cannot help feeling some compassion for
those who surrendered to me. I must therefore
humbly beg they may be used no worse than others.
I have information many of them deserted from the
rebels, and returned home, and showed no inclination
to continue in rebellion. And as I told their friends
before they surrendered that they would find it
would tend more for their own safety, and that of
their wives and children, to follow that measure,
which I was convinced would preserve their effects,
whereas, if they continued in arms, I was certain
their whole country would be turned into a forest,
and their effects carried off, and they themselves in
a short time could not miss to be apprehended, I
know if they are not treated with the same mercy
as others are, I must meet with reflection as being
the person who advised their surrendering without
waiting to see the fate of others."
Ludovick's tardy compassion and intercession
were of no avail. Government responded to the
petition of the Shewglies and the minister, of whom
he wrote in terms of condemnation, by releasing
them from prison and permitting them to live in
London under the surveillance of an officer of the
law. But old ShewghVs days were numbered, and
he was in his grave before 29th July.1 His son and
the minister were in the end permitted to return to
lit appears from papers at Castle Grant that lie died a natural
death, but it was believed in Glen-Urquhart that he was burnt to
death in a barrel of tar.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 289
their homes. Ludovick's appeal on behalf of the
remaining prisoners was disregarded, and, without
trial or enquiry, they were shipped off to Barbados.
Many of them succumbed to their evil treatment
in the Thames and during the voyage. Of
the rest only eighteen were alive in 1749 ;L
and of these seven or eight only saw their
own country again. Donald Mackay was but a
short time in the island when he escaped as a
stowaway to Jamaica, where, assuming the name of
Macdonald, he adopted a planter's life. Many years
afterwards he returned to Glen-Urquhart, became
tacksman of Kerrowgair — now the farm of Drumbuie
—and married Mary, daughter of Alexander Macfie,
the old tenant, and of that devoted wife at whom the
trooper pointed his carbine on the road to Culloden.
His great-grandson is now writing these pages.2
William Grant returned and became tenant of
Breakry-riach ; and his grandsons, the late John and
Ewen Mackenzie of Achintemarag, furnished some of
the incidents related in this chapter. Donald Mac-
mi llan also found his way home, ccnd was well known
in after life as the Grey Smith of Inchvalgar. Of the
1 Lyon in Mourning — MS. in Advocates' Library.
2 Donald's grandson (the late William Mackay, the Author's
father, who in early life dropped the name Macdonald) visited, as
late as 1886, the battlefield of Culloden, where Donald fought in 1746.
Donald and his wife are buried in the old Achmonie burial-place at
Kilmore. Their tombstone, which was erected in 1822, bears the fol-
lowing inscription : — " Here lie the Remains of Donald Mackay Mac-
donald, Esq., late Planter in Jamaica, and Representative of the
ancient family of Achmonie, who died in August, 1791 : also the
Remains of his Spouse, Mary, who died January, 1822. This tribute
of respect is erected to their memory by their son, John Mackay
Macdonald, Esq." ][Q
290 UKQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Glenmoriston men, Alexander Grant returned in
1748, and Donald Grant in August, 1750. " Their
wives and children were overjoyed by the unexpected
sight of them."1 Alexander and Donald Ferguson or
Farquharson also came back, but the former, finding
that his wife had been faithless during his absence,
emigrated to America. Donald was more fortunate.
Before starting on the ill-fated journey to Balmacaan,
he divided a ring in two, and, giving one half of it to
his betrothed, bade her keep it till they again met.
The other half he retained. Eeturning after many
years he crossed from Fort-Augustus to Innse-Mhor,
near Aonach, where the woman resided. On
approaching the house he learned that she had lost
all hope of his return, and that the feast for her
marriage with another man was being prepared.
Giving expression to his feelings in rhyme,2 he
entered and asked her for a drink. Stranger though
he apparently was, the occasion demanded that she
should offer him a dram. Secretly dropping his half
of the ring into the cup, he begged her to drink first.
She did so, and to her astonishment and joy found
the counterpart of the token which she had so long
treasured. The man for whom the marriage feast
was being prepared had to give way, and his place
was taken by the long-lost Donald Ferguson.
1 Lyon in Mourning.
2 Tha smuid mhor dhe Tigh-na-h-Innse —
Thoir learn fhein gur smuid bainns' i.
Tha mo dhuil an High na Firinn
Gur h-ann domhs' tha brith iia bainnse !
(Great is the smoke from the House of Innse — a wedding smoke
it appears to me. My confidence is in the King of Truth that the
marriage preparations are for me !).
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 291
CHAPTEE XVI
1746—1747
The Government's Treatment of Ludovick Grant. — Glen-
Urquhart harried by the English Cavalry. — The Blanket
Raid. — Invermoriston House Burnt, and the Glenmor-
iston People Plundered. — Cumberland at Fort- Augustus.
— Atrocities in Glenmoriston. — A Reign of Terror. — The
Story of Roderick Mackenzie. — Cattle dealing between
English Soldiers and Southern Drovers. — Gay Life in the
English Camp. — Horse-Racing Extraordinary. — The
Seven Men of Glenmoriston. — The Wanderings of Prince
Charles. — The Prince in Glenmoriston. — His Three
Week's Life with the Seven Men. — An Oath of Secrecy
and Fidelity.— -The Prince's Movements. — His Escape. —
His Appearance and Habits. — Devotion of the Seven
Men. — The English leave Fort- Augustus. — Famine and
Pestilence in the Parish. — The Use of Arms and the
Wearing of the Highland Dress Prohibited. — A Terrible
Oath. — Results of Culloden. — Close of the Olden Times.
LUDOVICK GRANT'S zeal in connection with the
bringing in of the men of Urquhart and Glen-
moriston did not secure him the consideration
which he expected from the Government and
military authorities. His uncle was tried by court-
martial for surrendering Inverness Castle, and
somewhat harshly dismissed from the army. Young
Shewglie and the Reverend John Grant, whose
punishment he had urged, were, as we have seen,
released; while the men who were unfortunate
enough to be the objects of his intercession were
banished to Barbados without trial. His request
to be refunded his outlays while rebel-hunting—
292 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
amounting to £494 8s— was treated with contempt.
Early in July his estate of Urquhart was over-run
by Kingston's Light Horse, who gave his tenants'
houses to the flames,1 and carried away their horses,
cattle, and household effects.2
In October a levy of one hundred blankets was
made out of Urquhart for the King's troops, and
enforced by a company of soldiers; while a similar
demand for one hundred and fifty blankets was in
January following made on his people of Strathspey.3
For these losses and exactions Ludovick and his
tenants in vain sought redress.
1 The houses of Divach and Clunemore were burnt. An officer of
the name of Og-ilvie was sent to destroy Corrimony house, but he
spared it on account of Corrimony's wife, Jane Ogilvie; and it still
stands.
2 See Appendix I. for details of the spoil. Kingston's Horse, who
were raised by the Duke of Kingston at the outbreak of the war, left
Fort-Augustus on 27th July for their native Nottinghamshire, where
they astonished the people of that county with their wonderful
accounts of their prowess and exploits in the Highlands. According
to one report of the time, "three butchers of Nottingham, who had
been of Kingston's Horse, killed fourteen men each at the battle of
Culloden" — (Scots Magazine, 1746). The regiment was disbanded in
September, when their standards were placed in the town-hall of
Nottingham, with an inscription in the following terms : — " These
Military Standards, lately belonging to the Light Horse commanded
by the Most Noble and Most Puissant Prince, Evelin, Duke of King-
ston, raised among the first by the County of Nottingham out of
Love to their Country and Loyalty to the Best of Kings, in the year
1745, pr> here dedicated to the perpetual Fame and immortal Memory
of their invincible Bravery in the Skirmish of Clifton Moor, the
Siege of the city of Carlisle, but especially at the memorable Battle
fought a,t Culloden, in the Highlands of Scotland, on the 16th day of
April, 1746, where, amongst others, they performed many and glori-
ous Exploits in Routing and entirely Subduing the Perfidious Rebels,
stirred up and supported by the French King, an implacable Enemy
of the Protestant Religion and Publick Liberty. God save our ever
August King ! Long may the County of Nottingham Flourish !"
3 Memorial by Ludovick Grant to the Duke of Newcastle — copy at
Castle Grant.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 293
The district of Glenmoriston suffered even more
than Urquhart. The Earl of Loudon, who had
found shelter in Skye after his retreat from Inver-
ness, returned as soon as tidings of Culloden reached
him, accompanied by Sir Alexander Macdonald of
Sleat, Macleod of Macleod, and the " militia of the
Isle of Skye." In passing through Glenmoriston
the Earl and his companions lodged for a night in
Invermoriston House. Next day, according to the
testimony of an eye-witness, Patrick Grant, tenant of
Craskie, they " burnt it to the ground, destroying
at the same time all the ploughs, harrows, and other
such like utensils they could find." The Skyemen,
continues Grant, " dividing themselves into three
parties, went a-rummaging up and down the Glen,
destroying all the ploughs, harrows, &c., pots, pans,
and all household furniture, not excepting the stone
querns, with which they [the people] grind their
corn, breaking them to pieces; and driving along
with them such cattle as (in their then hurry) they
found in the Glen. Our country blame the Laird of
Macleod more than any other for this piece of mili-
tary execution, that Lord Loudon was against it,
but that Macleod should have insisted upon it as a
meritorious piece of service, fit to recommend them
to the good graces of the Duke of Cumberland." l
Loudon was a keen and consistent Whig who would
not have been without excuse even had he been the
instigator of these measures; but there can be no
excuse for the two Island chiefs, who, if they did
1 Lyon in Mourning.
294 UEQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
not " insist " on them, took part without compunction
in carrying them into effect against a people whose
•only crime was the espousal of a cause which they
themselves had at one time had serious thoughts of
joining.
The Duke of Cumberland left Inverness on 23rd
May, and arrived next day at Fort- Augustus, which
he made his headquarters till his departure for
England on 18th July. During his stay, and
indeed until the last remnant of the English army
left in August, the district of Glenmoriston, lying
within a few miles of the Fort, suffered much.
Officers and men forgot their humanity, and revelled
in blood, plunder, lust, and brutal horse-play. The
truth of the charges against them has been denied;
but without relying on the tradition of the country,
which tells in words of fire of the enormities of the
time, many deeds of violence and shame are but .
too well authenticated in the pages of the Lyon
in Mourning, a manuscript collection of letters,
journals, and narratives made by Bishop Eobert
Forbes immediately after the close of the war.1 The
following examples may be given from that col-
lection.
Colonel Cornwallis, marching through Glen-
moriston with a body of soldiers, observed two men
' leading " dung to their land, and shouted to them
to come to him. Instead of obeying, the men, who,
1 The Lyon in Mourning was preserved in the family of Stewart
of Allanton, by whom it was given to the late Robert Chambers, who
made it over to the Advocates' Library, where it now is. It has
since the issue of the first edition of this work been published by the
Scottish History Society.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 295
knowing only Gaelic, probably did not understand his
request, turned their faces away from him. They
were instantly shot dead.
Major James Lockhart, of Cholmondeley's Begi-
ment, an officer who was taken prisoner by the
Highlanders at Falkirk, and bribed his guard to let
him free, made discreditable use of the liberty which
he had thus gained, and his name has come down
to us as the most notorious of Cumberland's lieu-
tenants.1 Six or seven weeks after the battle of
Culloden he was in command of a company in the
Braes of Glenmoriston, when he saw two old men,
Hugh Fraser and John Macdonald, and the former's
son, James Fraser, harrowing in a field. He shot
the three down without a word of warning. On the
same day he ordered Grant of Duldreggan, a peace-
able man who had taken no part in the insurrection,
and on whose advice the Glenmoriston men sur-
rendered to Ludovick Grant, to gather together the
Duldreggan cattle while he and his men harried and
burned another district. Finding on his return
next day that the cattle had not all arrived from
the remote glens, he stripped Grant naked, bound
him hand and foot, and in that condition made him
1 Lockhart is referred to in the following lines by a woman whom
he had robbed : —
Tha 'n crodh agam ann an Sasunn;
Cha d' fhag iad beathach agam air pairce;
Thug iad uam brigh mo thochradh —
'S e Maidsear Lockhart an t-aireach !
(All my cattle are in England; they have not left a beast with
me on a field ; they have deprived me of the substance of my dower —
and Major Lockhart is the cow-keeper !)
296 URQUHAET AND GLENMORISTON
witness the hanging by the feet of the bodies of the
three men who had been murdered on the previous
day. Grant's life was spared at the request of
Captain Grant of London's Eegiment; but Lockhart
carried away his cattle, set fire to his house, robbed
his wife of her rings, and stripped her of her clothes.
Of these scenes the aged Lady of Glenmoriston,1
whose own house and effects were also given to the
flames, and who was forcibly deprived of her " plaid
and napkin," was an unwilling witness.
Another man of the name of Fraser was shot by
Lockhart as he was wading a stream — notwith-
standing that he held in his hand a " protection '
from the Whig minister of Kilmorack.
But the most tragic event that happened in Glen-
moriston was the death of Eoderick Mackenzie. This
young man was a native of Edinburgh, and probably
a son of Colin Mackenzie, jeweller in that city, who
interested himself in the cause of the Stewarts in The
Fifteen. Eoderick, who followed Colin's politics as
well as his trade, joined Prince Charles, to whom he
bore some personal resemblance, and became one of
his body-guard. After Culloden, he wandered
through the Highlands, and happened to be in our
Parish when it became known that Charles had
escaped from the Western Isles, and was lurking
among the mountains of the mainland of Inverness-
shire. Unfortunately, a party of the King's soldiers,
who were eager to win the £30,000 placed on the
Prince's head, came upon him in Glenmoriston, and,
1 Daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, and widow of Iain
a' Chr again.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 297
taking him for the royal fugitive, endeavoured to
seize him. He made no attempt to undeceive them,
but, drawing his sword, refused to be taken alive.
They thereupon riddled him with bullets, and he
expired with the words on his lips— ' You have
murdered your Prince." 1 The head of the hero was
carried in triumph to Fort- Augustus, where Mac-
donald of Kingsburgh was questioned as to its
identity.2 His evidence was unsatisfactory, and
when Cumberland left for England, he took
the head with him to be submitted to other
witnesses. Eichard Morison, who had been the
Prince's valet, and now lay under sentence of death
at Carlisle, was summoned to London to identify
the head; but he was delayed through illness, and
before he arrived it was beyond recognition. The
Government were, however, soon satisfied that
Charles was still alive; but Mackenzie's self-sacrifice
slackened for a time the exertions of the troops, and
probably saved the Prince. It certainly saved his
valet, who was granted a pardon and allowed to cross
to France.3
1 These are the words given in the Lyon in Mourning. They are
given somewhat differently by the Chevalier Johnstone and others.
2 Lyon in Mourning; Soots Magazine.
3 Chevalier Johnstone's Memoirs. Mackenzie fell by the side of
the public highway, opposite the lands of Ceanacroc. A cairn marks
the spot. The grave in which the headless body was hastily buried
lies on the opposite side of the road, and by the side of a small
stream called, after Mackenzie, Caochan a' Cheannaich — the Mer-
chant's Streamlet. Near it was recently found a sword, probably
Mackenzie's. Without any good reason, doubt has been cast on the
story by Mr Robert Chambers and Lord Mahon, neither of whom,
probably, ever visited the scene of his death. The story is related
298 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The soldiers roamed up and down Glenmoriston,
shooting down men, burning homesteads to the
ground, stripping women of their clothes, and
driving to Fort-Augustus every four-footed animal
they could find. Maids and matrons were seized
and violated under circumstances -of gross brutality.1
The terror-stricken people fled to the mountains,
where many of them succumbed to hunger and
exposure.2 Such of them as ventured to the Fort
to beg for food were denied the crumbs that fell
from the soldiers' table, and were sent away empty-
by Johnstone (Memoirs) and in the Lyon in Mourning by Macpherson
of Cluny, and Mrs Cameron, wife of Dr Archibald Cameron — the last
Jacobite executed. These all lived at the time of the event. Another
contemporary, Dug-aid Graham, the rhyming historian of The Forty-
Five, gives it in the following lines : —
" Rod'rick Mackenzie, a merchant-man,
At Ed'iiburgh town had join'd the Clan,
Had in the expedition been,
And at this time durst not be seen.
Being skulking in Glen-Morriston,
Him the soldiers lighted on.
Near about the Prince's age and size,
Genteely drest, in no disguise,
In ev'ry feature, for's very face
Might well be taken in any case,
And lest he'd like a dog be hang'd,
He chose to die with sword in hand,
And round him like a madman struck,
Vowing alive he'd ne'er be took,
Deep wounds he got, and wounds he gave;
At last a shot he did receive,
And as he fell, them to convince,
Cry'd, Ah! Alas! You've killed your Prince;
Ye murderers and bloody crew,
You had no orders thus to do."
1 See Appendix J.
2 Lyon in Mourning ; Scots Magazine, 1746 ; Glenaladale's Account
of Prince Charles' Escape, in Lockhart Papers, II., 556.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 299
handed by order of Duke William.1 Even the dead
were not allowed peaceful burial. ' As the Glen-
moriston people were forced to keep the hills/' says
Patrick Grant,2 " so when any of them died, they
would have been kept three or four days, because of
the parties then scouring up arid down the country,
and when they could they would have carried the
dead bodies privately, in the night-time, to the
kirk-yards to bury them. Hereby the Glenmoriston
people, having suffered much both by hunger and
cold, so in the ensuing winter, 1746, a great
mortality happened among them."
While the wretched people thus suffered and
died, their oppressors fared sumptuously, and ate,
drank, and were merry. The large sum of £4000—
equal in value to three or four times that amount in
the present day — was sent to Fort-Augustus by the
city of London for division among the non-com-
missioned officers and soldiers.3 The horses, cattle,
sheep, and goats which were brought in thousands
into the camp were sold to dealers from England
and the south of Scotland, and the proceeds divided
as prize-money. " Most of the soldiers," writes one
who served with them as a volunteer,4 " had horses,
1 The following order was issued by the Duke on 8th July : —
" There is no meal to be sold to any persons but soldiers, there wives
are not alow'd to buy it — if any soldier, soldier's wife, or any other
persons belonging- to the Army, is known to sell or give any meal to
any Highlander, or any person of the country, they shall be first
whipd severely for disobeying this order, and then put upon meal
and water in the Provost for a fourthnight." (Maclachlan's Life of
-Cumberland, 324).
2 Narrative, in Lyon in Mourning.
3 Maclachlan's Life of Cumberland, 325.
4 Bay's History of Eebellion, 372.
300 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
which they bought and sold with one another at a
low price, and on which they rode about, neglecting
their duty; which made it necessary to publish an
order to part with them, otherwise they were all to
be shot. I saw a soldier riding one of these horses,
when, being met by a comrade, he asked him, c Tom,
what hast thou given for the galloway?' Tom
answered, ' Half-a-crown.' To which the other
replied, with an oath, 'He is too dear; I saw a
better bought for eighteenpence.' Notwithstanding
the low price, the vast quantities of cattle, such as
oxen, horses, sheep, and goats, taken from the rebels
and bought up by the lump by the jockeys and
farmers from Yorkshire and the south of Scotland,
came to a great deal of money; all which was
divided amongst the men that brought them in,
who were sent out in parties in search of the Pre-
tender; and they frequently came to rebels' houses
that had left them and would not be reduced to
obedience. These sort our soldiers commonly
plundered and burnt, so that many of them grew
rich by their share of spoil." l
One would have thought that, in such circum-
stances, and placed as they were in summer in the
midst of magnificent scenery, the English soldiers
would have greatly enjoyed their life in the High-
lands. But the Southrons had not yet learned to
appreciate the beauties of Highland scenery, and
l There were 8000 cattle at Fort- Augustus on 26th July — all taken
from the "rebels" (Scots Magazine, August, 1746). "If some of
your Northumberland graziers were here/' writes an officer from the
Fort on that date, "they might make their fortunes."
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 301
the unwonted landscape had a depressing effect
upon their souls. The sight " of the black barren
mountains, covered with snow and streams of water
rolling down them," says Bay, the Volunteer, " was
sufficient to give a well-bred dog the vapours, and
occasioned numbers to fall sick daily as well in their
minds as in their bodies." With the desire of
mending their minds if not their morals, the Duke
initiated sports of a most diverting character. "Last
Wednesday," writes a gentleman on 17th June,1
' the Duke gave two prizes to the soldiers to run
heats for, on bare backed galloways taken from the
rebels, when eight started for the first, and ten for
the second prize. These galloways are little larger
than a good tup, and there was excellent sport.
Yesterday His Eoyal Highness gave a fine holland
smock to the soldiers' wives, to be run for on these
galloways, also bare-backed, and riding with their
limbs on each side the horse, like men. Eight
started, and there were three of the finest heats
ever seen. The prize was won with great difficulty
by one of the Old Buffs ladies. In the evening
General Hawley J —the gallant commander who
made such a rapid flight from Falkirk — " and
Colonel Howard ran a match for twenty guineas on
two of the above shalties; which General Hawley
won by about four inches." " There were also,"
says Eay, ' many foot races performed by both
sexes, which afforded many droll scenes. It was
necessary to entertain life in this manner, otherwise
1 Scots Magazine, June, 1746.
302 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the people were in danger of being affected with
hypochondriacal melancholy." These races were
said to have been attended with circumstances of even
grosser indecency than is acknowledged by these
Whig writers. According to the gossip of the time,
the female camp-followers who took part in them
were as destitute of raiment as was Godiva of
Coventry during her famous ride. It is fair, how-
ever, to add that the Eeverend James Hay of
Inverness, to whom Bishop Forbes addressed
enquiries on the point, replied — "Though the
running naked be commonly reported, I have not got
an account of the certainty."1
Among those who sought refuge in the mountains
were Patrick Grant, tenant of Craskie, to whose nar-
rative reference has in this chapter been repeatedly
made; Hugh, Alexander, and Donald Chisholm,
sons of Paul Chisholm, tenant in Blairie; Alexander
Macdonald in Aonach; John Macdonald, alias
Campbell, in Craskie; and Grigor Macgregor.
These Seven Men of Glenmoriston, having witnessed
the betrayal and slaughter of their friends and
relatives, the burning of their homes, and the loss
of their property, bound themselves by a solemn
1 The races — horse and foot — had the personal attention of the
Duke. On 17th June the following1 appears in his General Order
Book : — " H.R.H. gives six plates to be run for this afternoon at 5
o'clock by the sheltys belonging- to the Army, viz., four the line, one
to be run for by the Wimen, all to ride without sadles, Every Body
has a Right to run, they are to be at H.R.H. Quarters at half an
hour after four." On 23rd June the order appears: — "There is a
plate of guinea value to be run for on foot by the wimen of the line
his afternoon. N.B. — The Ladies are desired to be on the Course by
five o'clock."
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 303
oath never to surrender themselves or their arms to
the English, but to stand by each other to the last
drop of their blood.1 They were stalwart men who
had been trained in the Highland Independent
Companies. Macgregor had also been in Lord
London's Regiment, from which he deserted on the
landing of the Prince; and they had all served with
Charles.2 They now made their home in Uamh
Euaraidh na Seilg — the Cave of Eoderick the
Hunter — in Corri-Sgrainge, one of the two small
corries into which Corri-Dho branches out in its
upper reaches; and from there they went forth in
search of food and adventure. In a small way they
waged war against the devastators of their country,
making the Whig Highlanders who accompanied
the English soldiers as Gaelic-speaking guides and
informers the special objects of their animosity.
About the beginning of July the two Macdonalds
and Alexander and Donald Chisholm observed a
party of seven red-coats, under the guidance of
Archibald Macpherson, a native of Skye, making
their way from Fort-Augustus to Glenelg with two
horses bearing wine, wheaten bread, and other pro-
visions. They fired from behind some boulder-rocks,
and two of the soldiers fell dead. The others,
alarmed at the unexpected attack, fled towards Fort-
Augustus, leaving their horses behind them. The
Glenmoriston men buried the dead where they fell,
took possession of the provisions, and drove the
horses three miles further into the mountains, and
1 Lyon in Mourning. 2 Ibid.
304 URQUIIART AND GLENMORISTON
there let them loose. " The wine," said Patrick
Grant, who related the incident to Bishop Forbes
in 1751, ' being contained in square hampers of
leather with padlocks, we fell to breaking up the
hampers with stones, whereby (woe be to the
stones !) we break some of the bottles ; and when
we got them opened we were very angry we found
no money in the hampers." They, however, saved
sufficient wine to enable them to live " like princes "
for about five days.1
Some days after this incident, the Seven Men
met Eobert Grant, a native of Strathspey, at a
place ever since called Feith Eob — Eobert 's Bog—
and shot him through the heart. Cutting off his
head, they fixed it high in a tree near the high road
at Blairie, where the skull remained till far into the
nineteenth century. Another native of the same
Strath — An Speach Euadh, or the Eed Strathspey-
man — was cut down by them, and buried in the
wilds.2
Three days after the death of Eobert Grant,
Patrick Grant and his companions received tidings
to the effect that a party of soldiers had taken
cattle belonging to Patrick Grant's uncle, and were
driving them towards the West Coast, by General
Wade's road through Glenmoriston. The Seven
Men followed the soldiers, and overtook them near
the Hill of Lundie, by Loch-Cluanie-side, and from
some little distance called upon them to give up the
1 Lyon in Mourning1.
2 Ibid., and tradition in Glenmoriston.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 305
•cattle. The officers in command placed their men
in order for resistance, and sent Donald Fraser, a
militiaman, to enquire what the Glenmoriston men
wanted, and to invite them to surrender and take
advantage of the royal clemency. Patrick replied
that they were resolved to recover the cattle, and
that 'rather than surrender they would fight to their
last breath, indicating at the same time that com-
panions were near who would help them in the
struggle. -The officers refused to give up the
cattle, and ordered them to be driven off. ' The
Seven Men then made a lateral movement, and
commenced a running fire, two by two, with 'some
effect. Still the cattle and the soldiers moved on.
The assailants then went forward to a narrow and
dangerous pass, where, taking up a strong position,
they gave their fire with such effect that the men,
terrified at this unusual kind of warfare, fell into
confusion, and many fled. The officers then sent a
second message, but with the same result, and,
strange to say, the affair ended by the men being
allowed to carry off the cattle, together with a horse
laden with provisions."1
The three Chisholms, who made themselves con-
spicuous in these adventures, occasionally visited
their mother at Blairie. This became known at
Fort- Augustus, and a small party of soldiers was
sent out to capture them. The young men, how-
1 Patrick Grant's Narrative, corroborated by Donald Eraser, the
militiaman. (Lyon in Mourning1).
20
306 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
ever, stoutly resisted, and put the red-coats to»
flight,1
While the men of Glenmoriston were thus leading,
the lives of outlaws, the Prince, for whose sake they
suffered, was himself hunted from island to island,
and from glen to glen, by the soldiers of King George.
After Culloden, he proceeded by Strathnairn, Strath-
errick, Fort- Augustus, and Glengarry to Arisaig,
and thence crossed the Minch to Benbecula, For
two months he eluded his pursuers in the Outer.
Hebrides, and at last escaped from their grasp
through the heroic devotion of Flora Macdonald,
under whose guidance he crossed to Skye in
female attire. On 5th July he landed in Morar.
His presence there became known to the warships
which scoured the Western Sea, and to the troops
at Fort- William and Fort- Augustus. The ships
closed in upon the coast, and a cordon of
soldiers was drawn from Loch Shi el to the head of
Loch Hourn, the men being placed within sight
of each other, with fires burning at night r
between which they passed and repassed contin-
ually. Charles was now completely surrounded,
and escape appeared almost impossible. He, how-
ever, resolved to make an attempt, and placed
himself unreservedly in the hands of three gentle-
men who had served in his army — Major Macdonald
of Glenaladale, Lieutenant John Macdonald, Glen-
1 Tradition communicated to tli? Author by the late Duncan
Macdonell, Torgoil Inn, 'who saw and remembered Hugh Chisholm.
one of the Seven Men — the same Hugh whom Sir Walter Scott, when
n young man, knew in Edinburgh (Tales of a Grandfather).
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 307
aladale's brother, and Lieutenant John Macdonald,
son of Angus Macdonald of Borodale. With these
as his guides, and travelling only by night, he
gradually made his way northward — passing more
than once so near to the soldiers that the sound of
their voices reached his ears. Early on the morning
of the 27th the party arrived at Glenshiel, where
they met a Glengarryman whom Glenaladale recog-
nised as one who had served in the Highland army.
Led by him they that night pushed forward to
Strath-Cluanie, where they rested till the afternoon
of the 28th, when, alarmed by the sound of fire-
arms, they made for the high mountain range that
looks down upon Glenmoriston's lands of Corri-
Dho on the one side, and upon Glen-Affaric on the
other. There they passed a most miserable night,
" the only shelter His Eoyal Highness had being an
open cave where he could neither lean nor sleep,
being wet to the skin with the rain that had fallen
all that day; and having no fuel to make a fire
with, his only way to make himself warm being by
smoking a pipe." 1
Some time before, the Prince heard that French
vessels had put in at Poolewe, and he was anxious
to push northward in their direction. The Glengarry
guide did not know the country beyond Strathglass,
and he suggested that the Seven Men of Glenmoriston,
whose cave was in the corrie which lay at their feet,
should be asked to conduct the party towards Pool-
ewe. His suggestion was agreed to, and about three
l Glenaladale's Account, in Lockhart Papers, II., 556.
308 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
o'clock in the morning of the 29th, he and Gleri-
aladale's brother went forth in search of the proposed
guides. They soon found the two Macdonalds and
Alexander Chisholm, who readily undertook to shelter
Glenaladale and his companions, among whom, they
were informed, was a young gentleman whose name
was not mentioned, but whom they took to be young
Clanranald ; and it was arranged that the whole party
should come to the cave, where food was to be
prepared for them.
The two messengers having returned and reported
the result of their search, Charles and his com-
panions immediately set out for the cave. They
were met on the way by the three men, who at
once recognised the Prince, and welcomed him with
the greatest enthusiasm. Leading him to the cave,
they offered him such " cheer as the exigency of the
time afforded."1 They had no bread to give him,
but of their mutton and butter and cheese and
whisky he partook heartily, for he had not tasted
food for forty-eight hours. His hunger being thus
appeased, he lay down on a bed of heather, and
" was soon lulled to sleep with the sweet murmurs
of the gliding stream that ran through the grotto
just by his bed side." 2
When he awoke he expressed his desire not to
increase the number of those to whom he entrusted
himself, and proposed to the three men, through
Glenaladale as interpreter, that they should remove to
another place without waiting for their companions,
1 Lyon in Mourning-. 2 Glenaladale's Account.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 309
who were absent on a foraging expedition. The men
replied that they and their comrades were bound by
a solemn oath to stand by each other, and that they
must refuse to forsake them. Charles did not press
his wish, but suggested that they should solemnly
swear to fidelity and secrecy. This they at once
agreed to do, and the following oath was adminis-
tered to them by Glenaladale : — "That their backs
should be to God and their faces to the Devil, and
that all the curses the Scriptures did. pronounce
might come upon them and all their posterity if
they did not stand firm by the Prince in the
greatest dangers, and if they did discover to any
person — man, woman, or child — that the Prince was
in their keeping, till once his person should be out
of danger."1 This obligation they observed so care-
fully that for a year after Charles' escape to France
it was not known that he had been among them.2
On their part Charles and Glenaladale proposed
to swear — " That if danger should come upon them
they should stand by one another to the last drop of
their blood;" but the men would take no oath from
the Prince and his friend. Charles remarked that
they were the first Privy Council that had been
sworn to him since the battle of Culloden, and he
promised never to forget them or theirs if ever he
should come to his own. One of them replied that
a certain priest who li used to come among them in
their own country frequently had told them that
King Charles the Second, after his restoration, was
not very mindful of his friends;" to which plain
1 Lyon in Mourning-. 2 Ibid.
310 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
speaking the poor Prince answered that ' ' he was
very heartily sorry for that, and that he hoped he
himself would not follow the same measures, and
that they might depend upon his word as the word
of a Prince." *
Next day the absent men returned with a live
ox and a dead deer, and took the oath which their
companions had already sworn. The ox was
slaughtered in the Prince's presence; and, although
there was no bread and but little salt, Charles
enjoyed a better meal than he had done for weeks.
One of the men afterwards ventured to Fort-
Augustus and purchased bread for him, and for
three days he rested in the cave, with the result
that " he was so well refreshed that he thought
himself able to encounter any hardships."2
Deeming it inexpedient to continue too long in
one place, the party removed on 2nd August to
Corri-Mheadhain, the second small corrie which
branches off Corri-Dho, and there " took up their
habitation in a grotto no less romantic than the
former."3 In this new retreat they remained for
four days, at the end of which they received intelli-
gence that Lieutenant Campbell, the Whig cham-
berlain of Kintail, was within four miles of them
1 Lyon in Mourning1.
2 Glenaladale's Account. "Sometimes," says Lord Mahon
(History of England), "they [the Seven Men] used singly and in
various disguises to repair to the neighbouring Fort-Augustus, and
obtain for Charles a newspaper or the current reports of the day. On
one occasion they brought back to the Prince, with much exultation,
the choicest dainty they had ever heard of — i pennyworth of ginger-
bread !"
3 Lyon in Mourning.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 311
with a large spoil of cattle.1 The Prince had no
•desire to make the chamberlain's acquaintance, and
leaving Alexander Macdonald and Alexander Chis-
holm to watch his movements, he started on the .6th
with the rest of his party, and, travelling by night,
reached the heights of Strathglass early on the 7th.
He was there overtaken by Macdonald and Chisholm,
who expressed the opinion that Campbell was not
likely to give trouble. Despatching two messengers
in the direction of Poolewe for intelligence regarding
the French ships, Charles remained for two days in
.an unoccupied shieling-hut, sleeping soundly at night
on a bed of turf— : * a long divot or fail ' —laid on the
earth wth the grass side uppermost. Early on the
9th he started again, and, having rested that night in
another shieling, entered Glen-Cannich on the
10th, and remained concealed there till about
two o'clock in the morning of the llth, when he
betook himself to the mountains lying on the north
of the glen, to await the return of the messengers.
These arrived on the 13th with the news that a
French ship had indeed put in at Poolewe, but had
again sailed after landing two gentlemen who were
making their way to Lochiel's country in quest of
the Prince. Anxious to meet these strangers, and
1 Campbell took Patrick Grant's cattle about 7th July (Lyon in
"Mourning). He is the person described in a song of the period as —
" An Caimbeulach Dubh a Ciun-taile,
lar-ogh' 'mhortair, 's ogh' a' mheirlich;
'Am Braid-Albainn fhuair e arach —
Siol na ceilge, 's meirleach a' chruidh."
(The Black Campbell from Kintail, great-grandson of the
murderer, and grandson of the thief. It was in Breadalbane that he
-was brought up — the seed of deceit, and the stealer of cattle).
UKQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
receive any despatches which they might have for
him, Charles at once retraced his steps. Passing
by Comar, where the young Chisholm resided, he
reached Fasnakyle at two o'clock next morning,
and hid in the wood there till he should ascertain
whether the soldiers were still in Glenmoriston
and Glengarry. In three days his scouts reported'
that the way was clear. 1> Resuming his journey at
1 At Fasnakyle the party was joined by Hugh Macmillan, a Glen-
moriston man, who had been in the Prince's army. " When at
Fassanaooill, the farmer there, John Chissolm, used to furnish Patrick
Grant and the other Provisors with Meat and Drink for themselves
and their Company, John Chissolm in the meantime knowing nothing
at all about the Prince. When the Prince heard that John Chissolm
had furnished him with Provisions, he desired that John might be
brought to him, and accordingly Patrick Grant and Hugh Macmillan
were dispatched to John Chissolm with that Intent. They desired
John to come along with them to see a Friend, whom he would like
very well to see, without telling who the Friend was. John answered,
'I believe there is some Person of Consequence amongest you, and,
as I have one Bottle of Wine (the Property of a Priest, with whom I
am in very good Friendship), I will venture to take it along with
me.' Patrick Grant sad, 'What, John! have you had a Bottle of
Wine all this Time, and not given it to us before this Time?' Away
they went to the Prince, whom John Chissolm knew at first sight,
having been in his Army. Upon delivering the Bottle of Wine to the
Prince, Patrick Grant desired the Favour of his Eoyal Highness to
drink to him [Patrick Grant] ; for (added he) ' I do not remember thafr
your Eoyal Highness had drunken to me since you came among our
Hands.' Accordingly the Prince put the Bottle of Wine to his
Mouth, and drank a Health to Patrick Grant and all Friends. John
Chissolm having received good payment for any Provisions he had
furnished, and finding they had been purchased for the use of his
Prince, immediately offered to return the whole Price, and pressed"
the Thing much; but the Prince would not hear of that at all, and
ordered him to keep the Money. John Chissolm took the same Oath
of Secrecy with that before mentioned as taken by the Glenmoriston
Men who were so lucky that the Prince was in absolute Safety during
the Time he was in their hands, and (under God) they would have
provided for his Safety to this very Day, had he thought fit to have
continued amongst them." — Patrick Grant's Narrative, in Lyon ini
Mourning.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 313
six o'clock on the morning of the 17th, he passed
into Glenmoriston, whence he sent one man to
Glengarry, and two others to Lochaber to arrange a
meeting between Cameron of Chines and Glenala-
dale. The Glengarry mpssenger returned on the
19th with a favourable report, and Charles and his
companions proceeded by Glen-Loyne, towards the
West. Wading the Eiver Garry in high flood,
they made their way to Achnasoul, near the east
end of Loch-Arkaig, where they were met on the
20th by the other two men, bearing a message from
Clunes to the effect that he would meet Glenaladale
next morning. Charles and his companions had
no food that day till late in the evening, when
they feasted royally on a hart which had fallen to
the gun of Patrick Grant. They were also cheered
by the arrival of the loyal Macdonald of Lochgarry.
Next morning they were joined by Clunes, who
conducted them to a wood at the foot of • Loch-
Arkaig, whence Charles was able to communicate
with Lochiel. He was now in the midst of his
Western friends, and the Glenmoriston men pre-
pared to return to their own country. The Prince
desired to make them a small gift of money in
acknowledgment of their devotion and fidelity, and
requested Patrick Grant to remain with him until
he was placed in funds. In a few days Patrick
rejoined his companions, the proud bearer— not of
the £30,000 which he and they might have won by
betraying the Prince — but of three guineas for
himself and three for each of his companions.1
1 Glenaladale's Account ; and Patrick Grant's Narrative.
314 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
For a month longer Charles wandered in the
Western Highlands. He was finally taken on
board by a French vessel, and safely conveyed to
France.
PATRICK GRANT, ONE OF THE SEVEN MEN — FROM A MINIATURE IN
GLENMORISTON'S POSSESSION
We learn something from the Lyon in Mourning
of the Prince's appearance and manner of life during
the three weeks which he passed with the men of
Glenmoriston. The Eeverend John Cameron of
Fort- William, who saw him at Loch-Arkaig, records
that ' ' he was then bare-footed, had an old black
kilt-coat on, a plaid, philibeg, and waistcoat, a dirty
shirt, and a long red beard, a gun in his hand, a
pistol and dirk by his side." This description is
corroborated by Patrick Grant, who adds that the
Prince possessed but four shirts, which it was not
always convenient to get washed, and that the
discomfort which he consequently experienced was
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 315
increased by his having to sleep in his clothes, and
plaid, and wig, and bonnet. He required but little
rest. He stepped nimbly over the moors by day, but
In the dark floundered awkwardly into pits and bogs.
His hopefulness and cheerfulness never forsook him.
He used " to declare," says Patrick Grant, " that he
had great confidence in the King of France as a true
and fast friend, and that the King (his Father) and
his own brother, Henry, would risk all to save him."
He called the Seven Men his Privy Council, per-
mitted them to address him by the name of Dugald
MacCullony,1 ate and drank with them as one of
themselves, and forbade them to take off their
bonnets in his presence. He was the cook of the
party, and took pains to convey to his companions
some little knowledge of his art.2 He even spoke to
them of his love affairs. "In Glen-Cannich, upon
Lammas day," says Patrick Grant, ' the Prince
spoke much to the praise of one of the daughters of
the King of France, and drank her health, and made
all the company do so likewise. . . . The Prince
told them that her hair was as black as a raven,
that she was a mighty fine, agreeable lady, being
sweet-natured and humble; that he could not fail
to love her, as he was very sure she entertained a
1 MacCullony, more correctly Mac '111 Domhnaich — Son of the
Servant of our Lord. The surname was at one time common in our
Parish and Kiltarlity.
2 " The Prince had a good Appetite and we all sate in a Circle
when eating1 and drinking1, every one having- his Morsel on his own
knee, and the Prince would never allow us to keep off our Bonnets
in his Company. The Prince used sometimes to roast his own Meat,
and sometimes to give Directions about the homely Cookery, taking
a Bit now and then from off the Speet while roasting." — (Patrick
•Grant, in Lyon in Mourning).
316 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
great regard for him, as did likewise the Dauphin,
whom the Prince commended much." ..." As
that Lady is so good-natured, agreeable and humble,"
exclaimed John Macdonald, " would to God we had
her here, for we would take the best care of her in
our power, and, if possible, be kinder to her than to
Your Eoyal Highness." " This," continues Patrick,
' made them all laugh very heartily, and the Prince
answered, ' God forbid, for were she here and seized,
to ransom her person would make peace over all
Europe upon any terms the Elector of Hanover
would propose.'
The fatigues which the Prince endured, and
the coarse food on which he subsisted, made him
a martyr to dysentery; but, says Grant, "he
bore up under all his misfortunes with great
resolution and cheerfulness, never murmuring or
complaining of the hardness and severity of
his condition." His religious duties were not
neglected. ' The Prince," continues the same
devoted adherent, ' upon rising in the morning,
used to retire for sometime by himself to say his
prayers. I believe he is a very good Christian,
indeed. . . . The Prince discovered that we
were much addicted to common swearing in our
o
conversation; for which he caused Glenaladale
reprove us in his name; and at last the Prince, by
his repeated reproofs, prevailed on us so far that we
gave that custom of swearing quite up."
Charles, indeed, was at this time — and before
his temper was soured by cruel disappointments-
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 3] 7
.and shattered hopes — a man of a most pleasant
disposition. His kindly manner and gallant bearing
inspired the men of Glenmoriston with feelings of
unbounded affection towards him; and after grasping
his hand in the last farewell, one of them at least
never again gave his right hand to man or woman.1
The bulk of the English troops left Fort-Augustus
on 12th July, and, a month later, Lord Loudon
marched southward, leaving only a small garrison
behind. Thereafter, with the exception of the
blanket raid in October, the people of our Parish
were left in peace. Grant of Glenmoriston and The
Chisholm were excepted from the benefits of the
Act of Indemnity; but, nevertheless, their lives and
their lands were spared. Grant of Corrimony was
also allowed to go unpunished. Mackay of Achmonie
had the honour of being the only person in the
Parish who found a place in a great list of
' rebels " prepared by the officers of excise for the
information of the Government;2 but no evil con-
sequences followed the prominence thus given to
him. Cumberland and his lieutenants had done
enough, and the Government was satisfied. The
sufferings of the people were, however, not yet over.
The little corn they had sown during the distractions
1 Hugh Chisholm, whom Sir Walter Scott knew in Edinburgh
(Tales of a Grandfather). Hugh was remembered by Glenmoriston
people, who told the Author how as children they used to tease him
by endeavouring to seize his right hand. James Chisholm, in Balma-
caan, also never gave his right hand to another after shaking hands
with the Prince. (See Appendix K for further notices of the Seven
Men of Glenmoriston).
2 List of Persons concerned :n the Rebellion (Scottish History
Society).
318 UKQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
of the spring was left unprotected and unsecured, and
winter found them without bread. Their cattle,
too, had been seized and sold by the English
soldiers. Famine and Pestilence strode side by
side through the glens, and there fell before them
more than fell at Culloden.1 The men who survived
1 were taken bound by a shameful oath to discontinue
the use of arms and their ancient dress: — "I do
swear as I shall answer to God at the great day of
judgment, that I have not, nor shall have, in my
possession any gun, sword, pistol, or arm whatsoever,
and that I never use tartan, plaid, or any part of
the Highland garb : and if I do so may I be cursed
in my undertakings, family, and property; may I
never see my wife and children, father, mother, or
relations; may I be killed in battle as a coward,
and lie without Christian burial in a strange land,,
far from the graves of my forefathers and kindred :
may all this come across me if I break my oath."
And so ended the last of the many " troubles "
in which the men of Urquhart and Glenmoriston
took part for their old Eoyal Line; and so also may
be said to have ended the Olden Times in the
Parish. Culloden and the outrages and legislation
that followed destroyed many a pleasant feature in
the lives and customs of the people; but they
also closed the wars and the strifes and the spoli-
ations that marked the course of centuries of trouble
1 One effect of the Kising, and the troubles that followed it, was
to greatly reduce the birthrate in the Parish. The register of
baptisms shows that 32 children were baptised in 1744; 30 in 1745;
18 in 1746; and only 12 in 1747.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH 319
and turbulence. Since The Forty-Five change has
followed change in rapid succession; and now,
almost literally, old things are passed away, and all
things are become new. Some of these changes
will fall to be considered in connection with the
ecclesiastical and educational history of the Parish,
and the social condition of its inhabitants.1
1 See Appendix L for notices of the principal families of the
Parish, from the earliest time to the present day.
320 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTEE XVII
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH— BEFORE THE REFORMATION
Introduction of Christianity. — St Ninian and Ternan. — The
Temple, or St Ninian's Chapel. — The Story of Merchard.
— His Church in Glenmoriston. — Traditions concerning
Him. — His wonderful Bell. — Drostan, Patron Saint of
Urquhart, — His Chaplainry and Croft. — Eelapse of the
People into Paganism. — St Columba's Mission. — Marvel-
lous deeds in the district of Loch Ness. — Opposition of
the Druids. — Columba in Urquhart. — Conversion of
Emchat and Virolec. — Invermoriston Church.— Columba's
Well. — St Ada-mnan. — The Church of Abriachan. — The
Mission of Curadan. — ihe Church of Corrimony. —
Gorman. — The Churches of Lag an t-Seapail, Achna-
hannet, Pitkerrald, Kilmichael, and Kilmore. — The
Celtic Clergy and their Services. — Fall of the Druids. —
Their Religion and its Remains. — The Roman Catholic
Church Established. — Origin of Parishes and Church
Endowments. — Erection of the Parish of Urquhart. — The
Parish Church and its Property. — The Chapels and their
Crofts.— The Chancellor of Moray.— The Clergy of the
Church and Chapels. — The Reformation. — The Parish
Priest turns Protestant. — Loss of the Church Lands in
the Parish. — The People Spiritually Destitute.
THE early ecclesiastical history of our Parish, like
its early civil history, is involved in much obscurity.
Christianity was probably introduced into the South
of Scotland by the Eoman soldiers in the first or
second century; but it was left to St Ninian, who
flourished in the end of the fourth century and the
beginning of the fifth, to preach its doctrines with
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 321
any degree of success among the native population.
Through his missionary ardour and evangelical zeal,
the Southern Picts, who occupied the country lying
to the south and east of the Grampians, forsook
their paganism. It has hitherto been assumed that
neither he nor his followers had any share in the
introduction of our faith into the territory of the
Northern Picts, to whom, it has been said, the
message of salvation was first delivered by St
Columba. That assumption does not appear to be
well founded. The dedications which we find in
honour of St Ninian within that territory, including
the Temple, or Kil St Ninian, in Urquhart,1 justify
the belief that, if he did not himself labour among
the Northern Picts, the Gospel which he preached
in the South was conveyed to them by his immediate
disciples. It could not well have been otherwise.
iThe district of St Ninians in our Parish is, in Gaelic, called
Slios an Trinnein — Ninian's Hill-side. Trinnean, Ringan, &c., are
forms which the name has assumed since the Saint's time. St
Ninian's Well, at the Temple, continued down to our own time to be
visited by men and women in search of health. In a description
written early in the seventeenth century of certain parts of the
Highlands (printed in Macfarlane's Geographical Collections, Vol. *
II., Scot. History Society), we read regarding the Temple and Well :
— " There is one litle Chappell at this Loghside in Wrquhattane
[Urchudainn, Urquhart] which is call Kil Saint Ninian, and certaine
Hieland men and woemen doeth travell to this cha^pell at a certane
tyme of the zeare expecting to recover there health agane, and doeth
drink of certaine springand Wells that is next to the Chappell."
" There is," says William Lorimer in a report on Urquhart, dated
1763 (at Castle Grant), " a farm in it called The Temple, where
there stand the ruins of a church, and a consecrated well to which
superstitious people resort for curing diseases." See " Saints
Associated with the Valley of the Ness/' by the Author, Trans, of
Gaelic Society of Inverness, April, 1909.
21
322 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The two sections of the Picts formed essentially
one people, speaking the same language, and some-
times acknowledging the same authority. Inter-
course between them was constant, and tidings of
the great conversion in Southern Pictland must
have reached and influenced the North. Travellers
would tell of it as they journeyed, and enthusiastic
converts would press northward with the Good
News which they had themselves received. Ternan,
for instance — a native of the Mearns, who sat at the
feet of St Ninian, and who preached with much
success in the north-east of Scotland — can never have
bounded his zeal for the salvation of the Picts by the
invisible line which is supposed to have separated the
Pictish provinces; and Ternan's disciple, Erchard, it,
is almost certain, penetrated far into the northern
territory. A tradition which has probably come down
from his own time tells that he was the first who
preached the gospel in Glenmoriston, and to him the
ancient church of that Glen — Clachan Mhercheird—
was dedicated.
Erchard, or Merchard, as he latterly came to be
called,1 was a native of the district of Kincardine
O'Neil, on the southern slopes of the Grampians.
He became a zealous Christian in his early youth,
and Ternan iiot only ordained him priest, but also
appointed him his own coadjutor. It was perhaps
1 Merchard is Mo Erchard, signifying my Erchard. The old
Celts of Ireland and Scotland had a habit of placing the pronoun mo
(my) before the names of their favourite saints as a term of affection.
The prefix has no connection with maith, good. The name Erchard
is in ancient writings variously written : — Erchard, Erchad, Erchan,
Erthadus, Irchard, Yrchardus.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 323
-while he laboured with Ternan that he visited our
Parish. In after life he went to Eome, and was
consecrated bishop by Pope Gregory. On his return
journey he visited the Picts of Pictavia, now Poitou,
in France, and brought back to the truth such of
them as had lapsed into paganism. Falling sick, he
prayed God that he might not see death till he
.arrived in his own country, and hastened northward
through France and England. He reached Kin-
cardine O'Neil to be honourably received by his
people, and then died. According to his own
instructions, his body was placed on a cart drawn by
two horses, which were allowed to go forth where
they listed. He was buried where they first stopped,
and a church was built over his grave.
Such, briefly, are the circumstances of his life
.and death, as given in the Breviary of Aberdeen
and other ancient writings. Much more is told of
him in the traditions of Glenmoriston. While
labouring in Strathglass with two missionary com-
panions, his attention was drawn to a white cow
which day after day stood gazing at a certain tree,
without bending its neck to eat, and yet went home
each evening as well filled as the other cattle.
Curiosity, or a higher influence, led him to dig up
the earth at the foot of the tree, and there he found
three bells, new and burnished as if fresh from the
maker's hands.1 Taking one himself, and giving the
others to his companions, he bade each go his own
way and erect a church where his bell should ring the
third time of its own accord. One went eastward,
l The place at which the bells were found is still called Craobh-
nan-clag (Crinaglack) — the Tree of the Bells.
324 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
and founded the church of Glenconvinth ; another
westward, and erected his church at Broadford in
Skye; while Merchard himself travelled southward
in the direction of Glenmoriston. When he reached
the hill now called Suidh Mhercheird, or Merchard's-
Seat, his bell rang for the first time; it again rang
at Fuaran Mhercheird (Merchard's Well) at Ballin-
tombuie; and it rang the third time at that spot by
the side of the Eiver Moriston which is now the old
burying-ground of Glenmoriston. There he built
his church — Clachan Mhercheird; and there and in
the surrounding districts he for a time taught and
preached. He became the patron saint of Glen-
moriston; and his solicitude for the Glenmoriston
people has not yet ceased. His acts of mercy and
love have been without number. One example may
be given. In former times, when a tenant died, his
best horse went to the proprietor as each-ursainn —
herezeld, or heriot. If the deceased left no horse, a
horse's value was taken in cattle or sheep. On one-
occasion — twelve hundred years after Merchard's
death — it came to pass that a poor Glenmoriston
tenant died, leaving a widow to succeed him. He
had left no horse, and the ground-officer took the
heriot in sheep. That same night, as the officer lay
in bed, an unearthly voice spake to him :—
1 'S mise Merchard mor nam feart,
'S mi dol dachaidh chum an anmoich ;
Is innis thusa do Mhac-Phadmig
Nach fheaird e gu brath a' mheanbh-chrodh !"
(" I am great Merchard of the miracles, passing home-
ward in the night. Declare thou unto Mac Phatrick [the-
laird] that the widow's sheep will never bring him good.")
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 325
With the morning's sun the terror-stricken man
appeared before his master and delivered the ghostly
message. The sheep were instantly returned to the
widow, and from that day until now no heriot has
been exacted in Glenmoriston.
Merchard's bell was preserved at his clachan
until about the year 1870, when it went amissing —
removed, it is supposed, by strangers employed in
the district. Its powers and attributes were of a
wonderful order. It indicated, as we have seen,
where Merchard's church was to be built. Until the
very last the sick and infirm who touched it in faith
were strengthened and cured. After the church
became ruinous, in the seventeenth century, the bell
was kept on an ancient tombstone, specially set apart
for it. If removed to any other place it mysteriously
found its way back. When a funeral approached, it
rang of its own accord, saying, ' Dhachaidh !
dhachaidh ! gu do leabaidh bhuan !" — " Home !
home ! to thy lasting place of rest ! " If thrown
into water it floated on the surface, but this the
people were slow to put to the test, in deference to
Merchard's warning :—
" 'S mise Merchard thar an fhonn :
Cuimhnichibh trom trom mo shar'adh ;
'S fiach' nach cuir sibh air-son geall
An clag so air a' pholl a shnamhadh."
("I am Merchard from across the land: keep ye my
sufferings deep in your remembrance ; and see that ye do not
for a wager [or trial] place this bell in the pool to swim.")
As Merchard was the patron saint of Glenmoriston,
so Drostan was the patron saint of Glen-Urquhart,
326 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
which is to this day distinguished from the other
Urquharts in the North by the name of Urchudainn
Mo Ghrostain — St Drostan Js Urquhart. There was
a chaplainry in his honour at the Temple, or Kil St
Ninian, until the Eeformation.1 According to the
Breviary of Aberdeen he was a nephew of St
Columba, who, if we may credit a legend recorded
in the Book of Deer, accompanied him into Aber-
deenshire. But he does not appear in the Irish
genealogies of Columba's family; and he is not
mentioned by St Adamnan, who wrote soon after
the great missionary's death, and was careful to
record the names of his fellow-labourers. His name
is not Gaelic, as it would have been if he were of
Columba 's race, but Pictish or Welsh — it is the
same as Tristan of the Arthurian tales — and the
strong probability is that, like Merchard, he was a
native of Southern Pictland who penetrated into
the North long before Columba Js time.2 Tradition
tells that he preached the Gospel in Urquhart, and
supported himself by cultivating Croit Mo Chrostain
— St Drostan's Croft — on the top of that pretty
hillock which is situated immediately to the west of
Balmacaan House. The Croft may have been the
gift of the Pictish potentate who ruled the Glen in hi&
day. It passed to the Eoman Catholic Church on its
establishment about the beginning of the twelfth
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 124.
2 It may now (1913) be taken as established that ft St Columba"
of the Breviary is a mistake for St Colm of Buchan, and that Drostan
was a native of the same Pictish district,, and lived about 500. See
a valuable paper by the Rev. Arch. B. Scott on " St Drostan of
Buchan," in Trans, of Gaelic Society of Inverness, April, 1909.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 327
century, and in 1556 it was attached to the Chapel
of St Ninian, whose disciple Drostan may have been.
At the Eeformation it ceased to be Church property.
The Picts were a fickle race, who after a time
relapsed into paganism — " the apostate Picts," St
Patrick calls them.1 The secular clergy of Ninian Js
Church proved unequal to the task of dispelling the
spiritual darkness that lay on the land. But a more
powerful institution was about to be established.
In 563 Columba, or Columcille — Colum or Malcolm
of the Cell — an Irish prince and priest, crossed to
Scotland, burning with missionary fervour, in peri-
ance, it is said, for his share in some tribal feud.
Landing in lona with twelve companions, he founded
a monastery there, from which he and they went forth
on evangelistic expeditions into the surrounding dis-
tricts. After labouring for two years among the
inhabitants of Mull and the West Coast, he resolved to
visit Brude Mac Mailcon, King of the Picts, who had
his seat on the banks of the Eiver Ness. Columba was
a Scot or Gael of the same nationality as the Dalriad
Scots who had before his time settled in the country
now known as Argyll, and whom Brude had
disastrously defeated in 560; and while he was
moved by a holy compassion for the Picts who were
perishing in their paganism, he probably also desired
to promote the temporal peace and prosperity of his
own people. Taking with him, among others, two
Hn his letter to Coroticus, St Patrick speaks of Socii Scotorum
et Pictorum apostatarunt ; and again, Prcesertim indignissimorum
pessimommque atque apostatarum Pictorum. Life of St Ninian
(Historians of Scotland), 281.
328 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
eminent saints of the race of the Irish Picts —
Cainneach of Achaboe, and Comgall of Bangor — he
started on his memorable journey in 565, proceeding
along the Caledonian Valley, and preaching and
teaching as he went. His reception by the King
was not friendly. "When the Saint made his
first journey to King Brude," says Adamnan, (>t it
happened that the King, elated by the pride of
royalty, acted haughtily, and would not open his
gates on the first arrival of the blessed man. When
the man of God observed this, he approached the
folding doors with his companions, and having first
formed upon them the sign of the cross of our Lord,
he then knocked at and laid his hand upon the gate,
which instantly flew open of its own accord, the
bolts having been driven back with great force.
The Saint and his companions then passed through
the gate thus speedily opened. And when the King
learned what had occurred, he and his councillors
were filled with alarm, and immediately setting out
from the palace, he advanced to meet with due
respect the blessed man, whom he addressed in the
most conciliatory and respectful language. And ever
after, from that day, so long as he lived, the King
held this holy and reverend man in very great honour,
as was due."1
The Saint's deeds at the court of Brude must
have made a great impression on the inhabitants of
Urquhart and Glenmoriston. Wonderful these were,
according to Adamnan. On one occasion, being
lAdamnan's Vita Sancti Columbae.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 329
-obliged to cross the Ness, he, on reaching the river's
bank, found a number of people burying a man who
liad just been killed by a water monster. Nothing
dismayed, he directed his companion, Lugne
Mocumin, to swim across the stream and bring to him
a boat that lay against the opposite bank. Lugne
obeyed, and when he was about half across the
monster gave an awful roar, and darted after him.
"Then the blessed man [Columba] observing this,
raised his holy hand, while all the rest, brethren as
well as strangers, were stupified with terror, and,
invoking the name of God, formed the saving sign of
the cross in the air, and commanded the ferocious
monster, saying, Thou shalt go no further nor touch
the man; go back with all speed. Then at the voice
of the Saint the monster was terrified, and fled more
^quickly than if it had been pulled back with ropes,
though it had just got so near to Lugne as he swam
that there was not more than the length of a spear
staff between the man and the beast. Then the
brethren, seeing that the monster had gone back, and
that their comrade Lugne returned to them in the boat
safe and sound, were struck with admiration, and
gave glory to God in the blessed man. And even
the barbarous heathens who were present were forced
by the greatness of this miracle, which they themselves
had seen, to magnify the God of the Christians."
The druids, as was natural, strongly opposed
Columba' s work in the district of the Ness. One
•evening as he and his companions were singing
hymns outside the King's fort a party of pagan
priests drew near and endeavoured to interrupt
330 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
them. " On seeing this the Saint began to sing the
forty-fourth psalm, and at the same moment so
wonderfully loud, like pealing thunder, did his voice
become, that King and people were struck with
terror and amazement."
Broichan, the chief druid, was especially zealous
in his opposition to the Saint; but his zeal only
served to bring defeat and humiliation upon himself.
On his refusal to liberate a female slave who
had been taken captive in one of the Pictish
invasions of Dalriada, Columba thus warned him in
the King's presence : — " Know, 0 Broichan, and be
assured, that if thou refuse to set this captive free
as I desire thee, thou shalt die suddenly before I
take my departure again from this province." The
Saint then proceeded to the river, and, taking a
white pebble, informed his companions that by it the
cure of many diseases would be effected — and that at
that moment Broichan had been struck by an angel
from Heaven and was gasping for breath, and half
dead. As he spoke, two horsemen galloped up and
said to him, ' ' The King and his friends have sent
us to thee to request that thou wouldst cure his
foster-father, Broichan, who lieth in a dying state."
The Saint sent two of his companions to the King
with the pebble, and bade them, if Broichan pro-
mised to free the maiden, to immerse the stone in
water, and to let him drink of the water, and he
should be cured. No sooner were the words of
Columba conveyed to the sick man than he released
the captive, and delivered her to the Christians.
' The pebble was then immersed in water, and, in a
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 331
wonderful manner, contrary to the laws of nature r
the stone floated on the water like a nut or an:
apple, nor, as it had been blessed by the holy man,
could it be submerged. Broichan drank from the
stone as it floated on the water, and, instantly
returning from the verge of death, recovered his
perfect health and soundness of body." After this,
it is not surprising to learn, the pebble was preserved
among the treasures of the King, and effected the cure
of many diseases. " And what is very wonderful,
when this same stone was sought for by those sick
persons whose term of life had arrived it could not be
found. Thus, on the very day on which King Brude
died, though it was sought for, yet it could not be
found in the place where it had been previously laid."
Broichan 's illness and cure, wonderful though they
were, failed to draw him from his own ancient belief.
Endowed in some measure with the marvellous gifts
which distinguished the Egyptian magi in their contest
with Moses, he also possessed no small share of their
persistency; and he refused to accept his defeat in
the matter of the slave as conclusive evidence of the
Christian's superior power. " Tell me, Columba,"
said he, " when dost thou propose to set sail." ' I
intend," replied the Saint, "to begin my voyage after
three days, if God permits me and preserves my life."
" On the contrary," said the druid, " thou shalt not
be able, for I can make the winds unfavourable to
thy voyage, and cause a great darkness to envelope
you in its shade." Columba answered, " The
almighty power of God ruleth all things, and in His-
name and under His guiding providence all our
332 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
movements are directed;" and at the appointed
time he and his companions repaired to the shores
<of Loch Ness, with the intention of setting sail. They
were followed by a crowd of people, among whom
were certain druids, exulting exceedingly — for, as
Eroichan had promised, a fierce tempest blew from
the west, and dark clouds obscured the heavens.
"Our Colurnba, therefore, seeing that the sea was
violently agitated, and that the wind was most
unfavourable for his voyage, called on Christ the
Lord, and embarked in his small boat ; and whilst the
sailors hesitated, he the more confidently ordered
them to raise the sails against the wind. No sooner
was this order executed, while the whole crowd was
looking on, than the vessel ran against the wind with
extraordinary speed. And after a short time the
wind, which hitherto had been against them, veered
round to help them on their voyage, to the intense
.astonishment of all. And thus throughout the
remainder of that day the light breeze continued most
favourable, and the skiff of the blessed man was
carried safely to the wished for haven."
Such are some of the incidents which are said
to have marked Columba's first visit to the district
of Loch Ness. Brude became a Christian, and
befriended the Saint, who subsequently made other
journeys to the royal palace. On one occasion,
when travelling near Loch Ness, " he was suddenly
inspired by the Holy Ghost, and said to his com-
panions, ' Let us go quickly to meet the holy angels
who have been sent from the realms of the highest
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH
333-
Heaven to carry away with them the soul of a
heathen, and now wait our arrival there, that we
may baptise in due time before his death this man,
who hath preserved his natural goodness through
all his life, even to extreme old age.' Having said
this much, the holy old man hurried his companions
as much as he could, and walked before them until he
came to a district called Airchartdan [Urchudainn,
or Urquhart]; and there he found an aged man
whose name was Emchat, who, on hearing the word
of God preached by the Saint, believed and was-
baptised, and, immediately after, full of joy and
safe from evil, and accompanied by the angels who
came to meet him, passed to the Lord. His son
Virolec also believed, and was baptised with all his-
house." The fact that Adamnan describes Columba.
in this passage as an old man (senex), would seem
to show that Emchat 's conversion took place, not
during the Saint's first visit to Pictland, when he was-
only forty-four years of age, but at a later period.
On the other hand, it is possible that Adamnan may
have used the word as a term of respect rather than
to indicate Columba' s age.
In Glenmoriston Columba probably founded the-
old church at Invermoriston, which was known as
Clachan Cholumchille, or Columba 's Church. In the
immediate vicinity of its site is Columba' s Well—
Fuaran Cholumchille — a holy fountain noted for
many centuries for its remarkable curative properties.
The origin of its renown in Christian times is probably
found in Adamnan' s pages. " While the blessed man
[Columba] was stopping for some days in the pro-
-334 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
vince of the Picts, he heard that there was a fountain
famous among this heathen people, which foolish
men, having their senses blinded by the devil,
worshipped as a god. For those who drank of this
fountain, or purposely washed their hands or feet in
it, were allowed by God to be struck by demoniacal
art, and went home either leprous or purblind, or
at least suffering from weakness or other kinds of
infirmity. By all these things the pagans were
seduced, and paid divine honour to the fountain.
Having ascertained this, the Saint one day went up
to the fountain fearlessly; and, on seeing this, the
druids, whom he had often sent away from him
vanquished and confounded, were greatly rejoiced,
thinking that he would suffer like others from the
touch of that baneful water. But he, having first
raised his holy hand and invoked the name of
Christ, washed his hands and feet; and then, with
his companions, drank of the water which he had
blessed. And from that day the demons departed
from the fountain; and not only was it not allowed
to injure any one, but even many diseases amongst
the people were cured by this same fountain, after it
had been blessed and washed in by the Saint." The
fountain which the Saint so blessed and washed in
may, without any undue straining of the imagina-
tion, be identified with his Well at Invermoriston.
That spring has, despite his rebuke, continued to be
in a sense worshipped until our own time, and
searchers after health may not even yet have
•entirely ceased to sprinkle themselves with its water,
and to leave their little offerings by its side.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 335
With the last word of Adamnan's account of
Columba's work in our district the light of history
leaves us for five centuries, and during that long
period of night we have to trace the progress of the
Church as best we can by the help of the footprints
which it has left on the tradition and topography of
the country.
St Adamnan, who became abbot of lona in 679,
and did much to spread the Gospel in Pictland, was
commemorated in our Parish by Croft Adamnan—
probably the hollow at Tychat which is now known as
Glaic Chill- Adhamhnain, the Hollow of Kil- Adamnan
—and by a chaplainry at Kil St Ninian ;x and he it was,
probably, who founded the church of Abriachan,
which was dedicated to him.2 It is not too much to
suppose that he visited Urquhart — that Airchartdan
which lay on the route from the west to the east, and
which, as he himself informs us, was the scene of
such important events in the history of the Church as
the conversion of Emchat and Virolec.
Contemporaneous with St Adamnan was Curadan,
or Kiritinus, surnamed Boniface, an Irishman who
for sixty years preached to the Picts and Scots, and
who became bishop and abbot of Eosemarkie, where
1 See p. 116, supra.
2 In Gaelic, the church of Abriachan is called Gill Adhamhnain
(now pronounced Eonan)— Adamnan's Cell. See Reeves' Edition of
Adamnan's Life of Columba, and Forbes' Kalendar of Scottish
Saints, for the various changes which the name Adamnan has under-
gone during the course of centuries — Eonan, Eunan, Aunan, Onan,
Ounan. In a rental of Urquhart, dated 1647 (at Castle Grant), his
Croft is called Croft Indon— Eonan's Croft. In the Letters -of
Collation of 1556 (Appendix M to this work) it is called Crofta
Sancti Adampnani, St Adamnan's Croft.
336 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
he died at the age of eighty. To him was dedicated
the old chapel at Corrimony — Clach Churadain — and
after him is called Croit Churadain (Curadan's Croft) ,.
and Tobar Churadain (Curadan's Well), both on
the adjacent lands of Buntait. The neighbouring,
churches of Bona and Struy were also dedicated to
him. According to tradition, he and Gorman, a saint
who gave his name to the hill called Suidh Ghuirmein,
or Gorman's Seat, near Corrimony,1 were the first to
evangelise the people of the Braes of Urquhart.
Whether that be true or not, these dedications and
place-names show how intimately associated he was
with the district.
In addition to the churches of Merchard, Columba,
and Curadan, which may have been founded by those
saints, there was in those olden times a chapel at Lag;
an t-Seapail — the Hollow of the Chapel — in Bunloit,
where traces of old graves are still visible; there was
a church at Ach na h-Anoid (Achnahannet) — the-
Field of the Church — in Leny f a chapel at Pitkerrald
which was dedicated to St Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria,
who was held in great repute in the Celtic Church; a
chapel at St Ninians, dedicated to the Apostle of the
Southern Picts, and known in Gaelic as An Teampull,
1 The ancient saints gave their names to numerous hills. In
Urquha.rt we have Suidh Ghuirmein (Gorman's Seat); in Glen-
moriston, Suidh Mhercheird (Merchard's Seat); at Lochend, Suidh
Churadain (Curadan's Seat); and near Fort-Augustus, Suidh
Chuimein (Cumine's Seat). The old name of Fort-Augustus was-
Kil-Chuimein.
2 Anoid was the word applied to the first or mother church of a
district. The cell at Leny was probably the first built in Glen-
Urquhart.
ANCIENT TREES AT SITE OF TEMPLE
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 337
or- the Temple ;L a church at Kil Michael, dedicated
to the Archangel; and another at Kilmore, which
became in time the Parish Church. With the
exception of Kilmore — A' Chille Mhor, the Great
Cell — and perhaps also the Temple,2 these buildings
were very small.
They were intended, not so much for the purposes
of public worship, as for places of private devotion,
and retreats for holy hermits who watched and
prayed in them and sought to keep themselves
unspotted from the world, and to teach the people
to live blamelessly and do well, by a simple telling of
the story of Christ, and a faithful following after His
example. Trained for the most part at lona, these
teachers were not only men of education and expert
scribes, but also experienced husbandmen, who cul-
tivated th? crofts which were attached to their cells,
and so maintained themselves and showed the people
how to make the earth yield its substance. Before
them the old paganism, which had flourished in the
land for ages, gave way with scarcely a struggle.
What the exact character of that paganism was it
is difficult to say. But it is known that its votaries
adored the cc men of sidhe J: —spirits of the earth
1 Numerous chapels in the Highlands and in Ireland were called
Teampuill. There is no ground for the surmise that the Temple in
Urquhart belonged to the Knights Templars.
2 In 1559 the Parish Church and the Temple had suspended bells,
with bell-ropes. At that time the priest also served in the Temple
and " the chaplainry and service of St Ninian, St Drostan, and St
Adamnan " (Appendix M). In. the Temple were preserved the relics
of St Drostan — a crucifix — which were under charge of a deoir or
keeper, who had a croft at Kil St Ninian — Croit an Deoir — which is
mentioned as late as 1649. — (Rental at Castle Grant).
22
338 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
which have come down to us in the somewhat
degenerate daoine-sidhe , or fairies. Similar spirits
ruled the elements, and the greatest name that a
Highlander can even now apply to the Almighty is
Righ nan duil — King of the elements. Mysterious
beings dwelt in the fountains, whose worship is now
seen in the adoration of holy wells; and the ancient
demons of the mountains have their representatives
in the hags and goblins which are still the terror of
certain localities. These spirits had magi or druids
as their ministers on earth. Their existence and
power were not denied by the Christian missionaries,
who were content to say that the Almighty was more
powerful than they; and hence the belief in fairies
and demons, and in the virtue of pagan sacrifices and
oblations, continued to exist side by side with Chris-
tianity, and has not even yet been entirely destroyed.
From the time of Curadan to the end of the
eleventh century, we have not a ray of light to guide
us in our ecclesiastical journey. By whom, and
under what conditions, the lamp of the Gospel was
kept burning in Urquhart and Glenmoriston during
that long period of darkness, we cannot tell. When
the day dawns we find the Celtic Church of Columba
in disagreement on certain points of discipline with
the Church of Eome, which had become all powerful
under the patronage of Malcolm Ceannmor and
Queen Margaret and their children. Eoman
Catholics claim to be the representatives of the
Celtic institution, and so do Scottish Episcopalians,
and Presbyterians. The succession does not exclu-
sively belong to any one of these bodies, but is to
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 339
some extent shared by all. On certain points, again,
the Celtic Church had no succession. The abbot,
.and not the bishop, ruled the community. Bishops
there were, but they were almost as numerous as
priests and presbyters, and had no diocesan juris-
diction. On the questions of Easter and the Tonsure
the Celtic clergy differed from the clergy of the
Church of Eome. On the other hand, they agreed
with them on certain doctrines which are not accepted
by Presbyterians and Protestant Episcopalians.
Differences with Eome were partly removed in
the days of Adamnan and Curadan — the great object
of the latter Js mission having been to bring the Celtic
'Church more into accord with the great Church of
the West. Under the auspices of Queen Margaret
.and her sons churches and monasteries were founded
.and liberally supported. Alexander the First and
David the First created territorial bishoprics, and
richly endowed them with the lands which had
belonged to the Celtic institution, and with more
extensive grants of their own. The bishopric of
Moray was created about the year 1115, and Gregory
appointed its first bishop. It embraced, roughly,
the territory of the ancient Mormaors of Moray,
including the district of Urquhart and Glenmoriston.
It has been found convenient to apply the word
parish to that district before the period at which
we have now arrived, but as a matter of fact there
were no parishes in Scotland before that time. The
parochial system was the creation of the Eoman
Catholic Church and the territorial magnates who
supported it, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
340 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The Eoman etstablishment, as we have seen, obtained
the possessions of the Celtic clergy, and extensive
grants from the kings. These endowments were
immensely increased by the great landowners, who
vied with each other in pious liberality. To some
churches lands were granted; others were made the
principal churches of certain domains, and endowed
not only with land, but also with a tenth (tithe or
teind) of the annual produce of the districts assigned
to them. The district so assigned became the parish;1
the favoured church, the parish church ; its benefactor
and his successors, the patrons; and the teinds, its
legal and absolute property. The greater or par-
sonage teinds, which consisted of every tenth sheaf of
corn, were taken off the field by the rector or parson
of the parish, or by the tacksman who rented them
from him. The lesser or vicarage teinds consisted of
the tenth part of such products as calves, lambs, hay,
and cheese, and went to the vicar who served the cure.
The Parish of Urquhart2 was erected probably
by King David — that " Sair Sanct " whose liberality
1 The word parish is from the Latin parochia. Originally, in
Scotland, the district attached to a church was called schir, or scir —
from which word came the modern shire. Scir is still the Gaelic for
parish.
2 " Urquhart " was the name of the whole Parish, including
Glenmoriston. The name " United Parish of Urquhart and Glen-
moriston," by which it is now commonly known, is, historically,
incorrect. There never was a Parish of Glenmoriston, and never a
" union " either of parishes or of churches. The error originated
after the Reformation. See next chapter as to the Rev. Robert
"YTonro's attempt in the seventeenth century to make Glenmoriston
independent of Urquhart. " Urquhart " is Adamnan's Airchartdan
(in Pictish, "By the wood"). The name originally applied only
to the locality in which the principal church — Kilmore, the Great
Cell — stood. When the Parish was erected, it, as was customary r
took the name of the principal church. See Appendix V.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 341
to the Church impoverished the Crown — during the
period of peace that followed the defeat and
slaughter of the Moraymen in 1130; or by Malcolm
the Seco'nd after the Plantation of Moray in 1160.
It embraced the vast domain which was attached to
the Castle of Urquhart — the Glens of Urquhart and
Glenmoriston, with the exception of Buntait, which
was the property of the chiefs of Lovat, and was con-
sequently included in the parish of Kiltarlity. The
church of Kilmore was made the parish church, and
endowed with land and teinds. We first find it on
record in the time of Bricius, who was bishop of
Moray from 1203 to 1222. In that prelate's " magna
€arta," founding a chapter of eight canons, and
giving his cathedral a constitution, the church is
described as the church of Urquhart beyond Inver-
ness— " ecclesia de Plurchard ultra Inuernys."1 It
is also so described in the Pope's protection of
1215.2
Before Bricius' time the Parish had its resident
rector or parson, who drew the teinds, and per-
sonally attended to the duties of his office. The
aggrandisement of the Church soon called for other
arrangements. By Bricius' great charter the church
of St Peter in Strathavon, on Speyside, with its
chapels, and land, and other pertinents, and the
church of our Parish, with all its just pertinents,
were granted to the chancellor of Moray as his
prebend or benefice.3 Henceforth, therefore, and
1 Registmm Moraviense, 41.
2 Ibid, p. 43. See p. 14, supra. 3 Ibid, p. 41.
342 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
until the Eeformation, that dignitary drew the-
greater teinds, and the produce of certain lands-
attached to the church; but he only occasionally
visited the Parish, and the spiritual interests of the
people were virtually left to the care of a vicar,
who served in the parish church, and received'
the lesser teinds as his reward, and of humbler
priests who officiated in the chapels. The Komari
Catholic authorities, more liberal than the Lords
of the Congregation, who served their own worldly
ends by destroying the old Church at the Eeforma-
tion and giving a selfish and stinted support to the-
new, were not content to leave the spiritual require-
ments of our extensive Parish to be met by the
parish church and its single clergyman. The old
Celtic cells, or at least some of them, continued till'
the Eeformation to be used as chapels for prayer and"
devotion. Church and chapels were well endowed.
Originally, Kilmore possessed a half davach of land,
which was the subject of a dispute between the
chancellor and Sir Alan Durward, in 1233 ;x after
that year its possessions were a quarter of a davach,
and a toft and croft of four acres near the church.
The revenues of the estate of Achmonie, which was
originally attached to the church of Kilmichael, were
latterly enjoyed by the bishops, until Bishop
Hepburn sold it to John Mackay in 1557.'2 Imme-
diately before the Eeformation we find the lands of"
Pitkerrald, and the crofts of StNinian, StDrostan, and
St Adamnan, attached to the chapel of St Ninian;3'
1 See p. 16, supra. 2 See p. 116, supra. 3 Ibid.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 343
while there were church lands in Glenmoriston,1 and
probably also at Corrimony (near which is Curadan's
Croft) and Lag an t-Seapail and Achnahannet.
These pious gifts of old were at the Eeformation lost
to the cause of religion, and henceforth the Church
had to content itself with the share of the teinds
allocated to it from time to time.
There is, unfortunately, not much to tell of the
history of the Church in Urquhart and Glenmoriston
during the Eoman Catholic period. Of the priests
who served in the chapels, we only know the names of
two — Sir John Donaldson, chaplain of Kil St Ninian
in the time of Queen Mary, and his immediate prede-
cessor, Sir Duncan Macolrig.2 Of the vicars of the
Parish, the name of one only has come down to us
— Mr James Farquharson, who held the office at
the Eeformation, and became an exhorter in the
Church of Knox.3 The causes and history of the
fall of the old Church do not come within the scope
of this work. The Laird of Grant was a member of
that Parliament which in 1560 abolished the supre-
macy of the Pope in Scotland. He was followed
into Protestantism by Mr Farquharson and the
people of Urquhart, and by many of the inhabitants
1 See footnote, p. 117, supra.
2 See Donaldson's Letters of Collation, &c. Appendix M.
3 See next Chapter. It must not be supposed, as is usually done,
that the clergy who were styled Sir were superior to those who were
styled Mr (Master). The reverse was the case. Mr indicated that
the person before whose name it appeared had taken the degree of
Master of Arts — Sir, that he had only taken the lower degree of
Bachelor of Arts. In the Latin deeds of the time Sir was rendered
Dominus — whence the word <e dominie," still vulgarly applied to a
schoolmaster.
344 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
of Glenmoriston. It was a case of Follow the
Laird ;* conviction of the errors of the old religion and
of the divine origin of the new, there probably was
none; and many years elapsed ere the spiritual
fervour of the Southern reformers found a place in
the breasts of the Urquhart opponents of the Pope.
For a time, indeed, the last state of the Parish was
worse than the first. The church lands and revenues
were quietly appropriated; the chapels in which the
people had worshipped for a thousand years were
closed and allowed to fall into ruin; the parish priest
was degraded into an exhorter; and after his death
the Parish itself was for years without minister,
exhorter, reader, or other spiritual guide.
1 In Glen-Urqiiliart the proprietors became Protestants,, and the
tenants and cottars followed their example unanimously. The
Chisholm, who owned the adjoining1 Strathglass, adhered to the old
Church, and so did his people. The same process of following tha
laird can be traced all over the Highlands.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 345
CHAPTEE XVIII
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH— FROM THE REFORMATION
TO THE REVOLUTION
The Church of the Reformation. — John Knox's Super-
intendents. — Episcopacy. — Presbytery Established. —
Scarcity of Preachers. — Exhorters and Readers. — Mr
James Farquharson Exhorter in Urquhart. — The Parish
under the charge of Andrew McPhail.— John. Me Allan,
first Protestant Minister. — The Rev. Alexander Grant. —
New Churches. — Grant's troubles with the Church
Courts. — He resists the Covenant, but is forced to Sub-
scribe.— The Rev. Duncan Macculloch. — His want of
maintenance, and troublous career. — His Deposition.— -
A Six Years' Vacancy. — Restoration of Episcopacy. —
Macculloch reinstated. — A Presbyterial Visitation. —
Lamentable state of the Parish. — Macculloch's Resigna-
tion.— How he slew a Glenmoristoii Man. — Loose and
unruly walking in the Parish. — Search for a Minister. —
The Rev. James Grant. — His Presbyterial Trials. —
Induction Ceremonies. — Persecution of Roman Catholics.
— Papal statistics of the Parish. — The Rev. Robert Monro
appointed Preacher in Abertarff and Glenmoriston. — His
Difficulties, Privations, and Irregularities. — Lord Lovat's
Midnight Marriage. — Presbyterial visitation of Urquhart.
—Peace and Prosperity. — The Elders. — The Rev. Robert
Gumming. — Monro's Protest. — Prelacy in the Parish. —
Troubles in the Church. — The Revolution. — Presbytery
re-established.
ALTHOUGH the Parliament of 1560 prohibited the
celebration of the mass, and destroyed the supremacy
of the Pope, it did not directly abolish the Episcopal
form of church government, and establish Presby-
terianism as it now exists. Thirty years or more
346 URQUHAET AND GLENMOEISTON
had still to pass to bring about that result. In
Knox's scheme, it is true, the word bishop does not
appear — but we find in it the word superintendent,
which has the same meaning, and which the High-
land Protestant clergy of the time rendered into
Gaelic by the word easpuig, a bishop.1 The super-
intendents had not, indeed, the position or the
power of the Eoman prelates, but they resembled
the old dignitaries in this, that they had the charge
of churches and churchmen within certain denned
districts which were called by the old episcopalian
name of diocese. They were not a success, and in
1572 the name of bishop was restored, and a modified
Episcopacy was sanctioned which continued till
1592, when Presbyterianism, as we know it, may be
said to have been first established. For the first
twenty years after the Eeformation there were no
presbyteries. The first was that of Edinburgh,
erected in 1581. Others followed, and all were
ratified by Parliament in 1592. In that year we
find our Parish within the Presbytery of Inverness,
in which it remained till 1724, when it became part
of the newly erected Presbytery of Abertarff in the
also newly created Synod of Glenelg. In 1884 it was
restored to Inverness and the Synod of Moray.
As little did the Parliament of 1560 succeed in
immediately destroying Popery in Scotland. For
years the old faith refused, in many quarters, to give
place to the new. In the Province of Moray the
Eoman Catholic Bishop Hepburn remained in indis-
turbed possession of his see till his death in 1573 —
1 Carswell, whom Knox appointed Superintendent of the Isles,,
describes himself in his Gaelic Liturgy by the word easbug (easpuig).
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 347
enjoying the church lands as fully, and alienating
them as freely, as if Knox had not been born. At
the time of his death the Episcopacy established in
1572 prevailed, and the Protestant Bishop Douglas
was appointed his successor.
John Knox's scheme provided that there should
be a minister in each parish who should preach and
teach; but the great majority of the Eoman Catholic
clergy who followed him into Protestantism had
never been trained to preach, and had to content
themselves under the new system with the office of
exhorter, or of reader. The reader read the Scrip-
tures and the new Protestant service book, but was
not allowed to baptise, marry, preach, or expound.
The exhorter did not preach, but he expounded Holy
Writ, and married, and baptised. James Farquhar-
son, the old vicar of Urquhart, was a Master of Arts,,
and a fair writer of Latin, but to preach to the extent
required by the followers of Knox was no part of his
duty as Catholic priest, and when he became a
Protestant he was too old to learn.1 He was accord-
ingly continued as exhorter, at a stipend of £40 —
probably the same as he had previously enjoyed. He-
appears to have died before 1574; for in that year
there was neither minister, exhorter, nor reader in the
Parish,2 which, with Bona, was placed under the
1 Farquharson, who, as was then the custom of the clergy, had
qualified as a notary public, appears to have had an extensive legal
practice. Several Latin deeds written by him are extant.
2 Farquharson was Exhorter of Urquhart and Glenmoriston in
1572 (Register of Ministers and their Stipends, in Advocates'
Library). The Register of Assignations for the Ministers' Stipends
for the year 1574 — also in the Advocates' Library — contains certain
entries regarding the offices of readers in Urquhart and Glen-
moriston, for which see Appendix N.
-348 UKQUHART AND GLENMOKJSTON
charge of Andrew McPhail, minister of Farnua in the
Aird.1 In 1586 it received for the first time a
Protestant minister of its own in the person of John
McAllan.2 McAllan is mentioned in 1591, and
probably held the living till about the year 1620.
He was succeeded by Mr Alexander Grant,3 who was
elected during the existence of that hybrid Epis-
copacy which was established by James the Sixth in
the year 1612. Finding the old pre-Eeformation
churches in ruins, and the people without places of
worship, he took steps to rebuild the churches of
Kilmore and Glenmoriston. At a meeting of the
Synod of Moray held in April, 1624, he was
" ordained to proceid in building of his Kirks off
Urquhart and Glenmoristoun, seeing he hes alreddie
stentit his parochin; and for ye bettir effectuating of
ye said work my Lord Bishop hes promised to joyne
his request to the Laird of Grant for his concurrance
unto the said work;"4 but he found it difficult to
carry this instruction into effect, and three years
later the same court ordered him " to f order
[further] the building of ye old foundations of ye
Kirks of Urquhart and Glenmoristoun, and for
fartherance heirof the Moderator of Inverness wt
ye bretheren of that presbyterie ar ordained to visit
ye bounds and see quhat is expedient, and to report
their diligence to ye nixt Synod."5 The re-erection
of these churches followed the Presbytery's visit, the
1 Scott's Fasti Ecclesice Scoticance, Vol. III. Part I., p. 267.
2 Ibid, p. 119. 3 Ibid., 4Eecords of Synod of Moray.
5 Ibid. The "old foundation" of the Kirk of Glenmoriston was
Clachan Cholumchille at Invermoriston. See p. 333.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 349
ancient walls being no doubt utilized. The Glen-
moriston fabric, however, fell into utter ruin before
the end of the century. The Kilmore church, altered
and repaired from time to time, continued to be the
church of the Parish till the present church was built
in 1838/1
Mr Grant was not a model member of the church
courts. In 1625 he was summoned before the Bishop
on account of his frequent absence from the meetings
of his Presbytery, and was called upon in October,
1626, to explain why he had not attended the last
two meetings of the Synod. The explanation he
gave was that he lived " in the f arrest part of ye
diocie," and " culd hear no certantie " of the date of
the first meeting; and, as for the second, " he culd
noth keip it in respect it was the appointed day of
his mariage."2 As the meetings were held at Elgin
these reasons appear valid enough; but the brethren
were of a different opinion, and ' ' thocht guid heavilie
to rebuik him, and exhorted him to tak his calling
moir cairfullie to heart in all tyme cumming."3
But a greater penalty than rebuke and exhor-
tation awaited him. Some time previously, a
certain Finlay Grant, residing in Glenmoriston, was
:< contracted" for the purpose of marriage with one
Catherine Grant, who resided in Cromdale. Mr
1 In the portion of the old walls still standing there is built-in
a stone on which are inscribed the words Domus Dei (House of God),
Mr Grant's initials, and the date 1630. Its original place was above
one of the doors of the church.
2 Moray Synod Records. Grant's wife was a daughter of Mr
John Mackenzie, Minister of Dingwall — (Fasti).
3 Ibid.
350 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Dick, minister of Cromdale, wrote to Mr Grant certi-
fying the contract, and requesting that the latter
should publish the banns in his church. By this
time, however, Finlay had deserted Catherine, and
became engaged to a sister of the Laird of Glen-
moriston. Mr Grant favoured the latter project,
.and ignored Mr Dick's request. Complaint was
made to the Presbytery, who ' ' inhibited ' ' him from
solemnising Finlay's marriage with the Laird's sister;
but the inhibition was also ignored, and he married
the couple. These facts were reported to the Synod
in October, 1626, and he was rebuked and censured,
:' and ordained to mak his publict repentance in ye
kirk of Glenmoristoun, and to pay the soume of
fowrtie libs [pounds] money ad pios usus." The
public repentance was humiliating, but it had to be
made — a brother of the Presbytery occupying the
pulpit on the occasion.1
Mr Grant was attached to the episcopalian form
of church government, and, in the struggle which
began with the flinging of Jenny Geddes' stool, in
July, 1637, he took the side of the bishops, and had
the hearty sympathy of Lady Mary Ogilvy, the life-
rentrix of Urquhart.2 For a time he declined to
subscribe the Covenant, but in the end he had to
yield. At a meeting of the Synod held at Forres on
14th May, 1639, " Andrew Dow fraser [Minister of
Boleskine] subscryve and sware to ye Covenant,
and so did Mr Alexr. Grant, Minister of Vrquhart,
and so did Mr Williame Watsone, Minister at
1 Moray Synod Records. 2 See pp. 146, 147, supra.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 351
Dutthell."1 Notwithstanding this formal adhesion,
the Covenant did not prosper in the Parish. The
minister did not like it, and Lady Mary continued in
open enmity to it. The Solemn League and Covenant
•of 1643 was even more obnoxious to himself and his
people, many of whom joined Montrose in the war
to which that bond gave rise, and in course of which
Urquhart was invaded by the Covenanting forces, and
made the camping ground of the Western loyalists.
In the midst of these troubles — in 1645 — Mr Grant
died — spared the pain of witnessing the expatriation
of Montrose, the execution of the King, tfre rule of
the English sectaries, and the extinction for a time of
the hopes of the Episcopalians. He was succeeded
in 1647 by Mr Duncan Macculloch, minister of the
Second Charge of Inverness.
For Macculloch Js unprofitable career in the
Parish he was himself to some extent to blame; but
in a larger measure the responsibility for his failure
lay with the heritors and parishioners. The people
of Urquhart adhered to the party which their late
minister had favoured, and they had little sympathy
with the man who now came among them as an
.avowed Presbyterian and Covenanter. Notwith-
standing discouragements, he began well. He strove
to remove certain irregularities which existed in
connection with marriages between his parishioners
and natives of Glengarry and Lochaber, " where
there is no minister, neither hath been since the
1 Moray Synod Records.
352 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Keformation,"1 and where consequently banns could
not be proclaimed.2 He found that the lands which
belonged to the Church at the time of the Keforma-
tion, and which are referred to as church property
as late as 1574, had passed into the possession of
the lairds, and that the Parish was without manse,
or glebe, or suitable provision for the minister's main-
tenance ; and he applied for a manse and a glebe and
an augmentation of stipend. The manse and glebe
were " designated" early in 1650, but there was some
irregularity in the procedure; arid so no manse was
erected ; while the minister was evicted from the glebe
in less than a year. Worse still, his stipend, which
was payable partly by the proprietors and partly by
the tenants, was entirely withheld. In April, 1651,
the attention of the Synod was called to his griev-
ances by Mr James Vass, Minister of Croy, and it
was ordained " that quhen the Laird of Grant shall
come to Forres, Elgin, or Keith, the ministers
at the respective places shall represent to him Mr
Duncan McKullo his hard conditione, and desire
redresse thereof in the matter of his glebe and
provisione, and presse the same seriouslie upon
him."3 Macculloch and certain of his brethren had
an interview with the Laird on 5th November, and
1 Moray Synod Records.
2 At a meeting- held at Elgin in April, 1648, the Synod referred
the matter of the non-proclamation of banns to the General Assembly,
" and in the meantime ordaines the said Mr Duncane [Macculloch]
for the present to cause proclame such persons in the Kirks of
Urquhart and Abertarff, quhilk are the Kirks neirest adjacent to
these unplanted boundes " [of Glengarry and Lochaber].
3 Moray Synod Records.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 353
his glebe was probably restored — but by this time
he had become discontented and soured and
irregular in his ministerial carriage. He ceased to
attend the meetings of the church courts, became
" verie negligent in his chairge," and was accused
of " scandalous conversation [conduct]." At meet-
ing after meeting the charges against him were con-
sidered and discussed, until, in 1658, the Presbytery
visited Urquhart, and, finding him " worthie of
depositione," deposed him accordingly.
For the next six years the Parish was without a
minister. During the vacancy — in 1662 — that mixed
form of Episcopacy peculiar to Protestant Scotland
was again established as one of the results of the
Restoration of the Stewarts; and, two years later,
Macculloch was restored to his living. His tem-
porary seclusion, and his conformity to Prelacy,
brought no improvement in his ministerial conduct.
He never attended Synod or Presbytery; his neglect
of his pastoral duties was even greater than before
his deposition; and the state of his nock became a
scandal to the Church. A dark picture is drawn
by Mr Thomas Houston, minister of Boleskine, who,
in August, 1671, reported to the Presbytery " ye
sad and lamentable stat of ye Parish off Vrquhart
in regard of Mr Duncan McCulloch, Minister there,
his slackness in discipline, and neglect of dutie in
many things, and absence from his church, quhereby
sin and iniquitie is abounding and increasing in ye
said Parish."1 A visitation was appointed, and on
1 Inverness Presbytery Records. [These Records, and those of
the Presbytery of Dingwall, edited by the Author, were in 1896
published by the Scottish History Society]. 23
354 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
5th September the brethren met within the church
at Kilmore.
Mr Macculloch opened the proceedings with a
sermon on the text " Pray without ceasing." There
was much need for prayer. Everywhere irregularity
and confusion and spiritual destitution met the
Presbytery. The session-book was found to be
" not a register but a minut rather, and that it was
deficient, wanting three yeirs unfilled up." For
" this great oversight " Mr Duncan was " rebooked,"
and " ordeaned by ye Moderator to exhibit a
register, and to see quhat was wanting therein, and
that against ye nixt presbyteriall meeting." The
heritors and elders being ;' asked anent the
minister's doctrine, life, and conversation," replied
that they " were all weill satisfied with him as to
these, but withall they regrated that he used no
family visitation, nor prayed in their families when
he lodged in any of his parishioners' houses; and
that he did not catechise, nor administer ye sacra-
ment ever since his entrie to ye ministrie there;
and that he is a reproach to ye ministrie and ye
Parish in going with so beggerly a habit; and
though much of his stipend be areasted in ye
parishioners' hands, that yet he hath no cair to
pay his debt or reliev ye gentlemen from hazard at
legal executions in their contrar [against them]."
Mr Macculloch having been " sharply rebooked for
all these omissiones, and injoyned to mende these
things in tymes coming, and that sub periculo
gravioris censurej," was invited to state his griev-
ances. ' ' Being asked anent his elders and gentlemen,
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 355
what satisfaction he had off them, he regrated that
he had neither countenance nor maintenance among
them, and that quhen he is wrongd or injured in his
person or meanes they have not that due regard to
him as to resent these wronges and injuries done to
him — quherfor he would demitt " — that is, resign.
The church officer was so "slack5 that he was
threatened with dismissal, and the windows of the
•church were so defective that the session was
ordered to apply the fines paid by breakers of the
-Seventh Commandment in repairing them.1
The Synod, on receiving the Presbytery's report,
recommended the acceptance of Macculloch's resig-
nation. On 1st December he was met at Doch-na-
Craig (Lochend) by four members of the Presbytery,
and when the meeting was over he was no longer
minister of Urquhart and Glenmoriston.2
1 Inverness Presbytery Records.
2 Moray Synod Records. Macculloch's demission is in the follow-
ing terms : — " I, Mr Duncan Macculloch, Minister of the United
'Churches of Urquhart and Glenmorestoune, for onerous reasons and
causes knowen to my selfe and to my reverend Brethren of the
Presbytrie of Invernes, doe demitt, renunce, and resigne my cure and
ministrie at the foresaid Kirkes into the hands of the right reverend
father in God, Murdo, Lord Bishop of Murray, and give hereby full
way and heartie consent that hencefurth my cure may be declared
vacand, ay and quhil it please God to provid that people with a man
that may have more incouragment to serve among them than I have
liad dureing my service in that place : In Consideration quheroff I
ever from the dait hereoff renunce, discharge, and resigne my
cure, stipend, manses, and gleibes thereof? in all tym coming : In full
testimonie quheroff I have both written and subscrived thir presents
with my hand at Davach-in-Craig, the first of December 1671 yeirs,
"befor Mr Alexr. Clarke, minister at Invernes, and Mr Hew Fraser,
minister at Kiltarlitie. MR D. MACCULLOCH."
" Mr A. Clark, Witnes.
"Hugh fraser, Witnesse."
356 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The Presbytery placed it on record that the-
' ' omissions ' ' of which Mr Macculloch was guilty
were the consequence of ' ' his manifold and heavie
discouragements in his Parochin through want of
maintenance and countenance, and by stealling and
robbing of the little he hath;" and they were not
without good grounds for their conclusion. The
poor minister had been robbed and despitefully used
by both heritors and people. If they had paid his
stipend, and treated him with justice and respect,
the probability is that he would have efficiently
ministered to them, and paid his debts, and gone
about in decent attire. He is remembered in the
traditions of the Parish, not for his preaching or his
piety, but for his prowess in avenging a dastardly
outrage on two Urquhart young women. While
the girls were tending cattle in the shielings of
Corri-Dho, to which the tenants of Urquhart had
then a right, certain Glenmoriston men seized them
and cut off their breasts. The minister soon after-
wards met one of the dastards, and slew him on the
spot.
At a meeting of Synod held at Elgin on 9th April,
1672, Macculloch' s deed of demission was presented
to the Bishop, who thereupon required the Eeverend
James Stewart, minister of Inveravon and chancellor
of Moray, and in the latter capacity patron of the
living, to fill the vacancy "with all conveniency."
The Presbytery also exhorted the gentlemen and elders
of the Parish to co-operate with the chancellor bv
using "all possible diligence to furnish a minister for
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 357
themselves." The gentlemen and elders were, how-
ever, in no hurry, and the state of the Parish was
the subject of the Presbytery's anxious deliberations
on 14th August. "The Presbyterie, considering
the sad conditione of the Parish off Urquhart, and
the manifold abuses committed there, and their
loose and unrullie walking through the want of
gospell ordinances amongst them, as also the little
•care they have for providing a minister for them-
selves, have appoynted Mr James Smith, Minister
at Dorres, to goe to Vrquhart and preach to the
people the last Lord's day of August instant, and
keep session there, and exhort the people to use all
possible dilligence for searching out for ane able
qualified minister settled for that place, and to that
effect that they would send some of their number
and meet with the Laird of Grant, the most con-
siderable heritor of the Parish, and Mr James
Stuart, Minister at Inveraine [Inveravon], Patrone
of the Parishe of Urquhart, for their help and
assistance in the work; and till they be provided
the gentlemen to keep their people under them in
good order." These directions were duly obeyed,
and on 27th November Mr James Grant, a young
unordained " expectant," appeared before the Pres-
bytery and produced a presentation from the patron,
together with a letter from the Bishop desiring the
Presbytery to put him ' l to his try ells cum intuitu
ad locum to the Church of Urquhart." It may be
interesting to note what those " trials " were. Grant
read a. ' ' homilie ' : before the Presbytery on 8th
January, 1673, on the text " For God so loved the
358 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
world that He gave His only begotten Son, that who-
soever believeth in Him should not perish, but have
everlasting life;" and the same was " approven."
On 26th February he satisfactorily " hade his exercise
and additione," on Col. ii. 14 — "Blotting out the
handwriting of ordinances that was against us, which
was contrary to us, and took it out of the way, nailing
it to His cross." He " hade his common head" on
12th March, his subject being the Infallibility of the
Church — " de Infallibilitate Ecclesice;" after which
he delivered a thesis and ' ' disputed ' ' it with the
members of the Presbytery. At a meeting held
on the 26th he preached a " populare sermon," wa&
examined in "the languages," and underwent his
:' questionarie try ells." Having successfully passed
through all these trials, he was (on the 26th)
' remitted to the Bishope to receave ordinatione,
collatione, and institutione;" and Mr Hugh Fraser,
minister of Kiltarlity, reported that he had preached
at Urquhart the last Lord's day, and served his
edict; and that John Grant of Corrimony appeared
for himself and the rest of the parishioners, " suppli-
cating the Presbyterie that they would send them
Mr James Grant, whom they are most willing to
receave as their minister, promiseing to him dutie
according to their power, and that in giveing him
countenance and maintenance, as also that they will
concur with him in discipline and what else may
contribute for helping on God's service to God's
glorie, and to his encouragement." On the 9th of
April Grant attended on the Bishop and Synod at
Elgin and " receaved collatione, institutione, and
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 359
impositione of hands, and the right hand of fellow-
shipe, with everything usuall in the like case;" and
on 7th May the Presbytery recorded that " be
vertue of ane order from the Bishope of Murray, Mr
Hugh Fraser, minister of Kiltarlitie, went the last
Lord's day to Urquhart, and preached to the people,
and admitted Mr James Grant to be future minister
there, haveing used all the ceremonyes usuall in the
like case."1 The parishioners accepted him on the
l What the usual ceremonies were may be gathered from the
following- Presbytery minute describing- the admission of Mr Gilbert
Marshall to be one of the ministers of Inverness in 1674: — "The
exercise prescribed the former Presbytrie day was delayed till the
next Presbytrie day, because that by the Bishopes appoyntment Mr
Gilbert Marshall, who is presented by the Lord Kintaile to the vacant
charge of Invernes, had his edict served to this day : wherupon Mr
Alexr. [ ], Modr., preached conforme to the ordinance, text
Acts 20, 28; the sermon being closed, the edict being the second tyme
read, and being asked if their were any person or persons their
present that had aught to object against the admissione of the said
Mr Gilbert Marshall, at the most patent Kirk door, and thereafter at
the severall heritors, magistrates, and others then present, all of
them answered negativelie, and earnestlie pressed his admissione;
whereupon the Modr. proceeded to the admissione by delivering to
him the Sacred Bible, the book of discipline, and the key of the Kirk
door, as is usuall in such cases, seriously exhorting him to pietie,
humilitie, fidellitie, and sedulitie in his calling, who, with his whole
remanent bretheren, gave him the right hand of fellowshipe; and
immediatlie therafter the heritours, magistrates, and others present
did unanimouslie embrace him by reaching forth their hands to him,
declareing their acceptance of the said Mr Gilbert for their minister,
promiseing obedience, faithfullness, and assistance to him according
to their severall stationes. Thereafter the said Modr. and remanent
brethren passed to the Manse and Gleibe somtyme belonging to the
late Mr James Sutherland, and gave the said Mr Gilbert reall pos-
sessione in the same and locall stipend belonging thereto, dureing
his ministrie and service at the said Kirk of Inv'nes, which the said
Mr Gilbert accepted, and tooke instrument, ane or moe in Andrew
McPhersone, Nottare Publick, his hand, as the same at more length
in itself doth proport."
360 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
terms proposed by Corrimony, and so he became their
minister.
In his time the Bishop and church courts of Moray
made some effort to extirpate Eoman Catholicism in
the province — but the more they persecuted, the
more numerous did the persecuted become. Many
Protestants joined the ancient Church, and had their
children baptised by the ' seminary trafficking
priests " from Ireland and the shires of Banff and
Aberdeen, who ' ' went up and down through the
parishes avowedly, confidently, and affrontedly."1
In 1674, and again in 1679, the ministers were
ordered to bring in lists of all who acknowledged the
Pope within their respective parishes, and against
these church processes and sentences of excommuni-
cation were freely launched. Mr Grant was com-
paratively happy. While the district of Strathglass,
just outside his Parish, is described as " so pestered
with poperie that a total defectione is feared there iff
not speidily prevented, "e he is able to grant the
following certificate regarding Glen-Urquhart : — <c I
Mr James Grant, Minister of Urquhart, doe testifie
and declare that (blessed be God for it) ther are no
Papists in this Paroch of Urquhart except Katherin
McDonald, Spouse to Jhon Grant of Coremony, qho
was both borne and bred among Papists, and one
Hector McLean, a young man baptised in our
Church, but bred among Papists since his youth,
but nether of these excommunicat ; qhich is verified
under my hand att Kilmore in Urquhart, 5 of
l Inverness Presbytery Records. 2 Ibid.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 361
March, 1679. " 1 Mr Eobert Monro, who was at the
time in charge of Glenmoriston, had not so much to
be thankful for: — "I, Mr Eobert Monro, Minister
off Abertarf and Glenmoriston, doe testifie and
declaire these Papists did apostatize from the
reformed religion before my entrie, vizt. [here are
given the names of apostates in Abertarff], Alex.
McDonald in Achlean, his wyff and whole familie;
Allan McDonald in Innervuick, his whole familie
(except his wyffe) ; Archibald McConchie Vc Phatrick
in Innervuick, but not his wyff nor family. The
excommunicat are, both for incest and defection to
Poperie, John Grant in Duldregin and Katherine
Fraser his wyff, and part of his familie. This to be
of truth I verify under my hand att Invernes, March
5, 1679. "2
Ever after the Reformation the people of Glen-
moriston were left in a state of spiritual starvation :
there was no priest or parson in their own Glen, and
the visits of the minister of the Parish were few and
far between. The adjoining district of Abertarff or
Kilchuimein (now Fort-Augustus) was in the same
precarious state of dependence on the minister of
Boleskine. In 1675 an attempt was made to
provide those desolate places with the means of
grace. The ministers of Urquhart and Boleskine
joined in petitioning the Bishop, who was "Patron
of Elchuimen," and the Chancellor of Moray,
'Patron of Glenmoriston," to have "Mr Robert
Monro settled as minister and their helper in the
1 Inverness Presbytery Records. 8 Ibid.
362 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
said bounds of Abertarfe and Glenmoriston." The
Petition, concurred in by the heritors of these bounds,
was in January, 1676, submitted by Mr Monro to
the Presbytery, who referred it to the Bishop and
Chancellor for their decision. That decision was-
favourable, and Mr Monro, having gone through the
customary trials, was ordained by the Bishop on 2nd
March, and, on the 12th, admitted at Kilchuimein by
Mr Houston, minister of Boleskine, and Mr Grant,
minister of Urquhart.1
The arrangement, however, did not give satisfac-
tion to all concerned. At a meeting of Presbytery
held at Kilchuimein in September, 1677, the Glen-
moriston elders — John McEvin in Invermoristony
John McFarquhar and Donald Me William in Livishie,
and William McAlaster and James Grant in Inver-
wick — complained that ' ' the new minister did not
keepe with them everie sabbath per vices." His
excuse was that there was no church in Glen-
moriston, no bridge on the Eiver Moriston, and <l no
boat to transport him to his charge." The Presby-
tery did not expect him to swim to a church which
did not exist, and approved of his ' ministeriall
deportment;" and, as his lot was cast near the
zealous Eoman Catholics of Glengarry, he was
exhorted ' to studie the Popish controversie,
whereby he would be enabled to convince gainsayers-
and reclame the astray eing ignorant." He was but
poorly supported in his work of reclamation, and his
1 Inverness Presbytery Records.
T1IE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 363
success was not great among Catholics or Pro-
testants. His income was not sufficient to keep-
body and soul together, and, notwithstanding that
he eked it out by acting as clerk of the Presbytery,
for which he annually received a ' rex dollar ' ' L
from each member, his poverty increased, and he
was forced to beg for charity. In 1682 the Synod
urged the clergy of the diocese " to mind a contri-
bution to Mr Robert Monro in regard of his present
straites and indigencies." The contributions gave
temporary relief, but his impecuniosity returned,
and led him into irregularities. In November, 1687,
he officiated at a " mock marriage ' ' at Inverness, and
was suspended in consequence. On 4th April follow-
ing the suspension was continued by the Synod till
the first Sunday in May, on which day, in respect of
' two other unorderly marriages 5 ' confessed by him,
he was ordained to appear publicly in the church of
Inverness, and in face of the congregation to " make
humble and solemn acknowledgment of his offence
anent the said mock marriage, and his other
scandalls that accompany 'd his miscarriages, craving
God pardon, and all whom he might thereby have
offended." The order was obeyed, and he was-
absolved, and restored to his charge.
His suspension brought no lasting improvement,
and, years afterwards, he officiated at one of the
most irregular and most extraordinary marriages on
record. The famous Simon Fraser, early in that
1 Hex or rix dollar : a silver coin of Denmark, and varying- ins
value from 2s 6d to 4s 6d.
364 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
wild career in the course of which he won the title
and estates of Lovat, resolved to make Lady Amelia
Murray, Dowager Lady Lovat, his wife. The wooing
was short, and somewhat rough. Our criminal
records tell the story. " Captain Simon Fraser
takes up the most mad and villanous resolution that
ever was heard of; for all in a sudden he and his
complices make the lady close prisoner in her
chamber [within Beaufort Castle], under his armed
guards, and then come upon her with the said Mr
Kobert Monro, Minister at Abertarff, and three or
four ruffians, in the night-time, about two or three
in the morning, . . . and having dragged out
her maids, Agnes McBryar and - - Fraser, he
proposes to the lady that she should marry him, and
when she fell in lamenting and crying, the great
pipe was blown up to drown her cries, and the
wicked villains ordered the minister to proceed.
And, though she protested with tears and cries, and
also offered all promises of anything else, and
declared she would sacrifice her life sooner than
consent to their proposal, nevertheless, the said
minister proceeds, and declares them married
persons, and Hugh Fraser, of Kinmonavie, and the
said Hutcheon Oig, both of them thieves and
murderers, are appointed for her waiting maids.
And though she often swerved [fainted], and again
cried out most piteously, yet no relenting. But the
bag-pipe is blown up as formerly, and the foresaid
ruffians rent off her clothes, cutting her stays with
their dirks, and so thrust her into bed." 1
i State Trials.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 36<>
In the matter of marriage irregularities Monro
could point to the example of his superior, the
minister of Urquhart. In October, 1682, the
Eeverend James Grant was accused of ' k ane irregular
walking in marrying two persons in another parish
without either license from the Bishope or proclama-
tiones in the church." He confessed his guilt—
"although urged thereto by the importunity of
friends ' ' —and placed himself in the hands of the
Bishop and Synod. "The Lord Bishope and brethern
having considered the offence doe suspend the said
Mr James from the exercise of his ministeriall function
during the Bishopes pleasure, and that Mr Hugh
Fraser [minister of Kiltarlity] is appointed to go to
Urquhart and intimat the said sentence."1 The
suspension was but of short duration, and before
April Grant again filled the pulpit of the Parish
church.
This slight offence notwithstanding, Grant appears;
to have been a good man, and to have given
great satisfaction to his people. The report of a
Presbyterial visitation of the Parish in 1677 is
pleasant reading. The brethren met at Kilmore on
5th June, and were respectfully received by the
minister and elders and a ' populous meeting of
the hearers." The list of elders is evidence of the
minister's activity and influence : — Thomas Grant of
Balmacaan, John Grant of Corrimony, James Grant
of Shewglie, Patrick Grant of Inchbrine, Donald
Gumming of Dulshangie and James his son, James-
1 Moray Synod Records.
366 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Oumming in Pitkerrald, Farquhar Gumming in
Gartallie, William Grant of Achmonie, Alexander
,and Eobert Grant in Kerrowgair, Alexander Grant
in Balmacaan, Duncan Grant in Divach, Gregor
Grant in Pitkerrald, and others whose names are
not recorded. They all united in giving their
minister " ane singulare applaus." He was sound in
his doctrine, correct in his life and conversation,
frequently catechised the people, visited the sick,
prayed in the families, "was prepareing for cele-
brateing the Lord's Supper, which he could not do
untill a period should be put to the harvest," and
loyally preached yearly on the 29th of May — the
anniversary of the Eestoration of Charles the
Second.1 Of the elders the minister testified " that
they were most faithfull, and that there was nothing
could encourage him in his ministeriall office, but
they were all most cordiall to strengthen his hands."
Never before did the Church in Urquhart enjoy
such peace and prosperity; and the moderator,
overcome with gratitude, " blessed the Lord for
the good applause the minister had of his elders,"
and for the " sweet harmony" that prevailed. The
minister was, indeed, too good to be left in the
Parish. A cry soon reached him from another part
1 Inverness Presbytery Records. The 29th of May,, says John
Evelyn (Diary, 29th May, 1661),, was ee appointed by Act of Parliament
to be observed as a day of general thanksgiving for the miraculous
restauration of His Majesty : our vicar preaching on 118 Psalm, v.
24, requiring us to be thankful and rejoice, as indeede we had cause."
In England the day was for many years known as Royal Oak Day,
from the custom of placing oak branches in the churches in memory
•of Charles' escape from Cromwell's soldiers by concealing himself
among the branches of an oak tree.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 367
of the vineyard, and in 1685 he was translated to
Abernethy in Strathspey.
His successor was Mr Eobert Gumming, ' ' expec-
tant," who appeared before the Presbytery on
14th July, 1686, with a presentation to the
•churches "of Urquhart and Glenmoristone, now
vacand," and a letter from the Bishop recommending
him for the customary trials, prior to ordination.
At the next meeting (llth August) Mr Eobert
Monro protested against the terms of the presenta-
tion, claiming that he himself was minister of
Glenmoriston. The protest was referred to the
Bishop and Synod, and found to be baseless, Mr
Monro being only in the position of " helper;" and,
in obedience to the Bishop's instructions, Mr Fraser
of Kiltarlitie preached at Kilmore on Sunday, 24th
October, and admitted Gumming to be minister
of Urquhart and Glenmoriston, " conforme to his
presentatione and collation." The new incumbent
at once assumed jurisdiction over the delinquents in
Glenmoriston, and they were dealt with by the
:' Session of the united Parochins of Urquhart and
Glenmoriston" —Mr Monro's claim and protest being
wholly ignored.
The persecutions which disgraced and discredited
the Episcopalian party in the South of Scotland
during the Killing Time were practically unfelt
within the bounds of the Presbytery of Inverness.
For years the members of that court were at one in
their devotion to Prelacy, and although they had a
field for mild persecution among the Eoman Catholics
368 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
of the bounds, there were no Covenanters against
whom proceedings could be instituted. In 1687>
however, the Eeverend Angus Macbean, of Inverness,
who had been ordained a few years previously by the
Bishop, " disowned the government of the Church
of Scotland as it is now established by law, by
Archbishops, Bishops, and Presbyters," and declared
his conviction " that Presbitrie was the only
government that God owned in these nations. "
Macbean was at first gently reasoned with; but
without effect. Instead of returning to " the Armes
of the Church, which were still open and ready to
receive him upon his repentance/' he " publicly
demitted his charge of the ministry under the
present Government," went to Eoss-shire to preach
to the Covenanters of that county, and, returning to
Inverness, held a conventicle of his own, "and so
began his schisme in one of the most loyall, orderly,
and regular cities in the nation."1 Among his
brethren of the Presbytery there was not one to
follow his example. On the contrary, they joined
in urging the Episcopal authorities ' ' to use all
ordinar means for suppressing the schisme begun at
Inverness."2 In February, 1688, he was summoned
before the Archbishop of St Andrew, the Bishop of
Moray, and other dignitaries, and invited to return
to the Episcopal fold. He refused, and was deposed.
His sentence was read from the pulpit of the High
Church of Inverness, " for vindicating the Church's
authority, and Terror of such Back-slyders." But
1 Inverness Presbytery Records. 2 Ibid.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 369
the Back-sliders were on the way to victory, and
refused to be terrified; and the end of the Church's
authority was at hand. Before the close of the
year James the Seventh was driven from the throne ;
in July, 1689, Episcopacy was abolished by Parlia-
ment; and in the following spring Presbyterianism
was re-established in Scotland.
370 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHAPTEE XIX
. THE CHUECH IN THE PAEISH— FKOM THE REVOLUTION
TO THE DISRUPTION
Episcopacy in the Parish — The Rev. Robert Gumming remains
Episcopalian, but retains the Living. — Gumming and the
Presbyterian Clergy. — The State of the Parish. — Presby-
terian Missionaries. — Presbytery Meetings in the Parish.
— The Rev. William Gordon. — A Missionary Preacher
settled in Glenmoriston. — The Rev. John Grant. — He
favours Prince Charles and is imprisoned in England. —
His Death and Character. — The Rev. James Grant. — The
Rev. James Fowler. — Troubles in the Parish. — The Meet-
ings of Duncan of Buntait. — The Factor interferes and
mysteriously Dies. — The Rev. James Doune Smith. —
Charges of Immorality. — The People desert the Church.
— Presbyterial Enquiry. — Smith interdicts the Presby-
tery. -- The Disruption. — The Rise, Influence, and
Character of the Men. — State of Religion in Glenmoriston.
—The Rev. Robert Monro-. — Royal Bounty Missionaries.
— Glenmoriston erected into a Parish quoad sacra. —
Churches and Chapels in Olden Times. — Worship and
Church Service in the Past. — Legends and Relics of the
Saints. — Festival Days. — Gaelic Liturgy. — The Gaelic
Bible.— Gaelic Tunes.— The Sabbath in Olden Times.—
Sports and Pleasures. — Sunday Christenings and Penny
Weddings. — Lykewakes. — Introduction of Puritanism. —
Its Progress and Effects.
THE Eeverend Angus Macbean had a considerable
following in Inverness at the Eevolution, but out-
side the town few joined the Presbyterian party,
of which he was the local leader. The great bulk
THE CHURCH IN THE PAEISH 371
of the country people reverenced the bishops,
because of the antiquity of their order, and,
still more, on account of their loyalty to King
James, whom the Presbyterians had deserted.
They were Episcopalians, chiefly because they were
Jacobites. From a religious or ecclesiastical point
of view, it was difficult for them to see wherein the
two systems differed. The Episcopalians had their
kirk sessions arid presbyteries and synods and
general assemblies, just as the Presbyterians had; and
to the man who seldom or never beheld the bishop,
who, under Episcopacy, was perpetual moderator of
the synod, the government of the Church under the
one system appeared very much the same as under
the other. Practically, too, the same order of public
worship was followed by both parties. Years passed
after the Eevolution before the Episcopal Church in
Scotland — that is, the body that adhered to the rule
of the bishops — betook itself to the regular use of a
liturgy, and so entered upon that divergent course
which it followed until there was little left to
distinguish its services from those of the Church of
England. But if the people were unable to discern
the difference between the Churches, they had no
difficulty in distinguishing the friends of King James
—the Tories or Jacobites — from his enemies ; and so
strong was their dislike to the Whigs and their
Presbyterianism, that, in many parishes in Inverness-
shire and Wester Ross, the Episcopal clergy who
refused to conform when Presbytery was re-estab-
lished were able to hold their churches and manses
and glebes and stipends till the day of their death.
372 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Mr Eobert Gumming, minister of.Urquhart and
Glenmoriston at the Eevolution, was an Episcopalian
and a Jacobite, and, notwithstanding the presence of
the Whig soldiers in the Castle, he refused to conform
to Presbytery, or to surrender his charge and its
emoluments. In this attitude he had the sympathy
and support of his parishioners; and the result was
that, for forty years after the legal establishment of
the Presbyterian Church in Scotland, our Parish
remained Episcopalian, having an Episcopalian
clergyman as its spiritual guide. It was not until
the hopes of the Stewarts had been extinguished at
Culloden that the people finally yielded to the
inevitable, and began to take kindly to Presbytery.
Cumming, as a matter of course, refrained from
attending the Presbyterian church courts; but,
otherwise, he and the Presbyterian clergy appear to
have behaved towards each other with courtesy and
kindliness, and when, in 1724, the Parish became
part of the newly-created Presbytery of Abertarff,
the members of that court recorded at their first
meeting that "Mr Eobert Cumming, being of the
Episcopal persuasion, it is not expected he should
attend our meetings."1 This consideration and want
of bigotry led him to co-operate to some extent with
them. In March, 1725, Mr Thomas Fraser, minister
of Boleskine, " informed the Presbytery that he was
desired by Master Eobert Cumming, Episcopal
Incumbent at Urquhart, to acquaint this Presbytery
that great encroachments were made by trafficking
l Abertarff Presbytery Kecords — Meeting of 8th July, 1724.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 373
Priests and Popish Emissaries upon that Corner of
the Parish called Glenmoriston ; that there were a
great number of Tre-lapses and Quadra-lapses in the
sin of uncleanness in that part — also that Adulteries,
Incests, Notorious Profanation of the Lord's Day,
and Contempt of the Ordinances were frequent in the
said Parish; and Likewise to crave in the name of
the said Master Cumming the advice and concurrence
of this Presbytery in matters of discipline." Mr
Fraser was instructed to require Mr Cumming to
summon the offenders to the next meeting of
Presbytery, " and to come himself alongst, that the
Presbytery may be more fully informed as to these
delinquents, and then proceed as they shall see cause. ' '
Cumming did not appear at the next meeting, but
he sent a letter concerning the scandals; and at the
May meeting Fraser was appointed " to repair to
the said parish, and, the said Master Cumming being
present for his information, to hold a session, and
summon delinquents before the same, and to appoint
them respectively to undergo a course of discipline
according to the rules and practice of this Church."
On 18th August Fraser gave in a report on the
condition of the Parish, which had a stirring effect
upon the brethren. Mr Alexander Macbean, one of
the missionaries of the Society for Propagating
Christian Knowledge, was instructed " to spend the
remaining six weeks of his mission in Glenmoriston
and Urquhart — four weeks thereof in Glenmoriston,
and two in Urquhart;" Mr Skeldoch, minister of
Kilmonivaig, and Mr Chapman, missionary, were
appointed to preach on the following Sunday at
374 ' URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Duldreggan, and Mr Macbean, and Mr Gilchrist,
minister of Kilmallie, at Invermoriston on the same
day; and the Presbytery resolved to meet at
Bunloit on the 23rd. Mr Gumming appeared at the
Bunloit meeting, but of the delinquents only one
showed face, and the Court, finding " the design of
their meeting in this place was disappointed .
enjoined Master Eobert Cumine to use all diligence
in enquiring into the several gross scandals that are
in this Parish," and to summon the offenders to
appear before the next meeting of Presbytery.
Moreover, " the Moderator, in consequence of a
previous concert with the members of Presbytery,
did expostulate with Master Eobert Cumine anent
his preaching so seldom at Glenmoriston, and did
enjoin him greater diligence in that and in all the
other parts of his ministerial work, and that he
would receive and observe the instructions that
should be sent him from time to time by the
Presbytery/'
This obvious attempt to get the sturdy Episco-
palian to acknowledge the Presbytery's jurisdiction
was not successful. At the next meeting (6th
October) the names of the Urquhart and Glenmoriston
delinquents were called, but none responded—
and there was no report or explanation from their
pastor. The Moderator was instructed to write to
him expressing dissatisfaction with his conduct, and
requiring him " peremptorily to cause summon them
[the delinquents] to the next meeting of Presbytery,
and to send a report of his diligence in enquiring
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 375
into the said scandals to said meeting." Gumming
neither summoned nor reported, but in May, 1726,
he addressed a letter to the Presbytery, suggesting
that they should meet in Glenmoriston, :' in order
to curb vice and immoralitie so much abounding in
that corner." They gladly accepted the invitation,
and instructed the Moderator to ' ' signify to him that
it is verie agreeable to them how carefull he is to
have vice and immoralitie curbed in his charge."
The Glenmoriston meeting was held on 5th and 6th
October. It dealt with the delinquents whom
Gumming desired to curb, and, more important still,
it arranged for the erection of the first school opened
in the Parish. For the first time since the Eevolution
the old incumbent is described as " Minister." He,
however, still refrained from attending the meetings
of the Presbytery, and remained, in principle, an
Episcopalian. He died in 1730 — the last survivor,
perhaps, of that steadfast band of Highland Prelatists
who continued to hold their livings after the disestab-
lishment of their Church. On 8th April of that year
his death was intimated to the Presbytery, and on
the 26th Mr Thomas Montfod, a missionary within
the bounds, preached at Kilmore, and declared the
church vacant.1
1 The Rev. Robert Cumming's Last Will and Testament (signed
at Kilmore on 23rd March, 1730, in presence of John Grant,
Chamberlain of TJrquhart, Alexander Grant of Shewglie, and Ludo-
vick Grant in Drumnadrochit) was recorded in the Inverness Com-
missary Books on 15th December, 1730, by his widow and executrix,
Isobell Chisholm. The will commences in the following appropriate
.terms : — " I, Mr Robert Cuming, Minister of Urquhart, being for
the time sick in body, and yet (praised be God) sound in judgment
376 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Gumming' s successor was the Eeverend William
Gordon, or rather Macgregor, who was presented
by the Laird of Grant as patron,1 and ordained
and admitted on 24th December. He found
that he could not without assistance serve the
cure as it ought to be served, and he induced the
Presbytery in 1731 to appoint Mr Montfod,
' Missionary Preacher " in Glenmoriston. He was
translated to Alvie in 1739,2 and Mr John Grant,
a native of Strathspey, became minister of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston. His presentation was laid before
the Presbytery in January, 1740, and, after the usual
and memory, and considering the frailty of my life, that there is
nothing more certain than death and nothing more uncertain than
the time thereof, am therefore resolved so to order and dispose of my
worldly affairs as (the samen being done) that I may thereafter be
fitting and preparing myself for my last change, hoping to partake
of the blessed Life in Immortality purchased by the Death and Passion
of my only Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. And in consequence of
my said resolution I nominate, constitute, and appoint Isobell
Chisolm, my well beloved Spouse, my sole Executrix," &c. He leaves
his whole estate to his widow, with the exception of his books, which
he bequeaths to his grandchild, Alexander Fraser, son of his daughter,
Isobell Cumming, and her husband, Hugh Fraser in Bruiach. Isobell
Chisholm was Cumming's second wife — his first having been Helen
Kinnaird.
1 This appears to have been the first exercise by the Lairds of
Grant of the right of patronage of Urquhart and Glenmoriston. In
Roman Catholic times the right belonged to the Chancellor of Moray.
In 1593 it was conferred by James the Sixth on Alexander, Lord
Spynie, from whose son Sir John Grant purchased it in 1622. In
Protestant Episcopalian times it was exercised by the minister of
Inveravon as Chancellor of Moray. Patronage was abolished in 1690,
but restored in 1711. It was finally abolished in 1874.
2 Mr Gordon and " some of the gentlemen in the Parish of
Urquhart," provided 250 merks for the benefit of the poor in the
Parish, " reserving to them and their heirs, during vacancies, the
distribution of the interest thereof among the poor." — (Abertarff
Presbytery Records, 19th March, 1740).
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 377
trials, he was ordained and admitted at Kilmore on
17th January, 1741. It has already been told how
he espoused the cause of Prince Charles in The
Forty-Five, was seized by Ludovick Grant, and
imprisoned for a time in Tilbury Fort. With
that exception his long career was uneventful.
His death took place at Inverness in 1792 — his
nephew, Mr James Grant, having been assistant
and successor to him since 1777. He was
of a warm-hearted and kindly disposition, and a
story is still told which well illustrates the
simplicity of his habits. On one occasion, entering
the humble dwelling of John Cameron, Bail-an-
t-Strathain, or Coilty-side, he found the poor old
man broiling a sheep's liver on a pair of tongs,
which were half-buried in the white ashes of a peat
lire. The minister sat with Cameron until the
latter had finished his cooking and his repast, and
then left. Some time afterwards the old man
begged him for a little meal, as his barrel was
empty. " Gu dearbh cha'n fhaigh," was the reply,
" cha bu mhath an t-61ach thu fhein le do ghruthan !"
' Indeed you will not get that ; you yourself were
not so liberal with your liver!" By his will he
bequeathed the sum of £700 for the support of a
student of divinity, and one of philosophy, at Aberdeen
University. The bequest was disputed; but in 1795
his successor, Mr James Grant, compromised the
matter by making a payment of £200 to the University
for the maintenance of a bursar in philosophy or
divinity, either of the name of Grant, or descended
•378 URQUHART AND GLENMOEISTON
from Captain Thomas Fraser of Newton, commonly
called Dunballoch.1
The Eeverend James Grant survived his uncle
but a few years. He died at Elgin in October,
1798; and in January following Mr James Fowler,
missionary in Abertarff and Glenmoriston, was
presented to the Parish by Sir James Grant, and
admitted at Kilmore on 26th March. By this time
the " Men" had appeared in Urquhart, and the people
had begun to have views of their own in matters
of religion. The more earnest among them dis-
approved of the settlement. Active opposition was
anticipated, and on the day of his induction the
presentee appeared with a bodyguard of Glen-
moriston men. To do battle with these the
women of the congregation prepared themselves by
filling their aprons with stones. Fortunately, the
threatened conflict was avoided; but the minister
failed to conciliate his opponents, and many of the
people deserted the church, and betook them-
selves to the meetings of the eloquent Duncan
Macdonald of Bunloit, better known in after life as
Donnchadh Bhuntait — Duncan of Buntait. Duncan's
success as an exponent of the Gospel, and his fame as
a man of prayer, annoyed the factor, Duncan Grant,
1 Mr John Grant's wife was of the Dunballoch family. A tablet
to her memory still stands in the ruined walls of the old church of
Kilmore, bearing the following- inscription: — "Erected by the
Reverend Mr John Grant, Minr. of Urquhart, in memory of ^Emilia
Fraser, his beloved wife. She died llth Feb. 1759, aged 44 years. A
pattern of Virtue, Remarkable for Hospitality and Charity,
Respected and Lamented by all her Acquaintances. Time, how short !
Eternity, how long !"
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 379
Dulshangie, the minister's brother-in-law, whom he
.also greatly offended by going out of his way to
advise the young men not to join the Urquhart
Volunteers, in which Dulshangie was an enthusiastic
lieutenant, and of which his father-in-law, Alpin
•Grant, Borlum, was captain. His removal was
therefore resolved on, and he had to seek a home
on The Chisholm's lands of Buntait. The change
brought no good to the brothers-in-law. The Devil,
with that ingratitude which has always characterised
him in the folk-lore of the Highlands, conspired with
the equally ungrateful witches of Urquhart to
destroy the factor. As the doomed man was re-
turning one night from Inverness, in company with
the Black Campbell of Borlum-mor, he was met by
the Fiend in the wood of Abriachan, and so beaten
and pounded that he went home to die. The
witches' share in his destruction was less violent.
They quietly placed his clay figure, stuck with pins,
in a stream, and, as the image wore away through the
action of the water, so the body which it represented
painfully wasted towards death. These events
occurred in 1803, and so deep was the impression
which they made on the people, that many who had
hitherto adhered to Mr Fowler now forsook him;
and for years there was not an elder in the Parish.
Things began to look better in 1811, when four
elders — John Macdonald, schoolmaster, Bunloit;
William Mackenzie, Lewistown; Donald Macmillan,
Xjrrotaig (Domhnul Mac Uilleim); and Duncan Mac-
millan, Oldtown of Shewglie, latterly of Balnalick (an
380 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
t-Eilldear Euadh) — were ordained. The minister's-
days were, however, numbered, and he departed this-
life in May, 1814.
His successor, the Eeverend James Doune Smith,
was admitted at Kilmore on 20th April, 1815. He
was a man of kindliness and culture, but of uncertain
moral character. Charge of adultery followed
charge, with the result that he was deserted by his
congregation even before the Disruption of 1843.
On 3rd May, 1842, Alexander Fraser, Garabeg,
appeared before the Presbytery of Abertarff, at
Invergarry, and presented a petition signed by 248
heads of families in Glen-Urquhart, " setting forth
that there was no acting Kirk Session, and praying
for a visitation of the Presbytery to the Parish to
remedy matters." The Presbytery, which had for
years evinced an anxious desire to get at the truth
or untruth of the charges, responded by appointing
a meeting to be held at Drumnadrochit on 5th
July, to which they cited Mr Smith and the
witnesses who were prepared to give evidence
against him. The meeting took place, but its
deliberations were interrupted by a messenger-at-
arms, who entered and served a " Note of Suspension
and Interdict the Eeverend J. Doune Smith against
the Presbytery of Abertarff." The brethren, unac-
customed to such interference, and uncertain as to
their proper course, adjourned for a day. When
they again met they resolved to report the circum-
stances to the General Assembly, <:c as the Note of
Suspension and Interdict at the instance of Mr
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 381
Smith included the Presbytery, their Agent, the
Witnesses of the Prosecution, and the Ministers
associated with the Presbytery, . . . and they
could not satisfy the ends of justice in the circum-
stances." In their indignation they placed it on
record that they " disclaim the right of interference
•of the Court of Session in this and all other questions
•of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction," and cited Mr Smith
to appear before the ensuing meeting of the Com-
mission of the Assembly. And then appeared
Alexander Chisholm, Boglashin, with " more than
twenty ' others, and presented a petition from
•certain of the inhabitants, " setting forth that they
were conscientiously restrained from attending the
ministrations of Mr Smith, and praying that some
provision should be made for the dispensation of
religious ordinances in the Parish." On enquiry the
Presbytery ascertained ' ' that the attendance at the
church for some time past had been very small, and
that there was a number of children still unbaptised."
Mr Smith thereupon stated " that for the period
prior to the meeting of the Commission he intended
that the religious ordinances should be administered
in a manner satisfactory to all parties, and that for
this purpose he intended to invite a number of clergy-
men, and that the Moderator, or Mr Fraser, Kirkhill,
was to baptise the children." Of this arrangement
the Presbytery approved; but the interference of
the Court of Session with the Scottish ecclesi-
astical courts was followed by more disastrous
consequences than the interruption of the course of
justice at Drumnadrochit : it rent in twain the old
382 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Church of Scotland. At the Disruption Mr Smith's-
parishioners joined the Free Church with scarce an
exception, and henceforth till his death in 1847 he
preached to empty benches in the pretty new church
which the heritors had but recently erected for him—
Suidheachanan falamh,
Agus ballachan bana;
An clag a' buaileadh,
'S cha'n eil an sluagh 'tighinn I1
Unfortunate though the people of Urquhart were
in their clergy for many years, their corner of the
Vineyard was not allowed to lie wholly waste. The
very weakness and apathy of their ministers helped
to raise up from among themselves labourers of
wonderful fervour and power. The Men — na Daoine
—are a comparatively modern institution. They
appear in Sutherland and Easter Eoss about the
1 Lines of the Disruption time, which, may be translated : — " The
pews are empty, and the walls are white ; the bell tolls, but the people
do not come." The ministers of the Parish since the Disruption have
been — Rev. Donald M'Connachie, from 1848 to 1864; Rev. John
Cameron, 1865 to 1879; and the present minister [1893], the Rev. J.
P. Campbell, admitted in 1880. The Rev. Archibald Macneill is the
first minister of the quoad sacra Parish of Glenmoriston, erected in
1891. The Free Church ministers of the Parish have been— In Glen-
Urquhart, the Rev. Alexander Macdonald, from 1844 to 1864; the
Rev. Angus Macrae, from 1866 to 1892; and the Rev. Alexander
Mackay, admitted in 1892 : in Glenmoriston, the Rev. Francis Mac-
bean, from 1844 to 1869; the Rev. Alexander Maccoll, from 1870 to
1877; the Rev. Donald Macinnes, from 1879 to 1889; and the present
minister, the Rev. William Mackinnon, inducted in 1891. Mr Mac-
bean and Mr Maccoll had also the Free Church charge at Fort-
Augustus, where they resided. The priest of Stratherrick or of
Fort-Augustus officiates at intervals in the Roman Catholic Chapel,
Glenmoriston; and St Ninian's Episcopal Church, Glen-Urquhart
(founded by Mr A. H. F. Cameron of Lakefield), is open during
summer and autumn.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 383
beginning of the eighteenth century, but there were
none in our Parish before Culloden. Urquhart owes
much to these men of piety and devotion, who —
frequently while their pastors slumbered and slept —
laboured for the welfare of their fellows with an
earnestness and an eloquence that penetrated into the
very soul. Their unbounded influence has not yet
exhausted itself, and the people of Urquhart still
cherish the memories of such saints as Duncan of
Buntait, and Donald Macmillan of Grotaig, who
helped to keep the lamp of the Gospel burning during
the dark years that closed the eighteenth century and
opened the nineteenth; and John Macdonald, the
schoolmaster and catechist of Bunloit, and Duncan
of Buntait 's son, Alexander, who both bore the burden
of the day during the evil times that culminated, much
against their wish, in the Disruption of the Church.1
The district of Glenmoriston, which had its
chapels and its clergy during the periods of the
Celtic and Roman Catholic Churches, was in a state
of ecclesiastical desolation for many years after the
Reformation. It had no clergyman of its own, and
the parish minister only paid it an occasional visit.
The first attempt at improvement was made in 1676,
when Mr Robert Monro was appointed minister in
1 Among other Men who flourished in Glen-Urquhart during the
nineteenth century, and whose names deserve to be remembered, were
William Mackenzie, Lewistown; Duncan Macmillan, Balnalick; John
Gumming, Milton; Kenneth Macdonald, Meiklie-na-h-Aitnich, and his
sons, John Macdonald, Milton, and Alexander Macdonald, Craigmore;
Neil Maclean, schoolmaster, Bunloit ; William Fraser, Lewistown ;
Alexander Grant, Inchvalgar; Alexander Chisholm, Boglashin; John
Fraser, Garabeg; Alexander Macmillan, Achnababan; Alexander
Fraser, Marchfield; and John Maclennan, Milton.
384 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Glenmoriston and Abertarff. He died about 1698,
and thereafter no special effort appears to have been
made to supply the spiritual wants of the district,
until 1725, when Alexander Macbean, a missionary
employed by the Society for Propagating Christian
Knowledge, preached there for four weeks. Next
year Thomas Montfod was appointed catechist in
Glenmoriston and Abertarff. On the Eeverend
William Gordon's admission to our Parish he pleaded
" for a missionary Preacher to the United Parishes
• of Urquhart and Glenmoriston, there being four
stated places of worship in that Parish, besides that
the country of Glenmoriston lies at a considerable
distance from the minister's place of residence, and
mostly inaccessible to him during the winter season."
The result was that Montfod, who had meanwhile
been ordained a minister, was promoted to be mis-
sionary preacher, and paid by the Eoyal Bounty
Committee. He soon gave up the appointment to
become minister of Kilmallie; but since his time
Glenmoriston has been pretty regularly supplied
at the expense of the Committee. Until 1811 the
missionary preacher resided at Fort- Augustus, and
had Abertarff and Glenmoriston under his charge.
In that year the Committee agreed to establish a
separate mission in Glenmoriston, and to pay the
missionary a salary of £60 a year, the proprietor
furnishing him with a place of meeting and a
dwelling-house and other allowances. That arrange-
ment continued without much change till 1891,
when Glenmoriston was erected into a parish quoad
sacra, and a new church erected and endowed.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH
385
Only a hurried glance can be taken at the
manners and customs of our forefathers in matters
of religion. The churches and chapels in which
they worshipped have already been referred to.
Small buildings these were to begin with — con-
structed of timber or wattles, or, during the latter
part of the Celtic Church period, of dry stone.
Better edifices wTere raised in Eoman Catholic
times, and on the eve of the Eeformation the
Parish Church and St Ninian's Chapel (The
Temple) were substantial buildings, with belfries
8TONE FROM RUINS OP THE TEMPLE — NOW IN WALL OF CORRIMONY HOUSE.
25
386 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
and suspended bells. The other chapels had hand
bells of the old Celtic square type, which served to
call the people to prayer, and which were carried at
funerals by the bellman, who walked in front of the
coffin, ringing as he went. The Parish church,
which was rebuilt in 1630, was the burial place of
the more considerable families till the beginning of
the eighteenth century, and was so overcrowded
with the dead that their relics frequently protruded
through the earthen floor, to be fought over by the
dogs that accompanied the worshipping people.
For the malignant fevers that from time to time
ravaged our Glens in the Olden Times, the human
remains within the church were perhaps not less
responsible than the insanitary state of the dwelling-
houses.1
It is difficult to say what exactly was the manner
of worship of our fathers during the early Christian
ages. In the Celtic Church there was probably
1 The parish church at Kilmore was thatched with heather till
about the middle of the eighteenth century, when it was roofed with
native slate. In 1642 the Synod ordered the Presbytery to " have a
special caire " that the church should be outwardly repaired, and
provided with " inward plenishing." Next year it was reported that
the work " is already begun and going on." The " inward plenish-
ing" consisted of a pulpit, communion table and forms, and a stool of
repentance. For years after 1642 there were no seats or pews for the
use of the people. During divine service they stood, or moved about
— the aged and infirm, however, providing themselves with small
stools. When pews became common, it was found necessary tx>
appoint an officer whose duty it was to go about with a long rod,
poking slumberers into wakefulness and attention to the sermon. In
the latter part of the seventeenth century, and early part of the
eighteenth, the people smoked in church — a habit which at an earlier
period was common in England and the South of Scotland. In time
smoking gave place to snuffing; and the snuff-box has not yet ceased
to go its round in the churches of our Parish.
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 387
little preaching, in the modern sense of the word —
only a simple delivery of the message of salvation
by the clerics who served in the chapels. They
were eminently men of prayer, who were also much
given to the singing of Latin psalms and Gaelic
hymns. The chapels were resorted to by the people,
not only on the Sabbath, but also, for private
devotion, on the other days of the week — a custom
which continued down through the Eoman Catholic
and early Protestant periods, and which the
Eeformed Clergy had much difficulty in suppressing,
as superstition, as late as the close of the seventeenth
century. They were also comraich, or sanctuaries,
for such as sought shelter from the vengeance of their
fellow men.
During the Eoman Catholic period the services of
the Church were mainly liturgical, and conducted
chiefly in Latin. Eelics of saints were carefully pre-
served. The crucifix of St Drostan was enshrined
within the Temple, or St Ninian's Chapel, and was
under the care of a deoir, or keeper, whose office was
probably hereditary, and who had the free possession
of Croit-an-Deoir (the Deoir or Dewar's Croft) for his
services.1 At Kil Michael, the Archangel's Bell,
which rang of its own accord at the approach of a
funeral, was the object of great veneration, as was
Merchard's bell in Glenmoriston, which also rang
without human intervention when the dead passed,
and possessed other wonderful qualities already
referred to. The smaller chapels probably possessed
1 See footnote, p. 337, supra.
388 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
relics of the saints to whom they were dedicated.
Each saint commemorated by a dedication in the
Parish had his annual festival day; the general
feasts of the Church were also observed; and
thus a great portion of the year consisted of holidays
—holy days, which, originally intended for holy
joy and religious exercise, came in time to be almost
exclusively devoted to worldly pleasure and sport.
The Eeformed clergy strenuously set themselves
to suppress these festivals, but generations passed
ere their efforts resulted in their entire neglect.
The Eeformation of the Church brought great
changes in the form and manner of public worship.
The ritual of Eome gave place to John Knox's
Liturgy, a Gaelic translation of which — by Bishop
Carswell of the Isles — was printed in 1567 for the
use of the Protestants of the Highlands. Preaching
found a more prominent place in the new service, and
much importance was attached to the reading and
expounding of the Scriptures. The Church ordained
" that every Kirk have a Bible in English, and that
the people be commanded to convene and hear the
plain reading and interpretation of the Scripture, as
the Kirk shall appoint." There was no provision
for having the Bible in Gaelic, and for almost a
century and a half after the Eeformation the High-
land clergy and readers were under the necessity of
translating the English Bible into Gaelic as they
read. In 1690 and subsequent years Bibles in Irish
Gaelic were distributed in the Highlands; the New
Testament appeared for the first time in Scottish
Gaelic in 1767, and the Old Testament, in parts,
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 389
between 1783 and 1801. Some of the Psalms were
printed in Gaelic metre in 1659, and the remainder
in 1694; and since the latter year various versions
have been published. The plaintive and beautiful
' ' Gaelic tunes ' ' to which they are sung in Urquhart
and other districts, are supposed to have been
brought from the Continent by the Highlanders
who fought under Gustavus Adolphus. More pro-
bably they are ancient chants which have come
down to us from the ages that preceded the
Bef ormation ;* and the peculiar and not unpleasant
intoning in which the old-fashioned Highland clergy-
man still loves to indulge, is an echo of the church
service of the same pre-Eeformation period.
The use of Knox's Liturgy was discontinued
about the middle of the seventeenth century by
both Presbyterians and Episcopalians. The changes
in the established form of church government — from
Presbytery to Episcopacy, and from Episcopacy to
Presbytery — brought no changes in the form of
public worship, with the exception that after 1649,
1 When the " precentors " of the past taught these tunes to the
young1, they, with the object of avoiding what they considered an
irreverent use of the Psalms, sang them to rhymes of their own
making. The following was popular at Gaelic singing-classes in
Glen-Urquhart within the last hundred years : —
Buntata pronn is bainne leo
An comhnaidh dha mo bhroinn;
Nam faighinn-sa na dh' ithinn din
Gum bithinn sona chaoidh !
Words which may be rendered : —
With mashed potatoes and good milk
May I be filled for aye ;
With them me feed; then shall I joy
Until my dying day !
390 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the Episcopalians were more ' ' mindful ' ' than the
Presbyterians of the Lord's Prayer and the Doxology.
The former did not resume the use of a liturgy until
after the Eevolution; and it is doubtful whether Mr
Robert Cumming, who was Episcopal minister of our
Parish at that event, and until his death in 1730, ever
used a prayer book.
The religion of the old Highlander lay lightly on
his shoulders, and, like his brother Celt in Ireland,
he freely mixed his business and amusements with
it. His Sabbath— which till the eleventh century
he observed on Saturday and not on the Lord's
Day1 — was not entirely a day of rest. He attended
church or chapel in the morning with more or less
regularity ; but the remainder of the day was given
up to pleasures, sports, and his worldly avocations.
On that day, as the church records show, he, for
generations after the Reformation, drove his cattle
to market, brought home his fuel, baked his bread,
fished, played shinty, and put the stone. On that
day, too, he married, christened, and buried. The
Sunday christenings and penny-weddings were made
the occasions of such boisterous mirth that during the
seventeenth century and the early years of the
eighteenth, numerous warnings appear on the pages
of the Presbytery books against piping, fiddling, and
l Bishop Carswell, as late as 1567, wrote — " A se an seachtmhadh
la Sabboid no Sathurn an Tighearna do Dhia " — " The seventh day
is the Sabbath or Saturday of the Lord thy God." — (Gaelic Transl.
of Knox' Prayer Book). Even at the present time Saturday is some-
times called in our Parish " An t-Sabaid Bheag" — the Little Sab-
bath; and it is accorded a degree of respect and " sacredness " which
is denied to the other " week-days."
THE CHURCH IN THE PARISH 391
dancing at them. The lykewakes were even more
uproarious, the chamber of death being filled night
after night with jest, song, and tale, the music of the
violin and the pipe, and the shout and clatter of the
Highland reel. Everywhere the native buoyancy of
the Celt asserted itself — in season and out of season.
A change was, however, to come over his spirit.
Puritanism, which was introduced into Scotland by
the English sectaries of the Commonwealth, took deep
root after the Eestoration among the persecuted
Covenanters of the Lowlands. It did not reach the
people of Urquhart till old barriers were removed by
the events of the Forty-five ; but, if it was late in
coming, its progress among them was amazingly
rapid, and before the end of the century it held them
in its coils with a tightness which has not yet appreci-
ably relaxed. To it we owe our rigid Sabbatarianism,
the sacramental preaching week, our crowded com-
munions, and long communion services.1 It has
1 " To ingratiate themselves with Cromwell/' says Principal Lee
in Hist, of Church of Scotland, " the Protesters declined praying for
the King, and framed their churches after the model of the
Sectarians. They introduced a mode of celebrating the divine ordin-
ances which till that time had been unknown in Scotland, and which
came afterwards to be generally practised by those whose meetings
were interdicted by the severe enactments of the Government after
the King's restoration. They preached and prayed at much greater
length and with much greater fervour than their brethren. At the
administration of the communion they collected a great number of
ministers, and performed Divine service two or three successive days
before, and one at least after the solemnity/' The " Question Day "
(Friday) of the communion week is of Highland origin having grown
out of the institution of the Men. Knox approved of the monthly
celebration of communion; but before Culloden it was very seldom
celebrated in the Highlands — some times not for years in Urquhart
and other parishes.
392 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
done much for religion in the Highlands, but it has
not been an unmixed blessing. It has to a great
extent destroyed the songs and tales which were the
wonderfully pure intellectual pastime of our fathers;
it has suppressed innocent customs and recreations
whose origin was to be found in remote antiquity;
it has in many cases engrafted self-righteousness on
the character of religious professors; and it has
with its iron hand crushed merriment and good
fellowship out of the souls of the people, and in their
place planted an unhealthy gloominess and dread of
the future entirely foreign to the nature of the Celt.1
1 See Appendix N for the Stipend, &c., of the Minister at various-
periods.
EDUCATION IN THE PARISH 393
CHAPTEE XX
EDUCATION AND CULTUEE IN THE PAEISH
Education before the Reformation. — The Parochial System. —
Unsuccessful attempts to plant Schools in the Parish. —
The First School. — Charity Schools at Duldreggan,
Milton, Pitkerrald, and Bunloit. — The First Parish
School. — Subsequent Agencies. — The Education Act. —
Old Salaries. — Old School Books. — Gaelic in Schools. —
Old Punishments. — Cock-fighting and other Sports. —
Urquhart Authors. — James Grant of Corrimony. —
Charles Grant. — Lord Glenelg. — Sir Robert Grant.—
James Grant. — John Macmillan. — Buchanan Macmillaii,
King's Printer. — Patrick Grant. — James Grassie. — Angus
Macdonald. — William Grant Stewart. — William Somerled
Macdonald. — James Grant, Balnaglaic. — Allan Sinclair.
— The Bards of the Parish. — Iain Mac Eobhainn Bhain.
— Ewen Macdonald. — Shewglie and his Daughter. —
Alasdair Mac Iain Bhain. — Iain Mac Dhughaill. — John
Grant. — Archibald Grant. — Angus Macculloch. — Lewis
Cameron. — Angus Macdonald. — William Mackay. —
Hugh Fraser. — Survival of Bardism.
THE history of Education in Scotland may be said
to form part of the history of the Church. Before
the Eeformation the country was wholly indebted
to the clergy for the little learning it possessed;
and after that event it was John Knox and the
ministers of the Eeformed Church who originated
and developed the parish school system. To that
system Scotland as a whole owes much; but its
benefits were slow to reach the Highlands, and
Knox was two hundred years in his grave before
394 URQUHAET AND GLENMORISTON
Urquhart and Glenmoriston could boast of a parochial
school.
During the period of the Celtic Church the
clerics who officiated in the small cells which, as we
Lave seen, were scattered over the Parish, doubtless
devoted much of their time, as their brethren are
known to have done elsewhere, to the copying of
the Scriptures; and it is probable that they com-
municated some slight knowledge of letters to the
more curious among their people. This knowledge
was increased in Roman Catholic times by the priests
of the Parish and the monks who studied and taught
within the neighbouring Priory of Beauly. But in
the ages that preceded the Reformation there was no
education in the modern sense of the word, and very
few even of the better classes could read or write.
Knox's grand purpose was to establish at least
one school in every parish throughout Scotland.
His scheme was too ambitious for his time, but it
was not lost sight of, and in 1616 — long after his
death — it was adopted by the Privy Council, which
ordained that a school should be erected in each
parish, c that all his Majesty's subjects, especially
the youth, be exercised and trayned up in civilitie,
godliness, knowledge, and learning; that the vulgar
Inglishe tongue be universallie planted, and the
Irish [that is, the Gaelic] language, which is one of
the chieff and principall causes of the continuance
of barbaritie and incivilitie among the inhabitants
of the Isles and Heylandis, may be abolishit and
removit." The resolution that a school should be
established in each parish was confirmed by Parlia-
EDUCATION IN THE PARISH 395
merit in 1631, and again in 1646; but generations
passed before effect was given to it in Urquhart
and Glenmoriston. At a meeting of the Presby-
tery of Inverness held in the Parish in 1627, ' ' it
was found requisit that ane scholemaister suld be
planted thair, for educatioun of the youth within
these bounds, in respect the parochiners thair
wer found willing to do dewtie heirin glaidlie."1
This was reported to the Synod of Moray in
October, when Mr Alexander Grant, the minister,
stated ' that he, with his parochiners, hed bein
cairfullie searching efter ane [schoolmaster] to
supplie that roume [that is, Urquhart and Glen-
moriston], bot as yit culd find nain;" and the Presby-
tery was ordained ' to enquyr for ane maister
of schole, and to settle him thair with diligence."3
But if the enquiry was made, no result followed.
Fifty years later — in 1677 — the minister and elders
reported to the Presbytery that there was no
school in the Parish, " bot quhen the Laird of Grant
cam to the countrey that they were to require his
helpe and assistance how to get some victuall to
mantean an schoolmaster." They were exhorted
' to do the same, which should be good service done
to God;"3 but the exhortation was not responded
to, and Urquhart and Glenmoriston remained with-
out a parochial school until the year 1770. 4
1 Records of the Synod of Moray. 2 Ibid.
3 Inverness Presbytery Records.
4 Other Highland parishes were even in a worse condition.
Boleskine, Laggan, and Kilmonivaig, for example, had no parish
schools for years after 1770. On the other hand there were schools
in Kirkhill and Kiltarlity as early as 1671.
396 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The youth of the Parish were, however, not
wholly left in darkness. Sometimes the lairds,
wadsetters, and larger tenants combined to employ
some struggling student to teach their children
during the college recess; sometimes they sent their
boys to be taught at Inverness, Fortrose, or Petty;
and the result was that during the darkest years of
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a few
were to be found in the Parish who could read and
write and express themselves in fair English. Even
the humbler occupiers of the soil began to commit
their transactions to writing; and we find, as early
as 1616, the tenant of Eaddich and Borlum signing
his patronymic — for he had not yet adopted a
surname — in a beautiful round hand, " Donald
McHomas," Donald, son of Thomas.1
It was, however, left to the Society in Scotland'
for Propagating Christian Knowledge to bring the
means of education within the reach of the people
generally. In 1701 a few private gentlemen met in
Edinburgh, and resolved to establish schools in the
Highlands and Islands, and to appeal to the public
for pecuniary support. They opened their first
school at Abertarff; but in less than two years the
people drove the schoolmaster from the district.
The Edinburgh philanthropists were not dis-
couraged. In 1707 they induced the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland to appoint
a committee to consider the question of the propa-
gation of Christian Knowledge in the Highlands
I Renunciation of Lease, at Castle Grant.
EDUCATION IN THE PARISH 397
and Islands. The incorporation of the Society
followed in 1709. Next year its members resolved
to open free schools — or " charity schools," as they
were called — in such districts as from time to time
should most require them. In 1711 a school was
-established at Abertarff, to which Glenmoriston lads
probably found their way; and in 1726 the first
school in our Parish was opened. On the 14th day
of April of that year, certain gentlemen of Glen-
Urquhart appeared before the Presbytery of Aber-
tarff, within whose bounds the Parish then was, and
represented " that they greatly stand in need of a
Charity School in the Breas of that countrie, on
account of the Ignorance of the people, Popish
priests takeing occasion to encroach upon that corner,
as it is remote, and discontiguous from the Strath of
the Parish."1 The Presbytery considered the pro-
posal " just and reasonable," and appointed the Eev.
Alexander Macbean of Inverness to apply to the
•Society for an allowance for a schoolmaster. The ap-
plication was granted in June, and in October a school
was opened at Meiklie, and placed under the charge
of Henry Urquhart, a learned shoemaker, who had
been duly examined by the Presbytery and found
qualified.
This arrangement did not long continue.
In October, 1728, the Presbytery, " considering
the state of Glenmoristone for want of a school, and
that there appears a greater probability for procuring
a Parochial School at Urquhart than at Glen-
1 Abertarff Presbytery Eecords.
398 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
moristone, have resolved that against summer next
the School at Urquhart shall be transported to
Glenmoristone as soon as the Presbytery are
informed that a schoolhouse and other conveniences
are prepared at Dulldregan in that countrey for him
[the teacher]." This resolution was the outcome of
an application which the inhabitants of Glenmoriston
had made to the Presbytery as early as October, 1726.
The modest " conveniences" considered necessarv
«/
were soon provided; the Meiklie establishment was
closed ; and Henry Urquhart removed to Duldreggan,
where he laboured for several years. And from his
time until the Education Act came into operation in
1873, the Society was not without a school in
Glenmoriston, except for an interval of eight years
immediately after the Eising of The Forty-Five. .
To Glen-Urquhart the Society was equally
generous. When the Presbytery resolved to send
Henry Urquhart to Glenmoriston, they instructed
the Eev. Alexander Macbean " to write to the Laird
of Grant in order to obtain a Parochial School at
Urquhart." Nothing came of the application,
and the Society had again to take the place
of the heritors. In 1732 a charity school was
opened at Milton, and placed under the charge of
William Grant, who taught in it for many years.
At a later period the school was l( transported" to
Pitkerrald. <c There is no parish schoolmaster,"
said Mr William Lorimer in a Eeport on Urquhart
which he wrote for the Laird of Grant in 1763 ;
<e the tenants send their children to the charity
EDUCATION IN THE PARISH 399
schoolmaster, who lives at Pitkerrald, who teaches
them to read and write. . . Alexander Macrae,
a Entail man, . . teaches reading, writing, and
arithmetic, and singing psalms — exacts no school-
ages [fees]."1
The failure of the .heritors to provide the means
of education which the law required of them led the
Society, in 1770, to threaten to withdraw their
charity teacher unless a parochial schoolmaster was
appointed. The threat had the desired effect. A
parish school was at once opened, and in 1775 the
Society's establishment was transferred to Bunloit,
where it continued to flourish until 1873. To the
Bunloit schoolmaster Sir James Grant gave a
dwelling-house and two acres of land free of rent.2
The three schools which our Parish now possessed
were soon found insufficient to meet its educational
wants, and side-schools were, about the end of the
century, erected in Glenmoriston and the Braes of
Urquhart. Other agencies subsequently arose. The
Gaelic School Society had a school at Meiklie in
1815 and 1816 ; and after the Disruption, Free Church
schools did good work for years at Drumnadrochit
and Polmaily, while Caroline, Countess of Seafield,
maintained a school at Blairbeg, and Mr Thomas
Ogilvy of Corrimony another on his estate. The
Education Act put an end to the Parochial System,
and — so far as our Parish was concerned — to the
other agencies which it found at work. The first
1 Eeport, at Castle Grant. 2 Eeport of the Society, in 1790.
400 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
School Board1 set itself with vigour to provide the
school accommodation required under the new order
of things; and within a few years commodious
school buildings were erected throughout the Parish,
which strongly contrast with the poor, comfortless,
dry-stone, turf-roofed hovels .in which the teachers
of the past laboured with no small measure of
success for a salary then, no doubt, regarded as
sufficient, but which would be looked upon in the
present age as miserable in the extreme.2
The Society for Propagating Christian Know-
ledge, having in view that " religion and industry
go always hand in hand," obtained new letters
patent in 1738, empowering them to " cause such
children as they shall think fit to be instructed and
bred up in husbandry and housewifery, or trade and
manufacture, as they should think proper, at such
places and in such manner as to them and their
directors shall seem the most practicable and
expedient." As thus authorised, the Society not
only settled a gardener and blacksmith in Glen-
1 The members of the first School Board were nominated at a
public meeting, and unanimously elected without ballot. They
were, in alphabetical order — Rev. John Cameron, minister of the
parish; Major William Grant, factor of Urquhart; Rev. Alexander
MacColl, Free Church minister of Fort- Augustus and Glenmoriston ;
William Mackay, Blairbeg; Rev. Angus Macrae, Free Church,
Glen-Urquhart ; Thomas Ogilvy of Corrimony; and John Sinclair,
Borlum, factor for Glenmoriston.
2 The amount expended on the schools (including teachers' houses)
were :— Culanloan, £3834 19s Id; Balnain, £1595 Os 2d; Bunloit,
£1463 2s 6d; Dulchreichart, £1393 12s Od; Invermoriston, £1388 Is
6d; and Corrimony, £862 9s 9d— total, £10,537 5s Od. The yearly
salaries of the Society's teachers ranged from £8 to £14. When the
first parochial school was established in the Parish in 1770, the
schoolmaster's salary was fixed at £10 a year.
EDUCATION IN THE PARISH 401
moriston in 1755, for the purpose of instructing the
people in their trades, but they also, in subsequent
years, employed the wives of their schoolmasters in
the Parish to teach spinning, knitting, sewing, and
other branches of female industry.1 In 1802, more-
over, they opened a " spinning school" at Lewistown,
and placed it under the charge of Mrs Georgina
Forbes, who continued for twenty-seven years to
instruct the young girls of the district in these
branches, and in religion. In Mrs Forbes' school a
portion of the English Bible was read every day,
and the pupils were required to learn at home, and
repeat to her, passages of Scripture, and questions
from the Shorter and Mother's Catechisms.2
For many years the progress of education in the
Highlands was greatly impeded by the absurd
manner in which the language of the people was
treated. The excellent Lowlanders who directed
the affairs of the Society in its early days dreaded
Gaelic as they dreaded the Eoman Catholic Church,
with which they associated it ; and the same regulation
that bound their schoolmasters to subscribe the
' Formula against Popery,"3 bound them also to
1 Reports of the Society. 2 Ibid.
3 The Formula was in the following terms : — " I, , School-
master in the Parish of , do sincerely from my heart profess and
declare before God, who searcheth the heart, that I deny, disown, and
abhor these tenets and doctrines of the Papal Romish Church, viz.,
the Supremacy of the Pope and Bishops of Rome over all pastors of
the Catholick Church; his power and authority over Kings, Princes,
and States, and the infallibility that he pretends to, either without
or with a General Council; his power of dispensing and pardoning;
the doctrine of Transubstantiation, and the Corporal Presence, with
the Communion without the cup in the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper; the adoration and sacrifice practised by the Popish Church
26
402 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTOIN
" discharge [prohibit] their scholars to speak Earse
[Irish or Gaelic]." The result was that while the
great majority of the children, who knew no language
but Gaelic, learned mechanically to read the Pro-
verbs, Confession of Faith, Shorter Catechism,
Vincent's Catechism, Protestant Resolutions, Pool's
Dialogue, and Guthrie's Trials, which were their not
too attractive school-books, they utterly failed to
understand what they read; and that when they
left school they left their books and their ' ' learning ' :
behind them. The directors of the Society at last
realised the error of their ways; and in 1767 they
printed a Gaelic translation of the New Testament,
which was used in their schools. Translations of
other works followed, and in 1781 the directors
were able to report ' c that their translations have
been of the greatest utility, not only in opening the
minds of the people to knowledge, but in giving a
greater desire to learn the English language than
they had ever before discovered."1 After this the
teachers worked on a more rational system, and the
ancient tongue was treated with some degree of
respect. In the schools of the Gaelic School Society,
which was founded in 18 II,2 Gaelic spelling-books
in the Mass; the invocation of Angels and Saints; the worshipping- of
Images, Crosses, and Relics; the doctrine of Supererogation, Indul-
gences, and Purgatory; and the Service and Worship in an unknown
tongue : all which tenets and doctrines of the said Church I believe
to be contrary to, and inconsistent with, the written word of God.
And I do from my heart deny, disown, and disclaim the said
doctrines and tenets of the Church of Rome, as in the presence of
God, without any equivocation or mental reservation, but according
to the known and plain meaning of the words as to me offered and
proposed. So help me God."
1 Account of the Society, June, 1780, to June, 1781.
2 The Gaelic School Society was dissolved in 1892.
EDUCATION IN THE PARISH 403
were used, and in 1817 similar books were issued
to their schoolmasters by the older Society. The
bad old system, however, long survived in the
Parish School of Urquhart. Mr Daniel Kerr, a
native of Perthshire, who presided over that institu-
tion during the closing years of the eighteenth century,
and the first decade of the nineteenth, was an ardent
believer in its merit. He made it his first duty, after
the opening prayer, to hand to one of the boys a
roughly carved piece of wood which was called ' ' the
tessera."1 The boy transferred it to the first pupil
who was heard speaking Gaelic. That offender got
rid of it by delivering it to the next, who, in his
turn, placed it in the hand of the next again. And
so the tessera went round without ceasing. At the
close of the day it was called for by Mr Kerr. The
child who happened to possess it was severely flogged,
and then told to hand it back to the one from whom
he had received it. The latter was dealt with in the
same manner ; and so the dreaded tessera retraced its
course, with dire consequences to all who had dared
to express themselves in the only language which they
knew. When the master wore his red night-cap in
school, as he often did, it was observed that he was
more merciless than at other times, and the children
came to look upon the awful head-gear as a thing of
strange and evil influence. It was long before they
1 Tessera (Latin), a square or quadrangular piece of wood or
other substance. The old teachers made use of Latin words in an
amusing manner. To this day an Urquhart boy who wants to dip
his pen in his neighbour's ink-bottle says, " Thoir dhomh guttum "
— " Give me a guttum " — from gutta, a drop.
404 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
discovered that the wearer's irritability on those
occasions proceeded from a sore head brought
on by the previous night's excessive conviviality.
He never spared the rod; but it was not his
only instrument of punishment. The Fool's-Cap
was the terror of the children; yet they dreaded
the Fox' -Skin and the Necklace-of-Old-Bones even
more. Sometimes Kerr covered the offender's head
with the cap, and his shoulders with an evil-smelling
skin of a fox, and placed around his neck a string of
bones. Thus adorned, the boy had to proceed into
the open, and suffer the jeers of his companions and
of passers-by ; or he was made to stand in the centre
of the schoolroom, while his fellows filed past and
spat on him as they went !
But even in Kerr's time school life was not
without its bright seasons and pleasant features.
The boys delighted in their sports — the shinty
matches between the Braes and the Strath being
specially exciting. More interesting still, perhaps,
was the annual cock-fight. On the occasion of that
great event, it was the duty of every boy to bring a
well-fed rooster to school. If he failed in this he
was bound to pay the value of a bird to the school-
master. The schoolroom was for the time converted
into a cock-pit ; the fights took place in presence of
the pupils and their parents — the minister, as a rule,
gracing the meeting with his presence, and the
schoolmaster being umpire and master of ceremonies.
The victorious birds were restored to their proud
owners — perhaps to fight another day. The dead
LITERATURE IN THE PARISH 405
birds and the "fugles," or runaways, became the
property of the master, whose modest stipend was
thus in some small measure augmented.1
Notwithstanding the backward state of education
in the past, our Parish can boast of not a few who
have made some mark in the field of literature.
JAMES GRANT of Corrimony, Advocate, who was
born in 1743 and died in 1835, and who enjoyed
the friendship of such literary men as Henry
Erskine, Henry Mackenzie, Sir James Mackintosh,
and Lord Cockburn, was a scholar of singular
erudition and attainments. His published works
are, an account of our Parish, in Sir John Sinclair's
Statistical Account ; ' c Essays on the Origin of
Society, Language, Property, Government, Juris-
diction, Contracts, and Marriages, interspersed with
Illustrations from the Gaelic and Greek Languages;"
and ' ' Thoughts on the Origin and Descent of the
Gael, with an Account of the Picts, Caledonians,
and Scots, and Observations relative to the Author-
ship of the Poems of Ossian."2 The late well-known
novelist, James Grant, was his grandson.
1 These reminiscences were communicated to the Author by old
men who had in their boyhood attended Kerr's school.
2 James Grant's tombstone at Corrimony bears the following"
inscription by Lord Cockburn : — " Here lies what was mortal of
James Grant, Esquire, the last of the Grants of Corrimony — Born
13th April, 1743, Died 12th September, 1835. Literary, amiable, and
independent, he was one of the very few of his class who in his day
promoted the principles of political liberty, which have since
triumphed. He lived to be the oldest member of the Scottish Bar.
He died, the last of a race that for more than 350 years inherited
this Glen." Mr Grant left a large family, and was therefore not
the last of his race. Corrimony was sold before his death.
406 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
CHARLES GRANT, son of that Alexander Grant
whose devotion to Prince Charles cost him the
situation of forester in Glen-Urquhart,1 was born in
1746. He received the rudiments of his education in
the charity school of Milton, where his grandfather
resided, and afterwards spent some time at a school
in Elgin, with, the aid of Shewglie's son Alexander,
who escaped from Culloden and found his way to
India. Entering the service of the East India
Company, he rose to be Chairman of the Company.
For many years he represented the county of
Inverness in Parliament. He was the author
of " Observations on the State of Society among
the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain," published
in 1792, and again printed, by order of Parlia-
ment, in 1813. "I can sincerely say," observed
Wilberforce of him after his death in 1823, " that
he was one of the very best men I ever knew. And
had he enjoyed in early youth the advantages of a
first-rate education, he would have been as dis-
tinguished in literature as he was in business."2 In
1696, his great-grandfather and grandfather could
not write their names;3 in 1801 his sons CHARLES
(afterwards Lord Glenelg), and EGBERT (afterwards
Sir Kobert Grant), astonished the learned world by
1 See p. 250 supra.
2 Life of Wilberforoe, chap, xxxvi. A fine portrait of Charles
Grant, painted by Raeburn at the expense of the County of Inverness,
is in the County Buildings.
3 Deed of 1696, at Erchless Castle, signed by a notary on their
behalf.
LITERATURE IN THE PARISH 407
the place which they took at Cambridge — Charles
being third wrangler and first medallist, and Robert,
fourth wrangler and second medallist. Charles'
speeches and despatches made him famous. Robert
published in 1813 a " Sketch of the History of the
East India Company from its foundation to the
passing of the Regulating Act, in 1773, with a
Summary View of the Changes which have taken
place since that period in the Internal Adminis-
tration of British India;" and, in the same year,
" The Expediency maintained of Continuing the
System by which the Trade and Government of
India are now Regulated." In 1839 — after his
death — were published his " Sacred Poems," edited
by Lord Glenelg, some of which have attained great
popularity in the Churches.1
JAMES GRANT, son of that James Grant, younger
of Shewglie, who was imprisoned in Tilbury Fort in
1746, went to India early in life, and devoted much
time to the study of the systems of revenue and
land tenure of that country. Warren Hastings
appointed him Resident at the Nizam's Court — an
l Charles Grant (Lord Glenelg) was born in 1783, and died un-
married in 1866. He represented Inverness-shire from 1818 till he
was raised to the peerage in 1836. During his long political career
he filled the offices of Chief Secretary for Ireland, President of the
Board of Trade, Secretary of State for the Colonies, &c. Sir Eobert
Grant was for a time Judge Advocate-General. In 1834 he was
appointed Governor of Bombay, an office which he held till his death
in 1838. His son, Sir Charles Grant, was for a time Foreign Secre-
tary to the Government of India.
408 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
office which he resigned in 1783. 1 He wrote several
treatises, for the information of the Government and
the East India Company, on the subjects of revenue,
agriculture, and land tenure, in Bengal. In 1788
the Company's Indian Board appointed him Chief
Serrishtadar, and placed those subjects under his
control. The appointment was approved of by the
Court of Directors in London, who, on 20th August,
wrote to their representatives in the East:— 'If
any new appointment was necessary, you could not
have pitched upon a more capable servant than Mr
James Grant, whose industry and peculiar talents
for investigation had been so well demonstrated by
the great mass of materials he had obtained, and
ably digested in his several laborious productions
concerning the history of our Possessions and
Bevenues." In 1790 he printed a disquisition on
the nature of Zemindary tenures, and sent a copy
of it to Pitt, along with a long letter on the same
subject. On retiring from service he purchased the
estate of Eedcastle. He died in 1808.
1 The following letter was addressed to Grant on the occasion of
his resignation : —
" Fort- William [Calcutta], 27th March, 1783.
" Dear Sir, — I am much concerned that the ill state of your
Health obliges you to relinquish an Employment in which your
Talents might have been so eminently useful to the Public.
" Wishing to know the Sentiments of Nizam Ally Khawn upon
the Appointment of the Successor to you as the Resident at his Court,
I have written the enclosed Letter, which I request you will be
pleased to forward to him with as much Expedition as possible.
" I am, Dear Sir, with great esteem, your most obedt. humble
Servant, " WARREN HASTINGS."
LITERATURE IN THE PARISH 409
In 1740, Alexander Chisholm of Chisholm married
Elizabeth, daughter of Mackenzie of Applecross;
and her half-sister, Christian — an illegitimate
daughter of Applecross — accompanied her to Strath-
glass. Christian .became the wife of Finlay Mac-
millan, the son of a crofter or small farmer in
Buntait. Two sons of the marriage, JOHN and
BUCHANAN, were educated with The Chisholm Js
children, and afterwards settled in London — John
as a journalist, and Buchanan as a printer. The
latter rose to be printer to George the Third and
the Prince Regent, and books printed by him are
frequently met with. He died at Belladrum in
1832, and his dust lies in the Newton burial-ground,
within the Priory of Beauly.1 The literary produc-
tions of John, who died young, cannot now be
identified, and all that is known of them is contained
in an extravagant epitaph on his tombstone at Kil-
more — probably the work of his friend, the eccentric
Dr Gilbert Stuart, the defender of Mary Queen of
Scots :— ' Under this Stone are Deposited the
Remains of John McMillan, a Man whose Friend-
ship and Benevolence Endeared his Name to all
1 His tombstone bears the following inscription : — " Here are
Deposited the Kemains of Buchanan McMillan, Esq. Born in the
Glen of Urquhart, in this County, he travelled from England that he
might revive, or expire, in his native air, and died at Belladrum
House on the 6th September, 1832, in his 74th year. As a husband,
father, and friend, he was conspicuously good and zealous. His
industry, fidelity, and punctuality raised him to affluence in his
profession as a printer in London, where he long resided, beloved and
respected for his hospitality and integrity. The graceful piety of
his grand-daughter, Mary Christian Blagdon, has erected this stone
to commemorate his virtues." A portrait of Macmillan, by Kaeburn,.
presented by himself to his friend, Mr Fraser of Newton, is now in
the possession of the Author.
410 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
who knew Him. Studious in the Attainment of
Literary Pre-eminence, His Productions bear a
lasting Monument of his Merits. His Wit was
poignant without Invective. His Genius, copious
without redundancy. His Essays are esteemed as
Models of Ease, Elegance, Energy, and Humour.
His Poetry is Affecting, Descriptive, and Sublime.
If e'er the Man of Genius tread this yard,
And feel the god-like phreiizy of the Bard.
Here let him pause and cast his wand ' ring eyes
Where Wit extinct with JOHN McMiLLAN lies ;
One who possessed all Virtues to admire,
The flame of Friendship, and the Attic fire ;
Weary of Life, tho' young, he kissed the Sod,
Preserved his Fame with Man, his Soul with God.
He died the llth Day of Feb. 1774, in the 25th year
of his Age."1
1 The tombstone bears the following further inscription : — " Also
[under this stone are deposited] the Remains of Christian McMillan,
Mother of John McMillan, who departed this Life the 27th Day of
March, 1781, in the 54th Year of her Age. To the affectionate Wife,
the tender Mother, the pious Christian, and the friend of Distress,
she un'ted every other Virtue that could adorn her Sex, and give a
Hope of future Immortality. This Memento is laid down by an
aged Husband and Father, as a last Tribute to the Memory of an
affectionate Wife and a dutiful Son."
It is told of Finlay Macmillan, that after his marriage he was so
destitute that his father had to give him more than one cow for food
for himself and his young wife and family. There was, indeed, only
one cow left, and with it the old man firmly refused to part. But as
he lay in bed one night he heard a voice at the window : — (t G-abh
mar gheibh, is gheibh mar chaitheas — is thoir a bho ruadh do
dh-Fhionnlaidh !" — " Take as you get, and you'll get as you'll spend
— and give the red cow to Finlay !" " I will, I will !" replied the
terrified old man ; and next morning the red cow went the way of
the others. Better days came upon Finlay, and his later years were
passed in comfort through the filial generosity of his son Buchanan,
whose name is commemorated in the Glen by Fuaran Channain —
Buchanan's Well — near Corrimony Bridge.
LITERATURE IN THE PARISH 411
PATRICK GRANT, of Lakefield (born 1795), who
succeeded to Eedcastle, and was married to a sister
of Lord Glenelg, took a keen interest in journalism
in the exciting days of Catholic Emancipation, and
Eeform. He was for a time principal proprietor of
the famous Sun. He afterwards ceased his con-
nection with that paper, and started the True Sun,
which he managed so extravagantly that it involved
him in financial difficulties, and he had to sell Eed-
castle. He died in 1855, and is buried under the
beautiful family monument at Cnocan Burraidh, near
Blairbeg.
JAMES GRASSIE, son of Peter Grassie, Supervisor
of Excise, Drumnadrochit, published in 1843 a
volume of :< Legends of the Highlands, from Oral
Tradition." The scenes of his tales are chiefly laid
in our Parish and neighbouring glens.
WILLIAM GRANT STEWART, factor of Urquhart,
although not a native of our Parish, resided in it for
many years, during which he published " Songs of
Glen-Urquhart," "The Popular Superstitions and
Festive Amusements of the Highlanders of Scot-
land," and ' Lectures on the Mountains, or The
Highlands and Highlanders, as they were and as
they are." He died at Viewville, Drumnadrochit,
in 1870. By his will he bequeathed the sum of £50
to the Urquhart Parish School, with directions that
the annual interest should be applied in the purchase
of prizes.1
1 By virtue of a Scheme of the Educational Endowments (Scot-
land) Commission, dated 3rd December, 1886, Stewart's Bequest, and
a, bequest of £10 a year by the late Evan Cameron, are now
amalgamated, and administered by the School Board.
412 TJRQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
ANGUS MACDONALD, son of John Macdonald, the
noted schoolmaster and catechist of Bunloit, pub-
lished in 1836 Searmona leis an Urram. Ralph
Erscine — a Gaelic translation of four sermons by
Ealph Erskine — which attained considerable popu-
larity; and, in 1869, a translation of a sermon
by Spurgeon on the Head of the Church. He
was a bard of great merit, his poem on the
Highlanders in the Crimea, and his Lament for
Lord Clyde, being especially powerful and felicitous.
He was the first Bard of the Gaelic Society of
Inverness, and died in 1874, at the age of seventy.
WILLIAM SOMERLED MACDONALD, who was born
at Meiklie-ria-h-Aitnich about the year 1815, pub-
lished a Gaelic translation of Bunyan's " Water of
Life," and also translations of the hymns " Abide
with me," and " Nearer, my God, to Thee." At first
engaged in teaching in Scotland and England, he
latterly took orders in the Church of England, and
died at Hennock, Devonshire, in 1884.
JAMES GRANT, son of Grigor Grant, Balnaglaic,
was an accomplished charter scholar, who, in addition
to assisting Mr Cosmo Innes and Professor Masson
in connection with the Government publications
edited by them, gave to the public in 1876 a
valuable c c History of the Burgh Schools of Scot-
land." He was engaged at the time of his death, in
1885, on a similar work on the Parish Schools. By
his will he bequeathed a sum of £500 to the School
Board for the establishment of a ' ' James Grant
Bursary," open to boys who have been born in the
THE BAEDS OF THE PARISH 413
Parish, or have attended any of the public schools in
the Parish for not less than two years.
The Eev. ALLAN SINCLAIR, son of Eobert Sinclair,
tenant of Borlum, published in 1865 a Gaelic trans-
lation of the Memoir and Eemains of the Eev. Eobert
Murray McCheyne. He was also the author of an
interesting work — :' Eeminiscences of the Life and
Labours of Dugald Buchanan ''' —and of numerous
articles in magazines and newspapers on subjects
connected with the Highlands. He was minister of
the Free Church at Kenmore, Perthshire, where he
died in 1888.
These, with the exception of such as still survive,1
and of Archibald Grant, to whom reference will
hereafter be made, are the only authors connected
with our Parish who have ventured to put their pro-
ductions in print. But there were many bards and
seanachies in the past whose compositions were left
to the caprice of oral tradition. These have not all
met the same fate. Beautiful tales and ballads still
survive, of whose authors nothing is known. On
the other hand, of the effusions of John the Bard,
1 The following Glen-TJrquhart authors still [in 1893] live :— Miss
A. C. Chambers, Polmaily, author of " Life in the Walls," " Mill
of Dalveny," " Life Underground/' " Robin the Bold," " Away on
the Moorland," " The Shepherd of Ardmuir," " Annals of Hartfell
Chase," "Amid the Greenwood," and "The Tenants of Gorsmead;"
Miss Cameron, late of Lakefield, author of the " The House of
Achendaroch;" Rev. K. S. Macdonald, D.D., Calcutta, author of
" The Vedic Religion," " Rome's Relation to the Bible," and other
works; Mr Alexander Macdougall, schoolmaster, Corrimony, translator
into Gaelic of Owen's t( Communion with God;" and Rev. Alexander
Chisholm, Boglashin, a,uthor of " The Bible in the Light of Nature,
of Man, and of God."
.[These authors have now (1913) all passed away].
414 URQUHAET AND GLENMORISTON
the first of the name of Grant who owned Urquhart,
probably not one line remains; and Iain Mabach,
an ancient bard of the Braes, is remembered, not by
his songs, but by the regret to which he gave
expression on his death-bed — " Nach maith a'
gheallach chreach sin, 5s nach urrain dhomhsa feum
a dheanamh dhi !"• :' Isn't that a beautiful moon for
a cattle-spoil, and that I am unable to make use of
her!"
Of the bards whose names and productions have
come down to us, the oldest, perhaps, is IAIN MAC
EOBHAIN BHAIN, who flourished in Glenmoriston
early in the seventeenth century. Later in the same
century DONALD DONN sang much in and concerning
our Parish ; and early in the eighteenth century, EWEN
MACDONALD composed a descriptive poem on Coir-
iarairidh in Glenmoriston, which formed the model
of Duncan Macintyre's better known " Coirecheath-
aich." ALEXANDER GRANT of Shewglie, who was
a cultured player on the violin and harp, wrote
a welcome to Prince Charles; and his daughter,
JANET, wife of Cameron of Clunes, a stirring song in
praise of Lochiel of The Forty-Five.
ALEXANDER GRANT (Alasdair Mac Iain Bhain),
the most gifted of the bards of our Parish, was the
second son of John Grant, Achnagoneran, and was
born about the year 1772. He early joined the
army, and saw service in Denmark, Portugal, Spain,
France, and the West Indies. During his wanderings
he was solaced and cheered by the fellowship of the
Highland muse; and his songs possess great merit,
containing vivid glimpses of the life of the British
THE BARDS OF THE PARISH
soldier during the events which followed the French
Kevolution, and breathing burning affection to the
scenes and companions of his childhood and youth.
Of his native Glenmoriston, and the joy of revisiting
it, he sang and dreamed for years ; but his dreams and
hopes were not to be realised. The longed-for
furlough at last came, and the happy soldier travelled
northwards; but at Seann-Talamh, above Drumna-
drochit, and within a few hours' journey of his
father's house, he was suddenly taken ill, and, unable
to proceed further, he sought shelter under the
hospitable roof of <:cBean a' Ghriasaiche Ghallda,"
and there expired. He was buried in the first
instance in Kilmore, and it is still told that while a
young woman, whose heart he had won and retained,
lay on his grave weeping, she imagined she heard
moans from beneath her. On her reporting this the
grave was opened, and it was found that the body
had turned in the coffin, and was lying face down-
wards ! It was removed to Glenmoriston, and the
churchyard of Invermoriston now holds the dust of
Alasdair Mac Iain Bhain.1
;< Braigh Eusgaich" — the only song, so far as is
known, composed by IAIN MAC DHUGHAILL, Bunloit
—has for the last hundred years continued to be one
of the most popular songs of the district of Loch Ness.
It was composed in Edinburgh, where the bard for a
time resided, and happily depicts Nature in her
pleasantest moods, and gives pathetic expression to
1 Alasdair's songs, collected by the Author, are printed in the-
Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, Vol. X.
416 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
his strong desire for the peaceful solitudes of Brae
Euiskich.
JOHN GRANT, Aonach, who took part in the siege
of Gibraltar, composed songs and hymns; while his
son ARCHIBALD GRANT (Archie Tailleir, born in 1785),
was the author of a volume of poems, which was pub-
lished in 1863. Archibald was a noted seanachie,
and his productions abound in interesting allusions to
ancient traditions. He died in 1870, and was buried
with his fathers in Clachan Mhercheird.
Among others who have successfully wooed the
Highland muse during the present century1 are
ANGUS MAcCuLLOCH, Bullburn; LEWIS CAMERON,
Drumnadrochit ; ANGUS MACDONALD, who has already
been referred to; WILLIAM MACKAY, Blairbeg; and
HUGH FRASER, Lewistown, latterly in Inverness
—all now deceased — as well as more than one who
are still with us. Bardism, it is pleasant to record,
has not yet ceased to exist in our Glens; and
Glenmoriston, especially, is still the favoured retreat
of that Spirit of Poesy which so greatly and so
beneficially influenced the inhabitants of the Parish
In the Olden Times.2
1 The nineteenth.
2 See Appendix O for selections from the productions of the
Bards of the Parish. In 1895 Mr A. Macdonald, accountant, High-
land Railway, Inverness (a native of Glenmoriston), published
" Coinneach is Coille," a volume of original Gaelic poems and songs,
which was very favourably received.
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 417
CHAPTEE XXI
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH
Decay of Folk-lore. — Decline of the Ceilidh. — Satan in the
Parish. — His Conflicts with the Men. — The Death of the
Factor. — Fair Ewen of the Goblin. — Hags and Goblins. —
Cailleach a' Chrathaich. — Destruction of the Macmillans.
— Cailleach Allt-an-Diinain. — Death of Macdougalls and
Macdonalds. — Cailleach Allt-Saigh. — Cailleach Chragain-
na-Cailleich. — Donald Macrae's Adventure. — Daibhidh
and Mor of Corri-Dho. — Their Feud against the Men of
Urquhart. — Bocan na Sleabhaich. — The White Mare of
Corri-Dho. — The Death of Alasdair Cutach. — The Fairies
and their Haunts. — Theft of Mothers and Babes. — Other
Depredations. — Fairy Love-making and its Results. — •
Gay Life in Fairy Knowes. — The Fairy Smith of Torna-
shee. — The Witches of the Parish. — Their Pastimes and
Pursuits. — Divination. — Dead Men and Demon Cats. —
A Famous Seer. — The Evil Eye. — Second Sight. — Sacri-
fices and Safeguards.
FOLK-LORE, before the days of the Schoolmaster
and the Men, bulked largely in the every-day life
of the inhabitants of Urquhart and Glenmoriston.
Even after the appearance of these destructive
agencies, it long held its ground in the Parish,
although with a gradually diminishing vitality.
Until within the last twenty-five years,1 the
people spent the winter evenings around some
1 That is, twenty-five years before 1893.
27
418 URQTJHART AND GLENMORISTON
favourite fireside, where tales were told, poems
recited, songs sung, and riddles propounded — the
head of the house employing himself the while in
making a creel, or whittling into shape a wooden
ladle or some other article of domestic utility; and
the good-wife in plying the distaff, or gently driving
the spinning-wheel. A great and 'sudden change—
and in some of its aspects a regrettable one — has,
however, taken place. The ancient institution of
the ceilidh,1 which nurtured good fellowship and
good feeling, has all but disappeared. The penny
newspaper has taken the place of the tale and the
song; and present political and social questions, with
all their appeals to self-interest and cupidity, occupy
the minds of men to the almost entire exclusion of
the deeds of the Feinne, and of the traditional heroes
of the Parish. And so the ancient lore is allowed
to decay, and no new seanachies arise to take the
place of the old as they, one after another, disappear
into the unknown.
Of the historical legends which of old formed no
small portion of the folk-lore of the Parish, some use
has been made in the preceding pages. It is pro-
prosed to deal briefly in this chapter with that branch
of it which may be placed under the head of The
Supernatural.
SATAN, who is familiar to us under the various
names of An Diabhal, An Droch Spiorad, An
Droch Rud, An Namhad, An Riabhach — that is,
The Devil, The Evil Spirit, The Evil Thing, The
Adversary, The Speckled One — occupies the first
i Ceilidh (pronounced kaily) : a fire-side social gathering1.
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 4.19"
place in our local system of demonology. In impious
imitation of the Godhead, he consists of three
persons — the Black Devil, the Speckled, and the
White, the latter being the most dangerous, not
only on account of his excessive share of evil, but
also because of his hypocrisy and the difficulty of
distinguishing him from an angel of light. The
Devil's appearances have been without number, but
he has been especially troublesome to the Men. Early
in the nineteenth century an elder was urgently
called upon, on a dark night, to visit a dying man
who had not led the most exemplary of lives. The
elder hastened to the sufferer's house, but his pro-
gress was soon interrupted by the cries of a child.
Making for the spot from which they came, he found
an infant lying under a bush, and apparently in
great distress. To wrap it in his plaid and take it
on his back was but the work of a moment, and he
again pressed forward to administer the consolations
of religion to the suffering sinner. By-and-bye,
however, as he ascended a steep hill, his burden
became so heavy that he was forced to sit down on
a bank and rest. When he tried to resume his
journey he found it impossible to rise, and he then
looked behind arid saw, to his amazement, not the
child, but a great hideous monster which glared
upon him with flaming eyes, and clutched him with
horny fingers about the throat until he was well-
nigh strangled. The good man at once realised that
this was the Evil One endeavouring to keep him
away from the death-bed, and he invoked the aid
and protection of the Trinity — whereupon the
420 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Enemy disappeared in a flash of light, and interfered
with him no more. Hurrying on, he soon reached
the dying man, and was the means of bringing peace
to his soul before he closed his eyes for ever.
A somewhat similar story relates how one of
the Men, journeying at night, came to the old ford
near the mouth of the river Enerick, with the
intention of crossing. On reaching the bank he
found the stream high, and a boy making ineffectual
efforts to wade across. Placing the boy on his
back he entered the water. When in mid-channel
his load became unbearably heavy, and on looking
round he found that he was carrying an Evil Thing
of great size, which was trying hard to press him
under the water. In his distress he called upon the
Trinity, and instantly the Fiend vanished into the
dark.
A man of well-known piety and grace, who was
an ornament in the Church, married a woman of
equally good disposition and temper; and much
blessing was expected to result from the union. How
disappointed and scandalized, therefore, were all good
people when it became known that the couple had
given themselves "up to discord and strife, and that
their fireside was the most unhappy in the Parish !
Means taken to get them to agree had no effect —
each declaring that the other was a fiend and roused
feelings of a most fiendish nature. At last one of
the Men called, in sorrow and shame, with the view
of pleading with them to put an end to the scandal.
On approaching the house he was distressed to hear
high sounds of anger and wrath. Going to the
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH
window he saw the husband and wife in the height
of a terrible quarrel. He also saw that they were
not alone. Between them moved continually a
repulsive-looking thing which did its best to keep
them going. When the husband gave up, the Evil
Thing appeared to scratch and bite him; and he
instantly started afresh. When the woman's tongue
slackened speed, she was attacked in the same way;
and on she went with renewed energy. Eightly
concluding that the mysterious being was the
Tempter himself, the Man boldly entered the house,
and, severely reprimanding the couple, asked them
whether they knew in whose company they were.
They, however, had seen nothing; but on his sug-
gestion they agreed to join him in prayer — with the
result that the Fiend flew up the chimney, and that
peace ever afterwards reigned in the house.
The Devil's motive in harassing good men, and
creating a scandal in connection with a pious couple,
is not far to seek; but it is not so easy to under-
stand why he delighted in harassing and destroying
those who were supposed to have voluntarily entered
his own service. The case of the factor who perse-
cuted the righteous, and, as his reward, was beaten
to death by the Fiend, is well known, and has
already been related.1 Equally well authenticated is
the history of Eobhan Ban a3 Bhocain — Fair Ewen
of the Goblin. Ewen, who resided in Glenmoriston
some eighty or a hundred years ago,2 entered into an
unfortunate paction with Satan, under which he was
1 See p. 379, supra. 2 That is, before 1893.
422 URQUHART AND GLENMOR1$TON
bound to serve him, and to render an account of his
stewardship every night before cock-crow. For a
time Ewen faithfully carried out the terms of his
agreement, and met his Master every night. But
the latter grew more and more exacting, and Ewen
began to repent. He tried to break off his nocturnal
interviews; but, no matter where he was when the
hour of meeting arrived, something within him
forced him to keep the appointment. With the
view of getting rid of his tormentor, he sailed for
America. But at sea the Evil Thing met him nightly,
and he troubled him so cruelly in America that he
was glad to come back to his own country. After
his return the meetings were for a period kept as
before, but at last Ewen arranged with certain of
his neighbours that they should spend a night with
him in his house, and prevent his going out — by
force, if necessary. The men accordingly sat with
him. As the usual hour approached Ewen became
restless, and felt impelled to leave. His companions
refused to let him go, and in the end bound him
hand and foot. Then arose a high, shrieking wind
that shook the house to its foundations, and strange
sounds and noises were heard which became so
terrible that Ewen was released. The unfortunate
man walked forth into the dark. He did not return,
and next morning his dead body was found stark
and stiff on a neighbouring heath.
The HAGS and GOBLINS that haunted certain
localities were almost as much dreaded as the Devil.
The worst of these was CAILLEACH A' CHRATHAICH,
the Hag of the Craach — a wild and mountainous
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 423
district lying between Corrimony and Glenmoriston.
This being rejoiced in the death of men, the Mac-
millans being especially the objects of her fierce
malice. Her manner was to accost some lonely way-
farer across the wilds, and secretly deprive him of
his bonnet. As he travelled on in ignorance of his
loss, she rubbed the bonnet with might and main.
As the bonnet was worn thin by the friction, the
man grew weary and faint, until at last, when a hole
appeared in it, he dropped down and died. In this
way fell at least five Macmillans within the last
hundred and twenty years — and all were found in the
heather without a mark of violence. Very few
escaped from her toils. One evening, Donald Mac-
millan, Balmacaan, met her at Cragan a' Chrathaich,
and exchanged a passing salutation with her. He
went on his way unaware of the fact that she had
taken his bonnet. His eyes were, however, soon
opened, and he hastened back to the Cragan, where
he found her rubbing his head-gear with great vigour.
A terrible struggle took place for its possession, in
which he in the end prevailed; but as he hurried
away from her she hissed into his ear that he would
die at nine o'clock on a certain evening. When the
evening arrived, his family and neighbours gathered
around him, and prayed and read the Scriptures.
The hag's words were, however, to be fulfilled, and,
as the clock struck the fatal hour, he fell back in his
chair and expired.
As Cailleach a' Chrathaich, who was last seen by
a member of the Clan Macdougall who is now dead,
424 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
but whose son still lives in the Parish, was the
enemy of the Macmillans, so CAILLEACH ALLT-AN-
DUNAIN was the enemy of the Macdougalls and
Macdonalds. As her name bears, her home was in
Allt-an-Dunain — that burn which runs from the
Monadh Leumnach down through the lands of
Clunebeg until it falls into the Coilty, near the
Clunebeg bridge. Many a man did she waylay and
destroy on his way across the bleak Monadh
Leumnach. She slew Somerled Macdonald about a
hundred years ago, at a place on the Bunloit road
still marked by his cairn — Carn Shomhairle. She
killed Dugald Macdougall about ninety years ago at
Carn Dughaill (Dugald' s Cairn), on the same road;
and his son, young Dugald, fell a victim to her near
the same place at a later period. She was last seen
about forty years ago by an estimable woman who
still survives to tell the tale, notwithstanding that in
her veins runs the blood of the Macdonalds and the
Macdougalls.1
CAILLEACH ALLT-SAIGH was a female goblin of
an amiable disposition, who did what she could to
protect people from the malice of Cailleach Allt-an-
Dunain, by warning them of her malicious projects;
and similar services were rendered to intended
victims of Cailleach a* Chrathaich by a gentle spirit
who inhabited CRAGAN-NA-CAILLICH, near Torna-
shee. This latter being had a passion for riding,
and it is told that she accosted Donald Macrae,
1 All these periods run back from 1893. Mary Macdonald,
Grotaig, the " estimable woman" who last saw the Cailleach, died
in 1902.
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 425-
Lochletter, one night as he was passing the Cragan,
and begged him for a culag — that is, a seat behind
him on his horse. He enquired, " Nach bu mhaith
leat bialag"- — " Would you not as soon have a seat in
front?" She complied with his suggestion, and leapt
into the saddle before him. Quietly binding her
with the mare's-hair rope which served him for a
rein, he took her home by force, and tied her to one
of the couples of his dwelling. Instantly the house
was surrounded by hundreds of elves, who shouted
and screamed, and stripped the building of every
clod and stick of roof. Macrae had enough of
her, and he offered to let her go if she would cause
the house to be restored to its former condition. To
this she agreed, and exclaimed—
" Gach maid is sgrath,
Gu tigh Mhic-Rath,
Ach leum-thar-'chrann is fiodhagach !"
(" Speed wood and sod
To the house of Macrae,
Except honeysuckle and bird cherry !")
The words were no sooner uttered than timber and
turf flew from all directions and placed them-
selves in proper position on the roof, until it was
sufficiently covered. Then Macrae granted the
Cailleach the liberty which she had so well earned.
The mountain stretch at Corri-Dho which is
known as Tigh Mor na Seilg — the Great House of
the Hunting — was the haunt of a male goblin known
as DAIBHIDH (David), and of a female spirit named
MOR. These two strongly objected to the right
426 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
which the Glen-Urquhart tenantry had of grazing
their cattle in summer on the shielings of Corri-
Dho, and they were repeatedly seen driving away
the Glen-Urquhart herds. At last Daibhidh was so
thoroughly roused that he pulled a great fir tree up
by the roots, and, with the assistance of Mor, chased
the Urquhart men and their bestial for many miles,
until he sent them over the Glenmoriston march
beyond Achnagoneran. Daibhidh' s words on the
occasion are still remembered :—
" Is learns' Doire-Dhamh, is Doire-Dhaibhidh,
Is Boirisgidh bhuidh nan alltain
Is Ceannachnoc mhor le 'fiodh '& le 'fasaich —
A bhodaichibh dubh, daithte, togaibh oirbh !"
(" Mine are Doire-Dhamh and Doire-Dhaibhidh,
And yellow Boirisgidh of the streams,
And wide Ceanacroc, with its woods and pasturages —
Ye black and singed carles, take yourselves away!")
And the Urquhart carles did take themselves away,
and never again showed face in Corri-Dho.
Another male goblin, known as BOCAN-NA-
SLEABHAICH — the Goblin of the Sleabhach — haunted
the high ridge (An Sleabhach) lying between Aonach
and Fort-Augustus; but he, although ugly, was of
a harmless character. Not so harmless was LAR
BHAN CHOIRE-DHO — the White Mare of Corri-
Dho. The White Mare was for generations the
cause of much trouble to the farmers of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston; for, if they let loose a horse any-
where within the wide bounds of the Parish, it was
almost certain to make oft' and seek her society. At
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 427
last the people of both glens met and resolved to
endeavour to destroy her. A large number of the
boldest and swiftest among them accordingly formed
a ring around her usual haunts, and gradually closed
in upon her until she had apparently no way of
escape. One of them, Alasdair Cutach (Alexander
the Short), a member of the Clann Iain Chaoil of
Olenmoriston, was bold enough to seize her by the
tail. He had cause to repent. The mare rushed
furiously through the crowd, dragging behind her
the wretched Alasdair, who, to his horror, found
himself unable to let go the tail. On, on she flew,
followed by the fleetest of her would-be capturers,
until, after a run of many miles, she came to Euigh
an t-Slochdain Duibh, in the mountain region
"between Achnagoneran and Urquhart. There she
and Alasdair disappeared. Next day his mangled
corpse was found on the moor. The White Mare has
not since been seen.
The FAIRIES of Urquhart had their haunts at
Tornashee, and in the beautiful sidheans or
fairy-knowes of Lochletter; and the favourite
retreats of their Glenmoriston brothers and sisters
were the sidheans of Duldreggan. The fairies
were very troublesome to the people of the Parish
in the Olden Times. Not only did they carry away
young mothers to become wet-nurses for their own
elfish imps, and human babes — for what purpose is
not quite so clear — but they also milked the cows,
and took the substance out of the milk in the dairies.
Not sixty years have passed1 since a child was taken
l That is, had not passed in 1893.
428 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
out of a Glen-Urquhart cradle, and a changeling put
in its place which soon withered away and died;
and their last attempt to steal a newly made mother
has not yet been forgotten. The wife of Ewen Mac-
donald, Duldreggan, had just given birth to his first-
born, when he went out at night to attend to some
necessary duties in connection with his farm. As he
was crossing a small stream, ever since known as
Caochan na Sgine — the Streamlet of the Knife — he
heard a peculiar rushing sound over his head, and a
heavy sigh exactly the same as sighs which he had
within the last hour or two heard his wife give.
Instantly realising what had occurred, he threw his
knife into the air in name of the Trinity, and his
wife dropped down before him. She was being
carried away by the fairies, when his presence of
mind saved her.
Two men were reaping at Duldreggan one very
hot day, when one of them expressed a strong desire
for a drink of butter-milk. Instantly a little woman
appeared and offered him a draught from a vessel
which she carried. He declined; but his companion
drank, and died within a year and a day.
A farmer slept on the Sidhean Buidhe — the
Yellow Fairy-knowe — at Duldreggan, and was-
awakened by a child's cries coming from under-
neath him. Placing his ear against the sod,
he heard a voice hushing the child to rest, and
telling it that the white cow would spill her milk
that evening, and that it then might drink its fill.
Tho white cow was the farmer's own, and on his
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 429
return home he informed his wife of what he had
heard, and warned her to be careful that no milk
was spilt. Notwithstanding her utmost care, how-
ever, the white cow kicked the pail, and sent its
•contents over the sward.
Sometimes the. fairies stole not only the milk,
but also the cattle — as in the case of the Gobha
Mor of Polmaily1 — and substituted a wretched
breed of their own, which pined away and died.
Beautiful maidens of their race made love to young
men, with fatal results to the latter; and, worse
still, they sometimes threw their glamour over
married men, and made them desert their lawful
wives. The Gobha Mor, as we saw, prospered
through his intercourse with his leannan-sidhe, or
iairy-love ; but his was an exceptional case, and the
result of such traffic was, as a rule, disastrous, if not
fatal, to the human transgressor.
Although the fairies thus bred mischief and
misfortune among the people of the Parish, they
themselves appear to have enjoyed life as if they
were guiltless of sin. Their dances on the green
sward on moonlight nights are still remembered,
and the enchanting music which was heard issuing
from their knowes by persons whose children still
live has not yet ceased to be spoken of. In Glen-
Urquhart their general evil reputation was to some
extent relieved by the good deeds of one of their
number — the GOBHA SIDHE, or Fairy Smith, of
'Tornashee. Whoever in the Glen was in need
1 See page 100 supra.
430 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
of a reaping hook, spade, or other such imple-
ment, had only to leave in the evening a piece
of iron at the stone of Clach-na-hurrain, in
Tornashee wood, along with a suitable offering
for the Fairy Smith; and when he returned next
morning he found the article he wanted awaiting
him. At last, a certain person deposited a wooden
lint-beater, in order that it might be converted into
an iron mallet. On his return, he found the beater
untouched, and, as he raised it in his hands, an echo-
reached his ear :--
" Cha shimid e, cha shimid e,
Ach maide-buailidh linn ;
Is buille cha dean mise tuille
'An coille Thoir-na-sidhe !"
(" 'Tis not a mallet, 'tis not a mallet,
But a stick for beating lint ;
And I shall never work again
In the wood of Tornashee !").
The Fairy Smith had, indeed, been greatly offended,
and from that day until now neither he nor his handi-
work has been seen in Urquhart.
Although no record remains in the Parish of any
WITCHES of outstanding notoriety or power, Glen-
Urquhart has known not a few of mediocre talent.
According to tradition the Urquhart witches were,
hundreds of years ago, the bearers of the stones for
the walls of Urquhart Castle. These stones were'
brought from the districts of Caiplich and Abriachan,
and the rock from which the wretched carriers got
the first sight of the Castle, as they toiled towards it
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 431
with their burdens, is to this day called Cragan nam.
Mallachd — the Eock of the Curses. The great place
of meeting of the Urquhart witches was An Clarsach
(The Harp), a rock on the shore of Loch Ness, and
within the bounds of the farm of Tychat. There they
could be seen congregated on certain nights under the
presidency of his Satanic Majesty, who sat on a ledge
of the rock, and, when not engrossed in more serious
business, played to them on bagpipes and stringed
instruments — which circumstance gave the rock its
name. The effect of his music on the old women was
marvellous : they danced and flung as no maid of
seventeen ever did, and indulged in pranks and
cantrips which the lithest athlete could not touch.
Their evil influence was exercised quietly and in
secret, and involved the objects of their attentions
in misfortune, or even death. We have seen how
a witch in the shape of a hare was responsible for
the fatal fight at Corribuy, and how a later generation
of the evil race helped to bring about the death of an
erring factor. The merits of the corp creadh — the
clay corpse — which proved so fatal on the latter
occasion, have not yet been forgotten. Within the
last quarter of a century1 two such images, stuck
with pins, have been discovered in the Glen.
The witches, however, made themselves most
troublesome in connection with the dairy industry of
the Parish. They were greater experts than even
the fairies at the art of taking the substance out of
the milk. Cream frequently refused to be churned
l Counted back from 1893.
432 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
into butter, and cheese was often so thoroughly
deprived of its essence that it tasted like baked saw-
dust, and floated like a cork. In the early years of
the nineteenth century the dairy work on the large
farm of Shewglie was in this way completely
suspended. No butter would come from the cream,
and no cheese worthy of the name would come from
the milk. In his extremity, Macdougall, the farmer,
proposed to consult the famous Willox of Tomintoul,
who worked marvellous cures with the Warlock's
Stone and the Kelpie's Bridle. Before doing so,
however, he sought the advice of the saintly Duncan
of Buntait. His advice was that he should avoid the
Warlock and appeal to the Almighty. A prayer
meeting was accordingly held, and special prayers
offered up; and henceforth Macdougall had no more
reason to complain.
Somewhat akin to witchcraft was that species
of DIVINATION which was known by the name of
TAGHAIRM. Two forms of it were practised in Glen-
moriston — Taghairm nan Daoine (the Taghairm of
Men), and Taghairm nan Cat (the Taghairm of Cats).
The last expert in this black art was Alasdair Mac
Iain 'Ic Iain, who flourished at Ballintombuy, in
that Glen, in the beginning of the eighteenth
century. When he wished to operate with men, he
placed himself within a large cauldron just outside the
entrance of the ancient burying-ground of Clachan
Mheircheird, and from there summoned the dead to
rise and pass before him. This they did until the
one appeared who was able to communicate the
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 433
Information which he required. On one occasion,
when he was in this way making an unusually bold
attempt to solve the mysteries of the future,
the dead arose and streamed out of the burying-
ground, until three thousand of them crowded the
surrounding fields; but still no glimpse of the future
was given to the seer. At last the form of his own
dead niece appeared, and revealed to him the evils
that were to befall himself. He never practised his
art again — but his niece's prophecies were in due
time fulfilled, and his career was closed by a party
of Lochabermen, who shot him down as he tried to
turn back the cattle which they were in the act of
taking from him. He fell three times before he
expired, and the places are marked by three cairns
to this day.
The person who would learn of the future by
Taghairm nan Cat had to stand before a great fire,
and keep roasting live cats on spits, until, in
response to their cries of agony, large black demon-
cats appeared, and gave the sought-for information.
The same result was sometimes attained through the
turning of the sieve and the shears, which had the
effect of raising the Devil.
The EVIL EYE has often been looked upon as of
the nature of witchcraft. While, however, the latter
was a gift bestowed on human beings as the result
of a voluntary compact with Satan, the former was
an involuntary acquisition for which the unfortunate
possessor was not responsible. If he praised a
28
434 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
beast, that beast was sure to die — as numerous
instances which have occurred within recent years
amply prove. It is told of Alexander Grant of
Shewglie — the same who was involved in the troubles
of The Forty-Five — that his Evil Eye was so little
under his control that his own best cattle had to be
kept out of his sight. If he admired them even
mentally, death invariably followed.
The SECOND SIGHT was another gift which most
men who possessed it would willingly do without.
They knew of the approach of death by death-
candles, wraiths, and the shrieks of the taibhse.
Sounds of hammer and saw within the carpenter's
shop, when the carpenter was in bed, foretold
the making of the coffin; and the phantom funeral
was invariably followed by the real one. After
death men frequently appeared to their old com-
panions.1 And there still lives in Urquhart the
man2 who last saw the battle of Blar-an-Aonaich
behind Culnakirk — spectre armies engaged in a
sanguinary struggle, forboding, it is feared, a con-
flict and carnage the like of which our Parish has not
yet seen.
Fortunately for the people of Urquhart and
Glenmoriston, certain measures were known which,
if taken, served to ward off or mitigate the numerous
1 Alexander Mackay, the laird who sold Achmonie, for years after
his death continued his old earthly custom of visiting- his stables.
It is not certain that the Rev. James Doune Smith has yet discon-
tinued his nightly stroll between the Manse and the cross-roads on
the Blairbeg1 and Drumnadrochit Road.
2 Peter Eraser, farmer, Culnakirk— now dead (1913).
FOLK-LORE IN THE PARISH 435
supernatural evils to which they were exposed.
Charms and incantations were the commonest pre-
ventives. The Bible or a bar of iron was placed in
the bed or the cradle, to protect the young mother,
or child from elfish thieves. The protective virtues
of the rowan tree were almost universal. Oblations
of milk were freely poured on the fairy-knowes, to
appease their mischievous inhabitants. Fifty years
ago1 a live cock was buried at Lewistown as a peace
offering to the spirit of epilepsy. At an earlier
period lambs were buried at the threshold of
dwelling-houses and cow-huts, as a protection from
the demons that sought admission; while the
growing corns were similarly guarded from evil by
a marching through and around them of persons
carrying blazing torches on the eve of St John the
Baptist. A pilgrimage to the holy wells of the
Temple and St Columba, and a faithful and proper
use of their waters, not only cured the pilgrim of his
bodily ailments, but also shielded him from the darts
of the Evil One and his agents.2 And even after
the spirit of man left his body, it was possible to
protect the latter from the demons that hovered
around it. Not more than seventy years have passed
1 That is, before 1893.
2 " There is a farm in it " [Glen-Urquhart], wrote William
Lorimer in 1763, " called The Temple, where there stand the ruins of
a church and a consecrated well to which superstitious people resort
for curing- several diseases." People still live [in 1893] who
remember this custom, and who saw the walls and trees near the well
almost covered with bits of cloth left by persons who imagined they
thus left their diseases behind them. Coins were also left in the
well as offering's.
436 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
since the handbell which for centuries was carried at
funerals, and kept ringing in front of the coffin for
the safeguard of its mortal contents, was discontinued
in Glen-Urquhart as a relic of Popery. It was really
a relic of a belief which existed before the Pope, and
even before Christianity.1
1 The tell— An Clagan Beag (The Little Bell)— was carried by the
beadle, who was paid a small fee. The last who carried it was Ewen
Koy Macfie, who was beadle for many years. When the custom was
discontinued — at the instance of John Macdonald the Catechist — the
change was objected to not only by Ewen but by many of the people,
and a little agitation was got up on the subject. The bell, unfor-
tunately, disappeared with the custom.
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 437
CHAPTEE XXII
INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH
Origin and History of Agriculture and Land-Ownership. —
Davachs and other Divisions. — Rise and Fall of Popula-
tion.— Sub-Division of Holdings. — The Occupiers of the
Soil. — Origin of the Crofter. — Leases. — Agricultural
Productions and Customs. — Ancient Trade in Cattle,
Skins, Wool, and Furs. — Rents and Services. — Founda-
tion of Lewistown and Milton. — Famines. — Game Laws.
— An Ancient Royal Forest. — Timber Traffic. — Trades. —
Old Industries. — Copper Mine. — Iron Works. — Lime
Manufacture. — Distaff and Spindle. — Linen and Woollen
Factories. — Introduction of Spinning Wheels. — Ale. —
An Ancient Brew-house. — Whisky-making. — Modern
Breweries.- — Roads and Bridges. — Traffic on Loch Ness. —
Ancient Boats. — Cromwell's Frigate. — The Highland
Galley. — Steamboats. — Highland Hospitality. — Inns. —
Samuel Johnson at Aonach. — The Dwellings of the Past.
— Modern Improvements. — Law and Order. — Sanctuaries.
—Baron Courts and their Procedure. — Curious adminis-
trative division of the Parish. — Church Courts. — The
Poor. — Social Customs. — Fights and Feuds. — Modern
Changes. — The Conclusion.
IF we could but raise the thick curtain that shuts
out the distant past from our view, we would see
our remote ancestor in Urquhart and Glenmoriston
dwelling in caves and crevices, or clustered with his
fellows in the hut-circles whose remains still cover
the higher moorlands of the Parish, a stranger to
tillage and pasturage, wandering in search of food
438 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
over a land which he has not yet learned to call
his own. Coming nearer our own time, we would
find him the possessor of flocks which roam with
those of the other members of his family or tribe
over a district which he and they have marked out
for themselves, and vaguely claim as their common
possession. At a later period we would see him
combining his pastoral pursuits with the art of
husbandry, and cultivating patches of land on the
run-rig system; or, later still, enclosing his arable
fields and their surroundings, and appropriating
them to himself, or holding them for certain dues
or services under a chief or other person who has
already acquired a right of ownership to them.
At what precise period this last stage was
reached in Urquhart and Glenmoriston, it is impos-
sible to say. If we literally accept the words of Dio,
who wrote in the third century, there was in his
time no tillage in what we now know as the High-
lands of Scotland, the people living " by pasturage,
the chase, and certain berries." But probably we
ought not to read this as meaning that they were
absolutely without knowledge of husbandry; for in
the time of Columba — the sixth century — corn,
agricultural operations, and farm buildings were so
common as to prove that agriculture was not then of
very recent introduction. In Columba's time, too,
the right of private property in land was known,
and not only was lona conferred on himself, but from
his day downwards lands were from time to time
granted to his followers and successors, who were
the great teachers of husbandry in the Highlands.
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 439
Their possessions in our Parish have already been
referred to.1 Until the eleventh or twelfth century,
the owners of the soil held it on the unwritten
title of duchas. Then written charters became
common — issuing in the first instance from the
King, from whom all right was held to flow. The
first title now known of land in our Parish is the
agreement of 1233 between Sir Alan Durward and
the Chancellor of Moray.2
With the exception of the lands which belonged
to the Church, the whole territory now embraced in
the Parish formed, from the earliest time of which
we have record till 1509, one large domain, attached
as a rule to the Castle, and held by the King or by
persons to whom the King granted it.3 In 1509 this
territory was alienated from the Crown, and divided
into three estates — Urquhart, Corrimony, and Glen-
moriston — and granted to the Laird of Grant and
his two sons. In 1557 the old Church property of
Achmonie was acquired by John Mackay. In
that year, therefore, there were four private pro-
prietors in the Parish. That number continued
with certain variations till 1779, when Achmonie
was purchased by the Laird of Grant. In 1825 the
estate of Lakefield (now Kilmartin) was formed out
of Corrimony, and the old number of four heritors
was thus restored.
1 See Chap. xvii.
2 See p. 16,, supra.
3 In this domain was also included that portion of the forest of
Cluanie which lies to the east of the water-shed,, and now forms part
of the estate of Kintail. See footnote p. 448 infra.
440 TJRQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The early Celts sometimes divided their lands into
davachs — the word being dabhach, a vat or large
vessel used for measuring or holding corn, and the
meaning of it as applied to land being, a sufficient
extent for the sowing of a dabhach of seed. To this
extent of arable land was attached a certain outrun of
moorland or of green pasture. Where the word
davach, or its equivalent doch, is found, it proves that
part at least of the lands to which it is applied was
under tillage before the twelfth century, when Saxon
or Southern systems of measurement came into use in
the North. Glenmoristori was divided into several
davachs, and Urquhart into ten, which are still known
as the Ten Davachs of Urquhart — Deich Dochan
Urchudainn. In our Parish the word davach first
appears in Sir Alan Durward's deed of 1233, and the
division indicates that at one time Urquhart consisted
of ten large holdings corresponding with the ten
davachs. Some of these were subsequently divided
into half davachs, quarter davachs, and bolls.
It is interesting to trace the increase within the
last four centuries of the number of agricultural hold-
ings. The charters of 1509 show that what is now
the estate of Urquhart (including Achmonie) consisted
of 18 holdings, Corrimony of 4, and Glenmoriston of
12. Eandolph's charter to Sir Eobert Chisholm, in
1345, proves that some at least of those divisions
existed in that year, and the fact that they are in 1509
described by their Old Extent values would appear to
show that the divisions existed as far back as the
thirteenth century, when the Old Extent valuation
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 441
was made. The tenants of these large holdings had
sub-tenants under them. In 1548 there were still 18
holdings on Urquhart and Achmonie, which were
occupied by 111 tenants and sub-tenants. In 1636
the tenants and sub-tenants numbered 110. In 1765
the estate of Urquhart proper was let to 81 tenants,
who had under them 70 sub -tenants and 50 cottars,
exclusive of the sub-tenants and cottars of Shewglie,
who probably numbered 10. Achmonie at the time
had 11 tenants. In 1808 the sub-tenants were made
crofters, holding directly of the proprietor; and
Urquhart and Achmonie were divided into 169
holdings, including the allotments of Milton and
Lewistown, but exclusive of cottars possessing houses
and gardens only. After that year the population,
which had for ages been kept down by war and
spoliation and famine, rapidly increased, with the
result that the holdings were gradually sub-divided,
until they now number 306, exclusive of 106 cottars
having houses and gardens.1
1 That is, in 1893. In connection with these figures, it may be
interesting to note the population of Urquhart and Glenmoriston at
various periods. In 1755, according to Webster's returns, the inhabi-
tants numbered 1943. In 1763 they were estimated by Lorimer at
2000. The following are the numbers in the census years : — In 1801,
2633; in 1811, 2446 (a reduced number, chiefly brought about by the
absence of many men in the war); in 1821, 2786; in 1831, 2942; in 1841,
3104; in 1851, 3280; in 1861, 2911; in 1871, 2769; in 1881, 2437; in 1891,
2035; in 1901, 1828; and in 1911, 1675. The steady decrease which has
been going on since 1851, when the population reached the highest
point which it ever touched, is accounted for by the fact that the
young men are not now satisfied with remaining at home as their
fathers did, but go out into the world, and that the young women
also leave home to "better" themselves elsewhere. In 1881 there were
2115 persons in the Parish speaking Gaelic; 1633 in 1891; 1396 in
1901; and 1147 in 1911.
442 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
While the principal tenants or tacksmen have
since the sixteenth century held their holdings on
formal written leases,1 their sub-tenants were
occupiers-at-will, and whatever rights or privileges
they enjoyed were of a meagre and unsatisfactory
nature. Many of them were descendants of the old
nativi, or serfs,2 and continued till the end of the
eighteenth century to be dependent on the land-
owners and tacksmen, and to be virtually their
servants. They are still remembered by the name of
malanaich — that is, mailers, or payers of mail or
small rent, as distinguished from the tuath — the name
applied in the district of Loch Ness to large farmers;
and their condition in 1763 is thus described by Mi-
William Lorimer, tutor, and latterly secretary, to
-Sir James Grant: — "There are few or no sub-
tenants, strictly speaking, that is, persons who
have some possessions of ground from the prin-
cipal tenants; but there are many cottagers or
cottars, called also mealers [mailers]. A tenant
has one, two, perhaps three, of these, to whom he
gives the liberty to build a house on his farm. This
house has three couples, with other kinds of wood,
all of which are taken out of the Laird's woods
without any payment to him. This mealer pays to
1 The oldest agricultural lease now extant of lands in the Parish
is one by the Bishop of Moray to Mackay of Achmonie in 1554
(Appendix C), which was in 1557 exchanged for a charter (Appendix
D). An early specimen of the Grant leases is given in Appendix C.
2 The Wolf of Badenoch's nativi, or native slaves, are mentioned
in 1389 — see p. 45 supra. Among the Wester Bunloit sufferers in the
Oreat Raid of 1545 was John McGillechrist Mor Mcinfuttir — John,
son of Big Christopher, son of the Fuidir or stranger bondsman.
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH
the tenant yearly a merk [13s 4d Scots, or Is
stg.] for every couple for this house. The mealer
has also a cow, to which the tenant allows a little
grass. He has also a few sheep; and the tenant, for
this grass, and the liberty of the pasture of the
sheep, causes the cottar or mealer keep his sheep,
and gets other little services from him." These
mailers were converted into crofters by Sir James,
who had the estate of Urquhart surveyed, and the
holdings re-adjusted, in 1808. To him— the Good
Sir James, as he was called in his own day — the
Parish owes much. From his succession in 1773—
or rather from 1761, when his father (the Ludovick
Grant of The Forty-Five), entrusted him with the
management of the estate — till his death in 1811, he
never ceased to labour for the improvement of the lot
of his people, employing them in planting, and the
construction of roads, bridges, and river embank-
ments; encouraging the erection of stone-built
houses, and the cultivation of flax and the potato;
introducing turnips and rye-grass; and insisting for
the first time on a regular rotation of cropping,
and on good husbandry generally.1 To emigration,
which became common in his time, he strongly
objected, and with the view of keeping the people
at home he founded the villages of Lewistown and
Milton, and attached allotments to them for the
1 Flax, oats, barley, and bear are mentioned as crops in Urquhart
in the sixteenth century. The place-names Shewglie (Seagalaidh),
and Lag-an-t-Seagail in Wester Bunloit, show that rye was grown;
and the name Druim-a'-Chruithneachd, on the old farm of Shewglie,
indicates that wheat was not unknown. The potato was introduced
early in the eighteenth century.
444 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
use of artisans and labourers. From the written
" Scheme " of Lewistown, still preserved at Castle
Grant, it is evident he expected the village to grow
into a place of some importance.
While the mailers' lot must always have been a
hard one — the famines which periodically visited the
Parish being specially hard upon them1 — the large
tenants, as a rule, enjoyed a rough prosperity, in spite
of the wTars and spoliations from which they frequently
suffered. Not only did they grow large quantities of
corn as early at least as the sixteenth century, but they
also, at an earlier period still, possessed great numbers
of cattle, horses, sheep, goats, and pigs, which found
their way in droves to the south of the Grampians.8"
1 The famines were sometimes the result of war or spoliation ;
sometimes they were caused by the failure of the crops. The periods
of waste which, as we have seen, occurred in the 15th and 16th cen-
turies, must have had their corresponding- periods of want. There was
a scarcity in 1624; a long- period of distress from 1689 to 1693, during*
which the tenants were unable to pay rent; and a famine in 1697, when
food was so scarce that The Chisholm found it impossible to obtain a
peck of meal in Inverness, " neather for gold or monie in hand," as
his Inverness merchant writes him. A famine and pestilence followed
The Forty-Five and its outrages. In 1782 there was an entire failure
of crop, which was followed by great destitution. To relieve the dis-
tressed, Sir James Grant sent from London to Urquhart, according to
a letter from himself to Grant of Lochletter, " 10 ton of choice picked
potatoes for seed, 100 bolls of white pease for meal, and 50 bolls
Blanesly seed oats." The year is still remembered in Urquhart as
" Bliadhna na Peasarach Bana," the Year of the White Pease; and
it is still told how people died of want, and how others managed to
subsist on blood drawn from living cattle, and on nettles and other
wild herbs.
2 Sir William Fitzwarine, in his letter from Urquhart to Edward
the First, in 1297, acknowledges the King's " letter about wool and
hides." Droves of cattle, sheep, and pigs were sent to Edward at
Lochindorb, but there is no evidence that any of them were sent from
Urquhart. In 1502 the Laird of Grant supplied the Scottish King
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 445
During the summer and autumn months the herds and
flocks were kept on the higher moorlands, which were
separated from the arable fields and lower pastures by
the extensive head-dykes whose remains still almost
surround the glens, or, in the warmer days of June,
July, and early August, in the distant shielings, to
which a certain number of the people annually
migrated, and which were the scenes of much inno-
cent mirth and recreation.1 Later in the year thev
J *j
fed on the hitherto preserved pastures within the head-
dykes ; and, after the corn was secured, on the pasture
lands and stubble fields. With the exception of the
milk cows, the cattle were seldom housed in winter,
and in severe seasons many of them perished before
the return of spring.
Before the introduction of coined money into
Scotland in the reign of David the First, tenants
paid their rent in kind — in cattle, sheep, goats, cloth,
corn, cheese, and other produce. It was known in
Gaelic as cain, a word which has come down to our
own day in such expressions as ' ' kain fowl . ' ' After
with " 69 marts, with skins." In 1526 Boece (Bellenden's Transla-
tion) writes : — " Beside Lochnes, quhilk is xxiv milis of lenth, and xii
of breid, ar mony wild hors; and, amang thame, ar mony martrikis
[martens], bevers, quhitredis [weasels], and toddis [foxes] : the fur-
ringis and skinnis of thaim ar coft [bought] with gret price amang
uncouth marchandis." In 1553 there were 64 " wild " mares — un-
broken, and kept for breeding purposes — and 18 foals on St Ninian's
(see note 3, p. 114 supra). Dr Robertson, who visited the Parish in
1804, in connection with his Report to the Board of Agriculture on the
state of agriculture in the County of Inverness, writes : — " In Glen-
moriston alone, a district of no great extent, a gentleman of veracity
told me there were 900 horses till very lately."
1 The principal shieling grounds were Corri-Dho, larairidh, Uchd-
Reudair, Brae Ruiskich, Glen Coilty, Corribuy, the remote pasturages
of Corrimony, and Ruigh Mhullaich on the estate of Achmonie.
446 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTOJS
David's time the landlord received his dues partly
in kind — or " customs," as it came to be called — and
partly in money. This dual form of rent was con-
tinued in Urquhart until customs were abolished by
the Good Sir James. He it was, too, who discon-
tinued the ' ' services ' ' in which for ages the tenants
had been liable. These services were originally
rendered to the King's representatives in the Castle,
and in later times to the proprietors, or — so far as
those of the estate of Urquhart were concerned — to
the Laird of Grant's chamberlains as part of their
factorial remuneration. They are thus described by
William Lorimer in 1763, when they were in full
force :— c The tenants have always been in use
to pay to the Chamberlain bailey darach,1 with
their service to the bailie or factor — one day for
leading his peats, one day for shearing or cutting
down his crop, one day for tilling, one day for
spreading his dung. Every tenant pays this
according to what land he possesses. They pay by
the davach in a rent. Out of every davach he gets
four ploughs to till one day; 24 shearers out of
every davach to cut his corn, one day; 24 horses for
a day out of every davach to spread his dung; and
120 carts for a day out of every davach for drawing
his peats. . . The only service that the tenants
are obliged to pay to the Laird are each of them
two long carriages in the year, if required, from
Urquhart to Strathspey." In addition to these
rents, customs, and services, the tenant, until the
l Darach : dark, or darg, a day's work. Bailie-darg : the free
labour to which the bailie or factor was entitled from the tenants.
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 447
time of Sir James, was bound to grind his corn at
the laird's mills, and to pay the customary mill dues;1
to pay grassum or entry money when he entered a
holding or began a new lease; and heriot, when he
succeeded through the death of an ancestor or other
relative. And before the old order of things was
destroyed at Culloden, it was further required of
him that he should at his proprietor's call change
his ploughshare into a sword, and follow him on
his military adventures and expeditions. This last
obligation was, however, after the advent of the
Grants, generally disregarded by the Macdonalds,
Macmillans, and other septs in Urquhart, who, in
the Stewart "troubles" that ended with The Forty-
Five, chose to follow their own clan chiefs rather than
their proprietors.
Contrary to what is sometimes supposed, the old
Highlander was not always at liberty to take the
free use of the mountains and woods and streams
with which he was surrounded. An old Gaelic
proverb says that a fish from the pool, a tree from
the wood, and a deer from the mountain, are thefts
of which no man ever was ashamed — breac a linne,
maid a coille, 's fiadh a fireach, meirle as nach
do ghabh duine riamh naire. But thefts they
were considered to be notwithstanding, and from
the earliest times efforts were made by the legis-
1 In former times there were mills at Corrimony ., for that estate ;
at Milton of Buntait, for Buntait; at Mill of Tore ("the Mill of
Inchbrine"), Wester Milton (" the Mill of Cartaly"), and St Ninian's,
for the estates of Urquhart and Achmonie; at Easter Milton for
Glenmoriston's lands in Glen-Urquhart ; and at Invermoriston and
Duldreggan for Glenmoriston. Each township had its own kiln.
448 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
lature and landowners to suppress them. The
Scottish enactments against illegal fishing and
hunting and destruction of woods, fill no small
portion of the statute-book from the twelfth century
to the present, and there is evidence that they were
more or less rigorously enforced in the Highlands at
.a comparatively early period. In our Parish the
royal forest of Cluny or Cluanie, which embraced the
extensive mountain tracts forming the border-lands
of Glenmoriston and Kintail, were, from as early as
the thirteenth century at least, reserved, nominally
for the King's pleasure, but really for that of his
representatives in Urquhart Castle. In that wide
preserve no unauthorised person was allowed to hunt
or cut wood under pain of severe punishment, and
in 1573 letters were issued by James the Sixth
protecting it from the inroads of graziers, and
cutters of timber, and peelers of trees.1 The
destruction of the woods in the Loch Ness district
had indeed attracted attention before this, and in
1563 Lord Lovat and the Laird of Grant found it
necessary to obtain from the Earl of Moray, Sheriff
of Inverness-shire, an order prohibiting the cutting
and peeling of trees in the ' c woods upon Loucht Ness
and thairabout," and giving the magistrates of
iThe Laird of Grant's charter of 1509 granted to him the office
of forester of the forest of Cluanie, but the property of the forest was
reserved by the King. In time, however,, the forest came to be looked
upon as the property of the Lairds, by whom it was made over at
an early period, partly to the Grants of Glenmoriston, and partly to
the Mackenzies of Kintail. See Bond by Sir John Grant to Lord
Kintail, dated 21st Dec., 1622— Chiefs of Grant, III., p. 427. The
forest extended on both sides of the Moriston and Loch Cluanie from
the Kiver Doe to the water-shed, which formed the eastern boundary
•of Kintail. See foot note, p. 439.
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 449
Inverness power to seize all green timber and bark
illegally brought into the town.1 The protection of
the woods was a matter of serious moment, and
numerous regulations on the subject are preserved in
the Grant charter chests.2 Eegulations were also
made from time to time for the preservation of deer
and roe ; and such as were guilty of a breach of them
were tried before the baron-bailie, and, on conviction,
severely punished.3
The timber traffic between the Parish and Inver-
ness and other places was always considerable. To
Inverness the trees were floated down the loch and
river. It was probably of Glen-Urquhart oak and
Glenmoriston pine that the ' ' wonderful ship ' ' was
made which, as the old chronicler, Matthew Paris,
records, the Earl of St Pol and Blois built at
Inverness in 1249 to take himself and his followers
to the Holy Land. In the seventeenth century the
Lairds of Glenmoriston supplied timber for the
repair of Fortrose Cathedral,4 and the re-erection of
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 128.
2 See for example, Appendix P.
3 See Appendix P. In 1628, the Earl of Seaforth, Lord Lovat,
The Chisholm, Grant of Glenmoriston and others, bound themselves
and their tenants by solemn writ to protect deer, doe, and roe, the
stealing1 of which " is appointed to be punished as theft/' and the
shooting" of which " is appointed to be punished with death and
escheat of their goods moveable." — (lona Club Transactions, p. 193).
4 The following letter from John Maxwell, Bishop of Ross, to
the Laird of Grant is preserved at Castle Grant : —
" Burgie, 22 March, 1636.
" Right Worshipfull Sir,
" You was pleased of your owne pious disposition, to God's
glorie and goodness towardis me, without my desert, to promise the
helpe of your men to put that timber which I am to get from Glen-
29
450 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
the Inverness wooden bridge.1 In 1754 Sir Ludo-
vick Grant was paid £1000 for the oak trees of
Kuiskich, and with the money paid the cost of
erection of the present Castle Grant.2 Between
1758 and 1763 the Laird of Glenmoriston realised
£2000 from his woods.3 In the beginning of the
nineteenth century he drew about £800 a year from
them ;4 and the timber trade from both divisions of the
Parish has since continued to be an important source
of revenue to laird and labourer.
Although the great bulk of the people have from
a very early period been employed in pastoral and
agricultural pursuits, a certain number have always
found other fields of industry, such as the timber
and bark traffic, and the trade in skins and furs,
which at one time seems to have been considerable.5
Some, too, were millers, armourers, blacksmiths,
carpenters, masons, weavers, shoemakers, or tailors.6
At times attempts were made to start special
morristoune for the Cathedral Church of Ross in the water. I have
therfore made bold onely to put you in mynde with the first diligence
to cause doe it, for if it be not tymely done, this sommer is lost, and
except I get your helpe the business is to no purpose. So wishing
all health and happiness to your selfe, your noble lady, and hopefulL
children, I rest, your bounden seruand,
" JO. ROSSEN.
"To the right worschipfull Sir Johne Grant of Freuchie, Knicht."
1 Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's Letters of Two Centuries, 76.
ZLorimer's MS. of 1763. 3 Ibid.
4 Robertson's Agriculture in the County of Inverness, 208.
5 See note 2, p. 444 supra.
6 The following trades and occupations are mentioned in the legal
proceedings in connection with the Great Raid of 1545 : — clergyman,
clerk, cleireacli (church officer), dempster (the officer of court who
pronounced doom), candych (ceannaich, merchant), gobha (smith, or
armourer), dequeyre (dyker), tailor, shoemaker, forsar (forester),
bowman (cow-man), and glassen (glazier).
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 451
industries. Lorimer records that about one hundred
and thirty years before his time — that is, about
the year 1630 — "the Laird of Grant being
informed there was a Copper Mine on this estate
[Urquhart], opposite to Pitkerrald, laid out so much
money in digging for it, and in vain, that he was
obliged to sell the lands of Kilminnity, &c., to pay
the debts contracted in this project. Another Laird
after him spent a great deal on an Iron Manufactory
there, yet succeeded as ill." The Iron Manufactory
and its dams and passages are mentioned in 1634. 'L
It probably consisted of bloomeries, traces of which
are to be found at Lochnabat. Similar indications
are found at Tornashee and Buntait. The birch
woods of the district were cut down and utilized in
smelting the iron — the ore being brought from
the South, and sent back again in a manufactured
state.2 Lime has been made at Cartaly for ages.3
Before 1756 the housewives of the Parish and their
daughters deftly plied the distaff and spindle, and,
with the assistance of local weavers, made cloth and
linen for themselves and the men of their households.
In that vear the Trustees for Manufactories and
1 See foot note, p. 147 supra.
3 See Appendix C for Articles of Agreement between Sir James
Grant and James Delias as to lime kilns.
2 In 1769 Sir James Grant employed Mr John Williams, a mining
engineer in the service of the Forfeited Estates Commissioners,, and
the author of the first accoimt of the vitrified fort of Craig Phadrick,
to prospect Urquhart and Abriachan for copper, iron, or lead.
Williams carefully examined earth and stream, and found " iron-
stone/' " specks of lead," and " jaspar-stone," but not in sufficient
quantities to pay working expenses. At Cartaly about sixteen
different minerals, some of them extremely rare, have been dis-
covered within recent years. The following analyses of ten of them,
452
URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Fisheries in Scotland acquired from Patrick Grant
of Glenmoriston 107 acres of land at Invermonston,
and erected a linen and woollen factory, which was
for years maintained out of the proceeds of the
Forfeited Estates, giving employment to a number of
people, including about forty women.1 Before this
time there were no spinning wheels in the Parish ; but
the Trustees distributed some among the people, and
in a few years they entirely superseded the ancient
distaff and spindle. In 1791 the factory was closed,
and its site re-conveyed to the proprietor of Glen-
moriston ; and the buildings have ever since been used
as offices in connection with the home farm.2
About the time of the establishment of the
factory at Invermoriston, the Laird of Grant erected
a similar, but smaller, building at Kilmichael, and
let it as a linen and woollen factory to Bailie Alex-
by Professor Heddle, of St Andrews, taken from the Transactions of
the Inverness Field Club, vol. I., p. 180 — see also p. 397 — may be of
interest to mineralogists : —
Sp Qr
Si
Al
Fe
2
Fe
Mn
Ca
Mg
k
2
Na
2
H
Total.
Hyd. Anthophyllite
Wollastonite
Kyanite
Edenite, Green
,, Black
Tremolite .......
2.81
2.72
2.87
2.67
3.004
3.1
42.72
49.06
37.53
50.31
51.31
57.31
33.69
58.38
45.9
39.6
3.84
.6
58.11
8.54
2.21
3.68
17.66
22.5
27.37
31.08
.18
2.09
.12
.16
1.08
.25
2.12
tr
5.74
2.76
7.66
3.23
12.95
2.95
2.07
.16
.08
.49
.31
.15
.08
5.64
43.01
.13
11.63
11.17
12.36
1.16
5.34
20.21
23.34
28.75 .19
— ll.Ol
.08 .25
20.77i .5
20.87 2.2
16.62, —
17.548.92
- 18.2
.31 .32
tr .57
.26
2.73
.74
1.16
.46
.13
5.21
.58
1.06
7.65
3.1
1.2
4.13
2.12
1:1
3.41
2.09
2.41
100.12
99.51
100.11
99.99
99.65
100.08
99.44
100.31
99.73
100.2
Biotite
Andesine
Scanolite
Zoisite
1 Pennant's Tour in Scotland in 1769, p. 181.
2 See Appendix Q for Account of the business done at the Factory
in 1764, and Account of the distribution of wheels and reels in
1764-65.
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 453
ander Shaw, of Inverness — the same who managed
the Invermoriston concern. "The gentlemen's
wives," writes Lorimer, in 1763, "make linen at
home for the use of their families, but sell none.
The tenants both make and sell linen; but the
greatest part of the yarn spun in Urquhart is sold
to Bailie Shaw, though there are perhaps a dozen
weavers in Urquhart. The Manufactory [at Kil-
michael] is on the decay. Bailie Shaw has dismissed
almost all his servants; but the spirit of spinning
will remain, and the tenants will sell their yarn at
Inverness, where the merchants will provide them
with seed lint." Through the good offices of Sir
James Grant, a fresh start was given to the little
establishment, and, although the manufacture of
linen has long ago ceased, it has ever since continued
to flourish in its own small way as a woollen factory.
Ale was brewed by the good wives of our Parish
from very early times, and the brew-house of Kil-
michael was in the sixteenth century so important
a property that it was specially mentioned in the
grant of Achmonie to the Mackays. For centuries,
probably, it had yielded a valuable revenue to the
Church. During the seventeenth century whisky
began to take the place of ale, and so great did
the demand for the spirit become that the leading
men in the Parish started small stills on their
own account. " Shewglie, Lochletter, Corrimony,
Dulshangie, Peter Mackay in Polmaily, John
Macdonald in Achmonie, and William Macdonald in
Temple," says Lorimer, "distill spirits, and all
454 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
except Corrimony and John Macdonald use the
Laird's woods for the distillery. They should ^not
be allowed to take so much as a rotten stick for this
purpose. Above 150 bolls of bere will be yearly
distilled by these people in spirits, besides what bere
grows on their own farms. If these people will
brew and distill, they should pay something for fire,
of which none should be wood." The tenants, he
states elsewhere, " not only distill into aquavita
what barley grows to themselves, but they import
and distill a great deal more." The result of
stringent revenue laws was to suppress these small
distilleries, and give rise to illegal distillation, and
to a brisk illicit trade which continued till far into
the nineteenth century. A licensed brewery was
erected within that century at Lewistown, and another
at Balnain. The latter entirely disappeared years
ago. In the former beer and porter are still sold,
but none manufactured.
The industrial progress of the people was in the
past greatly retarded by the want of convenient
means of transit and communication. From earliest
times a ' ' road ' ' led from Inverness by Dunain and
Caiplich to Upper Drumbuie, where it branched off
into two — one branch running westward to Strath-
glass, Kintail, and Lochalsh, and the other across
the Strath of Urquhart, and on, by Clunemore and
the south-eastern flank of Mealfuarvonie, to Glen-
moriston, Glengarry, and Lochaber. This was the
road by which English and Scottish knights and
soldiers travelled between Inverness and Urquhart
INDUSTRIAL LIFE IN THE PAEISH 455
in the days of Edward the First, and which was
taken by many a clan and military expedition in
later times. The Laird of Grant's charter of 1509
bound him to improve it. It is possible he did
so; but it was never more than a rough track,
sufficient, perhaps, to meet the requirements of the
time — the passage of men and horses and cattle and
sledges. When wheeled carts were introduced about
the middle of the eighteenth century, better means of
communication became necessary; and to the Good
Sir James belongs the credit of making the first road
to Urquhart fit for wheeled vehicles. It ran along
the shore of Loch Ness, and its course is to some
extent followed by the present highway, which was
engineered by Telford, and constructed by the
Highland Eoads and Bridges Commissioners in the
early years of the nineteenth century. Sir James
secured the co-operation of the other proprietors
in Urquhart in opening up the country, and the
present roads to Corrimony and other districts are
the result. The first road in Glenmoriston was that
made by General Wade from Fort-Augustus to
Aonach, and on to Kintail and Glenelg. The
present Glenmoriston road, which follows the line of
an older track, was the work of the Eoads and
Bridges Commissioners, who also erected the hand-
.some bridges which cross the Moriston at Inver-
moriston and Torgoil. We have seen how the Eev.
Eobert Monro was, in 1677, unable to attend to his
duties in Glenmoriston for the reason that there was
no bridge on the river, and "no boat to transport
him to his charge." His flock managed to do
456 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
without such conveniences. :'This river, that divides
Glenmoriston into two parts/' writes Lorimer, " is-
so deep in every part as not to be fordable for men
or horses, and, there being no boats on it, every child
from eight years of age learned to swim. This shows
the effects of necessity, by \vhich many difficult things
are rendered very easy."1
Loch Ness was an important medium of transit
and communication at an early period. We have seen
that it was used for the floating of timber. It was
in one of the coracles of the time that St Columba
sailed against the wind when returning from the
court of the Pictish king. We find " great boats'"
on the Loch in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies. In the latter century Cromwell's soldiers
launched upon it their famous frigate.2 After The
Fifteen General Wade built at Fort-Augustus the
' Highland Galley," a vessel of twenty-five or thirty
tons, which, with its successors, continued to run
from end to end of the Loch until the partial opening
of the Caledonian Canal in 1818. In 1822 the first
steamboat passed from sea to sea, and a steamship
traffic was thus started which has now attained
considerable magnitude.
It was one of the rules of Highland hospitality
that if a traveller asked for bed and board for a
night his request was granted, no questions being
put as to whence he had come or where he was
1 Bridges are mentioned in the Urquhart charter of 1509. Drum-
nadrochit (the Ridge of the Bridge) is mentioned in 1730, showing
that there was a bridge there before that period.
2 See p. 170 supra.
SOCIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 457
going, or whether he was a friend or foe. But as-
travelling became more common, gratuitous enter-
tainment ceased to be entirely relied on, and small
inns or hostelries began to arise. The first estab-
lishment of the kind in our Parish was the brew-
house at Kilmichael, which, as we have seen, was a
place of some consequence in the sixteenth century.
Before 1763 an inn was opened at Drumnadrochit,
which was in that year under lease to James Grant of
Shewglie, who also "farmed" the brew-house from
Mackay of Achmonie, " in order to prevent disputes."
In 1779 Sir James Grant acquired the brew -house
along with the estate of Achmonie, and it ceased to
exist. The change-house of Drumnadrochit continued
to prosper, and it is now a large establishment, and a
favourite summer resort.1
After the time of General Wade, and perhaps for
some time before it, there was a small inn at Aonach
in Glenmoriston, which was discontinued many years
ago when the present inn at Torgoil was opened/1
At Aonach Samuel Johnson and his friend Boswell
passed a night in 1773. " Early in the afternoon,"
records the sage, " we came to Anoch, a village in
Glenmollison [sic] of three huts, one of which is-
distinguished by a chimney. Here we were to dine
and lodge, and were conducted through the first
room, that had the chimney, into another lighted by
a small glass window. The landlord attended us
with great civility, and told us what he could give-
us to eat and drink. I found some books on a shelf,
1 See Appendix K for effusions from the Drumnadrochit Visitors*'
Book.
2 Torgoil has, since 1893, been closed.
458 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
among which were a volume or more of Prideaux's
•Connection. This I mentioned as something unex-
pected, and perceived that I did not please him. I
praised the propriety of his language, and was
answered that I need not wonder, for he had learned
it by grammar. ... As we came hither early
in the day, we had time sufficient to survey the place.
'The house was built, like other huts, of loose stones,
but the part in which we dined and slept was built
with turf and wattled with twigs, which kept the earth
from falling. Near it was a garden of turnips and a
field of potatoes."1
The Inn of Invermoriston was probably later in
•origin than that of Aonach. At Euiskich a small
change-house was erected during the construction of
Telford's road; but it has now been closed.
In 1763, according to Lorimer, the tenants arid
mailers lived in turf -roofed houses, the walls of which
were constructed of turf, timber, and wicker work.
It took centuries to arrive at that stage of comparative
perfection. In Lorimer 's time the lairds had already
l " Some time after dinner/' adds Johnson, " we were surprised
"by the entrance of a young- woman, not inelegant either in mien or
dress, who asked us whether we would have tea. We found that she
•was the daughter of our host, and desired her to make it. Her con-
versation, like her appearance, was gentle and pleasing. We knew
that the girls of the Highlands were all gentlewomen, and treated
her with great respect, which she received as customary and due, and
was neither elated by it, nor confused, but repaid my civilities with-
out embarrassment, and told me how much I honoured her country
by coming to survey it. She had been at Inverness to gain the
-common female qualifications, and had, like her father, the English
pronunciation. I presented her with a book which I happened to
Tiave about me, and should not be pleased to think that she forgets
me." Boswell, in his Journal of the Tour, states that the host,
Tvhose name was M'Queen, was " out " in The Forty-Five. The book
which Johnson gave to the host's daughter was Cocker's Arithmetic,
^vhich he had purchased at Inverness.
SOCIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 459
prohibited the use of timber for walls, and the result
.was that the people began to build drystone walls,
.about four or five feet in height. These in time gave
place to stone-and-lime walls ; and the buildings have
gradually improved until the old black houses have
now all but disappeared, and given place to neat,
•comfortable cottages, stone-and-lime built, and roofed
with slate. The dwelling-houses of the lairds and
the houses of Balmacaan, Shewglie, and Lochletter,
were probably stone built as early as the sixteenth
century, and the Castle was a marvel of substantial
masonry as early as the thirteenth. It was
not, however, till the seventeenth century that
turf and heather gave place to slate on the roof of
the residence of the lairds of Glenmoriston ; and
.slate was first used by the proprietors of Corrimony
in 1740, when the Old House — the oldest dwelling
now in the Parish — was erected. In 1761 and 1762
the present houses of Lochletter and Shewglie were
respectively built, and covered with slate ; and before
the end of the century the Manse, and the houses of
Lakefield, Dulshangie, and Polmaily, were roofed
with the same material.1
l Large sums have been expended by the proprietors of the Parish
on dwelling-houses, offices,, roads, &c., within recent years. The late
.John Charles, Earl of Seafield, who succeeded in 1853, and died in
1881, did much in the way of improvements on his TJrquhart estate,
and his policy was followed by his son, who died in 1884, and has
been continued by his widow, the present [1893] proprietrix — with
the result that from Whitsunday, 1853, to Whitsunday, 1892, £36,595
has been expended by the Seafield family on tenants' holdings on the
TJrquhart estate; £29,171 10s 2d on general estate improvements,
including buildings, fences, roads, and bridges; £12,547 16s on Bal-
macaan mansion house and offices; and £26,118 6s 4d on woods and
plantations — making a total expenditure of £104,432 12s 6d in thirty-
nine years.
460 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
The maintenance of law and order was not left
to chance or neglect in the Olden Times. The old
Celtic laws and rules — the most striking features of
which were eric, or compensation for death or
injury, and the right of sanctuary1 — prevailed pro-
bably until the fourteenth century, when the feudal
baron courts were established. The domain of
TJrquhart and Glenmoriston, with the exception of
Achmonie, was erected into a barony early in the
fourteenth century, and was raised to the dignity of
a lordship a hundred years later. Achmonie — as
well as Abriachan, just outside the Parish — was
situated in the ecclesiastical barony of Spynie,
erected in 1451, and subsequently in the smaller
barony of Kinmylies, within the regality of Spynie.
In 1509 the original barony of Urquhart wa&
divided into the three new baronies of Urquhart,
Corrimony, and Glenmoriston; and in the next
century Urquhart and Corrimony were included in
the regality of Grant. The baron court was pre-
sided over by the baron himself, or, more generally,
by his baron-bailie, or factor, as his deputy. In the
administration of justice, the jurisdiction of the-
iThe chapels were sanctuaries for such as sought refuge from
the vengeance of their fellow men until they were brought to a fair
trial; but the great sanctuary in the Parish was An Abait — The
Abbey — lying between Ballintombuy and Dulchreichard, in Glen-
moriston. The Abbey consisted of an island in the small tarn of
Lochan-a'-Chrois — the Lochlet of the Cross — and the surrounding land
extending from Tomchraskie to Tomnacroich, and from Mam-a'-
Chrois to Ruigh-a'-Chrois — bounds said to have been indicated at one
time by crosses. This district was probably the " Kirk lands " of
Glenmoriston, mentioned in 1572. See footnote, p. 117 supra.
According to tradition, the Abbey was respected as a sanctuary until
a comparatively recent period.
SOCIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 461
baron or his bailie was absolute and almost
universal. He sentenced to death offenders within
the barony for murder or theft,1 and he fined or
imprisoned them for assaults, for killing deer or
other protected wild animals, or for cutting or
barking trees, or destroying green sward. He made
rules for the regulation of agriculture and trade, and
for the protection of growing timber; and he fixed the
wages of servants and the prices of commodities.
He granted decrees of removing against tenants, and
judgments for rents and other debts ; and he generally
decided between man and man on the countless
questions which arose in the past, as they arise in
the present. The tenantry were obliged to attend
his court, which was opened, conducted, and closed
with much pomp and formality. For failure in this
duty they were liable in pecuniary penalties, which,
with the fines paid by criminal offenders, went into
the pocket of the baron. Eeference has been made
to the singular manner in which, by the charters of
1509, the lands of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were
divided. The effect on the administration of justice
was very curious before the consolidation of the
scattered fragments which made up the several
baronies. The few persons who inhabited Cluanie,
on the borders of Kintail, and the inhabitants of
Carnoch and Kerrownakeill, on the marches of
Strathglass, were, along with those of the other
• iThe places of execution were, Craigmonie in Glen-Urquhart,
and Tomnacroich — the Gibbet Knoll — in Glenmoriston. The
descendants of the last man hanged on Craigmonie are still known
in Urquhart.
462 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
lands included in the Urquhart barony, subject to
the jurisdiction of the Urquhart court, which sat at
the Castle, or elsewhere within the barony, the more
serious cases among them being, however, sometimes
sent to Castle Grant for trial.1 The inhabitants of
Corrimony, and of the detached Corrimony lands
of Achintemarag, Divach, and Pitkerrald-croy,
received justice, for a time, at Corrimony; and
those of Glenmoriston and the detached Glen-
moriston possessions of Culnakirk (including Easter
Milton) and Half of Clunemore, in Glenmoriston;
while the people of Achmonie had to appear at
Spynie or Kinmylies. It has already been related
how the proprietors found it expedient to mitigate
the inconveniences that arose from this arrangement
by readjusting their marches. It is doubtful,
indeed, whether Corrimony offenders had not to
appear before the Urquhart court ever after 1580,
1 Tlie courts were sometimes held at Balmacaan, sometimes at
Pitkerrald, and latterly at Drumnadrochit. There is a field on the-
holding- of Grotaig called Druim-na-Cuirt — the Kidge of the Court —
where probably courts were held. John Grant of Glenmoriston,
chamberlain and baron-bailie for the Laird of Grant, writes from Bal-
macaan, in 1624, to the Laird thus : — " Your virscheip sail resaue
[receive] the man that sleue your serwand Donll Pyper fra the
beareris, for I thocht meitter till send him till your selff, nor till gif
him the lawe heir." Until the beginning of this century, a paid piper
was kept in Urquhart. " There has always/' says Lorimer, " been a
Piper in Urquhart belonging- to the Family of Grant, whose sallary has
been constantly paid by a small portion of oats from each tenant.
The tenants want to get free of this Tax, but it is submitted whether
or not it is not better to continue it, as the Tax is small, and, being
in use to be paid, it is not very sensibly felt. If you let it drop, the
Highland Musick is lost, (which would be a great loss in case of a
civil or foreign War; and such Musick is part of the Appendages of
the Dignity of the Family. The commons are much pleased with this
Musick, and the use of it will be a means of popularity amongst some."
SOCIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH
463
when the superiority of Corri-
mony was conveyed to the lairds
of Grant. One result of The
Forty-Five was that the juris-
diction of baron courts was
greatly curtailed by Parliament,
and although they for some time
continued as a shadow of their
old selves, none has for many
years past been held in our
Parish. They left offenders
against the Seventh Command-
ment to the tender mercies of
the church courts, and guilty
persons, clothed in sackcloth and
sitting on the stool of repentance,
were solemnly dealt with in
presence of the congregation.
If meet repentance did not
follow, they were liable to
excommunication. The church
courts, too, until the end of the
seventeenth century, took cog-
nisance of such matters as
I) divorce, conjugal quarrels, and
_Ja slander; and the session adminis-
ION TILLORY tered the fund for the poor,
7TJTKTS. J-
which was raised from church
collections, private contributions, and fines paid by
breakers of the moral law.1
THE GLENMORISTON IRON
FOR NECK AND WRISTS.
1 See Appendix S as to the poor, and wandering " fools."
464 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON
Did space permit some account might be given
of the sports and recreations of our forefathers, and
their customs in connection with births, christenings,
marriages, and deaths, and with Beltane, Halloween,
-Christmas, and the New Year. These, however,
did not differ materially from those of the Highlands
generally, regarding which much has been recorded
by other writers. Great changes have taken place
within recent times. The long christening and
marriage rejoicings have been discontinued, and so
have piping and dancing at lykewakes, and
excessive feasting and drinking and consequent
fighting at funerals.1 The ceilidh, with its tales,
and songs, and riddles, and amusements, has given
place to the newspaper, with its serial story and
political and general news. Comfortable houses have
superseded the huts of the past. The tiller of the
soil is no longer satisfied with its bare produce, but
buys large quantities of tea, wheaten bread, and
1 Many stories might be told of fights at funerals, but one will
suffice. A small upright stone by the road-side near Livisie marks
the grave of an old woman who lived and died on the opposite side of
the river. After her funeral crossed the river, the men of the Braes
of Glenmoriston proposed that she should be carried west to Clachan
Mheircheird, while the Invermoriston men insisted that she should be
taken east to Clachan Cholumchille. A fight resulted, and several
persons were killed — and then the survivors solved the question at
issue by burying the body where they were. The Urquhart and Glen-
moriston men have always been a fighting race. When they were not
engaged against a common foe they fought among themselves —
Urquhart fought with Glenmoriston, the Braes of Urquhart with the
Strath, the upper district of Glenmoriston with the lower, and the
Grants with such as were not of that name. The old spirit, it must
be confessed, has not yet entirely died out. See Appendix T for
papers referring to an amusing feud in 1737 between the Grants and
other Urquhart men regarding the marriage of an Urquhart heiress.
SOCIAL LIFE IN THE PARISH 465
other stuffs. He no longer tans his own leather, or
makes his own shoes and harness — no longer grows
his own flax, or makes his own linen and cloth. The
old fir candles 'havev; given place to paraffin lamps;
and in the lower districts coal has almost entirely
superseded peat as fuel. Some of the changes
are improvements : others are not. But, while we
regret the disappearance of many a kindly custom
and pleasant feature of the past, we must also
acknowledge the greater security of life and property
and the more liberal measure of knowledge and
prosperity and physical comfort that belong to the
present. On these points, at least, the rebuke of
the ancient Preacher may still be taken to heart.
" Say not thou," said he to the discontented Israelites
who looked back to a golden age which had never
existed — " Say not thou, What is the cause that the
former days were better than these ? for thou dost not
enquire wisely concerning this."
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A (PAGE 26)
DESCRIPTION OF URQUHART CASTLE, BY ALEXANDER Ross,
LL.D., F.R.I.B.A., F.G.S.,
PROVOST OF INVERNESS [IN 1893] '
THE Castle is built on the rocky promontory of Stroiie, which
is separated from the hill of Cnoc-na-h-Iolaire by a low-lying
neck of land. The promontory is further cut off from the
mainland by a dry moat about 80 feet wide, and of considerable
depth, forming with the natural escarpment of the rock on
which the Castle stands a very effectual defence, the height
from the bottom of the moat to the base of the walls of the
Castle varying from 30 to 50 feet. The moat does not seem to
have been cut down to the level of the loch, and now its original
depth is very much reduced by the large quantity of debris
which has fallen into it.
Passing along the neck of land and over the moat, we reach
the rock on which the Castle stands — a mass of sandstone
conglomerate, about 500 feet long by 160 broad, and having
an area of about two acres. The general conformation
resembles an hour-glass, the longer axis lying S.W. and N.E.
The surface of the rock is very rugged and uneven, standing at
the north end from 20 to 30 feet out of the water, while at the
south it reaches a height of about 80 feet. The rock stood
about 6 feet higher out of the water before the Caledonian
Canal operations raised the level of the loch. It presents a
precipitous face all round, except at the centre of the east side
facing the loch, where there is an indentation, with a gravelly
slope down to a small cove, which forms a convenient landing
place for boats. Here stood the water gate, the landward
entrance being opposite to it on the western side. The Castle
was approached from the land by a raised roadway between two
parapet walls, which, at a point about 60 feet from the main
gateway, crossed the moat by a drawbridge 15 feet wide.
From the drawbridge there is a rise of about 6 feet to the
gateway. The approach from the bridge to the gate does not
strike directly on the doorway, but on the northern tower,
which commanded the approach, and prevented a direct rush
at the gate.
468 APPENDICES
The old gate-house must have been an imposing structure r
measuring about 40 feet by 50 on plan, and rising two stories
in height. The gateway is in the centre, and is flanked by
massive round towers on either side, 21 feet in diameter. The
portal was a circular arch about 9 feet 9 inches wide, and
immediately in front of it are the grooves for the portcullis,
with a bartizan and window over.
The entrance leads through a long vaulted passage in the
gate-house, with stone arch ribs, at intervals, of carefully
dressed freestone. On the ground on either side of this passage
are the guard-rooms, each measuring 25 feet, by 13 feet, with
corresponding vaulted rooms over. These rooms are finished
with semi-circular ends, forming externally the flanking
towers before referred to.
From the chamber on the north side of the gateway opens
a second chamber, with the remains of a stair leading to the
ramparts, and probably also to the passage to the sallyport on
the north side of the main gate ; but this part is much dilapi-
dated, and the arrangements are not quite clear. The mason
work of the gate-house and adjoining walls is very good, the
finishings, quoins, arch ribs, &c., being of well-dressed free-
stone. The mortar also is remarkable, for though the building
has evidently been destroyed by gunpowder, and large masses
thrown into the air and made to turn complete somersaults,
yet there is a large portion of the circular wall, portcullis case,
chimney flues, and curtain wall, lying as it fell in a complete
unbroken mass in front of the gateway.
Passing through the arched passage we reach the outer
bailey or court, and in front of us on the opposite side is the
water gate leading down to the small cove before referred to.
On our right the rock rises towards the S.W. about 30 or 40
feet to a platform on which there seems to be some traces of a
pentangular tower or other building for defence. The curtain
wall on the west side from the gateway is pretty complete all
the way to the extreme height at the south end. Traces of
foundations are also to be seen leading along the south and
east (or loch) side of the plateau, and there seems to have been
detached towers or guard-rooms at various points, connected
by curtain walls — portions of which still stand, and the founda-
tions of the remainder of which can be traced all along the
edge of the cliff. Continuing along the eastern face, we come
to the water gate, which is a small door or postern in the outer
main wall which was carried continuously round the edge of
the plateau. At this point a division wall appears to have
run across the narrow waist of the fortress, separating the
APPENDICES 469
outer from the inner court. In the inner court next the
<donjon were situated the larger portion of the barracks and
domestic buildings, remains of which are still seen, some of
them being clay-built, of inferior construction, and of com-
paratively recent date. The outer walls here converge towards
the donjon, giving this court a triangular shape.
The donjon tower stands at the apex, or extreme N.E. end
of the triangle, and measures externally 40 feet, by 36 feet,.
and is about 50 feet high. The walls of three sides only
remain, those of the southern face having completely disap-
peared, excepting a small portion of the ground floor immedi-
ately over the vault.1 The tower consists of four storeys.
Underground is the vault, which measures 16 feet 6 inches by
14 feet 6 inches, and is entered from a small postern on the
N.E. face. In the vault there is a small loop-hole or window,
which opens under the entrance doorway from the court to the
tower. From the north side of the recess between the postern
gate and the entrance to the vault rises a small stair to the hall
above. The floor of the hall is level with the court, from
which it is entered by a door on the west side. From the hall
a wheeling stair leads to the next apartment over, and thence
to the third storey, the roof of which was vaulted in stone at
the level of the parapet walls, as evidenced by the portion of
vault still remaining 011 the north side. Under this arch is
the only fireplace discoverable in the keep of the Castle. A
roof chamber probably existed over the vaulted one, but as
no part of this remains, we can only conjecture the use made
of the roof space.
Fortunately, enough remains of the walls, corbelling, and
turrets to enable us to judge of the general character and style
of finish. The tower had square turrets projecting about a
foot over the walls at the four angles. These turrets were
finished with gables and saddle-back roofs. The corbelling
ran round the tower, and a bartizan projected over the main
doorway, with machicolations through which missiles were dis-
charged. As the plan of site shows, the tower was not square,
but five-sided, a portion of the eastern face being curtailed to
suit the contour of the rock on which it is founded.
From the N.E. angle of the tower ran the great wall of the
fortress right up to the main gateway, and thence on to the
S.W. angle, thus presenting a strong and continuous barrier
on the landward side. From the keep to the gateway the walls
are still well preserved, being of great thickness, with battle-
ments, and path along top.
1 See p. ri, footnote 3.
470 APPENDICES
A curious knoll or mound is raised in the centre of the
court between the gateway and the keep, the top being
rectangular in form and about 30 feet high. Whether it is
the site of a chapel or place of execution it is difficult to say.
There are apparent traces of the foundations of a building
on it.
The Castle, having a life of 600 years at least, has no doubt
undergone many changes, and has had large portions of its
walls built and rebuilt during its existence. It is therefore
difficult to assign exact dates to the various parts ; but, judging
from architectural evidence, the oldest portions now standing
are the donjon tower, the gateway, the curtain walls on the
land side, >and some fragments of walls on the south-east side,
particularly near the water gate and thence on to the tower.
These probably belong to the period of Edward the First,
although I am inclined to think that the tower itself has
undergone some modification in its upper work since that
period.
The barracks built in the inner court and against the east
wall, and indicated by dotted lines on the plan, are distinctly
of later date, and may have been the work of John the Bard,
who was taken bound by his charter of 1509 to execute certain
improvements. (See page 79 mpra).
APPENDICES
471
pq
VUfW
a o o oo
03 O O CO
cc
0 0 0 0 CO 0 0 0 ^1 CO 0 0
^ r-,
0
wz
1 gcoco
%
S
T-l CO I-H 7-H
S^^Q
^2
oo
%
OOOOT*<N<NOO<N(N«ob
CO 1-H I-Hl-lCOCNl-HT-lT-tCO
CQ
^
GUIMg
; ; ;
Jz;
• ; ; ; ; -:s ; ; ; i ;
7-H
-^
SPT3
: o co
oo
O CO J>- CO l>- • CO CD O CO CO CO
I— I '. I— 1 I— 1 7— 1
S
PQ
W9
:oo
g
S
<N — 1 I-H 7^-1 i-i CO 7-1 I r-i <N
squi'Brj;
: CM co
0
^
CO OO O 'sH CO CO CO : CM CO CO 10
i— i
g
29 sasinixiiQ
g
: ^ ;CO ; "# CO ; ^ ; CO O
^
• o
o
w
O
Biappa^i
. I-H
(-&
1
S9A\2
: o o
S
§
^ 10 <N l^ CN 0 O • (M TJH O O
-M r-i I-H C^^-iOJ :^H(M(MCO
O
^
g
sa.re i^[
S
::::::::::::
S
BOUOH
•:M-
-
o
g
CO^^^^^CCCO^^COO
0
as
; CO CN
0
S
^OT^ ^ea^eiwwfloco
£
88ATO
: 10 co
oo
tz;
^CO^COCO^^CO^CO^CO
w
M
9K
: CN co
o
EH
O^CO^COO^COIOCOOO
^H
O
oT g ::::::::.::
3
PH
! 1
02 —
m
fe
0
,-
Driston .
^
1 «
1. DETAIL?
3
0
a
32
c
8
o
LITTLE INVKIIMORISTON.
1. John Grant of Glenmoriston
2. John Mclldonycht McEane boj
3. John McCowane...
&
S
O
1
1
11. DETAILS OF SPOIL
'03 ^ : : : : : ^g : : : : :
^1 ^ ^ fl-H
tfll|Hl!t!lif
472
APPENDICES
—
Q OOOOOOOOO-^OO
00 OOCOCOCOOCCCO •
T— I I— 1
<^ (N -^ i— t i— i CO T— (COCO
00
I— I
O O Tjl
O O CO
CO
mi
O
0
jisog
^ COCO • CO O CO O O Tt<
j° r-l r-l : rH 04 ,-1 01 03
CO
CD ^ O
r-H CO
O
co ••* co :
CO
WO
S oo -coooocooo
0 CO"* : T-I CO ^Tl CO r-l
CO
10
O OO O
CO 00
CO
o o o :
o
CO
01
• • o
0
C<J
• •"*
WX
CO 00 CO CO -00 • OO CO
I— 1
s§
CO 00 O
T-I CO
S
O OO O ;
8
«HKHD
OOOCO-^fCO • O O
<N i— I T— 1 i— I Ol i— I I CO •— i
CO
O 01 O
CO ^ Tfl
cb
CO CO CO OO
00
sqra*T
o 01 i-i T-n 01 T-I : oj
O5
0 Tt< O
^
^ is -H 10
00
I-H
JSmSro
: ; io ; ; o : : :
S
: : :
:
: : : :
oo • • : • • oo o •
CO
Ol •* Ol TF
Ol
(N
SOMg
S^^SSS^000
CO
O5
CO
CO 00 O
Ol CO
CO
0 0 CO CO
00
sa-rerc
S8SJOJJ
rt<
CO
CO r-H CO
5
^^01^
10
S3
:^««co^^»«e
CO
CO (M 00
CO
Ol Ol O3 ;
CO
SOA^f)
•* vo ^JH -^ »c ; 10 -rti ;
00
CO CO O
Ol
^COOl
co
"SIS
l^OCOOOOOOO'*
S
CO T* O
o
co co --0 co
Ol
....
:::::::::
'o : '• '•
o •
a
rh • • :
c
O : : : :
1
Bunloit
g
1
P
£
•4
1
1
^ '•'•'• '• <D ' '•
:$ ' '.| fl | '
o
pp
o
3
^o
DIVACH (including south side of (
John McNeill
Finlay McGillecallum ...
McEane McConquhy
1
p
1
WESTER BUNLOIT (including \\
Inchtelloch, and Ruiskich).
Donald owr McEane McFindla\\
Ferquhard McSorle
John Mcgillecrist moir Mcinfutt
Katherine nyne wikyne...
1
03
0)
S
i
m^^"^"^^^^
,^r~i Ol CO
r-H 03 CO Tj<
APPENDICES
473
.
° oooool
Ctf i-H CM ^ rH ^ Ttf
0
CO
X O O O O O •«*
CO O O O O O CO
r_(
1O IO rH rH rH rH O
o
o
CO
• co
CO
a*9a
7* O O O CO O O
,§ CM CM CM co CM
CO
O -^ rtl CO Tfi 1O •«*
CM CM
OS
CO
o •
co :
TO
13 o o o o o> o
j-g CD Tf CO rH CO' CO
o
CO
5 CO °° r^ ^ rH r^
CO
o •
CM :
f
• o • o
o>
: : co : co :
co
spix
co co ; o o o
CM
o : co o ; ; co
01
- co
— l -. rH . .
«W,
co co : o o o
CM 71 • CM CM CM
s
O Trt CM O • CM CM
CM CM rH CM I rH rn
o
o
iS
squill
CO CO ; CM <M O
0
O CO 1O 00 ^ O O
CO
: <^>
rH rH rH r-l
. r— I
S^UOUIUIQ
«WA
IS i i : i
o
CO CM OO ^H Ttf «O CO
00
S3AV3
00 • CO O CM
CM CM : rH (M r-l
o
O5
CM t^ CM CO CO O IO
0
co
" rH
SO.n?J\[
;
sosaoH
cocoo^coco
CO
CO CO rH CM CM CM (M
CM
=0 ;
as
: oo co CM oo co
0
ro
CO co .—i CM CM CO CM
Ci
:co
«"W>
vn co oo co co co
CO
CO
CO O CM CM CO "^t1 ^r1
CO
:oo
"gsB
O CM -rrt CO O O
r— 1 CM CO GN CM
s
CM O VO CO vo O CO
§
• o
: co
- - . .
J
1
J
^o °
ft
'o
3 >>
PQ
^ o .
5
o ~" '. '•
HOLDINGS AND OCCUPIKRS;
(D) MID BUNLOIT (including Easter C
Inchconachar, and Tiglmahe
1. John Mcinlustie ...
2. John Bane McGilleglas ...
3. Donald Mcilroy
4. John McEane McWilliame
5. Donald Mcane Bayne
6. Gillemartyne McConnell moir .
cq
1
1
fjE1,) EASTER BUNLOIT (including Lowe
nahannet and Leny).
1. Gillespek McNeill
2. John moir McGillefatrik
3. Paul McGlassen
4. John McEwyr
5. McGillecallum Mcowyne eir
6. Gilliinichael McFyndlaw McGill
7. Donald McEane McFcrquhard .
c
p
•S 5
474
APPENDICES
MIWUM
4c
Q OO O-^OOOOOOOOOOO
CO
co
r— 1
O OO OO 00 OO O
: o ?o co ?o co o
00
CO
<$ COrH
— ^
^S
a
,§ CO ^ CM ^ ^H i2
{^
^^
£
«H»0
S OOQOOCMOCMCOOOOO^CM
,0 ^ ^r-ir-i ooeocM^-i
CO
O O M O O CO 00
O CO i-t (M CM
co
6 QUIVL i
1
1 «pra
ooco-* -oco • • -icico
• I—I • I— 1 r— 1
o
rococo : :
OO
CN
t>T n«"O
<3 i
COCMOO ;COO ; ; ;OOOCO
CM
<M
: o o o co ; :
co
a
sqnrerj
Q
^ic^ocococo : ;ocoo.
CO
at
CO O 1C CO CO 0 1C
1C
1C
^ S^XIOXUUT(J
::: co ;:::::;:
•*
; ; ; ; : ; CO
co
SI9DTJO U
P_l
; ; : ; = i -: i 12 ;<°
2
o :;::::
o
^ s9Ava
OiOOOC-lCTOOO * -OOQO
1C
O •* O CM 'M O '0
-H
fc :
S
EH ; ' °'n ^
PH
i
sosaoH
^--^-^ ;-» ;^^
GO
CO
CO 1C CM CM CO ; 1-1
c-.
I
o* ow^f)
C3 Sunoi
•-OT^ ; ; co CM ; ; ; ic co co
co
•«*> CO CO CO iO r-H ;
c
3
fc SOAVBO
H
OOi-iCMCM^CMCNCO ;COCOiC
^
co o •* m co ^ co
CM
^
nJ
^ ^fO.I£)
CM " I f-i »H
eg
OO O •«• O -^Ti CO CO
00
^ |-
m
EH
^ '
OJ
-< :
Jz; j
B
EH '
_M
•
°Ec
^ : fS
5 : ?
fe , 5
..£.••
a
g
'o
3
SPOIL TAKEN
IfoMUNC^ AND ()<'
" OJ "S
a c ;3 o
I ;-§.= :jitltfl.s
g
o
Q
bC ^ r- ^
2
1
|
g ^ P P Q fi Q 0
^co'^iccDi-^oooiorHCMco^
— I TN! (X) T# 1C CO l^
^
APPENDICES
ajn^itLinj
a °°^*
oi ° £2 :
^ CO «O
O
0
o
00 O 00 O O
CO O CO O TJI
T— 1
CO CO ^H r- O
•*
1>-
05
O 00 OO O
o co co o
CO ^-1 rH 01
•<*
CO 1
o
o o o
o o o
(M CO CO
.reag
I o^ -
0 CO -
-*l
CO
«O O ^ co O
i— i £v| r—1
00
1C
0 X> ^ 00
00
oo
"tf
CO O O
S^Q
S3 0 CO •
a <° :
00
CO
O O CC O fN
•* ^ (N (N
c
CO
0 O CO CO
OO (M I-H
•«J*
(M
0 O O
(M (M (M
9UIMS
i : i ; ;
: : : :
; ; •
spra
CM • •
T— 1 I
<M
CO 0 CO CO «O
(M
CO
O «O 00 CO
7—1
0
co
oo ; co
s^oo
o : :
0
•*| (N (M 7Q CN
(M
CO
-* O O (M
H
CO
co : T^
0
sqrai3T
o io ;
o
JO C-l CO 00 0
(M
*O
^1 co co O
«o
co
CM CM 00
s^TiorauiQ
?p SJ9UIUII*)
: o :
o
• -*JH
: : : : ct
•^
(M
. o :
sagppaAV
TT* co ; ;
oq
SSJAVH
o : :
0
co co •* co ;
(M
XO
o . i^ :
t^
(M
-W 0 O3
.
••*:;:
^
• • •
S9&MOJJ
00 rH rH
o
CO US OJ •«*< -*
00
TJ< •* i— ( ;
O
CO CO ^fi
aweo
Sunox
o : :
o
rH
CO -^ <M C<1 CO
t^
•* CQ CO ;
0
iO ^ -^
SOAl«0
10 oo :
00
0 00 CO O CO
G^
CN
00 •* co C^l
^
oo cc (.0
am«o
^oar)
o ?o :
-5Tl
CO
•*
^ CO to (M O
CSJ r-< r* r-l
oo
CO
o — i co oq
Oi
CO
"*<•<# «O
CN r-i i-H
ncli brine
0!
5
ich brine
s
HOLDINGS AND OCCUPIKKS.
WESTER INCHBRINE.
John Doy McGillemoir ...
Gillendreis
John McFyndlaw
o
03
^L>
^
3
0
^M
3
o
H
^ID INCHBRINE.
John McConquhy Mclngowin ..
John McConnell McFarquhair ..
John McConnill McGilleis
Donald McFatrik
Ferquhard McConnill McFerquh
O
i
o
SH
1
H
EASTER INCHBRINE.
William McAlester Grant
William McPatrik McEane vayin
Donald McCristiane
Donald McFergus
HH
1
§
w
0
^H
0
H
POLMAILY (including Achnababan
William McGowyn
Duncan McWilliame
John Bane McConnil Me in Gow
xr^ IN CO
^
"
r— i (N CO Tf "^
C-
X^
T-l C^ CO TJ1
S^
^r-, JV1 CO
^.
476
APPENDICES
—
p 00 CO O
^ «O . CO O
CO
CN
•^oooooo ool -^omo
COCOOOCO CD COOCOO:|
COi-H^rHr-l i-l CO(MOr-H
|
00
co
0
I— <
$
.veag
cq '~l '
s
O^CO-OO rC O-N-CO-I
01 -H ^10 CM T-H . . |
3
-i
«W>
1 s ;sw
o
o
ooooo o oo-o-l
<OCNCNi-HCN J^ CO CO I «-« I j
1
cS
auiAig
: : : : : : : : : : :
;
1
1
10
"PHI
CO CO 0 CO
55
ococooco o coo;;:'
CD r-t OS r-i r-i . . .
CO
CN
'•*£
s^oo
C-l o co oo
co
O CN (N 0 O ^H -r CO O CO :
COi-ii-HCNi-H CO -M r-i ^-i
oo
$
n
sqrairi
CO CD OO O
OO
CD
OCOCO»O<M Ci OIC--
CO i— 1 VO T* r-i "
US
y s.i9imiit£)
o
LilU ; Li±u
>j i
i
PH '
s.ioppa&
• • • • i
s,Aa
C*4 fM <N O
I— 1 1— 1 I— i T— 1
CO
o o o o co ^o o ^t1 o o
O r-f i— ( r-i rH Oil ^OC^rHi— ' "
0
saafw
:
1 - - : : :
•
g
S3SJOH
CO T-I CO ^
CN
CN
O CO CM I-H TJI O CO O ; 71 :
xr:
g
ss
•^ CN co co
CO
CNCOCN--* i— i CO Ti* • !N '
7—1 : ^1 i— 1 - •
|a
£
SOA1TJQ
co^^co
co
C5 ^ co i— i co •* >oco;co;
^q CO 7^1
CO
o
•IIW^O
41:3.1 {}
CO CO CO CD
00
O CO CO -M O CD OorCO-^
CD i-l 00 "^ i-i •
OO
CD
g
± "% : : : : : : ^3 : : : : :
1
p 1
1
UI'JEKS.
"3
1
>. "^ S
O ^ c5 *-^
P-i t^3 rS t^ M
ulnakirk
SPOIL TAKEN F
HOLDINGS AND Ocx
' O 2
QJ ° -^
If 111
o
1
^"^ ^g^o'2f^ o
1? Hail ^ - sllll
is^gggsa g-jflaiSi&S
^7^ o^osd ^oo^^o^
^^"p^rgg^p! ^,^^^^^2
Total from C'
i-^ CJ CO TT O — % I-H CN CO -^ Uj
APPENDICES
.mWUr,,
Q ooooooo
CO OCCOQOOOOOOOO O
|«O O?O^tJ<r>oec ^
<4j vOCQrH
i
.TE9g
,2 •
1 OCO^COCM
1
6i ,-HrH — <M rHi-Hr-.* rH
s^o
M •
-g 0 O 00 O CO «0
I.-M ooooooooooco o
1 2 -M
8UIAVS
«PT3
0 SO <O ?0 «0 VQ
TTI 1— 1 CO
BfBOQ
0 Cl <N 0 CM O
<M OOCMCOOCOCOOOOCO 00
Sqra,T
0 0 «0 0 0 «0
•^ T — 1 C^l
CO 1— 1 I— ! r-l i— 1 t-—
s;uouiui(l
to : : o : <M : : : ; : CM
ly gjouiuiio
' '
I ^ L±_T!
saoppe>AY
o ; : : •*# \
1
—a
o o o o o •
oo ci rn CM :
1 CO r-H i-i : — (N rH O5
o
o
sareK
sasaojj
O •«* i— i C<I CN -H
CM
1 TtH
» CO
SOW
;o eo co •* ff. CM
CM CO
89AFO
O O «O O <M Tjt
It^l «OTtiira<^i?ocococococo 01
| CO |
•gag
(N CM r-i
t^. 1 CM rH i— 1 rH i— i Cl
® ^^ •
of
fl
32
1
£
3$ •-••
fl ID ::::•::::: g
a ^ 1
-f fl^. «> I3 ^H g
s
*" -2 o3 r^ rS S/S ^O ^ S
bCH 2^O ^CkS1^ O
•Sg| l-sfi^o^i £
^H rj ^H ^-J W ^
^^O^P^
478
APPENDICES
q OO O 00 O
«
OO 00
ain^mn,!
to o to o
CO
I—I
CO * CO
qj CO rH -H CO
00
rH ,H
a,3g
Jg O 00 O O
pq
OO
CO
: : :
S O <M rji O
to
cq ^r-i <M
^
. .
OXHMS
00 0
»pra
•
rH I— H CM
O O O
fe}TK>O
• • • •
CM 1-1 CO
.qmri
o <o -co
I— 1
CM
O O O
CM CM ^rl
|romni?o
:
_
sasppoAV
i- : :<o
CO
O O O
S9M3
!M 0 ; 0
7-1
CO
00 O
CO CO to
Soa,R
; ; ;
S8SJOH
CO <M CO <N
0
; !N CM
1—1
i
Suuojt
CM CM CN CM
oo
co : co
^m,
^^^CN
I— 1
10 : 1 >a
9^130
«O O •* CO
to
<M ' CM
^OJO
CM
i— < . r-l
g
15
Q
PH
i
r2 • -^
2
eg
> ^ -S
03
M : : : :
fcJO
o ^ : : ki
K
<D
fc ° -iJ
%
•5
£
W^ 2
O
v<z :'•''•
w
fcC fl I - W
(")
P t>
G rg
HOLDINGS AND
KERROWGAIR (lying bet\
buie and Kerrovvdo1
Alexander Dempstare
John McEwyn
Andrew Duff
Donald McEwyn Dow
s
g
1
KIL ST. NINIAN (includi
craig, St. Ninian's,
John Glas Mclnnes
Fynlaw McJames
Total fron
— ^ i-i CM. CO •*
-^ rH CN
^_
O4
1118.
'S S^s.-s
0-"&
J "o"
-S o ^ g
^ ^ 2 P
^ O 73 rg
lUI^
^z > f" fe
^^fe g
ii%-!
III!
H!t
sg?.-
|Hfe
ls^^-
liisM
iiJIf
°l«*-2
S o 2 I °
^ o «J ^ <£
O ,_, r- g v
g c S -^ 2
'S r^ '& ^^
II 1 9.JS
5
e#gf2
.SSJ'S'B
18 S.« >.3
APPENDICES 479
APPENDIX C (PAGES 116, 442, AND 451).
I. LEASE BY THE BISHOP OF MORAY TO JOHN MACKAY AND
HIS WIFE, OF ACHMONIE. 1554. [Translated from
the Latin, in MS. Register of Moray, in Advocates'
Library.]
To all and sundry, sons of the mother Church, to whose notice
these present letters may come, Patrick, by the mercy of God
bishop of Moray and perpetual commendator of the abbey of
Scone, health in the Lord everlasting : Wit ye us with express
consent and assent and advice of the chapter of our Cathedral
Church of Moray, chapterly assembled for the occasion, and
the utility of us and of our said church of Moray being fore-
seen, meditated, considered, and understood, and diligent dis-
cussion and mature deliberation having been had beforehand,
to have set, rented, let, and at feuferme dimitted to our lovites
John McGilleis alms McKaye, 'and Katherine Euen Canycht
his spouse, and the survivor of them, and their heirs and
assignees and land labourers and sub-tenants, many or one, of
no greater authority than themselves the principals John and
Katherine, all and sundry our lands of Awchmonye, with the
brew-house thereof called Killmichaell, with all and sundry
their pertinents, lying within the barony of Kinmylies, regality
of Spynie, and shire of Inverness, for all the terms and years
of nineteen years, beginning at Whitsunday in the year of the
Lord 1554, and thereafter continuing together and successively
from year to year and term to term to the complete course and
ish of nineteen years aforesaid : To hold and to have all and
sundry the before-named lands of Awchmonye and brew-house
thereof called Kilmichaell, with all and sundry their pertinents
lying as aforesaid, to the aforesaid John McGilleis alias
McKaye and Katherine Euen Chanycht his spouse, and the
survivor of them, and their heirs and assignees and subtenants
and land labourers, many or one beforesaid, of us and our
successors, bishops of Moray, for all and sundry terms of the
said nineteen years, as the said lands with the pertinents do lie
in length and breath due and wont, in houses and biggings, with
culture and common pasture, free entry and ish, together with
all other and sundry liberties, commodities, profits, and ease-
ments, and their just pertinents whatsoever, far and near, to
the aforenamed lands, with the pertinents and brew-house
thereof, belonging or that may in any way in future justly
belong, full, quietly, wholly, honourably, well, and in peace,
without any reserve, revocation, contradiction, or obstacle
whatsoever : Rendering therefor yearly the said John McGilleis
480 APPENDICES
alias McKaye and Katherine Eiien Chanycht his spouse, and
their foresaids, to us and our successors, one or more, and our
and their chamberlains or factors, one or more, for the time,
for the said lands of Awchmonye and brew-house thereof, with
their pertinents, the sum of three pounds usual money of
Scotland, three shillings and fourpence for two firlots of dry
multure, and two kids, at the two usual terms of the year,
Whitsunday and Martinmas in winter, by equal portions, with
the other services due and wont from the said lands of Awch-
monye and brew-house thereof, contained in the old rental:
And we truly, the aforesaid Patrick, bishop of Moray, and our
successors for the time being, do warrant, acquit, and for ever
defend, all and sundry the aforesaid lands of Awchmonye and
the brew-house thereof, with all and sundry their pertinents,
lying as said is, to the said John McGilleis alias McKaye and
Katherine Euen Ganycht his spouse, and the longer liver of
them, and their heirs and assignees, and their tenants and land
labourers, one or more aforesaid, during the space and terms
of nineteen years, as aforesaid. In witness of the which thing,
our round seal, together with the common seal of our chapter
of Moray, and the manual subscriptions of us and of the canons
of our said chapter, are appended, at Elgin the 31st day of
March 1554. Witnesses, John Gordon vicar of Kincardine
and Rothimurchus, Sir James Douglas, Sir Alexander Douglas,
chaplains, James Innes of Drany, Alexander Gordon in
Achortes, Mr Hugh Cragye, Thomas Seres, and Sir John
Gibsoun, notaries.
PA. MORAVIEN. epus. et de Scona c'me'datari'.
W. PAT 'SON subdecanus Morauien.
GULIELMUS HEPBUKNE rector de Dupill.
THOMAS HAYE rector de Spynie.
JACOBUS* STKATHAUCHIN rector de Botarie.
THOMAS WALLACE rectori de Unthank.
THOMAS GADERAR de Talaricie.
II. LEASE BY THE LAIRD OF GRANT TO DONALD GUMMING
OF DULSHANGIE, OF MEIKLE PlTKERRALD. 1660.
[From original at Castle Grant.]
BE It kend till all men be yir prnt Ires [i.e., these present
letters,] Me James Grant off ffrewquhye to hawe sett, and in
Tack and Assedatione Latten, Lykas be the tenor hereof I sett
and in tack and assedatione Lett to dod. Cuming of dulsangzie
and to his aires and assyneys of no higher degree then himselff
is off, all and heall the plewghe and quarter of land of meikill
APPENDICES 481
pitkerrel, presentlie possessed be dugall me Rorie lait tennent
of the same, withe the multures, teynds, great and small,
parsonage and wiccaradge, of the same, withe housses, biggings,
zairds, toftes, croftes, partes, pendicles, and remanent vniversall
pertinents thereof, Lyand within the Lordship of wrqrt,
parochin yroff and sheriffdom of Invernes : and that for all the
dayes, yeires, space, and termes off fywe yeires nixt and
imediatlie following the feast and term of Whitsunday last
bypast in the zeir of God 1660 zeires, qlk shall be (God willing)
his entrie to the sds lands and their pertinents be wertewe
heirof, with ffrie Ishewe and entrie thereto, and with all and
syndrie uther priviledges, easments, and ryghteous pertinents
perteining or that shall be knowen to apperteiii thereto, weill,
quietlie, and in peace, but [that is, without] anie obstacle or
Impediment to be maid in the contrar : Payand therefor yeirlie
the sd donald Cuming, likas be the tenor heirof he faithfullie
Binds and obleisses him and his forsds to content and pay to
the said James Grant or to his aires, exrs [executors], successors
and assigneys, or to their chalmerland in their names, The
number off Tuall bolls guid and sufficient wictuall, half meall
half Bear, at anie place or part that the rest of the fermes of
that countrie is payed at, and that preceislie at the feast and
term of Candilsmaise nixt and Imediatlie following the shear-
ing, winning, and Ingathering of the cropt, and failzieing of
the sds Tuall bolls wictuall at the terme abow-speit [above
specified], the pryces of the sam according to the feir and pryces
payed be the remanent tennents of the countrie, at the termes
of payment vsed and wount : Beginand the first zeires payt
thereof at the feast and term of Candilsemaise 1661 yeires, and
sua furthe zeirlie during the space f orsd of fywe zeires : with
ane halff custom mairt, ffour old wedders, Tuo yowng wedders
heall hawed wn-clipped [i.e., left wholly unshorn], Tuo stain
weight of butter, sex henns, ffourtie sex shillings Scottis of
land meal [mail or rent] and Stewart silver at the termes of
payment vsed and wount, with service carriadge and harriadge
[i.e., service of carriage and ploughing] as the remanent of the
tennentrie of wrqrt sail doe for anie quarter land yrof :
Releiwand [relieving] the said James Grant and his forsds of
the teynd and wiccaradge silwer [stipend] presentlie imposed or
that shall be imposed on the sds lands : Moreover, the so! donald
Cuming obleisses him and his forsds to Grind their cornis that
growes on the sds lands at the sd James Grant his miln of
wrqrt, and to discharge and doe all manner of dewtie thereto
that anie uther quarter of land within the suckin of the sd miln
is obleist to, according to vse and wount : And for the mair
31
482 APPENDICES
securitie Bothe the sds pairties ar content and consents that
thir prntis be insert and registrat in the high court books of
Justice, shireff or commissar books of Invernes, or anie uther
Judicatorie books withein this natione, that executiones of
horning, poyiiding, and wthers necesser, may passe heiron vpon
a singall charge of tejin dayes allenarlie, and to that effect con-
stitutes our lawfull procurators : In witnes qr off,
bothe the saids pairties have subscriwe thir pntis (wreitten be
Mr Alexr. Grant, servitor to the sd James Grant) withe their
hands, at Ballachastell [Castle Grant] the ffourtein day of June
1660 zeirs, befor thir witnesses, James wrqrt, Wm. Grant, and
Duncan Grant, and the sd Mr Alexr. Grant, wreiter heirof,
servitors to the said James Grant of frewquhie.
JAMES GRANT of freuquhye.
DONALD GUMMING.
JAMES URQUHART, witnes.
D. GRANT, witnes.
W. GRANT, witnes.
Mr ALEXR. GRANT, wreiter and witnes.
III. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT BETWEEN JAMES GRANT,,
ESQUIRE OF GRANT [AFTERWARDS SIR JAMES GRANT],
AND JAMES DOLLAS, MASON AT GARTHKEEN. 1770.
[From the original presented to the Author by Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh . ]
THE said James Grant is to set to the said James
Dollas the twelve bolls pay of Wester Gartaly and one
bolls pay of Easter Gartaly called Carrachan [now
Wester Milton] excepting the houses and croft taken
off for the Milns, to be entered to at Whitsunday seventeen
hundred and seventy, with liberty of subsetts as he shall find
proper for the works aftermentioned, and for which ffarm the
said James Dolla-s is to pay Twenty five pounds sterling of
yearly Rent, Three Wedders and Reek Hens ; and in respect of
carrying on the Lymework aftermentioned the services are
passed from ; And the rent to be payable at the usual terms
with the rest of the Estate ; with allowance for building dykes
as others, As also for putting up houses on the ffarm to the
amount of Twenty five pounds sterling of melioration ; And
further the said James Dollas is to employ proper hands and
with them to carry on a Lyme work at Loanghrannach, as also
at Carrachan, where Lyme stone quarreys are opened, and to
take Peats for the Lyme to be burnt at Carrachan from the
moss above Culnakeerk, And to take Peats for the Lyme to be
burnt at Loanghrannach [Lurga-roinich] from the mosses
APPENDICES 483
nearest thereto ; and the said James Delias is to burn what
Lyme he possibly can at both the saids places, and to sell the
same to the said James Grant and his tenants and possessors of
Urquhart at most at seven pence p. boll at the Upper Lyme
quarry, and ninepence p. boll at Carrachan, reckoning the boll
at Four ffurlots of the meal measure of the. County of Inverness,
and if the said measure can be turned into weight conveniently
the same to be given accordingly of the Lyme after it is harped,
and to make from two to four thousand bolls in the year as the
weather will allow; and which quantity is to be yearly taken
from the said James Delias by the said James Grant and his
tenants ; and the said James Dollas is to have an allowance for
building a Lyme house at each kiln. And the said James
Dollas is to make a Tryal of the above work for three years from
this Whitsunday, certain ; and for seven years if no other
person shall undertake the said Lyme work, and sell the Lyme
cheaper ; and no Lyme to be sold out of the said James Grant's
Estate without his allowance. This is written by James Grant,
Clerk at Castle Grant, and signed by the saids parties on this
and the preceding page at Kilmore the Eleventh day of May
seventeen hundred and seventy years. Before witnesses, Alex-
ander Innes of Breda, and the said James Grant writer hereof.
JAMES GRANT
I.D.
ALEXR. INNES witness.
JAMES GRANT witness.
The Peats and Lyme stone already laid in at the upper kiln
are to be burned, and after the same are burnt James Dollas is
to account to Mr Grant at the sight of Mr Willox [Mr Willox,
or Macgregor, the Factor,] for what the same may burn out.
J. G.
I.D.
APPENDIX D (PAGES 116 AND 442).
CHARTER BY THE BISHOP OF MORAY, TO JOHN MACKAY AND
HIS WIFE AND SON, OF ACHMONIE. 1557. [Trans-
lated from the Latin, in MS. Register of Moray, in
Advocates' Library.]1
To all who shall see or hear this Charter, Patrick by the mercy
of God bishop of Moray and perpetual commeiidator of the
Abbey of Scone, everlasting health in the Lord : know ye that
we with express consent and assent of the canons of our chapter
1 See Chiefs of Grant, Vol. III., for Charters of 1509 in favour of
the Grants. See also pp. 77-81 supra.
484 APPENDICES
of the Cathedral Church of Moray, chapterly assembled to that
effect, our utility and that of our said church being 011 all sides
foreseen, considered, and with diligent discussions and mature
deliberations held beforehand, to the evident advantage of our
said church and of our successors bishops of Moray, and in
augmentation of our rental in the sum of 26s 8d more -than the
lands underwritten, with the brew-house, have paid to us or
our predecessors ; also for the promotion and improvement of
the common weal of the kingdom, and in contemplation of the
statutes of Parliament published thereanent, and for the repair
and building of the edifices, stone houses, dams, orchyards,
gardens, greens, and dovecots, upon the lands underwritten, so
far as they may be able to bear, also for a certain great sum
of money thankfully and fully paid to us in advance by John
McGilleis and Duncan McGilleis his son, wholly for the use of
us and of the said cathedral church of Moray, and for other
gratitudes, helps, and well deserving deeds done and performed
many times to us by the said John McGilleis and Duncan
McGilleis, have given, granted, rented, set, and let, to the said
John McGilleis McKaye and Katherine Euene Canycht his
spouse, and the survivor of them in liferent, and after their
decease, have set, rented, let, and at feuferme or perpetual
emphyteusis, heritably dimitted, and by the tenor of these pre-
sents do set, rent, let, and at feuferme or perpetual emphyteusis
heritably demit, and by this present charter do confirm to the
said Duncan McGilleis, son of the said John McGilleis McKaye,
and the heirs male of his body lawfully procreated or to be pro-
created, whom failing to the true lawful and nearest heirs male
of the said Duncan whomsoever, All and Whole our lands of
Awchmonye, with the brew-house thereof called Kilmichaell,
with their pendicles and pertinents, lying within the barony of
Kinmylies, shire of Inverness, and our regality of Spynie :
which lands of Awchmonye with the brew-house thereof called
Kilmichaell, and their pendicles and pertinents, were formerly
let for the sum of three pounis usual money of Scotland as for
the old ferme of the said lands, two kids, and three shillings
and four pennies of said money for two firlots of dry multure,
and for the grassum of the said lands yearly the sum of seven-
teen shillings and ten pence : and now in augmentation of our
rental to the sum of twenty-six shillings and eight pence of the
foresaid money more than ever the said lands with the brew-
house and others, paid to us or our predecessors : To hold and
to have all and sundry the aforesaid lands of Awchmonye with
the brew-house thereof called Kilmichaell, with their pendicles
and pertinents, to the beforenamed John McGilleis McKaye
and Katherine Euene Canycht and the survivor of them, in
APPENDICES 485
liferent, and after their decease to the said Duncan McGilleis
son of the said John McGilleis McKaye, and the heirs male of
his body lawfully procreated or to be procreated, whom failing,
to the true lawful and nearest heirs male of the said Duncan
whomsoever, of us and our successors, bishops of Moray, in feu-
ferme or emphyteusis and heritage for ever, by all their just
ancient meithes and marches as they lie in length and breadth,
limits and bounds, on every side, in tofts, crofts, gardens,
houses, biggings, woods, plains, muirs, mosses, ways, paths,
waters, stanks, rivers, meadows, grasings, pasturages, mills,
multures and their sequels, fowlings, huntings, fishings, peat-
mosses, turf-grounds, coals, coal-heuchs, rabbits, rabbit-
warrens, pigeons, pigeon-cots, smithies, malt kilns, brooms
and plantings, woods, groves, shrubberies, nurseries, stone
quarries, saw mills, ferries, mountains, hills, vallies, stone, and
lime ; with courts and their issues, fines, herezelds, bloodwytes,
and merchets of women, with culture and common pasture, and
power to dig, labour, and cultivate new fields upon the lands
underwritten, far and near, belonging, or which may in any
way in future justly belong to the aforesaid lands of Awch-
monye, with the brew-house thereof called Kilmichaell, and
their pendicles and pertinents, freely, quietly, fully, wholly,
honourably, well, and in peace, without* any withholding,
revocation, contradiction, or obstacle whatever : Rendering
therefor yearly, the said John McGilleis McKaye and Katherine
Euene Canycht his spouse, and the longer liver of them, in
liferent, and after their decease the said Duncan McGilleis and
his heirs male of his body lawfully begotten or to be begotten,
whom failing, the true lawful and nearest heirs male of the said
Duncan whosoever, to us and our successors bishops of Moray,
the said sum of three pounds of usual money of Scotland, as the
ancient ferine of the said lands of Auchmonye, with brew-house
of the same called Kilmichaell, with their pendicles and per-
tinents formerly due and wont, with two kids, and three
shillings four pence for two firlots of dry multure, and for the
grassum of the said lands yearly the sum of seventeen shillings
ten pence, and in augmentation of our said rental the sum of
twenty-six shillings eight pence, extending in whole in old
ferme, dry multure, grassum, and new augmentation, to the
sum of five pounds seven shillings ten pence of money aforesaid,
and two kids, at two terms of the year, the feasts namely of
Whitsunday and Martinmas in winter, by equal half portions :
Moreover, the heirs male afore written doubling the said sum
of five pounds seven shillings ten pence, with two kids, in the
first year of their entry to the said lands and others for the
ferme of that year only, as use is, in name of doubled feuferme :
486 APPENDICES
And the said John McGilleis McKaye and Katherine Euene
Canycht during their life rent, and after their decease the said
Duncan McGilleis and his heirs male aforesaid, performing
suit and personal presence at our three head courts held at
Spynie, and likewise suit and personal presence by themselves
and the inhabitants of the foresaid lands and brew-house in
every justice ayre of the regality of Spynie as oft as it shall
happen to be held : And the said John and Katherine during
their life, and after their decease the said Duncan McGilleis and
his heirs male as aforesaid, shall be faithful to us and our suc-
cessors bishops of Moray, and shall do thankful service to our
Cathedral Church of Moray : Also the said John McGilleis
McKaye during his life and the inhabitants of the said lands,
whom failing, the said Duncan McGilleis and his heirs male as
aforesaid and the tenants of the said lands, shall be bound, as
oft as they shall happen to be warned to that effect, to repair
with us or with the bailie of us or of our successors, in the army
of our sovereign lady the Queen and of her successors, to the
wars, sufficiently and honestly provided, at their own expenses,
with arms, apparel, warlike equipments, and other things
necessary for that purpose, like other honest men their neigh-
bours, according to the custom of the country, decree of Parlia-
ment, and statutes of the Kingdom, only for all other burden,
exaction, question, secular service, or demand which from the
said lands and others can in any way be justly exacted or
required : And we, truly, the aforesaid Patrick bishop of
Moray, and our successors who for the time shall be, shall
warrant acquit and for ever defend all and sundry the afore-
said lands of Awchmonye with the brew-house thereof called
Kilmichaell, with their whole pendicles and pertinents, to the
aforesaid John McGilleis McKaye and Katheriiie Euene
Canycht his spouse and the longer liver of them in liferent,
and, after their decease, to the said Duncan McGilleis and th3
heirs male of his body procreated or to be procreated, whom
failing to the true lawful and nearest heirs male of the said
Duncan whomsoever, as freely, and quietly, in all and by all,
in form as well as in effect, as is premised, against all deadlv.
In witness whereof our round seal, with our manual subscrip-
tion, also the common seal of our said chapter, with the sub-
scriptions of the Canons thereof to that effect chapterly
assembled, and for the time representing the chapter, in sign
of their consent and assent to the premises, to this our present
charter are appended, at our said Cathedral Church of Moray,
in the place of the chapter thereof, on the sixth day of May In
the year of the Lord 1557 : before these witnesses Mr John
APPENDICES 487
Gordoun vicar of Kincardin and Rothiemurchus, James Innes
of Dranye, Andrew Moncrieff, younger, Alexander Innes of
Plaiddis, and Sir John Gibson, notary public.
PATRICK, bishop of Moray and commendator
of Scone.
ALEXANDER CAMPBELL, dean of Moray.
JOHN THORNETOUN, precentor of Moray.
JAMES GORDOUN, chancellor of Moray.
ALEXANDER DUNBAR, subchanter of Moray.
JOHN LESLIE, canon of Moray.
WILLIAM PATERSON, subdean of Moray.
JOHN LOKHART, of Inverkething prebendary.
WILLIAM HEPBURN, rector of Dupill.
PATRICK HEPBURNE, rector of Duffous.
THOMAS SUTHERLAND, rector of Ryne.
APPENDIX E (PAGE 190).
DONALD DONN.
THE following unpublished fragments of songs by Donald refer
to localities in our Parish.
Of his retreat he sings : —
" Ann an Uamh Ruigh Bhacain,
Cha bhiodh curam iia \\-Exercise oirnn."
("In the Cave of Ruigh Bhacain,
I had no dread of the Sseercise").
JJxercise was applied by the Highlanders to the regular army.
Another song runs : —
" Nan tigeadh an samhradh,
'S gu'n sgaoileadh an duileag,
Gu;n rachainn a Rusgaich
Cho sunndach ri duiiie ;
Na'n cluinninn droch sgeula,
Bheirinn leum chun a' Chuilinn,
;S cha ghleidheadh luchd-Beurla mi —
Reisimeid churrachd !
488 APPENDICES
'S ann agam tha 'n caisteal
Is treis air an t-saoghal,
Aig Inbhir Allt-Saigh
Far an taoghal na h-aoidhean ;
'S ged a thigeadh luchd-churrachd,
Is chasagan caola,
Is bhombaichean sheila,
Cha chomhaich iad a chaoidh mi ! ' '
(" If the summer would come,
And the leaf would open,
I would go to Ruiskich
As light-hearted as any' man ;
If evil news reached me,
I would make for the Cuilionn,1
And the English-speaking folk could not
find me —
The hat- wearing regiment !
It is I who have the castle
Which is the strongest on earth,
At the mouth of Allt-Saigh,
Where guests will gather;
And, .although there come the folk of the hats,
And of the tight long coats,
And of bomb shells,2
They will never bring me to bay !")
Notwithstanding the above reference to guests, Donald in,
another song complains of the lack of society in his Cave : —
" Ged a cheannaichinn am buideal,
Cha' 11 fhaigh mi cuideachd ni ol,
Mar tig buachaill an t-seasgaich
Ruaig 'am fheasgar o'n t-Sroin."
(" Though I should buy the anker,
I can get no one to drink it,
If the herdsman of the eild cattle
Takes not a turn in the evening from
the Strone!")3
1 An Cuilionii — tlie Holly Grove — is near Donald Donn's Cave.
2 The soldiers in Urquhart Castle probably had shells, which came
into general use in Britain about 1634.
3 The Strone is between Allt-saigh and Invermoriston.
APPENDICES 489'
In reference to his capture Donald sang : —
" Mile mallachd gu brath
Air a' ghunna mar arm,
An deigh a mhealladh 's an taire fhuair mi.
Ged a glieibhinn dhom fein,
Lan buaile de spreidh,
B'annsa claidheamh 'us sgeith 's an uair ud.
Bha tri fichead is triuir
Ga mo ruith feadh nan lub,
Gus an tug iad mo luthas le luathas uam !
Dhia ! gur ann orms' bha nair'
'N uair a ghlac iad mi slan,
'S nach tug mi fear ban no ruadh dhiu !"
("A thousand curses for ever
On the gun as a weapon of defence,
After the deception and disgrace I have experienced.
Although I should get as my own
A fold full of cattle,
More dear to me would have been a sword and
shield in that hour !
There were sixty and three
Pursuing me among the bends
Until with their speed they deprived me of my
strength.
God ! but it was I who was ashamed
When they seized me alive,
Without my bringing down one of them, fair-
haired or red !")
And of his approaching execution he said : —
' Bithidh mi maireach air cnoc gun cheann,
'Us cha bhi baigh aig duine riurn—
Nach truagh leat fhein mo chaileag bhronach,
Mo Mhairi bhoidheach, mheall-shuileach !"
(" To-morrow I shall be on a hill, without a head,
Is cha bhi baigh aig duine rium—
Have you no compassion on my sorrowful maiden —
My Mary, the fair and tender-eyed !")
490 APPENDICES
APPENDIX F (PAGE 211).
PROCEEDINGS BRIGADIER GRANT AGAINST ALEXANDER MAC
UISDEAN GLASS, IN BUNTAIT, AND HIS MOTHER. [From
Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's ''Antiquarian Notes.'5]
WILLIAM, LORD STRATHNAVER, Sheriff-Principal of the shire of
Inverness, to our officers in that part, conjunctly and severally
constituting, greeting : This precept seen, you pass and law-
fully summon, warn, and charge to compear before us
or our deputes, one or more, within the Tolbooth of Inverness,
in ane Sheriff Court thir to be holden the and days,
in the hour of cause for first and second diets, to answer,
at the instance of Brigadier-General Alexander Grant of
Grant, in the matter underwritten, that is to say, that where-
upon the day of seventeen hundred and eight years, or
ane or another of the days of the month of that year, there was
away taken out of one of the vaults of the Castle of Urquhart,
belonging to the said pursuer, ten ton cake lead at two thousand
pound weight each ton, which ten ton lead was a pairt of the
lead with which the said Castle of Urquhart, belonging also to
the pursuer, was covered ; as also, about the time before men-
tioned, there was away taken furth of the said Castle, some
deals or parts of the partitions of the chambers in the said
Castle, which lead and deals being for some time amissing, and
diligent search made for the same, there was found of the said
ten tons of lead and quantity of timber or deals, in the said
defenders their houses and barns in Buntait, or in their posses-
sion, upon the day of seventeen hundred and
seventeen years, a lump, piece, or cake of lead, or two or three
pieces of a cake of lead, which was taken out of the said vaults,
as also one or other of the said defenders used all the said deals
or partitions, at least a part of them, for making chests, girnels,
or some other household or necessary materials, by which it is
averred that the said defenders, or either of them, were the
way takers of the said whole lead and partitions, and therefor
ought to make payment of the same ; Albeit it is of verity that
the said pursuer, and others in his name, have frequently
desired the said defenders to make restitution of the said ten
tons of lead and two hundred deals as part of the said parti-
tions; nevertheless they refused, &c., and therefore the said
defenders, to hear and see themselves, decerned in solidum to
make payment to the said pursuer of one shilling Scots per
pound for every pound of the said ten tons lead, computing
two thousand pounds weight to each ton, extending in all to
one thousand pounds Scots money, as also six shillings Scots
APPENDICES 491
for each deal of the said two hundred deals being partitions,
extending to sixty pounds Scots money foresaid, after the form
and tenor of the laws of Scotland as in like cases, or else to allege
a reasonable cause to the contrair; and sicklike that ye fence,
«ross, and arrest all and sundry the said defenders, their readiest
corns, cattle, horses, nolt, sheep, insight plenishing, debts,
sums of money, and all other goods and gear whatsoever,
wherever or in whose hands the same may or can be appre-
hended within the bounds of our office and jurisdiction, to
remain under sure arrestment unloosed at the said pursuer's
instance, ay .and while sufficient caution be found, acted in the
Sheriff Court books of Inverness that the same shall be made
furthcoming to him as law will with • certification as effeirs,
according to justice, &c. Given under the hand of the Clerk
of Court at Davochfour the twenty-ninth day of October 1718
years.
(Signed) JOHN JACKSON.
On the third clay of November 1718, Alex. Mac-Uisdean
'Glass, in Buntait, and Elspet nin Uisdean-Mhic-Fereichar,
there, his mother, are cited as defendants.
Inverness, 13th January 1719. — Mr Alexander Clark,
Sheriff-Depute, Actor Alex. Munro, John and Alex. Baillie.
George Forbes, for the defenders, denies the libel. The pursuer
offered to prove the libel, and craves a day may be assigned for
citing witnesses, and a warrant for that effect.
The judge admits the libel to the pursuer's probation, and
grants diligence for that effect against the day of
next.
(Signed) ALEX. CLARK.
Inverness, 24th February 1719. — Mr Alexander Clark,
Sheriff-Depute, in the proof of Brigadier Grant against
M'Hutcheon Glass in Buntait.
The witnesses following being charged by virtue of letters
of diligence, are admitted in the terms of the last interlocutor,
viz., William vie Allaster, vie William, vie Vurrich, in Bun-
tait, a man unmarried, aged twenty-six years or thereby,
purged of partial counsel, duly sworn and interrogat — What
he knows of the defenders or either of them their away taking
of the lead and timber libelled, and what quantities of either
he saw or knows to be in the defender's or either of their pos-
session and custody, whether in house, barn, or any other
place. Depones negative as to the lead and timber, which is
the truth, as he shall answer to God, and depones he cannot
write.
(Signed) ALEX. CLARK.
492 APPENDICES
John Miller, a married man, aged thirty years or thereby,,
purged of partial council, was cast, because he owned he had
malice and ill-will against defender.
(Signed) ALEX. CLARK.
Ferquhar Urquhart, aged forty years or thereby, and
married, objected against, that he cannot repeat the Lord's
Prayer, Creed, and Ten Commandments, which he did.
Depones — That at the time libelled, he made a chest to the
defender M'Hutcheon Glass, which the said defender himself
told the deponent the timber was of the deals of the Castle of
Urquhart, and depones the chest would hold a boll of meal or
thereby. Depones he knows nothing of the lead causa scientice
patet ; and further depones, the deals used to the chest were
formerly made up of either in lofting or a partition, and this
is the truth, as he shall answer to God, and depones he cannot
write.
(Signed) ALEX. CLARK.
William M'Hector, an unmarried man, aged twenty-two
years or thereby, purged of partial council, duly sworn and
interrogat, ut supra. Depones that in the beginning of last
summer, he saw in the widow's house, one of the defenders,
the bigness of a shoe sole of lead, and in that form, of a thin
lump, but does not know from where it came, causa scientice
patet. Depones he knows nothing of the deals, which is truth
as he shall answer to God, and cannot write.
(Signed) ALEX. CLARK.
Donald Noble, aged twenty years or thereby, purged of
partial counsel, duly sworn and interrogat. Depones that
about a year ago he saw in a byre belonging to M'Hutcheon
Glassich, two pounds of lead, in the form of a slate, and in the
form thereof, and about the thickness thereof, or of a cow's
hide. Depones he knows not from whence it came, and knows
nothing ,of the deals, causa scientice patet,' and this is the
truth, as he shall answer to God. Depones he cannot write.
(Signed) ALEX. CLARK.
The pursuer's procurator craved a further diet for adducing
the other witnesses, and a warrant for apprehending their
persons, and if that be not granted, that they be not straitened
in the dyet, so as they may have letters of diligence and supple-
ment from the Lords of Session.
[At this stage the proceedings drop.]
APPENDICES
493
APPENDIX G. (PAGE 239).
ACCOMPT LUDOVICK COLQUHOUN OF LUSS, WITH THE PUBLICK, FOR THE PUR-
CHASE MONEY OF THE ESTATE LATE OF JOHN GRANT, LATE OF GLEN-
MORISTON, ATTAINTED. [From the original in the Register House, Edinburgh].
Sterling
DEBITOR. Money.
To the Purchase money of the Estate late of Glenmoriston bearing ) £ s D.
Interest from Whitsunday 1730 per Minute of Sale the 3rd day of > 1086 0 0
December, 1730 )
To Interest at 5 per cent, two years from Whitsunday 1730 to Do. 1732 108 12 0
£1194 12 0
CREDITOR.
By the Principal Sume of 2000 Merks Scots Decreed to
Alexander Grant of Sheugiy, and assigned by him to
the said Ludovick Colquhoun ... ... ... .. £111 2 2§
By another Principal Sume of £200 Scots Decreed and
assigned as above . ... ... ... 16 13 4
Interest of the last mentioned Sume from 24th June 1716
Sterling
Money.
to Whitsunday 1730
To be deducted the yearly rent of £40 Scots for the land*
of Glenfad, of which Sheugiy was in possession from
the Attainder to Whitsunday 1730...
11 11 6
£139 7 0*
46 6 0
Interest of said remaining Sume at
Whitsunday 1730 to Do. 1732...
Remains ... £93 1
5 per cent, from
9 6
By 3000 Merks Scots due to ^Eneas Grant of Duldreggan, for which he '
was in possession of lands and is now assigned to the Accomptant,
Principal and Interest at Whitsunday 1732
By 500 Merks Scots of Principal and Interest to Whitsunday 1 7 32 Assignd
by William Martin Creditor on the said Estate to the Accomptant
being £85 7s 7Jd Sterling, but in regard the price of the Estate
falls short of paying the personal Debts, the proportion due the
Accomptant is only
By £74 13s 4d and 240 Merks Scots due to Alexander Duff of Drumuir, }
with Interest to Whitsunday 1732, Assigned to the Accomptant.
being £61 4s 7|d Sterling. The proportion is only
By £234 13s 4d Scots due to John Baillie, with Interest from the )
purchase to Whitsunday 1732, Assigned to the Accomptant, being >
£21 10s 2§d Sterling, the proportion is only ... ... ... \
By 2000 Merks Scots due to William Frazer, with Interest conform \
to the decree to Whitsunday 1732, Assigned to the Accomptant, j-
being £977 8s 5|d Sterling, the proportion is only ... ... J
By the Feu Dutys payable to the Crown, out of the said Estate due \
from the year 1688 to the year 1715, which the said Ludovick I
Colquhoun has given Security to pay if his Majesty does not (
discharge the same, being ... ... ... ... ... ... ,'
£ s. L>.
102 7 1-4
183 6 8
62 2 9§
44 11 3§
15 13 H
711 7 7i
75 3 4
£1194 12 0
(Signed) JOHN CLERK.
( „ ) GEORGE DALRYMPLE.
( „ ) THOMAS KENNEDY.
( ) EDW. EDLIN.
Exchequer Chamber, 21st July, 1732.
(Signed) LUD. COLQUHOUN.
494 APPENDICES
APPENDIX H (PAGE 280).
(The originals of these papers are at Castle Grant).
I. A LIST OF THE PERSONS IN URQUHART WHO WERE
CONCERNED IN THE REBELLION, SURRENDERED THEM-
SELVES PRISONERS TO SB. LUDOVICK GRANT, AND
WERE BY HIM BROUGHT IN TO INVERNESS. 1746.
1. Evan Dow1 in Corrymony. Forced to the North by the
Rebells. An Honest Man.
2. Donald Roy2 in Carnach. Forced. An Honest Man.
3. William Grant there. Forced. An Honest Man.
4. Donald McMillan in Tulloch: Forced. Returned home
soon. Honest.
5. William McAlister in Polmale. An Honest Man.
6. James Gumming in Pitcherrel-Begg. Forced, but
Reckoned a plunderer in the North.
7. Archibald Grant in Achtemerak. Engaged willingly,
and went with the Rebels South and North.
8. William Dow3 there. Forced. An Honest Man.
9. Donald ffraser alias Gardiner4 there. A very Industrious
Honest man. Forced.
10. Alexander McConachy oig in Bunloit. Forced. An
Honest man.
11. Alexander Grant alias Bain5 there. Not forced.
Reckon 'd a plunderer in the North.
12. John McAlister vie Ian Roy in Chine Begg. Was in the
North with the Rebells, and not under the Character
of An Honest Man this severall years.
13. Donald Dow6 there. Forced. An Honest Man.
14. Duncan Bain7 in Auchtuie. Engaged with the Rebels
meerly for want of Bread to his poor family, and is an
honest man.
15. Duncan Cuming went with the Rebels the day before the
Battle of Culloden, and never Received Arms or Pay.
Is an honest man.
16. Alexander Roy 8 in Corimony. An Honest man. Forced.
LIST OF REBELLS IN URQUHART APPREHENDED BY SB.
LUDOVICK GRANT, AND BY HIM SENT TO INVERNESS.
17. John Bain9 in Corimony. Forced with the Rebells for
two or three days, but desearted them befor they left
the parish. An honest man.
1 Black Evan. EEed Donald. 3 Black William. 4Fraser was a
gardener. 5 Bain, fair-haired. 6 Black Donald. 7 Fair-haired Duncan.
8Eed Alexander. 9 Fair-haired John.
APPENDICES 495
18. Donald Bain1 there. Forced the day before the battle of
Culoden. Honest.
19. Alexander Bain2 there. Forced said day. Is an honest
man.
That the above Observations and Characters are just,
according to my best Information and my own Reall Oppinion,
is at Inverness the tenth day of May, One thousand seven
hundred and forty six years, attested by me, John Grant,
Minister of the Gospell at Urquhart.
(Signed) JOHN GRANT, Minr.
N.B. — None of the above List Engaged in the Rebellion
till the Close of Feby. last, excepting Archibald Grant above
specifyecl. (Signed) JOHN GRANT, Minr.
II. A LIST OF ALL THE MEN IN GLENMORISTON THAT SUR-
RENDER'D THEMSELVES TO SR. LUDOVICK GRANT, MAY
THE 4TH, AND BY HIM DELIVERED TO HIS RoYALL
HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND, MAY THE 5TH,
1746.
1. John McCallum in Coinachan. A Volunteer. Of a fair
Character befor the Rebellion.
2. Hugh Miller there.3 A Volunteer and Noted Thieff.
3. Peter McHomash in Craskie. Made his Escape from the
South in Harvest. Again forced out, and Escaped
after Travelling four miles with the Rebells, and a third
time Escaped from the North. Very Honest.
4. John Roy Grant there. Desearted before Glds-muir.
Forced in November last by Glengary's son, and
Disearted from Pearth at Chrismass. Continued at
home till Spring, when he again Escaped from the
North, and so was in 110 Engagement. Of a fair
Caracter.
5. John Mitchell there. Pressed. Disearted twice, and was
in no Action. Of a fair Character.
6. Donald McCoil Duy there. Pressed by Glengary's Son,
and disearted twice. Of an honest and fair Character.
7. John Mclntey re there. A Volunteer. Suspected a, Thieff.
8. Angus Buy4 there. Pressed three times, and Disearted.
Never Inclinable to Useing Arms, and Honest.
9. Donald Roy in Bellindrom. Pressed by Glengary's son.
Of a fair Carracter.
10. Allan Roy there. A Volunteer and a thief.
1 Fair-haired Donald. 2 Fair-haired Alexander. 3 Hugh was a
miller by trade. 4 Yellow Angus.
496 APPENDICES
11. Donald McCoil vie. Ian Duy. Pressed, and Disearted
after travelling twenty four miles with the Rebells.
Honest.
12. John McEvan there. Pressed. At no Engagement, and
of a Suspected Carracter.
13. William Buy there. Pressed to the North in March last.
A thief.
14. John Grant in Belnagarn. Pressed twice by Glenmoriston.
He made his Escape from the South, and [was] Returned
by the way by a party of the Rebells that stoped the
passes. He defyed them to bring him to the North in
March last. Honest.
15. Donald Grant there. Never in Arms till pressed March
last, and Disearted in a fortnight's time. Honest.
16. Donald Grant in Ballintombuy. Pressed twice. Upon
Disearting was pursued to the Hills. Alwa,ys shewed
the Greatest Aversion to the late Unnaturall Rebellion.
An Honest Man.
17. Peter Campbell there. Influenced by his Superior [Glen-
moriston] to rise in arms. An Honest Man.
18. Peter Grant in Tullocheichart-more. Pressed, and three
times Disearted. Never at any Action. Honest.
19. John McAlister alias Grant in Belnagarn. Never in Arms
till pressed, and Disearted in a fortnight's time. Honest.
20. Duncan Grant in Vester Dundregon. Pressed and Honest.
21. Duncan Me William there. Pressed by Glengary's Son,
and Disearted twice. An Honest Man.
22. John Mclan vie farquhar there. Disearted after Falkirk
Skirmish, and he Defyed them afterwards to Rise in
Arms. Honest.
23. Farquhar Mclan Mcfarquhar there. Never in Arms till
pressed in March last, and was at no Engagement.
Honest.
24. Angus Grant there. Pressed by Glenmoriston and Loch-
gary at Different times. At no Action, and no ways
Inclyned to Rebellion. Honest.
25. John McCoil Roy there. Pressed. Of a Peaceable Dis-
position. Honest.
26. Alexr. McEvan Roy there. A Volunteare. Honest.
27. Donald Grant there. A Volunteer. Honest.
28. Thomas McCay there. Withstood severall attacks, but at
length was Pressed. Honest.
29. Evan McCoil vie William there. Pressed. Honest.
30. John Grant in Inverwick. Of a Valueable Charracter, and
always Showed an Aversion to Rebellion tho Obliged to
be in Arms. Upon the Rebells Return to the North he
Defyed all Solicitations to Rise any more in Arms.
APPENDICES 497
31. Archibald Campbell alias McAllister there. A Volunteer.
An Honest Man.
•32. Duncan Rioch1 there. A poor harmless fellow. Draged
out.
33. John ffraser there. Volunteer. Honest.
.34. James Grant in Wester Inverwick. Resisted all Solicita-
tions till forced to the North in March last, but soon
Returned. Honest.
-35. Alexander Grant in Wester Inverwick. Pressed Severall
times and always Disearted. He Detested Rebellion,
for which he was Ubraided by some for Cowardice and
all the Most Opprobious Names. Honest.
-36. Alexander Grant there, Boatman. Forced twice. Honest.
•37. Peter Grant in Easter Achlein. Pressed by Glenmoriston
and Glengary's son at Different times. At no Action.
Honest.
38. John Grant there . Pressed, and still Disearted. Honest.
39. Alexander Dow McDonald in Wester Auchlein. Pressed.
Honest.
40. Donald Grant in Blairy. Volunteer. Honest.
41. James Grant there. About 60 years of age, yet forced in
March last, but soon Disearted. Honest.
42. Donald Chisholm there. Volunteer. Honest.
•43. Alexander Ferguson there. Pressed. Honest.
44. Duncan Grant in Livicie. Pressed. Honest.
45. Angus McGilphadrick there. Pressed. Honest.
46. Alexander McAlister Vic Evan there. An Old Sickly
man. Pressed to Supply the place of his Son who
hapned to be Indisposed March last. Honest.
47. Alexander Grant there. Volunteer. Honest.
48. Donald McAlister vie Evan there. Never in Arms till
forced to the North in March last. Honest.
49. John McAlister Oig there. Volunteer. A noted thieff.
50 Alexander Buy McDonald in Achnagoneren. Frequently
pressed, and Disearted. Never in Action. Honest.
'51. Donald Farquharson and 1 Both pressed, and of Good
52. Alexander Farquharson there / Charracters.
53. William Farquharson there. Never in Arms till forced to
the North March last. Honest.
54. James Gumming there. Pressed. Honest.
55. Peter Farquharson there. Never in Arms till forced in
March last. Honest.
56. Donald Farquharson \ Both influenced by their Superior.
in Aldsay and I The said William Returned after
57. William McEvan in j Gladsmuir and never Rose any
Invermoriston. J more in Arms. Honest.
1 Speckled Duncan.
498 APPENDICES
58. Alexander Grant in Delcaitack. Joined the Eebell Army
in passing the Country, and returned bef or they Reached
Stirling. Always bore an Utter Aversion to this Rebel-
lion. Honest.
59. John Fraser, and } Forced when the Pretenders Son
60. John McFarquhar > landed, but Returned after Travel-
there. J ling about sixteen miles. Honest.
61. George Buy McDonald there. ^
62. Donald McAlister Duy there. [• All Pressed and Honest.
63. Duncan Grant there.
N.B. — The people of Delcaithack were 111 treated by three
different persons, and in Particular Glengary's son
sent a party 3 miles Distance in Novr. last to burn
their all If they Refused to Rise in Arms.
64. James Grant, Smith. Pressed by Glenmoriston. Honest.
65. Donald McGilchrist in Livisie. Frequently Shunned
Solicitations to Rise in Arms. Honest.
66. William Bain in Wester Dundregon. A Volunteer of a
Suspected Character.
67. John McAlister vie. Coil vie Conachie McDonald. Volun-
teer. Honest.
68. John Buy Stewart in Kily-Chuimen [Fort- Augustus]. A
Baggage boy.
N.B. — In Novemr. last Colle M'Donald of Barisdell wrot
to Dundregon to have the Men of Glenmoriston Con-
vened and Ready to march with him to Perth against
he pass the Country, otherwise he will Destroy and
Burn it Stoop and Roop, but the said Dundregon Dis-
regarded his threatnings, and would not in the least
Concern himself that way.
That the above Observations and Characters are Just,
according to my best Information, and my own Real oppinionr
is, att Inverness, this tenth Day of May, One thousand Seven
hundred & forty Six years, attested by William Grant, Mis-
sionary Minister of the Gospell att Glenmoriston.
(Signed) WILLIAM GRANT, Minr.
III. LIST OF ARMS SURRENDERED TO LUDOVICK GRANT AT
BALMACAAN, MAY, 1746.
FROM the original List, which is at Castle Grant, it appears
that the Glenmoriston men surrendered 61 firelocks, 7 bayonets,
26 swords, 7 pistols, 1 Lochaber axe, 2 dirks, and 12 belts; and
that the Urquhart men surrendered 8 firelocks, 1 sword, 2
dirks, and 4 belts. These arms were delivered by Ludovick
Grant to the Duke of Cumberland on 5th May.
APPENDICES 4991
APPENDIX I (PAGE 292).
REPORT OF THE CATTLE AND OTHER EFFECTS TAKEN BY THE
ARMY FROM THE COUNTRY OF URQUHART IN 1746.
[Original at Castle Grant.]
KILLMICHEL, the 23rd day of January, 1747, in Presence of
John Grant of Ballintome, Baillie of that part of the Regality
of Grant called the Lordship of Urquhart, Compeared John
Shaw, writer, Inverness, and represented that Cattle and other
Effects had been last summer carried off by a partie of the Duke
of Kingston's Light Horse, and that as they were to make a
representation to the Government for redress, as they were
Loyall Subjects, Craved the Baillie might take their Deposi-
tions upon the Losses by them sustained • which the Baillie did.
Accordingly Compeared John ffraser in Divach, Who
Depones that there was taken from him Twenty-eight Cows,
each of which was worth Twenty-eight merks Scots money, two
mares and two foals worth One hunder'd merks, One hundered
Sheep at four Shillings Sterling each, ffifty Goat at ffour
Shillings Sterl. each, and Household ffurniture to the Extent
of three hundred merks ; Which is truth as he shall answer to
God, and Depones he cannot write.
(Signed) JOHN GRANTT.
[Then follow the Depositions of the other Tenants ; and
from the "Report" is made up the following "Accompt,"
which is also preserved at Castle Grant.]
ACCOMPT OF CATTLE, &c., TAKEN BY THE DUKE OF KINGSTON'S LIGHT
HOESE OUT OF THAT PART OF SR. LUDOVICK GRANT'S ESTATE CALLED
THE LORDSHIP OF URQUHART.
John Fraser in Divach had taken from him — £ Sterling. £ s. D.
28 cows at 28 merks Scots money each ... £43 11 l£\
2 mares and 2 foals at a 100 rnerks ... 5 11 1£ I
100 sheep at 4 sh. Ster. Each 20 0 0 V 9515 64
50 goats at 4 eh. Ster. Each. 10 0 0
Household furniture value 300 merks ... 16 13 4 J
John McDugald in Clunemore had taken from him —
12 cows at 28 merks each £1813 4 \
5 horses at 40 merks each 11 2 2£ | 37 19 6fc
41 sheep at 4 sh. Ster. each ... ... ... 8 4 (f )
Dugald McDonald in Borlumore had taken from him —
6 Cows at 24 merks Each 800
James ffraser in Divach had taken from him —
24 Cows at 28 merks Each .. £37 6
3 horses at £2 Ster. Each ... ._. ... 600 [• 54 10 8|
56 sheep at 4 sh. Ster. Each 11 4 0
500 APPENDICES
John Mcfie in Divach had taken from him— £ Sterling. £ s. D.
20 cows at £1 4/ Ster. Each £24 0 O^j
4 horses at 2 0 Ster. Each 8 0 0> 44 0 0
60 sheep at 0 4 sh. Ster. Each 12 0 oj
Donald McDugald in Borlumore had taken from him —
7 cows at £1 10/ Ster. Each 1010 0
John Macdonald in Borlumore had taken from him —
5 cowi at £1 8/ Ster. Each £7 0 0\ Q in n
1 mare 1 foal £2 10 Ster 210 OJ
Christian Cameron in Borlumore had taken from her —
2 Cows & 1 horse at £1 10/ Ster. Each ... 4 10 0
John Cameron in Clunebegg had taken from him —
15 cows & 2 horses at £2 0 0 Ster. Each ... 34 0 0
Donald Cameron in Bunloit had taken from him —
8 Cows at £1 4 Ster. Each
28 Sheep at 0 4 «h. Ster. Each 512}- 20 4 0
2 horses at 5 0 Sterl. 5
Anne Fraser in Belimacan had taken from her —
42 sheep at £0 4 sh. Ster. Each ... ... 880
"William Grant in Belimacan had taken from him —
L21
12 I
oj
6Cowsat£l 5 Ster. each £7 10\ ,, 1ft
OJ
°1
°r
oj
lo)
°r
oj
20 sheep at 0 4 Ster. each 4
Donald McDonald in Divach had taken from him —
12 Cows at £1 5 Ster. Each .« £15
5 horses at 2 0 Ster. Each 10 0 \ 33 0 0
40 sheep at 0 4 Ster. P]ach 8
Dugald McDonald in Bunloit had taken from him —
6 Cows at £1 5/ Ster. Each £7
9 horses at 2 0 Ster. Each 18 0 J- 30 10 0
25 sheep at 0 4 Ster. Each 5
John McWilliam in Bunloit had taken from him —
9 cows at £1 4 Ster. Each £1016]
7 horses at 2 0 Ster. Each 14 0 V 32 0 0
36 sheep at 0 4 Ster. Each „ 7 4j
Samuel Cameron in Clunebeg had taken from him —
HCowsat£l 5 Ster. Each £1315]
5 Horses at 2 0 Ster. Each 10 0 V 24 7 0
3 Sheep at 0 12 Ster. Each ... 0 12)
John Cameron, Bunloit, had taken from him —
10 Cows at £1 5 Ster. Each £1210]
5 horses at 2 0 Ster. Each 10 0 V 3410 0
60 Sheep at 0 4 Ster. Each 12 OJ
Samuel Cameron in Clunemore had taken from him —
9 Cows at £1 5 Ster. Each £11 5]
6 horses 12 0 Ster „ ... 12 0 V 31 5 0
40 Sheep 0 4 Ster. Each ... . ... 8 OJ
John Cameron in Bunloit had taken from him —
43 Sheep at £0 4 Ster. Each £812) in ,« 0
1 horse at 2 0 Ster 2 OJ
Evan McDonald in Bunloit had taken from him —
13 Cows at £1 5 Ster. Each £17 5]
9 horses at 2 0 Ster. Each 18 Or 3517 0
3 sheep 0 12 Sterl 0 12 J
John McDonald in Pitcherrel had taken from him —
4 Cows £6 0 Ster £5
7 horses 14 0 Ster 14 0 j- 22 4 0
16 Sheep 0 4 Ster. Each ...
£5 0)
14 0V
3 4/
APPENDICES 501
£ Sterling. £ s. D,
Donald McDonald in Clunemore had taken from him —
16 Cows at £1 5 Ster. Each
2 horses at 2 0 Ster. Each M 4 Oj- 34 0 0
50 Sheep at 0 4 Ster. Each
Donald Eraser in Bunloit had taken from him —
6 Cows £8 0 Ster
5 horses 10 0 Sterl.... iv u,
30 Sheep 6 0 Ster 6 Of 28
20 Goats 4 0 Ster
Donald Noble in Belimacan had taken from him —
8 Cows at £1 5 Ster. Each ^AV v, A .
90 Sheep at 0 4 Ster. Each 18 OJ
Alexander Grant in Bellimacan had taken from him —
36 Sheep at £0 4 Ster. Each ... ... 740
John Macdonald in Divach had taken from him —
4 Cows £5 OSter.)
7 horses 14 0 Ster. V 1912 0
3 Sheep 0 12 Ster.J
Duncan Cameron in Divach had taken from him—
8 Cows £10 0 Ster.^j
3 horses 6 0 Ster. j- 20 4 0
21 Sheep 4 4 Ster.J
James Grant in Kilmore had taken from him —
5 horses at £13 0 IS 0 0
Total £743 2 9i
APPENDIX J (PAGE 298).
EXTRACTS FROM BISHOP FORBES' " LYON IN MOURNING."
M.S. in Advocates' Library. l
" Six or seven weeks after the battle of Culloden the party
commanded by Major Lockhart in Glenmoriston shot two old
and one young man, a son of one of the former,2 when they
were harrowing, and expecting no harm. Grant of Daldrigan,
who took no concern with the Highland army, was ordered by
Lockhart (his house being surrounded by soldiers) to gather
his own and all the cattle in one part of the country, while
Lockhart was harrowing [harrying] and burning the other
part ; which being impossible for him to do against the time
that Lockhart came back, he ordered him to be bound in hand
and foot, erecting a gallows, stripped him naked, and carried
him to the foot of the gallows, with the three corpses of the
men they had killed the day before, like sacks, across on three
horses, and hung the three bodies by the feet on the gallows ;
1 This valuable collection has, since the first edition of this work
was issued, been printed by the Scottish History Society.
2 The names of the men are given elsewhere in the Lyon. See>
p. 295 supra.
502 APPENDICES
and they, at the same time, would have killed Daldrigan, had
not Captain Grant, in London's regiment, prevented it. They
would hardly allow his wife time to take the rings off her
fingers ; but were going to cut off her fingers, having stripped
her of her clothes, her house and effects being burned. And
in the braes of Glenmoriston, a party there ravished a gentle-
woman big with child, and tenants' wives, and left them on
the ground after they were ravished by all the party; and
Lockhart, in his way to Strathglass, shot a man,1 wading a
water, with the Whig teacher's protection in his hand to shew
him, without speaking one word : and the whole party ravished
there a woman big with child, and left her on the ground
almost dead. All these are certain facts, which may be
depended on, being known by a person of good credit."
[Narrative by Rev. James Hay, Inverness].
"True, said Patrick Grant, that said Isabel Macdonald
[wife of Alexander Macdonald] was ravished ... in the
Brae of Coiraghoth [Corri-Dho] about two miles from the Cave,
and about six weeks before Lammas ; and that one Flora Mac-
donald, wife to John Macdonald, was ravished by the same
party, at the same time, and at the same place
The parties that thus came a ravaging to the Braes of Glen-
moriston after the Battle of Culloden, stript the women and
children of all the cloaths that could be useful to them (the
sogers), and left them only the rags."
APPENDIX K (PAGE 317).
THE SEVEN MEN OF GLENMORISTON.
THE following notices of the Seven Men may be of interest : —
In 1751, Patrick Grant informed Bishop Forbes that
ALEXANDER MACDONALD was then dead. (Lyon in Mourning).
Some time after Culloden, a son was born to him, whom he
named Charles after the Prince. Charles was the grandfather
of the late Duncan Macdonald of Torgoil (from whom the
Author took down interesting traditions, and many lines of
unpublished Ossianic poetry), of the late Bailie Duncan Mac-
donald, Inverness, and of Charles Macdonald, now (1893)
tenant of Knocknagael, near Inverness, and of Balnacarn, in
Glenmoriston.
ALEXANDER CHISHOLM, according to Grant, was also dead
in 1751. He had a son John, whose son William emigrated to
America, and lived in Glenmore, Glengarry, Canada, in 1832.
1 The man's name is given elsewhere in the Lyon. See p. 296 supra.
APPENDICES 503
DONALD CHISHOLM lived at Blairie till 1769, when he
emigrated to Canada, where he died. In 1832, several of his
children were living in Canada, one of them being Lewis
Chisholm, captain 1st Regiment of Glengarry Militia, who
resided on the Black River, Glengarry.
HUGH CHISHOLM spent many years in Edinburgh, where
he was known to Home, the historian of the Rebellion, and to
Sir Walter Scott, "who subscribed, with others, to a small
•annuity, which was sufficient to render him comfortable."
(Tales of a Grandfather). In his old age he returned to Glen-
moriston, where he was remembered by persons who communi-
cated what they knew of him to the Author (see footnote, p.
317, supra). In his latter days he lived in Balnabruich,
Strathglass, where he died. He had a son Alexander, who
had a son Donald, who emigrated from Achlain, Glenmoriston,
to Canada, about 1820. Donald and his family lived in 1832
at Lochiel, Glengarry, Canada. Hugh had another son Charles
(named after the Prince), who lived at Druinach, Strathglass,
till his death about 1820. Charles' descendants are still in the
district. Hugh's sword was taken to America, where it came
into the possession of Dr Stewart Chisholm, Royal Artillery.
It is now (1893) in the hands of Dr Chisholm^s son, Captain
Chisholm of Glassburn, Strathglass.
GRIGOR MACGREGOR was alive in 1751, and, according to
Patrick Grant, " as ready for a good ploy as ever." He was
taken prisoner some time after the Prince left, in connection
with an attack on soldiers, and seizure of cattle ; but he made
his escape, and returned to Glenmoriston.
JOHN MACDONALD or CAMPBELL was also implicated in the
attack on the soldiers, and was for a long time kept in prison
in Inverness. There was no sufficient evidence against him,
and he was in the end liberated. He was known as " Os
Ean," from the Prince's mistake in thinking that was his
name. The explanation given by Grant of the error is that
John's companions were in the habit of addressing him " Aos
Ean," or, more correctly, " Eisd, Iain!" — " Harken, John \"
John is stated by Sir Walter Scott and other historians to have
been hanged for stealing a cow — he who scorned the £30,000
bribe ! The statement is incorrect. It appears from the
Scots Magazine for 1754, that in May of that year, "John
Mac Ewan Vic William, alias Macdonell, some time residenter
in Ballado, in Glenmoriston," was hanged at Inverlochy for
theft. This man, on being apprehended, gave out that he
was one of the Seven Men. The result was that efforts were
made to save his life, but unsuccessfully. In 1756, Patrick
<Grant explained the true circumstances to Bishop Forbes.
504 APPENDICES
His old companion, John Macdonald, whose real name was.
Campbell, was alive then, and for many years thereafter. He-
was supported by Glenaladale until the latter 's death. In
1762, Macnab of Innishewen collected money for him. He
was then about sixty years of age, and had a sickly wife and
young family. He lived in Glenmoriston, but wandered
about a good deal. In 1770, he walked to Ballachulish to meet
Bishop Forbes. "When making ready to go to the foresaid
storehouse for worship," records the Bishop in his Journal,
under date " July 8th, 4th Sunday after Trinity/' "I spied
an old, venerable, gray-headed man, looking wistfully at me,
and solicitous to carry books, or any other thing. In setting
out for the boat, Stewart of Invernahyle met us, and, after
common compliments, told me that this was John Os Ean
Mack Donell, the principal of the eight noted Glenmoriston-
men in 1746, who had come thirty six long miles to see me.
Upon this, making up to him to take him by the hand, he fell
flat upon his face to the ground, in the Eastern manner, from
which I soon raised him up, the Tear starting in my eye as well
as in his, and asked by an Interpreter, as he could speak
nothing but Gaelic, how he had found me out. He answered
that hearing I was in the Country, he well knew that Balla-
chelish would be my Head-Quarters, and therefore he had
come hither. Old Ballachelish, turning about just as we were
ready to go on Board the Boat, and pointing to the Valuable
Hero, said, There is the man that did more for HIM, Sir, than
us all! I gave him some small thing to bear his Charges in
footing the Journey, but not so much as I inclined, not having
it to spare, from the unexpected Jaunt to Argileshire. . . .
The Reason why John had taken such a Journey to see me is
that for some years past I had been as lucky as to make up a
small Pension of five £ a-year for him, which pays his Farm.
This makes poor John very easy in his circumstances, and I
transmit it to him thro' the Hands of Ballachelish, Junior,
who told me that Mr Seton of Touch, happening to be in the
country, after purchasing the Estate of Appin, when John
chanced to come for his Pension, gave him three guineas."
Less prosperous times fell on John, and on 8th June, 1775,
the Bishop writes: — " Poor Os Ean, upon failing of his usual
moiety, joined the emigrants in August last, to seek a grave
in a foreign land [Canada], where his merit is not known, and
would be little regarded."
PATRICK GRANT appears never to have got over the loss of
his cattle and destruction of his property in 1746. In 1751 he
arrived in Edinburgh in a state of poverty, on his way to-
the Continent to visit the Prince. As Gaelic was his only
APPENDICES 505
language, he was persuaded not to proceed further. He had
interviews with Bishop Forbes (then the Rev. Robert Forbes of
Leith), who took down from him long accounts of events after
Culloden, which are recorded in the Lyon in Mourning. " I.
gave Patrick Grant a certificate," writes Mr Forbes, " desiring
him to try if he could make any Thing for himself among
Friends in and about Edr., to whom Donald Macdonald (his
Interpreter) would direct him, and even attend him." This
certificate ran as follows : —
Leith, Octr. 18, 1751.
"That the Bearer hereof, PATRICK GRANT, is one of the
GLENMORISTON MEN so noted for the amazing preservation of
ONE in the greatest Extremity of Danger and Distress, at the
manifest Hazard of Life and all, THE IMMENSE SUM notwith-
standing, is attested by
(Signed) "ROBERT FORBES, Clergyman.
" X.B. — The Bearer can speak Erse only."
Forbes also had Patrick's portrait painted, from which
probably the miniature now in Glennioriston 's possession was
taken (see p. 314, supra). In 1759 Patrick was pressed into
the army, and he served for some years in North America.
In 1763 he returned to Glennioriston, in the enjoyment of a
Chelsea pension, and he there passed the remaining years of
his life.
Bards have sung, in Gaelic and English, of the Seven Men
of Glennioriston ; and the Prince and themselves in the Cave
have been made the subject of many a painting. Is it not
time, however, that painters should cease to call their pictures
" Prince Charles in the Robbers' Cave?"
APPENDIX L (PAGE 319).
NOTICES OF THE PRINCIPAL FAMILIES OF THE PARISH.
IT is not intended to give full accounts in these Notices of the-,
families to which they refer. The Author regrets that the
space at his disposal does not admit of any attempt to give
detailed genealogies.
I. COXACHAR MAC AoiDH, AND HIS DESCENDANTS.
The story of Conachar, son of Aodh or Aed, is given on
pages 11 to 14 supra. He flourished about 1160, and is the
first person 011 record said to have been proprietor of Urquhart.
From him are descended the Mackays (descendants of Aodh or
Aed) ; the Forbeses, who acquired the lands of Forbois in
506 APPENDICES
Aberdeeiishire ; and the Urquharts, who took their name from
Conachar's Glen (Urquhart). Conachar's son, Alexander,
settled in Caithness and Sutherland, and became the first
Chief of the Clan Aoidh, or Mackays. That clan, however,
continued to be known in Glen-Urquhart. In the sixteenth
century we find members of the clan large holders of land in
the Glen. See under Mackays of Achmonie.
II. THE DURWARDS.
THOMAS DURWARD, son of Malcolm -of Lundin, became
proprietor of Urquhart early in the thirteenth century. The
history of his family's connection with the Parish is given on
pages 15 to 17 supra. :'The Durwards, or Ostiarii Regis,"
says Mr Cosmo Innes (Thanes of Cawdor, p. 1), " though
hardly mentioned in our books of pedigree, were a family of
great power and possessions. The first of them, who took his
name from his office, styles himself ' Thomas films Malcolmi
de Lundin hostiarius domini Regis ' (cir. 1220). He inherited
through his mother, who must have been a daughter of an Earl
of Mar, large estates in the lower division of that great
Earldom. His munificent donations to the Church show him
as proprietor of lands in the parishes of Skene, Acht, Kinerny,
Banchory, Midmar, Kincardine Oneil (where he built a bridge
over the Dee), Lumfanan, Alford, Coull, and Leochel. He
had property in Moray also, and was Sheriff of Inverness in
1226. Gilbert . . . had some right to the lands of
Boleskine, and the family were also proprietors of lands at
"Urquhart. Thomas's son and heir, Alan Durward, was a
person of great consequence in Scotland, holding the office of
'Great Justiciary from 1223 to 1251, and again in 1255.
Besides their Northern possessions, the Durwards had lands
in Angus — Lintrathen and others, and it was at the Abbey of
Cupar in Angus that Alan chose his place of burial. But it
is only in the fastnesses of Mar, and round their old Castle of
Coull, that the memory of those great lords has lingered in
popular tradition. The Cromar peasant still believes that the
Kirk-bell of Coull rings of its own accord when a Durward
dies. It is not known whether Gilbert was a son of Thomas
Durward, nor can we do more than conjecture into what
families the three co-heiresses of Alan, the Great Justiciary,
carried his immense possessions."
III. THE CUMMINGS.
After the death of Alan Durward the Cummings appear to
have got possession of Urquhart Castle and its domain, and to
have retained them till the time of the War of Independence,
.although, probably, they had no right of property in them.
APPENDICES 507
.'Sir Alexander Gumming held the Castle for a time for Edward
I. See Chapter II. See under Cummings of Dulshangie.
IV. THE PRINCIPAL FAMILIES CONNECTED WITH THE PARISH
DURING THE 14TH AND 15TH CENTURIES.
These were the FORBESES, RANDOLPHS, LAUDERS, CHIS-
.HOLMS, the WOLF of BADENOCH, and his son the EARL of MAR,
the LORDS of the ISLES, and the MACLEANS. Their connection
with the Parish is narrated in Chapters II., III., and IV.
'The heads of the family of Macleans became proprietors of
Dochgarroch, but some of the name are still tenants in Glen-
"Urquhart. Mr Allan Maclean of Aberystwyth is the present
.(1893) head of the family.
V. THE LAIRDS OF GRANT.
The ' ' Chiefs of Grant ' ' contains a very complete history
and genealogy of the family of Grant of Grant, and the history
of their connection with Urquhart is fully given in the fore-
going pages. No more than a list of them is, therefore,
required here.
JOHN THE BARD (1st), who acquired the Barony of Urquhart
in 1509, and held it till his death in 1528, was descended from
John le Grant, proprietor of Inverallan in 1316, and probably
son of Sir Laurence le Grant, Sheriff of Inverness in 1263. 1
The Bard married Margaret Ogilvy. The following are his
successors, proprietors of Urquhart: — (2nd) JAMES GRANT (m.
1st Elizabeth Forbes, and 2nd Christian Barclay), son of the
Bard, proprietor from 1528 to 1553 ; (3rd) JOHN (m. 1st Lady
Margaret Stewart, and 2nd Lady Janet Leslie), son of James,
1553 to 1585 ; (4th) JOHN (m. Lady Lilias Murray), son of
Duncan, son of John (3rd), 1585 to 1622 ; (5th) Sir JOHN (m.
Mary Ogilvy), son of John, 1622 to 1637; (6th) JAMES (m.
Lady Mary Stewart), son of Sir John, 1637 to 1663: (7th)
LUDOVICK (m. 1st Janet Brodie, and 2nd Jean Houston), son
of James, 1663 to 1699, when (although he lived till 1716) he
resigned Urquhart to his son, Brigadier Alexander Grant ;
{8th) Brigadier ALEXANDER GRANT (m. 1st Elizabeth Stewart,
and 2nd Annie Smith), son of Ludovick, 1699 to 1717; (9th)
Sir JAMES (m. Anne Colquhoun), brother of the Brigadier,
1719 to 1747 ; (10th) Sir LUDOVICK (m. 1st Marion Dalrymple,
.and 2nd Lady Margaret Ogilvie), son of Sir James, 1747 to
1773; (llth) Sir JAMES (m. Jane Duff), son of Sir Ludovick,
1773 to 1811; (12) Sir LEWIS ALEXANDER (who succeeded to
the title and estates of Seafield), son of Sir James, 1811 to
1840; (13th) FRANCIS WILLIAM, Earl of Seafield (m. 1st Mary
iSee Chiefs of Grant, I., pp. 8-15 and 499.
508 APPENDICES
Anne Dunn, and 2nd Louisa Emma Maunsell), brother of
Lewis Alexander, 1840 to 1853 ; (14th) JOHN CHARLES, Earl
of Seafield (m. the Hon. Caroline Stuart), son of Francis
William, 1853 to 1881 ; (15th) IAN CHARLES, Earl of Seafield,
son of John Charles, from 1881 to 1884, when he died un-
married, leaving his estates to his mother, CAROLINE, Countess
of Seafield. He was succeeded in the titles by his uncle, the
Honourable JAMES GRANT, who, on his death in June, 1888,
was succeeded by his son FRANCIS WILLIAM. The latter died
in December, 1888, and was succeeded by his young son
JAMES, the present Earl, who in 1898 married Mary Elizabeth
Nina, eldest daughter of Henry Joseph Townend, M.D., J.P.,
of Christchurch, New Zealand, and has issue, Lady Nina
Caroline, born in 1906. Caroline Countess of Seafield died
in 1912, leaving the estates in trust for the present Earl and
his successors.
VI. GRANTS OF CORRIMONY.
The pedigree of this family is given in ' ' The Chiefs of
Grant," Vol. I., p. 515. The first Grant of Corrimony was
(1st) JOHN (son of John the Bard, Laird of Grant), to whom
the estate was granted in 1509. His wife is said to have been
a daughter of Strachan of Cullodeii. He died in 1533. The
following are his successors: — (2nd) JOHN, his son (married
Marjory Grant), died about 1593; (3rd) JOHN, son of the
latter (m. Christian Rose), died before 1663; [WILLIAM, son
of John (3rd), who predeceased his father]; (4th) JOHN, son
of William (m. Katherine Macdonald), died before 1724;
(5th) JOHN, son of John (4th) (m. Mary Keith), died 1726;
(6th) ALEXANDER, son of John (5th) (m. 1st Jane Ogilvie, 2nd
Catherine Fraser, 3rd Alicia Macdonald), died 1797; (7th)
JAMES, advocate and author, born 1743, died 1835 (see p.
405). In 1825 James sold that portion of his estate- of old
called Meiklies and Craskaig, thereafter Lakefield, and now
Kilmartin, to Patrick Grant of Lochletter and Redcastle ;*
and in 1833 Corrimony proper was sold to Thomas Ogilvy.2"
iTlie following- have been the proprietors of Lakefield, now Kil-
martin, since its sale by James Grant : — Patrick Grant, 1825 to 1836;
Miss Hannah Fraser, Bruiach, from 1836 to 1838; Thomas Ogilvy of
Corrimony, 1838 to 1852; Archibald Henry Foley Cameron, 1852 to
1884, when the estate was purchased by Alasdair Campbell of Kil-
martin and Blackball. Mr Campbell died in 1901, leaving the pro-
perty to his widow, the present proprietrix (1913).
2 The following- have been the proprietors of Corrimony since its
purchase by Mr Ogilvy :— Thomas Ogfilvy, 1833 to 1874, when he con-
veyed it to' his son, John Francis Ogilvy (Mr Thomas Ogilvy died in
1877); John Francis Ogilvy, 1874 to 1887; David P. Sellar, from 1887
to 1888, when the estate was purchased by Lachlan Andrew Mac-
pherson. Mr Macpherson died in 1904, leaving Corrimony to his
widow, Mrs Elizabeth Macpherson, the present proprietrix.
APPENDICES 509
By Katherine Baillie Mackay, James had eight sons and
two daughters. The eldest of those sons was JAMES GRANT,
M.D., Ottawa, Canada, who died in 1866. Dr Grant's eldest
eon, Sir JAMES ALEXANDER GRANT, M.D., for many years a
member of the Canadian Parliament, who was born at Brae-
field, Glen-Urquhart, in 1829, now represents the family.
VII. GRANTS OF SHEWGLIE.
The pedigree of this family is given jiii "The Chiefs of
Grant."
ALEXANDER GRANT, 1st of Shewglie (married Lilias Grant),
was a son of John Grant, 2nd of Corrimony. According to a
family tradition, he was his father's eldest son and heir, but
was in some manner over-reached by his brother John, who
•consequently became proprietor of Corrimony. Certain
transactions between Alexander and the Laird of Grant, in
-course of which Alexander was served heir-in-general to his
father, would seem to show that the story is not without
foundation. Alexander died about 1630. His successors
have been his son (2nd) ROBERT (married Margaret Fraser),
died about 1650 ; (3rd) Robert's son, JAMES, who fought at
Killicrankie, and was killed at Corribuy in 1691 or 1692 (see
p. 222 supra), (m. 1st Janet Maclean, and 2nd Hannah
Fraser) ; (4th) ALEXANDER, son of James (m. 1st Margaret,
daughter of The Chisholm, and 2nd Isabel, daughter of Glen-
moriston), died in London in 1746 (see p. 288 supra) ; (5th)
JAMES, son of Alexander (m. Marjory, daughter of Fraser of
Dunballoch), died in 1791 ; (6th) JAMES of Shewglie and Red-
castle, son of James, appointed Resident. at Hyderabad by
Warren Hastings, died in 1808, unmarried, succeeded by his
cousin (7th) Colonel ALEXANDER GRANT (m. Jane Hannay),
son of Patrick Grant of Lochletter (m. Katherine Baillie), son
of Alexander Grant, 4th of Shewglie. Colonel Grant died in
1816, and was succeeded by his son (8th) PATRICK of Redcastle
(m. Catherine Sophia, daughter of Charles Grant, the E.I.
Coy. Director). Patrick died in 1855, and was succeeded by
his son (9th) the Rev. ALEXANDER RONALD GRANT, Canon of
Ely, and Rector of Hitcham, Suffolk (m. Jane Sophia Dundas,
daughter of his uncle, William Grant of Hazel Brae), who died
in 1903. Canon Grant's son, Colonel FRANCIS CHARLES
GRANT of Sherborne, Dorset, now represents the family.
Colonel Grant of Redcastle's sons, WILLIAM, HUGH,
GREGOR, ALEXANDER, JAMES, and CHARLES (late of Hazel
Brae) were all well known, and are still well remembered, in
the Parish.
James Grant (3rd of Shewglie) had a son PATRICK (married
a daughter of Hugh Fraser of Erchit), who was alive in 1683.
510 APPENDICES
Patrick's son, ROBERT (m. — Chisholm) had a son, ALEXANDER
(m. Margaret, daughter of Donald Macbean, tenant of
Aldourie), who was " out" in the Forty-Five, and was known
as the Swordsman. See Chapter XV. Alexander's son,
CHARLES (m. Jane Fraser) became Director and Chairman of
the East India Company. Charles' elder son, CHARLES,
became the well-known LORD GLENELG (died unmarried),
while his second son was the almost equally noted Sir ROBERT
GRANT (m. Margaret, laughter of Sir David Davidson of
Cantray). This branch of the Shewglie family is now repre-
sented by JOCELYN GRANT, eldest son of the late Sir Charles
Grant, son of the above Sir Robert.
Of the Shewglie family was also descended the late Miss
C. J. Chambers and Miss A. C. Chambers, Polmaily (see-
footnote p. 413), who were daughters of Lady Chambers,
daughter of Mrs Wilson, Polmaily, daughter of the said
Patrick Grant of Lochletter.
VIII. GRANTS OF GLENMORISTON.
The pedigree of the Glenmoriston Family is fully given in
"The Chiefs of Grant." The first of the .family was the
famous IAIN MOR, natural son of John the Bard. His story
is told in chapters V. and VI. He married 1st Elizabeth or
Isabella Innes, and 2nd Agnes Fraser. On his death in 1548
he was succeeded by his son (2nd) PATRICK (m. Beatrice
Campbell of Cawdor), from 1548 to 1581 ; (3rd) JOHN (m.
Elizabeth Grant), son of Patrick, 1581 to 1637 ; (4th) PATRICK
(m. Margaret Fraser), son of John, 1637 to about 1643; (5th)
JOHN (m. — Fraser), son of Patrick, from about 1643 to 1703 ;
(6th) JOHN (m. 1st — Baillie, and 2nd Janet Cameron), son
of John (5th), from 1703 to 1736; (7th) PATRICK (m. —
Grant), second son of John (6th), from 1737 to 1786; (8th)
PATRICK (m. Henrietta Grant of Rothiemurchus), son of
Patrick, 1786 to 1793; (9th) Lieut. -Colonel JOHN GRANT (m.
Elizabeth Townsend Grant), son of Patrick, 1793 to 1801;
(10th) PATRICK, son of John, 1801 to 1808; (llth) JAMES
MURRAY GRANT (m. Henrietta Cameron), brother of Patrick,
1808 to 1868 ; [Captain John Grant, son of James Murray
Grant, m. 1st Emily Morrison, and 2nd Anne Chadwick, pre-
deceased his father in 1867]; (12th) IAIN ROBERT JAMES
MURRAY GRANT (the present Laird, m. Ethel Davidson, and'
secondly Gabrielle Chaille Long), son of Captain John Grant,
succeeded his grandfather in 1868.
From the Grants of Glenmoriston were descended the
Grants of Craskie and Duldreggan — a family of great influence
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Alexander
Grant, last of Duldreggan, had three sons, who all settled in
APPENDICES 511.
British Guiana, and died unmarried, and four daughters, two
of whom, Marjorie and Mary Ann, still (1893) survive. His
daughter, Agnes Shaw, became the wife of Peter Anderson,
solicitor, Inverness, author, along with his brother, of
Anderson's "Guide to the Highlands." Her son, Mr P. J.
Anderson, Secretary of the New Spalding Club, is a distin-
guished antiquary; and her daughter, Miss Isabel H.
Anderson, is the author of " Inverness before Railways."
IX. MACKAYS OF ACHMONIE.
The tradition of the Parish regarding the origin of the
Mackays is embodied in the lines of the Glenmoriston bard,
Archibald Grant : —
" Rugadh air a' mhuir a' cheud fhear
O 'n do shiollaich Clann Mhic Aoidh —
Conachar mor ruadh o 'n chuan."
' He was born on the sea
TVom whom the Mackays are descended —
Great Conachar the Red, from the ocean."
Conachar and his descendants have already been referred to.
(See p. 505 supra). The first of the family of Achmonie
whose name has come down to us is (1st) GILLIES MACKAY, who
flourished in the end of the 15th century and beginning of the
16th, and from whom the family took the patronymic of Mac
Gillies. He was succeeded by his son (2nd) JOHN MAC GILLIES
MACKAY, whom we first meet in 1539, when he witnessed the
sasine of John Chisholm of Chisholm, in the barony of Comar-
more, Strathglass. (Sasine at Erchless Castle). In 1554 he
and his wife Katherine, daughter of Euen Canycht (Ewen the
Merchant), obtained from the Bishop of Moray a. nineteen
years' lease of Achmonie (Appendix C). Ewen Canycht was
one of the tenants of Balmacaan at the time of the Great Raid
of 1545. John, in that year, possessed Achmonie, and was
also principal tacksman of Dulshangie. His son, Donald, had
a share of Balmacaan ; his brother Bean Mac Gillies, was the
principal tenant of Cartaly; and his nephew, John Mac
Donald Mac Gillies, had a share of Inchbrine. In 1557 the
Bishop granted a perpetual charter (Appendix D) to John and
his wife, and their son (3rd) DUNCAN. Duncan married
Margaret, daughter of the said John Chisholm, and on 13th
May, 1592, "for the singular favour and love which I have
and bear towards Margaret Chesholme, my dearest spouse, and
for other reasonable causes moving my mind thereto," granted
to her the liferent of the estate in the event of her surviving
•512 APPENDICES
him.1 He was alive in 1597. He was succeeded by his son
(4th) JOHN MAC GILLIES, who in 1642 granted to Robert
Grant of Shewglie a discharge of a bond for 500 merks owing
to him by Grant. He is again on record in 1645. He was
succeeded by his son (5th) GILLIES, who was served heir in
1656. It was Gillies who killed the factor, and who was con-
sequently deprived of the estate. (See pp. 191-193 supra).
His eldest son (6th) JOHN, and another son Donald, were soli-
citors in Inverness. John was legal adviser to Brigadier
Grant of Grant, and got re-possession of Achmonie on the
death of William Grant of Achmonie, about the end of the
seventeenth century, although he did not get a written title
till 1721. (See p. 193). 2 He married, when a comparatively
IThe Disposition (Latin) in Margaret's favour is inow in the
possession of the Author, to whom it was presented by the late James
Sutherland Chisholm of Chisholm. Few families can boast of so
illustrious a pedigree as the small lairds of Achmonie had through
Margaret Chisholm. It perhaps deserves a corner as a more than
usually good specimen of the proverbially long "Highland pedigree."
The following were her Chisholm ancestors, the figures indicating the
periods at which they lived : — Her father was John Chisholm (1542),
son of Wiland (1513)', son of Wiland (1460), son of Thomas (1398), son
of Alexander (1368), son of Sir Robert Chisholm, Governor of Urquhart
Castle (see p. 40 supra). Through Sir Robert, Margaret was descended
from the lords of Roxburgh and Berwick, and from Sir Robert Lauder,
Governor of Urquhart Castle, and the Lauders of the Bass. Through
the said, Thomas Chisholm's wife (Margaret, daughter of Lachlan
Mackintosh of Mackintosh by his wife Agnes daughter of Hugh
Fraser of Lovat) the Achmonie family are descended from the families
of Lovat and Mackintosh. Through the said Thomas another line of
ancestry can be traced to the ancient Earls of Stratherne, and Angus,
and Atholl, as well as to the powerful Earls of Orkney and Caithness,
and their remote ancestors in Norway. Thomas' mother, Margaret of
the Aird, was a daughter of Wiland of the Aird, by his wife Matilda,
daughter of Malise, Earl of Stratherne (1334), son of Maria, daughter
of Magnus, Earl of Orkney and Caithness (1320), son of Earl John
(1300), son of Earl Magnus (1260), son of Earl Gilbride (1250), son of
Earl Gilbride (1240), son of Gilbride, Earl of Angus, and his wife, a
sister or daughter of John, the last Norse Earl of Orkney, who died
in 1231 without male issue, and who was son of Harold Maddadson,
Earl of Orkney (1139 to 1206); who was son of Maddad, Earl of
Atholl, and his wife Margaret, daughter of Hakon, Earl of Orkney
(1100), son of Paul, Earl of Orkney (1090), son of the famous Earl
Thorfinn (see p. 9 supra), son of Sigurd the Stout (slain at Clontarf,
1014), son of Hlodver, Earl of Orkney (970), son of Thorfinn Hausak-
liuf, Earl of Orkney (950), son of Torf Einar, Earl of Orkney (910),
son of Rognvald, Earl of Moeri in Norway (died 890), son of Eystein
Glumra, son of Ivar Upplaiid jarl, son of Half dan the old (about 800).
A brother of the said Torf Einar was the conqueror of Normandy,
and ancestor of William the Conqueror. (See Anderson's " Orkney-
inga Saga," cxxxii., et seq. ; Skene's "Notes on the Earldom of
Caithness," Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Vol.
XII., p. 571; and Du Chaillu's "Viking Age," II., 463).
2 It may be of some little interest to note, as a local instance of
historical repetition, that the Author has for the last forty years been
legal adviser in connection with the Barony of Urquhart, as his great-
great-grandfather, John Mackay of Achmonie, was two hundred years
APPENDICES 513
-old man, Elizabeth Grant, daughter of James Grant «f
Shewglie, the hero of Killicrankie, who was killed at the fight
of Corribuy. (See p. 222). He died in 1726, leaving a con-
siderable fortune in bonds by neighbouring proprietors, and %
settlement, by which he nominated Alexander Grant of
Shewglie and James Eraser of Belladrum, tutors and curators
to his children. These were (7th) ALEXANDER, James, Patrick,
John, Janet, and Anne, and a son, Donald, who was born
after his death. Before 1731 his widow married Alexander
Grant, brother of John Grant* of Glenmoriston (Iain a'
Chragain) .
After Alexander Mackay (7th) attained majority he raised
an action of count and reckoning against Shewglie and Bella-
drum, and a long litigation and arbitration followed. He
actively interested himself in The Forty-Five 011 the side of the
Prince. (See Chapter XIV.). He sold the estate to Sir
James Grant of Grant in December, 1779, and settled in Nairn
in a house which he called Achmonie, and is now known as
"Achmonie Place" — where he died in 1789 without male
issue. By his first wife, Mary Grant, he left twin daughters,
Jane and Elspet or Isobell (born 1st January, 1753).1 He had
no family by his second wife, Angus, daughter of Colonel
Angus Macdonell of Glengarry, who commanded the Glengarry
men in The Forty-Five, and was killed at Falkirk. (See pp.
252, 269 supra). His brothers James, Patrick,2 and John all
predeceased him without male issue, and he was succeeded as
representative of the family by his youngest brother DONALD,
who was transported to Barbados for the part he took in The
Forty-Five, and, escaping, assumed the name Macdonald.
(See pp. 273 and 289 supra). Donald, who died in 1791, left
the following children by his wife, Mary Macfie — JOHN
MACKAY MACDONALD, who succeeded him ; Duncan ; Mary ; and
William, who died in Demerara, unmarried.
John Mackay Macdonald was a planter in Jamaica and
Berbice, and for some years resided at Lakefield. He after-
wards settled in Cork, where he died. By his first wife (an
Irish lady, Catherine Maria, who died at sea), he had four
sons, William, John, James, and Peter, and a daughter Jane.
1 Jane married Colonel James Fraser of Kincorth (son of Major
James Fraser of Castle Leather, author of " Major Fraser's Manu-
script"), and from her was descended a noted race of soldiers, includ-
ing the late Sir James Fraser, Commissioner of Police for the City of
London, and his brother, General Kobert Walter Macleod Fraser.
Isobell became the first wife of Major John Grant of Auchterblair,
the father (by a second marriage) of the late Sir Patrick Grant,
Governor of Chelsea Hospital.
2 Patrick, who was for a time in the army, was tenant of
Polmaily. He went to Pictou with a number of Urquhart people,
but returned to Scotland. See p. 571.
33
514 APPENDICES
By his second wife, also an Irish lady, he left a daughter,
married Robert O'Callaghan of Blackrock, near Cork, and left
issue. John's male line became extinct on the death of his
grandson, DONALD MACKAY MACDONALD, who died at Cork
about 1860. Donald Was succeeded as representative of the
family by WILLIAM MACKAY, Blairbeg (see footnote p. 289),
only son of DUNCAN, second son of the first mentioned Donald
Mackay Macdonald and Mary Macfie. Duncan, who was born at
Kerrowgair House (now called Drumbuie) on 18th June, 1773,
and married Mary Gibson, died at Lewistown in 1849, leaving a
son (the said William) and a daughter, Mary. William (born
at Cork 30th October, 1803), married on 7th June, 1825,
Christian Fraser (born 4th June, 1805), daughter of Charles
Eraser, tacksman of Ruiskich. He died at Blairbeg on 28th
May, 1887, and she there on 15th October, same year — having
lived together for the long period of sixty-two years. Their
eldest son DUNCAN (born at Ruiskich, 1st April, 1826, married
Ann Mackintosh, 2nd January, 1857) settled in the Argentine
in the early sixties, and died there on 30th March, 1906, his
wife having died on 18th December, 1873. Their eldest son,
WILLIAM MACKAY, who resides in the Argentine, now repre-
sents the family of Achmonie.
X. CUMMINGS OF DULSHANGIE.
XI. GRANTS or DULSHANGIE.
Charles Maclean is said to have married a daughter of
Gumming of Dulshangie in the end of the 14th century or
beginning of the 15th (see p. 49 supra), but no person of the
name appears as occupier of Dulshangie or any other lands in
the Parish at the time of the Great Raid. (See Appendix B).
The Cummings of Dulshangie were, however, an old family,
and of great influence, notwithstanding that they never owned
lands in the Parish — holcting only on lease or wadset. In
addition to Dulshangie, they also for some time possessed Inch-
brine, and Meikle Pitkerrald or Allanmore. Between 1600
and 1634 James Gumming of Dulshangie appears. He was
dead before 1653. He was succeeded by his son Donald, who
is described in 1634 as " apperand of Dulshangie." He took
a lease of Meikle Pitkerrald in 1660 (Appendix C), and was
alive in 1665. He was dead in 1677, when his brothers,
William Gumming, Sheriff -Clerk of Inverness-shire, and
George Gumming, merchant in Inverness, had a dispute with
Corrimony, who had erected a " dask" over a gravestone
belonging to them in Kilmore Church. Donald was succeeded
by his son James, who was dead in 1691, when his son Alex-
ander was in possession. Alexander was succeeded by his son
James, who was in possession in 1710, and as late as 1721.
APPENDICES 515
The date of his death is not known, but he was probably the
last Gumming who held Dulshangie, for in 1744 James Grant
appears as tenant of the farm. James was of the Ballindoune
family in Strathspey, and long occupied Dulshangie. By his
wife, Lilias Grant, he had several children. He was succeeded
in the farm by his son Duncan, who was for many years factor
of Urquhart, and who died in 1803. (See p. 379 supra).
Notwithstanding the trouble into which Duncan got in connec-
tion with the meetings and removal of Duncan of Buntait, and
the untoward circumstances that in the eyes of the superstitious
accompanied his death, his letters show that he was a man of a
very kindly disposition. He was an enthusiastic officer of the
Urquhart Volunteers, and a hearty supporter of Sir James
Grant in his exertions to improve agriculture and the condition
of the people. After his death the farm continued to be occu-
pied by his widow and children, until 1883, when his daughter,
Miss Agnes Shaw Grant, died. His youngest daughter —
Mrs Corstorphan, now in her 90th year — still survives [1893].
APPENDIX M (PAGE 343).
LETTERS OF COLLATION BY THE BISHOP OF MORAY IN
FAVOUR OF SIR JOHN DONALDSON TO THE CHAPLAINRY
OF ST NINIANS. 1556. [Translated from the Latin
in "Chiefs of Grant" III., 122. See " Chiefs" III.,
121, for Presentation by Mary Queen of Scots in
favour of Sir John Donaldson, dated 26th August,
1556.]
PATRICK, by the Divine mercy bishop of Moray, and perpetual
commendator of the Monastery of Scone, to a discreet man, Sir
James Duff, rector of Bolleskyne, and our commissary within
the deanery of Inverness, or to any other chaplain, curate, and
non-curate, celebrating divine service within our diocese of
Moray, and upon the execution of these presents, duly
required, greeting, with divine benediction. Whereas the
chaplaiiiry of Saint Ninian being for a long time past vacant,
with 40s of the lands called Pitkarell, and one croft belonging
to the said chaplainry, together with another croft, and relics
of the crucifix of Saint Drostaii, within the parish of the
parochial church of Urquhart, and our diocese of Moray, being
in the hands of our most serene Lady, Mary, by the grace of
God, Queen of Scots, by the decease of umquhile Sir Duncan
Makolrik, sometime chaplain and possessor of the same, belong-
ing and falling by full right to the presentation of the said
most serene Mary our Queen, and to our admission and ordinary
516 APPENDICES
confirmation — there compeared before us a discreet man, Sir
John Donaldson, presbyter of our diocese of Moray, and
exhibited and presented to us to be read a certain presentation
of our said most serene lady, Queen of Scots, granted there-
upon by her dearest mother Mary, dowager of the kingdom of
Scotland and Regent thereof, to the said Sir John himself,
with all and sundry houses, rights, fruits, lands, crofts, relics,
rents, teinds, oblations, emoluments, and profits, which having
been seen, considered, and perused, we have been asked and re-
quired, with due instance, not only by our aforesaid most serene
Lady the Queen, in her right of patronage of the said chap-
lainry, but also by the same Sir John Donaldson, the presentee,
that forthwith we should be pleased to receive and admit the
said Sir John, so, as is premised, nominated, elected, and pre-
sented, in and to the said chaplainry, with crofts, lands,
oblations, and relics of Saint Drostan, belonging to the afore-
said chaplainry, and to confer upon him, Sir John, our
ordina-ry admission, and othe: provisions necessary, according
to the force, form, content, and effect, of the said presentation,
to us thereupon directed and presented, of the date, at Elgin,
the 26th day of the month of August in the year of the Lord
1556, and of the reign of the said most serene Lady the Queen,
the 14th year : and we, forsooth, regarding these requisitions
and askings to be just and consonant to reason, and willing to
fulfil, as we are bound, the mandate of our said Lady the
Queen, contained in her letters of presentation, do, on account
of his merits and fitness, admit the said Sir John, so, as is
premised, by our oftsaid most serene Lady the Queen, elected,
nominated, and presented, as chaplain of the said chaplainry
of Saint Ninian, with 40s of the lands called Petkarrell, with
croft belonging to the said chaplainry, together with another
croft, and relics of the crucifix of Saint Drostaii, within the
said parish of Urquhart — and the said presentation, in so far
as it is lawfully made, we deem to be approved and confirmed,
as by the tenor of these presents, and by our authority
ordinary, we do approve and confirm ; committing by these pre-
sents the cure and administration of the said chaplainry, in the
chapel thereof, to the said Sir John, provided that by Sir John
.himself personally, or by another capable presbyter, it shall be
duly exercised therein, lest the souls of the founders thereof
should be defrauded of their prayers due and wont: you
therefore, and each of you, in virtue of holy obedience, and
under pain of suspension from divine things, which we, by
these presents, do threaten on you and everyone of you if ye
delay what we command, straitly charging that forthwith ye
give and deliver, induct, and institute, the said Sir John
Donaldson or his lawful procurator in his name, in real, actual,
APPENDICES 517
and corporal possession of the aforesaid chaplainry, with all
and sundry its rights, crofts, oblations, annual rents, and relics
of the crucifix of St Drostan, and other pertinents whatsoever,
used and wont to be paid, by whatever name called, belonging
or that may in any way justly belong to the oftsaid chaplainry
of St Ninian, called Petkarall, by delivery of chalice and mass
book, and the ornaments of the altar thereof; and that y«
cause to be answered to him and his factors, and to none other,
of all and sundry fruits, rents, crofts, oblations, lands, relics
of Saint Drostan, and other commodities of the same ; straitly
inhibiting therefrom gainsayers and rebels, if any there be, by
our authority ordinary : In witness whereof, we have ordered
and caused these presents to be corroborated by the appending
of our round seal, together with the subscription manual of the
notary public underwritten, notary in the premises ; upon
which all and sundry the premises, the said Sir John Donald-
son admitted, craved from me, notary public underwritten,
one or more public instruments to be made to him : These things
were done in the garden of the said reverend father, situated
at the palace of Spynie, about the fourth hour after noon of
the second day of the month of September in the year of the
Lord 1556, the fourteenth indiction, and second year of the
pontificate of the most holy father in Christ, and our lord,
Paul IV. by the divine providence, Pope : there being present,
Mr David Trumpbill, chaplain of the said reverend father, and
William Wallace his servant, witnesses called and required
to the premises.
And I, William Douglas, presbyter of the diocese of St
Andrews, notary public ; whereas at the production of the fore-
going presentation, and admission thereupon granted, &c.
And I, truly, Sir John Paulson, junior, vicar of Kilmaly,
presbyter of the diocese of Lesmore, and notary public,
executor of the before written letters of collation, together with
the afore written Sir John Donaldson, principal, went person-
ally to the chapel of Saint Ninian and parochial church of
Urquhart, of the diocese of Moray, and there inducted, insti-
tuted, and invested, as the manner is, the same Sir John to
the chaplainry and service of Saint Ninian, Drostan, and
Adampnan, with the 40s of lands called Petkerral, with the
croft of Saint Adampnan, relics of the crucifix, and croft
belonging to the said chaplainry, together with the crofti and
relics of Saint Drostan, situated and founded within the parish
of Urquhart, as is before written, by delivery of the horns of
the high altar, and ornaments of the same, keys of the doors,
and ropes of the bells of the aforesaid churches, and the said
Sir John Donaldson himself in and to the actual, real, and
corporal possession of the rights and pertinents of the afore
518 APPENDICES
written chaplainries, according to the terms of the afore-
written collation : And the said Sir John Donaldson, inducted,
instituted, and invested in the same chaplainries, with the
fruits thereof, I have dismissed in peace, nobody gainsaying :
In witness of the which thing, this present institution, written
with my own hand, and subscribed, and with sign, surname,
and subscription, on the llth June, 1559, 17th indiction, and
second year of the pontificate of the most holy father and lord
in Christ, our lord Paul fourth, by divine providence Pope:1
there being present John Dow M'Gorwin, Donill M'Innes,
parish clerk, John M'Kandoch [Son of the Merchant], John
M'Evyn M'Villiam, and me, notary underwritten, with divers
others.
So it is, Sir John Paulson, vicar of Kilmaly, of the diocese
of Lesmore, and notary public, and executor of the afore-
written collation, and giver of institution, in faith and testi-
mony of the premises, all and sundry — witness my hand.
APPENDIX N (PAGES 347 AND 392).
STIPEND OF THE PARISH MINISTER AT VARIOUS PERIODS.
IN 1572 there was no minister, but Mr James Farquharson,
the old parish priest, was exhorter, at a salary of £40 per
annum. (Register of Ministers and their Stipends — MS. in
Advocates' Library).
In 1574 the following entry appears in the Register of
Assignations for the Ministers' Stipends (MS. Advocates'
Library) .
. . Reidare at Urquhart, his stipend xx markis,
wttheKirklands, to be payit out of the chancellarye of Murray
be the takkismeii or parochinaris of Urquhart [or] be the
chancellare, as the Redare sail choose.
". . . . Reidar at Glemnoreistowii, his stipend xx m'ks,
wt the Kirklands, to be payit out of the chancellarie of Murray
be the takkismeii or parochineris of Glenmoreistowii, or be the
chancellare, as the reidare sail choose."
In this Register there is a blank space for the minister of
the Parish and his stipend. In the Rev. John Grant's time
(1740 to 1792) the stipend was 800 merks, with 50 merks for
communion elements, the minister being also entitled to 600
loads of peats, or 3d for each load not delivered (Presbytery
Records). In 1796 it was raised to the value of .£100, and £5
for communion elements (Old Statistical Account). In 1821
it was fixed at 16 chalders of victual, " half meal half barley,"
with £8 6s 8d for communion elements, a chalder being equal
1 There is an error in these dates. If the year 1559 is correct, it
should be the 2nd indiction and fourth year of the pontificate of
Paul IV.
APPENDICES 51(J
to 16 bolls. In 1860 the number of chalders was increased to
18, and in 1883 to 21, the allowance for communion elements
remaining at £8 6s 8d (Teind Records) .
APPENDIX O (PAGE 416).
SELECTIONS FROM THE PRODUCTIONS OF THE BARDS.
I. COIRIARAIRIDH.
(By Ewen Macdonald).
THIS old and beautiful, if somewhat extravagant, song, in
praise of Coiriarairidh in Glenmoriston, was taken down by the
Author in 1871, from John Macgillivray, Tornabrack, Glen-
Urquhart, who was probably at the time the only person alive
who could repeat it. In December, 1886, the Author gave a
copy of it and of the songs of Alasdair Mac Iain Bhain, which
he had also taken down from oral recitation, and printed in
the Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness for 1883,
to the late Rev. Allan Sinclair, who printed them in "The
'Grants of Glenmoriston," published in 1887.
Mo run Coiriarairidh 'sam bi an liath chearc,
'S an coileach ciar-dhubh is ciataich pung,
Le chearcag riabhach, gu stuirteil fiata,
Is e ga h-iarraidh air feadh nan torn.
An Coire runach sam bi na h-ubhlan,
A fas gu cubhraidh fo dhruchdaibh trom,
Gu meallach sughmhor ri tim na dulachd,
'S gach lusan urair tha fas air fonn.
'S e Coire '11 ruaidh bhuic, 's na h-eilde ruaidhe
A bhios a cluaineis am measg nan craoibh,
'San doire ghuanach le fhalluing uaine,
Gur e is suaicheantas do gach coill ;
Cha ghabh e fuarachd, cha rois am fuachd e,
Fo chomhdach uasal a la sa dh' oidhch' ;
Bith' 'n eilid uallach 'sa laogh mu'n cuairt dhi
A cadal uaigneach ri gualainn tuim.
Buidhe tiorail, torrach sianail,
Tha ruith an iosail le mheilseaii feoir,
O 'n chlach is isle, gu braigh na criche,
'Tha luachair mhin ann, 'us ciob ah loin.
Tha luachair mhin ann, 'us ros an t-sioda,
Is luaidhe mhiltich 'us meinn an oir,
'S na h-uile ni air an smaoinich d' inntinn,
A dh' fhaodas cinntinn an taobh s' 'n Roimh.
520 APPENDICES
Tha sgadan garbh-ghlas a snamh na fairg' aim
Is bradain tairgheal is lionmhor lann ;
Gu h-iteach meanbh-bhre-ac, gu giurach mealgach,.
Nach fulling anabas a dhol na choir,
A snamh gu luaineach, 's an sal mu'n cuairt dha,
'S cha ghabh e fuad&ch o 'n chuan ghlas ghorm,
Le luingeis eibhinn, a dol fo'n eideadh,
Le gaoth 'ga 'n seideadh is iad fo sheol.
Tha madadh ruadh ann, is mar bhuachaill
Air caoraich shuas-ud, air fuarain ghorm ;
Aig meud a shuairceas, cha dean e 'm fuadach,
Ge d' bheir thu duais dha, cha luaidh e feoil ;
Gum paigh e cinnteach na theid a dhith dhiubh
Mur dean e 'm pilltinn a rithist beo,
'S ged 's iomadh linn a tha dhe shinns'reachd,
Cha d' rinn iad ciobair a dh' fhear de sheors'.
Tha 7n Leathad-fearna, tha 'n cois a' bhraighe
'Na ghleannan aluinn a dh' arach bho,
Toiliiintiiin araich, a bhios a thamh ann,
Cha luidh gu brach >air a' ghaillionn reot ;
Bith' muighe 's cais' ann, gu la Fheill-Martuinn,
;S an crodh fo dhair a bhios mu na chro,
Air la Fheill-Bride bith cur an t-sil ann,
Toirt toraidh cinnteach a ris na lorg.
Gu dealtach feurach, moch maduinn cheitein,
Tha 'n Coire geugach fo shleibhtean gorm,
Bith 'n smeorach cheutach air bhar na geige,
'S a cruit ga gleusadh a sheinii a ceoil ;
Bith 'n eala ghle-gheal, 's na glas-gheoidh 'g eubhachd,.
' S a chubhag eibhinn bho meilse gloir ;
B'ait leum fein bhi air cnoc 'gaii eisdeachd,
'S a ribheid fein ann am beul gach eoin.
Ged tha mo chomhnuidh fo sgail na Sroine,
'S e chleachd o m' bige bhi ;m chomhnuidh thall
'S a Choire bhoidheach, le luibhean soghmhor,
Is e a leon mi nach 'eil mi ann ;
Mo chridh' tha bronach, gun dad a sheol air,
'S a liuthad solais a fhuair mi ann,
'S bho 'n dhiult Ian Og dhomh Ruigh'-Uiseig bhoidheacb
Gur fheudar seoladh a choir nan Gall.
APPENDICES 521
Ged fhaighinn rioghachd, a ni 'sa daoine,
Cha treig an gaol mi a tha na m' chom,
A thug mi dh' aon, ;th' air a chur le saoir,
An ciste chaoil, a dh' fhag m' inntinn trom.
Na 'm biodh tu lathair gu'm faighinn larach,
Gun dol gu brach as, gun mhal gun bhonn —
A High a;s airde, cuir buaidh is gras air
An linn a dh; fhag thu aig Hanah dhonn.
II. ORAN DO DOMHNUILL BAN MAC DHOMHNUILL DUIBH,
LE MRS CAMERON, BEAN NAN CLUAINEAN, 's A
BHLIADHNA 1746.
Air fhonn fhein.
(By Janet Grant of Shewglie, wife of Cameron of Clunes).1
Beir mo shoruidh le durachd
A dh' fhios na duthclia so dh' fhag mi,
Gu ceannard Lochabar,
E thigh 'nn dhachaigh gu sabhailt :
O iia chaidh tu air astar
'S gun d' aisig thu 'n. Fhraing uainn ;
'S gun cluiimimi deagh-sgeul ort
Ann cliu 's aim ceill mar a b'abhaisd.
Is a Dhomhnuill Bhain Abraich,
Gur a f arsuinri do chairdeas ;
'S laidir lioiimhor do Chinneadh,
Anns gach ionad n do thamh iad ;
Na ;ii cuireadh tu feum orr'
!S gun tigeadh eiginn na cas ort,
JS iad gun deanadh do fhreagairt
Le piob spreageanda laidir.
'S aim fior-thoiseach an Fhoghair
A dh' fhalbh uainn Tagha nan Gael ;
'S tu gun reachadh air t' adhart.
'S cha b'ann mar chladhaire sgathach !
Le d' phrasgan treun cinnteach
Nach ciobradh gu brach ort,
Nach tilleadh an aodunn
Romh chaonnag an Namhaid.
1 See p. 414. This song is taken from an old MS. copy of it —
supposed to be in Mrs Cameron's own handwriting — printed by the
Rev. Dr Stewart, Nether-Lochaber, in the Inverness Courier of 14th
October, 1887.
322 APPENDICES
Gu bheil mise f o mhi-ghean
'S fo thiamhachd gu brath dheth,
Mu 'm chleamhnean mor, priseil,
A bhi 'dhith orm an trath sa,
Luchd a bhualadh nam buillean
'S nach fhuiligeadh tamailt ;
Sibh a b' urrainn sa' chruadal
An am buannachd na larach.
Fhuair uaillsean do chinnidh,
Ann 's an iomairt so 'n ciurradh,
€o dh' eirgheadh sa' chas sin,
Na dh' fhagadh an cliu iad,
'N am rusgadh nan claidheamh,
Sibh nach gabhadh an diulta,
'S a rachadh air thoiseach
Ann an toiteal an fhiidair.
'N am eigheach an latha
A Chraobh do'n athull bu Chinntich' !
Tha thu shliochd nam fear guiimeach
A bha gu fulangach rioghail,
Ged a thuit sibh gun mhasladh
Ann an aicsion an Righ so,
Tha mo dhuil aims an Athair
Gun dean iad fathasd dhuit cinntinn.
'Nuair a shaoil le Diuc Uilleam
Gu 'm buineadh e cis diot,
Gun tugadh e steach thu
Le protection a sgriobhtadh ;
'S tu nach gabhadh a mhasladh
Gun t'fhacall bhi cinnteach
Do'n Chrun a bha dligheach
'S ga 'm bu chubhaidh bhi priseil.
Ge do loisg iad do dhuthaich,
'S ge do spuill iad t' fhearann,
A Righ dhuilich is airde !
'S tu dh' fhuasglas trath as gach caingeann,
Tha thu nise 'sail Fhraing uaiim
Neo-air-thaing do na Gallaibh,
'S bi'dh tu fathasd ann uachdar,
A dh' aon uabhairt gam faigh thu.
APPENDICES 523
'Nuair a thainig an High sinn
'S a liobhraig e 'stannart
'S tu 'fhuair e gu dileas
'S nach do dhibir do ghealladh;
Dhiult Mac Coinnich 's Mac Leoid sibh,
Dhiult Mac Dhomhnuill 's Mac Ailein,
Beir mo xnhallachd gu leir dhoibh.
Nach d' eirich iad mair dhuit.
Ghlac thu misneach, 's bu dual duit
A bhi gu cruadalach, gaisgeil ;
Gun robh meas aig fir Alb' ort,
Ga do shnas thu le graide,
O 'n a chuir thu do dhuil ann
'S nach bu diu leat a sheachnadh,
Ge do gheibheadh tu 'n rioghachd
'S tu nach diobradh air V fhacall !
Cha 'n 'eil thus' ach na d' leanamh
Laimh ri d' sheanair 'sa' chas ud,
Ann am foghainteas pearsann
'Nuair a ghlacadh e 'n t-ardan,
'S e 's garradh a naimhdean
'S a bhuineadh buaidhlarach,
Gach aon la mar Raoii-Ruairi,
Gun robh buaidh air 's gach aite !
An la sin Chuilfhodair,
Na fosaibh ri innse,
Na gabhaibh as masladh
Cha be bhur 'n aicsion a dhibir ;
Ach bhur daoine bhi sgapta :
Nam prasgan 's gach tir uaibh,
Is nach tug Morfhear Deorsa
Dhuibh an t' ordugh bu mhiann leibh.
Gur e la a' chruaidh-fhortaiii
A chuir an t-olc feadh na rioghachd
'S ioma fear bha gu bochd dheth,
Neo-shocrach na inntinn ;
Dh' fhag e mise fo mhulad
Nach urrainn mi innse,
Gu bheil t'oighreachd is t'fhearann
Air an ceangal do'n High so.
APPENDICES
Ma gheibh thusa saoghal
Nan daoine bho 'n cT thainig,
Gun cuir thu fir Shasann
Fo smachd mar a b' aill leat;
Bu tu 'n Leomhann 's an Curaidh,
A chraobh mhullaich thar each thu ;
C'aite bheil e air talamh
Na thug barrachd air t' ailleachd !
III. SACRED SONG.
(By John Grant, Aonach).
Gu'r a mise tha truagh dheth,
Air an uair-s' tha mi craiteach ;
'S cha '11 e nitheanan saoghalt',
A dh' fhaodas mo thearnadh,
No 's urrainn mo leigheas
Ach an Lighich' is airde ;
Oir 's E rinn ar ceannach,
Chum ar ii-anam a thearnadh.
Gu ar tearnadh o chunnart,
Do dh' fhuiling ar Slan'ear,
Air sgath a shluaigh uile,
Gu an cumail bho ;n namhad.
Do thriall o uchd Athair,
Gus an gath thoirt o 'n bhas dhuinnr
'N ua-ir a riaraich E ceartas,
Air Seachduinn iia Caisge.
Air Seachduinn na Caisge,
Chaidh ar Slan'ear a cheusadh,
'S a chur ri crann direach
Gu 'chorp priseil a reubadh.
Chuir iad alach 'na chasan,
'S 'na bhasan le cheile,
Is an t-sleagh ann na chliabhaich,
'Ga riabadli le geir-ghath.
Sud an sluagh bha gun trbcair,
Gun eolas gun aithne,
Mac Dhe 'bhi 'san t-seols' ac',
'S iad a spors' air, 'sa fanaid.
Dara Pearsa na Trianaid
'Chruthaich grian agus gealach,
Dhoirt E fuil airson siochaint,
Gru siorruidh do'r n-anam'.
APPENDICES 52$
Ann an laifchean ar n-6ige
Bha sinn gorach 'san am sin,
A caitheamh ar n-uine,
Gun urnuigh gun chrabhadh ;
Ach cia mar bhios sin an dull
Gum faigh sinn rum ann am Paras,
Mar treig sinn am peacadh
Gus an tachair am bas ruinn !
Tha na'r peacaidh cho lionmhor
His an t-siol tha 's an aiteach,
Ann an smuain, ann an gniomh'ran,
'N uair a leughar na h-aithntean.
Air gach latha ga'm bristeadh
Gun bhonn meas air an t-Sabaid,
'S mar creid sinn an Fhirinn
Theid 'ar diteadh gu bracha.
Cuim' nach faigheadh sinn siiilean
Bho 'n triuir chaidh san amhainn,
Chionn 's nach deanadh iad umhlachd
Ach do na Duilean is airde ;
'Steach an sud chaidh an dunadh,
Chionn 's nach lubadh do 'n namhad,
Ach cha tug e orr' tionndadh
Dh' aindeoin luban an t-Satain.
Ged rinn iad seachd uairean
'Teasach' suas a cur blaths' innt',
Bha an creideamh-sa daingean,
Is soilleir, cha d' f hailing ;
Cha robh snaithean air duin' ac',
No urrad 'us fabhrad
Air a losgadh mu'n cuairt dhoibh,
Oir bha 'm Buachaille laidir.
Tha cuid anns an t-saoghal,
A bhios daonnan a tioiial ;
'Cuid eile a egaoileadh,
Cha 'n ann gu saorsa do 7n anam,
Ach a riarach' na feola
Le 'n cuid roic agus caitheamh ;
Ge b' e dh' fhanas 'san t-seol so,
Thig an 16 bhios e aithreach.
526 APPENDICES
Oir cha 'n 'eil iad an toir
Air an t-solas nach teirig,
No smuain' air an doruinn
Gheibh moran bhios coireach ;
Ged a dh' fhuiling ar Slan'ear
Gu 'ar te&rnadh bho Ifrinn,
'S iad a chreideas a thearnar,
'S theid cacha a sgriosadh.
IV. ORAN AIR GLEANNAMOIREASDUINN.
(By Alasdair Mac Iain Bhain).
Thoir mo shoraidh le failte
Dh' fhios an ait 'm bheil mo mheanmhuinn,
Gu Duthaich Mhic Phadruig
'S an d' fhuair mi m' .arach 's mi 'm leanaban;
Gar am f aicinn gu brath i
Cha leig mi chail ud air dhearmad —
Meud a' mhulaid bh' air pairt dhiubh
Anns an dambar 'an d' fhalbh mi.
Chorus — Thoir mo sholas do'n duthaich
'S bidh mo rim dhi gu m' eug,
Far am fasadh a' ghiubhsach
' S an goireadh smudan air gheig ;
Thall an aodainn an Dunain
Chluinnte 'thuchan gu reith
Moch 's a' mhaduinn ri driuchd,
An am dusgadh do'n ghrein.
'S truagh nach mise bha'n drasta
Far am b'abhaist domh taghal,
Mach ri aodainn nan ard-bheann,
'S a stigh ri sail Carn-na-Fiudhaich,
Far am faicinn an lan-damh
'Dol gu laidir 'na shiubhal,
'S mar beanadh Icon no bonn-craidh dha,
Bu mhath a chail do na bhruthach.
Thoir mo sholas, &c.
Gheibhte boc ann an Ceannachroc,
Agus earb anns an Doire,
Coileach-dubh an Allt-Riamhaich
Air bheag iarraidh 's a' choille ;
APPENDICES
Bhiodh an liath-chearc mar gheard air
'G innse dlian dha roimh theine,
'S ma'n ceart a bheanadh an bas dha
Thug ise 'gradh do dh-fhear eile.
Thoir mo sholas, &c.
Gheibhte rac is lach riabhach
Anns an riasg air Loch-Coilleig,
Coileach-ban air an iosal
Mu rudha 'n iath-dhoire 'taghal —
Tha e duilich a thialadh
Mur cuir sibh 'sgialachd na m' aghaidh — •
Is trie a chunnaic sinn sealgair
Greis air falbh gun dad fhaighinn.
Thoir mo sholas, &c.
Gheibhte gruagaichean laghach
Bhiodh a' taghal ;s na gleanntaibh,
Ag iomain spreidh is dha'm bleoghann
An tim an fhoghar 's an t-samhraidh ;
Am por a dheanainn a thaghadh —
'S gur iad roghuinn a b' annsa —
Briodal beoil gun bhonii coire
Nach tigeadh soilleir gu call dhuinn —
Thoir mo shola-s, &c.
Tha mo chion air mo leannan
Leis nach b' aithreach mo luaidh rith' — •
Tha a slios mar an canach,
No mar eala nan cuaintean ;
Tha a pog air bhlas fhiogais
'S gur glan siolaidh a gruaidhean,
Suil ghorm is glan sealladh
A's caol mhala gun ghruaimean,
Thoir mo sholas, &c.
Fiach nach 'eil thu an duil
Gu bheil mi, 'ruin, is tu suarach,
No gu'n cuir mi mo chul riut
Airson diombaidh luchd-f uatha ;
Tha mo chridhe cho ur dhuit
'S a' chiad la 'n tus thug mi luaidh dhuit,.
'S gus an cairear 'san uir mi
Bidh mo shuil riut, a ghruagaich.
Thoir mo sholas, &c.
528 APPENDICES
'S iomadh aite 'n robh m' eolas—
Chaidh mi oga do'n armachd —
'S luchd nam fasan cha b' eol domh,
O 'n a sheol mi thair fairge ;
An caithe-beatha, 'san stuaimeachd,
Ann an uaisle gun aiibharr,
Thug mi'n t-uram thair sluaigh dhaibh
'San Taobh-Tuath as an d' fhalbh mi.
Thoir mo sholas, &c.
V. ORAN AN T-SIOSALAIGH.
(By Alasdair Mac Iain Bhain).
'S i so deoch slaint an t-Siosalaich,
Le meas cuir i mu'n cuairt;
Cuir air a' bhord na shireas sinn,
Ged chosd' e moran ghinidhean,
Lion botal Ian de mhir' an t-sruth,
JS dean linne dhe na chuaich —
Olaibh as i, 's e bhur beath',
A's bithibh teth gun ghruaim !
'M beil fear an so a dhiultas i ?
Dean cunntas ris gun dail !
Gu 'n tilg sinn air ar culthaobh e,.
'Sa' chuideachd so cha 'n fhiu leinn e,
An dorus theid a dhunadh air
Gu druidte leis a' bharr,
'S theid 'iomain diombach chum an duin
Mas mill e 'n rum air each !
Is measail an am tionail thu,
Fir ghrinn is glaine snuadh,
Le d' chul donn, ',s suil ghorm cheaiinardach,
Cha toirear cuis a dh-aiiideoin diot,
Is cha bu shugradh teannadh riut
An ain-iochd no 'm beairt chruaidh —
Is mi nach iarradh fear mo ghaoil
Thighinn ort is e fo d' fhuath !
Na 'n tigeadh forsa namhaid
Air a' chearnaidh so 'n Taobh-Tuath,
Bhiodh tusa le do phairtidh ann,
Air toiseach nam batailleanan,
APPENDICES 529
Toirt brosnachaidh neo-sgathaich dhaibh,
Gu each a chur 's an ruaig —
Is fhada chluinnte fuaim an lamhach
Toirt air an laraich buaidh.
JS na'n eireadh comhstri ainmeil,
Is na 'n gairmeadh oirnn gu buaidh,
Bhiodh tusa le do chairdean ann —
Na GLaisich mhaiseach, laideara —
Is cha bu chulaidh-fharmaid learn
Na thachradh oirbh 's an uair —
Le luathas na dreige' 's cruas na creige,
A' beumadh mar bu dual !
Is sealgar fhiadh ;san fhireach thu ;
Le d' ghillean bheir thu cuairt,
Le d' cheum luthmhor, spioradail,
Le d' ghunna ur-ghleus3 innealta,
Nach diult an t-sradag iongantach
Hi fudar tioram cruaidh —
'S bu tu marbhaich damh na croic'
Is namhaid a' bhuic ruaidh.
Cha mhios an t-iasgair bhradan thu
Air linne chas nam bruach ;
Gu dubhach, driamlach, slat-chuibhleach,
Gu morghach, geur-chaol, sgait-bhiorach,
'S co-dheas a h-aon a thachras riut
Dhe'n 'n acfhuinn-s' tha mi luaidh,
'S cha 5n 'eil innleachd aig mac Gaidheil
Air a' cheaird tha bhuat.
Is iomadh buaidh tha sinte riut
Nach urrar innse 'n drasd ;
Gu seimhidh, suairce, siobhalta,
Gu smachdail, beachdail, inntinneach,
Tha gradh gach duine chi thu dhuit,
'S cha 'n ioghiiadh ged a tha —
Is uasal, eireachdail do ghiulan,
Is fhuair thu cliu thar chach.
Is ghabh thu ceile ghnathaichte
Thaobh naduir mar bu dual ;
Fhuair thu aig a' chaisteal i,
'S ga ionnsuidh thug thu dhachaidh i,
34
530 APPENDICES
Nighean Milic 'Ic Alasdair
Bho Gharaidh nan sruth fuar —
Slios mar fhaoilinn, gruaidh mar chaoruinn,
Mala chaol gun ghruaim !
VI. Is CIANAIL AN EATHAD 's MI GABHAIL A' CHUAIN.
(By Alasdair Mac Iain Bhain):
Is cianail an rathad
'S mi gabhail a' chuain,
Sinn a' triall ri droch shide
Na h-Innseachan Shuas —
Na cruinn oirnn a' lubadh,
'S na siuil ga ;ii toirt uainn,
An long air a lethtaobh
A' gleachd ris na stuagh.
Diciadain a dh' fhalbh. sinn,
JS bu ghailblieach an uair,
Cha deach sinn moran mhiltean
'Nuair shin e ruinn cruaidh ;
'S gu'n chriochnaich pairt dhinn
'S an aite 'n robh '11 uair,
'S tha fios aig Rock Sdile
Mar thearuinn sinn uaith !
Seachd seachdaineaii dubhlach,
De dli'uine gle chruaidh,
Bha sinn ann an curam,
Gun duil a bhi buan —
Sior phumpaigeadh buirn aisd
An cunntas nan uair,
JS cha bu luaith dol an diosg' dhi
Na lionadh i suas.
Tha onfhadh na tide
Toirt ciosnachaidh mhoir
As a' mharsanta dhileas
N"ach diobair a seol ;
Tha tuilleadh 's a giulan
Ag usbairt ri 'sroin,
'S i 'n cunnart a muchadh
Ma dhuineas an ceo.
APPENDICES 531
Tha luchd air a h-uchd
A' toirt murt air a bord,
Neart soirbheis o'n iar
A toirt sniomh air a seol —
Muir dhu-ghorm eitidh
Ag eirigh ri 'sroin,
'S le buadhadh na seide
'S trie eiginn tighinn oirnn.
Tha gaoth is clach-mheallain
A' leantuinn ar curs,
Smuid mhor oirnn ag eirigh
Do na speuran gu dluth ;
'S e quadrant na greine
Tha toir leirsinn do 'n t-suil,
Co '11 rathad a theid sinn
Le leideadh na stiuir.
Stiuir thairis i, Adam,
Ma tha e do run,
Cum direach do chars
Ann an aird na cairt-iuil,1
;S ma ruigeas sinn sabhailt
An t-ait tha ar dull,
Gu 'n ol sinn deoch-slainte
Na dh' fhag sinn air chul.
B' i sin an deoch-shlainte
Nach aicheadh'nn uair
Ged dh' fheumainn a paigheadh
A bharr air a luach —
Do ruma mhath laidir,
G'a sharr chur mu 'n cuairt,
Mar chuimhn; air na cairdean
Tha thamh 'san Taobh-Tuath.
Fhir a theid a dh-Alba
Tha m; earbsa ro mhor
Gu'n taghail thu 'n rathad
Thoir naigheachd na 's beo —
Thoir soraidh le durachd
Do dhuthaich Iain Oig2
O dh' fhagas tu Rusgaich
Gu Lunndaidh nam bo.
1 Or, Cum direach an talan air bharr na cairt-iuil.
QIain Og. — Colonel John Grant of Glenmoriston, who succeeded
to the estate in December,, 1773, and died in September, 1801.
532 APPENDICES
VII. ORAN BHRAIGH RUSGAICH.
(By Iain Mac Dhughaill).
Ged is socrach mo leabaidh,
Cha'n e cadal tha shiird orm ;
B' anns' bhi suainnt' ann am breacan.
Ann an glaiceagan Rusgaich.
Hero, hu-ill, horo !
B' anns' bhi suainnt' an am breaoan
Ann an glaiceagan Rusgaich,
Far am minic a bha mi,
lomadh la, air bheag curam.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Far am minic a bha mi,
lomadh la, air bheag curam,
'S bhiodh mo ghunna fo m' achlais,
Cumail fasgadh o'n driuchd oirr'.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Bhiodh mo ghunna fo m' achlais,
Cumail fasgadh o'n driuchd oirr' ;
'S air thruimid na f raise, i
'S i a lasadh am fudar.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Air thruimid na f raise,
'S i a lasadh am fudar;
Cha b'e clagraich nan sraidean1
So a b' abhaist mo dhusgadh.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Cha b'e clagraich nan sraidean
So a b' abhaist mo dhusgadh ;
Cha b'e clag nan cuig uairean
Bhiodh a' m' chluasan a dusgadh.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Cha b'e clag nan cuig uairean
Bhiodh a' m' chluasan a dusgadh,
Ach an ceileir bu bhoidhche
Aig na h-eoin am Braigh Rusgaich.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
iThe Bard composed the song- in Edinburgh.
APPENDICES 533
Ach an ceileir bu bhoidhche
Aig na h-eoin am Braigh Rusgaich ;
Bhiodh a' chuthag air chreagan,
;S i toirt freagairt do 'n smudan.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Bhiodh a' chuthag air chreagan,
'S i toirt freagairt do 7n smudan;
;S bhiodh a' smeorach gu h-arda,
'S i air bharr nam bad du-ghorm.
Horb, hu-ill, horo !
Bhiodh a' smeorach gu h-arda,
'S i air bharr nam bad du-ghorm;
Agus Robin gu h-iosal
Ann an iochdar nan dluth-phreas.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Agus Robin gu h-iosal
Ann an iochdar nan dluth-phreas,
Anns nam meanganaibh boidheach,
'S damh na crbice 'gan rusgadh.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Anns nam meanganaibh boidheach,
;S damh na croice 'gan rusgadh ;
'S nuair thigeadh oidhche Fheill-an-R6ide
'S ann learn bu bhoidheach a bhuirich.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
'Nuair thigeadh oidhche Fheill-an-K6ide
'S ann learn bu bhoidheach a bhuirich,
'S e ag iarraidh a cheile
An deigh eiridh o'n ur-pholl.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
'S e ag iarraidh a cheile
An deigh eiridh o'n ur-pholl ;
;S ann >an sid bhiodh an fhailte
Ris an leannan bu chuirteil.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
'S ann an sid bhiodh an fhailte
Ris an leannan bu chuirteil ;
Es' ag iarraidh a cairdeas,
;S ise ;s nair' le' a dhiultadh.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
534 APPENDICES
Es' ag iarraidh a cairdeae,
'S ise 's nair' le' a dhiultadh ;
'S ged a laidheadh iad le cheile
Cha chuir a chleir orra cur am.
Horo, hu-ill horo !
G-ed a laidheadh iad le cheile
Cha chuir a chleir orra curam ;
Cha teid iad gu seisean,
'S cha 'n fhaicear ag cuirt iad.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Cha teid iad gu seisean,
'S cha 'n fhaicear ag cuirt iad ;
Cha teid e 'n tigh-osda,
Cha mhath a chordas an lionn ris.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Cha teid e 'n tigh-osda,
Cha mhath a chordas an lionn ris ;
*S cha 'n fhearr thig an drama
Ris a' stamac is cubhraidh.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Cha 'n fhearr thig an drama
Ris a' stamac is cubhraidh :
'S mor gur h-anns' leis am fior-uisg
Thig o iochdar nan dluth-chreag.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
'S mor gur h-anns' leis am fior-uisg
Thig o iochdar nan dluth-chreag ;
Cha b'e faileadh iia cladhan
A gheibhte '11 doire mo ruin-sa.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Cha b'e faileadh nan cladhan
A gheibhte 'n doire mo ruin-sa,
Ach trom fhaileadh na meala
Dhe na meanganaibh ura.
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
Ach trom fhaileadh na meala
Dhe na meanganaibh ura:
'S co 's urrainn a radhte
Nach bidh mi fhathast aim an Rusgaich !
Horo, hu-ill, horo !
APPENDICES 535
kVIII. ORAN GAOIL DO MHAIGHDEANN OG A CHAIDH
DH' AMERICA.
(By Archibald Grant).
'S mor mo mhuladsa ri sheinn —
Ach is fheudar innseadh —
Mu 'n nighneag og is grinn tha beo,
A rinn leon air in' imitinn ;
Tha 'gruaidh mar ros, suil mheallach mhor,
Is bias a poig mar f higis ;
Cuir mo bheannachdsa na deigh
Na h-uile ceum a ni i.
Phir a theid thairis air na stuaidh,
Thoir soraidh bh' uam mas pill thu,
Agus innis di mar tha mi
O'n a dh' fhag i 'n rioghachd ;
Na 'm bu talamh bha 'sa' chuan,
Ged us buan na milltean,
'S gar an ruiginn thall gu brath,
Gu 'n d' fhalbh mi maireach ciniiteach.
'S aim air chioiin 's naoh robh sinn posda,
Is ordugh o na' chleir ort,
Sud an t-sian a rinn mo leon,
Is mi bhi 7n comhiiuidh 'n deidh ort ;
Nuair a dh' eiroadh tu 'san rum,
An am a' chiuil a ghleusadh- —
Slios mar bradan air ghrunnd aigeil,
Fomiail, banail, ceilleil !
'S gu'r a math thig dhut an gun,
Tionndadh auns an ruidhle,
Agus neapuig bho 'n a' bhuth,
A bhiodh na cruin, de '11 t' sioda,
Mu d' chiochan corrach, is iad laii,
'S mu bhroilleach ban mo ribhinn —
Slios mar chanach bhiodh air blar,
Na oala snamh air linntinn.
Aghaidh shiobhalta 's i tlath,
Gu caoimhneil, baghach, miogach,
Deud mar chailc 's iad fallaiii si an,
O 'n d'thig an gaire finealt ;
536 APPENDICES
Beul is dreachmor a ni manran,
Gradh gach duine chi i —
'S ged a dh' fhanainnsa mo thamh,
Gu'n innseadh each an fhirinn.
Tha t' fhalt camalubach fainneach,
'S e gu bhar 'na thithean,
Dualach, caisreagach, a fas,
Mar theud air strac na fidhle ;
Grinn, gu dualach, casbhuidh, cuachack,
Sios ri cluais a sineadh,
Is nial an oir. air dhath an eorna —
Chaoidh cha leon na cirean.
Tha 'biaii mar chnaimh a bhiodh ri sian,
No mar a' ghrian air sleibhtean,
No mar chanach min an t-sleibh
Na sneachda geal air gheugan ;/
Tha gradh gach leannan aic 'ga mhealladh,.
'S iomadh fear thug speis dhi;
'S is ciniiteach mi gu'n d' thug i barr,
Air Grainne bha 'sail Fheinn ac.
Troidh is cumair theid am brog,
A shiubhlas comhnard direach,
Agus bucallan ga '11 dunadh —
'S leannan ur do righ thu ;
JS ged robh airgiod 'na mo phocaid,
Corr 'us fichead mile,
Cha do ghabh mi te ri phosadh
Ach bean og nam miogshuil !
IX. GEACE BEFORE MEAT.
(By Angus Macculloch).
A Thi bheannaicht', gabh rium truas !
'S olc mo thuar, 's cha'n fhearr mo chail ;
Sgadain cho dubh ris a ghual,
Is roiseagan fuara buntat !
'S ann agamsa tha 'mhuime chruaidh,
Gun iochd, gun thruas, gun ghradh ;
Ach cha bhi ise fada buaii,
Oir chuala mi Di-luain a taibh's !
APPENDICES 537
X. SONG TO CAPTAIN HUGH GRANT, LOCHLETTEB.
(By Lewis Cameron).
Somidli uamsa suas 'na' Bhraighe,
Dh'ios an uasail, shuairce, shar-mhaith,
Choisinn buaidh gach uair '& na blaraibh —
De 'n fhuil uasail chlann nan Gaidheal,
Anns na gruaidhean 's glainne dearsadh.
Ho, hi, huro, horo, heile,
Far an laidh thu, slan gun eirich !
Gu Caiptein Huistein na feile,
Tha mo dhurachdsa gu m' euga ;
Leanainn thu 's gach taobh an teid thu ;
Calpa cruinn an t-siubhail eutrom,
Feileadh pleatach leat a b' eibhinn,
Is sporran rbmach 's or ga sheuladh.
Ho, hi, etc.
Chite sud thu mar bu mhiann leat,
Tighinn a mach ri maduiiin ghrianach,
Fhir a' chridhe fharsuinn fhialaidh,
Tighinn gu faramach a dh' iasgach,
Tighinn gu cladaichean Loch Mhiachdlaidh,
Le dubhan gartach, slat is driamlach.
Ho, hi, etc.
Bu bhinii learn bhi' g' eisdeachd 'chronan,
Aig do fhleasgaichean ag oran,
;S tu dol a mach a' gabhail voyage
;Na do bhata rainhach ordail ;
'S ur gach crann, gach ramh, is rop dhi,
;S cha'ii fhaca mi ;san Taobh Tuath cho boidhche.
Ho, hi, etc.
Dh-aithn'imi do chas-cheum gu h-aotrom,
Direadh ri bealach nan aonach,
Le do phrasgan is tlachdmhor dhaoine,
Gunna snaipe '11 glaic an laoich,
Le do churrachd chopair a lot a' mhaoiseach,
'S do pheileir gorm guineach 'na gurrach a dh-aon tea*.
Ho, hi, etc.
538 APPENDICES
Dh-aithn'inn thu, a Ghaidheil chruadail,
Direadh ri ard n>am fuar bheann,
Le d' mhiall-choin ri d' shail 'san uair sin,
'S do spainteach 's do lamh man cuairt dhi ;
'N uair bheumadh spor gheur ri cruaidh leat,
Bhiodh fuil an daimh chabraicli a' frasadh air luachair.
Ho, hi, etc.
'N uair chromadh an curraidh a' shuil,
Ri dronnag a' ghunna nach diultadh,
Bhiodh an uilinn 'ga lubadh,
'S b' fharramach sradagan fudair,
Tighinn o sparradh do ludaig,
'Nuair rachadh an teine 'san eireachd nan smuidrich,
Bhiodh eilid na beinne 'sa ceireanan bruite.
Ho, hi, etc.
Gheibhte a' d' thalla 'nam an fheasgair,
Ol is ceol aig na fleasgaich,
Piob mhor nam feudan toll' ga spreigeadh,
; S gach crann dhi le sranii co-f hreagradh ;
Cha bu ghann dha do dhaimhean beadradh —
Fion a's branndaidh o' d' laimh ga leigeadh.
Ho, hi, etc.
'S arm o Chrasgaig so shuas uaiiin,
Thig an gaisgeach beachdail uasal ;
'S tu thug leat gach beart bu dual dut,
Is a' dh-eachdair a bhi 'n uachdar —
De '11 fhine 's ainmeil 's an Taobh Tuath so,
Ailpeinich nach tais 's a chruadail !
Ho, hi, etc.
XI. LAMENT.
(By Angus Macdonald, on the Death of his Wife).
Cha teid mi tuilleadh shealg an fheidh,
Cha ruig mi bheinn a dh-eunach',
Theid boc na ceirghil bhuam 'na leum,
Cha dean mi feum le tialadh ;
Air coileach geig cha chuir mi eis,
'S cha dean mi beud air liath-chirc,
Tha 'n t-sealg gu leir o' m' luaidhe reidh —
Chuir bas mo cheile sian oirr'.
APPENDICES 539
Bha mais is ceutaidh 'm bean mo ruin,
Bha sgeimh n'a gnuis le suairceis ;
Mo ghaol an t-suil bu bhlaith '& bu chiuin,
Ge duinte nocht 's an uaigh i !
Ged bha mi ciurrta cur iia h-uir ort,
Tha e dluth 's gach uair dhomh
Gu bheil thu beo an tir na glbir,
'S tu seinn an bran bhuadh'oir !
Tha thusa nis aig fois 'san uaigh,
'S tha mise truagh gu lebr dheth !
Gach latha 's uair a call mo shnuagh,
A smuaintean ort an cbmhnuidh —
Ma dh-fhalbh thu bhuani gu d' dhachaidh bhuan,
Bithidh mise lua,idh ri ;m bheo ort,
'S cha tig gu brath ach Kigh nan gras
Ni suas a bhearna dhbmhsa !
Cha n' ioghnadh dhomh ged 'bhithinn ciurrt'
Gun chaill mi m'iul, 's be 'm beud e —
Ceann bu turail, tuigs' Ian curam
Dheanadh cuis a reiteach' ;
Cha 'n fhaicte smuirnein ;na do ghnuis ghil
Leis an t-shuil bu gheire,
Ged bhitheadh do chrarmchuir, mar nach b' ainmig,
Tuilleadh 's searbh ri leughadh ;
O, Thusa shiabas deur a' bhroin,
Bheir solas do luchd iarguinn,
A Lighich mhoir, ni 'n cridhe leointe
Chuir air dhoigh mar ;s miann leat —
Dean mise threorach mas a debin leat
Anns an rod gu t-iarraidh,
'S am faigh mi null thar bharr nan tonii,
Far an deachaidh sonn nan ciad-chath !
O, tuirlinn Thusa, 'Spioraid Naoimh,
A Theachdair chaomh an t-solais,
Is taom gu saor a cuan a ghaoil
Tha 'n cridh 'n Fhir-shaoraidh ghl6rmhor4
Na bheir dhomh saorsa bho gach daorsa
A th' ann an t-saoghal a' bhrbin so,
'S am faigh mi buaidh, tre fuil an IJain,
Air peacadh, truaighe, 's air doruinii !
540 APPENDICES
XII. LAMENT FOR SIR COLIN CAMPBELL, LORD CLYDE.
(By Angus Macdonald).
Tha airm an laoich fo mheirg 'san tur,
Chomhdaich uir an curaidh treun,
Bhuail air Alba speach as lir —
A feachd trom, tursach, 'sileadh dheur,
Mu Ghaisgeach Ghaidheil nan sar bheairt,
Fo ghlais a' bhais, mar dhu.il gan toirt:
Triath na Cluaidh bu buadhaich feairt
Ga chaoidh gu trorn, le cridhe goirt.
Air oidhche 's mi 'm laidhe 'm shuain,
'S mo smuaintean air luath's na dreig —
Uair agam, 's a'n sin uam —
Bhruadair mi 'bhi ehuas air creig.
Thoir learn gu 7ii robh teachd nam 'choir
Fo bhratach bhroin de shrol dubh
Sar mhaighdean mhaiseach, mhor ;
Tiamhaidh, leont/ bha ceol a guth.
Mar dhrillseadh reult, bha gorm shuil ;
A glan ghnuis cho geal 's an sneachd ;
Bha fait 1onn air sniomh mu 'cul,
Tiugh chiabha dluth nan iomadh cleachd.
M'a ceann bha clogaid do dh' fhior chruaidh,
Hi barr bha dualach o'n each ghlas ;
A laimh dheas chum sleagh na buaidh ;
Claidheamh truailte suas ri 'leis ;
Sgiath chopach, obair sheolt',
Le morchuis 'na laimh chli ;
Luireach mhailleach, greist' le h-6r,
Bu chomhdach do nighean righ.
Laidh leoghann garg, gu stuama stolt'
Mar chaithir dhi-modhair f o reachd ;
Chuir leth-ghuth o beul seblt
A bheisd fo shamchair, 's fo thur smachd.
Ghrad phlosg mo chridhe 'nam chom,
Fo uamhas is trom gheilt —
Rinn rosg tlath o 'n ribhinn donn
Fuadachadh lorn air m' oilt.
Chrom mi sios le mor mheas
Is dhiosraich mi do threin na mais',
Cia fath mu 'n robh a h-airm na 'n crios,
Mar shonn 'chum sgrios, a deanamh deas.
Ged 'bha a gnuis mar oigh fo Ion,
APPENDICES 541
No ainnir og 'chuir gaol f o chradh ;
Sheall i rium le plathadh broin,
Measgta le moralachd is gradh.
Lasaich air mo gheilte 's m' fhiamh
'N uair labhair i 'm briathraibh ciuin —
"A Ghaidheil aosda, ghlas do chiabh
Mar cheatharnach a liath le uin,
Triallaidh tu mar 'rinn do sheors'
Chum talla f uar, reot' a' bhais ;
Eisd guth binn na deagli sgeoil,
'Toirt cuireadh gloir ri latha grais.
Bha agam-sa curaidh treun —
Gun chomalt fo 'n ghrein 'm beairt :
Ceanard armailt na mor euchd
Thug buaidh 's gach streup, le ceill thar neart.
Och mo leireadh, beud a leon
Br atuinn comhladh le trom lot ;
O'n Bhan-righ 'chum an duil gun treoir —
Uile comhdaicht' le bron-bhrat.
Chaill m' armailt ceannard corr,
Air namh ;s a; chomh-stri toradh grath ;
Mar dhealan speur na 'n deigh 's an toir,
Rinn cosgairt leointeach latha 'chath.
Air thus nan Gaidheal, 'stiuireadh streup ;
Mar fhireun speur, 'an geuraid beachd ;
Gaisg' leoghann garg, 'measg bheathach frith.
Cha d' gheill 's an t-srith, a dh-aindeoin feachd.
Cha chualas ceannard a thug barr
An teas a bhlair air sar nan euchd :
Misneach fhoirfidh, 'an gleachd nan ar —
Trom acain bais, o chradh nan creuchd.
Do Ghaidheil ghaisgeil ceannard corr
Am builsgein comhraig, mor na'm beachd :
A' toirt na buaidh 's a cosnadh gloir,
A dh-aindeoin seol is morachd feachd.
Mar chogadh Oscar flathail garg,
Is Conn 'na fheirg a' dol 's an spairn ;
Le Diarmad donn a thuit 's an t-sealg,
'S an Sonn a mharbh an Garbh-mac-Stairn.
Gach buaidh 'bha annta sud gu leir,
An neart, an trein, an gleus, 's am muirn —
Bha cliu a Chaimbeulaich dha 'n reir,
Dol thart an eifeachd anns gach tuirn —
Ciuin mar ghaighdeann ghraidh 's an t-sith,
"Uasal, siobhalt, min 'am beus ;
542 APPENDICES
Gaisgeil, gargant, crosg 's an t-sri,
Le cumhachd righ 'cur feachd air ghleus.
Fhuair e urram anns ga,ch ceum,
Thaobh barrachd euchd, 'an. streup nan lann.
Rinn d' ar rioghachd dion 'n a feum,
Air thoiseach trein-fhir Thir nam Beann.
'S na h-Innse-an thug e buaidh ro mhor,
Le iuil 's le seoltachd 'dol thar neart:
Threoraich e na brataich shroil,
'S a' chomhraig anns bu gloir-mhor beairt.
C' aite 'n. cualas sparradh cath
Bu bhuadhaich sgath na Alma dhearg ?
Fuil is cuirp air beinn 's air srath
Na'm millean breith, fo 'n laoch na fhearg I
Fhuair o '11 rioghachd meas is gloir
Anns gach doigh mar thos-fhear cath :
Dhiol ar Ban-righ mar bu choir
Dha onair oirdhearg 'measg nam flath.
Triath Chluaidh nam fuar shruth,
Mu 3ii cualas guth an Oisein bhinn,
A' caoidh nan saoidh, 'ruith dheur gu tiughr
Bha moralach 'an talla Fhinn.
Ghairmeadh air an uisge 'n sonn
Mar agh nan glonn bu bhonndail coir —
Cho fad 's a bhuaileas creag an tonn,
S air uachdar fonn 'bhios fas an fheoir."
Chriochnaich sgeul an ainnir mhoir,
Mu euchdan gloir-mhor an laoich threun ;
Mhosgail mi a mo shuain le bron,
A' sileadh dheoir gu'm b' fhior an sgeul !
A Ghaidheil Ghlaschu, shliochd nan sonn
A dh' fhuadaicheadh o Thir nam Beann,
Da'n dual le coir an sruth 's am fonn —
Dhuibhse coisrigeam mo rann,
Dhuibhs' da'n dealaidh am priomh shar,
'S gach euchd 'thug barr 'rinn Gaidheil riamh
Hi stiuireadh feachd an gleachd nam blair
Bhiodh buaidh na laraich sailt' ri 'ghniomh.
Dearbhaidh gur sibh al nan treun,
Ginealach do reir nan sonn,
A bhuanaich cliu thar sliochd fo 'n ghrein,
'Am blar nam beum 's an streup nan tonn.
Cumaibh cuimhn' air laoch an airm
A ghairmeadh air an abhainn Cluaidh,
'S a' meal e urram 'theid a sheirm
'S gach linn le toirm ri sgeul a bhuaidh !
APPENDICES 543-
XIII. A NIGHINN DONN A' BHROILLICH BHAIN :
Oran iir air seann Fhonn.
(By the late William Mackay, Blair beg).
A iiighinn donn a' bhroillich bhain,
Chum a' choinneamh rium Di-mairt,
A nighinn donn a' bhroillich bhain,
Gum a clan a chi mi thu !
Tha mo chion air do chul donn ;
Ged nach leamsa or 110 fonn,
B' fhearr bhi comhla riut air torn
Na bhi roinn nan dileaban !
A nighinn donn, etc.
Ged bhitheadh maoiii again ;na chruach,
Bhithimi-sa as d' aonais truagh ;
Bhithinn aonarach 's tu bhuam
Ged bhitheadh sluagh na tire leam !
A nighinn donn, etc.
'S deirg' do bhilean na an ros,
'S mills' na mhil leam do phog,
'S fallain d' anail na a' chroic —
Mo leon thu bhi dhith oirm !
A nighinn donn, etc.
An speis a thug mi dhut, ;s mi 6g,
Chum mi fada e fo chlebc,
Is mar geilleadh m7 fhuil is mj fheoil,
Bi mo bheo cha 'n innsinn e !
A nighinn donn, etc.
Ged a bha mi reamhar, laii,
'S ged a bha mi daonnan slan,
Rimi do ghaol mo thoir a bhaii
Gus nach fhearr iia sithich mi !
A nighinu donn,, etc.
Ars' mo chairdean, 'S tu tha faoin,
A bhi saraichte le gaol ! —
Ach cha thair dhomh bhi dhe saor
Ge b' e ta/obh an imich mi !
A nighinn donn, etc.
544 APPENDICES
Mo rim air do mhuineil ban,
Mo dhurachd a bhi 'na d' dhail,
Stiuram dhut mo ghuidh 's mo dhan —
Gum a slan a chi mi thu !
A nighinn donn, etc.
XIV. THOUGHTS ON NEW-YEAR'S DAY, 1885.
(By the late William Mackay, at age of 82).
O, beannaich dhomhsa beachd-smuain mo chridh',
Bidh ga mo sheoladh 'a cha teid mi cli ;
Tha smuaintean trom 'gabhail seilbh 'am chom,
Cuir Fein 'm fonn mi is seinnidh mi !
'S goirt bhi smuaineach air staid an t-sluaigh,
Staid tha millt' agus staid tha truagh,
Staid a' pheacaidh gun tlachd aig Dia innt',
Is bas tri-fillte dhaibh mar a duais.
Ged chruthaich Dia sinn 'na iomhaigh Fein,
'An eolas ard ami an nithibh Dhe,
'Am fireantachd dhireach, 's an naomhachd fhiorghlan,
Tha '11 t-iomlan millte le 'r n-innleachd fein !
Ach 's maith an sgeula tha dhuinn air teachd —
Sgeul eibhinn tha innt' gu beachd —
Bithidh gloir aig Dia dhi, oir glanaidh fuil Chriosd sinn
Bho 'r peacaidh' lionmhor, cho gheal ri sneachd.
An Cumhnant Grais sin gu brath iiach bris
'N ar rum 's 'nar aite cho-lionadh leis ;
Na fiachan phaidh E, 's an Lagh do dh' ardaich,
'Us bithidh iad tearuint', na dhearbas His.
Gin annainn miann gum biodh againn coir
'S a' Chumhnant Shiorruidh tha chum do ghloir ;
Gum b' e ar n-iartas coir ann a fhireantachd,
Is sith fo dhion fuil na h-iobairt mhoir.
Oir tha ar bliadhnaibh, tha tearc is gearr,
A dol 'nan dian-ruith gun stad gun tamh ;
Tha chraobh a liathadh, gun sugh 'na, friamh'chean,
Gu dluth a crionadh bho 'bun gu 'barr.
Do chumhachd Fein cuir a nios a nis
A dhearbhadh dhuinn nach e so ar f ois ;
Is anns an Righeachd nach gabh a gluasad
Gum b'e ar suaimhneas bhi maille Ris.
APPENDICES 545
Oir air an t-siorruidheachd cha tig ceann —
Mar shruth a sior ruith dol sios an gleann;
Is cha 'n fhaic miosan no milltean bhliadhnaibh
Ou brath a crioch, oir cha bhi i ann.
Ach tha ar laithean 'na d' lamhan Fein ;
Mu 'n glac am Bas sinn dean sinn riut reidh,
Is ni sin gairdeachas ann do shlaiiite,
"S ni sinn gu brath cliu do ghrais a sfeeinn !
XV. ORAN AIR GLEANNAGARRADH.
(By Hugh Fraser).
An Gleaiinagarradh tha mi thamh,
Ag obair dhoibh air figh' an t-snaith ;
Aite briagh' le beanntaibh ard,
Is daimh na croice 's aighean ann.
Sud an gleann a tha ro bhriagh',
Abhainn Gharraidh troimh 'mheadhoin sios,
Far am beil gach seorsa iasg,
Cho lionmhor ris na, cuileagan.
Na 'n gabhadh tu am bat 's an lion
Gheibheadh tu an adag riabhach ;
Am bradan tarragheal 's easgaimi liath,
'S na ciadan dhe na gealagan.
Sud an gleann tha boidheach briagh' ;
Fasaidh ann gach lus is fiar ;
A' bhuidheag bhuidhe, 's i ni 'n cia
'N deigh seachd bliadhn' a ghlasaiche.
Beanntaibh mullaich an fheur uaine,
Uisge fior-ghlan 'g -eiridh suas annt;
'S far am bi na feidh 's na ruadh-bhuic,
Luaineach agus mioragach.
Sud an gleann tha tlachdmor aluinn,
Cha 'n eil craobh nach eil a' fas ann ;
Giubhas, caltainn, agus fearna,
'N airde cul nan taighean ann.
35
546 APPENDICES
Beithe, seileach, cuilionn uain',
Bealaidh-Fhrangach 'a darach cruaidh ;
Caorann dearg a' fas 's gach bruaich,
Is sguab 's na h-uile luisean dheth.
Ros bho Sharan, lili nan gleann,
Seudar Labanoin 's eitheann chrann ;
Co chunnacas leithid sud a' ghleann ?
An taobh's do'n Fhraing cha 'n aithne dhomh.
APPENDIX P (PAGE 449).
BAEON COUET EECOEDS.
I. PROTECTION OF WOODS. [Original at Castle Grant].
Ye Court haldin ye 19 day of July, 1623.
Cutteris of grey woudis in Wrqrt [Urquhart].
THAT day It was statutit and ordinit yt na persone nor
personis wtin the boundis of Wrqrt & Corimonie fires, cutt,
peill, distroy, sell, dispon, ony of the woudis of ye saidis
boundis, wtout leif or altollerance haid & obtenit of ye Lard
or his bailzie wnder ye pean of XL lib. [£40, Scots] toties
quoties.
Wm. McAlister is decernit & ordinit to attend & keipt ye
haill woudis and haidgis wtin his boundis of Lochletter, & be
answerable for ye samyne, in tyme cuming in maner & wnder
ye peanis above writtin, & yt he sail mak na garthis wtin ye
saidis boundis, he him selff nor na vtheris dualling wtin his
boundis, wndir ye peanis forsaidis, nor dispone, bot sik as sal
be approvit for ye countrie pepill or ye bailzie in his name.
James Cuming [Dulshangie] actit in maner forsaid for all
ye woudis & haidgis wtin his boundis efter ye forme of ye act
aboue-writtin in all pointis.
James Grant actit in maner forsaid for all ye woudis &
haidgis wtin his boundis, efter ye tennor of ye act aboue-
written in all pointis.
Rot. Cuming actit in maner forsaid for all ye woudis &
haidgis growand vpone ye boundis & landis of Pithurrell
[Pitkerrald].
Jon. McAlister & Wm. McKintaggart actit in maner for-
said for all ye woudis & haidgis growand vpone ye boundis &
landis of Mid Inshbrein.
Rot. Grant actit for ye woudis of Schouglie and Meaklie
in maner forsaid.
APPENDICES 547
Patk. McEan and Gregor McAlister duy actit as saidis for
ye woud of Learnenye (Lenie ?) & Kyi St Ninian.
Dond. McEan dow, Findlay Caine McEan dow, tenentis
in Bealloid [Bunloit] actit in maner forsaid.
Jon. Keir McConkchie and Duncan McRobert actit in
maner forsaid for the waster [wester] woudis of Bealloid, & ye
widow for her awin pairt.
Jon. McEachen actit in maner forsaid for the woudis of
Waster Inshvrein.
II. RECOVERY OF DEBT. [Original at Castle Grant].
The Court of the richt honoll. James Grant of
Freuquhie, holdin be himselff and James Grant,
Ouchterblaire, his bailzie, at the Castell and
Maner Place of Wrquhart, ye penult day of
Februar 1648 yeires : the suits callit, ye Court
lawfullie fencitt& amrmit as use is,
Mr Duncan Makculloche, Minister of Wrquhart, desyrid
yat my stipend, crop 1647 yeires, and yeirlie in tyme coming,
extending yeirlie to ye sowme of ten markis in everie pleuche
of ye Lordschip of Wrquhart, and in toto yeirlie to ye sowme
of may be decernit to be payit to me for this crop
1647 within terme of law, and for payment of ye same my
stipend at the rate forsaid everie pleuche yeirlie in tyme
[coming] in everie crop according to ye ordor and termes of
pay vsit and wount ; and yat decreit be pronuncit yranent for
poynding, and that ye Bailzie concur and assist ye officare in
poynding for my payment yis yeir for crop 1647, and yeirlie
for lyk in tyme coming, according to iustice.
Penultimmo July [sic; but probably error for February]
1648. Decernit Judiciallie.1
III. PROSECUTIONS FOR CUTTING WOOD AND SWARD, AND
SLAYING DEER, ROE, BLACKCOCK, AND MOORFOWL.
Decreit off Barron Court contra the Tennents off the
Barronie off Comar ffor grein wood, sward, deare,
Rea, &c, holdin be Corrimonie, bailzie deput, 14 &
16 ffebrii 1691. [Original at Erchless Castle].
Ane Barrone Court off the Barronie off Comar, Holdin at
Comar the Thirteint day of ffebrii 1691 yeires Be John Grant
off Corrmonie, Bailzie deput off the said Barronie conforme to
ane Comissione off Bailliarie granted be Sir Alexr M'Kenzie
off Coul and Sir Rodorick M'Kenzie off ffindone, as haveing right
1 At this period the minister's stipend was paid by the tenants,
and not by the proprietors, as now.
548 APPENDICES
be apprysinges and vyr [other] legall tytels standing in their
persones agst the sd esteat and Barronie off Comar with the
haill tytells and jurisdictiones yrof , To John Chisholme eldest
lawll sone to the deceast Alexr Chisholme off Comar, and his
deputs, ane or mae, ffor whom he should be answerable,
and be which Commissione the said Baillie and his deputes are
authorized be the saides Sir Alexr and Sir Roderick M'Ken-
zies to seit and conveine befoire them, all and sundrie the haill
tennentes and oyres [others] within the said Barronie, and to
ffyne and amerciat ym according to Law, as the said Commis-
sione, off the dait the ffourt and ffyft dayes off Jenuary 1689
yeires beares, And the said John Chisholme conforme to the
said Commissione, haveing nominat the said John Grant to be
his deput who accepted yroff, and the samyn tennentes being
all summond to this day and place, be the officer off the said
Barronie, he made choice off me George Grahame notar
publict under subscribing to be his clerk, and Christopher
McKra in Comar to be his ffyscall conforme to the said Comis-
sione who gave yr oath de ffideli administratione , And efter
Reiding of the said Comissione, calling off the suites and
ffencing of the' Court in the usuall maner, and calling off the
haill tennentes of the said Barronie sua sumond be the officer
to the said dyet, and the claime givin in be the saide pror
ffiscal agst them ffor the reasones and causes efter rehearst,
did pronunce and give ffurth his sentence against the saides
tennentes in maner under written, viz. : —
The said day Donald Mcewin Mconill vick onill vick neill
in Glencannich Being complained upon be the ffiscal ffor
cutteing off grein wood, grein suard, killing of deare and rea,
blackcock and moorefoules, who being solemnly sworne inter-
rogat deponed yt he neither killed deare or rea, blackcock or
moorefoules ; But confest to be guilty of cutteing off grein
wood, and grein suard, and theirfoire the bailzie deput
amerciate the said Donald in ffyve pound scottes money, to
be payed to the ffyscall within tearme off Law.
Collin Mcomas oige in Wester Knockfin, Alex. Mcrorie
their, Donald McWilliam duy their, John Roy McWilliam
vick neill yr, Rorie McEan vick rorie yr, John Roy McGill-
espick yr, Alexr Mcfinley Buy yr, Thomas Mconill vick indire
yr, Donald Macean vick alister Rioch yr, John Mcalister
Rioch their, Andro me rorie theire, and Donald McEan vick-
queine yr, Being also complained upon be the ffiscall ffor
cutteing off grein wood, peiling off tries, grein suard, killing
off deare and Rea, blackcock and moorefoules, and being all
solemnly sworne, deponed as followes, viz. : — The said Collein
Mcomas confest the killing off deare, rea, blackcock, moore-
APPENDICES 549
foules, [cutting of] grein wood and grein suard, and peiling
off Bark, and ffyned yrfoire be the baillie deput in Twentie
pund scottes. The said Alexr Mcrorie also solemnly sworne
confest Lykwayes cum prcecedente, Collin Mcomas in omnibus,
and yrfoire ffyned in the alyke soume off Tuentie pundes :
The said Donald McWilliam being solemnly sworne confest
the cutteing off grein wood grein suard and peiling off bark,
and denyed the killing off deare and rea, blackcock and moore-
foules, and theirfoire the bailzie deput ffyned him in ten
pundes money fforsaid.
********
IV. REGULATIONS FOR SUPPRESSION OF CATTLE-LIFTING.
Actes off Barren Court off the Barony of Comar, holdin
be John Grant of Corrimonie, 16 ffeby. 1691.
[Original at Erchless Castle].
The whilk day it is inacted, statut, and ordained be the
said Baillie deput, That in caise ony theives or robbers pass
thorrow the said Barronie with ony stollin goodes [cattle], or
be recepted or harboured be ony off the tennents within the
samyn, or make ony incursiones or depredationes within the
said Barronie, or uyr wayes recept any off the goodes sua
stollin, or be in accessorie to, or correspond with, the saides
theives, or gae allongst with ym, yt the rest of the inhabitantes
off the said Barronie imediatly yrefter and without delay
make intimaVn yroff to the said John Chisholme, principall
bailzie, or to his officer, to the end the countrey may be freed
of such illegall and base acts ffor the ffuture ; and in cais they
ffaill to make tymeous intima'o'n as said is, and yrefter the
crymes above mentioned be instructed and made out agst any
off the inhabitants within the said Barronie, they are instantly
to content and pay tuentie punds toties quoties, and also
uyr waves to be punished according to the Lawes and Actes
of Parliat. made yranent, Provydeing allwayes the saides
teniientes or ayr [either] of them be knowin to the saides
crymes, or the samyn instructed agst ym, and no oyr wayes:
And fforder it is inacted, statut, and ordained that in cais
any theives, wagabondes, robbers, or oyr louse men come to
the said Barronie to make any incursiones or depredationes
yrin, that the haill tennentes and inhabitantes yrin be
instantly reddie with yr best armes, and all the assistance oyr
wayes they can have, to defend agst such persones, under the
penaltie off Tuentie pundes toties quoties, without any defal-
catione ; And sicklyke, It is lykewayes statute and ordained
that in cais yr be any goodes stollin ffrom any persone or
persones within the said Barronie, That imediately yrefter >
550 APPENDICES
and upon ane call, the whole next adjacent neightboures off
the persone or persones so injured instantly goe with him in
search and track off the samyn goodes, under the penaltie off
Ten pundes, to be paid to them toties quoties as the samyn
occures, and they refuse to goe, and the Officer off the
Barronie heirby impowered to poynd the contraveiners ffor
the saides penalties, and make the same fforthcomeing to the
bailzie efter poynding yrof.
(Signed) Jo. GRANT.
V. DEFORCEMENT, AND DRUNKENNESS.
Baron Court of Comar, 26 May, 1692. [Original at
Erchless Castle].
The whilk day anent the complaint given in be the said
Christopher McKra, ffiscall, agst John Me William Vick Neill
in Wester Knockfin, for and anent the deforceing off Kenneth
Mcinteire, Officer, being poinding some sheepe ffrom the said
John Me William Vick Neill for payment off his dewtie .[rent]
to his maister [proprietor] and the said John haveing master-
fully deforced the said officer by keeping back the said sheepe
sua to be poyndit, Therfoire the bailzie has fyned and
amerciat the said John in the soume of Ten pundes Scottes
money ffor the said deforcement, and ordaines him to make
payment yrof to the said ffiscall within tearmes of law.
The said day anent the grievance given in agst hugh Me
hutcheone Vickonill in Glencanich for and anent his exor-
bitant drinking off aqua vytie, and yrby dilapidateing his
means by his intemperance, qrby he is rendered unable to
pay his dewty [rent] to his maister [proprietor] : the bailzie
haveing considered the said grievance, heirby statutes and
ordaines that what ever aqua vytie merchaiids shall sell or
give above ane halff mutchkin aqua vytie to the said Hugh,
the said aqua vytie shall be confiscat, and iff the said Hugh
force ony more yn qt alowed from ym he shall be ffyiied in
ten pund Scottes toties quoties as he transgresses.
VI. REGULATION OF PRICES AND WAGES.
A. Baron Court of Comar, 25th Feby. 1693. [Original
at Erchless Castle].
The said day anent the greivance and complaint given in
be the haill inhabitantes off the said Barronie ffor and anent
the great extortione and exorbitant pryces exacted and takiii
be shoemakers and weavers ffrom the saides Tennentee and
inhabitantes ffor shoes and weaveing off cloth, The said Baillie
APPENDICES 551
•did enact statut and ordaine yt after the day and dait hereoff,
when the shoemaker buyes the rough hyde ffor ffoure merkes,
yt then and in yt caise he sell the mens shoes for eight shilling
and the womens shoes for sex shilling per pair ; and when the
rough hyde is bought at ffour pundes, each pair off mens
shoes to be sold at ten shillings, and each pair womens shoes
.at eight shilling, and when the rough hyds is sold at ffyve
merkes, that the mens shoes be sold at nyne shilling and the
womens shoes at seven shilling, and ordaines thir pntes
[presents] to be intimat to the wholl shoemakers within the
Barronie, with certificatiorie, iff they transgress, they shall be
ffyned and amerciat yrfore at the discretioiie of the Baillie.
[No rule regarding the weavers.]
B. Baron Court of Comar, 22nd December, 1696.
[Original at Erchless Castle].
It was lykewayes enacted statut and ordained that no
weaver within the said baron have or get for weaving off ilk
•elne courtaines, caddes, gray cloth, or lining, but twelves
poundes scottes for ilk elnes weaving and eightein poundes
for ilk elne tartan or heyved playdes, with certificatione to the
contraiveiners they shall be ffyned in ffyve pundes toties
quoties, and the saides weavers, iff provin to exact more yn
qt above enacted and allowed, in ten poundes, and yt to be
payed be the saides contra veiners withot any modificatione.
G. Baron Court of Urquhart, 31st July, 1736.
[Original in possession of the Author].
Court Pitkeraldmore,
Urquhart, July the last, 1736.
In regard that a universal hardship is imposed on the
'Gentlemen and Tenants of this countrie by the hired men and
servants, both man and woman, and this is represented to the
Judge : the same is to be enacted in the manner following : —
That any Servant who can properly provide his master in all
the materials necessary for a labouring man, is to have ten
marks of wages once in the half year, and two pairs of shoes ;
the next best to have eight marks and two pairs of shoes, and
the rest to have wages according as they are thought deserving.
And as to the Women servants, such as are not otherwise bred
than within the Countrie, and are not capable not to serve a
Gentleman's house exactly, are onlie to have three marks and
two pairs of shoes and ane aprone in the half year. And also
if anie servant living in the countrie who can gett service at
Whitsunday, and suspends his engagement until the shearing
time, then, and in that case, they are to receive onlie half
552 APPENDICES
Fees — as also if anie servant naturalized in the countrie who
is getting service within it desert the countrie without the
special consent of the Baillie, and the testification of the-
minister and Elders, the said girls are never to return to the
countrie so as to have habitual residence within it. Also any
man being within the countrie who works for days wages is
onlie to have one-third of a peck of meal and his dinner for
every days work betwixt the 1st of November and the 1st of
March, and all the rest of the year over to have one half peck
and his danner onlie. As also all the Mealanders1 within the
countrie to be required to give two days a week to his master
for his danner and super, and also to give him the time pre-
ferable to any if required — and all the above rates to be
observed forthwith, both by masters and servants, under the
penalty of ten Pounds Scots by the master, and fyfe Pounds
Scots by the Servant, upon all which the Judge promises to
give the sentence upon all persons complained upon, and if
the complaint is instructed, fyfe Pounds Scots money to be
given to the informer. And in the case of the Masters being
complained upon by their servants, who make not payment
within half a year after the fee is gained, he is to be decerned
against, and in favour of the servant, who is to get double of
his claim, and that no servant is forced without asking the
question at his present master under the within-written
penalty.
Court Pitkeraldmore, July the last, 1736.
JOHN GRANT, Baillie.
Considering that customary Swearing and Cursing is
offensive to God, and scandalous among men, Especially
before any sitting in judgement, Wherefore did and hereby
does enact that any person or persons guilty of the said Sins
from the time the Judge enters the Court House, untill he
leaves the same, shall pay one shilling Sterg. toties quoties,
and his person apprehended, and keeped in custody untill he-
pay the same. J. GRANT.
VII. TRIAL FOR THEFT, AND SENTENCE OF DEATH.
Baron Court of Comar, 18th Jany. 1699. [Original at
Erchless Castle].
Donald Me alister vickoill duj, now prisoner in Wesier
Inverchanich, yee are Indyted and accused at the instance off
James ffraser in Mayne, ane sone to Hugh ffraser off Bellin-
doune, and at the instance of John McConchie in Meilde.
Comar, and Christopher McKra, pr»r. ffiscall off Court, That:
1 Mailers. See p. 442 supra.
APPENDICES 553
qr be tlie Lawes and Actes off Parliat. off this Kingdome the
crymes of thift, recept off thift, corresponding with theives,
a-re crymes in themselves puiiisheable by death and confisca-
tione off moveables, yet True it is and off verity That you, the
said Donald Me alister vickoilduj, are guilty off the saides
crymes, In sua ffar as upon the Twenty Tua day off December
last by past [1698] you did repaire to the ground off the
Landes off Mayne and yr did most surreptitiously steal the
number of tua sheepe, haveing brokin up the cott qr the said
sheepe was, the fflesh off which tua sheepe, at leist a good
part yrof , was ffound in your possessioiie as a ffange :
Secundo, Yee are Indyted and accused ffor your thiftuous
stealling off ane Reid prick horned bull, belonging to Alexr.
Chisholme, lait Shireff deput off Invernes, and now in Kill-
muire Wester, and which was sent be the said Alexr.
Chisholme to the said John Me Conchie to be grazed in the
wood off Comar, and most surreptitiously stollin be you
ffurth off the said Wood off Comar in the year 1689, and pairt
off the fflesh off the said Bull and hyde off the samyn ffound
with you as ane ffange : Tertio, Yee are lykewayes Indyted
and acused ffor your thiftuous stealling off ane sheepe ffrom
fferqr. me ean vick ferqr. in Wester Knockfin, in the moneth
off August last, and the fflesh yroff ffound with you also as a.
ffange, and yee accordingly lug marked yrfoire : Quarto, Yee
are fforder acused ffor breakine up ane chist belonging to
Marie Roy, your moyr. in law, in the year 1689, and takeing
ffurth yroff ane certaine quantity off yairne, and oyr comodity :
Quinto, Yee are fforder accused ffor your thiftuous stealling
and away takin ffrom Christane Neine Thomas vick William,
in Wester Iiiverchanich, off ane chist, qr.iii was yairne,
pleadin, and oyr comodity, and the said chist ffound in your
possessioiie yrefter as a ffang, you haveing made your owin
use off the goodes yrin : Sixth, Yee are lykewayes accused ffor
your surreptitious stealling of keall [kail] ffrom William me
ean duj, laitly in Kirktowiie off Comar, and ffound with you
as a ffange : And Lastly, yee are accused and indyted as ane
notorious theiff, and under opiii bruite and comone ffame as
such : And the premises being ffound to be off verity and
provin be the verdict off ane assize, yee are to incurr the
paynes off death ffor said yrfoire to the Terror off oyres
[others] to coniitt the lyke in Tyme comeing.
Ane Barrone Court holdin be John Grant off Corriemonie,
baillzie to John Chisholme off Comar, the Eighteent day off
January 1699 yeires, The Court being ffenced in the usual
manner, the paniiell being brought to the barr, and the above
written Iiidytemeiit Red to him in presence of the Assyze-
554 APPENDICES
underwritten, and the Witnesses aduced ffor proving yroff,
did proceed as ffollowes, and yrefter the haill persones off
Inquest being present, and haveing heird the pannell his owin
confessione, by himselff, and uyr wayes provin by the wit-
nesses, the bailzie did Remit the samyn to the verdict off the
members off assyze following viz. :
Robert Grant in Erchles Alexr. Me Kra in Kerrow
Hector Fraser in Mauld John Chisholme off Knockfin
James Me Ean ok in Inver- Donald Me eaii vick queine yr.
chanich
John Mac alister Rioch yr. Alexr. Mcdoiiald off Muckerach
Archibald Chisholme yr. Alexr. Mcdonald yr. yroff.
Ferqr. Me oill vick ferqr. in Carrie
William Chisholme yr.
Alexr. Me hutcheone in Clyteroy
Donald Me ewin in Shallwanach
Robert Grant in Buntaite.
The heall persones of inquest having enclosed themselves, and
having put to the vote who should be Chancellor of the said
Asize, they and each of them did make choise of Alexander
Macdonald off Muckerach to be ther Chancellor, who there-
after caused Angus Macdonald, younger off Muckerach ther
Clerk read in the first place the pamiells owiri Confessiones,
and in the nixt place the depositiones of the witnesses laid agst
him for prowing of the remanent articles of the iiiditment not
confessed by the pannel, and thereafter the said Chancellor
having put the matter to the vote and verdick of the asize,
and having God and a Good Conscience before ther eyes, and
after mature deliberatione they find the pannell guiltie of the
first article of the inditment relating to the two sheep stolln
be him from Mayne ; they find likewise the second article of
the indytment anent the red prick horned bull also prown
agst the said pamiell by the depositiones of the witnesses with-
out objectione led agst him ; they find likewise the third article
prowen agst the pannell anent the stealliiig off the sheep from
fferqr. me ean vie Erqr., att least his being art and part
therein in knowing of the same to have been stolln, and
eating of the flesh thereof ; they find lykwise the article of the
indytment annent the Keall also prown by the depositiones of
the witnesses, as also the pannell guiltie of thift as to the tAVO
hesps of yarn because of his hyding of the same under the
thack and desyreing to conceall it: wee find lykwise the
pannell by the comoii report and brute of the whole Countrey
to be a Notorious theef, and remitts to the Baillie to pro-
nounce sentence in the matter : in testimonie qrof our said
APPENDICES
555
•Chancellor and our Clerk of the said asise have subscribed
thir presents this eibhteenth day of Januarie 1699 yeires.
ALEXR. MCDONALD, Chancellor.
./£NE. MCDONALD, Clerk.
The Bailly haveing Re-entered in Court, and the verdict
off the said assyze being Returned, and under the signe and
subscriptioiie off yr said Chancellor and Clerk, and haveing
considered that they have ffound the within written articles
off the Indytement prowin, the said Bailly decernes and
ordaines the persone of the said Donald Me alister vick oill duy
to be brought furth off the prisone qrin he now lyes in Inver-
chanich, to the Muire of Comar, ffryday nixt the twenty day
off January instant twixt the houres off aiie and two in the
efternoone yt day, and yr to be hanged on ane gallows set up
on the said muire, be the hand off the hangman, to death,
and yrefter to be cutt doune and his corpes to be carried away
and buried at the back syde off the Kirk yaird off Comar
Kirktoune ; and ordaines his haill moveables to be escheat to
his Majesties use ; and this the said Bailly pronounces ffor
doome. Jo. GRANT.
APPENDIX Q (PAGE 452).
I. ABSTRACT ACCOMPT OF THE BTJSSINESS DONE AT THE MANUFAC-
TUKEING STATION OF GLENMORISTON AND NEIGHBOURHOOD BY
ME, ALEXANDER SHAW, UNDERTAKER FOR SAID STATION, THE
YEAR 1764.
Yarn
Wheels and
Flax
Spun and Lint and Tow
Yarn
Lintseed
Reels
Bought
Bought. jSpun or Sold.
So. Id
Distribute
Distribute.
Libs.
Spg. H.
Libs.
Spg. !H.
Hhds.
Wheels. Reels
176-1 January...
3700
211
749
310 -
—
— —
February .
—
302 2 464
- 1 —
—
— —
March .. ..
1000
392 1
579
800 -
—
— —
Aprile
—
591 3
564
— i —
14
5 2
May
1000
604 —
660
— i —
—
4 3
June
1200
362 2
634
600 —
—
6 2
Jully
—
415 1
505
600 -
2 2
August
2000
308 —
389
800 |-
4 1
September
—
129 2
811
93 j2
2 3
October . . .
136 1
453
— —
1
November
193 3
589 449 -
•4 2
December 315 2
407
'225 —
—
2 2
Total... 8900
3962 1
6301 3882 2
14
30 17
Att Glenmoriston, the tenth day of January, One thousand seven
hundred and sixty five years, In presence of Angus Mackintosh,
Esquire, one of his Majesties Justices of Peace for the Shire of
Inverness, Compeared the above Alexander Shaw and made Oath to
the truth of the above Abstract.
ALEXE. SHAW.
ANGUS McINTOSH, J.P.
556
APPENDICES
II. AOCOMPT OF THE DISTRIBUTION OP WHEELS AND REELS ORDERED BY THE HONOUR-
ABLE COMMISSIONERS OF ANNEXED ESTATES TO THE INHABITANTS IN THE NEIGH-
BOURHOOD OF THE MANUFACTURING STATION OF GLENMORISTON THE YEAR 1764.
Date.
Persons' Names.
Place of
Residence.
Parish.
Nuir
Distri
Wheels.
ber
bute.
Reels.
April 4
9
10
17
24
28
May 10
18
21
23
29
June 1
4
9
14
18
22
26
July 4
16
23
August 3
8
10
13
17
September 5
11
14
25
October 19
November 2
7
13
16
21
December 3
6
10
12
Janet Cummin
Drumdrochit..
Achteraw
Borlummore...
Glengary
Blairy
Bonloit
Borlummore
Urquhart
Boleskin
Urquhart
Killmenwick
Urquhart
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
17
Kathrine Cameron
Peter Gordon's wife
Mary Mackdonell
Margaret Macdonell
Ann Mackdonell
John Cameron's wife .
Elspet Cummin
Invermoriston
Meechullie
....
Philip Mackdonell's wife...
Mary Mackiver
Fort Augustus
Miltoun
Fort Augustus
Ballindrom
Gartalie
Boliskin.
Urquhart
Boliskin . .
Donald Eraser's wife
Janet Mackdonell
Duncan Grant's wife
John Maclean's wife
Marv Eraser
Urquhart
Borlu m
Dores
Urquhart
John Grant's wife
Jan et Munro
Dores
Meeckulie
Gartalie
Mary Eraser .... ...
Margaret Call
Invermoriston
Moniack
Shouglie
Obriachan
Pitkerrald
Achnagunerin
Dillcatick .
Kirk'hili....'...
Urquhart
Boliskin
Urquhart..,..
Killtarlatie...
Urquhart
Kiltarlity
Urquhart.. .
Kiltarlity
Urquhart
Boliskin ....
Kiltarlity
Urquhart
Boliskin
Urquhart
Kirkhill
Ann Stuart
Marv Mackrae
Elspet Maclachlan
Elizabeth Mackrae
John Mackdonell's wife
John Eraser's wife
Elspet Mackdonell
Mary Cameron
Donald Mackdonell's wife..
Janet Mackdonell
Mary Chisholm
Janet Macgrigor
Christian Bowie
Ann Mackenzie
Thomas Mackbain's wife .
Dougal Mackdougall's wife
Patrick Grant's wife
Duncan Mackdonell's wife.
Kathrine Eraser
Ann Chisholm
Glenmoriston.
Livishie
Ballindrom. ..
Achnagunerin
Inverhanick . .
Corrumony
Fanblair
Craskie
Fanblair
Bonloit
Borlu mbegg ...
Connichin...
Inchnicardich
Strath Glass ...
Tomacraskie...
Obriachin ....
Port Clair
Duldriggin ....
Moniack
Alexander Grant's wife
Janet Eraser ...
Kathrine Mackdonell. .
Evan Mackdonel 1
Ann Stewart
Total
30
Att Glenmoriston, the tenth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and
sixty five years, In presence of Angus Mackintosh, Esquire, one of His Majestic*
Justices of Peace for the Shire of Inverness, Compeared Alexander Shaw, manufac-
turer at Glenmoriston, and made Oath to the truth of the above Acconipt.
ALEXR. SHAW.
ANGUS McINTOSH, J.P.
APPENDICES 557
APPENDIX R (PAGE 457).
EXTRACTS FROM THE DRUMNADROCHIT INN VISITORS'
BOOK IN POSSESSION OF MRS WELLS, LATE LAND-
LADY OF THE INN.
In Highland glens, 'tis far too oft observed
That man is chased away, and game preserved :
frlen-Urquhart is to me a lovelier glen —
Here deer and grouse have not supplanted men.
JOHN BRIGHT (June 21, 1856).
The above lines by Mr Bright called forth the following : —
From Highland glens, for deer and grouse preserves,
Let Bright be chased away as he deserves ;
He loves not them, but only cares for salmon,
Seizes each chance of claptrap and of gammon.
W.
We know, Mr Bright,
Your philosophy, quite,
And what nonsense you talk in support of it ;
But we scarcely suppose,
Such trash you'd compose,
If for one lucid moment you'd thought of it.
We'll kindly excuse
This escape of your muse,
Since we know your erratic proclivities ;
Here mules and shoddy
Give place to toddy,
And you're right to enjoy the festivities.
A. K. F.
Nor thousands here a wretched life-course run
To buy a splendix luxury for one;
Mid stifling walls and .sweltering alleys thrust,
In Belial's atmosphere of devil's dust,
Doomed by the heartless priests of Mammon grim,
To toil and pale and pine and die for him.
Glen-Urquhart is to me a glorious glen —
Here mules and shoddy have not stunted men.
L. BLAIR.
558 APPENDICES
He praised Glen-Urquhart — If his praise be just,
Why seek to dim it with malicious dust ?
How hurts it you that clanking mules afford
To thousands work ? Do you, by Progress bored,
Dispense with shirts, because too cheaply made?
Or fail to eat bread cheapened by Free Trade ?
J. R. S.
Oh, Drumnadroch.it, village dear !
I'll not forget thy kindly cheer ;
While comfort upon comfort piled,
Changes me to a mountain child.
It may be long, it may be ne'er
My footsteps shall again repair
To this romantic, lovely scene —
Yet memory whispers, " There you've been !"
How shall I in this simple page
Unfold what thoughts the mind engage ?
Or how in words befitting tell
The beauties of this charming dell ?
Cease, then ! and yet I fain would say
To all who hitherward can stray —
If peace and plenty you would win,
Oh ! come to Drumnadrochit Inn !
G. R. (1856),
Stop, Traveller ! with weel pack'd bag,
And hasten to unlock it;
You'll ne'er regret it, tho' you lag
A day at Drumnadrochit.
Stop, Angler ! with your rod and creel,
If you wi' trout would stock it ;
I have nae doubt ye shall do weel
To stay at Drumnadrochit.
Stop, Artist ! with your sketching-book,
For gin ye can but tak' it,
At Urquhart Castle ye should look,,
'Tis close to Drumnadrochit.
APPENDICES 559"
Stop every one who would combine
Care both of health and pocket,
You'll find short bills and breezes fine
Prevail at Drumnadrochit.
Rev. W. DRAKE (14th July, 1857).
Two hours we spent in Edinboro'
To see what could be seen ;
And (seeing people, not the town),
Two days in Aberdeen.
Six we allotted to Braemar,
And left for lack of "fare" ;
(The inns were full and flowing o'er
So we staid no longer there).
Seven happy days have glided by
Here in this lovely glen ;
And if it were but further south
We should often come again.
But, alas ! we fear it is too far
From dingy Lincoln's Inn,
To make it just the place to spend
The "Long Vacation" in.
Mr and Mrs F. SEEBOLM (26th August, 1857).
Ye maun prate o' the waters at Baden or Spa,
'Tis Drumnadrochit takes the shine out of a' ;
Of our claim to sich honour, judge everybody —
Their springs gie but water, our " Wells" 1 gie ye toddy !
(1861).
Ye tourists all, erratic race,
Who shoot about like Congrieve rocket,
Your ardour calm, abate your pace,
And pass a week at Drumnadrochit.
Geologists, who cannot see
A stone without a wish to knock it,
Just think how happy you will be
Amidst these rocks of Drumnadrochit.
1 Mrs Wells, the hostess.
560 APPENDICES
Ye men of law, awake so wide,
Who pore all day o'er brief and docket,
Just «ast your wigs awhile aside,
And keep a term at Drumnadrochit.
And doctors after fees who dance,
And oft a Christian's life will dock it,
Do give your patients one fair chance
By leaving them for Drumnadrochit.
Dyspeptic folk who cannot sleep,
"Unless your couch some potion rock it,
At this calm scene just take a peep,
And try a nap at Drumnadrochit.
Economists, whose only care
Is that bestowed upon your pocket,
From weekly bills awhile forbear,
And try the cost of Drumnadrochit.
Low in spirits, low in pocket,
Come at once to Drumnadrochit !
Sick of snobs, and tired of swells,
Sojourn at these pleasant " Wells " ;
Better door you cannot knock at,
Than the inn of Drumnadrochit.
Cheerful rooms and restful beds ;
Pillows soft for heavy heads:
Warmest welcome meets you there ;
Best of drink and best of fare ;
Leafy shades and winding walks ;
Benches set for friendly talks ;
Bowers where you may smoke at ease ;
Garden humming round with bees ;
Mignonette and purple rocket
Scent the air of Drumnadrochit.
The egg is fresh, no need to clock it,
That you get at Drumnadrochit.
Your valise ? you need not lock it
When you stay at Drumnadrochit.
No one wonders what o'clock it
Ever is at Drumnadrochit.
Squeamishness has nought to shock it
At the Inn of Drumnadrochit —
Pleasant place ! May no one mock it !
APPENDICES 561
But my song is getting long,
And I think I'd better dock it;
So farewell to thee, fair Wells,
And farewell to Drumnadrochit !
F. F. (Sept. 1867).
At the end of a more than usually poor attempt to find
words to rhyme with "Drumnadrochit" has been written the
following : —
Your verses, my friend,
You should study to mend,
And should be averse to exhibit 'em ;
But the Islay was strong
On the night of your song,
And flowed down your gullet ad libitemf
A. K. F. (1865).
Drumnadrochit, 18th September, 1871.
Snug hostelry, whose rugged name
So oft has stirred the bard's ambition,
I find thy welcome still the same,
Thy bed and board in good condition.
How sweet on genial summer day,
Or e'en in autumn's sultrier weather,
To reach the dear romantic bay
With sunlit castle, wood, and heather.
But what if fate should drive us here
When winter winds la-sh Ness to madness,
When hardy pines look gaunt and sear,
And stormy clouds clothe hills with sadness !
( Ah, let us not the thought pursue,
From gentler thoughts the heart beguiling ;
Would that our friends were all as true,
And we knew where to find them smiling \
JOHN SIBBALD.
From Anderson's "Guide to the Highlands." — At the
mouth of Glen-Urquhart there is a large and excellent inn,
Drumnadrochit, long an established favourite with the public,
.and now still better known to fame by a letter from Shirley
Brooks to Punch."
36
562 APPENDICES
" The ' letter ' was written five years ago. Revisiting the
excellent inn, I can only add, after a week's sojourn, that Mrs
Wells is the best of hostesses. Visitors will speedily find this
out for themselves, but I wish to do a service to such of them
as may not be aware that from Drumnadrochit they can easily
(in one day) make an excursion to a glen of the most exquisite-
beauty, Glen Affaric, and that on the road (a very good one)
they will see every variety of Highland scenery, rich and
wooded, wild and bleak, and a grim, fierce cataract, the
' Dog Falls,' worth coming any distance to see. Two days-
met?/ be made of it by stopping at an inn on the way, but this
is needless — take a basket, furnished here, and dine on the
side of the lake in the glen. I hope that no reader of
these lines indulges in the idle, UNWHOLESOME, and
DEMORALISING habit called smoking, but should one be
so misguided, I fear that he will think a cigar by the side of
that lake the most delicious weed (properly so called, my
brethren) which he ever smoked. ' I drink his health in a
dram,' and wish him, if not reform, good fusees, v.s.
"October 3, 1865. SHIELEY BROOKS,
' ' who on the above day went to Glen Affaric with John
Phillip, R.A., Mr Cassie of Aberdeen, artist, and
" EMILY BROOKS."
APPENDIX S (PAGE 463).
THE POOR, AND " FOOLS."
BEFORE the Poor Law Act of 1845, the poor were relieved
by the Kirk Session, out of a fund raised from church collec-
tions, private contributions, and fines paid by offenders against
the moral law. This relief was, however, insufficient for
their maintenance, and large numbers went about begging —
certificates of poverty and licences to beg being, before the
end of the 18th century, granted to the genuine and deserving
poor by their ministers. For these beggars — many of whom
came from other parishes — every farmer kept a corner and a
blanket in his barn ; and they got supper before going to bed,
and breakfast in the morning. Some of them were "fools"
—helpless lunatics, as a rule, who wandered miserably from
house to house, and from parish to parish, until, at last, they
lay down on some bleak moor, or in some lonely wood, to die
of hunger or from exposure. Since the establishment of
lunatic asylums, this sort have ceased to wander. The fol-
lowing were the most noted "fools" who frequented our
Parish within the last hundred years: —
APPENDICES 563
JOSEPH DAY. A native of England, or the South of
Scotland. Wandered during the closing years of the 18th
century and the early years of the 19th. Committed some
crime — said to have been murder — and vowed never to speak
again, or to sleep under a roof. Would, therefore, never
speak, except, unguardedly, when greatly frightened.
Carried a blanket on his back, and always slept in the woodsr
winter and summer.
RUARAIDH RASAIDH. A native of Raasay, who flourished
about eighty years ago [i.e., before 1893]. Took his father's
body out of the grave, and left it exposed to the elements.
Was a trustworthy messenger, and used to carry messages
between the Parish and Inverness and other places.
CHRISTOPHER MACLENNAN, from Kintail. Had habit of
returning to house in which he had rested, and enquiring,
" An d'fhag mi dad?" " Have I left anything 1" Boys used
to send him back for miles by suggesting that he had left
something in some house which he had entered.
AN T-AMADAN RUISTE — THE NAKED FOOL. A native of
the West Coast. Wandered about the same time as Joseph
Day. Went mad in consequence of the death of a girl he was
about to marry. Composed a touching song on her, which
he used to sing as long as he lived. Had habit of tearing his
clothes to pieces, and was sometimes found stark naked. In
his old age was carried from place to place, sitting in a kind
of chair, and covered with a blanket, which he continually
tried to tear into shreds.
DUBH AN TOMAIDH. Imagined he was a piper, and went
through the Parish carrying a branch like bagpipes, and
imitating w'th his voice the sound of the pipes. Continually
marched to the "music'' which he thus produced — until he
was unable, through fatigue, to proceed further. After
resting for a time he hurried on again.
TEARLACH NAN ITEAG — CHARLES OF THE FEATHERS. Had
his bonnet and clothes stuck all over with feathers, like a
Red Indian. Was a great dancer, and his great object in
life was to attend weddings, and join in the festivities.
ALI MOON. Wandered between thirty and fifty years ago
[before 1893]. An excellent singer. During the Crimean
War imagined and related most extraordinary "news" from
the scene of operations.
HANNAH BARCLAY. A native of the South, who wandered
about fifty years ago [before 1893]. Delicate and good-
looking, and said to have been of gentle blood. Usually
slept in the woods, and ate grass like Nebuchadnezzar of old.
56 I APPENDICES
CAILLEACH NAM Muc. Went about between thirty and
sixty years ago [before 1893], followed by a number of pigs.
Slept with them, and said to have been at last eaten by them.
A reputed witch, who bore the devil's mark on her forehead,
which she carefully kept covered.
UILLEAM AN DuLARAiCH. A native of Glen Convinth,
who, for many years, went from parish to parish attending
" Sacraments." Dressed in clergymen's clothes, and imagined
himself a bit of a divine. Died about eight years ago [before
1893].
APPENDIX T (PAGE 464).
PAPEES CONCEENING THE MAEEIAGE OF AN UEQUHAET
HEIEESS IN 1737.
[Originals at Castle Grant, and printed in " Chiefs of Grant,"
Vol. II.]
I. LETTEE, JOHN GRANT OF DALRACHNIE, CHAMBERLAIN
OF URQUHART, AND OTHER GRANTS, TO LUDOVICK
GRANT, YOUNGER OF GRANT.
Bellmackaan, January 26th, 1737.
Honorable Sir, — Wishing you and noble ladie ane happie
New- Year, we heartly pray the Almightie may longe preserve
you both, and grant us off you great posteritie to inherite
their ancestors' virtues and esteats, and to stand on the head
of the Clan Grant while sun and moon endure. It afforded
us no small pleasure, when you was last in this country, to
hear you express publickly your willingness to embrace every
faire opportunity off planting Grants in this conntrie, and
turning out such as hade ther dependance on other chieffs and
masters, whereof ther are too many both in Urquhart an.i
Glenmoristone. One occasione of this nature has leatly cast
up here, the which, was it embraced and did succeed, it would
be a mean to anable one young pritty fellow of your name
here turn out to be one of the most substantiall tennants in
the countrie. Wherefor, we begg live to lay the caice before
you, viz. : — Ther was a tennant widdow who laitly dyed very
rich in this country, and bequeathed her whole wordly effects
to her youngest daughter, haveing no maille childeren.
Immediatly upon her demise, 'severall young lads appeared
on ther amours with the girl, amonge whom ther were one or
two Grants, and the rest forreigners to us and our najne.
One of the Grants pretended to have a promise of marriage
of the girle, and sought our assistance to maintaine the same,
which wee frankly complyed with, as wee hade much at heart,
APPENDICES 565
if possible, to advance our freend and namesake in any just
intrest mighte occurr, and particularly to this gear, as It
could all at once enable our freend to succeed the defunct iii
her tack and means, and so prove one of the most substantiall
tennants to your honor and intrest in all the lordship of
Urquhart. Wherfor, seeing you allwayes disstinguish your-
self amonge the best of Highland chiefs in supporting all
your name, wee have, with the greater frankness, counten-
anced our freend to prosecute his intentione in a lawfull and
just manner. But in the meantime, to our surpryse, a
comone fellow's sone, of what name we know not, only of late
calls himself M'Donell, and who all his life was universalie
knowen to act the villa/nous pairt in traffecting with stolne
goods, and bringing severall blunders of that nature on this
country, by which he made up all his substance, did, by
cunning shifts or brybery, engage some of the lass' nearest
freends, and by which means shee was carried off privatly,
and made to sculck in such pairts as either our freend or us
hade no access to her, except we hade gone to take her at the
rightes, which we were sweer to doe till we first acquanted
your honour how the matter stood. But in shorte, after all
arguments used with him in a faire way, and particularly by
the Chamberland, who told him that the Laird of Grant
would be disspleas'd at his conduct in this and other things,
immediately made it his business, in oppositione to our
project, to make up a pairty, both without and within the
country, whereby its propos'd, in despighte of all Grants, to
have the girle married to his sone. But now, as wee have
made a faire representatione of the caice to your honour, and
that wee allwayes rely to be supported in any just or honorable
undertakeing by our chieff and master, wee presume to expect,
seeing wee are thus touched upon honour, that you will not
only advyse what shall be done in this, but also be pleas' d to
sigiiifie your clisspleasure at such as sett themselves up in
oppositione to all your name this syde of Ness, when ther
undertakeing is so faire and reasonable. And as wee have
nothing so much at heart as to stand for your honour and
intrest, either righte or wronge, if any such occasione did
offer, we flatter ourselves that you'l not only show to the
world your reguard to your freends, in contempt of ther
enemies, but give us assurance to bannish the author of this
iiidignitie offered to us from your lands and esteat, and give
his and liis son's possessione to some responsable namesake of
our own ; which, if you incline, will be very soon hade to your
satisfactione. Wee begg, with the greatest submissione, your
forgiveness for this tedious letter, and wee are, as becometh,
566 APPENDICES
with the greatest esteem, honorable sir, your honour's most
obedient and most obliedged humble servants,
Jo. GRANT.
ALEX. GRANTT. ALEX. GRANTT.
PATRICK GRANT. ANGUS GRANTT.
ROBERT GRANT. ROBERT GRANT.
JAMES GRANTT. ROBERT GRANT.
ROBERT GRANTT. PATRICK GRANT.
JOHN GRANT.
What touched us so verie much in this affair was this, that
this Grant who had the girle under promise to marry him,
how soon he was observed to come to the town where she was,
this Donald Bain, of late M'Donald, with some others,
advanced toward him, and some of them fell on and cast him
down to the ground, and threatned to maletreat him, which
would effectuallie have happened had not one M'Grigor,
hearing the noise of their grapeling, came and rescued Grant
from them. Jo. GRANT.
II. PETITION, PATRICK GRANT OF GLENMORISTON AND OTHER
GRANTS, TO THE SAME.
March 14th, 1737.
Unto the Honourable the Laird of Grant, younger.
The humble address of the Laird of Glenmoriston
and other gentlemen of the name of Grant, both in
Urquhart and Glenmoriston, subscribing hereto.
Honourable Sir, — Give us leave to signify that your name
in said two countries have not been thir several generations
so perfectly unite among themselves, nor so absolutely deter-
mined to follow their chief in opposition to all mortals, as
they have been of late and continue to be since you came first
among them.
Not but that our predecessors alwise intertained the
greatest esteem for their chief, in all ages, that was possible
for any people to do. But, sir, their situation differed from
ours, which made 'em at some occasions suppress the sincere
sentiments of their minds, and conceal their natural affec-
tions; viz., their case was thus: Tho' Urquhart and Glen-
moriston did belong to the Laird of Grant and to his friend
Glenmoriston upward of two hundered years agoe, yet in
"both said countries there were not till of late but very few
Grants, tho' there were of other names near to four hundered.
Wherefore, in all times of trouble, the Laird of Grant being
at a distance, while the multitude of other names ran to and
flocked after their respective chiefs, the few Grants behoved,
for the safety of their persons and interests, either to sit still
or join with other neighbouring chiefs, who were upon the
opposite side of the question with their own chief, and such
of them as did otherwise were cruelly massacred themselves,
APPENDICES
567
and their posterity robbed of their worldly effects, whereof
there have been several instances since the Grants first pos-
sessed these countries. But, sir, the case is now otherwise
(thanks to God) with your name in said countries ; they have,
-and continue to multiply to that degree, that if their chief
continue his countenance, favour, and protection, they shall
be able to possess the most of said countries themselves, pay
their dues, and without fear or awe of their neighbours, turn
out after their own chief in whatever he has adoe, and cutt
a figure under him. And it gave all of us great pleasure to
hear your firm resolut'on, when last in this country, of
embracing every fair opportunity of turning out strangers
and preferring such of your own name as were capable to any
possessions that from time to time came to be free of tacts;
and this was the cause that made us meddle at all to have
that rich girl we once before mentioned in our letter to you
for some namesake of our own. But we are heartily sorry
that our opposites have been at great pains to missrepresent
our conduct in that matter, and run us down to you and
others, and the more sorry that their reports seem to be
believed of us, while meantime we made no step that was
either mean, unfair, or unjust, as may bee seen by the inclosed
information, which we intreat you may cause read before you,
and examine the facts therein narrated ; and we all begg as
one man, that none of us be condemned unheard. Our
characters and interests have been attacked already, and
probably may much more, unless prevented, and both without
any foundation. Wherefore, we apply to you (as our common
parent), and we are, with the greatest submission and esteem,
honourable sir, your most humble, most faithful, obliged, and
obedient servants and followers,
PAT. GRANTT of Glenmoriston.
ALEX. GRANTT of Shewglie.
ALEX. GRANTT of Corrimony.
ANGUS GRANTT.
ROBERT GRANT.
DUNCAN GRANT.
P. G., elder of Craskie.
ROBT. GRANTT.
PATRICK GRANTT.
ALLAN GRANTT in the Hills.
JOHN GRANT.
^ENEAS GRANT of Deldregin.
ALEX. GRANT of Craskie, younger.
PATRICK GRANT.
ALEX. GRANTT.
ALEX. GRANTT in Bunloitt.
EWEN GRANT.
To the Honourable the Laird of Grant.
568 APPENDICES
III. LETTER, SIMON LORD LOVAT TO THE SAME.
Beaufort, 13th April, 1737.
My Dear Laird of Grant, — I am glad to hear from other
persons, tho' I have no line under your own hand, that you
keep your health, and that good Lady Margaret goes on very
well in her pregnancy. I pray God she may bring you a boy
that will make your family more illustrious than ever it was,
and I beg leave to assure you and her of my most affectionate
respects, and my Lady Lovat's, and your young cousins. I
bless God they are all in good health, but I have labour'd
under the ague these twenty days past, which the easterly
'winds brought upon me. I was forced to send for Dr Cuth-
bert, and take a vomit yesterday, which wrought very severely
and fatigued me much, but I hope it will do me good. I was
much surprised at the little noti[cle you took of the unaturall
and dangerous combination that was enter'd into in Urquhart
against your person, your interest, and your family : for the
famous contrivers of it bragg'd when they came out of
Strathspey that you rather encouraged than chastised them for
such an illegal and insolent association. I wrote something
of it to you in the letter that I had the honour to send you
by one of the soldiers of my company, but did not receive any
answer since ; and, truly, I must own that I was never so
astonished as to find that you took no great concern about the
most barbarous, villainous, horrid, and unprecedented crime
that was committed in the Highlands in this age, in any
country, or by any people : that is, the decoying one of your
tennents from his own house, while he was at supper, by a
little boy, and when he was conducted by the little boy in
order to go to Dochfour's house, as the boy made him believe,
as he pa&s'd the bridge that was upon the road, two or three-
ruffians, mask'd, jump'd upon him, bruised him, and beat
him till within an inch of his life, and afterwards cutt off
both his ears — .a barbarity without example in this country,
or in any country round it. I referr to your own serious and
mature consideration, whither or not this insolent action does
not strick at you and your character, as well as at your
authority and jurisdiction. I am very certain that it is a
manifest insult upon my person, both as to my office as Shirref
and as to my commission as Captain of an Independent Com-
pany, that now takes care of this district, and has one of my
posts in Urquhart. I do assure you that if it was not for the
singular love and regard I have for your person and for your
family, being resolved to be for ever addicted and attached to
both, and that I would not meddle with anything that ia
APPENDICES 569
within your country, regality and jurisdiction, without
acquainting yourself first, I would have seized both the
gentlemen and .common fellows that I had information
against, and very strong presumptions that they were the
contrivers and the actors of that barbarous crime against your
poor tennent, against whom they had no reason of complaint
but his marrying a country girl that had some money, and
that she preferred him to one of their relations to whom they
designed to marry her— .a fine pretext for murder and bar-
barity. Those gentlemen came within an half-mile of my
house the next day after this villainy was committed, in order
to pay me a visit as they said. I sent them a message not to
come to my house, and to tell them that if it was not for the
particular regard I had for you, and that they were then in
my own country, I would send them all prisoners to the Tol-
bcoth of Inverness to undergo the law. It is not worth my
while or yours to trouble you with an account of their mis-
behaviour that night. They went all drunk to your cousin
Belladrum's house about 12 o'clock at night, and Belladrum
being sick in bed, they insulted him and his lady and family,
and gave unseeming names to this country and people, and of
all mankind they should be the last to say unmannerly things
of it, for they always met with a great deall of good hospi-
tality and kindness in it, for they were still as welcome to
every house in this country as they were at home in their own
houses, which none of them can deny.
After all that I have said to you, my dear nephew, I
humbly beg that you may let me know precisely what you are
resolved to do to chastise the insolent persons that commited
this horrid crime in defyance of the law, and in downright
contempt of your authority and mine, for if by bad advice
(for I must call it so whatever art or person it comes from)
you neglect to punish the persons guilty of this horrid crime,
you will not be angry at me to put all the laws in execution as
far as I am able, both as shirref and as Captain of the Inde-
pendent Company f against those wicked, insolent madmen
that have insulted you as well as me. I have received this
day a very strong letter from the Laird of Gleiigerry, desiring
justice of me as shirref of the county, fcr the horrid usage
that his namesa-ke met with. He thinks he has got bad
returns for his lenity to Glenmoristone's family, and I wish
from my heart my poor cousin Allan may not suffer in revenge
of this last action. I will write to Glengerry that I have
acquainted you of the affair, and that I am very sure you will
punish that horrid crime with all the rigour that the laws can
allow, which I wish to God you may do upon many accounts.
-570 APPENDICES
I had a letter this day from your father, and by all the
publick and private accounts that I have from London and
Edinburgh, the poor remains of the liberty of Scotland are at
the agony, for since Ewadward the First's days, who ruin'd
our country by falshood and oppression, there was never
such an affront done to Scotland as calling up the Judges of
our Supream Court to appear at the English Bar for their
misdemaunours ; and the taking away by the arbitrary power
of the House of Peers the essential priviledge of our metro-
polis, is giving us the finishing stroke. What the consequences
will be, he is wiser than I that can tell ; but he sits abun the
lift that guides the gully.
I beg to know what time you think to be at Edinburgh ;
and believe that I aon, whither in peace or war, and whither
in a storm or in a calm, either in Church or State, with un-
alterable zeal and attachment, my dear nephew, your most
affectionate uncle and most faithfull slave,
LOVAT.
[The "lugging" of the man (Archibald Macdonald) who
married the heiress gave rise to a quarrel and duel between
the Chamberlain and Baillie, younger of Dochfour, an amus-
ing account of which was sent by Lovat to Ludovick on 15th
December, 1737. (Chiefs of Grant II., 360).]
APPENDIX U
THE URQUHART SETTLEMENT IN NOVA SCOTIA
IN the Olden Times the population of Urquhart and Glen-
moristoii was effectually kept down by war, and spoliation,
and famine. When these came to an end after Culloden, the
population rapidly increased,1 and a congestion arose from
which some of the more enterprising spirits sought relief by
joining the army, or settling in other countries. The
Urquhart men began to go abroad immediately after The
Forty-Five, and from then till now they have been noted
wanderers and colonists. " I have," said the late Mr Charles
Grant of Hazel Brae, to the Author, "in my day travelled
much. I have visited many remote parts of Asia and Africa,
but I have never been in a place where I did not meet another
Glen-Urquhart man. It is said that when the North Pole is
discovered, a Scotsman will be found sitting on it. I verily
believe that that Scotsman will be from Glen-Urquhart I" At
present Urquhart men are scattered over North and South
1 See p. 441, supra.
APPENDICES 571
.America, India, China, Africa., Australia, and New Zealand ;
and in Nova Scotia there has existed for more than a century
-a community which consists almost exclusively of natives of
the Glen or their descendants — the Urquhart Settlement in
the County of Pictou.
The man who first led the way from Glen-Urquhart to
Nova Scotia was Patrick Mackay, brother of Alexander
Mackay of Achmonie. Patrick, who served for a time in the
army, and was tenant !of Polmaily, was of an enterprising
disposition,1 and about the year 1770 he crossed the Atlantic
with a few other Urquhart men, and settled in Pictou. He
• was there in 1778, when his wife, Elizabeth Eraser, was in
Scotland. He himself subsequently returned to Scotland,
where he died. His companions remained in the country,
.and were joined in 1776 and 1784 by other Urquhart people,
who settled on the East Eiver of Pictou, which is known in
Gaelic as An Abhainn Mhor — the Great River. Among those
new-comers were Finlay Macmillan, Peter Grant, Donald
•Cameron, Samuel Cameron, and John Macdonald, better
known as Iain Mac Eoghainn Oig, whose great-grandfather
escaped from the massacre of Glencoe and settled in Glen-
Urquhart, and his sons, Duncan, Hugh, and James. James's
grandson, the Hon. James Macdonald, was Chief-Justice of
Nova Scotia. His great-grandson, J. A. Macdonald, LL.D.,
is [1913] managing editor of the Toronto Globe.
Between 1801 and 1803 the community was greatly
increased by the arrival of further batches from the mother
Glen, among whom were John Macmillan (grandfather of Dr
Macmillan, now of Pictou), William Macmillan, James
Urquhart, Alexander Macdonald, Donald Macdonald, Robert
Mackintosh, Duncan Macdonald, Archibald Campbell, James
Chisholm, John Grant, Angus Macfie, and John and Donald
Macdonald, who settled at Kerrowgair, called after the old
Kerrowgair in Glen-Urquhart. In 1818, and subsequent
years, again, new settlers arrived from our Parish, including
Alexander Ross, William Ross, William Macdonald, Gilbert
Macdonald, Archibald Eraser, Roderick Macdougall, Donald
Munro, William Macmillan, Alexander Chisholm, Roderick
Macdougall, whose grandson, John Macdougall, has for years
been member of Parliament for the county of Pictou ; Donald
Campbell and John Munro, who settled in a valley called
Urquhart, through which the Moose River flows : and John
1 Mr William Lorimer in his Report on Urquhart in 1763,, says
in reference to Patrick : — " A brother of Auchmony's,, formerly in
the Army, has begun liming-, and should be encouraged. His mind
3ias been enlarged by going abroad." .
572 APPENDICES
Macdougall, son of John Macdougall (Iain Mac Dhughaill),,
author of " Braigh Rusgaich " (see pp. 415 and 532). John
Macdougall emigrated in 1828, and settled at Blue Mountain,
where he died, greatly lamented, in 1873. On his tombstone
are inscribed the Gaelic words : — ' ' Air chuimhne gu brath
bithidh am firean. His son, Roderick Macdougall, J.P.,
now [1893] resides at Blue Mountain. Among the more
recent recruits to the Urquhart Settlement were William
Urquhart (who returned to Glen-Urquhart, and acquired the
Lewistown Brewery), James Urquhart, Alexander Urquhart,
Duncan Macmillan, William Macmillan, and Donald Mac-
Donald, brother of William Somerled Macdonald (see p. 412).
The Settlement now contains about seventy flourishing
families, of Urquhart descent, who all speak Gaelic, and
worship in that language in the churches of Blue Mountain
(A' Bheinne Ghorm) and Springville (Bail' an Fhuarain).
To the Rev. D. B. Blair, for many years minister of Blue
Mountain, and the Rev. A. Maclean Sinclair, lately minister
of Springville, and now of Belfast, Prince Edward Island, the
Author is indebted for much of the information contained in
this notice.
APPENDIX V
URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON PLACE-NAMES.
WHILE the great bulk of the place-names of the Parish are-
Gaelic, and easy of explanation, there are some which it is
difficult, if not impossible, to satisfactorily interpret. A few
of these go back to the time of the sway of the Picts, and
some of them at least are remains of the Pictish language,
which prevailed in the district of which Urquhart and Glen-
moristoii forms a part before the introduction of Gaelic by
the early Irish missionaries. (See p. 8 supra). The Teutonic
element in our place-names is inconsiderable, and belongs,
not to the Norse period, but to later times. Indeed, the-
Norse do not appear to have ever obtained a footing in the
Parish. The Pictish language, as is now maintained by mcst.
Celtic scholars, notably Dr Whitley Stokes, belonged to the
Brittonic branch of the Celtic, and was nearly allied to
ancient Welsh, the main peculiarities of which it presents in
the few remains that we have of it.
In names which are not represented by any significant or
understood words in modern Gaelic or Welsh, we must resort
to analysis of them into one or more roots, keeping in view
the historical development of the Celtic languages within the
last two thousand years.
APPENDICES 573
What is the etymology of the words URQUHART and GLEN-
MORI STON — in Gaelic, URCHUDAINN and GLEANNA-MOIR-
EASDAINN ? The old fanciful etymology of Urquhart — Ur-
chudainn (earthen tub, from the supposed tub-like form of
the lower part of Glen-Urquhart), must- be discarded. The
name appears in Adamnan's Life of Columba (seventh
century) -as Airchartdan, whence an early Gaelic Urchardan
naturally results, followed by the present Urchadainn, which
appears in Blaeu's Atlas (seventeenth century) as Wrchoden.
It is divisible into three parts — first, the prefix air, by, upon,
which becomes ur before a consequent broad vowel (cf. ur-
chair, for air-cur, "on-cast," a throw, a shot); second, the
Toot cartd, or card; and, thirdly, the suffix an. We are
justified, from its Gaelic pronunciation, to regard the root as
card. In modern Welsh this would be cardd, and the lan-
guage actually possesses this root, with its requisite suffix, in
cardden, a brake, thicket. The name Urquhart, as originally
pronounced, would thus mean in Welsh, "By the brake" or
" Brake-side" — or, possibly wider in Pictish, " By the wood"
or "Wood-side" — an apt enough description, probably, of
the first settlement in a glen which is now well covered with
timber, and which in former times was even more densely
wooded. As to the original application of the name, see
footnote 2, p. 340. In Wales Argoed, that is Ar-coed, "By
the wood," or " Wood-side," is a common name. In connec-
tion with this interpretation of Urchadainn it may be helpful
to keep in view the other Highland pLacenames containing
cardan. There are three or four places called Kincardine.
The Gaelic here is C inn- char dainn; the accent is on the card
(unlike Urquhart, which, as usual with prepositional com-
pounds, has the accent on the first syllable), and hence the
root is better preserved in Kincardine. The Gaelic cinn,
which is the locative case of ceann (head), and is the correct
form in place-names, has evidently in Kincardine replaced a
Pictish Penn -cardan. Urquhart, as has been said, is written
Airchartdan by Adamnan. In 1215 the Pope writes it
Urchard, since which time it variously appears as Hurchard,
Wrquhart, Wrchoden, Urquhart.
The name Moriston, Gaelic Moireasdainn, contained in
Glenmoriston, does not yield its secret easily to the philologist.
The river doubtless gives name to the Glen, and it is usual to
explain Moriston as Moir-easan, " of great waterfalls," which
is probably correct. The st in Moriston is perfectly explain-
able, for it arises from simple s, as in stfruth for sruth, a
stream. The real difficulty is with the termination nn, which
is of comparatively late introduction as a mark of the plural.
574 APPENDICES
Archibald Grant, the Glenmoriston bard, poetically describes-
the Glen in one of his songs as Gleannan ur nam mor eas —
"the verdant glen of great water-falls." In 1345 Moriston
is written "Morchen," which would seem to show that the t
had not then established itself. In 1478, however, Glen-
moriston was written as it is to-day.
The names of the two divisions of the Parish having thus
been discussed, other place-names will now be considered.
They have received but indifferent consideration from those
who are responsible for the Ordnance Survey of the Parish,
by whom they have in many cases been badly handled and
mutilated. It will be observed that the suffix aidh or idh,
better aigh, enters largely into them. We may take it as
equivalent to " place of." It is an old locative from a
nominative -ach; compare Dornoch as against Dornie. The
locative is similarly used in Cataobh, Sutherland; Gallaobh,
Caithness; beulaobh, in front.
I. RIVERS, STREAMS, &c.
Abhainn Choilltidh — River Coilty : the river of Coilltidh,
which means "the place of woods," locative plural of
coilh.
Abhainn Do — River Do, pronounced like English doe. Ety-
mology unknown. Probably Pictish. Cf. English dew,.
root dhav.
Abhainn Eanairig — River Enerick. Etymology unknown.
Probably Pictish. Compare river Enrick in Galloway,
and river Endrick in Stirlingshire.
Abhainn Loinn — River Loyne. The word Loinn shows the
locative case of lann, a glade, an open place ; or it may be
loinn, sheen, glitter.
Abhainn Mhoireasdainn — River Moriston. Already discussed.
See above.
Allt a' Bhodaich — The Burn or Stream of the Old Man, or
Goblin.
Allt a' Chlacharain — Water Ousel Burn.
Allt Dhibheach — Divach Burn, noted for its fall. No con-
jecture can be offered as to meaning. See Eas-an-
F hit hid.
Allt an Dunaiii — The Burn of the little Dun, or hillock, or
fort. Famous for its Hag (see p. 424).
Allt Gille Phadruig Gobha— Gille Phadruig Gobha's Burn
(see p. 103).
Allt a' Phuill— The Burn of the Pool— that is, of Polmaily,.
which see.
Allt an Tairbh — The Burn of the Bull — Bullburn.
APPENDICES 575»
Allt Eiric — The Stream of eiric, or compensation.
Allt nan Eoin — The Stream of the Birds.
Allt na Fiacail — The Stream of the Tooth.
Allt an Fhithich — The Haven's Stream.
Allt nan Gadaich— The Thieves' Stream.
Allt na Muic — The Pig's Stream — an echo, perhaps of the
time when the wild boar was found in Glenmoriston,
where we find Sron Muic (the Pig's Point), and Creag an
Tuirc (the Boar's Rock).
Allt Giubhais — The Stream of the Fir. The scene of Allan
of Lundie's leap (see p. 130).
Allt larairidh — The Stream of the Western Shieling. See
larairidh.
Allt Mor — The Great Burn, Bunloit. At one time called
Uaileig. See Inbher-U aileig .
Allt Mullach — The High Burn; or Allt Mollach, the Bough
Burn.
Allt Ruadh — The Red Burn.
Allt Saidh — Saidh, pronounced like English sigh. Saidhf
bitch. Burn of the Bitch — here probably she-wolf.
Allt Stiortaig — Probably the Burn of much sound.
Cam-allt— The Winding Burn.
Eas-an-Fhithich— The Raven's Fall— Falls of Divach.
II. LOCHS, &c.
Loch Asalaich — The Loch of Supplication.
Loch a' Bhainne — The Loch of Milk.
Loch a' Bheallaich — The Loch of the Defile or Pass.
Loch na Ba Ruaidhe — The Loch of the Red Cow.
Loch nam Bat— The Loch of the. Sticks, or Cudgels.
Loch na Beinne Bana — The Loch of the White Ben or
Mountain.
Loch nam Breac Dearg — The Loch of the Red Trout.
Loch nan Cat — The Loch of the (wild) Cats.
Loch a' Chaise — The Loch of Cheese. '
Loch a' Chrathaich — The Loch of the Crathach, which see.
Lochan a' Chrois — The Loch of the Cross. See footnote, p,
460.
Loch Cluainidh — The Loch of Cluainidh t which see.
Loch na Criche — The Loch of the March, or Boundary.
Loch na Cuilce — The Loch of Bullrushes, or Canes.
Loch an Dubhair — The Loch of the Shade.
Loch nan Eun — The Loch of Birds.
576 APPENDICES
Loch nam Faoileag — The Loch of Gulls. There are several
lochs of this name in the Parish.
Loch na Feannaig — The Loch of the Hooded Crow.
Loch nan Gobhar — The Loch of the Goats.
Loch Gorm— The Blue Loch.
Loch Loinn — Loch Loyne. See under Abhainn Loinn.
Loch Lunndaidh — The Loch of Lunndaidh, which see.
Loch Ma Stac — Obscure, but probably Loch mo Stac — the
Loch of my Peak or Precipice.
Loch a' Mheig — The Loch of Whey.
Loch nam Meur — The Loch of Branches or Arms. There are
two of the name in the Parish, both of which are
"branched" or irregular in form.
Loch Mhiachdlaidh — Loch Meiklie : the Loch of Miuchdlaidh,
which see.
Loch Nis — Loch Ness. For the legendary origin see pp. 5-7.
The word is in Gaelic pronounced " NeSsh," not Ness.
Adamnan wrote it Nisei, or Nesa; and in the 12th cen-
tury, and down to the 16th, the usual spelling is Nis or
Nys. The word is not derived from the Fall of Foyers —
an-Kas (pronounced "ess") — as has been imagined.
Keeping in view what was said at the beginning of this
Appendix as to analysis, Adamnan's Nisa or Nesa must,
according to Celtic phonetics, stand for an original Nest a
(Nestis?). The st, again, has to be analysed into either
ts or ds. Thus we get the root net, or ned, the latter of
which suits our case, for it appears in the Sanskrit nadi,
a river. There was a Greek Neda ; Nestos or Nessus was
the river bounding Macedonia on the east ; and Nessonis
was a lake of Thessaly. The German word allied is
netzcn, to wet. One is tempted to think of the mythic
Ness, mother of Conchobar or Conachar Mac Nessa, who
is associated with Loch Ness in one of the old hero-tales
(see p. 5). She seems to have been a river-goddess, for
she gave birth to Conchobar under extraordinary circum-
stances by the river Conchobar ("High-foam," Foam-
ing), whence he derived his name. The worship of
rivers, as we know from Gildas, and from river-names
such as Dee (goddess), and Don (Diana), was prevalent
among the Celts. Loch Ness is called after the river
Ness, a.s is always the case with loch and river ; but
Adamnan insists on it — Niscz fluminis lacum — the lake of
the river Ness.
Loch nan Oighrean — The Loch of Cloud-berries.
Loch an t-Sionnaich — The Loch of the Fox.
Loch an Tart— The Loch of the Drought.
APPENDICES 577
MOUNTAINS, HILLS, &c.
(The figures indicate height, in feet).
A' Bheinn Bhan — The White Ben or Mountain.
A' Bheinn Bhreac — The Speckled Mountain.
A' Bheinn Liath — The Grey Mountain.
A' Bheinn Shleamhainn — The Slippery Mountain.
An Cragan Daraich — The Oak Rock. Gave his name to Iain
a' Chragain. See p. 206.
An Cragan Soillear — The Bright or glistening Rock.
An Crathach — The marshy, wild, ugly place. The scene of
Cailleach a' Chrathaich's exploits. See p. 422.
A' Chreag Ard— The High Rock.
A' Chreag Mhor— The Great Rock.
A3 Chreag Dhearg— The Red Rock.
An Cruachan (1503) — Diminutive of Crunch, a high hill.
An Suidhe — The Seat, See footnote, p. 336.
Ard an t-Suaimhneis — The Height of Repose.
An Torran Daraich — The Oak Knoll.
Beinii nan Eoin — The Mountain of the Birds.
Carn a' Ghluasaid (3115) — Cam, a cairn, or heap, meaning
here a mountain-mass ; Gluasad, motion, moving ; Carn
a' Ghluasaid, the moving earn, or the earn of the removal.
Carn na Piacail — The Carn of the Tooth.
Carn na h-Iolaire — The Eagle's Carn.
Carn Mhic-an-Toisich (2221) — Mackintosh's Carn.
Carn Tarsuin — The Cross Carn, or earn running across.
There are two in the Parish — one crossing from Glen-
Urquhart in the direction of Glenmoriston, and another
from Glenmoriston to Abertarff.
Carn nan Caorach — The Cam of the Sheep.
Carn nam Mart — The Carn of the Cattle.
Carn a' Mhadaidh Ruaidh — The Fox's Carn.
Carn nan Earb — The Carn of the Roe-deer.
Cnoc na h-Iolaire — The Eagle's Hill, or Height.
Cnoc a' Bhuachaille — The Herdsman's Hill.
Cnoc a' Chaisteil— The Castle Hill; site of old hill-fort at
Corrimony.
Cnoc an t-Sabhail — The Barn Hill. There are two in Glen-
Urquhart — one immediately behind Balmacaan House,
and the other now called Hazel Brae.
Cragan an Teine — The Rock of the Fire.
Creag Achamhonaidh — The Rock of Achmonie. Which see.
Creag an Airgid — The Rock of Silver.
37
578 APPENDICES
Creag a' Choit — The Kock of the Boat, See p. 131.
Creag nan Eun — The Rock of the Birds.
Creag an Fhithich — The Raven's Rock.
Creag Giubhais — The Fir-bearing Rock. See p. 130.
Creag a' Mhadaidh — The Rock of the Dog — perhaps of the
Fox (Madadh-ruadh), or the Wolf (Madadh-alluidh), or
the Otter (Madadh-donn).
Creag an Tuirc — The Rock of the (wild) Boar.
Creag Mhiachdlaidh — The Rock of Meiklie. See under
Miachdlaidh .
Creag Mhonaidh — Craigmonie — Monie's Rock. See p. 10.
Creag Neidh — Craig Nay. Probably Creag Neimhidh, the
Rock of the Church-land (St Ninian's).
Cruachan Lunndaidh — The Hill of Lundie. See An
Cruachan, and Lunndaidh.
Dun Screabainn — Dun Screpin — Hill Fort at Grotaig. Gaelic
screab, means "a blotch;" but screabainn is obscure,
and is probably Pictish.
Glas Bheinn — The Grey Mountain; in Glenmoristoii.
Leac a' Bhainne — Leac, a slope or declivity ; bainne, milk.
The Milky Slope.
Leac nam Buidheag — Leac, slope; buidheag, daisy. The
Slope of Daisies.
Leac nan Oighrean — The Slope of Cloud-berries.
Mac a' Mhill — Son of the Meall — that is, Mealfuarvonie.
See Meall na Fuar Mhonaidh, and Nighean a' Mhill.
Meall na Criche (2224) — Meall, a lump, applied to a round
mountain or large hill. Criche, of the march. The
Meall of the March (between Glenmoriston and Corri-
mony).
Meall Daileig— The Meall of the Little Dale.
Meall nan Eilid— The Meall of the Hinds.
Meall na Fuar Mhonaidh (2283)— Mealfuarvonie. The Meall
of the Cold Moor. Near it are Mac a' Mhill, and
Nighean a' Mhill, which see.
Meall nan Oighrean — The Meall of the Cloud-berries.
Nighean a' Mhill — Mealfuarvonie 's Daughter. See under
Mac a' Mhill.
Seurr nan Conbhairean (2635) — The Peak of the Dog-men,
or Hunters. The Sgiirr forms the march between the
Parish and the parishes of Kintail and Kilmorack. A
tradition tells that Glenmoriston was at one time the
hunting ground of the Feinne, or Fingalians, who usid
to meet in the morning at Sgurr nan Conbhairean in the
far west, and close the day at Ach' nan Conbhairean
APPENDICES 579
i
(the Hunters' Field) above Invermoriston — having fol-
lowed the dogs for a, distance, as the crow flies, of about
twenty miles. A wood on the south side of Glenmoriston
is called Coille na Feinne — the Wood of the* Feinne . In
the immediate vicinity of Sgurr nan Conbhairean is a
hill called Tigh Mor na Seilge — the Great House of the
Hunting. These names may have originated when the
lands of Cluanie, within which they are, were a royal
forest. See p. 448.
Sron Dubh Dhibheach — The Black Point of Divach.
Sron Muic — The Pig's Point.
Suidh Ghuirmein — Gorman's Seat. See p. 336.
Suidh Mheircheird — Merchard's Seat. See p. 323, and foot-
note, p. 336.
Tom an t-Sabhail — The Barn Knoll. The first residence of
the Grants of Glenmoriston. See p. 124.
Torr na. Sidhe — Torr, a conical hill; Sidhe, of the Fairies.
The Hill of the Fairies. The Torr gives name to the farm
of Tornashee, and to Muileann an Tuir — Mill of Tore.
The Torr has remains of ancient fortifications.
Torran nan Gillean — The Young Men's Knoll. The scene of
the slaughter of the Gow Mor's sons. See p. 102.
IV. GLENS AND CORRIES.
An Gleann Fada — Glen Fada: the Long Glen.
Gleanna Coilltidh — Glen Coilty. See under Abhainn
Choilltidh.
Gleann Loinn — Glen Loyne. See under Abhainn Loinn.
Gleanna Moireasdainn — Glenmoriston. Already discussed.
See p. 573.
Gleann Urchadaiiin — Glen-Urquhart. Urquhart discussed
above, p. 573.
An Garbh Choire — The Rough Corrie.
An Coire Beag — The Little Corrie.
An Coire Mor — The Large Corrie.
An Coire Buidhe — Corribuy : the Yellow Corrie. The Scene
of the Fight of Corribuy. See p. 222.
An Coire Liath — The Grey Corrie.
An Coire Riabhach — The Brindled Corrie.
An Coire Giubhais — The Fir-bearing Corrie.
Coire Bodach nan Gobhar — The Corrie of the Old Man of the
Goats.
Coire Dhb — The Corrie of the (river) Do, which see.
Coire Dhomhnuill Bhain — Fair Donald's Corrie.
580 APPENDICES
Coire Mheadhain — The Mid Corrie.
Coire Mbonaidh — Corrimony : Monie's Corrie. See p. 10.
Coire nam Bra«h — The Corrie of the Maltings.
Coire nan Lapogh — The Corrie of the Calves.
Coire na h-Eig — The Corrie of Death.
Coire an Lochan Uaine — The Corrie of the Green Lakelet.
Coire Sgrainge — The Corrie of Gloom.
V. TOWNSHIPS, FARMS, PASTURAGES, &c.
Acha' Dibheach — Achadh, a field, a plain, a meadow — the
Field of Divach. See " Divach."
Achlain: Acha' Leathann — The Broad Field. In 1509 written
"Auchlayn."
Achtuie : Acha' Dubhaidh — Achadh, a field; dubh, black;
aidh, place or places. The Field of the Black (heathery ?)
Places.
Achmonie : Ach' a' Mhonaidh — The Field of the Moor. In
1334 written Auchmunie; in 1451, Auchmony ; in 1554,
Awchmonye.
Achnababane v Ach' na Ba Baine — The Field of the White
Cow.
Achnaconeran : Ach' nan Conbhairean — See under Sgurr nan
Conbhairean.
Achnahannet : Ach' na h-Anoid — -The Field of the Church.
See p. 336.
Achstruy : Acha' Sruthaidh — Sruth-aidh, the Place of
Streams, the Field of the Place of Streams.
Achintemarack : Ach' an t-Seamarag — Shamrock Field. In
1509 written Auchintamarag .
Ach' an t-Seagail — Rye Field.
Allanfearn : An t-Ailean Fearn — Ailecni, a meadow, and
fearn, the alder tree. The Meadow of Alders.
Allanmore : An t-Ailean Mor — The Large Meadow.
Am Bard — The Meadow (at Kilmore).
An Gaiiieaxnh Ban — The White Sandy Beach (Loch Ness
beach on farm of Borlum).
An Cul Srathan— The Back Little Strath.
An Duibh Leathad — Dubh, black, and leathad, the broad
hill-side. The Black Broad Hill-side.
An Garbh Leitir — Garth, rough; leitir, a wet hill-side. The
The Rough Wet Hill-side.
Aonach — High Bleak Place ; or, probably here, the Fair, or
Market, or Place of Gathering. The site of the old inn,
visited by Johnson. See p. 457.
APPENDICES 581
Ardachie : Ard-Achaidh — The High Field.
Badcaul : Am Bada Call'— The Hazel Clump.
Balbeg : Am Baile Beag — Baile, a town or township or stead,
and beag, little. The Little Township.
Baemore : Am Beithe Mor — The Large Birch Wood.
Balchraggan : Bail' a' Chr again — The Town of the Eock.
Balintombuy : Bail' an Tom Buidhe— The Town of the Yellow
Knoll.
Bail'-an-Duin : The Town of the Dun — Dun-Screabainn, in
Bunloit.
Bail' an t-Srathain — The Town of the Little Strath (the east
end of Lewistown) .
Ballintrom : Bail' an Droma — Druim, a ridge. The Town of
the Ridge.
Balmacaan — Pronounced Balla mac A-han. In 1509 written
Ballymakauchane, i.e., Baile Mac Eachainn, the Town
of the Son of Hector. See footnote, p. 65. But the
name is Baile Mac Cathain, Mac Cathan's Stead.
Balnaban : Baile nam Ban — The Town of the Women.
Balnacarn : Baile nan Carn — The Town of the Cairns (of
stone) .
Balnacraig : Baile na Craige — The Town of the Craig (Craig
Nay).
Balnafettack : Baile na Feadaig — The Town of the Plover.
Balnaglaic : Baile na Glaic — The Town of the Hollow.
Balnagrantach : Baile nan Granntacfh — The Town of the
Grants. Gran town.
Balnalick : Baile na Lie — Leac, a flat stone, a declivity. The
Town of the Flat Stone, or of the Declivity.
Balnalurgin : Baile na Lurgainn — The Town of the Long Low
Kidge.
Balnain : Bail' an Athainn — The Town of the Ford.
Bard nan Each — The Meadow of the Horses (on farm of
Braefield).
Blairbeg : Am Blar Beag — The Little blair, or Plain.
Blairie: Blar-aidh— The Place of Small Plains. In 1345
written Blare; in 1509, Blaree.
Bearnock : Bearnaig — Beam, a gap, or pass. The Small Gap
or Pass.
Blar an Aonaich — The Plain of the High Bleak Place : or of
the Market Plain. See Aonach.
Blar na Geilt — The Plain or Field of Terror. See footnote,
p. 10.
Blar na Maigh — See Lewistown.
582 APPENDICES
Borlum : Am Borlum — Corruption of Bordland, a name evi-
dently given by the old Southron keepers of Urquhart
Castle to the farm of old attached to the Castle. In 1509
written "Bordlande of Urquhart." "Bordlands signifies
the desmenes which lords keep in their hands for the
maintenance of their board or table." (Cowell's Law
Dictionary).
Boglashin: Both Ghlas-bheinn — Both, a hut (Joyce's " Irish
Names of Places"); Glas, grey; and beinn, a mountain.
The Hut (shieling) of the Grey Rock or "Mountain ; pro-
bably the old name of the rock at the foot of which the
township lies.
Braefield — Bad translation of Baile na Bruthaich, the Town
of the Brae.
Breakachie : Am Breac Achaidh — The Speckled Field.
Breakrie : Am Breac Airidh — The Speckled Shieling.
Bunloyne : Bun Loiiin — Bun, the lower part. The lower
part or mouth of the (River) Loyne.
Bunloit : Bun Leothaid — Bun, lower part, and leathad,
broad hill-side. The Lower Part of the Broad Hill-side.
In 1509 written "Bunloade."
Carnach — The Place of Stones. The site of the Stone Circle
of Corrimony.
Oarrachan — The Place of Stone Circles. The west end of
Wester Milton, where there were several stone circles.
Oartaly: Car Dalaidh — Daly's Circle. See p. 5. In 1334
written Cartaly. In 1509, Gartale.
Ceannacroc : Ceanna Chnoc — The End Hillock.
Cluanie : Cluain-idh — Cluain, a green, meadowy, pasture-
land. The Place of Green. Pasture-lands. In 1509
written Cluny.
Clunebeg : A' Chluain Bheag — The Little, green, meadowy
Pasture-land.
Clunemore : A' Chluain Mhor — The Large, green, meadowy
Pasture-land. In 1509 written Mekle Clune.
Coille Chorcaidh — Coille, a wood ; corc-aidh, the place of oats.
The Wood of the Place of Oats. Compare with Seagal -
aidh (Shewglie), the Place of Rye.
Coinneachan — The Mossy Place.
Corrish : An Coiris — Evidently a derivative of Coire, a corrie.
Craskaig — Crasg, a pass or crossing. The Little Pass. The
Gaelic name of Lakefield, now Kilmartin.
Craskie — Crasy, a pass or crossing. The Little Pass, or the
Place of Passes.
Croit Adamnan — Adamnan's Croft. See p. 335.
APPENDICES 583
Croit Mo ChrosUin — St Drostan's Croft, See p. 326.
Croit na Criche — March Field.
Culanloaii : Cul an Loin — The Back-land of the Meadow.
Culiiakirk : Cul na Circ — Literally, the Back-land of the Hen.
A rock at Culnakirk is called Cragain na Circ, the Rock
of the (grouse) Hen.
Dalgrigack : Dail Griogaig — The Pebbly Dale or Field.
Dalmonie, at Corrimonie : Dail Mhonaidh — Monie's Field.
See p. 10.
Dalmore : An D-ail Mhor — The Large Field.
Dalriach: An Dail Riabhach. The Brindled Field.
Divach — In 1509 written Deveauch. See Allt Dhibheach.
Druim a*' Bhile — Druim, a ridge ; bile, an edge, applied to the
sea-margin or terrace between Pitkerrald and the public
road between Drumnadrochit and Blairbeg. The Ridge
of the Terrace.
Drambuie : An Druim Buidhe — The Yellow Ridge. In 1344
written Drumboy.
Drumclune : Druim a/ Chluain — The Ridge of the green,,
meadowy, Pasture-land.
Drumcore : Druim na Cbrr — The Ridge of the Crane (bird).
Druim na Cuirt — The Ridge of the Court.
Druim a' Chruithneachd — The Ridge of the Wheat.
Drumnadrochit: Druim na Drochaid — The Ridge of the
Bridge. First on record in 1730.
Dulchreichard — The first syllable here, and in Duldreggaii
and Dulshangie, is Dul (pronounced dool in Gaelic), and
not Dun, or Dal, or Del, as now sometimes erroneously
written. All these duls are flats or meads by the side of
a river. The word is usually regarded as a corrupt form
of the Gaelic dail, itself borrowed from the Norse dalr, a
dale. It appears, however, to be of Pictish origin — the
same a£ dol, which the Brittonic languages all have for
meadow, a low fertile spot, a dale. A writer on Welsh
place-names says: — "The word (dol) is found in names
of places situate in valleys all over Wales, Cornwall, and
Brittany." He might have added the valleys of Urquhart
and Glenmoriston . In Perthshire, also, the word
appears in its naked simplicity as Dull. The meaning of
Creichard is unknown. The word is probably Pictish.
In 1509 Dulchreichard is written Tullclechart.
Dulclreggan — The Dul, or Meadow, of the Dragon. See
under Dulchreichard. In 1509 Duldreggan is written
Duldragin, and the dul — one of the few Pictish words we
possess — regularly appears in documents until the 18th
584 APPENDICES . •
century, when, unfortunately, from an etymological point
of view, it began to give place to Dal, Del, and, more
recently, Dun.
Dulshangie — For the first syllable, see under Dulchreichard
and Duldreggan. In 1345 written Dulschangy, and the
Dul continues until the 18th century, when, in writings,
it began to give place to Dal and Del. Shangie cannot
be explained, and, like the other Duls, is probably
Pictish.
Eskard : An t-Eascard — In Ireland Eiscir, meaning a sandy
ridge, enters largely into place-names (Joyce). Eskard,
which is a gravelly ridge, is probably the same word.
Garabeg : An Garadh Beag — The Little Enclosure.
Gortan Eachainn — Gortan, diminutive of gort, a garden, a
small field. Eachann, Hector. Hector's Garden. See
footnote, p. 65.
Grotaig, from grod, rotten, a locative feminine, signifying the
Rotten Place !
larairidh — lar, west, western; airidh, shieling. The Western
Shieling. Gives name to Allt larairidh (which see) ;
Blar larairidh, the Plain of larairidh; Coir larairidh,
the Corrie of larairidh ; and Eas larairidh, the Fall of
larairidh.
Inchbrine : Innis a' Bhraoin — Innis, a sheltered grazing, a
meadow. Braon, rain, a drizzle. The Drizzly Meadow.
In 1345 written Inchebrene; in 1509, in the plural, Inch-
brunys. There were Easter and Wester.
Inchtellich : An t-Innis t-Seileich — The Meadow of Willows.
Inchvalgar: Innis a' Bhalgair — The Meadow of the Fox.
Invercaochan : Inbhir a' Chaochain — Znbhir, mouth of a
river or stream ; caochan, a streamlet. The Mouth of
the Streamlet. The site of the old inn at Ruiskich.
Invermoriston : Inbhir Mhoireastainn — The Mouth of the
Moriston. In 1345 written Invermorchen.
Inveruaileig — The Mouth of the Uaileig, the ancient name of
the Allt Mor of Bunloit.
Inverwick (pronounced Inner-vuichd) : Inbhir Bhuic — The
Mouth of the Buic (stream). May be buic, "of the
buck"— the Mouth of the Buck's Stream. In 1509
written Innerwik; in 1679, Innervuick.
Kerrowdown : An Ceathramh Donn — Ceathramh, a quarter
(quarter davach) ; donn, brown. The Brown Quarter-
Davach. For davach, see p. 440.
Kerrowgair: An Ceathramh Gearr — The Short Quarter-
Davach. In 1509 written Karowgar.
APPENDICES 585
Kilmartin — Name given in 1884 to Lakefield (of old called
Meiklies, and Craskaig) by Mr Campbell, the late pro-
prietor, after his family's old estate in Argyllshire.
Kilmichael: Gill Mhicheil. The Cell of the Archangel
Michael. See pp. 116 and 337. In 1554 written Kill-
michaell. See Appendix C.
Kilmore: A' Chille Mhor — The Great Cell. The Parish
Church. See pp. 337 and 341. In 1693 written Kylle-
moir. From the church, the Parish of Urquhart and
Glenmoriston was sometimes called the Parish of Kilmore.
The name has no connection with* the Virgin Mary
(Moire), as Shaw, the historian of Moray, supposed.
Kil St Ninian — St Ninian's Cell. See p. 336. In 1509
written Kill Sanct Ninian; in 1553, Kylsanctrinaine.
Now, in Gaelic, Gill an Trinnein, and the district, Slios
an Trinnein. See footnote, p. 321.
Lag a' Bhile, at Drumnadrochit— Lag, a hollow ; Bile, a ter-
race. The Hollow of the Terrace. See Druim a} Bhile.
Lag a' Mhurtair — Lag, a hollow; murtair, a murderer. The
Murderer's Hollow.
Lag an Trotain — The Hollow of the Trotting.
Lag an t-Seapail — The Hollow of the Chapel. See p. 336.
Lag nan Cuspairean — The Hollow of the Archers. See foot-
note, p. 10.
Lagganbane : An Lagan Ban — Lagan, a small hollow ; ban,
white. The White Small Hollow.
Lakefield — English name given in end of eighteenth century
to the lands of Meiklie and Craskaig.
Leac a' Bhainne — The Declivity of the Milk. A shieling in
Glen Coilty.
Lenie — Lean, or Leana, a wet or swampy meadow. Lean-
aidh, the Place of Wet Meadows.
Lewistown — English name given to village founded by Sir
James Grant at Blar na Maigh (the Plain of the Plain).
See Moy, and p. 443.
Livishie : Libheisidh — Probably from lighe, flood, fulness or
overflowing of a stream — the place of overflowing of
water. The final ishie is the locative of innis, a haugh.
Loanmore : An Lon Mhor — Lon, a meadow. The Great
Meadow.
Lon iia Fala — The Meadow of Blood. The scene of the fight
between Allan of Lundie and the Mackenzies. See p.
130.
586 APPENDICES
Lochletter : Loch-leitir — Loch, an old adjective signifying
"dark," as in Lochaidh, the river Lochy ; leitir, a wet
hill-side. The dark Wet Hill-side. Lochletter is notably
dark — "behind the sun/'
Lossit (on the farm of Borlum) : An Losaid — " Losaid, or in
an Anglicised form, losset, is the Irish word for a knead-
ing-trough. . . . The word is applied to a well-tilled
and productive field, or to good rich land. A farmer
will call such a field a losset, because he sees it covered
with rich produce, like a kneading-trough with dough.
In th$ form of Losset it is the name of a dozen
townlands in various counties from Donegal to Tip-
perary." (Joyce's " Irish Names of Places").
Lundie : Lunndaidh — There is a Lundie in Glenmoriston (the
Lunndadh nam bo, Lundie of the cows, of the Bard —
see p. 531), and a Torran Lunndaidh, in Brae Ruiskich.
There is also Lundie in Glengarry, Lundy parish in
Forfar, Dundie Loch and Hill in Sutherland, and
Lundin in Fife. A Pictish word, probably; cf. London.
Lurga nam Broc — Lurga, or Lurgan, a long low ridge; broc,
a, badger. The Badger's Ridge.
Lurga Raineich — The Brackeny Ridge.
Meiklie : Miachdlaidh — (See Kilmartin, and Lakefield). In
1509 called "the four Meiklies." Meaning unknown.
Probably Pictish.
Millness: Muileann an Eas — The Mill of the Waterfall.
Milton : Bail' a' Mhuilinn— The Town of the Mill.
Moy : A' Mhaigh — The Plain. Moy lies behind Lewistownr
which in Gaelic is called Blar na Maigh, the Plain of
Moy, or, literally, the Plain of the Plain.
Mill of Tore : Muileann an Tuir — Called after Torr na
•Sidhe, which see.
Pitkerrald — In 1509 written Petcarill ; in 1660, Petkerrel.
There were three Pitkerralds — Pitkerrald Chapel, be-
longing to the Church ; Pitkerrald Croy ; and Pitkerrald
Mor, now Allanmore. Pet or Pit, a Pictish word,
which appears in the Book of Deer (llth century), for
farm, or township. Pit Chaoraill (now, in Gaelic, called
Dail Chaoraill) — St Cyril's Township. See p. 336.
Poll a' Ghaorr — The Pool of Gore. See footnote, p. 10.
Polmaily : Polla Mhailidh — Malie's Pool. Malie, the name
of a saint. Compare Kilmalie in Lochaber.
Raddich : An Radaich — The portion of Borlum touching
Loch Ness. Traditional interpretation, Rathad-Eich,
the Horse Road, leading from the old ford near the
mouth of the river Eneric to the Castle.
APPENDICES 587
Rue : An Rudha — The Promontory.
Ruigh 'Bhainne — Ruigh, a reach or gentle slope; bainne,
milk. The Slope of the Milk— the Milky Reach or Slope.
Ruigh 'Bhathaich — The Slope of the Byre, or Cow-house.
Ruigh Chragain — The Slope of the Rock.
Ruigh Gorm — The Green (literally, Blue) Slope.
Ruigh 'Ic 'Ille Mhoire— The Slope of the Servant of (the
Virgin) Mary — Anglicised, Morrison.
Ruigh Laurais — Laurence's Slope — See p. 72.
Ruiskich : Rusgaich — Riisg, a, marsh. The Fenny or Marshy
Place. A name common in Ireland (Joyce). Also
known in Perthshire.
Scorguie : Sgor Gaoithe — The Windy Skerry.
Shanval : Seann Bhaile — Old Town.
Shewglie : Seagalaidh — Seagal, rye. The Place of Rye.
Srathan Allt na Fiacail — The Little Strath of Allt na
Fiacail, which see.
Strathan a' Bhranndair — The Little Strath of the Brander,
or Grating. A field at Wester Milton divided into long,
narrow allotments. So called from the brander across
the mill lade where it leaves the river.
Strathan-nan-Cno — The Little Strath of the Nuts.
St Ninians — See Kil St Ninian.
Strone : in Gaelic, Srdn a' Chaisteil — The Point or Promon-
tory of the Castle.
Tigh an Leothaid — The House of (on) the L eat had, or Broad
Hill-side.
Tigh an Teampuill — Temple House. (See p. 336). The
"House" was the residence of the cleric who officiated
in the Temple, or St Ninian's Chapel.
Tobar Mharstaig — Marstaig's Well.
Tobar Ruigeard — Ruigard's (Richard?) Well.
Torgoil : Torr a' Ghoill — The Knoll of the Stranger, or Low-
lander.
Tornashee — See Torr na Sidhe, under Mountains, &c.
Tornabrack : Torr nam Brachd — Probably Torr nam Breach.
Breach, Irish for wolf (Joyce). The Tor of the Wolves.
Tullich : An Tullaich— The Hillock.
Tychat : Tigh a' Chait— The Cat's House.
Tyiiaherrick : Tigh na h-Adhraic — The House of the Horn.
Uppertown — Translation of Am Bail' Uachdrach — The
' Upper Town.
INDEX
Abriachan, 35, 44, 115, 227
Achintemarag, 80, 82
Aehlain, 80
Achmonie, 16, 35, 40, 44, 49, 81, 86,
115, 192, 342, 477, 479, 483, 511
Achnahannet, 336, 343
Adamnan, 326, 327, 335, 342
Adamnan's Croft, 81, 116, 342
Ages, the Early, 1
Agnes of Dunbar, 38, 39
Agreement regarding Lime Quar-
ries, 482
Agriculture, 438
Aillean, Son of Uisneach, 6
Airchartdan (Urquliart), 8
Aird, Christine of the, 18, 23
Aird, John of the, 18, 20, 21, 23
Aird, Margaret of the, 43, 44
Albany, the Eegent, 48, 50
Albany. Murdoch, Duke of, 51
Ale, 453
Allardyce, Lieutenant, 234
Anderson, Miss, 511
Anderson, Peter, 511
Anderson, P. J., 511
Angus, Mormaor, 11
Aonach, 80, 457
Ardan, Son of Uisneach, 6
Argyll, Mary of, 19, 25
Ath-nam-Muileach, Fight of, 235
Athyn, 45
Auldearn, 43, 156
Badeiioch, Wolf of, 40, 44, 45, 46
507
Baliol, Edward, 32, 33, 34
Baliol, John, 24, 32
Ballachraggan, 116
Balloch, Donald, 52, 61, 62
Balmacaan, 65, 78, 126, 226 240
282, 500
Bamborough Castle, 34
Bannockburn, Battle of, 30
Barisdale, Macdonald of, 259 263
264, 270
Baron Courts, 460
Baron Court Becords, 546
Baronies, 460
Barony of Urquhart, 35, 36, 39, 40,
78, 460
Barony of Corrimony, 80
Barony of Glenmoriston, 80
Bells, 385 to 387, 435, 436
Berklay, John de, 35
Berkhamstead Castle, 19
Betrayal of Urquhart and Glen-
moriston men, 285
Biland, Battle of, 31
Blar-na-Leine, Battle of, 96
Blairie, 36, 40, 43, 81
Bocaii an t-Sleabhaich, 426
Bois, Alexander. See Forbes
Bona, 35, 54
Borlum, 78, 188, 194, 499, 500
Boswell, 457
Breakrie, 116
Bricius, Bishop, 341
Bridges, 455
Bridge of the Leap, 73
Bright, John, 557
Britons, Caledonian, 3
Broichan, 331
Brooks, Shirley, 561, 562
Bruce, King Robert, 27, 29, 30
Bruce, King David, 31
Brude, King, 7, 327, 332
Buchan, Earl of. Sec Wolf of
Badenoch
Buchan, General, 208
Buntait, 177
Buntait, Alexander of, 383
Buntait, Duncan of, 378, 383
Bunloit, 78, 500, 501
Bur, Bishop, 44
Cailleach a' Chrathaich, 422
Cailleach Allt an Dunain, 424
Cailleach Cragain na Caillich, 424
Cain, or Knin, 445
Caithness, Earls of, 52, 512
Caledonian Britons, 3
Caledonii, 3
Caledonian Canal, 456
Cameron, A. H. F., of Lakefield. 508
Cameron, Miss, of Lakefield, 413
Cameron, Mrs, of Clunes, 414, 521
590
INDEX
•€amerons of Lochiel, 54, 88, 89, 90,
96, 109, 133, 167, 198, 201, 207
Cameron, Clan, 118, 198
Cameron, Lewis, 416
Campbell, Alasdair, of Kilmartin,
508
Campbell of Cawdor, 56, 124, 224
Campbell, Colin, of Clunes, 139
Cannon, General, 203, 207
Carnach, 82
Carrach, Alasdair, 48, 50, 52
Cartaly, 35, 78, 482
Castle, The, of Urquhart, 12, 17, 19,
21, 22, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 34, 40,
49, 55, 56, 57, 59, 63, 74, 76, 78,
85, 103, 143, 164, 194, 206, 210,
211, 467, 490
Cattle-Lifting in the Parish, 214
Ceilidh, 417, 464
Celtic Church, 9, 338, 385, 386, 394
Chambers, Misses, 413, 510
Chapman, Mr, Missionary, 374
Charles L, 145, 146
Charles, Prince, 242, 272, 306 et scq.
Charters of 1509, 77 et seq.
Charter of 1557, 483
Chat-tan, Clan, 91, 144
Chen, Henry le, 21, 22
Chen, Reginald le, 20, 21
Chevalier; The Old, 228, 233, 242
Chisholm Family, 509, 512
Chisholm, Alexander, 43, 44, 512
Chisholm, Rev. Alex., 413
Chisholm, Janet, 43
Chisholm, Margaret, 512
Chisholm, Sir Robert, 36, 37, 40,
42, 43, 44. 174, 512
Chisholm, Thomas, 44, 45, 47, 512
Chisholm, The, 85, 87, 156,169,512
Christine of the Aird. 18, 23
Churches in the Parish, 336, 342,
344, 385
Church, Celtic, 9, 338, 385, 386, 394
Church Lands, 81, 115, 116, 117
Church, Roman Catholic, 14
Church of Urquhart, 14
Clach Churadain, 336
Clach Ochonachair, 13
Clachaii Cholumchille, 333, 336
Clachaii Mhercheird, 324
Clifton, Fight of. 269
Cluanie, 78, 82, 126, 226, 448
Clunebeg, 140
Clunemore, 80, 81, 82, 227
Cnoc-na-h-Iolaire, 26
Coineachan, 80, 232
Colum Cruitire, 6
Columba, 8, 327 et seq.
Columba's Well, 333
Commonwealth, The, 169 et seq.
Conachar Mac Nessa, 5, 6, 575
Conachar Mac Aoidh, 11, 12, 24,
505
Conchobar, River, 575
Cope, Sir John, 244, 245
Copper Mine, 451
Corff Castle, 23
Corribuy, Fight of, 222
Corri-iiam-Bronag, Fight of, 220
Corrimony, 10, 80, 86, 508
Cornwallis, Colonel, 294
Corstorphan, Mrs, 515
Courts, 460
Covenant, The, 146, 350
Covenanters, The, 195
Craigmonie, 10, 190, 461
Craskie, 80, 232
Cromdale, Haughs of, 209
Cromwell. See Commonwealth
Culloden, Battle of, 274
Ciilnakirk, 16, 81, 82, 227
Cumberland, Duke of, 271, 278, 283,
294
Cummings, The, 507
Cummings of Badencch, 17
Cummings of Dulshangie, 514
dimming, Sir Alexander, 23, 28,
514
Cumming, Alexander, 229, 230
Gumming, Justiciar of Scotland, 15
Cumming, Earl of Buchan, 23
Cumming, Rev. Robert, 367, 372
Curadan, 335, 336, 338, 343
Customs, 445
Cyril, St., 336
Daibhidh of Corri-Dho, 425
Dalriad Scots, 8
Dalriada, 8
Daly the Druid, 5
Davachs, 15, 440
David I., 11, 31, 34, 36. 39
David, Bishop of Moray, 29
Dearduil, or Deirdire, 6"
Devil, The, 379, 418
Dingwall, John Yong de, 35
Direbught, 41
Disruption, The, 380
Distilling, 453
Divach, 78, 80, 82
Divination, 432
Donaldson, Sir John, priest, 116,
343
Donald Donn, 187, 414, 487
INDEX
591
Douglas, Sir Archibald, 42
Douglas, Earl of, 61
Doule Shee, 139, 142, 163
Drostan, 81, 116, 325, 342
Drostan's Croft and Relics, 81, 116, ;
387
Druids and Druidism, 329, 337
Drambuie, 35, 78
Drumcore, 116
Drumnadrochit, 375, 456, 457
Drumnadrochit Inm, 457, 557
Du Shee, 163
Duchas, 65, 439
Dugald Mac Euari, 163
Dulchreichard, 80
Duldreggan, 81, 510
Dulshangie, 36, 40, 43, 78, 86, 514
Dunbar, Battle of, 18
Dunbar Castle, 39
Dunbar, Earl of, 39
Dunbar, Agnes of, 38, 39
Dunbar of Dalcross, 215
Dundee, Viscount, 197, 201
Dun Dearduil, 7
Durward, Sir Alan, 15, 16, 17, 439,
506
Durward, Thomas, 15, 506
Durwards, The, 506
Eagle's Height, 26
Edinburgh Castle, 228
Education, 393 et seq.
Edward I., 18, 19, 21, 22, 25, 28, 29
Edward III., 33, 34, 36
Elcho, Monastery of, 35
Ene-lish, The, in the Parish, 19,
21, 24, 292, 294 et seq.
Episcopal Church, 347, 353, 365,
368, 369, 378, 380
Erchard. See Merchard
Erchless, 43, 157
Exhorter, 344, 347
Fairs, 225, 226
Fairies, 337, 427
Fairy Smith, 429
Falkirk, Battle of, 269
Families of the Parish, 505
F*amines, 444
Farquharson, Mr James, priest,
109, 343, 347
Fen draught, Lord, 207
Fifteen, The, 229
Findrossie, 42
Finlay, Mormaor, 9
Fitzwarine, William, 19, 20, 21, 22.
23, 25
Fitzwarine, Richard, 21
Fleming, Alexander, 63
Flodden, Battle of, 85, 90
Folk-Lore, 417
Fools, 561
Forbes, Origin of Clan, 12
Forbeses, 507
Forbes, Sir Alexander, 24, 26, 27
Forbes, Alexander, yr., 27, 28, 30
Forbes of Culloden, 244, 260
Forest, Eoyal. See Cluanie
Forfeited Estates, 232, 238, 493
Forty-Five, The, 248, 494, 499
Fowler, Eev. James, 379
Fraser, Eev. James, Wardlaw, 173
Fraser, Sir James, of Brea, 156
Fraser, Hugh, of Belladrum, 213
Fraser, Hugh (Bard), 416, 545
Fraser, James, of Eeelick, 213
Fraser, Simon, 29, 33
Fraser. See Lovat.
Free Church, 380
Free Church Ministers, 380
Funeral Fights, 464
Gaelic Language, 8
Gaelic Bible, 388
Gaelic Psalms, 389
Gaelic Songs, 519
Gaelic Tunes, 389
Galley on Loch Ness, 456
Game Laws, 447
Garabeg, 116
Gartaly. See Cartaly
Gartinet of Mar, 22, 23
Geological Changes, 2
Gille Dubh nam Mart, 221, 223
Grille Phadruig Gobha, 102
Gille Maol, 102
Glencairn, Earl of, 167, 175
Glenelg, Lord, 406, 510
Glengarry, 108, 110
Glen Loyne, 126
Glenmoriston, Barony of, 80
Glenmoriston Church, 348 349
384
Glenmoriston, Montrose's Fio-ht
there, 158
Glenmoriston, Huntly's Fi»ht
there, 160
Glenshiel, Battle of, 234
Gobha Crom, 103
Gobha Mor, 99, 429
Gobha Sidhe, 429
Goblins, 337, 422
Gordon, Lord Lewis, 161
Gordon, William, of Dunlugas, 70
592
INDEX
Gordon, Eev. William, 376
Gorman, 336
Grahams of Lovat, 19
Grants of Corrimony, 508
Grants of Craskie and Duldreggan,
510
Grants of Dulshangie, 514
Grants of Glenmoriston, 510
Grants of Grant, 507
Grants, The Lairds of, 71, 72, 507
Grants of Shewglie, Lochletter,
and Eedcastle, 509
Grant, Agnes, 89
Grant, .ZEneas, of Duldreggan, 232,
264, 295
Grant, Brigadier Alexander, 227,
241, 490, 507
Grant, Rev. Alexander, 146, 348
Grant, Alexander, of Corrimony,
243, 258, 262, 273, 279, 317, 508
Grant, Alexander, of Shewglie, 229,
233, 243, 273, 281, 285, 288, 414,
509
Grant, Alexander, Shewglie' s Son,
280
Grant, Alexander, The Swordsman,
250, 276, 282, 510
Grant, Alexander (Bard), 414, 526,
528, 530
Grant, Canon, 509
Grant, Sir James Alexander, 509
Grant, Major Alpin, 379
Grant, Archibald (Bard), 416, 535
Grant, Charles, M.P., 406, 510
Grant, Charles, Lord Glenelg, 406,
510
Grant, Doule Shee, 139, 142
Grant, Charles, Hazel Brae, 509,
570
Grant, Sir Duncan, 66, 71, 72
Grant, Duncan, of Duldreggan, 215
Grant, Duncan, of Dulshangie, 378,
514
Grant, Major George, 194
Grant, Major George, Governor of
Inverness, 245, 262, 272, 291
Grant, James, Laird of, 91, 92, 95,
105. 109, 110, 507
Grant, James, Laird of, 146, 151,
154, 507
Grant, Sir James, of Grant, 241,
246, 278, 286, 507
Grant, Sir James (The Good), 442,
443, 444, 446, 451, 453, 457
Grant, James, Balnaglaic, 412
Grant, James, of Carron, 141, 142
Grant, James, of Corrimony, 405,
508
Grant, James (The Novelist), 405'
Grant, Major James, Factor, 219
j Grant, Eev. James, 357, 365
Grant, Eev. James, 377, 378
Grant, James, of Shewglie, 197.
201, 202, 221, 509
Grant, James, Shewglie' s Son, 407"
Grant, Janet, 414, 521
Grant, John, Laird of Grant (the
Bard), 66, 72, 74, 78, 94, 413.
Grant, John, Laird of Grant, 111,
114, 122, 145, 507
Grants of Ballindalloch, 113, 141
Grant, John, 1st of Corrimony, 80
508
Grant, John, 2nd of Corrimony,.
122, 508
Grant, John, 3rd of Corrimony,
157, 508
Grant, John, 4th of Corrimony
195, 207, 208
Grant, John, 1st of Glenmoriston,
80, 83, 92, 95, 105, 109, 112, 510
Grant, John, 3rd of Glenmoriston,
112, 125, 140, 144, 145, 510
Grant, John, 5th of Glenmoriston,
152, 178, 179 to 187, 510
Grant, John, 6th of Glenmoriston,
197, 203, 206, 208, 211, 228, 231,
239, 510
I Grant, Colonel John, of Glenmoris-
i ton, 510
Grant, John Eoy, of Carron, 113,
141
Grant, John, of Coineachan, 151,
195
Grant, John, Factor, 248, 255, 261,
267, 278
Grant, Eev. John, 247, 280, 285,
288, 376
Grant, John (Bard), 416, 524
Grant, Laurence, 71
Grant, Sir Ludovick, 197
Grant, Sir Ludovick, of the Forty-
Five, 238, 241, 250, 260, 278, 280,
283, 291, 508
Grant, Dame Mary, 147, 154, 161,
162, 350
Grant, Patrick of Bealla-Do, 163
Grant, Patrick, of Clunemore, 167,
194
Grant, Patrick, of Craskie, 219, 220
Grant, Patrick, of Divach, 140
Grant, Patrick, 2nd of Glen-
moriston, 95, 113, 114, 122, 123,
124, 125
INDEX
593
Grant, Patrick, 4th of Glen-
moriston, 146,, 148 et seq.
Grant, Patrick, 7th of Glen-
moriston, 235, 236, 251, 317
Grant, Patrick, of Lakefield and
Redeastle, 411
Grant, Patrick, of Lochletter, 280,
509
Grant, Patrick. See Seven Men of
Glenmoriston
Grant, Robert, 155
Grant, Robert, 269
Grant, Sir Robert, 406, 510
Grant, Thomas, of Balmacaan, 194,
195
Grant, William, of Achlayn, 155
Grant, William, of Achmonie, 193,
215
Grant, William, son of Corrimony,
229, 230
Grant, Major William, 247
Grassie, James, 411
Gruer Mor, 71
Hags, 338, 422
Halidoii Hill, Battle of, 33
Hamilton, Duke of, 206
Harlaw, Battle of, 49, 50
Hastings, Warren, 407
Hay, John de, 42
Hepburn, Bishop, 115, 346
Hill, Colonel John, 217
Holy Wells, 333, 435
Hospitality, 456
Houses in the Past, 437, 458
Huntly, George, Earl of, 63, 65,
66, 69, 70, 72
Huntly, Marquis of, 159
Iain Mac Eobhain Bhain (Bard),
414
Inchbrine, 36, 40, 43, 78
Inchbrine, Raid of, 220
Industrial Life, 437, 450
Innis Ochonachair, 13
Innocent, Pope, 14
Inns, 457
Inverlochy, 1st Battle of, 52
Inverlochy, 2nd Battle of, 154
Invermoriston, 3(?, 40, 43, 81, 124
Inverness Citadel, 170, 176
Inverwick, 81
Iron Manufactory, 451
Isles, Alexander of the, 52, 53, 56
Isles, Donald of the, 48
Isles, John of the, 55 to 62
Jedburgh, Battle of, 34
John of the Aird, 18, 20, 21, 23
John of Glen-Urquhart, 18
Johnson, Samuel, in the Parish, 457
Kain, 445
Kenmure, Lord, 167
Kerdale, Sir James de, 35
Kerrowgair, 78, 86
Kerrowgair in Nova Scotia, 571
Kerrownakeill, 82, 86
Kilchrist, Raid of, 129
Killicrankie, Battle of, 201
Kilmichael, 44, 116, 337, 342
Kilmichael Brewhouse, 457
Kilmore, 226, 337, 341, 342, 348, 385
Kilravock, Baron of, 43
Kil St Ninian, 78, 81, 86, 116, 321,
336, 385
Kingston's Light Horse, 275, 292
Kintail, 35
Kishorn, 108
Lady Faire, 226
Lag an t-Seapail, 336, 343
Lauders, 507
Lauder, Sir Robert, 33, 34, 35, 36,
37
Lauder, Anne, 36
Law and Order, 460
Leslie, Sir James, 204, 206
Lewistown, 443
Lease of 1554, 479
Lease of 1660, 480
Lichtoun, Sir Thomas de, 35
Lime, Manufacture of, 451
Liturgy, 387, 389
Livingston, Sir James, 56, 57
Livingston, Sir Thomas, 204, 206,
209, 212
Lochalsh, 108, 110
Lochbroom, 108, 110
Lochcarron, 108, 110
Lochindorb, 25, 26
Lochletter, 36, 40, 43, 80, 82
Lockhart, Major, 295
Lon na Fala, Fight of, 130
London, Tower of, 34
Loudon, Lord, 256, 260, 264, 293
Louis Faire, 225
Lovat, Grahams of, 19
Lovat, Simon, Lord, 224, 238, 259,
264, 364, 568
Lovat, Simon, Master of, 259, 263,
264
38
594
INDEX
Lundie, Allan of, 129, 142
Lykewakes, 391, 464
Mac Alasdair, Donald, 85, 87
Mac Alpin, Kenneth, 8
Macbean, Rev. Alexander, 384
Macbeth, 9, 10
Macculloch, Angus, 416, 536
Macculloch, Rev. Duncan, 175, 351
Macdonald of Aughtera, 229, 230
Macdonald of Barisdale, 259, 263,
264, 270
Macdonald, Alex. j(Alasdair Car-
rach), 48, 50, 52
Macdonald, Alex. (Mac Cholla
Chiataich), 151, 152, 153
Macdonald of Glenaladale, 306
Macdonald of Glengarry, 85, 96,
132, 167, 252, 255
Macdonell, Colonel Angus, of Glen-
garry, 252, 255, 269
Macdonald, Alasdair (Bard), 416
Macdonald, Angus (Bard), 412, 538,
540
Macdooiald, Sir Donald, of Loch-
alsh, 85, 86, 87
Macdonald, Donald Bonn, 187, 414,
487
Macdonalds of Glenmoristoii, 65,
73, 83, 87
Macdonald of Keppoch, 230
Macdonald of Lundie, 129, 133, 142
Macdonald, Ewen (Bard), 414, 519
Macdonald, John (Schoolmaster
and Catechist), 379
Macdonald, Kenneth, 222
Macdonald, Rev. Kenneth Somer-
led, D.D., 413
Macdonald, Somerled Dubh, 276
Macdonald, William Somerled, 412
Macdonald. See Mackay Macdonald
Macdougall, Alexander, 413
Macdougall, John (Bard), 415, 532
Macdougalls and Cailleach Allt-an-
Dunain, 424
Macfie, Alexander, 277, 289
Mac Gillies. See Mackays of Ach-
monie
Macgregors, 136
Mackay, Origin of Clan, 12
Mackays of Achmonie, 16, 115, 511
Mackay, Alexander, of Achmonie,
243, 253, 258, 262, 265, 273, 279,
317, 513
Mackay, Donald, Solicitor, 193, 512
Mackay, Duncan, of Achmonie, 116,
511 '
Mackay, Duncan, 513, 514
Mackay, General, 197, 201, 208
Mackay, Gillies, 511
Mackay, Gillies, of Achmonie, 192,
193, 511
Mackay, John Mac Gillies, of Ach-
monie, 115, 116, 511
Mackay, John, of Achmonie, 193,
211, 512,
Mackay, Patrick, 513, 570
Mackay, William, 289, 416, 514,
543, 544
Mackay Macdonald, Donald, 267,
273, 281, 285, 289, 513
Mackay Macdonald, John, 289, 513
Mackenzie of Kintail, 120
Mackenzie, Roderick, 296
Mackintosh of Borlum, 229
Mackintosh, Lachlan, of Dunach-
ton, 120
Mackintosh of Gallovie, 67, 68
Maclean, Allan Mor, 74
Maclean, Allan, 507
Maclean, Charles, 49, 50, 53, 64
Maclean of Lochbuy, 49, 50
Maclean, Ewen, 64, 65, 66, 67
Maclean, Farquhar, Auchinson, 65
Maclean, Farquhar Mac Ewen, 84
Maclean, Hector Buie, 53, 54, 55,
64
Maclean, Hector Mac Alasdair, 176
Macleans, 12
Macmillan, Buchanan, 409
Macmillan, Donald, 276
Macmillan, John, 409
Macmillan, William, 276
Mac Nessa, Conachar, 5
Mac Olrig, Sir Duncan , Priest, 343
Macpherson, Lachlan A., of Corri-
mony, 508
Macraes, 12
Mac Ro, Farquhar, 6
Mac Scolane, Gillespic, 14
Mac Uian, Clan, 65, 72, 87
Mac Uian's Pool, 73
Moeatoe, 3
Maelsnechtan, 10
Mailers, 442
Malcolm Ceamimor, 10
Man, Early History of, 2
Mar, 28
Mar, Gartenet of, 22, 23
Mar, Earl of, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53
Mar, Earl of, 228
Margins, Sea, 2
Mariota, daughter of Athyn, 45, 46
Marlborough, Duke of, 227
INDEX
595
Mary of Argyll, 19, 25
Mary, Queen of Scots, 121
Meiklies, 80, 86
Men, The, 378, 382
Merchard, 322 et seq., 336
Merchant's Leap, 131
Middleton, General, 158, 159, 168
Minerals, 451, 452
Ministers of the Parish, 345 et seq.
Ministers, Free Church, 382
Moeri, Earl of, 512
Monck, General, 168, 169
Monie, 9
Monmouth's Rebellion, 195
Monro, Eev. Eobert, 361, 363, 383
Montrose, Marquis of, 150, 158, 351
Montford, Eev. T., 375, 384
Mor of Corri-Dho, 425
Morar, 108, 110
Moray, Province of, 10
Moraymen, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15
Moray, Sir Andrew, 19, 20, 21, 23,
32, 34
Moray, Bishopric of, 339
Moray, Church of, 42
Moray, David, Bishop of, 29
Moray, Chancellor of, 16, 342, 361
Moray, James, Master Mason, 143
Moray, Eandolph, Earl of, 30, 31, 32
Moray, Eegent, 122
Mormaors, 9, 10
Morull, 80
Mowbray, Sir William de, 35
Muillear Mor, 163
Munro, General. 147, 148
Murchison, Donald, 232, 235
Murder of Donald Mac Finlay, 127
Naois, son of Uisneach, 6, 7
Ness, Origin of Loch, 4
Ness, First Ship on Loch, 170, 456
Ness, Etymology of, 576
Nessa, 5, 6, 576
Neville's Cross, Battle of, 36
Ninian, St., 321, 325, 336, 342, 385
Norsemen, 8, 9, 10
Nova Scotia, TJrquhart Settlement
in, 571
Ochonachar, or Conachar, 11
Ogilvy, Dame Mary. See Dame
Mary Grant
Ogilvy, Thomas, of Balfour, 55, 56
Ogilvy, Thomas, of Corrimony, 508
Ogilvy, John F., of Corrimony, 508
Ogilvy, Walter, 74
Orkney, Earls of, 512
Outrages after Culloden, 293 et
seq., 501
Paganism, 337
Parish, Origin of, 339
Parish, The, Erection of, 340
Pictou, TJrquhart Settlement in,
571
Picts, 4, 7, 8, 9, 321, 326, 571
Pictish Language, 8, 571
Pilchys, Alexander, 20, 21
Pilmore, Bishop, 35
Piper, 462
Pitkerrald, 78, 80, 81, 82, 86, 116,
127, 336, 342
Place-Names, 572
Pluscardyn, 41, 42
Poor, The, 463, 561
Population, 441
Presbyterian Church, 346, 351, 369
Prestonpans, Battle of, 252
Puer, William, 21
Puritanism, 391
Eaid of 1513, 85
Eaid of 1544-5, 96
Eanald, Clan, 119
Eandolphs, 507
Eandolph. See Earl of Moray
Eandolph, Agnes, 38, 39
Eandolph, Thomas, 32
Eandolph, John, 32, 33, 34, 36, 38
Eede, Andrew, 55
Eeformation, The, 115, 116, 343,
345, 388
Eegality of Grant, 226
Eent, 445
Eestoration, The, 175
Eevolution, The, 197, 210
Eingan. See Ninian
Eoads, 454
Eobert II., 39, 40
Eobertson of Inshes, 179 et seq.
Eobertson of Struan, 185
Eoderick of the Isles, 35
Eome, Church of, 338, 343, 385, 387
Eose of Kilravock, 43, 65, 66, 67, 68,
69
Eoss, Earls of, 19, 21, 23, 33, 35, 37,
43
Eoss, Countess of, 20, 21, 23, 45
Eoss, Eobert, 234
Eoss, Walter, 236
Eoss, William, 234
Sabbath, The, 390
Sanctuaries, 387
596
INDEX
Salisbury, Earl of, 34
Saxon, 8
Schools, 394 et seq.
School Board, The First, 400
School Life, 403
Seafield, Caroline, Countess of, 459,
508
Seafield, Francis William, Earl of,
507, 508
Seafield, Ian Charles, Earl of, 459,
508
Seafield, John Charles, Earl of,
459, 508
Seafield, James, Earl of, 508
Seafield, Lewis Alex., Earl of, 508
Second Sight, 434
Sellar, David P., of Corrimony, 508
Seven Men of Glenmoriston, 302,
502
Sheilings, 445
Sheerness, 227
Sheriffmuir, Battle of, 229
Shewg-lie, 82
Sinclair, Eev. Allan, 413
Sinclair, John, 400
Slochd Muic, Fight of, 193
Slaves, 442
Smith, Eev. James Doune, 380
Social Customs, 464
Society for Propagating Christian
Knowledge, 384, 396, 400
Solemn League and Covenant, 166
Songs, 519 et seq.
Spioradan, Castle, 54, 55, 183
Standard, Battle of, 11
Stephen, King, 11
Steward of Scotland, 34, 39
Stewart, Alex., Earl of Mar, 47, 50,
51, 507
Stewart, Duncan, 47
Stewart, Elizabeth, 227
Stewart, Win. Grant, 411
Stipend, 518
St Clair, Henry, 25
St Ninian. See Kil St Ninian
St Ninian's Episcopal Church, 382
Strachan, Sir Patrick, 233
Stratherne, Earls of, 40, 44, 512
Strathnaver, Lord, 195, 204, 207,
210
Strome, Castle of, 108, 110, 129
Superintendents, Church, 346
Sutherland, Earl of, 39, 45
Tacksmen, 441
Taghairm, 432
Tarbat, Lord, 217, 224
Teinds, 340
Temple, The, 81, 321, 325, 336, 587
Temple House, 81, 585
Tenants, 441
Ternan, 322
Thorfinn, 9, 10, 512
.Tilbury Fort, 287
Timber. See Woods
Tomnacroich, 461
Tower of London, 34
Trinnean. See Ninian
Tuath, 442
Tullich, 86
Uisneach, Sons of, 5
Ulster, 5
Urchard in Moravia, 4
Urquhart, Origin of Family of, 12
Urquhart, Adam de, 35
Urquhart, Barony of, 35, 36, 39, 40,
44, 47, 58, 78, 460
Urquhart, Lordship of, 57, 58, 59,
63, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81
Urquhart, Church of, 14, 341
Urquhart Settlement in Nova
Scotia, 570
Urquhart Volunteers, 379
Vikings, 8
Wade, General, 224, 237
Wallace, Sir William, 19, 24, 28, 29
Wells, Holy, 435
Welsh Language, 8, 572
Whisky, 453
White Mare of Corri-Dho, 426
Wightman, General, 234
Williams, John, 451
Wilson, Mrs, 510
Windsor Castle, 34
Witches, 430
Woods, 447, 449
Woollen Manufactory, Invermoris-
ton, 452, 555, 556 '
Woollen Manufactory, Kilmichael..
452, 453
Worcester, Battle of, 167, 194
Yong, John, de Dingwall, 35
Young, Sir Alexander, 57