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of the 

Connecticut Academy of 
Arts and Sciences 

_a^> Volume XXII 
H - A 


New Haven, Connecticut 
1917, 1918 

4 15 









Committee on Publication 









By Kenneth Scott Latourette 1-209 



NOVA SCOTIA ... By George E. Nichols 249-467 




VOLUME 22, PAGES 1-209 AUGUST, 1917 

The History of Early Relations 


The United States and China 










Foreword ..... .. . . 5 

Introduction . . .. ... . . . 7 

Chapter I. The Period of Beginnings, 1784-1790 . . 10 

Chapter II. The Period of Expansion and of War, 1791- 

1814 . . . . . . ... .27 

Chapter III. From the Close of the War of 1812 to the 

Outbreak of the Opium Troubles, 1815-1834 . . 53 

Chapter IV. From the Close of the War of 1812 to 
the Outbreak of the Opium Troubles, 1815-1838 
The Beginnings of American Missions to the Chinese . 85 

Chapter V. The Period of the Opium Troubles and of 
the First British-Chinese War, culminating in the 
Treaties of Nanking and Whanghia, 1839-1844 . .no 

Bibliography 145-200 

1. Bibliographies . . . . . . . 145 

2. Official Documents and Reports of Societies . . 146 

3. Manuscripts, Logs, Ship Accounts, Bills of Lading, 

and kindred documents . . . .- . .154 

4. Journals, Diaries, Contemporary Descriptions, Cor 

respondence, and Narratives of Voyages . . 160 

5. Contemporary Pamphlets, Sermons, Lectures, Dis 

cussions, and Treaties ...... 175 

6. Newspapers and Periodicals . . . . .179 

7. Secondary Authorities 183 

Index . 201 


The author wishes to make grateful acknowledgment of the 
courtesy of the many individuals and institutions whose helpful 
ness and courtesy have made this study possible. Especially is 
he under obligations to Professor Give Day of Yale University, 
the Connecticut Academy, the Yale Library, the John Carter 
Brown Library, the Essex Institute, the Salem and New York 
Customs Houses, the Lenox Library and the great collection of 
which it now forms a part, the New York Public Library, the 
New Haven Colony Historical Society, the Rhode Island His 
torical Society, the New York Historical Society, the Boston 
Athenaeum and the Boston Public Library, the Harvard Library, 
the Library of Congress and the State Department, the American 
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and the Ameri 
can Baptist Missionary Union, now the Baptist Missionary 
Society. Above all the author wishes to record his indebtedness 
to Professor Frederick Wells Williams of Yale University, 
under whose direction the study was originally made, in whose 
ample library much of the work was done, and to whose constant 
interest and kindly criticism are due much of whatever value 
these pages may have. 


The intercourse of western nations with China falls into two 
periods, the dividing- line between which is the discovery of the 
sea route to India in the fifteenth century. In the first period 
come the vaguely known trade with the Roman Empire, the 
burst of commerce and papal missions made possible by the 
Mongol conquests of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 
and the slight revival of indirect communication under Tamerlane 
and his successors. 1 The second period begins with the coming 
of the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century. 2 In the first 
period intercourse was largely by the overland route across the 
high table land of Central Asia. In the second, except in the case 
of Russia, it has been almost entirely by sea. 

The second period is in turn separated into two natural divi 
sions by the first British-Chinese war and the treaties of 1842-4. 
Before these years all Westerners were regarded by the Chinese 
as troublesome barbarians. They were looked upon as tributary 
peoples, uncivilized, not to be considered as equals. They were 
confined to limited quarters in the suburbs of one port, Canton, 
and to Macao, which Portugal had leased from the Empire. 
They were ruled by the most stringent of regulations, but were 
viewed with such contempt that officials would deal with them 
only through a non-official commercial monopoly, the co-hong. 

In spite of handicaps, however, the commerce and missions 
of two countries, the United States and England, steadily grew, 
and when Chinese isolation and self-satisfaction finally became 
unbearable, the first British-Chinese war broke out and resulted 
in treaties which granted revolutionary concessions. With these 
treaties, China entered the family of nations, and theoretically 
at least, recognized western countries as her equals. Foreigners 
were allowed residence in five ports, were released from the old 

1 Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, being a collection of 
Medieval notices of China translated and edited by Colonel Henry Yule, 
with a preliminary essay on the intercourse between China and the 
Western Nations previous to the discovery of the Cape Route. London, 
1866. This is the best single work on the period. 

2 S. Wells Williams, A History of China. New York, 1901. pp. 75-no. 

8 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

cumbersome regulations, and were placed under their own laws 
and a more equitable system of port rules and duties. China 
still had a long road to travel before reaching a full appreciation 
of other powers and entering fully into modern life. Wars, 
rebellions, and outbreaks were to mark the mile posts. But in 
1842-1844 she put her feet in the way, and the years since that 
date are rightly thought of as being spent in advancing toward 
the goal then first dimly seen. 

It is the purpose of the following chapters to trace the part 
of the United States in the first division of the second period, 
i. e., the years before 1844. This will lead us to show how 
trade with China began, to trace its expansion, its changes, and 
its influence, to find the beginnings of American missionary effort 
for the Chinese and to see its early growth, and finally to con 
sider the immediate effects of the first British-Chinese war and 
the British treaty on both commerce and missions, and to give 
the story of the first American treaty with the empire. As we 
proceed we shall find that there are well marked chronological 
divisions in our subject. The first includes the opening of the 
trade and its first few years. The second begins with the sudden 
expansion of commerce caused by the European wars and the 
discovery of new sources of furs, sandal wood, and beche de mer, 
and closes with the commercial stagnation of the Second War 
with Great Britain. The third begins with the conclusion of 
peace in 1814, and ends with the beginning of the opium troubles. 
The fourth and last begins with the opium troubles of 1839, 
includes the first British-Chinese war, and ends with the treaty 
of Whanghia, in 1844. 

Practically all the known available material on the subject 
has been examined. Manuscript correspondence of persons 
intimately connected with the events narrated, especially that of 
the consuls at Canton, preserved in the State Department in W^ash- 
ington, and that, of the missionaries of the American Board and 
the Baptist Board, preserved in the archives of these two societies, 
forms a considerable and important source of information. 
Manuscript logs, largely those preserved in the Essex Institute 
and belonging to Salem ships, and those of the firm of Brown and 
Ives of Providence, deposited in the John Carter Brown Library 
of American History, are also important. Published journals, 
correspondence, and especially narratives of voyages are also 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 9 

indispensable. A surprising number of these, most of them long 
out of print, are to be found in nearly all of our large libraries. 
A few periodicals are very useful. One especially, the Chinese 
Repository, is an invaluable source. There are numerous biog-" 
raphies and memoirs, largely of missionaries, which cover this 
period, and a number of secondary authorities can be found 
which add useful information. Congressional documents and 
other government papers are of use, especially in tracing the 
negotiations which resulted in the Treaty of Whanghia. 


American commerce with China was the result of influences 
reaching back over an extensive period. At the very discovery 
of the New World a connection had existed w T ith the Celestial 
Empire, for it w T as to find Cathay and the Indies that Columbus 
sailed westward, and it was partly the belief in a Northwest 
Passage through the continent to the same countries which led 
the European explorers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 
to nose their way along the eastern coast of North America. 
Still later the English colonists became acquainted with China 
through the East India Company. Their tea came in the Com 
pany s ships from Canton by way of Great Britain. Since 1718, 
ginseng, the drug which formed a large part of the cargoes of 
the first China ships, had been known to be native to North 
America, 1 and it is probable that the East India Company had 
shipped some of it to Canton. 2 The Company may, too, have 
had some of its Indiamen built in the colonies. 3 

1 A Jesuit, Joseph Francis Lafitare, in 1718 published his "Memoire 
presente a S. A. R. Mgr. le due d Orleans, regent du royaume de France, 
concernant la precieuse plante du ginseng, decouverte en Canada." Paris, 
1718. Reuben G. Thwaites, "Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," 
Cleveland, c. 1900, 66:333 (Notes); 71:347. See also Justin Winsor, 
"Narrative and Critical History of America." Boston and New York, 
c. 1886. 4:289, 298. 

- William Speer, The Oldest and the Newest Empire, China and the 
United States, Hartford, 1870, p. 410, says that the East India Company 
used it as a return cargo to save exports of specie, and speaks of "Agents 
sent to New England, who induced Indians to search for this medicinal 
root by rewards of money, whiskey, trinkets, and tobacco." Hamilton, 
in his Itinerarium of 1744 (Hamilton s Itinerarium, Albert Bushnell Hart, 
ed., St. Louis, 1907, p. 4), speaks of having a "curiosity to see a thing 
[ginseng] which had been so famous." David MacPherson, Annals of 
Commerce, London, 1805, 3 : 572 gives among the articles exported in 1770 
from the American colonies which he regards as including Newfound 
land, Bahama, and Bermuda 74,604 Ibs. of ginseng valued at 1243.85. 

3 One was built in Danvers, Mass., in 1755, but was never used. J. W. 
Hanson, History of the Town of Danvers, from its early settlement to 
the year 1848. Danvers, 1848. George Henry Preble, Notes on Early 
Ship-building in Massachusetts, communicated to the New England His 
torical and Genealogical Register, 1871, p. 17. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. n 

Another influence leading to American commerce with China 
was the development of shipping in the colonies. The West 
Indian trade, the fisheries, and a commerce with Portugal and 
the Mediterranean, 4 had been important means of support to the 
Northern Colonies, and had raised up a hardy race of sailors 
and small merchant firms. 5 The spirit of adventure needed in 
the initiation of long voyages to China had received cultivation 
from piracy. For instance, in the last years of the seventeenth 
century the waters north of Madagascar were infested with a 
band of marauders who fitted out their ships, obtained their sup 
plies, and often spent their ill-gotten gains in Rhode Island, 
Massachusetts, New York, and the Carolinas. 6 A letter of i6^6 7 
said of them, "All the ships that are now out are from New 
England, except Tew from New York, and Want from Carc^- 
lina." s The privateering of the Revolution had an even greater 
influence. Craft bearing letters of marque from the colonies 
swarmed the seas. Large fortunes were accumulated, a surplus 
shipping, too large for the coasting trade, was built, a knowledge 
of distant seas was acquired, and an adventurous spirit was 

4 Charles E. Trow, Old Shipmasters of Salem, New York and London, 
1905. p. 48. 

5 Log books in the Essex Institute, Salem, for this period, show some 
thing of the extent of the trade. See also G. F. Chever, Some Remarks 
on the Commerce of Salem, from 1626 to 1740, with a sketch of Philip 
English, a merchant in Salem from about 1670 to about 1733-1734. Hist. 
Cols, of Essex Instit. i : 67. 

Gertrude Selwyn Kimball, The East India Trade of Providence, 
Providence, 1896, p. 3, quotes the Governor of New York from the N. Y. 
Col. Docs. Vol. 4, p. 306, to the effect, that "I find that those Pirates that 
have given the greatest disturbance in the East Indies and the Red Sea, 
have either been fitted from New York or Rhode Island, and manned 
from New York." See also Paullin, Diplomatic Negotiations of American 
Naval Officers. Baltimore, 1912, pp. 154-156. 

7 T. South to the Lord Justices of Ireland, from Dublin, Aug. 15, 1696. 
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies. 
May 15, 1696 Oct. 31, 1697! J. W. Fortescue, ed., London, 1904. 

8 A letter to the East India Company from Bombay, Ibid. 1697-8, p. 363, 
says of the same band, "There is a nest of rogues in the Isle of St. Mary s 
[near Madagascar] .... where they are frequently supplied .... 
by ships from New York, New England, and the West Indies." 

12 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

stimulated in sailors and merchants. 9 With the end of the war 
these were forced to seek other outlets. 

**- Still another influence was the loss of the trade with the British 
West Indies. Before the Revolution the colonies had, of course, 
been included in the British colonial system. They had sent 
their provisions and lumber to the W est Indies, had received in 
payment credit on England, and with this credit had secured the 
necessary old-world manufactures and supplies. Independence, 
by placing them outside the colonial system, made it necessary 
for them to look elsewhere for the investment of their commercial 
capital, and for the means of paying the bills owed by them to 
British merchants and manufacturers. As Phineas Bond wrote 
at the time 10 : "In the restricted state of American trade it is 
natural for men of enterprise to engage in such speculations as 
are open to them, and which afford a prospect of profit." 

But independence and withdrawal from the colonial system, 
while shutting the door of the West Indies, had opened that to 
Asia and the East Indies. For nearly a century the East India 
Company had held a monopoly on the British trade in the entire 
hemisphere from the Cape of Good Hope eastward to the Straits 
of Magellan. 11 After the treaty of peace, this, of course, ceased 
to be binding on the new nation, and it would have been strange 

"Trow, Old Shipmasters of Salem, pp. xx-xxiv. Charles S. Osgood 
and H. M. Batchelder, Historical Sketch of Salem, 1626-1879, Salem, 
I 8?9, p. 137. H. W. S. Cleveland, Voyages of a Merchant Navigator of 
the Days that are past Compiled from the Journals and Letters of the 
Late Richard J. Cleveland, New York, 1886, p. 6. Horace S. Lyman, 
History of Oregon : The Growth of an American State, 4v, New York, 
1903, 2 : 87, says that Captain John Kendrick of the "Columbia" had 
commanded a privateer. The log books of some of the privateers exist 
in the Essex Institute jn Salem. 

10 Letter to Lord Carmarthen, July 2, 1787. Letters of Phineas Bond, 
British .Consul at Philadelphia, to the Foreign Office of Great Britain, 
1787, 1788, 1789. Edited by the Historical Manuscripts Committee of the 
American Historical Association. In Annual Rep. of Am. Hist. Ass n. 
for 1896. Vol. I, pp. 5I3-659- P. 540- 

11 Great Britain, The Statutes at Large, London, 1763 et seq. 3:738; 
9 and 10 Wil. Ill (1698) c. 44, sec. 81, give this grant, and place as a 
penalty, forfeiture of ship and cargo. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 13 

indeed if advantage had not been taken of the opportunity thus 
given. 12 

In the light of these causes we are not surprised to find in the 
United States widespread movements in 1783 and the years imme 
diately following to take advantage of the China trade. In 1783 
Salem and Boston began to agitate the matter, 13 and Boston 
merchants had already planned a voyage. In 1784 such a venture 
seems to have been planned in Connecticut, and was defeated only 
because the amount of state aid asked was larger than the sturdy 
yeomen would grant. 14 In 1/84 a Boston vessel got as far as 
the Cape of Good Hope, and returned with a cargo of fresh 
teas purchased there from the British. 13 

It was in this same year, 1784, that an American ship first 
reached China. In the latter part of November, 1783, Robert 
Morris wrote to Jay, "I am sending some ships to China in order 
to encourage others in the adventurous pursuits of commerce/ 16 
This probably referred to the "Empress of China," John Green, 
Master. 17 Robert Morris and Daniel Parker and Company of 
New York joined in fitting her out, 18 and engaged as supercargo 

12 Fitzsimmons, in a speech on the tariff, Apr. 16, 1789, describes the 
situation quite exactly. Thomas Hart Benton, Abridgment of the 
Debates of Congress from 1769 to 1856, 1857-1861. New York. 1842. 

"Joseph B. Felt, Annals of Salem. 2 v. Salem. 1845-9. 2:285, 291. 

"William B. Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, 
1620-1789. 2 v. Boston and New York. 1890. 2:821. He quotes from 
the Connecticut Archives, a manuscript collection at Hartford. 

13 This was advertised for sale in July, 1784. Hamilton Andrews Hill, 
The Trade and Commerce of Boston, 1630 to 1890, in Justin Winsor, 
Memorial History of Boston, Boston. 1881. 4:203. 

16 Nov. 27, 1783. The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, 
edited by Henry P. Johnston. New York and London. 1891. 3:97. See 
also Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, Robert Morris, Patriot and Financier, 
1903, p. 222, and William Graham Sumner, The Financier and Finances 
of the American Revolution. 2 v. New York. 1892. 2 : 162. 

"This seems to have been universally believed at the time, and no one 
has ever questioned it. There seems to be no evidence which would lead 
one to doubt it. 

18 The Journals of Major Samuel Shaw, the first American Consul at 
Canton, edited, with a life of the author, by Josiah Quincy, Boston, 1847, 
give a full account of this voyage, and are reliable, since the author was 
the supercargo of the ship and wrote from his journals kept on the trip. 
The account of the voyage, unless otherwise indicated, is taken from him. 

14 Kenneth S. Latourette, 


Samuel Shaw, a man of some education, who had seen honorable 
service as an officer in the Continental army. 19 The main part 
of the cargo was ginseng. The ship sailed February 22, 1784, 
protected by a sea letter granted by Congress. 20 She stopped 
at the Cape Verde Islands for water and repairs, rounded the 
Cape of Good Hope, and then steered a straight course for the 
Straits of Sunda. 21 Here she met a French ship and in com 
pany with her proceeded to China, anchoring at Whampoa, the 
harbor of Canton, August 28th. The Chinese after a little 
trouble learned to distinguish the Americans from the English, 
calling them "the New People." 22 The representatives of the 
various European nations welcomed them, and even the English 
were friendly and seemed anxious to forget the recent war. With 
the assistance of more experienced traders, specially the French, 
the Americans threaded their way safely through the unaccus 
tomed maze of the Canton trade regulations, disposed of their 
ginseng and merchandise to advantage, and purchased a cargo 
of teas and China goods of various kinds. Returning, "The 

19 He was successively adjutant, captain, brigade major of artillery, 
and, finally, aide de camp to General Knox. Quincy s life of Shaw is 
good. Delano says of Shaw, "He was a man of fine talents and con 
siderable cultivation." Amasa Delano, Narrative of Voyages and Travels 
in the Northern and Southern Hemispheres. Boston, 1818. p. 21. 

20 The Journals of the United States in Congress assembled [Confedera 
tion], Philadelphia, .-. . 10:47. Similar letters were frequently 
granted later. For instance, to the "Canton," March 22, 1785 (10:97) 
and Jan. 2, 1786 (11:14); to the "Hope," Jan. 26, 1786 (11:17); to 
the "Columbia" and "Lady Washington," Sept. 24, 1787 (12:144, 145); 
and to the "General Washington," Oct. 25, 1787 (12:217). 

21 Most accounts of the voyage are taken from Shaw s Journal, but 
garbled ones are given in Robert Wain, Jr., Life of Robert Morris, in 
John Sanderson, Biography of the Signers of the Declaration of Inde 
pendence, Philadelphia, 1823, p. 368, which is quoted by Sumner, Financier 
and Finances of the American Revolution, 2: 162. It calls the ship "The 
Empress" and says that it was the first attempt to make an out of season 
passage to China by going around the south cape of New Holland. A 
cursory examination of Shaw s Journals will show that Wain was correct 
only in the year of the voyage, both the name of the ship and the course 
being wrong. He may have confused it with the voyage of the "Alliance." 

" For the first year, to avoid extra presents demanded of nations 
opening trade, the Americans were reported to the Hoppo, or customs 
collector, as English. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 15 

Empress of China" sailed in company with some Dutch ships 
for a distance, touched at the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived 
safely in New York May loth, 1785. The final profit of the 
voyage was estimated at $30,727, or about twenty-five per cent, 
on the capital invested. 23 

The news of this successful voyage created much interest and 
added incentive to the plans which were already projected. Shaw 
reported the result of the voyage to Jay, the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, and received soon afterward by order of Congress a reply 
telling of that body s "peculiar satisfaction in the successful 
issue of this first effort of the citizens of America to establish 
a direct trade with China." 24 Long accounts of the voyage were 
published in the New York papers and copied in the different 
commercial cities. 25 In Boston, plans were soon under way for 
building and fitting out a ship for the East India trade 26 in which 
"any citizen who wished to become interested" might purchase a 
share for $300. Robert Morris, satisfied with the result of his 
first venture, continued his investments. 27 He bought from Shaw 
and Randall a cargo of teas which they had shipped home in the 
"Pallas," and talked of engaging the two for another voyage. 28 

^Another brief summary of the voyage is in John Austin Stevens, 
Progress of New York in a Century, 1776-1876. New York, 1876. p. 45. 

24 Shaw s Journals, Appendix, p. 337, gives Shaw s letter (May 19, 1785) 
and Jay s reply (June 23, 1785). The report of the committee is in the 
Continental Congress Reports of Committees (Ms. in Library of Con 
gress). It was read June 9, 1785. It is also mentioned in the Journal 
labeled Reports of Corns. (Ms. in Library of Congress). 

25 A column and a quarter was given to it in the Providence Gazette, 
May 28, 1785. 

26 Hill, Trade and Commerce of Boston, p. 81, quotes from the Indepen 
dent Chronicle for June 23, 1785, to that effect. 

27 Robert Morris to Jay, May 19, 1785. Jay s Corres. and Public Papers, 
3 : 143- 

28 Shaw s Journals, p. 218. Morris may have sent the "Empress" a 
second time. A letter to which there is no author nor name of person 
addressed, but with the date New York, Nov. 3, 1786, in Letters Written 
to the British Government by agents from America, labeled America and 
England, 1783-1791, Ms. transcripts in Lenox Library, mentions the 
"Empress of China" as having arrived June 6, 1786, from Canton after 
a voyage of thirteen months. This leaves such a short time for her to 
unload, load, and clear from New York after her first voyage that it seems 
more likely that the date is wrong. It should probably be 1785. 

1 6 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

In 1787 he helped to send out the "Alliance," Thomas Reid, 
master, on a voyage which attracted much attention at the time, 
both because of the size of the ship and because of the course 
followed. 29 An old frigate, she was much larger than the ordi 
nary American Indiaman. She left Philadelphia June, 1787, and 
returned September 19, 1788, with a cargo said to have been 
worth half a million dollars. She has been popularly reported to 
have sailed with no chart but a map of the world, without letting 
go her anchor ropes from the time she left Philadelphia until 
she reached Canton, and to have been the first American ship to 
go to China by way of the south cape of Australia ! :!0 Her 
return temporarily saved Robert Morris from bankruptcy. 31 

Still other voyages were undertaken. Stewart Deane, an old 
privateersman, after consulting with Captain Green of the 
"Empress of China," sailed for Canton in the latter part of 
December, 1785, in a sloop of eighty-four tons. So small was 
the vessel that when it reached China it was mistaken for a 
tender to a larger ship. 32 Shaw went out again from New York 

, in February, 1786, as supercargo of the ship "Hope," James 

Magee, master, and carried with him a commission from Con 
gress as Consul at Canton. This office was rather an empty 
honor; the occupant was not "entitled to receive any salary, 
fees, or emoluments," but merely hoisted a flag, did a little 
routine business, and was looked upon by the Chinese as a head 

20 For accounts and mention of this voyage see Letters of Phineas Bond, 
Oct. 2, 1788, p. 578. Wain, Life of Robert Morris in Sanderson, Biog 
raphy of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, Philadelphia, 
1823, 5:368. (He was copied with slight changes by Oberholtzer, Robert 
Morris, p. 224.) Parliamentary Papers, 1821, 7:122; C. Dixon, Voyage 
Round the World. More particularly to the Northwest Coast of America. 
London, 1789. p. 298; Freeman Hunt, The Library of Commerce. Prac 
tical, Historical, and Theoretical. New York, 1845. 1:118; Abraham 
Ritter, Philadelphia and her Merchants as constituted Fifty to Seventy 
years ago. Philadelphia, 1860. 

30 Her course is certain. 

31 Sumner, Financier and Finances of the Am. Rev., 2 : 227, He quotes 
for his authority a letter of one of the English agents in the United 
States to Lord Dorchester, 1788, given in Canadian Archives, 1890. 104. 

32 Timothy Pitkin, A Statistical View of the Commerce of the United 
States of America. New Haven, 1835. p. 245. 

Early Relations betiueen the United States and China. 17 

merchant. It was the first American Consulate beyond the Cape 
of Good Hope, however, and was the only one in China until 
after i844. 33 

On the return passage of her first voyage the "Empress of - 
China" had found the "Grand Turk" of Salem at the Cape 
of Good Hope, evidence that the enterprising merchants of the 
witch town were already looking toward the East. It was this 
same vessel which Elias H. Derby, a merchant who had made a 
large fortune in privateering during the Revolution, sent to 
Canton a few months later, the first Salem ship to visit that 
port. 34 Providence, too, was caught by the China fever. Her-- 
merchants, cut off from the West Indies, had been looking for 
fresh fields for investment, and the n^ws of the profits to be made 
in the Canton trade soon roused them. John Brown, a West 
Indies merchant, and the senior partner of Brown and Francis, 
was the first to make the venture. His ship, the "General Wash 
ington," Captain Dennison, sailed December 27, 1787, stopping 
first at Pondicherry and Madras, 35 and going thence to Canton. 36 
Returning she reached America July 4, 1789. Although the 
venture was not as profitable as had been hoped, it was the 

33 Shaw s Journals, pp. 218-222. Shaw held the office until 1794. His 
successors were Samuel Snow (Quincy s Life of Shaw, p. 125), Edward 
Carrington, B. C. Wilcocks, Richard R. Thompson, John H. Grosvenor, 
P. W. Snow, Paul S. Forbes (Consular letters, Canton). There were 
frequent gaps, often of years, when the office was occupied by a vice 
consul or a consular agent. 

34 She sailed from Salem January 3, 1786. Robert S. Rantoul, the Port 
of Salem, in Hist l Cols, of the Essex Instit., 10 : 55. Paullin, Diplomatic 
Negotiations of American Naval Officers, p. 161. 

35 This course was probably taken because of the influence of an Eng 
lishman who had spent seven years in India and who went along on 
the voyage. He is mentioned in a letter of John Brown to his brother, 
August, 1787. Moses Brown Papers, 6: n, quoted in Miss Kimball s notes. 

36 The log book of the "General Washington" is in the Brown and Ives 
Papers, in the John Carter Brown Library of American History in 
Providence, and is above the average manuscript log for fullness of detail. 
William B. Weeden, Early Oriental Commerce in Providence, in Mass. 
Hist l Soc. Proceedings, 3d Series, 1 1236-278, Boston, 1908, pp. 236-240, 
tells of it, and Gertrude Selwyn Kimball, The East India Trade of Provi 
dence, Providence, 1896, p. 4, gives an account of it. Shaw s Journals, 
p. 318, tells of the return voyage. 

TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 2 1917 

1 8 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

beginning of a series of voyages from Providence which con 
tinued for many years. 

, The Canton trade thus started had become firmly established 
by the year 1790. Merely running over such names of the ships 
engaged in it as have, come down to us gives us some idea of 
its extent. There were the "Asia," Captain Barry, and the 
"Canton," Captain Truxton, whose voyages were not very suc 
cessful, 37 the "Jenny," Captain Thompson, 38 and the brig 
"Eleonora," Captain Metcalf, 39 both of New York, at Canton in 
1788; the "Massachusetts" of Boston, a large Indiaman built 
for Samuel Shaw in 1789, said to have been the largest ship 
built up to that time in America, sold to the Danish East India 
Company at Canton on its first voyage 40 ; and the "Astrea" of 
Salem, James Magee, master, and Thomas H. Perkins, super 
cargo. 41 

_ The American trade with China was from the first compelled 
to fit into the Canton commercial system. This latter was so 
peculiar, and yet so vital in all early relations with China that a 
somewhat detailed description of it is essential to a full appre 
ciation of the succeeding sixty years of American intercourse 
with the Mioldle Kingdom. 

What first impressed the traveller in Canton was that com 
merce was carried on "under circumstances peculiar to itself; 
it [was] secured by no commercial treaties, [and] regulated 
by no stipulated rules." 42 Freed from all treaty restrictions and 
diplomatic interference, the organization formed was the result 
of a curious combination of Chinese contempt for foreigners, 
of fear of their naval prowess, of desire for their trade, and of 
official greed and corruption. Until modern times the Middle 
Kingdom had been largely shut off from the rest of the world 
by the vast mountain system on her west and by the sea on her 

37 Shaw s Journals, pp. 295-296. 

38 Ibid. 

39 Ibid., p. 297. 

40 Delano, Voyages, pp. 21-25. 

41 Journal of B rig "Astrea" to China. Ms. in Essex Institute, Salem. 

42 Edmund Roberts, Embassy to the Eastern Courts of Cochin-China, 
Siam, and Muscat, in the U. S. Sloop of War Peacock .... during 
the years 1832, 3, 4. New York, 1837, p. 126. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 19 

east. Her people had not come into intimate contact with their 
equals in civilization until the nineteenth century. Their foreign 
relations had been almost exclusively with tribes of inferior cul 
ture, a culture which at its best was a crude copy of a Chinese 

Although conquered at times, the sons of Han had always 
assimilated their victors. The entire course of their history had 
bred a profound contempt for all foreigners, and had led them 
to apply to the latter the term "barbarian." It is not surprising, 
therefore, that early modern relations with the Occident were 
hampered by the conviction that foreigners were mercenary, inter 
ested only in trade, and beneath the contempt of the Chinese 
gentry and literati ; that the China trade was necessary to their 
very existence 43 ; that they did not have the ability to learn to 
read or to speak Chinese; and that all embassies sent to Peking 
came merely to bear tribute. 44 This contempt was mingled with 
an undercurrent of annoyance. The Manchus were not a naval 
power ; they were, in fact, utterly impotent on the sea, 45 and after 
the piratical acts of many of the early European adventurers, 
especially of the Portuguese, they felt it wise to limit western 
merchants to as few ports as possible and to police them care 
fully while there, "lest they come and make trouble." Only the 
strong commercial interests of the Chinese prevented the entire 
prohibition of trade. 

The Chinese officials were lovers of money, and where trade 
was once permitted their greed led to the imposition of as many 
duties and exactions as possible, and to a venality so great that 
by judicious bribery these same duties could be evaded and many 
port regulations disregarded with impunity. 

43 An anonymous memorial to the Emperor said : "Inquiries have served - 
to show that the foreigners, if deprived for several days of the tea* and 
rhubarb of China, are afflicted with dimness of sight and constipation of 
the bowels, to such a degree that life is endangered." The Chinese 
Repository, Canton, 1822-1851. 7:311. 

44 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, The History of Hongkong from the 
beginning to the year 1882, London and Hongkong, 1895, p. 12, gives a 
good summary of the feeling as a whole. See too Chinese Repository, 
passim, for official edicts on the China trade. 

45 This their trouble with Koxinga in Formosa had shown them long 

20 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

When the "Empress of China" had reached Canton, trade 
had been strictly confined to that port for nearly a generation. 
The Portuguese colony at Macao, at the mouth of the Pearl 
River, and the factories at Canton were the only spots where 
residence was permitted. 46 The existing regulations had some of 
them been in force since 1720, some since I76o. 47 The central 
institution was the "co-hong," through which all trading was 
done, and through which the government communicated with 
the foreigners. This body dated from an imperial edict of 1720 
which substituted it for a single "Emperor s Merchant." 48 It 
had been dissolved in 1771 only to be reinstated in 1782, and was 
in full working order when the first American arrived. This 
Hong Sheung or Yeung Hong Sheung ("Foreign Associated 
Merchants") known more commonly by the pidgin-English cor- 
> ruption, "Co-hong," 49 was a loose monopoly established by the 
imperial government expressly for the control of the foreign 
trade at Canton. It was composed of a varying number of 
"hong merchants." Theoretically thirteen in number, they were 
usually fewer, and sometimes dwindled to six. 50 Far from being 
a stock company, each merchant did business independently of 
the others, enjoyed his own profits, and, legally at least, bore 
his own losses. They acted together merely for the control of 
foreigners and the enforcement of trade regulations. There 
later grew up a mutual responsibility for debts, but this seems not 
to have been an integral part of the system, and was sanctioned 
only by special arrangement after each new failure. 51 With true 

46 There had been a little trade at Ningpo in 1755 but soon after that 
an imperial edict restricted all foreign commerce to Canton. Williams, 
History of China, p. 96. 

47 William C. Hunter, The Fan Kwae in Canton before Treaty Days, 
1825-1844, pp. 28, 34. Eitel, Eur. in China, p. 5. 

48 Hunter, Fan Kwae in Canton, pp. 28, 34 ; Eitel, Eur. in China, p. 8. 

49 Samuel Wells Williams, Establishment of American trade at Canton, 
in China Review, 5 : 152-164, p. 155. 

50 Memorial to Emperor, Sept., 1837, Ch. Rep., 6 : 292-296. John Francis 
Davis, China, 2 v., London, 1857, 1 198. 

51 C. Toogood Downing, The Stranger in China, or the Fan Qui s visit 
to the Celestial Empire in 1836-7. 2 v., Philadelphia, 1838, 2 : 123-133. 
In 1830 an attempt was made to abolish it entirely which succeeded for 
at least a few years. Responsibility was renewed in 1838 in a special 
case. Davis, China, i : 127-128. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 21 

Chinese astuteness, however, these debts of bankrupt hongs 
when guaranteed were paid by a special tax on the trade. 52 

The theory of the hong organization was that although the 
barbarians were not worthy of direct communication with gov 
ernment officials they were a troublesome set, and needed close 
attention and restraint. To the co-hong, then, was given the 
complete control of all foreigners, their persons, their property, 
their servants, and their trade, and in return it was held respon 
sible for their actions. The monopoly relaxed as time went on, 
and a large body of "outside merchants" grew up, each of 
whom, although legally allowed to furnish only those things 
needed for the personal use of the foreigners, paid some hong 
merchant for the privilege of unrestricted trade. 53 A position 
on the co-hong was purchased from the government, frequently 
at a high price ; but the place was not in every respect an enviable 
one. The unfortunate merchant was subject to heavy assess 
ments and official "squeezes" and at any time might be held 
responsible to the extent of his life for .chance disorders among 
foreigners. He could not retire from his position without spe 
cial permission, a favor which at least must be purchased and 
might be entirely refused. 54 The commercial character of mem 
bers of the co-hong seems, on the whole, to have been high, and 
although bankruptcies were fairly frequent, testimonies from 
Americans and others to the honesty of the body are quite 
numerous. Howqua, for example, the most famous of those 
engaged in the American trade, bore an unimpeachable name for 
honesty and philanthropy. The system was in general an effective 
way of handling the trade as long as it was limited to Canton 
and before government relations began. 55 When the treaties 

52 Chinese Rep., 6 : 292-296. 

53 Hunter, Fan Kwae in Canton, p. 35. Also evidence of Abel Coffin, 
Mar. 20, 1830, quoted in John Phipps. A Practical Treatise on the China 
and Eastern Trade. Calcutta, 1835, p. 310. 

54 Hunter, Fan Kwae in Canton, p. 36. Downing, The Stranger in 
China, 2: 123-133. 

5 "I never saw in this country such a high average of fair dealing as 
there." Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes. Boston and 
New York, 1899, i : 86. Hunter, Fan Kwae at Canton, p. 97, pays a high 
tribute to the system and to the honesty of the merchants. 

22 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

which followed the first British-Chinese war were signed, it had 
outlived its usefulness and rightly came to an end. 

The co-hong was the central point in the commercial organiza 
tion, but there were, in addition, many regulations which grew 
up as custom or which were formally enacted from time to time. 
When a ship arrived at the mouth of the Pearl River, a pilot 
took it in charge and brought it to Macao. Here an official 
permit was secured which permitted it to go to Whampoa, and 
a licensed pilot was taken on board. This latter, with the aid 
of the assistant pilot, brought the ship past the Bocca Tigris, 
or mouth of the river, and the first and second bars, and up 
to Whampoa. This anchorage, twelve miles below Canton, was 
as far as foreign ships could go, and here they were unloaded 
and loaded. 56 Before trade could be opened, however, the ship 
had to be secured by one of the hong merchants, who guaranteed 
its good behavior and the payment of its duties, and through 
whom in return most of its sales and purchases were usually 
made. It had also to obtain a comprador to furnish it supplies, 
and a linguist who for a percentage of the duties, transacted all 
the business with the custom house and with the various gov 
ernment officials. Then the vessel had to be measured by the 
deputies of the Hoppo, or superintendent of customs, the ship s 
extra tackle, overhall rigging, stores, and repair casks, must be 
put in a building or banksall on the shore, 57 a declaration made 
that no opium was on board, and a permit (chop) obtained for 
unloading the cargo. During the unloading and the loading, 
which was done by means of chop or licensed boats running 

50 John Robert Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Consisting of a 
Collection of Details respecting Foreign Trade in China, Canton, 1834. 
Captain Benjamin Hodges in 1789 paid $15 for the pilot to Macao, $40 for 
the pilot from Whampoa through the mouth of the river. Journal and Log 
of the Brig William and Henry from Salem, Mass., to Canton, Isle of 
France, and Salem. 1788-1790. Benjamin Hodges, Master. MS. The 
pilot expenses of the "Ann and Hope" in 1801 were ; expenses at Macao, 
$9.25, for pilot inwards, $44, for boat at Macao, $4, for boats to tow ships 
over the second bar and boats stationed there, $14, for pilot outward, 
$56, for the attendance of six boats at the second bar, $6, for cumshaw 
(fee) to pilot outward, $2. Disbursements [of "Ann and Hope"] while 
on their voyage to London and Canton, Christopher Bentley, Master. MS. 

57 This custom fell into disuse in later years. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 23 

between Canton and Whampoa, the ship was watched by customs 
officials to prevent smuggling. Just before she sailed, a grand 
chop, or permission to leave, had to be obtained from the Hoppo. 58 

The duties and port charges were often heavy, and were for 
the most part uncertain and determined by custom. No table 
can be given, for no definite one was ever established, or at 
least, made known to foreigners. 59 There were both import and 
export duties, the former paid by the foreigner, the latter by the 
native merchant. In addition there were measurement duties, 
varying with the size of the ship, 60 a cumshaw tax, which was 
originally the sum of a number of extra-legal fees and percentages 
given to different officials, and was later transformed into a 
regular sum paid to the imperial custom house, 61 and pilots , 
linguists , and compradors fees. 62 The last four were the same 
for all ships, and in 1832-3 amounted to $2,573 P er ship. 63 The 
measurement and cumshaw taxes were remitted on ships import 
ing rice. 64 

Various restrictions were placed on trade. No ships were 
admitted without a cargo of some sort aside from specie. 65 The 
importation of opium, the exportation of bullion except by spe 
cial permit, and of large amounts of rice, 66 and any exportation 
of sycee, or of metallic manufactures, were forbidden. Salt peter 
could be imported only for the government. 67 No vessels of 
war could pass beyond the Bocca Tigris, nor could they even 
anchor off the coast, unless they came as convoys. Smuggling, 

58 The facts in this paragraph are to be found in W. W. Wood, Sketches 
of China with Illustrations from Original Drawings, Philadelphia, 1830, 
pp. 213-217, Morrison, Chinese Commercial guide, pp. 9-18, Roberts, 
Embassy to Eastern Courts, p. 126, Shaw, Journals, pp. 173-178, Hunter, 
Fan Kwae at Canton, p. 51, and the East India Trader s Complete Guide, 
London, 1825, p. 453. William Milburn, Oriental Commerce. 

69 Consular Letters, Canton, III. 

60 In 1832-3 it was $650 to $3000. Roberts, Embassy to En. Courts, p. 126. 

61 Morrison, Chinese Commercial Guide, p. 18. 

62 Ibid. 

63 Roberts, Embassy to Eastern Courts, p. 126. 

64 Ibid., p. 126, and Evidence of Abel Coffin, Parl. Papers, 1830, 5: 122. 

65 Snow to Secretary of State, Jan. 24, 1801, Consular Letters, Canton, I. 
06 Morrison, Chinese Com l Guide, p. 18. 

67 Morrison, Chinese Com l Guide, p. 18. 

24 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

of course, was prohibited, and to prevent it, vessels were ordered 
to come immediately to Whampoa and not to linger around the 
coast. 68 

T In addition to the regulations which had to do primarily with 
I/- shipping, another series concerned the foreign residents of China. 
Here the Chinese attitude towards the barbarians was even more 
clearly manifested. They were to be held at arms length, to be 
segregated and closely watched, and to be tolerated only as long 
as was necessary. Unsupported and unprotected by their home 
governments or by treaty rights, the foreigners depended for 
safety and justice entirely on the self-interest of the Chinese. 
No foreigner was allowed within the city wall of Canton, but 
was compelled to confine his ramblings to the suburbs, and his 
residence to the little plot of ground assigned to the foreign 
factories, or hongs. These buildings were rented from the hong 
merchants, and were situated on a plot of ground in the suburbs 
which extended a quajter of a mile along the north bank of 
the river. 69 Before them was a square, fenced off from the 
streets until the fire of 1822. The factories were thirteen in 
number, and were described by Cleveland 70 in 1798 as "hand 
some houses built in the European style, on the margin of the 
river. . . . They were generally of two stories, the lower 
being used as warehouses. They were whitewashed, and with 
their respective national flags displayed on a high staff above 
them, made a very pretty appearance." Between the factories 

68 Hunter, Fan Kwae in Canton, p. 28. 

69 Jacob Abbot, China and the English, New York, 1835, pp. 64-94, gives 
a vivid, although not very accurate, description, claiming to be that of an 
eye witness. Fitch W. Taylor, Flag Ship, or a Voyage Around the World 
in the U. S. Frigate Columbia, 2 v., New York, 1840, 2:170; W. S. W. 
Ruschenberger, A Voyage Around the World, Philadelphia, 1838, pp. 
94 ff. ; Richard J. Cleveland, A Narrative of Voyages and Commercial 
Enterprises, 2 v., Cambridge, Mass., 1842, i : 46, 47 ; J. W. Reynolds, 
Voyage of the United States Frigate Potomac, during the circumnaviga 
tion of the Globe in the years 1831, 1832, 1833, and 1834, New York, 1835, 
p. 336 et sqq. ; Shaw s Journals, pp. 178-184, 345 ; Hunter, Bits of Old 
China, pp. 12-15 ; all contain descriptions of the factories by eye witnesses. 
Ch. Rep. 14 : 347, has a map, but the best are in Hunter, Fan Kwae in 
Canton, p. 25, and Morse, Internat. Rel. of Chin. Empire, p. 70. 

70 Cleveland, Voyages, i : 46, 47. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 25 

ran the narrow lanes known as Old China Street, New China 
Street, and Hog Lane, and behind them, Thirteen Factory Street, 
where were situated native shops to entice sailors when off duty. 

Originally the foreigner was allowed to use even the limited 
area on which the factories were situated only during the trading 
season, and was required to spend the other months in the 
Portuguese colony at Macao. 71 No women were allowed in the 
factories, and any attempt to bring them there was the signal for 
trouble. 72 The number of servants was limited. All communica 
tions with the officials were required to be in the form of 
"respectful petitions," and to be made, not directly, but through 
the hong merchants. Riding on the river for pleasure was for 
bidden, and no one could visit the neighboring suburbs except on 
special days of the month. Linguists and compradors were 
employed as for the ships, and each foreigner had his good 
behavior "secured" to the magistrates by some hong merchant. 
In short, the "barbarians" were there by permission, a permission -^ 
granted only by the "infinite compassion of the Son of Heaven." 

As strict as these regulations seem, however, most of them 
were seldom enforced. Official corruption was well known, and 
tact and judicious bribery could secure immunity from all but 
the form of most of the rules. In time many others fell into 
disuse. In later years smuggling became extensive. Vessels 
anchored at Lintin outside the Bocca Tigris, loaded and unloaded 
by means of small boats and receiving ships, and avoided not 
only the port charges, but often some of the duties. 73 The 
foreigners stayed in the factories throughout the year ; they could 
walk about the suburbs with impunity, and present petitions 
directly to the magistrates. The missionaries experienced but 
little serious interference in the study of the language, both 
written and spoken. 74 There were occasional spasms of reform 

71 Hunter, Fan Kwae at Canton, p. 80, speaks of the rule as still partly 
in force after 1830. It was broken as early as 1804 by Snow. Williams, 
Estab. of Am. Trade at Canton, p. 155. See also Shaw, Journals, pp. 

72 Gideon Nye, The Morning of My Life in China, Canton, 1873, p. 9; 
Eitel, Eur. in China, p. 19; and Delano, Voyages, p. 540, tell of futile 
attempts to avoid the rule. 

73 William C. Hunter, Bits of Old China, London, 1885, pp. i, 2. 

74 Ibid., pp. i, 2, and Hunter, Fan Kwae at Canton, p. 60. 

a6 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

and renewed strictness it is true, as, for example, in 1834, when 
an edict of the governor placed new limitations on the number 
of servants, 75 and in 1839, when some new regulations were 
enacted. 76 But always the lapse of a few months saw the reins 
again loosened and business pursuing its former easy way. 

75 Nye, Morning of My Life in China, p. 73. 

76 Ch. Rep, 8 77-82. 



In the first flush of success Americans had felt that their trade 
with Canton was destined to expand indefinitely. It soon became 
apparent, however, that a limit would speedily be reached. The 
chief article of importation from China was tea, and its con 
sumption in America was limited. Restrictions placed on its 
importation to Europe and the West Indies were practically 
prohibitive, and any extensive attempts to evade them were not 
to be thought of. 1 

Moreover, there was great difficulty in getting commodities 
with which to purchase cargoes in Canton. Through the cen 
turies, Europeans had gone to China as to the rest of the East 
in quest of its teas and silks, while but few Western products 
could be found for which there was a return demand. The 
balance of trade had been met by heavy shipments of specie, a 
drain which had long been a cause of concern. Not until after 
1825 or 1832 when China had cultivated her appetite for opium 
was the current of silver stemmed. 

From the very first the Americans had faced this difficulty. 
For a time they had hoped that in ginseng they had found a 
product which would supply the need, 2 but before long it became 
apparent that the demand for the root was limited, and that 
specie must be exported extensively to make up the deficit. 3 

1 Letters of Phineas Bond, p. 545, September 2, 1787. 

2 Shaw s Journals, pp. 229-236, 301, sqq. 

3 The following table, taken from Pitkin, Stat. View (1835 ed.) p. 303, 
and taken by him from the Register of the Treas., Washington (except 
for 1826-1832 which are from a Canton paper) show the proportion of 
specie exported to Canton from 1805 on. 


1805 $2,902,000 $2,653,818 l8l9 $7,414,000 $ 200,000 $2,603,151 

1806 4,176,000 1,150,358 1820 6,297,000 1,888,000 

1807 2,895,000 982,362 1821 2,995,000 2,397,795 

1808 3,032,000 908,090 1822 5,125,000 3,067,795 

1809 70,000 409,850 1823 6,292,840 2,046,549 

1810 4,723,000 1,020,600 1824 4,096,000 2,364,000 


Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Now, specie was of all commodities the one which the United 
States could least spare at that time. They had no silver or 
gold mines of importance. What coin came into the country was 
largely smuggled in from the Spanish colonies and was greatly 
needed to pay European bills. Specie was consequently hard to 
obtain for such luxuries as China goods, and when secured, much 
popular irritation was felt at its use for such a purpose. 4 
- r Unless these conditions could be changed, American trade with 
.Canton would be extremely limited. Indeed, by 1790, it had 
already been overdone and had ceased to be as profitable as at 
the beginning. 5 

At about this time, however, two widely separated groups of 
events partially removed both of these hindrances and gave 
Chinese-American commerce an impetus which resulted in its 
/rapid expansion. One, the European wars following the French 
Revolution, was still a few years off, the other, the opening of 
new sources of supply of goods for the China market, had just 








1811 $2,330,000 

$ 568,800 




1812 1,875,000 





l8l3 6l6,OOO 




$ 4OO,000 








1816 1,922,000 






1817 4,545,ooo 






1818 5,601,000 














4 The continued existence of this feeling is shown by a clipping from a 
Providence paper. In its issue of September 14, 1793, the United States 
Chronicle of that city attempted to mollify public opinion by telling of 
"fifty or sixty thousand dollars in specie," part of the proceeds of the 
"President Washington" and her cargo which had been sold at Calcutta 
in 1792, being deposited in the bank by Brown and Francis, "this sum 
being more specie than they had ever shipped to the Indies, although for 
six years past considerably engaged in the trade. It is expected it will 
operate in the minds of thinking people to do away with a prejudice 
against the trade, and convince them that it is our duty to encourage it, 
as being much more advantageous than for us to continue retailers of 
India goods for European merchants." 

5 Osgood and Batchelder, Salem, p. 138, say that the Salem-China tride 
seems to have been abandoned from 1790 to 1798. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 29 

The effect of the first of these on American commerce is too 
well known to require detailed treatment here. The United 
States were made the common carriers of Europe. The care 
fully erected trade barriers which had threatened to crush their 
commercial life were obliterated almost in a day. Large por 
tions of the Continent and of the West Indies were thrown open 
to their goods. The result on the trade with China was to give 
a wider market for tea, and to provide specie and other com 
modities needed for cargoes to Canton. Between 1801 and 1811 ^ 
from a fourth to a half of each year s imports of tea were re-ex 
ported from the United States. The embargo year of 1808 fell 
much below this average, but the following year made up for 
the deficit, since by drawing on the accumulated stocks Americans 
actually exported more tea than they imported. 6 In addition they j 
took many cargoes directly from China to Europe without 

The second group of events was of far less immediate impor 
tance in dollars and cents, 7 but in picturesqueness, in geo 
graphical and political results, and in territorial extent, it is of 
great interest. Moreover, it belonged so peculiarly to the China 
trade and had such important results that it demands a somewhat 
detailed treatment. 

The dearth of specie impelled American merchants to seek 
some acceptable but less expensive substitute for the Canton 
market. Ginseng was wanted in only limited amounts, and the 
United States seemed for a time to have no other native product 
which would attract the Chinese fancy. Within a few years, 
however, there was found a demand for furs, for sandal wood, 
and for various products of the South Seas, and with this demand 
came the discovery and development of fresh sources of supply 
of these articles. The search for these classes of merchandise 
gave rise to important branches of the Canton trade which we 
must now describe. 

The fur trade rose to meet a longstanding demand. Chinese 
houses were unheated, and warm dress was required to counter- 

6 Pitkin, Stat. View, ed. 1835, pp. 246-247. 

7 The importation of furs to Canton, for instance, was never more than 
fifteen per cent of our total imports into that port. 

30 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

act the cold of winter. Woolens were scarcely ever used, and 
to provide the needed warmth the poor resorted to heavily padded 
clothes and the better classes to garments lined with fur. 8 When 
the "Empress of China" first reached Canton, some furs came 
through the Russians, and some from Europe and America 
through European traders. 9 The Americans were not long in 
learning of the demand, 10 and within a few years had opened 
up three sources of supply: the Northwest Coast of America, 
where various pelts, chiefly those from the sea otter, were 
obtained by barter from the Indians; the Falkland Islands, the 
islands off the West coast of South America, and the South Seas, 
where the fur seal was found ; and the interior of North America, 
where the great fur-trading companies collected the pelts and 
shipped them from eastern ports, principally New York. 

Of these sources, the first to acquire importance was the 
Northwest Coast of America. The pioneers were Russians, but 
for some reason they were slow to take advantage of their 
knowledge, and the secret did not penetrate to the rest of 
Europe. 11 A generation or so later, Captain Cook s sailors 
picked up some sea otter skins while on the Northwest Coast and 
on reaching Canton were surprised to have them sell for a sum 
which seemed fabulous. John Ledyard, an American who had 
been with the expedition, returned to the United States fired 
with the idea of taking advantage of the discovery. He 
approached Robert Morris and merchants in Boston, in New 
London, and in New York, but he failed to attain his object. 

8 Chinese Rep., 3 : 557. 

9 Ibid., and Speer, Oldest and Newest Empire, p. 412. 

10 George Bancroft said in describing the fur trade on the Northwest 
Coast: "At the time when the people of New England were the most 
ready to devote themselves to navigation, the prohibitory laws of 
many .... nations of Europe fettered commerce so much that they 
found the whole earth not too large for their activity." Letter to C. C. 
Perkins, Jan. 4, 1879, in C. C. Perkins, Memoir of James Perkins. In 
Proceedings of the Mass. Hist l Society, i : 353-368, p. 359. 

11 In 1742 Bering s shipwrecked men killed the sea otter for food, 
carried about a thousand skins to Asia, and were given a large sum 
for them by Chinese merchants. A. C. Laut, Vikings of the Pacific. 
New York, 1905, p. 62. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of the North 
west Coast, 2 v., San Francisco, 1884, i : 345. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 31 

He turned to Europe, and at Paris tried to enlist John Paul 
Jones, but failed when just on the point of success. He tried 
to cross Russia, perhaps intending to reach the Northwest Coast 
by that route, but failed again, and after returning lost his life 
in an expedition up the Nile. 12 

What John Ledyard had known, but by his too optimistic spirit 
had failed to induce people to believe, came unmistakably to the 
world in 1784 with the publication of Cook s Journals. The 
immediate effect of these was a great interest in the prospective 
trade. As Irving put it, "It was as if a new gold coast had been 
discovered. Individuals* from various countries dashed into this 
lucrative traffic." 13 The first voyage was by the English, in 
April, 1785. The following year they and the Austrians and 
French were engaged in the trade. 14 The first voyage from the 
United States was not made until 1787. A company in Boston, 15 
said to have originated in the house of Charles Bulfinch, in 
Bowdoin Square, 16 from discussions of Captain Cook s voyages, 

12 Jared Sparks, Travels and Adventures of John Ledyard, London, 
1834, p. 175 et sqq. Milet Murrans. A Voyage Round the World in the 
years 1785, 1786, 1787, 1788, by J. F. G. de La Perouse, 3 v., London, 1798. 
2 : 287. There are other secondary accounts in Hill, Trade and Commerce 
of Boston, p. 82, and James Morton Callahan, American Relations in the 
Pacific and the Far East, 1784-1900, Baltimore, 1901. There seem to be 
no contemporary sources for this information, but the facts seem fairly 
well established. 

13 Washington Irving, Astoria, or Anecdotes of our Enterprise Beyond 
the Rocky Mountains. 2 v., Philadelphia, 1836. i : 32. 

14 G. Dixon, Voyage Round the World. More Particularly to the 
Northwest Coast of America. London, 1789, pp. xvii-xix, 315. John 
Meares, Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and 1789 from China to the 
Northwest Coast of America. London, 1791, passim. Edward S. Meaney, 
Vancouver s Discovery of Puget Sound. New York, 1907, p. 26. 

"Joseph Barrell, Samuel Brown, Charles Bulfinch, John Derby, Crowel 
Hatch, and John M. Pintard. Letter of Charles Bulfinch to William 
Cushing, December I, 1816. In Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department 
of State, Washington. 

10 Bulfinch, Oreg. and Eldorado, p. I. He should know, as he was 
related to the Charles Bulfinch of the company. Bancroft, Hist, of 
N. W. Coast, i : 185, thinks there is no evidence of their having any 
knowledge of the operations of the English traders and that they got their 
ideas from Cook and Ledyard. Robert Greenhow, A History of Oregon 

32 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

sent out two vessels, the "Columbia/ Captain Kendrick, and the 
"Lady Washington," Captain Gray. They were instructed to 
stay on the coast two seasons, or longer if they thought best, and 
to send the sloop to Canton at the end of each season with part 
of the skins collected. 17 The "Lady Washington" reached the 
Northwest Coast in the summer of 1788 after touching at various 
points on the coast, and at Nootka found the English Captains 
Meares and Douglas. Here on September twenty-second the 
"Columbia" joined her, and here the two ships passed the winter. 
The spring and summer of 1789 were spent in trading along the 
coast, and at the close of the season all the furs were put on 
board the "Columbia," which then proceeded under Gray to 
Canton, sold its skins, took on a cargo of China goods, and 
returned to Boston by way of the Cape of Good Hope, arriving 
August, 1790, the first American vessel to circumnavigate the 
globe. 18 The adventurers were received with great ovations, 19 
and although the profits did not come up to expectations, 20 the 
"Columbia" was again sent out. On this second voyage she 
made the discovery of the river that bears her name, 21 an event 
the full significance of which did not become apparent until the rise 
of the Oregon question in the next century. Captain Kendrick 
had meanwhile made two trips to China, in I789 22 and in 1791 or 

and California and the other Territories on the Northwest Coast of North 
America, Boston, 1844, p. 179, seems to think there was some causal 
connection between this and the earlier King George s Sound Company 
of London (the one which sent out Portlock and Dixon), but presents no 
evidence to substantiate it. 

17 Letter of Instruction of Joseph Barrell to the expedition, MS. in the 
Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State. It ended with the 
admonition, "We depend you will suffer insult and injury from none 
without showing that spirit which ever becomes a free and independent 

18 Bancroft, Hist, of N. W. Coast, i : 185-209, gives an account of the 
voyage. Up to June 14, 1789, he follows the diary of Robert Haswell, 
the best source for the voyage that he was able to find. (p. 186.) 

19 Meany, Vancouver s Discovery of Puget Sound, p. 34. 

20 Letter of Charles Bulfinch to William Gushing, Dec. I, 1816. 

21 This was in May, 1792. Bancroft, Hist, of N. W. Coast, i : 260. He 
cites her manuscript log for this date. 

22 Ibid., i : 209. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 33 

I792. 23 His was a visionary disposition as was shown in his 
purchase of lands from the Indians. 24 His career was ended some 
time later on the Hawaiian Islands by accidental death. 25 

About a month after the first return of the "Columbia" to 
America, Joseph Ingraham, her former mate, 26 left Boston as 
master of the brigantine "Hope." 27 He was partly financed by 
the young Thomas H. Perkins, who had learned of the trade 
from the "Columbia" while at Canton in January of that year. 2 * 
On his way out he touched at the Marquesas Islands, and a few 
days later sighted five islands which he did not find on his charts, 

23 A letter from him dated Macao, March 28, 1792, Consular Letters, 
Canton, I, shows that he was there at that date, and he probably arrived 
in the latter part of 1791, or very early in 1792. 

24 Bancroft, N. W. Coast, I : 253. He cites Hall J. Kelley, Disc, of 
N. W. Coast, where the deeds are copied. 

25 Delano, Voyages, pp. 399, 400, says that he was killed accidentally by 
a salute fired in his honor by an English commander. Foster, American 
Diplomacy in the Orient, Boston and New York, 1904, p. 99, says that 
he died in 1793, possibly copying from Robert Greenhow, A History of 
Oregon and California and the other Territories on the Northwest Coast 
of America, Boston, 1844, p. 228, where the same statement is made. 
Bancroft shows that this date is probably false (Hist, of N. W. Coast, 
1:297) placing it in 1796, a conjecture given color by the fact that Van 
couver found the "Washington" at Nootka Sept. 2, 1794. (George 
Vancouver. A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and 
Round the World. 3 vols. London, 1798. 3:300.) His death was 
probably late in 1795 or very early in 1796, as on May 28, 1796, John 
Howell wrote from Manila in regard to settling up his estate. (MS. 
letter in State Dept, Washington.) This letter, which shows his estate 
$17,717 in debt to Howell, and his own report of March, 1792, which 
shows him $10,000 in debt, bear out what has been said about his visionary 

26 Joseph Ingraham, Journal of the Voyage of the Brigantine Hope, 
from Boston to the North West Coast of America. 1790-1792." MS. in 
Library of Congress. Bancroft, Hist, of N. W. Coast, I : 252, says that 
he was mate of the "Lady Washington." Either Bancroft is in error, 
or Ingraham was mate on the latter vessel at an earlier date. 

27 He sailed Sept. 16, 1790. Ingraham, Voyage of Hope, Greenhow, 
pp. 226-228, and Callahan, p. 18 ; the last two of whom take their accounts 
from the manuscript journal, are where the accounts for the voyage are 
found. The first is to be preferred as a source. 

28 Gary (son-in-law of Perkins) in N. Eng. Hist, and Gen. Reg., 
10 : 201-211. 

TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 3 1917 

34 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

and which he named and claimed for the United States. 29 He 
traded along the Northwest Coast during the summer, and sailed 
for Canton in the fall, arriving in November, 1/91, during a 
temporary prohibition which the Chinese had laid on American 
ships. 30 In the spring of 1792, after some trouble over an 
attempted evasion of the prohibition, he returned to the North 
west Coast, and in the autumn went to the Hawaiian Islands, 
where in November the journal of his voyage ends. 

The years following 1789 showed great growth in the Ameri 
can Northwest Coast trade. In October, 1790, there arrived in 
China the brig "Eleonora," Captain Metcalf, and the schooner 
Tolly," Captain Douglas, from the Northwest Coast, both 
American, 31 but of these we know little. In October, 1791, the 
"Margaret" left Boston with James Magee, a part owner of the 
"Hope," 32 as master. On her arrival on the coast (in the spring 
of 1792) she found twenty-eight other ships there, of which six 
I - x. were American. For ten years, the number of American ships 
engaged in the trade continued to increase, until in 1801, the 
banner year, there were at least fourteen on the coast. 33 The 

29 Ibid., and Ingraham, Disc, of some Ids. in S. Pacific, Mass. Hist. Soc. 
Cols., 2:20-24. Some of these same islands were renamed and new ones 
were discovered by Joseph Roberts in the ship "Jefferson" early in 1793. 
Disc, and Desc. of Marquesas, Mass. Hist. Soc. Cols., 4:241. 

30 C. P. Claret Fleurier, Voyage Autour du Monde pendant les Annees 
1790, 1791 et 1792, Paris, 6 vols., an. vi., 2:368, mentions the same 
suspension of the fur trade. 

31 Providence Gazette, Jan. n, 1791, which cites Allen s New London 
Marine List, June 8, 1791. 

32 Ingraham, Voyage of Hope. The facts of the voyage are from the 
log of the "Margaret." MS. copy in Essex Institute, Salem. The inspira 
tion of the voyage came from the "Columbia," which he had found at 
Canton in 1789 or 90. N. Eng. Hist, and Gen. Reg., 10:201-211. 

33 William Tufts, Account of Vessels in the Sea Otter Fur Trade on 
the Northwest Coast (which seems to be correct as far as it goes). With 
the addition of all such omissions as have been detected this shows two 
vessels on the Coast in 1788, one in 1789, two in 1790, five in 1791, seven 
in 1792, four in 1793, two in 1796, four in 1797, eight in 1799, six in 1800, 
fourteen in 1801, nine in 1802, seven in 1803, five in 1804, six in 1805, five 
in 1806, five in 1807, three in 1808. The list is probably very incomplete, 
for in 1816 William Sturgis wrote that he had been on the Coast with 
seventeen American ships. He does not say in what year he was there. 
Letter to Charles Morris, Aug. 22, 1816. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 35 

normal voyage was to leave the United States in the summer or 
early fall, and to arrive on the Northwest Coast in the spring. 
The vessels would then trade with the Indians from inlet to inlet 
along the fjord-broken coast, getting skins, preferably those of 
the rare sea-otter, in exchange for trinkets, knives, fire arms, 
blankets, cotton and woolen cloths, and other similar wares. 34 
In the fall they would go to Canton, or if they had not yet 
obtained a cargo they would winter at the Hawaiian Islands and 
trade a second and even a third season on the Coast before going 
to China. Once there they would exchange their cargoes for 
teas and other goods, and return to the United States by way of 
the Cape of Good Hope. The voyages were, as a rule, very 
lucrative. The original outlay for the cargo was small, the furs 
for which it was exchanged sold at Canton at a large gain, and 
the teas and goods which the proceeds purchased brought 
another gain in the United States or Europe, thus giving three 
chances for profit. The voyages were full of risk and required 
experience, and the trade fell into the hands of a few large firms, 
the Perkins, the Lambs, Dorr and Sons, the Cooledges, the 
Lymans, the Sturgis family, all of Boston, D Wolf of Bristol, 
and a few others. The merchants of Philadelphia, New York, 
and* Providence, were for the most part not engaged ; in it. 35 
Small traders occasionally ventured out but the dangers from 
shipwreck, and especially from the natives, were great, and only 
a firm with several ships could survive the losses incident to such 
accidents. 36 

34 Bill of lading of the "Louisa" to the .N. W. Coast, Oct. 5, 1826. 

35 Tufts account of vessels in the sea otter trade gives the names 
of these firms. William Sturgis, The Northwest Fur Trade, in Hunt s 
Merchant Magazine, 14:532-537, gives the facts about the other ports. 
He was himself connected with the trade. 

36 Numerous examples of these accidents can be cited. The "Columbia" 
suffered the loss of three men from the Indians in 1791 (Extracts from 
the log of the ship "Margaret," commanded by Captain James Magee. 
Voyage to the North West Coast, 1791-1792. Copy MS. in Essex Insti 
tute. This may be the incident of which Fleurier heard when in Canton 
in November, 1791. Voyage Autour du Monde. 2:377). Vancouver 
found in Hawaii a survivor of the "Fair American," an American 
schooner manned by the younger Metcalf, that had been captured and 
had had its crew murdered by the natives in retaliation for punishment 
inflicted by the elder Metcalf for the murder of son>e of his men (Van- 

36 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

About 1802 the trade to the Northwest Coast took on a new 
phase, trading and sealing voyages along the California coast. 
This was due partly to the increasing difficulty of obtaining skins 
by barter with the northern Indians, and partly to newly dis 
covered sources of furs. In 1802 the "Lelia Byrd," Cleveland, 
master, coasted along California, trading for furs with the 
Spanish settlements. 37 In 1803 tne "Alexander," Brown, master, 
and in 1804 the "Hazard" 38 and the "Lelia Byrd" under Shaler, 
Cleveland s partner, 39 did the same. It was largely illegal trade 
and ships engaged in it were in danger of capture and confisca 
tion. 40 In 1803 the "O Cain" of- New York obtained Indian 
hunters from the Russians at Sitka and went south, hunting on 
shares. 41 In 1805 John D Wolf, master of the "June," finding 
barter unsuccessful, determined to go to California, but sold his 
ship to the Russians before carrying out his plan. 42 In 1806 

couver, Voyage, 2:135). In 1803 the ship "Boston," John Salter, Master, 
was attacked by the natives at Nootka Sound in revenge for a fancied 
insult, his vessel was captured, and all but two of the crew were 
murdered. (The Adventures of John Jewett, only survivor of the crew 
of the ship Boston, during a captivity of nearly three years among the 
Indians of Nootka Sound in Vancouver Island. Ed. by Robert Brown. 
London, 1896. Secondary accounts are in Bancroft, Hist, of N. W. Coast, 
1:312, and in Meany, Vancouver s Discovery of Puget Sound, pp. 39-43.) 
In 1803 and 1804 the "Atahualpa" of Boston, Adams master, lost some 
men by an Indian attack (page 171 of Shaler [?] Journal of a Voyage 
Between China and the Northwestern Coast of America, made in 1804. 
In the American Register or General Repository, vol. 3 (1808) pp. 137-175). 

37 Cleveland, Voyages of a Merchant Navigator, and Cleveland, Voyages, 
i : 155-249- 

38 Herbert Howe Bancroft, History of California, 7 v., San Francisco, 
1884-1890. 2:15. 

3U Shaler, Voyage between China and the Northwest Coast. 
J "The Mercury" was captured and condemned in 1813, Bancroft, Hist, 
of Calif., 2 : 268. He quotes Mercury, Expediente de investigacion sabre 
Captura de la fragata American "Mercurio" 1813, MS. Several other 
ships were similarly treated in 1816. Ibid., 2 : 275. 

41 Bancroft, Hist, of N. W. Coast, 1 : 319. He quotes Boston on the 
N. W. Coast, MS., pp. 11-12. 

42 John D Wolf, A Voyage to the North Pacific and a Journey through 
Siberia more than half a century ago, Cambridge, 1861 ; and Patterson, 
Narrative of Adventures and Sufferings, are accounts of the same voyage 
by two men who were on it. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 37 

the "O Cain" returned, again obtained Indians from the Rus 
sians, and left for the California coast. 43 In 1810 and 1811 at 
least four vessels were there on the same mission 44 under Russian 

The relations between the Americans and Russians on the 
Northwest Coast were not confined to the California sealing 
voyages. In 1807 the Russians chartered an American vessel, 
the "Eclipse," to carry supplies from China to their settlements 
in Kamchatka and the Northwest Coast, a step made necessary 
by the Chinese rule which forbade the Czar s ships to come to 
Canton. 45 Part of the extensive plan of Astor was to supply 
the American settlements of the Czar with goods in exchange for 
furs. 46 More important, however, were the diplomatic troubles 
which arose. 

|, In 1808 Count Romanzoff, Russian Minister of Foreign 
Affairs and of Commerce, complained to the American charge 
d affaires that American ships on the Northwest Coast, instead 

. of trading with the Russian settlements, were carrying on a 
clandestine barter in fire arms with the natives to the danger 
of his majesty s subjects. Beyond a formal acknowledgment 
the Americans seem to have paid no attention to the note 47 and 
the matter was dropped for a time. In January, 1810, Daschkoff, 
the Russian charge in Washington, took up the question again and 
proposed that the United States should order its citizens to con 
fine their trade to the Russian factories and prohibit their carry 
ing on any barter with the natives. The American Government, 

43 Ibid. D Wolf calls it "Okain" and Patterson calls it "Ocain," but 
there is no reasonable doubt of its identity. 

"Bancroft, Hist, of Calif., 2:93. He cites Albatross, Log Book of 
Voyage to N. W. Coast in 1809-1812, kept by William Gale, as authority. 
Some of the vessels were under the Winships. 

43 Archibald Campbell, A Voyage Round the World from 1806 to 1812. 
New York, 1817. The ship mentioned in Erasmus Doolittle, Sketches 
by a Traveller, Boston, 1830, in about 1809 or 1810 traded provisions to 
the Russians for skins. i"j/ 

46 Am. Fur Trade, Hunt s Merc. Mag., 3 : 197-8. It is interesting to 
note that much the same thing was done for several years after 1815 
for the British Northwest Fur Company by J. and T. H. Perkins of 
Boston to evade the monopoly of the East India Company. Reports of 
Committees, No. 43, 2 Sess., 24 Cong. 

4T American State Papers, Foreign Relations, Washington, 1858. 5 : 455. 

38 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

however, evaded the question by asking the Russians to specify 
a definite line of demarcation, a step which the latter were not 
prepared to take. 48 On May 5th, the Secretary of State, in a 
note to Daschkoff, expressed his unwillingness to come to an 
agreement unless such a line were agreed upon. Even then a 
prohibition by the United States, said he, would be needless, 
for if the Indian tribes were under Russian jurisdiction the 
United States would surrender her merchants to the "penalties 
incurred by those who carry on a contraband trade in a foreign 
jurisdiction," and if they were independent, Russia could not 
prevent foreign trade with them unless it were in time of war 
and in contraband articles. 49 The negotiations thus closed at 
Washington, were reopened by Romanzoff at St. Petersburg, 
August 28th. He proposed to John Quincy Adams, the United 
States minister, that American ships be given the privilege of 
carrying furs from Russian posts on the Northwest Coast, and 
that in return the United States should agree not to furnish 
fire arms to the natives. When Adams asked for the boundaries 
which the Russians claimed, Romanzoff said that their charts 
showed that the entire coast as far south as the mouth of the 
Columbia River belonged to them. Adams seemed to feel that 
behind the plea for humanity there was an attempt to win an 
acknowledgment of the Russian claim for territory and courte 
ously declined the offer. He reminded the minister that there 
was no real reciprocity in the proposed arrangement, as the 
Americans already had free access to the proffered trade, and 
that a prohibition could not be enforced on a coast which pos 
sessed neither ports nor custom houses. 50 After this reply, 
made early in October, 1810, the matter was dropped for eleven 

Closely allied to the Northwest Coast trade were the fur-seal 
ing voyages. They owed their origin to the same motives, the 
obtaining of pelts for the China market. They were quite dis 
tinct, however, being undertaken by different firms, and different 
towns. They went out from New London, New Haven, Stoning- 

48 Note of April 24, 1810. Ibid. 

49 Am. State Papers, Foreign Relations, 5 : 455. 

50 Am. State Papers, For. Rel., 5:455. Adams, Diary, 2:151, 178. See 
a secondary account in Winsor, Narrative and Crit. Hist., 7:510. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 39 

ton, New York, Philadelphia, Salem, and occasionally from 
Boston. They had for their object seal skins, not sea otter skins: 
they obtained them not by barter but by killing the seals them 
selves : and they were mostly in the Southern, not the Northern 
Hemisphere. The usual plan of the voyages was to spend one 
or two seasons sealing at the Falklands, Massafuero, or at some 
of the islands where seals were plentiful ; then to proceed to 
Canton, to exchange their furs for China goods and then to 
return home by way of the Cape of Good Hope. One vessel 
often made several voyages, leaving part of its crew on the seal 
islands to collect skins until it should return. 

These voyages had their origin almost simultaneously with 
those of the Northwest Coast. About 1785 or 1786 the ship 
"States," owned by Lady Hadley, was sent out on an experi 
mental voyage. Thirteen thousand skins were taken, brought to 
New York, and shipped to Calcutta and Canton in the brig 
"Eleonora," about the time that Kendrick and Gray first left 
Boston. 51 In 1790, acting on the information obtained from 
this voyage, Elijah Austin of New Haven fitted out two vessels 
and sent them to the Falklands and South Georgia. One of 
these proceeded to Canton with its skins and returned by way 
of the Cape of Good Hope after a three years absence. 52 In 
1792, Magee obtained eleven thousand seal skins at St. Ambrose, 
and found sealing well established on the Falkland Islands. 
In March, 179.3, Delano met at Canton the "Eliza," of New 
York, William R. Stewart, Master. She had come from Massa 
fuero and had a cargo of thirty-eight thousand skins. 53 In 
February, 1793, the Macartney Mission found on the Island of 
Amsterdam a number of men who had been left there to collect 
skins while their vessel, a ship fitted out at the Isle of France 
and owned by Americans and French, should go to the North- 

51 The Diary of Mr. Ebenezer Townsend, Jr., the supercargo of the 
sealing ship "Neptune" on her voyage to the South Pacific and Canton; 
in papers of New Haven Colony Hist l Society, vol. 4, New Haven, 1888. 
pp. 1-115. P- 3- Shaw, Journals, pp. 295-6, mentions her as in Macao 
early in 1788. 

52 Townsend, Diary, p. 3, et sqq. 

53 These sold for only $16,000, a very low price. 

40 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

west Coast of America. 54 By 1804 the American sealers were 
causing trouble to the British in Australia, three having been 
there within a year. 55 These rather disconnected instances show 
the early origin and the broad scope of the sealing voyages. 

The sealing industry, like the trade to the Northwest Coast, 
had a rapid growth and decline. Morrell estimated that from 
the Island of Massafuero alone three and a half million fur seals 
were taken and sold at Canton between 1793 and i8o7. 56 Delano, 
writing after the commerce had declined, said that he had been 
at that same island when fourteen ships were sealing there. 57 

The culmination of the industry was reached shortly after 1800. 

-It was self-destructive. No attempt could be made to protect 
the seals, and a few years saw their almost complete destruc 
tion on islands where they had formerly been the most numer 
ous. 58 To hasten the decline, competition had overstocked the 
Canton market and had brought the price below the profit point. 
By the opening of the War of 1812, the trade had nearly run its 
course. 59 

"George Staunton, An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the 
King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China. 2 v. London, 1798. 
i : 207. It is interesting to note that in 1802 some men were left for the 
same purpose by one of Perkins ships on St. Paul, a neighboring island. 
Journal of Voyage from Salem to Sumatra and Manila in the ship 
Active," George Nichols, master. 1801-1802. MS. in Essex Inst. 

55 Louis Becke and Walter Jeffery, The Americans in the South Seas. 
London, 1901, p. 237. Governor King of New South Wales wrote that 
"this is the third American vessel that has within the last twelve months 
been in the Straits and among the islands, procuring seal skins and oils 
for the China market." 

56 Benjamin Morrell, A Narrative of Four Voyages to the South Seas, 
etc., from the year 1822-1831. New York, 1832. p. 130. 

57 Delano, Voyages, p. 306. 

58 Doolittle, Sketches, p. 13. About 1809 or 1810 he found seals almost 
extinct on Massafuero. Charles W. Barnard, A Narrative of the Suffer 
ings and Adventures of Captain Charles W. Barnard in a Voyage round 
the World during the years 1812, 1813, 1814, 1815, and 1816, New York, 
1829, pp. 198-201. No seals were there in 1814, and the island was 
deserted. Barnard, however, had found some at the Falkland Islands 
some two years before. Ibid., p. 12. 

59 The last sealing voyage from New Haven, October 25th, 1815, et 
seq., was a failure. Thomas Rutherford Trowbridge, History of the 
Ancient Maritime Interests of New Haven, New Haven, 1882, p. 78. 
In 1828 we find as one reason urged for the sending out of an exploring 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 4 1 

The third branch of the fur trade, that with its source in the 
interior of North America, cannot be as fully described as can 
the other two. Accurate statistics are wanting as to what pro- 

expedition to the South Seas the discovery of new sources of supply 
for a trade that had formerly been so profitable. J. N. Reynolds, 
Address on the Subject of a Surveying and Exploring Expedition to the 
Pacific Ocean and the South Seas, New York, 1836. 

The sealing voyages differed from those to the Northwest Coast in 
not being in the hands of a few large firms and in not sailing from a 
single port. They were sent out from Salem, Boston. Stonington, 
Hartford, New London, New Haven, New York, and Philadelphia, and 
as a rule were financed by quite a number of persons, each of whom 
invested a relatively small sum. New Haven entered the trade in 1790, 
but the best-known voyage from the port was that of the "Neptune" in 
1796 to 1799, a venture owned by a number of persons in New Haven 
and Hartford. It brought to its owners what in those days was a large 
profit (Townsend, Diary. Another account in Trowbridge, Hist, of 
Ancient Maritime Interests of New Haven, says that Townsend, the 
chief owner, made $100,000 and his son, the supercargo, $50,000), and 
its success led to quite a number of other voyages in which persons 
from Hartford, Wethersfield, Middletown, East Haddam, Farmington, 
Derby, Litchfield, Milford, Branford, Stratford, Providence, and New 
London, were interested. (Trowbridge, Ancient Maritime Interests of 
New Haven, p. 76.) What was true of New Haven was probably true 
of the source of the capital for many other voyages. 

Rough experiences and dangers were common in the trade. The rival 
ships companies on the sealing islands must often have quarreled. (In 
1802 there were 200 men on Massafuero, about 170 of whom belonged 
to no ship. A Concise Extract from the Sea Journal of William Moulton 
written on board the Onico, in a voyage from the Port of New London 
in Connecticut to Staten Land in the South Seas, etc. Utica, 1804, p. 98.) 
There were dangers, too, from the Spanish authorities, for sealing on His 
Catholic Majesty s islands was contraband; and vessels sometimes even 
tried smuggling into South American ports. (A journal of a Voyage 
from Salem to Massafuero .... to Canton and back to Salem on 
board the ship "Concord," Obed Myer, master, 1799-1802, MS. in 
Essex Institute, tells how the Spanish carried off to Valparaiso some 
of the men who were on the island. In 1803 Root was imprisoned for a 
term at Conception. Some time later a Spanish frigate ordered all sealers 
to leave the island in four months or be treated as prisoners of war. 
Pp. 156, 164 of Joel Root. Narrative of a Sealing and Trading Voyage 
in the Ship Huron from New Haven around the World. 1802-1806. In 
New Haven Hist l Soc. Papers, Vol. 5, pp. 149-171. In November, 1805, 
Delano took on board five Americans belonging to Root who had been 
imprisoned by the Spanish for living on Spanish territory. Delano, 

42 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

portion of the skins obtained through it were used at home, what 
sent to Europe, and what to Canton. Unlike the other two, it 
did not have its origin in the desire to supply the China market, 
and the Canton trade had but a minor part in it. At times, 
however, it was important, and it probably had fewer fluctuations 
than either of the other two branches. 

The treaty of 1795 with England by allowing for the first 
time direct shipment of furs from Canada to the United States 
is said to have increased our consignments of inland furs to 
Canton. 60 It is probable that John Jacob Astor laid part of the 
foundation of his fortune by shipping his furs to China. 61 It 
is certain that his Astoria scheme had the China trade as its 
central point. The object of this famous project was to estab 
lish a depot on the Northwest Coast to which furs could be taken 
overland from inland trading posts, and from which trading 
voyages could be sent along the coast. Annual vessels were to 
be sent around Cape Horn to bring supplies to the depot, to 
collect the furs gathered there, take them to Canton, and to return 
around Africa with a cargo of teas, silks, and other China 
goods. 62 The enterprise was a total failure. The depot was 
founded, but the "Tonquin," the first supply ship sent out, came 
to grief with the natives 63 ; Astor s partners sold out to the 

Voyages, p. 509.) There was danger from shipwreck and danger from 
lawless mutineers and still more from lawless natives. (As in the case 
of the "Nautilus" which attempted to go to the Northwest Coast about 
1797. The ship was driven back, refitted in Kamchatka, went to the Sand 
wich Islands, thence to Otaheite with the hope of going to Massafuero, 
but was driven back again by storms and finally had to go to New South 
Wales. William Smith, Journal of a Voyage in the Missionary Ship 
Duff .... 1796-1802. New York, 1813, pp. 110-124.) 
00 Bancroft, Hist, of N. W. Coast, i : 521. 

61 Ibid., and Walter Barrett, The Old Merchants of New York City, 
New York, 1870, i : 417, seem to imply this, and James Parton, Life of 
John Jacob Astor, New York, 1865, p. 49, distinctly says this, stating 
that he sent his first ship there about 1800. 

62 Letter of J. J. Astor to J. Q. Adams, Jan. 4, 1823, in Greenhow, Hist. 
of Oreg. and Calif., p. 439. See also on this Astoria project, Irving, 
Astoria, Bancroft, Hist, of N. W. Coast, i : 512 ff., and 2: 136 ff., and Am. 
Fur Trade, in Hunt s Merc. Mag., 3: 197-198. 

03 Edmund Fanning, Voyages to the South Seas, Indian and Pacific 
Oceans, etc., etc., New York, 1838, pp. 137-151. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 43 

British Northwest Fur Company, the fort was captured by the 
British, the "Beaver," sent out next after the "Tonquin," was 
forced to lie idle in Canton through the War of 1812, and the 
whole magnificent project went to pieces with great loss to its 

The development of fresh sources of furs was only one of the " 
attempts to find a substitute for specie which were made in the 
years following 1/90. Identical in motive with the fur trade 
was a long series of voyages to the South Seas which had as * 
their object the securing of sandal wood, beche de mer and 
various other products of those regions. 64 

The first of these articles to play a part in the American-China . 
commerce was sandal wood. Just how and when the trade in it 
started is uncertain. There is a story unsupported by other evi 
dence, and almost certainly unauthentic, that one of Astor s 
early ships found it on the Hawaiian Islands, took it aboard for 
firewood, and on reaching Canton was surprised to learn its 
value. 65 Delano says that as early as 1790 some of it was 
brought to Canton from the Sandwich Islands, but that not 
being the valuable variety it was sold at a loss. 66 The first 
certain date is March 10, 1/92, when Vancouver found on one 
of the Hawaiian Islands some men whom Kendrick had left 

64 Beche de mcr, a kind of sea slug found on the shallow reefs in 
tropical seas, when cleaned and cured is much esteemed by the Chinese 
as food. (Descriptions of it are in William G. Dix, Wreck of the Glide, 
with recollections of the Fijis and of Wallis Island. New York and 
London. 1848. pp. 1-30.) Sandal wood is an aromatic wood from a 
small tree which grows in the tropics and sub-tropics, and is used exten 
sively in China for cabinet work and for incense. (Chinese Rep., 2:469.) 
Other articles from the South Seas were brought in minor quantities, 
such as tortoise shell, edible birds nests, mother of pearl, and sharks 
fins. (Fanning, Voyages to the S. Seas, p. 155. Ruschenberger, Voyage 
round the World, p. 242.) 

05 Barrett, Old Merchants in New York City, 1 : 421. He says that the 
trade was kept secret for seventeen years, while we have evidence .of 
others being engaged in it as early as 1792. 

00 Delano, Voyages, 399. This statement was made in 1801 and he says 
that he saw it brought there, so that the story seems authentic. He may 
refer to Kendrick s venture, but in this case he would be off a year in 
his reckoning. 

44 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

to gather the wood. Kendrick was to return in 1793 and take 
the cargo to Canton. 67 From these various accounts it seems 
certain that the first American vessels to bring sandal wood to 
Canton were those engaged in the fur trade, and that it was 
.^discovered by them while stopping, as was their custom, at the 
Hawaiian Islands. 

After the discovery of the wood on the Hawaiian Group, trade 
in it quickly developed. William H. Davis and Jonathan Winship 
of Boston began shipping it about I793, 68 and later obtained 
exclusive privileges in it. 69 As the knowledge of its value 
spread, it was discovered on the Fiji Islands and various groups 
in the South Seas. As in the Hawaiian Islands, it was intimately 
connected with the fur trade and was taken to Canton by ships 
sent out primarily for sealing. In 1804 the brig "Union" of 
New York, failing to obtain a cargo of skins, went under Eng 
lish contract to the Fijis 70 for sandal wood, and although the 
captain and some of the men were murdered by the natives, 71 the 
ship seems to have completed its cargo and gone to Canton. 72 
In 1806 those interested in the "Union" sent out a second ship, 
the "Hope," Captain Reuben Brumley, this time especially for 
the wood. On the vessel s arrival at the Fijis a contract was 
made with a chief for the collection of a cargo; the natives 
brought the wood down from the mountains and piled it on the N 
beach ready for loading, and receiving in return trinkets of 
various kinds. When the "Hope" left, the chief promised to 
collect a second cargo to be ready in eighteen months, and the 
agreement was given the force of a monopoly by placing a taboo 
on the sale of wood to other ships in the meantime. 73 The "Ton- 

137 Vancouver, Voyages, 1:172, 173. Another account is in Greenhow, 
Hist, of Oreg. and Calif., p. 228. 

68 Delano, Voyages, p. 399. 

69 Niles, Weekly Register, Baltimore, 1811 et sqq. Americans at Sea, 

70 Edmund Fanning, Voyages Round the World, p. 314. 

71 Smith, Journal of Missy. Ship Duff, p. 151. 

72 Four years before this the American ship "Duke," Captain Melon, 
had been captured by the natives and the crew murdered, but no record 
is given as to why she was there and we can only guess that it may have 
been for sandal wood. Ibid., p. 149. 

73 The journal of the first voyage is given in Fanning, Voyages to the 
South Seas, pp. 12-69. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 45 

quin" sailed from New York under the same captain June 15, 
1808, having obtained special exemption from the embargo then 
existing in the United States, and found that the contract made 
with the "Hope" had been scrupulously observed. Earlier in 
the same year another American ship had been at the islands on 
the same mission and had been wrecked, for one of the. sur 
vivors was picked up by the "Tonquin" and taken to Canton. 74 
In May, 1810, the brig "Active" sailed from Salem for the Fiji 
Islands, 75 the first of a long series of similar voyages from that 
port. 76 The most prosperous years of the South Sea trade were 
after the War of 1812. It was then that beche de mer began to 
form a part of the cargoes, and the supply of sandal wood was 
not badly depleted before 1820. The two decades after 1790, 
however, saw its beginning and the marking out of the main 
lines for its development. 

In addition to trips to the Northwest Coast of America and 
to the South Seas, the Canton ships took other roundabout 
routes, many of them opened by the European wars. A map of 
their voyages would make a network over most of the known 
globe. The customary route from America was to touch at the 
Cape Verde Islands, to round the Cape of Good Hope, and then 
either to keep east until just south of the Straits of Sunda, or 
to go north to Mauritius, which the French were making a great 
entrepot for Oriental shipping, and thence to the Straits of Sunda 
and Canton. 77 But this customary route was varied in many 
ways. The ships often touched at Bombay and Calcutta, at 
Batavia, at Manila, or went round "New Holland," stopping 
at times at Botany Bay. Again, some vessels would stop at 
Amsterdam, at Hamburg, at St. Petersburg, or at Leghorn, 
either carrying freight there on their return voyage, or touching 

74 The survivor was Patterson. He gives a narrative of it in A Narra 
tive of Adventures and Sufferings of Samuel Patterson, Experienced in 
the Pacific Ocean, etc., Palmer, 1817, pp. 80 et seq. 

75 William Leavitt, Materials for the Hist, of Ship Bldg. in Salem, Hist. 
Cols, of Essex Instit, 7:211, also Osgood and Batchelder, Salem, pp. 
169 et seq. 

76 Ibid. 

77 Delano, Voyages, pp. 200-211, and passim. Cleveland, Voyages of a 
Merchant Navigator, p. 34. 

46 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

on their way home to unload cargoes of teas and to take on 
freight for America. 78 

The opportunities afforded by the European wars and by the 
fur and sandal w T ood trades would never have been fully seized 
had it not been for the efficiency and daring of the^American 
merchant marine. When at Canton shortly after i8oo, 79 Krusen- 
stern remarked in wonder that the American vessels were "so 

admirably constructed that they sail better than many ships of 
war, . . . [and] .... the captains of some of them at 
Canton .... have made the voyage from thence to America 
and back again in ten months." The ships were small, few 
being of five hundred tons burden. The "Eliza," in which 
Sturgis first went to the Northwest Coast, was one hundred 
thirty-six tons, 80 and some of Cleveland s voyages were made in 
vessels of less than fifty tons. 81 

-The efficiency of the ships lay largely in the ability of the 
men who manned them. The American crews were smaller than 

78 Typical examples of these are as follows : The "John Jay" of 
Providence, 1794-5, touched at Bombay to try to get a cargo of cotton 
for Canton. Kimball, E. India Trade of Providence, pp. 14-17. In 
1797-8 the same ship touched at Batavia on its way out, and at Ham 
burg and St. Petersburg and Lisbon on its way back; and in 1800 it was 
instructed to round New Holland and touch at Botany Bay. Weeden, 
Early Oriental Commerce in Providence, pp. 242-253. There are manu 
script logs preserved of the voyage of the ship "Perseverance" of Salem, 
Nathaniel Hawthorne (father of the author) master, to Batavia, Manila, 
Canton, and return in 1796-8; of the ship "Ann and Hope" of Provi 
dence, Benjamin Page, master, which rounded New Holland in 1799- 
1800; of the "Indus" to Canton in 1802-3, touching at Batavia on the 
way back; of the ship "Derby" of Salem, Dudley S. Pickman, master, 
in 1804-5, to Leghorn and Canton and return ; of the ship "Eliza" of 
Salem, William Richardson, master, in 1805-7, to the Isle of France, Port 
Jackson (New Holland), Norfolk Island, New Zealand, Canton, and 
return; of the "Hunter" of Salem, 1809-10, to Sumatra and Canton. 
In Weeden, Early Oriental Commerce in Providence, pp. 261-266, men 
tion is made of the voyage of the ship "Arthur" of Providence, Septem 
ber 26, 1807, to June 3, 1809, to Rio Janeiro, Cape Town, Isle of France, 
Canton and Providence. 

79 Krusenstern, Voyage round the World, 2:332, 331. 

80 Loring, Memoir of Wm. Sturgis, in Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc., 
7 : 420-433- 

81 Cleveland s Voyages. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 47 

those on English or European vessels, but were more orderly 
and intelligent. 82 They were for the most part American born 
and from good New England stock. 83 Boys from the best 
families would go to sea, and at a very early age would become 
commanders of ships. William Sturgis, for example, began his 
sailor s career at the age of sixteen. At seventeen he was chief 
mate, and at twenty he was master of a ship in the Northwest 
Coast Trade. The attraction was not the wages, for those were 
not high, 84 but was partly the chance for a career, for before the 
days of New England factories no greater opportunities were 
open to the young men of business ambition than the sea and 
commerce, and partly the privilege granted to the crews of many 
of the ships, especially those to the Northwest Coast, of trading 
on their private accounts. 85 The China trade is an illustration 
of what the American genius, to-day spending itself in manu 
factures and internal transportation and development, can 
accomplish when diverted to the sea. 

82 Evidence of J. Drummond, Parl. Papers, 1821, 7:210. Evidence of 
Joshua Bates, Parl. Papers, 1830, 6:365-380. 

83 There were some exceptions to this rule. Log Book of the "Ann and 
Hope," beginning Sept. 22, 1825, MS. in John Carter Brown Library. 
In 1825 she got some seamen at Amsterdam, nine of whom had foreign 
names. Journal of a voyage in the ship Herald from Salem to Rotter 
dam, Canton, and return, in 1804-1805, MS. in Essex Institute, says 
that some foreigners had to be shipped. On the "Margaret" in 1791-2 
on the Northwest Coast, all but five of the* twenty-four were Americans. 
Log of "Margaret," 1791-2. MS. 

84 The account of the ship "John Jay" in 1798, MS. in John Carter 
Brown Library, shows that the wages of a seaman were $15 a month, 
of the steward and cabin cook $16, of the cook $15, of the boatswain 
$24, of the cabin boy $6, of the carpenter $23, of the third officer $16, 
of the second officer $25, of the first officer $30, of the master $16 a 
month and four tons trading privilege. Forbes, Personal Reminiscences, 
p. 91, gives one captain s salary as $50 a month. 

85 Parl. Papers, 1821, p. 210, vol. 7, evidence of Drummond. A letter 
of George Bancroft to C. C. Perkins, Jan. 4, 1879, says, "Young men 
came from the best families in near and even remote country towns, and 
entered the service before the mast with a prospect of promotion. The 
permission given the sailor to take out a little venture of his own was 
usually rewarded with more lucrative results." C. C. Perkins, Memoir of 
James Perkins, p. 359. 

See also Parl. Papers, 1821, 7:217, evidence of Roberts. Thomas R. 

48 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

- The result of the European wars and the opening of new 
avenues of trade and an efficient merchant marine, was a 
phenomenal growth in American commerce with China. In 1789 
Shaw mentions four American vessels at Canton 86 ; in the season 
of 1804-5 tnere were thirty-four, in that of 1805-6 there were 
forty-two, and in that of 1809-10 there were thirty-seven. The 
imports to Canton in these last three seasons were $3,555,8i8, 
$5,127,000, and $5,715,000 respectively. 87 Although the total 
commerce of the United States had more than quadrupled in a 
decade and a half, 88 that with China had nearly kept pace with it, 
averaging each year four and five per cent of the whole. 89 

This great prosperity, however, was not unmixed with dan 
gers. The China seas were very stormy, and although no cases 
of actual shipwreck are on record, occasional typhoons wrought 
havoc, especially as the Americans, unlike the earlier Euro 
peans, persisted in coming at all seasons of the year. 90 Greater 
were the dangers from men. Since Europeans have known them, 
the Far Eastern waters have been periodically infested with 
pirates, and in the decade from 1800 to 1810 an unusually power 
ful band preyed along the shores of Kwantung Province, and 
centered around the Bocca Tigris. They were under one head, 
and in 1810, when finally reduced by the imperial authorities, 4 
they were said to have six hundred junks of from eighty to 
three hundred tons burden each. 91 At first not daring to molest 
European ships, 92 in the later years of their power they became 

Trowbridge, Grandfather s Voyage around the World in the Ship Betsey, 
1799-1801, New Haven, 1895, tells of a lad eighteen years old having such 
a venture. 

86 Shaw s Journals, p. 297. 

87 Sen. Docs. No. 31, I9th Cong., i Sess. 

^American State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, Washington, 1832. 
1:927, 928. Exports from the United States, 1791-92, $20,753,098; 1806-7," 
the banner year, $108,343,150. * 

89 This was true at least from 1805 to 1810. 

90 Fanning, Voyages to South Seas, p. 93, tells of such a storm in 1807- 
or 1808. 

91 John Francis Davis, China. 2 v., London, 1857, 1 : 68-71. 

92 Jas. Gilchrist, Journal of a Voyage from Cape Verde Islands to 
Canton, said, in July, 1808, that the pirates were growing in numbers and 
would attack a foreign ship if it were in shoal water. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 49 

bolder, so much so that vessels found it safe to go from Macao 
to Whampoa only in fleets of four or five. 93 Several attacks by 
them are recorded. An entry of a ship s journal, Macao, Sep 
tember 17, iSoo,, 94 says that an American brig had been captured 
a short time before and that several others had been attacked. 
In the same year the "Atahualpa" of Boston was attacked twice, 
first 95 in Macao Roads and then 96 while going up the river with 
four other American ships. 97 

More dangerous than the ladrones, -however, were the French 
and British privateers and men of war. In 1794, an American 
ship sailed from Canton under the protection of the returning 
Macartney embassy from fear of French privateers in the Straits 
of Sunda. 98 In 1800 Samuel Snow, the consul at Canton, officially 
warned American ships of danger from them in the same local 
ity. 99 In the same year the ship "Ann and Hope" of Provi 
dence was attacked by a Frenchman and drove him off only 
after a three quarters of an hour s fight. 100 

The French, however, gave less trouble than the English. 
Here as elsewhere in these years, British claims to the right of 
search were annoying American commerce. Canton was visited 
by more American ships than any other port in the Orient, and 
* was hence a convenient place to search them for "deserters." 
The United States could send no ship of war to interfere, 101 and 

93 Journal of the "Hunter" from Salem to Canton and Return, 1808-9, 
September 17, 1809. 

94 Ibid. 

95 Hunter, Bits of Old China, p. 157. 

96 Charles G. Loring, Memoir of Wm. Sturgis, in Proc. of Mass. Hist 
Soc., 1863-1864, Boston, 1864, 7 : 420-433. 

97 As late as 1817 there is the record of an attack by pirates on the ship 
"Wabash" of Baltimore, although the worst nest must have been rooted 
out some time before. Wilcocks to Secy, of State, Sept. 22, 1817. 
Consular Letters, Canton, I. 

88 The journal of Mr. Samuel Holmes .... during his attend 
ance .... on Lord Macartney s Embassy to China and Tartary, 
1792-3. London, 1798. p. 198. 

"Weeden, Early Or. Trade of Prov., p. 253. 

100 George C. Mason, Reminiscences of Newport, Newport, 1884, p. 152, 
Aug. 17, 1800. 

01 The "Essex" came out in 1800 to ward off French privateers, but 
got only as far as the Straits of Sunda. Preble, First Cruise of the 
TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 4 1917 

50 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Carrington, the consul, could only remonstrate with the British 
officers and protest to the Chinese authorities. In December, 
1804, his demand on the commander of the "Caroline" for the 
release of some seamen was met with a cool request that it be 
made through the lords of the admiralty. 102 In October, 1805, 
he and the other American merchants attempted to petition the 
provincial governor to stop the impressments, claiming that they 
were violations of neutrality. 103 Carrington felt sure, however, 
that the petition would be of no avail, 104 and so it proved, for the 
hong merchants, knowing that they would be held responsible 
for the correction of the evils, refused to transmit the com 
plaint. 105 Cut off from any assistance from home and from any 
hope of interference by the Chinese, Carrington again turned to 
the British commanders, and attempted to accomplish by corre 
spondence what he had no power to attain by force. In 1806 he 
carried on an exchange of notes with the commander of the 
"Phaeton," in the course of which the latter announced his inten 
tion of preventing any American ship from sailing without first 
overhauling it, and finally threatened to prohibit them all from 
setting to sea. 106 The patience of the Americans became strained 
to the breaking point by this and similar incidents, and the consul 
wrote the Secretary of State in April, 1807: "If these outrages 
are continued, I am extremely apprehensive they will be attended 
with serious consequences, as it is the determination of the cap 
tains of the American vessels to repel by force any attempt in 
the future to impress their seamen when within this empire." 107 
The clash came in August, 1807. On the third the American 
schooner "Topaz" of Baltimore, William Nicol, master, 
anchored in Macao Roads after a voyage of contraband trade 

U. S. Frigate Essex, 1799-1800. Histl. Cols, of Essex Instit, Vol. 10, 
part 3, pp. 34 et sqq. 

102 Letter of Carrington to Sec. of State, Consular Letters, Canton,. I. 

103 Consular Letters, Canton, I. 

104 Ibid., and Carrington to Madison, Nov. 25, 1805. Ex. Doc. 71, 2 Sess;, 
26 Cong., p. 3. 

10d Ibid., p. 4, and Carrington to Sec. of State, Nov., 1806, Consular 
Letters, Canton, I. 

100 Consular Letters, Canton, I, and Delano, Voyages, p. 530. 
10T Ex. Doc. 71, 2 Sess., 26 Cong., p. 5. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 51 

along the western coast of South America. 108 Captain Kempton 
of H. M. S. "Diana" examined her papers and searched her 
for deserters. While he was doing so, some disaffected members 
of the crew told him that the "Topaz" was a pirate. Captain 
Nicol feared trouble and obtained permission from the governor 
of Macao to anchor his vessel under the guns of the Portuguese 
fort and to put his treasure on land for safe keeping. While 
the schooner was under way moving to her new position, the 
English approached again, but were refused permission to come 
aboard until the vessel should come to anchor. They answered 
by boarding her by force. In the ensuing fight Captain Nicol 
was killed, eight of his men were wounded, and the vessel itself 
was captured and sent to Calcutta. This act aroused the Ameri 
can shipmasters at Canton, and for a time a local war seemed 
imminent. Commodore Pellew of the English squadron was 
reported to have threatened to come to Whampoa and capture 
every American ship there. The American ships, eleven in num-~ 
ber, organized themselves into a fleet, appointed a commodore and 
vice-commodore, and prepared for war. The trouble dragged 
on into November, when Captain Fanning, if we can believe his 
story, brought the parties together through his personal acquaint 
ance with the British commodore, and averted further blood 
shed. 109 In 1809, however, the "Phaeton" was again impressing 
American seamen in Canton and was attempting to search 
American merchantmen. 110 

The War of 1812 was a distinct break in the trade between the " 
United States and China. Here, as in other branches of com 
merce, fear of capture by the British kept American ships at 
home. The total commerce of the three seasons from 1812 to 
1815 was barely half of that of the year before the war, and 

108 Felix Renouard de Sainte Croix, Voyage Commercial et Politique 
aux Indes Orientales .... a la chine .... pendant les annees 
1803-1807, 3 v. Paris, 1810, 3:130, in a letter written from China, Nov. 
17, 1807, tells of this affair, and his story receives corroboration and 
additions from Fanning, Voyages to S. Seas, 99-113. Both are by men 
who were either in China at the time or a few months later. 

109 Fanning, Voyages to S. Seas, pp. 99-113. 

110 J. B. Eames, The English in China. London, 1909. p. 136. 

52 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

less than a third of that for the season of iSoQ-io. 111 In the 
Canton factories the merchants of the two nations lived together 
amicably enough, 112 but at the mouth of the river conflicts fre 
quently took place. In 1814 H. M. S. "Doris" blockaded the 
American shipping, made several captures, and on one occasion 
chased a vessel up to Whampoa and captured her in defiance of 
Chinese neutrality. The Americans at Whampoa armed their 
boats and captured her, and the Chinese, aroused at last, took 
measures to punish the aggressors, 113 saying that if the two 
nations had any "petty qaurrels" they should "go to their own 
country to settle them." 114 

" The struggle was not all one-sided, however. American 
privateers cruised off the mouth of the river, taking prizes and 
bringing them in for condemnation, 115 although they did not 
equal in number those taken by the British. 116 American ships, 
moreover, occasionally avoided the dangers and brought home 
cargoes which sold at war prices and netted their owners large 
profits. 117 From December 20, 1812, to May, 1813, fifteen 
American ships were brought to Canton and condemned. 118 

111 Sen. Doc. 31, I Sess., 19 Cong. Total exports and imports from the 
United States to Canton, 1812-3, 1813-4, 1814-5 $3,096,500, for 1811-2, 
$5,903,810, for 1809-10, $11,459,600. 

112 Doolittle, Sketches, p. 41, says, "They lived together as brothers." 
He himself was there during the war. 

113 Davis, China, 1 : 78-80. 

114 Auber, China, pp. 242 ff., Wheeler, The Foreigner in China, p. 68. 
It is interesting to note that the differences between the Chinese and the 
English arising as a result of this incident, led to important concessions 
by the former, and ultimately to the sending of the Amherst Embassy by 
the latter. Williams, History of China, pp. 105, 106. 

113 The "Rambler," Captain George Lapham, in 1814, the "Jacob Jones" 
of Boston in 1815, are two American privateers mentioned by the American 
consul. Consular Letters, Canton, I. 

110 Ibid. 

117 Niles Register, 7:128, Oct. 29, 1814, tells of a New York vessel 
which had arrived at Newport from Canton with a cargo worth nearly 
half a million dollars. Parton, Life of Astor, p. 58, says that during the 
War of 1812 all of John J. Astor s ships from Canton arrived safely 
when tea. had nearly doubled in price. This statement, however, is not 
strictly reliable. 

118 Consular Letters, Canton, I. 


OPIUM TROUBLES, 1815-1838. 

The effect of the Treaty of Ghent on American commerce with 
China was quickly felt. The high prices of tea and silk caused 
by the war stimulated the natural increase due to the resumption 
of trade, and for the first few years many new firms went into 
the business, and both the United States and the Continent were 
flooded with teas, nankeens, and silks. The first season showed 
a decided increase, the second nearly equaled the largest one 
before the war, and the three succeeding ones all greatly sur 
passed it. 1 A new era had dawned on the Canton-American 
commerce. From about 1790 to the outbreak of the war, the 
controlling factors had been the European wars and the fur and 
the South Sea trade. These, as we saw in the last chapter, had 
been largely responsible for the phenomenal expansion of those 
years. The beginning of 1815 found the first of these factors a 
thing of the past, and the others disappearing. The Napoleonic 
wars had ceased, and the United States was no longer the 
neutral carrier of the world. The fur trade had nearly reached 
its end. The sandal wood trade was past its zenith, and only in 
one minor phase, the beche de mer trade, was there any future 
to those extensive Pacific voyages which had played such an 
important part before the war. There were new conditions, how 
ever, which led to the rapid growth of the Canton trade. In the 
old-world struggle, trade barriers had been broken down and 
teas carried in American bottoms still had a market in Europe. 
The Americans were, too, a more numerous people than in 1790, 
and wealthier, and there was a growing home market for China 
goods. They had more commercial capital, and more specie, 

1 Sen. Ex. Doc. 31, i Sess., 19 Cong. In 1815-16, imports from Canton 
were $2,527,500, and exports to Canton were $4,220,000; in 1816-17, 
the} were $5,609,600, and $5,703,000 respectively; in 1817-18, $7,076,828 
and $6,777,000 respectively; in 1818-19, $9,867,208 and $9,057,000, respec 
tively; in 1819-20, $8,185,800 and $8,173,107 respectively. The largest year 
before the war was 1809-10 when the corresponding figures were $5,744,- 
600 and $5,715,000. 


Kenneth S. Latourette, 

and did not stand in such need of furs and sandal wood as a 
substitute for silver as in 1790. Hence, in spite of the removal 
of the principal causes of previous prosperity, the years between 
1814 and 1834 were, on the whole, successful ones for the Canton 
trade. For the most part they were quiet and lacked the fever 
and the romance of the two decades before 1812. Several events 
are important enough, however, to be chronicled in some detail 
the end of the fur and the South Sea trade, the Terranova affair, 
a change in the American organization of the trade resulting in 
its concentration in a few large ports and in the hands of a few 
large firms, changes in the composition of exports and imports, 
the effect of American trade on the British East India Company, 
the full development of the community life at Canton, the grow 
ing interest of the United States Government in the China com 
merce, and the beginnings of American Christian missions to the 
Chinese. , 

The banner years of the Northwest fur trade had been those 
immediately before 1808. After this date, in spite of the newer 
field opened in California, a decline began. 2 The fundamental 
weakness was not the trouble with England, although the trade 
did not recover from the blow given it by the War of 1812, but 

~ the difficulty of obtaining skins. This was due partly to Russian 
competition and aggression, partly to the growing difficulty of 
barter with the Indians, and partly, possibly, to the approaching 
extinction of the sea otter. In 1816, William Sturgis, a man 
who had been intimately connected with the trade, said: "The 

* settlements of the Russians and English (particularly the former) 

- The best index of this decline is the importation of sea otter and 

seal skins, the principal pelts, to Canton. Seal skins came mostly from 
another branch of the fur trade. 

Year 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 

Sea Otter Skins 11,003 17,445 14,251 16,647 7,944 11,003 

Seal Skins 183,000 140,297 261,000 100,000 34,000 

Year . ... 1811 1812 1813 1814-15 1816 1817 

Sea Otter Skins 9,200 n,593 8,222 6,200 4,300 3,650 

Seal Skins 45,ooo 173,000 109,000 59,000 109,000 27,000 

Year 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 

Sea Otter Skins 4,177 4,714 2,488 3,575 3,507 

Seal Skins 47,290 91,500 24,726 13,887 111,924 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 55 

have proved highly injurious to the American trade." 3 A little 
over a year later, Thomas H. Perkins, one of the principal China 
merchants wrote : . . . . "The Northwest Coast trade .... 
is nearly extinct. ... As the Russians employed the Kodiack 
Indians to take the sea otter, the cost of them is very little, as 
the hunters have very little more than a miserable support for 
their labor in the chase we cannot therefore compete with such 
opponents. . . . The Indians who formerly visited the sea 
shores to trade with our ships have ho longer any inducement to 
come to the coast, their former occupation being taken away by 
the enterprise of the Russians and those employed under their 
direction/ 4 Mr. Perkins had made the picture a little too dark, 
but in the main he was right. Although there were three or four 
vessels on the coast when he wrote, 5 and although as late as 1826 
we find a trading ship starting for the coast, 6 the trade had passed 
its palmiest days, and had ceased to be an important factor in 
the commerce with Canton. 7 

Although the Northwest Coast fur trade had practically ceased, 
its most important diplomatic and political results came after 
1820. Negotiations with Russia had, as we have seen, been, 
dropped for a time in 1810. In September, 1821, the emperor 
astonished the world by issuing a ukase declaring the North 
Pacific from Behring s Straits to latitude fifty-one degrees north, 
a mare clausum to all whaling, sealing, and fishing. Adams 
strenuously objected and negotiations followed. The result of 

3 William Sturgis to Charles Morris, Aug. 22, 1816, MS. 

4 T. H. Perkins to Charles Bulfinch, Boston, Dec. 21, 1817, MS. See 
too on this same subject, Cleveland, Voyages, I : iv, where much the 
same view is held. 

5 Perkins to Bulfinch, Dec. 21, 1817. MS. 

6 Journal of the Voyage of the ship "Louisa" from Boston to the North 
west Coast of America, Canton and Boston, William Martin, Master, 
1826-9. MS. in Essex Institute. 

7 Furs from inland America continued to be shipped to Canton, how 
ever, long after the war. Those of the British Northwest Fur Company 
were often sent to the Canton market by way of New York and Phila 
delphia (Reports of Corns., p. 43, 2 Sess., 24 Cong.), and some continued 
to be taken directly from the United States to China. (Cong. Globe, i 
Sess., 28 Cong., App., p. 226, gives a table showing the fur trade from 
1821 to 1840. The direct trade varied from $142,399 in 1821 to $561 in 
1840, and $2,368 in 1840, averaging about $60,000 a year.) 

56 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

these was an agreement signed April I7th, 1824, which fixed the 
southern boundary of Russian possessions at the parallel 54 40 
north, and which forbade to Americans the sale of firearms, but 
allowed them rights of fishing in bays and coasts not occupied 
by Russian establishments. 8 A futile attempt of the Baron de 
Tuyl to reopen the question the following summer ended the 
incident, and American vessels continued to come to Sitka at 
the rate of from two to four a year. 9 

The Americans had lost for a time all title to the territory 
north of 54 40 , but the question of the -ownership of the Oregon 
country was not yet settled, and in its settlement the Northwest 
Coast fur trade played an important part. It was through this 
trade that Americans had first come to know the region, and 
such claims as the discovery of the Columbia River and the 
settlement at Astoria arose directly through it. Moreover, one 
of the chief reasons urged for the occupation of Oregon was the 
- acquisition of a Pacific port as a base for the China trade. Floyd, 
the early champion of the Oregon question, in his report of 
1821 to the House, urged that "the Columbia [is] in a com 
mercial point of view, a position of the utmost importance. The 
fisheries on the coast, its open sea, and its position in regard to 
China, which offers the best market for the vast quantity of 
furs taken in these regions, . . . seems to demand immediate 
attention." 10 In the debate of December I7th, 1822, his relative 
emphasis upon the China trade was still stronger. "The settle 
ment of Oregon .... is to open a mine of wealth to the 
shipping interests .... surpassing the hopes even of 
avarice itself. It consists principally of things which will pur 
chase the manufactures and products of China at a better profit 
than gold and silver; and if that attention is bestowed upon the 
country to which its value and position entitle it, it will yield a 
profit, producing more wealth to the nation than all the ship- 

8 Eugene Schuyler, American Diplomacy and the Furtherance of Com 
merce, New York, 1886, pp. 292-299. 

9 Frederic Lutke, Voyage autour du Monde, execute par ordre de sa 
Majeste L Empereur Nicolas .... dans les annees 1826, 1827, 1828, 
et 1829 par Frederic Lutke, etc., Traduit par F. Boye. 2 v. Paris, 
1835. i : 131. 

10 Reports of Corns. 45, 2 Sess., 16 Cong. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 57 

ments which have ever in any one year been made to Canton 
from the United States. . . . Were this trade cherished .... 
we could purchase the whole supplies of the United States in 
the Canton market without carrying -one dollar out of the coun 
try." 11 He went on to describe the value of the trade, and argued 
that the grain fields of the Columbia valley could ultimately 
supply the market of China. The importance of Oregon in the , 
Canton trade was, too, the argument used by the other supporters S 
of Oregon occupation. Baylies and Tucker used it. 12 Colden 
of New York prophesied that within twenty or fifty years the 
nearest route to further Asia would be by way of rivers, canals, 
and portages to Oregon, and thence across the Pacific. 13 

In December, 1824, Floyd was again agitating the question, 
backing his cause by the same arguments. 14 His bill passed the 
House, only to be tabled in the Senate, but four years later he 
renewed the struggle, urging the old reasons. 15 He was defeated 
and the question was dropped in Congress for ten years. When 
at last it came up again the advantages of Oregon in the Canton 
market, although still used incidentally, 16 were no longer the 
prominent arguments. 

It can safely be said, however, that the Oregon Country was 
preserved to the United States because of the importance it 
was felt to have in the Canton commerce, and because of the 
claims to it which the early fur trade had established. 

The sandal wood trade did not decline as early as the fur trade 
or the sealing voyages. In 1817 Kotzebue found it still in full 
progress on the Hawaiian Islands. 17 The native government 

11 Floyd of Va., Speech, Dec. 17, 1822. Annals of Congress, 17 Cong., 
2 Sess., p. 398. 

12 Annals of Cong., 17 Cong., 2 Sess., Dec. 18, 1822, pp. 418, 423. 

13 Ibid., pp. 583-586. Jan. 13, 1823. 

14 Register of Debates, i : 18-22. 

15 Ibid., 5:149- 

16 Woodbury of New Hampshire urged these advantages. Congressional 
Globe, 3. Sess., 27 Cong., App., p. 93. Hunt foresaw the time when Oregon 
would command the China trade and a railroad join the Northwest Coast 
to New York. Hunt s Merc. Mag., 12 : 80. 

17 Otto von Kotzebue, Voyage of Discovery in the South Seas, and to 
Behring s Straits in Search of a Northwest Passage .... in the 
years 1815, 1816, 1817, 1818, etc., London, 1821, i : 189-192. 

58 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

had obtained control of the sources of the wood and payment 
was made by the Americans in goods, specie, and in one instance, 
a ship. In 1825 or 1826, Kotzebue estimated the annual export 
of sandal wood at $300,000 a year, 18 but this is excessive, as the 
largest single year s (1822) importation to Canton on American 
ships was $268,22O. 19 

The trade, however, was a wasteful one, and consequently 
short lived. Sandal wood had disappeared from the Hawaiian 
Islands by about 1830. On the Fijis it was exhausted by about 
the same time. 20 Discovered on the Marquesas Group in 1810, 
it was practically all exported in seven years. 21 The importa 
tions to Canton which in 1822 had amounted to 26,822 peculs 22 
worth $268,220, had by 1833 declined to the sum of $8,935. 
- As sandal wood disappeared, a new product, beche de mer, 
was discovered in many of the same localities, and the voyages 
to the South Seas continued for a number of years longer. They 
came to be largely in the hands of Salem sea captains 23 and year 
after year ships went out from the old witch town, hired natives 
to gather the animal, built huts for cleaning and curing it, sold 
it at Manila 24 to Chinese epicures, at from ten to twenty cents 
a pound, 25 and brought home cargoes from the Philippines or 

18 Otto von Kotzebue, A New Voyage round the World, in the years 
1823,1824,1825,1826. 2v. London. 1830. 2:191-192. 

19 Pitkin, Stat. View, ed. 1835, p. 304. 

20 Charles Wilkes, in Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedi 
tion during the years 1838-1842, 5 v., Philadelphia, 1845, 3 : 202, writing 
of it in 1840 says, "It has for many years past been exhausted." Dix, 
Wreck of Glide, pp. 30-36, in 1820 said, "Its scarcity hardly repays the 
labor of searching for it." 

21 M. Camille de Roquefeuil, A Voyage round the World between the 
years 1816-1819. London, 1823, p. 3. He visited the islands in 1817 and 
makes this statement. 

22 Parl. Papers, 1830, No. i, App. 4, pp. 722-723. 

23 Thomas Williams and James Calvert, missionaries to the Fijis, in a 
work published in London, 1856, said that the traffic on the island in 
sandal wood, tortoise shell, and beche de mer "has been and still ,is 
chiefly in the hands of Americans from the port of Salem." Osgood and 
Batchelder, Salem, p. 170. 

24 This was to avoid the port charges in China. Journal of the Ship 

25 $15 to $25 a pecul (i33 l /3 Ibs.). Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Expedition, 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 59 

China. In 1837 the "Clay," William Driver, master, made a 
voyage, selling her cargo in Manila. 26 She was wrecked on her 
trip back to the Islands. 27 Records of voyages are extant for 
the "Peru," i83O-i833, 28 for the "Emerald," i833-i836, 29 for 
the "Charles Daggett," i832, 30 for the "Pallas," 1832-1834, 
for the "Eliza," i833-i835, 31 and for the "Mermaid," 1836- 
i839- 32 In 1834 the East India Marine Society of Salem said 
that fourteen ships from that port had been or were engaged in 
the trade. 33 Thus for ten years or more (1827 to 1837) there 
was an extensive South Sea trade from the little New England 

The South Sea trade was a dangerous one, as the stories of 
frequent shipwrecks and of troubles with the natives, show. It 
appealed as a rule to men of adventurous disposition, and not 
to large firms. Benjamin Morrell of New York, who was typical 
of his class, made at least four trips to the South Seas, dis 
covering new islands, alternately trading and fighting with the 
natives, and returning each time to Manila with his cargo of 
beche de mer, tortoise shell, and pearls. 34 Such names on the 

3 : 218-222. This also gives a long description of the way in which it 
was cured. 

26 Journal of the ship "Clay" in a Voyage from Salem to the Fiji 
Islands and Manila .... 1827-1829. MS. in Essex Institute. 

^Dix, Wreck of the Glide, also Journal of a Voyage of the ship Glide 
to the South Pacific Ocean, Henry Archer, Jr., master, 1829-1830. MS. 
in Essex Institute. 

28 Journal of a Voyage on Board the Barque Peru from Lintin to the 
Fijis, etc., MS. in Essex Institute. 

29 Voyage of the ship "Emerald" to the Fijis, Tahiti, and Manila, 
1833-1836. MS. in Essex Institute. 

30 Felt, Annals of Salem, 2 : 559. Charles Erskine, Twenty Years before 
the Mast, Boston, 1890, p. 153. 

31 MS. Journals of the "Pallas" and the "Eliza" in Essex Institute. 
a2 Journal of a Voyage from Salem to New Zealand, the Society, Fegee, 

Friendly, and other Islands in the Pacific, and home by way of Manila 
and China, in the Brig "Mermaid," .... 1836-1839. MS. in Essex 

33 Memorial of E. India Marine Society in Reynolds, Address, pp. 

34 The accounts of these voyages are by participants. Morrell, Voyages. 
Abby Jane Morrell, Narrative of a Voyage to the Ethiopic and South 
Atlantic Ocean, Chinese Sea, North and South Pacific Ocean, in the years 

60 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

map as Fanning s Island and Sandal Wood Bay bear witness to 
the existence and pioneer nature of the early American trade 
in those far away regions. 

After the second war with Great Britain the life of the Ameri 
cans at Canton was without unusual excitement until the Terra- 
nova affair, in September and October, 1821. This gave rise 
to the only cessation of American trade previous to the opium 
troubles, and illustrates well the position of the foreigner in 
China prior to the treaties of 1842-4. Three fundamental facts 
explain it:/the complete lack of diplomatic intercourse and 
treaties between foreign nations and China, and hence of a 
mutually recognized means of adjusting international difficulties ; 
the firm conviction of the natives that foreigners were of an 
inferior barbarous race which must be governed with a firm 
hand;^?and the policy of western governments, especially of the 
United States, of keeping entirely aloof from the Chinese gov 
ernment and. of granting no powers other than commercial to the 
consul. These three conditions made all intercourse uncertain. 
The system was admirable as long as all was harmonious, but 
the moment that difficulties arose it broke down. The Terra- 
nova trouble began in the latter part of September, 1821. While 
near the "Emily," Captain Cowpland, of Baltimore, a woman 
fell from a boat and was drowned. It is probable that her death 
was accidental, but the Chinese authorities at once accused 
Terranova, an Italian sailor on the ship, of having killed her by 
dropping a fruit jar on her head, 35 and demanded his surrender. 
Cowpland, although putting Terranova in irons, refused to sur 
render him. The Americans organized a committee of five resi- 

1829, 1830, 1831, etc., New York, 1833, and Thomas Jefferson Jacobs, 
Scenes, Incidents, and Adventures in the Pacific Ocean .... during 
the Cruise of the clipper "Margaret Oakley" under Captain Benjamin 
Morrell, New York, 1844. The first voyage was in 1828, the second in 
1829, the third in 1830, and the fourth in 1834. The records of the last 
are given by Jacobs. 

35 George Thomas Staunton, in Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China, 
etc., London, 1822-1850, pp. 409-432, denies that there was a Chinese law 
requiring a life for a life in case of accident, and says that even in case of 
punishment, a death penalty was not necessarily inflicted. He assigns 
the Chinese severity in the Terranova affair to the desire to "inspire 
foreigners with awe." 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 61 

dent merchants, five supercargoes, and five masters of ships to 
conduct the case, and Cowpland placed himself under their 
direction. 36 Wilcocks, the American consul, felt that his authority 
did not permit him either to try the case himself, or to deliver 
the prisoner to the native authorities, and so confined himself to 
cooperation with the committee. The latter met the hong 
merchants and after some discussion it was agreed to hold the 
trial in the American factory with Morrison, the English mis 
sionary, as interpreter, and Wilcocks present to take notes. The 
viceroy, however, wished the place changed to the "Emily," 
and this was done. There next broke out a sharp discussion 
over the form of the trial. The officials objected to Morrison 
being present 37 and refused to give Wilcocks a seat. Both 
finally were absent. On October 6th, the trial took place on board 
the "Emily" in the presence of a Chinese magistrate and the 
hong merchants. From the American standpoint it was mere 
mockery. The magistrate came convinced of the Italian s guilt; 
he cut off the latter s attempt at explanation, refused to consider 
any evidence but that which was against the prisoner, and finally 
demanded that the prisoner be given up. This the Americans 
refused to do, although they said that they would offer no 
resistance if the authorities were to take him off by force. 
Resistance, indeed, was useless, as all firearms had been taken 
away and the ship surrounded by a throng of Chinese. The 
magistrate, however, was unwilling to take the prisoner in this 
way, -and after some discussion withdrew. 

The day following the trial every pressure was brought to bear * 
to obtain Terranova s surrender. An embargo was laid on f all 
American trade. The "Emily s" linguist and fiador were 
imprisoned, and threatened with death in case of armed resist 
ance by the Americans. The committee, however, refused to 
give up the prisoner, although still promising to make no 

30 The facts of the Terranova case here given, unless otherwise stated, 
are procured from the lengthy reports of the proceedings sent to the 
Secretary of State by the Consul, Wilcocks, contained in Consular Letters, 
Canton, I. 

37 Execution of an American at Canton ; North American Review, 
40:58:68. It says that the objection to Morrison was on the ground 
that he was British, and the officials did not wish to get into trouble 
with more than one nation. 

62 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

resistance should the Chinese come and take him by force, 
"placing a firm reliance in the Government of the United States 
for a redress of our grievances upon proper presentation of 
the facts." After repeated conferences between the committee 
and the cohong, and after repeated assurances that the Americans 
would offer no resistance, 38 on October 23d, 39 the hong merchants 
went to the "Emily" in force and took off Terranova as a 
prisoner of state. The Italian once in their hands, the Chinese 
acted promptly. October 26th he was tried before local magis 
trates behind closed doors, all foreigners being carefully 
excluded. He was quickly condemned and strangled, and his 
body was returned to the "Emily." American trade was at once 
reopened, since, said the viceroy in his edict, "the said chief 
[Wilcocks] has on the whole behaved respectfully and sub 
missively." The edict closed in a grandiloquent way which 
illustrates the Chinese attitude throughout the entire proceedings : 
"The Celestial Empire s kindness and favor and tenderness to 
the weak are rich in an infinite degree. But the nation s aspect 
sternly commands respect, and cannot because people are foreign 
sailors, extend clemency to them. Let the Hong merchants 
explain luminously this official mandate, and persuade and induce 
the said foreigners, all of them, to know it, and to be thereby 
filled with reverence, and awe; that each may insure the safety 
of his own person and family, and not bring himself into 
sorrow." 40 

The Americans have been criticised for making no further 
resistance, and the United States Government for taking no action 
to obtain satisfaction. The merchants and sea captains at Canton 
could not have assumed a firmer attitude, however, without 
grave danger to themselves, the certainty of bloodshed, and the 
possibility of war, and the consul could not have done more 
without exceeding his authority. It may be said further, both 

38 The cohong knew that further bloodshed would mean more trouble 
for them. 

39 The account in the North American Review says Oct. 25th, but 
Wilcocks date is to be preferred. 

40 Consular Letters, Canton, I. Other accounts of the affair may be 
found in Staunton, Notices Relating to China, pp. 409-432, Davis, China, 
i : 90, 91, and in Foster, Am. Dipl. in the Orient, pp. 40, 41. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 63 

for the United States Government and for the American mer 
chants, that until a treaty should specify otherwise, those who 
traded in China were under obligation to hold themselves amen- - 
able to its laws. It is to be regretted, however, that the inevitable 
issue between the Middle Kingdom and the Occident, free inter 
course between the two on a basis of mutual equality, could not 
have been forced by the United States at this time, and over a 
test case of this nature, rather than by England nineteen years 
later over the opium traffic. 

The years following the War of 1812, were, as we have seen, 
marked by the rapid recovery and growth of the Canton-Ameri 
can commerce. A reaction, however, was inevitable. Over- 
optimistic merchants imported too largely on credit, too many 
inexperienced men were drawn into the trade, 41 the market 
became overstocked, and commercial failures followed. 42 There 
was a slight increase in trade immediately after i8i9, 43 perhaps 
because of the general depression, but the real crisis came in- 
1826. After that year, in sharp contrast to the previous pros 
perity, there was a sudden cessation in the importations of 
Chinese goods to Providence, apparently attended with serious 
losses. 44 Thomas H. Smith, one of the most prominent tea 
merchants of New York, became insolvent, carrying many smaller 
firms with him, 45 and Thompson, a prominent merchant of 
Philadelphia, who was associated with Smith, went into a dis 
graceful bankruptcy, owing the government a large sum for 
duties. 46 Imports and exports to and from China fell off a third, , 
and did not recover until 1833. 

41 Testimony of Joshua Bates of Baring Bros., before the Select Com. 
on the E. India Co., Parl. Papers 1630, 5 : 218. He had been connected 
with the American trade with China for twenty years. 

42 Ibid., 6 : 365-380. 

43 The figures are in Pitkin Stat. View (ed. 1835), p. 303, and in first 
report of the Com. on E. India Co. Affairs, Parl. Papers, 1830, 5 : 20. 

44 The losses fell especially on Edward Carrington and Co., and the 
smaller dealers associated with them. None entered again as extensively 
into the trade. May 18, 1827, is the last entry of a China ship .until 
July 5, 1831. Providence Custom House, Impost Book, 1827, and Ibid., 
"D," p. 16. Mss. in Rhode Island Historical Society. 

45 Barrett, Old Merchants of N. Y. City, p. 87. 

46 Ibid. 

64 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

The most marked permanent effect of this crisis was to hasten 
- the change which was taking place in the United States in the 
commercial machinery of the Canton commerce. Up to the 
War of 1812 the commerce had been in the hands of a compara 
tively large number of firms and individual investors, small for 
the most part, and scattered among nearly all the seaports of 
the North Atlantic states. Beginning about the time of the war, 
trade began to decline in the smaller ports, New Haven, Stoning- 
ton and Norwich, and later Providence and Salem, and to be 
confined to the larger cities, New York, Boston, and Philadelphia, 
where it was concentrated in the hands of large firms. The 
change can be best seen by sketching the history of the participa 
tion of each of these ports in the China trade, taking them in their 
geographical order. 

Salem, the northernmost port of importance, began its con 
nection with China in January, 1786, when the "Grand Turk," 
belonging to Elias Hasket Derby, sailed for Canton. 47 In 1790 
four ships were entered from Canton. 48 The trade then seems 
to have been abandoned for several years, and we do not find 
that another China ship arrived until I798. 49 For several years 
after this the trade was on the increase. It suffered somewhat in 
the troublous times preceding and during the War of 1812, and 
shared the rapid growth after the war. After 1820, however, 
it fell off permanently and was thereafter continued only inter 
mittently. In all, from 1790 on, thirty-five cargoes are entered 
in the Salem custom house as being from Canton, and five more 
which are entered from other ports on the Canton trade route 
contained tea. 50 After all that has been popularly reported 
about the importance of Salem in the China trade these figures 

47 Rantoul, The Port of Salem, Histl. Cols, of the Essex Instit, 10: 55. 
^Digest of Duties of the Salem Custom House, 1789-1852. MS. in 
Salem Custom House. 

49 Ibid. 

50 By years the figures are as follows from the opening of the United 
States Custom House in Salem: 1790, 4; 1798, i; 1800, i; 1802, 2; 
1803, i ; 1804, i ; 1807, i ; 1808, i ; 1810, 2 ; 1812, i ; 1817, i ; 1818, 3 ; 
1819, 3; 1820, 2; 1825, 2; 1826, i; 1829, 2; 1830, i; 1831, i; 1832, i; 
1834, i ; 1836, i ; 1841, i. Total, 35. All but two of the voyages from 
1829 on were made by one ship, the "Sumatra." Digest of Duties, Salem 
Custom House. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 65 

are surprisingly small, especially when we remember that there 
were often entered in one year at Canton more than forty 
American ships. 51 

The first great Salem merchant in the China trade was Elias 
Hasket Derby. He made a fortune in privateering during the 
Revolution 52 and entered the Far Eastern trade soon after the 
treaty of peace. .Most of the Salem ships at Canton before 1800 
were his. 5 The most prominent merchant of Salem after the 
second war with Great Britain was Joseph Peabody. He began 
his career in one of Derby s privateers during the Revolution, 54 
and retired from the sea in 1791 to become a merchant trader. 
His vessels made seventeen voyages to Canton. 54 With possibly 
one exception all the Salem-China voyages after 1826 were under 
him. 55 

The origin of the Boston-China commerce was closely con 
nected with that of Salem. Thomas Handasyd Perkins went out 
as a supercargo in the "Astrea," one of Derby s ships, in 1789 
and I79O. 56 While at Canton he met the "Columbia," just 

51 Sen. Docs., No. 31, i Sess., igth Cong. 

52 George Atkinson Ward, Joseph Peabody, in Freeman Hunt s Lives 
of American Merchants, New York, 1856, p. 372. 

53 Trow, Old Shipmasters of Salem, p. 45. Trow says that at the time 
of his death Derby was the richest man in the United States. See also 
on Derby, Cleveland, Voyages, i : i, Weeden, EC. and Soc. Hist, of 
N. Eng., p. 822. 

r 4 Ward, Joseph Peabody, in Hunt s Lives of Am.- Merchants, p. 380. 

55 Digest of Duties, Salem Custom House, 1789-1851. Impost Book 
No. 8, Salem Custom House. The first gives the list of voyages, the 
second shows that in the "Leander" in 1826, and the "Sumatra," 1830, 
the principal part of the duties was paid by Peabody, and as all voyages 
but one, that made by the "Eclipse" in 1832, were made by these two 
ships, the inference that Joseph Peabody was the principal investor 
seems a fair one. On Peabody see also Osgood and Batchelder, Salem, 
p. 134, and Trow, Old Shipmasters of Salem, p. 45. William Gray, 
later of Boston, was in the Salem-China trade for a time. Edward 
Gray, William Gray of Salem, Merchant, Boston and New York, 1914. 

^Abbreviations of a Journal of the ship "Astrea," MS. in Essex 
Institute, and Thomas G. Cary, Memoir of Thos. H. Perkins, in Hunt s 
Lives of Am. Merchants, pp. 33-101. See also N. Eng. Hist l and Genl. 
Register, 10: 201-211, for a review of it. Cary was a son-in-law of Perkins, 
and this memoir should be authoritative. 
TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 5 1917 

66 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

arrived from its first voyage to the Northwest Coast, and learned 
of the great possibilities of the fur trade. On his return he sent 
out the "Hope," Ingraham, master, and later, the "Margaret" 
under James Magee, a former captain of the "Astrea." In 
1792 he formed with his brother the partnership of James and 
Thomas H. Perkins, which in 1838, when dissolved, was the most 
prominent of the American-Chinese firms. At first they were 
engaged only in the Northwest Coast fur trade, but in 1798 they 
began sending ships directly to Canton, and finally entirely 
confined themselves to this. 57 A branch house was established 
at Canton and another at Manila. 58 More or less closely allied 
with James and Thomas Perkins by blood or business relations 
were Samuel Cabot, the Lambs, John P. Cushing, Thomas T., 
John M., and Robert B. Forbes, James P. Sturgis, 59 and the firm 
of Bryant and Sturgis, 60 part of whom were in China and part 
in the United States. Into the hands of these houses went most 
of Boston s share in the China trade, and they furnish the best 
example of the semi-monopoly which characterized the China 
trade during this period. The nephews and cousins of the mem 
bers of the firm were trained in counting houses or on the ships 
to take up the business as the older men laid it down. Other 
Boston firms there were, such as the Lymans great rivals of 
the Perkins 61 Dorr and Sons, J. Coolidge, Bass, J. Gray, 
Thomas Parish, and Hoy and Thorn, 62 but unfortunately there 
exist no easily accessible materials for their history. The 
destruction of the early papers of the Boston Custom House, 
too, prevents a sketch of the port s trade as a whole. From what 
little survives of the original records, it can be safely asserted 
that with the years, the relative importance of Boston in the 
China trade increased, and that the Perkins family and its allied 

57 Letter of Perkins to Bulfinch, Dec. 21, 1817. Ms. 

58 Robert B. Forbes, Personal Reminiscences, Boston, 1878, p. 88. See 
also on the history of Perkins and Co., in addition to the authorities 
mentioned thus far, C. C. Perkins, Memoir of James Perkins, and Letters 
and Recollections of J. M. Forbes. 

89 Forbes, Personal Reminiscences, pp. 39-64, and passim. 

60 Ibid., p. 131. 

61 T. L. V. Wilson, Aristocracy of Boston, Boston, 1848, p. 26. 

62 Tufts Acct. of Vessels in Sea Otter and N. W. Trade. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 67 

firms became more and more prominent. The troublous times 
of 1826, while wrecking other houses, seem to have affected 
them but little. 

Of the Rhode Island cities only one can boast of a large trade. 
At least two voyages seem to have been made from Newport to 
China, 63 and a few were fitted out by the D Wolfs of Bristol for 
the Northwest Coast trade, 64 but Providence had the lion s share. 
Beginning with the "General Washington" in I789, 65 sixty-eight 
voyages from Canton terminated there, nearly twice as many as 
at Salem. 60 The number increased to 1803, and then with the 
exception of 1810 gradually decreased to 1812. After the war 
there was a sudden increase again, with a decline in 1820, a 
second rise in 1822, and an entire break from 1827 to 1831 caused 
by the failures of 1826. From this break the trade never fully 
recovered. A few more voyages were undertaken by a single 
firm, but even these came to an end in 1841, and as in the case 
of Salem the China trade passed into the hands of larger ports 
and larger firms. 67 

63 By the "Semiramis," Mason, Reminiscences of Newport, pp. 149, 153. 
04 Tufts Acct. of Vessels in the Sea Otter and N. W. Trade. 

65 Log book of the "General Washington," 1787-1790. MS. in John 
Carter Brown Library. She went out in 1787. 

66 They are as follows by years: 1789, i; 1791, i; 1793, 3; 1795, 2; 
1796, i; 1797, i; 1798, 2; 1799, i; 1800, 3; 1801, i; 1802, 2; 1803, 6; 
1804, 2; 1805, 3; 1806, 2; 1808, i; 1809, i; 1810, 4; 1811, i; 1812, i; 
1816, 2; 1817, 2; 1818, 2; 1819, 5; 1820, i; 1822, 3; 1823, 3; 1824, i; 
1825, i; 1826, 2; 1827, i; 1831, i; 1832, i; 1833, i; 1835, i; 1838, i; 
1841, i ; Total, 68. The years not mentioned had no voyages. Providence 
Custom House Impost Books. 

07 The main Providence firms were Brown and Ives, organized in 1795 
(Weeden, Early Oriental Trade of Providence, p. 240), and its prede 
cessors, Brown, Benson, and Ives, and Brown and Francis. It was Brown 
and Francis who sent out the "General Washington" on its first voyage; 
Brown and Ives sent ships intermittently through the years, imported the 
largest single cargoes which came to the port from Canton; appeared 
among the consignees in nearly half of the voyages, and had a part in 
the ship "Hanover," in 1838, the next to the last of the Providence-Canton 
voyages. (Providence Custom House Impost Books, passim.) The 
other firms in the trade, mostly dating from before 1800, were John Corlis, 
Clark and Nightingale, John I. Clark, Edward K. Thompson, Benjamin 
Hoppin and Son (or T. C. Hoppin), and Edward Carrington and Com 
pany. Of these, Edward Carrington and Company was the most impor- 

68 Kenneth S. Latourettc, 

In the little ports along the Connecticut coast there were no 
large firms, but only a short-lived activity in sealing. Stoning- 
ton, Hartford, New London, and New Haven, each had their 
small share. The activity was large for a time, but it was only 
in sealing, an adventurous, self -destructive trade, and was neces 
sarily of relatively short duration. It had practically ceased 
before the War of 1812. 

It was from New York that the American trade with China 
was first begun, and that city continued to be one of the three 
chief ports interested. To a certain point the course of trade 
seems to have been much the same as in Salem and Providence 
an increase to about 1805 and 1806, a decrease to the war, and 
an increase immediately after it. Unlike Salem and Providence, 
however, an increase rather than a decrease followed the depres 
sion of i826. 68 As in Boston, we find a few prominent firms, 
but unlike Boston, no single one predominated through the entire 
period. John Jacob Astor was early in the trade, and kept it 
up after the war. 69 A story w r hich unfortunately is not well 
authenticated ascribes the foundation of his great fortune to 
his early success in the trade. 70 Oliver Wolcott and Company and 

tant. It almost monopolized the trade for a few years after the war, but 
suffered heavily from the depression in 1826, and only entered again after 
some years, and then as a minor investor. (For further information on 
the part of Providence in the China trade, see Weeden, Early Oriental 
Trade of Providence, Kimball, East India Trade of Providence, and the 
files of the Providence newspapers, especially the Providence Gazette. 
The Brown and Ives papers are in the custody of the John Carter Brown 
Library in Providence, and contain a great mass of manuscript material, 
of which the log books are the most easily accessible.) 

** See Letters and Clearance Books of the New York Custom House, 
Mss. in New York Custom House, passim. These are incomplete, but for 
the years they cover, they show the following numbers of vessels clearing : 

1799, 4; 1800, 7; 1801, 2; 1802, 7; 1805, 8; 1806, 9; 1807, 2; 1809, 7; 
1818,3; 1819,3; 1829,5; 1830,5; 1831,4; 1832, none; 1836,5; 1844,11; 
Total for sixteen years, 82. 

69 Ibid. 

70 Barrett, Old Mercs, of N. Y. City, I : 417-421. Astor is there said 
to have told the story as that of the beginning of his fortune, but I 
find no corroborative evidence. James Parton, Life of John Jacob 
Astor, New York, 1865, p. 49, says that he sent out his first ship about 

1800, and that he continued the commerce for twenty-seven years, "gen 
erally with profit and occasionally with splendid arid bewildering success." 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 69 

H. Fanning also engaged in it in these early years. 71 But it was 
not until after the war that great firms began to dominate the 
trade. Of these Thomas H. Smith had the most meteoric course. 
Entering in the period of expansion which followed the treaty 
of peace, he was soon exporting on a large scale. 72 He went 
into the business too extensively, however, and failed in 1827, 
owing the custom house three million dollars. 73 Another firm, 
more stable, noted for its non-importation of opium and its 
friendliness to missionaries, was Olyphant and Company. 
D. W. C. Olyphant, its head, had gone out to Canton in i82O 74 
and again in 1826 as the agent of Thomas H. Smith, and when 
in 1827 the latter failed, he returned to New York and organized 
the firm which bore his name. 75 

Turning to Philadelphia, we come to the southernmost of the 
three ports which controlled the China trade in these later years. 
Robert Morris had had a share in the "Empress of China" and 
had later sent out several vessels of his own, including the famous 
"Alliance." In 1806 thirteen ships arrived from Canton, 76 and 
in 1839 and 1840, seven different vessels were employed in the 
trade. 77 Some of the principal firms were Eyre and Massey 
(1803-1845), one of whose ships made eight round trips to 
China, 78 Charles Wharton, 79 Jones and Clark, 80 John Clement 

The first manuscript mention I find is of the ship "Severn" which he 
sent out in Jan., 1802, joining some other merchants in the investment. 
See Letter Books, N. Y. Custom House. 

71 See Letter Books of N. Y. Custom House, and Store Book of Oliver 
Wolcott and Co., Ms. in New York Historical Society s Library, pp. 162, 
167, 83, 84, 24, 59, 32. 

72 $1.311,057. 22 in 1824 and nearly $1,740,000 in 1825. Sen. Doc. 31, i 
Sess., 19 Cong. He had seven ships regularly employed. Hunter, Fan 
Kwae at Canton, p. i. He went out on one of these ships in the employ 
of Smith. 

73 Barrett, Old Mercs, of N. Y. City, p. 33. 

74 Mrs. Robert Morrison, Memoirs of the Life and Labors of Robert 
Morrison, 2 v., London, 1839, 2 : 86. 

75 Hunter, Fan Kwae at Canton, p. 15. 

70 Adam Seybert, Statistical Annals, Philadelphia, 1818, p. 55, from the 
Custom House Records. 

77 Consular Letters, Canton, III. The figures for other cities were, 
Providence, i, New York, 10, Boston, 12, Salem, 4, Baltimore, 2. 

78 Abraham Ritter, Philadelphia and Her Merchants, as Constituted 

jo Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Stacker, 81 Archer, Jones, Oakford and Company, 82 and John 
McCrea, who was even more of a speculator than Thomas H. 
Smith, 83 and Stephen Girard who in 1791 built several ships for 
the China trade. 84 The China trade of the city successfully 
survived the depression of 1826. 

Baltimore was never as actively engaged in the trade as were 
the more northern ports, and although she began early, the first 
ship from Canton arriving August 9, 1785, her commerce with 
China did not flourish as did that of her more advantageously 
situated rivals. 85 No other southern port seems to have entered 
the trade with any earnestness. 86 

From this brief and necessarily incomplete review of the 
participation of each of these ports in the commerce with China, 
the general tendency to centralization is apparent and a more 
minute study would show it more clearly. The crisis of 1826 
only hastened a process which had begun several years before 
and which continued until about 1840. 

The years between 1815 and 1839 saw a development in the 
art of ship-building. The famous "clippers" were born in the 
trade with China. The "Ann McKinn" of Baltimore was built 
in 1832 for the China trade. The "Akbar" was built in 1839 
for John M. Forbes and made the trip from New York to Canton 
in the record time of one hundred and nine days. After 1839, 

Fifty to Seventy Years Ago. Philadelphia, 1860, p. 60. This statement is 
made on the authority of Charles Massey of that firm. 

79 Ibid., p. 181. 

80 Ibid., p. 195. 

81 Ibid., p. 199. 

82 Sen. Doc. 31, i Sess., 19 Cong. 

83 Barrett, Old Mercs, of N. Y. City, pp. 45 and 97. Unfortunately 
there is not enough information to give a more connected sketch of 
Philadelphia s trade with China. 

84 Paullin, Diplom. Neg. of Am. Nav. Officers, p. 165. 

83 B. Mayer, Histl. Sketch of Baltimore in F. A. Richardson and 
W. A. Bennett, Baltimore Past and Present, with Biographical Sketches 
of its Representative Men. Baltimore, 1871, pp. 53, 63. 

80 One ship seems to have been sent from Charleston to the East Indies, 
but it is not certain that it touched at Canton. David Ramsay, The 
history of South Carolina from its first settlement in 1670 to the year 
1808. 2 v. Charleston, 1809, 2 : 239. One ship went from Norfolk, Va., 
in 1786. Paullin, Diplom. Neg. of Am. Nav. Officers, p. 162. 

Early Relations betzveen the United States and China. 71 

but before 1844, a number of swift boats of comparatively .light 
tonnage were built for carrying opium. They were owned by 
J. M. Forbes and Russell and Company and soon controlled the 
opium trade. So, although clipper ships did not attain their 
supremacy until after 1844, their lines first began to be worked 
out in the thirties. 87 

The period between 1815 and 1839 was marked by changes in - 
imports and exports to and from China no less noticeable than /, 
those in the commercial organization. No generalization can 
safely be made: one must rather take up the principal articles 

Of the American imports to China the most important was 
specie. 88 Until bills of exchange began to take its place, it 
formed half and even three-fourths of the total, amounting in 
one instance to nearly seven and one-half millions of dollars. 89 
The drain was heavy but necessary. American merchants found 
it profitable to import teas, even when paying for them with so 
expensive a commodity. In some years it was in such demand 
that a premium had to be offered in the United States to obtain 
enough for a cargo. 90 Most of it was in the form of Spanish 
milled dollars obtained from the Spanish West Indies, JSouth 
America, Portugal, 91 and Gibraltar. 92 So accustomed to these 
dollars did the Chinese merchants become that when those of the 
new South American states began to come in, they were received 
only at an excessive discount. 93 About 1827 bills of exchange, 
on England began to take the place of specie. 94 The large 

87 A. H. Clark. The Clipper Ship Era, New York and London. 1911. 
pp. 58-60. jj| 

88 For tables see footnote 3 on page>^. 

88 In 1819 the imports of specie to Canton amounted to $7,414,000. 
Pitkin, Stat. View, ed. 1835, p. 303. 

90 The Columbian Centinel, Boston, on Feb. 13, 1802, and Oct. 20, 1802, 
contained advertisements offering a premium on Spanish dollars for 
ships about to sail to Canton. 

91 Weeden, Early Oriental Commerce of Providence, pp. 274-276. 

92 Letters and Recollections of J. M. Forbes, i : 70. 

93 It required a special edict of the Hoppo to reduce this discount to a 
just one. The Canton Register, Canton, 1827 et sqq. Vol. 8:91835. 
No. 10. .M 

94 See tables footnote 3, page 469. 

72 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

importation -of opium by the British turned the balance of trade 
against China and made it cheaper to buy exchange than to ship 
silver, and the days of the latter s prominence as an export were 
at an end. 95 In 1833 specie amounted to only one-seventh of the 
sum of the bills on England, and merchandise to less than 

Another article of importation to China, new in this period, 
was cotton. It is true that America purchased nankeens at 
Canton, but later the increased quality and cheapness of the 
coarser cottons of the Occident won for them a market in the 
East. About half of that imported in American ships was 
from the United States, the rest being from England. 90 For 
American raw cotton there was little demand, since the Indian 
product was cheaper. 97 

Some imports to China need only the briefest mention. Quick 
silver began to be brought in about 1816. It varied greatly in 
amount, running in value all the way from $747,600 in 1819 to 
$17,971 in 1833. 9S Rice was imported from Batavia and Manila 
during these years in increasing quantities 99 because the cumshaw 
tax was not charged by the Chinese on vessels which brought 
it. 100 Copper was brought from South America, some years to 

1(3 This is the reason given by Mr. Sturgis, a famous China merchant, 
in a lecture reported in Niles Register, 68 : 343, Aug. 2, 1845. See also 
A. J. Sargent, Anglo-Chinese Commerce and Diplomacy (Mainly in the 
Nineteenth Century). Oxford, 1907, p. 56. Hosea Ballou Morse, The 
Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire, New York, etc., 1908, 
p. 330, takes a somewhat different view. 

00 Ex. Doc. 35, 3 Sess., 27 Cong. 

97 Niles Register, Jan. 20, 1844, 65 : 332-333, quotes from the New Orleans 
Bee to that effect. Tables in Chinese Rep. 16 :47, show no imports of 
raw cotton before 1843. The first cargo seems to have been brought from 
New Orleans in the "Delhi" in 1843. Journal of a Voyage in the ship 
Delhi from New York to New Orleans, New Orleans to Canton, etc., 
in 1843-4. MS. in Essex Institute. 

08 Pitkin, Stat. View, ed. 1835, PP- 30O, 304. See, too, Phipps, China 
and European Trade, p. 313, and Sen. Doc. 31, i Sess., 19 Cong., "G." 

<M The value was $866,367 in 1836-7. Ch. Rep., 6 : 284-286. 

100 Reports of Select. Com. on E. India Co., Parl. Papers, 1830, 5 : 122, 
Evidence of Abel Coffin. In 1833-4 this was $311,315 (Murray, Hist, and 
Desc. Acct. of China 3:74), but two years before it was only $21.342. 
Phipps, China and Eastern Trade, p. 313. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 73 

the value of more than $300,000. Lead was brought in ingots 
from Gibraltar and elsewhere to the value of about half that of 
copper. 101 A very little steel was brought in from England and 
Sweden. 102 The importation of opium by Americans was always 
much less than that by the English, and most of it was the 
inferior kind obtained in Turkey. Figures are difficult to obtain 
for it, since it was a contraband article, but it seems to have 
been first regularly imported about 1816. One year, 1831-2, it was 
brought in to the value of more than two million dollars 103 but - 
this seems to have been its high-water mark. In few years did it 
approach that amount. Ginseng still continued to be shipped ~ 
from America, but rarely to the value of $2OO,ooo. 104 Rattans, 
pepper, nutmegs, tin from the Straits Settlements cochineal," 
cloves, and coral, are all articles which appear with more or less 
regularity in the list of minor imports, 105 but none of them were 
of great importance. It is hard to tell just when their importa 
tion began. 

One last group of American imports to China, British manu 
factures, needs more than passing mention, partly because of its 
value, 100 partly because it illustrates American enterprise, but 

101 Ch. Rep., 2:463. Letters and Recollections of J. M. Forbes, 1:70. 

102 Chinese Repos., 2 : 471. 

1113 Phipps, China and Eastern Trade, p. 313. 
104 Pitkin, Stat. View., ed. 1835, p. 49. 

103 Phipps, China and Eastern Trade, p. 313, and Chinese Rep. 6:284-286. 

106 Parl. Papers, 1820, 5 : 183. Testimony of Charles Everett, an Ameri 
can Commission Merchant. He gave as the amounts shipped in this way 
through him, for 1818, 1,809 Ibs. sterling, for 1819, 26,448 Ibs. sterling, 
for 1820, 139,639 Ibs. sterling, 1821, 190,190 Ibs. sterling, 1822, 28,468 Ibs. 
sterling, 1823, 67,048 Ibs. sterling, 1824, 125,681 Ibs. sterling, 1825, 7,408 
Ibs. sterling, 1826, 168,354 Ibs. sterling, 1827, 45,696 Ibs. sterling, 1828, 
51,481 Ibs. sterling. Joshua Bates, Ibid., 6:365, testified that one firm 
(probably Perkins and Company) had exported in 1826, 120,000 Ibs. 
sterling, in 1827, 82,000 Ibs. sterling, in 1828, 98,000 Ibs. sterling, in 1829, 
147,000 Ibs. sterling. The East India Company estimated the amount 
for 1823 as 107,531 Ibs. sterling, of which 32,614 Ibs. sterling were in 
cottons, and 73,083 Ibs. sterling were woolens. Ibid., pp. 724-727. Parl. 
Papers, 1833, E. India Co. Papers relating to trade with India and China, 
from S. Cabell, Accountant General of E. India Co., give the figure 
for 1829-30 as $11,122,066, for 1830-1 as $781,429, for 1831-2 as $637,822, 
and of the E. India Co. for these years, as $2,675,371, $2,818,766, and 
$2,956,209 respectively. 

74 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

chiefly because of its effect upon the East India Company. The 
importation of these goods began shortly after the War of 1812, 
possibly in i8i8. 107 An absence of discriminating port charges 
and duties, except a small one of two per cent in London, 108 the 
fact that the American merchant while charging the same price 
in China bought in England a quality of goods slightly inferior 
to those of the East India Company, and the exclusion of all 
English free traders from the market gave a rapid growth to 
the trade. This was very disquieting for the English. They 
had long watched American trade with China with growing 
uneasiness and at its very beginning Phineas Bond and the other 
British agents in the United States had kept the ministry 
informed of its progress. At first the attitude of English 
observers w r as one of security or indifference. Lord Sheffield, 
in his "Observations on the Commerce of the American States," 
published first in 1783, entirely ignored the possibility of a direct 
trade with China, and a London paper of March 16, 1/85, said 
that the Americans had "given up all thought of China 
trade." 109 By 1813, however, English opponents of the East 
India Company were beginning to point to the rapid growth of 
the American-Canton commerce, to contrast it with the slow 
increase of the British trade under the monopoly, and to use it 
as an argument for making the English commerce with Canton 
free. 110 In 1819, Assey pointed out in a pamphlet "the insecurity 
of the present trade from Great Britain and British India to 
China if timely measures of precaution be not taken to meet the 
progress of the Americans in China." 111 So strong was the 
outcry on this score by the opponents of the monopoly 112 that a 

107 Charles Everett says that he was the first to ship English manu 
factures in this way, and that he began in 1818. Ibid., Papers, 1830, 6: 361. 

03 Testimony of Joshua Bates, Ibid., 6 : 365-380. Lindsey, History of 
Merchant Shipping and Ancient Commerce. London, 1876, pp. 105, 106. 

109 Hill, Trade and Commerce of Boston, p. 81. 

"Additional Considerations upon the China Trade," written in 1813, 
in defense of the East India Company, tries to answer this argument. 
Staunton, Notices Relating to China, p. 178. 

111 Charles Assey, on the Trade to China and the Indian Archipelago, 
etc., in the Pamphleteer, Vol. 4, London, 1819, p. 516. 

112 Staunton, Notices Relating to China, p. 299, publishing part of a letter 

Early Relations betzveen the United States and China. 75 

large proportion of the time of the House of Lords Committee 
on the Foreign Trade which in 1820 and 1821 investigated the 
East India Company was spent in gathering information on 
American commerce with China. The evidence showed the 
Americans to be so successful with unrestricted trade that the. 
committee reported favorably on a similar plan for Great 
Britain. 113 In 1829 and 1830 the discussion again came up in 
Parliament, and again the American trade was the chief argu 
ment. By this time the growth of American shipments of 
British woolens had long been noticeable. It galled British 
pride to see the Yankees come to England and carry British 
manufactures to Canton. The East India Company tried in vain 
to prevent it, 114 and the independent merchant raged at being 
compelled to see Americans accumulate fortunes from profits 
which he felt belonged to him. In public meetings, 115 in the 
press, 116 and on the floor of Parliament, 117 American trade was 

answering a memorial of British ship-owners which had instanced the 
American commerce with China in favor of free trade. 

113 Parl. Papers, 1821, 7:5. 

114 Wood, Sketches of China, p. 64, says (in 1827-8), "The extensive 
importation of British goods in American vessels had been materially 
detrimental to the Company s trade in China, and as they found it 
impracticable to prevent the exportation from England by Americans, 
they resolved to thwart them by using their influence to affect their sales 
in Canton." 

115 Proceedings of a Public Meeting of the India and China Trade, 
Liverpool, 1829. The meeting was a protest against the East India 
Company s monopoly of the China trade, and frequent mention was made 
of the American trade. 

118 An article in the Edinburgh Review, Jan., 1831, 52:281-322, against 
the East India Company s monopoly attracted much attention. It cited j^,- 
the success of the American trade as an argument; an argument which 
John Slade, Notices on the British Trade to the Port of Canton, etc., 
London, 1830, p. 32, and British Relations with the Chinese Empire, ca. 
1832, both attempt to refute. 

117 Huskisson, in speeches May 12 and 14, 1829 (Hansard s Debates, 2 
Series, Vol. 21, pp. 1296 and 1365), and Whitmore, May 14, 1829 (Ibid., 
p. 1349). The latter said, The Americans find no difficulty in carrying i 
on their free trade with China, supplying not only the United States, but/ 
all the world except Great Britain with Chinese produce, and importing 
even British manufactures into Canton." 

7 6 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

cited as a reason for ending the monopoly. The result was the 
defeat of the company. 118 Contrary to English expectations, 
however, this shipment in American vessels did not cease with 
the end of the monopoly, but continued to 1837 at least 119 and 
, possibly longer. 

From a consideration of the imports to China in American 
ships we naturally turn to the exports. Of these tea was pre 
eminent. Choosing representative years, in 1822, 6,639,434 Ibs. 
were imported into the United States, in 1828, 7,707,427 
lbs., 12( 121 in 1832, 9,906,606 Ibs., in 1837, 16,581,467 Ibs., in 
1840, 19,333,597 Ibs. 1 - 2 In value the proportion of tea to the 
total American imports from China during these years was for 
1822, 36%, for 1828, 45%, for 1832, 52%, for 1837, 65%, for 
1840, 8i%. 12; It can readily be seen from these figures that in 
the years following 1814 the relative proportion of teas to other 
Chinese imports constantly increased. 124 During these later 
years, in fact, our Canton commerce was mostly for the purpose 
of obtaining them. The teas thus imported came from nearly 
all of the southeastern provinces and from some of the central 
provinces of China. 125 The many bewildering grades known to 
trade were all subdivisions of the two main kinds, black and 
green, grown on different varieties of the same species of shrub. 126 
Black teas, the cheapest, included such grades as Souchong, 

118 Hugh Murray, et alii, An Historical and Descriptive Account of 
China. 3 v., Edinburgh, 1836. 3 : 50. 

119 Peter N. Snow, American Consul at Canton, wrote Feb. 15, 1836, 
that it still continued. Consular Letters, Canton, II. The statistics for 
1836-7 in the Chinese Repository, 6 : 284-6, also show it to have been still 
in progress. 

20 The figures before 1816 were, for 1790, 3,047,252 Ibs., for 1794. 
2,460,914 Ibs., for 1800, 3,797,634 Ibs., for 1805, 5,119,441 Ibs., for 1810, 
7,839,457 Ibs. Pitkin, Stat. View, ed. 1835, pp. 246, 247. 

121 Pitkin, Stat. View of U. S., ed. 1835, pp. 246, 247, 301. 

122 Chinese Repos., 9:191. 

123 Ex. Doc. 35, 27 Cong., 3 Sess., p. 10. 

24 This proportional increase was largely due to the decline in the 
importation of silks and cottons. Commerce of the U. S. with China, 
Hunt s Merc. Mag., 11:55. 

25 These were Fuhkien, Nganhui, Kiangsu, Kwantung, Hunan, Hupeh, 
Honan, and Szechuen. Ch. Rep., 8* 135-148 

126 Ibid. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 77 

Orange, Bohea, Congo, Campoi, and Pekoe. Of these Bohea 
and Souchong were the main ones purchased by Americans. 
Of the green teas, Hyson, Hyson-skin, Young Hyson, and Gun 
powder were the main kinds. 127 In the years immediately after 
1784, Bohea, the cheapest grade, was chief in American cargoes. 
Later, Souchong, a better black tea, began to predominate, and 
after 1800 the proportion of the still higher grades, green teas, 
especially Hyson, Young Hyson, and Hyson Skin, began to 
increase, until by 1810 green and black teas were imported in 
nearly equal amounts. 128 By 1837 the green teas were four- 
fifths or more of the total amount. 129 This steadily increasing 
demand in the United States for better grades of teas clearly 
indicates a growing discrimination of taste and an increasing 
ability to buy. 

The exportation of teas from China in American ships, how 
ever, was not to supply the home market alone. There was a 
large shipment of teas to other countries, both directly from 
China and by reexportation from the United States. During the 
European Wars the proportion reexported had been large, usually 
a third of the year s imports. 130 After the War of 1812 the pro 
portion declined to a fourth or even a tenth, largely because such 
teas as were taken to foreign countries in American ships could 
more easily be brought directly from China. 131 Some were taken 
to Russia, 132 some to France, 133 some to Gibraltar, 134 some to 
Brazil, 135 but more to Holland and to the German ports, prin 
cipally Hamburg. 136 The American tea trade in Holland fell off 

11>7 Murray, Histl. and Descriptive Acct. of China. 3 : 52. 

128 Consular Letters, Canton, I (estimates by the American Consul), 
and Impost Books of the Providence Custom House, passim, are the best 
authorities. The amounts are also shown by the tables in Pitkin, Stat. 
View, ed. 1816, p. 209. 

120 Ch. Rep., 9: 191. 

130 Pitkin, Stat. View, ed. 1836, pp. 246-247. 

131 Ibid. 

132 Pitkin, Stat. View, ed. 1816, p. 195. 

13S Parl. Papers, 1821, 7:381-382. Table prepared by Trumbull Bros, 
and Co., of imports to Marseilles. See British Relations with Chinese 
Empire, p. 28, for French Atlantic Ports. 

L34 British Relations with Chinese Empire, p. 28. 

155 Ibid. 
30 The amounts in 1826, rather a banner year, were, Holland, 230,137 

78 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

in later years, as the Netherlands finally began to import for 
themselves. 137 Canada got her teas largely from the United 
States, in spite of the higher import duties in the latter country, 138 

Spanish dollars, Gibraltar, 235,474, Hanse Towns and Germany, 337,331, 
France on the Atlantic, 209,252, the Brazils, 180,164, all others, 216,336. 
Ibid. The "Brookline" came to Hamburgh with teas in 1834. Ms. 
log of "Brookline." Parl. Papers, 1821, 7:84, Evidence of Robert 

137 Report of Select Com. on E. India Co., Parl. Papers, 1830, 5 : xix-xx. 

38 This is perhaps a good place to sketch in a footnote the history of the 
United States tariff on China goods to 1844. Various individual states 
had levied a tariff on tea before the adoption of the Constitution (South 
Carolina s tariff is given in the Providence Gazette, May 29, 1784. Penn 
sylvania s tariff is mentioned by Fitzsimmons in a speech on the tariff, 
Apr. 18, 1789, Benton s Abridg., 1 : 42) and in 1789 in the first tariff 
passed by Congress, it was one of the luxuries which had had an impost 
duty put on it, a duty, however, which discriminated sharply in favor 
of American ships and of voyages made directly from China. (The 
Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America, 1 : 25. The 
debates are in Benton, Abridgement, 1:42, 41.) There was some opposi 
tion to the heavy discrimination, and in the tariff of 1790 this was made 
less pronounced, duties on teas brought in American ships being raised 
to be more nearly equal to those brought in foreign vessels. (U. S. 
Statutes at Large, i : 180.) The reduced protection led to a larger influx 
of teas from Europe and to much dissatisfaction among the merchants 
engaged in the China trade. (Report of Hamilton on trade with India 
and China, Feb. 10, 1791, American State Papers, Finance, 1 : 107. 
Petition of Philadelphia merchants, Feb. 24, 1792, Annals of Congress, 
2d Cong., p. 427. Petition of Boston Merchants, June 7, 1797, Annals of 
Cong., 5th Cong., Vol. i, p. 251.) The next year, 1791, the policy was 
adopted of allowing the payment of duties on teas to be postponed by 
a bonding process, a plan which thirty-five years later was to prove so 
disastrous in the case of Thomas H. Smith and others. (U. S. Stat. 
at Large, 1:219, 1:627-704, 168.) No other general schedule was adopted 
until 1816, but in the meantime a few changes had been made. January 
29th, 1795, a specific rate was made for gunpowder, imperial, and gomee 
teas. (U. S. Stat. at Large.) March 3d, 1797, an additional duty was 
levied to pay the foreign debt (U. S. Stat. at Large, i :503) ; March 
24th, 1804, an additional duty of two and a half per cent ad valorem was 
imposed to help defray the expenses of the war against Tripoli and the 
Barbary powers (Ibid., 2:291), an act which was continued from time 
to time until 1813 (Ibid., 2:391, 456, 511, 555, 614, 675); and a slight 
change was made, also in 1804, on duties on cassia, gunpowder, mace, 
and nutmegs. (Ibid., 2:299.) In 1812, as a war measure to raise 
revenue, all duties were increased one hundred per cent with an additional 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 79 

and continued to do so until 1825, when the East India Com 
pany was permitted to ship tea directly to the Dominion. 139 

Tea was the most important American export from Canton, . 
but there were others which were prominent for many years. 
Chinese silk was always exported, generally in a manufactured 
form. In the fifteen years after 1820 it was of great importance, 
several times amounting to more than one-third of the total 
imports to the United States from China. 140 Later, however, 

ten per cent on goods not imported in vessels belonging to citizens of 
the United States, the increase to cease with the conclusion of peace. 
(Ibid., 2:768.) The tariff of 1816, the first general one since 1790, raised 
the duties on China goods over those of the earlier year from twenty to 
forty per cent, still preserving a discrimination in favor of those brought 
in American bottoms directly from Canton. The protective tariff wave 
affected the duties on these goods, and in 1824, for the first time, an 
import tax of twenty-five per cent ad valorem was placed on cotton and 
silk manufactures from beyond the Cape of Good Hope. Two excep 
tions, however, were made in favor of the China merchants ; the pro 
visions of the law were not to apply until January ist, 1825, and nankeens 
were not included in the rule which considered the minimum cost as 
thirty cents a yard. (Ibid., 4:25.) The "Tariff of Abominations" (May 
19, 1826) affected the China trade merely in the .one item of an addi 
tional five per cent ad valorem on all silks from beyond the Cape of 
Good Hope. (U. S. Statutes at Large, 4:270.) In 1830 the duties on 
teas were reduced materially (Ibid., 4:404), and the tariff of 1832 for 
the first time entirely exempted from duty teas brought in American 
vessels directly from East Asia, and reduced the duty on most of the 
other China goods. At the same time the law permitting the deposit of 
teas under bond was repealed, bringing to an end a system which had 
been begun forty years before. (Ibid., 4:583.) The tariff of 1841 still 
exempted from duty tea brought by American ships from China, although 
levying one on other China goods (Ibid., 5:463), but with a brief revival 
of higher tariff legislation in the act of 1842, a thirty per cent ad valorem 
duty was placed on China ware, a specific duty on cassia, mace, and ginger, 
and a twenty per cent ad valorem duty on all unenumerated goods, an 
increase which must have included teas and silks. A ten per cent addi 
tional duty was placed on all goods imported from the East. (Ibid., 
5:548.) The tendency of the long discrimination in favor of American 
ships was to keep the China trade in the hands of American shippers, a 
protection, however, which was scarcely needed, so efficient was the 
merchant marine. 

139 Report of Select Com. on E. India Co., Parl. Papers, 1830, 5 : xix-xx, 
and Sen. Doc., i Sess., 19 Cong., No. 31. 

140 Tables in Pitkin, Stat. View, 1835, p. 301. Ex. Doc. 35, 3 Sess., 37 
Cong., p. 10. 

8o Kenneth S. Latourette, 

owing possibly to changing fashions, it declined, until in 1841 it 
was scarcely eight per cent of the whole. 141 Somewhat similar 
were the cotton cloths or nankeens. Although bearing the name 
of Nanking, they were manufactured in many other parts of 
China. They were white, blue, or brown, and "in point of 
strength, durability, and essential cheapness" were not surpassed 
by any of the cotton fabrics of Europe or England. 142 In point 
of value they never exceeded fourteen per cent of the total 
American imports from Canton, and for the most part were 
much less. Like silk, they suffered a great decline before 1839, 
sinking from $452,873 in i829 14;{ to $2,363 in i84O. 144 

Other articles of importance were cassia, a substitute for 
cinnamon, which seldom amounted to more than $100,000 a year 
in value, 144 china ware, used often as ballast, but in later years 
driven out of the American market by European porcelain, 145 
a little sugar, principally in the form of sugar candy, 140 and 
numbers of minor articles such as fire screens, firecrackers, 
camphor, rhubarb, and fans. 

Like teas, these other articles were brought in American ships 
not only to the United States, but also to many other parts of 
the world. Silks, said to have been manufactured by the 
Chinese in imitation of French goods, were exported to South 
America. 147 Nankeens were also taken there, and quite an 
extensive trade was carried on with that continent, contraband 
during the earlier years, legal after the independence of the 
South American republics. 148 Various other China goods were, 

141 Ex. Doc. 35, 3 Sess., 17 Cong., p. 10, and Lecture of Sturgis, Niles 
Register, 68:343. 

""Murray, Histl. and Desc. Acct. of China, 3:56. Ch. Rep., 2:465. 
343 Pitkin, Stat. View, ed. 1835, p. 301. 
144 Ex. Doc. 35, 27 Cong., 3 Sess., p. 10. 

143 Ibid., and Hunt s Merc. Mag., 3 : 469, Ch. Rep., 2 : 455-456. 
14fl Ch. Rep., 2:471. 

47 Voyage autour du Monde, Execute pendant les annees 1836 et 1837 
sur la Corvette La Bonite. Relation du Voyage par A. De La Salle. 3 v., 
Paris, 1852. 3:238. 

48 Weeden, Oriental Trade of Providence, p. 263, mentions the "Arthur" 
as attempting to take nankeens to Montevideo and Rio Janeiro in 1809. 
Forbes, Personal Reminiscences, pp. 98-111, mentions smuggling on the 
west coast of South America in 1825, and running the blockade into 
Buenos Ayres in 1827. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 81 

of course, taken to the countries where tea was imported, 
although not to so large an extent. 149 

During the years following the War of 1812 the peculiar com 
munity life which grew up at Canton under Chinese regulations 
took on its completed form. Americans had long since won their 
place among the foreign merchants and were second in influence 
and importance only to the English. The American factory was 
one of the best in the thirteen, 150 but business had outgrown it 
and had overflowed into other hongs. The American firms .were 
mostly commission houses, often closely allied to firms in the 
United States, but organized separately and under different names. 
Of the one hundred and thirty-three foreign residents at Can 
ton, Macao, and Lintin, in 1832, twenty were Americans, 151 and 
by 1841 the number had increased to thirty-seven. 152 Of these 
American firms, the earliest was Shaw and Randall, and the most 
famous were Milner and Bull, Talbot, Olyphant and Company, 153 
Samuel Russell and Company (1818-1823) which was suc 
ceeded by Russell and Company ( 1823-1824) 154 Russell, 
Sturgis, and Company ( ? -December 31, 1839), 155 P- W. 

149 Parl. Papers, 1821, 7:381, 382, give an account of nankeens brought 
into Marseilles in 1817 and 1818, and Parl. Papers, 1833, E. India Co. 
Papers, relating to trade with India and China, p. 14, give the exports 
from Canton in American vessels destined for other places than the 
United States. 

150 In 1838 the chaplain of the frigate "Columbia" described it as "an 
extensive building, three stories high, fronting the grounds on the river, 
and extending back for some three or four hundred feet, with an open 
passage way or narrow court running through its center from the front 
to the back walls. The building is divided into three compartments. . . . 
Within this range of walls are the store rooms, and rooms occupied by 
the comprador, ct>olies, and other servants attached to the hong, com 
prising the .... ground floor, and the second story affording fine 
drawing rooms and chambers, both spacious and airy, two requisites for 
comfort in this climate. The top of the building is crowned by a 
turret .... from which an extensive view is had." Taylor, Flagship, 
2:170. See as well a description in Paullin, Diplomatic Negotiations of 
American Naval Officers, pp. 171-173. 

151 Roberts, Embassy to Ern. Courts., p. 130. 

152 Chinese Rep., 10 : 58-60. 

153 Griffis, America in the East, p. 71. 

154 Hunter, Fan Kwae in Canton, pp. 156, 157. 

155 Canton Press, Jan. 25, 1840. 

TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 6 1917 

82 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Snow, 156 J. P. Sturgis, 157 and Wetmore and Company. 158 The 
names of these firms remained the same from year to year but 
their composition changed. 159 As a rule they were made up of 
specialists, men who had come out to China in early life and 
had learned the business from the bottom up. 160 Although the 
American trade was not a government monopoly, it became 
almost a natural one, for the experience required made it difficult 
for a new firm to succeed unless closely allied to some older one. 
As was natural in such a compact group of foreigners there 
was much community life. In 1836 the Canton General Chamber 
of Commerce was formed to secure united action in protecting 
the interests of foreign trade. 161 Various missionary and 
philanthropic associations were organized. Newspapers were 
started; the "Canton Register" was begun in 1827 by some 
Englishmen, with Mr. Wood, a young Philadelphian, as editor ; 
"The Chinese Courier and Canton Gazette," an American enter 
prise, published its first number July 28, 1831, but created opposi 
tion by its independent position on British questions and did not 
live long; and "The Canton Press" was started in 1835. 162 
Social activities, too, were not neglected. In 1837 the "Canton 
Regatta Club" was formed, much to the mystification of the 
practical-minded hong merchants. 163 There is occasional men 
tion of formal dinners in which national lines were forgotten. 164 
Most of the social life, however, was at Macao. There the 

156 Chinese Rep., 5:431. 

157 He arrived in 1809 and was in business in China for twenty-five years. 
Bits of Old China, Hunter, pp. 157-161. 

158 Chinese Repository, 5 : 431. 

159 Hunter, Fan Kwae at Canton, pp. 156, 157, gives the history of Russell 
and Company, which shows this statement to be true. Also see Canton 
Press, Jan. 25, 1840, and Canton Register, Jan. 3, 1831. 

100 See as an example, sketch by Hunter of his own life there from 
1824 to 1842 in his Fan Kwae at Canton, p. i. 

101 Anglo-Chinese Kalendar for 1838, Canton, 1838. Eitel, Eur. in China, 
p. 67, and Chinese Rep., 6 : 44-47. The Chamber of Commerce comprised 
representatives from all foreign nationalities doing business in Canton. 

102 See Bibliography. 

163 Hunter, Bits of Old China, p. 276. 

164 Nye, Morning of My Life in China, p. 55, mentions a farewell dinner in 
1838 to Mr. Jardine, at which one hundred British and American merchants 
were present. Ch. Rep., n : i, mentions a somewhat similar dinner in 1832. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 83 

Chinese restrictions were somewhat relaxed, and the greater 
leisure of out-of-season months gave more time for recreation. 
The little peninsula was a bit of the West, a Portuguese colony, 
and during the winter months it would have been difficult to 
discover a gayer society anywhere short of Europe. 16 

On the part of the United States Government the years fol 
lowing the War of 1812 were ones of gradually increasing inter 
est in China. We have seen that it was one of the factors of the 
Oregon agitation in Congress. In addition to this, in March, 
1822, the House committee on commerce took occasion in its 
report to notice the importance of the American trade in China: 
"It is inferior to that of no nation, Great Britain excepted." 166 
In November, 1819, the frigate "Congress," the first of the 
United States navy to visit the port, anchored off Lintin. She 
was tolerated by the Chinese as a convoy to merchant ships, but 
was ordered "not to linger about on the coast" after the mer 
chantmen had sailed. 167 She stayed on, however, with two 
absences of some months, until early in 1821. The Chinese 
after some protest allowed her to take on supplies. 167 In 1830 
the "Vincennes," the first American ship to circumnavigate the 
globe, called at Macao. Early in 1832 the frigate "Potomac" 
visited Canton after having punished the natives at Quallah 
Battoo in Sumatra for the plunder of the ship "Friendship" of 
Salem the year before. The consul was ordered to "compel 
her to set sail and to return to her own country." 168 In 1832 the 
expedition of Edmund Roberts, composed of the ship "Peacock" 

165 Occasional references to this society occur in various narratives, and 
the journal of a Salem girl who spent four years there (1823-1833) gives 
us an intimate picture of this gay Occidental life in its Oriental setting: 
My Mother s Journal, A Young Lady s Diary of Five Years Spent in 
Manila, Macao, and the Cape of Good Hope, from 1829-1834, Katherine 
Hillard, editor, Boston, 1900. See also on Macao, Letters and Recollec 
tions of J. M. Forbes, i : 82, and for a description of the place, Missionary 
Herald (article by S. W. Williams), 35:52-55, Milburn, Oriental Com 
merce, p. 451, Shaw s Journals, pp. 236-241, La Perouse, Voyages, 
2 : 280-285. 

166 Am. State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, 2 : 637. 

167 Niles, Register, 19 : 74. Paullin, Diplomatic Negotiations of American 
Naval Officers, pp. 168-181. 

168 Reynolds, Voyage of .the Potomac, pp. 343-344, Ch. Rep., 11:9, 10. 

84 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

and the schooner "Boxer," was sent out by the United States 
to secure treaties with eastern powers, and to protect the interests 
of American seamen. Its immediate cause was the "Friendship" 
affair, but it visited Manila, Canton, Cochin China, Siam, and 
Muscat, and secured treaties with the last two. It touched at 
Canton in November, 1832, but of course could not get into 
communication with the government, and was ordered to leave 
at the earliest possible moment. 169 Four years later Roberts 
returned to the Far East in the "Peacock" to exchange ratifica 
tions. Again the expedition touched at Macao. It was watched 
closely by cruisers and was ordered to leave as soon as its sick 
were well. 170 In the interval between Roberts two visits the 
"Vincennes" had again been there and had met with the usual 
peremptory order to leave. 171 The Roberts embassy was a sign 
of an awakening interest on the part of the government. Jack 
son himself mentioned the China and East India trade in his 
annual message of December, 183 1. 172 Under the same vigorous 
administration an exploring expedition was sent out to the South 
Seas under Commodore Wilkes, with the revival of the beche 
de mer, sandal wood, and sealing voyages prominent among its 
objects. 173 

Luy Roberts, Embassy to Eastern Courts, passim, Ch. Rep., 11:11; Jan 
uary, 1842. Secondary accounts are in Foster, Am. Dip. in the Orient, 
PP- 45-55, and Callahan, Am. Relations in the Pacific, 11:48. 

170 Ruschenberger, Voyage Round the World, p. 374. Ch. Rep., =1:228. 
Sept., 1836. 

171 Canton Register, 9:9. (1836.) The Hoppo s order was dated Jan 
9, 1836. 

172 James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers 
of the Presidents, 1789-1897, Washington, 1900. 2:551. 

173 It was first planned for 1827 and 1828 (Fanning, Voyages to the 
South Seas, p. 172), but it was given up by the new administration, and 
was not authorized until 1836. (Fanning sent in memorials to Congress 
in the latter part of 1833. Fanning, Voyages to the South Seas, pp. 152- 
167. Reynolds, Address.) It sailed in 1838 after more delay, and was 
gone until 1842. (Wilkes, Narrative of U. S. Exploring Exped. during 
the years 1838-1842, gives the account. Callahan is in error in saying 
that it was from 1839 to 1841. Callahan, Am. Relations in the Pacific, 
p. II.) 


OPIUM TROUBLES, 1815-1838 (Continued). 


In their origin American missions were singularly distinct 
from American commerce. In Portuguese, in Spanish, and in 
French intercourse with non-Christian lands the trader and the 
missionary have usually gone together. The same has been true 
in British and in Dutch enterprises, although to a more limited 
extent. Christian missions have either begun simultaneously with 
commerce, conquest, or exploration, or have been directed to 
those countries to which these had pointed the way, as in the 
Americas, in India, in the Philippines, and in the Dutch Indies. 
In the early decades of missions from the United States, how 
ever, no such relationship obtained. Americans had abundant 
commerce with non-Christian lairds, but their earliest foreign 
missions were not directed to those peoples with whom they had 
the largest trade. 

This anomalous situation was due to the causes which brought 
about the American foreign missionary enterprise. One is 
impressed with the fact that in the United States missions arose 
largely because of the stimulus of Great Britain s example. The 
last decade of the eighteenth century saw in England a great 
awakening of missionary interest. The English Baptist Mis 
sionary Society was formed in 1792, the London Missionary 
Society in 1/95, the Scotch Missionary Society in 1796, and the 
Church Missionary Society in iSoo. 1 The effect of this move 
ment was quickly felt in America. Worcester says : "After the 
London Missionary Society was formed in 1795, the appeals of 
Christians in England had an electrical effect upon our churches. 
Missionary publications awakened an interest which in our 
present circumstances it is difficult to appreciate." 2 When in 
1797 the General Association of Connecticut talked of organiz- 

1 The Christian Observer, 40 : 309. 

2 S. M. Worcester, Origin of American Foreign Missions, p. 8, in H. W. 
Pierson, American Missionary Memorial, New York, 1853. 

86 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

ing a missionary society 3 it said in its public appeal : "Among 
the numerous inducements to attempt this important object .... 
we mention the uncommon success God has been graciously 
pleased to grant to late undertakings of this kind in Great 
Britain and the United States." The formation of the Philadel 
phia Bible Society in 1808 was due to its founders "contem 
plating with unfeigned pleasure the extensive good doing by 
such a society in Great Britain." 4 The American Bible Society 
was so closely allied with the British and Foreign Bible Society 
that the latter s annual reports included for a time accounts of 
the work of the former. 

The first American missionary societies did their work on the 
frontiers and among the Indians, and although foreign work was 
among the objects of one of them, the Massachusetts Missionary 
Society, 5 it was not undertaken until the formation of the Ameri 
can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, in 1810. 
This organization, it is true, was the direct outgrowth of the 
missionary purpose of a little band of students which existed 
first in Williams College and later in Andover Theological 
Seminary, and whose request to be sent out to the foreign field 
led to the formation of a society for that purpose 6 ; but here 
again British example prepared the way. Missionary papers had 
been full of the work of the English societies, 7 and English mis 
sionaries had corresponded with American church leaders. 8 The 

3 Address of the General Association of Connecticut to the District 
Association on the subject of a Missionary Society, etc., Norwich, 1797. 

4 The Panoplist and Missionary Magazine, Boston, 1809-1817. N. S., 
1:377 (1809). (For 1818, 1819, and 1820 this paper was called The 
Panoplist and Missionary Herald; beginning with 1820 it was called the 
Missionary Herald.) 

5 This society was formed in 1799, and had at once come into fellow 
ship with the London Missionary Society. Worcester, Origin of Am. 
For. Missions, p. 9. 

6 Worcester, Origin of Am. For. Missions, pp. 15-22. Panoplist, and 
Missny. Mag., N. S., 5 : 228. 

7 Annual Report of the Director of the N. Y. Missny. Soc., 1804, speaks 
of the work of the London Missionary Society. In the Panoplist, N. S., 
2 : 568-571, May, 1810, some letters from William Carey from India were 
published, and in the same, 3 : 277, some news from Otaheite were given. 

8 Letters from William Carey to Rev. Miller, N. Y., Nov. 30, 1809. 
Panoplist and Missny. Mag., 2:568-571. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 87 

first plan of the American Board was to work in conjunction 
with the London Missionary Society, and in 1811 Adoniram 
Judson was sent to England to see if the latter organization 
would give financial support, to arrange the relations between 
the societies, and to obtain information about prospective fields 
and missionary preparation and administration. The English 
Society was cordial, but felt that mutual independence was pref 
erable, and the Americans later came to the same conclusion. 9 
The American Board s first missionaries, Rice, Nott, Hall, Jud 
son, and Newell, were drawn closely to their English brethren 
in India, and its first large stations were there. The American 
Baptist Board of Foreign Missions, formed in 1814, and the 
Episcopal and the Methodist societies, formed in 1820, were 
influenced by the example of the earlier organization, and if not 
daughters were at least granddaughters of the English societies. 10 
In view of this early relationship between English and Ameri 
can missionary enterprises it was but natural that the first 
American missionary efforts among the Chinese should be largely 
a result of British influence, and only incidentally of American P- 
commercial relations. The first Protestant worker resident in 
China, Robert Morrison, was a representative of the London " 
Missionary Society. He arrived in Canton in September, 1807. 1:L 
In 1812 he was joined by Rev. William Milne of the same society, 
who later settled at Malacca and was instrumental in founding 

9 Original letters and a nearly contemporary account are in the Panoplist 
and Missny. Mag., N. S., 4:178-185. 

10 It must not be thought, however, that British, example was the only 
cause of American missions. It was the immediate one, but it found a 
ground ready for its seed. Much the same forces acted as in England. 
Americans had ceased to turn their eyes inward and had begun to have 
a world view. Trade had an indirect effect by bringing a knowledge of 
the peoples of distant lands, and the quickened religious life produced by 
the Wesleyan and kindred movements of the eighteenth century had 
prepared the churches for action. 

11 Memoir of Morrison, 1:91 et sqq. Samuel Wells Williams, The 
Middle Kingdom, New York, 1904, 2:316-322. See too Carl Friedrich 
August Giitzlaff, Geschichte des Ch inesischen Reiches, von den altesten 
Zeiten bis auf den Frieden von Nanking, Karl Friedrich Newmann. 
editor, p. 785. 

88 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

the Anglo-Chinese College in that place. 12 By 1828 he had 
finished his translation of the Old and New Testaments 13 and had 
made his first convert, Leang Afa. Rev. W. H. Medhurst and 
Samuel Dyer had joined him, the former working in Batavia 14 
and the latter at the Straits Settlements. 

From the very start Morrison was closely connected with the 
United States. Because of the unfriendliness of the East India 
Company he sailed from New York on an American ship, and 
was given a letter of introduction by Madison, then Secretary 
of State, to Carrington, the United States Consul at Canton. 15 
On his arrival in China he lived for a year in the American hong 
with the New York firm of Milner and Bull. 16 Frequent news 
of Morrison and other workers among the Chinese appeared in 
the American missionary publications 17 and American contribu 
tions helped to publish the Serampore translation of the Bible. 18 
In 1824 the American Tract Society called attention in its report 
to Milne s need of tracts for distribution among the Chinese. 19 
In 1820, Morrison was elected, "by ballot to be corresponding 
member" of the American Board, 20 and in 1821 the American 
Bible Society presented him with a Bible in admiration of his 
services. 21 As time went on, Morrison and Milne became eager 
to have the American churches join in the enterprise 22 and to 
have either America or England send out a chaplain for the 
seamen at Whampoa. 23 These views became known in the 
United States and found a ready response. The Missionary 

12 Robert Philip, The Life and Opinions of the Rev. William Milne, D.D., 
Missionary to China, Philadelphia, 1840. Williams, Mid. King., 2:318-322. 

13 The New Testament was completed in 1813 and the Old Testament in 
1819. Philip, Life and Opinions of Milne. Foster, Christian Progress 
in China, pp. 40-45. 

14 William Dean, The China Mission, New York, 1859, P- 85. 

15 Morrison, Memoir, 1 : 91, 129, 131. 

10 Ibid., p. 153. Williams, Mid. King., 2:318-322. 

"Panoplist, 3:381, 421, N. S., 3^372; n:37, 5495 17:265; 19:158; 
20 : 56 ; 21 : 56. 

18 Panoplist and Missny. Mag., N. S., 5 : 168. 

19 Proceedings of the first Ten Years of the American Tract Society, 
Boston, 1824, p. 143. 

^Memoirs of Morrison, 2:83. 

21 Memoirs of Morrison, 2:116. 

*~ Philip, Life and Opinions of Milne, p. 128. 

23 Extract from Milne s Retrospect of the first ten years of the Protestant 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 89 

Herald in October, 1828, in speaking of Morrison said: "No 
sufficient reason exists why he should not be strengthened by 
other laborers or why the churches of this country should not 
send them." 24 The American Seaman s Friend Society, in its 
report of 1829 called attention to "the three thousand American 
and English seamen who annually visit the port of Canton, 
China," and "determined to occupy Canton as soon as a suitable 
person presents himself for the service." 25 The initial step was 
taken by D. W. C. Olyphant, an American Canton merchant, 
who had become acquainted with Morrison some years before, 26 
and who was so deeply interested in missionary projects that his 
rooms in Canton had come to be known as "Zion s Corner." 27 
He offered to give free passage and a year s residence to any 
missionary whom the American Board should send. 28 As a 
result both the American Seaman s Friend Society and the Ameri 
can Board bestirred themselves and each succeeded in finding 
a man. The two, Rev. David Abeel and Rev. Elijah C. Bridg- 
man, were sent out in October, 1829, and arrived at Canton in 
February, i83O. 29 The former, a minister of the Dutch Reformed 
Church, was to serve one year as chaplain of the American Sea 
man s Friend Society, and was then to enter the service of the 
American Board and to examine the Eastern waters for the 
best localities for missionary work. Bridgman went out directly 
under the American Board, and was to devote his time to Can 
ton-. 30 This dual plan had been suggested two years before by 
several Americans in Canton 31 and was now carried out. 

Mission to China, in Missny. Herald, 17:265. Abeel and Bridgman were 
sent out as a direct result of Morrison s wish. 2d Annual Report (1830) 
of American Seaman s Friend Society, New York. 

24 Missny. Herald, 24:330 (Oct., 1828). 

25 First Annual Rep. (1829) Am. Seaman s Friend Soc., p. 17. 

26 Memoirs of Morrison, 2:86. 
"Hunter, Bits of Old China, p. 166. 

2S Abeel, Journal, pp. 31-32. Foster, Am. Dipl. in Orient, p. 137, foot 
note, is in error in saying: "Upon his [Olyphant s] invitation the first 
Protestant missionary, Robert Morrison, of England was brought to 
China," but he is fairly correct in his other points. 

29 Abeel, Journal, pp. 31-33. Bridgman, Life of Bridgman, pp. 1-37. 
Williamson, Memoir of Abeel, pp. 49-67. 

30 Ibid. 

31 First Annual Report of American Seaman s Friend Soc., May, 1830, 

90 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

-~ In the work thus begun by the American churches there were 
two factors which determined the line of approach and the 
method of work. In the first place, the Chinese Empire was 
practically closed to all but the most limited missionary work. 
The Roman Catholics held their own, but with the greatest diffi 
culty, chiefly because they had gained a foothold in China in more 
favorable days. The Protestants were confined to Macao and 
-to the little spot in Canton accessible to foreigners. Even here 
imperial edicts threatened with strangulation any one who 
should attempt to propagate Christianity, and the work had to be 
carried on with more or less secrecy. 32 Work was largely con 
fined to language study and to translation. A few years later it 
was found possible to distribute printed matter along the coast 
to some extent, but even by this means no large numbers could 
be effectively reached until China should be opened. 

A second factor was the presence outside the Empire of large 
numbers of Chinese colonists. In Siam, in the Malay Peninsula, 
and in the Archipelago, large settlements of Chinese existed 
which were easily accessible to missionary influence. Here was 
an opportunity to learn the language, to print books, to found 
schools, and to do preliminary work until the Empire might be 
opened, and here also was the chance to do an extensive work 
among a Chinese population both for their own sakes and in the 
hope that some of them might be converted and return to China 
to spread the faith. 

" These two factors early divided American Protestant missions 
to the Chinese into two branches, those in Canton and those to 
colonists outside the empire. The first branch must again be 
subdivided into missions inaugurated from America and those 
started by foreign residents of Canton. We have already seen 
the beginning of the missions inaugurated from America and 
centering at Canton, and it remains to trace them dow^n to the 
outbreak of the opium troubles. Bridgman and Abeel arrived 
in China in February, 1830. They took up their residence, 
according to Mr. Olyphant s agreement, with Talbot, his repre 
sentative. 33 Morrison, w r ho had done so much to bring about 

82 Chinese Repository, -6:53, gives the new edict of 1821 against 
33 Talbot was also American Consul. David Abeel, Journal of a Resi- 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 91 

their coming, gave them every assistance. Abeel took up his 
duties as chaplain both to the American residents and the foreign 
seamen, in Canton, and was kept too busy for language study 
or for work among the natives. 34 He preached in the large room 
of the factory where he resided, and when occasion offered, on 
the ships in the harbor at Whampoa. 35 In December he closed 
his year s work and left for Batavia on a tour of investigation 
for the American Board. Bridgman spent the year mostly in 
language study, but he found time for teaching a few boys, 
and for preaching and correspondence. By the end of the year 
he had also prepared some Scripture lessons in Chinese. 30 

Most of 1831 passed without event. Bridgman and his little 
school spent the summer at Macao. 37 A press was sent out in the 
latter part of the year by Olyphant s church in New York, 38 and 
on its arrival and at the suggestion of Morrison and others, 
Bridgman determined to start a periodical. 39 This, the Chinese 
Repository, was as its title suggests, begun for the spread among 
foreigners of information concerning China, its laws, customs, 

dence in China and the Neighboring Countries, New York, 1836, pp. 61-74. 
Correspondence of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign 
Missions, Mss. in their Library in Boston. Letter of Bridgman to Jer h 
Evarts, Mar. 5, 1830. The date on the letter is Feb. 5, but other docu 
ments prove this to have been a slip of the pen. 

34 Abeel, Residence in China, p. 105. 

33 Ibid., pp. 105-106, and 3d Annual Rep. of Am. Seaman s Friend 
Soc., p. 3. 

36 Correspondence of the A. B. C. F. M., in China, Nos. 21, 35, 37, 41. 
(Letters and Journal of Bridgman.) Abeel, Residence in China, p. 151. 
The Life and Labors of Elijah Coleman Bridgman, edited by Eliza J. 
Gillett Bridgman with an introductory note by Asa D. Smith. New 
York, 1864, pp. 43-57. 

37 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 44. Bridgman to 
Evarts, June 13, 1831. 

38 Morrison had wished a press sent out with the American mission in 
the first place. Letter from him in Missny. Herald, 26 : 366. Frederick 
Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, LL.D., 
Missionary, Diplomatist, Sinologue, New York, 1889. Letter of Wil 
liams, p. 78. The press arrived in December, 1831, and the type came 
months later. Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, Nos. 53, 60, letters of 
Bridgman, Dec. 30, 1831, and Apr. 18, 1832. 

39 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, No. 60, and Bridgman, Life and 
Letters of Bridgman, p. 74. 

9 2 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

history, and current events, and concerning missions to the 
Chinese. It was put in a form designed to make it of interest 
to the reader not primarily concerned with religious matters. 40 
It was begun in May, i832, 41 and for the first year or two was 
the source of much anxiety to Bridgman. He feared that the 
American Board would not approve of it 42 and that it would not 
be a financial success. It was undertaken for the first year by 
the Christian Union of Canton, a local organization, but Bridg 
man wrote in April, 1833, that it could not "be carried forward 
without considerable expense and against many difficulties." 43 
Later, probably in January or February, 1834, Olyphant came to 
the rescue, guaranteeing the expense and furnishing a building 
whicR housed the magazine for over forty years. 44 

The same year in which the Repository was begun saw the 
arrival at Canton of a successor to Abeel, Rev. Edwin Stevens. 45 
He reached China in June, the first of those Yale graduates who 
were later to have so large a part in missions to China. He con 
tinued his work for four and a half years, the last nine months 
being in the service of the American Board. He died January 
5, 1837, while on a trip to Borneo. 46 The chaplaincy to the sea- 

40 It continued to be published long after 1844, and is one of the best 
sources for the history of the foreign relations of China throughout this 
period. Bridgman remained its editor until 1851. Bridgman, Life and 
Letters of Bridgman, p. 74. 

41 Ibid. 

42 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, Bridgman to Anderson, 
Jan. 19, 1833, "I am very anxious to know what you think of the 
Repository. Shall it go on?" 

43 Ibid., No. 73. 

44 Corres. A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 89, Bridgman to Anderson, 
Feb. 4, 1838. The letter told of Olyphant s offer, and concluded: "The 
expense of the first volume will be something to him, perhaps and per 
haps not, but for the second we hope there will be no charge, for a little 
extra work we intend that the office shall pay for itself." S. W. Wil 
liams was not quite exact when he wrote that "when the Chinese Reposi 
tory was commenced he [Olyphant] offered to bear the loss of its pub 
lication, if it proved a failure." (Williams, Life and Letters of S. Wells 
Williams, p. 78.) The guarantee, although including the first volume in 
its scope, was not made until later. 

45 Ch. Rep., i : 243. 

415 Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 93 

men left vacant by him was never filled. Rev. J. W. Newton 
accepted the place, but seems not to have taken up the work, 47 
and the American Seaman s Friend Society, which had joined 
in beginning the American Mission to China, disappeared from 
the field. 48 

In 1833, perhaps partly in response to an appeal which Morri 
son and Bridgman had made in i832, 49 two more men arrived, 
Samuel Wells Williams, and Rev. Ira Tracy. Williams came 
to take charge of the press, and Tracy as an additional missionary. 
They sailed from the United States in 1833 on one of Olyphant s 
ships, the "Morrison," and arrived in China in October. 50 
Tracy left Canton soon afterward to be stationed at Singapore. 

In 1834 the growing mission at Canton received a serious 
check. Leang-Afa, the first Chinese convert, together with a 
fellow disciple, had been distributing many Christian books in 
and around Canton. 51 In that year Lord Napier, the first British 
superintendent of trade, reached Canton, and trouble arose which 
resulted in the Chinese stopping the English trade. Napier, 
failing to make an impression on the governor, issued a printed 
proclamation to the Chinese people an indiscreet act for a 
diplomatist in which he stated his case. This angered the 
authorities and search was made for the natives who had helped 
to publish the appeal. The mission s printing office was raided, 
Leang-Afa and several other Chinese were seized, and although 
released later, felt it best to leave the city for a time. 52 The dis 
orders had already frightened away Bridgman s Chinese teacher 
and pupils, 53 and this added trouble, together with the death of 

Giving a list of their Publications and Obituary notices of the Deceased. 
Shanghai, 1867, p. 84, and Ch. Rep., 5: 513. 

47 9th Annual Rep., Am. Seaman s Friend Soc. 

48 Up to 1844, as their annual reports show, they had obtained no 
successor to Stevens who actually reached the field. 

49 Corres. of A. B. C F. M., China, 1831-7, Sept. 4, 1832. 

50 Williams, Life and Letters of S. W. Williams, p. 49, Corres. of 
A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 78, Bridgman to Anderson, Oct. 22, 1833. 

51 Missny. Herald, 30 : 192 ; 31 : 70. 

52 Williams, Mid. King., 2 : 328, and Joseph Tracy, History of the 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Worcester, 
1840, p. 246. 

53 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 10, Bridgman to Ander 
son, Aug. 12, 1834. 

94 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Morrison, cast a gloom over the scanty force and retarded its 
work. 54 

. While the after swells of this squall were dying down, there 
arrived still another reenforcement, Peter Parker, the first 
medical missionary to China. Bridgman had felt the lack of 
such a man for some time. 55 Morrison and T. R. Cooledge had 
each begun dispensing medicines in i827, 56 but something more 
was needed, and to supply it, the American Board sent out 
Parker. 57 He sailed June 3 58 in one of Olyphant s ships and 
reached Canton October 26th. 59 It was early decided that he 
should go to Singapore to learn the language, and after a year 
there he returned to Canton. Here, November 4, 1835, he opened 
an Ophthalmic Hospital. 60 The suspicions of the Chinese were 
soon disarmed, and after the first year, Howqua, the chief hong 
merchant, gave him a building rent free. 61 

Five days before this hospital was opened, Stevens returned 
from a remarkable voyage with Medhurst along the coast of 
China. In the closed condition of the Chinese Empire it was 
possible to do little more than to distribute printed matter and 
to trust to it for the work of evangelization. From June, 1831, 
to May, 1832, Giitzlaff, a German missionary, had made three 

"Ibid., No. 102, Oct. 31, 1834, Bridgman to Anderson. 

55 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 83, Bridgman to Ander 
son, Dec. 26, 1833. He desires that Tracy s place at Canton be occupied 
immediately by an able physician. ". . . . all of us are anxious that 
such a man should be here." 

58 Williams, Mid. King., 2 : 333. 

57 Stevens, Life of Parker, pp. 5-99. 

58 Parker was a New Englander by birth, and had been educated at 
Amherst and Yale, taking his A.B. at the latter institution in 1831, and 
later completing a medical and theological course there. While a senior 
in college he had decided to enter the mission field and had become a 
warm friend of Stevens. In 1834 he was ordained. Wylie, Memorial 
of Prot. Missionaries. 

59 Ibid, and Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 173. Parker 
to Anderson, Oct. 30, 1834. 

60 George B. Stevens, The Life, Letters, and Journals of the Rev. and 
Hon. Peter Parker, M.D., etc., Boston and Chicago, 1896, pp. 106-119. 
A. P. Stokes, in Memorials of Eminent Yale Men. New Haven, 1914. 

61 Williams, Mid. King., 2 : 333-7. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 95 

voyages along the coast, selling and distributing religious and 
scientific works. 62 Much criticism, however, was raised in some 
quarters by the fact that at least one of these voyages had been 
in connection with the opium traffic. 63 Still there was felt to 
be a larger opportunity here, and the missionary world was 
stirred to action by the German s reports. In the summer of 
1835, Medhurst, who had been working among the Chinese in 
Batavia, came to Canton at the request of Morrison (through 
the London Missionary Society) to undertake a similar voyage. 
Through the agency of Olyphant and Company, he succeeded in 
obtaining the American brig "Huron," Thomas Winsor, master, 64 
and took Edwin Stevens with him. They left August 26th, 
and by October 3ist had visited the provinces of Shantung and 
Fuhkien, whose dialects Medhurst could speak, and the port 
of Shanghai. In Shantung they were able to travel overland 
some distance, meeting with only occasional resistance; but at 
Shanghai they were rudely received and were followed down the 
coast by war junks. 65 The effect of the voyage was to show that 
settled mission work was still impossible in the Empire, but an 
increased knowledge of the natives was gained, and some indi 
cations were found that the opening of China would not be long 

The year 1836 was a quiet one for the missionaries of the 
American Board. Bridgman was busy assisting Medhurst and 
J. R. Morrison in a revision of Morrison s translation of the 

62 Williams, Mid. King., 2:328-329. Carl Friedrich August Giitzlaff, 
The Journal of Two Voyages along the coast of China in 1831 and 
1832, etc., New York, 1833. The fact that these were published in Eng 
lish and in New York shows the interest with which they were followed 
in the United States. 

68 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 205, Stevens to Anderson, 
Mar. 6, 1834. 

04 W. H. Medhurst, China: Its State and Prospects with especial 
Reference to the Spread of the Gospel, etc., London, 1838, pp. 365-367, and 
Ch. Rep., 4^308-335. This publishes part of the journal kept by Stevens 
during the voyage. 

Co Ch. Rep., 4 : 308-335. See other accounts, not, however, with the value 
of this one, in Williams, Mid. King., 2:329-330, and Foster, Christian 
Progress in China, p. 139. 

g6 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Bible. 66 The chapel formerly occupied by the factory of the 
East India Company was obtained and the congregations 
increased somewhat. 67 Williams, whom they feared would be 
transferred to Singapore, still stayed on, busy with his press. 68 
Language study and printing were quietly pursued, but no dis 
turbances or new enterprises marked the year. 

The year was made noteworthy, however, by the entrance of 
the American Baptist Board upon the Canton work. The pos 
sibilities of missions for the Chinese were" becoming increasingly 
attractive to American churches. The Presbyterian and Dutch 
Reformed bodies, which had thus far acted with the American 
Board, were beginning to talk of independent action. 69 In April 
and May, 1836, the Missionary Lyceum of Wesleyan University, 
at Middletown, Connecticut, brought strongly to the attention of 
the Methodist Missionary Society the needs of China, and pre 
liminary steps were taken to raise money for a mission there. 70 
The first organization to take definite action, however, to join 
the American Board in its work was the Baptist Society. This 
had sent out its first missionary to the Chinese, Rev. William 
Dean, in i834, 71 but he had settled in Bangkok. Its first mis 
sionaries to China proper, Rev. J. Lewis Shuck and his wife, 
Henrietta Hall Shuck, arrived there September, i836. 72 Mr. and 
Mrs. Shuck were Virginians and introduced a new element into 
the rather conservative northern missionary body at Canton. 
They left Boston, September 22d, 1835, 73 stopped for a time at 

06 Bridgman, Life of Bridgman, p. 100. 

67 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 123, Bridgman to Ander 
son, Jan. 29, 1836. 

68 Ibid., No. n, April 3, 1835, Williams and Bridgman to Anderson, 
and No. 13, Sept. 8, 1836, the Mission to Anderson. 

69 Ibid., Letter of Abeel to Anderson, July 23, 1835, told of the difficulties 
on this score. 

70 Missions and Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
by J. M. Reid, revised and extended by J. T. Gracey. 3 v., New York, 
c. 1895. 1:411; 412. The project for a mission to China rested until 
after 1844. 

71 Dean, China Mission, p. 95. 

72 J. B. Jeter, Memoir of Mrs. Henrietta Shuck, The First American 
Female Missionary to China, Boston, 1846, p. 221. 

73 Ibid., p. 40. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 97 

Singapore, 74 and settled at Macao, where they began their work. 
Shuck baptized his first convert, Ah Loo, February i, 1837, 
numerically a larger showing than Bridgman had had in the 
first five years of his missionary career, but the step proved hasty, 
as the fellow apostatized within eighteen months. 75 Life in 
China proved to be rather trying to Mr. and Mrs. Shuck. Rela 
tions with the other missions were not always cordial, the older 
workers being inclined to look upon these younger ones as unduly 
insistent on denominational differences, and perhaps superficial 
in their methods 76 ; living expenses were high and salaries 
inadequate $750 for the married missionary as contrasted with 
the $1,000 which the American Board found it necessary to pay 
its unmarried men. The restless Shuck attempted to get to 
Hainan by native boat to see if it could be opened to missionary 
enterprise only to be forced to return without having reached 
the island. 77 

As an independent worker affiliated with this Baptist mission, 
there arrived in 1837, Rev. Issacher J. Roberts, a man of great 
religious zeal, but of unbalanced optimism. He was born in 
Tennessee in i8o2 78 and obtained an imperfect education in the 
Furman Theological Institution of South Carolina. He began 
his preaching career in 1825, and worked in the South as pastor 
and as agent of the American Colonization Society and of the 
Sunday School Union. 79 He thought for a time of going to 
Liberia as a missionary. A year or two later he organized the 

74 Baptist Missny. Mag., 17:174, Extracts from Shuck s Journal. 

75 Jeter, Memoir of Mrs. Shuck, pp. 103, 121. 

76 In Corres. of the A. B. C. F. M., Foreign Vol., p. 37, is a letter of 
Anderson to the China Mission, Mar. 13, 1838, in reply to a letter of 
Parker, who was somewhat irritated, trying to smooth things over. 
In the correspondence of the American Baptist Missionary Union, Mss., 
in their rooms in Boston, there is a letter from Shuck, Jan. 14, 1842, telling 
how he had immersed an American ship-master, T. Rogers, a former 
Presbyterian, and of the consequent displeasure of the "pedo-baptists." 

77 Letter of Shuck to Secy. Peck, Feb. 21, 1837, in Corres. of A. B. M. U. 
78 Wylie, Memorials of Prot Missionaries, p. 94. Hervey, The Story 

of Baptist Missions, p. 512. 

79 Corres. of A. B. M. U., Roberts to Bolles, July 5, 1834. Wylie says 
that he was ordained in 1833, but he may have been licensed before this 
year. Wylie, Mem. of Prot. Missionaries, p. 93. 
TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 7 1917 

98 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

"Roberts Fund and China Mission Society" and turned over to it 
his property, his hope being that it would attract additional aid 
as the years went by. 80 Under this society he sailed from home, 
in i837, 81 and on his arrival at Macao took up his residence 
with Shuck. He worked in Macao for several years, preaching 
for a time to a colony of lepers. 82 

In addition to the arrival of Roberts the year 1837 was 
marked by one other incident of importance, the visit of the 
Morrison" to Japan. This voyage, significant in history as 
one of the early attempts to open that empire, was an American 
undertaking from Canton, entirely pacific and largely philan 
thropic in its motive. Its primary purpose was to return to their 
homes seven shipwrecked Japanese. Three of these had been 
driven across the Pacific, wrecked on the Northwest Coast of 
America and sent by the Hudson Bay Company via London to 
Canton; and the other four were rescued from a wreck near 
Manila. 83 In July, 1837, Olyphant and Company, who had taken 
care of them for some time, dispatched the "Morrison" to 
return them to Japan. With the ship went C. W. King, Parker, 
Williams, and Gutzlaff. 84 The party stopped at the Lew Chew 
Islands, where they were well received, and instead of going to 
Nagasaki, the only Japanese port where any foreign trade was 
allowed, sailed directly for Yedo Bay. Here they anchored 
for three days, holding some communication with the Japanese, 
but were fired on at the end of that time and withdrew. They 
went next to Kagoshima Bay, and were at first fairly well 
received, but later they were again fired on, and left without 
landing their refugees. They reached China, August 29th, their 
primary aim unattained. Through these same refugees, how 
ever, some acquaintance with the language of their country was 
obtained t}y Williams, who later (in 1853 an d 1854) acted as 

80 Corres. of A. B. M. U., Circular letter of Roberts to the Society, 
Feb. 18, 1841. See also, Wylie, Memorials, etc., p. 94, Hervey, Baptist 
Miss., p. 512. 

81 Corres. of A. B. M. U., Roberts to Bolles, Jan. 25, 1837. 

82 Hervey, The Story of Baptist Missions, p. 513. 

83 Ch. Rep., 6 : 209-229, 353-380, narrative of S. W. Williams. 

84 They took with them an assortment of articles of trade for use in 
case it should be found possible to open commercial relations. 

Early Relations between the United States and China, 99 

interpreter to the Perry expedition, and some foreign books were 
translated into Japanese and printed. 85 

The year intervening between this expedition and the outbreak 
of the opium troubles was one of quiet growth. The Ophthalmic 
Hospital continued its work with increasing success. 86 Bridg- 
man had seen the completion of the revision of the Scriptures 
in i8$6 S7 and was working on various pieces of translation and 
composition, among them a Chinese history of the United States, 
a Chrestomathy and Tonic Dictionary, and the ever-present 
Chinese Repository. 88 Preaching services were conducted for 
foreigners, distribution of books and tracts went on among 
the Chinese, and small schools for boys were still continuing. 89 
Abeel was back for part of the time, and in 1839 Mr. and Mrs. 
S. R. Brown came out as reinforcements. 

Closely connected with the work of the missionaries sent from 
the United States and Great Britain were a number of societies 
organized in China by the foreign residents. Under the stimulus 
of the compact community life and of the missionaries and a 
few earnestly religious merchants the decade preceding the 
opium troubles saw a number of these begun. Although formed 
and carried on partly by the British and partly by the Ameri 
cans, they obtained most of their men from the United States. 
The first society was the "Christian Union at Canton." It was 
organized in the latter part of 1830 by Robert and John Morrison, 
Abeel, King (a nephew of Olyphant), a Moravian surgeon on an 
East India Company s ship, a young British midshipman, and 
Bridgman. 90 As the latter wrote : it "was formed to give more 

85 Four accounts of this voyage by men who shared in it are by C. W. 
King, in the first volume of the Claims of Japan and Malaysia upon 
Christendom, Exhibited in Notes of Voyages made in 1837, 2 v., New 
York, 1839, by S. Wells Williams in the Chinese Rep., 6:209-229, in a 
letter by him to Anderson in Williams, Life and Letters of S. W. Wil 
liams, pp. 94-98, and in Stevens, Life of Parker, p. 141 et sqq. Among 
the other accounts are brief ones in Callahan, Am. Rel. in the Pacific, 
p. 74, and Foster, Am. Dip. in Orient, pp. 137-140. 

86 See reports in Ch. Rep., 4:461-473 and passim. 

87 Williams, Mid. King., 2 : 363-364. 

88 Missny. Herald, 34 : 17, 339, 349. 

89 Ibid., 35 : 212-214. 

^Corres. of the A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 37, Bridgman to 
Evarts, Jan. 27, 1831. 

ioo Kenneth S. Latourette, 

wisdom and strength to our efforts and better security to our 
friends abroad. It will not interfere with individual and private 
conduct; while it will give counsel and support to all, and have 
general supervision of the several objects of Christian benevo 
lence which may come within its reach. It has commenced a 
depository and library. ... It has or will soon open a corre 
spondence with the several missionary stations between the 
capes." 91 It published "Chinese Scripture Lessons for Schools" 92 
and guaranteed the expenses of the Chinese Repository for the 
first year. 93 After the Repository was guaranteed by Olyphant 
the Christian Union seems to have ended its specific usefulness, 
and to have lost itself in the societies formed later for more 
specialized activities. 

^ A second organization was that for the "Diffusion of Useful 
Knowledge in China," formed in December, 1834. Its purpose 
was "to prepare and publish, in a cheap form, plain and easy 
treatises in the Chinese language on such branches of useful 
knowledge as are suited to the existing state and condition of 
the Chinese Empire." 9 * In four years it had issued almanacs, 
and a "collection of elementary and useful information used by 
the young and by men of imperfect education," which included 
some modified Aesop s Fables, a universal history, and a history 
of England. A description of the United States and a history 
of the Jews were about to come out, and other works were in 
preparation. 95 It was a larger organization than the Christian 
Union, but as in time its work came to be done by other agencies 
it was allowed to lapse. 

91 Corres. of the A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 37, Bridgman to 
Evarts, Jan. 27, 1831. See also, Tracy, History of the Am. Bd., p. 201. 

92 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7. 

93 See Bridgman to Anderson, April 5, 1833, Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., 
China, 1831-7, No. 73. Tracy says that if the work had been unsuccess 
ful, but a fourth part of the expense would have fallen on the American 
Board, which implies that the Christian Union guaranteed only three- 
fourths of the expenses (Hist, of Am. Bd., p. 224), but he does not quote 
his authority. I am inclined to think that Tracy may be right, and that 
Bridgman s statement was merely a general one. 

94 Williams, Mid. King., 2 : 340. 

85 Fourth Annual Report of the Society, Nov. 21, 1838, Ch. Rep., 
7 : 399-410. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 101 

Next in order of age was the Morrison Education Society. 
Robert Morrison s life had made a deep impression upon the 
foreigners in Canton, and they felt that some permanent memorial 
should be raised to him. In January, 1835, a paper suggesting 
the formation of a society was circulated and by February 24th, 
twenty-two signatures of English and Americans and $4,860 
had been obtained. A provisional committee of six was then 
appointed, two of whom were Americans. The organization s 
object was to establish and support schools in China to teach 
the natives the English language, western learning, and Chris 
tianity. Youths of either sex might be taken, the ages preferred 
being six, eight, and ten years ; pupils might be sent to Malacca, 
India, Europe, or America for a finishing course. It was to be 
directed by five trustees, resident in China, but tutors and teachers 
were to be obtained from Europe and the United States. 96 In 
the first two years of the society s existence, instruction was 
given to five or six boys, and some aid to Mrs. Giitzlaff, who 
had gathered a few children around her in Macao. 97 Applica 
tion was early made to the British and Foreign School Society 
for aid and counsel, 98 and attempts were made to get teachers 
in England and America. In the latter country Professors 
Silliman, Goodrich, and Gibbs, all of Yale whose halls had 
already furnished China with Parker and Stevens were 
appointed a committee to secure an appointee, and after two 
unsuccessful attempts, 99 Rev. Samuel R. Brown, a Yale grad 
uate of the class of 1832, was selected. 100 He reached China 
February 23, 1839, and at once took a few children into his 
home. With occasional interruptions caused by war and a trip 

96 Proceedings relative to the Formation of the Morrison Education 
Society, Ch. Rep., 5 : 373. See too, Williams, Mid. King., 2 : 341-345. 

97 First Annual Rep., Sept 27, 1837. Ch. Rep., 6:229, and second 
annual report, October, 1838, Ch. Rep., 7 : 301-310. Yung Wing, My Life 
in China and America, New York, 1909. 

98 Chinese Rep., 5 : 378. 

99 Second Annual Report of Morrison Educ. Soc., Oct., 1838, Ch. Rep., 

00 Third Annual Rep. of same, Sept. 29, 1841, Ch. Rep., 10:564-587. 
See loo, Trumbull, Old Time Student Volunteers, p. 114, and Ch. Rep., 
7 : 550. Griffis, A Maker of the New Orient, is a Biography of Brown. 

102 Kenneth S. Latourettc, 

to Singapore, the school was held continuously for a number of 
years. 101 

A fourth society formed by the foreign residents in China had 
its origin in Parker s medical work. He reached China in 1834 
and opened the Ophthalmic Hospital in 1835. In October, 1836, 
Parker, Cooledge (an English merchant), and Bridgman, feeling 
that the time had come for further action, issued a pamphlet 
suggesting that a society be formed to aid in the medical work. 102 
Nearly a year and a half later, in February, 1838, the "Medical 
Missionary Society in China" was formed. Its object was to 
"encourage gentlemen of the medical profession to come and 
practice gratuitously among the Chinese, by affording the usual 
aid of hospitals, medicine, and attendants : but .... the sup 
port or remuneration of such medical gentleman [was] .... 
not at present within its contemplation." 103 The Ophthalmic 
Hospital was at once taken over, 104 and thanks to the generosity 
of Howqua and the efforts of Olyphant, was put on a secure 
basis and in a permanent home. 105 Because of the impossibility 
of caring for all who would have applied, treatment was largely, 
although not exclusively, confined to eye diseases. Even with 
these limitations, the wards were crowded, and many patients 
had to be turned away. 100 In April, 1838, at the society s request, 
Parker opened a hospital at Macao. At first it met with much 
suspicion, 107 but this gradually disappeared and in 1839, Dr. Wil 
liam Lockhart, of the London Missionary Society, was appointed 
to devote his entire time to it. 108 Dr. William B. Diver, an 

101 Ch. Rep., 10:582; 11:337- 

102 Proposition for the Formation of a Medical Missionary Society in 
China, Ch. Rep., 5 : 371. See too, Stevens, Life of Parker, p. 134. 

103 Formation of the Medical Missionary Society in China, Feb. 21, 1838, 
Ch. Rep., 7 : 32-44. 

104 Ibid., and Williams, Mid. King., 2 : 333-337- Lockhart, Med. Missny. 
in China, p. 124. 

105 Lockhart, Med. Missny. in China, p. 174. See description of the 
hospital in Downing, The Stranger in China, 2: 11-14. 

108 Report of Ophthalmic Hospital at Canton, Jan. i to June 30, 1838, 
showed 1,025 patients admitted during the six months. Ch. Rep., 7 : 92-95. 

m First Rep. of the Med. Missny. Soc. s Hospital at Macao, July 5- 
Oct. i, 1838, Ch. Rep., 7:411-419. 

108 Ch. Rep., 7:55i. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 103 

American, and an Englishman, Dr. Benjamin Hobson, were 
accepted by the society in the same year. 10{ 

One more society needs to be noted, the Seaman s Friend 
Association in China. Like the others, it was formed by the 
coterie of British and American merchants and missionaries 
who lived at Canton. It was organized January 3, 1839, for the 
promotion of the welfare of all foreign seamen in Chinese 
waters. 110 For a time it did good work, making an examination 
of the conditions of the crews on board American and British 
ships, and holding some religious services. 111 The approach of 
war, however, seems to have interrupted its operations and we 
hear no more of it. 

The second great branch of early Protestant missions to the 
Chinese, was, as we have noted, that outside the Empire. Three 
purposes actuated missionary work there. The large numbers 
of Chinese were an extensive field in themselves. Then there 
was the hope that some might be reached who would carry back 
to China the Christian message. And there was the opportunity 
for the study of the language and the establishment of presses 
and schools until the time when the Empire should be opened. 

In the main, three large groups of Chinese colonists were easily 
accessible to missionaries. There was one in Java, centering 
at Batavia, where for the time being the Dutch government was 
tolerant, j In the Straits Settlements, Malacca and Singapore, 
there was another, also under European control. At Bangkok 
there was still a third, under native rule it is true, but open to 
foreign commerce and residence. There were other groups in 
Borneo, in the Philippines, and in Indo-China, but they were all 
for one reason or another either almost or entirely inaccessible. 

At the beginning of American missionary effort, these facts 
were not clearly recognized. The conditions of the Far Eastern 
Islands and Southern Asia from a missionary standpoint were 
not fully known, and it was felt advisable to send some one to 

109 Ch. Rep., 10 : 448-453- William Lockhart, The Medical Missionary 
in China, A Narrative of Twenty Years Experience, London, 1861, p. 127. 

110 Ch. Rep., 7:477-484. 

111 Quarterly Report of Seaman s Friend Assn. in China, July, 1839, 
Ch. Rep., 8: 120-121. 

104 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

gather first-hand knowledge of the situation. This was the work 
that Abeel took up for the American Board after his term of 
service at Canton as seaman s chaplain. He left China late in 
1830 and visited Batavia, Singapore, and Bangkok. In January, 

1832, he returned to Singapore, and then made a second visit to 
Bangkok, distributing books and tracts among the Chinese junks. 
He returned to Singapore in November, 1832, and took the 
place of Burn, the English chaplain, only to be compelled by 
failing health to go to America. 112 

A few years later another voyage was undertaken, this time 
by Talbot, Olyphant and Company, and on a larger scale. In 
1836 they had purchased the brig "Himaleh" for the purpose 
of aiding missionaries in distributing books along the China coast, 
but no one familiar with that w r ork could be obtained, and the 
vessel was sent instead to the Malay Archipelago, Stevens and an 
agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society, G. Tradescant 
Lay, accompanying her. The venture was not very successful, 
as Stevens died on the trip and the burden of the work was 
thrown on Captain Frazer, a man poorly fitted to assume it. 113 

Before this, last voyage had begun, permanent American mis 
sions had been located at all three of the great centers of emigrant 
population. The earliest Protestant missionary effort for the 
Chinese of Singapore was in 1819, when an Englishman, Mr. 
Milton, founded the work. 114 The first American missionary 
stationed there was Rev. Ira Tracy. He left New York in June, 

1833, with S. W. Williams, landing with him at Canton. In 
July, 1834, he removed to Singapore and worked there until his 
death, 1841. 115 Dr. Peter Parker, soon after his arrival in the 
East, spent several months in the same city in learning the 
language. Incidentally he conducted a dispensary there, and 
\vhen in August, 1835, he returned to Canton, he left this and 

112 Abeel, Journal, p. 318. Dean, China Mission, pp. 176-192; G. R. 
Williamson, Memoir of David Abeel, D.D., Late Missionary .to China. 
New York, 1848, pp. 100-119. 

113 Notices .... of the Indian Arch., G. T. Lay, Ch. Rep., 6:305 
et sqq. Williams, Mid. King., 2:330-331. G. T. Lay, the second volume 
of "The Claims of Japan and Malaysia on Christendom." 

114 Medhurst, China, p. 327. 

115 Wylie, Memorials of Prot. Missionaries, p. 79. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 105 

two schools to Tracy. In the following October the latter 
baptized the first Chinese convert made by the American Board. 116 

Missionary supporters in America were at this time very 
strongly in favor of the distribution of Christian literature, and 
this sentiment was to be the controlling one in Chinese missions 
for the next few years. 117 The missionaries fell in with the plan : 
a press was started by Tracy at Singapore, and Parker wrote 
home for money, equipment, and men. 118 The American Board 
responded to the demand, and in May and June, 1833, wrote to 
Bridgman urging the early foundation of a printing establish 
ment somewhere in the south-east of Asia. 119 In March, 1836, 
Bridgman was able to announce that a full printing establishment 
at Singapore had been purchased, consisted of two presses, of 
fonts of English, Arabic, Bugis, and Siamese type, and of other 
necessary equipment. 120 From this press various works were 
issued in Chinese, as well as in these other languages. 

Additions came to the Singapore mission. In December, 1836, 
Matthew B. Hope, Rev. Joseph H. Travelli, and Stephen Tracy 
arrived 121 ; in 1837 Rev. J. T. Dickinson 122 ; and in 1838 Dr. 
Dyer Ball and Rev. George W. Wood, all of the American 
Board. 123 William J. Pohlman of the same society, who was 
first stationed in Borneo, came later. 124 In 1838 the Presbyterian 
Board sent out two men. 125 By 1840 Singapore was the most 
important Protestant mission station among the Chinese. 

The second great accessible group of colonists from the Middle 
Kingdom, that in Siam, centered at Bangkok, a city whose popu 
lation was half or two-thirds Chinese. 126 In 1829 or 1830 Tomlin 

16 Tracy, Hist, of Am. Bd., p. 258. 
117 Missny. Herald, 36:208. 

118 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., China, 1831-7, No. 190. Parker to Ander 
son, Feb. 19, 1835. 
119 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M, China, 1831-7. 

120 Ibid., No. 8, Bridgman to Board, Mar. i, 1836. 

121 Tracy, Hist, of the Am. Bd., pp. 270 et sqq. 

122 Ch. Rep., 16: 12-13. 

123 Ibid., and Dean, The China Mission, p. 196, Wylie, Mem. of Prot. 
Missions, p. 107. 

124 Dean, The China Mission, p. 357. 

125 Ch. Rep., 16:12-13. 

126 Malcolm estimated the Chinese population at 60,000 and that of 
the city at 100,000. William Gammell, A History of American Baptist 

io6 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

and Giitzlaff, neither of them Americans, visited Bangkok and 
called attention to its strategic position. 127 In the summer of 
1831 Abeel and Tomlin spent several months there, 128 and Abeel 
was there again in 1832. 129 The first resident missionary was an 
American Baptist from Burmah, Rev. John Taylor Jones, who 
set out for Siam in i83i 130 but was delayed at Singapore and 
did not reach Bangkok until March, 1833. 131 He began work 
promptly and in the same year baptized four Chinese and opened 
a school for boys. 132 In June, 1833, Rev. Stephen Johnson and 
Rev. Robinson left the United States under the American Board 
and reached Bangkok in 1834 after stopping for a time at 
Batavia and Singapore. The former spent his time among the 
Chinese, the latter among the Siamese. 133 Rev. William Dean 
and his wife sailed from America in July, 1834, under the Baptist 
Board. 134 Dean was detained for a time at Singapore, wh?re his 
wife died, and where he himself had a narrow escape from death 
at the hands of some Malay pirates. 135 He reached Bangkok 
about the middle of 1835. Near this same time, Dr. Bradley of 
the American Board arrived in the city and began medical prac 
tice among the Chinese and Siamese, principally the latter. 136 
The work of the American Board continued with Johnson in 

Missions in Asia, Europe, and North America. Boston, 1849, p. 188. 
Ruschenberger estimated the Chinese population at 400,000; Voyage 
Round the World, pp. 310-314. 

127 Missny. Herald, 26 : 216. 

128 J. Tomlin, Missionary Journals and Letters Written during Eleven 
Years Residence and Travel Amongst the Chinese, Siamese, Javanese, 
Khassis, and other Eastern Nations. London, 1844, pp. 306 et sqq. 

129 Williamson, Memoir of D. Abeel, p. 104-114. 

150 H. Clay Trumbull, Old Time Student Volunteers, My Memories of 
Missionaries, New York, 1902, p. 85. 

131 Gammell, Hist, of Am. Bap. Missions, p. 187. 

132 Ibid. The month that he arrived, a treaty was signed between Siam 
and the United States which gave greater security to American residents 
in the country. 

133 Wylie, Memorials of Prot. Missionaries, p. 80. 

134 Dean, China Mission, p. 233. Gammell, Hist, of Am. Bap. Missions, 
p. 190, says September, 1834, but Dean is, of course, to be preferred. 

135 Dean, China Mission, pp. 233, 97. 

130 He was molested somewhat by the government. Tracy, Hist, of Am. 
Bd., p. 257- 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 107 

charge of the Chinese side of it, and with the assistance of 
Benham and Peet, who were sent out in i839. 137 Emphasis was 
laid upon preaching, distribution of tracts, and education, with 
some assistance in medicine given by Bradley. 138 The Baptist 
Mission, in addition to Dean, had Rev. Alanson Reed, who 
reached the city in July, 1836, only to die of dysentery August 
2Qth, i837 139 ; and Rev. Josiah Goddard, who arrived in Octo 
ber, i840. 140 In December, 1835, Dean baptized three converts 
and organized a church, probably the first Protestant church for 
Chinese. 141 In July, 1838, three members were added by bap : 
tism, 142 and in October, 1839, another group of three. 143 Some 
of the early converts fell away, 144 but these last seem to have 
remained steadfast, and by 1841 the church had increased its 
Chinese membership to thirteen. 145 A dispensary was opened, of 
course, 146 and that other useful accompaniment of a mission sta 
tion, a school. 147 It was the day of small things; in 1839 the 
school numbered only thirteen, and Sunday congregations 
averaged from but twenty to fifty. 148 Those in charge were 
hopeful, however, and regarded their work merely as preparatory 
to a larger labor in China when that empire should be opened. 

The third accessible group of Chinese colonists, that center 
ing around Batavia, had long been under the control of the 
Dutch and was in 1816 returned to their charge after the retro 
cession of Java by England, but what missionary work the Dutch 
had done seems to have had no influence upon American efforts. 
As elsewhere, the English were the pioneers. In 1817 Medhurst 

137 Benham was drowned soon after his arrival. Dean, China Mis 
sion, p. 94. 

138 Annual Rep. of the A. B. C. F. M., 1839, Missny. Herald, 35: 10. 
L39 Dean, China Mission, p. 359. 

140 Ibid., p. 279, and Gammell, Hist, of Am. Bap. Missions, p. 193. 

141 Dean, China Missions, p. 115. 

"Annual Rep. of Bap. Missny. Soc., June, 1839. The Baptist Mis 
sionary Magazine, Boston, 1821 et sqq., 19: 143-4. 

143 Ibid., June, 1840, Bap. Missny. Mag., 20 : 143. 

144 Journal of Dean, Bap. Missny. Mag., 18:30. 

145 Ibid, for June, 1841, Bap. Missny. Mag., 21 : 189. 

146 Dean s Journal, May 25, 1835, Bap. Missny. Mag., 16 : 45. 

147 Annual Rep. of Bap. General Convention, April, 1839. Bap. Missny. 
Mag., 19: 143. 

148 Bapt. Missny. Mag., 19 : 143 ; 16 : 193. 

io8 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

and Slater of the London Missionary Society began work. The 
former was there for many years, and his work and example 
greatly stimulated American interest. Abeel visited Batavia in 
1831 while making his survey for the American Board. 149 He 
was welcomed by Medhurst, but his advances to the Dutch 
churches on behalf of the American Dutch Reformed Congre 
gations did not meet with hearty response. 150 The first resident 
American missionaries were sent out in 1833 by the American 
Board. Here, as in Bangkok, there were two races to be reached, 
and of this first band of workers one, Rev. Samuel Munson, was 
directed to specialize on the Chinese, while the other, Rev. Henry 
Lyman, was to give his time to the Malays. 151 They sailed June 
10, 1833, with Johnson and Robinson, the men who were to open 
the mission of the American Board at Bangkok. 152 They were 
instructed to make a short stay in Batavia, and were then to 
explore the neighboring archipelago for places open to Christian 
teachers. 153 Their work lasted but a brief time, for while explor 
ing in Sumatra they were both killed by the hostile Battaks. 154 
Undiscouraged by the loss, the American Board sent out two 
additional men, Rev. Elihu Doty, a minister of the Dutch 
Reformed Church, and Rev. Elbert Nevius, in 1836, and Rev. 
William J. Pohlman in i837. 155 About 1838 the Dutch govern 
ment, heretofore indifferent, began a more exclusive policy, for 
bidding missionary residence anywhere in its possessions except 
in Borneo. 156 The mission was forced to move there, but did not 
prosper in its new home, and when at last China was opened, 
Doty and Pohlman were glad to go to Amoy. 157 

149 Williamson, Memoir of Abeel, p. 84. 

130 Francis Warriner, Cruise of the United States Frigate Potomoc 
Round the World during the Years 1831-1834. New York, 1835, pp. 


151 Missny. Herald, 31:17, Jan., 1835. 
152 Wylie, Memorial of Prot. Missionaries, p. 80. 

153 William Thompson, Memoirs of the Rev. Samuel Munson and the 
Rev. Henry Lyman, etc., New York, 1839. 

154 Ibid. 

155 Wylie, Memorial, pp. 97, 99. 

158 Annual Reports of the A. B. C F. M., Jan. 1839, and Jan. 1840, in 
Missny. Herald, 35: n and 36: n. 

157 Ch. Rep., 16 : 12-13. In addition, there were in this Borneo Mission 
Jacob Ennis, William Youngblood, Frederick B. Thompson, and Miss 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 109 

Another American missionary society, "The Domestic and 
Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
in the United States/ established a station in Batavia. In May, 

1834, it determined to begin work in China as soon as the proper 
man presented himself. In July, Rev. Henry Lockwood was 
appointed, and in March, 1835, Rev. Francis R. Hanson. The 
two sailed in a few months and arrived at Canton October 29th, 

1835. Here they found the field of labor so limited that they 
soon removed to Singapore to learn the language, and after a 
few months spent there, they went to Batavia. 158 Here they 
planned to learn the language, to prepare and distribute tracts, 
and to establish schools and a dispensary, 159 the usual missionary 
program of the time. Both, however, had but a short term of 
service. Hanson retired in 1837 because of poor health, 160 and 
Lockwood in 1838 for the same reason. 161 The mission thus 
imperilled was saved by Rev. William Jones Boone, M.D., after 
ward Bishop Boone. He arrived at Batavia in October, 1837, 
and worked there until 1840, seemingly escaping the restrictions 
of the Dutch government. In the latter year, however, when 
affairs in the Chinese Empire were approaching a crisis, he 
brought his work in Java to an end and went to Macao. 162 

A. C. Condit, but they do not seem to have been especially for the 
Chinese. Annual Report of the A. B. C. F. M., Jan., 1839, Missny. 
Herald, 35: n. 

58 William Cutter, Missionary Efforts of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in the United States. In History of American Missions to the 
Heathen, Worcester, 1840, p. 590. Letter of Lockwood, Oct., 1836, in 
Spirit of Missions, 4:267 (Aug., 1839). Letter of Boone, Nov. 15, 1837, 
Spirit of Missions, 3 : 210. 

159 Letter of Lockwood and Hanson, Oct., 1836, The Spirit of Missions, 
New York, 1837, 2 : 219, July, 1837. 

60 Spirit of Missions, 3 : 66. Wylie, Mem. of Prot. Miss., p. 88. 

101 Spirit of Missions, 4 : 596, letter of Boone, Apr. 3, 1839. 

162 Spirit of Missions, 7 : 310. 





^ The last important set of incidents in the history of Ameri 
can intercourse with China before 1845 cluster around the first 
British-Chinese war. With the close of the East India Com 
pany s regime in Canton and the appointment of Lord Napier 
as superintendent of British trade, a series of conflicts began with 
the Chinese authorities which finally culminated in hostilities and 
in the treaties of 1842 and 1844. Although the struggle was 
between the British and Chinese alone, the interests of all Chris 
tian peoples were deeply involved, and the events of the next few 
years must be recited in some detail wherever American rights 
were at stake. 

The beginning of the trouble dates back a few years before 
1839. Lord Napier reached Macao July 15, 1834, to fill the 
office which at the close of the monopoly of the East India Com 
pany had been created for the supervision of British trade. 
Almost immediately after his arrival he became involved in mis 
understandings with the Chinese officials, and as a result the 
governor suspended the English trade, September 2, I834. 1 This 
practically stopped American commerce as well 2 ; American 
merchants were detained at Whampoa 3 and business was at a 
standstill. Lord Napier soon withdrew from Canton, however, 
and the restrictions were removed. 

The four succeeding years were ones of comparative quiet, 
but it was felt that a crisis was approaching, and that the Son of 
Heaven could no longer be permitted to hold himself aloof from 
Western intercourse. He must be brought to treat with fairness 
the stranger within his gates, and to hold direct intercourse with 
him. The inevitable conflict was precipitated by the opium 
question. The importation of this drug had been illegal since 

- 1796,* but for fifty years it had been smuggled into the empire 

1 Williams, Hist, of China, p. 121. 

2 Davis, China, 1 : 119. 

3 Canton Register, September 23, 1834. 

4 Foster, Am. Dip. in Orient, pp. 64-73. The real effectiveness of the 

Early Relations between the United States and China. in 

in ever increasing quantities. 5 A large receiving station for it 
had grown up at Lintin, near Canton. It was smuggled in at 
various places along the coast, and a large traffic in it centered 
at Canton with the more or less open connivance of the Chinese 
officials. Most of the drug came from India, and through British- 
channels, but there were few American firms at Canton who had 
not traded in it from time to time, and some had imported it 
extensively. 6 As early as 1821 the American consul was served 
by the hong merchants with a request that all trade in ..opium 
cease, 7 and the Terranova affair had been complicated by the 
fact that the "Emily" carried the drug. In the season of 1824^, 
opium to the value of $133,000 was imported in American ships, 8 
and in that of 1836-7, $275,921. 9 Neither of these sums is large, 
however, compared with the total of American imports for these 
years $6,567,969, and $3,678,696, respectively. 10 It is of inter 
est, moreover, that in Canton itself the chief foreign opponents 
of the traffic, aside from the missionaries, were to be found in 
the American firm of Olyphant and Company. They drew down 
on themselves a storm of criticism by taking a stand against 
it. 11 ^^ut 1836 the rapid growth of the trade began to con- 

prohibition dates from a second edict in 1800. Morse, Trade and Admin, 
of Chinese Empire, p. 329. 

5 The amounts were: 4,000 chests, 1790; 17,000 chests, 1830; 35,000 
chests, 1838. Foster, Am. Dip. in Orient, pp. 64-75. See too, Murray, 
Histl. and Descriptive Acct. of China, 3 : 90. 

6 In 1830, one cargo, probably belonging to Thos. H. Perkins and Co., 
mostly opium, amounted to 160,000 pounds sterling. Testimony of Joshua 
Bates, Parl. Papers, 1830, 6 : 365. 

7 Hong Merchants to Wilcocks, Nov. 12, 1821. Consular Letters, 
Canton, I. 

8 Sen. Doc. 31, I Sess., 19 Cong. "C." 

9 Chin. Rep., 6:284-6. 

10 For the most part, the Americans imported the inferior Turkey 
opium. In 1836-7, they imported of Benares opium, 5 chests, valued at 
$3,415, and of Turkey opium, 446 peculs, valued at $272,506. Ch. Rep., 
6 : 284-286. 

11 They published a letter in the Canton Register, Aug. 21, 1838, against 
the traffic, and were severely scored editorially in the same paper as a 
result. Aug. 28, 1838. Four years later Commodore Kearney warned 
opium ships against using the American flag. Sen. Doc. 139, I Sess,, 
29 Cong., p. 14. 

H2 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

cern deeply the imperial government, both because of the drain 
of specie it was causing and of the disastrous effect of the drug 
habit upon the Chinese people. Attempts to enforce the law 
)ecamtTliiui c f-H^ueM and finally resulted in determined action. 
Early in December, 1836, some opium was seized while being 
landed and trade was suspended. The coolies who were handling 
the drug declared that it came from the American ship Thomas 
Perkins/ Talbot, consignee, and that they had been sent by Innes, 
a British merchant. The governor-general ordered the co-hong 
to expel Talbot and Innes. Talbot replied that the vessel had 
brought nothing but rice, and when Innes confirmed this state 
ment, the case against the former was dropped, and the latter left 
the city. In the meantime the authorities determined to make an 
example of a convicted native opium dealer. They first attempted 
to execute him at the foot of the American flagstaff, but the 
foreigners forcibly interfered, and the punishment was carried 
out in another street. As a result of the incident, the American 
consul struck his flag, 12 and wrote to the Secretary of State: "I 
have on deliberation, resolved not to set .... [it] .... 
again until the receipt of orders from you to that effect, or 
circumstances should make it proper to do so." 13 

More important events were to follow. Late in 1838 the 
emperor appointed Lin Tse-sii special commissioner with the 
task of stamping out the entire opium traffic. Lin reached 
Canton March 10, 1839, and at once took drastic measures to 
carry out his instructions. His plan was nothing less than to 
destroy all the opium then in stock, and to induce the foreigners 
to give bonds to cease to import it. To compel the delivery of 
the opium, Lin caused all the foreign trade to be stopped (March 
19), and the foreign merchants in Canton to be held in their 
factories as hostages, to be deprived of all servants, and to be 
shut off from all communication with their shipping and the 
outside world. 14 The imprisonment lasted from March 24th to 

12 Ch. Rep os.^. 7 4437-456 gives a full account of this trouble. 

13 Consular "Letters, Canton, II. 

14 W. C. Hunter, Journal of Occurrences during Cessation of Trade at 
Canton. Ms. in the Boston Athenaeum. Gideon Nye, Peking the Goal, 
Canton, 1873, P- 14- Letter of S. W. Williams, Apr. 3, 1839, Life and 
Letters of S. W. Williams, p. 114. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 113 

May 5th, 1839, when the opium had been given up. Of the 
surrendered drug 1,540 chests belonged to Americans, 15 but the 
American consul declared them to be merely held in charge for 
British subjects, and they were surrendered to Captain Elliot, 
the British superintendent of trade. 16 

While the foreigners were still confined to their hongs, Com 
missioner Lin attempted (April 5th) to get them to give 
bond to introduce no more of the drug. The co-hong tried to ; 
induce the American consul, Mr. Wetmore, and Mr. King, to 
sign such a paper on behalf of the United States. But the 
penalties were heavy death for all on board a ship bringing the 
drug, and personal responsibility of the guarantors for all smug 
gling, the evidence of two coolies being sufficient to condemn 
and the request was very naturally refused. Snow objected 
that it would call down on him the "severest censure and pun 
ishment from his superiors," 17 but gladly agreed to the request 
that he solicit his government to allow no more opium ships to 
come. 18 The controversy dragged on for several months. 
Finally on July third a number of American merchants and ship 
masters signed the bond in a milder form. 19 

The English refused to give the bond, and on May 2ist, Elliot 
warned all British subjects to leave Canton. They did so, going 
to Macao, and when the Chinese troubled them there, to Hong 
kong. The Americans now carried on not only their own, but 

15 Foster, Am. Dip. in Orient, pp. 64-73. 

16 Consular Letters, Canton, II, Mar. 28, 1839, Snow to Lin. 

17 Snow to Secy, of State, Apr. 19, 1839. Consular Letters, Canton, II. 
On April 27th, Commodore Read anchored off Macao with the United 
States frigate "Columbia," and May 21 st, the "John Adams," the other 
member of the East India squadron, arrived. (J. Sidney Henshaw, 
Around the World, New York, 1840, 2 : 192, says the "Columbia" arrived 
Apr. 28, but William Meacham Murrell, Cruise of the Frigate Columbia 
around the World, etc., Boston, 1840, says April 27. This latter date 
is probably correct.) Their presence gave the Americans confidence 
(Snow to Sec. of State, May 13, 1839, Consular Letters, Canton, III), 
and they remained on the coast until August sixth, in spite of a protest 
from the Hoppo. (Murrell, p. 148. Henshaw, p. 294.) See also Paullin, 
Diplom. Negot. of Am. Nav. Officers, p. 188. 

18 Snow to Sec. of State, Apr. 19, 1839, Consular Letters, Canton, II. 

19 John Slade, Narrative of the Late Proceedings and Events in China. 
China, 1839, p. 124. 

TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 8 1917 

ii4 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

the British trade, transhipping British goods from the anchorage 
at Hongkong and Tongku Bay in the Canton estuary. Exorbi 
tant freights were often charged, and some ill will was naturally 
felt by the English, who had either to pay the sum asked or to 
abstain entirely from trade. 20 

The succeeding months were precarious ones for commerce. 
September nth the British declared a blockade, but withdrew it 
after five days. 21 A little later the Chinese became alarmed at 
the growing transhipments from the British "country ships" 
from India, the chief source of the drug, and October I4th an 
edict was issued threatening confiscation for all such acts. 22 
October 26th another edict commanded the Americans to give a 
second bond to bring no opium, 23 an act precipitated by an Ameri 
can purchase of some of the vessels formerly used as receiving 
ships for the drug. The consul protested vigorously against the 
edict since it ordered him to examine each American ship as it 
entered, and to certify that its products were not English. He 
suggested that in its place a bond be given by each captain that 
he had none of the forbidden drug on board. 24 Such a bond was 
given in December of that year. 25 

In the meantime hostilities were pending between Great 
Britain and China. The British commanders threatened a 
blockade. They ordered one in January, 1840, but it was not 
effective, owing perhaps to the protests of the American consul 26 
and to the ineffective British force. Although official notifica 
tion of the blockade was not given by Great Britain to the 
United States until November iQth, 27 commerce had become so 
dangerous by June that the American merchants had left Can- 
jton. 28 Snow himself left in August, putting Warren Delano, Jr., 
in charge of his office. 29 During actual hostilities American 

20 Slade, Narrative of Late Proceedings and Events in China, p. 117. 

21 Niles Register, 57 : 418. 

22 Consular Letters, Canton, III. 

23 Ch. Rep., 8 : 4 33- 

24 Comm r and viceroy, order, Dec. 29, 1839, Consular Letters, Canton, II. 

25 Ch. Rep., 8 : 453, 462, 463. Jan., 1840. 

26 Snow to Smith, Jan. 13, 1840, Cons. Letters, Canton, III. 

27 Lord Palmerston to Stevenson, Nov. 19, 1840. Ms. in State Dep. 

28 Snow to Sec. of State, June 10, 1840, Cons. Letters, Canton, III. 

29 Ch. Rep., 9 : 328. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 115 

trade was for the most part stagnant. Some was still carried 
on, for the British agreed to make reprisals on none but Chinese 
vessels, unless caught in attempting to run the blockade, 30 but 
many of the merchants had left China, and by the fall of 1840 
imports of Chinese goods to the United States had fallen off : 
over one half. 31 

When the Chinese authorities took stringent measures to 
abolish the opium traffic, missionaries as well as merchants suf 
fered. They were detained in the factories along with the 
others, their Chinese teachers left them, the distribution of books 
ceased, 32 and Parker s hospital was closed. 33 To add to their 
troubles, the American financial stringency of 1837 and 1839 
"seemed for a time to make retrenchments necessary. 34 But the 
work did not entirely cease. As Americans the missionaries 
were looked upon favorably by the Chinese, and w r ere allowed 
to remain in Canton and Macao after the English had been com 
pelled to leave. 35 Lin, the Chinese commissioner, was favorable 
to the medical work, 3 5 and patients continued to come to Parker 
unmolested by the government. An assistant to Parker, Dr. 
William B. Diver was sent out in May, i839, 37 and arrived 
September 23, 1839. Williams continued his studies in Chinese 
and Japanese, and his printing, and Bridgman with his assistance 

80 Lord Palmerston to Stevenson, June 25, 1840. Ex. Doc., 34, 2 Sess., 
26 Cong. 

31 Exports from the U. S. to China. Imports from China to the U. S. 
for the year ending Sept. 30. 

1839 $i,533,6oi $3,678,509 

1840 1,009,966 6,640,829 

1841 1,200,816 3,095,388 

1842 1,444,397 4,934,645 

1843 2,418,858 4,385,566 

J. Smith Romans, An Historical and Statistical Account of the Foreign 
Commerce of the United States, New York, 1857, p. 181. 

s - Missny. Herald, 35 : 463, letter from Williams, May 17, 1839. 

33 Ibid., 36:81, letter from China Mission, July 14, 1839. 

84 Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., Foreign, 2 : 263, Anderson to the China 
Mission, Nov. 16, 1839. 

35 Missny. Herald, 36:107, letter of Parker, Sept. 6, 1839. 

30 Missny. Herald, 36:74, letter of Parker, July 24, 1839, and 36:81, 
letter of mission, July 14, 1839. 

37 Ibid., 35:365. Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., Foreign, Vol. 2, p. 43, 
Anderson to China Mission, Feb. 15, 1839, and p. 92, same to same. 

n6 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

completed the Chrestomathy. 38 Mrs. Shuck opened a charity 
school in Macao which proved very popular 39 and which even 
attracted the favorable comment of a critical observer. 40 When 
actual hostilities began, however, work in Canton stopped. 

During the two years of w r ar American commerce and mis 
sions were so interrupted as to be of little relative importance. 
In only two incidents, the attack on the boat of the "Morrison" 
and the visit of Commodore Kearney, is attention drawn to the 
Americans. The first of these took place May 22d, 1841. The 
English had retaken the factories in March, a truce had been 
agreed upon, and trade had been reopened. But soon afterward 
the arrival of a new governor and the "rebel-quelling general" 
Yih Shan 41 seemed to presage trouble, and on May 2ist Captain 
Elliot, the British superintendent, advised the foreigners to leave 
the city. Practically all did so at once, but a small party of 
American merchants, among them Mr. Cooledge, relying on an 
edict of the acting prefect of Canton which assured all neutral 
foreign merchants of safety, stayed over night. 42 The next 
morning, in attempting to get away, Cooledge was captured and 
taken before the magistrate. He found there the crew of a 
boat of the ship "Morrison," which, although it had had a chop 
or pass, had been fired on by the Chinese. One of the party, the 
boy Sherry, had been killed, some of the others had been wounded, 
and all were made prisoners. The entire party was kept in 
confinement for about two days, when the hong merchants 
released them and took them to the factories, where they left 
them to be rescued by the English. 43 In the spring of 1842, 
Commodore Kearney, of the U. S. East India squadron, arrived 
in China, and at once brought the matter to the attention of the 
native officials. He refused to treat through the hong merchants, 
as former American officers had been compelled to do, but sent 
his demands for indemnity directly to the provincial government. 
Quite a correspondence followed, in which the governor explained 

3S Ibid., and Missny. Herald, 36:81, letter from mission, July 14, 1839. 

39 Corres. of A. B. M. U., letter of Mrs. Shuck to J. Peck, Mar. 14, 1839. 

40 Henshaw, Around the World, 2 : 231. 
"Williams, Hist, of China, p. 169. 

42 Ch. Rep., 10 : 293-295, May, 1841. 

43 Letter of Cooledge and Account of Morss, Ch. Rep., 10 : 416-420, 
July, 1841. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 117 

that the boat s crew had not hoisted the American flag, that it / 
had been released as soon as the error was discovered, 44 that no 7 
mention had been made at the time of the death of Sherry, and 
that it had been impossible to give protection while hostilities 
were in progress. Kearney admitted the difficulty of finding 
the offenders at that late hour and waived his claims for punish 
ment, but he demanded $7,800 for damages. This sum was 
promptly paid by the hong merchants, who offered to give Miller 
an additional $2,200 if he would acknowledge full satisfaction for 
his injuries. Olyphant and Company, who were the chief suf 
ferers, were not entirely pleased with Kearney s arrangement. 
They took the money, however, and Kearney used their accept 
ance of it to restrain them from further action. The affair, so 
far as the claims for damages was concerned, was closed August 
I9th of that year, when Miller gave a receipt in full for his 

This visit of the East India squadron under Commodore * 
Kearney was a remarkable illustration of the change which the 
war had brought about in the attitude of Chinese officials towards 
foreigners. The squadron had come to protect the interests of_ 
American citizens and to obtain redress for any injuries they 
had suffered. 45 To do this more effectively the frigate "Con 
stellation" went up the river to Whampoa, the first American 
ship of war to invade these inner waters. 46 This intrusion, which 
four years before would not have been tolerated, met with only 
the mildest protest, and communications were opened, not through 
the hong merchants, as had always been the custom, but directly 
with the governor. Moreover, a Chinese admiral visited the 
"Constellation," a most unprecedented action, and inspected it 
carefully. 47 Several other officers later followed his example. 48 
Only one incident marred the visit. A boat s crew, while making 
soundings preliminary to moving the frigate upstream, was 

"The correspondence is all in Sen. Doc., 139, 29 Cong., i Sess. 

45 Kearney to Sec. of Navy, Apr. i, 1842. Sen. Doc. 139, 29 Cong., 
i Sess. 

40 Chinese Rep., 11:329-325. 

47 Chinese Rep., 11:320-335. 

^Kearney to Sec. of Navy, May 19, 1842. Sen. Doc. 139, i Sess., 
29 Cong. 

n8 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

fired on by the Chinese. 49 When Consul -Delano, however, asked 
for an explanation he was assured that no harm was meant, and 
that the shots had been fired only after the boat had been 
repeatedly warned off and when it was feared that it was there 
with some sinister purpose and under a borrowed flag. 50 Kearney 
took a strong stand on the opium question, and soon after his 
arrival asked the vice consul at Canton to make known to the 
Americans and Chinese a letter of his, announcing that the 
United States would not sanction "the smuggling of opium on 
this coast under the American flag in violation of the laws of 
China." 51 With this and his other relations with the Chinese 
officials as a favorable preliminary he attempted to obtain for 
the Americans the advantages given to the British by the treaty 
of Nanking, and to prepare the way for a treaty between his 
nation and China. On October 8th, 1842, he wrote to Ke 
[Kiying], the governor, saying that he had heard that an imperial 
commissioner was to arrive soon to arrange commercial matters 
with the English, and asking Ke to endeavor to obtain for Ameri 
can merchants an equal footing with those of the most favored 
nation. A week later Ke replied that the Americans had "been 
better satisfied with their trade than any other nation .... 
[and] .... respectively observant of the laws, and that it 
should not be permitted that they should come to have merely a 
dry stick/ 5 While waiting for the imperial commissioners to 
arrive, Kearney went to Manila, 53 but in January, 1843, ne was 
back again, and in March resumed the correspondence. The 
death of the imperial commissioner delayed matters and until a 
successor should arrive Kearney had to be content with treat 
ing with the governor. Ke at first seemed to think that the entire 
question of the relations of the United States and China could 
be settled by a simple agreement between the commodore and the 
commissioner, and when Kearney told him that it was a treaty 
he wished, and that the United States would have to send a 

49 Ch. Rep., 11:329-335- 

50 Sen. Doc. 139, 29 Cong., i Sess., p. u. Niles Reg., 63:19 (Sept. 10, 
1842) says on the authority of the Canton Register that ample apology 
was given to Kearney. 

51 The letter is given in Ch. Rep., n : 239. April, 1842. 
" 2 Sen. Doc. 139, 29 Cong., I Sess., p. 21. 

53 Ibid, p. 24. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 1 1 9 

special "high officer" to negotiate it, Ke tried to dissuade him. 
Had not the two nations always been at peace? What need was 
there then of a formal compact? As to opening the other four 
ports to American commerce, he could not presume to decide 
that but must wait until the commissioner arrived. He felt cer 
tain, however, that the new trade regulations for Canton would 
apply equally to all nations. 54 With this answer Kearney had 
to be content. He had already arranged with the governor for 
the payment of losses sustained by the Americans in the Canton 
riots of December 7th, i842, 55 and after a parting warning to 
his countrymen not to ship from port to port in opium vessels, 56 
and after taking away the papers of the "Ariel" for trading in 
the drug under the American flag, 57 he left the coast. 58 

In the meantime the war had ended. The English-Chinese 
treaty, which had been signed at Nanking in August, 1842, had 
made revolutionary changes in the intercourse between the two 
nations. A new era had dawned. The co-hong had been abol 
ished, a regular tariff and port regulations had been established, 
and four new ports had been opened. The American treaty was 
not obtained until nearly two years later, but for all purposes of 
commerce and missions the privileges granted by that of Nanking 
were as open to the Americans and all other nations as to the 
British. It is a remarkable testimony to the efficiency of the 
old method of trade, however, in supplying to the full the 
demands of the United States for Chinese goods, that in spite 
of the greater freedom under the new order, American commerce 
with China took no sudden rise, but recovered and kept on in 
the natural growth it had had before the war. 59 No such revolu- 

54 Ibid., p. 35. 

33 Sen. Doc. 139, 29 Cong., i Sess., pp. 24-29. The correspondence lasted 
from January to March, 1843. 

DC Ibid., p. 37- 

37 Sen. Doc. 139, 29 Cong., i Sess.. p. 38. 

59 See too, Niles Register, 65 : 100, which contains a letter from Canton 
published in the Boston Advertiser, describing the last few months of 
Kearney s visit. See also Paullin, Diplom. Negot. of Am. Naval Officers, 
pp. 109-201. 

59 Exports from the U. S. to China. Exports from China to U. S. 
Year ending Sept. 30: 

1840 $1,009,966 $6,640,829 

1850 1,605,217 6,593,462 

120 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

tionary effects were experienced in the amount of trade as were 
felt in the method of conducting it or in missionary operations 
and diplomatic relations. 

The effects of the treaty of Nanking on missions were revolu 
tionary. The interest aroused through the missionary world by 
the war had been far greater than that in the commercial world, 
and when the progress of events made it certain that some of 
the old restrictions would be withdrawn the greatest enthusiasm 
followed. Boone, of the Episcopal board, wrote in June, 1841 : 
"There is but one single barrier to the establishment of .... 
missions among these millions . . . . [of] heathen and that 
barrier of a political nature, which may be removed in a day, 
and which will probably break down upon the demise of some 
monarch, perhaps of the present, if indeed the English do not 
throw open to our residence before the current year is past, cities 
whose inhabitants will outnumber all the inhabitants of our 
Atlantic cities put together." 60 Bridgman wrote three weeks 
later: "Full toleration [of Christianity] will come sooner or 
later." 61 

With the expectation of an open China came the determination 
to throw in reinforcements. Those who had worked among the 
Chinese colonists prepared to transfer their operations to the 
Empire. Missionaries followed hard on the heels of the British 
army and entered the ports almost as soon as they were captured. 
Boone and Abeel moved to Amoy in February, 1842. 62 In 
February and March of that year Shuck and Roberts established 
a Baptist mission on the Island of Hongkong, began to build 
chapels, and organized a church. 63 In 1841 Ball moved from 
Singapore to Macao, and in 1843 to Hongkong. 64 With the sign 
ing of the treaty between China and Great Britain, August 29, 
1842, the former enthusiasm was intensified. Shuck wrote his 

J. D. DeBow, Statistical View of the United States ... . . . being a 

compendium of the seventh census. Washington, 1854, p. 188. 

60 Spirit of Missions, 6:366. 

61 Missny. Herald, 38:101, letter of Bridgman, Macao, July I, 1841. 
See also letters of Parker and Bridgman in Ibid., 37 : 43. 

62 Spirit of Missions, 7 : 310. Williams, Mid. King^ 2 : 338. 

63 Baptist Missny. Mag., 23 : 21. Niles Register, 65 : 68, Sept. 30, 1843. 

64 Dean, The China Mission, p. 196. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 121 

board September 14, i842 65 : "I am now permitted to convey to 
you the glorious intelligence that peace is declared between Great 
Britain and China, and this land of heathenized Infidelity has at 
last been thrown open ! ! !" Parker, newly returned from 
America, wrote in November of that year of the less haughty 
attitude of the people, and that there was "abundant evidence 
that a new era" had arrived. 66 

In America also, where the events of the war had been fol 
lowed with close attention, it was felt that the time had come 
for an advance movement. Parker spent the two years of 
hostilities in the United States, lecturing widely, and organizing 
branch associations in the principal cities to help in the medical 
work. 67 Other returned missionaries added inspiration ; news 
in the secular and religious journals aroused interest; and the 
demands for ree nf orcements which came from the representatives 
on the field found a ready response. Roberts, who had become 
a regular missionary 68 of the Baptist Board, Dean, and Shuck 
urged their board to send three additional missionary families 69 
and later increased their request to one for each of the treaty 
ports. 70 The American Board missionaries asked for six men 
for Amoy, and four or five for the other ports. 71 In response 
to these and other calls, Walter M. Lowrie of the Presbyterian 

65 Correspondence of the A. B. M. U. 
68 Missny. Herald, 39 : 257. 

67 Stevens, Life of Parker, p. 188 et sqq. See too, Papers Relative to 
hospitals in China, Boston, 1841, which contain an appeal for Parker s 
work by a committee of the Boston Medical Association. 

68 When the opening of the five ports seemed imminent, Roberts wrote 
to his society, urging that they either incorporate and plan to send out 
more missionaries, or else become auxiliary to the Baptist General Con 
vention. (Corres. of A. B. M. U., Roberts to Roberts Fund Society, Feb. 
18, 1841.) The latter plan was adopted, perhaps before his letter reached 
his constituents, and he became a regular missionary of the Baptist Board. 
(Ibid., Roberts to Baptist Board, April 19, 1841.) Later, in a period which 
does not here concern us, he played a rather questionable part in the 
T ai Ping Rebellion, his sanguine temperament leading him for a time 
to put too high an estimate on the religious nature of the movement. 

69 July 4, 1842, Corres. of A. B. M. U. 

70 Missny. Mag., 23:315. 

71 July 31, 1843, Missny. Herald, 40:32. 

122 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Board and W. H. Cummings left America in i842 72 ; in 1843 
Daniel J. Macgowan of the American Board came out ; and in 
T ft/) /[ there were nine recruits, 73 more than had come to China 
from all the Protestant world before 1824. * Boone spent part 
of 1843 an d 1844 in the United States rousing interest in the 
Episcopal churches, and in 1845 returned to China as missionary 
bishop, with three ordained men and three unmarried women. 75 

The benevolent societies formed in Canton changed much with 
the altered conditions. Soon after the treaty of Nanking the 
Morrison Education Society moved its school to Hongkong. It 
prospered for a time, but in 1849 came to an end. 76 The Medical 
Missionary Society in China had a more successful history. 
Immediately on the close of the war it opened a hospital in 
Chusan, reopened those in Macao and Canton, and assisted work 
in Shanghai and Amoy. It won the hearty favor of the Chinese, 
especially of the officials, and one branch of it still exists. 77 

The treaty between China and the United States had but little 
effect on the missionary enterprise. Toleration, although not 
included in the text, had been practically assured by the treaty 
of Nanking. The American and the French treaties each secured 
a few more rights, but the British document is the real dividing 
point between the old and the new eras, between an entirely closed 
empire and a partially open one, between hostility and partial 

During the occurrence of these events in China, the American 
people were developing a new interest in the Middle Kingdom. 
Their knowledge of it had been gradually increasing for the 

" Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, Missionary to China, edited 
by his Father. New York, 1850. Cummings went out under no society, 
although he bore a letter of warm recommendation from the American 
Board to its missionaries. Corres. of A. B. C. F. M., Foreign, Vol. 4, 
p. 244. Anderson to China Mission, Dec. 22, 1841. 

73 Ch. Rep., 16: 12, 13. 

74 Ibid. 

75 Spirit of Missions, 9:334, 502; 10:28. See too, Ibid., 8: 114, 142. 

70 Annual report of Morrison Educ. Soc. for year ending Oct. I, 1843. 
Ch. Rep., 12:617-630. Williams, Mid. King., 2:341-345. 

"Reports of Med. Missny. Soc. in China for 1840-1, Ch. Rep.,**io : 448- 
453, and for 1841-2. Ch. Rep., 12:191. Ch. Rep., 13:369-37?. McLavol- 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 123 

past fifty or sixty years, but at best was still imperfect. China 
was a separate world, and was regarded as the embodiment of 
all tjiat was remote. 78 Some few facts did sift in from time to 
time, and a general notion had gradually been obtained of the 
empire, its extent, its government, and its people. Books on it 
were occasionally published in the United States, as, for instance, 
an edition of Barrows, "Travels in China," 79 and the work of 
Lay, another Englishman, on "The Chinese as They Are." 80 
De Ponceau had published a dissertation on the nature and char 
acter of the Chinese system of writing, 81 and Niles Register 
contained from time to time items of news from the country. 
In addition to these printed sources of information, a few Chinese 
had come to the United States. In 1800 James Magee brought 
one over to learn the English language. 82 In 1845, Atit, a 
Cantonese who had resided in Boston for eight years, became 
a citizen of the United States. 83 In 1819 another Chinese had 
lived in Boston for two or three years 84 and still another had 
been partially educated in this country. 85 Chinese were still so 
few and so much of a curiosity, however, that in 1834 a girl in 
native costume had been imported for purposes of exhibition, 86 
and things Chinese were still so little known that a museum of 

lee, Voyage en Chine, Parte, 1853, p. 356. Lockhart, Med. Missny. in 
China, p. 144. 

78 Providence Gazette and Country Journal, Oct. 17, 1789, in comment 
ing on the salaries of Congressional officers while Rhode Island was still 
outside the Union, said: "Till this state shall adopt their government 
[of the United States] as well may we cavil at the salary annexed to the 
office of the chief mandarin at Pekin." 

79 John Barrows, Travels in China, Philadelphia, 1803. Van Bram, 
Voyage de 1 embasade de la Compagnie de Indies Orientales vers 
1 empereur de la Chine dans les annees 1794 et 1795, etc., was first pub 
lished in Philadelphia in 1797-98, 2 vols. The American Oriental Society 
was formed in 1842. Journ., 1:11. 

8(1 G. Tradescent Lay, The Chinese as They Are, Albany, N. Y., 1843. 

81 Peter S. A. DuPonceau, Dissertation on the Nature and Character 
of the Chinese System of Writing, in Trans, of the Histl. and Literary 
Com. of the Am. Phil. Soc., Philadelphia, 1838. 

82 Providence Gazette, Aug. 2, 1800. 

83 Niles Reg., 67:384, Feb. 15, 1845. 

84 Panoplist and Missny. Mag., 15:448. Oct., 1819. 
83 Abeel, Residence iju.China, p. 106. 
66 Niles Register, 47 : 134. 

i24 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

curiosities brought from the empire as a business venture 
attracted wide attention. 87 

During these years of gradually increasing knowledge, the 
opinion of China had been largely one of respect and admiration. 
This other world, with its ancient civilization, almost as remote 
from ordinary American life as the planet Mars, inspired some 
thing of awe and even of envy. In the salutatory of the first vol 
ume of the American Philosophical Society the hope had been 
expressed that America would in the fulness of time come to 
possess much likeness to China in wealth, industry, and resources, 
for "could we be so fortunate as to introduce the industry of 
the Chinese, their arts of living, and improvements in hus 
bandry .... America might become in time as populous 
as China." 88 Jefferson had held up her non-intercourse with 
foreign nations as ideal, 89 and as late as 1840, admiration for the 
nation had been expressed in a prominent magazine : "The 
industry and ingenuity of the Chinese in all that relates to the 
conveniences of life are remarkable : the origin among them of 
several arts of comparatively recent date in Europe, is lost in the 
night of time." 90 With- the Opium War, however, a sudden 
revulsion of feeling took place, and from being respected and 
admired, China s utter collapse before the British arms and her 
unwillingness to receive western intercourse and ideals led to a 
feeling of contempt. There was a failure to recognize the true 
import of her history and her real progress, and contrasting their 
old ideas of her greatness with their sudden discovery of her 
weakness, the impression spread through America and Europe, 
that China was decadent, dying, fallen greatly from her glorious 
past. 91 

With the so-called Opium War there began in America a new 

87 Niles Reg., 55 : 391, Feb. 16, 1839, mentions it as being in Philadelphia, 
and Nathan Dun, Descriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Collection at 
Philadelphia, Philadelphia, 1839, shows a fairly complete exhibit of the 
manners, dress, costumes, and life of the Chinese. 

88 Oberholtzer, Robert Morris, p. 223. 

8!) Thos. Jefferson to Hogendorp, Oct. 13, 1785. Writings of Thomas 
Jefferson, Andrew A. Lipscomb, ed. in chief, Washington, 1904, 5 : 183. 

00 Hunt s Merc. Mag., 2 : 82. 

81 Letters of Gushing in Sen. Doc. 58 and 67, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., passim. 
These are an illustration of this feeling of contempt. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 125 

interest in the affairs of the Celestial Kingdom. The war would 
have attracted attention in any case, since it so deeply concerned 
American trade and missions, and bade fair to open the country 
more fully to both, 92 but the added moral question raised. by the 
intimate relations of the opium trade to the struggle called forth 
much additional discussion. On the whole there was a strong ^ 
feeling that an unjust attempt was being made to force a poison 
ous drug on an unwilling nation. John Quincy Adams was clear 
visioned enough to see that there was a deeper question, the right . 
of China to deny commerce to other nations, and in November, 
1841, expressed his views before the Massachusetts Historical 
Society. 93 The lecture aroused a storm of protest and was so 
unpopular that the North American Review refused to publish 
it. The thought of crowding the deadly opium on another nation, 
and even of forcing her to accept any trade she did not want, 
antagonized the independent American spirit. Hunt s Merchant 
Magazine 94 came out strongly with the statement that "we can 
imagine no more glaring violation of the law of nations than 
the successful attempt which has been made to cram down her 
[China s] throat Jby force, an article which she has deliberately 
refused to receive. Undoubtedly the bearing of the Chinese 
government was preposterous, and the aspect of Chinese insti 
tutions, to a stranger, ludicrous in the extreme; but we cannot 
discover in what way the conceit and ignorance of the Chinese 
authorities can be considered sufficient to justify the summary 
remedies which have been adopted." John W. Edmonds, in a lec 
ture delivered before the Newburgh Lyceum, asked indignantly, 
"To what code of either iiatural or national law are we to be 
referred for a principle that would justify the permanent intru 
sion of a foreign agent upon our domicile, either national or indi 
vidual, against our will, and in defiance to our repugnance to all 
intercourse?" 95 Yet in this indignation there was mixed a 
curiously inconsistent enthusiasm over the prospect of an open " 

92 Niles Reg., Vol. 57 et sqq., passim, is an example of the way news 
of the war was published. 

M The paper is given in Ch. Rep., n 1274-289. 

04 Hunt s Merchant Mag., 8 : 205, Mar., 1843. 

95 John W. Edmonds, Origin and Progress of the War Between England 
and China, New York, 1841. 

126 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

China and the opportunities it would offer. While deploring the 
means, Americans exulted in the end. 96 

Throughout the war the government kept in close touch with 
the situation, alive to the opportunities it might afford to the 
United States. January 7, 1840, a set of resolutions passed the 
House requesting the President to communicate information 
respecting American trade and American citizens in China, espe 
cially as affected by the threatened hostilities. 97 The President 
sent in the required information February 25th. 98 The resolu 
tions were taken by some as an indication that the United States 
intended to join Great Britain in the war, but Cushing, who had 
originated them, and Pickens, chairman of the House committee 
on foreign affairs, both disclaimed any such intention. 99 A sec 
ond resolution in December of the same year secured further 
information about the war and the blockade of Chinese ports. 100 
The minister to England, Edward Everett, kept the government 
supplied with such news as he could collect. He did not share the 
popular expectation of a sudden expansion of trade as a result 
of the war, but believed that as then organized it amply supplied 
the demand, 101 He felt sure, however, that whatever advantage 
accrued to England as a result of the treaty of Nanking must 
sooner or later be shared with the other powers. 102 
^With the progress of the war there came the conviction that 
the United States must put its trade with China on a firmer 
basis, that she must have there a diplomatic representative as 
well as a consul, and obtain treaty recognition of her rights. It 
had long been felt that the consul should be given more authority 
and be made independent of private trade. Early in the history 
of the trade a petition had been sent in by some of the Canton 
merchants asking that a "more efficient consular establishment" 
be organized with a consul having a salary of three thousand 

00 The article in Hunt s Magazine quoted above admirably illustrates 
this contradiction. 

^ Cong. Globe, i Sess., 26 Cong., p. 172. 
u8 Ex. Doc. 119, i Sess., 26 Cong., pp. 1-85. 
"" Cong. Globe, i Sess., 2d Cong., p. 275. Mar. 16, 1840. 

100 Ex. Doc. 34, 2 Sess., 26 Cong. 

101 Edward Everett to D. Webster, Nov. 29, 1842. An earlier letter on 
the war was that of May 6, 1842. Mss. in State Department, Washington. 

102 Ibid. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 127 

dollars a year, and an experienced physician and surgeon. 101 The 
weakness of the old system had been clearly shown during the 
Terranova affair, when the consul s powers proved so inadequate. 
During the troubles which followed the end of the East India 
Company s regime, it was felt that some action must soon be 
taken, especially since Grosvenor, the incumbent of the office, 
was absent so much of the time. An American merchant in 
Canton wrote the government in April, 1834, urging that a consul 
be on the ground with extensive powers, and that a naval force 
be sent to watch developments. In September he wrote again, 
predicting hostilities between China and Great Britain, and urg 
ing more specifically that the United States send a representative 
to the East to deal directly with the authorities, to insure treat 
ment as favorable as that accorded to England. 104 In June, 1837, 
the Chinese Repository published an article proposing a consular 
establishment for Eastern Asia with a consul-general at Canton, 
and men under him at various Eastern trade centers, all with 
adequate salaries. 105 

After hostilities had begun the needs of the situation were seen 
to include more than a mere change in the consular establish 
ment. It was felt by all persons acquainted with conditions 
that the United States must obtain for herself those underlying 
privileges for which the war was being waged larger freedom 
of residence and of trade, greater security for the persons of 
foreigners, and a mutual agreement as to tariff and port regula 
tions, all based on direct intercourse between officials of the two 
nations and on a treaty whose fundamental principle should be 
mutual equality. Pressure was brought to bear on the govern 
ment from various sources, urging action to this end. Even 
before the war had begun, on April 23d, 1839, Gideon Nye 
memoralized Congress, submitting "the expediency of appointing 
a minister to the court of Peking, empowered to establish equit 
able relations, whereby his right of residence at the seat of 

103 Consular Letters, Canton, I. It has no date, but its early nature is 
shown by the letters with which it is bound, and by the fact that it is 
signed by Perkins and Company, I. S. Wilcocks, Philip Ammidon, John 
Hart, Andrew Mather, William F. Magee, etc. 

104 Consular Letters, Canton, I. April 20, 1834. Ibid., II, Sept. 23, 1834. 

105 Ch. Rep., 6 : 69-82. (June, 1837.) 

128 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

government would be secured as a preliminary." 106 This, said 
he, was the only means of obtaining a final settlement of the 
question. In the same year, Henshaw, who was at Canton with 
Commodore Read, felt that the time was opportune for a diplo 
matic mission and large concessions, 107 and about "the same time 
Peter Parker, whose medical services had won him favor with 
the Chinese, memoralized Lin, the imperial commissioner, urging 
that a treaty was the only final solution of the difficulties with 
western powers. 108 In 1840 a number of American citizens at 
Canton asked Congress to act with Great Britain, France, and 
Holland in putting matters on a safe basis. They suggested as a 
proper method a direct appeal to the emperor for permission for 
a minister to reside at Peking, and for a fixed tariff duty, a sys 
tem of bonding warehouses with regulations for trans-shipment 
of goods, the liberty of trading at additional ports in China, com 
pensation for losses in the legal trade during the recent troubles 
with a guarantee against their recurrence, and punishment of 
British and American offenders only on proved guilt and by no 
greater penalty than in the home country. 109 In the same year 
a memorial from those merchants of Boston and Salem who were 
interested in the trade suggested that the time for sending an 
envoy had not yet come, but that a naval force should be sent 
to China sufficient to protect American interests. 110 These 
various recommendations all agreed that the time was either 
present or near at hand when the United States would have to 
send out an envoy to treat directly with the imperial government 
and arrange for trade on a more secure and a more equitable 

The government was naturally slow in yielding to this agita- 

1<Hi Nye, Peking the Goal, p. 80. 

107 Henshaw, Around the World, 2 : 294. 

3 "What then is the cause of the present evil between China and the 
other countries? Misapprehension of each other s designs and character 
on the part of these nations. What is the remedy? Two words express 
it, Honorable Treaty. Such a treaty exists between all friendly nations." 
Stevens, Life of Parker, p. 170. 

109 Ex. Doc. 40, 26 Cong., I Sess. The same is in Canton Press, June 13, 
1840. (Vol. 5, No. 37-) 

130 Ex. Doc. 170, 26 Cong., i Sess. Presented April 9, 1840, and referred 
to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 129 

tion, and felt that war with China must if possible be avoided, 
especially since the past friendliness of Americans, or as the 
proud Chinese would have put it, their obedience, had created 
such a favorable impression. On the other hand, when the 
administration came to understand the situation, it became con 
vinced that when England should have finished the war America 
must do what she could to obtain by peaceful means a just 
share of its results. In December, 1840, John Quincy Adams 
proposed resolutions in Congress asking the President to com 
municate information about the past and present relations of the 
United States and China, but the motion to adopt them was lost. 111 
The following month Peter Parker came to Washington and saw 
President Van Buren and Secretary of State Forsyth, but admin 
istrations were just changing, and he was referred to Webster, 
the incoming Secretary of State, and to others of the new regime. 
Webster received him courteously and asked him to put his views 
in writing. Parker did so, urging the sending of a "minister 
plenipotentiary direct and without delay to the court of Taou 
Kwang." 112 In March, after the new administration had come 
in, Parker saw Adams -and asked him whether he would under 
take the mission if it were instituted. Hawes and Cushing of the 
Committee of Foreign Affairs had asked Adams the same ques 
tion, but he had given an evasive answer. He records in his 
faithful diary that he thought the time for such an action had 
not yet arrived, and that considering the then existing relations 
between the United States and Great Britain, Parker s suggestion 
that the former offer her mediation was impracticable. 113 In 
September Parker saw the President and Webster and found 
that Tyler had as yet taken no action because he had been in 

111 Cong. Globe, 26 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 24, Dec. 15 and 16, 1840. 

112 Stevens, Life of Parker, pp. 184-188. He urged it on the grounds 
that the war had unsettled American affairs, that an American minister 
might act as a mediator between the Chinese and the English, that there 
was a strong desire in China for foreign trade, that the Chinese merely 
wished for a pacification by which they would not "lose face," that 
if not soon attended to they might close up like Japan, and that the 
American nation was more acceptable to the Chinese than any other. 

113 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary 
from 1795-1848, edited by Charles Francis Adams. Philadelphia, 1876. 
10:444-445. Mar. 15, 1841. 

TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 9 1917 

130 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

the Senate when an act was passed forbidding the President to 
do more than recommend a new mission, and because he feared 
the possible disgrace of having an ambassador rejected. 114 
Opposition did not discourage the missionary, however, and in 
June, 1842, he again saw Adams and again asked him if he 
would accept the position of envoy if one should be appointed. 
Adams answered that he might consider it, but that he still 
believed it better to send a commissioner with full powers to act 
rather than an envoy. 115 

The news of the Treaty of Nanking roused the administration 
to decision. It felt that the time had at last come when the 
United States could begin negotiations in safety, and when it 
must do so if it were to obtain advantages equal to those of Great 
Britain. Consequently, December 3ist, 1842, the President sent 
a message to Congress stating his views, and advising that a 
commissioner be appointed to "reside in China to exercise a 
watchful care over the concern of American citizens, . . . 
empowered to hold intercourse with the local authorities, and 
ready, under instructions from his government, should such 
instructions become necessary . ..." to address himself to 
the high functionaries of the Empire, and through them to the 
Emperor himself." The message expressed the view which 
Adams had held, that an ambassador should not yet be appointed, 
since an official would have to be accredited to the sovereign 
and would very probably be rejected. 116 Webster seems to have 
been the moving spirit in the step, as it was he who wrote the 
message. 117 The document was referred to the Committee on 

114 Stevens, Life of Parker, p. 220. He quotes Parker s Journal for 
September 16, 1842. 

115 Adams, Diary, 11:166. June 2, 1842. At this point, Parker ceased 
his efforts and returned to China. Just how much influence his work 
had on the origin and conduct of the mission cannot be stated with 
certainty. However, he had married a relative of Webster, and had 
enjoyed quite a little popularity, and it seems probable that he was an 
influential factor in preparing the way for future action. 

116 Ex. Doc. 35, 27 Cong., 3 Sess. 

17 The Works of Daniel Webster, Boston, 1856, 6 : 463. The message 
is given there with a footnote attributing it to him, and the work was 
compiled under his direction. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 131 

Foreign Affairs, and by them to Adams. 118 The report of the 
committee was read January 24th, 1843, and recommended an 
appropriation of forty thousand dollars with which to open up 
diplomatic intercourse with China. It did not specify the exact 
way in which the sum should be used, except that it should be 
accounted for by the President in the manner prescribed by the 
Act of July ist, I79O. 119 The amount proposed was a large one. 
It had been fixed at Webster s suggestion, his opinion being that 
it should be large enough to provide a salary equal to that of a 
minister to a European country. 120 There was much opposition 
to the size of the appropriation. 121 It passed the House, however, 
February 2ist, by a vote of 96 to 59 with a slight amendment 
suggested by Webster through Adams. 122 The bill was reported 
favorably in the Senate without amendment, but some of the oppo 
nents of the administration thought that they saw in it a deep laid 
plot to give too much power to the President. Benton especially 
was virulent in his opposition. To his mind it withdrew the 
accounting of money from the Secretary of the Treasury, appro 
priated it for an unnecessary mission, and gave the President a 
chance to appoint some of his henchmen to a pleasant trip to the 
Orient without the consent of the Senate. Finally on March 3d, 
the last -day of the session, the bill passed the upper house with 
amendments providing that no agent should be appointed under it 
without the consent of the Senate, and that no one person 
employed under it should be given more than $9,000 exclusive of 

U8 Niles Register, 63 : 378, Feb. n, 1863, gives the report. The Act of 
July i, 1790. is in Statutes at Large, i : 128. 

119 Adams, Diary, 11:290. 

120 Webster to J. Q. Adams, Jan. 9, 1843, C. H. Van Tyne [editor], 
The Letters of Daniel Webster, from documents owned principally by 
the New Hampshire Historical Society, New York, 1902, p. 285. Curiously 
Adams diary seerns to be in error here. An entry on the same day 
(Jan. 9), p. 290, says that he called on Webster to find the amount that 
the latter had wished, and that Webster told him that he thought $4,000 
enough for the mission, and a consul salaried at $3,000. The error may 
be a typographical one, or due to forgetfulness on Adams part 

121 Cong. Globe, 27 Cong., 3 Sess., pp. 323-325. 

122 Adams, Diary, 11:305, Jan. 31, 1843. Other amendments to substi 
tute for the mission a commercial agency and an appropriation of $10,000, 
and to limit the salary of the commissioner to $6,000, that of the minister 
to Turkey, were .rejected. Cong. Globe, 27 Cong., 3 Sess., p. 325. 

132 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

outfit. The House concurred in the amendments and the bill was 
quickly signed by the President. 123 

The mission was first offered to Edward Everett, who was 
then minister to Great Britain, his nomination having been hurried 
to the Senate the last hour of the session. Webster urged him 
to accept it. The newspaper report was that the Secretary of 
State wanted the London post for himself, as he was soon to 
resign from the cabinet, but he wrote to Everett mentioning the 
rumor and emphatically denying it, saying that in the present 
state of affairs he had not the slightest wish to go to England. 
Some have thought that the denial was only apparent, not real, 
and have cited as evidence Webster s pending resignation and 
the conversation with Adams in which he asked him to write 
Everett urging an acceptance. 124 Everett, however, refused the 

^Thomas Hart Benton, Thirty Years View, or a History of the 
American Government for Thirty Years from 1820 to 1850. 2 v., New 
York, 1856, 2 : 510-512. Benton was very much opposed to the act, and 
gives the impression that it was railroaded through. While adhering, 
except in one instance, to the facts as to dates, his account is misleading. 
The one error in date is where he says that the bill was taken up in 
the House ten days before the close of the session. It was passed there 
Feb. 21. Cong. Globe, 3 Sess., 27 Cong., pp. 323-325. The law as passed 
is in Statutes at Large, 5 : 624. 

24 Those taking the position that Webster wished the English position 
are James Schouler, History of the United States of America under the 
Constitution, Vol. 4, 1831-1841, Washington, 1889, p. 436, Lyon G. Tyler, 
The Letters and Times of the Tylers, 2 v., Richmond, 1885, 2 : 263, who 
quotes Adams Diary and the letter in Curtis, Life of Webster; and 
Foster, Am. Dip. in Orient, pp. 77-79, who quotes no one. George Ticknor 
Curtis, Life of Daniel Webster, New York, 1870, 2: 178, takes the opposite 

The documents in the case are as follows : 

Webster to Everett, Mar. 10, 1843. ". . . . You see it said in the 
newspapers that the object in nominating you to China is to make way 
for your humble servant to go to London. I will tell you the whole 
truth about this without reserve. 

I believe the President thinks that there might be some advantage 
from an undertaking by me to settle remaining difficulties with England. 
I suppose this led him to entertain the idea, now abandoned (at least 
for the present) of an extra mission ; but in this present state of things, 
I have no wish to go to England not the slightest. To succeed you in 
England for the mere purpose of carrying for a year or two the general 
business of the mission is what I could not think of. I do not mean only 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 133 

place and it was then offered to Caleb Gushing. Although not 
certainly proved by any document, it seems probable that this 
nomination was a partial reward to Gushing for his faithful 
service to Tyler, a service which had cost him his seat in Con 
gress and the refusal of the Senate to confirm his appointment 
to a cabinet position. 125 

that I would not be the occasion of transferring you elsewhere for any 
such purpose, but I mean that, if the place were vacant, I would not 
accept an appointment to fill it, unless I knew that something might be 
done beyond the ordinary routine or duties. At present I see little or 
no prospect of accomplishing any great object. 

Embarrassed as the administration is here, and difficult as are the 
questions with which it has to deal, I find my hopes of success faint. 
Besides. I do not know who is to fill this place (which I suppose I shall 
soon vacate) and therefore cannot anticipate the instructions which I 
might receive. The President is most anxious to signalize his adminis 
tration by an adjustment of the remaining difficulties with England, and 
by the making of a beneficial commercial arrangement. If, for any 
purpose, a negotiation could be carried on here, I would give the Presi 
dent all the aid in my power, whether in or out of office, in carrying it 
forward. But, without seeing clearly how I was to get through, and 
arrive at a satisfactory result, I could not consent to cross the water. 
I wish you, therefore, to feel that, as far as I am concerned, your 
appointment to China had not its origin in any degree in a desire that 
your present place should be vacated. If it were vacant now, or should 
be vacated by you, there is not one chance in a thousand that I should 
fill it." Curtis, Life of Webster, 2: 178. 

Adams, Diary, Mar. 13, 1843 (11:337), says that he (Adams) visited 
Webster. ". . . . I said I had been much gratified with the appoint 
ment of Edward Everett as the Minister to China, deeming the mission 
of transcendent importance, and deeming him by his character and attain 
ments peculiarly well suited for it. Mr. Webster seemed much delighted, 
and my remarks appeared to be quite unexpected. He immediately said 
he would be greatly obliged to me if I would write as much to Edward 
Everett himself; which I said I would do with pleasure. He asked me 
to send the letter to him to-morrow, when the dispatches would be made 
up to go by the Great Western next Thursday." 

125 Williams. Life and Letters of Williams, p. 126, footnote, thinks this 
was true. The a priori evidence seems very strong. Benton, with his 
strongly partisan viewpoint, saw in the whole plan a conspiracy. Cushing 
had been on the committee which reported the bill, and in the House 
which passed it, and although his term as a member of Congress had 
expired, in Benton s eyes he was morally if not legally bound by the 
constitution not to accept the position. Moreover, he was a man whom 

134 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Preparations for the expedition were at once made. It was 
determined to make as ample and impressive a showing as pos 
sible. Gushing, the head, even if chosen for political reasons, 
was a man of unquestioned ability, and as a relative of the John 
Perkins Gushing who had been engaged in the Canton trade 126 
may have had a previous personal knowledge and interest in the 
empire. The congressional appropriation was ample and Webster 
promised more funds if needed. 127 A squadron composed of the 
frigate "Brandywine," the sloop-of-war "St. Louis/ and the 
steam frigate "Missouri," under Commodore Parker, was com 
missioned to carry the party, and in addition to Gushing and to 
Fletcher Webster, the Secretary, a number of young men were 
encouraged to go at their own expense to add the dignity of 
numbers. 128 As was wise in a work of which the home govern 
ment could know so little, Gushing was given the fullest of 
powers. He had two commissions, one appointing him commis 
sioner, in which capacity he was authorized to treat with the 
governors of provinces and cities, or with other local authorities 
of China, and the other appointing him envoy extraordinary and 
minister plenipotentiary, which he was to use in case he reached 
the Emperor s court at Peking. He was given full power to 
sign a treaty, and in his letter of instructions he was directed to 
obtain the entry of American ships into the ports opened to Great 
Britain on the same terms as those enjoyed by that power. 
While assuring the Chinese of the peaceful nature of the expedi- 

the Senate would probably have rejected, and as he was appointed after 
that body had adjourned, and sent off before they could meet to act on 
the nomination, Benton thought that the law had again been violated. 
The President had a right to appoint during an interim of the Senate 
only to a vacancy in an unexpired term. (Benton, Thirty Years View, 
2:514.) Benton, however, was prejudiced, too much so to be fair. The 
administration s first choice had undoubtedly been Everett, he had been 
confirmed by the Senate, and his refusal to accept left the office vacant 
Technically, it was an unexpired term to be filled by appointment, and if 
the pressing opportunity were to be seized a man had to be secured, and 
the mission sail before Congress could meet again. 

28 They were third cousins. Lemuel Gushing, Genealogy of the Gushing 
Family. Montreal, 1877, pp. 46, 37, 70, 74, 24. Rev. Caleb Gushing was the 
great-great-grandfather of them both. 

127 Webster to Everett, Mar. 10, 1834; Curtis, Life of Webster, 2: 178. 

128 Webster to Gushing, May 8, 1843, Sen. Doc. 138, 28 Cong., 2 Sess. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 135 

tion, he was to preserve the dignity of the United States Gov 
ernment, and to assert always that he was no tribute-bearer. If 
possible, he was to reach Peking. To that end he was given a 
letter from the President to the Emperor, which he was to deliver 
in person, or to send by a proper messenger if assurances were 
given of a friendly reply signed by the monarch himself. The 
question of kotow was left to his own judgment: "All pains 
should be taken to avoid the giving of offense, or the wounding 
of the nation s pride ; but at the same time you will be careful"- 
so the instructions ran "to do nothing which may seem even to 
the Chinese themselves, to imply any inferiority on the part of 
your government . . . ." And last of all, he was to insist 
on the principle of the most favored nation treatment. 129 Both 
the letter of instructions and that of the President to the Emperor 
were the work of Webster. 130 The former was a dignified, 
succinct statement, showing the best of judgment, if here and 
there an ignorance of China, but the latter reads much like a 
missive to some barbarian prince, and echoes that same feeling of 
superiority which later characterized Cushing s communica 
tions. 131 

The mission was looked upon rather critically by many Ameri 
cans as a Tyler undertaking, and some doubt was expressed as 
to its success. Benton, of course, had nothing good to say of 
it. 132 Niles found fault with the display and pomp and preferred 
"such a demonstration of republican simplicity as our first of 
American ministers, Benjamin Franklin .... had the 
intrepidity to make at the most scrupulous court of aristocrats 
in Europe," in preference to the "unavailing mummery of 

129 Sen. Doc. 138, 28 Cong., 2 Sess. Webster to Gushing, May 8, 1843. 

""Foster, Am. Dip. in Orient, p. 81, thinks that the letter of the 
President to the Emperor, because of its inferior quality, was written 
by Tyler or Webster s successor, Upshur, who countersigned it; but it 
is given in Webster s works, ed. 1856, 6:477; with a footnote attributing 
it to him. Webster had evidently made something of a study of the 
situation. He wrote to the merchants in the China trade, asking for 
suggestions in regard to the mission, April, 1843. Letters and Recollec 
tions of J. M. Forbes, i : 115. 

131 Sen. Doc. 138, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., Tyler to Empr. of China, July~i2, 1843. 

132 Benton, Thirty Years View, 2:515. 

136 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

courtly style." 133 He later gave space to a letter from a merchant 
in Canton criticizing the objects of the mission. 134 The treasurer 
of the American Oriental Society was very sceptical as to its 
success in reaching Peking, and, seemingly, of the probability 
of a treaty. 135 

Gushing left the United States in the summer of 1843, in 
the "Missouri." The plan was for him to go to Egypt, thence 
overland across the Isthmus of Suez, and by sea to Bombay, 
where he was to meet the squadron. At Gibraltar, however, the 
"Missouri" caught fire and burned, and Gushing went on by 
British conveyance to Bombay. Here he was taken on board the 
"Brandywine" and completed his voyage to Canton. 136 

In the meantime, on September 22d, 1843, Paul S. Forbes, 
recently appointed United States consul at Canton, had reported 
his arrival to the Imperial Commissioner, and in doing so, 
apprised the latter of Cushing s coming. He told of the special 
commission from the United States and asked the best route to 
pursue to Peking. Kiying replied advising against the proposed 
trip to the capital, saying with characteristic suavity that it was 
too long for a party which had already come so far and that 
their business could just as well be conducted at Canton. 137 

Gushing arrived at Macao February 24th, 1844, and on the 
27th sent a tactful letter to the acting viceroy of the provinces of 
Kwangtung and Kwangsi. He announced his mission, saying 
that he was on his way to Peking to deliver a letter to the Emperor, 
and had stopped for a few weeks at Macao until the "Brandy- 
wine" should have taken on provisions and prepared to continue 
to the mouth of the Peiho, and that he wished to take this oppor 
tunity to inquire after the health of his majesty. Ching, the 
acting viceroy, replied on March iQth, saying that the inquiry 
after the Emperor s health showed "respectful obedience and 
politeness exceeding to be praised," but strongly urged Gushing 
not to think of going to Peking, since the Emperor must first be 

l33 Niles Register, 64:308, July 15, 1843. 

134 Ibid., 67:36, Sept. 21, 1844. 

135 Greenough, China, in Journ. of Am. Oriental Soc., i : 143-161, Boston, 
1849. (Paper presented to the Society in 1844.) 

138 Benton, Thirty Years View, 2:515, is very bitter against the entire 
137 Consular Letters, Canton, III. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 137 

memorialized, and since even a merchant ship had never been 
there. Then, too, said the viceroy, there would be no interpreter 
at -the capital, and no commissioner with power to make a treaty. 
The English had not carried on their negotiations at Peking, an 
imperial edict had already been issued (after Forbes warning) 
ordering Gushing to be stopped, and after all, a treaty was not 
at all necessary. 138 This began a correspondence between the 
two in which the American hastened the appointment of a com 
missioner by threatening to go to Peking.! March 23d, Gushing 
replied to Ching s first letter, refusing to discuss the matter of a 
treaty with any but an imperial commissioner, and still insisting 
on going north, although expressing his willingness to go by 
land. 139 Ching replied that the latter was impossible, 140 and that 
a reply from Peking might be expected in about three months. 141 
Some four days later Gushing again expressed his intention of 
going north, saying that if the court had wanted him to stay 
at Canton it would have forwarded the viceroy instructions for 
his reception, and reminding him that a refusal to receive 
embassies of friendly states was considered among western 
nations a just cause for war, 142 This, and the proposal that the 
"Brandywine" comeTup the river to Whampoa and fire a salute, 
brought a reply from Ching after the short interval of three 
days, still protesting that a treaty was unnecessary, since trade 
had been carried on so long and so successfully without one, 
and informing Gushing that the law of the land did not permit 
ships of war in the river, nor to fire salutes, "although it is all 
very peaceful and done with the best intentions." 143 Ching com 
plained, too, that Forbes had opened a letter sent by the former 
through him to Gushing. Two days later he sent another letter, 
explaining the non-appointment of an Imperial commissioner, by 
the ignorance of the government as to when Gushing would 
arrive. 144 Gushing in a reply explained that Forbes had opened 

138 Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong., 2 Sess, p. 2. 

139 Sen. Doc. 87, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 5. 

140 Ibid., p. 7, April ist. 

141 Ibid., p. 10, April 4th. 

142 Ibid, p. 12. 

143 Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong, 2 Sess, pp. 13, 16. 

144 Ibid, p. 20. 


138 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

the letter by mistake, 145 and that if the acting viceroy had sent 
it directly to his house the accident would not have happened. 
He then lectured Ching on the use of salutes. "China," said he, 
"will find it very difficult to remain at peace with any of the great 
states of the West, so long as her provincial governors are pro 
hibited either to give or to receive manifestations of that peace 
in the exchange of ordinary courtesies of national intercourse." 
On May Qth, Cushing wrote saying that he would wait a little 
longer before going North, to allow ample time to hear from 
Peking, and reminded Ching that "foreign ambassadors repre 
sent the sovereignty of their nation. Any disrespect shown to 
them is disrespect to their nation. . . . Causelessly to molest 
them is a national injury of the gravest manner." He also said 
_that the delay would cause dissatisfaction in the United States. 146 
However, the American was secretly not anxious to go to Peking. 
He preferred to negotiate at Canton rather than to jeopardize 
the success of his mission by going to Tien Tsin or Peking. 147 

Cushing s insistence on going to the capital and his growing 
impatience finally had its desired effect. Kiying, the newly 
appointed viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, was made 
Imperial High Commissioner and was given full powers. 148 
Cushing with a parting note to the acting viceroy expressing his 
satisfaction at Kiying s appointment, but reasserting his intention 
of ultimately going north, prepared to meet the commissioner. 
He later felt that the months of waiting had been well spent. 
His correspondence with Ching had settled the question of the 
necessity djTa treaty, and had given him the chance to "say all 
the harsh things which needed to be said and to speak to the 
Chinese government with extreme . . , . frankness in a 
degree which would have been inconvenient . . . . in imme 
diate correspondence with" the commissioner. 149 Kiying made 

145 Ibid., p. 17, Apr. 22, 1844. 

140 While this discussion was going on, there was some minor disturbance 
over the weather vane on the new American flagstaff in Canton, which 
the Chinese thought brought ill-luck; but it was removed as soon as the 
objection was raised, and the trouble ceased. Ch. Rep. 

147 Cushing to Upshur, May 27, 1844, and the same to Calhoun, July 
1844, Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., pp. 31, 58. 

148 Ibid., p. 28. 

149 Cushing to Sec. of State, Ibid., p. 40. (July 9, ij 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 139 

his public entry May 3Oth, 150 and negotiations were at once 
opened. The relations between the two commissioners were on 
the whole very pleasant. The first two letters from the Chinese 
had in the address the name of the United States one line below 
that of the Chinese government, an expression of inferiority, 
but when Cushing returned them, tactfully considering the offense 
the "result of clerical inadvertance," they were promptly cor 
rected. 151 On July I7th^ Kiying crossed the boundary to the 
Portuguese colcmy^of Macao, and took up his residence in a 
temple in the village of Whanghia, or Wang Hiya. The next 
day he visited the fleet, and on the following day (June I9th), 
the Americans returned the call. That same evening three 
Chinese officers attending the commissioner met Webster, Bridg- 
man, and Peter Parker, Cushing s secretaries, and arranged the 
course of the negotiations. 152 On the 2ist, Cushing presented a 
pro jet for a treaty, basing it, as he said, on five principles 153 : that 
the United States were to treat with China on a basis of friend 
ship and peace ; that they did not desire any perfect reciprocity, 
but since their ports were all open to the ships of all nations and 
there were no export duties, and since the Chinese had opened 
only five ports and had an export tariff, they would acquiesceST 
the view qf the subject which it had pleased the Emperor to 
adopt; that any difference between the American pro jet and the 
British treaty was due to the fact that Great Britain had posses 
sion of Hongkong, and the United States neither possessed nor 
desired such a concession ; and that in drawing up the pro jet 
the interests of both sides had been borne in mind. The Chinese 
and American secretaries met for several days, sometimes in 
Cushing s house in Macao, sometimes at Whanghia, and discussed 
and modified this projet until both principals were satisfied. 
Within the first week after their meeting/, Kiying told Cushing 
that if he insisted on going to Peking negotiations must be broken 
off. Cushing yielded with a show of reluctance, stipulating a 

150 Chinese Rep., 13 : 335. 

151 Cushing to Sec. of State, Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 34. (June 
13, 1844.) 

152 Cushing to Sec. of State, July 8, 1844, Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong., 2 
Sess., p. 38. 

153 Cushing to Kiying, June 21, 1844, Ibid., p. 41. 

140 Kenneth S. Laiourette, 

condition which the other was most willing to grant, that if min 
isters of western nations were thereafter received at the capital 
an American envoy would also be welcomed. 15 * Gushing asked 
and obtained, however, permission to send through the Com 
missioner the President s letter to the Emperor. 155 Negotiations 
proceeded without further incident, and on July 3d the treaty 
was finished and signed. The next day Gushing issued a letter 
to the American merchants announcing the treaty and on July 5th 
Kiying returned to Canton. 

The document so obtained was a credit to Cushing and 
remained the standard for settling difficulties between Chinese 
and foreigners until the treaties of i86o. 156 In general it pro 
vided for the things stipulated by the English treaty. 157 Ameri 
cans could reside for the purposes of commerce in the five ports 
of Canton, Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo, and Shanghai; a definite 
tariff was to be promulgated and annexed to the treaty ; consuls 
were to be allowed to reside in the open cities and communicate 
with Chinese officials on equal terms ; the old co-hong was to be 
abolished ; no prohibitions were to be placed on trade in these 
ports ; and the most-favored-nation clause was inserted. The 
British treaty contained some clauses which the American docu 
ment did not have ; the cession of Hongkong, indemnity of debts 
due British merchants by members of the co-hong, the release of 
prisoners of war, and the gradual evacuation of Chinese ports. 
On the other hand, the American treaty was a much longer and 
more carefully drawn instrument, and was superior to it in a num 
ber of important points. Cushing enumerated sixteen of these in a 
letter to John Nelson, written on July 5th, i844. 158 ( J ) The 
tariff was amended in favor of American articles, such as gin 
seng, contraband articles, and matters of government monopoly, 
and could be changed only by mutual agreement. (2) By the 

154 Cushing to Sec. of State, July 8, 1844, Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong., 2 
Sess., p. 38. 

55 The official reply to this letter was sent the following December in 
due form, approving the treaty. Niles Reg., 68 : 253. June 28, 1845. 

156 Williams, Middle Kingdom, 2 : 267. 

157 The English treaty is in Lewis Hertslet, A Complete Collection of the 
Treaties and Reciprocal Regulations at Present Subsisting between Great 
Britain and Foreign Powers, etc., London, 1845, 6:221-225. The Ameri 
can Treaty is in U. S. Statutes at Large, 8 : 592-605. 

158 Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 77. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 141 

English treaty, the consuls were made responsible for the pay 
ment of duties, but in the American treaty this was avoided by 
stipulating that these should be paid in cash. (3) A new pro 
vision was made allowing goods to be shipped from one port 
to another without paying double duty. (4) To secure the dignity 
of consuls the privilege was given to them of complaining to 
the superior officers of any disrespectful treatment. (5) Duties 
were to be paid only as the cargo was landed, and a ship remain 
ing for forty-eight hours without breaking bulk was free from 
tonnage and other duties. (6) Citizens of the United States 
were to have accommodations in all five ports, and the privilege 
of renting sites for houses and places of business, hospitals, 
churches, and cemeteries. 15 ^ (7) It was permitted to foreigners, 
contrary to the former Chinese law, to hire persons to teach 
them the language, and to buy any kind of book. (8) A prin 
ciple of more than ordinary importance was that of exterri- ; 
toriality, one of the distinct contributions of the treaty to the i 
diplomacy of the Far East. In the letter to Calhoun, September./ 
29th, 1844, Cushing traced the reasons which led him to introduce 
it. 160 He showed how to his mind, it had originated in the Italian 
settlements in the Levant, and had been the rule in semi-barbarous 
and Mohammedan states. The states of Christendom "acknowl 
edge the authority of certain maxims and usages, received among 
them by common consent, and called the law of nations, . . . 
but which is in fact, only the international law of Christen 
dom. . . . [They] have a common origin, a common religion, 
a common intellectuality," allowing free residence and travel in 
each other s domains to citizens of the other, "and they hold a 
regular and systematic intercourse as- governments. . . . All 
these facts impart to the states of Christendom many of the 
qualities of one confederate republic/ China, not because she 
was inferior in civilization, but because she was not of the family 
of Christendom, was neither recognized nor could be treated 
according to this law, and so the citizens of European powers 
should not be made subject to her laws. The Chinese had been 
partly prepared for the step by the Portuguese jurisdiction at 

50 The last three were added as a special favor to Peter Parker. 
Stevens, Life of Parker, p. 234. 

160 In House Ex. Doc. 69, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., and in Sen: Doc. 58, 28 
Cong., 2 Sess. 

142 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Macao, and by the control of foreigners at Canton over their 
mutual relations, but whatever the precedents or whatever the 
argument by which Gushing got at it, he obtained the first formal 
recognition in China of the principle in the form in which it is 
now so important. 161 (9) The citizens of the United States were 
placed under the protection of the Chinese government, and the 
latter agreed to defend them from insult and injury. (10) Ves 
sels of the United States could go and come freely between the 
ports of China, with full respect for the neutrality of their 
flag, provided, of course, that the latter should not protect 
hostile troops, or be used fraudulently on the enemy s vessels, 
(n) Provision was made for the relief of vessels and their 
crews when stranded or wrecked on the coast of China. (12) 
A somewhat more elaborate provision than that in the British 
treaty was made for communication on mutually equal terms 
between officers, and between officers and citizens of the United 
States and China. (13) No presents were to be demanded of 
either governor by the other. (14) Ships of war, contrary to 
the old usage, were to be courteously received in the ports of the 
Empire. (15) Provisions were made for communication between 
the United States and the court of China such as had been 
obtained by none before but Russia, it being stipulated that such 
should be made through certain specified Chinese officials. 162 
(16) Finally, in sharp contrast to the British treaty, which did 
not so much as mention the opium question, the treaty of 
Whanghia provided that any American citizen engaging in the 
opium or other contraband trade, should be dealt with by the 
Chinese government without countenance or protection from 
the United States, and pledged the latter to take steps to keep 
her flag from being used by the subjects of other nations to cover 
illegal trade. 

81 This clause brought as its result the necessity for an adequate consular 
staff in China, a necessity which was to be met later. Sen. Doc. 58, 28 
Cong., 2 Sess. Gushing to Calhoun, Oct. i, 1844. Also in House Ex. 
Doc. 69, 28 Cong., 2 Sess. A precedent for exterritoriality occurred as 
early as 1687 when a Chinese official suggested that an English sailor who 
had committed depredations on Chinese property, be punished by his 
fellow countrymen. Eames, The English in China, London, 1909, p. 40. 

162 Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 54, gives the further negotiations 
in regard to this on July I3th to 28th inclusive, in which Kiying vainly 
tried to get this point modified. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 143 

In addition to these points enumerated by Gushing may be 
mentioned the privilege of hiring servants; the careful regula 
tion of port charges; the provision for standard weights and 
measures ; the non-responsibility of either government for debts 
due by its subjects to those of the other; the careful provision 
against fraud; the apprehension and delivery of deserters and 
mutineers by the Chinese government ; and the provision for the 
revision of the treaty after twelve years. Most of the points of 
the treaty covered questions which had long been sources of 
dispute and irritation, and show the thoroughness with which 
Gushing had studied the situation. 

On the whole the treaty was a very creditable piece of work. 
As Curtis said, 163 "The selection of Caleb Cushing as the first 
diplomatic representative of the country was most fortunate and 
wise. Looking over the correspondence conducted by him with 
the Chinese officials in the light of after years of experience in 
dealing with those personages, one can not but feel impressed 
with the keen insight into their strange character and 
motives. . . . He was firm in maintaining the dignity and 
power of the United States." 

While negotiations were still in progress an occasion arose 
for testing the exterritoriality clause. On June I5th some Ameri 
cans fired in self-defense on a Chinese mob which was troubling 
the factories, and one of the assailants. Sufc Anam. was killed. 
Ching, the acting viceroy, asked the consul to deliver the man 
who had fired the shot, but Forbes. refused and Cushing instructed 
him to stand by his position, insisting that American citizens in 
China should be responsible only to their own government. There 
was a short correspondence between Kiying and Cushing, the 
former asking that the man be given up, and the latter refusing, 
reviving as a counter claim the death of Sherry. The matter was 
dropped for a time but late in July Kiying again took it up. 
Cushing still held that the shooting was in self-defense, for a 
committee of American residents in Canton had so decided it, 
and the complaint was finally dropped. The outcome of the inci 
dent was in sharp contrast to that of the Terranova affair, and 
was a fortunate precedent. 164 

163 William Eleroy Curtis, The United States and Foreign Powers. 
Meadville, Pa., 1892, p. 256. 

64 The documents are all in Sen. Doc. 67, 28 Cong., 2 Sess., pp. 63-67, 
73, 95, 96. 

144 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

While in China, Gushing arranged some other matters; new 
regulations for the foreigners in Canton/ 65 and the removal of 
a shipyard which some Americans had started near Hongkong 
contrary to the treaty. 168 He finally left in the U. S. Brig 
Terry," going to San Bias, Mexico, and thence home. The 
treaty was approved by the Senate without opposition, 167 and 
ratifications were exchanged at Canton with much solemnity 
December 3ist, 1845, by Commodore Biddle. 168 

With the signing of the Treaty of Whanghia American inter 
course with China had fully entered a new era. The old life had 
passed aw r ay. The lordly co-hong, the factories with their 
peculiar rules of life, the strict supervision exercised over the 
"barbarians," Chinese jurisdiction over foreigners, and the 
restricted, almost furtive missionary w r ork, had disappeared, and 
instead were treaty recognition, freedom of residence, of com 
merce, and of missionary work, liberty from personal responsi 
bility to Chinese courts, and direct official intercourse on the 
basis of equality. It is true that the struggle between China and 
the W 7 est had only just begun. Ignorance and the feeling of 
lofty superiority were still scarcely shaken. The spirit of con 
tempt, fear, and greed which had created the old regime still 
existed with nearly all its old force, and no lasting change could 
be effected until it should disappear. The treaty of Whanghia, 
however, marks a transition, the end of the preparatory period, 
and the beginning of recognized official relations between the 
United States and China. 

165 Ibid, p. 87. 
186 Ibid., p. 80. 

167 Message of President transmitting it to the Senate, Jan. 22, 1845, 
Sen. Doc. 58, 28 Cong., 2 Sess. The expenses of the mission had exceeded 
the appropriation by about $4,000. President s Message, Sen. Doc. 17, 
29 Cong, i Sess. 

168 Cordier, Hist. Rel. Ch. avec Puis. Occid, p. 98. Ch. Rep, 14 : 590. 
Biddle had taken it in the stead of the special commissioner who had been 
appointed for that purpose. The latter s health had compelled his return, 
before reaching China. Annual Message of Polk, Dec. 2, 1845, Richard 
son, Mess, and Papers of the Pres, 4:401. 


In the bibliography given below the attempt has been made to 
give practically all the sources and secondary works important 
for the subject covered in the preceding pages. All the main libra 
ries and accessible collections of New York, New Haven, Wash 
ington, Providence, Boston, and Salem, and to a certain extent, 
Philadelphia, have been carefully examined. There may remain 
some manuscript collections in Philadelphia and Baltimore which 
would be of value, and there are undoubtedly valuable private 
collection of papers, such as the personal papers of Elias H. 
Derby, which for one reason or another have been inaccessible 
or unknown to the author. It is not likely that any further dis 
coveries of material will greatly alter the conclusions reached, 
however, except perhaps to expand the paragraphs on the history 
of the merchant houses of New York, Philadelphia, and Balti 

In enumerating the sources and authorities used the attempt 
has been made in most cases to indicate briefly the contents of 
the book or document, as far as concerns the subject in hand, and 
in some cases to state as well as can be done in a sentence, its 
value and reliability. No elaborate critical notes have been 
attempted, as they would have made the bibliography too bulky. 

In all cases the present location of the manuscript is given, 
and in some cases, of the printed books. Most of the printed 
sources and authorities are in the Yale University Library, the 
Day (Missionary) Library of the Yale Divinity School, and 
Prof. Frederick Wells Williams private collection. With a few 
exceptions it may be understood that unless the location of a 
book is given, it will be found in one of these places. 


There is no printed bibliography which is at all complete. The 
following contain very brief book lists for this period : 

Bibliotheca Sinica, Dictionaire Bibliographique des Ouvrages 
Relatifs a TEmpire Chinois. 4 v., 2d ed., Paris, 1904-1908. 
Pages 2510-2519. Relations des Etrangers avec les Chinois. X. 
TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 10 1917 

146 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Etats-Unis. This, although meager, is the fullest printed bibliog 
raphy of the subject. 

Bibliography of Printed Books on China, mostly in English and 
French. Chinese Rep., 18:402-444. This is old, contains no 
references to manuscript material, and covers our subject only 

Manual of American History, Diplomacy, and Government, for 
Class use. Cambridge, 1908. 

Page 139 contains a brief bibliography of the negotiations lead 
ing to the treaty of Whanghia. 

Historical Sketch of the Progress of Discovery, Navigation, 
and Commerce from the Earliest Records to the beginning of the 
Nineteenth Century. Edinburgh and London, 1824. 

At the end are bibliographical notices of some of the voyages 
of the time. 




There are in the preceding pages no footnote references to 
these reports, as their summary was printed each year in the 
Panoplist and Missionary Herald, and it is more convenient to 
refer to them there. 


SOCIETY, INSTITUTED IN BOSTON, 1814. (Boston) 1824. 

See those from 1833 to 1844 inclusive (published in Boston), 
for information about the part that this society had in missions 
to China. 

Abridgment of the Debates of Congress from 1789 to 1856. 
New York, 1857-1861. 

Thirty Years View, or a History of the American Government 
for Thirty years from 1820 to 1850. 2 v., New York, 1856. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 147 

This work, in 2:510-522, tells of the Chinese mission. It is 
highly colored by Benton s prejudices, which were strongly anti- 

America and England, 1783-1791. (Back Title.) 
Two volumes of manuscript transcripts in the Lenox Library, 
with the catalogue title of "America and England/ They were 
to furnish intelligence of the current events in America from 
1783 to 1791, and were written to the British Government by 
P. Bond, Sir George Yonge, and others, showing the state of 
the country under the Confederation. The collection throws 
light on the beginning of American commerce with China. 


Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and the 
West Indies, preserved in the public record office. 

Oct. 27, i697-Dec. 31, 1698, ed. by Hon. J. W. Fortescue. 
London, 1905. 

May 15, i696-Oct. 31, 1697, ed. by Hon. J. W. Fortescue. 
London, 1904. 

These two volumes contain references to American pirates in 
eastern waters during these years. 

Parliamentary Papers, 1821. Vol. 7, pp. 1-421. 

Reports from Committees. Brought from the Lords Report 
(Relative to the trade with the East Indies and China) from the 
Select Committee of the House of Lords, appointed to inquire 
into the means of extending and securing the Foreign Trade of 
the Country .... together with the Minutes of Evidence 
taken in Sessions 1820 and 1821, before the said committee, 
Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, May 7, 1821. 

This is of value because of the exhaustive evidence taken from 
persons well acquainted with the trade, and covering the 
American as well as the British commerce. 

Parliamentary Papers, 1830. Volumes 5 and 6. 

Reports of Committees, East India Company s Affairs. Ses 
sion Feb. 5-July 23, 1830. 

This is of value for the same reasons as the preceding. In the 
Library of Congress. 

148 Kenneth S. Latourette, 


Parliamentary Papers, 1833. Relating to India and China, and 
the Finances of India. Return to an order of the Honourable 
House of Commons dated 3 April, 1833, for Continuation to the 
latest period to which they can be made up, of all accounts 
relating to the trade of India and China, etc. In the Boston 
Public Library. 


Parliamentary Papers, 1833. East India Charter Corre 

Pages 13, 14, 15, give some statistics on American trade made 
up by Thomas S. Cabell, accountant general of the E. I. Co., 
probably from the Company s statistics. In the Boston Public 


The Parliamentary Debates, forming a continuation of the 
work entitled "The Parliamentary History of England/ pub 
lished under the superintendence of T. C. Hansard. 

2d Series, 1820 et sqq. 3d Series, 1830 et sqq. 

These contain the debates on the East India Company s Charter 
and so give much information concerning the impression which 
American trade with China made in Great Britain. 

The Statutes at Large. London, 1763 et sqq. 

The collection is used here for the charter of the East India 

Trade with India and China, Communicated to the House of 
Representatives, February 10, 1791. American State Papers, 
Finance, 1 : 107. 

A complete collection of the Treaties and Reciprocal Regula 
tions at Present Subsisting between Great Britain and Foreign 
Powers, etc. London, 1845. 

Vol. 6, pp. 221-225, contains the Treaty of Nanking, Aug., 1842. 

Sea Letter Books of the New York Custom House. In the 
New York Custom House. 

Early Relations betiveen the United States and China. 149 

After March u, 1799, they gave the names of all vessels 
clearing for foreign ports. The dates covered by the books are 
June, 1798-Apr. 12, 1800; Apr. 12, i8oo-Nov. 6, 1802; Oct. i, 
i8o4-July 29, 1809; Jan. 2, i8iS-Oct. i, 1819; 1829-1831; 
1832; 1836; Apr. i, i844-Mar. 31, 1847. 

See especially those published in New York, 183^-1841. 
The references to China, as a rule a summary of the year s 
operations there, are for 1836, p. 94; for 1838, pp. 76, 77; for 
1839, pp. 83-86; for 1840, pp. 57-60; for 1841, pp. 58-59. 


Impost Books of the Providence Custom House. 

Books A, B, C, 1827, and D, are in the Rhode Island Historical 
Society. Copies of A and B are in the Custom House. It is 
possible through these, which cover all the years between 1790 
and 1844, to determine the names, consignees, and the duties 
paid by all the ships which entered this port from China during 
this period. 

Impost Books of the Salem Custom House. In the Salem Cus 
tom House. These give information concerning Salem s trade 
with China. 

Digest of the Duties of the Salem Custom House. In the 
Salem Custom House. Book I, 1789-1851, is a more convenient 
summary for our purpose than the impost books. 

See especially the first sixteen of these, published annually, 
New York, 1829-1844. They give information about the chap 
laincy for sailors at Canton. 

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. Travels and 
Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610- 
1791. Cleveland, c. 1900. 

This is used here for notices regarding the discovery of ginseng 
in Canada by the Jesuits. 

150 Kenneth S. Latourette, 


American State Papers. Foreign Relations. Washington, 
1858. This is of use for the correspondence with Russia over 
the Northwest Coast, given on 5 : 456. 


American State Papers. Documents Legislative and Executive 
of the Congress of the United States. 

Commerce and Navigation, 1:599; 2 : 63. Washington, 1832. 
The quotations refer to trade statistics of the Chinese commerce. 


Manuscript in the Bureau of Manuscripts and Archives, State 
Department, Washington, D. C. 

Vol. I, March, 1792, to August, 1834. Vol. II, Sept., 1834, to 
Apr., 1839. Vol. Ill, May, 1839 to 1849. 

This collection of letters, chiefly reports of the consul at Canton 
to the State Department, is one of the most valuable manuscript 
sources for the entire subject of the early relations between the 
United States and China. 

The Congressional Globe. Washington, 1833 to 1873. 

This contains the debates on the mission to China. 

See especially, 26 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 24 ; 26 Cong., i Sess., pp. 
172, 275; 3d Sess., 27 Cong., pp. 323-325; app. p. 93; 28th 
Cong., i Sess., p. 226. 

The Papers of the Continental Congress. Mss. in Manuscript 
Department of the Library of Congress. See the following on 
the beginning of American trade with Canton. Reports of Com 
mittees, Vol. 5, pp. 9, 43. List of Letters, (No. 185) from Nov. 
5, 1781, p. 127. 

The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United 
States with an Appendix Containing Important State Papers and 
Public Documents and all the Laws of Public Nature, with a 
Copious Index. Back Title, Annals of the Congress of the 
United States. Washington, 1855. 

This is useful for the debates on the Oregon question. It 
covers 1789-1824. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 151 


Statistical View of the United States. . . . Being a Com 
pendium of the Seventh Census, by J. D. DeBow. Washington, 


Page 1 88 gives a brief summary of the United States trade 
with China from 1790 on. 


Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States of America, 
from the Signing of the Definite Treaty of Peace, Sept. 10, 1783, 
to the Adoption of the Constitution, Mar. 4, 1789. Washington, 


This is used for the letters of Samuel Shaw contained in vol. 7. 
All of these letters are in the appendix of Shaw s Journals as well. 


Executive Document No. 119, I Sess., 26 Cong. A message 
of the President, Feb. 25, 1840, in response to resolutions of 
Feb. 7, 1840, transmitting information about the condition of 
American citizens in China. 


Executive Document No. 34, 26th Congress, 2d Session. 

Documents giving information about the American Commerce v 
with China conveyed by the President s message of December 
29, 1840, asked for by the Resolutions of December 23d, 1840. 

Executive Document No. 71, 2 Sess., 26 Congress. 

This contains papers relating to the Terranova Affair. 


Executive Document No. 35, 3 Sess., 27 Cong. 

This is the message of the President, Dec. 30, 1842, about 
China and the Sandwich Islands. 

Executive Document No. 40, i Sess., 26 Cong. 

This is a memorial of R. B. Forbes and others asking for a 
commercial agent for China with power to negotiate a commercial 
treaty with China, May 25, 1839. 

Executive Document No. 170, I Sess., 26 Cong. 

This is a memorial of Thomas H. Perkins and others urging 

152 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

that an armed force be sent to the China seas to protect American 
interests there, and that an envoy be sent to China. April, 1840. 

Executive Document No. 69, 2 Sess., 26 Cong. 

This contains an abstract of the Treaty of Whanghia, and some 
of Cushing s correspondence. 

Executive Document No. 57, I Sess., 26 Cong. 

This is a memorial of Edmund Fanning asking for an explor 
ing expedition for the South Seas. 

Executive Document No. 71, 2 Sess., 26 Cong. 

This is a document of 83 pages containing a summary of the 
dispatches from the consuls at Canton from Nov., 1805, to June 
22, 1840. They seem for the most part to be extracts from the 
Consular Letters, Canton (see above). 

Journal of the United States in Congress Assembled. Phila 
delphia, . 

These Journals of the Continental Congress throw light on 
early congressional action in regard to the China trade. 

Reports of Committees, No. 43, 2 Sess., 24th Cong. 

Reports of Committees, No. 45, 2d Session, i6th Congress. 

This is Floyd s report on the Oregon question. 

Register of Debates in Congress. Washington, 1825 et sqq. 

1(1824-1825) 111-12; 5(1828-1829) 1125-153, 192-195, give the 
debates on the occupancy of the Columbia River, bringing in 
references to the China trade. 

James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and 
Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897. Washington, 1900. 

Senate Document No. 138, 2d Session, 28th Congress. 

This gives copies of the instructions to the Commissioner to 
China (Cushing), and of the President s letter to the Emperor. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 153 


Senate Document No. 58, 2d Session, 28th Congress. 

This contains an abstract of the treaty between the United 
States and China and some of the correspondence of Cushing. 


Senate Document No. 17, I Session, 29th Congress. 

This is a summary of the expenses of the Cushing expedition. 


Senate Document No. 139, ist Session, 29th Congress. 

This contains all the correspondence between the commanders 
of the East India Squadron and foreign powers, and of the 
United States agents abroad, during the years 1842 and 1843, 
relating to trade and the other interests of the government, 
called for by the resolution of the Senate, Feb. 25, 1845. 


Senate Document No. 67, 2d Session, 28th Congress. 

This contains the correspondence of Cushing in regard to the 
treaty with China, 1844. 


John H. Haswell, Treaties and Conventions Concluded between 
the United States of America and other Powers since July 4, 
1776. Washington, 1889. 

Senate Document No. 47, 2 Sess., 48 Cong. 

The text of the treaty of Whanghia is on pages 145-159. 

Senate Document No. 31, ist Session, I9th Congress. 

This contains various statistics in regard to the Canton trade. 

Senate Document No. 306, 3d Session, 25th Congress. This 
is a General Statement of the goods, wares, and merchandise of 
Foreign Countries imported into the United States for the year 
ending September 30, 1838. 

State Papers, 1823-4, Vol. 4, Number 73. Report of the 
Secretary of the Treasury of the Commerce and Navigation of 
the United States for the year ending September 30, 1823. 
Washington, 1824. 


The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America. 

154 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

This is used for the copies it contains of the tariff and other 
laws in regard to China and the China trade, and contains as well 
the Treaty of Whanghia. 


ACTIVE. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage from Salem to Sumatra and Manila, in 
the Ship Active, George Nichols, Master, kept by George Nichols 
for the use of the East India Marine Society. 1801-1803. Ms. 
in Journals, Vol. 2, in Essex Institute, Salem, Mass., pp. 55-135. 

ANN AND HOPE. (Ship.) 

Log Book of the Ann and Hope, Benjamin Page, Master, 
1798-1800. Ms. in Brown and Ives Papers, John Carter Brown 
Library, Providence. 
ANN AND HOPE. (Ship.) 

Log Book of the Ann and Hope, Wilber Kelley, Master, 1818, 
1819. Ms. in ibid. 
ANN AND HOPE. (Ship.) 

Log Book of the Ann and Hope, James Edell, Master, begin 
ning Sept. 22, 1825. Ms. in ibid. 
ANN AND HOPE. (Ship.) 

Log Book of the Ann and Hope, Wilber Kelley, Master, 1817- 
1818. Ms. in ibid. 
ANN AND HOPE. (Ship.) 

Log Book of the Ship Ann and Hope, Martin Page, Master, 
May 30, i823~June 28, 1824. Ms. in ibid. 
ANN AND HOPE. (Ship.) 

Disbursements while on three voyages to London and Canton, 
Christopher Bently, Master. (1801.) 

In the Brown and Ives Papers, in the John Carter Brown 
Library, Providence. The book itemizes the various expenses 
connected with a voyage to China. 
ARTHUR. (Ship.) 

Sales Book. 

In the Brown and Ives Papers, John Carter Brown Library, 
Providence. This shows the disposition of the goods imported in 
the ship Arthur from Canton, Apr. 19, 1804. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 155 

ASIA. (Ship.) 

Log Book of the Ship Asia, John Ormsbee, Master, July 25, 
i8:6-circa July i, 1818. Ms. in ibid. 

ASIA. (Ship.) 

Log Book of the Ship Asia, John H. Ormsbee, Master, June 
29, i8i8-circa June 30, 1819. Ms. in ibid. 

ASTREA. (Ship.) 

Abbreviations of a Journal of the Ship Astrea from China to 
Java Head on the Island of Java. One of the terminal dates is 
Jan. 24, 1790 (?). 

Ms. in the log book of the Brig Three Sisters, Benjamin Webb, 
Master, 1788-1789. In Essex Institute. 

Log Book of the Ship Brookline, kept by C. H. Allen, first 
officer, 1833-1834. Ms. in Essex Institute. 

S. C. Phillips, Owner. 

Journal of a Voyage of the Ship Brookline from Hamburgh 
to Batavia, Manila, China, Manila, and New York, in 1834-36. 
George Pierce, Master. Kept by Charles H. Allen, first officer. 
Ms. in Essex Institute. 
CARAVAN. (Brig.) 

Journal of a Voyage from the Cape Verde Islands to Canton in 
the Brig Caravan, James Gilchrist, Master, kept by James 
Gilchrist, 1807-1808. 

Ms. in East India Marine Society s Journals, 6 : 397-446. In 
Essex Institute. 
CLAY. (Ship.) 

Journal of the Ship Clay, in a voyage from Salem to the Fiji 
Islands and Manila, Captain William R. Driver, 1827-1829. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 
COLUMBIA. (Ship.) 

Log Book of the Ship Columbia, Captain Ro. Gray, in her 
Voyage from Boston to the North West Coast of America, from 
Sept. 28, 1790, to Feb. 20, 1792. Ms. in Department of State, 
Washington, D. C. In the Bureau of Rolls and Library. 
CONCORD. (Ship.) 

A Journal of a Voyage from Salem to Massafuero in the 

i5 6 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

South Pacific Ocean and from thence to Canton and back to 
Salem, on board the Ship Concord, Obed Wyer, Master, under 
taken in the year 1799, and ending July 17, 1802. Kept by 
Nathaniel Appleton. Ms. in Essex Institute. 
CONSUL. (Brig.) 

Journal of a Voyage from New York to the South Pacific in 
the Brig Consul, kept by I. N. Chapman, 1834-1835. 

A voyage for beche de mer, and other South Sea products. 
She went to Manila with her cargo instead of to Canton. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 
DELHI. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage in the Ship Delhi from New York to 
New Orleans, New Orleans to Canton, and Canton to New York, 
in 1843-1844. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 
DERBY. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage from Leghorn to Canton and Back to 
Boston in the Ship Derby, Thomas West, Master. Kept by 
Dudley S. Pickman, 1804-1806. In East India Marine Society s 
Journals, 5 : 133-196. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 
ELIZA. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage of the Ship Eliza from Salem to New 
Zealand, Canton, and return. William Richardson, Master, 1805- 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 
ELIZA. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage from Salem to New Zealand, Fijees, 
Manila, and return, in the Ship Eliza, Joseph Winn, Jr., Com 
mander. May 28, i833-May 5, 1834. Kept by John D, Winn. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 
EMERALD. (Ship.) 

Voyage of the Ship Emerald to the Feejees, Tahiti, and Manila, 
Nov. 4, i833-March 25, 1836. Kept by George W. Cheever. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 
FRANCIS. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage of the Ship Francis from Salem to Leg 
horn, Batavia, Manila, China, and Salem. 1818-1820. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 157 

GANGES. (Brig.) 

Account of Sales of Sundries per Brig Ganges, 1810. 

Bill of Lading for Brig Ganges, signed by Nathaniel Ingersoll, 
Salem, Sept. 2, 1809. 

Mss. in Essex Institute. 


Log Book of the General Washington, December 27, 1787- 
October 5, 1790. 

Along with this is a fragmentary journal of the same voyage, 
covering May 8, 1788 to June 17, 1789. 

Both manuscripts are in the Brown and Ives Papers, in the 
John Carter Brown Library 

GLIDE. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage of the Ship Glide to the South Pacific 
Ocean. Henry Archer Jr., Master. 1829-1830. Ms. in Essex 

HAMILTON. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage of the Ship Hamilton from Boston to the 
North West Coast of America and Canton, 1809-1811, 1815. 

Captain Lemuel Porter. The author was possibly William 
Mar tain. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 
HERALD. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage in the Ship Herald from Salem to Rot 
terdam, Canton, and Return, by Zachariah F. Silsbee (Master 
and Super-Cargo) in 1804-1805. Ms. in Essex Institute. 
HUNTER. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage from Salem to Sumatra and Canton and 
return, 1809-1810, in the Ship Hunter. Ms, in Essex Institute. 
INDUS. (Ship.) 

Remarks on a Voyage from Boston to Canton by Charles 
Frederick Waldo, in the Ship Indus, 1802-1803. Ms. in Essex 
Institute. This is a private Journal kept by a common seaman. 
INDUS. (Ship.) 

Bill of Lading and other papers of goods on board ship Indus, 
Richard Wheatland, Master, Boston, March 5, 1802. 

These are in the Dr. Henry Wheatland Manuscripts, in the 
Essex Institute, Salem, Vol. 5, p. 24. 

158 Kenneth S. Latoitrette, 

INDUS. (Ship.) 

A Journal for the above voyage, incomplete. Kept by Captain 
Richard Wheatland. Ms. in Essex Institute. 

JOHN JAY. (Ship.) 

Account Book of the Ship John Jay in 1798. 

In the Brown and Ives Papers, in the John Carter Brown 
Library. It gives the wages of the crew. 

LOUISA. (Ship.) 

Bill of Lading of Ship Louisa to Northwest Coast of America, 
dated Oct. 5, 1826. William Martain, Master, to William Mar- 
tain. In Essex Institute. (It is a loose leaf in the Log of the 

LOUISA. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage of the Ship Louisa from Boston to the 
North West Coast of America, Canton, and Boston, William 
Martain, Master, 1826-1829. Ms. in Essex Institute. 
MARGARET. (Ship.) 

Extracts from the Log of the Ship Margaret, Commanded by 
Captain James Magee. Voyage to the North West Coast, 1791 
1792. Typewritten copy in Essex Institute. Original owned by 
R. H. Derby, New York. 
MERMAID. (Brig.) 

Journal of a Voyage from Salem to New Zealand, the Society, 
Fegee, Friendly, and other Islands in the Pacific, and home by 
way of Manilla, and China, in the Brig Mermaid, J. H. Eagleston, 
Master. Oct., i836-Apr., 1839. 

With this is a journal of a cruise among the Fegee Islands in 
the Schooner Jane, in the employ of the Mermaid by G. N. 
Cheever, first officer of the brig. Unfinished. 

The second part was written many years after the first, and 
is probably less accurate. 

Mss. in Essex Institute. 
MIDAS. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage from Salem to Canton and back, in the 
Ship Midas. She left Boston Sept. 13, 1818, and returning 
arrived in Boston Sept. 8, 1819. Ms. in Essex Institute. 
MONROE. (Brig.) 

Journal of a Voyage of the Brig Monroe from Boston to Africa 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 159 

[Goree] to River Gambia, and to China, 1825. Samuel Vent, 

Commander. Kept by George W. Williams. Ms. in Essex 


PALLAS. (Barque.) 

Journal of a Voyage of the Barque Pallas from Salem to the 
Pacific Ocean, 1832-1834. Ms. in Essex Institute. 

PERSEVERAN CE. ( Ship . ) 

Log Book of the Ship Perseverance in a Voyage to Batavia, 
Manilla, and Canton, and return, in 1796-1797, Nathaniel 
Hathorne, Master. Ms. in Essex Institute. 
PERU. (Barque.) 

Journal of a Voyage on Board the Barque Peru from Lintin 
to the Fijee Islands, then to Manila, 1832-1833. J. H. Eagleston, 
Master. Ms. in Essex Institute. 
SAPPHIRE. (Ship.) 

Journal of a Voyage of the Ship Sapphire from New York to 
Chili, Hawaii, China, Manila, and return. 1834-1835. Captain 
J. W. Chever. Ms. in Essex Institute. 
WILLIAM. (Ship.) 

Two Bills of Lading, signed by N. Emery, Jr., Mar. 25, 1809, 
and an Invoice of Merchandise shipped by him and Augustine 
Heard on Board the ship William, Noah Emery, Jr., Master, 
Nov. 25, 1809. In the Dr. Henry Wheatland Papers, Vol. 5, pp. 
9, 10, in the Essex Institute. 

Journal and Log of the Brig William and Henry from Salem, 
Mass., to Canton, Isle of France, and Salem, 1788-1790. Benja 
min Hodges, Master. Ms. in Essex Institute. 

Journal of a Voyage from Boston to Batavia, Canton, Manila, 
Canton, Batavia, Saurarang, Batavia, Isle of France, and St. 
Helena, and the United States, begun April 16, 1836, ended Dec. 
17, 1837. Commanded and kept by Charles H. Williams. 

Ms. in Essex Institute. 

Store Book of Oliver Wolcott and Company, Number I. For 
ca. 1805. In the New York Histl. Society s Library. They did 
some business with Canton for themselves and other New York 

160 Kenneth S. Latourette, 



Journal of a Residence in China and the Neighboring Coun 
tries, with a Preliminary Essay on the Commencement and 
Progress of Missions in the World. New York, 1836. (ist Ed., 
New York, 1834.) 

This is the personal narrative, kept day by day, of the man 
who shares with Bridgman the honor of being the first American 
missionary to China. 

Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His 
Diary from 1795 to 1848, edited by Charles Francis Adams. 
Philadelphia, 1876. 

This is a source for the negotiations with Russia over the 
Northwest Coast, and for the preliminaries of the Cushing mis 
sion to China. 

4: 392 et sqq., New York, Oct., 1846. 

This is of use here for the current impressions of China. 

Mss. in their rooms in Boston. 

Special use has been made of the files containing the letters to 
and from Mrs. and Mr. Shuck, and I. J. Roberts. 

Mss. in their Library in Boston, Mass. 

See especially the files marked Foreign, vols. I, 2, and 3, which 
contain the letters of the Board and of its secretaries, to the 
missionaries, and the two volumes marked "Correspondence 
from the Field," "China, 1831-1837," and "China, 1838-1844." 
The letters are numbered according to their order in the files. 

A Narrative of the Sufferings and Adventures of Captain 
Charles W. Barnard in a Voyage Round the World during the 
years, 1812, 1813, 1814, 1815, and 1816. New York, 1829. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 161 

This is first hand information of the fur-sealing industry at a 
time when it had nearly disappeared. 


Travels in China. Philadelphia, 1805. 

This is given here to show that sufficient interest in China 
existed in America to justify an American edition of these 


Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Bering s Strait to 
cooperate with the Polar Expedition performed in His Majesty s 
Ship Blossom under the command of Captain F. W. Beechey, 
R. N., in the years 1825, 1826, 1827, 1828. 2 Vols. London, 1831. 


Letters of Phineas Bond, British Consul at Philadelphia, to the 
Foreign Office of Great Britain, 1787, 1788, 1789. Edited by 
the Historical Manuscripts Commission of the American His 
torical Association. In Annual Report of the American Historical 
Association for 1896. Vol. I, pp. 513-659. 

These letters give some information about the beginnings of 
the American commerce with China, and show what opinions a 
well-informed British subject held in regard to it. 


Voyage Round the^Vorld from 1806 to 1812. New York, 1817. 

A Narrative of Voyages and Commercial Enterprises. 2 v. 
Cambridge, Mass., 1842. 2d ed., with additions, Cambridge, 1844. 

Cleveland was a merchant adventurer who sailed in many seas. 
His voyages from Canton to the west coast of the Americas are 
of especial interest to us. 

Narrative of Voyages and Travels, in. the Northern and 
Southern Hemispheres : Comprising Three Voyages Round the 
World : together with a Voyage of Survey and Discovery, in the 
Pacific Ocean and Oriental Islands. Boston, 1818. 

Delano was largely concerned with various branches of the 
fur trade centering at Canton. The book is a compilation of 
journals kept on the voyages and is very detailed. 

TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII n 1917 

1 62 Kenneth S. Latourette, 


A Voyage to the North Pacific and a Journey through Siberia 
more than Half a Century Ago. Cambridge, Mass., 1861. 

The Narrative of a Voyage from Bristol to the Northwest Coast 
for furs. D Wolf, the captain, sold his vessel to the Russians, 
and part of the crew went to Canton. He himself went overland 
to European Russia. The book seems to have been written from 
a journal kept on the voyage. It is to be found in the Public 
Library, New York City. 

Wreck of the Glide, with Recollections of the Fijis and of 
Wallis Island. New York and London, 1848. 

This deals with the South Sea trade. The Glide was owned 
by Peabody, and sailed from Salem, May 22, 1829. The book 
was begun by James Oliver, of whose adventures it is a narrative, 
and was written by him from memory in Hawaii in 1832, shortly 
after the events recorded, the dates being supplied partly from 
the Glide s log book, and partly from the manuscripts of his 
companions. After Oliver s death his brother made additions 
from the manuscripts of shipmates. 

Voyage Round the World, More particularly to the North 
West Coast of America. London, 1789. 

This is the account of an early British voyage to the North 
west Coast. 

Sketches by a Traveller. Boston, 1830. 

These are letters which originally appeared in the New Eng 
land Galaxy and Boston Courier. They describe a voyage to the 
Northwest Coast of America made probably during the War of 
1812. No author s name is given, but there are some similar 
sketches in the same volume written by Erasmus Doolittle, and 
it is quite possible that he is the author of the anonymous ones. 
The copy in the Essex Institute has Silas Pinckney Holbrook 
entered in pencil as author, but the authority is not given. 

The Stranger in China, or the Fan Qui s Visit to the Celestial 
Empire in 1836-7. 2 Vols., Philadelphia, 1838. 

This is a description of Canton, Whampoa, and Macao, by an 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 163 

eye-witness, an Englishman. It is also in Waldie s Select Circu 
lating Library, Philadelphia, Part II., pp. 287-366. 

Views of the East, comprising India, Canton, and the Shores of 
the Red Sea, with Historical and Descriptive Illustrations. Lon 
don, 1833. 

This is of interest for its drawings, about half a dozen of which 
are of Chinese scenes. They were made from life in 1822, 1823, 
and 1824. 

Twenty Years Before the Mast, With the More Thrilling 
Scenes and Incidents while circumnavigating the Globe under 
the Command of the late Admiral Charles Wilkes, 1836-1842. 
Boston, 1890. 

These are the recollections of a man who had been on the 
voyage. They tell among other things of the massacre of the 
crew of the Charles Daggett of Salem on the Fiji Islands, (p. 
153.) They are not very reliable. 
EVERETT, EDWARD. (U. S. Minister to Great Britain.) 

Letter to Daniel Webster, May 6, 1842. 

Same to Same, Nov. 29, 1842. Both are in manuscript in the 
Bureau of Indices and Archives, State Department, Washington, 
D. C. 

These are two letters bearing on the first Chino-British War. 

Voyages to the South Seas, Indian and Pacific Oceans, China 
Sea, North West Coast, Feejee Islands, South Shetlands, etc., 
etc. New York, 1838. 

This is a collection of voyages, largely taken from Fanning s 
own journals. It covers the years from John Paul Jones and the 
Serapis to 1837-8. It is largely of value here for three sketches 
of voyages to the South Seas for sandalwood, etc., and for its 
memorials to Congress. 

Voyages Round the World, with selected sketches of Voyages 

to the South Seas, North and South Pacific Oceans, China, etc., 

performed under the Command and Agency of the Author. 

Information Relating to Important Discoveries between the 

.Years 1792-1832. New York, 1833. 

164 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

This is larger than the preceding, and contains a different set 
of material. It is a narrative of great value for the South Sea 


Voyage autour du Monde pendant les annees 1790, 1791, et 
1792, par Etienne Marchand, precede d une Introduction His- 
torique, auquel on a joint des recherches sur les terres australes 
de Drake et un examen critique du voyage de Rogeneen. Paris, 
an. vi, (of the Republic). 6 Vols. New Ed. 4 Vol. Paris, 1841. 

This is compiled from the journals of Captain Chanal and 
those of a surgeon who attended the vessel. It was a French 
expedition to the Northwest Coast. 


Personal Memoranda. In Massachusetts Historical Society, 
Proceedings, Vol. 7, p. 410. 

Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes. (Edited 
by his daughter Sarah Forbes Hughes.) Boston and New York, 

Volume I, chapters 3, 4, and 5, are a good collection of first 
hand material concerning the Perkins firm in Canton. 


Personal Reminiscences. Boston, 1878. 

These are by one who was engaged in the trade. 

Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America, 
in the Years 1811, 1812, 1813, and 1814, or the First American 
Settlement on the Pacific. New York, 1854. 

The author was a young French Canadian who went out under 
Astor in the "Tonquin" in 1811. There is an earlier French 
edition. In the Lenox Library, New York. 

The Journal of Two Voyages Along the Coast of China in 1831 
and 1832, the first in a Chinese Junk, the second in the British 
Ship Lord Amherst, etc. New York, 1833. 

This is an account by one of the members of the party. 

Hamilton s Itinerarium, Being a Narrative of a Journey from 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 165 

Annapolis, Maryland, through Delaware, Pennsylvania, New 
York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, 
and New Hampshire, from May to September, 1744. Ed. by 
Albert Bushnell Hart. St. Louis, 1907. 

This is used here for its mention of the value of ginseng in 
colonial times, pp. 4, 7. 


Around the World, A Narrative of a Voyage in the East India 
Squadron under Commodore George C. Read % New York, 1840. 

This is by a participant. Vol. 2: 175-294, tells of the stay of 
the squadron in China. 


The Journal of Mr. Samuel Holmes .... during his 
attendance as one of the guard on Lord Macartney s Embassy 
to China and Tartary, 1792-3. London, 1798. 

This is useful here for its mention of an American ship which 
returned part way with the expedition for protection from French 

In Harvard Library. 


Journal of Occurrences at Canton during the Cessation of 
Trade at Canton, 1839. Manuscript in the Boston Athenaeum. 

This is an interesting first-hand account of these trying days. 


Bits of Old China. London, 1885. 

This is a collection of descriptive sketches of Canton and of 
the factory life there, written in an entertaining way by one who 
knew conditions intimately. 


The Fan Kwae at Canton before Treaty Days, 1825-1844. 
London, 1882. 

This is descriptive, and is much like the preceding. 

An Account of a recent discovery of Seven Islands, in the 
South Pacific Ocean by Joseph Ingraham, citizen of Boston, 
and Commander of the brigantine Hope, of 70 tons burthen ; and 
of and from this port, bound to the North West Coast of America, 
by permission of the owners, copied from the Journal of said 

1 66 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Ingraham, and communicated to the Publick, by the Historical 

In the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
1793, 2:20-24. 

Journal of the Voyage of the Brigantine "Hope" from Boston 
to the North-West Coast of America, 1790-1792. By Joseph 
Ingraham, Captain of the "Hope" and formerly mate of the 
"Columbia." In the department of Manuscripts of the Library 
of Congress. 

This is unfinished. It is a manuscript account of one of the 
early American voyages to the Northwest Coast. 

Scenes, Incidents, and Adventures in the Pacific Ocean or the 
Islands of the Australian Seas, during the Cruise of the clipper 
Margaret Oakley under Captain Benjamin Morrell. New York, 

This is of use for the beche de mer trade. It was written from 
a journal kept on the trip, and is by a man of some education, 
with a better literary style than most narratives of its kind. 

The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, edited 
by Henry P. Johnson. (Putnams) New York and London, 1891. 

This shows Robert Morris part in the voyage of the "Empress 
of China." See especially, Vol. 3, pp. 97, 143. Writings of 
Thomas Jefferson. Andrew A. Lipscomb, editor-in-chief. 
Washington, 1904. 

These give Jefferson s opinion of China on 5 : 183. 

The Adventures of John Jewitt, only survivor of the Crew of 
the Ship Boston, during a captivity of nearly three years among 
the Indians of Nootka Sound in Vancouver Island. Ed. by 
Robert Brown. London, 1896. 

Several earlier editions of this work came out. In the His 
torical Magazine, 4:91, Timothy Dwight says that his uncle, 
Richard Alsop, wrote it for Jewitt from the latter s narrative. 
This was hard to use, as Jewitt was not very intelligent. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 167 



In the Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State, 
Washington. These also concern the Northwest Coast trade in 
general. Itemized, the most useful are: 

(1) John Howell to Joseph Barrell, Manila, May 28, 1796. 

(2) J. Barrell to John Kendrick, letter of instructions. No 

(3) John Howell to Joseph Barrell, Macao, Dec. 23, 1796. 

(4) William Sturgis to Charles Morris, Boston, Aug., 1816. 

(5) T. H. Perkins to Charles Bulfinch, Boston, Dec. 21, 1817. 

(6) Charles Bunfinch to W. Cushing, Dec. i, 1816. (A 
printed letter.) 

KING, C. W., AND LAY, G. T. 

The Claims of Japan and Malaysia upon Christendom Exhib 
ited in Notes of Voyages Made in 1837 from Canton in the Ship 
Morrison and Brig Himmaleh under Direction of the Owners. 
2 Vols., New York, 1839. 

Vol. I, the voyages of the Morrison, is by C. W. King, and 
Vol. 2, the voyage of the Himmaleh, is by G. Tradescent Lay. 
Both are men who participated in the events they describe. 

Voyage of discovery in the South Sea, and to Behring s 
Straits, in Search of a North East Passage, Undertaken in the 
years 1815, 1816, 1817, 1818, in the Ship Rurick. London, 1821. 

In Phillips New Voyages. 

This mentions the American Northwest Fur Trade. 

A New Voyage Round the World in the Years 1823, 1824, 
1825, and 1826. 2 v., London, 1830. 

This mentions the American sandalwood trade in the Hawaiian 

Voyage Round the World in the Years 1803, 1804, 1805, 1806. 
By Order of His Imperial Majesty Alexander the First, on 
Board the Ships Nadeshda and Neva, under the command of 
Captain A. J. Krusenstern of the Imperial Navy. Translated 
from the German by Richard Belgrave Hoppner. London, 1813. 

1 68 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

This is an account of a Russian expedition to the Northwest 
Coast of America, and throws light on the American trade there 
and at Canton. 

Voyage autour du Monde par les Mers de 1 Inde et de Chine 
execute sur la corvette de 1 etat La Favorite pendant les annees 
1830, 1831, et 1832, sous les commandent de M. Laplace. 4 Vols. 
Paris, 1833. 

Vol. 2 contains references to the American trade in China. 

Voyage in Chine. Paris, 1853. 

This was written by a member of the party which obtained the 
first French treaty with China, and is used for its mention of 
Parker s work. 

Voyage autour du Monde enterpris par ordre du Government 
sur la Corvette la Coquille, par P. Lesson. Bruxelles, 1839. 

This is used for the author s opinion of the work of the London 
Missionary Society. 


The Chinese as They Are. Albany, N. Y., 1843. 

The fact that there was an American edition of this English 
work is an illustration of the interest in China felt in the United 
Low (Miss). 

My Mother s Journal, a Young Lady s Diary of Five Years 
Spent in Manila, Macao, and the Cape of Good Hope, from 
1829-1834. Katherine Hillard, Editor. Boston, 1900. 

This diary by Miss Low gives a picture of the social life of the 
Americans and Europeans at Macao. 

In the Essex Institute. 

Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, Missionary to China. 
Edited by his Father. New York, 1850. 

Lowrie reached China so late that most of his work lies beyond 
our period. 


Voyage autour du Monte execute par ordre de sa Majeste 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 169 

L Empereur Nicolas ler sur la Corvette Le Seuiavius dans les 
annees 1826, 1827, 1828, et 1829 par Frederic Lutke, captaine 
de vaisseau, aide-de-camp de s. m. 1 empereur, commandant de 
1 expedition. Traduit par F. Boye. 2 v., Paris, 1835. 

Vol. i, Chap. 5, mentions the American fur trade on the 
Northwest Coast. In the Boston Athenaeum. 

Observations on the Islands of Juan Fernandez, Massafuero, 
and St. Ambrose, in the South Pacific Ocean, and the Coast of 
Chile in South America. Extracted from the Journal of Mr. 
Bernard Magee, first officer of the Ship Jefferson, in her late 
voyage round the globe. In Collections of the Mass. Histl. Soc., 
1795, 4:247-260. Boston, 1795. 

This is useful because of the first-hand information it gives 
concerning the fur sealing trade. 

An Account of the Discovery of a Group of Islands in the 
North Pacific Ocean, by Captain James Magee, in the Ship 
Margaret, of Boston, in his run from Canton toward the North 
West Coast of America. Extracted from his log book. 

In collections of the Mass. Histl. Soc., 1795, 4: 261-262. Bos 
ton, 1795. 

This is a brief account of the discovery of what Magee named 
"Margaret s Islands." 

Voyage of His Majesty s Ship Alceste to China, Corea, and 
the Island of Lewchew with an account of her Shipwreck. Lon 
don, 1819. 

See especially the reference on p. 195 to the American consul 
at Canton. 


Travels in South Eastern Asia, embracing Hindustan, Malaya, 
Siam, and China, and notices of Numerous Missionary Stations 
and a full account of the Burman Empire. (Preface, 1853.) 

These travels are too late of much use for our period. 

Vancouver s Discovery of Puget Sound. New York, 1907. 

1 70 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

This consists largely of Vancouver s Journal, with long 
critical and explanatory notes. It is chiefly valuable for these 

Voyages made in the Years 1788 and 1789 from China to the 
North West Coast of America with an introductory narrative 
of a voyage performed in 1786 from Bengal, etc. London, 1791. 

This shows the early British trade to the Northwest Coast. 
Only brief mention is made of the American trade there. 

A Voyage Round the World in the Years 1785, 1786, 1787, 
1788, by J. F. G. de La Perouse. 3 v. (Trans, from the French.) 
London, 1798. 

Some mention of American trade is to be found in these 

A Narrative of Four Voyages to the South Seas, North and 
South Pacific Ocean, Chinese Sea, Ethiopic and Southern Atlantic 
Ocean, Indian and Antarctic Ocean. From the Year 1822-1831. 
New York, 1832. 

This was apparently compiled from a journal. It contains 
valuable accounts of the South Sea trade, especially that in 
beche de mer. 

Narrative of a Voyage to the Ethiopic and South Atlantic 
Ocean, Chinese Sea, North and South Pacific Ocean in the Years 
1829, 1830, 1831. By Abby Jane Morrell who accompanied her 
husband, Capt. Benjamin Morrell, Jr., of the schooner Antarctic. 
New York, 1833. 

This is valuable as a side light on part of Morrell s narrative. 

A Concise Extract from the Sea Journal of William Moulton 
written on board the Onico, in a voyage from the Port of New 
London in Connecticut to Staten Land in the South Seas : . . . . 
in the years 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, 1804. Utica, 1804. 

This gives the common sailor s side of the fur sealing trade. 

Cruise of the Frigate Columbia Around the World under the 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 171 

Command of Commodore George C. Read in 1838, 1839, 1840. 
Boston, 1840. 

This is a narrative by one who was on the expedition, and is a 
readable description, but has no great literary merit. 

In the Astor Library. 


The Morning of My Life in China, Comprising an outline of 
the History of Foreign Intercourse from the Last Year of the 
Regime of the Honourable East India Company, 1833, to the 
imprisonment of the Foreign Community in 1839. Canton, 1873. 

This is a lecture by an American before the Canton Community, 
Jan. 31, 1873. 


Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of Samuel Pat 
terson, experienced in the Pacific Ocean, and many other parts 
of the world, with an Account of the Feegee and Sandwich 
Islands. Palmer, May I, 1817. 

This was compiled from Patterson s papers and verbal accounts, 
by Ezekiel Terry, as an act of charity. It gives a common sea 
man s side of the sealing and fur trades. 


Voyage commercial et Politique aux Indes Orientales, aux 
lies Philippines, a la Chine, avec des nations sur la Cochin Chine 
et le Tonquin, Pendant les annees 1803-1807. 3 v., Paris, 1810. 

The third volume gives an account of the affair of the Topaz 
and the Diana. In Harvard Library. 


Voyage of the United States Frigate Potomoc under the com 
mand of Commodore John Downes during the Circumnavigation 
of the Globe in the years 1831, 1832, 1833, and 1834, etc. New 
York, 1835. 

This was compiled from the journals of R. Pinkham, S. Gordon, 
and Commodore Downes, who were on the cruise, and from 
verbal accounts of some of the crew. The author joined the 
expedition only twenty weeks before its close. 


Embassy to the Eastern Courts of Cochin-China, Siam, and 

172 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Muscat, in the U. S. Sloop of War Peacock, David Geisenger, 
Commander, during the years 1832, 3, 4. New York, 1837. 
This expedition touched at Macao. 


Narrative of a Sealing and Trading Voyage in the Ship Huron, 
from New Haven around the World, Sept., 1802, to Oct., 1806. 
Read by Thomas R. Trowbridge, Nov. 26, 1888. In New Haven 
Historical Society Papers, Vol. 5, pp. 149-171. 

This is an account of one of the fur sealing voyages which 
centered at Canton, and is by a participant. 


A Voyage Round the World between the Years 1816-1819. 
London, 1823. In Vol. 9 of Richard Phillips and Co., New 
Voyages and Travels. 

This is an account of a French voyage to the South Seas and 
the Northwest Coast, written by the commander of the expedi 
tion. It throws some light on American trade. 

In the Astor Library. 


A Voyage Round the World, including an Embassy to Muscat 
and Siam, in 1835, I ^36, and 1837. Philadelphia, 1838. 

This is a narrative, rewritten from the author s own journals, 
of the expedition to exchange the ratification of the treaties with 
Siam and Muscat negotiated on Roberts first voyage. 


Voyage autour du Monde, Execute pendant les annees 1836 
et 1837 sur la Corvette La Bonite. Relation du Voyage, par 
A. de La Salle. 3 Vols. Paris, 1852. 


Journal of a Voyage between China and the North Western 
Coast of America, made in 1804. 

In the American Register or General Repository of History, 
Politics, and Science, Vol. 3 (1808), pp. 137-175. 


The Journals of Major Samuel Shaw, the first American Con 
sul at Canton. Boston, 1847. Edited, with a life of the author, 
by Joseph Quincy. 

Early Relations between the United States and China, 173 

This is the best source for the beginnings of American trade 
at Canton. 

Narrative of the Late Proceedings and Events in China. 
China, 1839. 

This man, the editor of the Canton Register, is anti-Chinese 
and anti-American in his attitude. In this work he gives most 
of the official documents of all important foreign affairs in 
China from 1837 to the close of 1839. 

Journal of a Voyage in the Missionary Ship Duff, to the Pacific 
Ocean in the Years 1796, 7, 8, 9, 1800, i, 2, etc. Comprehending 
Authentic and Circumstantial Narratives of the disasters which 
attended the first effort of the London Missionary Society. New 
York, 1813. 

This is of use for its mention of American ships in the South 

An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great 
Britain to the Emperor of China .... taken chiefly from 
the papers of his excellency the Earl of Macartney. 2 v., Lon 
don, 1798. 

On i : 207, this account mentions some American sealers found 
on the Island of Amsterdam. 

Flag Ship, or a Voyage Around the World, in the United States 
Frigate Columbia, Attended by Her Consort, the Sloop of War, 
John Adams. New York, 1840. 

This is by the chaplain of the squadron. 

Missionary Journals and Letters Written during Eleven Years 
Residence and Travels amongst the Chinese, Siamese, Javanese, 
Khassis, and Other Eastern Nations. London, 1844. 

This tells, among other things, of Tomlin s trip with Abeel to 
Bangkok in 1831. 


The Diary of Mr. Ebenezer Townsend, Jr., the Supercargo of 
the Sealing Ship "Neptune" on her voyage to the South Pacific 
and Canton, with a preface by Thomas R. Trowbridge. 

174 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

In the Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society, 
Vol. 4 (New Haven, 1888), pp. 1-115. 

This is a first-hand account of one of the fur-sealing voyages. 

The Letters and Times of the Tylers. Richmond, 1885. 

This is of use here for Webster s part in securing Everett s 
appointment. The author believes that Webster wanted Everett s 

A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round 
the World, in which the Coast of North West America has been 
carefully examined and accurately surveyed, undertaken by His 
Majesty s Command, Principally with a view to Ascertain the 
existence of any navigable communication between the North 
Pacific and North Atlantic Oceans, and performed in the years 
1790, 1791, 1792, 1793, 1794, and 1795, in the Discovery sloop 
of war, and armed tender Chatham under the command of 
Captain George Vancouver. 3 vols. London, 1798. 

This was published after the death of Vancouver by his brother. 
It is valuable here for the information it gives concerning the 
early American trade to the North West Coast. 

Cruise of the United States Frigate Potomoc Round the World 
during the years 1831-1834. New York, 1835. 

This is an account by one of the members of the crew. 

The Works of Daniel Webster, Boston, 1856. 

These were probably compiled under the direction of Webster 
himself, and are especially useful in settling the authorship of 
certain messages and letters. 

The Letters of Daniel Webster, from Documents owned prin 
cipally by the New Hampshire Historical Society. New York, 
1902. Edited by C. H. Van Tyne. 

Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition during 
the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. 5 Vols., Philadelphia, 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 175 

Some scattering mention of the earlier American South Sea 
trade which centered at Canton is to be found in this book. 
WOOD, W. W. 

Sketches of China with Illustrations from Original Drawings. 
Philadelphia, 1830. 

This contains a description of Canton as it was about 1830, and 
some pictures of scenes in or around there, made at the time. 

The Narrative of Captain David Woodward and Four Sea 
men, who lost their ship while in a boat at sea and surrendered 
themselves up to the Malays in the Island of Celebes. 2d ed., 
London, 1805. 

This is in the nature of a journal, written by Woodward, a 
native of Boston, Mass. 

Recollections of China Prior to 1840. In China Branch of 
Royal Asiatic Society s Journal, 8:2-21. (1874.) It was read 
before the society Jan. 13, 1873. 



Remarks on British Relations and Intercourse with China. 
London, 1834. 

I have not examined the book, but have seen merely the review 
of it in the Chinese Repository, 3 : 406. 

British Relations with the Chinese Empire in 1832. Compara 
tive statement of the English and American Trade with India and 
Canton. London, 1832. 

This is a pamphlet dedicated to the House of Lords, and is one 
of those issued at the time of the controversy over the East 
India Company s monopoly of the China trade. It is in favor 
of the Company, and so tries to minimize the success of the 
American-Chinese commerce. 

In the Library of the Essex Institute. 

On the Trade to China and the Indian Archipelago with 

176 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

observations on the insecurity of the British Interests in that 
Quarter. In Pamphleteer, Vol. 14, London, 1819, pp. 516-543. 

(In the Boston Athenaeum.) 

Assey had been secretary to the British Government in Java, 
and this article shows the anxiety he had come to feel over the 
progress of American trade in the Far East. 

Address in Behalf of the China Mission by the Rev. William 
J. Boone, M.D., Missionary of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
of the United States of America to China. New York, 1837. 

In Boston Public Library. 
(DuNN, NATHAN, proprietor.) 

A Descriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Collection in Phila 
delphia, with Miscellaneous Remarks upon the Manners, Customs, 
Trade, and Government of the Celestial Empire. Philadelphia, 


In the Lenox Library, N. Y. 

This shows the nature of this collection, brought to America 
for commercial purposes. 

Dissertation on the Nature and Character of the Chinese Sys 
tem of Writing. In the Transactions of the Historical and 
Literary Committee of the American Philosophical Society. 
Philadelphia, 1838. This helps to show the extent of American 
knowledge of China at the outbreak of the opium troubles. 

Origin and Progress of the War between England and China. 
A lecture delivered before the Newburgh Lyceum, Dec. n, 1841. 

This illustrates American sentiment on the first Chinese- 
British War. 

In Lenox Library. 

Remarks on China and the China Trade. Boston, 1844. 

In the Essex Institute. 

Christian Progress in China. Gleanings from the Writings 
and Speeches of Many Workers. London, 1889. 

This is largely a collection of documents, but the editing is 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 177 

faulty, as Mr. Foster changed his material occasionally, omitting 
sentences, correcting grammatical blunders, etc. 

An Address of the General Association of Connecticut to the 
District Associations on the Subject of A Missionary Society, 
together with summaries and extracts from the late European 
publications on Missions to the Heathen. Norwich, 1797. 

This is useful in tracing the beginnings of missionary enter 
prise in the United States. 

China, Its Population, Trade, and the Prospect of a Treaty. 
In Journal of the American Oriental Society, i: 143-161. Bos 
ton, 1849. 

A Sermon Delivered before the New York Missionary Society 
at their Annual Meeting, April 3, 1804 .... to which are 
added an appendix, the Annual Report of the Directors, and other 
papers relating to American Missions. New York, 1804. 

Used for the beginnings of American Foreign Missions. 

China: Its State and Prospects with especial Reference to the 
Spread of the Gospel, Containing Allusions to the Antiquity, 
Extent, Population, Civilization, Literature, and Religion of the 
Chinese. London, 1838. 

This is used for the first-hand experiences it narrates. 
Although by an Englishman, it contains mention of the 

A Chinese Commercial Guide, Consisting of a Collection of 
Details Respecting Foreign Trade in China. Canton, 1834. 

The Rationale of the China Question. Macao, 1857. 

The chief interest of this for us is the reprint it contains of a 
letter of Mr. Nye to the New York Express, June 5, 1840, giving 
an account of what had happened prior to the first war with 
Great Britain. 


Peking the Goal The Sole Hope of Peace, Comprising an 
TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 12 1917 

178 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Inquiry into the Origin and the Pretension of Universal 
Supremacy by China, and into the Causes of the First War, with 
Incidents of the Imprisonment of the Foreign Community and 
of the First Campaign of Canton, 1841. Canton, 1873. 

This is by a participant, but was delivered as a lecture many 
years after the events narrated took place. 

In the Harvard Library. 

Chinese Account of the Opium War. Shanghai, 1888. 

This is a translation and condensation of a work by Wei 
Yuan, and shows the Chinese attitude toward the Americans. In 
Essex Institute. 



Pamphlet, pp. 47. Liverpool, 1829. (?) 

This gives the speeches of those opposed to the East India 
Company s monopoly of the Canton trade, and shows how the 
American trade was cited as an instance of success under free 

In the Harvard Library. 

Address on the Subject of a Surveying and Exploring Expe 
dition to the Pacific Ocean and the South Seas Delivered in the 
Hall of Representatives on the Evening of April 3, 1836, by J. N. 
Reynolds, with Correspondence and Documents. New York, 

Observations on the Commerce of the American States. New 
Edition, London, 1784. 

This gives some facts about the importation into America from 
Great Britain of China goods just before the beginning of the 
trade between the United States and Canton. 

Notices on the British Trade to the Port of Canton, with some 
translations of Chinese Official Papers relative to that trade. By 
John Slade, late of Canton. London, 1830. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 179 

This argues for the monopoly of the East India Company, and 
hence tends to minimize the importance of the American trade. 

In Essex Institute. 

Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China, and our Commercial 
Intercourse with that Country, including a few translations from 
the Chinese Language. (2d ed., enlarged in 1822, and accom 
panied in 1850 by observations on the events which have affected 
our Chinese Commerce during that interval.) London, 1822-50. 

This is favorable to the East India Company, and hence inclined 
to minimize the importance of American trade. 

Speech on the Tariff in the House of Representatives April i 
and 2, 1824. In Taussig, State Papers and Speeches on the 
Tariff. New York, 1892. 

A Peep at China in Mr. Dunn s Chinese Collections with 
Miscellaneous Notices Relative to the Institutions and Customs 
of the Chinese and our Commercial Intercourse with Them. 
Philadelphia, 1839. 

In Harvard Library. 

This is largely a description of Dunn s Collection, and shows 
again the curiosity in the United States about China, 

A Sermon delivered at the Tabernacle in Salem, Feb. 6, 1812, 
on occasion of the Ordination of the Rev. Messrs. Samuel Newell, 
A.M., Adoniram Judson, A.M., Samuel Nott, A.M., Gordon 
Hall, A.M., and Luther Rice, A.M., Missionaries to the Heathen 
in Asia, under the direction of the Board of Commissioners for 
Foreign Missions .... . to which is added the charge by 
Samuel Spring, D.D., and the Right Hand of Fellowship by 
Samuel Worcester, D.D. Stockbridge, 1812. 



AERA 1835. 
Canton, China, 1834. 
In Harvard Library. 

180 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

SAME FOR 1838. 

In Boston Public Library. 

These are useful for our purpose because of their list of the 
foreign residents in Canton, and some miscellaneous information. 

Boston, 1821, et sqq. 

These files contain such first-hand information as letters from 
the field, journals of missionaries, etc. 

Canton, China, 1835 et sqq. In the Yale Library are volumes 
2, 3, and 4, and in the Astor Library are volumes 5 and part of 6. 
A few scattering numbers are found in with the Consular Letters, 
Canton. Edited by Edmund Moller. Published in Macao after 
July i, 1839. 

This was British in its sympathies. It ceased issue in March, 

Canton, China, 1827 et sqq. In the Yale Library are volumes 
3> 7, 8, 9, 10, n, 12, and in the Astor Library is volume 4. There 
are a few numbers bound in with the Consular Letters, Canton. 
This ended its existence June 20, 1843, m Hongkong, with vol. 
16 as "the Hongkong late Canton Register," which continued 
until 1859. Like the Press, it was British. 

This sheet was edited by an American, a son of the Philadelphia 
actor, Wm. B. Wood, and was opposed to the East India Com 
pany s monopoly at Canton. It endured from July, 1831, to 
Sept., 1833. The numbers from July 28, 1831, to April 5, 1832, 
are in the Boston Athenaeum. 

Volumes I to 20, May, 1832, to 1851. For the origin of this 
periodical see above p. 107. It is indispensable for the years 
which it covers. 


The Beginnings of Missions in Great Britain. 40 : 309. 

Boston, Mass., 1791-1831. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 181 

This is of use for an occasional mention of the commerce 
between Boston and Canton. 


January, 1831, Vol. 52, pp. 281-322. 

Article I. Reports from the Minutes of Evidence taken before 
the Select Committee of the House of Lords and Commons, on 
the affairs of the East India Company, London, 1830. 

The article is a commentary on these reports, making much of 
the American trade, and is hostile to the Company. It created 
a stir. 


(11:54. New York, July, 1844.) Commerce of the United 
States with China. 

(3:465. New York, December, 1840.) Commerce of China. 

This was not written by a direct observer, but it was compiled 
from various sources which appear to have been reliable. 

8 : 205 et sqq. March, 1843. China and the Chinese Peace. 

This is a contemporary s view of the subject. 


Chinese Manufactures. 


First American Trade with China. 


Chronology of Events in China. 

This is an excellent chronology for 1831 et sqq. 

(40:56-68. Jan., 1835.) 

Execution of an Italian at Canton. 

1. London Quarterly Review for Jan., 1834, Art. vii, on Free 
Trade with China. 

2. The Chinese Repository for Jan., 1834, Printed at Canton. 
In addition to these sources, the author of the article gets 

1 82 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

some information from a friend in Baltimore. This is a narrative 
of the Terranova affair. 

Baltimore, 1811 et sqq. (to 1849). 

This contains a large number of references to China and the 
China trade. 

Boston. New Series, 1809-1817. For 1818, 1819, and 1820, 
it is called The Panoplist and Missionary Herald and beginning 
with 1820, it is called the Missionary Herald. 

This is the magazine of the American Board of Commissioners 
for Foreign Missions, and contains much first-hand information, 
such as letters from the field, summaries of annual reports, 
extracts from missionary journals, etc. 

Complete files are in the Rhode Island Historical Society. 
There are occasional references to the China trade. 

7:137. Richmond, 1841. 

China and the Chinese. 

This is a review of Davis s "The Empire of China and Its 

Edited for the Board of Missions of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in the United States of America. Burlington, N. J., 
1836, New York, 1837 et sqq. 

See especially the volumes for the years 1836-1844. It is of 
value for the Episcopal Board missions in much the same way 
that the Missionary Herald is for those of the American Board. 

The Northwest Fur Trade. 

This was a lecture given before the Mercantile Library Asso 
ciation of Boston, and is condensed from the original manuscript 
by Elliott Cowdin, in Hunt s Merchant Magazine, 14 : 532-539. 
Sturgis had been to the Northwest Coast on fur trading voyages. 

Establishment of American Trade at Canton. In China 
Review, 5 : 152-164. 

This is mainly a review of the journals of Samuel Shaw. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 183 



China and the English, or the Character and Manners of the 
Chinese as Illustrated in the History of their Intercourse with 
Foreigners. New York, 1835. 

This is a popular work written for Abbott s Fireside Series. 
Its sources are the writings of Marshman, Morrison, Staunton, 
Barrow, Auber, Milne, and others, for the most part reliable 

Memorial Volumes of the First Fifty Years of the American 
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. Boston, 1861. 


China. An Outline of Its Government, Laws, and Policy: 
and of the British and Foreign Embassies, to, and Intercourse 
with That Empire. London, 1834. 

This is by the Secretary of the Court of the Directors of the 
British East India Company, a man who had easy access to first 
hand information. The work resembles a chronicle. 


History of California. 7 vols. San Francisco, 1884-1890. 

This is of value for the Northwest Coast fur trade, and espe 
cially for its voluminous references to and quotations from rare 


History of the Northwest Coast. 2 vols. San Francisco, 1884. 

This is useful for the same reasons as Bancroft s History of 


The Old Merchants of New York City. New York, 1870. 

This was written by a man who had an intimate knowledge of 
much of the life which he depicted, and contains information 
which cannot be obtained elsewhere. It is anecdotal, uncritical, 
and must be used with the most extreme care. 

In New York Historical Society s Library. 

The Americans in the South Seas. London, 1901. 

In the volume marked The Tapu of Banderah, pp. 245-258. 

184 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

This seems to be based on reliable sources, although it is written 
in a popular style. 

In Boston Athenaeum. 

The Life and Labors of Elijah Coleman Bridgman, edited by 
Eliza J. Gillett Bridgman with an introductory note by Asa D. 
Smith, D.D. New York, 1864. 

This is largely made up of extracts from Bridgman s private 
journal or diary and his correspondence, and so is very valuable. 

New Forces in Old China. New York (Revell and Co.), 1904. 

This is of use here because of its brief sketch of Christian 
missions to China before 1807. 

Oregon and Eldorado, or Romance of the Rivers. Boston, 

This gives some account of the Northwest Trade, and as the 
author was closely related to the Bulfinch who helped to send 
out the Columbia and the Washington, it should be fairly reliable 
for these early years. 

> American Relations in the Pacific and the Far East, 1784-1900. 
In Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political 
Science. Baltimore, 1901. 

This is disappointing, placing undue emphasis on certain minor 
incidents, and not at all exhausting the subject. The author is 
not always accurate. See above, last footnote on Chapter III. 

Sketch of Thomas H. Perkins. Vol. 10:201-210. In New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register, Boston. 

Some Remarks on the Commerce of Salem from 1726 to 1740, 
with a sketch of Philip English, a merchant in Salem from about 
1670 to about 1733-1734. In Historical Collections of the Essex 
Institute, Vol. I, p. 67. 

This helps to show the pre-Revolutionary preparation of Salem 
for a distant commerce, such as that to China. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 185 


The Clipper Ship Era .... 1843-1869. New York and 
London, 1911. 


Voyages of a Merchant Navigator of the Days that are Past. 
Compiled from the Journals and Letters of the Late Richard J. 
Cleveland. New York, 1886. 

This is an interesting supplement to R. J. Cleveland s works. 
It was written by his son, who adds new material and makes the 
voyages more readable. As he made extensive use of his father s 
journals and other reliable sources, the book is quite trustworthy. 

In the Boston Athenaeum. 

The Crater; or Vulcan s Peak. A Tale of the Pacific. New 
York, 1856. 

This book, although fiction, shows a knowledge of the China 
trade. Some references, especially those on pp. 17, 19, 20, and 
35, are true to the general historical facts of the trade. 

Histoire des Relations de la Chine avec Les Puissances Occi- 
dentales, 1860-1890. 3 Vols. Paris, 1901. 

Only a very little space is devoted to the years discussed in this 

Life of Daniel Webster. New York, 1870. 

Pages 2: 172-180 give an account of Webster s share in the 
Cushing mission. Curtis believes that Webster was not trying 
to get the London mission by inducing Everett to accept the China 

The United States and Foreign Powers. Meadville, Pa., 1892. 

This is one of the volumes of the Chautauqua Reading Circle 

Pages 250-257 give an account of the treaty of Whanghia, but 
are of only mediocre value. 

The Genealogy of the Cushing Family. Montreal, 1877. 

1 86 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

In the Harvard Library. This is used to show the relationship 
of Caleb Gushing to the Gushing engaged in the China Trade. 

Missionary Efforts of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the 
United States. In "History of American Missions to the 
Heathen," pp. 563 et sqq. Worcester, 1840. 

China: A General Description of that Empire, and Its 
Inhabitants, with the History of Foreign Intercourse down to 
the Events which Produced the Dissolution of 1857. 2 vols. 
London, 1857. (New edition.) 

The first half of the first volume is given to an historical 
sketch, and occasional mention is made of the Americans. 

It was written by an Englishman who had a long, intimate 
knowledge of many of the events of which he spoke, and so 
becomes a valuable source for many events after 1816. 

The China Mission, Embracing a History of the Various Mis 
sions of all Denominations among the Chinese. New York, 1859. 

This is of value chiefly for its large number of biographical 
sketches of missionaries, many of whom the author knew per 

The English in China .... from the Year 1600 to the 
Year 1843. London, 1909. 

Europe in China. The History of Hongkong from the begin 
ning to the year 1882. London and Hongkong, 1895. 

This is of use here chiefly for diplomacy and politics. 

Annals of Salem. 2 vols. Salem, 1845-1849. 

This is of service in determining Salem s part in the Canton 

American Diplomacy in the Orient. Boston and New York, 

This work deals mostly with diplomacy, and with the years 
after 1844. It is, however, a good summary of the commercial 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 187 

history, and since it is carefully done and uses good sources, 
such as the Consular letters from Canton, it is quite reliable. It 
is probably the best work previously in print that covers our 
period. Its chief fault is its brevity. 

A History of American Baptist Missions in Asia, Africa, 
Europe, and North America. Boston, 1849. 

This was prepared at the request of the American Baptist 
Missionary Union. 

GRAY, W. H. 

A History of Oregon, 1792-1849. Portland, San Francisco, 
and New York, 1870. 

This is not always reliable. It is of use for the Northwest 
Coast Fur Trade. 

William Gray of Salem, Merchant. A Biographical Sketch. 
Boston and New York, 1914. 

A History of Oregon and California and the Other Territories 
on the North West Coast of North America, Accompanied by a 
Geographical View and Map of Those Countries, and a Number 
of Documents as Proofs and Illustrations of the History. Bos 
ton, 1844. 

This is used here for the Northwest Coast Fur Trade. 

America in the East, A Glance at Our History, Prospects, 
Problems, and Duties in the Pacific Ocean. New York, 1890. 

This touches very briefly on the period before 1844, but it is 
fairly good. It lacks footnote references to the authorities used, 


A Maker of the New Orient. Samuel R. Brown, Pioneer 
Educator in China, America, and Japan. The Story of His Life 
and Work. F. H. Revell, New York, etc., 1902. 

GiitzlafFs Geschichte des Chinesischen Reiches, von den 
altesten Zeite, bis auf den Frieden von Nanking. Stuttgart und 
Tubingen, Karl Friedrich Neumann, Editor. 

1 88 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

There is an English translation of Giitzlaff, published in two 
volumes in New York, 1834. 

History of the Town of Danvers, from its Early Settlement to 
the Year 1848. Danvers, 1848. 

Pp. 94, in, contain notices of a ship that was built there for 
the East India Company for the East India trade, in 1775. 

The Story of Baptist Missions in Foreign Lands from the Time 
of Carey to the Present Time, with an Introduction by Rev. 
A. H. Burlingame. St. Louis, 1885. 

This work is not very exact and must, be used with care. 

The Trade and Commerce of Boston, 1630 to 1890. Boston, 

In State House Library, Boston. 

Hill s information about the China trade is apparently derived 
largely from contemporary newspapers. The book is useful for 
Boston s part in the trade with Canton. An article by the same 
man, containing much the same material, but more condensed, 
is in Justin Winsor s Memorial History of Boston, Boston, 1881. 

An Historical and Statistical Account of the Foreign Com 
merce of the United States. New York, 1857. 

A few statistics of the Canton trade are on pp. 180, 181. 

In Boston Athenaeum. 


Boston, 1841. 

These are simply papers telling of the work there and making 
an appeal for support. 

In Boston Public Library. 

Lives of American Merchants. New York, 1856. 

The ones useful here are : Thomas Handasyd Perkins, by 
Thomas G. Cary, and Joseph Peabody, by George Atkinson Ward. 

The Library of Commerce, Practical, Theoretical, and His- 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 189 

torical. New York, 1845. Vol. I, Article I. Sketch of the 
Commercial Intercourse of the World with China. Pp. 118-120 
of this are a brief summary of the American trade with Canton, 
but are not very good. 

In Boston Public Library. 

China and the Powers. Chapters in the History of Chinese 
Intercourse with Western Nations. Boston, 1902. 

Pages 40-45 give a brief resume of American relations before 
1844, but nothing new is brought out. 

In Essex Institute. 

Astoria, or Anecdotes of an Enterprise Beyond the Rocky 
Mountains. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1836. 

This is the fullest and most widely known history of Astor s 

Memoir of Mrs. Henrietta Shuck, the First American Female 
Missionary to China. Boston, 1846. 

This is more of a eulogy than a critical biography. 

The East India Trade of Providence. Providence, 1896. 

Number 6 in the Papers from the Historical Seminar of 
Brown University, edited by J. Franklin Jameson. 

Miss Kimball makes an extensive use of the newspapers of the 
times, and of various local manuscript sources. 
L., H. E. 

On the Trade of the United States of North America with 
China. In Analectic Magazine, Nov., 1819, pp. 359-366. 

This is a brief sketch, rather overdrawn, compiled from con 
versations with various persons engaged in the trade. 

The American Fur Trade. In Hunt s Merchant Magazine,. 
Sept., 1840, 3: 185. 

This is a readable magazine sketch, but has no great historical 

LAUT, A. C. 

Vikings of the Pacific. The Adventures of the Explorers who- 

190 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

Came from the West, Eastward. Behring the Dane ; the Outlaw 
Hunters of Russia; Benyowsky the Polish Pirate; Cook, and 
Vancouver, the English Navigators; Gray of Boston, the Dis 
coverer of the Columbia; Drake; Ledyard, and other Soldiers 
of Fortune on the West Coast of America. New York, 1905. 

Some good sources have been used quite extensively, and the 
results have been written up in an attractive style. 

Materials for the History of Ship-Building in Salem. 

In Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, 7 : 207. 

History of Merchant Shipping and Ancient Commerce; 4 v. 
London, 1876. 


An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China, 
and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China. 

A Supplementary Chapter Descriptive of the City of Canton. 
Boston, 1836. 

The Supplementary Chapter is the one of use to us here. 

The Medical Missionary in China. A Narrative of Twenty 
Years Experience. 2d ed. London, 1861. 

Lockhart gives some information about the history of medical 
missions before 1844, but devotes most of his space to a later 


Memoir of Hon. William Sturgis. 

In Proceedings of the Mass. Historical Soc., 1863-1864. 
Boston, 1864. 

Pp. 420-473. 

This is a eulogy and a character sketch, and is not very valuable 
for our purpose. 


History of Oregon. The Growth of an American State. New 
York, 1903. 4 vols. 

This is useful for its bearing on the Northwest Coast fur 
trade. See especially Vol. 2, Chaps. 3, 4, 9, 10, n. 

A Dictionary, Practical, Theoretical, and Historical of Com- 

Early Relations between the United States and China. .191 

merce and Commercial Navigation. Philadelphia, 1847. Edited 
by Henry Vethake. 

The section which deals with the China trade is Vol. I, pp. 

It is largely a summary of other sources, and is mostly con 
cerned with the British trade. 

A Century of Protestant Missions in China, 1807-1907. 

Being the Centenary Conference Historical Volume. Shanghai, 

This contains some little information on this period, but 
nothing new. 


Annals of Commerce. London, 1805. 

Reminiscences of Newport. Newport, 1884. 

This is a series of papers first published in the Providence 
Journal and the New York Evening Post. It contains one or 
two notices, probably culled from newspaper files, of China ships 
which touched at the port. 

In Harvard Library. 


The Discovery and Description of the Islands Called the 
Marquesas in the South Pacific Ocean. With a further account 
of the seven adjacent islands, discovered first by Captain Joseph 
Ingraham, and since by Captain Josiah Roberts. Compiled from 
Dalrymple s Collection of Discoveries. Cooke s Second Voyage, 
and the Journals and Log Book of the Ship Jefferson of Boston! 
In Collections of the Mass. Hist l Soc. for 1795. 4:238-246. 
Boston, 1795. 

No author is given, but the article is signed, "The Above 
Minutes are agreeable to my observations. Josiah Roberts, and 
to mine, Bernard Magee." Boston, Nov. 6, 1795. 

Oriental Commerce, or the East India Trader s Complete 
Guide. London, 1825. 

This was originally compiled by William Milburn of the East 
India Company. A digest of his papers was made later and new 
material added by Thomas Thornton. 

192 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

For our purposes, see XX VII, China, pp. 450-511. 

A Digest of International Law. Washington, 1906. 

Section 797 (5:416-421) tells of the treaty of Whanghia. 

Memoirs of the Life and Labours of Robert Morrison, D.D., 
compiled by His Widow, with Critical notices of his Chinese 
Works by Samuel Kidd. London, 1839. 

This is the standard life of Morrison. 

The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire. New 
York, Bombay, and Calcutta, 1908. 

A brief summary of American trade to 1844 is on p. 274. The 
general regulations of the trade at Canton before 1842 are well 
summarized on pp. 275-284. The author seems to refer, how 
ever, to Cooper s "Crater" as history, whereas it is the purest 
fiction, (p. 283.) 

The International Relations of the Chinese Empire. The 
Period of Conflict, 1834-1860. London, 1910. 

The most exhaustive history of the beginnings of foreign trade 
and diplomatic intercourse with China that has been written. 

An Historical and Descriptive Account of China. 

3 Vols. (2d ed.) Edinburgh, 1836. 

The part of this work of use to us is the chapter on commerce, 
3:49-96. No authorities are given for the statistics, , but they 
seem to be quite reliable. 

The Opium Question and the Northern Campaigns .... 
down to the Treaty of Nanking. Canton, 1875. 

A Century of American Commerce with China. 

An Extract from the work is given in the Journal of the China 
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 20:290-291, where it is 
referred to as a "forthcoming work." The book, however, does 
not seem to have been published. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 193 


.Robert Morris, Patriot and Financier. New York, 1903. 

Reference is made on pp. 222-224 to Morris part in the open 
ing of the China trade. 

Historical Sketch of Salem, 1626-1879. Salem, 1879. 

This is of value for Salem s part in the Canton trade. Much 
of it is from unpublished material, and hence is very useful. 


Ships and Sailors of Old Salem. New York, 1909. 


Life of John Jacob Astor, to Which is Appended a Copy of his 
Last Will. New York, 1865. 

This contains a number of incidents concerning Aster s share 
in the Canton trade. It was written in a popular style and must 
be used with care. 

Diplomatic Negotiations of American Naval Officers, 1778- 
1883. Baltimore, 1912. 


History of the Baptist General Convention, prepared under 
the superintendence of Solomon Peck, Foreign Secretary of the 
Board. Worcester, 1840. 

In the volume entitled "History of American Missions to the 


Memoir of James Perkins. 

In Proceedings of the Mass. Hist l Society, 1 : 363-368. 

This is by a son, but for our purposes does not contain much 
that is new. 

The Life and Opinions of the Rev. William Milne, D.D., Mis 
sionary to China. Philadelphia, 1840. 

This is compiled largely from letters and original documents. 
It is the life of an English missionary, but gives some information 
on American missions to the Chinese. 


A Practical Treatise on the China and Eastern Trade, Com- 


194 Kenneth S. Latoiircttc, 

prising the Commerce of Great Britain and India, particularly 
Bengal and Singapore with China and the Eastern Islands. 
Calcutta, 1835. 

Such information as this contains on the American trade with 
China is largely obtained from the evidences printed in the 
Parliamentary Papers. In Boston Public Library. 
PIERSON, H. W. (Editor). 

American Missionary Memorial, including Biographical and 
Historical Sketches. New York, 1853. 

The Sketches in this of use here are : Origin of American 
Foreign Missions, by Rev. S. M. Worcester, D.D. ; and David 
Abeel, by Rev. T. E. Vermilye. 

Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States of 
America. Hartford, 1816. 

This is a very useful work, and as a rule employs excellent 
sources. See especially pp. 208-211, 166-207. In Boston 

A later edition of this, New Haven, 1835, contains some more 
recent material. It omits, however, some statistics contained in 
the earlier edition. Both are of service. 

Notes on Early Ship-Building in Massachusetts. 

Communicated to New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register, 1871. 

In Boston Public Library. 

This tells of the building of an East Indiaman in America in 



The First Cruise of the United States Frigate Essex. 

In Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, 10:34 et sqq. 

The Port of Salem. 

In Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, 10: 52 et sqq. 
REID, J. M. 

Missions and Missionary Society .of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, by J. M. Reid, revised and extended by J. T. Gracey, 
D.D. 3 vols. New York, c. 1895. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 195 


Baltimore Past and Present, with Biographical Sketches of its 
Representative Men. Baltimore, 1871. 

This contains an Historical Sketch of the city by H. Mayer, a 
former president of the Maryland Historical Society, and it is 
this which is of use here. 

Philadelphia and Her Merchants as Constituted Fifty to 
Seventy Years ago. Philadelphia, 1860. 

This contains quite a mass of material useful for Philadel 
phia s share in the China trade. It is drawn largely from the 
memory of the author and of his acquaintances, and must be used 
with care. In the Astor Library. 

Memoir of Robert Bennett Forbes. 

In Mass. Hist l Society s Proceedings, 2d series, 6: 197-202. 

This seems to be drawn largely from Forbes published works. 

Anglo-Chinese Commerce and Diplomacy. (Mainly in the 
Nineteenth Century.) Oxford, 1907. 

This contains occasional mention of early American trade 
with China. See especially pp. 18, 19, 29, 30, 41. 

History of the United States of America under the Constitu 
tion. Volume IV, 1831-1841. Washington, 1889. 

This gives on pages 436, 437, an account of Cushing s appoint 
ment, unfavorable to Webster. 

American Diplomacy and the Furtherance of Commerce. New 
York, 1886. 

There is a summary of the diplomacy over the Russian advances 
on the Northwest Coast on pages 292-305. 

In the Boston Athenaeum. 

Statistical Annals : Embracing Views of the Population, Com 
merce, Navigation, Fisheries, Public Lands, Post Office Estab 
lishment, Revenues, Mint .... of the United States of 
America, founded on Official Documents. Philadelphia, 1818. 
TRANS. CONN. ACAD., Vol. XXII 14 1917 

196 Kenneth S. Latourctte, 

This covers March 4, 1789, to April 20, 1818, and contains 
some material which is not to be found in print elsewhere. 


Travels and Adventures of John Ledyard, Comprising his 
voyage with Captain Cook s third and last expedition, his journey 
on foot 1300 miles round the Gulf of Bothnia to St. Petersburg, 
his adventures and residence in Siberia, and his exploring mission 
to Africa. London, 1834. (Earliest ed., Cambridge, 1828.) 

This throws light on Ledyard s share in beginning the North 
west Coast Fur Trade. 

The Oldest and the Newest Empire. China and the United 
States. Hartford, Conn., 1870. 

The author had been a missionary to China and to the Chinese 
in California. Pages 410-420 cover the period of this mono 
graph. He seldom quotes authorities, although one could wish 
that he had done so, especially for his statement about the 
beginnings of American trade to Canton. 

In the Library of Columbia University. 


The Life, Letters, and Journals of the Rev. and Hon. Peter 
Parker, M.D., Missionary, Physician, and Diplomatist, the Father 
of Medical Missions and Founder of the Ophthalmic Hospital 
in Canton. Boston and Chicago, c. 1896. 

This contains many quotations from Parker s letters and 


Progress of New York in a Century, 1776-1876. An address 
delivered before the New York Historical Society, Dec. 7, 1875. 
New York, 1876. 

He only briefly mentions the China trade of New York. 

In New York Historical Society s Library. 

The Financier and the Finances of the American Revolution. 
2 vols. New York, 1892. 

See references on 2: 163, 277, for Morris connection with the 
Canton trade. 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 197 


Memoirs of the Rev. Samuel Mimson, and the Rev. Henry 
Lyman, Late Missionaries to the Indian Archipelago with the 
Journal of their Exploring Tour. New York, 1839. 

This is valuable chiefly for its use of good contemporary 

History of. the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign 
Missions. Worcester, 1840. 

In a volume, "History of American Missions to the Heathen," 

He has used quite extensively a number of sources, which he 


The Old Shipmasters of Salem. New York and London, 1905. 
This is used for Salem s share in the China Commerce. 


History of the Ancient Maritime Interests of New Haven. 
New Haven, 1882. 

Chapter vii is on the maritime enterprise of New Haven in the 
South Seas. 

(This is also in New Haven Colony Hist l Soc. Papers, Vol. 


Grandfather s Voyage around the World in the Ship "Betsey." 
1799-1801. New Haven, 1895. 

The author says, "In 1853, four years after the death of my 
grandfather, my father carefully and patiently related the voyage 
to me. I wrote it down word for word in a book which I have 
carefully preserved." This book was made up from the account 
thus written. It was another of the fur sealing voyages. There 
is a summary of the same voyage in "The Trowbridge Family, 
or Descendants of Thomas Trowbridge," by F. W. Chapman. 
New Haven, 1872, pp. 69-72. 


Old Time Student Volunteers. My Memories of Missionaries 
New York, 1902. 

198 Kenneth S. Latourette, 

This is composed of brief biographies of early missionaries 
with occasional reminiscences. 


Account of the Vessels Engaged in the Sea-otter Fur Trade 
on the Northwest Coast Prior to 1808. 

In James G. Swan, The Northwest Coast, or Three Years 
Residence in Washington Territory. New York, 1857. Pp. 


This was compiled from his own memoranda and from notes 
furnished by Captain Sturgis. It is valuable as a list, although 
an incomplete one, of the trading voyages to the Northwest 


Description Statistique, Historique et Politique des Etats-Unis 
de rAmerique Septentrionale depuis 1 epoque des premiers etab- 
lishemens jusqu a nos jours. Traduite sur celle d angleterre. 
5 vols. Paris, 1820. 

5 : 595> 596, 597, gives a brief statement of the American tea 
trade with China. 


Economic and Social History of New England, 1620-1789. 
2 vols. Boston and New York, 1890. 2 : 820-828, gives some 
information about the beginnings of the Canton Trade, much of 
it from very good sources, and some from rare manuscripts. 

Early Oriental Commerce in Providence. 

In Mass. Hist l Soc. Proceedings, 3d Series, 1 : 236-278. Bos 
ton, 1908. 

This is a rather ill-digested collection of notes from various 
sources, largely the Brown and Ives papers in the John Carter 
Brown Library. 


The Foreigner in China. With introduction by Prof. W. C. 
Sawyer. Chicago, 1881. 

This is written in a popular style, showing no great research, 
and has only one or two pages on the period covered by this 

Early Relations between the United States and China. 199 


The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, LL.D., Mis 
sionary, Diplomatist, Sinologue. New York, 1889. 

This is written largely from letters and other good sources, 
and by a son. 

A History of China, being the Historical Chapters from the 
"Middle Kingdom." New York City, 1901. 

This is especially complete on European intercourse with China. 


The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Govern 
ment, Literature, Social Life, Arts, and History of the Chinese 
Empire and Its Inhabitants. 2 vols. New York, 1883 (Reim- 
pression, 1904). 

Although rather old, this is still a standard reference book on 

It covers too broad a field to go much into detail, but what it 
gives is good, especially on missions, and on diplomatic history, 
much of which the author knew as a participant. 

Memoir of Rev. David Abeel, D.D., Late Missionary to China. 
New York, 1848. 

This w r as written more for edification than history, but it is 
valuable because it contains large extracts from Abeel s journals 
of earlier and of later dates than those published under his own 
(WILSON, T. L. V.) (?) 

The Aristocracy of Boston, Who they are, and. what they are, 
being a History of the Business and Business Men of Boston for 
the Last Forty Years. By One who knows Them. Boston, 1848. 

This is a collection of short reminiscent accounts. It must be 
used with care. 
WINSOR, JUSTIN, (Editor). 

Narrative and Critical History of America. Boston and New 
York, c. 1888. 

An article by James B. Angell gives on 7: 510 an account of 
the negotiations with Russia over the Northwest Coast. 

2oo Kenneth S. Latourette, 


Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese Giving a 
List of their Publications and Obituary Notices of the Deceased. 
Shanghai, 1867. 

This contains fairly good brief biographies of most of the 


Cathay and the Way Thither, being a Collection of Medieval 
Notices of China, translated and edited by Colonel Henry Yule, 
with a preliminary essay on the intercourse between China and 
the Western Nations Previous to the discovery of the Cape Route. 
London, Hakluyt Society, 1866. 

This is the best single work on medieval intercourse between 
China and Europe. It is used here to give information for a 
brief sketch of Western intercourse with China prior to the 
coming of the Americans. 


Abeel, David, 89, 90, 92, 99, 104, 
1 06, 1 08, 1 60, 173, 194, 199- 

"Active", 40, 45, 154. 

Adams, John Quincy, 38, 55, 125, 
129, 130, 131. 

Ah Loo, 97. 

"Akbar", 70. 

"Alceste", 169. 

"Alexander", 36. 

Allen, Charles H., 155. 

"Alliance", 14, 16. 

American Baptist Board of For 
eign Missions, 87, 96, 106, 160, 
187, 1 88, 193. 

American Bible Society, 86, 88. 

American Board of Commission 
ers for Foreign Missions, 8, 86, 
89, 92, 94, 105, 1 06, 122, 146, 160, 
182, 183, 197. 

American Oriental Society. 136. 

American Philosophical Society, 

American Seaman s Friend Soci 
ety, 89, 93, 149- 

American Tract Society, 88, 146. 

Amoy, 120, 140. 

Amsterdam, 45. 

Amsterdam, Island of, 39. 

Andover Theological Seminary, 

Anglo-Chinese College at Ma 
lacca, 88. 

"Ann and Hope", 22, 46, 47, 49, 


"Ann McKinn", 70. 

Appleton, Nathaniel, 156. 

Archer, Henry, Jr., 157. 

Archer, Jones, Oakford and Com 
pany, 70. 

Ariel, 119. 

"Arthur", 46, 154. 

"Asia", 18, 155. 

Astor. John Jacob, 37, 42, 43, 52, 
68, 189, 193- 

Astoria, 42, 56. 
"Astrea", 18, 65, 155. 
"Atahualpa", 36. 
Austin, Elijah, 39. 
Australia, 14, 16, 40, 45, 46. 
Austrians, 31. 

Ball, Dyer, 105. 

Ball, J. D., 120. 

Baltimore, 50, 60, 70. 

Bangkok, 96, 103, 104, 105, 106, 


Banksall, 22. 

Baptist Missionary Society, 8. 
Barnard, Charles, 160. 
Barrell, Joseph, 31, 167. 
Barry, Captain, 18. 
Bass, 66. 
Batavia, 45, 46, 72, 88, 91, 95, 103, 

104, 107, 108, 156, 159. 
Battaks, 108. 
Baylies, 57. 
"Beaver", 43. 

beche de mer, 8, 43, 53, 58-60, 156. 
Beechey, F. W., 161. 
Benham, 107. 
Bentley, Christopher, 154. 
Benton, Thomas H., 131, 133, 146- 
Bering, 30. 
"Betsey", 197. 
Biddle, Commodore, 144. 
Bills of exchange, 71. 
Bird s nests, edible, 43. 
Blockade of Canton by British, 


"Blossom", 161. 
Bocca Tigris, 22, 23, 25, 48. 
Bombay, 45, 46. 
Bond, Phineas, 12, 74, 161. 
Boone, William J., 109, 120, 122, 


Borneo, 92, 105. 
Boston, 13, 15, 18, 30, 31, 34, 55, 

41, 64, 156-158, 188. 




"Boston", 36, 166. 

Botany Bay, 45, 46. 

"Boxer", 84. 

Bradley, 106. 

"Brandywine", 134, 136. 

Brazil, 77. 

Bridgman, Elijah C, 89, 90, 91, 

93, 99, 105, H5, 120, 139. 
Bristol, 35, 67. 
British and Foreign Bible Society, 

86, 104. 

British Manufacturers, 73. 
British Northwest Fur Company, 

37, 43- 

"Brookline", 155. 
Brown, John, 17. 
Brown, Samuel, 31. 
Brown, Samuel R., 99, 101, 187. 
Brown and Francis, 17, 28. 
Brown and Ives, 8. 
Brumley, Reuben, 44. 
Bryant and Sturgis, 66. 
Bulfinch, Charles, 31. 

Cabot, Samuel, 66. 
Calcutta, 28, 39, 45, 51. 
California, trading and sealing 

voyages to, 36. 
Campbell, Archibald, 161. 
Canton, 10, 14, 18, 33-35, 39, 46, 

66, 122, 140. 
"Canton", 14, 17, 18. 
Canton-American trade, decline 

in 1826, 63. 
Canton commercial system before 

1842, 1 8, 26. 

Canton, community life in, 82. 
Canton General Chamber of Com 
merce, 82. 
Canton, growth of trade with, 

1789-1810, 48. 
"Canton Press", 82, 180. 
Canton Regatta Club, 82. 
"Canton Register", 82, 180. 
Cape of Good Hope, 13, 14, 17, 

32, 35, 39, 45- 

Cape Verde Islands, 14, 45, 155. 
"Caravan", 155. 

Carey, William, 86. 

Carolinas, n. 

"Caroline", 50. 

Carrington, Edward, 50, 88. 

Gary, Thomas G., 188. 

Cassia, 80. 

Celebes, 175. 

Chapman, I. N., 156. 

"Charles Daggett", 59, 163. 

Charleston, 70. 

Cheever, G. N., 158. 

Cheever, George W., 156. 

Cheever, J. W., 159. 

Chile, 159, 169. 

China ware, 80. 

Chinese Courier and Canton Ga 
zette, 180. 

Chinese in the United States, 123. 

Chinese Repository, 9, 91, 100, 
127, 146, 180. 

Ching, 136, 137, 138. 

Chop, 22. 

Chrestomathy, 99, 116. 

Christian Union of Canton, 92, 

Church Missionary Society, 85. 

Chusan, 122. 

Clark, John I., 67. 

Clark and Nightingale, 67. 

"Clay", 59, 155. 

Cleveland, Richard J., 24, 36, 46, 
161, 185. 

Clipper ships, 70. 

Co-hong, 20, 62, 82, 119, 140. 

Golden, 57. 

"Columbia", 12, 14, 22, 23, 65, 155, 
166, 173- 

Columbia River, 38, 56, 152. 

Columbus and China, 10. 

Comprador, 22. 

Conception, 41. 

"Concord", 155. 
"Congress", 83. 
Connecticut, 13. 
Connecticut, General Association 

of, 85, 177. 
"Constellation", 117. 
"Consul", 156. 



Consulate at Canton, American, 


Cook, Captain, 30, 31. 
Cooledge, T. R., 35, 94, 102, 116. 
Coolidge, J., 66. 
Copper, 72. 
"Coquille", 168. 
Corlis, John, 67. 
Cotton, 72, 76. 
Cowpland, 60. 
Cummings, W. H., 122. 
Gushing, Caleb, 126, 129, 133-144, 

152, 153. 
Gushing, John P., 66, 134. 

Daniel Parker and Company, 13. 

Danvers, 10. 

Daschkoff, 37, 38. 

Davis, William H., 44. 

Dean, William, 96, 106, 121. 

Deane, Stewart, 16. 

Delano, Amasa. 39, 40, 161. 

Delano, Warren, Jr., 114, 118. 

"Delhi", 72, 156. 

Dennison, Captain, 17. 

"Derby", 46, 156. 

Derby, Elias H., 17, 64, 65, 145. 

Derby, John, 31. 

D Wolf, John, 35, 36, 67, 162. 

"Diana", 51. 

Dickinson, J. T., 105. 

Diffusion of Useful Knowledge 
in China, Society, 100. 

Diver, W. B., 102, 115. 

Dix, W. G., 162. 

Dixon, G., 162. 

Domestic and Foreign Missionary 
Society of the Protestant Epis 
copal Church in the U. S. A., 
87, 109, 149- 

Doolittle, Erasmus, 162. 

"Doris", 52. 

Dorr and Sons, 35, 66. 

Doty, Elihu, 108. 

Douglas, 32, 34. 

Downes, John, 171. 

Driver, William, 59, 155. 

"Duff", 173- 

"Duke", 44. 

Dunn, Nathan, 176, 179- 

Dutch Reformed Church, 89, 96. 

Duties, Chinese customs, 23. 

Dyer, Samuel, 88. 

Eagleston, J. H., 158, 159. 

East India Company, British, 10, 
12, 54, 88, 96, 1 10, 127, 147, 148, 
171, 178, 179, 181 ; effect of 
American trade upon, 74-76. 

East India Company, Danish, 18. 

"Eclipse", 37, 65. 

Edell, James, 154. 

Edmonds, John W., 125. 

Edward Carrington and Company, 


"Eleonora", 18, 34, 39. 

"Eliza", 39, 46, 59, 156. 

Elliot, Captain, 113, 116. 

"Emerald", 59, 156. 

Emery, N., Jr., 159. 

"Emily", 60, 61, in. 

Emperor s merchant, 20. 

"Empress of China", 13-17, 30, 

England, 73. 

English, 14; trade with North 
west Coast, 31. 

English Baptist Missionary Soci 
ety, 85. 

English, Philip, 184. 

Episcopal Board. See Domestic 
and Foreign Missionary Soci 
ety of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in the U. S. A. 

Erskine, Charles, 163. 

"Essex", 194. 

Essex Institute, 8. 

Everett, Edward, 126, 132. 

Exterritoriality, 141. 

Eyre and Massey, 69. 

Factories at Canton, 20, 24. 
Factory, American, at Canton, 81. 
"Fair American", 35. 
Falkland Islands, 30, 39. 
Fanning, Edmund, 51, 152, 163. 
Fanning, H., 69. 



Farming s Island, 60. 

Fiji Islands, 44, 58, 155, 156, 158, 

162, 163, 171. 
Floyd, 56, 152. 
Foochow, 140. 

Forbes, John M., 66, 70, 71, 164. 
Forbes, Paul S., 136, 137. 
Forbes, Robert B., 66, 164, 195. 
Forbes, Thomas T., 66. 
France, 14, 77. 
Franchereu, Gabriel, 164. 
"Francis", 156. 
Frazer, Captain, 104. 
Friendly Islands, 158. 
"Friendship", 83. 
Fuhkien, 95. 
Fur-sealing in the South Seas, 

Fur trade, 8, 29-43, 53- 

Gambia River, 159. 

"Ganges", 157. 

"General Washington", 14, 17, 67, 


Gibraltar, 71, 73, 77. 
Gilchrist, James, 155. 
Ginseng, 10, 14, 27, 29, 73. 
Girard, Stephen, 70. 
"Glide", 59, 157, 162. 
Goddard, Josiah, 107. 
Gordon, S., 171. 
"Grand Turk", 17, 64. 
Gray, J., 66. 
Gray, Robert, 155. 
Green, John, 13, 16. 
Grosvenor, consul at Canton, 127. 
Giitzlaff, K. F. A.; 94, 98, 106, 164, 

Giitzlaff, Mrs., 101. 

Hadley, Lady, 39. 
Hainan, 97. 
Hall, 87. 

Hamburg, 45, 46, 77, 155. 
"Hamilton", 157. 
"Hanover", 67. 
Hanson, F. R., 109. 
Hartford, 41, 68. 

Hatch, Crowell, 31. 
Hathorne, Nathaniel, 46, 159. 
Hawaii, 34, 35, 42-44, 57, 151, 159, 


"Hazard", 36. 
Heard, Augustine, 159. 
Henshaw, 128. 
"Herald", 157. 
"Himaleh", 104. 
Hobson, Benjamin, 103. 
Hodges, Benjamin, 22, 159. 
Holland, 77. 

Hong merchants. See co-hong. 
Hongkong, 113, 114, 120, 122, 139, 


Hong Sheung. See co-hong. 
"Hope", 14, 16, 33, 44, 45, 66, 105, 


Hoppin, Benjamin and Son, 67. 
Hoppo, 14, 22. 
Howell, John, 167. 
Howqua, 21, 102. 
Hoy and Thorn, 66. 
Hudson Bay Company, 98. 
"Hunter", 46, 157. 
Hunter, W. C, 165. 
Hunt s Merchant Magazine, 125. 
"Huron", 95, 172. 

Impressment of American sailors 

by British, 49-51. 
India, 7. 

"Indus", 46, 157. 
Ingersoll, Nathaniel, 157. 
Ingraham, Joseph, 33, 66, 165, 191. 
Innes, 112. 

Irving, Washington, 31. 
Isle of France, 39, 45, 159. 

Jackson, Andrew, 84. 

"Jacob Jones", 52. 

Jacobs, T. J., 166. 

"Jane", 158. 

Japan and Japanese, 98, 115. 

Jardine, 82. 

Java, 155. 

Jay, John, 13, 15. 

"Jefferson", 34, 169. 



Jefferson, Thomas, 124. 

"Jenny", 18. 

Jewitt, John, 166. 

"John Adams", 1/3. 

John Carter Brown Library of 

American History, 8. 
"John Jay", 45, 46, 158. 
Johnson, Stephen, 106, 108. 
Jones and Clark, 69. 
Jones, John Paul, 31. 
Jones, John T., 106. 
Juan Fernandez, 169. 
Judson, Adoniram, 87. 
"June", 36. 

Kagoshima, 98. 

Kamchatka, 37, 42. 

Ke, 118, 119, 136-140, 143. 

Kearney, Commodore, 116, 117, 


Kelley, Wilbur, 154. 
Kempton, Captain, 51. 
Kendrick, John, 12, 32, 43, 167. 
King, C. W., 98, 99, 113. 
King George s Sound Company, 


Kiying. See Ke. 
Kodiack Indians, 55. 
Kotow, question of, 135. 
Kotzebue, 57. 
Krusenstern, A. J. von, 46, 167. 

"Lady Washington", 14, 32, 33. 

"La Favorite", 168. 

Lamb, 35, 66. 

Laplace, M., 168. 

Lay, G. T., 104. 

Lead, 73. 

"Leander", 65. 

Leang A fa, 88, 93. 

Ledyard, John, 30, 190, 196. 

Leghorn, 45, 46, 156. 

"Lelia Byrd", 36. 

Lepers, 98. 

Lew Chew Islands, 98. 

Lin Tse-sii, 112, 113, 115, 128. 

Linguist, 22. 

Lintin, 25, 81, 83, 84, ill, 159. 

Lisbon, 46. 

Livingston, John H., 177. 
Lockhart, William, 102. 
Lockwood, Henry, 109. 
London, 154. 
London Missionary Society, 85, 

95, 102, 108, 173- 
"Lord Amherst", 164. 
"Louisa", 35, 158. 
Lowrie, Walter M., 121. 
Lutke, F., 168. 
Lyman, Henry, 35, 108, 197. 
Lymans, 66. 

Macao, 7, 20, 22, 25, 49, 50, 81, 82, 
91, 97, 98, 101, 113, US, 122, 136, 

Macartney Mission, 39, 165, 173. 

Macgowan, Daniel J., 122. 

McRea, John, 70. 

Madagascar, n. 

Madras, 17. 

Magee, Bernard, 169. 

Magee, James, 16, 18, 34, 39, 66, 
158, 169. 

Malacca, 87, 101. 

Malay Peninsula, 90. 

Manchus, 19. 

Manila, 45, 58, 59, 66, 72, 118, 154- 
156, 159, 168. 

Marchand, Etienne, 164. 

"Margaret", 34, 47, 158, 169. 

"Margaret Oakley", 60, 166. 

Marquesas Islands, 33, 58, 191. 

Martain, William, 157, 158. 

"Massachusetts", 18. 

Massachusetts, n. 

Massachusetts Missionary Soci 
ety, 86. 

Massafuero, 39-42, 155. 

Mauritius. See Isle of France. 

Meares, John, 32, 170. 

Medhurst, W. H., 88, 94, 95, 107, 

Medical Missionary Society in 
China, 102, 122. 

Mediterranean, n. 

Melon, 44. 

"Mercury", 36. 



"Mermaid", 59, 158. 

Metcalf, Captain, 18, 34, 35. 

Methodist Missionary Society, 87, 

Miller, 117. 

Milne, William, 87, 88, 193. 

Milner and Bull, 81, 88. 

Missionary Herald, 88. 

Missions, origin of in America, 

Missions, after first Chinese-Brit 
ish war, 120. 

"Missouri", 134, 136. 

Mongol conquests, 7. 

"Monroe", 158. 

Morrell, Benjamin, 59, 166. 

Morris, Charles, 167. 

Morris, Robert, 13, 15, 16, 30, 69, 

"Morrison", 93, 98, 116. 

Morrison, J. R., 95, 177. 

Morrison, Robert, 61, 87, 88, 90, 
94, 95, 99, 101, 192. 

Morrison Education Society, 101, 

Moulton, William, 170. 

Munson, Samuel, 108, 197. 

Nagasaki, 98. 

Nankeens, 53, 80. 

Nanking, treaty of, 119, 120, 126, 


Napier, Lord, 93, no. 
"Nautilus", 42. 
"Neptune", 39, 41, 173. 
Nevius, Elbert, 108. 
Newell, 87. 

New China Street, 25. 
New Haven, 38, 39, 64, 68, 197. 
New London, 30, 38, 41, 68. 
New Orleans, 156. 
Newport, 67, 191. 
Newton, J. W., 93. 
New York, 11, 13, 15, 18, 30, 35, 

39, 40, 41, 44, 64, 68, 155, 156. 
New York Custom House, 148. 
New York Missionary Society, 


New Zealand, 46, 156, 158. 

Nichols, George, 40, 154. 

Nicol, William, 50. 

Niles Register, 123, 135. 

Ningpo, 20, 140. 

Nootka Sound, 32, 33, 34. 

Norfolk Island, 46. 

Northwest Coast, 158, 164, 167, 

172, 184. 
Northwest Coast fur trade, 29, 

54, 55, 195, 198. 
Norwich, 64. 
Nott, 87. 
Nutmegs, 73. 
Nye, Gideon, 127. 

O Cain, 36. 

Officials, Chinese, communication 

of foreigners with, 25. 
Old China Street, 25. 
Oliver Wolcott and Company, 68, 

Olyphant, D. W. C, 69, 89, 90, 92, 

95, 102. 
Olyphant and Company, 69, 81, 

95, 98, 104, 117. 

Ophthalmic Hospital, 94, 99, 102. 
Opium, 23, 27, 72, 73, 95, 111-114, 

118, 119, 192. 

Oregon, 32, 56, 57, 152, 187. 
Ormsbee, John, 155. 
"Outside merchants", 21. 

Page, Benjamin, 46, 154. 

Page, Martin, 154. 

"Pallas", 15, 59, 159. 

Panoplist and Missionary Maga 
zine, 182. 

Parish, Thomas, 66. 

Parker, Commodore, 134. 

Parker, Peter, 94, 97, 98, 102, 104, 
115, 121, 128, 129, 139, 188, 196. 

Patterson, Samuel, 171. 

Peabody, Joseph, 65, 188. 

"Peacock", 83, 84. 

Pearl River, 20, 22. 

Pearls, 59. 

Peet, 107. 



Peking, 136. 

Pellew, Commodore, 51. 

Pepper, 73. 

Perkins, James, 193. 

Perkins, James and Thomas H., 

37, 66. 
Perkins, Thomas H., 18, 33, 55, 

65, 151, 184, 188. 
"Perseverance", 46, 159. 
"Peru", 59, 159- 
"Phaeton", 50, 51. 
Philadelphia, 16, 35, 39, 4i, 64, 


Pickman, Dudley S., 46. 
Pilots fees, 23. 
Pinkham, R., 171. 
Pintard, John M., 31. 
Pirates, n, 48. 
Pohlman, W. J., 105, 108. 
"Polly", 34- 
Pondicherry, 17. 
Porter, Lemuel, 157. 
Portugal, 7, 11, 19, 5*, 7*, 85. 
"Potomac", 83, 171, 174- 
"President Washington", 28. 
Presbyterian Board, 105, 121. 
Presbyterian Church, 96. 
Privateers, n, 17, 49. 
Providence, n, 17, 35, 46, 64, 67, 

Providence Custom House, 149. 

Quallah Battoo, 83. 
Quicksilver, 72. 

"Rambler", 52. 

Randall, 15. 

Rattans, 73. 

Read, Commodore George C., 128, 


Reed, Alanson, 107. 
Reid, Thomas, 16. 
Revolution, American, 12. 
Rhode Island, n. 
Rice, 23, 72, 87. 
Richardson, William, 46, 156. 
Roberts, Edmund, 83, 84. 
Roberts Fund and China Mission 

Society, 98. 

Roberts, Issacher J., 97, 120, 121. 

Roberts, Joseph, 34. 

Roberts, Josiah, 191. 

Robinson, 106, 108. 

Rogers, T., 97- 

Roman Catholic Missions in 

China, 90, 190. 
Romanzoff, 37, 38. 
Root, Joel, 41, 172. 
Rotterdam, 157. 
Russell and Company, 71. 
Russell, Sturgis and Company, 81. 
Russia and Russians, 30, 36, 37, 

54, 77- 
Russian-American Negotiations 

over Northwest Coast, 37, 38, 

55, 56. 

St. Ambrose, 39, 169. 

St. Helena, 159. 

"St. Louis", 134. 

St. Paul Island, 40. 

St. Petersburg, 45, 46. 

Salem, 11, 13, 17, 39, 41, 46, 58, 

59, 64, 65, 154-158, 184, 186, 190, 

193, 194, 197. 

Salem Custom House, 149. 
Salt peter, 23. 
Salter, John, 36. 

Samuel Russell and Company, 81. 
Sandalwood, 8, 43, 53, 57, 58. 
Sandalwood Bay, 60. 
Sandwich Islands. See Hawaii. 
"Sapphire", 159. 
Saurarang, 159. 

Scotch Missionary Society, 85. 
Seaman s Friend Association of 

China, 103. 
Sea Otter, 30. 
"Semiramis", 67. 
Serampore, translation of the 

Bible, 88. 
Shaler, 36. 
Shanghai, 95, 140. 
Shantung, 95. 
Sharks fins, 43. 
Shaw and Randall, 81. 
Shaw, Samuel, 14, 15, 16, 18, 151. 



Sherry, 116, 117, 143. 

Shuck, Henrietta Hall, 96, 116, 


Shuck, J. Lewis, 96, 97, 98. 
Siam, 90, 105, 106. 
Silk, 27, 53, 76, 79- 
Silsbee, Z. F., 157. 
Singapore, 94, 96, 97, 103, 104, 105. 
Sitka, 36. 
Slade, John, 173. 
Slater, 108. 

Smith, Thomas H., 63, 69. 
Smuggling into China, 23. 
Snow, P. W., 25, 81, 113, 114. 
Snow, Samuel, 49. 
Society Islands, 158. 
South America, 30, 71, 72. 
South Georgia, 39. 
South Seas, 30, 43-45, 152, 178, 


South Shetland Islands, 163. 
Specie, 23, 27, 28, 71. 
Spirit of Missions, 182. 
Stacker, John C, 70. 
"States", 39. 
Stevens, Edwin, 92, 94, 95, 101, 


Stewart, William R., 39. 
Stonington, 38, 42, 64, 68. 
Sturgis, James P., 66, 82. 
Sturgis, William, 34, 47, 167, 182, 


Sue Anam, 143. 
"Sumatra", 65. 
Sumatra, 46, 108, 154, 157. 
Sunda, Straits of, 14, 45. 
Sweden, 73. 

Tahiti, 156. 

Talbot, 81, 90, 112. 

Tariff, United States on China 

goods, 78, 79. 
Tea, 13, 27, 29, 53, 76-79. 
Terranova Affair, 54, 60-63, HI, 

127, 143, 151, 181. 
Thirteen Factory Street, 25. 
"Thomas Perkins", 112. 
Thompson, Captain, 18. 

Thompson of Philadelphia, 63. 
Thompson, Edward K., 67. 
"Three Sisters", 155. 
Tien Tsin, 138. 
Tin, 73- 
Tomlin, 105. 
Tongku, 114. 

"Tonquin", 42, 43, 44, 45, 164. 
"Topaz", 50, 51. 
Tortoise shell, 43, 58. 
Townsend, Ebenezer, Jr., 39, 173. 
Tracy, Ira, 93, 104, 105. 
Tracy, Stephen, 105. 
Travelli, J. H., 105. 
Truxton, Captain, 18. 
Tucker, 57. 
Tuyl, Baron de, 56. 
Tyler, President, 129, 130, 133. 
134 135, MO. 

"Union", 44. 

United States, first ship from to 
China, 13. 

United States, growing knowl 
edge of China, 122-127. 

United States, interest of govern 
ment in China, 83. 

Upshur, 135. 

VanBuren, Martin, 129. 
Vancouver, 43, 174. 
Vent, Samuel, 159. 
"Vincennes", 83. 

Wages, on ships, 47. 

Waldo, C. F, 157. 

Wallis Island, 162. 

War, first Chinese-British, 7, 8, 

22, no- 1 20, 124-127, 130. 
War of 1812, 43, 45, 51. 
War, opium. See War, first 


War, second Chinese-British, 8. 
Warriner, Francis, 174. 
Wars, Napoleonic, 28, 29. 
"Washington", 33. 
Webb, Benjamin, 155. 
Webster, Daniel, 129, 130-133, 135. 



Webster, Fletcher, 134, 139- 
Wesleyan University, 96. 
West, Thomas, 156. 
West Indies and West Indian 

trade, 11, 12, 17, 29, 71. 
Wetmore, 113. 
Wetmore and Company, 82. 
Whampoa, 14, 22, 24, 49, 51, 52, 

88, 91, no, 117, 137- 
Whanghia, treaty of, 8, 139- 144, 

152-154, 192. 
Wharton, Charles, 69. 
Wheatland, Richard, 157, 158. 
Wilcocks, 61. 

Wilkes, Charles, 84, 163,^1 74- 
"William", 159. 

"William and Henry", 22, 159. 
Williams, C. H., 159. 
Williams, F. W., 145- 

Williams, George W., 159. 
Williams, S. W., 93, 98, 104, 105, 

ii5, 175, 199- 
Winn, John D., 156. 
Winn, Joseph, Jr., 156. 
Winship, Jonathan, 44. 
Winsor, Thomas, 95. 
Wolcott. See Oliver Wolcott and 

Wood, 82. 
Wood, G. W., 105. 
Woods, Leonard, 179. 
Woodward, David, 175. 
Wyer, Obed, 156. 

Yale, 92, 101. 
Yedo Bay, 98. 
Yih Shan, 116. 

For particulars regarding the previous Transactions of 
the Connecticut Academy, 

Address the Librarian, 

Andrew Keogh, Yale Station, 

New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. 



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