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THE    VALERIAN    PERSECUTION 


THE 

VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

31  ^tutip  of  tf)e  iHelation^  fiettoecn 

Ctiurcl)  anti  ^tate  in  tl^e 

€ljirli  Cmturp  31*  2D* 

BY 

The  Keverend  PATRICK  J.  HEALY,  D.  D. 

OP  THE  CATHOLIC   UNTVEBBITY  OF   AMEBICA 


BOSTON    AND   ISTEW    YORK 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 

(C!)e  J^itoerpiDc  j^resj^,  Cambridge 

1905 


ov 


THENEWrORK 

PUBLIC  LIBRARY 

A8T0R,  LENQX  AND 

TILDE n:  foundations. 

1906 


Nihil  obstat : 

EDMUND  T.  SHANAHAN 

Censor  Deputatus 

Imprimatur  : 

JOHN  J.  WILLIAMS 

Archbishop 


April  11,  1905 


COPYRIGHT    1905   BY   PATRICK  J.    HEALY' 
ALL   RIGHTS    RESERVED 

Published  September  iqo$ 


TO 

THE  REVEREND  MICHAEL  C.  O'FARRELL 

RECTOR 

HOLY  INNOCENTS'  CHURCH 

NEW  YORK   CITY 


PREFACE 

Recent  investigation  into  the  relations  between 
the  Christian  Church  and  the  Roman  State  during 
the  first  three  centuries  of  our  era  has  thrown 
much  new  light  on  the  history  of  this  long  period 
of  persecution,  and  has  served  to  show  that  the  op- 
position to  Christianity  on  the  part  of  the  Roman 
authorities  arose  from  a  deep-seated  adherence  to 
time-honored  state  policy  rather  than  from  blind 
hatred  for  the  followers  of  the  new  religion.  This 
view  of  the  subject  does  not  tend  to  diminish  belief 
in  the  intensity  and  bitterness  of  the  struggle, 
while  it  brings  into  clearer  light  the  herculean 
task  which  confronted  the  first  Apostles  of  Chris- 
tianity in  promulgating  doctrines  which  were  to 
revolutionize  all  old  ideas  regarding  the  political, 
social,  moral,  and  religious  relations  of  mankind. 
Bearing  in  mind  the  peculiar  character  of  pagan 
society  in  antiquity,  its  cohesiveness  and  absolu- 
tism, and  its  claims  to  complete  domination  over  all 
human  affairs,  it  will  be  manifest  how  easily  a  pro- 
paganda which  aimed  at  disintegrating  this  auto- 
cratic exercise  of  power  could  be  construed  into 
treason  to  the  state. 


viii  PREFACE 

The  persecution  which  took  place  during  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Valerian  was,  in  a  sense,  the 
most  critical  period  in  the  history  of  the  Church 
during  the  first  three  centuries.  The  policy  of  com- 
plete extermination  formulated  by  the  Emperor 
Decius,  which  was  the  first  systematic  attempt  to 
destroy  Christianity,  was  never  adequately  tested, 
as  the  premature  death  of  that  Emperor  prevented 
the  full  carrying  out  of  his  plans.  In  the  case  of 
Valerian  the  same  policy  prevailed ;  it  was  in  force 
for  a  longer  period;  and  it  was  put  into  operation 
at  a  time  when  the  Church  was  still  staggering 
under  the  blows  inflicted  by  Decius.  The  meagre 
list  of  martyrs  whose  names  are  known  to  us  as 
victims  of  this  persecution  affords  no  indication  as 
to  the  aetual  number  of  those  who  suffered  death, 
banishment,  or  confiscation  at  the  hands  of  the 
Koman  authorities.  There  is  no  complete  history  in 
English  of  these  three  centuries  of  Christian  trial. 
In  fact,  outside  the  pages  of  M.  Paul  AUard's  monu- 
mental work  on  the  Persecutions  there  is  no  sys- 
tematic presentation  of  the  subject  in  any  language. 
The  author  takes  this  opportunity  to  acknowledge 
his  indebtedness  to  M.  AUard  for  the  help  and 
guidance  afforded  by  his  works  in  treating  a  sub- 
ject which  would  otherwise  have  offered  insuper- 
able difficulties.  Realizing  very  thoroughly  the 
many  imperfections  of  the  work,  the  author  is  loath 


PREFACE  ix 

to  mention  the  names  of  those  from  whom  he  re- 
ceived aid  and  advice;  but  justice  no  less  than 
thankfubess  compels  him  to  acknowledge  the  many 
obligations  which  he  is  under  to  Doctor  Shahan, 
Professor  of  Church  History  at  the  Catholic  Uni- 
versity, without  whose  aid,  never  failing  kindness, 
and  ever  ready  advice  and  encouragement  the 
achievement,  slight  as  it  is,  would  not  have  been 
possible. 

The  work  was  in  typewritten  manuscript  before 
the  author  had  an  opportunity  to  examine  some  of 
the  more  recent  publications  dealing  with  this  por- 
tion of  history,  such  as  Harnack's  "  Mission  und 
Ausbreitung  des  Christen tums  in  den  ersten  drei 
Jahrhunderten,"  and  especially  Lccrivain's'' Etudes 
sur  I'Histoire  Auguste  ;  "  but  a  close  examination  of 
these  and  some  other  works  on  the  same  subject  has 
convinced  him  that  they  contain  nothing  which 
would  call  for  modification  or  change  in  any  of  the 
conclusions  at  which  he  has  arrived. 

PATRICK  J.  HEALY. 

Washington,  D.  C,  April  11, 1905. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I 

THE   CHURCH   AND   THE   EMPIRE 

PA6B 

Christianity  and  the  old  order  incompatible  —  Causes  of  per- 
secution —  Religious  conditions  in  the  Roman  Empire  — 
Eclecticism  —  Midtiplication  of  gods  —  Adoption  of  for- 
eign cults  —  Paganism  inclusive,  Christianity  exclusive 
—  Pagan  creeds  national,  Christianity  universal  —  Pagan- 
ism external  and  formal,  Christianity  internal  and  spirit- 
ual—  Attempts  to  fuse  Christianity  with  paganism  — 
Christianity  a  social  revolution  —  Christians  confounded 
with  Jews  —  Nero  persecuted  the  Christians  —  Accusa- 
tions against  the  Christians  —  Persecutions  under  Titus 
and  Domitian 1-29 

CHAPTER   II 

THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  (Continued). 

End  of  persecution  imder  Domitian  —  Church  in  the  second 
century  —  Reign  of  Trajan  —  Christians  in  Bithynia-Pon- 
tus  —  Letter  of  Pliny  —  Trajan's  reply  —  Legal  proce- 
dure settled  —  Laws  against  Christians  —  Monmisen's 
view  —  Contrary  opinion  —  Nero  author  of  first  edict  — 
Text  of  this  edict  —  Rapid  spread  of  Christianity  —  Ha- 
drian's rescript  —  Attitude  of  Hadrian  towards  Christian- 
ity —  Popular  outbreaks  against  Christians  in  the  reign  of 
Antoninus  Pius  —  Christians  punished  illegally  during  the 
entire  second  century  —  Instances  of  leniency  on  the  part 
of  some  provincial  governors  —  Christian  apologists  — 
Literary  persecution  —  Era  of  the  Antonines  favorable 
to  such  a  movement  —  Christians  blamed  for  all  the  ca- 
lamities and  misfortunes  in  the  Empire  —  Christians  under 


xii  CONTENTS 

Commodus  —  Marcia  —  Social  and  political  upheaval  in 
the  third  century  —  Changes  beneficial  to  Christianity  — 
Septimius  Severus  —  New  edict  of  persecution  —  Burial 
clubs  — Were  the  Christians  enrolled  as  a  Collegium  Fu- 
neraticium  ?  —  Caracalla  follows  the  policy  of  his  father  — 
Elagabalus  —  Syncretism  of  Alexander  Severus  —  Maxi- 
minus  the  Thracian  —  The  Gordians  and  Philip  —  Long 
peace  intensifies  opposition  between  Church  and  State  — 
Foreign  cults  popular  in  Rome  —  Christianity  becomes  a 
social  and  intellectual  factor  in  Roman  life  —  Paganism, 
though  imitating  many  Christian  forms,  becomes  more 
hostile  —  Political  cataclysm  in  Rome  —  Illyrian  Emper- 
ors —  Decius  issues  edict  which  defines  cleariy  the  abso- 
lute incompatibility  of  Christianity  and  the  heathen  Ro- 
•    man  State  —  The  Church  itself,  not  individuals,  aimed  at 

—  Death  of  Decius  —  End  of  persecution  —  Gallus    .    30-74 

CHAPTER  III 

VALERIAN 

Family  —  Holds  important  places  in  civil  and  military  ajffaira 

—  Elected  censor  —  Duties  of  censor  —  Decius  lauds  Va- 
lerian —  Practically  colleague  of  Emperor  —  Loyalty  of 
Valerian  —  Gallus  —  Valerian  made  Emperor  —  Accept- 
able to  all  factions  —  Character  —  Fitness  for  position  — 
Gallienus  made  co-regent  —  Empire  in  disorder,  invasions, 
famine,  pestilence  —  Plague  decimates  population  —  Mea- 
sures proposed  for  relief  of  panic-stricken  people  inade- 
quate —  Disorganization  of  army  —  Invasions  by  barba- 
rians assume  new  character  —  Gallienus  intrusted  with 
defence  of  western  portion  of  the  Empire  —  Valerian  as- 
sumes command  in  the  East  —  Franks  —  Alemanni  — 
Goths  —  Internal  reforms  —  Restoration  of  national  reli- 
gion    75-104 

CHAPTER  IV 

CHRISTIANITY   IN   THE  FIRST   TEARS  OF   VALERIAN's  REIGN 

Laws  of  Decius  still  in  force  —  Not  executed  —  Schisms  in 
the  Church  —  Novatus  —  Novatian  —  Christians  at  the 
court  of   Valerian  —  Valerian    favors    them  —  Valerian 


CONTENTS  xiii 

changes  his  attitude  towards  the  Church  —  Macrianus  — 
Aub^'s  opinion  of  Macrianus —  Denis  of  Alexandria  —  Is 
Aube's  opinion  the  correct  one  ?  —  Why  Macrianus  was 
proclaimed  Emperor  by  his  troops  —  His  character  —  Was 
he  a  believer  in  mag-ic  ?  —  Veneration  of  Macrian  family 
for  Alexander  the  Great  —  This  was  an  Egyptian  cult, 
hence  a  religion  of  magic  —  Valerian  was  influenced  by 
Macrianus  —  Human  sacrifices  not  unknown  in  Rome  — 
Conditions  of  public  afPairs  led  to  renewed  superstitions 

—  Legal,  political,  and  religious  motives  for  persecuting 
the  Christians  —  Economic  condition  of  the  Empire  led  to 
the  same  result  —  Financial  prosperity  of  the  Church  — 
The  Greek  martyrs  —  Chrysanthus  and  Daria      .     .     105-129 

CHAPTER  V 

FIRST   EDICT 

Text  lost  —  Reconstruction  from  Proconsular  Acts  of  St. 
Cyprian  and  letter  of  Denis  of  Alexandria  —  Clauses  of 
edict  —  New  spirit  in  anti-Christian  legislation  —  Abjura- 
tion of  Christ  not  required  —  Cemeteries  confiscated  — 
Purpose  of  edict  —  Aimed  principally  at  hierarchy  — 
Effect  of  edict  —  St.  Stephen  —  Tarcisius  —  Unknown 
martyrs  of  the  crypt  of  Chrysanthus  —  Cyprian  exiled  to 
Curubis.  —  Visited  by  many  Christians  —  Vision  —  Let- 
ters to  confessors  in  the  prisons  and  mines  —  Sufferings 
of  exiled  Christians  —  Aided  by  Cyprian  and  Quirinus  — 
Denis  of  Alexandria  —  Exiled  to  Kephron  —  Makes  many 
converts  —  General  survey 130-154 

CHAPTER  VI 

SECOND   EDICT PERSECUTION   IN   ROME 

Peace  restored  to  Roman  Empire  in  257  —  Borani  repulsed 

—  Valerian  holds  brilliant  levee  at  Byzantium  in  258  — 
Purpose  of  this  gathering  —  War  against  the  Persians  — 
Shahpur  captures  Antioch  —  Valerian  proceeds  against 
him  —  Issues  new  edict  against  the  Christians  —  Harsher 
measures  adopted  —  Reason  for  increased  severity  —  Did 
the  council  at  Byzantium  have  any  connection  with  this 
new  law  —  Christians  did  not  provoke  harsher  measures 


xiv  CONTENTS 

—  Barbarians  took  many  Christian  prisoners  —  No  alliance 
between  the  Christians  and  the  enemies  of  the  Empire  — 
New  edict  a  development  of  old  one  —  Probable  text  — 
Christians  in  Rome  —  Changes  in  the  Catacombs  —  Mar- 
tyrdom of  Pope  St.  Xystus  —  St.  Laurence  —  St.  Eugenia 

—  SS.  Rufina  and  Secunda  —  Protus  and  Hyacinthus  — 

St.  Pancratius  the  boy  martyr 155-187 

CHAPTER  VII 

ST.    CYPRIAN   AND   THE   AFRICAN   MARTYRS 

St.  Cyprian  receives  tidings  of  new  rescript  —  Warns  the 
Christians  of  Africa  —  Summoned  to  Utica  by  Galerius 
Maximus,  who  had  succeeded  Aspasius  Paternus  as  pro- 
consul —  Withdraws  into  hiding  —  Returns  to  his  villa 
when  the  proconsul  comes  to  Carthage  —  Arrest  —  Con- 
demnation —  Death  —  Massa  Candida  —  Sources :  St.  Au- 
gustine, Prudentius  —  Legend  or  history  —  Cruelty  of 
proconsul  towards  Christians  of  Carthage  —  Large  num- 
bers massacred  —  Arrest  of  Lucius,  Montanus,  Flavianus, 
Julianus,  Vietoricus,  Renus  —  Acts  of  these  martyrs  — 
Long  imprisonment  —  Visions  —  Other  Christian  prisoners 

—  Trial  —  Execution  —  Martyrs  in  Numidia  —  Marianus 
and  James  —  Agapius  and  Secundinus  —  Sufferings  of 
Marianus  and  James  —  Visions  —  Trial  and  condemna- 
tion —  Sent  to  Lambesa  —  Execution  —  Other  Christian 
confessors 188-232 

CHAPTER  VIII 

PERSECUTION   IN    THE    WEST   AND   THE   EAST 

Tarragona  —  Caesar  worship  abandoned  —  St.  Fructuosus  — 
Esteemed  by  pagans  and  Christians  —  Arrest  —  Trial  — 
Death  at  the  stake  —  Martyrdom  of  Augurius  and  Eulo- 
gius  on  the  same  day  —  Martyrs  in  Gaul  —  The  Orient  — 
Death  of  Priscus,  Malchus,  and  Alexander  —  St.  Cyril  of 
Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  —  Nicephorus  of  Antioch  in  Syria 

—  Condemnation  and  death  of  St.  Paregorius  —  St.  Leo 

of  Patara  in  Lycia 233-248 


CONTENTS  XV 

CHAPTER  IX 

FALL   OF   VALERIAN  —  EDICT    OF   GALLIENUS 

Barbarians  renew  invasions  in  258  —  Berbers  and  Quinquegen- 
tanei  in  Africa  —  Gaul  —  Postumus  revolts  ^ —  Franks  cross 
the  Rhine  —  Ingenuus  assumes  the  purple  in  Moesia  — 
Defeated  by  Gallienus  —  Alemanni  invade  Lombardy  — 
Borani  again  attack  Pontus  —  Goths  devastate  Bithynia 
—  Valerian  returns  from  the  East  to  repulse  them  — 
Retraces  his  steps  —  Encounters  Shahpur  —  Captured  — 
His  captivity  and  death  —  Empire  in  disorder  —  Thirty 
Tyrants  —  Revolt  in  Sicily  —  Gallienus  unmoved  —  Issues 
edict  of  toleration  —  Analysis  of  edict  —  Effect  —  Gen- 
eral summary 249-272 

Bibliography 273-281 

Index 283-285 


THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

CHAPTER   I 

THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE 

Christianity  and  the  old  order  incompatible  —  Causes  of  persecu- 
tion—  Religious  conditions  in  the  Roman  Empire  —  Eclecti- 
cism —  Multiplication  of  gods  —  Adoption  of  foreign  cults  — 
Paganism  inclusive,  Christianity  exclusive  —  Pagan  creeds 
national,  Christianity  universal  —  Paganism  external  and  for- 
mal, Christianity  internal  and  spiritual  —  Attempts  to  fuse 
Christianity  with  paganism  —  Christianity  a  social  revolution 
—  Christians  confounded  with  Jews  —  Nero  persecuted  the 
Christians  —  Accusations  against  the  Christians  —  Persecu- 
tions under  Titus  and  Domitian. 

A  SURVEY  of  the  history  of  primitive  Christianity 
brings  to  light  two  considerations  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance for  a  thorough  understanding  of  the  rela- 
tions which  subsisted  between  the  Christian  Church 
and  the  Roman  State  during  the  first  three  centuries 
of  our  era.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  impossible  that 
any  system  of  belief  and  morality  such  as  that  taught 
by  the  Christians  could  coexist  with  the  Roman 
Empire  as  then  constituted,  or  that  the  social  revo- 
lution which  Christianity  aimed  at  could  be  accom- 
plished without  arousing  the  most  determined  op- 
position on  the  part  of  the  Roman  authorities.    In 


2  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  second  place,  since  Christianity  struck  at  the 
very  existence  of  the  pagan  creeds  and  cults  and 
sapped  the  foundations  of  political  and  social  life, 
the  hostility  it  provoked  came  from  such  causes  and 
was  of  such  a  nature  that  it  could  never  cease  until 
such  time  as  Christianity  had  triumphed  over  the 
established  order  or  had  itself  been  annihilated. 

Christianity  and  Heathenism  were  too  widely 
different  in  essentials  to  allow  of  any  compromise. 
Toleration  was  equally  impossible :  the  old  polythe- 
istic religion  had  become  so  much  a  part  of  the  life 
of  the  people  that  the  acceptance  of  the  new  creed, 
even  by  some,  implied  a  complete  transformation 
of  the  old  order  and  a  profound  upheaval  of  exist- 
ing conditions. 

The  struggle  for  supremacy  which  this  incompati- 
bility engendered  is  without  parallel  in  the  history 
of  mankind.  On  the  one  side  was  aU  the  strength 
and  power  of  a  magnificent  empire,  identified  with 
a  system  of  religion  dear  to  the  hearts  of  its  patri- 
otic citizens  and  closely  interwoven  with  their  his- 
tory and  traditions  ;  on  the  other  was  this  new  creed, 
destitute  of  earthly  grandeur  and  possessing  neither 
temples  nor  history.  It  is  doubtful  if  any  conflict 
was  ever  waged  in  which  the  contending  parties 
were  so  unequally  equipped,  and  certainly  no  strug- 
gle was  ever  carried  on  with  so  much  bitterness. 
For  two  centuries  and  a  half  aU  the  resources  at  the 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE     3 

command  of  the  citizens  of  a  vast  empire  were  di- 
rected against  a  body  of  men  whose  only  weapons 
were  the  doctrines  they  preached,  and  whose  strong- 
holds were  the  virtues  they  inculcated  and  practised. 
No  means  at  the  disposal  of  a  people  skilled  in  the 
arts  and  refinements  of  all  the  civilizations  of  anti- 
quity were  left  untried  to  win  the  Christians  from 
their  adherence  to  the  teachings  of  the  obscure 
Foimder  of  their  religion.  The  wit  of  poets  and 
rhetoricians,  the  arguments  of  philosophers  and 
statesmen,  the  jeers  of  the  mob,  scorn,  contempt, 
and  social  ostracism  were  all  in  turn  directed  against 
the  Christian  sectaries.  More  potent  than  these, 
however,  and  more  important  in  a  historical  sense, 
was  the  enactment  of  laws  which  made  Christianity 
a  felony  and  its  punishment  death. 

The  general  causes  underlying  this  strife  always 
remained  the  same ;  but  a  closer  acquaintance  with 
Christianity  and  a  fuller  comprehension  of  its  an- 
tagonism to  the  existing  order  not  only  suggested 
new  methods  of  repression  to  the  pagan  authorities, 
but  also  changed  completely  the  spirit  of  the  contest- 
ants. A  struggle  lasting  for  more  than  two  centuries 
and  fought  out  over  such  a  wide  area  necessarily 
changed  its  character  and  assumed  new  features  as 
time  went  on.  The  bloody  persecutions  which  were 
the  acute  manifestation  of  the  irreconcilable  oppo- 
sition between  Christianity  and  Heathenism  mark 


4  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  steps  in  this  progression.  Time  and  progress, 
while  they  served  to  make  the  contestants  better 
acquainted,  were  powerless  to  eliminate  the  many- 
points  of  contention  which  existed,  and  tended  only 
to  intensify  the  bitterness  and  to  render  compromise 
more  hopeless.  The  persecutions  which  took  place 
in  the  reigns  of  Decius  and  Valerian  are  the  high- 
water  mark  of  the  antagonism  between  Christianity 
and  the  religious  forms  of  pagan  Rome.  Each  side 
seemed  to  have  attained  to  a  full  realization  of  the 
fact  that  it  contained  in  it  qualities  destructive  of 
vital  elements  in  the  other,  and  that,  notwithstand- 
ing the  changes  time  had  wrought,  no  lasting  peace 
could  be  hoped  for  imtil  one  side  or  the  other  was 
completely  eradicated.  The  struggle  under  Valerian 
paved  the  way  for  the  final  adjustment  under  Dio- 
cletian. It  was  not  a  decisive  encounter,  nor  was  it 
merely  a  preliminary  skirmish.  It  was  a  combat 
which  taxed  the  entire  strength  of  the  opposing 
forces.  When  a  truce  was  declared,  it  contained 
no  assurance  of  ultimate  peace,  but  seemed  rather  to 
promise  a  sterner  and  more  conclusive  struggle.  In 
order  to  understand  f uUy  the  character  of  the  war 
waged  by  Valerian  against  the  Christians,  it  will  be 
necessary  both  to  consider  briefly  the  main  causes 
which  produced  this  contention  and  to  take  a  sum- 
mary glance  at  the  history  of  the  persecutions  during 
the  two  preceding  centuries. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  5 

From  the  very  outset  the  political  and  religious 
conditions  which  prevailed  in  the  Roman  Empire 
were,  on  the  whole,  decidedly  unfavorable  to  the 
spread  of  Christian  ideas.  In  fact,  the  Roman  Em- 
pire as  then  constituted  could  scarcely  coexist  with 
any  considerable  organization  of  Christians.  The 
territory  embraced  by  this  Empire  was  naturally 
the  scene  of  the  first  labors  of  the  Christian  Apos- 
tles. "Within  its  boundaries  was  comprised  almost 
the  entire  civilized  world,  and  under  its  sway  were 
nearly  all  the  peoples  of  antiquity  distinguished 
for  culture  or  refinement.  Extending  from  the 
Rhine  and  the  Danube  to  the  deserts  of  Africa,  and 
from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Atlantic,  the  vast  posses- 
sions of  the  Caesars  were  a  unit  in  their  opposition 
to  the  reforms  which  Christianity  implied.  Brought 
under  the  sway  of  the  Romans  by  a  series  of  gradu- 
ally extended  conquests,  this  vast  domain  was  not 
a  mere  physical  union  of  different  nations  and 
different  peoples  living  under  one  centralized  gov- 
ernment and  held  in  check  by  the  power  of  the 
legions.  It  was  a  closely  knit,  weU-compacted 
union  of  peoples  with  one  mind,  common  aspira- 
tions, and  a  coromon  culture.  Many  causes  had 
contributed  to  bring  about  this  unity  and  cohesion. 
There  was  the  imiversal  understanding  of  the  two 
leading  languages,  Latin  and  Greek,  common  law, 
common  interests,  and  rapid  and  easy  means  of  com- 


6  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

munication  throughout  the  whole  Empire.  With 
the  political  and  administrative  unity  of  the  Empire 
the  influence  of  the  Romans  ceased.  They  could 
subjugate  nations,  break  down  the  barriers  which 
separated  tribes  and  peoples,  but  in  the  presence  of 
the  older  civilizations  of  Greece  and  the  Orient 
they  were  powerless.  If  the  march  of  the  legions 
was  irresistible,  not  less  so  was  the  tide  of  manners 
and  customs  which  flowed  back  on  Rome  from  the 
conquered  peoples.  Hence  it  was  that  the  culture 
of  the  period  was  not  merely  Roman  :  it  was  some- 
thing broader  and  deeper;  it  was  a  blending  of 
Greek,  Roman,  and  Oriental  elements.  From  the 
continuous  and  universal  clash  of  manners  and  mind, 
inseparable  from  such  a  condition  of  affairs,  there 
had  resulted  a  tendency  towards  eclecticism,  which 
was  nowhere  more  strongly  manifested  than  in  mat- 
ters of  religion.  With  the  absorption  of  so  many 
nationalities  into  the  Empire  the  old  national  or 
sectarian  spirit  had  very  largely  passed  away.^  To 
this  change  the  primitive  religion  of  the  Romans 
lent  itself  very  readily.^  From  the  beginning  it  was 
a  dry,  cold,  formal,  matter-of-fact  worship  of  the 
personified  forces  of  nature.^  Its  gods  were  abstrac- 
tions having  neither  traditions  nor  history.*   This 

^  Marquardt-Mommsen,  Bomische  Staatsverwaltung,  vi,  pp.  56 
seq. 

2  Boissier,  La  Beligion  Romaine,  vol.  i,  pp.  37  seq. 

^  Dollinger,  Heidenihum  und  Judenthum,  p.  468. 

*  Bouch^-Leclercq,  Manuel  des  Institutions  Bomaines,  pp.  461  seq. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE     7 

lack  of  poetical  and  legendary  endowment^  was 
fully  compensated  for  by  the  number  and  variety 
of  the  deities  to  whom  the  Romans  paid  their  ado- 
ration.2  If  it  were  permissible  to  judge  of  the  piety 
of  a  people  by  the  multitude  of  their  gods,  the  Ro- 
mans were  undoubtedly  the  most  religious  of  the 
peoples  of  antiquity.^  They  had  gods  for  all  the 
different  phases  of  human  life  and  activity  ^  and  for 
all  the  phenomena  of  nature.^  They  had  found  dei- 
ties for  each  condition  and  each  occupation  in  life,^ 
and  they  were  careful  that  each  new  need  in  the 
life  of  the  individual  or  the  development  of  society 
should  receive  its  guardian  deityJ    So  numerous 

1  Elle  n'a  ni  coamogonie,  ni  mythologie  proprement  dite,  ni 
enseignement  metaphysique  ou  moral  d'aucune  sort.  Bouch^- 
Leclerq,  loc.  cit.  p.  459. 

2  The  names  of  the  Roman  deities  were  kept  in  special  lists 
called  Indigitamenta.  Ibid.  p.  437 ;  Marquardt-Mommsen,  loc.  cit. 
p.  7. 

^  Nostri  majores,  religiosissimi  mortales.   Sallust,  Cat.  12. 

*  Varro  commemorare  et  enumerare  deos  coepit  a  conceptione 
hominis  .  .  .  deinde  coepit  deos  alios  ostendere  qui  pertinerent  non 
ad  ipsum  hominem,  sed  ad  ea  quae  sunt  hominis,  sicuti  est  vietus, 
vestitus  et  quaecumque  alia  quae  huic  vitae  sunt  necessaria.  St. 
Augustine,  De  Civ.  Dei,  vi,  9. 

^  Vaticanus  watched  over  the  child's  first  cry ;  Fahulinus  taught 
it  to  speak ;  Educa  to  eat ;  Potina  to  drink,  etc. 

^  Annona  was  the  goddess  of  the  wheat  crop ;  Insitor  the  god 
of  sowing ;  Obarator  covered  the  grain ;  Occator  harrowed  the 
ground,  etc. 

'  Pecunia  was  the  goddess  of  money,  while  cattle  were  the  me- 
dium of  exchange.  With  the  introduction  of  copper  coins  came 
Aesculanus  ;  afterwards,  when  silver  was  introduced,  a  new  god, 
Argentinus,  the  son  of  Aesculanus,  was  found.  Bollinger,  loc.  cit. 
p.  469 ;  Marquardt-Mommsen,  loc.  cit.  p.  31. 


8  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

were  these  gods  tliat  the  country  was  like  an  Olym- 
pus,i  so  peopled  with  gods  that  it  was  easier  to 
find  a  god  than  a  man.^ 

Besides  this  adaptation  of  their  theology  to  the 
new  needs  of  every-day  life,  the  Romans  extended 
their  religion  by  the  forcible  naturalization  of 
strange  gods,^  or  pretended  that  the  deities  of  the 
peoples  they  conquered  were  identical  with  those  of 
Rome.*  The  extensive  journeys  undertaken  by  some 
Romans  and  the  general  craving  for  travel  made 
known  many  new  deities.^  The  provincials  who 
flocked  to  Rome  introduced  strange  gods ;  ^  and  the 
slaves  from  all  parts  of  the  world  not  only  practised 
their  native  rites,  but  initiated  many  of  their  pupils 
and  charges ;  ^  while  the  legionaries  from  Rome  and 
the  provinces  habitually  worshipped  the  gods  and 
performed  the  ceremonies  of  the  countries  in  which 
they  were  stationed.^  The  character  of  the  Roman 
religion  was  in  itself  a  powerful  incentive  to  the 
adoption  of  new  creeds  and  strange  rites.  Dry, 
narrow,  formal,  and  based  on  the  scrupulous  per- 

1  Varro,  in  St.  Aug.  Be  Civ.  Dei,  iv,  22. 

2  Petronius,  Sat.  17. 

^  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  xxviii,  4,  18.  In  oppugnationibus  ante  omnia 
solitum  a  Romanis  sacerdotibus  evocari  deum  in  cujus  tutela  id 
oppidnm  esset,  promittique  iUi  eumdem  aut  ampliorem  apud  Ro- 
manos  cultum.  The  Form  of  Evocation  is  given  by  Macrobius,  Sat. 
iii,  9,  7. 

4  Caesar,  Be  Bello  Gallico,  vi,  17 ;  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  vi,  22. 

^  Boissier,  loc.  cit.  pp.  350  seq.  ^  Tacitus,  Ann.  xv,  44. 

7  Dollinger,  p.  481.  8  c.  I.  L.  ii,  3386 ;  iii,  75. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE     9 

formance  of  a  multiplicity  of  minute  observances, 
it  was  utterly  unsuited  to  satisfy  the  emotional  side 
of  human  nature.^  This  deficiency  was  abundantly 
supplied  by  the  religions  of  Egypt  and  the  Orient. 
As  early  as  the  days  of  the  republic,  Egyptian  rites 
were  practised  in  all  the  cities  along  the  Mediter- 
ranean, while  some  of  the  gods  and  goddesses  of  the 
East  had  been  solemnly  transported  to  Rome.^  In 
the  midst  of  this  spiritual  and  religious  chaos  it 
is  possible  to  discern  two  distinct  and  well-defined 
tendencies.  In  the  first  place,  there  was  a  craving 
for  closer  personal  union  with  the  deity ;  in  the 
second,  a  general  drift  towards  a  vague  monotheism 
or  pantheism.3  This  trend  towards  belief  in  the 
unity  of  the  deity  was  fostered  by  statesmen  *  and 
philosophers,^  and  reached  its  culmination  in  the 
deification  of  the  Emperors.  To  accord  divine  hon- 
ors to  a  man  yet  living  was  at  first  rather  repug- 
nant to  some  classes  in  the  Empire,  but  as  time 
went  on  Emperor-worship  lost  its  peculiar  personal 
character,  and  the  reigning  prince  came  to  be  con- 
sidered as  the  personification  of  Roman  power  rather 
than  as  being  a  divinity  himself.^ 

*  Boissier,  loc.  cit.  pp.  20  seq. 

2  Lafaye,  Histoire  du  Culte  des  DiviniUs  d^ Alexandrie  kors  de 
VEgypte,  chap.  1. 

8  Dollinger,  loc.  cit.  p.  469. 

*  Boissier,  loc.  cit.  p.  351.  ^  Ibid.  pp.  339  seq. 

^  Beurlier,  Essai  sur  le  culte  rendu  aux  Empereurs  JRomains,  p.  36 ; 
Boissier,  loc.  cit.  i,  pp.  117-208. 


10  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

At  first  sight  it  might  appear  that  this  lack  of 
definite  conviction  in  matters  of  religion,  coupled 
with  the  unusual  craving  for  new  creeds,  would 
naturally  pave  the  way  for  the  spread  of  Christianity. 
Such,  however,  was  not  the  case.  The  reason  for 
this  lay  with  Christianity  itself.  The  new  religion 
ran  directly  counter  to  the  prevailing  tone  and 
tendency  of  the  age.  It  was  a  time  when  the  widest 
liberty  consistent  with  any  fixed  belief  in  the  super- 
natural was  permitted  in  the  selection  and  worship 
of  new  deities.^  Paganism  was  running  its  logi- 
cal course,  and  no  contradiction  or  impossibility 
appeared  in  the  amalgamation  and  absorption  of 
innumerable  rites.^  To  this  development  and  syn- 
cretism Christianity  was  utterly  foreign.  Whereas 
a  pagan  might  acquire  new  gods  every  day  without 
failing  in  his  allegiance  to  the  old,  a  Christian  was 
expressly  taught  to  look  on  all  Grentile  creeds  as 
mere  superstitions.  The  exclusiveness  to  which 
Christianity  laid  claim  put  it  in  the  position  of  de- 
nying and  repelling  all  existing  forms  of  worship, 
and  thus  multiplying  indefinitely  the  difficulties 
and  opposition  it  was  likely  to  encounter.  Paganism 
was  in  possession,  and  would  not  be  likely  to  cede 
its  position  without  a  determined  struggle.  The 
double  onus,  therefore,  rested   on   the  Christian 

^  Uhlhom,  The  Conflict  of  Christianity  and  Paganism,  pp.26  seq. 
2  Arnobius,  Adv.  Gentes,  vi,  7,  Civitas  omnium  numinum  cultrix. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  11 

teachers  of  making  good  their  claims  before  a 
highly  prejudiced  public,  and  of  dislodging  a  system 
of  religion  which  had  twined  itself  so  closely  round 
ancient  life  and  manners  that  they  had  grown  to- 
gether. All  human  affairs  were  pervaded  with  the 
spirit  of  paganism.  Its  symbols  were  everywhere. 
Its  influence  was  as  potent  in  public  matters  as  in 
the  affairs  of  private  and  family  life.^  The  Em- 
peror was  the  supreme  pontiff ;  the  magistrates  were 
priests ;  the  worship  of  the  state  gods  was  the  touch- 
stone of  loyalty .2  A  system  so  elaborate  and  aU- 
embracing  required  for  its  maintenance  an  organi- 
zation correspondingly  large  and  well  equipped.^ 
This  was  provided  for  by  the  coUeges  of  priests,* 
augurs,^  and  haruspices,^  whose  principal  duties 
were  the  superintendence  of  the  ritual,  the  preser- 
vation of  the  lists  of  the  gods,  and  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  will  of  the  higher  powers."  Inseparably 
bound  together  as  were  the  state  and  its  religion, 
the  power  of  the  one  was  reflected  in  the  splendid 
processions,  costly  sacrifices,  and  magnificent  tem- 
ples which  ministered  to  the  glory  of  the  other.^ 
From  this  it  will  appear  how  hopeless  must  have 

1  Marquardt-Mommsen,  loc.  cit.  p.  119  seq. 

2  Bouche-Leclercq,  pp.  481  seq. 

^  Marquardt-Mommsen,  loc.  cit.  pp.  119-225. 

4  Ibid.  pp.  227-380. 

6  Ibid.  pp.  381-390. 

6  Ibid.  pp.  393-398.  ^  Dollin^er,  p.  517. 

®  DoUinger,  p.  483 ;  Marquardt-Mommsen,  loc.  cit.  pp.  184-207. 


12  THE  VALERIAN   PERSECUTION 

seemed  the  task  of  the  first  Christian  teachers. 
With  no  weapons  but  those  of  the  soul  they  entered 
a  new  land,  the  citadels  of  which  were  held  by  their 
enemies,  with  the  express  purpose  of  disseminating 
doctrines  so  revolutionary  that  no  pagan  could  ac- 
cept them  except  at  the  cost  of  being  a  renegade 
to  the  immemorial  beliefs  and  traditions  of  his  race. 
If  we  would  measure  how  revolutionary  of  old 
ideas  was  Christianity,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  keep 
in  mind  the  peculiar  national  character  which  at- 
tached to  the  religions  of  antiquity.^  In  those 
times  the  state  and  religion  were  coextensive  and 
synonymous.  The  principle  of  unity  in  the  politi- 
cal as  weU  as  the  social  order  was  derived  from 
the  worship  of  the  same  deity .^  As  the  members 
of  a  family  were  those  who  grouped  themselves 
around  a  domestic  altar,  the  citizens  were  those 
who  worshipped  the  state  gods  and  performed  acts 
of  religion  at  the  state  altar s.^  The  entire  scheme 
of  life  was  based  on  the  theory  that  each  god  pro- 
tected exclusively  some  state  or  family  and  took 
no  interest  in  any  other.*    Such  contracted  ideas 

1  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  La  CiU  Antique,  pp.  131  seq. 

2  Cicero,  Be  Legibus,  ii,  8.  Separatim  nemo  habessit  deo8: 
neve  novos  sive  advenas,  nisi  publice  adscitos,  privatim  colunto. 

3  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  loc.  cit.  pp.  166  seq. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  173  seq.  Si  Ton  veut  d^finir  le  citoyen  des  temps 
antiques  par  son  attribut  le  plus  essential,  il  faut  dire  que  ce'st 
rhorame  qui  poss^de  la  religion  de  la  cit^  ;  c'est  celui  qui  honore 
les  mgmes  dieux  qu'elle.    Ibid.  p.  227. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE    13 

of  the  functions  of  the  higher  powers  necessarily 
precluded  the  possibility  that  citizens  of  different 
states  would  worship  the  same  god.^  As  a  conse- 
quence of  this,  it  did  not  enter  in  to  the  plan  of  the 
ancients  to  win  converts  to  their  religion.  Such  a 
thing  would,  of  course,  in  the  circumstances,  have 
been  an  absurdity,  and  hence  it  is  that  proselytism 
was  utterly  unknown  among  them.^  If  they  had 
to  travel  through  what  might  be  called  the  juris- 
diction of  a  strange  god,  it  is  true  they  took  pains 
to  propitiate  him ;  but  even  then  they  never  showed 
any  missionary  spirit.^  Christianity  was  the  anti- 
thesis of  paganism  in  this.  It  was  not  the  religion 
of  any  caste  or  tribe,  and  came  on  the  scene 
with  neither  political  nor  national  affiliations.^  It 
ignored  the  barriers  of  race  and  nationality,  and 
entering  the  conflict  as  a  divine  revelation,  it  re- 
quired but  one  condition  for  admission  to  its  fold, 
namely,  that  of  a  common  humanity.^  A  doctrine 
so  extraordinary  and  so  repugnant  to  the  ideas 
and  customs  of  the  time  must  have  appeared  to  all 
who  cherished  the  old  custom  as  a  thing  contrary 
to  nature  and  threatening  the  dissolution  of  all 
existing  order.^   If  the  Christians  had  claimed  that 

1  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  loc.  cit. 

2  Boissier,  loc.  cit.  p.  337. 

3  Ibid. 

^  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  loc.  cit.  p.  459. 

fi  St.  Matthew  xxviii,  19,  20. 

6  Dollinger,  The  First  Age  of  the  Church,  Eng.  tr.  p.  379. 


14  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

theirs  was  the  religion  of  some  tribe  or  people,  or 
that  a  nation  had  grown  up  around  the  worship  of 
their  God,  their  claims  would  have  found  accept- 
ance more  readily ;  but  a  new  religion  neither  of 
the  Jews  nor  any  other  people  was  an  unheard  of 
innovation.^  The  declaration  that  there  was  no 
difference  between  Jew  and  Greek,  between  slave 
and  freeman,  cut  at  the  root  of  society  and  threat- 
ened the  stability  of  all  government.^  So  contrary 
was  this  to  current  opinion  that  we  are  not  sur- 
prised it  aroused  at  first  derision,  afterwards  fear : 
for  to  base  religion  on  humanity  alone  necessarily 
meant  the  disintegration  of  the  established  order 
and  a  thorough  readjustment  of  the  relations  be- 
tween the  individual  and  the  state.^ 

The  peculiar  position  which  the  state  occupied  in 
the  economy  of  ancient  life  and  the  functions  it  ar- 
rogated to  itself  were  extremely  burdensome  to  the 
individual.  The  state  was  founded  on  religion.  The 
gods  it  worshipped  were  part  of  itself.  For  a  citi- 
zen of  these  times  the  maintenance  of  this  composite 
of  human  and  divine  elements  was  a  duty  at  once 
human  and  divine.  This  was  the  purpose  of  life, 
the  goal  of  all  effort.  In  a  society  established  on 
such  a  basis  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  human 

1  Unde  hoc  tertium  genus.  Tertull.  Scor.  10 ;  Ad  Nat.  1,  8,  20 ; 
Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vi,  39,  41. 

2  St.  Paul,  Gal.  iii,  28.   Cf.  Mommsen,  Expositor,  1893,  p.  4. 

3  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  loc.  cit.  p.  4.59. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE    15 

life  was  absorbed  in  civic  duties,  that  the  personal 
unit  was  lost  in  the  political  unit.  That  this  concep- 
tion of  the  relations  between  the  citizen  and  the  state 
was  not  a  mere  speculative  theory,  but  the  practical 
principle  of  every-day  life,  is  seen  from  the  system 
which  held  sway.^  The  state  enjoyed  full  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  lives  and  possessions  of  its  citizens. 
It  regulated  marriage,  destroyed  weak  and  deformed 
children,  supervised  education,  and  all  with  a  view 
to  its  own  ultimate  benefit.  Nor  did  its  authority 
stop  short  at  a  man's  physical  being ;  it  extended  to 
his  thoughts  and  beliefs,  and  prescribed  for  him  his 
religion.  It  was  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  believe 
in  and  worship  the  state  gods,  to  be  present  at  the 
sacred  banquets,  and  to  join  in  the  processions.  In 
a  word,  aU  the  elements  of  human  life  were  fused 
together,  and  the  conglomerate  resulting  therefrom 
was  known  as  the  state.  The  application  of  the 
solvent  contained  in  the  words  "  Render  to  Caesar 
the  things  that  are  Caesar's,  and  to  God  the  things 
that  are  God's,"  must  have  meant  to  the  pagan 
mind  inextricable  confusion  and  direst  calamity. 
Never  before  had  such  words  been  heard.2  They 
were  anarchistic.  For  the  first  time  human  intelli- 
gence was  fully  awakened  to  the  fact  that  while 
men  had  certain  duties  towards  the  body  politic, 

*  Cicero,  Pro  Domo,  i ;  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  loc  cit.  pp.  265  seq. 
2  De  CoulaDges,  loc.  cit.  p.  461. 


16  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

there  were  spheres  of  thought  and  activity  to  which 
the  power  of  the  state  did  not  extend. 

In  the  sphere  of  man's  relations  to  God  equally 
important  changes  were  introduced.  Under  the  in- 
fluence of  Christianity  the  whole  nature  and  scope 
of  religion  were  transformed.  Hitherto,  for  the 
Romans  especially,  religion  had  meant  nothing  but 
a  dry  ritualism,  from  which  sentiment  and  intention 
were  altogether  lacking.^  Men  kept  their  accounts 
with  the  gods  with  business-like  fidelity.^  The 
essence  of  religion  consisted  in  the  punctilious  per- 
formance of  certain  rites,^  whereas  the  state  of  the 
soul  while  performing  those  acts  was  a  matter  of  no 
importance.*  The  most  religious  were  those  who 
were  best  acquainted  with  the  ritual  and  who  most 
closely  and  exactly  followed  its  prescriptions.^ 
Theirs  was  a  religion  of  fear,  consisting  of  endless 
expiations  and  propitiations,  in  which  there  was  no 
thought  of  purifying  or  elevating  man,  but  of  using 
the  most  efficacious  means  to  avert  the  anger  of  the 
gods  or  to  enlist  their  aid  for  some  future  undertak- 
ing.^ From  the  first,  Christianity  was  a  reversal 
of  this  system.    Men  were  exhorted  not  to  employ 

1  Boissier,  loc.  cit.  p.  13. 

2  Plautus,  iv,  2,  25. 

^  Est    enim   pietas   justitia   adversus   deos ;    sanctitas   autem 
scientia  colendorum  sacrorum.    Cicero,  De  Nat.  Dearum,  i. 
*  DoUinger,  Heidenthum  und  Judenthum,  p.  367. 
^  Boissier,  loc.  cit.  p.  15. 
^  Servius,  Aen.  ii,  715.    Connexa  enim  sunt  tiraor  et  religio. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE    17 

frequent  repetitions  of  prayer,^  but  to  seek  for  a 
closer  union  with  God  by  the  elevation  of  the  soul 
and  the  purification  of  life.  Instead  of  the  manifold 
and  minute  external  observances  of  paganism,  God 
was  to  be  worshipped  in  spirit  and  in  truth.^ 

The  differences  between  Christianity  and  Pagan- 
ism were  too  numerous  and  too  essential,  and  the 
attitude  of  aloofness  incumbent  on  Christians  too 
noticeable,  to  escape  observation  in  the  Roman  Em- 
pire. In  a  community  so  largely  given  to  religious 
observances  no  considerable  number  of  citizens 
could  hold  themselves  apart  from  the  public  wor- 
ship and  practice  a  strange  cult  without  exciting 
suspicion  and  incurring  censure.^ 

In  the  case  of  the  Christians  these  difficulties 
and  dangers  were  increased  by  their  resistance  to 
the  syncretistic  tendencies  of  the  times,  and  by  their 
refusal  to  have  their  religion  united  with  the  other 
religions  of  the  Empire.  Impossible  as  this  union 
was,  several  Emperors  are  said  to  have  desired  it. 
The  first  attempt  was  that  made  by  Tiberius. 
Moved  by  the  account  given  by  Pilate  of  events 
which  had  "clearly  shown  the  truth  of  Christ's 

1  St.  Matthew  vi,  7,  8.  2  gt.  John  iv,  23,  24. 

8  All  the  incidents  of  public  and  social  life,  both  civil  and 
popular,  were  thoroughly  interpenetrated  by  heathen  customs, 
and  colored  by  the  prevalent  worship ;  its  symbols  met  the  Chris- 
tian at  every  step,  and  he  was  often  entangled  in  relig-ious  acts 
before  he  recollected  himself  or  could  draw  back.  Dollinger, 
The  First  Age  of  the  Church,  p.  377. 


18  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

Divinity,"  he  is  said  to  have  made  a  formal  propo- 
sition to  the  Senate  that  Christ  be  received  among 
the  Eoman  gods.  The  Senate,  however,  rejected 
the  proposal.^  The  apocryphal  writers  and  Malalas 
testify  that  Nero  wished  to  be  informed  of  the  new 
religion,  and  from  the  beginning  was  favorable  to 
it :  a  fact  in  substance  quite  credible,  attested  by 
Paul's  appeal  to  Rome,  the  sentence  of  liberation 
he  received,  and  his  subsequent  relations  with  the 
faithful  of  the  house  of  Caesar.2  Lampridius,  a 
pagan,  is  witness  for  the  fact  that  Hadrian  wished 
to  erect  a  temple  to  Christ  and  to  give  Him  a  place 
among  the  gods.  He  was  diverted  from  his  purpose 
by  the  complaint  that  if  he  did  this  everybody  would 
become  a  Christian  and  all  the  other  temples  would 
be  deserted. 3  While  these  accounts  are  vague  and 
conjectural  and  open  to  doubt,  it  is  certain  that  in 
the  third  century  the  palace  of  the  Caesars  was  the 
scene  of  more  than  one  attempt  to  fuse  Christianity 
with  pagan  superstitions.  Elagabalus,  in  order  to 
make  his  god  (Heliogabalus)  the  only  deity  of  the 
Romans,  constructed  a  temple  on  the  Palatine  near 
the  imperial  residence  which  was  to  be  the  centre 

1  TertuU.  Apol.  c.  5,  29. 

2  Cf.  De  Rossi,  BuUettino,  January  15,  1867. 

^  Christo  templum  facere  voluit  eumque  inter  deos  recipere, 
qnod  et  Hadrianus  cogitasse  f  ertur  .  .  .  sed  prohibitus  est  ab  is  qui 
consulentes  sacra  reppererant  omnes  Christianos  futuros,  si  id 
f  ecisset,  et  templa  reliqua  deserenda.     Vita  Alex.  Severi,  c.  43. 


THE   CHURCH  AND   THE  EMPIRE  19 

of  the  new  cult.  He  transferred  thither  the  altar 
of  Vesta,  the  Palladium,  and  the  sacred  bucklers. 
He  intended  also  to  have  the  rites  of  the  Jews  and 
Samaritans  observed  there,  and  even  the  ceremonies 
of  the  Christian  Church,  so  that  the  priests  of 
Heliogabalus  might  possess  the  secrets  of  all  reli- 
gions.i  His  cousin  and  successor,  Alexander  Se- 
verus,  went  still  farther.  He  showed  the  greatest 
favor  to  the  Christians,^  was  an  open  admirer  of 
the  Church  discipline,^  and  in  his  lararium  he 
kept  the  image  of  Christ,  together  with  those  of 
Abraham,  Orpheus,  and  Apollonius.'*  He  had  con- 
ceived so  much  admiration  for  the  Founder  of  the 
Christian  religion  that  at  one  time  he  intended 
to  build  a  temple  in  His  honor.^  He  frequently 
repeated  the  sentence,  "-  Do  not  to  others  what 
you  do  not  wish  to  be  done  to  you."'  This  he  had 
learned  from  the  Jews  or  Christians,  and  such  was 
his  love  for  it  that  he  had  it  inscribed  on  the  walls 
of  his  palace  and  other  places.^ 

This  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Emperors  to 
amalgamate  Christianity  with  the  other  religions  of 
the  State  was  but  one  phase  of  the  prevailing  reli- 

1  Dicebat  praeterea  Judaeorum  et  Samaritanonim  religiones  et 
Christianam  devotionera  illuc  transferendam,  tit  omnium  cultura- 
rum  secretum  Heliog-abali  sacerdotium  teneret.  Lampridius, 
Vita  Heliog.  3. 

2  Lampridius,  Vita  Alex.  Severi,  c  49. 

3  Ibid.  45.  ^  Ibid.  29.  5  Hid,  43.  6  tJj^,  51. 


20  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

gious  syncretism  which  manifested  itself  in  the 
attempts  made  by  the  early  heresiarchs  to  effect 
an  intellectual  union  between  the  tenets  of  Chris- 
tianity and  the  teachings  of  various  philosophical 
systems. 1  The  latter  was  as  unsuccessful  as  the  for- 
mer. As  long  as  the  Christians  were  insignificant 
numerically,  the  exclusiveness  which  kept  them  sep- 
arate from  the  rest  of  the  people,  and  the  fact  that 
they  worshipped  a  new  deity,  was  a  matter  of  per- 
fect indifference  to  the  great  mass  of  the  pagans.^ 
Outside  of  the  Jewish  communities  the  new  wor- 
ship was  looked  on  if  not  with  favor,  at  least  with 
complete  unconcern.  One  more  god  added  to  the 
populous  pantheon  could  attract  little  notice.  But 
Christianity  was  something  more  than  the  worship 
of  a  new  god.  It  was  a  new  scheme  of  life.  It  was 
a  revolution  of  the  social  order.  Long  before  men 
in  some  places  had  commenced  to  take  even  a  pass- 
ing intellectual  interest  in  the  new  religion,  their 
attention  was  drawn  to  it  not  as  a  religious  innova- 
tion, but  as  a  disturbing  element  in  commercial  and 
business  affairs.  The  discovery  that  Christianity 
was  a  menace  to  social  order  and  to  the  established 
religion  "  was  made  in  a  homely  way  familiar  to  us 
all ;  viz.  through  the   pocket."  ^   In    Philippi  the 

1  Cf.  Neander,  Church  History,  vol.  i,  p.  469. 

2  Ramsay,  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire  before  A.  D.  170^ 
p.  130. 

3  Ibid. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE    21 

cure  of  a  girl  possessed  by  a  spirit  of  divination 
caused  an  outbreak  against  Paul  and  Silas.  When 
the  masters  of  the  girl  saw  "  that  their  hope  of  gain 
was  gone,"  they  denounced  Paul  and  his  companion 
as  Jews  who  had  disturbed  the  city  by  their  preach- 
ing and  by  inciting  people  to  violate  the  Roman 
laws.i  Similarly  at  Ephesus,^  when  the  silversmiths 
and  other  tradesmen  engaged  in  the  manufac- 
ture of  shrines,  to  be  used  as  dedicatory  offer- 
ings in  the  temple  of  Artemis,  saw  their  business 
decreasing,  they  broke  into  tumult  and  denounced 
Paul  as  a  seducer  of  the  people.^  The  opposition 
to  Christianity  thus  engendered  does  not,  however, 
by  any  means  exj^lain  the  intense  hatred  afterwards 
felt  for  the  Christians  by  all  classes  in  the  Empire, 
especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Christians 
were  not  then  regarded  as  a  distinct  body. 

For  a  long  time  the  pagans  were  in  the  habit  of 
considering  the  Christians  as  a  mere  Jewish  sect.* 
Suetonius  relates  that  Claudius,  in  the  last  years  of 
his  reign,  expelled  the  Jews  from  Rome  because  of 
the  numerous  tumults  which  had  taken  place  at  the 
instigation  of  a  certain  Chrestus.^   There  can  be  no 

1  Acts  xvi,  19.  2  Acts  xix,  24-40. 

*  See  Ramsay,  loc.  cit.  p.  134,  on  the  subject  of  silver  shrines  as 
dedicatory  offerings. 

*  Mommsen,  Expositor,  1893,  p.  2. 

^  Judaeos,  impulsore  Chresto,  adsidue  tumultuantes  Roma  ex- 
pxilit.    Suetonius,  Vita  Claudi,  c.  25. 


22  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

doubt  that  this  Chrestus  is  none  other  than  Christ, 
whose  name,  occurring  frequently  in  the  disputes 
between  the  orthodox  Jews  and  the  Jewish  Chris- 
tians, led  the  Roman  police  to  mistake  Him  for 
the  leader  of  the  tumult.^  While  the  error  of  con- 
founding the  Christians  with  the  Jews  diverted  for 
a  time  the  attention  of  the  public  from  Christianity 
as  a  separate  religion,  it  nevertheless  made  the 
Christians  heirs  of  all  the  hatred  and  contempt 
long  felt  for  the  Children  of  Israel  by  the  people  of 
the  Occident.  The  confusion,  however,  did  not  last 
long.  It  could  not  do  so  in  Rome.  The  edict  of 
Claudius  directed  against  the  Jews,  showed  clearly 
that  the  Gentile  converts  who  remained  in  Rome 
after  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews,  and  who  practised 
"  Jewish  customs,"  were  not  Jews.  St.  Paul's  open 
disavowal  of  any  connection  with  the  synagogue  was 
proof  positive  of  the  same  fact.2  The  Jews  them- 
selves, under  the  ban  because  of  their  refusal  to 
live  peaceably  with  the  believers  in  the  New  Mes- 
siah, could  be  relied  upon  when  occasion  arose  to 
denounce  Christianity  as  a  troublesome  and  dan- 
gerous organization.^ 

The  complete  separation  of  Christianity  from 
Judaism  could  have  only  one  result  —  increased 

1  Batiffol,  "  L'Eglise  Naissante,"  Eevue  Biblique,  1894,  pp.  503 
Beq. 

2  Acts  XXV,  10. 

8  St.  Justin,  Dial  cum  Trypho,  10,  18. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  23 

hatred  and  animosity  for  the  Christians.  How 
rapidly  the  feeling  of  hostility  developed  among 
the  people,  and  how  well  it  served  the  purposes  of 
Nero,  was  proved  in  the  first  fierce  outbreak,  which, 
strangely  enough,  took  place  in  the  metropolis  of 
the  world.i 

Popular  rumor  made  Nero  the  author  of  the  con- 
flagration which  destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the 
city  of  Kome  in  July,  A.  D.  64.  To  divert  from 
himself  the  anger  of  the  people,  Nero  caused  the 
blame  for  this  crime  to  be  laid  on  the  Christians. 
An  immense  number  of  them  were  seized  and  put 
to  death  with  unheard-of  cruelty.  For  the  amuse- 
ment of  the  excited  and  wrathfid  populace  their 
punishment  was  turned  into  a  spectacle.  Some  were 
crucified,  others  were  sewn  in  the  skins  of  wild 
beasts  to  be  torn  to  pieces  by  wild  dogs,  while  others 
were  reserved  for  tragic  roles  in  the  dramatic  repre- 
sentations, the  dreadful  realism  of  which  required 
that  Ixion  should  really  be  broken  on  the  wheel ; 
that  Icarus  should  drop  from  the  clouds ;  and  that 
Hercules  should  die  in  the  flames.^  At  night  Chris- 
tians attached  to  crosses  and  covered  with  some  in- 
flanunable  stuff  were  set  on  fire  and  used  as  torches 
to  illuminate  the  gardens  of  Nero  on  the  Vatican, 

1  Tacitus,  Annals,  xv,  44.  ^ 

^  Cf.  Allard,  Histoire  des  Persecutions  pendant  les  deux  premiers 
Siedes,  p.  28 ;  Ramsay,  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire,  pp.  232  seq. 


24  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

in  which  the  festivities  were  held.  This  carnival 
of  murder  did  not  placate  the  excited  populace  nor 
allay  the  suspicion  that  Nero  was  the  real  incendi- 
ary. Tired  with  the  slaughter,  the  people  com- 
menced to  have  compassion  on  the  wretched  victims 
who  were  executed  rather  to  satisfy  the  cruelty  of 
one  man  than  through  zeal  for  the  public  welfare.^ 
The  change  in  public  feeling  necessitated  a  change 
in  the  accusations  brought  against  the  Christians. 
The  hatred  against  them  arising  from  the  crimes  of 
which  they  were  supposed  to  be  guilty  was  all 
summed  up  in  the  charge  of  hatred  for  the  human 
race  (odium  humani  generis)  ?  For  the  Eomans,  the 
Jiumanum  genus  meant  not  humanity  at  large,  but 
the  Roman  people ;  the  Christians,  therefore,  were 
public  enemies,  hostile  to  the  State  and  civilization.^ 
In  the  excited  state  of  public  feeling  at  the 
time  such  a  charge  would  be  sure  to  find  ready 
credence.  It  was  not  necessary,  however,  that  a 
new  accusation  should  be  made  to  turn  the  minds 
of  the  people  against  the  Christians.  Tacitus  says 
they  were  always  hated  because  of  the  horrible 
crimes    which   they   committed.*    To   the    pagan, 

^  TJnde  quamquam  adversus  sontes  et  novissima  exempla  meri- 
to9  miseratio  oriebatur,  tamquam  non  utilitate  publica  sed  in 
saevitiam  unios  absumerentur.   Tacitus,  Annals,  xv,  44. 

2  Ihid.  3  Cf .  Ramsay,  loc.  cit. 

*  Quos  per  flagitia  invisos  vulgus  Christianos  adpellabat.  Tac- 
itus, loc.  cit. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  25 

Christianity  and  crime  seem  to  have  been  sy- 
nonymous. It  must  be  conceded  that  the  revo- 
lutionary character  of  Christianity  and  the  method 
of  life  followed  by  its  votaries  gave  ample  ground 
for  misconception  and  suspicion.  Strange  and  in- 
explicable must  have  appeared  the  influence  which 
could  effect  such  a  reformation  as  that  wrought  in 
its  converts  by  Christianity,  and  dangerous  to  pub- 
lic safety  any  organization  which  could  inspire 
such  enthusiastic  devotion  and  unswerving  resolu- 
tion.^ Christianity,  moreover,  put  a  new  value  on 
human  life,  and  by  the  reforms  it  instituted  in  hu- 
man affairs  gave  color  to  the  suspicion  that  society 
was  in  danger.  The  consequence  of  this  misunder- 
standing was  that  for  three  centuries  a  constant 
stream  of  vituperation  was  directed  against  the 
followers  of  the  new  religion. 

By  withdrawing  from  public  life  and  abstaining 
from  the  pleasures  of  the  heathen,  the  Christians 
appeared  as  a  people  "  skulking  and  shunning  the 
light,  silent  in  public  but  garrulous  in  corners.^ 
They  were  despised  as  ignorant  ^  and  the  outcasts 
of  society.*  They  led  gloomy  and  joyless  lives.^ 
They  took  no  part  in  the  public  banquets  ;  they  did 
not  visit  the  shows  and  were  never  present  in  the 

1  Dollinger,  The  First  Age  of  the  Church,  p.  394. 

2  Minucius  Felix,  Octavius,  c.  8. 
^  Origen,  Contra  Celsum,  vi,  14. 

*  Tertull.  Ad  Nationes,  c.  ii.  5  Min.  Fel.  o.  8, 


26  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

solemn  processions.^  "  Wretched,  they  pity,  if  they 
are  allowed,  the  priests:  half  naked  themselves, 
they  despise  honors  and  purple  robes."  ^  The  lan- 
gud^'ge  they  used  was  barbarous.^  They  were  the 
enemies  of  science  and  knowledge.*  They  had  no 
respect  for  the  dead,  whose  sepulchres  they  never 
crowned  with  flowers ;  ^  and,  useless  members  of  so- 
ciety, they  bore  none  of  the  duties  and  obligations 
of  citizenship.^ 

The  religion  of  the  Christians  seemed  to  the 
pleasure-loving  pagans  an  anomaly.  It  had  neither 
altars,  temples,  nor  sacrifices  :  ^  therefore  it  had 
no  god,  and  its  votaries  were  atheists.^  Their  pre- 
tended belief  in  an  invisible  omnipresent  deity  was 
an  absurdity.^  Instead  of  this  troublesome  inquisi- 
tive god  of  their  imagination  ^^  the  Christians  as  an 
offshoot  of  Judaism  were  rather  the  adorers  of  the 
head  of  an  ass.^^  It  was  inconceivable  to  the  pa- 
gans that  such  a  body  of  fanatics  could  remain  to- 
gether except  on  the  supposition  that  they  practised 
magical  rites.^^  They  were  accused  of  taking  dread- 
ful oaths,  and  of  being  initiated  by  the  slaughter 
and  blood  of  an  infant.^^   Their  meetings  were  said 

1  Min.  Fel.  c.  12.  2  J2>ic?.  c.  8.  ^  j^^  Autoly.  c.  i. 

4  Contra  Celsum,  iii,  75.  ^  Min.  Fel.  c.  12. 

^  Contra  Cdsum,  viii,  64.  '  Athenagoras,  Legatio,  c.  xiii. 

8  St.  Justin,  Apol  e.  vi.  »  Min.  Fel.  10.  i^  Ibid. 

"  Tacitus,  Hist,  v,  3  ;  Tertullian,  Apol.  c.  16. 

12  Tertullian,  Adv.  Marc.  c.  xxix. 

13  Min.  Fel.  c.  9. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  27 

to  be  conventicles  of  lewdness,  the  scenes  of  Oedi- 
podean  orgies  and  Thyestean  feasts.^ 

The  greatest  danger  to  the  Christians  lay  in  the 
fact  that  many  of  the  slanders  circulated  against 
them  were  political  in  character  and  made  them 
appear  as  transgressors  of  the  laws  of  the  Empire. 
They  were  accused  of  being  enemies  of  the  State 
and  the  people,  of  being  guilty  of  treason  and  sac- 
rilege, and  of  striving  to  overthrow  the  republic.^ 
They  were  branded  as  conspirators  who  met  in 
secret  to  plot  the  destruction  of  the  State  and  its 
religion. 3  Afterwards,  commencing  with  the  reign 
of  Domitian,  the  refusal  of  the  Christians  to  comply 
with  the  established  worship  of  the  Empire,  which 
was  the  touchstone  of  loyalty,  became  the  basis  of 
persecution  and  proscription. 

Nero's  action  in  bringing  the  Christians  to  trial 
gave  official  sanction  to  these  slanders  and  at  the 
same  time  inaugurated  a  new  era  in  the  relations  be- 
tween Christianity  and  the  State.  The  general  prin- 
ciple had  been  affirmed  that  certain  acts  of  which  all 
Christians  were  supposed  to  be  guilty  merited  death. 
Henceforth  there  was  no  course  open  to  a  magis- 
trate in  the  Roman  dominions  but  to  follow  the 
precedent  laid  down  by  the  Emperor,  whose  action 
was  necessarily  the  official  guide  in  such  cases.* 

1  TertuU.  Apol.  c.  3.  ^  jjjc?.  c.  42. 

»  Ibid.  c.  3.  *  Cf.  Ramsay,  loc.  cit.  p.  334. 


28  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  confusion  and  anarchy  which  filled  the  Em- 
pire after  Nero's  death  naturally  diverted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  rival  emperors  from  Christianity.  The 
old  hostility,  however,  manifested  itself  as  soon  as 
the  Flavian  dynasty  was  firmly  established  in  power. 
Titus  destroyed  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  in  order 
that  the  religion  of  the  Jews  and  Christians  might 
be  completely  eradicated ;  for  these  two  religions,  al- 
though opposed  to  one  another,  had  the  same  origin. 
The  Christians  had  sprung  from  the  Jews,  and  if  the 
root  was  destroyed  the  stem  would  quickly  perish.^ 

The  fact  that  Christianity  remained  intact  and 
continued  to  flourish  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem 
ought  to  have  shown  that  it  was  independent  of  all 
connection  with  Judaism,  yet  we  find  that  this  fact 
escaped  the  notice  of  Domitian,  or  was  purposely 
overlooked  by  him.  In  order  to  replenish  the  trea- 
sury exhausted  by  his  extravagance,  he  decreed  that 
all  who  lived  after  the  manner  of  the  Jews  should 
pay  the  Jewish  poll-tax,  which  had  been  collected 
for  the  benefit  of  the  imperial  treasury  since  the 
time  of  the  Jewish  war.2  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  this  edict  was  aimed  at  the  Christians  as  well 
as  the  Jews.3    Their  persistent  refusal  to  comply 

1  Sulpieius  Severus,  ii,  30,  who  reproduces  a  lost  page  of  Tac- 
itus. 

2  Dion  Cassius,  Ixvii,  c.  14. 

8  Cf.  Neumann,  Ber  Bomische  Stoat  und  die  Allgemeine  Kirche^ 
p.  27. 


THE   CHURCH  AND   THE  EMPIRE  29 

with  the  provisions  of  this  enactment  could  leave 
no  doubts  in  the  official  mind  that  they  constituted 
a  separate  religion,  nevertheless  it  brought  on  them 
a  persecution  so  fierce  that  it  merited  for  Domitiau 
the  name  of  a  second  Nero  in  cruelty.^ 

1  TertuU.  c.  5. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  (Continued). 

End  of  persecution  under  Domitian  —  Church  in  the  second  cen- 
tury—  Reign  of  Trajan  —  Christians  in  Bithynia-Pontus  — 
Letter  of  Pliny  —  Trajan's  reply  —  Legal  procedure  settled 
—  Laws  against  Christians  —  Mommsen's  view  —  Contrary 
opinion  —  Nero  author  of  first  edict  —  Text  of  this  edict  — 
Rapid  spread  of  Christianity  —  Hadrian's  rescript  —  Attitude 
of  Hadrian  towards  Christianity  —  Popular  outbreaks  against 
Christians  in  the  reign  of  Antoninus  Pius  —  Christians  pun- 
ished illegally  during  the  entire  second  century  —  Instances  of 
leniency  on  the  part  of  some  provincial  governors  —  Christian 
apologists  —  Literary  persecution  —  Era  of  the  Antonines 
favorable  to  such  a  movement  —  Christians  blamed  for  all  the 
calamities  and  misfortunes  in  the  Empire  —  Christians  under 
Commodus  —  Marcia  —  Social  and  political  upheaval  in  the 
third  century  —  Changes  beneficial  to  Christianity  —  Septimius 
Severus  —  New  edict  of  persecution  —  Burial  clubs  — Were  the 
Christians  enrolled  as  a  Collegium  Funeraticium  ■?  —  Caracalla 
follows  the  policy  of  his  father  —  Elagabalus  —  Syncretism  of 
Alexander  Severus  —  Maximinus  the  Thracian  —  The  Gordians 
and  Philip  —  Long  peace  intensifies  opposition  between  Church 
and  State  —  Foreign  cults  popular  in  Rome  —  Christianity  be- 
comes a  social  and  intellectual  factor  in  Roman  life  —  Pagan- 
ism, though  imitating  many  Christian  forms,  becomes  more 
hostile  —  Political  cataclysm  in  Rome  —  Illyrian  Emperors  — 
Decius  issues  edict  which  defines  clearly  the  absolute  incom- 
patibility of  Christianity  and  the  heathen  Roman  State  —  The 
Church  itself,  not  individuals,  aimed  at  —  Death  of  Decius  — 
End  of  persecution  —  Gallus. 

A  REVULSION  of  feeling  similar  to  the  change  in 
popular  sentiment  under  Nero  brought  the  persecu- 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  31 

tion  of  Domitian  to  a  sudden  stop.^  The  Emperor 
himself,  before  his  death,  experienced  such  a  change 
of  heart  that  he  suspended  hostilities  against  the 
Christians,^  and  granted  full  pardon  to  those  who 
had  been  condemned  to  exile.^  With  Domitian  the 
Flavian  line  ended.  His  successor,  the  wise  and 
prudent  Nerva,  a  man  far  advanced  in  years  when 
he  ascended  the  throne,  set  himself  the  task  of  cor- 
recting the  abuses  and  irregularities  which  had  crept 
in  under  Domitian.  Among  his  reforms  was  an  act 
of  the  Senate  granting  full  amnesty  to  all  who  were 
in  banishment,  and  putting  an  end  to  proceedings 
in  the  case  of  those  who  were  charged  with  the 
crime  of  sacrilege.^ 

At  the  beginning  of  the  second  century  a  marked 
change  had  already  taken  place  in  the  situation  of 
the  Christian  Church.  With  the  complete  separa- 
tion from  Judaism  and  the  ever  increasing  acces- 
sions of  Gentile  converts,  Christianity  had  taken  its 
place  as  an  independent  religion.  In  some  places  a 
generation  of  Christians  born  in  the  faith  belonged 
to  the  Church.    All  these  things  tended  to  bring 

1  Juvenal,  Sat.  iv,  151-153,  says  of  Domitian :  — 

Tempora  saevitiae,  claras  quibus  abstulit  urbi 
niustresque  animas  impune,  et  vindice  nullo, 
Sed  periit,  postquam  cerdonibus  esse  timendus 
Coeperat. 

2  Hegesippus  in  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii,  20. 

3  Restitiitis  etiam  quos  releg-averat.   Tertull.  Apol.  c.  5. 
*  Eusebius,  loc.  cit.;  Dion  Cassius,  Ixviii,  c.  1. 


32  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  new  religion  into  closer  touch  with  the  pagan 
world,  and  to  infuse  into  it  some  touches  of  the  cul- 
ture of  the  Graeco-Roman  civilization.  This  cen- 
tury, too,  was  the  culminating  point  in  Roman  great- 
ness. With  Nerva  the  imperial  power  passed  into 
the  hands  of  men  who  represented  all  that  was  best 
in  the  national  character,  a  fact  which  had  a  very 
important  bearing  on  the  growth  and  development 
of  Christianity.  From  Nerva  to  Marcus  Aurelius 
the  sceptre  was  held  by  rulers  who  were  strongly 
attached  to  the  old  order,  and  whose  only  ideal 
was  the  rigid  enforcement  of  law  and  discipline. 
For  them  the  majesty  of  the  law  was  as  dominant  in 
the  realm  of  thought  as  in  that  of  action,  as  binding 
on  the  worshipper  as  on  the  soldier.^ 

Trajan  the  adopted  son  and  successor  of  Nerva 
was  a  man  eminently  qualified  by  education  and 
experience  to  carry  out  the  plans  inaugurated  dur- 
ing the  preceding  reign  and  to  restore  the  Roman 
State  to  its  former  greatness  and  power.  His  schemes 
of  reorganization  and  reform  naturally  revealed  to 
him  the  extent  and  influence  of  Christianity,  and 
though  he  was  a  man  more  inclined  to  clemency 
than  to  harshness,  he  allowed  no  opposition  to  the 
laws  to  go  unpunished.  He  is  the  first  emperor  to 
whom  we  can  attribute  with  absolute  certainty  any 
special  legislation  on  the  subject  of  Christianity. 

^  Ampere,  V Empire  Eomain  h  Borne,  vol.  ii,  p.  196. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE     33 

By  a  rescript  given  in  the  year  112,^  he  settled 
definitely  the  procedure  to  be  followed  by  magis- 
trates in  dealing  with  the  followers  of  Christ.  The 
occasion  of  this  rescript  was  a  letter  2  addressed  to 
Trajan  by  the  younger  Pliny,  who  had  been  sent  on 
a  special  mission  as  direct  representative  of  the 
Emperor  to  restore  order  in  the  province  of  Bi- 
thynia-Pontus,3  which  was  sadly  disorganized  by  the 
maladministration  and  corruption  of  the  proconsuls 
who  had  formerly  governed  it. 

Appreciating  the  difficulties  of  the  task  to  which 
he  was  somewhat  unwillingly  assigned,  Pliny  ob- 
tained from  the  Emperor  permission  to  consult  him 
frequently  in  regard  to  the  details  of  his  administra- 
tion.* Among  the  many  difficidties  which  he  sub- 
mitted to  the  judgment  of  the  Emperor,  there  was 
none  which  caused  him  graver  anxiety  than  how 
to  deal  with  the  Christians,  who  were  nmnerous  not 
only  in  the  cities  but  even  in  the  villages  and  coun- 
try districts,^  and  by  mere  force  of  numbers  had 
already  become  a  very  troublesome  element  in  social 

^  Goyau,  Ckronologie  de  V Empire  Romain,  p.  185. 

2  The  authenticity  of  this  letter  is  now  incontestable.  Vide 
Boissier,  Revue  Archiologique,  1876,  pp.  114-126. 

^  ' '  The  province  which  Pliny  governed,  officially  entitled 
'  Bithynia  et  Pontus,'  was  of  very  wide  extent,  reaching  from  the 
river  Rhyndacos  on  the  West  to  beyond  Amisos  on  the  East." 
Ramsay,  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire,  p.  224. 

4  Pliny,  Epistle  32,  bk.  x. 

^  Neque  civitates  tantum,  sed  vicos  etiam  atque  agros  super- 
stitionia  istius  contagio  pervagata  est.  Pliny,  Epistle  96,  bk.  x. 


34  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

matters  and  a  disturbing  influence  in  some  branches 
of  trade.  The  temples  of  the  gods  were  abandoned, 
the  solemnities  of  the  pagan  cult  were  not  observed, 
and  the  sale  of  fodder  for  the  victims  in  the  temples, 
from  which  a  considerable  revenue  was  derived,  had 
almost  ceased.i  Accusations  were  brought  against 
the  Christians  as  the  authors  of  this  state  of  things, 
and  Pliny  at  once  took  steps  to  repress  them.  When 
they  were  brought  before  him  for  a  trial,  he  first 
asked  each  one  separately  whether  he  was  a  Chris- 
tian, repeating  this  question  three  times  and  threat- 
ening severe  punishment.^  All  who  remained  un- 
shaken in  their  declarations  were  put  to  death, 
unless  they  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  Roman  citizen- 
ship and  the  right  of  appeal  to  Caesar,  of  which 
some  availed  themselves.^  In  the  course  of  the 
proceedings  difficulties  arose  because  of  some  new 
phases  which  the  cases  offered,  and  because  of  an 
anonymous  document  which  the  legate  received  de- 
nouncing many  persons  as  Christians.*     Some  of 

1  Prope  jam  desolata  templa  .  .  .  sacra  solerania  diu  inter 
missa  .  .  .  pastumque  victimarum  cujus  adhuc  rarissimus  emptor 
inveniebatur.   Pliny,  Epistle  96,  bk.  x. 

2  Interim  in  iis,  qui  ad  me  tamquara  Christiani  deferebantur, 
hunc  sum  secutus  modum.  Interrogavi  ipsos  an  essent  Christiani. 
Confitentes  iterum  ae  tertio  interrogavi,  supplicium  minatus : 
perseverantes  duci  jussi.   Ibid. 

^  Fuerunt  alii  similis  amentiae  quos  quia  cives  Romani  erant, 
adnotavi  in  urbem  remittendos.  Ibid. 

*  Propositus  est  libellus  sine  auctore  multorum  nomina  con- 
tinens.  Ibid. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  35 

those  who  were  accused  denied  the  charge ;  others 
at  first  acknowledged  their  guilt,  but  through  fear 
and  because  of  the  threats  of  the  governor  they 
afterwards  contradicted  themselves  and  said  they 
had  been  Christians  at  one  time,  but  had  recanted 
many  years  before.  All  these  gave  earnest  of  the 
sincerity  of  their  denial  by  offering  libations  and 
burning  incense  before  the  statues  of  the  Emperor, 
and  by  conforming  to  the  pagan  ritual.^ 

These  latter  cases  puzzled  the  legate.  As  long 
as  the  culprits  openly  acknowledged  their  faith  he 
knew  how  to  proceed,  but  when  they  recanted  he 
was  at  a  loss  as  to  what  course  he  should  follow. 
Though  he  was  a  lawyer,  and  had  been  consul  and 
praetor,  and  taken  part  in  many  famous  trials,^ 
his  practice  had  all  been  before  the  Decemviral 
courts,^  and  he  knew  nothing  of  the  methods  fol- 
lowed in  dealing  with  the  Christians.*  In  his  per- 
plexity he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  asking 
for  instructions  on  three  separate  heads  :  whether  the 
age  of  the  culprits  should  be  considered ;  whether 
abjuration  merited  pardon  ;  and  whether  the  crime 
of  the  Christians  consisted  of  merely  the  "  name," 
or  the  criminality  implied  in  the  name.^ 

1  Pliny,  Epistle  96,  bk.  x. 

2  E^  magnas  et  graves  causas.     Epistle  89,  bk.  v. 

^  In  arena  nostra,  id  est  apud  centumviros.     Epistle  12,  bk.  v. 
*  Cognitionibus  de  Christianis  interf u  inuuquam.  Epistle  96,  bk.  x. 
^  Sitne  aliquod  discrimen  aetatum  an  quamlibet  teneri  nihil  a 


36  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

Trajan's  reply  did  not  contain  a  specific  answer  to 
each  of  these  three  queries,  and  though  evasive  in 
its  tenor,  it  was  sufficient  to  settle  the  doubts  which 
had  been  set  forth  by  Pliny.  The  Emperor  ap- 
proved fuUy  of  the  methods  followed  by  Pliny,  and 
though  he  affirmed  that  no  general  principle  is  ap- 
plicable to  all  cases,  he  laid  down  the  rule  that  no 
search  was  to  be  made  for  the  Christians,  but  when 
any  of  them  were  brought  before  the  tribunals  and 
accused  openly,  not  anonymously,  they  were  to  be 
punished.^  An  exception,  however,  was  to  be  made 
in  the  case  of  those  who  recanted  and  proved  their 
sincerity  by  offering  worship  to  the  gods.^ 

This  edict  settled  definitely  the  jurisprudence 
and  procedure  in  regard  to  Christianity,  and  was 
the  principle  and  rule  of  action  followed  by  aU 
magistrates  in  their  treatment  of  the  Christians 
during  the  whole  of  the  second  century.  The  of- 
fence and  its  punishment  were  clearly  defined.  The 
action  of  the  legate  in  Bithynia  prior  to  the  receipt 
of  the  rescript  and  the  subsequent  action  of  the 

robustioribus  differant,  detur  paenitentiae  venia  an  ei,  qui  om- 
niuo  Christianus  fuit,  desisse  non  prosit,  nomen  ipsum,  si  flagi- 
tiis  careat,  an  flagitia  cohaerentia  nomini  puniantur.  Epistle  96, 
bk.  X. 

^  Conquirendi  non  sunt ;  si  def  erantur  et  argnantur,  puniendi 
sunt.  Sine  auctore  vero  propositi  libelli  nuUo  crimine  locum  ha- 
bere debent.   Trajan  to  Pliny,  Epistle  97,  bk.  x. 

2  Qui  negaverit  se  Christianiun  esse  idque  re  ipsa  manifestum 
fecerit,  id  est  supplicando  diis  nostris  .  .  .  yeniam  ex  paenitentia 
impetrat.     Ibid. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  37 

authorities  in  all  parts  of  tlie .  empire  showed  that 
there  was  no  vagueness  in  the  command  Puniendi 
sunt.  Henceforth  no  course  was  open  to  a  judge 
in  any  tribunal  in  the  Empire  but  to  inflict  the 
death  penalty  whenever  any  one,  accused  according 
to  due  form  of  law,  refused  to  abjure  the  Chris- 
tian religion.^ 

Here  arises  the  important  question  whether  any 
law  directly  and  explicitly  proscribing  Christianity 
as  a  capital  offence  existed  prior  to  the  time  of 
Trajan.  Of  late  this  subject  has  received  a  great 
deal  of  attention  and  study.  Mommsen  and  many 
others  have  taken  the  position  that  before  the  edict 
of  Decius  no  direct  legislation  existed  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Christianity ,2  and  that  the  plenary  powers 
possessed  by  all  Roman  governors  to  take  whatever 
steps  they  deemed  necessary  to  maintain  order  and 
to  safeguard  religion  entitled  them  to  adopt  harsh 
methods  in  suppressing  it.  This  right,  the  jus 
coercitionis,  was,  according  to  Mommsen,  the  basis 
of  all  the  actions  against  the  Christians,  who  were 
thus  simply  dealt  with  according  to  the  ordinary 

1  Duchesne,  Les  Origines  Chritiennes,  p.  109. 

2  Mommsen,  "  Der  Religionsf revel  nach  Romischen  Recht," 
Eist(yrische  Zeitschrift,  1890,  t.  Ixiv,  pp.  389-429. 

The  same  article,  "Christianity  in  the  Roman  Empire,"  Expos- 
itor, 1890,  t.  viii. 

Ramsay,  The  Church  in  the  Eoman  Empire,  pp.  207-210  ;  Expos- 
itor, 1893,  p.  5,  and  Hardy,  Christianity  and  the  Eoman  Government^ 
passim,  substantially  agree  with  Mommsen. 


38  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

police  regulations,  whicli  entitled  the  heads  of  pro- 
vinces to  adopt  harsh  measures,  whenever  good 
order  or  the  public  peace  seemed  to  be  in  danger. 

In  the  opinion  of  many  other  writers  on  this  sub- 
ject 1  Mommsen's  view  is  altogether  too  broad,  and 
while  in  the  main  it  is  correct,  it  goes  back  to  a 
period  in  Roman  law  when  there  was  no  Jewish 
question  and  no  Christian  question.^  It  is  by  no 
means  improbable  that  at  some  time  prior  to  the 
reign  of  Trajan,  perhaps  in  the  days  of  Nero,  special 
edicts  were  issued  against  the  Christians,  who,  it  was 
decreed,  were  to  be  treated  as  dangerous  outlaws, 
and  deserving  only  of  complete  extermination.  Sul- 
picius  Severus  makes  express  mention  of  the  fact 
that  Nero  passed  laws  against  the  Christians  during 
the  time  he  was  persecuting  them.^  MeKto  of  Sar- 
dis  speaks  of  decrees  of  the  governors  of  provinces 

^  Duchesne,  Bulletin  Critique,  Nov.  15,  1890 ;  Allard,  Histoire 
des  Persecutions  pendant  les  Deux  Premiers  Siecles,  pp.  164-167; 
Kneller,  "  Hat  der  Romische  Staat  das  Christenthum  verfolgt  ?  " 
Stimmen  aus  Maria-Laach,  vol.  Iv,  pp.  1  seq.  ;  Theodor  Mommsen, 
"  Ueber  die  Christenverfol^ngeu,"  Ibid.  pp.  276  seq. ;  "  Die  Mar- 
tyrer  und  das  Romische  Recht, "  Ibid.  pp.  34-39  seq. ;  Batif  oil, 
"  L'Eg-lise  Naissante,"  Revue.  Biblique,  1894,  pp.  503  seq. ;  Calle- 
waert,  "  Les  Premiers  Chretiens,  f  urent-ils  persecutes  par  edits 
Generaux  ou  par  Mesures  de  Police,"  Revue  d^Histoire  EccUsias- 
tique,  Oct.  15,  1901,  and  January  15,  1902.  All  these  are  author- 
ities for  the  belief  that  special  laws  existed  on  the  subject  of  Chris- 
tianity from  the  time  of  Nero. 

2  Duchesne,  loc.  cit. 

^  Post  etiam  datis  legibus  religio  vetabatur,  palamque  edictis 
propositis  Christianos  esse  non  licet.    Chron.  ii,  29. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  39 

which  coukl  be  nothing  but  instructions  or  inter- 
pretations of  existing  laws.^  Tertullian  in  several 
passages  of  his  works  insists  strongly  on  the  iniqui- 
tous character  of  the  laws  which  oppressed  his  co- 
religionists.2  Lactantius  relates  that  the  juriscon- 
sult Ulpian,  prime  minister  of  Alexander  Severus, 
collected  and  codified  those  laws  in  the  seventh  book 
of  his  treatise  "  De  Officio  Proconsulis."  ^  Origen 
defends  the  Christians  accused  by  Celsus  as  violators 
of  the  laws  by  saying  the  laws  they  transgressed 
were  "  Scythian  "  in  their  harshness. 

The  text  and  tenor  of  the  laws  to  which  these 
authors  refer  will  probably  never  be  known  with 
absolute  certainty.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that 
Severus,^  Tertidlian,*^  and  Origen"  when  referring 
to  them  use  precisely  the  same  expression,  Non 
licet  esse  Christianas.  The  pagan  author  Lampri- 
dius,  speaking  of  the  toleration  shown  to  the  Chris- 
tians by  Alexander  Severus,  says,  Christianos  esse 

1  Melito,  in  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iv,  26. 

2  M.  Callewaert,  loc.  cit.,  has  submitted  Tertullian 's  works  to  a 
profound  and  critical  study  on  this  point. 

3  Domitius  (Ulpian),  De  officio  proconsulis,  libro  septimo,  re- 
scripta  principum  nefaria  collegit  ut  doceret  quibus  poenis  affici 
oporteret  eos  qui  se  cultores  Dei  confiterentur.  Lactantius,  Inst  it. 
Div.  V.  2. 

*  Origen,  Contra  Celsum,  i,  1. 
8  Ibid. 

6  Jam  primura  cum  jure  definitis  non  licet  esse  vos.  Apol.  4. 
'  Deere verunt  legibus  suis  ut  non  sint  Christiani.   Horn.  9,  in 
Josue. 


40  THE   VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

passus  est.^  A  strong  reason  for  holding  that  this 
was  official  language  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the 
decree  of  Galerius  putting  an  end  to  the  persecu- 
tions against  the  Christians  began  with  the  words, 
Denuo  sint  Christiani?  The  similarity  of  the  lan- 
guage employed  by  so  many  writers  of  different 
periods  leads  to  the  conviction  that  they  all  bor- 
rowed from  a  common  source.  The  use  of  exactly 
the  same  terms  can  scarcely  be  a  mere  coincidence. 
It  allows  of  no  alternative  but  the  supposition  that 
they  were  all  acquainted  with  the  law  couched  in 
Roman  brevity,  Non  licet  esse  Christianos.^  The 
vague  and  general  character  of  such  a  law  neither 
fully  defining  the  crime  nor  indicating  any  regular 
procedure  will  readily  explain  the  difficulty  which 
Pliny  experienced  in  executing  it.* 

Neither  the  fear  of  death  nor  the  incentive  to 
apostasy  in  Trajan's  legislation  seemed  to  have  had 
any  appreciable  effect  on  the  rapid  spread  of  Chris- 
tianity, or  to  have  caused  any  diminution  in  the  num- 
ber of  martyrs.  Nor  did  Pliny's  letter  exculpating 
the  Christians  from  all  suspicion  of  wrongdoing  ^ 

^  Judaeis  privilegia  reservavit,  Christianoa  esse  passus  est.  Alex. 
Sev.  22. 

2  Lactantius,  De  Mortibus  Persec.  34. 

^  Cf .  Gaston  Boissier,  ' '  La  Lettre  de  Pline  au  sujet  des  Chre- 
tiens," Revue  Archiologique,  1876,  pp.  114-126,  for  the  matter  of 
this  whole  passage. 

*  La  r^ponse  de  Trajan  n'^tait  pas  une  loi,  mais  elle  supposait 
des  lois  et  en  fixait  I'interpr^tation.   Renan,  Les  Evangiles,  p.  483. 

^  Adfirmabant  (Christiani)  .  .  .  se  sacramento  non  in  seelus  ali- 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  41 

put  a  stop  to  the  calumnies  directed  against  tliem.^ 
As  tlie  church  gained  in  numbers  and  influence  the 
hatred  of  the  pagans  became  more  intense  and  their 
slanders  more  virulent.  The  pagans  banded  them- 
selves together  to  resist  the  encroachments  of  the 
new  religion.  The  worst  passions  of  the  populace 
were  aroused.  Mob  violence  took  the  place  of  legal 
repression  and  tumults  broke  out  every  day  in  all 
parts  of  the  Empire.  Riotous  crowds  assailed  the 
proconsuls  of  the  different  provinces,  demanding 
that  the  Christians  be  put  to  death  and  their  reli- 
gion extirpated.  The  Emperor  Hadrian  was  ap- 
prised of  this  state  of  things  by  the  reports  sent  him 
by  the  proconsuls.  One  of  these,  Licinius  Grani- 
anus,  the  governor  of  Asia,  deploring  the  injustice 
done  the  Christians  and  regretting  the  violence  to 
which  they  had  been  subjected,  went  almost  as  far 
as  suggesting  che  revocation  of  all  laws  against 
them  .2 

St.  Justin  has  preserved  Hadrian's  rescript  in  an- 
swer to  this  report.  For  some  reason  the  Emperor 
delayed  his  reply,  and  it  was  addressed  not  to 
Granianus  but  to  his  successor,  Minicius  Fundanus.^ 

quod  obstringere,  sed  ne  furta,  ne  latrocinia,  ne  adulteria  commit- 
terent,  ne  fidem  fallerent,  ne  depositura  appellati  abnegai-ent.  — 
Nihil  aliud  inveni  quam  superstitionem  pravam,  immodieam. 
Epistle  96,  bk.  x. 

^  Compare  the  works  of  the  Apologists,  Justin,  etc. 

2  Vide,  Eusebius,  Chronicon,  Olymp.  226. 

8  St  Justin,  Apol  i,  68. 


42  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  new  rescript  was  substantially  the  same  as 
that  of  Trajan  and  added  nothing  to  the  existing 
legislation.  While  studiously  avoiding  all  mention  of 
what  constituted  the  crime  in  the  case,  the  Emperor 
declared  it  was  his  intention  that  innocent  persons 
should  not  be  molested  and  that  informers  should 
have  no  opportunities  to  exercise  their  villainy. 

If  the  provincials  wished  to  bring  charges  against 
the  Christians,  they  must  do  so  in  the  open  courts, 
and  not  by  petitions  and  tumultuous  outbreaks  which 
the  governors  were  charged  to  suppress.  In  the 
courts  proof  should  be  given  that  the  Christians  had 
violated  the  laws.  If  it  was  not  forthcoming,  and  if 
the  accuser  failed  to  establish  his  case,  he  must  be 
punished  for  calumny.  The  sole  concern  of  the 
Emperor  was  that  public  order  should  be  preserved 
and  the  laws  strictly  enforced.^  He  desired  to  con- 
fine judicial  action  on  the  subject  of  Christianity 
within  the  limits  laid  down  by  his  predecessor,  but 
strangely  enough,  and  perhaps  advertently,  his  re- 
script makes  no  allusion  to  the  subject  of  religion. 
This  is  quite  in  keeping  with  what  we  know  of  the 
religious  temper  of  the  Emperor  and  his  attitude 
towards  Christianity.  His  interest  in  the  religions 
of  the  Empire  arose  solely  from  political  motives. 
These  two  were  so  closely  linked  that  he  knew  they 
would  stand  or  faU  together.  Personally  he  had 
1  AUard,  Le  Christianisme  et  V Empire  Eomain,  p.  42. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE   EMPIRE  43 

the  profoundest  contempt  for  the  national  gods. 
In  his  roamings  back  and  forth  through  the  Em- 
pire he  constructed  those  inscriptionless  temples 
without  images  which,  because  they  were  dedicated 
to  no  divinity,  and  for  want  of  a  better  name,  were 
known  as  Hadrianic.^  He  despised  aU  religions,  and 
saw  in  the  conflicts  of  the  sects  nothing  but  a  sub- 
ject for  mirth  and  raillery.  In  a  biting,  epigram- 
matic letter  written  in  a  fit  of  pique  from  Alexan- 
dria to  his  brother-in-law  Servianus  he  showed  his 
contempt  for  Paganism  and  Christianity  alike. 
"  Here,"  he  says,  "  the  worshippers  of  Serapis  are 
Christians,  and  they  who  call  themselves  bishops  of 
Clirist  worsliip  Serapis.  Every  archisynagogus  of 
the  Jews,  every  Samaritan,  and  every  Christian 
presbyter  is  an  astrologer,  a  soothsayer,  or  a  quack 
doctor."  2  He  saw  no  danger  to  the  stability  of  the 
State  in  Christianity  itself,  and  with  lofty  disdain 
he  sneered  at  all  the  religions,  saying,  "  They  have 
one  god.  Money,  worshipped  alike  by  Christian, 
Jew,  and  Gentile."  ^ 

1  Qui  (Hadrianus)  templa  in  omnibns  civitatibus  sine  simnlacris 
jusserat  fieri,  quae  hodieque  idcirco,  quia  non  habent  numina, 
dicuntur  Hadriani.    Lampridius,  Vita  Alex.  Sever,  c.  43. 

^  Illie  qui  Serapem  colunt,  Christiani  sunt  et  devoti  sunt  Serapi, 
qui  se  Christi  episcopos  dicunt,  nemo  illic  archisynagogus  Judae- 
orum,  nemo  Samarites,  nemo  Christianorum  presbyter  non  mathe- 
maticus,  non  haruspex,  non  aliptes.   Vopiscus,  Vita  Saturnini,  c.  8. 

*  Unus  illis  deus  nummus  est,  hunc  Christiani,  hunc  Judaei, 
hunc  omnes  venerantur  et  gentes.   Ibid. 


44  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  popular  outbreaks  which  marked  the  reign 
of  Hadrian  continued  during  the  reign  of  his  suc- 
cessor, Antoninus  Pius,i  and  occasioned  fresh  re- 
scripts on  the  subject  of  Christianity.  Antoninus 
introduced  no  change  in  the  laws,  and  contented 
himself  with  maintaining  the  procedure  inaugurated 
by  Trajan.  In  the  letters  he  addressed  to  the 
Larissaeans,  Thessalonians,  Athenians,  and  the 
Greek  cities  in  general  ^  he  condemned  strongly  the 
riotous  action  of  the  people  and  refused  to  aUow 
it  to  take  the  place  of  regular  legal  proceedings. 
This  ordinance,  simply  a  confirmation  of  Hadrian's 
rescript  requiring  legal  proof  of  the  guilt  alleged 
against  the  Christians,  shows  that  in  the  mind  of 
the  Emperor,  the  judicial  system  of  persecution 
still  in  force  was  a  sufficient  guarantee  against  the 
dangers  and  encroachments  of  Christianity.^ 

In  spite  of  the  comparative  leniency  of  these 
Emperors,  and  the  formal  legal  procedure  which 
they  insisted  on,  the  situation  of  the  Christians 
during  the  entire  period  was  one  of  extreme  danger. 
The  risk  of  being  denounced  and  dragged  before 
the  tribunals  hung  over  their  heads  at  aU  times, 

^  For  the  causes  of  these  outbreaks,  cf .  Ramsay,  The  Church  in 
the  Roman  Empire  before  A.  D.  170,  pp.  326,  327,  332. 

2  These  letters  are  mentioned  by  Melito  in  an  apology  ad- 
dressed to  Marcus  Aurelius,  a  fragment  of  which  is  preserved  by 
Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iv,  26. 

^  Cf.  Ramsay,  loc.  cit.  p.  331. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE    45 

and  the  death  penalty  awaited  them  in  case  they 
persevered  in  the  profession  of  their  faith.  Though 
the  law  required  that  whoever  accused  a  Christian 
should  substantiate  his  charge  by  proof  in  the  courts, 
the  whole  course  of  the  proceedings  in  the  second 
century  shows  that  this  ordinance  was  constantly 
violated.  The  existence  of  such  a  statute,  however, 
had  a  tendency  to  check  the  wholesale  denunciation 
of  the  Christians  and  to  repress  the  activity  of  in- 
formers. For,  besides  the  popular  hatred  for  dela- 
tores  in  general,  and  the  fear  which  the  Christians 
inspired  in  many  places  by  mere  numbers,  the  in- 
former ran  the  risk  of  severe  punishment  if  he 
failed  to  make  good  his  accusation.  This  danger  was 
especially  to  be  feared  in  cases  brought  against  the 
Christians,  to  whom  recantation  always  offered  a 
loophole  for  escape. 

Instances  are  not  wanting  to  show  that  the  gov- 
ernors of  some  provmces  found  the  execution  of  the 
laws  against  the  Christians  extremely  difficult  or 
distasteful.  In  a  letter  written  to  Scapula,  proconsul 
of  Africa,  demanding  that  he  should  exercise  less 
cruelty  in  his  dealings  with  the  Christians,  Tertul- 
lian  mentions  several  cases  of  this  kind.  Among 
them  is  that  of  Arrius  Antoninus,  proconsul  of  Asia, 
whose  severity  aroused  the  Christians  to  such  a 
pitch  of  desperation  that  they  presented  themselves 
in  a  body  before  his  tribunal  one  day,  asking  that 


46  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

they  should  all  instantly  be  executed.  The  procon- 
sul sentenced  some  of  them  and  dismissed  the 
others  saying,  "  Wretched  men,  if  you  wish  to  die, 
you  have  precipices  and  halters."  Quite  different 
is  the  case  of  Cincius  Severus,  who  suggested  such 
answers  to  the  Christian  prisoners  as  would  lead  to 
their  acquittal.  Asper  openly  expressed  his  disgust 
with  such  cases,  and  refused  to  compel  a  Christian 
prisoner  who  had  recanted  under  torture  to  offer 
sacrifice.  Others  resisted  the  clamors  of  the  mob, 
as  Vespronius  Candidus,  who  declared  such  tumults 
illegal,  and  Pudens,  who  refused  to  try  a  case  with- 
out the  presence  of  a  formal  accuser,  as  to  do  so 
would  be  a  violation  of  the  commands  of  the  Em- 
peror.i 

Isolated  cases  such  as  these,  however,  extending 
over  a  whole  century,  do  not  prove  that  the  laws 
were  allowed  to  fall  into  abeyance  as  a  general  rule, 
or  that  the  position  of  the  Christians  was  more  se- 
cure because  of  the  reluctance  of  some  governors 
to  execute  the  will  of  the  mob.  The  Christians 
themselves  were  keenly  alive  to  the  precarious  po- 
sition they  held  in  the  eyes  of  the  law.  Time  after 
time  they  protested  against  the  injustice  to  which 
they  were  subjected.  Commencing  with  the  reign 
of  Hadrian,  a  long  line  of  apologists  addressed  letters 
to  the  Emperors  in  their  defence,  pleading  for  some 

1  Tertullian,  Ad  Scapulam,  cc.  iv,  v. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  47 

mitigation  of  the  burdens  under  which  they  labored. 
The  aim  of  the  apologists,  from  Quadratus  and  Ar- 
istides  ^  to  Tertullian,  was  not  to  obtain  any  change 
in  the  legislation.  They  demanded  that  such  mod- 
ifications be  introduced  into  the  procedure  followed 
by  the  magistrates  as  would  ensure  for  the  Chris- 
tians a  fair  trial  on  specific  charges,  and  constantly 
complained  that  the  Christians  were  condemned  for 
the  mere  name  without  any  proof  that  they  were 
guilty  of  crime  or  wrongdoing.  To  strengthen  their 
plea  for  justice,  the  apologists  did  not  confine  them- 
selves to  the  legal  aspects  of  the  case.  They  repelled 
the  accusations  made  against  Christianity,  and  re- 
futed the  calumnies  and  slanders  so  industriously  cir- 
culated among  the  people,  by  explaining  the  teaching 
of  the  Church,  and  showing  its  high  moral  tone  and 
the  loyalty  of  all  its  members  to  the  State  and  Em- 
perors. 

What  impression  these  apologies  made  on  the 
Emperors,  and  whether  they  affected  public  opinion 
in  any  way,  will  perhaps  always  remain  a  matter  of 
conjecture.  The  action  of  the  Antonines  in  refusing 
to  have  the  charges  against  the  Christians  investi- 
gated and  in  adhering  to  the  rule  laid  down  by 
Trajan  might  be  considered  a  proof  that  they  placed 
no  credence  in  the  accusations  to  which  they  were 

^  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iv,  3 ;  Harris,  The  Apology 
of  Aristides,  Cambridge,  1891. 


48  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

forced  to  listen.  It  is  significant,  however,  that  an 
active  literary  and  intellectual  opposition  to  Chris- 
tianity manifested  itself  at  this  epoch.  The  preva- 
lence of  Christian  ideas  rendered  it  impossible  for 
the  pagans  to  ignore  any  longer  the  intellectual 
force  in  the  Christian  teaching.  Crescens,  the 
philosopher,  disputed  openly  with  St.  Justin  in 
Eome;^  Fronto,  the  rhetorician  and  preceptor  of 
Marcus  Aurelius,  attacked  the  Christians  in  a  pub- 
lic discourse  ;  ^  Lucian,  the  satirist,  held  them  up 
to  ridicule  as  a  set  of  credulous  fanatics ;  ^  and 
Celsus,  in  a  lengthy  work  entitled  the  True  Word,* 
showing  a  most  intimate  acquaintance  with  Chris- 
tianity, employed  all  his  skill  as  a  dialectician  in 
gathering  together  the  calumnies  and  arguments 
which  he  hoped  would  make  the  acceptance  of 
Christianity  by  his  fellow-pagans,  or  the  toleration 
of  it  by  the  Roman  authorities,  an  impossibility. 

The  era  of  the  Antonines  was  especially  favor- 
able to  a  literary  propaganda  against  a  new  reli- 
gion. Greek  philosophy,  notwithstanding  the  pre- 
judice and  opposition  it  encountered  in  the  days  of 
Cicero  and  Seneca,  had  gradually  extended  its  sway 
over  the  best  minds  in  the  Empire,  until  it  finally 

1  Justin,  Second  Apology,  chap.  3. 

2  Minucius  Felix,  Octavius,  cc.  9,  31. 
^  Dialogues,  especially. 

*  Origen,  Contra  Celsiim.  Keim,  Celsus  Wahres  Wort,  Zurich, 
1873,  has  attempted  a  reconstruction  of  this  work. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  49 

reached  tlie  throne  in  the  person  of  Marcus  Aure- 
lius.^  There  was  too,  at  this  time,  a  revival  of  old 
Koman  customs,  a  Renaissance  political  as  well  as 
literary,  but  the  long  peace  from  the  death  of  Domi- 
tian  to  the  reign  of  Marcus,  which  made  this  period 
the  most  happy  and  prosperous  in  the  history  of 
the  world,2  had  introduced  a  taste  for  ease  and  lux- 
ury which  unfitted  men  for  the  serious  occupations 
of  life.  The  heathen  themselves  were  conscious  of 
the  degeneracy  of  the  age,  and  the  attempted  resto- 
ration was  a  failure.  Superstition  and  scepticism 
took  the  place  of  religion,  while  philosophy  gave 
way  to  rhetoric.^  The  widespread  corruption  and 
licentiousness  were  gradually  undermining  the  last 
vestiges  of  ancient  virtue  and  morality.  The  reign 
of  Marcus  Aurelius  marks  the  end  of  the  old 
Roman  world.^  The  long  period  of  tranquillity 
which  the  State  had  enjoyed  was  ended  by  a  series 
of  unprecedented  calamities  and  disasters.^  Foreign 
and  civil  wars,  earthquakes,  inundations,  famine, 
and  pestilence  brought  sorrow  and  suffering  to 
every  part  of  the  Empire  and  filled  the  public  mind 

^  Boissier,  La  Religion  Eomaine,  vol.  ii,  p.  93. 

2  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chap.  iiL 

^  Boissier,  loc.  cit.  p.  105. 

*  Renan,  Marc-Aurele  et  la  Jin  du  Monde  Antique,  Preface,  p.  ii. 
La  mort  de  Marc-Aur61e  peut  d'ailleurs  etre  considdr^e  comme 
marquant  la  fin  de  la  civilization  antique. 

^  Julius  Capitolinus,  Vita  Marci  Antonii,  cc.  8,  11,  13,  17,  21, 
22.  24. 


60  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

with  terror  and  foreboding.  The  terrified  and 
superstitious  masses  saw  in  these  misfortunes  a 
manifestation  of  the  anger  of  their  gods,  whose  fa- 
vor had  been  alienated  by  the  Christian  atheists.^ 
These  open  and  avowed  enemies  of  the  national 
deities  were  the  authors  of  aU  the  calamities  the 
people  suffered,  and  the  fanatic  terror  of  the  mob 
dictated  they  should  be  offered  as  victims  to  ap- 
pease and  propitiate  the  outraged  deities.  Chris- 
tianos  ad  leones  seemed  to  promise  relief  from  all 
evils  and  became  the  cry  of  the  fear-stricken  pagans. 
The  philosopher  Emperor  was  not  superior  to  pop- 
ular superstition.  Yielding  to  the  clamors  of  the 
people,  he  issued  new  rescripts,  which  reversed  the 
policy  of  his  predecessors  and  inaugurated  a  new 
era  in  the  persecutions.^  The  text  of  this  rescript 
no  longer  exists.  Sufficient  evidence  is  found  in 
contemporary  writings,  however,  to  prove  what  its 
tenor  was.^  The  Christians,  it  was  commanded, 
should  be  sought  out  and  punished.  In  order  to 
make  the  pursuit  more  active  and  effective,  it  was 
decreed  that  the  informers  should  be  rewarded 
from  the  property  of  the  condemned.    The  stimulus 

1  Tertullian,  Apology,  40 ;  Ad  Nationes,  1,  9. 

2  Melito,  in  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iv,  26. 

^  Celsus;  Origen,  Contra  Celsum,  viii,  69;  Melito,  loc.  cit. ; 
Athenagoras,  Legatio  pro  Christiam's,  c.  1,  says  the  Christians 
were  harassed,  plundered,  and  persecuted.  The  Acts  of  the  mar- 
tyrs (Lyons  and  Vienne,  and  Justin)  show  that  the  Christians 
were  "  sought  out." 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPHIE     51 

offered  to  violence  and  rapacity  by  this  decree  made 
the  persecution  under  Marcus  more  severe  than 
any  that  had  preceded  it.  At  this  time  the  apolo- 
gist Justin,  and  the  martyrs  of  Lyons  and  Vienne, 
whose  sufferings  are  told  in  the  touching  letter 
addressed  to  the  churches  of  Asia  and  Phrygia, 
became  victims  of  pagan  malice  and  barbarity. 

When  Marcus  Aurelius,  dying  of  the  plague,  re- 
proached his  friends  for  weeping  for  him  instead  of 
thinking  about  the  pestilence  and  the  general  mis- 
ery,! there  was  nothing,  perhaps,  that  caused  him 
greater  anguish  of  spirit  than  the  character  of  the 
man  who  was  to  succeed  him  on  the  throne.  It  is 
recorded  that  he  wished  for  the  death  of  Commo- 
dus,  in  whom  he  saw  traits  that  promised  a  return 
of  the  worst  days  of  Nero,  Caligula,  and  Domitian.2 
The  dire  forebodings  of  the  dying  Emperor  were 
fulfilled.  The  brutal  and  degenerate  Commodus 
so  disgraced  the  imperial  purple  that  one  is  in- 
clined to  believe  the  historian  who  calls  this  child 
of  the  wayward  Faustina  the  son  of  a  gladiator.^ 

1  Capitolinus,  Vita  Marci  Aur.  ch.  28.  Quid  de  me  fletis  et 
non  magis  de  pestilentia  et  communi  morte  cogitatis  ? 

When  he  was  asked  to  •whom  he  would  commend  his  son,  he 
answered,  "  Vobis  si  dignus  fuerit  et  diis  immortalibus."   Ibid. 

2  Fertur  filium  mori  voluisse,  cum  eum  talem  videret  futurum, 
qnalis  exstitit  post  ejus  mortem,  ne,  ut  ipse  dicebat,  similis  Ne- 
roni,  Caligulae  et  Domitiano  esset.   Ibid. 

^  Aiunt  quidam,  quod  et  verisimile  videtur,  Commodum  Anto- 
ninum  .  .  .  non  esse  de  eo  natum  sed  de  adulterio.   Ibid.,  ch.  19. 


62  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

Wholly  immersed  in  the  degrading  sports  of  the 
arena,  and  caring  nothing  for  the  national  gods, 
he  was  incapable  of  devoting  himself  to  delicate 
questions  either  of  state  or  of  religion.  No  new 
edicts  were  issued,  but  the  laws  enacted  in  previ- 
ous reigns  were  still  in  force,  and  the  Christians 
were  as  much  as  ever  exposed  to  persecution  by- 
hostile  governors.  The  Emperor  himself  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  personally  hostile  to  the  Chris- 
tians, and  tolerated  the  presence  of  large  numbers 
of  them  at  his  court.^  His  favorite  Marcia  ob- 
tained from  Pope  Victor  a  list  of  the  Christians 
condemned  to  exile  in  the  mines  of  Sardinia,  and 
so  influenced  Conunodus  in  their  favor  that  he  gave 
orders  for  their  liberation.^ 

The  civil  wars,  caused  by  the  conflicts  among 
the  claimants  for  the  throne  after  the  death  of 
Commodus,  transformed  completely  the  social  and 
political  condition  of  the  Roman  world.  The  nar- 
row aristocratic  spirit  of  the  ruling  class  disap- 
peared entirely  before  the  growing  sense  of  union 
and  equality  among  the  different  peoples  in  the 
Empire.  Caracalla  broke  down  the  distinction 
between  Roman  and  barbarian,  between  conquered 
and  rulers,  by  extending  the  rights  of  Roman  citi- 
zenship to  all  the  free  inhabitants  of  the  Roman 

1  Irenaeus,  Adv.  Haer.  iv,  30. 

2  Philosophumena,  ix,  7. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  53 

dominions.^  The  changed  tone  of  the  period  is 
most  noticeable  in  the  wearers  of  the  purple.  Dur- 
ing the  whole  of  the  third  century  the  destinies 
of  Rome  were  controlled  by  men  who  owed  their 
elevation  to  the  throne  to  military  genius  or  the 
capricious  will  of  the  soldiers.  Dynasties  changed 
as  frequently  as  rulers.  None  of  the  many  ad- 
venturers who  attained  imperial  honors  succeeded 
in  establishing  an  hereditary  succession.  In  this 
condition  of  things  there  was  no  possibility  of 
any  continuity  of  policy  in  regard  to  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  State.  After  the  Senate,  the  one 
element  of  conservatism,  had  been  shorn  of  its 
authority  by  Septimius  Severus,  all  the  power  in 
the  Empire  centred  in  the  man  who  retained  the 
good  will  of  the  legions.^ 

For  the  Christians  the  turmoil  in  the  Empire 
and  the  frequent  changes  of  dynasty  were  a  source 
of  security  and  strength.  The  Africans,  Syrians, 
Arabs,  and  Thracians,  who  successively  wielded  the 
sceptre,  had  no  sympathy  with  the  traditions  nor 
reverence  for  the  gods  of  Rome.  For  some  of  them 
it  would  have  been  as  easy  and  natural  to  accept 
the  teaching  of  the  gospel  as  to  become  worshippers 
at  the  shrine  of  Jupiter  or  Janus.  Septimius  Seve- 
rus was  the  first  of  these  military  despots.    In  the 

1  Ulpian,  Digest,  i,  5,  17. 

*  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall,  chap.  v. 


64  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

beginning  of  his  reign  he  was  favorably  disposed 
towards  Christianity,  and  is  even  said  to  have  been 
its  defender  and  protector.^  His  son  CaracaUa  had 
a  Christian  nurse,  while  the  Emperor  himself  owed 
his  life  to  a  Christian  slave,  Proculus,  who  cured 
him  of  some  malady  by  anointing  him  with  oil.^  A 
further  reason  for  treating  the  Christians  with 
leniency  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  during  the 
conflicts  for  the  throne  they  wisely  abstained  from 
taking  sides  with  either  Claudius,  Niger,  or  Albinus.^ 
The  good  will  of  the  Emperor,  however,  did  not 
lead  him  to  revoke  the  laws  against  the  Christians, 
or  to  discountenance  the  circulation  of  the  most 
atrocious  slanders  against  them.  Severus  spent 
little  time  in  Rome.*  The  greater  part  of  his  life 
as  emperor  was  passed  in  the  East.  During  a  visit 
to  Palestine  in  the  year  202  he  promulgated  a  new 
edict,  which  forbade  any  one  to  become  a  Jew  under 
severe  penalties,  a  prohibition  which  he  also  ex- 
tended to  Christian  converts. 

1  Sed  et  clarissimas  feminas  et  clarissimos  viros  Severus  sciens 
hujus  sectae  esse,  non  modo  non  laesit  verum  et  testimonio  exor- 
navit,  et  populo  furenti  in  nos  palam  restitit.  Tertullian,  Ad 
Scapulam,  iv. 

2  Ibid. 

^  TertiiUian,  Apol.  c.  35;  De  Idololatria,  15. 

^  Schiller,  Geschichte  der  Romischen  Kaiserzeit,  vol.  i,  pt.  2,  pp. 
705  seq. 

5  In  itinere  Palaestinis  plurima  jura  f  undavit.  Judaeos  fieri  sub 
gravi  poena  vetuit,  idem  etiam  de  Christianis  sanxit.  Spartianus, 
Vita  Severi,  c.  IG. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  55 

Many  reasons  can  be  assigned  for  the  change  of 
attitude  on  the  part  of  Severus :  the  rapid  spread 
of  Christianity  counteracting  the  work  of  the  uni- 
fication of  the  Empire ;  ^  the  influence  of  the  Em- 
peror's Syrian  wife,  Julia  Donma ;  ^  or  more  prob- 
ably the  maledictory  and  threatening  tone  noticeable 
in  the  apocalyptic  literature  which  emanated  so 
abundantly  from  Christian  and  Jewish  sources  at 
this  time.3  The  belief  in  the  millennium  stiU  pre- 
vailed, and  consequently  many  Christians  were  not 
averse  to  looking  on  the  disasters  and  the  confusion 
of  the  times  as  forerunners  of  the  abolition  of  pa- 
ganism and  the  dissolution  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
Besides,  the  Christians  themselves  were  beginning 
to  chafe  under  the  severities  practised  against  them, 
and  notwithstanding  the  frequent  protestations  of 
loyalty  which  Tertullian  makes,  there  is  evident  in 
some  parts  of  his  writing  a  tone  of  menace  which 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  in  some  quarters  the 
doctrine  of  passivity  was  losing  force.* 

According  to  a  theory  proposed  by  De  Rossi, 
which  for  a  long  time  met  with  general  approval, 
none  of  the  reforms  introduced  by  the  successors 
of  the  Antonines  had  a  more  important  bearing  on 

1  Duchesne,  Les  Origines  Chr^dennes,  chap.  23. 

2  Philostratus,  who  attempted  to  set  up  a  heathen  Christ,  was 
one  of  her  prot^g-^s. 

3  Cf.  Milman,  History  of  Latin  Christianity,  chap.  vii. 
*  Apol.  c.  37  ;  Ad  Scapulam,  c.  5. 


56  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  developing  and  strengthening  of  Christianity 
than  the  decree  of  Septimius  Severus,  which  ex- 
tended to  the  people  of  the  provinces  the  right  pos- 
sessed by  the  inhabitants  of  Kome  under  a  law  of 
the  first  century  to  form  funeral  societies  or  burial 
clubs.^  Through  this  law  people  of  the  poorer 
classes  were  allowed  to  organize  such  clubs  without 
special  authorization  from  the  Senate,  in  order  to 
secure  for  themselves  by  small  monthly  contribu- 
tions a  decent  funeral  and  a  final  resting-place.^ 
By  the  same  law,  those  who  organized  such  a  so- 
ciety had  the  right  to  hold  property  in  common,  to 
have  a  common  treasury,  to  be  represented  by  an 
actcyif  or  syndic,  and  to  receive  gifts  and  legacies.^ 
In  the  opinion  of  De  Rossi  the  Christians  took  this 
opportunity  of  acquiring  a  legal  corporate  existence 
by  being  enrolled  as  a  funeral  society.^    There  was 

1  Permittitur  tenuibus  stipem  menstruam,  conferre  dum  tamen 
semel  in  mense  coeant  conferendi  causa  ;  sed  religionis  causa  coire 
non  prohibentur,  dum  tamen  per  hoc  non  fiat  contra  Senatus  con- 
sultum  quo  illicita  collegia  arcentur  .  .  .  quod  non  tantum  in  Urbe 
sed  in  Italia  et  in  provinciis  locum  habere  diviis  quoque  Severus 
rescripsit.    Digest,  xlvii,  22,  1, 

2  By  the  Lex  Julia  Augustus  suppressed  the  collegia  and  laid 
down  new  conditions  for  the  formation  of  burial  clubs,  among 
which  was  the  express  permission  of  the  Senate,  C.  I.  L.  vi,  2193. 
Compare  Waltzing,  Etude  Historique  sur  les  Corporations  Prqfes- 
sionnelles  chez  les  Romains,  tom.  i,  p.  267. 

3  Digest,  iii,  4,  1. 

4  De  Rossi,  Bull,  di  Arch.  Cris.  1864,  pp.  57  seq. ;  1865,  p.  90; 
1866,  pp.  11,  22  ;  1870,  pp.  35-36;  1877,  p.  25  ;  1885,  pp.  83-84; 
Rom.  Sott.  tom.  i,  pp.   161,  209,  210;    tom.  ii,  pp.  8  seq.,  370 


THE  CHURCH  AND   THE  EMPIRE  57 

no  reason  why  they  should  not  do  so.  Such  a  simple 
way  of  avoiding  conflict  with  the  laws  and  of  pro- 
tecting their  burial  places  would  very  naturally  com- 
mend itself  to  the  persecuted  followers  of  Christ. 
The  many  striking  resemblances  between  these 
collegia  tenuiorum^  and  the  Christian  Church 
would  make  this  legal  fiction  less  objectionable. 
Like  the  pagan  societies,  the  Christians  had  a  com- 
mon fund  supported  by  monthly  contributions,^ 
out  of  which  they  provided  for  the  decent  inter- 
ment of  their  dead  associates  ^  and  the  construc- 
tion and  maintenance  of  their  cemeteries.  In  one 
case  as  in  the  other  the  society  was  largely  re- 
cruited from  among  the  ranks  of  the  poor  and 
lowly,  from  artisans  and  slaves.  The  custom  in 
the  collegia  tenuiorum  of  electing  the  leaders  by 
general  suffrage  prevailed  also  to  a  certain  extent 
among  the  Christians.*    The  holding  of  meetings 

seq.  See,  also,  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Horn.  Soft.  vol.  i ;  Al- 
lard,  Histoire  des  Persecutions,  vol.  ii,  c.  i;  Le  Christianisme  et 
V Empire  Eomain,  pp.  76-89  ;  Boissier,  "  Les  Chretiens  devant  la 
legislation  Romaine,"  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  April  15,  1876; 
Religion  Romaine,  torn,  ii,  pp.  300-306  ;  Waltzing,  loc.  cit.  torn,  i, 
pp.  149-153 ;  Neumann,  Der  Romische  Staat  und  die  Allgemeine 
Kirche,  vol.  i,  p.  101. 

1  Called  by  Mommsen,  "  funeraticia,"  a  name  unknown  to  the 
ancients.   Waltzing,  loc.  cit.  torn,  i,  143. 

2  Modicam  unusquisque  stipem  menstrua  die,  vel  cum  velit ;  et 
si  modo  velit  et  si  modo  possit  apponit.    Tertullian,  Apol.  c.  39. 

3  Ibid. 

*  Praesident   probati   quique   seniores,    honorem   istum     non 
pretio,  sed  testimonio  adepti.    Ibid. 


58  THE   VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

on  certain  anniversaries  and  of  congregating  fre- 
quently for  religious  purposes  was  common  to  both.^ 
The  j)agans  honored  their  dead  by  feasts  and  ban- 
quet s,^  the  Christians  celebrated  the  agape  in  their 
assemblies.  The  first  deacon  among  the  Christians 
corresponded  to  the  syndic  among  the  pagans  in 
that  both  were  charged  with  the  administration  of 
the  temporal  affairs  of  their  respective  societies.^ 

There  would  of  course  be  something  repugnant 
to  the  Christians  in  the  pagan  name  collegium^  and 
hence  they  preferred  to  be  known  as  the  Ecclesia 
Fratrum,  Fratres,  Fraternitas,  Sodales  Fratres, 
'A8eA<^ot, 'AS€X</)ot77s,  names  which  are  found  on  in- 
scriptions dating  from  a  period  earlier  than  the 
time  of  Constantine.^  Presumably  in  imitation  of 
the  pagan  custom  of  forming  clubs  under  the  pat- 
ronage of  some  deity,  the  members  of  which  were 
known  as  Cultores  Jovis,  Cultores  HercuHs,  etc.,^ 
a  certain  Christian  who  founded  a  cemetery  for 
his  brethren  at  Caesarea  called  himself  a  cultor 
VERBi.^    The  description  of  the  Church  given  by 

1  Waltzing,  torn,  i,  p.  295. 

2  Ihid.  torn,  i,  p.  488  ;  torn,  iv,  p.  675. 

8  Ihid.  torn,  i,  p.  395 ;  torn,  ii,  pp.  446,  468. 

*  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  torn,  iii,  pp.  37-42,  507,  573 ;  Bulletina. 
1877,  pp.  47-49.    Compare  Waltzing,  loc.  cit.  torn,  i,  p.  151. 

5  Waltzing,  loc.  cit.  torn,  i,  pp.  37,  47,  260-265. 

^  Aream  ad  sepulchra  cultor  Verbi  contnlit  et  cellam  struxit 
suis  cuiictis  sumptibus.  Ecelesiae  Sanctae  banc  reliqiiit  memo- 
riam.   Ecclesia  fratrum  hunc  restituit  titulum.    Vide  De  Rossi, 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE     59 

Tertiillian,  showing  its  resemblance  in  many  salient 
features  to  the  burial  clubs  of  the  pagans,  was,  it 
was  conjectured,  drawn  with  a  view  to  proving 
that  the  Church  had  a  legal  right  to  existence 
under  the  form  of  a  burial  society.^  These  strik- 
ing analogies,  taken  in  connection  with  the  fact 
that  the  Church  first  appears  as  the  corporate 
owner  of  property  precisely  at  the  time  when 
funeral  associations  were  being  multiplied  in  the 
Roman  world  under  the  wider  liberty  granted  by 
Severus,  convinced  De  Rossi  that  the  Christians 
took  advantage  of  this  act  to  obtain  a  legal  footing 
in  the  Empire.^  Another  argument  in  support  of 
this  theory  was  found  in  the  fact  that  the  names 
of  the  Popes  in  the  Philocalian  Catalogue,  drawn 
up  about  336,  and  the  lists  of  the  "  depositions  "  of 
bishops  and  martyrs  added  to  this  catalogue,  must 
have  been  borrowed  in  great  part  from  the  records 
of  the  urban  prefect  rather  than  from  the  Church 
archives,  thus  proving  that  there  existed  in  the 
prefecture  a  register  in  which  it  was  thought  the 
popes  had  been  enrolled  as  heads  (adores^  syndicV) 
of  the  ecclesia  fratrum  in  Rome.^   Recent  writers, 

Bulletino,  1864,  p.  28 ;  Bom.  Sott.  torn,  i,  pp.  96,  107 ;  Waltzing, 
loc.  cit.  torn,  i,  213. 

1  Apol.  c.  39. 

2  Waltzing',  loc.  cit.  vol.  i,  p.  151 ;  Duchesne,  Les  Origines 
Chritiennes,  loc.  cit.  ;  Allard',  Hist,  des  Persecutions,  vol.  ii,  p.  9  ; 
Boissier,  La  Religion  Romaine,  vol.  ii,  p.  300. 

^  Rom.  Sott.  torn,  ii,  pp.  6-9 ;  Duchesne,  loc.  cit. 


60  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

however,  following  in  the  wake  of  Duchesne,  have 
abandoned  this  theory  altogether,  or  content  them- 
selves with  regarding  it  as  an  unproved  hypothesis. 
In  the  first  place,  it  is  pointed  out  that  the  right 
which  the  Christians  undoubtedly  possessed  at  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century  of  holding  property 
in  common  may  with  equal  plausibility  be  regarded 
as  a  concession  due  to  the  tolerance  of  such  an 
emperor  as  Commodus.  And  in  the  second  place, 
if  the  Christians  had  accepted  this  legal  fiction,  it 
is  difficult  to  understand  the  attitude  of  Tertul- 
lian  ^  and  St.  Cyprian  ^  towards  such  societies,  or 
to  explain  how  the  police  would  have  shut  their 
eyes  to  such  manifest  evasion  or  perversion  of  the 
law.  More  difficult  still  is  it  to  understand  how 
the  Christians  of  Rome,  Antioch,  Alexandria,  or 
Carthage,  whose  numbers  in  these  cities  must  have 
been  between  thirty  and  fifty  thousand,  could  have 
prevailed  on  the  public  authorities  to  permit  them 
to  enroll  themselves  as  a  burial  club  when  such 
clubs  usually  consisted  of  a  small  number  of  poor 
persons.  "  Is  it  possible  to  imagine  St.  Fabian,  St. 
Cyprian,  or  St.  Denis  of  Alexandria,  presenting 
himself  at  the  prefecture  to  be  registered  as  the 
head  of  a  college  of  Cultores  Verbi,  consisting  of 
50,000  members  banded  together  to  procure  proper 
interment?  It  is  more  easy  to  believe  that  if  the 
1  Apol,  c.  39.  2  Ep.  67. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  61 

Church  enjoyed  a  long  interval  of  peace  after  the 
death  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  was  allowed  to  hold 
property  apparent  to  everybody  and  of  consider- 
able value,  it  was  because  it  was  tolerated  or  even 
openly  recognized  without  any  legal  fiction  as  a 
church  or  rehgious  society."  If  the  names  of  the 
Popes  were  enrolled  in  the  public  registers,  this 
merely  proves  that  they  were  recognized  as  the 
heads  of  the  Church,  but  by  no  means  that  they 
were  regarded  as  chiefs  or  syndics  of  burial  clubs. 
This  negative  view  is  still  further  strengthened  by 
the  fact  that  no  written  records  contain  any  sus- 
picion or  evidence  of  legal  fictions,  titles  to  pro- 
perty, or  burial  societies.^ 

The  policy  pursued  by  Septimius  Severus  for 
the  repression  of  Christianity  w^as  continued  by  his 
successor  Caracalla  for  about  two  years,  after  which 
the  persecution  came  to  an  end.^  From  this  time 
until  the  reign  of  Decius,  a  period  of  nearly  forty 
years,  the  Church  enjoyed  peace  broken  only  by 
a  short  outbreak  during  the  reign  of  Maximin. 
These  were  years  of  chaos  for  the  Roman  State. 
Caesarism  and  militarism  had  destroyed  public 
spirit,  and  the  last  vestiges  of  national  pride  van- 
ished when  Elagabalus,  a  priest  of  the  Syrian  Sun- 

1  Duchesne,  Les  Origines  Chrkiennes,  chap.  23,  sec.  4 ;  Lowrie, 
Monuments  of  the  Early  Church,  pp.  58-61. 

2  Milman,  History  of  Latin  Christianity,  chap.  viii. 


62  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

god,  was  raised  to  the  throne.^  The  black  conical 
stone  worshipped  at  Emesa  as  a  symbol  of  the  sun 
was  transferred  in  solemn  procession  to  Rome  and 
installed  in  a  magnificent  temple  on  the  Palatine.^ 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  popular  antipathy 
to  the  Christians  diminished  when  the  Emperor 
attempted  to  make  the  worship  of  this  god  the 
centre  of  all  religions,  and  when,  in  furtherance  of 
his  scheme  for  a  imiversal  religion  which  included 
Jews,  Samaritans,  and  even  Christians,  he  trans- 
ferred to  the  temple  of  Heliogabalus  the  most 
sacred  symbols  of  the  gods  of  Rome.s 

The  syncretism  of  the  next  Emperor,  Alexander 
Severus,  took  a  somewhat  different  form.  While  he 
honored  and  respected  all  the  gods  of  the  Empire, 
domestic  *  and  foreign,^  his  lararium^  in  which  he 
offered  his  private  devotions,  contained,  together 
with  the  statues  of  Abraham,  Orpheus,  and  Apollo- 
nius  of  Tyana,  a  bust  of  the  Founder  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion. 6  The  devotion  and  rectitude  of  Alex- 
ander, and  certainly  the  success  of  his  reign,  were 
due  in  large  measure  to  the  influence  of  his  mother, 


^  Aelius  Lampridius,  Vita  Antonini  Heliogabali,  c.  1. 

2  Ibid.  c.  2.  8  Ibid. 

*  Aelius  Lampridius,  Vita  Alexandri,  c.  43  :  Capitolium  sep- 
timo  quoque  die,  cum  in  urbe  esset,  ascendit,  templa  f  requentavit. 

^  Ibid.  c.  26.  Isium  et  Serapium  decanter  ornavit  additis  sig- 
nis  et  deliacis  et  omnibus  mysticis- 

6  lUd.  c.  29. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  63 

Mammaea,^  who,  during  a  sojourn  in  Antioch,  had 
conversed  with  and  received  instructions  from  the 
great  Origen.^  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
laws  against  Christianity  were  codified  during  his 
reign,3  Alexander  showed  the  greatest  toleration  to 
the  followers  of  Christ,*  large  numbers  of  whom 
were  ever  present  at  his  court.^  He  evinced  his  ad- 
miration for  the  Christian  custom  of  publicly  pro- 
posing the  names  of  candidates  for  ordination  by 
insisting  that  the  same  method  should  be  followed 
in  appointing  provincial  governors,^  and  he  went  so 
far  as  to  recognize  the  right  of  the  Christians  to  hold 
property  by  awarding  to  them  a  piece  of  land  to 
which  a  body  of  victuallers  laid  claim,  saying  that 
it  was  *'  better  that  this  land  should  be  devoted  to 
the  worship  of  God  in  any  form  than  that  it  should 
be  diverted  to  profane  uses."  ^ 

^  Lampridius,  loc.  cit.  c.  2G.  In  matrem  Mammaeam  unice 
plus  fuit. 

-  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  vi,  21. 

^  Lact.  bk.  V,  c.  2.  Ut  doceret,  quibus  oportet  eos  poenis 
affici,  qui  se  cultores  Dei  confiterentur. 

*  Lampridius,  loc.  cit.  c.  22,  Judaeis  privilegia  reservavit, 
Christianos  esse  passus  est. 

^  Eusebius,  loc.  cit.  vi,  28. 

^  Lampridius,  loc.  cit.  c.  45.  Dicebat  ^ave  esse,  cum  id  Chris- 
tiani  et  Judaei  facerent  in  praedicandis  sacerdotibus,  qui  or- 
dinandi sunt,  non  fieri  in  provinciarum  rectoribus,  quibus  et  fortu- 
nae  hominum  committerentur  et  capita. 

^  Ibid.  c.  49.  Cum  Cliristiani  quemdam  locum,  qui  publicus 
fuerat  occupassent,  contra  popinarii  dicerent  sibi  eum  deberi,  re- 
scripsit  melius  esse,  ut  quemadmodumcumque  illic  deus  colatur 
quam  popinariis  dedatur. 


64  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  peace  which  the  Church  enjoyed  under  Alex- 
ander Severus  was  rudely  interrupted  by  his  suc- 
cessor, Maximinus,  a  rude  barbarian  from  Thrace 
whom  the  soldiers  elevated  to  the  purple.  The  fact 
that  the  Christians  had  enjoyed  the  friendship  of 
his  predecessor  afforded  Maximinus  sufficient  rea- 
son for  persecuting  them.^  In  order  quickly  and 
effectively  to  destroy  Christianity,  he  directed  his 
attacks  against  the  heads  of  the  Church;  but 
death  intervened  to  prevent  more  than  the  partial 
accomplishment  of  his  purpose.  Under  the  Gor- 
dians  there  was  a  return  to  the  policy  of  Alexander 
Severus,  and  the  Christians  once  more  tasted  the 
sweets  of  tranquillity.  The  reign  of  Philip  the 
Arab,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  Christian 
Emperor,2  was  uneventful  for  the  Christians,  and 
remarkable  in  Roman  annals  principally  from  the 
celebration  of  the  Saccular  Games  in  commemoration 
of  the  thousandth  anniversary  of  the  foundation  of 
Rome. 

This  long  peace  could  end  only  in  a  violent 
storm.    With  the  uninterrupted  growth  and  thor- 


^  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecchsiastica^  vi,  28. 

2  Eusebius,  vi,  34 ;  Chron.  Olymp.  256.  Primus  omnium  ex 
Romanis  imperatoribus  Christianus  fuit.  Among  modern  histori- 
ans this  is  still  an  open  question  ;  Allard  {Hist,  de  Persec.  vol.  ii, 
chap.  6)  and  Duchesne  (Les  Origines  ChrStiennes,  chap.  28,  sec.  i), 
maintain  the  affirmative ;  Neumann,  Der  Rmnische  Staat  und  die 
Allegemeine  Kirche,  vol.  i,  pp.  246-260,  the  negative. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE    65 

ough  organization  of  the  Church  all  its  latent  hos- 
tility to  the  old  order  was  f  uUy  developed.  Although 
the  interaction  between  Paganism  and  Christianity 
during  more  than  two  centuries  of  contact  had  pro- 
duced a  certain  approximation  of  doctrine  and  ritual, 
the  line  of  demarcation  between  them  was  still  too 
plainly  marked,  and  the  opposition  too  intense,  to 
offer  any  hope  that  the  day  of  final  reckoning  could 
be  long  deferred.  The  tendency  to  religious  syn- 
cretism, which  was  a  necessary  outgrowth  of  the 
formation  of  the  Empire,  had  by  the  middle  of 
the  third  century  reached  its  culmination,  and  the 
national  deities  were  almost  entirely  superseded  by 
foreign  gods.  The  last  blow  to  the  predominance 
of  the  purely  Roman  cultus  was  administered  by 
the  Oriental  emperors.  It  is  probable  that  the 
world  never  saw  such  a  flood  of  superstition,  never 
so  many  soothsayers,  charlatans,  astrologers,  sellers 
of  charms,  philtres,  and  amulets  as  appeared  at  this 
time.  Men  lived  in  constant  dread  of  the  demons 
and  hobgoblins  which  filled  the  earth  and  air,  and 
which  could  be  prevented  from  exercising  their 
malicious  tricks  only  by  the  use  of  constant  incan- 
tations and  the  wearing  of  charms  and  amulets.^ 
All  this  extravagance  and  foUy  was  merely  a  sign 
of  the  spiritual  unrest  of  the  period  and  the  desire 

1  Cf .  Gasket,  "  Le  Culte  et  les  Myst^res  de  Mithra,"  Bevue 
des  Deux  Mondes,  April,  1899. 


66  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

to  satisfy  the  acute  craving  of  a  newly  aroused  re- 
ligious consciousness.  The  soul  was  a  prey  to  the 
torments  of  the  unknown  ;  it  suffered  from  the  bit- 
terness of  guilt  and  aspired  for  salvation.  Hence  the 
widespread  popularity  of  the  various  mysteries,  and 
the  lustrations  and  expiations  of  the  dread  Tauro- 
bolia  and  Kriobolia.^  The  Egyptian  and  Oriental 
religions  profited  most  by  this  spiritual  ferment. 
Serapis,  Osiris,  and  Anubis,  whose  statues  had  been 
broken  and  whose  altars  had  been  thrown  down  by 
the  Consul  Gabinius  in  the  last  days  of  the  Republic, 
gradually  received  new  adherents  until  they  were 
adored  wherever  the  Romans  set  up  their  standards.^ 
The  worship  of  the  Persian  god  of  light,  Mithra, 
whose  name  was  hardly  known  in  Italy  before  the  end 
of  the  first  century ,3  took  such  a  hold  on  the  minds 

^  The  Taurobolium  and  Kriobolium  were  common  to  the  mys- 
teries of  Mithra  and  Cybele.  This  rite  was  a  kind  of  pagan  bap- 
tism, in  which  the  novice,  dressed  in  symbolic  garments  and  placed 
in  a  sort  of  trench  covered  with  boards,  was  purified  through  the 
blood  of  bulls  or  rams.  These  animals  were  sacrificed  on  the  boards 
which  covered  the  trench  or  vault,  and  the  novice  received  as 
ranch  as  he  could  of  the  blood  which  dropped  through  the  cracks 
and  holes,  stretching  out  his  arms  and  receiving  the  saving  drops 
in  his  eyes,  ears,  and  mouth.  He  had  to  wear  his  bloody  garments 
for  some  time  afterwards,  and  considered  himself  eternally  regen- 
erated, in  aeternum  renatus,  and  restored  to  the  condition  of  primi- 
tive purity.  The  words  in  aeternum  renatus  occur  in  inscription 
C.  I.  L.  vi,  510.  Cf .  Gasguet,  loc.  cit. ;  Sayou,  "  Le  Taurobole," 
Mev.  de  VHist.  des  Religions,  1887. 

2  Vide  Laf aye,  Histoire  du  Culte  des  BimniUs  d^Alexandrie  hors 
de  PEgypte,  pp.  45,  162. 

^  Cumont,  "  La  Propagation  des  Myst^res  de  Mithra  dans  I'Em- 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE     67 

of  the  people  that  in  the  opinion  of  Harnack  it  be- 
came in  the  third  century  the  most  powerful  rival 
of  Christianity.!  The  growing  importance  of  Chris- 
tianity as  a  religious  factor  is  evident  from  the  ex- 
tent to  which  it  penetrated  the  thought  and  life  of  the 
Empire  and  the  influence  it  exercised  on  Paganism 
itself.  This  power  manifested  itseK  first  in  the 
growth  and  spread  of  Gnosticism,  which,  if  it  was 
a  "  Hellenizing  of  Christianity,"  was  not  the  less 
an  acute  Christianizing  of  Hellenic  and  Oriental 
speculations. 2  The  same  influence  is  shown  in  the 
rise  and  growth  of  Neo-Platonism,  which  was,  as 
Schaff  says,  "  a  direct  attempt  of  the  more  intelli- 
gent and  earnest  heathenism  to  rally  all  its  nobler 
energies,  especially  the  forces  of  Hellenic  and  Ori- 
ental mysticism,  and  to  found  a  universal  religion, 
a  pagan  counterpart  of  Christianity."  ^  Not  less 
dominant  was  the  power  which  Christianity  ex- 
ercised over  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  newer 
heathenism.  There  were  curious  resemblances 
to  the  Christian  sacraments  which  the  early  Fa- 
thers considered  to  be  a  caricature  suggested  by 
the  demons  to  perplex  the  faithful  and  to  throw 

pire  Romain,"  Revue  cfHistoire  et  de  Litterature  Religieuses,  toI. 
ii,  1897  ;  Les  Mysteres  de  Mithra,  Paris,  1902. 

1  History  of  Dogma,  Eng.  tr.  vol.  i,  p.  118,  note. 

2  Orr,  Neglected  Factors  in  the  Study  of  the  Early  Progress  of 
Christianity,  p.  196. 

2  Church  History,  vol.  i,  p.  99. 


68  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

confusion  over  the  divinely  revealed  things  of 
God.i 

All  the  fundamental  concepts  of  Christian  the- 
ology, mediation,  sacrifice,  baptism,  immortality, 
resurrection,  expiation,  were  now  to  be  met  with  in 
the  pagan  system,  which  tended  more  and  more  to 
monotheism,  and  even  inculcated  the  necessity  of  a 
divine  Redeemer.^  There  was  a  heathen  Heaven,  a 
heathen  Bible,^  and  even  a  heathen  Christ,  Apol- 
lonius  of  Tyana,  whose  life  was  written  by  Philo- 
stratus  with  the  purpose  of  setting  up  a  rival  and 
counterpart  of  the  Founder  of  Christianity.* 

This  imitation,  unconscious  perhaps,  of  Christian 
ideas  and  practices  was  by  no  means  an  indication 
that  the  pagans  were  growing  more  friendly,  or  that 
their  intense  hatred  for  Christianity  as  a  body  of 
doctrine,  was  diminishing.  On  the  contrary,  the 
newer  heathenism,  which  was  a  synthesis  of  all  the 
forces,  intellectual,  moral,  and  religious,  offered  by 

1  Tertullian,  De  Praescriptione,  c.  40,  De  Corona  Militis,  c.  15 ; 
Justin,  Dial,  cum  Trypho,  c.  66. 

2  Harnack,  Hist.  Dogma,  vol.  i,  Eng.  tr.  pp.  116  seq. 

3  The  terms  "Heathen  Heaven"  and  "  Heathen  Bible"  are 
borrowed  from  Uhlhom,  Conflict  of  Christianity  and  Paganism, 
pp.  321,  380,  Eng.  tr.,  who  justifies  the  first  name  by  the  senti- 
ments expressed  in  inscriptions  on  the  tombs  which  he  cites,  and 
the  second  by  references  to  Porphyry's  Book  of  Oracles  and  Divine 
Utterances. 

*  Newman,  Life  of  Apollonius  of  Tyana  —  Historical  Sketches, 
vol.  i ;  Wallace,  "  The  Apollonius  of  Philostratus,"  Westminster 
Beview,  October,  1902. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE    69 

the  complex  life  and  wide  intercourse  among  the 
peoples  of  the  Empire,  was  actuated  by  fresh  philo- 
sophical and  historical  motives  to  eradicate  the  only 
system  of  thought  or  religion  which  resisted  the 
prevailing  syncretism,  and  for  the  first  time  Chris- 
tianity, the  thing,  came  under  the  ban.  This  uni- 
fication of  forces,  which  was  fostered  by  the  intel- 
lectual and  social  conditions,  was  made  absolutely 
imperative  by  the  deplorable  political  state  of  the 
Empire.  Within,  everything  was  in  disorder,  and 
without,  the  imminent  danger  from  the  attacks  of 
the  barbarians  was  causing  graver  fears  every  day. 
The  crisis  gave  rise  to  a  concerted  movement,  which, 
perhaps  owing  to  the  recent  celebration  of  the  Mil- 
lennial under  Philip,  or  to  a  general  consciousness 
of  degeneracy,  was  towards  a  restoration  of  the  old 
Roman  virtues  and  customs,  a  return  to  the  order 
of  things  when  the  State  and  its  religion  were  one. 
In  response  to  this  general  tendency,  or  perhaps  in 
accordance  with  the  law  of  supply  and  demand,  the 
leaders  of  the  movement  came  from  the  only  place 
in  which  the  old  manners  and  discipline  were  to 
be  found,  that  is,  in  the  army.  The  efficiency  of 
the  legions,  unimpaired  by  the  universal  corruption, 
was  maintained  by  the  custom  of  drawing  on  the 
provinces  for  recruits,  while  the  necessity  of  being 
constantly  in  action  against  the  barbarians  pre- 
served the  army  from  the  general  deterioration  and 


70  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

made  it  the  nursery  not  only  of  great  generals 
but  of  very  competent  emperors.  Bringing  to  the 
throne  the  same  qualities  which  had  made  them 
preeminent  in  the  field,  these  soldier-emperors  had 
the  merit  of  staying,  if  they  did  not  avert,  the  total 
ruin  of  the  Empire.^ 

Decius,  the  first  of  the  Illyrian  line,  although  a 
provincial  by  birth,  had  received  his  training  in  the 
camp  and  was  imbued  with  a  thoroughly  Roman 
spirit.  Filled  with  the  desire  of  restoring  all  the  an- 
cient power  and  prestige  of  Rome,  he  boldly  faced 
the  double  task  with  which  he  was  confronted,  and  as 
soon  as  he  reached  the  purple  set  about  effecting  the 
necessary  internal  reforms  and  repelling  the  enemies 
on  the  frontiers.  It  seemed  to  him  that  the  salvation 
of  the  Empire  lay  in  the  restoration  of  old  customs 
and  old  governmental  methods,  which  had  very 
largely  fallen  into  abeyance.  Christianity  of  course 
was  an  obstacle  to  the  realization  of  such  an  ideal, 
and  Decius  at  once  took  the  resolution  of  extirpat- 
ing it  and  gave  orders  for  a  general  persecution.^ 

The  text  of  the  edict  containing  this  bloody  mes- 
sage has  not  been  preserved,  but  to  judge  by  the 

1  Vide  Freeman's  essay  on  "  The  Illyrian  Emperors  and  their 
Land,"  Historical  Essays,  third  series,  p.  22. 

2  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  vi,  39,  says  that  Decius  per- 
secuted the  Christians  in  consequence  of  his  hatred  for  his  prede- 
cessor, Philip.  Vide  Allard,  Ilistoire  des  Persecutions  pendant  la 
Premiere  Moitie  du  Troisieme  Siecle,  p.  275. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  71 

manner  in  wliicli  it  was  executed,  it  would  seem  tliat 
all  who  belonged  to  the  Christian  Church  were  com- 
manded to  offer  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  or  to  give 
proof  of  their  willingness  to  conform  to  the  national 
cultus.  The  provincial  governors  and  the  heads  of 
the  different  municipalities  were  made  responsible 
for  the  execution  of  the  edict.  In  the  beginning, 
except  in  the  case  of  bishops,  capital  punishment  was 
not  inflicted,  as  the  object  of  the  Emperor  seemed  to 
be  to  force  the  Christians  to  recant  rather  than  to 
punish  them  for  the  profession  of  their  faith.  The 
property  of  those  w^ho  were  known  to  be  Christians 
was  at  once  confiscated ;  they  were  dragged  before 
the  tribunals  and  threatened  with  the  direst  penal- 
ties ;  they  were  racked  and  tortured  and  then  cast 
into  vile  prisons,  where  many  died.  These  vigorous 
measures  caused  consternation  among  the  Christians, 
many  of  whom  held  high  offices  and  were  possessed 
of  great  wealth.  During  the  long  peace  an  appalling 
amount  of  corruption  and  laxity  had  crept  into  the 
Church,  so  that  to  some  the  persecution  seemed  to 
be  a  judgment  on  the  shameful  lives  led  by  both 
laity  and  clergy.^   The  effect  which  this  new  out- 

1  Dominus  probari  familiam  suam  voluit,  et  quia  traditam  no- 
bis divinitus  disciplinam  pax  longa  corruperat,  jacentem  fidem  et 
paene  dixeram  dormientem  censura  coelestis  erexit,  cumque  nos 
peccatis  nostris  amplius  merereraur,  clementissimus  Dominus  sic 
cuncta  moderatus  est  ut  hoc  orane  quod  gestum  est  exploratio 
potius  quam  persecutio  videretur.    St.  Cyprian,  De  Lapsis,  5. 


72  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

break  of  hostilities  produced  on  the  Christians,  and 
the  disgraceful  scenes  which  took  place  before  the 
tribunals  in  Carthage  and  Alexandria,  are  elo- 
quently described  by  Denis  of  Alexandria  and  St. 
Cyprian.  Numbers  of  Christians  did  not  wait  to  be 
summoned,  but  presented  themselves  voluntarily 
and  burned  incense  or  ate  of  the  meat  of  the  victims. 
Others  yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  their  friends 
and  crept,  pale  and  trembling,  to  the  altars,  as  if  they 
were  not  to  sacrifice  but  to  become  victims  them- 
selves. Some  weakened  under  torture  and  recanted  ; 
while  others  resorted  to  the  expedient  of  buying 
certificates  from  the  magistrates  attesting  that  they 
had  complied  with  the  edict.  Numerous  as  were  the 
defections,  there  were  not  wanting  examples  of  the 
most  heroic  Christian  virtue ;  and  Rome,  Antioch, 
Carthage,  Alexandria,  Jerusalem, — in  fact,  every 
city  and  village  in  the  Empire,  witnessed  the  perse- 
verance and  sufferings  of  countless  martyrs.  The 
constancy  and  endurance  of  the  Christians  provoked 
the  pagans  to  greater  atrocities,  and  the  persecution 
continued  with  unabated  violence  until  the  spring 
of  251,  when  the  campaigns  of  the  Goths  in  Thrace 
and  the  danger  of  losing  aU  the  Danubian  provinces 
compelled  the  Emperor  to  put  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  legions.  In  November  of  the  same  year  De- 
cius  lost  his  life  in  an  ambuscade  or  through  treach- 
ery, and  with  his  death  the  persecution  ceased.    It 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  73 

was  renewed  the  following  year  by  Gallus,  when  the 
Christians  refused  to  take  part  in  the  great  sac- 
rifices which  were  offered  to  appease  the  gods 
because  of  the  famine  and  plague  which  were  de- 
vastating the  Empire. 

The  persecution  of  Decius  was  the  severest  trial 
which  the  Church  had  yet  undergone.  Besides  the 
multitudes  of  Christians  who  had  been  put  to  death, 
large  numbers  had  apostatized,  and  when  peace 
was  restored,  the  problem  of  deciding  the  condi- 
tions on  which  the  lapsed  should  be  readmitted 
to  membership  plunged  the  whole  Christian  body 
into  dissension  and  resulted  in  two  dangerous 
schisms.  The  issue,  however,  had  been  clearly  de- 
fined. With  an  instinct  of  self-preservation  com- 
mon to  peoples  as  well  as  individuals,  inherent  in 
races  and  institutions  as  in  those  who  compose 
them,  it  was  plainly  set  forth  that  the  coexistence 
of  the  pagan  Roman  State  with  Christianity  was 
an  impossibility.  Mutually  exclusive,  one  or  the 
other  should  be  eliminated,  and  the  final  struggle 
was  merely  a  question  of  time  and  opportunity. 
No  concerted  policy  was  possible  in  the  years  im- 
mediately following  the  death  of  Decius.  The 
struggles  among  the  numerous  claimants  for  the 
throne  brought  the  Empire  to  the  verge  of  disin- 
tegration, and  rendered  ineffective  all  attempts  at 
internal  reforms.    It  was  necessary  that  the  differ- 


74  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

ent  factions  should  be  placated,  and  that  the  su- 
preme power  should  be  lodged  in  the  hands  of 
some  man  acceptable  to  aU  parties,  before  the  work 
inaugurated  by  Decius  could  be  taken  up  again 
with  any  prospect  of  a  successful  issue.  The  mur- 
der of  Gallus  placed  on  the  throne  an  old  man, 
Valerian,  whose  life  and  reign,  and  whose  attempts 
to  deal  with  the  complex  question  of  Christianity, 
will  form  the  subject  of  the  remaining  chapters. 


CHAPTER  III 

VALEKIAN 

Family  —  Holds  important  places  in  civil  and  military  affairs  — 
Elected  censor  —  Duties  of  censor  —  Decius  lauds  Valerian  — 
Practically  colleague  of  Emperor  —  Loyalty  of  Valerian  — 
Gallus  —  Valerian  made  Emperor  —  Acceptable  to  all  factions 

—  Character  —  Fitness  for  position  —  Gallienus  made  co-regent 

—  Empire  in  disorder,  invasions,  famine,  pestilence  —  Plague 
decimates  population  —  Measures  proposed  for  relief  of  panic- 
stricken  people  inadequate  —  Disorganization  of  army  —  In- 
vasions by  barbarians  assume  new  character  —  Gallienus 
intrusted  with  defence  of  western  portion  of  the  Empire  —  Va- 
lerian assumes  command  in  the  East  —  Franks  —  Alemanni  — 
Goths  —  Internal  reforms  —  Restoration  of  national  religion. 

PuBLius  LiciNius  Valerianus  became  ruler  of 
the  Roman  Empire  in  August,  A.  D.  253.  As  far 
as  can  be  judged  from  the  scanty  historical  materi- 
als we  possess  concerning  Valerian,  he  was  a  man 
of  ample  fortune  and  noble  birth.^  When  he  was 
born  and  consequently  at  what  age  he  assumed  the 
purple  are  matters  which  are  shrouded  in  obscurity 

^  Parentibus  ort;us  splendidissimis  —  Aur.  Vic.  Epitome,  c.  32 ; 
Genere  satis  claro — De  Caes.  c.  32.  Valerian  was  related  to  Valerius 
Flaccinus,  whom  Probus  rescued  from  the  Quadi,  —  Quo  quidem 
tempore  Valerium  Flaccinum,  adulescentem  nobilem,  parentem 
Valeriani,  e  Quadorum  liberavit  manu.  Vopiscus,  Vita  Probi,  c.  6. 
Tillemont,  by  a  curious  mistake  regarding  the  word  "  parens," 
makes  this  Valerius  the  father  of  Valerian.  See  Forcellini,  sub 
verbo. 


76  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

and  uncertainty.  A  passage  in  Trebellius  PoUio 
speaks  of  his  "praiseworthy  life  during  seventy 
years."  While  this  passage  scarcely  admits  of  more 
than  one  interpretation,  TiHemont  and  other  his- 
torians are  inclined  to  think  that  those  seventy  years 
embrace  the  life  of  Valerian  up  to  the  time  of  his 
captivity,  not  to  that  of  his  accession  to  the  throne.^ 
On  the  other  hand,  Aurelius  Victor  says  he  was  in 
the  prime  of  life  when  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Persians,  a  statement  which  could  scarcely  be  made 
of  a  man  beyond  the  age  of  seven  ty.^  There  can 
be  no  doubt,  however,  if  we  bear  in  mind  some 
other  facts  which  history  has  left  us  regarding 
Valerian,  that  he  was  far  advanced  in  years  when 
the  legionaries  forced  him  to  shoulder  the  cares  of 
the  Empire. 

None  but  the  most  meagre  details  are  available 
regarding  the  early  history  and  family  life  of  Va- 
lerian. Zosimus  declares  that  he  had  enjoyed  the 
honor  of  the  consulship  before  237.^  Aurelius 
Victor  says  that  his  high  station  did  not  prevent 
him  from  leading  the  life  of  a  soldier,*  and  it  was 
with  a  great  deal  of  pride  that  Valerian  himself  re- 

^  Haec  sunt  digna  cognitu  de  Valeriano,  cujus  per  annos  septua- 
ginta  vita  laudabilis  in  earn  conseenderat  gloriam,  ut  post  omnes 
honores  et  magistratus  insigniter  gestos  imperator  fieret.  Vita 
Valerianic  c.  5.  Cf.  Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Emper.,  note  1  on  Vale- 
rian, vol.  iii,  p.  685. 

2  Loc.  cit.  aetate  robustiore. 

8  History,  book  i,  chap.  14.  *  Loc.  cit. 


VALERIAN  77 

ferred  to  the  fact  tliat  his  hair  was  already  white 
before  he  received  command  of  the  Third  Legion 
Felix.i 

Military  affairs,  however,  did  not  absorb  all  the 
energies  of  Valerian,  or  unfit  him  for  a  high  place 
in  civil  life.  As  early  as  the  days  of  Maximinus 
Thrax,  we  find  him  chosen  from  the  large  body  of 
senators  to  occupy  the  place  of  Princeps  Senatus.^ 
While  the  gradual  change  in  the  Roman  Constitu- 
tion, because  of  the  centralization  of  power  in  the 
hands  of  the  Emperor,  had  doubtless  deprived 
this  office  of  much  of  its  significance  and  had  de- 
tracted somewhat  from  its  original  high  character, 
yet  even  in  the  last  days  of  the  Empire,  the  chief 
of  the  Senate  enjoyed  the  unique  distinction  of 
being  the  first  to  give  his  opinion  on  matters 
which  were  brought  before  this  august  body,  and 
possessed  the  right  of  being  the  first  to  register 
his  vote.^ 

Valerian  was  twice  married.  The  name  of  his 
first  wife,  the  mother  of  the  Emperor  Gallienus,  is 
not  known.  The  second  wife,  conjectured  by  some  to 
have  been  Mariniana,  also  left  one  son,  Valerian  11.^ 
The  younger  Valerian  was  a  man  gifted  with  strik- 
ing qualities  of  body  and  mind.    He  received  the 

1  Vopiscus,  Vita  Probi,  c.  5. 

2  Capitolinus,  Vita  Gordiani,  c.  9. 

^  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life,  p.  269. 
*  Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Emp.  p.  390. 


78  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

title  of  Caesar  from  his  brother  while  Valerian  the 
Emperor  was  absent  from  the  city,  but  beyond  this, 
as  the  historian  informs  us,  there  was  nothing  note- 
worthy in  his  life  except  his  noble  birth,  his  solid 
education,  and  his  miserable  end.^ 

The  capable  manner  in  which  Valerian  discharged 
his  duties  in  the  many  exalted  offices  he  held  mer- 
ited for  him  the  highest  honors.^  Nothing,  how- 
ever, reflected  so  much  glory  on  him  and  indicated 
so  well  the  deep  esteem  entertained  for  his  character 
and  virtues  as  the  manner  in  which  he  was  elected 
censor.  From  small  and  insignificant  beginnings, 
this  office,  instituted  about  443  B.  c.  to  relieve  the 
consuls  of  some  of  their  onerous  duties,  or  rather, 
perhaps,  as  a  means  of  excluding  the  plebeians  from 
a  share  in  the  supreme  power  of  the  State,  had 
grown  in  importance  until  in  the  last  days  of  the 
Republic  it  became  the  most  venerable  magistracy 
in  Rome,  the  "apex  of  a  political  career."  Although 
Augustus  twice  assumed  the  title  without  perform- 
ing the  duties  of  censor,  the  "  occasional "  nature  of 
the  office  and  its  pecuHarly  republican  character  did 
not  accord  with  his  ambitions,  and  he  allowed  the 
censorship  to  lapse.  It  was  afterwards  revived,  in 
its  old  temporary  form,  by  Claudius  and  Vespasian, 
but  lost  its  distinctive  character  when  Domitian,  in 
order  to  obtain  complete   control  of  the  Senate, 

1  PoUio,  Vita  Valeriani,  c.  8.  ^  md,  c.  5. 


VALERIAN  79 

assumed  the  position  of  censor  for  life  (^Censor 
Perpetuus).^ 

Under  the  Roman  Constitution  the  character  and 
scope  of  the  censorship,  on  which  depended  in  large 
measure  the  success  of  the  public  administration 
and  the  tone  of  national  life,  raised  it  to  a  position 
of  unique  importance.  Besides  the  census,  which 
included  the  registration  of  citizens  and  the  valua- 
tion of  property,  the  censors  enjoyed  the  right  of 
drawing  up  the  list  of  those  who  w^ere  to  constitute 
the  Senate  (^Lectio  Senatus)^  and  of  deciding  the 
question  of  membership  in  the  Equestrian  Order 
(^Mecognitio  Equiturri)  ;  they  exercised  a  general 
supervision  over  the  morals  of  the  people  (^Regi- 
men montrti)^  with  a  view,  principally,  to  determine 
who  were  fit  to  hold  public  office ;  3,nd  were  the 
guardians  of  the  national  and  traditional  customs 
of  the  people  (^Mos  Majorurn).  Their  edicts  had 
the  force  of  laws,  and  inasmuch  as  they  farmed  the 
public  revenues  and  were  charged  with  the  care  and 
maintenance  of  public  property,  they  were  vested 
with  certain  administrative  powers. 

Possessed  of  such  extraordinary  functions,  the 
censorship  was  hedged  round  with  statutory  re- 
strictions which  alone  prevented  it  from  becoming 

1  Vide  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life,  pp.  216  seq.,  347-374  ; 
Taylor,  A  Constitutional  and  Political  History  of  Borne,  pp.  99, 428, 

482,  487,  488. 


80  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

an  intolerable  despotism.  The  censors  were  elected 
at  intervals  of  five  years,  and  though  they  held  office 
for  only  eighteen  months,  their  ordinances  were 
valid  during  the  entire  lustrum.  No  censor  was 
eligible  for  reelection.  Simultaneous  election  and 
joint  tenure  were  essential  requisites  of  the  office, 
and  it  was  furthermore  insisted  that  the  action 
of  a  censor  had  no  force  unless  concurred  in  by 
his  colleague.^ 

Such  was  the  office  which  to  the  mind  of  Decius 
seemed  adequate  to  counteract  the  flood  of  disorder 
and  corruption  which  had  spread  over  the  Empire, 
and  which  was  obliterating  the  last  vestiges  of 
public  virtue  and  ancient  tradition. ^  The  project 
of  reviving  the  censorship  was  long  in  forming  ; 
for  it  was  not  until  the  last  year  of  his  reign  that 
the  Emperor  decided  on  it.  The  necessity  of  be- 
ing away  with  the  army  so  frequently,  doubtless 
aroused  him  to  the  fact  that  no  schemes  of  internal 
reform  could  be  successful  unless  some  one  endowed 
with  plenary  powers  could  be  in  a  position  to  give 
them  all  his  time  and  energy.  In  the  autumn  of 
251  A.  B.,  Decius  was  engaged  with  the  army 
driving  back  the  Gothic  forces  which  had  passed 
the  Rhine  and  devastated  nearly  all  of  Moesia  and 

1  Vide  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life,  pp.  216  seq.,  347-374; 
Taylor,  A  Constitutional  and  Political  History  of  Rome,  pp.  99, 
428,  482,  487,  488. 

2  Trebellius  Pollio,  Fragmentum  Vitae  Valeriani,  c.  5. 


VALERIAN  81 

Thrace.^  From  there  he  wrote  letters  to  the  Senate 
apprising  them  of  his  determination,  and  proba- 
bly as  a  concession  to  popular  sentiment  he  relin- 
quished his  imperial  prerogative  and  left  the 
choice  of  censor  to  the  will  of  the  Senate. 

The  letters  of  the  Emperor  were  sent  to  the 
praetor,  who,  on  the  27th  day  of  October,  convoked 
the  Senate  in  the  temple  of  Castor  and  Pollux  and 
read  the  instructions  he  had  received.  Following  the 
usual  custom,  he  declared  the  matter  open  for  dis- 
cussion,2  and  turning  to  the  "  chief  of  the  Senate  '* 
(^Princeps  Senatus)^  for  Valerian,  to  whom  this 
position  belonged,  was  away  with  the  army,  he  asked, 
"  What  do  you  advise  ?  "  ^  Weighty  as  were  the  con- 
sequences implied  in  this  question,  and  knowing  the 
dangers  to  which  a  hasty  decision  would  expose  the 
Republic,  there  was  no  time  allowed  for  debate.  No 
opinions  would  be  listened  to,  and  the  customary 
order  of  voting  had  to  be  suspended.  From  all 
sides  of  the  chamber  came  cries  and  acclamations, 
designating  Valerian  for  the  coveted  position.  "  The 
life  of  Valerian  is  a  perpetual  censorship.  Let 
him  be  judge  of  all  who  is  best  of  all.  Let  him  be 
arbiter  of  the  Senate  who  is  free  from  guilt.    Var 

1  For  the  date  of  these  events  see  Goyau,  Chronologie  de  V Em- 
pire Romain,  p.  301. 

2  Quid  vobis  videtur,  Patres  Conscripti,  de  Censore  deligendo  ? 
Pollio,  loc.  cit. 

*  Quid  censes  ?    Vide  Greenidge,  p.  269.    . 


82  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

lerian  by  his  blameless  life  is  already  censor,  a 
man  above  reproach  and  competent  to  pass  sen- 
tence on  our  lives.  He  is  a  modest,  grave,  and  pru- 
dent senator,  the  friend  of  the  good  and  an  enemy 
of  tyrants.  He  is  a  hater  of  crime  and  wickedness. 
We  shall  willingly  receive  him  as  censor  and  strive 
to  imitate  him.  A  man  of  noble  race,  unblemished 
life,  singular  probity,  and  sound  judgment,  he  is  a 
living  example  of  the  best  virtues  of  antiquity." 

The  high  encomiums  passed  on  Valerian  by  his 
colleagues  and  the  honor  of  being  unanimously 
elected  to  a  position  of  such  importance  seem  to 
have  met  with  the  cordial  approval  of  Decius. 
When  the  resolution  (^Senatus  consultuni)  contain- 
ing the  will  of  the  Senate  reached  the  Emperor,  he 
assembled  the  chiefs  of  the  army  and  the  members 
of  his  suite  and  in  their  presence  notified  Valerian 
of  his  appointment,  and  outhned  the  duties  and  dif- 
ficulties of  his  office.  "  Happy  Valerian,"  said  the 
Emperor,  "  happy  in  the  approbation  of  the  whole 
Senate,  happy  in  the  love  and  esteem  of  the  whole 
world.  Receive  the  censorship  conferred  on  you 
by  the  Roman  Republic,  which  you  alone  deserve, 
and  judge  of  the  morals  of  all  and  of  our  manners. 
You  will  select  those  who  ought  to  continue  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  ;  you  will  restore  the  Equestrian 
Order  to  its  old  place.  The  census  will  be  made 
under  your  direction.    It  will  be  your  duty  to  im- 


VALERIAN  83 

prove  the  revenue  and  to  see  that  financial  burdens 
are  equitably  imposed  ;  all  the  public  property  will 
be  under  your  charge.  Everything  you  decree  shall 
have  the  force  of  a  written  law.  The  army,  the  pal- 
ace, the  ministers  of  justice,  and  the  prefects  are 
all  subject  to  your  tribunal.  None  are  exempted, 
except  the  Prefect  of  the  city  of  Rome,  the  ordi- 
nary consuls,  the  King  of  the  Sacrifices,  and  (unless 
for  unchastity)  the  Eldest  of  the  Yestal  Virgins. 
Even  those  who  are  not  under  your  jurisdiction  will 
strive  to  merit  your  approval." 

This  episode  brings  into  prominence  not  less  the 
high  respect  felt  for  Valerian  as  a  citizen  than  the 
merits  and  courage  of  Decius  as  an  emperor.  It 
was  a  bold  and  patriotic  move  to  invest  a  subject 
with  such  extraordinary  powers  at  a  time  when  the 
security  of  the  throne  depended  not  so  much  on 
public  prosperity  and  morality  as  on  the  caprice  of 
a  turbulent  soldiery.  The  readiness  of  the  Senate 
to  conform  to  the  will  of  the  reigning  prince  arose 
probably  from  subserviency  rather  than  from  a 
desire  to  adopt  radical  measures  of  reform.  The 
list  of  duties  imposed  on  Valerian  is  a  sufficient  in- 
dication of  the  difficulty  of  his  task,  the  futility  of 
attempting  which  is  evident  from  the  impossibility 
of  applying  measures  feasible  in  republican  Rome, 
still  strong  with  the  vigor  of  youth  and  conflict, 
to  an  effete  non-Roman  Empire  grown  old  with 


84  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

ease  and  luxury.  It  was  with  a  mind  filled  with 
thoughts  of  the  difficulty  as  well  as  the  danger  of 
being  elevated  to  a  rank  which  made  him  practi- 
cally the  colleague  of  the  Emperor  that  Valerian 
deprecated  his  fitness  for  the  censorship  and  ques- 
tioned the  advisability  of  such  a  departure.  "  Do  not, 
I  beseech  you,  Most  Sacred  Emperor,"  he  pleaded, 
"lay  me  under  the  necessity  of  being  judge  of  the 
people,  the  soldiers,  and  the  Senate,  of  everybody, 
even  judges,  tribunes,  and  generals.  These  duties 
are  inseparable  from  the  imperial  dignity,  and  be- 
cause of  them  you  bear  the  exalted  title  Augustus. 
They  transcend  the  capability  of  a  feeble  subject ; 
therefore  I  beg  to  be  exempted  because  my  life 
does  not  fit  me  for  burdens  which  I  lack  confi- 
dence to  undertake.  The  times  are  not  suitable 
for  such  an  innovation,  and  the  office  of  censor 
cannot  change  the  corrupt  nature  of  man."  ^ 

Such  remonstrances  could  avail  little  with  a 
man  of  Decius'  inflexible  temperament.  It  is  prob- 
able, however,  that  the  project  was  never  put  into 
execution.  Decius  died  before  the  end  of  the  year 
in  an  attempt  to  inflict  a  crushing  blow  on  the 
Goths,  and  was   succeeded  by  the  dissolute  and 

^  These  speeches  and  remarks  are  all  reported  by  PoUio,  who 
adds :  Poteram  multa  alia  et  Senatus  consulta  et  judicia  prin- 
cipum  de  Valeriano  proferre,  nisi  ut  vobis  pleraque  nota  essent, 
et  puderet  altius  virum  extollere,  qui  fatali  quadam  necessitate 
superatus  est.    Loc.  cit. 


VALERIAN  85 

careless  Gallus,  under  whom  the  office  of  censor 
would  have  been  an  anomaly. 

Loyalty  to  constituted  authority  was  a  marked 
trait  of  the  character  of  Valerian,  in  consequence  of 
which  he  enjoyed  the  favor  and  confidence  of  more 
than  one  prince  during  his  long  career.  He  was 
sent  as  special  envoy  by  the  Gordians  to  announce 
to  the  Senate  in  Rome  that  they  had  taken  the 
sceptre  in  opposition  to  the  brutal  Maximin.^  He 
was  in  thorough  accord  with  the  plans  of  Decius, 
whose  downfall  does  not  seem  to  have  affected  in 
any  way  his  standing  at  court,  and  indeed  the 
trust  reposed  in  him  by  Gallus  contributed  indi- 
rectly to  his  elevation  to  the  purple.  The  apathy 
and  pusillanimity  of  Gallus  were  in  such  striking 
contrast  to  the  sterling  qualities  of  his  predecessor 
that  the  soldiers  soon  tired  of  him  and  pro- 
claimed Aemilian,  the  successful  general  of  the 
Pannonian  legions,  emperor  in  his  stead.  This  re- 
volt aroused  Gallus  to  a  sense  of  danger,  and  he 
despatched  Valerian  to  bring  the  legions  of  Gaul 
and  Germany  to  his  assistance.  Aemilian  fore- 
stalled this  movement  by  leading   his   troops  di- 

1  Capitolinus,  Gordiani  Tres,  c.  9.  Missa  deinceps  legatio  Ro- 
mam  est  cum  litteris  Gordianorum  haec,  quae  gesta  fuerant  iu 
Africa,  indicans  quae,  per  Valerianum  .  .  .  gratanter  accepta  est. 

Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Emp.  torn.  iii.  p.  685,  note,  shows  that  Va- 
lerian was  the  bearer  of  this  message,  and  not,  as  Capitolinus' 
words  might  indicate,  the  one  by  whom  the  delegation  was  re- 
ceived. 


86  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

rectly  to  Rome.  Gallus  and  his  son  advanced  from 
Rome  as  far  as  Umbria  to  meet  the  pretender. 
When  the  armies  came  in  sight  of  each  other  it 
was  seen  that  the  numerical  advantage  rested  with 
Aemilian.  The  Emperor  was  slain  by  his  own 
followers,  who  were  disgusted  with  him  and  passed 
over  to  his  rival.^ 

The  death  of  Gallus  and  his  son  Volusian  gave 
Aemilian  a  brief  triumph.  The  Senate  conferred 
on  him  the  name  Augustus  with  the  other  titles  of 
imperial  dignity,  and  his  authority  was  recognized 
in  many  parts  of  the  Empire.  His  reign,  however, 
lasted  only  four  months,  for  the  legions  which  Va- 
lerian had  assembled  refused  to  acknowledge  his 
supremacy  and  declared  Valerian  Emperor.  The 
two  armies  met  at  Spoleto.  The  soldiers  of  Aemil- 
ian, never  sincerely  attached  to  his  person,  and 
dreading  the  result  of  a  conflict  with  the  superior 
forces  of  Valerian,  slew  their  leader  and  threw 
down  their  arms.^  By  singular  good  fortune  the 
strength  of  all  the  various  factions  was  now  united 
under  the  banner  of  Valerian,  who,  though   his 

1  Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Emp.  pp.  383  et  seq. 

2  Aurelius  Victor  gives  a  different  account  of  the  death  of 
Aemilian,  in  De  Caesaribus,  c.  xxxi.  Aemilianus  tres  mensea 
usus  modesto  imperio,  morbo  absumptus  est ;  quum  proceres 
primo  hostem,  dein,  exstinctis  superioribus,  pro  fortuna,  ut  solet, 
Augustum  appellavissent. 

We  have  followed  here  the  narrative  of  Tillemont,  which  is 
based  principally  on  Zonaras  and  Zosimus. 


VALERIAN  87 

way  to  the  throne  had  been  marked  by  revolutions, 
was  in  no  sense  guilty  of  disloyalty  to  the  man 
whom  he  supplanted. 

The  circumstances  surrounding  Valerian's  ac- 
cession were  extremely  auspicious.  He  possessed 
the  sincere  attachment  of  all  orders  in  the  State, 
and  reached  his  high  position  not  through  popular 
timiults,  or  by  the  clamors  of  the  soldiers,  but  by 
the  unanimous  will  of  the  whole  Roman  world.  If 
all  men,  PoUio  adds,  had  been  allowed  to  choose  an 
emperor,  they  would  have  selected  no  one  but 
Valerian  .1 

So  very  little  is  known  about  the  character  of 
Valerian  that  there  seems  to  be  a  disposition 
among  historians  to  measure  his  capabilities  by 
the  calamities  which  happened  during  his  reign, 
and  to  attribute  the  failure  of  his  administration  to 
incompetency.  Aurelius  Victor  says  he  was  stupid 
and  sluggish,  and  lacking  in  the  prudence  and  execu- 
tive talent  necessary  for  public  offices.^  Eutropius 
considered  that  the  reign  of  Valerian  and  his  son  was 
disastrous,  and  almost  the  ruin  of  the  State,  either 
because  of  untoward  circumstances  or  by  reason  of 
the  worthlessness  of  the  rulers  themselves.^   Pollio, 

1  Si  data  esset  omnibus  potestas  promendi  arbitrii,  quern  im- 
peratorem  vellent,  alter  non  esset  electus.    Vita  Valerianic  c.  5. 

2  Stolidus  tamen,  et  multum  iners,  neque  ad  usum  aliquem 
publici  officii  consilio  seu  gestis  accomodatus.    Epit.  c.  32. 

2  Horum  imperium  Romano  nomini  perniciosura  et  paene  ex- 
itiabile  fuit  vel  infelicitate  principum  vel  ignavia.  Breviarium, 
lib  ix,  c.  7. 


88  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

on  the  contrary,  either  of  himself,  or  when  reporting 
the  sayings  of  contemporaries,  says  he  was  "  fuU  of 
bravery  but  most  unfortunate,"  ^  and  that  no  one 
could  fill  his  place ;  and  Vopiscus,  when  enumerat- 
ing the  small  number  of  worthy  emperors  who  had 
occupied  the  Koman  throne,  says  that  Valerian,  the 
best  of  all,  was  prevented  by  misfortune  from  rank- 
ing with  Augustus,  Vespasian,  Titus,  Nerva,  Trajan, 
Hadrian,  Antoninus  Pius,  Marcus  Aurelius,  Sep- 
timius  Severus,  Alexander  Severus,  Claudius,  and 
the  divine  Aurelian.^  Crevier  ^  applies  to  Valerian 
what  Tacitus  said  of  Galba :  "  Major  privato  visus 
dum  privatus  f uit,  et  omnium  consensu  capax  imperii 
nisi  imperasset,"  *  and  Gibbon  says :  "  Perhaps  the 
merit  of  the  Emperor  was  inadequate  to  his  reputa- 
tion ;  perhaps  his  abilities,  or  at  least  his  spirit,  were 
affected  by  the  languor  and  coldness  of  old  age."  ^ 

In  the  face  of  such  contradictory  testimony  and 
such  unsatisfactory  estimates  by  later  writers,  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  arrive  at  any  definite  conclu- 
sion regarding  Valerian's  ability  as  a  ruler.  To 
judge  by  his  acts,  however,  one  is  more  inclined  to 
follow  the  opinion  of  Pollio,  and  to  consider  Valerian 
as  a  man  whose  failure  arose  from  circumstances 
which  were  beyond  his  control.    He  was  a  conscien- 

1  Trig.  Tyr.  xu,  1. 

2  Vopiscus,  Vita  Aureliani,  c  42. 

3  Hist,  des  Emp.  torn,  v,  p.  420.  *  Hist,  i,  49. 
s  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chap.  x. 


VALERIAN  89 

tious  ruler  with  a  fine  sense  of  tlie  responsibilities 
of  his  office,  who  attained  his  ends  less  through 
brilliancy  and  genius  than  by  a  painstaking  adher- 
ence to  duty.  Notwithstanding  the  small  measure 
of  success  that  attended  his  efforts,  he  was  possessed 
of  many  qualities  that  go  to  make  the  competent 
leader  and  thorough  administrator.  He  was  prompt 
to  recognize  and  reward  merit,  and,  contrary  to  the 
usual  custom,  he  promoted  young  men  to  positions 
of  trust  in  the  army.  Because  of  their  marked 
ability  he  made  the  two  sons  of  Macrianus  tri- 
bunes,^ and  promoted  Probus  while  yet  a  beardless 
youth  to  the  same  position  and  subsequently  placed 
him  at  the  head  of  a  legion.^  With  uncommon 
wisdom  and  disinterestedness  he  chose  as  his  chief 
lieutenants  the  ablest  and  most  talented  men  in  the 
Empire,  among  whom  were  Regilianus,  Claudius, 
Aurelianus,  Ingenuus,  Macrianus,  Posthumus,  and 
Aureolus,  "who  all  merited  the  purple  and  died  in 
it,  for  it  was  an  extraordinary  thing,"  as  Pollio  ob- 
serves, "  that  all  those  whom  Valerian  made  gen- 
erals were  afterwards  raised  to  the  throne  by  the 
soldiers,  which  shows  that  the  old  Emperor  in  the 
choice  of  his  leaders  was  what  the  prosperity  of 
the  State  demanded."  ^    His  high  office  and  auto- 

1  PoUio,  Trig.  Tyr.  e.  12. 

2  Vopiscus,  Vita  Prohi,  ec.  3,  4,  5. 

3  Pollio,  loc.  cit.  e.  10. 


90  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

cratic  powers  did  not  prevent  Valerian  from  readily 
receiving  good  advice  whenever  it  was  offered;^  but 
while  tliis  quality  in  a  man  of  independent  spirit 
is  very  commendable,  it  lays  one  enfeebled  by  age 
and  oppressed  with  unaccustomed  responsibilities 
open  to  the  influence  of  designing  and  vicious 
courtiers. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Valerian  after  he  became 
emperor  was  to  raise  his  son  Gallienus  to  the  posi- 
tion of  co-regent  and  to  confer  on  him  the  title  of 
Augustus.^  The  government  of  the  Empire  was  di- 
vided between  them,  Valerian  going  to  the  East,  and 
Gallienus  remaining  in  control  of  the  Western  sec- 
tion. While  no  actual  partition  of  the  Eoman  do- 
mmions  took  place,  this  was  practically  the  inception 
of  the  policy  which  Diocletian  found  it  necessary  to 
adopt  in  order  to  preserve  the  Empire,  which  was 
already  commencing  to  break  up  of  its  own  weight.^ 
There  was,  besides,  at  that  period  a  growing  convic- 
tion that  the  Emperor  should  be  a  general  as  well 
as  an  administrator,  and  that  his  place  was  as  much 
the  field  as  the  cabinet.  Macrianus  considered  that 
his  advanced  years  and  feeble  health  were  a  sufficient 
reason  for  declining  the  purple  after  the  death  of 

^  PoUio,  loc.  cit.  c.  18.  ^  Zosimus,  bk.  i,  c.  30. 

^  The  same  policy  was  advocated  in  the  reign  of  Maximin  by 
one  of  the  senators,  who  pleaded  the  necessity  of  having  an  em- 
peror at  home  and  one  in  the  field.   Cf .  Duruy,  History,  vol.  vii,  p. 

228. 


VALERIAN  91 

Valerian  ;  ^  and  the  Senator  Tacitus  pleaded  his  un- 
fitness for  the  throne  because  a  man  whose  arms 
were  no  longer  able  to  wield  the  javelin  and  to 
strike  the  shield  was  unworthy  of  the  sceptre  .^ 
The  judiciousness  of  Valerian's  selection,  which 
Gibbon  regrets,^  was  in  accord  with  the  general 
custom  of  the  period,  when  all  those  who  reached 
the  throne  conferred  on  their  children  honors  and 
titles  which  were  not  theirs  by  birth.  Gallienus  was 
then  a  youth  of  not  more  than  twenty  years,*  and 
leaving  out  of  sight  his  vices  and  his  indifference 
to  the  fate  of  the  Empire,  which  he  had  scarcely 
had  a  chance  to  manifest,  there  was  no  one  better 
fitted  by  talent  and  education  to  hold  the  supreme 
power.^ 

That  the  Roman  power  did  not  disappear  and 
the  whole  Empire  become  a  prey  to  the  hordes  of 
barbarians  who  beset  it  at  this  epoch,  from  causes 
that  were  beyond  the  reach  of  administrative  reme- 
dies, is  a  tribute  to  the  enduring  qualities  of  Roman 

1  PoUio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  12. 

2  Vopiscus,  Vita  Taciti,  c.  4. 

*  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chap.  x. 

Duruy  says :  "  Instead  of  taking  as  his  colleague  one  of  the 
many  valiant  and  experienced  generals  at  this  time  in  the  Roman 
army,  Valerian  chose  his  son  Gallienus,  who  was  too  young  to 
possess  authority  and  too  effeminate  to  employ  it  well  if  he  had 
had  it."    History,  vol.  vii,  sec.  1,  p.  235. 

4  Cf .  Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Emp.  torn,  iii,  p.  989,  note  8. 

^  The  character  of  Gallienus  is  excellently  depicted  by  Benson, 
Life  of  St.  Cyprian,  p.  458. 


92  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

institutions  and  the  power  of  organization  possessed 
by  Valerian.  At  the  time  he  assumed  the  supreme 
control  the  whole  Empire  was  plague-stricken. 
About  the  year  250  this  frightful  pestilence  com- 
menced its  ravages  in  Numidia,  and  descending 
thence  to  the  cities  of  Egypt  and  Africa,  it  was  car- 
ried to  other  cities  and  spread  death  and  desolation 
from  east  to  west.i  For  upwards  of  twenty  years 
it  wasted  the  flower  of  the  Roman  legions,  and  in 
its  destructive  path  spared  neither  high  nor  low.^ 
It  carried  off  the  young  Hostihanus,  only  surviving 
son  of  the  Emperor  Decius,  in  25 1,^  and  as  late  as 
270  the  Emperor  Claudius  died  of  it  in  the  fuU 
flush  of  his  victories  over  the  Goths.*  It  proved 
more  effective  against  the  army  of  Valerian  than 
the  swords  of  the  Persians,  and  checked  the  inroads 
of  the  Goths  more  effectively  than  the  Roman  le- 
gions. For  a  time  the  number  of  victims  in  Rome 
and  Achaia  reached  the  appalling  total  of  five  thou- 
sand a  day.^  In  Alexandria  it  has  been  computed 
by  Gibbon  that  more  than  half  the  inhabitants  died 

1  Zonaras,  Annals,  torn,  iv,  sub.  Volusiano. 

2  Zonaras  says  it  lasted  only  fifteen  years ;  loc.  cit. 
^  Aurelius  Victor,  De  Caesaribus,  c.  30. 

Zosimns  says  that  Hostilianus  was  put  to  death  by  Gallus,  who 
feared  that  the  people  would  revolt  in  his  favor.    Ibid.  c.  25. 

*  Pollio,  Vita  Claudii,  c.  12. 

5  Pollio,  Gallieni  Duo,  c.  5.  The  passage  in  Pollio  is  very 
obscure :  Nam  et  pestilentia  tanta  extiterat  vel  Romae  vel  Acha- 
icis  urbibus,  ut  uno  die  quinque  milia  hominum  pari  morbo  peri- 
rent. 


VALERIAN  93 

of  plague,  and,  adds  tlie  same  author,  "  could  we  ex- 
tend the  analogy  to  the  other  provinces  we  might  com- 
pute that  war,  famine,  and  pestilence  had  consumed 
in  a  few  years  the  moiety  of  the  human  species."  ^ 
It  is  difficult  to  state  precisely  the  nature  of  this 
disease.  The  name  "plague"  or  "pestilence"  was 
usually  given  to  any  epidemic  in  antiquity,  such  as 
that  which  attacked  the  Greeks  at  the  siege  of  Troy, 
or  which  wrought  such  havoc  in  Kome  and  the 
Grecian  states  during  the  fifth  century  before  Christ. 
The  neglect  of  proper  hygienic  and  quarantine 
measures  was  no  doubt  responsible  for  the  large  mor- 
tality during  these  visitations,  and  contributed  in 
large  measure  to  their  frequent  recurrence.  Plagues 
occurred  in  Rome  in  363  b.  c,  295  b.  c,  175  b.  c, 
during  the  reigns  of  Trajan  and  Marcus  Aurelius, 
all  of  which  were  doubtless  of  the  same  nature  as 
that  of  the  third  century.  That  which  occurred 
during  the  reign  of  Justinian  received  the  name  of 
pestis  inguinarla  or  glandularia  by  which  it  was 
known  until  the  seventeenth  century.    From  the  im- 

1  Gibbon's  estimate  is  based  on  a  passage  in  Denis  of  Alexan- 
dria, who,  speaking  of  the  plague,  says :  "  This  great  city  no 
longer  contains  as  many  inhabitants,  from  tender  infants  to  those 
most  advanced  in  life,  as  it  formerly  contained  of  those  whom  it 
called  hearty  old  men.  But  the  men  from  forty  to  seventy  years 
of  age  were  then  so  much  more  numerous  that  their  number  can- 
not now  be  filled  out,  even  when  those  from  fourteen  to  eighty 
years  are  enrolled  and  registered  for  the  public  allowance  of  food." 
Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  vii,  21. 


94  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

perfect  diagnosis  and  the  faulty  descriptions  given 
by  contemporary  authors,  and  the  fact  that  Eutro- 
pius  ^  says  it  was  accompanied  with  a  multiplicity  of 
diseases,  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  decide  whether 
the  pest  of  which  we  are  treating  was  malignant 
typhoid  fever,  cholera,  smallpox,  or  bubonic  plague. 
The  course  of  the  disease  was  rapid,  and  generally 
fatal.2  Those  who  were  attacked  suffered  at  first 
from  nervous  depression  and  ulceration  of  different 
parts  of  the  body,  especially  the  mouth  and  throat.^ 
The  next  stage  was  one  of  incessant  sickness  accom- 
panied by  diarrhoea,  constant  vomiting,  and  high 
fever.  Any  who  survived  the  assaults  of  this  malady 
generally  bore  permanent  traces  of  its  severity  either 
in  the  loss  of  one  or  more  members,  in  blindness,  or 
in  total  deafness.* 

1  Sola  pestilentia  et  morbis  atque  aegritudinibus  notus  eorum 
principatus  fuit.   Breviarium,  lib.  ix,  c.  5. 

2  lunumeros  per  diem  populos  ad  suam  quemque  sedem  abmpto 
impetu  rapiens,  continuatas  per  ordinem  domos  vtJgi  trementis 
invasit.   Pontius,  Vita  Cypriani,  c.  9. 

8  "  But  when  a  grievous  pestilence  raged  at  Rome,  so  great  was 
the  violence  of  this  distemper  and  its  effects  so  dreadful  on 
Plotinus,  as  Eustochius  informed  Porphyry,  who  was  then  absent, 
that  through  a  very  great  hoarseness  all  the  clear  and  sonorous 
vigor  of  his  musical  voice  was  lost ;  and  what  was  still  worse,  his 
eyes  were  darkened,  and  his  hands  and  feet  were  covered  with 
ulcers."  Translated  and  abridged  from  Porphyry's  ii/e  o/ PZofi- 
nus  by  Taylor,  Introduction  to  Select  Works  of  Plotinus,  p.  xliv. 

■*  Hoc  quod  nunc  corporis  vires  solutus  in  fluxum  venter  evis- 
cerat,  quod  in  f  aucium  vulnera  conceptus  medullitus  ignis  exaestuat, 
quod  adsiduo  vomitu  intestina  quatiuntur,  quod  oculi  vi  sanguinis 
inardescunt,  quod  quorundam  vel  pedes  vel  aliquse  membrorum 


VALERIAN  95 

The  fear  of  contagion  and  death  produced  the 
most  abject  terror  and  consternation  among  the 
pagans.^  Descriptions  of  what  took  place  in  Car- 
thage and  Alexandria  will,  without  any  abuse  of 
historic  parallel,  apply  to  other  cities  and  other  por- 
tions of  the  Roman  dominions.  There  the  ties  of 
kindred  and  friendship  seem  to  have  been  entirely 
forgotten,  and  the  plague-sufferers,  when  the  first 
symptoms  of  disease  manifested  themselves,  were 
cast  out  of  doors  by  their  relatives  and  allowed  to 
die  in  the  street  without  comfort  or  attention.  In 
this  condition  of  affairs  public  order  ceased,  and 
though  the  streets  were  cumbered  with  dead  bodies 
and  the  air  was  heavy  with  the  stench  of  putrefac- 
tion, and  though  there  was  not  a  home  where  there 
was  not  one  dead,  robbery  and  violence  were  of 
daily  and  hourly  occurrence .^ 

The  period  was,  besides,  one  of  violent  physical 

partes  contag-io  morbidae  putredinis  amputantur,  quod  per  jacturas 
et  damna  corporum  prorumpente  langnore  vel  debilitatur  incessus, 
vel  auditus  obstruitur,  vel  caecatur  aspectus.  Cyprian,  De  Mortal- 
itate,  c.  14. 

^  Cf.  Benson,  Life  of  Cyprian,  pp.  240  seq. 

^  Horrere  omnes,  f  ugere,  vitare  contagium :  exponere  suos 
impie  :  quasi  cum  illo  peste  morituro  etiam  mortem  ipsam  posset 
aliquis  excludere.  Jacebant  interim  in  tota  civitate,  non  jam  cor- 
pora, sed  cadavera  plurimorum  et  misericordiam  in  se  euntium 
contemplatione  sortis  mutuae  flagitabant.  Nemo  respexit  aliud 
praeterquam  lucra  crudelia.  Nemo  similis  eventus  recordatione 
trepidavit :  nemo  fecit  alteri,  quod  pati  voluit.  Pontius,  Vita  Cyp. 
c.  9.  See,  also,  Denis  of  Alexandria,  in  Eusebius,  Hist.  EccL  lib.  vii, 
21  and  22. 


96  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

disturbances,  whicli  occur  so  frequently  in  connec- 
tion with  plague.  There  were  seasons  of  protracted 
drought  followed  by  terrific  hailstorms  and  torna- 
does, which  ruined  the  crops,  killed  the  vines,  and 
uprooted  the  olive  groves. ^  In  the  train  of  these 
evils  came  famine,  which  carried  off  thousands.^ 
While  these  visitations  were  not  continuous,  they 
were  not  confined  to  any  one  part  of  the  Empire. 
At  Rome  the  Tiber  overflowed  its  banks,  and 
doubtless  produced  misery  such  as  that  which  hap- 
pened in  the  days  of  Marcus  Aurelius.^  Earth- 
quakes hurled  down  buildings  in  many  cities  and 
buried  the  inhabitants  in  the  ruins.  While  the 
shocks  were  most  severe  in  the  Orient,  they  were 
felt  at  Rome  and  even  in  distant  Libya.  Many  who 
had  escaped  death  by  falling  buildings  died  from 
fear  of  the  horrid  rumblings  of  the  earth.  Great 
fissures  filled  with  salt  water  appeared  in  places, 
and  some  coast  towns  were  overwhelmed  with  enor- 
mous tidal  waves.* 

^  Et  tu  miraris  aut  quaereris  in  hac  obstinatione  et  contemptu 
vestro,  si  rara  desuper  pluvia  descendat,  si  terra  situ  pulveris 
squaleat,  si  vix  jejunas  et  pallidas  herbas  sterilis  gleba  producat, 
si  vineam  debilitet  grando  caedens,  si  oleam  detruncet  turbo  sub- 
vertens,  si  f  ontem  siccitas  statuat,  aerem  pestilens  aura  corrumpat. 
Cyprian,  Ad  Dem.  c.  7. 

2  De  sterilitate  ac  fame  quaereris,  quasi  famem  majorem  siccitas 
quam  rapacitas  faciat.    C.  10 ;  vide  c.  2,  ibid. 

^  Statimque  Tiberis  adulta  aestate  diluvii  facie  inundavit. 
Aurelius  Victor,  De  Caesaribus,  c.  32. 

*  Trebellius  PoUio,  Duo  GalUeni,  c.  5. 


VALERIAN  97 

The  measures  adopted  to  bring  relief  to  the  ter- 
rified and  plague-stricken  masses  make  manifest  the 
utter  inability  of  the  Roman  government  to  deal 
with  great  crises.  Besides  decreeing  enormous  sac- 
rifices and  issuing  new  coins  dedicated  to  Apollo 
Salutaris  and  Jupiter  Salutaris,^  nothing  was  done, 
as  far  as  history  records,  with  the  exception  of  the 
humane  efforts  of  Gallus  and  Volusian,  who  took 
steps  that  all  victims  of  the  plague  should  be  pro- 
perly interred.2  In  the  present  instance,  however, 
concerted  action  of  any  kind  was  an  impossibility. 
The  army,  the  only  organized  and  disciplined  body 
in  the  Empire,  was  in  a  state  of  complete  disorder. 

The  changes  in  the  military  regulations  intro- 
duced by  Septimius  Severus  and  continued  under  his 
successors  had  deprived  the  army  of  much  of  its  old- 
time  efficiency.  Numerically  it  was  far  below  its  nor- 
mal standard.  The  frequent  civil  wars  and  the  desire 
to  reduce  the  strain  on  the  treasury  had  crippled 
the  legions,  and  taken  from  the  army  strength  and 
resources  which  the  present  chaotic  condition  of 
public  affairs  required.  While  the  duties  along  the 
frontiers  were  daily  multiplied,  the  legions  in  the 
German  provinces  were  reduced  from  eight  to  four, 
which,  with  a  few  thousand  auxiliaries,  brought  the 
total  number  of  men  fit  for  active  service  to  not 

^  Cyprian,  Ep.  Ibc 

2  Aurelius  Victor,  De  Caesaribus,  c.  30. 


98  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

more  than  20,000.^  The  discipline  and  loyalty  of 
the  army  had  also  in  large  measure  disappeared.  In 
Africa  a  revolt  of  the  troops  in  253  assumed  such 
alarming  proportions  that  the  safety  of  the  whole 
province  was  seriously  endangered.^  The  system  of 
local  recruiting  and  permanent  camps  made  the  sol- 
diers sedentary  and  effeminate,  and  utterly  destroyed 
the  mobility  so  necessary  in  time  of  danger.  This 
concentration  of  troops,  added  to  the  fact  that  the 
Romans  were  badly  supplied  with  cavalry,  rendered 
their  operations  futile  against  an  enemy  who  fought 
in  guerrilla  bands  along  an  extended  frontier. 

At  this  juncture,  however,  the  nature  of  the  ex- 
peditions undertaken  by  the  barbarians  assumed  a 
new  and  more  dangerous  character.^  The  withdrawal 
of  the  Gallic  and  Rhenish  legions  after  the  death 
of  Decius  to  support  the  claims  of  the  many  usurpers 
gave  the  Teutonic  tribes  an  opportunity  for  move- 
ments which  originated  more  in  necessity  than  from 
choice.*  The  pressure  from  other  tribes  and  peoples, 
and  the  growing  consciousness  of  power  derived 

1  Ernest  Lavisse,  Histoire  de  France  depuis  les  Origines  jusqu'd, 
la  involution^  fasc.  i,  p.  257. 

2  This  is  the  revolt  mentioned  by  Cyprian  in  his  letter  to  the 
Bishops  of  Numidia,  in  which  he  deplores  the  captivity  of  the 
Christians  seized  by  the  barbarians,  and  for  whose  ransom  he  sent 
100,000  sesterces.  Ep.  Ixii. 

Vide  Cagnat,  VArmie  Bomaine  d^A/rique,  pp.  53-54. 
^  Mommsen,  Roman  Provinces,  vol.  i,  p.  264 ;  Lavisse,  loc.  cit. 
p.  249. 

},  ihid. 


VALERIAN  99 

from  contact  with  the  Romans,  made  the  Germans 
desirous  of  seizing  new  territory  witliin  the  Roman 
Empire  in  order  to  establish   themselves   in  new 
homes.   The  period  of  piratical  raids  and  marauding 
expeditions  for  plunder  or  revenge  had  passed,  and 
the  Roman  Empire  was  just  commencing  to  feel 
the  first  effects  of  the  great  migratory  movements 
among  the  Teutonic  people  which  were  to  result  in 
its  overthrow.    In  no  other  way  is  it  possible  to  ex- 
plain the  simultaneous  movement  of  all  the  enemies 
of  Rome  across  her  frontiers.     The  Franks,  the 
Alemanni,  the  Marcomanni,  and  the  Goths  poured 
into  the    rich  territory    south   of   the  Rhine  and 
Danube,  and  pillaged  the  cities  of  Europe  and  Asia 
Minor.    In  the  East  the  Persians,  peaceful  since 
the  time  of  Philip,  took  up  arms  and  laid  waste  the 
provinces  near  the  Euphrates.    The  struggle  with 
these  numerous  enemies  made  the  reign  of  Valerian 
and  Gallienus  one  continued  scene  of  warfare  and 
strife ;  but  the  details  and  order  of  their  various 
campaigns  are  hidden  in  confusion  and  obscurity 
because  of  the  unsatisfactory  records  which  we  pos- 
sess.  Gallienus,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  defence 
of  the  western  portion  of  the  Empire,  found  that 
the  most  dangerous  enemies  of  the  Roman  power 
in  the  provinces  bounded  by  the  Rhine  and  upper 
Danube  were   the    Franks    and   Alemanni.     The 
former  are  first  mentioned  in  the  reiffn  of  Cara- 


100  THE  VALEKIAN  PERSECUTION 

calla,^  while  the  latter  do  not  appear  for  more  than 
thirty  years,  when  they  assume  great  importance  in 
the  days  of  Gordian  II. 2  The  Franks  occupied  the 
territory  which  stretched  along  the  right  bank  of  the 
Rhine  from  the  North  Sea  to  the  river  Main,  and 
the  Alemanni  the  region  situated  between  the  Main 
and  the  Alps.  A  great  deal  of  uncertainty  exists 
as  to  the  origin  and  character  of  these  two  groups 
of  people.  Some  are  inclined  to  consider  them  as 
confederations  of  various  German  tribes :  ^  others 
see  in  them  neither  a  new  tribe  nor  a  confederation 
of  tribes,  but  an  association  of  soldiers  and  warriors 
which  had  become  through  various  causes  an  ethnic 
unit,  such  as  that  composed  of  the  followers  of 
Ariovistus.  Based  on  a  passage  in  Tacitus  of  doubt- 
ful interpretation,  this  theory  explains  the  names  of 
these  organizations :  Alemanni,  or  men  of  all  nations ; 
Franks,  an  epithet  alluding  either  to  their  vagabond 
courses  or  to  their  valor.* 

These  two  peoples  had  been  a  standing  menace 
to  the  power  of  the  Romans  for  several  years.  The 
armies  of  Alexander  and  Maximinus,  of  Philip  and 

1  213  A.  D.    See  Goyau,  Ckronologie  de  VEmpire  Bomain,  p.  261. 

2  241  A.  D.    Lavisse,  loc.  cit. 

^  Sie  waren  die  Nachkommen  der  Sugambern  und  Chamaven, 
unter  welchen  seit  dem  Ende  des  2  Jahrhunderts  auch  die  Chatten 
auf  gegangen  waren  und  zu  denen  sich  Amsivarier,  Chattuarier  und 
Teile  der  Brukterer  gesellt  batten.  SebUler,  Geschichte  der  Ro- 
mischen  Kaiserzeit,  p.  813. 

*  Lavisse,  loc.  cit.  p.  250. 


VALERIAN  101 

Decius,  had  vanquished  but  not  subdued  them ;  and 
it  was  against  them  that  Gallienus  had  directed  his 
first  efforts.  In  the  beginning  he  gained  many  vic- 
tories, with  the  result  that  in  257  he  had  established 
the  supremacy  of  Kome  in  the  Rhenish  provinces.^ 
His  success,  however,  was  more  in  the  nature  of  a 
compromise  than  a  victory.  He  allowed  a  large 
number  of  Marcomanni  to  settle  in  a  portion  of 
Pannonia,and,to  bind  the  treaty  by  which  these  new 
settlers  engaged  themselves  to  repel  all  invaders, 
GaUienus  married  Pipa,  or  Pipara,  the  daughter  of 
one  of  their  chiefs.^ 

While  the  Franks  and  Alemanni  were  overrun- 
ning the  Rhenish  provinces,  the  Goths  and  Marco- 
manni were  devastating  the  region  along  the  lower 
Danube.^  Valerian  himself  in  all  probability  per- 
sonally conducted  the  campaigns  against  these  ma- 
rauders.    Nothing  is  known  as  to  the  details  and 

^  This  is  the  date  assigned  by  Schiller  {Geschichte,  p.  814),  who 
bases  his  opinion  on  the  fact  that  the  medals  of  Gallienus  for  this 
year  bear  the  title  Restitutor  Galliarum,  Germanicus  Maximus, 
Germanicus  Maximus  ter  et  v,  etc.  Eckhel  vii,  401  seq. ;  Cohen, 
181-191,  562-576. 

2  Gallienus  quidem  in  loco  Cornelii  filii  sui  Solonianum 
alterum  filium  subrogavit,  amori  diverso  peUicum  deditus, 
Saloninae  conjugis  et  concubinae,  quam  per  pactionem,  concessa 
parte  superioris  Pannoniae,  a  patre  Marcomannonim  rege,  matri- 
monii specie  susceperat,  Pipam  nomine.  Aiirelius  Victor,  Epitome, 
c.  33 ;  De  Caes.  xxxiii,  6. 

Perdite  dilexit,  Piparam  nomine,  barbaram  regis  filiam.  Pollio, 
Gall.  21. 

3  SchiUer,  loc.  cit.  p.  816. 


102  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

chronology  of  his  movements  before  the  year  256. 
It  seems  likely,  however,  that  the  Teutons  and  their 
allies  were  forced  to  abandon  Roman  territory,  for 
in  a  letter  which  Valerian  addressed  to  the  Prefect 
of  the  City  of  Rome  in  256,  Aurelian,  who  after- 
wards became  Emperor,  is  styled  the  Liberator  of 
lUyria  and  Restorer  of  Gaul.^ 

Valerian's  manifold  duties  as  general  in  com- 
mand of  the  legions  did  not  prevent  him  from 
making  some  attempts  at  reform  within  the  State 
itself.  Though  few  instances  of  his  activity  in  this 
respect  have  been  preserved,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  he  aimed  constantly  at  restoring  the  army 
to  its  old-time  efficiency.  In  the  year  256  he  sent 
letters  to  Albinus,  the  prefect  of  Rome,  in  which  he 
announced  that  the  inflexible  Aurelian,  whose  sever- 
ity the  Emperor  himself  feared,^  in  recognition  of 
the  signal  services  he  rendered  as  general,  had 
been  appointed  inspector-general  of  the  army,  and 
that  inasmuch  as  he  woidd  at  once  enter  on  his 
duties  by  inspecting  aU  the  camps,  proper  provision 
should  be  made  for  his  reception  in  Rome.^  The 
famous  Third  Legion,  for  many  years  the  bulwark 
of  Roman  power  in  Africa,  which  had  been  ordered 
to  Italy  and  separated  into  various  detachments 

1  Liberator  Illyrici,  Restitutor  Galliarum.  Aurel  c.  9. 

2  Me  etiam  timuisse.   Vopiscus,  Vita  Aurel.  c.  8. 

3  Ibid.  c.  9. 


VALERIAN  103 

during  the  struggle  with  Aureliau,  was  restored  to 
its  former  standing  and  sent  back  to  its  old  camp  at 
Lambesa.^  Acting  on  the  advice  of  BaUista,  Vale- 
rian ordered  the  provincial  governors  to  quarter 
troops  only  in  places  where  their  presence  would 
not  be  a  hardship  to  the  inhabitants,  and  to  exact 
as  tribute  only  those  things  which  the  various  pro- 
vinces produced  in  abun dance .^  As  a  result  of 
these  regulations,  Valerian  was  able  to  boast  of 
the  efficiency  and  high  standing  of  his  soldiers, 
"  among  whom  there  was  not  a  man  who  was  not 
a  fighter."  ^ 

These  instances  are  indications,  at  least,  that 
Valerian  was  determined  to  follow  the  policy  of  his 
predecessor,  Decius,  and  that  he  was  thoroughly 
convinced  of  the  necessity  of  effecting  some  radi- 
cal changes  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  State.  In 
such  circumstances,  questions  regarding  the  national 
religion  could  not  be  overlooked,  and  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  shortly  after  he  found  an  opportunity 
to  undertake  the  reorganization  of  the  army,  Vale- 

1  Cagnat,  VArmSe  Romaine  d'Afrique,  p.  171. 

2  PoUio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  18.  Provinciales  non  gravet.  .  .  .  Nee 
est  ulla  alia  provisio  melior,  quani  ut  in  locis  suis  erog-entur 
quae  nasciintur,  ne  aut  vehiculis  aut  sumptibiis  rem  p.  gravent. 

*  This  is  contained  in  a  letter  of  Valerian,  in  which  he  acknow- 
ledges his  indebtedness  to  Ballista  for  sound  advice  :  Gaudens 
quod  ejus  consilio  nullum  adscripticium,  id  est  vacantem,  haberet 
et  nullum  stipatorem,  qui  non  vera  aliquid  ageret,  nullum  mili- 
tem  qui  non  vero  pugnaret.  Ibid. 


104  THE   VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

rian  should  be  brought  into  contact  with  the  large 
body  of  citizens  composing  the  Christian  congre- 
gations, whose  persistent  refusal  to  acknowledge 
the  state  gods  was  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  state 
unity. 


CHAPTER  IV 

CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF 
VALERIAN'S  REIGN 

Laws  of  Decius  still  in  force  —  Not  executed  —  Schisms  in  the 
Church  —  Novatus  —  Novatian  —  Christians  at  the  court  of 
Valerian  —  Valerian  favors  them  —  Valerian  changes  his  atti- 
tude towards  the  Church  —  Macrianus  —  Aub^'s  opinion  of  Ma- 
criauus  —  Denis  of  Alexandria  —  Is  Aube's  opinion  the  correct 
one  ?  —  Why  Macrianus  was  proclaimed  Emperor  by  his 
troops  —  His  character  —  Was  he  a  believer  in  magic  ?  — 
Veneration  of  Macrian  family  for  Alexander  the  Great  —  This 
was  an  Egyptian  cult,  hence  a  religion  of  magic  —  Valerian 
was  influenced  by  Macrianus  —  Human  sacrifices  not  unknown 
in  Rome  —  Condition  of  public  affairs  led  to  renewed  super- 
stitions —  Legal,  political,  and  religious  motives  for  persecut- 
ing the  Christians  —  Economic  condition  of  the  Empire  led  to 
the  same  result  —  Financial  prosperity  of  the  Church  —  The 
Greek  martyrs  —  Chrysanthus  and  Dana. 

Though  the  laws  against  the  Christians  which  were 
framed  by  Decius  remained  in  force  after  his  death, 
there  was  no  opportunity  to  put  them  into  execu- 
tion. The  struggles  among  the  rival  claimants  for 
the  throne,  the  internal  suffering  and  disorder,  and 
the  necessity  for  constant  vigilance  against  the  many 
enemies  along  the  frontiers  rendered  it  impossible 
to  carry  on  any  fixed  policy  of  repression  or  per- 
secution. To  draw  order  from  chaos  was  the  first 
duty  of  Valerian,  but  in  the  face  of  so  many  dangers 
from  outside  he  could  find  little  time  for  internal 


106  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

reforms.  During  the  first  years  of  his  reign  the 
Church  was  never  molested.  A  spirit  of  insubordi- 
nation, however,  within  the  Church  itself  gave  rise 
just  then  to  two  dangerous  schisms,  which  threatened 
the  disruption  of  the  entire  Christian  organization. 
At  Carthage  a  party  of  priests  who  had  opposed 
Cyprian's  advancement  to  the  episcopate  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  troubles  arising  out  of  the  Decian 
persecution  to  renew  the  old  discussion  in  regard  to 
the  penitential  discipline  of  the  Church.  They 
accused  Cyprian  of  undue  severity  in  his  treatment 
of  those  who  had  abjured  Christ  during  the  perse- 
cution. In  accordance  with  the  well-established 
custom  in  the  Church,  Cyprian  refused  to  allow  the 
"lapsed"  to  return  to  the  fold  before  they  had 
performed  the  prescribed  penance.  Not  even  those 
who  had  received  "  libelli  "  from  the  martyrs  and 
confessors  were  exempt  from  this  decree.  Under 
the  leadership  of  Novatus  a  strong  party  was  formed 
in  opposition  to  Cyprian.  In  defiance  of  Cyprian 
Novatus  and  his  followers  received  the  "lapsed" 
without  imposing  the  customary  penances.  In  a 
council  of  the  African  bishops  Cyprian  excommuni- 
cated the  schismatics,  who  in  retaliation  proceeded 
to  have  one  of  their  number,  Fortunatus,  consecrated 
as  head  of  the  See  of  Carthage.^   With  a  view  to 

^  Hergenrother,  Kirchengeschichte,  vol.  i,  pp.  280  seq. ;  Blanc, 
Cours  d'Histoire  Ecclesiasdgue,  vol.  i,  p.  303  j  Hefele,  Concilien- 
geschichte,  vol.  i,  p.  111. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  107 

enlisting  as  mucli  aid  as  possible,  Novatus  went  to 
Rome,  where  a  similar  schism  was  in  existence,  with 
the  difference  that  there  the  schismatics  accused  the 
bishop  of  undue  laxity.  Headed  by  Novatian,  this 
party  had  attempted  to  prevent  the  election  of  Pope 
Cornelius  on  the  ground  that  he  had  shown  himseK 
too  lenient  to  the  apostates.  The  learning  and 
blameless  life  of  Novatian  had  drawn  many  priests 
to  his  standard,  and  by  the  dissemination  of 
calumnies  regarding  Cornelius  he  finally  induced 
three  Italian  bishops  to  consecrate  him  Bishop  of 
Rome.  By  a  strange  perversity,  Novatus  threw  in 
his  lot  with  the  Novatians.  The  schism  assumed  such 
alarming  proportions  that  Synods  were  held,  encyc- 
lical letters  exchanged,  and  various  other  means 
adopted  to  check  the  growing  disorder.^  A  reversal 
of  Valerian's  policy,  however,  soon  put  an  end  to  the 
strife.  After  years  of  toleration  the  Emperor  had 
decided  to  take  up  the  unfinished  work  of  Decius 
and  uproot  Christianity  from  his  dominions.  In  the 
face  of  greater  dangers  the  Christians  forgot  their 
differences.  The  ban  of  proscription  must  have 
found  them  unprepared.  "  It  is  wonderful,"  says 
Denis  of  Alexandria,  "  what  took  place  in  Valerian, 
and  especially  when  we  consider  the  condition  of 
the  man  before  this,  how  kind  and  friendly  he  was 

^  Hergenrother,  Kirchengeschichte,  vol.  i,  pp.  280  seq.  ;  Blanc, 
Cours  d'Histoire  Ecclesiastique^  vol.  i,  p.  303 ;  Hefele,  Concilien- 
geschichte,  vol.  i,  p.  111. 


108  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

towards  the  pious.  For  never  was  there  any  of  the 
Emperors  before  hini  so  favorably  and  benevolently 
disposed  towards  them ;  not  even  those  who  were 
openly  said  to  be  Christians,  so  plainly  received  them, 
with  such  excessive  civility  and  friendship  as  he  did 
in  the  commencement  of  his  reign.  All  his  house  was 
likewise  filled  with  pious  persons,  and  was  indeed  a 
congregation  of  the  Lord."  ^ 

This  account  fits  in  admirably  with  what  we  know 
of  the  character  of  Valerian.  A  man  of  high  moral 
purpose  and  blameless  life,  what  more  natural  than 
that  he  should  be  attracted  by  the  virtues  and  irre- 
proachable conduct  so  strikingly  manifested  by  the 
Christians.  The  instinctive  regard  for  personal 
worth  which  led  him  to  promote  none  but  the  de- 
serving would  also  guide  him  in  the  selection  of 
those  who  were  to  compose  his  household,  among 
whom  it  is  not  astonishing  that  there  were  many 
Christians.  Valerian,  though  he  wished  to  decline 
the  office  of  censor,  was  doubtless  in  sympathy  with 
the  plan  of  Decius,  and  must  have  felt  that  the  first 
step  in  the  restoration  of  the  old  Roman  glory  was 
to  abolish  the  vice  and  corruption  which  were  de- 
stroying private  virtue  and  public  honor.  Besides 
these,  other  influences  may  have  been  at  work.  His 
court  was  the  home  of  the  eclectic  philosophy  of  the 
period,  and  if  his  daughter-in-law  was  a  Christian, 

1  Ep.  ad  Hermammon ;  Euseb.,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  vii,  10. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  109 

she  was  doubtless  also  a  Christian  advocate.^  The 
very  wording  of  his  decree  against  the  Christians 
when  he  undertook  to  persecute  them,  the  fact  that 
the  Caesariani  are  expressly  mentioned,  is  proof 
positive  that  the  Christians  of  Caesar's  household 
were  at  least  numerous  enough  to  deserve  the  desig- 
nation of  a  church.2 

A  question  very  naturally  arises  here.  If  Vale- 
rian was  brought  into  such  intimate  relations  with 
the  Christians  and  had  extended  to  them  such  sig- 
nal marks  of  favor,  what  could  have  induced  him  to 
proscribe  them  ?  The  answer  is  furnished  by  Denis 
of  Alexandria,  who  says :  "  But  the  master  and 
chief  ruler  of  the  Egyptian  Magi  (Maorianus) 
persuaded  him  to  abandon  this  course,  exhorting 
him  to  persecute  and  slay  these  pure  and  holy  men 
as  enemies  and  obstacles  to  their  wicked  and  detest- 
able incantations.  For  there  were  and  still  are  men 
who,  by  their  very  presence  or  when  seen,  and  only 
breathing  and  speaking,  are  able  to  dissipate  the 
artifices  of  wicked  demons.  But  he  suggested  to 
him  to  study  rites  of  initiation,  and  abominable 
arts  of  sorcery,  to  perform  execrable  sacrifices,  to 
slay  unhappy  infants,  and  to  sacrifice  the  children 
of  wretched  fathers,  and  to  search  the  bowels  of  new- 
born  babes,  and  to  mutilate  and  dismember  the 

^  Allard,  Les  Demieres  Perslcutions  du  Troisieme  Steele,  p.  36. 
2  iKK\r)<Tia  is  the  word  used  by  Denis,  loc.  cit. 


110  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

creatures  of  God  as  if  by  doing  this  they  should 
obtain  great  felicity."  ^ 

This  explanation  of  Valerian's  change  of  attitude 
towards  the  Christians  has  met  with  scorn  and  ridi- 
cule from  many  later  writers.  M.  Aube,  in  particu- 
lar, has  taken  great  pains  to  show  that  it  is  worthy 
of  no  credence,  and  utterly  incompatible  with  the 
general  tone  of  Roman  life  and  inconsistent  with  the 
character  of  Macrianus.  In  the  opinion  of  M.  Aube, 
"  Macrianus  was  one  of  the  principal  men  in  the 
entourage  of  Valerian.  He  was  a  man  important  as 
well  by  his  rank  and  his  enormous  wealth  as  by  his 
notable  services  to  the  State.  His  courage  had  mer- 
ited for  him  the  highest  honors  in  the  army,  and  his 
reputation  was  that  of  an  honest  and  brave  man. 
When  Valerian  set  out  for  the  war  with  the  Per- 
sians, he  wrote  to  the  Senate  that  he  had  entrusted 
the  care  of  the  Republic  to  Macrianus.  After  260, 
when  Valerian  was  taken  prisoner,  Macrianus  took 
the  purple  on  the  invitation  of  BaUista,  one  of  the 
few  honest  men  of  the  time.  His  soldiers  cried  out 
that  there  was  no  one  more  fit  to  govern  the  Empire 
on  which  Gallienus  had  brought  dishonor.  This  is 
the  arch-magician  of  whom  Denis  speaks,  —  the 
pretended  immolator  of  infants."  ^ 

This  summary  of  the  character  and  achievements 

^  Denis,  loc.  cit. 

2  L'Eglise  et  VEtat  dans  la  Seconde  Moitii  du  Troisieme  Siechj 
p.  337. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  111 

of  Macrianus,  which  M.  Aube  considers  sufficient 
reason  for  branding  the  account  of  a  contemporary- 
witness  as  a  collection  of  "  the  sayings  of  the  terri- 
fied and  angry  Christians,  who  hid  in  caves  and  re- 
galed themselves  with  the  most  ridiculous  and  most 
foolish  rumors,"^  is  taken  from  the  Augustan  His- 
tory. In  his  zeal  to  exonerate  Macrianus,  M.  Aube 
has  altogether  mistaken  or  misunderstood  the  words 
of  PoUio. 

In  the  first  place  great  stress  is  laid  on  the  fact 
that  Macrianus  received  from  the  soldiers  under 
his  command  the  honor  of  a  nomination  to  the 
throne.  This  was  not  an  extraordinary  occurrence 
at  that  time,  and  gives  no  indication  whatsoever  as 
to  his  character.  The  way  to  the  throne  was  easy 
when  the  supreme  power  was  in  the  hands  of  a  man 
whose  manifest  unfitness  for  affairs  of  state  had 
merited  for  him  the  contempt  and  hatred  of  all 
classes  in  the  Empire.^  The  desire  to  supplant 
Gallienus  after  the  capture  of  his  father  was  so 
widespread  that  revolts  took  place  wherever  there 
were  large  bodies  of  troops.  So  many  were  ad- 
vanced at  this  time  that  the  names  of  all  are  not 
known  to  history.^   The  rapidity  with  which  some 

1  Ibid. 

2  Gallienum  non  solum  viri  sed  etiam  mulieres  contemptui 
haberent.   Pollio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  1. 

*  Tanta  obscuritas  eorum  hominum  fuit,  qui  ex  diversis  orbis 
partibus  ad  imperium  convolabant  .  .  .  uti  eorum  nee  nomina 
frequententur.   Ibid,  c.  1. 


112  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

of  these  ephemeral  rulers  were  deprived  of  life  by 
the  men  who  conferred  on  them  the  imperial  insig- 
nia would  even  indicate  that  in  many  cases  the 
soldiers  selected  their  leaders  from  the  office  as  a 
protest  against  Gallienus  rather  than  from  the  de- 
sire to  see  those  leaders  occupy  the  throne.  Victo- 
rinus  Junior  was  no  sooner  hailed  as  Caesar  than 
he  was  put  to  death.i  Marius  the  blacksmith  was 
so  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  his  own  soldiers  by 
reason  of  his  humble  origin  that  one  of  them  slew 
him  after  he  had  enjoyed  the  purple  for  three  days 
with  the  remark,  —  "  And  this  sword  he  made  him- 
self." 2  The  excellent  Saturninus,  on  the  day  he  re- 
ceived the  imperial  peplum,  warned  his  followers 
that  they  had  spoiled  a  good  soldier  to  make  a 
wretched  Emperor,  and  in  a  few  days  he  was  slain 
because  he  attempted  to  exercise  the  privileges  of 
his  office.^  In  such  circumstances  it  is  not  extraor- 
dinary that  Macrianus  was  among  the  number  of 
those  who  were  proclaimed  Emperor.  Pollio,  the 
only  author  who  speaks  of  that  event,  has  nothing 
but  contempt  for  Macrianus'  actions  on  that  occa- 
sion. From  him  we  learn  that  after  Valerian  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  the  disloyalty 
of  the  soldiers  to  his  son  GaUienus  and  the  fact 


1  PoUio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  7. 

2  Hie  est  gladius  quern  ipse  fecit.   Ibid.  c.  8. 
8  Ibid.  c.  23. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  113 

that  a  usurper  had  already  appeared  in  the  person 
of  Aureolus  rendered  it  imperative  that  some  one 
should  be  selected  for  the  throne  who  would  be  ac- 
ceptable to  the  people  and  capable  of  carrying  on 
the  administration.  The  choice  lay  between  Bal- 
lista,  who  held  the  position  of  prefect  under  Vale- 
rian, and  Macrianus,  who  was  the  first  among  the 
duces.^  BaUista,  in  a  speech  which  has  been  pre- 
served by  one  of  his  auditors,^  deprecated  his  fitness 
for  the  position,  saying  to  Macrianus :  "  My  age, 
training,  and  my  desires  compel  me  to  refuse  the 
office,  because  I  cannot  deny  I  desire  a  good  ruler, 
who  is  capable  of  taking  the  place  of  Valerian,  a 
man  such  as  you  are,  brave,  constant,  honorable, 
well  tried  in  state  affairs,  and,  what  is  of  more  im- 
portance, rich.  Take  the  place  which  you  have  de- 
served, and  as  long  as  you  wish  it  let  me  be  your 
prefect."  In  his  reply  Macrianus  agreed  with  Bal- 
lista  as  to  the  qualifications  which  an  emperor  should 
possess  at  the  time,  but  pleaded  that  his  age  and 
infirmities  and  the  enjoyment  of  riches,  which  had 
long  before  withdrawn  him  from  the  career  of  a 
soldier,  proved  his  unfitness  for  such  arduous  duties. 
Younger  men  must  be  selected,  he  said,  not  one,  but 
two,  or  even  three,  who  would  restore  the  republic 
which  Valerian  through  fate,  and  Gallienus  by  his 

^  Primus  Ducum.   Pollio,  loc  cit.  c.  12. 

2  Maeoniua  Astyanax  qui  concilio  interfuit.    Ibid. 


114  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

dissolute  life,  had  lost.  The  hint  was  not  lost  on  Bal- 
lista.i  "  Give  us  your  sons,  Macrianus  and  Quietus," 
he  said ;  "  they  were  made  tribunes  by  Valerian,  and 
because  of  their  worth  they  will  never  be  safe  as 
long  as  GaUienus  rules."  Seeing  that  he  had  been 
understood,  Macrianus  acceded,  and  ordered  that 
the  soldiers  should  receive  double  wages,  to  be  paid 
out  of  his  private  purse.  The  safety  of  the  Empire 
no  longer  troubled  him.  He  left  the  East  in  a  state 
of  confusion  to  take  issue  with  GaUienus,  but  was 
slain  together  with  his  sons  in  lUyricum  or  Thrace, 
where  he  encountered  the  forces  of  Aureolus.  This 
episode  is  in  itseK  scarcely  sufficient  to  exonerate 
Macrianus  from  the  charges  made  against  him  by 
the  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  and  proves  nothing  more 
than  that  Macrianus  was  possessed  of  a  large 
amount  of  duplicity,  and  that  in  the  circumstances 
it  would  be  extraordinary  if  a  man  of  his  disposi- 
tion was  not  made  emperor.  The  encomiums  of 
Macrianus  came  from  one  who  did  not  possess  the 
most  essential  requisite  for  the  office,  namely  wealth, 
and  who  doubtless  knew  how  short  his  tenure  would 
be  when  a  rival  such  as  Macrianus  was  to  be  reck- 
oned with. 

Of  the  charge  that  Macrianus  was  chief  of  the 

^  Intellexit  eum  Ballista  sic  agere,  ut  de  filiis  suis  videretur 
cogitare.  Pollio,  loc  cit.  The  account  of  his  advancement  to  the 
throne  given  by  Denis  agrees  admirably  with  Pollio's  narrative. 
Eusebius,  loc.  cit.  vii,  10. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  115 

magicians  of  Egypt,  M.  Aube  has  this  to  say: 
"This  means  nothing  more  than  that  Macrianus 
belonged  to  the  little  body  of  enraged  conserva- 
tives of  the  time,  who  were  very  much  attached  to 
the  old  manners  and  customs  of  the  Empire,  and 
especially  to  the  religious  customs  of  their  ances- 
tors, which  he  saw,  not  without  anger,  attacked 
and  destroyed  by  the  encroachments  and  the  pro- 
gress of  Christianity.  He  could  have  been  chief 
of  the  magicians  in  no  sense  except  that  he  was  a 
pagan,  zealous  to  fanaticism,  and  ready  to  shed 
blood  in  the  defence  of  law  and  order.  ...  If 
Macrianus  had  anything  to  do  with  the  matter,  as 
appears  from  the  testimony  of  Denis,  which  can  be 
interpreted  but  not  rejected,  it  was  by  his  private 
conversations,  by  his  advice,  by  the  influence  he 
possessed  over  Valerian.  Magic  had  nothing  to  do 
with  it."  1 

This  sununary  disposal  of  the  testimony  of  a 
contemporary  is  not  in  accord  with  some  well- 
known  facts  of  history,  which,  inasmuch  as  they 
tend  to  confirm  the  truth  of  what  Denis  says,  as 
well  as  for  the  light  they  cast  on  the  religious  tone 
of  the  age,  are  worth  examination.  Trebellius  Pol- 
lio  in  his  "  Life  of  Quietus  the  Son  of  Macrianus  " 
says  :  "  In  speaking  of  the  Macrian  family,  which 
stiU  flourishes,  it  would  be  improper  to  pass  over 

1  Aub^,  loc.  cit. 


116  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

in  silence  a  custom  which  is  peculiar  to  the  mem- 
bers of  this  family,  and  which  they  have  constantly 
observed.  The  men  always  have  their  rings  and 
silverware,  and  the  women  their  rings,  bracelets, 
and  all  their  adornments  engraved  with  the  image 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  even  at  this  date  the 
tunics,  girdles,  and  mantles  of  the  matrons  bear  the 
image  of  Alexander  in  embroidery  of  different  col- 
ored threads.  We  ourselves  saw  Cornelius  Marcus, 
a  man  of  this  family,  on  one  occasion  when  he  was 
giving  a  supper  in  the  temple  of  Hercules,  set 
before  the  Pontifex  an  amber  dish  containing  the 
image  of  Alexander  in  the  centre  and  his  history  in 
smaU  characters  around  the  border.  He  ordered 
that  the  dish  should  be  shown  to  all  present  who 
were  interested  in  the  great  commander.  I  mention 
these  things,  because  it  is  believed  that  all  who 
carry  an  image  of  Alexander  in  gold  or  silver  will 
be  aided  in  whatever  they  do."  ^ 

At  first  sight  it  may  appear  that  there  is  very 
little  connection  between  this  passage  and  the  state- 
ment of  Denis  of  Alexandria  that  Macrianus  was 
the  chief  of  the  magicians  of  Egypt.  The  venera- 
tion in  which  Alexander  was  held,  however,  could 
arise  from  no  cause  but  a  belief  in  his  divin- 
ity. Kinship  with  the  gods  Alexander  found  essen- 
tial to  his  scheme  of   a  world-empire  embracing 

1  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  14. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  117 

Greece,  Asia,  and  Egypt.^  These  latter  countries 
were  ruled  by  men  who  were  popularly  supposed 
to  be  descended  from  the  national  gods.^  Seeing 
the  impossibility  of  supplanting  rulers  with  such 
exalted  antecedents,  Alexander  conceived  the  idea 
of  establishing  divine  paternity  for  himself  and 
thus  becoming  the  equal  of  those  whose  thrones 
he  usurped.3  This  object  he  attained  in  Egypt.  He 
visited  the  oracle  and  temple  of  Ammon  in  the 
oasis  of  Siwah  in  the  Libyan  desert,  and  was  de- 
clared the  son  of  Ammon-Ra  by  the  priests,  after 
the  oracle  had  spoken  and  proclaimed  his  celestial 
descent.^  Even  during  his  lifetime  Alexander  re- 
ceived divine  honors,  and  when  he  died  he  was  wor- 
shipped throughout  the  whole  Empire  which  he 
had  founded.^  Among  the  Greeks  he  was  accorded 
a  place  in  high  Oljmipus.    His  statues  were  placed 

^  Cf.  Beurlier,  De  Dioinis  Honoribus  quos  acceperunt  Alexander 
et  successores  ejus,  p.  25. 

2  La  noblesse  de  chaque  membre  d'une  luaison  pharaonique  et 
ses  titres  k  la  couronne  se  mesuraient  sur  la  quantite  de  sang  divin 
qu'il  pouvait  prouver.  G.  Maspero,  ' '  Comment  Alexandre  devint 
Dieu  en  Egypte,"  Annuaire  de  VEcole  Pratique  des  Hautes 
Etudes,  p.  19,  Paris,  1897  ;  Beurlier,  loc.  cit. 

^  Prudentis  sane  viri  erat  et  in  arte  imperandi  exercitatissimi, 
se  illis  parem  praestare  quorum  in  locum  succedebat.  Beurlier, 
ibid.  p.  26. 

*  The  account  of  this  expedition  is  found  in  two  contemporane- 
ous writers,  Ptolemy  and  Callisthenes.  Vide  Muller-Didot,  Scrip- 
tores  Rerum  Alexandri  Magni ;  Maspero,  loc.  cit.,  for  literature  and 
description  of  the  journey  and  Apotheosis  of  Alexander. 

^  Beurlier,  loc  cit.  pp.  7  et  seq. ;  pp.  27  et  seq. 


118  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

in  the  temples,  groves  were  dedicated  to  him,  festi- 
val days  were  appointed,  and  sacred  games  insti- 
tuted in  his  honor.  The  Seleucidae,  Ptolemies,  and 
the  kings  of  Pergamus  and  Bactria  all  looked  to 
Alexander  as  the  founder  of  their  dynasties,  and 
nimabered  him  among  their  national  deities.^  In 
Egypt,  especially,  the  most  vigorous  efforts  were 
made  to  place  the  worship  of  Alexander  at  the 
head  of  the  national  cult.  During  the  reign  of 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus  a  priest  was  appointed  for 
the  purpose  of  offering  sacrifices  to  Alexander.^ 
The  institution  thus  established  was  continued  in 
the  succeeding  reigns.  These  priests  of  Alexander 
were  accorded  the  first  place  in  the  kingdom.  They 
wore  golden  crowns  and  purple  garments,  and  their 
persons  were  inviolable.  Their  signature  was  neces- 
sary to  give  authority  to  the  decrees  of  the  Egyp- 
tian priests  or  for  the  validity  of  private  contracts. 
The  Koman  conquests  necessarily  robbed  this  priest- 
hood of  its  authority,  but  it  is  not  by  any  means 
improbable  that   Macrianus   may  have   been  de- 

1  In  the  monograph  already  cited  M.  Benrlier  has  collected  all 
the  references  in  early  authors  bearing  on  the  subject  of  Alexan- 
der's divinity.  He  shows  that  this  worship  was  as  wide  as  the 
kingdom  founded  by  Alexander,  and  that  it  was  maintained  by 
his  successors  in  the  various  divisions  into  which  the  empire  fell : 
Macedonia,  p.  36 ;  Ptolemies,  pp.  46  seq. ;  Seleucidae,  p.  86 ;  At- 
tali,  p.  89 ;  Commageni,  pp.  108  seq. ;  Bactriani,  Parthiani,  pp. 
117  seq. 

2  Beurlier,  loc.  cit.  p.  59. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  119 

scended  from  a  man  who  once  held  the  position  of 
priest  of  Alexander,  or  that  he  may  have  been  the 
head  of  the  then  existing  cult.  This  latter  sup- 
position is  strengthened  by  the  similarity  between 
the  title  so  frequently  given  to  the  priests  of  Alex- 
ander, apxL€pev?,  and  the  epithet  which  Denis  applies 

to  Macrianus,  apxi-cvvdyoyyo';.^ 

The  worship  of  a  god  of  Egypt  and  the  observ- 
ance of  Egyptian  rites  is  in  itself  sufficient  proof 
that  Macrianus  was  addicted  to  magic.^  The  curved 
ram's  horns  which  marked  the  coins  of  Alexander 
show  that  he  had  adopted  the  symbols  of  his  pre- 
tended ancestor  Ammon,  and  the  title  Macedo,  which 
these  coins  bear,  may  have  some  connection  with 
the  Egyptian  god  Macedo,  whose  jackal-head  is 
also  seen  together  with  the  other  symbolic  device 
of  the  horn.3  The  wearing  of  amulets  bearing  an 
image  of  Alexander,  which  Pollio  attributes  to  the 
Macrian  family,  was  a  magical  practice  which  St. 
John  Ohrysostom  found  it  necessary  to  reprobate 
among  the  Christians  of  Antioch  at  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century.* 


1  Beiirlier,  loc.  cit.  pp.  60  seq.  Eusebius,  Life  of  Constantine,  iv, 
25,  relates  that  Constantine  abolished  the  priesthood  of  Egypt 
because  of  their  abominable  practices. 

2  Maspero,  Histoire  Ancienne  des  Peuples  de  V Orient  Classique. 
^  Rawlinson,  History  of  Ancient  Egypt,  vol.  i,  p.  340  ;  Birch, 

Manners  and  Customs  of  Ancient  Egypt,  vol.  iii,  p.  161. 
*  Ad  Illumin.  Catech.  2,  Migne,  P.  G.  vol.  xlix,  p.  240. 


120  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  high  estimate  of  Macrianus'  character  shown 
by  Valerian  in  the  letter  which  he  addressed  to 
the  Senate  when  setting  out  for  the  Persian  war 
proves  conclusively  that  at  this  time  the  Emperor 
was  completely  under  the  control  of  his  favorite.^ 
It  would  be  easy  in  these  circumstances  to  induce 
the  old  Emperor  to  offer  sacrifices  to  the  god  whom 
the  Greeks  had  invoked  five  centuries  before  when 
their  country  was  being  overrun  by  the  Gauls.^  If 
human  sacrifices  were  necessary,  there  was  nothing 
in  this  repugnant  to  the  Caesars.  At  the  sugges- 
tion of  Chaldean  magicians,  the  philosopher  Marcus 
Aurehus  slew  a  gladiator  in  order  that  the  erring 
Faustina  might  be  cured  of  her  infatuation  by  bath- 
ing in  his  blood.  ^  Elagabalus  surrounded  himself 
with  magicians  of  all  kinds,  and  encouraged  their 
brutal  rites  to  the  extent  of  slaughtering  children 
for  purposes  of  augury.  By  a  refinement  of  cruelty 
he  sacrificed  none  but  children  of  noble  birth,  whose 
fathers  and  mothers  were  alive,  in  order  that  the 

^  Ego,  p.  c,  bellum  Persicum  gerens  Macriano  totam  rem  p. 
credidi  et  quidem  a  parte  militari.  Ille  vobis  fidelis,  ille  mihi 
devotus,  ilium  et  amat  et  timet  miles,  ille  utcumque  res  exegerit, 
cum  exercitibus  agit.  Nee,  p.  c.,  nova  vel  inopina  nobis  sunt : 
pueri  ejus  virtus  in  Italia,  adulescentis  in  Gallia,  juvenis  in  Thra- 
cia,  in  Africa  jam  provecti,  senescentis  denique  in  Illyrico  et 
Dalmatia  conprobata  est,  cum  in  diversis  proeliis  ad  exemplum 
fortiter  faceret.  Hue  accedit  quod  habet  juvenes  filios,  Romano 
dignus  collegio,  nostra  dignus  amicitia.   PoUio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  12. 

2  Cf.  Beurlier,  loc.  cit.  p.  29  ;  Justin,  xxiv,  5,  10. 

^  Julius  Capitolinus,  Vita  Marci  Anton  Philos.  c.  19. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  121 

death  of  the  children  might  cause  the  greater  grief  .^ 
A  few  years  after  the  time  of  Valerian  one  of  his 
successors,  Aurelian,  during  a  war  with  the  Mar- 
comanni,  ordered  that  the  Sibylline  books  should 
be  consulted,  and  promised  that,  if  sacrifices  were 
necessary  to  propitiate  the  angry  deities,  he  would 
supply  prisoners  of  war  for  the  purpose.^  The 
horrid  rites  practised  under  Diocletian,  when  the 
augurs  cut  open  living  Christian  women  and  chil- 
dren to  find  out  the  will  of  the  fates,  are  too  well 
known  to  need  more  than  a  passing  mention.^ 

These  considerations  enable  us  to  understand 
why  it  was  that  Denis  of  Alexandria  could  make 
such  grave  charges  against  the  quondam  friend  of 
his  co-religionists,  and  prove  that,  revolting  as  these 
charges  are,  they  were  in  keeping  with  the  times 
and  the  people. 

The  deplorable  state  of  ruin  and  disorder  into 

^  Cecidit  et  humanaa  hostias,  lectis  ad  hoc  pueris  nobilibus  et 
decoris  per  omnem  Italian  patrimis  et  matrimis,  credo  ut  major 
esset  utrique  parent!  dolor.  Omne  denique  magornm  genus  aderat 
illi  operabaturque  cottidie,  hortante  illo  et  gratias  dis  agente,  quod 
amicos  eorum  inveniaset,  cum  inspiceret  exta  puerilia,  et  ex- 
cruciaret  hostias  ad  ritum  gentilem  suum.  Lampridius,  Vita 
Heliogab.  c.  8. 

2  Miror  vos,  patres  sancti,  tamdiu  de  aperiendis  Sibyllinis  du- 
bitasse  libris,  proinde  quasi  in  Christianorum  ecclesia,  non  in 
templo  deorum  omniiim  tractaretis.  .  .  .  Inspiciantur  libri;  si 
quae  facienda  fuerint,  celebrentur:  quemlibet  sumptum,  cujus- 
libet  gentis  captos,  quaelibet  animalia  regia  non  abnuo  sed  libena 
offero.    Vopiscus,  Vita  Aureliani,  c.  20. 

^  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  viii,  14. 


122  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

which  the  Empire  was  daily  sinking  would  natu- 
rally make  a  man  of  Valerian's  temperament  more 
susceptible  to  the  influence  of  such  persons  as 
Macrianus.  Chaos  reigned  everywhere.  Each  new 
calamity  or  fresh  attack  by  the  barbarians  was  re- 
garded as  signal  proof  of  the  anger  of  the  guardian 
deities  of  Rome,  who  withdrew  their  aid  and  sent 
these  visitations  as  a  punishment  for  the  derelic- 
tion of  the  Christians.^  These  superstitious  ideas 
were  strengthened  by  the  conviction  that  Chris- 
tianity was  incompatible  with  the  old  order  and 
inimical  to  the  permanence  of  Roman  institutions. 
This  conviction,  which  had  years  before  found  ex- 
pression in  the  codification  of  the  laws  against  the 
Christians  by  Ulpian,  reached  its  culmination  in 
the  sweeping  edict  which  came  from  the  hands  of 
Decius,  and  which  aimed  at  the  complete  eradica- 
tion of  the  Christian  religion.  Decius  himself  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  he  would  rather  see  a 
rival  Emperor  in  the  field  than  another  Pope  in 
Rome.2  With  the  new  needs  forced  on  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Roman  authorities  by  the  general  decay, 
a  new  factor  entered  into  the  relations  between 

^  Cum  dicas  plurimos  conqueri  et  quod  bella  crebrius  surgant, 
quod  lues,  quod  fames  saeviant,  quodque  imbres  et  pluvias  serena 
longa  suspendant  nobis  imputari.  Cyprian,  Ad  Bemet.  2.  Disdsti 
per  nos  fieri,  et  quod  nobis  debeant  imputari  omnia  ista  quibus 
nunc  mundus  quatitur  et  urguetur,  quod  dii  vestri  a  nobis  non 
colautur.   Ibid.  3. 

2  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  52. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  123 

Christianity  and  the  State.^  Political  expediency 
clamored  for  reform,  for  a  restoration  of  the  old 
"  mores  "  as  the  only  means  of  salvation  for  the 
Empire.  To  all  schemes  of  reform,  Christianity 
was  an  insuperable  barrier.  The  old  theocratic 
ideas  of  government  were  still  in  force,  and  though 
the  Christians  might  not  be  compelled  to  renounce 
their  own  God,  they  could  never  be  anything  but 
outlaws  as  long  as  they  refused  homage  to  the  gods 
of  Rome  .2 

In  addition  to  these  legal,  religious,  and  political 
motives  for  the  extinction  of  Christianity,  the  per- 
secution of  the  Church  and  the  confiscation  of  her 
property  seemed  to  promise  relief  from  the  financial 
burden  which  was  threatening  the  ruin  of  the  Em- 
pire.2  The  mass  of  the  people  were  paupers  and  the 
government  bankrupt.  False  economic  principles, 
civil  wars,  the  spoliation  of  whole  provinces  by  in- 
vaders,  and  the  debasing  of  the    currency^  had 

1  Schiller  is  of  opinion  that  this  policy  originated  with  Max- 
iminus.  Die  bewusste  und  politisch  geplante  Yerf  olgung  beginnt 
erst  mit  dem  Kaiser,  der  die  starkste  Reaktion  gegen  das  Senats- 
kaisertum  und  die  Kompromisspolitik  seines  Vorgangers  herbei- 
fiihrte,  unter  Maximinus.  Geschichte  der  Romiscken  Eaiserzeit, 
vol.  i,  pt.  2,  p.  902. 

2  Of.  Allard,  Hist,  des  Persecutions  pendant  la  Premiere  MoitU 
du  Troisieme  Siecle,  pp.  273-291. 

^  Schiller,  loc.  cit.  vol.  i,  p.  890. 

*  Der  aureus,  die  Goldmiinze,  welche  eigentlich  6,  55  Gramm 
fein  Gold  enthalten  soUte,  wurde  eine  Ware  und  enthielt  nur  5-6 
Gramra  ;  die  Silbormiinye  sank  um  das  Jahr  256  in  ihrem  Feinge- 


124  THE.  VALERIAN   PERSECUTION 

ruined  commerce  and  agriculture,  impoverished  the 
people,  and  had  thus  cut  off  aU  sources  of  revenue. 
The  prodigality  and  luxury  of  the  court  and  the  in- 
cessant demands  made  on  the  public  treasury  had 
long  since  exhausted  whatever  reserve  funds  the 
government  could  command,  and  inasmuch  as  the 
custom  of  borrowing  money  on  the  national  credit 
had  never  been  adopted,  there  were  no  resources  at 
hand  for  the  prosecution  of  the  many  wars  which 
the  salvation  of  the  Empire  demanded. 

In  striking  contrast  to  this  state  of  public  insol- 
vency was  the  apparent  prosperity  of  the  Church.  It 
was  always  possessed  of  sufficient  means  to  support 
the  clergy,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  services  in  the 
churches,  and  to  maintain  the  cemeteries.  Large 
sums  were  needed  to  carry  on  the  manifold  charities 
of  the  churches.  These  were  obtained  through  vol- 
imtary  contributions,^  the  donations  of  wealthy  con- 

halte  von  50-40  Prozent  auf  20-5  Prozent  und  wurde  nicht  bloss 
mit  Kupfer  legiert,  sondem  zum  Teil  infolge  der  in  den  kaiser- 
lichen  Miinzstatten  herrschenden  Unterschlief  e  des  Personals  durch 
reichlichen  Zusatz  von  Blei,  Zinn  und  Zink  verunreinigt ;  alle 
Glaubiger  und  Stiftungen  mussten  zugrunde  geheu,  wenn  mit 
diesem  Gelde  die  Schulden  abgezahlt  werden  konnten.  Die  Kupf er- 
miinze  endlich,  woraus  der  Staat  den  meisten  Gewinn  ziehen  muss 
und  kann,  war  selten  geworden  und  wertvoUer  als  das  Pseudosil- 
ber  (Weisskupfer),  und  wo  sie  noch  auftrat,  wurde  sie  zuriiekge- 
halten  und  vergraben,  obgleich  sie  an  Gewicht  auf  die  Halfte, 
gesunken  oder  nur  beschnitten  im  Kurse  war.  Schiller,  loc.  cit. 
p.  843. 

1  St.  Justin,  Apol  i,  67. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  125 

verts,!  weekly  collections,^  and  a  monthly  tax.^  Out 
of  the  funds  thus  provided  the  poor,  the  widows, 
and  the  orphans  were  supported,*  those  who  could 
not  earn  a  livelihood  or  who  had  lost  their  means 
of  support  by  becoming  Christians  were  aided,^  free- 
dom was  purchased  for  Christian  slaves,  and  Chris- 
tian captives  ransomed.  Large  sums  were  necessary 
to  carry  out  these  schemes  of  charity.^  In  the  time 
of  Pope  Cornelius  fifteen  hundred  poor  people, 
widows,  and  orphans,  were  supported  by  the  Church 
in  Rome ;  ^  and  at  a  later  date  three  thousand  were 
cared  for  by  the  Church  in  Antioch.^  Nor  was  the 
liberality  of  particular  churches  confined  to  its  own 
members.  St.  Cyprian  collected  100,000  sesterces 
(about  $5000)  in  the  Church  of  Carthage  for  the 
ransom  of  Christians  in  Numidia ;  ^  and  Pope  St. 
Stephen  supplied  with  necessaries  the  churches  in 

^  When  Marcion  left  the  Church,  the  sum  of  200  sesterces,  which 
he  had  g^ven  at  his  baptism,  was  restored  to  him.  Tertullian,  De 
Praescr.  30 ;  Adv.  Mar.  iv,  4.  St.  Cyprian  sold  his  gai-dens  on 
the  day  of  his  baptism  and  presented  the  proceeds  to  the  Church. 
Pontivis,  Vita  Cypr.  c.  2. 

2  Offerings  made  during  the  celebration  of  the  mass. 

8  Tertullian,  Apol.  c.  39. 

^  The  names  of  those  who  were  to  receive  aid  were  kept  in  a 
special  register.  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  41. 

^  St.  Cyprian  offered  to  support  a  converted  actor  until  such 
time  as  he  could  provide  for  himself  in  a  way  sanctioned  by  the 
Church.   St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  61. 

6  Con.  Ap.  iv,  9.  "^  Eusebius,  loc.  cit.  vi,  43. 

®  Chrysostom,  Horn.  66  in  Matt.  Hi. 

»  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  59. 


126  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  provinces  of  Syria  and  Arabia.^  Some  isolated 
attacks  on  the  Christians  in  Kome  which  took  place 
before  the  promulgation  of  any  edict  show  clearly 
that  Valerian's  good  will  towards  the  followers  of 
Christ  was  changing  little  by  little  to  hatred.  Cu- 
pidity was  manifestly  the  motive  for  these  attacks. 
A  wealthy  Greek  family  2  consisting  of  two  brothers, 
Hippolytus  and  Hadrias,  and  the  latter's  wife, 
Paulina,  and  their  two  children,  Neo  and  Maria,  after 
a  stormy  voyage  by  sea  in  which  they  vowed  sacri- 
fices to  the  Stygian  Jupiter  if  they  were  saved,  be- 
came Christians  shortly  after  their  arrival  in  Rome.^ 
Hippolytus  was  the  first  to  renounce  paganism,  and 
after  his  conversion  he  commenced  to  lead  the  life 
of  a  solitary  in  a  grotto,  where  he  devoted  himself 
to  the  work  of  preparing  cemeteries  for  the  faith- 
ful either  by  working  with  the  Fossores  or  having 

^  Eusebius,  loc.  cit.  vii,  5. 

2  De  Rossi  has  been  at  considerable  pains  to  elucidate  the  many 
difficulties  which  centre  around  this  group  of  martyrs  known  only 
through  u4cf a  of  doubtful  value,  and  a  few  Epigrammata.  Aub^ 
says  of  the  Acta :  Sont  absolument  ddnu^s  d'autorit^.  L^Eglise  et 
VEtat,  p.  332.  Dufourcq  says :  II  est  infiniment  probable  que 
I'^pigramme,  et  les  gestes  qu'elle  cite,  sont  ant^rieurs  k  Symmaque 
(499-514),  ou  en  sont  contemporains.  Gesta  Martyrum  Bomains, 
p.  301.  Cf .  De  Rossi,  Eom.  Sott.  tom.  iii,  pp.  208-213,  for  a  critical 
discussion  of  the  whole  subject. 

^  Olim  sacrUegam  quam  misit  Graecia  turbam, 
Martyrii  meritis  nimc  decorata  nitet. 
Quae  medio  pelagi  votum  miserabile  fecit, 
Reddere  funereo  dona  nefando  Jovi. 

Epig.  78.  Ihm. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  127 

the  work  done  by  others  at  his  expense.^  One  by 
one  the  remaining  members  of  the  family  were  con- 
verted. They  were  instructed  in  the  Christian  faith 
by  Eusebius,  a  priest,  and  Marcellus,  a  deacon,  and 
received  baptism  from  the  hand  of  Pope  St.  Stephen. 
Their  eagerness  to  observe  all  the  Gospel  precepts 
led  them  to  renounce  their  earthly  possessions,  which 
they  distributed  among  the  Christian  poor.  This 
attracted  the  attention  of  Maximus,  prefect  of  the 
city,  who  conveyed  the  information  to  the  Emperor 
or  his  representatives  and  had  the  Christians  ar- 
rested on  a  charge  of  attempting  to  subvert  the 
pagan  worship.^  The  entire  family,  together  with 
Eusebius  and  Marcellus,  were  summoned  before  the 
tribimal  to  answer  this  accusation.  The  same  ques- 
tion asked  of  each  one  —  "  Whence  did  you  pro- 
cure this  enormous  wealth  and  all  this  money  with 
which  you  seduce  the  people  ?  "  —  shows  that  a  sus- 
picion existed  in  the  minds  of  the  Roman  authori- 
ties of  some  immense  fund  available  as  a  means  to 
an  active  Christian  propaganda.  The  examination 
elicited  nothing  confirmatory  of  such  a  belief.    AJl 

^  Quem  monachi  ritn  tenuit  spelunca  latentem, 
Christicolis  gregibus  dulce  cubile  parans. 

Ibid. 
2  Divulgatiun  est  Valeriano  a  qaodam  Maximo  prefecto  urbis. 
Passio ;  De  Rossi,  Bom.  Sott.  torn,  iii,  p.  206.  On  the  importance  of 
this  mention  of  Maximus  in  regard  to  the  date,  vide  de  Rossi,  loc. 
cit.  p.  211.  Allard,  Xes  Dernieres  Persecutions  du  Troisieme  Siecle, 
p.  44,  note ;  Duf ourcq,  loc.  cit.  p.  181. 


128  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  accused  boldly  confessed  their  faith  and  were 
put  to  death.  Paulina,  the  first  to  suffer,  was  buried 
in  a  cemetery  on  the  Appian  Way,  one  mile  from 
Rome,  where  they  used  to  hold  their  meetings.^  The 
children,  Neo  and  Maria,  were  decapitated  in  the 
presence  of  Hippolytus  and  Hadrias,  who  were 
themselves  executed  shortly  afterwards  and  buried 
with  Paulina  and  her  children  in  the  same  ceme- 
tery on  the  Appian  Way.  An  agent  of  the  prefect, 
named  Maximus,  who  had  been  appointed  to  watch 
the  Christians,  became  a  convert  himself,  and  paid 
for  his  faith  with  his  life. 

To  this  period  in  all  probability  must  be  assigned 
the  martyrdom  of  the  Christian  spouses,  Chrysan- 
thus  and  Daria.^  A  convert  himself,  Chrysanthus 
became  a  very  eager  apostle  of  Christianity  and, 

1  Sepelivit  Via  Appia,  ex  praecepto  S.  Stephani  episcopi,  millia- 
rio  ab  iirbe  Roma  primo,  juxta  corpora  sanctorum  in  arenario  ubi 
frequenter  conveniebant.  Passio.  The  place  of  burial  is  discussed 
by  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  torn,  i,  pp.  262  seq. ;  tom.  ii,  pp.  180-184  ; 
and  the  date  by  Dufourcq,  loc.  cit.  p.  181. 

2  The  "  paleographical  traditions  "  are  unanimous  in  assigning 
this  martyrdom  to  the  reign  of  Numerian.  Vide  Dufourcq,  loc.  cit. 
p.  226.  Most  commentators,  however,  assume  that  the  word  Nu- 
merianus  is  a  copyist's  error  for  Valerianus.  For  authorities,  vide 
Allard,  loc.  cii.  p.  46,  note.  While  admitting  that  the  topo- 
graphical indications  in  the  Acta  have  been  confirmed  by  the 
Itineraries  and  by  the  discoveries  of  archaeologists,  M,  Dufourcq 
{loc.  cit.  p.  226)  is  of  opinion  that  the  later  date  —  time  of  Nume- 
rian —  cannot  easily  be  set  aside.  But  as  Numerian  while  em- 
peror never  visited  Rome,  he  comes  to  the  conclusion  that,  "  Un 
redacteur  a  combing  une  tradition  de  Constantinople  avec  una 
tradition  Salarienne.'*    Loc.  cit.  p.  227. 


RENEWAL  OF  CONFLICT  129 

according  to  the  Acta,  before  his  death  saw  many 
of  those  to  whom  he  had  brought  the  knowledge  of 
Christ  die  by  the  sword  for  the  faith.  After  suffer- 
ing many  indignities  and  cruelties,  Chrysanthus  and 
his  wife  were  finally  buried  alive  in  an  arenarium 
on  the  Via  Salaria  Nova. 


CHAPTER  V 
FIRST  EDICT 

Text  lost  —  Reconstruction  from  Proconsular  Acts  of  St.  Cyprian 
and  letter  of  Denis  of  Alexandria  —  Clauses  of  edict  —  New 
spirit  in  anti-Cbristian  legislation  —  Abjuration  of  Christ 
not  required  —  Cemeteries  confiscated  —  Purpose  of  edict  — 
Aimed  principally  at  hierarchy  —  Effect  of  edict  —  St. 
Stephen  —  Tarcisius  —  Unknown  martyrs  of  the  crypt  of 
Chrysanthus  —  Cyprian  exiled  to  Curubis. —  Visited  by  many 
Christians  —  Vision  —  Letters  to  confessors  in  the  prisons  and 
mines  —  Suffering's  of  exiled  Christians  —  Aided  by  Cyprian 
and  Quirinus  —  Denis  of  Alexandria  —  Exiled  to  Kephron  — 
Makes  many  converts  —  General  survey. 

Whether  Valerian  yielded  himself  blindly  to  the 
influence  of  Macrianus,  or  whether  he  was  swayed 
by  political,  legal,  or  religious  motives,  a  decree  pro- 
mulgated about  the  middle  of  the  year  257,  bearing 
his  name  and  addressed  to  the  provincial  governors, 
shows  that  his  attitude  towards  the  followers  of 
Christ  had  undergone  a  complete  change.  It  is  very 
much  to  be  regretted  that  neither  the  edict  itself 
nor  the  instructions  which  accompanied  it  have 
come  down  to  us.    The  Proconsular  Acts  ^  of  St. 

^  The  documents  relating  to  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Cyprian  are 
two,  viz.  the  Acta  Proconsularia,  and  the  Vita  Cypriani  by  the 
deacon  Pontius.  Their  absolute  authenticity  is  beyond  question. 
Cf.  Paul  Monceaux,  "  Examen  Critique  dcs  Documents  rdlatifs 


FIRST  EDICT  131 

Cyprian  and  a  letter  of  Denis  of  Alexandria  wliich 
contains  an  account  of  his  trial  enable  us  to  recon- 
struct if  not  the  exact  phraselogy,  at  least  the  drift 
and  general  terms  of  this  enactment. 

The  Acts  of  St.  Cyprian  relate  that  on  the  third 
day  before  the  Kalends  of  September  (August  30), 
St.  Cyprian  was  summoned  to  the  private  office 
(secretarium)  of  the  proconsul  in  Carthage  to  be 
judged  by  Aspasius  Patemus  the  proconsul.  The 
following  conversation  took  place  :  — 

Aspasius  Paternus.  The  most  sacred  Em- 
perors Valerian  and  Gallienus  have  sent  me  letters 
in  which  they  command  that  persons  not  conform- 
ing to  the  Roman  religion  must  be  compelled  to 
practise  the  ceremonies.  I  have  inquired  regarding 
you.i   What  do  you  answer  ? 

Cyprian.  I  am  a  Christian  and  a  Bishop.  I  know 
no  gods  but  the  one  true  God,  who  made  the  hea- 
vens and  the  earth,  the  sea  and  all  they  contain. 
This  is  the  God  we  Christians  serve ;  we  pray  to 
Him  night  and  day  for  ourselves  and  for  all  men, 
and  for  the  safety  of  the  Emperors  themselves. 

au  Martyre  de  Saint  Cyprien,"  Bevue  ArcMologique,  S'"^  s^rie, 
tom.xxxviii  (1901),  pp.  249-271.  Of  the  Acta  Proconsularia,  M. 
Monceaux  says  :  ' '  On  n'en  a  jamais  mis  en  doute  la  parf aite 
authenticity.  On  s'accorde  k  le  considdrer  comme  I'un  des  r^cits 
martyrologiques  les  plus  dig-nes  de  foi,  les  plus  purs  de  toute  al- 
teration, meme  comme  le  type  par  excellence  de  cette  classe  de 
documents."    Loc.  cit.  p.  251. 

1  Exquisivi  de  nomine  tuo.    Acta,  c  1. 


132  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

Paternus.  Do  you  still  persevere  in  this  course  ? 

Cyprian.  It  is  not  possible  to  change  a  good 
resolution  known  to  God. 

Paternus.  WiU  it  be  possible  i  for  you  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  commands  of  the  Emperors  to 
go  as  an  exile  to  the  city  of  Curubis  ? 

Cyprian.  I  go. 

Paternus.  They  have  deigned  also  in  writing 
to  me  to  mention  priests  as  well  as  bishops.  I 
wish,  therefore,  to  know  from  you  the  names  of  the 
priests  who  are  in  this  city. 

The  proconsul's  previous  play  on  words  had 
brought  forth  no  answer  from  Cyprian.  Now  the 
lawyer  had  his  chance. 

Cyprian.  By  your  laws  you  have  well  and  wisely 
decreed  that  men  should  not  be  informers.^  There- 
fore I  win  neither  reveal  their  names  nor  betray 
them.    You  will  find  them  in  their  respective  cities. 

Paternus.  I  demand  their  names  to-day  and  in 
this  place. 

Cyprian.  Since  our  discipline  forbids  that  a  man 
should  voluntarily  surrender  himself,  and  since  such 
a  thing  is  repugnant  even  to  your  laws,  they  can- 


1  Bona  voluntas  quae  Deum  novit,  inunutari  non  potest  .... 
Poteris  ergo  secundum  mandatum,  etc.     Acta,  c.  1. 

2  Legibus  vestris  bene  atque  utiliter  censuistis,  delatores  non 
esse.  Ibid.  Trajan  {Ep.  ad  Plin.)  forbade  the  anonymous  delatio 
of  Christians.  Hadrian  was  still  stricter :  he  ordered  the  dela- 
tores to  be  punished.    See  page  42  above. 


FIRST  EDICT  133 

not  surrender  themselves,  but  if  you  search  for 
them,  they  will  be  found. 

Paternus.  They  will  be  caught. 

And  he  added :  It  is  furthermore  commanded 
that  you  hold  no  assemblies,  and  that  you  must  not 
enter  your  cemeteries.  Any  one  who  fails  to  observe 
this  salutary  precept  will  be  put  to  death. 

Cyprian.  Do  as  you  are  commanded. 

Then  Paternus  the  proconsul  gave  orders  that 
the  blessed  Cyprian  should  be  "  deported "  into 
exile.^ 

About  the  same  time  Denis  of  Alexandria  was 
summoned  before  the  Proconsul  Aemilianus.^  What 
took  place  at  the  trial  he  himself  relates  in  a  letter 

^  En  r^alit^,  ces  pr^tendus  Actes  Proconsulaires  se  composent 
de  trois  documents  distincts,  et  de  quelques  l^g^res  additions. 
Ces  trois  documents  sont :  1.  Le  proc^s-verbal  de  I'interrogatoire 
de  257  ;  2.  Le  proems- verbal  de  I'arrestation  de  Cyprien  et  du  sec- 
ond interrogatoire  en  septembre  258;  3.  Le  r^cit  du  martyre 
proprement  dit.    Monceaux,  loc.  cit.  p.  254. 

The  first  two  parts  are  undoubtedly  official  documents.  With- 
out assigning  any  reason  for  his  opinion,  M.  Monceaux  seems  to 
think  they  were  drawn  up  by  clerics  in  Carthage  {loc.  cit.).  It  is 
more  probable,  however,  that  they  were  taken  from  the  archives 
in  the  office  of  the  proconsul.  Cf.  Compte-rendu,  Analecta  Bollan- 
diana,  torn,  xx  (1901),  p.  473. 

2  During  the  reign  of  Gallienus  this  Aemilianus  became  one  of 
the  "  Thirty  Tyrants."  He  was  possessed  of  considerable  mili- 
tary genius,  and  after  being  forcibly  elected  to  the  purple,  he 
brought  the  whole  of  Egypt  and  the  Thebais  into  subjection  ;  for 
which  he  received  from  his  followers  the  name  of  Alexander  or 
Alexandrinus.  Theodotus,  one  of  Gallienus'  generals,  defeated 
him  and  cast  him  into  prison,  where  he  died  —  Strangulatus  in 
carcere  captivorum  veterum  more.     PoUio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  22. 


134  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

written  in  answer  to  Germanus,^  a  bishop  who 
had  endeavored  to  slander  him.  Fortunately  Denis 
is  careful  to  record  minutely  the  questions  and 
answers.  "  Listen,"  he  says,  "  to  the  very  words 
which  were  spoken  on  both  sides  as  they  were 
recorded. 

"  Dionysius,  Faustus,^  Maximus,^  Marcellus,*  and 
Chaeremon  ^  being  arraigned,  Aemilianus  the  pre- 
fect said :  *  I  have  reasoned  verbally  with  you  con- 
cerning the  clemency  which  our  rulers  have  shown 
to  you  ;  for  they  have  given  you  the  opportunity  to 
save  yourselves,  if  you  will  turn  to  that  which  is 
according  to  nature,  and  worship  the  gods  which 
preserve  their  Empire,  and  forget  those  that  are 
contrary  to  nature.  What,  then,  do  you  say  to  this  ? 
For  I  do  not  think  that  you  will  be  ungrateful  for 
their  kindness,  since  they  would  turn  you  to  a  better 
course.'  Dionysius  replied :  '  Not  aU  people  worship 
all  gods,  but  each  one  those  whom  he  approves. 
We  therefore  reverence  and  worship  the  one  God, 

^  All  that  is  known  of  this  Grermanus  is  that  he  accused  Denis 
of  cowardice.  In  all  probability  this  letter  was  a  public  epistle, 
intended  for  the  Christians  at  large. 

*  Faustus  was  a  companion  of  Denis  in  the  Decian  persecution. 
Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  vi,  40.  He  lived  to  a  great 
age,  and  was  martyred  dming  the  Diocletian  persecution.  Ihid. 
vii,  11. 

^  The  successor  of  Denis  in  the  See  of  Alexandria.  Ibid. 
vii,  28. 

*  Not  otherwise  known. 

^  The  only  notice  of  him  we  find  is  in  this  chapter  of  Eusebius. 


FIRST  EDICT  135 

tlie  Maker  of  all ;  who  hath  given  the  Empire  to 
the  divinely  favored  and  august  Valerian  and  Gal- 
lienus,  and  we  pray  to  Him  continually  for  their 
Empire  that  it  may  remain  unshaken.'  Aemilianus 
the  prefect  said  to  them  :  '  But  who  forbids  you  to 
worship  him,  if  he  is  a  god,  together  with  those  that 
are  gods  by  nature.  For  ye  have  been  commanded 
to  reverence  the  gods,  and  the  gods  whom  all  know.' 
Dionysius  answered :  '  We  worship  no  other.'  Aemil- 
ianus the  prefect  said  to  them :  '  I  see  that  you  are 
at  once  ungrateful  and  insensible  to  the  kindness 
of  our  sovereigns.  Wherefore  ye  shaU  not  remain 
in  this  city.  But  ye  shaU  be  sent  into  the  regions 
of  Libya,  to  a  place  called  Kephro.  For  I  have 
chosen  this  place  at  the  command  of  our  sover- 
eigns, and  it  shall  be  by  no  means  permitted  you 
or  any  others,  either  to  hold  assemblies,  or  to 
enter  into  the  so-called  cemeteries.  But  if  any 
one  shall  be  seen  without  the  place  which  I  have 
commanded,  or  be  found  in  any  assembly,  he  will 
bring  peril  on  himself.  For  suitable  punishment 
shall  not  fail.  Go,  therefore,  where  ye  have  been 
ordered."  ^ 

These  two  documents  are  of  incontestable  histori- 
cal value  and  contemporary  with  the  facts  they  relate. 
Agreeing  in  all  general  features,  and  completely  in- 

^  The  translation  is  taken  from  the  American  edition  of  Ense- 
biu3,  by  Professor  McGifFert,  New  York,  1890. 


136  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

dependent  of  one  another,  they  enable  us  to  repro- 
duce in  outline  at  least  the  decree  of  Valerian  and 
the  instructions  which  accompanied  it.  M.  Aube 
has  summarized  these  instructions  under  four 
heads.^  In  the  first  place,  the  leaders  of  the  Chris- 
tian communities,  the  bishops  and  priests,  were  to 
be  immediately  seized.  Secondly,  without  resorting 
to  rigorous  measures,  but  appealing  as  much  as 
possible  to  conciliatory  means,  the  magistrates  were 
to  compel  these  members  of  the  Christian  hierarchy 
to  render  homage  as  other  men  did  to  the  gods  of 
Rome  without  requiring  them  to  renounce  their 
faith.  In  neither  document  is  there  any  question 
of  compelling  the  Christians  to  abjure.  Thirdly,  in 
case  of  persistent  refusal  to  perform  acts  of  wor- 
ship to  the  pagan  deities,  to  send  them  into  exile. 
Fourthly,  to  warn  the  Christians  that  the  holding 
of  any  assemblies  or  even  entering  their  cemeteries 
would  be  punished  with  death. 

The  minuteness  of  these  provisions  shows  clearly 
the  intimate  knowledge  which  the  Roman  authorities 
possessed  regarding  the  constitution  and  discipline 
of  the  Church,  the  destruction  of  which  was  the  mani- 
fest purpose  of  the  edict.  In  this  it  was  in  harmony 
with  all  the  preceding  laws  on  the  subject  of  Chris- 
tianity. It  marked,  however,  the  commencement  of 
a  new  policy,  a  policy  of  compromise,  in  which  means 

1  L'Eglise  et  I'Etat,  pp.  343  seq. 


FIRST  EDICT  137 

less  cruel  to  the  individual  were  to  be  employed, 
but  none  the  less  fatal  to  Christianity  as  a  corporate 
organization  enjoying  in  some  measure  the  protec- 
tion of  the  laws.  In  two  essential  points  this  edict 
was  different  from  all  previous  enactments. 

In  the  first  place,  no  one  was  to  be  compelled  to 
abjure  Christ,  as  was  the  case  seven  years  before 
during  the  Decian  persecution.  Instead  of  a  formal 
act  of  denial,  the  Christians  should  participate  in 
some  way  in  the  pagan  rites  and  make  formal  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  pagan  deities.  They  could 
remain  followers  of  Christ  if  they  chose ;  but  they 
must .  nevertheless  show  their  allegiance  to  the  na- 
tional cult.  It  is  difficult  to  explain  this  radical  de- 
parture from  the  old  policy,  if  we  regard  the  omission 
of  abjuration  as  a  step  towards  a  more  lenient  regime. 
M.  Allard  thinks  that  because  "  Valerian  was  less 
despotic  than  "  Decius,  more  cautious,  and  hence 
less  inclined  to  proceed  to  extreme  measures,  he  was 
mercifully  incHned  towards  the  Christians,  whom 
he  had  formerly  favored,  and  allowed  them  a  middle 
course.^  It  is  true  that  this  syncretistic  expedient 
might  have  appealed  to  a  man  who  was  the  friend 
of  Plotinus.  Such  a  course  of  action  was  nothing 
new  in  Eome  ;  Alexander  Severus  and  Elagabalus 
had  tried  it ;  and  a  few  years  later  the  Mithraic 
worshipper  Aurelian  would   ascribe  his   victories 

1  Les  Dernieres  Persecutions  du  Troisieme  Siecle,  p.  51. 


138  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

over  the  Palmyrenians  to  the  great  gods  of  Eome.^ 
But  could  the  Roman  authorities  have  known  so 
little  of  Christianity  as  to  believe  that  the  promise 
of  immunity  would  induce  the  Christians  to  cast 
incense  at  the  feet  of  Jupiter  or  Janus  ?  As  had 
been  proved  during  the  Decian  persecution,  the 
faithful  would  more  readily  condone  actual  denial 
of  Christ,  or  the  purchase  of  a  certificate  from  the 
magistrate  attesting  such  denial,  than  they  would 
the  slightest  participation  in  the  unclean  rites  of 
paganism. 

The  second  point  of  notable  difference  between 
Valerian's  edict  and  the  laws  of  his  predecessors 
was  the  clause  it  contained  regarding  the  Christian 
cemeteries.2  Hitherto  these  places  of  sepulture  had 
escaped  the  fury  of  the  pagans.  For  whether  the 
Christians  had  enrolled  themselves  as  a  "  burial 
club,"  and  as  such  obtained  a  legal  title  to  their 
cemeteries,  or  whether  they  omitted  this  formality, 
the  fact  that  these  cemeteries  were  the  last  resting- 
places  of  the  dead  gave  them  a  religious  character 

^  Vopiscus,  Vita  Aureliani,  c.  26.  Credo  adjuturos  Romanam 
rem  p.  veros  decs,  qui  nunquam  nostris  conatibus  def  uerunt. 

2  La  parola  cimitero  proviene  dal  greco  idioma,  e  la  radice  fon- 
damentale  ne  e  Kei  affine  al  latino  quie,  dalla  quale  derivano 
molti  vocaboli  come  il  verbo  KeTfMai  significa  giaccio,  riposo,  dormo  ; 
quindi  mutando  la  €  in  o  da  la  radice  Kot,  unde  deriva  il  tema  Koi/ma 
6  percio  il  verbo  Koifidu)  equivalente  al  latino  dormitum  duco; 
quindi  Koi/jirjr-fipiov  propriamente  significa  il  luogo  ove  si  dorme. 
Armellini,  Gli  Antichi  Cimiteri  Cristiani  di  Roma  e  d^ Italia,  p.  14. 


FIRST  EDICT  139 

which  placed  them  under  the  protection  of  the  com- 
mon law  of  Rome.i  Careless  and  prodigal  of  human 
life  as  they  were,  the  Romans  regarded  a  grave  as  a 
sacred  thing,  the  violation  of  which  they  punished 
with  condemnation  to  the  mines. ^  For  the  Christians, 
however,  the  cemeteries  were  more  than  places  for 
burial ;  they  were  meeting-places  for  the  living,  de- 
voted to  prayer  and  sacrifice.  The  fact  that  popular 
outbreaks  against  the  Christian  cemeteries  began  to 
occur  about  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  pre- 
cisely at  the  time  the  Christians  are  supposed  to 
have  formed  themselves  into  burial  clubs,  and  that 
the  Christians  remained  in  undisturbed  legal  posses- 
sion of  their  cemeteries  for  nearly  fifty  years  after- 
wards, strengthens  the  theory  that  they  took  advan- 
tage of  the  law  allowing  the  organization  of  collegia 
funeraticia  in  order  to  escape  popular  hatred,  or 
confiscation  of  their  possessions  by  the  Roman  au- 
thorities.3  Such  an  expedient  would  of  course  have 
placed  Christianity  in  the  invidious  position  of  being 
illegal  as  a  religion  and  legal  as  an  association.  If 
such  a  legal  fiction  was  tolerated,  it  ceased  with  the 
promulgation  of  Valerian's  edict. 

1  Religiosum  locum  unnsquisque  sua  voluntate  f  acit,  dum  mor- 
tuum  infert  in  locum  suum.   Marcian,  Digest,  i,  8,  6,  4. 

2  Qui  sepulchrum  violaverint,  aut  de  sepulchro  aliquid  detule- 
rint,  pro  personarum  qualitate  aut  in  metallum  dantur  aut  in  insu- 
1am  deportantur.   Pauli,  Sent,  ii,  c.  13. 

^  Armellini,  loc.  cit.  pp.  66  seq. 


140  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  appearance  of  having  recourse  to  conciliatory 
measures,  and  the  insidious  nature  of  the  proceed- 
ings adopted  to  enforce  the  edict,  prove  clearly  that 
there  was  a  well-defined  plan  on  foot  to  effect  the 
total  suppression  of  Christianity,  or  at  least  to  de- 
prive it  of  its  distinctive  character  of  a  separate 
and  independent  religion  by  merging  it  in  the 
melange  of  creeds  and  cults  which  made  up  the 
religion  of  the  Empire.  The  idea  that  such  a  pro- 
cess was  possible  must  have  arisen  either  from  a 
profound  knowledge  or  a  lamentable  ignorance  of 
the  Christian  Church ;  for  the  merest  acknowledg- 
ment, either  in  word  or  action,  of  any  pagan  deity 
cut  a  Christian  off  from  intercourse  with  his  breth- 
ren as  effectually  as  if  he  became  a  worshipper  of 
Isis  or  Mithra. 

The  edict  was  aimed  principally  at  the  clergy, 
and  it  was  to  be  enforced  without  the  shedding  of 
blood.  If  the  clergy  performed  the  rites,  they  might 
remain  with  their  flocks ;  if  they  refused,  banishment 
awaited  them.  In  either  case  their  influence  would 
immediately  cease.  If  they  lapsed  by  outward  con- 
formity with  pagan  practices,  they  would  have  to  join 
the  ranks  of  the  penitents  before  being  readmitted 
to  the  Church,  and  the  example  of  such  defections 
could  not  but  weaken  the  allegiance  of  the  great 
mass  of  their  people.  In  exile  they  could  neither 
instruct  nor  advise  their  flocks,  and  thus  it  was 


FIRST  EDICT  141 

thought  that  the  people,  deprived  of  the  example  and 
guidance  of  their  leaders,  and  without  places  of  as- 
sembly, would  soon  yield  to  the  seductions  of  pagan 
life  and  abandon  their  strange  superstition.  Vale- 
rian, from  the  prominent  position  he  occupied  in 
the  time  of  Decius,  must  have  seen  that  denying 
Christ  and  conforming  to  the  pagan  rites  was  an 
expedient  on  the  part  of  the  Christians  to  escape 
punishment  and  death,  and  that  as  soon  as  danger 
had  passed  they  were  eager  to  associate  themselves 
once  more  with  their  brethren.  With  this  know- 
ledge to  guide  him,  he  adopted  measures  milder 
than  those  of  Decius,  but  far  more  effective  for  the 
purpose  he  had  in  view.  He  sought  to  put  Chris- 
tianity to  a  slow  death  in  the  stifling  atmosphere 
of  Paganism  by  depriving  it  of  its  vital  elements, 
preached  by  the  bishops,  and  the  mutual  support 
the  living  word  afforded  by  congregational  gather- 
ings. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  effect  the  edict  pro- 
duced at  first  on  the  Christian  communities.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that  the  kindness  of  the  Emperor  dis- 
armed their  fears  of  persecution  to  some  extent ; 
but  previous  experiences,  and  the  conviction  that 
the  laws  which  were  already  in  existence  could  be 
put  into  operation  at  any  time,  must  have  made 
them  watchful. 

In  Rome  Pope  St.  Stephen  died  on  the  second  day 


142  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

of  August,  257,1  and  was  succeeded  by  St.  Xystus 
on  the  30th  of  the  same^  month,  the  day  St.  Cy- 
prian was  tried  at  Carthage.  This  is  sufficient 
indication  that  in  Rome,  at  least,  the  Christians  had 
succeeded  in  evading  to  some  extent  the  pursuit  of 
their  enemies.  Pope  Stephen  was  buried  in  the 
cemetery  of  Callixtus  on  the  Appian  Way,^  there- 
fore the  Christians  had  access  to  this  their  princi- 
pal meeting-place  even  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Pope  Stephen  was 
not  martyred.  The  tradition  that  both  he  and  his 
successor  were  slain  at  the  altar  arose  in  all  prob- 
ability from  the  proximity  of  their  burial  places ; 
but  the  silence  of  St.  Cyprian  and  his  biographer, 
Pontius,  on  the  subject,  and  the  fact  that  the  Libe- 
rian  Catalogue  makes  no  mention  of  his  martyrdom, 
while  the  Philocalian  Catalogue  places  him  among 

1  Duchesne,  Lib.  Pont,  i,  p.  ccix ;  Les  Origines  Chr^tiennes,  p.  437. 

2  For  the  different  dates  assigned  to  this  event  see  Goyau, 
Chronologie  de  V Empire  Romain,  sub  anno  257.  Aub^  is  of  opinion 
that  Xystus  was  elected  about  the  25th  of  August,  and  therefore 
before  the  edict  was  issued :  Est-il  supposable  que  I'authorit^  ro- 
maine  eut  admis  Sixte  comme  organe  attitr^  de  la  communaut^, 
quaud  I'ddit  avait  pour  objet  de  la  dissoudre  en  mettant  ses  chefs 
dans  I'alternative  de  reconnaitre  la  religion  de  I'^tat  ou  de  partir 
en  exil  ?  i'  Eglise  et  VEtat,  p.  366.  His  position  as  Pope  and  his 
election  to  the  office  were  altogether  independent  of  his  position  as 
Actor  or  Syndicus  of  the  Christian  corporation.  Enrolment  in  the 
register  of  the  Urban  Prefect  was  not  a  necessary  condition  to  his 
election. 

3  Cf .  Dufourcq,  Gesta  Martyrum  Bomains,  p.  179 ;  De  Rossi, 
Bom.  Sott.  torn,  i,  p.  180 ;  torn,  ii,  pp.  82  seq. 


FIRST  EDICT  143 

the  bishops  and  not  the  martyrs,  seems  to  be  con- 
clusive proof  that  he  was  not  called  on  to  shed  his 
blood  in  defence  of  the  faith.  The  manner  of  his 
death  is  not  known ;  but  there  is  nothing  impossible 
in  the  conjecture  that  he  may  have  died  in  prison 
or  on  his  way  to  exile. ^  It  is  significant,  however, 
that  the  election  of  Xystus  took  place  so  soon  after 
the  death  of  Stephen.  That  such  an  occurrence 
was  possible,  and  that  Xystus  could  remain  unmo- 
lested and  active  in  Rome,  seems  strange  in  view 
of  the  banishment  of  other  bishops  at  the  same 
time. 

There  were  many  Christians  in  Rome,  neverthe- 
less, who  felt  the  weight  of  Roman  justice  precisely 
at  this  juncture  for  violating  that  clause  of  the  edict 
regarding  the  use  of  the  cemeteries.  In  the  Acts  of 
St.  Stephen  we  find  an  account  of  the  death  of  a 
yoimg  acolyte  named  Tarcisius,  who  had  some  offi- 
cial connection  with  one  of  the  cemeteries,  probably 
that  of  Callixtus.2  He  was  engaged  in  carrying  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  to  some  of  the  confessors,  when 
his  movements  aroused  the  suspicion  of  a  band  of  sol- 
diers, who  seized  him,  and  in  the  struggle  to  retain 
possession  of  the  sacred  burden,  which  he  would  not 
expose  to  profanation  by  surrendering  it,  he  was 
slain.  His  brethren  obtained  possession  of  his  body 
and  interred  it  in  the  papal  crypt,  where  Pope  Da- 

1  Tillemont,  Mimoires,  torn,  iv,  note  on  St.  Stephen. 

2  De  Rossi,  Bom.  Sott.  torn,  ii,  pp.  7-10  seq. 


144  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

masus  in  the  fourth  century  set  up  an  inscription 
in  his  honor.i 

The  vigilance  of  the  Roman  authorities  in  pre- 
venting the  Christians  from  using  their  cemeteries  as 
meeting-places,  which  led  to  the  death  of  the  acolyte 
Tarcisius,  brought  about  also  the  martyrdom  of  a 
large  nimiber  of  the  faithful  who  had  assembled  in 
a  crypt  near  the  tomb  of  Chrysanthus  and  Daria,  in 
order  to  celebrate  the  first  anniversary  of  the  death 
of  these  martyrs.  While  the  Holy  Sacrifice  was  be- 
ing offered,  soldiers  stationed  themselves  at  all  the 
exits  and  allowed  no  one  to  escape.  Thus  trapped, 
the  helpless  Christians  were  put  to  death  by  being 
buried  alive  under  a  mass  of  stones  and  sand.^  The 
place  where  they  died  was  forgotten  until  long  after 
the  persecutions  had  ceased.^  In  making  some  re- 
pairs to  the  tombs  of  Chrysanthus  and  Daria,  Pope 
Damasus  discovered  the  skeletons  of  a  multitude  of 
men,  women,  and  children,  and  even  the  sacred  ves- 
sels used  in  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  which  were 
still  clasped  in  the  hands  of  the  priests  and  deacons. 
He  was   unwilling  to  make   any  changes  in  this 

1  Tarcisium  sanctum  Christi  sacramenta  gerentem 

Cum  malesana  manus  premeret,  vulgare  profanis. 
Ipse  animam  potius  voluit  dimittere  caesus 
Prodere  quam  canibus  rabidis  coelestia  membra. 

Epitaph,  written  by  Pope  Damasus. 

2  Gregory  of  Tours,  De  Gloria  Martyrum,  i,  38. 

^  Quae  crypta  diu  sub  velaraento  permansit  operta  donee  urbs 
Romana,  relictis  idolis,  Christo  Domino  subderetur.  Ibid. ; 
De  Rossi,  Bom.  Sott.  tom.  i,  p.  201. 


FIRST  EDICT  145 

crypt,  and  contented  himself  with  recording  the 
glories  and  sufferings  of  the  martyrs  in  an  inscrip- 
tion which  he  placed  over  their  remains,^  and  in 
order  that  pilgrims  to  the  catacombs  might  not  be 
deprived  of  such  an  edifying  spectacle,  he  placed  a 
window  in  the  wall  of  the  tomb  through  which  the 
relics  were  visible  even  in  the  time  of  Gregory  of 
Tours.2 

The  scantiness  of  our  knowledge  regarding  the 
operation  of  the  edict  in  Rome  and  other  parts  of 
the  Empire  is  partly  compensated  for  by  the  fuller 
records  furnished  by  the  African  Church.  The  let- 
ters of  Cyprian  written  while  he  was  in  exile,^  and 
his  "  Life  "  written  by  the  deacon  Pontius,  give  us 
an  accurate  though  incomplete  picture  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Christians  in  Carthage.  For  some  reason 

1  Sanctorum  quicumque  legis  venerare  sepulchrum, 
Nomina  nee  numerum  potuit  retinere  vetustaa. 
Ornavit  Damasxis  titulum  co^oscite  rector. 
Pro  reditu  cleri  Christo  praestante  triumphans 
Martyribus  Sanctis  reddit  sua  vota  sacerdos. 

Cf.  AUard,  Les  Dernieres  Persecutions  du  Troisieme  Steele,  p.  73; 
Armellini,  Gli  Antichi  Cimiteri  Cristiani,  p.  211 ;  De  Rossi,  Rom. 
Sott.  torn,  i,  p.  213. 

2  Verumtamen  pariete  illo  qui  est  in  medio  positus,  fenestram 
structor  patefactam  reliquit  ut  ad  contemplanda  sanctorum  cor- 
pora aditus  aspiciendi  patesceret.     Gregory  of  Tours,  Ibid. 

3  Vide  Epp.  76,  77,  78,  79,  80.  The  first  of  these  Epistles  was 
written  by  St.  Cyprian  to  the  martyrs  in  the  mines.  Epp.  77,  78, 
and  79  are  answers  to  Cyprian's  letters  from  three  different  groups 
of  confessors.  Ep.  80  was  written  to  the  Christians  in  the  Cartha- 
ginian prisons. 


146  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  sentence  which  the  proconsul  inflicted  on  Cy- 
prian, of  which  we  have  already  spoken,  was  not 
put  into  execution  for  several  days.  He  did  not 
reach  Curubis,  the  place  assigned  for  his  banish- 
ment, until  September  14.^  This  was  "  an  out-of- 
the-way,  clean,  pleasant,  well-walled  little  coast-town 
about  fifty  miles  from  Carthage,  in  a  lonely  not 
savage  district,  at  the  back  of  the  great  eastward 
promontory  of  the  Gulf  of  Tunis."  2  He  was  ac- 
companied by  many  members  of  his  household, 
among  them  the  deacon  Pontius,  who  finds  no  fault 
with  the  place,  and,  doubtless,  echoes  his  master 
C3rprian  when  he  says  no  place  of  banishment  is  an 
exile  to  the  God-fearing  Christian,  to  whom  the  en- 
tire world  is  one  house,  and  who  is  a  stranger  even 
in  his  own  city.^ 

Cyprian's  fame  and  position  doubtless  procured 
for  him  many  exemptions  and  privileges.  He  was 
subjected  to  no  physical  sufferings,  and,  as  far  as 
we  know,  endured  no  hardships  whatsoever.  The 
Christians  visited  him  in  large  numbers,  and  the 
citizens  of  Curubis  treated  him  with  the  profound- 
est  respect,  gladly  supplying  whatever  was  necessary 
for  his  needs  or  comfort.*   He  had  nothing  to  com- 

1  Benson,  Life  of  St.  Cyprian,  p.  467.  *  jj/^. 

^  Vita  Cypriani,  c.  xi. 

*  Frequentiam  visitantium  fratrum,  ipsonim  et  inde  civium 
caritatem,  quae  repraesentabat  omnia,  quibus  videbatur  esse  frau- 
datus.   Ibid.  c.  xii. 


FIRST  EDICT  147 

plain  of  except  that  he  was  removed  from  his  flock 
and  confined  to  one  place. 

All  doubts  as  to  his  future  fate  vanished  on  the 
first  night  of  his  exile.  It  was  revealed  to  him  in 
a  vision  which  he  afterwards  related  to  Pontius 
that  he  was  to  become  a  martyr  within  a  year. 
"  The  first  day  we  were  in  exile,  before  I  was  fully 
asleep,  a  young  man  of  extraordinary  stature  ap- 
peared to  me.  He  led  me  to  the  praetor ium,  where 
it  seemed  to  me  I  was  conducted  to  the  tribunal 
of  the  proconsul.  As  soon  as  he  saw  me,  he  com- 
menced at  once  to  note  down  on  his  tablet  some 
sentence  of  which  I  knew  nothing,  for  he  had  omit- 
ted the  customary  interrogations.  The  young  man, 
however,  had  stationed  himself  behind  the  procon- 
sul, and  read  carefully  whatever  had  been  written. 
He  could  not  speak  to  me  from  where  he  was,  but 
made  a  sign  which  indicated  clearly  what  was  on 
the  tablet.  With  his  hand  opened  flat  like  a  sword 
he  imitated  the  death  stroke,  thus  expressing  him- 
self as  fully  as  if  he  spoke.  I  understood  that  I 
was  sentenced  to  martyrdom.  But  in  order  that  I 
might  arrange  all  my  affairs,  I  begged  for  a  respite 
of  one  day.  After  I  had  repeated  my  petition  sev- 
eral times,  the  proconsul  began  again  to  make  some 
notes  on  his  tablets.  The  calmness  of  his  face  showed 
me  that  he  considered  my  petition  a  just  one.  The 
youth,   who   revealed   to   me  the   tidings   of   my 


148  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

passion,  made  another  sign  which  clearly  indicated 
that  my  petition  had  been  granted.  Though  no 
sentence  had  been  pronounced,  I  confess  I  was  glad 
to  know  that  I  was  reprieved.  The  uncertainty  of 
interpretation  had  terrified  me  so  much  that  the 
remains  of  fright  still  caused  my  heart  to  throb 
with  fear."  ^ 

" '  What  could  be  clearer  than  this  manifesta- 
tion?' says  Pontius.  Cyprian  was  to  suffer  mar- 
tyrdom. The  reprieve  of  one  day  meant  that  his 
death  would  take  place  in  just  one  year,  and  in  the 
mean  time,  while  every  one  knew  the  certain  day  of 
his  passion,  no  one  spoke  of  it."  The  delay  was 
granted  to  him  in  order  that  he  might  arrange  all 
his  affairs ;  but  as  he  had  no  will  to  make  nor  per- 
sonal matters  to  attend  to,  this  meant  that  the  affairs 
of  the  Church  needed  his  attention  .2 

During  his  forced  leisure  Cyprian  kept  up  an  ac- 
tive correspondence  with  his  fellow  bishops  and  the 
members  of  his  flock  by  messengers  and  letters. 
Some  attribute  the  composition  of  the  "  Exhortation 
to  Martyrdom  "  to  this  time.^  It  contains  nothing, 
however,  which  would  indicate  that  the  persecution 
had  already  commenced,  while  his  letters  to  the 
Christians  in  exile  and  in  prison  are  filled  with 
references  to  their  sufferings.   It  seems  improbable, 

1  Vita  Cypriani,  c.  xii. 

2  Quae  vero  res  illi,  aut  quae  voluntas  ordinanda,  nisi  ecclesias- 
tici  status  ?  Ibid. 

^  Benson,  loc.  cit.  pp.  264,  474  seq. 


FIRST  EDICT  149 

therefore,  that  he  would  have  written  this  work 
while  the  storm  was  raging  and  omit  all  mention 
of  present  trials.  The  mild  treatment  received  by 
Cyprian  shows  clearly  that  he  made  no  attempt 
to  hold  any  meetings  of  his  flock  during  the  time 
he  remained  in  Carthage  after  his  condemnation. 

It  was  not  so,  however,  with  other  bishops.  In 
many  places  the  Christians  continued  to  hold  their 
assemblies  in  defiance  of  the  prohibition  contained 
in  the  edict,  and  for  this  temerity  they  were  arrested 
in  crowds.  The  clause  of  the  edict  which  forbade 
the  use  of  the  cemeteries  and  the  holding  of  assem- 
blies was  the  only  one  under  which  the  laity  could 
be  convicted.  The  penalty  for  violating  this  prohi- 
bition was  death,  which  it  would  seem  was  inflicted 
on  many  persons.^  Others  were  sentenced  to  that 
other  form  of  capital  punishment,  condemnation  to 
the  mines.2  First  beaten  with  whips  and  rods,  they 
were  then  branded  on  the  foreheads  and  their  heads 
shaven  on  one  side,  so  that  if  by  any  chance  they 
escaped  they  would  be  recognized  as  runaway  slaves 
or  criminals.^  Half  starved  and  in  rags,  with  no 
bed  but  the  bare  ground,  they  were  driven  to  their 
toil  in  the  mines  or  smelting-fumaces,  the  smoke 

1  Ut  ex  vobis  pars  jam  martyrii  sui  consnmmatione  praecesserit, 
meritonim  suorum  coronam  de  Domino  receptura.  St.  Cyprian, 
Ep.  76. 

^  Capitalium  poenarum  isti  gradus  sunt ;  summum  supplicium 
.  .  .  deinde  proxima  morti  poena,  metalli  coercitio.  Callistr.  In 
Dig.  Jus.  xlviii,  19,  28. 

*  Semitonsi  capitis  capillus  horrescit.   St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  77. 


150  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

from  which  blinded  and  choked  them.^  Among 
these  prisoners  were  nine  Numidian  bishops  who 
had  sat  in  the  Council  at  Carthage,^  and  crowds  of 
Christians  of  all  ages  and  conditions  of  life. 

That  they  were  able  to  survive  the  rigors  and 
privations  of  such  an  existence  was  due  to  the 
fatherly  care  of  Cyprian  and  the  liberality  of  his 
wealthy  lay  friend  Quirinus.  The  sub-deacon  He- 
rennianus^  conveyed  to  the  prisoners  a  letter  of 
exhortation  and  encouragement  from  Cyprian,  and 
many  gifts  and  large  sums  of  money  by  which 
their  urgent  needs  were  supplied.  He  brought  back 
answers  from  three  groups  of  martyrs  imprisoned  in 
different  mines,  one  written  by  Nemesianus,  Dati- 
vus,  Felix,  and  Victor ;  another  by  Lucius  and  his 
companions  ;  and  the  third  from  Felix,  Jader,  Poli- 
anus,  and  the  other  martyrs  in  the  mines  of  Signs. 
It  must  have  filled  Cyprian's  soul  with  joy  to  know 
that  although  the  persecution  had  become  general, 
there  was  as  yet  no  reason  to  lament  the  lapse  of 
any  of  the  brethren. 

Those  who  remained  in  the  prisons  of  Carthage 
were  also  objects  of  solicitude  to  the  exiled  bishop. 
To  them  also  he  wrote  a  letter,  exhorting  them  to 

^  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  Nemesiani  inter  Cypr.  No.  78. 

2  St.  Cyprian's  Epistle  (77)  was  addressed,  "  Nemesiano,  Felici, 
Lueio,  alteri  Felici,  Litteo,  Poliano,  Victori,  Jaderi,  Dativo."  All 
were  probably  from  Numidia.    Cf.  Benson,  loc.  cit.  p.  471. 

^  Herennianus  performed  a  similar  kind  office  for  the  Cartha- 
ginian martyrs.   Passio  Montani,  c.  9. 


FIRST  EDICT  151 

courage,  to  think  not  of  death  but  immortality, 
not  of  temporary  punishments  but  of  eternal  glory, 
in  order  that  they  might  follow  in  all  things  Kogati- 
anus  the  presbyter  and  Felicissimus  who  had  gone 
before  them. 

In  the  neighboring  See  of  Alexandria  the  Chris- 
tians exhibited  the  same  fidelity  to  their  faith  and 
the  same  courage  in  refusing  to  conform  to  the  or- 
dinances which  forbade  congregational  gatherings 
and  access  to  the  cemeteries.  It  is  regrettable  that 
the  only  information  we  possess  regarding  Alex- 
andria comes  from  a  letter  written  by  Denis  the 
bishop  to  exculpate  himself  from  the  charges  made 
by  Germanus,  one  of  his  colleagues  in  the  episco- 
pacy, who  accused  him  of  seeking  safety  in  flight, 
and  of  neglecting  to  hold  any  gatherings  of  his 
flock.i  "  He  hastened  me  away,"  he  says,  "  though 
I  was  sick,  not  granting  me  a  day's  respite.  What 
opportunity,  then,  did  I  have  to  hold  any  assem- 
blies or  not  to  hold  them."  2 

Notwithstanding  the  haste  with  which  he  was 
deported,  he  found  an  opportunity  to  converse  with 
some  of  his  clergy  who  were  free,  and  on  whom  he 
impressed  the  necessity  of  holding  the  customary 
assemblies  during  his  absence. 

Kephron,  a  wretched  spot  on  the  edge  of  the 
desert,  was  designated  as  the  place  of  his  banish- 

1  Eusebius,  Hist.  EccL  vii,  11.  2  /j,-^^ 


152  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

ment.  Until  he  was  ordered  to  go  there,  he  says 
he  never  even  heard  the  name.  After  his  arrival 
the  place  became  a  centre  of  pilgrimage  for  the 
Christians  of  Egypt.  These  visitors  and  the  friends 
who  shared  the  exile  of  the  bishop  were  numerous 
enough  to  form  a  considerable  congregation.  The 
pagan  inhabitants,  however,  conceived  an  utter  dis- 
like for  the  strangers,  and  showed  it  by  persecuting 
them  and  attacking  them  with  stones.  But  in  th§ 
end  many  of  them  abandoned  the  gods  and  became 
followers  of  Christ.  In  order  that  he  might  the 
more  easily  re-arrest  Denis,  the  proconsul  trans- 
ferred him  to  CoUuthion,  a  "  town  or  section  of 
country  in  the  district  of  Mareotis."  Denis  frankly 
confesses  that  the  thought  of  such  a  place  made 
him  tremble  with  fear.  He  was  separated  from  his 
friends,  who  were  sent  to  different  villages  in  the 
same  district ;  but  though  he  dreaded  the  rough  in- 
habitants and  the  bandits,  he  had  the  consolation 
of  being  nearer  to  Alexandria,  and  of  being  able  to 
receive  visits  from  his  Christian  followers.  The 
scope  of  his  letter  did  not  of  course  embrace  any 
account  of  the  sufferings  of  the  martyrs,  "  which," 
he  says,  "  are  known  to  all."  Though  in  exile,  and 
guarded  as  he  was,  he  found  it  possible  to  hold 
special  meetings  such  as  were  held  in  the  more 
remote  suburbs  of  Alexandria.^ 

1  Eusebius,  loc.  cit.  vii,  11. 


FIRST  EDICT  153 

Scenes  similar  to  those  wMch  occurred  in  Kome, 
Cartilage,  and  Alexandria  took  place  doubtless  in 
every  quarter  of  the  Empire.  The  edict  was  appli- 
cable everywhere,  and  its  enforcement  would  be  rigid 
or  lenient  according  as  it  f  eU  into  the  hands  of  a  cruel 
or  indulgent  magistrate.^  Multitudes  had  confessed 
and  had  been  crowned,  so  that  every  age  and  both 
sexes  were  found  in  the  blessed  flock  of  the  martyrs. 
"  Sentences,  confiscations,  proscription,  plundering 
of  goods,  loss  of  dignities,  contempt  of  worldly 
glory,  disregard  for  the  flatteries  of  governors  and 
councillors,  and  patient  endurance  of  the  threats  of 
opponents,  of  outcries,  of  perils  and  persecutions, 
and  wandering  and  distress  and  all  kind  of  tribu- 
lations "  3  had  failed  utterly  to  shake  the  constancy 
of  the  followers  of  Christ.  None  of  those  who  had 
fallen  into  the  toils  had  lapsed,*  and  the  victims 
formed  scarcely  a  moiety  of  the  multitudes  willing 
and  eager  to  thrust  themselves  into  posts  of  danger. 
Whether  in  hiding  or  in  exile,  the  mfluence  of  the 

1  Ruinart,  Acta  Martyrum  Sincera,  Introd.  c.  24. 

2  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  77. 

^  Denis  of  Alexandria  in  Eusebius,  loc.  cit.  Denis  says  he 
suffered  those  things  under  Decius  and  Aemilianus.  It  is  no  exag- 
geration to  think  that  he  was  not  the  only  one  who  endured  such 
trials. 

*  M.  Aub^  {VEglise  et  VEtat,  p.  349),  from  a  passage  in  Com- 
modian,  thinks  some  cases  of  recantation  occurred. 

Sed  plurimi  pereunt  qui  putant  \itrisque  placere, 
Idolis  atque  Deo,  placeat  cum  nemo  duobus. 

Carmen  Apol.  Ver.  762-763. 


154  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

bishops  over  their  flocks  remained  unimpaired. 
Their  emissaries  went  everywhere,  to  the  prisons 
and  mines,  carrying  messages  of  hope  and  comfort. 
Wealthy  Christians  poured  out  their  riches  to  succor 
their  brethren  in  misfortune,  whose  faith  and  con- 
stancy shone  brighter  every  day. 

Valerian's  first  essay  as  a  religious  reformer  had 
failed.  The  policy  of  "  Moral  Decapitation  "  had 
resulted  in  the  same  way  as  the  fire  and  sword 
policy  of  Decius.  Though  the  time  was  scarcely 
propitious  for  more  vigorous  measures,  it  was 
necessary  that  such  should  be  adopted,  or  all  proceed- 
ings against  the  Christians  abandoned.  The  com- 
parative security  which  the  Empire  enjoyed  when 
the  edict  was  issued  was  again  violently  disturbed  ; 
and  though  Valerian  did  not  relinquish  hope  of 
effecting  the  necessary  internal  reforms,  the  need 
of  being  at  the  head  of  his  legions  now  became 
imperative. 


CHAPTER  VI 
SECOND  EDICT  — PERSECUTION  IN  ROME 

Peace  restored  to  Roman  Empire  in  257  —  Borani  repulsed  — 
Valerian  holds  brilliant  levee  at  Byzantium  in  258  —  Purpose 
of  this  gathering  —  War  against  the  Persians  —  Shahpur  cap- 
tures Antioch  —  Valerian  proceeds  against  him  —  Issues  new 
edict  against  the  Christians  —  Harsher  measures  adopted  — 
Reason  for  increased  severity  —  Did  the  council  at  Byzantium 
have  any  connection  with  this  new  law  —  Christians  did  not 
provoke  harsher  measures  —  Barbarians  took  many  Christian 
prisoners  —  No  alliance  between  the  Christians  and  the  enemies 
of  the  Empire  —  New  edict  a  development  of  old  one  —  Prob- 
able text  —  Christians  in  Rome  —  Changes  in  the  Catacombs 
—  Martyrdom  of  Pope  St.  Xystus  —  St.  Laurence  —  St.  Eu- 
genia —  SS.  Rufina  and  Secunda  —  Protus  and  Hyacinthus  — 
St.  Pancratius  the  boy  martyr. 

When  Valerian  issued  his  first  edict  against  the 
Christians,  Rome  was  enjoying  a  well-earned  peace. 
The  valor  of  her  legions  and  the  skill  of  her  gener- 
als had  won  back  the  territory  which  the  barbarian 
invaders  had  hoped  to  wrest  from  her.  Crowns  and 
"russet  ducal  tunics "^  were  awaiting  the  trium- 
phant commanders  who  had  restored  the  power  and 
prestige  of  the  Roman  name  and  set  up  the  stand- 
ards of  victory  along  the  frontier  from  the  Rhine 
to  the  Danube  and  the  Black  Sea. 

1  Vopiacus,  Vita  Aurel.  c.  13. 


156  THE  VALERIAN  PEJ.SECUTION 

As  early  as  256  Aurelian,  the  future  Emperor, 
Valerian's  favorite  general,  from  whom  he  expected 
"as  much  as  from  Trajan  were  he  alive,"  had  accom- 
plished his  work  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula  so  well 
that  he  was  able  to  leave  the  field,  bearing  the  proud 
title  of  Liberator  lllyrici^  in  order  to  devote  himself 
to  more  peaceful  pursuits  as  inspector-general  of 
the  army.i  The  successes  of  Gallienus  are  best 
indicated  by  the  inscription  on  his  coins,  Restitutor 
Galliarum^  while  his  judicious  treaty  with  a  prince 
of  the  Marcommani  had  secured  the  maintenance 
of  Roman  supremacy  in  Pannonia.^  The  Goths 
were  still  troublesome  in  the  neighborhood  of  Ni- 
copolis,  but  their  resistance  was  short-lived  after 
Aurelian  took  command  of  the  army  instead  of 
Ulpius  Crinitus,  who  was  incapacitated  by  sick- 
ness. With  forces  consisting  of  Roman  legions  and 
barbarian  allies,  and  by  matching  Teuton  against 
Teuton,  Aurelian  drove  the  Goths  across  the  Dan- 
ube, seized  large  quantities  of  booty,  and,  what  was 
of  more  importance,  added  new  lustre  to  the  glory 
of  Rome.* 

^  Vopiscus,  loc.  cit.  c.  9.  Hie  Liberator  Illyrici,  ille  Gallianim 
Restitutor,  ille  dux  magni  totius  exempli.  Cf .  Schiller,  Gesckichte 
der  Romischen  Kaiserzeit,  p.  816. 

2  Eckhel,  7,  402 ;  Cohen,  480-486 ;  Schiller,  loc.  cit  p.  814. 

^  Pollio,  Vita  Gall.  c.  21 ;  Aurelius  Victor,  Caes.  xxxiii,  6 ; 
Ep.  33,  1. 

*  Vopiscus,  loc.  cit.  c.  11.  The  composite  character  of  the  Roman 
army  is  shown  by  the  enumeration  of  troops  made  by  Valerian  in 


SECOND  EDICT  157 

In  the  same  year  the  Borani,  a  tribe  from  beyond 
the  Black  Sea,  had  suffered  a  signal  reverse  in  an 
attempted  irruption  into  Asia  Minor.  Who  these 
people  were  is  not  known  with  certainty.  Gibbon 
calls  them  Goths  ;i  but  Mommsen  says  they  are 
more  correctly  termed  Scythian  than  Gothic.^  The 
small,  practically  defenceless  kingdom  of  the  Bos- 
phorus  first  fell  into  their  hands,  and  the  inhab- 
itants, always  friendly  to  the  Romans,  consented 
under  compulsion  to  furnish  transports  to  convey 
them  to  the  Roman  territory  south  of  the  Black 
Sea.  They  first  descended  on  Pitjrus  at  the  end  of 
the  great  post-road  which  led  to  the  foot  of  the 
Caucasus,  a  frontier-city  possessed  of  an  excellent 
harbor  protected  by  a  strong  wall.^  They  aban- 
doned their  ships  and  laid  siege  to  Pityus,  but  their 
efforts  to  capture  the  place  proved  unavailing.  The 
garrison,  under  the  command  of  Successianus,  a 
brave  and  efficient  soldier,  repulsed  their  attacks. 

his  letter  designating  Aurelian  as  commander  in  Moesia  :  Habes 
sagittarios  Ityraeos  trecentos,  Armenios  sescentos,  Arabes  cen- 
tum quinquaginta,  Saracenos  ducentos,  Mesopotamenos  auxiliares 
quadiingentos  ;  habes  legionen  tertiam  Felicem  et  equites  cata- 
fractarios  octingentos.  Tecum  erit  Hariomundus,  Haldagates, 
Hildomundus,  Carioviscus. 

1  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  c.  x. 

2  Roman  Provinces,  vol.  i,  p.  265. 

^  Zosimus,  i,  31.  Schiller  is  of  opinion  that  this  expedition  of 
the  Borani  took  place  as  early  as  253  {loc.  cit.  p.  817) ;  Tillemont 
and  others  place  it  in  257.  Cf.  Goyau,  Chronologie  de  VEmpire 
Romain,  sub  anno. 


158  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

Fearing  that  their  retreat  would  be  cut  off,  they 
abandoned  the  siege  and  withdrew  to  their  homes 
beyond  the  Euxine.  As  a  reward  for  his  meritori- 
ous conduct  Successianus  was  afterwards  promoted 
to  the  position  of  Praetorian  Prefect  and  the  de- 
fence of  Pityus  given  to  other  hands.^ 

Such  was  the  happy  consummation  of  events 
which  enabled  Valerian  to  hold  a  brilliant  levee  of 
all  his  great  commanders  in  the  Thermae  near  By- 
zantium during  the  summer  of  258.  At  no  other 
time  in  his  reign  could  the  Emperor  have  assem- 
bled such  a  gathering  of  soldiers  and  administra- 
tors, and  at  no  other  time  was  it  possible  for  them 
to  be  absent  from  their  posts.  There  was  an  impos- 
ing review  of  troops  before  the  Emperor  himself 
and  his  court.  At  the  right  sat  Baebius  Macer, 
Prefect  of  the  Praetorium,  and  beyond  him  Quintus 
Ancarius,  the  Praeses  of  the  Orient.  On  the  left 
were  Avulnius  Saturninus,  the  Dux  or  commander 
of  the  Scythian  frontier;  Murrentius  Mauricius, 
Prefect  Designate  of  Egypt;  Julius  Trypho,  the 
Dux  of  the  Oriental  frontier ;  Maesius  Brundisi- 
nus,  Prefect  of  the  Corn-supply  of  the  East ;  Ulpius 
Crinitus,  Dux  of  the  frontiers  of  lUyrium  and 
Thrace,  and  Fulvius  Boias,  Commander  in  Khaetia. 

The  strange  document  which  describes  all  the 
pageantry  of  this  occasion  with  so  much  detail  was 

^  Zosimus,  bk.  i,  c.  32. 


SECOND  EDICT  159 

copied  by  Vopiscus  from  a  book  written  by  Acho- 
lius,  the  Lord  Chamberlain  of  Valerian.^  No  hint 
is  given  as  to  the  purpose  of  the  gathering  or  what 
took  place,  except  that  Valerian  with  great  pomp 
and  ceremony  singled  out  Aurelian  as  the  recipient 
of  the  highest  honors.  In  a  speech  filled  with  the 
most  extravagant  praises  he  conferred  on  him  con- 
sular honors,  loaded  him  with  dignities  and  deco- 
rations, quadrupled  and  quintupled  the  usual  re- 
wards, and,  in  order  that  he  might  have  the  means 
to  bear  his  new  burdens,  compelled  the  wealthy  Ul- 
pius  Crinitus  to  adopt  him  as  his  son.^ 

No  mere  love  of  display  could  have  led  to  the  mass- 
ing of  such  a  body  of  troops,  and  the  presence  of  so 
many  commanders  from  different  parts  of  the  Em- 
pire, at  an  epoch  when  all  their  energies  were  needed 
to  restore  order  and  public  confidence.  The  subject 
uppermost  in  the  thoughts  of  the  Emperor  and  his 
advisers  at  the  time  was  the  perennial  Eastern 
Question.  This  was  a  subject  to  fill  their  minds 
with  anxiety  and  fear,  a  question  for  the  settlement 
of  which  Rome  would  have  to  put  forth  her  best 
energies.  The  levee  at  Byzantium  was  a  council  of 
war,  and  the  soldiers  assembled  there  were  doubt- 

^  Quam  fidei  causa  inserendam  credidi  ex  libris  Acholi,  qui 
mag-ister  admissionum  Valerian!  principis  fuit,  libro  actorom  ejus 
nono.   Vopiscus,  loc.  cit.  c.  14. 

2  Aurelian  did  not  become  consul  in  the  following  year.  Of. 
Schiller,  loc.  cit.  p.  816,  note  5. 


160  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

less  intended  for  service  against  the  Persians. 
East  of  the  Mediterranean  Roman  supremacy  was 
tottering  to  a  fall ;  the  old  frontiers  were  destroyed, 
Eoman  allies  were  killed,  and  Roman  territory  was 
devastated.^  Chosroes,  king  of  Armenia,  who  for 
thirty  years  had  maintained  the  independence  of  his 
comitry  against  the  attacks  of  the  Persians,  was  at 
last  slain  by  the  emissaries  of  Shahpur,  and  his  king- 
dom, so  long  the  buffer-state  between  Roman  and 
Persian,  was  captured  and  disorganized.  The  friends 
of  Tiridates,  the  young  son  of  Chosroes,  were  im- 
ploring the  aid  of  Rome  to  regain  the  Armenian 
throne,  while  others  of  the  leaders,  among  whom  was 
Artavazdes,  the  uncle  of  Tiridates,  had  passed  over 
to  the  enemy  and  were  ready  to  resist  any  interfer- 
ence with  the  plans  of  Shahpur.^  With  Armenia 
under  his  control,  the  Persian  monarch  set  out  with 
an  enormous  force  to  capture  the  Roman  possessions. 
He  reduced  in  quick  succession  the  two  important 
cities  of  Carrhae  and  Nisibis,  and  then,  under  the 
guidance  of  Cyriades,  a  renegade  Roman,  who  had 
attempted  to  set  up  an  independent  kingdom  in 
Syria,  he  turned  his  army  toward  Antioch,  and  by 
the  rapidity  of  his  movements  took  possession  of 
the  city  before  the  inhabitants  fully  realized  what 

^  Rawlinson,  Seven  Great  Monarchies,  vol.  vi,  p.  253 ;  Gibbon, 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Boman  Empire,  cbap.  x ;  Schiller,  loc.  cit. 
p.  821. 

2  PoUio,  Vita  Valer.  c.  3. 


SECOND   EDICT  161 

Lad  occurred.  1  No  thing  now  stood  in  the  way  of 
Persian  supremacy  in  the  whole  East  but  the  strong 
fortress  of  Edessa,  against  which  Shahpur's  next 
efforts  were  directed.  So  far  all  his  attempts  to 
capture  it  had  failed. 

The  disgi-ace  inflicted  on  Rome  by  the  successes 
of  Shahpur,  and  the  danger,  increasing  with  each 
new  victory,  that  Roman  supremacy  in  the  East 
would  be  forever  lost,  aroused  Valerian  and  his 
lieutenants  to  the  necessity  of  immediate  and  vigor- 
ous measures.  Their  first  care  was  necessarily  the 
relief  of  Edessa  and  the  recapture  of  Antioch. 
For  this  purpose  all  the  soldiers  who  coidd  be 
spared  from  the  European  commands  were  drafted 
to  Byzantium  in  258.  Trusting  that  the  successes 
of  his  generals  along  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube 
were  permanent,  and  that  \vith  reduced  forces  they 
could  hold  what  they  had  already  won,  Valerian 
himself,  although  far  advanced  in  years,  resolved 
to  direct  personally  the  campaign  against  Shahpur, 
and  immediately  after  the  council  of  Byzantium  he 
set  out  with  his  army  for  Syria  and  Armenia.^ 

^  Pollio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  2 ;  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  Iter.  Ges.  lib. 
xxiii,  c.  5,  thus  describes  the  fall  of  Antioch :  Namque  cum 
Antiochiae  in  alto  silentio,  scenicis  ludis  mimus  cum  uxore  im- 
missus,  e  medio  sumpta  quaedam  imitaretur,  populo  venustate  at- 
tonito,  conjux,  Nisi  somnus  est,  inquit,  en  Persae  :  et  retortis  plebs 
imiversa  cervicibus,  exacervantia  in  se  tela  declinans  spargituz 
passim. 


162  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

It  was  precisely  at  this  juncture  that  Valerian 
issued  his  second  edict  of  persecution  against  the 
Christians.  Its  appearance  was  well  timed,  or  rather, 
to  speak  more  accurately,  the  time  made  its  appear- 
ance possible.  With  the  restoration  of  Roman 
power  in  the  European  provinces  and  the  crushing 
defeats  inflicted  on  the  barbarians,  the  opportunity 
offered  itself  of  effecting  those  internal  reforms 
from  which  so  much  good  to  the  State  was  expected. 

It  is  perhaps  useless  to  speculate  as  to  what  mo- 
tives could  have  induced  Valerian  to  inaugurate  a 
new  policy  in  his  treatment  of  the  Christians.  One 
thing,  however,  is  certain,  the  rescript  of  258  was 
an  open  acknowledgment  that  the  law  of  the  pre- 
ceding year  was  an  utter  failure.  It  had  for  a  time 
caused  the  Christians  some  suffering  and  great  in- 
convenience, nothing  more  ;  but  as  an  engine  of  de- 
struction it  scarcely  made  an  impress  on  the  num- 
bers or  the  fidelity  of  the  followers  of  Christ.  They 
soon  adapted  themselves  to  the  changed  conditions. 
Though  the  bishops  were  in  exile,  their  supervision 
over  the  Christian  fold  never  ceased,  and  though  the 
priests  were  scattered  or  in  hiding,  their  ministra- 
tions never  failed.  Benson's  theory,  that "  the  some- 
thing which  motived  the  idea  that  the  edict  was  not 
acting  strongly  enough  to  reform  the  Christians 
was  the  removal  of  the  bodies  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  to  their  temporary  hiding-places  in  the  Cata- 


SECOND  EDICT  163 

combs,"  scarcely  affords  sufficient  ground  for 
"  thinking  that  the  Emperor  may  have  been  in- 
duced to  sharpen  his  decree  by  tidings  of  this  trans- 
lation." 1  This  was  simply  one  phase  of  the  activity 
which  the  Christians  showed  in  preserving  what 
they  esteemed  sacred,  and  of  securing  the  perma- 
nence of  their  congregational  life  and  spirit. 

It  is  probable  that  the  new  attitude  taken  by 
Valerian  was  a  result  of  the  reports  he  received 
from  his  lieutenants  when  he  assembled  them  at 
Byzantium.  In  such  a  gathering  it  is  natural  to 
suppose  that  a  question  of  so  much  importance  as 
the  treatment  to  be  accorded  to  the  Christians  re- 
ceived some  attention.  The  appearance  of  the  re- 
script so  soon  after  the  convention  was  not  a  mere 
coincidence.  There  must  have  been  some  connec- 
tion between  them.  What  this  connection  was,  it  is 
impossible  to  say.  Our  information  regarding  what 
happened  at  Byzantiiun  is  confined  to  a  passage  in 
the  life  of  Aurelian  which  Vopiscus  borrowed  from 
the  writings  of  Acholius,  who  was  evidently  an  eye- 
witness, and  which  he  inserted  for  the  purpose  of 
adding  additional  lustre  to  the  renown  of  the  con- 
queror of  Zenobia.  Possessing  the  confidence  of 
the  Emperor  to  the  extent  of  being  promoted  to 
the  inspector-generalship  of  the  army,  and  coming 
back  fresh  from  his  victories  over  the  Goths  to 
1  Life  of  Cyprian,  pp.  476,  486. 


164  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

receive  the  most  extraordinary  favors  from  his  sov- 
ereign, it  may  be  well  supposed  that  Aurelian  was 
a  prominent  figure  in  the  deliberations  of  the  Coun- 
cil. If  his  opinion  was  sought  for  in  regard  to  the 
Christians,  enough  is  known  of  his  character  to  con- 
clude that  he  would  have  counselled  none  but  the 
harshest  measures  in  dealing  with  them.  Nothing 
else  could  be  expected  from  one  of  his  training  and 
temperament.  He  never  inclined  towards  leniency. 
Cold-blooded,  self-restrained,  even  austere  in  his 
habits,  he  possessed  none  of  the  vices  of  paganism, 
never  indulged  in  excesses,  and  never  pardoned 
others  who  did.^  He  never  tolerated  any  license  or 
disorder  among  the  soldiers  under  his  command,  and 
was  distinguished  as  a  leader  for  his  severity,  cru- 
elty, and  rigid  adherence  to  discipline.^  His  punish- 
ments were  frightful. 

He  once  inflicted  death  on  a  soldier,  guilty  of 
seduction,  by  having  his  limbs  fastened  to  two  trees 
forcibly  drawn  together,  which  when  released  tore 
him  asunder.  By  the  command  of  Aurelian  the 
mangled  body  was  left  there  as  a  salutary  warning  to 
evil-doers.3   He  devoted  some  time  every  day  to  the 

1  Vopiscus,  Vita  Aurd.  e.  6,  described  him  thus  :  Fuit  deco- 
rus  ac  gratia  viriliter  speciosus,  statura  procerior,  nervis  vali- 
dissimis,  vini  et  cibi  paulo  cupidior,  libidinis  rarae,  severitatis 
immensae,  disciplinae  singularis,  gladii  exserendi  cupidus. 

^  Ibid.  c.  7.  Militibus  ita  timori  fuit,  ut  sub  eo,  posteaquam 
semel  cum  ingenti  severitate  castrensia  peccata  correxit,  nemo 
peccaverit. 

3  Ibid. 


SECOND  EDICT  165 

practice  of  arms,  and  from  his  skill  in  their  use,^ 
and  his  readiness  to  settle  all  disputes  by  the  arbi- 
trament of  the  blade,  he  won  for  himself  the  name 
of  "  Aurelian  of  the  sword."  ^  The  vigor  of  which 
age  had  deprived  Valerian  was  found  in  abundant 
measure  in  his  lieutenant,  and  it  was  doubtless 
through  the  influence  of  the  cold-blooded  and  heart- 
less Aurelian  that  the  Christians  were  called  on  to 
endure  another  bloody  persecution. 

There  is  absolutely  no  foundation  for  the  accu- 
sation made  against  the  Christians  by  M.  Aube,^ 
that  their  disloyalty  to  the  State  had  incensed  the 
Emperor  and  his  advisers.  Basing  his  allegations 
on  a  passage  in  the  "  Carmen  Apologeticum  "  of 
Commodian,  and  some  statements  in  an  Encyclical 
Letter  of  St.  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  M.  Aube 
makes  the  charge  that  the  Christians  regarded  the 
barbarian  invaders  as  friends  and  allies,  to  whom 
they  looked  for  deliverance  from  the  pagan  yoke. 
He  says  that  in  Cappadocia  and  Pontus  they  joined 
the  ranks  of  the  invaders,  fought  and  piUaged  with 
them,  and  profiting  by  the  general  confusion,  reduced 
to  slavery  some  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  who 
were  without  arms  or  means  of  defence. 

1  Theoclius,  quoted  by  Vopiscus,  loc.  cit.  c.  6,  says  that  in 
one  day  he  slew  forty-eight  Sarmatians  with  his  own  hand,  and  in 
several  succeeding  engagements  he  killed  nine  hundred  and  fifty. 

2  Aurelianus  manu  ad  ferrum.   Ibid.  c.  6. 
8  VEglise  et  VEtat,  p.  351. 


166  THE  VALERIAN   PERSECUTION 

While  it  is  true  that  the  Christian  writers  of  the 
time  pointed  to  the  misfortunes  of  the  Empire  as  a 
pimishment  from  Heaven,  they  never  advised  their 
co-religionists  to  revolt,  and  their  words  afford  no 
basis  for  the  charge  that  the  kindness  shown  to  the 
Christian  captives  was  the  result  of  gratitude  for 
treasonable  conduct  towards  the  Roman  State.  Far 
from  condoning  disloyalty,  St.  Gregory,  in  a  letter 
to  one  of  his  suffragan  bishops,  on  mere  hearsay 
evidence  lays  down  rules  for  the  readmission  to  the 
Church  of  rebellious  Christians,  so  strict  that  they 
show  clearly  he  considered  treason  to  be  ahnost 
synonymous  with  apostasy.  Furthermore,  the  in- 
vasion of  his  diocese  did  not  take  place  until  long 
after  the  promulgation  of  the  edict.^  As  long  as 
Successianus  remained  in  command,  the  invaders 
did  not  succeed  in  passing  the  outposts  on  the 
extreme  east  of  the  Euxine.  But  when  Valerian, 
in  making  up  his  army  for  service  in  the  East, 
removed  the  successful  defender  of  Pityus  and 
probably  reduced  its  garrison,  the  barbarians 
made  such  good  use  of  the  opportunity  thus 
offered  that  Valerian  himself  was  compelled  to 
abandon  his  operations  against  the  Persians  and 
make  a  forced  march  to  Asia  Minor,  in  order  to 
prevent  a  junction  of  their  forces  with  those  of 

1  Schiller  places  this  invasion  as  early  as  258 ;  Tillemont  (iii, 
p.  408)  and  others  in  259.    Cf.  Goyau,  Chronologie,  etc.,  sub  anno. 


SECOND   EDICT  167 

the  Scytho-Gothic  invaders  from  beyond  the 
Euxine.i 

The  friendship  of  the  barbarians  for  their 
Christian  captives  arose  from  altogether  different 
causes.  Sozomen  tells  us  that  when  Constantine 
became  master  of  the  world,  a  long  interval  had 
already  elapsed  since  the  Goths  had  received  the 
Christian  religion,  to  which  they  were  converted  by 
priests  captured  in  their  raids  into  Asia.  Touched 
by  the  kindness  shown  by  these  priests  to  the  sick 
and  wounded  whom  they  nursed  and  cured,  and  by 
their  exalted  virtues  and  irreproachable  lives,  the 
barbarians  decided  they  could  do  nothing  better 
than  imitate  such  excellent  men  and  adore  the  same 
gods  they  did.  Hence  they  begged  to  be  instructed, 
listened  with  respect  to  what  they  were  taught,  re- 
ceived baptism,  and  formed  many  churches .^ 

Philostorgius,  speaking  particularly  of  the  rav- 
ages which  the  Scythians  and  Goths  committed  in 
Asia,  Galatia,  and  Cappadocia  during  the  reign 
of  Valerian  and  Galhenus,  says  that  among  the 
captives  taken  from  Cappadocia  were  the  ances- 
tors of  the  celebrated  Ulphilas,  whom  the  Goths 
venerated  as  a  prophet  at  the  end  of  the  fourth 
century.3    In    like  manner    the    Sarmatians,^  the 

1  Zosimus,  i,  36 ;  Schiller,  loc.  cit.  p.  819. 

2  Sozomen,  Hist.  lib.  ii,  c.  6. 
8  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  ii,  c.  5. 

^  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Cat.  16. 


168  THE  VALERIAN   PERSECUTION 

Burgundians,^  the  Gauls,  and  the  barbarians  from 
the  region  of  the  Rhine  received  the  Chiistian 
religion  at  the  same  time  and  in  the  same  way  as 
those  of  the  Danube.^  And  thus,  says  Tillemont, 
was  the  great  mercy  of  God  manifested,  inasmuch 
as  He  made  use  of  the  marauding  expeditions  of 
the  barbarians  to  give  them  the  grace  of  repentance 
and  redemption.^ 

The  character  of  the  second  edict  issued  by 
Valerian  shows  it  was  a  product  of  the  same  brain, 
and  dictated  by  motives  founded  on  the  same  con- 
ception of  the  relations  between  Christianity  and  the 
State  which  had  produced  the  law  of  the  preceding 
year.  It  was  the  work  of  a  man  who,  seeing  condi- 
tions which  he  considered  detrimental  to  public 
order  continue  to  flourish  in  spite  of  repressive 
enactments,  found  himself  in  the  dilemma  of  aban- 
doning aU  efforts  for  their  amelioration  or  of  pro- 
ceeding to  more  vigorous  measures.  The  exact  text 
of  the  edict  is  unfortunately  not  in  existence ;  but, 
thanks  to  the  vigilance  of  St.  Cyprian,  we  know 
with  certainty  what  its  main  features  were.  Rumors 
of  some  impending  change  in  legislation  caused  the 
Bishop  of  Carthage  to  send  messengers  to  Rome  in 
order  that  he  might  be  at  once  informed  as  to  any 
new  move  against  the  Christians.    His  first  care 

1  Orosius,  Hist.  lib.  vii,  c.  3. 

2  Sozomen,  Hist.  lib.  ii,  c.  6. 
^  Memoir es,  torn,  iv,  p.  25. 


SECOND   EDICT  1G9 

when  he  received  the  tidings  which  they  brought 
was  to  convey  them  to  the  members  of  his  flock.  In 
a  letter  written  to  Successus,  Bishop  of  Abbir  Ger- 
maniciana,^  who  had  written  to  him  for  informa- 
tion, he  says :  "  The  reason  I  could  not  write  to 
you  at  once,  Dearest  Brother,  is  that  none  of  the 
clergy  could  leave  this  place,  because  they  are  now 
in  the  very  fire  of  combat  and  all  eager  to  gain  the 
Crown  of  Celestial  Glory.  Those  whom  I  sent  to  the 
city  to  find  out  the  truth  in  regard  to  what  has  been 
decreed  against  us  have  returned.^  There  were  num- 
bers of  vague  and  uncertain  rumors  in  existence ; 
but  the  truth  is  this :  Valerian  has  sent  a  rescript 
to  the  Senate  which  commands  —  that  bishops, 
priests  and  deacons  be  incontinently  put  to  death ; 
that  senators  and  men  of  high  rank  and  knights 
of  Rome  be  degraded  and  deprived  of  their  posses- 
sions, and  if  they  persist  in  being  Christians  after 
their  means  are  taken  away,  they  also  must  be  pun- 
ished with  death  ;  that  matrons  be  deprived  of  their 

1  Ep.  80. 

2  Quae  autem  sunt  in  vero  ita  se  habent,  rescripsisse  Valerianum 
ad  senatum,  ut  episcopi  et  presbyteri  et  diacones  in  continent! 
animadvertantur,  senatores  vero  et  egregii  viri  et  equites  Romani 
dignitate  amissa  etiam  bonis  spolientur  et  si  ademptis  facultatibus 
Christiani  esse  perseveraverint,  capite  quoque  multentur,  matronae 
ademptis  bonis  in  esilium  relegentvir,  Caesariani  autem,  quicumque 
vel  prius  eonfessi  fuerant  vel  nunc  confessi  fuerint,  confiscentur  et 
vincti  in  Caesarianas  possessiones  descripti  mittantur.  Subjecit 
etiam  Valerianus  imperator  orationi  suae  exemplum  litterarum, 
quas  ad  praesides  provinciarum  de  nobis  fecit.    Ibid. 


170  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

property  and  banished ;  that  the  Caesarians,  whether 
they  confessed  before  or  confess  now, '  suffer  confis- 
cation, be  put  in  bonds,  entered  in  the  slave  lists,  and 
sent  to  work  on  Caesar's  estate.'  ^  The  Emperor 
also  subjoined  to  this  order  a  copy  of  the  letters  he 
sent  to  the  provincial  governors  regarding  us,  which 
letters  we  are  expecting  every  day,  hoping  with  all 
our  faith  for  strength  to  suffer,  and  expecting, 
through  the  help  and  mercy  of  God,  the  Crown  of 
Eternal  Life." 

Such  was  in  essence  the  second  enactment  of 
Valerian.  The  most  cursory  comparison  of  its  pro- 
visions with  those  of  the  former  edict  shows  clearly 
that  the  one  was  a  development  of  the  other  ;  but 
where  the  former  was  tentative,  the  latter  was  final. 
Both  originated  from  the  same  general  conception 
of  the  means  to  be  adopted  for  the  repression  of 
Christianity,  and  both  were  a  result  of  the  policy 
first  inaugurated  by  Decius,  that  the  existence  of 
the  Christian  Church  was  fatal  to  the  essential 
unity  of  the  Empire.  There  was  the  same  conviction 
that  Christianity's  vital  point  was  the  hierarchy, 
and  the  same  desire  to  wound  it  through  its  leaders, 
to  reduce  it  to  inanition  by  cutting  off  its  life-giving 
elements,  to  remove  its  centres  of  unity,  its  capacity 


1  So  this  passage  is  rendered  by  Benson  {Life  of  Cyprian,  p.  480), 
who  adds  this  note  :  Descripti,  sic  lege ;  not  inscripti,  **  branded." 
Mart,  viii,  75,  9. 


SECOND  EDICT  171 

for  concerted  action,  and  thus  paralyzed  and  dis- 
integrated, to  doom  it  to  extinction  in  the  noisome 
atmosphere  of  paganism. 

The  edict  showed  the  result  of  careful  delibera- 
tion based  on  previous  anti-Christian  efforts.  De- 
cius  was  satisfied  if  the  members  of  the  hierarchy 
by  word  or  act  renounced  Christ ;  Valerian  at  fii-st 
demanded  that  they  should  openly  ally  themselves 
with  paganism.  In  the  former  case  penance  read- 
mitted them  to  the  Christian  fold.  In  the  latter, 
exile  was  insufficient  to  prevent  their  active  influ- 
ence over  their  flocks.  Now  the  mere  proof  of  rank 
made  them  outlaws  and  made  their  lives  forfeit. 
The  clause  in  regard  to  Christians  of  rank,  nobles, 
knights,  and  senators,  was  an  innovation,  inspired 
perhaps  by  the  zeal  they  had  shown  in  providing  for 
the  needs  of  their  Christian  brethren  condemned 
to  the  prisons  or  to  the  mines^  They  were  to  be 
reduced  to  beggary,  and  their  lives  to  be  spared 
only  on  condition  that  they  return  to  paganism. 
Thus  they  could  neither  aid  the  Church  from  their 
own  purses  nor  hold  her  possessions  in  trust,  and 
the  privileges  of  rank  could  not  avail  to  mitigate 
the  severities  which  might  be  practised  against 
them,  nor  afford  them  the  opportunity  of  relieving 
the  sufferings  of  their  co-religionists.  The  matrons 
were  likewise  to  be  deprived  of  their  possessions 
and  sent  into  banishment.    The  Caesariani,  Chris- 


172  THE   VALERIAN   PERSECUTION 

tians  of  Caesar's  household,  who  as  we  know  from 
Denis  of  Alexandria  were  present  in  large  num- 
bers at  the  court  of  Valerian,  were  to  be  sent  in 
chains  to  the  Ergastula  on  Caesar's  estates.^  The 
power  possessed  by  freedmen  and  slaves  at  the 
Roman  court  was  always  enormous,  and  in  the 
hands  of  Christians  it  would  be  an  important 
factor  in  diminishing  the  success  of  any  attempts 
against  the  welfare  of  the  Church.    Thus  the  edict 

o 

spared  neither  rank  nor  sex ;  it  cut  off  from  Chris- 
tianity all  sources  of  power  and  influence,  left  it 
without  resources  and  without  a  friend  in  high 
places. 

There  was  no  mention  made  of  what  measures 
were  to  be  adopted  in  regard  to  the  lowly  mem- 
bers of  the  Christian  Church  (^simplices  fideles). 
The  aim  of  the  edict  was  the  destruction  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  the  plan  adopted  was  sufficient  for  the 
purpose  without  trying  to  exterminate  all  who  pro- 
fessed the  religion  of  Christ.  Should  such  a  thing 
be  attempted,  the  towns  would  be  depopulated,  the 
prisons  filled,  and  all  the  resources  of  the  Empire 
would  be  insufficient  for  its  execution.  The  adop- 
tion of  such  a  scheme  would  make  it  easier  for  the 

1  On  the  Christiana  of  Caesar's  household,  vide  De  Rossi,  Bul- 
lettino,  January,  1867,  p.  15.  The  celebrated  "  Graffito  "  represent- 
ing- Alexamenos,  conjectured  to  be  a  page  of  the  imperial  house- 
hold, adoring  the  head  of  an  ass,  is  discussed  by  Duchesne,  Nuovo 
Bullettino,  vol.  v,  p.  18  (1900). 


SECOND  EDICT  173 

bishops,  priests,  and  influential  men  to  escape  than 
if  all  the  efforts  of  the  officials  were  directed  to- 
wards their  capture  and  punishment.  As  long  as 
the  great  mass  of  Christians  had  no  rallying-points, 
and  as  long  as  they  entertained  their  beliefs  in 
private,  they  could  never  be  a  menace  to  the  State. 
Should  they  attempt  to  hold  any  meetings  or  to 
take  possession  of  the  cemeteries  from  which  they 
had  been  expelled,  —  the  only  way  in  which  it  was 
possible  for  them  to  manifest  their  activity,  —  the 
former  edict  was  still  in  force,  and  provided  ample 
penalties  for  this  form  of  wrong-doing. 

That  the  Christians  in  Rome  intended  to  con- 
tinue their  congregational  life  by  using  the  Cata- 
combs as  meeting-places,  and  by  making  them 
asylums  in  times  of  danger,  is  clearly  indicated  by 
many  peculiar  features  in  the  construction  of  these 
subterranean  dwellings,  which  manifestly  belong  to 
the  time  of  the  Valerian  persecution.  According 
to  De  Rossi,  the  idea  of  making  the  Catacombs  inac- 
cessible to  the  pagans  by  means  of  secret  entrances 
and  intricate  passageways  was  first  put  into  execu- 
tion during  the  reign  of  Septimius  Severus.^  At 
that  date  there  was  no  law  or  rescript  forbidding 
the  Christians  free  access  to  their  cemeteries  and 


1  Rom.  Sott.  torn,  ii,  pp.  257  seq. ;  part  ii,  pp.  45-48,  plates 
LI,  LIII ;  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Rom.  Sott.  vol.  i,  p.  155 ; 
Armellini,  Gli  Antichi  Cimiteri  Cristiani,  p.  118. 


174  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  use  of  them  as  burial-places.  But  by  holding 
assemblies  there  the  Christians  incurred  the  anger  of 
the  pagan  populace,  who  frequently  broke  up  their 
congregational  gatherings.  Speaking  of  Africa,  in 
which  the  areae  ^  of  the  Christians  were  especially 
attacked,  TertuUian  says :  "  We  are  daily  beset  by 
foes,  we  are  daily  betrayed ;  and  we  are  oftentimes 
surprised  in  our  meetings  and  congregations.^  You 
know  the  very  days  of  our  assemblies :  therefore 
we  are  besieged  and  attacked  and  even  arrested  in 
our  secret  gathering-places."  ^ 

These  words  of  the  great  African  apologist  are 
considered  by  De  Rossi  to  be  an  eloquent  commen- 
tary on  some  strange  features  which  he  noticed  in 
the  cemetery  of  Callixtus,  the  first  cemetery  pos- 
sessed by  the  Church  as  a  corporate  organization. 
Here  he  observed  evidence  of  secret  entrances  to 
the  subterranean  crypts  by  labyrinthine  passages, 
whose  openings  were  artfully  concealed  in  neighbor- 
ing sand-pits,  and  which  were  manifestly  intended 
for  use  at  precisely  the  same  time  during  which 
there  were  public  stairways  leading  to  the  same 
Catacomb  which  descended  boldly  from  the  high- 

1  Sub  Hilariano  praeside,  cum  de  areis  sepulturarum  nostrarum 
adclamasset,  areae  non  sint.     TertuUian,  Ad  Scap.  c.  3. 

2  Quotidie  obsidemur,  quotidie  prodimur,  in  ipsis  plurimum 
coetibus  et  congregationibus  nostris  opprimimur.   ApoL  c.  7. 

^  Scitis  et  dies  conventuum  nostrorum  :  itaque  et  obsidemur  et 
opprimimur,  et  in  ipsis  arcanis  congregationibus  detinemur.  Ad 
Nat,  bk.  i,  c.  7. 


SECOND  EDICT  175 

way.  This  paradox  he  explained  by  the  equally 
strange  position  which  in  his  opinion  the  Christians 
occupied  in  the  eye  of  the  law.  As  an  illegal  reli- 
gious association  they  could  not  lawfully  hold  any 
assemblies,  but  possessed  of  the  rights  of  a  burial 
club  they  could  in  ordinary  cases  enter  their  cem- 
eteries with  perfect  safety  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
terring their  dead  associates. 

The  express  prohibition  to  make  use  of  the  cem- 
eteries for  any  purpose  whatsoever,  contained  in  the 
first  edict  of  Valerian,  gave  rise,  according  to  De 
Eossi,  to  greater  activity  on  the  part  of  the  Chris- 
tians in  making  access  to  the  Catacombs  more  com- 
plicated and  difficult.  The  regular  stairways  were 
destroyed  by  the  Fossores  themselves  and  cut  off 
from  the  rest  of  the  passages ;  the  galleries  were 
blocked  up  with  sand  ;  the  old  entrances  were  closed 
and  recourse  had  to  the  new  ones  opening  from  the 
adjacent  sand-pits,  in  order  that  no  one  could  enter 
who  had  not  the  key  to  the  tortuous  approaches. 
These  facts,  which  were  brought  to  light  by  the 
minute  examination  made  by  De  Rossi's  brother, 
place  before  our  eyes  the  scenes  of  which  in  those 
bloody  days  the  subterranean  cemeteries  were  the 
theatre,  and  "  show  us  here  a  Christian  Pompeii 
which  keeps  fresh  the  imprint  made  by  its  mysteri- 
ous and  heroic  inhabitants."  ^ 

1  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  torn,  ii,  p.  257. 


176  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

It  could  scarcely  be  expected  that  these  precau- 
tions would  suffice  to  baffle  the  Roman  officials.  No 
sooner  was  the  edict  promulgated  than  they  were 
able  to  lay  violent  hands  on  the  Bishop  of  Rome, 
who  had  fled  to  the  Catacombs  for  security. 
Cyprian's  letter  to  Successus  in  regard  to  the  new 
edict  contained  the  fearful  tidings  that  the  Pope 
"  Xystus  was  martyred  in  the  cemetery  on  the  8th 
day  of  the  Ides  of  August,  and  with  him  four^ 
deacons;"  that  "the  Prefects  of  the  City  were 
every  day  urging  the  persecution,  and  were  con- 
demning all  who  were  brought  before  them,  and 
confiscating  their  property."  ^ 

Thanks  to  the  researches  of  De  Rossi,  there  is 
no  doubt  as  to  the  place  where  this  martyrdom 
occurred.  When  the  Pope,  on  August  6,  wished  to 
assemble  the  faithful  for  divine  worship,  prudence 
forbade  him  to  go  to  the  cemetery  of  Callixtus, 
which  was  the  principal  cemetery  of  the  Christian 
community  and  seems  to  have  been  known  as  such 
to  the  pagans.  Nearly  opposite  this  cemetery,  on 
the  left  side  of  the  Via  Appia,  was  the  cemetery 
of  Praetextatus,  founded  by  the  illustrious  person 

1  "  Quattnor,"  sometimes  written  "  Quartum."  Cf.  De  Rossi, 
Bom.  Sott.  torn,  ii,  p.  87. 

2  Xistum  autem  in  cimiterio  animadversum  sciatis  octavo  iduum 
augustarum  die,  et  cum  eo  diacones  quattuor.  Sed  et  huic  perse- 
cutioni  quotidie  insistunt  praefecti  in  urbe,  ut  si  qui  sibi  oblati 
f  uerint,  aniraadvertantur,  et  bona  eorum  fisco  vindicentur.  Ep.  80. 


SECOND  EDICT  177 

whose  name  it  bears,  and  much  more  secure  because 
not  so  well  known  to  the  officials.^  As  late  as  the 
eighth  century,  tradition  pointed  out  this  spot  as 
the  veritable  scene  of  the  martyrdom  ,2  and  directly 
over  the  cemetery  of  Praetextatus  was  built  an 
oratory,  distinct  and  quite  distant  from  that  which 
now  rises  over  the  papal  crypt,  and  which  was 
dedicated  to  the  honor  and  memory  of  St.  Xystus. 
In  the  cemetery  itself  there  are  numerous  me- 
morials of  St.  Xystus,  which  in  the  opinion  of  De 
Rossi  date  from  a  time  anterior  to  Constantine. 
Here  is  a  picture  marked  with  the  name  SUSTUS, 
and  on  a  sepulchral  stone  a  representation  of  an  epis- 
copal cathedra  attesting  the  place  of  the  martyr's 
death,  and  a  "  graffito  "  of  a  bishop  seated  in  his 
cathedra  with  a  listener  who  holds  a  book  seated 
at  his  feet.  The  obscurity  of  the  cemetery  of  Prae- 
textatus, and  the  relics  found  therein,  all  square  ad- 
mirably with  the  opinion  that  this  was  the  place 
resorted  to  by  the  bishop  in  his  efforts  to  escape 
capture  and  death.^ 

1  Rom.  Sou.  torn,  i,  pp.  181  seq.,  247  ;  torn,  ii,  pp.  87-97 ;  Bullet- 
tino  di  Archeologia  Cristiana,  1863,  pp.  1-4,  18,  91 ;  1870,  p.  42 ; 
1872,  p.  76 ;  1874,  pp.  36-37. 

2  Bom.  Sou.  torn,  i,  pp.  180-181 ;  torn,  ii,  p.  88. 

^  Pope  Damasus  wrote  an  inscription  for  the  tomb  of  Xystus  in 
the  cemetery  of  Callixtus  :  — 

Tempore  quo  gladius  secuit  pia  viscera  matris 
Hie  positus  Rector  coelestia  jussa  docebam. 
Adveniunt  subito  rapiunt  qui  forte  sedentem. 
Militibus  missis  populi  tunc  colla  dedere ; 


178  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

Here  he  assembled  the  faithful  for  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  divine  mysteries,  and  while  seated  in  his 
cathedra  addressing  his  flock  he  was  suddenly  sur- 
prised by  the  entrance  of  a  band  of  soldiers.  The 
suddenness  of  the  attack  brought  consternation  to 
the  little  band.  Expecting  a  general  massacre  of 
all  who  were  thus  found  openly  violating  the  laws, 
Xystus  arose  and  offered  his  life  to  the  soldiers  in 
order  to  save  his  followers,  who  had  gathered  around 
him  to  protect  him  with  their  lives.  From  the 
fact  that  the  Pope  was  put  to  death  in  the  place 
where  he  was  arrested  many  have  thought  that  his 
martyrdom  took  place  immediately  after  his  arrest. 
But  as  De  Rossi  has  shown,  it  is  extremely  improb- 
able that  a  band  of  soldiers  would  have  murdered 
five  Romans  as  important  as  the  bishop  of  the  city 
and  four  of  his  seven  deacons  without  the  formality 
of  a  trial.  The  epitaph  placed  in  the  papal  crypt 
by  Pope  Damasus  says, — Adveniunt  suhito  rapiunt 
qui  forte  sedentem,  and  the  Liber  Pontificalis  tells 
us  that  Xystus  was  led  away  (^ductus  est)  to  offer 
sacrifice.  These  references  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  the  Pope  was  brought  before  some  tribunal 


Moi  ubi  cognovit  senior  quis  tollere  vellet 
Palmam,  seque  suumque  caput  prior  obtulit  ipse 
Impatiens  feritas  posset  ne  laedere  quemquam. 
Ostendit  Christus,  reddit  qtii  praemia  vitae ; 
Pastoris  meritum,  numerum  gregis  ipse  tuetur. 


Cf.  Duchesne,  Lib.  Pon.  i,  156. 


SECOND  EDICT  179 

in  order  to  be  sentenced  according  to  the  regular 
legal  forms. 

After  his  condemnation,  he  and  his  four  deacons 
were  sent  back  ^  to  the  place  where  they  had  been 
apprehended  in  order  that  they  might  be  executed 
on  the  spot  where  they  were  found  violating  the 
laws.2  When  he  reached  the  crypt,  Xystus  seated 
himseK  in  his  episcopal  chair,  bowed  his  head,  and 
received  the  executioner's  stroke.^ 

Four  deacons,  Januarius,  Vincentius,  Magnus, 
and  Stephanus,  were  put  to  death  in  the  same  manner 
and  at  the  same  time.  Two  other  deacons,  Felicissi- 
mus  and  Agapitus,  were  martyred  on  the  same  day 
but  in  a  different  place,  and  their  bodies  were  in- 
terred in  the  cemetery  of  Callixtus.  As  soon  as  an 
opportunity  offered,  the  Christians  transferred  the 
remains  of  the  martyred  Pope  to  the  papal  crypt, 
and  enshrined  behind  his  tomb  the  blood-stained 
chair  in  which  he  died. 

The  death  of  St.  Xystus  and  his  six  companions 
left  the  Roman  Church  with  but  one  surviving 
deacon.*  This  was  the  Archdeacon  Laurence. 
Christian  martyrology  offers  few  incidents  equal  in 

1  Bom.  Sott.  torn,  ii,  p.  92 ;  Duchesne,  loc.  cit.  pp.  156,  157. 

^  The  names  of  these  deacons  are  preserved  in  the  Liher  Pon- 
tificalis,  loc.  cit. 

^  Prudentius,  Peri  Stephanon,  ii,  21,  declares  that  Xystus  was 
crucified,  —  Jam  Xystus  adfixus  cruci.  Vide  Allard,  Les  Dernieres 
Persecutions  du  Troisieme  Steele,  Appendix  C,  p.  318. 

*  Sozomen,  lib.  vii,  c.  19. 


180  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

pathos  and  interest  to  tlie  traditional  story  of  the 
sufferings  and  death  of  St.  Laurence ;  but  unfor- 
tunately the  story  as  we  know  it  does  not  come 
from  the  hands  of  contemporary  writers.  The 
Acta  of  his  martyrdom,  if  they  were  ever  written, 
disappeared  very  soon  ;  those  which  are  now  in 
existence  were  composed  at  least  two  centuries 
later.^  Besides  these  Acta  there  are  some  references 
in  the  writings  of  St.  Ambrose,^  and  a  long  poem 
which  Prudentius  composed  in  honor  of  St.  Lau- 
rence,^ which  describe  in  detail  the  principal  events 
of  his  martyrdom. 

From  these  unsatisfactory  sources  we  learn  that 
St.  Laurence  was  not  condemned  at  the  same  time 
as  St.  Xystus,  and  that  when  the  hour  of  separa- 
tion came  he  was  overwhelmed  with  grief,  not  be- 
cause his  master  was  to  suffer,  but  because  they 
were  to  be  separated  in  death.*  St.  Xystus  com- 
forted him  with  the  prophetic  warning  that  he  him- 
self would  suffer  a  more  cruel  death  in  three  days.^ 
This  respite  was  granted  because  the  prefect  of  the 
city  desired  to  compel  St.  Laurence,  who  was  treas- 

^  Tons  ces  indices  nous  permettent  de  dater  des  environs  de  I'an 

500  les  gesta  Laurentii.   Dufourcq,  loc.  cit.  p.  309. 

2  Officiorum,  lib.  i,  c.  41 ;  lib.  ii,  c  28. 

^  Peri  Stephanon,  ii. 

*  Flere  eoepit,  non  passionem  illius,  sed  suam  remansionem. 
St.  Ambrose,  lib.  i,  c.  41. 

fi  Post  triduum  me  sequeris.  Ibid.  Post  hoc  sequeris  triduum. 
Peri  Stephanon,  28. 


SECOND   EDICT  181 

urer  and  administrator  of  the  Church,  to  surrender 
all  the  property  which  he  had  under  his  care.^  He 
was  committed  to  the  custody  of  a  soldier  named 
Hippolytus,  whom  he  converted,  together  with  his 
whole  household  of  nineteen  persons.  A  large  num- 
ber of  these  converts  were  put  to  death  for  embra- 
cing the  Christian  faith,  and  Hippolytus  himself 
was  condemned  to  be  torn  by  wild  horses.^ 

After  the  lapse  of  three  days,  during  which  St. 
Laurence  busied  himself  in  gathering  together  the 
poor  and  needy  who  were  dependent  on  the  bounty 
of  the  Church,  he  presented  himself  to  the  prefect 
accompanied  by  a  multitude  of  the  blind,  the  lame, 
and  the  halt.  He  handed  a  Hst  of  their  names  to 
the  prefect,  saying :  '*  These  are  the  treasures  of 
the  Church."^  The  enraged  magistrate  at  once 
condemned  him  to  be  put  to  death  on  a  gridiron 
over  a  slow  fire. 

How  much  truth,  if  any,  is  contained  in  this  nar- 
rative, it  is  hard  to  say.  Recent  criticism  has  de- 
nuded the  story  of  its  most  dramatic  features,  and 
relegated  to  the  realm  of  fable  everything  but  the 
single  fact  that  St.  Laurence  died  the  death  of  a 

1  Hoc  poscit  iisus  publicus, 
Hoc  fiscus,  hoc  aerarimn, 
Ut  dedita  stipendiis 
Ducem  juvet  pecunia.  Ibid.  23-26. 

2  Of.  Dufourcq,  pp.  202  seq.,  for  the  history  of  the  different 
martyrs  named  Hippolytus. 

3  Hi  sunt  thesauri  ecclesiae.  St.  Arab.  loc.  cit.  lib.  ii,  e.  28. 


182  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

martyr.  In  the  first  place,  the  Acta  themselves 
were  written  by  some  one  unacquainted  with  the 
main  facts  of  Eoman  history.  Both  Decius  and  Va- 
lerian are  represented  as  taking  part  in  the  trial 
and  condemnation  of  the  martyr,  whereas  Decius 
was  dead  and  Valerian  in  the  far  East  at  the  time. 
The  quality  of  the  dialogue  between  St.  Laurence 
and  his  bishop,  savoring  as  it  does  of  the  tragic 
drama,  and  the  impossibility  that  such  lengthy  dis- 
courses could  take  place  at  such  a  moment,  throw 
the  gravest  doubt  on  its  authenticity.  It  was  at 
most,  as  M.  Aube  observes,  an  amplification,  made 
by  the  clever  pen  of  St.  Ambrose,^  of  a  few  tradi- 
tionary words  or  even  looks. 

It  is  not  unlikely,  however,  that  St.  Laurence  was 
commanded  to  surrender  the  treasures  of  the  Church. 
The  edict  itself  and  many  other  contemporaneous 
incidents  prove  conclusively  that  the  confiscation  of 
ecclesiastical  property  was  one  of  the  means  adopted 
to  eradicate  Christianity,  and  it  is  quite  probable  that 
the  delay  in  executing  St.  Laurence  was  intended 
for  the  purpose  of  wringing  from  him  the  secrets 
which  he  alone  possessed.^   Otherwise,  it  is  hard  to 

1  VEglise  et  VEtat,  p.  369. 

2  The  deacon  selected  among  the  seven  to  divide  with  the  Pon- 
tiff the  care  of  the  Summum  Sacerdotium  had  charge  of  the  area 
of  the  Chiirch.  He  administered  its  temporal  affairs ;  took  charge 
of  the  offerings  of  the  faithful ;  distributed  them  for  the  support  of 
the  clergy,  of  the  widows,  the  orphans,  the  poor,  the  confessors 


SECOND  EDICT  183 

explain  why  he  was  not  immediately  executed  to- 
gether with  St.  Xystus,  from  whom  it  is  difficult  to 
believe  he  was  separated  during  the  celebration  of 
the  sacred  mysteries  in  the  Catacombs.  The  presen- 
tation of  the  poor  to  the  prefect  as  the  treasures  of 
the  Church  is,  doubtless,  a  pious  fiction  of  a  later 
date,  which  does  little  credit  to  the  prudence  of  St. 
Laurence,  of  whom  it  can  scarcely  be  believed  that 
he  would  expose  beggars  and  cripples,  could  he 
have  succeeded  in  doing  so  with  such  persons,  to  the 
fury  and  cruelty  of  a  prefect  of  Imperial  Rome. 

M.  Dufourcq  has  effectively  disposed  of  that 
portion  of  the  narrative  relating  to  the  conversion 
and  death  of  Hippolytus  and  his  companions,  whose 
names,  he  says,  are  mentioned  together  for  no  other 
reason  than  that  their  tombs  were  situated  in  the 
same  place,  and  thus  through  some  uncertain  con- 
nection between  Hippolytus  and  St.  Laurence  the 
histories  of  all  were  inextricably  confused.^ 

of  the  faith  condemned  to  the  mines  or  shut  up  in  the  prisons,  and 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  cemeteries.  Thus  the  deacon  neces- 
sarily took  charge  of  the  archives  of  the  Church,  the  matricula  or 
list  of  the  clerg-y,  confessors,  and  poor,  and  in  this  way  became 
naturally  the  head  and  censor  of  the  clergy,  and  possessed  au- 
thority almost  equal  to  that  of  the  Pontiff  himself.  Consequently, 
the  archdeacon,  becaiise  of  his  position  as  administrator  of  ecclesi- 
astical afFairs  and  his  correspondence  with  other  churches,  was 
usually  selected  for  the  Pontificate.  Cf.  De  Rossi,  Bullettino  di 
Archeologia  Cristiana,  1866,  pp.  8  seq. 

1  Le  fait  est  que  nous  ignorons  tout  de  ces  martyrs,  horrais  ce 
point  seulement :  comme  leur  tombeau  ^tait  tout  voisin  de  celui 
d'Hippolyte,  elles  f urent  associ^es  h  I'histoire  de  ce  saint  et  en- 


184  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  most  that  can  be  said  in  favor  of  the  tradi- 
tional story  of  the  death  of  St.  Laurence,  namely, 
that  he  suffered  death  on  a  gridiron,  is  that  it  af- 
fords a  subject  for  interminable  discussion.  The 
traditions  on  which  this  story  rests  are  not  worthy 
of  credence;  while  the  extraordinary  and  refined 
cruelty  of  the  prefect  in  condemning  St.  Laurence 
to  a  lingering  death  over  a  slow  fire  is  with  diffi- 
culty reconciled  with  the  express  command  contained 
in  the  edict  regarding  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons 
(animadvertantur)  which  ordinarily  meant  decap- 
itation. There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  as  to  the 
tradition  itself.  How  did  it  come  into  existence? 
According  to  Pio  Franchi  de'  Cavalieri,  by  a  mis- 
take in  transcription,  by  which  the  customary  and 
solemn  formula  for  announcing  the  death  of  a  mar- 
tyr— passus  est — was  made  to  read  assus  est} 
The  Liber  Pontificalis,  which,  according  to  Du- 
chesne, drew  from  sources  independent  of  the  ex- 
isting Acta  and  traditions  regarding  St.  Xystus 
and  St.  Laurence,  uses  precisely  this  formula,  pas- 
sus est,^ 

gag^es  h.  sa  suite  dans  le  cycle  de  Laurent.  Loc.  cit.  p.  202  ;  Bom. 
Sou.  torn,  i,  pp.  180,  181. 

1  Ora  un  passus  est,  col  semplice  cancellarsi  di  una  lettera  di- 
venta  assus  est,  ci6  che  appunto  significa  fu  cotto  arrosto.  Pio 
Franchi  de'  Cavalieri,  '*  S.  Lorenzo  e  il  Supplizio  della  Graticola," 
Romische  Quartalschrift,  vol.  xiv  (1900),  pp.  159-176.  This  is 
an  elaborate  and  scholarly  discussion  of  all  the  questions  connected 
with  the  death  of  St.  Laurence. 

^  Et  post  passionem  beati  Xysti ;  post  tertia  die  passus  est  beatus 


SECOND  EDICT  185 

It  follows  that  the  traditional  account  of  the 
martyrdom  of  St.  Laurence  is  nothing  but  a  legend 
pure  and  simple.  But  as  Franchi  observes,  "the 
halo  of  glory  with  which  the  Church  and  the  unin- 
terrupted veneration  of  the  faithful  have  surrounded 
that  brow  will  still  remain  and  shine  with  all  its 
fulness,  whether  he  died  on  a  fiery  gridiron,  or 
whether  he  received  the  same  crown  as  the  other 
deacons  of  Eome,  of  Carthage,  and  Lambesa,  the 
crown  of  St.  Xystus  and  St.  Cyprian."  ^ 

A  subdeacon  named  Claudius,  Severus  a  pres- 
byter, Crescentius  a  lector,  and  Komanus  a  porter, 
were  put  to  death  on  the  same  day  that  St.  Lau- 
rence died.  The  bodies  of  all  were  reverently  in- 
terred by  the  Christians  in  the  cemetery  of  Cyriaca 
on  the  Via  Tiburtina.^ 

Although  the  edict  expressly  stated  that  the 
punishment  to  be  inflicted  on  Christian  matrons 
was  confiscation  and  banishment,  there  were  several 

Laurentius  ejus  archidiaconus  IIII  id.  Aug.,  et  subdiaconus 
Claudius,  et  presbyter  Severus,  et  Crescentius  lector,  et  Homanus 
ostiarius.     Duchesne,  Lib.  Pont.  vol.  i,  p.  155. 

1  Loc.  cit.  p.  176. 

2  Two  of  these  companions  of  St.  Laurence  are  absolutely  un- 
known except  for  the  reference  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis.  Cf .  Du- 
chesne, loc.  cit. 

The  tomb  of  Crescentius  is  mentioned  in  the  Itineraries.  Homa- 
nus, who  is  called  a  porter  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  is  called  a  sol- 
dier in  the  Itineraries.  Dufourcq,  loc.  cit.  pp.  200, 201 ;  Allard,  Les 
Dernieres  Persecutions  du  Troisieme  Siecle,  p.  93,  note  ;  De  Rossi, 
Rom.  Sott.  torn,  i,  pp.  168,  179  j  Bullettino,  1864,  p.  33. 


186  THE   VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

women  of  noble  birth  who  paid  the  extreme  penalty. 
Among  these  was  Eugenia,  the  daughter  of  a  cer- 
tain Philip  who  had  held  the  position  of  governor 
in  Egypt.  After  her  martyrdom  her  body  was  in- 
terred in  the  cemetery  of  Apronianus  on  the  Via 
Appia.  Her  tomb  is  mentioned  in  the  "Itineraries" 
and  in  the  Liber  Pontificalis.^  Another  Christian 
maiden,  Basilla,  whose  name  is  associated  with  that 
of  Eugenia,  was  denounced  as  a  Christian  by  a 
pagan  to  whom  she  was  betrothed,  and  whom, 
because  she  preferred  virginity  to  marriage,  she 
refused  to  wed.  Two  others,  Rufina  and  Secunda, 
who  refused  to  abjure  Christianity,  were  condemned 
by  the  prefect,  Julius  Donatus,  and  decapitated  at 
a  place  ten  miles  from  Rome  where  Pope  Damasus 
afterwards  built  a  church  in  their  honor.^ 

Two  slaves,  Protus  and  Hyacinthus,  who  be- 
longed to  the  household  of  Eugenia,  were  con- 
demned to  death  for  their  activity  in  spreading 
Christian  truths.  The  tomb  of  St.  Hyacinthus  was 
opened  in  1845,  and  was  seen  to  contain  ashes  and 
charred  bones  and  some  stray  threads  of  gold  which, 
it  is  conjectured,  formed  part  of  the  precious  cloth 
in  which  the  remains  of  the  martyr  were  wrapped. 

1  Cf.  Dufourcq,  loc.  cit.  pp.  191  seq.  The  Acta  of  St.  Eugenia 
were  drawn  up  some  time  between  410  and  526.  Ibid.  p.  300 ;  De 
Rossi,  Mom.  Sott.  tom.  i,  pp.  180,  181. 

2  Cf.  Dufourcq,  loc.  cit.  pp.  232,  311  ;  Acta  Sanctc/rum,  July, 
tom.  iii,  pp.  27  sq. 


SECOND  EDICT  187 

The  condition  of  these  relics  is  taken  as  proof  pos- 
itive that  St.  Hyacinthus  and  his  companion  were 
burned  at  the  stake.^ 

The  fury  with  which  the  Christians  in  Rome 
were  pursued  is  by  no  means  indicated  by  the 
number  of  martyrs  whose  Acta  have  survived  or 
whose  names  have  been  preserved.  Even  children 
of  tender  years  did  not  escape.  Pancratius,  the  son 
of  a  Phrygian  noble,  refused  with  the  greatest 
fortitude  to  offer  sacrifice  to  the  gods  and  was 
consequently  slain.2  Jiis  body  was  interred  on  the 
Via  Aurelia.3  The  place  of  his  sepulture  became 
an  object  of  veneration  to  pilgrims  in  the  fifth  and 
sixth  century,  and  the  young  saint  himself  was 
known  as  the  avenger  of  violated  oaths.^ 

^  The  Acta  of  these  saints  are  not  in  existence.  Their  names 
occur  in  the  Acta  of  St.  Eugenia,  mentioned  above.  The  tomb  of 
Hyacinthus  escaped  the  changes  and  restorations  in  the  Catacombs, 
and  remained  intact  until  1845,  when  it  was  discovered  by  the 
Jesuit  archaeologist,  Marchi.  Cf.  Armellini,  Gli  Antichi  Cimiteri 
Cristiani,  pp.  186  seq. ;  Allard,  Les  Dernieres  Persecutions  du  Troi' 
sihne  Siecle,  Appendix  G,  p.  363. 

2  Cf.  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  tom.  i,  pp.  182. 

3  Dufourcq,  loc.  cit.  pp.  215,  309. 

*  Est  etiam  haud  procul  ab  urbis  muro  et  Pancratius  martyr, 
valde  in  perjuribus  idtor.  Ad  cujus  sepulchrum,  si  cujusquam, 
mens  insana  juramentum  inane  proferre  voluerit,  priusquam  sepul- 
chrum ejus  adeat  .  .  .  aut  arripitur  a  daemone,  aut  cadens  in 
pavimento  emittit  spiritimi.  Greg.  Tour.  Glor.  Mart,  i,  39.  Cf. 
Liber  Pontif.  vol.  i,  p.  303. 


CHAPTER   VII 

ST.  CYPRIAN  AND  THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS 

St.  Cyprian  receives  tidings  of  new  rescript  —  Warns  the  Chris- 
tians of  Africa — Summoned  to  Utica  by  Galerius  Maximus,  who 
had  succeeded  Aspasius  Paternus  as  proconsul  —  Withdraws 
into  hiding  —  Returns  to  his  villa  when  the  proconsul  comes  to 
Carthage  —  Arrest  —  Condemnation  —  Death  —  Massa  Can- 
dida—  Sources:  St.  Augustine,  Prudentius  —  Legend  or  his- 
tory —  Cruelty  of  proconsul  towards  Christians  of  Carthage  — 
Large  numbers  massacred  —  Arrest  of  Lucius,  Montanus,  Fla- 
vianus,  Julianus,  Victorious,  Renus  —  Acts  of  these  martyrs  — 
Long  imprisonment  —  Visions  —  Other  Christian  prisoners  — 
Trial  —  Execution  —  Martyrs  in  Numidia  —  Marianus  and 
James  —  Agapius  and  Secundinus  —  Sufferings  of  Marianus 
and  James  —  Visions  —  Trial  and  condemnation  —  Sent  to 
Lambesa  —  Execution  —  Other  Christian  confessors. 

The  care  and  foresight  which  St.  Cyprian  mani- 
fested in  securing  the  first  tidings  of  the  new 
rescript  were  in  keeping  with  his  whole  line  of 
conduct  since  the  Decian  persecution.  His  legal 
attainments  and  his  familiarity  with  the  spirit  and 
traditions  of  the  Roman  Constitution  showed  him 
that  a  change  in  dynasty  or  the  fleeting  favor  of  a 
ruler  could  never  alter  appreciably  the  status  of 
Christianity.  The  followers  of  Christ  were  still  out- 
laws, and,  when  occasion  demanded  or  opportunity 
offered,  all  the  machinery  of  legal  repression  could 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  189 

he  set  in  motion  against  them.  With  this  knowledge, 
and  mindful  of  the  bloody  scenes  of  death  and 
suffering  and  the  shameful  instances  of  apostasy- 
witnessed  in  his  own  church  in  Carthage,  he  bent  all 
his  energies  towards  preparing  his  flock  for  the 
struggle  which  he  knew  could  not  be  long  deferred. 
A  note  of  warning  runs  through  all  his  writings  at 
this  time.  The  true  Christian  must  be  prepared  to 
abandon  all  things  and  to  seek  happiness  in  heaven. 
"  How  often  has  it  been  revealed  to  me,"  he  says, 
"  how  frequently  and  manifestly  has  it  been  com- 
manded by  the  condescension  of  God,  that  I  should 
diligently  bear  witness  and  publicly  declare  that  our 
brethren  who  are  freed  from  this  world  by  the 
Lord's  summons  are  not  to  be  lamented,  since  we 
know  that  they  are  not  lost  but  gone  before."  ^  In 
accordance  with  the  wishes  of  Fortunatus,  a  fellow 
bishop,  he  prepared  an  "  Exhortation  to  Martyr- 
dom," "  because  the  hateful  time  of  Anti-Christ 
was  beginning  to  draw  near,  and  the  minds  of 
the  brethren  should  be  prepared  and  strengthened, 
whereby,  as  soldiers  of  Christ,  they  might  be  ani- 
mated for  the  heavenly  and  spiritual  conflict."  ^ 

His  letter  of  exhortation  to  Successus  at  the  out- 
break of  the  persecution  was  the  culmination  of 
years  of  labor  and  teaching.    That  which  he  had 
expected  had  come  to  pass,  and  the  faith  and  forti- 
1  De  Mortalitate,  c.  20.  ^  Exhort,  ad  Martyr,  c.  1. 


190  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

tude  of  his  followers  were  once  more  to  be  tried  in 
the  fiery  furnace  of  persecution.  "  I  beg,"  he  writes, 
"  that  these  things  may  be  made  known  by  your 
means  to  the  rest  of  our  colleagues,  that  every- 
where, by  their  exhortation,  the  brotherhood  may 
be  strengthened  and  prepared  for  the  spiritual  con- 
flict, that  every  one  of  us  may  think  less  of  death 
than  immortality ;  and,  dedicated  to  the  Lord  with 
fuU  faith  and  entire  courage,  may  rejoice  rather 
than  fear  in  this  confession,  wherein  they  know 
that  the  soldiers  of  God  and  Christ  are  not  slain 
but  crowned."  ^ 

This  letter  was  written  from  Carthage,  whither 
Cyprian  had  been  recalled  by  Galerius  Maximus, 
who  had  succeeded  Aspasius  Paternus  as  proconsul.^ 
Neither  the  Acta  nor  Pontius  give  any  intimation 
of  the  reason  why  his  banishment  had  been  so  ab- 
ruptly terminated.  He  was  ordered,  on  his  return, 
to  take  up  his  residence  in  his  country-house  near 
Carthage,^  the  beautiful  villa  which  he  had  sold  for 
the  benefit  of  the  poor  in  the  early  days  of  his  con- 
version, and  which  his  friends  had  repurchased  and 
presented  to  him.*  Here  in  the  scenes  of  his  early 
manhood,  surrounded  by  memorials  of  his  pagan 

1  Ep.  81.  2  ^cta,  c.  2. 

^  Ex  sacro  praecepto  in  suis  hortis  manebat.   Ibid. 

*  Hortos,  quos  inter  initia  fidei  suae  venditos,  et  Dei  indulg-entia 
restitutes,  pro  certo  iterum  in  usura  pauperum  vendidisset,  nisi 
invidiam  de  persecutioue  vitaret.   Pontius,  Vita  Cyp.  c.  15. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  191 

life,  he  waited  day  by  day  for  the  crown  which  had 
been  promised  to  him.^  Friends  —  pagan  and  Chris- 
tian—  congregated  there.  Men  of  high  rank  and 
noble  family,  generous  with  the  prodigality  of  the 
world,  came  to  him  and  urged  him  to  fly,  promising 
him  places  of  concealment  and  safety.  But  the  fire 
of  martyrdom  was  already  burning  in  his  veins,  and 
he  sternly  and  firmly  refused  to  accede  to  their 
wishes.  "He  would,  perhaps,  have  done  so,"  says 
his  biographer,  "  if  a  divine  command  had  been 
added  to  the  solicitations  of  his  friends."  When- 
ever an  opportunity  offered  he  set  himself  to  teach- 
ing those  around  him,  exhorting  them  to  overcome 
the  love  for  temporal  things  by  reflecting  on  the 
glory  that  was  to  come.  So  eager  was  he  to  preach 
Christ  and  to  bear  witness  to  Him  that  he  hoped 
the  death  stroke  might  come  while  he  was  speaking 
about  God.2 

When  the  imperial  circular  containing  the  Em- 
peror's instructions  for  the  governors  of  provinces 
arrived  in  Africa,  Galerius  Maximus  was  at  Utica, 
and,  though  in  ill-health,  he  at  once  despatched 
officers  to  Carthage  to  seize  Cyprian  and  conduct 
him  to  Utica  for  trial.  Apprised  of  their  coming, 
and  knowing  full  well  that  such  a  summons  meant 

1  Inde  quotidie  sperabat  venire  ad  se,  sicut  illi  ostensmn  fuerat. 
Acta,  c.  2. 

2  Ibid. 


192  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

condemnation  and  death,  Cyprian  accepted  the 
asylum  offered  by  his  friends,  and  when  the  emis- 
saries of  the  proconsul  arrived  he  was  not  to  be 
found.  While  there  was  a  question  merely  of  per- 
sonal safety,  he  had  scorned  concealment ;  but  now 
a  just  cause  for  flight  arose.  He  would  not  die 
anywhere  but  among  his  own  people:  "for  the 
reason  that  it  is  fit  for  a  bishop,  in  that  city  in 
which  he  presides  over  the  Church  of  the  Lord, 
there  to  confess  the  Lord,  so  that  the  whole  people 
may  be  gloi^ified  by  the  confession  of  their  prelate 
in  their  presence."  ^ 

From  his  hiding-place  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
the  clergy  and  people  of  Carthage,  giving  the  rea- 
sons for  his  retirement,  and  assuring  them  it  would 
last  only  while  the  proconsul  was  absent.  When 
Aspasius  Paternus  should  return  he  would  be  ready 
to  present  himseK  before  the  tribunal.  Further- 
more, it  was  his  firm  belief  that  the  words  spoken 
by  a  bishop  at  the  moment  of  his  confession  were 
uttered  under  the  influence  of  divine  revelation. 
How  appalling,  then,  to  think  that  he,  a  bishop 
marked  for  certain  death,  should  go  to  a  distant 
city  and  make  his  confession  away  from  his  own 
people.  "  The  honor  of  our  church,  glorious  as  it  is, 
will  be  mutilated,  if  I,  a  bishop  placed  over  another 
church,  should  receive  my  sentence  or  my  confession 

1  St.  Cyprian,  Ep.  82. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  193 

at  Utica,  and  should  go  thence  as  a  martyr  to  the 
Lord,  when,  indeed,  both  for  my  own  sake  and 
yours,  I  pray  with  continual  supplications,  and  with 
all  my  desires  entreat,  that  I  may  confess  among 
you,  and  there  suffer,  and  thence  depart  to  the  Lord 
even  as  I  ought."  ^ 

The  proconsul's  return  was  not  long  delayed.  On 
account  of  sickness  he  did  not  take  up  his  residence 
in  the  city  itself,  but  in  an  adjoining  villa  owned  by 
a  certain  Sextus.^  From  there  on  September  13  he 
despatched  two  officers  ^  and  a  numerous  body  of 
soldiers  to  capture  the  leader  and  the  bishop  of  the 
Christians.  Cyprian  made  good  his  promise.  When 
they  arrived  he  was  there  to  meet  them,  and  without 
hesitation  resigned  himself  into  custody.  He  was 
placed  in  a  chariot  between  his  captors,  the  strator 
and  the  equistrator,  and  was  at  once  driven  off  to 
the  villa  occupied  by  the  proconsul.  His  conduct 
and  bearing  on  the  journey  must  have  surprised 
the  stern  soldier  of  the  Third  Legion  and  the  grim 
jailer  who  accompanied  him.  His  prayers  and 
wishes  had  been  consummated,  and  with  no  trace 
of  hesitancy  or  fear  he  bore  himself  with  dignity 
and   composure,    manifesting,    as    his    biographer 

1  St.  Cyprian,  loc.  cit. 

2  In  Sexti  .  .  .  ubi  idem  Galerius  Maximus  Proconsul,  bonae 
valetudinis  recuperandae  gratia,  secesserat.    Acta  Procon.  c.  2. 

^  Principes  duo,  unus  Strator  officii  Galerii  Maximi  Proconsulis 
et  alius  Equistrator  a  custodiis  ejusdem  officii.   Ihid.  c.  2. 


194  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

says,  "  cheerfulness  in  his  look  and  courage  in  his 
heart."! 

On  arriving  at  the  proconsul's  it  was  learned 
that,  because,  perhaps,  of  illness,  he  was  not  yet 
ready  to  take  up  the  case.  With  the  intention 
probably  of  making  the  death  of  Cyprian  serve  as 
a  lesson  to  the  people  of  the  city,  he  remanded  him 
until  the  following  day  in  the  custody  of  the  first 
princeps  who  had  arrested  him,  and  in  his  house 
situated  in  the  street  of  Saturn  between  the  Via 
Venerea  and  the  Via  Salutaria,  Cyprian  spent  the 
night.2 

The  news  that  Thascius  was  in  custody  spread 
at  once  throughout  the  city.  No  person  in  Car- 
thage was  more  prominent  than  the  aged  bishop  of 
the  Christians,  During  the  greater  part  of  his 
long  life  he  had  been  constantly  in  the  public  eye. 
Renowned  as  a  lawyer  and  orator  long  before  his 
conversion,  his  fame  had  increased  day  by  day,  not 
only  among  the  faithful,  but  even  among  the  pagans, 
to  whom  in  the  dark  days  of  the  plague  he  was  a 
constant  benefactor  and  kind  friend. ^  With  feel- 
ings of  veneration  and  regret  they  assembled  from 

1  Vita,  c.  15. 

2  In  vico,  qui  dicitur  Saturni,  inter  Veneream  et  Salutariam. 
Acta  Procon.  c.  2. 

2  Productum  esse  jam  Thascium,  quem  praeter  celebrem  glo- 
riosa  opinione  notitiam,  etiam  de  commemoratione  praeclarissimi 
operis  nemo  non  noverat.    Vita,  c.  15. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  195 

all  sides  and  stood  in  silent  throngs  around  his 
temporary  prison.  Lest  anything  should  occur  un- 
known to  them,  the  entire  Christian  population  of 
Carthage  kept  vigil  throughout  the  whole  night 
around  the  house  of  the  princeps.  Through  the 
kindness  of  his  custodians  ^  Cyprian  was  allowed 
to  spend  his  last  hours  in  the  company  of  his  dea- 
cons and  some  of  his  intimate  friends.  One  inci- 
dent alone  of  this  night's  sorrowful  vigil  has  been 
preserved.  Cyprian  with  his  usual  care  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  the  waiting  Christians  that  the  maidens 
should  be  carefully  guarded  during  the  darkness 
and  disorder. 

The  morrow  dawned  glorious  in  the  brilliant 
sun  and  cloudless  sky  of  an  African  day.^  When 
Cyprian  came  forth,  the  tlu-ong,  whose  interest  and 
ardor  night  had  not  diminished,  were  there  to  see 
and  follow  him.  His  way  to  the  viUa  of  Sextus 
led  across  the  stadium.  It  was  right  and  proper, 
says  Pontius,  that  he  who  had  finished  the  conflict 
and  was  going  to  his  reward  should  pass  through 
the  scene  of  so  many  struggles.^  After  a  long  and 
tiresome  walk  in  the  midst  of  an  ever-increasing 

1  Custodia  delicata.   St.  Cyprian,  loc.  cit. 

^  Illuxit  denique  dies  alius,  ille  signatus,  ille  promissns,  ille 
divinus ;  quern  si  tyrannus  ipse  differre  voluisset,  nunquara  pror- 
sus  valeret ;  dies  de  conscientia  f uturi  Martyris  laetus ;  et  dis- 
cusais  per  totum  mundi  ambitum  nubibus,  claro  sole  radiatus. 
Vita,  c.  16. 

3  Ibid. 


196  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

crowd,  it  was  found  when  they  reached  the  villa 
that  the  proconsul  could  not  at  once  proceed  with 
the  trial.  A  place  of  retirement  was  provided  for 
the  aged  bishop.  The  seat  he  occupied  was  by- 
chance  covered  with  a  white  cloth,  and  in  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  moment  his  followers  saw  in  this  a 
providential  provision  by  which  their  bishop  would 
take  his  last  rest  in  a  chair  adorned  like  his  epis- 
copal cathedra.  While  waiting  for  the  summons 
of  the  proconsul,  one  of  the  officers  of  the  court,  a 
lapsed  Christian,  noticing  that  Cyprian's  garments 
were  drenched  with  perspiration,  offered  him  a 
change  of  clothing.  Some  feeling  of  reverence  for 
his  former  bishop,  or  the  desire  to  possess  these 
relics  of  a  martyr,  may  have  prompted  this  kind- 
ness, but  Cyprian  quietly  refused  it,  saying,  "  Why 
cure  complaints  that  will  cease  forever  before  the 
day  has  passed  ?  "  ^ 

At  last  he  was  summoned  to  the  proconsul's 
presence,  and  ushered  into  the  Atrium  Sanciolum 
where  the  trial  was  to  take  place.  Guarded  by 
soldiers,  the  venerable  prisoner  faced  his  judges. 
No  time  was  lost  in  preliminaries.  There  were  no 
speeches  by  counsel  or  summoning  of  witnesses ;  the 
accusation  was  ready,  and  the  prisoner  was  called 
on  to  affirm  or  deny  its  truth. 

Although  a  very  sick  man,  the  proconsul  con- 

1  Pontius,  loc.  cit.  e.  16. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  197 

ducted  the  trial  in  person.  He  said :  Ydu  are 
Thascius  Cy^^rianus. 

Cyprian.  I  am. 

Galerius.  You  have  made  yourself  the  Pope  ^ 
of  certain  sacrilegiously  minded  men. 

Cyprian.  I  have. 

Galerius.  The  most  sacred  Emperors  have 
ordered  you  to  offer  sacrifice. 

Cyprian.  I  will  not  do  so. 

Galerius.  Have  a  care  for  yourself. 

Cyprian.  Do  what  you  are  ordered.  In  a  matter 
so  plain  there  is  no  need  for  further  colloquy. 

This  ended  the  examination.  The  accused  had 
admitted  his  guilt,  and  in  accordance  with  the 
usage  of  the  court  the  proconsid  consulted  with 
his  council  before  passing  sentence.  The  confer- 
ence was  brief ;  he  turned  to  the  prisoner  and  said : 
"  For  a  long  time  you  have  led  a  Ufe  of  sacrilege  ; 
and  you  have  gathered  round  you  in  a  vile  con- 
spiracy a  large  number  of  others.  You  have  lived 
as  a  declared  enemy  to  the  gods  and  the  sacred 
laws  of  Rome.  Even  the  pious  and  exalted  Augusti, 
Valerian  and  Gallienus,  and  the  most  noble  Caesar 
Valerian,  have  not  been  able  to  induce  you  to  prac- 
tise the  national  rites.    Therefore  since  you  are  the 

^  Tu  papam  te  sacrilegae  mentis  hominibus  praebuisti.  Acta 
Procon.  e.  3.  Ruinart  has  the  following  note  on  the  word  "  pa- 
pam :  "  Forte  papatem  ut  legendum  esse  censet  noster  Mabillo- 
zuas,  etc. 


198  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

author  of  detestable  crimes,  and  since  you  are  a 
standard-bearer  in  wickedness  for  otliers,  you  will 
serve  as  a  lesson  to  tbose  whom  you  have  made 
partners  in  your  guilt.  Discipline  will  be  vindi- 
cated in  your  blood."  This  was  the  official  state- 
ment of  the  crime  :  then  came  the  sentence  which  he 
read  from  a  tablet  on  which  it  had  been  inscribed : 
"  We  order  that  Thascius  Cyprianus  be  put  to 
death  by  the  sword." 

The  trial  and  condemnation  were  over,  and  the 
hush  which  had  fallen  on  the  crowded  hall  was 
first  broken  by  Cyprian's  fervent,  "  Thank  God," 
The  Christians  at  once  broke  out  in  clamors.  "  Let 
us  too  be  beheaded  with  him."  The  sentence  to 
their  minds  was  worthy  of  the  victim.  He  was 
glorified  in  his  condemnation.  A  standard-bearer 
for  Christ  and  an  enemy  of  the  gods,  he  was  an 
example  to  his  followers,  whose  tumultuous  cries 
seemed  to  threaten  a  disturbance  of  some  kind. 
Lest  the  course  of  justice  should  be  interfered 
with,  the  prisoner  was  immediately  surrounded  by 
a  cordon  of  legionaries,  and  aU — victim,  guards,  and 
spectators — moved  at  once  to  the  scene  of  execution, 
The  spot  was  quickly  chosen,  if  it  had  not  been  al- 
ready selected,  at  a  short  distance  from  the  atrium, 
but  within  the  grounds  of  Sextus.  The  place  was 
in  the  midst  of  a  large  level  plain,  so  level,  indeed, 
that  those  on  the  outskirts  of  the  crowd  could  not 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  199 

see  what  was  happening  inside  the  military  lines. 
Like  so  many  Zacchaeuses,  says  Pontius,  they 
climbed  the  trees,  that  nothing  in  the  tragic  scene 
might  escape  them. 

Within  a  space  enclosed  by  the  soldiers  the  noble 
old  citizen  of  Carthage  had  taken  his  place,  sur- 
rounded still  by  his  devoted  little  band  of  deacons 
and  friends.  He  removed  his  cape  and  knelt  down, 
and  then,  prostrating  himself  for  a  few  moments, 
gave  himself  up  to  prayer.  When  he  arose  he  took 
off  his  dalmatic  or  loose  upper  garment  and  gave 
it  to  the  deacons.^  Then  standing  upright,  a  strik- 
ing figure  in  his  long  close-fitting  tunic  of  linen,  he 
awaited  the  coming  of  the  executioner.^  This  was 
the  moment  he  had  looked  forward  to  as  the  time 
in  whicli  the  Holy  Ghost  would  speak  through  his 
lips  ;  but  no  words  came.  The  grim  form  of  the  exe- 
cutioner, who  was  late  in  arriving,  aroused  him  from 
his  reverie  and  turned  his  thoughts  to  the  final 
preparation.  With  customary  large-heartedness  he 
ordered  his  followers  to  give  the  headsman  twenty- 
five  pieces  of  gold,  and  then  taking  a  handkerchief 
he  bound  it  round  his  eyes,  and,  because  he  could 
not  perform  the  sad  task  himself,  Julian  a  priest 
and  another  Julian  tied  his  hands.  Everything  was 
now  ready.   The  ground  at  his  feet  was  strewn  with 

1  Vide  Benson,  Life  of  Cyprian,  p.  513  ;  the  dress  of  Cyprian. 

2  Spiculator,  Acta,  e.  5. 


200  THE   VALERIAN   PERSECUTION 

linen  cloths  and  handkerchiefs  ^  by  the  Christians 
to  catch  the  drops  of  his  blood,  and  the  martyr 
waited  in  silence  for  the  death-stroke.  But  the 
headsman  faltered,  unnerved  perhaps  by  the  noble 
mien  of  his  victim,  or  touched  by  his  kindness  and 
generosity ;  his  trembling  hands  could  not  hold  the 
blade.  Angered  by  such  a  show  of  weakness,  and 
eager,  perhaps,  to  have  the  gruesome  task  finished, 
the  centurion  in  command  seized  the  sword  and, 
with  a  strength  so  great  that  it  seemed  preternat- 
ural,2  he  severed  the  martyr's  head.  "  And  so  the 
Blessed  Cyprian  suffered  on  the  18th  day  of  the 
Kalends  of  October,  Valerian  and  Gallienus  being 
Emperors."  ^ 

The  body  lay  where  it  fell,  and  Christians  and 
pagans  came  and  gazed  on  it  with  curious  eyes. 
When  the  chance  offered  the  faithful  removed  it 
to  a  more  secluded  spot,  and  in  the  darkness  of  the 
night  they  carried  it  with  torches  and  tapers  to  the 
cemetery  of  Macrobius  Candidianus,  a  former  pro- 
curator, and  interred  it  in  a  pagan  cemetery  on  the 
Via  Mappaliensis  near  the  great  cisterns  of  Car- 
thage.* 

Notwithstanding  the  immunity  from  persecution 
which  ordinary  Christians  (s^??^^9Z^ces  Jideles)  were 

^  Linteamina  et  manualia.   Acta,  c.  5. 

^  Concesso  desuper  vigore.    Vita,  c.  19. 

^  Acta,  e.  5. 

*  "  Where  was  Cyprian  buried  ?  "    Cf .  Benson,  loc.  cit.  p.  509. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  201 

supposed  to  enjoy,  a  multitude  of  them  suffered 
death  in  Utica  about  the  time  that  St.  Cyprian 
was  summoned  thither  by  the  proconsul.  This 
hecatomb  took  place  in  the  month  of  August,  258.^ 
Unfortunately,  no  contemporary  document  is  in  ex- 
istence which  treats  of  the  circumstances  of  this 
fearful  massacre.  Our  knowledge  of  the  event  is 
derived  from  a  few  references  in  St.  Augustine,^ 
a  notice  in  an  old  Carthaginian  Calendar,  a  poem 
by  Prudentius,  and  an  African  mscription  dating 
probably  from  the  fifth  century  .^ 

In  a  sermon  preached  on  the  feast  of  St.  Cyprian 
and  delivered  in  Carthage,  St.  Augustine  ^  refers  to 
these  martyrs  as  the  Massa  Candida  Uticensis, 
massa  because  of  their  number,  Candida  because 
of  their  brightness.    In  another  sermon,  delivered 

1  These  martyrs  are  mentioned  in  the  Martyr.  Hierony. ;  in  the 
Carthaginian  Calendar ;  in  Ado  ;  and  in  the  Roman  Martyrology, 
but  on  different  days  of  August.  Btdlettino  di  Archeologia  Cristi- 
ana,  vol.  iv,  ser,  5,  1894,  p.  39. 

2  The  historical  references  are  all  collected  in  Morcelli,  Africa 
Christiana,  tom.  ii,  p.  150  ;  Acta  SS.,  Aug.,  tom.  iii,  pp.  761-768. 

8  SUB    HEC    SACRO 
SCO    BELAMINE    ALTA 
RIS    SUNT    MEMORIAE 
SCOR    MASSAE    CANDl 
DAE    SCI    HESIDORI 
SCOR   TRIOM    PUERORU 
SCI    MARTINI    SCIROMANI  + 

It  was  first  published  in  the  Bulletin  de  VAcad^mie  d^Hippone, 
1893,  p.  xxviii.   For  full  description  and  commentary,  vide  De 
Rossi,  Bullettino  di  Archeologia  Cristiana,  vol.  iv,  ser.  5,  1894,  p. 
39  ;  Analecta  Bollandiana,  tom.  xiii  (1894),  p.  406. 
4  Sermon  311. 


202  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

in  Utica  on  the  natalis  or  anniversary  of  their  mar- 
tyrdom, he  says  the  number  of  these  martyrs  is  not 
less  than  153.^  This  is  all  we  can  glean  from  Augus- 
tine ;  but  in  a  sermon  sometimes  attributed  to  him 
the  number  of  the  martyrs  is  said  to  be  three  hun- 
dred, and  the  manner  of  their  death  decapitation. 2 
Prudentius,  in  a  poem  written  in  honor  of  St.  Cy- 
prian, goes  more  fully  into  details.^  "  It  is  averred," 
he  says,  "  that  a  trench  was  hollowed  in  the  midst  of 
a  great  plain  and  fiUed  to  the  top  with  quickhme. 
From  this  glowing  mass  burst  forth  flames  and 
deadly  fumes.  At  the  side  of  the  trench  there  was 
placed  an  altar.  The  Christians  were  given  the  alter- 
native of  offering  sacrifice  of  incense  before  this 
altar,  or  of  casting  themselves  into  the  pit.  They 
did  not  hesitate  a  moment.  Three  hundred  leaped 
into   the   glowing   mass    and   disappeared   in   its 

1  Sermon  306. 

2  Sermon  317. 

2  Fama  refert  foveam  eampi  in  medio  patere  jussam, 
Calce  vaporifera  summos  prope  margines  refertam. 
Saxa  recocta  vommit  ig-nem,  niveusque  pulvia  ardet, 
Urere  tacta  potens  ;  et  mortifer  ex  odore  flatus. 
Appositam  memorant  aram,  fovea  stetisse  summa, 
Lege  sub  hac  salis  aut  micam,  jecur  aut  suis  litarent 
Christicolae,  aut  mediae  sponte  irruerent  in  ima  fossae. 
ProsHuere  alacres  cursu  rapido  simul  trecenti. 
Gurgite  pulvereo  mersos  liquor  aridus  voravit, 
Praecipitemque  globum  fundo  tenus  implicavit  imo. 
Corpora  candor  habet,  candor  vehit  ad  superna  mentes. 
CANDIDA  MASSA  dehinc  dici  meruit  per  omne  saeclum. 

Peri  Stephanon,  13. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  203 

depths.  Whiteness  enveloped  their  bodies,  white- 
ness carried  their  souls  to  heaven,  and  thus  for 
all  time  they  shall  be  called  the  Massa  Candida." 

Though  this  poetic  description  cannot  be  ac- 
cepted literally,  it  is,  perhaps,  going  too  far  to  say, 
that  "  there  exists  nothing  like  history,  nothing  to 
show  at  what  period,  or  in  what  way  the  group 
suffered."  ^  In  the  first  place,  it  can  scarcely  be 
denied  that  Augustine  of  Hippo-Regius,  the  bishop 
of  a  neighboring  see,  was  eminently  qualified  to 
speak  of  Utica  and  its  history ;  and  the  vagueness 
of  his  remarks,  instead  of  arguing  ignorance  of 
the  subject,  shows  that  he  was  speaking  of  an  inci- 
dent well  known  to  his  hearers.  The  erection  of  a 
basilica  in  Utica  dedicated  to  the  Massa  Candida 
shows  that  the  legend  had  some  foundation  in 
fact ;  2  while  the  inscription  of  Guelma  (Calama) 
is  conclusive  proof  of  the  veneration  accorded  to 
these  martyrs  in  Africa  in  the  fifth  century .^ 

The  account  given  by  the  poet  Prudentius,  though 
doubtless  erroneous  in  some  of  its  details,  can  be 
easily  reconciled  with  the  meagre  references  found 
in  Augustine.    Stripped  of  its  poetic  character,  the 

1  Benson,  Life  of  Cyprian,  p.  518. 

*  Hie  martyres,  vulg-o  Massa  Candida,  laudantur,  quorum  in  basil- 
ica apud  Uticam  serraoncra  habitum  esse,  ex  Floriacensi  ms.  de- 
prendimus.    Note  ad  Psalm,  cxliv,  Migne,  P.  L.  xxxvii,  col.  1880. 

^  De  Rossi,  loc.  cit.,  is  of  opinion  that  this  inscription  dates  from 
the  fifth  century. 


204  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

story  lays  no  burden  on  our  credulity.  It  is  easy  to 
suppose  that  tlie  edict  of  Valerian  in  regard  to  con- 
gregational gatherings  and  the  use  of  the  cemeteries 
occasioned  some  outbursts  of  popular  fury  against 
the  Christians,  and  that  large  numbers  were  slain. 
This  hypothesis  is  doubly  confirmed  by  the  fact 
that  the  proconsul  was  in  Utica  a  short  time  before 
the  death  of  Cyprian,  and  by  a  passage  in  Cy- 
prian's letter,  written  while  he  was  in  hiding,  in 
which  he  admonishes  the  Christians  to  refrain  from 
tumult  of  any  kind,  and  to  make  no  inopportune 
professions  of  their  faith.^ 

Though  there  is  nothing  contrary  to  historical 
precedent  in  the  kind  of  death  mentioned  by  Pru- 
dentius,  it  may  perhaps  be  better  to  consider  the 
pit  of  quicklime  as  a  piece  of  poetic  imagery  rather 
than  an  actual  fact.  The  dramatic  scene  of  the  altar 
and  the  alternative  sacrifice  savor  more  of  the  realm 
of  fancy  than  of  reality.  Such  imagery  might  easily 
arise  from  the  use  of  quicklime  by  the  proconsul  to 
prevent  an  epidemic  if  a  large  number  of  bodies 
remained  unburied.  The  Christians  were  not  al- 
lowed to  enter  their  own  cemeteries,  and  it  is  quite 
conceivable  that  their  refusal  to  make  use  of  pagan 
burial  places  led  the  authorities  to  cover  the  un- 
buried bodies  of  the  martyrs  with  quicklime. 

1  Aube,  VEglise  et  VEtat,  p.  386 ;  A  Hard,  Les  Dernieres  Perse- 
cutions du  Troisieme  Steele,  p.  108. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  205 

After  the  death  of  Cyprian  the  See  of  Carthage 
remained  vacant  for  a  whole  year.  This  in  itself  is 
sufficient  proof  of  the  unrelenting  fury  with  which 
the  Christians  were  persecuted.  It  is  quite  proba- 
ble that  the  execution  of  the  edict  in  Proconsular 
Africa  was  entrusted  to  the  legionaries,  as  in  the 
neighboring  province  of  Numidia.^  Their  task  was 
rendered  easy  by  the  fact  that  a  large  number  of 
the  bishops  and  priests  were  in  custody  since  the 
preceding  year.^  It  is  unfortunate  that  the  names 
of  very  few  victims  of  the  persecution  have  been 
preserved ;  but  the  character  of  Galerius  Maximus, 
the  proconsul  who  governed  the  Province  of  Africa, 
is  sufficient  warrant  for  the  conclusion  that  a  bitter 
war  of  extermination  was  waged  against  the  fol- 
lowers of  Christ.  His  appointment  was  a  recent 
one,3  and  probably  from  innate  cruelty,  or  because 
his  temper  was  soured  by  bodily  infirmities,  his 
administration  was  marked  from  the  beginning  by 
excessive  severity. 

The  manifestation  of  loyalty  and  devotion  made 
by  the  Christians  on  the  morning  of  Cyprian's 
condemnation  could  easily  be  construed  into  an  act 
of  rebellion,*  and  as  we  have  said,  St.  Cyprian  in 

1  Passio  Mariani  et  Jacobi,  c.  2. 

2  Ibid.  c.  3. 

3  He  was  the  successor  of  Aspasius  Patemus.  Acta  Procon.  c.  ii. 
*  Post  banc  vero  sententiam  turba  fratrum  dicebat ;  et  nos  cum 

ipso   decollemur.    Propter  hoc  tumultus  fratrum  exortus  est   et 
multa  turba  eum  prosecuta  est.  Acta  Procon.  c.  5. 


206  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

his  last  letter  addressed  to  tlie  bishops,  and  through 
them  to  the  Christian  congregations,  admonished 
all  of  the  necessity  of  refraining  from  violence ;  but 
shortly  after  his  death,  and  in  defiance  of  his  warn- 
ing and  his  admonition,  an  outbreak  of  some  kind  oc- 
curred which  was  speedily  suppressed.^  The  Chris- 
tians were  specially  singled  out  for  the  vengeance  of 
the  proconsul  on  this  occasion.^  Large  numbers  of 
them  were  put  to  death  in  the  month  of  January, 
259,  among  whom  were  Paul  and  Successus,  who 
for  many  years  had  been  important  figures  in  the 
African  Church.^  The  Acts  of  these  martyrs  have 
not  been  preserved,  and  our  knowledge  of  them  is 
confined  to  an  incidental  reference  in  the  Acts  of 
Montanus  and  Lucius. 

The  tumult  among  the  people  and  the  subse- 
quent slaughter  of  the  Christians  were  followed  by 
the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  six  members  of  the 
clergy,  Lucius,  Montanus,  Flavianus,  Julianus, 
Victoricus,  Renus,  and  the  catechumens  Primolus 
and  Donatianus.  A  peculiarity  of  the  Acts  of  these 
martyrs  is  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  last  scenes 

1  Post  popularem  tumultum  quern  ferox  vtdtus  prsesidis  in 
necem  concitavit.   Passio  Montani,  etc.  c.  2. 

^  Postque  sequentia  diei  acerrimam  persecutionem  Christian- 
orum.   Ibid. 

^  Paulus  et  Successus  cum  comitibus  suis.  Passio  Montani,  etc. 
c.  21.  They  are  commemorated  in  many  Martyrologies  on  January 
19.  Successus  was  probably  present  at  the  Council  of  Carthage. 
Cf.  Ruinart,  p.  281,  note. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  207 

of  condemnation  and  execution,  they  purport  to 
have  been  written  by  the  martyrs  themselves.  The 
torments  they  endured  during  a  long  imprisonment 
impelled  them,  they  say,  to  commit  to  writing  an 
account  of  their  sufferings,  in  order  that  their 
example  might  animate  their  brethren  to  courage 
and  fortitude  in  the  defence  of  their  faith.  This 
desire  of  being  witnesses  to  the  faith  in  life  and  in 
death  has  in  it  something  akin  to  Cyprian's  desire 
to  die  among  his  own  people,  and  to  address  to  them 
his  last  words. 

Until  quite  recently  these  Acts  were  considered 
to  be  incontestably  authentic.  Baronius,^  Ruinart,^ 
Tillemont,  Morcelli,*  Le  Blant,^  Allard,^  accept 
them  as  such,  and  Harnack  declares  they  were  writ- 
ten about  the  time  of  Cyprian.'  M.  Aube,  while 
admitting  that  these  Acts  are  of  great  antiquity,  says 

*  Annales,  ad  Ann.  262.  Fide  dignissimam  omnique  ex  parte 
sibi  constantem  .  .  .  insigne  antiquitatis  monumentum. 

2  Acta  Sincera.  Actis  fide  omnino  digtiis,  et  talibus  quae  merito 
inter  pretiosiora  et  sinceriora  sacrae  antiquitatis  monumenta 
computentur. 

8  Memoires,  torn,  iv,  p.  206.  Une  pi6ce  oh  tout  est  digne  de  la 
gravite  chretienne. 

*  Africa  Christiana,  vol.  ii,  p.  153,  publishes  the  Acts  in  full. 

^  Les  Pers^cuteurs  et  les  Martyrs,  p.  162.  L'une  des  pieces  lea 
plus  pr^cieuses  qu'aient  laias^es  les  premiers  ages  chr^tiens. 

^  L'authenticite  de  la  pi^ce  n'est  pas  contestde :  le  style  snffi- 
rait  k  r^tablir,  .  .  .  Ces  narrateurs  appartient  comme  Pontius  k 
r^cole  et  peut-etre  h  I'entourage  de  saint  Cyprien.  Les  Dernieres 
Persecutions  du  Troisieme  Steele,  p.  116. 

'  Geschichte  der  Altchristlichen  Litteratur,  pt.  2,  vol.  2,  p.  471. 


208  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

it  is  difficult  to  believe  they  were  written  by  the 
martyrs  themselves,  and  considers  that  they  were 
rather  an  amplification  of  an  older  and  briefer 
document.^  J.  Rendel  Harris  and  Seth  K.  Gifford, 
in  the  introduction  to  their  edition  of  the  Greek 
text  of  the  Acts  of  SS.  Perpetua  and  Felicitas,  go 
still  further  and  declare  that  the  Acts  of  Montanus, 
etc.,  are  "  a  deliberate  forgery,  based  chiefly  on  the 
Acts  of  Perpetua  and  Felicitas."  ^  Pio  Franchi  de' 
Cavalieri  contests  the  conclusions  of  the  Cambridge 
scholars  in  the  learned  introduction  to  his  edition 
of  the  Acts  of  Montanus,  etc.,  and  from  a  very 
detailed  examination  and  comparison  of  both  docu- 
ments arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  the  Acts  of 
Montanus  were  written  by  an  imitator  of  St.  Cy- 
prian, and  were  drawn  up  some  years  after  the 
events  they  relate.  He  admits  that  the  redactor 
may  have  taken  the  Acts  of  Perpetua  as  a  literary 
model,  and  in  the  part  which  is  written  in  the  first 
person  he  doubtless  made  use  of  some  older  docu- 
ment which  he  enlarged.^ 

1  VEglise  et  VEtat,  p.  399.  La  pi6ce  de  Ruinart  n'est  que 
I'amplification  d'un  rdcit  plus  ancien  et  sans  doute  plus  simple. 
Au  reste,  il  est  bien  difficile  de  croire  que  cette  pi^ce  ait  ^t^  ^crite, 
comme  on  le  dit,  par  un  des  martyrs  et  qu'elle  nous  soit  venue  dans 
la  puret^  premiere. 

2  The  Acts  of  the  Martyrdom  of  SS.  Perpetua  and  Felicitas, 
London,  1890,  p.  27. 

^  Concludiamo  :  La  Passio  Montani  etc.  k  opera  di  un  imitatore 
di  S.  Cipriano  e  scritta  un  certo  numero  di  anni  dopo  ravveni- 
mento.    L'autore,  pur  narrando   un   fatto,  anche  ne'  particolari 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  209 

The  results  of  Pio  Franchi's  labors  have  not  met 
with  universal  approval,  but  the  reasons  advanced 
by  Gifford  and  Harris  and  those  who  accept  their 
statements  are  not  of  sufficient  validity  to  reject 
the  conclusions  of  the  learned  Scrip  tor  of  the  Vati- 
can Library.  The  coincidences  in  style  and  com- 
position between  the  two  Acta  are  not  sufficient 
ground  for  the  opinion  that  the  Acta  of  Montanus 
were  a  "  tendenz-schrifty^^  drawn  up  in  the  time  of 
Diocletian  to  check  the  dissensions  in  the  church 
of  Carthage,  while  the  paramount  literary  influence 
of  Cyprian  points  out  the  redactor  as  one  who  was 
weU  acquainted  with  the  spirit  and  writings  of  the 
Bishop  of  Carthage.^  The  expedient  of  making  the 
Acts  the  personal  production  of  the  martyrs  them- 
selves and  giving  it  the  form  of  a  letter  addressed 

quasi  tutti,  molto  diverse,  prese  a  modello  letterario  la  P.  P.  che 
segui  fino  nella  composizione,  facendo  raccontare,  nella  prima 
parte,  ai  martiri  stessi  la  loro  prigionia  e  diverse  visioni.  Per 
codesta  parte  per6  si  valse,  secondo  ogni  probability,  d'  un  docu- 
mento,  o  di  uu  appunto,  gik  esistente,  eui  ampli6  ed  accomod6 
senza  troppi  riguardi.  La  narrazione  poi  ch'  egli  scrisse  in  nome 
proprio,  la  compose  di  getto.  Dunque  la  Passio  Montani  non  6  una 
deliberata  falsificazione,  ma  un  doeumento  di  valore,  ima  relazione 
in  sostanza  attendibile  e  sincera  :  6  per6  in  pari  tempo  un'  opera 
letteraria.  Chi  I'ha  redatta  ha  avuto  in  mira  di  comporre  un' 
opera  bella  ed  edificante,  non  una  relazione  pura  e  semplice. 
Gli  Atti  dei  SS.  MontanOy  Lucio  e  compagni.  Hecensione  del  testo 
ed  introduzione  sulle  sue  relazione  con  la  Passio  S.  Perpetuae, 
Rome,  1898. 

1  Cf.  Pio  Franchi,  loc.  cit.,  Introd.,  passim ;  La  Passio  S8.  Mari' 
ani  et  Jacobi,  Rome,  1900,  pp.  7,  8. 


210  THE   VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

to  the  faitlif ul  ^  is  nothing  extraordinary ;  neither 
are  the  visions  which  appeared  to  the  prisoners ;  ^ 
but  the  form  of  the  letter,  addressed  to  no  one  in 
particular,^  and  some  verbal  peculiarities  it  con- 
tains show  clearly  that  it  was  written  for  purposes 
of  edification.* 

On  the  night  after  their  arrest,  Montanus  and 
his  fellow  martyrs  were  not  lodged  in  the  public 
prison,  but  left  in  the  custody  of  the  district  com- 
manders.^ The  anger  of  the  proconsul  was  so  great 
that  he  threatened  to  commit  the  Christians  to  the 
flames  on  the  following  day.  This  information  con- 
veyed to  them  by  their  guards  struck  them  with 
consternation.  It  is  related  that  they  prayed  to 
God,  who  preserved  the  Three  Children  in  the  fiery 
furnace,  to  save  them  from  this  fate,  and  that  they 
attributed  to  their  prayers  and  to  the  power  of  God 
the  proconsul's  change  of  plan  in  their  behalf.  He 
was  unable  to  preside  at  their  trial  on  the  following 

1  Vide  Franchi,  Passio  Montani,  p.  23,  note  2. 

2  Le  Blant,  Les  Persecuteurs  et  les  Martyrs,  pp.  96  seq. 

^  Et  nobis  est  apud  vos  certaraen,  fratres  dilectissimi.  Passio, 
c.  1. 

*  Franchi,  loc.  cit.  pp.  23-24. 

^  Apud  Regionantes  in  custodia  constitutis.  Passio,  c.  3.  Mor- 
celli,  Africa  Christiana,  ii,  p.  153,  calls  them  magistros  regionis. 
Aub^,  VEglise  et  VEtat,  p.  396,  says  :  Confies  k  la  garde  de  quelque 
agent  de  rOfficium.  Franchi,  loc.  cit.  p.  29 :  Termine  del  resto 
non  registrato  ne'  lessici  e  privo  d'  altri  esempi,  non  pu6  designare 
alcuna  sorta  di  guardie,  si  bene  de'  magistrati  regionari.  These 
guards  are  called  milites  in  the  same  paragraph. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  211 

day,  and  they  were  accordingly  transferred  to  the 
public  prison. 

The  horrors  and  loathsomeness  of  this  noisome 
den  were  beyond  description.  In  addition  to  the 
hardships  of  prison  life,  they  were  harassed  by 
uncertainty  regarding  their  ultimate  fate  and  the 
species  of  torture  they  would  be  called  on  to 
undergo.  This  uncertainty  lasted  for  several  days, 
the  sickness  of  the  proconsul  rendering  him  unfit 
for  the  performance  of  any  duties.  During  this 
period  of  anxiety  one  of  the  prisoners,  Renus,i  had 
a  vision,  in  which  he  saw  himself  and  his  fellow 
prisoners  led  out  to  execution,^  and  before  each  one 
there  went  a  lamp.  This  vision  he  related  to  his 
fellow  prisoners,  and  they  were  filled  with  joy,  be- 
cause it  showed  they  were  fellow  travellers  with 
Christ,  who  was  a  light  to  their  feet.3 

^  Nothing  more  is  said  of  Renus  after  this.  Wliat  became  of 
him  ?  Solo  potrebbe  credersi  che  il  nome  Renus  sia  stato  inserito 
da  altra  mano  prii  tarda.  Franchi,  loc  cit.  p.  29.  He  adds :  Come 
spiegarci  in  tal  ipotesi,  la  interpolazione  ?  He  does  not  attempt 
it ;  though  there  seems  to  be  no  grounds  for  his  rejection  of  the 
opinion  that  this  incident  was  inserted  in  imitation  of  a  nearly 
similar  incident  in  the  Acts  of  Perpetua,  loc.  cit. 

^  Produci  singulos.  Acta,  c.  5.  Qui  non  signifiea  semplicemente 
esser  tratti  dalla  prigione,  come  spiega  Tillemont  {Mem.  iv,  208), 
xA  esser  condotti  al  supplizio  come  intende  Allard  {Les  Dernieres 
Pers'-cuiions  du  Troisieme  Steele,  p.  117),  ma  venir  menati  all'  udi- 
enza  che  seguira. 

^  Franchi  considers  that  De  Rossi  was  mistaken  in  thinking  he 
foimd  a  reference  to  this  vision  in  the  Ostrian  cemetery.  (Bull. 
Crist.  1S80,  p.  66.)     Quella  che  apparve  al  de  Rossi  una  lucema, 


212  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  pleasure  which  this  vision  brought  was  in- 
terrupted on  the  following  day  by  a  command  to 
appear  before  the  procurator,  on  whom  had  devolved 
the  duties  of  the  proconsul,  who  had  just  died.^  So 
much  confusion,  however,  arose  after  the  death  of 
the  head  of  the  government  that  the  soldiers  who 
had  charge  of  the  Christian  prisoners  did  not  know 
where  to  conduct  them.  They  were  led  back  and 
forth  through  the  streets  seeking  the  place  where 
the  procurator  would  sit  in  judgment.  He  finally 
gave  them  an  audience  in  his  office  (^secretariuni)^ 
and,  probably  because  he  had  no  jurisdiction  in  such 
matters,  he  postponed  the  case  and  sent  them  back 
to  prison  until  such  time  as  the  authorities  in  Rome 
should  appoint  a  new  proconsul.^  Glad  of  any  res- 
pite, and  filled  with  joy  because  they  had  escaped 
death,  the  Christians  returned  to  prison  praising 
and  glorifying  God,  to  whom  they  attributed  the 
delay.  Because  of  the  cruelty  or  avarice  of  their 
jailer,  Solon,  who  refused  to  supply  them  with  food 
and  drink,  they  suffered  intensely  from  hunger  and 

in  realty  non  S  altro  che  il  rotolo  tennto  in  mano,  secondo  il  solito, 
da  uno  dei  due  santi  awocati  che  presentano  al  divin  Giudice 
1'  anima  della  defunta.   Franchi,  loc.  cit.  p.  29. 

1  Post  paucos  autem  dies  Galerius  Maximus  proconsul  deceasit. 
Acta  Procon.  Cypriani,  c.  5.     Cf .  Franchi,  loc,  cit.  pp.  30-32. 

2  In  secretarium  vocavit.    Acta,  c.  6. 

^  The  fact  that  the  procuratores  had  no  jurisdiction  in  capital 
cases  was  sufficient  reason  for  postponing  at  least  the  execution 
of  the  edict,  which  read :  Episcopi,  presbyteri,  diacones  in  conti- 
nenti  animadvertantur. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  213 

thirst.  Through  lack  of  proper  sustenance,  and  be- 
cause of  the  rigors  of  confinement,  Donatianus,  one 
of  the  catechumens,  was  taken  ill,  and  was  baptized 
shortly  before  he  died.  The  other  catechumen, 
Primolus,  died  before  he  could  receive  baptism ; 
but  his  brethren  consoled  themselves  by  thinking 
that  his  courageous  confession  of  faith  sufficed 
instead.! 

There  were  many  other  Christian  prisoners  in  the 
jail  at  the  same  time.  One  of  these,  Victor,  a  priest, 
had  a  vision  in  which  he  saw  a  child  whose  face 
shone  with  an  indescribable  splendor,  enter  the  dun- 
geon.2  This  child  led  the  prisoners  to  all  the  doors 
as  if  to  set  them  free,  but  they  were  unable  to  go 
forth.  Then  the  child  said  to  Victor,  "  Be  cour- 
ageous ;  I  am  with  you.  TeU  the  others  they  will 
receive  a  glorious  crown ;  for  the  spirit  seeks  God, 
and  the  soul  in  the  hour  of  anguish  turns  to  its  true 
home."  Victor  asked  him  where  Paradise  was.  "  Is 
it  outside  the  world  ?  Show  it  to  me."  "  And  where, 
then,"  was  the  answer,  "  would  be  your  faith  ?  "  "I 
cannot  fulfil  your  commission  to  my  brethren,"  said 
Victor,  "  unless  you  give  me  a  sign."  "  Give  them," 

1  Baptizatus  in  carcere  statim  spiritnin  reddidit.  Passioy  c.  2. 
Ora  1'  espressione  baptizatus  in  carcere  aignifica  qui,  secondo  ogni 
verosimiglianza,  battezzato  col  carcere,  dalla  pena  del  carcere. 
Franchi,  loc.  cit.  p.  26. 

~  Questo  giovinetto  (puer)  non  6  di  certo  N.  S.  Franchi,  loc. 
cit.  p.  34. 


214  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

he  said,  "the  sign  of  Jacob."  Another  of  these 
Christians,  a  widow  named  QuartiUosa,  whose  hus- 
band and  son  had  been  martyred  shortly  before,  had 
a  vision  of  her  dead  child.  He  entered  the  prison 
and  seated  himself  near  her,  saying :  "  God  has  seen 
your  trials  and  sufferings."  While  he  was  speaking, 
a  young  man  of  enormous  stature  appeared  carrying 
in  his  hands  two  phials  fiUed  with  milk.  He  ap- 
proached QuartiUosa  and  said :  "  Have  courage :  the 
Omnipotent  God  has  not  forgotten  you."  He  pre- 
sented the  phials  to  all  the  prisoners  and  they  drank, 
and  the  milk  was  not  diminished.^  Then  the  stone 
muUions  in  the  windows  seemed  to  vanish  so  that 
there  was  nothing  to  prevent  free  ingress,  and  the 
young  man,  laying  down  the  phials,  one  at  each  side 
of  the  widow,  left  the  prison  saying  :  "  Behold  you 
are  satisfied,  and  there  is  stiU  abundance.  Another 
vessel  wiU  be  sent  to  you."  This  vision  was  the  fore- 
runner of  a  visit  from  Herennianus,  a  subdeacon, 
and  Januarius,  a  catechumen,  who  were  sent  by 
Lucianus,  a  priest,  to  carry  to  the  prisoners  the 
Food  that  never  fails.^ 

Some  dissension  arose  in  the  prison  between 
Montanus  and  Julianus  in  regard  to  admitting  a 
certain  woman,  who  belonged  to  one  of  the  hereti- 

^  Whether  this  vision  symholized  the  Eucharist,  and  whether  it 
had  any  connection  with  the  visit  of  the  subdeacon,  vide  Franehi, 
pp.  40-46. 

2  Alimentum  indeficiens.   Acta,  c  9. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  215 

cal  sects,  to  the  society  of  the  orthodox  prisoners.^ 
The  coolness  between  the  two  confessors  lasted  for 
some  time.  Montanus,  a  man  of  violent  temper 
and  unbending  severity,  because  he  could  not 
brook  the  remonstrances  of  Julian  us  and  refused 
to  be  reconciled  to  him,  had  a  vision  in  which  he 
saw  the  centurions  conducting  all  the  prisoners  to 
the  place  of  execution.  When  they  had  arrived  at 
the  designated  spot  in  the  midst  of  a  vast  plain, 
Cyprian  and  Lucius  appeared  to  them.^  The  whole 
scene  shone  with  a  brilliant  white  light.  The  gar- 
ments of  the  martyrs  were  white,  and  their  bodies 
whiter  still,  and  so  transparent  that  the  inmost  re- 
cesses of  the  heart  were  visible.  Montanus  saw  that 
there  were  some  dark  stains  on  his  own  breast,  and 
the  discovery  awoke  him  from  his  slumbers.  He 
related  his  vision  to  the  others  and  added,  "  Do  you 
know  what  caused  these  stains  ?  They  were  the  re- 
sult of  my  refusal  to  be  reconciled  with  Julianus." 
Up  to  this  point  the   Acts  are  written  in  the 

^  Ob  earn  mulierem  quae  ad  nostram  communionem  obrepsit, 
quae  non  communicabat.  Ibid.  c.  11.  Peut-etre  appartenait-elle  h 
quelque  parti  s^par^,  celui  de  Marcion,  ou  celui  de  Novatianus. 
Aube,  VEglise  et  VEtat,  p.  396. 

2  Is  est  dubio  procul  qui  cum  ab  aliis  in  exsilio  constitutis  ad 
Cyprianum  scripsit,  ubi  ait  Cyprianura  coronam  martyrii  sibi  et 
aliis  ex  prophetia  spopondisse.  Quattuor  autem  episcopi  sub  Lucii 
nomine  Concilio  Carthag-.  de  baptismo  haereticorum  interfuere  — 
Lucius  sciL,  a  Castro-Galba,  Lucius  a  Thebeste,  Lucius  a  Mem- 
bresa,  qui  ibidem  confessor  appellatur;  et  tandem  Lucius  ab 
Ausafa,  seu  Assapha.   Ruinart,  Acta  Sincera,  p.  278,  note. 


216  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

first  person  and  purport  to  be  the  record  of  the 
prison-life  of  the  martyrs  drawn  up  by  themselves. 
They  spent  several  months  in  custody  before  they 
were  cited  to  appear  before  the  new  proconsul. 
When  the  summons  came,  it  is  related  that  they 
gave  this  narrative  of  their  trials  and  afflictions 
into  the  hands  of  a  pious  Christian,  with  the  in- 
junction that  he  should  complete  it  with  an  account 
of  their  trial  and  execution. ^  In  May  of  the  year 
259  2  they  were  brought  face  to  face  with  the  pro- 
consul, and  in  answer  to  his  questions  unhesitatingly 
confessed  their  faith,  and  their  rank  in  the  Chris- 
tian hierarchy.  At  the  solicitation  of  his  friends, 
who  denied  that  he  was  a  deacon  as  he  had  said, 
riavianus  was  sent  back  to  prison  until  his  case 
could  be  thoroughly  investigated.  The  others, 
Lucius,  Montanus,  Julianus,  and  Victoricus,  were 
sentenced  immediately,  and  at  once  led  away  to 
execution.  An  immense  throng  of  sightseers  had 
gathered  to  witness  the  last  scenes.  Although  the 
Christians  had  seen  many  of  their  number  die,  they 
never  before  assembled  in  such  large  numbers,  and 
never  before  gave  such  proof  of  their  affection  for 

^  Haec  omnes  de  carcere  simul  scripserant.  Sed  quia  necesse 
erat  omnem  actum  martyrum  beatorum  pleno  sennone  complecti, 
quia  et  ipsi  de  se  per  modestiara  minus  dixerant ;  et  Flavianus 
quoque  privatim  hoc  nobis  munus  injunxit,  ut  quidquid  litteris 
eomm  deesset,  adderemus :  necessaria  reliqua  subjunximus.  Acta, 
c.  12. 

2  Allard,  loc.  cit.  p.  122,  note. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  217 

the  confessors  of  the  faith.  The  pagans  were  also 
present  in  throngs,  crowding  around  the  Christian 
prisoners  with  such  eagerness  that  Lucius,  always 
weak  and  timid  and  now  broken  in  health  from  his 
long  stay  in  prison,  begged  to  be  saved  from  the 
mob,  and  to  be  taken  immediately  to  the  place  of 
execution  ;  for  he  feared  that  he  could  not  survive 
the  rough  treatment  of  the  rabble,  and  that  he 
should  not  have  the  glory  of  shedding  his  blood  for 
Christ.  Julianus  and  Victorious,  giving  thanks  to 
God,  and  praising  the  Christians  for  their  constancy 
under  persecution,  moved  on  quietly  in  the  midst 
of  their  guards.  Not  so,  however,  wdth  Montanus. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  physical  strength  and  in- 
domitable courage,  one  who  never  hesitated  to  say 
what  he  thought  was  true,  and  who  was  never  influ- 
enced in  his  declarations  by  the  rank  or  station  of 
those  to  whom  he  spoke.^  Gaunt,  unkempt,  and  in 
rags,  he  moved  along  in  the  midst  of  the  surging 
crowd,  crying  out  again  and  again :  **  He  who  sacri- 
fices to  any  god  but  the  true  God  will  be  destroyed."  ^ 
Time  and  again  he  repeated  this,  asserting  that  it 
was  wrong  to  turn  from  the  true  God  to  idols  and 
figures  made  by  human  hands.  And  while  he  de- 
nounced the  pride  and  stubborness  of  the  heretics, 

1  Montanus  et  corpore  et  mente  robustus,  quamquam  et  ante 
martyrium  gloriosus,  ea  semper  quae  Veritas  postularet  constanter 
et  f ortiter  dixerit,  sine  ulla  exceptione  personae.    Passio,  c.  14. 

2  Sacrificans  diis  eradicabitur,  nisi  Domino  soli.   Ibid. 


218  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

saying,  "  The  number  of  martyrs  shows  you  which  is 
the  true  Church,"  he  did  not  spare  the  pusillanimous 
abandonment  of  faith  by  the  lapsi.  "  Stand  fast, 
brethren,"  he  exhorted,  "  and  fight  with  courage. 
You  have  examples  to  inspire  you.  Let  not  the 
perfidy  of  the  lapsi  lead  you  to  destruction  ;  but 
rather  let  our  sufferings  assist  you  to  obtain  your 
crown."  He  admonished  the  virgins  to  guard  their 
sanctity.  He  inculcated  the  necessity  of  obedience 
to  the  heads  of  the  Church,  and  warned  the  prelates 
that  they  must  maintain  peace  among  themselves  if 
they  would  expect  loyalty  and  obedience  from  their 
subjects. 

The  flood  of  objurgation  and  exhortation  was 
cut  short  only  by  the  blade  of  the  executioner. 
After  his  companions  had  been  beheaded,  and 
while  the  sword  was  poised  over  his  head,  Montanus 
raised  his  hands  to  heaven,  and  in  a  clear  voice, 
loud  enough  to  be  heard  by  pagans  and  Christians 
alike,  he  prayed  to  God  that  Flavianus  might  fol- 
low them  in  three  days.^  And  so  confident  was  he 
that  his  prayer  would  be  answered,  that  he  tore  in 
two  the  bandage  for  his  eyes,  and  requested  the 
Christians  to  keep  one  part  for  Flavianus,  who 
would  die  before  three  days  had  passed,  and  told 
them  furthermore  to  reserve  a  space  near  his  grave 

^  Cum  jam  earnifex  immineret,  et  gladius  super  cervices  ejus 
libratus  penderet.    Passio,  c.  15. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  219 

in  order  that  Flavianus  might  rest  with  his  com- 
panions. 

Though  Flavianus  grieved  that  the  importuni- 
ties of  his  friends  had  caused  him  to  be  separated 
from  his  fellow  confessors,  he  allowed  religion  to 
temper  his  sadness.  To  his  mother,  a  true  mother 
of  the  Maccabees,^  who  hoping  to  see  him  die  a 
martyr,  was  filled  with  disappointment  when  he  was 
remanded  back  to  prison,  he  said :  "  You  know  I 
have  always  hoped  that,  if  I  should  be  a  martyr,  I 
should  die  only  after  many  sufferings  and  many 
disappointments.  If,  therefore,  what  I  hoped  for 
has  happened,  why  do  you  grieve  ?  " 

Large  crowds  assembled  on  the  third  day,  remem- 
bering the  prayer  of  Montanus,  and  eager  to  see  its 
sequel.  When  it  became  kno^\^l  that  Flavianus  was 
cited  to  appear  before  the  proconsul,  all  who  had 
hitherto  been  incredulous,  and  all  who  gloried  in 
such  scenes,  hastened  to  the  praetorium.  The  mar- 
tyr approached  the  ordeal  with  a  joyful  countenance 
and  a  light  heart,  surrounded  by  Christian  friends 
who  encouraged  and  supported  him.  Those  other 
friends,  through  whose  influence  his  trial  was  post- 
poned, besought  him  to  be  less  stubborn,  to  sacrifice 
to  the  gods  now,  and  do  as  he  wished  afterwards.^ 

^  0  matrem  religiose  piam !  0  matrem  inter  vetera  exempla 
numerandam  !     0  Maccabaeicam  matrem.   Passio,  c.  16. 

2  Ibi  evrni  discipuli  ejus  suadebant  cum  lacrimis  etiam,  ut  prae- 
snmptione  deposita,  sacrificaret  interdum  postea  quidquid  vellet 


220  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

He  thanked  them  for  their  kindness  and  solicitude, 
but  refused  to  yield  to  their  supplications.  "  It  is 
better,"  said  he,  "  to  suffer  death  than  to  adore 
stones.  He  alone  who  created  all  things  is  the 
Supreme  God,  and  therefore  He  alone  is  deserving 
of  worship."  Unable  to  move  him  by  their  prayers, 
and  wishing  to  save  him  from  himself,  those  pagan 
friends  conceived  the  idea  of  having  him  put  to  the 
torture,  in  order  to  force  him  to  abjure  Christ.  The 
proconsul  asked  why  he  had  falsely  declared  him- 
self a  deacon.  The  question  brought  forth  an  indig- 
nant denial.  When  a  written  statement  was  pre- 
sented by  a  court  officer  which  had  been  drawn  up 
to  show  that  Flavianus  was  not  a  member  of  the 
Christian  hierarchy ,i  he  asked  :  "  Is  it  not  more 
likely  that  I  speak  the  truth  than  the  persons  who 
forged  that  document  ?  "  The  people,  unmindful  of 

facturus.  Passio,  c.  19.  Get  ^change  d'id^es  repr^sente  peut-Stxe 
le  dialogue  de  Flavianus  et  du  Praeses,  impatient  d'etre  ob^i.  Les 
paroles  raises  par  I'auteur  de  ce  r4eit  dans  la  bouche  des  disciples 
de  Flavianus  ne  conviennent  pas  du  tout  k  des  fiddles,  et  on  con- 
Qoit  mal  que  les  conversations  suivies  pussent  s'engager  entre  le 
prdvenu  et  les  assistants.  Aub^,  loc.  cit.,  p.  398.  Franchi,  loc.  cit. 
p.  50,  gives  a  different  reading  of  the  text :  Condiscepoli  non,  come 
vuole  il  Ruinart,  discepoli,  perch6  queUa  h  la  lezione  concorde  dei 
codici  (compreso  il  Noallino:  cumdiscipuli)  che  nessuna  buona 
ragione  ci  persuade  a  mutare.  .  .  .  Codesti  condiscepoli  di 
Flaviano,  condiscepoli,  credo,  in  uno  della  tante  scuole  di  retorica 
e  di  eloquenza,  erano  dunque  pagani  in  massima  parte,  non  cris- 
tiani. 

^  Centenarius  diceret  notariam  sibi  datam  esse,  qua  contineretur 
eum  fingere.   Passio,  c.  20. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  221 

his  wishes,  cried  out,  "  It  is  not."  The  proconsul 
asked  him  again  whether  his  declaration  was  false, 
and  he  answered :  "  What  interest  can  I  have  in 
deceiving  you  ?  "  Only  one  hope  and  one  resource 
was  left  to  his  pagan  friends.  They  rose  up  and 
clamored  that  he  be  put  to  the  torture,  and  forced 
to  speak  the  truth.  The  magistrate,  convinced  that 
such  a  course  would  be  futile,  immediately  sentenced 
him  to  death.  The  martyr  received  his  sentence 
with  joy.  Because  of  a  terrific  storm  very  few  be- 
sides the  immediate  friends  of  the  condemned  man 
and  his  Chi'istian  brethren  accompanied  him  to  the 
place  of  execution.  On  the  way  he  related  the  ex- 
periences of  his  lonely  sojourn  of  three  days  in  the 
prison,  during  which  he  was  racked  with  fear  and  un- 
certainty as  to  his  ultimate  fate.  Cyprian  appeared 
to  him  in  a  vision,  and  in  answer  to  the  question 
whether  a  martyr's  death  was  painful,  replied :  "  The 
body  feels  nothing  when  the  soul  is  wholly  devoted 
to  God."  In  another  vision  he  saw  a  man  who  asked 
him  the  reason  of  his  sadness,  and  being  told  said  : 
"  You  are  already  twice  a  confessor,  the  third  time 
you  wiU  be  a  martyr."    Paul  and  Successus  ^  ap- 

1  In  plerisque  Marfcyrolog-ils  die  19  Januarii  plures  raartyres 
Africani  recoluntur.  Ibi  tamen  Successus  non  dicitur  episcopus, 
nee  aliorum  dignitates  exprimuntur.  S.  Cyprianus  paullo  ante 
passionem  epistola  80  alias  82,  Successum  monet  de  imminenti 
persecutione.  Is  videtur  esse  Successus  ab  Abbir-Germaniciana, 
urbe  Africae  in  Zeugitana  provincia,  qui  inter  alios  episcopos 
in  Concil.  Carthag.  de  haereticorum  baptismo  sententiam  dixit. 
Ruinart,  xlcta  Sincera,  p.  281. 


222  THE  VALERIAN   PERSECUTION 

peared  to  him  in  forms  so  briUiant  that  his  eyes 
could  not  look  on  their  angelic  splendor,  and  they 
announced  to  him,  "  We  are  sent  to  give  you  tidings 
of  your  martyrdom  ;  "  and  immediately  he  saw  him- 
self led  out  by  the  centurions  to  be  beheaded,  and 
heard  his  mother's  voice  saying,  "  Give  praise  ; 
never  has  any  one  suffered  a  martyrdom  such  as 
this." 

He  improved  the  opportunity  offered  by  the  ab- 
sence of  the  pagan  mob  to  impart  instruction  to  his 
friends  on  different  matters  pertaining  to  their  wel- 
fare and  the  welfare  of  the  Church.  He  exhorted 
them  to  preserve  peace  and  fraternal  love,  and  sug- 
gested that  Lucian  should  be  elevated  to  the  vacant 
See  of  Carthage.  "  A  soul  already  near  to  Christ 
in  heaven  was  gifted  with  special  knowledge."  ^ 
When  he  had  finished  his  prayers  and  exhortations, 
he  quietly  moved  to  the  appointed  place,  covered 
his  eyes  with  the  cloth  Montanus  had  sent  him,  and 
bowed  his  head  for  the  executioner's  stroke,  and 
finished  his  career  with  prayer.^ 

The  severity  which  marked  the  execution  of  Va- 
lerian's edict  in  Proconsular  Africa  found  a  coun- 
terpart in  the  neighboriug  Province  of  Numidia. 
Numbers  of  Christians  were  mercilessly  slaugh- 
tered, and  no  means  were  left  untried  to  abolish  the 

1  Non  enira  difficile  f  uit,  spiritu  jam  coelo  et  Christo  proximante, 
habere  notitiam.   Passio,  c.  23. 

^  Passiouem  suam  cum  oratioue  finivit.   Passio,  c.  33. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  223 

Christian  hierarchy.  Out  of  the  multitude  of  mar- 
tyrs who  suffered  at  this  time  we  possess  the  Acta 
of  only  two,  viz.  Marianus  and  James.^  These  Acta 
purport  to  have  been  written  by  an  eye-witness,^  and 
without  departing  from  the  recital  of  what  these 
two  martyrs  suffered,  they  recount  incidentally  the 
deaths  of  many  other  Christians,  and  give  us  a  good 
picture  of  the  cruelties  inflicted  on  the  followers  of 
Christ  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Aspasius  Paternus,  le- 
gate and  commander  of  the  Third  Legion  Augusta, 
which  for  three  centuries,  from  the  reign  of  Augus- 
tus to  that  of  Diocletian,  was  engaged  principally 
in  repelling  the  attacks  of  the  wild  tribes  beyond  the 
frontiers,  and  keeping  the  conquered  people  of  the 
province  in  subjection.^  Though  often  repulsed, 
these  tribes  never  lost  confidence  in  their  ability  to 
dislodge  the  Eomans,  and  under  the  chieftainship  of 
Faraxen  hordes  of  them  were  now  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  distress  in  the  Empire  to  make  another 
descent  on  the  province.^  This  condition  of  things 
rendered  it  comparatively  easy  for  the  legate  to 
direct  all  the  energies  of  the  legionaries  under  his 
command  against  the  Christians,  who  in  a  country 
always  ripe  for  revolt  could  easily  be  branded  as 

^  Ruinart,  Acta  Sincera,  p.  2G8. 

2  Et  nobis  hoc  praedicandae  gloriae  suae   munus   testes    Dei 
nobilissimi  reliquerunt.    Acta,  c.  1. 

^  Cagnat,  L^Armie  Bomaine  d^Afrique,  pp.  53-60. 
4  Ibid. 


224  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

public  enemies.  As  a  first  step  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  his  purpose,  the  legate  gave  orders  that  all 
the  bishops  and  priests  who  had  been  exiled  the 
preceding  year  should  be  brought  back  from  their 
places  of  banishment  and  be  put  to  death.  The 
trial  and  execution  of  most  of  the  Christians  took 
place  at  Lambesa,  the  seat  of  government  and  the 
place  where  the  legion  had  its  permanent  camp.^ 

It  was  in  such  circumstances  that  two  Christians, 
Marianus  and  Jacobus,  accompanied  by  a  layman 
who  survived  the  persecution  and  acted  as  the 
chronicler  of  the  death  of  his  companions,  undertook 
a  journey  through  Numidia.  No  reason  is  assigned 
in  the  Acts  for  this  journey ;  but  it  may  not  be  im- 
probable that  the  spirit  of  sacrifice  which  animated 
so  many  of  the  African  Christians  inspired  those 
three  to  go  to  the  place  where  their  brethren  were 
most  cruelly  persecuted.^  One  of  them.  Jacobus, 
who  had  already  suffered  in  the  Decian  persecution, 
was  warned  in  a  vision  that  he  would  soon  be  called 
on  to  shed  his  blood.  This  revelation  was  made  to 
him  one  day  while  journeying  with  his  companions. 
Fatigued  with  travel,  he  fell  into  a  deep  slumber  and 
thought  he  saw  a  young  man  of  extraordinary  size 

^  Vide  Duruy,  History  of  Borne,  vol.  vii,  p.  31,  for  description 
of  Lambesa.   Boissier,  L'Afrique  Romaine,  pp.  109  seq. 

2  Nam  perg-ebamus  in  Numidiam  simul,  ut  semper  antea  socio 
parique  comitatu  ingxessi  viam  quae  nos  ad  exoptatum.  fidei  et 
religionis  obsequium  illos  jam  ducebat  ad  coelum.  Acta,  c.  2. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  225 

and  so  radiant  that  the  eye  could  not  look  on  his 
dazzling  brightness.  This  youth,  it  seemed  to  the 
sleeping  confessor,  gave  to  Marianus  and  his  com- 
panion a  purple  girdle,  and  said  to  them :  "  Follow 
me."  The  full  significance  of  the  vision  did  not  ap- 
pear to  the  martyr  at  the  time,  but  when  he  awoke, 
he  simply  told  his  brethren,  who  noticed  his  pertur- 
bation, that  he  was  frightened,  but  that  he  had  cause 
for  rejoicing,  and  that  they  also  had  reason  for  hap- 
piness. After  this  journey  the  three  Christians  re- 
sided for  a  time  at  Muguas,^  a  suburb  of  Cirta,  and 
while  there  two  Christian  bishops,  Agapius  and  Se- 
cundinus,  passed  by  under  a  guard  of  soldiers  on 
their  way  from  the  place  where  they  had  been  ban- 
ished the  year  before  to  the  court  of  the  legate,  to 
stand  trial  under  the  new  edict.  Some  acts  of  kind- 
ness and  generosity  towards  their  captive  brethren 
directed  the  suspicions  of  the  soldiers  towards  the 
three  wayfarers,  and  a  few  days  afterwards  a  large 
detachment  under  the  command  of  a  centurion 
surrounded  the  village  in  which  they  lodged  and 
took  them  into  custody  .2  They  were  taken  to  Cirta, 
the  capital  of  the  Numidian  kings,  and  arraigned 
before  the  municipal  magistrates,  who  committed 
them  to  prison  on  their  confession  that  they  were 

^  Vide  Tissot,  Criographie  de  la  Province  Bomaine  d^A/riqtie, 
p.  394. 

2  Violenta  manus,  et  improba  multitudo  sic  ad  villain,  quae  nos 
habebat,  quasi  ad  famosam  sedem  fidei  convolaret.  Acta,  c.  4. 


226  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

Christians.  The  official^  who  was  charged  with 
their  safe  keeping  tried  in  various  way  to  compel 
them  to  abjure  the  detested  superstition  for  which 
they  had  braved  so  much.  Jacobus  remained  firm 
in  asserting  that  he  was  a  Christian,  and  removed  all 
hope  of  acquittal  by  avowing  that  he  was  a  deacon. 
Marianus  was  a  lector,  and  his  captors,  fearing 
that  he  might  escape  punishment  on  the  technical 
plea  of  not  belonging  to  the  clergy,  tortured  him 
in  order  to  make  him  repent  or  confess  himself 
a  priest.  They  suspended  him  by  the  thumbs,  and 
attached  weights  to  his  feet  in  order  to  increase  the 
strain  on  those  suffering  members.  His  constancy 
under  suffering  wearied  even  the  brutality  of  his 
foes,  and,  unable  to  terrify  him,  they  cut  him  down 
and  returned  him  to  the  prison  where  the  other 
Christians  were  confined. 

Exhausted  and  racked  from  the  ordeal  of  the 
torture  chamber,  Marianus  fell  into  a  deep  slumber 
in  which  he  had  a  vision  of  a  great,  high  tribunal 
on  which  was  seated  a  judge.  Near  the  judgment 
seat  was  an  immense  scaffold  reached  by  a  long 
stairway,  up  which  were  passing  bands  of  confes- 
sors, all  of  whom,  at  the  command  of  the  judge, 
were  immediately  conducted  to  execution.  Then 
he  heard  a  voice  saying,  "  Bring  forth  Marianus." 
He  saw  himself  go  up  the  steps  leading  to  the  scaf- 

1  Stationarium  militem.   Acta,  c.  4. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  227 

fold,  and  when  lie  reached  the  top,  St.  Cyprian, 
who  was  seated  at  the  right  of  the  judge,  stretched 
forth  his  hand  and  said,  "  Come  sit  with  me."  And 
while  he  sat  there  other  bands  of  Christians  passed 
before  the  judge  and  received  their  crowns.  After 
some  time  the  judge  arose,  and  all  who  were  there 
accompanied  him  to  the  praetorium  by  a  way  beau- 
tiful with  trees  and  streams,  until  he  suddenly 
disappeared  from  their  gaze.  Then  Cyprian,  taking 
a  phial  from  the  side  of  a  glittering  pool,  filled  it 
from  a  fountain  and  drank,  and  filling  it  a  second 
time  gave  it  to  Marianus,  who  drained  it.  While 
he  was  giving  thanks  to  God,  he  awoke. 

Among  the  Christians  whom  Jacobus  and  Mari- 
anus saw  in  the  prison  there  was  a  Roman  knight, 
Aemilianus,  who  for  fifty  years  had  devoted  his  life 
to  God,  and  who  was  now  portioning  out  the  close 
of  his  career  between  fasting  and  prayer. 

After  a  few  days  the  Christians  were  again  sum- 
moned before  the  legate.  During  the  trial,  one  of 
the  bystanders,  whose  looks  and  actions  betrayed 
his  sympathy  for  the  prisoners,^  was  arrested,  and 
in  answer  to  the  interrogations  confessed  that  he  too 
was  a  believer  in  Christ.  This  avowal,  and  similar 
declarations  from  the  other  prisoners,  satisfied  the 
judge  of  their  guilt,  and  having  no  jurisdiction  in 
capital  cases,  he  forwarded  the  evidence  to   the 

^  Christais  in  ore  ejus  et  facie  relucebat.   Acta,  c.  9. 


228  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

legate,  and  sent  the  prisoners  under  a  strong  guard 
to  Lambesa  for  sentence  and  death. 

After  a  long  and  fatiguing  journey  they  were 
brought  before  the  legate  in  the  praetorium  at 
Lambesa.  Several  days  elapsed,  however,  before  he 
could  find  time  to  attend  to  their  case.  So  many 
of  the  Christian  laity  were  under  accusation  that 
the  legate,  Caius  Macrinius  Decianus,  adopted  the 
policy  of  separating  them  from  the  clergy  in  the 
hope  that  the  fear  of  death  would  lead  many  of 
the  former  to  renounce  Christ.  The  charge  against 
these  men  and  women  was  not  so  much  that  they 
were  Christians,  but  that  they  had,  in  open -defi- 
ance of  the  Emperor's  decree,  been  guilty  of  hold- 
ing congregational  assemblies.^  In  a  country  such 
as  Numidia,  inhabited  by  people  ready  at  a  mo- 
ment's notice  for  revolt,  and  kept  in  subjection 
only  by  force  of  arms,  this  in  itself  constituted  a 
serious  charge.  Several  days  were  occupied  in  dis- 
posing of  these  cases,  and  numbers  of  Christians 
were  hourly  led  to  execution. 

While  Marianus  and  Jacobus  lay  in  the  dungeon 
awaiting   sentence,  their   hopes   of   joining   their 

^  La  condanna  a  morte  di  qnei  laici  deve  ayere  tina  qualche 
ra^one  speciale,  che  il  nostro  agiografo  non  ci  permitte  di  deter- 
minare.  Forse  erano  stati  colti  nell'  atto  di  una  riunione  illecita 
in  un  cimitero  o  in  un  luogo  religioso ;  forse  avevano  cercato  di 
dif  endere  dei  sacerdoti  al  momento  dell'  arresto.  Franchi,  Passio 
Mariani  et  Jacobi,  Litrod.  p.  18. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  229 

brethren  on  the  field  of  death  were  kept  alive  by 
visions  and  apparitions  of  the  Saints.  Jacobus  saw 
Agapius,  the  bishop  whom  he  had  assisted  at  Mu- 
guas,  and  who  had  since  then  suffered  death  with 
his  two  wards,  Tertulla  and  Antonia.  The  martyr 
was  seated  at  a  banquet  table  with  many  others 
whom  Jacobus  had  seen  in  the  prison  at  Cirta,  and 
among  whom  he  seemed  to  be  the  most  joyful. 
Jacobus  and  Marianus,  in  a  spirit  of  love  and  fel- 
lowship, desired  to  share  in  this  agape^  and  pre- 
sented themselves  at  the  feast,  but  were  met  by  a 
child  who  had  ^suffered  death  a  few  days  before. 
This  youth  wore  a  chaplet  of  roses  around  his 
neck,  and  carried  a  palm  branch  in  his  hand,  and 
noticing  the  eager  haste  of  the  two  friends  he 
asked  them,  "  Why  do  you  hurry  ?  you  will  sup 
with  us  to-morrow." 

On  the  following  day  Jacobus,  Marianus,  and 
the  other  clerics  ^  were  led  before  the  legate  and 
immediately  sentenced  to  death.  The  place  of  exe- 
cution was  a  small  plain  surrounded  by  hills  and 
watered  by  a  little  river,  into  which  the  bodies  of 
the  martyrs  were  thrown,  so  that  it  was  said  they 
received  a  double  baptism,  —  in  the  water  of  the 
stream,  and  in  their  own  blood.  So  great  was  the 
number  of  the  condemned  that  they  were  ranged  in 
rows,  to  allow  the  headsman  to  perform  his  task 

^  Ceteros  clericos  .  .  .  sententia  animadversionis.    Acta,  c.  12. 


230  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

without  the  inconvenience  of  having  the  ground 
soaked  with  blood  and  heaped  with  bodies,  as 
would  happen  if  the  prisoners  were  all  executed  on 
the  same  spot. 

With  eyes  blindfolded,  and  kneeling  for  the 
death  stroke,  many  of  the  Christian  martyrs  had 
visions  which  they  related  to  the  devoted  brethren 
who  stood  near  to  aid  and  encourage  them.  Some 
said  that  they  saw  glittering  arrays  of  men,  robed 
in  white  and  mounted  on  white  steeds ;  others  that 
they  heard  the  neighing  and  tramp  of  war  horses. 
Marianus,  with  the  true  spirit  of  a  prophet,  pro- 
claimed that  the  time  was  near  when  the  blood  of 
the  martyrs  would  rise  in  vengeance.  He  foretold 
that  evils  of  divers  sorts  would  afflict  the  perse- 
cutors ;  that  there  would  be  pestilences,  famines, 
earthquakes,  captivity,  and  murder.^  The  whis- 
pered confidences  between  the  Christians  and  their 
friends  could  not  last  long,  nor  could  the  ringing 

^  M.  Aub6  does  not  consider  these  threats  prophetic ;  he  says 
{VEglise  et  V  Etat,  p.  403) :  Les  annonces  d'^v^nements  post^rieurs, 
comme  la  captivity  de  Valerien  et  la  coalition  des  chefs  indigenes 
numides,  avec  lesquels  le  successeur  de  Veturianus  eut  affaire  deux 
ou  trois  ans  plus  tard,  et  dont  il  ne  vint  h,  bout  qu'apr^s  plusieurs 
sanglantes  combats,  prouvent  que  cette  relation  n'a  pas  ^t^  ^crite 
par  un  de  ceux  qui  furent  immol^s  h,  la  fin  d'avril  ou  au  com- 
mencement de  mai  259.  The  writer  of  the  Acta  says  nowhere  that 
he  was  a  victim  of  the  Valerian  persecution.  He  may  have  lived 
for  several  years  afterwards,  and  some  passages  in  the  Acta  them- 
selves seem  to  imply  that  he  did.  Vide  Franchi,  loc.  cit.  pp.  19 
seq. 


THE  AFRICAN  MARTYRS  231 

denunciations  of  Marianus  deter  the  executioner  in 
his  hideous  work.  Row  after  row  suffered,  and  at 
last,  when  Marianus'  turn  came,  his  head,  severed 
at  one  blow,  rolled  on  the  ground  to  the  feet  of  liis 
mother,  Mary,  who  had  accompanied  him  there. 
She  threw  herself  on  the  mangled  body,  and,  kiss- 
ing the  bloody  lips,  gave  thanks  to  God  that  she 
had  borne  such  a  son. 

The  Acts  of  Marianus  and  Jacobus,  to  which  we 
are  indebted  for  this  account  of  the  persecution  in 
Numidia,  claim,  as  has  already  been  said,  to  be  the 
work  of  a  Christian  who  was  himself  an  eye-witness 
of  the  events  and  a  companion  of  the  martyrs. 
Tillemont  ^  and  Allard  ^  regard  them  as  incontest- 
ably  authentic  ;  so  does  M.  Dufourcq,  the  rigorous 
critic  of  the  "  Gesta  Martyrum  Romains."  ^  So 
convinced  is  M.  Dufourcq  of  their  antiquity  and 
genuiness  that  he  places  them  in  contrast  with  the 
Roman  Acta  as  a  proof  that  the  latter  are  the  work 
of  later  hands.'*  Pio  Franchi  de'  Cavalieri,  to  whom 
we  are  indebted  for  a  new  and  critical  edition  of 
the  "  Passio  Mariani  et  Jacobi,"  ^  contests  the  as- 
sertion of  Schultze  that  this  Passio  emanated  from 
an  African  school  of  hagiographers,  who  devoted 

1  M^moires,  torn,  iv,  pp.  215,  649. 

2  Les  Dernieres  Persecutions  du  Troisieme  Steele,  p.  130,  note. 

^  Nul  ne  conteste  I'authenticit^  de  ceux-ci,    Gesta  Martyrum 
Romains,  p.  67. 

*  Ibid.  ^  Rome.    Tipografia  Vaticana,  1900. 


232  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

themselves  to  the  production  of  Acta  and  Passiones 
modelled  after  the  Acts  of  Perpetua  and  Felicitas.i 
In  the  learned  Introduction  to  his  work  Franchi 
refutes  the  contentions  of  Schultze,  and  explains 
the  difficulties  which  M.  Aube  regarded  as  in- 
superable to  believing  the  Acts  to  be  the  work  of 
a  contemporary  and  an  eye-witness.^ 

1  Theologisches  Literaturblatt,  1889,  col.  470 ;  quoted  by  Franchi. 

2  Loc.  cit. 


CHAPTER   VIII 
PERSECUTION   IN   THE    WEST  AND  THE   EAST 

Tarragona  —  Caesar  worship  abandoned  —  St.  Fructuosus  —  Es- 
teemed by  pagans  and  Christians  —  Arrest  —  Trial  —  Death 
at  the  stake  —  Martyrdom  of  Augurins  and  Eulogius  on  the 
same  day  —  Martyrs  in  Gaul — The  Orient  —  Death  of  Pris- 
ons, Malchus,  and  Alexander  —  St.  Cyril  of  Caesarea  in 
Cappadocia  —  Nicephorus  of  Antioch  in  Syria  —  Condemna- 
tion and  death  of  St.  Paregorius  —  St.  Leo  of  Patara  in 
Lycia. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  Tarragona  (Tarraco), 
the  capital  of  Hispania  Citerior,  should  have  wit- 
nessed a  rigid  enforcement  of  the  edict  against 
Christianity.  This  place  was  one  of  the  earliest 
strongholds  of  Roman  power  in  Spain  and  the 
richest  coast-town  in  the  peninsula.  From  the 
time  of  its  first  occupation  Tarragona  was  a  centre 
of  Roman  life  and  culture.  The  numerous  inscrip- 
tions found  among  its  ruins,  the  remains  of  a  huge 
aqueduct,  the  rows  of  seats  stiU  visible  on  the  sea- 
shore, attesting  the  site  of  its  amphitheatre,  aU  bear 
witness  to  its  character  and  greatness.^  The  people 
of  Tarragona  surpassed  even  the  inhabitants  of 
Rome  in  passionate  devotion  to  the  national  gods. 

1  Elis6e  Reclus,  The  Earth,  and  its  Inhabitants,  vol.  xvii,  p.  304 


234  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

They  were  the  first  among  the  provincials  of  the 
West  to  erect  an  altar  to  the  Genius  of  the  Em- 
peror, and  to  profess  that  the  destinies  of  Eome 
were  inseparable  from  those  of  the  house  of  Au- 
gustus by  consecrating  a  temple  to  "  Aeternitas."  ^ 
The  devotion  of  the  Tarraconenses  to  these  new 
deities  was  short-lived.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century  the  temple  of  Augustus  was  in 
ruins.  Hadrian  passed  the  winter  of  the  year  122 
in  Spain,  and  as  a  rebuke  to  the  people  of  Tarra- 
gona rebuilt  the  ruined  temple  at  his  own  expense.^ 
In  a  convention  of  the  representatives  of  the  cities 
of  Spain,  which  he  convoked  for  the  dedication 
ceremonies,  he  spoke  in  the  harshest  terms  of  the 
repugnance  for  military  service  shown  by  the  inhab- 
itants of  "  Italica."  His  generosity  and  his  words 
were  unavailing.  In  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus 
the  temple  of  Augustus  was  again  a  mass  of  ruins.^ 
How  can  this  laxity  be  explained  ?  Might  it  not 
be  possible  that  the  doctrines  of  Christianity  had 
supplanted  the  old  beliefs  which  made  Tarragona 
"  an  example  for  all  the  other  provinces."  ^  At  the 
outbreak  of  the  Valerian  persecution  it  contained  a 

1  Bevue  d'Histoire  et  de  LiUirature  RSligieuseSy  1896,  p.  437. 
Tacitus,  Ann.  i,  78.  Templum  ut  in  colonia  Tarraconensi  struer- 
etur  Augusto  petentibus  Hispanls  permissum.     Cf .  Dion,  lib.  li. 

2  Spartianus,  Vita  Hadriani,  c.  12. 

3  Spartianus,  Vita  Severi,  c.  3. 

*  Tacitus,  loc  cit.     In  omnes  provincias  exeniplum. 


IN  THE  WEST  AND   THE  EAST  235 

flourishing  Christian  community  ruled  over  by  its 
own  bishop,  Fructuosus,  a  man  esteemed  and  re- 
spected by  Christians  and  pagans  alike.^  This  wide- 
spread respect  may  have  been  the  reason  why  he 
was  not  molested  until  January,  259.  Public 
opinion,  however,  could  not  prevent  the  execution 
of  the  laws,  and  on  the  17  th  day  of  the  Kalends 
of  February,  in  the  consulate  of  Aemilianus  and 
Bassus,  after  the  bishop  had  retired  for  the  night, 
six  soldiers,  Aurelius,  Festucius,  Aelius,  Pollentius, 
Donatus,  and  Maxunus,  appeared  before  his  house 
with  an  order  from  the  governor  for  his  arrest. 
He  at  once  arose  and  surrendered  himself.  Two 
deacons,  Augurius  and  Eidogius,  who  lived  with 
him,  were  also  seized  and  lodged  in  prison. 

No  doubts  as  to  his  fate  existed  in  the  mind  of 
Fructuosus,  and  from  the  beginning  he  devoted 
himself  to  preparation  for  death.  Several  days 
elapsed   before    he    was   brought   to  trial,  during 

1  Talem  amorem  habebat  non  tantum  a  f  ratribus  sed  etiam  ab 
ethnieis.     Acta,  c.  3. 

The  Acts  of  Fructuosus  {Des  Meilleurs  du  Recueil  de  Ruinart, 
Aub^,  p.  409)  are  certainly  of  great  antiquity.  They  were  used 
by  Prudentius  {Peri  Stephanon,  vi)  and  were  read  publicly  in  the 
churches  of  Africa  in  the  time  of  St.  Augnstine,  who  speaks  of 
them  in  two  sermons,  213,  273.  The  style  and  several  archaic 
expressions,  — fraternitas,  in  mente  habere,  —  the  precision  and 
exactness  in  the  minutest  details,  marked  them  out  as  the  work 
of  a  contemporary.  Cf.  Allard,  Les  Dernieres,  etc.  p.  98,  note ; 
Tillemont,  Mhnoires,  tom.  iv,  article  on  St.  Fructuosus.  Aub6 
is  of  opinion  that  the  Acts  are  interpolated.     Loc.  cit. 


236  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

which  he  was  visited  by  his  followers,  one  of  whom, 
Rogatianus,  a  catechumen,  he  baptized  with  his  own 
hand.^ 

Friday,  January  21,  was  the  day  set  for  the 
trial.2  The  bishop  and  the  two  deacons  were,  by 
the  command  of  the  governor,  brought  before  the 
tribrmal  at  the  same  time.  The  praeses,  Aemilia- 
nus,  at  once  demanded  of  Fructuosus:  Do  you 
know  what  the  Emperors  have  ordered  ? 

Fructuosus.   I  do  not ;  but  I  am  a  Christian. 

Aemilianus.  They  have  ordered  all  subjects  of 
the  Empire  to  do  homage  to  the  gods. 

Fructuosus.  I  adore  one  God,  who  made  the 
heavens  and  the  earth,  the  sea  and  all  it  contains. 

Aemilianus.  Do  you  know  that  there  are  gods  ? 

Fructuosus.  I  do  not. 

Aemilianus.  You  will  soon  know  it. 

To  this  the  bishop  vouchsafed  no  reply,  but 
turned  his  eyes  to  heaven  and  prayed  in  silence. 

Aemilianus.  Who  are  to  be  obeyed,  who  feared, 
who  adored,  if  the  gods  are  not  honored  and  the 
images  of  the  Emperor  not  respected  ? 

Receiving  no  answer,  he  turned  to  Augurius,  one 
of  the  deacons,  saying :  "  Do  not  allow  yourself  to 
be  influenced  by  what  Fructuosus  has  said."  Au- 

^  Erat  autem  et  fratemitaa  cum  ipso,  refrigerantes  et  rogantes 
ut  illos  in  mente  haberet.  Acta,  c.  1.  For  the  meanting  of  refri- 
gerantes, see  De  Rossi,  Bullettino,  1882,  p.  126. 

^  Produeti  sunt  XII  Kalend.  Februarii,  feria  sexta.    Acta,  c.  2. 


IN  THE  WEST  AND  THE  EAST  237 

gurius  answered :  "  I  too  worship  the  Omnipotent 
God."  To  the  other  deacon,  Eulogius,  he  said: 
"  Do  you  also  worship  Fructuosus  ?  "  "  No,"  he 
replied,  "I  do  not  worship  Fructuosus;  but  I 
adore  the  God  whom  Fructuosus  adores."  Turning 
again  to  Fructuosus,  Aemilianus  asked:  "Are  you 
a  bishop?"  "I  am,"  was  the  answer.  "You  were," 
he  replied,  and  immediately  condenmed  the  three  to 
be  burned  alive. 

The  people  followed  them  with  tears  and  prayers 
to  the  amphitheatre.  On  the  way  some  one  in  a 
spirit  of  mercy  presented  the  martyrs  a  cup  contain- 
ing some  beverage,  probably  a  narcotic  ;  but  this 
Fructuosus  refused  to  take,  saying :  "  It  is  not  yet 
time  to  break  the  fast."  ^ 

When  the  amphitheatre  was  reached,  the  stakes 
and  pyres  were  ready  for  the  victims.  Regarding 
the  place  of  sacrifice  as  sacred  ground,  Fructuosus, 
like  Moses  of  old,2  removed  his  shoes,  and  when 
this  short  preparation  was  finished,  said,  in  answer 
to  a  Christian  named  Felix,  who  took  his  hand  and 

^  Cumque  multi  ex  f raterua  caritate  eia  efferent,  uti  conditi  per- 
mixti  poculum,  ait,  nondum  est  bora  solvendi  jejanii.   Acta,  c,  3. 
2  Vix  haec  ediderat,  relaxat  ipse 
Indumenta  pedum,  velut  Moyses 
Quondam  facerat  ad  rubum  propinquans. 
Non  calcare  sacram  cremationem 
Aut  adstare  Deo  prius  licebat 
Quam  vestigia  parce  figerentur. 

Peri  Stephanon,  vi,  85-90. 


238  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

begged  to  be  remembered  in  his  prayers  :  "  I  shall 
remember  the  entire  Church  Catholic,  which  spreads 
from  the  East  to  the  West."  At  the  door  leading 
to  the  arena  he  turned  to  the  Christians  who  had 
accompanied  him  to  this  stage  in  his  journey,  and 
in  a  voice  loud  enough  to  be  heard  by  Christians 
and  pagans  alike,  he  said :  "  You  will  not  be  long 
without  a  bishop.  The  promises  of  God  cannot  fail 
here  nor  hereafter.  The  present  trials  are  merely 
of  the  hour." 

With  words  of  encouragement  and  hope  from 
Fructuosus,  the  three  martyrs  advanced  to  the  cen- 
tre of  the  arena,  and  took  their  places  on  the  piles 
of  fagots.  They  were  at  once  bound  to  the  stakes, 
and  the  fires  lighted.  When  the  flames  circled 
around  and  above  them  the  cords  which  bound 
them  were  destroyed,  and  the  three  martyrs,  freed 
from  their  bonds,  fell  on  their  knees,  and  with  arms 
outstretched  in  the  form  of  a  cross  continued  to 
pray  while  life  and  strength  lasted.^ 

Two  Christians  of  the  governor's  household,  Ba- 
bylan  and  Mygdonio,  saw  in  a  vision  the  three 
martyrs  ascending  into  heaven  adorned  with  their 
fetters  and  bearing  on  their  heads  crowns  of  victory. 

When  night   came  the   Christians  repaired   in 

^  Non  ausa  est  cohibere  poena  palmas 
In  morem  cnicis  ad  Patrem  levandas 
Solvit  brachia,  quae  Deum  precentur. 

Ihid.  103-106. 


IN  THE  WEST  AND  THE  EAST  239 

crowds  to  the  amphitheatre  and  poured  wine  on 
the  still  smouldering  fires,  in  order  to  save  what 
remained  of  the  bodies  of  the  martyrs.^  Everyone 
kept  whatever  relics  he  found  and  took  them  to 
his  home ;  but  in  the  night  Fructuosus  appeared 
and  warned  them  of  the  wrong  they  had  done,  and 
on  the  following  morning  each  brought  what  he  had 
taken  away,  and  the  remains  were  aU  interred  in 
the  same  place. 

The  zeal  shown  by  Aemilianus  in  executing  the 
commands  of  the  Emperor  in  Spain  was  doubtless 
equalled  by  his  colleagues  in  Gaul ;  but  owing  to 
the  lack  of  trustworthy  records  very  little  can  be 
said  in  regard  to  the  persecution  in  the  western 
provinces.  The  Acta  of  St.  Pontius  of  Cemenelum 
(Cimiez),^  a  town  in  the  southeast  of  France, 
which  assigned  the  death  of  this  martyr  to  the 
reign  of  Valerian,  are  so  manifestly  legendary  that 
they  are  valueless,  except  in  so  far,  perhaps,  as 
they  preserve  some  slight  substratum  of  fact  re- 

^  The  use  of  wine  for  such  a  purpose  is  not  easily  explained. 
The  ancients  used  it  in  the  libations  after  cremation. 
Reliquias  vino  et  bibulam  lavere  favillam. 

Vergil,  Aen.  vi,  227. 

Such  a  practice  could  scarcely  have  been  in  vogTie  among'  the 
Christians.  Tarragona  was  celebrated  for  its  wines  in  antiquity  ; 
and  as  their  most  precious  possession  the  Christians  may  have 
poured  it  over  the  bodies  of  their  martyrs.  Cf .  Martial,  Epig.  lib. 
xiii,  118;  iii,  78. 

2  Acta  SS.,  May  14,tom.  iii,  p.  274.  Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Emp, 
tom.  iii,  p.  429 ;  Aub^,  L'Eglise  et  VEtat,  pp.  413  seq. 


240  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

garding  the  name  of  the  martyr  and  the  date  and 
place  of  his  death. 

Another  Gallic  martyr,  St.  Patroclus,  whose 
Acta  say  he  was  put  to  death  by  Aurelian,  suffered 
on  Friday,  January  21,  the  same  day  on  which 
St.  Fructuosus  died.^  But  as  January  21  did  not 
fall  on  Friday  during  the  reign  of  Aurelian,  com- 
mentators are  not  agreed  as  to  the  date;  some 
place  it  as  early  as  253,  others  in  259. 

The  sufferings  of  the  martyrs  Privatus,  Limi- 
nius,  Ausonius,  Anatolius,  and  a  multitude  of 
others  who,  according  to  St.  Gregory  of  Tours,^ 
were  massacred  in  an  invasion  of  France  by  the 
Alemanni  under  Chrocus,  cannot  logically  be  laid 
at  the  door  of  Valerian ;  and,  furthermore,  in  all 
probability  the  raid  of  these  barbarians  did  not 
occur  before  the  fifth  century .^ 

In  the  eastern  section  of  the  Empire,  where  the 
Christians  were  doubtless  more  numerous,  the 
havoc  and  disorder  caused  by  marauding  bands  of 
Scythians,  Goths,  and  Persians  do  not  seem  to 
have  diverted  the  Roman  magistrates  from  the 
task  of  exterminating  the  followers  of  Christ.  The 

1  Acta  SS.,  January  21,  torn,  ii,  p.  322.  Cf.  Allard,  loc.  cit.  p. 
97,  note  5  ;  Tillemont,  Mem.  torn,  iv,  p.  523,  note  on  St.  Patroclus. 

2  Historia  Francorum,  i,  31 ;  Acta  SS.,  February,  torn,  i,  p. 
766 ;  March,  torn,  iii,  p.  649 ;  May,  torn,  iv,  p.  454. 

^  Cf .  Goyau,  Chronologie,  p.  312,  for  the  various  dates  assigned 
to  this  event. 


IN  THE  WEST  AND  THE  EAST  241 

heroism  displayed  by  the  martyrs  whose  Acta  have 
been  preserved,  in  voluntarily  presenting  them- 
selves before  the  tribunals  and  confessing  their 
faith,  proves  clearly  that  the  existing  records  give 
no  adequate  picture  of  the  cruel  warfare  waged 
against  the  Church  in  the  Orient. 

The  cruelties  practised  against  the  Christians  of 
Caesarea  in  Palestine  aroused  such  a  spirit  of 
emulation  in  three  youths,  Priscus,  Malchus,  and 
Alexander,  who  lived  in  a  secluded  place  at  some 
distance  from  the  city,  that  they  left  their  retire- 
ment and,  presenting  themselves  before  the  magis- 
trates, boldly  confessed  that  they  were  Christians. 
To  live  in  hiding  while  others  were  every  day 
giving  testimony  to  the  faith  seemed  to  them  too 
pusillanimous  to  be  consistent  with  Christian  duty. 
The  boldness  of  their  action,  or  the  necessity  of 
amusing  the  fickle  mob  of  Caesarea,  prompted  the 
magistrate  to  inflict  on  them  the  severest  penalty. 
He  gave  orders  that  they  should  be  thrown  to  the 
wild  beasts  in  the  arena.  A  woman  who  belonged 
to  the  sect  of  Marcion  was  condemned  to  a  similar 
death  during  the  same  persecution.  These  simple 
facts  are  related  by  Eusebius,  who  gives  no  further 
details  of  the  fierce  conflict  which  could  arouse 
men  to  an  act  so  desperate.^ 

1  Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccles.  vii,  12.   Marcionitic  martyrs  are  men- 
tioned by  Eusebius,  Hist.  EccL  iv,  15  ;  Martyrs  of  Palestine,  chap. 


242  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

About  the  same  time  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  was 
tlie  scene  of  one  of  the  most  touching  martyrdoms  in 
the  annals  of  Christianity.  A  boy  named  Cyril,  who 
had  been  converted  to  Christianity  a  short  time 
before  the  persecution,  so  incensed  his  parents  by 
his  fervor  in  the  practice  of  his  new  religion,  and 
by  constantly  repeating  the  name  of  Christ,  that 
they  tried  by  every  means  in  their  power  to  compel 
him  to  return  to  paganism.  They  threatened  him, 
and  scourged  him,  and  as  a  last  resort  they  disin- 
herited him  and  drove  him  as  an  outcast  fi'om  their 
doors.  The  harshness  and  severity  of  the  parents, 
which  met  with  the  approval  of  their  pagan  friends, 
in  nowise  daunted  the  resolution  of  the  httle  Chris- 
tian hero,  who  willingly  relinquished  his  patrimony, 
saying,  "  that  his  faith  in  God  would  provide  bet- 
ter and  more  desirable  things  than  those  he  had 
forfeited." 

The  boy's  opposition  to  the  will  of  his  father, 
who  was  evidently  a  man  of  considerable  importance, 
became  known  throughout  the  city,  and  finally 
reached  the  ears  of  a  magistrate,  who  considered  the 
matter  so  weighty  that  he  ordered  Cyril's  arrest. 
When  the  boy  appeared  the  magistrate  said  to  him, 
"I  shall  not  punish  you  for  your  past  wickedness, 

10.  In  Hist.  Eccles.  v,  16,  Montanist  and  Marcionitic  martjrs  are 
referred  to,  though  the  Christians  would  not  acknowledge  them 
as  such.  All  were  equally  guilty,  however,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
state. 


IN  THE  WEST  AND  THE  EAST  243 

and  will  allow  you  to  return  to  your  home  if  you 
abandon  this  folly."  Cyril  replied:  "I  glory  in 
being  accused  of  what  I  have  done :  for  by  it  I 
have  deserved  heaven.  I  rejoice  to  be  deprived  of 
a  home  here,  for  I  shall  possess  a  greater  and  a 
better  one  hereafter.  Of  my  own  free  will  I  be- 
came poor  in  order  that  I  might  possess  eternal 
riches.  I  do  not  fear  death,  for  I  see  before  me  a 
better  life." 

Various  other  expedients  were  tried  to  shake 
his  resolution :  he  was  bound  as  if  for  execution ; 
a  sword  was  held  over  his  head ;  he  was  conducted 
to  the  stake ;  but  all  without  avail.  He  maintained 
his  courageous  demeanor  throughout,  and  even  re- 
buked some  of  the  bystanders  who  grieved  because 
of  his  suffering.  His  words  and  actions  left  no 
course  open  to  the  magistrate  but  to  enforce  the 
law,  and  the  boy  was  immediately  sentenced  to 
death.  He  bore  his  fate  calmly  and  received 
death  as  cheerfully  and  bravely  as  he  had  spoken 
of  it.i 

The  same  disregard  for  physical  suffering,  and 
the  same  desire  to  gain  the  martyr's  crown,  were 
exhibited  by  a  certain  Nicephorus  of  Antioch  in 

1  Acta  SS.,  May,  torn,  vii,  29th  day.  Ruinart  (Acta  Sincera  et 
Selecta,  p.  289)  is  of  opinion  that  this  account  of  the  martyrdom 
of  St.  Cyril  —  written  in  the  form  of  a  letter  —  is  from  the  pen 
of  St.  Firmilian  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadoeia.  Cf.  Tillemont,  M4' 
moires,  torn,  iv,  article  on  St.  Firmilian. 


244  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

Syria.i  At  the  outbreak  of  the  persecution  a  priest 
named  Sapricius,  between  whom  and  Nicephorus  a 
warm  friendship  had  once  existed,  was  seized  and 
carried  before  the  tribunal.  He  boldly  confessed 
that  he  was  a  Christian  and  a  priest,  and  bore  un- 
flinchingly the  tortures  which  the  magistrate  in- 
flicted on  him  in  order  to  compel  him  to  abjure 
Christ.  By  his  courage  and  steadfastness  he  gave 
abundant  proof  that  death  had  no  terrors  for  him, 
and  the  judge  at  once  sentenced  him,  saying,  "  "We 
order  that  Sapricius,  a  priest,  who  contemns  and 
disobeys  the  commands  of  the  Emperors  by  refusing 
to  offer  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  shall  be  beheaded." 

When  Nicephorous  heard  that  his  one-time 
friend  had  been  condemned  to  death,  he  desired 
most  eagerly  to  be  reconciled  with  him  before  he 
died.  He  met  him  on  the  way  to  the  place  of  exe- 
cution, and  casting  himself  on  the  ground  he  said : 
"Martyr  for  Christ,  pardon  me  if  I  have  done 
aught  against  thee."  Sapricius  paid  no  heed  to  his 
plea,  and  passed  him  by  in  silence.  He  renewed  it 
a  second  time  a  little  farther  on,  and  was  repulsed 
a  second  time.    The  persistency  and  humility  of 

1  Simeon  Metaphrastes  is  the  first  who  states  positively  that 
Nicephorus  was  martyred  in  Antioch.  The  other  manuscripts 
simply  say,  in  partibus  Orientis.  In  antiquity,  however,  the  name 
Oriens  was  a  common  designation  of  the  diocese  or  patriarchate 
of  Antioch.  Cf.  Ruinart,  Acta  Sincera,  Admonitio  in  Martyrium 
S.  Nicephori,  p.  283. 


IN  THE  WEST  AND  THE  EAST  245 

Nicephorus  astonished  the  pagan  soldiers.  They 
said :  "  This  man  must  be  mad  to  ask  pardon  from 
a  condemned  criminal."  "  You  do  not  know,"  an- 
swered Nicephorus,  "  what  I  ask  from  a  confes- 
sor of  Christ,  but  God  knows." 

While  the  final  preparations  were  being  made  at 
the  place  of  execution,  Nicephorus  again  approached 
the  doomed  priest  and  begged  piteously  for  pardon 
and  reconciliation,  without  evoking  a  single  word 
of  response.  At  the  last  moment,  when  the  lie- 
tors  ordered  Sapricius  to  go  on  his  knees  for  the 
death  stroke,  he  faltered  and  said :  "  Why  should 
I  kneel?"  "Because,"  they  answered,  "you  have 
refused  to  offer  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  and  because 
you  have  refused  to  obey  the  commands  of  the  Em- 
perors for  the  sake  of  that  man  who  is  called  Christ." 
"  Do  not  strike,"  he  begged ;  "  I  shall  obey,  I  shall 
offer  sacrifice." 

This  unexpected  turn  in  events  wrung  a  protest 
from  Nicephorus.  He  begged  the  quaking  apostate 
not  to  abjure  Christ,  not  to  lose  the  eternal  crown 
for  which  he  had  already  suffered  so  much ;  but  his 
plea  was  fruitless.  Then,  moved  by  the  insidt  offered 
to  Christ,  and  with  the  true  spirit  of  the  martyr,  he 
presented  himself  to  the  lictors,  saying  :  "  I  too  am 
a  Christian  and  believe  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
whom  this  man  has  denied.  Strike  me  in  his 
stead. " 


246  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

The  lictors  had  no  power  to  inflict  the  death 
penalty  because  a  man  accused  himself,  and  one  of 
them  set  off  at  once  to  the  magistrate*  to  report 
what  had  happened.  Without  waiting  to  summon 
Nicephorus,  the  magistrate  gave  orders  that  if  he 
did  not  at  once  conform  to  the  decree  he  should  be 
instantly  beheaded.  No  time  was  lost  in  putting  the 
sentence  into  execution,  and  Nicephorus  died  "  and 
ascended  to  heaven  crowned  with  faith,  with  charity, 
and  with  humility."  ^ 

Though  no  part  of  the  Roman  dominions  felt  the 
scourge  of  invasion  and  pillage  more  deeply  than 
Asia  Minor  during  the  last  years  of  Valerian's 
reign,  the  Emperor's  representatives  retained  suffi- 
cient authority  and  power  in  the  cities  not  yet  visited 
by  the  barbarians  to  inflict  the  greatest  cruelties 
on  the  Christians.  At  Patara,  a  city  on  the  south- 
east coast  of  Lycia,  Paregorius,  about  whom  nothing 

^  Certamen  sancti  magnique  martyris  Nicephori  et  contra  inju- 
riam  memoriam.   Ruinart,  loc.  cit. 

These  Acta,  preserved  both  in  Greek  and  in  a  Latin  translation, 
are  nothing  more  than  a  treatise  or  exhortation  on  the  necessity 
of  fraternal  charity,  written  with  a  purpose  of  showing  that  no 
one  can  truly  love  God  if  at  the  same  time  he  hates  his  neighbor. 
They  contain  many  things  that  are  not  easily  reconciled  with  the 
terms  and  spirit  of  Valerian's  edict :  e.  g.  the  torture  inflicted  on 
Sapricius,  unnecessary  after  his  avowal  that  he  was  a  priest,  and 
the  summary  condemnation  of  Nicephorus  on  the  bare  report  of  a 
lictor.  M.  Allard  {loc.  cit.  p.  138,  note)  is  of  opinion  that  in  their 
present  form  the  Acta  are  an  enlargement  of  an  older  and  probably 
contemporary  document.   Cf.  Aub^,  p.  424. 


IN  THE  WEST  AND  THE  EAST  247 

is  known  besides  a  simple  reference  in  the  Acts  of 
his  friend  and  fellow-martyr,  Leo,  was  put  to  death 
shortly  after  the  promulgation  of  the  edict.  The 
fame  of  his  sanctity  and  sufferings  made  his  tomb 
an  object  of  veneration  to  the  faithful,  many  of 
whom  visited  it  every  day.  Among  those  who 
cherished  the  memory  of  Paregorius  was  his  friend 
Leo,  an  old  man  who  led  the  life  of  an  anchorite, 
and  clothed  himself  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts. 

During  one  of  his  visits  to  the  tomb  of  his 
departed  friend,  Leo  witnessed  a  fete  at  the  temple 
of  Serapis,  an  Egj^tian  deity  whose  worship  had 
been  introduced  shortly  before  by  the  newly  ap- 
pointed Proconsul  Lollianus.  Among  the  worship- 
pers were  many  who  had  formerly  been  Christians. 

Thoughts  of  the  blasphemous  and  idolatrous 
ceremonies  he  had  witnessed  filled  the  mind  of  Leo 
on  his  way  to  the  tomb  of  the  martyr  the  following 
day  when  he  passed  by  the  Tychaemn,  or  temple  of 
the  goddess  Fortuna,  which  was  adorned  within  and 
without  with  flowers  and  lights  for  the  celebration 
of  some  festival,  and  without  counting  the  conse- 
quences of  his  act  he  broke  the  lamps  and  trod  the 
tapers  under  foot.  The  priests  of  the  temple, 
angered  by  such  irreverence,  assembled  the  people 
and  harangued  them,  saying  the  incensed  goddess 
would  confer  no  more  favors  on  the  city  unless  the 
author  of   this  sacrilege  was  punished.    Leo  was 


248  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

seized  on  his  return  from  the  tomb  and  brought 
before  the  procurator,  who  sentenced  him  to  the 
torture  and  afterwards  condemned  him  to  death  by 
being  dragged  over  the  rough  stones  to  a  neighbor- 
ing torrent  and  cast  into  its  depths.  Long  before 
the  river  was  reached  the  martyr  was  beyond  the 
reach  of  further  suffering,  and  his  executioners 
contented  themselves  with  casting  the  body  over  a 
precipice.  When  opportunity  offered,  the  Chris- 
tians recovered  it  and  interred  it,  "  praising  God 
who  had  given  the  martyr  such  courage  and 
strength."  ^ 

1  The  only  indication  which  the  Acta  of  these  martyrs  give  as 
to  the  date  of  their  death  is  contained  in  the  words,  Proconsvlem 
Lollianum  Electum  ah  imperatorihus.  This  slight  reference  shows 
that  when  the  martyrs  died  the  Empire  was  governed  by  joint 
rulers  sis  in  the  days  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus.  Precisely  at  this 
time  a  certain  Lollianus  was  prominent  in  the  affairs  of  Rome. 
(Pollio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  5.)  Though  his  life  was  obscure  (Vita  in 
multis  obseura  est  {Ibid.),  he  succeeded  in  dethroning  Postumus 
in  the  kingdom  of  Gaul.  The  Acta  gives  every  evidence  that  a 
violent  persecution,  such  as  that  of  Decius,  Valerian,  or  Diocletian 
was  in  progress  at  the  time.  Decius,  however,  is  usually  mentioned 
alone  in  hagiographical  writings,  and  during  the  persecution  of 
Diocletian  Lycia  was  not  governed  by  a  proconsul,  a  title  which 
Diocletian  conferred  only  on  the  governors  of  Asia,  Achaia,  and 
Africa.  Though  these  indications  are  extremely  meagre,  they 
nevertheless  point  more  strongly  to  the  epoch  of  Valerian  than 
to  any  other.  Cf.  Allard,  loc.  cit.  pp.  142,  143,  note  3 ;  Ruinart, 
Admonitio  in  Martyrium  SS,  Leonis  et  Paregorii;  Acta  SS.,  Feb- 
ruary, torn,  iii,  p.  59. 


CHAPTER  IX 
FALL  OF  VALERIAN  — EDICT  OF  GALLIENUS. 

Barbarians  renew  invasions  in  258  —  Berbers  and  Quinquegentanei 
in  Africa  —  Gaul  —  Postumus  revolts  —  Franks  cross  the 
Rhine  —  Ingenuus  assumes  the  purple  in  Moesia  —  Defeated 
by  Gallienus  —  Alemanni  invade  Lombardy  —  Borani  again 
attack  Pontus  —  Goths  devastate  Bithynia  —  Valerian  returns 
from  the  East  to  repulse  them  —  Retraces  his  steps  —  En- 
counters Shahpur  —  Captured  —  His  captivity  and  death  — 
Empire  in  disorder  —  Thirty  Tyrants  —  Revolt  in  Sicily  — 
Gallienus  unmoved  —  Issues  edict  of  toleration  —  Analysis  of 
edict  —  EfEect  —  General  summary. 

Valerian's  departure  for  the  Orient  in  the  sum- 
mer of  258  was  the  signal  for  a  general  movement 
among  the  seething,  maddened  hordes  beyond  the 
frontiers.  Like  hungry  wolves  they  poured  into  the 
Empire,  carrying  death  and  desolation  wherever 
they  went,  and  beating  down  opposition  whenever 
they  met  it.  The  thin  line  of  legionaries,  decimated 
by  disease  and  never  thoroughly  reorganized  since 
the  civil  wars  that  preceded  Valerian's  election, 
was  powerless  to  stop  this  inundation.  Wherever 
the  Romans  had  set  up  their  sacred  termini,  there 
were  enemies  ready  to  match  the  undisciplined 
valor  of  multitudes  against  the  training  of  the  rap- 
idly diminishing  legions,  whose  courage  and  endur- 


250  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

ance  had  spread  and  maintained  the  warp  of  Roman 
civilization  and  Roman  authority  among  so  many- 
various  tribes  and  peoples.  As  if  by  concerted 
arrangement,  the  whole  Empire  was  at  once  gir- 
dled with  a  contracting  band  of  fire  and  steel. 

In  Africa  the  Berbers,  a  tribe  of  warriors  from 
the  mountains  of  Mauretania,  who  invaded  Numidia 
from  the  west,  taxed  all  the  resources  of  the  Third 
Legion  Augusta,  and  were  prevented  from  forming 
a  coalition  with  the  Quinquegentanei,  who  had  made 
an  attack  from  another  point,  only  by  the  energy 
and  skill  of  the  legate,  Caius  Macrinius  Decianus. 
He  defeated  them  at  Mila,  and  pursuing  their  shat- 
tered forces  to  the  confines  of  Mauretania,  he  en- 
gaged them  a  second  time  and  added  to  their 
humiliation  by  a  second  decisive  victory.  During 
this  time  the  Quinquegentanei,  a  confederation  of 
five  desert  tribes,  whose  names  and  origin  are  still 
matters  of  dispute,  were  engaging  the  attention  of 
Quintus  Gargilius  Martialis,  the  commander  of  the 
Roman  cavalry.  Under  the  leadership  of  Faraxen, 
a  man  whose  name  brought  terror  to  the  hearts  of 
the  Romans  in  Africa,  these  five  tribes  united  to 
make  common  cause  against  the  common  enemy. 
The  white-robed  followers  of  the  Sheiks  from  the 
desert  were  no  match,  however,  for  the  light  Moor- 
ish cavalry  of  the  Roman.  Gargilius  defeated  them 
and  drove  them  beyond  the  borders,  and  what  was 


FALL  OF  VALERIAN  251 

of  more  importance  slew  their  leader  Faraxen,  the 
man  through  whose  skill  and  influence  these  vari- 
ous tribes  were  made  to  act  in  concert.  With  a 
persistency  born  of  despair,  both  the  Berbers  and 
Quinquegentanei  renewed  their  attacks,  and  though 
Roman  supremacy  was  never  again  endangered 
through  their  efforts,  they  succeeded  in  ambuscad- 
ing and  slaying  the  conqueror  of  Faraxen.^ 

The  withdrawal  of  part  of  the  garrisons  from  the 
northern  frontier  to  furnish  material  for  Valerian's 
army  in  the  East  left  the  rich  territory  south  of 
the  Rhine  and  the  Danube  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Teutonic  peoples.  As  long  as  Gallienus  remained 
in  command  of  the  Rhenish  Provinces  he  was  able, 
with  the  comparatively  small  force  at  his  command, 
to  keep  his  opponents  in  check  and  to  frustrate  aU 
their  attempts  to  gain  a  footing  on  the  coveted  ter- 
ritory on  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  In  25 8, ^  how- 
ever, the  critical  condition  of  affairs  on  the  Danube 
required  his  presence,  and  leaving  his  eldest  son, 
P.  Cornelius  Licinius  Valerianus,^  a  mere  boy,  as 

1  These  events  are  known  only  from  the  inscriptions.  C.  I.  L. 
viii,  2615,  9047.  Vide  Cagnat,  L^ArmSe  Romaine  (TAfriqxie,  pp. 
56,  57 ;  Creuly,  *'  Les  Quinquegentiens  et  les  Barbares,  Anciena 
Peuples  d'Afrique,"  Revue  Arch^ologique,  new  series,  vol.  3  (1861), 
p.  51 ;  Schiller,  Geschichte,  p.  818.  M.  Cagnat,  loc.  cit.,  places  these 
invasions  in  258  or  259.    Cf.  Goyau,  Chronologie,  p.  310. 

2  Schiller,  loc.  cit.  p.  827. 

'  Schiller  maintains  against  the  common  opinion  that  it  was 
the  elder  and  not  the  younger  son  of  Gallienus  who  was  slain  by 
Postumus.    Ibid. 


252  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

his  representative  in  Gaul,  he  entrusted  the  defence 
of  the  Rhine  to  his  lieutenants.  One  of  these,  M. 
Cassianius  Latinius  Postumus,^  proved  faithless  to 
his  trust,  and  aspiring  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  separate 
and  independent  kingdom  in  Gaul,  he  had  himself 
proclaimed  emperor  by  his  troops,  and  at  once  laid 
siege  to  Cologne,  which  was  defended  by  a  brave 
and  faithful  officer,  the  tribune  Silvanus,  He  was 
the  guardian  of  the  Emperor's  son,  and  refused  to 
surrender  the  city.  After  a  long  investment  Cologne 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  usurper,  and  he  at  once 
slaughtered  Silvanus  and  his  imperial  charge.^ 

The  conflicts  among  the  Romans  themselves  gave 
the  Franks  the  opportunity  they  had  so  long  de- 
sired. Pouring  across  the  Rhine,  they  pillaged 
Gaul  at  will,  and,  according  to  some,  extended 
their  forays  to  Spain,  and  even  'to  the  coast  of  Af- 
rica.^ The  result  of  these  well-timed  expeditions 
was  the  loss  of  considerable  Roman  territory  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  total  abolition  of 
Roman  jurisdiction  on  the  right.    After  GaUienus, 

1  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  3. 

2  Mommsen,  Boman  Provinces,  vii,  178. 

'  Eutropius,  Breviarium,  ix,  8 ;  Aurelius  Victor,  De  Caes.  c.  33, 
Francorum  g^entes,  direpta  Gallia,  Hispaniam  possiderent  .  .  . 
pars  in  usque  African  permearet.  Mommsen,  loc.  cit.,  thinks  the 
Frankish  expedition  to  Africa  took  place  in  the  reign  of  Gallienus. 
Cagnat,  loc.  cit.  p.  57,  says  that  with  the  exception  of  the  passage 
in  Aurelius  Victor  the  histories  and  monuments  afford  no  proof 
of  this  invasion. 


FALL  OF  VALERIAN  253 

the  name  of  no  Roman  emperor  is  found  on  the 
monuments  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine.  The 
success  of  the  Franks,  as  is  evident,  was  due  not 
so  much  to  valor  or  ability  as  to  lack  of  effective 
opposition.  Gallienus  and  his  subordinates  were 
capable  and  experienced  soldiers ;  "  but,  amidst  the 
utter  unruliness  which  then  prevailed  in  the  Roman 
State,  or  rather  in  the  Roman  army,  the  talent  or 
ability  of  the  individual  profited  neither  himself 
nor  the  commonwealth."  ^  The  reason  for  Gal- 
lienus' hasty  departure  from  his  headquarters  in 
Cologne  was  because  a  usurper  had  appeared  in 
Moesia  and  Pannonia.^  At  the  instigation  of  his 
soldiers,  who  were  terrified  by  the  Sarmatian  inva- 
ders of  Dacia,  Ingenuus,  the  governor  of  Panno- 
nia,  assumed  the  purple,  in  order  that  he  might 
have  sufficient  authority  to  regulate  the  affairs  of 
the  province,  free  from  all  interference  by  higher 
powers.  As  soon  as  Gallienus  appeared  on  the 
scene  Ingenuus  shut  himself  up  in  Mursa  and  pre- 
pared for  a  siege. 2  With  the  aid  of  Aurelius, 
Gallienus  soon  compelled  the  city  to  capitulate,  and 
in  order  to  escape  falling  into  the  hands  of  his 

1  Mommsen,  loc.  cit.  p.  179.  The  date  of  this  event  is  certain  : 
Tuseo  et  Basso  coss. ;  Pollio,  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  9.  Cf .  Schiller,  loc.  cit. 
p.  833,  note  5. 

^  Aurelius  Victor,  De  Caesaribus,  33,  2. 

*  Bei  Mursa  auf  dem  rechten  Ufer  der  Drau,  an  der  Stelle  des 
heatigen  Eszek.   Schiller,  loc.  cit.  p.  833. 


254  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

implacable  conqueror,  Ingenuus  hanged  himself.^ 
Gallienus  wreaked  a  terrible  vengeance  on  the 
cities  which  had  acknowledged  the  pretensions  of 
Ingenuus.  He  gave  orders  that  aU  the  male  inhab- 
itants, young  and  old,  should  be  slain ;  and  his  com- 
mands were  executed  with  brutal  fidelity .2 

Before  he  could  relieve  the  provinces  of  Pan- 
nonia  and  Moesia  from  the  Sarmatian  invaders, 
word  was  brought  to  GaUienus  that  the  Alemanni 
had  profited  by  his  absence  to  pour  across  the 
Limes  Khaeticus,  and  passing  from  thence  across 
the  Alps  had  devasted  Lombardy  and  carried  their 
operations  as  far  as  Ravenna.^  The  inhabitants  of 
Rome,  fearing  that  an  attack  would  be  made  on 
that  city,  were  filled  with  dismay,  and  the  danger 
seemed  so  imminent  that  the  Senate  with  some 
show  of  its  ancient  patriotism  called  out  the  Prae- 
torian guard,   armed  the  plebeians,  and  prepared 

1  Fertur  sane  idem  Ingenuus,  civitate  capta,  laqueasse  se  at- 
que  ita  vitam  finisse.   PoUio,  Ibid. 

2  A  letter  from  Gallienus  to  Celer  Venerianus  on  this  subject 
is  preserved  by  Pollio  in  order  to  show,  he  says,  what  cruelty 
this  voluptuary  could  be  capable  of.  Gallienus  Veneriano.  Non 
mihi  satisf acies,  si  tantum  armatos  occideris,  quos  et  fors  in  bellis 
interimere  potuisset.  Perimendus  est  omnis  sexus  virilis,  si  et 
senes  atque  inpuberes  sine  reprehensione  nostra  occidi  possent. 
Occidendus  est  quicumque  male  dixit  contra  me,  contra  Valeriani 
filium,  contra  tot  prLncipum  patrem  et  f ratrem.  Ingenuus  factus 
est  imperator.  Lacera,  occide,  concide,  animum  meum  intellege, 
mea  mente  irascere,  qui  haec  manu  mea  scripsi. 

^  Zosimus,  i,  37 ;  Eutropius,  ix,  8 ;  Zonaras,  xii,  24.  Cf .  Schil- 
ler, p.  814 ;  Gibbon,  chap.  x. 


FALL  OF  VALERIAN  255 

to  put  the  city  in  condition  to  stand  a  siege.  Their 
fears  were  groundless.  Before  the  Alemanni  could 
direct  their  efforts  against  Rome,  GaUienus  ap- 
peared at  the  head  of  his  legions,  and  with  unwonted 
vigor  compelled  them  to  retreat.  Loaded  with 
booty,  pillaging  and  burning  the  cities  they  passed, 
the  Alemanni  traversed  Italy;  but  were  finally 
brought  to  bay  at  Milan,  where  Gallienus  with  a 
force  numerically  far  inferior  to  theirs  inflicted  on 
them  a  crushing  defeat.^  With  a  fatuity  born,  per- 
haps, of  the  perplexities  regarding  the  safety  of  the 
throne  itself,  he  did  not  pursue  the  defeated  hosts 
of  the  enemy,  or  attempt  to  reestablish  the  old 
boundaries,  and  thus  robbed  his  victory  of  its  most 
fruitful  results.2 

While  both  the  Emperors  were  engaged  in  dis- 
tant wars,  Gallienus  in  the  West  and  Valerian  in 
the  East,  the  Borani,  smarting  under  the  defeat 
inflicted  on  them  the  year  before  by  Successus,  re- 
newed their  attacks  on  the  Roman  territory  in  Asia 
Minor,  and  directing  their  first  attempt  against 
Pityus,  they  buried  their  former  disgrace  in  its 
ruins.  Profiting  by  the  recollection  of  their  pre- 
vious mistakes,  they  had  retained  their  ships,  in 
which  they  at  once  set  sail,  and  following  the  coast 

1  Zonaras,  loc.  cit.,  says  the  Alemanni  numbered  300,000  and 
the  forces  of  Gallienus  10,000. 

2  Schiller,  loc.  cit. 


256  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

of  the  Euxine,  they  first  disembarked  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Phasis,  near  which  was  situated  the 
famous  temple  of  Diana,  which  they  attempted, 
though  without  success,  to  pillage.  Undismayed, 
they  resumed  their  journey  as  far  as  Trebizond 
(Trapezus),  the  capital  of  the  Province  of  Pontus, 
a  city  containing  an  enormous  population  and  well 
fortified  with  a  double  wall.  The  number  of  in- 
habitants was  increased  by  swarms  of  refugees  from 
the  surrounding  cities  and  towns,  who  had  fled  there 
for  safety,  carrying  with  them  their  wealth  and 
treasures.  The  impregnable  defences  of  the  city,  and 
its  large  garrison,  strengthened  by  reinforcements 
from  outside,  caused  the  besieged  to  neglect  the 
fortifications,  and  to  give  themselves  over  to  riot 
and  luxury.  The  Borani  were  quick  to  profit  by 
this  carelessness,  and  at  night  they  easily  scaled  the 
walls  and  put  the  garrison  to  flight.  While  the  sol- 
diers escaped  through  the  gates  the  inhabitants  were 
massacred  by  their  ruthless  foes.  The  city  was  re- 
duced to  ruins,  and  the  victorious  barbarians,  loading 
their  ships  with  booty,  and  chaining  their  prisoners 
to  the  oars,  returned  to  their  homes  in  the  kingdom 
of  the  Bosphorus. 

The  success  of  the  Borani  incited  their  neigh- 
bors the  Goths  to  similar  expeditions,  and  in  the 
following  winter  they  collected  an  enormous  army 
for  the  invasion  of  Bithynia.    Adopting  a  different 


FALL  OF  VALERIAN  257 

course,  these  new  marauders  followed  the  western 
coast  of  the  Euxine,  and,  because  of  the  impossibil- 
ity of  procuring  a  sufficient  number  of  transports, 
they  divided  their  forces  into  two  parts,  one  of  which 
went  by  land,  the  other  by  sea. 

At  Byzantium  they  captured  a  number  of  fishing 
boats  and  merchant  vessels  and  set  sail  for  Asia 
Minor.  Their  first  landing-place  was  near  the  strong 
city  of  Chalcedon,  which  the  garrison  had  aban- 
doned on  the  news  of  their  coming,  and  which  now 
fell  into  their  hands  with  all  its  treasures  of  money 
and  arms.  On  the  advice  of  Chrysogonus,  a  Greek 
refugee,  they  next  marched  to  Nicomedia,  which 
they  took  by  siege.  Although  the  wealthiest  of  the 
inhabitants  had  fled,  carrying  with  them  as  much  as 
they  could  of  their  possessions,  the  barbarians  them- 
selves were  surprised  at  the  amount  of  booty  this 
city  afforded.  They  bestowed  rich  rewards  on  the 
traitor  who  had  led  them  there,  and,  still  unsatis- 
fied with  their  plunder,  they  pillaged  Nice,  Prusa, 
Apamea,  and  Chios,  and  directing  their  steps 
towards  Cyzicus  they  met  their  first  check.  The 
river  Rhyndacus,  swollen  by  recent  rains,  stopped 
their  victorious  march.  Satisfied  doubtless  with 
what  they  had  gained,  and  fearing  an  encounter 
with  the  forces  of  Valerian,  who,  as  we  have  seen, 
returned  from  the  East  on  the  news  of  their  raids, 
they  signalized  their  departure  by  setting  fire  to 


258  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

the  cities  of  Nice  and  Nicomedia.^  The  army  o£ 
Valerian  never  came  in  sight  of  the  Goths.  When 
he  reached  Cappadocia  the  information  was  con- 
veyed to  him  that  the  invaders  had  fled  and  were 
now  safe  from  pursuit.  Valerian  contented  himself 
with  sending  reinforcements  to  Byzantium,  and 
immediately  retraced  his  steps  to  the  seat  of  war 
in  the  East.  He  had  succeeded  in  preventing  a 
union  of  the  Persian  and  Gothic  forces  ;  but  be- 
sides this  he  accomphshed  nothing  except,  as  Zosi- 
mus  says,  the  destruction  of  the  Cappadocian  cities 
through  which  his  army  passed.^  This  expedition, 
however,  probably  resulted  in  his  capture  and  down- 
fall. When  he  left  the  East  to  go  to  the  relief  of 
Bithynia  he  had  already  gained  many  victories  over 
the  Persians.  Antioch  was  in  his  possession ;  for 
on  the  arrival  of  his  army  of  relief  the  inhabitants 
had  risen  in  revolt  and  slain  the  pretender  Cyri- 
ades.^   The  gates  were  thrown  open  to  the  Komans, 

^  Zosimus,  i,  31-35.  Cf.  Mommsen,  Roman  Provinces,  vol.  i,  p. 
265 ;  Schiller,  p.  817 ;  Gibbon,  loc.  cit. ;  Tillemont,  Hist  des  Emp. 
iii,  p.  461.   For  chronolog-y  see  Goyau,  p.  314. 

2  Zosimus,  i,  36. 

8  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall,  chap,  x,  p.  557,  note  1,  says  :  "  The 
reign  of  Cyriades  appears  in  that  collection  (PoUio,  Trig.  Tyr.  1) 
prior  to  the  death  of  Valerian ;  but  I  have  preferred  a  probable 
series  of  events  to  the  doubtful  chronology  of  a  most  inaccurate 
writer."  Rawiinson,  The  Seventh  Great  Oriental  Monarchy,  chap.  4, 
p.  82,  considers  that  Gibbon's  nexus  of  events  has  the  greatest 
probability.  Duruy,  vi,  pp.  418-421,  and  Allard,  loc.  cit.  p.  159, 
also  place  the  death  of  Cyriades  in  260,  after  the  captivity  of 


FALL  OF  VALERIAN  259 

and  Antioch  immediately  became  the  base  of  oper- 
ations against  the  Persians.  Edessa,  too,  was  still 
uncaptured.^  The  garrison  had  not  only  succeeded 
in  keeping  the  Persians  at  bay,  but  in  many  suc- 
cessful sorties  inflicted  heavy  losses  on  them  and 
recovered  large  quantities  of  booty.  When  Valerian 
returned  from  Cappadocia,  more  than  half  his  army 
had  melted  away  from  famine  and  pestilence.  This 
did  not  deter  him,  however,  from  making  an  attempt 
to  raise  the  siege  of  Edessa,  and  in  pursuance  of 
this  project  he  collected  all  his  available  forces  and 
set  out  at  once  to  the  rescue  of  the  beleaguered  city.^ 
In  Mesopotamia  his  army  met  that  of  Shahpur,  and 
the  aged  Roman  Emperor  tasted  the  bitterness  of 
defeat.^  Through  the  malice  or  imprudence  of  one 
of  his  generals,  the  Roman  army  was  betrayed  into 
a  situation  where  neither  courage  nor  skill  could 
avail  them,  and  where  retreat  was  impossible.^  The 

Valerian.  Tillemont,  iii,  pp.  405, 406,  inclines  to  the  date  258  or 
259.  Schiller,  p.  820,  saya  it  occurred  in  256.  I  consider  that 
the  taxt  of  Pollio  cannot  be  lightly  set  aside,  and  have  conse- 
quently assigned  the  death  of  Cyriades  to  258.  Ipse  per  insidias 
suorum,  cum  Valerianus  jam  ad  bellum  Persicum  veniret  occisua 
est.    Trig.  Tyr.  c.  1. 

^  Zonaras,  xii,  23.  No  two  writers,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  are 
agreed  as  to  the  dates  and  order  of  these  events  ;  I  have  adopted 
what  I  consider  the  simplest  and  most  logical  arrangement. 

^  Zonaras,  loc.  cit. 

^  Aurelius  Victor,  De  Caes.  c.  32  ;  Eutropius,  ix,  7. 

^  Victus  est  enim  a  Sapore  rege  Persarum,  dum  ductu  cujusdam 
8ui  ducis,  cui  summum  omnium  bellicarura  rerum  agendarum 
commiserat,  seu  fraude  seu  adversa  fortuna  in  ea  esset  loca  de- 


260  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

hopelessness  of  his  position,  and  the  seditious  mur- 
murings  of  his  soldiers,  who  were  driven  to  despera- 
tion by  hunger  and  sickness,  compelled  Valerian  to 
sue  for  terms.  He  sent  large  presents  of  money  to 
Shahpur ;  but  the  wily  Persian  deferred  his  answer 
until  resistance  was  no  longer  possible,  and  imtil 
he  had  disposed  his  troops  most  advantageously  to 
prevent  escape  ;  then  sending  back  the  legates,  he 
demanded  that  Valerian  should  present  himself  in 
person  to  arrange  the  terms  of  submission.  The 
frightful  condition  of  his  army,  and  the  impossibil- 
ity of  further  resistance,  left  no  course  open  to  the 
unfortunate  Emperor  but  to  comply  with  the  wishes 
of  his  enemy ;  and  trusting  to  his  honor.  Valerian 
went  to  the  place  agreed  on  for  the  conference  with 
only  a  small  retinue,  where  Shahpur  with  true  Ori- 
ental perfidy  at  once  seized  him.^ 

ductus,  ubi  nee  vigor  nee  diseiplina  militaris,  quin  caperetur,  quic- 
quam  valere  potuit.  Pollio,  Valeriani  Duo,  c.  3.  Tillemont  and  the 
later  editors  reject  this  passage  as  spurious.  Gibbon  and  Rawlin- 
son  accept  it,  and  attribute  to  Macrian  the  perfidy  which  led  to 
Valerian's  downfall.  The  letter  of  Valerian  to  the  Senate  shows 
that  Macrian  was  entrusted  with  the  entire  control  of  the  army. 
(See  p.  120.)  It  is  quite  conceivable  that  Macrian's  ambition  to 
wear  the  purple  —  Denis  of  Alexandria  says  he  madly  desired  it  — 
led  him  to  betray  his  master.  It  is  certain  that  he  was  not  in- 
volved in  Valerian's  defeat,  for  he  retained  command  of  a  sufficient 
number  of  soldiers,  probably  as  a  reward  for  his  treason,  to  make 
an  attempt  to  wrest  the  crown  from  Gallienus. 

^  Zonaras,  loc.  cit.,  says  that  it  was  asserted  by  some  that  Vale- 
rian fled  to  his  enemy  for  protection ;  but  he  himself  inclines  to 
the  opinion  that  the  Emperor  was  betrayed.  Aureliiis  Victor,  De 
Caes.  xxxiij  dolo  circumventus  est ;  Petrus  Patricius,  Frag.  9. 


FALL  OF  VALERIAN  261 

The  capture  of  Valerian  was  no  mere  ruse  on  the 
part  of  Shahpur  to  wring  better  terms  from  the 
disheartened  Romans.  He  wished  to  lower  their 
pride,  not  to  compel  them  to  capitulate.  He  sent  no 
messengers  to  Rome  to  demand  ransom,  asked  for 
no  grants  of  territory  in  return  for  the  life  and 
freedom  of  his  illustrious  captive ;  but  kept  the  un- 
fortunate monarch  in  chains  imtil  death  came  to  his 
relief.  In  a  captive  emperor  he  might  have  had  a 
powerful  pledge  of  peace  and  a  valuable  hostage ; 
but  Oriental  despotism  and  pride  found  more  delight 
in  heaping  opprobrium  on  the  fallen  sovereign,  and, 
through  him,  on  the  entire  race  of  haughty  Romans, 
than  in  making  use  of  his  sad  plight  to  promote 
peace  or  gain  political  ascendancy. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  Roman  vanity  hesitated 
to  speak  about  the  sad  straits  to  which  Valerian 
was  reduced,  or  to  add  to  the  glory  of  his  conqueror 
by  describing  his  shame.  The  earliest  pagan  writ- 
ers content  themselves  with  saying  that  he  grew  old 
in  his  captivity,  and,  Roman  emperor  as  he  was, 
that  he  was  treated  as  a  slave.  ^  But  to  those  of  his 
subjects  to  whom  he  had  been  an  oppressor,  —  to 
the  Christians,  —  who  saw  in  his  downfall  the  hand 
of  divine  retribution,  to  whom  his  humiliation  was 

1  Pollio,  Valeriani  Duo,  c.  4,  Valeriano  apud  Persas  consenes- 
cente.  Trig.  Tyr.  c.  12,  senex  apud  Persas  consenuit.  Gall.  c.  1, 
erat  omnium  maeror  quod  imperator  Komanus  in  Perside  servil- 
iter  tenetur. 


262  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

strength,  there  was  no  hindrance  to  speak  the  truth. 
From  them  we  learn  to  what  lengths  Oriental  bar- 
barism went.  We  are  told  that  the  unfortunate 
Emperor  was  loaded  down  with  chains,  and  was  led 
around  at  the  stirrup  of  his  captor  still  robed  in  his 
royal  purple  and  wearing  the  imperial  insignia  of 
his  former  greatness ;  and  that  whenever  Shahpur 
mounted  on  horseback  he  placed  his  foot  on  the  neck 
of  his  imperial  slave.  How  long  the  unhappy  Roman 
endured  this  shame  is  not  known.  Some  say  he 
lived  for  five  or  six  years,  and  that  when  he  died  his 
skin  was  stuffed  with  straw  and  hung  up  in  a  Per- 
sian temple  as  a  perpetual  memorial  to  the  shame  of 
Rome.^  It  would  be  extremely  difficult  to  form 
an  estimate  of  the  effect  which  Valerian's  fall  and 
captivity  produced  in  the  Roman  Empire.  He  was 
the  one  cohesive  force  in  Roman  life.  No  sooner 
was  he  removed  from  the  scene  than  the  suicidal 
ambition  of  pretenders  reduced  the  whole  common- 
wealth to  a  fratricidal  battlefield.  Usurpers  ap- 
peared in  every  province  :  men  of  different  talents 
and  of  different  stations  of  life,  but  all  intent  on 
the  removal  of  the  surviving  Emperor,  the  clever 

1  Lactantius,  De  Mortibus  Persecutorum,  c.  5 ;  Eusebius,  Vita 
Constantini,  i,  2 ;  Orat.  Constant,  xxiv.  Cf .  Aurelius  Victor,  De 
Caes.  xxxii,  5,  Epit.  xxxii,  5,  6 ;  Eutropius,  Brev.  ix,  7  ;  Zonaras, 
xii,  23  ;  Zosimus,  i,  36  ;  Petrus  Patricius,  in  Miiller,  Frag.  Graec. 
iv.  p.  188 ;  Rawlinson,  Seventh  Great  Monarchy,  pp.  86  seq. ;  Gib- 
bon, loc.  cit. 


FALL  OF  VALERIAN  263 

but  unworthy  son  of  the  unfortunate  Valerian.^ 
There  were  many  worthy  and  deserving  soldiers 
among  these  pretenders  —  the  Thirty  Tyrants  ;  but 
their  deeds  were  as  ephemeral  as  their  claims  ;  and 
for  the  most  part  they  achieved  nothing  but  the 
devastation  of  the  Empire,  which  through  inter- 
necine strife  fell  an  easy  victim  to  the  hordes  of  bar- 
barians who  once  more  poured  across  the  frontiers.^ 
The  Goths  again  ravaged  Asia,  Thrace,  and  Greece  ; 
the  Sarmatians  spread  over  lUyricum ;  the  Ale- 
manni  marched  at  will  through  Gaul  and  Italy ;  the 
Franks  traversed  Spain.  A  rebellion  of  slaves  and 
banciits  reduced  peaceful  and  prosperous  Sicily  to 
turmoil,^  and  even  Rome  itself  was  forced  to  rebuild 
its  walls  to  save  itself  from  the  destruction  which 
seemed  inevitable. 

With  Persians  in  the  East  and  Teutons  in  the 
West  it  would  seem  that  the  last  vestiges  of  Roman 
power  had  departed  ;  but  great  crises  are  only  the 
crucibles  which  refine  the  gold  of  genius ;  and  old 
established  institutions  have  a  reserve  of  power 
which  keeps  them  from  going  down  before  the  first 

1  Quo  nihil  prodigiosius  passa  est  Komana  res  p.  Trig.  Tyr. 
c.  xxxi,  5. 

2  Cf.  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall,  c.  x,  pp.  562  seq. ;  Schiller,  pp. 
823  seq. ;  Tillemont,  iii,  pp.  465  seq. 

2  Denique  quasi  eonjuratione  totius  mundi,  concussis  orbis  par- 
tibus,  etiam  in  Siciliam  quasi  quoddam  servile  bellum  extitit, 
latronibus  evagantibus,  qui  vix  oppress!  sunt.  Pollio,  Duo  Gallienij 
c.  4. 


264  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

shock.  Eome  recovered  from  civil  strife,  she  pushed 
the  barbarians  back  over  her  wide  extended  limites; 
but  she  had  suffered  a  moral  awakening  from  which 
she  never  receded. 

When  Augustus  assumed  the  title  of  Summus 
Pontifex,  he  consecrated  in  his  house  on  the  Pala- 
tine a  new  sanctuary  of  Vesta,  thus  identifying  the 
sacred  fire  —  the  symbol  of  the  perpetuity  of  the 
state  —  with  that  of  his  own  house,  in  order  to  con- 
vince men  that  the  destinies  of  the  Empire  were 
for  evermore  inseparable  from  those  of  the  house  of 
Caesar,  that  one  would  last  as  long  as  the  other,  i.  e. 
for  all  eternity.  The  worship  of  the  Genius  of  the 
Emperor  and  the  deification  of  departed  Caesars 
became  an  integral  part  of  Roman  thought  and 
polity.  But  now  that  Caesar  was  in  the  toils,  what 
were  men  to  think  ?  The  letters  written  to  Shahpur 
by  different  Oriental  kings,  which  are  inserted  in 
the  life  of  Valerian  by  Pollio,  may  be,  as  Simcox 
says,  the  work  of  Greek  sophists  ;  ^  but  they  show 
how  potent  even  in  defeat  was  this  idea  of  the  per- 
petuity of  the  Roman  State.  Velsolus  says,  "  If  I 
could  be  convinced  that  the  Romans  could  ever  be 
thoroughly  conquered  I  would  congratulate  you  on 
your  victory."  Valenus,  king  of  the  Cadusi,  writes, 
"  The  Romans  are  never  so  much  to  be  feared  as 
when  they  are  defeated."  Artabasdes,  king  of  the 

1  History  of  Latin  Literature,  vol.  ii,  p.  356. 


FALL  OF  VALERIAN  265 

Armenians  would  imply  that  the  existence  of  the 
Eoman  State  was  necessary  for  the  well-being  of  the 
rest  of  the  world :  "  You  have  conquered  an  old  man 
and  have  made  enemies  of  all  the  peoples  of  the 
earth."  ^  These  are  truly  the  Roman  sentiments ; 
but  the  course  of  ideas  follows  the  course  of  power. 
The  influence  of  Persia  was  manifested  not  so  much 
in  dragging  a  decrepit  old  man  at  a  chariot  wheel, 
as  in  the  spread  of  its  customs  and  its  ideals  over 
the  whole  Occident.  Insensibly  Rome  began  to  feel 
the  influence  of  Eastern  ideas,  and  the  shadow  of 
popular  sovereignty  vanished  with  the  substance 
when  Diocletian  established  his  court  at  Nicomedia, 
and  instituted  a  regime  modelled  on  the  absolutism 
of  Persia.^  Outlaws  as  they  were,  the  Christians 
were  nevertheless  loyal  Romans,  and  more  faithful 
to  the  traditions  of  the  past  than  those  whose  ideas 
and  policy  had  been  cradled  amidst  the  ignominious 
scenes  which  attended  the  last  days  of  Valerian. 

The  only  person  in  the  Empire  who  seemed  in- 
different to  the  fate  of  Rome  and  the  misfortunes 
of  Valerian  was  his  son  and  co-regent,  Gallienus. 
He  received  the  news  of  his  father's  defeat  with 
affected  stoicism,  saying :  "  I  knew  my  father  was 
a  mortal."  Nor  could  he  be  induced  to  take  any 
measures  for  his  release  or  rescue,  professing  that 

1  Vita  Valeriani,  c  2,  2. 

^  Cf .  Freeman,  Historical  Essays,  third  series. 


266  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

he  was  satisfied  because  his  father  had  acted  as  a 
brave  man.  Though  the  whole  world  grieved  for 
the  unfortunate  captive,  the  servile  courtiers  with 
whom  Gallienus  had  surrounded  himself  lauded 
him  for  his  forbearance  and  firmness. 

Inconstant  and  cynical,  the  character  of  Gallie- 
nus defies  analysis  or  description.  He  was  undoubt- 
edly the  cleverest  man  of  his  time.  Philosopher 
and  poet,  man  of  affairs,  successful  in  everything 
he  undertook  except  the  administration  of  the  Em- 
pire, he  lacked  the  quality  most  essential  in  a  ruler 
—  patriotism.  He  cared  nothing  for  the  fate  of 
the  commonwealth,  and  merely  smiled  when  told 
that  whole  provinces  had  been  lost.  When  Egypt 
revolted  he  asked,  "  What  shall  we  do  without 
Egyptian  linen  ?  "  When  Gaul  seceded  he  laughed, 
saying,  "  The  republic  will  be  ruined  for  want  of 
arras-cloth."  ^  Voluptuary,  cynic,  agnostic,  he  yet 
retained  sufficient  sense  of  justice  to  put  a  stop  to 
the  war  of  extermination  against  the  Christians. 
Scarcely  was  he  freed  from  the  restraining  influence 
of  his  father,  and  at  liberty  to  foUow  his  own  way, 
than  he  took  a  step  from  which  other  and  more 
patriotic  Emperors  had  shnmk.  He  issued  an 
edict  of  toleration  which  guaranteed  to  the  Chris- 
tians the  full  and  free  exercise  of  their  religion. 

Unfortunately  the  text  of  this  edict  has  been 

1  PoUio,  Gallieni  Duo,  c.  6. 


EDICT  OF  GALLIENUS  267 

lost.  Its  purport,  however,  can  be  easily  gathered 
from  the  rescripts  which  the  Emperor  addressed 
to  the  bishops  authorizing  them  to  regain  possession 
of  the  cemeteries  and  the  property  of  the  Church 
which  had  been  confiscated  under  the  laws  of 
Valerian.  Eusebius  has  inserted  in  his  History  a 
copy  of  the  rescript  sent  to  the  bishops  of  Egypt. 
The  full  text  is  as  follows  :  ^  "  Shortly  after  this 
Valerian  was  reduced  to  slavery  by  the  barbarians, 
and  his  son,  having  become  sole  ruler,  conducted 
the  government  more  prudently.  He  immediately 
restrained  the  persecution  against  us  by  public 
proclamations,^  and  directed  the  bishops  to  perform 
in  freedom  their  customary  duties,  in  a  rescript 
which  ran  as  follows :  — 

"  '  The  Emperor  Caesar  Publius  Licinius  Gallie- 
nus  Pius  Felix  Augustus  to  Dionysius,  Pinnas, 
Demetrius,  and  other  bishops.  I  have  ordered  the 
bounty  of  my  gift  to  be  declared  through  all  the 
world,  that  they  [i.  e.  the  heathen]  may  depart 
from  all  the  places  of  religious  worship.  And  for 
this  purpose  you  may  use  this  copy  of  my  rescript 
that  no  one  may  molest  you.  And  this,  which  you 
are  now  enabled  lawfully  to  do,  has  already  for  a 
long  time  been  conceded  by  me.3    Therefore  Aure- 

1  Hist,  vii,  13. 

2  avriypcup^. 

*  "  The  reference  is  doubtless  to  the  edicts  referred  to  above, 
and  which  he  had  issued  immediately  after  his  accession,  but 


268  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

lius  Cyrenius,  who  is  the  chief  administrator  of 
affairs,  will  observe  this  ordinance  which  I  have 
given.' " 

"  I  have  given  this  in  a  translation  from  the 
Latin,"  says  Eusebius,  "  that  it  may  be  more  read- 
ily understood.  Another  decree  of  his  is  extant  ad- 
dressed to  other  bishops,  permitting  them  to  take 
possession  again  of  the  so-called  cemeteries." 

The  value  of  this  passage  from  Eusebius  cannot 
be  overestimated.  There  is  no  reason  to  consider  it 
anything  but  what  it  claims  to  be  —  a  faithful 
translation  into  Greek  from  a  Latin  copy  which 
the  Bishop  of  Caesarea  had  before  him.  It  shows, 
in  the  first  place,  that  a  general  edict  of  tolera- 
tion had  been  issued  from  the  Imperial  Chancery 
which  made  Christianity  a  religio  licita  before  the 
rescript  was  sent  to  the  bishops  in  the  various  pro- 
vinces. It  shows,  too,  that  in  the  execution  of  Vale- 
rian's edict  a  different  disposition  was  made  of  the 
loci  religiosi,  the  meeting-places  of  the  Christians, 
and  the  cemeteries.  The  first  were  confiscated  and 
sold  by  the  procurator  fiscalis  ;  the  second,  it  would 
seem,  were  merely  seized  and  closed  up.  As  we  have 
already  seen,  the  religiositas  of  the  cemeteries 
exempted  them  from  confiscation.^ 

■which  had  not  been  sooner  put  in  force  in  Egypt  because  of  the 
usurper  Macrianus."  Note  by  the  American  editor,  from  whom  I 
have  taken  this  translation. 

1  De  Rossi,  Bom.  Sott.  torn,  i,  p.  200. 


EDICT  OF  GALLIENUS  269 

For  the  first  time  peace  had  been  declared  be- 
tween the  Church  and  the  pagan  Roman  State.  The 
hierarchy  had  received  official  recognition,  and  the 
bishops  and  priests  could  henceforth  minister  to 
the  faithful,  and  assemble  them  for  prayer  and  sac- 
rifice, without  fear  of  molestation ;  their  meeting- 
places  and  cemeteries  were  restored;  and,  should 
any  jealous  pagan  attempt  to  interfere  with  them, 
they  had  letters  bearing  the  imperial  seal  guar- 
anteeing them  rights,  to  disregard  which  was  trea- 
son. This  was  all  the  advocates  of  Christianity,  the 
Apologists,  had  ever  claimed;  the  Edict  of  Milan 
fifty-three  years  later  granted  nothing  more.^ 

The  history  of  the  Church  from  Nero  to  Gallienus 
shows  that  the  favor  and  good  will  of  the  Emperors 
towards  the  Christians  had  never  entirely  stopped 
the  persecutions.  Neither  Commodus,  nor  Alex- 
ander Severus,  nor  Philip  the  Arab  had  revoked 
the  laws  which  made  belief  in  Christ  a  felony,  and 
which  placed  the  lives  of  His  followers  at  the  mercy 
of  every  governor  or  magistrate  who  cared  to  en- 
force the  iniquitous  edicts  of  Nero  and  Trajan .2 

Speculation  has  always  been  busy  regarding  the 
influences  and  motives  which  could  have  led  Gal- 
lienus to  take  such  a  bold  step  as  the  removal  of 

1  Aub^,  VEglise  et  VEtat,  pp.  439  seq. 

-  Gorres,  "  Die  Toleranzedicte   des   Kaisers   Gallienus,"   etc., 
Jahrbiicher  fur  Protestantische  Theologie,  1877,  pp.  606  seq. 


270  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

all  the  legal  disabilities  under  which  his  Chris- 
tian subjects  labored.  Some  are  inclined  to  trace 
this  act  of  justice  to  the  Emperor's  taste  for 
philosophy  and  his  attachment  to  Plotinus,  the 
leader  of  the  Neo-Platonists.^  The  aim  of  Neo- 
Platonism  was  the  synthesis  of  all  the  intellectual 
and  religious  forces  in  one  composite  philosophico- 
religious  system,  into  which  Christianity,  though 
perhaps  not  formally,  was  to  be  admitted.  This 
tendency  the  Christians  themselves  opposed.  Their 
hostility  to  amalgamating  the  teachings  of  Christ 
with  the  tenets  of  Neo-Platonism  provoked  a  bitter 
intellectual  struggle,  which  culminated  in  the  writ- 
ings of  Porphyry,  next  to  Celsus  the  most  violent 
opponent  of  Christianity,  and  which  perhaps  paved 
the  way  for  the  revival  of  the  spirit  of  persecution 
under  Diocletian .2  It  was  inevitable  that  some  ad- 
justment should  take  place ;  but  GaUienus  was  too 
clear-sighted  not  to  perceive  that  no  rapprochement 
was  possible  as  long  as  Christianity  was  legally 
sequestrated.  His  interest  in  the  triumph  of  Neo- 
Platonism  was  shown  in  his  willingness  to  establish 
a  philosophical  colony  in  Campania,  where  the  prac- 
tical advantages  of  the  system  advocated  by  Ploti- 
nus could  receive  a  real  test.^   If  the  differences 

1  Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography ,  article  "  Gallienus." 

2  Neander,  Church  History,  vol.  i,  pp.  236  seq. 

^  Porphyry,   Vita   Plotini,   c.    12 ;    Jules   Simon,  Histoire    de 
VEcole  d'Alexandrie,  vol.  i,  p.  208. 


EDICT  OF  GALLIENUS  271 

between  Christianity  and  the  newer-heathenism 
were  to  be  obliterated,  this  result  could  be  more 
readily  obtained  by  transferring  the  scene  of  con- 
flict from  the  realm  of  law  to  that  of  science,  from 
the  arena  to  the  school. 

The  Emperor's  wife,  Salonina,  is  by  some  believed 
to  have  been  a  Christian.^  If  so,  her  influence  was 
doubtless  thrown  on  the  side  of  her  co-religionists ; 
but  the  invidious  position  she  occupied  in  the 
household  of  Gallienus,  and  his  corruption  and 
gross  immoralities,  make  it  extremely  doubtful 
whether  he  would  be  amenable  to  a  woman  whose 
life,  if  she  were  a  Christian,  was  a  standing  reproach 
to  his  recklessness  and  luxury. 

The  character  of  GalUenus,  versatile,  volatile,  and 
inconstant,  allows  no  place  for  the  belief  that  his 
edict  of  toleration  was  the  result  of  any  well- 
considered  or  consistent  scheme  of  administration. 
Paradoxical,  he  could  be  active  or  remiss,  cruel 
or    lenient,  sceptical  or  philosophical.     Immersed 

1  The  reasons  for  thinking  that  Salonina  embraced  Christianity 
arise  solely  from  the  inscription  Augusta  in  Pace  or  Aug.  in  Pace 
found  on  the  medals  of  the  Empress.  This  formula  In  Pace  is 
found  only  on  Christian  monuments.  Hence  it  has  been  con- 
cluded that  Salonina  was  a  follower  of  Christ.  De  Witte,  Du 
Ckristianisme  des  quelques  Imph-atrices  Romaines,  torn,  iii,  p.  10. 
Kraus,  Real-EncycL,  thinks  that  the  symbol  proves  nothing  more 
than  that  Christianity  was  a  part  of  the  religious  syncretism 
professed  by  the  Empress.  Duruy,  History  of  Borne,  vi,  387, 
also  doubts  whether  the  Empress  was  a  Christian.  Cf .  Allard,  pp. 
163  seq.,  for  a  full  discussion  of  the  subject. 


272  THE  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION 

in  luxury  and  sensuality,  he  had  no  regard  for 
tradition  or  vested  rights,  and  never  turned  his  face 
towards  the  future.  He  took  a  bold  step  in  ad- 
vance ;  but  he  did  not  proceed  far  enough.  The 
incompatibility  between  Cliristianity  and  the  hea- 
then Roman  State  was  not  a  matter  to  be  settled 
by  philosophers  or  political  theorists.  It  was  not 
enough  that  Christianity  should  go  forward ;  idolar 
try  must  recede.  The  social  and  political  structure 
of  Roman  life  was  yet  interwoven  with  pagan  be- 
liefs and  practices.  They  occupied  the  ground  for 
which  Christianity  was  striving.  The  principle  had 
been  affirmed,  however,  that  the  existence  of  the 
Christian  religion  was  not  detrimental  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  Roman  commonwealth  :  the  old  adver- 
saries faced  one  another  at  last  in  the  open,  and 
prepared  for  the  final  struggle  in  which  the  prize 
was  the  hegemony  of  souls  in  imperial  Rome. 


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xxxix,  p.  5. 

L'Empire   et  I'Eglise   pendant   le   Regne   de  Gallien. 

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p.  154. 

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INDEX 


Agapius,  229. 

Alexander,  martyr,  241. 

Alexander  Severus,  19,  62. 

Alexander  the  Great,  worshipped 
as  a  god,  116 ;  magical  pow- 
ers attributed  to  images  of, 
120. 

Alexandria,  persecution  in,  151. 

Anatolius,  240. 

Antonia,  229. 

Antoninus  Pius,  laws  of,  against 
Christians,  44. 

Apologists,  Christian,  47. 

Augurius,  235. 

Ausonius,  240. 

Areae,  174. 

Aub^,  defends  Macrianus,  111. 

Aurelian,  urges  Valerian  to  per- 
secute the  Christians,  164 ;  of- 
fers human  sacrifices,  121. 

Aureolus,  113. 

Basilla,  186. 

Berbers,  invade  Numidia,  250. 

Borani,  255. 

Burial  clubs,  were  the  Christian 

communities  organized  as,  55, 

139. 

Caesariani,  109,  171. 
Caesar-worship,  264 ;   in  Spain, 

234. 
Caracalla,  52,  61. 
Carthage,  persecution  in,  150. 
Catacombs,  173. 
Cemeteries,  sacred  in  Borne,  138; 


Christian,  restored  by  Galli- 
enus,  268. 

Christianity,  regarded  as  a  Jew- 
ish sect,  21 ;  incompatible  with 
the  Roman  State,  5  ;  opposed 
to  syncretism,  17;  a  barrier 
to  reform,  123. 

Christians,  calumnies  against, 
25 ;  laws  against,  32  ;  popular 
outbreaks  against,  41 ;  treated 
leniently  by  some  magistrates, 
45 ;  apologies  for,  47  ;  accused 
of  public  calamities,  122 ;  con- 
demned to  mines,  149 ;  not 
disloyal,  165,  265 ;  barbarians 
friendly  to,  167  ;  forbidden  to 
use  cemeteries,  175. 

Chrysanthus,  128. 

Church,  freed  from  Judaism,  32; 
wealth  of,  124 ;  charities  of,  125. 

Claudius,  Emperor,  expels  Jews 
from  Rome,  22. 

Claudius,  martyr,  185. 

Collegia  Funeraticia,  see  Burial 
clubs. 

Commodus,  51. 

Crescentius,  185. 

Cyprian,  St.,  and  the  lapsi,  106 ; 
Acta  of,  130 ;  exiled  to  Curu- 
bis,  146 ;  writes  letters  to  the 
confessors  in  the  prisons  and 
mines,  148 ;  trial,  condemna- 
tion, and  death,  190. 

Cyril,  242. 

Daria,  128. 


284 


INDEX 


Decius,  70;  laws  of,  105;  op- 
poses election  of  new  pope, 
122. 

Denis  of  Alexandria,  121 ;  ac- 
cused Macrianus  of  magic, 
109  ;  exiled  to  Kephron,  150 ; 
trial  and  condemnation,  153. 

De  Rossi,  176. 

Diocletian,  265. 

Domitian,  28. 

Donatianus,  206. 

Elagabalus,  18,  61;  offers  chil- 
dren in  sacrifice,  120. 

Empire,  invaded  by  barbarians, 
92. 

Eugenia,  186. 

Eulogius,  235. 

Eusebius,  127. 

Faustina,  120. 
Felicissimus,  179. 
Flavian  dynasty,  28. 
Flavianus,  206. 
Fortunatus,  105. 
Fructuosus,  235. 

Gallienus,  90,  111 ;  character  of, 
265  ;  promulgates  edict  of  tol- 
eration, 266. 

Gnosticism,  67. 

Goths,  invade  Asia  Minor,  256. 

Greek  martyrs,  126. 

Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  165. 

Hadrian,  18 ;  rescript  to  Mini- 
cius  Fundanus,  41 ;  letter  to 
Servianus,  43. 

Hadrias,  126. 

Herennianus,  214. 

Hippolytus,  126,  183. 

Human  sacrifices  in  Rome,  120. 

Ingenuus,  254. 


Jacobus,  224. 

Jauuarius,  179. 

Jews,  expelled  from  Rome,  21 ; 

persecute  the  Christians,  23. 
Julianus,  206. 

Laurence,  St., martyrdom  of, 179. 
Laws    against    Christians,   32  j 

text  of  first  law,  39. 
Leo,  247. 
Liminius,  240. 
Lucius,  206. 

Macrianus,  induces  Valerian  to 
persecute  the  Christians,  109 ; 
death  of,  114;  magical  prac- 
tices of,  115  ;  Valerian  praises, 
120. 

Magnus,  179. 

Malchus,  241. 

Marcellus,  127. 

Marcia,  51. 

Marcus  Aurelius,  49;  consults 
Chaldean  magicians,  120. 

Maria,  126. 

Marianus,  224. 

Martyrs  of  the  crypt  of  Chry- 
santhus  and  Daria,  144. 

Massa  Candida,  201. 

Matrons,  Christian,  persecuted 
in  Rome,  185. 

Maximinus  Thrax,  61,  64. 

Mommsen,  views  regarding  laws 
against  Christians,  37. 

Montanist  martyrs,  241. 

Montanus,  206. 

Neo,  126. 

Neo-Platonism,  67;  of  GaUi- 
enus,  270. 

Nero,  18  ;  persecutes  the  Chris- 
tians, 23. 

Nerva,  31. 

Nicephorus,  243. 


INDEX 


285 


Novatian  schism,  107. 
Novatus,  105. 

Paganism,  effect  of  ,on  Christian- 
ity, 65  ;  reaction  of  Christian- 
ity on,  68;  attempt  at  amalga- 
mation with  Christianity,  17. 

Pancratius,  187. 

Paregorius,  246. 

Patroclus,  240. 

Paul,  206. 

Paulina,  126. 

Persecution,  causes  of,  3 ;  first 
outbreaks,  20 ;  of  Nero,  23  ; 
of  Domitian,  28 ;  of  Trajan, 
32 ;  of  Hadrian,  41 ;  of  Anto- 
ninus Pius,  44;  of  Marcus 
Aurelius,  50;  of  Commodus, 
51 ;  of  Septimius  Severus,  53  ; 
of  Caracalla,  61 ;  of  Masdmi- 
nus,  64 ;  of  Decius,  70 ;  liter- 
ary, 48. 

Persians,  invasions  of,  160,  258 ; 
influence  of,  in  Rome,  265. 

Philip  the  Arabian,  64. 

Plagues  in  the  Roman  Empire, 
49,  92. 

Pliny,  letter  to  Trajan,  33. 

Pontius,  life  of  Cyprian,  146. 

Pontius  of  Cimiez,  239. 

Primolus,  206. 

Priscus,  241. 

Privatus,  240. 

Protus  and  Hyacinthus,  186. 

Quartillosa,  214. 
Quinquegentanei,  250. 
Quirinus,  150. 

Renus,  206. 

Roman  Empire,  social,  economic, 
and  political  condition  of,  dur- 
ing Valerian's  reign,  123 ;  in- 
vaded by  barbarians,  157. 


Romans,  repel  the   barbarians, 

155. 
Romanus,  185. 
Rufina,  186. 

Salonina  the  Empress,  was  she 

a  Christian,  271. 
Sapricius,  244. 
Sarmatians,  invade  the  empire, 

254. 
Septimius  Severus,  53,  234. 
Severus,  185. 
Shahpur,     conquers      Valerian, 

260. 
Stephanus,  179. 
Stephen,  Pope  St.,  127. 
Successus,  206. 
Syncretism,  6,  17,  20,  63, 137. 

Tarcisiua,  143. 

Tarragona,  persecution  in,  233. 

Tertulla,  229. 

Teutons,    invade    the    Empire, 

251. 
Thirty  Tyrants,  111,  262. 
Trajan,  32. 

Valerian,  family  and  history  of, 
75 ;  made  censor,  78 ;  be- 
comes emperor,  86;  perse- 
cutes the  Christians,  107  ;  first 
edict  of,  130;  second  edict  of, 
155 ;  holds  levee  at  Byzan- 
tium, 158  ;  takes  conmaand  of 
eastern  army,  160  ;  conquered 
by  Shahpur,  260 ;  captivity 
and  death,  261. 

Victoricus,  206. 

Vincentius,  179. 

Visions  of  martyrs,  147,  211, 
215,  226,  230. 

Xystus,  becomes  Pope,  143; 
martyrdom  of,  177. 


ElectrotyPed  and  printed  by  H.  O.  Hmighton  df  Co. 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  17.  S.  A.