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^IfJL I o
IkoC ^ 3/^
•Digitized by
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&r-
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REPORT
ON THE
CENSUS OF BRITISH INDIA,
TAKEN ON THE
17th February 1881.
Vol. III.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE,
PBINTBBS TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT llAJESTT.
FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE.
1883.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
Alphabetical list of castes, Tamil ......... i
„ „ Tdugu - - 25
„ „ Canarese .-..--- --49
„ „ Malajalam -.-.. ---53
„ ,, caste names found in the Census schedules in certain provinces • - - 59
List of occupations of males by group heads --- ----.71
Index of trades and occupations under each group head ...... 39
APPENDIX.
Appendix A. — Extracts from provincial reports regarding density of population ... i
„ B. — ^Extracts from Punjab report on peculiarities of the Hindoo and Mahammedan
religions as practised in the Punjab - - - - - - vi
„ C. — ^Extracts from Mr. Baines' report on sex and age in Bombay - - - - xxii
„ D. — ^Extracts from Bengal and Punjab reports on the age statistics of those provinces - xxx
„ E. — ^Extracts from Mr. Baines' report on ** Civil Condition " in Bombay - - . xlii
„ F. — ^Extracts from the North-West Province report and the Punjab report on the age tables xlix
jf G. — ^Extract from Bombay report on statistics of instruction * • ... Ixvii
„ H. — ^Extracts from Bombay report on caste in Bombay . - - . - xc
„ J. — ^Extracts from Punjab report on castes -.--..- cxx
K. — Statistics regarding occupations combined with agriculture -
L. — Extracts from Punjab report on civil condition -
- cxxxvii
cxliv
Y 5747. 1060.— 10/83. I 1370.
a 2
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Alphabetical List of the Tamil Oaste Names.
Abhisheka.
Acha.
Aohakasniyur Parayan.
Achakavalan.
Achara Setti.
Acharana Kalian.
Acharavakam Setti.
Acharayakathan.
Achariyan.
Achavelldlan.
Achi.
Achivarathan Setti.
Achu Velai Kammalan.
Adappakaran.
Adicherial.
Adina Setti.
Adippan.
Adippu Kannan.
Adiyan.
Advaitam Parayan.
Adubagiam Setti.
Adu Meppavan.
Agama Setti.
Agamudayan.
Agamudaya.
Agaram.
Agaratha.
Agaravelur.
Agastiar.
Aggiani.
Agili Idayar.
Aginur Setti.
Agni.
Agnisaktiamibana Kulam.
Agdza Palli.
Aiiastha Maravan.
Ainutban.
Aiya Parayan.
Aiyar.
Aiyavari.
Aiyar.
Aiyangar.
Akali Kurumlear.
Akatba.
Akatbdn Kudi.
Akirilu Setti.
Akkd Kuttam.
Akkali.
Akkandapadi Maravau.
Akkar.
Akkarai.
Akkayagd Setti.
Akkilavalai Paniar.
Akorapalaya Setti.
Akutdta Eed(j^
Akkuvdr Setti.
Y 5747. 1060 — 8/88. 1 1370.
Alaga Kattu Parayan.
Alagara.
Alajiri.
Alambadi.
Alamattu Kalian.
Alatbur Kallar.
Alavan.
Alavar Matbam.
AUsavan.
Alia.
Alijan Setti.
Alkurumbar.
Allar.
AUi.
Alvar.
Amadakki Vellalan.
Amantbakaran.
Amaratbu Kurumbar.
Ambaya.
Ambala.
Ambglakdra Adumekkap-
patta Oddar.
Ambalakaran.
Ambalakavundan.
Ambalattdn.
Ambalavarigal.
Ambauari Maravan.
Ambattan.
Ambikaran.
Ambudian.
Ambunattar.
Ambunattu Kallar.
Amburaja Kalian.
Aminada Navidau.
Amithulavar.
Ammakadai PalU.
Ammakkara Parayan.
Ammala.
Amman Sakkili.
Ammanar Vellalan.
Ammu.
Amuthu Udayau.
Amutbudaya Kumma.
Anadi.
Anaga Palli.
Anarkura Setti.
Anar PaUan.
Anasur.
Anathi Lingam.
Aflavatliu.
Andailum Pallan.
Anda.
Andaroa.
Andavathra.
Andhra.
Andhra Vaishnava.
Andhravd.1.
A
Andhnilu.
Andi.
Angala Parayan.
Angamkndi Setti.
Angamur PaUan.
AngapaUan.
Angayan Parayan.
Angia Pulli.
Angudi.
Anibu Kattai Maravan.
Anisari.
Ani Teburgan.
Anja.
Anjakar.
Anja.
Anjulanattu Ilamaya.
Anjura PaUan.
Anjuvarnattu Kalian.
Anna.
Annvala Paruan.
Anni PaUan.
Ansayan.
Antba.
Anthavamsam.
Anthisira.
Anthi vettuvan.
Anthiyaran Sanyusi.
Antbiyatbur.
Anula.
Anuppa.
Anuppan.
Ann Sakkili.
Anuthra Kshatny a.
Anva Sakkili.
Api Shanan.
Appadu Kalian.
Appidi Kavarai.
Appu.
Arachal Oddan.
Aradhya.
Arakali Mudali.
Arakka Palli.
Aramudu.
Aranattu Velldla.
Arapa Kavundan.
Ara.
Arasa Kavundan.
Arasakkaran.
Arasanattu.
Arasuguli Kavundan.
Arasu.
Aratta Kusumban.
Arava.
Aravada Kusumban.
Arvan.
Aragan.
Archakan.
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Archakan Aiyangdi.
Arerara.
Aribattan Achari.
Ari.
Arindur Setti.
Arinjur.
Aripaya Setti.
Aripayola Korovan.
Arivera Setti.
Ariviar Setti.
Ariyakkuttadi.
Amattu Velldlan.
Ardkia Setti.
Arpadi.
Arukkan.
Arulpathu.
Aruppa.
Aruppu and Aruppukaran.
Aruon Pallan.
Aru Sakkili.
Aniva Setti.
Aruv^lu.
Arvu.
ArvTimba Kattu Vellalan.
Aryau.
A-Setti.
Al-Thuluvan.
Arya.
Asaivan.
Asarak.
As^ri.
Ashtha Kollan.
Ashthantra.
Ashtasdlisra Braliinan.
Ashtha Vadnyan.
Atchaya.
Athaya.
Athah Reddi
Athara Pallan.
Athi.
Athiyuv^n.
Attamvdkam Setti.
Attn.
Auli Marathi.
Avala.
Avalagrdma Navidan.
Avapadiravan.
Avilu Setti.
Avinlinga Pallan.
Aya.
Ayalurtharan Setti.
Ayan.
Ayanattu Kalian.
Ayappu Kanakkan.
Ayarkattu Pandaram.
Ayasazhi.
Ayavarthu Setti.
Ayirakutta Malachi.
Aydthi.
Azhukku Edukkiravan.
Bada.
Badaja Jedan.
Badayi.
Badagar.
Baggia.
Bairdgi.
Bai Vanian.
Bajani.
Ba Kavundan.
Bala Gudakkan.
Baldji.
Balakanur Todvian.
Bdlakavarai Sakkili.
Bala.
Balan Kunna Kattiya.
Balegar Setti.
Balija.
Balli Vareyan.
Bana.
Bangi Golla.
Bankapuram Setti.
Banniar Setti.
Banthu GroUan.
Barathanathu Pallan.
Barathi Nil Tattan.
Basaraeltaj.
Bashia.
Basmar.
Beltha.
Belu Reddi.
Beri.
Besta.
Bhakta.
Bharatar.
Bhatragulu.
Bhuvaisian.
Birhmachuic.
Bdgam.
Bdgi.
B(5i Matha Kollan.
Bokkilavan.
Bokkisha.
Bokkishan.
BoUa.
Bombali Tdti.
Bommankala Toddiyar.
Bonnua Reddi.
Boudili.
Bousti.
Botta Vaunar.
Bottukatti.
Bottu Vellalar.
Bdvandi.
Bdya.
Bdyi.
Brahachar anam .
Brahmo.
Bubu Parayar.
Budubudukar.
Budu Halvakki.
Bundigar.
Bunt Baliger.
Bynas.
Chakala.
Chandrakula Rajah.
Chunnambu Parayan.
Cochi.
Colaredas.
Conjfeveram Ihandaman-
dalathar.
Coorg.
Dasakayar.
Dasan.
Dasa.
Dasan Setti.
Dasari.
Dasi.
Daya Keravan.
Desa.
Desadi Parayan.
Desam Setti.
Desanga Brahmin Nadhva.
Desanthri.
Desa.
Desastha.
Desigan.
Desu Reddi.
Desur.
Detaib.
Deva.
Devadiga.
Devanga Setti.
Devangulu.
Devangu Sudra.
Denar Adiyal.
Devaraja.
Dena Vaisiyar Setti.
Devandra.
Dikshathar.
Dimnar.
Dingiri.
Dobi.
Domnara.
Dora.
Echan.
Eda.
Eddan.
Edi Kudiyanavan.
Edu.
Ekala Thoddiya Nayakan.
Ekali.
Ekambathia Vadugar.
Ekanda Reddi.
Bkarili ThcJddiyan.
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Eki Idavan. •
Eruthu Kavarai.
Ekila Sdku.
Eruvanndn.
Ekiliyan.
Ervalu.
Ekinattu Reddi.
Esa.
Elai.
Esalalan Vellalan.
icha.
JBlaiyandi.
Esili.
lohanur Boga Agamu-
Elaiyar Oddar.
Etha.
diyan.
Elam.
Ethi.
Idachi Maravan.
Elama Reddi.
Ethiman Idayan.
Ida.
Elanattu.
Ethukula Golla.
Idakkaradi Reddi.
Elangandttan.
Ethur Kulam.
Idangai.
Elaragai Ariyur Setti.
Ethurannan.
Idavankan.
Elaragi Setti.
Ettaluman Okkili.
Idavathu Palli.
Elayathu Kudi Setti.
Ettama Sakiri.
Idaya.
Elian.
Ettan.
Idayan.
Eli Makan.
Ettanattu Reddi.
Idiga.
Ellabili Raja.
Ettapathu Kulam.
tdi^
EUakdpu.
Etti.
Idingai.
EUakar.
Ethuthukaran.
Iduja Kammavar.
Ellappa Reddi.
Iduvakayal Kalian.
EUiyar.
Ika Golla.
BUu Vaniyan.
Ikki Koravan.
Elunku Thoddiyan.
Ila Idayan.
Eluthu Vagappu Kam-
Gandla.
Ilai.
mala Thattan.
Gangadi Gonda.
Ilakkimdr Kammalan.
Emalai Palli.
Ganika Mudali.
Ilamagan.
Emarayapiratti.
Garadi.
Ilamakan.
Embrandiri.
Gazulu.
Ilangadi.
Emmanar.
Geadapadi Kavarai.
Ilathur.
Emukukara.
Gengadigdra.
Ilavan Kambala Naikan.
Enadi.
Genga Reddi.
Ilavar Kambalattan.
Enakurumber.
Gentu.
Ilayathukadi Setti.
Enal Velldlan.
Gentukal Setti.
Ilija Setti.
Enata Setti.
Ginala Uriya.
Hivakai Setti.
Endan Vaunin.
Giri Gosayi.
Iluppa Setti.
Engar Setti.
Gudvil.
Iluva.
Enga Vettuvan.
Gokula Vellalan.
Iluvan.
Eni Mugan.
Golla.
Iluvanachi.
Ennai Altappattavan.
Gdpala.
Iluvasan.
Ennaikaran.
Gopichanthanam Patnul
Imalai.
Ennaiku Velldlan.
Karan.
Imonar.
Enna Muppanar.
Gopikara Venalar.
Inam Tachan.
Ennai Vaniyan.
Gdsayi.
Inanjoli.
Enthdtlian Idayan.
Gonda.
Inavar.
Epan.
Gonlikara.
Inda Kulam.
Erulannan.
Gouravar.
Indra.
Erala Oddan.
Goviagar.
" !ndravan Setti.
Eramula Reddi.
Grama Maniam.
Ingadi Setti.
Eramandi.
Gramani.
1 V.
ln]i.
Eraranan.
Gurukkal.
; Taja Pusali.
Era Sakkili.
'. Tajati Vellalan.
Era Shandn.
^Tam Golla.
Eravar.
'. Tanattu Panikkar.
Er GoUa.
'. "randi.
Eri.
Tangatha Vellalan.
Erisi Vellalan.
Hajama.
TankoUi Vannan.
Erra.
Havika Ganika.
Irankuvinja Vannan.
Erudamba Idayan.
Halu Kurumbar.
Iravagam.
Erukalaradu.
Harura Badaga.
Ira Vannan.
EniTnadakkara Wayakan.:
Hasa.
Irayer or Ikayer.
Erumaik^ran.
Hinajathi.
Irivathi.
Erumaikara.
Holaya.
Iriyan.
Bruthukdra.
Housi Palli.
Iriya Vannan.
A 2
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4
Irujathi.
Irula.
Irulan Panikkan.
Irulil Pandaram.
Irumdttan.
Irumbu.
Inisaliyan.
Irusan.
Iruthdli Kattugira
kalan.
Iruthi Reddi.
Iruthukkdran.
Iruvattur Velldlan.
Isak^du Yanian.
Isandttu.
Isanga.
Isangandttu.
Isangatha Velldlan.
Iga Parayan.
Isana Yellalan.
iBmara.
Isukkar Kalian.
Isukkn Nittdr.
Isuppukkdran.
Ithakara Karavan.
Itharajati VelMlan.
Itikanakkan.
Ittan.
Ivishani Kanarithi.
Jangamdndi.
Janga.
Jangari.
Jankudu Kavarai.
Jasathur.
Jatipillai.
Jattu.
Jayananthi.
Kai- Jelar.
Jens KoUa Kambalam.
Jetti.
Jeyasakthi.
Jikkari.
Jinakathan.
Jinathar Paran.
Jithuman.
Joda Velialan.
Jogi.
Josiyar.
Jothinagaram Vaniyar.
Jadar.
Jagannathan.
Jaga Setti.
JagatMr Vadugar.
Jainia.
Jainiar.
Jaini.
Jakala.
Jakkulavdr.
Jalari.
Jamakdla Andi.
Jama.
Jamanugar.
Jampu.
Jana.
Janakar.
Janaknrumathi.
Janam.
Janappan.
Janayaga Setti.
Jdndlu Kammavdr.
Jdndra.
Jangola.
Jangolar.
Jangoliga.
Jangam.
Jangama.
Kabbinatha Kelasa Ma-
driva.
Kapilia Kavundun.
Kambli Kununhan.
Kachavan Sudra.
Kachi.
Kadahudar.
Kadalai Setti.
Kadauthai.
Kada Addan.
Kadar.
Kadasalkaran.
Kadaya.
Kadayil Sunnambu Vir-
kivavan.
Kadaya.
Kadi Karanam.
Kadiminai Kurumba.
Kadukkar.
Kaduvelli Karavan.
KagapuUi.
KaUarvali Maravau.
Kagimala Parayan.
Ka Idayan.
Kaikari.
Kaikathu Kari.
Kaikatti.
Kaikattu Setti.
Kaikola.
Kaikunda Shanan.
Kaikuravan.
Kailasi.
Kaimmadikan.
Kain Jadi.
Kaipar Vadugan.
Kaisa Sakkili.
Kaithaja Vellala.
Kai Vellala.
Kajula Balija.
Kakanakkan.
Kakar.
Kakatti Idayan,
Ka Ka.
Ka Kara.
Kakila Brahmana,
Kakula.
Kaladi.
Kalai.
Kala Kavarai.
Kalakkattu.
Kalal.
Kalandi.
Kalangara SMndr.
Kalankular.
Kalan Setti.
Kalapadayachi.
Kalathai.
Kalathur Vellala.
Kalavalaryan.
Kalavellalan.
Kalayalam.
Kalayal Vichar.
Kalayanam.
Kavi Bhatrazulu.
Kalidas.
Kai Idayan.
Kalikkur.
Kalinga.
Kalingaraya Mudali.
Kalingdrayan.
Kavi Raja.
Kalithai Valayan.
Kaliya.
Kaliyar,
Kalkottan.
Kaikattu.
Kalkutta Ndttan.
Kalkaravan.
Kalla.
Kalian.
Kallathu Parayan.
Kai.
Kalli.
Kalliyana Vannan.
Kalloda Kurumbar.
Kalloddan.
Kallukara.
Kalluli.
Kaloddan Telungu.
Kalpadi Idayan.
Kaltacha Kammalan.
Kaltacban.
Kalusi Vadugan.
Kaluthai Puttan.
Kalvadi Kavari.
Kama Devi.
Kama Seniar.
Kamasaka Brahmin.
Kambadi Okkili.
Kambala golla.
Kambalakar Naikkam.
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Google
Kambalam.
Kanni Setti.
Karosa.
Kambandiar.
Kanni Katti Idayan.
Karpura Setti.
Kambathil adagiravan.
Kanpigan Setti.
Kalar.
Kambathukara Setti.
Kanthadi.
Karthii Veil alar.
Kambidayar.
Kantharar.
Karuguva Kammavar.
Kambi Kattu Vadugar.
Kantha Reddi.
Karuhamattai.
Kambili.
Kanthayathikam.
Karukkampadi Shdndn.
Kamila Pandaram. .
Kapa.
Karuka Valayan.
Kamma.
Kapadi Shdndn.
Karu.
Kammakatti Maratti.
Kapila.
Karuligar.
Kammakotti Reddi.
Kapilian.
Karumalakar.
Xammala.
Kapinarar.
Karaman.
Kammalan.
Kappakkaran.
Karumanar Kuthal.
Kammar Idayan.
Kappikkara Vell^lar.
Karumar Kammalan.
Eammara.
Kappilinattu Velldlar.
Karumba Kunimban.
Kammavar.
Kdpu.
Karumbarathan.
Kammadu.
Kapula.
Karumbar.
Kampanado Soligan.
Karakan Kanniyan.
Karum.
Kampanatha.
Karakattan.
Karupera Sawmi Kondh.
Kampanandikulan .
Kara.
Karupurathu Valayan.
Kampanada Siva chara
Kkrakkttu Idayan.
Karusamar.
Tanaballa.
Karaikar.
Karutha.
Kampathi.
Kkraikattu.
Karva Kapilian.
Kamsala.
Karvuthu Velldlar.
Karuvela Setti.
Kamsalavar.
Karayan.
Karyalan.
K^na.
Karayara Vellala.
Kasabe.
Kanakkan.
Karakurukki Maravan.
Kasap Kdran.
Kanakkanattu Slianar.
Karala.
Kasa.
Kanakka Idayan.
Karalan.
Kasayakkaran.
Karuithurai Vellalan.
Karala Vellala.
Kasaya Maratti.
Kanana Bali j a.
Kkrkmani.
Kasayan.
Kanayani kinam Mara-
Kararaanattu Kalian.
Kasa Mudali Vellala.
van.
Karannitti Pulayan.
Kaslanikan.
Kanayavar Nkyanar.
Karamaravan.
Kashiar Setti.
Kandalathai.
Kariila.
Kasi.
Kandamarisi Nadas.
Karappikkaran.
Kasikkadai Setti.
Kandanibala Mudali.
Karkr Vellalu.
Kasukdra.
Kandayan.
Karatalu VeUdlan.
Kasukar Vellala.
Kandi.
Karatha Valaya.
Kasu.
Kandiya Vadugan.
Karathi.
Kasuvan.
Kanga.
Karathulkaran.
Kachirayan.
Kangadikar.
Karathufai.
Kathal.
Kangadiya.
Karayula Kavnndan.
Kathambattu Setti.
Kangar.
Karayar Mudali.
Katha Udayan.
Kangasikar Okkili.
Karaya.
Kathavergab Navidan.
Kangathan.
Kar.
Kathikkaran.
Kangudi Okkili.
Kai'ean.
Kathi Kshavaram.
Kangu Shandn.
Karikkal Idayan.
Kathikkodan.
Kani.
Karikkal Vellalan.
Kathri Tape Mater.
Kaniga.
Kavi.
Kattukuthi.
Kanikolai Pallan.
Karima Setti.
Kathu Valarkiranan.
Eannada.
Karinattu Kalian.
Kathu Valarhira Kusavan
Kaniyakdran.
Ka,rikkan Vellalan
Kattahar Varayan.
Kaniydla.
Karjathi Okkili.
Kattakkar.
Kdniyalar.
Karkara Kayarai.
Kattakottai Kuravan.
Kiniydl.
Karkar.
Kattalai Kattu Vellalan.
Kaniyar.
Karkatha.
Kattana Setti.
Kanjian.
Kkrkattu.
Kattanai Vetti Setti.
Kanii Setti.
Kankupu.
Kannaaa.
Karkuruchi Maravan.
Katta Gallan.
Karma Reddi.
Kattar Siviar.
Kama GoUa.
Kattathur Kavarai.
Eanna.
Kamam.
Katti Kotti.
Kann^.
Kdmikar.
Kattian.
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Kattuguru Oddan.
Kilasimai Kalian.
Kodu.
Kattu.
Kilakathi Kaikala.
Kodukkaran.
Kattukara Setti.
Kilakatti Kalian.
Kodikka Vellala.
Kattu Karavan.
Kilakattu Parayu.
Koduniananar PaUan.
Kattukuthi.
Kilanattu Agamudian.
Kodunji Kamhalathan.
Kavadugar.
Kilnattu Kalian.
Kongandttu Brahman.
Kavakar.
Kildr.
Kongarayunda Dasan.
Kavalkaran.
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A 4
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Ongalan.
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vama.
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Pakkala Toddyan.
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B 8
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14
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15
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B 4
Reddan;
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Sembankttu Maravan.
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daU.
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Y 6747.
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•Singiri Kallar.
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Siyar Idayan.
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Tasangunattu Kalian.
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Theri Setti.
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van.
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Ulla Andi.
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kan.
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trian.
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Valangai.
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Vazhakkaran.
Vazhamarayappa Setti.
Vazhavikara Kavarai.
Vazhaya Setti.
Vazhavithi Mithian
Marati.
Vazhi Kanakan-
Veda Kammalan.
Veda.
Vedamula.
Vedan.
Vedanta Setti.
Vedapachak.
Vannian.
Vedeyar.
Veduvar.
Veekathi Setti.
Veek Mallar.
Vetuni annar.
Veerakudayan.
Vekkili.
Veku.
Velai Thoddyan.
Velakan.
Digitized by
Google
23
Velaksha Karayan.
Velama.
Velamangayan.
Velan.
Velan Setti.
Velanate Thuluvan.
Velanati BrahmiD.
Velanattu.
Velar.
Vela.
Veleka.
Vellai Pandaram.
Vella.
Vellala.
Vellalan.
Vellan.
Vellanathu Setti.
Vellan Setti Reddi.
Vellangetti.
Vellappan.
Vellappu.
Vellar.
Vellari Muthi Maraven.
Vellasi Setti.
Vellatar.
Vellatti.
Vellaya Vattan.
Vellayan Setti.
Veneka Vellalan.
Vellia Naikkan.
Velliradi Gunivan.
Vellikai Vellalan.
Velli.
Vellu Setti.
Velnate.
Velukkappattavan.
Velukkiravan.
Velnkkira Vannan.
Velu pandaram.
Velura Dasi.
Velura Setti.
Vemba.
Vembalur Vellalan.
Vembanattu.
Vembattan Vellalan.
Vengadam.
Vengalaya Thoddian.
Venganattu.
Venga.
Venkeda Thottian.
Vennikavakam.
Vennikavakam Vellalan.
Ven Setti.
Vepilai Kuravan.
Veppati.
Veppatti Brahman.
Veppeli Kambalathan.
Veppupani Pandaram.
Veragi Setti.
Verakbdi Setti.
Verral. '
Veni Kammalan.
Verumi Vannan.
Veshakkaran.
Vesi.
, Vesithava Luigur.
Vethaka Setti.
Vethakkar.
Vethalikar.
Vethan.
Vethakkaran.
Vethapuram.
Vethathi.
Vethava.
Vethilai.
Vethu.
Vetbuval.
Vethuvan.
Vethuva.
Vetburathu Vanian.
Vetta Idayan.
Vettaikkara.
Vettaikkaran.
Vetakkara Pillai.
Vettaikkara.
Vettakkaran.
Vettalu.
Vetta Nasuvan.
* Vettappalan.
Vettappan.
Vettarajakulam.
Vetta Taliari.
Vettuva Parayan.
Vetti.
Vettian.
Vettilai Vellalan.
Vettilakara Thurayan.
Vettuny.
Vettu Kavarai.
Vettuni Paryan.
Vettuvan.
Vettuva.
Vettuvakara Vellalan.
Veya Sakkiliyar Thotty.
Vezbaden.
Viapari.
Vibhuthi.
Vichi Velama.
Vidambi Setti.
Videmavar.
Vigula Mana Setti.
Vijaya Kamalan.
Vi-Kammalan.
Vilanza Parayan.
Villa Kammalan Smar-
tban.
ViUi.
Villuvan.
Vilvum Pillai.
Vil V^dan.
Vima Vattuvan.
Vinchali Vellalan.
Vindrikara Kavarai.
Vinodi Kuttadi.
C 4
Vipravinodulu.
Vipu.
Virabadra.
Viraboja Agamudiyan.
Viradan.
Viradian.
Vira.
Virakudian.
Viragu Virgiravan.
Virajangam Lingadari.
Viral.
Viram.
Viramenudi.
Viram Idayan.
Viramudian.
Viramushti Pandaram.
Virian.
Virana Dasi.
Viranattu Pallan.
Virandi.
Virasiva.
Varisivam.
Varitanayi.
Virather.
Viratti.
Visanganattu.
Visba Kamakam Setti.
Vishnavam.
Vishnu.
Vishva.
Visva.
Viti.
Vitha.
Vithai.
Vittimban.
Vittu Kudithanam.
Viva Kalian.
Vodi.
Vorugunta Reddi.
Vdvachandi.
Vuduma Parayan.
Vugamula.
Vugarasi.
Vuga Palayan.
VuUathar Vellalan.
Vundujktu.
Vunnikuthi Maravan.
Vuppara Kusavan.
Vurama Vukkar.
Vurikaran.
Vurumbi.
Vushnath.
Digitized by
Google
24
Yabuva.
Yalankilttar.
Yasola Setti.
Yadakomba ambalakdran.
Yaliva.
Yatharan.
Yddava.
Ydlpana Setti.
Yayan Telugu Idayan.
Yadichi.
Yalp^attan.
Yoga Vannan.
Yaduvadi Kanakkan.
Yalpana Vellalan.
Yogi.
YagoUa Toddian. .
Yanatti Reddi.
Ydka.
Yakaiki Setti.
Yandan.
Yokula Toddiyan.
Yakakathan IJdayan.
Yapalli Koravan.
Yokusa Vadugan.
Yakaratti.
Yarumalai Andi.
Yola Karandi.
Yakaya Andi.
Yashalu Setti.
Yunar.
Digitized by
Google
Alphabetical List of the Telugu Caste Names as e^teredl In the
Census Schedules of the Madras Presidency.
Achari.
Achariy a S trivaisli na-
vulu.
Achilu Bapula.
Achirazulu.
Achuvalu.
Ada.
Adabala Kapu.
Adada Brahmana.
Adagunti Kapu.
Adaka KoUi.
Adana.
Adapapa.
Adareru Sudra.
Adari Kulam.
Adasuthiya.
Adavi.
Addabottu.
Adda Jatbi.
Adi.
Adiranilu Kapulu.
Adyaitamu.
Adya Mala.
Agamudi.
Agamudiyan.
Agaputtu Balija.
Agaralu.
Agamvallu.
Agasa.
Agni Aradhyulu.
Agra.
Agudu.
Agurla.
Aiyamadiya.
Aiyarakalu.
AkaK Golla Kaki.
Akari.
Akka Kapu.
Akkala Sudra.
Akkali.
Akkiliyan.
Akasamu Modali.
Akshi Yaru.
Aku.
Akula.
Akulu Ammadam.
Akurn Sudra.
Ala.
Alagari.
AlagoUa.
Alakachakulam.
Alavantba Kulam.
Ale Kuraba.
Alilu Kulam.
Aligiri.
All Korava.
Allalu.
Allapara K^pu.
y 5747.
Allikara Kapu Vellala.
Allrakulam.
Amakata Kapu.
Anialiinthiva.
Amaluthi.
Amana Gouda.
Araanatbiya.
Amani Golla.
Amarakalu.
Amara Palli.
Amathiya Gouda.
Amayitha.
Ambalakar.
Ambasbtakulu Mangala
Kulam.
Ambattau.
Ambiga.
Ambi Kapu.
Amma Sale.
Ammuiiitha.
Ammu Yadu.
Amna Goura.
Amnathulu Mala.
Amolu Thela.
Amsiramulu.
Amuka.
Amula.
Anadi.
Anagadu.
Anakala.
Anamikulu.
Allan da Kuraba.
Ancheen.
Anchi.
Anchu Mupa.
Anda.
Andhra.
Andbrulu Beri Vandlu.
Andi.
Andinya Dombo.
Andirayutbu Thathi.
Andiya Gouda.
An Dombo.
Angabathu.
Angarakudu.
Angi Racha.
Angosalu Jatlii.
Anjaya Dombo.
An] una Dombo.
Ankarau.
Annya Mala.
Anthadi Kulam.
Anthami Dombu.
Anthari.
Antbi Rama.
Antbo Kurava Golla.
Anthyajudu.
Apa Dasari.
Apayitha Kulam.
Appata Gouda,
D
Appula PaJi.
Appur Bay a.
Appuru Vandlu.
Aradhyuhi.
Arajakulam.
Arakanla Modalari.
Arama Nartha.
Aramudi.
Arani Kulam.
Arapukaran.
Arasl Dandasi Mala.
Arava.
Aravagiri.
Aravi Gadi.
Archa Kapu.
Archakulu.
Are.
Arirulu Kulam.
Arill Madiga.
Arili.
Ariyala Kapu.
Ariyam Gouda.
Arkarangaram Mala
Arkatalu.
Arlakulam.
Arnasakadi Mala.
Arthakulu.
Arula Mubi.
Aruparedi Reddi.
Aruvela. .
Aryulu.
Asadi.
Asakulu.
Asale.
Asari.
Asasakidi Mala.
Ashalaku.
Ashtalohlkulu.
Ashtalohi Vandlu.
Asira Karnam.
Asiya Mala.
Asya Sudra.
Ata.
Atagari.
Atajathi.
Atakar.
Atakari.
Atathari Kapu
Ataya.
Atchuyandlu.
Atti Suthya.
Atukula.
Ayagadu.
Ayalithiyana.
Ayam.
Ayarelu.
Ayira Palle.
Ayisaramulu.
Ayolu Gouda
Digitized by
Google
26
Svula.
Avura Vandlu.
Ayadi Thelukula.
Ayagallu Jangalu.
Aya.
Ayaraka.
Ayarakalu Thelukula.
Ayarakapu.
Ayarakulam Sudra.
Ayaralu.
Ayavallu Gouda.
Ayavarlu.
Ayer.
Ayil Madiga. .
Ayoddu Dombo.
Ayodhya Thellilu.
Ayyanavaru Jangam.
Babala Kulam.
Ba Boya.
Babula Thelukula.
Bachata Vallu.
Bachiti Madiga.
Bada Boya.
Badada Gouda.
Badagala.
Badagar.
Badakali Eedlu.
Bada Kodu.
Badali.
Badamgi.
Badara Kapu.
Badasi Odhra.
Badatu Paidi.
Badarandlu.
Badavula Boya Sudra.
Badayathu Odiya.
Badayi.
Baddarlu Jangam.
Badde Mangala.
Bade Balija.
Badi.
Baditi Kapu.
Badiya.
Badiyadi Gokadu Gartha.
Baddiyadiyapu.
Bado.
Badra.
Badraka Oddelu.
Badtha Nayalu
Badu.
Baduta.
Baduvuri.
Bagadagogna.
Bagadulu.
Bagalam.
Bagamalli.
Baganandra Mala.
Bagara Tako.
Bagathalu.
Bagatim Odde.
Bagavakukulam.
Bagavera.
Baggili Vandlu.
Baggita Kulam.
Bagirasa GoUa.
Bagi Reddi.
Bagiri.
Bagundi Chengavadu.
Bahalari.
Bahurla.
Bai.
Baiduru Jangam.
Bailu.
Bainada Sudro.
Bainagiri.
Bainder.
Bainedi.
Baineni.
Baini Banijaga.
Baipa.
Bairagi.
Baita Tirige Kamma.
Baiti.
Bajari.
Bajathi.
Bajuni.
Bajjipu Vandlu.
Baka Kulam Mala.
Bakali.
Bakavandlu Vaisyulu.
Bakiri Mala.
Bakka Kuraba.
Bakkala.
Bala.
Balaba.
Balabhadra Golla.
Balagai Jathi.
Balaga Kamam.
Bala.
Balaji.
Balamaggavaru.
Balanthe Odiya.
Balapuo.
Balapu Razulu.
Balapuri.
Balari.
Balartha.
Balasanthoshulu.
Balasi.
Balasinga Razu.
Balathan.
Balathi Kauilarthi.
Balavara Oddelu.
Balavathopu.
Bali.
Balidar.
Baligalu.
Balija or Banija.
Balijathi Odde.
Balika.
Balimtho Paiko.
Balira Mula Kulam.
Baliswa Gosayi.
Balithaya.
Balka Salia.
Balla.
Ballari Kapu.
BaUi.
Balothna.
Balpari Gouda.
Balubempashkulu.
Balunda Baka.
Balupokulam.
Baluva Goudiya.
Bamalu Kulam.
Bamapu.
Bamari.
Bamarlika.
Bamasara Hindu.
Bamayi Kulam.
Banagi.
Banagodamu.
Banalu.
Bana Aari.
Banaru Chandala.
Banathi Odhrulu.
Banathi Odiya.
Banathiya.
Banda.
Bandagi.
Bandagma.
Bandani.
Bandaparaja.
Bandaram Brahmana.
Bandari.
Bandaru Odde.
Bander.
Bandi.
Bandiya Kummara.
Bandla Kulam.
Bando. '
Bandra Kulam.
Bandura.
Bandu Valo.
Bangaru.
Bangi.
Bani.
Banigila Kulam.
Banija Gada.
Banijaga.
Banisthavatharu.
Banithya Gadiya Buntha
Odiya.
Banithyani Sudra.
Baniyagni Guzarati.
Baniyan.
Banjar.
Banka.
Banthur.
Bantrothir.
Banu Boya.
Bapana.
Bapari Kulam.
Baparulu Bestha.
Bapashta.
Bapayi.
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Google
27
Bappa Kulam.
Batulu.
Berikamsala.
Bappinoin.
Bavajilu.
Beriki.
Barahura.
Bavaraji Kondavandlu.
Berili Oddilu.
Baraman.
Bava Ranilu.
Beriya Cbaudala.
Barapa,
Bavasi Ranga Raju.
Besa Jandra.
Bara Savara.
Bavela Vuban.
Besari.
Bal-ati.
Bavudia Paramardha.
Bestha.
Bareddi.
Bavuri.
Bestbaria Gbasi.
Baricha.
Baya Kapu.
Betha Vandlu.
Barika.
Bayani Kamma.
Bettivadu.
Barika Kablior.
Baye Puro.
Bettumanti Vallu.
Barikapu.
Bayibo.
Bevarasi.
Barikonda.
Bayidi.
Bewagi Kulam.
Baripata.
Bayikuri.
Bbagatapu Razulu.
Bariya Dombo.
Bayi.
Bbagathulu.
Bariyala.
Bayipo.
Bbagava Rajulu.
Bariyapu Kalinga.
Bayisbna Kandra.
Bhagavathulu.
Barkar Kubiyar.
Bebulu.
Bhairi.
Barla.
Bebu Mangala.
Bbajantbri.
Barmaga Majalu.
Beda Kulam.
Bbaktulu.
Barmyaki.
Bedar.
Bhandari.
Barodi GoUa.
Bedarzi Tbodi Dhoralu.
Bbatasari.
Barthara.
Bedu Katika.
Bbathi.
Barugu Valli Madiga.
Beduro Pano.
Bhatrazu.
Baru Kokkadu.
Beduru Boya.
Bhatrazulu.
Barumya.
Begadi.
Bhatta.
Baruri.
Begamala.
Bbattar.
Baruvaduka.
Begari.
Bbatti Badra Baugartbi.
Basa.
Begaru.
Bbatteri Balija.
Basadi.
Begaru Madiga.
Bbattu.
Basayiki.
Behara.
Bbattuka Razu.
Basina.
Bekari.
Bbatulu.
Basindiya.
Bela Savara Kulam.
Bbimari Taku.
Basivi.
Belavatbi.
Bbumancbi.
Basiya.
Beldar.
Bhiitba.
Bassi.
Beldaru Gazula.
Bbutbapu Dboralu.
Basthavi Gouda.
Beliya.
Bbu.
Basthiriya.
Bellala Kapu.
Bbutbi Karnam.
Basuvu.
Bellana Kosa Kulam.
Bbuvanagaru.
Bata.
Bellapu.
Biagandra Mala.
Batasarlu Uppara.
Belli Kuraba.
Biani Kammara.
Batavallu.
Belnagala.
Biari.
Bathalu.
Belugu.
Bibatbu.
Batha.
Belu Kummara.
Bidalulalo Odde.
Batharadi Kulam.
Belunti Niyogi.
Bidari.
Bathari.
Bemhruna.
Bidasi Dombo.
Batharu.
Bena.
Biddaka Vaudlu.
Bathina Vandlu.
Benathi Odde.
Bigari Sudra.
Bathiri.
Benatbiya.
Bikari.
Bathru.
Benayitho.
Bikua Nadi.
Bathudu.
Benda.
Biksha.
Bathuna.
Bendar.
Biksharava Kaudra.
Batbura Rakula.
Bendu.
Biksbilakulu.
Bathya.
Bendura.
Bilimagga.
Batobothra.
Benduyakulam.
BiUa.
Batokodu.
Bengaru.
Bilvara.
Batra.
Benitbi Odiyakulam.
Bilya Dasari.
Batrana.
Beniya.
Bima Reddi Kapu.
Battalu.
Bennalu Kapu.
Bimbasanam Kamma.
Battepu Kapu.
Benta Gouda.
Bimodya.
Batter Savaralu.
Bepari.
Binami Gouda.
Battu.
Beralu Odhra.
Bindayitbo.
Batu Gouda.
Beri.
Bingigam Kapu.
D 2
Digitized by
Google
28
Binthani.
Bonja.
Bula Gouda.
Birla.
Bonka.
Bulamya.
Biru Kulam.
Bonkuladi.
Bulka or Sudra.
Biruthu.
Bonna.
Bumbudi.
Bisala Matham.
Bontha.
Binni Salilu.
Bisalnathoy.
Bonthala Vallu.
Bummalu.
Bithasi.
Bonthra.
Bunalu Golla.
Bobaraba.
Bopa Gouda.
Bunchari.
Bocha.
Boppara Kapu.
Bundali. .
Boda.
Bopulia Kulam.
Bunda Odde.
Bodam.
Bopuri Sudra.
Bundi Nayakudu.
Bodda.
Bora.
Bundla Odde.
Bodi.
Boralo.
Bungadi Sudra.
Bodisalu.
Borama Golla.
Bunga.
Bodiya.
Bori.
Bungi Kulam.
Badlu Jangam.
Bosambya.
Buni Bathudi Gudem
Bodo Bothara.
Bosanala.
Dalarlu.
Bodoma.
Bosantha.
Buniya.
Bodura.
Bosanthiya.
Bunna Kulam.
Bogada.
Bosallu.
Bunuza.
Bogadiya Savara.
Bosanthiya Payiko.
Bunyakulam.
Bogam.
Bosinta.
Burada.
Bogama.
Bothali.
Buragapu Kalinga.
Bogapu.
Bothanagara Gandla.
Bura Jathi.
Bogaram.
Bothanba.
Burama.
Boga Redlu.
Bothara.
Burangu Kalinga.
Bogavadi Jangam.
Bothiva Kulam.
Burapa Dhoralu.
Boggili.
Bothulvaya Kulu.
Bura Savara.
Bogi.
Bothungi.
Burigondu.
Bogiya.
Bothuva Razulu.
Buri.
Bogla Kulam.
Bottha Paraja Kulam.
Burkavadu.
Bo Gouda.
Botthara.
Burma Vadu.
Bogu Odde.
Bottuga.
Burrak Kulam.
Boja Golla.
Boka.
Bouethu Adiya.
Burralu.
Boya.
Butha Chakali.
Bolathinya Kulam.
Boyalu Anaga Mala Jathi.
Buthadu.
Bolathya Kulam.
Boyipori.
Butha Komati.
Bolaya "Golla.
Boyipu.
Buthami Paraja.
Bohthi Sondi.
Boyishtra Jathi.
Butha Perikela.
Boliya Kodulu.
Budabudukala.
Butha.
BoUaho.
Budaga Jangain.
Buthe.
Bolla Kulam.
Buda.
Buthiyalu.
Bolodiya.
Budathiya.
Buthura Jathi.
Boloni.
Budda.
Butta Vandlu.
Bolothiya.
Buddiyitha.
Buttu Navaru.
Bolu.
Buddi Jangam.
Buvanagaru.
Bombadi Kapu.
Budiga Jangam.
Buvana Sathani.
Bombaku.
Budi.
Buya.
Bombasi Kulam.
Budiya Sondi.
Buyama Kondavaru.
Bom Boya.
Budiyato Ragauata.
Buyya Kulam.
Bomma.
Buga Thelaga.
Byadaru Anaga Boya.
Bommalata.
Bugganda Odhra.
Byara Kulam.
Bonaputa.
Bugiya.
Bonathio.
Bugondo.
Bondaba.
Buniyakulam.
Chadalu.
Bonda.
Bujaga.
Chaduru.
Bondi.
Buja Jangam.
Chairi Mala.
Bondili.
Buiari.
Bukkahasa.
Chakadu.
Bondiyalu.
Chakala.
Bondusondi.
Bukkalu Jalakulu.
Chakiri.
Boni.
Bukka.
Chala Balija.
Bonigam.
Bukkuu Varaka Are Kapu.
Chalaganta Reddi.
Boniya.
Bukla Kapu.
Chalamatho.
Digitized by
Google
29
Clialara.
Chalathani.
Chalavallu.
Chalavadi.
Chaledi.
Chalevadu.
Chalika Kulam.
Cliali Bajaputra.
Chalivaru.
Challa Enadulu.
Chaluva Jangalu.
Chamadi.
Chamal Kammara.
Chamana Boyala Bestha.
Chambadi.
Chambar.
Chambi Pavara.
Chamcliadi.
Ghana Boya.
Chanapulu.
Chanaramu. .
Chanathalli.
Ghanda.
Chandala.
Chandayalalu.
Chandi Chakala.
Chandra:
Chanja GoUa.
Chankala Kulam.
Chanthayi.
Chapa.
Chapalu Amme Vaudlu.
Ohapuri.
Chariga.
Charinko.
Charukulu.
Charumthulu.
Chasi Vallu.^
Chata.
Chatalu.
Chatanu.
Chatchadi.
Chatcha Velamalu.
Chatha Kulam.
Chathari.
Chathra Mahiati.
Chathria Bavuri.
Chathri Bedaru.
Ohatniya.
Chava Dasi.
Chavadi.
Chavichedu Reddi.
Chavuta Balija.
Chaya.
Chedava Gouda.
Chedipoyina.
Ohegaru Mala.
Chegayaru Odhra Poyako.
Cheggari.
Chegi TJppara.
Chekikuthanam or Ga-
mandla Vallu.
Ghekkadapu Fani.
Chekkadapu Pani Vaola
Kamsala.
Chekkula Madiga.
Chelagadugu.
Chellakkili Vandlu.
Chella Kuth Kapu.
Chellam Yalavida.
Chellapu Kuraba.
Chelli Odde.
Chelu.
Chemari.
Chenathi Odde.
Chena TJriya.
Chenavadi Vadiyapayako
Nayako.
Chenchu.
Chenchula Gadabalu.
Chenda Paraja.
Chendi.
Chendura Kamma.
Chengulu.
Chennangi Paraja.
Chennayya Dharmam
Vallu.
Chenthungikandu.
Chepa Odde.
Cheprikulam.
Cheppula Kulam.
Cheralyalu Thedia.
Cheruku,
Cheru Nayakulu.
Chervandlu.
C he sathu vakulam .
Cheshamma.
Chesidi Vadra.
Cheta Theli Gandla.
Chethri Bhattu.
Chetiubulthey Poligathi.
Chettugiri Kapa Kulam.
Chevathi Odiya.
Cheviti.
Chichaddinni.
Chidde.
Chidhapa Kapu.
Chigayathu. •
Chika Muchlu.
Chikiri.
Chikka.
Chikku Dolabe Vandlu.
Chikra Kulam.
Chilakala Kalinga.
Chilapa Chayagaru Lin-
gay athu.
Chilla.
Chillara.
Chimma Chali.
Chimpiga.
Chimpigaru Jangam.
Chimpiri.
Chinabothara.
China.
Chinarasharagid.
Chinathi Dasari.
D 3
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D
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E
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B 2
Kevuta.
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Kogi.
Kogila Mala.
Kogithi Kapu.
Kohara.
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Kokeni Balija.
Kolagaru. •
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liar.
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Kunama Varlu.
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37
Kuna Pudi Kulam.
Kurmar.
Lavuka Smartha.
Kunati Kapu.
Kumi.
Layula.
Kunavari Kulam.
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Kttrulo Kulam.
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Kuncha.
Kurumnasi Kapu.
Lingadigaru. •
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. Madini,
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E 3
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Mahanthi.
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vadu.
Medi GoUa.
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Modi.
Modidi Kapu.
Moga Boya.
Mogada Kulam.
Mogani Kapu.
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Mogatha.
Muladari.
Nadipi Bothera.
Moguludi.
Mula.
Nadu Kapu.
Mogu Para j a.
Miili Kammara.
Naga.
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Mopa.
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Nagavartha.
Mopu Kuraba.
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Morada Kapu.
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Muppar.
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Mora Kapu.
Miipi Golla.
Naini Reddi.
Morama Kapu.
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Naja.
Morasa Hajam.
Muralu Vallu.
Naiava Kapu.
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Morasudu.
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Mothalanga Kapu.
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,Nalugunta Vadla Bat-
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tudu.
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Mudda.
Nabi.
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Muga.
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Nanugala Badi Kapu.
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Nadar.
Nanyaka.
Muka.
Nadari Vadla.
Napapu Kulam.
Mukka Bogam.
Nadi.
Napu Golla.
E 4
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Naradi Vandlu.
Neyala.
Odhra.
Nara Komati.
Nibagaba Kapu.
Odhram Or. Odhrulu.
Narala Kapu.
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Natakaluma.
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dcha Kulam.
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Nevari Jamasale.
Oddar Jangam.
Nevava Gouda.
Odde.
Novorn.
Oddisi Reddiki Vadu.
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Pado Gonda.
Palliya.
Pano.
Paduma.
Pallu Oheee Vadla.
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Palalu Ihravara Vyava
Pancha Lingayathu.
Paruva Kamsala.
sayam.
Panchama.
Paruvalla Kuraba.
Palam Kapu.
Panchamudu Kammara.
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Palanaku.
Panchamulu or Madiga.
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Pathri.
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Pathro.
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Pathulu.
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Padare.
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Padasala.
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Patta.
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Panivadu.
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Panja.
Padda Kodu.
Padiga.
Panjari Ganiga-
Pankani Sale.
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Patnulkar.
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Panni.
Pato.
Padma.
Panniru Kulam.
Patra.
Padmayama Kapu.
Panniya Kapu.
Patralu Kari.
T 5747.
F
Digitized by V^nOC
42
Pattana.
Pettaithi.
Porori.
Pattapu.
Picha Kapu.
Poroja Kulam.
Patto Idiga.
Pattugar.
Pichakari.
Posara Mala.
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Pattu.
Pichi.
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PiUa.
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Pavachandlu.
PiUai.
Pothamadi Vandlu.
Pavaku Sale.
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Pavalli.
Pinakathi Thuraka.
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Payakodulu.
Pindi Kapu.
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Pinjari.
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Pay^lakulu Sudra.
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Payipa Kulam.
Piriti Kulam.
Prasakara Paraja.
Peda Gala Odde.
Piru Kapu.
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Pishtha Ako.
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Pedakanti.
Pitchi.
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Pudili Golla.
Pedamali GoUa.
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Pedanthu Boya.
Pitharanu.
Puja.
Pedapati Golla.
Poda Pothula VaUu.
Pujali.
Pedavatu Golla.
Podam Odhrulu.
Piijari.
Pedda.
Poddu Kulam.
Pujayam.
Peddari Golla.
Podithi Kapu.
Piila.
Peddeti.
Podra Survadi Savara
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Pedikilu.
Matham.
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PuUa.
Pekundi Golla.
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Pojoti.
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Pulli Parayar.
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Pulmalla.
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Pola.
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Poland! Bada.
Puna.
Pencha.Tn Mara.te Rayaru-
Poliga.
Piinati Golla.
kulam.
Polikapu.
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Penga.
PoUam Kapu Veltala.
Puni.
Pengu.
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Poluka Kapu.
Punjari.
Penuganti Reddi.
Polukidu Thelagalu.
Punnaru.
Penukanati Kapu Jathi.
Polunati VelamaSatanulu.
Punugu Golla.
Pepati Kapu.
Pondari Gouda.
Pununachi Kapu.
Peprasi.
Pondra.
Punusiki Paraja.
Perapeka.
Pondra Dhoralu.
Puri.
Perata Reddi.
Pondu.
Puritu Kapu.
Pereddi.
Pondulu Siidriilu.
Purvika Brahmana Smar-
Perichala.
Pongarlu.
tha.
Perikala.
Pouniiru Modaliiri.
Purusha Sale.
Perikalu.
Ponkaru Kamam.
Piisa Golla.
Perike.
Ponthala Raju.
Pusala.
Peripaka.
Ponthari.
Pusiva.
Peri Setti.
Ponthiliyar.
Putalu.
Periyainatliamanaga Ra-
Ponthili.
Puta payiko.
mamjam.
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Putaya.
Perugudi.
Popalura.
Puthanti Aku.
Perukutti Kapu.
Poragampa Kamma,
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Pesthu Basthu.
Poralo.
Putlipayako.
Putta Basapu Razulu.
Peta Gunja Kapu.
Poralsa.
Pethalinti Kulam.
Pora Sondi.
Puyayakarlu.
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43
Racha.
Rachakari Kamalu.
Bachala Balija.
Radasa.
Ragadi Vandlu.
Raga Poyiko.
Raghu Raju.
Ragi.
Raithu Racha.
Raja.
Rajakudu.
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Balija.
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Raju.
Rajulu Jinigar.
Rakala Rarnam.
Rakanati Kapu.
Rakmale.
Rakuli Kapu.
Ralagunta Thelaga.
Ralamalu.
Rala PaUi.
Ralla.
Raluko Odde.
Rama Bhakthudu.
Rama Matham.
Ramanuja.
Ramayalu.
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Rammaya.
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Rampa Jathe.
Rampakula Odde.
Rampala Mala.
Ramula.
Rana.
Ranala Kamsala.
Ranava Kulam.
Ranga.
Rangari or Runguni.
Ranilu.
Ranivasam Kamma.
Ran Kunim.
Rapo Srushti Kamam.
Rapuru Kamam.
Rasu Jangalu.
Rasuka.
Rasula Kapu.
Rasulu.
Rathi.
Rathna GoUa.
Rathrulu.
Ravadi Jandra.
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Ravuthu.
Rayadurgapu Balija.
Rayala.
Rayalama.
Rayalu.
Rayasamatham.
Rayavaram Balija.
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Razulu.
Reddi.
Reddiki.
Rekkili.
Relli.
Rellilu Ragira Kapu.
Remmu Dommarlu.
Renati.
Rendeddula Gandla.
Rendilu.
Rendu.
Rengu.
Reni Golla.
Repsalu.
Retu Kamma.
Ritha.
Rodro Kulam.
Rojula Kolli.
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Rona.
Ruddagiri Kapu.
Ruppayalu Mala.
Ruva Mala.
Sabaru.
Sabbu.
Sabhosu GoUa.
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Sabura Kapu.
Sacha Balija.
Sachandi.
Sadachara
Sadakauti Kapu.
Sadaru.
Saddamulu GoUa.
Sadhu.
Sagon.
Sagu.
Sahaja Komati.
Sahari. Reddi.
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Saiva.
Saja Vallu.
Sajjana.
Saka.
Sakivadu Koracha.
Sakkili.
Saklani Kapu.
Sakra Vanathi.
F 2
Sakthi.
Sakuna.
Sakundra Kulam.
Sakunia.
Salala Vadu.
Salapu.
Salapulu.
Salata Kuttan Korava.
Salavanthulu.
Sale.
Salelu.
Sali Thoya.
Salu Bondili.
Saluka.
Salya Panchala.
Samanthi.
Samanthiya Poiko.
Samara.
• Samaru Golla.
Sama.
Samasi.
Samatra.
Samaya.
Sambada.
Samba.
Samboga Kulam.
Samboju.
Sambu Dasari.
Samedam Kulam.
Sami Archakudu.
Samiga.
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Sampauna Odde.
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Sanagara Kottu.
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Sana Kammara.
Sanchigali.
Sandi.
Sanga Jathi.
Sangalu.
Sangam GuUavandlu.
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Sani.
Sankala Kulam Komati.
Sankama Sale.
Sankara.
Sanku.
Sanna Boya.
Sannavodi Golla.
Sano.
Santha Jangalu.
Santhosa.
Santhu.
Sanu.
Sanulla.
Sanupathi Jaugalu.
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Google
4A
Sanyasi.
Sanyasiki.
Sapuru Kulam.
Sarabhimantapu Razu.
Sarabu.
Sarada.
Saragar-Kamsala.
SaraJkaparaja.
Sarasuathi.
Sarava.
Saravadi Kapulu.
Saravayya.
Sarayi.
Sariga.
Sariladu Sudra.
Saritu Reddi.
Sarla.
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Satagu.
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Sayal.
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Sayaruvaru Thelaga.
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Segunda.
Selagu.
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Sembadi.
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Senku.
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Seri.
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Sidha.
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Silagagi.
Silamatham.
Silamathudu Salelu.
Silamathu Kapu.
SiUi.
Silpi Karulu.
Simvan.
Sinatu Reddi.
Singa Kamam.
Singam.
Singi Kulam.
Singu.
Sippa Sale.
Siradanum Jangam.
Sirangi Kapu.
Siravara Jangam.
Siri.
Sir Kanak Kan and Kar-
nalu.
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Sithara Haddflu.
Sithathulu.
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Siyali Paramartham.
Smartha.
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Sodalo Kulam.
Sodo.
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Solabuddiya Gouda.
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Solavan.
Soliga Jathi.
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SoUi Gouda.
Solpa Kapu.
Solupulu.
Solvam.
Somali Kulam.
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Sonda Sura.
Sondi.
Sonkari.
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Sora.
Soraku.
Soro Jathi.
Sotha.
Sothathi Velama.
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Sri Pancharatrulu.
Sri Pandaram.
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Sri Racha Kulam.
Sri Rama.
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Sthuli Kulam.
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Subranam Vadrangi.
Sudagadu Pandaram.
Suda Mala.
Suddha.
Suddo.
Sudi.
Sudra.
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Sugala Mahrati.
Sugali.
Sugamanchi.
Sugandha Sale.
Sujanakulam.
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Suka.
Sukanyathoru Romu.
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Sukurasale Pattugar.
Sula Kuraba.
Sula Modo Kapu.
Sularan.
Sumbora Bairagi.
Sum Qandla.
Suna.
Sunari.
Sundarapu Gandla.
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46
Sundi.
Sundllu Chillara Var-
nam.
Sundiiru Bali j a.
Suniri.
Sun Jagi.
Sunka.
Sunkala.
Siinku Dasari.
Sunkulamma.
Sunku Sale.
Sunaa.
Simnapu.
Sunna Vania Savara.
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Suram.
Surangam Jangam.
Surasi Jangam.
Suria Kapu.
Suriala.
Suri Kalinga.
Surta Kamam.
Suru.
Siu*yadu Thelaga.
Surya.
Suryavamsam Kshatriya.
Suryavamsapu Razulu.
Suthiga Lingadhari.
Sutti iti Segadi.
Su Valmika.
Swasta Kamam.
Takala Sayaralu.
Taka MaUa.
Takara.
Takaria Paraja.
Takiva Patnam Gortha
Kodegartha.
Talavan VeUalar.
Talladan.
Tanki Payiko.
Tantakara Yamam.
Tekkala.
Tengudu.
Tenkiriya Taji Garthu
Kurtitha.
Teruvani Vadla.
Thachan.
Thadi.
Thadingi.
Thadiya.
Thadu Eatalam.
Thagapu Yarga.
Thagaru.
Thaguva Bhattudu.
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Thala.
Thalanga Gonda.
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Thamalapakula Kulam.
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ThambaUa.
Thamdu Yandlu.
Thamgim Ohitrakar.
Thammala.
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Thanda.
Thandri Kulamlo San-
kara.
Thanga Mala Pujari.
Thani Yelama Kulam.
Thanthi Kulam.
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Thariya.
Thama Kapu.
Tharthali.
Thatamatu Reddi.
Thatha.
Thathadi Yelama.
Thatra.
Thatti Kallu Yallu.
Ttavuro Bariki.
Thavuta Yandlu.
Thavuthiu*alu.
Thayika.
Thayikati.
Thegadavandlu.
Thegidulu.
Thegina Komati.
Theguru Thelaga.
Thelaga.
Thelagalu.
Thelagiri.
Thela Puia Smartha.
TheU.
Theliyadu Guzerati.
Thella.
Them.
Thelugu.
Thelukula.
Thengala.
Thenitha.
Thenjamalu.
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Thenuru Kulam.
Thera Odde.
Therasirlu.
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Theratha Kuraba.
There Jandra.
Thelagajula Kapu.
Thevadiya.
Thevangala.
Therora Kulam.
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Thidago.
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Thilaghathakulu.
Thilakanati Kapu.
Thimanaeulu.
Thinavaru.
Thiniya Mala.
Thiragu.
Thiripemu.
Thirukulagu Spaithi.
Thirumadla GoUa.
Thirupathi.
Thirusani Thota Kapu.
Thiru.
Thishine.
Thivara.
Thiyaro.
Thogaludi.
Thogaru.
Thogata.
Thohala Gonda.
Thoharia.
Thohubo.
Thokala GoUa.
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Tholaba.
Tholagaru.
Tholagiri Sudra.
Tholaya.
ThoUakadu.
Tholu.
Tholuva YeUala.
Thonabana.
Thonali Kulam.
Thonda.
Thondi Kulam.
Thongadu Kapu.
Thongari Yelamalu.
Thonthi.
Thorajathi Yellala.
Thorisami Mala.
Thoriya.
Thosira Mali.
Thota.
Thoti.
Thraivamikulu.
Thudda.
Thudu Brukala.
Thudumu Kapu.
Thugiali.
Thukudi GoUa.
Thukuri.
Thuku Royi GoUa.
Thulur YeUalar.
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Thuluva Vellalar.
Thuma GoUa.
Thumari Golla.
Thumba Kapu.
Thumburan.
Thumburu Vandlu.
Thumma.
Thummali.
Thundi Golla.
Thundilo Paraja.
Thundu Kapu.^
Thunga Paraja.
Thuniga.
Thupata Kasi Palli Kapu.
Thuppala Enadi.
Thuraka.
Thurakalu.
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Thura Paidi Kulam.
Thuraru.
Thurpu.
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Thuruvallu.
Thusnilu.
Tidiva.
Tiku Modi.
Tokarapobodi.
Tokaratha Goda.
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Udasi.
tJdiga.
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Ulama.
TJnupula.
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Uriya.
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Uta Velama.
Vachapallflu.
Vachayada Balija.
Vadada Jangam.
Vadagalu Kulam.
Vadagu Parayar.
Vada.
Vada.
Vadamallu.
Vadamauji Patayam.
Vadama Rapi Golla.
Vadamu Jami Palayam.
Vadarlu.
Vadathi.
Vaddara Ballu.
Vaddigam.
Vademati Kapu.
Vadiga Racha Kulam.
Vadithai .
Vadiya.
Vadla.
Vadora Vaniyan.
Vadrangi.
Vadue:ar.
Vadugu Pauchanam.
Vadula.
Vadu.
Vaganalu.
Vagara Gouda.
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Vai.
Vaidi Komati.
Vaidikulu Madhua.
Vaidya.
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Vaimanalu.
Yaimanayatho.
Vairajam Jangam.
Vaira Kapu.
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Vaishnava.
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mati.
Vaisya.
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Kulam.
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Vakala Kapu.
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Vakiko.
Vakkala Balija.
Vakyagaro Chakala.
Valachi Kapu.
Valaga Kapu.
Valagarudi Kapu.
Valaku.
Valamalu.
Valana Golla.
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Valava.
Valayal.
Valiga Mala.
Vali.
Vallaga.
VaUa.
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Vaiiiapi Reddi.
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Vamsari Kamma.
Vamula Amma Kam
Sudra.
Vamu.
Vana.
Vanaku Pattari.
Vanato.
Vancha.
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. Vande' Kuraba.
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Vanu.
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Varagu Kapu.
Varam.
Varamathu Vadu.
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Varanati Reddi.
Varathasa Kapu.
Varati Reddi.
Varavoka Vellala.
Vardu Kulam.
Varigi Golla.
Varika Perikalu.
Varisa Vadialu.
Varka Pothe.
Vama.
Vamam THelukulu.
Varsa Kapu.
Varthakulu.
Varthakulu Komati.
Vartha Kuraba.
Varu Sale.
Varya Kapu.
Vasa.
Vasanagadtha.
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47
Vasanthya Kulam.
Venju Thatharu.
Volashiya Thelukula Ku-
Vasaru Kulam.
Venku Godari Kulam.
lam.
Vasi GoUa.
Venna.
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Verta.
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Vesadari.
Vonta Balija.
Vattai Chakala.
Vesaka GoUalu.
Vora Golla.
Vattaku Kulam.
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Vorithvana Ramanujam.
Vatti Golla.
Veshta Reddi.
Voruputhaja Kulam.
Vattika Lingadhari.
Vesia.
Vorya.
Vatu Paraja.
Vesuru Mala.
Vosu Karnam.
Vavadu.
Vetagari Palli.
Vota Redlu.
Vaya Kulam.
Vetagiri.
Votha Golla.
Vayamri.
Veta.
Vothaku.
Vayari.
Vettaikar.
Vothala Vandlu.
Veda.
Vetti.
Vothulu.
Vedan.
Vettiyan.
Voyi.
Vegina Komati.
Veyuru.
Vratha Vadu.
Veginati.
Viabla Chari.
Vruthi Dedu.
Vekau.
Viakali.
Viida.
Vekari.
Viana Boya.
Viidala Golla.
Vekkaderi.
Viari.
Vudapu Vandlu.
Veladi Golla.
Viavasayam.
Vudarupala.
Veladini Reddi.
Vidia Paraja.
Vudiga.
Velagala Kapu.
Vidiga.
Vudla Vadu.
Velaga Mamialu.
Vigalo.
Vudo.
Velagiri.
V ignaniya Matham.
Vudupu Manne.
Velama.
Vilva Kondu Phelagalu.
Vujjula Kulam.
Velaneyarku.
Vinata Kshatriya.
Vulasavan.
Velanga Mala.
Vinna Karnam.
Vulnaluku.
Velapi Reddi.
Vippala Sila Razulu.
Vulunaru.
Velaroya Kamam.
Vipra Vinodulu.
Vumanayaru.
Velaru.
Vira Bashi.
Vumannkia.
Velavadu Gouda.
Viradu Kulam.
Vungarala Vagera,
Velesa Kapu.
Viragali Karnam.
Vuniji Reddi.
Vella.
Viragalu.
Vunja Jandra.
Vellada Sagauer Vadu.
Vira.
Vunsapu Devangulu.
Vellala.
Viral Kunda Kapu.
Vuntamatiri Kannada.
Vellalar.
Virana Eklis Kapu.
Vuraluma.
Vellani.
Virangi.
Vurachia Kapu.
Vellau Setti.
Virli Vandlu.
Vursa Kapu.
Vellapu.
Virum Raja Kulam.
Vuniku.
Vellari.
Visharlu.
Vusyalaka Reddi.
Vellayam Kapu.
Vishnu Bhakthulu.
Vuta Shula.
Vellaya Pandaram.
Visistadvaitam.
Vyabhichari.
VeUan Kapu.
Visva.
Vyavasayakadu.
VeUitharu.
Vitanli.
Vyavasayam Kamma.
Velnadu.
Vitha Vatha.
Velnati.
Viti Erukala.
Velnaya Kapu.
Viyara Kulam.
Yabala.
Velula Kapu.
Vobudra Dali.
Yachaka Mondi.
Vemadhari Balija.
Vodadi Sondivadu.
Yachakulu.
Vemmala Vadu.
Vodra Kamam.
Yadamala Vamam.
Vendatika.
Vogulu.
Yadarlu.
Vende Vadu.
Vokuni Reddi.
Yadava.
Vendu Batha.
Volaka Kulam.
Yadi.
F 4
Digitized by
Google
48
Yadu Kapu,
Yaga Boya.
Yagalu Komati*
Yagata.
Yagavadi Pani Kodu.
Yagna Mose Kammaku-
1am.
Yagniya.
Yahara.
Yajurveda.
Yakala GoUa.
Yaki Vilama Kapu.
Yalaga Vallu.
Yalagiri Kulam.
Yalakula Arekulam.
Yalankapuri.
Yalati Dhoralu.
Yalavar.
Yallaba Kapu.
Yalla.
Yallam.
Yallati.
Yalavala Kapulu.
Yamara Palli.
Yammasa GoUa.
Yammiti Dhoralu.
Yana Kapu.
Yanaku Sudra.
Yanati.
Yandra Oddelu. ^
Yangallu.
Yani Vallu.
Yapathi.
Yapavadu.
Yarala.
Yaralam Kulam.
Yarenchi.
Yarla Kapu.
Yarmala Kapu.
Yarokulam.
Yarutu Kulam.
Yaeangi Vandlu.
Yasivandlu.
Yasulapani Kodu.
Yata.
Yatati Kapu.
Yatha.
Yathava Thelugu.
Yathi.
Yatla.
Yatlakulam Panchama.
Yatla Vallu Kamma.
Yavo.
Yeba Jumna.
Yechela Vallu.
Yedakula.
Yedama Madiga.
Yegadi Gani.
Yegama Po.
Yegedu.
Yegunati Kapu.
Yeharathama.
Yekkallu.
Yelagiri.
Yelamanchi Kapu.
Yelamatti,
Yeliva Kamam.
Yeliyadu Kulam.
YeUama Reddi.
Yellari.
Yellu.
Yelluluva Kapu.
YeUu Vadu.
Yemala Golla.
Yema.
Yenatam Jathi.
Yendu.
Yenni Koda Vellala.
Yennu Golla.
Yeracla.
Yerali.
Yerora.
Yestrulu.
Yethi Sruka.
Yethuva.
Yetla Vennali Kamma.
Yevella Kamma Modi.
Yeventhu Kulam.
Yidinga Gouda.
Yikyathi Kalaka Sudra.
Yimacliivakudu.
Yirala Pujari.
Yogi.
Yola Behara.
Yota.
Yuti Thogala.
Digitized by
Google
49
The Canarese Caste Names.
Bard^Bhkdr. '
Basava.
Acliari.
Batanavani.
Adi.
Battada.
Adiyan.
B6da/
Dakke.
Adiyddi.
Belayi Jati.
bangdri.
Adkada.
Belera.
Ddsa.
Aga8a.
Bern.
Daehi.
Agasara.
BeUi.
Ddsi.
Ahamadayan.
Berlera.
Davaja.
Ajala.
Akasale.
Bespar.
Des£i Marathi.
Besta.
Deshasth Hdvika.
Akasdlerava Panchala.
Bhaira.
Devadiga.
Ambalavasi.
Bhanddri.
Devadra Shudra.
Ambattan.
Bhankotkdr.
D6vaga.
Ambiga.
Bharya.
D^vajekdr.
Ambikar.
Bhdtiya.
Devaiera.
Ambina.
Bhdvi.
DevaUga.
Ande Koraga.
Bid[i or Bidu Sule.
D^vdnga.
Andhra Murikindti.
Bill Maggaddr.
Dhdbi.
Arabi.
Billa Jati Ketta.
Divar.
Arddhya.
Billava.
Dombar.
Arasa Pajli.
Billavara Kdvuthiyan.
Dravida.
Arasu.
BIlu Billava.
Arava.
Bogdri Jdti.
Ar6.
Bomman Val^kdr.
Arsu Makkalu.
Budake.
Arya.
Budinava.
Aryara Bandi.
Budunaya.
Edagai.
Attukdran.
•
Edayan.
Eura.
Eluva,.
Embrandiri.
Chakkiliyan.
Enndl.
Bdchanige Neyyuvadu.
Chaliya or Chdliyan.
Eruman.
Badaga.
Chalya.
Eruvan.
Bada Arasu.
Chamar.
Badayi.
Chaptekar.
Badige.
Chapudigar.
Bairagi.
Charddi.
Bakuda.
Chatdfa.
Balagai.
Chedan.
Gabifc.
Balajidar.
Chegadi.
Galada Konkana.
Balaya.
Chembuduga.
Gajadava.
Bale Banajiga.
Chennalan.
Gamanasale.
Balegar.
Cheran.
Ganadava.
Bailal.
Cheravan.
Gangadikar.
Balolikdr.
Cherippukutti.
Ganiga.
Banagdr.
Cheriyakaran.
Ganji Gowda.
Banajiga.
Cheruman.
Ganterava.
B^di.
Ohetti.
Garadigar.
Banita Lingdyat,
Chinnada Kelasa.
Garsar.
Baniya.
Chippiga Ndmadeva.
Gatti.
Bannagdr.
Chitragar.
Gavadi.
Banta.
Chdvan.
Gavadi.
Bappada Shetti.
Ohdyi.
Gavagara.
Y 5747.
G
Digitized by
Google
:0
Ghattada Gowda.
Jetti.
KoMri.
Goddar.
Jinagar.
Kolava.
Golkunde.
Jdgi.
K61ayan.
Goila.
J6ti Banna.
Koleyir Kavuthiyan.
Gopalan.
Jdtishagar.
KoUa.
G6sayi.
Julai.
Kollan.
Gowda.
K6mati.
Gowdi.
Kombdti Agaea.
Gowdikar.
Konga.
Gowli.
Konkaniga andare RAjd-
Goyaru.
Kabbina Kelasadava.
puri Bdlolikar.
Gudigar.
Kadani Vaishya.
Kopdjan.
Guiiar.
Kddu.
Koracha.
Kaipuda.
Koraga.
Kair6di Naimar.
Koraji.
Kdjig^r Shetti.
Korama.
Kalaigar.
Kordr.
Kalavant.
Korava.
Hajam.
Hakki Korama.
Kalikat Shiddha Jati.
K6tadava.
Kaliya.
K6te.
Halepaik.
Kallar.
Kdtegar.
miu.
Kalli (yr Badayi.
Kdteshwar.
Halvakki.
Kallu.
K6tiga.
Hamakara.
Kammala.
Kottdri.
Ha.Tnal Bh6vi.
Kammar.
Kotta Vannattdn.
Hambatra.
Kammavaru.
Kshatri.
Hanche Vakkalu.
Kammavara Vadaga Jdti.
Kshourika.
Haad^.
Kana.
Kudimdvilan.
Hanuba.
Kanaka.
Kudiv^ttuvan.
Hanupa.
Kdnakubji.
Kudiya.
Harakava.
Kanchugar.
Kudla deshakdr.
Har^ra.
Xanikan.
Kudlagar.
Hari.
Kanisban.
Kudubi.
Hasaga.
Kaniya.
Kudyamale.
Hasalar.
Kaniyan.
Kukkadi Sdliga.
Havadiga.
Kannada.
Kukke Korama.
Havika.
Kanniyara.
Kulagettavalu.
Heggade.
Kapalya.
Kuli Iju.
Helavara.
Kappada Koraga.
Kumbhar.
Holadava.
Kappera Koraga.
Kumbla Sthanika.
Holeya.
Karadi.
Kumri.
H6ri Jati.
Kdrakdttu Vellal.
Kunchalar.
Karanika.
Kunchetti.
Karikudubi.
Kunchiga.
Karingal Panikkar.
Kunchi.
Karum^.
Kunde Kojaga.
Kavar6.
Kunubi.
tdiga.
Kavarika.
Kurmada.
Irala.
Kav6ri Konkanasth.
Kuruba.
trava Shudra.
Kavuthiyan.
Kurubana Kusa.
Itara Koraga.
Keik61a.
Kurup.
Itaralu.
Kelaei.
Kusa.
Khandekar.
Kushavan.
Kharvi.
Kichakara J^ti.
Kiddran.
Kiravan.
Jdda.
Kiru Ganiga.
Lambddi or Lambd^.
Jalagara.
Kodaga.
Lavar.
Janapa.
Kodakan.
Lingadhari.
Janf'alii'a.
Kodiyal Kudnbi.
Lddi.
Janajain.
Kolal.
Luvan Baniya.
Jati.
K61an.
Digitized by
Google
51
Madakar.
Maddel (Kshowrika).
Mddera.
Madiga.
Madivala.
Maila.
Mala.
Maldhar.
Maldr Gowda.
Malatar.
Malava.
Malayan.
Malaya.
Malayan.
Male.
Malemavaru.
Malera Kusa.
Maleya.
MaUar.
Malligar.
Mallya.
Mane Kelasa.
Maniyani.
Mannan.
Mannattan or Vannattan.
Mannu.
Marak&l.
Maran or Marayan.
Marar Yane Padarti.
Maravelei Kammalan.
Mari.
Marte Pililaya.
Matigar.
Mavilan.
Mayikan.
Mayyar.
Mighivata.
Maladava.
Mele Jati Kettavalu.
Melsakre.
Menon.
Mera.
Mesta.
Mocha.
Mdchi.
Modali Keikola.
Moger.
Mogeya.
Moili.
Monda GoUa.
Morarava.
Morotti.
Moyan.
Moyili
Mudaliar.
Mudamane.
Mukhari.
Mukkalya.
Mukkava.
Mullu Kuruman.
Y .5747.
Mulyara Jati j&ne Kum-
bhar.
Mupp^ri.
Murad.
Murte.
Mushari.
Nada.
Nidava or Nadavar.
Naidu.
Mik.
Nair.
Nairi.
Nalke.
Ndmadeva.
Namadhari.
Nambishan.
Namburi.
N6mya. .
Nari Korama.
Naru Karuba.
Nattuvan.
Naviyan.
Navuthiyan.
Ndyinda.
Neikar.
Neiukdr.
Netkkr.
Nirkottan.
Ninivattan.
Niveshkar.
Ndvaga Jati.
Ojigala.
Ojigalinda Jati Ketta.
Okligar.
Paddrti.
Padayachchi.
Padela Madivala.
Padmasale.
Pakanad.
Pallemar.
Palli.
Panan.
Pdnar.
Panchala.
Panohama.
Panchamasale.
Panchama Shivachar.
Pandaram.
Pandi
Pangadkar.
Panikkar.
Paniyan.
H
Panji.
Paradishi.
Parama Jada.
Parava.
Parayan.
Parisha^
Parivdr.
Pariyat Agasa.
Pdtali.
Pathiyan Satanikan.
Patladava.
Patre Meladava.
Pattar.
Pattekar.
Pattnulkar.
Penne.
Pennekar.
Perumkollan.
Pillai.
Pisharddi.
Polayan.
Polta.
Pommada.
Ponchetti.
Ponv61ei Kammalan.
PothuvaL
Pujira.
Pulluvan.
Pursa.
Putte Korama.
Rajaka.
Raja Kshatri.
Rajdpuri.
Rajaputra.
Rajevar.
Raji.
Ramanuja Satani.
Rangari.
Ranyada Bhaira.
Ranyadava.
Rapa.
Reddi.
Sadu Lingayet.
Sale.
Saliga.
Salti.
Samagar.
Samanta.
Sanyasi.
Sapale.
Sappaliga.
Sappu Koraga.
Satani.
Satara.
S^ndivala.
Digitized by
Google _
52
Seniyan.
Tattdn.
Vaishya.
Shanan.
Tavaradavalu.
Vakkaliga.
Shankara Jati.
Teli.
Vakkalu.
Shekkan.
Tengina Halepaik.
Valagadava.
Shembadavan.
Tepugar.
Valati.
Sheran.
Tigala.
Vaiekar.
Sheregai'.
Tirukula.
Valekaru.
Shetti.
Tiruvelavdr.
Valinchiyan.
Shiddha.
Tiyan.
Vallabha Jati.
Shiddhani Telugu.
Togata.
Valluvan.
Shiddhesi.
Tore Jati.
Vani.
Shilpi.
Toreya.
Vaniyan.
Shhnpigar.
T6ti.
Vannan.
Shiva.
Tdtiga.
Vannattdn.
Shivachir.
Trindmi.
Vanniyar.
Shivalinga Banajiga.
Tulu.
Variyar.
Shivalli.
Tumbiyar.
Vasta Jati Ketta.
Shrivaishnava Jati.
Vedan.
Shudra.
Velama.
Shwi Dwiji.
Velan.
Singa.
Udiya (Uriya).
VeM.
Smartan.
Uppaliga.
Veluttedan.
Sodea Vellal.
Uppali PalU.
Vesha.
S(51iga.
Uppar.
Vettu Jati.
Sonagar.
Uppina Korava.
Vettuvan.
Sowraga.
Uppu.
Vil^kar.
Sthanika.
^UraliNair.
Vird.
S^^U}l
Vishva.
Sule.
Vdchi.
Swalaga.
Vadama.
Vadda.
Vodari.
VuiudAn.
Vaduga.
Yavari.
Tammadi
Vaduvan.
Yegudaru.
Tangalan.
Vairagi.
Yettina Vadda.
Tapale.
Vaishnava.
Yogi.
Digitized by
Google
53
The Malayalam Caste Names.
Achchan.
Agamudikr.
Ahamutti Chetti.
Aikn Swami.
Ajkthi.
Ajjkm.
Akampatiyan.
Akattara Nayar.
Akkiliyan.
Akkuvkri Chetti.
Alakamalaykman.
Alakkukkren.
Alchenunan.
Alkurba.
Allan.
Ambalakkkren.
Ambalavkssi.
Ambattan.
Ampilla.
Aii(U.
Ankanakkren.
Ankipuri.
Anniykgar.
Annuttkn.
Anthiyan Kusavah.
Anthuritn.
Arakanakkbdi.
Amyklan.
Aruran Kurup.
Aryan.
Askri.
Asaykn.
Aspilla.
Athi.
Atikal.
Atiykn.
Atiybti.
Atta Chetti.
Atuthavan.
Attukaren.
Bkkisa GoUah.
Bkl Chetti.
Bklija.
Ballaga.
Bknia.
Bartilinar.
Batta Kunimar.
Bkttiya.
Bedar.
Bestru.
Bhkttiya.
Bhrestankya Nampudri.
Bbndili.
Bbyi.
Brahma Pattar.
Budha Siva.
Dksari.
Bulgi.
Dksi.
Bundkri.
Dbva Dksan.
D6va Dksi.
Devkdiga.
Devknga.
Chakkkn.
D6vi.
Chkkkikr.
Dhbbi.
Chakkili.
Dombarava.
Chakkilian.
Doshapetta Mankmma.
Chakkingal Nkyar.
Chakiti.
Chklien.
Chkna KoUan.
Eluthassan.
Chknar.
Embritkal.
Chkndi Pillai.
Embrandiri.
Chankan Nkyar.
Era Chemnian.
Chkmna.
Erkdi.
Chavala Chetti.
Erakkala.
Chavalakkkren.
Erakanakka Cheruman
Chkyakkkren.
Erakanakkan.
Chkya Kurup.
Brala.
Chfeda Chetti.
Eralan.
Ch^dan.
Eramullan.
Chedaya Chetti.
Erayan.
Ch^la Kurup.
Eruma Chetti.
Chembadavan.
Erumakkkren.
Chembotti.
Erumkn.
Cheniyan.
Etagiri.
Chenkbth Mudali.
Etankt;a,Ti Chetti.
Chenta Poduvkl.
Etayan.
Cherippu Kutti.
Etayarkbn.
Cheruma Chkthan.
Etta Kurup.
Cheruman.
Ettu Parayan.
Chetti.
Chetti Tattan.
Chettiya Kkvuthiyan.
Chettiykn.
Gramaghu.
Chfey Jabar.
Gangadhkri.
Chey K6n. '
Ganga.
Chiliya Setti.
Gangks.
Chilpkskri.
Gokinkndi.
Chimalay^man.
GoUah.
Chinchalksan.
Gbpklan.
Chingbttan.
Gdsai.
Chiraram.
Gouda.
Chittan.
Guru Gbdar.
Chiva Kkppu.
Chbvan.
Chbyi Parad^si.
Chbzhiya VeUklan.
Hollayah.
Chuliyan.
Honditakkren.
Chunnkmba Chetti.
Chunnkmbakkren.
H 2
Digitized by
Google
54
Ilakkian.
Ilayad.
Illivalluva Cheruman.
Iluva Panikkar.
iluvan.
Indrakula Chetti.
Indumatchala.
Irumba Cheruman.
Iswara.
Itliithirisala.
Janappa.
Jkndra.
Janga Chkyinka Panda-
ram.
Jkniar.
Jathi.
Jbgi.
Kachchakkkur Murthi-
ykn.
Kachchkri Nkyar.
Kkchi Chetti.
Kachikkr.
Kadachi.
Kadakan.
Kkdan.
Kkdavan.
Kadupottan.
Kaduvakal.
Kaikbla.
Kaikblar.
Kakka Koravan.
Kkkkbdi.
Kalkotti.
Kalpani.
Kalpanikkaren .
Kal Tachchan.
Kalam Kotti.
Kalathran.
Kalla.
Kallkdi.
Kallalen.
Kalian.
Kallkndi.
Kallari Knrup.
Kallkskri.
Kallkt.
Kallnli Chetti.
Kamariyip.
Kammala.
Kammalambatta Kshnra-
kan.
Kammalan.
Kammalarkaduthavar.
Kamshan.
Kanakka.
Kanakkan.
Kanamukalatha Mkchi.
Kanika Kshatriyan.
Kanisan.
Kaniykn.
Kaniyaran.
Kankada Gonda.
Kankadakan.
Kankitan.
Kanna Moinan.
Kannada Chetti.
Kannadi.
Kannadiyan.
Kannklar.
Kannkn Chetti.
Kannkr.
Kannavan.
Karakkktta Chetti.
Karambkran.
Karavali.
Karayee.
Kkri.
Karimbklan.
Karimban.
Karinkal Chetti.
Karinkallakdde Nkyakan.
Karinkal.
Kariyankaravan.
Karkataka.
Kamkfcakam.
Karb.
Karthkvu.
Karumkn.
Karumbklan.
Karuppan.
Karuva Chetti*
Karuvala Chetti.
Karuvkn.
Karvan.
Kaskyee.
Kasi Chetti Talavkr.
Katayee.
Katholi Nkyar.
Katta.
Kkttu Nkyakan.
Kavachan Ambattan.
Kava Chetti.
Kavara.
Kavarki.
Kkvil.
Kkvu Kutithanan.
Kavuntan.
Kkvuthiyan.
Kayani.
Kidkren.
Kirktan.
Kiriyan Nkyar.
Kiyambar.
Kdlan.
Kolangara Nkyar.
Kolaykn.
Kolchcha Kunip.
Kbli.
KoUan.
KoUiriva.
Kolpad.
Kbmankndi.
Kombalath Nkyakan.
Kbmutti.
Kbnan.
Kongam.
Kongha.
Konghklan.
Konghan Askri.
Konghim^
Konnan Askri.
Korava Tattkn.
Kbri.
Kotakan.
Kottan.
Kottanna Chetti.
Kshatriyalu.
Kshurakan.
Kubikara.
Kiida Ch^dan.
Kudakar.
Kiida Skda.
Kudi Chetti.
Kudithanakkren.
Kudiykn.
Kuduma Chetti.
Kudumbi Chetti.
Kuduvi.
Kujan.
Kula, Cheruman.
Kumbala Chetti.
Kumbkran.
Kumbi HoUayan.
Kundu.
Kunduvan Kannadiyan.
Kunnathiir Adiykn.
Kuravan.
Kurichiyan.
Kurba GroUah.
Kurikkal Chetti.
Kuriyar.
Kurukkal.
Kurumar.
Kurumban.
Kurup.
Kuruvan Kurichiyan.
Kusavan.
Kuta Cheruman.
Kiitan.
Kuzhambi.
Kynaden Kalli.
Lkla.
Lambkdi.
Lkvana.
Linga Chetti.
Lingadhkri.
Lingam Chetti Pandk-
ram,
Lingam Katti Kavuntan.
Digitized by
Google
55
Mkchi.
Mkdiga.
Madirassi Parayan.
Mahaji Palassi.
Mahai^jen.
Maliir.
Mala Idayen.
Malakkkren.
Mala.
Malan Cheruman.
Malappada Chetti.
Malatha Idayan.
Malathkthan.
Malayan Kusavan.
Malaykli.
Malaykman.
Malayan Chetti.
Malayaral.
Malin Kadan.
Maliyan Kalavan.
Mandila.
Mangala.
Maniykndi.
Maniykni.
Maniykran.
Mannkdiykr.
Mannkn.
Manna Ottan.
Markmi.
Maravar.
Mkraykn.
Mkri.
Matavan.
Matavkndi.
Mathavar.
Mathin.
Mathiya.
Matichu.
Mkvilan.
Mkvuntkdan Chetti.
Medara.
M6n6ki.
M^nbn.
Metchan KoUan.
Mohather.
Mola Cheruman.
Moramkuthi Parayan.
Moriyan.
Mudali.
Mudukar.
Mukatha Kdvuthi.
Mukkuvan.
Mulavan.
Miillu.
Munnuttan.
Muppan Tiru.
Mupaykra Chetti.
Murappan.
Musad.
Muskri.
Mussu.
Muthan.
Mutratsa.
Muttican,
Nkga Chkran.
Nagara Muppan.
Nagarath Chetti.
Kkidu.
Nalrkthri.
Nkmadhkri.
Nambathi.
Nambi.
Nambikr.
Nambidi Brkhmin.
Nambisan.
Nambrath Nkyar.
Nambu Vettuvan.
Nanayar.
Nangiykr.
Nanna G6pklan.
Nannkn.
Narasimah Miirthi S6ma
Pillamar.
Nasian.
JSTattkn.
Nattappu.
Nattu.
Nktu Vkli Nkyar.
Navakrani.
Nava Kurumbar.
Nkvidan.
Nkvukutithanan.
Nkvuthiykn.
Nkykdi.
Nkyakan.
Nkyar.
Nedungadi.
Neithu.
Nelkurumar.
Neliyalaku Vatujan.
Nbtakan.
Niil Chettiykn.
Nusrkni Hindu.
Nuttu.
Odavan.
Okkalamakkal
AUavar.
Okkili Kavuntan.
Okkiligar.
Olayan.
Omma.
Orayan Nayar.
Otath Nkyar.
Otathavan.
Ottakkran.
Otto Nkyakan.
Ott6r.
H 3
Swkmi
Tadanna.
Padaykchchi.
Pkkkankndi.
Pklakanakkan.
Pklathu Nkyar.
Palisa.
PaUai.
Pallayi Tiru.
Pallichchkn.
Pallikal.
PallirittasujAn.
Pknan.
Pandkra.
Pandkram.
Pkndi.
Pandithan.
Pkndiyan.
Pkni.
Pknien.
Panikkar.
Panisavan.
Pani Tiru.
Pknnia Chetti.
Pappada Chetti.
Pappadakaren.
Pappkndi Vellalen.
Parachchen Nkyar.
Parakkvuthi.
Paramban.
Pkrkmbi.
Paramburi.
Parapison.
Parappur Nkyar.
Parasinan.
Parava.
Paravathiri.
Parayan.
Paraykndi Pandkram.
Paraya Thkman.
Parumad.
Pathiykr.
Patta Chetti.
Pattar.
Pattu Kudi. Chetti.
Pattuniilkkren.
Pkyanaithu Kuravan.
Perim.
Perimptir Nkyar.
Perumannan.
Pidkrar.
Pilla Chetti.
Pillai.
Pishkrddi.
Podunda.
Poirava.
Pokara.
Pola.
Polayan.
Pon Tattkn.
Pondan.
Digitized by
Google
56
Ponpani Tattkn.
Subba.
TJllini Kurumar.
Ponpisha.
Sudra.
Unithiri.
Poduvkl.
Surayan.
Uppa.
Pravrather.
Swkmikr.
Uppalakaren,
Pukndi.
Uppara Chetti.
Pulakanaka Chenimaii.
XJppiliyan.
Pulavalluva Cheruman.
TJi^lli.
Pulavan Kavuntan.
Uratavan.
Urumkn Pandkram.
Piilikskri.
Piili Kurup.
Tachcha Kkvuthiyan.
Tachchan.
Pulian Nayar.
Tachchanal Muppan.
Usika.
PuUuvan.
Tachchani Chetti.
Piimkla Kattunnavan.
Tkmi.
Punambi.
Tandkn.
Punta.
Tangklan.
Pil Pandkram.
Tarakan.
Vkchikan.
Purur Chetti.
Tatta Chetti.
Vadayakkkren Chetti.
Piiskri.
Tattkn.
Vkl Nambi.
Pushpayan.
Telunga.
Vala.
Puthukkl Idayan.
Telungan.
Valaya Chetti.
Thkdan.
Valayakkkra.
Thakkammar.
Valayalkkkren.
Thane.
Valayan.
Thkppumi Chetti.
Valinchiyan.
Tharakan Vellalam Kuru.
Valiskr.
B^ja.
Rkju.
Rkvary.
Rkya Chetti Valaykk.
Thattiyan.
Vallan.
Thkyan Chetti.
Valursi.
Thekkath Pillai.
Valluva.
Theki Thavi.
Valluvan.
Reddi.
Theli Kan.
Vambu Virayi.
Rejuputhran.
Therur Chetti.
Vanakankli.
Bogavarathiran.
TheruvAn.
Vanaram.
Rbla Cherumaii.
Th^vitissi.
Vankkli.
Rblan.
Theyykdi Nambiar.
Vannkn.
Rbu.
Theyya,nibkdi.
Vannathkn.
Thi KoUan.
Vkni Charan.
Thillara^Tn.
Vanira.
Thinavatintha.
Vkniya Chetti.
Thindakar.
Vkniyan.
Thinda.
Vkniyar.
Sakkkn.
ThiperumkoUan.
Vanni Chetti.
Skmanthan.
Thirukkal Dasi.
Vanniyan.
Sampattan.
Thoramar Chetti.
Vara Kurup.
Sampila Nambikr.
Thottiykn.
Vara Parayan.
Sankatakukaren.
Thovam.
Varara.
Sanki Koran.
Thukkiyer Jkthi.
Vkriyar.
Satkni.
Thulu.
Vkrpu Panikkran.
Skthi.
Thunnakkkren.
Vasodar.
S^niyan.
Thuniir Chetti.
Vastra Pattar.
S6tti.
Thuppan.
Vattakkven.
S^ttu Setti.
Tiru.
Vati Vkri.
Shabara.
Tirumalpud.
Vatti Kurup.
Shknan.
Tbl.
Vatuka.
Shobar Malayalan.
Sigodswad.
Silpkskri.
Sinkath.
Tblan.
Torayar Chetti.
Vatukan.
Vayanktan Chetti.
V6dar.
Velakkathalavan.
Sitikan.
Vfelan.
Siva Hari.
Vellala.
Sivknkal Briihmin.
VeUklan.
Sivaykni.
Sbnar.
TTllar Kusavan.
VeUknkur Tharakan.
TJUkttil Nkyar.
VeUodi.
Digitized by
Google
57
Veluthktan.
Vinusha.
Yadavkl.
Velluva.
Virava Chetti.
Yalamar.
Vethuri Cheruman.
Vudayan.
Yasunoki Mani.
Vettila Chetti.
Vupparava.
Ykvkri.
Vettu.
Vur Kurumar.
Yinadi.
Vfettuvan.
Vypara Chetti.
Yerikalar.
Vettuvan Kavuntan.
Vyrkji.
Ybji.
Vilkiirup.
Vyshambar.
Yoonraku Vallar.
Vila Chetti.
Vysian.
Villi.
Vysyajini Chetti.
Villur.
Vythiyar.
Vinnavar.
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
69
Alphabetical List of Caste Names as entered in the Census
Schedules of the various Provinces.
The abbreriationB indicate tba names of the Tarions FroTiiices in which the Castes are fbund, dnu:—
Ben. indicates Bengal.
Ber. ,» Berar.
M. .. Madras.
Abdhlit
CJ.
Abhir
N.W.P.
AbMr
. N.W.P.
Aehitur
Bom.
Adfli
• OP.
Adhikari
- Ben.
Advichinchi -
Bom.
■ Bom.
Adw4l
CJ?.
AgMntMdiyaa
CJ.
A^ani
■ C.P., Ber.
Agarwti
• Bar.
Agarwala •
" Ber. •
Ager - . -" .
■ Bom.
■ Ben., C J»., N.W.P.
Aghori
• C.P.
^ .
• C.P.
A«uri
Aherii - •
• Ben.
. N.WJ.
Aj£t - - - ' •
• Bom.
Akaramfa^ •
•Ber. /
Akarmiuj^ .
Bom.
Alitkar
• Bom.
JOkari
. Bom., CJ.
AUenaTur
■ B<Mn.
Am&di
. CJ.
- Ben.
AmM
•' Bom.
Amgoth
- ap.
Amniik
. CJ.
Andknri
■ CJ.
Arakh
. N.WJ.
Are-Eatikald-
■ C J.
Aroward or At6
• C.P.
Arwalli
• Bom.
Aaidi
Bom. M«
Assamese
- Ben.
Asnr - - - .
- Ben.
At&ri
• Ber., Bom.
Athnikar
- Bom.
Atith-
- Ben.
Audhalii
- C.P.
AadhiA
. C.P.
Aughar
Avdasa
- Ben.,C.P.
- Bom.
Ayawam
• Berar.
B.
Badiik
-. C.P.
Bidari
• Bom,
B4d&ro9h •
. N.WJ.
Badhai
- Bom<
Badhak
- C.P.,N.W.P.
Bidi.
. N.WJ.
BMiphfU •
. N.W.P.
B^adi
• Bom.
Bagarwal
. Ber.
Baghwa
. C.P.
Bi^wia
BaheM
. Bom.
- C.P., N.WJ.
Baheliya
- Ben., Ber.
Bahrdpii
- N.W.P.
BahnmiH
• Ber., Bom.
Baidya
• Ben.
Bairigi
• Ber., Bom., C.P. M.
T 5747.
Bairii
- „ N.WJ.
Baiti
. Ben. 'M.
Buj -
- Bar.
B^toia
. Bar., fiom.
B^jgi
..N.W.?.
B&kad
• Bom.
BaliM
.;;cj.,$[.wj.
Balgerballu .
• Bom.
Balingh •
-.CJ. :
Bilsantosh -
. Bom.
B&lwarasava •
- Bom.
B^wisaru .
. Bom.
Banbati
- N.WJ.
B4ndekar • .
. Bom.
B4ndh4ra .
- Bom.,Bar.
B&idi . .;
-1 Bom,>J.W.I.. M.
B&ngadi
-„ Bom.
Bangar
• Bom.
Bangi-
. Ber. M.
Baaj&ti
- Ber., C.P, N W J.,
Punj. 1
Banki
• C.P. M.
Banminas
- N.W.P.
Banpar
. Ben.
Bansfode
- Ber.
Bansphor
- N.WJ.
Bant -
- Ben.
Baochi
- Bar,
B^n&
- N.W.1*.
Barai-
- CJ,il.W.P.
Baredi
- N.w.:t.
Barethi
- N.W.t.
B&rew4r
- CJ.
Barg&h or Barg&hi •
- C.P.,1J.W.P.
Bargahat
- C.P.
Bargha
- Ben.
Bargi
- N.W.P.
B^hii
:. N.WJ.
Bdri .
- Ben,,' Bom,, Ber.»
C.P,,N.W.P,
Birii'
. N,W,t.
Bixkir
• Bom.
Bamosankar •
• Ben.
B&rot
• Bom.
Barwi
- N.WJ.
Barw&:
- N.WJ.
Biai •
- C.P. M. .
BasaTeshwar -
. Bom.
Ba8de>Wl • •
- C.P.
Basod
- Ber.
Baser
- C.P„N,WJ.
Bisphor
. C,P.
Batar-
- Ben.
Bathua
- Ben.
Bathudi
- Ben.
B4tki-
• Bom.
Batt&i
- Bom.
Battlabasavi -
- Bom.
B4ucha
- Bom.
B&wane
- Ber.
Bdwilbudangiri
- Bom.
B&vraria
- N.W,P.
Bay&r
- N.W.P.
Be&- - -
- CJ.
Bedar
- Ber,C.P. M,
Bedi -
- C.P.
Bediya
• Ben.
BfihnA
. N.W.P.
Beldir
• Punj., Bom,,ftBer.,
Ben.,CJ,,N.W.P.
Digitized by VjOOQI
60
Belhi
Bellir
Benaudiya
Bendnrft
BenO) Benorei or Bednor
Bengali
Benhar
Benito
Beob&ri
BeriA
Bestar
Bethrf
Bh^bhm^ja -
Bhadbbut
Bbaddri
Bbadri
BhAdwa
Bbagat
Bbagtia
Bhala
Bb&ni
Bbamte
BbAmti
Bbdmtia (Ucblg)
BbiLnd
Bbangid
Bbdngiti
Bbdnmati
Bbansali
Bb4ntd
Bbinnkoti
BbadsAr
Bbar&di
BbArati
Bbardva
Bharbbunja or BbunjwA
Bbareria
Bbarewa
Bbaria •
Bbartbari
Bb^tbi
Bbarti •
Bbartia
Bbarw&d » •
Bbaskar
Bbatangi
Bbdtiil
BbatsaU
BbattJa ^
Bbavaya
Bb4ygar
Bhdvin
Bhavnar
Bbdvsdr
Bbawaiya
Bhelia
Bbill .'
Bbisti (Pakb&li)
Bboer
Bbondekar
Bbop4
Bborpi
Bborwfi
Bbotifi
Bbrasbt
Bhuimali - •
Bbnjwa
Bbulid
Bbumik
Bhunj
Bbunjari
Bbnnjua
Bburjkantak -
Bbtirtia
Bbusri
Bbutfi
Bbntia
Bidur
Big6r -
Bilwar or Belwari
- CJ?.
* Bom*
- Ben.
- C.P. M.
- Ber.
- Ben.
. C.P.
- C.P.
. N.W.P.
. N.W.P.
" Bom.
- C.P.
- Ber., Bar., Bom.
- Bom.
- N.W.P.
- C.P.
- Bom.
- N.W.P,
- N.W.P.
- Ben.
- C.P.
- Ber.
- CP.
- Bom.
- Bom., Bar., Punj.
- Bar.
- Bom.
. CJP.
- Bom.
- N.W.P.
- Bom.
- CP^Bar.
- Bom.
- Bom.
- Bom. '
. C.R, N.W.P., Punj.
- N.W.P.
- C.P.
- N.W.P.
- Bar., Bom.
- N.W.P.
. N.W.P.
- Ben., N.W.P.
- Bar., Bom.
- Ben.
• Bom.
- Ben., Bom^ C.P.,
Bar., Punj.
- Bom.
• Ber.
- Bom.
Bom.
- Bom.
- Bom.
Bar., Bom.
Bar.
• Bom.
. Bar.
Bom.
C.P.
Ber.
C.P., Bom.
Bom.
C.P.
N.WJ.
Bom.
Ben.
Bom.
CJP.
Ben.
N.W.P.
N.W.P.
N.W.P.
N.WJP.
N.WJ*.
Bom.
Bom.
Ben.
C.P.
Bom.
N.W.P.
Birgoria
Birbor
Biritii
Birjbasi
Birkat
Bifibnoi
Bog^
B(^i
Bogsbi
Bob^ri
Bokkisb
Bondila
Bonii
Boorwood
Bor .
Boral
Bordbak
Bona
Hot -
Boyar
Brabmacbiri
Brabmaksbatri
Brabmanjani
Brijia
Budbudki
BuUbar
Buna -
Bundkar
Bunkar
Burgand^
Burud
Byadb
c.
Ch« -
Cbain
Cbakma
Cbalkiir
CbaUuk
Cbalwidi
Cbamar-julabi
Cbamkatia
Cbamtba
Cbdmtkar
Cbanak
Cbandak
Cbandani
Cbanddr
Cbanderiya
Cbannainavar
Cbapmal
Cbapter
Cbaptik^
Cbaraj
Cb4ran
Cbargewakkal
Cbdrra
Cb^rw^
Chisi
Cbasadbopa
Cbasati
Cbiti-
Cbatter
Cbaturtb
Cbaturtba
Cbaudbari
Cbaudiker
Cbaudri
Cbaubdn
Cberenga
Cberu
Cbetijya
Cbettekar
Chettri
Cbhaparband
Cbbaru
Cbbatrapori
Ben.
Ben.
C.P.
N.WJP.
Bom.
C.P.
Bom.
Bom.
N.WJP.
Bom.
CJP.
C.P.
C.P.
Bar.
Bom.
Ber.
N.W.P.
N.W.P.
N.W.P.
Beng.
C.P., Bar.
Bom.
Ber.
Bom.
N.WJ.
Ben.
Bom.
N.W.P.
C.P.
Ber., Bonu
Ben.
N.W.P.
Ben.
Ben.
Bom.
Ben.
Bom.
N.W.P. M.
N.W.P.
Bom., Bar.
Bom.
Bom.
Ber.
Ber.
C.P.
Ber.
Bom.
Ben.
Bom.
Bom.
N.W.P.
Bar., Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
C.P.
Ben.
Ben.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
Ber.
Ben.
Bom.
Bom.
Ber.,C.P.,N.W.P.
C.P.
Ben.,,N.W.P.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom., N.W.P.
N.W.P.
Ber.
Digitized by
Google
61
Chhatri
. Ber.
Chhattri
. N.W.P.
Ghheri
. N.W.P.
Chhipd
- C.P.
Chhipi
- C.P., N.WJP^ Ban
Chik -
- N.W.P^Beng.
Chikabalki -
- Bom.
Chikurvmavar
. Bom.
Ghikw&
- N.W.P.
Chilg&
. Bom.
Chilwant or Selewant
. Ber.
Chipa-
- Bom.
Chipi-
- Ber.
Chipigar
. Ben., Mad.
Chipkar
. Bom.
Cbirdti
. Bom.
Chirim4r
- N.W.P.
Chitiri
- Bom., C.P.
Chitrakar
- Ben.
Chitrakithi .
- Ber., Bom., C.P.
Chitraknli •
- Bom.
Chodhri
. Bar.
Chodra
- Bom.
Chokhar
- Bom.
ChoonIM .
. Bar.
Chudagar
. Bonu
Chakar
- Ben.
Cbimade
- Ber.
ChimiLixauii •
- Ber.
ChuD&ri
- Ben., Bom.
Chnrhela
. N.W.P.
Chnriy&r ■
- C.P.
Dabgar
D£dilw&r
Dadrii -
Dafali
D&gnchia
Dah&it
Dai -
Daimanghi
Dakhane
Dakot
Daler&
Ddlia
Dalai
Dalwi
Dalividi
Damami
Dandgid^
Dindi
Dandii
Dandig&n
Dandfleni
Dandwati
D^at
D&ngi
D&ngre
Dimgri
D^mgar»
D&nmar
Daijee
Darji-
Darmin
Dand
BfMlw&r
Daa4otfr
D&BBT
Dash^yant
Dashdwat&ri
Dasondi
Dasri-
Dass -
Dasyamanbaggi
Ber., Bom.« Bar.,
N.WJ., Punj.
CJ?.
CJP.
Ben.
Bom.
Ben.
Ben.
Ber.
N.WJ>.
N.WJP.
C.P.
Ben.
CJP.
Bom., Bar.
C.P.
Bom.
N.W.P.
N.WJP.
Ber., C.P.
C.P.
Bom.
Ber., Bom.
CP., N.W J.
Ber.
C.P.
CJP.
N.W.P.
Bar.
Bom. M.
Ben., C.P., N.W.P.,
Pun.
C.P.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
C.P.
Bom., Ber.
Ben.
Bom.
Dauri
Davadnja
Dayaniger
Dayara
Debgonia
Dee86w&l •
Deogarbia
Deogu
Deri -
Deshadesbavali
Deshbh^d&s -
Deswil
Deswili
Dev£ng
Devann
Deyardy&mainavar
Devdi
Devidis
DevU -
Dewalwaru -
Dewingulu •
Dewdr
Deyara
Dbidbi
Dbidi
Dhai-
Dbakalar
Dhdkar
Dhamalg^r
Dhandbor
Db&okd
Dbank4r •
Dbanoje
Dbanpore
Dbinukb
Dbarbi
bbiriwal
Dbarkii*
Db&wad
Dbenur
Dber-
Dbimal
Dbingar
Dbirkdr
Dbobi
Dbodia
DboU
Dboondbii
Dbor
Dbowak
Dboldboya -
Dbuliya
Dbulpivad -
Dbuni
Dbunia -
Dbmiiya
Dbori
Dbnrii
Dbnsar
Digad
Digambar
Digrabti
Diksbabalki -
Diksbwant
Dindalor
Divar
Divti-
Dogg&l
Donor
Doliwini
Domb&ri
Dombidib
Dongre
Doria
Dubla
Duliya
Dumil
Dumir
DuB&db
Dusondbi
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
CP.
Bar.
CJ?.
C.P.
C.P.
Bom.
Bom.
N.W.P.
Ben., C.P.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
' Bom. -
Bom.
Bom.
Ber.
C.P.
CJ*.
Ben.
Bar.
Bom.
Ben.
Bom.
Ber., C.P.
Bom.
N.W.P.
Bom., Bar.
N.WJ>.
Ber.
Ben.
C.P.
Ben.
N.W.P., Pmi.
C.P.
Bom.
Ber.
C.P.
Ben.
N.W.P.
N.W.P.
C.P.
Bom.
Bom., C.P.
Bar.
Bom.
N.W.P.
Bom.
Ben.
Bom.
N.W.P.
N.W.P.
Ben.
C.P.
N.W.P.
Ber.
Ber.
C.P., Bar.
C.P.
Bom.
Ber.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
Bom.
Ben.
Ber.
CJP.
Bom.
Bom.
Ber.
Bom.
Bar.
Ben.
C.P.
C.P., N.W.P.
C.P.
N.WP.
I 2
Digitized by
Google
62
Eimawara
Etta or EtAW&ra
Fakir ^
Oabit
Gadadia
Gadaj
Gadariya
Gaddi
Gadelwa
Gadherd
Gadhri
G&dri
G&in -
Gainthi
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69
SO&wat
Silingigaad
Simpi
Sindhu
Sindhwa
Singrahil
Singrar
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Sipti -
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Sonbar
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Sorathiyd
Sor&ti
Sowar
Sthanik
Stid -
Sudgadsidh
Suji-aj
Sukiar
SuliiL-
Sunawar
Sundi
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Digitized by
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71
List of Occupations of Males.
Ordbs I.
Sub-Order I.
Sub-Order n.
Province.
(1.)
avu
Service.
(2.)
Government
Artificers,
Workmen,
Messengers.
(8.)
The Viceroy,
Governors,
Lieut.-Go-
vemors. Chief
Commis-
sioners.
(4.)
Judges,
Superior
and
Local.
(5.)
Magis-
trates.
1.
Honorary
Magistrates
and Unpaid
Magis-
trates.
2.
OflBcers
of Law
Courts.
•
3.
Police.
4.
Municipal.
Local,
Village
Ajmere - - -
Bengal -
Berar
Bombay - - -
Bnrmah ...
Central Provinces
Coorg
Madras -
North-west Provinces
Pnx^ab - - -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore -
Travancore
345
38,073
1,088
121,841
5,508
5,103
828
23,096
16,725
36,214
7,281
8
65,015
633
4,066
4,431
42,545
1,870
9,687
1,028
41,591
14,063
25,988
25,339
163
1
1
1
1
36N.S.,1B.L.
1
170
5
138
104
101
227
3
54
167
325
19
1
4
122
3,543
153
359
50
3,208
1,731
3,038
1,480
26,767
1,937
17,204
7,285
8,998
51
24,360
31,841
25,864
2,286
819
162,132
24,163
11,140
1,477
54,791
46
113,429
116,924
51,248
5,427
Total -
320,625
171,404
43
518
776
24
12,204
148,073
541,596
Obobb L
Order II.
Sub-Order II.
Sub-Order in.
Sub-Order I.
Province.
5.
Prison
Officers.
6.
SherifiP.
7.
Execu-
tioner.
1.
Consuls.
2.
Officers of
Independent
Governments
and N. States.
1.
Army
Officers.
2.
Army,
Kalf-pay,
Retired.
8.
Soldiers.
Ajmere - - - -
Bengal ....
Berar
Bombay ....
Bnrmah ....
Central Provinces
Coorg
Madras ....
North-west Provinces -
Punjab ....
Baroda ....
Central India
Mysore - - • -
Travancore ....
35
1,142
149
177
312
38
645
780
1,452
4
1
11
3
276
11
243
7,013
2,284
929
20,631
58
302
19
174
159
17
629
1,061
5,017
188
1
166
4,361
11,862
1,349
14,579
6,079
5,331
410
12,462
25,601
63,685
2,809
61,040
7,806
Total -
4,680
5
11
3
81,387
7,624
167
217,374
Ordhr II.
Order HI.
Sub-Order I.
Sub-Order H.
Sub-Order I.
Province.
3a.
Army
5.
6.
Army Agent,
7.
Storekeeper,
8.
1.
2.
Clerk,
Army
Remount
Commissariat,
Army
Navy.
Qergy-
Priests,
Peon
Pensioners.
Agent, Cloth-
Barrack
Hospital.
man.
Hindoo.
Servant
ing Agent
Master.
Ajmere - - . -
20
_
_
104
10
858
Bengal ... -
—
—
1
21
30
12
40
185,037
Berar . - - -
165
55
—
—
4
—
1
306
Bombay . . - -
Bnrmah - . - .
841
8,203
—
—
—
282
2,087
768
67
—
—
—
—
—
—
60
Central Provinces -
113
872
—
365
29
1
8
9,382
Coorg - - - .
33
—
—
—
—
—
—
58
Madias ... -
2,006
7,818
—
45
56
1
38
25,694
North-west Provinces
4,510
35
—
—
176
—
6
81,318
Punjab . . - -
1,736
2,190
—
4,775
247
—
42
86,428
Baroda - . . -
3,038
26
—
—
—
— .
658
—
Central India -
—
—
—
—
—
—
_.
1,981
Mysore - - - -
1,077
—
—
—
—
—
—
3,879
Travancore ...
—
—
—
—
—
38
2,285
Total
13,606
18,699
1
5,310
552
296
2,913
397,954
K 3
Digitized by
Google
72
ordie m.
Sub-Order I.
Province.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Missionary,
7.
8.
Temple
9.
10.
11.
Priests,
Protes-
Roman
Scripture
Church,
Officer,
Theological
Student.
Lay Officer,
Maham-;
tant
Catholic
Header,
Chapel,
Hindoo and
Monks.
Beligious
medan.
Minister.
Priest.
Itinerant
Officer.
Institution.
Preacher.
dan.
Ajmere - - -
129
_
1
8
59
Bengal
8,982
—
1,582
123
1
10,254
4
—
9
Berar - - - -
103
—
—
2
5
329
—
—
—
Bombay - - -
Burmah ...
2,036
—
—
1,797
—
4,689
—
—
246
6
18
277
12
62
—
626
575
Central Provinces -
122
5
4
80
10
59
—
.i..
Coorg - - - -
14
—
6
—
—
11
—
—
8
Madras - - -
4,045
49
248
2,076
175
42,727
398
1
1,940
North-west Provinces -
569
106
4
89
13
3,947
—
—
Punjab ...
32,915
—
—
7
2
1,674
1,976
258
—
Baroda
—
—
—
—
—
2,968
—
—
9
Central India
—
724
—
38
—
—
—
—
Mysore
218
—
—
90
10
5,641
—
—
Travancore - - ..
589
7
18
289
430
2,043
158
—
—
Total -
49,968
897
1,881
4,776
658
74,418
2,431
885
2,541
Ordbb III.
Sub-Order I.
Sub-Order U.
Sub-
Order III.
12.
18.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
1,
Province.
Burial
Ground,
Cemetery.
Jain Priest,
Syrian
Christian
Barrister,
Advocate,
Lawyer,
Solicitor,
Attorney,
Law
Law Clerk,
Deed
Writer,
Stamp
Vendor.
Uw Sta-
Law
Physicians,
Priest, Demon
Worshippers
Priest.
Master of
Law, Bachelor
of Law.
Pleader,
Vakiel.
Student.
tioners.
Agent.
Surgeons.
Ajmere - - -
2
_
26
__
89
6
Bengal -
323
857
63
2,558
3
1,548
—
4,422
9,092
Berar
—
11
2
100
—
183
—
—
4
Bombav - - -
Burmah - - -
42
171
32
1,200
7
554
6
105
514
67
8,245
101
361
—
438
—
104
Central Provincees -
62
73
3
47
—
1,106
—
23
1
Coorg - - -
—
267
2
17
....
67
—
—
Madras -
163
2,358
98
2,867
3
1,718
—
19
581
North-west Provinces
2,896
—
14
1,648
—
2,910
—
2,859
508
Punjab -
119
—
46
814
—
1,908
.—
—
69
Baroda -
4
—
—
240
—
7
—
1
94
Central India -
—
—
—
515
—
—
—
—
647
Mysore -
—
—
—
247
—
143
—
—
982
Tra^core
—
178
—
774
—
432
—
—
18
Total -
3,678
11,560
361
10,914
13
11,108
6
7,429
12,620
OsDBR ni.
Sub-Order III.
Sub-Order IV.
Province.
2.
Medical
Assistant,
Student
3.
Dentist.
4.
Chemist,
Druggist.
5.
Accou-
cheurs.
6.
Unqualified
Practi-
tioner.
7.
Subordi-
nate
Medical
Service.
1.
Author,
Editor,
Writer.
2.
Reporter.
3.
Inter-
preter.
Ajmere - - - -
Bengal - - - -
Berar - - - -
Bombay - - - -
Burmah - - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg ....
Madras . . - -
Nortb-west Provinces
Punjab - - - -
Baroda . - - -
Central India -
Mysore - - - -
Travancore
24
269
43
2,186
7,269
97
696
1,330
151
21
9
6
2
1
1,697
54
562
603
516
24
1,680
2,560
10,074
6
41
35
120
28,611
387
1,178
10
1,601
15,904
5,701
5,651
499
1,071
14
1,923
66
82
31
145
5
521
1,757
1,063
10
84
1,272
3
121
9
158
18
5
102
198
15
4
13
"7
6
21
2
45
17
20
Total
12,036
18
17,726
76
60,678
5,597
1,985
29
105
Digitized by
v^oogle
73
O&DBB m.
Sub-Order IV.
Sub-Order V.
PiOTinoe.
4.
Literary
6.
7.
literarv In-
stitution,
1.
2..
t
3.
4.
Private
Secretary,
Student.
Service Clerk,
Beading
Painter
Artist.
Sculptor.
Engraver
Artist.
Photo-
grapher.
Copyist.
Room, Read-
ing Clerk.
Ajmere - . . -
14
28
1
Bengal ....
1,289
90
1
5,460
83
618
141
Berar ....
.._
6
75
_
a
Bombay . . . .
1,144
83
.3
552
7
_
95
Biinnah ....
—
244
—
1,078
26
11
Central FroTinces -
208
85
_^
263
2
__
3
Coorg .....
.»
3
Madras ....
16,178
2,630
2
4
15
27
90
North-west Provinces
197
206
18
4
Punjab ....
736
694
190
__
Baioda ....
_
60
17
___
8
Central India •
—
80
55
1
Mysore - . - .
—
—
302
2
12
Travancore ...
-—
4,805
—
80
12
2
Total
19,766
8,711
12
8,046
482
648
367
Ordbk III.
Sub-Order VI.
Sub-Order VII.
Province.
1.
Musicians,
Music
Master.
2.
Ballad
Singer,
ginger,
Songester,
Vocalist.
1.
Actor.
2.
Exhibition,
and Show
Service.
8.
Theatre
Service.
4.
Conjurer,
Performer.
.5.
Billiard
Marker.
6.
Pugilist,
Fencer.
7.
Racket,
Tennis
Court
Ajmere - - -
Bengal -
Berar
Bombay -
Burmah ...
Central Produces -
Coorg
Madras -
North-west Provinces
Punjab - . -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore - - -
Tnvancore
39
54,932
2,180
9,745
1,873
10,637
.43
19,270
18,608
11,682
1,263
2,654
1,898
872
267
7,354
66
1,554
75
781
12
1,156
9,170
157
342
155
41
417
84
903
1,181
200
61
2,346
1,196
327
515
80
24
70
951
519
264
973
542
1,078
527
108
137
5,673
307
1,419
299
567
12
4,788
5,488
1,718
559
128
750
75
2,229
82
1,325
15
1,282
1
2,981
3,244
4,273
30
39
47
1,016
2
32
39
4
15
40
2
21
403
225
55
4
2
7
Total -
135,996
21,089
7,445
5,099
21,708
16,639
134
704
13
Oadee III.
Sub-Order VIL
Sub-Order VIII.
Sub-Order DL
Province.
8.
Wrestler.
25
148
111
253
172
104
63
9.
Cricket
Ground
Service.
4
1
10.
Fortune
teller.
1.
School
Master,
Mistress, or
School
Manager.
2.
Teacher,
Professor,
Lecturer.
4.
School
Service.
1.
Civil
Engineer.
2.
Scientific
Persons.
3.
Museum
Service.
Ajmere - - - -
Bengal - - - -
Berar . . - -
Bombay - - - -
Burmah - - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg - - . -
Madras . - - -
North-west Provinces
Pnnjab - - - -
Baroda - - - -
Central India - - -
Mysore - - - -
Travaaoore
21
11
587
5,271
1,447
10,588
574
2,288
19,980
17,853
3,740
864
8,646
2,026
570
139
31i490
4
471
1,255
34
7,955
279
8,530
40,807
376
8
35
590
4
18
60
149
89
8
41
13
42
43
1,816
829
273
1
624
60
4,597
509
2
83
1,366
3
8
1
Total . -
876
5
619
68,347
91,340
650
397
10,203
12
K 4,
Digitized by
v^oogle
u
Proyince.
Order V.
Sub-Order I.
Innkeeper,
Hotel
Keeper,
Pablican.
2.
Beer Seller,
Spirit
Seller.
8.
Lodging,
Boarding
House
Keeper.
Coffee
House,
Eating
House
Keeper.
Institution
Service.
Club
House
Service.
Mess
Contractor,
Mess Man.
8.
Bath and
Wash-
house
Service.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal - - -
Berar - - -
Bomba V . - -
Burman - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg - - -
Madras . - -
North-west Provinces
Puxjab - - -
Baroda . - -
Central India -
Mysore . - -
Travancore -
603
398
55
41
2
288
6,580
48
49
89
Total -
7,887
51
75
97
7,205
149
10
21
11
8
1,277
487
82
80
246
278
85
1,930
2,126
4,766
89
5
2
455
2
192
2
26
2
67
1
45
5
14
4
1
7,428
1,908
9,582
657
188
95
Order V.
Sub-Order U.
Province
1.
2.
3.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Domestic
Servant,
GeneraL
House-
Cook,
Nurse.
Laundry
Coachman.
Groom, Stable
Gardener.
keeper.
Scullion.
Man.
his Master's
House.
Ajmere - . - -
8,130
_
618
_
_
189
749
3
Bengal - - - -
896,495
117
18,800
1
—
10,282
—
8,264
Berar - . - -
10,802
—
983
109
—
6
889
108
Bombay - - - -
186,558
—
2,994
—
—
—
Burmah - — - —
10,800
818
2,902
—
1,740
885
576
508
Central Provinces -
87,429
—
4,178
—
—
151
—
Coorg ... -
366
—
621
—
—
—
Madras - - - -
111,200
37
14,970
2
—
1,602
4,596
North-west Provinces
296,289
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Punjab - - - -
86,994
-~
12,660
_
—
—
—
Baroda - - - -
8,741
—
970
—
—
—
1,425
_
Central India -
152,842
—
408
—
—.
_—
_
Mysore - - - -
11,659
__
1,187
—
—
458
1,251
624
Travancore ...
8,878
—
4,917
—
—
—
—
—
Total - .
1,765,678
972
66,158
112
1,740
12,978
4,840
9,098
PiOTinoe.
Ordbr V.
Sub-Order n.
18.
Office Keeper
(Porter, not
Government).
14.
Park Gate
and a Lodge
Keeper (not
Government).
15.
16. '
Bhisti
(Domestic).
Beestiee
(Domestic).
Ordsr VI.
Sub-Order I.
Merohant.
Ajmere - - - -
Bengal . . . -
Berar
Bombay - - - -
Burmah • . • .
Central Provinces - - -
Coorg . - - -
Madras - . . .
North-west Provinces -
Punjab . - - .
Baroda ....
Central India ...
Mysore - - - .
Travancore - - . -
Tbtal
2,050
67
9,486
108
5
148
510
476
1,677
690
1,406
1,779
8,524
9
6,888
1,065
2,050
9,606
658
88,454
218
87,954
1,908
8,228
2,687
25
824
46,041
4,855
882
6,967
818
100,891
Digitized by
Google
75
Order VI.
Sub-Order I.
Province.
2.
Banker.
3.
Bank
Service.
4.
Insurance
Service.
5.
Broker,
Agent.
6.
Salesman.
■ 7.
Auctioneer,
Valuer,
House Agent
8.
Account-
ant.
9.
Commer-
cial Clerk.
10.
Traveller
(Commer-
cial).
Ajmere
Bengal -
Berar ...
Bombay -
Burmd^ ...
Central Provinces -
Cooig
Madras - -
North-west Provinces
Pnxgab -
Baroda ...
Central India •
Mysore - -
Tnnvanoore
128
830
5,325
154
48
24
1,746
351
1,013
5,384
604
4,977
168
52
2
298
89
474
86
80
34
407
12,182
846
9,164
8,186
2,279
3,711
13,111
8,627
424
688
304
5
878
4
4,186
97
8
55
12
8
144
4
9,876
262
215
2,654
1,426
34
49,691
619
20,484
14,252
5,159
27,305
8,496
5,663
3
3
Total -
15,002
6,664
100
54,924
883
4,514
14,437
131,703
6
^
Order VI.
Order VU.
Sub Order I.
Sub-Order II.
Sub-Order I.
Province.
11.
Capi-
talist,
Share-
holder.
12.
Money
Lender,
Bill
Discounter.
13.
Courie SeUer,
Money
Changer,
Money
Dealer.
14.
Lessee
of
Market.
1.
Pawn-
broker.
2.
Shop-
keeper,
General
Dealer.
3.
Huckster,
Coster-
monger.
4.
Pedlar
(Hawk-
er).
1.
Railway Engine
Driver, Stoker,
Engine Worker,
Locomotive
Fireman,
Locomotive.
Ajmere
Bengal ...
Berar - - -
Bombay -
Barmah - r -
Central Provinces
Cooig
Madras
Korth-west Provinces
Pnigab - - .
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore ...
Travancore
85
1,898
76,561
26,284
847
7,440
16,595
. 37,900
48,910
3,368
1,227
205
8,879
809
3,793
155
1,073
3,204
7,547
3,116
518
48
5
4
6
1,004
410
156
2
19
5,896
419,931
1,643
7,946
21,098
14,862
3,011
100,880
16,641
17,833
3,588
88,634
31,556
470
5,823
181
14,415
478
6,168
150
877
1,230
24,418
11,948
I
929
2,836
454
494
54
1,272
177
187
"747
9,066
113
Total -
85
221,080
28,799
1,062
587
732,969
6,293
63,131
12,564
Order VII.
SubOrder I.
Sub-Order II.
.Province.
2.
Railway
Officer,
Clerk,
Station
Master.
3.
RaUway
Attendants,
Servant.
1.
ToU Col-
lector, Turn,
pike Gate
Keeper.
2.
Coach,
Cab Owner,
Livery
Stable
Keeper.
3.
Coachman,
not
Domestic,
Cabman.
4.
Carman,
Carrier,
Carter,
Drayman.
6.
Camel, Pack
Bullock,
Pack Pony
Driver,
Muleteer.
7.
PaUinquin
Bearer,
Cart
Drawer,
Pusher.
Ajmere - - - -
Bengal ....
Berar ....
Bombay ....
Boimah - - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg - - - -
Madras ....
North-west Pruvmces
Punjab ....
Baroda ....
Central India ...
Mysore - . - .
Travancore - . -
428
289
117
3,450
271
515
1,893
60
413
909
587
12,888
125
2,782
9,147
10,466
676
342
169
6
490
724
4
8,202
918
180
1
8,960
1,273
185
6
91
8,558
13
1,312
987
3,950
5,855
3,895
8,204
967
469
51
615
1,144
40,165
4,398
80,648
137
20,532
2,200
49,713
49,441
20,062
7,405
1,344
1,428
45,529
419
3,413
6,358
3,594
61,036
63,195
822
135
719
91,298
42
582
8,775
1,482
4,870
42,882
1,598
174
951
41
584
Total -
7,023
38,335
1,389
9,679
29,967
227,189
185,924
153,448
Y 5747.
Digitized by
v^oogle
76
Ordbb VJLl.
Sub-Order m.
Sub-Order IV.
Province.
1.
Canal and
Inland
Navigation
Service.
2.
Barge,
Lighter.
3.
Boat and
Barge
Owner,
Agent.
1.
Ship-
owner.
2.
Steam
Navigation
Service.
8.
Ship
Steward,
Cook.
4.
Seamen,
Sailor,
Mariner
Master, Ditto
Ships* Clerk.
5.
Pilot.
6.
Boatman
on Seas.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal -
Bcrar
Bombay - - -
Burmah -
Central Provinces
Coorg
Madras -
North-west Provinces
Punjab -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore - - -
Travancorc
2
1
3
570
211,905
4
2,800
35,801
1,563
10,824
20,355
10,509
295
2,293
7,360
6,482
161
702
1,591
94
167
125
4
850
14
43
11
307
1,119
79
365
1,825
194
1,289
18,240
35,857
4,907
9,969
610
1
501
256
174
118
14
4,912
6,617
8,710
2,948
Total -
576
296,349
16,682
922
1,505
3,673
70,085
562
17,187
Ordee VII.
Obdbb vni.
Sub-Order IV.
Sub-Qrdcr V.
Sub-Order VI.
Sub-Order I.
Province.
7.
8.
9.
1.
2.
1.
2.
3.
1.
Dock
Ware-
Messenger,
Telegraph
Cou-
Service,
Diver.
Ship
houseman,
Meter
Porter
Service
Land
Harbour
Agent
Store-
Weigher.
(not Go-
(not Go-
ner,
Guide
Proprietor.
Service.
keeper.
vernment).
vernment).
Ajmere - - -
_
9
_
_
_
_
63
. 29,083
Bengal - - -
1,646
121
4
9,446
10,683
55,217
—
397,027
Berar
—
—
—
—
143
4,619
—
1,495
Bombay . . -
787
-;-
158
323
859
5,059
262
1,744,722
Burmah - - -
945
—
6,689
43
2,130
—
—
12,887
Central Provinces
—
—
26
974
10,064
91
—
85,721
Coorg - - -
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
138
Madras - - -
229
4
9
4,250
1,816
51,875 .
183
— •
777,198
North-west Provinces
—
—
—
391
14,348
45,558
—
977,976
Punjab -
—
—
—
53
8,912
3,696
—
2,331,782
Baroda -
—
—
—
—
91
85
16
—
5,324
Central India -
—
—
—
9,277
45
35
—
—
19,533
Mysore - - -
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
35,432
Travancorc
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Total -
3,607
134
171
30,455
32,914
178,338
552
63
6,418,318
Obdbb VIII.
Sub-Order I.
Province.
2.
3.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Farmer,
Grazier.
Farmers',
Graziers'
Sons, &c.
Farm
Bailiflf.
Tenant
Cultivator,
Puttadars,
Ryots.
Agricultural
Labourers*
(includes
Field
Watchman).
Shepherd.
Farm
Servant
(In-door).
Land
Surveyor,
Land State
Agent.
Ajmere - - - -
48,776
14,744
1,729
Bengal - _ - -
13,047
—
27,245
11,427,142
1,103,220
22,465
4
70,273
Berar - - - -
246,695
74,113
—
12,767
351,782
—
—
—
Bombay ,- - - -
—
—
—
632,038
575,032
250,891
174.012
163
Burmah !- » . .
273
—
—
416,399
1<» 1,584
—
—
—
Central Provinces -
3,756
—
1,268
1,594,797
832,834
9,744
—
2,559
Coorg - - - -
7,169
—
—
2,940
44,837
—
—
276
Madras - - - -
1
—
1
3,687,641
2,142,818
162,286
.—
10,000
North-west Provinces
—
—
—
7,648,042
1,773^21
—
—
68,e74
Punjab - - - -
12,321
—
—
1,473,846
357,366
20,635
—
1,248
Baroda - - . -
24,991
—
—
290,910
117.736
—
—
—
Central India - - -
43,681
—
—
1,289,074
21,554
—
—
779
Mysore - . - -
07,468
—
—
682,778
101,616
—
105,696
—
Travancore - - -
—
—
—
—
_-.
—
—
—
Total
419,412
74,113
2S,514
29,207,150
7,628,444
467,750
279,712
153,970
Diqitize(
dbvV^C
)OQl^
77
Ordbb VIII.
Order IX
Sub-Order II.
Sub-Order III.
Sab-Order I
Province.
1.
Woodman.
1.
Nursery-
man,
Seedsman,
Florist.
2.
Gardener,
not
Domestic.
1.
Horse Pro-
prietor,
Breeder,
Dealer.
2.
Horse
Breaker.
8.
Horse-
keeper,
Groom,
Jockey.
4.
Farrier,
Veterinary
Surgeon.
5.
Cattlo,
Sheep, Pig
Dealer,
Salesman.
Ajmere - - - -
Bengal - - - -
Berar . - - -
Bombay - - - -
Barmah - - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg - - - .
Madras . - - -
North-west Provinces
Punjab - - - -
Baroda - - - -
Central India -
Mysore - - - -
Travancore
10,536
2
372
7,973
192
3,968
313
628
35
320
654
'260
17,486
, 377
2,991
29,382
8,034
35,314
38,663
5,653
' 125
1,3501
25
321
78
262
825
832
276
764
250
: ^^
21
25
24
15
1 1
137
73
697
■ 163
54
22,723
103
6,580
9,881
286
7,114
24,045
10,843
28
140
77
22
2,130
19
624
14
144
11
769
1,673
478
21
89
174
230
52,426
8,307
9,596
9,154
6,200
11
18,746
39,987
13,637
665
36
15,397
98
Total -
19,075
6,918
139,685
3,194
1,210
80,270
6,168
169,490
Province.
Ordbb IX.
Sub-Order I.
Vermin
Destroyer.
9.
Fisherman.
11.
Animal,
Bird Dealer,
12.
Camel
Dealer.
13.
Crocodile
Catcher.
14.
Dog
Broker.
Ajmere
Bengal - - -
Berar - - -
Bombay
Bnrmah
Central Provinces -
Coorg -
Madras-
North-west Provinces
Pui^ab - - -
Baroda -
Central India
Mysore
Travancore -
195
13
18
153,177
884
2,552
20,355
38,868
120
61,465
7,657
2,156
348
755
141
1,035
Total
208
289,621
101
2,862
107
3,862
253
730
8,600
1,181
846
70
107
26
250
185
62
4,949
13,062
5,529
24
3
1
6
84
Order IX.
. Order X.
Sub-Order I.
j
i Sub-Order I.
Province.
15.
Elephant
Dealer.
16.
Huntsman.
17.
Leech
Seller.
18.
Silkworm
Keeper.
19.
Tiger
Keeper.
1.
Book-
seller,
Publisher.
2.
Book-
binder.
8.
Printer.
4.
Newspaper
Agent,
Vendor.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal
Berar
Bombay - - -
Burmah « • -
Central Provinces
Coorg -
Madras -
North-west Provinces
Puiyab -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore -
Travancore
6
1,624
1
616
241
678
1,875
28
89
19
1,956
276
381
1,021
1,346
2,967
899
68
242
1,268
5
2,861
1,874
83
1
20
615
10
269 .
42
88
368
694
409
9
14
102
10
2,975
12
547
72
104
1
610
424
509
10
19
29
4,825
28
2,892
260
35
1,891
1,656
194
118
32
25
1
«
1^
Total - -
6,122
9,096
1,278
4,818
1
2,680
5,298
10,961
82
L 2
Digitized by
Google
78
Province.
ObdbbX.
Sal»<Order I.
6.
Newspaper
Proprietor,
Publisher.
Book
Agent,
Librarian.
Sub-Order n.
Musical
Instrument
Maker.
Music
Seller,
Publisher.
4.
Musical
String
Maker.
Sub'Order III.
1.
Litho-
grapher,
Litho-
graphic
Printer.
2.
Map
Publisher,
SeUer.
Print and
Map
Colourer,
Mounter.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal - - -
Berar - - -
Bombay - - -
Burmah'-
Central Proyinoea -
Coorg . - -
Madras - - -
North-west Proyinces
Puigab - - -
Baroda - - -
Central Lidia -
Mysore - - -
Trayancore
Total
5
7
68
11
71
1
7
8
2
54
8
2
165
82
1,221
97
13
967
165
209
56
60
2,734
60
11
17
104
5
12
10
155
10
28
Ordbb X.
Sub-Order IH.
Sub-Order IV.
Sub-Order V.
4.
Picture
Cleaner,
Dealer.
5.
Copper,
Steel
Plate
Printer.
6.
Artist
Colourman.
1.
Wood
Carver.
2.
Artificial
Flower
Biaker.
4.
Jet and Coral
Worker, Carver,
Ornament
Maker.
5.
Figure and
Image
Maker.
1.
Toy Maker,
Dealer.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal, -
Berar - . -
Bombay - - -
Burmah - - -
Central Proyinces -
Coorg
Madras -
North-weet Proyinces
Punjab - - -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore -
Trayancore
128
5
18
17
6
10
28
1 1 1 i 1 i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i
604
8
4,199
51
80
85
10
86
261
1
6
5
8
274
10
1
5,692
24
66
60
1,980
14
2,148
36
166
105
5
1,171
24
109
44
4
181
290
819
15
3
Total -
207
10,582
612
4,722
805
5,842
4,449
2,165
Province.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal - - -
Berar - - -
Bombay - - -
Burmah - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg -
Madras - - -
North-west Provinces
Punjab -
Baxoda - - -
Central India -
Mysore - - -
Travanoore -
Total
Obdbb X.
Sub-Order V.
Fishing
Tackle
Maker.
669
10
31
710
8.
Cage
Maker.
81
2
26
164
21
284
4.
Bat,BaU
Maker.
5.
Archery
Goods
Maker.
Sub-Order VI.
Type
Caster.
Medal
Maker.
14
2
16
1
418
357
25
797
18
10
28
1
47
70
70
Die
Engraver.
156
169
Seal
Bograver.
44
1
6
189
1
248
Digitized by
v^oogle
79
Obdbr X.
Snb-Order VIL
Sub-Order VllL
Sub-Order:iX.
Province.
1.
Watch-
maker,
Clock,
maker.
8.
Philoso-
phical
Instmment
Maker.
8.
Weighing
Machine,
Measure,
Scale
Maker.
1.
Surgical
Instmment
Maker.
1.
Gunsmith,
Gun
Manufac-
turer.
2.
nition
Maker,
Dealer.
3.
Percus-
sion Cap
Dealer.
4.
Bayonet
Maker,
Sword
Maker.
5.
Scabbard
Maker.
Ajmere ...
Bengal -
Berar - - -
Bombay - . .
Bnnnah ...
Central Provinces
Coorg
Madras -
Norih-west Provinoes
Pnigab ...
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore - . -
Travanoore
15
1,337
6
252
88
87
272
806
249
29
28
29
26
•5
6
16
55
5
1
181
62
17
1
10
165
8
2
9
84
18
21
13
169
3
84
65
65
219
488
2
45
10
94
1
1
8
179
14
25
23
4
2
Total -
2,548
58
271
1
817
1,001
2
888
68
Order X.
Snb-Order IX.
Sub-Order X.
Province.
6.
Armourer.
1.
Engine,
Machine
Maker,
Agent,
Dealer.
2.
Spinning,
Weaving
Machine
Maker.
8.
Agricul-
tural Imple-
ment
Machine
Maker.
4.
Tool-
maker,
Dealer.
5.
Saw-
maker.
6.
Cutler.
7.
Needle-
8.
Bellows-
maker. '
Ajmere - - -
Bengal - - -
Berar
Bombay ...
Burmah ...
Central Provinoes
Coorg -
Madras
North-west Provinces
Punjab -
Baroda - -
Central India -
Mysore ...
Travancore
86
136
35
735
494
81
230
• 172
2,056
609
86
22
6
97
2,266
495
276
72
826
8
21
2,529
69
1,432
9,460
686
26,439
50
47
18
28
492
186
2
9
44
15
1
817
1
610
135
204
82
1,200
101
205
277
76
12
89
Total -
1,517
8,278
8,488
40,636
826
16
2,660
570
39
Ordbr X.
Sub-Order X.
Sub-Order XI.
Sub-Order XII.
Sub-Order Xin.
Province.
9.
Sawmill-
maker.
1.
Coachmaker,
Palanquin-
maker,
Howda^
maker.
2.
Wheel-
wright,
Cartmaker.
8.
Railway
Carriage
Maker.
1.
Saddle, Harness,
Whip Aiaker.
1.
Ship Builder,
Shipwright,
Boat, Barge
Builder.
2.
SaU-
maker.
8.
Ship-
chandler.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal ,- -
Berar
Bombay ...
Burmah - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg ...
Madras - - -
North-west Provinces
Punjab -
Baroda -
Central India •
Travancore
1
4,226
8
61
54
87
2,470
29
102
9
112
2,022
61
826
848
467
1
2
971
20
8
88
259
888
515
28
859
168
8,060
911
64
140
69
18,095
50
2,804
7
852
2
41
55
179
75
5
140
Total .
1
7,108
3,722
994
4,989
16,851
814
148
L 3
Digitized by
Google
80
Order X.
Sub-Order XIV.
•
Province.
1.
2.
8.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
House
Proprietor.
Architect.
Surveyor.
Builder.
Carpenter.
Bricklayer.
Marble
Mason.
Mason
Pavior.
Slater,
Tiler.
Ajmere - . .
1,283
71
192
1,411
Bengal -
1,008
26
6
2,066
80,181
8,869
—
29,077
—
Berar - - -
80
—
—
9,686
1,266
—
—
3
Bombay -
490
10
167
928
56,606
19,810
95
3,969
638
Burmah - -. .
97
160
84
11,502
5,382
—
Central Provinces
108
8,979
16,941
1^42
—
184
Coorg - - .
—
—
—
—
811
109
—
—
—
Madras - - .
1,262
4
26
187
72,917
41,627
13,646
418
North-west Provinces
1,474
4
—
89
95,857
28,664
—
—
Punjab -
5,749
—
—
18
127,596
18,926
1
—
Baroda ...
16
—
—
—
7,685
—
—
2,429
332
Central India -
3
—
—
—
18,010
192
—
3,636
9
Mysore
—
—
—
695
5,729
815
—
—
—
Travancore
—
—
—
87
685
—
—
190
—
Total -
10,227
1,487
199
8,044
499,248
127,602
96
54,368
1^84
Order X.
f
Sub-Order XIV.
Sub-Order XV.
10.
Plasterer,
White-
washer.
11.
Plumber,
Painter,
Glazier.
12.
BUnd.
maker
Fitter.
1.
Cabinet-
maker*
2.
Under-
taker.
3.
Carver and
Gilder.
4.
Furniture
Broker,
Dealer.
5.
Curiosity
Dealer.
Ajmere
Bengal
Berar
Bombay - - - « -
Bnrmah - - • - -
Central Provinces - - -
Coorg - - - -
Madras
North-west Provinces
Punjab - * - - .
Baroda
Central India - - - -
Mysore - - - - -
Travancore - - - -
1
196
2
126
135
118
992
I
2,107
2,211
36
12
1,860
40
37
14
U
300
1,674
380
120
179
18
213
6
2
770
55
97
10
104
99
154
1,362
240
16
38
477
501
2
21
Total -
460
5,465
12
4,436
418
1,289
2,636
21
Order X.
Order XI.
Sub-Order XVII.
Sub-Order I.
Province.
1.
Manu&c-
turing
Chemist.
2.
Die Colour
Manu£aC'*
turer.
3.
Dyer Ca-
landerer.
4.
Match,
Fusee
Afaker,
Seller.
5.
Sulphur
Dealer.
6.
Firework
Maker.
7.
Ink Manu-
facturer.
1.
Wool, Staple,
&e. Dealer,
Warehouse-
man.
Ajmere . - . .
Bengal
Berar
Bombay - - - .
Burmah - - - -
Central Provinces
Coorg
Madras - - - -
North-west Provinces -
Punjab - - - -
Baroda - - - -
Central India
Mysore « - - -
Travancore- - . -
10
14,815
8
99
1,972
11,289
8,670
109
1,477
2,096
249
837
22
887
2,860
2,817
387
88
10
2,537
2,771
8
5,220
361
36
116
22
149
3
51
50
15
23
3
4
1
99
1
9
676
18
1,881
"275
465
1,687
1,110
28
4
18
1
279
15
475
21
48
211
59
39
342
505
1,011
36
Total -
81,922
10,180
11,044
818
108
6,671
1,148
1,794
Digitized by
Google
81
ProTince.
ObdbbXL
Sab-Order I.
8.
Felt
Mana&c-
turer.
3.
Woollen
Cloth
Mannfac-
turer.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal - - -
Berar - . -
Bombay - - -
Bnrmah - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg -
Madras - - -
North-west Provinces
Pimjab - - -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore - - -
Travancore
Total
8
60
1
206
260
32
251
41
885
11
382
18
99
1,283
8
6,490
4.
Fuller.
Wool
P;rer,
Prmter.
7.
Cloth
Merchant,
Dealer.
9,450
190
67
22,871
1,878
41
4,433
Flannel
lianufftc-
turer.
195
29,290
10.
Blanket
Manufac-
turer.
3,673
7,669
1,640
8,457
6,849
6,724
18,670
3,530
83
50,495
Order XI.
• Sub-Order I.
Sub-Order 11.
Sub-
Order III.
Province.
11.
Carpet
Manidfac-
turer.
12.
Shawl
Weaver.
1.
Silk
ManufjEKS-
turer.
2.
Silk Dyer,
Printer.
3.
Silk
Merchant,
Dealer.
4.
Silk Rib-
bon Manu-
focturer.
5.
Silk
Braid
3uauuiBC-
turer.
6.
Silk
Kincob
Manufac-
turer.
1.
Flax, Linen
Manufac-
turer.
Ajmere -
Bengal -
Bcrar
Bombay -
Burmah - - -
Central Provinces
Coorg -
Madras -
North-west Provinces
Punjab
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore
Tntvancore
743
98
2
212
68
1
561
27
10
938
13,076
3
6,668
511
9,970
1,120
1,830
2,004
. 1,428
6,502
875
845
1,242
' 1
9
1,551
86
28
5
704
6
88
6,842
12
676
1,817
283
789
123
874
89
360
1
1
18
642
185
195
177
1,272
468
118
680
Total -
1,123
14,616
80,985
2,339
10,732
862
990
1,449
1,211
Ordbb XI.
Sub-Orfer m.
2.
8.
4.
6.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Province.
Lace Manu-
facturer.
Thread
Manufac-
turer,
Dealer.
Tape
Manufac-
turer.
Cotton
Manufac-
turer.
Cotton,
Calico
Ware-
houseman,
Dealer.
Calico,
Cotton
Printer.
Calico,
Cotton
Dyer.
Carpet
Maker,
Merchant
(Cotton).
Fustian
Manufiwj-
tnrer.
Ajmere - - -
5
_
626
714
_
137
Bengal
43
9,068
202
406,169
65,631
1,247
1,747
211
19
Berar
—
145
21
17,736
—
7
2,750
176
—
Bombay -
82
8,900
266
141,526
930
3,115
5,586
124
—
Bnrmah - - -
—
—
—
316
544
—
—
—
—
Central Provinces
—
27
—
236,023
—
837
4,865
15
—
Coorg - - -
—
—
—
67
590
—
—
-~
—
Madras -
127
911
62
384,767
32,243
198
1,069
87
—
North-west Provinces
—
—
—
436,017
42,069
12,116
15,484
4,778
—
Punjab -
2
—
—
392,845
6,051
10,668
28,328
647
—
Baroda -
—
10
194
24,728
175
1,956
770
—
—
Central India -
—
—
2
42,705
7
427
5,462
—
—
Mysore
119
—
—
24,636
—
—
176
—
—
Travancore
—
231
— "
7,086
— "
—
—
—
—
Total -
323
14,297
737
2,115,196
147,944
30,670
66,364
6,033
19
L 4
Digitized by
v^oogle
8^
Ohdbr XI.
Sub-
Order HI.
Sub-Order IV.
^ Sub-Order V.
11.
1.
2.
3. '
4.
1.
2.
3.
4.
ProYince^
Hat Manu-
Tent
Maker.
Bleacher.
Trimming,
Braid
Maker.
Fancy
Goods
Dealer.
Girth,
Web
Maker.
Hair
Dresser.
facturer,
Turban
Maker, Cap
Makers,
Sellers.
Farrier.
Tailor.
Ajmere - - -
_
_
16
1
_^
1,546
' 2
__
1,130
Bengal - - -
19
—
3,418
530
9
170,539
514
,».
55,077
Berar
—
—
—
—
—
8,780
439
—
3,785
Bombay - - -
Bannah -
121
70
1,670
41
—
46,632
818
—
.26,848
108
930
6,468
—
1,145
3
—
5,583
Central Proyinces
—
—
1,124
3
—
33,112
13
—
12,814
Coorg
—
—
—
—
—
250
—
—
174
Madras -
—
—
—
1,173
67,122
159
—
19,288
North-west Provinoes
239
—
12,958
—
—
172,418
1,425
—
84,832
Punjab -
20
—
7,157
15,106
1
95,893
641
53
32,616
Baroda -
—
-.
171
—
—
8,852
724
—
5,042
Central India -
—
—
2
—
—
17,420
76
—
9,100
Mysore - - -
—
—
—
—
—
7,081
—
—
8,061
TraTancore
—
—
—
~-'
—
3,881
—
—
1,005
Total -
399
178
27,446
22,149
1,183
634,671
4,809
53
259,855
Order XI.
Sub-Order V.
Province.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
MiUiner.
Shoemaker.
Button-
maker.
Laundry
Keeper.
Embroi-
derer.
Hosier,
Haber-
dasher.
Glover.
Leather
Gaiter
Maker.
Old
Clothes
Dealer.
Ajmere - -
466
1,309
_
571
_
_
_
_
Bengal -
17
. 66,437
2
125,264
22
1,146
2
—
—
Berar
—
7,199
—
4.558
9
—
—
— .
—
Bombay - - -
Burmah - - -
75
49,598
41
22,362
61
79
84
-^
6
5
1,714
—
—
22
3
—
—
...
Central Provinces
—
42,093
—
20,226
20
—
4
—
_
Coorg
—
525
—
— .
Bladraa - - -
28
67,879
—
187,800
14
—
, —
—
_
North-west Provinces
—
48,842
51
103,612
1,089
79
—
—
14
Punjab - - -
28
168,610
57
' 38,897
853
241
—
55
162
Baroda -
—
3,322
—
1,226
28
—
—
—
—
Central India ••
—
4,033
—
8,065
—
—
^
—
_
Mysore -
—
2,497
—
12,530
—
—
—
—
Travancore
—
—
—
2,413
—
—
—
—
»—
Total -
609
458,533
151
477,949
2,068
1,548
40
55
182
Order XI.
Sub-Order V.
Sub-Order VI.
Province.
14.
Outfitter.
15.
Theatrical
Property
Maker.
16.
Umbrella,
Parasol,
Stick
Maker.
17.
Shroud-
maker.
1.
Mat
Maker,
Seller.
2.
Hemp
Manufac-
turer.
3.
Jute
Manufac-
turer.
4.
Bope cord
Maker.
Ajmere
Bengal
Berar - . . -
Bombay
Burmah
Central Provinces - - -
Coorg
Madras
North-west Provinces
Punjab
Baroda - - - . -
Central India - - - -
Mysore - - - - -
Travancore - - - -
1
230
3
252
2
55
982
57
757
28
436
425
29
65
167
1
18
11,911
429
780
10,023
800
3
517
131
223
120
81
118
70
402
62
14,0(>1
767
52
2,652
29
439
43
5,608
176
10,391
168
2,635
8,174
7,474
10,277
44
394
1,456
Total ..
234
309
2,946
1
24,481
1,095
18,062
41,840
Digitized by
v^oogle
88
Obdbb XI.
Obj>bb XII.
Sub- Order VI.
Sub-CMer I.
ProTince.
5.
Net-
maker.
6.
Canvas,
SaUcloth
Mannfeo-
turer.
7.
Sacking
Sack, Bag
Maker,
Dealer.
8.
Cocoa- fibre
Matting
Maker.
9.
Coin Manu-
facturer.
1.
Cowkeeper,
Milkseller.
2.
Cheese-
monger.
8.
Butcher,
Meat
Salesman.
4.
Provision
Cnrer,
Dealer.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal - - -
Berar
Bombay - - -
Bormah - - -
Central Provinces
Coorg -
Madras - - -
North-west Provinces
Punjab -
Baroda
Central India -
Mysore -
Travancore
8,902
79
2,885
9
459
28
4
8
288
99
198
59
861
177
2,769
284
81
41
8
56
220
97
5
1,627
129
114,984
876
21,667
1,401
5,427
74
10,058
24,440
12,786
690
1,257
1,420
148
82
6
18
* 585
4,220
2,895
10,177
657
2,076
60
5,258
28,859
11,846
500
1,886
868
216
162
188
436
62
1,672
1809
Total -
11,819
288
4,464
64
1,949
195,297
106
68,498
8,829
Obi>kb XII.
Sub-Order I.
Sub-Order n.
Province.
5.
6.
'•
8.
1.
2.
8.
4.
5.
Poulterer,
Game
Dealer.
Fish-
monger.
Honey
Merchant.
Egg Mer-
Com,Flour,
Seed Mer-
chant,
Dealer.
Miller.
Baker,
Grain
Parcher.
Confec-
tioner.
Green-
grocer.
Ajmere - - -
24
324
_
578
117
190
Bengal -
8,068
205,185
452
233
94,929
21,619
29,640
18,366
34,800
Berar - - -
—
8,094
8
—
4,889
285
578
498
709
Bombay ...
412
40,947
93
67
114,040
2,853
4,187
5,480
15,781
Burmah - - »
188
9,794
34
15
857
8,769
637
7,215
24,584
Central Provinces -
—
788
40
8
17,774
1,819
6,296
1,916
12,904
Coorg - - -
—
—
—
—
830
—
2
6
—
Madras - -
51
82,567
711
144
37,182
16,174
989
11,722
63,544
North-west Provinces
—
—
165
—
191,188
7,398
80,606
84,708
82,281
Punjab - - -
468
582
—
140
246,198
16,049
11,822
21,245
21,705
Baroda . ^ .
9
884
—
—
14,694
1,209
412
504
4,810
Central India -
—
182
189
46
16,070
—
1,787
1,783
7.275
Mysore - - -
90
773
86
—
M93
—
273
286
1,681
Travancore
—
16,178
17
—
872
117
902
—
—
Total -
4,260
810,369
1,740
648
740,685
70,787
188,159
103,791
220,214
Obdbb XII.
Sub-Order II.
Sub-Order HI.
6.
7.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
ProviDce.
Ginger Beer,
Sugar
Wine and
Soda Water,
Syrup
Grocer,
Tobacco
Herbalist.
ManuBso-
Brewer.
Spirit Mer.
Distiller.
Lemonade,
Manufac-
Tea Dealer,
Manufac-
taret.
chant»
Dealer.
Sherbet
Maker,
Dealer.
turer.
Cofl^
Dealer.
turer,
Dealer.
Ajmere -
Bengal - - -
88
221
_
1
_
208
199
291
22,986
96
89,612
1,677
118
2
2,915
16,254
Berar - - -
477
—
493
2,495
—
—
6,326
853
Bombay - - -
7
766
24
957
7,041
849
11
1,850
6,143
Burmah - - *
116
—
2,062
13
115
1,234
118
10,768
Central Provinces -
—
2,048
—
13,024
71
11
—
—
5,672
Coorg - - -
._
—
•— .
472
28
—
—
—
—
Madras -
505
8,100
2
160,222
482
80
19
25
18,167
North-west Provinces
—
16,828
10
1,238
8,790
151
—
28,637
46,897
Pni^ab - - -
..
2,147
—
848
27
141
—
67
8,778
Baroda -
—
827
84
606
—
—
1,593
686
Central India -
2
1
—
—
—
—
—
5,753
68
Mysore -
—
832
—
5,755
—
—
—
—
1,058
Travancore
—
553
—
51,617
99
—
—
~~
—
Total -
805
54,342
959
276,605
21,829
911
1,266
42,492
110,495
T 5747.
M
Digitized by
v^oogle
■84
Obdbb ZII.
ObdebXUI.
Sub-Order IH.
Sub-Order I.
Frovtnoe*
8.
Vinegar
Maker.
9.
Pickle,
Relish,
Maker,
Dealer.
10.
Perfomer.
1!.
Baugh,
Narcotic
Maker,
Seller.
19.
Coffee
Manufac-
turer.
18.
dealer.
1.
Soap
Boiler,
Dealer.
2.
TaUow
Chandler.
3.
Comb
Maker.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal . - -
Berar . - -
Bombay - - -
Burmah - - -
Central Provinces -
Coorg . - -
Madras -
North-west Provinces
Punjab - - -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore - - -
Travancore
4
51
8
1
14
13
20,311
57
2,424
885
8,608
76
208
196
4
10
51
1,221
467
2,253
310
2,227
1,659
361
126
188
859
198
58,568
1,800
4,284
42
4,443
28,806
22,771
1,998
293
1,091
3
1
208
7
748
272
328
255
612
294
522
434
97
10
20
29
544
160
11
65
130
410
20
159
3
38
118
11
12
11
10
66
856
62
82
844
4
32
64
Total -
91
32,724
9,172
118,284
212
3,594
1,369
362
1,510
Province.
Obdes xin.
Sub-Order I.
4.
Gut
Maker.
Manure
Dealer,
Manu^-
turer.
Wax
Refiner,
Dealer.
Bone
Dealer.
8.
Ivory
Dealer.
9.
Coral
Dealer.
11.
Lac
Dealer.
12.
Glue
Maker.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal - - -
Berar - - -
Bombay - - -
Burmah - - -
Central ' Provinces -
Coorg - - -
Madras - - -
North-west Provinces
Punjab -
Baroda - - -
Central India -
Mysore -
Travancore
Total
171
15
58
11
85
980
107
12
8
415
1,106
3,011
402
276
294
290
6,606
75
3
109
30
5
222
79
62
1
52
194
56
149
48
253
17
999
96
1,112
557
12,134
148
156
5,899
27,755
4,747
45
1,760
24
53,215
15
Order XIII.
Sub-
Order I.
Sub-Order II.
Province.
13.
Horns,
Ivory
Workers in.
1.
Fell-
monger.
2.
Tanner.
8.
Carrier.
4. ,
Leather
Article)
Maker.
6.
Feather
Dealer,
6.
Leather
Dyer.
7.
Quill
Dealer,
Worker.
8.
Shagreen
Dealer,
Worker.
Ajmere -
Bengal -
JJcrar
Bombay . - -
Burmah - - -
Central Provinces
Coov
Mfdra* • - -
North-we5 t Provinces
Punjab . - -
Baroda '
Central India -
Mysore -
Travancore
18
137
10
137
54
93
146
8
22
3
23
46
196
21,396
529
126
106
918
10,811
4,064
2,788
875
918
19
6,828
9
872
866
25,462
83,808
3,474
4,093
6
498
1,675
7
46,490
I
1,876
3,419
227
1,990
2,966
71
2,555
10,640
156
31,416
822
3
258 '
2
141
1
3
307
1,128
37
10,801
23
3,025
1
5
7
33
Total .
697
40,924
75,719
48,671
56,138
405
15,384
12
33
Digitized by
Google
85
Proyinee.
Order XIII.
Snb-Order IIL
1.
Hair
Bristle
Manufac-
turer.
Brush and
Broom
Maker.
Ordsr XIV.
Snb<)rder 1.
OU Miller,
Befiner.
8.
India
Bobber
Dealer,
Worker.
4.
OU,
Linseed
Cake
Maker.
5.
Pitch, Tar
Dealer,
Worker.
6.
Sealing
Wax
Dealer,
Worker.
7.
Gum
^aler and
Worker.
Ajmere -
Bengal -
Berar -
Bombay -
10
22
Central Provinoefl -
Coorg -
Madras . - -
North-west Froyinces
Punjab - -
Baroda . • .
Central India -
Mysore - - -
Ttavancore -
Total -
9
215
62
27
521
2
19
6
614
156,608
924
25,406
15,578
22,141
26
42,681
116,360
88,624
4,508
19,764
2,988
6,277
1,698
4,428
5
122
2
471
88
104
264
61
80
10
140
278
92
182
50
861
452,430
18
6,243
561
429
727
Order XIV.
,
Sub-Order I. Sub-Order II.
Sub-Order III.
Sub-
Orderly.
ProTinoe.
8.
Oilskin
Dealer,
Worker.
1.
Timber,
Wood
Merchant,
Dealer.
2.
Sawyer.
8.
Wood
Turner,
Worker.
4.
Box,
Packing
Case
Maker.
5.
Cooper,
Hoop
Maker,
Worker.
1.
Corkcutter,
Manufac-
turer, Pith
Worker.
2.
Bark
Worker,
Dealer.
1.
Basket
Maker.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal -
Berar
Bombay - - -
Burmab . . -
Central Provinces
Coorg
Madras -
North-west Provinces .
Panjab -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore - - -
Travancore
1
21
801
88,851
5,181
19,954
5,433
16,238
52,877
15,400
20,360
1,469
279
235
1,227
8,822
512
730
6,543
1,097
353
8,288
1,088
247
19
143
1,041
28
2,566
62
2,289
815
254
48
2,502
8,298
308
228
670
7,151
355
15
298
27
703
91
548
82
98
6
273
1
877
73
49
3
11
57
34
1879
1
108
117
49,983
948
10,194
5,594
21,173
584
25,257
7,984
5,849
1,394
1,439
2,399
2,281
Total -
22
178,805
28,883
19,704 1,489
1,008
950
2,142
184,646
Orpbr XIV.
„
SuH3rderIV. 1 .
Sub-Order V.
Province.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
1.
2.
8.
Hay and
•
Cane
Leaf, Fan,
Umbrella
Maker,
Wotker.
Broom Dealer
(made of Reed),
Check
Rag
Paper
Straw
Thatcher.
Worker,
Reed Manu-
Maker,
Gatherer,
Manu-
Stationer.
Dealer.
Dresser.
facturer, Dealer,
Rush Mat.
Seller.
Dealer.
facturer.
Ajmere - - -
455
171
1
21
9
43
^^
8
«.■•
Bengal - - -
8,112
29,188
2,878
5,995
2,886
38
69
2,114
488
Berar
' 8,509
22
1,164
2,004
-^
—
-r
29
—
Bombay - - -
Burmab . - -
9,614
147
46
2,647
6,328
1
120
798
468
2,249
4,468
1,284
1,018
2,795
—
—
8
— ..
Central Provinces
201
—
95
640
1,120
8
—
77
—
Coorg
...
...
__
«_
__
...
_
—
—
Madras - - -
17,178
655
1,622
11,080
3,965
—
1
460
6
North-west Provinces
28,225
1,702
19,766
10,405
10,801
—
15
1,026
«—
Punjab -
26,687
8,414
5,721
2,958
2,625
118
— •
1,127
—
Baroda -
657
5
2
3
82
—
46
14
50
Central India -
—
—
198
—
—
.—
92
—
Mysore - -
79
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Travaneore
—
—
—
2,816
309
—
— —
—
-^
Total - -
96,916
89,767
82,574
89,280
80^870
208
•
251
5,758
1,012
M 2
Digitized by
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86
OSDBK XIV.
Ordbr XV.
Sub-Order V.
Sttb-Oder I.
Province.
4.
5.
1.
2.
8.
4.
5.
7.
Card-
Papier
Mach^
Coal
Coal Mine
Mine
Iron Mine
Bock Mine
Diamond
Mine
Service.
maker.
Dealer,
Maker.
Miner.
Service.
Service.
Service.
Service.
Ajmere - - - - •
_
_
_
Bengal
83
—
607
1,109
22
885
—
—
Bcrar
—
.—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Bombay
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Bormah
—
26
—
—
878
—
—
—
Central Provinces . - -
—
—
683
—
88
—
—
I
Coorg
Madras
—
.^
—
—
—
—
—
»—
—
—
6
1
88
80
26
—
North-west Provinces
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Pui^ab
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Baroda
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Central India ....
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
12
Mysore
—
—
59
—
—
—
—
—
Travanoore . . - -
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
— "
Total - .
88
26
1,855
1,110
526
865
26
18
Obdbb XV.
Sub-Order H.
Sub-Order HI.
Province.
1.
2.
1.
2.
Stone Agent,
8.
lime
Dealer,
Worker.
4.
Cky
Dealer,
Labourer.
5.
Brick and
6.
Coal
Coal
Stone
Merchant,
TUe
Railway
Merchant.
Labourer.
Quarrier.
Cutter, Polisher,
Dresser.
Maker,
Dealer.
Labourer.
Ajmere ....
_
_
712
190
19
3
1,847
Bengal - - - -
1,746
248
2
1,674
6,874
14,692
5,541
74
Berar ....
—
—
1,155
160
219
5,131
1,436
161
Bombay ....
59
28
6,843
827
186
454
542
586
H^ymftt^ ....
501
—
84
658
685
—
4,638
...
Central Provinces -
1
—
989
1,976
645
50
3,578
5,027
Coorg ... -
—
_
158
_
2
—
128
Madras ....
18
6,588
8,110
255
147,714
3,755
19
North-west Provinces
—
4,942
683
8,475
96
2,957
Pniyab ....
—
—
—
1,071
5,391
184
6,616
.^
Baroda ...
.^
—
65
482
188
59
254
—
Central India -
—
«_
—
640
103
1,204
—
...
Mysore ....
.—
...
—
—
—
5,862
...
._
Travancore ...
—
—
2,551
—
—
—
—
Total
2,825
276
28,822
11,843
17,708
175,465
28,388
7,164
Obdbb XV.
Sub-Order IIL
Sub-Order rv.
Sub-Order
V.
Province.
7.
Boad
la-
bourer.
8.
Chalk
Dealer,
Worker.
9.
Scavenger.
10.
Gravel
and Sand
Dealer,
Digger.
11.
Chnnam
Worker,
Dealer.
12.
Grindstone,
Millstone
Worker,
Slate PencU
Maker.
1.
Earthen-
ware Manu-
facturer.
2.
Earthen-
ware
Dealer,
Importer.
1.
Glass
Manu-
facturer.
Ajmere -
Bengal - - -
Berar
Bombay -
Burmah - - -
Central Provinces -^
Coorg
Madras *
North-west Provinces
Pux^ab -
Baroda
Central India •
Travancore
280
1,766
4,858
10
1
11,018
5,793
12,840
5,206
209
18
9
1,472
7,780
880
8,547
4,709
1
11,841
106,811
182,684
2,784
8,084
2,186
14
80
5
75
19
1,450
5,993
787
4
78
1,067
1,742
84
824
828
888
274
1,481
186,916
5,184
36,062
1,994
20,162
377
69,465
100,789
87,242
10,168
16,108
7,072
2,124
5,900
144
2,188
86
40
41
1,542
2,108
7,866
64
1,664
88
924
1,077
507
258
4,013
892
Total -
41,267
281
•
329,498
2,260
8,249
4,779
494,184
8,808
20,479
Digitized by
v^oogle
87
Ordbr XV.
Sab-
Order V.
Sub-Order VI.
Sub-Order VII.
Sub-
Order VIII.
Province.
2.
Bead
Maker,
Dealer,
Stringer.
1.
SaltManu.
fiicturer.
Salt Pro-
prietor.
2.
Salt Agent,
Dealer,
Broker.
1.
WeU
Sinker.
2.
Pond
Maker.
3.
Water
Carrier,
Dealer.
4.
lee Maker,
Dealer.
5.
Jalagar.
I.
Goldsmith,
Silversmith,
Jeweller.
Ajmere -
Bengal ...
Berar
Bombay ...
Kiiy-ikian ■• . «
Central Provinces
Cooig
Madras - - -
North-west Provinces
Punjab .
Baroda .
Central India -
Mysore - - -
Travaneore
27
1,805
78
911
14
852
6,412
1,863
1,277
3,056
736
28
11,583
171
738
446
8,528
12,481
8,952
2,864
28
82
2,014
221
36
31
7
241
2,744
481
1,147
8
852
896
226
3,420
1,282
458
6,929
4,007
8
2,247
81,494
107,980
4,902
47
112
10
15
95
126
1
4
7
102
1,383
88,835
6,656
47,350
6,404
18,804
757
77,698
67,524
54,897
4,406
10,839
11,850
4,184
Total . -
3,187
12,844
47,915
5,664
4,928
208,020
406
118
401,582
Order XV.
Sub-Order Vm.
Sub-Order IX.
Sub-Order X.
Province.
2.
8.
4.
5.
1.
2.
1.
2.
8.
Plated
Ware
Manufac-
turer.
Electro-
plater.
Dealer in
Precious
Stones.
Lapidary.
Copper
Manufac-
turer.
Copper-
smith.
Tin
Manufac-
turer.
Tin-plate
Worker,
Tinman.
•
Tinker.
Ajmere . - -
_
49
Bengal -
126
53
6
—
1
328
1,476
538
64
Berar
—
—
70
—
8
300
27
88
_
Bombay - . -
—
136
550
185
4,025
3,406
188
1,733
—
Burmah - . -
7
303
98
—
32
—
232
-^
Central Provinces
69
__
382
—
244
Coorg
_
—
—
176
—
—
7
Madias -
29
3
1,935
515
118
1,035
274
224
65
North-west Provinces
—
139
297
789
—
—
—
2,238
—
Punjab
—
51
129
241
.~^
127
188
1,065
—
Baroda -
—
4
68
72
—
42
10
89
—
Central India -
—
—
—
—
163
—
—
Mysore -
—
—
65
—
—
—
—
—
345
Travaneore
—
—
—
—
—
166
363
—
—
Total -
155
893
3,492
1,900
4,147
5,994
2,636
6,500
481
Order XV.
Sub-Order X.
Sub-
Order XI.
Sub-Order XII.
Sub-Order XIII.
Province.
4.
Quicksilver
Dealer.
5.
Beflector
Maker.
1.
Zinc
Manu&c-
turer.
1.
LeadManu-
iaoturer.
2.
Antimony
Refiner,
Worker.
8.
Pewterer,
Pewter
Ornament
Maker.
1.
Brass
Manufac-
turer,
Worker,
Brazier.
2.
Bell
Maker.
8.
Burnisher.
Ajmere - . -
Bengal -
Berar
Bombay - - -
Bormah . .^ -
Central Provinces -
Coorg
Madias - - -
North-west Provinces
Punjab - - -
Baroda -
Central India -
Mysore -
Travaneore
5
2
8
82
2
96
1
11
5
1
28
8
12
639
10
4
1
170
28
44
28
8
195
32,050
1,054
4,428
769
6,625
14
5,070
26,954
14,317
1,013
351
1,174
1,433
86
3
8
439
1,529
11,571
1,625
8
12
52
1,282
2
6
Total -
15
84
114
682
213
75
95,447
15,226
1,842
M 3
Digitized by
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88
Obder XV.
Sab.Order XIII.
Sub-Order XTV.
Provinos.
5.
6.
7,
1.
2.
8.
4.
5.
■ ' '
Lamp,
Vessel,
Lantern
Maker.
Locksmith,
Brass.
Gas-fitter.
Iron
turer.
Blacksmith,
Ironmonger,
Hardware
Dealer, Iron-
smith.
Locksmith,
unspecified.
NaU
Maker.
AJmere - - - -
11
_
932
80
S"
Bengal - - - -
64
—
—
691
91,481
15,907
11
34
Betar - - -
3
—
—
...
4,241
—
1
1
Bombay - - - -
68
249
9
1^4
2! ,003
564
10
38
Burmah ....
■ —
—
—
...
- ,414
191
—
—
Cenlrai ProYinces -
—
—
,
428
2$,476
528
—
Coorg ... -
—
—
—
...
277
._.
—
—
Madras - - - -
7'
2
—
5,298
45,576
1,261
79
24
North-irest ProTinceB
—
20
—
80,305
2,141
..
—
Punjab - - - -
13
—
—
1,170
74,695
494
—
17
Baroda - - - -
2
—
— '
»..
4,203
82
—
—
Central India - . -
—
—
—
17,076
840
—
Mysore . . - -
—
—
—
...
5,256
—
—
.~
Tnytaxcoie
—
—
—
5,074
—
—
—
Total - -
163
271
-T
9
8,986
884,908
22,038
101
114
Order XV.
Order XVI. i
Sub-Order XIV-
Sub-
Order I.
Sub-Order U.
Province.
•
6.
Steel
Worker.
7.
Weight
Marker.
1.
General
Labourer.
1.
Artizan,
Mechanic.
2.
Enffiue
Dnver.
3.
Shopman.
4.
Manager,
Superin-
tendent.
5.
Contractor.
6.
Watchman,
private,
not Govern-
ment.
Ajmere - - -
Bengal -
Berar ...
Bombay - - -
Burmah ...
Coorg
Madras .
North-west Proyinces
Punjab ...
Baroda -
Central India .
Mysore - -
Tiayancore
6
/
2
19
11
3
8,490
2,543,075
30,588
326,729
92,056
121.664
5,667
541,364
1,010,803
322,692
40,556
520,972
53,856
195,420
9,601
310
147
44
394
432
684
25
121,978
31
5,613
94
15
12
6
1,445
213
360
14,642
81
16
1,718
34
10
2,493
1,492
1,266
739
14
14
27,655
369
1,441
849
1,957
14,965
5,225
7,118
155
778
72
28
2,230
Total .
8
33
5,813,932
138,646
5,734
16,747
7,782
60,098
2,258
Province.
Order XVII.
Sub-Order I.
Ajmere -"
Bengal ...
Berar ....
Bombay - . -
Burmah - " -
Central Provinces
Coorg - . . -
Madras - - . -
Korth-west Provinces -
Punjab . - -
Baroda
Central India
Mysore . - -
Travancore - - -
Total
Gkintlemen,
Annuitant.
246
31,688
904
1
I
1,904
877
1
2,246
138
109
88,115
Beggar,
Gipsy,
Vagrant.
5,959
259,829
30,072
172,886
966
70,115
642
89,781
234,397
806,840
22,596
39,747
22,155
574
Order XVIII.
Sub-Order L
1,256,559
Religious
Devotees.
2,091
2
22,016
846
173 .
1,481
3,182
15,657
200
45,598
Others.
76,876
12,949,055
404,235
3,020,531
5,641
6,491
30,186
11,823
4,646;,504
206
393
4,283
1^210
21,157,438
Unspecified.
850.870
2,074,247
22,586
4,938,679
7,560,352
409,979
2,136,531
716,617
835,133
19,544,494
Total.
248,844
34,617,687
1,380,492
8,497,718
1,991,005
5,827,122
100,439
15,421,048
22,912,556
12,322,356
1,139,512
4,882,823
2,085,842
1,197,134
112,624,478
Digitized by
Google
89
GLASS L
ORDER I.
Persons engaged in the General or Local Govermnent of the Country.
Sub-Order I.
Officers of National Government.
Group Head 1. — Civil Service —
Abkary ganger, Abkary inspector. Accountant (Government service). Admi-
nistrator General. Advocate General. Amildar. Anient superintendent.
Apprentice, press (Government). Assistant engineer. Assistant salt commis-
sioner. Assistant superintendent of telegraphs. Astronomer (Government).
Auditor (Government service). Branch postmaster. Burmese interpreter.
Canal agent. Canal banker. Canal clerk. Canal engineer. Cashier (Govern-
ment). Census officer. Chemical examiner. Classifier. Clerk of Government.
Collector, deputy. Collector, general. Collector, treasury, deputy. Commis-
sioner, assistant, salt revenue. Computer, survey. Conservator of forests.
Curator (Government). Custom offiicer. Delta superintendent. Demand amins.
Deputy collector. Deputy commissioner. Deputy commissioner of forests.
Deputy conservator of forests. Deputy inspector of schools. Director of
Public Instruction. Director of Revenue Settlement. Director of Revenue
Settlement, deputy. Draftsman, P.W.D. Educational Department, clerk.
Educational Department, writer. Engineer, assistant. Engineer, assistant,
P.W.D. Engineer, executive. Engineer, Government. Engineer, sub.
Engineer, superintending. Estimate maker. Estimator. Examiner of medical
accounts. Examiner of P.W. accounts. Examiner of railway accounts (if
Government service). Excise officer. Field survejyor (if Government service).
Firkadar, forest. Forest conservator. Forester. Forest conservator, deputy
assistant. Forest officer. Ganger, Abkary (Government). Ganger, Excise
(Government). Gomashta (Government). Government agent. Government
pleader. Government solicitor. Hospital apprentice (Government). Hospital
assistant (Government). Inland Custom service. Inspector General of Regis-
tration. Inspector General of Post Offices. Inspector General of Post Offices,
deputy. Inspector General of Post Offices, sub. Inspector of schools. In-
spector of schools, deputy. Inspector of telegraph. Inspector of tolls
(Grovemment). Inspector of vaccination. Irrigation Amin; Jungle Amin
(Government). Korumboo, Amin. Korumboo, Gomashta. Korumboo,
Samprathy. Korumboo, superintendent. Land custom, Amin. Land
custom, clerk. Lock Amin. Master attendant. Master attendant's clerk.
Member of Council and Board of Revenue. Money counter. Money tester.
Munshi (Government). Opium agent, deputy. Opium Department, clerk.
Paid probationer, Medical and Postal Department. Pensioner, civil. Pleader
(Government). Political agent. Posted Department, postmaster. Postal
Department, postmaster, branch. Postal Department, postmaster, deputy.
iPostal Department, postmaster, general. Postal Department, postmaster,
sub. Postal Department, writer. Pressman (Government), reader. Pro-
secutor, public. Railway service (Government). Railway superintendent
(Government service). Record keeper (Govemmeut). Record keeper,
assistant (Government). Registrar of assurances, district. Registrar of
assurances, sub. Revenue accountant. Revenue inspector. Salt, assistant
commissioner of. Salt, assistant superintendent of. Salt, clerk. Salt,
commissioner of; Salt, deputy commissioner of. Salt, shroffi Salt, superin-
tendent. Sanitary Commissioner. Sea Custom, clerk. Sea Custom, shroff.
Sea Custom, superintendent. Sea Custom, weigher. Secretary to Government
Revenue Board. Secretary (private) to Governor. Serishtadar, collector's.
Serishtadar, taluq. Serishtadar, hazoor. Serishtadar, sub-collector's. Shroff,
hazoor, or taluq. Signaller of flag staff. Solicitor (Government). Stamp
vendor (Government). Storekeeper (Government). Sub-postmaster. Sub-
M 4
Digitized by
Google
90
registrar of assurances. Superintendent of Anient. Superintendent of Delta.
Superintendent of forest, deputy. Superintendent, Government Central Museum.
Superintendent of Government farm. Superintendent of Government press.
Superintendent of lighthouse. Superintendent of post offices. Superintendent
of revenue survey. Superintendent of salt. Superintendent of salt, assistant.
Superintendent of schools. Superintendent of school of arts. Superintendent
of sea customs. Superintendent of sea customs, assistant. Superyitendent of
stamps and stationery. Superintendent of survey, deputy. Superintendent of
telegraph. Superintendent of vaccination. Superintendent of vaccination,
deputy. Superintendent of works. Superintending engineer. Supervisor (Go-
vernment service). Supervisor, P.W.D. Survey and settlement clerk. Survey
and settlement gomashta. Survey and settlement writer. Surveyor (Govern-
ment). Tahsildar. Tahsildar, deputy. Telegraph master. Telegraph sig-
naller (clerk). Telegraph superintendent. Translator. Treasurer (Government).
TJnoovenanted assistant. Writer (Government).
Group Head 2. — Government artificers, workmen, messengers —
Abkary peon. Attender (Government, an office attendant). Ballman (Govern-
ment, Government Printing Press). Bill collector (Government). Canal amin.
Canal labourer. Canal lascar. Canal overseer. Canal servant. Canal watch-
man. Compositor (Government). Dalayet (Government). Darogha (Govern-
ment). Dubash, Government House. Duffadar (Government, not military).
Dufterbund. Dufteri (Government). Educational Department peon. Elephant
mavathi (driver, Government). Elephant fouzedar. Foreman (Government
Press). Forest guard. Forest overseer. Forest ranger. Gallak (a watch-
man generally employed as a treasure guard). Government, messenger.
Government servant (unsp.). Guard, forest. Head compositor, press (Govern-
ment). Inker (Government press). Jungle gardener. Jungle maistry.
Jungle watchman. Korumboo maistry. Lamplighter, taluq (Government).
Land custom peon. Lascar (Government). Lighter (Government). Maistry,
road. Masalchee (Government). Master attendant's peon. Messenger
(Government). Opium department overseer. Overseer, P.W.D. Overseer,
sub, P.W.D. Peon (Government offices). Postal Department, delivery peon.
Postal Department, line overseer. Postal Department, postman, village. Postal
Department, runner, coachman. Postal Department, servant. Process server,
revenue. Pygust, forest. Road maistry (Government). Runner, postal. Salt
peon. Sea custom watchman. Sub-observer, P.W.D. Surveyance settlement
peon. Telegraph servants. Type caster, founder (Government service).
Village postman. Watchman, canal. Water distributor. Workman (Govern-
ment service).
Group Head 3. — The Viceroy, Governors, Lieutenant-Governors, Chief Commissioner —
Governor.
Group Head 4. — Judges, superior and local —
District munsifi^. District registrar. District sessions judge. Judge, district.
Judge, sub. Judge of small cause court. Judge of high court. Munsiff,
district. Munsiff, village. Village munsiff.
Group Head 5. — ^MagistratiCS —
Magistrate. MagistratiO, deputy. Magistrate, police. Serishtadar, magistrate's.
Serishtadar, sub-division. Sub-magistrate.
Sub-Obdbb II.
Officers of Municipal, Local, and Village Government.
Group Head 1. — ^Honorary magistrates and unpaid magistrates —
Bench magistrate. Justice of peace. Magistrate, honorary. Magistrate, village.
Naidu (village magistrate).
Group Head 2. — Officers of law courts —
Amin. Bailiff. Civil court decree writer. Civil court officer. Clerk under
receiver appointed for the management of some estate. Court clerk. Court
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copyist. Court gomashta. Court lamplighter (masalohee). Court peons.
Court record keeper. Court sweeper. Court translator. Court writer. Depo-
sition writer. Inspector under receiver appointed by civil court for the
management of some estate. Nazir. Peon imder receiver appointed by civil
court for the management of some estate. Process amin. Process peon.
Process server. Puttamanagar, under receiver, appointed by civil court for the
management of some estate. Receiver appointed by civil court for the
management of some estate. Seristahdar, court. Seristahdar, sub-court.
Seristahdar, district court. ShroflF, under receiver, appointed by civil court for
the management of some estate.
Grotm Head 3. — ^Police —
Constable, police. European constable, police. Head constable, police. Inspector
of police. Inspector of police, deputy. Inspector of police, sub. Inspector-
general of police. Inspector-general of police, deputy. Police, assistant
superintendent. Police, constable. Police, deputy inspector of. Police,
divisional inspector of. Police, hqad constable. Police, head-quarter inspector.
Police, inspector. Police, station writer. Police, storekeeper. Police, sub-
inspector. Police, superintendent of. Police, salt detective.
Group Head 4. — Municipal, local, village servants —
Ambalgar (village servant). Artizan (village). Avenue maistry. Avenue
pruner. Avenue watchman. Batta amin. Batta peon. Clerk in the esta-
blishment under court of wards. Clerk, municipal. Collector of market fees.
Commissioner, municipal. Cuman (village accountant). Estate (court of
wards), manager. Gomashta in the estate under court of wards. Headman,
village. Inspector of nuisance, municipal. Irrigation monegar. Karbar (for
the management of some estate in Tanjore). Kanungo. Kavalgar (for the
management of some estate in Tanjore). Korumboo monegars. Kumam (foi
the management of some estate in Tanjore). Kumam, village. Lamplighter,
municipal. Local fund accountant. Local fund auditor. Local fund clerk.
Local fund draftsman. Local fund engineer. Local fund gomashta. Local
fund inspecting schoolmaster. Local fund inspector. Local fund lascar
Local fund managers. Local fund officer. Local fund overseer. Local fund
peon. Local fund road maistry. Local fund schoolmaster. Local fund super-
visor. Local fund vice-president. Local fund writer. Lock monegar.
Manager, deputy, of estates under court of wards. Marriage registrar.
Monegar, irrigation (village headman in charge of irrigation). Municipal
accountant. Municipal amin. Municipal bill collector. Municipal cash keeper.
Municipal clerk. Municipal commissioner. Municipal conservancy inspector.
Municipal gardener. Municipal lamplighter. Municipal lighting superin-
tendent. Municipal maistry. Municipal manager. Municipal masalchee.
Municipal pensioner. Municipal peon. Municipal scavenging inspector. Muni-
cipal secretary. Municipal shroff. Municipal sweeper. Municipal tax collector.
Municipal totti. Municipal vice-president. Nattamagar. Nirgunti. Notagar.
Overseer, municipal. Peon in estate under court of wards. Poor house
superintendent, establishment. Pound keeper. Pound kumam. President of
municipality. President- Vice of municipality. Protector of emigrants.
Eeceiver of Camatic property. Redy, village. Registrar of births and deaths.
Samasthanam, sirdar naick. Shroff in estates under court of wards. Superin-
tendent of emigration. Taliaries. Taliaries, village. Town crier. Vettyan.
Vettyan village. Vichareppuvargal (one that makes inquiries). Village
accountant. Village headman. Village kowalgar (village watchman). Village
kumam. Village servants. Village watcher. Watcher, village. Watchman.
Watchman, superintendent.
Group Head 5. — Prison officer —
Inspector of jails. Jail clerk. Jail keeper. Jail service. Jail warder. Jail
writer. Jailor. Jailor, deputy. Superintendent of district jail. Warder
in jails. Warder (jails, hospitals).
Group Head 6. — Sheriff —
Sheriff.
Group Head 7. — Executioner —
Executioner.
Group Head 8. — Coroner —
Coroner.
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Sub-Ordbe III.
Group Head 1. — Consuls.
Group Head 2. — Oflioers of Independent Governments and Native States.
Details not given.
OEDEE IL
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1.— Army OflScers —
Adjutant. Adjutant-General. Brigadier-General. Captain. Chaplain to Forces.
Colonel. Controller of military accounts. Deputy assistant, adjutant-general.
Deputy assistant quartermaster general. Ensign. Inspector of musketry.
Inspector-general of ordnance. Jemadar, adjutant. Judge Advocate General.
Lieutenant. Lieutenant-colonel. Major. Military oflBicer. Officer, army.
Paymaster. Paymaster, army. Quartermaster. Quartermaster-general. Staff
officer. Subadar. Subadar major. Sub-lieutenant. Veterinary surgeon, army.
Group Head 2. — Army, half -pay, retired —
Army clerk.
Group Head 3. — Soldier —
Armourer (Government service). Bandsman (regimental). Bandmaster. Body
guard trooper. Bombardier. Boy, havildar. Boy, private. Bugle major.
Bugler. Column maker, army. Corporal major. Corporal sergeant of the
band. Cymbalman (regimental). Driver, army. Drum major. Drummer.
Farrier, shoeing smith, army. Fifer. Gunner. Harness maker, army.
Havildar. Havildar major. Kettle drummer. Lance naik. Leather worker,
army. Naik, lance. Ordnance conductor. Ordnance store, sergeant. Pipe,
major. Piper (regimental). Private. Recruit boy. Rough rider, army.
Saddler, army. Sawar. Sepoy. Sergeant. Sergeant-major. Sergeant, mess.
Staff sergeant. Trumpeter. Trumpet major.
Group Head 3a. — Army clerk, peon, servant —
Army peon. Anny coolie. Bheesty (regimental). Chowdary, regimental, army.
Clerk, military department. Lascar. Mochi, ordnance. Orderly, army.
Orderly, military. Painter, ordnance (Government service). Peon, regimental.
Pukhalie, regimental, ordnance. Serang, army camp follower. Servant, regi-
mental. Sweeper (military). Tent lascar, pitcher. Tindal, military. Totti,
regimental.
Group Head 4. — Militia volunteers —
Volunteers.
Group Head 5. — Army pensioners —
Army pensioner. Pension boy. Pensioner, Chelsea. Sepoy, pensioner. Soldier,
pensioner. Veteran.
Group Head 6. — Army agent, remount agent, clothing agent —
Remount agent. Superintendent and agent of army clothing.
Group Head 7. — Storekeeper, commissariat, barrack master —
Army commissariat service. Barrack sergeant or master. Commissariat service.
Commissariat staff sergeant. Commissary-general. Executive commissariat
officer. Military manager. Military storekeeper. Storekeeper (military).
Group Head 8. — Army hospital —
Apothecary, army. Army hospital service. Assistant surgeon (regimental).
Deputy surgeon-general. Surgeon-general or major. Surgeon-general or
major, deputy.
Navy. Details not given.
Sub-Order II.
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ORDER III.
Sub-Obdeb I.
Group Head 1. — Clergyman —
Chaplain, clergyman, rector, vicar, or curate.
Group Head 2. — Priests, Hindoo —
Achari (a priest). Archaean (an officiating priest). Birt (unspecified). Crema-
tion priest. Family priest (pandit) > Guroo (family priest). Guryai (Hindoo
religious teacher). Hindoo priest. Panda (pilgrim conductor). Peerohit,
village. Pilgrim's guide. Prayer mutterer, reader, Hindoo. Preacher (pujary).
Priest. Priestess. Priest, Brahmin. Priest officiating on the occasion of
marriage and private ceremonies. Priests to Sudras, pujary. Puranum reader.
Purohit. Reader of almanac. Reader of calendar. fReader of puranams,
vedas. Reciter of muntras on the occasion of religious rites. Reciter of vedas
(Hindoo poems). Sastri or Shastri. Village priests.
Group Head 3. — Priests, Mahomedan —
Cajee, cazi. Kajee (Kazi). Khatib (worshipper in a mosque). Koya (Maho-
medan priest). Mahomedan priest. Moilar (Mahomedan priest or preacher).
Muazzim (Mahomedan caller to prayer). MuUa. Naib (a priest). Pesh
imam. Prayer leader, Mahomedan. Reader of Koran. Repeater at mosques.
Group Head 4. — ^Protestant minister —
American Baptist missionary. Baptist minister. Baptist dissenting minister.
Minister of religion. Minister, Protestant. Protestant minister. Protestant
pastor. Wesleyan minister.
Group Head 5. — Roman Catholic priest —
Deacon, Roman Catholic. Jesuit father, brother, secular priest. Seminarist.
Monk. Priest, Roman Catholic. Reader, Roman Catholic. Rector, Roman
Catholic. Roman Catholic bishop. Roman Catholic priest.
Group Head 6. — Missionary Scripture reader, itinerant preacher —
Bible woman. Catechist. Evangelist. Local preacher. Missionary (Church of
England or others). Preacher, local. Preacher, street. Scripture reader.
Group Head 7. — Church, chapel officer —
Bell toller. Chapel keeper. Church clerk. Church servant. Church warden.
Servant of churches not maintained by Government. Sexton.
Group Head 8. — Temple officer, Hindoo and Mahomedan —
Andi (a temple official). Attendant at sacred bathing places. Confectioner to
Jagannath. Devastanam, accountant. Devastanam, clerk. Devastanam,
member. Devastanam, peshkar. Devastanam, servant. Devastanam, trustee.
Florist in temple. Ganges water seller. Idol guardian. Image bearer.
Malaya (servant of a demi-god temple). Mosque servant. Pagoda servant.
Sacrifices, officiator at. Servant of mosques. Servant of pagodas. Servant of
temples. Shrine keeper. Superintendent of temples, Cooch, Behar. Temple
service, not religious. Temple storehouse keeper. Temple worshipper.
Worshipper. Worshipper in temples. Worshippers of domestic idols.
Worshipper of household deities.
Group Head 9. — ^Theological student —
Student, religious. Theological student.
Group Head 10. — Convent —
Convent superior. Inmate (sister) of convent. Lady superintendent. Nun.
Group Head 11. — Lay officer, religious institution —
Lay brother. Lay trustee.
Group Head 12. — Burial ground, cemetery —
Burial ground servant or service. Burial ground watcher. Cemetery clerk.
Cemetery gravedigger. Cemetery officer. Cemetery servant. Cemetery
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superintendent. Corpse bearer. Corpse burner. Funeral, officiator at. Funeral
eulogium repeater. Gravedigger. Keeper of burial ground. Tomb keeper.
Group Head 13, — Jain priest, Syrian Christian priest —
Jain priest. Kathnar (a Syrian Christian priest).
Sub-Order II.
Group Head 1. — Barrister —
Advocate. Bachelor of law. Barrister. Barrister at law. Counsel. Lawyer.
Master of law.
Group Head 2. — Solicitor, attorney, pleader, vakeel —
Attorney. Licensed revenue agent. Pleader. Solicitor. Vakeel district court.
Vakeel high court. Vakeel local lower court. Vakeel munsiflTs court.
Group Head 3. — Law student —
Law student. Mahomedan law doctor. Mahomedan law, interpreter of.
Group Head 4.— Law clerk, deed writer, stamp vendor —
Deed writer. Law clerk. Lawyer's clerk. Stamp vendor (not official).
Group Head 5. — Law stationer —
Group Head 6. — Law agent —
Agent, law. Gomashta to barristers and pleaders. Law agent, Muktiar (one
that holds power of attorney).
Sub-Order III.
Group Head 1. — Physician, surgeon —
Accoucheur. Apothecary (private). Assistant surgeon. Assistant to a surgeon.
Aurist. Cancer doctor. Civil hospital surgeon,. Doctor. Honorary surgeon.
Medical practitioner. Oculist. Physician. Private practitioner. Surgeon
(not army). Surgeon, honorary. Surgeon, native. Surgeon, zilla.
Group Head 2. — ^Medical assistant, student —
Apprentice, hospital. Assistant, hospital. Clerk, hospital. Civil hospital assis-
tant. Civil hospital dresser. Doctor, native. Dresser in hospital. Dresser in
independent charge. Hospital apprentice. Hospital assistant. Medical assis-
tant. Medical pupil. Native doctor. Probationary vaccinator.
Group Head 3. — Dentist —
Dentist.
Group Head 4. — Chemist, druggist —
Catechu, maker, seller. Chemist. Civil hospital compounder. Compounder.
Dealers in drugs and sundries. Druggist. Druggist, botanical. Medicine
maker. Medicine vendor. Native druggist. Seller of senna.
Group Head 5. — ^Accoucheurs.
Group Head 6. — Unqualified practitioner —
Hakeem, vaid. Arab doctor. Hindu physician. Medicinal herbs, collector of.
Native doctor (untrained). Native physician. Physician, native. Physician,
skilled in surgery. Practitioner (unqualified). Quack doctor. Unqualified
practitioner.
Group Head 7. — Subordinate medical service —
Blood letter. Cupper. Inoculator. Leech applier.
Sub-Order IV.
Group Head 1. — Author, editor, writer —
Almanac writer, maker. Author. Calendar, Brahmin. Calendar maker.
Dramatist. Editor. Genealogist. Journalist. Moulvie (a learned Mussulman).
Newspaper editor, Newspaper manager. Poet.
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Group Head 2. — Reporter —
Newspaper reporter. Shorthand writer. Writer, shorthand.
Group Head 3. — Interpreter —
Interpreter.
Group Head 4. — Literary, private secretary, copyist —
Caligraphor. Copyist, section writer. Copyist of Hindu books. Letter writer.
Private writer. Writer, private.
Group Head 5. — Graduate of university —
Bachelor of Arts. Graduate. Graduate of university. Graduate, under. Master
of Arts. Undergraduates.
Group Head 6. — Student —
Collegian. Scholar. Student.
Group Head 7. — Literary Institution service —
Clerk in library. Curator (not Government). Secretary to reading rooms,
clubs.
Group Head 8. — Orator —
Orator.
Sub-Obbbb V.
Group Head 1. — Painter artist —
Artist. (General painter. Miniature painter. Painter, picture. Painter, portrait.
Painter, scene. Picture painter or portrait painter.
Group Head 2. — Sculptor —
Sculptor.
Group Head 3. — Engraver, artist —
Engraver (artist).
Group Head 4. — Photographer —
rhotographer.
Sub-Ordbr VI.
Group Head 1. — ^Musician, music master —
Band master (not army). Bandsman (not regimental). Cymbalman (not regi-
mental). Fiddle player. Fiddler. Flageolet player. Flute player. Kettle
drummer (unsp.). Lute player. Music composer. Musician. Musician for
dancing girls. Music master. Music student. Native drummer. Native
trumpeter. Organist. Pipers (not military). Player on clarionet. Player
on drum. Player on fiddle. Player on flute. Player on guitar, valhiem.
Player on instruments. Player on the horn. Player on the kimiarai. Player
on the lute. Player on the mruthungam. Player on the venai. Player on
the violin. Teacher of music. Teacher of singing.
Group Head 2. — Ballad singer, singer, songster, vocalist —
Ballad singer. Singer. Songster. Songstress. Vocalist.
Sub-Obdeb VII.
Group Head 1. — ^Actor —
Actor. Buffoons. Clown. Jester. Mimic.
Group Head 2. — Exhibition and show service —
Bear exhibitor (showman). Bullock showman (if for exhibition). Circus keeper.
Doll dancer. Doll player. Exhibitor of bull playing. Exhibitor of snakes.
Monkey dancer or bear (monkey) showman. Puppet actor. Puppet showman.
Show exhibitor, showman. Show exhibitor, show puppet. Show-exhibitor.
Show player. Snake charmer. Swing and merry-go-round keeper.
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Group Head 3. — Theatre service —
Dancers. Dancing eunuchs. Masquerader. Performer, theatrical. Proprietor,
theatrical. Strolling player. Theatrical agent. Theatrical clerk. Theatrical
manager. Theatrical proprietor. Theatrical servants. Theatrical service.
Group Head 4. — Conjuror, performer —
Acrobat. Charmer. Conjurors. Devil driver. Exhibitor of dexterous feats.
Exhibitor of petty tricks. Exhibitor of sleight of han,d. Exorciser.
Exorcist. Gymnasts. Hail averter. Juggler. Magician. Demonologist.
Necromancy. Performer. Performing mendicants. Pole dancer. Professor
of magic. Rope dancer. Soothsayer. Storytellers.
Group Head 5. — Billiard marker —
Billiard marker. Billiard table servant.
Group Head 6. — Pugilist, fencer —
Boxer (pugilist). Fencer. Pugilist.
Group Head 7. — ^Racket, tennis court —
Racket service.
Group Head 8. — ^Wrestler —
Wrestlers.
Group Head 9. — Cricket ground service —
Cricket ground service.
Group Head 10. — ^Fortune teller —
Fortune teller.
Group Head 11. — Race course service —
Racecourse servant. Racecourse service.
Sub-Order Vill.
Group Head 1. — Schoolmaster, school manager —
Assistant master. Head master. Manager of schools. Master, (private
schools). Principal of college. Private teacher. Schoolmaster. School-
master, private, to other than local, or Government, or municipal schools.
Superintendent of industrial schools. Teacher at industrial schools. Teacher
at school. Training teacher. Tutor. Usher.
Group Head 2. — Teacher, professor, lecturer —
Dancing master. Fencing and gymnastic teacher. Gymnastic professor. Gym-
nastic teacher. Lecturer. Professor. Professor of grammar. Professor of logic.
Professor of mimansa. Professor of Vedantic pfilosophy. Pundit (pandit).
Pupil, monitor. Religious instructor. Sacred historian. Teacher of dancing.
Teacher of Koran. Teacher of philosophy. Teacher of theology. Teacher of
Vedas. Teacher, private. Teacher of sacred history. Teacher of Sanskrit.
Group Head 3. — Head of college, ditto fellow.
Group Head 4. — School service —
Private school service. School munshi. School peon. School servant. School
watchman. School writer. Servant of private schools.
Sub-Order IX.
Group Head 1. — Civil engineer —
Bachelor of civil engineering. Engineer (not Government).
Group Head 2. — Scientific persons —
Antiquarian. Astrologer. Astronomer. Botanist. Chronologist. Geographer.
Geologist. Geometer. Horoscope caster. Mathematician. Metallurgist.
Meteorological observer. Philosopher. Theologist.
Group Head 3. — Museum service —
Clerks, museum. Superintendent, Central Museum (not Government).
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ORDER V.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1. — Innkeeper, hotel keeper, publican —
Hotel keeper. Hotel proprietor. Hotel servant. Innkeeper. Publican.
Group Head 2. — Beer seller, spirit seller —
Beer and wine retailer. Beer dealer. Beer retailer. Beer seller. Toddy-shop
keeper. Wine retailer.
Group Head 3. — Lodging, boarding house keeper —
Choultry keeper. Choultry servant. Chuttrum accountant. Chuttruin clerk.
Chuttrum establishment. Chuttrum manager. Chuttrum servant. Chuttrum
servants and others. Chuttrum superintendent. Lodging-house keeper.
Servant, choultry.
Group Head 4. — Coffee house, eating-house keeper —
Coffee house keeper. Cooked food seller. Eating-house keeper. Pood seller (if
eating-house keeper). Refreshment room keeper. Refreshment room proprietor.
Tea seller by the cup. Water pandalman.
Group Head 5. — Institution service —
Attendant, private hospital. Cook, hospital. Lunatic asylum service. Matam
servant. Nurse (private hospital).
Group Head 6. — Club house service —
Club clerk. Club servant. Mess house service. Servant, club house.
Group Head 7. — Mess contractor, messman.
Group Head 8. — Bath and washhouse service —
Bath keeper.
Sub-Order H.
Group Head 1. — ^Domestic servant general —
Attendant. Barber (domestic). Butler. Chokra, dressing boy. Dressing boy.
Flag bearer. Footman. General servant. Hall servant. House steward.
Hukaburdar. Lamplighter (domestic service). Mace-bearer. Pipe-bearer.
Punka puller. Servant (domestic). Servant (general). Servant (unspecified).
Steward, house. Sweeper (if domestic). Tent Lascar, pitcher (not military).
Torchman. Valet.
Group Head 2. — Housekeeper —
Housekeeper.
Group Head 3. — Cook, scullion —
Cook. Dish cleaner and plasterer of dining floor. Masalchi. Maty. Milkman
(domestic). Scullion (maty).
Group Head 5. — ^Nurse —
Nurse.
Group Head 6.— Laundryman —
Dhobee (domestic). Laundry-keeper.
Group Head 7. — Coachman —
Coachman (domestic).
Group Head 8. — Groom, stableman living in his master's house —
Horsekeeper syce (if domestic).
Group Head 9. — Gardenelr.
Group Head 11. — ^Assembly, public rooms service —
Servant of library.
Group Head 13.— Office keeper, porter (not Government).
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Group Head 14. — Park, gate and lodge keeper (not Government) —
Gatekeeper. Porter, domestic. Doorkeeper.
Group Head 15. — Bazaarman —
Bazaarman.
Group Head 16. — Bhisti (domestic), Beesties domestic —
Bhisti (domestic) beesties (domestic). Cowadees (domestic). Pukkali E., un-
specified. Water carrier (domestic). Water-drawer (domestic). Water-man
(domestic).
Group Head 17. — Eunuch serving in female apartments —
Eunuch serving in female apartments.
OBDER VI.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1. — Merchant —
Bombay merchant. Bullion merchant. Cabul merchant. Cocoa nut merchant.
Coffee merchant. Copper merchant. Com merchant. Cotton merchant. Flax
merchant. Gold merchant. Gum merchant. Indigo merchant. Jewel mer-
chant. Lead merchant. Leather merchant. Merchant. Metal merchant.
Oil merchant. Oil seed merchant, dealer. Opium merchant. Silver merchant.
Sugar merchant. Tin merchant. Wool merchant.
Group Head 2. — Banker —
Banker. Soucar.
Group Head 3. — Bank Service —
Bank accountant. Bank agent. Bank bill collector. Bank clerk. Bank mana-
ger. Bank officer. Bank service.
Group Head 4. — Insurance service.
Group Head 5. — Broker, agent —
Agent. Agent, commercial, Agent, commission. Agent, emigration. Agent,
insurance. Bill broker. BiU (exchange-hundi) dealer. Broker in coin.
Broker in cotton. Broker in dyewood. Broker in fish. Broker in general.
Broker in grain. Broker in jewels. Broker in leather. Broker in oil. Broker
in rice. Broker in silk. Broker in sugar. Broker in timber. Broker in
tobacco. Commercial agent. Commission agent. Corn broker. Cotton
broker. Emigration agent. Emigration manager. Fish broker. General
broker. Grain broker. Indigo broker. Jewel broker. Leather broker. Oil
broker. Rice broker. Silk broker. Tobacco broker.
Group Head 6. — Salesman.
Group Head 7. — Auctioneer, valuer, house agent —
Appraiser. Auctioneer and auction valuer.
Group Head 8. — Accountant —
Accountant (not Government service). Auditor (not Government service).
Group Head 9. — Commercial clerk —
Cashier (not Government). Clerk, commercial (unspecified). Clerk, private,
(ylerk, unspecified. Debt collector, dunner. Emigration clerk. Emigration
recruiter. Karkoon. Treasurer (not Government).
Group Head 10. — Commercial traveller.
Group Head 11. — Capitalist, shareholder.
Group Head 12. — Money lender, bill discounter —
Money lender. Usurer.
Group Head 13. — Cowrie seller, money changer, money dealer —
Cowrie seller. Money changer. Money dealer. Shroff.
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Group Head 14. — Lessee of market —
Lessee of market. Market lessee.
Sub-Obdbe II.
Group Head 1. — ^Pawnbroker —
Pawnbroker.
Group Head 2. — Shopkeeper, general dealer —
General dealer in other things (other than gold, silver, and precious stones).
General shop dealer. Petty shopkeeper. Retail dealer, miscellaneous. Retail
shopkeeper. Seller of sundry articles. Shopkeeper. Tradesman.
Group Head 3. — Huckster, costermonger —
Costermonger. Huckster.
Group Head 4. — Hawker, pedlar —
Cloth dealer (pedlar). Flour seller. Hawker. Pedlar. Thread merchant (really
pedlar).
ORDER VII.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1. — Railway engine driver, stoker, engine worker, locomotive —
Driver, locomotive. Engine driver, railway. Engine keeper. Engine worker.
Fitter, locomotive. Foreman, locomotive. Greaser, locomotive. Lifter, loco-
/ motive. Railway driver. Railway engine driver. Railway engine keeper.
Railway engine worker. Railway engine fitter. Railway engine greaser.
Railway stoker.
Group Head 2. — Railway ofl&cer, clerk, stationmaster —
Agent, railway. Checker, assistant, goods. Checker, railway. Checker, through
goods. Checker, through road goods. Clerk, assistant, goods. Clerk, assistant,
parcels. Clerk, auditor's oflBce. Clerk, booking. Clerk, booking, assistant.
Clerk, chief, goods. Clerk, district, traffic. Clerk, locomotive. Clerk, parcels.
Clerk, railway. Clerk, railway traffic. Clerk, waggon. Draftsman, railway,
engineer's. Engineer, assistant, railway. Engineer, chief, railway. Engineer,
deputy chief. Engineer, railway. Examiner, railway accounts (not Govern-
ment service). Fireman, locomotive. Goods' clerk. Inspector, railway. In-
spector, railway platform. Inspector, travelling, railway. Inspector, train.
Inspector, way, railway engineer's. Inspector, sub-, railway engineer's. Lug-
gage clerk. Manager, assistant, railway office. Manager, locomotive. Manager,
raUway. Manager, railway, auditor's office. Manager, railway, engineer's,
office. Manager, railway office. Officer, railway. Overseer, railway engineer's.
Railway accountant. Railway agent. Railway auditor. Railway cashier.
Railway cash keeper. Railway checker. Railway clerk. Railway draftsman.
Railway engineer. Railway inspector. Railway officer. Railway overseer.
Railway shroff. Railway stationmaster. Railway storekeeper. Railway su-
perintendent. Railway ticket collector. Railway writer. Resident engineer.
Rolling stock inspector. Shroff, railway, agent's office. Shroff, railway, auditor's
office. Stationmaster, assistant. Stationmaster's clerk. Stationmaster, railway.
Storekeeper, locomotive. Storekeeper, railway, auditor's office. Storekeeper,
railway engineer's. Superintendent, district traffic. Superintendent, loco-
motive. Ticket collector or clerk. Traffic manager. Waggon clerk. Writer,
district traffic. Writer, engineer's. Writer, locomotive. Writer, railway,
agent's office. Writer, railway, auditor's office. Writer, traffic.
Group Head 3. — Railway attendant, servant —
Attendant, railway office. Dresser, railway. Foreman, assistant, railway.
Foreman, railway. Fuel storekeeper, locomotive. Gate checker. Guard,
railway. Lampman, railway. Level crossing man. Lorry man. Peon, railway.
Pointsman, railway. Porter, head, railway. Porter, railway. Probationer,
railway. Railway attendant. Railway carriage examiner. Railway cleaner.
Railway dresser. Railway foreman. Railway guard. Railway peon. Rail-
T6747. O ^^^T^
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way pointsman. Railway porter. Railway probationer. Railway servant.
Railway service (not Government). Railway shunter. Railway signaller.
Railway watchman. Railway water carrier. Servant, railway. Shunter,
assistant. Shunter, railway. Signaller, railway. Signalman (railway servant).
Watchman, railway. Water carrier, railway.
Sub-Oeder II.
Group Head 1. — Toll collector, turnpike gatekeeper —
Agent, toll. Boat-bridge maker. Collector of tolls. Gatekeeper, toll. Inspector
of tolls (not Government). Toll collector. Toll contractor. Toll gatekeeper.
Group Head 2.— Coach, cab owner, livery stable keeper —
Bandy owners. Bullock owners. Bylee owner. Cab owner. Cab, coach, &c.
proprietor. Carriage (ornamental) proprietor. Coach owner. Ekka owner.
Jutka owner. Livery stable keeper. Palanquin owner.
Group Head 3. — Coachman (not domestic), cabman —
Bandy driver. Bullock handyman. Bylee drivier. Ooachman {not domestic).
Driver. Drayman. Ekka driver. Jutka driver. Omnibus driver. Stage
coach waggon service. Timekeeper, omnibus. Tramway stage carriage.
Tramway driver. Tramway guard.
Group Head 4. — Carman, carrier, carter, drayman —
.Carrier. Carter. Cart hirer carrier.
Group Head 5. — Wheel chair, proprietor, attendant.
Group Head 6. — Camel, pack bullock, pack pony driver, muleteer —
Camel, letter out of. Camel driver. Muleteer. Pack bullock owner. Pack
bullock driver.
Group Head 7. — ^Palanquin bearer —
Baggage bearer. Bandy drawer. Bandy men. Bandy puller. Bearer. Bearer
paid by rent-free land. Cart drawer (not agricultural labourer). Carter (not
agricultural labourer). Coolie. Carrier on roads. Munchil (palanquin) bearer.
Palanquin bearer. Porter carrier. Transit carrier. Transit man.
Sub-Order III.
Group Head 1. — Canal and inland. navigation service —
River steamer service. Agent, river steamer.
Group Head 2. — Barge, lighter, waterman —
Basket boatman. Boatman. Ferry conductor. Ferryman. Rower, river naviga-
tion.
Group Head 3. — Boat and barge owner, agent —
Basket boat agent. Basket boat contractor. Basket boat owner. Boat owner.
Ferry agent. Ferry boat owner. Ferry contractor. Ferry owner.
Sub-Order IV.
Group Head 1. — Shipowner —
Dhony owner. Shipowner. Ship proprietor. Smack owner. Vessel owner.
Group Head 2. — Steam navigation service —
Agent, steamer. Engineer, ship. Navigation Company, agent. Navigation Com-
pany, clerk. Navigation Company, engineer. Navigation Company, fireman.
Navigation Company, officer. Navigation Company, packet agent. Steamer
agent. Steamer, Navigation Company.
Group Head 3. — Ship steward, cook —
Cook, ship. Ship cook. Ship steward. Steward, ship.
Group Head 4. — Seaman, sailor, mariner, master mariner —
Captain, ship. Clerk, ship. Dhony man. Mariner. Master mariner. Sailor.
Sailor, native* Seaman. Serang (sailor). Ship captain. Skipper. Super-
cargoes.
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Group Head 5.— PiloiH-
Pilot.
Group Head 6. — Boatman on seas —
Boatman, catamaran. Boatman, maistry. Boatman, masula. Malimis. Bower
at sea.
Group Head 7. — Dock service, harbour service —
Dock service. Harbour diver. Harbour engineer. Harbour service. Harbour
superintendent. Lighthouse keeper. Lighthouse keeper and other servants in
ships.
Group Head 8. — Diver.
Group Head 9. — Ship agent —
Ship agent.
Sub-Oedbr V.
Group Head 1. — ^Warehouseman, storekeeper —
Granary keeper. Granary labourer. Granary porter. Packer. Warehouse
keeper. Warehouseman. Warehouse proprietor. Warehouse servant.
Group Head 2. — Meter, weigher —
Commeter (grain weigher). Grain measurer. Grain weigher. Weigher. Weigh-
man.
Sub-Order VI.
Group Head 1. — Messenger, porter (not Government) —
Coolee, porter and messenger. Emigration peon (messenger). Inquirer (em-
ployed under zemindar as news collector). Jemadar (imspecified). Messenger
(not Government), commissionaire. Peon. Tindal (not military).
Group Head 2. — Telegraph service (not Government) —
Signaller, telegraph (not Government). Telegraph signaller (not Government).
Telegraph service (not Government).
Group Head 3. — Courier, guide —
Courier.
ORDER Vni.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1. — ^Land proprietor —
Freeholder- (inamdar). Inamdar. Indigo planter. Jaghirdar. Landholder.
Landlord. Land proprietor. Malguzar. Mittadar. Oobaridar. Tenamdar
(inamdars). Zemindars.
Group Head 2. — Parmer, grazier —
Farmer. Grazier, Land farmer. Permanent leaseholder. Sheep ^and goat
grazier. Village farmer.
Group Head 3. — Farmers', graziers* sons, &c. —
Farmer's brother. Farmer's grandson. Farmers nephew. Farmer's son.
Grazier's brother. Grazier's grandson. Grazier s nephew. Grazier's son.
Group Head 5. — Farm bailiff.
Group Head 6. — ^Tenant cultivator —
Agriculturist (if not labourer or servant). Cultivator. Cultivator, paying half
the crops as rent. Irrigator (not Government). Leaseholder, ruttadar.
Renter of lands. Ryot. Sub-tenant. Tacksman (tenant). Tenant. Tenant,
sub or under. Tillers. Under tenant. I
I
O 2
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Group Head 7. — ^.A.gricultiiral labourer (includes field watchman) —
Agricultural labourer. Agricultural servant (by the month). Agricultural
servant (bv the year). Bullock tender (if agricultural labourer). Carter.
Cattle driver (if agricultural labourer). Coffee farm servant. Cow boy.
Cowherd, agricultural labourer. Cowman, farm servant. Ditcher. Farmer's
servant. Farm servant (if not indoor). Field watchman. Goatherd (if
agricultural labourer). Hedger. Herdsman (if agricultural labourer). Labourer,
agricultural. Labourer, cultivator. Oxman (if agricultural labourer). Plough-
man. Sower.
Group Head 8. — Shepherd —
Shepherd.
Group Head 9. — ^Farm servant, indoor.
Group Head 10. — ^Land surveyor, land estate agent —
Agricultural agent. Coflfee planter's agent. Collector of rents (zemindar's ser-
vice). Deewan, under mokhassadars. Deewan, under proprietors. Deewan,
under zemindars. Farmer s agent. Field surveyor (not Government service).
Land estate agent. Land estate agent's accountant. Land estate agent's
clerk. Land estate agent's other servants. Landholder's agent. Land
steward. Land surveyor. Manager under mokhassadars, proprietor. Mitta
agent. Mitta amin. Mitta gomashta (a petty jaghirdar).
Group Head 11. — ^Agricultural student —
Student, agricultural.
Sub-Oedbr II.
Group Head 1. — Woodman —
Forest, conservator of (not Government). Forest lessee. Forest peon (not
Government). Forest ranger (not Government). Jungle amin (not Govern-
ment). Jungle gardener (not Government). Jungle maistry (not Government).
Jungle watchman (not Government). Renter of jungles. Woodcutter.
Woodman (if cutter).
Sub-Ordbe III.
Group Head 1. — Nurseryman, seedsman, florist —
Florist.
Group Head 2. — Gardener (not domestic) —
Areca-nut Tope gardener. Betel gardener. Betel grower. Cocoa-nut gardener.
Garden bullock driver. Gardener. Garden labourer. Gardener (not domestic).
Gardener (independent). Gardener (military). Gardener under receiver ap-
pointed for the management of same estate. Mowha crop farmer. Renter of
gardens. Tobacco grower. Vegetable grower. Vine and grape grower.
Water-nut cultivator.
ORDER IX.
Group Head 1. — Horse proprietor, breeder, dealer —
Dealer in horses. Horse breeder. Horse dealer. Horse proprietor.
Group Head 2.— Horse breaker-
Colt breaker. Rough rider.
Group Head 3.— Horsekeeper, groom, jockey-
Grass cutter (if for horses or animals). Groom. Horsekeeper (syce). Horse
trainer. Jockey. Stablekeeper.
Group Head 4.— Farrier, veterinary surgeon-
Cattle doctor. Cow leech. Farrier, shoeing smith. Horse doctor. Nalbund
(farrier). Salootri. Veterinary surgeon or doctor.
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Group Head 5. — Cattle, ship, pig dealer, salesman —
Beast salesman. Bullock dealer. Bullock shower. Cattle dealer. Cattle driver
(not agricultural labourer). Cowman (not farm servant). Cowherd (not agri-
cultural). Goat dealer. Pig dealer. Pig salesman. Sheep and goat dealer.
Sheep and goat dresser. Sheep and goat grazer. Sheep and goat seller and
salesman. Sheep and goat shaver, shearer. Sheep and goat owner. Swine-
herd.
Group Head 6. — ^Drover.
_^ ■
Group Head 7. — Gamekeeper.
Group Head 8. — Vermin destroyer —
Ratcatcher.
Group Head 9. — ^Fisherman —
Fisherman. Fishery renter. Fishing boatman. Oyster dredger.
Group Head 11. — Animal, bird dealer, keeper —
Animal catcher. Animal dealer. Animal keeper. Animal trainer. Ass dealer.
Ass keeper. Bird catcher or snarer. Bird dealer. Bird keeper. Bird seller.
Dealer in animals. Dealer in birds. Donkey dealer. Duck keeper. Duck,
goose, dealer. Falconer. Geese dealer. Goose keeper. Monkey catcher.
Mule dealer. Pigeon and other bird dealer. Pigeon keeper. Poultry dealer.
Poultry keeper. Poultry, live, keeper. Quail keeper. Turkey dealer.
Group Head 12. — Camel dealer —
Camel dealer. Camel keeper.
Group Head 13. — Crocodile catcher —
Crocodile catcher.
Group Head 14. — Dog broker —
Dog broker. Dog dealer. Dog feeder. Dog keeper.
Group Head 15. — Elephant dealer —
Elephant dealer. Elephant doctor. Elephant driver. Elephant keeper. Elephant
merchant. Elephant man. Elephant mavathie, driver (not Government).
Group Head 16. — Huntsman —
Hunter. Hunting dog keeper. Huntsman. Shikari.
Group Head 17. — Leech-seller —
Leech-seller.
Group Head 18. — Silk-worm keeper —
Silk-worm keeper.
Group Head 19. — Tiger keeper —
Tiger-keeper.
CLASS V.
ORDEK X.
Sub-Order T.
Group Head 1. — Bookseller, publisher —
Book publisher. Bookseller. Publisher.
Group Head 2. — Bookbinder —
Bookbinder. Dufteri (not Government).
O 3
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Group Head 3. — ^Printer —
Ballman (not Govemmenij. Compositor (not Government). Foreman, press
(not Government). Inker, private press. Pressman (not Government reader).
Printer (not Government). Printing press proprietor. Printing servant. Pro-
prietor of printing office. Superintendent of press (not Government).
Group Head 4. — ^Newspaper agent, vendor —
Newspaper office clerk.
Group Head 5.-^Newspaper proprietor, publisher —
Newspaper proprietor. Newspaper publisher. Newspaper servant. Proprietor
of newspaper.
Group Head 6. — Book agent, librarian —
Bible depdt keeper. Book agent. Clerk in reading room or reading club.
Colporteur.
Sub-Order H.
Group Head 1. — Musical instrument maker —
Bugle maker. Chikara (stringed instrument maker). Dealer in musical instru-
ments. Drum maker. Flageolet maker. Flute maker. Guitar maker. Harp
maker. Musical instrument seller, maker. Tambaur maker.
Group Head 2. — Music engraver, printer.
Group Head 3. — ^Music seller, publisher.
Group Head 4. — ^Musical string maker —
Musical instrument string maker.
• Sub-Order III.
Group Head 1. — Lithographer, lithographic printer —
Lithographer.
Group Head 2. — ^Map publisher, seller —
Map seller.
Group Head 3. — Print and map colourer, mounter —
Illuminator of manuscripts. Map colourer. Map drawer. Map mounter.
Group Head 4. — Picture cleaner, dealer —
Picture cleaner, restorer. Picture dealer.
Group Head 5. — Copper, steel plate printer —
Plate printer, copper, steel.
Group Head 6. — Artist's colourman —
Paint maker.
Sub-Order IV.
Group Head 1. — Wood carver —
Wood carver.
Group Head 2. — ^Artificial flower maker-
Artificial flower maker. Artificial vegetable maker.
Group Head 3. — Animal bird preserver, stuffer —
Bird or beast stuffer. Taxidermist.
Group Head 4. — Jet and coral worker, carver, ornament makeir —
Worker, carver, dealer in jet. Jet worker, carver. Coral worker, carver.
Group Head 5. — Figure and image maker —
Figure caster. Figure maker. Idol maker. Image maker. Plaster figure
maker.
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Sub-Ordeb V.
Group Head 1.— Toy maker —
Doll maker. Kite maker. Top maker. Toy dealer. Toy maker.
Group Head 2. — Fishing tackle maker —
Fishing tackle maker. Fishing tackle seller.
Group Head 3. — Cage maker —
Bird cage maker. Cage maker, seller.
Group Head 4. — Bat, ball maker —
Ball maker. Leather ball maker.
Group Head 5. — ^Archery goods maker —
Bow maker, seller.
Group Head 6. — Backet maker —
Backet maker. > » * a;
Sub-Order VI.
Group Head 1. — ^Type caster —
Type caster, founder (not Government service).
Group Head 2. — ^Medal maker —
Medal maker.
Group Head 3. — Die engraver —
Die engraver.
Group Head 4. — Seal engraver —
Engraver of seals. Seal engraver. Seal maker. Stone engraver (if for seals or
dies).
Sub-Order VH.
Group Head 1. — Watch maker, clock maker.
Clock maker, seller, repairer. Watch regulator. Watch repairer.
Group Head 2. — ^Philosophical instrument maker —
Optician. Scientific instrument maker. Spectacle glass grinder.
Group Head 3. — Weighing machine, measure, scale maker —
Measure maker. Measure stamper. Scale maker. Weighing machine maker.
Sub-Order VIII.
Group Head. — Surgical instrument maker.
Sub-Obdbr IX.
Group Head 1. — Gunsmith, gun manufacturer —
Barrel maker (gun barrel). Gain maker.
Group Head 2. — ^Ammunition maker, dealer —
Ammunition dealer. Ammunition maker. Gunpowder (country) dealer. Gun-
powder dealer. Gunpowder dealer and maker. Gunpowder maker. Gunpowder
merchant.
Group Head 3. — Percussion cap dealer —
Percussion cap dealer.
Group Head 4. — Bayonet maker, sword maker —
Bayonet maker. Scimitar maker. Sword maker.
Group Head 5. — Scabbard maker —
Scabbard maker.
4
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Group Head 6. — ^Armourer —
Armourer (private), sikligar,
Sub-Oedee X.
Group Head 1. — Engine, machine maker, agent, dealer —
Blow pipe maker. Boiler maker. Engine fitter. Engine machine maker.
Group Head 2. — Spinning, weaving machine maker —
Loom maker. Spinning machine maker. Weaving machine maker.
Group Head 3. — ^Agricultural implement machine maker —
Agricultural implement maker. Agricultural machine maker. Indigo vat maker-
Oil press maker. Plough share maker. Sieve maker. Winnowing basket maker,
seller.
Group Head 4. — Tool maker, dealer —
Axe maker. Tool dealer. Tool grinder. Tool maker. Tweezer maker.
Ghroup Head 6. — Saw maker —
Saw maker.
Group Head 6. — Cutler —
Cutler (sikligar). Knife grinder. Knife maker.
Group Head 7. —Needle maker —
Needle maker.
Group Head 8. — Bellows maker —
Bellows maker.
Group Head 9. — Saw mill maker —
Saw mill maker.
Group Head 10. — Mill (water) maker —
Mill (water) maker.
Sub-Oedbe XI.
Group Head 1. — Coachmaker, palanquin maker, howda maker —
Bandy maistry. Bandy merchant. Bullock, coachmaker. Carriage builder.
Coach builder. Coach merchant. Howda maker. Palanquin maker.
Group Head 2. — Wheelwright, cart maker —
Cart maker. Wheelwright.
Group Head 3. — ^Railway carriage maker —
Railway carriage maker. Waggon (railway) maker.
Sub-Oedee XH.
Saddler, harness, whip maker —
Bit maker. Collar maker (not armv). Girth maker (not web). Harness maker
(not army). Saddle maker. Saddle cloth maker. Saddler. Whip dealer,
seller. Whip maker.
Sub-Oedee XIH.
Group Head 1. — Shipbuilder, shipwright, boat, barge builder —
Barge builder. Boat builder. Boat maker. Boat and phatemar builder. Ship-
builder.
Group Head 2.— Sail maker —
Sail maker.
Group Head 3.— Ship's chandler-
Ship chandler.
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Sub-Order XIV.
Group Head 1. — House proprietor —
House proprietor. House renting.
Group Head 2. — ^Architect —
Architect.
Group Head 3. — Surveyor —
Surveyor.
Group Head 4. — Builder —
Builder. Building material dealer. Contractor for buildings. Contractor of
public works. Dealer in building materials.
Group Head 5. — Carpenter —
Carpenter. Maistry (unspecified). P^ndal erector, decorator, maker.
Group Head 6. — ^Bricklayer —
Brick cutter. Bricklayer. Bricklayer, labourer.
Group Head 7. — Marble, mason —
Engraver of marble. Marble mason.
Group Head 8. — ^Mason, pavior —
Mason. Mason, children employed by — Stone mason*
Group Head 9. — Slater, tiler —
Tiler.
Group Head 10. — Plasterer, whitewasher —
Plasterer. Whitewasher.
Group Head 11. — Plumber, painter, glaader —
Glazier. House painter. Decorator. Painter, house. Plumber.
Group Head 12. — Blind maker, fitter —
Blind fitter or maker. Blind maker.
Group Head 13. — Drain service —
Drain service.
Sub-Ordee XV.
Group Head 1. — Cabinet maker —
Bed dealer and maker. Cabinet maker and joiner. Chairs, &c. Carver. Chairs»
tables, and box maker. Cot maker. Seller. Worker on furniture.
Group Head 2. — Undertaker —
Furnishing undertaker. Undertaker.
Group Head 3. — Carver and gilder —
Dealer in looking glass. Gilder. Looking glass dealer (mirror). Looking glass
maker (mirror). Picture frame maker. Picture frame seller.
Group Head 4. — ^Furniture broker, dealer-
Furniture broker. Furniture dealer.
Group Head 5. — Curiosity dealer —
Curiosity dealer.
Sub-Obdee XVI. combined with Sub-Obdebs X. and XI.
Sub-Obdeb xvn.
Group Head 1.— Manufacturing chemist —
Alum seller. Ammonia seller. Borax seller. Cinchona bark manufacturer.
CoUyrium maker. Saltpetre maker. Saltpetre manufacturer. Soda, crude,
maker, seller. Tooth powder maker, seller.
Y5747. P r^ T
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Group Head 2, — Dye, colour manufacturer —
Aldye maker. Aldye seller. Colour maker, dealer. Dye manufacturer. Dye
seller. Henna preparer, seller. Indigo manufacturer. Madder (Indian)
preparer. Madder (Indian) seller. Vermillion.
Group Head 3. — ^Dyer, calenderer —
Calenderer.
Group Head 4. — ^Match, fusee maker, seller.
Group Head 5. — Sulphur dealer —
Sulphur dealer, seller.
Group Head 6. — Firework maker-
Firework maker. Firework manufacturer. Firework seller.
Group Head 7. — Ink manufacturer —
Bhilawa nut (ink nut) seller. Ink maker, seller. Ink manufacturer.
ORDER XI.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1. — Wool staple, &c. dealer, warehouseman.
Group Head 2. — Felt manufacturer —
Felt maker.
Group Head 3. — Woollen cloth manufacturer —
Cloth stamper with lac. Wool cleaner. Wool spinner. Wool weaver, worker
(Pushm--«7eaver). Woollen cloth or woollen manufacturer. Wool scutcher,
cleaner.
Group Head 4. — Fuller —
Fuller.
Group Head 5.— Wool dyer, printer —
Wool dyer.
Group Head 6. — Worsted manufacturer.
Group Head 7. — Cloth merchant, dealer —
Cloth seller. Warehouseman (cloth).
Group Head 8. — Stuff manufacturer.
Group Head 9. — Flannel manufacturer.
Group Head 10. — ^Blanket manufacturer —
Blanket maker or weaver. Cumbly manufacturer. Weaver of blankets.
Group Head 11. — Carpet manufacturer —
Carpet dealer, seller. Carpet maker (not cotton). Carpet merchant (not cotton).
Group Head 12. — Shawl weaver —
Shawl repairer. Shawl seller, maker. Shawl weaver.
Sub-Order 2.
Group Head 1. — Silk manufacturer —
Bleacher (sUk). Silk gown weaver. Silk manufacturer. Silk sizer. Silk
twister. Silk weaver. Silk winder. Silk worker, spinner. Weaver of silk
cloth.
Group Head 2.—- Silk dyer, printer —
Dyer of silk cloth. Silk dyer. Silk printer.
Group Head 3. — Silk merchant, dealer —
Silk cloth dealer. Silk dealer. Silk merchant. Silk salesman. Tassar dealer.
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Group Head 4. — Silk ribbon manufacturer —
Bibbon maker.
Group Head 5. — Silk braid manufacturer —
Maker of silk braid. Silk braid, silk and tassel maker. Silk braid seller.
Group Head 6. — Silk kincob manufacturer —
Kincob maker, seller.
SxJB-ORbER III.
Group Head 1. — Flax linen manufacturer —
Bleacher (flax). Dyer of flax. Flax dealer. Flax manufacturer. Linen manu-
facturer. Warehouseman, fliax (linen).
Group Head 2.— Lace manufacturer —
Lace dealer. Lace manufacturer.
Group Head 3. — Thread manufacturer —
Brahminical thread maker. Cord thread (coloured) seller. Thread maker.
Thread manufacturer. Thread weaver.
Group Head 4. — Tape manufacturer —
Tape dealer. Tape manufacttrrer.
Group Head 5. — Cotton manufacturer —
Bleacher (cotton). Bobbin carrier. Bobbin preparer. Carder, cotton. Cloth
maker (cotton). Cloth weaver (cotton). Cotton beater. Cotton carder. Cot-
ton cleaner. Cotton cloth weaver. Cotton ginner. Cotton handloom weaver.
Cotton manufacturer. Cotton newar-maker. Cotton packer, presser. Cotton
scutcher. Cotton spinner. Cotton weaver. Cotton web maker. Engineer, mill.
Fireman, mill engine. Handkerchief manufacturer. Handloom weaver Hindu
male cloth manufa<5turer. Manager (mill). Overseer (miU). Packer (cotton
factory). Sheeting, cloth manufacturer. Timekeeper (cotton factory). Weaver
of mosquito curtains and fringes. Weaver (not otherwise specified).
Group Head 6. — Cotton, calico warehouseman, dealer —
Cotton dealer. Cotton newar seller. Cotton twist merchant. Cotton warehouse-
man. Dealer in cotton. Dealer in yam. Twist merchant.
Group Head 7. — Calico, cotton printer —
Calico printer.
Group Head 8. — Calico, cotton dyer —
Cloth dyer. Cotton dyer. Dyer of cotton.
Group Head 9. — Carpet maker, merchant (cotton) —
Carpet maker (cotton). Carpet merchant (cotton). Cotton carpet manufacturer.
Group Head 10. — Fustian manufacturer —
Fustian manufacturer.
Group Head 11. — Tent maker —
Tent maker.
Sub-Order IV.
Group Head 1. — Bleacher —
Bleacher (not otherwise described).
Group Head 2. — Trimming, braid maker —
Braid maker. Embroiderer. Embroidery seller. Ornament maker, stringer.
Patuckar. Patwa.
Group Head 3. — Fancy goods dealer —
Fancy goods dealer. Fancy goods maker. Fancy goods spinner. Silver wire
covering with silk. '
Group Head 4. — Girth, web maker —
Girth, web maker.
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Sub-Ordbe V.
Group Head 1. — Hair-dresser —
Barber (whether village or not). False lock (hair) maker. Hair dresser. Human
hair merchant. Village barber.
Group Head 2. — Hat manufacturer —
Cap seller. Hat merchant, maker. Turban tier.
Group Head 3. — Furrier —
Furrier. Leather skin coat maker.
Group Head 4. — Tailor —
Tailor.
Group Head 5. — Milliner —
Boddice-maker. Dressmaker. Milliner.
Group Head 6. — Shoemaker —
Boot and shoemaker. Cobbler. Mochi (shoemaker). Sandal-maker. Shoemaker.
Shoe repairer. Shoe seller. Slipper maker.
Group Head 7. — Button maker —
Button maker. Dealer. Cotton button maker.
Group Head 8. — Laundry keeper —
Calenderer (laundry). Cloth pleater (with hot iron). Dhobee (not domestic).
Ir oners. Ironman. Laundry keeper (not domestic). Laundry man (not
domestic). Washerman. Washerman, village.
Group Head 9. — Embroiderer —
Darner. Embroiderer (dress).
Group Head 10. — Hosier, haberdasher —
Haberdasher. Stocking knitter, maker.
Group Head 11. — Glover —
Glove maker.
Group Head 12. — Leather-gaiter maker —
Leather-gaiter maker.
Group Head 13. — Old clothes dealer —
Old clothes dealer.
Group Head 14. — Outfitter —
Outfitter.
Group Head 15. — Theatrical property maker —
Theatrical property maker. Tinsel maker.
Group Head 16. — Umbrella, parasol, stick maker —
Stick dealer. Umbrella dealer. Umbrella maker or repairer.
Group Head 17. — Shroud maker —
Shroud maker.
Group Head 18. — Shoeblacks —
Shoeblacks.
Sub-Ordbe VI.
Group Head 1. — Matmaker, seller —
Grass matmaker. Matmaker. Mat seller. Mat weaver. Palmyra matmaker.
Group Head 2. — Hemp manufacturer —
Hemp dresser. Hemp manufacturer. Hemp merchant. Hemp spinner.
Group Head 3. — Jute manufacturer —
Bobbin carrier (jute manufacture). Carder (jute manufacture). Gunny bag
manufacturer. Gunny bag seller. Gunny cloth manufacturer. Gunny weaver.
Digitized by
Google
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Jute dealer. Jute factory service. Jute manufacturer. Mechanic (jute manu-
facture). SliifterHute manufacture). Spinner (jute manufacture). Twister (jute
manufacture). Warder (jute manufacture). Warper (jute manufacture).
Group Head 4. — Rope, cord maker —
Cable spinner, maker. Rope, dealer. Rope maker. Rope manufacturer. Rope
seller. Ship rope maker. Twine dealer, maker, seller.
Group Head 5. — Net maker —
Fishing net maker. Net maker.
Group Head 6. — Canvas, sail-cloth manufacturer —
Canvas maker. Sail cloth maker.
Group Head 7. — Sacking, sack, bag maker, dealer —
Bag dealer. Bag maker. Nose-bag weaver, maker. Sack dealer. Sack maker.
Sacking maker, dealer. Weaver of sackcloth.
Group Head 8. — Cocoa fibre matting maker —
Cocoa-nut matting maker.
Group Head 9. — Coir manufacturer —
Coir dealer. Coir manufacturer.
ORDER Xn.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1. — Cowkeeper, milk seller —
Butter, milk seller. Butter monger, seller. Cowkeeper (dairyman, not farm
servant). Curd seller. Dairyman (not farm servant). Ghee dealer. Ghee
manufacturer. Ghee merchant. Ghee seller. Milk drawer. Milkman (not
domestic). Milk seller.
Group Head 2. — Cheesemonger —
Cheesemonger.
Group Head 3. — Butcher, Meat salesman —
Butcher. Meat salesman. Meat seller.
Group Head 4. — Provision curer, dealer —
Provision curer. Provision dealer.
Group Head 5. — Poulterer, game dealer —
Fowl monger. Game dealer. Poulterer. Poultry salesman.
Group Head 6. — Fishmonger —
Fish contractor. Fish curer. Fish dealer. Fish merchant. Fishmonger. . Fish
salesman. Oyster dealer.
Group Head 7. — Honey merchant —
Dealer in honey. Honey collector. Honey dealer. Honey maker. Honey
merchant. BLoney seller.
Group Head 8. — Egg merchant —
Egg merchant. Egg seller.
Sub-Order II.
Group Head 1. — Corti, flour, seed merchant, dealer —
Arrowroot dealer, manufacturer. Beaten rice seller. Bengal grain seller. Black
grain seller. Bran dealer. Chaff seller. Cholum seller. Coriander, &c.
seller. Corn dealer. Cotton seed seller (for cattle). Cumboo seller (Madras
only). Dealer in corn and seed. Dealer in paddy. Dealer in other grains.
DhoU seller. Flour dealer. Flour merchant. Flour seller. Grain dealer
fpetty). Grain grocer. Grain lender (really seed dealer). Grain merchant.
■ Grain seller. Green grain seller. Paddy merchant. Pulse merchant. Raggy
seller. Rice merchant, dealer. Rice seller. Seller of beaten rice. Seller of
grains. Seller of peas. Wheat seller.
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Group Head 2. — ^Miller —
Com grinder. Com sifter. Grain husker. Grain miller. Paddy and rice
beater or pounder. Rice cleaner or husker. Rice miller. Sesame (sesamum)
washer, husker. Wheat miller.
Group Head 3. — Baker, grain parcher —
Baker. Biscuit dealer. Biscuit seller. Biscuit warehouseman. Bread maker.
Bread seller. Dough maker, seller. Grain parcher.
Group Head 4. — Confectioner —
Cake seller. Confectioner. Flummery seller. Food seller (if confectionerV
Seller of fried grain. Sweetmeat maker. Sweetmeat seller (sweet trayman).
Trayman.
Group Head 5. — Greengrocer —
Betel nut merchant. Brinjal seller. Cabbage seller. Chillies, &c. dealer.
Chilly merchant. Cocoanut seller. Fruit dealer. Fruit merchant. Fruit
seller. Garlic seller. Greengrocer. Green seller. Ground nut seller. Nut
seller. Onion dealer. Onion seller. Orange seller. Plantain merchant.
Potato merchant. Potato seller. Saffron seller. Seller of vegetables. Tamar
rind merchant. Vegetable dealer. Vegetable seller.
Group Head 6. — Herbalist —
Gatherer of wild fruits and herbs. Jungle root sellers.
Group Head 7. — Sugar manufacture —
Dealer in jaggery. Dealer in molasses. Jaggery manufacture. Sugar baker.
Sugar manufacturer.
Sxjb-Okdeb ni.
Group Head 1. — Brewer —
Beer manufacturer.
Group Head 2. — Wine and spirit merchant, dealer —
Abkari contractor. Abkari merchant. Arrack manufacturer. Arrack seller.
Arrack shopkeeper. Arrack sub-contractor. Arrack sub-renter. Arrack
toddy seller. Dealer in liquors. Distillery agent. European liquor merchant.
Liquor, European, retailer. Liquor seller. Seller of European spirits. Spirit
agent. Spirit merchant. Spirit retailer. Toddy contractor. Toddy drawer.
Toddy seller. Toddy sub-renter. Wine agent. Wine merchant.
Group Head 3. — Distiller-^
Arrack distiller. Distiller. Ganger (not Government). Spirit maker. Spirit
refiner.
Group Head 4. — Ginger beer, soda water, lemonade, sherbet maker, dealer —
Ginger beer agent. Ginger beer dealer. Ginger beer manufacturer. Lemonade
dealer. Sherbet maket, seller. Soda water agent. Soda water dealer. Soda
water manufacturer. Soda water seller.
Group Head 5. — Syrup manufacturer —
Syrup manufacturer.
Group Head 6. — Grocer, tea dealer, coflPee dealer —
Grocer. Tea, coffee maker. Seller. Tea dealer. Tea manufacturer.
Group Head 7. — Tobacco manufacturer, dealers-
Cheroot merchant. Cigar manufacturer. Cigar seller. Fireball-maker (for
lighting hukhas). Hooka-maker, seller. Hooka snake maker. Pipe maker.
Snuff maker. Snuff manufacturer. Snuff seller. Tobacco and salt seller
(itinerant). Tobacco manufacturer. Tobacco merchant. Tobacco seller.
Group Head 8. — Vinegar maker —
Vinegar dealer.
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Group Head 9. — Pickle, relish, condiments maker, dealer —
Dealer in condiments. Pickle seller. Belish seller. Spice dealer, seller, and
grinder.
Group Head 10. — ^Perfumer.
Attar manufacturer. Attar seller. Dealer in perfumery. Dealer in scents.
Perfumer. Perfumery maker. Perfumery seller. Scent maker. Scent
seller.
Group Head 11. — Bangh, narcotic maker, seller —
Bangh seller. Betel leaf seller. Chandu and madak seller. Dealer in gunja and
other intoxicants. Dealer in drugs. Gudak seller. Gunja dealer. Gunja
manu&cturer. Narcotic dealer. Pap seller.
Group Head 12. — Coffee manufacturer —
Coffee manufacturer.
Group Head 13. — ^Opium dealer —
Opium dealer. Opium renter. Opium seller.
ORDER Xni.
Sub-Obdeb I.
Group Head 1. — Soap boiler dealer —
Soap boiler. Soap dealer.
Group Head 2. — Tallow chandler —
Candle dealer, seller. Coach and cart grease maker, seller. Pat seller.
Group Head 3. — Comb maker —
Comb maker (horn). Comb maker, seller (not wooden). Horn comb maker.
Horn comb repairer.
Group Head 4. — Gut maker —
Gut maker, seller.
Group Head 5. — Manure dealer, manufacturer —
Bratty maker. Bratty seller. Fuel vendor (cow dung). Manure dealer.
Group Head 6. — ^Wax refiner, dealer —
Wax bangle dealer. Wax bangle maker. Wax dealer. Wax merchant.
Group Head 7.— Bone dealer —
Bone dealer, worker. Bone gatherer. Bone merchant.
Group Head 8. — ^Ivory dealer —
Ivory dealer. Ivory merchant.
Group Head 9. — Coral dealer —
Coral merchant. Coral seller.
Group Head 10. — Jet dealer —
Jet dealer. Jet merchant.
Group Head 11. — Lac dealer —
Bangle maker, lac. Bangle seller, lac. Lac article maker. Lac bangle maker.
Lac bracelet maker. Lac bracelet dealer. Lac propagator.
Group Head 12. — Glue^maker —
Glue maker, seller.
Group Head 13. — Horns, ivory, workers in —
Horn articles, dealer in and worker of. Horn seller, merchant. Horn workers.
Ivory workers.
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Sub-Order II.
Group Head 1. — FpUmonger —
Dealer in hides, f ellmonger. Hide dealer. Hide salesman. Skin merchant.
Group Head 2. — Tanner —
Chamois leather worker. Dead cattle reversioner. Leather tanner. Tanner.
Group Head 3. — Currier —
Currier. Leather dealer. Leather dresser. Worker in skins.
Group Head 4. — Leather article maker —
Leather jar, bottle; bucket maker. Leather portmanteau maker. Leather rope
maker. Leather, water, bag maker. Leather, worker. Sieve maker, leather
or parchment.
Group Head 5. — Feather dealer —
Feather dealer. Feather ornament, maker.
Group Head 6. — Leather dyer —
Leather dyer.
Group Head 7. — Quill dealer, worker —
Quill dealer.
Group Head 8. — Shagreen dealer, worker —
Shagreen maker.
Sub-Order HI.
Group Head 1. — Hair bristle manufacturer —
Hair seller. Chowrie maker. Chowrie seller. Necklace seller, maker (horse-
hair). Sieve maker (horsehair).
Group Head 2. — Brush and broom maker —
Brush maker (bristle). Broom dealer (bristle). Broom maker (bristle).
ORDER XIV.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1. — Oil miller, refiner —
Gingelly oil dealer. Gingelly oil manufacturer. Lamp oil manufacturer. Lamp
oil miller. Lamp oil seller. Oil dealer. Oil maker. Oil manufacturer. Oil
miller. Oil monger. Oil refiner. Oil seed liusker. Oil vendor. Sweet oil
miller. Sweet oil seller.
Group Head 2. — Oil and colourman.
Group Head 3. — India rubber dealer, worker.
Group Head 4. — Oil, linseed cake maker —
Linseed cake dealer. Linseed cake maker. Linseed cake seller. Oil cake dealer.
Oil cake maker. Oil cake merchant.
Group Head 5. — Pitch, tar, dealer, workers —
Tar dealer. Tar maker.
Group Head 6. — Sealing wax dealer, worker —
Sealing wax maker. Sealing wax seller.
Group Head 7. — Gam dealer —
Bird lime maker. Gall gatherer, dealer. Forest produce vendor (gum). Gum
seller.
Group Head 8. — Oilskin dealer, worker —
Oil bag dealer. Oil bag maker.
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Sub-Order II,
Group Head 1. — Timber, wood mercliant, dealer —
Bamboo dealer. Bamboo merchant. Bamboo seller. Brushwood seller. Char-
coal burner. Charcoal dealer. Charcoal seller. Faggot seller. Firewood
contractor. Firewood cutter. Firewood maker. Firewood seller. Firewood
tier. Fuel merchant. Railway fuel contractor. Sandal wood seller. Timber
contractor. Timber cutter. Timber dealer. Timber merchant. Wood
dealer.
Group Head 2. — Sawyer —
Sawyer.
Group Head 3. — Wood turner, worker —
Club dealer and cudgel seller. Comb maker, seller (wooden). Inkstand caae
maker (wooden). Necklace seller, maker (wooden). Tooth-stick brush maker,
seller. Turner. Wood worker.
Group Head 4. — Box, packing case maker —
Box maker, dealer. Wooden box dealer, maker. Wooden bottle maker (for
• Ganges water). Wooden bowl maker.
Group Head 5. — Cooper, hoop maker, worker-
Barrel maker, dealer.
Sub-Order III.
Group Head 1.— Cork cutter, manufacturer, pith worker —
Cork dealer, manufacturer. Pith dealer. Velambutta dealer.
Group Head 2. — Bark worker, dealer —
Avaram bark dealer. Avaram bark seller. Bark dealer. Choppers of Thungadeo
and Jumma bark. Dealer in Hanyadi bark.
Sub-Order IV.
Group Head 1. — Basket maker —
Bamboo basket maker. Basket box maker. Basket box merchant. Basket
chair dealer. Basket chair maker. Basket maker. Wicker work maker.
Group Head 2. — Hay and straw dealer —
Fodder seller. Grass cutter (unspecified). Grass seller. Hay and straw dealer.
Khuss grass seller. Straw cutter. Straw dealer. Straw seller.
Group Head 3. — Thatcher —
Thatcher.
Group Head 4. — Cane worker, dresser —
Cane dealer. Cane seller. Cane weaver. Cane worker. Cane work dealer.
Rattaner of chairs. Rattan worker.
Group Head 5. — ^Leaf , fan, umbrella maker, worker —
Aloe leaves umbrella seller. Fan dealer. Fan maker. Flower-bel leaf sellpr.
Keeth dealer. Leaf fan maker, dealer. Leaf plate maker. Leaf seller. Leaf
umbrella maker. Teak leaf seller.
Group Head 6. — Broom^ dealer (made of reed), reed manufacturer, dealer, rush mat —
Broom dealer (reed). Broom maker (reed). Reed cutter. Rush mat maker.
Rush mat manufacturer. Screen seller (reeds or grass, sirki). Lathe maker.
Tinder maker, seller.
Group Head 7. — Chick maker, seller—^
Ghypk maker, seller.
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Sub-Order V.
Grroup Head 1.— Rag gatherer, dealer —
Eag dealer. Rag gatherer.
Group Head 2. — Paper manufacturer —
Paper maker. Paper manufacturer. Paper merchant. Paper, waste, dealer.
Waste paper seller.
Grroup Head 3. — Stationer —
Stationery dealer.
Group Head 4. — Card maker-
Card maker.
Group Head 5. — Papier-mache dealer, maker —
Papier.mach6, maker, dealer.
ORDER XV.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1. — Coal miner —
Coal miner. Hewer (coal mine).
Group Head 2. — Coal mine service —
Coal mine service. Fireman (coal mine). Foreman (coal mine).
Group Head 3. — Mine service —
Engineer (mining).
Group Head 4. — Iron mine service —
Iron mine worker. Ironstone miner.
Group Head 5. — Rock mine service —
Rock miner.
Group Head 6. — Salt mine service —
Salt miner, cutter.
Group Head 7.— Diamond mine service — '
Diamond miner.
Sub-Order II.
Group Head 1. — Coal merchant —
Coal merchant. Seller. Coke dealer.
Group Head 2. — Coal labourer —
Banksman (coal mine). Coal carter.
Group Head 3. — Gas worker —
Gas worker.
Sub-Order III.
Group Head 1. — Stone quarrier —
Kulchatti miner. Stone breaker. Stonecutter or dresser. Stone quarrier.
Group Head 2. — Stone agent, merchant, cutter, polisher, dresser —
Bangle (stone maker). Manufacturer of mortars. Manufacturer of pestles.
Mortar, pestle seller, maker. Mosaic worker. Repairer of pestle. Stone dealer
(not precious stones). Engraver (not precious stones). Stone polij^^her (not
precious stones).
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Group Head 3. — Lime dealer, worker —
Eunkur seller. Lime agent. Lime burner. Lime dealer. Lime merchant. Lime
quarrier. Limestone burner. Limestone dealer. Limestone quarrier. Lime-
stone worker. Mortar grinder, pounder. Soorkee pounder. Stone burner.
Group Head 4. — Clay dealer, labourer —
Clay seller. Earth digger. Labourer (not agricultural).
Group Head 5. — Brick and tile maker, dealer —
Brick agent. Brick burner. Brick dealer. Brick maker. Brick seller. Tile
agent, seller, worker. Tile dealer. Tile maker. Tile merchant.
Group Head 6. — ^Railway labourer —
Excavator. Labourer, railway. Platelayer. Bailway labourer.
Group Head 7. — ^Road labourer —
Bridge contractor. Earthwork contractor (road, railway, canal). Boad contractor.
Boad labourer.
Group Head 8. — Chalk dealer, workers —
Chalk miner. Chalk vendor. Red chalk digger. Red chalk gatherer.
Group Head 9. — Scavenger —
Dust and rubbish sifter. Dust contractor. Rubbish carter. Rubbish contractor.
Rubbish sweeper. Scavenger. Sweeper (not domestic).
Group Head 10. — Gravel and sand dealer, digger —
Gravel contractor. Gravel digger. Gravel labourer. Sand dealer.
Group Head 11. — Chunam worker, dealer —
Chunam burner. Chunam dealer. Chunam maker. Chunam seller. Chunam
shell burner. Chunam shell digger. Chunam shell maker. Chunam shell
seller.
Group Head 12. — Grindstone, millstone worker, slate-pencil makers-
Grindstone dealer. Grindstone maker. Hand miU dresser (miU stone). Hand-
mill, letter out of (mill stone). Manufacturer of stone hand-mill. Millstone
dealer. Millstone worker, rougher. Repairer of pestle stone hand-mill. Rubbing-
stone dealer. Rubbing-stone maker. Slate pencil maker.
Sub-Oedeb IV.
Group Head 1. — Earthenware manufacturer —
Balegar (bangle maker or seller). Bangle (earthenware) dealer. Bangle (earthen-
ware) manufacturer. Dealer in earthenware bangles. Dealer in pots. Earthen-
ware ornament maker. Inkstand maker (earthenwai'e). Jug seller. Painter
on pottery. Pot maker. Pot seller. Potter.
Group Head 2. — Earthenware dealer, importer —
Earthenware dealer.
Sub-Order V.
Group Head 1. — Glass manufacturer —
Bangle (glass) dealer. Bangle (glass) maker. Bangle (glass) seller. Glass bottle
seller. Glass blower. Glass cutter. Glass dealer. Glass jewellery, bracelets,
bangles, maker, seller. Glass maker. Glass window maker. Lantern maker.
Mosaic worker (glass). Mould maker (glass). Spectacle glass grinder.
Group Head 2. — Bead maker, dealer, stringer-
Bead seller, maker.
Sub-Order VI.
Group Head 1. — Salt manufacturer —
Salt earth manufacturer. Salt labourer, digger. Salt manufacturer. Salt
weigher.
Group Head 2. — Salt agent, dealer, broker —
Salt agent. Salt broker. Salt dealer. Salt merchant. Salt proprietor. Salt,
retail dealer. Salt ryot. Salt seller.
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Sto-Obdbr VII.
Group Head 1.— Well sinker—
Well sinker.
Group Head 2— Pond maker-
Pond contractor. Pond maker. Reservoir sinker. Tank digger. Tank
repairer.
Group Head 3.— Water carrier, dealer—
Bhishee (not domestic). Cowadee (not domestic). Water bearer (not domestic).
Water carrier (not domestic). Water man (not domestic). Water seller.
Group Head 4. — ^Ice maker, dealer —
Ice cooler. Ice dealer. Ice maker.
Group Head 5. — Jalagar—
Jalagar (one that searches tanks and wells for lost money).
Sub-Order VIII.
Group Head 1. — Goldsmith, silversmith, jeweller-
Bracelet maker (unspecified). Chain maker (if not chain cables, &c.). Dealer in
gilt jewels. Dealer in jewels mounted with precious stones. Embroiderer in
gold* thread. Enameller. False (imitation) pearl maker. General dealer in
gold, silver, and precious | stones. Gilt trinket seller. Gold and silver smith.
Gold braid maker. Gold leaf maker. Gold sifter. Gold and silver waste
collector. Goldsmith. Jeweller. Lace (gold and silver) manufacturer. Metal
bangle seller (gold and silver). Ornament maker, stringer (if jewellery).
Pearl ornament maker. Silver ornament maker. Silversmith. Thread makers
in gold and silver. Toe-ring maker. Worker in precious stones.
Group Head 2. — Plated ware manufacturer.
Group Head 3. — Electroplater —
Blectroplater.
Group Head 4. — ^Dealer in precious stones —
Dealer in pearls. Dealer in precious stones. Pearl dealer. Pearl merchant.
Precious stone dealer (emerald dealer). Stone dealer (if precious stones).
Turquoise merchant.
Group Head 5.— Lapidary-
Diamond cutter. Gem cutter, seller. Lapidary. Pearl cutter. Pearl worker.
Polisher of precious stones. Ruby worker.
Sub-Ordbr IX.
Group Head I. — Copper manufacturer —
Dealer in copper.
Group Head 2. — Coppersmith —
Coppersmiths. Copper work dealer. Copper worker.
Sub-Order X.
Group Head 1. — Tin manufacturer —
Tin worker. Tin pot maker. Tin seller. Tinware dealer.
Group Head 2. — Tin plate worker, tinman —
Kalaigar (a tinman in Madras). Koloyman (a tinman in Madras). Tin box
maker. Tin bracelet maker. Tin liner. Tinman. Tinner of pots. Tinner.
Tin plate maker. Tin plate worker. Tin ware manufacturer, worker.
Group Head 3. — Tinker —
Tinker.
Group Head 4. — Quicksilver dealer —
Quicksilver dealer.
Group Head 5. — Reflector maker —
Reflector maker.
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Sub-Ordbr XI.
Group Head 1, — Zinc manufacturer —
Metal bangle seller (zinc). Toe ring maker (if zinc). Zinc merchant. ' Zino
plate worker. Zinc vessel maker, seller. Zinc worker.
Sub-Order XIE.
Group Head 1. — Lead manufacturer —
Lead manufacturer. Lead moulder. Lead planter (Madras). Lead pot maker.
Lead smelter. Lead yessel dealer. Lead vessel maker. Lead vessel worker.
Metal bangle seller (lead).
Group Head 2. — ^Antimony refiner, worker —
Antimony grinder. Antimony seller.
Group Head 3. — ^Pewterer, pewter ornament maker —
Pewter ornament maker.
Sub-Order XHI.
Group Head 1. — Brass manufacturer, worker, brazier —
Bell maker. Brass manufacturer. Brass merchant. Brass ornament maker.
Brass ring maker. Brass vessel dealer or seller. Brass wire maker. Brass
workman. Brazier. Dealer in brass. Dealer in brass and copper. Idol maker.
Inkstand case maker (brass). Inkstand maker (brass). Manufacturer and
dealer in brass vessels. Metal bangle seller. Metal inlayer. Metal vessel
seller, maker. Toe ring maker (if brass or mixed metals). Wire drawer.
Wire worker.
Group Head 2. — Bell maker-
Bell maker. Bell metal maker. Bell metal ornaments (ear) maker, seller. Bell
metal worker. Dealer in bell metal utensils. Dealer in brass and bell metal.
Group Head 3. — Burnisher —
Bumisber.
Group Head 4. — Lacquerer — -
Lacquerware painter.
Group Head 5. — Lamp, vessel, lantern maker —
Lamp, vessel, &c. maker.
Group Head 6. — Locksmith, brass —
Locksmith.
Group Head 7. — Gas fitter —
Gas fitter.
Sub-Order XIV.
Group Head 1. — ^Iron manufacturer —
Dealer in iron. Iron manufacturer. Iron smelter. Iron vessel maker. Mould-
maker for castings (iron).
Group Head 2. — Blacksmith, hammerman —
Blacksmith. Blacksmith in town. Chainmaker (if chain cables, &c.). Hammerer,
Hammerman.
Group Head 3. — ^Ironmonger, hardware dealer —
Hardware dealer. Iron merchant. Ironmonger. Ironsmith. Iron vessel dealer.
Ironware dealer. Iron utensils maker (iron).
Group Head 4. — Locksmith —
Iron lock dealer. Iron lock maker. Key repairer.
Group Head 5.-~Nail maker —
Nail maker.
Group Head 6.— Steel worker —
Steel worker.
Group Head 7.— Weight maker —
Weight maker.
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CLASS VL
ORDER XVI.
Sub-Obber I.
Group Head 1. — General labourer —
Coolie, general labourer. Day labourer. General labourer. Labourer (day) above
]5 years of age. Labourer (day) under 15 years of age. Lascar (unspecified).
Workman.
Sub-Order II.
Group Head 1. — ^Artisan, mechanic —
Artisan. Bellows blower. Emigration mistry, Mechanic (unspecified).
Group Head 2. — Engine driver, stoker —
Engine driver (branch undefined), llngine keeper (unspecified). Engine worker
(unspecified). Stoker (unspecified).
Group Head 3. — Shopman —
Shopman (branch undefined).
Group Head 4. — Manager, superintendent —
Agent (authorised). Agent (labour). Chowdhry (unspecified). Darogha (un-
specified). Manager. Market headman, chowdhry. Matam agent. Super-
intendent (branch undefined). Timekeeper, manager (branch undefined).
Group Head 5. — Contractor —
Army contractor. Contractor. General contractor.
Group Head 6. — Private watchman.
ORDER XVII.
Group Head 1. — Gentleman, annuitant —
Annuitant. , Funded property holder. Fund holder. Gentleman. Independent
gentleman. Independent person. Poligar (if not landed property). Proprietor
(if not landed). Shrotriemdar. Wealthy person with no occupation.
ORDER XVm.
Sub-Order I.
Group Head 1.— Beggar, gipsy, vagrant-
Almsman. Beggar. Dasara (Hindoo religious mendicant). Gipsy. Gondaliga
(Hindoo religious mendicant). Halo vakki (fortune telling beggar). Pro-
fessional beggar. Religious mendicant. Singer, mendicant, Hindoo. Tramp
(traveller) . Vagrant.
Group Head 2. — Religious devotees —
Anchoret. Ascetic. Bjrragie (hermit, Madras). Devotee. Disciple. Fakeer.
Gossain. Hermit. Religious devotee. Sanyasi.
Group Head 3. — Others —
Amulet maker. Brothel keeper. Caste mark, wafer, maker. Courtier. Dead
body washers. Debtor (in prison dependent on relatives). Ear cleaner. Ear,
nose, piercer. Emigrant. Eunuch. Fee receiver, hereditary. Forehead wafer,
caste mark, maker,' seller. Gambler. Garland maker. Giver of information
about festivals. Head of caste. Herald (nakib). Idol offering maker.
Informer. Inmate of charitable house. Inmate of chuttrum. Lunatic.
Marriage maker. Oracle. Panegyrist. Pauper. Pensioner (not Government).
Pensioner, political. Pensioner, private. Pickpocket. Pimp, Prisoner.
Prisoner, civil. Prisoner, state. Prostitute. Receiver of dead man's clothes.
Renter (who does not cultivate land himself). Servant paid by Chakran lands.
Servant paid by rent free lands. Tattooer. Tazia maker. Tracker (private).
Traveller. Under trial prisoner. Visitor.
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APPENDIX.
APPENDIX A.
CONTAINING EXTRACTS FROM SOME OF THE PROVINCIAL CENSUS REPORTS
ILLUSTRATING THE DENSITY OF THE POPULATION.
Bengal.
It will better enable the reader to arrive at a proper estimate of the vast size of Bengal^ and of the various
units of which its great whole is composed, if they are measured by well understood and well known
capacities elsewhere. The area of the Lieutenant Governorship of Bengal then, including the Feudatory
States, and the tiger haunted swamps of the Sundarbuns, viz., 193,198 square miles, is very little less
than that of the kingdom of Spain (195,775 square miles), and a good deal more than half as large
again as that of Great Britain and Ireland (121,116 square miles). Bengal proper, which, including
the Sundarbuns, covers 76,406 square miles of country, is half as large again as England and Wales
g 0,498 square miles), and exceeds in area the aggregate of five European States, viz., Denmark,
olland, Belgium, Switzerland, and Greece, whose total area is only 74,615 square miles. Behar is
nearly as extensive as the new kingdom of Roumania or the ancient kingdom of Poland. Chota
Nagpore is a little larger than Ceylon, and a little smaller than Bavaria. Orissa and the kingdom of
Saxony are of almost equal extent, and the area of the Feudatory States is rather more than that of
Portugal. Taking the administrative divisions one with another, their average area is somewhat larger
than that of Switzerland, while of the two largest, viz., Patna and Bhaugulpore, it may be said that
the former is exactly co-extensive with the kingdom of Belgium together with the kingdom of the
Netherlands, while the Bhaugulpore Division is considerably larger than the kingdom of Greece. ITie
Dacca Division is the size of Denmark, and the combined area of Rajshahye and Burdwan equals that
of Scotland. The average Bengal district, with an area of 3,323 square miles, is considerably larger
than any county in England and Ireland, except Yorkshire, and is most nearly approached by Argyle-
shire in Scotland. The very large districts, it need hardly be said, exceed in extent any single county
that the United Kingdom shows, and the largest of them, Lohardugga, is greater than the whole of
Wales together with the county of York. Hazaribagh (7,021 square miles) is larger than the Irish
Province of Connaught by 100,000 acres. The districts of the Sonthal Pergunnahs and the Chittagong
lill Tracts are each about as extensive as the newly acquired German territory of Alsace-Lorraine.
The smallest Bengal district, Howrah, is nearly tvrice the size of Middlesex, rather larger than Bed-
fordshire, and not much smaller than the kingdom of Fife. This is, however, an exceptionally small
district, not much more extensive than the average Bengal subdivision, and the next district to it in
order of littleness, viz., Hooghly, is nearly four times its size. Hooghly, then, with 1,223 square miles,
and Darjeeling, with 1,234 square miles, which may be taken as types of the smaller districts in
Bengal, are each almost as large as the English county of Gloucester, or the Irish counties of Clare and
Tyrone. ...
If surprise has been caused by the great extent of Bengal, it will be increased when the population
of the whole country, and of its various sections, is compared with that of coimtries which are usually
acknowledged to be of the first class in the heirarchy of nations. The total of inhabitants in the
Lieutenant Governorship of Bengal being 69,536,861, they exceed in number the population of any
European nation except Russia ; they do not fall far short of the total population of France and the
United Kingdom added together, and they exceed by 60 per cent, the population of the great German
Empire, and by 88 per cent that of the United States of America. The population of Bengal proper
falls short by half a million only of that of the whole of the United Kingdom. Behar supports a
popidation larger than that of Spain and Portugal, aud not much less than that of England and Wales.
The Ooriyas are exactly as numerous as the inhabitants of Scotland, and the mixed multitude which
dwells in the districts of the Chota Nagpore Division are veiy nearly as many as the whole population
of Canada and other British possessions in North America, ihe Commissioner of the Patna Division
rules the fortunes of nearly thrice as many persons as the King of the Belgians or the Khedive of
Egypt. The Chittagong Division, which is the smallest in Bengal in point of numbers, has a population
nearly twice that of Norway, and the total of the Feudatory States is just that of the Continent of
Australia. Every other Division contains a population which takes an intermediate place between that
of European Turkey and of the kingdom of Belgium. The average Bengal district has a population
equal to that of the Grand Duchy of Baden, the Irish province of Leinster, the English county of
Surrey, or the State of Virginia. For the larger districts few parallels can be found in the United
Kingdom, but Mymensingh (3,051,966) has its counterpart in the great States of Illinois (3,077,871)
and Ohio (3,198,062), and the county of Lancaster"* (3,454,225) with its commercial cities and swarming
manufacturing pooulation. Middlesex* (2,918,814), and Yorkshire* (2,886,309), have more inhabitants
than any Bengal district, except Mymensingh, but while the number of districts in these provinces with
more than one million inhabitants is 35, there are only four counties in England, viz., Lancashire,
Yoiksfaire, Middlesex, and Surrey, which exceed that total
Bebab.
The population of Berar by the present census is 2,672,673, or about seven tenths of that of London
(3,814,571). The Akola district stonds first as regards its urban and its total population. In it and in
4> Note.— The revised figures for the populations of these ooonties are, Lancashire, 8,454,441 ; Middlesex, 2,920,485;
Yorkshire, 2,886,564, as published in the Final Beporfc on the Census of England and Wales, which was not in the
hands of Mr. Bourdillon.
Y 6747. S
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the Amraoti district the density is over 2Q0 to the square mile; in Wun it is only 100*4. The changes
since 1867 are shown in final Census Table No. ii. Towns and villages are scattered most thickly in the
EUichpur taluk, where there are 46 to every square mile ; whereas in the Melghat there is only one
village to every five square miles. There are now in Berar the same number of houses to the square
mile as there were in England and Wales 80 years ago ; while the number of persons to an occupied
house is at the present time about the same in both countries.
Bombay.
It covers the area of Hungary with the population of Spain. Sindh is equal in extent to Koumania,
or (not to take as an instance a country more talked about than known), to the aggregate of Bavaria,
Baden, and Alsace-Lorraine ; but its population is less than that of Switzerland, which has about a
third of its area.
Similarly, the Deccan has the population of Ireland in 1871 on a little more than the area of Portugal,
or to go farther west, on that of the State of Kentucky,
Take away the Collectorate of Ahmednagar, and the rest is about the size of Scotland. The Karn&tic
extends over an area a little below that of Greece, and has a population a little above that of Switzer-
land. Gujar&t is about the same size as the State of Vermont, but its population is larger, and stands
about half way between that of Saxony and Wallachia.
It is interesting to compare this division with the most fertile and thickly populated country in
Europe. The area of Belgium exceeds that of Gujarat by some 1,200 square miles, but if the former
be reduced to the size of the latter, the population would exceed that of its Indian rival by about 34
per cent. Hainault, a province that is of very nearly the same size as Broach, supports a population of
966,364 compared with the 326,930 of the latter. The well-known department in France of the Alpes
Maritimes, with its two large towns, has a considerably smaller population than Broach, which it equals
in area, or than Kolaba, which it resembles in its situation on tne coast backed by numerous ranges of
hills. For the Konkan, as a whole, I cannot find any European equivalent. ....
Compared to the English counties, the Bombay district, which has a mean size of about 4,200 miles,
is equivalent to the combined area of Essex, Hertford, and Sufiblk. The combined population of these
three, however, exceeds that of the Indian area by about 27 per cent.
British Burmah.
The territory administered by the Chief Commisaioner has an area of 87,220 square miles.
The average area] of a district is 4,590 square miles, and while of the 19 districts 9 exceed the
average area in extent, 10 are less than this. They vary from 15,189 square miles, the area of
Amherst, which is almost as large as the whole of Arakan, to 14 square miles in the case of the
Moulmein town district. The Tenasserim Division occupies more than half the area of British
Burmah. Some idea of the extent of the province and of the difierent districts may be gathered from
a comparison with other Provinces of India, or with countries in Europe. The Province with its 87,220
square miles is nearly as large as England, Wales, and Scotland (89,005 square miles) put together,
larger than the North- Western Provinces without Oudh (81,434), the Central Provinces (84,963), or
Bombay, excluding Sindh (77,528). Comparing the districts with the counties of England we find that
the smallest, Northern Arakan, with an area of 1,213 square miles, is nearly as large as Gloucestershire
(1,258 square miles) and larger than the East Riding of Yorkshire (1,173 square miles). Amherst, as
before mentioned, the most extensive district, is nearly twice the size of Monmouthshire and Wales, and
five times the area of Cheshire and Lanchashire put together. Akyab and Thonegwa are each of them
as large as all Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland put together. Mergui is
more extensive than Wales. Shwaygyin, again, is equal in extent to all the north Midland counties,
which include Leicestershire, Rutlandshire, Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, and Derbyshire. But
though the areas are so large, the population as a rule are small and sparse, and confined to the low-
lying lands about the foot of the hills or near the rivers and streams British Burmah
contains a population exceeding that of Scotland by 2,000, but while the numbers of inhabitants are
nearly equal, the area of this country is more tnan 2^ times as large as that of Scotland, and the
density of population, which is here 42*8, there reaches 121 persons to the square mile.
Central Pkovinces.
The total area of the Central Provinces is shown to be 118,279 square miles. This area is divided
into 18 districts, grouped into four divisions. To five of these districts are attached Feudatory States,
viz., to the Hoshangabad district the smallest State, Makrai, area only 215 square miles; and to
Chanda the largest State, Bastar, area 13,062 square miles; and to the three districts of the Chhatish-
garh Division the remaining IS Feudatory States, containing an aggregate area of 15,557 square
miles.
The average area of each district is 6,293 square miles, the smallest being Narsingpur, 1,916 square
miles, and the four largest being —
Square Afiles.
Bilaspur -.-.-- 8,800
Raipur ----- 14,543
Sambalpur .---.. 16,418
Chanda - . - - . 28,847
Of these larger districts, the first three form the Chhatisgarh Division, which is the most extensive in
the Provinces, containing an aggregate area of 39,761 square miles, as compared with the Nagpur
Division, 87,102 square miles, the Jubbulpore Division, 18,688, and the Nerbudda Division, 17,728
square miles. The Feudatory States, though attac|ied to districts, are under direct administration of
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their own Clue&. Excluding Feudatory States^ the average area in each district is 4^691 square miles^
the largest districts then being —
Square Miles.
Sambalpur
Mandla
Bilaspur
Chanda
Raipur
4,521
4,719
7,798
10,785
11,885
Excluding Feudatory States, the areas of the four divisions contrast as follows : —
Square Miles.
Chhatisgarh
Nagpur
Jubbulpore
Nerbudda
24,204
24,040
18,688
17,513
The total population of the Central Provinces, as enumerated on 17th February 1881, amounts to
11,548,511. Of districts, the average population, inclusive of attached Feudatory States, was 641,583,
Nimar containing the least, 231,341, and Raipur the most, 1,832,237. Other throe districts contained
loss than half the average, viz., Mandla, 301,760, Betul, 304,905, and Damoh, 312,947. Other seven
districts contained more than half a million of inhabitants, viz : —
Sanger
Bhandara
Jubbulpore
Nagpur -
Chanda
Bilaspur
Sambalpur
564,950
683.779
687^233
697,356
845,394
1,126,508
1,653,960
The three most populous districts of the Provinces are Bilaspur, Sambalpur, and Raipur, forming
the Chhatisgarh Division, with an aggregate population of 4,612,705 inhabitants, as compared with
the—
Nagpur Division
Jubbulpore Division
Nerbudda Division
2,954,804
2,201,688
1,779,869
The importance of the Chhatisgarh State Railway line, now under construction, is illustrated by the
consideration that the population of the Chhatisgarh Division, plus that of the Bhandara district, through
which the line passes towards Chhatisgarh, aggregates 5,296,484 inhabitants, or nearly half (46 per
cent.) of the total population of the Provinces.
Of Feudatory States, the total population was 1,709,720, and the average 113,981 inhabitants.
Makrai, in the Hoshangabad district, contained the least inhabitants, only 16,764, and the followdng
States, both in the Sambalpur district, contained the largest population, viz., Kalahandi, 224,548, and
Patna, 257,959. The total population of the 13 Feudatory States in the Chhatisgarh Division aggregated
1,496,708.
Exclusive of Feudatory States, the population of the Provinces was 9,838,791, the Chhatisgarh Division
and the same eight districts still ranking as the most populous.
The average number of persons per square mile results, as —
Provinces . - -
Feudatory States
Provinces, excluding Feudatory States
101-9
59-8
116-5
The average density of population in the four divisions was as follows : —
Nagpur
Jubbulpore
Nerbudda
Chhatisgarh
Division.
Without
Feudatory
States.
114-7
117-8
100-7
128-7
In
Feudatory
States.
15-0
77-9
96-2
Including
Feudatory
States.
79-6
100-4
1160
Thus the Chhaiisgarh Division takes the lead in average density, as well as in mere numbers of its
population. Comparing Feudatory States with district areas exclusive of Feudatory States, the following
S 2
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IV
is the order in which those stand, which result in an average density exceeding 150 persons per square
mile, viz. :— '
1, Sakti Feudatory State - - - - - 198
2. Sonpur „ - - - - J 97
8. Narsinghpur district - - - - -191
4. Chhuikhadan Feudatory State - - - 190
5. Nagpur district - - - --184
6. Nandgaon Feudatory State - - - - 1 82 •
7. Khairagarh „ - - - - 177
8 Jubbulpore district - - - - - 176
9. Bhandara „ ----- 174
10. Wardha „ - - - - - 161
11. Sambalpur „ - - - - - 158
TTius some of the Feudatory States equal and even surpass our best districts in average density of
population. The localities in which the number of persons per square mile was less than 75 are : —
1. Nimar district - - - - - - 69
2. Mandla „ ... - .64
8. Chanda „ - - - - - - 60
4. Kalahandi Feudatory State - - - - 60
5. Bamra „ - - - - 41
6. Rairakhol „ - - - - 21
7. Bastar „ - - - - 15
COORG.
The small Province of Coorg lies to the west of Mysore, between north latitude 11° 55' and 12® 50',
and between east longitude 76° 15' and 76° 14'. Its area is computed at 1,588 square miles, and ita
greatest length is about 60 miles, by 40 in breadth.
The total area of the Province is shown to be 1,588 square miles, and the total population at the final
Census amounted to 178,302, which gives 112-63 persons to the square mile.
'fhe country derives its name, Kodagu {Anglice^ Coorg), from its mountainous aspect. It is con-
figuratively a hilly country, culminating in mountainous ranges, the highest of which is about 5,375 feet
above the level of the sea. Its smaller grass and forest covered hills are termed "banes," which are
also the pasture lands for the cattle used iu the cultivation of the long level strips of wet land lying in
the valleys between them, and it is on these bine lands that coffee has been so extensively grown of
late years. Here also the Coorgs on their sheltering slopes have built their solitary homesteads in close
proximity to their rice fields and coffee gardens.
Madras.
The total area is 141,001 square miles, and the total population 31,1 70,631. This gives on the whole
area 221 persons to the square mile. In 1871 the density was given at 226*2 per square mile. . . .
Madras, standing third of the Indian Provinces, has a greater density than any European country,
except Belgium, England and Wales, Holland, and Italy. •
Excluding Madras town and the hill tracts, or agencies of Ganj^m, Vizagapatam, and Rampa, in
Godavcri, the average density is 246 per square mile. In the ordinary settled aistricts the proportion
varies from 583 per square mile in 'Tanjore, and 515 in Vizagapatam, to 91 in Kurnool. In 1871 the
variation was much slighter, being from 540 in Tanjore to 130 in Kurnool. The density in the Nilgiris
has gone up from 66 to 95, owing, in part, to the accession of 240 square miles of south-east Wynad from
Malabar.
In the taluqs of Kumbak6nam, Mfiyavarm, Negapatam, Nannilam, and Shiydli, in Tanjore district,
on an area of 1,323 square miles there is a population of 1,160,827, or 877 per square mile. This is in
the heart of the Kav^ri irrigation delta, and is the richest (as well as the most populous) tract in the
Presidency.
In Vizagapatam, the taluqs of Palkonda, Parvatipiir, Situr, and Srungavarapukdta contain, on an
area of 422 square miles, a population of 518,722, or 1,229 per square mile.
TTie taluq of Ponftni, in Malabar, has an area of 390 square miles, a density of 1,007 persons to the
square mile.
PunjIb.
It is not to be expected that the Punjdb should, in comparison with other countries, be densely
populated. The great mountain tracts to the north, and the arid steppes of its western plains, include
large areas which are not habitable by man, and, with a largely agricultural population, only 35 per
cent, of its total area is cultivated, and only 70 per cent, even nominally culturable. Less than 40
years ago the greater portion of the Province was subject to a military government of a very inferior
type; war and violence were rife in the land, and in many parts the peasant tilled his field with a sword
at his side, and the collector demanded the revenue at the head cf a regiment, while 20 years earlier
much of our south-eastern border was practically a desert. Compared with the other large Indian
Provinces, the population is less dense than that of Bengal, the North-Western Provinces, Madras,
Bombay proper, but more dense than that of Berdr, Haidarfib&d, Bombay with Sindh, Central India,
Assam, the Central Provinces, Rajputana, Sindh, or Burmah. Turning to European countries we find
that the density for the Province, as a whole, is about the same as for Ireland and the Austrian Empire,
is not much more than one third that of Belgium and England and Wales, one half that of the British
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Isles, and two thirds that of Italy and the German Empire. It is a third as great again as that of
Scotland or Portugal, nearly double that of Spain, nioro than double that of Greece or Turkey in
Europe, more than four times that of European Russia, five times that of Sweden, and 12 times that
of Norway. The density of population of our British territory is almost the same as in France,
Bavaria, and Switzerland, and very little below that of the Indian Empire as a whole. But portions of
the Punjab stand very high in the scale. The Amritsar Division, which is half the size of Belgium, is
more thickly populated than that most populous of all European countries, while the Ambala Division
has about the same density as have England and Wales and Saxony, and the Delhi Division is more
thickly peopled than the Netherlands, and far more so than the British Isles. On the other hand, the
population of Bahawalpur is more sparse than that of any other country in the list, except Russia,
Sweden, and Norway, while the Derajat and Multdn Divisions and the Hill States stand only just above
them in company with Spain, Servia, Greece, and Turkey in Europe.
Central India.
General Statement of Area and Population,
This statement forms tiie groundwork of all the information that has been collected. Unfortunately,
the separate areas of some important States, one indeed, the largest in Central India, cannot be ascer-
tained, and it is impracticable, therefore, to frame any even approximate detailed statistics concerning
the density of the population. We are dependent for our figures connected with areas on the Topo-
graphical Survey Department ; and the classification adopted notably for Gwalior and the twelve States
which head the list of Statement I., f.^., for a total area of 29,066 '08 square miles— a classification
which is neither geographically nor politically correct— as well as that for many other States improperly
Souped together, renders any calculation founded on the exact area of each, quite impracticable. For
e total of Central India the population is given at 9,261,907 souls, which, distributed over an area of
75,229*64 square miles, gives a density of 128-12 persons per square mile, which may be accepted as
approximately correct.
As has been already remarked, no previous Census of the population of Central India has been taken. It
is useless, therefore, to attempt any speculation as to decrease, increase, or movements of the population.
It may, however, safely be said that it has, in Malwa especially, a tendency to increase. Famine is here
unknown, the soil is rich and productive, and even a temporary scarcity in Rajputana at once produces a
long train of emigrants from less favoured States in that agency, all pressing forward to the opportunities
which offer themselves for an agricultural existence in Malwa. For the States of Gwalior, and thoso
under the Bundelkhand and Baghelkhand agencies, it is not perhaps safe to hazard any conjectures,
but there is no reason to believe that there has been any decrease in the population. In a census
taken under the conditions already noted, many inequalities and apparent inaccuracies may, without
difficulty, be detected in a close exarnination of individual entries. For instance, it is not easy to
understand how in the Pindara Jaghir, which consists of 44 villages and no towns, the density per
square mile can possibly amount to 887 '78, or how the average number of persons in each house comes
to 24* 66 ; but it is fruitless to attempt to do more than to notice the outcome of these statements in
the bulk, and either the conclusion they justify or the features, normal or abnormal, which they
represent.
Baroda.
The total extent of the territory of His Highness the Gaekwar is 8,570 square miles.
The area of 8,000 and odd square miles is distributed over, and interspersed with, portions of G uzerath
and Kathiawar. It does not form a compact and unbroken block of territory ; it is not a continuous or
uninterrupted extent from one end to the other. Roughly speaking, from the northern extremity of the
Thana district to the south to Palhanpur to the north, and nrom the western limits of the Nassik district to
the south-east to the extreme north-west of Kathiawar, there lie interspersed with British or other
territory tracts of land or provinces wherein His Highness the Gaekwar's sway is acknowledged.
The population of the territories of His Highness the Gaekwar, according to the Census of 1881,
amounts to 2,180,511 souls— 1,136,633 males and 1,043,678 females. The population of the Baroda
camp, consisting of 2,879 males and 1,815 females, in all 4,694 souls, added to the above figures, gives
a grand total of 2,185,005 souls, or 1,189,512 males and 1,045,493 females.
The average density of population is 254-44 per square mile for the whole territory, exclusive of
the cantonment, and 254 '^5 inclusive of the cantonment. The average density in British Gruzerath
is 2813.
The density of this territory is, however, affected by the thinness of the population in the Anurali
Division, and in the forest tracts in the Nowsari and the Mewasi tracts in the Baroda Division.
The following table shows the density of the population in each division of this territory : —
Name of Division.
Amreli Division
Kadi ditto
Nowsari ditto - - -
Baroda ditto, inclusive of the city
Total -
Population.
147,468
988,487
287,549
756,807
2,180,311
Area
in Square
Miles.
1,560
3,158
1,940
1,911
8,569
Density of
Population per
^rquare Mile.
94-53
313-01
148-22
396-03
254-44
S 3
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VI
APPENDIX B.
EXTRACTS FROM MR. IBBETSON'S REPORT ON THE PUNJAB CENSUS, NOTING
PECULIARITIES OF THE HINDOO AND MAHAMMEDAN RELIGIONS, AS PRAC-
TISED IN THAT PROVINCE.
The Hindoos of the PunjIb.
Tlie Elasticity of Hindooism. — ^What is Hindooism — not the Hindooism of the Vedas, which was a
clearly defined cult followed bv a select society of a superior race living among despised barbarians of
the lowest type — but the Hindooism of to-day, the religion of the women of India, which has to struggle
for existence against the inroads of other and perhaps higher forms of beUef? The difficulty of
answering this question springs chiefly from the marvellous catholicity and elasticity of the Hindoo
religion. It is in the first place essentially a cosmogony rather than a code of ethics. The esoteric
teaching of the higher forms of Hindooism does doubtless include ethical doctrines, but they have been
added to rather than sprung from the religion itself, and indeed it seems to me that a polytheistic
creed must^ from the very nature of things, be devoid of all ethical significance. The aspects of nature
and the manifestation of physical force are manifold, and can reasonably be allotted to a multiplicity
of gods, each supreme in his separate province ; but only one rule of conduct, one standard of right and
wrong, is possible, and it cannot conveniently be either formulated or enforced by a divine committee.
In many respects this separation of religion from either is doubtless an advantage, for it permits of a
healthy development of the rules of conduct as the ethical perceptions of the race advance. When the
god has once spoken, his worshippers can only advance by modifying their interpretation of his com-
mands, and no greater misfortune could befall a people than that their religion should lend all the
sanctions of its hopes and terrors to a precise code of right and wrong formulated while the conscience
of the nation was yet young and its knowledge imperfect.
But if the non-ethical nature of the Hindoo religion is in some respects an advantage to its followers,
it has also greatly increased the difficulty of preserving that religion in its original purity. The old
Aryans who worshipped the gods of the Vedas were surrounded by races whose deities diflfered from their
own in little but name, for both were but personifications of the faces of nature. What more natural,
then, that as the two peoples intermingled, their gods should gradually become associated in a joint
Pantheon. If the gods of the Vedas were mightier, the gods of the community might still be mighty.
If malevolent it was well to propitiate them ; if benevolent some benefits might perhaps be had from
them. In either case it was but adding the worship of a few new gods to that of many old ones, for
since neither these nor those laid down any inimitable rules of conduct or belief, no change of life, no
supersession of the one by the other was necessary. The evils the Hindoos learned from their deities
were physical ; the help thev hoped for material and not spiritual. Their gods were oflfended, not by
disbelief and sin, but by neglect; they were to be propitiated, not by repentance and a new life, but by
sacrifice and ceremonial observance, and so long as their dues were discharged they would not grudge
oflferings made to others as an additional insurance against evil.* llie members of the Hindoo Pan-
theon had many ranks and degrees, and, among the superior gods at any rate, each worshipper selected
for himself that one which he would chiefly venerate. Thus it was easy to add on at the bottom of the
lists without derogating from the dignity of those at the top ; while the relative honour in which each
was held presently became a matter for the individual to decide for himself. And so we find that the
gates of the Hindoo Ayurpur have even stood open to the strange gods of the neighbourhood, and that
wherever Hindoos have come into contact with worship other than their own they have combined the
two, and even have not unseldom given the former precedence over the latter. The Hindoo of the
plains worships the saints of his Mussulman neighbours, and calls his own original gods by Mahamme-
dan names unknown to an Indian tongue ; the Hindoo of the hills worships the devils and deities of the
aborigines, and selects for special honour that one of his own proper divinities whose nature is most
akin to theirs ; both mollify by ofiering innumerable agencies, animal, human, demoniacal, or semi-
divine, who are not perhaps ranked with the greater gods of the temples, but who may do harm, and to
propitiate whom is tnerefore a wise precaution.
Brahminism the distinguishing Feature of Hindooism. — But through all these divinities there does run
a common element, the clue to which is to be found in the extraordinary predominance which the
priestly class have obtained in India, as the explanation of the divinity itself is largely to be found in
the greed of that class. In polytheistic Europe the separation of etWcs from religion was no less com-
plete than in India ; but while in the latter the study of the two was combined, in Europe, Greece
developed religion into philosophy, while Rome formulated practical ethics in the shape of law, and each '
was content to receive at the hands of the other the branch which that other had made his own. When
Christianity swept away the relics of the old gods, the separation had become too complete td be ever
wholly obliterated ; and though the priests of the new monotheism struggled fiercely, and with no small
measure of success, to re-combine the two, and to substitute the canon for the civil law, yet there ever
existed by the side of art distinct from the clergy, a lay body of educated lawyers who shared with
them the learning of the day and the power which that learning conferred. If, then, under such cir-
* I suspect that in many cases the strictly territorial nature of the aboriginal gods facilitated their inclusion
in the Hindoo worship. It would be lees difficult to recognise a deiiy who md not even claim authority beyond
ceri^ain set bound, or pretend to rival the Vedio gods in their limitless power ; and it would seem especially
reasonable on entering a territory to propitiate the local princes who might be offended by the intrusion, l^egods
of the hiUs were, and many of them are still, imdoubtedly tenitorial. It would be interesting to discover whether
the aboriginal gods of the plains presented the same characteristic. With them the limits of the tribe would
probably define the territory, in the absence of any unpassable physical boimdaries such as are afforded by mountain
ranges.
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cntnstanccs the political power of the Church in Europe was for centuries inimiire for good'o^ evil, as
we know it to, have been, it may be. conceived how whpUy all authority was concentrated in the hands
of the Br&hmans, and with wmit tyranny they exercised that power in India, where all learning of
every sort and kind was absolutely confined to the priestly class.* The result was that Hindooism
early degenerated from a religion into a sacerdotalism, and would, in its present form, be far better
described as Br^hmanism than by any other single word ; and it is this abject subjection to and venera-
tion for the Brdhman which forms the connecting link that runs through and binds together the divine
forms of worship and belief which I have spoken.
It is in this preriominance of the priesthood, moreover, that we may find an explanation at once of the
catholicity and of the exclusiveness which characterise the Hindoo religion. If to give to a Brahman
is to worship God, the larger the circle of worshippers the better for wie Brdhman ; and if new wor-
shippers will not leave their gods behind them, it would be foolish to exclude them on that account, as
there is ample room for all. On the other hand, as the Levitical body so increased in numbers that a
portion of them was necessarily illiterate, the Brahmans were compelled to fall back upon hereditary
virtue as the only possible foundation for the power of their class. Here they found in the tribal divi-
sions of the people, and in the theory of the hereditary nature of occupations which had sprung from
them, an institution suited to their purpose and ready to their hands ; and this they developed into
that complex web of caste restrictions and disabilities which envelopes a high-chaste Hindoo from his
mother's womb, and so the special power and sanctity of the Brdhman came to depend for its very
existence upon the stringency with which caste distinctions were maintained, the act of worship was
subordinated to the idea of ceremonial purity, and for a definite creed was substituted the domination
of a priestly class, itself divided into a thousand sects, and holding a thousand varieties of doctrine.
To the aborigine who, with his gods on his back, sought admission within the pole of Hindooism, these
restrictions presented no obstacle. They were not developments of the system which obtains in all
primitive forms of society ; and so far as they differed from the rules which he already observed, they
tended to raise him in the social scale by hedging him round with an exclusiveness which was flattering
if inconvenient. But to the outcast whose hereditary habits or occupations rendered him impure from
the birth admission was impossible, at least to the full privileges of Hindooism.t
The sacerdotal despotism has now altogether overshadowed the religious element ; and the caste-system
has thrust its roots so deep into the whole social fabric that its sanction is social rather than religious
A man may disbelieve in the Hindoo Trinity, he may invent new gods of his own, however foul and
impure, he may worship them with the most revolting orgies, he may even abandon all belief in supernal
powers, and yet remain a Hindoo. But he must reverence and feed the Br&hman, he must abide by
caste rules and restrictions, he must preserve himself from ceremonial pollution and from contact and
communion with the unclean on pain of becoming Curathema Maranatha. With individuals, indeed,
even these restrictions are relaxed on the condition that they affect a personal sanctity which, by encou-
raging superstition and exciting terror, shall tend to the glorification of the priesthood : and the filthy
Aghori, smeared with human ordure and feeding on carrion and even on human carrion,J is still a
Hindoo. But the masses must observe the rules ; and any who should, like Buddha or Bab^ N^nak,
propose to admit the body of the laity to share in a license which is permitted in the naked ascetic,
would at once be disavowed. The Christian and Buddhist recognise no distinction of caste, nor doos
the Musulm^in save whore influenced by the example of those whom he has so bitterly persecuted ;
while all three profess to disregard the Brdhman ; and for this rea<5on, and not because they worship a
difteront god, the Hindoo holds their truth to be polluted. The Sikh has fallen away from his original
faith ; in nis reverence for the Brahman and his observance of caste-rules ho differs only in degree from
his Hindoo neighbours; and i shall presently show how difficult it is to draw the line between the two
religions, llie Jain I take to be little more than a Hindoo sect.
Afodeni Hindooism defined, — Thus, while Hindooism in its purity may be defined as the religion of
the original Aryan immigrants into India, as set forth in the Vedas, Hindooism as it now exists may
perhaps be best described as a hereditary sacerdotalism, with Br&hman for its Eevites, the vitality of
which is preserved by the social institution of caste, and which may include shades and diversities of
religion native to India, as distinct from the foreign importations of Christianity and Islam, and from
the later outgrowths of Buddhism, more doubtfully of Sikhism, and still more doubtfully of Jainism.
If this description be correct, it will bo seen that the assumption upon which we acted in compiling our
figures for Hindoos is not far removed from truth. The only definition that I have had offered me is
that of Mr. Benton of Karn&l, who would define a Hindoo as one who receives religious service at the
hands of Brdhmans. For practical puq)oses I do not know that this definition helps us much. It
substitutes for the question " Who is a Hindoo " the question ** Who receives religious service at the
hands of Briihman." Though probably too narrow in some respects and toD wide in others, I believe it
to involve the cardinal idea of Hindooism. But the text proposed is almost impossible of application.
Nearly all Sikh villagers reverence and make use of the Brahman almost as freely as do their Hindoo
neighbours. The Jain priests are invariably Brdhman. Many tribes of converted Musulm^ns retain
and fee Br&hmans as a matter of course : while some actually employ tl^em to conduct their marriages
after the Hindoo ceremonial, only adding 'the Mahammedan ritual as a legal precaution. There is a
class of Musulmdn Brahman who minister solely to Mahammedans ; white almost every impure caste
or outcast tribe, however low ita position, has its own priests of undoubted Br&hman origin, though they
hate, by associating with their clients, cut" themselves off from the society of their unpolluted fellows.
* The position of the Brahams with respect to religion in India seems to have been closely analogous to that
which the lawyers formally held with respect to law in England. The language in which religions rites were con-
ducted was oompulsorily kept from the knowledge of the people, while the procedure was extremely teohnical, and
any error in form, however minute, destroyed the efficacy of the ceremony.
t I had, after repeated warnings, to fine severely one of my Hindoo compilers, a man in good position, and of
education and intelligence, but who positively refused to include scavengers who returned themselves as Hindoos in
the figures for that religion.
X An A^hori was caught by the police in the Bohtak district, not many mpnths ago, in the act oi devouring a
newly buned child which he had dug up for the purpose.
S 4
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The burniiig of the adult dead has been proposed as a test, and in many respects it is not a bad one.
But certain classes of Hindoo ascetics are always buried ; the Bishnors never burn the corpse ; some of
the lower castes burn and bury indifferently, even in the same household^ and cremation is a common
Buddhist practice. In short, I do not believe that there is any exact test by which a Hindoo can be
discriminated; the term is in one sense as much national as religious, and I am compelled to fall ba<;k
upon my original proposition, and to say that all natives of India who are not either Musulmdns,
Christians, Sikhs, Jains, or Buddhists, must for all practical purposes be deemed as Hindoos. What
their religion is, as practised in the villages, I shall now endeavour to describe.
The Pantheon of the Hindoo Peasant^ — Of all the districts of the Punjab those bordering on the
Jamna to the east of the Province, and those lying in the hills of Kangra, are the ones whose people
have turned to foreign creeds in the smallest numbers, and therefore the ones in which we may hope
to find Hindooism least corrupted. I shall first describe Hindooism as it exists in the villages of tne
Delhi territoiy, chiefly from my own personal knowledge ; to that I shall add a brief notice of the most
salient points which distinguish the Hindooism of the hills ; and I shall complete this section of my
subject by a glance at the position of the Hindoo on our western frontier. I shall thus have described
Hindooism as it exists on the extreme confines of the Province. Between them the change of practice
and belief takes place so gradually that it is impossible to draw any very definite lines; and it is suffi-
cient to say that the religion of the submontane tracts is midway between that of the hills and of the
plains ; while eastern Hindooism obtains almost unchanged to the borders of Rdjputilna and as far
west as Lahore, and then, as we enter the purely Musulm&n portion of the Province, rapidly changes
to the type prevailing on the frontier.
ITie student who, intimately acquainted with the gods of the Hindoo Pantheon, as displayed in the
sacred texts, should study the religion of the peasantry of the Delhi territory, would find himself in
strangely unfamiliar company. Brihma is there never mentioned save by a Brahman, while many of
the villagers would hardly recognise his name. It is true, indeed, that all men know of Siva and of
Vishnu ; that a peasant, when he has nothing else to do to that degree that he yawns perforce, takes
the name of Nar&in, that the familiar salutation is Rdm B^m, and that Bhagwdn is made responsible
for many things not always to his credit. But these are the lords of creation and too high company
for the villager. He recognises their supremacy indeed, but his daily concern in this work-a-day world
is with the host of deities whose special business it is to regulate the matters by which he is most nearly
affected.! The temples to these great gods are generally built, those to Vishnu by Brdhmans or
Bair&gi monks, and tnose to Siva by Banyas ; and the villagers will perhaps not enter them oftener
than twice a year, while, as they should be entered feasting, the young men of the family who cannot
spare the time from their ploughs will never set foot inside them. But if the peasant takes but small
heed of the great Trinity of his faith, he has acquired from his Musulm&n brethren who live in the
same village with him a strong monotheistic bias; and his innate belief in the divinities whom he
worships is, I suspect, often of the weakest. He will generallv end any information he may be giving
you about his gods by remarking, with a smile and a shake of the finger, **but it is a Kaccha religion,"
or " after all there is but one great One ;" and in one village they told me laughingly that if Govern-
ment was going to assess them they would pull all their shrines down at once. Of course the existence
of such a feeling is exceedingly compatible with the most scrupulous care on his part not to neglect any
of the usual observances; and whatever might be his private conviction, or absence of conviction, a man
would feel that it would be pre-eminently unsafe to omit the customary offerings, and would be thought
ill of if he did so.
The GodUngs of the ViUages. — The godlings with whom the peasant chiefly concerns himself may be
broadly divided into two classes, the pure and the impure. To the former such offerings are made as
are pure food to a Hindoo, cakes or sweets fired in ghi^ and the like ; they are very generally made
on a Sunday, and they are taken by Br&hmans. To the second class the offerings are impure, such as
leavings from the meal, fowls, pigs, and so on ; they are never made on a Sunday, and they are taken
not by Brdhmans, but by impure and perhaps aboriginal castes. Of course the line cannot always be
drawn with precision, and Brdhmans will often consent to be fed in the name of a deity, while they will
not take offerings made at his shrine, or will allow their girb^ but not their boys, to accept the offerings,
as if the girls die in consequence it does not much matter. The former class of deity is usually bene-
volent ; the latter are generally malevolent, and as malevolent deities seem to be all over the world of
the female sex, and their worship is often confined to women and to children at their mothers' apron,
the men not sharing in it I cannot help suspecting that the latter are often the modern representative
of the non-aryan deities which were worshipped by the aborigines of India. The aryan invaders must
have intermarried, probably largely with the aboriginal women ; these latter would have preserved the
cults of their fathers ; and it would be natural that the newcomers, while not perhaps caring to invoke
the aid of the beneficient genii loci^ might think it well worth while to propitiate, or at least to allow
their womenfolk to propitiate, the local powers of evil on whose territory they had trespassed.
First among the pure and benevolent gods comes Swtaj Devata^ or the Sun godling. The sun was
of course one of the great Vedic deities ; but his worship has apparently in a great measure dropped
out of the higher Hindooism ; and the peasant calls him, not Deva, but Devata^ a godling, not a sod.
No shrine is ever built to him, but on Sunday the people abstain from salt, and they do not set weir
milk as usual to make butter from, but make rice milk of it and give a portion to the Br&hmans. After
each houreb and occasionally between whiles, Br&hmans are fed in his honour; and he is each morning
saluted with an invocation as the good man steps out of his house. He is par excellence the great god
of the villagers, who will always name hini first of all his deities. After him comes, at least in the
east of the Province, Jamna Ji or Lady Jamna. She is bathed in periodically, Brdhmans are fed in
her honour ; and the waters of the canal, which is fed from her stream, are held in such respect by the
* Much of the following paragraphs is taken almost word for word from my Statement Report of Kam&l. When
I had nothing to alter or add, I did not think it worthwhile to re- write the text.
t A peasant expressed the matter to me thns : '' We know, sir, that the Lieutenant-Gbvemor is above all at
'* Lahore, but we only adore him once in every few years when he visits those parts. Yon, as yet, are subordinate
" to him, but we worship you daily and hourly."
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villagers that they describe the terrible evils which they work in the land on springinjz '' from Lady
** Jamna's friendsnip." Wkarti Mdta or Mother Earth holds the next place of honour. The pious man
does obeisance to and invokes her as he rises from his bed in the morning, and even the mdifferent
follows his example when he begins to plough or to sow. When a cow or buffalo is first bought, or
when she first ^ves milk after calving* the first five streams of milk drawn from her are allowed to fall
on the ground m honour of the deity ; and at every time of milking the first stream is so treated. So»
when medicine is taken, a little is sprinkled in her honour.
Kwaja Khizr or the god of water is an extraordinary instance of a Musulm&n name being ffiven to a
Hindoo deity. Kwaja Ehizr is properly that one of the great Mahammedan saints to whom the care of
travellers is confided. But throughout the Eastern Punj&b, at any rate, he is the Hindoo god of water,
and is worshipped by burning lamps and feeding Br&hmans at the well, and by setting afloat on the
vill^^ pond a little raft of sacred grass with a lifted lamp upon it
Tne four deities above mentioned are the only^ ones to whom no temples are built. To the rest a
small brick shrine from one to two feet cube, with a bulban head, ana perhaps an iron spike as a
finical, is erected, and in the interior lamps are burnt and offerings placed. They never contain idols,
which are found only in the temples of the greater goda The Hindoo shrine must always face the east,
while t^e Musulm&n shrine is in the fonn of a grave and faces the south. This sometimes gives rise to
delicate questions. In one village a section of the community had become Mahammedans. The shrine
of the common ancestor needed rebuilding, and there was much dispute as to its shape and aspect.
They solved the difficulty by building a Musulm&n grave facing south, and over it a Hindoo shrine
facing east. In another village an imperial trooper was once burnt alive by the shed in which he was
sleeping catching fire, and it was thought well to propitiate him by a shrine, or his ghost might become
troublesome. He was by religion a Musulm&n ; but he had been burnt and not buried, which seemed
to make him a Hindoo. After much discussion the latter opinions prevailed, and a Hindoo shrine,
with an eastern aspect, now stands to his memory. The most honoured of the village deities proper is
Bhumioy or ihe god of the homestead, often called Khera (a village). The erection of his shrine is the
first formal act by which the proposed site of a new village is consecrated ; and when two villages have
combined their homesteads for greater security against the marauders of former days the people of the
one which moved still worship at the Bhumia of the deserted site. Bhiimia is worshipped after the
harvests, at marriages, and on the birth of a male child, and Br&hmans are commonly fed in his name.
Women often take their children to the shrine on Sundays ; and the first milk of a cow or buffalo is
always offered there.*
The Singhs or Snake gods occupy an intermediate place between the two classes into which I have
divided the minor deities. They are females, and though they cause fever are not very malevolent,
often taking away pains. They have great power over milch cattle, the milk of the eleven days after
calving is sacred to them, and libations of milk are always acceptable. They are generally distinguished
by some colours, the most commonly worshipped being E&li, Hari, and Bari oingh, or black, green,
and grey. But the diviner will often declare a fever to be caused by some Singh whom no one has
even heard of before, but to whom a shrine must be built ; and so they multiply in the most perplexing
manner. Dead men also have a way of becoming snakes, a fact which is revealed in a dream, when
again a shrine must be built. If a peasant sees a snake he will salute it ; and if it bite him he or his
heirs, as the case may be, will build a shrine on the spot to prevent a repetition of the occurrence.
They are the servants of R&ja B&sak N&g, Ein^ of Pat&l or Tartarus ; and their worship is most
certainly connected in the minds of the people wim that of the nik or ancestors ; though it is difficult
to say exactly in what the connexion lies. Sunday is their day, and Br&hmans do not object to be fed
at their shrines, though they will not take the offerings, which are generally of an impure nature. The
snake is the common ornament on almost all the minor Hindoo shrines.
The Bitala or smaU-pox goddesa^ also known as M&ta, is the eldest of a band of seven sisters, by whom
the pustular group of diseases is supposed to be caused, and who are l^e most dreaded of all the minor
powers. The other six are Mas&ni, Basanti, M&hd, M&i, Polamde, Lamkari&, Agw&ni, whose small
shrines generally cluster round the central one to Sitala. Each is supposed to cause a specific disease,.
and Sitala's speciality is small-pox. These deities are never worshipped by men, but only by women,
and children, enormous numbers of whom attend the shrines of renown as ^' Sitala's 7th." Every village-
has its local shrine also, at which the offerings are all impure. Sitala rides upon a donkey, and grain
is given to the donkey, and to his master the potter at the shrine, afler having been waved over the
head of the child. Fowls, pigs, goats, and cocoanuts are offered, and white cocks are waved and let
loose. An adult who has recovered from small-pox should let a pig loose to Sitala, or he will again be
attacked. During an attack no offerings are made ; and if the epidemic has once seized upon a village,,
all worship is discontinued till the disease has disappeared. But so long as she keeps her hands off
nothing is too good for the goddess, for she is the one great dread of Indian mothers. She is, however,
easily mghtened and deceived ; and if the mother has lost one son by small-pox, she will call the next
Kurria, he of the dunghill, or B&haru, the outcast, or Mfiru, the worthless one, or Molar, bought, or
Mangtu, borrowed.! or Bhagwani, given bv the Great God ; or will send him round the village in a
dust-pan to show that she sets no store by him. So, too, many mothers dress their children in old rags
befiyzed of their neighbours till they have passed the dangerous age.
The Worship of the Sainted Dead. — The worship of the dead is universal; and they again maybe
divided into the sainted and the malevolent dead. First among the sainted dead are the Pitrs or
ancestors. Tiny shrines to those will be found all over the fields ; while there will oflen be a larger one
to the common ancestors of the class. Villagers who have migrated will periodically make long
* Bhtimia should, by his name, be the god of the land and not of the homestead. Bnt he is most certainly the
latter, and is almost as often called Ehera as Bhtimia. There is also a village god called Ehetopal or the field
nourisher, and also known as Bhairon ; bnt he is not often fonnd. In some places, however, the Khera Bevata or
godling of the village site is also called Oharrwandand alleged to be the wife of Bhtimia (Cannings Owrgdon Report,
p. 84) ; see also Alwar Oazetteer^ page 70. It is a curious fact that among the Gonds and Bheds the word Bhiunia
means priest or medicine man, while among the Karkos, another Kolian tzibe, Bhtimia stands for high priest.
t CL Two penny, Hintdeniers, &c.
Y5747. T
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pilgrimages to worship at the original shrine of their ancestor ; or, if the distance is too great, will
bring away a link firom the original shrine, and use it as the foundation of a new local shrine which will
answer all purposes. In the Punjab proper these larger shrines are called jaihera, or ancestor ; but in
the Delhi terntorj the Satti takes their place in every respect^ and is supposed to mark the spot where
a widow was burnt with her husband's corpse*. The 15th of the month is sacred to the pitrBf and on
that day the cattle do no work and Br^hmans are fed. But besides this veneration of ancestors^ saints
of widespread renown occupy a very important place in the worship of the peasantry. No one of them
is, I believe, malevolent, and in a way tueir good nature is rewarded by a certain loss of respect. Cruza
beta na deya taw buchh na chhin kga — ^' If Guga doesn't give me a son, at least he will take nothing
" away from me." They are generally Mahammedan, but are worshipped by Hindoos and Musal-
m&nsf alike with the most absolute impartiality^. There are three saints who are pre-eminently great
in the Punjab, and thousands of worshippers of both religions flock yearly to their shrines.
Greatest of all is Sakhi Sarwar SuUafij or the generous Prince Sarwar, also called Ldkhdata, or the
Giver of Lakhs, and Rohidnwdla or He of the Hills. His real name was Saiyad Ahmad, and he
flourished about the middle of the 12th century. His principal shrine is at Nig&ha in the Derah Ghazi
Kh&n district, and contains, besides the trunk of the saint and his wife, a shrine to Bdb& Ndnak and a
temple to Vifiimu, thus exemplifying the extraordinary manner in which reliffions are intermingled in
the runj&b. Sakhi Sarwar is said, indeed, to have been a disciple of Bdbd Ndnak; but if so it must
have been by anticipation, as he died nearly SOO years before the first Sikh Guru. The shrine is cele-
brated throughout the Province and thousands of pilgrims from all parts, Hindoo, Sikh, and Musalmin,
attend the annual fair which is held there, many of them in hopes of or in gratitude for a son, a boon
supposed to be specially in the gift of the saints. A very consiaerable proportion of the Hindoo village
population, and specially of the women of the AmritsAr, J^landhar, and Amb&la divisions (excepting
Simla and Kangra), and of Northern Patiala are followers of Sakhi Sarwar Sult&n, and known in
consequence as SultdnisJ. They are specially lax in the observances of their religion, and, unlike other
Hindoos who will eat meat at all, they scrupulously abstain from the flesh of animals killed after the
Sikh fashion by thojatia or single stroke oi the sword, and will indeed only eat if after the haldl or
Mahammedan ceremony of cutting the throat of the living animal. The guardians of the local shrines,
which exist in almost every village, are Musulman, and are called Bharai (^. v. in chapter on Castes)
and conduct the companies of Hindoo pilgrims on their way to the shrine at Nig&ha. In the Delhi
territory he is not held in quite such high esteem ; but he is generally worshipped, shrines in his honour
are common, vows and pilgrimages to him are frequent, and Br^hmans tie threads on the wrists of their
clients on a fixed date in the name of Sakhi Sarwar.
Next to Sakhi Sarwar comes Bdwa Fdrid, surnamed Shakarganjy or the Fountain of Sweets. His
shrine at Pak Pattan in the Montgomery district is, perhaps, the only one of the Punjab shrines whose
renown extends beyond the confines of India. It is celebrated throughout Mahammedan Asia, and there
are few of the invaders of India who have not turned aside from massacring his worshippers to pay their
respects to the saint. There is the Gate of Paradise —
" A narrow opening in a wall, about five feet by two and a half, throngh which the pilgrims force thoir passage
'' during the afternoon and night of the 5th of the Muharram. Every devotee who contrives to get through the
*' gate at the prescribed time is assured of a free entrance into Paradise hereafter. The crowd is therefore im-
** mense, and the pressure is so great that two or three layers of men, packed closely over each other, generally
** attempt the passage at the same time, and serious accidents, notwithstanding every precaution taken by the
** police, are not uncommon."
The estimated attendance at the annual fair is 50,000, composed of both Hindoos and Musulmdna
B&wa Fdrid flourished about the end of the 13th and beginning of the 14th century. He was a thrifty
saint, and for the last SO years of his life nourished himsolf by holding to his stomach wooden cakes and
fruits when he felt hungry. . This miraculous but inexpensive provender is still preserved.
Scarcely less celebrated is Bv>ga Pir^ also called Zflur Pir, the saint apparent, or B&garwala, he of
the B&gar, from the fact that his grave is near Dadrowa in Bikaner, and tnat he is said to have ruled
over the northern part of the B&fi^ar or great prairies of Northern R&jput^na. He flourished about the
middle of the 12th century. He is really a Hindoo, and his proper name is Guga Bir, or Guga the
Hero (cf. mr Latin). But Musulm&ns also flock to his shrine, and his name has been altered to Guga
Pir, or saint Giiga, while he himself has become a Mahammedan in the opinion of the people. His
conversion is thus accounted for. He killed his two nephews, and was condemned by their mother to
follow them below. He attempted to do so ; but the earth objected to that; he being a Hindoo, she was
quite unable to receive him till he should be properly burnt. As he was anxious to revisit his wife
nightly, this did not suit him ; and so he became a Musulm&n, and his scruples being thus removed,
the earth opened and swallowed him and his horse alive. Ho is to the Hindoos of the Eastern Punjab
the greatest of the snake kings, having been found in the cradle sucking a live cobra's head ; and his
chhari or fly-flap, consisting of a long bamboo surmounted by peacock feathers, a cocoanut, some fans,
and a blue flag, may be seen at certain times of the year as tne Jogis or sweepers who had local charge
of it take it round and ask for alms. His worship extends throughout the Province, except perhaps on
the frontier itself. It is probably weakest in the western, but all over the eastern districts nis shrines,
of a peculiar shape and name, may be seen in almost every large village, and he is universally worshipped
throughout the submontane tract and the Kangra hills. There is a famous equestrian statue of him on
the rock of Mandva, the ancient capital of Jodnpur.
* Jathera would seem to be from the same root as Seth^ or husband's elder brother ; and the people commonly
speak of their dadera jathera^ which would seem to mean their ancestors on the fathers' and mothers* sides. If so,
it is extremely curious that both the jathera and the aatti involve relationship by marriage. The many and im-
portant functions assigned to cognates in marriage and other ceremonies by the natives of the Panjab are most
interesting, and call for study and ezplauatioiL BaUi was not abolished in British India until 1829 A.D.
t The Hindoo Jats of a part of Gurgdon described their worship as confined to '* Shekh Ahmad Chisti Br&hman,
and the Fipal tree."
X Some of the Sikhs also are Sult&nis. It is often supposed, indeed, that the Sultanis are Sikhs and Sikhs only.
But this is an error due to their commonly describing themselves as '' Sikh Sultanis " using the word Sikh in its
original sense of *' disciple," and meaning nothing more than that they are followers of Sultan.
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XI
Another saint of great celebrity, and a contemporary of Barr Farid is Baali Qalandar, He used
to ride about on a wall, but eventually settled at Panipat. The Jamna then flowed under the town,
and he prayed so continuously that he found it convenient to stand in the river and wash his hands
without moving. After seven years of this he got stifi^ and the fishes ate his legs ; so he asked the
river to step back seven paces and let him dry. In her hurry to oblige the saint she retreated seven
miles ; and there she is now. He gave the people of Panipat a charm which drove away all flies from
the city. But they grumbled, and said they rather liked flies, so he brought them back a thousandfold.
The people have since repented. There was a good deal of trouble about his funeral He died near
Kamal, and there they buried him. But the Panipat people claimed his body and came and opened
his grave, on which he sat up and looked at them till they felt ashamed. They then took some bricks
from his grave with which to found a shrine ; but when they got to Panipat and opened the box they
found his body in it, so now he lies buried both at Panipat and at Karnal. His history is given in the
" Ayin Akbari." He died in 724 Hij (1824 A.D.).
The Panch Pir or Five Saints are worshipped all over the Province by both Hindoos and Musulmdns.
It is a matter of dispute whether they are the five Panda brothers of the Mahabharat, or the five great
saints of Islam. It must be understood that though the graves of these saints are the centres of their
worship pilgrimages, to them the most effective method of propitiation, yet shrines to some of them
will be found scattered all over the country, sometimes in almost every village ; while all are worshipped
and invoked locally at certain times and on certain occasions. Besides those saints of renown, whose
worshippers are drawn from all parts of the Province, the countryside swarms with minor saints of more
limited feme generally, but in the east not always Musalmdn, and worshipped alike by Hindoo and
Mahammedan. If their shrines are large enough to go into, you must be careful to clap your hands
before entering ; as these gentry occasionally sit on their tombs in their bones to take the air and have
been discovered in that condition, an intrusion which they resent most violently. All these saints are
benevolent^ and pilgrimages and offerings are made to them either in hope of male offspring or of relief
from disease, or m fulfilment of a vow made with a similar object
Tke Warship of the Malevolent Dead. — Far different from them are the malevolent dead. From them
nothing is to oe noped, but everything is to be feared. Foremost among them are the aj/als or sonless
dead. When a man has died without male issue he becomes spiteful, especially seeking the lives of the
youn^ sons of others. In almost every village small platforms may be seen with rows of small hemi-
sphencid depressions into which milk and Ganges water are poured, and by which lamps are lit and
^r&hmans fed to assuage the Gyals,* while the careful mother will always dedicate a rupee to them,
and hang it round her child's neck till he grows up.' Another thing that is certain to lead to trouble
is the decease of anybody by violence or sudden death. In such cases it is necessary to propitiate the
departed by a shrine, as in the case of the trooper previously mentioned. The most curious result
of this behef is the existence all over the Eastern Punj&b of small shrines to what are popularly known
as Saiyads, the real word is shahid or martyr, which being unknown to the peasantry has been corrupted
into tne more familiar Saivad. One story, showing how these Saiyads met their death, will be found
in section 876 of my Karndl Report. But the diviners will often invent a Saiyad hitherto unheard of
as the author of a disease, and a shrine will be built to him accordingly. The shrines are Mahammedan
in form, and the offerings are made on Thursday, and taken by Musulmdn faqirs. Very oflen the
name even of the Saiyad is unknown. The Saiyads are exceedingly malevolent, and often cause illness
and death. Boils are especially due to them, and they make cattle miscarry. One Saiyad, Bhrda of
Bari in Kaithal, shares with Mansa Devi of Mani M&jra in Amb&la, the honour of being the great
patron of thieves in the Eastern Punj&b.
Many of those who have died violent deaths have acquired verjr widespread fame ; indeed Giiga Pir
might be numbered amongst them, though he most certainly is not malevolent, witness the proverb
quoted on page x. A very famous hero of this sort is Teja, a Jat of Meywfir, who was taking
milk to his aged mother, when a snake caught him by the nose. He begeed to be allowed first to tako
the mUk to t£e old lady, and then come back to be properly bitten and killed. And on a certain evening
in the early autumn the boys of the Delhi territory come round with a sort of box with the dde out,
inside which is an ima^e of Teja brUliautly illuminated, and ask vou to ^' remember tiie grotto."
Another case is Harda L&la, brother of the Raja of Urchar in Bandelkand. He was poisoned by his
own brother and is worshipped often under the name of Bandela all over Northern India, especially in
epidemics. He and Teja are generally represented on horseback. So again Harshu Br&hman, who
died while sitting rfAarwa,t is worshipped even east of Lahore.
But even though a man have not died sonless or by violence you are not quite safe from hun. His
disembodied spirit travels about for twelve months as a paret, and even in that state is apt to be
troublesome. But if at the end of that time he does not settle down to a respectable second life, he
becomes a bhut or, if a female, a churel, and as such is a terror to the whole country, his principal objects
then being to give as much trouble as may be to bis old friends, possessing them, and producing fever
and other malignant diseases. Low-caste men, such as scavengers, are singularly liable to give trouble
in this way, and are therefore always buried or burnt face downwards to prevent the spirit escaping ;
and riots have taken place, and the magistrates have been appealed to to prevent a Chura being buried
face upwards. These ghosts are most to be feared by women and children, and especially immediately
after taking sweets ; so that if you treat a school to sweetmeats the sweet-seller will also bring 8alt> of
which he wiU give a pinch to each boy to take the sweet taste out of his mouth. They also have a
way of going down your throat when you vawn, so that you should always put your hand to your
mouth, and nad also better say " Narain ! ' afterwards. Ghosts cannot set foot on the ground, and
you will sometimes see two bricks or bags stuck up in front of the shrine for the spirit to rest on.
Hence when going on a pilgrimage or with ashes to the Ganges, you must sleep on the ground all die
* I believe them to be identioal in purpose, as they oertainly are in shape, with the cup-marks "which have lately
exercised the antiquaries. They are called bhorka in the Delhi territoiy.
t If a Br&hman asks aught of you and you refuse it, he will sit at your door, and abstain from food till he gain
bis request. If he die meanwhile, Ins blood is on your head. This is called sitting dhama,
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way there so as to avoid them ; while the ashes must not rest on the ground^ but must be hung up in
a tree so that their late owner may be able to visit them. So a woman, when about to be delivered, is
placed on the groundi as is every one when about to die. Closely allied to the ghosts are the Nwris or
fairies. They attack women onlys especially on moonlight nights, catching them by the throat, half
choking them, and knocking them down. (? Hysteria.) Children, on the other hand, they protect
They are Musulm&n, and propitiated accordingly, and are apparentlv identical with the Parind or Peri
with whom Moore hafi maae us familiar. They are abo known as Shabpuri, but resent being so called ;
and no woman would dare to mention the word.
Divination^ Possessiani Exorcismj and Charms. — Such being the varied choice iu the matter of malevo-
lent spirits offered to the Punj&b peasant by the belief of the countryside it may he supposed that
divination and exorcism are practised widely, and possession and the virtue of charms firmly believed in.
Witchcrafts proper are heard but little of, and^ it is, I believe, chiefly confined to the lowest castes,
though some wizards are commonlv credited with the power of causing a woman to die if they can
obtain a lock of her hair, and then bringing her to life again for their carnal enjoyment* Illness is
generallv attributed to the malignant influence of a deity, or to possession by a spirit, and recourse is
had to the soothsayer to decide who is to be appeased, and in wnat manner. The diviners are called
" devotees " {bhagat)^ or " wise men " {ayana)^ and they generally work under the inspiration of a snake-
ffod, though sometimes under that of a Saiyad {see above). The power of divination is generally con-
fined to the lower and menial (? aboriginal) castes, is often hereditary, and is rarely possessed by
women. Inspiration is shown by the man's head beginning to wag ; and he then builds a shrine to his
familiars, before which he dances, or, as it is called by the people, ^' sports " (khelan). He is consulted
at nighty the inquirer providing tobacco and music. The former is waved over the bod^ of the invalid,
and given to the wise man to smoke. A butter-lamp is lighted, the music plays, the diviner sometimes
lashes himself with a whip, and he is at last seized by the afflaters, and in a paroxysm of dancing and
head-wa^;ing declares the name of the malignant influence, the manner in which it is to be propitiated,
and the time when the disease may be expected to abate, for the diviner waives wheat over the patient's
body, by preference on Saturday or Sunday ; he then counts out the grains one by one into heaps, one
heap for eadi god who is likely to he at the bottom of the mischief, and the deity on whose heap the
last grain falls is the one to be propitiated. The malignant spirit is appeased by building him a new
shrine, or by making offerings at the old one. Very often the offering is first placed by the patient's
head for a night or waved over his body, or he is made to eat a part of it ; and it is sometimes exposed
on a moonlignt night while the moon is still on the wax, together with a lighted lamp, at a place where
four cross-roads meet Sometimes it is enough to tie a rag taken from the patient's body on to the
sacred tree — generally a, jam (prosopis specigera) — beneath wmch the shrine stands, and such trees may
often be seen covered with the remnants of those offerings, blue being the predominating colour if the
shrine be Musulmin, and red if it be Hindoo.
The evil eye is firmly believed in ; and iron is the sovereign safeguard against it While a house is being
built, an iron pot (or an earthern vessel painted black is near enough to deceive the evil eye, and is less
expensive) is always kept on the works ; and when it is finished the young daughter of the owner ties to
the lintel a charm, usea on other occasions also, the principal virtue of which lies in a small iron ring.
Mr. Cleavering thus describes the theory of the evil eye : —
'* When a ohild is bom an invisible spirit is sometimes bom with it; and unless the mother keeps one breast
** tied up for forty days while she feeds the child from the other, in which case the spirit dies of hmiger, the child
*' grows up with the endowment of the evil eye, and whenever a person so endowed looks at anything constantly,
** something evil will happen to it. Amulets worn for protection against the evil eye seem to be of two classes ; the
*^ first, objects which apparently resist the influence by a superior innate strength such as tigers' claws ; the second,
" of a worthless character, snoh as cowries, which may catch the eye of their beholder, and Urns prevent the
'< covetous look. A father was once asked, * Why don't you wash that pretty child's face P ' and replied, ' A little
^' black is good to keep off the evil eye.' "
If so, most native children should be safe enough. It is bad manners to admire a child, or comment
upon its healthy appearance. The theory of the scapegoat obtains ; and in times of great sickness goats
will be marked aflier certain ceremonies, and let loose in the jungle, or killed and buried in tibe centre
of the village. These commonly wear round their necks armlets, consisting of small silver lockets con-
taining sentences, or something which looks like a sentence, written by ?i,faqir. The leaves of the siras
(ubbizzia libbek) and of the mango {mangifera indica) are also powerful for good ; and a garland of them
hung across the village gate, with a mystic inscription on an earthern platter in the middle, and a plough
beam buried in the gateway with the handle sticking out show that cattle-plague has visited a man
dreaded in the village, and that the cattle have been driven under the charm on some Sunday on which
no fire was lighted on any hearth. An inscription made by a faqtr on an earthen platter, and then
washed off into water which is drunk by the patient, is a useful remedy in illness ; and in protracted
labour the washings of a brick from the chakalu {chakra bhya) foot of Amin, where the '^arrayed army "
of the P&ndas assembled before their final defeat, are potent ; or if anybody knows how to draw
aground plan of the fort, the water into which the picture is washed off will be equally cffective.t
TVnen a beast gets lame, an oval mark with a cross in it or Solomon's seal or Sliva's trident on the old
mark of the Aryan weed-fire, § in general shape like the Mauxarias, is branded on the limb affected;
or a piece of the coloured thread used by the Brihman in religious ceremonies is tied round it.
Minor superstitions. — Grood and bad omens are innumerable. Black is unlucky, and if a man go to
build a house, and turn up charcoal at the first stroke of the spade, he will abandon the site. A mantis
is the horse of R&m, is very auspicious, and always saluted when seen. Owls portend desolate homes ;
* In the hills, however, magic is said to be common, and in the plains certain men clean charm the livers out of
children, and so cause them to pine away and die. Englishmen are often credited with this power.
t The term Bhagat, I believe properly applies only to the devotees of the goddess Devi But it is locally used by
the villagers for any wiseman or diviner.
t The virtue of the fort is due to its standing on the edge of a pond in which the sun was bom, and where women
who wish for sons go and bathe as on Sunday.
§ This sign is often drawn at the door of a house or shop to keep off £he evil eye.
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and the koil {jOudynamys orientalis) is also espNecially unlucky. Chief among good omens is the dozar, or
two water-potSy one on top of the other. This should be left to the right, as should the crow, the black
buck; and the mantis; but the snake to the left. ^ To sneeze is auspicious, as you cannot die for some
little time afi;er. So when a man sneezes his friends grow enthusiastic and congratulate him, saying
"live a hundred years!" Odd numbers are IncW. ^^NtmeroDens impare paudet" But 3 and
13 are unlucky, because they are the bad days after death; and teran tin is equivalent to "all
anyhow." So if a man, not content with two wives, wish to marry again, he will first marry a tree,
so that the new wife may be the fourth, and not the third. The number five and its aliquot parts run
through the religious and ceremonial customs. ^ The shrine toBhumia is made of fire-brick ; five colours
of the sacred crass are oflfered to her after child-birth; five sticks of sugar-cane are oflfered, with the
first fruits of uie juice, to the god of the sugar-press, and so on without end ; while offerings to Brdhmana
are always li, 2^, 5, 7^, whether rupees, or seers of grain. The dimensions of wells, and well-gear on
the other hand, are alwajB fixed in so many and three quarter cubits ; and no carpenter would make or
labourer die you any portion of a well in round numbers of cubits.
The soum is a quarter to be especially avoided, as the spirits of the dead live there. Therefore your
cooking hearth must not face the south, nor must you sleep or lie with your feet in that direction except
in your last moments. The demon of the four quartet Dis^sul, lives in the east on Monday and
Saturday, in the north on Tuesday and Wednesday, in the west on Friday and Sunday, and in the
south on Thursday ; and a prudent man wilL not make a journey or even plough in those directiony on
those days. So when Shukn or Venus is in declension brides do not go to their Others' houses nor return
iiience to visit their fathers' houses. On the Biloch frontier each man is held to have a star, and he must
not journey in certain directions when his star is in given positions. But when his duty compels him to
do so he will bury his star, t.^.^ a piece of paper cut out in that shape, so that it may not see what he
is doing.* It is well not to have your name made too free use of, especially for cmldren. They are
often not named at all for some little time; and if named are generally addressed as "Baby." If a
man be rich enough to have his son's horoscope drawn, a few days after his birth, the name then fixed
will be carefully concealed till the boy is eight or ten years old and out of danger ; and even then
it will not be commonly used, the everyday name of a Hindoo, at least among the better classes,
being quite distinct from his real name, wmch is only used at formal ceremonies, such as marriage.
Superiors are always addressed in the third person ; and a clerk, when reading a paper in which
your name occurs, will omit it and explain that it is your name that he omits. A Hindoo peasant
will not eat, and often will not grow onions or turnips, as they taste strong like meat, which is for-
bidden to him. Nor will he grow indigo, for simple blue is the Musulm&n colour, and an abomina-
tion to him. He will also remse to eat oil or black sesame if formally offered him by another, for
if he do he will serve the other in the next life. A common retort when asked to do something
unreasonable is kyay mainm tere kala tel chahe hair? "What, have I eaten your black sesame?" The
shopkeeper must nave cash for his first transaction in the morning ; and will not book anything till he
has taken money.
Some of the superstitious ceremonies attending birthf are very curious. If a boy be born a net is
hung over the doorway, a charm stuck on to the wall, and a fire lighted on the threshold, which is kept
up night and day to prevent evil spirits from passing. The swaddling clothes should be burned from
another person's house. On the night of the sixth day the whole household sits up and watches over
the child, for on that day (chhatu) his destiny is determmed, especially as to immunity from small-pox-
If he go hungry on that day he will be stingy all his life ; and so a miser is called chhate hd bhukliOy or
" hungry ou his sixth," and a prosperous one chhate ka raja^ or "a king from his sixth." None of these
precautions are taken on the birth of a girl.
Tree and Animal Worship. — Traces of the worship are still common. Most members of the Vig
tribe, and especially the Pipul and Bar {Fecus reiigma and Bmgalensis) are sacred ; and only in the
direct extremities of famine will their leaves be cut for the cattle. Sacred groves are found in most
villages, from which no one may cut wood or pick fruit. The Jand (Proeopia spiciyera) is reverenced
very generally, more especially in the parts where it forms a chief feature in the larger flora of the
Sreat arid grazing grounds ; it is commonly selected to mark the abode or to shelter the shrine of a
eit^ ; it is to it, as a rule, that rays are affixed as offerings, and it is employed in the marriage cere-
monies of many tribes. In some parts of Eangra, if a betromed, but as yet unmarried, girl can succeed
in performing the marriage ceremony with the object of her choice round a fire made in the juns^les
witn certain wild plants her betrothal is annulled, and the marriage holds good. Marriage with trees
is not uncommon, whether as the third wife already alluded to, or by prostitutes in order to enjoy the
privileges of a married woman without the inconvenience of a human nusband. The Deodar worship
of KuTu is described elsewhere. Several of the Jat tribes revere certain plants. Some will not
burn the wood of the cotton plant, the women of others veil their faces before the Nira {Melia indica)
as if in the presence of a husband's elder relative, while others pray to the ti^er grass (Saccharum span-
tanecus) for offspring under the belief that the spirit of the ancestor inhabits it. These customs are
probably in many cases ptolemic rather than strictly religious. Tiraths or holy ponds are greatly believed
m, the merit of batiUng in each being expressed in terms of cows, as equal to that of feeding so many.
Some of those ponds are famous places of pilgrimage. The Hindoo peasant venerates the cow, and
proves it by leaving her to starve in a ditch when useless, rather than kill her comfortably. Yet if he
DO so unfortunate as to kill a cow by mishap, he has to co to the Ganges, there to be purified at con-
siderable expense, and on the road he bears aloft the cow s tail tied to a stick that all may know that
he is impure and must not enter a village, and may avoid his touch and send out food to him. His
regard for animal life in general forbids him to kill any animal, though he will sometimes make an
* Bat it would appear that there is a tmanimitj in the motion of these stars which reduces the role to one of dates.
Then, on the Ist, 2nd, 10th, and 12th, jonmeys must not be made towards one quarter ; on the 8rd, 4th, Idth, and
14th towards another ; on the 5th, 6th, 15th, and 16th towards a third, and on the 7th, 8th, 17th, and 18th towards
the fourth. On the 9th, 10th, 19th, 20th, 29th, and 30th the traveller is free to face as he pleases.
f The marriage castoms are even more cnrious. They are based throughout on the idea of marriage by capture,
and will be noticed in the section on Oastes and Tribes.
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exception in favour of owls and e^en of snakes, and he seldom has any objection to anybody else destroying
the wild animals which injure his crops. In the east he will not eat meat ; but i believe that in the
Punj&b proper the prombition extends to women only. The monkey and peacock are spedaily
sacred*
Affricviturai Superstitions.-^The superstitions connected with cattle and agriculture are endless. No
horned cattle or anything appertaining to them, such as butter or leather, must be bought or sold on
Saturday or Sunday; if one die on either of those days he is buried instead of being given to the
menials. So tixe first beast that dies of cattlo-plague is buried. Cattle-plague can be cast out across
the border of one village into the one which adjoins it in the east All field-work, cutting of grass,
grinding of com, and cooking of food is stopped on Saturday morning ; and on Sunday night a solemn
§ recession conducts a buffalo skull, a lamb, Siva's stick, buttermilk, &:e, and sacred grass to the boun-
ary, over which they are thrown, while a gun is fired three times to frighten away me disease. Last
year a man was killed in an affray resulting from an attempt to transfer the plague in this manner. A
villager in Gurg&on once captured the cattle-plague in its material shape, and wouldn't let it go till it
promised never to remain where he or his descendants were present; and his progeny are still sent for,
when murrain has fastened on a village, to walk round it and call on the plamie to fulfil its contract
lie sugar-press must be started, and a well begim on a Sunday. On Saturday night little bowls of
^ater are set out round the proposed site, and the one which dries up least marks the exact spot for
the well. The circumference is then marked, and they begin to dig, leaving the central lump of earth
intact They cut out this clod, call it Khw&ja li, and worship it and feed Br£hmans. If it breaks
it is a bad omen, and a new site will be chosen a week later. The year's ploughing or sowins:
is best begun on a Wednesday ; it must not be begun on a Monday or on a Saturday, or on
the 1st or 11th of any month ; and on the 15th of each month the cattle must rest fix>m work. So
weeding should be done once, twice, thrice, or five times; it is unlucky to weed four times. Reaping
must be begun on a Tuesday and finished on a Wednesday, the last bit of crop being left standing
till then. When the grain is ready to be divided the most extraordinary precautions are observed to
prevent the evil eye from reducing the yield. Times and seasons are observed, perfect silence is en-
joined, and above all, all audible counting of the measures of grain is avoided.* When sugar-cane is
planted a woman puts on a necklace and walks round the field, winding thread on to a spindle, and
when it is cut the first fruits are offered on an altar called makdl, built close to the press, to the sugar-
cane god, whose name is unknown, unless it too be makdl, and then ^ven to Br&hmans. When the
women begin to pick the cotton they go round the field eating rice-milk, the first mouthful of which
they spit on to the field toward the west; and the first cotton picked exchanged at the village shop for
its weight in salt, which is prayed over and kept in the house till the picking.
Fasts and Festivals. — Religious festivals play a great part in the life of the peasant ; indeed they
form liis chief holidays, and on these occasions men, and still more women and children, don their best
and collect in grc&t numbers, and after the offering has been made enjoy the excitement of looking at
one another. The great Hindoo festivals have ^en described in numberless books, and I need not
notice, them here. But besides these every shrine, Hindoo and Musulm&n, small and great, has its
fairs held at fixed dates, which attract worshippers more or less numerous according to its renown.
Some of these fairs, such as those at Thanesar on the occasion of an eclipse, those of B&wa F&rid at
Pakpattan, and of Sakhi Sarwar at Nig&ka are attended by very many thousands of people, and elabo-
rate police arrangements are made for their regulation. There are two festivals peculiar to the villages,
not observed in me town, and therefore not described in the bool^ whidh I will briefly notice. The
ordinary Diwdli or feast of lamps of the Hindoos is called by the villagers the little Diwili, On this
night ihepitr or ancestors visit the house, which is fresh plastered throughout for the occasion, and the
family lights lamps and sits up all night to receive them« Next morning the housewife takes all the
sweepings and old clothes in a dustpan and turns them out on to the dunghill, saying, ^^ May thriftless-
'^ness and poverty be far from us !" Meanwhile they prepare for the celebration of the great or
Gobardhan Diw&li, in which Krishna is worshipped in his capacity of cowherd, and which all owners
of cattle should observe. The women make a Gobardhan of cow-dung, which consists of Krishna
lying on his back surrounded by little cottage loaves of dtmg to represent mountains, in which are
stuck stems of grass with tufbs of cotton or rag on the top for trees, and by little dung-balls for cattle,
watched by dung-men dressed in bits of rag. Another opinion is that the cottage loaves are cattle and
the dung-balls calves. On this are put the chum stuff and five whole sugarcanes, and some parched
rice and a lighted lamp in the middle. The cowherds are then called in, and they salute the whole
and are fed with rice and sweets. The Brdhman then' takes the sugarcane and eats a bit ; and till
then no one must cut, press, or eat cane. Rice-milk is then given to the Br&hmans, and the bullocks
have their horns dyed and get extra well fed. Four days before the Diw&li is the Devtdhni, on which
the gods awake from their four months' sleep, during which four months it is forbidden to marry, to
cut sugarcane, or to put new string on a bedstead, on pain of a snake biting the sleeper. Fasts are
not much observed bv the villagers, except the great annual fasts ; and not even those by the young
man who works in tne fields and cannot afford to go hungry. But sugar, butter, milk, fruits, and
wild seeds, and anything that is not technically ** grain," may be eaten, so that the abstinence is not
very severe.
Hindoo Priests and Leviies.'-^The Hindoo priests and Levites may be roughly divided into three
classes. First come the regular order of ascetics or devotees, the Bairagis, Gosains, Jogis, and the Uke.
Some of these orders are celebate, others marry ; some live in monasteries, others have no organisation ;
none of them are of necessity Br&hmans, while Br&hmans will not enter some of the sects. The
second class is the padAa or officiating Brahman. He must be acquainted with the Hindoo ritual in
ordinary use at weddings, funerals, and the like, and be able to repeat the sacred texts used on those
occasions. He generally combines a little astrology with this knowledge, can cast horoscopes, write
charms, and so on. The third and most numerous class is purely Levitical, being potential priests, but
* A full description will be found in sections 435-6 of my Eamal Report, in Mr. Purser's Montgomery Beport,
and at pages 194 and 236 of Vol. I. of Elliott's Races of tJie North-Western Frovinces,
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exercising no sacerdotal functions beyond the receipt of offerings. They are all, of course, BrAhmane,
and a considerable number of them Qxepurohits or hereditary family priests, who receive as of right the
alms and offerings of their clients, and attend upon them when the presence of Br&hmans is necessary.
But besides the purohUs themselves there is a large body of Br&hmans who, so far as their priesdy
office is concerned, may be said to exist only to be fed They consist of the younger members of the
purohit families, and of Br&bmans who have settled on cultivation or otherwise in villages where they
nave no hereditary clients. These men are always ready to tender their services as recipients of a
dinner, thus enabUng the peasant to feed the desired number of Br&hmans on occasions of rejoicing, as
a proprietory offering, in token of thanksgiving, for the repose of his deceased father's spirit, and so on.
The veneration for Br&hmans runs through the whole social as well as religious lite of a Hindoo
peasant, and takes the practical form of either offerings or food. No child is born, named, betrothed,
or married ; nobody dies or is burnt ; no journey is undertaken or auspicious day elected, no home is
built, no agricultural operation of importance begins, or harvest gathered in, without the Br&hmans
being feted or fed ; a portion of all the produce of the field is set apart for their use, they are consulted
in sickness and in health, they are feasted in sorrow and in joy ; and though I believe them to possess
but little real influence with the people of the Punj&b,* a considerable proportion of the wealth of the
Province is diverted into their useless pockets. But with the spiritual life of the people, so far as such
a thing exists, they have no concern. Their business as Br&hmans is to eat and not to teach — I am
speaking of the class as a whole, and not of individuals — and such small measure of spiritual guidance
as reaches the people is received almost exclusively at the hands of the regular orders which constitute
the first of my priestly classes. In theory every Hindoo has a ffuru or spiritual preceptor, in fact, the
great mass of the peasantry do not even pretend to possess one ; while those even who, as they grow
old and respectable, think it necessary to entertain one are very commonly content to pay him his
stipend without troubUng themselves about his teaching; but the ffuru is almost always a Sadh or
professed devotee.
Hindooism in the hills. — ^The Hindooism of the hillsf differs considerably from that of the plains. It
would seem that in all mountainous countries, the grandeur of their natural features and the magnitude
of the physical forces (Usplayed lead the inhabitants to deify the natural objects by which t£ey are
surrounded, or rather to assign to each its presiding genius, and to attribute to these demons a more or
less malevolent character. j: The greater gods, indeed, are not unrepresented in the Punj&b Himalayaa
There are the usual Th&kurdwaras sacr^ to Vishnu in some one of his forms, and Shivfilas dedicated
to Shiv : but though Naths, with their ears bored in honour of the latter god, are to be found in unuenial
numbers, those deities are little regarded by the peoi>le, or at any rate by those of the villages. The
malignant and terrible Kali Devi, on the other hand, is worshippea throughout the Eangra mountains ;
and to her, as well as to the dicis presently to be mentioned, human sacrifices were offered up to the
period of our rule. An old cedar tree was cut down only a few years ago to which a girl used formerly
to be offered annually, the families of the village taking it in turn to supply the victim, and when the
Viceroy opened the Sarhind Canal in November 1882, the people of the lower hills believed that 200
of the prisoners who had been employed on the works were released on condition of their furnishing a
similar number of girls to be sacrificed at the inaugural ceremon^r? and lit fires and beat drums and sat
up for several nights in order to keep off any who mieht be prowling about in search of female children
for this purpose. But the every-day worship of me villager is confined to the ahtis or genii of the
trees, rocks, and cases of Lahaul, and the local spirits or demons of Kulu, variously known as Devatas
or godlings, Devis who are apparently the corresponding female divinitiei^ Rakhis and Munir or local
saints, Siddhs or genii of the tull-tops or high places, Jogins or wood fairies. Nags or snake-gods, and
by many other names, though for practical purposes little distinction is apparently drawn between the
various classes. § A favourite situation for a snrine is a forest, a mountain peak, a lake, a cave, or a
waterfall ; but almost every village has its own temple, and the priests are generally drawn from among
the people themselves, Br&hmans and other similar priestly classes seldom officiating. Idols are almost
unknown, or where found, consist of a rude unhewn stone ; but almost every deity has a metal mask
which is at stated periods tied on to the top of a pole dressed up to represent the human form, placed
in a sedan chair, and taken round to make visits to the neighbouring divinities or to be feasted at a
private house in fulfilment of a vow. Each temple has its own feasts also, at which neighbouring deities
will attend ; and on all such occasions sheep or ^oats are sacrificed and eaten, much hill-beer is dnmk,
and the people amuse themselves with dances m which the man-borne deity is often pleased to i(Hn.
There are also other domestic powers, such as Edla Bir, Nan Singh, the Paris or fairies, and the like,
who have no shrines or visible signs, but are feared and propitiated in various ways. Thus for the
ceremonial worship of K&la Bir and Nan Singh, a black and white goat respectively are kept in the
house. Sacrifice of animals is a universal religious rite, and is made at weddings, funerals, festivals,
harvest time, on beginning ploughing, and on all sorts of occasions for purposes of purification, propitia-
tion, or thanksgiving. The water-courses, the sprouting seeds, the ripening ears are all in charge of
separate genii who must be duly propitiated.
* The local proverbs supply many instances of the evil odour in which the rapacity of the Brahmans have caused
them to be held. " As famme from the desert so comes evil from a Brahman."
t The following description is taken almost bodily, though not verbally, from Mr. Lyall*8 Kangra Beport.
X I shall not attempt to distinguish the various grades of belief which obtain in the different Himalayan ranges ;
but it may be said generally that the deeper you penetrate into the mountains the more elementary is the worSiip^
and the more malevolent are the deities.
§ There is one curious difference between the gods of the hills and those of the plains ; and that is, that many of
the former are purely territorial, each little state or group of villages having its own deity, and the boundaries
between their jurisdictions being very clearly defined. The god Sipur, in whose honour the well-known Sipi fair is
held near Simhi, lost his nose in an attempt to steal a deod&r tree from the territory of a neighbouring riviJ, for the
latter woke up and started in pursuit, on which Sipur not only fell down in his alarm and broke his nose, but he
droj^ped the tree, which is, I am told, still growing upside down to attest the truth of the story. The only
territorial god of the plains that I can remember is Bhumia, the god of the village. Perhaps the difference may be
due to the striking manner in which Nature has marked off the Himalayan territory into small valleys separated by
grand and difficult mountain ranges.
T 4
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'* Till the festiyal of the ripening grain has been celebrated no one is allowed to cat grassor any green thing with
" a sickle made of iron, as in such case the field-god wotdd become angry, and send frost to destroy or injnre the
** harvest. If therefore a Lahanli wants grass b^ore the harvest sacrifice, he mnst cat it with a sicUe made of the
" horn of an oz or sheep, or tear it off with the hand. The iron sicUe is used as soon as the harvest has been
" declared to be commenced by the performance, of the sacrifice. Infractions of this role were formerly severely
"ponished; at present a fine of one or two rupees sorfices."
All misfortune or sickness is attribated to the malice of some local deity or saint, and the priest is
consulted as is the Bhagat in the plains. Indeed the hill priests serve as a sort of oracle, and are
asked for advice on every conceivable subject ; when by whisking round, by flogging themselves with
chains, and so on, they get into the properly exhausted and inspired state, and gasp out brief oracular
answera Ma^c and witchcraft and the existence of witches and sorcerers are firmly believed in. In
the bill states if epidemic attack or other misfortune befall a village, the soothsayer, there called chela^
or '^ disciple/' is consulted, and he fixes under inspiration upon some woman as the witch in fault If
the woman confess she is purified by the chda^ the sacrifice of a he-goat forming the principal feature
in the ceremony. But if she deny the accusation, she will be tried by one of several kinds of ordeal
very similar to those once practised in Europe, those by water and by hot iron being among them.
Tree worship still flourishes. Mr. Anderson writes :—
*' In matters of every-day importance, sach as cattle, disease, health, good crops, &o., in short in worldly affiurs
** generally, the people of &dla go to the old deodar trees in the middle of the forest where there is often no temple
'* at all, and present a piece of iron to propitiate the diet^. Such trees are common in Kiila, and the nnmber of
" iron nails £iven into them show that this form of worship is not dying out."*
Both men and women of all classes eat meat, with the exception of widows ; spirits and fermented
liquids are commonly drunk, and Br&hmans will eat when seated alongside of the lower castes, though
not, of course, at their hands. The local saints and divinities are, unlike their rivals in the plains,
all Hindoo, with the doubtful exceptions of Guga Pir already described, and of Jamlu, a demon of
Mal&na in Killu, who possessed great virtue before our rule, his village being a city of refuge for
criminals, and whose hereditary attendants form an exceedingly peculiar body of men who are looked
upon collectively as the incarnation of the divinity, are apparently of a race distinct firom that of the
hiU-men, intermarry only among themselves, speak a dialect which is imintelligible to the people of
the country, and use their reputation for uncanniness and the dread of their god as the means of
wholesale extortion from their superstitious nei^hourst* Jamlu is said to be a Musalm&n because
animals offered to him have tJieir throats cut Sut neither he nor his worship bears any other trace of
Isl&m, and his attendants are Hindoo. His incarnation, too, is known as R& Deo, while his sister is called
Frini Devi. The other Devatas indeed refuse to visit him, and pretend to treat him as an outcast ; but
he revenges himself by assuming a superiority to them all, which m old days sometimes took the practical
form of a successful demand for a part of their property. In the lower hills the Mahammedan saints
re-appear, as B&na Fattu, B&na Bhopat, and their friends, and the majority of their worshippers are,
again, Hindoos.
Hindomm (m the frontier. — On the firontier and in the western districts^ the Hindoos are exceeding
lax in their observance of all ceremonies and caste restrictions, drinking water from skin bags,
and even from the hands of a Musalm&n, carrying about and eating food cooked at a public oven,
eating flesh in company with Musalm&ns, shaving uie chhotif or scalp-lock, selling vetetables and shoes,
loading and riding on donkeys, and —
" doing a multitude of things which an orthodox Hindoo would shink from. Except a few images kept in their
'' temples, they have no idols at all. No one in fact ever sees anything of their worship. They bum their dead
" and throw the ashes into the Indus, keeping a few of the bones to be taken or sent to the Ganges when Occasion
'* offers. There are a good many temples in the Ois-Indos traOt, but very few across the river." — {Tucker's Derah
Ismcnl Khan Report.)
This laxity is the more peculiar, as the mass of the Hindoos on the frontier belong to the mercantile
castes, who are in the east and centre of the Province proverbially strict in their observance of religious
and caste rules, ranking second in tiiis respect only to the Br&hmans themselves But the fact is that,
till we annexed the Punjdb the Hindoos only existed by sufierance in the frontier districts, and, being
compelled to keep their faith in the background, naturally grew lax in its observance. Moreover, a
very considerable proportion of the Hindoos on the frontier, and especially in the DeraJ&t, are N&naki
Sikhs, or followers of Bdba Nanak, as distinguished from Sinffhi bikhs, or followers of Guru Govind,
while even such as do not openlv profess those tenets are much influenced by them in their mode of
life. The position of the Hinaoo in Bannu at the time of annexation is thus graphically described
by Sir Herbert Edwardes :—
" In Bannu the position of the Hindoos was peculiarly degraded, for they lacked the interested friendship of a
** regular and needy Government, and became entirely dependent on the inoividaal maliks who harboured them in
" their forts. They could not indeed venture outside the walls, or visit their brethren in other forts, without a
" safeguard from their own chief, who conducted and brooght them back, and was paid for his protectioiL Once
" when I was encamped in the Surani tappahs, two half -buried human bodies were discovered, whose wounds bore
" evidence to the violence of their death. I was afraid they were some of my own men, and instant inquiry was
'' made in camp ; when some Bannuchis came forward to explain that they were only two SUndooe who had gone out
" without a ga^ to collect some debts I
" No Hindoo in Bannu was permitted to wear a turban, that being too sacred a symbol of Mahammedanism, and
** the small cotton skull-cap was all that they had to protect their brains from the keen Bannu sun. When they
*< came into our camp they made a hoUd^ of it, brought a turban in their pockets, and put it on with childish
<< delight when they got inside the lines. If any Hindoo wished to celebrate a marriage in his family, he went to
'' his maliks for a license as regularly as an English gentleman to Doctors Commons, and had to hire the malika'
" soldiers also to guard the procession and fire a feu dejoie. Notwithstanding all these outward dangers and dis-
• The name Deodar (Devordaru) means " the divine tree." It is applied to the Himalayan cypress {Cwreesus
Uxrulosa) in Kdlu, and in Lahul, to the Juniperae excelsa. The Himalayan ciders {Cedrue deodara) is cfdled by the
people dedr or heh, not deoddr.—D. I.
t There is a tradition that they were deported to their present homes by one of the Emperors as a punishment for
some offence.
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*' abilities, the Hindoo in his inmost sonl might hold ' high oarnival, ' for assomedlj he was the moral victor oyer his
** Mahammedan masters. I do not remember a single chief in Banna who could either read or write, and, what is
" much rarer among natives, very few indeed could make a mental calculation. Every chief, therefore, kept
** Hindoos about his x>erson as general agents and secretaries. Bred up to love money from his cradle, the common
" Hindoo cuts his first tooth on a rupee, wears a gold mohur round ms neck for an amulet, and has cowry shells
** (the lowest denomination of his god) given him to play with on the floor. The multiplication table, up to one
" hundred times one hundred, is his first lesson ; and out of school he has two pice given to him to take to the
" bazaar and turn into an anna before he ^ets his dinner ; thus educated, Hmdoos of aU otiiers are the best adapted
" for middle-men, and the Bannuchi Malik found in them a useful but double-edged tool. They calculated the
*' tithes due to him from the tappah, and told him a false total much under the real one ; they then offered to buy
** them from him, and cheated him dreadfully ; and lastly they collected the tithes from the people, who were
*^ equally ignorant, and took one hundred for fifty, backed by the soldiers of the very Malik to whom they had
" given fifty for one hundred. If the landowner was distressed, the Hindoo competed with the Mahammedan
** priest for the honour of relieving him with a loan upon his land ; and if the debt was affcerwards repudiated he
** easily obtained justice by bribing his friend the Malik. Throughout the whole of Bannu all trade was in the
** hands of the Hindoos, with the exception (characteristic of the two races) of gunpowder, firearms, and swords,
*' whidi were exclusively manufactured and sold by Mahammedans. Hence they had shops in every petty fort,
** and every Mahammedan in the valley was their customer.
" Living then though they did in fear and trembling, unable to display the very wares they wish to sell, burying
" profit that they made in holes in the fields and under the hearthstones of their houses, marrying wives only by
« sufferance, keeping them only if thej were ugly, and worshipping their gods hj stealth, the Hindoos of Bannu
" can still not be said to have been objects of pity, for their avarice made them insensible to the degradation of
'* their position, and thejjr derived from the gradual accumulation of wealth a mean equivalent for native country,
*• civil liberty, and religious freedom."
This description is exaggerated, at any rate as applied to matters as they now stand ; but till quite
lately ^' unmentionable indignities were inflicted upon the Hindoos of the Deraj&t while even now, in
*^ spite of the efforts of the Sikhs to do away with these signs of social degradation, a Hindoo, unless
** he be in Government employ, seldom wears anything but a skull-cap, or rides anything but a donkey."
Local sayings are not wanting to express contempt for the Hindoo, and especially for the Kirdr, the
popular name for the Arora or Hindoo trader of the west, and a word which has itself become almost a
synonym for a coward.* Thus the Pathdns say : " The Hindoos' cooking hearth is purified with dung."
" Fire and water are common, but not so with a Hindoo." '* The Pathdn eats his enemy, the Hindoo
" his friend." "When a Hindoo becomes bankrupt he looks up his old account books (to support false
♦* claims)." The Marwar traders, however, have their honesty attested in the saying, " Wnat is in
** deposit with a Hindoo is as in a safe." On the Biloch frontier the Hindoo is even more hardly
treated by the local wits, " The thieves were four, and we (the Kirdrs) 84 ; the thieves came on and we
" ran oflF: damn the thieves, well done us !" And again, " Don't trust a crow, a dog, or a Kir&r, even
** when asleep."
The Aroras or Kir^s of the lower Indus worship the Krishna incarnation of Vishnu, this being
probably the only part cf the Puoj£b west of Delhi where Krishna is generally venerated. They say
that about 1550 A.D. two spiritual guides, Sh&mji and L&lji, were sent from Brinddban, the great
centre of the Krishna cult, to reclaim them from the Musalmdn practices and errors into which they
had fallen. The Hindoos of the Indus also very generally worship the river itself under the name of
Khwdja Khizr or Zindah Fir, the living saint ; ' the worship taking much the same form as that
of Khw&ja Khizr already described. They also revere, under the name of Vadera Ldl, Dulan
Lai, Darya Sahib, or Ulail Parak, a hero who is said to have risen from the Indus and to have
rescued them from Mahammedan oppression. This hero would appear to be a sort of incarnation of
the Indus, beina^ sometimes called Khw&ja Khizr ; and his story is related in the Umrgit. The priests
of the local sects, the Gosains of the Krishna worship, the S^uwal Sh&hi Gurus of the Ndnaki Sikhs,
and the Thakur Gurus of the river worshippers, have, as in the east, quite thrown the Br&hmans into
the background as spiritual guides of the people, though of course their Levitical character and
hereditary right to alms remain unimpaired. But the western Br&hmans are utterly ignorant of their
faith, and seldom have knowledge sufficient even to enable them to perform their personal observances
aright.
Hindoo Sects. — The sects of the Hindoos are so innumerable that I cannot pretend to do more than
glance at one or two of the most important and interesting. The three great orthodox sects of Vaish-
nava, Saiva, Sakta are unknown even by name to the peasantry, who know nothing fiirther than that
they are Hindoos. If the pre-eminent worship of the sun means anything, the people of the plains
should be Sauras, at any rate in the eastern districts ; for their is hardly a peasant who, if asked to
name the deity whom he most reveres, will not at once name the Suraj Devata and explain that he
made everything. But the Sauras, or worshippers of the sun, seem to be almost extinct in India as a
separate sect, and it is probable that the Hindoo peasantry of the plains are Vaishnavas if anything.
They are certainly not Saktas, and they neglect Vishnu and Siva with great impartiality, though they
have the name of the former constantly in their mouths. N&naknanthi Sikhs are said to be Vaish-
navas, while Professor Wilson is of opinion that the Grovindi or true Sikhs incline to Saivism as more
consonant with the warlike nature of their faith. Govind Singh himself was a devotee of Durga. The
Banyas of the plains, or at least the Hindoo Agarwals who include such a large portion of them, are
said to be Vaisnnavas, though the village temples of Siva are very commonly built by Banyas ; and the
Jains, who are very generally Banyas, worship an incarnation of Vishnu. The Brdhmans are certainly
Vaishnavas as a rule, when they have any sect at all. The people of the hills are apparently Saktas
so far as they follow the orthodox Hindooism ; but they adopt the right-handed worship. Ihe left-
handed sect is, so far as I can discover, almost unknown in the Punjab ; but this may be only due to
the secrecy in which the sect always envelops its licentious and revolting orgies. Of the innumerable
minor sects to which Hindooism has given birth, and which still spring up almost yearly, often to die
down again at once, the older ones have long ceased to have any practical influence over the body of
ike people, and are now represented only among the ascetic or professed religious orders. It is true
* The Path&n proverbs which follow are taken from Thorbum's J?annti, and the proverbs of the lower frontier
form O'Brien's Multdm Oloescmf.
Y 5747. Cr
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that, as the spiritual guides of the people are drawn from these orders, the sects to which they belong
should be represented among their disciples; but I have already explained how little real influence
these men possess over the masses at whose expense they live, and the great body of the peasantry
may be said to have no sect at aH The case is somewhat di£ferent with regard to the modern sects
which have sprung up in more recent times. They have not yet had time to sail back into the general
sea of Hindooism, no longer to be recognised as distinct save in the dress and habits of the priests who
follow them ; they still preserve the vitality of their teaching, and they have in some cases obtained
followers in considerable numbers from among the peasantry. The most considerable among these
are the Sult&nis, or followers of Sakhi Sarwar.
After these come the BishnoiSy found only in the Hiss&r and Sirsa districts. This sect was founded
by a Rdjput of Bik&ner, who was born in 1451 A.D., and was therefore a contemporary of B&ba
N&nak, the ori^nator of Sikhism^ and is buried in Samruthul in Bik&ner. His spintual name was
J&mbhaji. He left his followers a scripture in the N&gri character called Subdhanu The adherents
of this sect are the descendants of inmiigrants from Bik&ner, and are almost exclusively Jats and
carpenters by caste, though they often abandon the caste name and describe themselves simply as
Bishnois. They marry only among themselves, are good cultivators, and keep camels in large numbers.
They have a ceremony of initiation, somewhat similar to and known by the same name as that of the
Sikhs. Their priests are apparently drawn from among themselves, and are, as with the Hindoos,
divided into the regular or celibate class and the secular clergy ; and the priesthood is not hereditary.
They worship J&mbhaji, whom they regard as an incarnation of Vishnu ; they abstain entirely from
animal food, and have a peculiarly strong regard for animal life, refrising as a rule to accompany a
sporting party; they look upon tobacco as unclean in all its forms; they bury their dead at full len^b,
usually at the threshold of tne house itself or in the adjoining cattle shed, or in a sitting posturelike
the Hindoo Sany&sis ; they shave off the chhati, or scalp lock ; and they usually cloth themselves in
wool as being at all times pure. They are more particular about ceremonial purity than even the
strictest Hindoo ; and there is a saying that if a Bishnoi's food is on the first of a string of 20 camels
and a man of another caste touch the last camel, the former will throw away his meal. In their marriage
ceremonies they mingle Mahammedau with Hindoo forms, verses of the Qor&n being read as well as
passages of the Sh&stras, and tiie plieroy or circumambulation of the sacred fire, being apparently omitted.
This intermixture is said to be due to the injunctions of one of the kings of Delhi to the founder of the
sect*
Somewhat similar to the Sult&nis are the Shanms of the Punj&b.f They are followers of the sainted
Shams Tabriz, and also reverence Sakhi Sarwar ; but though with a strong leaning towards the tenets
of Mahomet, they conform with most of the observances of Hindooism, and are accepted as Hindoos
by their Hindoo neighbours. They are chiefly drawn from the artizan an menial castes, though a
good many Ehatris are said to belong to the sect. They bury their dead instead of burning them.
Some time ago, when Agha Kh&n, the spiritual head of the Bombay Khojahs, visited the Punj&b, some
of this persuasion openly owned themselves his disciples, and declared that they and their ancestors
had secretly been Musalm&ns by conviction for generations, though concealing their faith for fear of
persecution. These men were of course promptly excommunicated by the Hindoo community.
A sect called the Kunda Panth, which has arisen in Pati&la within the last few years and which only
numbers some 4,000 followers, is worthy of brief notice as showing what extraordinary combinations
spring from the conflict of faiths in the Funjdb, and to what length men may go without ceasing to be
Hindoos, Its founder was one, H&kim Singh, a wretched creature who lived in great poverty and filth,
and possessed a few tracts and a new testament which the missionaries had given him. I must explain
that the Hindoos are expecting an incarnation of Vishnu under the title of Nish Ealank,:^ or the
Purifier, which is to happen about this period of the world's history ; while according to the Mahamme-
dans, this present year snould see the advent of Mahdi, their last Im&m, who is to bring the whole earth
in subjection to the crescent H^kim Singh, then, preaches that while Christ was Nish Kalank, he,
H^kim Singh, is a re-incarnation of Christ, and is also the Imam Maiidi. He accepts Christ as the true
Guru, but claims to be himself Christ in person, and offered to baptise the missionaries who would
argue with him. He prefers to live in retirement for a while, but proposes presently to destroy the
British Government and to convert and conquer the universe. He has nearly 4,000 believers in the
immediate neighbourhood of his home.
The Shamsis and Sultdnis already described are sects of Hindoos following Musalm&n leaders ; the
Ldl Ddsis would appear to be a sect of Musalm&ns who approach to Hindooism* It was founded by
L41 D&s, a Meo of Alwar, who though like all Meos a Musalm&n by faith, followed, again, like all
Meos, £Undoo observances. He was bom about 1540 A.D., and a full account of his life and teachings
will be found in PowUtt^s Gazetteer of Altoar^ page 53 et seq. The devotees of the sect are called SILdhs.
The worship consists largely of repeating the name of Rdm, and Sunday is their high-day. Yet Lai
D&s was a Musalm&n, is considered to be a Pir, and the greater number of his followers in Mew4t
proper at least are Musalmdn Meos, though on the Punjab border, where the spread of education has
made the Meos better Mahammedans, the LIL Disis are usually Hindoo Banyas and carpenters.
Concluding Bemarks.—Sxif^ is the religion of the Hindoo peasant of the Punj&b. Of course not a
thousandth part of his superstitions and beliefs have been enumerated in the above brief outline, for
they are not only innumerable, but vary more or less from one place to another. But I have attempted
* The Bishnois of Bijnaor, in the North-Westem Provinoes, are almost exolnsively traders, and are geiieraUv
regarded as a subdivision of the Banya caste. They respect the Qor4n and incline generally towards Ial4m, thon^
now less so than formerly.
t More precise information is greatly needed respecting this sect, though it is probably very difficult to obtain,
as they apparently oonoeal their real opinions. . .
t The actual name of the incarnation will be Eal^ and his story is told in tihe EaUd Pur^u* He is not to oome
till the end of the current era ot jug, which has, I believe, some few million years still to ran ; for the HiodoQS^
like the geologists when Sir William Thompson is not looking, think in round numbers.
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to sel^jct some of those which are most t3rpical and most generally current ; and in doing so I have had
two ol^^eqis in view. In the first nlace^ I wished to show how £ar the real practical religious belief and
life of ninety-nine hundredths of tne Hindoos of the Punjdb is removed from the ideal Hindooism as
we read of it in books. But beyond that, I am anxious to show what a vast field of inquiry of the most
interesting sort is open to us in the customs of the people amongst whom we dwell. It is a matter of
amazement, and should, I think be a cause of shame, to find such men as Tylor, Lubbock, MacLennan,
and other writers of European renown, compelled to collect with great labour from forgotten descrip-
tions of little known tribes, instances to ^ow the currency in India of customs and ideas of which the
every-day routine of every Punj&b village would afford them infinitely better examples. It would, I
believe, be possible to take the two volumns of Tyler's Primitive CuUurey and to furnish from the
ordinary behefs of the peasants of the Delhi Territory instances of almost every type of superstition
there recorded as current among primitive races. Too many of us go about among the people with our
eyes and ears shut ; or if we do acquire any information, think it too trivial and too much a matter of
course to be worth recording ; and every vear sees Indian officials with their heads stored with facts of
the most invaluable nature die and take their knowledge with them. There is no lack of material ; all
that is wanted is people to collect and record the fSEtcts ; and anybody who would consistently do so
throughout his Indian service would, I believe, produce results which would be valued and appreciated
beyond measure by European savants.
Ths- Musalmams of the Punjab.
Earfy advance of Islam in the Punjab. — It is difficult to fix with any approach to certainty the time
at which Mahammedanism first made material progress among the population of the several portions of
the Province. Much might be done by a careful examination of the. old historians and of the records
of the various Mahamn^edan invasions of the Punj&b ; for the writers seldom fail to state the religion
of the enemy, or to return thanks to the Almighty for the despatch of so many thousands of infidels
to the bottomless pit ; but as yet nothing of mis sort appears to have been attempted. The people
of the eastern districts very generally refer their change of faith to the reign of Aurangzeb ; and it
is probable that the tradition very nearly expresses the truth. Under the Afghan dynasties, while the
great provincial governors were always Mahammedan, the local administration would appear to have
been in a great measure left in the hands of Hindoo chiefs who paid tribute and owed allegiance to
the Sult&n of Delhi. ]t is tolerably certain that little attempt was made at proselyting under the
free-thinking Akbar. It. would appear, however, that during nis reign and those of his immediate
successors, me character of the administration changed considerably, a more direct and centralised
control being substituted for an almost purely feudid system.* The change gave the people Musalman
S>vernors in the place of Hindoos ; and must have greatly facilitated the ^rstematic persecution of
e infidel which was instituted by Aurangzeb, by far the most fanatical and bigoted, and probably
the first who was a bigot among the emperors of Delhi. The local traditions tell us that in many
cases the ancestor of the present Musalm&n branch of a village community adopted Isl&m '^in order
^ to save the land of the village ;" and it appears probable that some sort of legal disability was attached
or attachable to a Hindoo. There is still a Hindoo family of Banyas in Gurglon who are known by the
title. of Shekh, because in former days one of the brothers, whose line is now extinct, became a convert
in order to save the family property from confiscation. In other cases the ancestor is said to have been
taken as a prisoner or hostage to Delhi,' and there circumcised and converted against his wilLf Since the
rise of the Mahratta power there has, of coiurse, been no forcible proselytism ; and conversion has been
almost unknown within the last few generations, the first Musalm&n genersdly dating, in the Karn^l
district at least, from between eight and ten generations back.
On the frontier the spread of Isl^ was almost certainly of earlier date. Farishtah puts the con-
version o£ the Afghan mountaineers of our frontier and of the Gakkhars of the R&walpindi Division
at the beginning of the 13th century, and it is certain that the latter were still Hindoos when they
assassinated Mahomed Ghori in 1206 A.D. On the lower frontier it is probable that the Mahammedan
faith was already dominant when, early in the fifteenth century, the people of MuMn voluntarily
elected a Qoreshi and director of a Mahammedan shrine as their chief, only to be superseded at once
by the Lang&h dynasty of Afgh&ns; and when a century later the Biloches spread into the Punjdb,
they probably found, the Indian pqpulation already converted to their faith. The people of the
iKe4^i^ plains very generally attribute their conversion to] Bah&-ul-Haqq of Multin andJBdbaFarid of
P^Uq>attan, whoflounahed aboat the end of the ISth and beginning of the 14th centuries; and whether
the tradition be true ot no, the renown vfhith to this day attaches to these holy men is of itself
a proof that they must.bave a^acted to themselves very numerous followers. Indeed the same may
fae.8dd.of Sakhi Sarwar, who probably lived at least a century earlier.
Mahammedanism in the Eastern Districts. — In the eastern portion of the Punj&b the faith of Isl&n, in
anything hke its original purity, was till quite lately to be found only among the Saiyads, Path&ns,
Arabs, and other Musahn&ns of foreign origin, who were for the most part settied in towns. The so-called
Musalin&ns of the villages were Musalm&ns in little but name. They practised circumcision, repeated
the qulmah or Mahammedan profession of faith, and worshiped the village deities. But after the mutiny
a great revival took place. Mahammedan priests travelled far and wide through the countrv preaching
the true faith, and calling upon believers to abandon their idolatrous practices. And now almost every
village in which Musalm&as own any considerable portion has its mosque, often of a dome only, while
all the grosser and more open idolatries have been discontinued. But the villager of the east is still a
very bad Musalman. A peasant saying his prayers in the field is a sight almost unknown, the fasts are
almost, universally disregarded, and there is stiU a very large admixture of Hindoo practice. As Mr.
* I cannot pretend to speak with any authority on this sabjeot, as I am in no way learned in Indian history ; but
I state the impressioD wmch the stndv of Ellibti^s Mahammedan HUtoricms has left npon mv mind.
A ^f* In Ihe Etotem Ptmj£b the desoendaHtcTof these men, or at least of such of them as are Jats, are still distingmshed
as vMa^ ot unfortunate, though they have in many instanoes been re-admitted to Hindooism.
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Channiag puts it, the Musalm&n of the villages '^ observes the feasts of both religious and the fasts of
" neither." And indeed it is hardly possible that it should be otherwise. As I have already remarked,
the conversion was seldom due to conviction, but was either forcible, or made under pressure of the fear
of confiscation. Thus the change of faith was usually confined to one or two members of the brother-
hood; and while it is common to find one branch of a joint village communicy Musalni&ns and the other
Hindoos, it is perhaps seldom the case except among the Meos of Gurgaon that any considerable group
of villages has embraced Isldm as a whole. Living then side by side with their Hindoo brethren m the
same or the next village, sharing property in the same land, and forming a part of the same family with
them it is impossible that the Musalman converts should not have largely retained their old customs and
ideas! The local saints and deities still have their shrines even in villages held wholly by Musalm&ns,
and are still regularly worshipped by the majority, though the practice is gradually declining. The
women especially are offenders in this way ; and a Musalm&n mother who had not sacrificed to the
small-pox goddess would feel that she had wantonly endangered the life of her child. The Hindoo
family priests are still kept up and consulted as of old, and br&hmans are still fed on the usual occa-
sions, and in many cases still ofiiciate at weddings and the like side by side with the Mahammedan priests,
As for supersitions, as distinct from actual worship, they are wholly untouched by the change of faith,
and are common to Hindoo and Musalm&n. A brother officer tells me that he once entered the rest-
house of a Mahammedan village in Hissdr, and found the headmen refreshing an idol with a new coat of
oil while a Br&hman read holy texts alongside. They seemed somewhat asluuned of being caught in the
act ; but on being pressed, explained that their Mullahad lately visited them, had been extremely angry
on seeing the idol, and had made them biury it in the sand. But now that the Mulla had gone they were
afraid of the possible consequences, and were endeavouring to console the god for his rough treatment
The story is at any rate typical of the state of the Mahammedan religion in the villages of the DehU
Territory. The Meos of Gurgdon and Alwar who are Musalmin to a man, and who probably hold the
only considerable tract in the eastern Punjab which is in the hands of Musalmdns only^ call themselves
by Hindoo names and often use Singh as an affix, worship Hindoo godlings, and very commonly belong
to the Hindoo-Musalm&n sect of Lil Ddsi, which I have described in the section under Hindooism, chiefly
because I could not find a convenient place for it among Musalman sects. But within the Punjab the
spread of education has had its effect on these people — " Recently religious teachers have become more
** numerous among them ; and some Meos now keep the Ramz&n fast, build village mosques, say their
" prayers, and their wives wear trowsers instead of the Hindoo petticoat — all signs of a religious revival."
(Channinff's Gurgaon Beport,)
Mahammedanitm an ike Frontier. — On the frontier Isl&m is of course pre-emmently the religion of
the people, the few Hindoos being generally despised as shop-keepers and cowards. But even here the
religion is of the most impure description. TheJPathdns of the northern frontier are fanatics of the
most bigoted description; the Biloches of the Deraj&t and the mixed agricultural population of the
Indus Valley and the Cis-Indus wastes are singularly lax and unobservant of the ordinances of their
religion ; while the Mahammedans on the left bank of the lower Indus still retain a very large admix-
ture of Hindoo practice, reverencing and employing Br&hmans and largely following the Hindoo ritual
at weddings and other similar ceremonies, while even the Saiyads and Path&ns of those parts are not by
any means free from their Hindooising influence. All alike are sunk in the most degrading superstition,
and in the most abject submission to their spiritual pastors. Indeed, there is little to choose in this
respect between the Musalm&n of the west and the Hindoo of the east ; the only practical difference
being that the former worships saints only and the latter godlings as well, and that while the latter
holds in but small reverence the Br&hman on whom he squanders his substance, the former trembles
before the priest whom he sustains in idleness. Mr. O'Brien writes of Muzaffargarh : —
« The name of Allah and Mahammed are always on their lips, and some know their prayers and fast strictly. But
'* their feelings of worship are entirely diverted from the Divine Being to their Pirs or spiritual guides, for whom
'< they have an exoessive reverence. Everv person has a Pir. It is not necessary that a Pir should be of known
" piety— many, indeed, are notorious for their immorality. To obtain disciples all that is necessary is that a Pir
'* should have the reputation of being able to procure the objects of his disciple's tows. A common way of choosing
** a Pir is to write the names of the neighbouring Pirs upon scraps of paper and throw the scraps into water. The
<* saint whose scrap sinks first is selected."
And things are little better in the upper frontier. The whole western border is infested by a
pestilential horde of so-csdled Saiyads, '* seekers after knowledge," Rrs, Mullas, and other men who
call themselves holy, and who not only prey upon the substance of the people but hold them in the
most degrading bondage,* though the great majority of them cannot write their own names or repeat
correctly half a dozen verses of the Qor&n. When claiming to be exempt from assessment, aiid
reproached with their ignorance by the Bannu Settlement Officer, thejr offered to prove their sanctity
by handling deadly snakes in his presence ; I quote the graphic description by Sir Herbert Edwardes
of the relation between these creatures and the people of Bannu as he found it existing at annexa*
tion : —
" A well-ednoated man will, in all probability, be religious, but an ignorant one is certain to be superstitions. A
*< more utterly ignorant and superstitious people than the Bannuchis I never saw. The vilest jargon was to them
** pure Arabic from the blessed Koran, the clumsiest imposture a mirade, and the fattest fakir a saint. Ear and
'< near from the barren and ungratdhil hills around, the Mullah and Eazi, the Pir and the Saiyad, descended to the
<( ffTviiiing vale, armed in a panoply of spectacles, and owl-like looks, miraculous rosaries, infallible amulets, and
<* tables of descent from Mahammed. Each new comer, like St. Peter, held the keys of heaven ; and the whole like
<* Irish beggars were equally prepared to bless or curse to all eternity him who gave or him who withheld. These
*< were ' air-diawn daggers,' against which the Bazmuchi peasant had no defence. For him the whistle of the far-
<< thrown bullet, or the nearer sheen of his enemy's sword, had no terrors : blood was simply a red fluid ; and to
« remove a neighbour's head at the shoulder as easy as cutting cucumbers. But to be cursed in Arabic, or anything
<* that sounded like it, to be told that the blessed Prophet had put a black mark against his soul for not giving his
** best field to one of the prophet's own posterity ; to have the saliva of a disappointed saint left in anger onhisdoor-
« This is probably less true of the Biloch of the Sulem4n border than of the other classes on the frontier. He is
superstitious to a degree ; but he is not sufficient of a Mnsalm&n to abandon the independence which is natural
^ >Tnij even in favour of a spiritual master.
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** post, or behold a Haji, who had gone three times to Meooa, deliberately sit down and enohant his camels with
** the itoh, and his sheep with the rot ; idiese were things which made the dagger drop out of the hand of the awe-
* * stricken savage, his knees to knock together, his liver to torn to water, and his parched tongue to be scarce able
** to articulate a full and complete concession of the blasphemous demand, m learning scarcely anv, if at all,
'* elevated above their flocks ; m garb and manners as savage ; in no virtue superior ; humanizing them by no
'* ffentle influence ; shedding on their wild homes no one generous or heart-kindling ray of religion, these impudent
" impostors thrive alike on the abundance and the want of the superstitious BannuchiB, and contributed nothing to
** the common stock but inflammatory council and a fanatical yeUin the rear of the battle."
The local proverbs are full of bitter sarcasm on the greed of the Mahammedan priests. Here are
some from the lower frontier : —
"In the mom the Mulla pra^^— ' Oh Lord Qod, kill a rich man to-day 1* "
"MuUal will you eat something P ' In the name of €K)d I will.' 'Mulla! will yon give something?' 'Godpre-
*• serve me I will not. ' "
*' May Qod not set Saivads and ' Mullas over us.* "
" These four were not bom on giving day, the Mulla, Bhat, Br4hman, and Mirasi."
"On Thursday there is joy in the Mmla's house; his heart is niggardly, but his arms are open (to receive
" offerings.)"
"The Mulla was drowned rather than give his hand."
" To divide the corn-heaps is as bad as the Besurreotion (because of the swarms of greedy priests who claim their
share)."
" A Mulla who has dined will eat more than a hungry bufihlo."
The Path&u is no less bitter.
" The full stomach speaks Persian." " Akhiind ! Akhdnd I here is a snake I" "It is the business of young men
to kill it. " *' Akhiind Akhund I here is a dish of meat I" ' * There are myself, my son, and Mulla Akbar ready to eat
it."
" Akhund Sahib 1 Here is ghi /" ' ' Don't make a noise ; there are people listening. But what else is that in your
hand P" " It is a loaf of bread." ' < How nice it smells I"
These sainted men are rotten with iniquity, and the corrupters of the village youth. When offered
what they think insufficient, they either take more by force, or pour out volleys of curses and of the
most filthy abuse. Hence the saying " Give the dole, or 1 will burn your house down." Yet even the
Pfr is sometimes useful. The Afrfdi Path&ns of Tirdh had shame in the sight of their brethren, in
that their territory was blessed with no holy shrine at which they might worship, and that they had to
be beholden to the saints of their neighbours when they wished for divine aid. Smarting under a sense
of incompleteness, they induced by generous offers a saint of the most notorious piety to take up his
abode amonsrst them. They then made quite sure of his staying with them by cutting histfairoat;
they buried him honourably, they built over his bones a splendid shriue at which they might worship
him and implore his aid and intercession in their behalf, and thus they purged themselves of their
reproach. Besides these professional holy men, there are among many of tne f ath&n and Biloch tribes
certain clans, apparently not differing from the other clans of me tribe, who have a hereditary right to
perform all sacerdotal ftmctions in cases of tribal ceremonial. The subject is a most interesting one
and needs further examination.
Superstitions are even more numerous and deep-rooted among the Mahammedans of the west than
among the Hindoos of the east. '^ He who is bitten by a snake may escape ; but not he on whom the
" evil eye has fallen." Charms are in even greater request, and omens even more regarded. But the
superstitions differ little in their general character from those current in the eastern districts : they
naturally vary somewhat with the locality, but are in no way affected by the difference of religion.
Sacrifices to the river in order to induce it to spare the village lands and site as it shifts from side to
side in its bed seem to be common on all the Punjab rivers except the Jamna. The flight of birds is
much observed as an omen by the Biloches, whose superstition regarding their star has already been
described.
"The Pathans especialljr have the strongest possible beUef in saints and shrines, and in the efficacy of pU-
" grimages to groves and high places. There is hardly an old mound in the country on which the flag of some
" faqir is not nying. All classes of the i>eople put great trust in spells and charms, and if any confidence may be
" placed in common report, the age of miracles has by no means yet gone by."— (TttcA^er'd Derak lemdil Reoort. )
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APPENDIX C.
EXTRACT FROM MR. BAINES' REPORT ON THE BOMBAY CENSUS.
ON SEX AND AGE.
CHAPTER
No. of
FemaleB
Average
ofMSe
tnss
Goontry.
Births
to 1,000
Females.
Deaths to
1,000
Females.
.Bcntanl*
AuSm - . • -
1,068
1.061
1,068
970*
1,063
ITnited Kingdom
1,067
1,048
1,026
Sweden - - . .
1.065
1,047
1,032
1,048
1,046
1,056
1,045
1,048
Spain - - - -
HoUand - - -
1,044
1,040
1,066
1,058
1,068
1.016
^OTway • - -
1^
1,028
1,061
1,058
1,050
1,061
],028
]«074
Saxony * * **
1,021
1,051
1,076
V^ranoe « - - «
1,000
1,051
1,011
itoSy '™. . ' - ' '
905
1,054
969
989
l/rn
—
Bomtey (without SiE^) -
975
1.096
ia58t
Greece - - - -
988
1,102*
moSi * . - .
883
■"^
"~*
From the marginal table it will be seen that, in the countries selected, the number of males bom is
invariably higher than that of females ; whilst, in the majority of the
at bS^^^ proportionBof the sexes eountries, the preponderance of the latter sex amongst the population
of all ages is very marked. In some of the cases the variation pre-
sents curious features. In Austria and Switzerland, for instance, the balance of sex seems to completely
turn over during the course of life. In the Presi-
dency of Bombay, firom which I have excluded Sind
on account of the probable greater defect in registra-
tion there, it appears that more males than females
are bom by some 95 {>er mille; that is, to put it
otherwise^ out of 100 births registered, the chances
are that there will be 52 * S males to 47 ' 7 females. I^
however, the population be taken en masse, the female
element will be seen to have risen from 918 to every
thousand males to 975 ; so that in this case, as well
as the rest, the general uniformity is observed of the
preponderance at birth of the one sex, compensated
by a greater mortality of the same in after years. It
is, however, with regard to the resolution of this ten-
dency into its ultimate elements that uncertainty and
differences of opinion arise. The physiological law
involved has yet to be explored, and in every stan-
dard work on the subject that I have consulted I find
conclusions mutually inconsistent I will mention,
One author lays great stress on the period of conception ; another on the
Phvaioloffical influences quality and abundance of the food supplied to the mother durins
y^ ^^ ' gestation ; but the results of an abunaant supply, as observed and
registered by him, are diametricaUy opposed to those deduced from correspondmg observations made
in anoUier country by a separate iAquirer. It is evident, therefore, that this influence' has not^ up to
.the present, been traced over a field wide enough to entitle it to much consideration. It has also in
the same manner been laid down that in mountainous countries there is a tendency towards a pre-
ponderance of the male sex. This view, however, is not borne out by the statistics of such countries
as Switzerland, Norway, and Sweden. Nor, again, is the influence of climate traceable with any
uniformity. Distinguished authorities have lent their support to the theory, originated as long ago as
the time of Aristotle, that the sex is inherent in the germ itself; but whether there has been any
verification of this view by experts or not, is uncertain, as none is cited by the statisticians who advance
the hypothesis in the works I have consulted. The last of the theories on this subject that I need
mention here is one that is based on satisfactory evidence as far as it goes ; but, like all the rest,
cannot command implicit acquiescence, owing to the comparatively narrow field in which the data
were collected. According to this hypothesis, the relative age of the parents is paramount in deter-
mining the sex of their ofispring. Where the husband is the elder the child is male, and vice versd.
As the number of cases in which the above theory would practically exclude altogether the birth of
female children is overwhelming, it is clear that some supplementary influence is required. The
observations made by the chief German supporter of this view are given in the following form ;* and I
have added to them, for comparison, the results of those made by Sadler, and published in his well-
known work on population. These results have not, I should mention, been accepted as more than
partially indicative of the uniformity which their propounders would have to be a law : —
* ^e aiterisk denotes that the data are for a single year only.
• t Or 1,185, excluding the fiimine years.
however, a few of these.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Father younger than mother
Father and mother of equal age
Father older by 1 to 6 years
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
by 6 to 9 do.
by 6 to 11 do.
bv 9 to 18 do.
by 11 to 16 do.
by 16 and over
by 18 do.
Hofacker.
Sadler.
90-6
86-51
90
94-8
108-4
103-7
124-7
—
Average number
—
126-7).. ofmale births to
148-7
—
lOOfemalebirths.
—
147-7
—
168-2
200-0
—
From these figures and firom others relating to marriage, I am inclined to surmise, though with extreme
diffidence as to the value of the supposition, that the influence of age as a factor in the determination
of the sex of the child amounts to a tendency only, varying in intensity with the difference between
the ages of the parents. Taking, for example, the marriage and birth returns of this Presidency and
England, it appears that the ratio of excess of male births in Bombay is almost double that found in
the latter country. On calculating roughly the mean ages of the married persons, it seems that
* From Garpenter's Hnman Physiology, Ninth Edition (1881).
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whereas in England that of husbands of all ages is 43 '5 years, and of wives 41*8, in this Presidency
the corresponding ages are 85*5 and 28*1. This difference, spread over four millions of wives and'
more than three and a half millions of husbands, is exceedinglv large, and can be better appreciated^
when the whole series of ages is under the reader's eye. Without entering further into the matter at
present, I will point out that in Bombay the wives under 20 years old constitute over 29 per cent of
the total of married women, but in England they bear a proportion of ' 88 only. The husbands
of that age in this Presidency, too, are only 12 per cent, on the entire number of married men ; and
as the ratio of wives to husbands of the same age decreases rapidly in the succeeding vicennial periods,
it is clear that the dispro{)ortion between the couples in later life must be very marked. Another
point I will bring to notice in connexion with this question of the ages of parents is, that in the birth
returns of the countries in Europe that I have selected for the table given in the beginning of this
chapter, the disproportion between the numbers of the sexes at birth is considerably less, as a rule,
in the case of illegitimate children than in that of others. Regarding this peculiarity, it is ol^erved,
on the one hand, that such births, being in themselves a social aberration, are not to be expected to
follow the normal rule of the others. On the other hand, it may be thought that in the majority of
illegitimate births the inequality between the a^es of the parents is loss than that which exists in the
case of the average married couple, and thus, if the tendency mentioned above is admitted to be
operative, the chance of female births is of a higher degree of probability than it may be said to bQ
amongst the married. I will here leave this question with the remark that, until experience has heed
gained by means of accurate and continuous observations extending over a considerable time and a wide
range of climate, race, and social characteristics, the divergence of opinion that I have quoted above will
always exist witfi regard to this important subject*
The proportion of males to females in this Presidency must, therefore, be regarded with refereticie
_ , ^. _x- • 1 ^ those who have already come into existence, and the question of
Bekfave pr^rfaonfl m popular j^^^ ^^ey came into the world in the proportions they have done, dis-
tioix as a wnoie. 'jx^^i^ ^ i_-t- ■* "^^-i '.
missed tor the presen)} as one on which science has not by any meaQS
said its last word. The two distinct portions of the Presidency differ as to the ratio of femalias
to males in a remarkable degree. In this respect, too, the capital city stands apart, and will not
be taken into consideration until later. In the rest of the Presidency the proportion of females
is about 975 to 1,000 males, or, put differently, 49 * 5 per cent of the total popiilation. lu ,Sifid
g. , the ratio is no higher than 883 per mille, or about 45 '4. It is Wk
of the question to attribute any considerable portion of this difference
to artificial causes, such as the well-known reticence in Mahammedan households as to the female
members of the family, because the disproportion runs through every religion returned from this Pro-
vince, and is not so marked amongst the Mahammedan community as amongst the Hindoos^ The same
feature is noticeable in the Punjab, and to a minor extent in the rest of Hindusthfi,n or Northern India,
where none of the special causes that have been mentioned are sufficient to account for the great differ-
ence. There are, it is true, local causes that may tend to add to any inherent disproportion between
the sexes, such as the immigration of large tribes^ of graziers and camel-dealers who have not their
families with them. Similarly, the indigenous roving tribes may be more numerous in proportion to
the total population than in the rest of me country ; and, lastly, there may have been, as the return of
birth-place seems to indicate, an influx of settlers on frontier lands, who have not yet permanently
estabbshed themselves with their womenkind in their new locality. These migrations do not, howevei,
account for more than a small portion of the excess of males ; and, whatever the true cause, we have in
Sind a very dry climate with extremes of temperature, an omnivorous population of all classes and
grades, and a considerable area of cultivable land, producing more than is required for the support of
the existing population, the resultant being a large proportional deficiency of females from a very early
period in life.
In the Presidency Division, though the ratio of females to males is everywhere higher than in Sind,
p^. , j^ . , there are striking differences between the returns from the different
ifieBi enoy vision. divisions and districts. I have already touched generally upon this
subject when commenting upon the changes in the population that have taken place since the preceding
Census, because one of the most prominent variations has been that in the numerical ratio between the
two sexes. In three districts, Ratnfigiri, Surat, and Kalddgi, the females are more numerous than the
males. In the first it is the emigration of males that apparently causes most of this difference. In
Kalddgi, where in 1872 there was a balance in favour of males, the famine, either by loss of life or by
forcing the males to emigrate, is the probable cause of the change. In Surat, as in Ratndgiri, mixeo.
influences are at work. As far as the bulk of the people in this collectoratc are concerned — ^that is
amongst the Hindoos — the males are slightly in excess. Amongst the forest tribes the balance is fairly
well preserved, as seems to be the case throughout with this community. The deficiency in males must,
therefore, be sought in the Pdrsis and Mahammedans. I have already mentioned the gradual transfer
of the former community to the capital, where it appears that a larger number of males than of the
other sex resort both for trade and education. The most wealthy class of Mahammedans in Surat, too,
are the trading or Daudi Borahs, who are to be found in every town in the country, and mostly come
from Surat and the Panch Mahdls. It is in the former, however, that the rich Borah aims at having his
ultimate home, in the vicinity of the Mullah Sahib and other leaders of his sect, for the Borahs are reputed
to be most scrupulous in regard to their religious observances. There is also a considerable colony of
mercantile Borans of the Sunni sect in this district, trading with the Mauritius and Burmah. In both
these cases the family would probably, like that of the P&rsis, be loft at home, whilst the breadwinner
was'on his travels abroad. After the three districts in which there is an actual excess of females, come four
coUectorates in which the number of the sexes is almost equal. These are Dharwar, Belgaum, SStfirA,
* There is very little doubt in my own mind that no single influence of those I have cited above will suffice to
explain the phenomena, but that it will ultimately be discovered that several combined in diflferent proportions tend
towards a certain alteration in the ratio between uie sexes. For instance, nnless emigration takes place in Madras
and Bengal to a much greater extent than I believe to be the case, the theory regarding differences of age broached
in the text must be counteracted by more powerful influences, such as that of food or climate.
U 4
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XXIV
and Kol&ba. As in Kalfidgi, though less prominently, the famine may be set down as the primary
cause of the change in the two first named. In S&t^ra the eastern portion was affected by this calamity
to a considerable extent, but not nearly so badly as the neighbouring districts on three sides. The
large proportion of women is probably attributable, therefore, quite as much to emigration as to loss in
the famine. The Bombay city return of birth-places shows that the immigrants from this district form
no inconsiderable item in the total alien {)opulation ; and when I was inspecting the preliminary
arrangements for the enumeration of the railways, 1 found that a large colony ol the lower classes,
mostly from Satara, had collected on the line of rail for the execution of some extensive earthwork
within easy distance of their homes. In Koldba the difference between the proportions at the two
enumerations is less marked, and is attributable, I think, to the same cause as that in Ratn&giri,
though the emigration is less extensive. The proximity of Bombay and the improvement of the ferry
communication have contributed to take some of the male population to the labour market of the
capital. I do not think that more need be said about the rest of the districts than has been brought
to notice elsewhere. The comparatively high ratio of females in Ahmednagar and Shol&pur is
apparently the result of the famine, as in Dhirwdr and its two neighbours in the Karn&tia The
exceptional case of Kdnara, in which the ratio has decreased since the last Census, is the result, appa-
rentljr, of the immigration of males for the harvest and for the winter grazing on the Ghats. Tnere
remains the instance, in Gujarit, of Kaira, which shows the lowest ratio of any of the districts in the
Presidency Division. Here the females number no more than 46 '97 of the population and the dis-
proportion is little less marked amongst the Mahanunedans than amongst the Hmdoos that form the
bulk of the population. Whether there are special causes for this difference, and whether such causes
are operating in both the above-mentioned communities, are questions into which investigation, of a
more minute nature than that which can fitly find a place in tnis work, has to he made. Generalisa-
tion on a subject in which so much remains to be solved as that of sex is dangerous ; but, judging from
the returns before us, it certainly appears as if in this part of the country, at least, setting aside all
influences of a temporary and special nature, such as famine, emigration or deliberate neglect of
offspring, the ratio of females diminishes as the north is approached, and as if, on the same conditions,
it were lower in a j>rospering than in a poverty-stricken region.
The next point in connexion with tne relative strength of the sexes is the differences that appear
„ , ^. _^. . j..» i" the communities affecting different forms of religion. Thus, the
Retotive proportion m different Hindoos show a ratio of females to a thousand males amounting to
961, which is reduced to 956 if those in Sind be included. Amongst
Mabammedans, the predominant class in the latter Province, there are 874 females to the above
number of males, but in the Presidency Division the ratio increases to 9S9. Of all the other religions
the Aboriginal has the highest ratio of females, 968, though the P&rsis approach it within seven. It will
be noted with regard to these two communities that in Gujar&t the males are in the minority. As to
Pdrsis, this disproportion follows necessarily from what was said previously about the change
that is being gradually eflbcted in the domicile of this race. But with regard to the Aboriginals, the
only distinctive facts that I can see which are likely to bring about the preponderance of females are,
first, the lowness of their habitual diet in comparison with that of the rest of the community, and,
secondly the later age of marriage amongst females and the apparent prevalence of second marriages,
tending, according to the age theory of sex, to a greater equality in this respect between the two
parents. If we turn to Sind, on the other hand, we find the Aboriginal there is no exception to the
general ratio that prevails amongst other races in that Province. There is one other race in which a
preponderance of females is found, and that is the Jews. It is probably the result of the large number
of this race employed beyond the limits of the Presidency, as in the outlying cantonments. The
Sikhs, though the class in which, of all those in Sind, the proportion of women is the largest, show no
more than 8S0 of that sex to 1,000 of the other. The Jain of all the native communities is that in
which the average of females is the lowest This arises from the large proportion of this sect that
belongs to other parts of India, and is resident here only for a season. Though the general average
is only 827 per mille, in the districts where this community is settled permanently, as in Ahmedabad
and Belgaum, the proportion is much higher ; and in the former collectorate, indeed, from which a
large number of traders are distributed over the rest of the country, the ratio, as in the case of the
Pdrsis in Surat, is above the average, and the females form 50 "46 of the entire community. In
Belgaum the males preponderate in about the same proportion, which is slightly above that of the
other religions in the district In the Konkan, Kh&ndesh and Poena, it is clear from the proportions
of the sexes to each other, that the Jains are mere passers through the district, probably traders in
f reduce, having left their families elsewhere. The Christians are the last race that require notice,
t is necessary to distinguish these according to the three classes adopted in the pi-eceding chapter, as
the differences in the relative proportions of the sexes are very large. Amongst the Eurasians the
females outnumber the males in the ratio of 1,024 per mille. At the other extreme arc the Europeans,
with an average of 399 only. The Native Christians come between, showing a ratio of 778. Amongst
the Europeans the highest proportion is to be found in the city of Bombay, where there are very
nearly half as many females as males. The lowest is in the Karn&tic, where the garrison at Belgaum
comprises the bulk of the Europeans, and has, of course, comparatively few but males in its number.
The average for this division is but 203 ; and in the Deccan, owing to the preponderance of the
militarjr element in Poena, Ahmednagar, and N^slk, the ratio is only 374 per mille. The relative
proportion of the sexes amongst the native community of this creed vary according to the nature of the
settlement. In the Konkan and Karn^tic, where this class is indigenous, the proportion of females is
high, reaching 988 and 883, respectively, as compared to 541 in Bombay, which contains a large
niunber of Goanese immigrants, and 710 and 739 in the Deccan and Gujarat respectively. Amongst
native converts of the present day the proportions of the sexes to each other is more in accordance
with that found in the older Christian settlements. The temporary character of the European and
Native Christian residence may be learned from the proportion of wives to husbands, which is 716 per
mille in the former and 770 in the other. If the same test be applied to the Eurasians, the wives will be
found to outnumber the husbands by 132 per mille : so that, apparently, the male Eurasian is absent
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XXV
to that extent in other Provinces, whilst in every thousand married European men there are 284
without their wives in this Presidency. The Native Christians are similarly situated, though to a less
degree.
In a previous chapter I said that, even with respect to so wide a distinction as that of religion, the term
Hindoo cannot be taken as implying a homogeneous community, and when we come to enter into such
questions as that before us, it is impossible to entirely disregard the social divisions of the population
Siat is known under that single designation— divisions which are mentioned by Duncker as **the
** sharpest known in history."* It is not my intention to attack, in this work, the intricate and open
questions involved in a consideration of the caste system, as they have been the. subject of much
separate investigation, and even in the subsequent chapter dealing with social divisions a general
mention will be enough for my purpose. Nevertheless, it is worth while here to note that where there
are such wide differences as to marriage customs and the concomitant relations between the sexes as
are to be found amongst the various Hindoo orders, it is unfair, unless the determination of sex is
admitted to be a matter of chance, or the Lucretian theory be adopted, niot to attribute to these
customs some influence in the matter. I will limit my remarks to what I think bears on the suggestion
regarding the relative ages of the parents, which was just now thrown out tentatively, with the object
rather of letting it have a fair chance of investigation than to offer it as a valid explanation. The
relative proportions of the sexes amongst the living have been so much disturbed by the famine that
the Southern Deccan and the Karnfitic offer no field for inquiry except as regards the effect of such
a calamity on the respective sexes. Similarly, the Konkan has its balance in this respect affected by
the temporary migration to Bombay from, at least, two of the coUectorates comprised in it. Where a,
so to speak, normal state of things is to be found, there is, it seems to me, a tendency of the ratio of
females to vary inversely with 5ie social position in the general scale of precedence. This is not,
however, a universal rule, as 'too many collateral circumstances have to be eliminated before the
true bearings of the statistics can be perceived. All I can at present note is that, amongst the
lowest classes, the ratio of females to the other sex is a trifle higher than in the case of the middle and
upper grades of Hindoo society, and I think that this is to be attributed to two facts : first, the
comparatively early age at which the actual marriage takes place in the higher class, and, secondly, to
the prevalence, amongst the lower, of re-marriage and second marriage under forms that are considered
by the rest of society to be of a less reputable and altogether inferior order. Both these circumstances,
the postponement of marriage and the re-marriage of widows, tend to bring the ages of the couples
nearer to each other, and may thus be to some extent operative in raising the number of femiale
births.
Before commenting upon the relative proportions of the sexes at different periods of life, — ^a matter
„ , ^. ^- . X J tl^t first introduces the tedious and in some ways unsatisfactory
? IL^^velv'' "" question of the correctness of the ages returned at the enumeration,—
conn ry r p y. j ^. j^ jjjg|j|.jQjj ^jjg^j. ^j^^ distinction between town and country as to the
proportion of females to males is, if the capital city be excluded from consideration, less marked than
IS usual in other parts of the world of equal civilisation. It is to be expected, as a rule, that the demand
in towns for labour, both manual and intellectual, attracts thither a larger relative number of males
than of the other sex.t In order to see how far this is true iij the case of this Presidency, I have taken
the returns of five of the chief towns of the Home Division, the population of which aggregates about
434,000. Compared with the ages for this number is given the return for the rural portion of the
districts in which the towns are respectively situated. These figures will be found in tne table lower
down. It will be seen that the difierence between the two ratios is only five per mille in favour of the
country. The explanation of such uniformity is to be found, I think, in the extent to which women
are employed in the classes of unskilled labour that are usually most prevalent in towns here, such as
porterage, grain husking, and the like. Women ar^ also engaged in the middle and upper class houses
as domestic servants, and these classes are most numerous in towns. It is probable, too, that in certain
industries they share the work of their male relatives to a very large extent. As far as the lower orders,
therefore, are concerned, the field of employment in the town is little less restricted for females tlian
for males, and the fbrmer sex appears to occupy in many respects the position in the labour, market
that it does in many parti of Italy, where the share of manual work done by the female tnembers of a
family is generally as much as and usually more than that taken upon themselves by the other sei^.
The comparison of the relative proportions of the sexes in different districts at the two enumerations
Relflf rti t diff r t ^^ ^ *^^ ^®^ ^^ ^®®" partly made in a previous chapter, and
age^ proporuon a e en ^^^^^ remains to be noticed with regard to it is more conveniently
* taken in connexion with the variation in the above-mentioned ratios
at the respective age periods into which the population was grouped on the former occasion. The
comparative table at the beginning of this chapter shows the relative proportions of the sexes at certain
age periods, with the variation in the proportions of the two sexes at all ages that seem to have taken
place since the last Census. It has been thought clearer to give these particulars by districts for the
Presidency Division, and to show separately the veiry different returns, for Sind and the capital city.
In the following table, however, by means of which a comparison can be instituted between the circum-
stances of this country and some of those in Europe, the city has been included in the figures for the
Presidency Division, because its population is very largely recruited from the mainland in the neigh-
bourhood. It will be noted, too, that the age periods above 60 are not distinguished, since the Imperial
returns do not include them. In Sind, too, they were not abstracted, and in the initial table of this
chapter have been interpolated for that Province from the data given by the method of differences : —
* History of Ancient India— Translated by E. Abbot
t London is an ezoeption, ad it contained (in 1871) 113 '6 females to 100 males,
Y 5747. X
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XXVI
Ayerage Number of Females per 1,000 Males of same Age.*
Age.
Presi-
dency
Oiyision.
Bombay
City.
Bombay.
Sind.
Total
Presi-
dency.
England
and
Wales.
France.
Italy.
Five
Cities.
Five
Rural
Circles.
Greece.
1
2
8
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
Under 1 year-
1 year _ - - -
2 - - - -
8
4 - - - -
5—9 - - . -
10—14
15—19 - - . -
20—24
25—29 ... -
80-^4
85—89 - - - .
40—49
50—59 - - - .
60 and over - - -
Of all ages
1,006
1,048
1,067
1,096
1,005
942
806
914
1,069
942
943
854
988
1,048
955
1,033
1,017
1,056
989
956
871
676
746
570
511
437
532
598
767
968
699
988
1,015
1,026
1,044
949
932
827
922
1,038
978
958
911
971
1,058
965
1,001
1,048
1,086
1,090
1,022
966
809
894
1,075
964
980
922
972
1,067
970
936
978
1,040
946
871
782
654
765
928
858
865
717
845
898
888
994
1,038
1,068
1,064
977
914
787
894
1,039
931
929
835
922
1,011
986
987
993
999
1,006
1,013
1,004
986
1,010
1,106
1,111
1,090
1,093
1,079
1,074
i,i63
1,054
974
978
982
979
981
979
970
990
^>074
1,005
993
984
998
1,032
1,070
1,009
1
1" 971.
967
964
i,055
1,006
1,018
1,010
993
1,001
966
958
989
915
942
939
918
949
927
863
985
1,069
963
1,092
927
789
985
988
988
In order to show the general course, through life, of the proportions in question the comparative table
prefixed to the chapter has been thrown into the form of a diagram, from which the differences in this
respect between the rural districts generally, the district most affected by the famine and the Province
of Sind may be seen at a glance. Leaving for the present the city of Bombay out of the question, it
appears that, during the first year, the females gain almost 9 per cent on the males, assuming that the
birth returns are accepted as indicating the true proportions at the time the children come into the
world. The ratio rises to the fourth year in the Presidency Division, but in Sind begins to decline
during the third. From three years old the females are in a decided minority until between 20
and 24, when there is a sudden and important rise in their proportional as in their actual numbers.
There is then a fall again, until about the fortieth vear ; but the returns arranged in smaller periods
seem to indicate that the actual decrease between then and 50 takes place chiefly in the last part of
the decade. From 50 to the end of life r.he proportion of females is continuously above that of males
in the total of persons of the advanced ages. It is to be noted that the period when female life is
at its lowest point as compared with that of the other sex, is between 10 and 14 years old, and that
out of the 10 series of ratios given in the table in the text above the same feature is discernible in no
less than eight The exceptions are Greece and Bombay City. The divergence in the latter case
from the general rule is easily seen to be due to the extent to which its population is supplemented by
immigration. The explanation as to the return for Greece is not so manifest, more especially as I
have nothing but the mere figures to guide me, unassisted by any external evidence from independent
sources or other statistics. The great decrement there in the ratio at the tenth year and the subsequent
rise from the fifteenth to the twentieth seem, however, to indicate that the same causes are at work in
that country as in the rest, and that the abnormally small proportion of females'at the later period of
from 40 to 50 is either an accident, or explicable by extraordinary deficiency of this sex in the earlier
years of this period as well as in the later. Another point to be noted in the same table is that the
tendency of the ratio of females to increase as life advances after the fiftieth year is found in six of the
series ; and in one other, that relating to France, it is possible that the fact that the ratio is higher in
early life than at the latest period may be owing to the same cause in 1876 (when this Census was taken)
as in 1872, when the great deficiency of males between the ages of 19 and 24 was attributed to the
demands made on adults of these ages by the war of 1870. There is no such influence operative in the
case of Italy and Greece, the latter of which is again singularly different from the rest There are
three other points brought to light in this table that may worthily engage attention. One of these is
the universal excess of females between the ages of 20 and 24, the age, amongst males, of the passions,
as it is called by Quetelet, or the age of migration, as it may be called with reference to the present
day. The second is the almost universal denciency of females between 10 and 15, probably between
12 and 15, an impi)rtant period in female life. The third is the preponderance of females in England
from the fifteenth year upwards. This may be attributable in part only to emigration, as the wearing
out of life is a process that progresses in the mother country far more rapidly in the case of males after
thev have once started in their professions than in the case of the other sex whose task is lighter. In
India the balance of the two sexes, apart from any other considerations which may result from compubory
widowhood or neglect, is modified by the larger share of hard work done by the women.
There is thus recorded in this Presidency a large majority of male births — part of which may be
attributed, perhaps, to the greater accuracjr of the registration of this sex, as the birth of a male is
the occasion for so much more congratulation and rejoicing than that of the female infant This is
followed by a considerable excess mortality amongst the males up to the fifth year in the Presidency
Division. The balance is in favour of the males from then to the period between 10 and 14 years,
when, as shown above, the proportion of females w the lowest. There is, of course, the usual chance
of understatement of age about this period which is notoriously more frequent out here than in Europe ;
* In this table the entries in italioB indicate the period at whioh the ratio of females to males is highest and those
in bold type the periods at which it is least.
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xxvu
but a good deal of this error is eliminated by taking the decades from the odd term^ as from 5 to 14, 15
to 24, and so on, which also corrects the tendency to return the ages at the nearest round number.
In graduating the age return by the method of differences it is odvisablo to adopt this sort of re-
adjustment ; but as I propose at present to take the return as it stands, without correction, it is
enough to localise the deficiency of females within a smaller limit, which is to be effected by sub-
dividing the total period from 5 to 20 as much as possible. For example, we have in the Presidency
Division the sixth year, the period from 5 to 9, from 10 to 14, from 15 to 19, as well as from 6 to
11, and 12 to 19. By comparing all these it appears that the maximum difference between the sexes
will be found to exist in the years 12 to 14 — probably slightly nearer the former than the latter year.
It also seems that in the famine districts there is a larger difference between this period and the
two that adjoin it than in other parts of the country, though the mortality at this time of life is so
much higher than in the neighbouring periods in both the sexes that the effects of the famine are
less apparent in the comparative table of the relative proportions. Passing over the period between
15 and 19, it appears that in all the districts, except those in North Gujardt, the female element is in
excess at the first portion of the decade between 20 and 30. The causes that are likely to affect the
balance in this way seem to be, first, the higher rate of mortality amongst males at this period ; secondly,
the tendency to migration, which is stronger in that sex; thirdly, the probability of more accurate
return of the age by males, the predisposition towards selecting the round number being, at least
amongst the middle and higher classes, less marked. In order to see how far these are respectively
operative in the case of the return now before us, it will be necessary to take some of the districts
separately. As regards the first point, that of greater mortality, the circumstances of the Presidency
need not to be assumed to differ materially from those of the other countries for which tables have long
been in existence ; and in four of the five collectorates of Gujardt, as well as in Kh&ndesh, the excess
of females may mostly be set down to the effect of this tendency in a more or less ordinary degree. Jn
the last-named district, however, it is probable that the mis-statement of age is a disturbing element,
as, the proportion of uneducated forest tribes is high. The comparatively low vitality amongst males at
the ages in question may be expected to be tested severely by the famine, and in the districts of Dharwfir
and Kalddgi, accordingly, we find a large disproportion between the sexes. In Shol&pur, too, where
the mortality was high, the emigration was also believed to be extensive, and in Poena both these
causes may be in operation. The course of immigration from the territory of H. H. the Nizdm into
some of the adjoinmg British districts deserves, too, some notice. In the case of Dh&rwd,r the propor-
tion of female immigrants to male is 1,310 per thousand ; in Kalddgi it is 1,291 ; in Shol&pur it rises
to 1,427, and in Ahmednagar it reaches 1,659. It is impossible to trace the immigrants by their
respective ages, so it may be that the disproportion of the sexes is due either to the importation of wives
to a larger extent than those from Britisn territory are taken to the Native State, or to the spontaneous
exodus from the foreign territory of women during the famine. It is noteworthy that in Kh&ndesh,
where the land is still in need of cultivators, the proportion of immigrants from the Nizam's dominions
is in the ratio of 927 females only to 1,000 of the otner sex. There is no special reason, however, that
I can see, for the excess of females at this age in the Nfaik district
There remain the cases in which the predominant influence on the relative proportions is most pro-
bably migration. The instances that seem to be most prominent in this respect are those'.of Ratnagiri,
S^t^ra and Kanara. In the two first there is a movement out of the district ; in the last into it. The
ratio of females to males in the two cases of emigration are respectively 1,370 and 1,180 per mille. In
both Thana and Kol&ba the ratio seems to indicate a similar influence ; but the returns of birth-place
do not support the notion that emigration is prevalent to an extent sufficient to account for more than
a comparatively small portion of the excess of females, and the rest maybe attributed, 1 think, to either
errors of return in the age period, or to the absence in the case of coast t^uk&s of many of the males at
sea. The only other district in which rue population at this age seems to be affected by emigration is
Surat, where the mercantile Hindoos and Mahammedans, as well as the lower classes who are so well
known as domestic servants in Bombav and other parts of the Presidency, and the PArsis, all leave
their native place for many years at a time in the prime of life. The exceptional ratios noticeable in
the other Gujarat districts seem due, at least in three of the cases, to a greater vitality amongst the
males than to any abnormal deficiency of females. Kaira is the only district in which there seems
reason, from the statistics, to suspect that there are causes at work which are absent from the rest. A
glance at the line of ages in the comparative table will suffice to show this. Apart from the extraordinary
fact that the ratio of females at the age of 15 to 20 is no higher in Kaira than in the city of Bombay,
where the proportional number of students of the other sex is presumably very large, it will be seen
that the proportional number of females who completed their first year, as well as those who had not
completed it at the date of the enumeration is far below that in other districts. As far as the twenty -
fifth year the return for this district seems to me to be abnormal, and the disproportion can be localised to
some extent. The ratio for the district, taking all ages and all classes, is 886 per mille. 90 per cent,
of the population is Hindoo, with a ratio of 881, and 9 per cent, is Mahammedan, amongst whom there
are 921 females to 1,000 males. Reducing the field of inquiry still further, the Hindoo population is
found to comprise two main castes, which aggregate nearly 67 per cent of the total. Amongst one of
* As this chapter was passing throngh the press I received from the Resident, Hyderab&d, a statement showing
the number of persons enumerated in the Nizam's dominions, who returned as their place of birth some one of the
districts of this Presidency. According to this statement the ratio of femtdes to males amongst these immigrants is
1,114 per mille, as compared with 1,212, which is that found amongst the natives of Hyderabad who were ennme-
rated in ihe British territory of Bombay. The ratios vary like those mentioned in the text, but indicate a tendency
towards a relative preponderance of females as the sonth is approached. For instance, in the Lingsagar and
^orapnr Subahs the ratio is 1,116, and in Aurangabad, adjoimng Khandesh, Nasik, and Ahmednagar, only 985.
It is mghest in Naldrug, where it reaches 1,323. It appears from these figures that the excess of women who have
immigrated into British territoin^ in the south is in a higher ratio than that of those who have emigrated from the
same region into the Hyderabad State. This fact is still more marked in tiie Snbah that adjoins the north-eastern
Deccan districts. The gross total of immigrants from British territory into Hyderabad is 138,483, and that of
natives of Hyderabad enumerated in British territory 161,267.
X 2
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xxviii
these the proportion of females is 907^ against an average for the same caste of 928 elsewhere : and in
the other case the ratio is only 758, against 889 of the same class in other parts of Gujarfit Under
these circumstances it is unnecessaiy to go further into the matter here, as the inquiry will have, as I
said before, to enter into particulars more minute than are advisable for a general work of this description.
With this digression I revert to the comparative table. Here it will be seen that in the period between
25 and 29 years the females are in excess in five districts. KaUdgi apparently shows the continuation
of the mortality prevalent during the preceding period. In Sdtdra, Ratndriri, Kolaba and Surat. the
efiects of emigration are still perceptible. In the next period, Poena and Belgaum are added to the
number of those in which females are predominant Between 35 and 39 there is a considerable
downward tendency in the ratio of females in nearly every district except those in north Gujarat, and
the lowest proportion at any age is reached in Kdnara and Thana. In Ratnigiri alone is there an
excess of this sex. I am incUned to put down a good deal of this change as more apparent than real,
and attribute it to the inclusion, in the preceding period, of many females who returned their ages
below the actual figure. From this age I nave taken the ratios on decennial periods only, as the errors
in the statement of age seem not to correct themselves within the limit of five years. Between 40
and 50 there is an excess of females in Ahmedabad, Surat, and Ratn^^ri. In the next period there
seems a general and marked rise in the proportion, except in the five districts of Ahmednagar, Khfin-
desh, and N^sik, in the north Deccan, and Kaira and Broach in Gujarit In all these five, except the
one last named in which the ratio is practicallv stationary, there is a rise of a sUght extent Between
60 and 70 the excess of females is most marked, except in the three north Deccan districts, where
it is less than in the rest As regards the septuagenarians, the women are in excess except in
Khandesh and Ahmednagar. There is no apparent reason why the old men should be in excess there
in particular, and not in the intermediate district of Nasik ; or why, again, the enumerators should
have failed to record the ages at this advanced period and that following it as correctly there as
elsewhere. The fact is quite contrary to the experience of the rest of the Presidency and most of
the other countries of those quoted except Greece. In Italy, too, the hard work of the women in
the prime of life, especially in the agricultural districts, may have its result in diminishing the number
of those who reach old age.
The marginal table may be found interesting as showing the diJQTerence between this Presidency^
taken as a whole, and England
and Wales, including in the
latter the army, navy, and mer-
chant seamen abroad. The
understatement of age in this
country is very marked from
the fortieth year upwards in
both sexes, as it is highly im-
probable tihat between the two
communities there should be
an actual difference of this ex-
tent
Batio at each Age to 100,000 of all Ages.
Batio of Females to
Age Period.
Males.
Females.
1,000 Males at each Age.
Bombay.
England.
Bombay.
Bngland.
Bombay. | Bngland.
Under 10 years •
27,306
26,108
28,142
24304
966
1,001
10-19 „ • -
80,866
20,848
18,026
19,730
829
997
(Under ao) „ •
47,672
46,956
46.168'
44.634
907
999
20-29 „ ' '
17,726
16,238
18,570
17,078
981
1,108
30-^ M -
16,812
12,548
14.558
12.994
880
1,091
(20-40) „
88»088
28,776
^JiS
?!!'®S
939
1,101
4(M9 ; -
9,44B
9,920
9,806
10,176
928
1,061
60-69 »
6,862
7,240
6,819
7389
1,011
1,074
(40HI0) „ -
16,297
17.169
^^S^
^!'5JS
056
1.078
60*68 „
2,908
4^22
8,666
4,839
1,180
1.128
70-79 „ -
887
2,097
1,078
2.361
1306
1.181
(60-80)' „ • --
8,746
6,619
Mi*
7,190
i»i!*
U46
80 and over
248
480
826
639
1,226
1,408
The last point in connexion with the subject of the distribution of the population by sex that I
ri • •*!, iQTo °®®^ bring forward is the difference in the return for 1881 as
Oompanflon with 1872. compared with that of the preceding enumeration in 1872. This
is shown for the whole of the two chief divisions and for certain selected districts in the following
table :
Ratio of Females to Males (per Mille) in different Farts of the Presideney.
Age Period.
Ahmedabad.
Kaira.
Fanch
MabAls.
Batn&giri.
Db&rwir.
KalAdgi.
Total.
Presidency
Division.*
Sind.
1872.
188L
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
,1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
Under 1 year -
968
981
957
924
1,016
970
1022
1.009
1.086
977
944
1.026
978
995
954
1,007
1.001
1,006
899
987
1-6 years -
929
988
888
907
998
1.030
1.006
1.064
966
1.008
968
1.016
980
1.064
964
994
976
1.024
858
920
6-U «
766
888
704
806
801
899
849
896
860
974
872
1,015
838
968
827
1,029
829
913
676
741
12-19 „
787
819
782
788
859
849
U62
945
948
802
1,012
843
1,079
819
992
815
976
846
788
716
20-29 „
914
942
929
910
958
966
1.810
1.841
1,081
1.049
1.022
1,068
1,0S1
1,061
1.074
1,092
975
906
872
893
80-89 „
987
988
1,020
902
814
919
1.122
1,249
925
963
899
951
896
946
929
964
868
906
750
80S
40-49 ,.
987
1.088
899
968
842
976
1.019
136
875
963
876
955
860
918
816
988
867
938
726
846
60-69 n
1.068
U16
1.065
966
1442
1.048
uu
U48
1,004
1,118
921
U04
819
M18
907
1,262
943
1.048
841
608
60 years and over
1.276
i;w8
1,190
1.275
1.269
1,419
1,230
1,301
1,202
1,448
1,054
1,314
867
1,150
1,335
1,500
1.097
1.223
997
1,040
Total, all ages
889
910
867
886
906
948
1,075
1,108
956
988
062
997
943
976
954
1,010
980
965
800
683
• Including Bombay City.
The age periods selected for the last Census are not the same as the more regularly distributed ones
prescribed on the present occasion, but arrangements were made for the abstraction of the extra periods
that enable the required comparison to be instituted. In the case of Sind the period between 6 and
11 does not appear to have been noted by the abstractors, so the omission has had to be suppUed by
interpolation according to the method of differences. It is probable, therefore, that the figures are a
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little more regular in their sequence than they would have been had the ones actually returned been
abstracted^ since the calculation is based on the differences between the ratios of the terms of the series
already recorded, and whilst reproducing their irregularities, does not allow any consideration to the
additional ones that were likely to have occurred in the actual return of the period which it is sought
to ascertain. It appears, however, that the ratio now found is in harmony with that of other districts,
and may, therefore, be accepted as fairly approximate to the truth.
In the Presidency Division, including Bombay city, the proportion of females to males has risen at
every £^e-period save that between 12 and 19 where it has greatly fallen off. The decrease at this
period is remarkable, not only for its extent but for its wide distribution. It is found in every district
except in Ahmedabad, where it is not improbable that its absence is accidental, and owing to errors in
the tabulation of the returns of the last Census. Of the selected district, Shol&pur is that in which the
decrease at this age is most marked ; though in the other three collectorates which have been included
in the table as representing the general effect of the famine on the relative proportions of the sexes, the
ratio of decrease is also very high and in excess of that in other districts. This and the general rise in
the proportion of females in advanced years, which is also more marked in the famine area than else-
where, constitute the principal features of the variations between the two enumerations. It is, moreover,
impossible to enter into a detailed examination of the figures without a clearer knowledge of the system
of abstraction adopted in 1872, when the work was not centralised, but carried on piecemeal at the
head-quarters of each district. It appears not unlikely that the abstractors maintained under such
circumstances no uniform system of ticking off the ages ; and that as the printed samples of the age
headings allow of a mistake between each period, by the repetition of the last figure of one as the
first of the next, the uncertainty of a notorious ignorance and laxity about age in the population at
large is enhanced by additional chance of error in abstraction. This has not in every case been avoided
in the present abstraction, though its occurrence has been localised to within comparatively small limits.
I will not, therefore, add anything on the subject of sex to the remarks I have made above on the main
features of the returns of the two enumerations. The city of Bombay remains to be noticed ; but as
that is a comparatively small subject, and, when taken in combination with age, susceptible of brief
explanation, it is convenient in every way to take it up at the end of the present chapter, and to note
the special features of that community both as to age and sex in a single survey.
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APPENDIX D.
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL AND PUNJAB CENSUS REPORTS ON THE AGE
STATISTICS OF THOSE PROVINCES.
Bengal. — The key to the "whole mystery is the fact that these two age periods enclose the five years
from 8' to 18 during which almost all native girls are given in marriage. Amon^ the Hindoos custom
prescribes that every girl shc«ild go through the marriage ceremony before she reaches the age of puberty,
and if for any cause her bet'Hhalis delayed beyond that period, every effort is made to dispose of her
hand before she becomes t f full age. An unmarried girl in the house after she has attained the age of
matrimony is a shame and a reproach to the householder, and a constant scandal and anxiety to him.
'Ilie Mahammedan community, especially that very large section of it which differs but Uttle except
in creed, and in manners hardly at all, from the Hindoos besides them follow the same practice and
share the same feeling. It is true that among the aboriginal and less civilised tribes, and in the
other sections of the population infant marriage is less common ; but the Hindoos and Mahammedans
together compose 67,157,530, or 96*57 per cent of the whole of the inhabitants of Bengal, so that child
marriage and the prejudices which surround it may be said to l)e universal in these Provincea
It is obvious that a deficiency of girls in this period may be brought about in one or more of three
ways, for while their numbers may have been correctly returned their ages may have been (1) over-
stated or (2) understated or (3) they may have been altogether omitted from enumeration. Mr. Plow-
ien s conclusion was that in the North-Western Provinces there had been systematic omission to record
at all a considerable proportion of the girls of this age ; and I am inclined to think that the improbably
small figures in this age period in Bengal are due partly to that cause and partly to understatement
of ages. The suggestion of overstatement may be dismissed at once, for the feeling which makes it
shameful to acknomedge the presence in the household of an unmarried girl of marriageable age would
make it quite impossible that her age should be exaggerated, unless indeed a double deception were
practised, and she were returned as married also. If understatement of age has been common, we
should expect to find an unusually large proportion of girls in the ages immediately before that of
marriage, and, owing to the misstatement, a rise again in the proportionate number of girls in the
immediately succeeding period. Both these conditions exist, as the following figures will show: —
Age.
oto4
5to9
10 to 14
15 to 19
Number of
Females.
5,254,711
5,028,895
3,137,523
2,662,376
Fer-centago
on 100 Females
of all Ages.
Proportion to 100
Males
of each Age.
15-09
14-44
901
7-64
106-49
93-75
79-88
101' 97
It will be seen that the fall in numbers from the first to the second age period is very large, and that
it is out of all proportion to the corresponding decrease in the numbering of the other sex ; for while
to every 100 male infants there were 106*49 female children under 5 years of age, in the next period
the position is entirely reversed, and the number of girls is only 93*75 to every 100 boya Were figures
available for each year of life in the second quinquenniad as for the first, there can be no doubt that
they would bhow that the numbers for its first three years, viz., the sixth, seventh, and eighth are much
in excess of those in the remaining years of the period ; but in the absence of the materials necessary to
demonstrate the fact, it can only be stated as probable.
If, on the other hand, it were the case that there had been a simple omission to record the ages of
these girls, it would be reasonable to expect that the same phenomena which mark the preceding age
period 0-4 would reappear in that which follows the decade under examination, inasmuch as but for
this omission the characteristics of all four age periods would have been continuous. Accordingly the
table in the preceding paragraph and the figures elsewhere show that while the females exceed the males
among the infants of tender years, and again from the 15th year almost without a break to the end
of life, this law is violently broken during the 10 years from 5 to 14. It has been shown in the pre-
ceding paragraph that part of the disturbance is due to the probable transfer of a considerable number
of lives from the third to the second quinquennial period, but this is not sufficient to remedy the loss
which has been caused by absolute omission. Judging from European experience, the progress of the
per-contages on the whole female population should be somewhat as follows — assuming that the initial
per-centage, that for 0-4 is correct, viz. : —
Oto 4
5 to 9
10 to 14
14 per cent.
12
10
99
that is to say, while the reasonable ratio which these two age periods together should bear to the whole
female population is 22 per cent, the ratio actually borne by the numbers returned is 16*66, or a deficit
of nearly 6i per cent. Making allowances for revisions in the per-centages which would have to be
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XXXI
made if all the ages could be correctedi it seems fair to say that there has been an omission of females
during this age period of about S per cent
Were any further evidence necessary in support of these arguments, it could be found in an examina-
tion of the figures for each religion. It has been frequently stated that female seclusion to the extent
that it is now practised was unknown in India before the Mahammedan invasion, and that while the
Mahammedans themselves strictly adhered to this exotic habit, their conquerecj subjects found them-
selves constrained to adopt the custom quite as much from necessity as from motives of policy. It is
therefore not surprising to find that the largest proportion of males to females for the ages 5 to 9 and
10 to 14 is returned by the Mahammedans ; that the Hindoos and their imitators, the Aboriginals,
closely follow them ; and that by parity of reasoning the Christians are at the bottom of the list, being
neighboured by the Buddhists, whose delicacy on this point is admittedly less. The number of males
to 100 females in each religion for these two age periods is shown below : —
5to9
10 to 14
Mean of the Two
Periods.
MfthiMntuf^^f^nf ...
107-42
128-27
117-84
Hindoos ....
106-31
123 -87
115-09
Aboriginali ...
106-18
125-52
115-85
Baddhiits-
102-52
116-05
109-28
Chriftians • - - .
101-53
112-68
107-10
For the excess of males at the age periods 20 to 24, 35 to 39, and 45 to 49, it is less easy to account,
unless it be that uncertainty as to age is more accentuated among women than among men, thus
throwing larger numbers of the female population of each decade into its earliest half, and thus by
contrast augmenting the proportional number of males in its latter half The same reason will pro-
*bably explain the larfi^e proportion of females among those whose age was not stated, viz., 100 women
or every 83 men. That the old women of 60 and upwards should out-number the old m^n of the same
age is only in accordance with universal experience all over the world*
The Ages of the Population in Decennial and Bicennial Periods.
In dealing with large numbers of which the accuracy in details is open to any question, a much truer,
if more general, view of the real facts is obtained by collecting the figures into larger masses. Errors
correct each other, and a bird's eye view over a wide tract of country conveys a much truer impression
of its salient points than a microscopical examination of the rocks of which it is composed. It has been
shown that the Bengal age figures, arranged in groups of five years are, for intelligible reasons, not
absolutely in accord with the probable facts. Bat when the population is arranged in groups of 10
years each, as in the following form, much of the anomaly vanishes, for the spurious prominence given
to each alternate quinquennial period, by the inclusion within it of the round number, is now counter-
acted in each group of 10 vears b^ the unreally small figures of the second quinquennial period, so that
the proportion of the population living at each age approaches more nearly to what is believed by statis-
ticians to be the true ratio to the mean of similar age periods in all India and to the statistics of life in
European countries.
No. 28.— Statement showing the population of either sex and of both sexes arranged in decennial
periods, with the numbers in each and the ratio they bear to the whole population.
Penons.
Fer-centages.
Ages.
Males.
Females.
Both Sexes.
Males.
Females.
Both Sexes.
AUageg -
84,500,574
34,802,906
69,303,480
100
100
100
0-9 .
10-19
SO-29 - - - -
S0-S9
40-49
50-59 - - - .
60 and over
10,298,367
6,541,613
5,498,864
5,138,627
3,400,024
1,973,575
1,649,504
10,283,106
5,799,899
6,185,587
4,897,095
3,303,340
2,110,523
2,223,356
20,581,473
12,341,512
11,684,451
10,035,722
6,703,364
4,084,098
3,872,860
29-84
18-96
15-93
14-89
9-85
5-72
4-78
29-54
16-66
17*77
14-07
9-49
6-06
6-38
29-69
17-80
16-85
14-48
9-67
6-89
5-58
The proportion borne to the whole population by the persons in the first 10 years of life is now, as
it should be, nearly twice that of the second period, while the third a.nd fourth periods, which embrace
the years when human life is most vigorous, show but slightly diminished ratios to the whole. The
proportions of the sexes at each quinquennial age period have already been examined in the foregoing
paragraphs, and it is unnecessary to refer again to the arguments there brought forward to account for
the variation noticed.
To carry this argument a little further before quitting it, the following table is given, which shows
for Bengal the population arranged in {periods of 20 years each. It confirms the arguments made use of
above, and has probably the ment of being almost exactly correct
X 4
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No. 29. —Statement showing the population of either sex and of both sexes, arranged in vicennial
periods, with the numbers in each and the ratio they bear to the whole popiuation.
Ages.
Persons.
Per-centages.
Males.
Females.
Botli Sexes.
Males.
Females.
Both Sexes.
All ages - - -
84,500,574
84,802,906
69,303,480
100
100
100
0-19 . - - -
20-30
40-69 - - - -
00 and upwards
16,839,980
10,637,491
6,873,599
1,649,504
16,083,005
11,082,682
5,413,863
2,223,356
32,922,985
21,720,178
10,787,462
8^72,860
48-80
30-80
15-57
4-78
40-21
31-84
15-55
6-38
47-50
81-84
15*56
6-53
The Proportions op the Sexes,
Sex Statistics in the Punjab. — Figures showing the sex statistics for each religion and all religions
in each district and State, separately for urban, rural, and total population will be found in Table IV.
of Appendices A. and B.* The proportion of the sexes has always been a burning question in India,
partly because the great excess of males has puzzled statisticians ; but still more because of the
greater or less previuence of the custom of female infanticide against which Government had set its
face. The general result is that in the Punj&b taken as a whole, there are 5,425 males and 4,575
females among every 10,000 of the population, figures which became 5,421 and 4,579 if immigrantn
be excluded. It is this large excess of males, in face of the fact that in Europe the females are
slightly in excess, that has to be accounted for. So far as the excess is real, and not due to defective
enumeration, it may be due to any or all of three causes, excess of male births, female infanticide, or
greater female mortality. These points will be discussed presently. But I wish in the first place to
draw attention to two minor causes which operate, though not perhaps very largely, to make the
comparison between the Punjab and European countries more Unfavourable than it otherwise would
be. The first of these causes is the effect of migration upon the proportion of the sexes. From all
the great European countries an incessant stream of emigration is pouring into America and
Australasia, and carrying with it the surplus male population. In New South Wales there are 548
males among every 1,000 persons ; in Queensland, 584 ; while in all parts of North America the pro-
portion never falls below 506. Adding all the English-speaking countries of the world together, we
find that the males exceed the females in the proportion of about 503 to 497. In the Punjdb, on the
other hand, the effect of migration is precisely the reverse, the incoming males being more numerous
than tlie females. In the second place, as enumeration becomes more and more correct the proportion
of females to males tends to increase. Now I have already given it as my opinion that no such
omission or concealment of females took place at the present Census as would materially affect
the total numbers : my examination at the age figures tended to confirm this impression, and I still
believe my opinion to be correct But there cannot be the least doubt that some omissions have taken
place and that the omissions have been more numerous in the case of females than in that of males.
Even at this Census we did not attain perfection, and I have not the slightest doubt that in 1891 the
proportion of females to males enumerated will be higher than in 1881, as it was in 1881 than 1868,
and in 1868 than in 1855. Thus a part of the disproportion of the sexes is apparent rather than
real These two reasons, however, will account for but a very small fraction of the disproportion
observable in the figures, and I shall proceed to discuss the more effective causes already indicated.
Proportion of the Sexes at different Ages. — ^Abstract No. 119 below gives the number of females
for every 1,000 males in each period of age for divisions and religions : —
Abstract No. 119.
Showing the Proportion of the Sexes at each Age for Divisions and Religions*
Dlvisioiw.
Females per 1,000 Males.
0—
1—
2-
8-
4-
0—6
6-
10-
15-
20—
26-
30-
35-
40-
45—
50—
66-
GO—
Total.
Delhi -
Hissir - - -
Amb&Ia
939
952
926
935
985
897
927
948
951
985
1.003
942
903
913
879
937
958
918
862
889
809
765
770
712
815
782
748
909
876
821
881
831
809
911
908
881
842
79*
818
998
970
885
797
(m
778
98ft
83S
805
738
619
731
97S
821
872
854
810
J&landlufcr
Amrits&r
Lahore - - •
944
959
938
979
936
896
964
925
931
972
948
938
918
895
921
960
936
926
871
828
837
763
731
740
868
813
798
9G3
986
887
980
917
888
899
880
840
814
90S
809
919
881
850
778
805
802
857
801
780
739
746
717
890
825
742
872
848
824
BAwalpindi -
Mult&n . • -
Dertjat - - -
976
900
909
930
974
1,018
991
976
1.031
902
966
868
927
927
901
984
967
987
886
848
784
778
731
892
884
799
809
918
921
958
901
891
883
883
841
876
888
776
797
920
853
910
881
706
787
812
897
779
794
825
722
799
730
881
872
629
846
Pesh&war
927
987
1,061
996
962
981
886
879
814
888
782
824
889
888
888
801
893
768
819
British Territory -
Native States -
Province - - -
950
935
918
954
935
961
968
963
964
963
962
961
914
884
912
948
980
946
842
839
842
789
729
788
817
767
806
911
868
908
873
861
870
883
873
889
818
782
807
906
910
908
779
715
788
808
806
806
728
851
709
826
830
828
848
828
848
Hindoo -
Sikh
Jain - - -
941
• 864
870
961
847
1,014
968
803
1.080
974
834
880
899
831
980
941
839
988
868
752
892
782
879
788
782
890
878
867
819
889
847
838
886
869
820
898
785
74S
891
896
868
933
743
712
780
821
781
873
885
680
729
882
728
1,112
884
786
878
Buddhist , -
Mnaalmdn
Christian
1,093
907
S41
1,391
987
l»OSO
1,148
998
966
L&29
988
1,062
1.180
924
928
1.266
982
968
1.048
848
1.081
992
761
1,081
881
849
808
1,048
982
185
1,280
905
169
779
887
268
1.223
840
888
1.071
923
884
802
418
1,069
804
474
1.317
740
808
807
869
867
884
• Of the Ponj&b Report.
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The mis-statement of female age which has been abeady discussed is brought out very markedly by
these figures. There is no inducement to return wrong ages in the case of males as there is in that
of females, and the sudden decrease of the proportion of females to males after the age of five, repeated
in r,till greater intensity after the age of 10, and still continuing in a modified degree between the
ajres of 1 5 and 20, marke the extent to which female age has been wrongly returned. The com-
paratively hiojh proportion in the earlier ages is doubtless caused by under-statement of age, while the
large proportion between 20 and 25 is probably partly due to over-statement It is noticeable that
the same feature characterises the figures throughout the religions and divisions of the Province, but
that the decrease begins earlier and continues longer nmong Sikhs, and is later and smaller among
Buddhists than in the case of any other religion, while it is markedly smaller among Musalmdns than
among Hindoos. Turning to the later years of life we note how much more generally inaccurate the
return of female seems to have been than of male age, at any rate in respect of giving round decades
instead of the intermediate lustrums ; for to no other causes can be attributed the proportion of
females to males being invariably sn^nller at the five-yearly than at the ten-yearly periods. AVe sec,
moreover, how much more feeble* female life is than male life, the proportion in the later years of
life in which there is practically no inducement to mis-statement being invariably small, far smaller
than in the earliest years ; and we notice also that this is most largely the case with Hindoo?, lets
with Sikhs and Musalm&ns, and least of all with Buddhists and Jains ; jjcrhaps because amon^ the
first early marriage is general and purely common, while Sikhs and Jains are usually well off and
Musalmfins and Buddhists marry later in life. The female mortality during the ages of child-bearing,
which the doctors tells us is enormous, is to a great extent obscured by the mis-statement of female
age ; but not wholly feo. During the first 10 years of life there can be no inducement to return
wrong ages, after 20 there is little, and after 25 less or more. Thus the normal proportion of females
in early infancy rnay be taken at about 950, while between 20 and 25 years of age it drops to 911,
between 25 and 30 to 873, and between 30 and
35 to 868. This sudden decrease is especially
noticeable among the early-marrying Hindoos,
and takes place later among Musalmdns, while
among Sikhs it is very slight, as the figures in
the margin show. But the figures for female age,
at any rate after tiie first four years of life, are so
vitiated by intentional and unintentional misstate-
ment, and the figures for Buddhist and Jains are so
smnll, that no detailed conclusions or comparisons can be based upon them and all that they' can be
taken to establish is general tendencies indicated by uniform increase or decrease in one and the same
direction. So far they have supported the conclusion already arrived at in part of the chapter devoted
to age ; but the only light they have thrown on the general question of the proportion of the sexes is
that they have emphasized and brought out more strikingly than before the much smaller longevity
of females than of males, and the excessive mortality among women during the period of child-baring.
This fact, however, has a bearing on the question, the importance of which can hardly be overrated.
Proportion of the Sexes at Birth and in Infancy, — I now turn to the consideration of the proportion
of tlic sexes at birth, and I repeat in Abstract No. 120, for convenience of reference, the figures
already given for the first five years of life, adding the next lustrum also for the sake of
Fenuaes per 1,000 Males.
Religion.
0-20
20-26
2^-80
80-36
Sikh
Hindoo • " " :
MnwJmtn - - - -
Jain
Buddhist - - . -
865
946
990
1,260
819
867
982
889
1.048
838
847
906
886
14«9
820
859
887
876
779
comparison.
Abstract No. 120.
Showing the Proportion of the Sexes in
the first Five Years of Life for Divisions and Religions,
Females per 1,000 Males.
Diyisious, &c.
0—
1—
2—
3—
4—
0—5
5-10
1879.
1878.
1877.
1876.
1875.
1876-9.
1870-4.
ill
939
952
926
935
985
897
927
948
951
985
1,008
942
903
913
879
937 862
958 869
918 809
Jdlandhar - - - -
Amrits&r - - - - -
944
959
936
979
936
896
954
925
931
972
948
938
913
895
921
950
935
926
871
828
837
RiLwalpindi
MullAn
Derajat
975
960
969
980
974
1,013
991
975
1,031
962
955
958
927
927
901
964
957
967
865
843
784
Peshawar - _ - -
927
987
1,051
998
952
981
826
iiritisU Territory - - - -
Native States - - - -
Province . - - - -
950
935
948
954
935
951
966
953
964
963
952
961
914
884
912
948
9S0
945
842
839
842
Hindoo - - - - -
Siith
Jain - . - - -
941
864
870
951
847
1,014
952
803
1,030
974
834
880
899
831
960
941
839
936
852
752
892
Buddhist
Masalman _ - - »
Christian
1,093
967
841
1,391
967
1,030
1,143
993
955
1,529
968
1,0.52
1,160
924
928
1,255
962
953
1,043
846
1,031
* This word has been
Y 5747.
by me, the copy of the Puoj&b Report sent to me containing a blank here.
Y
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XXXIV
These five years are for our present purpose by far the most important. In the first place, the figures
are certainly far more accurate than those for the later ages, partly because the age of an infant is
more exactly known than that of an adult, but still more because there is comparatively little induce-
ment to mis-statement, though perhaps the figures for the third and fourth years may be slightly
raised by under-statement of female age. The error due to the interval bet\veen preliminary and
final enumeration affects both sexes equally, and does not appear at all in those figures. But there is
another respect in which the figures are of special importance. I have already pointed out that the
excess of males in the Punjdb must be due to any or all of three causes, a smaller proportion of female
births, female infanticide, and excessive female morUlity. Now the Inspector-General of Police in
the North-West Provinces, whose special attention has been paid to the subject of infanticide, writes
to me : " It is o-enerally held that infanticide is not practised after the age of one year, that is that
" death is not^actively accomplished ; but female children are allowed to perish of inanition and
" inattention up to the age of three years." Thus, if this opinion be well founded, and it is based
upon very extensive inquiry and experience, it follows that any decrease in the proportion of females
after the first three years of life is due to natural causes.
There is a preliminary point which I must notice before I proceed to the discussion of the figures.
Our statistics even for the first year of age do not represent the proportion of female births to male
births, but only the proportion of females to males under the age of one year, including not only
newborn infants but babies of 11 months or more. Now in European countries at least the mortality
in the earlier years of infancy is far greater for males than for females, being in England for the first
five years of age 66 * 5 for males and 56 * 5 for females ; and the mortality during the first years of life
being nearly 10 per cent, greater for males than for females. We should, therefore, expect to find the
proportion of females steadily rise during the first few years of life, if the same rule obtains in the
Punjdb; and as a fact taking the Province as a whole, we find that it is so, the proportion for the
first three years being 950, 954, and 966, though I shall presently show that other causes may affect
the fioiires. Thus if only natural causes have been at work our proportion of females derived from
the figures for infants of under one year of age is probably larger than the proportion of female births
or the mortality within the year has reduced the number of males more largely than the number of
females. The difference can scarcely be great, and will perhaps hardly affect the comparison of our
Punjdb figures with European birth-rates, which are the only foreign figures I can obtain, though so
fiir as it goes the comparison will be slightly more favourable to us than it should be.
I now turn to the figures for divisions. I have added in 'Abstract No. 120 at the head of each
column the year in which the children to which the figures in that colunui refer were begotten or
conceived. Now a very striking peculiarity is to be observed in the figures. As I have just observed,
the proportion of females should increase, and does increase, slightly on the whole from year to year.
Yet the figures in the east of the Province are smallest under the year 1877, the drop from 1876 to
1877 beino" exceedingly large and sudden; and they are larger under 1878 than 1877, and in the
Delhi, Ambdla, and Amrits&r divisions under 1879 than under 1878. In the Lahore Division the
sudden decrease is under 1878. In the R&walpindi and Multin Divisions there is no sudden decrease
durino" the first three years, while in the extreme west of the Province the sudden decrease is under
1878 and continues to 1879. Now although the variations are not uniform here, yet their tendency
is exactly the same as was noticed in the numbers of the several ages, the proportion of females
being smallest when and where the number of children was smallest, that is, when and where
the distress which reduced the birth-rates was most severe. That distress was at its height in
1877 in the east, in 1878 in the centre, and in 1878 and 1879 in the west. Is it, then, the
case that poverty and want not only reduce the total number of births but also reduce the proportion
of female to male births ? The figures look as if it were so. I find that Darwin, after discussing
the proportion of the sexes among uncivilised races« says '* there may be some unknown law leading
" to an excess of male births in decreasing races which have already become somewhat infertile ; "
and if this be the case, temporary conditions which reduce fertility may also tend to increase the
of child-bearing age is far smaller in the Punj&b than in England. Indeed the difference of
conditions which temporarily check fecundity in the Punjab if we compaie a year of distress with a
vear of plenty is a constant difference if we compare the Punjdb with Europe. The standard of living
is lower, the margin above the bare means of subsistence is smaller, the average life is shorter, the
fluctuations of physical conditions and the change from sufficient food to absolute want are more
frequent and more violent ; while all the aids which civilisation affords in the struggle for existence
are wanting. If then the condition which impairs fecundity also reduce the proportion of female
births, we should expect to find that proportion far lower in the Punjdb than in England.
It must, however, be borne in mind that there is another possible explanation for the small propor-
tion of female infants in years of distress. Whether or no female infanticide prevails in the PunjSb
to any considerable extent, and I believe it does not, there can be no doubt whatever that the female
is less welcome and less cared for than the male infant. Now this, perhaps, almost unconscious
depreciation of female child life would tell most severely against the female children in years when
even the male children must suffer ; and it is probable that this depreciation has not been without its
effect on the figures. How far the small proportion of female infants in years of want is due to this
cause, and how far to an actual decrease of female as compared with male births, I am wholly without
the means of judging.
The fio"ures for religion do not call for detailed examination. Two points, however, stand out most
prominently, and are exceedingly difficult of explanation. I mean the small proportion of females
among Sikhs and the large proportion among Buddhists. In discussing the figures for Sikh females
Digitized by VnOOQ IC
XXXV
Sikh Females to 1,000 Males.
District.
0-2
1-
2—
Sina ....
842
810
743
Amb4la . . . -
887
847
817
Liidhitoa
019
834
746
Jal&ndhar - • -
814
896
780
Mushy&rpur -
929
976
848
Amrits&r - . . •
772
814
757
842
926
802
8i&lkot ....
804
774
776
Lahore . - - -
789
744
805
Gi&jranw&la
809
881
764
850
811
740
I have always written with some hesitation^ as I have never felt quite certain that their wives where
taken from Hindoo families were not returned as Hmdoos. But this explanation will not help us in
the matter of infants. It will hardly be suggested that a male baby in arms will be returned as Sikh
while a female infant will be returned as Hindoo. Nor do I see any other explanation, unless it be
that Sikhs either practise or have in former generations been wont to practise infanticide to an extent
which has never even been dreamed of. To reduce their proportion of females from 948, the average
of all religions, to 864, they must kill 9 per cent, of their female children, a supposition which it
hardly seems possible should be true. It does not appear that there is any great inaccuracy in
the figures, for a reference to Abstract No. 120,
will show that the proportion remains fairly con-
stant throughout all the age periods. The effect of
poverty that we have just discussed should tend to
make the proportion of males among Sikhs larger
than any other clans, as they are certainly better off
than most sections of the community. I give in the
margin the figures for the principal Sikh districts.
I shall return to this subject when I come to discuss
the question of infanticide. The second striking
fact is the extraordinarily large proportion of females
among Buddhists. Here again the absence of the
males on journeys or in the valleys will not help us, for they would hardly take with them the male
infimts and leave the female infants behind. And here again Abstract No. 120 shows that the pecu-
liarity runs through all periods of age. In his Census Eeport of 1872 for the North- West Provinces,
Mr. Flowden suggested that the proportion of females decreased as the heat of the climate increased
and gave figures in support of his proposition, and this may perhaps explain the excess of females
among the inhabitants of these high Himalayan valleys. The population concerned is very small ;
but the figures are so regular that the difference under discussion can hardly be accidental. The
Christian population is so small that the figures possess but little value, the total number of children
under five years old being only about 3,000. At the same time it is worthy of note that among a
European population living under an Indian climate, and with no possibility of intentional and very
little even of accidental error, the proportion of females to males in the first and third years of life is
actually smaller than among the native population.
Birth-rates of the Sexes compared for the Punjdb and Europe. — Do our birth-rates, however, really
compare so unfavourably with European rates as is usually supposed ? I give some figures in the
margin. It must be remembered that the European
figures are true birth-rates, while our figures repre-
sent the proportion between the sexes for the first
year of life. I have added the two divisions in
which that proportion is respectively lowest and
highest. It will be seen that our figures do not
compare so unfavourably with those of Europe as
mi<;ht have been expected from all that has been
said and written on the subject. The Sikh proportion alone is lower than any of the European
figures, while the proportion in Bdwalpindi is the highest in the list. But I doubt much whether jiiiy
really satisfactory comparison is possible with the figures of one Census only to deal with. I have
already pointed out how violently Indian vital statistics fluctuate, and how abnormal are the figures
of the present Census. At the same time if my suggestion that distress reduces the proportion of
females be well founded, our figures are rather abnormally unfavourable to us than the reverse. But
even in the civilised countries of Europe there is no other single branch of vital statistics in which
fluctuations are so large, and apparently so unaccountable as they are in the proportion of female to
male births. The point is discussed, and some very striking statistics given at pages 242 Jf of Darwin's
Descent of Man* The passage is too long to quote, but I will select one instance of the extraordinary
variation : '* It is a singidar fact that with Jews the proportion of female births is decidedly smaller
" than with Christians. Thus in Prussia the proportion is as 885, in Breslau as 877, and in Livaria
*• as 833 to 1,000, the Christian births in these countries being the same as usual, for instance in
" Livaria, 962 to 1,000." Here we get, among the Livarian Jews, a proportion even lower than
among our Sikhs. Now there are possible and probable reasons why we should expect that the
proportion of female births would be markedly smaller in the Punjab than in European countries. I
have shown that the generally lower standard of living possibly has an effect in reducing this propor-
tion. Mr. Plowden has shown that in hot climates the proportion apparently tends to become small,
and our figures for Buddhists have supported the observation. Again, in Europe the proportion of
male to female births is much larger than would appear from the figures quoted above, if still-born
children be included. Now this disproportion is generally attributed to the larger cranium of
the male and the consequently greater danger of injury in delivery. But in this as in every hot
country the muscles and ligaments are notoriously more lax than in the colder climates of Europe,
and consequently that portion of the excess of males actually begotten which disappears in the birth
in European countries may be supposed to contribute to the living population of the Punjab.
FcDuUo Births per 1000 Male Births.
EnKland (10 years)
- J«7
Greece
- 909
Kncrland 1857)
■ 951
Philadelphia -
- 905
£un>po (estimate) •
N.Wales (10 years)
- !>43
Punj4b
- JM8
• !)42
Amb&Ia Division
- 926
Austria
. im
Rnwalpiudi Division
- 975
Prance (44 years) -
■ 042
Hindoos
. 941
Italy -
. 988
Sikhs -
- 864
Russia
- 918
MiLsalmiins -
- 967
* The one-volume edition of 1874. The whole dlBOUBsion is muoh enlarged in this edition, and the passage which
I shall presently quote regarding infanticide is not to be fonnd in the earlier editions. In the quotation in the next
section I substitute the corresponding proportions of female for those of male births given by Darwin, in order to
admit of more ready comparison with my figures.
Y 2
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XXXYl
Farther, whether female infanticide is now practised or not, we know certainly that it was a common
custom among certain castes, and had been so for generations, and I shall show pre&entlj that this
would result in a hereditary tendency to produce more male than female children. Finally, our figures
compare by no means un&vourably with those of Europe. Thus, so far as our statistics go — and I
have actuiuly explained why I do not think they form a satisfactory basis for comparison — the
proportion of female to male infants does not appear to be smaller than might reasonably be expected
when we compare at once the statistics of the sexes and the condition of life in the Punj&b with those
of European countries.
TTie Proportion of the iiexes in Towns and Villages and in different Districts, — There remain three
aspects in which the sex figures may be examined, in towns and villages, in different; districts, and
among the several castes. The first two I shall dispose of very briefly. I have already made some
remarks upon the distribution of the sexes over urban and rural population. When I wrote
that paragraph I had not examined the figures for migration ; and I now see that the great
concentration of emigrants in the towns of the western Punj&b, and more especially in those of
the Kdwalpindi and Pesh&war divisions, goes far to explain the disproportion I then discussed*
There are other considerations also which affect the proportion of the sexes among urban
population; and it may perhaps be well to sunoimarise the whole briefly. The fact that men
often go from villages to towns in search of work, leaving their families behind them, but more
seldom from towns to villages, tends to reduce the per-centage of females in town, and the
more recent the inmiigration the more marked will be the tendency. On the other hand, certain
towns are notorious for the large proportion of their inhabitants who take service in the army or in
ofiioes, leaving their women at home, and in such towns the per-centage of females will be high.
The generally prosperous condition of the urban population as a whole tends to raise the proportion
of females by removing the prudential considerations which, as we have already seen, keep a con-
siderable proportion of males single, and by encouraging or rendering possible polygamy. It is
notorious that women are more generally married from villages into towns than from towns into
villages. On the other hand, the close seclusion to which the mercantile and higher classes, who are
more numerous in the towns, subject their women is most unfavourable to female life, more especially
at the child-bearing age, while the open air life led by most women in the country probably more than
compensates for the severer labour which they are called upon to perform. It is unnecessary to
consider the figures for towns in detail. The above considerations will, as a rule, completely explain
the variations. The number of females among every 10,000 of both sexes is shown in the margin.
The reverse difference that exists between urban
and rural population in Native States, as compared
with British territory, is due to the fact that the
towns of the former are smaller than those of
the latter, and comprise no large cities, so that
the urban population is less distinctively urban
in Native States than in British territory.
I have had prepared tables showing the proportion of the sexes in each district for urban and rural
and total population. But the variations depend upon so many and such various considerations, such
as the proportion of immigrant population, the comparative accuracy of enumeration, the greater or
less severity of distance, which as already shown, with more males than females, locality, relimon,
and the like, that as their considerations have already been indicated and their effects discussed, I do
not think it worth while to print the tables or to examine the figures.
The Proportion of the Sexes among the various Castes. — I give in next page, in Abstract No. 121, the
number of males in every 1,000 persons for each caste in the Province, exceeding, however, (1) all
castes numbering fewer than 5,000 souls, as they are generally emigrants, and in any case the numbers
are too small to be relied upon ; (2) all religious orders and J&qirs such as Gosains, Udfisi, and
Mad&ri ; (3) all emigrant castes, such as Veni (the only example I think), even though they exceed
6,000 in number.
The general distribution of the castes is very marked. At the top come most of the higher castes,
in the middle the artizan, at the bottom the outcasts and vagrants. And if castes of under 5,000 souls
had not been cut out, this last point would have been even very much more marked ; that is to say,
the castes who prostitute their women, and therefore find them especially valuable, are at the bottom,
and those who used at least to hire their girls, if
they do not still do so, at the top. The prostitute
caste is habitually last of alL I give in the margin
the figures for the higher castes, including all ^o
can possibly be suspected of any tendency or
temptation to infanticide.
AU the foreign Musalmdns, such as Saiyads,
Shekhs, Biloches, Mughala and the like, with the
single exception of Path&ns are well below the
average, and the exception is accounted for by
large number of Path&ns, coolies, and labourers temporarily within the Punj&b at the time of the
Census. The lUiwals, R&thi, Dhtind, and K&hdt all of K&jpfit standing or thereabouts, are almost at
the bottom of the list. Even the Meos and Tagas so commonly accused of infanticide and the
Gakkhars who 750 years ago were far beyond for the practice, are low down. The Karrdl is, except-
ing the Path&ns, the only frontier tribe who is high up, and possibly many of them are graziers who
have temporarily come down from the Chibh&l hills into Haz&ra. But the Th&kar, the Khatri, the
Females to 10.000 Males.
Villages.
Towns.
Total.
British Territory
Native States -
Province
•
8,B39
8.262
8,491
7,068
8,467
8,038
8.464
8.282
8.483
Karril.
TtaAkar •
678
761
SiE2i^ :
838
838
Kamboh -
Naimar
869
878
Khatri-
770
Arora •
838
Bhat . -
876
lUyath * -
776
Allcastes
842
Mughal
883
Saml
786
GUjar -
842
TanAoU - •
887
Ahir
7»2
Eor
842
Saiyad-
894
Six -
790
Khokhar
848
Meo - -
901
SSd - -
rai
SSKh . " -
848
Bathi .
906
828
862
Aw&n . -
916
SH^TinifO! •
892
Datidpotri -
866
Qakkhar
981
ssa*.
882
Shekh -
866
DhtLnd -
084
882
Banya •
869
KAhat -
984
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xxxvu
Females per 1,000 Males in selected Cases.
Jiitf.— Total -
Musalm&n
. Hindoo
Sikh -
Axnrits&r, total
Sikh
Ji<^Ntt«.-Total .
Musalm&n -
Hindoo -
K&ngur Hindoo
Husny&rpur Musalmin
„ Hindoo
Gurd&spur Musalmin
Hindoo
BAwalpindi Musalm&n
799
838
796
747
741
780
JroAmaa.— Total
K4ngur -
Hushy4rpur
888
866
776
906
880
860
878
738
913
Xhairis,— Total -
Hindoo -
Sikh .
Hushy&rpur
Amrits4r
GurdAspur
8SS
926
886
K&jBth, all tribes who ^ find difBcuIty in managing their daughters, are very high; while the
Brfihman and the Kdjpdt are above the average^ and iF small sections of them are taken much
higher figures will be obtained. I
ffive some details in the margin.
The hill Brdhmnns seem to be ab-
solved of all suspicion of infanticide,
as do the Rdjpiits of E&ngra as a
clan. The figures for Hindoo R4j-
ptits are suspiciously low, especially
in Gurd&spur. The Sikh Jdts have
a lower figure than any single circle
taken ns a whole^ while those of
Amrits&r are especially low, though
this last fact is perhaps partly ac-
counted for by the number of celi-
bate devotees congregated at the
centre of Sikhism, some of whom may have returned their caste and not their religious order. The
proportion of females among the Khatris is terribly small^ while among those of Gurddspur, the head-
quarters of the Bedi Khatri caste^ who are said in the old days to have never allowed a female infant
to survive^ there are nearly half as many males again as females.
770
774
746
774
772
667
Abstract No. 121.
Showing the Proportion of the Sexes in each Caste.
FEMALES TO EVERY 1,000 MALES.
Caste
No.
(Table
vnia.)
Name of Caste.
.Females
per 1,000
Males.
Caste
No.
(Table
Villa.)
Name of Ca^.
Females
per 1,000
Males.
Caste
No.
(Table
Vina.)
Name of Caste.
Females
per 1,000
Males.
101
60
16
Karri!
Thikar
Khatri
678
761
770
21
28
33
N4i -
Michhi
Kamboh
859
859
859
24
92
109
Saiyad
Bhaty£ra
Agari
894
898
898
90
77
27
Kiyath
Kbarral
Ahir -
776
786
792
30
49
59
Sdnir -
BarwAla -
Charhoa
862
862
862
20
25
84
Kanet
Mird8{
Meo -
901
901
901
1
107
75
J£t -
Jhabel-
Sdd -
799
802
821
76
4
5
Ndngar
Chuhra-
Chamir
862
866
866
39
61
106
RAthi
Darai -
Bishnoi
905
905
908
72
88
S
S&nsi -
Bhibra
Brihman
825
828
882
9
18
22
JuUha
Kamhir
Lohir
866
866
866
113
87
12
Chamrang -
Khatik
Awin -
908
912
916
46
69
2
Dogar
BMtia-
lUjput
832
832
838
45
48
51
Mdli
Bhar&i
Mahtam
866
866
866
66
41
78
Koli
IMmna
Batwal
916
919
919
6
10
108
Pathin
Arora - - -
BharbhoDJa -
888
888
838
56
83
19
KaUl .
Peiya
Mochi
866
866
869
104
71
89
Par&cha
B^warid -
Bazigar
923
927
927
112
8
Mah&jan (Pahari) -
AU castes -
Giijar
838
842
842
23
82
110
Tell -
Dhobi -
Bangres
869
869
869
114
29
67
Knnjara
Ghirat-
Meg
927
931
931
55
58
91
Ror - - -
Khokhar -
Aheri -
842
842
842
47
81
82
Maniar
Gaddi
Bitwat
873
873
873
68
97
74
Gakkhar
Sareia
Dhiind
931
931
934
86
86
11
Chhimba -
Taga - - -
Tarkhto -
845
848
852
94
48
44
BaDJ&ra -
Khojah
873
876
876
98
103
64
Nat -
Kahiit
Ohangar
934
934
942
18
26
17
Biloch
Kashmiri -
Shekh -
852
852
855
62
7
100
Bhit -
Araim
Thori - - -
876
880
880
38
50
98
Qassale
946
949
1,024
81
52
79
Saini
Lab&na
Dafidpotri -
855
855
855
87
65
67
Mughal
Baghb&n
liUri
888
883
888
80
96
R&wal
Kancban
1,066
1,481
85
14
15
Od - - -
Banra
Jhinwar
855
859
859
42
54
73
Mallah
Tanioli
Gadaiya
887
887
890
Is Infanticide practised in the Punjab f — We come then to the question whether, and if at all to what
degree female infanticide is practised in the Punjdb. Now I have shown that in the North- West
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PrOYinces infanticide proper is believed not to be practised except immedlAtely after birth, while death
by intentional inattention is not caused after the third year of age. Thus the effects of infanticide
should appear in the first three years of age, and especially in the first But we find that the pro-
portion of females to males during those years compares on the whole not unfavourably with European
figures, and that that proportion actually increases from year to year during the first three years of
life. I have shown, moreover^ that there are reasons for believing that the figures of the present Census
are unusually unfavourable, and still stronger reasons for believing that the normal proportion of
female births would naturally be smaller in the Punjab than in Europe. Whence then the wholly dis-
proportionate excess of males observable in the former country ? It can hardly be due to infanticide,
or it would appear in the earlier years. I have indicated several minor causes which all help to pro-
duce and explain it, such as incomplete enumeration of females, effect of migration, and so forth. But
I think there can be no shadow of doubt that the result is due in the main to, the excessive mortality
among the females of the Province, espedally at the child-bearing age. In England a considerable
proportion of the women never marry, while those who do, marry in mature age. In the Punj&b all
the women marry, and the vast majority at an age when their vital vigour is perhaps at its lowest.
The self-restraint necessary to abstain from sexual excess and tbe strength to sustain its effects without
injury and to bear children without peril are alike absent. I have already contrasted the conditions
of female life in India and in England, and I need not here repeat my remarks. What we
have to explain is a fairly normal proportion of the sexes in infancy, and a great excess of
males in the later years of life ; and the explanation must be, not infanticide, which is practised only
in infancy, but excessive female mortality during middle and mature age. Not only is such excessive
female mortality probable a priori^ but it notoriously exists, and is shown to leave its mark even in
our imperfect figures. I believe that female infanticide is, taking the population of the Punjdb as a
whole^ practically unknown.
But perhaps this is hardly disputed. The real question is, are there not classes or small sections of
the community who practise it habitually ? Here our figures can give us no definite reply, and all
they can do is to furnish us with a clue ; for they deal with large masses of the people and not with
small sections. But the figures for Sikhs i^enerally, for Sikh, Jdts and Khatris generally, and for the
Hindoo R^jptits of the low hills, are suspiciously low, while those for the Sikh Jits of Amritsdr, still
more for the Sikh Khatris of Grurdfcpur, are more than suspiciously low. At the same time Mr.
Hobart, Inspector-General of Police in the North- West Provinces, tells me that infanticide is. not even
suspected in a tract unless the proportion of females to every 1,000 males under 12 years of age falls
as low as 666, and that a village is not proclaimed under the Act if the proportion is above 613. Now
no single one of the classes I nave examined falls as low as this \ though if the proportion for the
Khatris of Gurddspur generally arc ns low as 667, it is certain that it will be much lower for soire
sections of that class. Is there then uny cause beside a present and existing custom of female infanti-
cide which can account for this small ])roportion of females ? I will quote in reply a passage from
Darwin's Descent of Man to which jir. Benton has directed my attention. Dr. Darwin writc:^ as
follows : —
" Colonel Marshall has recently foimd on careful examination that the Todas, a hill tribe of India, consist of 112
" males and 84 femalos of all ages — ^that is in a ratio of 100 males to 75 02 females. The Todas, who are polyan-
** drous in their marriages, during former times invariably practised female infanticide ; but this practice has now
" been discontinued for a considerable period. Of the children bom within late years the males are more numerous
" than the females in the proportion of 100 to 80 '65. Colonel Marshall accounts for this fact in the following
" ingenious manner : * Let us for the purpose of illustration take three families b» representing an average of the
" ' entire tribe ; say that one mother gives birth to six daugliters and no sons ; a second mother has six sons only ;
" * whilst the third mother has three sons and three daughters. The first mother, following the tribal custom,
" * destroys four daughters and preserves two. The second retains her six sons, the third kills two daughters and
•* 'keeps one, has also three sons; wo have thus from the three families nine sons and three daughters with
" * which to continue the breed. But whilst the males belong to families in which the tendency to produce sons is
*' ' great, the females are of those of a converse inclination. Thus the bias strengthens inth each generation, until,
" * as we find, families grow to have habitually more sons than daughters.'
'* That this result would follow from the above form of infanticide seems almost certain ; that is if we assnmo
'* that a sex-producing tendency is inherited. But as the above numbers are so extremely scanty, I have searched
'^ for additional evidence, but cannot decide whether what I have found is trustworthy ; nevertheless, the facts are,
*' perhaps, worth giving."
He has before this given many facts and arguments in favour of the assumption that a sex-pro-
ducing tendency is inherited. He then discusses the subject further, chiefly with reference to savage
races which are fast dying out, and finally sums ii]) in f bo following language : —
** From the several foregoing cases we have some reason to believe that infanticide practised in the manner above
" explained tends to make a male-producing race ; but I am far from supposing that this practice in the case of
" man, or some analogous 2)roc^css with other species, has been the all-determining cause of an excess of males.
" There may be some unknown law leading to this result in decreasihg races which have already become somewhat
"infertile.**
From a man of Dr. Darwin's excessive caution such a statement as that quoted above means a
great deal. It is possible, indeed it seems probable, that a habitual practice of infanticide continued
for generations would gradually weed out the families who had a hereditary tendency to produce
girls and leave those in unimpaired strength whose hereditary tendency it was to produce boys ; and
thus result in a nominal excess of male births in the race or clan, and such a result would be greatly
facilitated by the strict rules which bind precisely those classes among which infanticide was most
common to maiTy into classes with the same customs as themselves. We know for a fact that the
classes among whom the proportion of females is smallest did practise infanticide as a habit for many
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generations , and it may be that the hereditary terxdcncy thus produced is suflScient of itself to
explain the present deficiency of females which we find among them without supposing that the habit
still survives, a similar consideration might also help to explain variations in the proportion of the
sexes even where infanticide had never been practised ; for any castes or races like the vagrant classes
who prostitute their women or the people of the high hills where the cultivation depends upon female
labour, those families would prosper most and perpetuate their kind most largely who had a heredi-
tary tendency to produce most girls ; while where daughters are a useless and burdensome expense
the reverse would be the case.
Opinians of Officers on the Prevalence of Infanticide, — I shall conclude my treatment of the subject
by quoting the opinions of district oflScers on the subject. All the 32 Deputy Commissioners have
noticed the subject. Of these 24 give it as their deliberate opinions that infanticide is unknown.
Many point out that a girl is a " marketable commodity," a ** valuable piece of property which can be
•* disposed of for a price," and that many classes depend upon their daughters to procure wives for
their sons by exchange of betrothal It is pointed out that the practice of sale and exchange prevails
tlirtiughout the Province except in the Jamna districts, and perhaps among the highest classes, and
that it is rapidly spreading among! these last. As Mr, Wilson remarks, if infanticide were practised
by the Hindoos (and it is only they who are as a rule suspected of it) the Hindoos who bear them no
love would certiunly mention the fact ; yet no word of any such accusation is ever heard. Major
Nisbet points out that children of either sex are welcomed eagerly, though boys are preferred, and Mr.
Frizelle puts the point very clearly and fully. He says, writing from Shahpur : —
" The disparity in the proportion of the sezee as arising in later years points only to the greater nnhealthinees of
** the life snrroandings and ooonpations of women than of men. It does not point to any studied bad treatment
*' of female children. No donbt female ohildren are little prized and more neglected than male, but hardly more so
'* than married women or female adults, who are very valuable ; and there is nothing in the social condition or tra-
" ditions of the people to cause them by wilful neglect to try to get rid of their female ofBspring. There is nothing
« in the bringing up or settling of daughters rendering them more ezpensive or troublesome to provide for than
" sons. Just the contrary is the case. The daughter is made to work as hard as the son and is easily married, and
" her marriage costs nothing, while that of the son only is expensive. Her father spends nothing on her marriage
" except a little food. Her ornaments and even her clothes are provided by her husband and his family, at least
" such is the custom among all the agricultural and common classes of the district. Only among people of position
'* is the marriage of a daughter attended with any considerable expense, and even then that of a son would involve
" a larger outlay. Hindoos, perhaps at least the better classes, spend a little more on their daughters* marriages,
" and do not as a rule get rid of them on such easy and greedy terms as Mahammedans, and yot the per-centago of
" females is greater among them. The same state of things prevails, however, generally among Hindoos. It is to
" be remarked, however, that it is only by the very poor or the very disreputable of any class that a pecuniary con-
" sideration is ever taken for giving a daughter in marriage. But a sort of barter or exchange is very common, and
<* the giving or promising of a girl is often used as the means of obtaining a wife for some male relation or connexion
'* of the bridegroom. The possession of a daughter is not only not a burden but a use and convenience, and stUl
*• female children are looked upon with disfavour and treated with neglect, probably a relic of the times not so very
•« old when sons were valued for their fighting qualities."
I now turn to the eight district oflScers who are less positive as to the non-existence of infanticide.
Captain Bartholomew of Jhang writes : " Girls are not actually ill-treated ; but their birth is often
" considered a misfortune, and it is easy to understand how neglect without actual ill-usage increases
" the death-rate." In Gurd&spur infanticide is said to be practised **if at all, only among the Bedi
" Khatris." Colonel Gordon of JSlandhar thinks that there is " only neglect, not murder ; and even
" that only among high-class Rdipiits or J^ts." The Deputy Commissioner of Hiss&r explains that
although men are often unable to marry because girls are so expensive, yet girls arc not taken so
much care of as boys, especially among Kdjputs who give large dowers and think it shameful to sell
their dauo'hters. Mr. Smyth is of opinion that there is now no infanticide in the Delhi district, but
that Hindoos treat their girls carelessly, while Musalmdjis do not ; yet the Hindoos and Hindoo
converts pray for their brides, while the foreign Mahammedans do not. Mr. Benton of Karn^l writes,
apparently more from the result of an examination of the figures than from personal kno'vledgc : —
" There is no doubt that infanticide, if not general, still exists among the agricultural population to a much larger
" extent than could have been imagined. There are strong motives for getting rid of a superabundant family of
" daughters. Although in most castes a price can be got for a bride, still where the price is highest the up-bringing
*< of daughters must be a considerable loss looking at the matter as one of pure profit and loss, and to men of
*' respectability who wish to marry their daughters in accordance with the prevailing customs a large family of
*• daughters is universally declared to be a ruinous misfortune.
" It is admitted on all hands that there is a dijSereuco between the treatment of male and femalo cliildren, but it
<* is not admitted that this difference is of a character to cause the destruction of the latter. The total effect, how-
" ever, of a prevailing feeling more favourable to males than females may not be inconsiderable even if it does not
'< go the length of criminality."
Colonel Jenkins writes from Kangra : —
** There is a widely prevalent custom, particularly among the Br&hmins and Bajpilts, according to which a man
** must always take a wife from a lower and give his daughter to a higher caste. There is the greater difference
" between givmg a girl and taking a girl. If a Rdjpiit is asked with what class ho may intermarry he will usually
*' mention some* below his own, but if asked whether he would give liis daughters to the same tribe in exchange,
" would be horrified at the idea. The same rule prevails among the local Brahmins, though to a less extent. The
" result of this is that it becomes most difficult to obtain a suitable match for high-bom girls, and there can be no
" doubt, I think, that the custom of infanticide is by no means extinct. It is, however, practised in a much more
'* scientific method than in former days. It was not long ago that a case of this kind was brought before me in
" which there was evidence to show that the woman had deliberately prepared to put an end to the child's life if it
** should turn out to be a girl as it actually did. She described how a female relative of hers had advised her to
** starve the child, roll over it, fling it about, and if these methods had not the desired result give it some opium.
*' In this case she happened to be discovered, but it is most probable that there are many such which elnde detec-
" tion. The system adopted for prevention of the crime can only operate as a partial check, as the families in which
<< it is more usually committed are more or less influential."
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The ifoUowing extract from Mr. Lyall's E&ngra Keport shows the limit and extent of the custom to
which Colonel Jenkins alludes : —
*' Except among first-class, or Jaikari Bajpilts and Nagarkothia Brahmins, ** batta-satta," or exchange betrothals,
" are very common, and something is nearly always given as a consideration for the bride. On the other hand,
•* B4jputB of high family are heavily bribed" to marry owing to the feeling of pride which forbids a Bajput to many
*' a daughter to any but a man of equal or rather superior family than his own. The prevention of infanticide,
** both in our territories and Jammu (where they used to marry many of their daughters), now-a-days drives these
** Rajputs to great straits. Not long ago a Mauahas Rajput, who had three daughters, not finding any son-in-law
'' of sufficient rank according to his notions, kept them all at home till they were quite old maids. He at last found
*' an old bridegroom of 90, who married two of the three at once for a consideration, but died on the return journey
** home, so that the two brides came back upon their father's hands. Shortly after the third daughter ran away
*' with a postman or letter carrier."
Finally, Mr, Coldstream, Deputy Commissioner of Hushy^rpur, who has examined the whole
subject at great length and with great ability and completeness, writes as follows : —
" This difficulty of marrying daughters suitably has operated in past generations probably for many hundreds of
*' years to foster the barbarous custom of infanticide. Forty years ago probably many hundreds of female chUtlren
** were annually buried in this district immediately after birth. When several female children were bom in succes-
** sion the destruction of the last bom was carried out with the following observance — a piece of gur was placed in
*' the mouth of the child, a skein of cotton was laid on her breast, and the following incantation recited two or ttcee
" times : —
Eat gur, spin your thread.
We don't want you, but a brother instead.
** The infants were usually put into ghurras or water-pots and buried in the ground. Sometimes a Br&hmin or
'' Mahajan would be on the outlook and rescue the child and bring it up as an adopted daughter. To such an act
** much religious merit was supposed to attach. Several living memorials, women who had in infancy been so
" rescued are alive, or were till lately, in this district. In the police division of Hajipur in 1867 the following
" statistics were collected : In 36 villages consisting of 1,013 houses of Rajputs of all denominations, there were
" found to have died 10 i)er cent, within the year. Among other tribes about 5 per cent, only had died. The report
" which was then drawn up by the Inspector of Police, Mir Fuzl Husein, states ' the parents have hundreds of
" ' ways at their command to put a female child to death, and can defy all the efforts of the police to detect them.'
** The plan which the parents now adopt is to report swhness, and then death, which is sure to follow. Their
*' Hakims refuse to give medicines because they know it will never be given and that the application to them was
" nothing more nor less than a blind to be used if occasion should arise. They are heartlessly earless of their
" daughters' health : they expose them to all the inclemencies of the weather, and sometimes buy strong medicines
'* to tiy to bring on sickness : the mother even sometimes causing her infant daughter to refuse her natural
'* nourishment by rubbing the nipple even with bitter aloes and other specifics.
" At the time of preparation of this report Mr. Perkins, Deputy Commissioner, prepared a statement which
*' showed in numerous lollages an abnormal and significant disproportion in the number of girls in Bdjpiit families.
" The boys alive were in number 1,748, the girls alive were only 944.
'* As I have not received back the village schedules from the Census office, I am not in a position to make an
" exact comparison, but I mav say that I am satisfied from inquiries frequently made that matters are now much
*' better, and that female children are neither now ruthlessly destroyed in any appreciable numbers, nor are they
" so carelessly treated. At the same time, while I believe that the crime of female infanticide has to a large extent
'* been banished from the land, I am not at all sure that the small proportion of women is not in part due to a
" certain popular depreciation of female life common in the country ; the moral inheritance of past years, the trace
'* of a barbarous sentiment which had for centuries been cherished throughout North India. I can imagine that
*' this estimate of female life works almost unconsciously in the minds of the people, and that while most parents
'* would hardly own it to themselves, it is very probable that among certain sections of the population daughters
" are less carefully nourished and protected through the helplessness of early infancy and the dangers of later
" childhood.
" The Naib Tahsildar of the subdivision of Amb, where Bdjptits most abound, who has been there six years, and
'* knows the people, will sav that there is no female infanticide among the B4jputs. And in the Unah tahsil, where
** there are most Bajpilts (the class which was in older times most given to the barbarous practice), it is satiidfactory
" to observe that the /eiTMiZa population is above the average, viz., 47 "per cent. This result may be held to justify
" the action lately taken by Government in withdrawing the very strict and harassing surveillance exercised by the
" police over the families of B&jputs consisting in close inquiry into the death of every female infant, and also into
** more private matters.
** Illustrating the subject of the small proportional number of females, I will quote some remarks by a highly
** educated Native officer, a Hindoo. He writes as follows : —
** 'Infanticide has not quite disappeared— I am quite sure that in certain old families, those who by custom must*
** * spend much money on the marriage of daughters, and are. poor, it is still practised. They either suffocate them
*' ' or give the juice of the ok plant (calatropis gigcmtea) in the gwrthi the first nourishment given to a new-bom
" « child.
*' 'Another cause of the disparity in the number of women is their not being brought up properly in dhild-
** * hood * * *
" ' A third cause is misery in woman's life. Woman's life in India is miserable from beginning to end ; they are
" ' either secluded from, shut up in their homes and suffer from want of exercise, pure air, &c., or they are over^
'* ' worked among the lower classes. The continuous sorrow and misery of their life brings a premature end to it.
'' ' Women die at a very early age in India. There are some other causes also tending to shorten the life of women,
** * such as early marriage and child-bearing.*
'' It should be mentioned here, however, that the serious depreciation of daughters is, on the whole, confined to
'* the upper classes of society, and to certain sections, of those classes where either strict rules of hypergamy or
*' isogamy prevail, or where large sums have according to custom to be spent on the marriage of daughters. I
** should be sorry indeed to bring a sweeping charge of such a grave nature against the whole body of upper class
'' Hindoos, nor would it be right or fair to do so. Among the lower orders large sums are frequently demanded and
*' paid on a girl being given in marriage, and the daughters are thus considered as valuable property and well taken
" care of.
** Beceiving a consideration for daughters is common among the lower classes both of Hindoos and Musalm'4ns ;
'* instead of cash a betrothal in exchange is often accepted. The low caste Musalm&n of laswan Dun very oom-
'* monly make money by the marriage of their daughters. The tahsildar of Dosnyah notes that the lower grades of
** Bajputs even have begun to sell their daughters in marriage.
'* I am ^lad here to be able to insert opinions of a number of intelligent men who have acted as supervising
'* officers in the Census, and whose opinions, the results of intimate experience, I have taken as to the diminution
" of infanticide and the care taken of female children.
*' Several say that female children are treated well by all classes, that they are looked after as a source of income ;
*' others that female infanticide is a matter gone from even the memory of the people ; that female children are
** Jooked after better even than sons.
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" There are, however, some snggeflttive qualifying remarks. One officer says : ' Indireot infanticide is not over
** * yet ' ; another, an intelligent EQndoo, B. A. : ' Infanticide has vanished, but female children are not so much
" ' loved as boys, because boys are the props of a family, girls are its weakness, causing expense and returning no
"'income/
" As I have remarked above, there is, I think, some indication given in the statistics of the existence of a certain
" popular depreciation of female child life."
Conclusion as to the Prevalence of liifanticide, — This last sentence appears to me exactly to express
the existing state of affairs. That infanticide is practised at all generally I do not believe ; that it is
habitual with any class I doubt; and if with any, it is I think only with some exceedingly limited
sections of the community, such as Gurdaspore, and even there takes the form of intentional neglect
rather than actual murder. But there is not the slightest doubt that the life of a girl is less \'Sklued
and worse cared for than that of a boy, chiefly indeed among the anoterogamous clans who cannot find
husbands for them, and the higher castes of the eastern I^unj&b who will not sell their daughters,
and among the Hindoos who spend much money on their marriage and account it is shameful to leave
them unmarried ; but also in a less degree and as a relic of the old fighting days, and perhaps from the
contagion of Hindoo ideas, nnaong all other classes of the Punj&b people without distinction of race,
religion, or locality.
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APPENDIX- E.
EXTRACTS FROM MR. BAINES' REPORT ON THE "CENSUS OP BOMBAr*'
STATISTICS OF CIVIL CONDITION.
In considering the differences between the classes of the population with reference to marriage it
is advisable to take first the religions that are exceptionally situated.
Oompansons of religions. rp,^^ Mohammedan Rccordinglj is the first community that claims.-
our notice, eince it partakes of the characteristics which we have seen are special to Sind, where more '
than 60 per cent of the Mahammedan population resides. Amongst this class, then, there are in
every 10,000 males 6,473 single, 4,004 married, and 523 widowers. In 10,000 of the females of the
same class there are 3,765 spinsters, 4,716 wives, and 1,6 J8 widows. Thus ^this community is far
above the Presidency average in the proportion of its bachelors and spinsters, far below it as to the
married, and more or less in accordance with it in its ratio of widowed, especially as regards the males
in that condition. The Sikhs, too, are a community exclusively belonging to Sind, as far as the
present Census is concerned, and will be taken next. Amongst them there are in 10,000 males 5,809
bachelors, 3,719 husbands, and 472 widowers; similar ratios for the females of this religion show 3,860
unmarried, 4,415 married, and 1,715 widows. Thus here again the widows are in close corre-
spondence with the general average. The proportions of the unmarried is, as is expected, very low
amongst the Hindoos and their co-religionists, the JaiiiSy and remarkably high amongst the
Aboriginals and the Jews, The same ratio in the case of the Christians is but little below that of
the Aboriginals, but it is necessary again to separate this religion into the two main classes of which
it is composed. If we do this, there will be found amongst the Europeans 7,546 unmarried males,
2,293 husbands, and 161 widowers in every collection of 10,000 of that sex. The ratios amongst
European females are 5,289 spinsters, 4,076 wives, and 635 widows. The comparatively high pro-
portion of the last-named seems to me to indicate the inclusion of a considerable Eurasian, or mixed
element. In the other branch of the religion, the native, we find in every 10,000 males 4,984
bachelors, 4,575 husbands, and 441 widower?. Similar calculations from the figures for the females
give average of 3,964 spinsters, 4,478 wives, and 1,558 widows. AU the above ratios are taken on
the returns for the Presidency Division only, as the races of Christians are not shown separately by
conjugal conditiQU in the Sind compilation. The comparatively low proportion of widowed in the
case of the Jews, F^is, and Aboriginals should be noticed, as well as the fact that amongst the
Jains the same ratio is very high. Remarriage is common amongst the Aboriginals, and is not
against the religious enactments of the Pdrsis, so that this fact may perhaps account for the small
proportion of widows to wives amongst the latter, as it undoubtedly does in the case of the former.
The ratio of widows is highest amongst the trading class of the Jain community in Gujar&t, where it
reaches 2,573 in 10,000. It is also high in the Karndtic— 2,355. The widowers, too, are relatively
in larger proportions in Gujarat, though they share with the rest of the cultivating classes in the
Kamdtic tlie sad effects of the famine in ' this di-
rection. The marginal table will give perhaps a
better idea than mere description can do of the
relative proportion of the sexes in the different con-
jugal conditions, and in order that the general de-
ficiency of females in the total body of the classes
may not be lost sight of, the figures quoted in
Chapter IV. are reproduced in the last column for
reference. The figures now given require little
comment Np explanation, for instance, is needed
regarding the most striking feature in the return,
namely, the ratio of European spinsters to the
bachelors of that race. Another point, however,
seems very doubtful It is the very large dispro-
portion between the two sexes of the widowed amongst the Pirsis. It appears that the excess of
widows over widowers in this community even is greater than amongst the Hindoos, and on localising
this peculiarity, it will be found to be chiefly in Surat and Broach, former settlements of the race.
It is, therefore, a question whether the disproportion here is not due to the fact that these cities are
regarded as a sort of refuge for widows after the death of their husbands in other parts of the
country. A few words are necessary, too, regarding the Jains. The ratio of unmarried females to
males in the same condition is reduced to that given in the table by the figures for the £onkan and
the city of Bombay. In the parts of the country where this conununity is indigenous, there are
higher proportions. In Gujaiit, for instance, there are 577 spinsters, and in the Kam£tic, 503.
In the Deccan, where the Jains from the north are now settling themselves with their families, the
ratio is 493. It is the same with the married. In Grgar&t there are 968 wives to 1,000 husbands,
and in the Karndtic, 1,027.
I now come to the distribution of the population at different ages according to their civil or con-
Distribution at each aire J^g^ condition. In the comparative table, as mentioned earlier in
^^* the chapter, this subject is presented in two lights, first, the age is
put forward the more prominently, and the proportions shown in each condition at the several penod8«
Average Number of
Religion.
Spinsters
to 1.000
Wives
Widows
Females
to 1,000
to 1,000
to 1.000
Bachelors.
Husbands.
Widowers.
Males.
1
2
8
1
6
Mahammedan
601
1,007
2.708
874
Sikh -
686
1,0M
8.195
880
Hindoo -
619
1,008
3.858
966
Jain •
479
880
2,950
827
Christian {gj-^-f
282
626
716
770
2,784
403
787
P&rei -
719
994
3,545
S61
Jew
799
1,064
—
1.047
Aboriginal -
808
1,045
2,985
968
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Secondly, the distribution ot the condition itself is tbe main feature, and is shown according to the
difEerent ages. The former shows, for instance, how many of any particular age i)eriod are married,
sincrle or widowed ; the other, what proportion the married, single or widowed at that age, bear to
the'^total number under each condition respectively. It is out of the question to enter into all the
details of the informatit)n that can be obtained from the:?e tables, so I will take up their more general
features only. The bearing of the first series will be seen more clearly from reference to the diagram
opposite in which, too, the data for England and Wales, according to the enumeration of 1871, are
placed alongside for comparison. In a former chapter I called attention to the difference between
the ages of the married people in this country and in Europe, and this point will be brought more
prominently forward in these tables without need of trusting to the significance of mean ages, which
are useful only withm very broad limits, from the figures already given in this chapter, it may be
gathered that about one half of the total female population and about 47 per cent, of the male are
married. The proportion of the wives to the total of females at each age goes on rising from the tenth
year (or really a year or two earlier) to the twenty-third, or thereabouts. The curve of the husbands
18 much more gradual, and reaches its highest point about 10 years or more after that of the other
sex. The maximum strength of the tendency to marry, or the probability of marriage at the age
when that tendency is in its fullest vigour, is, according to this table, about nine and a half to one in
the case of females, and only six to one in that of males. In other words, the chances that a woman
of between 20 and 25 will be married are nine and a half to one in favour of the event, whilst in the
case of a man of the same apje they are only four to one, and increase to six to one as the man's age
rises towards 35. Similarly," after the age of 50, it is five to one that a woman will be a widow, but
2*3 to one against the same event as far ns the male of that age is concerned. The probabilities are,
in fact, nearly two to one that he will be married.
Relative proportion of the sexes.
Age.
Ratio of Wires to 1,000
Husbands.
England.
Bombay.
Under 10 years -
10 to 14 - - - -
16 to 19 -
80to24 - - . - -
26to29 -< . - -
»to89 . . - -
4Oto40 ... -
80toB9 - . - -
60 and upwards -
6^10
1.648
• 1,168
1.047
968
88S
786
3,987
2.888
137S
1,489
1.019
796
604
467
280
The next point to notice is the relative proportions of the sexes in each condition at each period of
life. Here, as in England, and probably most other
countries, the ratio of wives to husbands decreases
steadily from the earliest to the latest age recorded,
but in this Presidency the disproportion at tlie end
of life is much more marked than in the mother
country. The marginal table will make this clearer.
In England, wliere there is practically no marriage
before 15, jthe proportions are taken beginning with
that age. The age at which the two sexes are most
evenly balanced in Bombay is between 25 and 30,
but in England the same result is not obtained till
about 40, or between 35 and 45. Another differ-
ence between the two countries is the sudden and
marked decrease in the relative proportions that
takes place in England as soon as the men are out of their teens. The nearest approach to such a
break in this Presidency is between the tenth and fifteenth year. When once the point nearest
equality has been passed, however, the inequality becomes more marked here than in England. The
comparative table shows that amongst women the unmarried are in the majority only up to the tenth
year, and that from that time until the fiftieth the, wives predominate. After 50, as I have just
shovm, the balance is turned by the excess of widows. In the case of males it is not till the age of
20 that the married are in the majority, and from that age till 40 the bachelors predominate over the
widowers, though towards 35 and upwards the tendency is approaching the latter condition. At no
age do the widowers number relatively as much as one half the husbands. Taking the average ages
from the tables as they stand, it appears that the mean for married men is 36 '8, as compared to 43-1
in England The same calculation for women gives 31*3, against 40*6. The unmarried average
24*7 and 25*9 respectively, against 25*3 and 26*5 in England; but it must be recollected that in
order to allow of comparison with the latter country, the mean ages have been calculated from the
age of 15 upwards only, and that from the second part of the comparative table it will be seen that
the proportion of immarried above the age in question is very small, and represents, in fact, as far as
the Hindoos and Jains are concerned, if not the Mahammedans also, more or less of an accident, such
as immorality or disease rather than or,dinary fluciuation. The proportion of the unmarried of all
classes under 15 on the total oK persons in that condition is nearly 78 per cent, in the case of males,
and no less than 95 per cent, in that of females. The mean age given above, therefore, is of little use
as an indication of the actual distribution of the unmarried. It is nearly the same with the widows,
amongst whom the proportion of the young reduces the average considerably. Taking all those of
15 and upwards, the mean is about 49 years, which is only a trifle less than that of males in the same
condition. In England the ages are 60 and 58*9 respectively. Dividing the number of widows at
the mean age period it will be found that 54 per cent, are younger and 46 older than the average,
owing to the rapid increase in the relative proportion after the age of 30. Ketuming to the com-
parative table, we may notice that of females of the age of 25 to 30 nearly 11 per cent. ai*e widows,
whilst of the males of that age only 4 per cent, are in thjft condition. . At the next period the dis-
proportion is greater and continues to grow till the fiftieth year, after which it recedes. From the
fortieth year upwards there is not one woman in a 100 who is not either married or widowed, and
after 60, 84 per cent, of this sex are in the latter condition. The lowest proportion of single men
is about five times that of the unmarried women at the same age, and that of husbands to wives,
counting from the period at which the former begin to preponderate over the latter, a little over four
times.
Z 3
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If the results of the enumeration with respect to marriage be arranged according to Divisions,
-toriftld'ff ^® ^^ *^® ^^ below, the chief characteristic noted earlier in
em 1 erences. ^j^.^ chapter with regard to the state of affairs in the Kamatic is seen
to prevail at all ages. The preponderance of the widowed and married at the earliest age period
recorded and the consequent paucity of the unmarried is due, we may presume, to the famine and its
after effect?. Similarly, too, in the prime of life, there is a very high proportion of the widowed of
both sexes, at the expense, apparently, of the married rather than of the single. Curious differences
will be seen, too, in the ratios for Gujardt, as compared to those of other parts of the Home Division.
At the first period, for instance, the proportion of married and widowed is here, if the Kamdtic be
left out of conisideration, very high, but in the second period, whilst the widowers as well as the
bachelors are still in excess of the other Divisions, the widows and wives are in lower proportions.
A good deal of this may be attributed to the prevalence of very early marriages in the year preceding
the Census, which was the auspicious one for weddings amongst a certain large and influential class of
the cultivating population of Gujardt, who are in the habit of solemnising this ceremony once in 10
or 12 years only.* The returns show that when the fortunate time arrives, children of both sexes,
especially females, are married off, irrespeptive of the usual j^e for such ceremonies, in order to pre-
vent their remaining unwed till the next sanctioned year, by which time the daughters might be,
According to the current Hindoo notion on the subject, ineligible. It is worthy of note, too, that
whereas the proportion of widows in after life is lower in Gujar&t than in the other Divisions, that of
widowers is considerably higher. In the Konkan return one of the most remarkable features is the
small proportion of the widowed males between the ages of 15 and 30, the widows at the same period
being in excess relatively to the proportions found elsewhere, except in the Kam&tic. This disturbing
cause is apparently the large proportion of the unmarried at this age. After the fortieth year the
married males in this Division are rather higher relatively to those in the other two conditions than is
the case elsewhere. Both emigration and the prevalence of forest tribes, who marry later, can be
held to have some influence in bringing about these variations. The Deccan figures call for little
comment beyond the fact being noted that the proportion of wives is higher there between the ages
of 10 and 19, and from 40 upwards than in the other Divisions. From 20 to 40, or even later, the
husbands, too, of this tract are in a higher ratio to the bachelors and widowed than in any other part
of the country. As regards Sind, we have to note the remarkable proportion of the unmarried of
both sexes up to the age of 26 and of the males throughout life. It is evident, moreover, that were
it not for the abnormal state of things in the Kamatic, the ratio of spinsters in Sind would be higher
than anywhere else. As it is, the wives predominate to a larger proportion here than elsewhere after
the thirtieth year, whilst the widows are through life in a smaller ratio to the wives and spinsters.
The difference between the two parts of the Presidency can be made clearer by taking figures of the
married in each according to the system adopted in the second part of the comparative table. By
this means we find that against 28 ' 6 per cent., which is in Sind the ratio of the husbands under 30
to the total of married men, there is in the Presidency Division a proportion of 40 per cent. Similarly
the same ratio in the case of wives wiU be 52 in the Frontier Province against 61 per cent, in the
other. The distinction is still more strongly marked if the age period be limited to 20 years. Under
this age are in Sind 6 per cent, of the husbands and 16' 5 of the wives, whereas, as we have seen in a
former chapter, in the other Division, the ratios are respectively 12 and 29 per cent. In connexion
with this fact it should be recollected that the population in Sind comprises an unusually high propor-
tion of children under 10 years old, the difference between the Divisions being most marked in the
period from five to nine, whilst the number returned between 10 and 20 in Sind is proportionately
smaller, especially in the case of females : —
i and Condition.
Under 10.
10 to 14.
15 to 19.
20 to 24.
25 to 29.
SO to 39.
40 to 40.
50 to 60.
60 and
upwards.
DivwiOB
1
1
1
i
I
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
3
1
1
£
«
i
1
1
rOujarAt -
9,492
8,904
7,465
4329
4,947
1,068
2,631
199
1,416
70
817
35
641
20
638
20
670
20
Konkan
9377
9,247
8,829
3,804
6,159
706
8,181
186
1,330
110
505
81
242
57
203
50
138
47
Single -^
Deccan -
9,834
9,104
8351
3398
5,154
426
2.496
161
1,041
102
470
83
262
65
235
57
187
48
Karn&tic •
9,753
8,664
8,874
3363
5387
788
3.389
458
1398
879
G50
313
313
281
271
237
247
182
Lsind
9,962
9.856
9,436
7331
7,889
2305
5356
466
3,651
195
1,911
129
085
107
714
107
701
121
'Gujaril -
486
1.061
2,444
4,990
4,794
8,616
7,040
9.299
8,113
9,079
8,451
8,011
8,092
5.686
7384
3,624 6,001
1,579
Konkan
119
737
1,124
5,880
3,706
8,663
6,643
9,103
8,402 . 8,746
8383
7,585
8367
5,325
8,334
3,376 ,7.488
1373
Married -
Deccan -
157
875
1386
6.376
4,553
9,172
7364
9,231
8.596
8324
8398
7.884
8.830
5.778
8,168
3390 6375
1,692
Karn&tic -
223
1,265
1,485
5,641
3.634
8,429
6,105
8,416
7,756
7386
8.430
5351
8348
4354
7,466
2,519 1 6,106
911
.Sind
47
141
555
2,429
2,102
7,480
4,267
9370
6,007
9339
7.436
8.287
7352
6,106
7320
4,086 6316
2.018
"Gnjarit -
22
35
91
181
250
316
320
602
471
851
732
1354
1.267
4.294
2,078
6,356 3329
8,401
Konkan •
4
16
47
226
75
431
170
711
268
1,144
512
2334
891
4,618
1,463
6374 1 2,424
8,5eo
Widowed h
Deccan -
9
21
63
226
293
402
240
608
86S
974
582
2,033
908
4,157
1,697
6,058
2.888
8360
Karniitic •
24
71
101
406
379
783
506
1.096
646
1385
920
8,736
1,444
6,465
2,263
7,244
3,647
8,907
Lsind
1
3
9
40
59
215
187
464
34fi
766
653
1.634
1.163
3,787
1,766
5,807
2.988
7361
* The Eadwa Eanbis.
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xlvii
An examination of the statistics of the persons below 10 years old in the Presidency Division
J f . returned as married shows that by far the greater proportion of both
^^^^ ■ sexes in this category have arrived at the age of eight or even nine.
These small periods were not abstracted in Sind, but there is no reason to think that the rule is not
the same in that Province as in the rest, so the coiiclusion to be drawn from the Comparative tables is
that the age at which marriage takes place in Sind is considerably more advanced than it is in the
southern part of the Presidency. I may remark, by the way, in connexion with this matter of infant
matriages, that as far as I have scrutinised the returns, the proportion of boys married under five
years old to the total who are husbands before ten is as a rule higher, except in North Gujarat, than
that of girls under the same circumstances. The special case of Gujarat is to be traced to the
periodical marriage season which I mentioned above. This peculiarity regarding the proportion of
infant husbands is not confined to any particular division of the indigenous religions, but is to be found
amongst the Jains and Aboriginals alike, and is as striking amongst the Mahammedans and P^sis as
amongst the Hindoos. It seems susceptible of explanation if the large proportion of the girl-wives of
eight, nine, and ten who are married to husbands many years their seniors is taken into consideration,
and the number of boys married at the age in question taken as the measure of the prevalence of
marriages between infants. Lastly, with reference to unions of this class, I will point out that the
proportion of infant marriages tp the total number is highest in the case of males in Gujartlt, notably
in Ahmedabid, the home of the class that have an opportunity of marrying legally according to caste
custom only once in many years. It is in the Kamatic, however, especially in Belgaum and Kalddgi,
that the ratio of such marriages amongst finales is highest. It is also high in Khdndesh, and
comparatively low in Poon^^ Sholdpur ai>d K^nara.
The comparative tables present some interesting features with reference to the different reH<nons in
„ , ^. , . . respect to marriages ; but it is inmossible to enter into all of them here,
in^eSEwV """^^ and I Will merely indicate a few ofthe^chief points bearing on what
has been already brought forward in other parts of this work. The
Hindoo and the Jain religions arc those in which early unions seem by far the most frequent. Com-
paring the two together, it will be seen that the former has the larger proportion of wives up to the age
of 15, but that between that age and 20 the Jains show relatively a greater number. From this age,
too, there is a curious change in the proportions of the widows ; for whereas the Hindoos have
relatively more wives again than the Jains until the last age returned, the latter have a larger pro-
portion of widows. In the case of the males of this religion, the preponderance of widowers over the
ratio found amongst the Hindoos, does not begin to manifest itself until the thirtieth year. The ratio
of husbands is throughout life higher amongst the Hindoos. Taking the age between 20 and 25 as
that at which the physical tendency to marriage is the strongest, the figures ^ven in the margin will
serve to show roughly the state of affairs amongst
the different classes of the community, due considera-
tion being required, necessarily, for the various cir-
cumstapces hitherto explained with regard to the
distribution of each. The numbers represent for
each sex the ratio of the unmarried of the ao-e in
question to the total of all conditions. 'Thus
amongst the Hindoos there is one bachelor of
between 20 and 25 to 37 of Hindoo men of that
age, whilst there is only one spinster to 47 women.
The small proportion of spinsters amongst the Jains
is brought prominently forward when exhibited in
this light* It will be seen from the comparative table that the Christians, Aboriginals, and Pilrsis are
the only classes amongst whom more than three fourths of the women, sometimes more than nine
tenths, are not married before they are 20. At five years after this age more than half the males
are married, except Mahammedans and Christians, who defer that state for five years longer. The
Aboriginals are the only community who do not show more widows^ than wives after 50 years of
age, though the Parsis have very nearly an equality of the two conditions at that age. These two
races, too, are those which retain at the succeeding period a higher ratio of wives, but as regards the
ratio of husbands, the Jews are better off Aan the Parsis, though the Aboriginal still maintains his
position. The second part of the comparative table shows much the same facts in a different light,
but owing to the distribution over the whole of the age periods, it is likely to be more affected by
the inequalities arising from immigration or other causes, and is thus of more use in the case of com-
munities like the Aboriginals or Parsis, than in that of the Jains or Christians. Not to go over a
second time the ground already surveyed in the preceding remarks, I will only call attention to the
way the widowed are diffused amongst the Hindoos and Jains over the whole adult life, as compared
to the concentration of this class at the end of life among the Parsis, Jews, Mahammedans and, to a
minor extent, the Aboriginals and Sikhs. Conversely, at the beginning of life, more than half the
bachelors are under 10, except amongst the Christians, and it is only amongst this race, too, and the
P&reis, that three fourths of the unmarried girls are not also comprised within this period.
For general statistical purposes the returns for sp small a population as is contained in a single
Marriage in selected areas. district cannot be held to be of much use. Nevertheless, in order to
^^ ^ show the variations in different Divisions, the following table is
inserted, giving the proportions of the three conjugal conditions according to age, reduced to a radix
of 1,000:—
Religion.
Number of Persons to One
Unmarried
at 20—24 years Old.
Males.
Females.
Hindoo
Jain
P4rsi
Aboriginal
Mahummcdan
Bikh -
Christian -
S-7
2-5
2-8
2-6
2-0
2-1
1-4
47
116
11
16
28
63
10
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A. — Males.
1
Single.
•
Married.
Widowed.
. Age.
1
1
1
i
1
1
k
i2
1
1
1
i
1
1
i
P
1
1
Under 10 years
984
92i3
982
980
086
964
16
70
18
19
,i«
31
-
4
—
1
8
6
10 to 14 „ . - -
776
748
880
866
876
804
222
241
105
121
111
161
3
11
6
13
14
36
15tol0 „
SOS
606
6S0
687
617
626
697
474
461
333
363
405
8
18
10
30
80
70
tOtoM „ - - -
183
276
260
869
286
260
801
692
718
696
654
644
16
33
18
43
50
87
86to29 „
86
142
104
171
107
118
888
811
868
770
828
792
26
47
28
60
70
96
80to89 n . . -
44
77
48
76
48
45
912
861
901
884
876
842
44
72
61
90
81
lis
40to40 n
26
62
28
88
26
24
888
822
887
818
862
817
83
126
90
148
112
160
50 to Be „ • - -
28
60
22
31
26
28
820
784
828
741
786
782
148
2li
150
228
188
846
00 Mid upwards
18
62
17
26
28
16
714
618
728
600
666
606
868
880
856
875
881
878
B. — Females.
ige.
Singly
j
1
i
'&
n
i
883
898
908
262
480
874
41
105
37
11
68
16
8
65
10
6
60
10
4
88
7
4
88
6
8
28
6
Married.
I
Widowed.
I
Under 10 years
10 to 14 „
16tol9 „
80to84 ^
25 to 29 .,
30 to 89 „
40to49 „
50to69 „
60 and up wards
90S
805
57
19
11
9
7
6
6
864
614
91
14
-7
8
2
2
2
829
96
864
681
70
919
43
040
87.
924
32
837
29
648
22
460
19
211
131
466
873
026
880
788
645
837
158
116
712
920
927
884
760
615
284
U8
102
482
826
884
785
648
424
261
91
900
860
862
720
298
107
167
576
880
887
784
630
304
226
76
1
14
24
41
66
154
850
644
788
5
80
86
60
104
284
458
661
846
2
26
39
62
108
286
481
712
879
69
108
160
807
587
706
4
88
63
86
188
270
516
701
14
70
91
120
179
338
577
76S
906
The districts selected are those which have been characterised, other things being equal, by pros-
perity or distress during the last nine years. The returns for them exhibit, though with greater
variations, the main characteristics that have been mentioned in connexion with larger collections of
figures, so it is superfluous to spend time in commenting on what can be seen plunly enou(i;h by any
one who reads the table in the light of the explanations that have been given in the preceding pages.
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zlix
APPENDIX F,
COMPARISON OF THE AGE TABLES OF THE PRESENT AND PREVIOUS
CENSUS OF THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES.
There was no distribution by ages of the population of Oudh at the previous Census, beyond a rude
§ 48.— GompariBon of age tables one showing minors and adults. The following is a comparative
of two Gensoses of Northwestern statement of the age distribution of the population of the North-
Provinces. Western Provinces, according to the present Census and that of
1872. The figures for 1881 are those of the ages actually returned without any correction : —
Comparison of the Number of Persons returned in each Decade Group at Census of 1872 and 1881
(North- Western Provinces only).
Males.
Age.
Abtolate Numbers.
Per-centage of each
Group on Total.
Average annual rate of
lo08 per mille in pro-
gress to next decade.
Per-centage
of Increase
on liast
Census of
Present
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
10 - - . -
20
80 - - - -
40
50 and over - - -
4,816,898
8,496,807
8,182,748
2,828,938
1,455,822
1.177,180
4,852,829
8,525,250
8,106,550
2,502,508
1,720,925
1,852,844
29-8
21-8
191
14*2
8-9
7-2
25*5
20-6
18-d
14-7
10-1
10-9
82-5
11-0
80-0
48-1
21-3
12-7
21-8
88-1
0-8
7-5
18*3
57-4
Total .
16,406,888
17,060,901
1000
1000
-
—
—
Females.
10 -
20
80 -
40
50 and over
Total -
4,185,097
2,780,042
2,981,108
2,092,779
1,804,032
1,169,165
14,862,223
4,094,628
2,719,769
2,960,166
2,285,789
1,614,759
1,984,126
15,659,227
28-8
190
20*4
14*6
9*1
8*1
100*0
26-1
17*4
18*9
14*6
10*8
12*7
1000
42*8
84-2
48-4
41*7
26-2
85-3
1-0
9*2
23*8
69-7
The variations in the numbers included in each of the age groups are very similar for each sex.
§49.— The diflferenoes considered The following are the differences in the per-centages of increase and
genendly. decrease, the plus and minus signs indicating respectively an excess
or defect in the present Census : —
0.
10.
20.
30.
40.
50 and up-
wards.
Males
Females
-8*8
-2*7
-0-7
-1*6
-0*9
-1*5
+ 0*5
+ 1*2
+ 1-2
+ 8*7
+ 4*6
Thus the main causes of the variation in the number included in each age group must be causes
affecting the number of each sex in a similar way.
If now we divide the population into those above and those below 30 at each Census, we have the
following result : —
Y 5747. A a
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Census.
Under 30.
Over 30.
Females.
Males.
Females.
1872
1881
- ' -
11,446.448
10,984,629
9,796,247
9,774,563
4,961,385
6,076,272
4,665,976
5,884,674
Variation
-460,819
-21,694
+ 1,114,887
+ 1,318,698
The feet of the decrease of the females under 30 being less than the decrease of males is no doubt
mainly due to the greater accuracy of the present enumeration of females. Taking the males only,
we find at the previous Census 6,629,050 between the ages of 10 and 30, and at the present Census
6,631,800, only 2,750 more. Thus the population between these ages is the same, and the entire loss
is to be found in the first decade.
§ 50.— The age groups below 10. The following is a comparison between the numbers of each sex
The group 0—4. returned in the subordinate age groups of the first decade at each
Census : —
Comparison of the Numbers returned in the Subordinate Age Groups of the First Decade at
Previous and Present Census.
Males.
CenBufi.
0.
1.
2.
3.
4.
0—4.
5—9.
1873
1881 - - -
734,787
445,242
895,938
869,277
500,927
323,199
467,066
448,521
549,115
482,874
2,647,833
2,069,118
2,168,565
2,283,716
Variation - - -
-289,545
-26,661
-177,728
- 18,545
-66,241
-578,720
+ 115,161
Females.
1872
1881 . - - -
679,338
438,629
395,692
869,681
489,045
841,055
420,322
468,686
451,581
459,704
2,435,978
2,077,655
1,699,119
3,016,973
Variation - - -
-240,709
-26,011
-147,990
+ 48,264
+ 8,123
-358,323
+ 317,854
Per-centages on Total of each Sex.
Males,
1872
1881 . - - -
4-5 •
2-6
2-4
2-3
3-0
1-9
2-9
2-7
3-8
2-8
16-1
121
13-2
13-4
Variation - - -
-1-9
-0-1
-1-1
-0-3
-0-5
-4-0
+ 0-2
Females.
1872
1881 - - - -
4-7
2-8
2-7
2-5
3-5
2-2
3-9
3-0
3-2
2*9
17*0
13-2
11-8
12*8
Variation -
-1-9
-0-2
-1-3
+ 0-1
-0-3
-3-8
+ 1-0
The irregularity of the series formed by the numbers returned in the first five years is as marked
at the last as at the present Census.
How far this irregularity may be explained by the peculiarities of the five years, 1867 to 1871,
which preceded the Census, I cannot here inquire in detail The famine which occurred in 1869 and
the beginning of 1870 may perhaps explain why so few children are found between one and two years
old. A prosperous year, such as 1871, following a period of scarcity, may explain the large number
of children under one year.
The main defect in the numbers returned at the present Census occurs in the first three years of
life. The cause of this is no doubt to be found in the scarcity of 1878 and the terrible mortality
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with the checked birth-rate of 1880. Had onr present Census been taken a year later than it was,
we shoidd probably have found that the births in 1881 were numeroua enough to raise the number of
children, one year old found in 1872.
The decrease in the number of boys returned as under five years old exceeds half a million, and is
common to each of the year groups. The loss of girls under five amounts to 358^323, but is confined
to the first three years ; in the third and fourth year there is an increase. This is, however, evidently
due to a great understatement of the girls in those years at the previous Census. The following
table shows the number of girls returned in every 100 children of the same age group :—
Per-centage of Girls to Children in same Age Group.
0.
1.
2.
3.
*•
0—4.
5—9.
1872
1881 ....
48 '0
49-8
49*9
50-1
49*4
51*3
47-4
51-1
451
48-8
47-9
60-13
43*9
46-9
The sudden fall in the fourth year is common to both Censuses, and in each is apparent in the previous
year also. The excess of girls in the present enumeration arises firom the defect in the returns for
girls of this age being less at the present than at the previous Census.
Taking next the group five to nine, we find an increase three times greater in the case of females
Th K— *^^^ ^^ males. This greater proportional increase of girls is a con-
* ^l.—THe group 5—9. tinuation of the increase in the two previous years. While in 1872
there were returned only 44 per cent, of girls in this age group, we have now 47 per cent Some
portion of this improvement may be due to the greater care bestowed on female offspring since the
attention of the Government has been directed to the suppression of female infanticide. I think,
however, the increased proportion is mainly due to more accurate counting of girls. Some portion
may be also due to a difference in the distribution of girls between this group and the second decade.
The tendency to under estimate the age of girls about 12 years old under certain circumstances
has already been noticed ; if, therefore, the enumeration of girls at this critical age were more
successful this tendency would be more marked, and consequently a larger proportion of girls be
thrown into the second quinqaenniad. The comparative defect of females in the second dec^e is in
harmony with this interpretation.
The increase of boys in this group amounts to 115,151, or a little over 5 per cent. This may be
fairly accounted for in part at least by greater accuracy in the enumeration. The rate of increase is
rather higher than that of the male population in general, because the omissions of children at the
previous Census would certainly have been proportionally greater than the omissions of men in the
prime of life. But part of the increase may be real, for this group contains the children bom in the
years 1872 to 1876. We know from the Census of 1872 how numerous the births in 1871 were,
and probably those of 1872 to 1876, which were fairly prosperous years in the Province generally,
were also years of high birth-rate. On the other hand, the cnildren in the same group of the previous
Census were bom in the period firom 1862 to 1867, and exposed immediately to the &mine of 1868-
1869 and the beginning of 1870. It is therefore not improbable the difierence in the numbers included
in this group really corresponds to facts.
The proportions of the males returned at each Census in the three decades between 10 and 40 are
§ 62.— The age giotips between closely similar. The loss of 26,193 in the third decade may be
10 and 40. perhaps explained by an increase of emigration to other parts of
India, sbice the means of communication have been so much improved, but is probably a real decrease
of population, due to the events of 1878-79.
The number of females included in the second decade falls from 2,730,042 to 2,719,759, a loss of
10,283, the per-cenlage of the females included in the group falling from 19 to 17. Except the first
decade, this is the only group of females in which the number returned is not in excess of that returned
at the previous Census ; and even in the fir^jt decade the decrease is confined to the first three years
of life ; from three to nine there is an increase. The defect in this second decade is equivalent to a
decrease of 0*4 per cent. This was the term of the series for females, where at last Census there
was the greatest deficiency, and we find the deficiency greater at the present Census instead of less,
as we should have expected from the much greater number of females we have enumerated in all
other age groups. I am inclined to think thi:< deficiency is to be explained by the inclusion at the
present Census of many girls of this age in the ^roup 5 — 9. The increase in that group is 317,854,
equal to an increment of nearly 19 per cent. If we take the sum of the girls between 6 and 19 at
each Census we have in —
1872
1881
- 4,429,161
- 4,736,732
+ 307,571
The increase therefore is over 6 per cent It would seem that there Has been a greater relative
understatement of ages of girls about the age of puberty at the present than at the previous Census ;
and hence the increase which should have occurred in the second decade has been thrown into the
second quinquennial group.
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§ 58.— The population of 80 and The following shows the rate of increase per cent on the previous
upwards. Census of the numbers included in each age group above 30 : —
Group.
80-
40
50 and oyer
Male.
7-5
18*8
67'4
Female.
9-8
28*8
69-7
Now, if both these distributions of the population by age were correct, it would appear that before
1872 the mean annual loss in the 10 years separating the third from the fourth decade was 30 * per
mille, but has since been reduced to 21 * 8. Similarly the loss between the fourth and fifth decades
has been reduced from 48 ' 1 to 38 * 1 per mille. Such a change in the value of life is credible. The
number contained in the third decade is almost the same at both enumerations ; the niunber below 20
years of age is very much less ; yet this decrease has been accompanied by such an extraordinary
increase of vitality among the old people that the men living aged 50 and upwards have increased
by 67 per cent I
Taking the male series only, we find the excess in the numbers retui*ned over 30 years of age must
be due to (1) a diflFerence in the ages returned, or (2) an actual omission at the former Census. As
to the first hypothesis, this difference in classification must consist in the return at the present Census
of men belonging to lower age groups in higher ; or vice versd to the classification at the former
Census of men belonging to higher age groups in lower. If the first occurred, then we should find
a defect in the lower age groups corresponding to the excess in the higher, and this defect must be
in the groups from 10 to 30. But we find the number returned between the ages of 10 and 30
almost precisely the same at both Censuses. Similarly, were the great excess in the number returned
as 50 and upwards due to the return of men between 30 and 50 in that group, we must have had a
defect in this vicennial period, where on the contrary we find an excess. Parity of reasoning shows
that the defect of the former Census cannot be explained by a difference in the ages returned : if the
older men had been returned as between 10 and 30, there must have been a comparative excess,
where we find equality ; and if the old men over 50 had returned themselves as aged from 30 to 50,
we must have found an excess in that vicennial instead of a defect. Evidently, therefore, no
hypothesis of wrong distribution will account for the excess of men returned as 30 and upwards at
the present Census. I may also remark that, careless as are natives about their ages, and inefficient
as was the detailed supervision at the present Census, £ do not see by what possibility such enormous
differences in the ages returned could have occurred.
We are reduced, therefore, to the alternative hypothesis, that the excess of the numbers of males
returned in the higher decades is due to their complete omission from the record at the previous
Census.
The increase in the rate of increment with age is in conformity with this, and the increase in the
number included in the fourth decade amounts to only 7 per cent, and may be naturally accounted
for by the general increase of accuracy. In the next decade the increase is 18 per cent., and 57 per
cent among old men. Among the lower classes 6ld men are often regarded as incumbrances, and
hang about the houses, receiving but little attention. They would certainly be much more likely to
escape notice in a cardess enumeration than the active, well-known members of the family. It was
therefore probable there would be, at a careful enumeration, a large proportional increase among the
old men. But it certainly seems imlikely that this omission should have extended to nearly one in
three of the old men.
The fact of the variations in numbers of the women in these age groups running almost parallel to
those in the numbers of the men indicates they are due to the same cause. Now, that old women are
more likely to be omitted from a careless enumeration than any other persons, every one acquainted
with native society knows. The fact was specially brought to my notice in Agra city, where every
instance of renewed testing and inquiry brought to light more forgotten old creatures living in the
comers of houses.
In each of these last age eroups the females have increased at a greater rate than the men, the
excess of the rate being higher m each group. This is exactly what we might expect if the increase
were due simply to omiseion ; the rate of omissions for old women would be greater as they got older.
Unlikely, therefore, as it may seem that the rate of omission of old people at the last Census should
have been so hiffh, the figures point strongly to its being a iact, and I am unable to find any other
explanation of me enormous difference in the age distribution of the two Censuses. We have, how-
every seen that the ages of women above 30 at the present Census have been exaggerated^ too
many of those enumerated being included in the class 50 and upwards. At the previous Census this
exag^ration of age was not marked, owing to the great inaccuracy with which old people were
enumerated.
A comparison of our age tables with those of other countries
points to a great omission m the latter age groups of the previous
Census, and to the comparative accuracy of the number returned at
the present Census.
§ 54— OompKBvative statement of
the a^ distribution of several
conntnea
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Per-centa^es of Population ia each Age Group.
Age Groaps.
Ck>imti7.
0—4.
6—9.
0—9.
10—19.
20—29.
30—39.
40—49.
50 and
upwards.
BnffUuid
Ir^uid - - - -
Prussia
Italy - - - -
North-Western Provinces, 1881
North-Western Provinces, 1872
13-8
12-6
13-7
12-8
12-1
16-1
12-1
121
11-6
10*8
18-4
18-2
25*9
24-7
25-3
22-6
25.6
29-8
20-7
22-0
20-7
19-0
20*6
21-3
16-8
14-7
15-8
16*6
18-2
19-1
12-7
11-0
131
13'9
14-7
14-2
9*8
8-7
10-1
11-2
10-1
8-9
14-1
18-9
15-0
16-7
10-9
7'2
For Italy the figuree are for persons.* In all other cases for males only. In England and Ireland
the extensive emigration affects the distribution. The population of Italy more closely resembles ours
than that of any other country. Looking at the series of the two distributions, the 1 1 per cent, of old
men at the present Census is more probable than the 7 per cent of the last.
The result, then, of this comparison of the distribution of the people of the North-Western Pro-
_»n f • vinces by ages by the present and previous Census is to show (1) that
of the'a^rS^ IST^^S ^}^ ^^^P* «/ «*V^^'^" ""'^f o^^o^'^Z^x fu "^* ^^^ presft Census is
due to the disastrous years 1878-79 ; (2) the mcrease of children m
the second quinquennial group is due to more accurat,e counting, but may be partly due to the fact
of our present group containing the births of 1872 to 1876, while the group at the previous Census;
contained the births of 1862 to 1867 ; the increase among the old people is the result of a more accu-
rate Census. If we divide the population into those above and those below 30, we find a decrease in
the number below and an increase in the number above that age. The decrease is due entirely to the
fallmg off* in the number of children below five years old^ and the increase to the more complete
counting of old people.
Taking the series for females separately, we find an increase from the third year to the ninth year,
due partly, perhaps^ to increased care for female offspring, but mainly to greater accuracy in coimting
^rls, and to an under-statement of the ages of girls who should have been included in the second
decade. The slight comparative deficiency of girls in the second decade is apparently due to this
transfer. From the 20th year upwards we have an increase of females in each decade greater than
the increase of the males, and most marked among the old women. This is due simply to the greater
inaccurate counting of women than men at the previous Census.
The differences, then, between the two age distributions are due to the peculiarities of the years
which preceded each Census, and to the greater accuracy with which women and old people have been
enumerated in the present Census.
We come now to the important result of this comparison, viz., that it proves the population of these
^ __ . Provinces has decreased. The age group for both sexes in which
thepOTralatiwi to^vTdSreasei^ ^^^ enumeration should be most complete is the third decade ; there
would be less omission of men and women between the ages of 20
and 30 than in any other group. A comparison between the numbers of those returned at each
Census will give more accurately the progress of the population than of any other group. We find
that the males in this group are fewer at the present than at the previous Census, and that the females
have increased only 1 per cent Since some fraction of increase must be due to greater accuracy of
enumeration, larger in the case of females than males, we are led to the inference that there has been
a decrease of the population between 20 and 30 since last Census. Any increase in the population
above 30 must obviously be due to a decrease in the death-rate. But the death-rate as represented
by the number of persons living in the third decade has been higher and not lower. The presump-
tion, therefore, is strong that it has been higher in each of the decades above 30, and that conse-
quently the population must be less than in 1872. Bdow 30 years of age there has been a great
decrease in the numbers, and above that age there must have been a decrease also. Any increase
would imply a decreased death-rate, and we find the death-rate, on the contrary, must have been
higher.
Our examination of the age tables therefore confirms that which we were to expect, an actual
decrease in the population since the previous Census.
EXTRACT FROM THE PUNJAB CENSUS REPORT.
The Ages of the People.
Introductory. — The subject of age, sex, and civil condition for the three are so intimately connected
that they really form but one subject, is one which I have left almost to the last, and which I shall have
to discuss very briefly. But this is of the less importance partly because the statistics are possessed of the
very slightest administrative importance, partly because the matter is one which has been dealt with in
great detail elsewhere, and still more because I think the figures afford an exceedingly unsatisfactory
basis from which to draw any general conclusions. And this, I think, not so much because age statistics
in India are notoriously inexact, as because I believe that the age statistics of this present Census in
particular are wholly abnormal. Mr. Wilson writes : " The age given is of course only a very rough
•' approximation. An old man would give his age as * 60 or 70,' and when told that he had been
'* entered at 50, would say * 50 it is, let it stand ! ' Very few knew their age within 5 or 10 ynars."
* I take the figures for Italy from the age table of Census, 1871, ooneoted by Professor Rameri, Lee Movimento
deUo State Oevile. Roma, 1879.
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This being the case — ^and I think the experience of all Punj&b officers would affirm the general truth
of the remark — ^it might be argued that the age tables are simple waste paper. But I do not think
so. It is extraordinary how largely errors due to mere chance have tended to neutralise one another
if the numbers concerned are sufficiently large : and here we are dealing with many millions.
Quetelet showed that the heights of soldiers in the French army, and many other as apparently
irregular statistics, followed a regular law if a large number were taken ; and where no special causes
are at work to induce mis-statement, I believe that our age tables, on the whole, affi)rd us a very
fairly accurate representation of the general distribution by age of the Punjdb population at the time
of the Census, though the more we descend to details and the smaller the number we deal with the
less reliance can be placed on the figures. Probably such causes were at work in certain cases, and
I shall attempt to indicate their nature and efiect. The general agreement of the figures given for
the 32 separate districts in Supplementary Table of Appendix 0. is far greater than could possibly be
the cafle were the statistics wholly or even to a great extent worthless. But even if the age of every
soul living in the Punj&b at the time of the Census had been exactly ascertained and the figures
tabulated with absolute accuracy, I believe that the results would have been very far from repre-
senting the normal distribution by age of the population of the Province ; and I shall give my
reasons for so thinking in the few paragraphs presently following. But there is one point to which I
must refer before proceeding to the discussion of the figures. So far as I know tnere are no con-
siderations of such weight that they can be supposed to have materially affected the figures, that
should induce the wilful mis-statement of the age of a male. Such considerations do, however, exist
in the case of females ; and I shall therefore take the male ages as my standard, and discussing them
first compare the female ages with them afterwards, or as occasion may arise. I shall not attempt
to institute any comparison between the present figures and that of the last Census. In 1868 they
did not record ages in detail, but only distinguished children, youths, and adults ; and the %ures were
admittedly imperfect and untrustworthy.
Causes of Error in the Figures. — Before taking the actual numbers intiO consideration, I will
point out some general causes of error which will partly explain the peculiarities of the figures, and
to which I shall have to refer more or less frequently during their discussion. The Government of
India, for 'reasons which were not explained, decided that everybody's age has to be counted from
his last birthday, and that a child of one and a half years old has to be recorded as one year old.
This is wholly opposed to the customs of the country, which is to count such a child as two years
old ; and I have little doubt that the instructions were as a rule neglected, and that such children
were very generally entered as of two years of age. If this had been consistently done throughout
it will not have very materially affected the higher ages. But the rule forced us to record the age
of children of under one year in months, and accordingly the enumerators were told to enter such
ages in words, not figures, with the word *^ months " after the entry ; and their attention being thus
specially directed to the point, they very generally followed the instructions. Thus while children
of between one and two years were probably often shown as two years old, children of under one
year old were generally shown correctly, and this unduly reduced the number shown as one year
old. Again, errors probably occurred in abstracting the figures owing to the confusion between
months and years ; but this would only reduce the numbers under one year and increase in nearly
equal proportions all entries from one to 11 years of age. Thus so far I have only shown that
some children who should have been entered as one year old were probably entered as two years old.
Another cause of error, which only Mr, Wilson would appear to have detected, was the period
that elapsed between the preliminary record and the final Census. That period may be taken at
an average as 6\ weeks, or a tenth of a year. Now during that interval one tenth of the annual
births must be supposed to have occurred, or, if anything, more, as the cold weather is the season
for births ; similarly one tenth of the deaths occurred, or somewhat less, as the cold weather is
healthy ; and finally, about one tenth of the numbers recorded in the preliminary record as being
under any year of age attained that year and passed into the next Now where the preliminary
record was corrected on the night of the Census those who had died in the interval were struck
out ; those who had been born in the interval were added to the numbers under one year old ; but
it may safely be asserted that not a single entry of age was altered, because the living had grown
older since the preliminary record was made. Thus what we did was this. We struck out of the
number recorded for each annual period of age all that had died during a tenth of a year ; but
we did not add to those numbers the people who had passed into nor deduct the people who
had passed out of that period during the same interval. Now, the population being practiciilly
stationary, the excess of the numbers passing out of over those passing into any annual period of
age during any year must be exactly equal to the number of deaths which annually take place in
that period of age. In a word, we cut out the deaths for a tenth of a year, but did not allow for the
progress of age which would have tilled up the vacancies caused by those deaths. Thus the result
is that our numbers for each intermediate annual period of age are too small by one tenth of the
annual mortality proper to that period. This error is generally small, though largest in the earlier
years of infancy, when mortality is largest. But in the first year of life the error is very con-
siderable. Here we did add all those who passed into the period by birth, and we cut out all the
deaths ; but we did not deduct those who passed out of it by progress of age during a tenth of a
year. Now, the population being taken as stationary, the number of children who annually pass
out of the first into the second yenx of life is the same as the number of children of between one
and two years of age at any time. Thus our figures for imder one year are too large by one tenth
of the whole number of children between one and two years of age, that is to say, our figures for
the first year are too large by 6 per cent, even if we take our recorded figures for the second year
of life, which have just been shown to be far too small, and the excess is really probably something
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like 8 or 9 per cent. Similar oonsiderations will show that, since all persons passing out of the
last period of life by progress of age, that is to say, dying, were duly struck out, our figures for
that period are too large by one tenth of the number of persons between 60 and 61 years of age,
and this correction again wiU be comparatively large.'**
Another couse of error is the tendency of people who are uncertain about their exact age to
state it in round numbers. A man who is somewhere about 50 years of age will say he is 50 years
old and not 49 or 51. If he does not think he is quite so much he will say 45, but seldom 44 or
46 ; but there is a far greater tendency to say 30, 40, 50 than 36, 45, or 65. Now the periods
into which our ages are divided run thus— 40, 41, 42, 43, 44— 46, 46, 47, 48, 49—50, 51, 52, 53,
54, and so on ; and the numbers shown for from 40 to 45 will, owing to the tendency just noted,
be unduly raised at the expense of the number for from 45 to 50, and so on throughout. The
same tendency has been noticed in England, where the following figures were obtained for ages at
burial : —
Age.
Numbers.
Age.
Numbers.
Age.
Numbers.
49
8,940
59
9,899
69
12,913
50
12,443
60
16,186
70
20,974
51
7,607
61
9,860
71
12,538
irenoa.
Total,
Males.
PttSi.
Total,
Males.
10-15
16-80
2&-ao
80-86
1.484,679
1.098,197
1,062AI9
1.047,147
1.042.678
86-40
40-46
46-60
60—65
66-60
026380
801,047
424,976
607,607
208,664
The figures in the margin illustrate the effects of this tendency. The numbers for iBach succes-
sive period should not only be smaller than those for the preceding one, but should also be smaller
like a constant proportion, in the earlier periods where the
age is better known, this is to some extent the case, the
exception being the period of 25 — 30, which is apparently
too large instead of too small, a fact which, I think, may be
accounted for 25 years being a common age for a young man
to give. But directly we reach higher ages where there is
greater uncertainty, the numbers for the periods in even tens
are enormously increased at the expense of those in even
fives. The error can be almost eliminated by taking decades instead of centimes ; and since the
greatest error is to return to an old example, at the even tens, the most accurate results will be
obtained by taking our periods at 35 to 45, 45 to 55, and so on. But this breaks the continuity
at the beginning and end of the series, and moreover Table VI. has been arranged by groups
running firom 30 to 40, 40 to 50, and so forth. I shall therefore, when using ten-yearly periods,
follow this arrangement
I have consulted many judicial ofiicers of experience as to whether there is in their opinion any
tendency to exaggerate or to understate their age among the natives, or whether they think that the
mind is impartial in its inaccuracy. The weight of opinion seems to be that the aged have a very
marked tendency to exaggerate their age, that middle aged females have some slight tendency, though
not nearly so marked as among Europeans, to understate their age, and that there is no other
tendency observable.
Thus we arrive at the following probable or certain errors : —
(1.) The numbers for between one and two years of age are probably too small owing to many
children over one year of age being recorded as two years old, whereas children of under
one year of age were not nearly so often recorded as one year old.
* An argument of this sort which is perfectly clear to the writer so far often appears confused and dubious to the
reader, that it is perhaps worth while to put the above reasoning into symbols.
Let A n = the number of persons of n years of age at any time.
X n = the annual dea&-rate for that period of age.
Then, sinoe the persons of any year of age are the survivors of the preceding year,
An = An — 1(1 — Xn — l)orAn — 1 — Xn = An — IXn— 1
and A n (1 — X n) the number of persons who pass from n to n x 1 year of age during any year by progress of age.
Now for the period of n year of age, the gain owing to the absence of adjustment of the ages of the preliminary
record at the final Census, one tenth of a year later, is equal to the number of people who had passed from n to n x 1
years during that period, and who should have been cut out, the loss is equal to the number of people who had
passed from n — 1 to n years during that period, and who should have been brought in
[asgain = Tii,[Ana-Xn)]
loss = ^^ [An - 1 (1 - Xn - 1)]
net lo8s = An — 1 (1 — Xn — 1) — An (1 — Xn).
••• 10
(An — 1 — An — An — IXnxlAnXn).
- 10
AnXn.
- 10
or one tenth of the annual mortality of that period.
For the first period A o there is no loss ; and the gain is ^-j^ = ^r^
or a tenth of the children of between one and two years of age.
A 60
For the last period' there is no gain ; and the loss is A 59 (1 — X 59) = -^^-
or one tenth of the people between 60 and 61 years of age.
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(2.) The numbers for under one year of age are too large by some 6 to 8 per cent, owing to the
interval between the preliminary record and the final Census.
(Z.) The numbers for 60 and upwards are a good deal too small, owing to the same cause.
(4.') The numbers for all intermediate periods are slightly too small, owing to the same cause.
(5.) The numbers for such periods as 40 to 45 are much too large and those for such periods as
45 50 mucji too small owing to the preference for round numbers, and this especially in
the higher periods of age. The period of 25 to 30 is probably an exception. The error is
nearly eliminated by taking ten-yearly periods.
(6.) In the more advanced ages the age is probably greatly exaggerated, while in the medium
periods for women the numbers are probably too small, and in the next earlier period
correspondingly too large.
The first Five Years of Life. — The total numbers of males returned for each of the first five years
of life are shown in the margin, and the figures for the second lustnim are added
for comparison with their total. The figures are very extraordinary. The
children of each year of life can only be the survivors from among those of the
next lower year : even supposing there to have been no deaths they can only
equal and never exceed them ; and since children die every year at all ages, the
number of children of any year of age must, supposing the birth and death-rates
to remain constant, always be less than the number in the next earlier year.
But our figures, after the first year, steadily increase instead of decreasing, and
the number shown as between 5 and 10 years of age is actually greater than that
under 5 years old. One would expect the statistics for the first few years of
life to be far more accurate than those for the later periods, for there can hardly be any mistake
about the age of a very young child. The small number shown as between one and two years of
age is doubtless partly due to cause (1) stated previously, while the excess of the numbers for the
second lustrum over those for the first may be due in part to five being taken as a good round
number of years to give a child of about that age. But these considerations account for but a very
small part of the difficulty. Are then the figures wholly inaccurate t The facts render such a
conclusion impossible. We have in the Punjab 31 districts and 15 States, each of which contains
more than 50,000 souls ; and in every single one of them 46 unit^, and even in many of the minor
States, where the smallness of the figures render them less trustworthy, exactly the same phoenomenon
is to be observed, though not always to the same extent The figures for each religion share it ; the
fi<yures of Bengal and the North- West Provinces and I believe for Bombay exhibit the same pecu-
liarity, and it is unquestionable that the figures, extraordinary as they seem, do represent the facts, at
least in broad outline. It is obvious that a wave of infecundity has during the last few years swept
over at least Northern India, and that the five years between 1876 and 1881 have seen a far smaller
number of births than took place between 1871 and 1875. I have already given the facts regarding
the health of the Province and the state of the crops for each year between 1868 and 1881, and I
have drawn attention to the violent fluctuations which characterise the vital statistics of an Indian
poi>ulation. The intimate connexion between a high death-rate and a low birth-rate, and the
Absteact No. 108.
Showing Age Figures and Death-rates firom 1875 to 1881 in Districts.
Penod.
Total
Num tiers.
0—1
1—2
4—6
386,384
2U.222
267,217
811,793
3»7»814
0—5
6-10
1,618,880
l.«91,707
each of the following Ages.
Death-rates of the Provinoe in Per-oentages of the
Average since 1868 for the following Tears.
0-
1-
2—
8-
4-
0-6.
6—10.
1880.
1879.
1878.
1877.
1876.
1S75.
Aver,
age.
Delhi -
Gurff&on - - -
KaniAl
286
808
307
146
131
142
138
101
146
191
170
214
227
226
266
989
986
1.064
1316
1360
1306
97
79
141
203
279
219
187
284
168
74
66
78
69
69
78
86
93
78
100
100
100
HissAr - - - -
BohtAk
Sirsa . - - -
328
312
888
205
165
231
181
160
226
247
226
289
273
268
290
1.284
1,121
1,483
1347
1368
1,282
105
118
100
221
279
182
132
154
123
68
75
78
63
71
82
86
88
105
100
100
100
Amb&la
LiidhiAna - - -
Simla -
300
838
160
137
176
01
166
189
113
216
228
127
268
266
140
1.081
1,187
680
1,288
1.880
716
126
96
141
176
126
176
121
167
124
67
81
88
118
104
106
98
86
188
100
100
100
Jalandhar - - -
HushyArpur -
KAngra- - - •
885
20B
226
182
136
186
168
194
209
189
286
242
102
238
251
1,016
1,097
1,118
1,865
1.360
1,338
76
90
142
108
128
183
218
128
92
73
71
83
176
161
104
87
186
108
100
100
100
AmritsAr
Gurd&spur - • -
SiAlkot
884
324
871
180
164
101
197
198
^206
241
226
245
222
235
256
1,197
1,182
1,268
1,261
1347
1387
91
100
86
184
126
86
141
104
86
81
76
68
128
125
148
116
160
104
100
100
100
liahore - - - -
Gujrtnw&Ia -
Firozpur
361
348
896
208
187
238
231
222
219
251
258
241
243
262
260
1,292
1,262
1388
1.256
1388
1361
100
117
109
182
148
124
148
148
806
87
104
76
113
187
114
100
100
86
100
100
100
Raw&lpindi •
Jahlam-
GiijrAt
Shalipur
260
303
368
336
ISO
180
204
203
829
276
242
. 272
294
819
276
323
846
844
827
340
1,267
1.421
1,406
1,474
1,486
1328
1355
1,498
128
108
160
119
258
166
156
118
142
118
146
115
81
77
90
86
73
78
110
88
77
86
80
92
100
100
100
100
Multto
Jhang . - - .
Montgomery
814
860
340
199
216
231
268
807
806
804
336
828
806
366
817
1386
1374
1380
1,469
1,600
1,400
109
127
87
87
87
91
122
80
130
109
87
91
180
107
100
122
180
186
100
100
IQO
Muaaffargarh - - ■
Dchra IsmAil Khan
Dt!hra Gbazi Khan -
Bannu
369
27a
843
288
163
221
18.1
208
262
268
263
262
299
331
828
374
829
846
86S
370
1,412
1,488
1.481
1.487
1.594
1356
1,608
1,738
182
124
128
160
109
105
100
128
141
129
129
117
109
96
100
100
109
90
121
106
88
76
88
67
100
100
100
100
PeghAwar • - ■
Hazara
KobAt -
222
283
236
171
168
172
238
244
269
278
297
360
314
876
866
1,228
1.367
1.402
1,445
1,693
1,600
120
94
160
160
141
167
178
147
98
78
76
67
08
100
83
87
94
76
100
100
100
British Territory -
317
175
212
257
277
1338
1394
108
152
144
80
112
100
100
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Ivii
extraordinary effect which disease, and still more distress, has in checking the natural fecundity
of the population, have been dwelt upon year after year by the Sanitary Commissioner, who gave
detailed statistics on the subject in his report for 1879; and the marvellous recuperative power
exhibited by the people of India, and the manner in which as improving seasons restore plenty to
the villages the l>irth-rate rises, the population increases and the gaps caused by years of death are
more than filJed u]), have been subjects of frequent observation. There can be no doubt whatever
that the late Census was taken at the end, as that of 1868 was taken at the beginning, of one of the
periods of depression when the procreative energy of the people was at its lowest ; and that it is to
this cause that we must refer the phenomenon under examination. The figures of Abstract No. 108
in the previous paj^e show the proportion per 10,000 males recorded in each district for each of the
first five years of life, their total, and the corresponding figures for the next lustrum ; and side by side
with these figures they give the recorded death-rates per 1,000 for each year from 1876 to 1881
expressed as per-centages on the average rate from 1868.
The figures speak for themselves. The death-rates we know to be inaccurate^ especially in the
west of the Punjdb. But we know that they are never in excess of the truth, and that though a
slight annual increase is probably due to improved registration, yet that increase has been for many
years very small, and that the relative figures comparing one year with another in the same district
are probably very fairly accurate. If we were to take the male death-rates the result would be still
more striking. The* death-rates, however, are not the only test ; distress from want is even more
potent in checking births than actual disease. The trouble began in 1875 with a singularly unhealthy
season, and in that year were begotten the children who were returned in February 1881 as between
four and five years of age. The next year was still more unhealthy, especially in the hills and in the
sub-montane and central and Jamna districts, and in that year the children between four and five
were born and those between three and four begotten. In 1877 and 1878 there was something like
famine in the east of the Punjdb combined with terrible fever and disease, while in 1879 and 1880
the crops in the west were bad, while the health, in 1879 at least, was even more than in 1878, and
the epidemic spread to the Salt-^nge districts. It was these years of famine when the children
returned at the Census as between two and four were
bom and those between one and three were begotten
that did the evil work ; and an examination of the
figures given above will show how far more they
told upon the popiilation of the eastern districts
where distress was most severe than upon that of
the western portion of the Province,
for Gurg&on, Karn^, Rohtak, and
simply terrible. The table in the
veniently Hummarises the results. The figures in
the body of this small table show the number of
males recorded for each of the first five years of
life taking those under one year as 100 in each
division. But the most significant figures are the
years given at the top of the table, above the age
Those years arc the years in which the children shown below were begotten. In the Delhi
Dimion.
1879.
1878.
1877.
1876.
1876.
0—1.
1—2.
2-8.
8-4.
4-6.
Delhi •
100
46
42
64
78
Hl884r .
100
68
68
74
82
Amb«a
100
48
56
71
83
J&landhar
100
42
66
77
78
AmritsAr
100
61
69
69
69
Lahore - - -
1(K)
67
61
67
67
Rawalpindi -
100
68
82
98
111
Mult&n -
100
58
82
92
95
Beraj&t
Peshiwar
100
68
88
114
110
100
69
101
122
131)
British Territory
100
66
67
81
»8
Native States-
100
69
67
81
91
ProTinoe - - -
100
57
67
81
88
The figures
Amb&la
margin
are
con-
periods.
and Hissdr divisions
the efiect of 1877 was greatest^ and it was there that the famine was worst and
its results would bo most immediately felt. In the central divisions the figures below 1878 are
smallest, and thus it took two years of distress to produce the greatest effects. In the western divi-
sion the figures below 1875 and 1876 are high, and those of 1877 as high as they would naturally
be after deducting the infant deaths for three full years, and those for 1878 and 1879 are low ; and
there the distress began in 1878 and was followed by disease in 1879. It must be remembered ihat
while the Delhi figures show that for every 78 male children of between four and five years of age
there are only 42 between two and three, it does not mean that children were born in those propor-
tions in 1876 and 1878 respectively, but that the children born in 1876 was so numerous compared
with those born in 1878 that where two years reduced the tables to 42, four years of life and death
only reduced the former to 78 ; and so throughout. It will now be imderstood why I say that if
we had absolutely accurate age statistics for the population of the Punjab as it stood on the Census
night, they would be very far from presenting us with a fair representation of the normal distribution
by age of the people. In fact, I do not believe that any single Census can give us such a represen-
tation. A Census taken in 1871 would have presented the same features as the present one. The
Census taken in 1868 would, had it given ages in detail, have erred in exactly the opposite direction,
and shown an abnormally large proportion of very young children. In fact, it did show so large a
proportion of children that the figiures were suspected of being wholly incorrect. The mortality in
times of distress is so great and the decrease of fecundity so marked, that it is only by the most
extraordinary fecundity where more favourable conditions recur that the population of the Punjab
can increase at all ; and then the children come in waves, and not in a steady flow. By adding
together the figures of successive enumerations, made under varying conditions and at difierent phases
of the wave, we may neutralise the inequalities and obtain a standard set of age figures about which
the population is ever oscillating. But no one set can be anything but exceptional ; and the set we
have obtained at the present Census is perhaps unusually so. Thus we must dismiss the figures for
the first five years of life as wholly abnormal, and remember that their total is very far smaller than
it would be under ordinary circumstances, and more especially in the eastern districts.
Punjdb Ages compared with European Standards, — Abstract No. 109 on the next page shows the
male age figures for France, Italy, (j-reece, England, and the Punj&b side by side : —
Y 5747. B b
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Iviii
Abstract Nq, 109.
Showing Ages in Europe and the Punj&b,
Age
Period.
Proportions
per 10,000 of All Ages.
Group.
At Ages
shown in
Column 2
Age
Period.
At and above Ages shown in Column 8.
France.
Italy.
Greece.
England.
Punjab.
France.
Italy.
Greece.
£ngland.
Puiyab.
0—
991
1,166
1,226
1,372
1,228
0—
10,000
10,000
10,000
10,000
10,000
6—
880
1,101
1,266
1,207
1,374
5—
9,009
8,834
8,774
8,628
8,772
10—
886
1,016
1,226
1,091
1,206
10—
8,129
7,733
7,508
7,421
7,398
15—
866
873
972
977
893
15—
7,243
6,717
6,282
6,330
6,192
20—
847
868
672
892
855
20—
6,377
5,844
5,310
5,353
5,299
25—
710
763
744
788
850
25—
5,530
4,976
4,638
4,461
4,444
I..
BO-
713
711
957
684
847
30—
4,820
4,213
3,894
3,673
3,594
SS—
691
619
754
595
508
35—
4,107
3,502
2,937
2,989
2,747
40—
649
614
626
523
650
40—
3,416
2,883
2,183
2,894
2,239
45—
602
519
487
466
345
45—
2,767
2,269
1,557
1,871
1,589
50—
543
520
260
397
493
50—
2,165
1,750
1,070
1,405
1,244
55—
474
333
288
320
169
55—
1,622
1,230
810
1,008
751
60—
1,198
897
622
688
582
60—
1,148
897
522
688
582
0—
991
1,166
1,226
1,372
1,228
M and below Ages
shown in
Column 8
5—
Id-
1,766
1,713
2,117
1,741
2,492
1,644
2,298
1,869
2,580
1,748
II.
as—
1,423
1,474
2,701
1,472
1,697
0—
—
—
—
—
—
35—
1,340
1,233
1,388
1,118
1,158
5—
991
1,166
1,226
1,872
1,228
46—
1,145
1,039
747
863
838
10—
1,871
2,267
2,492
2,579
2,602
55—
1,622
1,230
810
1,008
751
15—
2,757
3,283
3,718
3,670
3,808
20—
3,623
4,156
4,690
4,647
4,701
25 —
4,470
5,024
5,362
5,539
5,556
«
0—
1,871
2,267
2,492
2,579
2,602
30—
6,180
5,787
6,106
6,327
6,406
10—
1,762
1,889
2,198
2,068
2,099
35—
5,893
6,498
7,063
7,011
7,253
20—
1,557
1,631
1,416
1,680
1,705
40—
6,584
7,117
7,817
7,606
7,761
in-
30—
1,404
1,330
1,711
1,279
1,355
45—
7,233
7,731
8,448
8,129
8,411
40—
1,251
1,133
1,113
989
995
SO—
7,835
8,250
8,930
8,595
8,766
50—
1,017
853
548
717
662
55—
8,378
8,770
9,190
8,992
9,249
>■
60—
1,148
897
522
688
582
60—
8,852
9,103
9,478
9,312
9,418
r
0—
2,757
8,288
3,718
3,670
8,808
«
J
15—
8,186
8,215
8,845
3,341
3,445
85—
2,485
2,272
2,127
1,981
1,996
L
55—
1,622
1,230
810
1,008
751
r
0—
991
1,166
1,226
1,372
1,228
5—
3,479
8,858
4,136
4,167
4,328
V.
25—
2,763
2,707
3,081
2,690
2,865
45—
1,619
1,372
1,035
1,183
1,007
-
60—
1,148
897
522
688
582
r
0—
1,871
2,267
2,492
2,579
2,602
v.|
10—
8,309
8,520
3,614
3,748
3,804
SO-
2,655
2,468
2,824
2,268
2,350
I
SO—
2,165
1,750
1,070
1,405
1,244
"
0—
8,623
4,156
4,690
4,647
4,701
vu^
20—
2,961
2,961
3,127
2,959
3,860
40-
2,268
1,986
1,661
1,706
1,657
60—
1,148
897
522
688
382
The first group, arranged by five-yearly periods, is, as already explained, untrustworthy, the
figures for England, and probably for the other countries also, except perhaps Greece, haying been
corrected so as to remove errors due to carelessness and ignorance, while we have no trustworthy
dates of births and deaths by which to correct the Punjab return in a similar manner. The first
thing that strikes us on examining the figures is that the nature of the last five years has brought
down the proportion of children under five years old far below the English figures, though it is still
higher than in any of the other countries, Greece, however, almost rivalling it Notwithstanding
this the greater longevity of the English than of the Punjab population and the larger proportion of
children and smaller proportion of elderly people that distinguish the latter are very strongly marked.
Since all the figures are proportional, those for the higher ages are unduly raised in the Punjdb by
the abnormally small number of births during the last five years, while the same figures are much
lower than they would be in England if no emigration took place. Notwithstanding this, and the
tendency to exaggerate old age which has been corrected in the English but not in the Pimjfib
figures, England shows one third as many again of people over 55 years as does the Punj&b, while
her numbers between 5 and 15 years of age are more than 12 per cent, smaller than ours. The age
of 10 divides the two populations in almost identical proportions, these being as nearly as possible
26 per cent below and 74 per cent, above that age in each country. The turning point appears to
be about the age of 35, up to which point we have lai^er, and after it smaller numbers than England.
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But the numbers between 15 and 25 are curiously smaller than they should be in the Punj&b. This
is partly owing probably to the tendency of young men to return 26 as their age which has already
been noticed, but it is probably also due in part to the effects of the famine of 1858-60. With
France any comparison is impossible, the extraordinary longevity and infecundity of the French
people placing them at the very opposite pole to those of the Punj&b ; and the population of Italy
would appear to occupy a curiously intermediate position between those of France and England in
the matter of distribution by age. The Greek people approach far more nearly than any other to
those of the Punj&b^ the figures following each other even in many of ihe abnormal variations. But
even here we seem to have a slightly larger proportion of young and smaller of old people. Thus
the characteristics of the Punj&b population as judged by European standards would appear to be a
large proportion of births and high mortality. The further discussion of these points I shall reserve
till I have examined the figures by locality and religion.
Abstract No. 110,
Showing Distribution by Age of every 10,000 Males for Divisions.
PROPOBTION PEE 10,000 MALES OF ALL AGES.
Group.
Ages.
Pro-
vince.
Native
States.
British
Terri-
tory.
Delhi.
Hissar.
Ambala.
Jalan-
dhar.
Amrit-
sdr.
Lahore.
Ilawil-
pindi.
Moltin.
Deraj&t.
Peshi-
war.
I-
0—
1—
2—
8—
4—
813
179
209
253
274
291
199
194
236
268
317
172
212
257
277
300
140
128
192
236
333
193
177
246
274
809
149
173
217
257
289
149
190
222
225
345
176
206
239
238
368
209
225
248
248
305
177
250
299
839
344
204
281
316
325
800
204
265
842
359
245
170
246
299
341
II.
0-
5—
10—
15-
20—
25—
BO-
40—
46—
50—
55—
60—
1,228
1,874
1,206
893
855
850
847
508
650
345
493
169
582
1,183
1,278
1,145
910
889
862
851
521
678
368
530
190
595
1,238
1,396
1,818
888
848
848'
846
505
644
340
485
165
579
996
1,293
1,310
995
989
962
854
499
653
337
501
156
455
1,223
. 1,261
1,185
956
1,008
860
808
492
620
367
515
193
506
1,105
1,286
1,220
980
959
912
821
490
669
356
495
173
534
1,075
1,350
1,304
953
833
885
823
597
622
379
464
174
541
1,204
1,330
1,325
908
777
836
831
527
670
351
487
172
582
1,298
1,324
1,238
929
845
816
782
496
603
862
474
204
629
1,370
1,516
1,159
801
772
791
844
502
593
334
471
169
678
1,470
1,525
1,096
738
731
774
848
472
685
324
526
133
678
1,470
1,526
1,046
705
741
775
939
470
706
299
502
139
582
1,800
1,55S
1,130
827
899
858
1,019
430
676
228
437
95
549
Ill-
0—
5—
15—
25—
35—
45—
55—
1^28
2,580
1,748.
1,697
1,158
838
751
1,183
2,423
1,799
1,713
1,199
898
785
1,238
2,614
1,736
1,694
1,149
825
744
996
2,603
1,984
1,816
1,152
838
611
1,223
2,446
1,964
1,674
1,112
882
699
1,105
2,506
1,939
1,733
1,159
851
707
1,075
2,654
1,786
1,708
1,219
843
715
1,204
2,655
1,685
1,667
1,197
838
754
1,298
2,562
1,774
1,598
1,099
836
833
1,370
2,675
1,573
1,635
1,095
805
847
1,470
2,621
1,469
1,622
1,157
850
811
1,470
2,672
1,446
1,714
1,176
801
721
1,800
2,682
1,726
1,877
1,106
665
644
IV.
0—
10—
20—
30—
40—
50—
60—
2,602
2,099
1,705
1,355
995
662
582
2,461
2,055
1,751
1,372
1,046
720
595
2,634
2,106
1,696
1,351
984
650
579
2,289
2,305
1,951
1,353
990
657
455
2,484
2,141
1,874
1,300
987
708
506
2,391
2,200
1,871
1,311
1,025
668
534
2,425
2,257
1,718
1,420
1,001
638
541
2,534
2,233
1,613
1,358
1,021
659
582
2,622
2,167
1,661
1,278
965
678
629
2,886
1,960
1,568
1,346
927
640
678
2,995
1,834
1,505
1,320
1,009
659
678
3,096
1,761
1,516
1,409
1,005
641
582
2,852
1,957
1,767
1,449
904
632
649
V-
0—
15—
35—
55—
3,808
8,445
1,996
751
3,606
3,512
2,097
785
3,852
3,430
1,974
744
8,599
8,800
1,990
611
3,669
3,638
1,994
699
3,611
3,672
2,010
707
3,729
3,494
2,062
715
3,859
3,352
2,035
754
3,860
3,372
1,935
8S3
4,045
3,208
1,900
847
4,091
3,091
2,007
811
4,142
8,160
1,977
721
8,982
8,603
1,771
644
VI.
0—
5—
25—
45—
60—
1,228
4,828
2,855
1,008
582
1,183
4,222
2,912
1,088
595
1,238
4,350
2,843
990
579
996
4,587
2,968
994
455
1,223
4,410
2,786
1,075
506
1,105
4,445
2,892
1,024
534
1,075
4,440
2,927
1,017
541
1,204
4,340
2,864
1,010
582
1,298
4,886
2,697
1,040
629
1,370
4,248
2,720
974
678
1,470
4,090
2,779
983
678
1,470
4,118
2,890
940
582
1,300
4,408
2,983
760
649
vnJ
0—
10—
so-
so—
2,602
3,804
2,350
1,244
2,461
3,806
2,418
1,315
2,634
3,802
2,335
1,229
2,289
4,256
2,343
1,112
2,484
4,015
2,287
1,214
2,391
4,071
2,336
1,202
2,425
3,975
2,421
1,179
2,534
3,846
2,379
1,241
2,622 2,886
3,828 3,523
2,243 2,273
1,307 1,318
2,995
3,339
2,329
1,337
3,096»
8,267
2,414
1,223
2,852
3,714
2,358
1,081
vmJ
0—
20—
40—
60—
4,701
3,060
1,657
582
4,516
3,123
1,766
599
4,740
3,047
1,634
579
4,594
3,304
1,647
455
4,625
3,174
1,695
506
4,591
3,182
1,693
534
4,682
3,138
1,639
541
4,767
2,971
1,680
582
4,789
2,939
1,643
629
4,846
2,909
1,567
678
4,829
2,825
1,668
678
4,847
2,925
1,646
582
4,809
3,206
1,436
649
* Written in original 9,096, bat most be an error for 3,096.
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Age Statistics for different parts of the Promnce. — Abstract No. 110, p. lix, gives the male age
figures for each division in the Province.
Passing over the first five years which have already been discussed, we notice that those between 6
and 10 are more numerous in the central than in the eastern and in the western than in the central
divisions, the highest proportion being in the Derajit. Adding to these children under five, the dis-
proportion becomes so enormous that it is difficult to compare the fif];ures. When 31 per cent, are
nnder 10 years of ago in the Derajat and only 23 per cent, in the Delhi Division, all the other per-
centages of the former division should have 12 per cent, added on to them before they can properly
be compared with those of the latter. Notwithstanding this, the per-centage of old people follows
exactly the same order, being greatest in the western and smallest in the eastern division, and
between the two in the central division. Both the oldest and the youngest following the same rale,
it is not to be wondered at that in the intermediate fiirures the order is rever.^ed by ihere force of the
properties of numi)ers. Yet a distinction is to be observed. From 15 to 25 or 30 the eastern
divisions show the. largest and the western the smallest numbers, but after 25, and still more markedly
after 30, the western divisions come first, notwithstanding the way they have to make up owing to
their excessive number of children. The central divisions occupy an intermediate position almost
throughout the table. I am sorry that I did not distribute the popidation of eacli age proportionally
over the districts of the Province and then divided the figures by the total population of each
district. This would have given us a far more just idea of the age distribution of the population,
as the figures for each age would then have been independent. Unfortunately the difficulty of
comparison which the disproportion in the numbers of young children creates did not occur to me till
I came to examine the figures ; and it was then too late to prepare a new set.
Turning to districts and taking the figures for ten-yearly periods, we notice the very large numbers
both of children under 10 and of old men over 60 in HissAr and Sirsa, and Liidhi&na among the
eastern, and in Sidlkot and Gujranwala among the central districts, and the large number of children
in Firozpur; while among the western districts the children and old men are in defect in Montgo-
mery, still more in Muzaffargarh, and most of all in Multdu. The manner in which the number of
young children and old men vary together throughout both districts and divisions is most marked, and
seems to show that the two are affected by similar climatic influences. The figures for Peshawar,
Bdwalpindi, Jahlam, and Dera Ism^ are distorted by the large number of immigrants of middle age ;
while no doubt a similar cause affects the figures for all the districts which contain large cantonments.
Turning to the Native States we find the same broad features, though here the population are often
too small for the figures to be worth much. The number of children is greatest in Faridkot and
Bahdwalpur, and extraordinarily small in the hill StJites excepting the high mountain tracts of
Chamba and Bashahr ; while the proportion of old people is less high in the central States of the
Eastern Plains and extraordinarily high in the hills.
Summing up, we may say that in the great Western Plains the people are both more fecund and
lon^^er lived than in the eastern districts, and therefore must increase with far greater rapidity ; while
the central districts occupy an intermediate position. OK the western districts those which have the
most plentiful canal irrigation are most unfavourable both in fecundity and long life ; while in the
centre and east of the Punjab the districts and States which consist of open unirrigated plains are
most favourable to longevity, though they share with their neighbours that liability to periodical
famine which is such an effective check upon increase of population. In the hills the birth-rates seem
exceedingly low excej)t in the highest part ; but on the other hand the population is exceedingly long
lived. These conclusions must be taken for what they are worth. The figures upon which they arc
based arc known to be utterly inaccurate in detail. But the numbers dealt with are large, the results
coincide with the known facts regarding* increase of population: and above all the figures show a
most extraordinary regularity when carefully examined. As they stand in the tahles they seem a
mass of irregularity. But if ten-yearly periods be taken instead of five-yearly, and the figures
examined item by item as I have examined them, not only will it be found that the apparent
discrepancies can almost always be accounted for, but thac the figures present the same characteristics
in districts in which the conditions of life are similar, and this to a degree which has surprised me. I
sat down to the examination of the age statistics feeling that my time would be wasted. I rose from
it with the highest respect for them. Of course they are inaccurate. So are the Census figmres of
all countries. In England they do not even publish in any detail the age figures as recorded, but
doctor them, sometimes to the extent of 5 per cent, before using or printing them.* And our figures
are infinitely more inaccurate than theirs. But, taken in large numbers, I believe that they are a very
fair and useful approximation to the actual fact''.
A^je Statistics for different Religions, — The age statistics for the different religions for each division
in the Province may be summarised thus : —
* See Census Beport of England and Wales, 1871, Vol. IV., p. 46, and XL
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Abstract No. 111.
Showing Age Statistics for the Males of each Religion.
Religion.
0—
10—
20—
30—
40—
50—
60—
Average.
Province '{
Hindoo - - - -
8ikh
Jain - - - -
Buddhist - - - -
2,409
2,398
2,267
1,889
2,799
2,157
2,098
2.134
1,567
2,056
1,819
1,724
1,952
1,515
1,594
1,885
1,816
1,331
1,955
1,333
1,025
1,081
1,143
1,165
966
6,726
772
734
919
640
533
661
439
990
612
10,000
10,000
10,(00
10,000
10,000
Delhi r
Division. \
Hindoo - - - -
Musalman ...
2,262
2,387
2,303
2,350
1,976
1,867
1,354
1,808
1,003
947
655
662
447
479
10,000
10,000
Hissir r
Division. \
Hindoo - - - .
Masalm&n ...
2,415
2.687
2,152
2,099
1,903
1,781
1,319
1,244
1,011
916
717
683
483
590
10,000
10,000
Amritsir
Division. ]
Hindoo - - * -
Sikh
Musalman
2,523
2,332
2,592
2,200
2,039
2,805
1,672
1,581
1,573
1,401
1,373
1,326
1,032
1,106
995
636
825
634
536
744
575
10,000
10,000
10,000
Molt&n r
Division. \
Hindoo - - ., .
Musalman- . . -
2,785
3,065
1,887
1,824
1,702
1,448
1,878
1,804
1,046
1,000
676
656
576
708
10,000
10,000
The first group of figures are the figures for the Province. But they alone would tell tis little, for
vital statistics are so largely influenced by climatic conditions, and the religions of the Province are so
locally distributed, that it would be impossible from those totals only to say how far the discrepancies
observable are due to physical and how far to social causes. Our only hope of thus discriminating
between the two classes of agents at work lies in taking parts of the Province where the members of
the several religions exist under as divine conditions aa possible, and inquiring how far the dis-
crepancies are persistent I have chosen Delhi where most of the Musahndns live in towns, His^ar
the most Hindoo of our divisions, but where the Musalm&ns are largely villagers, Amrits&r where the
three religions arc more evenly balanced than in any other division, and Mult&n almost exclusively
Musalmin, with its Hindoo population wholly confined to the towns. The proportion of children is
smallest among Buddhiets ; but this is apparently due to the extraordinary longevity of the hill
population which has already been remarked the proportion of persons of over 50 years of a^e beiuix
more than half as large again among Buddhists as amon^ either Hindoos or Musalmdns. 'Kie Jain^
have the next smallest proportion of children and a smaller proportion of old men than any other
religion. But this is chiefly due to their being found almost entirely in the east and chiefly in the
Delhi Division ; for their numbers do not compare so unfavourably with the Hindoos of Delhi and
Hissdr. The small difference there is perhaps due to the unhealthy life led by the mercantile
classes to which almost all the Jains belong. They arc found only in cities and large vilWes, and sit
in their shops from dawn till sunset. Oa the other hand, thoy seldom suff^er from want. Perhaps the
fact that the Jain Bhdbras are not allowed by tribal custom to take a second wife, even though the
first should prove barren, may have some small eftect upon the figurei?. After the Jains come the
Sikhs, with a slightly lower per-centage of children than the Hindoos and a much lower one than the
Musalmdns, but with a very much larger proportion of old men than either. P»ut to compare them
fiiirly we must take the figures for the Amritsdr division, for climate conditions will affect the totals
for the Sikhs, Hindoos, and Musalmdns, who are chiefly found in the centre, east, and west of the
Province respectively. Here, however, the diflTerence between Hindoos and Sikhs is still more
marked, though that between Sikhs and Musalmins is less than in the totals. But the smaller
proportion of children among Sikhs is chiefly due to the larger proportion of aged. Of the population
of the Amrits&r Division under 50 years of age 27*7 is les9 than 10 years old among Sikhs, 28-6
among Hindoos, and 29*5 among Musalmaiis; and the fissures become respectively 31*9, 32-3, and
33*3, if only the population below 40 years old be taken. Thus the birth-rate of Sikhs appears to be
slightly lower but the longevity markedly greater than among either of the two great religions. This
ishardly to be wondered at. The Hindoo population includes almost all the mercantile classes whose
unhealthy life has just been described, and most of the outcasts, many of whom live a hand-to-mouth
existence of the most unhealthy nature, while the Musalmins include a considerable proj)ortion of
artizans who lead a purely sedentary life, and in the city (»f Amritsir itself comprises the Kas«hmiri
shawl weavers, perhaps the poorest community in the Punjdb. The Sikhs on the other hand are the
picked peasantry of the Province, almost wholly agriculturists, and as a class exceedingly well-to-do.
Their physique is notoriously fine, and their longevity is, I think, to be ascribed to these iacts, rather
than to any social or religious diflTerences.
There remains to be compared the Hindoos and Musalmans. In the figures for the Province
the Hindoos are far behind their rivals both in respect of fecundity and also, though not nearly so
markedly, in that of longevity. But this, as already explained, proves nothing. In the Delhi antl
Hifls&r Divisions the same differences occur, but far less markedly ; in the Amrits&r Division the figures
for the two religions correspond almost exactly, though the slight difiference is still in favour of the
Musalm&iB ; while in the Mult&n Division the figures for Musalmdns are very markedly more
favourable in regard of both fecundity and longevity than those for Hindoos. Now I have already
remarked that Uie Hindoo population includes almost all the mercantile classes who, though freie
B b 3
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Ixii
from want^ lead a wholly sedentary life. There are verj^few of those classes among the Musahn&ns.
Again^ the great majority of those vagrant and gipsy tribes who live almost like the jackals they feed
on, wandering about from place to place with no shelter against the sun or rain beyond such rnde
grass huts as they can make in an hour or two, living almost by chance, and of);en exposed to dire
distress, are classed as Hindoos. So, too, are all the outcast menials, who eat carrion and the flesh of
diseased animals, and are generally, excepting perhaps the Cham4r, extremely poor. The number of
such persons included among Musalm&ns is comparatively quite insignificant. In Anmts&r, the only
division where the two religions meet on an equality, there is practically no difference between the two
sets of figures ; and, on the whole, I am inclined to think that the considerations I have just
enumerated have far more to do with the difference which the figures disclose than any distinctive
customs, whether social or religious. The Musalm&ns of the Delhi Division consist very largely of the
well-to-do classes ; in Hissdr, too, this is very much the case, though perhaps not so markedly as in
Delhi. The Mult^ figures are the most difficult to explain ; and I should be inclined to attribute
the difference to the fact that Hindoos marry, on the whole, at an earlier age than Musalm&ns. This
is true also of the last and centre of the Province ; but there the marriage in both cases takes place
so early that cohabitation does not immediately follow upon it, and is probably not deferred to a later
age among Musalmdns than among Hindoos ; while in Mult^ a Hindoo girl will marry at 15 and a
Musalm&n at 20, and both will go to live with their husbands at once. But this is a mere
suggestion.
Thus we may conclude from our figures that on the whole there is but little evidence of differences
of religion having any great effect upon the vital statistics ; that the Sikhs, the picked men of the
Province, combine great longevity with normal fecundity ; that the Buddhists owe their long lives to
the mountain life they lead, ana the Jains their short life to their sedentary habits : while the
inferiority of the Hindoo to the Musalm&n is largely due to the unfavourable condition of life in the
mercantile and outcast sections and the lower strata of the Hindoo population, though perhaps the
earlier age at which they marry has some effect upon the figures.
I believe that the age figures for females are far less accurate than those for males ; for here
deliberate nus-statement comes into play, and as its tendency is wholly in one direction no largeness
of numbers will neutralise the error. Several officers note the difficulty experienced in inducing the
people to state the exact ages of their females, especially of the younger women ; and this difficulty
was apparently experienced in all parts of the Province. But it was not confined to the younger
women only; there was a strong objection in many places to giving any information at all about any
woman whatever. Abstract No. 112 below shows the distribution of males and females of all ages by
decades side by side for the whole Province, each religion, and the divisions already selected as
typical, with the addition of Peshdwar."*^
Abstract No. 112.
Showing Male and Female Age Figures compared.
—
—
0—
10—
20—
80—
40—
50—
60—
Total.
f
Proyince. -f
Males -
Females - - -
2,604
2,746
2,099
1,907
1,704
1,790
1,354
1,358
995 '
1,013
662
614
582
572
10,000
10,000
\
Hindoos, -f
L
Males
Females - - .
2,409
2,576
2,157
1,947
1,819
1,868
1,385
1,379
1,025
1,034
672
633
533
563
10,000
10,000
Sikhs. {
Males
Females - . -
2,398
2,490
2,098
1,874
1,728
1,864
1,315
1,359
1,081
1,079
772
708
661
626
10,000
10,000
1
.2
Musalmans. \
Males
Females - - -
2,799
2,916
2,056
1,880
1,594
1,720
1,338
1,842
966
986
640
585
612
571
10,000
10,000
o
X
Delhi r
Diyision. \
Mfdes
Females - - -
2,290
2,349
2,304
2,064
1,951
1,981
1,353
1,873
990
1,054
657
669
455
510
10,000
10,000
Hisfiir r
Diyision. ' ^
Males
Females ...
2,485
2,655
2,140
1,943
1,874
1,878
1,300
1,316
987
1,004
708
645
506
559
10,000
10,000
1
Amritsfo- f
Division. \
Males
Females - - -
2,534
2,623
2,233
2,011
1,613
1,787
1,358
1,374
1,021
1,029
659
610
582
566
10.000
10,000
MnltAn '
Division.
Males
Females - - - -
2,996
8,247
1,833 .
1,676
1,505
1,644
1,320
1,304
1,009
980
659
544
678
605
10,000
10,000
Peshawar f
Division. \
Males ....
Females -
2,853
3,125
1,966
1,758
1,757
1,789
1,449
1,387
904
925
532
509
549
507
10,000
10,000
* It is perhaps worth while saying that wherever districts and divisionB have been selected as typical, the seleo-
tion has been nuide before the figures had been examined, so that it has been inflnenoed by no bias, either oonscious
or imconsciouB.
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The first point worthy of note is the smaller majority of women in comparison with men. For
the Province the number of women of over 60 years old per 10,000 of all ages is only 1,186, while
the corresponding figures for males is 1,244. This disproportion is observable in every religion and
in all the selected divisions except Delhi ; but it is very slight in the Hiss&r Division and among
Hindoos generally. The general result is hardly to be wondered at. Women in this country lead a
life either of unceasing toil or of unwholesome seclusion ; and added to this, they marry without
exception, and receive no skilled care in the perils of childbirth. On the other hand, the men,
though they, too, commonly lead a laborious life, are exposed to none of those special perils which
render male so much worse than female life in English statistics. The dangers oi mines and
machineries, of crowded streets, of ships and railways, and of a thousand other incidents of civilisation
which imperil men rather than women in the west, are unknown to the males of the Punjdb, and in
almost all points of difference between the sexes in this country, the woman has the worst of it
Why the difference should be so much smaller among Hindoos than among the other religions, and in
the east than in the west, it is very difficult to say. If it were due to any social custom, such as that
of early marriage, which indeed one expects to produce precisely the opposite result, the Sikh figures
would probably show the same features. I can only suggest that the difference may be due to the
effects of the late distress, which was really severe only in the eastern or Hindoo portions of the
Province, and most severe in the Delhi Division. We should expect the aged to die first in seasons
of scarcity ; and we known that the effect of privation is far more fatal with males than with females.
In the distress of 1877-78 the number of deaths per mille among adults admitted to the poor houses
of the North- West Provinces was 82 '0 among males and only 43*1 among females; and Surgeon-
General Townsend tells me that the disproportion was even far more marked in those months during
which distress was most severe.
Turning to the other end of the scale, we find that the proportion of females under 10 years of age
is atoay^ larger, the proportion between 10 and 20 years old always smaller, and that between 20
and 30 always larger than that of males ; the proportion between 10 and 20 years old is always
smaller for females than for males, and the proportion between 20 and 30 always larger, Taking
larger periods, we find that the proportion of women under 20 years old is always smaller than that
of men, except in the Mult^n and Peshdwar Divisions, where it is large ; and that under 30 years old
the figures for females are almost identical with those for males, being very slightly in excess of
those for males in all cases except in the Delhi and Hissdr Divisions, where they are smaller. This
last difference is not larger than would be due to the greater longevity of females in Delhi and Hissdr
and their smaller longevity in the other divisions ; and we may take it that the proportion of females
and males under 30 is practically identical. But within that period their distribution varies im-
mensely. The fiures of Abstract No. 113 below show this distribution more clearly. Here the
total number under 30 years of age is taken as 1,000 in each case.
Abstract No. 113,
Showing Distribution by Age of Males and Females under 30 years old.
Province.
Hindoo.
Sikh.
Miisalman.
Molt&ni Mfi^linl^.n,
Age Period.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
0—5 -
192
213
176
201
198
205
189
208
206
227
237
261
5—10
215
189
213
164
196
186
192
165
228
188
221
161
247
173
239
10—15 .
190
166
147
15—20
189
182
148
138
151
186
181
127
114
107
20—25 -
188
142
144
150
142
151
128
135
111
121
25—30
132
136
141
143
136
148
125
129
118
125
Total
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
0—5
192
213
176
198
189
208
205
227
237
261
0— 10
407
426
377
567
403
569
885
400
433
448
484
500
0^15 -
596
735
590
722
571
722
565
701
621
752
609
736
657
771
647
0—20
715
707
754
0—25 -
868
864
859
857
864
852
875
871
882
875
0— SO
1,000
1,000
1,000
1.000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
The thick lines show the point at which the figures for males cease to exceed those for females. It will
be observed that in the groups from 10 to 15 and from 15 to 20 years of age the Hindoo females are
fewer than the males, while in all other religions they are also fewer in the group between 5 and 10
years old. Now this is the nubile age for women in the Punj&b, that is to say, the age at which
parents and husbands object to give the age of their girls ; and there can be no doubt whatever that tlie
Bb 4
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figures for these agee are under the truth. The important question is. Have the women been omitted
altogether i'rom enumeration, or have their siges merely been wrongly returned ? Now the fact that the
proportion of females under 30 years of age is slightly in excess of that of males is in itself a strong
argument that they have not been omitteil. In tlie Province on a whole the proportion per 10,000 of
all ages is 6,443 for females and 6,401 for males. And when in addition to this we find that the pro-
portions in the earlier ages are far larger for females than for malet?, although we know that male births
exceed female, It seems to me almost ])roved that the girls have been enumerated, and that the only
error is in the returns of their age. Why the Hindoos alone should show more girls than boys pro-
portionately between 5 and 10 years of age I do not know, hut the difference in all cases is exceed-
ingly slight, the prejudice only beginning to operate at about 8 or 9 years of age. It is noticeable
that the age must have been overstated in some cases ; but this again is natural, as it is only during
the earlier years of womanhood that there is an objection to discuss the age of females. Thus we
may draw the following conclusion from our female age statistics ; that women are distinctly shorter
lived than men, and that the age of females between 10 and 20 years of age is understated in very
many, and overstated in some few instances.
T/ie effects of early Marriage, — It has been suggested that the custom of early marriage so pre-
vulent in India accounts for the large proportion of children ; and at the Census of 1868 Mr. Elmslie
brought forward arguments and figured illustrations to show that the earlier the customary period of
marriage, the larger must be the proportion of children, other things being equal. These arguments,
together with a remark of a similar tendency by Mr. J. W. Smyth, were endorsed and published in
the Report Now if the conclusion thus arrived at were true, we should expect to find a much
larger proportion of children among Hindoos than among Musalm&ns, and in the eastern than in the
western districts, marriages being notoriously earlier in the former than in the latter cases. But it
has already been shown that the actual facts arc precisely the reverse, children being fewest among
Musalm&ns and in the western districts : and though I have given ray reasons for thinking that
difference in social customs has not very much to do with the disproportion, yet I have also been
driven to suggest that the early marriages among Hindoos decrease rather than increase the proportion
of children. This suggestion, however, is based upon injury to the mother and consequent increase
of female mortality, and is apart from Mr. Elmslie's argument, vvhich I now proceed to discuss.
It seems to me that, ffiven that the average number of children born by each woman and the rates
of mortality are identical, the stage in the life of the mother at which those children are born, whether
early or late, will not affect the proportion of children to adults. I speak with great diffidence
These actuarial matters cannot be discussed with any certainty without training of a very special
nature ; for in no other class of questions is the path of error so broad and easy, or what seems
obviously true so certain to be false, unless it be perhaps in questions of political economy. It appears
to me, however, that Mr. Elmslie's illustration was incomplete. What lie did was to put two sets of
women, with the necessary complement of husbands, on two desert islands, and then take their
Census before the first generation eveq had had time to die, and compare the results. If he had
waited till his populations had, as an engineer would call it, '^ got into train," his conclusions would I
think, have been different.
A stream of population in train may be considered as composed of a series of successive generations^
each enjoying the same average length of life, supposing mortality to be constant, and the number
of people in each bearing a constant ratio to the number in that which immediately preceded it,
supposing fecundity to be constant. If the children are born at an early stage in the life of the
parental generation, the generations will succeed each other at shorter intervals, and the number of
generations alive at the same moment will be greater ; if at a later stage, the interval between two
successive generations will be greater, and the number of contemporary generations smaller. But
8up[)0sing birth and death rates to be constant, the proportion of children to adults will not vary. I
will illustrate the argument by the following diagram : —
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Ixv
Here A M N B, A' M N B' are two streams of population in full train ; all horizontal lines repre-
sent generations and all vertical lines represent moments of time, so that a vertical line cuts all the
generations alive and on any given day at the respective stages of their lives at which they have
arrived on that day. In A M N B the children are bom late in the lives of their mothers and the
generations succeed each other less quickly than in A' M N B', where the children are born early ;
consequently the former stream of population is inclined at a greater angle to the vertical than in the
latter. Now let M N, the average life of a generation, be divided in d, so that M d is the aver.ige
life of a child, and d N that of those who survive childhood, and take I he Census of each of the
populations at any times represented by the vertical lines O^ Y and O' Y' then ab, be will represent
the number of generations of children and adults respectively which are enumerated in the one
population, and a' b\ V c' will do so in the other. But the proportion between these two lines in
each case is the same as that of M d t-o d N, and quite independent of the inclination of the stream of
population to the vertical. Now if both the populations are increasing or decreasing at the same
rate, or are stationary, the numbers in each j^eneration will bear a constant ratio to those in the one
preceding ; that is to say, the numbers at successive points on a c and a' c' respectively will increase
or decrease in the same ratio. Thus the number of children enumerated, represented by a 4 and a' V
will bear the same proportion in both cases to the total number enumerated, represented by a c and
a! c'. If, however, one population is increasing faster than another, the proportion of children to
adults will be larger in the former than in the latter, because the numbers in each of the generations
included in « 6 will be more in excess of the numbers of each of the generations included in b c. So
if the average life of the adult be shortened, in the one case, while that of the child remains the same,
the proportion of children will be increased, for the ratio of a i to ft c will become larger, while if the
average life of the child be reduced, the opposite result will follow,
Causes of the High Proportion of Children to Adults, — Thus the ratio of children to adults
depends upon the rate of increase of population, and upon the average life of the generation, infant
mortality being constant. And the rate of increase depends upon the proportion of annual births to
total population, death-rates being constant Thus the ratio of children to adults depends upon —
(1), the number of children annually bom in a given population ;
(2) the rate of infant mortality ;
(3) the average life of one generation.
In other words, you can increase the proportion of children to total population in three ways, by pro-
ducing children in greater numbers, by reducing infant mortality, or by killing off your adults at an
earlier age. Now to which of these three conditions is the high proportion of children in the Punjab
due I There can be little doubt that the Punjib population is less long lived than that of England.
It would indeed be strange if it were not so. The peasant of our villages leads a life of increasing
labour, even if that labour be not so severe as that of the English workman. He inhabits a mud
hovel in the middle of a crowded village surrounded by festering dunghills and stagnant pools, the
water of which latter is not seldom his only drink. His food is poor, and he has to make up by
quantity what it lacks in quality. His life is monotonous almost beyond conception. He is bom,
sickens, and dies almost like a beast of the field, with only such rude care as his neighbour's ignorance
can afford. Below him is the outcast, the conditions of whose existence have already been
described. Above him is the sedentary merchant, or the too often profligate gentleman. The
healthy life of the English middle classes is almost unrepresented in the Punjib.* Whether mortality
among children bears a higher or a lower proportion to that among adults in the Punjab than in
England I cannot say ; nor are there any statistics on the subject which can be accepted as trust-
worthy. The climate appears more favourable to infant life if properly cared for than that of England ;
but native children grow up in the kernel, and take their chance of life and death. I doubt whether
the rates of infant mortality are not even higher in proportion to those of adidt mortality in the
Punjdb than in England. But as to one cause of the excessive proportion of children there can be
no doubt whatever, and that^is the large number of births. That this is not due to marriage taking
flace at an early period of life, supposing the number of children borne by each mother to be constant,
think I have already shown. Thus the only causes to which the excess of births can be due arc
either greater average fecundity on the part of the individual wife, or a greater proportion of married
women. Now the children shown as under one year of age in our returns are 750,457 : and though
the birth-rate of 1880 was probably below the average, yet the numbers returned are in excess of the
births by 8ome 6 to 8 per cent, because of the interval between the preliminary record and the final
Census, so that the numbers may be taken as a fair average. Now there are 2,903,003 married
women between the ages of 20 and 40 ; so that we have 25' 8 children born for every 100 married
women between the two ages where the corresponding figures for England are 35 '87 ; and if we take
lower ages,*the comparison will be still more unfavourable for the Punjab. There can be little doubt
that early marriage, by forcing the girl into premature puberty, or at least into child-bearing before
she is fuily developed, not only reduces the number of wives who survive to become mothers, but
lessens their reproductive powers. For the Mult&n Division, where early marriage is unknown, the
number of children per 100 lives between 20 and 40 years old is 31 ' 5 ; and though the difference is
perhaps partly due to a more healthy climate, yet it is also I believe largely a result of marriage at a
more reasonable age. We must look then to the proportion of married women to explain the large
excess of children ; and here we arrive at what is, to my mind, the great cause of the peculiarity
* Oolonel Minchin, as Oommissioner of Hissdr, quotes an instance of '' an old man in Sirsa, who died in 1881, and
" who had been kept prisoner for two years by George Thomas as a hostage in 1804. He was said to be 110 years
*' old, and declared he was of mature age in the terrible famine of 1783. He showed me with great pride his third
'* set of natural teeth, which were like those of a full-grown man of 25."
Y 6747. C C
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Ixvi
u&der discosfiioD^ and that is the ouBtom, not of early but of universal marriage. In England in 1871
there were 3,604,351 women between the ages of 20 and 40, of whom. 1,423,360 or 41 per cent, were
unmarried, while 48 per cent of the women over 16 years old were unmarried. In the Punjdb the
corresponding proportions are 11 and 26 per cent., widows being of course included as unmarried in
all cases. As it is, even with this universal marriage, the fecundity is so small and the mortality so
high that the population of the Punjab scarcely increases faster than that of England and were the
same proportion of the women to remain unmarried here as there, it is probable that population would
actually decrease.
Average Life^ Rates of Mortality^ Expectation^ and Probable Age. — The average length of life,
the rates of mortality at different periods of life, and the expectation of life at each age are all
capable of being deduced from the figures of Table VII. But they are merely the arithmetical
results of those figures, and put the facts which I have discussed in a new shape only, without adding
uught to them. I have examined the rates of mortality and find that they suggest nothing new,
merely confirming the remarks made in the preceding paragraph. The average length and expectation
of life I have not had calculated as the process is laborious. The fact is that these statistics, though
exceedingly valuable for actuarial purposes, are of little other use. Even in England these statistics
are based upon the registration of births and deaths and not upon the Census statistics, indeed the
Census figures for age as recorded are corrected by those statistics before they are published. The
probable distribution of the population by age, however, would certainly have been useful, and would
not have bcien difficult to arrive at, and if I could have met with a man able to plot curves accurately
nnd neatly I should have undertaken the examination of the figures. But the time allowed is too
short for me either to teach a man or to make the plots myself, and I leave the subject untouched.
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Ixix
INSTRUCTION.
The information that is to be obtained at a census regarding the spread of education amongst the
people is necessarily of the most vague description, and can only be applicable to a comparatively
small portion of this wide and important subject. The inquiry of which the results are to be com-
mented upon in the present chapter extends no further than to the simple fact of whether the person
returned knows or is learning how to read and write. Before entering upon the statistics, therefore,
it is advisable to explain the system on which the information on these heads was obtained. It will
be seen that the tables comprise three main classes, those who are under instruction, those who though
not learning can read and write, and lastly the illiterate. In the comparative table that precedes
this chapter, the titles have been rendered briefly, the pupils, the literate, and the illiterate. In the
first category the enumerators were instructed to enter all who were at the time of the Census under
tuition, either at school or at home. The second class is intended, according to the rules, to comprise
those who, not being under tuition, are able to both read and write. It does not include thobC who
can read but not write, nor those who can do no more than sign their name, but only such persons as
can both write as well as read. The third category contains the large number who are either wholly
illiterate or only instructed up to the extent I have just mentioned. I now pass on to the ways in
which I think from my examination of a certain number of the schedules during the abstraction of
their contents that it is possible for errors to have occurred in recording the information required under
the above heads. None of these are very prevalent, but ip one case they may have afEected in some
degree the tabulated results. In the first place, the less intelligent enumerators, especially if employed
in a town where there is any considerable foreign element, seem to have considered on several
occasions tha); came under my notice that the term instruction was confined to the languages habitually
spoken in the district, and accordingly, after entering the person as illiterate, added a remark that he
or she was able to write, say, Tamil, Urdu, MdrwMi and so on. This error was not often found,
still it was frequent enough to be mentioned, as it may have sometimes been left uncorrected in the
process of rapid abstraction. The other mistake that I found to have occurred in some cases, chiefly
of bad handwriting, is the confiision more especially in the entries against females between the words
literate and learning in Gujardti, where the two are very similar in the current handwriting of that
division. This is likely, of course, to have caused the transposition of some of the entries from one to
the other column of the working sheets.
Under the system of classification that has been adopted for exhibiting the results of the inquiry,
Comparison with other countries. *^®^® ^^ ^^ distinction of grade in the instruction returned, nnd the
^ advanced student of the high or technical classes is undistinguishablc
from the beginner in the primary school. This is inevitable at a general inquiry of this sort, and in
this Presidency, luckily, the deficient information can be almost completely supplied by the depart-
mentid records of the Director of Public Instruc-
tion. The important point to ascertain is the pro-
portion of the population that is under primary iii-
struction. Through this stage all that learn at all
must pass, but it rests with the individual to advance
further in search of knowledge. The difference
between the number of pupils returned at the Census
and that on the books of the Government and
aided schools on the 31st of March 1881, or about
six weeks after the enumeration, is comparatively
small, and if the assumption be allowed, as is reason-
able, that the excess are under instruction chiefly at
indigenous or other elementary institutions,* the
proportion of those who are under primary instruc-
tion to the total population can be approximately
ascertained, and a comparison with other countries
rendered possible, as am be seen in the margin.t
It is my proposal to defer further consideration of
the question of classification and the distribution of
the pupils between the different grades of institutions till later.
The marginal table shows that even in Europe there is considerable variation in the proportion of
children under elementary instruction. The countries in which instruction up to a certain standard
is rendered compulsory by law, and is consequently gratuitous, stand a good deal above the rest.
Sweden is about a middle station between the Teutonic Federation and South Germany, where the
Roman Catholic element is stronger. Great Britain comes about half way down the list, and the
next great gap is between the wealthy Belgium and the more heterogeneous population of German
Austria. Lastly, there is a marked falling off between Greece and Portugal, the country next to it
on the list.
This Presidency comes far below the most backward of the European western nations with respect
to its degree of popular instruction, and has apparently no more than 19 persons in 1,000 attending
primary schools, compared with 120 in Great Britain and 66 even in Greece. Had this chapter
♦ The deficiency, where it is found, is probably due to the entry in the Oenstis of those under instmotion in some
Bes (such as in colleges and high schoolB) as able to read and write.
t 'rheae figoiee are borrowed from a statement prepared in 1873 for the Report on the Vienna Exhibition.
Co 3
Per-
Per-
centage of
centage of
Country.
Elementary
Scholars
Country.
Elementary
Scholars
on Popula-
on Popula>
tion.
tion.
1. United States -
•18'0
17. Spain -
0-0
8. Saxony
17*6
18. Ireland - -
8-0
8. Baden -
16-0
19. Hungary
7-5
4. Wurtembnrg -
16-8
20. Italy - -
6*6
6. Switzerland
16-6
21. Greece -
6-5
6. Denmark
160
22. Portugal - -
2-5
7. German Empire
15-0
23. Servia, Ac.
20
8. Prussia - -
160
24. Mexico -
2-0
9. Sweden -
13-7
25. Russia •
20
10. Bavaria - -
180
28. Bombay PreH-
1-9
11. Holland -
180
dency.
IS. Prance -
18-0
27. Brazil - -
1-2
IS. Norway -
14. Great Britain -
12-6
28. Turkish Em-
1-0
12-0
pire.
15. Belgium •
11-9
29. Egypt - -
0-8
18. Austria (CVf.
9-0
leith).
* This, however, includes many middle-class schools.
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Division.
Distribution
per cent.
oftho
Educated.
Distribution
per cent,
of total
Population.
Difference.
Gujarat . - - -
Konkaa -
Beocan . - - -
KarnAtic -
B^WCity ...
22-6
9-9
2S-9
14-7
18-0
ll'O
17-37
18-90
32'80
17-06
4-70
14' e?
+5-1
-4-0
-8-4
-8-S
+18-3
-8-4
100-0
100-00
Ixx
been taken up in it3 due logical order* it would have been seen from the analysis of the industry of
the country that a much higher sfcandnrd of education is not, under the existing circumstances, to be
expected, whilst to quote, in anticipation of more particular comment, the return comparing the state
of things now and in 1872, the increase in the number of pupils, amounting, as it does, to 19 per cent.
shows that the progress of education is considerably in advance of the increase of the population, and
that the disorganisation resulting fix)m the famine in the village teaching has had but a transitory
effect.
Abandoning, then, for the present the distinction of class and degree of instruction, we find that in
^ 1 1 ^ ^* ^^««o«^« ^^^^y sixteen persons in this Presidency there is one who is not
General prevalence of education. ^^^j^^j^ j„j^^^^^^ ^j^j^ ^^^ ^^^^.^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^
Census. Put in another way, there are, in every thousand persons, 939 who are unable to read and
write. The extent of education varies, necessarily, in different parts of the country. For instance,
the number of persons in Sind, containing one, whom we may call a scholar (if the title be accepte«l
in the sense it bears in an English village, as including both those who know and those who learn), is
22, but in the Home Division it is 16. In the capital city, again, it is only 4, and in the Konkan and
Deccan 23 and 22 respectively. Gujardtand the Karndtic restore the average, the one with 12, the
other with 19 as its denominator. On the whole,
therefore, the Konkan is the division in which
instruction has made least progress, and omitting
the capital city, Gujardt shows the greatest relative
number of scholars. The distribution of the edu-
cated population is shown in the margin,t and for
comparison with it the distribution of the entire
population according to the table at the beginning
of the first chapter of this volume, is added. The
higher numbers in Gujar&t and Bombay have, it
appears, to counterbalance the deficiency in the four
other divisions, of which the Deccan is that where
the difference between population and instruction is most markedly to the disadvantage of the latter.
Education by Sex. — (a.) — Females,
The difference, however, between the two sexes in regard to education is so great in this counti'y
that it is desirable to treat of this branch of the subject at once, without entering further into the dis-
tribution of the educated public in the aggregate of both sexes. Taking the whole Presidency
together, there are in every thousand males 889 persons who cannot read and write. In the same
number of females the proportion of the illiterate will be found to rise to 994. Put otherwise, there
is one male scholar in nine of his sex, and one female in 156 of hers. In the case of the former sex
though, with the exception of the Konkan and Deccan, the proportions are by no means uniform, there
is less variation in the different divisions. The proportions themselves are given in the comparative
tables prefixed to this chapter, and range from one in three persons in Bombay to one in 12 in Sind.
But with regard to the propoition of educated females the return exhibits much more extraordinary
divergences from the average. In the capital city there are only ten illiterate to t)ne literate, whilst in
the Gujardt Division, where female education has made the next most promising start, there are no less
than 197. In the Konkan scarcely one woman or girl in 600 can either read or write, or is learning
to do so, and in the Deccan and Kamdtic the state of things is little better. The ratios in Sind nre
peculiar, especially as to the high proportion of girl-pupils, contrasted with the lowness of the corre-
sponding ratio in the case of boys. It seems almost incredible that the ratio of the male pupils should
be the lowest in the Presidency, whilst that of fem'ales under tuition should, if the capital city be not
considered, exceed all the rest The figures for female pupils in this Province, too, are considerably
more in excess of those given in the departmental returns than they arc elsewhere, or than those for
males in this part of the country either.
In connexion with the distribution of the educated females territorially, it is not to be passed over
that 55 • 5 per cent, of this class are contained in the city of Bombay, and that this concentration has
the effect of materially raising the ratio of the Home Division as a whole. Of the remainder, 13*7
per cent, are in Gujardt, 11*3 in the Deccan, 9 ' 9 in Sind, 5 • 8 in the Karudtic, and 3 • 8 in the
Konkan. Throughout the whole Presidency it is only in Surat, beyond the capital that 99 per cent,
of the females are not illiterate. Before resuming the subject of the distribution of the male pupils, it is
worth while to briefly consider separately from each other the two classes of the other sex who are not
quite illiterate. In the Presidency, as a whole, there are in 1,000 females of all ages and religions, 2*3
* According to the original plan, the occupation of the people was to have been treated of before their instaractioii,
but as some statistics about education were wanted by the Gommifision then sitting, iJie whole of the present
chapter was drafted simultaneously with the preparation of the information that was required, so as to save blocking
the type at the press.
t In the Presidency Division, including the capital city, there is on an average, an area of 20' 5 square miles to
each school connected with or recognised by the State. The schools are, accordingly, about 4'2 miles apart, and
taking the area of which the school to the centre as a oirde, the average radius will be 2*5 miles in length.
Boughly speaking, and assuming equal distribution of children over the whole area, every child of school-going age
has, a school at about 1^ miles distance, and there are about 973 children of the above age within each school circle.
As regards these calculations, however, it must be recollected that large areas of uninhabited land intervene between
village and village, and that the children are concentrated in the villages and towns themselves, so that it is
necessary to calculate also the distribution of schools amongst the inhabited units of population. The result is to
show an average for this division of one school for every 5*6 towns and villages, but the oonoentration in towns
reduces the average to one for seven.
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Ixxi
Diviflioii.
Gttjar&t
Konkan -
Deccan
Kam&tic -
Bombay City
Siud
Total, Presidency
Fer-centaffe of Females on
Males.
(a.) Pupils. (d.) Literate.
4-61
3-15
8-18
3-31
24*91
8-08
6*80
2-81
1-47
2-16
1*42
16-87
3-70
4-86
under instruction^ and 4 • 1 who can read and wiite. In Sind there are 2 * in the one category, and
only 2 • 6 in the other, but elsewhere, it is only in the Karnatic that the latter ratio is less than that of
the pupils. In the capital the respective proportions come to 28 ' 7 and 63 * 3, and this is the only
place where one in a hundred of this sex is learning or able to read or write. After this city, Surat
and Karachi districts come close to each other, with Poona next, though far behind. It may be that
the ratio of pupils in Karachi, like that in the district last-named, is raised by the more than ordinarily
large settlement of Europeans and Eurasians there, and that the comparatively low ratio of the edu-
cjited is due to the recent introduction of schools, a reason that may be operative, too, in other parts
of Sind. The districts that show the lowest ratios of both educated and learning are Sdt^ra, Khdndesh,
Katndgiri, Kal&dgi and the Thar and P£rkar tract in Siud. In none of these except the last two can
one female in a thousand be termed either pupil or scholar. Lastly, on comparing the numbers of
scholars of the two sexes together, we find that to one female pupil there are on an average 14 male
according to the Census, but IT according to the departmental statement. Amongst those returned as
educated the ratio of males is higher, and reaches 17 to 1.* Taking the ratio of the females to the
males of each class, the results appear as 6 * 80 pupils
and 4 • 85 iwho can read and write to every 100
males in the same position as reg&rds education.
The differences in the divisional ratios are shown in
the margin. It will be noticed that the two pro-
portions are the widest apart in Sind, and closest
together in the Deccan. Bombay is left out of
the question, as the special feature of that city, its
excess of men, many of them in commerce or liberal
professions, make it a matter of course that there
should be few educated women in the population at
*■""■ leiYge relatively to the number of the other sex.
(b.) — Males,
I will now ask attention to the first three columns of the comparative table in which the proportion
of educated males is shown for different parts of the country. The capital city shows an average
about twice as high as that in any other part of the country, and three times that of the country at
large. Gujarat approaches it nearest and Sind is at the opposite extremity. The proportion of the
illiterate in the Deccan is the same as that in the Konkan, but that of the pupils is a trifle higher.
The Karndtic seems from its' ratio of learning and educated to be a good deal in advance of the rest
of the table-land, and the coast district of this division has a remarkably high average of persons not
wholly illiterate. This may be owing, perhaps, to the comparatively large number of Brfihmans
settled as cultivators in the interior and in the villages along the sea-line. The districts in which the
proportion of the illiterate to the total population is least are Broach and Surat, both of which show
much the same ratio, and after them, but at a considerable distance, Ahaieddbdd, K&nara, Poona, —
where there is the strong European and Eurasian element to be taken into consideration, — Dh&rwar
and Kaira. Only in these does the ratio in question fall below 90 per cent.
The ratio to the male population of the boys returned as actually under tuition is highest in Broach
and Surat, where, like that of the illiterate, the proportions are nearly identical Dhirwdr and
Poona come next, followed by K&nara and Ahmeddbdd. The only other districts in which a pro-
portion of three per cent, or more of the male population is under instruction are Kaira, Belgaum,
Ratnigiri, and Shol&pur. The lowest proportion is to be found in the Panch Mahdls, Thina, Ndsik,
Khandesh, and some of the Sind districts. Lastly, there remains for consideration the proportion of
those who without being under instruction know ho^ to read and write. In this respect, also. Broach
and Surat are at the head of the list, but the subsequent order is changed, and Ahmedab^, with its
large resident commercial population is a good deal more forward than K&nara, which comes next to
it. Kaira and Poona are the only other districts with a ratio of more than 8 per cent, of this class.
Dhdrwir the next to these in order, has only 7 • 2, and Sholipur 6 • 4. The average in Gujarat is, on
the whole, much more in advance of that of the rest of the Presidency in this respect than it is with
1 to actual instruction. The causes may be, firstly, the superior wealth of the division, which
attracts and retains a greater number of men engaged in the clerical and mercantile professions, or,
again, the cultivators themselves may have evinced an earlier appreciation of the advantages of a
certain degree of instruction, for the detailed returns show, as will hereafter appear, that the higher
average in this part of the country prevails throughout the community, even to the lowest grades.
The agricultural and thinly populated district of the Panch Mahals, though one of the most backward
in the Presidency in the matter of education, shows a higher ratio of those who have learned to read
and write than Khdndesh, N^ik or S&t^Lra, and is up to the figure returned against Th^na, where
there is a certain influx of educated men from the capital. If we omit from consideration the outlying
portions of Sind, the most backward districts are those just mentioned ; the Panch Mah&ls is then the
first in the scale of ignorance and S^t^a a little better than the others. Taking the Presidency as a
whole, there are about 7 • 9 per cent who can read and write, and 3 • 2 who are still under tuition.
If, however, Sind be excluded, the average is thereby raised slightly on account of the increased weight
given to the figures of Bombay and Gujar&t The average ratio of learners in Sind is considerably
below that of the other divisions, and that of the literate there is the same as in the Deccan and but
an insignificant fraction below the proportion found in the Konkan.
* The ratio of pupils to literate is ^^'^ per 100*0 in the case of females, and only 40 '3 amongst males.
Cc 4
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Izzii
Education in Belation to Age.
The calculations on which I have been commenting hitherto have been made on the entire population of
each sex, and include, therefore, those who have not yet reached the age of systematic instruction as
well as such as may be considered, as a general rule, to have passed that age. I propose now to
attempt to estimate the impression made by the present extension of education on the community
most likely to be influericed by it. It is out of the question to attempt here to classify the whole
body of students in such age periods as will serve to indicate, even approximately, the 'grade of
education to which they have attained, and tlie high ratio borne by the pupils on the registers of
elementary schools to the total under instruction is a sufficient reason for selecting as the basis of
calculation a period which will most conveniently harmonise with the conditions of that branch of
education. The pupils in question have therefore been classed under three heads. The first includes
all children who have not attained their sixth birthday ; the second the period from that day to the
completion of the fourteenth year, and the last, the remainder of life. The experience gaineii during
the abstraction from exanunation of a certain quantity of the schedules, leads me to think that if it
were not for the greater complexity of the working tables, it would have been worth while to have
added one more. division, so as to have distinguished the pupils of the higher grades of institutions,
who, as ft rule, are probably more than 1 5 and less than 22 years old. Similarly, the lowest
period might with advantage have been fixed to begin at the fifth birthday, a modification that
would, I think, have eliminated nearly all the entries of pupils and literates now shown as less than
uix years old. In order to bring these latter into the general calculation, however, 1 have taken for
comparison with the return of education the total population of the age just mentioned, namely,
from 5 to 14, and on the assumption that most if not all the children under six returned as pupils
or literate are not less than five years old, the two early classes of those under instruction and
instructed have been combined. In the comparative table, accordingly, the proportion given is, in the
first place, that of the whole of the pupils and literate below 15 to the total number of children
between the ages of 5 and 14. After this series come the proportion of the pupils and literates
of maturer years to the entu-e adult population. It is, perhaps, scarcely necessary to observe
that in the last category are included all the college and many of the high school students to which
class most of the number returned as under instruction may be ascribed (though there is a considerable
number of pupils who cannot all be under this class of education), but the bulk of the population in-
cluded here consists of the persons actually able to read and write, who are out in the world and no
longer in a state of pupillage. The figures given in table XIII. of Appendix A. show that about
84 • 3 of the total number of pupils are under fifteen
years of age. The marginal table gives for four
divisions of the Presidency the general ratios that
are shown in the table on the next page for the
separate districts in each. In the Sind abstraction
the degrees of instruction were not classified by age,
so what follows in this portion of the chapter refers
to the Home Division only. Here we find, that the
boys who iixe for the present purpose considered to
be of a school-going a<^e, 12 per cent, are either
learning or able to read and write. The relative posi-
tion of the divisions is not difFereni from what has
been already mentioned in the preceding paragrapli.
As regards the girls, the proportion of the pupils
and literate is just ten times as small as it is amongst
the boys. The x)eculiar feature in this return, namely, that the ratio of educated adidt women is only
one half that prevailing amongst girls, whilst in the case of the other sex the diflerence between the two
periods is very much less striking, is due, of course, to the early marriage system, which necessarily acts
afi an impediment to the continuance of regular instruction at school beyond a very elementary stage.
Tlie gradual si)reatl of education is traceable in the figures for Gujarat, where girls' schools have been
lunger established and better maintained than elsewhere in the extra metropolitan clistricts. The
capital afFi>rds?, as may be expected, exceptional facilities for the education of this sex, and the com-
paratively slight trace of the results to be seen in the figures for later life is to be ascribed, probably
to the influx of adult labourers and their wives from the country, who belong to a class which public
instruction has only recently begun to reach.* The comparatively small difference in the two ratios
for the Decciin, where there has not as yet been a very marked success in female education, is due,
as will be seen from a reference to the table opposite, to the number of Christians in Poena and some
other districts, which materially mises the proportion. Returning to the figures for the males, it is
noticeable that in one case only, that of the Karnatic, is the nitio of the literate higher amongbt tlie
boys than amongst the adidts, and even here, to a very slight extent. This is probaWy attributable to
the loss of boys in the fauiine who would at the time of Census have entered upon their sixth year.
In the case of Bombay city the falling off of the proportion amongst the adults is explicable, of course,
in the same way as the similar characteristic amongst tlie females of this chiss, and may be set down
to the counteraction of the results of comparatively wide-spread instruction of the young by the
abnormal proportion of illiterate labourers of riper years. The table giving the distribution of this
class by districts shows that a somewhat similar cause is in openition in Khandesh, but whether the
case is the wime in DliArwir, or whether in that district there has been a recent, and more or less
Kudden, advance in the extension of schools, 1 am unable to state.
* The state of instruction is probably not much better amongst the lower commercial classes in the capital
Por-oenta«o of thote knowing and learning
how to read and write.
Division.
Males.
Females.
Boys
(5-14).
Men
(16 and
upwards).
Girls
(6-14).
Women
(15 and
upwards).
Guj&r&t -
Koiikan -
l>eccan
Karn4tic
lJomb*yCity -
14-11
901
9-00
11-80
41-64
17-90
10-55
10-26
11-17
W16
0-89
0-86
0-88
0-50
18-80
0*46
0-14
0-21
0-18
9-01
Total - -
12-04
18-90
1'20
0-60
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Ixxv
The total number of boys of n teachable or school-going age is 1,948,648, or about 27*1 per cent, of
the entire male population. Of these it appears that 10*6 per cent, are under instruction and 1*5 more
know how to read and write, leaving about 88 per cent, illiterate. The girls of a similar age number
1,710,881, or about 25 per cent, of the female population. The proportion of those that are under
instruction is about 88 in 10,000, whilst in addition to these there are about 32 in the same number
who can read and write, but are not being taught. Thus the proportion of the illiterate amongst them
is 98*80 per cent. Omitting Bombay, the order in which the districts stand with respect to the
instruction of girls is, first, Surat, then Poena, Broach, K&nara, Ahmedab&d and Dhfirwar. There is a
. considerable gap between the last-named and Ahmednagar, which comes next. Thftna follows closely
the latter and Kol&ba, Kaira, and Belgaum are behind it Kh^ndesh, Sal^ra and Ratn%iri are the
least advanced in this matter. Surat is far away the first of all the districts, and, were it not for the
Christian element in Poena, would show a ratio more than double that of any other. In the proportion
of males under instruction or educated it yields to Broach at the younger period, though it is still the
first in regard to this ratio at the later age. Both of these districts are very much in advance of the
two that follow them, Dhdrw^r and K&nara. In the proportion of educated adults Ahmedab^d comes
after Broach, and both Poena and Kaira are before the two districts in the south which stand so well
with respect to the instruction of bojrs. The lowest proportion of educated boys is in the Panch
Mahals, where the Aboriginal population is large, slow to educate, and possessed, as we have seen in
a previous chapter, of an unusual quantity of young children, a fact which necessarily tends to lower
the ratio. A similar cause is probably operative in N^sik, Khdndesh and Thana, all of which are far
below the rest. The places in which the education of adults seems to be at the lowest ebb are Khiindesh
and the Panch Mahftls, two flourishing agricultural districts, and between them comes the famine tract
of Kaladgi. The adult women seem to have the least inclination towards education in Sdtara,
Kal^dgi, Khdndesh, and Ratnfigiri, and to be relatively most numerous in Surat, Poena, Broach and
Ahmedabad
Lastly, before taking up the question of the spread of education in the various religions considered
se[)arately, I may remark that if the occupation return is to be trusted, there are on an average about
25 pupils to each teacher, whether man or woman. The departmental return, while it includes colleges
and other large institutions, is incomplete with regard to aided schools, and the ratio of pupils per
teacher deducible from it being thus unduly high, has not been here brought forward for comparison.
Educatiok by Religion.
From what was said in the last chapter regarding the constitution of the heterogeneous population
that goes by the general title of Hindoo, it is abundantly evident that to treat such a mass as a single
community is an attempt that leads to no practical result. Similarly with the Aboriginals and
Christians, the former of which are better considered with reference to their tribes, the latter to their
races. In so far, however, as the retention of the general titles is essential for the interpretatic»n of the
Tables given in Appendix A, I have adopted them in the proportional statements here used. From
these it will be seen that there is a very marked difference between the education of the two principal
religions according to whether they are respectively in the numerical preponderance or not. In the
Presidency Division where the Hindoos predominate, the proportion of the educated amongst them is
lower than that of their rivals. In Sind, on the other hand, where the masses are of the other per-
suasion, the Hindoo minority is comparatively highly educated, and the Mahammedans illiterate.
Confining my remarks to males only, it appears that the community that shows the highest proportion
p, . , J . of educated is the Pdrsi, and next to this the Jain. In Gujar&t, in
arsis an ams. ^^^ which is the native place of the one and of the wealthier section
of the other, the Jains are more generally educated than tne Pftrsis, and even in the capital city, which
attracts the best of both classes, there is but an insignificant difference in the general result, though it
is brought about by the high proportion of the literate in the case of the immi^ant Jains and by that
of the pupils amongst the others. Taking the two communities separately, the P&rsis are less well
educated in Thdna than elsewhere, and best in the Deccan, where the settlements are in the chief
towns, and the ratio of adults in business is a good deal higher than in Gujarat. In the capital city
there is a considerable element of foreign Pdrsis from Persia, many of whom were driven from their
homes by famine some eight or ten years ago, and have since remained in Bombay as cooks, bakers, or
incnial servants. Most of these are probably illiterate, and their presence tends to lower the ratio of
the community as a whole. The distinction in the matter of instruction between the two main
divisions of Jains is very strongly marked. In Gujardt, which we may consider the home of the
indigenous trading branch, the standard is high, whilst in the Karndtic and South Deccan the pro-
portion of those who can read and write is but little above that which prevails there amongst the
Hindoos. The returns of education amongst the Jains in the North Deccan are in some respects
peculiar. There is greater difference between the young and the adults than in other divisions, due,
perhaps, to the continual interchange of population with lldjputana and Central India. The tendency
noted above amongst the Hindoos and Mahammedans is again to be traced, but less marked, of course,
in the case of immigrants who come more for miscellaneous than commercial pursuits. The com-
munity, that is to say, is worse off for education in the place where it is indigenous than where it is only
sojourning. Amongst the Pdrsis this is noticeable in Surat and Thdna, and slightly in Broach also.
The Jains show it strongly in the south, and slightly in Guiariit In the middle portion of the
Presidency the latter community is a mixed one, comprising both traders settled in. villages, and
travelling dealers without much, if any, education. One of the most striking features to which
attention is drawn as regards these two religions is the prevalence of instruction amongst the young.
Of the Parsi children of school-going age nearly 84 per cent, are learning or already know how to read
and write. The Jains show a lower proportion in the community as a whole, but where the trading
element is predominant, as in Bombay and Gujarat, the standard of instruction is relatively little below
that of the others. In the Kamatic, however, there is not much advance in this respect, and the
district which here returns the highest proportion is that in which there is probably a mixture of trading
and indigenous Jains.
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The subject of female education and its relative spread amongst the different sections of the com-
munity is more conveniently treated in a single survey, after the varying degree of instruction amongst
the males, which, as has been seen from the general remarks made above, is almost incomparably the
most important question from a purely statistical point of view, has been reviewed. Leaving, too, the
Christian community to be treated of according to its component races, and the Hindoos whose castes
will be taken as exemplifying the state of education amongst the people bearing this name, and the
Aboriginal tribes, amongst whom, however, the prevalence of instruction is not a matter requiring much
„ , ^. .. nr t. comment, the next class that presents itself is the Mahammedan popu-
Education amongst Mahamme- ^^^^^ ^^^^ Presidency. In Sind this community shows a proportion .
^* of illiterate, amounting to 97*5 per cent., but in the other part of the
country the corresponding ratio is only 86, or below the average of the population as a whole. Outside
the capital, which contains a large number of the commercial class, the average standard of instruction
is highest amongst the Mahammedans of Gujarat, where there is both trading and cultivating material.
Khandesh and Eal&dgi show the lowest proportion of educated Mahammedans, and the whole of the
south of the table-land seems below the average in this respect. Owing to the prominent causes that
tend to keep this coifimunity in the background the actual standard of education amongst them is
scarcely appreciated by the rest of the public. Some of the classes of Mahammedans, such as the
Shiah Bohorahs of Surat, the traders of Bombay, and a few others, are highly trained in both the
vernacular language of the division and in .Arabic or Urdu. Others, and herein lies apparently the
cause of the high ratios of the instructed in Gujar&t, use no tongue but the vernacular, and have no
repugnance, accordingly, to attend the ordinary village schools. The difficulty begins with the non-
agricultural and non-conmiercial population of the country above the Gh^t-s which is spread over most
of the districts of the Deccan and part of the Konkan also. We have seen above that the ratio of the
educated is very low in the former of these tracts. On the coast it is higher, it is true, owing to the
commercial element being more nearly on numerical equality with the rest, which is occupied chiefly in
fishing and boating. The use of the dialect I have called Hindusth&ni or Mussalm&ni in the chapter on
Languages originated perhaps in the desire on the part of the apostles of Islim in the first instance, and
then amongst their converts also, to intensify the distinction between the new flock and those still in
the Hindoo fold which the latter had deserted. The tongue evexywhere bears traces of vernacular
influence, and in the Konkan has but little resemblance to any dialect of the north from whence it
came. It is perhaps, too, the identity of the written character with that of the light literature of their
teachers and its affinity to that of the Kur^n, with the recollection of its former pre-eminence as the
language of the court and administration that leads the lower classes of this faith to cling to it in
correspondence and literature generally, and thus shut themselves out in great measure &om the
advantages of the wider curriculum taught in the vemaculac elementary institutions under the
administration or inspection of Government. It really seems to me that a good deal of the popular
belief in the general absence of book-learning amongst the Mahammedans of this Presidency is due to
the prominence given to two facts. First, the comparative deficiency of men of this faith in the middle
and upper branches of Govempient employment. Secondly, the small numbers on the rolls of the
national schools. As regards the first point, it seems that even amongst the Hindoos, who have none
of the hindrance of language in their way, few but of one or two classes aspire to Government service
if they can get their living in any other manner. The Hindoo traders of Gujar&t are comparatively
rare in an official post, and so are the cultivators Still more is this noticeable in the Deccan and
Konkan. it is the same with the corresponding class amongst the Mahammedans. The mass of the
latter community originated somehow with the armies of the north, and were affiliated in some way to
those bodies, with whose disappearance their fortunes fell. The Rajput and Mar^thi soldier had his
land to fall back upon, but the Mahammedan of the class I speak of is not an agriculturist. He had
then to take refuge in various kinds of unskilled tasks, such as porterage, cart-driving, and whenever
it was available, service as a constable, watchman, or messenger, m none of which employments is the
possession of any high degree of education necessary. It seems a question whether in this part of
India any extensive use at the best of times was made of the Mahammedan middle classes in adminis-
tration. The clerical work was picked up by Hindoos before the military instinct of the others could
be changed to undertake it, and the higher posts .rf the service were mostly dependent upon court
favour, not on merit, nor in any case of more than a precarious tenure.* The small number of
Mahammedans in the pubhc service, therefore, is not apparently a new phenomenon, and it remains to
see if there is any fact that will tend to throw light on the comparative absence of this class from the
muster rolls of the schools under Government cognisance. On this point I will ask a reference to the
comparative table at the beginning of Chapter 111., and to that which is printed as No. IV. in
Appendix A., which will show that the ratio of Mahammedans to the entire population ranges between
3 per cent, in Satiira and 78 per cent in Sind. The avcraee on the total population is 18 per cent,
or only 8 per cent, if Sind be left out Now the departraeutsu return of students according to religions
shows the proportion of Mahammedans under instruction to be over 10 per cent., and in primary schools
over 12 per cent This return includes Sind, but I have shown above that it is in this Province that
according to the Census returns the ratio of Mahammedan scholars is lowest, not only in comparison to
their ratio in other parts of the country, but also compared to the ratio of other relictions, such as the
Sikh and Hindoo, in Sind itself. Then, again, comparison shows that in Sind mere is the widest
discrepancy between the Census and the departmental return, the number of pupils entered in the latter
being much less than that shown by the Census. Of course this difference may be in the numbers of
the Hindoos or Sikhs, and as the latter are not oven mentioned separately in the educational table, the
point cannot ho settled. But the figures seem to indicate, at any rate, that there is no such large
addition from Sind as to materially alter the proportion of Mahammedan leaniers to the total body,
* There seems an apparent exception in the case of anbordinate jndioial posts, but it is a qnestion whether
these were not temporary oreations of a new power desiroos of obtaining the administrative assistance of repie-
sentatives of both tlie leading religions of the conquered country. The increased facilities for the study of special
classes of law have no doubt tended to open such posts to open competition, an advantage of which the more
flexible and book learned Brahman has availed himself to the exclusion of the more narrowly-trained Mahammedan
of the upper dass.
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Ixxvii
and the inference is allowable that in respect to primary edncation at least, the ratio of scholars of this
faith is not far below that of their entire community to the population at large. Leaving the depart-
mental return for that of the Census, which comprises all sorts and grades of educational institutions,
we find that in both Gujarat and the Deccan the proportion of Mahammedans under tuition to the total
number of those learning is in excess of that of the Mahammedan population to the total. In the
former division the latter ratio is 10 1 per cent., and that of Mahammedan to total pupils 12-7 per
cent. In the Deccan the respective proportions are 5 ' 4 and 6 * 5 per cent. The case, however, is, it
must be admitted, different in the Kamdtic, where they are 9*1 and 7-6 per cent., owing, it may be, to
the lower class to which the masses of the Mahammedans of that part of the country belong. It is
not perhaps fair to make a comparison between the Mahammedans and the Hindoos out of con-
sideration of the immense range oi the latter title ; but I may mention that in the Deccan the ratio
of Hindoos is 88*2 on the entire population, whilst the pupils of that community only average 84*4 per
cent- of the number returned as under instruction. If m future returns from the Eduoational Depart-
ment care were taken to record separately the Mahammedan pupils of Sind and those on the rolls in
districts where this religion is not that of the masses, it would be possible to estimate more exactly the
relative ignorance of the two leading communities.
It may be said, however, that the returns of the Census as given in the proportional form appended
to this chapter are of themselves enough to prove that the Mahammedan population is, on the whole,
and except in Sind and the Kamdtic, better instructed than the Hindoo. This is true, as far as the
mere numbers go, but my object in mentioning the returns of the Educational Department was to get,
if possible, a statement in which the quality of the instruction is to some definite extent indicated.
The standards of the primary schools under inspection are known and recognised, but in the case of
the Census returns there is no distinction between an institution of this class and the hedge-school under
an indigenous curriculum of its own, varying according to any fitful change of circumstances. In the
case of the Mahammedans 'this distinction is of mure consequence than in that of any of the other
communities, unless it be the Sikhs of Sind, because it is most probable that amongst those entered
here as under instruction are the numerous classes of children whose daily course is no more than a
repetition by rote of a certain portion of the Kurfi,n in a tongue they know not, and probably never will
understand. There are, on the other hand, indigenous Mahammedan schools in which an experienced
Mullah grounds his class well in the ordinary reading books written in the Persian character. What-
ever the quality of the instruction given, we find in the Census returns about 5,000 more pupils of this
race than are entered in ihe return published by the Director of Public Instruction as correct on the
last day of March 1881. Most of this excess is no* doubt attributable to the existence of the Kurdn
and other indigenous classes of a type specially sectarian, socially, if not in matter of doctrine, which
are, I have been given to understand, making way amongst the cultivating classes of Gujar&t, under the
influence of more zealous missionary enterprise from the local centres of the faitL
To return to the details of the tables, we find that in Sind 975 Mahammedan males out of every
1,000 are illiterate, but that in the other division the relative number is only 857. The division in
which most education is returned is Gujardt, where the ratio exceeds that of the Hindoos in all but one
of the districts. That in which the Mahammedans are worst off in this respect is the Kamdtic, where
the Hindoo ratio is better than theirs everywhere but in Kdnara. Taking single districts, the lowest
per-centage of the airgregate of pupils and literate is to be found in Kalddgi, though Kh^ndesh is not
very much better. The ratio in Poena is the same as that for Gujardt as a whole, or better than the
north of the latter division and below that prevailing in the south, where the traders of Surat and the
well-to-do cultivators of Broach are in force. In the former district, indeed, there is but a slight
difference between the state of education of this race and that returned from the capital. On con-
sulting the table in which the relative degrees of instruction are shown by age periods, it will be seen
that the difference between Bombay and the Surat district lies in the considerably larger ratio in the
former of those under instruction or educated before the age of 15. In other respects the reason calls
for little special remark, as it simply corroborates what has been said already in connexion with the
community as a whole. Kalddgi, Kh&ndesh, Sholdpur, and Belgaum are the most backward districts,
and Surat, Broach, Poena, and Th^na the most advanced. As regards the adults, however, the order
of the districts is slightly different, since the influence of the mercantile element is more marked at this
S3riod. Poena, for example, is beaten by the Panch Mahdls, where there is the large colony of Shiah
ohorahs, and Ahmedab&d and K^nara stand high in the list Neither KaUdgi nor Khftndesh, however,
show any improvement
Before leaving the subject, I may as well draw attention to the difference in the spread of education
■ in the town as compared with the country. The marginal table gives
Town and comi ry. ^j^^ results of the tabulation of the statistics for nine of the largest
towns in the Presidency Division with that of the rural subdivisions immediately surrounding them.
'I hree of the towns are in Gujardt, three in the
Deccan and three in the Karn&tic. As regards
males, it appears that the Hindoos are far in advance
of the Mahammedans in the town, but inferior, though
not very markedly so, to the latter in the country.
The discrepancy in the towns lies chiefly in the pro-
portions of the literate, but in the country in that of
the pupils. Corresponding differences appear in the
figures for females in the towns, thougti far less in
range, but as regards the country, the Hindoo is still
in advance, to a small degree, of the Mahammedan.
though the latter exceeds slightly in the proportion
of pupils. There is, too, a wider separation between
the town and the country with respect to the ratio of
the educated and pupils amongst the Mohammedan
than amongst the Hindoo females, whilst with the
other sex the reverse is found to be the case.
Beliffion and Locality.
Per-centage of Instruction.
Males.
Females.
HIXDOOS.
(-Pupils .
A.— Towns --< Litorato -
Cllliterate -
(•pupils -
B.— Country -J Literate -
ClHitcpnte -
MAHAMMEDANS.
(-Pupils -
A.— Towns --^7*itorate-
(niitemto -
r Pupils -
B.— Country I Literate -
( llliU'mte . - -
,?:|]80-5
69-5
91-3
85-8
7.i;10 4
89-6
1)9-00
90-88
99-23
99-81
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Ixxviii
I will ond my commonts upon the state of instruction amongst this doss with a few lines on the diffo-
ronccs between various subdivisions of the Mahammedan community in regard to education. I have
remarked elsewhere that it was found to be superfluous to tabulate separately the details for the main
tribes of this religion, such as Shaiks and Pathdns, because they are adequately represented in the
return as a whole. Comparing the three tribes that have a Rajput origin, the Molesal^m, Malek^ and
Chohdn, with the educational return for the Hindoo caste to which they bear the nearest affinity, it
seems that the Mahammedan is, as a rule, slightly less educated in youth, and considerably so as years
advance. The Sunni Bohorahs, on the other hand, take a very high place in the order of instruction,
and are above the rest of the cultivating classes in the ratio of their educated adults, and equal to all
but the best as to their children also. The Shiah Bohorahs are emphatically an educated section of the
Maliammedan community. In the Deccan, where they are probably all engaged in business requiring
correspondence and accounts, for they are noted for the extensive relations they keep up with distant
establishments of their brotherhood, the ratio of the instructed equals that of the Hindoo trader, except
amongst the wealthier castes of Wanias in Gujarat, with whom, as with the Brahman, book-learning
has become traditional. It is also worth noting that the girls of this sect are the most given of any of
their religion to instruction, and bear a ratio as high as any but that which is found amongst their sex
in the writing and literate castes of the Hindoos. It is probable, though, that the capacity to read
texts from the Kur^n is the limit to the instruction of many of them. The artizan representative, the
Bhausar, as well as the oilman and carrier, the Gh^ncni, are far below their Hindoo counterparts in
reading and writing. It is probable that on taking out the details for others of the corresponding
classes amongst the Mahammedans the same result would be obtained, but the smallness of the numbc^r
iu each led me to believe that in a general review, such as this, the extra information would hardly be
worth the trouble of tabulation.
The next class to be brought under review is the Christian, which is returned in the tables as a
^ , ^. i. A^T. . .. homogeneous community. The following statement, however, shows
Education amongst Christians. ^^^^ ^^^ differences between the three distinct races united by the
common bond of this faith have made very diverse progress in the acquisition of knowledge : —
Males.
Of nil Ages.
Pupils.
Literate.
Illiterate.
Pupils and
Literate of
5 to 14.
15 and
upwards.
Females.
Of aU Ages.
Pupils.
Literate.
Illiterate.
Pupils and
Literate of
5 to 14.
15 and
upwards.
A. — Europeans.
1 . Total, Presidency Diyision -
2. Bombay City
3. Poona
B. — Eurasians.
1. Total, Presidency Division -
2. Bombay City
3. Poona
C. — Native Converts.
1 . Total, Presidency Division -
2. Bombay City
8. Thana
4. Kanara
5. Gujarat
6. Ahmednagar
15-63
13-25
31-08
32-89
41-39
31-64
7-30
9-38
4-88
8-47
13-56
15-99
74-20
76-90
60- 13
46-26
43-93
45-48
16-76
2914
6-41
6-64
32-97
16-99
10-17
9-85
8-79
21-85
14-68
22-88
75-94
61-48
88-71
90-89
53-48
67-02
59-88
65*89
55-98
62-64
73-35
60-91
19-52
35-89
10-36
8-99
36-79
37-47
96-19
98 02
97-39
94-93
97-39
92-78
26-05
39-45
11-90
9-18
51-41
30 00
20-78
20-66
23-13
32 04
37-00
33-70
4-07
8-42
1-07
0-77
15-40
3-23
68-36
62-71
56-64
46-02
44-40
46-17
4-44
11-64
0-67
0-81
14-80
6-11
20-36
16-63
20-23
21-94
18-60
20-13
91-49
79-94
98-26
98-42
09-80
90-66
55-09
95-93
60-26
97-93
55-68
96-33
64-44
90-58
72-85
92 06
64-09
94-51
1110
6-90
27-96
16-16
0-29
1-39
1-85
1-39
32-96
27-90
12-15
7-19
With reference to these figures it must be borne in mind that after the age of 15 there are no more
than 40 women to 100 men amongst the Europeans, whilst the former sex predominate at that period
amongst the Eurasians. The latter, too, show a very high ratio of children to the total of their com-
munity. The corresponding ratio amongst the Europeans is considerably less than that in the native
section, which on the whole corresponds fairly with the average rate found to prevail in the poj)ulation
of the Presidency at large, excluding Sind. The statistics of education amongst the two iirst classes
need little comment, though I regret that I have not for comparison the return prepared for a special
inquiry on this subject made some months ago independently of the Census. As regards the native
converts, as we may call them for convenience sake, it appears that the standard of education is con-
siderably higher amongst the non- Roman CathoUcs of the newer .settlements than in the Thana and
Kanara communities of the older faitk The districts I have selected are those which I believe to be
for the most part peopled by one section or the other, but as little as possible by a mixture. Gujariit
and Ahmednagar contain chiefly Protestants ; Th&na and Kanara Roman Catholics. In the capital are
found both, and the latter body are probably the best educated of the Sdlsette and Mdhim community,
but much mixed with the less educated colony of servants from Goa.
The Sikh colony of Sind, like the Hindoos of that division, shows a remarkably high average of males
who are learning or able to read and write. There are no loss than
^^* 40 '7 per cent, of the entire community that have returned themselves
under one or the other of these headings. The remarks I made with regard to the indigenous schools
of the Mahammedans, however, are probably applicable to the Sikhs also, and the amount of prac-
tically useful instruction actually prevalent is by no means what might be inferred from the bare
figures.
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Ixxix
The amall Jewish population shows aii average of 50*^ per cent educated or being educated. The
J ratio is highest in. the latter case amongst the Jews^ native and foreign^
®^®' in the city of Poona. The adults most generally possessed of some
degree of instruction are those in Bombay city, and tho lowest ratios are to be found in Th^na and
KoMba, where this race is engaged in pursuits like dairy keeping and carpentry, not requiring much
reading and writing. Taking only the boys of a school-going age, the proportion of the learning and
literate is between 68 and 70 per cent., except in the Konkan, and for the Presidency Division as a
whole roaches 62 per cent., a rate exceeded by no other community except the P&rsis and upper classes
of Christians.
Tho Aboriginal tribes need not detain us long. They are the section of the population most difficult
F t d Abo • • 1 trib ^ reach through education, for not only is their appreciation of it less,
ngma es. ^^^ ^j^^ regions they inhabit are as a rule wild and unhealthy enough
to deter any of the trained masters of a higher class from undertaking duty amongst them. The
masters themselves, moreover, have doubtless in many cases no heart in their work, for to the bulk of
educated Hindoos the instruction of people like the Forest tribes appears a work altogether of superero-
gation in practice, even though its advantages be admitted in theory. Some progress has been made,
however, amongst this class in Gujarat, especially in Surat, where special agency has been provided for
the maintenance and inspection of schools established solely for the Kdli-Paraj or black races, as
opposed to the light races of the plains. Thus we find in that division a ratio of 1 '29 per cent, of tho
Forest and Aboriginal tribes either learning or, though more rarely, educated. In the North Deccan,
however, there is only a proportion of 0*31. A reference to the Provincial Caste Statement at page
xlviii of Appendix C. shows that whilst in the Konkan the Kithodis and Warlis are totally uneducated,
or with scarcely one under instruction in a thousand of their tribe, the G^rathds and Chodras, who are
chiefly found in the part of Surat where the special provision above mentioned has been for some years
in existence, have in the same number about 17 and 11 children respectively who can read and \vrite
or arc learning to do so. The Dhodias, too, a tribe which inhabits the tract to the south of that in
which the two tribes just named are located, show a ratio of 13 per mille. The Dubl^, on the other
hand, who, as I have said in the preceding chapter, are almost entirely ascribed to the families of
Brahman landholders in the capacity of farm servants, exhibit an apathy or neglect in the matter of
education which is not surpassed even amongst the Bhils, a true forest tribe. It may be noted, how-
ever, that the Bhils are beginning their education in Gujardt only, and that their progress in Kh^ndesh
and Ndsik is but slow. The state of education amongst the Thakurs cannot be exactly appreciated
from the return under consideration, as though the figures for the Konkan appear to apply to the forest
tribe only, those for the Deccan no doubt include some of tho writers also, and thus raise the per-centage
of the educated.
I have now to enter upon the subject of the Hindoos, the general averages for whom have been given
, in the tables. Comprising, as this community does, the bulk of the
^ ^^' ignorant masses as well as the best educated of the population the
ratio for the whole is necessarily below that of most of the more homogeneous bodies treated of above.
I will not, therefore, enter into detail regarding these figures, but pass a few remarks of general appli-
cation. Tho highest ratio of the educated, including pupils, of this community is in Sind, where it
exceeds that of tho capital city. Unless the Hindoos of Sind, therefore, are mostly traders, priests, and
writers, it is difficult to see any reason for this phenomenon in a division where the masses are egregiously
behindhand with regard to instruction.
In tho remainder of the Presidency the state of education amongst this race as a whole necessarily
corresponds more or less with that noted at the beginning of this chapter. Bombay, Surat, Broach,
Kiinara, and Dharwar arc the districts where, in the above order, the ratio of the illiterate is lowest.
Thana, the Panch Mahals, Nasik, and Ahmednagar those in which this class preponderates the most.
In the Panch Mah^ils and Khdndesh, in Dharwar, and slightly in Kalddgi the ratio is less than that
found to prevail in the population as a whole. It is possible that the presence of the Aboriginals in tho
first two cases and a considerable decrease in the number of educated Mahammedans in the others con-
tribute to this peculiarity. The division of the educated community into two age periods shows that
there are 10*87 per cent, of Hindoo boys under instruction or educated, and 12*32 per cent, of the
adults of this sex. It may be remarked that the ratio in the Deccan is higher than in the Konkan in
tho case of the boys, whilst it is lower in that of adults. The explanation seems to bo that the adults
who emigrate to the capital from the coast are mostly illiterate, so that their exodus raises the relative
preponderance of the instructed who remain at home.
Leaving the question of education in the diflFerent layers of Hindoo society till later I will make a
^ , , A,- u V • few comimonts on the education of females in the different sections of
Female education by rehgion. ^j^^ population which have been distinguished in this chapter. In tho
Home Division wo have seen that the ratio of the educated amongst adults of this sex is not more than
one half what it is amongst children, and that even in the latter class it rises no higher than 1 '20 per
cent, on tho total of school-going age. The former proportion is above the average only in the case of
the European and Eurasian Christians, and the Pdrsis. Amongst the Jains and Mahammedans it rises
but slightly over that just mentioned, and amongst the Hindoo women it is, as is only to be expected,
just below it The ratio for Europeans has been shown in tho table given above, ana averages nearly
96 per cent, for tho whole Presidency. In the case of the Eurasians the proportion is about 91 per
cent. Next to these figures come those for the P&rsis, the only pure indigenous or domiciled race
amongst whom female education has made marked progress. The average of women who come under
tho head of instructed here amounts to 38 per cent, and in two of the chief towns affected by this race.
Poena and Bombay, to 64 * 7 and 45 * 1 respectively. It is curious to note the small ratio in Surat,
Broach, and Thana, where the community nas been settled for years in country villages instead of con-
fining themselves to the towns. The Jains and the Mahammedan women show nearly identical ratios
on the whole, that of the Jains being higher in Gujarat, and that of the others rising above it in the
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Ixxx
south of the Presidency and the capital. Surat and Admedab&d show the largest proportion of
educated Jains, whilst the Mahammedan women appear to be best educated in Surat, K&nara, and
Poena.
But the more important statistics are these which relate to the progress of instruction amongst the
younger generation, and the marginal table
Religion.
Fer-centage on
total Girls
&-14 Tears old.
I
Hindoo -
Mahammedan
Jain
P&rsl .
Jew
Total of aU)
Religions - j
0*89
1*48
1*08
45*29
28*01
0*88
It
0-16
0*70
0*68
19*17
7*12
0*82
0*56
2*18
1*86
64'^
80*18
1*20
Relative Proportion, of Educated
(c) in each Division.
I
0*62
0*88
8*24
46*75
0*89
0*16
1-25
29*20
8-12
0*36
0*17
0-48
0-89
67*14
40*18
0*88
1=
0*89
0*60
0*24
0*60
1001
16*06
11*06
78-61
60*28
18*89
gives the the chief results of the Census for the
principal religions. The P&rsis still show a
proportion more than double that of any of the
rest. The small Jewish community comes
next, with the same feature as regards this
sex as I noticed above in the case of males,
namely, the low proportion of education in the
native districts of the local sect. As to the
Jains and Mahammedans, it appears that in
Gujardt only is the ratio of the educated higher
in the case of the former than in the latter. In
the capital city the proportion amongst the
Jains is but Utile above that of the Hindoos,
and in the K&matic it is below it. The caste table shows that amongst the largest of the specially
K&narese sect of Jains there is practically no education at all of this sex, and the ratio of the instructed
and learners is less than 1 in 1,000. Amongst the girls of the Hindoo cultivating and industrial classes
of this division there is some trace of learning to oe found in the return, though not so marked as in
Gujar&t.
In an early part of this chapter I made a comparison between the total j^opulation and the number
either under instruction or
literate. With the view of
giving an idea of the difiu-
sion of education over the
territorial divisions of the
Presidency I propose to show
now the relative extent to
which reli^on contributes
to the total body of pupils,
comparing the Census with
the departmental returns for
the two sexes. As Sind is
included in the one I have
taken it in both, though
with regard to the Maham-
medans, such a course has,
as I have already said, a
very material effect upon the proportions. Taking first the males, it appears that in the departmental
tables there is no n^ention of Sikhs. There is a class called Amils, which I mentioned in the third
chapter of this work as of extremely doubtful sect, but the aggregate number of these shown as under
education does not nearly equal that of the Sikhs returned in Sie Censua tables. It is true that in the
educational statement there is a column headed Others, but the explanation appended to it seems to
indicate that it is reserved for the pastoral tribes onlv, and the Census returns show that this class
is by no means addicted to sending their children to school, probably on account of their use as cattle
watchers. It is therefore presumable that the Sikhs of Sind have been included in the total of Hindoos
of some class or other, but which class is not ascertainable. The alternative suggested is that which I
have hinted at above, namely that most of the instruction set down in the Census return is little more
than the repetition of texts and the rudiments acquired at a hedge-school. Confining myself now to
the Census returns only, it is necessary to point out, in the first place, that the difierence between the two
series of ratios is widest in the case of the Mahammedan males and the Hindoo females, both of which
show that the education of the voung amongst them is considerably below the standard indicated by
their numerical importance in the community But from what has been said before it is evident that
these two are exceptionally situated, so it is as well to lay little stress on the discrepancy. Passing to
the next, then, the balance is found to have shifted, and in the case of Christian males and both P&rsi
and Christian females, the ratio of pupils is far above that of the weight of the population of the religion
on the total community. It is the same in a lesser degree with the males of the Sikhs and Jains, and
with the females amongst the former, but the Jain females preserve much the same ratio in both cases.
The Jews show a considerable difference between the advance of instruction in the two sexes, and the
ratio of the females is a good deal higher in proportion to the total number of pupils of that sex than
the corresponding figure for the males.
Males.
Females.
Reliffion.
Per-
centage
of Religion
POpula-
Per^ntage of Pupils
of each Religion on
Total Pupils.
Per.
of^Iigion
on Popula-
tion.
Per^^ntage of Pupils
of each Religion on
Total Pupils.
Aoooraing
to Census
Setom.
Accoiding
to Educa-
tional
Report.
(a.)
According
to Census
Return.
(6.)
According
toEduca^
tional
Report
1. Hindoo -
2. Ma'nammcdan
8. Christian -
4. Jain
6. P4ni
6. Sikh - - - -
7. Jew - - -
8. Aboriginali and others -
74-1
18-9
0-9
1-4
0*4
0-8
78-6
18-4
2-8
4 '8
3-1
2-2
0-8
0-8
78-4
11*6
1-8
5-0
2-3
76-6
17-7
0*7
r«
0-4
0-7
3-7 {
84-8
19-1
21-2
1-4
21-4
I'l
1-4
0-1
60*8
7-2
10-2
4-6
10-8
■ 1-0
Education by Caste.
The nine pa^es of the provincial table in Appendix C. contain the whole of the castes that bear an
appreciable ratio to the entire Hindoo community, with all their local variations. It was prepared with
the view of aiding the educational authorities and others interested in public instruction to form an
opinion of the actual extent of their work and the fields in which their efforts have still much to do. I
shall only, therefore, treat the return generally in the present place, first in connexion with what has
been said above regarding the population in its larger divisions, and again with reference to the special
classes into which the Hindoos nave been divided for the purpose of tabulation at the Census.
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The following table shows all the castes that return a proportion of over one half of their male adults
as educated or Teaming : —
Locality.
Fer-centafte of Edacated and
Pupils.
Serial Order acco
Edacation
tding to
Caste. •
Males.
Females.
Males.
Girls.
Men.
Boys.
Women.
Girls.
Men.
Boys.
KonkantLsOk Brdkman -
Deccan
98-1
56-2
1-0
1-4
1
4
23
l^nhhxL Kdyasth . • - -
Konkan •
92*9
55-8
0-8
20
2
5
13
Kiytisth (Wdlmik, (fc.) -
Gnjar&t
92-5
64-7
9-6
10-1
3
I
3
Porwal Wdnia - - - .
Do.
91»1
52-5
0-8
2-3
4
10
10
Konkanasth Brdkmau ...
Konkan
91-0
51-6
0-2
0-6
5
14
29
JM Wdnia
Giyarit -
90*9
55-8
10
1-5
6
6
20
Khediyata Wdnia
Do. -
90-6
531
0-3
0-4
7
8
32
Shrim^li do. ' . - -
Do. .
89-2
54*6
0-7
0*4
. 8
7
33
DeOasih Brdhman
Deccan-
890
52- 1
0-4
0-7
9
11
27
Konkanasth do. - - - -
Karnitic -
88-4
59*9
3-3
70
10
2
5
Deshasth do, - - -
Do. -
88-3
56-8
0-2
1-1
11
3
26
Prabha JTayflw/A - - - -
Deccan -
87-2
52-5
2*8
8-2
12
9
4
Modh Wdnia ....
Gojar&t
87-0
51-9
10
2-7
13
13
9
Shenyi Brahman - - - -
Karnitic -
85-5
46-1
1-5
4-7
14
19
6
S&raswat do. -
Do. -
84-9
51*2
2-9
4-7
15
15
7
N<gar do. ' • - -
GujarAt -
88-9
52-0
18-3
17-5
16
12
1
Shenvi do, •
Konkan
82-7
460
0-0
0-4
17
20
34
Shenvi do, - - - -
Deccan -
81-4
43*5
1-1
2-8
18
23
8
Gaad do. -
Konkan
750
40-2
0-5
1-2
19
25
25
Deshasth do. - - - -
Do. -
74-8
44-7
0-6
0-6
20
21
30
Brahmakshatria - - r -
Gujar&t
71-7
46-4
17-5
16-3
21
18
2
Meshri Mdaw&di Wdnia -
Deccan -
71-4
38-5
0-4
0-0
22
27
36
An&wala Brdhman
Gnjarit
70- 1
48*2
0-6
2-1
23
17
12
Shrimdli do. - - - -
Do. - -
68-8
48-7
IS
1-9
24
16
15
Modh do, '
Do. -
68-5
38*8
0-8
1-5
25
26
21
S^htekar do. - - - -
KarnAtic -
65-8
37-4
0-9
0-7
26
30
28
Shrigand do. -
Gujar&t
651
411
rs
1-6
27
24
19
Khediwal do. - - - -
Do. -
630
43-6
0-6
1-3
28
22
24
Audich do. '
Do. . -
62-8
37-8
1-0
2-3
29
28
11
Mervada do. - • - -
Do. -
58-2
33-6
0-4
1-8
30
32
16
Marw^ Wdnia - - - -
Deccan -
57-4
27-3
0-2
0-6
31
35
31
Vaish do, • - . .
Karndtic
53-2
34 6
0-0
1-7
32
31
17
Bardeshkar, &c., Brdltman
Do. - -
52-6
38-0
1-5
2-0
33
29
14
K&nsin {Kdsar) . . . -
Gi^'aiit
51-7
31*6
0-6
1-7
34
34
18
Soni (^Sondr) ... -
Do. - -
49-7
25-5
0-7
1-5
35
36
22
Lid Wdnia
Deccan -
48-7
32-5
0-2
01
36
33
35
It will be seen that there are 84 that come into this category, to which I have added two which
approach the standard proportion within a very little, making 36 in all. This is but a sorry
nuiiil)cr compared to the large array of castes tabulated, especially when the relatively small numerical
weight of those thus set apart comes to be considered.
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Though based primarily on the proportion of the educated adults the table has been drawn up to
include also the children under instruction, but the latter reach one half of their total number in but
15 instances. It must be taken into consideration, however, that the ratio is affected by the very young,
not yet of school-going age, and that if allowance be made for these on the proportion that this class
bears to all under 15 in the total Hindoo population, it will be seen that we may assume as the ratio
representing one half the school-goers, actual or possible, the per-centage of 35*0 in Gujar&t,
32*5 in the Konkan, 34*0 in the Deccan, and about 37*0 in the Karn&tic, where the relative number
of the children of tender years is so much below that of tho rest of the Presidency. Further-
more we have seen in the preceding chapter that tho ratio of children on tho total population
is somewhat less amongst the middle and lower, so that the ratio just mentioned is not wholly
applicable to castes like the Brdhmans and writers which form so large a proportion of those
named in the table, and we cannot assume for, say, the Wilmik Kdyasths of Gujarat, that there are
only from seven to eight children between 5 and 14 that do not learn or know how to read. It is
reasonable to assume though, that in the case of nearly all the selected castes here given, there is about
the same standard of education prevailing amongst the boys of a school-going age that it is found
amongst the elders of the caste. In the 36 castes there are 21 Brdhmanical subdivisions, of which
several are local colonies of the same tribes. Nine are Wdnias or traders, four are writers, and, lastly,
two are artizans. It is noteworthy that though out of the 36, 17 are indigenous or located in Gujarat
alone in the first 12 none of the five from this division are Brdhmans, but either writers or traiders.
On the other hand, both the Karndtic, two of the three Deccan, and one of the two Konkan representa-
tives are of the priestly order. The highest on the list of the Gujardti Brdhmans is the Ndgar,
which is only sixteenth in serial order, and has before it no less than five trading castes of its own
nei^^hbourhood. Tho Brdhmans of Mah&r&shtra that rank so high in the list are the two large orders
of the Konkanasth and the Deshasths in their varied distribution over the country in which their home
ton«nio in prevalent Fom-tcenth in order is tho first of the Gaud section, hailing from the coast of the
Kani^tic. Between the N%ars and the next Gujarati Brahman tribe come six castes, four of which
are other subdivisions of the same order in different divisions and one is a writer of Gujar&t itsel£
Without going through tho whole table, I will mention that of the 21 priestly tribes eight tare from, or in,
Gujarat, six are the two main Mardtha tribes in different localities, and seven are Gauds, mostly from
tho Konkan and Karn^tic Of the nine Wdnia castes, five are Gujardti by origin or residence, one is
indit^enous and two are settlers in the Deccan and one is Kanarese. Both the artizans are from
Gujarat, and so are two of the three writer classes. It will be noted with regard to the education of
children that the writers of Gujar&t are first, and I am inclined to think that the high ratio of tho
caste of the Karn&tic Division that immediately follow is to a certain extent due to the lack of children
there, rather than to any material difference in the care taken of their intellect.
Tho 12 castes that come first witlx regard to tho education of their adults also contain, it may bo
noticed, 11 of the castes amongst whom that of boys is most cared for and amongst the W^nias
and writers, the place occupied in the. serial order is not very far in the one case from what it is in the
other.
In the matter of female education the return shows that even the castes most advanced in the
instruction of their boys have not as yet made much progress amongst their relatives of the other sex.
It is enough here to consider the figures for the girls only, as those for the women are comparatively
less instructive. The three castes in which the ratio of the pupils of this sex is the most satisfactory
are the N&gar Brdhmans, the Brahma Kshatrias and the Kdyasths, all of Gujarat. It is probable,
too, that the Prabhus of the city of Bombay, had returns been available for them, would also have
been well up on the list. But even the highest of these proportions does not rise above 17*5 per cent,
of the total number of children and after the 10 per cent of the Gujar&t Kdyasths the ratio falls
rapidly, till it appears that considerably over half the number of castes show a ratio of less than 2 per
cent The Mar^tha Brdhmans exhibit, as a rule, a comparativelv lo^' proportion of educated girls,
and so do, with a few exceptions, tho Gauds of the Karn^tic and Konkan. The Gujardt W^nias, too,
do not come up to the promise indicated by their caro of the instruction of their sons.
We have now seen that the standard of instruction fixed in the above table for the men and bovs has
been attained by but two castes outside the pale of the Brdhman,
Classes of Hindoos. writer, and commercial orders.
After these^ amongst the crajismen there are the three Gujarat castes of the oilmen, who are, as we
have seen previously, also traders, the caUco printers and masons or bricklayers, besides the tailors,
who in the Mardtha districts are also engaged in trade, and the goldsmiths, who give proofs of a
certain degree of instruction above the rest. In Gujarat, where the tailors are more occupied than
elsewhere with their own profession, they are less educated by a considerable extent than elsewhere.
The ratio amongst the adults reaches in some cases more than 44 per cent, and in all more than 20.
The lowest proportion is, as is to be expected, amongst the workers in leather, though even here the
ratio rises after the village castes have been passed, and the town artizans reached. Female education
is at a very low ebb in this order, except amongst the goldsmiths and brass-smiths of Gujar&t, which
have already appeared in the table, and the general average is very little higher than that which
prevails amongst the agriculturists.
In the case of the culHvatars, whom it is necessarily most important to reach, the Kadwas of Gujardt,
the Jangams, who are also priests and merchants, and the Lewds, are the most advanced, and show a
ratio of from 18 to 21 per cent, of instructed. The isolated case of the Marathds in Gujardt who show
a Wgher ratio may be omitted from consideration, as this colony consists in great measm-e of Govern-
ment officials who have remained in the division, and are found in the ranks of the police and office
messengers, and private servants, in all of which capacities there is now-a-days an incitement to learn to
read and write in the prospects of early promotion. The indigenous Kolis of Gujar&t and some of the
castes of Kdnara show the least progress in education of any in this order. Whilst the average is
highest in Gujarfit and the Karnfitic above Ghdts, it is lowest, on the whole, in the Deccan. The
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Ixyxiii
instructed element amongst the females is very small, except in Gujar&t and in the Ling&iat country of
the Karn&tic.
Amongst the pastoral tribes there is but little education except in the case of those who have begun
to addict themselves to agriculture in preference to their ancestral wanderings. In Gujardt, where this
class is still in a more purely pastoral state than in the rest of the coimtry, the ratio of the instructed is
remarkably low, and contrasts strongly with the usually high standard maintained here compared to
the other divisions. The most instructed of this class seem to be the Gaulis, or dairymen, who, except
in the Konkan, where they are mostly agriculturists, have a tendency to concentrate in the neighbour-
hood of the towns. The Wanjdras are a very heterogeneous caste, and it is only in Gujar&t and the
Konkan that they are still largely engaged in transport and trade. It is surprising, therefore, to see
the high proportion of the instructed amongst them when they are less settled in villages, as in these
divisions, as compared to that in the Deccan where they are a colony of cultivators. In the last division,
however, it will be seen that the proportion of the children under instruction is nearer that of the males
who can read and write as is to be expected of a settled community.
ThB fishermen show two castes possessed of a fair degree of education compared to the rest, and both
of these are in Gujardt. In the Konkan the ratio is very low, except amongst the Gdbits, a caste of the
southern coast There may be said to be scarcely any education of females at all amongst this class,
and looking at the largo proportion of women that are returned from it as occupied in assisting their
husbands or others in their employment the fact is not to bo wondered at.
In the order of domestic and personal service there is in one caste considerably greater diffusion of
education amongst both sexes.* The Hajdms are seen to be a fairly educated class in Gujar&t where
they combine several occupations with that of shaving and their women act as midwives and nurses for
the Hindoos. The washermen are better educated in GujarSt, where the ratio amongst the males
is about the same as it is in the barber caste, but the instruction of females is much more advanced
in the latter. In the rest of the Presidency the washermen are, on the whole, an illiterate caste.
The only caste that it has been thought worth while to distinguish amongst those occupied in the
minor professions is the Gurao, or temple servant. In the Deccan this caste occupies a considerably
higher position as to education than in the two other divisions in which it is prevalent. In the Konkan,
indeed, the caste is in a very low grade in respect to this attribute.
Of the indefinite class of the devotees and religious mendicants there are three only that show a ratio
of the educated in excess of the average of their respective divisions. One of these, and the most
numerous, is the Gosavi in Gujarat. The others are the Bair&gi of the Deccan and unspecified body
of the Sddhus in Gujarat. The latter includes, necessarily, many of the Sanydsis and other recluses of
high caste who have retired from the cares of mundane affairs after a life of business, and the order
as a whole must, therefore, be distinguished from the general horde of wandering mendicants who have
had no other profession than that of begging from their youth upwards. The Gop&l, who is a sort of
priest to the depressed castes of the Deccan, is one of the few totally uneducated classes to be found on
the list.
In the Mings, however, one of the twelfth or the depressed class, there is a compeer in ignorance,
though it is only in the Kamdtic that this caste is almost entirely illiterate. The question of arranging
for the admission of this order. into some of the primary schools has been several times discussed, but
hitherto the matter has not advanced beyond a preliminary stage, and it is in the missionary schools
chiefly that the Dheds, Mahdrs, and others of the same class find the little education they have acquired.
In Gujar&t, however, a beginning seems to have been made, especially in the section of the Dheds that
are so largely employed in domestic service. These have managed to make arrangements amongst
their own caste-fellows for the instruction that is most essential to their success in their occupation. In
the Deccan, too, there is an indication of some slight extension of education amongst this class, but in
the Konkan they seem to take little interest in it. The exceptionally high ratio of the educated shown
against the Bhangi class in the Deccan is due to accident. The number is so small that it was not
worth while inserting the entry at all, and in the caste are a good many men employed under muni-
cipalities and, probably, on the railways, who have learned to read and write to a small extent in
connexion with their duties, but the total of such, though large in comparison to the number of the
caste in the division, is too small for a table of this description.
The miscellaneous class calls for little remark. The last entiy, that of the Pardeshis, shows a high
proportion of educated owing to its including all sorts of people from Northern India, Kanojia Br&hmans,
Kshatris, traders, and Ahirs. The inclusion of the Sherugirs is a specimen of the erroneous classification
due to want of local knowledge, as the returns, when completed, showed that this caste included by the
local supervisor amongst the labourers really belongs to the agriculturists of the coast.
As I have already taken due notice of the Bhils and other forest tribes in connexion with the general
title of Abori^nals, I will pass on to the Jains. It will be seen that with the exception of the Chaturth,
or fourth division, which is the main one returned from the Karnitic, the rest are highly educated
castes, and would find a place in the list of the Hindoos even on the preceding page. Gujardt, as usual,
holds the first place with the Shrimdlis or largest Jain section, and the Porwdl, an importation from
the north now naturalised in the division. The two Deccan. castes of Mfirwddis, though showing over
60 per cent, of their adults to be educated, are below the rest both as to males and females. "With
respect to the latter sex, one of the Gujarat castes, the Osw61, is nearly up to the fifth entry on the
Hindoo serial list, and another would come about fourteenth on the same. The comparative small-
ness of the numbers of girls in the Konkan and parts of the Deccan render it useless to return the
figures regarding their state of education, but there is no doubt that it is lower than in Gujarat
* The high ratios given in the Table in Appendix C. against the Nhavi, or Haj4m8, of the Konkan, is incorrect.
The true ones are 54 and 38 for maleB and 5 and females. This statement was sent to press during my absence
from duty, and on examining it when I returned I found several anoDuJoas entries of the above description which
it was too late to rectify in print.
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Ixxxiv
Comparison with the Departmental Returns of Educatiox.
It is by no means easy to institute a complete comparison between the returns of the Census and
those sent up to the Director of Public Instruction
by the Inspectors and their deputies. The statement
3f which 1 have commented more than once in the
course of this chapter is one that embraces all grades
of institutions classed according to their connexion
with Government, and of these I selected the State
and the aided schools only. But in order to compare
the two sets of statistics for the diflFerent parts of the
Presidency, I have adopted the supplementary table
sent in to the Government of India, which forms
Appendix O. of the Report for the year 1880-81.
Some alterations have been made in the arrangement
of the figures, and the girls attending boys' schools
have been transferred to the column to which they
correctly belong. The districts have, for^convenienco
of reference, been arranged in the marginal table
according to the educational divisions, in preference
to the disposition hitherto used throughout this work.
The main points on which I think remark is necessary
are these. In the first place it will be noted that in
Gujarit and the North-Eastern Division pupils of
both sexes, and in the rest of the Presidency Division
the female pupils are much in excess in the depart-
mental return. If from both tables the statistics for
the capital city be omitted, in Gujarit only Ahme-
d&b&d shows a greater number of males than are
returned from the educational registers, in the North
Deccan only Ahmednagar has the same feature*
whilst all the districts in the Central Division and
the Karnatic gave a much larger number of boys
under instruction at the Census than at the closing
of the school registers on the 31st March 1881. In
Sind there is a large excess in the Census table in
the case of both sexes. In Bombay City the number
of private institutions unconnected with the State is
probably enough to account for the difference, and it
is likely that in Sind, too, the prevalence of hedge
schools and of elementary instructions at home may tend to swell the Census return. Similarly, there
is no doubt a good deal of private tuition in existence in a place like Poona, but it is not easy to
account for the contrary result of the enumeration in the North Deccan and Gujar&t An examination
of the muster roll as compared with the registered number of boys seems to inaicate that in the two
divisions where the Census return differs most from that of the Department, which is based on the
register alone, the average daily attendance is much
less than the registered number of pupils, the diffe-
rence between the two being greater there than in
the rest of the divisions. But it is with reference to
the girls that this is most notable, and the marginal
table gives for that sex the ratios on the registered
number of the average daily attendance. In the
North-Eastern Division only 63 per cent, and in the
Gujar&t Division only 54 per cent, of the girls
nominally on the books attend school. It is
within my own experience as a district officer, and
I presume it is by no means a singular one, that
whenever a visit to a village school is paid unexpec-
tedly the attendance is found very mucn lower than
that entered in the roll of the day before, whilst the
entry for the current day is still blank. The in-
ference is that the muster is unduly swelled, not
invariably by totally false entries but by the adjustment of children who appear for a few moments only,
or by the entry of infants who are hardly of an age to learn. The universality of such an experience
except in the schools at the head-quarters of the subdivision or in other towns points to some result
very similar to that shown in the Oensus returns. There is a further matter to notice, which is that
the efficiency of the primary and other schools is tested annually by an examination conducted under
general rules and fixed standards. The results of these examinations are given in the director's report,
and show that for the^Presidency Division, excluding the capital, the number of girls in primary schools,
and we need regard no others for the present purpose, who were presented for examination at the
annual meeting was only 34 per cent on the number on the register of the schools examined. This
seems to offer prima facie corroboration of what was inferred above, unless the permission to attend the
examination is purposely withheld from a large proportion who are not considered prepared.* It will
Boys.
Girls.
nUtrict and Division.
Census
Return.
Depart,
mental
Be.
turn.*
Oensus
Return.
Depart,
mental
Re-
turn.*
AhmedibAd
Kaira
PanohMah&U -
Bmach - . . -
Surat ....
14^6
18.718
2.168
9.067
16.260
12,896
16.212
2.676
12,225
18,616
660
356
66
273
1,113
118
409
1,414
Northern niTiaion -
64^480
61.686
2,468
4300
Kh&ndesh ....
NAmk ....
Ahmednagar . . •
1^277
8,664
10.008
17.842
10.896
9.687
167
267
469
760
432
1387
North-Bastom Division -
33.943
37306
883
2.669
Poona ....
8hol4pTir - - . -
S4t&ni ....
ThAna ... -
KolAba ....
RatnAjriri. . . . -
Add ^ice Mid jaU sphoois
17.863
8.795
13,719
10.991
5.317
14,104
36,496
18,752
6303
12318
8,691
4,447
9.017
12,161
410
1,096
204
182
671
172
215
8,844
977
245
278
628
78
305
2371
Central Divirion -
106,285
67.799
11383
6377
Belgaum . . • >
DhirwAr . . - -
KalidRl ....
KAnara ....
13.113
19.623
8.666
8.046
11327
19316
7348
6.766
401
714
168
368
1,720
624
668
Southern Division -
40348
44341
1,636
8,787
Karichi ....
HyderabAd ....
ShikArpur ....
Thar and PArkar
Upper Sind Frontier
6.081
8,404
10.996
1,128
807
4^044
4360
6340
820
296
791
699
629
41
41
537
001
489
54
Sind ....
27.413
16,669
2,201
1,691
Grand Total - - -
271.469
228,139
18,460
17.864
* Special Return, Appendix O. of Director's Report for 1880-81
These figures do not tally witli those given on the next page.
Per-oentage on Number of Girls on
Register of 31st of March (Primary
Schools only).
Division.
(a.| Those in
DailyAtSend-
ance for the
Year.
(6.) Those
presented
for
Examination.
turned as
under
Instruction
at Census.
1. Central, excluding
Bombay City
2. North-Bastem
4. Southern •
68
63
64
04
30
28
36
27
97-3
34*4
54-6
48-0
Total, without Sind
and Bombay
60
34
65-7
'* The fact that the majority of the girls are studying the first standard in which there is no annual exami-
nation has been brought forward in explanation of the discrepancy between the muster and the examination
return.
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Ixxxv
be seen that in the North Deccan, where the Census return amounts to no more than 34 per cent, on
the departmental register, the per-centage of girls examined was but 22 on the same record, and in the
Karnitic Division the ratios were respectively 27 and 43 '9. TTie two rise concomitantly with each
other in the other divisions, but taking the Presidency Division as a whole, and leaving out the capital,
the Census shows only 55*7 per cent of the female pupils down on the school registers.* If the
registers for the boys' schools be compared in a similar manner, it will be seen that the per-centage of
attendance on the total enrolled is on an average 70, and that of the number examined 50.
A more interesting return published by the educational authorities is that of the different classes
attending the various grades of institutions. This is given below for the aggregate of the two
classes of State and aided institutions, omitting those not in connexion witn the Educational
Departmentt : —
Males.
Females.
Class.
Total
on
BoUs.
Institution.
Per-ceutage of each Class on
Total attending each
Institution.
Total
on
Bolls.
Per-
of akcn
ClaMS
on Total
Pupils.
Peiw
oentage
of
Female
Pupils
to
Male.
OoUege.
High and
iTiddle
Schools.
Primary
Schools.
Others.
Colleges.
Schools.
Primaiy
Schools..
Br^hnuuis . . •
Kshatria ....
Writers - - - .
Traders . . - -
Shopkeepers . . .
Artizans • ...
CttUivators • -
Depressed Castes
Other Hindoos - - •
Jains . . . .
PArsis ....
Mahammedans ...
European Christians
Eurasian do.
Native do. - - -
Aboriginals
Others . - . -
58^1
6,618
4.778
25,996
7.629
21.659
66.283
7.266
2,286
10,235
18.436
6,060
31.317
1.577
288
2,976
2,020
604
0-7
0*4
1-2
0-3
6-3
4-2
1*8
9-0
4-8
27-3
6-6
2*4
8*0
1*3
1*8
2*4
43*6
2-4
06*4
99*0
65*7
80*6
94*4
71*0
93-0
97*3
96-G
98*6
06*2
96*8
96'6
60*0
97*1
41-6
99*0
0*7
0*4
0*5
0*2
0*3
0*4^
0-2
0'6
0*8
1*3
0-4
0*8
87-7
2*4
5*6
8*2
2*4
0*8
0-6
29*4
1*6
61
6-1
0*1
28*8
1*7
7*2
9-2
1*0
3*6
4*7
rf-6
0*3
1-6
3*1
14*4
4*1
8*8
1*9
9*1
0*6
21*0
8-6
1*4
9*7
2-9
8*4
26*2
2*8
0*9
3*9
5*2
1*2
12*2
0*6
0*8
0*4
8,128
467
766
1.794
853
1,654
1.928
218
109
663
736
1,766
1.174
760
29
931
19
68
19*1
2*8
4*7
10*0
2*2
9*6
11*8
1-8
0*6
3*4
4*6
10*8
7*2
4-6
6*7
1*8
6*4
7-0
160
6*1
4*6
7*1
2*9
3-0
4-9
5*4
29*1
8*7
47-6
10*1
81*3
Total pupils ...
200.101
0-4
6*8
92*4
0*4
100*0
100*0
100*0
16,340
100-0
60-4
I have here shown two series of ratios. First the distribution of each class amongst the different
grades of institution, secondly, the number of each class that contribute to fill the different grades.
The return needs little comment. The Br&hmans, it will be seen, contribute in the highest degree to
the upper grade of institutions, but the Pirsis come near them as to attendance at colleges, and the
cultivators are in excess, though very slightly in the primary schools. The other part of the table
indicates that of all classes represented in the return barring the Europeans and Eurasians, the Pdrsis
and writers are those which as a community devote themselves to the highest grade of instruction.
The Br&hman, though ho is proportionately well represented in all these institutions, shows a larger
proportion under elementary instruction, as must be expected from the way this order is scattered over
the villages of the Presidency Division. I'he Mahammedans and all the other Hindoos except the
two classes mentioned above, have more than 90 per cent., and most of them over 05 per cent, oi their
school-going children in attendance at institutions of not higher grade than the primary school.
Comparison with the Returns for 1872.
A comparison of the educational statistics of the two enumerations brings to light an amount of
difference in the circumstances of some of the districts which cannot be set down to me actual progress
* Even the addition of the girls knowing how to read and write will not suffice in all cases to make np the
deficiency.
t It is worth while to discriminate between the Arts and the Professional colleges shown in the text under a
single heading. Thus of the 643 Hindoos attending this clasa of institution, 352 are at the Arts, and 271 at the
Professional colleges. Of the latter, 111 are studying law, 65 medicine, and 95 engineering or other applied
science. There are 120 Farsis at the Arts Colleges against 198 attending the technical institutions, of the latter
128 study medicine. The comparatively small number of Europeans and Eurasians, and, indeed, Christians of all
three races attending the Arts Colleges is very remarkable, of 121 at college at all, only 9 are at this class of
institution. There are 86 studying medicine and 25 at the Poena College of Science. One Native Christian is
recorded at the law school. The Mahammedans on college rolls number only 17, of whom 5 are at the Science
College, 3 study law, 3 medicine, and the remaining 6 are at the Arts institutions, j
Ee 3
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Ixxxvi
of instruction, either State or private, but must have it origin in defective returns. The table below
gives the figures for the Census of 1872, with the relative variations that have apparently taken place in
both sexes since that time. According to this return, there has been an increase amounting to more
than 82 per cent, in the number of educated females, and of over 16 per cent, in that of males similarly
endowed. Taking the two degrees of instruction separately, the ratio of increase in the pupils has been
16*4 per cent, in the case of males, and 76 per cent, in that of the other sex ; but amongst the literate,
the increase has been nearly the same in the case of males as that just mentioned, but the literate
females have increased by more than 85 per cent. The largest proportional increase, if the capital city
be excepted, is in Sind, where it amounts to 22*6 and 84'4 in the two sexes respectively. The arrange-
ment of the territorial divisions according to the Educational Departmental scheme entails the inclusion
of Bombay in the Central Division, the ratios of which, therefore, are very much raised above those of
the others, as it is in this city that the most remarkable increase has taken place in both sexes. If
Sind be omitted, Kh&ndesh, Thdna, Kaira, and E&nara show the greatest increase in the number of
educated males, and the Konkan generally has a very high ratio of increase in the case of women also.
If the two exceptional districts of Ndsik and Ahmednagar, in which there is a decrease, be set on one
side for the present, the average increase is least in the Kam&tic, though very low in Gujar&t also. In
the latter division the females show the lowest ratio of increase, though in no district is an actual
decrease apparent, as there is in the case of the other sex. The comparatively low rate prevailing in
the famine tract will be noticed in the case of males but this peculiarity is entirely absent as* far as the
females are concerned. Of the three districts in which the increase has been, apparently, remarkably
small, I can only offer an explanation in the case of Belgaum, where the return according to religions
shows that the comparatively small advance is due to the diminution of the garrison of European troops
there, wherebv a considerable number of women able to read and write are removed. The Panch
Mahals and Ahmedabdd return is probably erroneous, especially the latter, as will appear in connexion
with the return of religions.
Number Returned in 1872.
Per-centage of
Variation in Number
District and Division.
Males.
Females.
of Educated in
1881.
Pupils.
Literate.
Total
Educated.
Pupils.
Literate.
Total
Educated.
Males.
Females.
Ahmedibid .
Kaira - - . -
Panch Mah^ -
Broach - - - -
Surat - - - -
14,686
11,709
2,081
7,173
14,058
44,671
28,160
6,205
25,458
39,594
59,307
39,869
8,236
32,626
58,652
736
120
78
316
823
930
206
107
343
1,255
1,666
326
185
659
2,048
+ 5-09
+ 20-28
+ 10-19
+ 7-64
+ 15-75
+ 13-62
+ 7116
+ 5-40
+ 22-00
59-57
Northern Division -
49,607
144,083
193,690
2,073
2,811
4,884
+ 11-82
+ 43-73
Khindesh
N&6ik ....
Ahmodnagar . • -
12,715
8,465
10,574
25,429
21,649
22,784
38,144
30,114
33,358
182
109
236
86
286
241
268
395
477
+ 21-32
- 2-09
- 4-48
+ 61-19
+ 83-79
+ 89-10
North-Eastem Division -
31,754
69,862
101,616
527
613
1,140
+ 5-91
+ 80-07
Poona - - - -
ShoUpu - -
Satdra-
Thana - - . -
Koldba
Batniigiri- - - -
Bombay City -
16,937
8,760
12,965
9,067
4,849
14,754
20,307
37,583
22,761
24,070
20,408
10,313
26,651
70,262
53,520
31,521
37,035
29,475
15,162
41,405
90,569
558
92
60
336
80
107
4,562
941
60
138
229
53
75
9,958
1,499
152
198
565
133
182
14,517
+ 3-18
- 12-3
+ 11-8
+ 20-10
+ 15-21
- 6-25
+ 66-96
+ 92-99
+ 234-2
+ 97-4
+ 106-72
+ 149-62
+ 141-21
+ 95-40
Central Division
86,639
212,148
298,787
5,795
11,451
17,246
+ 24-61
+ 97-19
Belgaum - - -
Dhirwdr - - - -
EaliLdgi
Kdnara - - - -
13,284
18,464
8,732
6,047
22,054
28,934
16,520
17,127
35,338
47,398
25,252
23,174
392
315
114
194
296
211
61
219
688
526
175
413
+ 7-59
+ 8-61
+ 4-01
+ 19-46
+ 11-92
+ 118-82
+ 96-57
+ 70-70
Southern Division
46,527
84,635
131,162
1,015
787
1,802
+ 9-38
+ 64-82
Kardchi . - - -
Hyderabad -
Shikirpnr
Thar and Pdrkar
Upper Sind Frontier
4,876
5,819
7,341
724
332
16,312
19,147
23,926
4,359
2,811
21,183
24,466
31,267
5,088
3,143
462
400
199
8
5
776
616
255
9
9
1,238
1,016
454
17
14
+ 16-31
+ 17-08
+ 32-24
+ 9-48
+ 33-44
+ 5912
+ 7312
+ 144-05
»
•
Sind - - -
18,592
66,655
85,147
1,074
1,665
2,739
+ 22-60
+ 84-37
Railways -
—
1,757
1,757
—
263
263
-100-00
-100-00
Grand total -
238,119
579,040
812,159
10,484
17,590
28,074
+ 16-28
+ 82-04
Under 100 persons.
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Ixxxvii
Per^sentage of Variation in 1881.
Educational Division.
Hindoos.
Males.
Females.
Males.
Females.
Northern -
Central -
Southern -
Bind - - -
+ 9*64
+ 1*09
+16*80
+ 7*76
+186-60
+126*52
+126*97
+ 97-45
+28*88
+16-66
+77*99
+80-64
+20*98
- 20*82
- 25-21
+240*68
+100*52
+ 66*66
Total • - .
—
—
+48-83
+100*72
Total (excluding Bind) -
+10*41
+124*87
+48-61
+188*12
It will be recollected that when discussing the distribution of the population by religion in Chapter
III.; I remarked that the discrepancy of numbers in
the returns of the two enumerators must be due in
some cases to erroneous tabulation. I will therefore
only take up the two main religions in this place, and
give the variations that have apparently occurred in
them as regards the state of education amongst their
population as brieflly as possible. As far as Hindoos
are concerned, it is as well to omit Sind from con-
sideration, as the discrepancy in numbers between
the two tables is enormous. The marginal table
gives the relative increase in the rest of the Presi-
dency. Comparing the result with that in the former
table for the aggregate of all religions, it appears that
the rate of increase amongst Hindoo males is less by
more than one half that of the male community as a whole, whilst that of the females of this religion is
above the average in nearly the same proportion. The Mahammedan males, if Sind be omitted, show
a ratio of increase .nearly thrice as high as that of the entire male community in the aggregate, and
more than 43 per cent, including that division. The increase amongst the females of this faith is still
higher than amongst the same sex of the Hindoos, but the increase has been less in the Mahammedan
Province of Sind Sian elsewhere, except in Gujar&t and the North Deccan, where there is a decrease.
In the case of Gujarat this is really due to wrong tabulation in Ahmed&bfi,d in 1872, as the rest of the
districts of this division, all but the Panch Mah&ls, where there is an insignificant falling off, show an
increase, and there are other peculiarities about the return for Mahammedans in Ahmeddb&d in that
year that induce me to think that the work of compilation was too hurried then to be correct. As
regards the North-East Division, a decrease is apparent in two districts, with a considerable increase in
the third. I see no reason that the Mahammedan return should have been worse abstracted in 1881
than the rest, but as I know that some of the work of compiling and tabulating the schedules for
Khfindesh and Ahmedna^ar was entrusted to the newer gangs of clerks at the Central Office in Poena,
I can quite believe that the decrease shown against these districts is due to mistakes on the present
occasion and not, as in Ahmeddb&d, to those made in 1872. On the other hand, the Hindoo women of
these districts show, in 1881', a considerable increase in the ranks of the educated. As the variation in
the Central Division is so great in the case of the Mahammedans, it is as well to withdraw from that
area the return for the city of Bombay, when the ratio of increase is reduced to 28 per cent, in the case
of the men and 101 amongst the other sex.
As it is not worth while to review in more detail the statistics for different religions, I proceed to give
a short abstract of the main points that are worthy of interest in the returns of the present and last
Census regarding the state of education in the capital city.
Bombay City.
The inclusion of the statistics for this city in the general tables for the Presidency with which I have
been dealing in the preceding portion of tms chapter has enabled the reader to see the main features of
the condition of the inhabitants jus regards education and the wide difference there is in this respect
between it and the rest of the Presidency. It was not found convenient to abstract the details of
instruction according to more minute divisions that those noted in several of the other chapters of this
work, and as the Christians have been already distinguished by race in a former table and the PArsis
Jains, and Mahammedans do not possess in their communities the wide distinctions of caste that the
Hindoos do, it is enough for me to run over one or two of the main features of the return for some of
the divisions of the last-named religion.
The leading facts about the relative degrees of instruction in the three divisions of the Hindoos are
given in the following table : —
Per-centages.
Instraction.
Males.
Females.
Depressed
Castes.
Other
Hindoos.
Br&hmans.
Depressed
Castes.
Other
Hindoos.
L— Of all Ages.
(a.) Pupils - - - -
(6.) Literate . - - -
(c.) lUiterate - - - -
II.—Betwbrn 5 AMD 16.
(a.) Pupils and literate
(6.) Illiterate . - - -
in.— Over 15.
(a.) Pupils and literate
(6.) lUiterate - . . -
14*69
60-12
25-19
80-21
19-79
79-59
20-41
1-96
15-60
92-24
11-80
88-70
7-95
92-05
5-76
18-53
75-71
82*43
67-57
24-83
75-17
2-98
6-60
90-57
19-73
80-27
8-06
91-94
0-21
0-59
99-10
1*32
98-68
0-79
99-21
1-27
2-72
96-01
9-42
90-58
2-92
97-08
From this it appears that whilst the average of all three classes is greatlv above that found in the
corresponding castes in the rural districts of the Presidency, it is amongst tne lowest class that the
E e 4
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Ixxxviii
gi*eatest advance is perceptible, and this in the case of both sexes, though less markedly amongst
the women and girls than amongst males. The ratio is somewhat raised in the case of the general body
of Hindoos by the inclusion of some classes of traders who are probably nearly as widely educated in
this city as the Brihmans, but their weight is nevertheless greatly neutralized by the numerical supe-
riority of the Mar&thfis and other castes from the Deccan and coast districts, amongst whom the
majority are found to be illiterate.
The next point to bring to notice is the. difference between the return for 1872 and that for the
• I, ift7o present Census. Unfortunately, as regards the Hindoos, on the former
Comparison with 1872. occasion the distinctions of caste or claas were not observed even to the
extent that they have been at the present tabulation. It is therefore only possible for us to compare
the details of religion. TTie following table shows the per-centages of education in the case of the main
sections of the community : —
Hales.
Pemalofl.
Religion.
Pupils.
Literate.
Illiterate.
Pupils.
Literate.
niiterate.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1872.
1881.
1878.
1881.
1872.
1881.
Total population -
6-08
7-6
17-67
24-9
77-86
67-6
1-86
2-87
406
6*88
04*08
00*80
Hindoo ... -
807
6-1
14-52
20-6
81*61
73-8
0-68
1-26
1-67
2-78
07*76
06-08
3-37
7-0
10-18
21-1
86-46
71-9
0*80
8-06
8*06
8*06
08*14
88*00
Gonstian • * • ■
7-01
iro
88-80
41-9
64' 10
47-1
6-3-1
12-27
21*10
24-25
72-56
68*48
Jain
4-50
9-4
44 94
62-9
60-66
27-7
0-78
1-80
1*03
8-80
07*20
0400
P&rsi and others -
20-60
230
40-42
M-9
38-89
26-1
11-24
12-01
10-77
32-62
68-00
64-67
Both amongst males and females there has been considerable progress in the spread of instruction,
though probably tJtie influx of labourers of both sexes has had the effect of making the results appear
lower amongst the Hindoos than would have been the case had the indigenous and permanent popula-
tion alone been taken into consideration. There has been, it appears, an advance in both the pupil and
the literate divisions, but it is in the latter that it is most marked, especially in the case of the Maham-
medan and Jain males. The P&rsis, owing to the amalgamation of the different races of Christians
into one heading, appear as the best educated community, but taking into consideration the literate
only, iie large immigration of Jain merchants and brokers from R^jputfina during the last few years
has given to the latter sect the greatest proportion of men who can read and write. The ratio of the
totally illiterate has changed least in the Christians and Hindoos. The cause of this want of movement
in the latter body has been just mentioned, whilst the results of the increased number of Europeans on
the educational status of the Christian community has been neutralised, in all probability, by the pro-
portionately greater immigration of native converts from Goa and the coast. As regards the female
population, the very large increase in the ratio of the educated amongst the Parsis is to be specially
noticed ; in other respects the course of the variation has been very much similar to that just noticed
with regard to iJie males.
The component elements of the two chief cities of India are, as will be more clearly shown in the
r^ ' -i.!- i^ 1 xi. next chapter, so very different, that considerable variation in the
Companaon with Calcutta. educational quality of the population is only to be expected. The
marginal table gives the ratios for the total population and tlie three main religious bodies of Bombay
and Calcutta. Taking first the Christians, the effect
on the average in Bombay of the large body of native
converts from the coast is perceptible in the low pro-
portion of the educated of both sexes, as compared to
that in Calcutta, where the European and mixed
element is much more prominent. Then, again, it
will be noticed, that the least educated class in the
latter city are the Mahammedans, who are in Bombay
above the Hindoos in this respect. Probably the
reason is, that in Calcutta this class performs a large
Proportion of the labour done in Bombay by the
lindoos, who, accordingly, in the latter town bear a
lower ratio in point of education. The superiority in the Bombay population, as a whole, is very slight
in the case of the males, but very marked amongst the other sex, especially in the case of the Maham-
medans. It is probable, too, that the presence of the P^rsis, who are, as we have seen above, keenly
alive to the advantages of an educated female copnmunity, contribute in no small degree to swell the
ratio of the educated of this sex. The returns of the preceding enumerations of Calcutta are given in
two portions, one for the town itself, the other for the suburbs, the latter of which were not enumerated
simultaneously with the former. Trustworthy comparison, therefore, is impracticable, but taking the
whole return as it stands, the progress in education, even in the town, has been considerably slower than
in Bombay, though, as in the latter city, it is amongst the female section of the community that the
advance has been the more marked. Like Bombay, however, Calcutta itself furnishes but a compara-
tively small proportion of the inhabitants enumerated there at a special time, such as the Census, and
if the population changes with the season, as it does in the capital of this Presidency, comparisons
between enumerations taken at such an interval as nine or ton years, must necessarily bring to light
wide and extraordinary differences, not only in the numbers, but in the constitution, quality, and
circumstances of the people.
Per^^ntage of Pupil and Literate.
Religion.
Males.
Females.
Bombay.
Calcutta.
Bombay.
Calcutta.
Hindoos •
Mahammedans
Christians •
«6-7
28-1
62-9
S2'5
36-0
U-2
79-0
8-97
6-01
36-61
6-8
1-0
67-1
Total -
311
9-20
6*6
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Ixxxix
Note.— It may be interesting to compare the state of education in this Presidency with that in other
parts of India for which the returns were not made available by the time the greater portion of this
work wafl prepared. The following statement shows the relative proportions of me pupils, literate and
illiterate, in tne entire population of all ages returned for the British territory of the different Provinces
selected: —
Males.
Females.
PirOTlIlC6.
Per-centage of
Serial
Order.
Fer-oentage of
Serial
Pnpils.
Literate.
imterate.
Pupils.
Literate.
Illiterate.
Order.
Madras* ....
Bombay ....
Bengal* ....
Punjab ....
Berilr . . - -
North- West Provinoes
Central Proyinces ...
Assam - - - -
8*49
8*19
2-99
1-54
1-98
l«dO
1-65
1*88
10-26
7-92
5-90
4-72
4-19
4-51
8-17
818
86*25
88-89
91-11
94-19
98-88
94-19
95-28
95-49
1
2
8
4
5
6
7
8
0-26
0*28
0-11
0-07
0-08
0-04
0-06
0-04
0-62
0-41
0-18
0-09
0-06
0-10
0-09
0-07
99 12
99-86
99-71
99-84
99*91
99-86
99-85
99-89
1
2
8
4
8
6
5
7
* Batio to those returning their education only. Those not enumerated are excluded from the total.
Thus Madras stands in the first place with respect to the education of both males and females, and
is the only Province in which there were, on the whole, more than 8 in 1,000 of tho latter sex not
wholly illiterata Bombay comes next, and though the distance between it and Bengal is less than
between it and Madras, as regards the proportion of illiterate males, this is not the case with the other
sex. The education of males has apparently made least progress in Assam and the Central Provinces,
whilst Berar, Assam, and the North-West Provinces are the regions in which the proportion of females
learning or educated is lowest The returns for a few of the minor administrations have not yet been
received, and those for British Burmah, where the village monastery system lenjcls such aid to
elementary instruction, show that the education of the masses in that Province, as fax as the branches
of reading and writing are concerned, is very much in advance of what is found to be the case in the
rest of India.
Y 5747.
Ff
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zc
APPENDIX H.
MR. BAINES ON OASTE ANI> OTHER SOCIAL DIVISIONS IN- T«& BOMBAY
PRESIDENCY,
Compaitetive Table of Caste, sho
the relative Strength and Distribution of the main Sabdivisions
Race in the Presidency Division.*
Class, Group, and Subdivision.
Per-centa^ of
Subdivision
on Total
Population of
eaoh Class.
Territorial Distribution of 1,000 Persons of each
Subdivision.
Gujar&t.
Eonkan.
Deocan.
Kam&tic.
Bombay
aty.
A, HINDOOS (11,777,984) - -
-«.
191
162
895
209
48
Class I.— B&Xhmans (5*53 psb obnt.)
—
221
163
348
219
48
Mahdrdshira.
Desbasth .-.•-•
Konkanasth * - - *■ - *
KarhW6
Deornkha - - - - - -
Undawminated - - . - -
87-30
12-17
8-54
1-07
1-97
4
2
7
8
48 ,
586
675
932
686
354
238
60
267
58
85
1/>00
Gujardt.
Aodich - • -'
An4wala - - - :. - . . .-
Mew4da
Modh - . - - - ' -
N&gar - . - . - -
Undenammated - - - - -
5-82
8-79
1-60
1-80
1*08
2-86
989
1,000
1,000
1,000
942
7
8
78
r4
42
96
i
8 -
2
829
Gaud.
-
S^Lraswat ---.--
S&Bhtekor
Shenvi - • - - - —
Eanojia (Einkubja) ....
Undenominated . . - - -
2-04
1-36
1-82
0-98
3-44
88
8
110
24
26
154
90
641
82
92
696
95
909
1,000
.708 .
104
28
88
217
Karn&tio— Havik . - . - -
6-10
—
—
—
1,000
—
Gujartti ...---
Maritha
HindustUmi - - -
KamAtic (Chattri)
Undenommated
49-80
11-38
24-46
12-79
2*07
1,000
22
5
530
958
112
448
47
1,000
888
Class IIL— Wbitebs (0*21 peb gent.).
Biahmakshatria - *- • • -
Parbhu, Kdyasth
., P^t&nfi
Kiyasth
12-98
55-50
21-74
5-27
677
19
9
815
15
745
42 '
12
128
128
61
96
5
180
108
888
72
Class IV.— Tbadbrs (8*70 peb okht.).
MardthL
Bhittia
Lob6na
Wiaati, Mardtki
„ Vaish
„ Lmgaiat ... ^^^....^
8-08
5-13
10-34
8-78
189
846
85
87
450
512
^... 76
98
2
854
842
908
14
146
714
615
196
21
GujdrdtL
.
WAnia Sbrimffli
„ LAd
„ Modh
„ Ehed^yata . - . - -
„ Gujardti . - - - -
„ M&w4di
„ Undenominated . - . -
2*28
4*50
2-96
8-57
14-81
5-81
16-42
983
208
1,000
989
10
899
8
80
6
65
28
17
553
5
647
559
145
170
8
14
847
89
270
Class V.— Abtizans (10-87 pbb cbmt.)
(a.) TexHU Fabrics.
Koshti
Khatri - - - - -
SAU
Banff&ri (Bangrez) . - - -
Daiji (Shimpi) - - - . -
Bhausir ------
6-14
2-42
8-16
1-00
7-48
0-92
447
8
185
898
18
12
63
64
470
173
821
687
521
1.
508
98
298
144
16
9
368
20
15
86
90
* In Sind castes were not tabulated in detail.
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Fer-oentage of
Sabdivinon
Territorial Distribution of 1,000 Persons of each
Snbdiyision.
on Totel
VU XVHIft- -
Population of
each Class.
Gig^
Konkan.
Deccan.
Eam&tic.
Bombay
City.
(6.) Metals,
Sonir ......
10*19
181
. 188
462
145
74
Loli£r
5-01
372
81
898
87
62
Kasiur and T&mbat
2*48
99
186
566
20
129
(c.) BuUding and Earthenwire.
Sutar --...-
9*67
281
208
438
93
30
Gaan£ (Kadia)
2-27
120
8
55
808
. 14
Eambhl^
9*71
362
159
835
114
80
(d) Leather.
ChambhiLr (Ehilpa) - • • - -
12'74
217
149
509
87
88
HocU
1*69
604
17
108
6
265
Dhor (Dabgar)
1*00
89
10
653
248
—
(e.)
Tel CQWuichi)
18*73
804
110
878
381
27
Class yi.—AosiCDLTUBin8 (55*25 pbb cbnt.)*
•
Knnbi (MariUha) - - - -
52*89
1
255
611
81
52
Koli,MarAtha
8-75
...
858
102
45
Koli, Eonlcam
1*84
_
898
_
107
Kanbi^Xewa <
8*82
1,000
^
_-
—
„ Kadwa
1-54
1,000
—
—
—
— i
Koli,Talabda
9-82
1,000
■
m^m
..
^
„ Gojar&ti (iiDspe<nfled)
1-80
1,000
—
...
.-
—
Mali .....--
8*87
21
78
825
89
37
Bhandari -
1*48
^
83
102
865
—
2** 62
951
-„■
..
49
2-07
26'
648
3
120
206
Dnbla - - - - - I -
1-68
S98
102
...
Panehamsili .....
4*44
...
1,000
—
Hflepaik ' -
0-66
.^
_
—
1,000
.—
Tingftinf. Siidar - - • . - .
0*68
-^
—
—
1,000
.—
„ xmpwfLed - - - . -
1-68
—
—
—
1,000
—
Kaddi
0*90
—
—
21
979
—
Crjksii YII. — Shxphbbids, &c. (5 '85 fbb gemx.)*
Dhangar (Korbar) -' - - - -
68*58
^
22
458
516
4
Wanfira
15*38
21
88
912
4
25
Gauii -
5*60
3
599
220
68
115
Bharwfid
4*60
i,ood
..
—
...
Rabfci -
8*81
1,000-
—
—
—
—
Class VIJLL.— £*ishxbs and Sailobs (1*35 pbb
1 ■
GENT.).
'
Bhoi ......
82-79
88k
144
346
87
43
M&chbi -
20*82
774
192
—
-.
84
Gibit - - . . - -
11*50
-.^ .
850
- 1
149
• ^^
Ambi
8*49
_' -
..
..'
1,000
^
Mog^r
2*82
_'
—
...
1,000
.-
MangOa - - - - - -
7*51
51
921
1
..-
27
Khirwa - - - . . -
17*82
249
852
—
219
180
Class IX.— Fsssoital SKRVARts (1*76 per
CUIVT.)*
HnJ£m(NhW)
66*16
280
116
457
150
47
Dhobi
514
448
^
16
—
541
Pant
28*70
—
110
540
332
18
CI.A88 X.— MnfOB Pbopbssions (0*84 pbb
GBMT.).
Gnrao - - - - - -
51*88
..»
879
581
68
34
Bh£t(Bhirot) - - . • -
15*15
821
18
168
8
—
Chiran - - - . ^
6*58
1,000
...
_
—
.1^
Gondhali
6*88
_
124
694
182
_
Dcoli
8*91
2
147
1
850
.-
W^antri (Kabateria) ....
8*72
978
—
.—
22
—
Bhawiya -.----
Kolhid (Domb^)
2*24
1,000.
-—
.—
—
.—
8*77
5
129
865
1
—
Class XL— Deyotbks, &o. (0*58 feb gent.)*
GorilTi -
49*16
178
156
569
40
57
Josbi (Saraude) - . . - -
Bairigi
10*19
—
145
835
20
.»
7-67
_
49
930
21
^
SidhB (nnspeofied)
14*68
1,000
—
—
—
—
Class XII.— Befsbsssd Castes (9*31 feb
GENT.).
Dfaed (BfaUir) . . ^ . .
77*75
159
201
498
104
88
Ming ......
14*69
1
6
546
488
14
Bhangi
8*98
897
8
44
5
46
Pf 2
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Per-centage of
Subdivision
Territorial Distribution of 1,000 Persons of each
Subdivision.
Clan, Group, and Subcliviaion.
on Total
Population of
•
Bombay
each Class.
Gi^ar&t
Konkan.
Deccan.
Kam&tic
Class Xin.— Laboubers and MisaELLANBOus
(8 'OS PEB CENT.).
Berad ' -
83-18
^
_
36
964
.^
Waddar - -
15-82
_
" 26
276
698
_
Bimoahi
12-07
«^
2
994
4
__
Sfl •. -. •. •- -. :
8-99
987
.^
8
10
8-84
-^
Kam6tlii - - ...
8-13
6
82
• 234
120
608
Korvi
8-96
_
Jl.
1,000
_
T^if^fa ......
4-08
181
49
57
768
—
B.— ABOBIGINAL OR FOREST TRIBES
_
822
278
403
_
2
(702,157).
BhU
49-45
811
1
688
...
._
Thttur
13-75
670
821
9
Wirii
11-86
9
872
126
.1.
Kithodi (Kithkari) . - . .
7-77
2
940
55
3
Dhodia -
7-67
895
105
.^
....
N«k(Naikada)
3-74
1,QOO
_
_
Chhodra ...--.
4-91
1,000
_
—
' —
—
Gimtha - - - - ^ -
1-20
1,000
—
— ^
., —
—
a— JATNS (216,038)
,__
804
25
812
279
80
(a.) Commercial.
-
Oflwfl
16-06
166
56
776.
2 .
»„
Porwfl ---..-
5-28
898
25 .
.65
12 _
Shrimfli
18-60
953
.. 9
34
4 .
Hombad
1-56
681
. 5
314
— •
Shr&wak (unspecified) ....
24-29
28
.83
6ia
.. 4"
817
(6.) Agricultural.
Chatorth -..---
10-47
—
-
u;.
1,000
»„
Pancham .-..--
2-46
—
—
r,ooo
_
Shr&wak (unspecified) ....
13-77
"~~
—
"■"
1,000
—
D.— MAHAMMEDANS (1,133,927)
260
107
- 256
-228
149
(a.) Foreign Titles.
•*
Shaikh
55-19
108
197
848
824
29
Salad
6-28
156
80
273
488
58
Path&n
7-96
249
88
478
195
40
Moghal
0-66
153
17
841
277
212
(6.) Local Converts.
Bohorah, Shiah - - . - -
2-87
548
19
74
- i
858
„ Sunni . . - - -
5-56
1,000
. -.-
.—
— .
_
Khoja --...-
1-28
178
112
1
—
709
Memon .-..--
1-41
Ml
. 10
8
.. —
841
Molesalim
0-96
1,000
—
—
_
Malik
2-20
1,000
■~"
""•
"—
—
CASTE AND SOCIAL DIVISIONS.
I have treated of the different races of Christians and Jews in preceding chapters. The Parsis
are, in theory at least, a homogeneous community, whilst the Sikhs are found in large numbers only
in Sind, where details of subdivisions, such as form the subject of the present chapter, "were not
recorded. The population now to be dealt with, therefore, comprUes the Hindoos, Mahi^mmedans,
Jains, and Forest Tribes of the Presidency Division, amounting in the aggregate to 13,829,101 souls,
or 98 per cent, of the entire body of the inhabitants of this tract.
The term caste, whatever its derivation and original meaning, is colloquially applied to the sub-
divisions of the Hindoo and Jain community alone out of the four I have just mentioned. It is not
inappropriate, however, to extend its use with reference to a large portion of the Mahammedans,'the
majority of whom, as I have stated in Chapter III., are the descendants of local converts to that
faith from Hindooism. A similar complexity of structure exists in the case of the Aboriginals,
some of whom belong to true Forest Tribes, whilst others bear more resemblance to the lower grades
of Hindoos. Whether, however, the term used be caste or class, it may be taken as indicating a
definite and more or less stereotyped social division, distinguished in the first and highest degree
by the intermarriage of its members within its limits, and, less strictly, by companionship in eating
and drinking.
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XCIU
A social position of this description is determined by either descent or occupation, according to
the direction taken by the community after its first estabusbment. The earliest step, from a historical
standpoint^ taken by a nation, is, as has been so well pointed out by Mr. Bagehot in his Essays on
Physics and Politics, the formation of a legal fibre, a person or set of persons to whom to pay deference ;
but it is the second step^ that of breaking through the ^ cake of custom " thus formed^ that presents
the great difficulty, and one which comparatively irery few communities have succeeded in van-
quishing.
As soon as a nation (let us call it) has attained the first stage, the difierentiation of employments
proceeds rapidly to the extent absolutely required according to the standard of the community. The
natural tendency under such circumstances is for each occupation to be transmitted from father to
son on account of, first, the absence of any teaching but by example and word of mouth ; and,
secondly, to the greater isolation of the home, and consequent convenience of domestic instruction.
The poHtical question then arises whether this tendency or inclination should remain facultative, or
be systematized and incorporated into the social organisation by the decree of the ruling power. The
solution depends probably less upon the community itself than upon the circumstances by which it is
surrounded, though the particular stage to which its institutions have attained by the time the question
becomes pressing is a fact not without influence in this respect. We may agree, for instance, with
Comte^ that a sacerdotal regime is required in order to cement the hereditary transmissions of func-
tions into the fabric of the State, but we should also throw the inquiry back to the time when the
supremacy pf the priesthood itself was only in course of foundation. It is from this point that the
two civilisations of the old world begin to flow in separate channels. Hardship and competition in
the one have made life a contract between man and man. Peace, plenty, and contented isolation in
the other had tended to assign, under Divine sanction, a place and condition for each man from his
birth, and it is by the number and the definite quality and influence of such conditions that the present
chapter is rendered necessary.
It must be borne in mind that to whatever age the more archaic of the Vedic hymns may be
attributed, the Bactrian clans who descended upon the Punjab had already advanced considerably from
their primitive condition, and were forming settled colonies on their conquered territory directly
they acquired possession. As soon as a dan nad thus given a hostage to fortune, they had to defend
it against the probable attacks of the dispossessed owner. This being a more serious task than the
protection of a few herds of cattle, and requiring, therefore, a special class of the community to be
told off for the purpose, the nucleus of a military occupation was formed, apart from the rest of the
settlers. The difierentiation of the bardp, or sacrificial priests, was also by this time an accomplished
fact, and had probably taken place even earlier than that of the military order, owing to the
reverence paid to the efficient and continual performance of the invocations at the sacrifice on which
was supposed to depend the fortune of the next raid or cattle foray.* Beyond the three classes of
the warrior king, his fistmily and followers, and the priests, there seems to have been no further
division until the foreigners had made an advance eastwards, and from a few clans had multiplied into
large states.
The more the colonists were separated from their original settlements, the more precious became
the ritual and invocations used by their ancestors, and as the rules for the due performance of the
elaborate sacrifices could only be transmitted orally, the position of the priestly families became one
of the utmost importance, an advantage which one may expect them to have maintained by the
restriction of a knowledge of the sacred lore within as narrow a circle as possibla There is no
doubt, therefore, that these feimilies became a class quite apart from the rest very soon after the
establishment of stable and fixed communities. With regard to the rest of the people, it appears
that their contest with the races thef found on the soil was no very hard one, and that the majority
of those whom they dispossessed were maintained in a slate of servitude on the land they once owned.
It is alsp probable that marriage was not kept strictly within the limits of the Aryan community, and
that the whole male population of the invaders was not required for the army, so that a mixtiure of
races was the result of the one innovation, and of occupations that of the other. It will be recollected
that in treating of the Brfihmanic marriage system in Chapter V., it was mentioned that laxity with
regard to caste was permitted to a Kshatria, or warrior. In fact it could not well have been other-
wise, as apart from the discipline of battle, the military spirit is adverse to restriction, or special and
esoteric rules of conduct, and in later days Brfihmanic scripture recorded many instances of mixed
descent amongst undoubted warriors,t with whom the lineage of the father was held to have cured
any defect in that of the mother. In early days, therefore, we find two classes distinctly marked off
from the rest of the community, the warrior, including the king and his family, and the priest.-
But all writers on early Hindoo civilization describe the community as divided into four orders.
In addition to the Brahman^ or priest, and the Kshatria^ or warrior, they enumerate the Vaishya,
generally rendered trader, and the Shudra, or servile class. Authors of the middle ages of Hindoo
literature attributed to this division a divine origin, and claim for it antiquity coeval with the race.
It is remarkable, however, that whereas to the present day the order of Br&hmans is well defined,
and that of Kshatrias little less so, no certainty exists as to which of the existing castes can be
ascribed to the Yaishya and which to the Shudra order. There is no need to enter here into the
literary arena on this question, which has been admirably treated by Mr. F. C. Growse, C.I.E., in a
paper reprinted in the Census Report of the North- West Provinces in 1872 ; but there is the fact
* In Kashmir, the most archaio of Indo-Axyan communities, all the Hindoos are Brdhmans^ as the M4h4bhteita
declares all men to have been when first created. Perhaps researches amongst the almost unvisited tribe of the
Siah Posh k^fiis may bring forth still better evidence regarding primitive Aryanism.
t As, for instance, a high-bom Bajput from a Br&hman woman and the Moon-god.
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that^ in the first place» strong evidence exists as to ihe interpolation of the well-known stanza in the
Pnnisha Sukta, secondly, that elsewhere in ancient Sanskrit literature, the two first orders only are
mentioned, and thirdly, that, though traders and artizans are mentioned in iiie epics by names almost
identical with those the same castes now bear, there is no mention of the aggregate of such workers
as a special or homogeneous order. The existence of the Vaishya as a separate order can be doubted,
also, on politieal grounds. It may be borne in mind that, accor^g to the Pur&nic theory, this
order was one of the twice-born, and invested, therefore, with marked social precedence over the
Shudras and mixed races. From their occupations and position, moreover, they must have become
a body of considerable importance even amon»t the regenerate, and an element in the State, there*
fore, -^ich no ruling power could afford to disregard. Nay, further, had there been any cohenon
amongst them, as amongst members of a single class, they could hardly have fuled to have acquired
predominance in the State, as corresponding classes have been found to do in other countries. In all
probability, therefore, there was at no time a definite order known as the Vaishya, and that the
earliest separation after the colonies were formed may be taken to have been the warrior, the priest,
and the servant, the last being the dispossessed owners of the land, retained in a state of collective
servitude, as adscripti glebm. Such a community could not long exist in peace and security without
the formation within it of a middle class, to whom the generic term Vaishya may have been applied.
Authorities differ, however, as to the extent to which this term was used. Duncker, a historian
whom I have already quoted, translates the word *^ tribesman " or *^ comrade," and considers tiiat it
was applied to the whole Aryan community, to distinguish tiiem from tiie Shudras, or old inhabitants,
and that it was borne alike by priest, warrior, and layman, but that in course of time, when the division
between warrior and cultivator or shepherd became wider, the former took the exclusive titie of
Kshatria, the priests that of Brdfaman, and left that of Vaidiya to the Aryan masses. On the other
hand, it appears equally probable that the term may have originated at a far later date, when the
cessation of war, the growing importance of the offspring of mixed marriages between the Aryans
and older inhabitants, and, lastly, the gradual concentration of the population in towns, had tended
to raise up a class, without pretensions to the blood of the two first orders, yet far enough above the
masses ta desire to mark themselves off as of superior rank. This, however, they could do by no
lecoffnised standard. The general assertion that the term Vaishya includes trades, whilst that of
Shudra implies service, is inadequate to cover cases of an honourable service and an ignoble trade,
and so it is as well ta abandon all attempts to classify modem Hindoo middle and lower society under
one or the otiier of these two denominations. A few words remain to be said regarding the other
two X)tder8. It is beyond dispute that in the present day and for many generations back the first
rank has been occupied by the priest It is equally certain, as a fact, of social dynamics, that when
the two ' orders are first differentiated, the order of tiieir social precedence b reversed and history
seems to show that there is no impassable barrier between them. Viswamitra became a Br&hman,
even as, to uee Mr. Qrowse's simile, a Ejiight of the Crusades retired after his expedition to the
peaceful seclusion of a monastery. The first step towards tiie establishment of sacerdotal supremacy
is, as I have said above, the recognition by the community of the exclusive possession on the part
^of a certain dass, of thai power to act as mediators- between man and the supernatural. Such an
acknowledgment' is all the more important, when, as in the case of the Aryan invaders, the helpful
intervention of divine -power is believed to be continually available if asked for by the &ithful in due
fi:>rm. • If, however, we comnranity is kept in a state of confiict with foreign enemies or internal
rivals, the importance thereby attained by the military dasses wiU predominate over the less direct
influence of tiie sacrificer, since the varied fortunes of continuous strugeles will implant a firmer
confidence in large hattidicms' than in the god of batties, and such a feehng will inevitably spread
from the actual combatants to those who live under their proftction. Of this we have an example
in Bomci and a less striking one^in Greece. With the Indo- Aryans it was d^erent. Aa the colonists
pushed tiieir domains further towards the east ihe task of keeping touch witii their ancestral home
in the land of the Seven Bivers^ became more and more difficult, whSst tiie increasing closeness of
tiieir relations with the. old inhabitants <£ their conquests rendered the necessity of some such race*
preservation more prominent. Community of anoestial worship is obviously the most efficient resource
under such cireumstaaoes,. and with the formation of kiger atates by the amalgamation of different
tribes or dans, there arose a special dass composed of the initiated sacrifioers of all the combined
families, to whom alone were known the secrets of the ritual esteemed so hkrhly. The life of war
fell into the background; the fertility of the soil rendered life easy, and tiw Br&hman, itovx being a
fbnctionary subordinate to the warlike interests of the tribe, entered upon the condition of a specu-
lative class, endowed with both dignity and leisure. It was probably at tins period that arose the
transcendental' conception of sacrifice, by means of which the aggregate of tribal priests, after com-
parison of the attributes and virtues of tiieir respective divinities, managed to eliminate .firom their
ritual the Vedic notions of the Kshatrias, and to substitute for these anthropomol^hic tutelaries an
abstract deity inherent in tiie sacrifice which they alone had the power of offering. So tremendous
a power, thus monopolised, and the comparative insignificance into which the state of peace had
reduced Indra and the other gods who warred for the Aryan, seem to have been the steps by which
the Br&hman mounted to tiie chief place in. Hindoo society. As far as the Kshatrias are concerned,
if we disregard Br&hmanic tradition, according to which there is none of that order left on earth, the
change wrought littie material detriment, though there must have been some opposition, pos^bly
enduring for a considerable time. Under the new development, Br&hmanism, from^ denoting an
occupation, had become an hereditary quality,* for pretension to esoteric knowledge is necessarily
* A contrast to the state of society in the present day, when asceticism admits all castes, B r^hmaniRm none.
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exclusive. But in the case of the Kshatrias, the Br&hmans were most careful to maintain that the
soTereignty was hereditary in the Bdjanya class, and at the same time allowed a considerable latitude
in practice, if' not in theory, to the extension of the title of £shatria by mixed marriages, for in
India, as in many other cases, the distinction of order applied first to the male only. So far was
this freedom carried, that when once a Hindoo has attained the position of sovereign it is only a
matter of time for him or his descendants to be admitted as Kshatrias, whilst several classes other
than Bajputs, in the modem acceptation of the term, are popularly known by names that denote a
Kshatria origin.
The principle of heredity, thus established in the leading classes of society, is easily imitated by
the middle grades, and it is, in fact, to the interest of a sacredotal or literate class that this should
be the case. In ancient India, moreover, the presence of a large lower stratum of the native in-
habitants, of a very much lower type of civilisation than that of their conquerors and outnumbering
the latter, is likely to have kept the fact of superiority of race prominently before the eyes of the
crowds of foreigners who had to betake themselves to pursuits also conunon to those whom they
otherwise despised. As civilisation advanced, the accession to wealth and the influence given by
wealth, of a number of families of no doubt mixed race, — ^for even before the establishment of the
Br&hmanical hierarchy the formation of such classes must have begun — ^gave an additional stimulus
to the tendency to exdusiveness similar to that which in Europe was given by the gilds of trade and
industry. In the one case, however, the ^Ids were self-constituted and recruited by apprentices
admitted from outside, fading into disuse under the influence of free competition. In the other, tiie
corporation was derived from some fancied conunon origin, and the members bound together by here-
ditary ties, their places being taken in turn by their descendants. There are still a few industries,
notably of ornament, such as enamelling and brocade, which are conducted solely by the members of
a single family, who secure to themselves the profits of their invention by means of strict secrecy,
whereas in Europe they would be reaped in the shape of a premium on its extended use. This is,
however, it is unnecessary to say, quite exceptional, as the efEect of the hereditary tendency, ex-
emplified by caste or industry, has been metophorically of an hour-glass form. The occupation was
contracted into a gild, and the gild, under modem influences, is expanding into a variety of occupa-
tions. In places where the occupations specially flourish it is not improbable that anew oa^te' with
a local name will be the result, and a similar result follows tiie success of even a subdivision of an
occupation under favourable circumstances. Caste^making, therefore, is still in progress, not only
in the shape of new gilds, but, as mentioned in Chapter III., in that of new schi«ns also, as well as
in the reception into the Br&hmanical fold of new tribes of Aboriginals or of others who have won
worldly success in various directions. Even within the fold there are changes going on between the
secular orders. The aim of a successful member of a middle rank caste is often to raise himself a
grade in society, and owing to the immense field of Hindoo scripture and mythology, the required
proof is not unfrequentiy forthcoming when sufficient funds are expended on research. Such changes
are regarded with little or no disfavour by the priesthood. Their own ranks being closed they fear
no intrusion, and other orders being in collective subordination to them, it matters little what ripples
disturb the surface on which they look down. Exoteric Hindooism is practically composed of two
sects of duties, those to the caste and those to the shrine, though the latter are dependent, I believe,
to a great extent on the caste custom. To this institution, therefore, is due the current morality
and general tone of society amongst the greater portion of the people of this country, and it is in
consideration of its importance as a social factor that I have endeavoiured to trace in outline its origin
and development.
lliere are a few special circumstances in connexion with the caste system in this Presidency that
may be just mentioned here^ as tending to throw some light on the nomenclature and distribution of
the various subdivisions to which I propose to call attention below. The first is the relative strength of
the original Aryan element in the population and the way it was introduced. Starting from the
earliest Cis-Himalayan settiements of the Aryans in the great river valleys of the north, the coloni-
sation of the country south and west of the Vindhiyas must have been a work of a long time. The
obvious routes which immigrants were likely to follow are either those through B£jput&na to the
north of Gojarfit, where they meet a similar desert track from the Indus, or those entering the north-
east and east of Eh&ndesh. From what is ascertained about the course of Aryan occupation in the
north of India, it miffht be presumed that the movement southwards in the direction last mentioned
took place at a mucn later period than that through the desert, but I am not aware that this is
corroborated by the existing composition of society in the respective divisions. This much, however,
can be said, that the Rajput or Kshatri element is very strong in G^ujardt, whilst the traces of pastoral
colonisation is equally apparent in the fertile tract of Eh&ndesh, and the Ahir class, which is found
in the latter country, belongs, no doubt, to the second stage of Aryan settlement when the middle
class of the foreigners had begun to join in the occupations of the older inhabitants. The latter
element, which, were it not for the question-begging character of the epithet, it could be convenient
to term Aboriginal, is found strongly marked throughout the Presidency Division, except, perhaps,
amongst the Bi^hmans and Gujardt Kshatrias. This, however, is only what is to be expected when
the expansion of a purer race takes place across wide stretches of desert or difficult mountain ranges
instead of in a continuous and regular stream along the course of large and fertile valleys, such as
those of the Granges and Junma. The development of caste in this part of the country has conse-
quendy been very irregular, and in comparison with what I understand to be the case nearer the
cradle-land of the system, its power and restrictions are unquestionably feeble and less directiy
connected with the original practice.
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Beginning with the north-western gate of colonisation, we find everywhere traces of a strong Kshatria
inroad. Bajputs are settled as landholders and owners of villages in a quasi-feudal state, each petty Chief
surrounded by the subordinate members of his &mily. The principle of joint or collective ownership is
strongly developed and has spread from the Rajputs to the class immediately below them in the social
scale. This principle necessarily implies hereditary right, so that the village system is fairly preserved
in the upper portions of Gujardt. Another feature is the position of the older inhabitants, the Talabda,
or Taldvia. The land in this part of the country is particularly fertile, and the original possessors,
assuming for the moment that they are original, have maintained their ownership, though without
reaching the status of the Bajput or Lewa. In the districts immediately to the south this class have
either retreated to the forest, or remained on their land chiefly as the predial serfs of the landholders
of superior class. Here the Kshatria element is weaker, there is little collective ownership of village
lands, and consequently less hereditary position in the village oligarchy. The land, too, being less
fertile and remunerative, greater inequality is found between the agricultural and the other classes of
society.
In the Deccan, again, though the distinctions of caste are very marked, the strong hold which the
principle of hereditary claim has upon the majority of the classes, and the inte^ty of the village
system with which that principle is connected, seem to indicate an earlier or less disturbed settlement.
This part of the country, from Khandesh downwards, has been the scene of uncounted struggles
between different races, and has witnessed the passage of even more numerous military expeditions,
from the Ramayana to Assaye. There has been, however, little colonisation, withal, except in Khandesh.
The armies came, fought, and went away, leaving few but their dead behind them. The mushroom
plantations from the north introduced little beyond industrial innovation, so that the villages have
remained but slightly affected by political changes, and, including Brfihmans, over 73 per cent, of the
population is comprised in seven castes, whilst most of the remainder belongs to the three or four
classes of artizans that are to be found in all but the smallest hamlets.
The Konkan has in the north a special Aboriginal element, and though a more advanced class of
the older inhabitants of the coast form the greater part of the population, the fact that they have
adopted the Hindoo system of religion and abandoned the forest for fishing and for more skilled and
regular cultivation, prevents their immediate recognition. In the south there is apparently a strong
connexion between the cultivating classes of the coast and those of the table-land above, though the
comparative poverty of the former doubtless tends to weaken the link. A peculiar feature along this
coast and extending to K&nara and the Malab&r district is the colony of Brahmans of the Gkind, or
northern class, not found in such strength in any other part of the Presidency.
In the Kamdtic table-land the distinction of religious sect has, as I mentioned in Chapter III.,
tended in great measure to obscure that of caste. The generic term Lingaiat is used of nearly all
the ordinary subdivisions of Hindoo society, whilst that of Mardtha, covers similar subdivisions of
the sect prevailing in the adjacent country to the north. It will be seen from the caste lists
published in Appendix C* that a very large proportion of the 830 names or thereabouts are
appropriated to castes from this part of the country, and I have no doubt that a person versed in
the vital distinctions of caste and with greater experience of the Kamatic than myself, could have
materially abridged this list by more correct classification of local varieties under a single heading, f
The district of Kanara is quite exceptional as to its castes, many of which are not found even in die
immediately adjacent territory. It has received, probably, a considerable influx of the upper classes
from the south, — a fact scarcely to be traced in other parts of the Presidency with the exception of
a few cultivators of respectable position who have entered the south-eastern districts.
Lastly, I have to call attention to the apparent system of nomenclature prevailing amongst the castes.
The two upper orders carry the meaning of their names on the surface. The third, if it ever existed in
a concrete form, may mean either colonist or trader, whilst Shudrahas been conjectured to be an Abori-
ginal term found in the Upper Gknges Valley, as it is not Sanskrit, and has no analogous meaning in
that tongue. As regards the modern appellations with which we have to deal in the Census schedules, it
seems a very general rule, though not universal, that subdivisions of Brahmans and Wani&, or traders,
take their names chiefly from places, and those of artizans from their occupations. Local names are given,
however, to other classes under special circumstances, such as when the class is confined to a restricted
area, as the Chunw&lia Kolis, the Surati Dheds, and the Kunknas, or Konkani Kunbis of the Gh&ts
and the Bang forests. It is also f oimd to some extent amongst the large class of Kunbis in Khandesh
and the North Deccan. The subdivisional names of the Karnatic agriculturist's and artizans, as far
as my not very extended acquaintance with them goes, appear to be connected with. religion, when
not simply professional. In times considerably later than the formation of the caste we often find
schisms of a subdivision that, instead of taking a separate local name, perhaps from the desire of
maintaining a closer connexion with their original condition, designate themselves as the Tenth, or
Twentieth of the caste, as the Dasa Shrimdli, the Visa Porwal, &c. Though this is found chiefly in
Gujardt and amongst the trading classes, it is not unknovm in other parts of the country, as amongst
the Jains of the Karndtic, which belong to two great subdivisions of the Fourth and the Fifth. In
* Page i to xL
t As regaids most of the rest of the Presidency Division the classification of castes was conducted, as far as
possible, in accordance with the information on this head found in the published volumes of Mr. J. M. Campbell's
Bombay Gazetteer, but unfortunately, this valuable aid was not available for the southern districts.
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the case of Brahmans, too^ we find fanoif iil denominations, such as the ^' One hundred and twenty-
five *' (Sawash^), the descendants of that number of devoted &iends who rallied round a Brahman
whom they held to have been ezconununicated unjustly. There are also the twenty-four (Chovisa)
of Gujarat, which comes into this category.
I will now bring to notice the principal castes returned in the Presidency, taking them first in
relation to their numerical strength only.
Numerical Strength.
The most generally distributed subdivisions and those that contain 100,000 persons and upwards
have been shown by sex and district in Table YIII. in Appendix A. A more detailed list is given
in Appendix C, as well as a statement showing the territorial distribution of the more important
castes which are not strong enough numerically to find a place in the Imperial return.
There is one main difference, however, between Table VIIL and the rest, namely, that as the
former constitutes an integral portion of a series with other branches
of which its entries are required to be compared, the strength of
tribes that come under the head of Aboriginals is there shown only
as that which was returned as non-Hindoo, whereas in the other
statements, the religion returned has been held subordinate to the
tribe, disregarding, that is, the probable idiosyncracies of enumera-
tors, as I have already stated in Chapter III. By this change,
therefore, the population dealt with in the following remarks is
distributed as shown in the margin, instead of giving the number
of Hindoos and Aboriginals as 12,003,503 and 476,638 respec-
tively, as in Table III. of the Imperial Series. The transfer thus
affects the number of 225,519 persons, chiefly in Khdndesh and Thana districts. The first class
taken into consideration will be the Hindoos. The numerical distribution of the main subdivisions
of this community can be seen from the following statement, in which they are grouped according
to their strength into four classes : —
Religion.
Number.
Hindoo
Mahammedan
Jain
Aboriginal
11,777,984
1,133,927
215,033
702,157
Total
13,829,101
(a) Castes contaming 100,000 persons a/nd over.
Strength.
1. Mar4tha Eunbi (YI)
2. Mahir or Dhed (VII)
3. Talabda Eoli (YI)
4 Dhangar and Kurbar
6. Panchams&li (YI)
6. M4K (VI) -
7. Mar4tha KoU (VI)
8. Deshasth Brahman (I)
9. Lewa Kanbi (VI) -
10. TeU or Gh4nohi (V)
11. Agria and Mithagria (VI)
12. Ohambhiur or Khalpa (V)
13. MaDg(Xn)
14. Haj4m or Nhdvi (IX)
15. Bhand4ri(VI)
16. Son4r (V) -
17. Kumbhdr (V)
18. Sut4r(V) .
19. Konkani KoK (VI)-
20. Berad (Bedar) (XTTT)
21. Dubla (Talavia) (VI)
22. Wanjara (VIE)
23. Gujarat Bajpnt (II)
24. Kadwa Eanbi (VI)
Total Number
Per-centage on Total Hindoos
8,403,059
852,523
639,141
472,167
288,875
252,141
244,146
252,804
215,928
175,841
170,302
163,102
161,970
136,906
134,656
130,486
124,405
122,607
120,006
118,335
106,332
105,885
105,595
100,365
8,587,577
72-91
(o) Castes cotUaming from 10»000 to 50,000.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
(b) Castes corUcdning from 50,000 to 100,000.
Jangam(VI) .... 96,449
Darji or Shimpi (V) - - - 95,747
Konkanasth Br&hman (I) - - - 79,183
Koflhti(V) 78,586
Loh4r(V) 64,191
Raddi(VI) .... 58,382
Parit(IX) .... 58,107
WaddarfXni) .... 54,631
Hmdusth4ni Bajput (11) - - - 52,396
Gurao 51,054
Total Number
Per-oentage on Total Hindoos
688,726
5-86
1. Bhoi (Vm)
2. Sadar (VI)
3. Ohunw41ia Koli (VI)
4. Bhangi (XII)
5. H&lepaik (VI.) -
6. Bdmoshi (XIH) .
7. SfiJi (V) -
8. Hayik Brahman (I)
9. Panchal (VI)
10. GauU (VH)
U. Audich Brahman (I)
12. Gosavi (XI)
13. Wdghri (Xni) -
14. Bharwad (VQ) .
15. Khatri(V)
16. M4ohhi (Vni) .
17. Ganndi and Kadia (V)
18. K6sar (V) -
19. Chattri (II)
20. Kharwa (VHI) .
21. Anawala Brahman
22. Maratha Bajput (H)
23. R4walia (XHI) .
24. Karh4d^ Br4hman (I)
25. Babari(Vni)
26. LohAna (IV)
27. Kab^r (VI)
28. Hal&kkigand (VI) -
29. Saraawat Brahman (I)
30. Mochi (V) -
31. KabUg^r (VI)
Total Number
Per-centage on Total Hindoos
Strength.
48i398
44,317
43,895
43,688
43,061
43,037
40,484
39,723
39,148
38,560
37,871
33,851
32,051
31,676
30,968
29,996
29,100
27,614
27,415
26,298
24,700
24,371
23,608
23,040
22,810
22,377
22,310
22,169
22,156
21,584
20,347
980,622
8^3
(d) Castes containing from 10,000 to 20,000.
1. L4d W4niit (IV) - - - - 19,603
2. K4ohi4(VI) . - - - 18,758
3. Kudwakkal (VI) - - - - 17,446
4. Adi-Banjigar (IV) - - - - 17,406
5. G4bit (VBl) .... 16,982
6. Vaish W4ni4 (IV) - - - - 16,480
7. Hdtg4r (V) .... 16,246
8. Khedayita W4ni4 (IV) - - - 15,533
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strength.
9. Bh4t (X) -
15,067
10. Fanbar (VI)
14,998
11. Lam4n (XTTT)
14,566
12. Korvi (XTTT)
14,106
18. K^yaeth Parbhn (III)
14. Bhdtda (IV)
13,666
13,193
15. Rangari (V) - - -
12,912
16. Modh W^.nia (IV) -
12,897
17. DJior and Dabgir (V)
12,799
18. Loniri (V) -
12,779
19. Shenvi Brdhman -
12,481
20. Gola (XTTT)
11,905
21. Bhansar (V) - - -
11,760
22. Modh Brahman (I)
11,720
23. Khed&wal (I) . . -
11,575
24. Shind^ (Yi) . . .
- 11,508
25. Gaud^ (Vi)
11,503
26. K4m&thi (XUl) -
11,153
27. Mang^ (VHI) -
11,080
28. Sherugfix (XTTT) -
10,926
29. Dhobi (TX) - - -
- 10,640
30. G4mwakkal (VI) -
31. Mew4da Br^aiman (I)
- 10,572
10,418
32. Burad (V) -
10,199
33. Patella (VI)
10,042
Total Number
. 442,909
Per-centage on Total Hindoos
3-76
(e) Persona retumi/ng general and indefirdte titles.
Strength.
1. liingiiat (VI)
2. Lingiiat WaJii (IV)
3. Wania (TV)
4. Gnjar (VI)
5. Gujar Wania (TV) -
Mardtha W4nia (TV)
Sadhu (XI)
Gaud Brahman (I) -
Gujar4ti Brahman -
Mah4rastra Brahman (I)
Gujar4ti Koli (VI)
M&rwadi Wania \ rr^
Meshri Wania / ^^^^
6
7,
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
109,094
56,256
71,514
31,817
32,693
45,018
10,110
22,408
15,304
12,797
70,478
15,565
Total Number - 493,054
Per-centage on Total Hindoo Population 4*19
SUMMABT.
Over 100,000 persons -
72-91
50,000—100,000
5-85
20,000—50,000
8-33
10,000—20,000
3-76
Under 10,000
4-96
Of unspecified title
4-19
10000
Thus there are 24 castes, containing in the aggregate nearly 73 per cent, of the Hindoo popula-
tion, which have respectively a strength of 100,000 persons and over. One of these, the Maratha
Kunbi, comprises about four times as many persons as that which comes nearest to it in numbers.
Of the rest, eight contain over 200,000 persons. The collective strength of the group containing
from 50,000 to 100,000 persons is equivalent to 5*85 per cent, of the whole, and includes only 10
castes. In it are two considerably larger than the rest and falling short of 100,000 by but a com-
paratively small number. In the third group are 31 castes, containing about 8'33 per cent, of the
population. The caste that heads this collection is the only one which is markedly different in
numbers from the rest The last group has the largest number of castes, but this number is very
slightly above that in the group above, whilst the relative strength of the population included is only
3*76 on the total Hindoo community. In addition to the castes falling within these fout groups are
several which are shown under heading (e), since though the subdivision to which they belong is not
rietumed, a fairly approximate guess can be made in the case of most of them as to the class to which
they may probably be assigned. The Wania (3), for instance, is no doubt a fraction of the Lingaiat
Wania (2), and the number shown under the latter heading contains, too, some who are not merely
Wanias, but husbandmen also. It is the same with Gujars (4) and Gujar Wania (6). The Gaud
Brdhmans (8), too, are mostly Shenvi, and might be included in that caste (19) in group (d). The
Gujarati Koli (11) are mostly offshoots of the Talabdas given as No. 3 in group (a), but the rest of
the castes that come in category (e) arc not so distinctly traceable. The whole group contains, in the
aggregate, some 4*9 of the population.
Of the entire body of Hindoos returned in the detailed caste list under about 830 diflFerent headings,
nearly 91 per cent., are as here shown, in 98 subdivisions, containing respectively 10,000 persons and
upwards, whilst about 4*2 per cent, of the rest have returned themselves under 13 general or
indefinite titles. The remaining 5 per cent, or thereabouts, have not, unless for some special reason,
been shown in the detailed provincial returns.
It will be observed by those familiar with the castes of this Presidency, that in the above statement
a single heading covers a caste which from territorial distribution has been split into a variety of
divisions probably distinct in a social sense from each other, as, for ex^imple, the Darjis and Shimpis
or the Hajams and Nhavis. The reason for such combinations is that the eponymic occupation is the
same in all cases and the separation in the detailed tables of the different local divisions renders it
unnecessary to maintiiin the distinction when treating of the whole as an economic or social sub-
division. There are instances even more latent, such as those of the Sutars or the Kumbhars, who do
not inter-marry with the castes of the same title coming from another division and using a diflFerent
home-language. Their position in the social scale, however, is almost, if not quite, indentical in each
case, and the difiences between them which it is important to notice in this work are found from
statistics which will be taken into consideration later on to be due chiefly to locality and local custom,
not to intrinsic variation.
Classification of Subdivisions.
Before I enter upon the subject of territorial distribution of these castes, I propose to explain
briefly the classification adopted, to which should be referred the Boman numerals that follow each
name in the list. It was originally suggested that the only classification required was that of social
grades according to standards generally accepted amongst the Hindoos themselves. This, however,
apart from the arbitrary nature of the standard, admits of so few classes as to be practically useless,
and if it were adopted, would show by far the greater portioa of the community under a single
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doDomination. NotwithstaDding this objection, in colnnin 5 of the detailed list given at the beginning
of Appendix C, this social rank has been indicated, as far as any trustworthy information is available.
It must be borne in mind, though, that almost all native o£SciaIs of rank, and all that have given
special attention and study to this subject belong to one class, so distinct from the rest in social
position that it is hardly worth their while to consider any systematic classification of the masses as a
labour of practical value or importance. There are, no doubt, rules of precedence, and as far as the
Deccan is concerned, a sort of scale was compiled by Mr. Steele, in an old work on the castes of that
region, but this is not comprehensive enough, even if trustworthy, for a general list, like that returned
at a census.
I have therefore regarded for the purpose of classification the eponymic occupation of all classes
below those of Brdhman and Kajput as indicative of social position to a degree sufficient for general
tables, such as those given at the end of this volume. There are, no doubt, instances of wrong
arrangement to be discovered, but as regards the main subdivisions of the Hindoo population, com-
prising all that contain above 10,000 persons, the grouping has been aided by the second part of the
provincial caste table in Appendix C. in which these castes have been shown according to the
occupations most prevalent amongst them.* The classification is headed witli the Brdhmans and
Kshatrias, and with regard to these it may be mentioned that only such subdivisions have been
included amongst them as are admittedly and by general consent, entitled to this rank. There are
two or three castes, if not more, which have strong claims to Brahman or Kshatria descent, but
which are not generally acknowledged to belong to those classes. I will mention, these special
instances later on, when the separate castes are being considered. It is not irrelevant, however, to
state here, that the whole of the third class, that of the Writers^ have a distinct strain of Kshatria
blood, not only in this Presidency, but in Upper India, where they are stronger in number as well as
in influence. After the writers come the Tradersy a class which, owing to the extensive intermixture
of production and distribution in India, is not so definitely marked off as those which precede it.
One large division coming under this head is that of the Wania, or traders proper, who are shown in
a separate group at page xxviii of Appendix C, and the remainder consists either of partial culti-
va^rs, or of those coming under a head which from want of sufficient accuracy in the schedule must
necessarily include both traders and others, as, for instance, Lingdiat and Gujar. The fifth class is
that of the Artizans, which is inferior in numbers to the next class, that of Agriculturists, alone. If
we look not merely to the name, but to the occupation also, it will be found that the less skilled
industries and agriculture mutually overlap to a great extent, a distribution that may be expected to
be concomitant with the village system.
The Cultivating class is the largest in the list, and contains more than half the entire community.
It is probable, too, that some of the castes included in the miscellaneous and labouring order are
mostly employed in connexion with the land. The seventh class, also that of the Shepherds and
graziers^ which consists of two or three main castes, is largely engaged in cultivation, except in
Gujarat, where there is less room for the development of this kind of occupation, and the land is
taken up to the utmost extent by the more exclusively agricultural castes. The eighth group is that
of the Fishers and seafaring classes generally. This section is but a small one as a large number of
fishermen belong to the caste of Kolis of the Konkan, who are as much engaged in agriculture as in
the more primitive occupation. A curious alternative pursuit is to be found in the chief caste entered
in this group, namely, that of carrying litters and pdlkis, which is as much the profession of the Bhois
in this Presidency as it apparently is in the more noi-thern and eastern part of the continent The
ninth class, that of Personal servants^ is composed of the two main castes, the barbers and the washer-
men. These are to be found in small numbers in all but the very poorest villages. Under the head
of Minor professions— ^Vi term I have borrowed from the Qtizetteer, — come the genealogists and the
temple servants, who are also the principal manufacturers of the leaf -plates used at caste-meetings and
other festive gatherings. The rest of the castes in this order belong to the acting and dancing
fraternity, a great number of whom included amongst those who returned no settled residence have
probably a more lucrative but less reputable means of livelihood than that recorded at the Census.
Included in this category, too, are the village mifsicians, and the wandering rope-dancers and
tumblers. The eleventh class comprises the De-
votees and religious mendicants (not Brahmans), and
also the caste of half-beggars, half-astrologers or
fortune-tellers. ITie twelfth group is that of the
Depressed castes^ sometimes erroneously termed out-
casts. The hereditary occupation of by far the
largest number of these is village service of the lower
description, but with the improvement of communi-
cations they have spread over the country as general
labourers and factory hands. One class amongst
them has almost the monopoly of the preparation
and manufacture of hemp fibre and of rope-twisting.
Another, and the lowest, as well as the smallest
recorded in detail is engaged in scavenging. From
the marginal table it will be seen that this class
comes third in numerical strength. Next below
them are the Shepherds with the Brahmans but a
Actual and Relative Strength of the different Hindoo
Classes.
Per-centage of
Class.
Number.
Hindoo Popula-
tion.
I. Br&hmans -
650380
5-63
II. Rajputs ... -
214,186
1-82
III. Writere
24,622
0-21
IV. Traders ....
436.451
3-70
V. Artizatis
1,280,648
10-87
VI. Cultivators
6,507,691
5-25
VII. Graziers, &c.
6as,472
6-85
VIII. Seafarers - . - -
147,5.V8
1-25
IX. Personal scrvico -
206.947
1-70
X. Minor professions
99,468
0-84
XI. Devotees
68,858
0-58
XII. Depressed and unclean -
1,096,542
9-31
XIII. Labouring, miscellaneouji,
and unclassed -
856,6S1
3-08
Total
11.777,984
100-00
* Disoiepanoies are, nevertheless, to be fonnd between the two, as in the case of Sherng&rs, for instance, owin^
to the completion and publication of the caste list before the whole of the occupation retnm&were before me.
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abort way behind. The Traders and Labourers come next, and after the Rajputs and the Servants
there are but the Fishers who number more than 1 per cent of the entire Hindoo population.
W^ith this general description of the system of classification adopted in this work, I pass on to the
consideration of the relative strength and territorial distribution of the different castes shown in the
comparative table that precedes this chapter * It will be convenient to take up the list in the order
of classification, which has, moreover, been observed in posting the castes in the table. I will begin,
therefore, with the subdivisions of the important order of the Brdhmans.
Bbahmans.
The list gives the number of Br&hman subdivisions as about 147, but the 14 tribes shown in the
comparative table comprise more than 80 per cent, of the whole order, and nearly 8 per cent more are
returned simply under the race distinction as Mar&thi, Gujar or Gaud Br^hmans. By far the most
numerous class is that of the Deshasth, or Deccani Brahman, which contain with their northern sub-
divisions of probably Gujardti origin more than 37 per cent, of the whole sacerdotal class. It is not
certain, 1 believe, how far the sections known as Maitrayani and Madhyandini in Khdndesh and Ndsik
are of distinctly Maharashtra descent, but most of them seem to return themselves under the general
term Deshasth.! As, too, the Pals^ Brsfhmans of the North Konkan. After these, who are, as a rule,
dwellers of the table-land, and found chiefly in the Deccan and Kamatic above the Gh&ts, the most
numberous section is the Konkanasth, otherwise known as the Chitpawan, a Marathi variety which
rose to notoriety in the time of the Peshwas, who belonged to their community. Though more than
half the total strength of this subdivision is still found in the Konkan which is the land of their origin,
the establishment of the seat of government at Poona by the Peshwd attracted numbers of families to
the capital, where they have ever since remained as one of the most enterprising and best educated
classes of the whole Brahman order. They are to be found in all liberal professions wherever there
is an opening, and besides the Peshwas, can count in their ranks some of the ablest Hindoos of the
west of India. Between these two sections of Maharashtra Brahmans and the rest there is, numeri-
cally speaking, a great gap. The Havik, a tribe of cultivators in Kanara, are the next in order, but
reach only 6 per cent, of the whole. We then come to the most numerous clan of the Brahmans of
Gujardt, a division where this order is split up into more than 80 subdivisions. The Audich
number 5*82 of the whole order, and are found in nearly all parts of the province. Next to them
come the Anawalas, originally entirely, and still largely, a colonising and cultivating community.
They are mostly confined to the Surat district, where they were of yore granted large tracts of land to
bring under tillage. In course of time they have extended their influence into the liberal professions,
and many of the higher government servants of the district are of this section. Three more sections
of the Gujardt family of Brahmans are shown in the table, though none of them reach a strength of
over 2 per cent, of the whole. The mofet important of these three is the Nagar, with its subdivisions
named after the place of their origin. This section holds, I believe, a very high place in the scale of
purity, even amongst the Brahmanical authorities of Northern India, and is very powerful in the
numerous Native courts of the Peninsula of Kathiawar, as well as largely supplying employ^ to the
Government offices of the main land. The Karhade section, though it takes its name from a piace^in
the Deccan, is found chiefly in the Konkan, and has a relative strength of a little over 3*50 per cent,
of the Brahmans as a whole. We then come to the curiously isolated Gtiud colony located along the
western coast. The Saraswats, with their subdivision of the Sashtekars, are found in the southern
part of the Bombay coast, in Kanara, though there are representatives, probably of a different sub-
division, in nearly every part of the Presidency Division. Extending from Kanara to the northwards
are the Shcnvi (^aiids, who are also much subdivided. One section of them is engaged principally
in trade and take their name from the place where they originally settled in this part of India. Others
are cultivators and are found in the south of Batndgiri. A thurd division is a literate class, and are
employed in numbers under Government and in commercial offices in Bombay. In the comparative
table there is no distinct separation between this class and the unspecified Gauds of the Konkan and
the capital city. There is a tendency amongst* the indigenous Brahmans, such as the Deshasth and
Chitpawans, to regard the local Gauds as of a lower class than themselves, owing, I understand, to a
more than usually hazy tradition regarding the advent of the others from the Bhdrat land of the
northern settlements, and also to their more liberal notions on the scriptural regulations regarding
diet. There are, on the other hand, the Kanojia or K&nkubja sections of northern Brdhmans, many
of whom have come from the region of Oudh and Cawnpore within the memory of man, and who
though as a rule poorer and employed in less honourable occupations than the Brahmans of Maha-
rashtra, are regarded as of a higher rank l)y the rest ; and, theoretically, are not allowed to hold inter-
course either by feast or marriage with the Brahman of the west This class is scattered all over the
country, and Kanojias are to be found in the ranks of the army, the police, on the railways, as dunning
agents in the service of money-lenders. As regards the territorial distribution of the order of Brdh-
mans, it will be seen from the table that in the Konkan the ratio corresponds almost exactly with that
of the distribution of the whole body of Hindoos. In the capital city the ratio of the literate class is,
as is to be expected, a little above that of the rest of their co-religionists. The same disproportion is
more noticeable in the Kamatic, where there is the large colony of Haviks and of Gaud traders. In
Gujarat the Brahman clement is still more marked in comparison with the strength of the rest, whilst
in the Deccan the ratio of the latter rises far above that of the Brdhmans. The explanation seems to
* The detailed aocomit of the castes that f oxms part of each volmne of the Qaasetteer renders it snpeiflnoiifl to
give in this work more than a very general description of the different sabdivisionB, snffioient to iUnstsate the
tahlea lelating to the subject.
t As, too, the Pals^ Brdhmans of the North Konkan. *
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be that in Gujarat the comparative wealth of the upper classes allows of an increased number of
temples and of larger endowments, apart from the greater sectarian fervour which, as was noticed in
the third chapter of this work, is manifested amongst the laity of Gujarat. In the Deccan, on the
other hand, the population is both more scattered and of a lower general average, materially if not
intellectually and devotionally. It may be also the case that the wider political education of the
Deccan and the freedom from the competition of other literate classes has led the BrlUunan of that
region to prefer the occupations of the laymen to the segregation of his own fraternity in religious
institutions. Taking the order in more detail it will be seen from the table that the Gujarati sections
are, if the Bombay City contingent bo omitted, almost entirely localised to the province of their origin,
whilst the Mardthi element is scarcely traceable in Gujarat. There are> however, the remnants of the
former regime to be found in the ranks of Government servants who have been settled in the north
from the time when their ancestors were brought from the Deccan by the various favourites of the
court at Poena and who have never returned to their birth-country. The Gujarfiti Brahmans found
in the Deccan and Konkan, on the contrary, are probably the results of the more recent settlement of
traders from Gujardt who have made fortunes in foreign parts, and prefer to carry with them their
ancestral worship to returning to their homes. There are, too, sections of Gujardti Brahmans who
act as cooks to other classes of their own if not, as some do in Southern India, to other orders. The
Ghkud element is but weakly represented, except, as has been just mentioned, on the coast. One class
is found indigenous to Gujar&t, the rest enumerated there are probably immigrants from the south.
Lastly, before passing to the next class, I may mention that the sections of the Brahman order that
have been detailed in the table are divided, exclusive of the undenominated, into 54*08 Mdh&rashtra,
14*09 Gujarati, 6*20 Gaud, and 6-10 Eam&tic.
Rajputs.
Of the Rajputs only four classes (and one undefined) have been tabulated, because it has been
thought scarcely worth the labour to enter into all the clans, some 60 in number, which are
distinguished by the Eshatria community itself. Such a distinction should no doubt be maintained
in the case of certain sections and in certain localities, where, as in Cutch or Eathiawar, the infor-
mation is required for special administrative purposes, but it is void of use or interest from a general
statistical point of view. The largest class of this order that is found in the Presidency Division is
that of the Gujar&ti Rajput, which may be generally described as an agricultural class, though not
always a cultivating one. It includes the large estate holders of the north of the division as well as
the probable offshoots of these families who have settled as ordinary cultivators in most of the
districts. The Gujarati section forms almost one half of the entire Rajput community. Next in
number come the Rajputs or Eshatrias from Hindusthdn. These are mostly in the army or engaged
as private watchmen or messengers. They are scattered all over the Deccan and Kamatic, and it is
very likely that their claim to Rajput blood would be less generally put forward in their own country
than it is in that of their adoption. The Chattris of the Eamatic are cultivators, and do not appear
beyond the limits of the Southern Division. The Gujarat Rajput, too, is not found out of that
province, except perhaps in the capital city. The third class, that of the Maratha Rajput, is not a
very large or a very distinct one. It comprises, no doubt, the old Marathi nobles, or Mankari
faniilies, with their nelatives by blood and adoption, and also other Marathas, whose ancestors may
have acquired the position during the troubled times of the Deccan wars. The undefined Rajput is
to be found chiefly in Bombay City, and seems to be mostly of foreign origin of the class known
elsewhere as Hindusth&ni or Pardeshi. The Eshatria element then is strong only in the north of
Gujarat) where the Rajputs are in possession of the soil, and in the Deccan, where the traditions of
the supremacy of their race are of comparatively recent date. In the latter case, however, it is not
unlikely that the feeling of patriotism has ousted that of race.
Writers.
The small special class which follows almost exclusively the occupation of clerks and Government
servants, comprises few subdivisions beyond the four that are shown in the comparative table. All
of these claim, as has been mentioned above, descent from the Kshatria order, and in most instances
the pretension appears to be well founded, having regard to the elastic nature of the relations between
that order and the rest of the Hindoos before the caste system was run into its present mould. It is
most probable that the number included in the first section, that of the Brfihroa-Eshatrias, is under-
stated in the return, owing to the record of the Deccan branch of this caste as Thakurs, without
qualification, a term which, originally applicable to Kajputs alone, has been adopted here, as in other
parts of India, by a race very low down in the present day in the social scale, whatever their claim
by birth may be. It seems that more than half the order is comprised in the caste of Eayasth-
Prabhus^ and that the next in strength is the second di^sion of Prabhus known, probably from their
original place of abode, as the Patane. The Brahma-Eshatria and true, or Walmik, Eayasth, form
together but 18 per cent of the entire order. The local distribution of the castes as they are returned
is very circumscribed. The monopoly of clerical service by Brahmans in the Deccan, and the
similarity of the circumstances in the Earndtic to those of its neighbour to the north, has not allowed
the special class under consideration to gain a strong foothold above the Ghats. Of the four sections
shown, two are found principally in Gujarat, one in the Eonkan, and the other in the capital city.
The last-named is the point apparently to which these classes tend, as in the free competition of a
commercial city the hereditary qualification of the Brahman as the educated class is postponed in
favour of personal merit In ad<fition to the profession of writing, the Brahma- Eshatrias of Gujardt
appear to have occupied in Broach a position somewhat similar to that of the Anawalas in Suratji
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thongh to a much smaller extent, and there are in the former district estate holders of this cla^s^ a
fact which, in default of claim to Brahman ancestry, may be some support to that actually put forward
to kinship with the Kshatrias, who were in possession of this tract
Tradebs.
A considerable portion of the trade of this Presidency is carried on, as has been stated more than
once in the course of this work, by persons who profess the Jain religion ; but I am now about to
consider the trading dasees of the Hindoos only. There are about 10 of these which reach the
numerical standard adopted for the comparative table, and the aggregate of all 10 constitute about
74 per cent, of the trading community. To these may be added the 16 per cent, of traders of un-
defined caste, who, judging from the districts in which they were returned, are to be counted amongst
the Lingaiats. This raises the total to about 90 per cent. There are 8*2 per cent, of these who
belong to the northern Bombay sections of Bhattias and Lohanas. The latter are more numerous in
Sind than elsewhere, and most of those enumerated in the Presidency Division are found in the
capital city or in Gujarat, both of which are in easy communication with the country from which the
Lohana generally comes. The home of the Bhattias is Cutch, and they are not found elsewhere in
any considerable strength except in Bombay City and in Gujarat. In the latter division, however,
they seem to be of a lower type than in the former, and to be occupied in cattle dealing and milk
selling instead of in commerce.
We then come to the large class which goes by the generic name of Wdnia. Except in Gujarat
these people are very indistinctly returned in the schedules. For instance, in the Deccan the ordinary
appellation of a Wania who hails from Gujardt is Gujar ; but in Khandesh, where there has been a
considerable influx of cultivators from Gujarat, the latter, too, are known by the same title, and this
may be the case elsewhere, if similar colonies are in existence. It will be seen that this generic name
of Gujar is very common in the Deccan, where to the village accountant every person coming from
Gujarat is a Gujar, and also in the capital city, where the returns, having been left in great measure
to the householders themselves, gave little but the most general caste names. Taking the return as
it stands, we can divide the trading classes, apart from those indigenous to Sind and Cutch, into
three or four sections. The first is that of Gujaratis, the most extensive and widest spread of all
who exercise commerce or wholesale dealing, apart from mere village shopkeeping. The next is the
Marathi Wani, of whom there are two divisions ; one comes from the Konkan, but has made its way
to the country above the Ghats, the other is the indigenous Deccan Wani, who has, in the north, a
strong mixture of Gujarat blood. Thirdly, comes the Karnatic trader, or Lingaiat, to use the term
he has himself preferred in his schedule. This is a very indefinite class, as the cultivator of most of
the Karnatic table land is also returned under the same appellation. Lastly, there is the Marwadi,
or immigrant from Central India and Bajputana. He is returned also under the more definite title
of Oswal, Porwal, or even Meshri, though the last only serves to distinguish him from the Jain.
There are a good many of this section in the Deccan, but they are comparatively rare in the Konkan
and the Kurnatic, where the supply of indigenous commercial classes is enough for the wants of the
place. In Gujarat, next door, as it were to his home, he is not unfrequent, as the more extensive
transactions of the local dealers in produce tend to admit the stranger to the money-lending business,
especially if he aspires to deal only in a small way. It seems probable that amongst those shown as
M&rwadis in this category in Gujarat there are included some of the labouring class from the desert,
who had come down for work during the harvest time, as the proportion of unskilled and illiterate
workers is comparatively high.
Artizans.
The large body of artizans owes its strength, as has been mentioned earlier in this chapter, to the
self-sufficing constitution of the Indian village, not to any special addiction to industrial enterprise,
as in the west. The 16 castes shown in the comparative table comprise about 90 per cent, of this
order, and it will be noticed that nearly all belong to the occupations most required for a rural
population. The most numerous are the workers in Leather^ comprising the tanners and shoemakers
belonging to the despised castes of Mochi and Chambhar, or Kh&lpa. These bear the proportion of
more than 15 per cent, to the total class. Then come the Oilmen^ who not only press and sell
vegetable oil, but deal, too, in seeds and grain. They are in the ratio of 13*7 per cent, to the total. The
unsettled state of the country in old times and the importance attributed accordingly to jewellery
as an easily concealable investment, give the position of the goldsmith and jeweller a peculiar value.
Even in the poorest class the endowment of the bride with fresh ornaments forms a leading feature in
the marriage rite, so it is not to be wondered at if the Sondr caste outnumber the blacksmiths or
Lohdr by more than 100 per cent.* The extensive practice of weaving cotton fabrics at home on
handlooms supports a large class of artizans, of which the three chief subdivisions of Khatri, Kos/Ui, and
Sdli form in the aggregate nearly 8 per cent, of the order. The first-named includes several clans
which have claims to the Bajput ancestry, which their title denotes. The carpenter, Sutdr, who is
also house builder and wheelwright, bears about the same relative proportion to the total as the
potter, Kumbhar^ who makes bricks as a subsidiary employment to that of the provision of earthen-
ware vessels for the community, which is the one to which he owes his place in the village system.
Least numerous amongst all, if the Lobars be excepted, are the Darzis or tailors, who in the Deccan
* A certain section of this caste claims to be Dew&dnya Brahmans descended from Viswakarma, the Hephfiestos
or the orthodox pantheon, but the daim is not made generally by the whole caste and has not yet been admitted by
Hindoo society at l^ge.
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are also vendors of cotton and calico stuffs. These number but 7' 5 per cent, of the whole class o^
artizans. There are, lastly, a few castes engaged in trades which are scarcely found in the ordinary
village. The dyer or Rariffdri is one of these, and the calico printer, or Bhausdr, of Gujarat, is
another. These are, however, but small numerically in comparison with the others I have named.
A larger, and under the increasing prosperity of the people, a more important caste, is the Kdsar^ ot
brass and copper worker. In the Deccan and Eonkan there is a special subdivision of this caste,
which works only in the latter metal ; but for the purposes of comparison I have included the two
under one title. According to the Hindoo-Brahmanic ceremonial, the metal vessel is far preferable
to the original earthenware, and the gradual substitution of the one for the other is a marked sign
of the advance of the people. Last, I may place the mason, known as Kadia in Gujurdt, and as
Gaundi in the Marathi-speaking district. Except in Gujarat and the Earnatic, this caste has no
great extension, and in the Deccan, certainly, perhaps in the Konkan also, the work elsewhere done by
it is performed by the cultivating classes. The formation of this caste depends, as far as I can see,
on the type of house most prevalent Some descriptions of structure require little skilled labour,
whilst where the supply of material necessitates a different and more complex sort of building, none
but a special class can be employed, so that in the latter district the tendency already noted early in
this chapter comes into action, and the fraternity closes its ranks against outsiders.
I pass now to the local distribution of the different sections of this order. Taking the largest of
the single castes, the oilmen, or Telisy it appears that they flourish more in the Deccan and table-land
than on the coast and in northern districts. I think that this may partly be attributable to the com-
parative absence of oil seeds in the Konkan and to the competition of Mahammedans in Gujar&t,
where, too, the area under oil-producing crops is comparatively smaU. 'Next in order come the
workers in leather, the three classes of which may conveniently be considered separately. The largest
is that known as Chamhhdr^ or tanners, but who amongst the ISfar&th&s are also shoemakers. These
are especially numerous in comparison with the general population in the Deccan and Gujarat, and
rare in the Eamdtic. Perhaps the third class, the Dhor, do some of this sort of work in the last-
named division, whilst in Gujardt the Dhors' work, that of making leather buckets and water bags for
irrigation, is undertaken by the tanners. The term Mochi, or shoemaker, is specially applied in this
Presidency to those Ch&mbh&rs who come from Hindusthau, and this class is most numerous in the
large towns. In Gujarat they seem to have permanently settled, but this is not the case in the
Deccan. The Kumbhdrsy who work in clay and earthenware, are most numerously represented where
the demand for bricks and tiles is great and the supply of material is plentiful. Thus we find a high
proportion in Gujarat only, and a very low one in the Earnatic, where, I believe, tiled roofs and brick
walls are less frequent. The Gaundiy or mason caste, has been described already, and needs no
further remark. The distribution of the Sutdr^ or carpenter caste, is curious, as the proportion is
high in all the divisions except the KarnStic and the capital city. Here, probably, the work is per-
formed by other castes. In Gujarfit the want of stone, and in the Eonkan the large supply of timber,
at least in the more northern district, seem respectively to maintain this caste above the average level
in point of numbers. The Lohdvy or blacksmiths, are in a relatively high proportion in Gujarat and
Bombay city, normal in the Deccan, and low in the Earnatic and Konkan, in both of which ^visions
it appears that their work is done by carpenters and others. The Sondr, or goldsmith caste, appears
to be especially high relatively to the rest of the population in the Deccan, Konkan, and capital only ;
but not in Gujardt, though the people are better off, or in the Earnatic, though so nearly allied to the
Deccan in many of the characteristics of its population. The workers in brass and copper, Kdsdr
and Tdmbaf, are found as separate castes chiefly in the Deccan, Eonkan, and Bombay city. As in
the case of the Sonars, Gujardt and the Earnatic are remarkable for the comparatively small number
of this class. Of the six castes engaged in working textile fabrics, two are Gujarati by origin, the
Bhausdr and the Khatri, The Salis are mostly in tlie Deccan, especially the northern districts, but
in the south they give place to the Koshtisj a more skilled class, found widely spread over the
cotton-growing districts of the Earnatic table-land. The Shimpiy or Darzi caste, is abnormally
strong in the Deccan and Bombay, above the average in Gujarat, and extraordinarily weak in the
Konkan. The Rangdriy or dyers, are confined to the Deccan and Kamatic, as their work in Gujarat
is done by other castes or by Mahammedans, whilst in the Konkan textile industry is very little
developed.
Agbioultubisxs.
Of this, the largest section of the Hindoo community, about 94 per cent., is included in the 17
subdivisions shown in the comparative table. Above one half belongs to the great. caste of the
Mardtha Kunbif which I have taken to include both the Deccan Kunbi and the distinct subsection
known in the Konkan as Maratha.* There is, it is true, a difference made between these two in the
country above the Ghats also, but the distinction is by no means well defined, and seems in many
cases arbitrary. There is no other caste belonging to this order which nearly approaches the above
in numerical strength. The next to it is the indigenous or Talabda Koli of Gujardt, which bears a
ratio of 9 '82 per cent, to the total. The Panchamsdli is of the Earnatic, who are but offshoots of the
great community returning itself as Lingaiat, form about 4'4 per cent., and the Mdli^ or gardeners,
come to 3 '87. The Mardtha Koliy the Lewa Kanbi of Gujarat, the Agrias and Bhanddns of the
Eonkan all bear a proportion of over 2 per cent, to the entire agricultural order, but the rest are
comparatively weak in number. A very short description is required for a class comprising so large
a section of the population as this. The Marathas include in their ranks the best families of the
Deccan and the mass of the labourers in the Batnagiri district of the Eonkan. They form almost one
* In Batnagiri the number of Maratibis returned was 271,000 against 205,784 Kunbis.
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half of the total population of the former division. In the Karndtic they include, as I have stated
before, many of the domestic and artizan classes who are distinguished by not belonging to the
Lingaiat persuasion. In point of rank the Lewa of Gujardt come next, and are probably tlie first as
to wealth and prosperity. The Kadwa^ though less numerous than the Lewa, hold a good position in
their native province, to which they seem entirely to confine themselves, whilst the Lewa have esta-
blished themselves in parts of the Ueccan as weavers of silk and cotton. The Mali have in the
Deccan a position only a little inferior to the Kunbis, but the subdivisions into which they are sepa-
rated do not all bear the same rank in the estimation of society. Amongst the Lingaiats the first
place seems to belong to the Jangamy who are not only priests but traders and money lenders. The
Panchamsdli and Sddar come next in order, and after them the Kanara caste of the Hdlepaik. The
Raddis are probably immigrants from the northern districts of the Madras Presidency. Of the Kolis,
the Talabda of Gxijarat are the most advanced, and are foimd in all parts of that division. Their
neighbours of the Konkan are not entirely a cultivating class, as they carry on a good deal of the
fislung along the coast, but there are few of their villages without a preponderance of landholders.
The Koli of the Deccan appear to have been driven from the plains to the Ghats in some parts, but
do not present the distinctive marks of Aboriginal origin to the same extent as the Konkani tribes of
the Thakurs and Kathodis. Where they are found in the open country, the position and condition
of the Koli is better, though he is still inferior in intelligence and industry to the Kunbi. The Agria
of the Konkan ranks in about the same grade as the Koli of the coast, and the Bhanddriy which is a
caste also originating in the Konkan, is held, I believe, a little above the others just mentioned. Last
of all comes the Gujarat caste of the Dubla. Thb is confined chiefly to the Surat and Broach
districts, and in the former is usually in the position of Halt, or hereditary serf to families of the
colonising Brahmans of the Anawala section. There are small landholders amongst them, and a good
many have left their native places for the neighbouring district, where the chance of living off the
small estates they can afford to cultivate is more favourable. As a matter of fact, they are very little,
if at all, removed from the rank of their companions, the Dhodia^ who are not, however, in the same
state of predial servitude. Hence the Dubla, being perhaps better known to the enumerators, is
returned as of the Hindoo religion, whilst the Dhodia retains, on record at least, his primitive worship.
It must Ije admitted, on the other hand, that the continual presence of the former in and about the
homestead of the Brahman is likely to have had the not unusual effect of exciting a certain kind of
emulation or desire of imitating at a distance the rites of his master*
Begarding the local distribution of this order I have little to add to that I have already stated
above. Castes bound to the profession of agriculture are not wont to wander far from their ancestral
abode, and with the exception of the M&li, who are distinguished more as an occupation than as a
local subdivision, as is the case with the rest of the cultivators, the distribution of the majority of the
castes is very restricted. If the large caste of the Kunbis be omitted, on account of its encyclopoedic
meaning, it will be seen that 18 per cent, of the order is indigenous to Gujarat, 6*5 to the Konkan,
and 9 '84 to the Kamatic
SUEPHEBDS, G-BAZIEHS, &C.
This order is divided into five sections only, and more than 68 per cent, of the population included
in it is found in the single caste of the Dhangars^ which, too, is the fourth in point of numbers of all
the castes in the Presidency Division. This caste includes the Kurbars of the Kamatic, who do not,
however, appear to have been very numerously returned compared to the Dhangars. The main trade
of the latter is in sheep and goats and their wool and other products. Some classes of them deal in
cattle also. In many parts of the Deccan they are fixed in villages and do not move far from their
homes, and in such circumstances they speedily become the occupants of a few fields and settle down
into cultivators. Elsewhere they rove about from pasture to pasture. A good deal of rough wool
spinning and even weaving of blankets is done amongst them, but their principal reliance is still on
their flocks. The next caste in point of numbers to the Dhangars is the Wanjdra, or Brinjari. There
are two distinct branches of this caste to be found in different parts of the Presidency. One is the
weU-known carrier, who brings down grain, &c. to the coast and takes back salt. The other, which
is most numerous in the Deccan, consists of agriculturists only who have settled all over the north of
this division and have almost abandoned the carrying trade except to the extent of sending their carts
and cattle away to earn their subsistence during the time they are not required for cultivation. The
latter class are held in good estimation amongst their neighbours, the Kimbis, and present hardly any
trace of a wandering origin. There are in them, as in so many other castes of obscure descent, traces
of Bajput blood. The third caste is that of the Gaulis, which, though found scattered all over the
Deccan, is congregated chiefly in the Konkan. Here they are largely engaged in cultivation, though
elsewhere their ordinary and indeed their only occupation is that of cattle breeding and dairy keeping.
The other two castes are Gujarat shepherds, the Bharwad and Rabari. The pressure of cultivation
on available land in this division has driven the pastoral tribes to the outlying tracts where there is
still plenty of waste for grazing, and the bulk of the agricultural cattle are probably better cared for
than amongst the farmers of the Deccan, where pasture land is abundant, if not remunerative ; so in
Gujarat stall-feeding and careful stabling tend to raise the value of the stock, and induce the owners
to work it longer, instead of constantly changing^ as elsewhere. Thus the pastoral castes here are
gradually taking first to field labour, then to agriculture on their own accqunt, and the breeding of
cattle and sheep is left to others from distant parts of the country.
Seafabebs.
The seven castes of fishers and sailors shown in the comparative table contain nearly 96 per cent*
of the population of this order. With the exception of the Bfioif which is composed to a large
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extent, of inland fishermen, most of the castes are from Gujar&t or the Konkan. Two, however^ are
indigenous and confined to Kdnara alone« The Khdrwas are widely spread along the whole coast,
and number almost 18 per cent, of the order. , They are not so much fishermen as sailors and
boatmen, and in Gujar&t have the monopoly of the tile-turning trade. The Mdchhis, on the other
hand, are chiefly fishermen, though found as boatmen near the coast of their native Gujardt. Their
strength is about 20 per cent, of the whole. Of the purely Konkan tribes the largest is the Gfdbit,
containing 11*5 per cent, of the order. It is also found to a considerable extent in Kdnara. The
smsili and semi- Aboriginal caste of the Mdngelas is found in the same division, though further to the
north, and extends to Gujar&t and the capital city. The Bhoi is the largest caste of all, including
32*79 per cent, of the whole fishing population. ' This caste is not entirely engaged in fishing or
boating, but, as I have already remarked, is employed as porters and carriers of palkis all over the
country. They are chiefly found in the North Deocan, with the fishing branch in Gujarat and the
Konkan. The two K&nara local castes are the Mogir and the A'mbi, numbering respectively 2'32
and 3'49 per cent, of the order.
Personal Servants.
About two thirds of this order consists of the Hajdm, or Nhdvi^ caste, and the rest of the Dkobi,
or Parit There are a few isolated instances of other subdivisions devoted to personal or domestic
service, but those I have mentioned are the principal ones, and the only castes that need be recorded
here. The barbers are relatively in the highest proportion, as compared with the total Hindoo
population, in the Deccan and Gujarfit They are below the average in the Konkan and Karnatic,
and in normal proportion in the capital city. In addition to their ordinary occupation ojF barbers,
they are in some cases the village musicians and in Gujarat, leeches, whilst their wives are there the
midwives and nurses of the community at large. The washerman caste is subdivided into ,two
sections. The first is that of the indigenous class, called Parit, and found in the Deccan and
Mar&thi districts generally. The second is the Dliobiy originally coming from Bengal, or Hindusthdn,
but for many genemtions settled permanently in this Presidency. They are common in Bombay
City and in Gujar&t, and though found in the Deccan do not intermarry or have social intercourse
with the Parits.
Minor Professions.
There are a number of small castes included under this heading, but the eight selected for the
comparative table comprise 93 per cent, of the people belonging to the order. More than one half
are Chirao, or temple servants of the Mar&tha districts, who are also makers of garlands and leaf
plates for the use of Hindoos at festivals. They are not found in considerable numbers except in the
Deccan and Konkan. The Bhdt, or genealogists of the Rajputs, are the next caste in order of
numbers. Though they are mostly congregated in Gujardt, within reach of their patrons, their
occupation of recording the domestic occurrences in the families of the other castes to whom they are
accredited, takes them to the Deccan in some numbers. The Chdran^ a caste originally closely allied
to that of the Bh£ts, has now almost abandoned a special occupation, and settled down in Gujardt as
cultivators. The Gondhali, or village musicians of the Deccan, come next in numbers, with 6*33 per
cent, of the entire class, or a tiifle less than the strength of the Chdran. The Wdjaniri and the
Kabutaria of Gujarat seem to perform somewhat analogous functions in that division, though
belonging to a different caste. Amongst dancers and actors are found the Devli of Kdnara, and the
lower caste of the Bhdiodya of Gujar&t. Both these seem to be local castes. Lastly, there are the
KoUidti or rope dancers, who chiefly firequent the Deccan and Konkan. Ail these are small sections,
but are mentioned in the table on account of the very restricted number of those that pursue the
eponymic occupation without belonging to castes with a more general title.
Devotees and Religious Mendicants.
This order is a smaller one even than that which precedes It, and contains but four castes of which
the Gosdvis include nearly one half. Though most of this caste still follow nominally the profession of
living by alms, and wander about the country from shrine to shrine, there is a not unimportant section
which has settled down to regular occupations, chiefly in towns, where they are traders or money-
lenders ; others are cattle breeders and bead sellers. There is another section, the descendants of the
chiss that became so influential shortly before the advent of the British to power in this Presidency,
who are employed as guards at temples or as retainers of great Hindoo houses. These are mostly in
the Deccan, and in the rest of the country this class is not by any means numerous. The remaining
divisions of this order have been abstracted for Gujar&t in the gross, imder the general title of Sddhu,
or devotee. Two other castes are, however, returned for the Deccan and Konkan in sufficient
nmnbers to make it worth while to show them in this table. These are the Joshis, or village
fortune-tellers, who are also mendicants, and the Bairdgis, a caste represented in nearly every large
village of the Deccan. *
Depressed, or Unolean Castes.
The origin of these castes is still an open question, so I will not venture to discuss it here. The
fact that in most cases it is this class that is the guardian of the village boundary marks, and the
referee in disputes as to the limits of particular fields at the outskirts of the village, seems to indicate
clearly the aborigimil claims of the MahdrSy or Dheds. But, on the other hand, there are tribes of
equal antiquity in the land who are, notwithstanding their low position with reference to the ordinary
Hindoo, within the pale, as it were, and not unclean. It is very clear that as soon as the oolonists
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had established themselves in a callage some one must have been appointed to remove the carcasses of
the sacred cattle which it may be presumed^ were allowed to die of old age and weakness in those days
as at present. It may have happened, therefore, that the class of Aboriginals that agreed to
imdertake this duty were reinstated in their land whilst the rest of the cultivators of the old race
were driven away to distant and less desirable places. Of castes of the description coming under
this order there are only three which need be noted here. The first, however, is a very large one,
coming next to the Kunbi in its numbers. This is the MaliAr^ or Dhed^ as it is still called in Gujar&t
They constitute about 78 per cent, of the entire class. In the Deccan and Konkan they are
especially numerous, but are comparatively low in the Karn&tic and Gujarat. In the latter division
the village system is weak, and moreover, there may be emigration of this class. In the Karnatic
another caste of this order, the Mdngs^ are more numerous than the Mahdrs, so they probably occupy
the position taken by the latter in other parts of the Deccan. The relative strength of the Mings is
14*69 per cent, of the order. The actual strength is considerably over 100,000. In the Deccan they
are less employed in village service, and one of their principal means of livelihood is the preparation
of hemp and the manufacture of ropes. In North Qnjardt, though not apparently for the same
reasons, the Dheds were till recently largely occupied in hand-weaving, and used to supply a great
part of the Coarse cotton wrappers worn by the middle and poorer classes there. The BhaiigiSy or
scavengers, are the last of this order. They are indigenous only to Gujarit, and for the service of
the rest of the Presidency, wherever they are wanted, they have to be imported.* There is not
sufficient employment in Gujardt for them in their hereditary occupation, so many are returned aa
general labourers or as mendicants. The rest are largely employed by municipalities, both in Gujarat
and elsewhere.
Laboubing and Miscellaneous.
I now come to the last division of the Hindoo comtnunity, and as it is a very indefinite one there is
little about the castes included in it that calls for a general description. About 85 per cent, of the
^otal population classed under this head has been included in the eight castes shown in the com-
parative table. The most important of these numerically is the Berad^ or Bedar, which comprises
more than a third of the whole order. This caste is one that properly belongs to the Kom^tic, but it
is also found in the Sholapur district of the Deccan. The Berads are mostly cultivators, either as
occupants or field labourers. They are also employed as village watchmen over a considerable tract,
and this gives reason to suppose that they are of aboriginal descent, like the Rdmoshis^ who adjoin
their territory to the north and west. The latter have a strength of 12 per cent of the order. They
are principally found in the Poona' and Satara coUectorates, and bear a bad name for theft and
robbery. The Waddars^ a wandeiiig tribe of earth-workers and labourers, originating in the Telinga
country to the south-east of the Presidency, are found in the Deccan and Karnatic wherever there is
a large job, such as embanking or excavation, to be had» They are now coming stiU further from
their native place, and were enumerated in both the Konkan and in Gujarat. In the latter division
the PFdffhris, with about 9 per cent, and the Golds vnth 3*3, are the two chief castes that come into
this category. The former are now labourers and fowlers, and are most common in the northern
districts, but they are reportedf to have sent expeditions to far beyond the eastern limits of this
Presidency in search of favourable grounds for thieving, cattle lifting, and the like expeditions.
More numerous than these are the Ldmans of the Kamdtic. This curious caste appears to have
originally come from Central India or North Gujar&t, but at the present day there are comparatively
few in that direction. In the south they are labourers, cultivators, and wanderers, with a bad
character, like most of this order, except the Golds and Kamdthis, The Korvis, with whom, perhaps,
the Kaikddis might be combined, are mostly jn the Karnatic, where they wander from village to
village, with various pretexts of gaining their living otherwise than dishonestly. The Kaikddis of
the Deccan are apparently makers of the date-matting so common in that division, but like the
Waddar, Korvi, and Lamdn, they belong to the lowest type of the community. The Kamdthis seem
to be settled chiefly in the capital city, where they work as builders and carpenters. The Golds are
also found there, exercising their ordinary occupation of grain pounding and rice husking as in
Gujardt
Aboriginal and Fobest Tbibbs.
The comparative table shows that the Aboriginal tribes, according to the acceptation of the term
which I have adopted throughout this work are altogether absent from the Karnatic and very nearly
so from the city and island of Bombay. They are most numerous in the Deccan, or rather the
northern districts of that division, as they are not found to the south of Ahmednagar. In Gujardt,
too, there is a good sprinkling, especially in the Panch Mahdis and Surat. There are, in fact, two of
the eight tribes distinguished, the Chodra and Gdmtha, that are only met with in the latter district.
The Dhodia, also, are found in llidna only as immigrants from Surat, the district that immediately
adjoins it on the no;i;h. The Naikada are found in two portions, the first in the south of Surat,
where they are settled as cultivators, like the Dhodia, the second in the wilder district of the Panch
Mahdis. The Wdrli and Kdthodi are entirely Konkan tribes, and scarcely found out of the Thn a
district. The ThSkuTy too, were it noc for the sharing of their appellation with the Brahmakshatrias,
as mentioned in a earlier pnrt of this chapter, would be found localised altogether in the Konkan and
on the crest of the Ghdts, in the Ndsik, roona and Admednagar districts.
* Mahammedan sweepers from the Central Provinoes seem to be much employed in towns in the Deooan.
t Major Gnnthorpe, m his notes on criminal tribes of Bombay, Berdr. and the Central Provinoes, attributes
a Gnjardti ori^ to the whole widely spread class known in diflfeient provinoes aa Wdghri, Badhak, Banri, Phanai,
Plurdni, Takdn, &c. Shening seems to have entertained a similar notion.
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The Bhih frequent diiBTerent parts of Gujarat as well as the wilds of the northern parts of Khdndesh
and the Ddng forests. They form nearly half the entire population of their order, and are one of the
most widespread and characteristic of all the forest tribes. The rest have all more or less settled
dowix to cultivation, though the agriculture of the Kathodi and Warll is of the simplest description.
All these tribes, as well as the Gamtha and Panch Mahal Naikada, are less addicted to settled habits
than the rest Wherever they have not moved <lown into the more level tracts, they continually
shift their dwellings from one site to another, and on some occasions the whole hamlet is thus trans-
ferred to a considerable distance from its former site. Omens or mishaps are the moving causes of
these flittings. It is difficult to apportion a distinctive rank amongst the Aboriginal tribes to any of
those I have mentioned, but, roughly speaking, the Kathodia, Warli, Ohodra, Gamtha, and Ghat
Thakur, are in a lower grade to the Dhodia and the Naikada. The Bhil is perhaps superior to the
rest physically, though this tribe has tnany subdivisions and local variations, which prevent the appli-
cation to it of any general characteristic. They are largely employed in the villages of the plains as
watchmen, or more correctly speaking, are made responsible for the safety of the village against the
depredations of their fellow-tribesmen from a distance. Out of the eight tribes recorded, this is
the only one that has the name of being distinctly given to lawlessness and which is placed under
surveillance as soon as a party of them take up their abode in the open country.
Jains.
There are about 80 subdivisions of this community shown in the detailed list, but the six given in
the comparative table, together with the two indefinite ones also there recorded, include, in the
aggreijate, more than 92 per cent, of the whole. No less than 38 per cent, of the Jains returned
themselves under the vague heading of Shrdwak, or Jain layman, without any other indicjition of
their social status. It is not difficult, however, to further distribute these into the two main classes
of the commercial and the agricultural which have already been brought forward in this work as
constituting the most important distinction in this Presidency, i he most numerous class is that of
the commercial Shrawak, which is returned in the greatest relative numbers in the Deccan and
Bombay City. There is no doubt that a large number of this class is properly denominated Osiodl or
Humbady and to the former belon;; a great many of the well-known traders and money-lenders of the
Deccan, generally termed Mdrwddi, The Shrimdlis of Gujarat, and the Porwdl and Hunibad of the
north come next in numerical strength. These are all chiefly to be found in Gujarat. The two
principal cultivating castes of this religion are confined to the Karnatic, and to one or the other are
to be assigned the large number of the Shrawaks of this division. Of the whole Jain community
about two thirds belong to the commercial and the rest to the southern, or agricultural section.
Mahammedans.
The subdivisions of this community shown on the list amount to over 230 in number, but it appears
that most of these titles are returned by a very small population, chiefly in the north of Gujarat. The
10 castes, or divisions given in the comparative table, comprise over 84 per cent, of the whole, and of
the rest, a large proportion is classed simply as Mahammedans in the city of Bombay. I have
divided the castes selected into two sections, not as representing any practical difference, but as
indicating the race to which each class nominally belongs. The first is that which, from its title,
claims a foreign origin. It includes ab(mt 73 per cent, of the castes shown in the table. The largest
division is that of the Shaikhs^ a general title which is returned by more than 55 per cent, of the
whole Mahammedan community. There are three other divisions, the Saiads, with 6'3 per cent, the
Pathdns with 7*96 per cent., and the Moghalsy which have a strength of only 0*66 per cent. I havo
already remarked in the third chapter that the prevalence of such titles in this part of the country
seems to indicate that the persons converted from the Hindoo faith by the social or political influence
of the great Mahammedan leaders assumed, in default of any alternative caste system, which they
were unable to do without, the clan-title of their patron. In the returns I find every sort of trade
and occupation recorded in the name of all these classes, so that there is no mark retained, as in the
case of the converts of Gujardt, by which the class of their Hindoo ancestry can be traced. Amongst
those which are more distinctly recognisable as converts from the local Hindoo castes, six divisions
are of importance enough to be recorded in the comparative table. The best known of these. is the
Shiahy or Daudi, Bohordh. These are found, as I stated elsewhere, in all parts of the country,
though principally in Gujarat and the capital. They constitute, however, but 2'87 of the Maham-
medan population. The Sunni Bohorahs of Gujardt are more numerous, and reach the relative
strength of 5*56 per cent. There are two classes of these, one and the smaller, a trading community
of Surat, the other, a widely spread and influential section of the agricultural population. The Shiahs
of the Bohorah persuasion have the name of being well read in the tenets of their faith and among^st
the most strict of the Mahammedans in this Presidency. There has recently been, too, I believe, a
sort of revival amongst the Sunnis, both merchants and cultivators. The latter, however, retain
much more of their Hindoo custom than the former, as, indeed, is only to be expected of an agricul-
tural class. Two other classes of cultivating Mahammedans wholly confined to Gujarat, and evidently
of local origin (probably converts of the Hindoo of good race) are the Maleks and Molesaldms of the
northern districts. The aggregate strength of these two is no more than 3*16 per cent, of the whole,
but they enjoy a considerable local influence. I now come to the two trading classes of the Khcjas
and Memons. These are of an origin more northern than even the Maleks, and hail from Sind and
Cutch. They are concentrated chiefly in the capital city, where they hold a high position for wealth
and enterprise, and consequently for respectablility. The Khojas are Shiahs, and one section follows
devotedly the Persian descendant of Hasau-i-Sabbah, the old man of the mountain, founder of the
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Assassms, whom they regard as in some measure aR incarnation of the divinity * The devotion of the
Shiah B^ihorahs to their Mullah, who is an elected leader, is also most remarkable, though of a very
difEerent complexion to that of the other eect.f As regards the local distribution of this community,
it may l)e seen that the cultivating Mahammedans, bound together by a distinguished name, are
confined to Gujarat. The trading classes from the north are mostly in the capital, and the Bohoras
in Surat and the Panch Mahals. The Saiads are found more in the Karnatic, towards Dharwar and
Kaladgi, the seats of old Mahammedan governorships, and the Pathans are in the Deccan, the halting
place of so many armies from the plains of the Jumna and Ganges. A large and heterogeneous mass
like the Shaikhs is necessarily scattered all over the Presidency, though the term is returned more
frequently from the Deccan and Elarndtic than elsewhere. From what has been said above, it is
plain that little practical use is to be made of the classification of the population professing this
religion under the race-headings implying foreign descent, whilst, on the other hand, the maintenance
of the caste system in the case of the cultivators, and the exclusivencss of the trading sections give to
their subdivisions a real vitality.
COLLATERAL INFLUENCE OF THE CASTE SYSTEM.
There remain one or two points in connexion with the caste system on which it is probable that the
statistics now collected will tend to throw some light. The first of these is the effect of caste custom
or regulations regarding marriage on the constitution of the community. Another is the relation now
existing between caste and occupation. I am unable in the. comparatively short time at my disposed,
to treat either of these subjects as fully as they deserve, but I trust that the indications I hope to give
wiU be suflScient to place others on the track, with a view to complete investigation.
Caste in relation to Marriage.
Ill the first part of the provincial caste table at page xli of Appendix C. the general position of all
the principal castes with reference to marrii^e is shown by means of a distribution of 1,000 persons
of each sex at two periods of life, namely, above and below 15 years. This division was prescribed
in order to facilitate checking the details by comparison with some of the general returns, but though
the results show that as far as the main body of the Hindoo community is concerned, the distinction
is drawn at a suitable period of life, it appears now that the whole of the figures are before me, that
in the case of the Brahmans, Writers, and upper class of Wdni&, it might have been more useful to
have lowered the dividing age to 12 years. This, however, could not have been done without a
separate abstraction of the last-named castes, and would seriously have protracted the preliminary
work of compilation. Taking the return as it is given, 1 propose to bring to notice the chief matters
on which I think it affords information, and without discussing the whole of the data, to give an
abstract of the statistics of castes most generally and widely distributed over the Home Division. I
have omitted from consideration the capital city, because its unstable population and the fact that the
majority of the Hindoo castes returned there are from one or other of the four divisions render the
record of the circumstances now under consideration either superfluous, if the locality of origin is
described, and misleading, if it be omitted. The return, therefore, deals with the four divisions,
Gujardt, the Konkan, the Deccan, and the Karnatic.
The matters to which attention requires to be most directed are, first, the age at marriage, with
the numerical relation between the two sexes at that time. Secondly, the prevalence and extent of
the custom of re-marriage in both sexes respectively. Before entering into the diiferenc^s between
ihe selected castes with regard to these points, I must digress a little, in order to recall to the reader's
mind a few facts noted, but in insufficient detail, in Chapter V. when the question of marriage in the
different religions was being considered. Taking only the Hindoos (as recorded in Table VI. of
Appendix A.),t I give below some general ratios for tlie four divisions, which will form a standard
of comparison by which the details of each caste can be judged : —
Ratio per 1,000 liiudoos.
Under 15.
16 and upwards.
Wives
to
Hnsbands.
AU Ages.
Division.
Huabaods
to
Total
Males.
Wives
to
Total
Females.
Hugbands
to
WivcB.
Wives
married
to
Husbands
over 15.
Husbands
to
Wives.
Wives
to
Husbands.
\^'idowed.
Widowers
to
Husbands.
Widows
to
Wives.
Widowers
to
Widows.
1
2
3
4
5
1 « ; ^
^
9
10
11
Gujurat -
Konkau
lleccan -
Karn&tic -
130
40
66
72
253
200
255
289
677
212
275
263
423
788
725
737
!
1,081
1,061
1,124
1,177
925
943
890
850
1,006
1,082
1,037
1,021
117
85
93
156
315
386
821
477
369
203
280
320
• As the direct descendant of Ali. On the conversion of a large body of Outch Hindoos to this sect about a.d.
1480, the head of the Khojas, or nnrevealed Imdm, was discovered to be a 10th Awatar added to the 9 of Viahnu,
this one being of Ali.
t In the case of the Bohorahs there is no hereditary right to succession, as each Dai, or Mullah, names his suo-
oessor. He generally, no doubt, chooses one of his own family, but there is no inherent socredness in the person,
only in the oifioe of the apostle.
X Including, that is, the quasi-Hindoo Forest tribes of the Konkan and Ehdndesh.
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There are important differences between each division which it is desirable to note, though the
detailed table seems to show that most of the general characteristics run through every section of society
irrespecjtive of locality. In the case of the upper classes^ however, there is more uniformity than
among3t the masses. The first point is the prevalence of youthful marriages, and regarding this the
statistics show that there is far more uniformity throughout the country amongst girls than amongst
boys. The wives under 15 are in higher proportion in the Kamfitic than anywhere else, but between
the rate in that division and that in the Konkan, where there is comparatively very little infant
marriage of this sex, the difference is only about 9 per mille, whereas, in the case of the boys, between
Gujerd-t, where over 13 per cent, of the boys under 15 years old are married, and the Konkan,
where only 4 per cent, are in that condition, there is a gap of 90 per mille. Taking each sex sepa-
rately, it appears that in the Deccan and Karndtic the ratios of boy-husbands arc very much alike,
whilst those of girl- wives are most similar in the Deccan and Gujarat. In estimating the significance
of the figures for the ICarnatic the mistake is not to be made of accounting for the whole of the
excess in the ratio of girl-wives over that in the other three divisions by attributing to this tract so
great a difference in the matter of early marriages. The high ratio of this class is due in great
degree, no doubt, to the famine, which tended to decrease the number of the girls who had not at
the date of enumeration arrived at the time of life when the initial ceremony of marriage is usually
performed. Comparing the general ratio of this division with that of castes found only in the
K&nara district, which was practically unaffected by the famine, it appears not unlikely that 1 or 2
per cent, out of the 29 recorded may be set down to the effect of the bad years between 1876
and 1878.
The next point for comparison is the relative proportion of boy-husbands to girls married under
the age of 15. Here, again, Gujardt and the Kookan are at the two extremities of the scale. In the
latter, no more than one fifth of the gbl- wives have husbands who have not passed out of the age-period
to which they themselves belong. In Gujarat, on the other hand, there are about 58 husbands not
more than 15 years old 1o every 100 wives in the same period. The proportions in the Deccan and
Kamdtic are not far from each other. Thus the Hmdoo in Gujarat starts married life at a much
earlier period than his compeer in the Deccan and Konkan, and avoids, accordingly, a very large gap
between his age and that of his first spouse.
In columns 6 and 7 of the table given above are shown the proportion between husband and wives
of full age, or over 15. These necessarily follow the figures shown in the preceding portion of the
table, and we find, therefore, that in the Konkan there are most, and in the Kamdtic fewest, wives of
this age in comparison to the number of husbands.
The last ratio referring to married life is that of the aggregate of wives to that of husbands", given in
column 8. The figures for the Konkan require to be accepted with the qualification that the emigration
from Ratnagiri must affect seriously the proportion, as many of the married ailuits are away, at sea or in
Bombay. The Gujarat figure is considerably lower dian that of the other divisions, and it is difiBicult to
find any satisfactory explanation of this difference, unless it may be the absence of many of the wives
in their father's homes in the Native States that surround the British territory of the division, which
appears inadequate. The practice of polygamy, it is to be regretted, cannot be traced through the
returns collected .it the Census.
The remainder of the return relates to the widowed, an important section in Indian society. There is
a considerable difference between Gujarat and the Kamatic and the two other divisions. Taking each sex
separately, the widowers predominate in the Karndtic, but the greatest disproportion between the sexes in
this condition is found in the Konkan, which shows, too, a higher proportion of widows than the rest, if
the exceptional case of the Karnatic be excluded. The ratio of widowers to widows is highest, not in
the Karnatic, where there is the largest proportion of each, taken separately, but in Gujarat, where there
are 37 widowers to 100 widows, against 32 in the south and 20 in the Konkan. It is very difficult
to trace the effects of re-marriage in these figures. There are castes in which the rtiore wealthy
members prohibit the re-marriage of widows, whilst their less prosperous brethren are not under
this restriction. Emigration in the Konkan and the famine in the Kamatic, too, introduce a dis-
turbing factor, so that, on the whole, it is with regard to the three or four upper orders only, which
are known to be guided by fixed rules as to the fate of widows, that the returns are of real use and
valua
I now proceed to give examples of the chief castes which contribute to the divisional totals on which
I have been commenting. The subdivisions selected in the table on page cxi are, as far as possible, those
which are the most generally distributed overthe whole of the four divisions, but occasionally, to support
any special or local feature, a caste has been entered which is not found beyond a limited area, and the
double eptries in the firsf column indicate the combination of two cognate castes for different divisions.
For instance, the Dhangar is entered for three divisions, but for Gujarat, where there are very few of this
caste, the figures for the corresponding one of the Bharwad are given ; similarly with the Koli tribe ;
whilst the Berad is placed with the Rawalia, which is an exclusively Qujarfiti caste, as the former is
Kanarese.
Taking first the married males below the age of 15, which, however, is a detail not shown in the table,
it appears that in all four divisions there is comparatively little boy-marriage amongst the Brahman8,and
that it is especially rare in the case of Gaud colony. The ratio is a little higher in Gujarat than else-
where, but only rises above the average for that division amongst the cultivating classes of Brahmans,
such as the Anfiwala and Sajodra. The Rajput, Writers, and Waoias, too; of this division show
Hh 3
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comparatively low ratios, and the general average is largely determined by the later age at which marriage
takes place against the Talabda Koli and other semi- Aboriginal tribes. The instance of the Ead wa Kanbi,
which, as pointed out in Chapter V., is quite exceptional, owing to the hurry to get all the children of both
sexes married off during the lucky season of 1880, may be omitted, and then it will be seen that the highest
proportions are found amongst the artizans of this division, such as the weavers, oilmen, potters, rice-
pounders, and cotton printers. It is worthy of remark that in the rest of the Presidency, also,
the weavers are distinguished in this respect, though not so markedly as in Gujardt. Speaking
generally, it appears that in all the divisions it is the custom, or at least the tendency, for sons to be
married kte in the upper and lower castes, and for the middle classes, especially the artizans, to
marry them off early. Except in Gujardt, however, there is more inequality amongst the latter, and
the tendency is by no means so uniformly perceptible. In the Deccan the heavy preponderance of
the Maratha element decides the average, and in the Eamatic it is clear that the losses during the
famine have unduly raised the proportions returned iu the cultivating and industrial castes of the
table-land. Amongst the agriculturists of the Kanara district, including the Havik Brdhmans, there
is scarcely any boy-marriage, and even above the Ghdts the ratio in the case of the labourers and
lower classes generally is less than in other parts. Looking at the whole range of castes in connexion
with this subject, it seems that, except in Gujarat, there is no large caste in which more than 1 boy in
10 is^married under the age of 15.
As regards the marriage of girls under this age, it appears that, though the general average is highest
in the Karnatic, it is in Gujarat that there are more individual instances of castes in which the ratio is
remarkably high, so that, discounting the effects of the famine on the child-population in the former part
of the country, we may assume that the normal tendency towards the early marriage of females is stronger
in the north than in south of the Home Division. In order to make this more clear, I have shown in tiie
table on page cxii the 12 castes amongst whom the extreme ratios in both directions, and for both the
conditions connected with marriage, are to be found.
Setting aside the case of the Kadwas, in which more than 80 per cent, of the girls are married, we
find that the Kamdtic caste in which the highest ratio appears is only sixth in serial order, and that out
of the twelve selected, not more than three are indigenous to that division. On comparing the proportions
for males and females it will be seen that all the castes in Gujardt which stand very high in the former
series are, with the exception of the Lewas, also distinguished in the latter, and that the order of the first
five castes is the same in both. In the third series, that which gives the ratio of boy-husbands to girl-
wives, all the castes are, as is to be expected, those of Gujarat, but only nine of them appear in the first
series. The Lobar and the Soni are fresh ones, and the Rabari has yielded its place to the kindred caste
of Bharwad. Of the first four entries three are in a similarly high place in the first series of
proportions.
The relative strength of widows is the next point that calls for comment. I have not been able to
determine exactly the chief castes that profess and carry out the prohibition of the re-marriage of widows,
but the information at my disposal leads me to think that such rules are universally and strictly observed
only amongst Brahmans, most Rajputs, most Gujarati, and perhaps other, Wanias, and all writers.
Amongst other castes it is well known that the re-marriage of widows does take place to a certain extent,
and it seems that the tendency is for the prohibition to be introduced as any portion of the caste advances
to a state of wealth or social influence which renders it in a i)Osition to wish to place a barrier between
itself and the less fortunate section of the community. I have already had occasion to notice the way
in which a person who has attained the position of ruler of a tribe or district is invested with the
attributes of the Kshatria, and after a few decades of usage aided, probably, by occasional inter-
marriage with families of more ancient lineage, has his claim firmly established with his compeera
So, too, in parts of the country, the more powerful of the Aboriginal tribes have received a patent of
nobility dating from times immemorial ; and in modern times I have heard of claims to Kshatria
ancestry set up by the nouveaux riches of even the Christian converts in the south. This being the
case, and the progress of the ambitious and successful community being thus restricted to one
direction, as the road to the Brahmanical order is practically closed, it is not improbable that they
should have seized on that characteristic of the military order which it was least difiicult for them to
imitate, namely, the seclusion and jealous appropriation of the weaker sex. We thus find traces in
the upper class even of cultivators, of the pardah system, as it is termed, which was borrowed by the
Rajputs from the Mahammedans, and also of the enforcement of life-long widowhood. The special
castes in the north and centre of this Presidency in which this tendency is known to exist are, in
addition to the five orders I mentioned above, the Sondrsy one and the wealthiest section of whom
have put forward claims to Brihman descent, the PdtiddrSy or leading members of the Lewd com-
munity in Gujarat, the Sutdrs, in the same division, the Mardthds, or tjjose Kunbi families who
occupied in former days a position something like that of the Pdtidars now, and the Khatris, or
weavers. As to the last-named caste, however, the information gained from the Census returns is
apparently adverse, at least as far as Gujarat is concerned, to that received from other sources.
There is a tendency in this direction too, amongst the Konkani Wdnias, such as the Yaish and
Maratha. I am not in possession of information with reference to the Karnatic castes, so that it is
out of the question to attempt to discriminate the results on married life of famine from that of the
artificial restriction of the Brahmanical system. Judging only by the returns, it appears that in the
Kanara District there is less re-marriage of widows, both amongst the cultivators of the middle class,
as the Halepaiks and Gamwakkals, and also the Havik Brahmans, who^ as their position has been for
generations an isolated one, may be presumed to have kept up their traditions in purity, whilst their
influence, like that of the Anawalas in Surat, may have leavened tiie mass of their neighbours and
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farm servants. Of the twelve castes selected as having the highest proportion of widows to wivep,
there are seven Brahman sections and five Kamdtic agricultural castes. Of the former, the first is
the Shrimali of Qajarat, a section holding a high place for its descent and respectability. Three of
the rest are Gujarati by origiu, the Audich, Nagar, and Khedawal, all of good position. The other
three are Karnatic, and two of them belong to the coast district only. Of the cultivators also, there
are two castes which are returned only from Kanara, and one of Rajput descent. We can now pass
on to the castes in which the proportion of widows is lowest. The twelve selected are all in either
Gujarat or the KonkaD. Ten are found in the former, two, both artizans, in the latter. After the
semi- Aboriginal tribe of the Dublas, the next caste in this respect is, curiously enough, the weavers,
and after them the oilmen, both of which, it will be borne in mind, have been seen to present a very
high ratio of youthful husbands and wives, more especially the former. The rest are almost all in the
lower ranks of life, bordering on the Forest tribes, from which, perhaps, they originate, I have lastly
to note the ratios of the widowers. A good deal was said about the disproportion between the sexes
in this condition when dealing with the population at large in the fifth chapter. From the selection
here made, it will be seen that in the caste where widowers are relatively most numerous, the Mangs
of the Karnatic, the ratio is only about 22 per cent., whilst the highest ratios of the widows have
been seen to rise to 65 to 76 per cent. Amongst liie Mangs themselves the latter ratio is no less
than 51 per cent. A similar disparity is perceptible in the case of nearly every caste, but less
marked in Gujarat than elsewhere. Of the castes in this series, it appears that in eight instances the
Karnatic is the native place, Gujarat claims three and the Deccan one. ' The first five are all Kanarese,
but with the exception of the Haviks, belong to the table-land. The sixth is. from Gujarat, and
represents the higher grade of Wania. The ninth is the indigenous caste of Deccan Brahman, and
two high castes from Gujardt close the list. It may be pointed out that in this series there are four
castes of Brahmans and two of Wanias, orders amongst whom there is least early marriage of boys,
and a high ratio of widows. The latter peculiarity is remarkable also amongst the Berads and
Chattris. With the exception of the weavers, the rest are cultivators and labourers of the table-land
of the Kamdtic. In conclusion, there remain to be noticed the castes in which there are proportion-
ately fewest widowers to husbands. . The twelve selected are, with the exception of two, in the
Konkan. The first and third of the series are remarkable, too, for the low ratio they present of
widows to wives. The proportion of widowers is lowest in castes holding no very high position in
society, and one or two of the entries in this table appear to indicate the tendency for this ratio to riso
with the position of the caste, and it is not unlikely that the emigration to the capital may have
affected the ratios of caste like the Marathas and Malis, which would, under ordinary circumstances,
show a higher proportion.
General Chaeaoteeistios op System.
It will not be out of place if, before closing this portion of the work, I endeavour to sum up what
appear to me to be the general tendencies indicated by the results of the enumeration of the particulars
about marriaga In many respects my iqferences will no doubt be corrected by those who have made
the caste-system their special study.
Firstly, then, a certain uniformity seems to run through the marriage relations of the community
throughout the whole popidation, and the great variations between the different divisions that have
been pointed out above seem to be in degree rather than in kin<l. The universal characteristics
traceable under more or less local variations through the aggregate of each division are briefly these : —
the marriage, in the first place, of young men is deferred amongst the upper and the lower classes to
a considerably later date than amonc^st what we may call the middle section of society, or the castes
about half way down the list in position and circumstances. The daughters of the upper classes arc
married earlier, on the other hand, than those of the middle or lower, except in Gujarat, where all
that can be said on this point is that there is a great gap between the practice of the middle class and
that of the lower with regard to the age at which the girls are married. Everywhere else the,
tendency for the age of marriage amongst fenales to advance ns the position of the caste is lower,
unless counteracted by some special cause, is distinctly evident In connexion with the question of
marriage of girls who have arrived at womanhood is that of the re-marriage of the widowed. In no
caste dees there appear to be any prohibition of the re-marriage of the men, and, as a fact, they do
largely marry again, especially in the middle and lower castes. But such a practice as regards
women is strictly forbidden amongst the upper classes and is discouraged even amongst the higher
castes of the middle section of the community. Elsewhere it is not only permitted but to a large
extent practised. As a consequence of this custom, we find a comparatively small number of widows
amongst the lower classes, where the ceremony of re-marriage is much less expensive than that of
marriage in the first instance. In the upper ranks of life, on the other hand, there is an extra-
ordinary preponderance of widows, amounting in some of the cases noted above, to 76 per cent, on
the total number of wives. To this anomaly the inequality between the age of the couples in this
class, no doubt, largely contributes.
It would be interesting and useful to ascertain the exact manner in which and to what degree the
marriage of girls immediately on their reaching puberty, the inequality of age between the husband
and wife, and the subsequent re-marriage of widows respectively affect the relative proportions of the
sexes. On the second point, indeed, 1 touched briefly in the fourth chapter, and expressed an opinion
that the inequality might possibly tend to the birth of an excess of boys over girls. As to the first
matter, it is reasonable to presume that the danger of parturition is probably much greater to women
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of that young age than to those who have reached their full development, and, though the data on
both these points are rendered of less value by the disturbance of the normal state of things in the
Karnatic, the figures for Gujarat seem to indicate that there is a somewhat greater mortality at the
ages of 10 to 15 than elsewhere amongst Hindoo females, and greater, too, than amongst the Forest
tribes of that division. The proportion of girls of this age to boys is 779 per mille amongst the
Hindoos, and 876 amongst the Aboriginals. In the Konkan the ratios are respectively 805 and 866,
and here, it may be noted, girl-marriages of Hindoos are less frequent. In the Deccan, strange to
say, the proportion amongst the Hindoos is 1 per cent, higher than amongst the Forest tribes, but a
good many of the latter have been included amongst Hindoos in the general age-return from which
this calculation was made.* Another difference is that which appears between the relative proportions
of the sexes during the first year in the two religions. In Gujarat there are at this age 958 Hindoo
girls to 1,000 boys, whilst the Forest tribes show 1,052. In the Konkan, too, and also in the Deccan,
the Hindoo ratio is higher than that in Gujarat. I have selected Gujarat for comparison, as it is the
division that undoubtedly presents the greatest differences as to marriage customs of all those now
being considered. There are import-ant peculiarities, as has been shown in the preceding portion of
this chapter, to be found in the Konkan and Kamatic, but on examining the castes individually I
find it so hard to discriminate between local custom and abnormal coincidence that it is not safe to
make use of the retium for any general deductions. Assuming, as we reasonably may do, that the
high ratio of married girls in the table land of the Kamatic is due in great measure to famine, Gujarat
remains the tract in which the custom of marrying as early as possible is most prevalent, and it is
here that the disproportion between the sexes is, on the whole, greatest. ' In order to test the returns
in various ways I prepared a table (given below) showing the ratio to the total caste of the children
of each sex below 6 years of age. There are certain features about it which may render it useful
with reference to the question of the influence of age at marriage on sex, so I have thought it worth
inserting : —
A.— Caste ai
Dd Locality.
Per-centage of
Children.
Serial Order.
B.— Caste and Locality.
Per-centage of
Children.
Serial Order.
Boys.
Girls.
Boys.
Girls.
iBoys.
Girls.
Boys.
Girls.
Bfatt
Deccan -
10-62
11-28
1
1
Br^limaD, Konkanasth - Deccan
7-84
7-47
13
13
KoU -
- Konkan-
9-82
10-21
2
2
Koshti - - „ -
7-27
7-00
14
15
Gh&nchi •
- Gujarat'
9-10
9-02
3
4
Brdhman, Deshisth - „ -
7-02
7-24
15
14
Bhil -
» ~
8*99
9-77
4
3
Brahman Aniwala - Gujardt
7*00
6-16
16
20
Eoli, Talabda
" >» ■
8-61
8-33
5
8
Lewa Kanbi - - „ .
6-81
5-94
17
21
Dhed -
" » ■
8-58
8-45
6
7
Kadwa Kanbi - - „ -
6-80
6-61
18
17
Khatri
" >i ~
8-28
7-64
7
12
Brdhman, S&raswat - Kamdtic
6-72
6*51
19
18
Mardtha -
- Deccan -
8-21
8-51
8
6
Soni - - - Gujardt
6-70
6-81
20
16
Teli -
" »> "
7-98
8-17
9
9
Panchamsali - - Kamdtic
6-23
6-23
21
19
Sonir
■ » ■
7-88
8-08
10
10
Br&hman Audich - Gujardt
6-08
5-77
22
22
Mah&r
■ » "
7-87
8-55
11
5
Koshti - - Kamdtic
5-58
6-68
23
23
H&lcpaik .
•. Kamatic
7-80
8-04
12
11
^
It will be borne in mind, of course, that there is heavy mortality amongst the young during the
first and two following years, and that in the Kam£tic the period here given includes that covered by
the famine, which as shown in the second and fourth chapters of this work, has seriously diminished
the number of children. I will here draw attention only to the high ratios amongst the lower castes
such as Bhils and Kolis, and the excess of females amongst them compared with the deficiency per-
ceptible amongst the Brdhmans, weavers and upper castes of cultivators in Gujarat. It is also worth
notice that of the two castes confined to a single district, the Siraswats and the Hilepaiks, the latter
with a high ratio of children, show an excess of females, whilst the Brihmans, who are low on the
list, have the boys in excess. The results are not, however, uniform, and it requires many more
tests before the great question can be settled. My own judgment on the subject is, I admit, at
present suspended, since, though I am strongly disposed to regard prevalence of the marriage of
girl-wives to men in the prime of life as the chief cause of the disproportion of the sexes, I am
unable from the statistics before me to say whether the actual birth of more males or the great
number of deaths of fem.iLj in child-birth is the more influential factor in producing the general
result.
Mahammedans.
• As regards the Mahammedans, with their ill-defined classes, we can do little more than discuss
their special marriage customs in reference to, and by comparison with those of the Hindoos. On
• Tlie same may be said about the Konkan. In that tract, however, there is not the wide gap between the Forest
tribes and the mass of the Hindoo cultivators that there is in the North Deocan«
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Under 15 Tears.
Of aU Ages.
Division.
Hus-
bands
to total
Boys.
Wives
to
total
Girls.
Hus-
bands
to
Wives.
Wives
to
Hus-
bands.
Widows
to
Wives.
Widow-
ers to
Hus-
bands.
Widow-
ersto
Widows.
Oujar&t -
Konkan -
Deccan -
Karn&tio-
7»
SO
34
IflT
157
186
180
617
281
233
263
1,057
W2
1,080
1,064
802
852
362
4W
124
9G
110
140
826
227
294
206
this consideration I have giyrn in the Appendix
only the clasees of this religion that are the
nearest to Hindooism in their ordinary life^ but
in the abstract at the foot of page xlix in Ap-
pendix C* will be found the general proportions
of the wives and widows in the four divisions,
arranged in the same way as those I have just
been discussing amongst the Hindoos. From
this table, a portion of which I reproduce in the
margin, it will be seen that both sexes are married
later amongst the Mahammedans than amongst
the Hindoos. There is, however, a slight difference in the other direction in the c^se of the males
in the Konkan, the explanation of which peculiarity does not appear in the returns. The high ratio
of wives of all ages to husbands in this division is no doubt due to the large proportion of Hailors and
boatmen amongst the coast Mahammedans. It will be noticed that the special feature of Hindoo
marriage in Gujarat is to a smaller extent reproduced amongst the Mahammedans of that division,
and the proportion of boys married before they are 15 is very high. In the ICarnatic, the ratio
of girls married under that age is considerably less as compared not only to the Hindoos there, but
also to the Mahammedans of Gujarat and the Konkan. The proportion of widows to wives is in
three of the four divisions higher amongst the Mahammedans than amongst the Hindoos, and though
highest in the Karnatic in the case of both religions^ the second ratio amongst the Hindoos is found
in the Konkan, but amongst the Mahammedans is m Gujardt and the Deccan, where the proportion
is identical. The serial order of the ratios of widowers to husbands is the same in both, but amongst
the Mahammedans this ratio is higher than amongst the Hindoos in all divisions but the most
southerly. In Gujarat and the Karnatic, too, the ratio of widowers to widows amongst the Maham-
medans is lower, but in the other two divisions higher than it is found to be in the case of Hindoos.
As regards the different subdivisions shown in the table on page xlix, it seems that only one
exhibits to any great extent the practice of the early marriage of boys, and this, the Sunni Bohorahs,
is composed of the descendants of Hindoo cultivators of various castes. The early marriage of girls,
too, is most prevalent in this case, the next to it being that of the oilmen, who in this respect follow
the habits of their Hindoo rivals. The three classes of the Molesalam, the Maleks, and the Cbohans
are all converts from either Kajputs or Hindoos of nearly as good a position as the Kshatria of the
division. The chief points to notice with regard to the marriage relations found to exist amongst
them are the comparatively small proportion of child marriages and the high ratio of the widowed.
Amongst the Sunni Bohorahs the ratio of widows is high in the case of the girls but low in that of
women of riper years, as is to be expected from the earlier date of the marriages in their community.
The Moghals are scarcely to be counted amongst the indigenous tribes of this Presidency, though
outside the capital city they are in most cases permanently settled in India as a trading community.
As they travel about a good deal in the course of their business it is probable that the ratios given
regarding their civil condition are not to be taken as representative of the normal relations of the
class as a whole. The last section to be noticed is that of the Shiah, or Daudi Bohorahs, resident in
Gujarat, but found in most of the towns of the Deccan, the return shows that although a good many
of the latter class are settled residents of the place of their adoption there must be a considerable
migration between Surat and the rest of the Presidency. There is amongst them comparatively
little widowhood and not much early marriage. The ratio of the single men over 15 years old is not
much below that of the better class of Hindoo traders of the division, and the latter as has been
mentioned above, is higher than among less well-to-do castes.
Jatns.
The castes selected to represent the circumstances of the Jain community comprise the largest
cultivating class of the Karnatic, the most important of the indigenous Jain traders of Gujarat,
and the chief Marw&di sections. It will be seen in the table, page xlix, that the first-named class is
the only one in which there is a high proportion of early marriages amongst either sex.f On the
other hand, the proportion of widows to wives is here much lower than amongst the trading section.
It is remarkable, too, that the proportion of the single men is so much higher amongst the latter
class. The cultivating Jains bear, in fact, a very strong resemblance to their Lingdiat neighbours
in respect to their marriage arrangements, whilst the traders of this religion form a class quite
apart, even from the Hindoo Wanias of Gujarat, with whom they have much in common in other
relations.
Forest Tribes.
Of the Aboriginal and Forest tribes I need say but little here, as the general features of their
custom as to marriage have been already brought to notice when discussing the influence of the
Hindoo system, with which the more primitive relations of this class were contrasted. Omitting the
Waghris, who are a settled tribe of north Gujarat labourers, and the Thakurs of the Deccan, who
are of mixed race, it will be seen that the rest of the tribes have at the mo8t*7 per cent, of their girls
married before they are 15, and if the few, probably wandering, families of the Warlis and Kdthodis
that have strayed beyond their division be left out of consideration, not more than 2 per cent, of the
males contract alliances before puberty. The proportion of the widowed amongst the adult females.
* Of the Bombay OensiiB Report.
t But this is neoeesaiily doe in some measm:^ to famine.
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too^ is remarkably low : but thoDgh the same feature is noticeable in the case of the men^ it is less
marked, unless we select for comparison the upper Hindoo classes, or those found only in Gujarat
It 13 worthy of note in illustration of the tendency to early marriage, that the smallest proportions
of the married under 15 is found in the lowest Aboriginal classes, and the ratio rises as the caste
occupies a better position. Take, for instance, the case of the Gamtha and Cliodra, compared
with the Dubla, who are settled cultivators. The proportion in the latter is about three times that
in the denizens of the forest. In the Konkan tribes, though this tendency is well marked with
respect to the males, the proportion of married girls shows a considerable increase, irrespective of any
rise in the social scale. It is, in fact, amongst the lowest tribe of all that the highest ratio, 6-6 per
cent, is found, in combination with the lowest ratio of widowers and of single men of above 15. In
spite of these internal variations the aboriginal element as a whole is, as has been insisted on before,
on a veiy different footing from the Hindoo with respect to marriage relations.
CASTE IN RELATION TO OCCUPATION.
This subject may be divided into two distinct heads, which for convenience we may term respec-
tively the social and the economical aspect. From the former stand-point the question is the extent
to which caste is theoretically co-extensive with occupation, and whether in ;he present day that
relation is preserved. From an economical point of view it is of great importance to ascertain the
relative productive power of ench main subdivision, as shown in the proportion of its workers of each
sex, their distribution in different classes of occupation and tiie strength of the non-productive popu-
lation supported by their labour A special interest attaches itself to the latter subject in this
country where the administration is too often called upon to estimate the number of people that under
stress of famine or hard times may be thrown without means of subsistence on the public funds.
This latter subject would be more conveniently dealt with in a subsequent chapter when the general
question of occupations is under consideration ; but as the details given in the second part of the
caste table, at pages 1 to liv of Appendix C include both of the features I have mentioned, it will
be enough if I touch upon the whole series of statistics at once in the present chapter. With regard
to tlie first point, then, that of the restriction of the caste to its eponymic occupation, it will be seen
that it is most apparent in the case of trades requiring special manual training, such as the weavers,
tailors, goldsmiths, braziers, and coppersmiths. There is an apparent exception in tlie Dhobis, or
washermen, of Gujardt, a caste which presents a higher ratio of occupied than any other. In default
of local explanation, I should be inclined to attribute this peculiarity to the fact that in this division,
where the village system has been relaxed from the time of the Mahaminedan invasions from the
north, the washerman has never, as in the Deccan, had a permanent position in the village establish-
ment, imd has not, therefore, been led into the extension of his occupation to agriculture, as seems
to have been the case in the other parts of the Presidency.* The agricultural classes again are
excepted from the above remarks, as it has been already seen and will be more apparent in the
statistics to be brought to notice in Chapter X., that they compose the majority not only of the
castes, but of the working population, and are necessarily more addicted to their ancestral pursuit
than those whose livelihood depends upon conditions even more . precarious than the Indian season.
In the 12 castes that rank highest in the proportion borne to the total number of their workers by
those engaged in the ancestral occupation, there are four agricultural, one labouring, six industrial,
and one servant class. If, however, labourers that are practically employed almost solely on the land
be included, the number of agricultural castes in this category would probably fill the list. Another
remark must be made regarding these proportions, and that is, that as the workers of both sexes are
included in the calculation the ratio is higher in the case of occupations in which women participate
to a greater extent. The returns show that these occupations are those of washing, weaving, and
sewing, without counting field work and domestic spinning, which are largely returned by castes in
which the women have no other special occupation. The sale of fish, too, is undertaken, to a large
extent, by the Machhi women of GujarSt, who show one of the highest per-centages of the employed.
The relative proportion of working women depends, too, in many cases I see upon the degree to
which the family is engaged in a^culture, either by itself or as a subsidiary occupation. There are
about 28 instHnces amongst the Hin('oos of castes in which the women are employed to the extent of
more than one half their number, and it is reasonable to suppose that with the exception of the
washerwomen, fishwomen, and weavers, the occupation of the rest is oC a general nature, such as
house-spinning and labour. The castes in which there seem to be the fewest won^en employed in
any occupation are the specially technical workers, as goldsmiths, coppersmiths, blacksmiths, and
carpenters, and the barbers in the rest of the community. It is scarcely necessary to mention that
the Brdhmanis are returned as occupied in comparatively few cases, and such as are so recorded are
chiefly landholders, and engaged in domestic service, the latter task falling to the lot of a large
majority of the widows in the poorer families of this order.
I said in the early part of this chapter tl»at caste, beginning with being the bond between persons
of the same occupation, had then become a hereditary qualification for that occupation, and as society
outgrew, from a commercial point of view, the sphere of a monopoly of this sort, the caste began to
expand into a variety of occupations. It is not uninteresting to see how far this disintegration of
the hereditary system has advanced. With regard to the non-agricultural castes, there are few that
number more than 80 per cent, persons working at the eponymic occupation, and none in which the
* He is also of foreign extraction, and may not have yet settled with his family in this part of the oonntiy.
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ratio rises above 88 per cent., unless the occupation in question be supplemented with agriculture.
The provincial table accordingly shows not only the extent to which members of non-agricultural
castes are engaged in cultivation, but also those who must always be numerous in a system like that
of the Indian village, who have entirely abandoned their ancestral pursuit for agriculture alone.
Conversely, we have the number of agriculturists who have partially abandoned cultivation or added
to it some other and subsidiary means of gain. This latter point, connected as it is with so vast a
population, is of the highest importance, and I regret that the return as a whole, though it corresponds
very much with that of a neighbouring province, should be as deficient as it evidently is. It is the
first time that the separate record of combined occupations or occupations by caste have been re-
corded, and errors on the part of both enumerators and abstractors were inevitable; No doubt a
good many entries of occupations with agriculture subsidiary to them have been tabulated under the
name of the principal occupation alone, as I found to be the case in some of the t&lukas of Kh&ndesh
and the Eonkan, which were revised more than once in order to test work which appeared faulty in
other respects. Deferring consideration for the present of the agricultural section, the table seems to
indicate that the Gujar&ti artizans are those most freely engaged in cultivation in addition to their
hereditary pursuit, and that in this class the industries that belong to the ordinary village life, such
SB the carpenter, blacksmith, barber, potter, tanner, and the like are pre-eminent. The weavers,
tiulors, goldsmiths, and oilmen have taken less to the soil as a source of livelihood. This class in the
Konkan comes next to its neighbour in Oujar&t in respect to the combination of industry and
agriculture, whilst the Deccan and Karndtic, though below both the other divisions, are about equal to
each other. Lastly, there is the case of the Brdhmans to receive consideration. Even at the time of the
publication of the Code of Manu, it had been found that a priest could not rest with* confidence on the
contributions of the faithful for the daily bread of himself and his family, so great latitude was allowed
to this class in choosing an occupation. Some few trades are altogether forbidden, but these are not
amongst the most desirable or the most lucrative, and the returns on the present occasion show that
though there are some classes of Brdhmans who are more given to sacerdotal pursuits than others, there
is none in which over 60 per cent, are thus engaged, and even this proportion is quite exceptional.
The proportion in the Deccan is, as a rule, lower Uian in Gujarat, and in tiie latter division too, apart
from the two specially agricultural classes, there is a larger proportion of Br&hmans holding land and
living by it than elsewhere. In the Deccan and in the Konkan respectively, there is one caste of this
order that is very much given lo possessing land ; but in the latter division the holder actually
cultivates, and in the former, he generally lets out most of his estate and keeps a few fields for bis
own use, but tills them by hired labour.
The Forest and Aboriginal tribes, too, need but little comment in connexion with this subject.
Nearly all are cultivators, and the lower the tribe the higher the proportion of landholders. In
the case of semi- Hindoos, such as the Dublas and Naiks, of Surat, the labourers predominate over
those who are engaged in farming their own land. It is owing, perhaps, to the number of field
labourers in this class that the proportion of women engaged in some work or other is so much above
the average found amongst higher classes of the population.
As regards the tendency of agriculturists to take to other work, it seems from the returns that
where the cast is indigenous, and not transplanted from another part of the country, there is but slight
inclination to engage in skilled industries or in trade. It may be noted that the largest proportion
not returned under the heads of landholders and field labourers comes within the class of general
labourers, which includes, no doubt, a good many persons who are really field hands out of their
usual employ. In the last category, that of unspecified trades, which is, as a rule, larger in the
Karnatic than elsewhere, the chief occupation is home-spinning, as is to be expected in a cotton-
growing country without machinery or factories. A small proportion of those in this class said to be
engaged in cattle-tending are mostly the children of the landholder or his farm servats, as the return
shows that this occupation is generally followed, in the case of other than pastoral tribes, by boys
and by a few girls of under 15 years old.
It seems unnecessary to enter furtlfer into the economical bearings of these statistics, as it is with
the social features of caste that the present chapter is concerned, and after the general returns of
occupation have received attention the connexion between the two is traceable with no great
diflUculty. I wil therefore proceed to the consideration of the distribution of castes in the capital
city.
Bombay City.
It cannot be expected that where, as in this city, the schedules are left to be filled up by the
householder, there should be as accurate a record of a detailed matter like the caste as is to be got in
places where the agency is mostly ofiScial, and engaged in the correction of the entries for some weeks
before the final enumeration. The fact that of the Hindoo population of Bombay only 2 per cent
returned no caste or an unintelligible entry in this column of their schedule shows that efiicien
supervision was exercised by the officials appointed for the duty and by the heads of the leading
sections of the Hindoo community, who came forward voluntarily to explain to their less educated
fellows what was required of them. At the enumeration of 1872 the proportion returning themselves
simply as Hindoos was over 9 per cent. On the present occasion examples of the way to fill up the
schedules of different sections of the population were published with the instructions in each language,
according to the better known characteristics of the respective divisions of the Presidency, and it i?
believed that this course was of much assistance to both the public and the enumerators.
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The mar^al table gives the proportional distributioii of the Hindoo population of the city
according to the classification adopted for the rest of the Presidency.
There are some important modifications, however, that have to be
broiight to notice before entering into the subject in detail. These
are with reference to the class elsewhere shown as cultivators. In
I. BrIUimans - - 62
11. Rajputs - - - 7
III. Writers - - 12
IV. Traders - - - 102
V. Artizans - - 127
VI. Agriculturists - - 467
VII. Shepherds, &c. - 17
VIII. Fishers, &c. - - 37
IX. Personal servants - 27
X. Minor professions - 4
XI. Devotees - - 4
XII. Depressed castes - - 74
XII L Miscellaneous or
bourinji^
Unreturned
la-
39
. 21
1,000
the city, as in tliG country, the population included under this
heading is the largest of all the classes, but in Bombay it is necessary
to assume tliat the majority of the agriculturists that come from the
districts are general labourers. Only about 83 per raille are really
engaged in actual cultivation. Then, again, the caste of Konkani
Kolis, shown elsewhere as cultivators, are principally fishermen in
Bombay, so that this distinction must be taken into account with
reference to the distribution. Comparing the general population of
the division with that now under consideration, it appears that six
classes are more numerously represented relatively in the capital than
in the rural districts. These are : the Br&hmans, who find a con-
genial field for literary and clerical work in the town, the Writers, for the same reason, the Traders,
Fishers, Servants, and Labourers. There is a trifling excess in the proportion of Artizans, but not so
marked as would be manifest if this table showed the number of the castes included under the heads
of agriculturists and labourers, but who are really factory hands engaged in purely industrial pursuits.
The great body of the Rajputs being landholders and cultivators, they are necessarily in the
minority here, nor can the depressed castes and shepherds find much room for their expansion in a
city. The village system, too, has much to do with the support of the class of musicians who con-
tribute so largely to swell the minor professions.
The next point I propose to notice is the relative proportions of the main subdivisions recorded.
The following table shows the general distribution of 1,000 of the Hindoo population : —
1. MarathaKimbi -
.
- 352
22.
2. Dhed and Mah4r -
-
- 65
23.
3. Bhand4ri
.
- 55
24.
4 GujarWATiia
.
. 35
25.
5. LohanWania
.
- 27
26.
6. Mar4tha Brihman
.
- 26
27.
7. Gajarati Brdhman
.
- 25
28.
8. Konkani Eoli
.
. 25
29.
9. Khatri -
.
. 23
30.
10. Mar4thaEoU .
.
. 22
31.
11. Sonfix
.
. 19
32.
12. Bh4tia (Wania) -
.
- 18
33.
13. M41i
.
- 18
84.
14. Mar^thaWdnia -
.
- 17
35.
15. Agria
.
- 17
36.
16. Darji
.
- 16
37.
17. Sutfix
-
- 14
38.
18. Dhobi -
.
. 14
39.
19. Kimdthi -
.
- 13
40.
20. Hajam
.
- 13
41.
21. OhdmbMr
-
. 12
42.
Mochi
C^ud Br&hznan -
Pdt^ePrabhu -
Kharwa -
TeU
Gauli
Kasdr
Lohir
Knmbhar
Bajput -
M4ng
Wanjiri -
Bhoi
Gk>savi
Bhangi
Kdyasth Prabhu •
Dhangar -
Gurao
Maohhi -
Smaller castes
Caste not returned
11
10
9
9
9
9
8
8
7
7
5
5
4
4
4
3
3
3
2
33
21
Here, as in the rest of the Presidency, the Maratha is in a large majority, and is collected from
most of the districts below or near the line of Ghdts. The numerical order too, of the castes that
have been' described in the former part of this chapter is found here, also, with regard to the next
entry, which is that of the Mahar and Dhed. After these come the Bhandaris, a local caste, engaged
in tapping the cocoa and palmyra trees that grow so plentifully on the island. They are also rice
cultivator*?, like their neighbours, the Agrias. There is a large gap between these three subdivisions
and the rest of the community. The trading classes of the Gujarat and Sind sections come next in
fctrength, followed by the Brahmans of the Maratha country apd of Gujarat. It is hardly necessary
to enter further into detail with regard to this list, though it may be remarked that the relative
j)roportion of the subdivisions of each order to the total of that order, are by no means the same as in
the rural parts of the country.
In conclusion, I will note a few of the most important differences that seem to have taken place in
the numbers under the various heads since the preceding Census in 1872. The two lists do not, how-
ever, correspond in all the details, so I have only selected for mention those castes which seem to me*
to have been recorded under exactly the same name at both enumerations. The most remarkable
increase has been in the case of the Mabars and Dheds. The former have no doubt come in large
numbers from the Deccan and Konkan under stress of hard times in their native district, or attracted
by the cheapness of communication in the present day. As regards the Dheds, it is possible that the
greater part of the increase in their number is due to the extension of the demand for private
servants of the subdivision known as Suratis, because the birth-place return seems to indicate that
there has been a much larger influx of this class from that district than from any other in Gujarat.
The increase in the Dheds, however, is evidently but slight compared with that amongst the Mahars,
and is of less consequence from a sanitary point of view, since the former are usually fairly well off and
well housed, wheres the Mahar- comes up simply as a day labourer, and throngs the most unhealthy
parts of the town with all the filth of the dirtiest class of the village population. The proportional
increase of this caste amounts to 66 per cent. We may next notice the variation in the section at
the opposite end of the Hindoo social scale. The Brahmanic community of the city has increased
by over 21 per cent, in the nine years, and by far the majority of the new comers are from the
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Deccan and Konkan. The increase in the Gujarati Brahmans seems to have been much less pro-
portionately than that found in the Colony from the Konkan and M^rwar. Amongst the Maratha
Brahmans the increased number of females enumerated is very marked, more so than in the case of
the Gujaratis. From Marwar hardly any women of this order are to be found accompanying their
male relatives to the capital. After the Mahars, the caste that shows the largest^actual increase is
the Maratha Kunbi, which ia more numerous by over 64 per cent, than in 1872. The remarks made
in a former chapter regarding the movement from Ratnagiri and Sdtdra are applicable to this caste,
which is the main one found in those districts. The cultivating class of Malis have increased by
40 per cent, and the weavers by 30, The Bhandaris, too, show an expansion to the amount of 11
per cent, which seems to indicate that this community is progressing at a normal and healthy rate.
It is unnecessary to go through the whole list, especially as the above castes are those which are not
only most numerous, but less likely to have been confounded in the abstraction with others. The
population is so shifting that it is less important to secure a detailed record of the castes that com-
pose it than it is in a rural district ; still, the question of the development and decadence of the
different sections of the people in the chief town is one of great interest, and it is a pity that
the destruction of the schedules took place before the editor of the Provincial Gazetteer had
time or opportunity to secure from them a table which could serve as a standard for all future
enumerations.
The return for the Mahammedan population of this city is not by any means satisfactory in the
details it gives. Over 54 per cent are returned under the heading of
Mahammedan without qualification of any sort. The marginal
statement shows the general proportions of the different classes of thiii
community. About 23-30 per cent, belong to the local trading bodies
mentioned in detail when the Mahammedan classes of the Presidency as
a whole were being described. It is probable, too, that the Arabs
should rightly be classed as traders, as they are largely engaged in
horse dealing as well as more extended commercial transactions. The
Konkanis include both domestic servants and fishermen, as well as the
upper class of this section, but it is very likely that the fishers form a
large proportion of those who do not return their denomination. The
Shaikhs no doubt include the majority of the Artizan class, such a*)
cotton-cleaners, weavers, dyers, and the not unimportant body of the
cab drivers. Leaving the Shaikhs out of the question, the most
iierated are the Memans and Khojas. The BohoraJis,
too, are a widespread and wealthy tribe ; but, as I have said in a former part of this work, their
home is not in the capital but in Surat. We may hope, finally, that by the time the next census
has tb be taken some more comprehensive and systematic scheme for the classification of this com-
munity will have been devised.
It is somewhat difficult to compare the returns of the two last enumerations, owing to the omission in
1872 of the title of Konkani The persons returned simply as Mahammedans have decreased in number
by ri per cent. The Pathfins, too, are fewer by 18*6 per cent., a change that may be, perhaps, connected
with the decrease in the number of persons bom in the more northern provinces of India. The rest of
this community has increased considerably. .The Memans, for instance, are more numerous by 52*1
per cent., the Shaikhs, or mass of the lower population of this faith, by 61"42, and the Saiads by
48*1. The Khojas show a numerical growth but little in advance of that of the entire city popu-
lation, and are more numerous by 22*30 per cent, only, than in 1872. This, however, is more than
is found amongst the remaining trading class, the Bohorahs, who have increased by no more than 8'3
per cent.
Per cent
Arab
- 1*4
Shaikh
- 11*6
Saiad
- 2-4
Pathan
. 2*3
MoghaJ* -
- 1*0
Shiah Bohorah* -
- 7-3
Khoja*
. 65
Meman*
- 8*6
Konkani -
- 4*3
Negro -
- 0*4
Unspecified -
- 54*3
Total
. 100*0
* Trading leotlons.
influential sections in the city of all those enumerated are the Memans and Khojas,
li 4
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APPENDIX J.
EXTRACTS PROM MR. IBBETSON'S REPORT ON THE PUNJAB CENSUS
REGARDING CERTAIN CASTES.
Abstract No. 71 below shows ^he distribution of Jats, Rajptits, and certain castes which I have
taken with the latter, ns the line separating them is almost impossible of definition. The origin and
distribution of these castes is fully discussed in the following pages, and there is no need liere to
anticipate my remarks. Indeed the distinction between Jat and Rajptit is in many parts of the
Province so indefinite, that separate figures for these two castes can hardly be said to have any
significance at all.
Abstract No. 71, showing Jats, Rajputs, and Allied Castes for Districts and States.
Jats and Rajputs and Allied Races.
Figures.
Proportions per 1,000 of Total Population.
1
2
60
39
82
74
108
1
2
60
89
82
74
103
^
^
4
1
1
1
1
3
1
4
1
u
1
1
i
1
5
1
British territory -
8,564,519
1,436,058
24,984
53,002
9,994
20,315
9,468
189
76
1
8
I
1
—
82
271
Native States -
S68,231
241,511
7,782
82,190
7,206
—
84
225
68
2
8
3
—
—
75
800
Province -
4,438,750
1,677,569
32,766
85,192
17,200
20,315
9,502
195
74
1
4
1
1
—
81
276
The two together constitute nearly 28 per cent of the total population of the Punjab, and include
the great mass of the dominant land-owning tribes in the cis-Indus portion of the province. Their
political is even greater than their numerical importance ; while they afford to the ethnologist
infinite matter for inquiry and consideration. Their customs are in the main Hindoo, though in the
Western Plains and the Salt-range Tract the restrictions upon intermarriage have in many cases
come to be based upon considerations of social standing only. But even here the marriage ceremony
and other social customs retain the clear impress of Indian origin.
The Jat (Caste No. 1).
The origin of the Jat, — Perhaps no question connected with the ethnology of the Punjab peoples
has been so much discussed as the origin of the Jat race. It is not my intention here to reproduce
any of ihe arguments adduced. They will be found in detail in the Archaeological Survey Reports,
Vol. 11., pages 51 to 61 ; in Tod's Rdjasthdn, Vol. I., pages 52 to 75 and 96 to 101 (Madras
Keprint, 1880) ; in Elphinstone's History of India, pages 250 to 253 ; and in Elliot's Races of the
North- West Provinces^ Vol. I., pages 130 to 137. Suffice it to say that both General Cunningham
and Major Tod agree in considering the Jats to be of Indo-Scythian stock. The former identifies
them with the Zanthii of Strabo and the Jatii of Pliny and Ptolemy ; and holds that they probably
entered the Punjab from their home on the Oxus very shortly after the Meds or Mands, who also
were Indo-Scythians, and who moved into the Punjib about a century before Christ. The Jats seem
to have first occupied the Indus valley as far down as Sindh, whither the Meds followed them about
the beginning of the present sera. But before the earliest Mahammedan invasion the Jats had spread
into the Punjdb proper, where they were firmly established in the beginning of the 11th century.
By the time of Babar the Jats of the Salt-range Tract had been subdued by the Gakkhars, Awans,
and JanjAas, while as early as the 7th century the Jats and Meds of Sindh were ruled over bv a
Brahman dynasty. Major Tod classes the Jats as one of the great RajpAt tribes, and extends his
identification with the Getse to both races ; but here General Cunningham differs, holding the Eajputs
to belong to the original Aryan stock, and the Jats to belong to a later wave of immigrants jfrom the
north-west, probably of Scythian race.
It may be that the original Rajpdt and the original Jat entered India at different periods in its
history, though to my mind the term Kdjput is an occupational rather than an ethnological expression.
But if they do originally represent two separate waves of immigration, it is at least exceedingly
probable, both from their almost identical physique and facial character and from the close com-
munion which has always existed between them, that they belong to one and the same ethnic stock ;
while whether this be so or not, it is almost certain that they have been for many centuries and still
are so intermingled and so blended into one people that it is practically impossible to distinguish
them as separate wholes. It is indeed more than probable that the process of Vision has not ended
herej and that the people, who thus in the main resulted from the blending of the Jat and the Efijput,
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OXXl
if these two ever were distinct^ is bj no means free from foreign elements. We have seen how the
Pathan people have assimilated Saiyads^ Tfirks, and Mughals, and how it was sufficient for a Jat
tribe to retain its political independence and organisation in order to be admitted into the Biloch
nation ; we know how a character for sanctity and social exdusiveness combined will in a few
generations make a Quresh or a Saiyad ; and it is almost certain that the joint Jat-R£jptit stock
contains not a few tribes of aboriginal descent, though it is probably in the main Aryo-Scythian,
if Scythian be not ^ryan. The Man, Her, and Bbfilar Jats are blown as asl or ori^nal Jats,
because they claim no Bfijpiit ancestry, but are supposed to be descended from the haur (jat) of
the aboriginal god Siva; the Jats of the south-eastern districts divide themselves into two sections,
Shivgotriy or of the family of Siva, and KcLsabgotri, who claim connexion with the B&jputs ; and the
names of the ancestor bar of the Shivgotris and of his son Barbara; are the very words which the
ancient Brahmans give us as the marks of the barbarian aborigines. Many of the Jat tribes of tbe
Punjab have customs which apparently poiut to non- Aryan origin, and a rich and almost virgin field
for investigation is here open to the ethnologist
Are the Jats and Rajputs distinct f — But whether Jats and Rajputs were or were not originally
distinct, and whatever aboriginal elements may have been affiliated to their society, I think that the
two now form a common stock, the distinction between Jat and Bajptit being social rather than
ethnic. I believe that those families of that common stock whom the tide of fortune has raised to
political importance have become B&jputs almost by more virtue of their rise; and that their
descendants have retained the title and its privileges on the condition, strictly enforced, of observing
the rules by which the higher are distinguished from the lower castes in the Hindoo scale of
precedence ; of preserving their purity of blood by refusing to marry with famiUes of inferior social
rank, of rigidly abstaimng from widow marriage, and of refraining from degrading occupations.
Those who transgressed these rules have fallen from their high position and ceased to be Rdjptits ;
while such families as, attaining a dominant position in their territory, began to affect social
exdusiveness and to observe the rules, have become not only K&jas, but also Rajputs or '^ sons of
R^jas/' For the last seven centuries the process of elevation at least has been almost at a standstill
Under the Dehli emperors king-making was practically impossible. Under the Sikhs the Rajput
was overshadowed by the Jat, who resented his assumption of superiority and his refusal to join him
on equal terms in the ranks of the Khalsa, deliberately persecuted him wherever and whenever he had
the power, and preferred his title of Jat Sikh to that or the proudest R^jptit. On the frontier the
dominance of Path^ns and Biloches and the general prevalence of Muhammedan feelings and ideas
placed recent Indian origin at a discount, and led the leading families who belonged to neither of
these two races to claim connexion, not with the Kshatriyas of the Sanskrit classics, but with the
Mughal conquerors of India or the Qureshi cousins of the Prophet ; insomuch that even admittedly
Rajput tribes of famous ancestry, such as the Khokhar, have begun to follow the example. But in
the hills, where the R&jpiit dynasties write genealogies perhaps more ancient and unbroken than can
be shown by any other royal families in the world retained their independence till yesterday,
and where many of them still enjoy as great social authority as ever, the twin processes of degradation
from and elevation to Rajpiit rank are still to be seen in operation. The R&ja is there the fountain
not only of honour, but also of caste, which is the same thing in India. Mr. Lyall writes : —
'* TiU lately the limits of caste do not seem to have been so immutably fixed in the hills as in the plains. The Ri^a
" was the fountain of honour, and could do much as he liked. I have heard old men quote instances within theur
** memory in which a Raja promoted a Girth to be a R4thiy and a Thakar to be a Rljput, for service done or money
" given ; and at the present day the power of admitting back into caste fellowship persons put under a ban for some
" grave act of defilement, is a source of income to the Jagirdar Riyas.
'* I believe that Mr. Campbell, the present Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, has asserted that there is no such thing as
'* a distinct R^jptit stock ; that in former times before caste distinctions had become crystaUiseed, any tribe or f&mily
" whose ancestor or head rose to royal rank became in time R^jp^t. This is certainly the conclusion to whidi many
'* facts point with regard to the Rajptits of these hills. Two of the old royal and now essentially R^jpdt families of this
" district, viz., Kotlenr and BangUhar, are said to be Br&hmin by original stock. Mr. Bames saj^s that in Kangra the
*' son of a R^ptit by a low-caste woman takes place as a R4thi ; in Seor^j and other places in the interior of the hills I
" have met fJEunilies caUing themselves R4jpdts, and growing inixr general acceptance as R&jptits, in their own country at
" least, whose only claim to the title was that their l&ther or grandfather was the offispring of a Kanetni by a foreign
** Br4hmin. On the border line in the Himalayas, between Thibet and India propter, anyone can observe caste growing
'* before his eyes; the noble is changing into a Rdjp^t, the priest into a Brahmin, the peasant into a Jat, and so on
** down to the bottom of the scale. The same process was, I believe, more or less in force in Kangra proper down to a
'* period not very remote from to-day.**
The reverse process of degradation from B&jp6t to lower rank is too common to require proof of its
existence, which will be found if needed^ together with further instances of elevation^ in the section
which treats of the Bajptit and kindred castes. In the eastern districts, where Brahminism is stronger
than in any other part of the Punj&b and Delhi too near to allow of families rising to political indepen-
dence, it is probable that no elevation to the rank of B&jpfit has taken place within recent times. But
many B&jpdt families have ceased to be Bajpiits. Setting aside the general tradition of the Punjab
Jats to the effect that their ancestors were Bajpiits who married Jats or began to practice widow-
marriagCj we have the Gaurwa Bajpiits of Gurglon and Dehli^ who have indeed retained the title of
Bajptit because the caste feeling is too strong in those parts and the change in their customs too recent
for it yet to have died out^ but who have^ for all purposes of equality, communion^ or intermarriage^
cease to be Bajptits since they took to the practice of karewa ; we have the Sahnsars of Hushy&rpur
who were Bdjp^ts within the last two or three generations^ but have ceased to be so because they
grow vegetables like the Ar&in ; in Karndl we have Bajptits who within the living generation have
ceased to become Bajputs and become Shekhs^ because poverty and loss of land forced tibem to weaving
as an occupation ; while the Delhi Shauh&n, within the shadow of the city where their ancestors once
ruled and led the Indian armies in their last struggle with the Musalm&n invaders, have lost their
caste by yielding to the temptations of haretoa. In the Sikh tract, as I have said, the Jat is content
T 5747. K k
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to be a Jat» and has never ainoe the rise of Sikh power wished to be anything else. In the Western
Phuns the freedom of marriage allowed by Ld&m has -superseded caste restrictionBy aod social casik is
measured by the tribe rather than by< the larger unit of caste. But OTen . thece^i families.' who t were a
few generations ago reputed Jats hanre now risen by social exdusiT^ness to be recognised as. Bajpfxts,
and families who were lately known as Bajp6ts have sunk till they are now classed wijth Jaits ; while
the ffreat ruling tribes^ the Si&l^ the Godd^, the Tiwana are commonly spoken of as BAJputs, and .their
smaUer brethren as Jats. The same tribe even is Eajput in one district and Jat in another^ aceording
to its position among the local tribes^ In the Salt-range. Tract the dominant tribes, the . Jai\]<ia»
Manh^ and the like, are Bajptits when they are not Mughals or Arabs; while all agricultural tribes
of Indian origin who cannot establish their title to Bajpdt rank are Jats. Finally^ on tha frontier the
Pathan and Biloch have overshadowed Jat and B&jpAt alike ; and Bhatti, Punwar, Ttiniwar, all the
proudest tribes of B^jp^tana are incbided in the name and have sunk to the level of Jat, for there can
be no B&jptits where there are no B&jas or traditions of Bijas. I know that the. views her^ set
forth will be held heretical and profane by many^ and. that they ought to be supported by a greater
wealth of instance than I have produced in the following pages. But I have no time to^ marshal my
&cts ; I have indeed no time to record more than a small proportion of them ; and all I can now
attempt is to state the conclusion to which my inquiries have led me, and to. hope to deal with the
subject in more detail on some future occasion.
T/ie position of the Jat in thePunjdb, — The Jat is in every respect the most important of the Punjab
peoples. In point of numbers he surpasses the Bajptit who comes next to him in proportion of nearly
three to one 5 while the two together constitute 27 per cent, of the whole population Jcf the province.
Politically he ruled the Punjab till the Khalsa yielded to our arms. Ethnologically he is the peculiar
and most prominent product of the plains of the five rivers. And from an economical and adminis-
trative point of view he is tJie husbandman, the peasant, the revenue payer par excellence of the pro-
vince. His manners do not bear the impress of generations of wild freedom which marks the races of
our frontier mountains. But he is more honesty more industrious, more sturdy, and no less manly
than they. Study independence indeed, and patient vigorous labour are his strongest characteristics.
The Jat is of all Punjab races the most impatient of tribal or communal control, and the one which
asserts the freedom of the individual most strongly. In tracts where, as in Kohtak, the Jat tribes
have the field to themselves, and are compelled, in default of rival castes as enemies, to fall back upon
each other for somebody to quarrel with, the tribal ties are strong. But as a rule a Jat is a man who
does what seems right in his own eyes and sometimes what seems wrong also, and will not be said nay
by any man. I do not mean that he is turbulent ; as a rule he i3 very far from being so. He is
independent and he is self-willed ; but he is reasonable, peaceably inclined if left alone, and not difficult
to manage. He is usually content to cultivate his fields and pay his revenue in peace and quietness
if people will let him do so ; though when he does go wrong he ^' takes to anything from gambling to
*^ murder, with perhaps a preference for stealing other people*s wives and cattle." As usual the
proverbial wisdom of tne villages describes him very fairly, though perhaps somewhat too severely :
" The soil, fodder, clothes, hemp, grass fibre, and silk, these six are best beaten ; and the seventh is the
Jat." ** A Jat, a Bhat, a caterpillar, and a widow woman ; these four are best hungry. If they
eat their fill they do harm." '* The Jat, like a woimd, is better when bound." In agriculture the
Jat is pre-eminent The market-gardening castes, the Arain, the Mdli^ the Saini, are perhaps more
skilful cultivators on a small scale, but they cannot rival the Jat as landowners and yeoman culti-
vators. The Jat calls himself zandnddrcft '' husbandman " as often as Jat, and his women and
children alike work with him in the fields: ^ The Jat's baby has a plough handle for a plaything."
** The Jat stood on his com heap and said to the king's elephant drivers, * Will you sell those little
^^ ' donkeys ? ' " Socially^ the Jat occupies a position which is shared by the Bor, the G6}ar, and the
Ahir, all four eating and smoking together. He is of course far below the B&jput, from the simple
fact that he practises widow-marriage. The Jat father is made to say, in the rhyming proverbs of the
country side, ** Come, my daughter, and be married ; if this husband dies there are plenty more." But
among the widow-marrying class he stands first. The Banya with his sacred thread, his strict
Hindooism, and his twice-born standing, looks down on the Jat as a Si&dra. But the Jat looks down
upon the Banya as a cowardly spiritless money-grubber, and society in general agrees with the Jat.
The Khatri, who is far superior to the Banya in manliness and vigour, probably takes precedence of
the Jat. But among the races or tribes of purely Hindoo origin, I think that the Jat stands next
after the Brahman, the B&jpdt, and the £hatri.
'there are, however, Jats and Jats. I shall Mefly describe each class in the remarks prefixed to
the various sections under which I discuss the Jat tribes ; and I shall here do nothing more than
briefly indicate the broad distinctions. The Jat of the Sikh tracts is of course the tyjpical Jat of the
Punjab, and he it is whom I have described above. The Jat of the south-eastern districts differs little
from him save in religion ; though on the Bikdner border the puny Bagri J&t, immigrant from his
rainless prairies where he has been held in bondage for centuries, and ignorant of cultivation save in its
rudest form, contrasts strongly with the stalwart and independent husbandman of the Malwa. On
the Lower Indus the word Jat is applied generically to a congeries of tribes, Jats {Nroper, B&jp6ts,
lower castes, and mongrels, who have no points in common save their Mahanmiedan reli^on, their
agricultural occupation, and their subordinate position. In the great-western grazing grounds it is, as
I have said, impossible to draw any sure line between Jat and B&jptit, the latter term being commonly
applied to those tribes who have attained political supremacy, while the people whom they have
subdued or driven by dispossession of their territary to live a semi-nomad life in the central steppes
are more often classed as Jats ; and the state of things in the Salt^range Tract is very similar.
Indeed, the word Jat is the Punjabi term for a grazier or herdsman ; though Mr. O'Brien says that in
Jatki Jat the cultivator is spelt with a hard, and Jat the herdsman or camel grazier with a soft, t
e<
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Tkiis the word Jat in Bohtak or Amritzar means a good deal ; in Muzaffargarh or Bannu it means
nothing at bU, or rather perhaps it means a great de^ more than any single word can afford to mean
if it is to be of any practical use ; and the two classes respectively indicated by the term in these twd
parts of the province must not be too readily confounded. r^-r .
The nature and meamnff of thefigt&es, — Sucb being the state of things, it may be imagined that oiir figures do not $hhm
convey any Ytaey definite maaniiur. The 16Q»000. Jate of Derah Qh&zi Kh&n indnde 5,000 Mills, 2,090 JulihM, 3,000
Tarkh&ns, 4,500 Kut&nas, 4,400 Mallihs, 7,500 Mochis, 2,700 Michhis. and so forth. In no other district does this
confusion prevail to anything like so great |tn extent ;. but it does prevail in a smaller degree .throughout the SQuth-
westem districts ; and till the detailed clan tables are complete it will be impossible to separate these incongruous items,'
or to find out with exactness what our fibres do and what they do not include. The confusion is not wholly due to the
entries in the sohedulesi On the Lower Indus and Chanab the entries in, the caste column were numbered by thousands^
tribe being there the recognised unit rather than the more comprehensive e^ste ; and it was absolutely necessary to aUow.
the staff of the divisional offices, all picked men drawn from the very district with the figures of which they were dealing,
some discretion in classifying these entries under larger heads. Thus in Jhang the Si&fwill have been rightly classed as
R&jptits, while in Derah Ghazi they will with equal correctness so far as local usage is concerned, have been r^ probably
classed as Jats. Thus our figures are far from complete ; but I have done my best to indicate in the following W9^
graph the uncertainties and errors in classification as far as I could detect them. I had indeed hoped to treat the subject
more fully, and especially more systematicaUjr than I have done. I had intended to attempt some sort of groupiiu^ of
the mat Jat tribes on the basis of their ethmc affinities, somewhat similar to that which I have attempted for the Pathans.
But I was not allowed the time necessary ibr such an undertaking ; and I have therefore roughlsr grouped Idie tribes by
locality to far aamy figjores served to indicate it, and humedly stated the leading fiiCts of wmoh I was in possession:
regarding each, leaving any more elaborate treatment for a niture occasion. The figures for tribes are, as akeady
explained, necessarily impertect, and must only be taken as approximations.
Distribution of the Jats, — Beyond the Punjab, Jats are chiefly found in Sindh where they form the
mass of the population, in BIkaner, Jaisalmer, and Mdrwar^ where they probably equal in numbers all
the Bajptit races pqt. together^ and along the upper valleyB of the Granges and Jamna from Bareli,
FarruUidb&d, and Gwdlior upwards. Within tne province their distribution is shown in Abstract
No. 71 on page cxx. They are especially numerous in the central Sikh districts and states^ in the
south-eastern districts^ and in the Deraj^t. Under and among the hills and in the Rawalpindi Division
Rajputs take their place, while on the frontier, both upper and lower, they are almost wholly confined
to the cis-Indus tracts and the immediate Indus riverain on both sides of the stream. The Jats of
the Indus are probably still in the country which they have occupied ev^ since &^r first entiy-into
India, though they have been driven back from the foot of the Sulem&ns on to the river by the
advance of the Path&n and the Biloch. The Jats of the Western Plains [have almost almost without
exception come up the river valleyB from Sindh or Western Rajptitana. The Jats of the western and
central sub-montane have also in part come by the sapie route ; but dome of them retain a traditional
connexion with; Ghazni^ which perhaps refers ito the tooient Grajnipur, the site of the modem Rawal-^
pindi, while many of them trace their origin from the Jammu Hills.
The Jats of the Central and Eastern f unj^b have also in' many cases come up the Satluj valley ;
but many of them have moved from Bik&ier straight into the M^lwa, while the great central plains of
the M&lwa itself are probably the ori^nal home of many of the Jat tribes of the Sikh tract. The
Jats of the south-eastern ^districts and the Jamna zone have for the most part worked up the Jamna
valley from thei direction of Bhartpur, with which some of them still retain a traditional connexion ;
though some few have moved in eastwards from Bfkaner and the M&lwa. The Bhartpur Jats are
themselves said to be immigrants who left the banks of the Indus in the time of Aurangzeb« Whether
the JatB of the great plains are really as late immigrants as they represent, or whether their story is
merely foimded upon a wish to show recent connexion with the country of the Rajptits, I cannot say.
The whole question is one on which we are exceedingly ignorant, and which would richly repay
detailed investigation.
Jats of the Western Plains* — First of all then let us purge our tables of that nondescript class
known as Jats on the Indus, and, to a less extent^ in the lower valleys of the Satluj, Chanab, and
Jahlam, and in the Salt-range Tract Mr. O'Brien writes as follows of the Jats of MuzaSargarh : —
'* In this district the wor^ Jat includes that congeries of Mahanmiedan tribes which are not Saijads^ Biloches, Pathdns*
'' or Qureshis. According to this definition Jats would include R4jptits. This I believe is coirect. Tlie Jats have always
" been recruited from the lUgptits. There is not a Jat in the district who has any knowledge, real or f&ncied, of his
'' ancestors that would not .say that he was once a lUgpdt. Certain Jat tribes have names and traditions which seem to
" connect them more closely with Hindust&n. Some bear the Rdjptit title of Rai, and others, though Mahammedans,
'* associate a Brahmin with the Mulla at marriage ceremonies, while the Punw&rs, Parihto, Bhattis, Joyas, and others
" bear the names of well-known tribes of Bijptit&na. The fact is that it is impossible to define between Jats and Musal-
** m&n R4ipdts. And the difficulty is rendered greater by the word Jat also meaning an agriculturist irrespective of his
" race, and Jat&ki agriculture. In conversation about agriculture I have been referred to a Saiyad Zuld&r with the
" remark— Ask Anwar Sh&h ; he is a better Jat than we are.
" The Jat tribes are ezceedinf^ly numerous. There are 165 in the San&nw4n tahsil alone. They have no large divisions
" embracing several small divisions. Nor do they trace their origin to a common stock. No tribe is pre-eminent in birth
'* or caste. Generally Jats marrv into their own tribe, but they have no hesitation in manying into other tribes. They
*^ give their daughters freelv to Biloches in marriage. But the Biloches say that thev do not give their daughters to Jats.
** This is, however, a Bilocn story ; many instances of Jats married to Biloches coula be named.'**
Besides this the word Jat, spelt with a soft instead of a hard t, denotes a camel grazier or camel
driver* ^^ The camel cannot lift its load ; the camelman (Jat) bites its tail." The fact seems to be
that the Biloches who came into the districts of the lower frontier as a dominant race, contemptuously
included all cultivating tribes who were not Biloch, or of some race such as Saiyad or Pathan whom
they had been accustomed to look upon as their equals^ imder the generic name of Jat, until the
people themselves have lost the very memory of their origin. It is possible that our own officers may
have emphasized the confusion by adopting too readily the simple classification of the population as
the Biloch or peculiar people on the one hand and the Jat or Grentile on the other, and that the
* Among the organised Biloch tribes of the frontier, however, Biloch girls are not given to Jats.
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so-called Jat is not so ignorant of his real origin as is commonlj supposed. But the fact that, in this
part of the Punjdb tribe quite overshadows and indeed almost supersedes caste^ greatly increases the
difficulty. As Mr. Boe remarks : " If you ask a Jat his caste he will generally name some subdivision
" or clan quite unknown to fame/' However caused, the result is timt in the Derajdt, MuzaSaigarh,
and much of Mult&o, if not indeed still iiirther east and north, the word Jat means little more than
the heading '^ others or unsi)ecified " under which Census officers are so sorely tempted to class those
about whom they know little or nothing. A curious instance of the manner in which the word is
used in these parts is afforded by the result of some inquiries I made about the Mdchhi or fisherman
caste of Dendi 6h£zi Eh&n. The reply sent me was that there were two castes, Machhis or fisher-
men^ and Jat Michhis who had taken to agriculture. It is probable that not long hence these latter
will drop the Machhi, perhaps forget theur M&chhi origin, and become Jats pure and simple ; though
they may not improbably retain as their clan name tne old M&chhi clan to which they belonged,
or even the word M^chhi itself. I give below a list of castes which, on a rough examination
of the dan tables of the Jats of the MultUn and Deraj&t divisions and Bah&walpur, I detected among
the subdivisions of the Jats of those parts. Jat being essentially a word used for agriculturists only,
it is more probable that a man who returns himself as Jat by caste and Bhatyara by tribe or clan
should be a Bhatydra who has taken to agriculture, than that he should be a Jat who has taken to
keeping a cook-shop ; and the men shown below would probably have been more properly returned
under the respective castes opposite which their numbers are given, than as Jats. A more careful
examination of the figures would probably have increased the numbers, and the detailed clan tables
will give us much information on the subject
Abstract No. 72, showing other Castes returned as Jats in Multan and the Derajat.
Caste.
Multan.
Jhang.
Mont-
gomery.
Mnzaf-
forgarh.
Dera
Ismail
Khan.
Dera
Ghazi
Khan.
Banna.
Total
Multan
and
Derajat.
Baha-
walpur.
Grand
Total.
Ardin - . . .
^
MaliAr ....
> 255
889
2
8,125
2,755
5,008
287
11,821
—
11,821
M^li ... -
Bhaty&a
^.'
..
—
187
69
679
—
885
—
885
B&z(gar
2
. —
^.
—
—
—
—
2
—
S
Biloch - . - -
92
96
81
145
—
—
—
364
—
364
PioU - . - -
Jul&ha ....
• 112
529
41
89
1,252
1,947
278
4,243
—
4,243
Pnngar - - -
— .
~
4
85
.
39
—
39
PatWn ....
102
65
226
90
—
62
4
549
—
549
TeU -
5
14
—
6
181
68
3
277
4
281
Jogi . - - -
1
—
—
—
—
—
—
1
85
86
Charhoa
24
145
_i
187
875
1,484
Ill
2,276
—
2,276
ChAhra ... -
84
874
—
21
217
820
67
1,533
.»
1,583
Khojah . • -
7
88
—
440
453
1,755
34
2,727
—
2,727
l>arzi ....
28
—
1
—
—
—
29
—
29
Dhobi-
6
12
11
95
124
..
124
Tarkhib ....
87
257
11
190
2,935
8,062
238
6,730
—
6,730
Ddm - . . -
—
.—
.-
—
247
13
—
260
—
260
R«pdt ....
14
117
153
381
25
— .
^.
690
—
690
Zargar - . -
6
2
—
—
....
— .
13
21
—
21
Shekh ....
846
84
250
65
390
937
205
2,227
—
2,227
Siqligar ...
Faqfr - . , . -
—
—
—
—
49
—
—
49
—
49
67
145
72
13
_
—
—
297
242
539
(Wb
12
92
—
94
1,281
1,083
98
2,660
—
2,660
Q4zi ....
6
—
...
.—
—
—
—
6
_
6
Qureshf
264
270
171
85
22
106
14
882
882
Kahir ....
—
—
—
—
—
.»
^.
—
8
3
KaUna
6
12
11
259
2,680
4,539
119
7,626
7,626
Kamh&r - - - •
99
348
7
243
2,700
1,837
125
5,854
..
5,354
9
—
—
88
36
40
' —
123
—
123
Kal&l ....
14
—
14
5
9
13
55
._
55
Gdjar .....
10
1
7
—
—
—
i_
18
18
Labina ....
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
...
4,817
4317
Lohir ....
18
117
—
46
1,304
688
208
2,331
—
2,331
Mujiwar-
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
401
401
Maghal
MalUh . ....
17
15
8
—
—
—
—
40
361
401
77
216
2
840
2,773
4,451
627
8,986
8,986
Mfrisi-
SO
482
5
95
1,278
1,212
67
8,219
»-
8,219
Mochi ....
58
415
17
178
8,916
7,389
820
12,293
865
13,158
IttcbM
104
882
11
1,018
3,465
2,733
180
7,888
241
8,079
N« - - - -
65
208
^■~
95
1,462
1,431
123
3,384
^~
3,384
Further to the north and east, away from the Biloch territory, the difficulty is of a somewhat
different nature. There, as already explained, the tribes are commonly known by their tribal names
rather than by the name of the caste to which they belong or belonged, and the result is that claims
to Rijpfit, or now-a-days not unseldom to Arab or Mughal origin, are generally set up. The tribes
who claim to be Arab or Mughal will be discussed either under their proper head or under Shekhs
and Mughals. But the line between Jats and B^jpdts is a difficult one to draw, and I have been
obliged to decide the question in a rough and arbitrary manner. Thus the Si&l are admittedly of
pure Bdjptit origin, and I have classed them as Rdjptits as they are commonly recognised as such by
their neighbours. The Stimra are probably of no less pure Bfijpiit extraction, but they are commonly
known as Jats, and I have discussed them under that head. But in either case I shful show the Si£I
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C3CXV .
or Stimra who have returned themselves as Jats side by side with those who have returned themselves
as Rfijpdts, 80 that the figures maj be as complete as possible. As a fact these people arc generally
known as Si&l and Sfxmra rather than as Jats or Bdjptits, and the inclusion of them under either of
the latter headings is a classification based upon generally reputed origin or standing rather than
upon any current and usual designation. Mr. Purser thus expresses the matter as he found it in
Montgomery : —
" There is a wonderful uniformiiy about the traditions of the difPerent tribes. The ancestor of each tribe was, as a rule,
** a R^p^t of the Solar or Lunar race, and resided at Hastin&pur or D&r&nagar. He scornfully rejected the ]^po8al8
" of the Delhi Emperor for a matrimonial alliance between tne two families, and had then to fly to Sirsa or Bhatner, .
'* or some other place in that neighbourhood. Next he came to the R4vi and was converted to Islam by Makhddm
" Bah&-ul-Haqq, or B&ba Farid. Tnen, being a stout-hearted man, he joined the Kharrals in their marauding ezpe-
" ditions and so his descendants became Jats. In Kamr Singh's time they took to agriculture and abandoned robbery
" a little ; and now under the English Government they have quite given up their evil ways, and are honest and well-
" disposed/'
Mr. Steedman writing from Jhang says : —
'* There are in this district a lot of tribes engaged in agriculture or cattle-grazmg who have no very clear idea of their
*' origin but are oertainhr converted Hindoos. Many are recognised Jats, and more belong to an enormous variety of
" tribes, but are called by the one comprehensive term Jat Ethnologioally I am not sure of my ground, but for practical
'' convenience in this part of the world I would class as Jats all Aiahammedans whose ancestors were converted from
'* Hindooism and who are now engaged in, or derive their maintenance from, the cultivation of land or the pasturing of
" cattle."
The last words of this sentence convey an important distinction. The Jat of the Indus and Lower
Chanab is essentially a husbandman. But in the great central grazing grounds of the Western Plains
he is often pastoral rather than agricultural, looking upon cultivation as an inferior occupation which
he leaves to Ar&ins, Mahtams, and such like people.
On the Upper Indus the word Jat, or Hindki^ which is perhaps more often used, is applied in
scarcely a less indefinite sense than in the Derajat, while in the Salt-rai^e tract the meaning^ is but
little more precise. Beyond the Indus, Jat or Hindki includes both Bajpdts and Awans, and indeed
all who talk Punjabi rather than Pashto. In the Salt-range Tract, however, the higher Rajptit tribes,
such as Janjtia, are carefully excluded ; and Jat means any Mahammedan cultivator of Hindoo origin
who is not an Aw^, Oakkhar, Path^n, Saiyad, Qureshi, or Bajpiit Even there, however, most of
the Jat clans are returned as B^jpdts also, and the figures for them vrill be found further on when I
discuss the Jats of the sub-montane tracts. Major Wace writes : —
'* The real Jat clans of the Rdwalpindi Division have a prdudice against the name Jat, because it is usually fipplied to
" camel-drivers, and to the graziers of the bdr whom they look down upon as low fellows. But there is, I tnink, no
*' doubt that the principal agricultural tribes whom we cannot class as Rijptits are really of the same race as the Jats of
" the Uwer Rwy&b."
The Jat in these parts of the country is naturally looked upon as of inferior race^ and the position
he occupies is very different from that which he holds in the centre and east of the Punjab.
Mr. O'Brien gives at page 78 of his Multdni Glossary a collection of the most pungent proverbs on
the subject^ of which I can only quote one or two : — '* Though the Jat grows refined, he will still use
** a mat for a pocket-handkerchief." " An ordinary man's ribs would break at the laugh of a Jat."
" When the Jat is prosperous he shuts up the path (by ploughing it up) ; when the Ku:ar (money
" lender) is prosperous he shuts up the Jat" " A Jat, like a wound, is better when bound " " Though
^' a Jat be made of gold, still his ninder parts are of brass.'' " The Jat is such a fool that only God
^' can take care of lum."
The Path^n proverbs are even less complimentary, " If a Hindki cannot do you any harm, he will
<< leave a bad smell as he passes you/' *^ Get round a Pathdn by coaxing, but heave a clod at a
" HindkL" ** Though a Hindki be your right arm, cut it off." " Kill a black Jat rather than a
** black snake.'' The Jat of Deeah Ghdzi is described as " lazy, dirtv, and ignorant,"
The Gtijars are the eighth largest caste in the Funj&b, and are identified by General Cunningham
with the Kushais or Yuchi or Tochari, a tribe of Eastern Tartars. About a century before Christ
their chief conquered Kabul and the Peshawar country, while his Bon Himakadphisa, so well known
to the Punjab nnmismatologist, extended his sway over the whole of the Upper Punjab and the banks
of the Janma as far down as Mathra (Muttra) and the Vindhyas, and nis successor, the no less
familiar king Kanishka, the first Buddhist Indo-Scythian prince, annexed Kashmir to the kingdom
of the Toch^. These Tochari or Kashais are the Eoisheiroei of Ptolemy, and in the middle of the
second century of our era Kaspeora, Kasyapapura, or Multan, was one of their chief cities. Probably
about the beginning of the third century after Christ the attack of the Khattan or White Huns re-
called the last king of the united Tuchis to the west, and he left his son in charge of an independent
province, whose capital was fixed at Peshawar; and from that time the Yuchi of Kabul are known as
Great Yuchi, and those of the Punjab as the Kator or Little YuchL Before the end of the third
century a portion of the Gtijars had begun to move southwards down the Indus, and were shortly
afterwards separated from their northern brethren by another Indo-Scythian wave from the nortu.
In the middle of the fifth century there was a Gtijar kingdom in south-western Eajputana, whence
they were driven by the Balas into Gtijer&t of the Bombay Presidency ; and about the end of the
ninth century Ala Khana, the Gujar king of Jammii, ceded the present Gfijardes, corresponding
very nearly with the Gujrdt district, to the king of Elashmir. The town of G^jrat is said to have
been built or restored by Ali Khan G6jar in the time of Akbar.
The present distribution of the Gtijars in India is thus described by Gfeneral Cunningham : —
"At the present day the Gtijars are found in great numbers in every part of the north-west of India> from the Indus
" to the Ganges, and from the Hazara mountains to the peninsula of Gujr&t. They are speciallv numerous along the
** banks of the Upper Jamna^ near Jagadri and Buriya, and in the Saharanpore district, which during the last century
** was actually called Gi:grat. To the east they occupy the petty state of »itmptar in Bundelkhund, and one of the
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'' northern districts of Gwalior, wliioh is still called Gujargar. They are found only in small bodies* and mnoh sca^terad
'^ throughout Eastern Rsjputana and Gwalior ; but they are more numerous in the Western States, and specially towards
'^ Gujrat, where thqr form a large part of the papulation. The Rajahs of Rewari to the south of Delhi ani Ginars. In
** th^ Southern Puiqab they are thinly scattered, but their numbers increase rapidfy towards the nariSi, where they have
*' ffiTen their name to several important places, such as Gtgranwala in the Beehna-Do<^, Gujrat in tiia Chaj : Doab, and
f' Gk^ar Khan in the. Sindh Sagwr Doab. Th^ are numerous about Jahlam and Hassan AbduJ» and throughout this
" Hazara district; and they are also found in considerable numbers in the Dardu districts of Chilas, Kohli,,and Palas^ to
** the east of the Indus, and in the contiguous districts to the west of the river/* ^
In the Poz^ib they essentially belong to the lower ranges and sub-montane tracts, and though tb^
have sptesfi down the Jamna in considerable numbers, they ^kre ahnost confined to the riverain
lowlands.
In the higher mountains they are ahnost unknown. Odjr£t is still their stronghold, and in that
district they form 13^ per cent, of the total population. There alone have they retained their
dominant position. Throughout the Salt-range Tract, and probably under the eastern hills also,
they are the oldest inhabitants among the tribes now settled there ; but in the west the Qakkhars,
Janjahars, and Fathans, and in the east the Bajputs have always been too strong for them, and long
ago deprived them of political import^ce. In the Peshawar district almost any herdsman is called a
Gujar, and it, may be that some of those who.are tiius returned are.not true Giijara.by raoe.* But
throughovt the hiU countrv ef Jammn, Chibhdl, and Hazfoi, and away in -the independ»t territOEy
lying to the north of Pesndwar as far as the Swfit river, true Qdjar herdsmen are found in great
numbers, all possessing a conunon speech, which is a Hindi dialect quite distinct from the Punjabi
or Pashto current in those parts. Here they are a purely pastoral and almost nomad race, taUng
their herds up into the highest ranges in summer, and descending with them into the valleys
during the cold weather; and it may be said that the Gtijar is a cultivator only in the plains.
Even there he is a bad cultivator, and more given to keeping cattie than to following the
plough.
It is impossible without further investigation to fix the date of the Gtijar colonisation of the lower
districts. They are almost exclusively Imisalmdn except in the Jamna districts and Hushv&^ur, and
they must therefore have entered those districts before the conversion of the great mass of the caste.
. The Jfihmdhar Gdjars date their conversion from the time of Atirangzeb, a very probable date. The
Firozpnr Gt^ars say that they came from Dharanagar, in the south of India, that they moved thence
to B^ia in Sirsa, and thdnce again to Firozpur, vid Kastir. The Musalm&n Gtijars of all the eastern
half of the province still retain more of thdr Hindoo customs than do the majority of their converted
neighbours, their women, for instance, wearing, petticoats instead of drawens, and red instead of blue.
It is noticeable that Gtijr&t is to the Gdjars what Bhatner and Bhatti&na are to the Bhatti, a place to
which there is a traditional tendency to refer their ori^.
The Gdjar is a fine stalwart*fellow of precisely the same physical type as the Jat ; and the theory
of aboriginal descent which has sometimes been propounded, is to my mind conclusively negatived
by his cast of countenance. He is of the same social standing as the Jat, or perhaps slightly inferior ;
but the two eat and diink in common without any scruple, and the proverb says: ^'The Jat, Gtijar,
'< Ahir, and Gola are all four hail fellows well met.'' But he is far inferior in both personal character
and repute to the Jat He is lazy to a degree, and a wretched cultivator ; his women, though not
secluded, will not do field-work save of the lightest kind;, while his fondness for cattle extends to
those of other people. The difference between a Gdjar and a Bfijptit cattie-thief was once thus
explained to me by a Jat: *' The Rajptit will steal your buffalo ; but he will not send his father to
** say he knows where it is and will get it back for Bs. 20, and then keep the Bs. 20 and the buffalo
** too. The Gfijar wilL'' The GAjars have been turbulelit throughout the history of the Punj£b,
they were a constant thorn in the side of the Delhi emperors, and are still ever ready to take advan-
tage of any loosening of the bonds of discipline to attach and plunder their neighbours. Their
character as expressed in the proverbial wisdom of the countryside is not a high one : *^ A desert is
** better than a G6jar 2 wherever you see a Gtijar, hit him.*' Again : " The dog and the cat two ;
** the Bangar and the Gfijar two i if it were not for these four one might sleep with one's door open."
So, " The dog, the monkey, and the Gt\jar change their minds at every step ;" and " When all other
'* castes are dead make Mends with a Gujar.'' As Mr. Maconachie remarks: '< Though the Gfijar
^^ possesses two qualifications of a Highlander, a hilly home and a constant desire for other people's
** cattle, he never seems to have had the love of fighting and the character for manly independence
'' which distinguishes this class elsewhere. On the contrary, he is generally a mean, sneaking, cowardly
** fellow ; and I do not know that he improves much with the march of civilisation, thou^ of course
** there are exceptions ; men who have given up the traditions of the tribe so far as to recognise the
** advantage of being honest — generally."
Such is the Gfijar of the Jamna districts.t But further west his character would seem to be
higher. Major Wace describes the Gfijars of Hazara as ** a simple all-enduring race, thrifty and
^^ industrious, with no ambition but to be left alone in peace with their cattle and fields ;" and ^' many
** of them are fine men in every way.** Mr. Thomson says that the Gfijars of Jahlam are the best
fEirmers in the district (perhaps not excessive praise in a district held by Gakkhars, Awins, and
Bajpfits), though the Maliar or Arain is a better market-gardener ; and that they are quiet and
industrious, more likeable than (Salt-range) Jats, but with lew attractive qualities. Mr. Steedman
gives a similar account of the Gfijars of Bdwalpindi, calling them ^ excellent cultivators." So the
* On the other hand, Mr. Steedman is of opinion that the figures^ for the Ginars of Rawalpindi are very much under
the mark> and that many of them must have been returned as Jat lUgputs, or perhaps even Mughals.
t Mr. Wilson, however, writes: "The Gdjar villages in Gurg&on have, on the whole, stood the late bad tiines better
'' tlum those of almost any other caste; better than the J&ts, and almost as well as the Ahirs. Our Gurglbn'Gfijan are
" very little given to thieving, and I have rather a high opinion of them."
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CZZTll
Q6jara of Hushj&rpur we eaid to be '^ a quiet and well-behaved set."" lo Jalandhar Sir Biehard
Temple desciibea.them as ''here ae elsewhere of pastoral habits, but more industrious and less preda-
** tory than usual ;" and Mr. Barkley writes : " At present, after 30 years of British rule, they are
*' probably as little ^ven to crime as any other large -class in the agricultural population. It is still
" generally true that they occupy themselves more with grazing than with agriculture ; but this is by
*^ no means invariably the case." But in Firozpur, again, Mr. Brandreth describes them as ** un-
*^ willing cultivators, and greatly addicted to thieving," and gives instances' of their criminal propen-
sities. Thus it would appear that the further the Qtijar moves from his native hills the more he
deteriorates and the more unpleasant he makes himself to his neighbours. The following description
of the Qujars of Kangra by Mr. Barnes is both graphic and interesting : —
''The Gijars of the hills are quite unlike the caste of the same designation in the plains. There they are known as
" an idle, worthless, and thieving race, rejoicing in waste, and enemies to cultivation and improvement; but above and
*' below they are both addieted to pastoral habits/ Ifl the hills the Qigan are exclusively a pastoral tribe ; they oollavate
" Bcaicely at all. The Gadis keep .flocks of sheeo and goats, and the Qijjar'a wealth oonsista of buffaloes. Tbiese people
" live in the skirts of the forests, and maintain theis existence exclusively by the sale of milk, ghee, and other produce of
'' their herds. The men graze the cattle, and frequently lie out for weeks in the woods tending their herds. The women
" repur to the markets every morning with baskets on their heads, with little earthen pots filled with milk, butter-icdlk,
** and ffhee, each of these pots containing the proportion reqmred for a day's meal. During the hot weather ^e Gigars
*' usuaUy drive their herds to the upper range, where the buflaloes. rejoice in the rich grass which the rains brin^ forth,
" uid at the same time attain condition from the temperaiie climate and the immuni^ from venomous flies which tor-
" ment their existence in the plains. The Gujars are a fine, manly race, with peculiar and handsome features. They
** are mild and inofiPensive in manner, and in these hills are not distinguished by the bad pre-eminence which attaches to
'' their race in the plains. They are never known to thieve. Their women are supposed not to be very scrupulous.
*' Their habits of frequenting public markets and oarrving about their stock for sale unaooompamed by their husbands
'' undoubtedly expose them to great temptations; and I am afraid the imputations against their character are too well
" founded. They are tall well-grown women, and may be seen every morning entenng the bazaars of the lull towns,
** returning home about the afternoon with their baskets emptied of their treasures. Tab Gujars are found all over the
** district. They abound particularly about Jowala Mukhi, Tim, and Nadaun. There are some Hindoo Gujani, especially
" towards Mandi, but thc^ are a small sect compared to the MusahaanA/'
It has been suggested, and is, I believe, held bj many, that Jats and Gdjars, and perhaps Ahirs
also, are all of one ethnic stock ; and this because there is a close communion between them. It may
be that they are the same in their far-distant origin. But I think that they must have either enterea
India at different times or settled in separate parts, and my reason for thinking so is precisely because
they eat and smoke together. In the case of Jat and Bdjpiit the reason for differentiation is obvious,
the latter being of higher rank than the former. But the social standing of Jats, G&jars, and Ahirs
being practically identical, I do not see why they should ever have separated if they were once the
same. It is, however, possible that the Jats were the camel graziers, and perhaps husbandmen,
the Gdjars the cowherds of the hills, and the Ahirs the. cowherds of the plains. If this be so, they
afford a classification by occupation of. the yeoaum class, which fills up the ^p between and is
absolutely continuous with the dmilar . clasnfication of ike castes above them, as Br&hmans,
Banyas, and B£jpiits; and of the castes below them as Tarkh^ns, Cham&rs, and so forth. But
we must know more of the early distribution of the tribes before we can have any opinion on the
subject I have noticed in the early historians a connexion between the migrations and location
of GiijarB and Bajpiits which has struck me as being more than accidentol ; but the subject
needs an immense deal of work upon it before it can be said to be even ready for drawing
conclusions.*
Gujar Tribes. — ^The Gtgar tribes aiid clans appear to be very numerous, and apparently new local
subdivisions have jprung up in many places. SuU the distribution of the main tribes, for which I
give figurea on the opposite paee in Abstract No. 81,t is far more general than is the case with other
castes of [equal importance. . The figures, only include 47 per cent, of the Gfijars of the province ; but
they comprise 69 per cent of those of G<\jra<; and probably include most of the great ori^ina.1 tribes.
Ehat£na and Chechi far surpass the others in number.
The Ckamar. — ^The Cham^r is the tanner and leather-workw of North-^ Western India, and in the
western parts of the Punjab he is called Moohi, whenever he is, as he generally is, a Musalm£n, the
caste being one and the same. The name Cham&r is derived from the Sanskrit Gkamarkdra or
*• worker in hides." But in the east of the province he is far more than a leathers-worker. He is
the general coolie and field labourer of the villages ; and a Chamdr, if asked his caste by an English-
man at any rate, will answer " Coolie " as often as " Cham6r.'*t They do all the Mgar, ot such work
as cutting pass, carrying wood and bundles, acting as watchmen, and the like ; and they plaster the
houses with mud when they need it They take the hides of all dead cattle and the flesh of all
cloven-footed animals, that of such as do not divide the hoof going to Ohtihras. They make and
mend shoes, thongs for the cart, and whips and other leather work ; and thore all they do an immense
deal of hard work in the fields, each fiunUy supplying each cultivating association with the continuous
labour of a certain number of hands. All this they do as village menials, receiving fixed customary
dues in the shape of a share of the produce of the fidids. In the east and south-east of the Funj&b
the village Chamars also do a great deal of weaving, which however is paid for separately. The
Chamto stand far above the Chdhras in social position, and some of their tribes are almost accepted
as Hindoos. They are generally dark in colour, and are almost certainly of Aboriginal origin,
though here again their numbers have perhaps been swollen by members of other and higher castes
who have fallen or been degraded. The people say : ''Do not cross the ferry with a Black Br&ham
'* or a fair Chamar," one being as unusual as the other. Their women are celebrated for beauty, and
* Mr. Wilson notes that the Gdjars and the Bargi^an trihe of lUgptHs are often found together ; and suggests that
the latter may he to the Gt^ars what the Kh4nz4dahs are to the Meos, and what most RAjpdts are to the Jats.
t In the Fnqjib Census Report,
t Why is a Chamdr always addressed with ^* Oh, Chamir ke " instead of " Oh, Cham4r,'' as any other caste would be P
Kk 4
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Ratbia
- 672
Bunia -
. . 612
BUdi .
. 423
Dhed .
. 242
CXXVUl
loss of caste is often attributed to too great partiality for a Chamarni. Sherring has a long disquisition
on the Cham&r caste^ which appears to be much more extensive and to include much more varied
tribes in Hindtistan than in the Punj&b.
Miscellaneous entries classed as Chamars. — ^Under the head Cham&r I have included the schedule
entries shown in the margin.
The Dhed appears to be a separate caste in the Central Pro-
vinceSj though closely allied with the Chamar. But in the Punjab,
as also T understand in the Central Provinces^ the word is ofled used
for any '' low fellow^" and is especially applied to a Cham&r.
7%6 Ahir, — The Ahirs are properly a pastoral caste, their name being derived from the Sanskrit
Abhira, or '' milkman." But in the Punj&b they are now almost exclusiverjr agricultural, and stand in
quite the first rank as husbandmen, being as good as the E^amboh and somewhat superior to the Jat.
They are of the same social standing as the Jat and GKijar, who will eat and smoke with them ; but
they do not seem ever to have been, at any rate within recent times, the dominant race in any con-
siderable tract. Perhaps their nearest approach to such a position was in Bew&ri and the country to
the west of it still locally known as Hirw&ti where tbey held nearly three quarters of the parganah
in 1838. A very full description of them will be found in Elliott's Races of the North-West Pro-
vinces, and also in Sherring, I., 332^ The west coast of India and Gdjar&t would appear to be their
ancient homes, but they are numerous in Behar and Gorakhpur, and at one time there was an Ahfr
dynasty in Nepal In the Punjdb they are chiefly found in the south of Delhi, Gurgaon, and Bohtak
and the Native States bordeting upon these districts, and in this limited tract they form a considerable
proportion of the whole population. They are almost all Hindoos, and are said to trace their origin
from Mathra. They are industrious, patient, and orderly ; and though they are ill spoken of in the
Eroverbs of the countryside, yet that is probably only because the Jat is jealous of them as being even
etter cultivators than himself. Thus they say in Kohtak : ** Kosli (the head village of the Ahirs)
'^ has 50 brick houses and several thousand swaggerers." So in Delhi : '^ Rather be kicked by a
<^ Bdjptit or stumble uphill than hope anything from a jackal, spear grass, or an AhIr ; " and again :
'^ All castes are God's creatures, but three castes are ruthless. When they get a chance they have
*' no shame ; the whore, the Banya, and the Ahir.'' But these stigmas are now-a-days at least
wholly imdeserved.
The Ahirs of the North- West Provinces have three great sections, the Nandban! of the central
dodbf the Jddtibans of the upper dodi and the Mathra country, and
Ahib Tribes. Gwalbans of the lower dodb at Benares. The Ahirs of the Punjab
Jadiibans - - - 43,961 have returned themselves as shown in the margin. Of the Gwalbans
Nandbana ... 24,998 ^^^0 than 16,000 are found in Patiala. Withm these tribes they
wai ans - - - ,7 j^^^^ numerous clans, among which the Kosali of Bohtak and Ghirg&on
number 7,322.
The Banya. — The word Banya is derived from the Sanskrit hdnijya or trade ; and the Banya, as
the name implies, lives solely for and by commerce. He holds a considerable area of land in the east
of the province ; but it is very rarely indeed that he follows any other than mercantile pursuits. The
commercial enterprise and intelligence of the class is great, and the dealings of some of the great
Banya houses of Dehli, Bikaner, and M&rw&r are of the most extensive nature. But the Banya of
the village, who represents the great mass of the caste, is a poor creature, notwithstanding the title of
Mahajan or " great folk," which is confined by usage to the caste to which he belongs. He spends
his life in his shop, and the results are apparent in Us inferior physique and utter want of manliness.
He is looked down upon by the peasantry as a cowardly money grubber ; but at the same time his
social standing is from one point of view curiously higher than theirs, for he is, what they are not, a
strict Hindoo, he is generally admitted to be of pure Vaisya descent, he wears the janeo or sacred
thread, his periods of purification are longer than theirs, he does not practise widow-marriage, and he
will not eat or drink at their hands ; and religious ceremonial and the degrees of caste proper are so
interwoven with the social fabric that the resulting position of the Banya in the grades of rustic
society is of a curiously mixed nature. The Banya is hardly used by the proverbial wisdom of the
countryside : ^' He who has a Banya for a friend is not in want of an enemy ;" and, ^^ First beat a
^* Banya, then a thief." And indeed the Banya has^ too strong a hold over the husbandman for there
to be much love lost between them. Yet the money-lenders of the villages at least have been branded
with a far worse name than they deserve. They perform functions of the most cordial importance in
the village economy, and it is surprising how much reasonableness and honesty there is in their
dealings with the people so long as they can keep their business transactions out of a court of justice.
The Banya class forms the main commercial element of the population of northern and north-western
India up to the meridian of Lahore, and of Bajput&na. Indeed the origin and stronghold of at any
rate those sections of the caste which are most numerously represented in the Punjab is north-western
Bdjptit&na, and it is curious that while spreadbg so far to the east of Bikaner, they should have
obtained so little hold to the west of that country. In the Punjab they are practically found in any
great numbers only in the Delhi and Hissdr divisions, Ambala, and in the central states of the Eastern
I^huns, and Firozpur ; though curiously enough there appears to be a considerable colony of them in
Gurdaspur and Sfelkot. But the word Banya is generically used for '* shop-keeper " all over the
Punjab, not excepting even the frontier where Eirar is the more usual term ; and it is just possible
. that in some cases other mercantile castes have been included in the figures. This, however, cannot
have happened to any considerable extent, or the figures for the subdivisions of each caste would at
once show what liad happened. Of the Banyas of the Punj&b about 92 per cent, are Hindoos. Only
0*84 per cent, are Sikhs, most of whom are to be found in Patidia, Nabha, and B&walpindi. The
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Jains constitute 1 per cent, of the whole, and are confined to the Dehli Division, lliss^, and ^btak,
or the tract bordenng upon Bdjpiitana, the great stronghold of western Jainism. It is curious that
the proportion of Jain Banjas should not be larger in Sirsa. Only some 500 souls are returned as
MussalmfiDs^ and these may perhops be Banyas by occupation rather than by caste.
It 18 sometimes said that Banya is no true caste at all, but merely an occupational term equivalent
to " shop-keeper," and that the great divisions of the Banyas, the Aggarwals, Oswals, and the like,
really occupy the position of castes ; and this is in a sense true. Ihe great sections do not inter-
marry, and very possibly represent stocks of different origin ; and if caste is used in the same sense
or tribe, these sections are doubtless separate castes. But if the word is used in its purely Brahmini-
cal sense, I do not think the Aggarwal and Oswal Banyas are separate castes any more thanare the Gaur
and Sarstit Brahmans. The two cases seem to be analogous. In all the non-agricultural castes who
are found distributed widely among the population, anything corresponding with compact tribal divi-
sions, such as we find among Kajp^ts, Path&ns, or Jats, is impossible. Iney do not move into and
occupy a large tract of country ; they rather spread from centres of origin, diffusing themselves among
and accompanying the agricultural tribes in their movements. But the great divisions of the Banya
caste occupy identical social and religious positions, and recognise each otiier, whether rightly or
wrongly, as of common origin distinct from that of the Ehatris and other castes whose avocations are
the same as their own ; and, save in the sense in which such caste names as Cham&r and Chtihra axe^
only occupational terms, I think that the term Banya must be taken to describe a true cast of sup-
posed common blood, and not a collection of tribes of distinct descent united only by identity of occu- ^
pation.
The cUnisions of the Banya Caste.-^The divisions of the Banya caste with which we are concerned in the Punjab are
showii in the margin. The Aggarwals, or north-eastern division of Banyas, include
Bakta skctionb. ^^ immense majority of the caste in every district throughout the province.
They have, according to Sherring, a tradition of a far distant origin on the banks
ofSST. ■ . * . ' I *^;S oftheGodavery. But the place to which allAggarwils refer the origin of the
Mah^ fi,756 section, and from which they take their name, is Agroha in the Hissar district,
^[JJ** • • - "•gj oncetbe capital of a Vaisya RAja of the name of Agar Sen, and whence they are
: said to have spread over Hindustan after the taking of that place by Shah6b-ul-din
^^ ^ Total • • S88,Stf Ghori in 1195 ; and Elliott points out that the fact that thrcugbout the North-
Others and unspecified - - 4»fi0 9 Western Provinces theAggarw&l Banyas are supposed to be specially bound to
Totol * • 4a7jHi make offerings to Gdga Pir, the great saint from the neighboiurhood of Agroha,
— — bears testimony to the truth of the tradition. The 18 sons of Agar Sen are snid to
have married the 18 snake-daughters of Raja B4sak, and Guga Pir is the greatest
of the snake-gods. The Aggarwdls are often Jain, especially in Delhi and among the more wealthy classes of the cities ;
and when Jains, are generally of the Digambara sect. But the great mass of them are Hindoos, and almost invariably of
the Vaishnava sect.
The Otwah or south-western section of the caste trace their ori^n from Osia or Osnagar, a town in Marw&r. Their
distribution in the Pun^db is shown in the margin ; their real home is in Gdjardt
""^^'^ and south-western Rajpdt&na, where they are exceedingly numerous, 'rhey
§JJ™yj^' . • '. ' \ ' I ^ WW very generally Jains, and when Jains, almost always of the Swet&mbara
Kama! •' . ' . ' - .* i,088 BCCt.
gjjl^ ■ • " " • ; *S The third or north-western section is Mahesri who are most numerous in
Hirsa / . ' . .* . * - ' 1^8 Bik&ner. Mr. Wilson says that those of Sirsa claim R^'pdt origin, and still have
^tia]a 262 subdivisions bearing R&jptit names. They say that their ancestor was turned
other places - - - - . 70 into stone for an outrage upon a /ootr, but was restored to life by Mahesh or
Toial - - 8,86S Mahddep ; hence their name. Their aistribution in the Punj4b is shown in the
^-^ margin. They are for the most part Vaishnava Hindoos, though occasionally
Habesbi. Jains. Their relations with the Aggarw&ls are much closer than are those of the
Behli 525 Osw&ls.
gg2y*n " . " , \ " . 1 So '^® Saralia Banyas are returned in the localities shown in the margin. They
Bohtak '.'.'.* .' -285 ^^ branch of the Aggarwdls, but owing to some dispute left Agroha and settled
siwa 020 in Sar&la, a town not &r from Agroha, from which they take their name. They
pSJ^SJ [ / . " . " . '. *'iS ^^ ^ ®*"^ ^ ^^^^ Aggarwals, and not in any way dasa or impure. They do
Holtiii 177 not intermarry with other Aggarwals. I have been able to discover nothing re-
Other places .... . 198 garding their origin or distinction between them and the other sections of the
Total - - 5»756 caste.
— — The Dasa Banyas are not properly a distinct section of the caste. The word
SAEAUiu means ' hybrid,' and is used for members of other castes who have departed from
Ambala 0341 ^^^ custom of the caste, or whose descent is not pure. The Dasa Banyas afe
Simla 28 said to be descendants of an ill^timate Son of an Aggarw&l. To the figures given
£J22» . ' . ' *. " . ' 8^ ^^l them above should be addea 1,664 in Ambala who have returned themselves as
Hill Staten • •' - - > m Gata, which is a synonym for Dasa.
T tai i7«» Littleappears to be known of the minor subdinsions. It is to be hoped that
^ the detailea tables of subdivisions of castes now in course of preparation trom the
papers of the Punj&b Census will tell us something about them. The three great
sections, Aggarw&l, Oswal, and Mahesri, are said not to intermarry. The Banyas possess the Brahminical gotras, but it
appears that they also have other subdivisions of the main sections'of the caste.
The Kumfidr.—The Kumhar, or, as he is more often called in the Punjab, Gumidr, is the potter
and brick-burner of the country. He is most numerous in Hiss&r and Sirsa where he is often a
husbandman, and in the sub-montane and central districts. On the lower Indus he has returned
himself in some numbers as Jat. He is a true village menial, receiving customary dues, in exchange
for which he supplies all earthen vessels needed for household use, and the earthenware pots used on
the Persian wheel wiiei-ever that form of Well gear is in vogue. He also, alone of all Punjab caster,
keeps donkeys ; and it is his business to carry grain within the village area, and to bring to the village
grain bought elsewhere by his clients for seed or food. But he will not carrv grain out of the village
without payment. He is the petty carrier of the villages and towns, in which latter he is employed
to carry dust, naanure, fuel, bricks, and the like. His religion appears to follow that of the neigh-
bourhood in which he lives. His social standing is very low, far below that of the Lobar and not
very much nbove that of the Chamar ; for his hereditary association with that impure beapf the
donkey, the animal sncrcd t'> Sitnlii the sinnll-pox goddess, pollutes him ; ns also his reaJiness to
Y 5747. L 1 ^
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KuMHAR Divisions
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Gola
MaMr
Dol - -
Dhodi
Khokhar
20,059
12,649
6,777
3,786
16,039
cxxx
carry manure and sweepings. He is als6 the brick-burner of the Punjab, as he alone understands the
working of kilns ; and it is in the burning of pots and bricks that he comes into contact with manure,
which constitutes his fael. I believe that he makes bricks also when they are moulded ; but the
ordinary village brick of sun-dried earth is generally made by the coolie or Chamar. The Kumhar
is called Pazawagar or kiln-burner, and Kfizagar (vulg. Kujgar) or potter, the latter term being
generally used for those only who make the finer sorts of pottery. On the frontier he appears to be
known as Gilgo.
The divisions of Kumhars are very numerous, imd as a rule not very
large. I show a few of the largest in the margin. The first two
are found in the Delhi and Hissar, and the third in the Amritsar
and Lahore, and the last two in the Lahoi*e, Rawalpindi, and Multan
divisions. In PeshSwar more than two thirds of the Kumhars have
returned themselves as Hindki.
The Mahar and .Gola do not intermarry. The Kumhdrs of Sirsa are divided into two great
sections, Jodhpuria who came from Jodhpur, use furnaces or bhattis^ and are generally mere potters ; .
and the Blkaneri or Dese who came from Bikfiner use pajdwas or kilns, but are chiefly agricultural,
looking down upon the potter's occupation as degrading. The Kumhars of these parts are hardly to
be distinguished from Bagri Jats. The two sections of the caste appear to be closely connected.
The ivdt.— The Nai is the barber of the country, and when a Mussalmdn, and in the cities, is often
called Hajjam. In respect of his being a barber he is a true village menial, and he shaves and
shampoos the villagers, prepares tobacco for the village rest-house, and attends upon the village
guests. But he is much more than a barber. He is the hereditary bearer of formal messages from
one village to another, such as news of auspicious events, formal congratulations, letters fixing the
dates of weddings, and the like, ^^^ews of a death is never carried by him, however, but always by a
Ohfihra. He forms, moreover, in company with a Brahman, the embassy sent to conclude a betrothal,
and he is generally the agency through which the preliminaries of match-making are conducted. At
wedding ceremonies, too, he plays an important part, next indeed to that of the Brahman himself, and
on all these occasions receives suitable gratuitie.-. He is also the leech of the country, and the Jarrah
or surgeon is usually a Nai by caste, and circumcision is commonly performed by a Nai. Notwith-
standing all this he is one of the impure castes, standing much on the same level as the washerman,
far above the Charmar, and somewhat below the Lobar, for his occupation as a barber proper is
considered degrading. At the same time every Nai is not prepared to handle everybody's poll. The
outcast tribes have their own Nais, for a Nai who had shaved a Chtihra would not be permitted to
touch a Jat. I believe that all our own barbers are Mussalmans because a Hindoo Nai who shaved a
Christian would be considered as polluted. The Nals are popularly known as a class of great astute-
ness, and the proverb says : *^ The jackal is the sharpest among beasts, the crow among birds, and the
^* Nai among men." The Nais are very uniformly distributed over the province, being least common
in the Derajat where, however, some of them appear to have returned themselves as Jats. They are
apparently Hindoo among Hindoos and Mussalman among Mussalmans, and in a lesser degree Sikh
among Sikhs. On the whole about 55 per cent, are Mussalmans, 6 per cent. Sikhs, and the remainder
Hindoos. A Sikh barber would appear a contradiction in terms ; but besides the functions enumerated
above, he shampoos, cuts the nails, and cleans the ears of his patients. He appears to be known as
Jijak in the west of the province, and as Kangera or "comb-man" in the hills. In Gurgaon
Mussalman barbers are sometimes called Ustan, as well as by the more common term Hajjam.
The Ndi tribes and clans are very numerous. I show a few of the largest in the margin. The
^ first two are most numerous in the Delhi and Hissar Divisions, the
r ^^'^ ^^^ ^^ ^'^* ,^ Qo, ^®xt two in the central districts, and the last two in the west of the
2 Bhanbheru ' - " 14 816 Province. The Mussalman Nais o£ Karnal are said to be divided
s! Basi - - - - 1,605 iiito two sections, the Turkia who came in with the Mahammedan
4. Bahgu - - 2,655 conquerors and the Gagrel or converts from Hindooism, so called
5* S^***! " " ' J5*?Hl because their women wear, or once wore, the Hindoo petticoat or
6. Khokhar - - - 12,026 ^^^^
The Lohar. — The Lobar of the Punjab is, as his name implies, a blacksmith pure and simple.
He is one of the true village menials, receiving customary dues in the shape of a share of the produce,
in return for which he makes. and mends all the iron implements of agriculture, the material being
found by the husbandman. He is most numerous in proportion to the total population in the hills and
the districts that lie immediately below them, where, like all other artizan classes, he is largely employed
in field labour. He is present in singularly small numbers in the Multdn and Derajat Divisions and
in Bahawalpur ; but why so I am unable to explain. Probably men of other castes engage in black-
smith's work in those parts, or pprhaps the carpenter and the blacksmith are the same. His social
position is low, even for a menial ; and he is classed as an impure caste in so far that Jats and others
of similar standing will have no social communion with him, though not as an outcast like the
scavenger. His impurity, like that of the barber, washerman, and dyer, springs solely from the
nature of tis employment ; perhaps because it is a dirty one, but more probably because black is a
colour of evil omen, though on the other hand iron has powerful virtues as a charm against the evil
eye. It is not impossible that the necessity imder which he labours of using bellows made of cow-
hide may have something to do with his impurity.* He appears to follow very generally the religion
of the neighbourhood, and some 34 per cent, of the Lobars are Hindoo, about 8 per cent. Sikh, and
58 per cent. Musalman. Most of the men shown as Lobars in our tables have returned themselves
as such, though some few were recorded as Ahngar, the Persian for blacksmith, and as N^Iband or
* Ck)lebrooke says that the Kannakara, oi blacksmith, is classed in the Purans as one of the polluted tribes.
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CXXXl
farrier. In the north of Sirsa, and probably in the Central States of the Eastern Plains, the Lobar
or blacksmith and the Khati or carpenter are undistinguishable, the same men doing both kinds of
work ; and in many, perhaps in most parts of the Pimjab the two intermarry. In Hushyarpur they
are said to form a single caste called Lohar-Tarkhan, and the son of a blacksmith will often take to
carpentry and vice versa ; but it appears that the castes were originally separate, for the joint caste
is still divided into two sections who will not intermarry or even eat or ismoke together, the Dhaman,
from dhamna, "to blow/' and the Khatti from khdt^ "wood," In Gujranwala the same two
sections exist; and they are the two great Tarkhan tribes also. In Karnal a sort of con*
nezion seems to be admitted, but the castes are now distinct. In Sirsa the Lahars may be divided
into three main sections ; the first, men of undoubted and recent Jat and even Bajput origin who
have, generally by reason of poverty, taken to work as blacksmiths; secondly, the Suthar Lobar or
members of the Suthar tribe of carpenters who have similarly changed their original occupation ;
and thirdly, the Gadiya Lohir, a class of wandering blacksmiths not uncommon tlioughout the east
and south-east of the province, who come up from Rajptitana and the North- West Provinces and
travel about with their femilies and implements in carts from village to village, doing the finest sorts
of iron work which are beyond the capacity of the village artizans. The tradition runs that the
Suthar Lobars, who are now Musalman, were originally Hindoo Tarkhans of the Suthar tribe (see
section 627) ; and that Akbar took 12,000 of them from Jodhpur to Delhi, forcibly circumcised them,
and obliged them to work in iron instead of wood. The story is admitted by a section of the Lobars
themselves, and probably has some substratum of truth. These men came to Sirsa from the direction
of Sindh, where they say they formerly held land, and are commonly known as Multani Lobars.
The Jat and Suthar Lobars stand highest in rank, and the Gadiya lowest. Similar distinctions
doubtless exist in other parts of the Punjab, but unfortunately I have no information regarding themt
Our tables show very few Lohdr tribes of any size, the only one at all numerous being the Dhaman
found in Karnal and its neighbourhood, where it is also a carpenter tribe.
The Sunar, — The Sunar, or Zargar, as he is often called in the towns, is the gold and silver smith
and jeweller of the province. He is also to a very large extent a money-lender, taking jewels in
pawn and making advances upon them. The practice, almost universal among the villagers, of
hoarding their savings in the form of silver bracelets and the like makes the caste, for it would
appear to be a true caste, an important and extensive one ; it is generally distributed throughout the
province, and is represented in most considerable villages. The Sunar is very generally a Hindoo
throughout the Eastern Plains and the Salt-range Tract, though in the Multan Division and on the
frontier he is often a Musalman. In the Central Division there are a few Sikh Sunars. The Sundr
prides himself upon being one of the twice-born, and many of them wear the janeo or sacred thread ;
but his social standing is far inferior to that of the mercantile and most of the agricultural castes,
though superior to that of many, or perhaps of all other artizans. In Delhi it is said that they are
divided into the Dase who do and the Deswale who do not practise karewa^ and that the Deswala
Sunar ranks immediately below the Banya. This is probably true if a religious standard be applied ;
but I fancy that a Jat looks down upon the Sunar as much below him. *
The Chukra. — The Ch6hra or Bhangi of Hindiistan* is the sweeper and scavenger par excelknce
of the Punjab, and is found throughout the province except in the hills, where he is replaced by other
castes presently to be described. He is comparatively rare on the frontier where he is, I believe,
chiefly confined to the towns ; and most numerous in the Lahore and Amritsar Divisions and Faridkot
where much of the agricultural labour is perforpaed by him, as he here fills the position with respect
to field work which is held in the east of the province by the Chamdr. For the frontier, however,
the figures of Abstract No. 72 must be added, which shows the Chuhras and Kutanas who have
returned themselves as Jats. He is one of the village menials proper, who ret5eive a customary share
of the produce and perform certain duties. In the east of the province he sweeps the houses and
village, collects the cow dung, pats it into cakes and stacks it, works xip the manure, helps with the
cattle, and takes them from village to village. News of a death sent to friends is invariaoly carried
by him, and he is the general village messenger {Lehbarj Baldi, Baldkar, Dawra), He also makes
the chhdj or winnowing pan, and the sirki or grass thatch used to cover carts and the like. In the
centre of the province he adds to these functions actual hard work at the plough and in the field.
He claims the flesh of such dead animals as do not divide the hoof, the doven-footed belonging to the
Chamar. But his occupations change somewhat with his religion ; and here it will be well to show
exactly what other entries of our schedules I have included under the head of Chiihra : —
Divisions-
Mazbi.
Rangreta.
Musalli.
Eut&na.
Delhi
Ambala
Jalandhar
Amritsar
Lahore
Rawalpindi
Derajat
Peshawar
39
1,761
1,314
3,758
3,780
1,411
364
305
245
14
70
3,109
84,539
7,171
14,297
6,766
These various names denote nothings more than a change of religion, sometimes accompanied by a
change of occupation. Table VHI. shows that the Hindoo Chfihra, that is to say, the Chtihra who
• They prefer to call themselves Chtihra, looking upon the term Bhangi as opprobrious.
Ll 2
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cxxxu
follows the origioal religion of the caste and has been classed by us as Hindoo, is found in nD the
eastern half of the Punjab plains ; but that west of Lahore he hardly exists save in the great cities of
Rawalpindi, Multan, and Peshawar. His religion is sketched in Part YIII. of the chapter on
religion. I may add that since writing that chapter, I have received traditions from distant parts of
the province which leave little doubt that Bala Sndh, one of the Chiihra Gurus, is another name for
Bdl Mik, a hunter of the Kamal district who was converted by a holy Rishi,*and eventually wrote
the Rdmayana. The Rishi wished to prescribe penance, but reflected that so vile a man would not
be able to say RAM RAM. So he set him to say MRA MRA, which, if you say it fast enough,
comes to much the same thing. Their other Guru is Lai Beg ; and they still call their priests
Lalgurus. They generally marry by phera and bury their dead face downward}?, though they not
uuseldom follow in these respects the custom of the villagers whom they serve.
The Sikh Chuhra — Mazbi and Rangreta. — ^The second and third entries in the table of tl)e last
paragraph, viz.^ Mazbi and Rangreta, denote Chtihras who have become Sikhs. Of course a Mazbi
will often have been returned as Chtihra by c^te and Sikh by religion ; and the figures of Table
YIII. A. are the ones to be followed, those given above being intended merely to show how many
men returned to mo imdcr each of the heads shown I have classed as Chtiras. Sikh Chuhras are
almost confined to the districts and states immediately east and south-east of Lahore, which form the
centre of Sikhism. Mazbi means nothing more than a meihber of the scavenger class converted to
Sikhism. The Mazbis take the pdhul, wear their hair long, and abstain from tobacco, and they
apparently refuse to touch night-soil, thougk performing all the other offices hereditary to the
Ch6hra caste. Their great Guru is Teg Bahfidur, whose mutilated body was brought back from
Pehli by Chuhras, who were then and there admitted to the faith as a reward for their devotion.
But though good Sikhs so far as religious observance is concerned, the taint of hereditary pollution is
upon them ; and Sikhs of other castes refuse to associate with tliem even in religious ceremonies.
They often intermarry with the Lai Begi or Hindoo Ckiihra. They make capital soldiers, and
some of our regiments are wholly composed of Mazbis. The Rangreta are a class of Mazbi apparently
found only in Ambala, Liidhiana, and the neighbourhood, who consider themselves socially superior
to the rest. The origin of their superiority, I am informed, lies in the fact that they were once
notorious as highway robbers I But it appears that the Rangretas have very generally abandoned
scavengering for leather-work, and this would at once account lor their rise in the social scale. In
the hills Rangreta is often ussd as synonymous with Rangrezor, Chhimba, or I^ilari to denote the
cotton dyer and stamper ; and iu Sirsa the Sikhs will often caill any Chuhra whom they wish to
please Rangreta, and a rhyme is current Rangreta, Guru kd beta, or "the Rangreta is the son of the
Guru."
The Musalmdn Chuhra — Musalli, Kutana, Sfc. — Almost all the Chtihras west of Lahore are
Musalmans, and they are very commonly called Musalli or Kutana, the two terms being apparently
almost synonymous, but Kutana being chiefly used in the south-west and Musalli in the north-west.
In Sirsa the converted Ch6hra is cadled Dindar or " faithful " as a term of reqpect, or Ehojah, a
eunuch, in satirical allusion to his circuincision, or, as sometimes interpreted, Khoj{l, one who has
found salvation. But it appears that in many parts the Musalmau Chdhra continues to be called
Chuhra so long as he eats carrion or removes night-soil, and is only promoted to the title of Musalli
on his relinquishing those habits, the Musalli being considered distinctly a higher class than the
Chiihra. On the other hand the Musalli of the frontier towns tloes remove night-soil. On the
Peshawar frontier the Musalli is the grave digger us well as the sweeper, and is said to be sometimes
called Shahi Ehel, though this latter title would seem to be more generally used for Chtihras who
have settled on the upper Indus and taken to working in grass and reeds like the Kutanas
presently to be described.
Kut^a, or as it is more commonly called in the villages Kurtana, is the name usually given to a
class of Musalmdn sweepers who have settled on the bank of the lower Indus, have given up scaven-
gering and eating carrion, and taken to making ropes and working in grass and reeds ; though the
word is also applied to any Mahammedan sweeper. Some of the Kurtlnas even cultivate land on
their ovm accoimt. So long as they do scavengering the Kurtdnas are admitted to religious equality
by the other Mahammedans. I think it is possible that the Kurtdnas of the Indus banks are a
distinct caste from the Bhangi and Chtihra of the Eastern Punjdb. The detailed table of clans vnll
doubtless throw light on the point.
Divisions of the Chuhras. — The Chtihra divisions are very numerous, but the larger sections
returned in our schedules only include about half the total number.
Some of the largest are shown in the margin. The greater number
of them are evidently named after the dominant tribe whom they or
their ancestors served. The Sahotra is far the most widely distri-
buted, and this and the Bhatti and Ehokhar are the prindiNsd tribes
in the Multdn and R&walpindi Divisions. The others seem to be
most largely returned from the Lahore and Amritsar Divisions.
Those who returned themsdves as Chiihras and Musallis respectively
showed some large tribes, and the above figures include both. The
Eurt&nas returned no large tribes.
The Kanet. — The Kanets arc the low-caste tjultivating class of
all the eastern Himalayas of the Punjab and the hills at their base,
as far west as Eiilu and the eastern portion of the Kangra district,
throughout which tract they form a very large proportion of the
total population. Beyond this tract, in E&ngra proper, their place
Chuhra Tribes.
Sahotra -
.
.
79,651
GU -
.
-
77,613
BhaUi
.
•
44,486
Khokhar -
-
.
39,751
Mattu
'
.
36,746
Kh£ru
.
26,654
KaHv&na -
Ladbar
.
25,814
•
.
24,109
Sindhu
-
.
22,895
Chhapriband
.
-
18,872
Untw41 .
•
•
18,781
Kandabari -
.
'-
17,623
H&nsi
.
13,234
Khcsar
-
.
13,180
Borat
-
-
12,535
Db4riw4l .
-
-
5,617
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cxxxm
IB filled by Ghiraths. The country they, inhabit is held or governed by Hill Rajptits of prehistoric
ancestry, tho greater part of whom are far too proud to cultivate with their own hands^ and who
employ the Eanets as husbandmen. The Kanets claim to be of impure Kajptit origin, but there is
little doubt thi^t they are really of Aboriginal stock. At the same time it is most difficult to separate
them from Bathis^ and in Ohamba both have been included under the latter head. The whole ques-
tion of their origin is elaborately discussed by General Cunningham at pages 125 to 135 of Vol. XIV.
of his Archaeological Reports. He identifies them with the Kunindas or Kulindas of the Sanskrit
classics and of Ptolemy, and is of o[)inion that they belong to that great ELhasa ra'^e which,' before the
Aryan invasion, occupied the whole sub-PIimalayan tract from the Indus to the Brahmapdtra, and
which, driven up into the hills by the advancing wave of immigration, now separates the Aryans of
India from the Turanians of Tibet But the Eanets are divided into two great tribes, the Khasia
and the Kao, and it is probable that the Khasias are really descended from intercourse between the
Aryan immigrants and the women of the hills. The process by which the great Khas tribe of Nepal
thus grew up is admirably described by Mr. Hodgson in his e8:>ay in the military tribes of that
country, which is quoted at some length by General Cunningham, and, less fully, by me. The dis-
tinction between Khasi and Rao is still sufficiently well marked. A Khasia observes the impurity
after the death of a relation prescribed for a twice-born man ; the Rao that prescribed for an outcast.
The E^asia wears the janeo or sacred thread, wliile the Rao does not. But the distinction* is
apparently breaking down, at least in Ktilu, where the two tribes freely eat together and intermarry,
though the Ehasia, if asked, will deny the fact.
Mr. Lyall thus describes the Kanets of Efilu : —
" The Kanets are often classed bv other Hindoos as on a par with the Rathis of Kangra. Just as the Rathis claims to
" be Rigputa who have lost grade by taking to the plough, or the offspring of Rajputs bv Sudra women so the Kanets
" say that they are the children of women of the hills by Rajputs who came up irom the plains. By one story both
" Kanets and Dagis were originally of the same stock. Two sons of the demi-god, Bhim Sen Pandab, had each a son
" by the daughter of a Kulu rakhas ,or demon. One of these sons married a Bhotanti, or woman of Tibet, who fed him
*' with yak's lesh, so he and his children by her became Dagis. The other son was ancestor of the Kanets.
" Both of these stories perhaps point to the conclusion that the Kanets and Dagis are of mixed Mughal and Hindoo
** race. General Cunningham says as much of the Kanets of Kanawar, and connects the caste name with the word
" Karana, which implies mixed blood. The Kanets are dinded into Kassiyas and Raos. The Raos say that the origin
" of this division was that a Raja of Kulu ordered the Kanets to reform their loose practices, and conform altogether to
** Hindooism; those who obeyed were called Kassiyas, and those who stuck to their old ways Raos. It is a fact that at
" the present day the former are more Hindoo in all observances than the latter, and the story is otherwise probable, as
'* one can see that the foreign priests round the Rajas were always striving to make the Kulu people more orthodox
*' Hindoos, greater respectors of Brahmins, and less devoted to the worship of their local divinities. The Kassiyas wear
" thejaneo, and pretend to some superiority, which, however, is not admitted by the Raos. They intermarry ana eat and
" drink together out of the same cooking pot, but not out of the same dish or plate."
He adds that they are not tall, but strong and active^ and generally have handsome figures. Some
are hardly darker than Spaniards in complexion, with a ruddy colour showing in their cheeks ; others
are as dark as the ordinary Punjdbi. Of the " so called Kanets of L&hul " he writes that they " are
" a mixed race, but the Monorolian element predominates over the Indian. Many of those who live
" in the lower volley are no doubt descendants of Kanet settlers from Kulu and Bang&hal ; the rest
'' are pure Tibetan, or nearly so.'' In L&hul the Kanets, like all other classes of the people, will eat
cows and bullocks which have died a natural death. They never wear the sacred thread. The social
status of the Kanet appears to be very low. A Sunar will marry a Kanet woman, but he will not
five his daughter to a Kanet, nor will he eat from the hand of a Kanet, though his wife will do so.
n Lahul even a Brahman or Thakar will take a Kanet woman ao a second-class wife, and the off-
spring of the latter, who are known as Garu, will in a few generations rank as Thakar. Those of the
former, however, can never rise to full equality with the pure Brahman, though they are commonly
known as Brahmans. The fathers will not eat from the hands of sons begotten in this manner, but
will smoke with them.
General Cunningham says that the Kanets have three principal clans, Mangal, Chauhan, and Kao.
The Chauhan will ahnost certainly be Khasia. With respect to the Mangal I have no information,
nor do I find it in my papers, unless Pangalana be a misreading for
Mangalana or Mangal. The principal Kanet divisions returned in
our papers are shown in the margin. More than half the Kasib are
in Bashahr. The name belongs to a Brahminical gotra^ and is pro-
bably no tribe at all and only returned because the heading of the
schedule was mii>understood. The Chauhdn are principally returned
from Mandi, Suket, N&han, Keonthal, and Jubbfd ; the Khasia from
Bashahr and Kangra ; the Pangalana from Suket ; and the PunwSr
i^om N&hau. General Cunningham assigns the upper valley of the
Pabar to the Chauhan, the lower Pabar, the Rfipin, and the Tons valleys to the Kao, and the tract
west of the Pabar basin to the Mangal. Mr. Anderson notes that the Khasia are more common in
Kfilu proper, and the Bdo in Scoraj.
The Jhinwar. — The Jhinwar, also called Kahar in the east, and Mjihra, where a Hindoo, in the
centre of the province, is the carrier, waterman, fisherman, and basket maker of the cast of the
Punjdb. He carries palanquins and all such burdens as are borne by a yoke on the shoulders ; and
he specially is concerned with water ; insomuch that the cultivation of water-nuts and the netting of
water fowl is for the most part in his hands, and he is the well-sinker of the province. He is a true
village menial, receiving customary dues and performing customary service. In this capacity he
LI 3
Kanet
Tribes.
1. K&sib -
«
67;233
2. Chaub&n -
.
38,586
3. Rdo -
.
32,218
4. Khaaia .
.
29,286
6. Thakar -
.
12,067
.
7.366
7. Punwdr
.
7,129
8. LaettSri -
-
3,859
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CXXXIV
Division.
Delhi
Amb&la .
Jalandhar •
Lahore . . .
R&walpindi
Mult&ii -
PoNh&war -
Statos of East. Plains
Saqq&h.
M&shki.
U870
_
7.604
—
U04
—
2»
—
11.893
—
—
S21
—
125
.—
194
IVJOS
supplies all the baskets needed by the cultivator^
and brings water to the men in the fields at harvest
time, to the houses where the women are secluded,
and at weddings and other similar occasions. His
occupations in the centre and west of the province
are described under the head Machhi. His social
standing is in one respect high ; for all will drink at
his hands. But he is still a servant^ though the
highest of the class.
I have included under Jhinwar such men as returned themselves as Bhishtis, M&hkis, or Saqqahs,
the terms for Musalman water-carriers. It is just possible that some of those men may be of other
castes than Jhmwar, but the number of such will be exceedingly small.
The numbers so included are given in the margin, except for the Amritsar Division, which made no
separate returns
Divisions of Jhinwar, Machhi^ and Mallah. — The
subdivisions of both Jhinwar and Machhi are very
numerous. I show one or two of the largest in
the margin, adding the figures for Mallahs. These
tribes do not appear to be found in any numbers
among the Bhatyara and Bharbhtinja, and we must
wait for the detailed tables of clans before we can
compare the subdivisions of those castes, and thus
throw light upon the question of their identity or
. diversity.
The Tarkh&n, — The Tarkhan, better known as Barhai in the North-West Provinces, Barhi^in the
Jamna districts, and Khati in the rest of the Eastern Plains, is the carpenter of the province. Like
the Lobar, he is a true village menial, mending all agricultural implements and household furniture,
and making them all, except the cart, the Persian wheel, and the sugar-press, without payment
beyond his customary dues. I have already pointed out that he is in all probability of the same
caste with the Lobar ; but his social position is distinctly superior. Till quite lately Jats and the
like would smoke with him, though latterly they have begun to discontinue the custom. The Khati
of the Central Provinces is both a carpenter and blacksmith,, and is considered superior in status to
the Lobar, who is the latter only. The Tarkhan is very generally distributed over the province,
though, like most occupational castes, he is less numerous on the lower frontier than elsewhere The
figures of Abstract No. 72 (page cxxiv.) must, however, be included. In the hills, too, his place
is largely taken by the ThSvi, and perhaps also by the Lobar. I have included under Tarkhan
all who returned themselves as either Barhi or Khati ; and also some 600 Kharadis jot turners, who
were pretty equally distributed over the province. I am told that in the Jamna districts the Barhi
considers himself superior to his western brother the Khati, and will not intermarry with him ; and
that the married women of the latter do not wear nose-rings, while those of the former do. The
Tarkhan of the hills is alluded to in the section on Hill Menials. The Raj or bricklayer is said to
be very generally a Tarkhan.
Division.
Divisions of the Jhinwar Group.
Jhinwar.
MAchhi.
MalUh.
Khokhar
Mah&r - • -
Bhatti -
Manh&s -
T4nk .
Sub&l
8,667
27,887
0,000
3,112
8,587
3,928
43365
116
164»61
7,619
2
14
2,362
MM
329
13
The
TftlBES OF TaRKHANS.
1.
2.
3.
4.
6.
6.
Jb&ngra
Dham4n
Khatti -
Si4wan -
G&de -
Matli4ru
7. Netal -
8. Jainda
9. Th&ru -
10. Khokhar
11. Bhatti -
12. Begi Khel
9,618
71.619
19,Q71
1,932
2,209
6,971
2,764
12,576
2,822
27,634
18,837
2,212
tribes of Tarkbdn are numerous^ but as a rule small. I show some of the largest in the
margin^ arranged in order as they occur from east to west. No. 1 is
chiefly found in the Delhi and Plissar Divisions ; Nos. 2 and 3 in
Kamal, the Ambala and Jdlandhar Divisions, Patiak, Nabha,
Faridkot, and Firozpur ; No. 4 in Jalandhar and Sialkot ; No. 5 in
Amritsar : No. 6 in Ltidhiana, Amritsar, and Lahore ; No. 7 in
Hushyarpur ; No. 8 in the Rawalpindi Division ; No. 9 in Gurd&-
pur and Sialkot ; Nos. 10 and 11 in the Lahore, R&walpindi, and
Multan Divisions ; and No. 12 in Hazara. The carpenters of Sirsa
are divided into two great sections, the Dhaman and the Khati
proper, and the two will not intermarry. These are also two great
tribes of the Lobars {q, v.). The Dhamans again include a tribe of
Hindoo Tarkhans called Suthar, who are almost entirely agricultural,
seldom working in wood, and who look down upon the artizan sections of their caste. They say
that they came from Jodhpur, and that their tribe still holds villages and revenue-free grants in
Bikaner. These men say that the Musalman Multani Lobars originally belonged to their tribe ;
the Suthar Tarkhans, though Hindoos, are in fact more closely allied with the Multani Lobars than
with the Khatis, and many of their clan subdivisions are identical with those of the former ; and
some of the Lobars who have immigrated from Sindh admit the community of caste. Suthar is in
Sindh the common term for any carpenter. It is curious that the B&rhis of Karnal are also divided
into two great sections, Dese and MultSni. The Sikh Tarkhans oh the Patiala border of Sirsa
claim Bdgri origin, work in iron as well as in wood, and intermarry with the Lobars. (See supra
under Lobars.)
The Ghirat — The Ghiraths fill much the same position in Kangra proper and the hills below it
as do the Kauets in the part to the east. With them I have included the Bahti and the Chang, as
it appears that one and the same people are known as Ghirath in Kangra, and as Bahti in the eastern,
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CXXXT
and Chang in the western portion of the lower ranges. All these intermarry freely, and are con-
sidered by Mr. Lyall as identical. In the Amritsar Division all the Ghirats except 128 were returned
as Chang. The Jalandhar divisional office took the three names together. The Ghirats of Eangra
and Hushyfirpur are thus described by Mr. Barnes : —
*' My previous remarks under the head R&thi will have introduced the reader to the Girths. They form a con-
*' siderable item in the population of these hills, and in actual numbers exceed any other individual caste. With the
*' Girths I have associated the few Jats that reside in this district, and the Changs, which is only another name for
'' Girths, prevcdent about Hari^ur and Narpur. They amount altogether to 111,507 souls. The Girths are subdivided
*' into numerous sects. There is a common saying that there are 360 varieties of rice, and that the subdivisions of the
*' Girths are equally extensive, the analogy arising from the Girths being the usual cultivators of rice. The Girths
*' predominate in the valleys of Palum, Ivangra, and Rihlo. They are found again in the *' Hul Doon," or Haripur
" valley. These localities are the strongholds of the caste, although they are scattered elsewhere in every portion of the
*' district, and g^enerally possess the richest lands and the most open spots in the hills. The Girths belong to the Sudra
" division of Hindoos, and this fact apparently accounts for the localities wherein they are found. The open valleys,
" although containing the finest lands, are also the only accessible portions of the hills. The more refined castes pre-
" ferred the advantages of privacy and seclusion, although accompanied by a sterner soil and diminished returns. They
" abandoned the fertile valleys to less fastidious classes, whose women were not ashamed to be seen nor to work in the
** fields, and the men were not degraded by being pressed as porters.
" The Girths are a most indefiatigable and hard-working race. Their fertile lands yield double crops, and they are
" incessantly employed during the whole year in the various processes of agriculture. In addition to the cultivation of
" their fields, the Girth women carry wood, vegetables, mangoes, milk, and other products to the markets for sale ; many
'* sit half the day wrangling with customers until their store is disposed of. The men are constantly seized for beg4r, or
" forced labour, to carry travellers' loads, or to assist in the various public buildings in course of construction. From
'' these details it will be perceived that the Girths have no easy time of it, and their energies and powers of endurance
'^ must be most elastic to bear up against this incessant toil.
" To look at their frames, they appear incapable of sustaining such fatigue. The men are short in stature, frequently
*' disfigured by goitre (which equally effects both sexes), dark and sicldv in complexion, and with little or no hair on •
*' their faces. Both men and women have coarse features, more resembling the Tartar physiognomy than any other
" type,' and it is rare to see a handsome face, though sometimes the younger women may be called pretty. Both sexes
" are extremely addicted to spirituous drinks. Although industrious cultivators, they are very litigous and quarrelsome ;
'' but their disputes seldom lead to blows ; and though intemperate they are still thrifty, — a Girth seldom wastes his
<< substance in drink. In their dealings with one another they are honest and truthful, and altogether their character,
" though not so peaceable and manly as the Rathi, has many valuable and endearing traits. The Girths, being Sudras,
" do not wear the janeo or thread of caste. They take money for their daughters, but seldom exchange them. The
" younger brother takes his brother's widow; if she leaves his protection, he was entitled by the law of the country to her
" restitution, and under us he should, at all events, receive money compensation."
The Ghirats are said to be of Rajptit origin by mixed marriages or illegitimate intercourse, but I
have no trustworthy information on the subject. They are essentially agricultural^ and the proverb
says : ^^ As the rice bends in the ear the Ghirat lifts his head."
Their social position is low. ** You can no more make a saint of a
*^ Ghirat than expect chastity of a buffalo ; and they practise
widow marriage," for " You can't make a Ghiratni a widow any
" more than you can turn a hill buffalo into a barren cow."
The Ghirats have returned few large subdivisions. The eight
largest are given in the margin. Bhardwaj is another Brahminical
ffotra^ and probably returned through misapprehension. Chhabru
is found only in Hushyarpur, and Chhora and Battu only in Kangra.
The others occur in both districts.
The Mdli and Saini. — The Sainis would appear to be only a subdivision of the Malis. In Bijnor
they are said to be identical, and I am informed that the two intermarry in many, but not in all parts
of the North- West Provinces. It is probable that the Sainis are a Mali tribe, and that some of the
higher tribes of the same class will not marry with them The Mali is the Mdlakdra or florist of the
Purans, is generally a market or nursery gardener, and is most numerous in the vicinity of towns
where manure is plentiful and there is a demand for his produce. He is perhaps the most skilful and
industrious cultivator we possess, and does wonders with his land, producing three or even four crops
within the year from the same plot. He is found under the name of Mdli only in the Jamna zone,
including the eastern portions of His8ar,his place being taken by the Saini in the eastern sub-montane
districts, and by the Arain or Baghban in the remainder of the province. He is almost always a
Hindoo. Most of the few Malis shown for the western districts were returned as Maliar, the Punjabi
form of Mali ; and some of them as Phulara or Phulwara.
The Sainis, who as I have just explained are probably a Mali tribe, are said to claim Kajput origin
in Jalandhar ; but Mr. Barkley writes of the Sainis of that district : " They consider themselves the
'* same as the Malis of the North- West Provinces, and to be connected with the Arains though the
" latter know nothing of the relationship. They are not found west of the Chanab, but are numerous
" in some parts of the Ambala district." They dppear from our figures to lie all along the foot of
the hills between the valleys of the Jamna and Ravi, but not to have reached the Chandb valley.
Both they and the Malis are properly tribes of Hindustan rather than of the Punjab, About 10 per
cent, of the Sainis are Sikhs, and the remainder Hindoos. In Rawalpindi no fewer than 3,655
Mughals have returned their tribe or clan as Saini ; but it is probable that these have no connexion
with the caste under discussion, as it would not appear to have penetrated so far westwards. The
Sainis of Btipar in Ambala are described as '* an ill-conditioned set, first-rate cultivators, but refractory
** and intriguing."
LI 4
Digitized by VnOOQ IC
Ghirat Tribes.
1. Randal- ' -
24,392
2. Bhdrdwfij -
8,330
3. Path4ri-
3,091
4. Chh4bru - - -
2,717
6.. Reru -
2,532
6. Badidl-
2,068
7. Chhora -
1,695
8. Battu - - - -
1,623
cXxxVi
Saini clank in Hvishyarpar.
^he Malis and Sainis, like ^11 vegetable growers, occupy a very inferior poaition among' tbe
agricultural castes-, but of the two the Sainia are probably the
higher, as they more often own land or even whole village?, and are
less generally mere market gardeners than are the Malis.
The largest of the Mali subdivisions are the Phtil with 1 1,646
and the Bhagarti with 15,658 persons. The Saini do not appear
to have returned any large clans except in Hushydrpur, of which
district some of the largest clans are shown in the margin, and in
Ourdaspur where 1,541 Saini showed their clans as SalahrL Mr.
Barkley notes that some of the clans of Arains and of Sainis in
Jalandhar bear the same names, and those not always merely names
of other and dominant tribes.
Boli
- 3,462
Pawan
.
. 2,980
Gaddi
. 2,708
Hamarti
.
- 2,506
Badw&i
- 2,226
Alagni
-
- 2,182
Mangar
- 1,692
Badjal
-
. 1,142
Bar&yat
- 1,120
Digitized by
Google
CXXXVll
APPENDIX K., showing the number of both sexes combining agriculture with other
occupations.
AJMEBE.
Ajmere.
Merwara.
Ajmere.
Merwara.
B18WADAB8 : —
Mafidars:—-
'
Self-cultivating
-
9,388
4,103
Self-cultivating - - -
969
56
' Non-cnltivating - . -
-
2,741
11,986
Kon-cultivatii^^ - - - -
1,687
56
BiffWADARS, combining agricnltare vrith
.
other occupations ; vix.: —
Mafidars, combining agriculture with other
Potter ....
-
44
168
occupations ; vis. : —
Tailor - - - .
-
6
—
Beggar - - - -
.245
—
Coolie (undefined) -
-
18
—
Patwari (village accountant)
2
—
Village baker -
-
220
110
Temple priest - . ► -
228
—
Temple priest - . -
-
17
—
Gardener- - - - -
8
....
Tanner, shoemaker
-
268
52
Wazifadar (stipend holder) -
1
—
Carpenter - - -
-
129
81
Qanungo (village accountant, private)
8
—
Barber - - . -
•
79
65
Village banker ....
14
—
Cart driver - - -
.
69
4
Cook ......
17
Village balai (head menial servant)
-
21
—
Family priest - - - -
243
—
(Goldsmith
-
25
81
Grinder of com - - -
10
_^
Beggar - -
-
46
60
Labourer - - -
3
-
79
200
Physician - - . -
2
—
Itinerant dealer . - -
-
15
—
G^eral servant ....
88
—
Ironsmith . • .
-
36
62
Pandits m schools ...
3
Cowherd- - - -
-
71
43
Kakkarchi (drummers, not Govern-
Shoemaker - - -
-
8
—
ment) . . . . -
4
.^
Pensioner - . -
.
4
151
Day labourers in fields
7
_
Confectioner - - -
-
1
—
Dholi (musician) - - -
41
__
Havildar (village head watchman,
Qaai
4
...
private)
-
1
—
Cloih merchant . - . -
1
Abkari contractor
.
1
5
Sepoy
1
»..
Woollen manufacturer -
-
2
—
Havildar (village head watchman.
Mason-
-
5
—
private) - - - - -
8
— '
Washerman - ► -
-
1
—
Singers and players on musical instru-
Patwari (vilhige accountant) -
■
5
—
ments ....
18
..-
Weaver
-
78
83
Potter
2
.1. .
Stone quarrier . . •
.
15
..
Barber ....
5
Oil manufacturer
-
25
20
Washerman - - - -
9
.^
Day labourer in fields
.
112
Goldsmith ....
1
.^
Dealer in cattle
-
4
-.
Sweeper . - . -
6
^^
Post runner . . -
-
1
—
Cart driver . . . .
2
...
Pack carrier on buffaloe
-
2
—
Messenger ....
3
_
Actor - - - .
-
1
^^
Weaver - . - - .
2
__
Cloth merchant
.
1
_
Nat (rope dancer)
1
_
Merchant or banker's clerk
Grass dealer and seller
Q
.
9
2
«^
8,583
112
Dholi (musician)
Domestic servant (undefined) -
17
48
.
5
Milkman . . -
-
17
—
CuLTiVATOBS not following any other occu-
WoodseUer ^
•
18
—
66,887*
21,667
Sugar and gur merchant -
-
8
—
Medical practitioner -
-
1
—
Stamp vendor - . .
-
1
— .
CuLTTVATOBS, Combining agriculture with
Shepherd - - .
-
20
26
other occupations ; viz.: —
Village watchman
-
2
—
Barber . - - . .
298
87
Almstaker
-
1
— .
B^gar ....
164
22
l^ight watchman (private)
.
8
— .
Tanner - . . - -
715
49
Camel driver ...
-
2
-.
Shoemaker - • . •
24
Grain dealer - - -
.
1
Goldsmith . . . ..
60
._
Cotton cleaner - ^ -
-
6
—
Shopkeeper (general) . ■ .
218
47
Dealer in hide - - ^ -
.
--.
20
Labourers (general)
831
..
Lac manufacturer
.
6
Carpenter ....
346
69
Family priest (parohit) -
-
—
1
ViUage balai (village head menial
Keeper of donkeys
-
—
19
servant) • . . -
nhowdhri . . to .
21
1
34
1'
13,687
17,294
Dholi (drum beater)
65
Patwari (village accountant) -
1
Oilman - - . . •
251
37
BilUMiAs:—
Blacksmith ....
• 48
16
Self-cultivating - - -
-
776
—
Elephant driver . - - -
Village banker
1
187
46
Bruuias, combining agriculture with other
Bhatbunja (grain parcher)
5
..
occupations; via.: —
Lamberdar (village headman) «
8
..
Village banker
-
85
—
Village chowkidar - - -
50
..
Shepherd
26
—
Potter- - . . -
268
85
Stooe quarrier - - -
8
—
Weaver - - . - -
206
..
Day labourer in field
7
—
Sweeper - . - .
1
...
Cowherd
2
—
Lime burner
2
ta.
Kamdar (agent) - - -
1
—
Cowherd . - - -
177
113
(/TiowkidaT (rural)
1
— ■
Cart driver - - - -
Wnnllpn oloth mAkAr . . ^
235
3
5
852
^__
TT UifllCU \«IWU lUnnOa . « m
Bnsket'makec - - - -
' n
Temple priept . . . -
3S
—
Y 5747.
M m
Digitized by
Google
CXXXVUl
^mere.
Merwara.
Ajmere.
llerwam.
Green seUer - . . -
20
HavUdar (village head
watchman.
Washerman - - -
53
—
private)
-
12
7
52
"""
E3iidmatgar - - - -
Cotton cleaner . . -
10
13
"""
Cook -
Ghee seller
-
—
Stone qnarrierB - - - -
11
5
■""
Jotishi (astrologer) -
Jharu-farosh (broom seller)
.
—
Wood seller - - - -
SO
34
Gardener
-
■""
Chair and Btool maker
8
—
Chobdar (mace bearer) -
-
—"
Shepherd - - - -
207
—
Cloth merchant
-
^■*
Servant (general)
TaQor . . - - -
16
13
„_
Post ronner
Physician
-
•—
Trmnpeter (not (Government) -
Ban-miix]j maker (rope-string maker)
Family priest - - - -
5
6
23
—
Confectioner
Porter -
Sieve maker and seller -
-
—
Lakheira (lac-hangle maker)
Ahkari opntcactor , . .
12
12
^_
Bharawa (braiier)
Dealer in hides and skins
-
1
Eorest watchman (private)
Eamdar (a^ent) - - -
Camel grazier - - - -
2
5
3
90
16
(Commission agent
Itinerant dealer -
Wool dealer -
Bisarti (pedlar) -
-
—
Rangrez (dyers) - - - -
Druggists - - - -
lAason - - " - "
22
5
15
19
10
Patwa (silkman)
Fuel seller
School pandit -
-
__
Sepoy
Pack carrier on bullocks
29
_
Breeder and keeper of donkeys -
2
—
3
5
1
11
Cloth maker -
1
"~"
Pensioner . - - -
Sandal-kasb (sandal wood worker) -
71,319
22,814
BENGAL.
Statement showing the Number of Persons returned as following Occupations combined with
Agriculture (Males).
Cli^.
Order.
I.
II.
III.
Sub-
order.
Occupations.
Town.
n.
ni.
VI.
Civil service - - - -
Government artificers, workmen, messengers
Officers of law courts - - -
Police - - - -
Municipal, local, village servants
Soldier
Priest, Hindoo and Mahammedan
Missionary, scripture reader, itinerant preacher
Temple officer, Hindoo and Mahammedan
Solicitor, attorney, pleader, vakeel
Law clerk, deed-writer, stamp vendor
Law agent
Physician, surgeon - - - -
Chemist, druggist . . -
Unqualified practitioner
Subordinate medical service
Author, editor, writer - - -
Literary private secretary, copyist -
Painter, artist - - - - -
Musician, music master
Ballad singer, songster, vocalist
Exhibition and show service -
Theatre service - - - -
Conjuror, performer
Pugilist, fencer - - - - -
Wrestler
Schoolmaster - - - -
Teacher, professor, lecturer
Scientific person . - - -
Domestic servant, general
Cook, scullion - - - -
Office keeper, porter (not Government)
Park, gate, lodge keeper (not Government)
Merchant - - - - ■
Banker - - - -
Broker, agent - - -
Auctioneer, valuer, house agent
Commercial clerk . . - -
Money lender, bill discounter -
Cowrie seller, money changer, money dealer
Pawnbroker - - - -
Shopkeeper, general dealer ^
Hawker, pedlar . ^ - -
10
889
545
3
9
2
24
Elsewhere.
56
7
8,122
22
28
275
25
950
94
1,676
76
8
889
21,826
30,556
8
1,203
15
56
41
696
40
89
66
48
2
68
2,883
16
3
858
110
2
2
22
304
288
57,117
126
41
16
2,508
41
51
2,919
788
14,188
1,911
7
30,860
1^93
Total.
1,586
76
8
449
22,165
81,101
8
1,206
24
56
48
722
40
39
66
48
2
63
16
8
860
110
2
2
22
304
288
60439
126
41
16
8,580
41
79
2,919
738
14,458
1,986
7
31,810
1,887
Digitized by
Google
CXXZIX
ClaBS.
Order.
Sab-
Order.
Ocoapatioxu.
Town.
Elsewhere.
Total.
ra.
VII.
2
Coanh, cab owner, livery-stable keeper - . -
28
23
Coachman (not domestic), cabman ' - -
3
1,156
1,159
Carman, carrier, carter, drayman - ...
88
3,480
3,568
Camel, pack-bullock, pack-pony driyer, muleteer
103
6,655
6,758
Palanquin bearer - - - - -
180
6,928
7,058
3
Barge, lighter, waterman .....
Boat and barge owner, agent ....
287
9,225
9,512
—
97
97
4
Ship steward, cook, seaman, sailor, mariner, master mariner -
..
206
206
5
Warehonseman, storekeeper .....
1
73
74
Meter, weigher
9
562
571
6
Messenger, porter (not (government) - - - .
1
440
441
VI.
VIII.
1
Land proprietor - - - - -
2,829
114,422
116,751
,
Farmer, grazier - - - . .
Farm bailiff - - - - - -
19
8,881
4,957
8,900
4,957
Tenant cultivator ------
83
42,349
42,382
Agricultural labourer - - . . -
55
17,207
17,262
Shepherd -.-..-.
8
382
385
Land surveyor, land-estate agent ....
9
3,822
3,881
2
Woodman - - - . -
2
645
647
8
Nurseryman ----...
—.
1
1
Gardener (not domestic) - - - . -
63
723
786
IX.
1
Horse proprietor -.-.--
._
2
2
Horse-breaker - . . . -
—
76
76
Jockey ... . . -
1
625
626
Farrier
.^
386
386
Cattle dealer, salesman ....
86
3,461
8,497
Fisherman --.--.-
133
13,523
18,656
Animal, bird dealer, keeper - - - -
8
87
95
Elephant dealer ......
—
8
8
Huntsman ---...
5
123
128
Silkworm keeper - - - - - -
—
28
28 .
V.
X.
1
Bookseller ---.-.-
_
9
9
Bookbinder - - . - .
7
7
2
Musical instrument maker .....
—
70
70
8
Picture cleaner, dealer . - - -
—
2
2
4
Wood carver ----.-.
674
674
Jet and coral worker, carved ornament maker
—
169
169
5
Figure and imaee maker .....
Toy maker, deder ---.-.
5
9
488
9
493
-
Fishing tackle maker ....
—
55
55
7
—
228
228
9
Ammunition maker, dealer .....
5
2
7
10
Engine, machine maker, agent, dealer - -
-^
3
3
Agricultural implement machine maker ...
—
175
175
Needle maker .....
—
5
5
11
Wheelwright, cart maker .....
—
14
14
12
Saddler, lutmess, whip maker ....
—
6
6
18
Shipbuilder, shipwright, boat, barge builder -
—
228
228
14
House proprietor . - - - .
—
84
84
Architect ----...
— .
5
5
Carpenter ---....
159
8,840
8,999
Bricklayer - - - - - . -
—
106
106
Mason, pavior --....
10
393
403
Plumber, painter, glazier .....
—
22
22
15
Carver and gilder ......
—
8
8
Furniture broker, dealer - - . .
—
8
8
17
Manufacturing chemist .....
99
8,819
3,918
Dye, colour manufacturer ....
—
82
82
Dyer, calenderer ......
—
71
71
Firework maker ......
—
23
23
XT.
1
Wool staple, &o., dealer, warehouseman ...
..
17
17
Blanket manufacturer .....
28
1,166
1»184
Carpet manufacturer - . . -
—
1 .
1
Shawl weaver --.-..
....
2
2
2
Silk manu&cturer ......
.«
123
123
Silk merchant, dealer ....
..
197
197
8
Flax and linen manufiictarer - . - . -
25
25
Thread manufacturer ....
1
122
123
Cotton manufiusturer ------
279
35,983
36,212
15
2,720
2,735
Calico, cotton printer ......
4
42
46
Calico, cotton dyer ----..
2
64
66
Carpet maker, mercihant (cotton) - . .
—
• 11
11
4
Trimming-braid maker . - . . -
1
193
194
5
Fancy goods, dealer ....
Hairdresser -------
219
38
20,897
38
20,616
Hat manufacturer - - - - -
1
mmm.
1
Tailor --...-.
118
1,997
2,110
Shoemaker ------
95
8,404
8,499
Laundry-keeper -...--
156
15,497
15,6.53
Hosier, haberdasher - - . . .
69
41
110
Umbrella, parasol, stick maker
.—
70
70
6
Mat maker, seller ......
—
107
107
Jute manufecturer ..--.-
—
428
423
Rope, cord maker -----
.»
186
136
Net maker -.-.-.
.»
1,042
1,042
Canvas, sail-cloth manufacturer - . - .
—
78
78
Mm 2
Digitized by
Google
cxl
OJftM.
Order.
Sub-
order.
Occupations.
Town.
Elsewhere.
Total.
V.
XTI.
1
Cow-keeper, milk feller . - . -
165
12,729
12,884
Butcher, meat Balesnuui - - > -
1
5
6
—
10
10
Fishmonger --,..-
10
8,084
8,094
Honey merchant - - . - -
—
59
59
*
Com, flour, seed merchant, dealer ...
2,042
10,525
12,567
MiUer
71
4,250
4,321
Baker, grain parcher ....
12
3,376
3,388
Confectioner --.---
65
526
591
Greengrocer . - _ - .
160
1,816
1,976
Sugar manu&ctorer . - . - .
—
801
801
8
Wine and spirit merchant, dealer
780
780
Distiller .--...
198
198
Ginger beer, soda water, lemonade, sherbet maker, dealer
51
2,686
2,737
1
849
350
Grocer, tea dealer, coffee dealer
47
47
Pickle, relish, condiments maker, dealer
«-
7,072
7,072
Perfumer .----.
26
26
Bangh, narcotic nuCker, seller ...
10
2,780
2,740
Opium dealer ....
—
36
86
XIU.
1
Tallow chandler - -
48
43
Wax refiner, dealer - - - - -
-
.^
1
1
Tac dealer - - - -
.
22
989
1,011
Horns, ivory, workers in ....
-
-»
5
5
2
Felhnonger ...---
-
2
520
522
Tanner ......
-
._
19
19
Currier -.---.
-
_^
38
38
Jjeather article maker ....
.
9
622
631
3
Brush and broom maker - - - .
-
1
1
XIV.
1
Oil miller, refiner - . - - -
221
21,519
21,740
Oil, linseed cake maker . - • .
_^
154
154
Sealing wax dealer, worker ....
mm^
14
14
2
Timber, wood merchant, dealer
12
1,384
1,396
Sawyer .--.-.
162
162
Wood turner, worker - - - -
.^
79
79
Cooper, hoop maker, worker -
62
1
68
4
Basket maker - - - - -
28
1,871
1,899
Hay and straw dealer - . . .
—
20
20
Thatcher
11
95
106
Cane worker, dresser , . . - .
..
811
311
Leaf.fan, umbrella maker, worker
—
1,106
1,106
Broom dealer (made of reed) reed manufacturer, dealer, rush
mat - - ...
-
..
84
84
5
Paper pianufacturer . . - - -
.
...
26
26
Stationer - - - , -
-
—
5
5
XV.
1
Coal mine sendee - - - - -
.
__
7
7
2
Coal merchant . . - - -
-
—
59
59
Coal labourer . . . -
.
...
94
94
3
Stone agent, merchant, cutter
-
—
151
151
Lime dealer, worker ....
-
10
138
148
Clay dealer, labourer -
-
17
1,048
1,065
Brick and tile maker, dealer . . . -
-
...
256
256
Road labourer . . - . .
-
—
42
42
Chalk dealer, worker . - - - -
-
—
6
6
Scavenger ....
-
12
5,322
5,834
Grindstone, millstone, worker, slate-pencil maker -
.
«_
7
7
4
Earthenware manu&cturer - - - -
-
176
15,794
15,970
Earthenware dealer, importer -
-
—
33
33
5
Glass manufacturer . - - • -
-
«_
17
17
6
-
8
3,238
3,246
Salt agent, dealer, broker ....
-
1
3,468
3,469
7
Water carrier, dealer - - . -
-
.—
1,246
1,246
8
Goldsmith, silversmith, jeweller
-
61
3,532
3,593
10
Tinplate worker, tinman ...
-
—
2
2
12
Lead manufacturer - - . - .
.
—
9
9
18
Brass manufacturer, worker, brazier . - -
-
20
975
995
14
Blacksmith, hammerman . . . -
-
119
14,220
14,339
Ironmonger, hardware dealer • . - -
•
—
105
105
VI.
XVL
1
General labourer . - - . .
,
8,409
155,245
158,654
2
Artizan, mechanic .....
-
12
58
70
Engine driver, stoker
-
—
3
3
Mauiager, superintendent - . . ;^
-
21
1,276
1,297
Contractor .....
"
477
17,152
17,629
xvn.
1
Gentleman, annuitant ....
-
—
1,356
1,356
XVIII.
1
Beggar, gipsy, vagrant
Religious devotee - . . . -
-
78
5,002
8
5,075
3
Others - . -
Grand total for all occupations .
-
49
2,514
2,563
17,560
835,036
852,596
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MADRAS.
Table (No. 117). — Showiiqg in each Class and Order the Number and Per-centage of Persona who
combine other Occupations with Agriculture.
Order.
For Districts.
For Towns.
ClaM.
Male.
Per,,
cent-
age.
Male.
Per-
centage.
I.^Fro&flsioDal
imd
stive.
with
1. Persons engaged in the general or local government of the
country .----..
2. Persons engaged in the defence of the country -
art, and science (with their immediate subordinates)
Total . - , - .
5. Persons engaged in entertaining and performing personal
offices fbr man - . - - .
Total
6. Persons who buy or sell, keep lend money, houses, or
goods of various kinds - - -
7. Persons engaged in the conveyance of men, animals, goods,
and messages .-..--
Total . - . .
9. Persons engaged about animals ....
Total ....
10. Persons engaged in art and mechanic productions -
11. „ working and dealing in textile fabrics and in dress
12. „ „ „ food and drinks -
18. „ „ „ animal substances -
14. „ „ „ vegetable substances
15. „ „ „ minerals -
Total - - - -
16. lAbourers and others (branch of labour undefined)
17. Persons of rank or property not returned under any office
or occupation ----..
18. Persons of no specified occupation
Total
two or more occupations ....
51,909
1,081
19,874
•76
•02
•28
1,766
68
1,946
•OS
•91
72,864
1-06
3,775
1-77
II.^D(miMtac
5,256
•08
*
387
•16
5,256
•08
337
•16
in.— Commercial
22,688
8,471
•33
•12
1,883
1,887
•88
•65
81,059
•45
8,270
1-58
IV.— Agriculture
3,786
•06
142
•07
8,786
•06
142
•07
v.— Indiutriia -
18,287
47,491
81,981
8,667
7,279
29,197
•19
•70
•47
•05
•11
•43
832
3,187
2,058
118
611
1,587
•89
* 1-49
•97
•05
•29
•72
182,802
1-95
8,343
8^91
VI.— Indefinite
non-produc
9,287
880
5,600
•14
•08
313
25
355
•15
•01
•17
15,217
•22
693
•33
Agrioultnre joined
2,890
•04
229
•11
Total agricalturists employed also on other occupation .....
IV.— BxdnsWcly employed on agriciUtiire .....
268,324
6,559,988
3^86
96^14
16,789
10,537,644
7^88
92-12
Gr
and total .---..
6,823,262
100-00
10,860,433
100-00
Mm 3
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BEBAE.
Table showing Dual Occupations for the Province, ie., Non- Agricultural Occupations followed by
Agriculturists (Order VIII.) in conjunction with Agriculture.
Glass.
u.
in.
rv.
V.
10
11
12
IS
14
Serial No.
of Bub-
Order.
4
5
6
7
9
10
11
12
14
15
16
17
18
80
21
34
30
37
38
39
40
41
43
48
44
46
46
48
49
50
51
52
Sub-Order.
Officers of provincial goYermnent^ -
„ manicipal, local and village government -
Total of Order 1
Priests and temple officers ...
Lawyers and law stamp dealers ^ -
Physicians, surgeons, and druggists -
Authors and literary persons ^editor)
Musicians - - - - -
Actors - - - .
Teachers _ - - .
Scientific persons - - - -
Total of Order 8 -
Total of Class I. -
Attendants (domestic servants, &c.)
Total of Class 11. -
Mercantile men - ' -
Other general dealers
Total of Order 6 -
Carriers on railways . - .
„ roads
Engaged in storage - - - -
Messengers and porters -
Total of Order 7 -
Total of Class HI.
Persons engaged about animals
Total of Class IV.
Workers in arms - - - -
„ harness
„ houses and buildings
„ chemicals -
Total of Order 10 -
Workers in wool and worsted
silk -, - " -
„ cotton and nax
„ dress - -
„ hemp and other fibrous materials
Totalof Order 11
Workers in animal food . . . . -
„ vegetable food
„ dnnks and stimulants - . . -
Total of Order 12
Workers in grease, gut, bones, horns, iiory, whalebone and lac,
„ skins, feathers, and quills
Total of Order 18
Workers in gums and resins - - - - •
„ wood . - - -
„ bark and pith - - - - -
„ bamboo, cane, rush, straw, and leaves
» paP^r
Total of Order 14 - -
Males.
161
5,687
5,848
107
27
10
1
171
10
89
105
460
28
88
2,444
49
2,493
5
110
14
47
176
2,669
195
195
9
4
705
6
784
110
8
828
1,886
16
2,298
76
358
601
1,080
54
8
57
841
117
878
1
1,882
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Class.)
Order.
15
VI.
16
18
Serial Ko.
of Sub-
Order.
53
54
56
58
59
^0
62
68
64
65
66
Sub-Order.
Workers in stone and day -
„ earthenware -
„ salt - - -
M gold, silver, and precious stones
„ copper -
„ tin and quicksilTer
n brass and other mixed metals
,, iron and steel
Total of Order 15 -
Total of Class V. -
General labourers, undefined
Other persons of indefildte oocupations
Total of Order 16 -
Persons of no stated occupations (beggars)
Total of Class VI. -
GRAin> Total -
Males.
888
186
16
854
1
4
89
180
1,068
6,504
11
17
88
960
988
16,693
NORTH-WESTEBN PEOVINCBS AND OUDtt
Landholders engaged in other pursuits ------- 854,167
„ not engaged in odier pursuits - ... - 188,809
Total - - - - - - - 977,976
Cnltiyators engaged in other pursuits - - - - - - J>92J'?SJ
„ not engaged in other pursuits - - . _• - - e,e7s,79o
Total - 7,686,705
Agricultural labourers engaged in other pursuits St'SSi
„ not engaged in other pursuits - - - - - 988,900
Total 1,778,831
Estate Office Service ^^^^^
Total - - - ■ - 10,506,868
Total population 28,912,556
Mm4
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APPENDIX L.
EXTRACTS FROM THE PUNJAB REPORT ON THE CIVIL CONDITION OP
THE PEOPLE.
Introductory. — The statistics regarding civil condition will be found in Tables V. and VL of
Appendices A. and B., the former giving total figures for town and village population sepanitely*
while the latter shows the civil condition of the followers of each religion classed according to age.
The statistics for civil condition are, I suspect, fairly accurate. So far as they depend upon age the
actual figures necessarily share the inaccuracies and variations of the record of age which have already
been discussed ; but these can be to a great extent eliminated by considering the proportions of single,
married, and widowed within each age period, and it is in this form only that I shall examine the
figures. It is true that it ii in many parts of the province and among many sections of the com-
munity considered shameful to have a nubile daughter unmarried ; but I suspect that this difficulty
has been overcome by understating the age of girls in this position, a practice which we have already
seen reason to believe is not uncommon, rather than by returning them falsely as married. I doubt
much whether a native would consider it right to do this, though he would have no hesitation
whatever in understating his daughter's age. But this is one of those questions of nabve feeling upon
which the opinion of must Englishmen is worth so little. Before proceeding to the discussion of the
actual figures I shall briefly sketch some of the principal conditions and customs which rule marriage
relations in the Punjab.
Marriage distinct from Cohabitation. — The primary and most essential difference between marriage
in the Punjab and in England is, that in the latter the ceremony is always immediately followed by
cohabitation, while throughout a large portion of the former consummation does not take ])lace till
some years after marriage. When the parties have arrived at puberty before the ceremony they
usually proceed at once to consummation. But wherever infant marriage is the custom, the bride and
bridegroom do not come together till a second ceremony called mukldwa has been performed, till
when the bride lives as a virgin in her father's house. This second ceremony is separated from the
actual wedding by an interval of 3, 5, 7, 9, or 11 years, and the girl's parents fix the time for it*
Thus it often happens that the earlier in life the marriage takes place, the later cohabitation b^ins.
For instance, in the eastern districts Jats generally marry at from 5 to 7 years of age, and Rajputs at
15 or 16, or even older ; but the K&jp&t couple begins at once to cohabit, whereas the parents of the
Jat girl often find her so useful at home as she grows up that some pressure has to be put upon them
to induce them to give her up to her husband, and the result is that for practical purposes she really
begins married life later than the R&jptit bride. Even after the consummation or mukldwa the bride
stays only a few weeks with her husband, after which she returns to her parents for six months or a
year ; and it is not till after that time that she goes to live permanently in her new home.f Thus
the marriage ceremony, so far as regards its immediate efiect upon the manner of life of the couple, is
a very different thing in many parts of the Punj b from what it is in Europe. Indeed, it is in those
parts, as Mr. Wilson points out, rather a ceremony of inviolable betrothal than an actual marriage in
the sense in which we understand the term ; and for all purposes of vital and most purposes of social
statistics, the mukldwa and not the wedding is the really important point. Mr. Wilson suggests that
girls might, at a future census, be returned as married only if they have actually gone to live with
their husbands ; and if trustworthy statistics could bo obtained 1 believe that the results would be
more valuable than those for the actual ceremony of marriage. But I doubt whether an attempt to
distinguish would not result in confusion, whereas it is easy to get accurate figures for married and
unmarried. At the present census the enumerators w^re *»pecially warned to enter as mtirried
those whose wedding had taken place, whether or no they had gone to live with their husbands.
Restrictions upon Inter-marriage, — The restrictions upon inter- marriage in the Punjab are of three
kinds, according as they are based upon a religious, a tribal, or a social sanction. The religious
restrictions are comparatively lax. Among Hindoos a man may not marry a woman of the same
patronymic (gotra) as his father or mother, or who is descended from paternal ancestors within six
degrees ; while among Musalmans only the sister, niece, and aunt are excluded in addition to those in
the direct line of descent. In both cases foster-kinship is as great a bar as blood relationship. But
thr(»ughout the whole of the eastern Punjab, excepting perhaps the colonies of foreign Musalmans
such as Saiyad<«, Mughals, and the like who may have settled there, and the educated class of
Mahammedan converts who are almost wholly confined to the towns, tribal restrictions of a far more
rigorous nature have taken the place of these religious rules ; and the great mass of Mahammedan
converts, Gtijars, Kajputs, and the like, are as much bound by them as are their Hindoo brethren.
These tribal restrictions are based upon the two laws of exogamy and endogamy. The caste, or
sometimes the Hectii>n of the caste, is endogamous; that is to say, a Jat must marry a Jat and a Gtijar
a G6jar, or a Sars&t Brahman must marry a Sarsiit and a Gaur Brahman a Gaur. Secondly, the
tribe is exogaiiious; that is to say, a Man Jat must not marry a Man Jat, but a Jat of some other
* Mr. Doiiie tells ma that 11 months is also a pezmissible interval.
1 1 here describe the custom of the eastern dutriots, the only part of the Frovinoe of whioh I have any personal
experience. But the custom is probably much the same thronghont those parts of the Ponj&b in whioh early
marriage is the role. Of course in the south-western districts, where both sexes marry as adults or almost so,
cohabitation begins at once.
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tribe. But the restriotions go farther than this. A man must not only not marry into his father's,
that is to say, his own tribe ; but his mother's and his father's mother's tribe among most, and his
mother's mother's also among some castes, are likewise forbidden to him. Moreover, as I have
already stated in discussing migration (section 136)^ a man may not marry a woman of his own
village or of any village which marches with it, and should as a rule take a wife from some little
distance from his home. Moreover, in the east of the Punj&b exchange of betrothal is thought
disgraceful, and if desired is effected by a triangular exchange. A' betrothing with B, B with C, and
C with A. In the west, on the contrary, among all classes, in the hills and the sub-montane districts
apparently among all but the highest classes, ana among the Jats almost everywhere except in the
Jamna districts, the betrothal by exchange is the commonest form.
The third class of restrictions are based upon social position and pride of rank ; and beyond the
nominal limitations imposed by the law of Isldm, they may be said to be the only restrictions observed
by the Musamans of ^e Western Panj&b. But unfortunately many of the Hindoos of the central
and sub-montane districts, and especially the higher classes of Khatris and of Hill B&jptits and
Br&hmans, have superimposed these social restrictions upon the tribunal restrictions just described*
The social rules which govern intermarriage are not binding, so far as to make a marriage void and
its offspring illegitimate, as would be the case if it were contracted in opposition to the tribal rules ;
but they have at their back the whole weight of public opinion and of that hereditary pride of
descent, which is so strong among the higher classes in India, and an infringement of them would
reduce the family who had committed it to a lower level in the social scale. They abo may be
referred to two laws, which I shall call the laws of isogamy and hyp^rgamy.* By isogamy, or the
law of equal marriage, I mean the rule which arranges the local tribes in a scale of social standing,
and forbids the parent to give his daughter to a man of any tribe which stands lower than his own.
By hypergamy, or the law of superior marriage, I mean the rule which compels him to wed his
daughter with a member of a tribe which shall be actually superior in rank to his own. In both cases
a man usually does not scruple to take his wife or, at any rate, his second wife from a tribe of
inferior standing. The law of hypergamy is, I believe, almost confined to the Ehatris and Hill
K4jp^ts and Brdhmans, all of whom are also endogamous as regards the caste. The law of isogamy,
while it necessarily governs the marriages of the very highest classes of these three castes, since there
is none higher into which to wed, is professed at least by all the dominant Musalman tribes or races
of the Western Punj&b. A Saiyad always says that he marries his daiighters to none but Saiyads
or, perhaps, Qureshi Arabs ; a Biloch or Pathan, that he will give his gins to none but his equals in
social rank. There is no doubt whatever that, especially among the poorer classes, this rule is by no
means always observed. Mr. O'Brien found that the papers of the present Census in Muzaffargarh
conclusively proved that Jats not unfrequently had Biloch or even Saiyad women to wife. But there
is equally no doubt that the feeling is a very strong one, among the better families so strong as
seldom if ever to be violated ; and that it is present to all as a standard of which only necessity
compels them to fall short.
The tribal customs of exogamy and endogamy seldom lead to any serious difficulty in procuring a
wife. Occasionally a small colony of emigrants far removed from members of their own caste may
experience some trouble in finding suitable matches for their sons or daughters, but such occasions
are rare. The social customs of isogamy and hypergamy, on the other hand, are among the most
fertile causes of distress or even ruin ; and in old days, if not now, led to female infanticide on a large
scale* The poorer classes of those castes who are bound by the rule of isogamy overstrain their
resources in the effort to purchase a suitable alliance for their daughters ; while this is still more the
case with the h^rpergamous castes. But the custom seems to a certain extent breaking down ; and
there have been m several districts organised movements with a view to alter the rule, and to generally
reduce the expense of female marriage. Mr. Coldstream writes from Hushyarpur :-^
" Among all olasses of natives the expense of manying a daughter is, as a general rule, excessive, "with regard to
" the means of the father. The ezpensiyeness of marriages is one of the commonest causes of the ruins of families
** in the district. It serionsly affects all olasses, and often leads to the loss of landed property, for the paternal
" acres are sold or heavily mortgaged to pay the debt incurred to defray the expenses of a daughter's mamage.
** The tribes do not always lie still under these social fetters. With increasing intelligence, a more equal dis-
** tribution of wealth, and the growth of free institutions, social revolutions in respect of these old ndes, and
*' agitations for the purpose of changing and modifying them are not unlmown. For 12 years past certain classes of
" Khatris of the Bari and Bechna Doabs have been agitating to extend the principal of isogamy, and to free them-
" selves from the rule of contracting hypergamous alliances for their daughters."
Inducements to and Restrictions upon Marriage, — The pious Hindoo believes that if his daughter
grow up to puberty in his house unmarried^ several generations of his descendants will most certainly
be danmed. Perhaps but a small portion of the Hindoos of the Punjdb are pious; but the feeling
that it is a shameful thing for a daughter not to be married at the customary age prevails no less
strongly among them^ and this is the case in all religions and among all classes, though, perhaps^
more strongly among Hindoos and in the east than among Musalmans and in the west. The case of
n son is different, as whether he shall marry or not is simply a question of personal preference or of
ability to procure a wife. If he remains single no social stigma attaches to the parents, though where
early marriage prevails they would probably feel that they had not fully done their duty by a son
whom they allowed to grow up without a wife. As a rule, however, a wife is a costly luxury. She
has to be bought and paid highly for ; and thus it is to their daughters that poor parents look to
enable them to marry their sons by an exchange of betrothals. Among the highest classes, indeed,
• I am indebted to Mr. Ooldstream for these two words. Hvper^samy indeed would appear rather to mean '* too .
much marriage " than " marri^ in a higher rank ; " but the highest classical authority in India prefers it to
anoterogamy, the only alternative which suggests itself.
y5747. N n
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and in the Jamna difitricts the roverse is the oase^ not only where a hnaband of a higher grade has to
be bought, but also generally, becanpe it is not customary to take money for a daughter, and the
expense of a daughter's marriage is fixed by custom at somethbg a good deal larger than the
parents can afford. I shall return to this subject in discussing the question of infanticide. Again,
the practice of polygamy renders marriage of girls possible under circumstances where it would be
impossible to marry boys. Though a girl be blind or deformed mouey will procure her a husband,
for he will marry another wife also. But a boy similarly unfortunate would probably be unable to
prociu'e a wife at all, or, at any rate, would find the greatest diflBculty in doing so. There can be
no doubt whatever that the question^ not only whether a wife can be supported, but whether the
expense of the children that will probably follow would endanger the ancestral acres, is often present
to the mind of a father when he is debating whether he shall marry his son, and that it often decides
him not to do so. In the case of a daughter, however, prudential reasons cannot stand against the
dread of social disgrace. I£ she can be married without ruin well and good ; if not she must still be
married.
Widow Marriage. — ^It is well (known that the modem Hindoo law forbids the remarriage of widowa
But this law is observed only among certain castes or tribes who pride themselves upon their social
standing ; and one of the commonest distinctions between two tribes, both of undoubted Bajpfit
origin, but one of whom has ^' lost caste " and sunk in the social scale, is that the one does and the
other does not practise widow-marriage. Nor do the Musalm&ns of the Western Punj&b, who although
of Hindoo origin do not marry by the phei^a or circumambulation of the sacred fire, forbid as a rude
the remarriage of widows ; while the foreign Musalmans such as Saiyads and Pathans have no prohi-
bition against it. At the same time, it is remarked by district officers from several distant parts of the
province, that a prejudice is gaining ground among the higher classes of Mahammedans akin to that
which exists among the higher castes of Hindoos, and that among them also the jremarriageof a widow
is becoming less and less common ; and Mr. FrizeUe writes of Shahpur that the remarriage of widows
is almost unknown in the district, even among the commonest classes, and that the custom simply
does not exist as ai custom, at any rate among the Musalmans. In the east and centre of the Punjab,
however, or east of the Chanab, the custom is universal among all but the highest castes, that is to say
' among the Jats and all on the san^e or a lower level ; though as a woman can under no circumstances
perform phera twice over, the ceremony employed is a less formal one known under the name of
karewa. And it assumes among them two very distinct forms. The first, and probably the original
form is nothing more or less than the Jewish Levirate, by which the younger brother takes the widow
of the elder and raises up seed to his brother. In some cases the child so begotten actually succeeds
to the property of the deceased brother as his son. But the custom has been extended so as to permit
of a man marrying by karewa a widow of another caste whom he would not have married as a virgin
by phera. This practice, however, is generally reprobated, even though the widow should be of a
higher caste than the man.
Civil condition in Europe and tJie Punjab. — ^The proportions of total population of all liges who are
' respectively single, married, and widowed in the Punjab are exceedingly misleading, as the figures
are affected far more by fluctuations in the proportion of children than by any diversity in marriage
customs. It will be sufficient, therefore, so far as the general question is concerned, to give the|f ollow-
ing figures, which are interesting as bringing out very forcibly the contrast between marriage customs
in Europe and in the Punjab : —
Proportions per 10,000 of all Conditions.
Territory.
Males.
Females.
Persons.
Single.
Married.
Widowed.
Single.
Married.
Widowed.
Single.
Married.
Widowed.
France - - -
5,333
4,130
•537
4,826
4,088
1,091
5,078
' 4,107
815
Italy .
6,061
8,580
409
5,496
8,588
916
5,780
3,559
661
Greece
6,455
8,257
288
5,481
3,470
1,099
5,961
3,859
680
England -
6,129
8,511
860
5,859
3,387
754
5,986
3,452
562
Punjab - . . -
5,217
4,166
617
3,565
4,989
1,446
4,460
4,544
996
Dehli Division -
4,477
4,692
S81
2,951
5,365
1,684
8,765
5,006
1,228
Multan Division
5,900
8,578
522
4,331
4,359
1,310
5,184
3,934
880
Hindus - . -
4,998
4,301
701
3,158
5,193
1,654
4,158
4,706
1,134
Masalmans - > .
6,407
4,049
541
8,928
4,779
1,292
4,722
4,887
889
I select the Dehli and Multdn Divisions, because in them the married bear the largest and smalleat
proportions respectively to the total population. It will be observed that although the proportion of
young infants is greater in the Punjab than in the countries of Europe, a far sm^er proportion of the
male pop\ilation is single in the former than in the latter ; although in the Multan, where the propor-
tion of infants is largest, the figures approach more nearly the European standard, and actually exceed
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those of France where the proportion of infants is abnormally low. The proportion of widowers, on the
contrary, is higher in the Fanjab than in Europe ; as is also the proportion of husbands, though the
difference is not strikingly great Among females, however, the disproportion is far more strongly
marked. Even in France only 41 per cent, of the female population are wives, and in England only
34 per cent. ; while the corresponding figures for the Multan and Dehli Di\dsions are 44 and 54, the
average for the province being 50 per cent Nor are the figures for widows less remarkable, the pro-
portion of widows being nearly double that which obtains in England. The custom of univei^
marriage among females decreases the proportion of single throughout, while that custom combined
with the custom of early marriage increases the proportion of widows and widowers.
Civil condition in various parts of the Province. — I now turn to a comparison by separate age periods ;
the only comparison which is not affected by fluctuations in age statistics due to diversity of physical
conditions. Abstract No. 114 on the next page gives the proportions of single, married, and widowed
in each age-period for each division, for males and females separately.
It may fairly be assumed that all general causes, such as tendency to state age in round numbers,
error due to the interval between preliminary and final enumeration, and the like, have affected the
sexes equally in each age period, and they may therefore be neglected. But the understatement of
women's ages already discussed affects our figures largely ; and it is much to be regretted that our
tables give us no details of civil condition within the first 10 years of life. Within that period, how-
ever, the effect of the mis-statement of women's ages will probably not be very large.
I will examine the male figures first Perhaps the most striking point about them is the con-
siderable proportion of men who never marry at all. Of the whole male population between 30 and
40 years of age, no less tb^n 14*5 per cent, are single, and in the Derajdt the proportion rises to 20
per cent. After that age the proportion of single men steadily declines in^ every division, period by
period, up to the end of life ; and unless it be assumed that some men marry for the first^ time after
40, 50, and even 60 years old, this shows either that among males a married life is better than a single
after the age of 40 (I use the word *' better " in its actuaiial sense), or that old men are ashamed of
their bachelorhood, and have returned themselves as husbands or as widowers. It is ahnost certain
that the fact that so considerable a proportion of the male population abstains altogether from marriage
is due to prudential considerations. I shall presently show that the proportion is smaller in the towns,
where people ar0, generally speaking, better off than in the villages. Many of the district officers
speak of the effect of considerations of economy in determining whether a man shall remain single or
not ; and in the west of the province, and apparently in the hills and sub-montane tracts, and among
many classes in all but the Jamna districts, wnere a wife can be obtained only either by an exchange
betrothal or on payment of a considerable sum of money, it is often no easy matter for a poor man
to procure one, especially as all the women are married young, and the parents are unwilling to give
a young girl to wife to an old man. .
The next point is the steady advance in the average age of male marriage as we pass from the
eastern to the western portions of the province. In the eastern half, marriage within the first 10 years
of life seems to be commonest in the J&landhar and Delhi Divisions. In any case the proportion of
husbands at this period of life is merely nominal. In the west of the province it may almost be said
to be nil The next five years of life sees some 15 to 20 per cent of the males of the eastern Punjab
married, while in the centre only 7 to 9, and in the west only 3 to 5, marry before the age of 15. In
the next period, from 15 to 20, nearly half the males are married in the east, not one third in the
centre, and not one fifth in the west Between the ages of 20 and 25 the proportion of married males
rises rapidly throughout the province, and even in the west some 40 to 47 per. cent, of the whole are
married ; while within the next five years of life two thirds of the western and three quarters of the
•eastern males are either married or widowed. After that age the figures for single men become more
irregular, though the same differences between east and west may still be observed. The figures for
widowers naturally follow those for single men in reverse order, since the earlier a man marries and
the more of them marry, the more numerous must be the widowers.
I now turn to the figures for females. The same general features, the same advance from east to
west in the usual age of marriage, is to be noticed in them, but in a far more marked degree. The
marriages among females of under 10 years of age are considerable in number in the eastern divisions.
Between 10 and 15 years of age nearly half the women are married in the east, whereas four fifths of
the men are still single ; while even in the west about a fifth of the girls have found husbands. By
the time they are 20 years old 92 per cent, of the girls are married or widowed in the east and 70
per cent, in the west ; while after 25, and still more after 30 years of age, the proportion of single
women is quite nominal in the east and very small in the west. After 30 years of age there is not
one woman in 200 single in the Delhi Division, and not three in 100 in the Peshdwar Division.
Female marriage is earlier and more general in the hills than in the plains, whether the comparison be
made in the east or in the west of the province ; and it is perhaps earliest of all in the Eangra dis-
trict. Generally speaking, it is earliest among the highest castes ; for instance, the Br^mans and
Khatris of Multdn marry their girls ',far younger than do the Aroras. But the Rajp6ts form an
exception to this rule in both the hills and the plains, and Mr. Kensington explains the peculiarity by
pointing out that '* the more strictly the women are secluded, the less necessity is there supposed to
^^ be for early marriage." I believe, however, that the early marriages of Brahmans, Banyas, and
other strict Hindoos are originally due to religious ideas of duty rather than to any question of the
chastity of the woman. The mis-statement of girls' ages of course affects these figures : and the pro-
portion of married females is probably somewhat too small in the period between 10 and 15, and to a
less extent in that between 15 and 20. But even taking the figures as they stand, I doubt whether
they adequately represent the prevalence of early marriage in the east of the Punjab. I doubt very
much whether as many as half of the girls between 10 and 16 years of age are really unmarried in
Nn 2
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the Delhi Division ; and I cannot help thinking that in some cases very young girls who have not
ei gone to live wilh their husbands must have been shown as single, although the marriage ceremony
jBB actually been performed. But this is only an impression, and is worth little. The Deputy Com-
xmssioner of Muzaffargarh, indeed, believes that the figures represent the statistics of betrothal rather
than those of marriage ; and the Commissioner of Multan endorses the opinion. But I do not believe
that as many as 28 per cent, of the girls of the Multan Division between 15 and 20 years of age
remain unbetrothed^ and I do not think the objection taken is well founded. Oenerally speaking, we
may say from a comparison of the figures for the sexes that men marry some five to eight years later
than women, and the proportion of widows is consequently uniformly larger than that of widowers ; a
fact which is also due to the circumstance that there is nowhere either rule or prejudice against the
remarriage of widowers, as there is against that of widows. But during the years of early and middle
life the disproportion is far smaller in the east and centre than in the west of the Punjab ; and this is
due to the prevalence in the former tract of karewa or widow marriage. Except in the western dis-
tricts and among the higher castes, a young widow marries again almost more certainly than a young
widower. To quote an example: in the Delhi Division, between the ages of 20 and 25, the figure for
widowers is 529^ and for widows 569. In the Pesb&war Division the corresponding figures are 352
and 695. In more advanced life the proportion of widows is far greater in all parts than than of
widowers, probably because, as husbands are in demand rather than wives, an old man can get a
young wife, and therefore will not marry an old one. The proportion of women who die unwed is
extraordinarily small. Even in the Dejar&t only 2^ per cent, of the women between 25 and 30, and
1^ of those between 30 and 40 are single : while the corresponding figures for males in the same
division are 33 and 17 per cent. In the east of the Punjab it may be siud that, practically speakings
aU the women marry.
The comparatively late age at which both sexes, and especially women, marry in the Multan and
Derajdt Divisions has already been noticed In parts of the Multan Division adult marriage, that is to
say^ marriage after both parties have arrived at their full sexual vigour, and not at mere puberty, is
the rule ; a youth is not allowed to wear a turban or marry a wife until he has stolen a buffalo and
thus proved his ability to support her, and there is a proverb to the effect that " marriage without
'* consent is death," a sentiment which would be simply meaningless in the east of the Punjab.
Mr. Perkins, Commissioner of Multan, writes on this subject : —
** I will not detain you as to the social statistics fmrther than to draw prominent attention to the gratifying fact
« that the custom of early nuptials of children is widely discouraged in this part of the world. Even among
<* Hindoos it seems to be much less the rule than elsewhere, while among Moslems it is evidentiy quite the ezcep-
" tion. There can, I suppose, be no doubt that this is the reason for the exceptionally fine strength of the dwellers
** here. Both sexes come together at a period of life when they are physically mature, and the resulting progeny
** as Mrong as might be expected. Mor^ver, the generally wild freeness of their life tends to call out their athletic
** strength, and to discourage the unwholesome passions engendered in towns, and the influence of these matters on
" the children's physique cannot but be beneficial. It seems to lead to a considerable number of illicit amours, but
«« as this is a stibject foreign to our present purpose I will not pursue it."
At the same time adult marriage is not an unmixed good, as is shown by our criminal statistics.
Apparently the nubile girl is better content to live witii a husband chosen by her parents in her
infancy than with no husband at all, and often remedies this latter state by taking to herself a lover,
while the power of choice allowed to the virgin is often retuned and exercised by the wife, and
grievous scandals are the result.
Civil condition in the several Religions. — Abstract No. 115 on the ^ next page gives similar
figures for the various religions to those which have just been given for divisions, adding details for
typical divisions as before.
The figures present the same general features as do those just discussed^ if for east we read Hindoo^
for centre Sikh, and for west Musalm&n. But these figures enable us, by comparing the statistics for
the same religion in different parts of the province, to decide how far local custom and how faij
difference of religion is responsible for the peculiarities observed. It will be seen that while early
marriage, especially among females, is far more prevalent and marriage of females far more nearly
universal among Hindoos than among Musalm&ns, and that in every part of the province, yet the
Hindoos of the west marry later and less generally and the Musalmans of the east earlier and more
generally than do their brethren at the opposite end of the Punjab. But a very carious feature marks
the male figures. While the proportion of single among the Hindoos is invariably smaller than among
the Musalmans in the ,early ages, it becomes larger in the Anuritsar Division after 15 years, in the
Peshdwar Division after 25 years, and in the Dehli, Hiss^r, and Multan Divisions after 30 years ; and
when it once has become larger it invariably continues so throughout the succeeding periods of life.
This seems to point to the conclusion that when once a Hindoo male has reached middle age unmar-
ried, he is much less likely to marry than is a Musalman under similar conditions, and the explanation
of this circumstance may perhaps be found in the fact that Hindoo girls are so generally married at a
very earlv age that middle aged men find far greater difficultv in procuring a wife than is the case
among MusiJm&ns whose women remain bnger single. The Sikh inales appear to marry later and
less generally than do the Hindoos if the province be taken as a whole, and up to the age of 25 to
preserve an intermediate position between the two religions; but after that age the propoition of
single males remains larger than among Hindoos, and as Sikh giris marry later than Hindoo girls,
this fact throws some doubt upon the explanation just put forward. Perhaps the comparatively large
number of the ascetic and monastic orders of celibates among Hindoos and Sikhs has some effect in
nusing the proportion of single men in the later stages of life as compared with Musalmdns. In the
earlier periods the earlier marriage of those who intended to marry at all would conceal the difference.
Moreover, I believe that many of the ascetics do marry as children, but svbanOon their wives when
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they adopt a religious life, and thenceforth count themselves as unmarried. In the Amritsar Division
the same point is observable after 30 yescts of age, but up to that period Sikh males marry more gene-
rally than do Hindoos, a feet perhaps due to the generally prosperous condition of the Sikh peasantry
of the Central Punjab. The proportion of widowers increases as a matter of course as the age of
marriage is earlier. The late age at which Buddhist males marry, the comparatively large proportion
of them who remain single, and the small number of widowers are very noticeable. The first fact is
probably due to the later maturity which generally marks inhabitants of cold countries, the second
to the fact that all the younger sons go to monasteries where they live as celibates, the last to the
exceeding ease with which a wife is obtainable in the high hills, cohabitation being almost equivalent
with marriage.
Turning to the female figures, we find female marriage much earlier and much more general
among Hindoos than among Musalmans, and, for the same religion, in the east than the west ; so
much so, in fact, that the Hindoo girls of the south-west marry later than do the Musalman girls of
the east The Sikh girls marry much later in life, but also much more generally than do the Hindooa
The number of widowis among Sikhs is also very much smaller than among either Hindoos and
Musalmans, probably because such a very large proportion of the Sikhs are Jats, with whose widows
remarriage is a universal custom. The Buddhist girls marry as much later than those of other reU-
gions as do the Buddhist boys ; and as among the men and from the same cause, the proportion of
women who remain single is comparatively large, many of the women entering nunneries and there
living celibate lives. So the proportion of widows is, except at the later ages, very markedly smaller
than amon^ other religions ; for as the Buddhist women do most of the field work, a young widow is
not compeUed to retain her weeds far longer than she chooses. Marriage among Jains is somewhat
earlier and more general than among Hindoos, and especially in the case of males. The Jains are one
of the most wealthy classes of the community. The proportion of both widows and widowers is very
large, for not only is widow marriage imknown, but the Bhdbra Jains are not allowed to marry a
second wife under any circumstances whatever.
Civil condition of the Sexes compared, — Abstract No. 116 on the next page brings out in an
exceedingly striking manner the difference between the civil condition of men and women respec-
tively. In it is shown the proportion of females to every 1,000 males who are single, married, or
widowed in each age period. Thus if there were 2,000 married men and only 1,000 married women
between the ages of 10 and 15, the entry in the abstract would be 500, or 50 females for every 100
males.
Of course these figures, unlike those we have just been discussing, are afEected by the general pro-
portion of the sexes in each age period, and, the number of women being always smaller than that of
men, are always somewhat lower than they would be were the isexes present in equal numbers ; while
the variation due to this cause is greatest where the proportion of females is smallest. But after
making all possible allowances on this account the figures are exceedingly striking. The extra-
ordinary excess of females married at the earlier ages, the equally extraordinary excess of males
married at the later ages, and the great excess of widowed females at all ages are brought out in the
greatest prominence. The figures represent no new facts, and are only a different and somewhat less
accurate representation of the facts we have already discussed ; and there is no occasion to dwell on
them. I give them as a most effective summary of the difference between the civil condition of males
and females respectively.
Civil condition in Towns and Villages. — Abstract No. 117 on page cliii shows the distribution of
every 1,000 persons of all ages and of each sex according as they are single, married, or widowed, for
each division in the province, giving separate figures for towns and villages.
The variations observable between the figures for the several divisions are chiefly due to the varia-
tions in distribution by age already discussed : for instance, the fact that in the villages of the Dehli
division only 29*8 per cent, of the females are single, while in the Multan Division the corresponding
per-centage is 44*1, is chiefly though not wholly due to the fact that children of too young an age to
be married form a much larger proportion of the total population in the latter than they do in the
former. The age of marriage has already been discussed ; and I shall here confine myself to the
difference between the figures for towns and villages respectively in one and the same division. It
will be noticed that a much smaller proportion of the nmles are single and a much larger proportion
married in the towns than in the villages. This is almost certainly due in great part to the fact that
the urban classes are, taking them altogether, better off and more generally able to afford marriage
than are the peasantry ; and it is probably also due to some extent to the fact that migration
from villages to towns is more common than from towns to villages, and that the migrants are generally
married adult males who often leave their wives and children behind them, This same migration
also probably explains the fact that the proportion of widowers is slightly but uniformly larger] in
towers than in villages, and most markedly so in the divisions where the towns have gained most
largely by immigration ; for the adult immigrants raise the per-centage of the higher ages at which
widowhood is most common.
Among females the proportion of married is almost always less in the villages than in the towns,
but the difference is always small in comparison with that which exists in the case of males, and is
greatest in the western divisions. The comparative smallness of the difference in the east is probably
partly due to the far stronger feeling against daughters remaining unmarried than against sons being
left in similar cases, espemlly in the Hindoo portion of the province ; and partly no doubt to the
excess movement of adult males to towns leaving their wives in the villages, which has already been
alluded to. But there is another, and probably a more potent cause. It will be noticed that the
disproportion between the figures for single persons in towns and villages respectively is almost
identical in each division for the two sexes. Therefore the disproportion between the figures for
Nn 4
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cliii
Abstract No. 117, showing Civil Condition in Towns and Villages for Divisions.
Proportion per 1,000.
Males.
Females.
Divisions, &c.
Single.
:Married.
Widowed.
Single.
Married.
Widowed.
1
t
S
1
>
m
1
Villages.
1
t
o ^
*^
Delhi . - -
421
454
493
463
86
82
280
298
527
539
192
163
Hissar
466
505
462
425
71
70
302
335
526
520
172
144
Ambala - • »
455
496
468
435
77
69
303
321
525
526
171
152
463
503
451
434
86
63
276
308
536
524
188
169
Amritsar
473
524
. 448
415
77
61
304
351
524
511
172
138
Lahore
478
545
450
400
72
54
321
395
516
486
162
118
Rawalpindi
497
557
443
395
58
47
349
421
494
459
156
120
Multan
542
595
398
354
61
52
358
441
472
432
170
127
Derajat -
522
573
415
380
63
47
356
423
469
467
175
120
Peshawar - - -
525
586
418
373
58
41
362
432
472
446
166
123
Total British Tbrbi-
474
531
448
410
72
59
313
369
513
493
174
138
TORY.
Total Native States -
470
516
448
419
81
65
302
331
514
518
184
151
Total Provmcos
475
529
449
411
74
60
312
363
513
497
175
140
Abstract No. 118, j
showing Proportions of Wives to Husbands for Religi<
ms and Divisions.
Nomber of Married Females per 1,000 ^Carried Males.
fi
j
1
•<
•5.
1
1^
•gcc
1
1
Hindoo
Sikh -
^Jain - - - -
Bnddhist
Zoroastrian - . -
Christian ...
All religions - - -
Villages -
Towns - - - -
990
1,026
998
1,003
975
1,033
1,037
1,033
1,033
1,030
961
987
969
991
853
1,069
1,034
1,049
1,055
1,000
1,054
977
1,042
1,038
1,052
952
961
1,004
992
1,013
890
914
1,023
1,006
1,031
818
985
1,019
1,008
1,012
980
910
1,026
1,008
1,029
853
546
1,012
966
1,021
699
1,004
1,021
1,010
1,027
912
1,017
1,009
1,015
1,021
972
1,007
975
1,006
1,057
1,020
491
856
1,011
1,025
920
married and widowed taken together must be also identical^ since the sura of single, married, and
widowed is constant. But the disproportion in the married figures is less among the females than
among the males ; therefore the disproportion in the widowed figures must be greater among the
females than among the male?. Thus the disproportion between the figures for towns and villages is
greater among widowed and smaller among married for females than for males, the excess in both
cases being on the side of the town population. This can only be accounted for by the women of the
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Tillages being transferred from the widowed to the married status, in other words by kareway which
is far more commonly practised among the peasantry than among the stricter Hindoos who are
found in the towns.
Polygamy. — ^By law and custom alike a Musalman may marry four and a Hindoo two wives.
But, as a fact, the privilege is very rarely taken advantage of by Hindoos, and not often by Musal-
mans excepting the more wealthy section of the community, unless the first wife proves barren or
bears daughters only. The unanimity of district oflScers on this point is very general, the usual
remark being that the people are too poor to afibrd a second wife. There is indeed one well-marked
exception, and that is the Peshawar Division and in a less degree the Salt-range Tract, in both of
which polygamy is said to be an almost general rule among Musalmans. But I shall presently show
that this estimate is exaggerated. And generally, in all parts of the province, the practice is more
common with Mahammedans than with Hindoos. In the higher hills, indeed, where marriage is a
form which is hardly thought necessary and women are valuable as labourers, it is common to have
several wives or concubines \, but the state of the conjugal relations in this part of the province will
be described in the next section under the head of Polyandry. Thus throughout the plains of the
Punjab polygamy may be said to be practically confined to the rich. By polygamy, however, I here
mean the marrying of two wives selected for that purpose. The natural process of devolution by
which the widow descends to the younger brother which constitutes the primary form of karewa is, as
already stated, almost universal amongst all but the highest castes throughout the east and centre of
the Punjab ; and this naturally leads to a man having two wives in a very great number of instances.
Abstract No. 118 on page cliii shows the number of married women per 1,000 married men for
divisions, religions, towns, and villages.
The number of wives to each husband is uniformly larger in the villages than in the towns. But
this is not because polygamy is more common in villages than in towns ; indeed, the reverse is
notoriously the case in parts where karewa is not customary, the richer classes of the cities marrying
more than one wife far oftener than the poorer inhabitants of the villages. The reason of there being
more wives in proportion to husbands in the villages than in the towns, is that many of the husbands
are away from home on service or in trade in the cities and cantonments, leaving their wives in
the villages. Thus, in Hissar, where there are no cantonments, the inequality is much reduced,
while in Peshawar and Rawalpindi, where large cantonments, rapid growth of towns, and special
demands for labour at the time of Census combined to attract a large immigrant population, the
disproportion is at its highest A portion of the inequality, however, is undoubtedly due to karewa
in those parts where karewa is practised, for widow-marriage is allowed chiefly among the peasantry
and not at all among the mercantile classes of the cities ; and this is probably the cause of the excess
in the Hissar Division.
Taking villages and towns together, the high proportion of wives in the Jalandhar Division is-
probably due to the emigration from Hushyarpur which has taken place of late years, and the
polygamous habits of the hill people. In the Amritsar Division it is again probably due to both
polygamy in and emigration from Sidlkot and Gurdaspur, as the proportion in the Amritsar district
is very moderate. But, as in Hissar, it is probably caused in part by the large Jat population who
universally practise karewa. Districts from which emigration is taking place naturally show more
wives than husbands, as the men move first and send for their wives only when they have made for
themselves a permanent home, On the other hand, districts like Sirsa, which are being stocked
by immigration show a large proportion of husbands, not only because the married male immigrants
leave their wives behind them, but still more because their sons generally marry out of the district in
the neighbourhood of their homes, and their wives are often absent at their parents' houses, especially
in time of drought.
Turning to religion we find that polygamy is far more common among Musalm&ns than among
Hindoos, except in the Jalandhar and Amritsar Divisions which have already been discussed. The
email proportion of wives among the Hindoos of the Peshawar Division shows how largely the
Hindoo population consists of temporary immigrants. The proportion of wives to husbands among
the Sikhs is curiously small. They are notoriously well off, they practise karewa more generally than
do the members of any other religion ; and I can only explain the figures by supposing that some of
the Hindoo women who have married Sikh husbands have been returned as Hindoos. Yet this seem&
-extremely unlikely, as all that a Hindoo woman does on becoming a Sikh is to tie up her hair in a
eomewhat different fashion. If, as I myself believe and shall explain in the next paragraph, the Jats
practise polyandry, this might perhaps account for the figures, as the great mass of the Sikhs are Jats..
But even then all but the eldest brothers would probably return themselves as single. The large
proportion of wives among the small Buddhist population is said to be due rather to the husbands
being away on journeys or working elsewhere and leaving the aged females behind them, than to any
general habit of polygamy. The small number of wives among Christians and Zoroastrians is of
course owing to their sojourn here being only temporary.
The districts that show more married men than married women among village population are
Karndl, Sirsa, Ambala, Simla, Lahore, Multan, and Kohat ; while in all these, and also in Delhi,
Firozpur, Kawalpindi, Derah Ghazi Khin, and Peshawar the number is larger among total popula-
tion. In no case are the husbands in excess in the villaj^es and not in the towns of any district.
On the whole polygamy is shown by the figures to be very rare. Indeed I am almost driven to
suggest that widows who have been remarried by karewa must sometimes have been shown as widows
though it appears very unlikely that this should be so. It seems improbable that in the Hissar
division for instance, only three out of every 100 married men should have taken a second vrife if
cases of karewa are included as well as those of polygamy proper. If, indeed, my belief in Jat
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polyandry Is well founded, the Bmallness of the figures would be explained, for the younger brother
would be nominally unmarried when the widow came to him. Or it may be that my suspicions
expressed in section 689 ore well founded, and that the figures are to be explained by the fact that
▼ery young girls who have not yet gone to live with their husbands have in some cases been returned
as single, although the marriage ceremony has actually been performed. In the whole province our
figures show that there are 101 wives for every 100 husbands. But, as pointed out by Mr. Frizelle,
this does not mean that so many as one in every 100 husbands takes a second wife ; for those who
are well enough off to take a second often take a third and a fourth also, and thus the number of men
who marry more than one wife is smaller than the excess of wives over husbands.
Polyandry, — Polyandry as an open and recognised institution is only found In parts of the Ktilu
gubdivision. The whole relations of the sexes in conjugal matters are so peculiar in that part of the
country, and doubtless in the Hill States adjoining it, that I quote at length in the next paragraph
Mr. Anderson's description of them. But polyandry proper is almost confined to Lahul and Seoraj,
and In the latter the custom seems to be dying out. Mr. Lyall writes of It : —
" Folandrjr in Seordj is in reality a mere castom of oommimity of wives among brothers who have a commnnity of
*' other goods. In one house you may find three brothers with one wife, in the next three brothers with four wives
** all fJike in common ; in the next house there mav be an only son with three wives to himself. It is a matter of
'* means and of land ; a large farm requires several women to look after it. Where there is only one wife to several
'* brothers, it will generally be found that some of the brothers are absent for part of the year working as labourers.
<< In L4hul polyandry, or the taking to wife of one woman by several brothers, is a recognised institution, and is
*' vei^ general ; the object is to prevent the division of estates. I remember a case which came before me, in
** which one of two brothers living in polyandry much wished to separately marry a girl by whom, he had had an
*' illegitimate child ; but the wife objected strongly, claiming both brothers as husbands, and refusing to admit
<< another woman into the household, and she eventually prevailed.
'* In Spiti polyandry is not recognised, as only the elder brother marries and the younger ones become monks ;
*' but there is not the least aversion to the idea of two brothers cohabiting with the same woman, and I believe it
" often happens in an unrecognised way, particularly among the landless classes who send no sons into the
<< monasteries."
Now it is my own private opinion, and the opinion of several other officers who have mixed much
with the people, that exactly what Mr. LyaJl describes in the sentences quoted above prevails to a
very considerable extent among the Jats of the Eastern Plains, or at least among those of the Jamna
zone. A family of brothers lives in community of goods ; the eldest alone marries a wife and all
cohabit with her ; the eldest dies, the next brother becomes the head of the house and the nominal
husband ; but throughout the woman lives with all the brothers as their wife. It may be, as Mr.
Lyall says, that a solitary man may have two wifes to himself, a pair of brothers a wife each, and
a pair of brothers a wife between them ; but where, as is not uncommonly the case among the tribes
in which the Levirate or primary form of karewa is the rule, the eldest only of two or more brothers
living together is married, I believe that it is the rule and not the exception for the wife to cohabit
with all the brothers. The practice is not openly recognised or admitted to the general public ; but
the suggestion of it is often denied with a laugh. Mr. Delmerick, who has great knowledge of native
custom, writes : —
"In the Ambala sub-montane tract from the Jamna to the Satin j polyandry is very extensively practised.
*< Indeed, a sister-in-law is looked upon as common property, not only by uterine brothers, but by aU hhdis^
*' including first cousins. This is the case among aU castes of Hindoos, including outcasts such as Ghamdrs. It
" is also a partially recognised custom among the Hindoo Jats and Chijars in the plains. Among them it is easier
'' for a man to get a wife if he have brothers because she cannot then remain a widow, and they say she then becomea
** a 8ada sohdgan, a perpetually married woman.''
I can give no proof of the prevalence of the custom ; and though I have noticed several peculiarities
in the Census figures which seem to support my contention, they are so slight that I base no argument
upon them. But the question deserves further inquiry.
' Relations between the Sexes in Kulu and Lahul — Mr. Anderson's description of the relations
existing between the sexes in Ktilu and Lahul is as follows :
" Polyandry is common among all classes in Seor4j except the Brahmans of Nirmand ; but people are ashamed of
, " it, and the custom is disappearing. It exists also in part of Waziri Bupi. The woman is considered the wife of
*^ tiie eldest brother, and aU the children are considered his children. This was the rule recorded at settlement,
** but it is not now tiie recognised custom. In a recent case, the evidence showed that the woman is allowed to state
*^ who the father is, and the succession is in accordance with her allegations. She is careful to ascribe the paternity
<' of a son to the bread earner of the family, or whoever happens to be the richest among the brothers. This is
'* common in L4hul also. Oases are not unknown where several brothers have two wives in common, and curious
** questions arise as to the succession. The change from community of wives to separation is going on, and
*^ polyandry wiQ disappear, though at present it probably exists to a greater extent than is admitted.
<* The relations between the sexes in Ktilu are of the very lowest order, and the principal work of the courts, both
'* civil and criminal, consists in deciding cases arising out of the low state of moraHty. Cohabitation is considered
** equal to marriage, and the sons of a woman who has been received into a house and treated as a wife succeed
*^ equiJly with the legitimate children. Marriage by any form is rather the exception than the rule. A widow,
*' whether she was a wife by marriage or only by reputation, is allowed to keep possession of her deceased huslMuid's
'* ertate so long as she lives in his house, however immoral her character may be.
" Polygamy is common in Kulu proper, as a landowner as soon as he finds that he cannot till all his land with
*^ those siready in his house looks out for another wife, and it is common for him to have to buy the consent of his
*' first wife. He probably had made an agreement with her not to take another wife. It is very common for wives
*' to be living in their parents' homes, not with their husbands ; but they will, even when there, have some share of
** their husbands' land to cultivate and to enjoy. In Ktilu generally the women have the upper hand of the men,
** but they do most of the field work except ploughing.
"There is not much restriction on marriage within the same caste. A man will mBsijInamdmu'kUbeti, daughter
*• of his maternal uncle, or his phnphi-hirhetif the daughter of his paternal aunt, but not his massi-hirheti, daughter
''of his maternal aunt. The reason for this does not appear evident. It does not depend on the got, nor on
** considerations of common milk as among Musalmans. So far as I could ascertain, got is very rarely considered
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clvi
** except among BraJunans. Many, indeed most, had no idea of their gote, Thej were ready, however, to adopt a
** got without considering what effect it might have.
. ''Early marriages are not common in Ki^n, as women are yalned only as they are nsefnl for labour in the fields.
'* They are in a way bought and sold, the price being fixed by the age. Women, however, in the end choose their
" own husbands, for they will live only where they please, and as it is only a matter of rupees the exchange is soon
** made. Where a man cannot afford to pay for lus future wife, he often agrees to work for her, living in her
" father's house.
*' Polyandry exists more or less on all the three rivers of L&hul ; but it is dying out. This probably arises from
** an improvement in the condition of the people, which has also produced greater division of families. The custom
*' of polyandry is now considered shameful and is not willingly admitted. The younger brothers will allege that
'* the woman is their eldest brother's wife, not theirs. Trade has very much increased during the last <jen ^ears.
** The male population has now many new ways of earning a living, and hence the circumstances that gave rise to
** this custom are disappearing, and with them the custom itself. It is not customary to marry young, women
" being generally between 15 and 20 years of age (vide Cunningham's Laddh, page 289). Even the better class have
*' as a rule only one wife, unless she should have no son. Women are not married in L&hul merely to till their
*' husband's lands. It is very common to engage labourers for that puipose."
I should explain that the ffot of which Mr. Anderson speaks is the Brahminical ffotra, and not the
clan. The fact that the daughter of the maternal aunt is forbidden as a wife, while the daughter
of the paternal aunt and maternal uncle may be married, is very interesting, and is obviously a
survival from the custom of tracing kinship through the woman only which would naturally possess
greatest vitality in a country where polyandry was the rule. So in the plains the people are beginning
to add the mother's mother's clan to those into which it is forbidden to marry, or even to substitute-
it for the father's mother's clan ; and this is apparently a last stage in the change from relationship
through women to relationship through men. The Deputy Commissionar of Kangra notices " a very
*' ancient custom by which the bridegroom elect commonly binds himself to earn his wife by working
'^ for his bride's family for sometimes as long as 9 or 10 years," and the same custom is noticed in th&
extract just quoted from Mr. Anderson. I presume, however, that it obtains only in the highest hill8>
as it appears that infant marriage is universal in Kangra proper.
London: Printed by Etbb and Spottiswoode,
Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty. -
Per Her Majei^ty'R Stationery Office.
[I 1370.--1060.— 10/83.]
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