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THE careful reyision, which I bestowed upon the Second 
Edition of this Work, has enabled me, on the present 
occasion, to escape a large proportion of the renewed labour 
and study, which I must otherwise have encountered. It is 
true that my interest in Italian philology has rather in- 
creased than diminished, and the course of lectures on 
Latin Etymologies and Synonyms, which I had the honour 
to deliver to some of the best Scholars in the University 
on recommencing my residence at Cambridge in October, 
1855, may be regarded as some sort of proof that in mat- 
ters of detail I had still, as I conceived, something new to 
say on the subjects discussed in the following pages. Some 
of the results of those investigations will be found in the 
present edition. But these and other additions, though they 
have increased the bulk of the present volume by at least 
one-fifth of the whole, are mainly questions of lexicography 
and special detail As &r as regards the general deduc- 
tions in Ethnography and Comparative Grammar, which 
this book undertakes to establish, I have had nothing to 
alter, and the additional matter will be found to confirm 
and illustrate what I had previously advanced. 

It is not necessary that' I should restate the object 
which I have proposed to myself in writing this book. The 
Title-page sujfficiently intimates that it is an attempt to 
discuss the comparative philology of the Latin language on 
the broad basis of general ethnography. My motto : licet 
omnia Itaiica pro Romania habeam — points to the attempt, 
which I have made, to show historically how the classical 
idiom of ancient Rome resulted from the absorption or 
centralisation of the other dialects spoken in the peninsula. 



And this result is justified by the ethnological deductions 
here presented to the reader, which prove that, with the 
exception of the Celtic substratum, which is occasionally 
appreciable, there are no elements in the old population of 
Italy which may not be regarded, as either Sclavonian, Low- 
German, or that well-fused combination of those two branches 
of the Arian family, which we tenn Lithuanian. All these 
elements are homogeneous, and the political union enforced 
by the conquests of the Imperial City on the Tiber natu- 
rally led to a perfect combination or absorption of idioms, 
which have been partially fused in other parts of Europe ^ 
The only part of the ethnographical theory propounded 
in the former edition, which has not been received with 
general and tacit assent, is the hypothesis that the Basenic 
or non-Pelasgian element in the Etruscan is ultimately 
identical with the primitive form of the Scandinavian lan- 
guages. A careful and sci-upulous review of all the evi- 
dence, and an impartial consideration of all the objections 
raised by those who took a different view of the question, 
have only tended to confirm my conviction of the validity 
of the results, at which I had amved; and I trust that 
the additional arguments and illustrations, which I have 
brought forward in the present edition, will increase the 
number of those who have recognized in this solution of 
the Etruscan problem the germs at least of a linguistic dis- 
covery firmly resting on the only available induction. 

1 In the map of ancient Italy which I have drawn up for this work, 
I hare so chosen the colours as to indicate the structures and relation- 
ship of the different strata in the populations of ancient Italy. As I 
helioYOithat the Greeks and Celts — ^like the Teutones and Oimhri of his- 
tory — were scions ultimately of the same stock, I have represented them 
by cognate colours — red and pink; and then, taking yellow to mark the 
Sclayonians and blue to indicate tlie Qothic tribes, the fusion of these 
races in the Lithuanian or Latin is shown to the eye by a stratum of 
greerij which is a mixture of blue and yellow. 


With regard to the bearing of this work on the practi- 
cal cultivation of Latin Scholarship, it is still the only 
book which combines an adequate collection of the mate- 
rials with an original explanation of the phenomena. The 
opinion, which I expressed in the two former editions, 
that Latin Scholarship is not flourishing in England^ may 
now, I am happy to aay, be considered as liable to some 
qualification. How &r the following pages may have con- 
tributed to an increased study of Latin philology, I do 
not presume to determine. Bi^t it cannot be doubted that 
an improvement in this respect has commenced. Classical 
examination papers in the higher competitions at the 
Universities and elsewhere, both presume and require a 
more exact knowledge of the structure of the Latin lan- 
guage, and some articles, which have appeared in the 
Jowmal of Philology, show that we have among us at 
least one or two scholars who have devoted themselves 
to the minutiae of Latin criticism with a zeal and abi- 
lity which promise results not inferior to those which 
have been obtained by Lachmann, Ritschl, and Madvig. 
On the other hand, I cannot say that I see any better 
prospect of a revived use of the Latin language as a 
medium of communication among Scholars, and in this 
respect at least I subscribe to the opinion expressed by 
an entertaining writer in the Edinburgh Review^ and 
quite agree with him in deprecating the discontinuance 
of a practice, which, if it did not preserve the dignity of 
learned controversy, at least confined it to its narrower 
stage and more appropriate audience. I am also bound 
to admit that our reputation for Latin Scholarship is 

1 See also Mr. Paley's Preface to Ins Propcrtius, which was published 
shortly after the second edition of this work (pp. mii sqq.). 
« April, 1857; p. 612. 


still seriously compromised by one or two pretentious 
writers, whose unacquaintance with the refinements of the 
Latin language is only equalled by their want of ordinary 
tact and judgment, and by their contempt for the first' 
principles of scientific philology. Above all, it is to be 
regretted that the greatest schools in this country per- 
sist in the use of Latin grammars, which not only fail to 
conyey with sufficient accuracy the essential facts of the 
language, but, what is still worse, succeed in impressing 
the tenacious memory of th^ most hopeful students with 
erroneous statements and fallacious principles, which pro- 
duce an ineradicable effect on all except the most original 

Entertaining a profound conviction of the importance of 
maintaining the old basis of a liberal education, and be- 
lieving ihat an exact study of the language and literature 
of ancient Rome is at least as useful as Greek scholarship 
in its various applications, I have endeavoured in the pre- 
sent work and in more elementary publications to furnish 
teachers and learners with manuals of reference, which are 
at any rate in harmony with the advanced philological dis- 
cipline of the present generation. I do not need to be told, 
how far I have fitUen short of what might be done in this 
way. As, however, I have not only made the first attempt 
in the right direction, but have hitherto had few if any 
fellow-labourers among my own countrymen, I may venture 
to believe that I have been of some service to the better 
class of Students; and the simultaneous demand for new 
editions both of this work and of my Latin Grammar 
encourages me to hope that my labours have recommended 
themselves to the favourable considemtion of an increasing 
number of persons interested in. the philological study of 

the Latin language. 

J. W. D. 

Cambbidge, 2'^th April, t86o. 


NO person who is conversant with the subject will ven- 
ture to assert that Latin scholarship is at present 
flourishing in England. On the contrary, it must be ad- 
mitted that, while we have lost that practical familiarity 
with the Latin language, which was possessed some forty 
years ago by every Englishman with any pretensions to 
scholarship, we have not supplied the deficiency by making 
ourselves acquainted with the results of modem philology, 
so far as they have been brought to bear upon the lan- 
guage and literature of ancient Rome. The same impulse, 
which has increased and extended our knowledge of Greek, 
has checked and impoverished our Latinity. The dis- 
covery that the Greek is, after all, an easier language than 
the Latin, and that it may be learned without the aid of 
its sister idiom, while it has certauily enabled many to 
penetrate into the arcana of Greek criticism who must 
otherwise have stopt at the threshold, has at the same time 
prevented many from facing the difficulties which surround 
the less attractive literature of Rome, and, by removing 
one reason for learning Latin, has induced the student to 
overlook the other and higher considerations which must 
always confer upon this language its value, its importance, 
and its dignity. 

A return to the Latin scholarship of our ancestors 
can only be effected by a revival of certain old-fashioned 


methods and usages, which have been abandoned, perhaps 
more hastily than wisely, in favour of new habits and new 
theories. No arguments can make it fiashionable for scho- 
lars to clothe their thoughts in a classic garb: example 
will do more than precept ; and when some English phi- 
lologer of sufficient authority shall acquire and exert the 
faculty of writing Latin with terse and simple elegance, 
he will not want imitators and followers. With regard, 
however, to our ignorance of modem Latin philology, it 
must be owned that our younger students have at least 
one excuse — ^namely, that they have no manual of instruc- 
tion; no means of learning what has been done and is 
still doing in the higher departments of Italian philology; 
and if we may judge from the want of information on 
these subjects which is so frequently conspicuous in the 
works of our learned authors, our literary travellers, and 
our classical commentators, this deficiency is deeply rooted^ 
and has been long and sensibly felt Even those among 
us who have access to the stores of German literature, 
would seek in vain for a single book which might serve as 
the groundwork of their studies in this department. The 
most comprehensive Roman histories, and the most elabo- 
rate Latin grammars, do not satisfy the curiosity of the 
inquisitive student; and though there is already before 
the world a great mass of materials, these are scattered 
through the voluminous works of German and Italian 
scholars, and are, therefore, of little use to him who is not 
prepared to select for himself what is really valuable, and 
to throw aside the crude speculations and vague conjec- 
tures by which such researches \Te too often encumbered 
and deformed. 

These considerations, and the advice of some friends, 
who have supposed that I might not be unprepared for 


such an office, have induced me to undertake the work 
which is now presented to the English student How &r 
I have accomplished my design must be left to the judg- 
ment of others. It has been my wish to produce, within 
as short a compass as possible, a complete and systematic 
treatise on the origin of the Romans, and the structure 
and affinities of their language, — a work which, while it 
might be practically useful to the intelligent and educated 
traveller in Italy, no less than to the reader of -Niebuhr 
and Arnold, might at the same time furnish a few specimens 
and samples of those deeper researches, the full prosecu- 
tion of which is reserved for a chosen few. 

The most cursory inspection of the table of contents 
will show what is the plan of the book, and what informa- 
tion it professes to give. Most earnestly do I hope that 
it may contribute in some degree to awaken among my 
countrymen a more thoughtftd and manly spirit of Latin 
philology. In proportion as it effects this object, I shall 
feel myself excused in having thus ventured to commit to 
a distant press a work necessarily composed amid the dis- 
tractions and interruptions of a laborious and engrossing 

J. W. D. 

The School Hall, Bubt St. Edmund's, 
2Sth March, 1844. 





1. Elements of the population of Rome , 1 

2. The LATiNEH-a oomposite tribe 8 

3. The Oscans, &a 4 

4. Alba and LaThuom 7 

6. Trojan Colony in Latium 8 

€. The Sabinbs— how related to the Umbrians and Oscans . , 9 

7. The Umbrians— their ancient greatness 10 

8. Beduoed to insignificance by snccessiye contacts with the Tyr- 

rheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans 11 

9« The P£LAsaiANB-^e differences of their position in Italy and 

Greece respectively 12 

10. Preserye their national integ^ty in Etmria .... 13 

11. Meaning and extent of the name " Tyrrhenian " . . . t&« 

12. The Etruscans— the author's theory respecting their origin . 16 

13. The names Etbusous and Basena cannot be brought to an agree- 

ment with Tyrsenus 18 

14. The legend that the Etruscans were Lydians is entirely destitute 

of historical foundation . . ' 20 

15. It is explicitly stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans were 

connected with Rsetia 21 

16. This view of the case is after ail the most reasonable 23 

17. It is confirmed by all ayailable eyidence, and especially by the 

contrast between the town and country languages of .ancient 
Etniria •. 24 

18. Further inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary history of 

the Luceres • 26 

19. (b) Fragmentary records of the early Constitution of Rome 28 

20. (c) Etymology of some mythical proper names ... 29 

21. General Conclusion as to the mutual Belations of the old Italian 

Tribes .33 




1. Etymology of the word U€\aay6t 35 

2. How ihe Pelaagians came into Europe • 38 

3. Inferences deriyable from the contrast of Pelasgian and Hellenic 

Architecture. . • '. 39 

4. Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology of the 

two races 44 

6. Thracians^ GetsB, and Scythians 46 

6. Scythians and Modes 4S 

7. Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Getee, may be 

shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the remains 

of the Scythian language t&. 

8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this chain of 

nations 60 

9. Peculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by Aristo- 

phanes 62 

10. Names of the Scythian rirers deriyed and explained ... 53 

11. Names of the Scythian divinities 66 

12. Other Scythian Words explained 60 

13. Suocessiye peopling of Asia and Europe: fiU» of tlie Mongolian 

race 64 

14. The Pelasgians were of Sclayonian origin 66 

15. Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, &c 67 

16. Reasons for belieying that they were the same race as the 

Lithuanians f&. 

17. Further confirmation from etymology 70 

18. Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sdayonians and Lithuanians in 

Italy and elsewhere 71 

19. The Sarmatee probably a branch of the Lithuanian family 74 

20. Gothic or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans shown 

by their ethnographic opposition to the Veneti ... 76 

21. Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the Old Norse . 77 

22. Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans .... 80 

23. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names ... 83 

24. Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the Sclayonian . . 87 

25. Predominant Sdayonism of the old Italian languages . 89 



L The Eugubiifb Tables 93 

2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were distin- 
guished 95 



3. The Sibilants 97 

4. Some remarks on the other letters 99 

5. Umbrian Grammatical Forms 100 

6. Selections from the Eugubine Tables, with ezplanatious . . 105 

7. Tab. I. a, 2— 6 108 

a Tab» I. b, 13 sqq. 114 

9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. .VI. a 115 

10. The Atidian Augural Saa-ifice 118 

11. Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin synonyms . 120 

12. The Todi Inscription contains four words of the same class . . 123 



1. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as Sabel- 

lianalso 126 

2. Alphabetical list of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpreta- 

tion 128 

3. The Bantine Table 139 

4. Commentary on the Bantine Table 142 

6. The Cippus Abellanus 151 

6. The Bronze Tablet of Agnone 154 

7. TheAtellan» 156 



1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an interpretation 

of the Etruscan language 164 

2. Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained 171 

3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted .180 

4. Etruscan Inscriptions — Difficulties attending their Interpretation 196 

5. Inscriptions in which the Pela^gian element predominates 198 

6. Transition to the Inscriptions which contain Scandinavian words. 

The laurel-crowned Apollo. Explanations of the words Clan 
andPHLE&ES 202 

7. Inscriptions containing the words Suthi and Thbce 208 

8. Inferences derivable from the words Cveb, Sver, and Thub or 

Thaue 210 

9. Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse in tlie 

use of the auxiliary verb Lata . . * . . . 212 

10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined— its Runic 

affinities 215 



11. Harmony betwoen lingaistdc resoarch and ethnographic tradition 

in regard to the ancient Etnucana 226 

12. General remarks on the absorption or evanescence of the old 

Etruscan Language 229 



1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous 231 

2. Arralian Litany 232 

3. Chants preserved by Cato 234 

4. Fragments of the Salian Hymns 235 

6. Old Regal Laws 238 

6. Remains of the XIL Tables 241 

7. Tab I tb. 

8. Tab. II 244 

9. Tab. IIL 246 

10. Tab. IV 247 

11. Tab. V *t6. 

12. Tab. VI 249 

13. Tab. VIL 250 

14. Tab. VIII 253 

16. Tab. IX 266 

16. Tab. X 267 

17. Tab. XI 258 

18. Tab. XII %b. 

19. The Tiburtine Inscription 269 

20. The Epitaphs of the Sdpios 260 

21. The Columna Rosirata 268 

22. The Silian and Papyrian Laws» and the Edict of the Curule 

^dilea 26D 

23. The Senatus-Consultum de Baochanalibus 270 

24. The Old Roman Law on the Bantine Table .... 272 

25. The Agrarian Law of Sp. Thorius 276 



1. Organic Classification of the Original Latin Alphabet 283 

2. The Labials ".286 

3. The Gutturals 291 

4. The Dentals. ' 301 



6. TheVowelfl 307 

6. The Greek Letters used by the Romans 318 

7. The Numeral Signs 324 



1. Fuhiess and deficiencies of the Latin case-system . . 326 

2. General scheme of the case-endings 328 

3. Differences of crude form ib. 

4. Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusatiye plural 330 

5. Existing forms — ^the Genitive 333 

6. The Dative and Locative 335 

7. The Accusative Singular 336 

8. The Ablative 337 

9. The Neuter Forms 338 

10. The Vocative 339 

11. Adverbs considered as Cases of Nouns 340 

12. Adverbial expression for the day of the month 346 



1. The usual arrangement is erroneous 347 

2. General rules for the classification of Latm Nouns . 348 

3. First or -a Declension 349 

4. Second or -0 Declension 350 

5. Third Declension or consonantal Nouns 352 

6. A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns .... ib. 

7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal Nouns .... 357 



1. General Definitions 367 

2. Personal Pronouns ib. 

3. Indicative Pronouns 371 

4. Distinctive Pronouns 376 

5. Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns ... 379 

6. Numerals and Degrees of Comparison 390 

7. Prepositions 394 

8. Negative Particles .403 





1. The Latin Verb generally defective 407 

2. The Personal Inflexiong— their consistent Anomalies . . . i&. 

3. Doctrine of the Latin Tenses 410 

4. The Substantive Verbs 411 

5. Paucity of Oi^ganic Formations in the regular Latin Verb 417 

6. General Scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb .... 418 

7. Verbs which may be regarded as Parathetic Compounds . tb. 

8. Tenses of the Vowel-verbs which are combinations of the same 

kmd 420 

9. Oi^ganic Derivation of the Tenses in the Consonant-verb . 422 

10. Auxiliary Tenses of the Passive Voice ib. 

11. The Modal Distinctions— their Syntax 423 

12. Forms of the Infinitive and Participle—how connected in deri- 

vation and meaning 426 

13. The GERUin>ii7H and Gerundivum shown to be active and pre- 

sent 428 

14. The Participle in -tfirus 432 

15. The Perfect Subjunctive 433 

16. The Past Tense of the Infinitive Active 437 

17. The Future of the Infinitive Passive 439 



1. The Coxgugations are regulated by the same principle as the 

Declensions 440 

2. The first or •« Coi\jugati<»i 441 

3. The second or -e Coiyugation 447 

4. The third or -i Conjugation 451 

5. The fourth or Consonant Conjugation. A Mute Verbs 454 

6. B. Liquid Verbs 468 

7. C. Semi-consonantal Verbs 460 

8. Irregular Verbs. A. Additions to the Present Tense . 461 

9. B. Abbreviated forms 468 

10. Defective Verbs 470 



1. A. Derivation. General Principles 472 

2. Derivation is merely extended or ulterior inflexion . 473 



3. (I.) Derived Noum 474 

4. (a) Forms with the first Pronommal Element only . 475 

5. (b) Forms with the seoond Pronominal Element only i&. 

6. (c) Forms with the third Pronominal Element only . . 477 

7. (a) Terminations oomponnded of the first and other Pronominal 

Elements 480 

8. (/3) Terminations compounded of the second and other Pro- 

nominal Elements 481 

9. (y) The third Pronominal Element compounded with others and 

reduplicated 494 

10. (II.) Derived Verbs 497 

11. B. Composition. Discrimination of Compound Words . 504 

12. Classification of Latin Compounds 506 



1. Genius of the Latin Language 513 

2. Abbreviations observable in the written forms 514 

3. Ancient Testimonies to the difference between the spoken and 

the written Language 518 

4. The Poetry of the Augustan age does not represent the genuine 

Latin Pronunciation 520 

5. Which is rather to be derived from an examination of the Comic 

Metres 622 

6. The French Language is the best modem representative of the 

spoken Latin 528 

7. Themodemltaliannot equally so: and why .... 530 

8. Different dialects of the French Language 532 

9. But all these Dialects were closely related to the Latin . 534 

10. Leading Distinctions between the Roman and Romance Idioms . 537 

11. Importance and value of the Latin Language 542 

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% I. Elements of the population of Borne. § 9. The Latins— a composite tribe. 
§ 3. The Oscans, Ac. § 4. Alba and Layinimn. § 5. Trojan colony in Latium. 
§ 6. The Sabihsb— bow related to tbe Umbrians and Oscans. § 7. The Um- 
brians — their ancient greatness. § 8. Bednoed to insignificance by suocessiye 
contacts with the Tyrrbeno-Pelasgians and Etruscans. § 9. The Pxlasoians 
— ^the differences of their position in Italy and Greece respectively. § 10. They 
preserve their national integrity in Etruria. §11. Meaning and ethnical extent 
of the name "Tyrrhenian." § 11, The Etbusoavb — the author's theory re- 
specting their origin. §13. The names £ifni«ni« and Rauna cannot be brought 
to an agreement with TyneMU, § 14. The legend that tbe Etruscans were 
Lydians is entirely destitute of historical foundation. § 15. It is explicitly 
stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans were connected with Bsetia. § 16. 
This view of the case is after all the most reasonable. § 17. It is confirmed 
by all available evidence, and especially by the contrast between the town and 
oountiy languages of ancient Etruria. § 18. Further inferences derivable 
from (a) the traditionary history of the Luceres. § 19. (ft) Fragmentary 
records of the eariy constitution of Bome. § 10, (c) Etymology of some 
mythical proper names. § ix. General conclusion as to the mutual relations 
of the old Italian tribes. 

§ 1. Elements of the popuhiion of Rome. 

THE sum of all that is known of the earliest history of Bome 
is comprised in the following enumeration of particulars. A 
tribe of Latin origin, more or less connected with Alba, settled 
on the Palatine hill, and in the process of time united itself, by 
the right of intermarriage and other ties, with a band of Sabine 
warriors, who had taken up their abode on the Quirinal and 
Capitoline hills. These two towns admitted into fellowship 
with themselves a third community, established on the Cselian 
and Esquiline hills, which seems to have consisted of Pelas- 
gians, either from the Solonian plain lying between Rome and 

D,V. 1 


Layiniiun, or from the opposite side of the river near Caere; and 
tke whole body became one city, governed by a king, or magister 
populiy and a senate; the latter being the representatives of the 
three original elements of the state, — the Latin or Oscan Bamnes, 
the Sabine Titienses or Quiritfcs, and the Pelasgian Luceres. It 
appears, moreover, that the Etruscans, on the other side of the 
Tiber, eventually influenced the destinies of Rome in no slight 
degree, and the last three kings mentioned in the legendary tra- 
ditions were of Etruscan origin. In other words, Rome was, 
during the period referred to by their reigns, subjected to a 
powerful Etruscan dynasty, from the tyranny of which it had, on 
two occasions, the good fortune to escape. What Servius planned 
was for the most part carried into effect by the consular consti- 
tution, which followed the expulsion of the last Tarquinius. 

As these facts are established by satisfactory evidence, and 
as we have nothing else on which we can depend with certainty, 
it follows that, in order to investigate the ethnical affinities of the 
Roman people, and the origin and growth of their language, we 
must in the first instance inquire who were the Latins, the Sa- 
bines, the Pelasgians, and the Etruscans, and what were their 
relations one with another. After this we shall be able with 
greater accuracy to examine their respective connexions with the 
several elements in the original population of Europe. 

The general result will be this : — ^that the S^timonttum, or 
seven Hills of Rome, contained a miniature representation of the 
ethnography of the whole Peninsula. Leaving out of the ques- 
tion the Celtic substratum, which cannot be ascertained, but which 
was probably most pure in the mountaineers of the Apennines, 
the original population of Italy from the Po to the straits of 
Bhegium was, like that of ancient Greece, Pelasgo-Sclavonian. 
This population remained unadulterated up to the dawn of ancient 
history in the central plains to the west — ^namely, in Etruria 
and Latium ; but in the rest of Italy it was superseded or ab- 
sorbed or qualified in different degrees of fusion by a population 
of Gothic or Low-German origin, which, although undoubtedly 
of later introduction in the Peninsula, was so mixed up with the 
Celtic or primary tribes that it claimed to be aboriginal. When 
this Low-German race remained tolerably pure, or at least only 
infected with Celtic ingredients, it bore the names of Umbrians 


or Ombricans in the north, and of Opicans or Oscans in the 
south. When it was intermixed with Sclavonic elements to 
about the same extent as the Lithuanians or Old Prussians in 
the north of Europe, this Low-German population became 
known as Latins and Sabines. And the Etruscans or Basena 
were a later and uninfected importation of Low Grermans fresh 
from the north, who conquered and were partly absorbed into 
the pure Tyrrhenians, or Pelasgo-Sclavonians to the right of the 

In giving this general sketch of the ingredients which com- 
posed the population of ancient Italy, I omit all reference to the 
Greek colonists, who retained their language and a distinct na- 
tionality in numerous settlements along the coast, and actually 
gave the name of Orceda Magna {rj fieyaKrf 'EXXa?) to the south- 
eastern part of the Peninsula. Like the colonies in Sicily, these 
Greeks belong in every sense to their mother country, and 
Italian ethnography is not more concerned with them than with 
the inhabitants of Attica and Laconia. The Greeks of Cfuma, 
from whom the Romans derived their alphabet, and perhaps 
many other features of their early civilisation, only anticipated 
the influences, which subsequent intercourse with the Greeks of 
the mother country produced on the whole texture of the lan- 
guage and literature of Rome. 

§ 2. The Latins — a composite tribe. 

The investigations of Niebuhr and others have made it 
sufficiently certain that the Pelasgians formed a very important 
element in the population of ancient Latium. This appears not 
merely from the primitive traditions, but also, and more strongly, 
from the mythology, language, and architecture of the country. 
It has likewise been proved that this Pelasgian population was 
at an early period partially conquered by a tribe of mountaineers, 
who are called Oscans, and who descended on Latium from the 
basins of the Nar and the Velinus. The influence of these 
foreign invaders was most sensibly and durably felt in the 
language of the country; which in its earliest form presents 
phenomena not unlike those which have marked the. idiom 
spoken in this island since the Norman conquest. The words 



relatitig to husbandly and peaceful life are Pelasgian, and the 
terms of war and the chase are Oscan^. 

As it is this foreign element which forms the distinction 
between the Latins and the Pelasgians, let us in the first place 
inquire into the origin and affinities of these Oscan conquerors, 
in order that we may more easily disentangle the complexities 
of the subject. 

§ 3. The OacanSy <Scc. 

The Oscans were known at diflferent times and in different 
places under the various names of Opicans, Opscans, Ausonians, 
and Auruncans. The primary denomination was Op-icus or 
0qu-icu8, derived firom Ops or Opis = Oqu-isy the Italian name 
of the goddess Earth; and these people were therefore, in 
accordance with their name, the AutocMhones, or aboriginal 
inhabitants of the district where they are first found. The 
othe^ denominations are derived from the same word, Op-a = 
OjM-w, by the addition of the endings -mk»«, ^sunvsy and -sun- 
teas. The guttural is assimilated in Oscus, the labial is absorbed 
in Av<T(0Vj and the s has become r, according to the regular pro- 
cess, in AuTuncus^. 

1 Niebuhr, H, R, i. p. 82 ; MUller, Etrwh&r^ i. p. 17. This obsenra- 
tion must not be pressed too far ; for it does not in fact amount to more 
than j^rima fame eyidence. The Opican or Oscan language belongs to 
the Indo-Qenn^nic family no less than the Pelasgian; the latter, however, 
was one ingredient in the language of ancient Greece, and it does not 
appear that any Hellenic tribes were connected with the Oscans ; con- 
sequently it is fair to say that, as one element in the Latin language 
resembles the Greek, while the other does not, the Grsdcising element is 

' See Niebuhr, i. 69, note. Buttmann, Lexilogus, i. p. 68, note 1. 
(p. 154, Fishlake). The inyestigation of these names leads to a variety 
of important and interesting results. It has been shown elsewhere that 
in the oldest languages of the Indo-Germanic family the names of the 
cow or ox and the earth are commu table (N. Crca. § 470). Not to refer 
to the obvious but not so certain analogy between ^ms, the ox-god, and 
the arrlri yaia, it can be shown to demonstration that the steer or ox, which 
was to the last the symbol of the old Italians, as appears by their coins, 
entered into the meaning of their two national designationst Itahu and 
Opieus, With regard to the former it is well known, that iialos, or 


These aboriginal tribes, having been in the first instance, 
like the Arcadians in the Peloponnese, driven hj their invaders, 
the Pelasgians, into the mountain fastnesses of the Apennines, 
were at length reinforced by foreign elements, and, descenditig 
from the interior on both sides, conquered the people of the 
plains and the coast. One tribe, the Ap-tdiy subdued the 

UvXm^ or with the digamma wbdw, meant an oz or steer (Niebohr, i. 
18 8qq.)> and ViMium appears on coins as a synonym for Italia. This 
takes ns at once to the Gothic vitknu^ O. N. vedr^ O. S. wUhow^ Anglo-S. 
vether^ O. H. G. wdar^ N. H. G. widder (properly the castrated animal), 
English v)6tkeri and as these are referred to sheep rather than oxen, we 
must conclude that the name is an epithet which is applicable to either 
animal. With regard to the other root, gy in ^qwu carries us back to 
the principle of combined but dirergent articulations, to which I first called 
attention (iV. Crat. $ 110, 121), and on which the late Mr. Gamett wrote 
some raluable papers (PhUol. Soc, n. pp. 233, 257, al.), and we may infer 
that the roots ap- or op- present a labial only instead of an original com- 
bination of labial and guttural, while we find the opposite divergence in 
the guttural forms vac-ca, vehro, Sanscr. vaha, Gr. Sxos, tfx^f Goth, auh-io, 
O. N. ox, Ang1o-S. oxa, O. H. G. oJuo, N. H. G. ochs, Engl. ox. The 
labial form is sometimes strengthened by an inserted aniuvdra, or homo- 
geneous liquid ; thus by the side of iir'<oipa and op-8 we hare o-ftrifivvttp' 
di^tp. Hesych. Of. itr-iopti, aue-tumnus (where the root av{-, aue-f aug-eo 
contains the guttural form of this element) and i-fi-mj' tv^rfwla 66€p kqI j 
Aijfi^Tifp '0-fi-irp(ou With these inductions we shall hare no difficulty in 
reducing to one origin and classifying the different Italian names into 
which the root oqur enters. The qti- is found only in jEqur^us ; the p 
appears in Op-icuSfAp-ulus; the guttural is assimilated in 0deu8=0k'9eue 
(cf. di'O-Kog for bU-a-Kogf ^€-0^ for Xey-a-iaf &c. N, CnU, $ 219); the labial 
is Tocalized in Au-son; the t of the termination is changed into r, 
according to the old Italian practice, in Au-rwMus^Atb-mmeiu: and 
the root-consonant is represented only by an initial v in VoheiM^Apvt^ 
Usicus, which has yanished, as usual, in the Hellenic articulation 'EX/oi/xo^ 
(Herod, vn. 165). It will be seen in the sequel that I seek a very differ- 
ent origin for the name Umbria, which Niebuhr apparently refers to 
this root: and it seems rery strange to me that he should hare under- 
stood the statement of Philistus quoted by Dionysius (i. 22): iiopa- 
OTTJvai d€ €K rQp iaxrrvp rovs Alyuas vttJ re *OyfipiK&v /ced TLiKauySv, which 
refers to the dispossession of the Celtic inhabitants of Umbria and 
Etruria, as belonging to the same traditions which led Antiochus to write 
that the Sicilians were driven orer into Sicily by the Opicans (IT. R, i. 
p. 82): for Antiochus is speaking exclusirely of what took place in the 
southern extremity of Italy, and the Pelasgians and Omtvici mentioned 
by Philistus were the Tyrrhenians and Umbrians of the north. 


Daunians and other tribes settled in the south-east, and gave 
their name to the countrj; they also extended themselves to 
the west, and became masters of the country from the bay of 
Terracina upwards to the Tiber, In this district they bore the 
well-known names of Volad and jEqui^ names still connected 
with the primary designation of the aborigines; 

A more important invasion was that which was occasioned 
by the pressure of the Sabines on an Oscan people settled in 
the mountains between Beate and the Fucine lake. These in- 
vaders came down the Anio, and conquered the Pelasgians of 
northern Latium. The name Sacrani given to these conquerors 
in the old legends of Latium is supposed to refer to the tradition 
that they left their home in pursuance of the vow of a Sacred 
Spring ( Ver Sacrum). For it is said that, when the Sabellians 
found their population more than their narrow territory would 
support, they devoted to the Gods every creature bom in a cer- 
tain year, and when twenty years had elapsed, the cattle were 
sacrificed or redeemed, and the young men were compelled 
to expatriate themselves and find a new settlement at the 
expense of their neighbours*. According to the legends these 
Sacrani were guided to their new abodes by the animal, which 
represented the God to whom they had been dedicated*. Thus 
the Sabellians, who conquered Picenum, were led by a wood- 
pecker [picu8) • ; those who conquered Samnium were conducted 
by an ox {vitalusY', those who conquered Hirpinum were con- 
ducted by a wolf {hirpusY; the same animal figures in the tra- 
ditions of Latium and Rome ; and, as we shall see in the next 
chapter, the wolf is also the sacred animal of the cognate 
Lithuanians of the North. The chief seat of the Sacranians, 
who conquered Northern Latium, seems to have been Alba, the 
^^ine or mountain-city, where they dwelt under the name of 
Prisci Latiniy " ancient Latins ;'* being also called Gasci^ a name 

* See Festua, b. yy. Saerani etMameriini; Seryius ad Verg, ^n. vn. 
796 ; Varro op. Dion. i. 14 ; Strabo, v. p. 250 A ; Liyy, xxxm. 44. 

2 The reader will remember the similar case of Hengist and Horsa; 
New Cratylm^ § 78. 

■ Strabo, v. p. 240 D ; Pliny, H. N. m. 8. 

^ Above, p. 4, note 2. 

& Straboi y. p. 260 b, p. 


which denotes "ancient" or "well-bom," and which, like the 
connected Greek term x^^ implies that they were a nation of 
warriors {N. Crat. § 322). 

§ 4. Alba and Lavinium. 

The district of Latium, when history first speaks of it, was 
thus occupied by two races ; one a mixed people of Oscan con- 
querors living in the midst of the Pelasgians whom they had 
subdued, the other a Pelasgian nation not yet conquered by the 
invaders* These two nations formed at first two distinct con- 
federacies : of the forme? Alba was the head, while the place of 
congress for the latter was Lavinium. At the latter place, the 
Penates^ or old Pelasgian Caheiri^ were worshipped; and even 
after the Pelasgian league was broken up by the power of Alba, 
and when Alba became the capital of the united nation of the 
Latins and sent a colony to Lavinium, the religious sanctity 
of the place was still maintained, the Penates were still wor- 
shipped there, and deputies still met in the temple of Venus, 
The influence of Alba was, however, so great, that even after its 
fall, when the Pelasgian Latins partially recovered their inde- 
pendence, there remained a large admixture of foreign elements 
in the whole population of Latium, and that which was purely 
Pelasgian in their character and institutions became gradually 
less and less perceptible, till nothing remained on the south of 
the Tiber which could claim exemption fi-om the predominating 
influence of the Oscans. 

That the name Lavinium is only a dialectical variety of 
IxOinium has long been admitted. The original form of the 
name Latiniis^ which afterwards ftimlshed a denomination for 
the language of the civilised world, must have been Latvinue; 
and while the Pelasgian Latins preservied the labial only, the 
mixed people retained only the dentaP. We shall see in the 

1 The same has been the case in the Pelasgian formsy Uber, librctj bU, 
ruber, &c.» compared with their Hellenio equivalents, e-Xcv^fpor, Xtrpo» 
dtf, i'pv$p699 &C. These forms are in fact exemplifications of a principle 
of considerable importance, to which I first directed attention in Feb- 
ruary 1839 (New Oratylue, §§ 110, 121), and which I hare termed ^ the 
law of dirergent articulations" {Encjfch Brit. ed. 8, art. ** Philology"). 


next chapter tbat the AiU form of the name is preserved, hj the 
side of both the divergences, in the north of Europe, where we 
have Lithuaniana by the side of Lettonians and Livoniana. 

§ 5. Trojan Colony in Latium. 

The tradition speaks of the Pelasgian Latins as a colony of 
Trojans who settled on the coast under ^neasy the son of 
Anchises, Without entering at length into an examination of 
this poetical legend, it may be mentioned here that the names 
j^neas and Anchises refer, wherever they are found, to the 
Pelasgian or Cabeiric worship of water in general, and of the 
flowing stream in particular, and therefore indicate the presence 
of a Pelasgian population. We have other reasons for inferring 
the existence of Pelasgians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Thes- 
saly, Boeotia, Arcadia, and the west of Italy. It is therefore 
quite natural that we should find in these localities the name of 
JEmas as that of a river or river-god. The word itself denotes 
<< the ever-flowing" [alvelof; or aivea^^ diwao^y del or aUl vktov^ 

The late Mr. Gamett, who has illustrated this law in his excellent paper 
** on certain initial letter-changes in the Indo-European languages" 
(Proceed, of ths PhUoL Soe. Vol. i. pp. 233 sqq. pp. 267 sqq. ; Eseays, 
pp. 263 sqq.), remarks (p. 236, note) that '* Hofer in his Beitrctge zwr Ety. 
mologik has taken pretty nearly the same riew of the subject." I liare 
only within the last few days succeeded In obtaining a copy of this book, 
the correct title of which is BeUrdgs zur Etymologie und Vergleiehender 
ChrammcUik der HaupUprachen dea Indo^Oermaniechen Stammes, Although 
he has abundantly noticed the phenomena, from which my law is derived, 
Hofer is so far from asserting the principle that two divergent articular 
tions must have branched off from an original combination which con- 
tained them both, . that he distinctly (p. 260) derires qu from k, and 
maintains that *' the guttural tenuis has a special relation to the sound ti, 
which makes it possible that u should be developed out of and along 
with the guttural/' Whatever resemblance there may be between Hofer's 
views and mine on this subject, as his preface is dated 18 September, 
1839, it is not for me to determine his relations to a book published in 
the preceding February. The true view, as far as concerns the apparent 
transition from ib top, was first indicated by Lepsios (Zum-Abhandlunffm^ 
p. 99) ; bat in spite of this Corssen (Auespr. VokcU. u. Beton, der Lateiiu 
Spr. I. p. 39) still maintains that ^ is a transitional sound from the gut- 
tural tenuis k to the labial tenuis />. 


c£ aiwvla^^ dfivpwv, N. Crat § 262), and in accordance with 
this we have the rivers Amas, jEntos, .^nus, and Anio. In the 
same waj, because the stream is the child of its fountain, 
A,ncht8€s the father of JEneaa^ whose mother is Aphrodite^ the 
goddess of the sea-foam, denotes the outpouring of water 
{arfxia^y arfxycrt^, dr/xecr/io^, o/fXP^^ from aj/a%60)), and cor- 
responds to Fontua, the Jupiter Egeriaa of the Romans^ 

§ 6. The Sabines — how related to the Umbriana and 

It has been mentioned that the Sabines dispossessed the 
Oscans, and compelled them to invade Latium. Our next point 
is, therefore, to consider the relation in which the Sabines stood 
to the circumjacent tribes. 

The original abode of these Sabines was, according to Cato*, 
about Amitemum, in the higher Apennines. Issuing from this 
lofty region, they drove the Umbrians before them on one side 
and the Oscans on the other, and so took possession of the dis- 
trict which for so many years was known by their name. 

It will not be necessary in this place to point out the suc- 
cessive steps by which the Sabine colonies made themselves 
masters of the whole south and east of Italy, nor to show how 
they settled on two of the hills of Rome. It is clear, on every 
account, that they were not Pelasgians ; and our principal object 
is to inquire how they stood related to the Umbrians and Oscans 
on whom they more immediately pressed. 

Niebuhr thinks it not improbable that, the Sabines and 
Oscans were only branches of one stock, and mentions many 
reasons for supposing so'. It appears, however, that there are 
stiU stronger reasons for concluding that the Sabines were an 
ofehoot of the Umbrian race. This is established not only by 
the testimony of Zenodotus of Troezen*, who wrote upon the 

1 For these and many other ingenions combioations more or less 
tenable, see Trcj<£$ Unprung, BlUthe, Untergang vmd Wiedergtburt t» 
Zoft'um, Ton Emil Biickert> Hamb. u. Gotha, 1846. 

s Quoted by Diooys. i. 14, p. 40; n. 49, p. 338» Reiske. 

* Hist. Bom^ I. p. 103. ^ Apud Dionys. n. 49, p. 337. 


Umbrians, but also bj the resemblances of the Sabine and 
Umbrian languages ^. It is true that this last remark maj be 
made also with regard to the Sabine and Oscan idioms; for 
many words which are quoted as Sabine are likewise Oscan". 
The most plausible theory is, that the Sabines were Umbrians, 
who were separated from the rest of their nation, and driven 
into the high Apennines, by the Pelasgians of the north-east ; 
but that, after an interval, they in their turn assumed an 
oflFensive position, and descending from their highlands, under 
the name of 8ahin% or "worshippers of Sabus the son of 
Sancus'," attacked their Umbrian brethren on the one side, and 
the Oscan Latins on the other. At length, however, they sent 
out so many colonies to the south, among the Oscan nations, that 
their Umbrian aflBnities were almost forgotten; and the Sabellian 
tribes, especially the Samnites, were regarded as members of the 
Oscan family, from having adopted to a considerable extent the 
language of the conquered tribes among whom they dwelt 

§ 7. The Umbrians — their ancient greatness. 

The Umbrians are always mentioned as one of the most 
ancient nations of Italy*. Though restricted in the historical 
ages to the left bank of the Tiber, it is clear that in ancient 
times they occupied the entire northern half of the peninsula, 
from the Tiber to the Po. Their name, according to the Greek 
etymology, implied that they had existed before the great rain- 

1 Seryins ad Verg, ^n. ni. 235. * Niebuhr, u6t supra. 

^ That this Saneiu was an Umbrian deity is clear from the Eagubine 
Tables. Indeed, both sabus and saneus, in the old languages of Italy, 
signified ''sacred'' or "rerered" and were probably epithets regularly 
applied to the deity. In the Eugubine Tables we hare the word stfo-ttm, 
meaning ** reverently" (i. a. 5) ; and Sanrius is an epithet of the god 
Fisus, or Fisovius (vi. &. 3, 6). Comp. the Latin tev^rus (o-c/d-o) and 
tanctus. The denarii struck during the social war have 8a/aUum for 
Samnium (Eckhel, p. 103), so that the name of the nation must have 
been Sajini or Sav4m, " the sacred." According to this» the name Sabim 
is nearly equivalent to Sacrani, The tables also mention the pious 
Martius of the Sabines, from which the Pkeni derived their name 
(piquier Martisr, V. h. 9, 14); comp. Strabo, v. p. 240. 

^ Niebuhr, i. note 430. 


floods which had destroyed many an earlier race of men^ This 
is about as valuable as other Greek etymologies. The ethno- 
graphical import of the name will be examined in the following 
chapter, and we certainly do not need a forced etymology to 
prove that the Umbrians must have been among the earliest 
inhabitants of Italy. Cato said that their city Ameria was 
founded 381 years before Rome*. All that we read about 
them implies that they were a great and an ancient nation'. 
There are distinct traditions to prove that the country, after- 
wards called Etruria, was originally in the occupation of the 
Umbrians. The name of the primitive occupants of that country 
was preserved by the Tuscan river UnibrOy and the tract of 
land through which it flowed into the sea was to the last called 
Umbria^. It is expressly stated that Cortona was once Um- 
brian*; and Gamers, the ancient name of Clusium*, points at 
once to the Camertes, a great Umbrian tribe^. It is certain 
also that the Umbrians occupied Picenum, till they were expelled 
from that region by their brethren the Sabines®. 

§ 8. Beduced to tnsigmjficance hy successive contacts with 
the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans. 

Since history, then, exhibits this once great nation expelled 
from the best part of its original possessions, driven beyond the 
Apennines, deprived of all natural barriers to the north, and 
reduced to insignificance, we are led at once to inquire into the 
cause of this phenomenon. Livy speaks of the Umbrians as 
dependent allies of the Tuscans' ; and Strabo tells us that the 
Etruscans and Umbrians maintained a stubborn contest for the 
possession of the district between the Apennines and the mouth 
of the Po". The people, which thus ruled them or strove with 

^ See Plin. H.N. m. 19: ** TJmbrorum gens antiquissima Itali» 

existioiatar, ut quos OmbrioB a Qracis putent diotos, quod Inundatione 
terrarum imbrlbus superfaissent." 

« Pliny, ra. 14, 19. » Florog, i. 17; DioDja. l 18. 

4 Pliny, m. 5. (8). « Dionys. i. 20. 

« Liy. X. 26. t LiT. ix. 36. 

» Pliny, m. 13, 14. » In Books ix. and x. 
w P. 216. 


them in the latter period of their history, when they were 
living within the circumscribed limits of their ultimate posses- 
sions, was that which deprived them of a national existence 
within the fairest portion of their originally wide domains. 

It will be shown that the national integrity of the Umbrians 
was impaired by their successive contacts with the Tyrrheno- 
Pelasgians, and the Etruscans properly so called ; and it will be 
convenient to consider, as separate questions, these qualifying 
elements in the population of ancient Umbria. 

§ 9. The Pelasgians— eAe differences of their position in 
Italy and Greece respectively. 

Without stopping to inquire at present who the Pelasgians 
were out of Italy, let us take them up where they first make 
their appearance at the mouth of the Po. We find that their 
area commences with this district, and that, having crossed the 
Apennines, they wrested from the Umbrians the great city 
Gamers, from whence they carried on war all around. Continu- 
ally pressing towards the south, and, as they advanced, conquering 
the indigenous tribes, or driving them up into the highlands, 
they eventually made themselves masters of all the level plains 
and of the coasts. Though afterwards, as we have seen, invaded 
in their turn, and in part conquered by the Oscan aborigines, 
they were for a long time in possession of Latium ; and, under 
the widely diffused name of CEnotrians, they held all the south 
of Italy, till they were conquered or dispossessed by the spread 
of the great Sabellian race. 

To these Pelasgians were due the most important elements 
in the ancient civilisation of Italy. It was not their destiny to 
be exposed throughout their settlements, like their brethren in 
Greece, to the overruling influence of ruder and more warlike 
tribes. This was to a certain extent the case in the south ; where 
they were not only overborne by the power of their Sabellian 
conquerors, but also Hellenised by the Greek colonies which 
were at an early period established among them. But in Etruria 
and Latium the Pelasgian nationality was never extinguished : 
even among the Latins it survived the severest shocks of Oscan 
invasion. In Etruria it remained to the end the one prevailing 


cbaxacterifltic of the people y and Borne herself, though she owed 
her militaiy greatness to the Sabellian ingredient in her eompo- 
sition, was, to the dajs of her decline, Pelasgian in all the essen- 
tials of her language, her religion, and her law. 

§ 10. Preserve their ncOianal irUegrity in Etruria. 

It is easy to see why the Pelasgians retained their national 
integrity on the north-western coast so much njpre perfectly than 
in the south and east. It was because they entered Etruria in a 
body, and established there the bulk of their nation. All their 
other settlements were of the nature of colonies ; and the density* 
of the population, and its proportion to the number of the con- 
quered mingled with it, varied, of course inversely, with the dis- 
tance from the main body of the people. In Etruria the Pelas- 
gians were most thickly settled, and next to Etruria in Latium. 
Consequently, while the Tyrsenians retained their conquest, and 
compelled the Sabines, the most vigorous of the dispossessed 
Umbrians, to direct their energies southwards, and while the 
Latins were only partially reconquered by the aboriginal tribes, 
the Pelasgians of the south resigned their national existence, 
and wcTB merged in the concourse of Sabellian conquerors and 
Greek colonists. 

§ 11. Meaning and extent of the name " Tyrrhenian." 

From the time of Herodotus* there has been no doubt that 
the Pelasgians in Greece and Italy were the same race, and that 

^ I. 57. The following is the subBtance of what Herodotas has told 
vs respecting the Tyrrh^ans and Pelasgians; and his information, 
though much compresBed, is still very valuable. He seems tacitly to draw 
a distinction between the Pelasgians and the Tyrrhenians, whom he 
really identifies with one another. With regard to the latter he relates 
the Lydian story (i. 94: 4>aa\ dc alrol Avdot), that Atys, son of Manes 
king of the Msoonians, had two sons, Lydus and Tyrrhenus. Lydus 
remained at home, and gave to the Meaonians the name of Lydians; 
whereas Tyrrhenus sailed to Umbria with a part of the population, and 
there founded the Tyrrhenian people. In general, Herodotus, when 
he speaks of the Tyrrhenians, is to be understood as referring to the 
Pelasgo-Etrascans. Of the Pelasgians he says (l 66 sqq.), that they 


the so-called Tyrrheni or Tyrseni were the most civilised branch 
of that family. Herodotus, the great traveller of his time, was • 

more entitled than any of hi» contemporaries to form a judgment 
on the subject, and he obviously identifies the Pelasgians with the i 

Tyrrhenians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Greece, and in Italy. j 

It is perhaps one of the many indications of the literary inter- 
course between Herodotus and Sophocles, which I have else- 
where established^, that the latter, in a fragment of his InachuSy 
mentions the Tyirheno-Pelasgians among the old inhabitants of 
Argos*. Lepsius' has fully shown that the name Tvpfn)v6<; or 

formed one of the original elements of the population of Greece, the 
diTision into Dorians and lonians corresponding to tbe opposition of 
Hellenes to Pelasgians. In the course of his travels he had met ¥rith 
pure Pelasgians in Placie and Soylace on the Hellespont, and also in 
Greston; and their language differed so far from the Greek that he did 
not scruple to call it barbarian (c. 57). At the same time he seems to 
have been convinced that the Hellenes owed their greatness to their 
coalition with these barbarous Pelasgians (c. 58). The text of Herodotus 
is undoubtedly corrupt in this passage; but the meaning is clear from 
the context. He says, that " the Hellenes having been separated from 
the Pelasgians, being weak and starting from small beginnings, have 
increased in population, principally in consequence of the accession of 
the Pelasgians and many other barbarous tribes.*' The reading aij(fjTat 
€s frkij^os r&v iBviwv iroW&v is manifestly wrong; not only because the 
position of the article is inadmissible, but also because aXX»v iOp€^v 
fiappap»p avxv&y immediately follows. I cannot doubt that we ought to 
read aS^tu cV wX^^or, t»v Ilf\a<ry9»v /uSXtora irpo(rKex»priK6T»v avr^ koX 
aXXttv i6v€»v Papfiaptiv avxv^v. The epithet iroXKav has crept into the 
text from a marginal explanation of (rvxySv, and t£p iOviviv iroXXiSy has 
consequently taken the place of the abbreviation tmv UKV&v [llAA<Sy] 
for r«5v IIcXaoTMF. 

1 Proceed, of the PhxL Soc. i. pp. 161 sqq. 

a ApudDion. Hal. i. 25r , 

"ivaxt ytwarop vol KptfvSv 
irarphs *12«cravov, p*ya irp€<rptv»p 
^Apyovt T€ yvaif, "Hpag r* iroyotr, 
fcat Tvparfvoiiri HeXaayois, 
See also Schol ApolL Rh. i. 580. 

8 Ud>er die Tyrrhmiachen PeUuger in Etrurien. Leipslg, 1842. Dr. 
Lepsius maintains the identity of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians with the 
Etruscans; and in the first edition I accepted his view, which was 
true as far as it went : but subsequent research has convinced me that 
we must recognize a Rwtian element superinduced on the previously 


Tvpc^vo^ signifies "tower-builder," and that this term has been 
properly explained even by Dionysius*, as referring to the 
rvpcr€v^ or Cyclopean fortifications which every where attest 
the presence of Pelasgian tower-builders. The word rvppif; or 
Tvpcrv;, which occurs in Pindar as the name of the great palace 
of the primeval god Saturn*, is identical with the Latin turris; 
and the £EU^t, that the Pelasgians derived their distinguishing 
epithet from this word, is remarkable, not only as showing the 
affinity between the Greek and Latin languages on the one hand, 
and the Pelasgian in Etruria on th& other hand, but also because 
these colossal structures are always found wherever the Pelas- 
gians make their appearance in Greece. Fortresses in Pelasgian 
countries received their designation as often from these rvpaei^; 
as from the name Larissa^ which seems to signify the abode of 
the lara or prince. . Thus the old Pelasgian Argos had two 
citadels or oKpoiroKeif;, the one called the Larisaa^ the other 
Tb apyo<;, t. e, the arx*. In the neighbourhood, however, was 
the city Ttryns, which is still remarkable for its gigantic 
Cyclopean remains, and in the name of which we may recognize 

exiBting combination of Tyrrheno-PelaBgian and IJmbrian ingredients. 
We are indebted to this scholar for some of the most important contri- 
bations which Itattan philology has ever received. In his treatise on 
the Eagttbine Tables, which he published in the year 1833, as an exercise 
for his degree» he erinced an extent of knowledge, an accuracy of 
scholarship, and a maturity of judgment, such as w^ rarely meet ¥rith 
in so young a man. His collection of Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions 
(Lipsi», 1841) supplied the greatest want felt by those who were 
interested in the old languages of Italy. And the most fruitful results 
hare proceeded from those inquiries into the Egyptian language and 
history in which he has long been engaged. 

^ 1 I. 26 : avb r»F ipvftarttiVf k irpnroi r&v rjde oiKOvvrmp Korta-Ktvaa-avTo. 
TV pa-* IS yap Koi vaph. Tvpprfvois al €VT§ixtoi Koi trrtyatfal olia^a-tK ovopd- 
(owrai, tto-irep wap* "EXXiyoriv. Tzetzcs, ad Lycophr, 717: rvptris t6 
Tttxofy on Tvparfvol irpArop tkf>€Vpoy rrjy TtixoTToita». Oomp. Etym, M, s. r. 

^ 01, II. 70 : trtiKop At6t 6b6v irapa Kp6vov rvptnv. See also Orph. 
Ar^on, 151 : rvptrt» Ipvpvfjs MtXifroio. Suidas : rvptroSf t6 iv v^et ^xo- 
^fujiuvop. The word rvpcanfos contains the same root: comp. Kolpavos 
with Kapoy and the other analogies pointed out in the New CratyluB^ 
§ 336. 

< Lir. xxxiY. 26 : '' TJtrasque oreeB^ nam dwu habent Argi.*' . 


the word Tvppv;^ ; not much farther on the other side was Thy- 
rea, which Pausanias connects with the fortified city 27iyr<Bon* , 
in the middle of Felasgian Arcadia; and more to the south 
we have the Messenian Thuriay and Thyrides at the foot of 
TfiBuaron. Then again, in the northern abodes of the Pelasgians, 
we find Tyrrheum^ a fortified place not far from the Felasgian 
Dodona, and also a Tirida in Thrace*. At no great distance 
from the Thessalian Larissa and Argiaaa lay the Macedonian 
TSfiriasa^ a name which reminds us of the Spanish Turtasa in 
agro Tarraconensi^ ; and i^^'Tyrrhenica Tarraeo^ with its mas- 
sive walls'^, friUj establishes the connexion of this latter place 
with the Tyrrhenians*. 

§ 12* The Etruscans — the authors theory respecting their 


The fact that the distinctive name Tv/S/wyi/o? admits of a 
Greek interpretation is sufiicient to show that the Tyrrhenians 

^ According to Theophrastus (api*d PUn. til 57), the iDhabitants of 
Tiryns were the inyentors of the rvpo-cir. As early as Homer's time the 
town was called T€ixt6t(r(ra {II, n. 569), and its walls are described by 
Euripides (Electr. 1158 ; Iph. in Atd, 152, 1501 ; TroacL 1088) as kvkK»- 
«rem ovpdpta T€ixn^ The mythological personage TVf^ is called " the 
son of Argos" (Pans. n. 25), who, according to Steph. Byz., derired 
his origin from Pdcugus, who civilized Arcadia (Pausan. vm. l), and 
was the £&ther o| Larlssa (Id. vn. 17), and grandfather of Thessalus 
<Dionys. 1. 17). 

s It was built by Thyranu the grandson of Pelasgus (Paus. vm. 35). 

s Plin. JV. H, lY. 18 : '* Oppidum quondam Diomedis equorum sta- 
bulis dh-um." 

^ Anton. Itin. 

fi Mailer, Etrusker, i. p. 291 ; Auson. Ep. 24, 88. 

^ Lepsius suggests also, that the Turres on the coast near Cnre and 
Alsium may hare been a Boman translation of the name Tvpptit. With 
regard to the city of Tyrrha in Lydia, and the district of Torrhsbioy to 
which the Tyrrhenians referred their origin, it is worthy of remark that 
the civilised ToUecet who introduced architecture, agriculture, and the 
useful arts into Mexico, and whose capital was TWo, bore a name which 
passed into a synonym for architeet. See Prescott, Conqttest of Mewieo^ i. 
p. 12; Sahagun, Hist de nueva Etpana, lib. z. c. 29; Torquemado, 
Monarch. Ind. lib. i. c. 14. The Toltecs were in general very like the 
Tyrrhenians, and the Etruscans, by their gorgeous luxury and their 


were not exclusivelj Italian, and therefore were wrongly identi- 
fied by the ancient writers with the singular and unaffiliated 
nation of the Etruscans. To determine the origin of this people 
and the nature of their language has been considered for many 
years as the most difficult problem in Philology. And while 
Bonarota, in his supplement to Dempster*, earnestly exhorts 
the learned, and especially orientalists, to labour at the discovery 
of this lost language, suggesting the hope of ultimate success, 
if a carefully edited collection of inscriptions <»n be procured to 
fomish materials for the work, Niebuhr remarks, in his lectures 
on Ancient Geography •: " People feel an extraordinary curiosity 
to discover the Etruscan language; and who would not enter- 
tain this sentiment ? I would give a considerable part of my 
worldly means as a prize, if it were discovered ; for an entirely 
new light would then be spread over the ethnography of ancient 
Italy. But however desirable it may be, it does not follow 
that the thing is attainable,'' And he proceeds to point out the 
inherent faultiness of some previous investigations. Whatever 
may be the value of the discovery, I cannot allow myself to 
doubt that the true theory is that which I have had the honour 
of submitting to the British Association'. It has always ap- 
peared to me a very great reproach to modem philology that 
while we can read the hieroglyphic literature of Egypt, and 
interpret the cuneiform inscriptions of Persia and Assyria, we 
should profess ourselves unable to deal scientifically with the 
remains of a language which flourished in the midst of Boman 

skill in cookery, &c., remind one very much of the united race of Aztecs 
and Toltecs which Cortes found in Mexico. 

^ p. 106: ^hortari postremo fas mihi sit, doctos pr»cipue Unguis 
Orientalibus yiros, ut animi Tures intendant, ad illustrandam yeterem 
Btnucam linguam, tot jam sncnlis deperditam. £t quis yetat sperare, 
qnod tempomm decursu emergat aliquis, qui difficilem et inaocessam 
Tiam aperiat : et penetralia lingusD hujus reseret; si pracipue cires et 
incoln urbinm et locorum nbi inscriptiones Etmsc» reperluntur sedolo 
et diligenter excipi et delineari curent monumenta> ke/* 

^ Varirdge Uber aUe Lender- wnd Vdlkerkunde. Berl. 1851, p. 681. 

^ ** On two unsolyed problems in Indo-Qerman Philology,'' in the 
Report of the Brit. As$oe. /or ih4 Advanameni of Soienee for 1851, pp. 
138 — ^159, 



civilisation. So far from regarding the problem as inyolyed in 
hopeless difficulty, I havjs always felt that its solution was, 
^ooner or later, inevitable; and as the present state of our 
i&thnographic knowledge enables us to classify ^i^l discriminate 
All the different elements in the population of Europe, the 
identification of the ancient Etruscans must reduce itself to the 
alternative of exclusion, from which there is no escape. Sir 
Thomas More came to the conviction that his unknown visitor 
was aut JEraemuSy aut Diaholtta, and we may now say in the 
same manner, that unless the Etruscans were old Low Orermans 
of the purest Gothic stock, there is no family of men to whoni 
they could have belonged. The demonstration of this, however, 
belongs to a later part of the subject. At present we have only 
to consider the Etruscans as they appear in the peninsula of 

§ 13. The names Etruscus and Kasena cannot he hroughi 
to an agreement with Tybsenus. 

We have already ^een that the Tyraeni or Tyrrheni in 
Greece and Italy were a branch of the great Pelasgian race, 
and that although the ancients considered them identical with 
the Etruscans, the Greek explanation of which their name so 
readily admits is a proof that they could not have been the 
exclusively Italian tribe of the Etruscans. Modem scholars, 
who have adopted the ancient hypothesis of the identity of the 
Tyrrheni and JStrusd, have endeavoured by a Procrustean 
method of etymology to overcome the difficulties caused by the 
discrepancies of name. Thus the distinctive designation JEtruscus 
or Hetru8CU8 is dipt and transposed until it becomes identical 
with the Latin Tuscus for Turaicus, and synonymous with the 
Greek Tvpaijvi^^. On the other hand, the 'Fao-ipa of Dionysius 

1 pallor, Etrmk. i. 71, 72. This view is adopted by Conmn {Zwh 
whr.f, V0rgl. S^f, m. pp. 272 sqq.; Afmpr, Vok. u. B^tm. d, hxt. Spr. 
I. p. 92), who derires Etnu-eui from the Umbrian etru = ^lUr^ and con- 
Bidera that the word denotes only exteri or ''foreigners.'' He compares the 
form of Etru$eu8 with that of pri-B-cus, so that $, he ^y?, is a relic of 
the Latin comparatiye sufiiz mm/ (cf. i. p. 288). He forgets that ac- 
cording to his own preyious admission (p. 86) Etruria = EfruB-ia, in 

r'SLyrTjggg^^naca^ a.iP^au.j w j wp gj B WJftja ^ iWUUJ^ iy^ 


is pronounced a false reading and a mutilated representative of 
Tapatripa or Tapaha^ which bears the same relation to Tvp<rr}v6^ 
that Parana does to lIop<rrjv6<; or Hoparjpaf;^. There is an allur- 
ing facility about this emendation, but it is a shock to the most 
credulous etymologist, when we prefix a syllable to one word 
and decapitate another in order to bring them both to an agree- 
ment with a third designation. In philology, as in other 
departments of human science, we perceive resemblances before 
we can be persuaded that they are connected with irreconcilable 
discrepancies. This we may see in the identification of the 
'word Hvplyqv&i with another name peculiar to the Etruscans of 
Italy, which appears under the form Tapxa^Pi^v^ Tarhynia^ 
Tarqutnii. It is perfectly consistent with sound philology to 
say that Tvpo-- may be a softer form of Ta/j;^-, Tarh-^ or 
Tarq-. But, as I have elsewhere shown, if rapX', or rpax" 
and TvpcT" belonged to the same root, the latter must be a 
secondary or assibilated form of the other. Now to say nothing 
of the fact that the <r- of rvp-a-Tjvo^: and Tvp-(n<; belongs to the 
termination, and is not found in rvp-awo^, T/p-w?, ^vp-ia^ Svp^ 
Movj &c., it is clear that the form Tvp-a^vo^ is the only one 
which was ever known to the Pelasgians in Greece, while the 
harder form belongs to the later or mixed race in Italy. They 
must therefore be considered as diflerent words. There is no 
reason why the names Et-ruria ^ EH'uata (cf. Apulus, Apulia) ^ 
Bk-^rtiSHn, and Bas-ena should not contain the same root: and 
we shall see that there are good grounds for retaining these 
words as the primitive and distinctive designation of a people 
who invaded and conquered the mixed Tyrrhenians and Um- 
briauB of northern Italy. 

which there is no reference to a comparatire any more than in the 
name of the Tuscan city Penma. 

^ This view has been suocessiyely adopted by Lanzi (SoffffiOf I. p« 
189); Gell (Borne and its vicinity L pp. 364, 5); Cramer (Ancient Italy, 
I. p. 161); and Lepsios (a. s. p. 23); and formerly approred itself to 
my judgment. 



§ 14. The legend that the Etruscans tvere Lydians is entirely 
destitute of historical foundation. 
If we have recourse to ancient authorities, we find only two 
definite statements respecting the origin of the Etruscans. The 
.one is the old story, — which first appears in Herodotus*, which is 
reproduced in endless variety by later writers*, and which the 
young student learns £rom the addresses of Horace to his patron 
Maecenas *, — ^that the Etruscans were a colony directly imported 
firom Lydia. This etory was distinctly rejected by Dionysius, 
who not only proves by the authority of Xanthus that the state- 
ment of Herodotus rested on no Lydian authority, but also 
appeals to the total difference of the two nations in religion, lan- 
guage, manners, and laws^. But although this story is entirely 
.destitute of historical fotmdation, and is contradicted by the facts 
of the case, there must be some way of explaining its origin and 
general acceptance. It has been suggested^ that possibly an 
isolated band of pirates from Asia Minor may have landed in 
JEtruria, and that firom this the whole story had its origin. Or, 
that, more probably, it is nothing but a mere pun derived firom 
the accidental similarity of name between the Tvp<rnvol and the 
Lydian Topprj^oL " By connecting," says the author of these 
conjectures*, " the maritime commerce of the Etruscans with the 
piratical expeditions of the Lydians, and by confounding, as 
Thucydides was the first to do,'the Torrhebian pirates with the 
fillibustering Pelasgians, who roamed over every sea, plundering 
wherever they came, there has arisen one of the most deplorable 
confusions of historical tradition." Without falling back on 
either of these suppositions, it seems that we have a sufficient 
explanation of this tradition, — ^which stands on precisely the same 
footing as the mythical account of a Trojan settlement inLatium, — 

1 I. 94. See aboYe, p. 13, note. « e. g. Strabo, p. 219. 

« Serm. n, init.: 

Non quia, Mnoenas, Lydorum quidquid EtruBCOB 
' Incoluit fines nemo generosior est te, &c. 

Meocenas belonged to the Etruscan gens Cilnia, which appears on the 

^ Dionysius Halicam. i. p. 21, Reiske. 

6 By Mommsen» Hiit, Bom, (Introd. tr. by Robertson, p. 67). 

e Mommsen, u. s. 


if we refer it to the widely diffiised activity of the Tyrsenians, 
and to the effect which would naturally be produced by the dis- 
coreiy from time to time of the similarities of religious and othei: 
usages, which distinguished the Pelasgian race wherever they 
were found. So that this legend, though utterly devoid of any 
historical basis, may have had a certain admixture of ethnical 
truth, if we limit it to the Pelasgians, whom the Basenic tribes 
invaded; but it i^^^^te worthless as a means of accounting for 
the Etruscans as distinguished from the Tyrsenians. 

§ 15. It 18 explicitly stated hy ancient writers that the 
Etruscans were connected with Bcetia. 

In direct opposition to this Lydian fable, we have a simple 
and natural accoimt of the origin of the Etruscans properly sq 
called, which rests upon a strictly historical foundation, and 
which, though it inverts the relations of the metropolis and its 
colonists, is in a<3cordance with all that we can learn from othey 
sources respecting the affinities of the Basenic conquerors. 
Livy, who, as a native of Padua, was likely to be weU-in-r 
formed on the subject, has left us a statement respecting the 
Etruscans, which, so far from being hypothetical, is one of the 
most definite expressions of ethnological facts to be met with in 
ancient history. Speaking of the Gallic invasion and the attack 
upon Cluaium, he says (v. 33) : "nor were the people of Clusium 
the first of the Etruscans with whom armies of the Gauls fought; 
but long before this they frequently fought with the Etruscans 
who dwelt between the Apennines and the Alps. Before the 
Boman empire was established the power of the Etruscans 
extended far by land and sea. This is shown by the names 
of the upper and lower seas by which Italy is girt like an 
island: for while the Italian nations have called the former the 
Tuscan sea by the general appellation of the people, they have 
designated the latter the Hadriatic, from Hadria a colony of the 
Tuscans. The Greeks call these same seas the Tyrrhenian 
and the Hadriatic. This people inhabited the country extending 
to both seas in confederacies of twelve cities each, first, twelve 
cities on this side of the Apennines towards the lower j sea, 
afterwatds, having sent- across the Apennines as many colpniep 


as there were capital cities in the mother-cotmtry; and these 
occupied the whole territory beyond the Po, as far as the Alps*, 
except the comer of the Veneti, who dwell round the extreme 
point of the Hadriatic There is no doubt that the Alpine 
nations, especially the Kaeti, have the same origin, but these 
have lost their civilisation from their climate and locality, so as 
to retain nothing of their original type except their spoken 
language, and not even that without corruption." This distinct 
and positive statement is repeated by Pliny, who says (H N. in. 
20, § 133): "people think that the Reeti were a branch of the 
Tuscan stock, driven out by the Gauls under the leadership of 
EsBtus" (Rsetos Tuscorum prolem arbitrantur, a Gallis pulsos 
duce Raeto) ; and by Justin, who remarks (xx. 5) : " the Tus- 
cans also, under the leadership of R®tus, having lost their ances- 
tral settlements, occupied the Alps, and founded the tribes of 
the RsBti, called after their leader" (Tusci quoque, duce Bseto, 
avitis sedibus amissis, Alpes occupavere et ex nomine ducis gen- 
tes Bsetorum condiderunt) ; and it is confirmed by relics of art, 
names of places, and peculiarities of language in the Tyrol (see 
the examples collected by Ludwig Steub in his essay iiier die 
Urbewohner Rattens und ihren ZusammenJiang mit den Etruskemj 
Mlinchen, 1843), to which the Raetians of Lombardy were driven 
by the Gauls, and from which they had descended in the first in- 
stance. Strabo implies an adhesion to the same tradition, when 
he says (iv. 6, p. 204) : " above Comon, built at the foot of the 
Alps, lie on the one side the Sasti and the Venones towards the 
east, and on the other side the Lepontii, TridentinI, Stoni, and 
several other little tribes; and these occupied Italy in former 
times" {{nripKeivTcu hk rod Kdfiov wpo^ r^ pl^tj r&v ^AXiricdv 
tbpvfievov ry fikv *P(utoI koX Ovhove; hrl Trjv &> K€K\ifih/oc' if 
Sk ArfTTovTCoi Kot TpiSevTivoc KoX Xrovot Kol aXXa irXelto fUKpa 
S0vrf fcarkxpinra rfjv ^IraKiap iv Tot9 irpotrOev xpwow). More- 
over, Stephanus of Byzantium defines the Rceti as a Tyrrhenian, 
that is, in his sense, as an Etruscan race (Fairoly TvpprjvtKov 
iOvofijy and it is quite in accordance with the laws of language to 
suppose that 'Vcuroi and 'Taah/a are only modifications of the 

^ Among other places Mantua is expressly mentioned as a Tuscan 
city; Vli^gil, jEn. x. 198—200. 

I 16.] AS REtiATEI) to EACH OTHtSS. 23 

same word*. It is true that Livy inverts the relation between 
the powerftil colonists and their uncivilized mother-country. 
But in this he only follows the precedent, which is observable in 
so many forms of early tradition; It has been well remarked hf 
Niebuhr {H. B. i. p. 40) that the " inversion of a story into its 
Ofpposite is a characferistic of legendary history.'* This rule, 
which Niebuhr supporte by many examples, is particularly ap- 
plicable to the mythical records of ethiiography, which perpetu- 
ally invert the direction of a migration, and substitute the outlet 
for the source of the stream. Thus in the myth of lo, Argori, 
which is given as the starting-point of her wanderings, is pro- 
1>ably the point of arrival for the emigrants from the south and 
east whom she represents (see Olasstcal Museurn, No. xii. p. 
160). There is the same inversion, if we suppose that the story 
of lo represents the importation into Greece of the Egyptian 
moon-goddess Isis (Kenrick, FhtBHicta, p. 85). The eastern 
journey of Perseus, whether Andromeda is -«Ethiopian or Phoe- 
nieian, may indicate the western progress^ of Phoenician euter- 
prise and civilisation, for the name of the hero's weapon {ipmi) 
is undoubtedly Semitic (see ChristUm Orthodoxy, p. 254). This 
inversion occurs even among the Phoenicians themselves; for 
when the Tyrians had become more opulent and powerful thah 
the Sidonians they claimed the rank of mother-state, though it 
wa» a recognized fact in ancient times that Tyre was a colony 
from Sidon (Kenrick, Phcemcia^ p. 58). 

§ 16. This view of the case is after all the most reasonable. 

Now if we are to adopt the old statement that the Etruscans, 
properly so called, were the same stock with the Esetians — and 
if we reject it there is nothing in ancient history or geography 
which we can with confidence accept ^ — there will be no difficulty 

^ Compare, for example, the cognate German words reiUn and reisen. 

^ Abeken says {Mittd-ItaUm, p. 21): '' diese Meinang, Ton Niebuhr 
zuerst entftchieden ansgesprochen, wird auch die herrschende bleiben/' 
This Tiew wad first maintained by Freret {Acad, d, Inacr. t. xvm.), and 
it h now generally adopted by ethnographers. The latest exception 
with whidh I am acquainted is M. Koch (die Alpen-Etrmher, Leipsig, 
1853), who falls back on the old Lydian story, which he takes literally. 


in understanding the relation between the Etruscans «nd the 
other Italian tribes. Long after the Tjrrrheno-Pelasgians had 
established their civilisation on both sides of the Tiber, and had 
conquered the Umbrian mountaineers in the north, but yielded to 
the Oscan or Sabine highlanders in the south, long after this time 
a Bffitian tribe sallied forth from the plains of Lombardy, where 
it was settled in unbroken connexion with sister tribes in the 
.Tyrol and south-western Germany, and not only effected a per- 
manent conquest of Umbria, but also settled itself as a military 
aristocracy among the civilised Tyrrhenians on the right of 
the Tiber. These conquerors included in their progress the 
Tyrrheno-Latin city, Rome, which had just shaken off the in- 
fluence of the Tarquinii, but they lost this and their other acqui- 
^itiops beyond the Tiber, in consequence of a defeat which the 
^dominant Clusians sustained at Aricia. In every feature of this 
Etruscan invasion we may observe an analogy to the similar pro- 
. ceedings of the Gallic tribes, who at a still later period descended 
into Lombardy from the west. They succeeded in breaking 
through the continuity of the Eastian settlement by establishing 
themselves in the territory afterwards called Cisalpine Gaul. 
They also invaded Umbria and Etruria, besieged the imperial 
city of Clusium, and even sacked Home. But they were borne 
back again, not without a severe struggle, to the region from 
which the Etruscans started, and the city of the Seven Hills 
was to each of these northern invaders the limit of their progress 
to the south. 

§ 17. It is confirmed by all available evidence^ and especially 
by the contrast between the totcn and country languages of 
ancierU Etruria. 

This view with respect to the Raetian invasion of a country 
previously occupied by Tyrrheno-Umbrians is fuUy supported by 
all the remains of their language, and by all that we know about 

and, like Zeuss, confiues between the Bs9tian8, as they were in later 
times, when the Gauls, who conquered Lombardy, had penetrated into 
their mountain-fiMtnesses, and the earlier and more original inhabitants 
of 'R»tia, from whom alone the Basenic conquest of Etruria can haye 


this idiom. The details of this subject belong to a future chap^ 
ter. It is sufficient to mention in this place that the Etruscan 
language, as exhibited in the fragments which hare come down 
-to us, consists of three separate or separable elements. We haye 
either words which admit of a direct comparison with Greek and 
Latin, and these we will call the TTrrheno-Pelasgian element of 
l;he language; or words which present affinities to the Umbrian 
and Oscan dialects; or words which resemble neither of the 
pther, but may be explained by the Gothic affinities, which, for 
other reasons, we should be led to seek in the language of the 
Baetians. The first element appears most in the words quoted 
with an explanation hj Eoman writers, that is, in words of the 
3outhem Etruscans, who were to the last the purest representa- 
tives of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians. We find the same kind of 
words in inscriptions from the same district. On the other hand, 
in the great cities of northern Etruria, and especially in the high- 
lands of Umbria, we either find a mixed idiom, or must seek our 
explanations from the Gothic idioms to which I have referred. 
If the Etruscans, properly so called, did not establish themselves 
permanently or in very great numbers much to the south of 
Yolsinii, and if in all their conquests to the south-west of their 
territory they rather occupied the cities than peopled the fields,—^ 
and both these facts appear on the face of their history, — ^it will 
follow that the ireploucoi in south Etruria, as in Laconia after 
4he Dorian invasion, and in England after the Norman conquest, 
would retain their original, that is, their Tyrrheno-Felasgian 
dialect. This result is illustrated by two incidents to which Lep- 
•sins has referred with a somewhat different objects Livy tells us 
(x. 4), that in the year 301 B.c. the legate Cn. Fulvius, serving 
in Etruria, escaped an ambush and detected some pretended 
«shepherds who would have led him into it, by learning from the 
men of Caere who acted as his interpreters, that the shepherdB 
spoke the town language, not that of the country, and that their 
outward appearance did not correspond to that of rustics. The 
same author informs us (ix. 36), that in the year 308 B.C. a 
Roman nobleman and his slave, who had learned Etruscan at Caere, 
travelled through the Ciminian forest and as far as thQ Cam^rtes 

' 1 U. B. p. 32. . 


who liVed iurotind Clusium, and ihat they escaped detection on 
this journey which carried them through the whole tatent of 
i^onthehi Ethiria» From these two ineidents we Infer that the 
town diiilects of the Etruscans differed more or less from fiiose of 
the country peo{)le, and that the country dialect abotrt Oaere, 
which must have been Tyrrheno-Pelasgian, was intelligiHe to 
the countily people as far north as Clusium. This is quite in ao*- 
cordance with the parallel cases of the Saxons as suljected to the 
Normans, and the Achaeans as reduced to- yassalage by the Do- 
rians; and the agreates EtruBcorum cokortes mentioned by Liv^ 
(ix. 86), and the bands of ireviarat or feudal retainers, whom 
the Etruscan nobles {oi hwarxlnaroi) took with them to battle, 
(Dionysius, ix. 5), indicate the same distinction which is always 
observable in to aristocracy of conquest. 

§ 18. Fwriher inferences derivable from (a) the traditianarjf 
history of the Luceres. 

To return to the Seven Hills of Bome, wb shall find, as was 
stated at the beginning of this inv^estigation, that the relations in 
which the inhabitents of the city stood to one another are the 
«ame, on a smaller scale, with those which connected or distin- 
guished the inhabitants of the whole peninstda of Italy. And 
here scientific etymology throws a wonderful light on the appa- 
rently discordant facts preserved by an undiscriminating trar 

It appears that the Oscan or Alban Bamnes on the Palatine^ 
had Induced the Felasgians on the Oselian to a slate of de- 
pendence or vassalage; what took place in Latium generally 
was also enacted on the Septimontium. These two commu- 
nities''— Kme of which we may call Boma, and the other Luce- 
rum — constituted the original city of Bome, which contended on 
a footing of equality with the Quirites : hence the legend calls 
Boma the daughter of Italus and Leucaria',-H>f the aboriginal 
Oscans and the foreign or Pelasgian Luceres. When Boma 

^ The '' Palatini aborighies ez agro Reatino," as Varro calls them 
(L. L. V. J 63). 

^ Plutarch, Romul. n., where we must read AwKoptat. 


admitted Quirlum to the privileges of citizenship, the Quirites 
natnrallj took rank above the subject Luceres, and the celsi 
Baimnes still remained at the head of the pcpulus. According 
to one story, they compelled the Lnceres to leave their strong- 
hold and descend to the plain \ It appears, too, thkt, together 
^th the Gselian town, the Palatine Romans ruled over the 
possessions of the Luceres in the Solonian plain, which were 
called the Pectuscum Palati^ or "breast-Work of the Palatine*." 
Now> it is distinctly said, that the Luceres were first raised 
to the full privileges of the other burgesses by the elder Tarqui- 
nius, who both introduced them into the senate, and also gave 
them -representatives among the ministers of religion*. And who 
was this Liicius Tarquiniua but a Imcumo or grandee from the 
Tuscan city Tarqu%ni% who settled at Rome, and was raised 
to the throne? Indeed, there seems to be but little reason to 
doubt that he was the Cfleles Vivenna*, whose friend and suc- 
cessor Mastama appears under the name of Servius Tullius'. 
The difference in the policy of the first and second of these 
Tuscan kings of Rome need not surprise us. Every scattered 
hint referring to this Tullius, or Mastama, represents him as 
connected with that Pelasgian branch of the Roman population 
which eventually ftimished the greater part of the plebs^; 
whereas Vivenna, or Tarquinius, was a patrician or Lucumo of 

1 Varro, L. L. v. $ 46. 

« Festus, p. 21«, MQller: "Pectttscum Palati dicta est ea repoUrbis, 
qnam Romulus obrersam posuit, ea parte in qaa plurimum erat agri 
Bomani ad mare vdrsus et qua molUssime adibatdr urbs, cum Etrus- 
eoram agrum a Romano Tiberis disoludereti eeter» vicincd dntates 
ooUes allquoB haberent oppositos.*' 

' See Niebohr, x« p. 296 ; m. p. 350. 

4 Niebuhr, i. p. 375, note 922; and KUim Schrtfteih n. p. 26 sqq. 

' See the celebrated Lugdonensian Table, Lipsias, Excurs^fid Toe. 
Ann. XI. 124. Mttller {Etnuker, i. 118 — 123) ingeniously conjectures 
that the reigns of the Tarquins mythicallj represent the predominance 
of the city Tarquinii, which was for a time interfered with by Mastama, 
the represontatiye of the riral city Volsinii. Tarquinii, howeyer, for 
a while resumed hor influence ; but at last was obliged to succumb, like 
the other Tuscan cities, to Clusium. 

^ See, for instance, Liry, l 30, where both TuHius and Serrilius 
(Niebuhr, i. note 920) are mentioned as Latin family names. 


the Tuscan citj Tarquinii, and his prejudices were of course aris- 
tocratic, or rather, as was more fully developed in the case of the 
second Tarquinius, tyrannical ; for only the absolute sovereign 
of a great nation could have accomplished the wonderful works 
which were achieved by this Tarquinian Lucumo. There is 
sufficient reason to believe that Rome stood high as a Tuscan 
town during the last years of its monarchal history. The Sep- 
timontium, if not the capital of southern Etruria^, was at least 
the southern bulwark of the twelve cities, and extended its domi- 
jiion over a large part of the Sabine territory. The fall of the 
regal power of Rome has been well ascribed to the decline of 
Tarquinii and the rising predominance of Clusium. If. Lars 
Porsena, when he conquered Rome, had really been anxious for 
the restoration of Superbus, he might easily have replaced him 
on the throne ; but he was so far from doing this, that he did 
not even grant him an exsilium in his own dominions. The 
vanquished Lucumo of Rome took refuge, not at Clusium, but at 
Cumae', with Forsena^s great enemy Aristodemus',. whom he 
made his heir, and who subsequently defeated and slew Aruns 
Porsena, when, with a Clusian army, he made war on Aricia, 
and endeavoured to found a Tuscan empire in Latium. 

§ 19. (J) Fragmentary records of the early Gonstitutum of 


The inferences derivable from these traditions are materially 
confinried by some fragmentary records of the constitutipnal 
history of early Rome. The revolutionary movement, by which 
the second Tarquinius was expelled, is always connected with the 
influence and agency of Junius Brutus, who then held the office 

^ NlQbuhr^ I. p. 373. ' Oramer's Italy ^ n. p. 150. 

8 There are many traces of the connexion of the Roman Tuscans with 
the Greeks. The first Tarquin himself is represented as half a Greek ; 
and the late Lord Macaulay has pointed out very clearly the Greek fea- 
tures of the second Tarquinian legeiSd (Xay« of Andemt Bome^ p. 80). 
The equestrian games of the Tarqwns, and their reyerence for the 
Delphic oracle, also imply frequent intercourse with Greece, of which we 
read still more distinctly in the case of Fyrgi, the renowned port of 
Agylla» or Otere^ another Etruscan town, which, like Tarquinii» was 
intimately connected with Rome. 


of Tribunua GeUrum. The result of this revolution was to sub- 
stitute two conmlea or colleagues for the old kingly government. 
But whenever it was thought advisable, on great emergencies, to 
revert to the authority of a single chief, we find that this Dic" 
tatoTf as he was called, appeared as a Magiater PopuU^ or head 
of the old patrician tribes, and that he was invariably associated 
with a Magister Egmhim, or head of the plebeian knights, whom 
the elder Tarquin admitted to the full franchise, and so made his 
senate to consist of Patrea^ or original deputies, and Conscripti^ 
Y>r additional counsellors. The Duumviri Perduellionis and 
other ancient dualisms pointed out by Niebuhr are additional 
indications of a two-fold division of the Roman people long before 
the growth of the later pleba. Now if the second order corre- 
sponded to the Lucerea, as opposed to the combined populus of 
Bamnea and Titiea^ we can easily see that the Tarquinian 
influence, as exercised by Cseles Yivenna and Mastama, was 
favourable not only to the Celerea or richer class among the 
Lucerea, but also to the Proletarians, and generally to the whole 
population ; whereas the second Tarquinius is indicated by his 
whole history as having endeavoured to reduce and degrade 
the inferior order of his subjects, until some final outrage roused 
the whole city to vengeance, the Lucerea however taking the 
lead under the guidance of their legitimate leader the Tribunua 
GeUrum. The result of this revolution was to reduce the 
populua, or two elder tribes, to a footing of tolerable equality 
with the Lucerea; and the lays or legends represent the latter 
as having purchased their position by a pre-eminence of sufier- 
ings and of services, both in the expulsion of the Tarquinian 
dynasty and in the subsequent resistance to the foreign domina- 
tion of the Clusians. 

§ 20. (c) Etymology of aome mythical proper namea. 

A great deal of new light may be derived fix)m a careful 
examination of the proper names Horatiua and Ltusretiua, the 
former representing the inferior position of the populace, the 
latter the local designation of the Lucerea. The word Hor-^Uiua 
is derived from the old Latin word Air, " a hand," and is there- 
fore a longer form of J3iV-<tW, just as Ouriatiua is of Our-tiua^ 
The fight between the Horatii and Curiaiii probably refers te 


^ contest between tte Ouridtn {Kovprjresijx "men of the curia, 
and wielders of the spear, or wearers of the helmet," and the 
Sordtii (x^pinJTe^)^ "handicraftsmen," ue. the lower order, in 
which contest, as usual, the latter succeeded in maintaining their 
just rights. In the old tradition it is uncertain which of the 
two fought for Alba (Liv. I. 24), i.e. whether the Latin or 
Sabine interest was at that time predominant at Bome. The 
story about Horatius Codes admits of a similar interpretation. 
The Tuscans were repelled at the bridge-head by the three 
Roman tribes — Lartiua (Larth^ Lars^ " prince" or " king") re- 
presenting the head-tribe, Herminim the second, and HoratiuH 
the third. The surname Codes still farther explains the name 
JBbratius in its opposition to Curiatius. The ancients knew 
that this word meant one-eyed (Flin. H. N. xxxvii. 55), and I 
have elsewhere suggested that it may be derived from cceculus 
{N. CraL § 154). The last part is undoubtedly that derivative 
from i'-re, which is found in mil-it-eSy ped-it-ea^ ejru-iVe^, &c. 
With the Bomans, as with other nations, the ideas of heir^ and 
going are interchangeable {N, Crat. § 269), and therefore we 
0hould not press the meaning of this termination farther than 
by saying that codes is a form analogous to mileSy &c. Now 
the other term for one-eyed is luscus, which is to be compared 
with Xofo9, Xo{mi9. This last word, as the name of the archer- 
god, Apollo, refers unquestionably to the oblique or side-long 
position of the bowman in the act of shooting; and there is 
no reason why the same explaniettion should not apply to the 
cocWi^e», who will thus represent the y^iKoi or light-armed troops 
of the commonalty. As in the case of David and Goliath, 
the triumph is greater when there is an inequality in the arms ; 
and this no doubt was felt to enhance the Horatian victory and 
the successfiil defence of the Pons Svblicius. Considered as 
an army, the Bomans fell into the following subdivisions — ^the 
populus or patrician oTrXtTm, the cderes or plebeian knights, 
and the plebs, i.e. irKfjOo^, or muUitudo, who were the milites, 
properly so called, "the common soldiers who marched in a 
body," and who were by virtue of their armour merely coclites, 
ot "shooters." And thus the magister populi and magister 
egpiitum, or tnhunus celerum, will stand in a military opposition 
to the tribum plebis. The separation between the populus and 


pUiSj which is most strongly indicated l^ the refusal of the eotif 
nuhium^ or right of intermarriage, to the latter, renders it possi- 
ble that the patricians were called proceresy "wooers," or proci 
patricity "patrician suitors" (Festus, p. 249, MttUer), with par- 
ticular reference to this crowning mark of political equality. 
And a comparison o{ procerea with celereg might lead us to infer, 
that, while the original patres were termed proci^ the celeres (» 
canscripti were designated as prpceresy the terminfition indicating 
the later acquisition of the cannuMum. The meaning of the 
name Herminvm is not obvious at first sight ] it does not soun4 
like 1^ Latin name. When however we call to mind that the 
most ancient name fer a noble warrior in Greek was $/>a»9, 
which may be proved to be equal to i;p-FaoT-9 == i7/)-^a>T-9, *' the 
lord-warrior" {K Orat. § 329), and when we recollect that herug 
is a good Latin word, and that min is found in Ao-min-, ne-^n-^ 
&C., we may well suppose that Her-minius represents a form 
analogous to $p(»9, and therefore that, as Lartim typifies the 
pobles, and Hcratiua the common people, so Herminiua personi- 
fies the warriors of Rome. And this explanation of the name is 
quite in accordance with the meaning of the word Eermann or 
Mirmxn (the Arminiua of Tacitus) in those Low-German lan-^ 
guages with which the Sabine and other Italian idioms were so 
intimately connected. Grimm says {Deutsche MythoL p. 828, 
2nd edit.): ^'die Sachsen scheinen in Hirmin einen hnegeriach 
dargeHdUen Wddan verehrt zu baben." In fis^t Irmin^ Armitiy 
Earmarij Hermann is the oldest deity of our race. He is the Mr 
or Ear of the Scytibic tribes and the Afsea of \he Greeks. He 
combines the functions of the two later divinities Tiv or Ziv or 
Ziuj who corresponds to Mars, and Wddan^ who represents 
Mercury. And the Irman-etd or pillar of Irman was so common 
an object that it suggested a designation for any perpendicular 
object, even a road running due north (Can^bridge Essays^ 1856, 
p. 68). That the root min in Her-minriua may be identical with 
the man of Ir-man might be inferred from Ao-mtVt-, ne-minr 
compared with mann. And we have another interesting ana- 
logy, pointing at once to the deeply-seated Teutonism of the old 
Itidian languages, in the common adjective omnia. For as 
distinct from cuncti, which denotes " all in a body" {canjuncti)^ 
i.e. all conjoined or united for a particular purpose and at a 


particular time, univerai, which signifies " all acting hj common 
consent/' i. e. going in the same direction {una verstis), and totus, 
which means " the whole/' i. e. all the parts so combined that 
they are regarded as forming a new unit, omnes like 'iravre^ 
(qtuxntt) implies " all, as many as there are/' In other words, 
omnea means "all," considered as made up of separable parts — 
^' all" as a collection of individuals (see Classical Sckolarship and 
Classical Learning, Cambridge, 1866, p. 216). Accordingly 
omnes may be rendered " eveiy one," or " that which belongs to 
every one." And this in the oldest German is soman, virtually 
the same word as that which is implied in the adjective o-mn-is. 
The modem German is je-mand, and in English the commoner 
as distinguished from the noble was called a yeo-man, an 
*' every-man," an "any-body," 6 rvxdv; the aristocracy being 
a collection of " some-bodies," just as the Spanish grandee calls 
himself hidalgo, i. e. hijo rf' alguno, " a son of somebody.'* We 
find a farther confirmation of this comparison of the mythical 
Sabine with the Teutonic divinity in the fact, that the name of 
the second person in the triumvirate of the bridge was Titus 
Herminius; for not only does Titus signify "warrior'* (Fest. 
]p. 366, Muller: ^^Tituli milites appellantur quasi tutuli, quod 
patriam tuerentur, unde et Titi prsenomen ortum est"), but the 
Titienses or Tities, were actually "the Sabine quirites (spear- 
men)," the second tribe at Rome. By a similar personification, 
the senior consul, Valerius, who as poplicola represents the 
populus, has under his orders Titus Herminius, the " warriors," 
and Bpurius Lcn^ius, the "young nobles*;" while the other 
consul, Lucretius, represents the Luceres, or third class of citizens 
(Liv. II. 11). Even Lucretia may be nothing more than a 
symbol of the third order of the populus/ so that her ill-treat- 
ment by Sextus will be an allegory referring to the oppression 
of the Luceres, who often approximated to the plebs, by the 
tyrannical Etruscan dynasty. It i? also singular that Lttcretiw 
and Horatius, both representatives of the third class, succeed one 
another in the first consulship. The prsenomen of Spurius Lar^ 
tius does not appear to be the Latin spurius, "illegitimate/' but 

* At a later period these two are combined in the one designation 
Lart Hsrminius (Lir. m. 66), 


is a Tuscan derivative from mper^ the first vowel being omitted, 
according to the Tuscan custom, and the second softened into u^ 
as in QMguT (also perhaps a Tuscan word) for aviger. That 
SpuTtua was a Tuscan name appears from the derivative 8pur- 

If, as seems probable, Cades is onlj a modification of CcBres, 
the name of Cceles Vivenna will indicate him as one of the 
Ckeritesy that, is as belonging to the most purely Pelasgian part 
of South Etmria. And then we have an additional confirmation 
of our belief that the Tarquinian dynasty- was in the first instance 
at least Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian, rather than Basenic or Bastian. 

§ 21. General Concltman aa toihe mutual Bdations of the 
old Italian Tribes. 

These traditionary £Eu^ts and philological deductions eilable us 
to come to a fixed conclusion on the subject of the old population 
of Italy, and the relations of the different tribes to one another. 
How they stood related .to the Transpadane members of the 
great European fiunily is a subsequent inquiry ; but within the 
limits of Italy proper, we may now say, there were originally 
two branches of one great family, — ^the Umbrians, extending from 
the Po to the Tiber; and the Oscans^ occupying the southern 
half of the peninsula^ These nations were combined, in different 

1 Aufrechty in his report of '* the last results of the Italic researches'* 
(in Bunsen's Chtitivinity amd McmMnd^ Yol. m.), seems to hare rather a 
oonfiised apprehension of t|ie relations between the Umbrian, Sabellian» 
and Oscan tribes. He says (p. 89), that we must comprise the Latinia* 
ing language of Italy under three heads : 

» -^ — ^ 

XJmbrian. Sabellian. Oscan. 

Umbrian Latin* Yolscian. Marsian. 

But surely the Latin is not connected directly with the UmbriaD» as dis- 
tinguished from the Sabellian and Oscan; the Volsci, like the .£qui, 
must have been Oscan; and he tells us himself (p. 93}» that ^tho 
central point of the Osci is the land of the Sabines." Eckermann 
(i^d^^riofu-G^escAie^ %vnd Mytholo^ Yol. n. pp. 140 sqq.)» ^ho says that 
the Sabines spoke Oscan, and that the elements of the Latin are to be 
found in that language (p. 142), seems to subordinate both the Umbrians 
and Oscans to the Sabellian tribes. Mommseuy who recognises three 

D.v. 3 


degrees, with Felasgians from the north-east. The main Ixodj 
of these Pelasgians assmned a distinct nationality in Etroriay 
and established a permanent empire there, which the Umbrians 
could never throw off. Another great horde of Pelasgians was 
settled in Latium, where they were afterwards partially con- 
quered by the Oscans ; and a mixed population of Pelasgians 
and Oscans extended to the very south of Italy, The Sabines, 
however, who were members of the Umbrian family, retained 
from the hills, to which the Pelasgians had driven them, and 
pressed upon the other Umbrians, upon the Oscans, and upon 
those. Latrns who were a mixture of conquered Pelasgians and 
Oscan conquerors. The combination of a branch of these Sabines 
with a branch of the Latins settled on the Tiber constituted 
the first beginnings of that Boman people which, standing in 
the midst of these Pelasgian and Oscan races, eventually became 
a point of centralisation for them all. Not to speak of any 
Celtic substratum, which we have many reasons for assuming, 
or of the scanty fragments of the Messapian or lapygian dialects, 
which probably preserved the Lithuanian elements in their least 
modified form, we may feel assured that up to the commence- 
ment of history the population of ancient Italy consisted entirely 
of this admixture or juxtaposition of Umbro-Oscan and Tyr- 
xheno-Pelasgian tribes. But about the time when the ancient 
annalists begin to speak definitely, the south of the peninsula 
became studded with Grreek colonies, and the north was con- 
quered by a B»tian tribe, the Basena or Etruscans properly so 
called; and while the Ghreeks never spi^ead themselves in the 
northern provinces, the surging tide of the Etruscan invasion 
was beaten back from the walls of Rome ; and the Gauls, who 
at a later period endeavoured to extend their settlements to the 
south of the Tiber, were obliged to content themselves with the 
still remoter districts beyond the Rubicon. 

primitire stocks in Italy, the lapygian, the Etruscan, and the Italian, 
diyides the hitter into two main branches, the Latin, and that to which 
the dialects of the Umbri, Marsi, Volsci and Samnites belong (EarUest 
InhabiUinti of Italy, from, Mommsen's History of Rome, translated by S. 
Robertson, p. 3). In this, as it appears to me, he confases what ought 
to be distinguished, and discriminates what ought to be identified. 



1 1. Etymology of ih« woid IlcXo^f. § 3. How it» Pelaflgiaim oMne into Bo,* 
lope. § 3. Inferenoes derivable from the conirast of PeUmgian and HeUenio 
architectore. § 4. Supported by dednctiong from the contrasted mythology 
of the two raoes. § 5. Thiadans^ Getee, and Scythians. § 6. Boytldans and 
Hades. § 7. Iranian origin of tha Sannatians, Scythians, and Ootf^ may ba 
shown (1) generally, and (a) by an examination of the remains of the Scythian 
language. § 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this chain of 
nations. § 9. Peculiarities of the Scythian language suggested by Aristo» 
lihanes. § la Names of the Scythian riTera derived and explained. § i x. Names 
of the Scythian divinities. § 13. Other Serbian words explained. § 13, Sue- 
cesdve peopling of Asia and Europe : fate of the Mongolian race. § 14. The 
Pelasgians were of Sdavonian origin. § 15. Foreign affinities of the T7m« 
briansy &o. § t6. Seasons for believing that they were the same race as tha 
Lithnanians. § 17. Further conJSrmation from etymology. § 18. Celtio 
tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and Lithuanians in Itily and elBewhops. 
S 19. The SarmatsB probably a branch of the Lithuanian £unily. 1 30. Gothic 
or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans shown by their ethnographio 
opposition to the Veneti. §3i. Beasons for comparing the old Etruscan 
with the old Norse. § 33. Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans, 
i 33. Old Norse explsnalions of Etruscan proper names. § H« OontaiHff m4 
oontrasts of the Semitic and tho Sch^yoni^n. 8 95» P!w>d«wn»nyit Mwonm 
of the old Italian languages. 

§ 1. Etymology of the word neXa<J7^. 

SINCE the Umbrians, OacanSy &c. rnufit be regarded in tb^ 
first instance as the aboriginal inhabitants, the inqnirer, who 
wonld pass the limits of Italy and investigate the foreign affinities 
of the ItaUanSy is first attracted by the Pelasgians. The seats 
of this race in Greece and elsewhere are well known ; but there 
is no satisfactory record as to the region from which they started 
on their wide^spread migrations, or the countries which they 
traversed on their route. According to some they were Cretans, 
others make them Philistines, others again Phoenicians or Egyp* 
tians^ ; in £bu^, there is hardly one ancient natipn which has not 

1 The confuBion of the Pelasgians with the Phoenicians and Egyp. 
tiaas arises from an interchange of the directions (aboye, p. 28) of that 

8 — 2 


1)6611 indicated in its turn as their parent stock. Even thdr 
name has received almost every possible etymology. The older 
scholars derived the word HeXcuryo^ from Peleg* ; Sturz connects 
it with TreXofo)"; Hermann finds the root in irikarY^i ^^™ ^^" 
Xo^Jw"; Wachsmuth* and K. O. Miiller", considering ireXapyo^ to 
be the original form of the word, give as its etymology ttIXq), " to 
till," and «7/009, "the field," looking upon the nation as originally 
devoted to husbandry. The most common derivation is that 
which writes JleXapyoi, and interprets it "the storks," either from 
the wandering habits of this race*, or from their linen dress^, or 
from their barbarous speech®. Every one of these etymologies 
admits of an easy confiitation. The best answer to them all is to 
point out a better analysis of the word. Buttmann^ suggested 
long ago that the last two syllables were an ethnical designation, 
connected with the name Asca-nitiSf common in Phrygia, Lydia, 
,and Bithynia, and with the name of Asia itself. He also cor- 
rectly pointed to the relationship between Ashkenaz^ the son 
of Gromer, and Javan, the biblical progenitor of the lonians 
(laFov69) {Oen. x. 3). Now the first syllable of the word Pd- 

general inteFCOurse which prevailed in the eastern part of the Mediterra- 
nean daring the earliest ages, and of which I hare elsewhere gi7en some 
remarkable examples (Chrittian Orthodaastfy pp. 251 — ^255). The reci- 
procal iDfloenoe of the Pelasgians, Phoenicians, and Egyptians, was very 
often limited to one or other of these instniments of primeval civilisation, 
and the Semitic was confused with the Indo-Germanic. I am glad to find 
that Mr. Oladstone, who has particularly noticed the relations between 
the Pdasgians and Egyptians (Homeramd the Homeric Age, i. pp. 148 sqq.), 
comes to my conclusion that the Modes, i.e. the Sclavonians, ^are to be 
regarded in all likelihood as the immediate fountain-head of the wide- 
spread Pelasgian race" (i. p. 572). 

1 Salmasitis de HelUnistica, p. 342. ^ X>e DidUet. Macedon, p. 9. 

> OpuMC. n. p. 174: ^'«rcXayor enim, a verbo «rcXa^ciy dictum, ut ab 
Latinis VeniUa, mare notat : a qua origine etiam fnXaayoi^ advenm/* 

4 Hellenkcha AUerthumsk, i. p. 29, Trans, p. 39. He also, half in jest» 
refers to irXafcty, << to lead astray/' p. 36. 

6 " Von fl-cX» (irAipy froXco», der Sparto UcXoSp, und UcXttpuiy das Fest 
der Bewohnung) und apyos,*' Orehom, p. 125. 

« Strabo, v.p, 221 ; vra. p. 397. 

^ Bekker, Anecd. p. 229 : dia rag <rtpd6iKK ag ^^/xnir. So also E^fmoL 

« Fhilol Mu8, I. p. 615. » LexOogus, I. p. 68, note 1. . 


asguB is clearly the same as that of Pelrops. There are two 
Niobes in Gtreek mythology, daughters, the one of Phoronens, 
the other of Tantalus — ^the latter is the sister of Pdops^ the 
former the mother of Pelasgits. The syllable TreX- stands in 
the same relation to fieX- that tt^Sa does to fji£T<L The original 
form of the root signifying ''blackness" was KfieK-^; but the 
labial generally predominated over the guttural element. Of the 
labial forms, that with the tenuis usually came to signify " livid" 
rather than '' black ;" as we see in the words 9rlXu)9, TreXiBvof;^ 
&c. Apollodorus expressly says' that HeTud^ was so called be- 
cause his face was rendered livid (tt^Xao?) by a kick from a 
horse; and it is obvious that II^o^, which signifies "dark- 
faced" or "swarthy/' is an ethnical designation which differs 
from the well-known name Al0io^ only in the degree of black- 
ness which is implied. The AWioire: were the "bumtfeced 
people" {qtu>8 India torrety as Tibullus says of them, il. 3, 59), 
and are described as perfectly black {Jeremiah xiii. 23; icuaveovy 
Hes. Op. et Dies, 525) ; whereas the IUXottc? were only dark 
in comparison with the Hellenes'. On the whole, it can hardly 
be doubted that the Hekcuryol were, according to the name 
given them by the old inhabitants of Greece, "the swarthy 
Asiatics," who were called by the latter part of their name 
along the coasts of Asia Minor; and thus the cognate terms 
TliXHme: and HeK-aayol point to an emigration from Asia 
Minor to Argolis indisputably connected with the progress of 
Phcenician civilisation. The former part of the name was not 
necessary in the mother-country, where all were dark complex- 
ioned ; and the latter part of the word, which denoted the Asiatic 
origin of the IleVaeryo/, was dropt in the synonym IleX-o^, 
which signifies merely " swarthy of face*." 

1 New CratyUiS, § 121 ; Buttmann's LeM. n. p. 265. 
•i. 9,§8. 

s Asius makes Felasgus spring from the blaek earth (ap. PauBan. 
vm. 1, 4): 

yfua fukatv avtdo»JC€V» era OvtfrAp ycvoff co;. 
Bot here the adjectiFO is nothing but an epkhetan eoTistans. 

^ For further arguments in support of this etymology, which is also 
applicable to the word irt\apy6sf as the stork, or ** black but whitened 

38 TH« f OMiaiJ AFFrNlTIES OP [OHAP. U. 

§ 2« Sotc ike Pdasgums came into Europe. 

Tradition and etymology agre^, therefore, in tracing the 
Felasgians, do called, to the western and northern coast of Asia 
Minor. There is, however, little or no reason to doubt that the 
bnlk of the race, to which these " swarthy Asiatics" belonged, 
entered Europe in the first instance through the wide district of 
Thrace, Which is always mentioned as the most ancient European 
settlement of this tribe. For although the legends about Pelops 
and Lydia make it probable that they subsequently crossed over 
the ^gean, leaving settlements as they sailed along in the islands 
of the Archipelago, and bringing with them perhaps some of that 
Semitic civilisation which the Phoenicians and Egyptians had 
diffused over the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, and though 
the etymology of their name refers to some such migration from 
the sunny coasts of Asia, it is nearly certain that the main body 
entered both Greece and Italy from the north-east The course 
of their wanderings seems ix^ have been as follows. They passed 
into this continent from the western side of the Euxine, And 
fcpread themselves over Thrace, Macedonia, and Epirus ; then, 
while some of them forced their way into Greece, others, again 
moving on to the north-west, eventually entered Italy near the 
tootith of the Po. At some time, however, during the period of 
their itettlement in Thrace, and before they had penetrated to 
the south of Greece, or had wandered to Italy, they appear to 
have crossed the Hellespont and peopled the western coast of 
Asia Minor, where they founded the city of Troy, and established 
the kingdom of Lydia — names to which the Pelasgians in Italy 

birdt** the reader is referred to the N, Cfratyl § 95. Mr. Paley has 
suggested a similar explanation of the doves of Dodona, who bring the 
Phodnicians, Pelasgiams and Bgyptians, into -a sort of conAuion with one 
another (Herod, n. 54 sqq.). He says (ufisch. Suppl. Ed. 2, p» xiv), 
refenltig to mj riew of the matter ; ^ obiter mon^ higras haace eolum* 
has (vfXetabag), qiue humana voce locutn tradontur, non alias f nisse videri 
qoam n-cXop quasdam, s6» Jwrvas nittlierei^ ox Oriente profectas." It is 
curious that Mrs. Hamilton Gray (HUt, ef Etrur, t. p. B9) should have 
quoted the epithet '* pale-£i^ce>^ applied to Buropeans by the American 
IndiailB, in tiie same page with her derivation of rnXmrySt frotn r^dyor, 
irhioh It simply irreconcilable with the laws of the Greek language. 


and Argos looked back with myBterioos reverence. It might be 
curious to inquire how the traditionary quarrels between the 
&miliea of Dardanus and Tantalus contributed to produce the im- 
portant Lydian migration into Greece ; but such an investigation 
scarcely belongs to our subject. There seems to be good reason 
for beUeving that the Pelasgians acquired their distinctiye cha- 
racter, that of agriculturists and architects, in the fisrtile plains of 
Asia Minor, and imder that climate which was afterwards so pro- 
lific in works of art and genius. Those only of the Pelasgians 
who were connected with the commercial activity of the Medi«> 
terranean, namely the Tyrrhenians, were celebrated as artisans 
and tower^builders. 

§ 3. Infore^/^oes derivable from the ccntraat cf Pelasgtan and 
Hellenic Architecture. 

The immediate derivation of even the later Greek architecture 
ftom Asia Minor may be proved by some combinations which 
throw an important light not only on the history of ancient art, 
but on the ethnical affinities of the old inhabitants of southern 
and eastern Europe. It is well known that the Greeks or Hel- 
lenes descended from the north of Thessaly and conquered Or 
incorporated themselves with the Felasgo^Achseans, whom they 
found in the south of Greece. Now these Pelasgians, especially 
those who called themselves Tyrrheniane or "tower-builders," 
have left behind them numerous remains of their architecture, 
which are distinguished by immense blocks of solid stone built 
into rude masses of walls, towers, and treasuries, and are com- 
monly called Cyclopean. It was of course this architecture which 
the Hellenes found in southern Greece, and as they were a 
warrior-tribe and less cultivated in every respect than their 
vassals, they must have adopted the same style of building. 
What origin then must we seek for the characteristic architecture 
of the Doro-Ionians— that which we commonly call Grecian 
architecture? The due to the whole is fomished by that sin- 
gular monument, the gate of the lions of MyoensB, probably the 
oldest memorial of the primitive Achaeans. We have here, at 
the entrance of a Cyclopean treasure-house, two lions trampling 
on an inverted column of Dorian architecture. With regard to 
the lions I feel no hesitation in rejecting Creuzer^s supposition 


that we have here a Mithraic symboP. This supposition springs 
from a total misconception of the object which stands between 
the lions, and affords no explanation of their duality. It can be 
shown, on the contrary, that it must be intended to indicate that 
the two lords of Mycenae, some twin-power or duumvirate there, 
had conquered some place distinguished by the architecture of 
which the inverted column is a specimen. Whether the cir- 
cumstance thus conmiemorated be a fact or a legend, we can 
hardly doubt that the two lions represent the two Atreidce or 
sons of Atreus, the Pelopid or Lydo-Pelasgian prince of Mycen»", 
and that the city captured and overthrown, the plunder of which 
they had stored up in their treasure-house, was the far-famed 
Troy. Both the duality of the conquerors of Troy, and the 
symbol of the lions as applied to them, are distinclJy recorded 
in the Agam&mwm of iBschylus". If this explanation is correct, 
the inverted column represents Asiatic architecture, as opposed 
to the style of building then common in Greece and Italy, and 
which we call Cyclopean. From this inverted fragment we can 
restore the whole fa9ade^, and we see that it contains the ele- 
ments of what was afterwards the Doro-Ionian architecture. We 
also see that M has many points of contact with the Lycian 
monuments. Now Pindar says that the Corinthians, among 
other usefiil arts, introduced the double tympanum or gable of the 
Dorian templet As therefore the Corinthians were the great 

1 Syrpholik tind Mythologie (3rd Edit.) I. p. 267. 
> Ilie lion was a holy symbol of the Lydian kings; see Herod, i. 50 ; 
and Oreuzer, Symbol n. p. 633. 
3 Ot 42 sqq. : 

'M€V€kao£ lhta( ifd* 'Ayaiiepaww 

diBp6yov AUB€P /eal dtcKijfrTpov 

TifAtjgf ^xvp^P C^vyos *ATp€ld&V, 

with 796, 7: 

VK€pBopmv dt fFvpyaif wfifiar^g Xcivr 
&d^v cXei^p a[fuxro9 rvpcannKov» 
^ This has been done by Metiger, in Thiersch's tract, iiber das 

6 Olymp. JUL 21 sqq. : 

Sfrav 3* tvp6rros Ifpy^ar 
rdi Aiavvirov n^Bep i^<f>avfp 


traders and colonizers, it is sufficientlj obyionis tBat they must 
have derived this improyement in architecture &om abroad, just 
•as the introduction of the bridle-rein points, to their mjiihical 
<M)nnexion, and commercial dealings with Lycia': and since we 
see fiom the gate of the lions that the Dorian fa<^e existed in 
Asia Minor long before the Dorian and Ionian colonies were 
established there, it is a fair conclusion that the Dorian and 
Ionian architecture, like the distinctions of dialect, was due to 
the reaction of the Dorian and Ionian colonies on the mother- 
land. And thus we see that all the architecture of Greece, the 
more refined porch as well as the ruder masses of Cyclopean 
jnasoniy, was imported from the sunny land to which we trace 
the name of the Felasgians. We may go a step farther, and say 
that the more recent architecture of Asia Minor^ which was 
afterwards naturalized in Greece, was due to the Semitic tribes 
which extended inland from Lydia to Assyria and Egypt, 
whereas the Cyclopean architecture was strictly Indo-G«rmanic. 
The primary distinction between the Pelasgo- Achaean and the 
Doro-Ionian architecture consisted in the materials which they 
respectively adopted, the former being the adaptation of huge . 
masses of uncemented stone, the latter the result of the best 
arrangement of beams and joists. The materials of the Cyclo- 
pean walls require no comment, but a few remarks may be neces- 
sary to show that the Doro-Ionian architecture originated in 
wood-carpentry. The simplest form of this architecture is the 

9 Bt&v vaxHtrw oI»p£p fiatrOua didvfiov 

That the aer6g, or airaiuh meant the tympanum, or gable, and not any 
figures within or upon it, has been f ally shown by Brondsted, Voyages e$ 
Becherehei e» €hr^ n. p. 154; and by Welcker, AU$ DenkmUUr, i. p. 3 
sqq. The pediment was originally open; the deep relief, or rather 
oomplete figures, which appear in it, indicate the original practioe, when 
it might be said in the language of £aripides {Fr, Hyptip,) : 
Idoit irp6s al$€p* €$afuXX»irnu K&ptu 
ypaimvt [iv aWiroun vpoa-pkmof rwnwff. 
And the ground was subsequently painted blue to recaL the darkness of 
the space under the roof. 

1 The commercial dealiugs were a fact; the mythology of Bellero- 
pfaon yna a.poettoal record of it. 


apterftl iempk <n antis. This hits no column or portico, the 
porch being sapported by irapaardSe; or antay u e. projections 
of the side wbHb\ We then come to the prostyle, witii a vesti^ 
bule supported by oolmnna beyond the anicB; then to the $m* 
phiproBtyle, with such a termination at each end ; and finally to 
the peripteral temple, surrounded by columns, like the Parthenon, 
The complete form is the best exemplification of the tectonics or 
carpentry in which the architecture originated. If we compare 
the Doric building, as restored from the inverted column on the 
gate of the lions, with the remains of Lyoian architeoture^ we 
shall see that the foundation consisted of tranks of trees, laid 
level and crossed at right angles by the trunks of other trees. 
On these last, as we see in the gate of the lions, the plinth of 
the column rested, and on this the torus. The shaft of the 
column was the trunk of h tree, and its capital originally nothing 
more than a plinth. On the top of the column was placed the 
architrave or main beam of the entablature, and on this rested 
the frieze with holes immediately above the columns for the 
reception of the upper joists of the building. When these joists 
were inserted, their ends, ornamented by channels cut in the 
wood, were termed triglypha, and the spaces between the tri- 
gljTphs, which were fiat wood, and upon which it was customary 
to nail up spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and sculptures, 
^f ere called mOopes, or intervals between the holes^ The friese 

^ On the sense of vapaaras^ or iroordr, I may refer to my note on 
the AwtHgimtt II73, p. n5, where I haYe cotleoted all the authorities. 

> See Thiench, ilb^dM Ermktkmm, pp. 149 Bqq. 

8 It has been the opinion of many learned architects that the metopes, 
or Bpaoes between the beatn-ends, were originally hollow. This is 
an opinion oontrary to the evidences fomished by the Greek langaage 
and by the Greek authors, and is plainly overthrown by the MyoeniMui 
monument, which shows os that the firieie was originally a solid piece 
with holes for the beam^nds. The word ^ means '^an opening or 
hole," i. e. the bed of a beam; hence the Roman arshitects called the 
triglyphs cava cclumhania^ or ''pigeon-holes/' The word fAcnSvny must 
signify " a space between ^a/,** as rh fttraixfuop means ** a space between 
t#0 armies;" consequently the metope could not have been Itself a 
cavity. Besides, spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and soalptures, 
-were nailed up to ti^e Meie^ which must therefore have been solid. The 
triglyphs were the ornamented ends of the beams, cut short on a line 


was stinnoimted hj the comioe, which originated in transVerse 
beams supporting the a^uKKifrffp^ of the sloping roof, and the 
fitu^e was finished off by the pediment, tympannm) or cUre^fUij 
which was originally an open gable formed by the sloping 
rafters. Now eTery detail in this form of edifice points to wood- 
work or carpentry, which always constituted the material of pure 
Semitic architecture. The complete details which hate been 
preserved of the temple of Solomon, Which was a masterpiece of 
Phoenician workmanship, show how the most costly and ela- 
borate building could be erected without the assistance of the 
stonemason^ and the ivory palaces of Solomon' were also speci- 
mens of the same application of art with that which appeared in 
the chryselephantine statues of Phidias. The very fact that the 
Doro-Ionian architecture, in its original and oldest iype, not 
only admitted but required polychrome decorations, indicates 
that the materials employed must have been wood and metal, 
not stone, in the first instance. And the result of the whole 
discussion is to confirm our previous inference, that the Pelas- 
gians were an Indo-Grermanic tribe, who passed by the north of 
the Euxine into Europe, and recrossed into Asia Minor by the 
Hellespont, where they came into direct contact with Semitic 
art and civilisation. All tradition confirms this, and the ready 
adoption by the Hellenes of the Asiatic, as opposed to tiie 

with the frieze : but these beams oould not hare projected in the same 
pliuie in the tides and at the ends of the building. Sopposiog then 
that those whieh ran the whole length of the building terminated in 
the friete of the portico^ the cross-beams must hare rested upon them 
and senred as supports to the end of the roof. Consequently the frieie 
on the sides of the building must either haye had hollow spaces instead 
of beams, which was of course the original form, or they were filled by 
imaginary beam-^nds, L e. mere triglyphs. When the fa9ade of a tem- 
ple was imitated on the Greek stage, it seems that the iiml or beds of 
the beams were left open, i. e. there were large holes through which 
a man might omwi. This enables us to understand such passages as 
the Ibllowing : Buripid. Ipk f*» 118: Jipa ^ y $l&w rpiyXv^^mp dim 
«cfp^ Scfuif fu6€iptu. Aristoph. Vesp, 126 : 6 d* ^(^(dptunu M rt twV 
vdpoppomp ml tAw 3ira»F. 

1 For the details of Soloifion's Temple» see Theniu8,ti6er dk SUeker 
der Konige^ Anhang. pp. 25 sqq. 

' Psahn sir. 8; cf. 1 Kingi xlii. 89; Amoi iit. 15. 


Cyclopean architecture, cannot be regarded as altogether uncon- 
nected with the ethnographical fact that the Dorians or Hellenes 
were a tribe which passed through Asia Minor in a strong but 
narrow stream on their way from the mountains of Caramania to 
the highlands of western Qermanj and northern Greece^ 

§ 4« Supported hy deductions from the contracted mythology of 

the two races. 

These views of the Cyclopean architecture, as distinctively 
characterizing the Pelasgians, are confirmed by all that we know 
of their religious system. The worship of the Pelasgians was 
not only elementary ; it not only consisted in an adoration of the 
great objects of nature — ^for this was common to them with other 
primitive tribes ; — ^but it was especially a sun-worship, like that 
of the Medes, from whom, as we shall see, they trace their legi- 
timate descent. Thus, while the so-called ahorigtnes of Italy 
worshipped Satumm-Ops^ the divinity of the earth", the Pelasgo- 
Tyrrhenians who dwelt beside them worshipped Tina or JanuSy 
the God of light. The two tribes, who constituted the original 
populus, being especially warriors, worshipped the God of war ; 
as Romulus was mythically the son of Marsy we may conclude 
that Mars or Mamers was the God of the Ramnes ; and then 
Quirinus^ would be the spear-god of the Titles. Just in the 
same way, the Hellenes, who, as I have shown in another place, 
were a waxlike tribe of high German character*, brought into 
Greece their war-god Apollo^ j a sort of refined Woden; but 
eventually allowed some of his attributes to be absorbed by the 
God of light, who was worshipped by the Pelasgians*. The 
Hyacinthia, which were retained by the Dorians in Laconia and 

^ New Crat. § 92. ^ See Zumpf 8 Essay on this subjeot. 

s As the QtMrtnot was the flnt seat of the Sabines coming from 
the north, it may be inferred that JamcaLum across the riTor indicated 
the first approximation of the Tyrrheno-Felasgian worshippers of Tina 
or Jama^ who formed a new element in the state under Virenna of 
Giere. See Chapter i. $ 18. 

« New Crat. § 92. 

» 'EXXipcp, «the warriors;" •AjtcXX^f, «the fighter." MttUer, Dor. n. 
6, §6. 

< ThscUre of the Greek», (ed.' 6), p. [20]. 


applied to the' worship of their own Apollo, were a festival of 
Achaean or Pelasgian origin, and symbolically expressed the 
triumph of the .sun's disk over the rainy months of winter^ All 
the Pelasgian religion, wherever it can be discerned under the 
incrustations of later Hellenism, points to the same worship of the 
sun. Jupiter and Danae, of whose union the Argive Perseus 
was the fruit, represent the golden showers of the fructifying 
sky descending on the dry earth (Bavdifj yfj)\ The Argive 
goddess Juno is called /Sowtti^ as being a representative of the 
moon-goddess, who bore her disk between two horns, and who 
is thus identified with /o, " the earth," the daughter of Inachus^ 
In the same way Europa, the "broad-fjBtced" moon, is borne 
across the sea from east to west by Jupiter in the form of a bull, 
that is, the sun in Taurus in conjunction with the moon rises 
from the eastern waves. Here she assumes the Amotions of 
'*Af3T€fju>$ Tov/MwroXo^, and, as we shall see, Artemis, which, in 
the Pelasgian language, was Ari-timia, and means " the vir^n 
of the sea," becomes identical with ^Api-^ovtra, "the virgin 
swiftly moving*,'' for the idea of time finds one of its natural 
expressions in that of flowing water'^. Even the name KiiKKay^j 
which has furnished a designation for the peculiar architecture 
of the Pelasgians, must refer to figures adorned with the sun's 
disk, rather than to any monophthalmic symbols ; and we shall 
see. the same transition in the earliest seats of the Pelasgic 
race*. The connexion of the Pelasgi with the Sclavonians, 
which will clearly appear in the sequel, brings them into close 
contact also with the early Celtic tribes. Now there can be 
hardly any doubt that the circular and megalithic structures, 
which are found in Britain and elsewhere, belong to the ele- 
mentary worship of the early Celts. These buildings, whether 
grown in trees, as a grove, or built up in massive stones, repre- 
sented the world; and this is the true interpretation of Arthur's 
Bound Table. It was "made by Merlin for a type of the 
Bound World, and was given by Pendragon to Gtegyrvan father 

1 New Orat. $ 464. > See Maller^s Mythol p. 252, Engl. Tr/ 

« See Paley, Free/, ad Pram. p. zz; <mI SuppL p. Tii. 
4 Below, $ 12; and Chapter v. § 6; see also Tapia, p. 349; Bumouf. 
« New Oroa. J.270. P Below, } 12. 


of Ghrenhwyvar, who brought it to Arthur as her dowrj {Morte 
Arthur, xiy. c. 2 ; iv. c. 1). From which we may collect 
that the true round table was the circular sanctuary erected 
by Merlin. The lake or pool under the JXruu Emmrya was 
likewise declared by Merlin to be fgura huju8 mundiy a type 
of this world (Nennius, c 43^)." And Arthur himself' ''was 
the sun, honoured as a deity but figured as a warrior, i. e. as 
Miihraa. His f&ther's name, Uthyry the Portent, is supernatural, 
and not really a name ; least of all the name of a Boman, bro- 
ther to AureUufl Ambrosius, and son to Constantinus. And the 
said Uikyr signifies in his dirge, that he is the Azure Firma- 
ment {id syhlime candena quem ifivocant omnes Jovemj^ and that 
the rainbow is his belt in battle. It follows of course, that the 
son or milUfdd (offspring) of Uihyr Qarlaaaar^ who fills the 
place of Ormued, should be Mithras. And his twelve battles, in 
all imaginable parts of the island, correspond to the twelve Her- 
culean labours." It is not unreasonable to conclude that the 
Celts, who carried to the uttermost parts of the west this purely 
Median worship of the Gt)d of Light, must have derived it firom 
the Pelasgo-Sclavonians, who came most directly firom the nordi 
of Media, who first touched upon and became mingled with the 
sporadic tribes of Gelto-Turanians, and who in their original 
settlements, as Hyperboreans, and also as southern Pelasgians, 
were perseveringly devoted to this distinctive form of worship. 

§ 5. Thradami Oetm^ and Scythians. 

B^ond these particulars we have no satisfactory data for the 
migrations of the great Pelasgian people; and if we wish to 
know their original settlements in Asia, we must turn to com- 
parative philology and to ethnographical traditions of a dif- 
ferent kind. 

Our point of departure, in these further researches into the 
original abode and ethnical affinities of the Pelasgians, is the 
great country of Thrace, their first European settlement. The 
Thracians, according to Herodotus, were, next to the Indians, 
the greatest people in the world' ; and Scylax tells us that their 

I CfyOopi C%riffMnitM, G. A, ^erb6rt. Load. 1849, p, 191. 
» Herbert, 1. c. p. 213. » v. 2. 


territoiy extended from the Strjinon to the Ister^ Now, among 
these Thraciang we find the two important tribes of Get» and 
Hysians, or Moesians. Of these the geographer Strabo speaks 
as follows": "The Greeks considered the Get» to be Thracians. 
There dwelt, however, on both sides of the Ister as well these 
Get» as the Mysi, who are likewise Thracians, and are now 
oaUed Moesi, from whom also the Mysi now dwelling among the 
Ljdians, Phrygians, and Trojans, derived their origin." Again, 
Scylax informs ns that the Bcythians bordered on the Thracians*; 
and Stephanus of Byzantium says expressly^, that the Scythians 
were of Thracian extraction. The same is implied in what 
Strabo says on the subject : and it has long been admitted that 
X/eu0€u and Tircu are the same ethnical name^ We thus at 
once obtain new data, reaching far beyond the limits of Hellenio 
tradition. For if the Pelasgians can fairly be traced to Thrace 
as their first traditionary settlement in Europe, and if we can 
pass from the Thracians to the G«t», and fiom the Gkt» to the 
Scythians, we are carried into a new field, in which our specu- 
lations immediately receive the support of comparative philology*. 

^ 0eogiF, VM*, — Scrips Min. I. p. ^. It Is tingalar that tho Qain« 
of the Thraciaoa sboold seem to bear the same relatiop to TiroMf one 
of the sons of Japheth, that the ethnical names of the Medea and 
lonians do to the names of two of hb other sons, Madai and Javan (Oen» 
X. 2). If It were neceesarj to seek a oonnezion between the word 
Tv(Hni»6t and the Qoth. Tkai4n6$j Old None Thu% O. H. O. Dwr% ao^ 
oording to Grimm's suggestion {DuvUaeh Myik, pp. ^ 469, 2d ed.)» ^^ 
might with still greater safety bring the Thracians and the Agc^-ikyrn 
into the same etymology. The Bithynians were Thracians ; and there 
were Medo-Bithynians (jAaML tBvot Qp^t^s^ Steph. Byz. p. 527) as well 
as Partliians (o{ Zjcv^ rovr ^vy6ba9 TLapBovt /eaXovcri, Steph. Byz. p 628) 
in Thrace. It is carious that the SkUianB and McBdi^ whom Thucydides 
mentions (n. 98) as contigaous Thracian tribes, should represent a simi- 
lar joztaposition in Irftn, where those to the west and north were 
called Mede» and Sauro-Mato^ while those to the SQUth and east were 
termed Sindions or Indi. 

^ p. 290. He says also (p. 302), that the Get» spoke the same 
language as the Thradans. 

» G^ogr, Va.,—S. U. J. p. 29. 

4 De UrbiXnUf p. 674, Berkel: 2kv^ t$pog Bpiiaop, 

^ See Salmasius, lAng. Hell. p. 269; Ihre, Olois. Suio-Goih. Procem. 
p. vi. 

• The connexion of the Thracians with the Get» and of the latter 


§ 6. Scythians and Medes, 

The Scythians of Herodotas are represented as occapjing 
the wide tract of country which lies to the north of the Euxine. 
Though there are some alleged di£ferenceSy we can collect that 
the whole countiy between Media and the Danube was occupied 
by a series of cognate tribes. The earliest traditions represent 
these Scythians as in continual contact and collision with the 
Modes; and we receive many signiiicant hints that the Scythians 
and Medea were ultimately connected with one another as 
kindred races. If we pursue this subject in its details, especially 
as illustrated by the fragments of the Scythian language which 
Herodotus and others haye preserved, we shall see that the 
Pelasgians may be traced step by step to a primary settlement 
in Media or northern Ir&n. 

§ 7* Iranian origin of the Sarmatiam^ BcythianSj and GcUb, 
may he shoum (1) generallyy and (2) by an examination 
of the remains of the Scythian language. 

The general proof that Irftn, or the country lying between 
the Caspian, the Euphrates, the Indian Ocean, and the Indus, 
was the original abode of the Indo-Gkrmanic race, has been 
given elsewhere^. It has also been shown, that within these 
limits were spoken two great branches of the one Indo-Ger» 
manic language, which stood related to one another in much the 
same way as the Low and High German ; the former being the 
older, and spok6n by the inhabitants of Media, the northern 
half of this district. To these Medes, or, as they may be called, 
the Northern and Low Iranians^ we refer, on the one hand, 
the Hindus^ who 'Call themselves Arians [dryaa^ " well-bom"), 
for this was also the ancient name of the Medes ; and, on the 
other hand, the following members of the Sclavonian and Low 
(jerman families: — (a) the SarmatOB or Sauromatce, an old 
Sclavonian tribe, who are expressly called " descendants of the 

with the Goths has heen fully discussed by J. Grimm in his Ge$chiehte 
der deuuehm Sprache^ c. ix., and he has come to much the same oonclu- 
sion with that which was first given in this work. 
1 N. Crat. § 80 sqq. 


Medes" both by Diodorufl* and by Pliny', whose name, in the 
cognate Lithuanian language, signifies '^ the northern Medes or 
Matieni*," and who, under the slightly modified name of %r- 
make, dwelt near the Indus*; (ft) the SigynruB, or Sclavonian 
Wends, to whom Herodotus ascribes a Median parentage' ; (c) 
the Saxons^ Sacassani, or Saca-aiinavas, i. e. '' sons of the Sacae," 
who once inhabited Bactriana, as well as the most fertile part of 
Armenia, and from thence forced their way into Europe* ; and, 
above all, (d) the Ghths, who, under the different local names of 
Terai, X'tcv0<Uj i.e. Aaa-^oths, Svaa-aryircUy or Tvptryh-tHf 
i. e. Tyrcu^eUB, or Groths dwelling by the Dniester^, and Mvaoi^ 
Mouroly or Moo-o-o^ercu, i.e. Mceso^oths^ occupied the whole 
of the districts which extend from the north-east of Irftn to the 
borders of Thrace*. 

* n. 48, p. 195. Bind. « H, N. yi, 7. 

•* Gatterer ap. Bockh, C. 7. n. p. 83. * Plin. H. N, yi. 18. 

* V. 9. Strabo, p. 620. 

< Plin. H. N. TL 11. Strabo, pp. 73, 507, 609, 511, 613. Among 
those who- fought with Ftfudintfra are mentioned (i24mdtyatia, i. c. 54» 
9I. 21), flnt, the PoAJavt, i. e. the Fenians, for they were called PMavi 
by the Indians; and then a mixed army of Sckcb and Yavant, who cohered 
the whole earth (totr dsH Bamvrtd bhUmih Cakair Tavanorfnifritaih), The 
Persians called the Scythians in general SaecB (Herod, vn. 64 : ol yap 
Utpa-ai irdirras rots ^KvSag icakiovtn laicat), A. W. Ton Schlegel (ad loe. 
Itdmd^, n. 2, p. 169) thinks that the name *laFtty, the original form of 
'lamp, *I«F, was not brought from Greece, but was learned by the settlers 
hi Asia from the Lydians; and that the Tavani here mentioned by the 
Indian poet were the Oreeks in general, who were always bo called by 
the Indians, Persians, and Jews (SchoL ad Arist, Acham. 106 : narrag 
rovt''SKktfvas'*laaimt ol fiapQapoi iKoKovv). 

7 If we wished to bring thQ Tkywj^getm or Tkyrsa-geUe into con- 
nexion with the Aga-thyrn, and into closer contact with the Am-getm or 
S-^fthcPj we might suppose that Aaa-getas and ThyvMrgeUB were other 
forms of Aaa-jdtun and Thursa-jotim, in which As *' deus" and Thurs 
"gigas'* would stand in the usual opposition (See Edd. Sannund, u. 
Spec. Qloss. p. 861). 

* 2ieuB8 (die Deutiohen, p. 280) is induced by some misspelling in the 
text of Ptolemy (m. 5, lO) to write Tytxig-eUB, Mauag^eUe, thus repu* 
diating all connexion with the Oetce. 

^ The traditions of the Ooths referred not merely to Asia in general, 
but in particular to their Midumrheime, or ** Median home," as the point 
of their departure (Ritter, VorhdUs, p. 473). - 

D.v. 4 


Although these general results are already established, the 
details of the subject have not jet been sufficientlj examined, 
especially as regards the fragments of the language spoken by 
these northern and western scions of the great Median stock. It 
is in accordance with the main object of this treatise, that 
these details should be followed as far as they will lead us ; and 
it is hoped that, by an analysis of all the Scythian words and 
names which Herodotus and others have preserved, the affinity 
of the Scythians to the Medes will be confirmed by the most 
decisive proo&, and that it will appear that the Pelasgians, 
whom tradition traces to the same regions, were members of the 
Sclavonian race. 

§ 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this 
chain of nations. 

One caution must be given at the very beginning of all 
these inquiries concerning the chain of tribes which link together 
the extreme points of Indo-Gtermanic migration. As I have 
remarked before, it is always easier to perceive resemblances than 
to recognize distinctions ; and the ancient writers speak of Thra- 
cians. Get», and Scythians as identical, because they have points 
of contact and common ingredients. The results of researches, 
which have been indicated elsewhere, tend to show that although 
the bulk and substratum of the ancient population of Thrace was 
Pelasgian, and this again Sclavonian, the warlike tribes, which 
gave a name to the nation, were identical in origin and title 
with the Dorians, who were the distinctive Hellenes, and with 
the Hermun-duri or Thuringians, who were the High-Gtermans 
or Herminones properly so called\ Teres or TereiLs is a local 
name in Doris or Daulis as well as in Thrace* ; and the latter 
country must at least have retained some fragments or droppings 
by the road-side of that united band of warriors who forced their 
way in one imbroken stream from the highlands of Kurdistan 
across the north of Asia Minor, and so through Thraoe> sending 
forth conquering offshoots into Greece to the left and into 

1 New Crat, § 92. « Thucyd. n. 29. 


Eastern Gennany on their more direct ronte\ The Oeks, on 
the .other hand, wherever thej were pure from anj Sclavonic 
admixture, stand as Low-Grermans in direct opposition to the 
Sdavonians. As MassorOetcB or Moeso'Ooths thej were mixed 
np with Mysians, who were Pelasgo-Sclavonians ; and there was 
the same mingling of the Sclavonian and Low-German elements 
in the Lithuanians or Samo-Oetm. As Dad or Danes the pure 
Low-G«rmans stand opposed and related*, both in the north and 
south, to the OeUB^ whether called bj this name, or designated 
as Chtha, Guddaa^ JiUea, and Vites: and there is every reason 
to believe that the latter in this opposition represent som^ ad- 
mixture of the Sclavonic and pure Gt)thic elements analogous 
to that which is presented bj the Lithuanians or Samo-Geke. 
In the Greek comedies Davus^DacvuSf and Qeta^ stand on a 
parallel footing as the names of slaves ; but the countries from 
which these slaves came were distinguished as Dacia and MoBsia^ 
and the latter was, at least to a considerable extent, Sclavonic 
In the north, according to the legend*, the Dant or Dacini* were 
settled in the islands as opposed to Jutland, or, as it is called, 
Viihe0'l(Bih; and in the peninsula itself the stratification of 
Sclavonians in Schleswig, Angles or pure Low-G«rmans in 
Jutland, and High-Germans in Holstein, is still very distinct. 
In the immense area to which the ancients gave the name of 
Scythia, we must distinguish between the Sarmake, or Bauro- 
nuUcBy who were mainly or to a large extent Sclavonian, the 
Scythce or AsorOotha^ who were mainly or to a large extent 
Low-Grerman, the Soccb or Saxons^ who were purely Low-Grer- 
man, and therefore identical ultimately with the Dad or Danes, 
and the S-^oIoUb or Asa-GalakSy also called Gimmerii^ who were 
mainly Celtic. And besides all these, we must allow a sub- 
stratum or fringe of Mongols or Turano-Scythians. Nevertheless, 

1 The deriTation of Greek poetry from Thrace, and the Pierian 
reBUng.placeB at the foot of Olympiu in the North, and at the foot of 
Parnassus and Helicon in the soath of Thessaly, point to the roate of 
these Thraoo-Uellenio emigrants. 

' They both spoke dialects of the Thracian language ; 8trabo, pp. 
303, 305. 

' ZeosSy dUDwUcheny pp. SOSeqq. 

4 Qrimm, Guek, dtr dmU9ch&n Spraehey p. 192. 



the SclaTonian is the prevalent or qualifying element throughout, 
and from Thrace to Media we identify this with the Pelasgian. 
For the old statements, which class together the Thracians, 
Gkt8e, Mjsians, and Scjthians, can onlj be understood as assert- 
ing their ethnical affinity : that is, the Grreeks saw that thej had 
something in common. Now if the Dorians are to be derived 
from the Thracians so called, if Massa-geta, or Moeso-Goth, pre- 
sumes a combination of different ingredients, the Mysian and 
Gothic, and if, which everything conspires to show, the non- 
Hellenic element in Greece is also to be sought in Thrace ; it 
follows that this element, or the Pelasgi^ must be referred to the 
Mysians, who appear as the Pelasgian inhabitants of Asia Minor. 
*The same must also be the link of connexion between the 
Thracians and the Scythians or Asa-goths. But the Gt>ths, 
when qualified by admixture in their primary settlements, are 
«Iways blended with Sclavonian elements. Therefore the My- 
sians or Pelasgians were Sclavonian also. The Ehoxolani and 
Sarmatse, who occupied the province of Dacia after the time of 
Aurelian, belonged to the same Gothic and Sclavonian races 
respectively as the original inhabitants ; and though historically 
a change must be indicated, an ethnographical identily with the 
original population is still maintained by the Walachians, who 
had adopted a corruption of the Latin tongue before they re- 
ceived this addition of homogeneous ingredient8\ 

§ 9. Peculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by 

The Scythian words, which have been preserved by the 
jancients, are names of rivers, places, and persons ; designations 
of deities ; and common terms. Before we consider these separ 
rately, it will be as well to inquire if there are not some general 
principles by which the characteristics of the language may be 

Some of these general conclusions may be derived from 
Aristophanes. It is well known that the police of Athens con- 
sisted of Scythian bowmen. Accordingly, when the great come- 

1 ZeusB, p. 263; 


difin introduces one of these public servants on the stage, we 
might expect that, as he imitates the broad dialects of the Boeo* 
tians and Megarians, and the pure Doric of the Spartans, he 
would also give an accurate representation of the broken Greek 
of these barbarian functionaries ^ When we mimic the provin- 
cialisms of the Highlanders or the Welsh, we are careful to 
substitute tenues for medials ; and in the same waj, we may 
suppose, Aristophanes would represent the leading peculiarities 
of the Scythian pronunciation of Grreek. Now we find that his 
Scythian bowman in the ThestnopAorieusuecB consistently omits 
the final -9 or -i^ of Greek words, substitutes the lenis for the 
aspirate, and once puts ^ for sigma. We should expect, there- 
fore, that the Scythian language would present us with Filvar- 
ffcA and Anuaiodrah, would repudiate aspirated consonants, and 
employ ^=^sh instead of the ordinary sibilant. While this is 
the case with the firagments of thei Scythian language which still 
remain, it is even more remarkable in the old idioms of Italy. 
In fact, these peculiarities constitute, as we shall see in the 
sequel, some of the leading features by which the Italian lan- 
guages are distinguished bom the dialects of ancient Greek. 

§ 10. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained. 

The names of the Scythian rivers, which Herodotus enu- 
merates, will first engage our attention. These names are mate- 
rially corrupted by the Greek transcription ; but with the help 
of the general principles, which have just been stated» we shall 
be able to analyze them without much difficulty. 

Beginning from the European side, the first of these rivers 
is the Is'ter^ or, as it is now called, the Datirau or Dan^-yhe. If 
we follow the analogy of our own and other countries, we shall 
observe that local names very often consist of synonymous 

1 See Niebohr, Kieine Sehriften, n. p. 200 (Uber d<u JSgyptuek- 

In this and the two following sectioDS I faavo been pretty closely 
followed by Mr. G. Rawlinson in his translation of Herodotus (Vol. m. 
pp. 196 sqq.)* I mention this merely to intimate that I do not accept 
the modifications which Mr. Bawlinson has mixed up with his repetitions 
of my interpretations and criticisms. 


elements ; from which we maj infer that the earlier parts of the 
word have successively lost their significance. Thus, the words 
toicky ham, and taum, are synonjmous, though belonging to 
di£Eerent ages of our language ; and yet we have compounds 
such as Wick-ham and Hamlpyton-wick. The words wan, 
heck, and waiter, are synonymous ; and yet we find a stream in 
the north of England called Wana-beck-^ater. The words noffara 
BnApura in Sanscrit both signify " city;" but we find in India 
a city called Noff-poar. In the same way, we believe that both 
parts of the word Is-ter denote "water" or "river." The first 
part of the word is contained in the name of our own river 
ITtames, or Tam-tsiSf the upper part of which is still called the 
Is-is : the second part we shall discuss directly, in speaking of 
the third Scythian river. The other and more recent name, 
Dan-vb-iua, also contains two elements, each signifying " water" 
or "river." The latter part is found in the Gaelic ap, and 
in our Avon, &c. ; the former in most of the Scythian rivers, 
as will presently appear. 

The next river is the Por-aia or Pruth, which obviously 
contains the same root as the Greek word «7ro/>o9 and the Scy- 
thian parts. 

The third river is called by Herodotus the Tvp-iyy, and is 
now known as the Dntea-ter or Dana^ter. The latter part of 
this name is the same as the latter part of la-ter. The first 
part of the compound is the commencement of the other name of 
the la-ier. In the transcription of Herodotus, either this word 
is omitted, and the Danas-ter is mentioned merely as the Ter, 
or the last syllable of Tvp-7j^ represents the first syllable of the 
Is-ter; so that the Danube was called the Is-ter, and the Dnies- 
ter the Ter-is. It is singular that the syllables Dan-, Don-, or 
Dun-, and Ter- or Tur-, are used in the Celtic and Pelasgian 
languages respectively to signify "height," or "hill," or "hill- 
tower;" and it is to be supposed that this was the origin of their 
application to the river, which flows rapidly down firom its birth- 
place in the mountains^. 

The river Hypan-is is called, according to the Greek tran- 

^ Coleridge has, with much poetical truth» designated a cataract as 
" the Bon of the rock*' {PoeiM, Vol. ii. p. 131). 


fcription, by a name compounded of the Ctldc Apan {Awn) and 
the word w-, which we haye jnat examined. The first part of 
the word occurs also in the name of the river Hyporcaris^ which 
means the water of Carts. The root of the second part of this 
name appears in the names of the citj Car-cine^ and the riyer 
Oer-rmy which flowed into the Gar-cinitis sinus by the same 
mouth as the Hypan-is and Hypc^caris. It would also seem that 
l^e exceedingly corrupted name Pan-ticapes began originally 
with the same word : the meaning of the last three syllables is 
absolutely lost, and they will scarcely be sought in the modem 
name Ingulretz, of which we can only say that the last syllable 
represents the root w- / comp. Tana-ts, Tana^z \ 

The Greeks who dwelt near the mouth of the great river 
Borysihenes naturally pronounced the native name of the river 
in the manner most convenient to their own articulation; and 
the name, as it stands, is to all outward appearance a Greek 
word. This circumstance has deceived the ablest of modem 
geographers, who derives the first part of the word firom Hopfj^ 
or Bopia9. There is little difficulty, however, in showing that the 
name is identical with that by which the river is known at the 
present time, — the Dni&per or Dana-partSy with the last part 
of which we may compare the name Forctta or Pruth. It is well 
known that the northem Greeks were in the habit of substituting 
the medial, not only for the tenuis, but even for the aspirate; 
thus we have fivpyo^ for mipyof;, 'BepevUff for ^epofuci}, Save!]/ 
for Oaveufy and Boc-wopo^ for ^<»cr-^/M)9. Accordingly, their 
pronunciation of the word Danorparis {^Paris-^nas) would be 
Dana-harisy or, by an interchange of the two synonymous 
elements, Baris-danas^. But the Greek ear was so familiar 
with the sequence cr^-, that the sd- would inevitably fall into this 
collocation ; and» with a change of vowels, for the same purpose 
of giving the barbarous name a Gireek sound, the compound 

^ The identiileatton of the InguJretz with the Pixn-H^apes depends 
upon the position of the HyUaOy or '' woodland " distriot, which must 
hare been on the right bank of the Borysthenes, for the other tide of 
the rirer is both woodless and waterless (see Lindler Skythisnt Stuttgart, 
1841, pp. 40 sqq.) The name Ingul is borne hj another river, which may 
be identified with the Hypa-earii, 

* A similar change has token place in the name Benshuu 


would become the Hellenic form Bopvadhny;, a word which has 
hitherto eluded etymological analysis. 

The Tana^ was the most easterly of Scythian, and indeed 
of European rivers. The explanation of the name is implied in 
what has Been already stated. No difficulty can arise from the 
appearance of a tenuis instead of the medial, which generally 
appears in the first part of this name ; for the Danube, which is 
most consistently spelt with the medial, is called the TunH>ioe in 
the Niebelungen-lied (v. 6116). The Tanats seems to haye beoi 
the same river which the Cossacks still call the Donaetz or 

We find the word Danors in composition not only with the 
synonyms -&-, -4?-, Parity and Ter, but also with .fiAo-, which 
occurs in the names of the Asiatic A-ra-xeSy and in that of the 
Eha-y or Wolga. Thus, we have the -&rt-dantw in Italy, the 
Bhi'-dawiu in Prussia, the JRho^lanus in France, and the name 
'FovSov, quoted by Ptolemy. In England the name Dana 
occurs by itself as " the -Don." 

§ 11. Names of the Scythian divinities. 

Let us now pass to the names of the Scythian gods, which 
may be referred without any difficulty to the roots of the Indo- 
Grermanic family of languages. Herodotus informs us (iv. 59), 
that the names by which the Scythians designated the Greek 
divinities, 'lor/i;, ZeiJy, F^, 'AiroXXwy, Ovpauirj ^A^poBirvj, and 
HoaeiBifoPy were Ta/3iTi, IlairaJov, 'Attio, Olroavpo^, ^Aprifu- 
vraaay and SafUfuuraSa^ ; and it is clear, from his manner of 
speaking of these and the Medo-Persian divinities (i. 131), that 
he is describing one and the same elementary worship. 

*I<rrlrf, or Vesta, was the goddess of fire, as Ovid teUs us 
{Fast. VI. 291) : " nee tu aliud Vestam quam vivam intellige 
Jiammam.'' There can be no doubt why the Medo-Scythians 
called her Tabitiy when we know that in the Zend and Sanscrit 
languages the root tab- or top- signifies " to bum." Compare 
also the Latin tab-eo, tepidus, the Greek tZ^09, the German 
thau-en, the new Peraian tehideuy Sclavonian ty>lye, whence 
TiBplitZy "the hot baths," and the river Tepel at Karlsbad, 
the Oscan tefarom {Tab. Agnan. w. 17, 20), Etrusc. tephral 


(Orelli, 1384), &c. The same root may also appear in the Per- 
sian local names cited bj Zeoss {die Deutschen, p. 286), namely 
Tafiuivrf between Caramania and Parthia, Ta^idva an island 
on the coast of Persia, Tainf a city in Hyrcania, Tevrrovpol or 
Taaraipeotf people in Media and on the Imaus. 

Zcw, or Z6V9 iran^p {Ju-piter)^ was .called Haircuof; or 
"the Father^" a name by which he was known to the Latins 
also. The primary labial sounds are appropriated in all Ian- 
gnages to express the primary relation of parent and child. The 
children on whom Psammitichos tried his experiment (Herod. 
II. 2) first uttered the articulate sound B€-/ico9, apparently the 
first labial followed by the first guttural ; and in some articu- 
lations, as well as in the order of our alphabet, this is the natural 
sequence. To this spontaneous utterance of the first labials to 
designate the parental relation and the primary necessities of 
infancy, I have referred elsewhere {N, Crat. % 262) ; and it 
seems to have struck Delitsch also {laagoge^ p. 131), when he 
speaks of those nouns " qu» aboriginum instar sine verbi semine 
s})onte proYenerunt, velut IK) Dt^» primi labiales balbutientis 
pueri, Sanscr. pi-tri^ md-tri^ &c." The word TraTraib? shows us 
very clearly the connexion between the Persian and Sarmatian 
languages ; for while in the Pehlevi, as Bichardson tells us» (s. v. 
Idb) " the name h6bd or hdb is given by way of excellence to 
express fire, which they worship as Xht father and principle of all 
things,** we find Babai in Jomandes (cc. 54, 55) as the name of 
a Sarmatian king. According to Xenophon {Gyrop. viii. 8, §24) 
the Persians distinguished between Jupiter and the Sun, and he 
also speaks of separate sacrifices to Vesta and Jupiter {Gyrop. i. 
6, § 1, vii. 5, § 57). But he may veiy well have confused be- 
tween the different ingredients in this worship of fire. 

The Scythian name for the goddess of the Earth is ^Kirla. 
This word actually occurs in Greek, as the name of the country 
where the Pelasgians ruled : and the root Ap^ or Op- is of fire- 
quent occurrence both in Greece and in Italy(Buttmann*s LexiL 
8. v., and above, Ch. i. § 3). 

Ab the Scythian religion appears to have exhibited an ele- 
mentary character, we should expect that their Apollo would be 
"the god of the sun/' And this seems to be the meaning of 
his name, as cited by Herodotus. Olri-avpo^ should signify 


''the light or life of the san.^ The second part of the word 
at once refers ns to the Sanscrit s^trya, which is also implied in 
the avpiov apfm of JEschjlns {Fera. 86 ; N. Crat. § 473). The 
first two syllables may be explained as follows. After the loss 
of the digamma, the sound of w at the beginning of a word was 
often expressed by o : thus we have "Oa^ = Fa^ ; "Oo^r*?, 
with its modem equivalent el Wah ; the Persian inteijection &x 
(iEschyl. Pers. 116), which is doubtless the Greek representa- 
tive of the oriental exclamation wah; the N. Test, ovai^weh; 
and the word otarpo^f referring to the whizzing n<M«e of the 
gad-fly. Accordingly, Oir^-ovpo?, pronounced WUo-auros^ sig- 
nifies the Uita^ 0!ro9, AZaa, or life of tlie sun: comp. the 
Eussian Vite^ signifying ''a portion;" or if we prefer the 
cognate idea of light, we may compare the oira- with o^i/, 
aidiyi^ uiUaj weiaSf " white," Egypt, toit, Copt, oett, " to be white 
or brilliant," &e. As the avpiov ipfia seems to show that the 
Fersiaa son-god was sometimes known by a part of this 
Scythian name, we might be led to ask whether the Persian 
Mithras had not a representative in Scythia. Now we read not 
only that the Persians called the '^ Sun" Mithras (Strabo, p. 752: 
rip>&(n hk Toi/ ''HXaoi/, ov koKovo-i Ml0pav)y but also that the 
Persians gave the name of Miira to the heavenly Venus (Herod. 
I. 131 : hnfiefMJdriKaai 8^ mi r^ Ovpavlg Oveiv, irapd re 
^Aaavplcav fia66vTe<i teal ^Apafil(ov, /cdKiovai Bk ^Ka-avpioi rvjv 
^K^poblmiv MvXtrra, ^Apdfiioi Se^AX^rra, Hipa-ai Bk Mlrpap). 
From this it appears that the Persians had a pair of deities 
called Mithras and Mithra, and that the latter corresponded to 
the heavenly Venus. But the very dualism itself shows that she 
must have been a form of Artemis^ the sister-goddess of ApoUoy 
and therefore represented the moon. Thus Jul. Firmicus says (de 
Err, Prof, Rdig. I. c. 5: "hi itaque [Magi et Persie] Jovem in 
duas dividunt potestates, naturam ejus ad utriusque sexus trans- 
ferentes, et viri et feminsB simulacra ignis substantiam deputan- 
tes." This pair of deities seems to be implied in the dual forms 
ahuraiibya mithraMbya in the Ya^na^ which Bumouf translates 
(p. 351) : " les deux seigneurs Mithras ^" But the most important 

^ Some remarks hare been made on this passage by Mr C. Knight 
Watson, Journal of Philoloffy, i. pp. 241, 264. 


authority for the present purpose is the inscription quoted by 
Zeuss (p. 289), from Ovdii Inacr. Antiques^ p. 66. 2, whidb 
should be read: BEAI . 2EAHNHI . OITOSKTPAI . KAI . 
HAOKAMOS . NEflKOPOS • ANEe. This shows that the 
epithet of the "sun" quoted as Scythian by Herodotus (with 
the mere change of aK for cr to represent the sound sh: see 
Maskil le-Sopher^ p. 8) is applicable to the moon as well as to 
the sun, and that Apolh-Oitqsurus was also Mithras, Now we 
know that "Apre/u^ was specially worshipped by the Persians ; 
for Plutarch says (Vit Lucull. c. 24): Tiepa-ia "Xpr^fiv; fjv 
fioKurra OeSv ol iripav 'Ev^pdrov fidp/Sapoi TLfiAai^ and her 
Persian name Zapfjri^ (Hesych.) was probably connected with 
SOrya; but if she was, as this investigation has shown, also 
identical with the heavenly Venus or Mithra, we find her Greek 
name in 'ApTi/*7ra<ra, the Scythian Venus: for, as we shall 
see, 'Ap-Tt/* is best explained out of the Scythian glosses, 
as ''the virgin of the sea," and iraaa signifies ''the queen." 
The noun was probably Persian also, for Artim-pcLsa occurs 
on two inscriptions found near Tusculum and probably of 
Persian origin (Zeuss, p. 290). It is by no means clear what 
were the attributes of the celestial Venus of ftkb Sqrthians ; but 
her name thus explained corresponds exactly to the functions 
of Europa^ the broadfaced moon, and to those of the "Kprrefu^ 

The Scythian name for Neptune may be explained with 
almost demonstrable certainty. The general observations on the 
Scythian language have shown that they preferred the tenuis to 
the aspirate. The word Ba/it/Mura&s9 must therefore have been 
pronounced Tami-fMisadaa. Now, if we compare this word 
with the Scythian proper name OdcMfiCLaadae (Herod, iv. 80), 
we shall see that fnasadas must be the termination. In the 
Zend, or old Median language, Mazdas (connected with mae^ 
"great"), signifies "a god," or "object of worship." So Or- 
muzd is called Ahurormazdas, and a worshipper is termed 
Mazdayaana. Accordingly, Tamirmaaadaa must mean "a god, 
or object of worship, with regard to TamV^ When, therefore, 
we learn from Pliny, that Temamnda is equivalent to mctter 
maris, we cannot doubt that Teme, or Tam% means " the sea,** 


and that Tamt-masadas^ or ^'Neptune/' is, bj interpretation, 
" the god of the sea.'' It does not appear that the second part 
of the name Temarunda is a distinct word in itself. It seems 
more probable that it is a feminine termination, analogous to that 
of scBrende from «(B=:"sea," in the A. S. document quoted bj 
Grimm (Oeach. d. deutscA. Spr. I. p. 234), who also compares 
the name of the river T%mavu8 as explained by Strabo, v. 
p. 214. For Pliny says (vi. 7); "Scyth8B...vocant...Maeo- 
tim Temartmdam^ quo significant matrem marisJ" And as 
McufJTi^, which seems to be another form of the Zend mate 
f=matt8f is stated by Herodotus (iv. 86) to mean /iifn^/o rov 
nSpTov, it is more than probable that Temarunda is a qualifying 
epithet of McBotisy and that it denotes maritima. The word 
Tama perhaps signifies "broad water ;*^ for the river which 
is called the la-is while it is narrow, becomes the Tam-ts^^ or 
" Thames," when it begins to widen. That the name of a man 
like Octarmasadaa^ should be significant of veneration will not 
surprise those who recollect the Scythian name Spargorpisea (the 
son of Tomyris, Herod, i. 211) or Spargorpithes (a king of the 
Agathyrsi, id. iv. 78), which seems to be equivalent to the 
Sanscrit Svargorpati^ "lord of heaven" — sparga bearing the 
same relation to svarga that the Persian a^pa does to the Sanscrit 
a^va; and the Zend gpan, old Persian ^paka^ Sclavonian eabaka^ 
to the Sanscrit gvd {ffoan)^ Greek kv(ov. 

§ 12. Other Scythian Words explained. 

Leaving the names of divinities, we may turn to the scarcely 
less mythological Arimaspi, Herodotus says that they were a 
one-eyed people (jioiw6<l)daKfioi)j and that their name indicates 
as much — apifia yap iv KcCKAovat ^tcuOac, airov hk rhv o^ 
BoKfiov. Eustathius {ad Dionys. 31) gives a different division 
of the compoimd, which Hartung would transfer to the text of 
Herodotus: api fjtev yap ri hv Xfcvdcarl, fiaairb^ Sk 6 6^ 
OaXfiS^. It appears to me that Herodotus is in error respecting 
the meaning of the word, and that the true explanation is to be 
sought in the epithet imroPdfuov, which -Slschylus {Prom. 830) 
kpplies to this people : 


6(wrr6fAout yap Ziivot dxpaytU levpas 
Tpdvas ifkvXa^iy t6p rt itavptnra arpaT6vf 

olKovtruf a/jixlil pafia ItkowSvos ir6pop. 

The position of the article before /jbowSira shows that the words 
^Apifuunriv iTnro/Sdfiova are to be taken in close connexion, and 
apart from the epithet ijuowwira', and I see in this fragment of 
symbolical mythology a trace of that Hyperborean snn- worship, 
which the Pelasgians brought from Media into Greece and Italy. 
For Arim-aspcu is most naturally explained as Ahurtm-ofpa, or 
Orimrogpa^ the ** horse" or " horseman of light," thus explain- 
ing the term imrofiafifov, and the epithet fiovwi^ will refer to 
the circular disc which surmounted the head of the Sun-god, and 
80 gave rise to a belief in Cyclopean or monophthalmic deities^. 
With this view the meaning of the fable is clear. The one-eyed, 
equestrian people dwelling in the Hyperborean regions, which 
are regarded ^as the inaccessible and ever-guarded sanctuary of 
the Sun, can only represent the Sun-god himself mounted on his 
Jie9.venly courser (the aurvat a^pa^ ''cheval rapide,** of the 
Yagna: Burnouf, pp. cxxxiv. 371) ; and the Gryfon, which 

Punaet the Arimaspian, who by stealth 
Had from his wakeful oiutody purloined 
The guarded gold— ^ 

is the /eipfi-epa; or STO, which vainly seeks to prevent the 
golden light of day from being borne to the southern regions by 
the horseman of light*. In a communication read before the 
Boyal Asiatic Society in January 1851^, I have pointed out a 
similar error of Herodotus respecting the horse of Darius and his 
groom Oibarea; and I have shown that, while this last name 
refers to the verb vyabara, or the noun asbaray which must 
have occurred in the original inscription, Darius, as in his other 
inscriptions, must have referred his power not to the ingenuity of 

1 See C^irisUan Orthodoxy^ pp. 854 sqq. 

' Ariosto mixes up the horse of the Arimaspian with the Gryfon 
which pursued him, and in his jokiug way speaks of the composite 
animal as still extant in the northern regions : Orlando Fur. it. 18 : 

chiamasi Ippogrifo, 
Che ne i monti Rifei vengon, ma rari. 
» See Journal of the Royal AdoUk Society, Vol. xvi. pp. 1 — 7. 


a servant, but to the gracious help of Ahurormazda, ^'the lord 
of light,^ and his celestial steed — the Sun. In India also the 
same* figure was adopted, and there may be traces of it in the 
Greek myth of Eephalos, the beloved of Eos. '' Kephalos/^ says 
Max Miiller {Oxf. JEas. 1856, p. 53), "was the rising Sun— the 
head of light — an expression frequently used of the Sun in 
different mythologies. In the V^da, where the Sun is addressed 
as a horse, the head of the horse is an expression meaning the 
rising Sun.^ 

Another compound, which may with equal facility be referred 
to the Indo-Germanic family of languages, is the name by which 
the Scythians designated the Amazons. Ol6fyrrara, according to 
Herodotus, is equivalent to dvSpo/crovos — olbp yap fcaXiown 
rov avSpa^ to Be ward, fcrelveiv. Now oiop is clearly the 
Sanscrit vtra^ the Zend vairya^ vtra (Bumouf, Yct^na, p. 236), 
the Latin wV, Gothic vair-Sy Welsh gtvyr, and the Lithuanian 
vyras. The root jxU in Sanscrit does not signify primarily " to 
kill,'' but " to fall;" though the causative (orm pdtayati constaxdly 
means ^' he kills;" ^'i.e. ''causes to fall." It seems more pro- 
bable, however, that the Scythian articulation has substituted a 
tenuis for the t?-sound, as in the case of aparga for warga^ men- 
tioned above, and that the verb is to be sought in the common 
Sanscrit root vorfA-, "to strike," "to kill,'' "to destroy,'* Irish 

Pliny {RUt. N(xt. vi. 17) tells us that the Scythian name 
for Mount Caucasus was Oraurcasia^ i.e. nive candidtu. The 
first part of this word is clearly connected with gelu^ glaciesy 
Kpv<^, Kpv'oroKKo^f haUy cold, grau, and grey; and casta, 
" white," may be compared with caa^tus, caa-nar (senex OacO' 
rum lingua, Fest.; comp. Yarro, L. L. vn. § 29), canua, &c 

In the tract about rivers, printed among Plutarch's Frag- 
ments, we have the following Scythian words, with interpreta- 
tions annexed. He does not translate asiv^, which he describes 
as a sort of cabbage growing near the Tanais (c. xiv. § 2) : we 
may compare the word with Temarunda.' He tells us, however, 
that fipi^a/Sa means KpioO fiiranrov (c. XIV. § 4), that ^pv^ 
• is equivalent to fiurcrn'ovripo^ (c. XIV. § 5), and that apa^ sig- 
nifies fiuro7rdp0€tw (c. xxiii. § 2). Of these, /3pl^, " a ram," 
seems connected with berbex, verbix, or vervex, *'Afia is probably 


akin to caput, kapala^ haupt, &c., — the initial gattoral having 
been lost, as in amOf Sanscr. kam-. We may compare fa, 
" to hate," with the German acheu, and the syllable <l>pv (pAru) 
in if>pv-^a probably contains the element of prav-^us (comp. the 
German frevd). K this analysis of ^pv^^a is right, and if 
apor^ really means fjturo-wdpOeva^y it follows that apa means 
'* a virgin." This leads ns to some interesting deductions. In the 
first place, the Pelasgian goddess "Ap-refu^^ Etrusc. AritimtSf 
Scyth. Ar-tim-pasaf receives an appropriate explanation from the 
Scythian language. For, as we have seen, temi or tami means 
" the sea," and thus "A/o-re/uy, as " the virgin of the sea," con- 
nects herself with Europa, the broad-faced moon-goddess, who 
crossed the sea on the back of a bull (see Kenrick on Herodotus, 
II. 44, p. 71), and 8o''A|t)-T€/M9 T<wp<nr6Ko^ becomes identical with 
^Api-Oovaa, "the virgin swiftly moving," who passes under 
water from Elis to Syracuse. Again, the root of dpa, " a virgin,'' 
seems unmistakeably connected with that of 4l/)-^9i dpe-nj^ dp- 
CTfPy denoting distinctive manliness. It may be doubtful whether 
the Scythian word ivapie^j "the unmanly," (Herod. I. 105) 
is compounded of a and nrt, or of an^ and or. But it is clear 
that the root ar in the Indo-Germanic language was originally 
voTy and the Scythian olSpy as we have just seen, is the Sanscrit 
vtra. It is not at all improbable that the anlaut may have been 
dropt in the other word dpa, just as in "A^wy^, ''A/>t€/u9. At any 
rate there is no doubt as to the connexion between vir and virgo 
or virago : compare the synonyms Varro and Nero, wehren and 
nehrung; &c. The mythology of Minerva and the etjrmology 
of castus may suffice to tell us how the ideas of protection, re- 
sistance, and virginity, are combined: and it is clear that the 
two former constitute the frmdamental meaning of vir and aptf^ 
{N. Crat. § 285). 

Herodotus (iv. 52) mentions a fountain the name of which 
was tticvOurrl fih 'E^a/i7ra!b9, Kara Bk r^v *EKh]viov yK&a-aav, 
Ipol oSoL Ritter {VorhaUe, p. 345) conjectures that the ori- 
ginal form of 'Efa/*-^o?-o9 must have been Hexen-Pfad, i.e, 
Asen-P/hd, which .he compares with Siri-pad, and which de- 
notes, he thinks, the sacred ominous road by which the Cim- 
merian Buddhists travelled towards the west. Bockh {Corpus 
Inacript. II. p. Ill) supposes the right interpretation to be iwia 


oBol; 80 that i^dv is "nine." The numeral "nine'' is pre- 
served in a very mutilated state in all languages, both Semitic 
and Indo-6ermanic, and it would not be difficult to point out a 
possible explanation of the word i^av, if the reading ivpia oBol 
were really certain. But there is more reason to suppose that 
the other interpretation is correct, and that i^dp corresponds to 
the Zend cw/a, aschavauj (zahaun, aakaon, "holy/* so that the 
termination will be the Persian jpai, Zend jpate^ " a path," and 
the compound will correspond to the Persian Mah-pat, Satter- 
paty and will denote "Holy-road" or Hali-dam: cf. the Persian 
names Baryor^cuo^; and Barfa-TraTf}^ (Zeuss, p. 295). 

This examination includes all the Scythian words which haye 
come down to us with an interpretation ; and in all of them it 
has been shown that they are connected, in the signification 
assigned to them, with the roots or elements which we find in 
the Indo-Germanic languages generally, and especially in the 
Medo-Persian idioms. If we add this result of philology to the 
traditionary facts which have been recorded of the international 
relations of the Get», Scythse, Sauromat», and Medes, we must 
conclude that the inhabitants of the northern side of the Euziue, 
who were known to the Greeks under the general name of Scy- 
thians, were members of the Indo-Germanic family, and not 
Mongolians, as Niebuhr has supposed^. 

§ 13. Successive peopling of Asia and Europe : fate of the 
Mongolian race. 

The true theory with regard to the successive peopling of 
Asia and Europe seems to be the following*. Believing that 
the human race originated in the table-land of Armenia', I give 

1 KldM Sckrifien, i. p. 361. 

« The author's views are given in the New Oraiylus, (3rd Ed.) §§ 64 
sqq. and in the Tramactions of the BritUh AModatumfor 1861, pp. 138 sqq. 
See also Winning's Manual, pp. 124 sqq. and Rask, Uber das AUer und dU 
t!chtheU der Zend-Sprache, pp. 69 sqq., Hagen's Tr. And, for the affinity 
of the inhabitants of Northern Asia in particular, see Prichard on ikt 
Ethnography of High Ana (Journal of R. G. S. ix. 2, pp. 192 sqq.). 

^ The general reasons for this opinion are given in the New Cr€Uylu$, 


the name of Oeniral to the two sister-races, the Semitic and 
the Indo-GermaniCy which formed themselves in Mesopotamia 
and Ir&n, and became the twin-mothers of human civilisation, 
and the joint source and home of intellectual culture. To this 
central group, I oppose the Sporadic^ as including all those 
nations and languages which were scattered over the globe by 
the first and farthest wanderers from the birth-place of our 
race. The process of succeigsive peopling may be thus described. 
While the Indo-Germanic or Japhetic race was developing itself 
within the limits of Ir&n, and while the Semitic family was 
spreading from Mesopotamia to Arabia and Egypt, a great popu- 
lation of Tchudes, or Mongolians, Celts and Turanians, had ex- 
tended its migrations from the Arctic to the Indian Ocean, and 
from Greenland over the whole north of America, Asia, and 
Europe, even as far as Britain, France, and Spain. In propor- 
tion, however, as these Celto-Turanians were widely spread, so 
in proportion were they thinly scattered; their habits were 
nomadic, and they never formed themselves into large or power- 
ful communities. Consequently^ when the Iranians broke forth 
from their narrow limits, in compacter bodies, and with superior 
physical and intellectual organisation, they easily mastered or 
drove before them these rude barbarians of the old world; and 
in the great breadth of territory which they occupied, the Tu- 
ranians have formed only four great and independent states — 
the Mantchus in China, the Turks in Europe, and the Aztecs 
and the Peruvians in America. 

The student of ethnography must bear in mind some essential 
differences between the spread of those Sporadic tribes, which 
derived their origin from Irdn^ and to which the aboriginal po- 
pulation of Europe, Asia, and America is due, and those which 
emigrated from Mesopotamia and Arabia, and furnished a sub- 
stratum of dispersed inhabitants for Africa. For while the 
Sporadic Syro-Arabians in Africa exhibit, as we go farther from 
the center of their dispersion, a successive degeneration in the 
passage of the Aramaic languages from the Abyssinian to the 
Galla and Berber, from this again to the Caffire, from the Caffire 
to the Hottentot, and from the Hottentot to the clucking of the 
savage Bushman, and while there is no later infusion of civilized 
Semitic elements until the conquest of North Africa by the Arabs; 

D.V. 5 


on the other hand, the Celio-Tnranian tribes were oyemin or 
absorbed at a very early period hj snccessiye or parallel streams 
of Sclayonians, Lithuanians, and Saxo-Goths, flowing freely and 
freshly from the north of Lr&n; and the latest of these emigrants, 
the High-Gkrmans, found many traces of similarity in the Celtic 
tribes with which they ultimately came in contact. Whatever 
might have been the degradation of the Ugro-Turanian races in 
those regions where they were most thinly scattered, it is obvious 
that the Scythia of Herodotus, which was the highway of the 
earliest march of Indo-Grermanic migration into Europe, could 
not have been, as Niebuhr supposed, mainly peopled by a 
Tchudic or Mongolian stock. And though the name of S-coIoUb 
or Asa-Oiilatce, by which some of the ScythsB called themselves, 
may be regarded as pointing to a Celtic or Turanian intermixture, 
the great mass of the hordes which dwelt to the north of the 
Euxine must have consisted of Indo-6ermanic tribes who con- 
quered or ejected the Turanians; and I have no hesitation in 
referring these invaders, together with the Pelasgians of Greece 
and Italy, to different branches of the Sclavonian, Lithuanian, 
Saxo-Gothic, or generally Low Iranian stock. 

§ 14. The Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin. 

It has been proved that the Sarmatians belonged to the parent 
stock of the Sclavonians; and we find in the Sclavonian dialects 
ample illustrations of those general prlociples by which the Scy* 
thian languages seem to have been characterized. Making, then, 
a fresh start from this point, we shall find an amazing number of 
coincidences between the Sclavonian languages and the Felas- 
gian element of Greek and Latin: most of these have been 
pointed out elsewhere*; at present it is only necessary to call 
attention to the fact. So that, whichever way we look at it, we 
shall find new reasons for considering the Pelasgians as a branch 
of the great Sarmatian or Sclavonian race. The Thracians, 
G^tee, Scythed, and Sauromatss, were so many links in a long 
chain connecting the Pelasgians with Media; the Sauromat» 
were at least in part Sclavonians; and the Pelasgian language, 

Nwo CraJt. § 88. 

THE ^ 

§ 15.] THB ANCIENT ITALIANS. V ^^/ ^^ 

as it appeara in the oldest forms of Latin, and in certain Greek 
archaisms^ was nnqnestionablj most nearly allied to the Solavo- 
nian : we cannot, therefore, doubt that this was the origin of the 
Pelasgian people, especially as there is no evidence or argument 
to the contrary. 

§ 15. Foreign affmiies of the Umhrians, Ac. 

But, to return to Italy, who were the old inhabitants of that 
peninsula? Whom did the Pelasgians in the first instance con- 
quer or drive to the mountains? What was the origin of that 
hardy race, which, descending once more to the plain, subjugated 
Latium, founded Rome, and fixed the destiny of the world? 

The Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, or Sabines — ^for, in their 
historical appearances, we must consider them as only different 
members of the same family — ^are never mentioned as foreigners. 
We know, however, that they must have had their Transpadane 
affinities a& well as their Pelasgian rivals. It is only because 
their Celtic substratum was in Italy before the Pelasgians 
arrived there, that they are called aborigines. The difference 
between them and the Pelasgians is in effect this : in examining 
the ethnical affinities of the latter we have tradition as well 
SB comparative grammar to aid us ; whereas the establishment 
of the Umbrian pedigree depends upon philology alone. 

§ 16. Reasons for bdievinff that they were the same race as 
the Lithtianiaris, 

Among the oldest languages of the Indo-G«rmanic family 
not the least remarkable is the Lithuanian, which stands first 
among the Sclavonian dialects^, and bears a nearer resemblance 
to Sanscrit than any European idiom. It is spoken, in different 
dialects, by people who live around the south-east comer of the 
Baltic. One branch of this language is the old Prussian, which 
used to be indigenous in the Sam-land or " Fen-country" be- 
tween the Memel and the Pregel, along the shore of the Gurische 

1 See Pott, Et, Foneh^ i. p. zxxiii, and hiB ComtnenicUio de Banuto- 
IMuamecB torn in Slavici$ quam LettieU Unguis prindpatu, Halis Saxonam, 



Saf^ and the Lithuanians are often called Samo-Chtm or '' Fen- 
Goths." Other writers have pointed ont the numerous and strik* 
ing coincidences between the people who spoke this language and 
the Italian aborigines ^ Thus the connexion between the Sabine 
0ure8^ Quirtmi8j Qutrttes, &c. and the old Prussian names Cures, 
Cour-land, Curtscke Saf, &c. has been remarked ; it has been 
shown that the wolf (AtVpu«), which was an object of mjstic 
reverence among the Sabines, and was connected with manj of 
their ceremonies and some of their legends, is also regarded 
as ominous of good luck among the Lettons and Courlanders; the 
Sabine legend of the rape of the virgins, in the early history of 
Bome, was invented to explain their marriage ceremonies, which 
are still preserved among the Courlanders and Lithuanians, where 
the bride is carried off from her father's house with an appear- 
ance of force; even the immortal name of Bome is found in the 
Prussian Bomaioo; and the connexion of the words Boma^ 
BomultLBf ruma lupce^ and ruminalU ficuA^ is explained by the 
Lithuanian raumu^ gen. raumens^ signifying "a dug" or "udder^*" 

1 Perhaps the oldest obsenration of this affinity is that whidi is 
quoted by Pott (GomiiMntofto» i. p. 6)9 from a work published at Leyden 
in 1642 by Miohalo Lituanus («n rtip. Pol. ioe. p. 246) : ^ nos Lithvani 
ex Italico sanguine oriundi sumus, qood ita esse liquet ex nostro sennone 
semi-latino et ex ritibus Bomanorum Tetustis, qui non ita pridem i^ud 
nos desiere,' &c. Etenim et ignis (Lith. ugnis f.) et unda (wandu ni.)f 
aer (unu), 9ol («dti/l) . . . imiim (wihuu) . . • et pleraque alia, idem significant 
Lithnano sermone quod et Latino." 

* See Festus, pp. 266—8, Mailer; and Pott, EtymoL Fone^. n. p. 28S. 
According to this etymology, the name Ramamu ultimately identifies it> 
self with the ethnical denomination Hirpinua. The derivation of the 
word Roma is, after all, Tery uncertain; and there are many who might 
prefer to connect it with Oroma, the name given to the forum, or point 
of intersection of the main streets in the original Roma quadrata, which 
was also, by a very significant augury, called mundu$ (see Festus, p. 266; 
Dionys. i. 88; Bunsen, Buehrmb. d. Stadi Rom. m. p. 81; and l>eIow, 
. Gh. vn. $ 6). The word groma or grumes, however, is not without its 
Lithuanian affinities. I cannot agree with MQlIer (Etrtuk n. p. 152), 
Pott (Etym. Foneh. n. 101), and Benfey (WurzeLLexicofh n. p. 143), 
who follow the old grammarians, and connect this word with the Greek 
yvoSfia, yif^fuf, yimftmp I it is much more reasonable to suppose^ with 
Klenie (AhkandL p. 135, note), that it is a genuine Latin term; and I 
would suggest that it may be connected with grumus^ Lithuan. Mswa^ 


Besides these^ a great number of words and forms of words in the 
Sabine language are explicable most readily from a comparison 
with the Lithuanian; and the general impression which these 
arguments leave upon our mind is, that the Latins and Sabines 
were of the same race as the Lithuanians or old Prussians. A 
special argument is furnished bj the scanty remnants of the Mes* 
aapian or lapygian language, which was spoken in the south 
eastern comer of Italy. For this fragmentary language, lying 
beyond the reach of any influences except that of the Greek 
colonists, into whose idiom it was rapidly absorbed, may be 
regarded as a pure remnant of the old Italian. Now it is re- 
markable that the few Messapian words, which have come down 
to us with an explanation of their meaning, admit of more direct 
comparison with the Lithuanian, as a German-Sclayonic lan- 
guage, than with any other. . Thus we are told that ^pipBo^ or 
fiphrriov was Messapian for ^'a stag'* or ''a stag's head" 
(Hesych. s. v. ; Etym. M. s. v. Bpevnia-iov ; Steph. Byz, s. v. ; 
Strabo, VI. 3, 6, &c.), and in Lithuanian br^is is " the elk," or, 
in some districts, ^'the stag;" iravi^ is the Messapian for 
** bread" (Athen. ill. p. Ill c), soidjfinas is the Lithuanian for 
*'food;" fiavpia means "a house" {JEtym. M. p. 389, 24), and 
this reappears in the low German hur^ bauer^ English ^' bower," 
Lith. hur-wcdhan^ "a yard;" fiUrfiri means 9kfaix vinitoria or 
"vine-dresser's knife" (Hesych. s. v.), and fiurfiala is rendered 
KXaSeuTrfpla, and this root has a very Lithuanian or Sclavonic 
sound* The inflexions, as far as they can be ascertained, ob- 
viously belong to the Indo-Germanic forms of declension; for 
example, the genitive singular in -at%« or -iht corresponds to the 
Sanscrit -asya, Greek ^ou> = "ocio, and the Lithuanian -$ proba- 
bly for •Hiha. 

Lettish kraut : comp. jtp«/ta^, /cX«»/mi{, globui^ gldxif &c. The name may 
iuiTe been giren to the point of iatersection of the main via and limea, 
because a heap of stones was there erected as a mark (cf. Gharis. i. 
p. 19). Eren in our day it is common to mark the junction of several 
roads by a cross, an obelisk, or some other erection ; to which the grumus, 
or " barrow,** was the first rude approximation. If so. It may still be 
connected with rttfiia;*ju8t as fuurr6s signifies both " a hillock*' and ^'a 
breast;" and the omission of the initial^ before a liquid is very com- 
mon in Latin, comp. ncurro with yv»piC»f no9co with yiyywo-Ko», and norma 
with ypttpifioff. 


§ 17. Further c(mjirmatdon Jrom etymology. 

Let us add to this comparison one feature wUcli has not yet 
been observed. The Lithuanians were not only called by this 
name*, which involves both the aspirated dental th and the vo- 
calized labial w, but also by the names Ltvonian and Lettoniany 
which omit respectively one or other of these articulations. Now 
it has been mentioned before, that the name of the Latins ex- 
hibits the same phenomenon; for as they were called both Latins 
and Lavinea, it follows that their original name must have been 
Latumtans, which is only another way of spelling and pro- 
nouncing Liihuanxans. If, therefore, the warrior-tribe, which 
descended upon Latium from Eeate and conquered the Felasgians, 
gave their name to the country, we see that these aborigines were 
actually called Lithuanians; and it has been shown that they and 
the Sabines were virtually the same stock. Consequently, the 
old Prussians brought even their name into Italy. And what 
does this name signify? Simply, "freemen*;" for the root 
signifying " free," in all the European languages consisted of ?- 
and a combination of dental and labial, with, of course, a vowel 
interposed. In most languages t!ie labial is vocalized into u, and 
prefixed to the dental; as in Greek i-T^jeude-po^y Lithuan. Uau- 
disy Germ, leute^ &c.* In the Latin liber the labial alone re- 

1 The known forms of the name are Lihva^ Lietwwa^ LUaiuen, Liekt- 
wininka$t Acr/3oi» Lethowini^ Lituini, Letwinif Lethuini, LeUowiiy JAtwam, 
Letihones, and Letthu 

9 By a singular change, the name of the kindred SclavonianB, which 
in the oldest remains of the language signifies either ** celebrated," ^ illua- 
trious" (from flava^ "glory," root pZu, Sanscr. fru^ Gr.jcXw-: see 'Safarik, 
and Palacky's ^lUst. Denhm, der Bohm, iSjpr. pp. 63» 140), or <* intelli- 
gibly speaking,** as opposed to barbarian (from slave, ** a word "), has 
furnished the modem designation of " a slave," esdavet schiavo. The 
Bulgarians, whom Qibbon classes with the Sclavonians (vn. p. 279, ed. 
Milman), hare been still more unfortunate in the secondary application 
of their name (Gibbon, x. p. 177). 

< Dr. Latham says (Qermania of TacUuSf Epilegom. p. cxi) : ^ the 
root L-t = people is German (X^ute), yet no one argues that the Xa<-tfit, 
Lith-^MnianSf and a host of other populations, must, for that reason, be 
German." If the people called themselves by this name, it may be 


§ 18. Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavoniam and 
Lithiuinians in Italy and elsewhere. 

The name of the Unibrians, the most northerly of the indi- 
genous Italians, leads to some other considerations of great im- 
portance. It can scarcely be doubted that in their northern as 
well as their southern settlements the Lithuanians were a good 
deal intermixed with Celto-Finnish ti*ibes in the first instance, 
and subjected to Sclavonian influences afterwards. That this was 
the case with the Lithuanians, we learn from their authentic and 
comparatively modem history. The proper names cited by Zeuss 
(p. 229) show that there was a Celtic ingredient in the popula- 
tion of Rsetia and Noricum. It appears, too, that in Italy there 
was a substratum of Celts before the Lithuanians arrived there; 
this is expressly recorded of the Umbrians by M. Antonius and 
Bocchus (opttrf Solin. c. 2) and by Servius {ad Verff. JEneid. xir. 
753), and the fact is clearly indicated by the name of the country, 
Umbriay and its principal river Umbro. If the oldest inhabit- 
ants of this country were Celtic, they must have been an offshoot 
of the Celtic race which occupied the contiguous district of Ligu- 
ria*. Now not only are the Ambrones said to have been a Celtic 
race {Ambrones y says Festus, fuerunt gens qumdam OaUica)^ 
but this was also the generic name of die ligurians (<r^9 70^ 
auTov<i o&ret>9 ovojia^owrL Kara yevty; A^/i/e9, Plut. Vit. Mariif 
c XIX.). Whatever weight we may attach to the statement in 
Festus, that they were driven from their original settlements by 
an inundation of the sea, we cannot fail to see the resemblance 

£ur]y infeired that it was to thorn a Bignifioant term, and may therefore 
be taken as a mark of affinity : no Indo-Germanio philologer will deny 
that the Lithuanians and Germans were cognate races. 

^ Mr. Ellis, who maintains (Ccntributions to the Ethnography of Italy 
and Ghreece, Lend. 1858) that the Aboriginal Italians were chiefly Celtic, 
bat partly Finnish, and allows that the Umbrians were Celtic, contends 
that the Ligurians (pp. 18 sqq.) were a branch of the Finns, and sup- 
ports bis opinion by referring bodincus or bodencua to the Lapp<mic 
tcfiiod(o-w) anek ^/undo earena, I hare used the compounds Celto-Fin* 
nish and Celto-Turanian to indicate the mixture of these ethnic elements 
in the early population of Europe, and I do not deny that there may 
have been Finnish ingredients in the Ligurian race ; but I think that 
the reasoofl giren in the text prore that they were nuunly Celtie. 


between the name of the Amironea and that of the river Vinbro; 
and no Englishman is ignorant that the North-tmbriana are so 
called with refereDce to an Ymbra-land through which the river 
Sumber flowed. Dr. Latham {Tac. Oerman. Epilegom. p. ex) has 
suggested a connexion between a number of different tribes which 
bore names more or less resembling this, and he thinks that there 
is some reference in this name to the settlement of the race 
bearing it near the lower part of some river. Thus the -4«i- 
hrones seem to have been on the Lower Bhine, the Urnbri on the 
Lower Po, the Gumbriana of Cumberland on the Solway, and 
the Gambrimi and Si-^ambri on the Lower Rhine. Dr. Latham 
also conjectures that Humber xel9,j be the Gallic and east British 
form of the Welsh Aber and the Gaelic Inver = " mouth of a 
river.'* It appears to me that the Sigambri and Gambrimi 
belonged to a German, not to a Celtic stock, and I am disposed 
to refer the name of Cumber-land to the form Cymmry. It is of 
course quite possible that the words Cymmry^ XJambrian, Cumr 
briauy Cimbri, Cimmerii, Gomer^ &c. bear the same relation to 
Sumher, Umbro, AmhroneSy that cubi does to vhi, hdmaydmi to 
amOy Ghannibal to ^Avpvfia^y and the like ; and so Humber and 
Cumber might be different pronunciations of the same name. But 
I do not think it reasonable to suppose that Humber or Umbro is a 
dialectical variety of Aber or Inver. It can hardly be doubted 
that the name of Umbria points to a continuous population of 
Ligurians or Ambranes extending from the Cottian Alps to the 
Tiber; and there is every reason to believe that this was only 
part of a Celtic population which occupied originally the three 
peninsulas of Greece, Italy, and Spain, together with the great 
islands of Britain, Ireland, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. In 
Italy the Ligurians and Umbrians stand side by side, and it is 
only in the coimtry occupied by the latter that we have the 
river, which gives a name to the people. But the Lech, in the 
originally Celtic district of Bavaria, contains the same root as the 
name Of the Ligyea or Ldegea, In France we have the Lig-er or 
Loire, i.e. "the great river," by the side of the Qur-umna or 
Garonne, which combines the Gaelic Gar, found in Garry^ 
Garry-owen, &c. with the other word amhainn, amhna, Umbro, 
And as the Lhegrians^ or Britons of the south and east in this 
island, are identified with the Gauls of northern France, it was 


elsewhere {Cambridge Essays, 1856, p. 35) suggested that the 
Cumhrians or Humbrians, i. e. the older branch of the Celtic 
stock, occupied in prehistorical times an area extending from the 
isles of Britain to the east coast of Italy, and were intruded 
upon by the kindred race of Leleges, Ligyes, Ligurians, Lige- 
rians, or Lloegrians, who established their line of occupation from 
this Humber-land of England across France to the Alps, the 
Tyrol, and the seaboard of Genoa, and who also found their 
way to the southern regions of Italy and Greece, probably by 
the western coast of the former peninsula. The first inhabitants 
of Spain and Sicily are called Iberians by every ancient writer, 
and they are identified with the Sicanians ; and Philistus must 
haye referred to these when he said that the Sicilians were Li- 
gurians who had been driren southwards by the Umbrians and 
Pelasgians (Dionys. Hal. i. 22), meaning of course the Low- 
German and Sclavonian tribes, who subsequently occupied north 
Italy. With regard to Greece, there is no reason why the 
Leleges, whom we have other grounds for considering as Celtic, 
should not be regarded as exhibiting the name of the Ligyes 
with that reduplication of the initial 2- which is so universal in 
Welsh ^ 

1 ProfesBor F. W. Newman, in his little work entitled Regai BotnSf 
maintains that the old languages of Italy, especially the Umbrian and 
Sabine, contaiaed a striking predominance of Celtic ingredients, and he 
wishes to show that this is still evident eren in the Latin of Cicero. 
His proof rests on Tocabularies (pp. 19 — 26), especially in regard to the 
military, political, and religious words, which he supposes that the 
Romans deriyed from the Sabines (p. 61). With regard to these lists 
I have to ohsenre, that while all that is ralid in the comparison merely 
gires the Indo^Oermanic affinities of the Celtic languages — a £sct beyond 
dispute — Mr. Newman- has taken no pains to discriminate between the 
marks of an original identity of root, and those words which the Celts 
of Britain derived from their Roman conquerors. In general» Mr. New. 
man's philology is neither solid nor soientiflc. It is not at all creditable 
to a professed student of languages to compare the participial word 
eUens (eUe-nt^) with the Gaelic c^onn, damns, " children." If anything 
is certain about the former» it is clear that it contains the verb-root eli- 
or elu- with a merely formative termination in nt, which does not belong 
to the root. Agun, when every one knows the Latin meaning of tru 
pudium, referring to the triple ictus, what is the use of deriving it 
from the Gaelic tir, *'earth,'' and put, '< to push"? If ^r.t[<>s with a 


§ 19. The SarmatcB probably a branch of the Lithuanian 


If it is necessary to go one step feurther, and identify this 
Lithuanian race with some one of the tribes which form so many 
links of the chain between Media and Thrace, it would be only 
reasonable to select the SauromatcB, whose name receives its in- 
terpretation from the Lithuanian language {Szaure-Matent, i.e. 
"Northern Medes*'). The Sauromatae and the Scyth» were 
undoubtedly kindred tribes; but still there were some marked 
differences between them, insomuch that Herodotus reckons the 
Sarmat» as a separate nation. Between the Pelasgians and the 
Umbrians, &c. there existed the same affinities, with similar dif- 
ferences ; and the fairest conclusion seems to be this, that as the 
Latins or Lithuanians were a combination of Gothic and Sclavo- 
nian ingredients, so were the Sauromatae; that as the indigenous 
tribes of Italy were pure Gothic, mized with Celtic, so were the 
Scythae or Asa^Goths. At the same time it must be remarked, 
that the term Sarmatian has a wider as well as a narrower signi- 
fication. In its more extended meaning it is synonymous with 
Sclavonian, and therefore includes the Pelasgians. In its nar- 
rower use, it is expressive of that admixture of Sclavonian and 
Low-German elements which characterizes the Lithuanian or 
Samo-Q^tic languages, and in which the Sclavonian is so predo- 
minant that the Gothic element is almost overpowered. Revert- 
ing to the Asiatic settlements of these races, we may say, as 
we pass firom west to east across the northern frontiers of the 
plateau of Irto, that the true Sclavonians extended fix)m the 
borders of Assyria to those of Hyrcania and Parthia; that they 
there abutted on the debateable land or oscillating boundary-line 
between the Sclavonian and Gothic races, and so became Massa- 

regular Indo-Germanic ending, is naturally derived from qtdris, "a Bpear,** 
what miserable etymology it b to compare the former with curaidh^ 
**a champion/' from eur^ "power," and the latter with cotr, "just, 
honourable, ift>ble." And all regard for simple reasoning is neglected 
by a writer, who analyzes au^r = aviger into the Gaulish auea, " a bird,* 
and the Welsh cur, "care." 


Get» or lithnaniaTifl ; and that the Sacse, Saxons, or genuine 
Gothic and Low-German tribes, the Daci, Danes, and Northmen 
of Europe, occupied Sogdiana to the banks of the laxartes. K 
we suppose, what we have a right to suppose, that this line was 
preserved as the march of emigration wheeled round the north of 
the Caspian — the Sclavonians to the left, the Lithuanians in the 
center, and the pure Goths to the right, — ^we shall have a simple 
explanation of all the facts in the ethnography of eastern Europe. 
For these are still the relative positions of the different races. 
The right wing becomes in the course of this geographical evolu- 
tion the most northerly or the most westerly, while the left wing 
or pivot of the movement becomes most southerly or most easterly, 
and the center remains between the two. Thus the pure Low-* 
Germans and the Lithuanians never come into Greece, which 
is peopled by the Sclavonians. The Lithuanians and Sclavonians 
are mingled in Italy. But although, as we shall see, a branch of 
the pure Gothic race invaded that peninsula, it felt, to the end of 
its early histoiy, that it had approached a distinct line of de- 
marcation wherever it touched, without Lithuanian intervention, 
on the borders of pure Sclavonism. 

§ 20. Gothic or Low-Oerman affinities of the ancient 
Etruscans shoum by their ethnographic opposition to the 

This brings us to the crowning problem in Italian ethnogra- 
phy, — ^the establishment of the foreign affinities of the ancient 
Etruscans. Wherever the advancing tide of Sclavonian emigra- 
tion came to a check before the established settlements of a 
purely Gothic or Low-German tribe, wherever, consequently, 
the Sclavonians felt a need for a distinctive appellation, we find 
that they called themselves Serhs^ Sorbs^ or Servians^ a name 
apparently denoting their agricultural habits, or else Slow^'ansj 
8low-jene, or Sclavonian^ a name implying, according to the 
most recent interpretation, that they opposed their own language 
as intelligible to the foreign jargon of their neighbours. By 
these names they were known in the distant lands to which the 
wars of the ninth and tenth centuries transported them as cap- 
tives; and as a foreign and barbarous slave was a Scythian in the 
older days of Athens, a Davus or Dacian and a Oeta or Ooih 


in the later comedies, so all prisoners were called indiffisrentlj 
Slave or Syrfy a circumstance which proves the identify and 
prevalence of these national designations. But while these were 
the names which the Sclavonians assumed on their own western 
boundary-lines, and by which they were known in foreign coun- 
tries, they received the name of Wende, Wtniden, O. H. G. 
Winidd, A.-S. Veanodaa, from the Gk)thic tribes on whom they 
immediately abutted. By this name, or that of FinnSy which is 
merely a different pronunciation, the Groths of the north desig- 
nated their eastern neighbours, whether of Sclavonian or Turanian 
race. By this name the Saxons distinguished the Sclavonians in 
Lusatia. The traveller's song in the Codex Exoniensta expressly 
opposes the Ooihs to the Wineda wherever found; "I was," 
says the author (w. 113 sqq.), "with Huns and with Hreth- 
Goths, with Swedes and with South-Danes, with Wends I was 
and with Waems, and with Wikings, with Oefihs I was and with 
Wineda.^^ Although the strong but narrow stream of High-Grer- 
man conquest disturbed the continuous frontier of the Sclavonian 
and Low-German tribes, we find, as late as Charlemagne's time, 
that Sclavonians were recognized in central Germany under the 
designations of Mcnnvrwinidi djii, RaJtanz-vnnidi^ from the names 
of the rivers which formed their geographical limits. The same 
denomination was applied in much earlier times to the Sclavo- 
nians settled in Bavaria, who were called the Vinde-liciy or 
Wineda settled on the Licua or Lech^. Farther east on the 
Danube the March-field furnished another boundary to the Scla- 
vonians, whose city there was called Vind-a-honum. We must of 
course admit the same term in the name of the Veneti at the 

^ We have a sort of indirect testimony to the Sclavonic affinities 
of the Yindelici in the immemorial practice of carrying the axe, which 
excited the attention of Horace (ir. Carm, iv. 18); 

Yindelici, qnibns 
Mob undo deductos per omne 
Tempus Amazonia securi 
Dextras obarmet, qnsrere distoli 
Nee scire fas est omnia. 
For there can be little doubt that the weapon referred to was the 
trayapig used by the Scythians (Herod, i. 216, it. 5, yu. 64) and other* 
tribes more or less easily traceable to a Sclayonian stock. 


head of the Adriatic. And thus we trace this difitinctive appel- 
lation from Scandinavia to the north of Italy, in a line nearly 
corresponding to the parallel of longitude. The ethnographic 
importance of the name Wined can scarcely he overrated: for it ' 
not only tells us that the trihes to the east of the line upon 
which it is found were generally pure Sclavonian, but it tells us 
as plainly that the tribes to the west, who imposed the name, were 
equally pure branches of the Gothic, Saxon, or Low-German 
race. Indeed, the latter fact is more certain than the former. 
For if, as I believe, the term Wined merely indicates, in the 
mouth of a Low-German, the end or wend-^iat of his distinctive 
territory, our inference must be that whatever the Wineds were, 
they indicated the boundary-line of some branch of the Gothic 
race. Now we have such a boundary line in Bavaria; therefore 
the Bcetiana who faced the Vindelici or Lech-Wineds were 
Low-Germans. We have a similar line in the north of Italy; 
therefore there must have been Low-Germans in opposition and 
contiguily at the western frontier of the Veneti or Wineds on the 
Po. But we have seen that the Etruscans, properly so called, 
were Bcetians, who at one time occupied a continuous area 
stretching from western Grermany across the Tyrol into the plains 
of Lombardy. It follows therefore, as an ethnographical fSstct, 
that the Etruscans must have been a Low-German, Gothic, or 
Saxon tribe. 

§ 21. Beaeans for comparing the old Mruscan toith th^ 
Old Norse. 

These combinations would be sufficient» if we had nothing 
else, to establish primd foicie the Gothic affinities of the old 
Etruscans. But they are only the first step in a cumulative 
series of arguments, which, when complete, raises our conclu- 
sion to the rank of a philological demonstration. Some of the 
details must be reserved for the chapter on the Etruscan lan- 
guage; but the general effect of the reasoning shall be given here. 

If the ancient Etruscans were Low-Germans, they must 
present the most striking marks of resemblance when they are 
compared with the oldest and least alloyed branches of that 
family. In the center of Europe the Low-German element was 
absorbed by the High-German, and the latter became a qualifying 


ingredient in all the Teutonic tribes of the mainland, who w^e 
not similarlj aflfected by Sclavonism. As I have elsewhere sug- 
gested {New OraL § 78), the Lithuanians were Low-Grermans 
thoroughly Sclavonized; the Saxons or Ingcsvcma were Low- 
Germans untainted by Sclavonism, and but slightly influenced by 
High-Germanism ; the Franks or Iscoevonea were Low-Germans 
over whom the High-Germans had exercised considerable control; 
and the Thuringians or Herminones were pure High-Gfermans, in 
the full vigour of their active opposition to the tribes among 
which they had settled. For Low-German unaffected by any 
qualifying element we must go to the Scandinavian or Nar$e 
branch of the race, which contains the Danish, Swedish, Nor- 
wegian, Faroic, and Icelandic tribes. The oldest or standard 
form of the languages spoken by these tribes is the Old Norse or 
Icelandic, which not only exists as a spoken tongue, but is also 
found in a very flourishing and ancient literature. The present 
inhabitants of Iceland trace their descent from emigrants who 
settled there in the ninth century; and, from circumstances con- 
nected with their isolated position, the language has remained the 
unaltered representative of the oldest known form of Scandinavian 
or pure Gothic. It is therefore with this Old Norse or Icelandic, 
the language of the Sagas and Runes, that we must compare 
the old Etruscan, if we wish to approximate to the common 
mother of both, on the hypothesis that they are both traceable to 
the sajne stock. But the reader must from the first be guarded 
against the ridiculous idea that I identify the Etruscan with 
the Icelandic^. The proposition which I maintain is this: that 

1 In spite of this distinct caution, which stands now as it did in 
the last edition, some persons have been careless or disingenuous enough 
to assert that I propose to regard the old Etruscan as a dialect of the 
Old Norse, and therefore, by presumption at least, as admitting of easy 
tind complete interpretation. This is the only meaning which can be 
attached to Bunsen's flippant and puerile objection {CkrManity and 
Mankind^ Vol. m. p. 85, note) : ** we do not know Etruscan, but we do 
know Icelandic." And it is probably this misrepresentation that has 
induced an anonymous and ill-informed critic to say {BmUe^t QtMrterly 
RevieWf i. p. 52) : '* a philologist who belioTes, or believed, that the 
Etruscans spoke a dialect of Korse, deserves to be plaoed in the same 
category with the late Sir W. Betham, who beliered that they spoke 


the Icelandic in the nncoltiyated north represents in the ninth 
centciiy of onr »ra the language of a race of men, who might 
have claimed a common pedigree with those Baeto-Etmscans of the 
south, who became partakers in the Pelasgian civilisation about 
1600 years before that epoch. Moreover the Icelandic or Old 
Norse remains pure to the last, whereas the Etruscan is from the 
first alloyed by an interpenetration of Umbrian and Pelasgian 
ingredients. Consequently, it will justify all our reasonable ex- 
pectations, if we find clear traces of the Old Norse in the distinc- 
tive designations of the Etruscans, that is, in those names which 
they imported into Italy, and if we can make the Scandinavian 

pare Irish." To a reader of this hook such reckless misrepresentations 
expose their own ignorance or dishonesty. When Bunsen adds a refer- 
ence to Dr. Freund's strictures upon me in a paper read before the 
Ethnological Society (in April, 1858), he is not ashamed to suppress 
the fact that I answered those strictures in a subsequent paper read 
before the same Society (in January, 1854), and proved that Freund's 
objections were utterly insignificant and invalid. In a subsequent note 
(p. 89) Bunsen is careful to advertize Dr. Freund's Latin- English Dic- 
tionary, which has never appeared, and his expedition to Bsetia, at the 
expense of the Royal Academy of Berlin, from which the learned world 
has not as yet derived any benefit. Scholars have learned to estimate 
at their proper value Bunsen's indiscriminate encomiums on his own 
countrymen. For to say nothing of his undisguished wish on all occa- 
sions to praise Germans at the expense of Englishmen, Bunsen is really 
qmte incompetent to pronounce a judicial opinion on any questioi^ con- 
nected with philology. Thus, besides the misinterpretation involved in 
the passage quoted above, it presumes a strange confusion of mind. For 
what would Bunsen himself say, if any one were to object to his theory 
that the language of the Targum and the Pcshito is a form of the same 
language as that which has been recognized in the cuneiform inscriptions 
of Babylonia, by saying that '' we do not know old Babylonian, but we 
do know Chaldee and Syriac"? Then, what is to be said of the critical 
discernment of a man, who after talking of a theory as a bad joke and 
an anaofaronism, immediately after publishes a report on the subject by 
Aufrecht, in which that theory is to all intents and purposes maintained? 
That Bunsen is a mere dabbler in philology and has yet to learn the 
first principles of linguistic analysis, is clear from his comparisons of the 
Egyptian ar with the English arey Anglo- Saxon aron^ original form <ueni: 
ofatUj "1 am," with av- in avT6si and of tm with both <?y=€-<$irr-( = e-Mnt-« 
and unttf / (JEgypterh i* p* 350). He repeats some of these absurdities 
in his Chrittianity and Mankind, nr. p. 187, though they were pointed 
out to him many years ago (Quarterly RwUw, No. olv. p. 154). 


langtUkges directly available for the explanation of such of their 
words and phrases as are clearly alien from the other old idioms 
of Italy. This, and more than this, I shall be able to do. 

§ 22. Teutonic peculiaritiea cf the ancient Etruecane. 

In comparing the old Etroscans with a branch of the Teu- 
tonic race, the first step will naturally be to ask whether the 
distinctive habits and peculiarities of the Rasenic invaders of 
northern Italy corresponded with those of the Scandinavians in 
question. If we take even what we know of the physical cha- 
racteristics of the Etruscans, we shall see that we have a race 
more like the Grothic tribes of the north than the Italians, with 
whom they stand in immediate contact ^'The Etruscans," 
says Mommsen^, '' present the most striking contrasts to the 
Latin and Sabellian Italians, as well as to the Greeks. Their 
very bodily structure would be sufficient to distinguish them 
from the other two nations. Instead of the symmetrical slender- 
ness of the Greeks and Italians, the* sculptures of the Etruscans 
show us short, sturdy figures, with large heads and thick arms. 
Their manners and customs, so &r as we are acquainted with 
them, as clearly prove them to be a people originally quite 
distinct from the Grseco-Italian races." In the days of Ca- 
tullus *, and even of Virgil", the obesity of the Tuscans was 
their distinctive peculiarity. And this, as is well known, to- 
gether with the broad» short figure so remarkable in the Tuscan 
monuments, is equally observable in the legendary Scandina- 
vians and their modem representatives. A nation, which sings 
the praises of little but doughty champions, who conquered 
gigantic opponents, is generally found to combine strength and 
pugnacity with a stature conspicuously shorter than that of the 
conterminous tribes. The Boa^ Basena, or "Runners," were, 
we may depend upon it, a race of sturdy, active, nimble little 
men, like their representative the giant-killer of the nursery 
tales, with his seven-leagued boots and his sword of sharpness. 

1 Hktory of Rome (Introd. tr. by Robertson, p. 52). 

' xxxYU. (xxxix.) 11: ^ aut parcus Umber aut obesus Etniscos.** 

> OeargieOy n. 193: ''inflant cum pingois ebur Tyrrhenus ad ans." 


Tages, the dwarf, who rose from the ground at Tarquinii and 
Qonvejed to the Etruscans their knowledge of divination, is one 
of the wonderful little men, who appear in the Old Norse stories'. 
The duodenary system of the Etruscans reappears in the old 
Saxon or Gothic form of government*. The most striking in- 
stance, however, of the Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient 
Etruscans is furnished by the correspondence between the Tus- 
can combat of gladiators and the ffSlm-gdnga^ i. e. the duel or 
monomachy of the Scandinavians. It is generally admitted 
that the gladiatorial exhibitions at Rome originated in Etruria', 
and that they belonged at first to the fiineral solemnities of the 
country. Indeed there is no representation More common on the 
better class of Etruscan Monuments than that of the gladiatorial 
combat round the altar sacred to the tomb of the deceased ; and 
we must refer to this class even the group supposed to represent 
Echetlus at the battle of Marathon, which is of frequent occur- 
rence, and which appears to me to be only a particular modi- 
fication of a cohtest analogous to that of the retiarwa. The 
custom of sacrificing prisoners of war at the tomb of a departed 
warrior is connected with the fraditions of the Trojan war. 
Such a sacrifice takes place at the fhneral of Patroclus^, and 
Achilles himself is appeased l|y the sacrifice of the Trojan 
princess Polyxena*. The ancient Greeks, like the ancient Etrus- 
cans, were mixed Up with Pelasgians, and both nations were 
thus placed in the channel of direct communication with the 
Phoenicians, who influenced the religion and usages of all the 
Pelasgian tribes. Now we know that the funeral sacrifices of 
the old Italians had reference to the worship of Kronos or 
8(Uumu8y the subterraneous God, who fed on his own children ; 
and the gladiatorial games inhere especially exhibited at the 
Saturnalia. On a tonlb copied by Bonarota {Dempatery Vol. III. 

* Niebuhr, H. R. i. p. 1S9. 

' Maiden, H. B, p. 90» and the passage from Tamcr^s Anglo-Saxom 
quoted by him (both passages are giren by Mr Ellis, JtmrnoL of PhUo- 
loffy, n. p. 179). 

< Nicol. Damasc. ap, Athen. iv. 39» p. 153 F ; Tortull. Speet. c. 5. 

4 Horn. H. xim, 175 sqq. 

A The story is gfyen in the Heduba of Euripides. 

D.V. 6 


pi. 25) the deyouring deitj is represented as waiting for his 
gladiatorial prej. But Satumua is the Phoenician Molochj in 
whose worship the sacrifice of human victims took its rise\ 
Accordingly the practice of offering up human victims must 
have been derived by the ancient Greeks and Italians, through 
the Pelasgian ingredient in their composition, from the Phosni- 
cian and other Syrian tribes, who trafficked with the coasts of 
the Mediterranean. While, however, these nations and their 
pure descendants, the Carthaginians, retained this inhuman 
practice in its original and unmitigated form, the Greeks soon 
shook off this barbarous worship, and found various substitutes, 
of which the interrupted sacrifice of Iphigenia is a mythical 
representation*. The Rasena on the other hand, with rude war- 
like instincts, and with the practice of the Hdlm-^dnga already 
established among them, were naturally led to pit the captives 
destined for sacrifice to fight against one another; and, instead 
of slaying them in cold blood, to make them become both sacri- 
ficers and victims in the funeral solemnity. Under peculiar cir- 
cumstances the old eastern ferocity was retained, as when the 
Tarquinians, in the year A.U.C. 397, sacrificed in cold blood 
307 Boman prisoners of war to the Sun-God or God of the year, 
as the number of thc.victims seems to show'. At private fune- 
rals, however, the fight of gladiators invariably took the place of 
the human sacrifice. Servius* attribates the origin of this sub- 
stitution to the funeral of Junius Brutus ; but he seems to con- 
fuse between the origin of the practice, and the first beginning of 
a public exhibition or munus of gladiators, in which the amuse- 
ment of the people was combined with the honours due to the 
dead. This appearance of the Hdlm-gdnga^ instead of the cold- 
blooded slaughter in which the Pelasgo-Phoenician rites in- 
dulged, seems to me a remarkable indication of the connexion 
of the Raaena with a branch of the Teutonic family, which, 
whether in sport or earnest, delighted in eveiy form of martial 
spectacles, and whose descendants in another part of Europe in- 

1 See Ghillany, MeMchenopfer^ pp. 123 sqq. 

* C%«*uitan Orthodasey, p. 113. 

s LiT. vu. 15. The Etruscan year was either 304 or 307 days. 

« Ad jEneid, u. 67. 


trodaoed the chivalroiis and sometimes deadly encoimters of the 

§ 23. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names. 

It has been shown in the preceding chapter that the con- 
qnerors of the Umbrians and Tyrrheno-Pelasgians in Northern 
Italy called themselves Bas-ena. Niebuhr has suggested that 
this word contains the root ras- with the termination -ena 
fomid in Pors-^na, &c., and I have hinted that the same root 
is fonnd ifi the distinctive designation of this race, Et-rus-ci or 
Eet-rus-cij which presumes an original Het-rust, whence Het^ 
rur-ia for Hetr^rusia. The Old Norse will tell us the meaning 
both of the root and of the prefix, if I am justified in assuming 
that the word was originally aspirated': for in Icelandic hetia 
is *'a warrior, hero, or soldier," and in the same language ras 
implies rapidity of motion, as at rasa, "to run." So that Basena 

1 I first suggested this illastration in a paper ^ on the Eimscan tomb 
at Hardwick/' read before the Suffolk Institute of ArchsDology, 17th 
June, 185dy and now published in their Transactions. 

* There is no authority for the aspiration of Etruscus and Etrurioj 
as Manutius has remarked Orthographioy s. ▼. Etruria : ** omnem aspira- 
tionem oroittunt veteres libri, lapides, et numi." I therefore always cite 
these words without the aspirate, as this is the authorized and fashion- 
able orthography. But in a foreign name adopted by the Romans the 
presumption is always in favour of a rough breathing when the word 
begins with a Towel. In fact, the uniTersal tendency is rather to omit 
than to introduce gratuitously the mark of an initial breathing. The 
following examples illustrate this tendency in Latin : Alcedo, Halcedo; 
Alcyon^ Halcyon; arena, harma; aruspex, hanapex; aper, Kotrpos; arundo, 
hanmdo: arvigOf harviga; edera, hedera; jEdui, Ha^ui: aveo, haveo or 
habeo: apala ova» airaX^ mo, cf. apcUarCf " an egg-spoon ;" Annibcdf *Ayri- 
/3ar, Hafmibaly ^y^^lTl» &c. If the unaspi rated form is genuine there 
will be no difficulty in explaining the prefix either by reference to of, 
the prepositional prefix, or €U = attf ** stirps, familia,'' both of which are 
used to form words in Old Norse (see the examples in Egilsson's Lexicon 
Poetieum amt^iuce linguoB Septentrionalist p. 27 sqq.). The word at-rennif 
"adiapetUf eteeumu" from cU renna is found quite in accordance with 
et-rus-ctw from at raea. In an inscription from Tarquinii {Ann. dell' 
Intt. Arch. IT » 1832, p. 16l) we hare the spelling AETRVRIA, which is 
a presumption in faronr of an original aspirate; for Helena is written 
ABLENA {BuU. Arch, Sardo. m. 32; ap. Fabretti, s. v.). 



and Hei-rwn imply a warrior-tribe, distingoiBhed by their sudden 
onset and rapid career^ Similarly, an Homeric hero is wi&v; 
mteu^^ predaoeons animals are 0&e;^ and the Scandinayian pirates 
have left the eagle or the war-galley on the armorial bearings 
of those families which claim a descent from them, as an indi- 
cation of the same characteristic This would be admitted as a 
reasonable conjecture even if it had nothing else to recommend 
it. However, it does so happen that we have a distinct record 
of a migratory conquest by the Scandinavians in the heart of 
Europe rather before the colonisation of Iceland, in which they 
called themselves by the same name as these Bcmna or Het- 
rtis-i. It has been shown by Zeuss {die Deutscheny pp, 547, sqq.) 
that the language of these conquerors, who descended the Dnieper, 
the Volga, and the Don, was Old Norse, and that their leader 
Ckcuxin bears the Norse name HaJcon; and Symeon Magister, 
who wrote A. d. 1140, has given the same Scandinavian expla- 
nation of their name Ro8y which I have suggested for Bas-ena; 
for he says {Scriptor. post Theophan. ed. Paris, p. 490): oi Pw? 
ot Koi Apofiirai X€70/A€voi, " the Bos who are called the racers or 
runners;" and (p. 465): Tw Bk oi ^poiurai ^>efHowfjuoL — hpo- 
fUTCU &) dir^ Tcv o|€fii9 rpex^iv avroU irpotr&fkvetOy "the Bos are 
called the runners, and they are so called from the rapidity of 
their motion ^*' Here the coi\jecture, which I proposed to the 
British Association, is confirmed by an authority subsequently 
observed : and no one will deny the obvious value of this cor- 
roboration. That the name Basena or Bos^ thus explained, 
would be a very suitable designation for a dominant tribe of 
warriors is shown by the fact that the highest class at Borne 
had no older name than that of celeres or "swift-horsemen." 
There can be little doubt that the word ross, which appears also 

I It is worthy of remark that Honuie applies the epithet wHodes to 
the Breum, one of the leading Rntian tribes (iv. Carm. xrr. ll). 

> Zenss snggests that the original Old None form was Rcesar from 
the sing. Jtcmr s= dpofiirrit = cursor. He asks: ** gehort hieher aoch Bcssir 
in den Liedem haOfiges Synonymum fUr KomOngr, etwa der SekneU^ 
EcUef and quotes Skaldskaparm. p. 191, for Bcenr as a man's name. 
The name Eos or JRua, as applied to the Scandinavians, is presumed in 
the designation P-rt4ft =j>o-i2tM-» " adjoining the iZo»;" cf. Po-moram, 
*• the dwellers on the sea " (po-more). 


in the dialectical variety hormy containB this root raa or ros; 
and as the word roaa, in a secondaiy sense, like the Greek 
vifYaa-o^, denotes a mnning stream, and as hills and the rivers 
which descend from them are often denoted hj the same name 
in the Indo-Oermanic languages, it is worth remarking that in 
Bstia a great number of names of rivers and hills contain this 
word ro88/ thus we have Boss-hack and Ross-hachrherg^ BasS" 
kogel, Boss-kavy Ross-herg^ Ross-Jcopf^ Boss-^rtuskj Boss-^and^ &c. 
It may therefore be laid down as a matter of fact that the dis* 
tinctive ethnical designation of the old Etruscans is Scandina- 
vian ; and we shall see that their mythological or heroic names 
are explicable in the same way. Niebuhr remarked, without 
attaching any importance to the observation, that there was a 
singular resemblance between the Scandinavian mythology and 
that of the Etruscans : *' according to their religion, as in that 
of the Scandinavians, a limit and end was fixed to the life even 
of the highest gods^' {H. B. i. note 421). Now in the Scan- 
dinavian mythology tliere is no name more prominent than that 
of I%or or Tef^y and this prefix is a certain indication of the 
presence of the Northmen in any country in which it is found. 
Hickes says : ^* Prssp. Thar vel Tor in compositis denotat diffi- 
cultatem, arduitatem, et quid efficiendi molesdam, pessumdans 
significationem vocis cui prceponitur, ut in Tor-cere ^annonaa 
difficultas et caritas,' Tor-fieray * iter difficile et impeditum/ 2br- 
feiginny * acquisitu difficilis,' TorycotUj * rarus nactu,' &c. Ex 
qnibus constat, ut nomen deastri Tyr veterum septentrionalium 
Mercurii in ecnnpositione ghriam, lattdemy et exceUentiam de- 
notet: sic nomen idoli Thor euphonice Tor eorum Jovis et 
Eerculisy qui cum malleo suo omnia domuit et superavit, in com- 
positione significat et insinuat dijfficukatem quasi Herculeam vel 
rem adeo arduam et difficilemy ut Thori opem posceret, qua 
superari quiret.*' The lexicographer has here confused between 
the name of the god Thor (Grimm, D. M. p. 146, et passim) 
and a prefix equivalent to the Sianscrit dur- Greek Sua*- {N. GraL 
§ 180). But whatever may be the true explanation of this 
initial syllable, there can be no doubt that it belongs to the 
oldest and most genuine forms of the Low-G«rman languages ; 
and when we find the name Tar-ckon or Tar-quin among the 
mythical and local terms of the ancient EtruscanS| we cannot 


but be Btrack bj the Old None character impressed upon them. 
We at once recognize the Scandinavian origin of the town of 
Thor-igny in the north-west of Normandy, where the termina- 
tion is the same as that of many towns in the same district, as 
Formigntfy Juvtgnyj &c,, and corresponds to the Danish ter- 
mination "iThge^ as BelUnge, Helstnffe, &c. (Etienne Borring, 
8ur la limite mSridionale de la Monarchie Danoise. Paris, 1849, 
p. 9). It is worthy of remark that the word tny-, which is 
appropriated by the Ing^BvoneSy Ang-liy EngUliahy and other 
Low-German tribes, seems to signify "a man"' or "a warrior" 
(Grimm, D.M. i. p. 320), and as quinna is the Icelandic for 
muliery Tar-tnff and Tar-quxn might be antithetical terms ; and 
the latter would find a Low-German representative in Tar-quxL 
The other mythical name of the old Etruscans, which comes in 
close conneidon with Tar-quiriy is Tana-quil; and Tar-quin 
or Tar-qutl and Tana-^uil might represent a pair of deities 
worshipped at Tarqumn, the plural name of which indicates, 
like AtheruB and Thebas^ the union of two communities and two 
worships, the Pelasgian Tina or Tanaj i. e. Jantis, being placed - 
on an equal footing with the Scandinavian Thor^. This is in- 
verted in the tradition which weds the Greek Demaratus to the 
indigenous Tana-quiL At any rate, we cannot but be struck 
with the Scandinavian sound of Tana-quil, which reminds us of 
Tana-quialy the Old Norse name of the Tanais, which, although 
the name of a river, is feminine (Grimm, D, Or. iii. p. 385). 

These coincidences become the more striking, when we re- 
member that we are comparing the Old Norse, of which we know 
nothing before the eighth century of our sera, with the Old 
Etruscan, which flourished nearly as many centuries before the 
birth of Christ. And when we add to all these evidences of 
direct history, ethnography, and mythology, the fact, which will 

1 It is worthy of obserTatioti that Lycophron, who had peculiar 
opportunities of becoming acquainted with the population of Italy {Hitt. 
Chr. Lit, IL p. 435), expressly distinguiBhes Tarehan and Tynenua as two 
sons of tho Mysian King; Alexandra, 1248 sqq. : 

<rvy dc difnvxoi Trf#co« 


be exhibited in a sabseqaent Chapter, that the Scandinavian 
languages suppty an immediate and consistent interpretation of 
those parts of the Etruscan inscriptions which are otherwise 
inexplicable, no reasonable man will refuse to admit that the 
lingaistic and ethnological problem suggested bj the old inha- 
bitants of Etruria has at length received the only solution, which 
18 in accordance with all the data, and in harmony with the 
nature and extent of the materials and with the other conditions 
of the case. 

§ 24. Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the 

It appears that the original settlements of the Sclavonian 
race were in that part of Northern Media which immediately 
abuts on Assyria, and therefore on the cradle of the Semitic 
family*. From this we should expect that the Sclavonian dia- 

1 It can scarcely be necessary to point out the difference between 
the ethnological argument by which I hare traced the Pelasgo-SclaTonians 
to an original settlemonc in the immediate vicinity of upper Mesopotamia, 
and Mrs Hamilton Gray's conjectural derivation of the Rcuena from IU~ 
mn on the Tigris {History of Etruria, i. pp. 21 sqq.). To say nothing 
of the fact that I do not regard the Raaena as Pelasgian, I must obserre 
that it is one thing to indicate a chain of ethnical affinities which ex- 
tended itself link by link through many centuries, and another thing to 
assume a direct emigration from Resen to Egypt, and from Egypt to 
Etruria. The hypothesis of an Egyptian origin of the Etruscans is as 
old as the time of Bonarota, but we know enough of the Semitic lan- 
guages to be perfectly aware that the Rasena did not come immediately 
from Assyria or Egypt. Besidos, if this had been the case, they would 
hare retained the name of their natire Resen until they reached Italy. 
In tracking the High-Germans and Hellenes from Caramania to Greece 
and central Europe, we find in the dry-bed of History continuous indi- 
cations of their starting-point and route (New Cratylus, § 92). And the 
Sanuro'maUB preserve in all their settlements a name referring to their 
" Median home." But Mrs Gray's Rasena forgot their natire Reeen in 
the alluTial plains of Egypt, and miraculously recoTer this ethnographi- 
cal recollection in Umbria and among the Apennines. This is not in 
accordance with observed facts. Wandering tribes call themselves by 
the name of their tutelary hero, or by some significant epithet applicable 
either to themselves or to their original country, and they keep this 
throughout their progress. There is no parallel to Mrs Gray's assumed 


lects wOTild fbmidh us with tlie point of transition from the Indo- 
Grermtoic to the Semitic languages; and an accurate examination 
of the question tends to show that this expectation is well founded. 
But etymological affinities maj exist bj the side of the greatest 
contrast in regard to the state or condition of two languages; 
and thus we find that, while the Semitic and Sclavonian come 
very close in etymology, they are unlike in syntactical develop- 
ment in those points which most distinguish the Sclayonian from 
other Indo-Grermanic idioms. As I have elsewhere discussed 
this subject at sufficient length^, I shall here only recapitulate 
the general results of the inquiry. (1) The salient points of 
resemblance between the etymological structure of the Semitic 
and Sclavonian languages are (a) a number of common words 
which are more or less peculiar ip both : as IIQ dhSb^ jo 
debr^ "good," compared with the Russian dob-ro; T!!^ eferei, 
^jj dery^ "a road," compared with the Russian doroga; 

^TTi gdrddly "great," compared with the Russian dolgte^ &c.; 
{b) a tendency to the agglutination of concrete structures in 
both. If roots were originally monosyllabic, the triliteral roots 
of the Semitic languages cannot be otherwise accounted for than 
by supposing that they are pollarded forma, of words consisting 
of monosyllabic roots combined with a prefix, affix, or both. As 
then the Sclayonian languages exhibit words in this state of 
accretion, and as the Semitic petrifactions would most naturally 
emanate from this state, we must reckon this amp;ig the proo& 
of their etymological affinity; (c) the correspondences furnished 
by the. comparative anatomy of the Semitic and Sclavonic verb. 

fact, that a body of men set forth from a great city» lost their name on 
the route, and resumed it in tbeir ulterior Bettlementa. On the whole, 
I mast designate the conjecture about Reseaas a lady-like. sjinnise; very 
imaginative and poetical; but repreaentiog rather the oonrerBational 
ingenuity of the drawing-room than the i^ell- considered criticism of the 
library. On the contacts between the Semitic and Sclavonian tribes in 
their original settlements» the reader, may consult the authorities quoted 
by Prichard, NcUurcU Hjatory qf Man, p. 142, and Mill, Myth. Interpr. of 
Lttht p. 66, note. 

^ Eepari of tJie British Auoeiation for 1851, pp. 146 sqq. 


We find in both a parsimony of tense-fonns hj tlie side of a 
layish abundance of derived or conjugational forms; {d) the 
complete coincidence of the Semitic and Sclavonian languages in 
regard to their unimpaired deyelopment of the original sibilants; 
for it is only in these languages that we find the three sounds 
of zain and zemJjay of tsade and fot, of ^mech and slow: and 
while the formation of palatals has proceeded to its full extent 
in Sclavonian and Arabic, the permanence of the pure sibilant 
in Hebrew is shown by the fact, that, with a fidl array of 
breathings, there is no diminution in the use of the sibilants in 
anlaut or as initials. (2) The most striking difference between 
the Semitic and Sclavonian languages— rand it is one which marks 
the earliest of the former no less than the most modem repre- 
sentatives of the latter— rconsiats in the fact, that while the Semitic 
languages are all in a syntactical condition, having lost most of 
their inflexions, and exhibiting all the machinery of definite 
articles, prepositional determinatives of the oblique cases, and 
other uses of particles to compensate defects of etymological 
structure, the Sclavonic languages have never arrived at this 
syntactical or logical distinctness, and have never abandoned their 
formative appendages and the other symptoms of etymological 
Ufe and activity. These differences are due to the &ct that 
while the Sclavonic tribes have remained pure up to the present 
tune, and have been remarkable for their slow adoption of the 
art of writing and their inferior literary cultivation, the Semitic 
nations were from the earliest times exposed to the frequent 
intermixture of cognate races, and were the first possessors of 
an alphabet and of written records. We have therefore, in the 
antithesis or contrast of the Sclavonic and Semitic, a proof of the 
effects which external circumstances pay produce on the state or 
condition of a language; and the resemblances, to which I have 
called attention, must be taken as an indication of the perma- 
nence of that affinity which results from the geographical contact 
and intermixture of two races at a very early period. 

§ 25. JPredominani Sdavonism of the old Italian 

As the result of the ethnological speculations of this Chapter 
has been to show that the Peksgian or Sclavonian was one of the 


earliest and certainly the most permanently inflaential element 
in the old languages of Italj, we should expect to find in these 
languages those characteristics of Sclavonism which evince the 
primitive contact and actual contrast of the Semitic and Sclavo- 
nian idioms. And this expectation is amply justified by the fiicts 
of the case. For while^ on the one hand, we observe in the old 
Latin, Umbrian, and Oscan, verbal resemblances to the Semitic, 
which cannot be accidental, because they belong to some of the 
oldest forms in the respective languages; and while both the 
Semitic and the old Italian are remarkable, like the Sclavonian, 
for their superabundance of sibilants, we observe that in spite of 
the cultivation of Greek literature by the Romans, and in spite 
of the adoption of the Greek ritual by the Sclavonians, these lan- 
guages have never attained to the use of a definite article, which 
is the key-stone of Greek syntax, and without which the Semitic 
languages could not construct a single sentence. The prepon- 
derance of the sibilants in the old Italian languages will be dis- 
cussed in the next Chapter, and we shall see in the proper place 
that in anlattty or as an initial, the a always appears in Latin 
where it is omitted altogether, or represented only by an aspi- 
rate in Greek. Of the coincidences between the pure Latin 
and genuine Semitic words, it will be sufficient to give a few 
examples out of many which might be adduced, (a) The verb 
aveo or Juiveo is at least as closely connected with IHW or rw 
as with any Indo-Germanic synonym, (i) The words s^-curts 
and sct-ffitta have occasioned great difficulty to philologers. The 
former, according to Bopp {Vergl. Gfr, p. 1097), is a participial 
noun from seco, and sec-Hrts^se-cusis must be compared with the 
Sanscrit forms in -i«Af =Gr. -via. This however is hardly more 
than a conjecture, for we have no other Latin noun to support 
the analogy. It is more probable that the initial syllable in 
both words is one of those prepositional affixes which we find in 
C'/cirrapvop compared with ^otttq), s^ponte compared with pondus, 
&c., and then we shall be able to see the resemblance between s^ 
curia and the Hebrew jn|, Lett, grauat " to hack or gnaw," and 
between aa-gttta and the Hebrew \11 from yXH, which again is 
not unconnected with ^Op, and the Latin casdo, (c) It has 
been proposed to derive mare^ Sclav, «wwe, firom the Sanscr. maruy 


"the waste" {ZtdUckt. f. Vergh Sprf. u p. 33); bat it appears 
much more reasonable to compare these words with the Hebrew 
D^D, in which case the affix re will be connected with a word 
denoting "flowing:" cf. teme with temorrunda (above § II), 
{d) The Hebrew TT^ gives ns the root rey-, " to reach out," 
with the prepositional affix ia, from abhi, as fully as the 
Latin p-recor, p^oc-us, Sanscrit p-rtch-chhdmi^ &c. {e) It is 
only in the Pelasgian SoXa^^, the Sclavonic dolgye^ and the 
Latin tn-^ulgeOy that we find a complete reproduction of the 
Semitic 7ll"|. (/) As the impersonal use of c2^6(? nearly accords 
with that of oportet, and as the latter is manifestly connected 
with opus (Doderlein, Lot. Sgn. u. Et. v. 324), it may be after 
all more reasonable to connect deb-eo with ^the important root 
dob, "a suitable time" (Polish), dob-ro, "good" (Polish and 
Aussian), which furnishes us with one of the most remarkable 
instances of a connexion between the Sclavonian and Semitic lan- 
guages (cf. the Hebrew aiD dhdb, and the Arabic Jj, dd>r)^ 
than to fall back upon either of the favourite derivations from 
BeCea-dcu or dehibeo. The adjective debilis differs so entirely in 
meaning and application from the verb debeo, to which it is re- 
ferred, that I cannot concede the identity of origin. As there is 
reason to believe that the termination -bilia is connected with the 
substantive verb^ (written bo in the agglutinate forms), a refer- 
ence to the usage of de-'sum and de-Jio would best explain the origin 
and meaning of d&H-lu. How the sense of "owing" or "obliga- 
tion" borne by deb-eo is connected with that of " fitness," "good- 
ness," and " propriety," may be seen at once by an examination 
of such idioms, as iiKcu&; elfu tovto iroieiv, " I am bound to do 
this," el fifj dSuaSf "I ought," &c. (g) A comparison of heri and 
j(l9e<; enables us to^ see that the Latin humus and the Greek 
XOfial must meet in the root of ;^tfa/ia-\ov. This combined 
form is therefore the Pelasgo-Sclavonic original, and as such we 
recognize it in the hethuma of the Cervetri inscription. Now 
this again is a near approximation to the Hebrew HDIK . (A) The 
Boman use of regioj dirtgo, &c., in reference to road-making, is 
the best explanation of the obvious connexion between the Rus- 
sian doroga and the Hebrew ^^, in which the initial dental must 


be explained in the same way as that in SpS^fiKhwy dr0p^, 
&c., compared with o-pan and the Hebrew HM^ {MaskU U- 
Sopher^ p. 38): for we have in Crreek 7^/>^« and i-pdfw 
{Bpair-irfy:) by the side of 6-piyw, and i-pxo-fiai. These ex- 
amples might be extended to any limit: bat they are sufficient to 
show how permanently the stamp of a Sdaronian origin and 
consequent Semitic affinity was impressed even on the composite 
Latin language. And this will enhance the interest with which 
the philosophical ethnographer must always regard the desperate 
struggle for empire between the Romans, as the ultimate repre- 
sentatives of Pelasgian Italy, and that great Punic colony, which 
maintained a Semitic language and Semitic civiUsation on the 
south coast of the Mediterranean. 



I I. The Eugubine l^bles. § a. PecalUrities by which the old Italian alpha- 
bets were distbgaished. § 3. The BibiUnts. § 4. Some remarlu on the 
other letters. § 5. Umbrian grammatical forma. § 6. Selections from the 
Eognbine Tables, with explanations : Tab. I. a, i. § 7. Tab. I. a» a-6. 
§ 8. Tab. I. K ts, sqq. § 9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. YI. a. 
§ 10. The Atidian augural sacrifice in Tab. II. b, 1-14. | 11. Umbrian 
words which approximate to their Latin synonyms. § I9. The Todi inscrip- 
tion contains four words of the same dass. 

§ 1. The JBuguiine Tables. 

FROM the preceding inveBtigations it appears that the original 
inhabitants of ancient Italy may be divided into three classes. 
It is not necessary to speak here of the Celts, who formed the 
substratom in all the insular and peninsular districts of Europe, 
or of the GreekS) who colonized part of the countiy ; but con- 
fining our attention to the more important ingredients of the 
population, we find only three-^Sclaroniaus, Lithuanians or Scla- 
voni^ed Ok)ths, and pure Goths or Low-Germans. To the first 
belonged the various ramifications of the Pelasgian race ; to the 
second, the Umbrians, Oscans, and the Connecting link between 
them, the Sabines; to the third, the Etruscans or Basena, as 
distinguished fix)nl the Tyrrhenians» 

The next step will be to examine in detail some of the frag- 
mentary remains of the languages spoken by these ancient tribes. 
The Umbrian claims the precedence, not only on account of the 
copiousness and importance of the relics of the language, but also 
because the UmbrianS must be considered as the most important 
and original of all those ancient Italian tribes with whom the 
Pelasgians became intermixed either as conquerors or as vas- 
sals. As we have seen, the Sabellians, who influenced, more or 
less, all the Oscan or southern branch of the old population of 
Italy, were themselves an ofishoot of the Umbrian race. But 
independently of these and other circumstances, which place the 


Umbrians in the van of all the non-Pelasgian Italians, an in- 
quiry into the philology of the Latin language, beginning with 
an examination of its primitive ingredients, and ending with a 
brief notice of the Romance dialects, which are its living repre- 
sentatives, cannot find a better starting-point than the Um- 
brian, which, being exposed at a very early period to disturbing 
causes not unlike those which ultimately affected the Latin, 
exhibits some of the characteristics, which distinguish the 
modem idioms of Italy, France and Spain. In Umbrian, as in 
these languages, we see the substitution of -o for the termination 
-wm, so that fato is both the old Umbrian and modem Italian 
ioxfatum; in Umbrian, as in the modem Romance languages, 
the final 8 and d are constantly dropt ; in this old form of native 
Italian no less than in its most modem descendants, we observe 
a tendency to substitute liquids for mutes; and it has been 
remarked, that in the softening of o to u, and in the return to 
the old 0, the Umbrian has preceded the Latin by several 
oentories (Corssen, Auspr. Vokalum u. Beton. d. Lai, 8pr. i. 
p- 251). 

The Eugubine Tables, which contain a living specimen of the 
Umbrian language, were discovered in the year 1444 in a sub- 
terraneous chamber at La Schieggiay in the neighbourhood of the 
ancient city of Iguvium (now Crvbhto or Uguhio)^ which lay at 
the foot of the Apennines, near the via Fhminia (Plin. H, N, 
XXIII. 49). On the mountain, which commanded the city, stood 
the temple of Jupiter Apenninus; and from its connexion with 
the worship of this deity the city derived its name: — Iguvium^ 
Umbr, liovium, i.e. lovium^ A£oi/, Ai09 voki^. The Tables, 
which are seven in number, and are in perfect preservation, relate 
chiefly to matters of religion. From the change of s in those of 
the Tables which are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian cha- 
racter, into r in those which are engraved in Roman letters, 
Lepsius infers {de Tabb. Eugub. p. 86, sqq.) that the former were 
written not later than A.u.c. 400; for it appears that even in 
proper names the original s began to be changed into r about 
A.U.C. 400 (see Cic. ad Famil. ix. 21. comp. Liv. iii. cap. 4, 8. 
Pompon, in Digg. i. 2, 2, § 36. Schneider, Lot. Or. i.l, p. 341, 
note); and it is reasonable to suppose that the same change took 
place at a still earlier period in common words. By a similar 



argoment, derived chiefly from the insertion of h between two 
vowels in the TabuhB Latine scriptcB^ Lepsius infers (p. 93) that 
these were written about the middle of the sixth century A.U.C., 
t. 6. at least two centuries after the TcJmlcd Umbrice scriptcB. But 
here I think he is mistaken : for the etymology of the words 
shows that the longer forms must have been more ancient than 
their abbreviations. And, in general, it is not very consistent 
with scientific philology to speak of an arbitrary diatractio voca^ 
liumy when we are surprised by the appearance of an elongated, 

§ 2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were 


Before, however, we turn our attention to these Tables and 
the form of words which are found in them, it will be advisable 
to make a few remarks on the alphabet which was used in 
ancient Italy. 

The general adaptation of the Semitic alphabet to express 
the sounds of the Pelasgian language has been 'discussed else- 
where. {N. Crat. § 100). It has there been shown that the 
original sixteen characters of the Semitic syllabarium were the 
following twelve: — 




















with the addition of the three liquids, ^, D) 3} A^d the sibilant 
O; and it has been proved that these sixteen were the first 
characters known to the Greeks. The old languages of Italy, 
however, even in the earliest form in which they present them- 
selves to us, were not confined to this syllabaicium. The Um- 
brian alphabet contains twenty letters; theOscan as many; the 
Etruscan nineteen ; and the oldest Latin alphabets twenty-one. 


The explanation of this abundance of written characters is to be 
sought in the admitted fact that the old inhabitants of Ital j derived 
their alphabet from the Greek colonists, and not immediatelj from 
the Phoenicians. This is proved bj the circumstance, that the 
Italian alphabets contain from the first the letters v, f , if>, %, which 
were invented or introduced with a new application bj the 
Greeks. With the exception of the Latin, all the Italian alpha- 
bets originated in an old form of the Greek alpliabet, which still 
retained both trip and alyfia, and, on the contrary, had lost the 
Komra (see N» Grot. § 102). To this class belong the Sabellian 
and Etrurian alphabets, and with slight deviations we have this 
collection of characters in the Etrurian of Campania, in the 
Umbrian, and in the Oscan (see Mommsen Unterital. DioL pp. 
4—7, 14, 24; Nardetrur. Alphahete, pp* 222—227). But be- 
sides this Greek alphabet, which must have been borrowed from 
the Hellenic settlers at a very early period^ there was another 
and more recent set of Greek characters, which the Boman de- 
rived from the Doric alphabet of the Greeks of Cuma, probably 
imder the domination of the Tarquins, when there were special 
relations between between Cuma and Borne (see Miiller, JEkrusk, 
II. 312; Mommsen, Unterital. Dial. pp. 3, 9, 26. Nordeirur. AU 
pkah. 8, 220. Rom. Oesck. I. 141). This alphabet was from the 
first written from right to left ; it had both Kamra and ic&tnra ; 
it had dropt the aav\ had substituted the digamma F for the 
Etruscan 8 ; and introduced R for P. It originally consisted of 
twenty-four letters ; but 6^ ^, and x ^'^ ^^ disuse at a very 
early period ; for ri was not used as a long vowel but as the 
aspirate ^, and the combinations ih^ pJiy ch took the places of the 
single letters invented by the Greeks. For some time c repre- 
sented both the medial and the tenuis guttural ; then the two 
characters c and G were introduced, as we ^hall see in a friture 
chapter, by the freedman Sp. Carvilius ; and classical Latinity 
was contented with these twenty-three letters : a^ by c,^, d^B^f^hy 
t, A, Z, w, n, <7, ^, J, r, «, «, u (t?)* 0?, y, «, which with the exception 
of the guttural c, modified as has been mentioned, the super- 
numerary use of V under the form y, and the omission of the 
Greek d, ^, %, correspond to the Doric alphabet of the Tarquins. 
If we compare the Italian alphabets with the oldest form of 
the Greek, we shall remark that, notwithstanding the omission 


of the advy there is a great increase in the sibilants ; for whereas 
the original sixteen characters {nmish only the sibilants 8 and 
TH, the old Italian alphabets exhibit not only these, but SH or 
X, z, K, and li. Of these additional sibilants, x is the Hebrew 
shiny z is tsade^ B represents resh, and i is an approximation to 
the sound of 0, This preponderance of sibilants is, as we have 
seen, a peculiarity of Sclayonian or Felasgic articulation» 

§ 3. The Sibilants, 

As these sibilants constitute the distinguishing feature in the 
old Italian languages» it will be useful to speak more particularly 
of them, before we turn to the other letters. 

(a) The primary sibilant s, as used by the Umbrians and 
Oscans, does not appear to have differed, either in sound or 
form, jfrom its representative in the Greek alphabet. 

{b) The secondary sibilant z, in the TJmbrian and Etruscan 
alphabets, appears to have corresponded to only one of the two 
values of the Greek gl The latter, as I have proved elsewhere, 
was not only the soft g orj\ or ultimately the sound shj but also, 
in its original use, equivalent to the combination ds, transposed 
in some dialects to sd, and ultimately assimilated to ss. Now 
the Romans expressed the first sound of the Greek f, either by 
di or by y, and its ultimate articulation {sh) by x; whereas, on 
the other hand, they represented f — Scr either by a simple s^ 
or by its Greek assimilation ss. Thus the Etruscan Kamna^ 
Vemi, Kazi, Veliza, are written in Latin CcesiuSy Vensitts^ 
Cassias y Vilisaj and Zaxwdt^ becomes Saguntus; while the 
Greek ami^, /L(t;(|i», S/3pv^Vf Trvri^etv^ dparf/cd^eiv, Ktofid^eiv, may 
be compared with massa^ mttsso, obrtissa, pt/tissare, necesse, co^ 
missari. In the Eugubine Tables, words, which in theUmbrian 
characters exhibit a z, give us a corresponding 8 in those which 
are written with Latin letters. Thus, for the proper name 
lapuzkum^ as it is written in Umbrian characters, we have in 
the Latin letters Icibtuke^ Idbusker^ &c. 

(c) The aspirated Umbrian sibilant s, for which the Oscans. 
wrote X, expressed the sound sh (Q^rm. sch^ Fr. ch), which was 

D. V. 7 


the ultimate articalation of the other sound of the Greek ^ We 
maj compare it with the Sanscrit !^ (g); and, like that Sanscrit 
sibilant and the Qreek ^ it often appears as a softened gattunJ. 
Thus we find pruseietu for pmaehatUy Lat. pra-secato; and the 
termination -i/a, -kky -Jdu (Lat. -ouZtim), often appears as ^iJoi 
•«20, "ilu. As in our own and other languages the gutturals are 
softened before the rowels e and t, so in Umbrian the guttural 
h generally becomes i before the same vowels. The sibilant a 
occurs only in contact with vowels, liquids, and h; and the 
prefix an-y which drops the n before consonants, retains it before 
vowels and s. 

{d) The letter r is always to be regarded as a secondary or 
derived character. In Umbrian it generally represents, at the 
end of a word, the original sibilant S. When the Eugubine 
Tables are written in Etruscan characters, we have such forms 
as, veres treplanes^ ttUaa ITcuvinas; but in those which give us 
Latin letters, we read vertr treplariir, totar Ijovinar, This change 
is particularly observable in the inflexion of the Latin genitive 
plural; and the Latin language, in other forms, uses the letter R 
in the same way as the Umbrian. Li fact, the most striking 
characteristic of the Umbrian language is its continual employ- 
ment of the secondary letters R and H, both of which are ulti- 
mately derived from sibilants, or stronger gutturals. The former 
is used in Umbrian, not only in the verb-forms, as in Latin, 
but also in the declensions, in the Latin forms of which it only 
occurs in the gen. plural. The letter H is often interposed 
between vowels both in Umbrian and in Latin. Thus we have 
in Umbrian the forms stahito^ pthatu, for stato^ piaiOf and 
Naharcum derived from Nar; and in Latin, ahenus, prehendo^ 
vehemenSf coharSy mehe (QuinctiL i. 5, 2), by the side of aeneus. 
prendoy vemena (compare t?«-cor«, cle-mens)^ cars, me; and even 
Deheberts for Tiberis: this, as has been mentioned above, has 
been referred to a later epoch both in Umbrian and Latin 
(see Lepsius, de Tab. Eug. p. 92, and Schneid. Lat. Gr. i. 1, p. 
118, not. 187. Corssen, Auspr. Vok. u. Beton. i. p. 46). There can 
be no doubt, however, that the longer forms are the older. Thus 
stahito contains the h of stehen^ and pre-hendo gives us the true 
root of hand and hinthian; vehe- exhibits the guttural auslaut of 


v)egy and in the same way me-he reyives a rflationship with 

(e) The sibilant i is peculiar to the Umbrians. In the Latin 
transcription it is often represented bj the combination ra. 
Sometimes, however, it seems to stand for si, as in featira = t?e«- 
tiaia; and it also serves as the ultimate assibilation of a dental 
or guttural, for tera = dersa and tesva = dersva are connected with 
dato and dextra. Its real pronimciation was probably similar 
to that of fl, which last occurs only twice in the Eugubine 
Tables. The frequent substitution of r for d in Latin indicates 
a change to that letter through the softened dental 0, and we often 
find i where we should expect a dental, as in farenf =^furent^ 
Jcapire = capide^ arveitu = advehtto, &c. Although i is some- 
times represented by rs, we also occasionally find this letter fol- 
lowed by «, as in the words estuhtamUy mefs^ which in the 
Latin character are written eturatahmUf mere. 

§ 4. Some femarka an the other lettera. 

Of the other letters it will not be necessary to say much. 
The most remarkable is the Oscan vowel i, which in the inscrip- 
tions appears as a mutilated f or the first half of H ; thus, h. 
The same figure was adopted by the emperor Claudius to express 
the middle sound between i and u with which the Eomans pro- 
nounced such words as virtua, wgere, and acribere. In Oscan 
it appears to have been either a very light i (and so distin- 
guished from the vowel i, which generally represents the long i 
of the Romans), or else a very short u. In the Oscan inscriptions 
i is of more frequent occurrence than t. Whenever these vowels 
come together, t always precedes. I is almost invariably used to 
form the diphthongs iff, af, eij answering to the Greek ot (o)), 
tu {a), and €c; and i very rarely appears before two consonants. 

The Oscan letter u' stands to U in the same relation as this i 
to the Oscan i. The former seems to be a sort of very light o, 
which is substituted for it in those inscriptions which are written 
in the Latin characters ; whereas the letter u seems to represent 
the long of the Latins, as in -urn (Gr. -©i/) for -oriim, Uld-tud 
for Itce^tOj kvataatur for qitasatory &c. 



The Umbriyis and Oscans distinguished between u and y. 
The latter was a consonant, and was probably pronounced like 
our w. It was written as a consonant after E ; bnt the vowel u 
was preferred, as in Latin, after Q. 

The letters L and B were of rare occnrrence in the Umbrian 
language. The former never stands at the beginning of a word, 
the latter never at the end of one. In the Oscan language we 
meet with l more frequently. 

As the Etruscan alphabet had no medials, those of the Eugu- 
bine Tables which are written in Etruscan characters substitute 
K for G, e.g. Krapuvi for Gfrabove. But the Oscan and Um- 
brian inscriptions when written in Latin characters distinguish 
between the tenuis and medial gutturals, according to the marks 
introduced by Sp. Carvilius, viz. c, G. 

In the Oscan alphabet D is represented as a reversed b; 
and the affinity between these letters in the Latin language is 
well known. 

The labial P, which never terminates a word in Latin, stands 
at the end of many mutilated forms both in Umbrian and Oscan, 
as in the Umbrian vitlup for vituUbus (vitulis), and the Oscan 
mp for neque. In general, it is to be remarked that the letters 
p, F, K, 8, D, and T, all occur as terminations of Umbrian or 
Oscan words. 

§ 5» Umbrian (rrammaitcal Forms, 

The grammatical forlns of llie Umbrian language are very 
instructive. In Umbrian we see the secondary letter r, that im- 
portant element in the formation of Latin words, not only regu- 
larly used in the formation of the cases and numbers of noxms 
which in Latin retain their original ^, but also appearing in 
plural verb-forms by the side of the primitive «, which is retained 
in the singular, though the Latin has substituted the r in both 
numbers. The following are the three declensions of Umbrian 
nouns, according to the scheme given by Aufrecht and KirchhofF 
{Vrnir. Sprcu^hdenkm. pp. 115 sqq. ; see also MtiUer, Ootting, 
Gel Anz. 1838, p. 58): 




:. Decl. Tuta: 

a city. 

II. Decl. Pyplua^ a people. 

Sing. Nom. «uto, 



Gen. tuta-s 

r, tutar. 

puph'^y pupJer. 

Dat. tute. 


Accus. tutam 



Abl. tuta. 


1. Local, tutamem. 


2, Locat. tutemem. 

3. Locat. tute. 

Plur. Nom. tutas, 



Oen. ^farufi». 


Sk} '- 


Accus. tutcxf. 


1. Locat. tutajkm. 


2. Locat. tuteref 


IIL Decl. 

UcrirSj a mountain. NufMy a name. 

Sing. Nom. 


















Plor. Nom. 









numnes I 






numenem f 

The Umbrian pronouns are the demonstratives eso, or ero, 
and esto, corresponding to the Latin is and iste, and the relatiye 
or interrogative poe^ corresponding to the labial element in qui 
and guts. The demonstratives are generally construed as adjec- 
tives; but» with the affix -hunt or -£, ero maj become substantive. 
Thus we have er-ont^ or ere-k^ as an indicative pronoun. The 
affix ^k is that which plays so important a part in Latin. Thd 
affix --hunt or ^hont (Gx)th. hindanaj Etrusc. hirUhiu or hiniha) 


appears in the comparative and superlatiye adyerbs huni-ra or 
Jumd-ra^ (Groth. hindar, O. N. hindra)^ and hmdromu, Goth. 
Mndumist, eignifying "farther," "lower," or "farthest," "lowest;" 
so that hand may correspond to our yon or yonder: and as h 
expresses proximity ere-h and er-ovU will gain the meaning of 
"here" and "there," from their terminations respectively; so 
that eau'hj es-tu^ and er-cvU^ may have corresponded in distinctive 
meaning to the Latin Ate, iate, iUe, the first part being the same 
in each, and identical with the initial syllable of u-^ 

The verbs generally occnr in the imperative mood, as might 
be expected, since the Tables contain chiefly prayers and injunc- 
tions about praying. In these imperatives we mostly recognize 
a singular in -tu^ and a plural in '-tutu; as Jvrtu (vi. a, 30, &c.), 
9JidiJu-tvau (vi. b, 61), corresponding to e*-fc), ea-^Me. Verbs 
of the -a conjugation seem occasionally to make their imperative 
in -a, like the Latin. See i. b, 33 : pwne purtinius^ karetu; 
puji apruf Jizkurent^ jmze ems tefa; ape ems tehist^ pustru 
kupifiatu: where, though the meaning of particular words may 
be doubtful, the construction is plain enough : postquam por^ 
rexerisj calato; ubi aproa ficerint, tbipreces data; quandopreces 
dedertty postero {—retro) consptcito. We often have the perf. 
subj. both singular and plural, as may be seen in the example 
just quoted. The pres. subj. too occasionally appears, the 
person-ending in the singular being generally omitted, as in 
arse for arsies = ad-steSy and habia for habeas. The Oscan in- 
finitive in -wm, as or-fsrum = circum^firrey is also used in Um- 
brian; and we often find the auxiliary perfect both in the 
singular and in the plural. See vi. b, 30 : perse touer peskier 
vasetom est, pesetom est, peretum est, frosetom est, daetom est, 
touer peskier virseto avtrseto vas est: i. e. quod tui sax^ficii vaca' 
turn est, peccatum est, neglectum est, ryectum est, projechim est, 
tui sacrificit visa invisa vacatio est^. And we have not only 
skrehto est, but also skreihtor sent (vi. a, 16). The active par- 
ticiple seems to end both in -eiw, like the Latin, and also io -is, 

^ It seeniB that v€u must be the root of viu-etom, and probably both 
refer to the evacuation or nulliflcatSon of the Bacriftce ; cf. wu^u$, &c. 
with the Oreek ck-mi^ : wrasto avirseto is compared with Gate's ^ at to 
morbos visas mvisasqus probibessif" (B, R. 141). 


like that of the Gtteek yerbs in -fu. The following are the forms 
of 9um^ fiU^ and htibeoy which are found in the Tables : 

Sum (root es). Fu-. 

Pres. Indic. (A, I.) 
3. sing. est. 
3. plor. sent. 

Pres. Subj. (A. III.) 

2. sing. 9vr^ si^ seij ate. 

3. sing, su 

3. plur. sAu. fwia. 

Perf. Subj. (C. III.) 

3. smg. fiiiestj fiisU 
3. plor. fijoremU 
Imper. (B. L) 
2y 3. sing, fiiitu^ 
2« plur. juktto. 
Inpin. (D.) 
eri* or erowi, (V. 26, 29, VIL b, 2.) 

Pres, Indic, (A, I.) 
3. sing. habe\t\ (I. b, 18; VL b, 54). 
Pres. Subj. (C. L) 
2. sing. AoWaW (V. a, 17). 

Perp. Subj. (C. HI.) 

2. sing, hdbiest (YI. b, 50); hdbus {hahuerts) (VL b, 40). 

3. plur. kaburmt (VIL a, 52). 

Imperat. (B.) 
2. sing, habitu (VI. a, 19) ; or hahetu (11. a, 23). 
2. plur. kdbitxOo (VI. b, 51); or habeM» (I. b, 15). 

Hnschke gives the following paradigm of an ordinary verb 
in Umbrian {Iffuv. Taf. p. 656) : 


Iniic. Suhj. ' Indtc. 8ubj. 

Singular. Sbgolar. 

pihu pihaiam ostendu ostendam 

pihas pihaias ostendes ostendas 

pihat pihaiat ostendet ootendat 


































































Future 2. 




































These forms are very interesting, not only as showing that 
the agglutinate fonn of the perfect was adopted in this early 
state of the Italian verb, but also as exhibiting the past tense in 
Z, which is > characteristic of the Sclavonian conjugation. Thus 
in Russian trogat, '^ to touch," makes trogaiayo in the present, 
and trogal in the past tense. In the passive it is .worthy of 
remark that the person*ending terminates in r in UmbriaHi as in 


Qscan and Sabine verbs, and this is an additional argument 
against the assumption that in Latin this r represents the % of 
the reflexive pronoun; thus we have : 

Umhr. emantur LaJt, emantur 

terkantur tergeantur 

Obc. sakarater sacratur, sacrator 

8ah. ferentor. ferentur, ferantur 

(Corssen, Amsfr. Vok. u. Beton. i. p. 88.) 

The imperative passive in Umbrian contains the old partici- 
pial ioim in -mu or "mwmo^ as in the sing, eturstc^mu^ pL pemi' 
mumos which maj be compared with the obsolete Jhmino {Feat 
p. 87), and the classical arbiiramtnu 

§ 6. Selections from the Euffubine Tables, with eocplanoUdona. 

In interpreting the remains of the Umbrian language, it 
seems, advisable, in the present state of our knowledge, that we 
should confine our attention to those passages which fall within 
the reach of a scientific philological examination. Grotefend^ 
indeed, has frankly and boldly presented us with a Latin version 
of all the Eugubine Tables ; but although he has here and there 
fia.llen upon, some happy conjectures, his performance is for the 
most part mere guesswork of the vaguest kind, and therefore, 
for all purposes of scholarship, uninstructive and imsatisfactory. 
Lassen, by attempting less, has really eflFected more*. There is, 

1 Rudimenta Linguce Umbricce, Particulie ym. Hannoy. 1835 — 1889. 

^ Beitrdge zur Deutung der Eugulnnigchen Tctfeln, in the Rhein, Mm. 
for 1833, 4. Of earlier interpretationB it is soareely necessary to speak. 
It may, howeyer, amuse the reader to know that the recent attempt of a 
wortiiy herald, in the sister-island, to proye that Irish of a certain kind was 
spoken by the ancient Umbrians and Tuscans, has its parallel in a book 
published at Tpres in 1614, by Adriaen Schrieck, who finds the ancient 
language of his own country in the se?enth Eugubine Table 1 {Van 't 
Beghm der eerster Voleken van Europen^ t'Tpre, 1614). The Irish Book, 
howeyer, is. the more elaborately ridiculous of the tvro. It has been 
exposed, wath considerable ability and humour, in the Q^arterUf Revmo, 
Vol. LXXVI. pp. 45sqq. 


however, no one who haa done more to prepare die way for a 
scientific examination of these Umbrian docoments than Lepsins, 
who examined all the preliminary questions connected with die 
subject in an inaugural disserta^on published in 1833^, and who 
has subsequently edited a most accurate collection of fiBUSsimiles, 
which appeared in 1841 '. The materials furnished by Lepsins 
have been elaborately discussed in a special work by Aufi'echt 
and Kirchhoff, published in 1849*; and though their toeatise 
is defective in arrangement and inconvenient for purposes of 
reference, it deserves the praise of never attempting too much, 
and it is generally distinguished by a careful regard for the 
principles of sound philology. The most recent work on the 
Eugubine tables is that of E. Huschke, which has just appeared^. 
This scholar has undertaken to give a complete explanation of 
the Umbrian inscriptions, and has, in consequence, been obliged 
to resort to a considerable number of arbitrary conjectures, in 
which he sometimes relies too much on Ghreek assonances. It 
must, however, be allowed that he has advanced our knowledge 
of the subject in regard to many of the details. 

The following extracts are selected from the admirable 
transcripts of Lepsius^, and the arrangement of the Tables is 
that which he has adopted. The first four Tables, and part of 
the fifth, are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian character. 
The others are in Latin letters. 

Tab. I. a, 1. This Table and its reverse contain the rules 
for twelve sacrifices to be performed by the FrcUres Aitersit in 
honour of the twelve gods. The same roles are given in Tables 
VI. and VII. and in nearly the same words, the differences being 
merely dialectical; but the latter Tables add the liturgy to be 

^ De Tabulu Eugtibmu. Berolini, 1888. 

s ImcripiUmes UmMem ei Osea. Lips. 1841. 

< Die Umbrifohm Spraehdmhmaier : mn Vertw^ mr Dmhmg denOben. 
Berlin, 1849. 

^ Die Igwriaehen TafOn nebtt den hleinerm Umbrieehen Ineekr^km mU 
HingufUgung tmer Ghraimmatik und einea Olonam der Umbriechen Spraoke 
voUMnding iHbeneUet und erkiart, Leipsig, 1859. 

^ In citing the edition of Lepsius as now constitnting the standard 
text, we mnst not forget the exoellenoe of Bonarota's transeriptlonfl, to 
which Lepsins himself has borne testimonj. DeTabb. Eug. p. 14. 


used on the occasion, and also dwell at greater length on the 
anguries to be employed, &c. The first Table begins as follows: 

Este persUum aves anzeriates enetu, 2. pemaies 
And in vi. a, 11, we have: 

Este perddo a/veis aseriater enetu. 

There can be little doubt as to the meaning of these words. 
Este, which is of constant recurrence in the Tables, is the 
Umbrian adverb corresponding to ita, which is only a weaker 
form of it. If we may infer that persklum or peraJdo ^pref^ 
culum, we may render this word "a prayer." Grotefend de- 
rives tbe noun from purgo, and translates it by "Zt^^rwrn." 
'Rui pur-go is a compound otpurua and ago (comp. castigo, &c.), 
whereas the root pera-, signifying "pray," is of constant occur- 
rence in Umbrian ; and every one, however slightly conversant 
with etymology, understands the metathesis in a case of this 
kind. It is the same root as prec- or proc- in Lat., pereg* in 
2fend, j?racAA'- in Sanscr., yrajy-en in Cterm., &c. 

It is clear that aves anzeriates or avets aJierieOeT are ab- 
latives absolute. As we have avif seritu or aseruxhi (vi. b, 48, 
49. 1, b, 11, &c.) by the side of salvam serttu (vi, a, 51, &c.), 
and as this last is manifestly saham servato, it is pretty clear 
that aves amertates must be equivalent to avtbus chservatis 

Enetu is clearly the imperative of %neo, for in-tto ; the pre- 
position had the form en^in in old Latin ; thus we find in the 
Columna Rostrata: enque eodem mactstratod : and the same was 
the case in Oscan, which gives us em-bratur for tm-perator. 

The adjectives per-nates, pus-maes, are derived firom per^ne, 
past^ie, which are locative forms of the prepositions prcs and 
post, and signify "at the southern and northern side of the 
temple." The birds are so defined with reference to the practice 
of the augurs in such cases. See Varro, L. L. vil. § 7, p. 119, 
Miiller: ^^quodrca caelum, qua attuimur, dictum temphmu... 
Ejus templi partes iv. dicuntur, sinistra ab oriente, dextra ab 
occasu, antica ad meridiem, postica ad septentrionem." 

The meaning of the whole passage will therefore be: Ita 
Utatianem (pblatianem Huschke) av^ms observatis {cireumservatis 


Buschke) intto^ onHcis, poeticis; i.e. ^'Thus enter upon the 
supplication, the birds having been observed, those in the soutii, 
as well as those in the north." 

§ 7. Tab. I. a, 2—6. 
Tab. I. a, 2. 

PrervereB treplanes, 3. luve Krapuvi tre\^f'\ hvf 
fetu^ arma vstentu, 4. vatuva ferine feitu, heris 
vinu, heri[s] puni, 5. uhriper Fisiu, tutaper 
Ikuvinaf feitu sevum, 6. kvtef pemimu ; afepes 
arves. — Comp. yi. b,, 22. Prervereir treblaneir 
luue Grabovei buf treiffetu. vi. b, 1. Aruio fett^ 
uatuo ferine fetu^ poni fetu, 3. okriper Fisiti, 
totaper liovina. 

The words pre-veres (vereir) trq>lane8 {treblaneir) are easily 
explained in connexion with (7) pus-veres treplanes, (11) pre- 
veres tesenakes, (14) pus-veres tesenakes, (20) pre-veres vehiiesj 
(24) piia-verea vehiies. It is obvious that these passages begin 
with the prepositions pre^ "before," and pus ^ post, "behind," 
and that thej fix a locality. The prepositions per^ signifying 
"for," and co or huj signifying "with" or "at," are placed 
after the word which they govern: thus we have tuta-per 
Ikuvina = ^^pfo urbe Iffuvina" vocurcom loviu = " cum" or 
" infoco Jovioy But the prepositions pre and\pt« precede, and 
it seems that they both govern the ablative, contrary to the 
Latin usage, which places an accus. after ante and post. The 
word veres {vereir) is the abl. plur. of a noun verus (cf. I. b, 
9), corresponding in root and signification to the Latin fores. 
Compare also porta with the German Pfxyrte. The v answers 
to the f as vocm, vas, &c. for focus, fas, &c. Lassen {Bhein. 
Mus. 1833, pp. 380 sqq.) refers treplanes, tesenakes, vehiies, to 
the numerals tares, decern, and viffirUi. Gkotefend, more pro- 
bably, understands the adjectives as describing the carriages 
used at the particular feasts. Cato {B, B. c. 135) mentions the 
trebla as a rustic carriage. Tefisa is the well-known name of 
the sumptuous processional chariot in which the images of the 


goda were carried to the pulmnar at the ludi Circenses (Festus, 
p« 364, Mtiller^; and veia was the Oscan sTnonyin for plau-^ 
Btrum (Festus, p. 368, Mtlller). It is, therefore, not unreason- 
able to suppose, that the forea treblance furnished an entrance to 
the 0<ri8 or citadel for treblvs; that through the fores tesenakes 
the statues of the gods were conveyed to their pulvinar in 
tensce; and that the j^e* vehue allowed the larger chariots to 
enter in triumphal or festive procession. In the Latin Table 
the adj. derived from tesna or tensa ends in -ax^ "Ocis, like velox; 
in the Umbrian it ends in -<zx, '^cuns, like capax. Aufrecht and 
Kirchhoff, to whom the true explanation of verus is due, sup- 
pose a quadrangular citadel with one side closed, and the other 
three opening with gates called by the names of the cities to 
which they led. But this mode of designation is not borne out 
hy the names of the three gates, if there were only three, in the 
jRoma Qaadrata on the Palatine. These gates were called the 
Porta Somanulay Jantialisj and Mucionts, and lay to the W., 
N.W., and N. (Mttller, Etruak. ii. p. 147). Whatever the names 
meant, it is clear that they are not designations of towns to which 
the gates led. As there were no cities called Trebla and Tesena^ 
and as Veil was too far off to give a name to one of the gates 
of Igupiufn, it is much more reasonable to suppose that the 
entrances refer to the names of carriages with which they are 
80 easily identified. To say nothing of the analogy of the French 
porte cochirej which actually denotes une ports aesez grands 
pour dormer erUrie aux coches ou voUurea^ it is well known that 
the ancients measured road-ways by the kind of carriages which 
traversed them, or by the number of such carriages which could 
pass abreast Thus we have oSof; aiia^tro^ for a wide road 
(Find. N. VI. 56); afiafiTo^ alone is used in the same sense 
(id. P. IV. 247) ; and Thucydides defines the breadth of a wall 
by saying that: Bvo ap,a^cu ivavrioL aXX9;X<u9 roi^ Xidov^ 
hnJTfov (I. 93). 

The epithet ^rapuvii«, or in the Latin Table Gfra-bomuSy 
according to Lassen signifies ^'nourisher or feeder of cattle.'* The 

^ For the metathesis tesna or teaena for tensa we may compare mesene 
/lusare in an inscription found near Amitemom (Leps. Tab. xxyn. 46), 
with menaefiware in the Latin inscription quoted by Muratori (p. £87). 


first sjllable, he supposes, contains the root grory impljing growth 
and nourishment» and found in the Sanscr. grdrma (signifying^ 
either ^^a herd of feeding cattle" — -grex — or vicus inter pamsuot), 
in the Lat. grd^^men, in the Goth, ffras, and in the Old Norse 
groa^virescere, Lassen, too, suggests that Ghradivua contains 
the same root This comparison ought perhaps to have led him 
to the true explanation of both words. For it is manifest that 
Ora^wua^ gravis or grandia Diwia; and it is equally certain 
that no genuine Latin compound begins with a verbal root. If, 
therefore, Ora-btmua contains the root of bos^ bovia, the first 
syllable must be the element of the adjective gravis or grandis/ 
so that Orabovius will be a compound of the same kind as 
KaXkvrrdpOevo*; (see Lobeck, Paralip. p. 372). Pott, however, 
{Et. Forach. ii. p. 201) considers OralHCvius as another form 
of GravirJavius, 

Tre or treif buf is either baves tree or bobus tribus. If we 
have here the accus. plural, we must conclude that this case in 
the Umbrian language ends in -of, -o/J -uf^ -«f, -tj^ -etj/^ according 
to the stem ; and the labial termination has been compared with 
the Sanscrit and Zend change of s into u at the end of a word 
(Wilkins, § 61; Bopp, § 76). This is the opinion of Lassen 
(JBAdin. Mas. 1833, p. 377). According to Lepsius and (Jrote- 
fend, on the other hand, all these words are ablatives, because 
the termination is more easily explained on this hypothesis, and 
because verbs signifying " to sacrifice*' are construed with the 
ablative in good Latin (Virg. Eclog. iii. 77; Hor. Carm. i. 4, 
11). The latter reason is confuted by the tables themselves; 
for it is quite clear that abrons is an accusative, like the Gothic 
vulfansj and yet we have both abr<ms fakurent (vii. a, 43) and 
ahroffrbu (vii. a, 3). See also Pott, Et. Farsch. II. p. 202. 
With regard to the form, it is not explained by the Sanscrit ana- 
logies cited by Lassen, for these spring from the visargak after a, 
as in Bdmahy Rdmau^ Bdm6. There is a much simpler way of 
bringing airof and abrons into harmony. For the plural is 
formed from the singular by adding s to the latter. If then the 
accusative singular assumed the form n from m, this would be 
retained before «, as in ahron-s; but if ahromrs passed by visar^ 
gah into abrcm-h^ this, according to the Celtic articulation, would 
regularly become abrof; for in Celtic mh and bh are regularly 


changed into v^f. And we have seen above (p. 71) veiy good 
reasons for rec<^izmg Celtic influences in Umbria* 

^etVtf {Jeix^ is simplj /ictifo, the guttural being softened 
down, as in dibu, for didto (vi. b, 10, &c.) \ 

Arma seems to be the same as the Latin arvtVia, i.e. ''the 
hard fat which lies between the skin and the flesh" (Servius ad 
Verg. JEn, Yii. 627); and tLstentu is probably chstineto, which 
was the old Latin for oatendito (Festus, p. 197, Mlill.). 

Vatuva ferine fdtu must mean "offer up unsalted meal" 
{Jutwim farinam or fatud farind)^ according to Nonius Mar- 
cellus, IV. 291 (quoting Varro, de Vit. Pop. Bom. Lib. I.): 
quod Kalend. Jun. ei jmblice et privatim fatuam pultem dtia 
mactat. Grotefend supposes that ferine must mean raw flesh, 
and not^rtna, because ''bread" (punt) is mentioned in the pas- 
sage. But in minute directions like these, a difference would be 
marked between the meal {SKevpa) and the bread (apro^) ; just 
as the hard fat {arvina) is distinguished from the soft feit (o^t- 
pea), if the interpretation suggested below is to be admitted. 

JSeris vinu, heris puni^ "either with bread or wine." 
Heria^ as a particle of choice, is derived, from the Sanscr. root 
Art, "to take;" Lat. AtV, "a hand," &c.; and maj be compared 
with veZ, which is connected with the root of volo^ as this is 
with the root of aiploi>. Compare the use of vel=^ " for example," 
i.e« "take this;" in Plautus, Milea Oh I. 1, 59: vel tZte, quoe 
heri paUio me rqprehenderunt. In fact, hens appears to be 
the participle of the verb, of which the imperative is herttu 
(vi. a, 27, &c.). This verb occurs in the Oscan also {Tab. 
Bantin. 12, &c.). 

That ocriper (tusriper) Fieiu means "for the Fisian mount" 
may be demonstrated from Festus, p. 181, MUller: "Ocrem 
antiqui, ut Ateius philologus in libro Glossematorum refert, 
montem confragosum vocabant, ut aput Livium : 8ed qui aunt 
hif qui aacendunt aUum ocrimf et: eelaoaque ocria^ arvaque 
putria et mare magnum, et: namque Tcanari celaos ocria. et: 
haut ut quern Chiro in Pelio docuit ocri. Unde fortasse etiam 
ocre® sint diet» inaequaliter tuberatae." From this word are 

1 According to Pott and Lepsius this imperative stands for JUo— fiat. 


derived the names of some Umbrian towns, e. g. Ocriculum and 
IfUerocrea (cf. Inter amna). The epithet Fiaituf indicates that 
the mountain was dedicated to the god Fisttis or Ftsoviua 
Saniius [Fidhia Sanctis) , a name under which the old Italians 
worshipped Jupiter in their mountain-temples. Lassen (p. 388) 
refers to this temple the following lines of Claudian {de VL Cans. 
Honor. 503y 4): 

Exsaperans delubra loris, saxoqae miQantes 
Apenninigenis cultas pastoribus 

He also quotes from the Peutinger inscription : " Jovis Penninus, 
idem Agubio," where Iguvxum is obviously referred to, Lepsius 
thinks that ocrts Fisius was the citadel of Iguvium. 

Tota-^per (tuta-per) Ikuvtna, "for the city of Iguvium." 
It was always understood by previous interpreters that tiUa or 
tota was nothing more than the fem. of the Lat. iotua. But 
Lepsius has clearly proved that it is both an Oscan and an 
Umbrian substantive, signifying "city/* from which the adj. 
tuti-cus is derived, as in the name of the magistrate meddix 
tuticusy i.e. consul urbanus: consequently tuta-per IJcumna is 
simply ^^pro urbe Iffuvina^ This substantive, tota or tuta, is, 
no doubt, connected with the adject, totus; for the idea of a city 
is that of "fulness," "collection," "entirety." Similarly, the 
Greek woXt? must contain the root woX- (ttoX-w) or ttXc- 
(7rX€09), signifying the aggregation of the inhabitants in one 
spot. The derivation of the adjective tS-tus is by no means 
easy. If we compare it with tn-vt-tus (from veJ-fe), we may be 
disposed to connect it with the root of the words telrlus, tol-loy 
(t€X-09,), &c. Op^idum, another name for "city," is only 
"a plain" {db-pedrum^hrlrirehov)) and oppido, " entirely " = 
in totOy is synonymous with plane. But it is diflScult to resist 
the impression that tota is related to the Lith. tauta, Goth. 
thtuda, O. N. thiody and, if so, that totus should be referred to the 
TOot tUy " crescere," " implere" (Graff, Sprsch. V. p. 125; Bopp, 
Gloss, p. 154; Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, p. 420). The student 
will take care not to confuse between this t6-tus and the re- 
duplicated form i6'tus (comp. to-t-^ quo-tus, &c.), which is suffi- 
ciently distinguished from it in the line of Lucretius (vi. 652) : 

Neo tdta pars homo terra! qf$6ta t6tiu$ unns. 


8evum and hutef are two adverbs. The former signifies 
"with reverence," and contains the root aev- {sev-erus) or <r€/8- 
{aifi<o)\ The latter is derived horn cav-eOy cautuSj with the 
affix ''f=(f>if and means " cautiously." 

The words arypea arvea or ariper arvis^ which conclude 
almost every prescription in the first Table, are not very easy. 
That Grotefend's translation pro ardore s. tistiane armgcB is in- 
admissible, every sound philologer must at once concede. The 
following suggests itself as the most probable solution. It 
appears that the Umbrian participle generally ended in -e», -ez^ 
or -€w, like the old Ghreek participle of verbs in -/u. Thus we 
have taseSf tasts^ and taSez, for tcicena. Vesteta, too, is obviously 
a participle (vi. a, 22). As, then, we constantly find the im- 
perative arveiiu for advehitOy we may surmise that arvesy arvis, 
is the participle for advehens; and arepesy atipety on the same 
principle, will be aitpes/ so that the phrase will signify adipes 
advehens s. parr^ensy i» e. " offering up the soft fat." 

Accordingly, the translation of the whole passage should run 
thus : Ante portam Treblanam Jom Chrahomo tres boves facitOy 
(xrmnd ostendttOy Jhtud Jertnd focito, vel vino vel pane, pro 
monte FisiOy pro civitate Iguvindy facito severe, caute precator, 
adipes advehensy i.e. "Before the gate, by which the trebles 
enter, sacrifice three oxen to Jupiter Grabovius, offer up the hard 
fat, sacrifice with unsalted meal, either with wine or bread, for 
the Fisian mount, for the city of Iguvium, sacrifice reverently, 
pray cautiously, holding forth the soft fat of the vigtims." 
Buschke translates the passage as follows: Pro muris {veresy 
fiK>m toetyan = deJmdere) Trebulanis Jovi Ordbovio tres boves 
facitOy exta ostendito, pectora {vatuvay Gr. fiaOv^y Tarentine ^ard^:) 
verufacitOy vel vino vel mulso {puni, Gr. ttIpov), pro monte Fisioy 
pro urbe Iguvina facitOy carmen (sevum firora seo = dicOy carmen, 
lex) caute precator, immote {afepes from appem^^l) strepitibtis 
{arves from apafia: !} 

1 According to Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, (p. 418) seviun is the same 
adjeciire as that which fumisheB the initial syllable to 8etMikni=8ollennii 
from aJbfio=annia; and is therefore to be compared with the Latin sollua 
from sohnUf Gr. ^For, Sanscrit aarva. 

D. V. 8 


§ 8. Tab. I. J, 13 sqq. 

The next passage which deserves notice and admits of a 
reasonable interpretation is the following. Many of the inter- 
vening sentences, however, are so like that which has just been 
examined, that thej can canse no real difficulty to the student. 
In I. b, 13, we have 

enumek steplatu 'parfam tesvam tefe^ Tute Ikuvine. 

The first word is a particle of connexion signifying inde^ dein^ 
"then," "in the next place." It is also written inumek^ and 
seems to be compounded of tnum (the Lat. enitn) and ek; com- 
pare the Grothic intththia, &c. 

SUplatUj stiplaiu, and an-stipIatUj are the imperatives of 
a verb attplo or ansHplo^ which seems to be of proper applica- 
tion in matters of auguxy. In old Latin Mjndua was synony- 
mous with stabilis (ForcelL s. v. gtijndatio): consequently this 
verb must signify something like stabiUo or firmo^ which last 
word is used in speaking of omens (Virgil, Oeorg. iv. 386). 

Parfay which occurs frequently in the Tables, is the auguriai 
parra^ a kind of owl, which the Italians in general call dtetUiy 
and the Venetians parruzza; and teava means on the right: as 
will appear from the following considerations. At the beginning 
of the sixth Table we have, among the auspices, parfii kurruue 
dersiMy peiqu peica merstu / which should seem to mean, par- 
ranif comicemy dextras; ptcum^ picam sinisiroa. The Roman 
augurs used to turn their faces to the south ; consequently the 
east was on their left, and the west on their right. The east was 
in general the seat of good omens ; but in certain cases, and with 
certain birds, the bad omen of the west, or right hand, might be 
converted into good. They made a distinction between the birds 
which gave the omen by their note, and those which gave the 
omen by their flight ; the former were called oacines^ the latter 
aliiea. The parra and the ptcus were reckoned in both classes, 
according to Festus (p. 197, MttUer). Indeed there must have 
been some confusion among the augurs themselves, as Cicero 
seems to admit {de Divin. ii. 39): "Hand ignoro, quae bona 
sint, sinistra nos dicere, etiamsi dextra sint; sed certe nostri 
sinistrum nominaverunt, extemique dextrom, quia plerumque me- 


lias id videbatnr." Lutatius says, that the masculine gender 
indicates the propitious bird, and the feminine the unpropitious ; 
yet the XJmbrians seem to hsnre held the ptcua and the pica in 
equal estimation. In constituting a good omen, the Umbrians 
placed the picus on the left, and the comix on the right ; while 
Flautus places them both on the left, but the parra on the right, 
as did the Umbrians {Asin, n. 1, 11) : 

Impetritam, inaugoratam 'st : quoyis admittunt avM, 
Picus, comix est ab Ise^a; corrus, parra ab dextera. 

Prudentins, though not an Umbrian like Plautus, preserves the 
Umbrian order {Symmach. il. 570} : 

Car Cramer» in campis, cornice vel oscine parra» 
Kemo detm monoit perituros Marie BUiifltro 
Ter centum Fabios, Tix stirpe superstite in uno ? 

Comp. also Horat. in, Garm. xxvii. 1, &c. 

Tesva in the Table means '^ the right,'* and may be compared 
with the Gothic ta{hsv6. In the Latin Table it is written der^ 
sua^ which is nearer to the Lat. dextra. That mersttu must 
mean '^ propitious*' or '^salutary," is clear from the passages in 
which it occurs, as well as from the use of mera. A few lines 
lower we have (i. b, 18) : sve-pia hahe purtatutu pue mera est, 
Jeitu uru pefe mers est. Comp. VI. b, 54: 8<hpir Kobe esme 
paple poriatu ulo pue mers est, fitu uru pirse^ mers est. The 
meaning seems to be: «t guis habet portatum aliguid ubi 
sahOare est, fadto ustionem prottt salutare est. The etymology 
of mers is quite uncertain. Grotefend connects it with medicus, 
Lassen widi merx. The passage before us will mean: Inde 
st^mUxtor parram dextram, tibi^ civitati IguvincSy i. e. ^^ There* 
upon make good the propitious owl for thee and the city of 

§ 9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. a. 

A complete examination of the whole of the Eugubine Tables 
does not fall within the limits of this work, and I will only add 
a few extracts from the Litany in the sixth Table. 

VI. a, 22. Teio suhokau subokoy 23, Dei Grahovi, 
ohri-per Fisiu, totOrper liovina, erer nomne-^pevy 



erar nomne-^per ; fos set, pdker set, okre Fisei, 
24. Tote liovine, erer nomne, erar nomne: 

!• e. te invoco invocattonem^ Jupiter Grabovie, pro monte Ftsio, 
pro urbe Iffuvina, pro tUitia nomine^ pro hujus nomine; bonus 
{placidus Huschke) sis, propitius {paccUus Huschke) sisj mcntx 
FisiOf urbi Iguvirue^ illiua nominiy hujus nomini. 

VI. a, 24, Arsie, ttosnhokau suhoko^DeiGrabove: 

i. e. adsiSf te invoco invoccUionem, J, Or. Huschke reads arsietio, 
which he renders propitium, comparing the Greek apaio^. 

In both these passages svJM>leau is the verb for sub-vocafOy 
and sub-oco is* a noun, so that the construction is like Cato^s: te 
bonas preces precor {B. R. 134, 139). 

ArdeTyfrite tio subokau 26. suhoko D. Gr. 

Here f-rite is written for rtife, just as we have f-rango by the 
side of pi^ypvfu ; f-ragen^ f-luo^ as well as rogOy luo (Xou») ; 
f-ragumy pd^;f-renumj " rein ;" ^^ri/ere, rigere^ &c. ; and in 
these tables probably f^ for rus^ f-rosetom for roga/tum^ &c. 
Huschke (p. 113} compares frite with fretus and renders wrsier 
frite hjprcpitiijlducid. 

VI. a, 26. Dei Grahovie, orer ose, persei ohre 
Fide pir orto est, toteme lovine arsmor dersekor 
suhator sent, pusei nep heritu. 

This passage is somewhat more difficult. It appears to me that 
the particles per-seiy pt^-^ei, mark the opposition of the protasis 
to the apodosisj " as** — ^*' so," prout — tto. The chief difficulty 
here is in the word arsmo^^ which, however, ocdurs very fre- 
quently in the Tables. It is clearly the plural of arsmo. If we 
examine one of the numerous passages in which the word is 
found, we may be inclined to conjecture that it means a man or 
functionary of some sort. Thus in vi. a, 32, we have : A Chr. 
salvo seritu okrer Fisier^ totar liovinar nome; nerf, arstno^ 
veirOypequo, kastruo^Jriy salva seritu; which must surely mean; 
J* Or, salvum servato nomen ocris Fisiiy urbis Iguvince^ salvos 
servato principes (i. e. neriones), arstnos, viros, pecua, prcedia, 
segetes. Now Lassen has shown {Rhein. Mus. 1834, p. 151) 


that deraecor must be a derivative from dtssecOj and tliat, like 
tnerffiis, vivusy from mergere^ vivere, it most have an active 
signification. We have the verb der-aeco = dis-aeco in the form 
dersikust, derstJcurent {dis^secassit^ dia-aecaverint). Conse- 
quently, aramor deraecor must mean arami diaaecanteay or diaai- 
centea (for diaatco^ 4. conj., see Gronov. Lect. Flautin. p. 87). 
SubcUor aerU is either aubacti aunt or aubjecti aunt^ i. e. aub^ 
miaai aunt On the whole, it is most probable that aramua 
means a priest ; and the following seems to be the true analysis 
of the word. If we compare al-mtia "the nourisher/' with 
ahir-mnuay "the nourished/' and other forms in -^nnua {New 
Crat. § 410), we may conclude that ara-mua has an active signi- 
fication in i-eference to its first syllable. Now we have the root 
ars' in the Etruscan Mrua-pex, and probably in dra ^daa == ara-a. 
And whatever is the meaning of the root of these two words, it 
1^ clear that it is not inconsistent with that which we should 
expect in ara-mvs. Accordingly, it is a reasonable conjecture 
that ara-mua^hanLa-^niua means a sacrificial priest, or altar* 
man. K this supposition be correct, we shall have no great 
difficulty in translating the passage before us. Fir occurs so 
often in connexion with vuku^focua^ aaa^ara^ ureiu^urito^ 
&c. that it must mean " fire," cf. Gr. irvpy O. H. G. fiur^ N. H, 
G. fiuer^ O. H.fjfTy Engl.^r^. Orer is a deponent form of oro^ 
after the analogy of precor^ eSxofiai. Oae is probably ore. 
Nep stands for nec^ as in Oscan, but does not imply any dis- 
junction: nor did nee or neg in old Latin; compare neo-lego^ 
nec-quidquamy &c., and see Festus, p. 162, sub VV. nedegena 
and nee. Mtiller {Suppl. Annot. p. 387) supposes that the 
disjunctive nee or neque and the negative nee or neg^ were two 
distinct particles. To me it appears that nee or neg is never 
used for non except either as qualifying a single word — neg^ 
ligo^j neo-opinanay neg-otiumy — ^in a conditional clause, as in the 

1 Prof. Newman {Regal BomSy p. 26) says that neg^Ugo is to be com. 
pared with nach-kuaeny and exhibits the German nocA ** after" — a particle 
uoknown to Latin. I belieye lie is not responsible for this paerile deri- 
ration, which eTinces a complete ignorance of the part which nee or neg 
plays in Latin words, and of the connexion of this particle with naeh. 
We shall see when we come to the Etruscan language that nak occurs in 


passages quoted bj Festas, and Cato JB. JB. 141,— or in a pio- 
hibition, as here ; in all which cases the Greeks used /m; and not 
ovy and the Romans generally ne *and not nan. Nego is a 
peculiar case; the Greeks said oi ^/u o&ra>9 ex!^w for ^ijui 
fufj OVT409 ^€^1^: and the same principle may be applied to 
explain ov^ rj/cuTTay ov yap dfieivovy &c. In a case like this the 
Romans seem to have nsed nee as qualifying and oonyerting the 
whole word, in preference to nan. MtLller supposes that negritUy 
quoted bj Festus (p. 165) as signifying csgritudo in angorial 
language, stands for nec-Whi. I think it must be a corruption 
for ne-<iritu\d6\ : see below, Ch. yii. § 5» Heritu is the imper. 
of Art, "to take away," Sanscrit hri^caperej toUerey dmnerCy 
auferr^y rapere^ abriperej Welsh hwra. The whole passage then 
may be rendered : Jupiter Cfrabovie precar preoatCane, quantam 
in ocri Fisio ignis ortus eat, in urbe Iguvina sacerdotw diMeccaiUes 
submissi aunt^ — ita ne tu adimas. Huschke renders this difEcidt 
passage as follows : Di Graboviey tempeetcUis tempore {orer aee cf. 
Spa), vhi in monte Fisio ignis ortus est, in ttrhe Iguvina aqua-' 
ria {arsmor s dpSfiol Hom. Odyss. y. 247) siccata subacta sunt 
(dersecor^siccatiy sicci, cf. Oep-i^m, ripa^ofiai) subacta suntf uti 
ne infiato (" ohne Zweifil von ipWw V) 

§ 10. The Atidian Augural Sacrifice. 

As a more detailed specimen of the style and language of 
the Eugubine tables, and as an example of the latest attempt to 
explain them, I subjoin a passage amounting to fourteen oxise- 
cutive lines (Tab. ii. b, 1 — 14), together with the translation 
proposed by Buschke, who entitles this section the "Atidian 
Augural Sacrifice^' (AticUsche Auguralopjer; p. 344). 

an insoriptioQ with the neose ^^ in'' or ^ down in ;** and in this or a aimilar 
senBO na or nach is used in all the SclaTonian and German dialeoto — to 
■ay nothing of po-ne^ n-ne, &c. in Latin. The gnttural at the end of 
ofr F» ot'X^ does not differ from that in ne-^ ne-que; and as the Sanscrit 
aod-kt which is obyioosly connected with the Greek ov^k^wo- Fo-k (New 
Orat, $ 189) signifies daorswn^ we can easily recognize the different signi- 
fications of these particles. 




Pone kame spetuiie Atiefie 
aviekate narakluin (2) Tortusi eetu 

Fetu fiatruBper Atiierie; eu 
esam (3) esu naratu. 

Pere kame speturie Atierie 
aviekate (4) aiu urtu fefure, fetu, 
puze neip eretu. YeBti9e Sa^e 
(5)sakre^ Juvepatare bum perak- 
ne, Spetnre pmikne restatu. 
(6)Juvie unu erietu Sakre pel- 
sanu fetn, arviu ustentii, (7) puni 
fetUy tacez pesnimu arepe aryes. 

Pnne purtiius, (8) una sura 
pesutru feto, tikanme Juvie^ ka- 
pire (9) peru prove fetu. Ape 
purtiius sufu, eruB tetu; enu 
kuma(10)ltu, kumato pesnimu. 

Ahtu Juvip. uve peraknem (1 1) 
peraem fetu, arviu ustentu, puni 

Ahtu Marti abrunu (12)perak- 
ne fetu, arviu ustetu, fasiu pruse- 
9ete arveitu, (13) perae fetu, puni 

Tra ekvine fetu, (14) a^etus 
perakne fetu. 

Oum ad victimas spectorias in 
Atiedio auspicatu narrationeni 
verteris, esto illud. 

Eadto pro fratribus Atiediis; 
ea eorum esse narrata 

Ubi victimis spectoriis in Atie- 
dio auspicatu ejulationes oit» 
fuerint^ fadto uti ne interficias. 
Yesticio Sando saci^m, Jovi patri 
bovem debUem, Spectori debilem 
novate. Joviis unum arietem 
sacrem immolandum £su$ito, exta 
ostendito, mulso (?) fiicito, tacitus 
precator, immotus strepitibus (1). 

Gum porrexeris,.unum aoervum 
pulmentum &cito, dicatione Jo- 
viifl, capide fundolum sigillatim 
fadto. Ubi poirexeris acervum, 
honorem date, itaque, «equato 
sequatis precator. 

Actutum Jovi patri ovem de* 
bilem, subventrile, &cito, exta 
ostendito, mulso (?) fistdto. 

Actutum Marti apriculum de- 
bilem &cito, exta ostendito, &rd- 
men proseotis advehito, subven- 
trile facito, mulso (?) facito. 

Trans simulacra fadto, furcillis 
debiles facito. 

The only words in this passage, which require special re- 
mark, are the following: Aiu (4) is compared with Aius locur 
tiu8 and with the root of ald^ci>, ejulo. With regard to sakre (5) 
Huschke supposes (p. 176) a form aacrisy sacre by the side of 
saceTy sacray sacruniy like equestris by the side of equester. Per'- 
akni8 is compared with irrfpS^y and is supposed to mean a muti- 
lated victim (p. 305). This is of course very doubtful. Be- 
statu is compared with the Roman novarey and the precatio 
maxima as explained by Servius, ad .Mneid, xii. 176 (p. 358). 
Pelsana (6), according to Huschke (p. 183) is the gerundive of 
pdsorvmh ss immolarSy which he compares with TraXvvecp. 8uru 


(8), which is elsewhere written sorsOf is compared with the 
Greek <r(op6^ (p. 186). Peru (9), also written peraom, is com- 
pared with possum, and rendered Jundolus, in the sense ex- 
plained by Varro {L.L.Y. 22, §111), i.e, rv^ikhv hrrepov, 
Komaltu and hamate (10) are referred to a verb kamolom^ 
ceqiLare, the root of which is sought in the Greek ofiaXaM^ 
ofiaTu^a) (p. 173). Peraem (11), from perais or persais^ is ren- 
dered imuSy quoad partem inferiorem [pedum) spectatus {sumen^ 
subventrile), and is referred to wija (p. 143), Fasiu (12), also 
written farsio, is derived from the Latin farcio (p. 147). And 
ekvine (13) is compared, rather arbitrarily, with eUaiv (p. 356). 

§ 11. Vmbrtan words which approximate to their Latin 

This may suffice as far as the direct interpretation of the 
Tables is concerned. In conclusion it may be well to give a 
list of those words in the Umbrian language which approach 
most closely to their Latin equivalents. And first, with respect 
to the numerals, which are the least mutable elensients in every 
language, it is clear that tuves {duves), tuva (duva), and tris^ 
treioy correspond to duo and tres, tria. Similarly tupler {dupler) 
and tripler represent duplus and triplusy and tuplak (ill. 14) is 
dupUce, It is obvious, too, that petur is " four," as in Oscan ; 
see VI. b, 10 : du-pursus, petur-pursus, i. e. bipedibusy guadri- 
pedihus (cf. ahtrqpuraum = drcum-tripudiarey capirus = capidi- 
bus, &c.) As to the ordinals, pmmum is primum, etre {etramct) 
is alter, and tertie [tertiamd) is tertius. 

The other words may be given in alphabetical order: 

Angla or arJda (vi. a, 1) = aquHa 
(comp. anguis with ^c^ unda 
with vSbip, &c ; see I^ew CraC^ 

Abrqf(apru/) (viL a, 3) = apro8. 
Ager (Tab. xxvu. 21). 
Ahairirpuraa^u (vn. a, 23, 36) = 

Ahes-^no (iiL 8, 19) = ahenu8. 
Alju (i. b, 29) = albus (aA<^). 
Amh-, prefix, shortened into oAo, 

a — drcu/m. 
Ampenom (ii. b, 20) = impendere. 
Ander (anter) (vi. b, 47. i. b, 8) 

= inter (aim. in Oscan). 

Anglome (vl a, 9) = angvlus. 
Af^teniu (passim) = in-tendUo. 
Anter (i. b, 8) = inter. 
Ape (l b, 34) = wW. 
Ar-ferfmr (vi. a, 3) = affertor. 
Afpeltu (n. a, 19) = adpellito. 
Afputrati (v. a, 12) = arbitnUu. 




Ar^veUu (i. b, 6) = advehUo (cf. 

arvis and arves). 
Asa (vL a, 9, et passim) = cmto, 
Asiane (i. a, 25) = in aUari. 
Aim (i. b, 29) = afer. 
Aveis (VL a, 1) = cmbuSy Ac. 
Aviedoa (i. b, 14) =3ai/^i^ra^to. 
^enes (l b, 50) =:«^ie9. 
Biie (vL a, 26, et passim) = bove. 
^esna (v. b, 9) = cana. 
Der-mkurent (vi. b, 62) = c^t««6- 

i>er or fer, later {fer« or dira, from 
efec^Oi a reduplicated formof da=^ 
dare. It is sometimes found 
under the forms dwve or tuve^ 
especiallj in composition with 
pur, as in pur^ttmrtu ^prihdito 
or por-ricUo (n. a, 24). 

Dekuria or ^e^uru» (il b, 1) = 
decwriay i.e. cSsct^-i^iriei. 

Destru or ^^n« (i. a^ 29) = dexter, 

Dige or «ij» (n. a, 17) = decere, 

Dicom (iL % 7, «fee) = dioere, 

Ditu (vL b, 10) =dieito. 

Du (vL b, 50) = chu). 

JDupla (vi. b, 18), so also wumer 
iupler (v. a, 19)— -comp. rmmer 
prever (y. a, 18) and rmmer 
iripier (v. a, 21). 

JEikvasatis (m, 24,29) = in vicenos 

JErom (vn. b, 2) = ease. 

Eter (vi. a, 35, <fec) = dUer^ secim- 

£Ut{YL b, 48) = ito. 

Fakuet (IV. 31)=/«<5en«. 

Fameriaa FtimperuM (vui. a, 2) 
/amilicB Fornpilias. ' 

i?V*r(v. b, 10)=/eM'. 

jPoto (vL b, ll)=ya<wm. 

FerMu (Miiller, Eiruak. i. p. 57, 

note) =^/erculum, 
FerehJtru (jXL \%)=fere^rum. 
Ferine (l a, 4) —fwrina, 
Fertni (vl b, 50) ^ferto. 
Fone, fosy (vi. a, 23) = honua^ or 

favenSj placidua. 
Frater (v. b, 11). 
Funtlere (i. b, 24) = infimdvlie. 
Gomia, hwrniaf (i. a, 7) = pLenoBj 

Habetu (n. % 23) = Aa5eto. 
Hapina/ru (l a, 33) = o^F/ioriim. 
Bere^veUe, connected with Atr, 

"the hand," jpTV-HEND-o, cupco), 

Ac. (iVino Crcrf. § 162); hence 

heri = ve^ (i. a, 22) ; also in 

the sense of taking away, Ac. 

like the Sanscr. Ari, Welsh 

hwra (aboye, p. 118). 
Homonue (y. b, \0) = ho7mnibva. 
7/«(n.b, 12) = t6i. 
Jverika (i. b, 40) -ywoenca, 
Kometfu, (iv. 29) = canUo^ 
Kapire (i. a, 29) = capwfe, "with 

a sacrificial jug." 
Kaprum (ii. a, 1) = caprum, 
Karetu (i. b, 33) = calato. 
Ka/me (ii. a, 1) = ca/me, 
Kastrao (vl a, 30, et passim)» 

caeira, damus. 
KaOo (iL a, 38)*: ca^ti«. 
Kamohakt (yL % 54) = commoia» 
Koveriom (l b, 9, Ac.) = eanver^ 

terej revertiy redire, 
KwnAafy see Ganda, 
Kwra^hA (y. a, 24) : we rehle ku- 

raiu 8i = 8i recte curaium sit. 
Kwmak (vi. a, 2) = eomix. 
Kvesbwr (y. a, 23) == qtJUEetor. 
Maletu (n. a, 18) = molihim. 




Mawu, (n. a, 32) = moniM. 

Mtke (yl a, 5) = m%ki. 

MeritoB (VL a, 3, i) - occicknikh 


Mestru (v. a, 24) = magitier v. 

MugcUu (vL a, 6) = mugito. 
MuneMu (v. a, 17) == mumttfCtt^iTk 
ifuto (y.b, 2) = mulia. 
ITaraklum (il b, 1) = narratio- 

J^araiu (n. a, 8) = narraio (Yarro 

wrote ftorofis). 
Ner (vi. a, 30, «fee) = prvncepSy 

NoTM (passim) = namen, 
N(h€ve (vL b, 64) = wm. 
Nvmer (y. a, \l)=^nv4Mrus. 
Numo (v. % Vl) = nvmuB. 
Nurpier (vi. a, 12) =<0rarit/ 
Omem, (u. b, 19) ::= oman^um. 
Orer (vi. a, 26) = oro, cvxofuu. 
Or^ (VI. % 26) = or^u*. 
Ow (vi. a, 26) = OTA 
OsUndu (vl a, 20) ^ot^^nib. 
0«* (vi. b, 43,) uoe (n. 6, 10) = 

Fcue (vi. a, SO) = pace. 
Faier (il a, 24). 
Feiho (vL % 3) ^picut. 
Feku (vL.a, 30) =jpecM«. 
Felsana (l a, 26) s= balsamonf 
FeUom (vi. b, 40) = canspergeret 
Feretdmu (i. b, 7)=preoaU}r. 
Fihakler (v. a, 8) =piacultim. 
Fihatu (vL a, 9) =piaio. 
Fir(hh, I2) = vvp,fire. 
Fid (v. a, 3lO)rsqui8qut9, 
Flenado (v. a, 2) == plenaritu. 
Foplo (pBsaim)=^populu8. 
Forka (vil. a, 6) =/wca. 

Pm*/ /MMfoio (vi. b, 5) =po8lerOy 

Lo. rc^o. 
Friwvaio8 (vl b, 50, Ac.) =/>rtt»- 

FrokanurwU (vL a, 16) = j?roa»- 

Proseteto (vi. a, 56) =/>raMea(a 
Puemu^ne (in. 26) ^pomona. 
Pupfihe (iiL 27) ^ptMiee or «up- 

Fur^in4u8 (l b, 33)=pro-<0fft- 

FuHertiu (l b, 40)=pa8«46ftto. 
i2eto(v. a,24) = r0ete. 
£«9, i?t (v. a, 6) = rea. 
Ruphra (i. b, 27) « ru&ro. 
/SioAra (l b^ 29> 

Salu = 9aUm (Huschke, p. 366). 
/SoZvo, aalfHii d&c. (passim). 
^SM^u (passim) erMTooio (MiOler, 

Etruaky i. p. 55). 
Seraea (vl a, 5)=:mc289. 
Seraom (vi. b» 17) = «e^^svie. 
Seatom (il a, 24) = ^t0re. 
Sevaknia (il a, 8) ^^hoaUaf 
Si/{i. a, 7)==«uM. 
Skrehto (vn. b. 3) == «ertp^uA 
iSna^ (il b. 19) = impletuaf 
Sanaa (v. b, I2') = acerttba f 
Sopo (vL b, 5) s «iptfUM, auppua. 
StahUu (vL b, 56) = atalo. 
Struala (vl a, 59) = atruircula, 

dimiiL of atrtiea, 
Svhator (vl a, 27, ho,) - aubacti, 
Svhoho (vl a, 22, &a) = «tt|E^i- 

/Sw^a (v. a, 20) = aupra, 
SwnUu (l a, 9, 16) ss. aumfUo. 
Sve (v. a, 24)= Osc. anas^ Lot. ai 
SerUu (n. b. 24), vide aeritu, 
Seana (v. b, 9) = ceanoy eoma. 




Tcues (VL a, 5S)^tacm8. 
Tefrom (vn, a, 46) = «acri/Wiw» 

Tekwries (n. % l) = deeuriah 
Tenawwrho (vi. b, 53)=cti9i» Ur- 

Tio (pafisim) = te. 
Tuf (i. b, 41) - curdmf 
Ttirae (p. 433, Huschke) = tu/rrem, 
Ufestne = pwterioribvs {iirurOiois, 

HuBchke, p. 436). 
IThiur = auetor (Huschke, p. 397.) 
Ufetu (in. 12) = tirUo. 

Urnasia (y. a, 2)=iMmariti8. 
Uvikum (HL 28) = cum ove. 
Vapers (i. b^ 14) = campus. 
Fa*(vL %26) = vaa. 
ViUwoa (i. a; 4) =f<x^tm. 
Veiro (vl a, 30) = viros. 
Veru (passim) =/ore8 or nmri ? 
Vestra (v. b, 61). 
Vinu (passim) = vinum. 
Vvrseto (vi. a, 2S) = vi8iu. 
Vitlu (iL a, 2\)=imtulu8. 
VokfUrkam (vl b, 43) = cmn, vel in 

Vutu (iL b, 39) =tn*fti«. 

§ 12. 2%« Todi Inscription contains Jour words of the 
same class. 

In the year 1835 a bronze figure of a man in armour was 
discovered near Todi {Tuder)^ on the borders of Umbria. The 
inscription, which was detected on the girdle of the breast-plate, 
has been interpreted from the (Jreek, Latin, and Hebrew lan- 
guages by a number of different scholars. It appears to me to 
contain four words, which may be added to the above list, as 
they are all explicable from the roots of the Latin language. 
The inscription runs thus : 


The word titis occurs in the Eugubine Tables (i. b, 45), and 
punum is obviously the accusative of puntiSj another form of 
punejjntnes, puni^ which are known to be Umbrian words. It is 
true that the Latin synonym jpanis and the Eugubine words 
belong to the declension ; bat that is no reason why we should 
not have a by-form of the o- declension, and that this form 
actually existed in Messapia is well known (Athen. iii. p. Ill C : 
iTiOfo^ apro^ MetraaTTioi). These two words being removed 
from the middle, the extremities remain, namely, ahaUru and 
pqpe. With regard to the first it is to be observed that the 
lengthening of a syllable, by doubling the vowel and inserting 
the letter A, is common in Umbrian (see Leps. de Tabh. Eugvb, 


pp. 92,' 8qq.), and the same practice ia often remarked in Latin. 
Indeed, as we have seen above (p. 98), the elongated form is 
the more ancient and original. AhaUru, then, bears the same 
relation to the Latin alter that ahala bears to ala, nihil to 
nilf vehemens to vemens^ &c. It is true that in the Eugubine 
Tables etre seems to represent the meaning, if not the form of 
alter; but this is no reason why there should not be the other 
equally genuine and ancient form alter or ahaltef, which is pro- 
bably the more emphatic word in that language, and corre- 
sponds, perhaps, in meaning to the adjective alienua. The sig- 
nification of the word pepe suggests itself from the context, and 
is also supported by analogy. It seems to be a reduplication of 
the root jhi {pd-nisy pa-aco, ira^daOcUy ira-riofuu, &c.), analo- 
gous to the reduplication of the root bi (or pi, irl-woy &c.) in 
bi'bo. If the Sabines were a warrior tribe of Umbrians, it is 
reasonable to conclude that their name for "a warrior" would 
be Umbrian also; now we know that the Sabine name for "a 
warrior" was titus (Fest p. 366, and above, p. 32), and the 
warrior tribe at Rome was called the Titienses (Liv. i. 13) ; ac- 
cordingly, as the Umbrian Propertius calls these the Tities {El 
IV. 1, 31 : Hinc Titles Ramnesque mri Luceresgue coloni^), it is 
not an unfair assumption that titia, pi. tities, was the Umbrian 
word for " a warrior." We have the same word on an Etruscan 
monument from Volterra, which represents a warrior with sword 
and spear, and bears the following, legend: mi afilee Tites 
(Inghirami Mon. Etr. aer. VI. tot?. A.; Micali Ant. Mon. tav. 51; 
Miiller, Denkmdler, LXII. n. 312). The inscription, then, will 
run thus: "the warrior eats another's bread;" the position of 
ahaltru being justified by the emphasis which naturally falls 
upon it. Compare Dante, Paradiso, xvii. 58-60 : 

Tu proTerai si come sa di sale 

Lo pa^M aUruif et com' h duro calle 

Lo Bcendere e '1 salir per V aUrui Bcala 

This motto, then, either refers to the practice of serving as 
mercenaries, so common among the Italians, or expresses the 
prouder feeling of superiority to the mere agriculturist, which 

1 Luemo in v. 29 Is an accurate transcription of the Etruscan Lauehms* 


was equally characteristic of the oldest Greek warriors. Compare 
the scolion of Hjbrias the Cretan («p. Aihen. xv. 695 p) : 

loTi fiot frXovrof lUyat t6pv koi $i(l>os 
Koi t6 KoKhw XoMnfioy frp6Pkrina XP^^^' 

TovT^ wartm t6p ddim oufov atr dfurcX», 

ravTif dttnr^ras fiv»tas K€Kkrjfjuu. 

Tol dc fuj rokf/MVT tx^t» ^pv Koi $i<l>oSf K. r. X. 

It is also to be remarked that the Litcumones^ or ^^ illustrious 
nobles/' among the Tuscans, seem to have distinguished their 
plebeians as Aruntea {dpovvTe;)^ i. e. mere ploughmen and agri- 
pultural labourers (Elenze, PhtL Alhandlurig, p. 39, note). In 
general the prsBUomen Aruns seems to be used in the old mythi- 
cal history to designate an inferior person (Mliller, Etnuk, I. 
p. 405). Others compare the word with 'Apta)i/, ^Apeuov, Sanscr. 
variyas^ Lith. wiremis (Fabretti, s. v. p. 167). 


I. The remaans of tfa« Oacaa language most be considered as SabeQian a]flo. 
§ 4. Alphabetical liBt of Sabello-Oacaa words, with their inteipr0tatio&. 
§ 3 The Bantiiie Table. 9 4. Gonmientaiy on the Baatiae Table. % $. Tht 
Oippm Ahdlanut, 9 6. The Bronie tablet of Agwme, § 7. The <' AteOanci" 

§ 1. The remains of the Oscan language must he considered 
as SabeUian o&o*. 

THE Oscan language is more interesting even than the Um- 
brian, and the remains which have come down to us are 
much more easily interpreted than the Eugubine Tables. Indeed, 
as Niebuhr has remarked (l. ad not 212), '^ some of the inscrip- 
tions maj be explained word for word, others in part at least, 
and that too with perfect certainty, and without any violence." 
This language had a literature of its own, and survived the 
Boman conquest of southern Italy. It was spoken in Samnium 
in the year 459*; it was one of the languages of Bruttium in 
the days of Ennius*; the greatest relic of Oscan is the Bantine 
Table, which was probably engraved about the middle of the 
seventh century; and the Oscan was the common idiom at Her- 
culaneum and Pompeii, when the volcano at once destroyed and 
preserved those cities. 

Although, as it has been shown in a previous chapter, the 
Sabines must be regarded as a branch of the Umbrian stock, who 
conquered all the Ausonian nations, and though Varro* speaks of 

' 1 Llr. X. 20: ** gnaros Unguee Obccb exploratam mittit.'' 
s FestuB, 8. T. bilingucit p. 35 : " lnUngue$ BrutkOea Enniiu dizity quod 

Bratti et Osce et Groece loqui soliti sint." 

' L, L, vn. i 3, p. 130, Mailer. Varro was bom at Reate (see 

p. 301 of Mailer's edition), and therefore, perhaps, attached peculiar 

importance to the provincialiBms of the ager Sabinus, 


the Sabine language as different from the Oscan, jev^w^edl the 
remains of the Sabine and Oscan languages belong to a^p^od 
when the Sabellian conquerors had mixed themselves up with the 
conquered Ausonians and had learned their Itoguage, it seems 
reasonable that we should not attempt, at this distance of time, 
to discriminate between them, but that, recognizing generallj the . 
original affinity of the iT^mbrian and Oscan nations, we should 
consider the Sabine words which have been transmitted to us, as 
belonging, not so much to the Umbrian idiom, as to the complex 
Sabello-Oscan language, which prevailed throughout the whole of 
southern Italy. And this view of the matter is farther justified 
by the &et, that a great many of these words are quoted, not 
only as Sabine, but also as Oscan. It is true that some parti- 
cular words are quoted as Sabine, which are not found in Oscan 
inscriptions, and not known to be Oscan also; but we cannot 
form any general conclusions from such isolated phenomena, espe- 
cially as a great many of these words are Latin as well. All 
that they prove is simply this, that there were provincialisms in 
the Sahine territory properly so called. Still less can we think 
with Mtiller {JSiruak. I. p. 42), that the Sabine language is the 
un-Greek element in the Oscan; for many of these words have 
direct connexions with Greek synonyms, as MtLller himself has 
admitted. There are no Sabine Inscriptions as such. The Mar- 
sian inscription, quoted by Lanzi, and which Niebuhr thought 
unintelligible (i. 105, ad not, 333), is Oscau, if it ought not 
rather to be called old Latin. 

In the following observations, then, for the materials of which 
I am largely indebted to the writings of Professor Klenze (PW- 
loloffische Ahhandlungen, Berlin, 1839), and of Theodor Momm- 
sen {Vhteritalischen Dialekte, Leipsig, 1850), the Sabine and 
Oscan will be treated in conjunction with one another*. Before 
proceeding to consider the Oscan inscriptions, it may be as well 
to give an alphabetical list of those words which are cited by old 
writers as Sabine, Oscan, or both. 

^ In the present edition I bare added some of Mr. Ellis's comparisons 
from his Ethnography of Italy and Oreeeej pp. 23 sqq., where he has 
introdaoed my list with sotae further illustratlont. 


§ 2. AlpJiaietical list of Sabello-Oscan toorcb, with their 

Alpusy Sab.. Feat. p. 4, Mttller : ^' AJbumy quod nos dicimns, a 
Grseco, quod est aX^v^ est appellatum. Sabini tamen cApwn 
dixerunt." Breton cdp^ " white," Greek 0X^09. 

Anxur. Plin. H. N. iii. 5 ; " flumen tJfens — ^lingaa Volscorran 
Anocur dictum." 

Aurdius. Vide s. v. 80L 

Aurum, Sab. Fest. p. 9: ^*Aurum — ^alii a Sabinis translatum 
putant, quod illi auatmi dicebant." Pruss. atisia^ Welsh aur. 

Brutusy Osc. "A runaway slave," "a maroon." Strabo, vi. 
p. 255; Diod. xvi. 16. Gaelic ruithj "to run;" Lapp. rues== 

Cctscusy GasinuSy Casnar^ Sab. Osc. Varro, L. L. yii. § 28: 
" Cdscum significat vetus ; ejus origo Sabina, quss usque radices 
in Oscam linguam egit." § 29 : '^ Item ostendit quod oppidum 
vocatur (hsinum ; hoc enim ab Sabinis orti Samnites tenue- 
runt, et nunc nostri etiam nunc Gasinum forum vetus appellant. 
Item significant in Atellanis aliquot Pappum senem, quod 
Osci Caenar appellant." Quintilian sajs (i. 5, § 8) : " Gasnar, 
assectator, e Gallift ductum est" With this meaning, Mr. 
Ellis compares the Welsh casnator. These words probably 
contain the Sanscr. root kd^^ "to shine," which also appears 
in Kodapo^, caa^ttiSy &c. Gdnua is also to be referred to this 
class (comp. co-esnUf ccena, &c.), and stands related to oandi^ 
duSj sAplenua does to s-plendidtis. According to Pott {Etym. 
Forsch. II. 109), cas^nar is a compound word, containing the 
roots cas'y " old," and nr^, " a man." Lobeck thinks (Paralip. 
p. 22 n.) that caanar is for cantis, as Gcesar and Gesso for 

Gatua Sab. Varro, L. L. vii. § 46: " Gata acuta; hoc enim 
verbo dicunt Sabini." We have the Welsh cateray " to cut," 
the A. S. gddy "goad," and the O. N. gaddr = clavua. 

Grepusculum, Sab. Varro, L. L. VI. § 5: " Secundum hoc dicitur 
crepuscvlum a crepero. Id vocabulum sumpserunt a Sabinis, 
imde veniunt Grepusci nominati Amitemo, qui eo tempore 
erant nati, ut Lucii prima luce. In Eeatino creptcacubim sig- 
nificat dubium ; ab eo res dictaa dubi» crq^cB^ quod crepus- 


culnm dies etiam nunc sit an jam nox, multis dubium." vii. 
§ 77 : '' Greptisculum ab Sabinis, qnod id dabium tempos 
noctis an diei sit." Comp. Festus, s. t. Deerepitus, p. 71, 
Mliller. The root of this word seems to be contained in the 
Sanscr. kahegMSj Greek /cviffKK (see New OrcU. § 160). 

Oumbay Sab. Festus, p. 64 : " Cumbam Sabini vocant eam, 
qoam militares lecticam, nnde yidetnr derivatum esse eubicu- 
lum.'^ Comp. Varro, L. L. V. § 166, and Gloss. MS. Camberon. 
(Voss. VU. 8erm. p. 419: '' Chmha dicitor lectica a cubando''*) 

Oupencus^ Sab. Serv. ad JEn. xii. 538: ''Sane sciendum, 
cupencum Sabinorum lingua sacerdotem vocari: sunt autem 
cupenci Herculis sacerdotes." Cf. Gaelic cotMt, ''an arch- 

GuriSj Quirisy Sab. Ovid. Fast II. 475: " Sive quod hasta 
curis priscis est dicta Sabinis." Yarro {op. Dion. Sal. ii. 
p. 109, Hnds.): Kvpei^ yap oi Xafiuwi ra^ aixf^ KoKovar 
Tovra ^ ovp Tephrrto9 Ovap^mv ypcuf>€L Macrob. 8cU. i. 
9 : " Quirinum quasi bellorum potentem, ab hasta, quam Sa- 
bini curim vocant.'* Festus, p. 49 : " Curis est Sabine hasta. 
Unde Bomulus Quirtnus^ quia eam ferebat, est dictus.'' Ibid. : 
" Ouritim Junonem appellabant, quia eandem ferre hastam 
putabant" p. 63: ''Quia matron» Junonis Curitis in tutela 
sint, qu» ita appellabatur a ferenda hasta, qu» lingua Sabi- 
norum Gwris dicebatur." (Comp. MtlUer, Elrwk. ii. p. 45, 
and Festus, p. 254). Servius, JSn. i. 296: "Bomulus au- 
tem Quirinus ideo dictus est, rel quod hasta utebatur, quas 
Sabinorum lingua Curia dicitur : hasta enim, i. e. curia j telum 
longum est, unde et aecuriaj quasi aemi-^uria'^ Isidor. ix. 
2, 84: "Hi et Quirites dicti, quia Quirinus dictus est Bomu- 
lus ; quod semper hasta utebatur, quse Sabinorum lingua quiria 
didtur.** Cf. Plutarch. Vit. Bamul. 29. If curia meant "a 
lance,'* as these authorities indicate, its meaning was derived 
firom the definition of a lance as " a headed or pointed staff." 
The analogies suggested hj Pott {M Farach. i. 263, ii. 533) 
do not lead to any satisfactorj result Some confusion arises 
in the mind from a comparison of Quiritesj {curia), curiadi, 
*Hhe full citizens or hoplites," with tcovpqre^, fcvpu>i, tcoipa- 
voi, Ko&poij KovplBio^ — ^words denoting "headship" or "per- 
sonal rank." See New Cratylua, § 330; Welcker, Theognia, 

D.V. 9 


p. xzxiii. ; Lobeck, Aglaopham. p. 1144, not. c, and ad Soph. 
' Aj\ 374, 2d edit; and above, p. 30 ; of. Irish cotVr, Old Norse 
ffeir, "a spear." 

Cypnis, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 159 : " Vicus CypriuB (Liv. i. 
48) a cypro^ quod ibi Sabini cives additi oonsedenmt, qui a 
bono omine id appellarunt; nam cyprum Sabine bonum.^'* 
The word probablj contains the same element as the Fersian 
hhvb (c-^), "good'* or "fair/* As Kupra was the Etroscan 
Juno, (Strabo, p. 241), this word must have belonged to the 
Umbrian element common to both languages. Mr. Ellis 
compares both the German hiibsch and the Welsh hyfryd. 

Dalivusy Osc. Fest. p. 68 : " Daltvum supinum ait esse Aure- 
lius, ^lius stultum. Oscorum quoque lingua significat in- 
sanum. Santra vero dici putat ipsum, quern Grseci SeiKatov, 
i.e. propter cujus &tuitatem quis misereri debeat.*' Comp. 
Hesjch., AaKl^j fjLOipoSf and see Blomf. ad.^ch. Evmen. 318. 
Labb. Gloss, daunum^ A^pova^ where Scaliger reads daUvwau 
We have in a similar sense not only the Gaelic daiUean, 
Welsh dol, but the Gothic dvcd, and the Gbrm. toll 

Diana, Sab. Vide sub v. Feronia. 

Dirm, Umbr. et Sab. Serv. ad Mit. in. 235: "Sabini et 
Umbri, qu» nos mala dira appellant" This word seems to 
be the same in effect as the Gr. heivi^. But it comes nearer 
to the Gaelic dear "great," "prodigious," and the Welsh 
dirtedf " mischievous," " unlucky." 

Falacer (cf. alaoer). Varro, L. L. V. § 84. (cf. vil. § 45) : " flamen 
Falacer a divo patre Falacre.^^ It is supposed by Mommsen 
that this word was Sabine, because Vespasian's Sabine birth- 
place was Fal^wnne or Falacrinum. If so the word must 
have belonged to the Umbrian element common to the Sabine 
and Etruscan : for Varro tells us here that Falacer was divtie 
pater, or Jupiter, and we learn expressly that falandum was 
the Etruscan equivalent to coelum (Fest. p. 88). 

Famel, Osc. Fest. p. 87 : " Famuli origo ab Oscis dependet, 
apud quos OGrvus Jamel nominabatur, unde etfamiUa vocata." 
Comp. Mtiller, EtrusTcer, i. p. 38. Benfey {Wurzd-Lex. ii. 
20) would connect ju-^mel for fag-mel with the Sanscrit root 
hhaj, "to honour;" Sclav, bog, "god;" Russ. bo^-itj, "to 


Fasena, Sak Vaxro {pp. Vet. Orthogr. p. 2230 P.): ^'Siqui. 
dem, ut testis est Yarro» a Sabinis jiisefna dicitar." p. 2238 : 
^' Itaqne harenam jostins qnis dixerit, quoniam apud antiqaos 
jhaena erat, et hordeum^ K^piA fardeum, et, sioat supra diximus, 
hireos^ quoniam firci erant, et hcdckiy quoniam jMV^ The 
ancients, however, often omitted the aspirate in those words 
which originally had/. Quintil. InsU OroA. !• 5. § 20 : " Pax- 
cissime ea (aspiratione) reteres usi sunt etiam in vocalibus, 
cum cBdoB ircosque dicebant." The / is changed into h in 
the proper name Halesus — the hero eponymus of the Fcde" 
rtansy and founder of Falisd: see Tumeb. Adv. zxi. 3. 
Below, Fedus. For the similar change from / to A in the 
Bomance languages, see New CrcLtylu8y § 111. 

Februum^ Sab. Varro, L. L. VI. § 13 : " FAruvm Sabini pur- 
gamentum, et id in sacris nostris verbum." Ovid. Faxt. ii. 
19 : ^^ Februa Bomani dizere piamina Patres." Fest. p. 85. 
Also Tuscan ; see J. Ljdus d» Mens. p. 170. The word maj 
be compared either with the A. S. jtBgery " fair," or with the 
Gaelic /eoJA, "good." 

Fedus, Foedns^ Sab. Varro, L. L. V. § 97 : " Irciia, quod Sa^ 
bini fircua; quod illic Jedus, in Latio rure edus; qui in urbe, 
nt in multis A additio, aedusS^ Apul. de Nat. Adspir. p. 94 
(Osann.): ^'M. Terentius scribit hedum lingua Sabinorum 
Jidum vocatum, Bomanosque corrupte hedus pro eo quod est 
Jidu8 habuisse, sicut hircua pro Jtrcusj et irahere pro trqfere." 
p. 125 : " Sabini enim fircuSj Bomani hircua; illi ve/hre^ Bo- 
mani vehere protnlerunt." Fest. p. 84: ^^ Fcedum antiqui 
dicebant pro hmdOf folua pro olerCy foatem pro hoate^ foatem 
pro hostia'' Above, Faaena. We have both Celtic and 
Teutonic aflinities for this word ; cf. the Welsh ged with the 
Swedish geiaixA the Gothic gaitaa. 

Ferontay Sab. Varro, L. L. V. § 74 : " Feronia^ Mtnervay No- 
venaidea a Sabinis. Paulo aliter ab eisdem dicimus Hercu- 
lem, Veatam^ Salutem, Fortunam, Fortem, Fidem. Et ar» 
Sabinam linguam olent qu» Tati regis voto sunt Bomas de- 
dicate; nam, ut Annales dicunt, vovit (1) Opt, (2) FIotcb, 
(3) Vediavi BcOumoqWy (4) Soli, (6) Lunca, (6) Volcam et 
Bummcmo, itemque (7) Larundce, (8) Termino, (9) Quirino, 
(10) Vartumno, (11) Laribua, (12) Dianca iwcfnaque." [The 



fignres refer to the XII. altars, according to Mllller'a view, 
FestoB, p. xliv.: comp. Etrusk. ii. p. 64.] " E qnis nonnulk 
nomina in utraqne lingua habent radices, at arbores, qn» in 
confinio nat» in utroqne agro serpunt : potest enim Satomufl 
hie de alia cansa esse dictus atque in Sabinis, et sic Diana, et 
de qnibos snpra dictum est/' 

Fides, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia. 

Fircus, Sab. Above, s. v. Fedua. 

Flora, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia. 

Fora, Fortuna. Ibid. 

Gela, Osc Steph. Bjzant. voc. TcXa:— hJ Bi vorapi^ (Tika) 
on iroXKrjv ir&xyrpf yein^f' ravrrfv yap rg ^Chrue&v 4>^v§ xal 
liUciKmv yiKav Xey€<r$ai, We have both the Teutonic Aoft 
and the Welsh geloer. 

Hercules, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronda. 

Hema, Sab. et Marsic. "A rock." Serv. ad Verg. JEn. Vii. 
684. Compare Kpat^aS^, tcapai^ev; Gael, cam; Irish, co^- 
neach; Sclav, kremeni. 

Idus, Sab. Varro, L. L. vi. § 28 : " Idus ab eo quod Tusci 
itus, vel potius quod Sabini tdus dicunt." This root is found 
in dir^dro, viduus, &c., Sanscrit vidhavd, and even in the 
Semitic languages ; see N. Orat. § 39, note. 

Irpus, Sab. et Samn. Serv. ad JEn. xii. 785: "Nam lupi 
Sabinorum lingua Atrpt vocantur." Fest. p. 106 : " Irpiai 
appellati nomine lupi, quem irpum dicunt Samnites; eum 
enim ducem secuti agros occupavere.'* Strabo, v. p. 250: 
k^fi S eurlv *Ifmivoi, kovtoI "Zavptrai* roifuofia S* laj(pv mo 
rov i^yffo-afiiuov Xuieov rfj^ dvoueia/i* t/mov yap koKowtiv ol 
Xavi/trM Tov \uKo». Compare the Sanscrit vrikas; and see 
New Cratyl § 269. 

Jupiter, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Lares, Sab. s. v. Feronia, 

Larunda, Sab. s. v. Feronta. 

Lebasius, Sab. Serv. oJ Verg. Georg. i. 7 : " Quamvis Salini 
Cererem Panem appellant, Liberum LebasiumJ*^ It is pro- 
bable that the root-^jllable should be written laelh- » hdn (see 
Fest p. 121, MttUer). For the termination we may compare 
the Sabine name Vesp-asia. 

LepestcB, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 123 : " Diet» lepestm, qm 


etiam nunc in diebos sacris Sabinis fxua wnaria in mensa 
deonun sunt posita; apnd antiqnos scriptores inveni appel- 
lari pocnli genns Xen-aardvy quare vel inde radices in agram 
Sabinnm et Bomannm sunt profect»/' 

Lixulay Sab. Varro, L. L. V. § 107 : " Circnli, quod mixta 
farina et caseo et aqua circuitum sequabiliter fundebant. Hoc 
quidem qui magis incondite faciebant, vocabant lixidas et 
semiltxulcu voeabulo Sabino, itaque firequentati a Sabinis." 
Gomp. liquor y &c. 

Lucetiua^ Ctec Serv. ad JEm. IX. 670: "Lingua Osca lAxce- 
tws est Jupiter dictus, a luce quam prsBstare dicitur homi- 
nibus." Gomp. lux^ Xet;^, %^9 &c. 

Lticinaj Luna. s. v. Feronia. 

Moeaius, Qsc. Fest p. 136: ^^Mamua lingua Osca mensis 

MamerSy Osc. et Sab. Fest. p. 131 : ^^ Mamers^ Mamertis fiicit, 
«. «. lingua Osca MarSy Martia, unde et Mamertini in Sicilia 
dicti, qui Messan» habitant'* Id. p. 158: "Et nomen ao- 
ceperunt unum, ut dicerentur Mamertini, quod conjectis in 
sortem duodecim deorum nominibus, Mamers forte exierat; 
qui lingua Oscorum Mars significatur." Id. p. 131: ** Ma-^ 
mercus praenomen Oscum est ab eo, quod hi Martem Ma^ 
mertem appellant*' Varro, L. L. v. § 73: '^Mars ab eo 
quod maribus in bello prseest, aut quod ab Sabinis acoeptus, 
ibi (ubi?) est J£zmer«." This word and its analogies are 
explained in the next chapter, § 2. The whole subject has 
been reviewed by Corssen, iiber die Formen u. Bedeutunffen 
des Namen Mars in den ital, Didlekten {Z&itschr. fi Vergl. 
8prf. 1852, pp. 1 — 35), who proposes to consider Mavors 
as a contraction of Mar-mar with a formative iy which is also 
found in Mars (Jlfor-^). 

Meddixy Osc. Liv. xxvi. 6 : '^ Medix tuticus summus apud 
Campanos magistratus.*' Gomp. xxiv. 19. (The old reading 
was mediaskaicus.) Fest p. 123 : ^^ Meddix apud Oscos no- 
men magistratus est." Ennius : '' Summus ibi capitur Med- 
dixy occiditur alter" {Annal. viii. 73). In this passage from 
Ennius, Dacier reads unus for summus. This appears un- 
necessary: Meddix occurs in the Oscan inscriptions with 
the epithets degetasiuSy Jbrtis, and tuHcus; summus maj be 


another epithet of the same kind. The word Meddix appears 
to be connected in origin with the Greek fi^a^v. The proper 
name Mettius (Fest. p. 158), or MeUtis (liv. i. 23), seems to 
have been this word Meddix, At least livy says that Met- 
tu8 Fuffetius was made dictator of Alba ; and Festos speaks 
of Sthennins Mettius as princepa of the Samnites. So, also, 
we have M£AA£I3« oy«bns {Meddix Ufena) in the inscription 
given by Castelli di Torremuzza, 8icil. vet, Tnacr. v. 45, p. 55: 
see Mailer, Etrusk. il. p. 69, note. Kn5tel proposes {Zsitackr. 
f. d AUerihumaw. 1850, p. 420) to consider Med^dix^mediumr 
dicens as a componnd analogous to ju'dex^jjAs^dicena^ tnn- 
dex = vim-^licens, &c. The last word is more truly explained 
with reference to ven^eo^ venrdoy and ven-dioo; and as fnedix 
is properly spelt with one d (see Sch5mann'*8 Greifiwald Pro- 
gram jur 1840), it would be better to consider Tnedr as the 
root and a; = c-« as a mere formative ending: cf. rnedicu». In 
somewhat later times the Sabello-Oscans called their dictator 
by the name emhratur^ which is evidently a shortened form of 
the Latin im-peraior^ or indurperator. Liv. Viii. 39 ; IX. 1 ; 
X. 29. Oros. V. 15 : '* Postquam sibi Samnites Papium Ma- 
tilmn imperatorem praefecerant" Similarly we have coins 
with the Oscan inscription, G. Paapi G. MuHl Embratur; 
which refer to the time of the Social War, when the forces 
of the confederaqr were divided into two armies, each un* 
der its own imperator^ the Marsi being under the orders of 
Q, PopoBdiua Silo, the Samnites having for their leader this 
Gaiue Papius Mutilue, the son of Gaius. Of ttUicua, see 

Minerva, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

MuUa, Osc. et Sab. Fest p. 142: ''Mukam Osoe dici putant 
posnam quidam. M. Varro ait pcenam esse, sed pecaniariam, 
de qua subtiliter in Lib. i. qusestionum Epist I. refert*" Cf. 
p. 144. s. V; Maximam muham, Vairo, apud CML xi. 1 : 
^^ Vocabulum autem ipsum muUce idem M. Varro uno et vice- 
simo rerum humanarum non Latiniun sed Sabinum esse dicit, 
idque ad suam memori^m mansisse ait in lingua Samnitium, 
qui sunt a Sabinis orti/' 

Nar, Sab. Virg. JEn. vii. 517 : " Sulfurea Nar albas aqua." 
Ubi Serv. : " Sabini lingua sua nar dicunt sulfur." 


Nety nerioj Sab. Suet. Vit. Tiber, i.: "Inter cognomina autem 
et Neronis adsnmpslt, quo significatar lingua Sabina jbrtis ac 
strenuusy Gell. xiii. 22: ^^ Nerio a veteribns sic declina^ 
tar, quasi Anio ; nam proinde ut Anienem, sic Nerienem dix- 
enint, tertia syllaba prodncta ; id autem, sive Nerio sive Ne^ 
rienes est, Sabiniun verbum est, eoque significatur virtus et 
fortitudo. Itaque ex Claudiis, quos a Sabinis oriundos acce- 
pimus, qui erat egregia atque praestanti fortitudine Nero appel- 
latus est Sed id Sabini accepisse a Grsecis videntur, qui vin- 
cula et firmamenta membrorum vevpa dicunt, unde nos quoque 
nervos appellamus." Lydus de Mens. iv. 42. Id. de Man 
giatr. 1. 23. Compare the Sanscr. nrl; and see above, p. 128, 
8. T. Cas-^ar: cf. p. 116. 

NovenmdeSy Ops. Sab. s. v. Ferorda. 

Panis = Geresy Sab. s. v. Lebasivs. 

Panosy Messap. Athen. iil. p. Ill c: vavo^ dpro^ Mea-a-dirioi. 
This is a confirmation of punus for jpanis in the Umbrian 
inscription (p. 123). 

Petora^ petorritum^ Osc. Fest. p. 206: ^^ Petorritum et Gallicum 
vehiculum est, et nomen ejus dictum esse existimant a numero 
liii. rotarum ; alii Osce, quod hi quoque petora quattuor vo- 
cent : alii Orsece, sed cudKiscw dictum." Comp. Quintil. Inst 
Orat, I. 5, § 67. The -^Eolic Greek wrote via-avpe^y ttcct- 
captLy or irlavpa, or irhope;y iriropa. In Gaelic we have 
peder. The Doric" Qr. was rirope:. In general we have t 
in Gr. where we have qv in Latin, and in these cases we have 
p in Oscan : e. g. Osc. pisy Lat. qvisy Gr. rk ; and the Oscans 
wrote TarpinitiSy Ampusy for the Lat. TarquinitiSy Ancus, 
But qv was so agreeable to the Roman articulation, that we 
find qv in Latin words where we have not t but tt in Greek. 
Comp. rrfjy irivre {'/rifJk'Tre), wttto?, mofjuuy Xslnrmy Tdira (X^ 
7rap6^)y ,iimXo^y ivhreiy irarairafOy TT^Trr©, ffirapy with quay 
quinquSy equusy seqwjTy UnqaOy liqueo, oquuluSy in-quit {quoth 
Angl., quHhan Anglo-Sax., gwedyd Welsh ^), quatioy quoquo, 
jecur. For petor-ritum {petor, " four," rod, Sanscrit rathuy 
"a chariot") see Heindorf on Hon 8at. i. 6, 104. 

* Seo below, Chap, xi, J 7. We have the present tense of quoth in 
the English word be^queath; cf. bespeak. 


JPicus^ Sab. ^trabo, v. § 2: Tnxop yap rrjiv opvuf rovrov ova- 
fui^ova-i Kol vofAlfyvaiv "Apec^ Upov, Cf. Bret pOc^ "a mag- 

Pipatioj Osc. Fest. p. 212: ^^PipaHo clamor plorantis lingua 
Oscorum." We may compare this either with the Gaelic /itoJ, 
" to pipe," " to squeak," or with the Grerman pfcifen. 

POpity Osc Fest. p. 212: '' FitpU Osce quidquid." Above, 
s. V. Petora. 

ParcuSf Sab. Varro, L. L. V. § 97 : " Porcua qnod Sabinis dio- 
tum Aprimo Porco^por^ inde porcus ; nisi si a Grrsecis, quod 
Athenis in libris sacrorum scripta ttmrp^ koL 7r6pK€x" This 
root occurs in all the Indo-Germauic languages. 

Quirinus^ Saltis, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Sancus, Sab. Varro, X. L. v. § 66 : " ^lius Dium Fidium di- 
cebat Dioyis filium, ut Grasci Am Kopov Castorem, et putabat 
hunc esse Sancum ab Sabina lingua, et Herculem a Grseca." 
Lyd. de Mens, 58: r6 aayteo^ ovofUL ovpavhv innAoiveL t§ 
Xa/Sa/tuv yXdafffj, 

ScUumus, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Scenaa, Sab. Fest. p. 339 : '^ Scenaaa [Sabini dicebant, quae] 
nunc cenas, quad autem nunc prandia, cenas habebant, et pro 
ceni[s vespemas antiqui].*** Comp. Paul. Diac. in p. 338. Mr. 
Ellis compares the Welsh gmnaa and veapema with the Gaelic 
fsaagar^ both signifying " evening." 

Sol, Sab. s. V. Feronta; see also Varro, L. L, v. §§ 27, 68; but 
Festus says (p. 20) : ^^ Aureliam familiam, ex Sabinis oriun- 
dam, a Sole dictum putant, quod ei publice a populo Bomano 
datus sit locus, in quo sacra faceret Soli, qui ex hoc AtiaeU di- 
cebantur, ut Valesii, Papisii, pro eo quod est Valerii, PapiriL" 
— ^And on an Etruscan mirror Vail appears as the name of a 
figure armed with a bow, which probably represents Apollo, 
{BulletL 1840, p. 11) ; and this would seem to confirm Miller's 
suggestion (see Berlin. JcJirbUcher, August 1841, p. 222, note) 
that the whole word Auail was the name of the Sun-god, both 
in the Sabine and in the Etruscan language. The word Au- 
relitia, however, brings us much nearer to Aurora^ and while 
we have the word Uail on Etruscan monuments in connexion 
wit}i the figure of Aurora (Gerhard, Arch. Zeitwng^ 1847, 
Anh. n. 1. p. 9), wc find from the obvious reading in a gloss 


of Heajchios that the Etruscan word really meant " the morn- 
ing" rather than "the sun:" avicfiKm I. av<r/iK\fo4\y &>9 xnro 
Tvpfn)vwv. AncT as the Sabines said atimm from auruniy we 
may probably refer both words to the Sanscrit root uah^ 
vrerey and explain the name of the metal from the red glare of 
light, which is common to it and to the sun-rise: whence Varro 
says (2/. L. v. § 83) : " aurora dicitur ante solis ortum, ab eo 
quod ab igni solis tum aureo aer aureacat.^^ The slight con- 
fusion between the sun and his early light is easily accounted 
for, and excused : and on the whole it seems better to sup- 
pose that $oly from the Sanscrit root 8war=^cadum (Pott, 
Etym. FarsiJi. I. p. 131), and auad^ from uah = urere^ were 
independent, but partly commutable Sabine and Etruscan 

SoUo^ Osc Fest. p. 298 : " SoUo Osce dicitur id quod nos 
toium Yocamus. Lucilius: vaaa quoque omnino redimit, non 
soUo dupundij i.e. non tota. Idem Livius. BoUicuria^ in 
omni re curiosa. Et aoUiferreum genus teli, totum ferreum. 
Bollera etiam in omni re prudens [comp. Sanscr. 8arvdrlJui\ ; 
et soUemine^ quod onmibus annis prsestari debet.^ Grimm. 
{DeuUch, Worterh. I. p. 206) compares with this word Goth. 
alia, O. H, G., O; S. &c. aZ, A. S. eal, Engl. aH, O. N. aUr, Swed. 
and Dan. aK, Ir. uil, Welsh oil, Armor. hoU, Gr. 2\o9— 3XFo9, 
Lat salvusy Sanscr. sarva. 

Sirdnda, Umbr. Fest. p. 313 : " Strebula Umbrico nomine 
Plautus appellat coxendices quas G[r8eci fi/r}pla dicunt, quse] 
in altaria in[poni solebant, ut Flau]tus ait in Fri[volaria]." 
Varro, L. L. Vll. § 67 : " Stribtda^ ut Opilius scribit, cir- 
cum coxendices sunt bovis ; id Graecum est ab ejus loci ver- 
sura." Amob. adv. Oent. vii. 24: "Non enim placet camem 
strelndam nominari qusB taurorum e coxendicibus demitur.^ 
Mr. Ellis compares Basque isterray Armen. azdr. 

Sirenay Sab. Elpidian. ap. hyd, de Mens. lY. 4: o Si 'EXtti- 
Suofo^ iv ry irepl kopr&v crprfvaif ttjv vyieutv ry %afiiva>v 
ifxav^ Tjyea-Oai ^criv. Comp. Symmach. J^. X. 35 ; Festus, 
p. 313 ; and the Germ, strenge^ Engl, strong ^ Lat. strenuusy 
Gr. <rrprjvi]^y irrpffvoffy &c. For another sense of strena, see 
Fest. p. 313. 

Summanits, Sab. s. v. Feronta. 


Supparw, Oac. Varro, L. L. v. § 131 : **Indutui alteram quod 
subtus, a quo subucula ; alteram quod supra, a quo weppamja^ 
uisi id, quod item dicunt Osci/' Cfl alirapo^y stpcartu. 

TehcB^ Sab. Varro, B. B. in. 1, 16 : '^ Nam lingua prisca et 
in Grsscia ^oleis Boeotii sine afflatu vocant collis td^as/ et in 
Sabinis, quo e Gnecia yenenmt Pelasgi, etiamnunc ita dicunt; 
cujus vestigium in agro Sabino via Salaria non longe a Beate 
milliarius clivus appellatur ThebteJ*^ The word therefore, 
according to Varro, was Pelasgian as well as Sabine. Cf. 

Terenum, Sab. Macrob. 8aL il. 14: ''A tereno, quod est 
Sabinorum lingua molle, unde Terentioa quoque dictos putat 
Varro ad Libonem primo." Comp. the Gr. ripijv, 

Terminusj Sab. s. v. Feronta. 

Tesqua, Sab. Schol Ear. Eptst. I. 14, 19 : '' Lingua Sabino- 
rum loca difficilia et repleta sentibus sic (tesqua) nominantur.*' 

Testis^ Sab. Labb. Gloss. Norn. p. 32 : ^^ Testis fuzprv^ if r£p 

TatUicus, Osc Liv. xxvi. 6 : " Medix ttUicus" The Bine- 
rarmm Hterosolym. explains the name of the citj Equus^ 
IkUtcuSy which Horace could not fit to his verse (i. 8(U. 6, 87), 
bj equus magnus. Though it is possible, however, that tutt" 
cus might in a secondary application bear this signification, 
it is inore probable that it is the adj. firom tuta=civttas, and 
that it ineans publicus or ctvicus. Abeken thinks {MiUeU 
italieny p. 100) that the word equus in this compound is the 
ethnical name JEquus; but the version of the Binerartum is 
confirmed by the inscription of Nuceria, published by Pelli- 
cano in 1840: "M. Virtio . M. T. Men. Cerauno . iEdili . ii 
Vir . Jure . dicundo . prsefecto . fabrum . V. Vir • cui . decu- 
riones . ob • munificentiam . ejus . quod . equum • mctgnum . 
posuerat . et . denarios . populo . dedicatione . ejus . dederat . 
duumviratum . gratuitum . dederunt . Nuceri».^ So that the 
city may have derived its name firom some such symbolical 
steed erected in the market-place, which was at once '^ great" 
and ^^ public." Cf. Abella = Aperula = Boartoton or Barton. 

Traheay Sab. Lydus de Mens. i. 19. 

Traferej Sab. Above, s. v. Fedus. 

Trimodiaf Sab. Schol. Hor. Serm. I. 1, 53 : '^ Cumersd dicuntor 


vasa minora qtue capinnt quinque sive sex modios, qtuB lingua 
Sabinonim trimodim dicontur.^ 

Unguilty Osc. Feat. p. 375 : '' Ungulus Oscorum lingua anu* 
luaJ" Comp. Plin. H. N. xxxili. 1. 

Vacuna^ Sab. Horat. i. Epiat. x. 49: "Post fanum putre 
Vacunm^ Porphyr. ad 1. : " Vacwna apud Sabinos pluri- 
mum colitiir...yarro,..yictoriam ait et ea maxime hi gandent 
qui sapientia yincnnt.^ She seems to have been the goddess 
of Victory, whether she approximated in this capacify to 
BeHona, to Minerva, to Diana, or to Ceres; and the old 
temple, mentioned by Horace, was restored under this name 
by the Sabine Emperor Vespasian: vide Orelli, Corp. In- 
scripi. no. 1868. 

Vedius, Sab. s. v^ Feronta. 

Vefore, Sab. s. v. Fedua. 

Veia, Osc. Fest. p. 368 : " Veia apud Oscos dicebatur plaustrum.^ 

Veepema, Sab. s. v. Scensa. 

Vesta,' Volcanus, Vertumnus, Sab. s. v. Feronta. 

§ 8. The Bantine Table. 

The most important fragment of the Oscan Language is carved 
on a bronze tablet, which was found in the year 1793 at Oppido, 
on the borders of Lucania, and which is called the Tabula Ban- 
Una on account of the name Bansm occurring in the inscription, 
which seems to refer to the neighbouring city of Bantia in 
Apulia'. On the other side is a Latin inscription, which will be 
considered in its proper place. 

The Oscan Bantine inscription contains thirty-eight lines or 
fragments of lines. Of these lines four to twenty-six are com- 
plete at the begiiming; and lines eleven to thirty-three have 
preserved the ends entire: consequently there are some six- 
teen lines which may be read throughout. Of course, the 
certainty and facility of the interpretation vary materially with 
the completeness of the fragment; and while many passages 
in the intermediate lines may be made out almost word for 
word, we are left to mere conjecture for the broken words and 

It was bovght for the Museo Borbpntoo for 400 flcodi. 


sentenoes at tbe beginning and end. The following is a oopy 
of the Table. 

1. . . . 5 . nam [f^iLSt^ izic ru 

2. . . . su€B 2(e) l{e)p{tif)its . q . moUam, angit 

u . amnur . . . 

3. • . . deivast . maimas • carneis . senateis 

tanginud . am ... 

4. XL. . osii . ... IOC . egmo . comparascuster . siuie 

pis . pertern/ust . pruter . pan .... 

5. deivatud . 5ipt^ . comonei . perum . doUm . mal- 

hm . stem . «oc . comono .. mat» . cgrm . 

6. cos . amnt^ . pan . pieis . umbrateis • avti 

cadeis . amnud . imm . idic . siom . dot 
senat . . . 

7. tanginud • maimas . carneis . pertumum . piei 

ex . comono . pertem^est . mc . 6t2;eiO . zicd 

8. comono . ni . Atptcl pts . pocapit . post . port 

eaxic . comono . hajiert . meddis . (iat . co^ 
fn'd . louJi\rud'] .\auti\ . . . 

9. en . eituas . factud . jpoti^ . tcwrfo . deivatuns . tan- 

ginom . deicans . ^m . c2a< . eizo^c . idic • 
tangineis . . . 

10. deicum . jpoc{ . i;a2aeinom . tou<icom . tadait • ezum 

nep .fe[f]oLcid . pod .pw . dai.eizao . egmad 
min . . . 

11. deivaid . cIoZuc^ . 97iaZm2 . auae .pis . oonfrt^ • exeze 

fefacuLst . auti . comono • hiptist . moZfo 
e?an . 

12. <o . e^^t^c? . n . O0 . in . ^uoe . pt^ . ionc .fortis 

meddis. moUaum . herest . aTnpert . mtn^reis 
a£teis . 

13. eittui^ . mokas . moUaum . licitud . «i^oe . jns 

pnmieddixud . oftret . castrous . at^t . eifuc» 

14. 2^ico2oin . dicust . izic . comono . ni • hipid . ne 


pon . op . toutad . petirupert . urust . sipus ; 
perum . dolam . 

15. maUom . in . tnUtim . zico . touto . peremiist . petito-. 

pert . neip . mats . pomtis . com . preivatud . 

16. pruter . pam . medicat . i'nom • cJicKist . in .pon ^ 

posmom • con . preivatud . t^rti^t • eisucen . 
zictdud • 

17. zicolom . XXX • nmmt^m . comonom . m . hipid .- 

. suae . pis . coning . eo^etc .fefacijusA . ionc . 
TOoe . pis . 

18. ^ere^ . meddis . mo&aum . licitud . ampert . mistreis • 

ae^ei^ • et^uo» • licitud . pon • cen^t^n 

19. [jBJansoe . toutam . censaaet . pts . C6t<^ . Bantins . 

yii^ . censamur , esitf . in . eitv>am - poizad . 

20. aisc (f) censtur. censaum . anget . t/isef . avJt . .«t^e . 

pis . censtomen . nei • ce&nti^ . cZoZtd^ • 
moMud . 

21. in . eizeic . vincter . ew/". comenei . Zamoftr . prmed- 

diamd . toutoc? . praesentid • jperum . doZt^m . 

22. maUom . m . a/miricattui . <x22o ./amdo . m • et • ^uom • 

pa^i . 6t2«i8 .y^^ .pae . ancen^to .^5/5« . 

23. toutico . e^JtecZ • jjr . «^ae . praefucus . pod! • po** . 

eocac . Bansae .Just. su<xe • jpw . op . eizois . 

24. a[Z]^ru€2 . ligtui . acvm . herest . auti . prumedicatud . 

manimasenMn . eizaaunc . egmazum . 

25. pc» . esr . aiscen . ligis , scriftas . set.nep .him.prur 

hipid • mai^ . sicdUns . x . nesvmois . suae • 
^> - contrud . 

26. eo^eic • pruhipust • mo2to . 6<anto . estud .n.O*in. 

suae . pis . ionk . meddis • moUcmm * herest • 
licitud . 


27. [cm^f>eTt'] minstreis . (leteis . eituas . moUas • moir 

taum • lidtud pr . censtur . Bansae . 

28. [m . pis .ju^d . nei . «Moa . q .fust . nep . censtur . 

ywwi . nei . «toe . ^ .Just . tn . «^€ . pis . 

pr .in . suae . 
29« . •. . . . t6n . g . pis . toct^^ . im . nerum .^u^ . izic . 

po^ . eizuo ni .faid • «t^oe . pis • 
30. ...[pjocopii . Bansa\e\ . [/]t^5^ . WJW? . amprufid .faais 

. estud . idic . medtcm . eizuk . 
3l....m.2$ . • m . nerum . . . medidm . . ^num 

. VI . nesimum . 


• • (nn[j]udew . iicfeh • . . 

. mum . pod • 


• m . luii . sucB • . eizs . s . . 

• . • medicim. 


. . nistreis a{e\teis i 


. . est lidtud tr . 


. . comipid iruds . . . 


• • tr{p]l estud . . . 


. . tinkom . • . . 

§ 4. CommerUary on the BatUine Table. 

In tbe first line we have only the words Ju8i=^JuerU and 
istet^iSj which are of frequent occurrence. 

In 1. 2 we read : Q. moltam angii .u. Q. is the common 
abbreviation for quceator^ whose business it was to collect such 
fines : compare Mua. Ver, p. 469 : qvai&tores • • . . AIBE . 
MVLTATICOD . DEDERONT. We have scen above that muUa 
s. moUa is recognized as a Sabello-Oscan word ; and it is of 
course equivalent to the Latin multa. As (mter is the Oscan 
form of inter y we might suppose that an^git.u was for in-igU 
«0. But a comparison of the Oscan inscriptions xxiv . 18 (p. 71 
Leps.) : meddias degetaeiils araget^ and xxvii. 38 (p. 86 Leps.) : 
meddia degetasia aragetud muUas (which are obviously, with the 
common change of J to r, meddix degetasiue adiget and meddtx 
degetastus adigito multcui), would rather show that angiLu[d] 
is an abbreviation of adigito, the dental liquid representing the 
dental mute. 


L. 3 : deiva8t maimas kameial aenateia ianginud. The first 
word is the conjunctiye of divavit^ which occurs in the inscrip* 
tion quoted hj Lanzi {Saggioy ill. p. 533), and we have the 
imperative deiotxtud in I. 5, deivahms in 1. 9, and deivaid in 

I. 11. Deivo mnst be identical with divo in Lanzi's inscription, 
PATRII DONO ^IIIL I. LIB . . . T. We have also deivames 
on the Grecchio Inscription, and Enotel would connect the yerb 
with devaveo^ {Zeitschr. f. d. Alterihumsw. 1860, p. 419). Etjr- 
mologically this is obviously wrong: but if we adopt Mommsen^s 
derivation from divua^ so that divare means ccnsecrare or divi- 
nam facere, the meaning will come to this. Huschke (die oak, 
u. 8ah. Spr. pp. 64, 70), connects the word with dubius, and 
renders deivo bj moram focio, marart, Maimaa Jcameis must 
mean maximi (in old Latin maxtmae) cardmia. So mata in 

II. 15, 25, signifies magia; comp. the French maia: and d is 
often omitted in derivatives from the Latin, as in mirmuit for 
media node. The cardo mduxnmua refers to the main line in the 
templum in Boman land-surveying, and thus in 1. 7, we have 
maimaa kameia pertumum. As deivo and pertemo are mani-^ 
festly transitive verbs (cf. comono pertemeaty 1. 7), the gen. maimas 
kameia must be explained as an expression of measurement or 
value. Tanginudy which occurs elsewhere, was probably an 
ablative case, corresponding to the accus. tanginom (1. 9). We 
have the same phrase, aencUeia tanginild, in the Cippua Ahelia^ 
nuay I. 8 ; and it is probably equivalent to the de aenattioa aen- 
tenHad of the aencOua-HxmauUum de Bacchanalibua, If so, the 
root tag- (with nasal insertion torn-g^) occurred in Qscan as well 
as in Greek. 

L. 4: atujB pia pertemuat. The first two words, auca pia 
i. e. ai quia, are of constant occurrence in this Table. For the 
form of aticB^ai, see New Cratyhia, § 205. So auad^^aic 
(Miiller, SuppL Ann. in Feat. p. 411). Pertemuat is the perf. 
subjunctive of a verb pertimere, which seems to mean " to portion 
oflf " or " divide :^ comp. periica, templum^ rifievoi, rifjomj oon- 
temnOf &c. 

1 In the second transcription I hare submitted kfor 0, for the resBons 
given by Lepsius (ad Inser, p. 150). 


L. 5: komanei BeemB to be the locative of a word, cam-unm, 
BynonymoxiB with cam-muniey and designating the ager publicus, 
i. e. TO KOLv6v. Perum dolum maUom siam ^per dolum mctUm 
suum. The preposition per-^m seems to be a compound like its 
synonym am-pert (12, &c.), lok komo-[no] is perhaps hoc 
camrunum : tone stands in this inscription for hunc or eum-ee. 

L. 6 : 'kaa amnud. In Lepsius' transcript this is written as 
one word ; but in the original there is a vacant space between 
the two, and "kas is clearly the end of some matilated word, the 
beginning of which was broken off from the end of the preceding 
line. Amnud occurs again in this line, and also in the Ctp* 
pm AbellantM, 1. 17. It seems to be the abl. of some noun. 
Mommsen translates it causa, and some such meaning is re- 
quired. At any rate, it governs a genitive in both clauses of 
this comparative sentence. For egmo is a feminine noun, as ap- 
pears from its ablative egmadi 1. 10 ; gen. pi. ^mazum, 1. 24. 
Consequentiy -kaa must represent the gen. sing, of some adjec- 
tive agreeing with eg-maa. Mommsen derives eg-mo from 
egere, so that it means '' need or business.'' Buschke, who finds 
Greek everywhere, refers the word to aixf^Vy and renders it am- 
troversia, jurgium {die oak. u. 8ab. Bpr. p. 80). As umbraUia is 
clearly imperati (cf. embratur with imperator), and as kadeia 
may be the genitive of some noim signifying " permission'* (cf. 
cadym, X^o^ihicoH», X^'^^^j careo, &c.), the whole passage will 
mean: magta negotii proprii cauad, quam alicujua imperoH 
autpermtaai cauad. Pieia and piei in this line and the next are 
the gen. and dat. of pia^quia. It is supposed by several 
scholars that dat in this line is another form of the preposition 
de; similarly dat caatrtd laufirud (1. 8) is supposed to mean de 
agro libera; dat eizatac (1. 9) is rendered by de iUia; and dat 
eizac egmad (1. 10) is de ilia re (Fabretti, p. 288). If so cfo is to 
dat as «e* to aed. 

L. 8: ni hipid^ i.e. ne habeat: conf. 11. 11, 14, 17; also 
pru'hynd (25) ^prcehibeaty and pru^hipuat (26) ^ prashibueriL 
Poat poat is probably an error of the engraver for pod poat^ 
for pod = quod signifies quando in 1. 23; or we must omit the 
former poat as an unmeaning interpolation. Poat^ak^poat^ 
'hoc or poat'Cak: eaak is the accus. neut. pi. of the pronoun 
eaua, which we have also in the Eugubine Tables, the -^, -JEr«, 


being BQbjoined, as in the Latin Atc»AtW». This is a most 
xnstnictiye fonn, as bearing immediately on a difficalty which 
has long been felt in Latin etymology. The quantity of the 
last syllables of anted^ ifUereSy pasted^ praptereaj seems at fiist 
aig^t irreconcilable with the supposition that these words are the 
prejxraitions anUy inter^ &c., followed by the neat, accus. ea^ 
And a comparison with poat-hao^ adversus hoc (Fest. p. 246, 
L 8, &c.) might lead to the supposition that they are ablatives 
feminine, the regimen of the prepositions being changed, as i» 
certainly the case in Umbrian. This is, at any rate, the .opinion 
of Elenze {Phil Ahhandl. p. 45) and Mliller {ad Feat. p. 247). 
An English writer supposes that they may be deduced from the 
aocus. eam^ on the analogy otpost-quam^ ante-qtuim, &c. {Journal 
cf JSduccaiany I. 1Q6). But this opinion inyolves a singular 
misconception. It is much more reasonable to conclude that the 
demonstratiye pronoun, in Latin as in Oscan, being generally 
followed by the termination -oe, made its neut. pi. in "CHse or 
-cec.* we have an instance of this in the demonstratiye At-c, the 
neut. pi. of which is hcBc^ not ha-^e or ha* Now as this form 
has become ho'C in poaihac^ and as gua-ce has become gwBy 
we may understand that, as quce-prapier becomes qtm-propter^ 
BO antC'-ea-ce^ or atde-ecBd might become anted; and so of the 
others. At least, there is no other way of explaining the neuter 
forma qwB and Kcec Fost-^a-k is therefore a synonym for 
poai-hcBc =^pa8t-hac. See below, Ch. X. § 4. 

F^kapii (in the Cippua AbeU. 1. 52, pukkapid) may be 
rendered qwmdocwnque^ and compared with the obsolete concapit^ 
if this is equivalent to quoemique in Festus (p. 364, Mtdler); 
Hgpw/m junctwrn csdibua vineave^ et concapit^ ne aolvito; where 
however a di£ferent interpretation may be given : see below, Ch. yi. 
§ 12, Fr. 7. The ablatives haatrid hufirud must mean prcadto 
Ubero. Lil. 13 we have io^^oti^ also contrasted with 6t^6», which 
Taast^specuniaj and so we have an opposition of land to maney 
in each case. Of the difference of form between kaatrid and 
kaa^vua there is no explanation on the hypothesis that they are 
cases of the same noun. The former may be the ablative of a 
word analogous to campea-ter^ aegea-ter. The latter must be 
the accusative plural of a derivative firom this under the form 
-V9 or F*9 {New Crat § 257). The forms /*i;Tpa>9, fs/nrpviMt 
n.v. 10 


'n'oTpo^^f warp^f sufficiently vindicate the addition of F19 to tiie 
affix t + r (New Grat. § 414), and the Umbrian JauOruvu/f 
the accus. pi. of an adjective kastrumus, proves the existence ot 
snch an extension in the old Italian languages. With an eUipsis 
of ager the new adjective would become substantival, and this is 
apparently the case with haslrovsy the accus. pi. of the apoco- 
pized hastrov. The root ca^^ which occurs in the Latin cow-liw, 
auay CM'trumj conveys the idea of inclosure, purity, and pioteo 
^n {New Crai. § 267). Consequently castrts or oaeiraus ager 
is an inclosed field like the old English '^ town.'' There is an un- 
observed connexion between casirwn exAprcedium. Die latter 
is derived from proBS (prced^sprce^ad^ for we have prtB^fndea for 
proBdee in the 2ea; Thoria, which is not older than B.C. 111), '*a 
surety in money-matters,*' and this noun includes vasj {vad-^ 
*^ wad") the more general name for *' a bail.'' The same teorm is 
also included in cuetoe {custody cast'vad'); and while this word 
combines the idea of surety with that of protection, prees com- 
bines the idea of surety with that of substitution ; there is the 
same opposition between cMtrum or cuatodium the place of 
security, and prcedium the property which represents a maa^s 
person. The form Imtjir for liber is justified by the old form 
IcBber^luber (Fest. p. 121); which is farther supported by the 
Greek ikevdepo^; cf. SpvOpo^ with ruber^ &c. 

L. 10: pod vakemom Umtikom tadaU ezum fup fipdkid 
pod pie datf Le. [at quie f6cii\^ quod salutem pubUcam tardea 
ex tM, neque fidt^ quod quia dot [jiuyiendum\. TadaU ap- 
pears to contam the root of toadet^ which is connected in sense 
and etymology with tardus} the r is only an assimilation to the 
d* Similarly we have: ^^pigere interdum pro tardari^'*^ Feetos, 
p. 213, Mtiller. Fepakid is only an error for fsfaikidy like 
domd for dolud in the next line. We see firom this and the 
conjunctive j^e/aA:u«e, which follows, that the Oscans formed the 
preterite oi facAo by reduplication, and not by lengthening the 
root-syllable {New Oral. § 377). 

The passage firom 1. 11 to the end of the paragraph may be 
supplied and explained as follows : auca pia konirud eaeOc f^-^ 
kuaty auti komono hip[uai]j [molto'] [eian]to eatud n. O ®., tn 
auca pia ionk fartia meddia moUaum hereat amperi mi^natreis 
ixe\teia eiiuaa moUaa fnoltaum Ukitud: i.e. ai quia adveraus 


hose Jeceritf out cam-unum (i.e. agrvm ptMicwnC) habuertt 
(i.e. poasederU), multa tatUa esto numi CIO.CIO, tnde si qui$ 
eum validus magigtratus muUare voluerit usque ad mincres 
partes pecunim muUas muUare Itceto, It is easy to restore 
moUo eianto from I. 26 infra. Multa tanta refers to what has 
preceded, like the siremps lex esto of the Roman laws. The 
snm is denoted bj the nnmeral sign, which was subsequent! j^ 
represented by cio, jost as ii.s. became H.3. Fartis meddix^ 
validus maffistratus (see Festus, p. 84, s. y. forctes)^ in other 
words, '' a magistrate of sufficient authority." Mcltorvm is the 
old infinitiye of multo. Merest is the perf. subj. of a verb heroy 
"to choose" or "take" (root hit, "a hand," Sanscr. *H), which 
occurs in the Umbrian Tables with a slight variely of meaning. 
In the Latin Bantine Table (I. 7) we have quei volet magis^ 
traius in a parallel clause. That ampert is a preposition is 
dear, and it is also obvious that it denotes extension : but that 
it is to be referred to ofii^l weplj as Grotefend proposes, is 
not so manifest. I should rather think that pert is a termi«^ 
nation here, as in peivro-pert (1. 15); and if so, it qualifies the 
prepos. am, corresponding to the Gterman um, which is also 
used with qualifying terminations, whether prepositional or 
otherwise: compare the Latin ad^versusj in-usquey &c.; and as 
peUropert signifies usque ad quatuor and pert viam (Oipp* 
AJbdlan* L 33) = usque ad viam^ we may render am-pert by tn- 
usque or usque ad, Minstreis asteis is supplied from 11. 18, 27. 
The word minis-ter is the correlatire of magis-ter^; and as 
magistri or magistratus were the higher public functionaries, so 
ministri were those who did the state service in a subordinaie 
capacity — lictores^ viatoresy and such like. Here minister is a 
general adjective corresponding to minor. The phrase ampert 
minstreis aeteis eituas occurs again in 1. 18, and may be ex- 
plained by the Latin inscription on this table, where we find 1. 10: 
dum minoris partis familias taxat. If this is the true inter- 

1 This obTioQB comparison occurred to me independently of Pott, who, 
as I loam from Aufrecht,had made the same ohservation (Etf^ Forseh. 
n. p. 264). Another form of the same kind is sinis-ter from nnm (Pott, 
JZahlmethode, p. 139, where he seems to refer to the false deriyation of 
nMster fixMn manut), 

• 10—2 


pretation, eieUs signifies "a part," and ia connected with the 
root vid-' in viduay di^vidoy with the Etruscan %tu8y Sabine idus 
(Varro, L. L. vi, § 28), just as Achivus is related to 'A%<uo9, 
ajuus^ to tnriquusj &c. For the relation between vldr- and id- 
Bee New Grot. § 116, where the principle was first indicated. 
EZIenze takes eituaa for iatas; and Grotefend translates it cBrariu 
It is nearly certain that eitua ^pecunia; if so,, the word maj be 
derived from oes; in which case we shall have (B\8\tuiu8 bj the 
side of (Bs-timus (preserved in ces-timo: see below, Ch. Yii. § 5), 
jnflt as we have both cedt-tutu and cedi-timua (Festns, p. 13). 

L. 13 : inuB pis pru-meddtiud aUrei caatrous auti ettuas zi- 
holom dicust, izik Jcamono ni hipid: i.e. si quis pro magta- 
tratu alii prasdiaria aut pecunias in sicilicum (i. e. partionem) 
dioaverity is camunum ne habeat. Prumeddisud seems to be much 
the same as prumedikatudy 1. 24. Pru stands for prm or pro: 
80 we have jwvter (1. 16), pruhipid (1. 25), for prater, prcshibeat. 
The eictduSy mentioned in this and other passages of the Table, 
seems to be the sicilicus (from seco)y which was, in land-measur- 
ing, ^ of ihejuger, or six hundred square feet (Columella, v. 1, 
9): in general it expressed subdivision, and was ^ of the a«, 
or J of the semuncia in money-reckoning (Fest. p. 366: Sid- 
licuni dictum quod semundam secet; Labb. Oloss.: BiciUcutny 
riraprov ovyKlev:; Bdckh, Metrolog. Unterauchung, p. 160), and 
also ^ of the quinaria (Frontin. de Aqucsd. c. 28), and of the 
hora (Plin. xviii. 32). 

L. 14: ne pon op Umtad petirupert urust sipus p. d, m. 
The first words here are very pbscure. Klenze joins cptou- 
tody which he translates propterea. Mommsen translates op 
toutad " a populo." Petiriirpert seems to include the TJmbrian 
petwr^qua;tuor {Eug. Tab. vi. b. 11), and may mean naque ad 
qtuxtuor: see on 1. 12. Urust is the perf. subj. oiurvo s. urbo^s 
aratro definio, circumdo (Fest. p. 375 ; Pomponius, L. 239, § 6, 
de Verb. 8ignif.)y whence urbsy and perhaps orbis. Sipus p. d.m^ 
" knowingly and with evil design." Sipus ^sibusy for which see 
Fest. p. 336. 

L. 15: petiro-pert neip mats pomtis =: usque ad quatuor 
neque plus quinque. It is known that the Samnite proper 
name Pontius corresponds to the Latin Quintius (see New Crat. 
§ 161). Ibid: horn preivatud aktud^cum privato actu. Fest 


p. 17 : '' Achu in: geometria minorem partem jogeri, Id est cen- 
tamyiginti pedum/' Niebuhr, Hist, of Bom. ii. Append. \. ad 
not. 29: "The jugerum, as the very name implies, was a 
double measure; and the real unit in the Soman land-measure 
was the aclu$^ containing 14,400 square feet, that is, a square of 
which each side was 120 feet." 
L. 16: pruter pam^prcBter-quam. 
LL. 18, sqq. : pon kenstur Bansm taistam hensotzet pis heuB 
Bantins fust kenaamur esuf in eituam paizad ligud aisk kenatur 
kensaum anget uzet out stus pis kenatomen nei kebnust dohd 
maUud in eizeik mnkter esuf comenei lamatir prmed<liiDud totUad 
prcBserUid perum dolum maUum in amirikcUud alto famdo in ei 
sivam paei eizeis fiat pae ancensto fust Umtiko estud. The first 
words are tolerably clear : Quum censor (here censitor) Bantica 
dvitatem censassit^ quia civia Bantintia fuerit. The letter z here 
represents the combination aa^ as has been shown above by a 
comparison of 6fipv^, obruaaay &c.; it is sometimes equivalent 
to t{u)a as in horz = hortua (Mommsen, Unterit. Dial. p. 128, 139, 
140) ; cf. the Umbr. piaz for piatua {Umbr. 8prd. I. 108); and 
in the gen. egmazum it corresponds to the Latin r=«. The 
second of these values seems to have been borne by the Etruscan 
Zf if achncui = agnaiua (Fabretti, s. v.). The form keua for civia 
is etymologically interesting. It proves that -via is the termina- 
tion of the Latin word : consequently ke-ua, ci-via, is composed 
of the root ke {icel-fuu, &c.), and the pronominal affix, -vt-«, -urs 
(see New Graiyhs^ § 257), and the word means " a squatter,'' 
or generally " an inhabitant ;" compare drjre^i inaaaaeny &c. 
(Buttmann, Lexil. ii. Ill, ndte). The word kenaamur^ if it is 
one word, is hardly intelligible. Grotefend understands it as 
the passive participle kenaamua for kenaamnua or cenaendua ; but 
although the participial termination mn is often reduced to n, I 
know no instance in which it is represented by m only. As we 
must expect here a passive imperative, it seems most reasonable 
to conclude that kenaamur is a corruption for kenaatur « csna^or. 
A different explanation, but to the same effect, has been proposed 
by Curtius {Zeitachr. f. d. AUerthw. 1849, p. 346). It is re- 
markable that the verb is conjugated in -oo, and not. like its 
Latin equivalent in -eo. The conjugation seems to be cenaoy -aaj 
•rtii, -aum, "Uuaj like veto. In the next words we have a form 


uzetf which seems to be a parallel to anget; and this, as is 
shown above, means adigei. Bat it wonld be difficnlt to explain 
such a fonn as tt«o, Auftecht {Zeksi^r. f. Vergh 8prf. 1. 189) 
reads angetuzei as one word, which, however, he does not ex* 
plain. Now -ttiset occurs in the Cippus Abellantis, U. 16 — 39, 
as an affix to verb-forms : pruf-tuset, tribarakat-tuset; and even 
in Etmscan: Aareu-hue {Gipp. Perus. 24); and I should explain 
these agglutinate words as parallel to the Latin oenttm-efo, cre-do^ 
considering tur as identical with do. If so, angetuzei will mean 
adcusium dabit or adigesaet. JSW/ seems to correspond exactly to 
i-hii just as pt^/ {Tab, Pomp. xxiv. 4, 3) answers to w-Jt. For 
poizad Aufrecht (u. s.) suggests pam eizad. If paizad is to 
stand, it must be a subjunctive corresponding to penset, a form 
of petido. The analogy is supported by the French patds for 
pandus, &c. lAgud atake^lege hac^ just as below, 1. 25, es 
aisken ligis must mean ex hisce legibus. It is hardly possible to 
understand Jcefutom. en. Qxc&pt as an abbreviation of the two 
words censtam enom, the latter being the same pronoun which 
appears in Latin, in the locative case, as the conjunction enim, 
Sanscrit ina {New Crat. § 170). Gkotefend's supposition that it 
is a noun in -«nen, like the Umbrian esunumen^ is inadmis- 
sible, because in that case the word must have been centamen. 
Mommsen (p. 269) suggests an affixed particle «t», so that 
Ken9tam-en ~ in centum. This, to say the least, requires to be 
supported by examples. The verb keibnust » kebnuerit is aveiy 
difficult word. Mommsen (p. 269) proposes to connect it with 
the Gothic quiman "to come," so that kebnnst — cbenust Auf- 
recht, who justly objects to this etymology (u. s. p. 190), sug- 
gests a connexion with the Sanscrit ^p vzzjurare. It appears to 
me that the first syllable is the root of oap^tU, Ke^ahr}j Aaupiy 
&c.; so that keb^uo would be equivalent to «arovetio», "to 
assent to," or, if this is required, "to affirm" on oath. This 
interpretation of kebnust is of course conjectural only; and in a 
matter of so much uncertainty it is better to leave it as it is. 
Of the next words we cannot make much, Toutad prcesentid^ 
papula prcBsentef Amirikatud dimmer caia (Barchhoff, Zeitachr. 
f, Vergh Spff, I. 37). We know from Festus that ^mcZ was an 
Oscan word, anijiimela appears by the context to be a feminine 
derivative from it, signifying familia (cfc egmoj abl. egmad). 


Atto eaa <m\y he a demonstratiye adjective contaming the same 
root as o^^y al4us, oUuSj &c. And thus the main predication 
will be amiaicoavd aJlo fameh toutiko estud^ i, e. immerccOo q. d. 
9ine emptiansy iUa/amiliapuiltoa eato. The intenreaing words 
are not easily dealt with, and ineisiuom can or\j be rendered 
conjectnrallj: but the general meaning of U. 21 — 23, clearly is: 
out si quia cenmim nonjuraverit dolo malo et tUud convincihAry ibi 
in pyblico queratur promagiatratu popuh prceaente propter dolum 
malum; ei sine emptione iUa fom^ia {perinde atque ejus fuerit 
qua non censttajuerit) publica €$to, 

L. 23: Pr atus prtBfiikua pad post eiaJc Banaca fuat: 
L e. prcetor aive pra^dtuay quando poat-hac Bantue faerU* 
Pro^tJcua is formed from prcsjlcioj in the same waj as the 
Umbrian der^aecua from dia-^eco. LL. 23 sqq. : atUB pia op^ 
eigoia loom aUrud ligud akum hereat, auti prumedikaiud manim^ 
aaerum eizcusunk egmazum paa ea aiaken Ugia ahrifiaa aet 
ne pkim pruh^nd maia nScdoia x neaimoia, &c. : i. e. ai quia 
6b hcac cum cdtaro lege ctgere voluerit, out pro magiatrat/u 
manum oonaerere propter eaa rea^ quaa ex hiace legibua acriptcu 
aciety ne in hoe pnxkibeai plua aidlicia decern coniiguia (below 
Chap. Til. § 6)) &C. The Table has ne. phim; I woold rather 
read nep him: nep occurs for neque in the Cippua Ahellanuay 
VL 46, 47, and is used in an absolute prohibition in Umbrian 
{TcA. Eug. Yi. a, 27); and him appears to be the locatiye of 
the pronoun hi (see New Crat. § 139). The rest of the para- 
graph has been explained before. 

There is nothing in the last paragraph which seems to re« 
quire any observation, except that in 1. 29 tribunes of ih^pUiba 
seem to be mentioned : tr. pL ni Juid » niai fuit tribunua 

§ 5. The appua AbeUanua. 

Next to the Tabula Bantina the most important monument 
of the Oscan language is a stone tablet called the Cippua AbeU 
lanua, which was moved from Avella Vecchia^ to the modem 

^ The old Ahella, or AwXtOf was probably Aharla ^ apenUa « Ehentadt; 
d AulUa^adarla^Qitarvkk^8elmar (Oonteu, ZeUaekr, /. VargU 





village of that name in 1685, and there employed m a door-step, 
nntil in 1745 it was remarked hy Bemondini, then professor in 
the Episcopal Seminary at Nola, and by him removed to the 
Museum in that seminary aboat 1750. The subject of the in- 
scription is an agreement between the neighbouring Campanian 
cities, Abella and Nola. It will be sufficient to give the inscrip 
tion with an approximate and in part conjectural translation, 
which is in great measure due to Theodore Mommsen. 

maaiof • vestirikif o . mai sir 

prapukid . sverrunei . kyaist[u] 

rei . abellanoi . (nfm . maiio[l] 
* jovkifoi . mai . pukalatoi 
5. medikef . deketaaioi . novla 

[noi f]nim . Ifgatofs . abellan 

fnim ligatois novlanois 

pos Benate[f|8 tanginod 

suvels potorospfd ligat[oB] 
10. fttlans . ekss . kombened 

sakaiaklom . herekleis 

slaagid . pod . issb . inim t6er[om] 

pod . op . eisod . Bakaraklod[iat] 

pod. anter . terenmfss . eh[trad.] 
15. ist . paf . teremennio . nio[ini- 

tanginod . prof, tuset . i[ehtod.] 

aimiod . puT . idfk . sakara- 

(nim . idSk . terom . molii{[kom] 

mofnfke( . teref . fusfd [aut.] 
20. elseis . sakarakleis . i[nfm] 

terds . fruktatiuf . £r[ukta] 

[tios] . mofniko . poturu[m- 

[fusjid . aut . noTlaQu[ 

Magio Yestricieio Magii SL 
... Berroni qosesto- 
ri Abellano, et Magio 
JoYicieio Magii fil. Pucalato 
magistratui diotario Nokr 
no et legatis AbeUanis 

et legatis NolaniSy 
sui utrique Inlaid 
fuerunt^ hoc convenit. 
Saoellum Herculis 
in agro quod est et terra 
qun apud id saoellum est^ 
qu8B inter terminos extra 
est, qu» terminatio communi 

jussu probabitur justft 
oau8& aliquli, id saoellum 

et ea terra communis 

ih communi terra erit At . 

ejus sacelli et 

teme in messe mes- 

sio communis utrommque 

erit At Nolanorum 
...Herculis fimum 

Spr/. 1852, p. 17). Pott (Etym. Fonch. i. 124, n. 100)» suppoMB an 
original form Alb'eUas but the first syllable was short; Verg. jEn, ni. 
. 740 : ** et quoe malifer» deepectant mcenia Abell»." 




25. . . .] iispfd . iioylaii[ 

ekkum . . . : . 
trifbaraka .... 

30. herekleis . .fUsnu . mefe . 
1st . ehtrad . fefliofls . pti[s] 
herekleiis . ffisnAm • amfr 
et . pert . Tiam . po6stist 
paf * (p . Ist * postin. slagfm, 

35. senateis . sureb . tangi 
no<f . tribarakaymn . U 
kitad . fnlm . (ok . triba 
lakkiaf . pam . noylanos . 
trfbarakattnaet . Inim 

40. oittiaf . noTlanmn . estad 
ekkam . sval . pf d . abeUanoB 
tribarakattoset . iok • trf 
barakkiuf . fnfm . oittiuf . 
abeUanmn . estad . aut 

45, post . f efkols . pos . fisnam • am 
fret . efsef . terei . nep . abel- 
lanoB . nep . novlanos . pidum 
trfbarakattins . ant . the 
saurom . pod . esei . teref . ist 

50. pon . patensins . moinikad . 
ginod . patensins . inim pid 

ihesanrei . pnkkapid . eh[trad] 
[ofMoim . alttram . alttr[ 
]enins • ant . anter 8lag[im] 

55. [ajbellanam . inim . novlanam 
[p]oUad . tIo . nruYO . ist . tednr 
[ejisai . ylai . mefiai . tereme[n] 
[n^u staiet • 

que Nolans 

Item [si Tolent agrum 
parti[ri qui ager} 
limitatuB [post] term[inos, ubi] 
Hercolis Ja-nnin medium 
est, extra antefixa^ qu» 
Heroulis fcm^n^ amb* 
iunt, ad yiam usque positus est, 
qui ibi est posituEf, agrom 
senatus sui jus- 
Bu partirili- 
ceto; etispartiti- 
one quam Nolanus (senatus) 
partietur et 
Usui Nolanorom esto. 
Item si quid Abellanus (senatus) 
partietur, is (ager) par- 
titione et usu 
AbeHanomm esto. At 
post antefixa qusB &num am- 
biunty in ea terra neque Abel- 
lanus neque Nolanus quidquam 
partiantur. At tho- 
saurom qui in ea terra est 
qunm aperiunt^ communi jus- 

su i^riant, et quidquid in eo • 

thesauro quandocunque extra 
usum altenim-^lterius 
habeant At inter agrom 
Abeilantim et Nolanom 
quacunque via curva est, ibi 
in ea via media termina> 
tio stet. 


On the fonns whidi occur in this inscription it is not neoessaij to 
say much. Blagisy which occurs in tiie accos. and abL sing., 
seems to contain the root of locos {silaeus)^ lao-^na^ loch, &c. 
Prof4uset, tribarakai-tttset, trtbarakoMinay are agglutinate forms 
like venumrdo, cre^, &c. The adjunct tur is probably equiva- 
lent to do, signifying "to make, or put." Thus pnyf-tuset^^ 
prehatum ddbit ^ probabiiur (see above, on Tab. Bant. I. 20). 
FiUna comes from fia- or fas-, as in jka-<enn%nu8y fas-^num. 
Feihoa contains the root oi Jtgo. And tedur is a pronominal 
adverb corresponding in form and meaning to the old use of 

%6. Th€ Bronze Tablet of Agncne. 

The most recent contribution to our knowledge of the Oscan 
language is iumished by a small bronze tablet, which was dis- 
covered at Fonte di Bomito, between Capracotta and Agnone, in 
the year 1848. As the place of discovery is near the river 
Sagrus or Sangro, this inscription may be regarded as exhibiting 
the most northerly as the Bantine table exhibits the most southerly 
dialect of the Sunnite language. It is obvious, on the slightest 
inspection, that the table speaks of a series of dedications to dif- 
ferent deities or heroes, who are enumerated in the dative case. 
Accordingly, it is not likely to add much to the goieral vocabu- 
lary of the Sabello-Oscan idioms. Its interpretation has been 
attempted by Hemsen {AnnaU delP InstUuto ArcheoL 1848, 
pp. 882—414), Mommsen {{bid. pp. 414—429 ; unteriUil Dior 
UkU, pp. 128 sqq.), Aufeecht {Zeitschriftf. Verffl JSptf. I. pp. 86, 
aqq.), and Endtel {Zeitschr. /. d. Alterthumsw. 1850, no. 52, 53, 
1852, no. 16, 17), who are by no means in agreement respecting 
the proper names or ordinary words which it includes. The in- 
terpretation, which I have placed by the side of the text, is in- 
debted in most points to some or other of my predecessors. 

status , pus . set . hortln . 
kerriiln : vezkef . statif . 
evkloi . statff . keni . statif . 
futrei . kerrliaf . statff . 
5. anter . statoi. statif . 

Consecratio qosa sit horto 
geniali Y esco stative, 
libero st, Gero st., 
Oereri genial! st, 
Interstitie st.. 




ammai • kecrfiai . stattf . 

dimnpais . kerriiais . ste^tlf • 

l^anakdikei . entarai . statff . 

anafriss . kerriiois . statff • 
10. maatois . keniiois . statlf . 

dioTef . verehaflioi . statff . 

dioTei . regaturef . statif . 

berekloi . kerriiof . statif . 

patanaf . piistlai . statff • 
15. defvai . genetai . statif . 

aasai . purasiai . 

saahtom . teforom . alltref . 

poterefpf d . akenel • 

sakahfter . 
20. finusasiais . 82 . hortom 


pemai . kerrfial . statif . 

ammaf . kerriial . statif . 

flossai . kerrfiaf . statif . 
25, eykloi . pater«i . statif . 


aasas . ekask . eestfnt 
5. fautref 
anter . statai • 

10. liganakdikel . entraf . 


anafiiss . 

maatois • 

diovef . yer^iasio 
15. diorei . piihioi . regaturei • 

hereklc^ . kerrlioi . 

patanaf piistiai . 

def vaf « genetaf . 

aasaf • purasiai. 

Matri gemali sii 

Ljmphis genialibus st, 

Leganecdid immot» st., 

AmbarYalibus genialibus ut, 

Matntis genialibos st., 

Jovi almo st., 

Jovi pluvio St., 

Herculi geniali st., 

PandiB pistrici st., 

Divse genetse st., 

At» purse; 

saonim tepidum alter- 

utro anno 


Floralibus ad bortum 


Pali geniali stative, 

Matri geniali st, 

Flor» geniali st, 

Idbero patii st 

Ajttd hsd exstent 





Inters tiUs, 




Legauecdici immot» 




«Tori almo, 

Jovi pio pluvio, 

Herculi geniali, 

PandiB pistrici, 

DiviB genet», 


156 XHi SABM.LO-OSCAN IlInguage; [chap, iyI. 

20. saahtom . teforom . 

alttref poterefpid 

akenef . 
horz'. dekmam^iols stait . 

sacrum tepidum 



hortus in decamanis stet. 

The substantive Jcerus and its possessive kereias must be explained 
with reference to the root cer-j ere- {creare), Sanscr. kri^ "to 
make," which we find in Ceres and Cerm =: crecUOTy Festus, 
p. 122. To the same class of deities belongs FtUria (root <fw-j 
Ju)f and it is a matter of indifierence whether Venus or Ceres 
comes nearest to the goddess intended. Knotel identifies Evklus 
with Iphidus, and of course this is possible ; but the adjunct 
patri in 1. 25, seems to denote a deitj analogous to Ltber 
Pater (cf. Evitui); Amma corresponds, as Aufirecht suggests, to 
the Germ, amme, Sanscr. anibdy " mother." On diumpats = lifm' 
phtSy which is compared with the Sanocrit dip^ftdgere^ splen- 
derey in the same way as limp-idvs falls back on XafJinrmy see 
the authoritiei^ quoted by Fabretti (p. 317). VerehasiuSy as an 
epithet of Jupiter, is explained by the Sanscr. vrtdhy " to grow," 
whence the Latin virga; and regator must be rtgcttOTy i. e. plu- 
viiu. Patana is Panda or PateUa (Grell. xiii. 22, Amob. IT, 
7), who opens the husk of the grain. Te/brom answers to the 
Latin tqndusy and still more nearly to the Etruscan tephral (see 
above, Chap. ii. § 11). AkentAs is ^ annus, bs in Umbrian (see 
Aufirecht u. Kirchhoff, Umbr. 8prd. p. 401). Pema is Poles 
s= Pares (v. Festus, p. 222, Mailer ; and cf. vetus, veier-nusy lux, 
luci-nay diesy diarnuSy jov-isy ju-noy &c.). We may compare 
pistia with pistor, pistuniy pisum, &c. 

§ 7. The Atellam. 

It seems scarcely worth while to enumerate the grammatical 
forms which may be collected from these inscriptions, as they 
are virtually the same with those which occur in the oldest spe- 
cimens of Latin, the only important difierences being that we 
have "ozum for -arum in the gen. pi. of the Ist ded., that the 
3rd declension sometimes preserves the original -fts of the nom. pL, 
and that this reduplication represents the absorbed sn in the 
ace. pi. of the 2nd and .3rd declensions. It may be desirable. 


however, before concluding this part of the subject, to make a 
few remarks on the Fabnlcs AteUancsj the only branch of Oscan 
literature of which we know anything. 

The most important passage respecting the Fabuke AteU 
lancBj — ^that in which Livj is speaking (yii. 2) of the introduc* 
tion of the Tuscan ludianes at Borne in the year A.U.C. 390, — 
has often been misunderstood ; and the same has been the fate 
of a passage in Tacitus (it. 14), in which the historian mentions 
the expulsion of the actors from Italy in the year A. u.c. 776. 
With regard to the latter, Tacitus has caused some confusion 
by his inaccurate use of the word hiatrio; but Suetonius has 
the phrase AteUanarum histrto {Nero, c. 39) ; and the word had 
either lost its earlier and more limited signification, or the Atel- 
lane were then performed by regular Awtrume». . 

liyy says that, among other means of appeasing the anger of 
the gods in the pestilence of 390 A. u. c, scenic games were for 
the first time introduced at Bome. Hitherto the Romans had 
no public sports except those of the circus^— namely, races and 
wrestling; but now this trivial and foreign amusement wad 
introduced. Etruscan ludumes danced gracefully to the sound 
of the flute without any accompaniment of words, and without 
any professed mimic action. Afterwards, the Roman youth 
began to imitate these dances, and accompanied them with unpre- 
m&litated jests, after the manner of the Fescennine verses; these 
effusions gave way to the acUura, written in verse and set to the 
flute, which was acted by professed hiatriones with suitable songs 
and gestures; and then, after a lapse of several years, Livius 
Andronicus ventured to convert the aatm'a into a regular poem, 
and to make a distinction between the singing {canttcum) and 
the dialogue (diverbia); the latter alone being reserved to the 
htatrtanes, and the former being a monologue, by way of inter- 
lude, with a flute accompaniment^ Upon this, the Roman youth, 
leaving the regular play to the professed actors, revived the old 

1 Diomed. m. p. 489 ; '' in canticis una tantum debet esse persona» 
ant, si duie fuerint, ita debent esse, ut ex occulto una audiat, nee ooUo- 
qnainr, sed secum, si opus faerit, rerba facial." On the eaniieum see 
Hermann, Opuae, i. pp. 290, sqq., who has clearly shown that it was not 
merely a flute Toluntary between the acts. 


faxotBf and acted them as interlvdes or afterpieces (exodia^) to 
the regular drama. These furces, he ezpresslj says, were of 
Oscan origin, and akin to liie Fabuke AteUatuB/ and ihey had 
the peculiar adyantage of not affecting the ciyic rights of the 

Li order to understand the ancient respectability of the 
AtelknuB, we must bear in mind the opposition which is always 
recognized between them and the Mime. Hermann has pro- 
posed the following parallel classification of the Greek and 
Boman plays {Opuac Y. p. 260, cf. Diomedes, in. p, 480, Putsch): 


CrqndcUa (rparf^la)* ProBiexUUa. 

Falliata (jcc^fi^ld). Togata^ vel trabeaia vel taber^ 

Saiyrioa {carvpoi). Atellana 

MimuB (jJUfw^)^ Planipe». 

Adopting this classification, which has at least much to recom- 
mend it, we shall see that as the Greek satyrical drama was 
the original form of the entertainment, and, though jocose, was 
not without its elevating and religious element, so the Ateb' 
lana^ as a national drama, was immediately connected with 
the festive worship of the people in which it took its rise, and 
therefore retained a respectability which could. not be conceded 
to the performances of foreign histrionea^ These artists were 
not allowed to pollute' the domestic drama; and, being free 
from all contact with the professional actor, the young Koman 
could appear in the Atellan play without any forfeiture of his 
social position. Whereas, even in the corrupt days of tiie later 

^ As the praotioe of the Greek and Roman stage inyolyed the per- 
fbrmance of sereral dramas on the same day, it matters little whether we 
render wodium by ^ interlude" or ^ afterpiece." According to the defi- 
nitions giren by Suidas and Hesychitts, an exodium was that which 
followed an $amaU amnet^ whether, which was more common, at the end 
of a play, or at the end of an act See the examples giren by Meineke 
on Cratinufl, Fr. Incert. CLXX. p. 220, and compare Baumstark's article 
in Paul/s EecU-Encyd. m. p. 360. 

* Lir. TH. 2 : *' nee ab histrionibiii poUm passa est." 


empire, Javenal saw something especially monstrous in the fact 
that a noble could appear as a mimus or planipeaK With 
particular reference to the contrast between the mimus and the 
Atellana, Cicero says to Papiri^s PaBtus, who had introduced 
some vulgar jokes after a quotation from the CBnomaus of Accius, 
that he had followed the modem custom of giving a mime for 
afterpiece instead of adopting the old practice of introducing the 
Atelbm farce after the traged7^ In the same way he sajs* 
that superfluous imitation, such as obscene gestures, belongs to 
the domain of those mimij who caricatured the manners of 
men. And while Macrobius considers it as an exceptional merit to 
have introduced mimt without ksciyiousness^ Valerius Mazimus 
attributes the social respectabilitj of those who pexfocmed in the 

1 TUL 189, Bqq. ; 

** populi frons donor hujus. 
Qui sedet, et speetat triacurria patricionun» 
PlanipedeB audit Fftbios» rid^re poteat qui 
Mamercoram alapaa.** 

s dc. ad Div. ix. IS» 2 : '^nuno Tenio ad jocationea iuas, qnum tu 
fleeuDdum (Enomaum Accii, non, ut olim Bolebat» AUttanam, Bed, ut nunc 
fit, mknum introdnziati." 

^ deOraiare^iLBQ: '^mtmarumeBteohaeUMogorum^dxd^ 
tatio^ aieoi obsooanitaa.'* Of. c. 60, ( 244. 

« SatncD. n. 7 : ^ Tidebimnr et adfaibeado eouTiTio admos Titaaae 
Ja$cMaak,'* Thia ia the passage referred to by Ifanutiua in hia note on 
Cicero adIXv. ix. 16, 2, where be says in a parentheaia : ^ itaque Macro* 
bina Lib. in. Saturn, mimia laadriam tribuit.'' In Smith'a Diet, of AnH-^ 
^iM^ Art. AuOancB fabulaa, Ed. i., thia note of Manutina ia paraded 
at fbll length aa a quotation from ^ Macrobius Sahnt. Lib. m.," and OTon 
the ia arbUror of the commentator is made to express the opiniona of the 
author quoted. It ia erident that the compiler of thia Article made no 
attempt to yerify the reference to Macrobioa, which he haa uaed without 
atating that he waa indebted for it to Manutiua, and which be baa care- 
fbllj placed at a diatanoe fh>m hia reference to Cicero. Hia blunder la 
the juat Nemeti$ of lua want of candour. Aa bo quotea flrom Yaleriua 
Maximua, ** n. l,** inatead of ^n. 4,'' we may preaume that in thia ease 
also he ia using the learning of aome commentator. In the new edition 
of Smith'a DieUonarjf the article Jieikmm FaMm ia auppreased, and a 
short account of the subject ia included in the article Cameedia, written 
by another person. The same Nemem» still tracks the second-hand quo* 
ttttion, for there ^'Macrobiua, Satur. m.*" ia quoted for Manntiua' atate- 
ment that the Atelkma waa dirided into ftre acta. 


Atellan farces to the old Italian graviiy which tempered this 

But besides the moral decency bj which the Atellana was 
distinguished from the Mime, it is manifest from the passage in 
Jjivj that it derived additional recommendation from the fact 
that this was a national amusement and was connected with the 
usages of the country population, who always contributed a 
yaiying proportion to the inhabitants of ancient Bome* We infer 
from the words of the historian that the Boman youth were not 
satisfied with either the Tuscan or the Greek importations, and 
that it was their wish to revive something that was not foreign, 
but nationaL Of course Livy cannot mean to say that the Oscan 
farce was not introduced at Bome till after the time of Livius 
Andronicus Muso, and that it was then imported frx)m AteHa. 
For whereas Muso did not perform at Bome till the second 
Punic war*, Atella shared in the &te of Capua ten years before 
the battle of Zama, and the inhabitants were compelled to migrate 
to Calatia^ Now it appears from the coins of this place that its 
Oscan name was Aderla^; and the Bomans always pronounced 
this as Atella, by a change of the medial into a tenuis, as in 
Mettua for MeddtXy imperator for emhraiury Juit for juid^ &c* 
This shows that the name was in early use at Bome; and we 
may suppose that, as an essential element in the population of 
Bome was Oscan, the Bomans had their Oscan farces from a 
Very early period, and that these farces received a great im- 
provement from the then celebrated city of Aderla in Campania. 
It is also more than probable that these Oscan farces were 
common in the country life of the old Bomans, both before they 

^ n. 4 : " Atellani autem ab Oscis acciti sunt ; quod genut delecta- 
tionis Italica severitate temperatum, ideoque yacuum nota est ; nam neque 
tribu moretur, neque a militaribuB stipendiis repellitur." 
* PorciuB Licinius, apud Aul, GeU. xvii. 21 : 

Pcenieo hello $eeundo Miuo pinnate gradu 
Intulit se bellicoeam in Bomuli gentem feram. 
Bee aUo Hor. ii. Epitt. I. 162. 

^Liyy, xxvi. 16, zxn. 61, zxvn. 3. 

<L0p6iu8 ad InteripHanei, p. 111. For the meaning of the word, Be^ 
aboTc, } 6, note. 


were introduced into the city*, and after the expulsion of the 
histriones by Tiberius*, For the mask was the peculiar charac- 
teristic of the Atellanae^, and these country farces are always 
spoken of with especial reference to the masks of the actors. 

We may be sure that the Oscan language was not used in 
these farces when that language ceased to be intelligible to the 
Romans. The language of the fragments which have come down to 
us is pure Latin*, and Tacitus describes the Atellana as "Oscum 
quondam ludicrum*." Probably, till a comparatively late period, 
the Atellana abounded in provincial and rustic expressions*; but 
at last it retained no trace of its primitive simplicity, for the 
gross coarseness and obscenity*^, which seem to have superseded 
the old-fashioned elegance of the original farce®, and brought 
it into a close resemblance to the mimuSy from which it was 
originally distinguished, must be attributed to the general cor- 
ruption of manners under the emperors, and perhaps also to the 
&ct that from the time of Sulla downwards the Oscan farce was 

1 YirgU. Oeorg, n 385, sqq.: 

Nee non Auaonii, Troja gens missa, coloni 
Versibus incomptis ludant risuque soluto, 
Oraque corticibuB samuDt horrcnda oayatis. 
€k>mp. Herat, n. Epist. i. 139, sqq. 
s Jarenal, Sal. nu 172, sqq. : 

Ipsa dierum 
Festorum herboso colitur si quando theatre 
Majestas, tandemque redit ad pulpita natum 
Ezodium, quum personcQ pallentis hiatum 
In gremio matris formidat rusticus infans. 
That the eaodium here refers to the AteUana appears from Jar. vi. 71 : 
^Urbicus exodio risum moret AteUanm 
Gestibus Autocoes." 
« Festus, 8. T. permmaia fabuiUiy p. 217: ** per Atellanos qui proprie 
vceaniiur pertontUi" The modem represents tires of the Atellan charac 
ters are still called mcuoheref and our harlequin always appears with a 
black mask on the upper part of his face. 
4 See Diomed. m. pp. 487, 488, Putsch. 
« Ann. iv. 149. « Varro, L. L. vii. } 84, p. 162. 

7 Terent. Maur, p. 2486, Putsch ; Quintil. Inst. Or. yi. 3 ; Tertull. 
De SpectctctdiSf 18; Schober, ilber die Atellan, Schatupidef pp. 28, sqq. 

* Donat. de Trag. et Com. " Atellanse salibus et jocis compositae, quce 
in se non habent nisi veMtam eUgantiam/' 

D. V. 11 


gradtiallj pasBing from its original form into that of a regolar 
play on the Greek model, so that all the faults of Greek comedj 
would eventually find a place in the entertainment. The prin- 
cipal writers of the Latin AtellanjB, after Sulla, who is said to 
have used his own, that is, the Campanian dialect^ were Q. 
Novius^ L. Pomponius Bononiensis', L. Afranius^, and C. Mem- 
mius'^. The political allusions with which they occasionally 
abounded, and which in the opinion of Tiberius called for the 
interference of the senate**, were a feature borrowed from the 
licence of the old Greek comedy; and to the same source we 

1 AthenffiUS, IV, p. 261, O : iyiffxjyi^ovtn 9 avTov rh V€p\ ravra Ikeiph» 
a( im avrov ypa^cio-cu ^arvpuuiX K»iuj^iai rj warpi^ <fHiv§. My learned 
friend, Mr. Alexander Dyce, whose opinion on the proper interpretation 
of AthensBUB is of peculiar weight, suggests to me that if Oscan was not 
always used in the Fabulce Atcllan», we ought to understand by r^ irarpif 
<j)<ovjit *' his native language," L e. the Latin tongue. And he expresses 
his conviction that in all the other places where Atheneeus has ^mj, it 
means the language, and not some particular dialect of a country, e.g. 
I. c. 48 : Tj 'EXXadi (f>iovS; XII. c. 49 : rfjv Uiptrucfjv <l>civijp. On the other 
hand, there is no doubt that the Greeks used the word ^«in; to denote 
a mere provincialism ; see tho passages quoted in the New Cratylus^ $ 88; 
and there would have been no particular force in the remark that Sulla 
wrote comedies in Latin. It is clear from Strabo, y. p. 233, that Oscan 
was the language of the Atellane farces long after it had ceased to be 
common and vernacular^ and he uses the phrase aywp irarpcop in describ- 
ing these performances: r^v fuv yhp "Ocxmy cicXeXoMrdrov 17 diaXcxTor 
fuvfi irapa rots *P«/ia(Oir, ware xal iroiij/uora trKrjvoParfttrBai Kara rufa ay&Hi 
ndrpiov km fupoKoytlaBai» That the satyric comedies here referred to 
must have been AtdlancB may be inferred from Diomedes, m. p. 487« 
Putsch: '^tertia species est fabularum Latinaram» qun . • . Atdlarue diet» 
sunt, argumentis dictisquo jocularibus similes Mttjrriea fftbulis GrcDcis." 
The reference to the Simus in the AtellanoB (Sueton. OaW. 16) points to 
a contact with the satyrs. Macrobius, Satunu n. 1. 

> Aulus Gellius, N, A. xvii. 2. 

« Macrob. S€Uum, vii. 9 ; Fronto ad M. Csbb. iv. 3, p, 96, Mai; Vel- 
leius, II. 9, 6. 

^ Nonius, s. T. ientare, < Macrobius, Saium. i. 10. 

< Tacitus, AnwU. iy. 14 : *' Oscum quondam ludicrum, levissimsB apud 
vulgus delectationis, eo flagitiorum et virium veuisse, ut auctoritate 
patrum coorcendum sit." Gf. Sueton. Neroj c. 39; OtUba^ c. 13; Caiiff' 
c. 27; where we have special instances of the political allnsions in the 
later Atellanm. 


must refer the names of the personages*, which are known to 
have been adopted by Novius, Afranins, and Pomponius, and which 
are either Greek in themselves or translations of Greek words. 
The old gentleman or pantaloon was called Pappus or Gasnar: 
the former was the Greek Hamrof;, the latter, as we have seen, 
was an Oscan ttxm^vetua. The clown or chatterbox was called 
Bucco, from bucca, and was thus a representative of the Greek 
TvaOfav, The glutton Macco^ Greek Mo^/co), has left a trace 
of his name in the Neapolitan Maccaroni; and Punch or Pofo- 
chtneUo is derived from the endearing diminutive Pulchellus, 
which, like the Greek KaXXta?, was used to denote apes and 
puppets'. The Sannio is the aawd^ of Cratinus {Fr. Incert 
xxxTii. a. p. 187, Meineke); and this buffoon with his patch- 
work dress is represented by the modem Harlequin, one of 
whose names is still zanni, Angl. " zany." The modem word 
harlequin is merely the Italian allecchtnOy i.e. "gourmand." 
Menage's dream about the comedian, who was so called in the 
reign of Henry III. because he frequented the house of M. de 
Harlai, is only an amusing example of that which was called 
etymology not many years ago. 

On the whole we must conclude, that the Atellan farces 
were ultimately Greciaed, like all the literature of ancient Italy, 
and as the language of the Boric chorus grew more and more 
identical with that of the Attic dialogue, to which it served as 
an interlude, so this once Oscan exodtum was assimilated in 
language and character to the histrionic plays, to which it served 
as an afterpiece, and so gradually lost its national character and 
social respectability. Thus we find in the destiny of this branch 
of Oscan literature an example of the absorbing centralisation of 
Rome, which, spreading its metropolitan Latinity over the pro- 
vinces, eventually annihilated, or incorporated and blended with 
its civic elements, all the distinctive peculiarities of the allied or 
subject population. 

^ See MUUer, Hist, LU. Or. ch. xxix. § 4. Vol. ii. p. 55, note. 
« Theatre of the Greek», Ed. 6, p. [160]. 



S I. Tnnsoriptions of proper names the first due to an interpretation of the Etrus- 
can language. § i. Nanies of Etruscan divinities derived and explained. 
S 3. Alphabetical list of Etruscan words interpreted. § 4. Etruscan inscrip- 
tions—difficulties attending their interpretation. § 5. Inscriptions in which 
the Peksgian element predominates. § 6. Transition to the inscriptions which 
contain Scandinavian words — The laurel-crowned Apollo— Explanations of the 
words chm and joAZ«re». § 7. Inscriptions containing the words «u^Ai.and tree. 
§ 8. Inferences derivable from the words wver, ever, and fhw or tJumr. § 9. 
Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse in the use of the 
auxiliaiy verb UUa, § 10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined. 
Its Bonio affinities. § 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethno- 
graphic tradition in regard to the ancient Etruscans. $ is. General remarks 
on the absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language. 

§ 1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an 
interpretation of the Etruscan language. 

IT will not be possible to investigate the remains of the Etrus- 
can language with any reasonable prospect of complete suc- 
cess, until some scholar shall have furnished us with a body of 
inscriptions resting on a critical examination of the originals^; 
and even then it is doubtful if we should have a sufficiently co- 
pious collection of materials. The theory, however, that the 
Etruscan language, as we have it, is in part a Pelasgian idiom, 
more or less corrupted and deformed by contact with the Um- 
brian, and in part a relic of the oldest Low-German or Scandi- 
navian dialects, is amply confirmed by an inspection of those 
remains which admit of approximate interpretation. Nor has 
this theory been shaken by the researches of those who have un- 
dertaken to examine this difficult subject since I communicated 

1 The first impulse to the study of Etroscan antiquities was giren by 
the posthumous publication of Dempster's work de Etruria ReffoU, which 
was finished in 1619, and edited by Coke in 1723—4. Bonarota, who 
furnished the accurate illustrations of this work, insists upon the import- 
ance of a correct transcription of the existing linguistic materials. 


my views to the British Association in 1851. With the excep- 
tion of one or two attempts* to explain the Etrascan inscriptions 
on the hypothesis that the language was Semitic, all the latest 
contributions towards the solution of this philological problem 
recognize the lost idiom as Indo-Germanic, and nearly all admit 
that the Etruscan was compounded of distinct and heterogeneous 
elements, and that the Rasena were BsBtians. Br. W. Freund, 
who, as I have already mentioned, expressly undertook to com- 
bat my theory, in order, I presume, to clear the ground for the 
discovery which he intended to make, came back from his expe- 
dition in 1854, without having arrived at any independent 
results as a return for the liberality of the Royal Academy of 
Sciences at Berlin, which furnished him with his viaticum. But 
it is stated by Bunsen' that he discovered in the Tyrol and Vo- 
ralsberg a number of words which were not Celtic or Bomanic, 
and which he does not seem to be able to identify. Bunsen 
himself has published a brief report by Dr. Aufrecht*, which 
expressly asserts the Indo-Germanic character of the language, 
admits its composite structm-e, and goes to the Icelandic* in par- 
ticular for the most striking illustration of the grammatical forms. 
In 1848 James Grimm expressed his opinion that the Etrus- 
cans came from the Esetian alps, and that there was an occa- 

1 There is an elaborate book on this hypothesis by Dr. J. G. Stickel : 
dcu Etnuhuche dureh ErhUirung von Einschriftm und Namen ah Semi^ 
titehe SpracKt trwveun^ Leipsic, 1858. It was preceded, I beliere, by 
a similar attempt in a Roman Catholic Journal. Dr. Stickel's results 
seem to me absolutely invalid. 

< Christiamty and Mankmdy m. p. 89. 

« Ibid, pp. 87—89. 

4 Referring to the fact that **9a added to a man's name indicates 
the name of his wife : thus LarihiaJriria means the consort of the son of 
Larthius/' Aufrecht remarks that this formatiye adjunct ** is also found 
in the Icelandic tja^ * this'." And he adds in a note : " in the Edda it 
occurs in the nominative singular masc. and fem. (p. 8 a and 61b}, and 
even in later works, for instance, KormaJ^B Saga** He compares the 
terminations -orttM, more anciently a-ttW) as in the Lex Agraria of Sp. 
Thorius (I. 12), we find Fioneu for Ftartw, and cites the Osc. JlwanoB 
^^flarariwBy Umbr. plmatioB ^ pUnarixts. He denies the connexion be- 
tween tbis form and aris^ a2ts, and remarks that ^ what Freund says about 
these terminations in the Preface to his Dictionary is erroneous/* 


sional appearance of Teutonic ingredients in the traditions and 
language of the Etruscans^; and he had previously remarked the 
undoubted affinity of the Etruscan (bbox or <e9ub with the Scandi- 
navian Asmi^^ and had made a precarious comparison of the name 
Tvp^iw with the Old Norse thursK In 1854 Dr. L, Steub, 
who had previouslj collected a number of resemblances between 
the Tuscan proper names and those found in the Grisons and 
Tyrol ^, published a treatise on Raetian ethnology, in which* he 
attempted the explanation of a number of Etruscan inscriptions 
with more or less reference to Teutonic or Lithuanian affinities*. 
In 1855, Mr. E. Ellis, who was favourably known by an elabo- 
rate treatise on Hannibar» transit of the Alps, contributed to a 
philological journal* a learned and ingenious essay on the Thra- 
cian affinities of the Etruscans and Baetians. In the course of 
this paper, Mr. Ellis remarks'' that the resemblances between 
the Etruscans and the Gothic branch of the German stock are 
striking and rest on good authority, and he institutes, for the 
first time, a comparison between the Gothic and the Rseto- 
Romansch dialects, which confirms indirectly the Scandinavian 
affinities of the Etruscans ^ And in connecting the Etruscans 
with the Thracians he seeks the point of union in the Getae, 
whose identification with the Goths was first pointed out in 
the original edition of this work, and afterwards asserted by 
J. Grimm®. In his more recently published " Contributions to 
the Ethnography of Italy and Greece**" Mr. Ellis adopts an' 
hypothesis less in accordance with the conclusions of the present 

1 Ge9oh. d.deuUch. Spr. p. 164, ed. 1848 (p. 115, ed. 1853): '*die 
Rfttier hat man xu Abkommlingen dor Tyrrhener odor Etrusker gemacht. 
Eher trugen wohl Riltier oder Rasener ihren Stamm too der Alpen in 
die Halbinsel ; eioxelnes in etniskiBcber Sage and Sprache kllngt an 

^ Deutsehs Mt/ihologie^ p. 23, ed. 1844. > Ibid. p. 480. 

4 Dis Urbewokner RcUieru und ihnr Jhuammmkang mU dm J^lrMtiarm 
Mundien» 1843. 

« Zur RcUisehen Ethnologic. Stuttgardt, 1854. 

« Journal of Philology, Vol. n. pp. 1—20, 169 — 185. ** On the pro- 
bable connexion of the BaotianB and EiruscaiiB with the Thracian stock 
of nations." 

» p. 179. 8 p. 180. » p. 183. . w London, 1858. 


work. He now contends that the Etruscan language is com- 
pounded of Armenian and Celtic ingredients, the former being 
to the latter in the proportiim of two to one, in the list of some 
fifty words, which he borrows from the present chapter\ The 
Celtic element is to be assigned, he thinks, to the Umbrians, 
and he regards all the aboriginal languages of Italy as chiefly 
Celtic, but partly Finnish*, The Pelasgian element, which, with 
me, he seeli^ in the Medes', that is, in the Sarmatian or Sclayonic 
etockf would thus hare an affinity with the Rasenic or distinctive 
elonent in the Etruscan. For the Armenians spoke Persian 
even in the days of Xenophon^. As Mr. Ellis admits this affinity, 
it seems to me that his new hypothesis, even if we concede the 
results of his comparative philology, would leave out of con- 
sideration all those ingredients in the Etruscan, which have , 
created the philological difficulties of the problem to be solved^ 
and would leave us no distinction between the Pelasgian Tyr- 
seni, whose language, as we shall see, was not altogether unlike 
that of their brethren in Greece, and the RsBtian invaders, 
who disintegrated the spoken idiom of the conquered country, 
and whose fragmentary records will not find their interpretation 
in the vocabulary of any unmixed and comparatively modem 
form of human speech'^. 

1 p. 69. ^ p. 40. 8 p. 69. 4 New OrcOyluB, § 85. 

^ An exception to the general admission that the Etruscan was at 
least of the same family with the other European languages has quite 
recently been furnished by Mr. G. Rawlinson (Herod. Vol. m. p. 541), 
who declaros that it ^ is decidedly not ereu Indo-Gtermanic," and ex- 
presses his BorpriBe that I '* should attempt to prove the Etruscan a 
* sister' dialect to the other Italic languages by means of a certain num- 
ber of similar rooUf when its entire structure is so different that it is 
impossible even from the copious inscriptions that remain, to form a 
conjecfemre as to its grammar, or do more than guess at the meaning of 
some half-dozen words." I must, in my turn, express my surprise that 
Mr* Bawlinson should so entirely misconceive the state of the case and 
the nature of my attempt as to write such an account of the matter. 
The reader of the present chapter does not need to be told that my 
attempt is very different from that described by Mr. Rawlinson ; and 
when we hare ike notorious fact that the Perugian Inscription alone gires 
us the gen. and accus. of the first Latin declension, it is really astonish* 
ing that he should speak of the Etruscan grammar as beyond the reach 


The first clue to the understanding of this mysterious lan- 
guage is furnished by the Etruscan transcriptions of well-known 
Greek proper names, and by the Etruscan forms of those names 
which were afterwards adopted by the Komans, Tliis comparison 
may at least supply some prima-facie evidence of the peculiari- 
ties of Tuscan articulation, and of the manner in which the lan- 
guage tended to corrupt itself. 

It is well known that the Etruscan alphabet possessed no 
medtcB, as they are called. We are not, therefore, surprised to 
find, that in their transcriptions of Greek proper names the Etrus- 
cans have substituted ienues^. Thus, the Greek names, ''ABpor- 
OTOv, TvS€i;9, 'OSv<7cr6i;9, MeXioY/jo?, and HoXuSevtcf)*;, are 
written Atrestke^ Tute, Utitze, Melakre, and PuUuke, But the 
change in the transcription goes a step farther than this ; for, 
though they actually possessed the tenues, they often convert 
them into asptratoe. Thus, ^Ayafii/jLV(»v, ''ASpa<rro9, 8^*9, 
Hepaev^, noXwew«;9, Ti]Xe(f)0^, become Aehmiem^ Airesthcj 
Thethts, Pherse, Phulnike^ Tkelaphe. In some cases the Greek 
tentiea remain unaltered in the transcription, as in Ili^Xei^, 
Pele; UapOevoTrcuoSy Parthanapce/ Kdarcdpy Kastur; ^Hpc^ 
icX^9; Herhle: and the Greek aapiratce are also transferred, as 
in ^AfKfx^apao^f Amphiare. These transcriptions of Greek names 

even of a coDJecture. His own opiDion socms to be that the language 
was Turanian (p. 644, note 2) ; but there is no eridence whatever for thai 

1 With regard to the Etruscan alphabet in general, it may be said 
that it did not come directly from the East, but from the intermediate 
settloments of the Pelasgian race« When Miiller says (Etrwk. n. 290) 
that it was derived from Greece, he cannot mean that it passed over into 
Italy subsequently to the commencement of Hellenic clTilisation. The 
mere fact that the writing was from right to left, shows that the Etruscans 
derived thoir letters from the other peninsula, while its inhabitants were 
still Pelasgian; for there are very few even of the earliest Greek inscrip- 
tions which retain the original direction of the writing (see New Qrat, 
$ 101 ; Mttller, Etrusk. n. p. 309). At the same time, the existence of 
hexameter verse in Etruria and other circumstances show that there was 
a continued intercourse between the Pelasgo- Etruscans and the Greeks 
(Mailer, ibid. p. 292). On the Pelasgian origin of the Etruscan alphabet, 
the reader may consult the authorities quoted by Lepsius, de T<M. Eug. 
p. 29, and for the Italian alphabet in general, see above, p. 95. 


Bapplj ns also with a very important fact in regard to the Etrus* 
can syllabarium: namely, that their liquids were really semi- 
vowels; in other words, that these letters did not require the 
expression of an articulation-vowel. It has been shown else- 
where^ that the semi-vocal nature of the liquid is indicated in 
most languages by* the etymological fact, that it may be articu- 
lated by a vowel either preceding or following it. For example : 
mute -f liquid -f vowel = mute + vowel -f liquid, is an equation 
which holds good in every etymological problem. Applying this 
principle to the Etruscan transcriptions, we see that the Etrus- 
can Ap[u\lu, Ach[%]le, At\a\laentj JErc[u]le, M[e]ch8[a]ntrey 
Men\e\lej M[e\n\e\rva, Phtd[u]ntce8y Ur[e]8t€j &c. are represen- 
tatives of the Greek 'AttoXXwi/, *A;^aXX€V9, 'AraXoirny, ^HpaxKfj^j 
^AXi^aj/Spo^y MeveXAw^y HoXweUfj*;, ^Opiartf^, and of the Latin 
Minervay only because the Etruscans did not find it necessaiy 
to express in writing the articulation-vowels of the liquids. It is 
interesting to remark that the old poetic dialect of the Icelandic, 
as distinguished from the modem tongue, exhibits the same pecu- 
liarity; thus r is always written for wr, as in norihry vethvy dlcTy 
vetTy vitr. There are a few instances of the same brachygraphy 
in the oldest Greek inscriptions : thus, on Mr. Burgon's vase we 
have AeHNHeN for 'kB^infiey. Bdckh (0. I. No. 33) has 
wrongly read this inscription, which forms three cretics: t&v 
^A0rf\vfid€if ajdXcDi; ifji,L With regard to the form Erchy for 
which we have Hercoh in Dempster, T. i. Tab. vi. ; Lanzi, ii. 
p. 205, Tab. xi. n. 1, it is to be remarked that the short u^o 
before I appears to be a natural stop-gap in old Italian articula- 

1 New Crat. § 107. The word et^m-en-ftim, according to the etymo- 
mology which has receiyed the sanction of Hoindorf(aiii7ar.i. Sain 1.26), 
would furnish an additional conflrmation of these views. Bat this ety- 
mology cannot be admitted ; and the word must be considered as con- 
taining the root oU (in oUr6,adole9oen$y indoles, aobolsayf^rSleSy &o.), so thai 
eU'tnentum^ol^fMntum. See Benary in the BerL Jahrb. for August 1841, 
p. 240. As the ludust or gladiatorial school, was the earliest specimen of 
a distinct training establishment, and as it has consequently furnished a 
name to all schools, so its two functions hare similarly descended into 
the vocabulary of education : for rwU^mentOy properly the *' foil exercises/' 
and eU-menUif properly the ^ training food," hare become synonymous 
expressions for early education, Just as e-md-itw, " out of foils," has be- 
come tho term for a completely learned man. 


tion. Thus we have jSaetdaptua for AUnchrjino^. But con- 
Tersely we have the shortened forms vindumy pertclumf poclunij 
oradumy sceclumj mirachimy vehtdumy gubertuxclumy and the like, 
and Herculaneua is written Herclaneua (see Corssen Aitsepr. Vok. 
u. Bet. II. pp. 6, 7). When we remember that 'HpcucX^ was 
the tutelary god of the Dorians or Her^mun-Hiuri, who conquered 
the Peloponnese, we can hardly avoid identifying him with 

If we pass to the consideration of those proper names which 
are found in the Latin language, we shall observe peculiarities 
of precisely the same kind. For instance, the medials in Idus^ 
TlabontuSy Vibiua, &c. are represented in Etruscan by the tenues 
in Ittis, Tlapuni, Ftpij &c. ; the tenues in TuritiSy Velcioy &c 
stand for the aspirates in Thura, Felcke, &c. ; and the articula- 
tion-vowels in Licinius, Tanaquily &c. are omitted before or 
afi;er the liquids in Lecne^ Thanchfily &c. 

The transcription UtmCy for '0£v(r<i-€t^, suggests a remark 
which has been in part anticipated in a former chapter. We 
see that in this ease the Etruscan z corresponds to the Greek 
'ca-f just as conversely, in the cases there cited, the Greek -^ is 
represented by -^ in Latin. It was formerly supposed that 
this Etruscan z was equivalent to X==KS, and this supposition 
was based on a comparison of Utuze with Ulyxes. To say no- 
thing, however, of the mistake, which was made in assuming that 
Utuze represented Ulyxea and not ^Ohvaaev^^ it has been shown 
by Lepsius (2>e Tabh. Eug. pp. 59 sqq. ; Annali ddV Insittuto, 
VIII. p. 168) both dLat the Etruscans added this z to the guttural 
K, as in Srankzl, &c. and also that, when it was necessary to ex- 
press the Greek ^, they did not use the letter z, but formed a 
representative for it by a combination of k or CH with s, as in 
Secstinal =* SexHnia natusy and Elchsntre = 'AXif avS/jo?. Pa- 
laeographical considerations also indicate that the letter corre- 
sponded in form, not to f or a?, but to the Greek z. We ought, 
however, to go a step farther than Lepsius has done, and say 
that the Latin x was, after all, in one of its values, a represen- 
tative of this Etruscan letter. It is true, indeed, that x does 
represent also the combination of a guttural and sibilant; but 
there are cases, on the other hand, in which x is found in Latin 
words containing roots into which no guttural enters ; comp. rixa 


with Ipi^ (eptBo^), ipl^€dy &c In these cases it must 1>e supposed 
to stand as a representative of the Greek ^ in its sound sh, and 
also of the Hebrew shin, from which ft has derived its name 
(see New Grot. § 115). With regard to the name Ulysses , 
Ulyxes, ^O&va-aev^, etymology would rather show that the 
ultimate form of the x, ss, or z, was a softened dental. The 
Tuscan name of this hero was Nanus, i. e. " the pygmy" (Muller, 
Etrusk. II. p. 269) ; and, according to Eustathius (p. 289, 38), 
^OXvaaev^ or 'OXtcrcrev? was the original form of the Greek 
name. From these data it has been happily conjectured (by 
Kenrick, Herod, p. 281) that the name means o-Xi^of;, i-Xurao^, 
JFkA. for o-XiTfos (Eustath. 1160, 16), of which the simplest form 
is X*T09, little: so that Ulysses, in the primitive conception, 
WBJS a god represented in a diminutive form. 

§ 2. Names of Etritscan divinities derived and explained. 

The materials, which are at present available for an approxi- 
mate philological interpretation of the Tuscan language, may be 
divided into three classes : (1) the names of deities, &c., whose 
titles and attributes are familiar to us from the mythology of 
Greece and Rome ; (2) the Tuscan words which have descended 
to us with an interpretation ; and (3) the inscriptions, sepulchral 
or otherwise, of which we possess accurate transcripts. Let us 
consider these three in their order. 

The Tuscans seem to have worshipped three gods especially. 
as rulers of the sky, — Janus, god of the sky in general ; Jupiter, 
whom they called Tina, god of the day; and Summanus, god 
of the night. Of these, Janiis and Tina are virtually the same 
designation. The root dyd seems to be appropriated in a great 
many languages to signify "day" or "daylight." See Grimm, 
Deut. Mythol. 2d ed. p. 177. Sometimes it stands absolutely, 
as in dies = dia^is; sometimes it involves u, as in the Sanscr. dyu, 
Gt. Zfi^, Lat. dem; sometimes it appears in a secondary form, 
as in the Hebr. y$m, Gr. rifiipa ; and sometimes it has a dental 
aflSx, as in the Gr. Ttrjv, Lat. or Tusc. Janus. It is sufficiently 
established that dj,j, y, are different forms of the same articula- 
tion, which is also expressed by the Greek f. The fem. of 
Janus was Diana: Jupiter and Diespiter were the same word. 


The Greeks had lost their y-sound, except so far as it was 
implied in f; but I have proved elsewhere that the r) also con- 
tained its ultimate resolution ^ That Tina contains the same 
root as Zt]v = Ih/an may be proved by an important Greek 
analogy. If we compare the Greek interrogative tI[v]^ with its 
Latin equivalent quia, admitting, as we must, that thay had a 
common origin, we at once perceive that the Greek form has lost 
every trace of the labial element of the Latin qu, while the 
guttural is preserved in the softened form t* =y. Supposing 
that ke[n]s was the proper form of the interrogative after the 
omission of the labial, then, when k was softened into/ = dt\ as 
qyro^vs became cu-jua^ &c., in the same way /e-e[i/]-9 would be- 
come ta[i']9, the tenuis being preferred to the medial*. Just so in 
the Etruscan language, which had no medials, Zriv ^ dtan-vs 
would become Tina'\8\ or 2Ynm-[5]. This Tina or Jupiter of the 
Tuscans was emphatically the god of light and lightning, and 
with Juno and Minerva formed a group who were joined toge- 
ther- in the special worship of the old Italians. As the Etruscans 

1 New Crat, § 112. 

' The crude form of rcr is ri-v- (n-yof, &c.); in other words it is a 
compound of two pronominal elements, like tls (=€v-()> Kti^vot, r$-vor» 
d-pd^ ^-nim, i^fui^ &c. Lobeck asserts (Paralipom. p. 121, note) that the 
V in Ti'V'6s is repugnant to all analogy, the Zttorce clUicm of the Greeks 
being dentals only, — as if p were not a dentall The absurdity of 
Lobeck's remarks here, and in many other passages of his later writings, 
"will serTe to show how necessary it is that an etymologer should be 
acquainted with the principles of comparative philology. There are some 
obserrations on this subject in the New Crat. $ 38, which more particularly 
refer to Lobeck (Aglaapham. p. 478, note i), and to a very inferior man» 
his pupil Ellendt (Lex SophoeL prcefat. p. iii). From what Lobeck said 
in his ParaUpomena (p. 127» note), one felt disposed to hope that his old- 
fashioned prejudices were beginning to yield to conviction. In a later 
work, however (PcUhologia, pnef. pp. vii. sqq.), he reappears in his original 
character. The oaulion on which he plumes himself (^ ego quoque ssepe 
vel inritus et ingratis eo adactus sum ut Tocabulorum origines abditas 
conjectura qusererem, cautior fartcLSse OrcUylU nastria, quorum cnrlositati 
nihil claUiBum, nihil impervium est") is only another name for one-sided 
obstinacy ; and whatever value we may set upon Lobeck's actual per- 
formances in his own field» we cannot concede to him the right of con- 
fining all other scholars to the narrow limits of his Hemsterhusian phi* 


had no consonant j^ the name of Janus must have "been pro- 
nounced by them as Zanus. This god, whose four-faced statue 
was brought from Falerii to Kome, indicated the sky, or templum, 
with its four regions. When he appeared as bicq>8, he repre- 
sented the main regions of the templum — the decumanus and 
the cardo. And as this augurial reference was intimately con- 
.nected with the arrangement of the gates in a city or in a camp*, 
he became also the god of gates, and his name ultimately signi- 
fied "a gate" or "archway." Summantts, or Submantia, was 
the god of nightly thunders. The usual etymology is summua 
manium; but there is little reason for supposing that it is an 
ordinary Latin word. As Amobius considers him identical with 
Pluto*, it seems reasonable to conclude that he was simply the 
Jupiter Infemus; and as the Diapater of the Tuscans was called 
MarUtia, and his wife Mania, we may conjecture that Sub-manua 
was perhaps in Tuscan Zuv-mantis or Jupiter^omis, which is 
the common euphemism in speaking of the infernal deities. The 
connexion between the nightly thunders, which the ancients so 
greatly feared, and the x^ovlat ^povral, is obvious. Another 
gloomy form of the supreme god was Ve^jus or. Ve-yovia, who 
seems to have represented Apollo in his character of the causer 
of sudden death. The prefix Ve* is a disqualifying negative— 
the name signifies " the bad Jupiter." He was represented as a 
young man armed with arrows; his feast was on the nones of 
March, when an atoning sacrifice was offered up to him ; and he 
was considered, like Summanusy as another form of Pluto. 

The second of the great Tuscan deities was JUno {Jovtno or 
Dyuno), who was called Kupra and Thalna in the Etruscan 
language. Now Kupra signifies "good," as has been shown 
above; and therefore Dea hupra is Dea bona, the common 
euphemism for Proserpine. The name Thalna may be analyzed 
with the aid of the principles developed above. The Etruscans 
had a tendency to employ the aspirates for the tenues, where 

* See below, Ch, vn. j 6. 

9 The Glossar. Labbsoi has Summanu», ttpof/riBevs ; and perhaps Pro- 
metheus, as the stealer of fire from heaven, may bare been identified 
with the god of nightly thunders in some forms of mythology. At Co- 
lonas, where the infernal deities were especially worshipped, the rvrap 
UpofAfiB^vst 6 nvp4>6pof BtSs^ was reckoned among them {(Ed. CoL 55). 


in other forms, and in Greek especially, the tenues were used. 
Accordingly, if we articulate between the liquids Zn, and substi- 
tute t for ^, we shall have, as the name of Juno, the goddess 
of marriage, the form Tal\a\na, which at once suggests the root 
of Talaasus, the Eoman Hyrnen^ and the Greek ri£\i9, (Soph. 
Antig. 629: roKvi* i; vvM^^ Zonar. p. 1711: raXir 17 /acX- 
XoyafjLo^ irapBhfo^ koX Kartovofjtaa-fihn] ruft oi Bk ywcuKa 
yafA€T^ir oi Be vvfMfyrfv, Hesych. n^XiBa* oim» ti71' awrfpfjLoo'^ 
fiiuffVy id. BaXiBa^ ra9 fiefivffarev/ihfcif^, id. raXi^' €/e>o>9, id.) : 
comp. also yafjLoio t€Xo9, Hom. Od. XX. 74, and the epithet 
"Hpa reXeia. The Aramaean raTuOa (KJl'^p, Mark v. 41) is 
not to be referred to this class. 

The deity VulcanttSf who in the Etruscan mythology was 
one of the chief gods, being one of the nine thundering gods, and 
who in other mythologies appears in the first rank of divinities, 
always stands in a near relationship to Juno. In the Greek 
theogony he appears as her son and defender ; he is sometimes 
the rival, and sometimes the duplicate, of his brother Mars ; and 
it is possible that in the Egyptian calendar he may have been a 
kind of Jupiter. Here we are only concerned with the form of 
his Etruscan name, which was Sethlans, Apylying the same 
principles as before, we collect that it is only 8e'tal[a]ntts, a 
masculine form of Tal[a]na (^Juno) with the prefix Se-: comp. 
the Greek ^-Xm)9> cre-Xiyi^, with the Latin 80I, Luna, where the 
feminine, like Tal[a]nay has lost the prefix. 

To the two deities Tina and Tatna, whose names, with their 
adjuncts, I have just examined, the Etruscans added a third, 
Minerva, or, as they called her, Miner/a, Minrfa (see Quintilian, 
/. 0. I. 4, § 17), who was so closely connected with them in the 
reverence of this people, that they did not consider a city com- 
plete if it had not three gates and three temples dedicated to 
Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. She was the goddess of the storms 
prevalent about the time of the vernal equinox ; and her feast, 
the quinquatrus, was held, as that word implied in the Tuscan 
language, on the fifth day after the ides of March. The name 
seems to have been synonymous with the Greek /t^rt?; and 
bears the same relation to mens that hierves (in the Arval hymn) 
does to lues : this appears from the use of the verb pramenervat 
{pro monei, Fest. p. 205). 


With regard to the legend that Minerva sprang from the head 
of Jnpiter, it is to be remarked that the head was considered to 
be the seat of the mens, as the heart was of the animus; 
whereas the antma (Lucret. III. 354) permixta corpore toto,,v& 
diffiised all over the frame, and has no special seat assigned to it. 
With regard then to the opposition of mens and animiLS, the 
English antithesis of ''head" and ''heart*' sufficiently expresses 
it. See Ter. Andr. i. 1, 137. 

It is easy to explain the names Sdtumus, VertumntiSy Mars^ 
and Feronia, from the elements of the Latin language. Sdtur" 
nus = Kpovo^ is connected with sas-culumy as ce^temus with cevum 
(the full form being cevi-temus, Varro, i. i. VI. § 11), sempi- 
temus with semper, and taci-tumtts with taceo. Vertumnus is 
the old participle of vertor, " I turn or change myself." (See 
Ch. XII. §5.) Mdrs is simply "the male" or "manly god." 
Thus Mas-piter is " the male or generating father." The forms 
Mar-mar, Md-murtus exhibit the root with an intensive redu* 
plication ; the root is strengthened by t, denoting personality, in 
Mar[t]s; and the words Ma'Vor[i]s, Marmer\t\s give us both 
the intensive reduplication and the strengthening affix (Corssen, 
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, p. 32) . In this word the idea of viri- 
lity is connected with that of protection, and the root is identical 
with the Greek Fa/»-, Sanscr. vri, "to protect," vtra^ "a man," 
Latin vir, &c. {New Crat. § 285). It has been proposed by Pott 
(Etym. Forsch, li. 206) to connect m^as with the Sanscrit root man 
" to think," from whence comes manas " the mind," manushya 
" man ;" and we know that this root with these connected mean- 
ings runs through a great number of languages : thus we have the 
Egyptian men " to construct or establish," month " a man," the 
Greek /lifiovc^ iirivuto, &c., the Latin mon*eo, m^e-^mtni, mens, 
luMnin, the German m^inen, mund, &c.; and this brings ub 
back to the goddess Minerva, and other mythological beings, as 
Menu, Menes, Minos, Minyas, and Mannvs {Q. R. CLV, p. 149). 
We may also remark that the Hebrew "^DT mas, is immediately 
connected with HDt m^eminit. But here the idea is somewhat 
different. For the verb HD"? contains the root Jcar which is found 
in the Chald. "l?*? and l^, *"^^ signifies infigere^ insculpere^ 
hence tropically mem4)ri(B infigere, imprimere, (Flint, Concorde 


p. 352). And as "IDT is opposed to nig3 from IgJ jperjbravit — 
(a membri genitalis forma distinctionis causa sic dicta, Ftirst, 
Concord, p. 727), we may conclude that it signifies: 6 rpvn&Vy 
(cf. -SIsch. Fragm, Dan, 38: ipq. fiev ayvo^ ovpavo<; rp&a-av 
yQova), Be this as it may, it is clear that the root Fa/>- is not 
identical with the root many and it is quite possible that man 
should appear distinctively as " the protector," as well as gene- 
rally in the character of "thinker" and "indicator." There is 
the same opposition with the same parallelism in manus, the 
hand, generally, and specially the right hand, as pointing out 
and indicating (cf. /Aiyi^-vo, mon-strarc, Se^la, BeU-wfu, &c.), 
and dpurrepi^, the left hand, as carrying the weapon of defence 
{New Crat. § 162, note). The attributes of the goddess FSronia 
are by no means accurately known: there seems, however, to 
be little doubt that she was an elementary goddess, and as such 
perhaps also a subterraneous deity, so that her name will be 
connected with firalisy iftOelpeiv^ <f>€p(re<f>6vrf; &c. 

Aeu/codia, " the white goddess," had a Tuscan representative 
in the Mater matiUa, " mother of the morning," whose attribute 
is referred to in the Greek name, which designates the pale 
silvery light of the early dawn. Both goddesses were probably 
also identical with 'EtkeiOvui, Ludna, the divinity who brought 
children from the darkness of the womb into the light of life. 
Sothina, a name which occurs in Etruscan monuments (Lanzi, ii. 
p. 494), is probably the Etruscan transcription of the Greek 
'^o<oBiva ("saving from child-bed pains"), which was an epithet 
of Artemis (see Bockli, Corp. Inscr. no. 1595). 

Apollo was an adopted Greek name, the Tuscan form being 
Apulu, Apluy JEpul, or Epure. If the " custos Soractis Apollo," 
to whom the learned Virgil {JEn. xi. 786) makes a Tuscan 
pray, was a native Etruscan god, then his name Soranus, and 
the name of the mountain SoractCy must be Tuscan words, and 
contain the Latin sol, with the change from Z to r observable in 
the form Epure for Epul: compare also the Sanscr. sHrya. 

Although Neptunus was an important god in the Tuscan 
pantheon, it is by no means certain that this was the Tuscan 
form of his name : if it was, then we have another Tuscan word 
easily explicable from the roots of the Indo-G^rmanic language ; 
for Nep-tunus is clearly connected with j/€©, U7)p€i^, viwrto, &c. 


The form Neptumnus (ap. Grut. p. 460) is simply the participle 
viirr6fji,evo^. If the word Nethunsi- which is fomid on a Tuscan 
mirror over a figure manifestly intended for Neptune {Berlin. 
Jahrh. for August 1841, p. 221), is to be considered as the 
genuine form of the sea-god^s name, there will of course be no 
difficulty in referring it to the same root (see below, § 5). 

The Tuscan Pluto, as is well known, was called MantuA^ and 
firom him the city Mai^Jbaa derived its name. The etjrmology of 
this word is somewhat confused by its contact with the terms 
manes and mama. That the latter are connected with the old 
word mcmm^honus can hardly be doubted^; and the depre- 
catory euphemism of such a designation is quite in accordance 
with the ancient mode of addressing these mysterious func- 
tionaries of the lower world. But then it is difficult to explain 
ManiuB as a derivative firom this manus. Now, as he is repre- 
sented in all the Tuscan monuments as a huge wide-mouthed 
monster with a personce pallentia hiatuSy it seems better to 
understand his name as signifying "the devourer;" in which 
sense he may be compared with the yawning and roaring Cha- 
ron^. This, at any rate, was the idea conveyed by the TnandiUMSy 

^ Varro Beems to eonnecfc the word Manius with niame, ** momiDg" 
(X. L. IX. $ 60). 

' See Ntw CraJt, $ 283. Another personage of the same kind is Tupimv^ 
" the caller." As Charon is attended by the three-headed KtpfitpoSf so 
the three-bodied Geryon has a two-headed dog, "OpOpou who is brother 
to Cerberus (Hesiod. Theog. 308, sqq.) ; that is ** the morning" (Bp6pos) 
is brother to the ** darkness" (Mpfitpot : ride SchoL Od. A, 14, and Person 
ad l. ; K^iifupos' dx^vt, Hesych. ; and Lobeck, PardUpom, p. 32). By 
a similar identity, Geryon lives in the distant west, in Erythia, the land 
of darkness, jnst as Charon is placed in Hades ; and these two beings, 
wiih their respectire dogs, both figure in the mythology of Hercules, who 
appears as the enemy of Pluto, and of his type, Eurystheus. It may be 
remarked, too, that Pluto is described as an owner of flocks and herds, 
which is the chief feature in the representations of Geryon. Mr. Keight- 
ley remarks in the additions to his MytKologyy p. 369 : *' Though we could 
not perhaps satisfactorily prove it, we have a strong notion that Geryo* 
neus (from ytjpvca) is only another form of Hades. They both, we may 
observe, had herds of ozen, and the two-headed dog of the former 
answers to the three-headed dog of the latter. Admetos, apparently 
another form of Hades (p. 122), was also famous for his herds. We find 
the herds of Hades (p. 960) pasturing under the care of Menoetius, near 

D. V. 12 


another form of manttis; for this was an image " magnis malts 
ac late dehiscens et ingentem denitbtis sonitum faciens^^ (Fest. 
p. 128). The two words may be connected with ma-n-dere, 
luxATourOaiy the n, which is necessary in manus^ inanesy being here 
only euphonical : similarly, we have masticiumy edacem a «lon- 
dendo scilicet (Fest. p. 139), and me-n-tum by the side of fiurvaA 
{=^yvdOoiy Hesych.). Compare also mdia, maxilla, &c. It is 
Viot improbable that the Greek, or perhaps Pelasgic, fuani^ con- 
tains this root. The mysterious art of divination was connectetl, 
in one at least of its branches, with the rites of the infernal 
gods. Teiresias, the blind prophet, wad especially the prophet 
of the dark regions. Now Mantita, according to Virgil, was 
founded by Ocnus, " the bird of omen," who was the son of 
MantOy and through her the grandson of Teiresias. This at 
least is legendary evidence of a connexion between mantus and 
fiavrt^. The same root is contained in the mythical mundus 
(MtQler, Etrusk. U. p. 96). 

The name Ceres is connected with crearey Sanscr. hrK. The 
Tuscan name Ancaria may be explained by a comparison of 
ancillay anclarCy oncare, iveyKetv, dyKoSy &c. 

According to Servius, CereSy Pales, and Fortunay were the 
three Penates of the Etruscans (see Micali, Storia, ii. p. 117). 
The last of these three was one of the most important divinities 
in Etruria, and especially at Volsinii, where she bore the name 
Nortiay Norsiay or Nursia, and was the goddess of the calendar 
or year (Cincius, op. Liv. vii. 3). The nails, by which the 
calendar was marked there, pointed to the fixed and unalterable 
character of the decrees of fate. The Fortuna of Antium had 
the nail as her attribute, and the clavi trabales and other imple- 
ments for fastening markei4 her partner Necessitas (Hor. I. 
Carm. XXXV. 17 sqq.); under the Greek name of "Arpoiro^: 
{Athrpa) she is represented on a Tuscan patera as fixing the 

those of GeryonetiB in the isle of "Ery thia, and (p. 39$) We meet them in 
the under-world nnder the care of the same herdsfman. This looks very 
like two different forms of the same legend ; the hero in the one seeking 
the abode of Hades in the west» in the other in the nnder-world. The 
name Geryoneus might correspond in signification with icXvtdr aiid kXv- 
fieyoff, epithets of Hades." 


destinj of Mekearypa^ {Meliaer) by driving in a nail ; though it 
is clear from tiie wings that the name only is Greek, while the 
fignre of the deity is genuine Etruscan (Mtiller, Etnisk, li. 
p. 331). From these conuderations it seems a safe inference 
that Nortia^ or Nnrsia, is simply ne^^vartia, ne-vertia, the "Arrpo- 
?ro9, or ^'untuming, unchanging goddess/' according to the 
consistent analogy of rwirsus^re^ersusy quorstis = qtio^ersus, 
tntrarsua = intrc^versus, prorsvm^ prossum, or pro9um (in proaa 
craiio) ^pr(h-versum, sursum = sub-versum, &c. : and this supposi- 
tion receives additional confirmation from the statement men- 
tioned below (§ 3), that vorsua was actually a Tuscan word. 

The god Merqtmriits appears on the Tuscan monuments as 
Turms = Turmus. This Etruscan name has been well explained 
by the Jesxdt G. P. Secchi {Annali dell' Inatituto^ vili. pp. 94 
sqq.). It appears that Lycophron, who elsewhere uses genuine 
Italian names of deities and heroes (as yLafj^pro^ for "'Afyrj^, w. 
938, 1410; Nai/(59 for 'OSwrcrei;^, v. 1244), calls the x'^ovio^ 
'Epfi/^ by the name Tepfiiev^ (Alex. 705 sqq.) : 

\ifunjp T "Aopvov afj^tTopvrjT^p Ppox^^ 
Koi x^V^ Ka>in;roco \app0Siv incdrt^ 
2Tvy6s Kekaanis pao-ftSy, tvSa TtpfuwifS 

ficXXov yiyavTQs KOirl tittjpos V€pav, 

Now Turmns certainly does not differ more from this Tepfuetk 
than Eutttrpe and Aohh from their Greek representatives (Bun- 
sen, ibid. p. 175). It might seem, then, that TurmtLs is not the 
Latin Termintis, but rather the Greek 'Epfifj^; for the Hellenic 
aspirate being represented in the Pelasgian language, according 
to rule, by the sibilant, this might pass into T, as in ripMpch 
aiifiepovy Tqfuepov', hrroj reirrd, Hesych.; ipfik, repfik^ id.; &c. 
The name iar, icw, when it signifies "lord" or "noble," 
has the addition of a pronominal affix -t; when it signifies " god," 
it is the simple root: the former is Lars {Larth), gen. Lartis ; 
the latter Lar, gen. Laris. Precisely the same difierence is 
observable in a comparison between "'Avaxe;, ''Avokol^ "the 
Dioscuri," and ai'OAc-Te?, "kings" or "nobles." Similarly the 
original Mars seen in the forms Mar-mar, Ma-murtus, &c. is 
lengthened into Mar^t-y and from names of towns we have deri- 
vatives with the same insertion of a formative * : e.g. Tvder-t-es, 



TiSwr-^e*, Pioen^t-ea^ Fidm-Uea, Fucen-t-es, Nar^t-es, (Corsaen, 
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, pp. 6, 13). Some suppose that 
the English Lor-d is related to the same root; see, however, 
New CrcU. § 338 : and as the Lares were connected with the 
Cabiriac and Curetic worship of the more eastern Pelasgians, 
I would rather seek the etymology in the root Xa-, Xaa-'^ Xaur-, 
so frequently occurring in the names of places and persons con- 
nected with that worship \ and expressing the devouring nature 
of fire. It appears from the word Lar-va that the Lar was 
represented as a wide-mouthed figure. There are two feminine 
forms of the name, Lar^unda and Lar^enJtia. The former may 
be compared with the Scythian Temarwnda and Anglo-Saxon 
ScBrende (above, p. 60). 

This enumeration of the names of Tuscan divinities shows 
that, as far as the terms of mythology are concerned (and there 
are few terms less mutable), the Tuscan language does not abso- 
lutely escape from the grasp of etymology. If the suggestion 
thrown out above (Ch. ii. § 22) respecting the parallelism be- 
tween Tina and Tor is to be received, the easy analysis of these 
mythical names is to be explained by the fact that they belonged 
to the religion of southern Etruria, which was Pelasgian rather 
than Scandinavian. Many of the common words which have 
been handed down to us present similar traces of affinity to the 
languages of the Indo-Germanic family. I will examine them 
in alphabetical order; though, unfortunately, they are not so 
numerous as to assume the form of a comprehensive vocabulary 
of the language. 

§ 3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted. 

JEsar^ " God." Sueton, Odav. c. 97 : " Responsum est centum 
solos dies posthac victurum, quem numerum c littera notaret; 
futurumque ut inter deos referretur, quod jesar, id est, reliqua 
pars e Caesaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur." Conf. 
Dio. Cass. LVI. 29; Hesych. alao'i; deoi, vtto Tvpprjvciv. See 
Ritter, Vorhalle, pp. 300, 471, who compares the Cabiriac 

1 The following are some of the most obvious appearances of this 
root: Sanscrit, laSf ^to wish;** Latin, lar^gus; Greek, Xa-fua^ Xarfwtf 
Xapvyf, Xatrfui, &c. Aanrrpvyiov, XatWair, Xatofro^lasy AiffivoSf Aiyrw. 


names JEs^mun, .^k-def, the proper name jEsyetea^ tzsa the 
old form of ara, and a great many other words implying 
** holiness" or "sanctity:" and Grimm, Deutsche Myihol. 
2d edit. p. 22. Comp. also aUra. The most important fact 
is that as or ass^ pi. aesir^ meaning deua^ numen^ is " nomen 
nusguam non occurrena " {Edda Scemund. VoL I. p. 472) in 
the old Icelandic. 

Agalletor, " son." Hesych. dyaXK^ropa' iraXba^ Tvp^voL This 
is pure Pelasgian, if not Greek. Thus Sophocles, AtUig. 1115, 
calls Bacchus : KaJBfietd^ ini/jufM^ ayeiKfui. Mr. Ellis compares 
the Gaelic ogatl, " youthful." 

Aifil, "age." This word frequently occurs in sepulchral in- 
scriptions with a numeral attached. In one of these we have, 
Qf\e\Gilfitlf . Papa aif . XXII., with the Latin translation, 
Ouegilii Papii cetatis xxil. It is obvious, then, that this 
word contains the same root as cst^-um, (B-taa, alFt&v, cufei^ &c. 
The Felasgo-Tyrrhenian language always inserts the digamma 
in these cases : compare A!a9, written Aifaa on the Tuscan 

Antavj "eagle." Hesych. avrop* a€Ti9 inro Tvpfnfvwv. See 
below, under Fentha. 

Aniea^ " wind." Hesych. Avtcw ave/iot and AvSaq' "Bopetk, vrri 
Hvpjyqv&v. This is neither more nor less than the Latin 
ventusj which is ultimately identical with the Greek FdvefAo^y 
and the Teutonic " wind." Mr. Ellis remarks (p. 47) : " as 
antes signifies especially the north wind, ' Boreas,' arUar and 
antes afford a close parallel to aqutla and aqutlOf which appa- 
rently involve the root ag, * motion '." 

Apluda, "bran." Fest. p. 10; Aul. Gell. xi. 7: "fie inquit, 
equss Romanus apludam edity etjhces btbtt. Aspexerunt omnes 
qui aderant alius alium, primo tristiores turbato et requirente 
vultu, quidnam illud utriusque verbi foret ; post inde, quasi 
nescio quid Tusce aut Gallice dixisset, universi riserunt. 
Legerat autem ille apludam veteres rusticos frumenti furfurem 
dixisse." The passage does not prove that apluda was Tus- 
can. The word was probably derived from ahludo: cf. Virg. 
Ge<yrg. i. 368, 9 : 

Sflope levem paleam et frondes rolitare eaducas» 
Aut Bumma nantea in aqua eof^lMdeirt plumas. 


Mr. Ellis compares the Basto-Bomansh hleuschaj ^'Imsk," 


Aquilex, " a collector of springs for aqueducts." Varro op. Nonn. 
Marc. 2, 8: " at hoc pacto, utilior te Tuscus dquilexy 

Aracos^ "a hawk." Hesych. "Apaxo^ iepa^ TvpprjvoL See 
Haruspex. We maj compare the O. N. ari^ " an eagle." 

Arimusy " ape." Strabo, Xlli. p. 626 D: koX tox^ itlOi^kov^ ^oal 
irapd roU Tvpp7)vok dplfiov^ KaKeiadiu. Hesych.: dptfio^* 
7rl0rj/co9. There is no certainty about this word. There is 
some confusion of ideas between the place called Arimi on 
the coast of Cilicia, and the island JPithecuaa on the coast of 
Campania. The commentators would connect it with the 
Hebrew WUH {chdrilm)^ Levit xxi. 18, which signifies " snub- 
nosed," 8tmu8/ if this can be admitted, the only way of 
explaining the Semitic etymology will be by reading irapd 
Tofe Tvplot<i in the passage of Strabo. Mr. Ellis compares 
the Armen. ayr, " homo," on the analogy of orang-outang ^ 
which signifies man. 

Arse-verse. Fest. p. 18: ^^Arseverse averte ignem significat. 
Tuseorum enim lingua arse averte, verse ignem constat appel- 
lari. Unde Afiranius ait : Inscribat aliquis in ostio arseverse." 
An inscription found at Cortona contains the following words : 
Arses vurses Sethlanl tephral ape termnu pisest estu (Orelli, 
no. 1394). Miiller considers this genuine {qnem quominus 
genutnum habeamus nihil vetat); Lepsius will not allow its 
authenticity, but thinks it is made up of words borrowed 
from other sources. Be this as it may, the words arse verse 
must be admitted as genuine Etruscan; and they are ako 
cited by Placidus {Oloss. ajmd Maiurhy p. 434). It seems 
probable that arse is merely the Latin arce with the usual 
softening of the guttural ; and verse contains the root of wvp, 
pir^ feuer^ her, &c. Pott {Et. Forsch. i. p. 101) seems to 
prefer taking verse as the verb, Lat. verte^ and arse as the 
noun, comp, ardere. Tephral must be compared with tepidus 
and the other analogies pointed out above (Ch. ii. § 11) ; it 
comes very near to the Oscan teforom [Tab. Agn. 11. 17, 20), 
and to the foi-m thipurenai in the Cervetri inscription (below, 
§ 5). From all these reasons we may conclude that it belongs 
to the Pelasgian element in the language. K the Cortona 


inscription is genuine, we must divide pis-est = qui est, and 
then the meaning must be, '^ Avert the fire, consuming 
Vulcan, from the boundary v^ich is here." 

At(B8umj " a vine that grows up trees." Hesych. araurov' ava- 
BevBpa/iy TvpptfvoL Can this be the Latin word adhcBsumf 
Lucret. iv. 1243: "tenve locis (juia non potis est adfigere 

Atrium^ " the cav<Bdxum,^^ or common hall in a Eoman house. 
Varro, L. L, v. § 161 ; * - Cavum csdium dictum, qpi locus 
tectus intra parietes relinquebatur patulus, qui esset ad com- 
munem omnium usum...7Wcanicum dictum a Tuscis, postea- 
quam iUorum c*avum sBdium simulare coeperunt Atrium 
appellatum ab Atriatibus Tuscis ; illinc enim ezemplum sump- 
tum," Mliller {Etrusk. ;. p. 256) a4opts this etymology 
(which is also suggested by Festus, p. 13), with the explana- 
tion, that the name is not derived from Atrias because the 
people of that place invented it, but from a reference to the 
geograjAical position of Atrias, which, standing at the con- 
fluence of many rivers, might be supposed to represent the 
compluvium of the atrium. T^hi^ geographical etymology 
appears to me very far-fetched and improbable ; nor, indeed, 
do I see the possibility of deriving atrium from atrias; the 
converse would be the natural process. There does not appear 
to be any objection to the etymology suggested by Servius 
(ad J^. III. 353) : " ab atro^ propter fiunum qui esse sole- 
bat in atrtis:^^ and we may compare the corresponding Greek 
term fiiXaffpov. If atrium, then, was a Tuscan word, the 
Latin ater also was of Pelasgian origin. The connexion of 
atrium with aXffpiov, alOova-a, &c., suggested by Scaliger and 
others, may be adopted, if we derive the word from the 
Tuscan atrua, which signifies '*a day." 

Balteus, " the military girdle," is stated by Varro {Antiq. R, 
Hum. 18. ap, Sosip, I. p. 51) to have been a Tuscan word. 
It also occurs, with the same meaning, in all the languages of 
the German family ; and we have it still in our word " belt," 
which bears a close resemblance to the loelandic noun helti^ 
zona and the corresponding verb beUa = cingere, 

Burrus, "a beetle," Hesych. Bup^6<;' KovOapo^, Tvpp7)voL Is this 
the Latin word burrus f Festus, p. 31 : " burrum dicebant 


antiqui, quod nunc dicimus ruftim. Unde rujstici hurram ap- 
pellant buculam, qu« rostrum habet rufam. Pari modo rubens 
cibo ac potione ex prandio hunrua appellatur." In Gaelic 
burruta is " a caterpillar." 

Bygoia, a nymph, who taught the Etruscans the art of inter- 
preting lightning. Serv. ad jEneid. VI. Vide Dempster, 
Etrur. Reg. in. 3. 

Camtllua, " Mercury.'' Macrob. ScUum. ill. 8 : " Tuscos Co- 
milium appellare Mercurium." This is the Cabiriac or Pelas- 
gian KacTfukty;. Schol. Apoll Shod. i. 915. 

Capra^ " a she-goat." Hesych. Konrpa* o?f, HvpfyqvoL 

Capys, " a falcon." Servius {ad JSn. X. 145) : " Constat earn 
(capuam) a Tuscis conditam de viso falconis augurio, qui 
Tusca lingua capya dicitur." Fest. p. 43: "Capuam in 
Campania quidam a Capye appellatam ferunt, quern a pede 
introrsus curvato nominatum antiqui nostri Falconem vocant." 
For the meaning of the word fodcones^ see Fest. s. v. p. 88. 
licapys^falcoy it would seem that cap-ys contains the root 
of cap-^re; for this would be the natural derivation of the 
name : cf. oc-ctjp-tter*. We may compare the Grerman habtcJitf 
the Welsh hebog^ and the Lapponic hapak. The word cape^ 
which appears in the great Perugian Inscription (1. 14), is 
probably to be referred to a very different root. 

Cassis^ "a helmet" (more anciently caas-ila, Fest. p. 48). 
Isidor. Origg. xviii. 14 : " Caasidem autem a Tuscis nomi- 

^ See New Oratyhu^ $ 466, To the instances there cited the follow, 
ing may be added: (a) ate, "a dog," i. e. " the yelp-er." (b) l^Jf , 
••a raren*' (eorvus, Sanscr. hdrava)^ i.e. **a cawing bird." (c) fiovt 
Sanger. gau$, " the bellowing or lowing animal :" comp, Pod» with yodw, 
and the latter with the Hebrew nE^a, mugiret "to low like an ox" 
(1 8am. Ti. 12» Job Ti. 6), and the Latin ceoa, which, according to Color 
mella (ti. 24), was the name of the cow at Altinmu on the AdriaUc. 
Wx^'^»** the goose," Le. "the gaping bird" (x^y kmx^s, Aihen. ^. 619 a). 
(e) 3KT, "the tawny wolf," may be connected with an?^ "gold." 
Perhaps the roost remarkable instance of selecting for the name of 
an object some single 'attribute» is famished by the words $eudo and 
** crown," both denoting a large siWer coin, and both derinng thoir origin 
from a part of the design on the reyerse — the former from the shield» 
or coat of arms» the latter from the crown, by which it was surmoanted. 


natam dicnnt/' The proper form was capsia^ as the same 
writer tells ns; but the assimilation hardly disguises the 
ob^ous connexion of the word with cap-ut^ haup-ty &c. 
Comp. Komtcal' al TrepiKeffxiKaSaiy with t$9 /cott&o^' Aoh 
ptek Si T^v Ke4>a\fjv ovrm tcdKovav. J. Pollux, II. 29. 

Celery '^ si Tzetzi fides prasbeatur, tox Latina fuit ex Etrusco 
nomine usque a Romuli »tate." Amaduzzi, Alphdb. Vet. 
JStru8c. p. Ixix. 

CymicUcBy Tyrrhenian settlers in Corsica. Hesych. KvpviaTa[i' 
ot] €7rl Kvpvov ^/cTfo-av Tvpf^voi, according to Is. Voss's 
emendation for Kvpytara a. 

Damnu8y " a horse," Hesych. : Sdfivo<;' Ttttto^, TvpfyqvoL This 
seems to be an Etruscan, not a Pelasgian word, and suggests 
at once the O. N. tamr = domitua, assuetuSy cicur; N. H. G. 
zahm. We have also the Lapponic tamp => epius. 

Deay i.e. bona Dea, "Cybele." Hesych. Sia' 'Pia, vtto Tv^pf)v£v. 

Drufuiy "sovranty." Hesych. hpovva* i; ofX^y viri Tvpjyqv&v. 
It is clear that this word can have nothing to do with the 
Low-Greek Bpovyyo^y " a «body of men," Spovyydpio^y *' a 
captain," which are fully explained by Du Cange, Oloss. 
Med. et Inf. Orcecit. I. pp. 333, 4. We must refer it to the 
O. Norse, droit — dominusy <U droUna — imperarey the dental 
mutes being absorbed before the n as in ie^iw for Se^S-i^, 
&C. And thus we get another trace of GU)thic affinity for the 

FcdanduMy ''the sky." Fest. p. 88: ''FoJcb [^oXoi* Sptf, 
a/etmuU, Hesych.] diet» ab altitudine, 9,falandoy quod apud 
Etruscos signifieat coelum." This is generally connected with 
^Xavdovy blondy &c. Or we might go a step farther, and 
refer it to ^<iXXa>, ^Xo9, &c., which are obviously deriyed 
from ^9: see Lobeck, Pathol, p. 87. It is also possible 
that falandum may be connected with the Icelandic flenna « 
hiatusy chaamay which I have cited below to explain the 
Etruscan jfenim^joa^am. If so, we get the same meaning 
as that of the Greek ovpa-vo^ (see N. Crat. § 259). 

Famasay ** an excavation." Fest. p. 88 : " Famaaca locum sic 
appellabant, in quo erat aqua inclusa circa templa. Sunt 
autem, qui putant, favissas esse in Capitolio cellis cistemisque 
similes, ubi reponi erant solita ea, quse in templo vetustate 


erant facta inutilia.*' From the analogy otfivisaa, manHsaa, 
and from the circumstance that the Bomana seem to have 
learned to mak^ favissiB from the Etniacans, it is inferred 
that faviasa was a Tuscan word : see MuUer, ad Festi hcum, 
and Etrusk. II. p. 239. The word is probably connected 
with^t^a, baicen, &c. We shall see below that lautn was 
the Rasenic synonym. 

Februum, "a purification." Angrius, ap, J. hyd. de Mens. 
p, 70 : " Februum inferum esse Thuscorum lingua." Also 
Sabine: see Varro, i. i. vi. § 13. If we compare ^^Jrii, 
&c., we shall perhaps connect the root with fovea ^torreo^ 
whence fomlla, &c., and understand the ^^ torrida cum mica 
farra," which, according to Ovid {Fast. il. 24), were called by 
this name. 

Fenthay according to Lactantius {de FaU. Belig. I. c. 22, § 9), 
was the old Italian name of Fatua, the feminine form of 
Faunus, '' quod mulieribus fata canere consueyisset, ut Faunus 
viris." The form Finthta seems to occur on an old Tuscan 
monument {Ann, deW Instit. Yiii. p. 76), and is therefore 
perhaps a Tuscan word. The analogy of Fentha to Fatua 
is the same as that which has been pointed out above in the 
case of Manttis, The n is a kind of anuawdrah very common 
in Latin: comp. I^t?, angui»; XetTroo^ linguo; "hjevxfOi lingo; 
Sanscr. tuddmi, tundo; v&vp, unda ; &c. 

Floces, " dregs of wine," Aul. Gell. xi. 7; ^^Jloces audierat prisca 
voce significare vini faecem e vinaceis expressam, sicuti fraoes 
ex oleis." Above s. v. Aplttda. In Welsh ^^Kj means "dregs." 

Fruntac; see HartispeXy and Fhruntac. 

Gapusy "a chariot." Hesych.: ywrro^' hcif*^ TvpfnfvoL We 
have here FaTro^, a short Pelasgian form of imivr). Comp. 
habena with xa^So? (Hesych.), aeXi^PTj with a-ika^, av$na with 
av6<;, &c. In Gaelic cap is " a cart." 

GtniSf " a crane." Hesych. ; y[c]vLr y€pavo9, TvpprfvoL This 
is probably some shortened form like the Latin grtis. We 
may compare the Old Norse verb fftna, which is applied to 
wide^mouthed or wide-beaked animals. 

Haruspex is generally considered to have been an Etruscan 
word. Strabo, XVI. p. 762, renders it by UpocKOTro^ : aaa or 
ara certainly implied "holiness" in the Tuscan language; 


and Hesjchins has the gloss, cipattor iip^y Tvpfufiwlj which 
shows the same change from Up- to har^ (see above, p. 182). 
If these analogies are not overthrown hj the Inscriptio bilifi" 
guts of Pisaurom {FoArett. Inscr. c. X. n. 171, p. 646; Oliv. 
Marm. Pisaw, n. 27, p. 11; Lanzi, ii. p. 652, n. S, where 
[Gaf]ai%u8 L. f. 8te, haruspex falguriator is translated by 
Caphatea La. Ls. Netmfis TrvJtnft Fhruntac)^ we maj perhaps 
conclude that haruapex was the genuine Pelasgian form, trutnji 
being the Easenic or Etruscan synonym \ For the word 
harua or ara-' see the Umbrian ara-Tno (above, p. 117). On the 
supposition that trutnji corresponds to haruapexy it furnishes 
an important confirmation of the general theory respecting 
the Low German origin of the Basena. For the oldest forms 
of Scandinavian divination exhibit to us the haruspex fur- 
nished with a wand which he waves about» and the Northmen 
no less than the Greeks regarded an oracular communication 
as emphatically the truth : see note on Pind. 01. viii. 2, where 
the poet says, addressing Olympia, with reference to the cele- 
brated oracle of the lamidae: Bi<nroiv ^AXrfdela^, %va fiavTie^ 
avBpe^ ifjv7rvpoi/9 rcKfiaipofieifot irapairup&vriu A^9, '^01 queen 
of oracular truths where men of divination forming their 
judgment (taking their tohena) from the burnt-offerings search 
into the will of Jove:" and compare Hymia^Quida I. Edd. 
Scemund. i. p. 118: 

'Athr sathir yrthf 

HriBto Uina 

Ok k hlaut B&. 

which is rendered: ^'antequam ^>erum deprehenderent, con- 
cusserunt baciUoa (divinatorios) et sauguinem sacrum inspexe- 
runt." With this view of divination the litutia of the Etruscan 
augur entirely corresponds : and as ^ru in Icelandic signifies 
Jidea or reltgiOy and JU4a = leviter digxtoa mcvere (where -2a is 
merely a frequentative a£Ebc, Bask, Old Norae Orammar^ 
p. 168), I recognize teinn — baciUua in the middle of trvrtn-ft^ 
and refer the whole to the use of the liiuua by the Etruscan 

1 Aufrecht (apud Bunsen, ChT\%U and Mankind, jn. p. 138) derives 
haruspex from haru=exter,- cf. x<>^-«^> ^'^ Norse garner^ O. H. G. 
mUiirg€ume, Lith. Mima, Banscr. Atro» Old Latin hira. 


hantspex. Those who are not satisfied with this analysis may 
compare tru^Ji with the Bnnic trutiriy *'God" (Dieterich, 
p. 322), and/cto, "invenire" (Egilsson, p. 167). 

JBt8ter, " an actor." Liv. vil. 2 : " Sine carmine uUo, sine imi- 
tandorum carminum actu, ladiones ex Etmria adciti, ad tibi- 
cinis modos saltantes, haud indecoros motns more Tusco dabant. 
Imitari deinde eos juventos, simol inconditis inter se jocularia 
fundentes versibus, coepere; nee absoni a voce motus erant. 
Accepta itaque res ssspiasqae nsnrpando excitata. Yemaculis 
artificibus, quia htster Tosco verbo ludio vocabatur, nomen 
histrionibus inditum : qui non, sicnt ante, Fescennino versa 
similem incompositum temere ac mdem altemis jaciebant; sed 
impletas modis saturas, descripto jam ad tibicinem canta, 
motuqne congruenti peragebant." (See above, p. 157.) It 
appears from this, and from all we read of the htstery that he 
was a mimic actor; his dance is compared bj Dionjsius to 
the Sicinnis; so that the word seems to be synonymous with 
SeucTJkltcni^f and the root is the pronoun t- or hi- {N. Grot. 
§ 139), which also enters into the cognate words i-mitor^ f-^09, 
eU-iiv, &c., and appears in the termination of oleaster, &c. 
(Lobeck, PcUhoL p. 79). 

Itu8, *' the division of tfie month." Varro, L. L. VI. § 28 : " Idas 
ab eo quod Tusci this.'' Of. Macrob. 8at. i. 15. As tttis was 
the hvxpMvia of the Tuscan lunar month, its connexion with 
the root w?- or Jid- is obvious ^ comp. di-vido, vid-uua, &c. 
So Horat. iv. Carm. xi. 14 : 

idtit tibi sunt agend» 
Qui dies mensem VeDerls mariDss 
Findit Aprilem. 

Lceha, "a double cloak." Fest. p. 117: ^'Quidam appellatam 
existimant Tusce, quidam Graece, quam 'xKavlZa dicunt." If 
it be a Tuscan word, it is very like the Greek : compare hiri-^ 
dus, lac, \iapo^, &c., with ;^Xa>/>09, yd-Xa, %-XMxpo9, &c. Varro 
{L. L. V. § 133) derives it from lana. 

Lanista, " a keeper of gladiators." Isidor. Or^ff. x. p. 247 : 
'^ Lanista gladiator, t. e. camifex Tusca lingua appellatus." 
Comp. lanttis, &c., from the root fao-, or the Irish lann, " a 
sword." Gladiatorial games are expressly st$ited to have been 
derived by the Bomans from the Etruscans: see Nicolaus 


Bamasc. aptid Athen. lY. 153 F, above, p. 81, and below, & v. 

LoTy " a lord." Explained above, p. 179. 

Leine. This word occurs in sepulchral inscriptions generally 
along with ril and a numeral. It is a quasi-substitute for 
aifilf and as it seems to be a verb it must mean either vixit or 
obiit. Mr. Ellis (p. 57) assumes the former, and compares the 
Armenian linel, " to be." As, however, viant annos is ren- 
dered bj avil rily and not by leine ril, I am disposed to render 
the word by obiit, in such passages as : TAana Cainei ril leine 
LV.; or: A Pecni ril Llii. leine; or: aural clan leine. And if 
so, it is to be connected with the Old Norse linna, " cessare, 
desinere," Gk)thic and O. H. G. lennan. 

Lituusj ''an augur's staiF, curved at the end;" also, "a curved 
trumpet:" see Cic. Divin. ii. 18; Liv. 1. 18. It constantly, 
occurs on Etruscan monuments (see Inghirami, vi. tav. P. 5, 1). 
MUller justly considers this word an adjective signifying 
''crooked" {Etruak. II. p. 212). It contains the root Zi-, 
found in li^quis, ob'liquus, li^a, litus {irKarfu^), Xixpio^, Xto^ 
^eiVy &c. ; and is perhaps the Latin for teinn (above, p. 187). 

Lucumoy whence the Roman prsenomen Lucitis (Yaler. Max. de 
Nomin. 18), "a noble." The Tuscan form was Lauchme, 
which the Umbrian Propertius has preserved in his transcrip- 
tion Lucmo {El. IV. 1, 29) : prima galeritua posuit prcetaria 
Luomo. The word contains the root Zuc-, and may therefore 
be compared with the Greek VeKkome;, designating, like the 
Tuscan term, a noble and priestly tribe (N. Crat. § 459). The 
ifyyabei^ correspond to the Aruntes, who are regularly con- 
trasted with the Lucumones (above, .p. 125). 

Ludue. The ancients derived this word from the Lydian origin 
of the Etruscans, from whom the Romans first borrowed their 
dancers and players. Dionys. Antiqu. II. 71 : KoKovfievoi irpo^ 
air&v eirl rrj^ ^oi&a^ t^9 inrh Ax£&v i^prja-dai io/covarf^ 
XvBlmve^, eueove:, ik ifiol Botcety rSv XaXUov. Appian, VIII. 
de Beb. Pun, c. 66 : x^P^ luOapurr&v re seal rvrvpurrmv w 
fUfi^fiara Tvpfnfvudis 9ro/Lwr^9...AvSoi59 avrow KoKova-iVy ire 
(plfuu) Tvppffvol AvSwp airoiKOi. Isidor. p. 1274: " Inde Ro- 
mani accersitos artifices mutuati sunt, et inde ludi a Lydiis 
vocati sunt." Hesych. II. p. 506: AvSol oSrot rct^i 0iwi evpew 


XerfovTCu, ideif teal ^VfOfuSot Xovhov^ j>€UTu Comp. al^o Valer, 
Max. II. 4, 4; TertuU. de Spect. v. The deriyation from the 
ethnic name Lydius is of course a mere fancy. It does not, 
howeyer, seem improbable that, as the armed dances as well 
as the clownish buffooneries of the Romans were deriyed from 
Etmria, so the name, which designated these as jokers and 
players {ludianes), was Etroscau also, like the other name 
Awfer, which denoted the imitatiye actor. If so, the word 
hidus was also of Tuscan or Pelasgian origin. Now this word 
Itidtts is admirably adapted to express all the functions of the 
Tuscan ludto. It is connected with the roots of loedo (comp. 
cudo, ccedo)f XoiSopo^, XI^cd, XdaOw, (^^Tral^o), Hesych.). Con- 
sequently, it expresses on the one hand the amusement afforded 
by the gesticulations of the Itidio {ayrifuirv^erai vouetKi»^ eh 
yiXanay Appian, u. s.), and on the other hand indicates the 
innocent brandishing of weapons by the armed ludio as com- 
pared with the use of arms in actual warfare. This latter 
sense was preseryed by ludua to the last, as it signified the 
school in which the gladiators played or fenced with wooden 
foils (rurdes) preparatory to the bloody encounters of the arena. 
That the ludiones were Tuscans eyen in the classical age is 
clear from Plautus, Curculio, i. 2, 60 sqq. : '^pSssuli, heus, 
p^ssuli, y6s salut6 lubens — ^fite causd mea Mdit bdrbari; siUh- 
stlite, tfbsecro, et mlttite istinc foras,*' ptmning on the resem- 
blance of pesauli to the prcemles of th^se Tuscan dancers (see 
Non. Marc. c. Xll. de Doctorvm Indagtne, p. 783, Gottofr.). 
Mr. Ellis compares the Irish luthy "nimble," "active," 
which harmonizes with the dances at least of the Tuscan 

Luna^ the Tuscan port, probably got its name from the half- 
moon shape of the harbour. See Pers. yi. 7, 8; Strabo, y. 
p. 222; Martial, xiii. 30. The Tuscan spelling was perhaps 
Losna {^hus-mi)^ which is found on a patera (see Mliller, 
Etrusk. I. p. 294). With this we may compare the Irish 
luisne^ "flame." 

Manus or Manis, " good." Apparently a Tuscan word; at any 
rate, the manes were Tuscan divinities. Fest. p. 146, s,y. 
Marvms; Serv. ad JEn. i. 139, ill. 63. So cents manus, in 
the Salian song, was creator bonus, Fest. p. 122, s. v. Mairem 


fnatutam; comp. Varro, L. L. vii. § 26. We may perhaps 
recognize the same root in a-^moenuB, Lithuan. aim^snis, 

Mtmtisa, " weighing-meat." Fest. p. 132 : " Mantisa addita- 
tnentnm dicitur lingua Tusca, quod ponderi adicitur, sed dete- 
TiuB et quod sine uUo ubu est. Lucilius: mantisa cbsonta 
fnnctt.'^ Scaliger and Voss derive it from manu-tensa, "eo 
quod manu porrigitur." It is more probably connected, like 
me-n-da, with the root of fuzTrjv; compare frustum with 

NanuB^ " the pigmy." Lycophr. Ahx, 1244: Navo9 ifKoafoUri 
vain Ipeovqa-a^ y^vypv. Ubi Tzetzes : o 'OSv<r<r€i)9 irapa to& 
TvpoTywfe vavo^ KoKjelra^,^ StjIKovpto^ tov ovSfuvny; top TrXai^- 
Trfv, This interpretation seems to be only a guess based on 
the frkavaia-^ of Lycophron. The considerations mentioned 
above (§ 1) leave it scarcely doubtful that the Tuscan word, 
like the Latin nanuSy refers to the diminutive stature of the 
hero, which is also implied in his common name Ulysses. The 
Greek words vauo^^ vdmfo^, vavurico^, vavd^e», vavtov^ &c. have 
Ihe same meaning. The word, therefore, being common to 
the Tuscans, Greeks, and Eomans, is indubitably of Pelasgic 

Nepos, " a profligate." Fest. p. 166 : " Ny>os luxuriosus a Tus- 
cis dicitur." Probably, as MttUer suggests {Etrtisk. i. p. 277), 
the word which bears this meaning is not from the same root 
as the Siculian nq[H>s, "a grandson" (Gr. vhrov^, dr-vhp^co^, 
Grerm. neffe). Many etymologies have been proposed; but I 
am not satisfied with any one of them. Might we connect 
the word with ne-pdtis, Gr. d-tcpari^^y d/cSXacrro^? 

Phruntac ^ Julffurtatar. See the Inscriptio bilinguis quoted 
above s. V. Haruspex. We must consider this Tuscan word 
as standing either for Fum-tacius or for fulntacius : in the 
former case it is connected with the Latin Jumus, Jbmax, 
Greek mjp, Grerm. ^«r, &c., Old Norse /«r or Jyr ; in the 
latter it may be compared with fal-geo^ fat-men^ ^\i-7-€tv, 
^Xo-f , &c. It is not impossible that both roots may be ulti- 
mately identical: compare crebevy celeber; cresco, gltsco ; 
Kpavp<y^y /caKavpoy^; cruSy «r-/feXo9; culmeuy celsiis, tcoXo- 
(fxivy /cpdviovy /copv^ijy &c. ; but the r brings the word nearer 
to the Old Norse, which the theory would lead us to expect ; 


and as tah^a in Icelandic signifies oniinarij we could not 
have a nearer translation of kartispex Jnlguriator than tru" 
ten-fit famrtak = veru-haciUum-cantrectana ifffie-aminana = oXi/- 
0opafiSov6fio9 irvpofiami^^ "the fire-tokener who waves the 
wand of divination." When such coincidences explain all the 
elements of two compound words, the meaning of which is 
established by monumental evidence, the result ought to be 
conviction rather than surprise. 

Quinquatrm. Varro, L. L. Vl. § 14: " Quinquatrua; hie dies 
unus ab nominis errore observatur, proinde ut sint quinque. 
Dictus, ut ab Tusculanis post diem sextum idus similiter voca- 
tur SexatruSj et post diem septimum SeptimcUrus, sic hie, 
quod erat post diem quintum idus, QutnqiuUrtisy Festus, p. 
254: " Quinqiuztrtts appellari quidam putant a numero diemm 
qui feriis iis celebrantur: qui scilicet errant tarn hercule, quam 
qui triduo Saturnalia et totidem diebus Gompetalia : nam om- 
nibus his singulis diebus fiunt sacra. Forma autem vocabuli 
ejus, exemplo multorum populorum Italicorum enuntiata est, 
quod post diem quintum iduum est is dies festus, ut aput Tus- 
culanos Trtatrua et Sexairus et Septimatrua et Faliscos 
Decimatrua.^^ See also Grell. N. A. ii. 21. From this we 
infer that in the Tuscan language the numeral qutnqtiey or, as 
they probably wrote it, cfincfk, signified "five," and that 
atrua meant "a day." With regard to the numeral, Steub 
states that c^t means "five" on a newly discovered die, and 
he translates the inscription [Bullet. Arch. 1836, p. 147) 
Hiaiicoilu avila da cealcha by Tanaqutl cetatia LV, inferring 
that cealcha =^cealichaa means the decad of five, because the 
Lithuanian Uka — hhca (Grimm, Oeach. d. deutach. Spr. p. 
246), which, however, indicates the addition of ten, and not a 
multiplication by that number; for e,g, keturdltha is 14 and 
not 44 (Pott, Zdhhnethode, p. 186). That, however, quingue^ 
cfincfe is likely enough to represent the Etruscan is shown by 
the Etruscan form of the prsenomen Quintuay which is written 
Cutntua (see Dennis, ii. p. 412). With the latter part of the 
word, perhaps connected with aXdpiov, we may compare the 
Tuscan cUrtum, according to the second of the etymologies 
proposed above. 

Bamnenaea^ TUiea^ Luoerea. Varro, L. L. v. § 55: "Omnia 


hac vocabula Tusca, ut Volnius, qui tragoedias Tuscas scripsit, 
dicebat." See MttUer, Etruak. i. p. 380. 
Bil, " a year." This word frequently occurs before numerals in 
sepulchral inscriptions; and, as the word aifil^CBtatia gene- 
rally precedes, ril is supposed with reason to mean annum or 
annoB. It is true that this word does not resemble any 
synonym in the Indo-Grermanic languages ; but then, as has 
been justly observed by Lepsius, there is no connexion be- 
tween annusj ero^ and tdr^ and yet the connexion between 
Greek, Latin, and German is universally admitted \ The word 
ril appears to me to contain the root ra or r«, implying " flux" 
and " motion," which occurs in every language of the family, 
and which in the Pelasgian dialects sometimes famished a name 
for great rivers (above, p. 56). Thus 2¥5e-r£», the Tuscan 
river, is probably "the mountain-stream;" see below, § 6. 
The termination -2 also marks the Tuscan patronymics, and, in 
the lengthened form -litis, serves the same office in Latin (e. g. 
Servi'lius from Servius). The Greek patronymic in -8179 ex- 
presses derivation or extraction, and is akin to the genitive- 
ending. This termination appears in f^et^ov, (m-6-pav, &c., 
which may therefore be compared with rt-Z. If the I repre- 
sents a more original n, ril comes into immediate contact with 
the Icelandic renna "to run" or "flow," whence retnandi 
v(xfyi ^ aquorjluens, and the river Bhine probably received 
its name from this source, for renna, A. S. rin = curstia aqtiCB. 
How well suited this connexion is for the expression of time 
need not be pointed out to the intelligent reader. The fol- 
lowing examples from the Latin language will show that the 
etymology is at least not inconsistent with the forms of speech 
adopted by the ancient Italians. The Latin name for the 
year — annus, more anciently amis — of which annulus ox 
antdtis (Schneider, Lat Or. i. p. 422) is a diminutive — denotes 
a circle or cycle — a period — a curve returning to itself; and 
the same is the origin of the other meaning of anus, i. e. ab 
orbiculari Jlffurd. Now as the year was regarded as a num- 
ber of mon^s, and as the moon-goddess was generally the 

^ See the other instances of the tame kind quoted by Dr. Priohard, 
/oumoZ o/R. G, S. ix. 2, p. 209. 

J>. V. 13 


feminine form of the sun-god*, we recognize Anmis as the god 
of the sun, and Anna as the goddess of the moon ; and as she 
recurred throughout the period of the sun's course, she was 
farther designated by the epithet perenna. To this Aniia 
perenna, "the ever-circling moon," the ancients dedicated the 
ides of March, the first full moon of the primitive year, and, 
as Macrobius tells us {Saturn, I. 12), " eodem quoque mense 
et publice et privatim ad Annam Perennam sacrificatum itur 
ut annare j^erennareque commode liceat." The idea, therefore, 
attached to her name was that of a regular flowing, of a con- 
stant recurrence; and d^nus denotes at once " the ever-flowing" 
{ai'-V€ios:) and "the ever-recurring" {del veofieiw): see New 
Crat.^ 270. Now this is precisely the meaning of the com- 
mon Latin eLdjectivQ perennia ; and sollennis {= quod omntbtu 
annia prcestari debet, Festus, p. 298) has acquired the similar 
signification of "regular," " customary," and " indispensable." 
It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that in a Tuscan monument 
(Micali, Storia, pi. 36) Atlas supporting the world is called 
A-ril. If Atlas was the god of the Tuscan year, this may 
serve to confirm the common interpretation of rtl; and d-nus^ 
jd^us will thus correspond to d-ril both in origin and signifi- 
cation ; for it is certain that vet» and ped spring firom a com- 
mon source {New Grot. u. s.). Aufrecht (ap. Bunsen, Christt" 
anity and Mankind, III. p. 102) compares the Umbr. ah^os 
with amrnis, and from this derives an original ap-nua, which 
. would contain the Sanscrit root op, " water," and so come more 

^ In the Penny Cyclopedia 8. y. Demetery I remarked, as I had pre- 
Tlously done in the Theatre of the Chreeksy " that in the Roman mythology 
as well as in the Greek, we continually find duplicate divinities male and 
female, and sometimes deities of a doubtful sex (Niebuhi-'s Rome^ Vol. ii. 
pp. 100, 101, Eng. Tr. ; and Philolog, Mu$. i. pp. 116, 117). Thus the sun- 
god and the moon-goddess are always paired together." From this the 
writer of the article Roman Calendar in Smith's Dictionary of AntiquUieSy 
borrowed his statement, that " the tendency among the Romans to have 
the same word repeated first as a male and then as a female deity, has 
been noticed by Niebuhr," &c. ; and because I took the liberty of repeat- 
ing myself, in a former edition of the present work, this compiler has 
assumed, with amusing effrontery, that I was copying the trifling appro- 
priation of which he had probably forgotten the source. 


immediatelj into harmony with my view of the question. It is 
worthy of remark that annus appears in inscriptions under the 
forms adnuB or atnua (Fabretti s. v.), which may be compared 
with the name of the Tuscan river Amtia. 

Strcpptia, " a fillet." Fest. p. 313 : " Stroppus est, ut Ateius 
philologus existiraat, quod Greece <rrpw^v vocatur, et quod 
sacerdotes pro insigni habent in capite. Quidam coronam esse 
dicunt, aut quod pro corona insigne in caput imponatur, quale 
sit strophium. Itaque apud Faliscos diem festum esse, qui 
vocetur struppearia^ quia coronati ambulent. Et a Tuscu- 
lania'' [for another instance of the similarity of language be- 
tween the people of Falerii and Tusculum, see under Quinquor' 
trus], "quod in pulvinari imponatur, Castoris struppum vocari." 
Idem, p. 347 : " Struppi vocantur in pulvinaribus fasciculi de 
verbenis facti, qui pro deorum capitibus ponuntur." 

Subulo, "a flute-player." Varro, L. L. vii. § 35: " Subuh 
dictus quod ita dicunt tibicines Tusci: quocirca radices ejus in 
Etruria non Latio quserundse." Fest. p. 309: " Subulo Tusce 
tibicen dicitur; itaque Ennius: auiulo quondam marinas 
adstahat plagas^ Compare stbilo, alffxovy si-Ienus, tTi^yJxoy 
dnovifyrjiko^, &c. Fr. stffler, persifler, &c. 

Toga. If toga was the name by which the Tuscans called their 
outer garment, the verb tego must have existed in the Tuscan 
language; for this is obviously the derivation. That the 
Tuscans wore togas^ and that the Romans borrowed this dress 
from them, is more than probable (Mttller, Etrusker, p. 262). 
If not, they must, from the expression used by Photius {Lex, 
s. v.), have called it rqfiewa^ which was its name in Argos 
and Arcadia. 

Trutnfl = tru't€n'JU: see s. v. Haruspex, 

Versus^ " one hundred feet square," is quoted as both Tuscan and 
Umbrian. Fragm. de LtmiL ed Goes. p. 216: "Primum 
agri modulum fecerunt quattuor limitibus clausum figursB, 
quadratse similem, plerumque centum pedum in utraque parte, 
quod Qrseci irXidpov appellant, Tusci et Umbri vorsum.'' For 
the use of ifKAOpov, see Eurip. Ion. 1137. In itself vorsus is 
the integral part of the area; but the lines forming right 
angles in the vorsus and in the whole area were termed prorsi, 
i. e. pro-'versi limites^ when they followed the main direction, 



hut trans-versi when they crossed it {Hygin. p. 167, 17, &c.). 
The word univerms derives its meaning from the same class of 
expressions (above, p. 32). The fact that varsua is a Tuscan 
word confirms the etymologies of Vertumnua and Ncrtia, 

§ 4, Etruscan Inscrtpttons — DtfficuUies attending their Inter^ 


In passing to our third source of information respecting the 
Tuscan language — ^the inscriptions which have been preserved — 
we are at once thrown upon difficulties, which are still beyond 
the reach of a complete solution. We may, indeed, derive from 
them some fixed results with regard to the structure of the lan- 
guage, and here and there we may find it possible to offer an 
explanation of a few words of more frequent occurrence. In 
general, however, we want a more complete collection of these 
documents; one, too, in deciphering which the resources of 
palflBOgraphy have been carefully and critically applied. When 
we shall have obtained this, we shall at least know how fi&r we 
can hope to penetrate into the hitherto unexplored arcana of the 
mysterious Etruscan language'. 

^ The moet eomplete oolleotion of Etniscan inscriptionB that we 
kave at present is that of O. B. Vermiglioli (AntMe lierUioni PerugUu^ 
ed. 2, Perugia, 1833), bat this is generally limited to the inscriptionB at 
Perugia, and does not include the numerous fragments which hare been 
published by the Arch»ological Society at Rome and by other o<^- 
lectoFB. How far the want will be supplied by the copies of Etruscan 
iDBcriptions to be contained in Fabretti's Qhnarium ItaUcum^ of whidi 
three parts hare appeared (Aug. Taurinorum, 1868, 1859), will be seen 
when the work is completed. The following extract from the Pro- 
spectus will show what Fabretti promises : — 

^ L' autoro di questo Olouarium italiaun non s'indlrizza propria- 
mente a coloro che ban fama di maestri nelle filologiche discipline, e 
ebe finora yegliarono nel sollerare il velo che ouopre gli scritti monu- 
menti de' padrl nostri ; che anzi e' si giora dell' opera lore per ottenere 
che il beneficio renutone alia scienza si estenda ai meno Tersati in questo 
genere di studi ed a quanti amano inoltrarsi, per men aspro cammino, 
nel campo delle ricerche storiche e filologiche suU'antica Italia. A molti 
tomerii utile, se non c'inganniamo. Payer sott'occbi in un comedo volume 
tutte le inscrixioni antichissime appartenenti alio 7aHe contrade della 
patria nostra (e molte delle etrusche inedite o corrette sugli original!)» 


Referring to the theory, that the Etroscan nation consisted 
of two main ingredients — ^namely, Tyrrheno-Pelasgians, more 
or less intermixed with Umbrians, and Raetians or Low Ger- 
nians\ the former prevailing in the South, the latter in the 

e trorar facilmente i Yocaboli di ogni dialetto territoriale rioordati dagli 
sorittori o ricaraU dai monument], colle dichiarazioni degl' interpret! 
migliori, coi raffronti tra le diverse lingue e con la scorta delle etimo- 
logie ; si che facciasi palese che le prische faTelle itallche si collegauo 
oolla latioa lingua e cpi parlari modern!, e che quest! e quelle si recon- 
ginngono alia grande famiglia indo-polasgica." 

1 The Idea that one ingredient, at least, in the old fitruscan language 
was allied to the most ancient type of the Low German, as preserved in 
the Icelandio inscriptions, occurred to me wlien I was reading the Runio 
fragments with a different object in 1846. A long series of independent 
combinations was required before I could bring myself to attach any im- 
portance to the primAfcK^ resemblances which struck *me on the most 
superficial comparison of documents, apparently so far removed f^om the 
possibility of any mutual relations. But I have quite lately discovered 
that the same first impressions were produced and recorded just one hun- 
dred years before I communicated my views to the Britiah AuodaUon, 
A folio tract has come into my hands with the following title; AlpKahdum 
wUrum EtruMcarum secwidii ouris ifduOrcOum et auctum a Joh. Chnt. 
Amadutto [Amadazzi], Rom. 1776, and I find the following statement in 
p. xlL : ' nemo melius hujusroodi cerebrosa tentamina ridenda suscepit 
quam anonymus qaidam scriptor (qui Hieronymus Zanettius Venetus a 
quibusdam habitus est) qui anno 1761 opusculum (Nuova trcujigurcusums 
ddU UiUrt Etnuehe) edidit lepidum et festivum satis, in quo .... literas 
quibus [monumenta Etrusca] instructa sunt Geticas ac Runicas potius... 
statuendas comminiscitur ... Id etiam nonnullis Runlcis sive Geticis ad- 
duetis monumentb et cum lis, quss Etrusca censentur, facta comparatione 
evinoere nititur.** With more etymological knowledge, but with the 
same inability to appreciate the importance of the OTidence which he 
was adducing, the reviewer of JAkel's superficial book in the Quarterly 
Review (Vol. zlvl p. 347) remarks : *' It is strange but true that some 
of the most striking coincidences are between the Latin and the Teutonic 
dialects of Scandinavia and Friezeland — regions which Roman foot never 
touched. Here are a few of the Scandinavian ones: abetergoy afBlryha; 
ahi^rahOf afdraga; eanw, kaer; oandda^ hmdd; dhms^ Ueif (cliff); &c. 
In all these cases the word has disappeared, or at least become unusual, 
in the German. In Friezeland hoepea is os5, macula is magl^ reU is rhwyd^ 
tvrtua is turfar^ Sec." I do not know to whom Bulwer Lytton refers {My 
Navel i Blackwood's Magazine, Sept. 1860, p. 247), where he speaks of 
some speculator on races who had identified the Danes with the ancient 


north-western paxt of Etruria, — it is obvious that we cannot 
expect to find one uniform language in the inscriptions, which 
belong to different epochs and are scattered over the territory 
occupied in different proportions by branches of cognate tribes. 
Accordingly, we must, if possible, discriminate between those 
fragments which represent the language in its oldest or un-Ba- 
senic form, and those which exhibit scarcely any traces of a 
Pelasgic character. 

§ 5.. Inscriptions in which the Pelasffian element predominates. 

Of all the Etruscan cities the least Basenic perhaps is Ccere^ 
or Affylhy which stands in so many important connexions with 
Eome. Its foundation by the Pelasgians is attested by a great 
number of authorities (Serv. adJEn. viii. 478; Strabo, v. p. 220; 
Dionys. Hal. in. 58; Plin. H.K in. 8): its port, Ylvpyoi, had 
a purely Pelasgian or even Greek name, and the Pelasgians 
had founded there a temple in honour of ^iKriOvia (Strabo, V. 
226; Diod. xv. 14). In the year 634 B.C., the people of Agylla 
consulted the oracle at Delphi respecting the removal of a curse; 
and they observed, in the days of Herodotus, the gymnic and 
equestrian games which the Pythoness prescribed (Herod. 1. 167) : 
moreover, they kept up a connexion with Delphi, in the same 
manner as the cities of Greece, and had a deposit in the bank 
of the temple (Strabo, v. p. 220). 

As the Agyllaeans, then, maintained so long a distinct Pe- 
lasgian character, we might expect to find some characteristics 
in the inscriptions of Care, or Cervetri, by which they might 
be distinguished from the monuments of northern and eastern 
Etruria. There is at least one very striking justification of this 
supposition. On an ancient vase, dug up by General Galassi at 

Etruscans, because they both called their gods JEwr^ and who had re* 
cognized the root of this word in the name of Azin. 

1 Lepsius (<2t0 Tyrrli, PdoBger^ p. 28) considers Coere an Umbrian and 
not a Pelasgian word, -r« being a common ending of the names of Um- 
brian towns; thus we haTc TtOe-re on coins for Tuder, The original 
name was perhaps Kaiere, which contains a root expressire of antiquity 
and nobility (above, p. 7). 


Ceryetri, the following inscription is traced in verj clear and 
legible characters : 

Mi ni keOuma, mi ma9u maram lisiai Qipurenai; 
EOe erai sie epana^ mi nedu nastav hdecpu. 

It is obvious that there is an heroic rhythm in these lines ; the 
punctuation and division into words are of course conjectural. 
This inscription differs from those which are found in the Um- 
bro-Etruscan or Basenic districts, and especially from the Peru- 
sian cipptts, in the much larger proportion of vowels, which are 
here expressed even before and after liquids, and in the absence 
of the mutilated terminations in c, 7, r, which are so common in 
the other monuments. The meaning of this couplet seems to be 
as follows: " I am not dust; I am ruddy wine on burnt-ashes: 
when" (or "if") "there is burning-heat under ground I am 
water for thirsty lips." Mi is clearly the mutilated ^-/a/= itr-fil^. 
That the substantive verb may be reduced to i-fiC, with the first 
syllable short, is clear from the inscription on the Burgon vase, 
which B5ckh has so strangely misunderstood {CI. n. 33), and 
which obviously consists of three cretics : tSp *A^ | -vt^Ocp a- | 
$Xmv efiL ||. Ni \& the original negative, which in Latin always 
appears in a reduplicated or compounded form. The same form 
appears in Icelandic. KeOuma is the primitive form of x^cov, 
j(j9afiar'\o<;, x^M^^y humttSy &c.; and may not y^Oa^LOr be an off- 
shoot of the Hebrew HDIK, in which the cJephy as in many other 
cases, represents a stronger guttural? (see above, p. 91). The 

1 Dr. L. Steub {zwr BUtisehm Eihnologie^ p. 223) conBiders that mi 
is VMf and not ^lyJi Thus he translates mi mthi Larihial Muthihus " me 
posuit L. M." According to him sutU is a verb connected with sido, 
V»> tidjdy ioljdny sdzin. And he is not deterred by the appearance of 
turce in the same sentence with stUki (Lanzi, ii. p. 497; MOlIer, Etrtuh, 
I. p. 452). For he considers turce to be another verb, analogous to 
mtdenike (Mtiller, n. p. 352), lupuce=vixity taiseke, perucey ccUesecey mianecey 
miaee {BuUtt, Arch, 1850, p. 40), being all homogeneous forms. Simi- 
larly, in an inscription on a vault (BtUUt. 1833, p. 55), eitkfanu aaihee 
lautn. Pwnpua, he extracts the meaning : hoece (or idee) famun postUt 
L. P., and mi eana is me pomU. In the inscription quoted above he 
changes mini into mim; and so also in the Naples inscription, where he 
reads: mim mtdveneke Veltha in PupHana, and renders the words, me 
fecit Vtdtho in Papulonia, 


difference of quantity in the second mi will not prevent ns from 
identifying it with the first, which is lengthened by the ictus. 
MaOu is the Greek /jiiOv, Sanscr. madhu, Maram is the epithet 
agreeing with mathu: it contains the root ntar-, found in TAapfov 
(the grandson of Bacchus), and in "T-c-fiapo^, the site of his 
vineyards (see Od. IX. 196 sqq.), and probably signifying 
" ruddy " (/mlpa), fiaZpa^ &c.). The fact that Mara was an agri- 
cultural cognomen at Mantua is an argument in favour of the 
Etruscan use of the root. Listai is the locative of Ztiii, an 
old word corresponding to Z£r, " ashes mingled with water." 
Stpurenai is an adjective in concord with liiiai, and probably 
containing the same root as tepidusy tephral, teforom, &c. (above, 
pp. 56, 156). EOe is some particle of condition or time^. Erat 
is the locative of epa^ " earth." The idea of this second line is 
conveyed by the sneer of Lucretius (iii. 916 sq. Lachmann) : 

" Tanquam in morte mali cum primis hoc sit eorum» 
Quod BitiB exurat miseros atque arida \ 

where Lachmann quotes Cyrill. ofTro/cavfAa UBtilacio, torres; and 
it is probable that epana is synonymous with torres, and that it 
may be connected with Bairrw, &c., as epulce is with Bavdvffy 
dapsj Behrvov, &c., or ignis with the root dah, " to bum." 8ie 
(pronounced syS) is siet = sit (so ar-sie^^ ad-sis and si = sit in the 
Eug. Tables). There can be little doubt that neffu means " water" 
in the Tuscan language. There is an Etruscan mirror in which 
the figure of Neptune has superscribed the word Nethuns — Ne' 
ihu^n'[u]s. The root is w«-, and appears under a slightly different 
development in the next word, nastav (comp. vacfio^, vad/i09, 
O. H. G. naz), which is probably a locative in -^a, agreeing with 
hele^u, and this may be referred to ;^rXo9, Police X€^'^^, Latin 
hebio, &c. 

There is another inscription in the Museum at Naples which 
also begins with mi ni, and presents in a shorter compass the 

1 Mr. Ellis remarks (p. 52, note) that ethe means "if in ArmeniaDy 
and as this inscription is dcariy of a Pelasgtan character, this coincidence 
seems to strengthen the supposition that the Armenian affinities of the 
Etruscans, so far as they can he made good, belong to the fton-Rasenic 
part of the language (above, p. 167). 


same fS^tores with that which has just been quoted. It runs 
thus in one Hexameter line : 

Mi ni mvlve neke vdOu ir pupliana, 

and seems to mean : " I am not of Mulva nor Volsinii, but 
Populonia." For neka = neqtie see N. Crat. § 147. Ir is the 
conjunction dXKd = " but " (compare the O. N. an-nar with our 
other y or); and as Velsa or Velthu signifies the city Volsinii 
(MttUer, Etr. I. p. 334), and as pupliana obviously refers to 
Fuplana = Populonia (Miiller, i. p. 331), I would suppose a place 
Midvay whence the pons Mulv-ius, two miles from Rome, (Taci« 
tus, Annul xiii. 47. Hist. I. 87. II. 89. ill. 82), and the proper 
name Mulvius (Horace, i. Serm. vii. 36) \ 

Besides these, we have a great number of inscriptions be- 
ginning with the syllable mt, mostly from Orvieto (i.e. urbs 
vetusy Volsinii f); and an inspection of those among them which 
are most easily interpreted leaves us little reason to doubt that 
this syllable represents the verb elfily which has suffered decapi- 

I Dr. Karl Meyer (in the Gelehrier Anzeigm of the Royal Academy at 
Muniob, for 1843, pp. 698 — 735) has endeaToared to explain the two 
Pelaagian inscriptions on the supposition that the Pelasgians» though 
Oaocasian, belonged to the JSgypto-(Chaldeo)-Celtic group of people, 
who inhabited the Caucasian regions in the most primitire times, and 
were therefore pre-Sanscritic in the formation of their languages (p. 728). 
He thus borrows his suggestions from the fragmentary and half-under- 
stood remains of ancient Egyptian on the one hand, and fh>m modem 
Irish and Welsh on the other-^a mode of proceeding which to myself 
i^pears not likely to lead to any safe results. His interpretation of the 
Gervetri Inscription is as follows: "ich (mtni, as in 2 p. pi. pass. 1 1) sage 
(Eg* ^9 Champ, p. 378; Gaelic, M(-atm; Goth. qaUhant &c.), dass ich 
rahme (Irish, muidhim) die Huld {vndri O. H.D ^fama) des Lisias Purenas 
(Thipurenas) und die seiner Frau Gemahlin (A«ra^ and Irish, hsan =s 
woman I) singe (Irish, noMtni), preise (same with ( inserted, as in gustOf 
from ycM»!) und verkUndige ich (Cymr. A^cwaro)/' The following is 
Meyer's explanation of the Naples inscription: ''Ich salbe mich mit 
populonischem Dele. d. i. Oel der stadt Populonia," i.e. mvh>tiM is from 
the Irish morfaa^ ''train oil," comp. /loXuiviv, (I); eevdthu^ Irish, bealadh, 
" to anoint," from IXoior with the digamma, cf. /SoXovor, &c., ir from the 
Egypto-Celtic r, ir, " to make," as an affix to the passire voice in Latin, 
&c.(!) fiat even supposing these comparisons were as safe, as they seem 
to meVar-fetohed and improbable, why is such an inscription, applicable 
only to a man, found on a vessel ? 


tation in the same manner as the modem Greek va for tva. 
A collection of these inscriptions has been made bj Lanzi {Saggio^ 
II. p. 319, Epitaji scelti fra' piu antichiy no. 188-200)*; and 
Miiller thinks {Etruak. I. p. 451) that thej are all pore Pelas- 
gian. Some of them, indeed, seem to be almost Greek — at least, 
they are more nearly akin to Greek than to Latin. Take, for 
instance, no. 191, which has been adduced both by Miiller and 
by Lepsius, and which runs thus : 

Mi halairu fuius. 
Surely 'this is little else than archaic Greek : et/u KcCKaipov 
YviM» In regard to the last word at any rate, eyen modem 
Latin approaches more nearly to the Etruscan type. It is well 
known that the termination -a2, --ul in Etruscan indicates a 
patronymic. Thus a figure of Apollo, found in Picenum, is in- 
scribed, Jupetrul Epure, i.e. "Jupiter's son, Apollo." The 
syllable -aZ corresponds to the Latin form -a?w, but in its sig- 
nificance as a patronymic it is represented rather by -i-Zit», as 
in Servius, Sermlitia; Lucius^ Lucilius; &c. According to this 
analogy, Ji-lius^ from jlo, is nearer to the Etruscan than ^vio^, 
from the JEolic ^i;m> [Et. M. p. 254, 16). 

§ 6. Transition to the Inscripttona which contain Soandina-^ 
vian words. The laurel-crotiDned ApoUo. Explanations cf 
the words Clan and Phlekes. 

There is another inscription of this class which deserves 
particular notice, because, though it is singularly like Greek, it 
contains two words which are of constant occurrence in the least 
Pelasgian of the Etruscan monuments, and furnish us with the 
strongest evidence of the Low-German or Scandinavian affinities 
of a portion at least of the Etruscan language. A bronze figure, 
representing Apollo crowned with laurel (Gori, Mta. Etrusc. I. 
pi. 32), has the following inscription: 

Mi phleres epid aphe aritimi 
phasti ruphrua turce clen ceca. 

^ There is also an old inBcription in the Vatican Library which belongs 
to the same class : mi Veneru» /inueencut which Mommsen would render 
{Unterital, DiaUktd, p. 18): sum Veneris ErycinoB. He has mentioned some 
otliers of the same kind. 

§ 6.] THE ETRUSCAN LAKGXTAGE. [[ ^ ^ I3P3I ?. S I T 

The first sentence must mean: 8um donarium Apo^m^J^X^r^ 
temidi. The form Ari^timi-^ as from Ar-timi-s, insteaoW the 
Greek ''A/>-t^6[S]9, is instructive. We might suppose from this 
that Ari'ttmi'8, the " virgin of the sea/' and 'Api-dovaa, " the 
virgin swiftly flowing," were different types of one and the same 
goddess (see above, pp. 45, 59). 'A/)T€/^779 appears to me to be 
a derivative from "Aprc/u?. The next words probably contain 
the name and description of the person who made the offering. 
The name seems to have been Faatia Rufrunia or Rufria* 
Lanzi and Miiller recognize a verb in turcey which is of frequent 
occurrence on the Etruscan monuments, and translate it by 
ejToUiy dedit, avidriKe^ or the like. Lanzi goes so far as to 
suggest the etymology [Se-JScops/ice. And perhaps we might 
make a verb of it, were it not for the context^. Its position, 
however, between the proper name and the word clen^ which in 
all other inscriptions is immediately appended to the name and 
description of a person, would induce me to seek the verb in 
ceca (probably a reduplication, like pepe on the Todi statue: 
compare chu-che^ cechaze in the Perugian inscription, and cechciae 
on the Bomarzo sarcophagus, Dennis, i. p. 313), and to suppose 
that Turce is the genitive of the proper name Tuscus. 

The word den, one of the two to which I have referred, some- 
times stands in contrast to eter^ etera, — a word at once suggest- 
ing either the Latin veter (vetw), Lith. wets, or the Latin iterum^ 
Umbrian eire. Thus we have on the same monument ; 

La . Fenete La . Lethial etera 

Se . Fenete La . Lethial dan: 

and again: 

eterav cUnarcL 

The order of the words seems to show that etera means "the 
elder" and clen "the younger;" but if etera waiter, we should 
infer that clan must mean the Jiret or head of the family^. 

1 Steuby who, as I have mentioned, takes turce as a verb, renders the 
inscription: me donarium F. B. posuitJUii causa, 

9 Steub opposes etera to clen, as ^old" to ''young;" thus in the 
inscription (BtUlet, 1850, p. 92) eterav clenarei, he renders the words, 
eenes juvenesque, Mr. Ellis considers it scarcely doubtful that clan means 


Taking den or dan bj itself, there are etTinological arguments 
for both conclnsions. On the one hand it may be remarked, 
that the root, which in the Greek and Latin languages signifies 
head^ summit^ tcpy is eel-, cul-, c?i-, «o\-, tcop*, or Kpa-. These 
are in effect the same root,— compare gltsco, cresco, &c.; and it is 
well known, that words denoting height and elevation — or head- 
ship, in fact — are employed to signify ratJc. Now the transition 
from this to primogeniture — the being first in a family — ^is easy 
and natural: compare the ''patrio princepa donftrat nomine 
regem" of Lucretius (i. 88). Therefore, if den or dens (in Latin 
dants or danius) is connected with the root of celsus, cul-menf 
coUis, divus, KoKo^fxiv, Kopv<f>ij, icvpio^y Kolpauo^j Kovpo^, KOpo^, 
/eupfia/^f fcpaviovy &c., it may well be used to signify the first in a 
family. Cf. the Hebrew wvhj "de cujuscunque rei initio, 
principio, origine (yelut^uminM), summitate, velut de montium 
verticibusy &c." (Fttrst, Gone. s. v.). To this it may be added 
that there were two rivers in Italy which bore the name of 
Giants or" Glanttis; the one running into the Tiber between 
Tuder and Volstnit, the other joining the sea near the Tuscan 
colony of Vuhumum. Now the names of rivers in the Pelasgian 
language seem to have some connexion with roots signifying 
"height," "hill," or " hill-tower." This has been indicated 
above in what has been said of the names of the Scythian rivers 
(Chap. II. § 10). The Ttbe-ris— the "Tuscan river," as the 
Latin poets call it — seems to have derived its name from the 
Pelasgian teba, "a hill," and the root r», "to flow" (see above. 
Chap. IV. § 2). And the Glan-is and Glan-ius, which flow 
down from the Apennines, may well have gained a name of 
similar import. On the other hand, we shall find that the most 
obvious result from an examination of the northern languages 
is in favour of the supposition, that den either signifies " little" 
as opposed to " great," or "son" as opposed to "father." For 
though the root kl- in kit/, hliffe, hleyf, signifies altitude and 
climbing, and though kladcr in Icelandic denotes " a rock," we 
find that, with the affix n. Men or klien in Icelandic, and in 
Grerm. kUin, signify "little," but primarily* in the sense of "a 
child" as opposed to "a man;" and it may be a question whether 
the idea of derivation, which I have just indicated in the river as 
compared with the mountain, may not be at the basis of the 


ordinary meaning of klen or kleine. And thus whether the 
Etruscan clen signifies "young" generally, or simply "the 
child" in particular, in contrast with the parents, the Icelandic 
will help the explanation. This result is supported, not only, as 
I haye already mentioned, by the order in which etera and clen 
appear, but also by the occurrence of den in conjimction with 
the adjunct er or era, which, if there is any truth in the Scandi- 
navian hypothesis, must be compared with the Old Norse ceri or 
«rt, "junior" (Egilsson, LexicoHf p. 131). In the Perugian in- 
scription (1. 6) we have aras peraij which may be the genitive 
cases of a substantive and adjective denoting "younger child" 
(compare 2)era with the root bar, and the words baro, ham, 
"bairn," &c). And that dan means "son" in particular rests 
to a certain extent on positive evidence. For the only bilin- 
gual inscription, in which I have found dans, seems to imply 
that, unless otherwise expressed, this word merely denotes son- 
ship. It is (Dennis, ii. p. 426) : 

V. Caszi C. clans 

C. Oassiua C. F. Satuminus. 

Where C Clans ^C. F,y the cognomen Saturninvs being an 
addition in the Latin versicm. This view is confirmed by the fieu^t 
that dan sometimes occurs in the same inscription with the 
matronymie in -^il, as in the inscription quoted above; and while 
in the bilingual inscriptions this matronymie is rendered by 
naius, dans, as we have seen, is translated JUtus, and sometimes 
JUius is added without any corresponding dan in the Etruscan 
inscriptions. The following examples will show all the diffeient 
usages of this adjunct: 

A. Clan or den used with a genitive case and without any 


a. PhMti Ruphrua Turce den ceca. (Gori, Mua. 

EtTusc. I. pi. 32, i.e. in the inscriptiou under 

b. F. Casd C dans. (Dennis, ii. p. 426.) 
C. Cassius (7. F. Satuminus. 

B. Clan, with a patronymic, and without a genitive t 


ZamPumpt^^mt^c2ancec^6. (Dennis, i. 
p. 313). 

And 80 in the second inscription quoted above. 

C. Patronymic without clarif but with ncUua in the Latin 

(a). VI. Alphninuvi. cainal 

G. Al/msA.F.CainniancUus. (Dennis, ii. p. 354.) 
(b). Vd. Venzilecd Phnalisle 

C. Vensius (7. F. Ccesia natus. (Id. ii. p. 371.) 
(c). Cuint. Sent. ArrUnal 

Q. Sentius L. F. Arria natus. (Id. ii. p. 412.) 
(d). Pup. VdtmnaAu. Caphatial 

P. Volumnius A. F. Violens Cqfatia natus. (Id. 

II. p. 475.) 

From this it appears that clan represents the son or daughter 
as opposed to the father^ the mother's name being given in the 

The other of the two words in this inscription, to which I 
have adverted, is phlerea^ which clearlj means donarium, or 
something of the kind. This word, as we shall see directly, 
occurs on a number of small Etruscan objects, which are of the 
nature of supplicatory ^fts. And it would be only fair to con^ 
elude that the word denotes " vow " or " prayer," as included in 
the donation. Now we know from Festus (p. 230, cf.-77, 109) 
that ploro and implaro or endoploro in old Latin signified tn- 
damo without any notion of lamentation or Wieeping. If, then, 
we compare the Icelandic ^W, Suio-Grothic^r6 with the Latin 
plures^ pie-ores, we shall easily see how phleres may contain the 
same root as ploro ^ple-oro (below, Ch. xii. § 2), especially since 
the Latin language recognizes a similar change in Jleo compared 
with pluo. The word is then in effect equivalent to the Greek 
dpdfffjfia, as in Cicero {ad Attic. I. 1) : " Hermathena tua valde 
me delectat, et posita ita belle est ut totum gymnasium i^\iov 
dvdffrjfia esse videatur." Thus it means a votive offering, like 
the votiva tabella of the ancient temples, or the veto of the 
modem churches in Italy; and it is easy to see how the ideas 


of " VOW," "prayer," " inTOcation," "offering," may be repre- 
sented by such an object. Accordingly the inscription of the 
laurel-crowned Apollo will signify: Sum votivum donarium 
ApolUni atque Artemtdi; Fastia Rufria, Tusci filia, Juciundum 
curamt. For if we compare ceca with cechaze or cech<ise, we 
may render it with reference to the Icelandic hxsa^ Danish 
hoJease^ " to heap up " or " build." The same word cecha im- 
mediately follows den in an inscription running down the right 
leg of the statue of a boy in the Museum at Leyden, which 
is as follows (Lanzi, ii. 533; Micali, Antichi Monumenti, pi. 
43 ; Miiller, Denkmaler, No. 291) : Veliaa Phanacnal ThuphUhaa 
Alpan AejKzche den cedia tuthtnes tlenacheia. Steub renders 
this : " Velius Fanacnal [voyit] »gri pueri causa sanata aegri- 
tudine." The latter part of this inscription must of course 
be compared with that on the statue of Metellus, commonly 
called the arringatore, in the gallery at Florence (Dempster, 
EtTuria Begalis, T. I. pi. 40 ; Miiller, Denhm&ler, No. 289 ; 
Vermiglioli, pp. 35 sqq.; Micali, Anttchi Monumenti, pi. 44, n. 2), 
which is as follows : Aulesi Metelia Ve. Vestal densi cen phleres 
tece sansl tenine ttUhines diuffltcs. Steub's rendering is : " Auli 
Metelli Y. Y. filii causa donum dedit Sansl Tenine sanato vul- 
nere." In both cases his conjectures seem to have little probabi- 
lity. If Steub is right in his analysis of cealcha (aboye, p. 129)| 
diisflica ought also to be a numeral, and if so, there would be 
a similar presumption respecting denadieis in the other inscrip- 
tion. But it is idle to indulge in such conjectures. All that 
can be said with any confidence is that in each of the inscriptionii 
the last two words are parallel expressions in an absolute case, 
probably the genitiye singular, explaining the cause or motive 
of the offering, and that with the exception of the verb cedia in 
the Leyden inscription, and the words cen phleres tece in that on 
the statue of Metellus, the remaining words are proper names or 
personal designations. That tece is a verb (we may compare the 
Old Norse taka^ which has several applicable meanings), and 
that cen phleres tece Sansl Tenine probably means " hoc donarium 
obtuUt Sansilius Tenina,'' may be inferred from the fact that these 
words nearly constitute the whole inscription on the right thigh 
of a btdlata sttUua, formerly in the Museo Graziani» which differs 
from that at Leyden only in the fact that the boy is sitting instead 


of standing (Dempster, Ikruria BegaUs^ plate xly.; Vermiglioli, 
p. 42). Here the words are: phleres tec Sanalcver. The last 
word is discussed in § 8. And whatever it means, the other 
three words most surely mean : '^ donarinm obtolit Sansilios.'* 
On the Leyden buUata statua we have the word cJpatiy which 
occurs in several inscriptions, and which Fabretti (s. v. p. 79) 
renders by lubena. But it appears to me from the position to be 
in every case the proper name AljHinus, i, 6. Albania (above, 
p. 6), Alpinvsy AlpcntM, or some other name derived from Alpea. 
We have seen above in a bilingual inscription that Alphni is 
rendered Aljiu»^ 

§ 7. Inscriptions containing the words SuTHi and Thbce. 

It has been mentioned that the word phleres appears on a 
number of smaller or moveable objects. In one of these it has 
appended to it the word throe. Thus we have 

eca ersce nac achrum pMer-thrce. (Dennis, i. p. xc.) 

This inscription is found on an amphora from Yulci, and in con* 
nexion with a picture representing the farewell embrace of 
Admetus and Alcestis. It may be assumed, therefore, that the 
amphora was a farewell offering from a husband to his deceased 
wife, and that the monument to which it belonged was sepul- 
chral or ftmereal. If Htn&Oi phleres signifies a votive offering, the 
additional word three must indicate " mourning*' or " sorrow.'* 
And here the northern languages at once come to our aid ; for 
in Suio-Gothic trcega^dolere and traege^dolor ; and in Icelandic 
at treffa^ angers or dolere, and tregi=^ dolor/ and to the same 
root we may refer the Icelandic thr^^ gravis labor or molestia; 
for tregi also means impedimentum. See Specimen Olossarii ad 
JEdd, Scemund. Vol. ii. p. 818: " {at) Trega (A) 'angere,' 'do- 
lorem causare,' B. i. 29 : tregr mik that^ ' id mihi sBgre est,' 
G. III. 3: tregrath ydr, *molestum non est vobis,' GH. 2. 
(B) 'dolere,' *lugere.' Hinc treginn *deploratus' 1. 'deplorandus' 
irnde foem. pi. tregnar. Priore sensu A. S. tregian. Tregi * moeror, 
dolor ' (passim). Germ, trauer. Trcege, trege * vexatio,' * indigna- 
tio.' Originitus forsan verbotenus : ' onus,' ' moles.' Germ. 
trachtf Dan. draght, AngL draught. Cf. tregr ' invitns,' 'segnis,' 
Germ, trdg, AL treger. Forsan a draga 'trahere,' 'portare.' 


Treg-Tof^lxicixjcom^^ 1. ' calamitatum series vel etiam discossio/ '* 
The connexion of this word with traJio brings it into still greater 
affinity with the old langoages of Italy, and the eyidence from 
the context is oonclasiye for the meaning. Many Etruscan in- 
Bcriptions like those quoted aboye (pp. 207, 208), introduce eoa^ 
cerij or ceketij which are obyionsly pronouns or adyerbs signifying 
'this,' or 'here' in accordance with the root A>- which appears in 
all the Indo-Germanic languages. The Ceryetri inscription has 
taught us (aboye, p. 200) that era signifies 'earth' (N.H.Cr. 
erde, Goth, airthay Altfir. irihe^ Gr. ipa). Consequently, erace 
would naturally denote an earthenware yessel, for "dka is a^ yery 
common termination in Icelandic names, as hem'-aka " childish- 
ness," iU-aka^ "malice," &c. And as cen or ceheniB found in 
similar connexions, eca must be the feminine of the pronominal 
adjectiye ecua^ eca, ecum, agreeing with erace. We haye in 
Etruscan inscriptions not only eca but ca, anken and cunl as 
pronouns corresponding to the Umbrian eao (see Fabretti, s. yy.). 
As €tchrum is clearly the locatiye of acher which occurs in the 
great Perugian inscription, and which at once suggests the Ice- 
landic akr, G^rm. acker, offer, we may fairly conclude that nac 
is the preposition which, under the form na, nahe, nach, is found 
in all the Teutonic and Sclayonian languages: and thus the 
Yulci inscription will mean : " this earthen yessel in the ground 
is a yotiye offering of sorrow." 

By the side of cen phlerea we haye, on larger monuments, 
eca or ceken auihi or authineal. Thus we find : 

eca 3uthi Larthial Cilnia (Dennis^ i. p. 500). 

cehen suthi hinthiu thues (Vermiglioli, i.p. 118, ed. 2). 

eca authined Titnie (Dennis, i. 242, 443). 

eca suihi Amcie Titial (Vermiglioli, i. p. 131, ed. 2), 

Here again the Icelandic comes to our aid, for aut is dolor, 
moaatitia, luctua, and is so completely a synonym of tragi that we 
haye tregnar and autir in the same stanza of Hamdia-Mal {Edd. 
Boamund, II. p. 488); and neala or hneala ^Junia, laqueua: so 
tiiat we may translate eca auihi, ^' this is the mourning," and 
eca authineal, '^ this is the sorrowful inscription^" Comparisons 

^ Steub renders neU by noviter, 
D.v. 14 


of indiyidxial words in languages not known to be the same are 
of course eminently precarioos. But it is impossible to resist 
the evidence of affinity furnished hj the fact that the words three 
and authif constantly occurring on Etruscan monuments of a 
funereal character, are translated at onoe by the Icelandic syno- 
nyms tregi and «ue, both signifying "grief" or "sorrow,'' If 
we had only this fact we should be induced by it to seek for 
farther resemblances between the old languages of Northern 
Europe and the obscure fragments of the old Etruscan. 

§ 8. Inferenoea derivable fnm, the Hfords SvEB, GvEB, and 
Thuh or TflAUR. 

It has been already mentioned that the inscription on the 
right leg of the sitting figure of the boy of the Museo Graziani 
ended with the word ever. There is another sitting figure of 
the same kind, which was found at Tarquinii in the year 1770, 
and which had an inscription on the left arm (Amaduzzi, Alphor 
hetum veter. Etruacorum. p. LXii.). Of this arm unfortunately 
only the shoulder remains, but the mutilated firagment of the 
inscription contains this same word ever. As the word occurs in 
both cases on the statues of boys, the Italian scholars not unna-> 
turally compare it with the Greek icopo^ (Vermiglioli, p* 45, 
ed. 2). And as the female figure belonging to the Marchese 
Obizo is supposed to represent Proserpine, it is proposed to read 
curey i, e. KOfyq for sver^ which is found in the following inscrip- 
tion, engraved on the robe of the figure (Vermiglioli, p. 44, ed. 
2) ; phleres tlenasies sver^. But this same form ever is found 
also on a monument beginning with {e)ca suthi (Vermiglioli, 
p. 131, 1. 6, ed. 2), which is therefore of a funereal character, 
and there is uo reason to doubt that the buUatce statua were 
memorials of deceased children. Without therefore thinking it 
necessary to alter the texts of the inscriptions, I should be 
inclined to suppose that ever and ever are either synonymous 
adjectives or participles expressive of sorrow, or that they are 
slightly difierent forms of the same word. In either case the 
old Teutonic comes to our iBissistance. On the supposition of two 

^ Stcub ronden this, donum languidi vol CBgri, 


BjncmjmcfUB words we have the Teutonic root quar, quer (Lat. 
queri), "to groan or grieve" (Graff, Sprsch. IV. 679), by the 
side of etieran^dolerei mero^dolor (Graff, Yi.), Old Engl, «or, 
New Engl, mrrow^ Old Norse sver. Or if, instead of this, which 
appears to me the most natural supposition, we endeavour to 
unite the two words in one form, we must have recourse to the 
idea of prostration and lying in the grave; and here the Icelandic 
gives us the verb ihverra » mmui^ disparere, the adjective 
thverr = transversus, and its adverb thverz=tran8ver8im (vid. JSilrf. 
Sasmund. Vol. ii. Spec. Oloss. pp. 859, 860)« And in the cognate 
languages we find the same change in this word as might be 
assumed in the ever and sver of the Etruscans : for while the 
Icelandic thverr^ Engl, thwart^ Dan. tver^ Germ, ztoerch^ exhibit 
the dental more or less assibilated as in 8}}er, the German quer 
and English queer give us a guttural instead of a sibilant as in 
ever. The forms of thverray when passive, axe ek thverr, thvarr, 
ihorinn; when active, eh thverr a, thverda: and thurr, thurt^ 
thyrrinn, signify "aridus," ** siccus," like the German durr. 
Without stopping to ask whether these latter forms are derived 
in any way from the verb thverr, which is quite possible, it is 
worthy of remark that in those sepulchral inscriptions, in which 
the word ever or sver does not occur, we have, in corresponding 
places, the word thaure, thurasi (Vermigl. p. 118, ed. 2), thuras^ 
ihaura, thurum (Jnser. Per, 11. 6, 20, 41). And in one old 
epitaph (Lanzi, Baggto, ii. p. 97, no. 12) we find : mi suthi L. 
Felthuri, thura, where the position of the last word almost leads 
us to render it: ^'I am the lamentation for L. Felthurius 
deceased.^* The inference derivable from the appearance of these 
forms is that either synonymous words expressive of grief and 
sorrow or connected words significant of decay, prostration, and 
death, and liable to the same modification, prohahly existed both 
in Old Norse and in Etruscan. The amount of probability 
depends upon the cumulative effect of the other evidenced But 

1 I may mention in passing that tuer actual! j occurs Sn Runic tnscrip- 
tions in the semie " father-in-law ;" tinis : iflir Kuthrikr itter iin (Die- 
terieh» XunenrSpneh, p. 265) ; and that I do not regard this as more than 
an accidental coincidence with the e'xpressions under consideration. For 
auer is the cormpted form of the Goth, swaihro, Germ. Behwieger, Lat. 
toeer, Gr. Sicvpos, Sanscr. pvajmro. 



in any case the effect must be a strong presumption in favour of 
the Teutonic analogies of one element at least in the Old Etrus- 
can language. Our object is, not to interpret the monuments^ 
for that is probably an unattainable result, but to determine the 
character of the language, and this problem receives an approxi- 
mate solution in every case of successful comparison with one 
and the same class of idioms, even though the comparison 
should present itself in the form of an alternative» 

§ 9. Btrihing coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Narae 
in the twe of the auxiliary verb Lata. 

Whatever may be thought of the verbal resemblances be- 
tween the Old Norse and the language of the Etruscan frag- 
ments, it must be admitted by all sound philologers that we have 
an indisputable proof of the aflBinity of these idioms in the gram- 
Inatical identity which I communicated to the British Associa- 
tion^. Every reader of the Eunic inscriptions must have noticed 
the constant occurrence of the auxiliary or causative verb laia = 
facere in causa esse, of which the Uddas give us the forms ek 
ket, Ut, Idtit (see Egilsson, Lex. Poet. AnJb. Ling. Sept. p. 495). 
Thus we find : Lithsmother lit hdkva stein aufti Julibim fath^ 
1. e. " Lithsmother let engrave a stone after (in memory of) his 
father Julibim." Thorstin lit gera merki stir Suin fathur sin^ 
i. e. " Thorstin let carve marks in memory of his father Sweyn.^' 
Ulfktil uk Ku ulc Uni thir litu raisa stin iftir Ulf fathur sin^ 
i, e. " Ulfktil and Ku and Uni, they let raise a stone in memory 
of their father UK" (vide Dieterich, Bunen-Sprach-Schatz, p. 
372). Now we have here, as part of a constantly-recurring 
phraseology, an auxiliary verb, signifying "to let** or "cause" 
followed by an infinitive in -a. 0^ reading the first line of the 
longest Etruscan inscription, that of Perugia, we seem to stum- 
ble at once upon this identical phraseology, for we find : eu lot 
tanna La Bezul amev achr lautn Velthinas. If we had no other 
reason for supposing that there was some connexion between, the 
Scandinavians and Etruscans, we could not avoid being struck 
by this apparent identity of construction. As, however, we have 

1 Report, 1851, p. 168. 


every reason to expect resemblances between the two languages, 
it becomes a matter of importance to inquire whether the gram- 
matical identity can be established; and this amounts to the 
proof that lat and tanna are both verbs. Of course there is no 
jn^md fcicie reason to conclude that ianna is a verb. On the 
contrary, Niebuhr {Kletne Schriften^ ii. p. 40) thinks that thana 
is a noun signifying ^'a lady/' and that Tanaquil is .only a 
diminutive of it; and Passeri, whom he quotes, suggests that 
Thana is a title of honour, nearly equivalent in meaning, though 
not of course in origin, to the modem Italian Dcnna (from 
domina). Even on the supposition that we have here the same 
language as that of the Runic monuments, it might have occur- 
red to any one to compare tanna with the accusative pronoun 
thafia^ as in stin thcma (Dieterich, p. 79). Fortunately, how- 
ever, about the tune when this comparison between the Bunic 
and Etruscan phraseology first occurred to me, my friend, Mr. J. 
H. Porteus Oakes, returned from a tour in Italy, and presented 
to the Museum at Bury St. Edmund's a small patera or saucer, 
which he had obtained at Chiusi, and which exhibits the follow- 
ing legend: stem tenilaeth nfatia. This at once furnished me 
with the means of proving that lat tanna in the Perugian In* 
scription were two verbs, the latter being an infinitive and the 
former an auxiliary on which it depends. For it is obvious that 
tenilaeth is the third person of a transitive verb, the nominative 
being 2f/iUtaf probably the name of a woman (cf. Caphatial^ 
Cc^Ma natua in Dennis's bilingual inscription, il. p. 475), and 
the accusative being stem for ietaniy Umbr. eat- (cf. mi with 
e-m%, &c.). The verb tenilaeth manifestly belongs to the same 
class of forms as the agglutinate or weak-perfects in Gothic, 
which are formed by the aflix of the causative da^ as soki-day 
'il did seek" (Gabelentz u. L5be, Goth. Gramm. § 127). We 
have this Gk)thic formation in the Latin ven-do^ pen-do j &c. ; and 
I have discussed in a subsequent chapter the remarkable causa- 
tives in -«o, -«m, as arceasOy capea-aOy qua^sOj &c. It is clear 
then that lot tanna represents as separate words what tenilaeth 
exhibits in an agglutinate form. In the latter case the auxiliary 
is in the present tense, which in Gothic is formed in th/ and 
latis9L strong perfect. There is no difficulty about the meaning 
of tanna^ teniy which are clearly identical with the Icelandic 


thenia'^iehder€i O. H. G. danjan^ denjcm, A. S. dkenfattf N. H* 
G. dehnen, Gr. retyc», rauvo^y^ Sanscr. icmrj and therefore signifjr 
" to offer/' like the Latin porrigo or porricio. " Giving," «ays 
Grimm (''liber schenken u. geben/' JBer?. Abhandl. 1848) "pre- 
sumes a taking, and the outstretched hand is the sign of both" 
(see Pott, Zdhlmeth. p. 272). K this is the true explanation of 
the root when it occurs as a yerb, we may reasonably apply the 
same interpretation to its use as a noun. In this it appears 
under all the different forms ihana^ thaniay thctana^ tania^ 
iannia^ dana^ and tha (Mliller, Etrush. il. 308, 315). From 
the collocation it is clear that the word is equivalent to phlereSf 
or rather it signifies " an offering" generally, without the impli- 
cation of a vow or prayer. Thus, while we have in the only urn 
with an inscription among the Etruscan specimens in the rooms 
adjoining the Egyptian collection in the British Museum : thana 
cdia cumnusa^ we find on one of Lanzi's {Saggioj ii. 506, na 15): 
mi ihana Amtkay which is quite analogous to mi phleres or «Tit 
suthi. It is worthy of remark that tetirdoj which is an aggluti- 
nate form like tenilata, is synonymous with porrigo; thus wa 
have in Cicero (de Oratore, i. 40, § 184): ** ptasidium dientibus 
atque opem amicis et prope cunctis civibns luoem ingenii et con* 
silii sui porriffenkm atque tendentmn;^^ and we may compare 
such phrases as duplices tendens ad ndera palmas with parrigU 
exta manua, and the like. Even the Umbrian hss pur^tit-^tu « 
por-rexms {Bug. Tab. i. b, 33). In ritual phraseology therefore 
the Latin language comes sufficiently near the language of this 
patera, and item tenilaeth Nfatia bears as close a resemblance to 
iatam tendit (vel porrigii) N^atia^ as we have any right to 
expect. The Perugian inscription, however, is even nearer to 
the Runic than this patera legend is to the Latin : and the evi- 
dence furnished by the two, taken together, seems to be quit^ 
conclusive in proof of the affinity between the Etruscan and Old 
Norse languages. As lau^ and latttnescle occur together on 
another Etruscan sepulchre, there can be no objection to connect 
them with the Icelandic laui^lacuna^ locus depresstn et defossus^ 
from lukk =» indinare ee^; and eu firom is is strictly analogous to 
the Latin ceu from ce, da; luicordingly, comparing amev with 

I Zau/ ako Bignifi^ generally Urra; see Egilsson, p. 500. 


the Icelandic ama^ango^ molesiiam fatcto^ the beginning of the 
Pemgian Inscription will be rendered as naturally and easily as 
one of the Bunes : *^ Here Lartins the son of lUssia let ofii^ or 
gire a field of monming as or for the grave of Velthina." To 
return to the pateray its companion, now in the possession of 
Mr. Beekford Bevan, bears a legend which is also capable of 
translation, by the help of the Old Norse» The words are : 
Jhnun ikekmtkl tkm^neth. It is obvious that we have here the 
name of a man, a transitive verb, and the accusative of the 
object, which is an open patera or saucer. As therefore in Ice- 
l&niic flenna = hiahiSj chaama, we may explain ^^ignm by an im* 
mediate reference to the proper meaning of jxztera from pateo: 
ct,pahilus (see above, § 8, s. v. Falandum) ; and as in Icelandic 
ikam^egelida obscuritcis aeris; tef^morari; and lana=smutuum 
darCf crederey eommodarey Engl, "lend," the compound verb 
tham-tef-lan-etk will mean "he lendeth for a dark dwelling," 
and the whole inscription will run thus : Thekinthl dot paJteram 
ad c<mimorandum in tenebrts. The name Thekinthl has at any 
rate a very Scandinavian sound. The name Thurtd, anciently 
ThorkeUf is a precisely analogous designation. Verbs com* 
pounded of nouns and verbs are not uncommon in Icelandic ; 
thus we have halshoggra^ "to behead," brennimerkfdy "to brand," 
&c. It only remains to remark, that as the Gothic auxiliary -do 
is found in Latin, so the Norse lata must be recognized in a 
fainter form in some Latin verbs in -lo, as well as in the Scla^ 
vonic formations in -/, and in the Old Norse diminutives or fre* 
quentatives in -2a, such as rug-la, " to turn upside down," from 
rugga, "to remove,'* tog-la^ "to let chew," or "chew over 
again," from tyggja, &c. 

§ 10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined — 
its Runic affinities. 

The fecility with which the philologist dissects the Etruscan 
words which have been transmitted to us, either with an inter»* 
pretation, or in such collocation as to render their meaning nearly 
certain, and the striking and unmistakable coincidences between 
the most difficult fragments and the remains of the Old Norse 
language, might well occasion some surprise to those who are 


told that there exists a large collection of Etruscan inscriptions 
which cannot be satisfactorily explained. One cause of the un- 
profitableness of Tuscan inscriptions is to be attributed to the 
fact J that these inscriptions, being mostly of a sepulchral or dedi- 
catorial character, are generally made up of proper names and 
conventional expressions. Consequently they contribute Teiy 
little to our knowledge of the Tuscan syntax, and iumish us 
with very few forms of inflexion. So far as I have heard, we 
have no historical or legal inscriptions. Those which I have 
inspected for myself are only monumental epitaphs and the dedi* 
cations of offerings. 

These observations might be justified by an examination of 
all the inscriptions which have been hitherto published. It will 
be sufficient, however, in this place to show how much or how 
little can be done by an analysis of the great inscription which 
was discovered in the neighbourhood of Perugia in the year 
1822. This inscription is engraved on two sides of a block of 
stone, and consists of forty-five lines in the whole ; being by hx 
the most copious of all the extant monimients of the Tuscan lan- 
guage. The writing is singularly legible, and the letters were 
coloured with red paint. 

The following is an accurate transcript of the facsimiles given 
by MicaU (Tav. cxx. no. 80) and Vermiglioli {AnHche Iscri- 
ziani Perugxne^ ed 2, p. 85). 

25. velthinai. 1. eu .hi . tanna . la . rezid . 

26. atena . zuh^ 2. amev . cu^r . lantn . veUhinas . e- 

27. i . enedd . ip- 3. -it . la . ajunai . sld . eth . haru^ 

28. a . spdane . 4. tezan .fukUri . testis . teii . 

29. this .Julumchr 5. raines . ipa . ama . hen • naper . 

30. va . ipd . thi- 6.. xii . vel^ina . thuras . aras .pe- 

31. rene , thi . est . 7. ras . kemulndeshd . zuki . erir 

32. ak . velthina 8. eshi . epl . tularu . 

33. oJk . ilune . 9. aulesi . veUhinas . arznal . U^ 

34. turunesk . 10. ensi . thii . thiU . kuna . kenu • e- 

35. unezea . zuk- 11. plk .fdik . larthaU . ajunes . 

36. i • eneski . ath- 12. Uen • thunchvlthe . 

37. umics . afvr 13. falm • chi&m ^ Juste . veithtna • 




38. nai . penthn" 14. hintha . kape .muniJctet . hvoLsu . 

39. a . ama . vefofe- 15. noper • krankd . ^feii .faUti 

40. ina . a/?^n . 

41. ^uruni . etn- 

42. zeriunak . cA^ 

43. a.^i7.£At^nc^ 

44. vJM.ick . ka , 

45. ke(Jiaai. chuckr 21. 

46. e . 22. 

16. eUhina . Atrf . noper . penezs . /' 

17. mcww . aknina . HeZ . q/t^na .vd- 

18. thinam . hrzinia . intemam . e- 

19. r . ^nZ . veUhina . ^{(w . afene .' 

20. tesne . e^ . vd^ina . thuras . ik- 
aura . hdu . <esne . rasnc . kei . ^ 
tesns . teii . rasnes . chimth . ip . 

23. d . thutas . kuna . qfunam . ena ^ 

24. Aen . naper , H . A:wZ . herevtttie 

Now, if we go througli this inscription, and compare the 
words of which it is composed, we shall find that out of more 
than eighty diflferent words there are very few which are not 
obvionsly proper names, and some of these occur very frequently; 
so that this monxmient, comparatively copious as it is, famishes, 
after all, only slender materials for a study of the Tuscan Ian* 
guage. According to the most probable division of the words» 
the contents of the inscription may be considered as given in the 
following vocabulary : 

Achr (2) [agefy acker], 

AJtm (40) [Aponitui], 

A/kma (17). 

A/u/nam (23). 

AJunai (3, 37). 

A/unei (11). 

^ife(32, 33)[cf. awife, «^and"]. . 

Aknina {17). 

Afna;{5, 39) [" mouming'']. 

Amev (2) [id.]. 

Arai (6) [O. N. asri or en, "junior," 

arai perai, " of a younger 

Arznal (9). 
AUna (26) [Attrmui]. 
Iten^ {19). 
Athumid (36) or athwrnici [Miil- 

ler.eir.i, 61, not. 135]. 

AuIeH (9) [gen. of Atdus], 

Cha (42). 

Chiem (13). 

Chimth (22). 

Chuehe (45). 

Einzeriunak (42). 

Eka (20) ["this," Fabretti, s. v. 
p.. 354}' 


EnesM, always with ztiki (7, 27, 
36) [We may compare either 
the O. N. eski^izski, "ashes," 
or eski =pyxi8f ciateUa], 

Epl (11) [cfl O; N. epli, "pro- 


Er (18). 



Bi$ (2, 31) [iOe 9 c£ stem oa the 
pateroj p. 213} 

JSth (3) [elsewhere ekh; used both 
aa a demonstratiye pronoun, 
and as a demonstrative affix: 
e£ the old Norse idioms ; and 
see Fabretti, s. v. p. 340. Here 
probablj an affix to aid, as in 
munid-et, &c.] 

Eu (1). 


Fdik (11) [VdcvuB or Volcius, 
Fabretti, p. 460} 

FtUumchva (29). 


JIareuttLze (24) [a, rerh; cf. kctrti- 
tezgtn and the Oscan form in 

ffdu (21). 

Hen (5, 24) [probably a pronoun]. 

Hiniha (14) [cf. <*hind," Umbr. 
hotUf hondra]. 

Hut (16) [we have kui in the 
Bunic insoription£^ sa: thir 
huaru hut til Grika, i, e. iiti 
pro/ectimnt inGrcBciamfHiokeBf 
p. 2} 

7cA(44)[c£tiM», ''not"]. 

Ilune (33). 

Intemam (18). 

/jt?a (5, 27) [probably a preposi- 

Ka (44). 

JTope (14), 

KanUeaan (4) [a rerb]. 

Kechazi (45)* 


KemtUmleskul (7) [^fn(, '' a mo- 
numental stone," or tomb]. 

Kerm (10). 

Zt (24), 


Xleuy klensi (9, 12) [above, p. 208.] 

KrU (19, 24). 

Kuna (10, 23) [« a wife,** Diete- 
rich, Eunen-Sprsch, p. 117.] 

Za (1, 3) [Lars} 

LarihM (11) [gen. oi Lmrf/wxl^ 

Lot (1) [O. N. IU\ 

Lautn (2) ["grave," O. N. ^trf} 

Lerzinia (18). 

ifcMw (14, 17). 

MunikUt (14) [mi^ntMcu^um, witb 
definite affix} 

iVapcr (5, 15, 16, 24) [This word 
is probably the O. N. knapr, 
''a son,'* as we have in Icel. 
napa for gnapa, &c] 

Penezi (16). 

Pen^na (38) [We may compare 
the lith. pantos, ''a pledge," 
O. N. parUr, O. H. G. jJiant, 

Pero*' (6) ["of a child-} 

i^otfiie, i^oi^* (5, 21, 22). 

iSe^ (1) [Besia natus], 

Sid (3) [O.N. sula, O.tLG. sOl, 
sHUi, "a column"] or [with a defi- 
nite affix] sldr^th^ or A/unaisld, 
[see^Fabretti, &v. Af/iunde; a£ 
below, p. 223], 

*Spd, spdane (22, 28, 30). 

*Srankd (IS) [for the form c£ 
Icel. o»;^ = tuber]. 

Tmna (1). 

reM(4, 22)[«two"f} 

IV«w5, Tesni (5, 20, 21, 32) 

Thaura (20). 

!%!, <^is, thii, ikU, thtli (39, SI, 
10, 43). 



TkmtchuUh4 (13). 
^AuhcAWcA; (43). 
T&tdai (23). 
rWom (8). 
Turtcfie^iS; (34). 

VeUhinOf Velthinai, VeUhinam 
(6, 13, 15, 19, 20, 32, 39, 2, 9, 

25, 17). 
Unezea (35). 
Zuuf (19) [^ia <' «a aunt" in Mo- 

dem Tuscan]. 
^Zuki, always with erteaki (7, 26» 

35) [O. N. «oife, "causi," dat. pL 

sokum, "propter," Eng. "sake"]. 

The first remark to be made respecting this inBcription ifl, 
that if we abstract the forms which are obyiously proper names, 
the remaining worda present very striking resemblances to sig* 
nificant terms in the oldest Teutonic langoagcs, and that the 
meanings thus assigned are supported bj the groups into which 
the words naturally fall. Thus we cannot help noticing the 
following groups or short clauses which sometimes partially 
recur. I. (a) teens teii raines. (h) atene teene. (c) tesne rasna 
hei tesna lets raSnes. II. (a) fuileri teens teta rasneL {b) fuile 
VeUhina^ III. (a) amev achr. {b) ama, (c) jpenthna ama VeU 
ihina, {d) tpa ama XII naper VeUkina. (e) ipa spelane. IV. 

(a) masu naper srankzl. (b) hut ruiper peneza masu. (c) hen 
naper hi knl, (d) er knl Velthina. Y. (a) tki thils htna kent^ 

(b) spel thtttas kuna. Some of these collocations suggest imme- 
diately a plausible interpretation. For example, as desen is 
"ten'* and rfctf^n-rfttf "eleven" in Umbrian (Fabretti, p. 305), 
and as deiu is duo in Oscan (Huschke, die ask. u. Tab. Spr. 
p. 70), and dvor is duobus in Umbrian (Fabretti, p. 323), it is 
extremely probable that tesne is " ten*" (Stickel, das Etruskische^ 
p. 30), and if so, tesni teii will be "twelve," and we shall have 
both numbers together in 11. 23, 24. The probability of finding 
numerals in the inscription is supported by the phrase XH 
naper y which- may mean " twelve sons." This being the case, 

fuileri^ which stands by the side of tesns teis rasnei (4, 5) will 
be plural, and^i?e by the side of Velthtna (13) will be singular, 
whether the word is or is not to be understood as meaning " de- 
sired" or " lamented," after the analogy of the 0. 'S.fusSjJystnn, 
"cupidus," "eagerly desirous," or as denoting pity for the dead 
after the analogy of O. N. vesal, usely " miser," " infelix." But 
although no certain results can be expected from a comparison 
between syllables occurring in this inscription and others of 
similar sound, which are found in the Old Norse and other 



Teutonic languages, sometliing might be done if we had a large 
number of smaller inscriptions, written in the same language, 
derived from the same neighbourhood, and treating in different 
ways on the same or kindred subjects. To show this I will 
quote another Perugian inscription, and place fifide hj side in 
a parallel column the words or phrases of the great inscription 
which seem to correspond. The text which I have adopted is 
that of Vermiglioli, (p. 118, ed. 2). The inscription was first 
copied bj Bonarota in his supplement to Dempster (p. 98) \ It 
was also quoted many years ago, with great inaccuracy, by 
Amaduzzi {Alphahetum Veterum JStruscoruniy Rom. 1775, p. Ixi.) : 


cehen . mlhi . hinthiu . thues . 
sains . Etve . thaure . 
lautnescle\ caresri . Avles . 
Larthial . precu-thurasi. 

Larthialisvle . Cestnal . 
clenerasi . eth . phanu . 
lavtn . precus . ipa . murzua 
cerurum . ein . 

1. 3. 
heczri . tunur . chdiva 
tdur r . 

hintha (14) 
lautn (2) 

thuras (6) 

eih (3) 

lautn (2) ipa (5, 27) 

ein [zeriunaJc] (41) 

In another inscription quoted by Vermiglioli (p. 131) we 
have caratsle by the side of carutezan (4), which must be com- 
pared with hareutuse (24). The starting-point for a profitable 
comparison between the Perugian Inscription and that just quoted 
is fiimished by an examination of caratsle, carutezan, hareuttLze, 
and the word caresri in the document before us. We have seen 

1 Bonarota describes the inscriptioQ as adhuc extans in antiquo cedi- 
Jieio ad modwn turris lapidibw grandiorifm» easHntcto et voecOur '^S. 
Manno." Amaduzzi says it comes ex hypogcso Penmno, 


above (p. 150) that in the Oscan language -iuaet or ^tuzet occurs 
t^ an aoxiliaiy affix to verbs, in the same way as -do and ^so = 
r^ifw are used in Latin, -^h in Gk>thic, and lata in Old Norse 
and Etruscan. There is eveiy reason, then, to suppose that the 
forms cara^talef carurtezan, Aar^u-tu^re, inyolve the root of ttizet, or 
that the Etruscan agrees with the Latin, Gothic, and Oscan, in 
the use of the auxiliary hJo. As the Etruscan also agrees with 
the Old Norse in the use of the auxiliary Zoto, which probably 
occurs also in Sclavonian and Latin forms, we may be led to 
expect a similar coincidence in regard to the auxiliary ao^sino» 
Now it will be shown in the proper place that the isolated form 
serOf sevi^ is only a by-form of sinoj sivtf the primary meaning 
of both being " to put" or "lay down," i.e. as seed in the ground. 
In Old Norse sero, in the sense "I sow," is represented by aSa, 
which has a peculiar aorist sera, 3 pers. «m. These Old Norse 
aorists, such as grSaj " to grow;" aorist sing. 1. griraj 2. gririry 
3. grtri; pi. 1. grirum, 2. grtruJt, 3. grim, &c., have been 
made the subject of special commentaries by Aufrecht and Knob- 
lauch (^TtecAr. / Vergl. Bprf. 1861, pp. 471, 573), who agree 
in identifying the r with the 8 of erw^ and acripai, and this 
again with the substantive verb. Whatever opinion may be 
formed respecting the origin of this r (and the verb pirrut from 
fi^ssfio, shows tiiat it cannot be derived from the contrasted 
«0^«), it is impossible to overlook the fact that aeri is, in Old 
Norse, a past tense of a verb really identical with that which 
constitutes the causative auxiliary in so many Latin forms. So 
that care-ari would be quite equivalent to care-tiuset. The root 
is found under the form kar, kra, gra, mostly with a labial 
aualatU (as in acrtb^, ypa^€j), but sometimes without (as in 
"O^, above, p. 175, and xap-«^^«)> and sometimes either with 
or without, as in the Icelandic kira, gera, hiera, Jdara, hara, 
kerva (Dieterich, Bunen-Sprach. p. 134), N. H. G. kerbeuy 
A. S. ceorfan, Engl, "carve," to signify any impression made 
upon a surface by notching, scratching, indenting, painting, or 
pointing. We may well conclude therefore that care-art means, 
** he caused to write or inscribe." And as thyr in Icelandic is 
= *ert^-t«, Greek ft^, A. S. theav, M. G. thiHa, and thuea is 
obviously the gen. of a word thu = theovy the beginning of the 
inscription runs as if it were pure Low-German or some dialect 


of the Sca&di&ayian. ^' Here Atilas the son of Lartia let en* 
grave moaming in honour of (lit. ^ after/ hinthiu^hmterj cf. 
the Bunic auftiy A. S. o/^ with Goth. q/2aro, Engl, after y Umbr. 
h4mt, iandra), ^ hifl aervant Etins on the sepnlchral exeaTaticm a 
prayer for the dead/* i.e. ^^hier sat hinter theovB seimi Etfa 
thanre lautnegcle lat kaia Aules Larthial fr&ga thyerraBL" We 
should oome, however, to a similar conclusion if thu-e9 were 
compared with the Felasgo*Hellenic Oeio^y *'an uncle,^ rallier 
than with ^179, '^a servant" In (act, the two words fall into a 
remarkable agreement with one another and with the Pelasgic 
and German words denoting divinity; of. (a) thyr, thew, dio, &€. 
^'a servant," (b) ^€«09, modem Tuscan zio, (Pemg. Inscr. zia) 
"an unde," (c) Tyr, Tiv, Zio, "God," (Grimm. D. M. p. 175, 
and above, p. 130, s. v. Famd). To say nothing of the possible 
interchange in the ideas of relationship and servitude which 
might bring back Bern and A79 to a common origin* in the San- 
scrit dhava^ssvitj maritua, paier-familtas, the form of the word 
dAnfs in its other meaning sufficiently shows that a labial is ab- 
sorbed, and this would account for the identity of Betro^^ 04fo^y 
and the Etruscan thu. For the gen. here, cf. Ihies in our Tuesday 
with its original form Tiv^Div-^is. The name of a relation, how- 
ever, is more to be expected here than that of a servant The pre- 
position hiuthiuy with the gen. may be compared with the Gothic 
use of hindanaj e. g. Ulph. Mc, III. 8. That this root occurred in 
the TJmbrian we have already seen (above, p. 10). It is not at all 
necessary that the preposition should bear the comparatife form. 
On the Runic inscriptions we have not only the oompanttives 
iftir, efr and the like, but also the positive forms au/lt, ol, &c. 
With regard to the form of the pronoun eaiuy as oompared with 
aein or sin, it may be remarked that in the Runic inscriptions tve 
have sain, san, sian, as well as sin, (Dieterich, p. 289), and that 
we have stain, as well as sten, stein, stin, (Dieterich, p. 308}« 
1 recognize a form like caresriin heczri, the other verb in this 
inscription, which may obviously be connected with the Runic 
haJca or hakva, "to hew or carve," (above, p. 212), and this 
being so, it would be a surprising coincidence, if it were only a 
coincidence, that these three lines should contain two of the 
verbs which appear in the same way in the Runic inscriptions; 
as Lithsmother lit hakva stein; and TAarstin lit gera merki stir 


Suinfathur m; or both together, as, iTikuth lot landibro htara 
ante Hain hakva. The last part of the inscription is mutilated^ 
at the end, and the divisions of the words are occasionally nn* 
certain; bat it seems plain that Larthialtsvle most be com- 
pared with the patronymic Phnalisle (above, p. 206) ; that we 
ought to divide elen-erc^si and understand " of the younger son" 
(above, p. 205) ; that ipa is a preposition corresponding to our 
up, Sanscrit ftpa, Icelandic uppd, Qothic uf, &c.; and as murzva 
seems to refer to munii, Icel. mur, a term well applicable to the 
' tower ^^grandumbus lapidibus eocstrttcta^^'* on which this inscrip- 
tion was found, we may render heczri ipa murzva, " he let carve 
upon the building." And it is difficult to resist the impression 
that oemrum is connected with the Old Norse Jeer = vas, which 
is used in the Edda in the sense of vasartum (Scemund. II. 
p. 528) : " Gudrum hvarf til skemmo, kumbl konunga or keram 
valdi," i. e. " Gudruna contnlit se ad promptuarium, cristas re- 
gias e vasariu delegit." If this comparison is valid, cerurum is 
a genitive plural. In some Runic inscriptions em, which imme- 
diately follows, is used as a definite article before an epithet, as 
Sandulf ein euartij " Sandulf the swarthy" (Worsaae, Danes 
and Norwegiane in England, &c. p. 281). But ein here is pro- 
bably part of the verb keczri, which follows, and may thus be 
compared widi einzeriunak in the Perugian inscription. The last 
word teluTy whether or not related to ttdaru on the Perugian 
eippue (1. 8), seems to be a verb, not unconnected with the Ice- 
landia at ieUA, Swed. taelj4t, Dutch tellen, Eng. teU, the inflexion 
being that of the Icelandic 3 pers. sing., as in brennr, *^hb 
bums," from hrenna. On an urn in the British Museum, in the 
Aame room with the Nineveh sculptures, we find tulati on a 
mutilated inscription; and ria-tiox rais^ti, ''he erected," on the 
Bunic stones, might justify the assumption that it is a verb; but 
it is impossible to form luiy plausible conjecture as to its sig^ 
nification. We may, however, render the second part of the 
inscription approximately as follows: ^'Tunnr Clutiva let carve 

^ Steab rendera tho first part of the second line : LartJualu<9 ei 
CettnaU junenibu» id (hoe) /anum posuit. And he cites from the BulUL, 
Arch, 1863, p. 55, another inscription !u which pAonu occurs. (aboTe> 
p. 199 note). 


.this sacred fonereal prayer of Larthialisaliis, the jormger son of 
.-Cestna, upon the building where the cinerary urns are deposited." 

If we now turn back from the inscription, which has thus 
.been examined, to the great Ferugian cippus, we shall see that 
some definite conclusions result from the comparison. First of 
all, as they are obyiously written in the same language, the 
.strong resemblances between the phraseology of the shorter 
legend and that of the Icelandic Bunes must confirm our prei- 
^vious conviction respecting the Old Norse affinities of the longer 
.inscription* Again, as htrUhiu and ipa are manifestly prepo- 
sitions in the former, we may give a similar value to hintha and 
ipa in the latter. And as ipa is used with the name of a build- 
ing in the shorter epitaph, ama which follows it on the cippus^ 
and which seems in the first line to refer to mourning or sorrow, 
must signify an erection for such a purpose, and therefore the 
^amev achr of the first line must mean a field for the erection of a 
tomb. The word ama also occurs in a very imperfect inscription 
.quoted by Dennis (i. p. 342). Lastly, as we have both lautn 
;and lautnescle in the shorter inscription by the side of lautn in 
the larger, we may infer that latUnesde is a diminutive form like 
.muntisculumy and therefore we may compare kenud^mleshd in 
the Ferugian inscription with kund^ the regular Runic name for 
a monxmiental stone (Dieterich, RunenrSprach-Schatz^ p» 124; 
Egilsson, Lexicon^ p. 479). 

With regard to the general interpretation of the Ferugian 
inscription, it seems idle to follow in the steps of the Italian 
scholars, Vermiglioli, Orioli, and Campanari, the last of whom 
.has given us a Latin translation of the whole inscription. Nor 
can I sympathize in the regret of Dr. C. Von Schmitz, when 
he complains that he cannot find a publisher for the granmuur 
and dictionary of the Etruscan, which are to explain his forced 
^nd unnatural version of this docimient {ZeiUchr. f. d. Aher» 
thumsto. 1846, Septemb. Beilage^). It would, indeed, be easy to 
ibund a number of conjectures on the Old Norse as9ona]:Lcea 
which .may be detected in almost every line, and which I have 

' ^ It is right to mention that Schmitz's interpretation rests on the 
Supposition thai the language is Teutonic. 


noticed in the Tocabulaiy of the inscription ; hut until a com- 
plete collection of all the genuine Etruscan inscriptions shall 
have famished us with a sufficiently wide field for our re- 
searches, — until every extant Tuscan word has been brought 
within the reach of a philological comparison, — ^above all, until we 
get some sufficiently extensive bilingual monument — we must be 
content to say of this great Perugian inscription, that it appears 
to be a cippus conveying some land for funereal purposes, and 
commemorating the feimily connexions of certain persons bearing 
the names of lUesiua, AponiuSy Atinitta, and VeUhina^. The 
donor is Larthius, a member of the family of the Beza {Itcesit)f 
who were distinguished people in the neighbourhood of Ferusia 
(see Yermiglioli, lacriz. Perug. p. 273), and Rome, which occurs 
thrice in the inscription, seems to be a patronymic of the same 
family. The relative position of the word, no less than the 
locality of the inscription, shows that Velihina is the person in 
whose honour this cippua was erected, and that the word does 
not refer to FeUinaj the old name of Bononia (Flin. H. N, ill. 
20, xxxin. 37, xxxvii. 67, Serv. ad JEn. x. 198). The other 
personal name, which occurs most frequently ii^ the inscription is 
AJimOj probably Aponia (Yermiglioli, p, 233, Migliarino, Zihaln 
donsy pp. 28, 30)'; and it is worthy of remark, that we have the 
nom., gen., and accus. of these two proper hames in accordance 
with the regular forms of the first Latin declension, — ^namely, — 
Afimay Afanasy Afimamy and VeUhinay VelthinaSy Vdthinam. 
The name VeUhina may be compared with the well-known name 
GcBcinct. From the pr»nomen Aulesi in v. 9 it is probably a 
man's name^ The word Atena, Atene (26, 19) probably repre- 

1 See the commentators on Hor. i. S&rm, vm. 13 ; and the ban mot 
of Augustus on Vettius quum tnonumentum patris excurcusei (Macrob. n. 
Sat. c. 4: p. 232). 

s We hare a derivatire of this name on the lid of a cinerary urn : 
aih euptna ajhmal^ i. e. Auim Cuprennius Aponia natua (Fabreiti, s. t.). 

' We have seen above that the termination -l indicates a matrtpymic ; 
and I conolade that the Etruscan patronymio ended in -na ; compare in 
this inscription, Eezul with EcuncLy and CoBeirlioy which was the Roman 
equivalent to the mythical Tanaquil, with the undoubtedly Tuscan form 
Ckjoei-na, I do not agree with Mttller (Eir, i. p. 463) that the forms in 
-«t, as Atdai» denti, are datives. From its connexion with VMiina$ (9) 
D.v. 16 


sents the female name Atinia (Fabretti, s. vv. Atnei^ Atntal, 
p. 204). On a bell-shaped cineraiy um, brought to England 
fix)m Chiusi in Nov. 1846 by Mr. Beckford Bevan, we have the 
inscription Lth: Vete: Atenattal, which exhibits a matronymic 
fonn of the same name. 

If I do not undertake to interpret all that Lartius, the son of 
Rffisia, has thought fit to inscribe on this cippus for the gratifi- 
cation of his own immediate relatives, it mufit not be supposed 
that this in any way affects the results at which I have arrived 
respecting the ethnography of the Etruscans. That an inability 
to interpret ancient monuments may be perfectly consistent with 
a knowledge of the class of languages to which they belong, is 
shown, not merely by the known relationship between the Ian- 
guage of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and the Coptic dialects 
more recently spoken in that country, but still more strikingly 
by the fiswjt, that, although we have no doubt as to any of the 
idioms spoken in ancient Britain, no one has been able as yet 
to give a certain interpretation of the Bunic inscriptions on the 
pillar at Bewcastle and on the font at Bridekirk, which are both 
in Cumberland, and which both belong to the same dialect of 
the Low-German languages, (see Palgrave, History of the Anglo- 
Saxonsy Lond. 1850, pp. 146 sq.). The really important point is 
to determine the origin of the ancient Etruscans; and the Peru- 
gian inscription, so far irom throwing any difficulties in the way 
of the conclusion at which I have arrived, has furnished some of 
the strongest and most satisfactoiy confirmations of the Old 
Norse affinity of the Basena. 

§ 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethnographic 
tradition in regard to the ancient Etruscans. 

This survey of the Etruscan language, brief and circumscribed 
as it necessarily is, has enabled us to perceive that there is a 
perfect harmony and agreement between the results of our lin- 
guistic researches, so ^ as the scanty materials have allowed 
us to ^rry them, and the ethnographic and historic traditions 
i^especting the ancient Etruscans. We have seen that in the 

ftod with Metdis in the statue of the Arringatoref I hare no doubt that 
AuUn IB the genitive. 


character of their writing, in most of their mythology, in by far 
the greatest number of those words which have been transmitted 
to ns with an interpretation, and in the oldest inscriptions, espe- 
cially in those from Caere, there are decisive evidences of an 
affinity between the inhabitants of Etruria and those Felasgians 
who peopled Greece in the earliest times, and who constituted an 
important element in the inhabitants of Latinm. For the residue 
of the language, and especially in the case of those inscriptions 
which are found near Clusium and Perugia, we are enabled to 
recognize an ingredient unmistakably identical with that Scan* 
dinavian dialect, which Norwegian emigrants conveyed in an 
ancient form to the inaccessible regions of ultima TkuUy where 
it remained for centuries safe from all risk of corruption or im* 
provement by an inftision of foreign words or constructions. Now 
these phenomena, as we have seen, are necessary to reconcile, and 
do in fact reconcile, all the traditions about the inhabitants of 
Etruria. The Pelasgian affinities of the old Tyrrhenians are 
attested by the concurring voice of all antiquity; and as in Argo- 
lis, so in Italy, we shall best understand the statement that a 
more complete civilisation was imported directly from Lydia, if 
we bear in mind that the Lydians referred to in the tradition 
were Felasgians, who had appropriated the arts and social cultuie 
of their Asiatic neighbours, and with whom the Tyrrhenians oi 
Italy came into contact as navigators of the Mediterranean. And 
we shall be able to adopt this universal belief of an early con- 
nexion or intercourse between the western coasts of Asia Minor 
and Italy, without disturbing the well-grounded statement that 
the Basena and BsBti were one and the same race, if we infer 
that these Rasena were a much later ingredient, and one which 
only established an aristocracy of conquest in the cities of 
Etruria, without permanently or extensively affecting the great 
mass of the population. It will be observed that the main 
obstacle to a general reception of the statement that the Basena 
were RsBtians has consisted in the apparent inconsistency between 
this and the Lydian tradition, a tradition which, as we have seen 
(above, p. 20), has no historical basis, and only a certain admix- 
ture of ethnical truth. The usual inversion, by which Livy 
makes the Rsetians the fugitive offshoot of a nation which really 
descended from their own mountains, had not occasioned any 



difficulty (above, p. 23). It would be admitted at once that, if the 
Bsetiana and Basena were one and the same people, some foreign 
interference must have disturbed the continuity of their area in 
the valley of the Po, and if there was once an unbroken stream 
of population from the Lech to the Tiber, no ethnographer will 
doubt that its source must have been in the mainland rather than 
in the peninsula. But it has not been sufficiently considered, that 
the bulk of the Felasgian nation, already settled in Umbria and 
Etruria, would not lose their original type, merely because they 
were invaded and conquered by a band of warriors from the 
north, any more than Anglo-Saxon England was entirely de- 
prived of its former characteristics by the Norman inroad. The 
civilisation of the Tyrrhenians, their connexion with the commer- 
cial activity of the Mediterranean^, and the advantages which 
they derived from the arts and social culture of their brethren in 
Asia Minor (above, p. 39), were circumstances long anterior to 
the invasion from the north; and as the Rasena would adopt the 
refinements which they found among the Tyrrhenians, we may 
make ingenious comparisons between the tombs of Porsena and 
Alyattes^, without refrising our assent to the well-attested fact 
that the warriors and city-nobles of historical Etruria derived 
their origin from the Rsetian Alps. With regard to the argument 
from the remains of the Etruscan language, the philologer will 
at once admit that, as far as it goes, the evidences of affinity, 
which have been adduced, are neither precarious nor doubtfrd. 
Instead of conjectures founded on a casual agreement of syUables, 
we have seen that the meaning, which we were led to expect, 
was at once supplied by the language, which collateral circum- 
stances had indicated as the proper source of information ; and 
not only were ethnical names and common words simply and 

^ It is to this that I would attribute the continuance of Hellenic 
influenceB, on which MUller insiBts (Etruik. n. 292). 

* See Quatremdre de .Quincy, Monumem ei Oumragm <fAri an- 
Uquit raHtvh I. pp. 127 Bqq. It is worthy of remark, that a distin- 
guiBhiDg feature in the monument of Poraena» as described by Yarro 
(apud Plin. xxxir. 13), namely, the bells on the cupolas, is expressly 
compared with a similar contrivance at the Pelaigian Dodona: ** tin- 
Unnabula, qun rento agitata longe sonitUB referant» trt Dodomm olim 


consistently explained in this way, bnt we found that some pecu- 
liarities of etymology and syntax were at once illustrated by a 
reference to the same standard of comparison. So that, on the 
whole, every available resource of grammar and philology tends 
to confirm and reconcile the otherwise divergent and contra- 
dictory statements of ancient histoiy; and the Etruscans may 
now without any inconsistency claim both the Tyrrheno-Pelas- 
gian and Baetian affinities, which the classical writers have attri- 
buted to them. 

§ 12. General remarks on the absorptum or evanescence of 
the old Etruscan Language, 

It only remains that I should make a few remarks on the 
absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language. When 
we see so much that is easily explained ; when, in fact, there is 
no great difficulty in dealing with any Etruscan word which has 
come down to us with an interpretation or clue to its meaning ; 
and when we are puzzled only by inscriptions, which are in 
themselves mere fragments, made up in a great measure of 
proper names, deformed by a rude, precarious, and often incon- 
sistent orthography, and mutilated by, we know not how many, 
conventional abbreviations, it is sufficiently evident that the 
striking differences between the Etruscan and the other ancient 
dialects of the peninsula were not such as to take the language 
out of the Indo-Germanic family, and that while these differences 
affected only an inconsiderable ingredient in the old Etruscan, 
the main portion of the language must have approximated very 
closely to the -contiguous and surrounding idioms. Otherwise, 
we should be obliged to ask, where is the bulk of that language 
which was spoken by the ancestors of Maecenas? We talk of 
dead languages ; but this variety of human speech should seem 
to be not only dead, but buried, and not only buried, but sunk 
beneath the earth in some necropolis, into which no Galassi or 
Campanari can dig his way. The standard Italian of the 
present day is the offspring of that Latinity which was spoken 
by the Etrusco-Romans; but we find no trace of ancient bar- 
barism in any Tuscan writer. Surely it is a fair inference, that 
while the Raetian element, introduced into the northern cities 


by an aristocracy of conquest, was not permanently influential, 
"but was absorbed, like the Norman French in this country, by 
the Pelasgo-Umbrian language of the bulk of the population, the 
latter, which may be termed " the common Etruscan," like the 
Sabello-Oscan and other dialects, merged in the old Latin, not 
because the languages were unlike, but because they were sister 
idioms, and embraced one another as soon as they had discovered 
their relationship*. The only way to escape from aU the diffi- 
culties of this subject is to suppose that the city on the Tiber 
served as a centre and rallying point for the languages of Italy 
as well as for the different tribes who spoke them, and that 
Bome admitted within her walls, with an inferior franchise, which 
in time completed itself, both the citizens and the vocabularies 
of the conquered Italian states. If this absorbing centralisation 
could so thoroughly Latinize the Celtic inhabitants of Lombardy, 
and even the transalpine branch of the Grallic race, much more 
would it be likely to affect the Etruscans, who extended to the 
Tiber, and whose language, in its predominant or Pelaagian 
character, approximated so closely to the cognate idiom of the 
old Latin tribes. 

^ Among many instances of the poBsibility at least of such a transition, 
not the least interesting is the dorivation of Populonia from Phuplans, 
the Etruscan Bacchus; so that this city, the Etruscan name of which was 
Papluna, is the Dionysopolis of Etruria (see Gerhard in the EJiein. Mus. 
for 1833, p. 135). Now it is clear that as Nelhuru^Netku-nus, is the 
god of neihu, so Phuplu'ns=Poplu-nus is the god of poplu. It seems that 
the ancients planted the poplar chiefly on account of their yines, and the 
poplar was sacred to Hercules, who has so many points of contact with 
Bacchus. Hare we not, then, in the word phupltma the root otpdpuluSf a 
word quite inexplicable from the Latin language alone ? A sort of . 
young, effeminate Hercules, who appears on the coins of Populonia (see 
Mailer, Etrtuk. i. p. 33l), is probably this Poplunua. The difference 
in the quantity of the first syllables of Pdpulus and Populonia is not 
surprising, as the latter is an exotic proper name, and the former a na- 
turalized common term. 



§ I. Fragments of old Iistin Bot very numerous. § i. Arvalmn Litany. § 3. 
Chants preserved by Gate. § 4. Fragments of Saltan hymns. § 5. Old 
regal laws. § 6. Remains of the XII. Tables. § 7. Tab. I. § 8. Tab. II. 
§ 9. Tab. III. § 10. Tab. IV. § 11. Tab. V. § la. T^b. VL § 13. Tab. 
Vn. § 14. Tkb. VUI. § 15. TW). IX. § 16. Tab. X. § 17. Tab. XI. 
§ 18. Tab. XII. § 19. The Tiburtine Inscription. § ao. The epitaphs of the 
Scipios. § at. The Columna RottroUa, § a a. The Silian and Papirian Laws 
and the ediot of the Ctmile JSdiles. § as. The Senaiua-ChMuUum de Baccka- 
mMus. § 24. The old Roman Law on the Bantine Table. § 35. The 
Agrarian Law of Sp. Tborius. 

§ 1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous. 

IN the preceding chapters I have given specimens of the lan- 
guages spoken by those nations which contributed in dif- 
ferent proportions to the formation of the Roman people, and the 
next step will be to collect the most interesting remains of the 
old Boman language,— considered as the offspring of the Urn- 
brian, Oscan, and Tuscan, — such as it was before the predomi- 
nance of Greek cultivation had begun to work on this rude 
composite structure. The total loss of the genuine Roman 
literature^ will» of course, leave us but a scanty collection of such 
documents. Indeed, for the earlier centuries we have onlj a few 
brief fragments of religious and legal import. As we approach 
the Punic wars, the inscriptions become more numerous'and com- 
plete; but then we are drawing near to a period when the 
Roman language began to lose its leading characteristics under 
the pressure of foreign influences, and when it differed little or 
nothing from that idiom which has become familiar to us from 
the so-called classical writings of the Augustan age. 

Poljbius, speaking of the ancient treaty between Rome and 
Carthage (ill. 22), remarks that the old Latin language differed 
so much from that which was spoken in his own time, that the 
best-informed Romans could not make out some expressions 

1 See Macaulay, Zoyi of Ancient Rome, pp. 15, sqq. 


without diffictiltj, even when thej paid the greatest attention : 
TTiKucaxrrri yap t} Buuf>opcL yiyove 7^9 ButXi/craVj xal irctpcL 
^FoDfialoifij T^9 vvv 7rpo9 rijv dfrxa^y ©ot6 toi>9 oweroyraTov^ 
(hui fjLokA^ i^ hrurraaecd^ BievKpLvea/. The great mass of words 
must, however, have been susceptible of interpretation.; for he 
does not shrink from translating into Greek the substance at 
least of that very ancient treaty. 

§ 2. Arvalian Litany, 

Accordingly, we find that the most primitive specimens of 
Latinity may now-a-days be understood by the scholar, who, 
after all, possesses greater advantages than Polybius and his con- 
temporary Bomans. This will appear if we examine the song 
of the Fratrea Arvalesj which is one of the most important and 
ancient specimens of the genuine Eoman language. The inscrip- 
tion, in which it is preserved, and which was discovered in the 
year 1777, is probably not older than A. d. 218; but there is 
every reason to believe that the cantilena itself was the same 
which was sung in the earliest ages of B.ome, — ^for these litanies 
very often survive their own significance. The monks read the 
Latin of their missals without understanding it, and the Parsees 
x)f Gujerat cannot interpret their sacred Zend. It appears from 
the introductory remarks, that this song was confined to the 
priests, the Publici being excluded: ^'Deinde subselliis mar- 
moreis consederunt ; et panes laureatos per Publicos partiti sunt; 
ibi omnes lumemulia cum rapinis acceperunt, et Deas unguenta- 
veront, et JEAta clusa est, omnes foris exierunt : ibi Sacerdotes 
clusi succincti, libellis acceptis, carmen descindentes tripodaverunt 
in verba hsBC : 

1. Eno8 Loses Juvate (ter), 

2. Neve liLoerve Mairmar sins ineurrere in pleoris (ter) 

3. ScUwJktrere (veiju/ere) Mars limen saliva berber (ter) 

4. Senvunis altemei (vel alternis f) advocapit oanctos (ter) 

5. Enos Ma/rmor (vel MamMr) juvato (ter) 

6. Triumpe, triumpe, triwmpe^ triumpe, triutnpe. 

Post tripodationem, deinde signo dato Publici introiere, et libel- 

los receperunt." (See Orelli, Insoript. Lot, I. p. 391, no. 2271.) 

There can be little doubt as to the meaning of any single 

word in this old hymn, which seems to be written in very rude 


Satnmiftn verse, the first half of the Terse being alone preserved 
in some cases; as in En6$ Lasis juvdte — Ends Mamdr juvdto. 
The last line is a series of trochees cum anacmai, or a still 
sborter form of the first half of the Satamian verse. 

1. Unas is a form of the first person plural, analogous to 
the German una. Loses is the old form of Lares (Quintil. 
Institut. Orat. I. 4, § 13 ; see MuUer ad Fest. p. 15). 

2. Luaerve for luerm-^nij according to a custom of dropping 
the final M, which lasted till Cato*s time (see next §). This 
form bears the same relation to luem that Minerva does to 
mens, Caterva from catus ^ (zciUus (above, p. 128), and its 
synonym cusertms firom acus, are derivatives of the same kind\ 
We may also compare bovem, suem^ &c. with their older forms, 
hoverem, suerem^ &c Marmar^ Mannor^ or Mamor^ is the 
Oscan and Tuscan Mamers^ i.e. Mars (above, p. 175). That 
Mars^ or Mars paler ^ was addressed as the averter of diseases, 
bad weather, &c. is clear from Cato, JB. R. 141. Sins is sinas; 
so Tab. Bantin. 1. 19: Bantins for BanJtinus^ &c. Pie-ores is 
the genuine comparative of ple-ntis which bears the same re- 
lation to 7r\£!69 that units does to 0Z09. The fullest form would 
be pU^iores = TrXe-Zove^. 

3. ''O Mars, having raged to your satisfaction (comp. 
Hor. I. Carm. II. 37: "longo satiate ludo"), grant that the 
Son's light may be warm.*' Limen for lumen may be com- 

1 Mr. F. W. Newman {Regal Roms^ p. 61) derires eaUrva from the 
Welch cad-torvaf ** battle-troop." I do not know whether thia etymology 
was suggested by the well-known statements In Vegetius, u. 2: "Oalli 
Celtiberiqae pluresque barbaricsB nationes eatervis ntebantur in prselUs." 
Isidor. Orig, ix. 33: ''proprie Macedonum phalanx, Gallomm ecUerva, 
nostra legio dicitur." Doderlein, who proposes {LaL Syn, u. Et y. 861) 
to connect eaterva with quattu&r, properly remarks that these passages 
do not show that caierva was considered a Gallic word, but only that, 
as distinguished from the phalanx and legio^ it denoted a lees opm- 
pletely disciplined body of men. The natural idea of a *' heap" of sepa- 
rable objects is that of a mass piled up to a point, and this is indicated 
by the roots of ae-er-vus and cat-er-va. The latter therefore as denoting 
a body of men, suggests the same arrangement as the etineiM, which is . 
mentioned along with H by Tacitus, Hisi, u. 42: ^'commtnus eminus 
saienriB et mumw eonourrebant." On the form of cai'-sr-vct, see below, 
Ch. zm. ( 6. 


pared with pluima for plurima (Fest, p. 205), scriputum for 
scrujptduniy &c. (see below, § 5). Salts is the original form of 
solis: comp. aiKiK, rfXto^y AunseliuSf &c. The Oscan and Etrus- 
can usage of the auxiliary to or tu, "to cause" (above, pp. 150, 
154, 221), shows that Doderlein is right in reading ta=^da in- 
stead of sta {Lat. 8yn. u. Et. vi. 330). He quotes Hor.' i. Ep. 
16, 60 : "da mihi fallere, da justo sanctumque videri," though 
he perceives that to is connected with rlBrifu rather than with 
SiBcofu. Berber is another form offervere. 

4t. Semuneis is sememes^ i.e. semihemonea. Advocapit is a 
contraction for ad vos capite — ^the e being omitted, as in duc^focj 
Jbtj &c. — and it is probable that the phrase is equivalent to 
adhibete in auxilium^ " call to your aid." Hermann {Elem. Doct. 
Metr. p. 612 sq.) supposes advocapU to bejawi duo capit. 

§ 3. Chants preserved by Caio. 

The other extant religious compositions, though few and 
scanty, contribute to the same conclusion — ^that the oldest Latin 
was not so imlike the language with which we are familiar as 
to defy interpretation. Two relics of the same kind as the last 
have been preserved by Cato {R. B. 160), who writes thus: 
"Luxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem 
prende tibi viridem p. iv. aut v. longam.' Mediam diffinde, et 
duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantare in alio: 
S[anum] F[iet]. In mota et soluta (vulg. mota txBta): dories 
dardaries astataries, die sempitemo (vulg. dissunapiter or die 
una pariter) usquedum coeant .... Ad luxum aut ad fracturam 
alliga, sanum fiet, et tamen quotidie cantato in alio: S. F. yel 
luxato: vel hoc modo: havat, kavat, havat: ista pista sista: 
domabo damruiusira et Itixato,^^ i. e. havea;t^ haveai, haveat : 
istam pestem sistam: domabo damna vestra et liixatum (see 
Grotefend, Bud. L. Umbr. iv. 13). With regard to the second 
excantatio^ which is simple enough, it is only necessary to ob- 
serve, that the final m is omitted both in the accusatives luocato^ 
pista J &c. and in the futm-e sista; and we are especially told 
that it was the custom with Cato the Censor to drop the m at 
the termination of the futures of verbs in -o and -to.* thus he 
wrote dice, faeiey for dicam, fiuMm (see Quintil. Inst. Or. I. 7, 
§ 23, and cf. ix. 4, § 39; Fest. p. 72, Mtill.), recipie for reoir 

§ 4.] Olfc LATIN LANGUAGE. 236 

piam (Fest. p. 286), attinge for attingam (id. p. 26), ostende 
for osteiidam (id. p. 201), which are all quoted as common ex- 
amples (for fiirther instances, see Corssen, Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet. 
d. L(U. Spr. I. pp. 109 sqq.). He also omitted the -a of the 
nominative, as in prcef amino for j^rcejhminiis (osed for prcrfato : 
see R. B. 141: " Janum Jovemque vino prcefuminOy sic dicito:" 
cf. 134; and see Fest p. 87). The words claries, dar-dar-^es^ 
as-ta-tar-iesy seem to be a jingling alliteration, the meaning of 
which must not be pressed too far ; Pliny (JK N. xvii. 28) does 
not think them worthy of serious attention; though Grotefend 
would compare them with dertier dierir in the spurious Umbrian 
inscription (see Leps. p. 52). 

§ 4. FragmevUs of the Salian Hymns. 

The Salian songs, if any considerable fragments of them had 
come down to oxu: times, would have furnished us with very 
interesting specimens of ancient Latinity. Unfortunately they 
are all lost, with the exception of a few lines and detached 
words; and with them we have been deprived of the learnt 
commentaries of ^lius Stilo, who was not, however, able to 
explain them throughout. Varro, yii. § 2 : " -^lii, hominis in 
primo in litteris Latinis exercitati, interpretationem carminum 
Saliorum videbis et exili littera expeditam et praeterita obscura 
multa\'' Of the explanations of ^lius the following have been 
preserved. Festus, s. v. ManttoSf p. 146: ** Manuos in carmi- 
nibus Saliaribus JElius Stilo [et Aureliits, v. Paul. p. 147] sig- 
nificare ait honos: unde Inferi Di m^nes pro honi dicantur a 
Buppliciter eos venerantibus propter metum mortis, ut immanes 
quoque pro valde [non bonis] dicuntur." Id. s. v. Molucrum^ 
p. 141: "Molucrum non solum quo mol» vertuntur dicitur, id 
quod Graeci fivKqicopov appellant, sed etiam tumor ventris, qui 
etiam virginibus incidere solet...Cloatius etiam \et JElius] in 
libris sacrorum molucrum esse aiunt lignum quoddam quad- 
ratum ubi immolatur. Idem .^lius in explanatione carminum 

1 Horace, too» alludes to the difficulty of the Salian Bongs (n. EpiiU 
I. 86): 

Jam saliare Numse carmen qui laudat, et illud, 
Quod maoum ignorat, solus Tult scire rideri, &c.^ 


Saliarium eodem nomine appellari ait, qnod sub mola snpponatnr. 
AnreUns Opilins appellat nbi molatnr." Id. s. y. Peseta, p. 210: 
*' JPesoia in Saliari cannine ^lins Stilo dici ait capita ex pellibns 
agninis facta, qnod Grseci pelles yocent iriaicrf [irecrtci^ovy Sep-- 
fioTfov, Hesjch.] neutro genere plnraliter.*' Id. 8. y. SaUas 
mrfftneSy p. 329 : '' Saliajs yirgines Cincios ait esse condncticias, 
qnsB ad Salios adhibeantnr com apicibos palndatas, quas ^lius 
Stilo scripsit sacrificinm facere in Begia cum pontifice palndatas 
cnm apicibns in modnm Saliomm.*' There are other references 
in Festns to the philological interpretations of JGlins; but as the 
Salian songs are not mentioned in them, we haye no right to 
assume that this particular commentary is quoted: see Festos, 
8. y. Manias^ p. 129 ; s. y. Manstrutn, p. 138 ; s. y. Nebulo^ 
p. 165; s. y. Naucum^ p. 166; s. y. Nusciciosum^ p. 173; s. y. 
Novalem agrum^ p. 174; s. y. Ordinartum hominem^ p. 185; 
s.y. Obstitum, p. 193 (cf. pp. 248, 249); s. y. Puttculos, p. 217; 
s. y. Portiaculusy p. 234; s. y. Santtcum, p. 290; s. y. Subur 
adam, p. 309; s. y. Tongerej p. 356 ; s. y. Tamne (= eo uaque)^ 
p. 359; s.y. Vtctimam^ p. 371. 

The following are the remaining fragments of the Salian 

Varro, L. L. yii. § 26: "In multis y^rbis, in quo antiqui 
dicebant s, postea dictum R ; ut in carmine Saliorum sunt haec : 

OOZEULODOIZESO [yel oortuLodorieso]', omina [enim] ysBO ab 
PATULA ooEicissB [yel oremMw] jamcusiahxs; duokuscekitses 


This may be written as follows, in the Satumian metre: 
GhdraHloidor eao : \ 6mvna ham vhro 
""Adpdtula* 6se^ misse \ Jdni cHridnea, 
Dit6nu8 Gerva edty \ dUnque Jdnus vSvet 

i. e. chofauloedos sum (= esum) ; omtna entmvero ad patulam 
aurem miserunt Jani curtonea. Bonus Gems (i.e. Cerus ma- 
nus = creator bonusj Fest. p. 122) erit donee Janus vivet (vide 
Grotefend, Bud. L. Umhr. ii. p. 16). 

With regard to the apparently Greek word choroaulcedos^ 
it may be sufficient to quote an observation of Varges {Bhein. 
Mus. for 1835, p. 69), who, speaking of his derivation of am- 
pirvo (see below) from ofiireipay says : " Vix est quod moneam 


in Saliari caimine alia quoqne Tocabula inveniri, qtisB originem 
Grsecam manifesto prae se ferant, nt peacia^ de quo vocabnlo 
vide Fest, et Gutberl. \de Saliis], p. 146, et tripudium^ quod 
propins esse Gradoorum TroSa qnam Latinonim pedem patet, et 
recte interpretatnr Anson. Popma de Differ. Verbar. s. SctUare. 
Item coaauli, apud Varronem de L. L. vii. c. 3, Grsecorom 
yhfMuKoi esse videntnr, quod verbum Pollux servavit." In this 
word, as in curvmte^ I have ventured to insert the letter "A 
(above, p. 99). 

Varro, L. L. vil. § 27 : " Canite^ pro quo in Saliari versu 
scriptum est cante^ hoc versu: 

nlvuM Ampta cantb, nfvuMinto st^PucANTB." 
i.e. Deorum tmpetu canite, deorum deum suppltciter cantte* Cf. 
Macrob. 8at. I. 9 : '^ Saliorum carminibus deorum deus canitur 

Festus, s. V. Mamuri Veturi^ p. 131 : " Probatum opus est 
maxime Mamuri Yeturi, qui prsemii loco petiit, ut suum nomen 
inter carmina Salii canerent." 

Id. 8. V. NegumcUej p. 168: ^^ Negumate in carmine Cn, 
Marci vatis significat negate^ cum ait: quhmvta movSntidm 
[molinientum Herm. EL D. M. p. 614] du-Snum n&gumdte^^ 

Id. B. V. Obstinety p. 197 : " Obsttnet dicebant antiqui, quod 
nunc est ostendit; ut in veteribus carminibus: shd jdm se ccelo 
ddens {Aurora] dbatinit suum pdtrem.^^ Here it will be ob- 
served that se ccelo cedens^ ccelo secedenSf and that suum is a 
monosyllable (see Fest. p. 301). 

Id. s. V. FrcBceptcU, p. 205: ^^ Prcecqi)tat in Saliari carmine 
est saepe prsecipit. Fa pro patre, et po pro potissimum, positum 
est in Saliari carmine. JPromenervat item pro monet. Frasdo^ 
piont, prseoptant, &c Pilumnce poploe in carmine Saliari, Bo- 
mani, velut pilis assueti : vel quia praecipue pellant hostes.'' 

Id. 8. V. Bedantruare, p. 270: " Bedantruare dicitur in 
Saliorum exsultationibus, quod cum prsesul amptruavit, quod est 
motus edidit, ei referuntur invicem idem motus. Lucilius: 
IVcBstd ut aimptnuU' inde ; ita volgu redamptruat oUim. Pa- 

Prcmemnda^ gratia 
Simul cum vidsam Grain mkil msdiocrUer 
Redamptruare, cpibusque summis psr$equiL'* 


DatimTirf perdu^Uijooem JMidUito. 
Si a dutiniTlris proroe&Blt | provociiione eeiidto. 
Si yincent, c&pnt obnubito injfiglici &rbore r^fite 
Sii8p6ndito, Y^rber&to | Intra vel 6xtra pomflemm. 

I have here written judicanto for Jtuitcent, because the final 
thesis cannot be suppressed (below, § 20). The i? or d is sltir- 
red over in pro'caatt, pr6*catumey and obnu^tOy according to the 
common Roman pronunciation* Each trochaic tripodia in 1. 2 
begins with an anacrusis. According to Livy (i. 26), the law 
belongs to the time of TuUus Hostilius ; Cicero, on the other 
hand (j^ro Babir, c. 4, § 13), refers it to the legislation of 

Id. s. V. PeUiceSy p. 222 : " Cui generi mulierum poena con- 
stituta est a Numa Pompilio hac lege : Pellex aram Junonia ne 
tangito; si tangetj Junoni crinibus demtssia agnum foBminam 
ccaditOy^ i. e. Pelecs asam Junonia nei tancitud; aei tanceiy 
Junonei crineboa demiaeia acnam feminam ceditud. 

Id. s. y. Opima apoliay p. 189 : *^ Esse etiam Fompili regis 
legem opimorum spoliorum talem: Otyua auapido claaae pro- 
cincta opima apolia capiuntuVy Jovi Feretrio bovem ccadito; 
qui cepit [ei] ceria COG darter oportet: [cujus auspicio capiun* 
tur] aecunda apolia^ in Martia aram in Campo aoUtaurilia 
tt^a voluerit' (i. e. *vel majora vel lactentia,' Scal.) coadito; 
[qui cepit, ei seris CG dato]: [cujus auspicio capiuntur] teriia 
apolia Janui Quirino agnum marem ccaditOy C qui ceper^ ex 
asre dato; mfua auapido capta, dia piaculum dato,^^ Niebuhr 
(i7. R. II. note 972) explains these gradations of reward bj a 
reference to the scale of paj in the Roman army. The supple- 
ments in this passage rest principally on Plutarch, FtV. Marc 
c. 8: Kok \afiffav€iv yipa/^y cura-dpia rptoKoaia rov irpArop^ rhv 
hk Seurepov BuueociOy rhv hi rplrov hcarov. 

Plin. H. N. XXXII. 2, 10, § 20: '' Placeia quei aquamoaei 
nee aunty nei polucetod/ aquamoaoa omneia prceter acarom polu- 
cetodJ" Cf. Fest. s. v. PoUucere, p. 253: ^^Pottueere meroee 
[quae cuivis deo liceat], sunt far, polenta, yinum, panis fer- 
mentalis, ficus passa, suilla, bubula, agnina, case!» ovilla, alica, 
sesama, et oleum, pisces quibus est squama, prseter scarnm: 
Hercnli autem omnia esculenta, poculenta." 

Id. s. Y. TerminOy p. 368 : " Denique Numa Pompilius sta- 


toit, Eum qui terminum exarasaet ei ipawm et loves aeuyroa e«se." 
L e. Qui terminom ecsarasety ipsua et haveia aacrei sunto (see 
Dirkseu, Verstiche, p. 334). 

Id. s. y. AliutUy p. 6: ^^ Aliuta antiqui dicebant pro aliter, 
.... hinc est illud in legibus Numse Pompili : Siquisquam aiitUa 
facsit ipaoa Jovei sacer estod.^^ 

§ 6. Bemains of the XIL Tables. 

But of all the legal fragments which exhibit the prisca 
vetustaa verhorum (Cic. de Orator Sy I. c. 43), the most copious, as 
well as the most important, are the remains of the Twelve 
Tables, of which Cicero speaks in such enthusiastic, if not 
hyperbolical language. These fragments have been more than 
once collected and explained. In the following extracts I have 
followed the text of Dirksen ( Uebersicht der hUherigen VerauchA 
zur Kritik und Herstellung dea Textea der Zwblf- TafeUFragmentd)* 
The object, however, of Dirksen*s elaborate work is juristic * 
rather than philological; whereas I have only wished to present 
these fragments as interesting specimens of old Latinity. 

It was probably the intention of the decemvirs to comprise 
their system in six double Tables; for each successive pair of 
Tables seems to refer to matters which are naturally classed 
together. Thus Tab. i. and ii. relate to the legia actionea; Tab. 
III. and IV. to the mancipiumy poteataa, and manuay or the rights 
which might be acquired over insolvent debtors, the right of a 
£Either over his son, and of a husband over his wife; Tab. v. and 

VI. to the laws of guardianship, inheritance atfd property; Tab. 

VII. and VIII. to obligaHoneay delictay and crimina; Tab. IX. and 
X. to the jua publicum and jua aacrum; Tab. XI. and xil. were 
supplementary to the ten former Tables, both in subject and in 

§ 7. Tab. I. 

Fr. 1. (1. 1, 2, Gotholredi) : si . in . JUS . vocat . ni . it . an- 
TESTATOR . IQITUR . EM . CAPITO . (Porphyrio od HoT. I. Serm. 
9, 65 : " Adversarius molesti illius Horatium consulit, an per- 

1 The student will find a general sketch of the old Roman law in 
Arnold's Romsy i. pp. 256 sqq. 

D. V. 16 


mittat se antestari, injecta manu extractnroa ad Praetorem, quod 
yadimomo non pamerit. De hac autem Lege xii. Taibularwn his 
yerbis cautum est: si vis vocaiiont iestamtni^ tgitwr en capito 
antestari. Est ergo antestari, scilicet anteqaam maniini injiciat.'' 
Cf. Cic. Legg. ii. c. 4; Aul. Grell. ^.-4. xx. 1; Auctor ad He- 
renn. ii. c. 13; Non. Marcell. de Prcpr. 8erm. c. 1, § 20, s. v. 
calvitur. Lucilins, Lib. xvil. : " Si non it, ccgnto, inqnit, eum et, 
si calvitur ergo, Ferto manum^^). It seems probable that the 
original form of the law was si quis in jus vocatus nee it, ante- 
staminOy igitur (i. e. iwefe, pastea, turn, Fest. p. 106) em (= eum) 
cajyito. Cf. Gronov. Lect. Plautin. p. 95. That igitur means 
** thereupon " is shown hj the context, and that it denotes turn 
as to the antecedent to qttando appears from Plantus, Mil. OL ill. 
1. 177: quando habebo, igitur rationem mearumfabricarum dabo. 

Fr. 2 (i. 3): Si . calvitur . pedemve . struit, . manum . 
ENDO . jacito . (Festas, p. 313). The word calvitur is explained 
by Gains, L. 233, pr. D. de Verb. 8ign.:^^ 8i calvitur et moretur 
et frostretur. Inde et calumniatores appellati sunt, quia per 
frandem et fimstrationem alios vexarent litibus/' Pedem struere 
is explained bj Festus, 1. 1.: '^ Alii putant significare retrorsum 
ire: aHi, in aliam partem : sliijugere: slii grcidum augere : alii 
minuere, cum quis vix pedem pedi praefert, otiose it, remoratur:" 
and p. 210: ^^ pedem struit in xii. significat Jugit, ut ait Sen 
Sulpicius." This fragment seems to have followed close upon 
the previous one : see the passage of Lucilius, quoted above. 

Fr. 3 (i. 4): si , morbus . aevitasve . vitium . escit, . qui . 


NE . STERNITO . (Aul. GcU. N. A. XX. 1). Vitium escit means 
impedimenta erit. Arcera is explained by Nonius Marcellus, de 
Prcpr, 8erm. I. § 270 : " Arcera plaustrum est rusticum, tectum 
undique quasi area. Hoc vocabulum et apud Yarronem et apud 
M. Tullium invenitur. Hoc autem vehiculi genere senes et CBgroti 
vectari solent. Varro y€fH)jniBiBcur/caKco: veh(i>atur cum uxore 
vehiculo semel aut bis anno cum' arcera : si non veUet non ster" 

Fr. 4 (i. 6) : assiduo . vindex . assiduus . esto, . proleta- 

RIO . QUOI . QUIS . VOLET . VINDEX . ESTO . (Aul. Qelh N. A. XVI. 

c. 10; cf. Cicero, Tcp. c. 2, who explains assiduus as a STnonym 
of hcuplesy and derives it, with iElius, ah asse dando/ Nonius, 


Propr. 8erm. c. 1, § antepen., who explains proletaries as equi- 
valent to plebeius — " qui tantum prolem sufficiat." See Niebuhr, 
Hist. Bom. I. p. 445, note 1041). 

Fr. 5 (ix. 2). Festus, p. 348 : " Satiates dicti sunt, qui supra 
infraque Bomam habitaverunt. Quod nomen his fuit, quia cum 
defecissent a Bomanis, brevi post redierunt in amicitiam, quasi 
9anata mente. Itaque in xii. cautum est, ut ' idem juris esset 
Sanatibus quod Forcttbus,^ id est bonis (cf. pp. 84, 102), et qui 
nunquam defecerant a p. B." Whence we may supply, p. 321 : 
" [Hinc] in xii.: ' NEx[i solutique, ac] POBCn 8ANATi[sque idem 
jus estod'], id est, bonor[um et qui defecerant sociorum]." 
Where also sanas is explained from Cincius, " [quod Priscus] ' 
prseter opinio[nem eos debellavisjset, sanaYisse[tque ac cum iis 
pajcisci potuisset." Dirksen (p. 164) is wrong in referring these 
extracts to the epitome of Paulus. 

Fr. 6 (i. 17) : kem . ubi . pagunt, . obato . {Atictor ad J5fo- 
renn. ii. c. 13). 

Fr. 7 (i. 8) : ni . pagunt . in . comitio . aut . in . poeo . 


AMBO . PBAESENTES . (id. ibid, and Aul. Gell. xvii. 2). The 
word^w^n^ is explained by Priscian (x. 6, § 32) as a synonym 
of paciscor; the common Latin form is pa-n-go^ but the medial 
and tenuis of the gutturals were constantly interchanged after 
the distinction between them was introduced by Sp. Carvilius 
(Terent. Scaur, p. 2253, Putsch). 

Fr. 8 (i. 9): post . mebidiem . pbaesenti . stlitem . addi- 
ciTO . (Aul. Gell. XVII. 2). 

Fr. 9 (l. 10) : SOL . OOCASUS . supbema . tempestas . esto . 
(id. ibid.). The word tempestas is here used for tempos; the 
whole afternoon was called tempos occiduum, and the sunset was 
suprema tempestas (Macrob. Saturn. I. c. 3). Q^llius, to whom 
we owe these fragments, considers the correct reading to be sol, 
not solis occasus. " Sole occaso,^^ he says, " non insuavi venus- 
tcUe (yetustate?) est, si quis aurem habeat non sordidam nee 
proculcatam." But Festus (p. 305), Varro {L. L. v. c. 2), and 
others, consider the phrase to have been solis occasus. There is 
more probability in the reading of G^llius. 

Fr. 10 (n. 1). Aul. Gell. N. A. xvl c. 10: "Sedenim 
qnum proletarU^ et assidui, et satiates, et vades, et suhvades,-^ 



evanuerint, omnisque ilia xii. Tabolaram antiquitas — consopita 
sit, &c." 

§ 8. Tab. 11. 

Fr. 1. Gains, Inst. iv. § 14: " Poena antem sacramenti aut 
quingenaria erat, aut qiiinqnagenaria; nam de rebns mille »ris 
plurisve qningentis assibus, de minoris vero qninqnaginta assibns 
Sacramento contendebator; nam ita lege xii. Tabulamm caatom 
erat. Sed si de libertate hominis controversia erat, etsi pre- 
tiosissimos homo esset, tamen ut L. assibus Sacramento conten- 
deretur eadem lege cautom est favoris causa ne satisdatione 
onerarentur adsertores." 

Fr. 2 (II. 2): (a) mobbus . soNTicus — (&) status, dies. 


XX. c. 1 : " Morbum vehementiorem, vim graviter nocendi haben- 
tem, Leg, istar. i. e. xii. Tab. scriptores alio in loco non per se 
Tnorhum, sed morbum sorUicum appellant." Fest p. 290 : " iSbn- 
ticum morbum in xii. significare ait jS^lius Stilo certum cum 
justa causa, quem non nulli putant esse, qui noceat, quod' wmtes 
significat nocentes. NaBvius ait: sonticam esse oportet causamy 
quam ob remperdas multeremJ*^ (b) Cic. de Off. I. c. 12: ^^Sostis 
enim majores nostros is dicebatur, quem imno pereffrinum dicimus. 
Indicant xii. Tabulae ut : stahis dies cum hosts; itemque : adver- 
sus hostem cetema auctoritas.'' Fest. p. 314: " Status dies [cum 
hoste] vocatur qui judici causa est constitutus cum peregrino. 
Ejus enim generis ab antiquis hostes appellabantur, quod erant 
pari jure cum populo R., atque hostire ponebatur pro cBquare. 
Plautus in Curculione [l. 1, 6] : si status condictus cum hoste 
intercedit dies, tamen est e^ndum, quo i?nperant ingraJtis.^^ This 
passage is neglected by Dirksen, but not by Gronovius, Lectiones 
Plautince^ p. 81. With regard to the original signification of 
hostis^ it is very worthy of remark that the Latin hostis and the 
Greek fei/09, starting firom opposite points, have interchanged 
their significations. Hos-tis originally signified '^ a person enter- 
tained by another," " one who has food given to him " (comp. 
hos-pi-lt-^Sj " the master of the feast," hostia, gasts, &c. N. OraL 
§ 474); but at last it came to mean " a stranger," " a foreigner," 
and even " an enemy " (see Varro, L. L. p. 2, Mtdler). Whereas 


f^yo9, originally denoting "a stranger" (extraneua), i.e. "one 
without " (Hf€i/o9), came in the end to signify " an entertainer " 
and " a friend." I cannot accept MfLller's derivation of ^hfo^ 
{ad Feat. p. 102). (c) Festus, p. 273 : "-Betw nunc dicitur, qui 
causam dicit; et item qui quid promisit spoponditve, ac debet. 
At Gallus -^lius libro il. Sign. Verb. qu. ad Jus pertinent, ait: 
Beus eat, qui cum aUero litem contestatam habet, sive is egity sive 
cum eo actum eat. Beua atipulando eat idem qui atijpulator did" 
twTj quive atto nomine ah altera quid atipulaiua eat, nan ia qui 
alteri adatipulatua eat. Beua promittendo eat qui auo nomine aUeri 
quid jpramiiait, non qui pro aUero quid promiait. At Capito Ateius 
in eadem quidem opinione est : sed exemplo adjuvat interpreta- 
tionem. Nam in secunda Tabula secunda lege in qua scriptum 
est: ai quid horumfuat unumjudid arbitrove reove, eo die diffen- 
mis estOy hie uterque, actor reusque, in judicio rei vocantur, item- 
que accusator de via citur more vetere et consuetudine antiqua." 
Ulpian, L. Lxxiv. ad Edict. : " Si quis judicio se sisti promise- 
rit, et yaletudine vel tempestate yel vi fluminis prohibitus se 
sistere non possit, exceptione adjuvatur; nee immerito: cum 
enim in tali permissione prsesentia opus sit, quemadmodum potuit 
ae sistere qui adversa yaletudine impeditus est? Et ideo etiam 
Lex XII. Tab. : ai judex vel alteruter ex litigatoribua morbo aon- 
tico impediatuTjjuhet diemjudidi eaae diffenaum^ I have restored 
diffenaua both in Festus and Ulpian on the authority of Mllller, 
who has shown . {Suppl. Annot. ad Feat. p. 401) that findo must 
have been anciently a synonym oi fsrio and trudo, and conse- 
quently that dijenaua eato = differatur. 

Fr. 3 (ii. 3) : cui . testimonium . defuerit, . is . tertiis . 

DIEBUS . OB . PORTUM . OBVAGULATUM . ITO . (Fest. p. 233 : " For- 

tum in XII. pro domo positum omnes fere consentiunt : si/' &c. 
Id. p. 375 : '^ Vagulatio in lege xii. [Tab.] significat quceationem 
cum convido : «," &c.). 

Fr. 4 (II. 12). "Nam et de furto pacisci lex permittit" 
(L. 7, § 14 D, d6 Factia, Ulp, iv. ad Edictwm). 

§ 9. Tab. III. 

Fr. 1 (ill. 4) : aeris . confessi . rebusque . jure . judi- 
cata . TRIGINTA . DIES . JUSTI . SUNTO . (Aul. GcU. XX. C. 1 : 

'^ Eosque dies Decemviri justos appellaverunt, velut quoddam 


justitiiun, id est juris inter eos quasi interstitionem quandam et 
cessationem, quibus diebus nihil cum his agi jure posset." XY. 
c. 13; cf. Gains, Inst. iii. § 78, &c.). 

Fr. 2 (ill. 5) : post . deinde . manus . injectio . Efi?ro ; . 
IN • JUS . DUCITO . (Aul. Gell. XX. c. 1; cf. Gains, Imt iv. § 21). 

Fr. 3 (ill. 6) : Ni . judicatum . facit (1. Juxsit), . aut . 

JORE, . AUT . SI , VOLET . MINORE . VINCITO . (Aul. Gell. XX. 

c. 1). We should perhaps read faxsit for facU on account of 
vindicity for which see Mtiller, SuppL Ann. ad Fest. p. 393. For 
the form quips see Gronovius ad OeU. I.; the proper reading is 
ques; see below, § 23. For the meaning of nervus here, comp. 
Fest. s. V. p. 766. 

Fr. 4 (ill. 7) : si . volet, . suo . vivito; . ni . suo . vivit, . 


DATO; . SI . VOLET . PLUS . DATO . (Aul, Gell, XX. c. 1; and for 
the meaning of mvere compare L. 234, § 2 D, {f€ Verb. Sign.; 
Gains, L. ii. ad Leg. xii. Tah.; Donat. ad Terent. Phorm. ii. 
1, 20). The student will observe that endo dies = indies. 

Fr. 6 (ill. 8). Aul. GelL JV. J, xx. 1 : " Erat autem jus 
interea paciscendi ; ac nisi pacti forent, habebantur in vinculis, 
dies LX. ; inter eos dies trinis nundinis continuis ad Prsetorem in 
comitium producebantur, quantaeque pecuniae judicati essent prse- 
dicabatur." From which Ursinus conjectures: Endoderaiim 
[rather interatim, Festus, p. Ill] pacio estod. Nei cum eopadtf 
LX. dies vinciam habetod. In ieis diebus tertieis nondineis can- 
tinueis indu comitium endo joure im procitato, gudnieique stlis 
cestumata siet prcedicato. 

Fr. 6 (ill. 9). Aul. Gell. xx. 1 : " Tertiis autem nundinis 
capite poenas dabant, aut trans Tiberim peregre venum ibant— 
si plures forent, quibus reus esset judicatus, secare si vellent 
atque partiri corpus addicti sibi hominis permiserunt — verba ipsa 
Legis dicam: — tertiis, inquit, nundinis partis Secanto, 8I 


Or. III. c. 6; Tertullian, Apol. c. 4. The student will remark 
that we have here se for sine, as in the compounds se-dulo {^sine 
dolo), se-parOf se-cludo, se-motuSy se-gregatusy &c. (See Festus, 
p. 336). Se => sed is an ablative form which in later Latin appears 

§ 10.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 247 

only in composition; sine accords in form with the Sanscrit 
instrumental, and was used as a preposition to the latest period 
of the language. Accordingly these two forms may be compared 
with the Greek tta and icard ; the former being used only as the 
particle of apodosts or in composition (as Kofrrerop Pind. 0. Viil. 
38), while the latter retains to the end its regular prepositional 

Ft. 7 (ill. 3) : adversus . hostbh . Xetebna . auctobitas . 
(Cic. de Of. I. c. 12). 

§ 10. Tab. IV. 

Ft. 1 (IV. 1). Cic. de Legg. iii. c. 8: "Deinde quum [Trib. 
pot. ortus] esset cito legatus \leto datus^ Orelli], tamqiiam ex xil. 
TabuUs insignia ad deJbrmitcUem ptier.'^ From whence we infer 
that the xii. Tables authorized the exposure of deformed 

Fr. 2 (IV. 2). From the statement of Dionysius (ii. 26, 27), 
that the decemvirs in their fourth Table continued the jtis venr 
dendarum liberorum established in the time of the kings, Ursinus 
imagines some such passage as this : patrei • endo . FIDIO • 


darieb . jeus . ESTOD ; to which he appends the next fragment. 

Fr. 3 (iv. 3) : si . pater . filium . teb . venum . duit, . 
FiLius . A . patre . LIBER . ESTO . (Ulpian, Fr. Tit. X. § 1 ; Gains, 
Inst. X. § 132; iv. § 79). 

Fr. 4 (iv. 4). Aul. Gell. in. 16 : ... " Quoniam Decemviri in 
decern mensibus gigni hominem, non in undecimo scripsissent ; " 
whence Gothofredus would restore: si qui ei in x. mensibus 
proximis jHfstumus nattu escit, Justus esio. 

§ 11. Tah. V. 

Fr. 1. Gains, Inst. i. § 145: "Loquimur autem exceptis 
Yirginibus Yestalibus, quas etiam veteres in honorem sacerdotii 
liberal esse voluerunt; itaque etiam lege xii. Tabularum cautum 
est." Cf. Plutarch, Vit. Num. c. 10. 

Fr. 2. Id. II. § 47 : " (Item olim) mulieres quae in agnato- 
rum tutela erant, res mancipi usucapi non poterant, praeterquam 
si ab ipso tutore (auctore) traditae essent : id ita lege xii. Tabu* 
latum cautum erat." 


Fr. 3 (v. 1) : [paterfamilias] . uti . legassit . supee . 

Tit. XI. § 14; Gaiufl, Inst. II. § 224; Cic. de Invent. Rhet. il. 
c. 60; Novell. Justin, xxii. c. 2, &c.). 

Fr. 4 (v. 2) : si . intestato . moritur . cui . suus . hebes . 


Fr. Tit. XXVI. § 1; cf. Gains, Inst. in. § 9, &c.). 

Fr. 5 (v. 3) : si . ai^gnatus . nec . escit, . gentilis . fami- 
LIAM . NANXITOR. {CoUotio Legg. Mosaic, et Bom. Tit. xvi. § 4; 
cf. Gaiufl, Inst. in. § 17). I have written nanocitor for nancttor 
on the authority of Miifler, ad Fest. p. 166 : " nanocitor in Xli., 
«actus erit, prsehenderit;" where he remarks: ^^ nancitor quo- 
modo futumm exactum esse possit, non intelligo, nisi correcta 
una littera. Ab antiquo verbo nancio fiit. ex. fit nanxoy sicut a 
capio capso; idque translatum in pass. form, efficit nanadtur vel 
nanxitoTy ut a turhftsso fit turhassitur.^^ We have another instance 
of this form in the pontifical law about the ver sa/yrunij quoted 
by Livy (xxil. 10, § 6) : si antidea senatus populusque jussertt 
fieri ac Juxitur, eo populus solutus liber esto (see also Corssen, 
Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet. d. lot. Spr. ii. pp. 38 sqq.). 

Fr. 6 (v. 7). Gains, Inst. i. § 155 : " Quibus testament© 
quidem tutor datus non sit, iis ex lege xii. agnati srnit tutores; 
qui vocantur legitimi." Cf. § 157, where he says that this 
applied to women also. 

Fr. 7 (v. 8) : si . furiosus . aut . prodigus . escit, . ast . 

EO . PEQVUNIAQUE . EJUS . P0TE8TAS . ESTO. (Cicer. de Invent. 
Bhet. II. c 50, gives the bulk of this passage ; aut prodigus is 
inserted on the authority of Ulpian, § 3, i. de Curationibus/ and 
ast ei castas nec escit is derived from Festus, p. 162 : " Nec con- 
junctionem grammatici fere dicunt esse disjunctivam, ut nec 
legit nec scr^t^ cum si diligentius inspiciatur, ut fecit Sinnius 
Capito, intelligi possit cam positam esse ab antiquis pro non, ut 
et in XII. est: ast ei custos nec escit ^^). For nec see above, Ch. 
III. § 9, and below, Ch. vii. § 5. 

Fr. 8 (v. 4). Ulpian, Frag. Tit. xxix. § 1; L. 195, § 1 D, 
de Verb. Sign.: " Civis Bomani liberti hereditatem lex xii. Tab. 
patrono defert, si intestato sine sue herede libertus decesserit — 
Lex : EX ea familia, inquit, in eam familiam.'' Gothofiredus 


proposes the following restoration of the law : at Itbertus intes^ 
tato morttur cut suus heree nee escit, ast patrcnus ptxtronive Uberi 
escint, ex eajhmilia in earn fomiltam proximo pecunia adduitor, 

Fr. 9 (v. 5) and 10 (v. 6). From the numerous passages 
which refer the law de ercti-dscunda (as the word must have 
been originally written) familia to the xii. Tables (see Hugo, 
Oeach. d. Rom, B, I. p. 229), we may perhaps suppose the law 
to have been : si heredes partem quisque suam habere maUnt^ 
familicB ercti-ciscunda^ iris arbitros sumunto. 

§ 12. Tab. VI. 

Fr. 1 (VI. 1) : CUM . NEXUM . FACIET . MANaPIUMQUE, . UTI . 
LINGUA . NUNCUPASSIT, . ITA . JUS . ESTO. (FeStUS, p. 173; Cic. 

de Off. III. 16, de Orator, i. 57). Nuncupare=^nominare: Festds, 
1. 1.; Varro, L. L. VI. § 60, p. 95, Mtiller. . 

Fr. 2 (VL 2). Cic. de Offic. iii. 16: "Nam cum ex xn. 
Tabulis satis esset ea prosstari quce essent lingua nuncupata, quce 
qui infiHatue eseet dupli pcmam subiret; a jureconsultis etiam 
reticentisB poena est constituta.*' 

Fr. 3 (VL 6). Cic. Topic, c. 4 : " Quod in re pari valet, 
valeat in hac, quse par est; ut: Qtumiam uaus auctoritas fundi 
hiennium est, sit etiam cedium : at in lege. non appellantur, 
et sunt ceierarum rerum omnium^ quarum annuus est usus^ 
Cf. Cic. pro CcBcina, c 19 ; Gains, Instit. ii. § 42 : and Boe- 
thins ad Top. 1. c. p. 609, Orelli. 

Fr. 4 (vi. 6). Gains, Inst. i. § 111: "Usu in manum con- 
veniebat, quse anno continue nupta perseverabat : — ^itaque lege 
XII. Tab. cautum [erat], si qua nollet eo mode in mauaum m^ariti 
canve\mie, ut quotan]nt9 trinoctio abesset, cUque [ita usum] cujus' 
que anni inierrumperet.'' Cf. Aul. GelL III. 2; Macrob. Saturn. 

Fr. 6 (vi. 7): 81 . qui . in . jure . manum . oonsebunt . 
(Aul. Gell. XX. c. 10). 

Fr. 6 (VI. 8). From Liv. in. 44, Dionys. Hal. xi. c. 30, 
&C.J we may infer a law: prcetor secundum Ubertatem vindicias 

Fr. 7 (vi. 9): tionum . junctum . aedibus . vineaeve, . b . 
OONCAPITB . NE . 80LVITO . (Fest. p. 364). A great number of 
emendations of this passage have been proposed. The reading 


which I have adopted Is the same as MUller's, except that I 
prefer concapite to his concape: compare procapta —progenies^ 
" quae ab imo capite procedit" (Fest. p. 225). In the same way 
as we have capes, capitis m. = miles; caput, capitis n. = vertex; 
so we have concajns, concapitis f. = continua capitum junctura 
(comp. Madvig, Beilage zu zeiner Latetn. SprockL p. 33). 

Fr. 8 (vi. 10). L. 1. pr^ J), de tigno juncto, Ulpian, L. 
xxxvii. ad JEdictum : " Quod providenter lex [xii. Tab.] effe- 
cit, ne vel aedificia sub hoc praetextu diruantur, vel vinearum 
cultura turbetur; sed in eum qui convictus est junxisse, in 
duplum dat actionem." Where tignum is defined as signifying 
in the xii. Tables: omnis materia ex qua cedificium constet, 
vinecsque necessaria. 

Fr. 9 (vi. 11) : quandoque . sarpta, . donec . dempta . 
BRUNT . (Fest. p. 348). The word sarpta (which Mliller under- 
stands of the ipsa sarpta, i.e. sarmenta putata) is explained hj 
Festus, 1. 1. : " sarpiuntur vine», i. e. putantur," &c. p. 322 : 
^^ [sarpta vinea putata, i.] e. pura [facta — ] inde etiam [sarmenta 
script]ores dici pu[tant; sarpere enim a]ntiqui pro pur[gare 
dicebant]." The sentence in the fragment probably ended with 
vindicarejvs esto. 

§ 13. Tab. VII. 

Fr. 1 (VIII. 1). Vano, L. L. v. § 22, p. 9 : " Amiitus est 
quod circumeundo teritur, nam amhitus circumitus, ab eoque 
XII. Tabularum interpretes amhitum parietis circumitum esse 
describunt." Volusius Msecianus, apud Gronov. de Sesteriio, 
p. 398: ^^ Sestertius duos asses et semissem. Lex etiam xii. Ta- 
bularum argumento est, in qua duo pedes et semis sestertius pes 
vocatur." Festus, p. 16 (cf. p. 5) : " Ambitus proprie dicitur 
inter vicinorum aedificia locus duorum pedum et semipedis ad 
circumeundi facultatem reUctus." The law itself, therefore, pro- 
bably ran thus : inter vicinorum cedificia ambitus parietum ses- 
tertius pes esto. 

Fr. 2 (viil. 3). Gains (lib. ly. ad Leg. xii. Tab. L.fin. D. 
finium regundcrum) refers to a law of Solon, which he quotes 
in Greek, and describes as in some measure the type of the 
corresponding law of the xii. Tables, which regulates digging, 
fendng, and building near the borders of a piece of ground. 

§ 13.] OR LATIN LANaUAQE. 251 

Fr. 3 (viii. 6): hobtus — heredium — tugubium . (Plin. 
H. N. XIX. 4c, § 1: ''In xii. Tab. leg. nostrar. nosquam nomi* 
natur mUa; semper m significatione ea hortusy in horti yero 
heredium.''* Festus, p. 355: "[2%M-]rta a tecto appellantur 
[domicilia rusticorum] sordida — quo nomine [MessaUa in ex- 
plana] tione xii. ait etiam .... siguificari"). Properly speaking, 
the vtcus (signifying " several Rouses joined together") included 
the villa {=vicula, Doderl. 8yn, u. Et. iii. 5), which was the 
residence of the proprietor, and the adjoining tuguria, in which 
the oohni partiarii lived. All persons living in the same vicua 
were called vicini; and the first fragment in this table refers to 
the ambitus between the houses of those who lived on the same 
estate. The pasture-land left common to the vicini was called 
compascuua ager (Festus, p. 40). It is not improbable that the 
words compescere and impescere occurred in the xii. Tables. See, 
however, Dirksen, p. 634, Ager is defined as : " locus qui sine 
villa est" (Ulpian, L. 27, Fr. D. de V. 8.). But in a remark- 
able passage in Festus (p. 371), the vicua is similarly described 
in its opposition to the villa or proedium. The passage is as 
follows (see Muller, 8uppL Ann. p. 413) : " Vici appellari inci- 
piunt ab agris, [et sunt eorum hominumj qui ibi villas non 
habent,'ut Maxsi aut Peligni, sed ex vicis partim habent rempub* 
licam, [ubi] et jus dicitur, partim nihil eorum, et tamen ibi nun- 
dinas aguntur negotii gerendi causa, et magistri vici, item magistri 
pagi, [in iis] quotannis fiunt. Altero» cum id genus officiorum 
[significatur], qusB continentia sunt in oppidis, qussve itineribus 
regionibusve distributa inter se distant, nominibusque dissimilibus 
discriminis causa sunt dispartita. Tertio, cum id genus aedifi- 
ciorum detinitur, qu» in oppido prive, id est in suo quisque loco 
proprio ita sedificat, ut in eo sadificio pervinm sit, qoo itinere 
habitatores ad suam quisque habitationem habeat accessum ; qui 
non dicuntur vicani, sicut ii, qui aut in oppidi vicis, aut ii, qui in 
agnB sunt, vicani appellantur." Festus here describes (1) the 
vicus rusticus, (2) a street in a town, as tlie vicua Oypriua, and 
(3) a particular kind of insulated. house {insula) in the cily. 

Fr. 4 and 6 (viii. 4, 6). Cicero de Legg. i. c. 21 : " TJsu- 
capionem xii. Tabulae intra quinque pedes esse noluerunt." Non. 
Marcell, de Propr. Serm. c. 5, § 34, quotes, as the words of the 
law: 81 JURGANT. '^ 8i jurganty inquit« Benevolomm conceit 


tatio non lis, ut inimicomm, sed jurgium dicitur." Ursintis 
Bupposes the law to have been : si vtdni inter se jurgaadnty 
intra v. pedes usucapio ne esto. Jur-gium is from Jure agere. 

Fr. 6 (VIII. 10). L. 8, d, de Servit Ftcid. Rustic.: "Viae 
latitado ex lege xii. Tab. in porrectum octo pedes habet; in 
anfractum, id est, ubi flexum est, sedecim." Varro, L. L. vii. 
§ 15, p. 124 : ** Anfractum est flexum, ab origine duplici dictum, 
ab ambitu et frangendo ; ab eo leges jubent, in directo pedum 
VIII. esse, in anfracto xvi., id est in flexu." 

Fr. 7 (viii. 11). Cicero pro Ccecina, c. 19: "Si via sit im- 
munita, jubet (lex), qua velit agere jumentum." Cf. Festus, p. 
21, 8. V. Amsegetes. MtlUer and Buschke express their surprise 
that Dirksen and other learned jurists should have overlooked 
the passage in Festus, which contains the best materials for the 
restoration of this law. Festus (s. v. Vice, p. 371) says : " Via 
sunt et public», per [quas ire, agere, veher]e omnibus licet: 
privatffl quibus [vehiculum immittere non licet] prater eorum, 
quorum sunt privat». [In xii. est : Amsegetes] vias muniunto 


AGITO." See MttUer, 8uppL Annot. p. 414. 

Fr. 8 (viii. 9). L. 5, d, ne quid in I. pvhl. Paulus, Lib. 
XVI. ad Scibinum: "Si per publicum locum rivus aquaeductus 
privato nocebit, erit actio private ex lege xn. Tab. ut noxse 
domino caveatur." L. 21, D, de Statuliber. Pompon. L. vii. 
ex PlatUio: si . AQUA . pluvia . nocet. 

Fr 9 (VIII. 7). L. 1, § 8, D, de Arbortbus cwdend. Ulp. 
L. Lxxi. ad Edict. : " Lex xii. Tab. efficere voluit, ut xv. 
pedes altius rami arboris circumcidantur." From which, and 
Festus, p. 348, it is proposed to restore the law : si arbor in 
vicini agrum impendet, altius a terra pedes XV. sublucator. 

Fr. 10 (viii. 8). Plin! K N. xvi. c. 5: "Cautum est 
prsBterea lege xii. Tab., ut glandem in alienum fundum proci- 
dentem liceret colligere.'' The English law makes a similar 
provision respecting rabbit-burrows. 

Fr. 11 (VI. 4). § 1, 41, I» de Ber. Divis.: "Vendit» vero 
res et traditas non aliter emptori adquiruntur, quam si is venditor! 
pretium solverit, vel alio modo satisfecerit, veluti expromissore, 
aut pignore dato. Quod cavetur quidem et lege xn. Tab., tamen 
xecte dicitnr et jure gentium, i. e. jure naturali, effici.*' 

§ 14.] OR LATIN LAKGUAOE. 253 

Fr. 12 (VI. 3). Ulpian, Fr. tit. 2, § 4: «Sub hac condi- 
tione liber esse jussua, si decern millia heredi dederit, etsi ab 
berede abalienatus sit, emptori dando pecuniam, ad'libertatem 
perveniet: idque lex xii. Tab. jubet." Cf. Fest. s. v. Statultber^ 
p, 314. 

§ 14. T(j>. vm. 

Fr. 1 (viii. 8). Cic. de Republ. iv. 10: "Nostr» xii. Tjt- 
bulsB, quum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his banc quoque 
sanciendam putaverunt: si quia occentamsset^ sive carmen can" 
didissety quod infdmiam fajcefet flagitiumve aUeri.^^ Festus, 
p. 181 : " Occentassint antiqui dicebant quod nunc oonmtium 
fscerint dicimus, quod id clare, et cum quodam canore fit, ut 
procul exaudiri possit Quod turpe habetur, quia non sine causa 
fieri putatur. Inde cantilenam dici querellam, non cantus jucun- 
ditatem puto.'* Plautus, Gurcul. I. 2, 57; Horat. ii. 8erm. 1, 
80 ; II. Epiat. 1, 152. Grothofredus would restore the law thus : 
8% quia pipuh {^ploratu^ Fest. p. 253 ; cf. p. 212, s. y. pipatio^ 
above, p. 136), occentaaait, carmenve condidiaaet, &c.JiiateJerito, 

Fr. 2 (vii. 9): 8i membrum . bupit . ni . cum . eo . pacit, . 
TAUO . ESTO . (Fest. p. 363 : ** Permittit lex parem vindictam." 
Aul. Grell. XX. 1; Gains, Inat. lii. § 223). 

Fr. 3 (vii. 10). Gains, InaL ill. § 223: "Propter os vero 
firactum aut conlisum ccc. assium poena erat (ex lege xii. Tab. 
velut si libero os firactum erat; at si servo, CL." Cf. Aul. 
Gell. XX. 1. 

Fr. 4 (vii. 7) : 8i . injuriam . paxit . alteri, . viginti . 

QUINQUE . AERIS . POENAE . SUNTO . (Aul. Gcll. XX. 1 ; cf. 

Gains, Inat HI. § 223). Fest. p. 371 : " Viginti quinque posnaa 
in XII. significat viginti quinque asses.'' Here pcQntxa ^painaea 
is the old form of the genitive singular and nominative plural. 

Fr. 5 (vii. 2) : rupitias . [qui . faxit] . sarcito . (Fest 
8. w. pp. 265, 322), i. e. qui damnum dederit prceatato. 

Fr. 6 (vii. 5). L. 1, pr. d, ai Quadrup. Paup. fie. die. 
Ulp. xvixi. ad Edict. : '^ Si quadrupes pauperiem fecisse dice- 
tnr, actio ex lege xii. Tab. descendit ; quae lex voluit aut dari id 
quod nocuit, id est, id animal, quod noxiam commisit, aut »sti- 
mationem noxisd offerre.'' 

Fr- 7 (vxi. 6). L. 14, § 3, D, de Prceacr. Verb.: "Si glans 


ex arbore toa in meum fundum cadat' eamque ego immlsso pecore 
depascam, Aristo scribit non sibi occurrere legitimam actionem, 
qua experiri possim, nam neque ex lege xii. Tab. de pafitu 
pecoris, quia non in tuo pascitur, neque de pauperie neque de 
damni injurise agi posse" (of. Tab. vii. Fr. 10). 

Fr. 8 (vii. 3): qui . fruges . excantassit . (Plin. H. N. 


ad Verg. Ed. VIil. 99). Cf. Seneca, Nat. QucBst. iv. 7, &c. 

Fr. 9 (vii. 4). Plin. H. N. xviii. c. 3: "Frugem quidem 
aratro qus&sitam furtim noctu pavisse ac secuisse, puberi xii. 
Tabulifi capitale erat, suapensumque Cereri necari jubebant; 
gravius quam in homicidio conyictmn : impubem prsBtoris arbi- 
tratu yerberari, noxiamque duplione decemi." 

Fr. 10 (vil. 6). L. 9, d, de Incend. Ruina Naufr. Gains, 

• IV. ad XII. Tah. : " Qui asdes acervumve frumenti juxta domum 
positum camiuMerit, vinctus verberatua igni necari jubetur, si 
modo Bciens prudensque id commiserit: si vero casu^ id est, 
negligentia, aut noxbim aarcire, jubetur, aut si minus tdoneus 
sit, levins castigatur: appellatione autem cedium omnes species 
aedificii continentur." 

Fr. 11 (II. 11). Plin. H. N. xvii. 1 : " Fuit et arborum 
cura legibus priscis ; cautumque est xii. Tabulid, ut qui injuria 
cecidisset alienas, lueret in singulas seris xxv." 

Fr. 12 (II. 4) : si . Nox . furtum . factum . sit, . si . im . 
OCCISIT, . JURE . CAESUS . ESTO . (Macrob. Saturn, i. c 4). Here 
nox = noctu; Aul. Gell. Viii. c. 1. 

Fr. 13 (II. 8). L. 54, § 2, D, dejurt. Gains, Lib. xill. ad 
Edict. Provinc. : '* Furem interdiu deprehensum non aliter occi- 
dere lex xii. Tab. permisit, quam si telo se defendat." 

Fr. 14 (II. 6—7). Aul. Gell. xi. c. 18: "Ex ceteris autem 
I manifestis fiiribus liberos verberari addicique jusserunt (decem- 

viri) ei, cui factum furtum esset, si modo id luci fecissent, neque 
I se telo defendissent : servos item furti manifesti prensos verberi-* 

bus affici et e saxo prsDcipitari ; sed pueros impuberes pr»toris 
I arbitratu verberari voluerunt, noxamque ab his factam sarciri." 

i Cf. Gains, in. § 189. For the last part, cf. Fr. 9. 

I Fr. 15 (II. 9). Gains, Inst. in. § 191, 192: "Concepti et 

oblati (furti) poena ex lege xil. Tab. tripli est, — ^praecipit (lex) 

* ut qui quserere velit, nudus quadrat linteo cinctus, lancem ha- 

§ 14.] OB LATIN LANGUAGE. 255 

bens; qui si quid inyenerit, jubet id lex fortum manifestum 
ess^" Cf. Aul. Gell. XL 18, XVL 10. 

Fr. 16 (II. 10) : si . adorat . pubto . quod . nec . mani- 
festum . ESCIT . (Fest. p. 162. Gains, Inst. iii. § 190 : " Nec 
manifesti ftirti per leg. xii. Tab. dupli irrogatur"). For the use 
of adoro, see Fest. p. 19 : " Adorare apud antiques significabat 
offere, unde et legati oratores dicuntur, quia mandata populi 
agunt:^^ add, Fest s. v. oratores^ p. 182 : Varro, L. L. vi. § 76, 
Vii. § 41, &c. 

Fr. 17 (ii. 13). Gains, Inst. ii. § 45: "Furtivam (rem) lex 
xii. Tab. usucapi probibet.'* 

Fr. 18 (ill. 2). Cato, J8. J8. procem. : " Majores nostri sic 
habuemnty itaque in legibns posuemnt, fiirem dupli damnari, 
foeneratorem quadrupli." Tacit. Antud. VI. 16: "Nam primo 
XII. Tabulis sanctum, ne quis unciario foenere amplius exerce- 
ret." See Niebuhr, H. R. ill. 60 sqq., who has proved that the 
foBnua unciariwin was ^ of the principal, i. e. 8J per cent for the 
old year of ten months, and therefore 10 per cent for the civil year. 

Fr. 19 (III. 1). Paulus, Rec. Sent. n. tit. 12, § 11: "Ex 
causa depositi lege xii. Tab. in duplum actio datur.'* 

Fr. 20 (VII. 16). L. I. § 2, d, (fe suspect. Tutortbus: " Sci- 
endum est suspecti crimen e lege xii. Tab. descendere." L. 55, 
§ 1, D, c2e Admin, et Perio. Tutor. : " Sed si ipsi tutores rem pupilli 
fnrati sunt, videamus, an ea actione, quse proponitur ex lege 
XII. Tab. adversus tutorem in duplum, singuli in solidum tene* 

Fr. 21 (vii. 17) : patronus . si . clienti . fbaudem . pece- 
RTT . SACER . ESTO . (Servius, on VirgiPs words, .^meid. vi. 609 : 
"pulsatusve parens, et fraus innexa clienti"). I can suppose 
that the original hsA fraudem Jrausu^ siet: see Festus, p. 91, 
and Gronov. Lect. Plaut. p. 33, ad Astn. II. 2, 20. 

Fr. 22 (vii. 11): qui . se . sierit . testarier, . libri- 


iktestabilisque . ESTO . (Aul. Gell. xv. 13). 

Fr. 23 (vii. 12). Aul. Gell. xx. 1 : "An putas, si non ilia 
ex XII. Tab. de testimoniis falsis poena abolevisset, et si nunc 
quoque, ut antea, qui falsum testimonium dixisse convictus esset, 
e saxo Tarpeio dejiceretur, mentituros ftdsse pro testimonio tarn 
moltos quam videmus ?*' 


Fr. 24 (vii. 13). Pliny, in the passage quoted in Fr. 9, im- 
plies that involuntary homicide was but slightly punished. The 
fine in such a case seems to have been a ram (Serv. ad Verg. 
Ed. IV. 43) ; and the law has been restored thus (with the help 
of Cic. de OraL III. 39, Top. 17): 8% quia hominem Uberum doh 
sciens morti dedit^ parricida esto : at si telum manu fugit^ pro 
capite occisi et ncUis efua arietem subjicito, 

Fr. 25 (VII. 14). J'rom Plin. H. N. xxviii. 2, and L. 236, 
pr. D, de Verb. Sign., the following law has been restored : QUI . 


Fr. 26 (ix. 6), Porcius Latro, Declam. in Catilin. c. 19: 
'^ Primum xii. Tabulis cautum esse cognoscimus, ne quia in urbe 
ccstU8 noctumoa agitaret.^^ Which Ursinus restores thus: qui 
calim endo urbe nox coit, coiverit, capital estod. 

Fr. 27 (VIII. 2). L. 4, d, de CoUeg. et CarporOua: " 8odaU$ 
sunt, qui ejusdem collegii sunt; quam Grsdci eroApiav vocant 
His autem potestatem facit lex, pactionem quam velint sibi ferre, 
dum ne quid ex publica lege corrumpant" 

§ 15. Tab. IX. 

Fr. 1 (IX. 1). Cicero ^0 Domo, c. 17: "Vetant xii. Ta- 
bulas leges privis hominibus irrogari.*' 

Fr. 2 (ix. 4). Cicero de Legibus, HI. 19 : " Turn leges pras- 
darissimss de xil. Tabulis translates du83 : quarum . . . altera de 
capite dvis rogari, nisi maximo comitatu, vetaf Cf. Cicero 
pro Sextio, c 30. 

Fr. 3 (ix. 3). Aul. Gell. xx. 1: "Dure autem scriptum 
esse in istis legibus (sc. xii. Tab.) quid existimari potest? nisi 
duram esse legem putas, qu» judicem arbitrumve jure datam, 
qui ob rem dicendam pecuniam accepisse convictus est, capite 
pcenitur." Cf. Cicerp, Verr. Act. ii. Lib. il. c 32. 

Fr. 4 (IX. 5). L. 2, § 23, d, de Orig. Jur.: "Quastores 
constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus prsDessent: hi 
appellabantur Quoestoree parricidii ; quorum etiam meminitlex 
XII. Tabularum." Cicero de Bepuhl. Ii. 31. *' Frovocationem 
autem etiam a regibus fuisse declarant pontificii libri, significant 
nostri etiam augurales ; itemque ab omni judido poenaque pro- 

§ 16.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 257 

vocari licere, indicant xii. Tabtdae compluribus legibus." See 
above, p. 239. 

Fr. 5 (ix. 7) L. 3, pr. d. ad Leg, Jul. Majestat,: "Lex 
XII. Tab. jubet eum qui hostem concitaverit, quive hosti civem 
tradiderit, capite puniri." 

§ 16. Tab. X 

Fr. 1 (x. 2) : hominem . mortuum . in . ubbe . ne . sepe- 
Lrro . neve . urito . (Cicero de Legihus, ii. 23). 

Fr. 2 (x. 4, 6) : hoc . plus . ne . facito . — eogum . ascia . 
ne . POLITO . (id. ibid.). 

Fr. 3 and 4 (x. 6, 7) : " Extenuato igitur snmtu, tribus 
riciniis, et vinclis purpurse, et decern tibicinibus toUit (lex xil. 
Tab.) etiam lamentationem: mulieres . genas . ne . radunto; . 
neve . LESSUM FUNERIS . ERGO . HABENTO." (id. ibid.). For 
ridnium (= veatimentam qwzdrcUum) see Fest. s. v. p. 274, and 
for radere genas (= unguibua lacerare malas) id. p. 273. From 
Servius (zd JEn. xii. 606, it would appear that the full frag- 
ment would be: mulieres genas ne radunto, faciem ne car- 
puntOf &c. 

Fr. 5 (x. 8): ''Cetera item funebria, quibus luctus augetur, 
XII. sustulerunt: homini, . inquit, mortuo . ne 08SA . legito, . 
QUO . POST . FUNUS • FACIAT . Excipit bellicam peregrinamque 
mortem" (Cic. de Leg. Ii. 24). 

Fr. 6 (x. 9, 10) : " H»c praeterea sunt in legibus de unctura, 
quibus servilis . unctura . tollitur, omnisque circumpotatio : 
quas et recte toUuntur, neque tollerentur nisi fuissent. ne . 


RAE . prsBtereantnr" (Cic de Legibus, li. 24). For acerra, see 
Fest. p. 18: "Acerra ara quas ante mortuum poni solebat, in 
qua odores incendebant. Alii dicunt arculam esse thurariam, 
scilicet ubi thus reponebant." Festus, s. v. Murrata jpoHone 
(p. 158), seems also to refer to this law, which, according to 
Gothofi^dus ran thus: Servilis unctura omnisque circumpotatio 
auferitor. Murrata potio mortuo ne inditor. Ne longce corance, 
neve acerrce prce/eruntor. 

Fr. 7 (X. 11) : QUI ; CORONAM . PARIT . IPSE, . PECUNIAVE . 
EJU», . VIRTUTIS . ERGO . DUITOR . EI. (Plin. K N. XXI. 3; cf. 

Cic. de Leg. ii. 24). 

D. V. 17 


Fr. 8 (x. 12), Cic. de Leg. ii. 24: " Ut uni plnra (fiincra) 
fierent, lectique plores stemerentury id quoque ne fieret l^e 
Bancitum est" 

Fr. 9 ^x. 18) : neve . aurdm . addito . quoi . auro . dentes . 


8E . PRAUDE . ESTO . (Cic. de Leg. II. 24). For se—sine^ see 
above. Tab. iii. fir. 6. This firagment is interesting, because it 
shows the antiquity of the dentist's art. Cicero {N. D. IK. 22, 
§ 57) raises the first dentist to the rank of an ^sculapius : 
" iEsculapiorum — tertius, Arsippi et ArsinosB, qui primus purga- 
tionem alvi dentisque evidsianem, ut ferunt, invenit." 

Fr. 10 (x. 14). Id. ibid.: " Rogum bustumve novum vetat 
(lex XII. Tab.) propius lx. pedes adici sedeis alienas, invito 

Fr. 11 (x. 15). Id. ibid. : " Quod autem FORUM, id est 
vestibttlum sepulcri, bustumve . usucapi . vetat (lex xii. Tab.) 
tuetur jus sepulchrorum." Comp. Festus, s. v. Farum^ p. 84. 

§ 17. Tah. XL 

Fr. 1 (xi. 2). Liv. iv. c.4: "Hoc ipsum, ne connubium 
patribua cum plebe easet, non Decemviri tulerunt?" Cf. Dion. 
Hal. X. c. 60, XI. c. 28. 

§ 18. Tah. XIL 

Fr. 1 (xii. 1). Gains, Inat. iv. § 28: "Lege autem intro- 
ducta est pignoris capio, velut lege xii. Tab. adversus eum, qui 
hostiam emisset, nee pretium redderet ; item adversus eum, qui 
mercedem non redderet pro eo jumento, quod quia ideo locasaet, 
at inde pecuniam acceptam in dapem, id est in sacrificium, 

Fr. 2 (xii. 4) : "In lege antiqua, si servus aciente domino 
furtum fecit, vel aliam noxiam commisit, servi nomine actio est 
noxalis, nee dominus suo nomine tenetur. si . SERVUS . FURTUM . 

FAXIT, . NOXIAMVE . NOGUIT." (L. II. § 1 D. (& Noxal. Actio- 

Fr. 3 (xii. 3) : si . vindigiam . falsam . tuut, . stlitis . 


DAMNUM . DECIDITO . (Festus, s. V. Vifidicice, p. 376. I have 

§ 19.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 259 

introduced the corrections and additions of Mtlller). Cf. Theodos. 
Cod. IV. 18, 1. 

Fr. 4 (xii. 2). h. 3 D, de lAtigios,: "Rem, de qua con- 
troyersia est, prohibemur in sacrum dedicate; alioquin dupli 
pcenam patimur.'' 

Fr. 5 (XI. 1). Liv. vii. 17 : " In xii. Tabulis legem esse, 
ut, quodcuuque postremum populus jussisset, id jus ratumque 

§ 19. The Ttburiine Inscription. 

These remains of the xii. Tables, though referring to an 
earlj period of Soman history, are merely quotations, and as 
such less satisfactory to the philological antiquary than monu- 
mental relics even of a later date. The oldest, however, of these 
authentic documents is not earlier than the second Samnite war. 
It is a aenatuS'ConsuUum, " which gives to the Tiburtines the 
assurance that the senate would receive as true and valid their 
justification in reply to the charges against their fidelity, and 
that it had given no credit, even before, to these charges" 
(Niebuhr, E.B. lii. p. 310, orig. p. 264, tr.y. The inscription 
was engraved on a bronze table, which was found at Tivoli in 
the sixteenth century, near tlie site of the Temple of Hercules. 
About a hundred years ago it was in the possession of the Bar- 
berini family, but is now lost; at least, Niebuhr was unable to 
discover it, though he sought for it in all the Italian collections, 
into which the lost treasures of the house of Barberini were 
likely to have found their way. Niebuhr's transcript (from 
Gruter, p. 499), compared with Haubold's {Manumenta Legalia, 
p. 81), is as follows. 

1. L, Comdku Cn. F. Praetor SwyaXum oonsulwU a, d. m. Nonas 

Maiaa tub aede Kastoru»: 

2. 9or. adf.* A. Manlius A. F.^ Seos. JvlivSy L. Postumku S.* F. 

1 TiBOonti inpposed that this Inieription wm not older than the Mar- 
sian war» and Haubold (Mon. Legal p. 8l) places the date at a.u.o. 
664 or 666; but there can be little doubt that NiebuhFi Tiew is correct; 
■ee BetehreSbunff der Stadt Rom^ ra. pp. 125, 659. 

« Scriimndo adfuerurU. » Niebuhr prefen L. 



3. Qucd TeUbwrtes verba /ecerurU^ guibusque de rtSbut voe purgavis- 

tUy ea Benalu» 

4. wwiaMm advorUt, Ua tUei (tequam JuU: no9que ea iia audi- 


5. uivas deixnstie vobeia nanUoiUi erne: ea noe cmimwrn noetrvm 

6. nan indoucebamfua Ua facta esse^ propter ea quod ecnbanvue 

7. ea V08 merito noetro/acere non potuieee; neque voe dignoe eeee, 

8. quel ea/aoeretis, neqtte id vobeie negue ret poplicae voetrae 

9. oitUe eeee/aoere: et poetquam voetra verba Senatue audivity 

10. tanto magie anirmum nostrwn indoucinms, Ua tUei ante 

11. Oirbitrabamur, de eieis rebus a/ vobeie peeeatum non esee. 

12. Quonquede eieia rdyue Senatuei purgatei eetis, credimiu, voeque 

13. animum voetrttm indoucere oportet, item voe poptdo 

14. Jiomano purgatoe/ore. 

With the exception of a few peculiarities of spelling, as a/ 
for ab, quonqtie for cumque (comp. -cunqtie), deixststts for dixtetis, 
&c., there is nothing in the phraseology of this inscription which 
is unclassical or obscure. The expressions animum advertere, 
" to observe," animum inducere^ " to think," seem to belong to 
the conventional terminology of those days. After fecerunt in 
1. 3 we ought perhaps to add D. E. R. I. c. i. e. '* de ea re {patree) 
ita censuerunt " (cf. Cic. ad Fam. Vlii. 8). 

§ 20. ne Epitaphs of the Scipios. 

The L. Cornelius, the son of Cnseus, who is mentioned as 
praetor in the inscription quoted above, is the same L. Cornelius 
Scipio Barbatus, whose sarcophagus is one of the most interest- 
ing monuments at Rome. The inscription upon that monument 
expressly states that he had been praetor. All the extant epitaphs 
of the Scipios have been given by Bunsen (Beschreibung dfir 
Stadt Bom, III. pp. 616 sqq.), who does not, however, enter upon 
any criticism of the text. They are as follows. 

(a) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, who was consul in 
A. u. c. 456. 

Comelio* Cn. F. Scipio 
Cdrneliiie Ldcvas \ S(Api6 Barbdtue 
Onaivod pdtre progndtue \ fbrtie vir ectpihteque^ 
QfwUie f5rma v^rtu \ Ud parisftma /dit. 

§ 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 261 

CdnaHl oen86r Aidilia | qui/dit apiid voe, 

TaUrdsiS CiaaHna' \ Sdmniff dpU, 

S&Ugit 6nme Lo4c€ma' \ 6p8id^que abdoucU^. 

(6) Epitaph on the son of the above, who was addile in 
A. u. c. 466; consul, 494: 

L, Comdio^ L, F, Scipio 

Aidiles . Casol . Cesor . 
ffdnc oino* ploirunU co\s^fUi6nt JS[<>mdni] 
Dudn&ro^ dpttun^' \ /iiise i>M 
LUdom Scipi6ne\ \ FUiJbi Barbdti 
Cdnadl, Censor, Aidiles \ hicfdet a{piid vos\ 
H^ c^U GtrsicS I 'AUri£ que Hrhe*, 
D^det temphtdtebus \ aid^ merHo^, 

(c) Epitaph on the Flamen Dialis P. Scipio, son of the 
elder Africanus, and adoptive father of the yoanger*. 

1 See Arnold, History of Boms, n. p. 326. 

s BuDsen, 1.1.: "In return for the delivery of hU fleet in a itorm off 
Ck>rBica he built a temple of which Ovid Bpeaks (Fcut, iv. 193) : 
Te quoque, Tempestas, msntam delubra fatemur, 

Quum pene est Gorsii dinita classis aquis." 
The same passage is quoted by Funccius, ds Ori^ne st Pueritia L, X* 
p. 326. 

< As this epitaph seems to deserve a translation, and as no one, so 
far as I know, has exhibited it in an English dress, the following attempt 
may be accepted in the want of a better: 

The priestly symbol deckt thy brow : 

But oh ! how brief a share hadst thou 

Of all this world can give, — 

Honour and fiime, and noble birth, 

High intellect and moral worth : — 

Had it been thine to liye 

A lengthened span, endowed with these. 

Not all the stately memories 

Of thy time-honoured knightly line 

Had left a glory like to thine. 

Hail! Publius, Publius Scipio's son! 

Thy brief but happy course is run. 

Child of the great Cornelian race,—* 

The grave is now thy dwelling-place : 

And mother earth upon her breast 

Has lulled thee lovingly to rest. 


Quei dpice\ tngign$ didlu \ fldminU ffetitUif 
Mdra ph/edt tua tU Useni \ 6fnnid brMci, 
Eonos/dma xfirtHiqus \ gl6ria dtque inginwm, 
Quibiu 8ei in longd licuiset \ tibe iUier viia. 
Facile fdcteis sUperdsea \ gl6ridm maj^runu 
Qud^ r% liMns U in grhniu!y \ SdlpiOy r^pU tSrra^ 
PaMi, prdgndtum \ PObliS, CamiliK 

{d) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Cn. Hispallus, 
grandson of Calvus, the conqueror of Spain, and nephew of 
Scipio Nasica: 

Z. ComeliuB Cn. f, Cn. n. Scipio. Magna sapienUa 
MtiUasque virtutes astate qucm parva 
Fosidet hoc saoasumy quoiei vita defecvt nan 
Honoa, HimorB is hie situs qud nunquovm 
* Yichis est virtutei : curmos gnatus XX : is 

L[aursis] dolus, ne quairoUs honors 

Quei minus sit mand 

(e) Epitaph on Cn. Cornelius Scipio, brother of the pre- 
ceding : 

Cn. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio ffispanus 

Fr. Aed. Cur. Q. Tr. mil. II. Xvir si. judik. 

Xvir sacr. fac. 

Virtutes generis mieis moribus accumulavii 

Frogeniem genuiy /acta patris petiei : 
MajoTTum ohtenui laudem ut sibei me esse creatum 

Lastentur; stirpem nohilitavit honor. 

(/) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Asiaticus, who 
was qmestor in 588 : 

L. Comeli L./. F. n. Scipio quaid. 
Tr. mil. awnos gnatus XXIII 
Mortuos. Fater regem AnHoco^ suhegit. 

1 Bonsen, 1. I. : *^ Cicero beara testimony to the truth of these noble 
words in his Coto Maj. § 11 : Quam fuit imbecillus Africaoi filius» is qui 
te adoptavit? Quam tenui aut nulla potius Taletudine? Quod ni ita 
fuisset, altera ille ezstitisset lumen ci?itatis; ad patenuun enim mag- 
nitudinem animi doctrina uberior accesserat." 

§ 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 263 

{g) Epitaph on a son of the preceding, who died joong : 
Comdiua L,f,L,n. Sdpio Agiagwua 
Camattis cmnoru^ griatuf XVL 

(A) Epitaph of uncertain date, but written in very antique 
cliaracters : 

Aulla [sic] Comdia, Cn,f. HiapaUL 

It will be observed, that in these interesting monuments we 
have both that anusvdrahy or dropping of the final m, which led 
to ecthlipsis (e. g. dtumoro' for bonorum)^ and also the visargay or 
evanescence of the nominative s (as in Comelio for Comeliua), 
The diphthong at is not always changed into ae, and gnaiua has 
not lost its initial g. We may remark, too, that n seems not to 
have been pronounced before s : thus we have cosol^ cesor, for 
consul, censor, according to the practice of writing cos. for consul 
(Diomed. p. 428, Putsch). Epitaph (e) has Xvir sL jud%k.y i. e. 
decemvir alitibus judikandisy where we not only observe the ini- 
tial s of 8\t\li\t\8^8treit^h\3X also the k before a in jvdicandis. 
The phraseology, however, does not diflfer in any important par- 
ticulars from the Latin language with which we are familiar. 

The metre, in which the three oldest of these inscriptions are 
composed, is deserving of notice. That they are written in 
Satumian verse has long been perceived ; Niebuhr, indeed, thinks 
that they " are nothing else than either complete nenias, or the 
beginnings of them" {H. R. I. p. 253). It is not, however, so 
generally agreed how we ought to read and divide the verses. 
For instance, Niebuhr maintains that patre, in a. 2, is " beyond 
doubt an interpolation;" to me it appears necessary to the verse: 
He thinks that there is no ecthlipsis in apice\ c. 1; I cannot 
scan the line without it. These are only samples of the many 
differences of opinion, which might arise upon these short inscrip- 
tions: it will therefore, perhaps, be desirable, that a few general 
remarks should be made on the Satumian metre itself, and 
that these remarks should be applied to the epitaphs before us, 
which may be placed among the oldest Latin specimens of the 
Satumian lay*. 

* Liry's transcript of the inscription of T. Qainctius is confessedly 
imperfect; the historian says: " his /erm« incisa littcris fuit" (vi. 29). 


That the Saturnian metre was either a native of Italy, or 
naturalized there at a very early period, has been sufficiently 
shown by Lord Macaulay [Lays of Ancient Bome^ p. 23). It is, 
perhaps, not too much to say, that this metre, — ^which may be 
defined in its pure form as a brace of trochaic tripodiae, preceded 
by an anacrusis, — is the most natural and obvious of all rhyth- 
mical intonations. There is no language which is altogether 
without it; though, of course, it varies in elegance and harmony 
with the particular languages in which it is found, and with the 
degree of literary advancement possessed by the poets who have 
written in it. The Umbrians had this verse as well as the 
Latins; at least there can be no doubt that the beginning of the 
VI. Eugubine Table is pervaded by a Saturnian rhythm, though 
the laws of quantity, which the Latins borrowed from the 
Greeks, are altogether neglected in it. The following may serve 
as a sample : 

^EsU perakld av^ a\9eridter enlitu. 

Fhrfd kumdse dirsva | peiqu peica nihrstu^ 

Foei Angla dseridto est | ^o trhnnu sBrse. 

These verses are, in fact, more regular than many of the Latin 
specimens. The only rule which can be laid down for the 
genuine Latin Saturnian is, that the ictus must occur three times 
in each member of the verse ^, and that any thesis j except the 
last, may be omitted (see MttUer, SuppL Annot. ad Fest. p. 396). 
The aruicrtms, at the beginning of the line, is often necessary in 
languages which, like the Latin and our own, have but a few 
words beginning with an ictus. When the Greek metres be- 
came established among the Romans, it would seem that the con- 
ventional pronunciation of many words was changed to suit the 
exigencies of the new versification, and no line began with an 
anacrusis, unless it had that commencement in the Greek model : 
but this appears not to have been the case in the genuine Roman 
verses, which begin with an unemphatic thesis whenever the 

1 To this necessity for a triple recurrence of the ietus io the genuine 
Italian metre I would refer the word tripudium^tripUx puhatio. Pudio 
meant " to strike with the foot," ^ to spurn" (comp. re^udio). The fact 
is alluded io by Horace, 3. Carm. xvm. 15 : ** gaudet inrisam pepulisse 
fossor ter pede terram." 


I 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAOK. \^ ^ 264> 

convenience of the writer demands such a prefix. Werabo^ seen 
aboTe (§ 2), that the first trochaic tripodia of the Satumius cum 
anacruaty and even an amphibrachys (= troehceus cum afKxcrust^)^ 

^ In the common books on metres this would be called a 8ing:le foot, 
1. e. an amphibrachy$. It appears to me that many of the difficulties» 
which the student has felt in bis first attempts to understand the rules 
of metre, have been occasioned by the practice of inventing names for 
the residuary forms of common rhythms. Thus, the last state of the 
logacedic verse is called a ehoriambus ; and the student falls into inex- 
tricable confusion when he endeavours to explain to himself the con- 
currence of choriambi and dactyls in the commonest measures of Horace's 
odes. Some commentators would persuade us that we are to scan thus : 
Mceee\ncu otovii | edite reg\ibu$: and Sie ie | diva potens \ Cypri, But 
how can we connect the rhythm of the choriambus with such a termi- 
nation? If we examine any of the Glyconics of Sophocles» who was con- 
sidered a master in this species of verse, we shall observe that his cho^ 
riambi appear in contact with dactyls and trochees, and not with iambi. 
Take, for instance, (Ed. Col. 610, sqq. : 

bttP^ I lih rh ira\\M || Ktifuvov \ ll\\dij kok^p \ t» \\ {ciy €irt\ytlp€tP || 

^|fta»f d* t[pa\fiai irv\B€<rBai || 

ri I rovTO \ ras b€ik\ai\\as dir6\pov <l>a\v€iaas \\ 

dk\yTid6vot I f fvyjcWoff || 

fuj I irpor fcvijas av\oifyfs \\ 

ras I <ra£f freVoir, | cpy' dvjaid^ || 

t6 I roi troKv \ xal || /ii^da/ia | X^oy || 

Xpi\C^9 i*^j I ^pBbv 2jc|ov(r/i' dielovcrai. || 
Here we see that the rhythm is dactylic or trochuc — these two being 
considered identical in some metrical systems — and that the long syl- 
lable after the dactyl is occasionally equivalent to the ictus of the 
trochee. We may apply the same principle to the choriambic metres in 
Horace, which differ only in the number of imperfect trochees which 
follow the dactyls in this logacedic rhythm. Thus we have nothing but 
dactyls in 

Sic te I diva po|t4ns Cypri: || 
we have one imperfect trochee or dactyl in 

Sic fraMs Hele|na6 || Iddda | sfdera; || 
and two imperfect feet of the same kind in 

Tu ne I qua^sieirls || scire ne|fi&8 || qu6m mihi | qu6m tibi. || 
The cretic bears the same relation to the trochaic dipodia that the cho- 
riambus does to the dactylic dipodia, or logaoedic verse ; and it was in 
consequence of this reduction of the trochaic dipodia to the cretic that 
the ancient writers on music were enabled to find a rhythmical identity 
between the dactyl and the trochaic dipodia (see MQlier, Liter, of Ghr^ece, 


could form a verse. And conyerselj, if the aniusrasis was want- 
ing, the Satumitts could extend itself to a triplet of tripodi». 
We haye instances of both practices in the old Latin translation 
of an epigram, which was written, probably by Leonidas of 
Tarentum, at the dedication of the spoils taken in the battles of 
Heraclea and Asculum (b. c. 280» 279), and which should be 
scanned as follows: 

Qui drUedhdc inificH \ fHxi^t vfrt | pdJtw dptime Olympi || 
Hd8 ^go in pUgna vid || 
Vldttisqus 9ilm ah isdem)\^. 

I. p. 228 (302)). It appears to me that this Tiew of the question Is calca- 
lated to settle the dispute between those who reject and those who maintain 
the termination of a line in the middle of a word. If every compound 
foot is a sort of conclusion to the rhythm, many rhythms must end in 
the middle of a word ; and therefore such a ciesnra cannot bo in itself 
objectionable. We can hardly take any strophe in Pindar without find- 
ing some illustration of this. As a specimen, I will subjoin the first 
strophe of the ix. Olympian ode, with its dinsiona according to the 
rhythm : 

rh yJtv I ^Kfix^^W""^ /A<|Xof 1 1 

^6>|vacr *OXv/Afri|g || jcciXX/jpiJcos 6 | rpiirXcSl*» Ml^XuMf || 

cKpic€{(rc Kp6vi\ov nap || l^xBov | oyc/io] pfv^oi || 

K»na\(ifam ^c|Xo4r *E| |0ap/:x<$a-|iY <rvir i|ra/p<Mf || 

(iXX^ I vw Ua\ra^\\Kf»p yLoi\<TW iar^ \ r^v || 

Aid re I ^oirt|KoaT(p(({3ray irtii\v69 r M\w€ifuu \\ 

aiepm\Tfipiov |^tdoc || 

roijoicrde j3c|X€(rinv || 

1^ I di7 «rare I Ava^ | ^\\pmt n€|Xof || 

^l^paro I KaX||XMiToy cdvor {| 'inwoaaj/icior. || 
In general, it seems unreasonable to call a number of syllables in which 
the ictus occurs more than once by the name of " foot" ( pes) ; for the 
foot, so called, is defined by the stamp of the foot which marks the iotuB, 
and therefore, as above suggested, the half«Satumius would be called 
trv-^udmm^ because it consisted of three feet. For instance, if j^^^Xo^ov 
lukfts had no ictus except on the first and fourth syllables of ^Kpxt^^x^ 
we might scan it as two dactyls; but if, as the analogy of -racy 'oXvfurt^ 
would seem to indicate, it had an ictus on the lost syllable of ficXor, 
we must scan the words as a dactyl + trochee + ictus. This method of 
considering the Greek metres is exemplified in the Prosody of the Omr 
plete Ormk Grammar, 2nd Ed. Cambridge, 1859. 
^ The lost original may have been as follows : 

T0^£ irpiv dyc/a;rovr, wartp tdyKrJ€WT09 'OXv/iirov, 
/iappafttv6g T ^KpaTov¥f ot r iKpanfowf ifU. 

§ ISO.] OB liATlK LANOUAOX. 267 

Niebuhr suggests (iii, note 841) th»t the first line is an attempt 
at an hexameter, and the last two an imitation of the shorter 
Terse ; and this remark shows the discernment which is always 
so remarkable in that great scholar. The author of this trans- 
lation, which was probably made soon after the original, coald 
not write in hexameter verse, but he represented the hex- 
ameter of the original bj a lengthened form of the Satumius, 
and indicated the two penthemimers of the pentameter bj writing 
their meaning in two truncated Satumians, taking care to indi- 
cate bj the afKicrusia that there was really a break in the 
rhythm of the original pentameter, although it might be called 
a single line according to the Greek system of metres. 

To return, however, to the epitaphs of the Scipios. The 
scansion of the lines, which I have adopted, is su£Sciently indi- 
cated by the metrical marks placed over the words. It is only 
necessary to add a few explanatory observations. With the ex- 
ception of a. 2, 3, b. 3, and c. 7, every line begins with an ana- 
crusis, or unaccentuated thesis; and it seems to be a matter of 
indifference whether this is one long or two short syllables. 
The vowel i is often pronounced like y before a vowel, as in 
L&cyus (a. 1), Liicyom (b. 3), dydlia (c. 1), brivya (c. 2)> ingi^ 
nyum (c. 3), ^ityer (c. 4), grimyu (c. 6), Sdpyo (ibid.). And u 
is pronounced like t<7 in c. 2. The rules of synalospha and 
ecthlipsis are sometimes attended to (as in a. 6), and S9metimes 
neglected (as in b. 6, c. 4). The quantity oi fdiaae and viro^ in 
b. 2, may be justified on general principles; ior;^is8e is properly 
famnt^ and mro is written veiro in Umbrian. But there is no 
consistency in the syllabic measurement of the words in these 
rude lines. Facile, in c. 5, makes a thesis in consequence of 
that short pronunciation which is indicated by the old form 
facul (Feat p. 87, Mtlller). As all the other verbs in epitaph a. 
are in the perfect tense, it seems that subigit and abdotictt in the 
last line, must be perfect also. Indovcimm is perhaps a perfect 
in the Tiburtine inscription (1. 10) : " postquam senatus audivit, 
tanto magis — indoucimvs ;^^ and mbigit was probably pro- 
nounced sUbigU. The beginning of b. seems to have been the 
conventional phraseology in these monumental nenias. The 
sepulchre of A. Attilius Calatinus, which stood near those of the 


Scipios at the Porta Capena (Cic. TWc. Dup. I. 7, § 13), bore 
an inscription beginning in much the same waj : 

Hdnc oino plcirumB co\8hUi6nt gSnies. 

Foptdi primdriiim \ /itiisse tlrum, 
(Comp. Cic. de Finibus, ii. 35, § 116 ; Cato M. 17, 61). 

§ 21. The Columna Baatrata. 

The Columna- Eostrata, as it is called, was fonnd at the 
foot of the Capitol in the year 1565. Its partial destruction hy 
lightning is mentioned by Livy (xLii. 20); and it was still 
standing, probably in the existing copy, when Servius wrote 
{ad Vergil. Oeorg. ill. 29). It refers to the well-known ex- 
ploits of C. Duilius, who was consul b.c. 260, A.u.C. 494. This 
inscription, with the supplements of Ciacconi, and a commentary, 
was published by Funck, in his treatise de Orig. et Pwer, L, L. 
pp. 302, sqq. It is here given with the restorations of Grotefend 
(OrelU, no. 549). 

\G. DuUioSf Af, F. M. JT. Consol advorsum Poenos en 
Siceliad Siceatyinc^a aocios Rom. ohsidioned craveyi exemU 
ledonea f[e/ecei dumque Poeiiei fn\aximo8que^ macistratos 
l[eciontimque dticeis ex n][)vem castreis ex/ociurU Macel[am 
opidom opp\tJLcnandod cepet enque eodem nuu^igtrcUod bene 
r^Bm naveboe marid coruol prijnos €[e9et eocios] elaeeaque 
navalee primoe ornavet pa[ravetqtie] cwmque eis nawboa da- 
eeis Poenicae om^neie et mcuc^sumcu eopiae Ccbrtadnieneie 
praetierUe{d sumod] Dictaiored oUioryim in aUod marid pucn- 
[ad meet] xxx que navi[3 cepe^ cum socieie septem [mfUiboB 
quiavre8m^>8que trireemasque naveis [xiv. mereet, tone aur]i)m 
captom mumei O O O DC .... [pondod arcenyom captom 
prceda numd occlooo [pondod crave] captom aee occlooo 
ccclooo ccclooo occlooo cGcIooo ccclooo cccIoDO occlooo 
occlooo occlooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo coclooo 
ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo .... [iff qu}:>que navaled 
praedad poplom [Rom* deitavet atqae\ Cartacini[en8]^ [ince]- 
mws d[fixet triumpod cum xxx rostr^eis [cUms] (7arto[ctnt- 
ensis captai quorum erco S. P. Q, R. hanc colomnam eel P.], 

^ As it is said that maaumus was the preraleat form before Cnsar^s 
time, this more recent spelling may indicate that the inscription is not in 
its original condition. 


§ 22. The Silian and Pajnrian LawSy and the Edict of 
the Curule j^diles. 

Festus has preserved two interesting fragments of laws, 
which are nearly contemporarj with the Columna Boatrata. 
The first of these is the Lex Stlia de publtds pondertbusy which 
was passed in the year B.c. 244, A.u.c. 610. Festus s. v. Pub^ 
Ucapondera, p. 246: "Publica pondera [ad legitimam normam 
exacta faisse] ex ea causa Junius .... [coUegiJt quod duo Silii 
P. et M. Trib. pleb. rogarint his verbis : 

JSx ponderilms puhlicis, quibua hoc tempestate popuXua 
oetier solet, uti coaequetur^^^ sedulwm^^ uti qiuuirantal vini 
octoginta pondo siet; congitu vini decern [dequim f] p. eiet; sex 
eextari cangius siet vini; duo de quinquaginta sextari qtiad- 
rantal eiet vini; sextaHu» aaquua aequo cum librario eiet^^- 
sex dequifique^*^ Itbra/ri in medio sieni. 

JSi quis magistratuLS adversus hoc d, m. pondera modiosque 
vcuaqtie publica modicOy major a, minorave /aonty jusseritve^^^ 
fieriy dolumve adduit quo ea fianty eum quis volet magistra- 
tus^*^ multare, dum minors parti /amilias taxat^\ liceto; sive 
quis im^^ sacrum judicare voluerit, liceto,*' 

The Latinity of this fragment requires a few remarks. 
(1) coaequetur. In the Pompeian Inscription (Qrelli, no. 4348) 
we have: mensuras excBquandas, (2) Sedulum. Scaliger sug- 
gests ee dolo m. i.e. sine dole mala. But sedulo or sedulum 
itself signifies ''sine fraude indiligentiaeve culpa" (Muller ad L), 
and the law refers to the care and honesty of those who were to 
test the weights and measures. For sedulus, see Doderl. 8yn. u. 
Et. I. p. 118. (3) "Nihil intelligo nisi librariue qui hie sig- 
nificatur sextarius frumenti erat." MtiUer. (4) 8ex dequinque 
^sex decimquey the qu being written instead of c. (5) The 
editions have jussit ve re, for which MilUer writes juaeitve; 
Haubold {Monwmenta Legalia) proposes jusseritvey " propter se- 
quens re;'' and I have adopted this reading on account of the 
word faxity which precedes. (6) Quie volet magistratus. Cf. 
Tab. Bantin. Osc. 12. LcU. 7. (7) Dum minore parti fami^ 
lias taxat. Compare the Latin Bantine Inscription, 1. 10: [dum 
roinoris] partus Jumilias taxsat. Cato, apud Aul. Oell. vii. 3 : 
" Qu8f? lex est tarn acerba qu» dicat, fli quis illud facere voluerit, 


mille nummi dimidium famtlicB multa esto?'* The abl. parti 
(which occurs in Lucretius) and the gemtxve partus (comp. Gas^ 
torus in the Bantine Inscription, ejus, ctytu, &c.) depend on 
multare and muUam, which are implied in the sentence. For 
tax<Uf see Fest. p. 356* These passages show the origin of the 
particle dumt€ucatf which is used hy the classical writers to sig- 
nify ^'provided one estimates it/' "estimating it accuratelj," 
" onlj," " at least," " so far as that goes," &c.* (8) Im = eum. 
Fest. p. 103. 

The Lex Fapiria de Saoramento, which is to be referred to 
the year b.c. 243, A.U.C. 611, is thus cited by Festus s. y. ^* 
cramentum^ p. 344: '^ Sacramentum »s significat, quod poenss 
nomine penditur, sive eo quis interrogatur, sire contenditur. Id 
in aliis rebus quinquaginta assium est, in aliis rebus quingen- 
torum inter eos, qui judicio inter se contenderent. Qua de re 
lege L. Papiri Tr. pi. sanctum est his verbis: 

Quicunqtie Fraet&r post hoc /actus erit qui inter cives jus 
dieet, tres viros CapUcUis populum rogato, hiqus tres viri 
[capitaUs'ly quieunque [posthac /a'\eti erunty sacramerUa ex- 
[igunto], judicantoque, eodemque jure sutUo, uti ex legibus 
plebeique scitis exigere, judvGO/reque esseque oportet,** 

To these may be added the old EdicUim csdilium curulium 
de Mandpiis Vendundisy quoted by Gellius, N. A. IV. 2 : 

Titulus servorum singulorwn utei scriptus sit, ecerato ita, 
utei intellegi recte possit, quid morbi vitiive quoique sit, quis 
/ugitivus errove sit, noxave sohUus non sit, 

§ 23. The Senatus-Consultum de Bacchanaltbus, 

The SenaJtuS'ConsvUum de Bacchanal^ms, which is refened 
to by Livy (xxxix. 14), and which belongs to the year B.C. 
186, A.U.C. 568, waa found at Terra de Teriolo in Calabria, in 
1640, and is now at Vienna. A facsimile of the inscription, with 
the commentary of Matthseus ^gyptius, will be found in Drar 
kenborch's Livy^ Vol. vii. pp. 197, sqq. 

1 It is scarcely necesBary to point out the absurdity of the derlTation 
proposed by A. Orotefond {Atuf, Gramm. d. Lot, Spr. f 124y : •* Am- 
iatoat auB dum taeeo (cetera) zat (est hoc) !" 


1. [Q,] Marcius L. F. S. FogtumiuB Z. F, Cos. Senaium eonsoluerunt 

N, ' Octoh, aptid aedem 

2. IhUUmai sc' ar/.^ M. Claudi M. F. L. Valeri P. F. Q. Minuet 

C F. De BcuxmdLibua, quei/oidercUei 

3. esentf ita exdeioendwn cvMuere, Neiquis eorum Saoanal* hahuise 

velet; aei qtt^a' 

4. etent, quel sihei deicererU necesu»* eae BacancU habere, eei» utei ad 

pr, urbcmum 

5. Romam venireni, deque eei$ r^me^ ubei earum vtr a' emdUa eeenif 


6. noeter decemeret, dum ne minus eencUartbus c adeeent [quam 6]a 

res cosoleretw, 

7. Bacots^ vir ne quis (tdiese^ velet oeims Bomanus, neve nominus 

L(Uin[t], neve socivm 

8. quisquam, nisei pr, wrhanwn adieserU, isque de senaJtuos sen- 

tentiad, dum ne 

9. minus sencUoribus c. ftdesent, quom ea res cosdereiur, iousisent, 


10. Saeerdos ne quis vir eset, magister neque vir neque mulier quis- 

quam esei, 

11. neve pectmiam quisquam eorum comoinem abuise^^ vdet, neve ma- 

1 2. neve promaqistratud, neque virum neque mulierem quiquwm " fedse 


13. neve post hcbc inter sed^^ eonjourcbse neve comvovise neve conr 


14. neve conpromesise velety neve quisquam Jldem inter sed dedise 


15. sacra in oquoUod^* ne quisquam /ecise velet neve in poplicod 

neve in 

16. preivatod, neve exstrad urbem sacra quisquam /ecise vdet, nisei 

17. pr. urbanum adieset, isque de senatuos sententiad, dum ne minus 

18. s&nataribus o. adesent quom ea res cosoleretur, iousisent, eensuere. 

1 Nanis. ' scribundo, * itdfuerunt. * Bacchanal. 

A qusB 3= qiiei See Klenze, Legis ServUioB Fr. p. 12, not. 2 ; Fest. 
p. 261. 

• nBcesaum. "^ 1. verba. • i.e. Bacchas. • adiisse. 

10 habuisse. The omission of the A is common in old Latin. See 

Pabretti, s. r. " qmsquam. 

IS i.e. M as in L 14. i* oeeulto. 


19. Homines phtis v. oinvoraei^^ virei aiqite muliereSj aetera ne quit- 


20. fedae veleiy neve inter tbei* virei ploua duobue^ mulieribus pious 


21. ar/uise velenty nisei de pr, v/rhani senatuosque sententiad niei 


22. scriptum est Haice uiei in coventionid* exdeiecUis ne minus tri- 


23. noundmum^ senatuosque sententiam utei scientes esdisy eorum 

24. sententia itafuU, Sei ques* esent quei arvorsum eadfedsenJt quam 


25. seripHim est^ eeis rem eapiUalem/aciendam eensuere (Uqtie utei 

26. hoce in tabolam ahenam inceideretis. Ita sencUus aiquom 


27. Uteique earn figier jouheatis uhei /aeilumed^ qnoscier poUsit\ 


28. utei ea BctcanaUay sei qua sunt exstrad quam sei quid ibei saeri 


29. ita utei suprad scriptum est, in diebus x quHms vobeis tabdaV 


30. erunt,/aciatis utei dismota sient. In agro Teu/rano\ 

§ 24. The Old Soman Law an the Bantine Table. 

The Eoman law on the Bantine Table is probably not older 
than the middle of the seventh century u. c. The chief reason 
for introducing it here, is its connexion in locality, if not in im- 
port, with the most important fragment of the Oscan language 
(above, pp. 139, sqq.). It is, however, very interesting in itself 
from the orthography, and also from the archaistic style of the 
document. Mommsen divides it into six, Klenze into four sec- 
tions. His transcription and supplements {Rhein. Mus. for 1828, 
pp. 28, sqq. ; Phil. AbhandL pp. 7, sqq.) compared with those of 
Mommsen {Unterital. Dialekte, pp. 140, sqq.), give the following 

1 umversL > =b interta. > contUme. ^ ques=:queL 

* faeiUime. « = potis-sit^possit. ^ = tabdUB. 

^ in agro Tearano. 8fcrabo» p. 254 c : vn^p d^ rwr Oovplmp im\ 9 Tatr 
puanj xfh^ XtyoftMVTf idpvrat. 

§ 24.] OR LATIN LANGUAQB. 273 

Cap. 1. On the degradation of oflfenders'. 

1. [n\eqiie pro^inciam] 

2. in 8ena[tu 8eiv]e in poplico joudicvo ne 9en\tevUiam rogcUo tabd- 

lamve nei dcUo] 

3 deicit\o, neive quis mag. testtimanium poplice eid{em de- 

/erri neive den^ontiari 

4. [sinito neive joudicem ewm neive arbitriMn neive recipey 

ratarem dato, neive is in poplico luuci praetexiam neive soUaa 
habeto neive quis 

5. [mag. prove, mag. prove quo imperio poteetateve erit qy[eiqtiomque 

eomiiia conciliumve h>abebit eum mfragium/erre nei svnito 

6. [neive eum censor in eenatum legiio nevoe in eenatu] relinquUo. 

L. 3. See Quintil. v. 7, § 9 : " Duo sunt genera testium, aut 
voluntariorum aut quibus in judiciis publicis %e denuntiatur^ 

L. 4. hiud^ " by day." Plant. Cos. iv. 2, 7 : " Tandem ut 
veniamus 6*ci." Cic, Phil. xii. 10, § 25: "Quis audeat /tict— 
illustrem aggredi?" 

Gap. 2. On the punishment of judges and senators who violate 

the law. 

7. \SdqvM ^ovdex queiqiwrnquA ^ 

eenatorve/ecerit gesseritve quo ex hace lege 

8. [minus fiofrU quae fieri oportet, qiiaeve fieri oportu] erit oportebitve 

non/ecerit sciens d. m.^ seive adtnyrsus ha/nce legem /ecerit 

9. [gesseritve sciens d. m.; ei multa tanta esto HS.... ewnupue pe- 

qimiam] quei volet magistratvs eocsigito. Sei postvldbit quei 
petet pr. recuperatores 

10. [quoSf quotque dari opor^eat daio, jvhetoque evmiy sei Ua pcvriat, 

condumoKm populo, /acitoque joudicetur. Sei condemnatus 

11. [eritf quanti condemruUv^Sj erit prcedes] ad q. urh. det oaU Inma 

ejus poplice possidea/ntu/r /acito. Seiquis mag. m/idtam inro- 
gore volet, 

12. [ei mvltam inroga/re licetOy dwm minoris] partus /amUias taocsat 

liceto; eiq. omnium rerum siremps lex esto, quasei sei is hacux 

13. [miUtam ffS.... exegisset.] 

12 dum minoris partus familias taxsat. See above, § 22, 
on the Lex Silia. Partus is the genitive case, like Castorus, cap. 
3, 1. 17. Siremps is explained by Festus, p. 344: ^^ Siremps 

D. V. 18 


ponitor pro eadem, yel, proinde ac ea» quasi similta res ipsa. 
Cato in dissuadendo legem . . . relicta est : Et pteterea rogas, 
quemquam adyersns ea si populns condempnaverit, uti siremps 
lex siet, quasi adversus leges fecisset." The form siremps 
occurs in the Thorian Law (below, p. 281); we have sir^ 
in Cato ap. Charts, pp. 73, 116 ; and sirempse in Plautus, Am- 
phitryOf JProL 73 : sirempse legem jussit esse Jupiter. 

Cap. 3. On binding the judges and magistrates by an oath to 
observe the law. 

14. [Co9. pr. aid. tr. pi. q. luvir, cap, invir. a. d, a. ^]ei nunc est, is 

m diebus v praxsumeis^ quibus qu>eique earum sciet A. l. popo- 
lum plebemve 

15. [joussisse jourcmto tOei infra scriptwm est. Itemyiie. cos. pr. mag. 

eq. cens. aid. tr. pi. q. uivir cap. invir a. d. a. jaudex ex h. I. 
plebvoe scito 

16. [/actus queiquomqus eorum p'^Mthac foetus erit, eis in diebus 

y proossumeis quibus quisqu^ eorwm mag. inperiumve inierit^ 

17. [utei infra scriptmn est. Bidem consistunto in ae]de Castorus 

palam luci in /orum versus, et eidem in di^ms v aptid q. 
jourcmto per Jovem deasque 

18. [penateis, sese qtiae ex h. I. facere oport]Bbit /aeturum, neque sese 

advoreum h. I. factu/rum edentem d. m. neque seese /acturum 
neque interoesurum 

19. [quo quce ex h. I. oportet minus Jiant. Qu]d exh.1. nonjouraif&- 

rU, is magistratum inperiumve nei petito neive gerito neive 
habeto, neive in senatu 

20. [si ad/uerit sententiam dioere e\u,m quis sinito neive ewn censor 

in seruUfum legito. Quei ex k. I. joudioaverity is /acito apud 
q. wrb. 

21. [nomen ejus quei jottrcwerit scyiptum siet, quae^orque ea nomina 

accipito et eos quei ex h. L apud sed jovrarvnit facito in 

22. [popliceis scriptos habeat], 

L. 15. i. e. Dictator^ consul, prcetor, magister equitum^ ceu" 
sor, cedHis, tribunus plebei^ qucestor, triumvir capitalis, triumvir 
agris dandis adsignandis. 

L. 17. palam luci in forum versus. See Cic. de Offio. 
in. 24. 


Cap. 4. On the oath of the senators. 

23. [Qu6t wtMUor est inve aenatu aemtentt^m deixer^iny poH hcmce 

legem rogatam, eia in diebua x proxaumeie, qudbua quxequs 
[eorum sciet h, l,'\ 

24. [popvlv/m pUbemve jaussiase^ j^yu/ranto apud quaeatorem ad 

aerarium pcUa/m liud per Javem d^oaqu^s penate[ia aeae quce 
ex h. l] 

25. \Jacere oportebU /actuntmy neque aee^e advcrawm hcmce legem 

factwrum eaae^ neque aeeae 

2Q, ae house leegei fi 

27. anodni wra/ver. 

L. 23. eia = 18. 

L. 24. ad OBrarium. See Liv. xxix. 37. Per Jovem deos^ 
quepenateis. Comp. Cic. Acad. iv. 20. 

Cap. 5. 

28. e quia magiatraJtua^ p. 

Cap. 6. 

30. [u]bi in tabdeia pop![iceia] 

31. [tr]m/um nondwJ[um] 

32. is eritun, 

§ 25. The Agrarian Law cf 8p. Thorius. 

This selection from the remains of the old Roman language 
may be properly concluded hj the celebrated fragment of the 
Thorian Law, which is engraved on the rough back of the 
bronze tablet occupied on its smooth side by the Servilian Law 
de pecuniia repetundta^. Although the relative position of the 
documents on the tablet shows that the Servilian Law was en- 
graved earlier than the document, which is crowded on the back 

1 Mr. LoDg makes a serious blunder in Latin scholarsbfp both in his 
article Repetundm in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities^ and in his essay 
with this heading in the first Tolume of his edition of Cicero's orations, 
when he speaks of " the word repetundm," There Is no such word in the 
La^ language, and we hare only the gerundive phrases r^petundarumf 
i.e. pecimiarumy or de peeunna repetundia. 



of the same bronze plate, it is known that the Thorian law was 
the older enactment. For the Servilian law was probably passed 
A.U.C. 654, B.C. 100, i.e. in the year of Julius Caesar's birth and 
of the sixth consulship of Marius ; whereas it is concluded by 
Eudorff that the Thorian law was passed A.u.C. 643, B.C. 111, 
i.e. when the Jugurthine war commenced. But besides being 
older by more than a decad of years, the Thorian law contains 
some curious and instructive orthographies and forms of words, 
such as sibei for aibiy ceivts for civis, cavitus for cautus^ oetor for 
utor^ viasiua for viariua^ jy^'ra for jugeta^ campcisoo for compescOy 
the full phrase ante eidus Martias primaa, deicio for dejicio^ 
proxsumeis for proximts, sed for sine, prcevides for prasdeSy pe- 
^nia for pecuniay gnatua for natvAy quansei for qttast, moini- 
cipium for munidpiumy tablets for taiuleis, &c. I think it use- 
ful, therefore, that the student of Latin philology should have 
before him this specimen of the language as it was actually writ- 
ten in formal documents in the age immediately preceding that 
of Cicero. I have taken the inscription with the supplements 
of Sigonius from Haubold's Monumenta Legaliay pp. 13 — 21. 

Legis Thoriae Fiagmentum, cum supplementis 0. SigoniL 



FRnnis. SCIVIT. Quel aoer. popucus. popui^. Romanel in. teeram. 
Itauaic p. Mudo. L. CALPURNia co8B, faU, extra, eum, agrum, 
locum, quel, ex, lege, pUheive. ac. d. vetere, poaaessore. poaaeaaua. ait 
De, eo. agro, loco, quern, quia, aihi. aorum. locum, sumpsit. reli- 


hominem. ex. lege, plebeivk sc. sibel. sumere. relinquereve, oporteaL 


EO. AGRO. LOCO. EST. QUOD. uUra, finda. ejua, agri. locei. eat. 
redditua. est. quel ager. pvpliovs. popvll Romanei. in. terra. 
Italia, P. Mucio. L. Calpurnio. Cos. fuit. extra, eum. agrum. 
QUEL AGER. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. sc. ^. vetere. poaaeaaore. poaaea* 
aua. aU. 

ager, locua. aedificium. omnia, qid. aupraacriptua, eat. qtu>dyE. agri. 
locei. pubucel in. terra. Italia, quod. ejus. ExntA. urbem. 



in. TIB. DBDiT. AS81QKAVIT. QUOD. yu8. ogreu locd, neqiie. poaaesaor. 

ipsa, abalienavU. ahaUatiaveriiiffe. 

exira. enm, ttgrum, locvm, guei. agar, loeua, ax, lege, plebeitb. 


LOCO. AOBi. LOCEi. AEDiFiCH. doitum, oaaigncUtim, aat. 

quod, ajtia, agri, local, extras eum. agrwn. locum, quern, locum, agrum, 

IN. TEBRA. Italia, ul vib. dedit. assionayit. beliquit. nrvB. 



IS. AGEB. LOCYs. AEDiFiciuM. QUEI. supra. acriptus. Cat, ajua, aU. 

cujua, ax. laga. plabeiva. acito. eaaa. oportet. 

Quei agar, locua, aadificium. datua. <Maign<Utia. est. neiye. quis. 


AGBUM. locum, aadifidum. odiua. haheoL poaaidaat. vJUiJbwr, frvAjJtwr, 
neiva. queia, da, ea. re, ad, aenatwm. referto. aenaior, judaxva. 


SCITO. ESSE. OPOBTET. oportebUva. eo. ctgro, loco, ciedificio. poaaeaaiona. 

Quam. agrum. locum, in. viaaieia. yicaneis. quei. in. tebba. Ita- 

eumqua. rwn, alUer. vendare. dare, reddereve. jua. eato. atqye. eym. 


s. a ESSE. OPOBTET. OPOBTEBIT. veviditua, arU. 

Quo, mvnua. quod, in, hoc. capita, acriptmn. aat. ita. ytel est. biet. 


AGBYM. QYEI. AGEB. EX. LEGE. PLEBEiYE. adlo. iL Vetera, poaaaa- 

aore. poaaaaavs, ait, 

cvjfua. rd. cauaa, in. eym. agbym. agbi. jygba. non. ampuys. xxx. 


eia. minua, armum. gnatae. erwrU. poateaquam, gnatae. ervM, 

nihU. populo. naive, puibliccmo. newe. dato. neiye. solyito. ageb. 




FLEBEiVE. SGiTO. 80BTIT0. QUOL CEivi. RoMANO. dedU. (udgnamt. 

ejui, sit. CUJU8. ex. hoe, lege, pMeive. seUo, esse, oporlet, 

Pr. Consuhe. quo. de. ea. re. ex. h. I., in. jus. adUum. erit. vms. 


iiueL d. passessotUms. qxjbiye. ab. bobum. quel emit, quel eo- 


BiT. I& DE EA. BE. FTA. JUS. DEIGITO. decsmUoqus. tUei. jus. 
suum. cansequatur. quiquomque. ex. eo. ctqro. queL ager. s. & ex. 


SMwm. perssqui. Ueeto. 

quod. agri. loceL asdificii. ex. plebiscUo. exye. H. L. pbiyatym. 


TioALiA. coNsnTEBDiT. QYAB. POST. H. L. Tog. prisnum. oonsUtsHnL 

nsL quis. facUo. quo. 

quid ob. earn, rem. populo. Romano, debeaiur. qyoye. qyid. o& 


H. L. BOG. PBiMYM. coNerriTERiKT. 0& EOS. AOB08. looos. (tedifieio. 

nomine, poptdi. aut. puhlicani. exigai. 

E. A. D. XI. K. OeroBBis. qyom. agbym. qyel teaks. Oybionb. 


esse, licet. swrU. net. quis. eo. agro. looo. moveoL 


dedU. cbdsignaviL 


seL is. ctger, F. Mudo. L. Calpumio. cos. fuiL pr. oonsuh&. quo. ex, 
h. I. in. jous. } 

adUum. erU.jus, dieito. /adtoque. uieL possessumem. secundum, eum, 





EBTT. tUeL ju8, suam, ooMequcmtur, 


fiHNGYLA H. pendtU, 


IKDYXEBIT. nei. qtiid. poptdo. neive, pMicano, pecv/niaan, scripturcun, 

vecUgalve, det. 

Qoem. agrvm. ex, publico, t n. privtUvm, cx)mmytayit. qyo. peg. agbo. 


ICYTAYIT. 19. ager. locus, omkeis. pbiyatys. ita. ytei. qyei. opthca. 


eommiUatvs, erit. 

gruem, cUiL dL gens. BEDiafPTYiL HABEirr. ceksobes. qveicvmqye. post. 


quod. EX. H. L. ita. ytei. s. s. est. m. agbeis. qyei. ik. Italia. 
SYKT. QYEI. P. Mmjcio. L. Calpubkio. COS. pybmcei. popyli. Bomakei. 
fyerykt. ceiyi. Bokako. facere. licebit. item. Latiko. pebb- 
GBiKOQYE. M. LiYio. L. CalKtekio. COS. eon8uUum. est. /aeere. Uceto, 


JYDidYK. JYDiCEK. recupertUoresve. dcUo. l y. e. e. b. p. f. y. s. y. e. 
ju8. dicvto. decemiioque. 


quoi/ve. ab. eo. heredeve. e^. is. a>ger. locus. testommUo, hereditaie, 
deditioneve. obyekit. obyekebitye. qyibys. akte. H. L. bog. bedemp- 


EYM. AGBYK. LOCYM. oedifimim, quern, agrvm. locum 


P. Muucio. L. Calpubkio. Cos. fyit. qyod. bjys. agri. locl ex. 

LEGE, pkbeive. se. 

de. eo. agro. loco. nei. ious. didto. newe. decermto. keiye. JYDiaYic. 



TORVM. DATIO. E8TO. L Y. E. E. R. P. F. 8. V. E. JU8, dtcUo. decemUo- 


deUUa. erU, decretum, judicatuin. haheto. 






BA. BE. reliUmn. erU. 

neL maglgtrum, qyem. hinys. petere. capebe. gebebe. HABEBEiqY& 


quod, eLfacere. ex, lege, pl. sc. exqye. foedere. licyit. sed. fbayde. 




LOCO, quel, publicas, popvleL EoTnanei 




NYMEROi sunt 







qud, AGER. LOCYS. PYBUCYS. populi jRamaneL erit, 

Legis Thoriae Fragiuentam Alteram. 

quod. C, Semproni, Ti, f. ir, pl rog, exceptym. cayitvmye. est. neL 



haheat, possideatqye. qyoye. possessio. inyito. mob 






9cito. haJbuU. poasedU. uau8. fructusqu^ eat. 


ne^ue. ipae. abalienayit. abalxenayeritye. neqye. hebes. ejys. 



AGRI. iiL vir. coloniae, deducendae. dedit, asaigruwit, 


ante, eidua. Martias. qyae. post. H. L. bog. pbimae. eryitt. factio. 


neive. poptUo. neive, pybucano. peqynia. scriptyrah. yecjtigalye. 




agrum. locyh. pyblicyh. popyu. Eomanel de. sya. possessiokb. 


extra, eum. agbyk. locyh. qyei. ageb. locys. ex. lege, plebeiye. 
sc. QYOD. C. Sehproni. Tl F. tr. PL. ROG. EXCEPTYH. co/vitumque. 
eat. net. divideretur. 







POPYLO. NEiYE. FYBUCANO. PEQYNiA. acriptwram. vectigcUve. det. dcureoe. 


quei. ager. ex. pyblico. in. priyatyh. cohhytatys. est. de eg. 


Calpyrnio. coa. 


ex* lege, plebeiye. sti. exye. foedebe. ucyit. sed. fbaydb. sya. facers. 




neive, pbo. oolokia. MOiNiciPioyB. pbote. moihigipieis. fbtentvb. 




QVOMQVE. BBIT. DB. EA. BE. JTBI8DIGTIO. judici. judicU, ftCWptmr 

torum, daUo. esto, 


BBCYPEEATOBYE. reddtderU. id, jus. ra^umqus. esto, 

Pr. cansrdve. neL de. bo. aobo. loco. ioys. deictto. netyb. dbcebbito. 

NBIYB. JYDiGTYiL Tieive. jfuHcem, neive, recupercUaree, da/to 



decre^um, jydigiymye. factym. nok. siet. sel majob. pab& bobyil 
BBCYPEEATOBYH. Tum. oonaenaertL 


aliter, habeM. possidebit. feyetyb. qyam. ex. H. L. ligbbtt. eyil 







oparteL opobtebitye. qyod. ejyb. aobl logel qyoieiqye. emp- 

TYM. EST...... 

qucteetar. qyei. aebabiym. proyingiam. obtinebit. in tableis. 

pubUceie. re/erat, 

ob. earn. «em. qyod. pbabs. factys. est. popylo. obugatys. est 




Italiam. est 

ye agryh. logyk. qyeiqyohqyb. habebit. p088idebit 

quel. AGER. LOGY& IN. Afriga. bbt. QUOD. EJYB. AGRL looei diebuf. 

proxeumis. quibtu. fagtyb. oreatysye. txn./acito pbofitebityb. 


^ ^iM hoc lege nihil rogatwr. Perperam Tulgo formulam ezplioant : ex 
h. L Vid. dc^aron. pro Caecina. e. 33. — Sp. 


% I. Organic classification of the original Latin alphabet. § 3. The labials. 
§ 3. The gnttnrals. § 4. The dentals. § 5. The vowels. § 6. The Greek 
letters used by the Romans. § 7. The numeral signs. 

§ 1. Organic Chsstfication of the Original Latin Alphabet. 

THE genuine Latin alphabet, — or that set of characters which 
expressed in writing the sounds of the Roman Tanguage 
before it had borrowed from the Greek a number of words, 
and the means of exhibiting them to the eje, — may be regarded 
as consisting of nineteen letters ; that is, of the representatives of 
the original Cadmean sjUabarium (which contained only sixteen 
letters), with an appendix comprising the secondary vowels, or 
vocalized consonants, i and u, and the seeondaiy sibilant x = 8h. 
The original alphabet of the Romans, as derived from the 
Greeks of Cama (above, p. 96), had consisted of 21 letters, 
namely, these 19 and the letters Z and K, which occupied the 
seventh and tenth places respectively — ^thus : 

(1) A 

(8) H 

(16) P 

(2) B 

(9) I 

(16) Q 

(3) c=r 

(10) K 

(17) R 

(4) D 

(11) L 

(18) S 

(5) E 

(12) M 

(19) T 

(6) F 

(13) N 

(20) V 

(7) Z 


(21) X 

But Z fell out of general use, and in the first Punic war C was 
divided into C and G, and the latter was placed where Z had 
stood between F and H (Plut. Qu. Bom. c. 59 ; Corssen, i. 7). 
In Cicero's time the number of letters was 21 {de Natur.'Deorum^ 
II. 37, § 93) ; but before his death v and f were borrowed from 
the Greek and placed at the end of the Latin alphabet under 
the forms Y and Z, and thus the frdl number of 23 letters 
was attained. A further augmentation was introduced by the 


Emperor Claudius, who was a professed grammarian. He intro- 
duced three additional characters, namely, an inverted digamma j 
to give the sound of v in servua and vulgus (Quintil. I. 4, § 7), the 
antisigma o or DC to represent the Greek -^ or the combination 
bs, ps; and the Oscan I', which resembled in form the Greek «pt- 
ritvs asper h (above, p. 99), to represent the sound between t and 
u (Quiutil. I. 4, § 8 : medius Uet I Htterce sonus). But although 
the influence of the Emperor procured a partial adoption of these 
letters in his lifetime, they soon became obsolete (Tacit. Ann. XI. 
14), and are found on only a few monuments (Corssen, i. pp. 13, 
14). In its latest form, as recognized by Priscian, the Latin 
alphabet consisted of the 23 letters, which it comprised when the 
Y and Z were added. 

If we omit the supernumeraries C, K, Y, Z, and distribute 
the nineteen genuine and necessary letters according to their 
natural or organic classification, we shall have the following 
arrangement : — 





Medials .... 




A^iratee . . . 








Liquids .... 



Sibilants . . . 



Vowels of Ar-| 
ti^ulation j 




Vocalized 1 
Consonants / 

Vocalized Labial. 

Vocalised Gattural. or 



It will be moBt convenient, bb well as most methodical, to 
consider these letters according to this classification, which will 
be justified by the investigation itself, 

§ 2. The Labials. 

The labials consist of three mutes and the liquid M. The 
regular changes of the labial mutes, in the principal languages 
of the Indo-Germanic familj, have been thus indicated bj James 
Grimm, to whom we owe the discovery of a most important law 
[Deutsche Gramm. I. p. 584*), which may be stated thus in its 
application to all three orders of mutes : 

Medial corresponds to Tenuis and to Aspirate, 
Aspirate „ „ Medial „ Tenuis, 

Tenuis „ „ Aspirate „ Medial. 

This law, applied to the labials only, may be expressed in the 
following table: 

Latin (Greek, Sanscrit) . B F P 

Gothic P B F 

Old High German . . F P B (V) 

To take the instances given by Grimm himself, — ^the first 
column is confirmed, as far as the Latin language is concerned, 
by the- following examples: cannabis {Kdwafii^)^ Old Norse 
hanpry Old High German hanaf; turla {0opvfir)), Goth, thailrp^ 
' 0. H. G. dorof; stabulum, O. N. stopull, O. H. G. staphol. To 
which may be added, Zoii, Anglo-Saxon slipan, O. H. G. sit- 
uffan. These instances are confined to the occurrence of the 
labials in the middle of words ; for there are no German words 
beginning with P, and no H. G. words beginning with f. 

The second column is supported as follows : Initials— ;/a^i« 
(^wryo?)> ,0. N. heykiy O. H. G. puocha; fero {(f>ipci>), Goth. 
bairay 0. H. G. pirn; jui (^uet)), Ang.-Sax. beon, O. H. G. pirn; 
flarcy Goth, blasany O. H. G. plasan ; Jra-n-^gere (piT^w/u), Goth. 

1 Dr. Guest muntaioB that this celebrated law is inyalidated by rery 
Berious exceptions {Proceedings of the PhUoL Soe. m. pp. 179» sqq.). 



brtkanj 0. H. G. pr'Schan; folium (^wXXov), O. N. blad, O. H. G. 
plat; Jrtzter {^pf)Tqp)y Goth, broihar, O. H. G. pruoder. The 
Latin language Aimishes no instances of this rule in its appli- 
cation to the middle sounds. In v€if>iKrf, K€<f>aXi], ypd^iv and 
such like, the Latin equivalents present h or p; compare nebida^ 
captU, a-crtbere. The reason for this is to be sought in the 
aversion of the Roman ear from f as a middle sound. 

The third column rests on the following induction: Initials — 
pea (pedia), Qoth. fStua, O. H. G. vtu>z; piacia, Goth, ^aka^ 
0. H. G. viae; pater ^ Goth, jfeir*, O. H. G. vatar ; plenua^ Qoth. 
fuUa, O. H. G. vol; pecuay Goth, fathuy O. H. G. vihu; palmoy 
Angl..Sax. filma, O. H. G. volma; pellia, Goth. /K, O. H. G. 
^Mi.J2w2t», Goth.^wZa, 0. H. G. volo; primua, Gotii. frumiftay 

^ O. H G. vTomist. Middle sounds — aopoTy 0. N. avefa^ O. Sax. 

avUiUian; aq^teniy Angl.-Sax. aejon^ Goth, aibun; aper, Angl.- 

Sax. '4qfi>r, 0. H. G. &>ar; auper, Goth, ujuvy O. N. jnfir, 0. H. G. 

tibar; rdpina^ Angl.-Sax. redf; O. H. G. roub. 

L^ These may be taken as proofs of the general application of 

^ Grrimm*s rule to the Latin labials. If, however, we examine the 

use of the separate letters more minutely, we shall find great 
vacillation even within the limits of the Latin language itself. 

The medial B seems to have approximated in many cases to 
the sound of v; at other times it came more nearly to P. We 
find in old Latin the forms Duittius, duonua^y dttelluniy &c. by 
the side of BiUmay bonua, beUumy &c. Now, there is no doubt 
that the proper abbreviation of these forms would be e.g.' donua 
or vonuay and so on. The labial representative boniia, therefore, 
shows a sort of indifference between the occasional pronunciation 
of B and V. This view is confirmed by a comparison of duia, 
which must have been the original form (Fest. p. 66), with Sk 
on the one hand, and bia^ bea^ vi-ginti on the other. The same 
appears particularly in the change firom Latin to Italian or 
French, as in habere = avere = avoir y habebam = aveva = avaiay 
Aballo = Avalon, Cabellio ^ CavailloUy Eburovicea = JEvreux, &c., 
or conversely, as in Veaontio = Beaan^on. The commutation of 
b and v in the Spanish language gave occasion to Scaliger*s 
epigram : 

1 On the etymology of this word, Bee N, Crat, $ 262. 



HcmA temert cmJtiqwu mukU Va$eonia voee§ 
Cm nihil igt aliud vivere quam bibereK 

«Similar! J, we have averunco for ab^-runcOf i. e. iKfioravl^fa, 
as the old gloBS renders it (see Weber, Zeitsch.f. vergh Spr. ii. 
80). BS>o for vivo is common in old monuments (Fabretti s. v. 
p. 251). The interchange of b and p may be remarked in hurrua^ 
mppo^; Balantium, Palatium; bitumen^ pitamen {oomip, pttuita)^ 
&C. In many Latin words the B stands for a ^ (=p'h) in the 
Ghreek synonym: compare haloBTia^ albua^ ambo, nSula, urnbt" 
licu8y &c,, with ^klKouvOj oKi^y Afjuf^io, V€<}>iKr), ofufuiXAfy &c. 

The ancient Romans did not use B, as the Greeks did, to 
form a fhlcmm between two liquids (comp. fietrrffjLeploy fiea^fir' 
fipia; fjLiKiy [/*])8\itt(» ; i-fjboXov, fiifil3XoDKa; fiopo^, afifiporo^; 
&c) ; but in the derivative idioms there are many instances of 
this insertion; compare numems, nombre; carnera, chambrey^_ 
&c. ; and even when r is substituted for some other liquid, as in 
hominemy Sp. hombre; or when a third liquid is retained, as in 
cumtdare, Fr. combler. 

In classical Latin B is often omitted when flanked by two 
vowels; this is particularly the case in the dative or ablative 
plural, as in queta by the side of quibuSy filiis by the side of 
jUiabus, &c. ; indeed this omission is regular in the second 

It is hardly necessary to remark, that the genuine Etruscan 
element in the Latin language must have been altogether with- 
out the medial B. As a final, b is found only in the proclitic 
words qby 6b^ sub. 

When B or V is followed by the vocalized or palatal j, we 
sometimes remark that, in the derived languages, this palatal 
supersedes the labial, and is pronounced alone, or with an as- 
similation ; so we have cavea (= cavfa), cage; caTnbiare, chan-- 
ger; debeo, diggio; DibiOy Dijon; objeciuniy oggeUo; rabies, 
rage; rvhere (= rahjeri), rougir; subfectumy sujety &c. We see 

1 Penny Cyel, m. p. 220. See also Scaliger de Cat». Z. Z. i. c. 14. 
p. 36. In older Latin we have Fovii by the side of Fabii (Fest. p. 87)9 
Sewni by the side of 8abm% (Plin. H.N. lu. 12), Stoverues by the side of 
Stobentes, and, in the flexion-forma of the verb, -fro, -bamf -Wi», -bundtUy 
by the Bide of -vi, from fio and Jkii (see Oorssen Zeitsehr.f, vergh Sprf^ 
1852, p. 17). 


the full development of this cliange in Bach words as nager 
from navtgare, while the absolute omission of the labial is justi- 
fied b;^ 4cnre from acriberey in Amiens from Ambtani^ and in 
aimoiay which comes from aTnabam through atWy = ofnotie » 
amava (Lewis, On the Romance Languages^ p. 199). 

The labial F and the guttural Q^ are the most characteristic 
letters in the Latin alphabet. Of the latter I will speak in its 
place, merely remarking here that its resemblance to F consists 
in the fact that they are both compound letters, although used 
from the earliest period as exponents of simple sounds. 

In considering the Latin F, we must be careful not to confbse 
it with the Greek ^ on the one hand, or with the modem v on 
the other. It is true that F corresponds to ^ in a number of 
words, such as fagus^ fcmui, ferOy falh^ fari, fcLacis, fraier, fn-- 
gu8y facuSy fugto^ fui^ falgeo^ fur (Mttller, Eiaruah. I. p. 20) ; 
but we must consider these words as an approach to a foreign 
articulation ; for in a great number of words, in which the F has 
subsequently been commuted for H, we can find no trace of con- 
nexion with the Greek ^: such are fartolua, faaena^ fidusy 
fircusy foluSy fordeumy fostisy foatuiy forctisy vefoy trajb (MttUer, 
Etruak. I. p. 44). 

It is generally laid down that F and v are both labio-dental 
aspirates, and that they differ only as the tenuis differs from the 
medial ; and one philologer has distinctly asserted their identity, 
meaning perhaps that in Latin F s^the English v, and u = the 
English w. If, however, we analyse some of the phenomena of 
comparative philology in which the Latin F appears, and then 
refer to Quintilian's description of the sound of this letter, we 
may be disposed to believe that in many cases the English v 
formed only a part of the sound. Quintilian says (xii. 10, 
§ 27, 29) that the Roman language suffered in comparison with 
the Greek from having only v and F, instead of the Greek i; and 
^, "qutbue nullce apvd eos {OrcBCoa) dulcius apiranL Nam 
et ilia, quce est sexta nostrarumy pcene non humana voce vd 
omnino non voce potius inter discrimina dentium efflanda est: 
qiuB etiam, cum vocalem proxima accipit, quaasa qriodammodo: 
utiquCy quoties aliquam consonantem frangity ut in hoc ipso 
I»RANGIT, muUo fit horridiory Not to repeat here what has 
been stated at length elsewhere {N. Crat. § 111), it will be 


sufficient to make the following observations : (a) the Latin F, 
though not= y, contained that letter, and was a cognate sound 
with it*: this is proved by a comparison of con-ferre^ con- 
vivay &c. with com-bibere^ tm-primtSy &c, {b) It appears from 
Quintilian that in his time the Latin F contained, in addition to 
the labial v, some dental sibilant ; and the sibilant is known to 
have been the condition in which the guttural passed into the 
mere aspirate, (c) A comparison of the Greek 0i^p with its ^ 
Latin synonym /era would produce great difficulty, if we could L 
not suppose a coexistence of the sibilant with the labial in the 
latter; such a concurrence we have in the Eussian synonym 
sveray Lettish svehrs, Old Prussian svirs, {d) The Sabine words 
mentioned above (such as Jlrcua), tlie more modem representa- 
tives of which substitute an aspirate for the F, prove that the 
F must have contained a guttural aspirate; for no labial can 
pass into a guttural, though a compound of labial and guttural 
may be represented by the guttural -only, («) Those words in 
the Romance languages which present an aspirate for the F 
which their Latin synonyms retained to the last, — ^such as 
falcOj "hawk;" Jbrisy Fr. "hors;" Jpicersy J^mosus, fumus^ / 
&c., Sp. "Jbacer," "hermoso,'* "Jiumo,*' &c.,— prove that, to 
the last, the Latin F contained some guttural element, in addition { 
to the labial of which it was in part composed. It seems to me { 
that F must have been sv, or, ultimately, HV, and that V must • 
have corresponded to our English w. With regard to the Greek . 
^, there can be no doubt that it was a distinct p'A, like the 
middle sound in hap-hazardy sJi^-Jierd; reduplications like 
irei\>vica {pe^'*huka)y and contacts like ^irKJxo {Sapp^ho)^ suffi- 
ciently prove this. The forms of Latin words which seem to 
substitute F for this ^ must be referred to the Pelasgian element 
in the Latin language : the Tuscans, as we have seen, were by 
no means averse from this sound ; and the Eomans were obliged 
to express it by the written representative of a very diflferent 

^ In the same way as f seems to represent in the instances cited 
aboye, v also appears as a substitute both for and n*. Oompare vulgtu, 
vcUUUi veruy virgo, and vitrieust with ^X«M$f, palus, wtipioy irapBtvoSf and 
pater (Buttmann» Lexil, s. r. <I)o\k6s), 

D, V. 19 



The derivation of FaUrii and Faliaci (cf. Ururta and 
Etrusci) from a founder Halesua^ shows that even among the 
Tuscans there was an intimate affinity between F and u (see 
Mtiller, E(T. ii. p. 273). 

Of the tenuis P it is not necessary to say much. If we 
compare the Latin forms with their Greek equivalents, we 
observe that P or pp, is used as a substitute for the ^ (p^h) of 
which I have just spoken. Thus puniceus^ caputs &c. corre- 
k I spond to if>oivliC€Of;j K&t ^Vj & Cm ftnd cruppdlarii^ cippus, -lappa, 
^ \ strcpptis, supparum, s-ctoppua, tcpper, &c., answer to KeKpv^H£><JO^^ 
ice^xiKriTri^y okoKi]^^ aTp6<f>iov, vifMcla, KoKcuf^o^, <r-Ti;^/oo9» 
0-Ti/^X(k {tapfer)y &c. 

In the languages derived from the Latin, P very often passes 
into V. This is most regular in the French: comp. aperire^ 
aprilta^ capilltM, capistrum, eapra, episcopus^ juniperus, hpua^ 
nepo8^ operay pauper^ recipere, sepelirey sapere, &c., with ouvrtr^ 
avrily chevhi, chevitrey chhyre^ iv^que^ genthyrCj lihyre^ neveuy 
ceuvrcy pauvrey resevotr, en-seveliry saumvy &c.* 

p is often inserted as a fulcrum to the labial M when a liquid 
follows : thus we have aumoy aum-^p-aiy sumptus; promOy prom- 
p-siy promptus ; and the true spelling of hiemr-s (cfl ;^€i/i-a) is 
htemrp-s (Wagner, Orthog. VergiL p. 442). 

Contact with the guttural j will convert P into GH = J or a 
soft G. Compare rupesy roche; sapiamy sache; sapm^ s agej 
&c Here in effect the labial is assimilated or absorbed, as in 
Rochester from Hrof-ceastre, 

The labial liquid M occa^onally takes the place of one or 

other of the labial mutes, even within the limits of the Latin 

c language itself. It stands by the side of b in ghmtiSy hiempsy 

) tumeo, &c., compared with globus, hibemtiSy iubery &c. We find 

a substitution of B for M in Bandelay the modem name of 

1 To avoid unnecessary trouble (for independont dictionary-hunting 
would hare led, in most cases, to a repetition of the same results) I hare 
taken seTeral of the commonest comparisons of French and Latin 
synonyms from the articles on the separate consonants in the Penny 
Cyclopaedia, It is scarcely worth while to make this reference, for no 
one acquainted with French and Latin need go to the Penny CifelopcBcUoy 
or any other compifation, in order to learn that auvriry avrUy &c. are 
derired from aperire, aprUis, &c. 


Mandela (OrelH, ad Hor. ill. Carm. 18, 12), and in Lubedan 
for Laaniedon (Scaliger, de CausstSf L. L, I. c. 22, p. 54). I 
am not aware that we have anj example of the commutation 
of M with the labio-dental F. With v it is not uncommon: 
comp. Mulciber, Vul/ianus; pro-mulgare, pro-vulgare (compare 
dirwlgare) ; &c. This is still more remarkable if we extend 
the comparison to cognate languages: thus Mara, mas {maris) ^ 
may be compared with Fa/w;?, fdpprfv, (vir, virtus, " war,'^ - 1 
wehren, "warrior," *Oapla>v; Mii Minne, " Minion," &c., wit!i 
Venus, Winnes-jafte, &c. {Abhandl. JSerl Ak. 1826, p. 68). 
So also /Aa-i/-T*9 may be compared with votes; at least, Plautus 
writes mantiscinari for vaticinari. The changes of P into M 
are generally observable in assimilations such as summus fori 
supimus, supremus: in Greek, and in the passage between Greek/ 
and Latin, this change is common enough ; thus we have fiera 
by the side of iriZa, and fioKu^So^ by the side of plumbum. In ' - 
fact, M and N are more nearly akin to the medials b and D than 
to the tenues, and a thick articulation will always give the 
medials for the liquids. 

At the end of Latin words M is very often omitted in writing, 
and seems to have been still more frequently neglected in pro- 
nunciation. With regard to the written omissions, it was the 
rule to omit in the present tense of active verbs the important M / 
which characterizes the first person in many of the other tenses. 
Li fact, the only verbs which retain it in the present tense are 
surm and inqua-^n : and it is mentioned as a custom of Cato the 
Censor, that he used also to elide the M at the termination of the 
futures of verbs in -o and -w> (see Ch. vi. § 3). The metrical 
ecthlipsis, which disregards the final -M when a vowel follows, 
may be explained by supposing a sort of anusvdrah in the Latin 
language. In the transition to the Romance languages, which 
make a new nominative of the Latin accusative, the final m is 
dropt in all but two instances — the Italian speme^spem, which 
extends it by a final vowel, and the French rien^rem, which 
substitutes the nasal avslaut. 

§ 3. The Outturals. 

The Boman gutturals are three, — the medial G, the aspirate 
H, and the labio-guttural tenuis Qt. The regular changes of this 

19— a 




order of mutes, as far as the Latin language is concerned, are 
proved by the following examples; the law itself, as applied to 
the gutturals, being expressed thus : 

Latin, (Greek, Sanscrit) . G H C 

Gothic K G H, G. 

Old High German . . . CH K H, G. 

1st column. Initials^ granum, O. N. Tco rn^ O. H. G. chom; 
genuSy hi7ii, chunni; gena, O. N. kinn^ O. H. G. chtnnt; genu^ . 
^^^ ^kne^ chnio; geluy gejidu8y Gothic kalds, O. H. G. chaU; gustare, 
. j'^'^ kiuaan, chiosan. Middle sounds; egoj ik^ih {ich); ager^ ahrSy-^ 
C/*^ achar; magnus, mikilsy michil; jugum,juk,joch; mulgere, O. N. 

A mmka. 6. Jl.G.meMan. ^^^^ " ^ 

' 2d column. Initials: homer ^ gans^ kans; hert, hestemus^ 

ij,J'i,\ _jy*^^a, kestar; hortua^ 99!£^^ karto; hostta, gasts^ kast; komOy 
* guma, komo. H is of rare occurrence as a middle sound in Latin; 

we may, however, compare t«a, veha^ with weg; veho with Groth. 
^ aigan; traho with Anglo-Sax. drqgan^ &c. 
A A^\ 3d column (in which I have substituted c for Q,, because the 

. ^4^'''^ latter belongs to a different class of comparisons). Initials : 
"" ^laudtiSjJ^alt, halz; caput, havbith, hovhit; ccr, hairto, herzd; 

a^ , . ca'^'^x. Jiunths, hund. Middle sounds: lux, Uuhdd, licht; tacere» 

^ ^^»' - ihakan, dagen; ^^cem, Goth, taihun, Lith. deszinUs. 

' "^ V Originally the Eomans made no distinction between the gut- 

.j^ '> ,\.^^'' turals C and G; the former was the only sign used; and although 
V*^ Ausonius says {Idyll, xil. de Utteris, v. 21): gammce vice juncta 
^^ li,** prtua C (see also Festus, s, vv. prodtgiat orcum), thereby imply- 
ing that c expressed both the medial o and the tenuis K^, there 
is reason to believe that in the older times the Romans pronounced 
C as a medial, and used Q as their only tenuis guttural. This 
appears from the forms macestratus, leciones, &c, on the Duilian 
monument, and still more strikingly from the fact that the prae- 
nomens Gains, Chiceus (Faw, Tewcuoi), were to the last indicated 
by the initials C and Cn,; for in the case of a proper name the 
old character would survive the change of application. When, 
however, the Romans began to distinguish between the pure 
tenuis K and the labial tenuis Q, they introduced a distinction 



1 On this confusion in other languages see New Crai, § 100. 


between c and G, which was marked by the addition of a tail to 
the old character c, the letter thus modified being used to repre- 
sent the medial, and the old form being transferred from the 
medials to the tenues. The author of this change was Sp. Car- 
vilius, a freedman and namesake of the celebrated Sp. Carvilius 
Euga, who, in A. u. C. 523, B. c. 231, furnished the first example 
of A divorce. See Plutarch, Qticest. Rom. p. 277 D : ri K irf^ 
rh V avyyeveubv e^et irap avrol<i [the Romans], o-^k yap iyj^ 
cravTO T^ ydfifia Kap^iXiov %Troplov 'rrpoae^evpovro^. Id. p. 278 e: 
oy^i TJp^avTO fuaOov SiBcurKeiv, koX irpwro^ dve^e ypafifuiToSiSa" 
CKcCKeiov ^Tropuy: Kap^tKio^ direKevOepo^ KapfitXiov tov Trpdrrov 
yafjLerfjv ix^oKovTo^. From the position in the alphabet assigned 
to this new character, — namely, the seventh place, corresponding 
to that of the Greek z, — there is reason to believe that the 
Koman C still retained the hard ^-sound, while the new charac- 
ter represented the soft palatal pronunciation of the English j 
and the Greek z, which is also expressed by the modem Italian 
ffi. It is clear that the Greek K was introduced long before the 
time of Carvilius, and therefore there could have been no need 
of an additional character except for the expression of an addi- 
tional sound. And as K was used only in the syllable ka, the 
additional sound must have been that borne by c and a in 
modem Italian before the vowels e and i. Before and u, as 
we shall see directly, Q was in its original place. 

The Latin h was a strong guttural aspirate, corresponding 
in position and in power to the Greek x* I* is trae that this 
character sometimes indicates a mere spiritus asper; and in this 
use it is either dropt or prefixed, according to the articulation. 
In general, however, it was the strongest and purest of the 
Roman aspirated gutturals. Graff has remarked {Abhandl. 
Berl. Ak. 1839, p. 12) tliat there are three classes of aspirates — 
the guttural (h), i.e. the spiritus; the labial (w), t. e. ih^jlatua; 
and the dental (s), i. e. the stbilatus: and he says that the Latin 
language entirely wants the first, whereas it possesses the labial 
aspirate in its Q, and the dental perhaps in its X. This appears 
to me to be neither a clear nor a correct statement. With regard 
to H in particular, there can be no doubt that it is a strong gut- 
tural, quite as much so as the Greek X' This is established by 
the following comparison. The Latin H answers to % in the- 


! words htemps (x^ifJMv), hiberrms (x^tfiipivoi), hio (%a/iw), humi 
ixdfiai)^ hortua (x^proi), &c. It represents the guttural c in 
trah-o, trac''8t, veh-o, vec-siy &c. In a word, it corresponds to the 
hard Sanscrit A, for which, in the cognate Gothic and Greek 
words, either g^ h, or 7, Ky x* ^® substituted (oomp. N. CraJt. 
§ 112). An initial H, or some other guttural, was often omitted 
in Latin as in other languages before another consonant ; thus 
we have res for hrea^hra-ia for AtV, " the hand;" ma for hma 
or crua {Jcarah^aro)^ loena by the side of 'xKoiiva', nidar by the 
side of icviaaa; Roma by the side of gruma (above, p. 68), &c. 
And even before vowels we have frequent instances of extenua- 
tion and omission of an original H. Indeed it is sometimes 
a matter of doubt whether the H ought to be retained or dismissed 
in spelling; thus some would write Hannibal, others Annibal; 
some Etruria^ others, more correctly, as I think, but less in ac- 
cordance with authority, Hetrurta; although aut and haud are 
the same word, and though old MSS. make no distinction 
between them (Lachmann ad Lticret. ill. 330, 632), the former 
generally omits, while the latter as generally retains the H; and 
while hcereo is almost the universally received orthography, we 
have caait in Lucret. VI. 1016 {uii v. Lachm.), in accordance with 
the Tyrrhenian at-caaum, (above, Ch. V. § 3, p. 183). 

With regard to Q or Qt, a character almost peculiar to the 
Latin alphabet, a longer investigation will be necessary. It has 
been a common opinion with philologers that there were different 
classes of the tenuis guttural, varying with the vowel which 
articulated them; thus, tcamra, kaph, was «followed only by a; 
H {heth) only by e; ^} only by i; KOTnra, hoph^ only by o; and 
Q only by w. Lepsius {Zwei Abhandl. pp. 18 — 31) has given a 
more rational and systematic form to this opinion, by supposing 
that there were three fundamental vowels, o, t, u; that x was 
subsequently split up into 1, e, and u into 0, u; that one of the 
three fundamental vowels was prefixed to each row of mutes in 
the old organic syllabarium, so that all the medials were articu- 
lated with a, all the aspirates with t, and all the tenues with «. 
This form of the opinion, however, is by no means suflScient to 
explain the peculiarities of the Roman Qt; and if it were, still 
it could not be adopted, as it runs counter to the results of a 
more scientific investigation into the origin of i and u. 


Tte difficulty which has been felt in dealing with the Latin 
Q has proceeded chiefly from the supposition that the accompany- 
ing t^ or t; must be either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant; 
for if it is a vowel, then either it ought to form a diphthong 
with the accompanying vowel, or a distinct syllable with the Q ; 
and neither of these cases ever happens : if, on the other hand, 
it is a consonant, the vowel preceding the Q ought to be long by 
position; and this is never the case even in the most ancient 
writers (see Graff, Abh. Berl Ak. 1839 : '' uber den Buchstaben 


It appears to me unnecessary to assume that the accompany- 
ing u is either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant. And 
herein consists the peculiarity of the Eoman q : it cannot be 
articulated without the u, and yet the u has no distinct existence. 
The true explanation, I conceive, is the following. No attentive 
student of the Latin authors can have failed to observe how 
great a tendency there is in this language to introduce sounds 
consisting of an union of the guttural and labial. Such a sound 
is the digamma, which may be considered to have been the lead- 
ing characteristic of the Felasgian language both in Italy and in 
Greece. Now there are four states of this sound, besides its 
original condition, in which both guttural and labial have their 
full power : the first is when the labial predominates, and this is 
expressed by the letter F = 5v (At?) ; the second is when the gut- 
tural predominates, and this is expressed by Qr; the third is 
when the guttural alone is sounded, and in this state it becomes 
the strong guttural E or k; the fourth is when the labial alone 
is articulated, and from this we have the letter v. 

The great difference between F and q consists in this, that 
in the latter it is necessary to express both the ingredients of the 
double sound, whereas they are both represented by one charac- 
ter in the former. Hence it has happened, that, while the gut- 
tural element of F has been overlooked by many philologers, 
they have over-estimated the independent value of the labial 
which accompanies Q. 

A sound bearing the same relation to the medials that Qr does 
to the tenues is occasionally formed by the addition of v to G. 
This occurs only after n and r: thus we find tinguo^ unguo, ur^ 
gueOf by the side of tinffo, ungo, urgeo. The former were probably 


the original words, the latter being subsequent modifications: 
compare gverra^ *' war," guardire^ " ward," &c. with the French 
pronunciation of guerre^ guardir^ &c. {Nem Crat § 110). 

When the labial ingredient of Qy is actually vocalized into «, 
the Q is expressed in classical Latin by the new tenuis c = K ; 
thus quojnSyquoi, the original gen. and dat. of qui, become ctijusy 
cut; cuirei becomes cur; quoin is turned into cum; sequundusy 
oquulus, torqular (comp. torqueo), quiris (cf. Quirinus), &c. are 
converted into secundus, oculus, torcular, curia, &c.^ This is also 
the case when u is represented by the similar Eoman sound of 
the 0. Thus coh must have been originally quolo; for Q is the 
initial of quohnia on coins, and in-quilinus is obviously derived 
from in-€oIoy which has lost its w, just as quotidie is written coti- 
die (Schneider, Lat. Gr. I. p. 335). It is known, too, that coquus 
must have been pronounced quoquus even in Cicero's time; for 
he made no difference in pronunciation between the particle 
quoque and the vocative of coquu»: see Quintil. VI. 3, §47: 
"Quae Ciceroni aliquando...exciderunt, ut dixit, quum is candi- 
datus, qui coqui filius habebatur, coram eo suffiragium ab alio 
peteret: ego quoque tibi favebo'." The change of qva into cu 
is particularly remarkable when a syllable is shortened, on ac- 
count of the heavier form in which it occurs; as when quatio 
in composition becomes con-cutio, per-cutio, &c. Perhaps we 
ought to write aciia in those cases in which aqua appears as a 
trisyllable (Lachipann ad LucreL VI. 552). 

The two constituent parts of Q^ often exist separately in 
different forms of the same root : thus we h^ve conniveo, connixi; 
fio (^J/co), fitci^^ foLCtua; jlw), jluxi; foveo^ focus; lavo^ hcus; 

1 It is laid down by modern scholars that u can nerer follow 
qu; thus we must not write gutim, hquuntur^ aequum, eqwUy &c., bat 
eum^ locuntur, cecunij ecus, &c. (MUlIer, <id Varron. p. 38; Lachmann, 
ad Lucret, pp. 172, 220, 398 ; Wagner, ad Verg. jEn, ix. 299 ; Ritschl, 
ProUg- Plant p. 94; Sillig, Proe/. Plin. p. 72). Bat I hope that this 
rule will not be adopted generally by editors, and that in writing modem 
Latin at all events we shall still be allowed to distinguish between qwum 
the conjunction and cum the preposition» without resorting to the old- 
fashioned quom for the former. 

^ There are some remarks on this subject in Erasmus, CoUoqwa, 
p. 164, ed. Amstelod. 1651. 


nixy mvia; struo, struxi; vivo^ vixi. The last is a double in- 
stance; for there can be no doubt of the connexion between 
^^ " quick " and virms (for qviqvtis) {New Grat § 112, note). 
Bopp's opinion, therefore {Vergleich. Gramm. pp. 18, 98), that 
there is some natural connexion between v and k in themselves, 
is altogether unfounded. 

In the comparison between Latin and Sanscrit we seldom 
find that Qy is represented hj a Sanscrit K, but that it usually 
stands in cognate words where the Sanscrit has a palatal or 
sibilant {New Crat. § 105, 216) : compare quatuor, Sanscr. 
cAatur; s-quama, Sanscr. chhad, "tegere;" quurmdus, Sanscr. 
cA«, "accumulare;" oc-aiUus (pb-quultus)^ Sanscr. ^a?, "tegere;" 
sequoTj Sanscr. sajj; pequus, Sanscr. pagu; equtts, Sanscr. agva, 
&c. When Qy stands by the side of a Sanscrit A, it is 
either when that letter is followed by e or i— in which case 
the guttural approximates to the palatal, — or when the k stands 
before u or v. There are some instances in which the Qt is re- 
presented by the labial p in Greek and Sanscrit; and this is 
particularly remarkable in cases where the Qv occurs twice in the 
Latin word : compare the Latin quinquej quoquo {coquo), aqua, 
hqtwr, &c., with the Sanscrit and Greek panchan, irifitre, pack, 
ireirc^, dpah (pi.), lap, &c.; also equtis, oquulua, sequor, Unquo, 
&c., with hnro^, ofifia, eirofuu, \el7roi>, &c. 

Quintilian says that the Latin Q is derived from the Greek 
Krnira (i. 4, § 9) ; and there can be no doubt that they have a 
common origin. Now this Greek KOTnra^ which is of rare oc- 
currence, is founds where it occurs in Greek inscriptions, only 
before o. Thus we have (popivOoOev (Bockh, C /. no. 29), o/xpoi^ 
(n. 37), \v<poBopKa<; (n. 166); and on coins we have <popivOo^y 
l,vpa(;>oa'uovy &c. The explanation of this is simple : the letter 
o before a vowel expressed the sound of w, so far as the mouth 
of a Greek could convey this sound : compare olarpof;, poifiBo^y 
which imitate tlie whizzing noises of the wings of the gad-fly 
and the bird; ia which represents the Persian lamentation wa/ 
&c. (above, p. 68). Consequently, the syllable 90 must be 
regarded as the residuum of a syllable pronounced kwa, which 
was probably the pronunciation of the Latin Qt. At any rate, 
it is sufficiently evident from the single word Xwpohopica^ that 
9 and K could not have been identical at the time when the 

^ :^^ ^ 


inscription was caryed; otherwise we should have had either 
Xv4M>Sop/ica9 or Xu9oSo/»9a9. In fact, the word yJfKio^ must hare 
been originallj Xupoo^ {luqvus)^ otherwise the labial in the Latin 
lujpm would, be inexplicable. Perhaps, too, as Graff suggests 
(u. s. p. 10, note 7), there are other Qxeek words containing 
the syllable ko or /m/, which must have been written with 9 in 
the older state of the language. He selects the following, of 
which the Sanscrit equivalents have the palatals ;, ok: xoafio^y 
fcoyxf^, /copoTf, k£vo^, Kvcam^ Sanscrit fudhj ^'purificari;" 
^hkha^ "concha;" giras^ "caput;" yd, "acuere," Lat. qvurvus; 
chydma, "violaceus." The passage from Q^ into 90, jcir, &c. 
maj be illustrated also by the converse change from Kvix> qu in 
" liquorice,** from yXwcvpplfyty &c., while the English articulation 
of "can" has entirely obliterated all traces of the Q in the Latin 
gueoy originally qtieno (cf. ne-quinont for ne-queunt), though the 
Grerman kannen still preserves this sound by implication ^ 

If we examine the changes which have taken place in the 
gutturals in their passage from the Roman to the Bomance lan- 
guages, we are first struck by the general tendency to soften 
down or assibilate the tenuis c. The former process is effected 
by a change of c into ch: compare the Latin caballm^ cadere^ ' ^Ly, 
calidus, camera^ cantSy caputs carmen, carua^ casa^ ca^iasiea;' , 
castus, caulia, &c. with the French chevalj cheatr, chaud, cham-^^' . 
bre, chj^, charme, chien, cher, chez, cJuUawney chaste^ choux^ 
&c. Of the assibilation of C we have many instances: such 
are, facimH8y Fr. faiaons; licere, loisir; placer e^ plaistr; &c. 
Scaliger says {prima Scab'gerana, p. 114) : " mutam semper 
Galli tollunt inter duas vocales." This is very often justified 
by the transition from Latin to French in the case of gutturals 
and dentals. Between two vowels c is sometimes dropt ; thus 
the Icauna becomes the Yonne, Tricaaees becomes Trayes ; and 
similarly the Seqiuma is turned into the Seine. 

Another change in the Romance languages is the omission of 
C when it is followed by a T : comp. dictua, It. ditto, Fr. dit ; 
pectua, It. petto, Fr. poiirine, &c. c also disappears in French 
when in the Latin form it was followed by R ; compare lacrima, 

1 We may compare qui-squU-im with the Greek ico-o-jevXX», jco-<ricwX- 
fuiria, where the original gu = 9 is represented by ko or icv. 


sucramentum, &c. with larniBy sermenty &c. It is neglected in 
the same language when it stands between two vowels, especially 
when one or both are u {o) or i: compare apicula, carbiculay 
^ ^«*, J0CU8, tocus^ , nocere, paucusy vicesy &c. with abetUe, cot" 
1^^ betlley Jm, jeu; lieuj nuire, peu, Jbie, &c. An omission of the ^ o ^** ' 1 . 
hard c is sometimes strangely compensated by the introduction i'ttA/^ ^ 
of o before i; thus we have paix from pix, Poitiers from PtO' 
tones, &c. We must distinguish this fronj Jbyer by the side of 
focus which has an o already. 

In some cases the French converts the tenuis c into the 
medial a. Compare aigre, aveuffle, maigre, &c. with a^r, '" '* f ^^^ 
aboculus, nuicer^ &c. ) * ifiJi^^ ' . 

G is often omitted in the middle of French words : compare 
AtigustiLS, Auffustodunum, Brigantioy Lugdunum, legere^ lAge* 
risj magiSy magister, niger, paganus, regxnOj &c. with Ao^ity 
AtUun, Briangon, Lyon, and Loony lircy LoirCy maisy maitre, noir^ 
paieny reinSy &c. Similarly, we have dais or dins {dasium) from 
dagus^dachy i.e. the canopy over the high table in the hall. 
Compare also our pronunciation of Augustin as Austiny and of 
Magdalen as Maudlin. The same omission took place in old 
Latin ; thus we find morvis = magis-pis. 

The French and Italians generally neglect the guttural H. 
The old hard sound of this aspirate is quite unknown to them. 

Although the sibilant is in some cases akin to the dental 
class, the Latin sibilants x and s must be considered as belong- 
ing altogether to the gutturals. The Romans had a dental sibi- 
lant in their R, of which I shall speak directly; but these two 
seem to have in themselves no connexion with the dentals, be- 
yond the circumstance that R is frequently derived from s by the 
substitution of a dental articulation, in the same way as stands 
for cr in ddXaaaa for a-dXao-aay &c., and as the lisping English- 
man says yeth for yes. 

If we consider x in its common acceptation, it is a direct 
combination of the guttural c or a with the sibilant s. This 
must, of course, be its power in rexiy Jkxiy &c. But it was 
not always equivalent to this combination either in sound or in 
origin. Sometimes it stands for the dental f=c^', as in rta?a ^ ^ - ^ 
compared with SpiS^y ipO^y &c. And even when it was derived 
immediately from a guttural and s, the sibilant seems to have 


overpowered the guttural, which was either lost altogether or 
pronounced only as an aspiration. We have traces of this in the 
modem Italian pronunciation of Alessandro, vissi, &c. The 
Greek ^ derived its name from the Hebrew shin, and perhaps 
occasionally represented it in sound. A sibilant or aspirate often 
changes its place: thus the Gothic hv is in English wh, the 
Greek hr is the Latin rh, and the Greek ^ = K<r- might occasion- 
ally be a-K-: compare the transposition in the oriental words 
Iscander, Scanderoon, Candahar, all derived from the Greek ^ 
^AXi'^avSpof;. The last of these words is a mutilation which 
reminds us of the modem Scotch division of the name Alexander 
into the t^vo abbreviations Alick and Saunders or Sandy. When 
the transposition was once effected, the softening of the guttural 
was obvious and easy: compare axirTuo^, "scathe," schade; 
^-^yi/ X^Pf^V» "s-kiiinish," schirm, &c. 
' ^ *^^ The Latin s is principally remarkable as standing at the 

beginning of words, the Greek equivalents of which have only 
an aspirate: compare sal, sex, septem, sol, silva, simul, sedere, 
segui, somnus, &c., with 5X9, ?f, iirrd, ^\to9, v\frf, a/ia, 
'\,'-, l^ca-Oa^, cTTofMu, wrvo^, &c. Though in some cases even this 
aspirate has vanished: as in el, i\\6<}, &c., compared with 
si, sileo, &c. It frequently happens that in the more modem 
forms of the Roman language an original s has been super- 
seded by the dental sibilant R. Thus Quintilian tells us (i, 4, 
§ 13) that Valesius, Fusius, arhos, labos, vapos, clamos, and 
lases (cf. Fest. s. v.), were the original forms of Valerim, Fu- 
ritis, arbor, labor, vapor, clamor, and lares ; and it is clear that 
honor, honestus, are only different forms of onus, onustus. It 
is rather surprising that the Jurist Pomponius {Diffff. i. 2, 2, 
§ 36) should have attributed to Appius Claudius Caecus (consul I. 
A.U.C. 447, B.C. 307; consul II. A.U.C. 458, b.c. 296) the inven- 
tion of a letter which is the initial of the names Boma and 
Bomulus. He can only mean that Appius was the first to in- 
troduce the practice of substituting R for s in proper names, a 
change which he might have made in his censorship. It appears, 
from what Cicero says, that L. Papirius Crassus, who was consul 
in A.u.C. 418, B.C. 336, was the first of his name who did not 
call himself Papisius {ad FamiL ix. 21): **How came you to 
suppose," says Cicero, writing to L. Papirius Pestus, "that there 


never was a Papirius of patrician rank, when it is certain that 
they were patricit minorum gentium f To begin with the first 
of these, I will instance L. Papirius Mugillanus, who, in the year 
of the city 312, was censor with L. Sempronins Atratinus, who 
had previously (A.U.C. 310) been his colleague in the consulship. 
But your family-name at that time was Papistus. After him 
there were thirteen of your ancestors who were curule magis- 
trates before L. Papirius Crassus, the first of your family that 
disused the name Papistus. This Papirius was chosen dictator 
in A.U.C. 415, with L. Papirius Cursor for his vruigister equitum, 
and four years afterwards he was elected consul with K. Duilius." 
We must conclude, therefore, that Appius Claudius used his cen- 
sorial authority to sanction a practice, which had already come 
into vogue, and which was intimately connected with the pecu- 
liarities of the Eoman articulation. In fact, the Romans were to 
the last remarkable for the same tendency to rhotacism, which is 
characteristic of the Umbrian, Dorian, and Old Norse dialects. 

% 4:. The Dentals. 

The Eomans had five dentals or Unguals : the mutes D and 
T, the liquids L and N, and the secondary letter B, which in 
most alphabets is considered a liquid, but in the Latin stands for 
an aspiration or assibilation of the medial D. Grimm's law» as 
applied to the dentals, stands thus : 

Latin, (Ghreek, Sanscrit) . D T 

Gothic ...... T D Z, TH 

Old High German . . • Z T D 

The following examples will serve to establish the rule. 

1st column. Initials : dingiuz, lingua, tuggo, zunga ; deus, ^ ^ 
O. N. t^r, 0. H. G. ziu; dens, dentis, Qoth.-funlhus-, O. H. G. to^^ 
Zand; damare, tamjan, zemen; dolus, O. N. tdl, zdla; ducere, 
Goth, tiuhan, 0. H. G. ziohan; duo, tva, zuei; dextra, taihsvSy ^ 

z'isawa. Middle sounds: sedes, sedere, sitan, sizan; e-dere, V 
itan, 'izan ; videre, vitan, voizan ; ^dium, hatis, haz ; u-^^da, j^ ,^ i. 
vat8, wazar; sudor ^ sveiti, sweiz ; pedes, fdtjus, viwzi. 

2d Column. The Latin has no ^; and when the R stands 
for the D, there are generally other coexistent forms in which 
the medial is found. For the purpose of comparison Grimm has 


^ selected some Latin words in which a Latin F stands bj the side 

■'/*^/ of the Greek 0, Initials: ,/bre*(tfi5pa), dair^ tor; fera {0^p)y 

O. N. d^, O, H. G. tiar. Middle sounds : audere, auaus (Oappebf)^ 

gada&ran^ twrran; mathu^ Tnsc. {Gi. f^Ov)^ Anglo-Sax. inftfo^ 

0- H. G. mStu. 

3d column. Initials : tUy Gothic thu ; O. H. G. dH ; tener, 

O. N. thunnr^ O. H. G. dunni; tendere^ Goth, thanjan, O. H. G. 

\ denen; tacere^ tkaJum^ dagen; tolerarey thulan, dolen; tectum^ 

<^' ihaky dock. Middle sounds: fratert brSthar, pruoder ; rota^ 

O.N. hradhr ("celer"), O.H.G. hrad ("rota"); a-Uer (Umbr. 

eire), anthar^ andar; iterum, vithra, widar. 

Of the commutations of the dentab one with another in the 
Latin language alone, the most constant is the interchange o( D 
with L or R. Thus D becomes L in deUcare (Fest. pp. 70, 73), 
impelimenJtai lemvy Melica (Fest. p. 124), oljhcit for dedicart^ 
impedimenta, Sa^py Medica, odefadt; and is assimilated to L in 
such words as mala, rcUla, scala, sella from ma-n-do, radoy 
sca-n-doy aedeo: the conrerse change is obserrable in ^OSvaa-ev^, 
HoKuSevMr:, hcucpvov {dacrima, Fest. p. 68), Sa^iXi;?, dingua 
(Mar. Vict. p. 2647) (O. H. G. zunga), Cajntodium, meditariy 
Icadamitas, adauda, &c., the more genuine forms of which, are 
preserved in the Ulysses {oXJr/osi), Pol-lux (comp. Sev/ice?, Hesych. 
with lux)y lacryma {Itqueo), lapsilis (XaTrrc»), lingua (A^/^c*!'), 
Capitohum, fjLeKerav, calamitas, alauda, &c. : Sioo, on the con- 
trary, is a more ancient form than ligare (see K Crat, § 155), 
This change takes place within the limits of the Greek language 
also: comp. hel&o> with heCKM^ Sf^ (SfSo?) with &1X09, &c«, 
though in many of these cases there is the residue of an original 
assimilation, as in «coX^k, root #ca8-, cf. ko^, &c The change 
is also observable in the passage from Latin to the Romance lan- 
guages; thus Digentia has become Licema, the people of Madrid 
call themselves Madrilenos, and JSgidius becomes Oiles. The 
other dentals, T and N, are also sometimes converted into L : as 
in Thetis, Thelis; Nympha, Lympha, &c, (See Varro, L. L. 
Yil. § 87). In some cases there is a passage from S to X in 
Greek, as in aSriv, oKi^ (compare satis); and the Greek in 
Odpff^ is represented by an Z in lorica. There is an inter- 
change of N and B in €Breus, esneus: in murus, munio; in SApw, 
donum; irKripnfy;, plenus; Ixmdres, London; Havre, Hafm, &c. 


The ablative or adverbial D has become n in longinquua, pro- 
pinquus from longe\d\, prope\d^\ (compare antiques , posticus, 
from antea, postea, amicus from amo [amcu>), &c. In the cor- 
ruption Catamitus from Oanymedes, both N and D are changed 
into T, and in caduceus from tcf)pvf^taiL.y^e have th*e converse 
change from B to D. d is dropt when flanked bj two vowels, 
as es for edisy est for edit, esse for edere, item for itidem, &c. 
So also the dental liquids L and N are liable to excision; compare 
vis = volis, and the numberless omissions of the final -nt as in 
Juire^Jiierunt, Tegna = regnont, 

The change from D to B has been often pointed out, in such 
common instances as avrris compared with audrio, apor for apvd, 
meridie for media die, ar-vocat for ad-vocat, &c. The verb ar^ 
cesso, which is also written accerso, furnishes a double example 
of the change : the original form was ad<ed-so = accedere svno : 
in arcesso the first d is changed into r, and the second assimi- 
lated to «.* in accerso the first d is assimilated to c, and the 
second changed to r. In the Bomance language D is changed 
into B in the Spanish lampare from lampada, and conversely in 
the Italian rado from raro, fidire from jerire; compare the 
English jpa^2e2t>c& for parruc, A.-S. tor park. 

As a final letter, D became more and more liable to proscrip- 
tion* With the exception of the proclitics ad and apud, some- 
times written et or tU and apiU, ar and apar; the conjunction 
sed^ also written set; and the adverb hatid also written haut and 
ata (cf. autem), we have no D in atulaut in classical Latinity. 
In the ablative, D was absorbed before the rise of Roman litera- 
ture» and 'od for -n^ or -nt in the neuter plural was finally re- 
presented by -df only. 

N is principally remarkable in Latin from its use as a sort 
of anitsvdrah (see N. Crat. § 223). In this use it is inserted, 
generally before the second consonant of the root, as in turnrdo, 
root titd- ; Ji-n-do, root fid-, &c. ; but sometimes after it, as in 
ster-firOy root ster-y stra- ; sper-n-o, root yper-, spre- ; si-n-Oy 
root si-y &c. This nasal insertion is found in modem transitions 
as when the chamcedrys {xa^iaiBpt;^), i, e. the quercula or " speed- 
well" is called gamander or germander. 

Conversely, n becomes evanescent in certain cases, particu- 
larly before s and y. Thus consul is written cosol (abbreviated 

/ ) 


into cos)^ where the N is represented bj a long pronunciation of 
the preceding vowel, as appears from the Greek transcription 
K&v<Tov\ (Corssen, I. p. 101); and we find ceaovy infaa, vicies^ 
vicesinma for censor^ infanSy viciena, vicensumus (see Corssen, I. 
p. 30 b). Similarly B is elided, especially before s. Thus we 
have in old Latin advosis for advoratis, prostis for prorsua (as in 
prosa oratio), rosua for rursus (Miijler ad FesL p. 26). We have 
even suaum-Jttsum for sursum deorsum in later Latin (see Journal 
of Philoloffi/, March 1858, p. 200). This omission of N is regu- 
lar in the Greek particles in -6^9, and in other words, e. g. oBotn; ; 
it seems also to have been the rule in Umbrian. As the Greeks 
wrote -^ for the Latin rw, so conversely the B.omans wrote tkenF- 
saurtM {or the Greek Orja-avpo^^ (Munro, Journal of PhUoloffy, 
Feb. 1860, p. 283). This seems to show that n before s was 
merely a nasal sound, which lengthened the preceding vowel. 
In the Romance language the Latin termination -ensta generally 
loses its N (see Schneider, i. 2, p. 458). Thus we have Vaudoia 
by the side of Waldensea, hourgeoia for burgenaza, courtota for «w- 
tenaia, &c. In Italian we have Veroneae for Veronenaiaf marcheae 
for marchenaiay paeae iox pagenaia; and the last two pass into the 
French warjww and paj/a. The most important instance of the 
omission of N before v is frimished by the common word contio, 
derived fi^om conventio through the form coventio^y which is 
found in old inscriptions (see Senat. Gona, de Bacc, 22). Simi- 
lady, conv€9U becomes coyent (" Ci>t;€7i^-garden, &c."), Gonjlur 
entea is turned into Coblenz, and /w/j/ into "five." In English 
the prefix eon is shortaied into co- before all consonants, in spite 
t)f the remonstrances of Bentley. On the contractions of con in 
Latin, see Lachmann on Lucret. 11. 1061. 

1 This word has nothing to do with aurunit but contains the root of 
rWijfu under the same extension and modification as the name G^orcv-ff» 
which denotes ''the arranger;" so that Stia-av^pds =:^ 6fj<raf^p6s h merely 
^ a Btore-room or receptacle of things arranged and set in order." As 
a matter of usage ^jjamfpSs is by no means confined to the signification, 
in which we use the word " treasure," i. e. as a hoard of money or 
articles of specific ralue. 

* Contio stands related to eonventio as nundincB to novendmcB, ntmtiua 
to novirven-tius, &c. For the latter, comp. nov^i-tius. Domitius^ the pro- 
per name, seems to signify '* the home-goer ;" so propitius, as the ante- 
cedent of praeaenSf when said of a deity. Ilitht^ (old fern, of elKtiBw) 
might be rendered PropUia. 


With regard to the changes experienced by the dentals in 
the passage from Latin to the Romance dialects, the following 
instances may suffice, d and T are frequently dropt in the 
French forms of Latin words: (a) d: Andegavi, Fr. Anjou; Co- 
durdy Fr. Cahors ; Medtomairices, Fr. Metz ; Meduana^ Fr. May* 
enne; Mdodunum^ Fr. Melun (cf. Medtolantmi^ It. MiUmo); 
y'^' ^ Cauda (It. coda^ Sp. cofa), Fr. queue; fides^ Yr.foi; medico 
nocte, Fr. mt-nuit; nudus, Fr. nu; Mhodanua, Fr. Rhone; vor- 
dum^ Fr. gui; videre, Fr. voirK So also in the passage from 
verbs compounded with ad, we have aorer and aomer from ado* 
rare and adamarej and the English ''aim" from adcBStimare 
through the old French aesmer (Duchat, apud Menage Diet. 
Etymol. I. p. 549, ed. 1750). (i) t: acetum, Lomb. aseo; 
ad^satta, Fr. aa-sez (originally assetz); Autura, Fr. Eure; 
amaiuSy Fr. aind; Biturigea, Fr. Bourgea; Matiaco, Fr. Mdgon; 
Bhedcmea^ Fr. Bennea; Rodumna, Fr. Bauanne; Catalauni, Fr. 
Chdhna; pater, Fr. ph'e; Butheni, Fr. Bodez; vitq, Fr. vie. 
There is a double abbreviation in Arraa from Atrebatea. So 
also we have Mayence from Moguntiacum, ipage bom^paedor 
gogium (N. Crat. § 225), and Bich-'borough from Butupium, 
where we have also the change from pi to ch (above, p. 290). 
In Orenoble from Gfratianopolia the first three syllables are con- 
tracted, just as in grb from gratia, in malgrS, &c. On the con* 
trary, D intrudes or is revived in certain prepositions when com- 
pounded with verbs beginning with a vowel; thus we haLveprod^ 
eat hut pro-aunt, red-eo, but re-verto, wd as we have re-cido, re- 
Jero, re^Uo, rerperio, it may be doubtful whether reccidi, rep* 
puli, repperi, rettuli are for red-ddi, redpuli, red-peri, redrtuli, 
or for re-cecidi, re-pepuli, re-peperi, re-tetuli. Corssen supposes 
the latter change {Auaapr. Vok. u. Bet. ii. p. 46). BeUigio, reL- 
liquia, &c. favour the former supposition. In the Bomance lan^ 
gukges this letter is sometimes inserted as a fulcrum between the 
liquids n and r, as in cendr^, JDordogne, gendre, tendre, fix)m 
einer-^, Duraniua, gener, tener; viendr-ai, tiendr-ai for venir-ai 
{venire habeo), tener-ai {tenere habeo), &c. ; vendredi for Veneria 

1 The French Bometimes drop the n before a guttural in words of 
German extraction» as in Huguenot for Eidgikosaen, or Eidrgenoim^ i. e. 
" conspirators," 

D.v. 20 


die^ &c. This will remind the classical stadent of the similar 
insertion in the Greek av-B-pi^, &e. ; and both the Greeks and 
the Bomans applj the same principle to the labials also. The 
combination Ti is almost always represented by a soft a in 
French words derived from the Latin: as offe, itage^ MQQage 
/l^*^' from cetdtium^ statio, maritaiio. In these cases it is matter of 

/^'jA' indifference whether we suppose a softening of the whole combi- 

nation {N. Crat § 112) or an omission of the dental and sub- 
stitution of the i^Jf as in the labial forms mentioned above 
(p. 290). 

The indistinctneyi with which the French pronounce N at 
the end of a word has given rise to some etymological, or rather 
orthographical, inconsistencies in that language. Not the least 
remarkable of these is the appearance of s instead of M or N in 
the first person of many verb-forms. If we compare tuts with 
the Italian sono on the one hand, and the Spanish say on the 
other, and remember that the first and third persons of the 
present tense in the Romance verbs do not exhibit a final s in 
the oldest examples of the language, we may conclude that the B 
in this and other French forms is an arbitrary orthographic 
appendage. The termination -ois^etms shows that eay is not 
an inadequate representative of aono. 

There are some few instances of a metathesis of L in the ap- 
parent transition from Greek to Latin ; thus we have yku/cd^ (from 
ilkvKv^f Ahrens, d. dial. jEoL p. 73), Tivev^p (from irkeufiMv)^ 
yXcuf}^, yXu^ by the side of dulcts, pulmo, aealpo, sculpo (Cors- 
sen, I. p. 79). L, n,.r, are frequently interchanged as the Latin 
passes into the Bomance idiom. L passes into R* in apStte^ 
epitre, Omey rosstgnol, titre, &c., from apostolus, epistola, Olina, 
lusciniola, titultM, &c. ; — ^N into L in aJma, Barcelona, Bohffna, 
Lebrixa from antma, Barcino, Bononta, Nebrissa; — N into R in 

1 Ad-Mar^ might bo regarded as tn ioBtance of the conterse change 
from R to L : namely, as compounded of ad and ula=ovfi^ and at refer- 
ring, like the Greek tralvtuf {=a-tUt¥, ''to shako or wag"), to the dog 
blandishing, fawning, and wagging his tail But a more probable analysis 
"would be to suppose a oontractod reduplication from ad-ululo in the 
usual sense of ad and ntipd with rerbs expressing a sound; compare 


diaxre from diaconns^ in aerOjSevi bj the side of nno^ sivi, and 
in Langres from Lingones^ Nevera from Nomodunum. In old 
Latin r passes into 2, as in (7(Db2m Vivenna from Cbr60 (above, . 
p. 33); but I passes into r in ocsruZ^ from ccehdetis. We seem 
to have a change of I into r, or t^ice t?er#a, in Zw, Ztifw from «tZtl^y 
compared with the German s^eii. 

L is a representation of d in Giles from .^JgiditUj in eHera 
for edera, and in PV^^Zta for Veaidta. 

The Italians vocalize L into I when it follows certain conso- 
nants : compare damaref darusj davis^ floSy FhrmHa^ jlwstuiy 
jlwmenj obliqum^ Placentia, planus^ plenua^ &c., with chiamare^ 
c&iaro, chiave, fiora^ Ficreme (Firenze), ^fioitOj Jiume» bieco (Fr.. 
iwtw^^Eng^U^'big,*"), Piacenzay pianoj pieno^ &c. . - - ■ ,^f 

* 'The French vocalize the Latin D into L, which seems to 
have been in the first instance onlj an affection of the previous 
vowel, into which the L was subsequently absorbed. Thus alter 
was first written anUrey and then autre. This affection of a 
preceding vowel by the liquid which follows is not uncommon in 
other languages. The Greeks in some of their dialects pro- 
noTmced tiie vowel broad before or after p : comp. ^>pcuTi with 
^peaLf &c. : and the common people in Dorsetshire pronounce o 
like a when it is followed bj r and another consonant ; thus 
George is pronounced George^ stormy eiarmy &c. The French 
absorption of the L is almost universal : it is regular in the 
dative of the article au^h fe, aux^h lea; in the plurals of 
nouns in 2, as ammalesy antmaux; canalea^ canatuc, &c. But 
it is also foimd in a number of other words, in which the vowel 
preceding I is not a; even when it is u: compare alig^uia unua, 
aUarey iXefffioavini, Bulgare, fdix (like o frnKapirryiy used in 
speaking of the dead), tUna, &c, with the French aucuny atUely 
aumdne, bougre^fiu (anciently written .^tia? asAJmlx)y (mne^ &c. 

% 5. The Votoela. 
The philological student must always bear in mind that there 
are two distinct classes of vowels ; the one containing the vowels 

1 It 18 probable that the word "bias** came from France with the 
game of bowls ; and as denoting that one-sided weight which makes the 
sphere run obliquely, it is connected in meaiSing as well as origin with 
Moii ss M0CO s o6^ =3 oMi^itf . 



of articolation, A, E, o ; the other comprising the vocalized conso- 
nants I and u. In other words, there are onlj three distinct 
vowels, A, I, u ; for e and o differ £rom A in weight onlj. 

The original alphabet is a sjllabarium consisting of breathings 
and consonants, which are articolated by the sonnd A. Now the 
character A, in its original application, denotes the lightest of the 
breathings, the character E the heaviest of them, and the cha- 
racter o a breathing which is intermediate in weight Conse- 
t][uentl7, on the principle that the lightest vowel always co-exists 
with the heaviest form (see N. Grot. §§ 101, 222, &c), when 
these breathings were no longer indicated by distinct characters, 
. A would represent the heaviest articnlation-vowel, E the lightest^ 
and o that which stands between them in point of weight. That 
this is actually the order of the articulation-vowels, considered in 
respect to the weight of the combinations in which they are 
found, is clearly established by an examination of the existing 
forms in the most perfect of the Indo-Grermanic languages. 

The vowels i and u result firom the vocalisation, not of 
breathings, — ^as is the case with A, E, o, — ^but of mutes. The 
former is the ultimate state of the softened or assibilated gut- 
turals and dentals, the latter lb the residuum of the labials 
{N. Crat, § 108). Even in cases, in which they are regularly 
used as vowels, i and u occasionally revert by synizesis to their 
consonantal use. Thus we have cannubia (Lucret. iii. 741) and 
cannubto (Verg. JSn. i. 73) ; ebuUtat (Pers. Ii. 10), ahiete (Verg. 
jEn. II. 16), prifudpivm (Horat. 3 Carm. vi. 6), as words of 
three syllables; and tenuis (Lucr. i. 875), duarum (Ter. HeaiU. 
II. 3, 85) as two syllables, dueUica (Lucr. ii. 661) as three sylla- 
bles, tuoB (Ter. Andr. i. 5, 61) as one syllable; in which i and u 
are pronoimced like r or J and v or w (see Corssen, ii. 167 sqq). 
But, though they are of different origin firom A and its subordi- 
nates, they must be considered, especially in the Latin language, 
as occasionally approximating in sound to the vowels derived 
from breathings, and as representing them in certain cases, where 
forms of an intermediate weight require an intermediate weight 
of vowels. This will be best shown by examples, fit>m which it 
will appear that the vowels i and U have shades of value, or 
rather that they admit of subdivision into other vowels, differing 
from them in weight, as £ and o differ firom A, but not expressed 


in different characters, at least in the existing written remains of 
the Latin language. 

It has been remarked that the a of the root-syllable is 
changed into % or e in secondary formations according to a fixed 
rule : namely, that a becomes % when the root-syllable in the 
longer form remains otherwise unchanged ; but the a is turned 
into e when the root-syllable is followed immediately by an adsci- 
titious consonant, or when the consonant following the root-vowel 
is thrown back upon the vowel by some semi-consonant, like t, 
or e^y (see Bopp, Vergleich. Chramm. p. 5 ; Rosen, Journal of 
EducaHon, viii. p. 344; K Orat. § 222*). The following ex- 
amples may suffice to establish this : 

A I E " 

amicus • . • in^imicus • . • ''enmity." 

arfna .... • tfirermts» 

ars tfirers. 

hatha vmr^berbts. 

(oo-^put . . . r&t-ceptf. 
caput . . . <prtn-cipium . ipros-^ieps. 
{sin-ciput . . [prinHxps. 

J (ce-cidi 

cacto • • . •< ^.v.. .T* 


(ce-cini .... [cem-cenitM. 

cano. . . . \t^i^nt8 . . {tubi-^sen. 

, (con-foio , . . (cofirfectus. 

•^*^ • • • \pro-fici8cor . . \pro-fectu8. 

judum profecto. 

faUo }»-/efft. 

fostus pro-jkatus. 

gradtor rc^redior. 

jacio . . . ab^icio . . . ah^ectus. 
taceo • • • can'ticesco. 
tango . . . con-tingo. 

The cause of the change from i to E is farther shown by the 
change back again from B to i when the root is not followed by 

1 Similar to this is the case of qametz 'katuph in Hebrew, for here the 
long d becomes 8 in conseqnence of the consonant in amknU being 
thrown back on the rowel of articulation* 


two consonants: thns, bi-ceps, &c., become bi^pitis^ &c. in the 
genitive; and similarly ttdn-cenla] makes tubi-^nia. Another 
change firom i to B is to be remarked in the transformation of 
the diphthongs Ai, 01 into AE and OE. It was also a peculiarity of 
the Latin writers from the earliest times to use e as a repre- 
sentative of EI, for which also they occasionally substituted i. 
Thus, while "Hireipo^ becomes Epirus; Deiy Di; Deis, Dia ; &c. ; 
we have naves by the side of naveis^^navtSy and both tris and 
tre$ by the side of &ei8. Schwartze {aUe JBigypten^ i. p. 605) 
distinguishes three main periods of Latin orthography in regard 
to the pronunciation of i and E. The peculiarity of the first 
and oldest period consisted in the employment of E with a dull 
I sound, which Schwartze terms the E pinguis. The second 
period, which immediately preceded the classical, wrote i instead 
of this E pinffuts. The third or classical period in a considerable 
number of forms introduced an E, which ^^>rma% corresponded 
to the old £ pinguisj but was materially different from it, and 
this, as it possessed the true sound of E, he calls the phonetic E. 

It is worthy of remark that as Ennius introduced the custom 
of doubling the mutes, semivowels, and liquids for the purpose 
of expressing the sharp sound which they sometimes threw back 
on the preceding vowel (Festus, p. 293), ahd as a substitute for 
the 8tcilicu$ or inverted c, which was also used for the same pur- 
pose, as in sel'a, ser'a, aa^eres (Mar. Victor, p. 2456), so also the 
tragedian Attius introduced double vowels for the purpose of in- 
dicating that the syllable was long by nature (Yel. Long. p. 2220), 
a practice which is observed in inscriptions fit>m the time of 
the Gracchi up to Cicero^s consulship (Ritschl, d$ Vacalibua 
Gemtnatts ab Attio ChrammcUicOy cited by Corssen, l. p. 8). Thus 
they wrote Feelix^ luuce, pequlatuUy juus^ &c. In order, how- 
ever, to mark a double I, they sometimes wrote Ei as in uutet, 
and sometimes used a large single letter, as in fdidt fi^fnt^ Uc, 
&c. The Romans seem to have had a special oljection to the 
double II, and used various substitutes for it. Sometimes we 
have IE wh^re the form of the word ought to have given ii, as in 
ali-enua for ali-tmu, vari^are for vari-igare or var-^are (cf. 
levtgarBy damttare). Sometimes a simple long i is found instead 
of EI or II I thus n, iia^ dii^ diis, do not appear in the best ages 
of the language ; but we have either 6t, ei$j deij deig^ or €, i», di^ 


dia. And the genitive in -tV, except in adjectives, is generally 
written -$ in the best authors of the Angustan age. This rule is 
applied also to the concurrences of y and t, and we find in the 
best MSS. not ac^icioy mjicio^ rejicio^ prqjicioy &c., but adicio^ 
inicioy reictOy proicioy &c. (Corssen, I. p. 312). They is retained 
as a distinct consonant both before fuid after other vowels ; thus 
we have adjungoy gurOy ^eehiSy prqjectus^ and it allows the pre- 
ceding vowel to remain short in bijugus, trlftigus, quadHjugvSy 
almjyffua. It is remarkable that the onlj % verbs which regularly 
have ibam for iebam in the imperfect are those which change 
n into M or e in the present, namely, eo for «-u>, queo for quirioy 
oi-o or ci-eo for ct-tb. 

The vowel o has had a curious destiny in the growth and 
decline of the Latin language. Up to the time of the Syrian 
war it retained its place, like the Greek o, as a formative letter. 
Thus we have Luciam, qtiom^ ignavomy avom, &c. in the earlier 
period ; but Liteium, quum or cum, ignavum, anum, &c. daring 
the literary epoch. Then again in the Italian these u's are 
turned into o's, as in Imdo, incognito^ and the like (see Corssen, 
I. p. 298). Even the weaker vowels i and E have in many cases 
excluded an original o. Thus we have Ule, illim and illis for 
oUuSy olimy and ohes; and votOy volimy vorrOy vartOy vaster , are 
regularly written vetOy velim, verro, vertOy vester. In secondary 
formations o retains its place to the end in contrast to A, E and 
I; thus we have (Corssen, i. pp. 234, 235) : 






















di-did {dia-^ 








The appearance of for A in the nominative of feminine nouns 


which have A in the inflexions (e.g. egmOy egmady egmazum, 
above, pp. 144, 150), is peculiar to the Oscan; for the influence 
of the last m is sufficient to explain the usual first person in hj 
the side of inqttam and sum. 

The next comparison, in point of w.eight which suggests it- 
self, is that between the secoijdary. vowels I and u ; and in order 
to make this comparison satisfactorily, it will be well to consider 
first their subdivisions. It appears, then, that there are three 
distinct uses of each of these vowels : i is (1) a very long vowel, 
the representative of the diphthong Ai== AE; (2) a vowel of medium 
length, frequently as we have seen above, the representative of 
a, the first part of that diphthong ; (3) a Very short vowel ap- 
proximating to the sound of the shortest u, and used chiefly 
before R. Similarly, u is (1) a very long vowel, the represen- 
tative of the diphthong oi=OE; (2) a vowel of medium length, 
generally answering to o, the first part of that diphthong; (3) a 
very short vowel, approximating to the sound of the shortest i, 
and used chiefly before L. The old Italians had separate cha- 
racters for I, and u,, which diflered from the other characters by 
the addition of certain marks : i, was written F, like the Greek 
spiritus asper, and U, was written v. It is remarkable that the 
emperor Claudius, when he introduced his new letters into the 
Boman alphabet to express the consonant v, the Greek -^, and 
the modification i^, while he inverted the digamma (thus J) to 
express the first, and joined two sigmas (thus )C ) to express the 
second, which was consequently called anttstgma (Priscian, p. 
645, Putsch ; i. p. 40, Krehl), was contented to borrow the third 
from the old alphabet of the Oscans. 

The following examples will justify the subdivision which I 
have made of the vowels i and u. 

Ij. — In composition we find this long vowel in the root- 
syllable of words which contain the dipthong ai^^ae. Thus, 
from oes-ttjno we have ex-istimo; from cequua we have tn-iquuss 
from ccedo, con^ctdo, oc-cido; from IcBdOy col-lido; from quasro, 
in-quiro; &c. We may recognize the same substitution in vi-U 
for t?ia-ti, &c. This long i, as we have seen, also represents the 
diphthong Ei, and it is used as a contraction for ii, especially in 
the genitives of nouns in -iW. It has been already mentioned that, 
when employed for either of these purposes, it is expressed in the 


inscriptions bj an exaggeration of fonn ; thus we have dIs, alI, 
ObIt, for Dei8f aliiy obitt: and that, converselj, a doubled 
vowel is written to represent one long vowel; thus we have 
(Orelli, no. 1287) : LEEGEALBAANA for lege AJbana. There 
are some cases in which a long i represents the diphthong oi^oe, 
as iUHe, privicults or prwia^ lib^rtaSy ptlumnl popuh, foscinl, &c. 
for oloea (Fest. p. 19), privicloes (id. p. 206), hebertas (id. p. 121), 
pilumnce pupU» (id. p. 20S)yfB8cemn<B (id. p. 86) &c. 

I,. — ^This is the commonest power of the Boman i. It is, 
however, a representative of A in other cases besides those given 
above : thus, inter stands for the old antar^ iUe represents the 
Sanscrit anya^ old Latin oUus^ &c. From the examples quoted 
hj Schwartze, daa (die JE^pterty i. pp. 543, sqq., there need 
be no doubt that the older Bomans used £ as a representative 
of I,. 

I3. — ^The sound of this letter is indicated bj a passage in 
Yelius Longus (p. 2235, Putsch): ^^Unde fit, ut ssepe aliud 
scribamus, aliud ennntiemusy sicut supra (p. 2219) locutus sum 
de viro et mrtutej ubi I scribitnr et paene v enuntiatur; unde 
Ti. Claudius novam quandam litteram excogitavit, similem ei 
not», quam pro aspiratione Graeci ponunt, per quam scriberentur 
e» voces, qu» neque secundum exilitatem litter» i, neque secun* 
dum pingnitudinem litter» V sonant, ut in viro et virtuUj neque 
rursus secundum latum litter» sonum enuntiarentur, ut in eo 
quod est legere^ scrxbere.^^ From this passage we learn that i 
before R was pronounced somewhat like u, as in the case with 
us; and we also draur the important inference that Ugere and 
scribere must have been pronounced lire and scrire. In augur 
and the proper name Spuriua this pronunciation seems to be ex- 
pressed by the vowel u. The latter is a derivation from sujpeTf 
and is equivalent in meaning to Superbua (above, p. 32) ; the 
former is a derivative from avi-gero^ as may be proved by a 
curious analogy between the derivatives of avt-«, " a bird," and 
cB-tf, '' a weight or burden.*' For as cBdi^-ti-^ua means a person 
who is conversant with a temple (Fest. p. IS^cedis intimtut), 
so avitimus would mean " conversant with birds," CBs-timus, 
"conversant with weights*;" hence, as augury and weighing 

1 ^i-tinUa or cBt-timiwn oocarred in old Latin ; see Fest p. 26. 



were the two most usual means of fonning a judgment, both 
au'tuino and cea^iumo signified ^' to judge." Comp. the use of 
canr-templor^ can-ndero. Again, as (B-ger signifies '^bearing a 
burden," or " burdened," and ne-^er, " not able to bear," or 
" weak" (Fest. p. 166, s. v. ne-^frUuldo]), so augur would mean 
^' bearing a bird," or " dealing with birds" {beUi-^er, &c.) : 
comp. au'spexy &c. On the proper orthography of Virgiliua or 
Vergilius the student will find the principal authorities in Wag- 
ner's Virgil, Vol. v. p. 479. 

The existence of such* a short vowel as i, is necessary for the 
explanation of those forms in which I appears to be lighter than 
E. Thus, from lego, rego, ieneo, we have coUligo, di-rigo, 
rer-tineo; and the I thus introduced is so short, that it is omitted 
altogether in some compounds of rego, as per\rygo, #ur[r]-yo. 
In the rustic pronunciation of the Italians I was frequently drop- 
ped (as in ame, from animus), and the £, on the other hand, 
was lengthened improperly; see Cic. de Oral, iii. 12, § 46: 
^^ Quare Cotta noster, cujus tu ilia lata, Sulpici, non&umquam 
imitaris, ut iota litteram tollas, et E plenissimum dicas, non mihi 
oratores antiques, sed messores videtur imitari." 

U^. — ^The interchange of the diphthong ci^oe with this 
value of u is of constant occurrence. Thus we have ainas, omus, 
unu8; nunruB, masrus, muru8; similarly we have usus for oisua^ 
oestte, cur a for oaira^ and ooera, plurimua for phirumus and 
ploBTumua, ludue, for hides and Itedos, &c.; and in Boeotian Greek 
jf/Av for ifiol (ApoUon. de Pronam* p. 364). The observation 
of some of these changes leads to interesting etymologies ; as, 
for instance, in the case of the word prceliumy formerly written 
prailium (see Muretus, Var. Zeot vi. 4); d. the proper name 
Oledius for CluUius. The Greeks, like the Highlanders of 
Scotland, placed their best-^urmed soldiers in the first line, and by 
these the battle was begun and generally decided. Hence these 
j|f/M»€9 or iirTuTa^ were called irpvkief;, — ^which is interpreted 
wpofiaxot (see Hermann. Opusc. iv. p. 289 ; MtLller, Dor. in. 

1 This form of eurct, which connecte itself directly with the Goth. 
kara, O. H. G. eharct, Anglo-Sax. carfi, Engl, ^care," carries ub back to 
the word ever, which I hare noticed in the Etruscan inscriptions aboTe 
Chap. y. $ 8. 


12, § 10), and is iindoubtedlj another form of irpoiKif^; and 
hence the skirmish or battle between the van of the two armies y 
was termed wpo^XMv^prmlium. This etymology is confirmed f\ ^ 
by the obvionS deriyation of imlite$. The Greek language ex- 
pressed large numbers in terms derived firom common objects: 
thus, xtKioi, "a thousand," is connected with ^iX^k, "a heap of 
fodder," from ;^efl», " to scatter abroad ;" and fivpioi, '' ten thon* 
sand," with /Avpai, " to pour forth water." Similarly, the Latin 
mrile, "a thousand," means only " a large number," "a crowd" 
(ofj^iXia) ; and mril^tea are " those who march in a large body" 
(compare ^art-6^, '' those which go round," soil, the house), %,e. 
'' the common soldiers" (cf. above, p. 30). So that we have three 
classes of warriors: (1) the irpvkee^, i.e. trpo-iXie^ or ^pai€9, 
" the choice troops, who fought in the van ;" (2) the [hd\mriltte$f 
or, ^' common soldiers, who marched in a body i" (3) the ept^ 
itesj or " cavalry, who went- on horseback/' The rorarit seem 
to have derived their name from the idea of spreading out or 
pouring forth, which is conveyed by %^XiOi and./At;/:>M>t, and not 
from the fanciftd resemblance of slight drops before a heavy 

In the same way as the diphthong Ai becomes i^, the diph- 
thong AU becomes u^: oomp. catisay acrcuso; clattdoj tn^dudo; 
&c. The same is the case with the Greek diphthong ov, Bov* 
KuBlSff^t Thucjfdidesy &c. ; and even with its Latin equivalent 
cu^ — thus we have indouco .for induoo on the bronze table of 
Tivoli (above, Chap. vi. § 19). The diphthong AU is sometimes 
represented by S^au^ as in Sanscrit: comp. pUmdo^ est-plodo; 
Glaudttts, Clodiua; &c. So also we have mf-focr<vre from fcsax^ 
DTciJhJis for ixuraiiiM (Fest. p. 182), ospicatwr for aueipica^wr (Claud. 
E%Mt. lib. VIII ; Diom. p. 378) ; Olvs for AvUm (Gellius, N. A. xvii. 
21, § 17) ; ToAiks for raudua (Fest. p. 265) ; himo for haurio (Cato, 
JS. B. 66), &c. In ob-oedio, from ovefib (Cie. de legibns^ iv. 3, § 6 ; 
PlauLAu. Trag. rel. p. 164; Ajran. Com. reC. p. 162, Bibbeck), 
AU is represented by the lighter diphthong oi' ; and it is a 
further proof of the tenden^ to interchange u^ and ij,*that the 

^ Oomen's deriration of ob-^jed-io from oft-aut-trf-lw = o6-o«-id.trtf 
s«6-«4^|^r« (i. p, 197) seems to me quite unneoetsary, not to say 


diphthong 0I=0E, which lb so ofien represented by U^ also'appears 
as I : thus, oic(momu8 is written tconamusy o&mSo«o9 appears as 
hodidccusj Oiv6fiaiv; as Ifuxnuma^ leoyfji/rfrripiov as {dmeteriurn^ &c 
Sometimes, on the contrary, OE is represented by the first vowel 
only, as in diocesisj poema^ &c., from hu^ucqa-vij woirjfia, &c. (see 
Gifanius, in Mureti 0pp. I. p. 550, Ruhnken.) With regard to 
iroU&y the omission of the v was common enough in Greek (see 
Porson, Tracts^ p. 63 ; Dindorf, ad Arist. Ntd). 1448, Acham. 
410). The pronunciation of yi^vc, as in lUthyta^EiKeiOvutf 
is best explained on the hypothesis that the y = v became eva- 
nescent, just as the a in at and au is omitted in the derived 
forms, for yx^vi is certainly pronounced with a single utterance. 
That ui may be shortened to % is clear fit)m the forms podt for 
pomit (OreUi, G. L nos. 71, 1475, 1732, 3087, 4139), tia for 
tuts (Id. no. 4847), m for mis (Lucr. iii. 1038; v. 1076. 
Fest s. V. 808), In the same way uu is shortened into u (Orelli, 
nos. 1108, 3488) and n into i (Gruter, p. dlxxiii., and cfl all 
the genitives of nouns in itis). 

U,. — ^This is the common short u of the Romans. It corre- 
sponds generally to the short of the Greeks ; and nouns of the 
o-declension always exhibit this u in Latin ; comp. \t;/ico9, lupus; 
2W7ro9, equus; &c. It is probably a remnant 6f the Etruscan u. 
In the older Latin inscriptions we have seen o used for this 
value of u. Thus we have consol for oanstUf Ludom for 
Ludumy &c. In Greek transcriptions of Latin words this U, 
although short, is represented by ov; thus we have Not;/ia9, 
KopfioiXtoVf rovofiy KipKovlrovfi, &c. for N^ma^ CorhUlOj t&um^ 
circUitum, &c. (Corssen. i. p. 150). 

Uj. — This letter, like i„ must be considered as a point of 
contact between i and u. Indeed, it may be doubtful in some 
cases whether u, has not been written for i,. The passage of 
this u, into an approximate i is of the following nature : — First, 
a short is changed into Uj. The genitive of the Greek im- 
parisyllabic declension ends in -09: for this the oldest Latin 
substitutes -t^, as in Ccistorus, naminus, partus, Venerus, Aonoru^, 
&c. compared with Senatuos, mafftstratuosy domuos, &c. Some 
of these old genitives remained to the end of the language, as 
aJius, yusy htyus, iUius, &c. Again, the 1st pers. plur. of the 
Greek vert ended in -o/aci^ =-0/^69 : for this the old Romans wrote 


«umtM, a fonn still preserved in sumus and volumua. Again, in 
old Latin the vowel of the crude form is preserved m the inflex- 
ions, as in arcvrhua^ opturmus^ pontu-fix^ &c. Bat bi all three 
cases the later Latin exhibits an i : thus we havp Ccaioriaj 
nominisy &c. ; dicimuSy scrtbimus^ &c. ; ardhuSy optimvSy pont^ 
fixy &c. Li these cases we observe that u = passes into^a 
simple I. But there are other instances in which the transition 
seems to go still farther. As the reduplication-syllable is gene- 
rally shorter than the root-syllable in the preterite of verbs, we 
should expect that the u or in .the first syllable of curcurriy 
mo-'mordiy purpugiy turtudiy would be an approximation to Ug.^ 
Then, again, in cuUus, cuhneriy &c from co2t>, columen, &c., and 
in tuffurium, by the side of toga^ the u is clearly less significant 
than 0, though the u here may have been partly occasioned 
by that affinity between u and I of which the Erench furnishes 
so many examples, and which we also see in the transition firom 
the Greek ^AaKXiprio^y 'H/xucX^, HarpoKkfj^ to the Latin 
^8culaptu8y Hercules, Patrtcolea. This light u or 0, however, 
is inserted before the consonants in the transcription firom Greek 
to Latin ; thus we have drachumay Ahumena, Alcumceoy Tecun 
meesa for Spaj(fjui]y ^AXxfiijvffy ^AXxfuiiiDv, TiKfi/qa-aa (Corssen, I. 
p. 253). There are some cases in which we conclude that the u, 
which is written, has less weight even than i. This might be 
inferred firom can-culco, the secondary form of calco, which, ac- 
cording to the above table, should be either can-cilco or conrcdco; 
and also firom difficultas, sepuUuSy derived firom difficilis and 
sq^lio. The fact seems to be, that what would be- 1 before R, 
becomes u, before L; so that u,, I,, are both ultimate forms of 
their respective vowels, and as such are in a state of converg- 

Accordingly, if we should seek to arrange the Latin vowels 
in regard to their comparative weight, we should, as the result 
of this inquiry, have the following order : 

A (as in mtMd, &c.);,U„ \; A; 0, U„ I,; E; U„ I^. 

^ The older writers wrote memarcU, pepoici, pepugi, tpepondi, according 
to GeUiuB, N. A. vn. 9, who, howerer, sayg of the common spelliog, " ita 
nunc omnea ferme doctiores hujusmodi rerbiB utuntur." 


Corsaen, who has examined the Towel-changes at some 
length, considers (i. p. 298) that contigaons consonants produce 
a legolar series of changes in the neighbouring vowels, which he 
represents ^n the following table (p. 299): 

a becomes o, u, e, t , 

« o becomes v, 6, t, 

u becomes e, t, 

e becomes t , u, 

X becomes e. 

And he gives the following as the general result of his investi- 
gations (I. p. 323): 

A sinks into u before the labials h^ p, v, m, before simple I, 
and before I and another consonant. 

A sinks infb 6 in a closed syllable before two or more conso- 
nants and before r. 

A is weakened into i before all simple consonants,, except 
those already specified. 

E often sinks into t. 

o generally remains unchanged. 

U is always immutable. 

I, as the thinnest and lightest vowel, is not capable of any 
farther extenuation. 

§ 6. 2%e Cheek Letters used by the Romans, 

The Greek letters more rarely employed by the Romans 
were z, K, and T. Two of these, z and K, were, as we have seen 
- (above, § 1), included in the oldest alphabet, derived by the 
Bomans from the Greeks of Cuma. But when a was formed 
from Ct z resigned its place to the former letter, and c super- 
seded almost every use of K. On the other hand, Z was re-intro- 
duced before the death of Cicero, and an attempt was made by a 
grammarian to re-habilitate K in general use. The letter v did 
not appear in the oldest Boman alphabet, and was borrowed 
during the literary epoch expressly for the purpose of writing an 
equivalent to T in words transcribed from the Greek. We must 
therefore remember with regard to these three Jetters that K, 
although rarely used, was always to be found in the Boman 


alphabet ; that z was an original letter, which made way for G, 
but was afterwards replaced at the end of the alphabet ; and that 
T never appeared until it accompanied z on the restoration of 
that consonant to the Roman franchise. • ^ 

Although z appears in the Umbrian and Oscan monuments, 
and though it occurred in the Salian songs (Velius Longus, 
p. 2217 : *^ Mihi videtur nee aliena sermoni Aiisse z littera, cum 
inveniatur in carmine Saliari"), we find that, even in words 
borrowed from the Greek, this letter is represented by di, as in 
Sabadiua for 2i/3a^09 (Apuleius, Met Ylll. 170), judaidxare for 
jndaizare (Commodian, Instruct, adv. GenL c. xxxviT. 634), 
irapedia for trapeza {Auctar. Rei. Agrar. p. 248), schidia for 
schiza, aridta for oriza, &c. (vide Schneid. Elementath I. p. 886; 
and Lobeck, Aglaoph, p. 296, note T). The fact seems to be, 
that the Romans had two different characters to express the two 
different values of the Greek z, which was a dental, either assi- 
bilated (as &r transposed in some dialects to o-S), or softened (as 
S^). Now, in its latter use it becomes equivalent to the softened 
guttural; for the dental and guttural, when combined with y, 
which is the tdtimate vocalisation of the gutturals, converge in 
the sound of our^ or sh {New Grot. §§ 112, 216). When, there* 
fore, the Greek z more nearly approximates to the sound o-S, 
either this is preserved in the Latin transcriptions, as in Mes* 
dentine, Sd^herus for Meeentius, Zephyrue (Max. Victor, p. 1945) ; 
or the i is assimilated to the o-, as in Meseentiue^ masea, aUicieeOy 
camteeor, hadieso, mahciasOy &c., by the side of Mezentius^ H'oJ^^ 
drruci^cDy /aafjLa^c^j fitiBi^to, fMLKajci^fOy &c. ; or else one or other 
of the two component parts is omitted, as in Saguntua for Zor 
kynthus, or Medentius for Mezentiue. In this case, too, we may 
consider that the letter x occasionally steps in, as in rixcbhy^ 
the side of ipilS]^. When, however, the Greek z is a sojiened 
By and therefore equivalent to a softened guUural, we find that 
it is represented either by the full combination diy as in' the 
cases quoted above, or else by the vocalized guttural (J) only. 
Of this latter substitution there are numberless instances : such 
as Jvrpiter, 7i€v^ '!raTfip\ jugum^ }^arfo^\ &c. Of these the 
most important are the cases connected with the first-quoted 
example, Ju-jnter ^ Dies-pcUer ; and I must take this oppor- 
tunity of returning to one etymology belonging to this class. 


which has always appeared to me to open the way to a chain 
of the most interesting associations. 

It has been shown elsewhere {N. Crat. § 116) how the 
Greek H, or^nally the mark of aspiration, came to be used as 
a sign for the long e. Out of that investigation it appeared — 
(1) that a short vowel aspirated may be equivalent to an im* 
aspirated long vowel ; (2) that the vocalized consonants i and u 
may change their place ; (3) that these vocalized consonants may 
be absorbed into or represented by the long vowel only. To 
the instances given there, I will now add the iota subscriptum 
of the Greek dative, and the Ionic Greek absorption of v after ai, 
/ V-' as in O&vfjuiy iatrrov, &c.^ These principles explain the con» 
[»' ' nexion between ^frapi jecur (Sanscr. yahrit); fjfuav^ hiifieao^y 

dtmidius; and between ^fiipa = Siafjb€p<ys, and dies^ (comp. diu- 
tumvs, Jutuma ; Diana^ Janus^ &c.). Now, besides riiUpcLj we 
have an adjective ijfiepo^y "civilized," "cultivated," &c. the 
regular antithesis of Srypuy;; and it has been suggested (ibid. 
§ 150), that this word was originally applied to a country 
through which there was a road or passage, a country divided 
by a road (Bidfiepo^) ; just as arypLo^ was properly applied to a 
jude, open country, with nothing but &ypoi>\ This is sufiSciently 
proved by ^sch. Eumen. 13, 14 : KekevOan-oioi vdiBe: 'H^>a/ir- 
ToVy ')^ova avTjfiepov riBkin^ rjfiepcofihnjv. Find. Isthm. III. 76 
(iv. 97): vavrCKiaurl re wopdfjLov dfieptitraTO. Herod. I. 126: 

^ In many editions of Herodotus we have these words written Sm/fia^ 
jttvToO, &c. ; but the accentuation of 6&vfia sufficiently proves that it is a 
dissyllable ; and oyen if we had not this evidence, it would be contrary 
to all analogy to infer a resolution of a diphthong in a crasis, the sole 
object of which is to shorten the word. Why should rmvrd be written, 
if it were a word of as many syllables as t6 oM? 

s In the name of the city 'Ifitpa (another form of i?fwpa, see Bockh's 
note on Pindar, O. xn. 13-21, p. 210), the preposition did is represented 
by the aspirated i. In the words antirqutu, posti-cui, from anisa, postsot 
we have i=ea=Mi. 

9 Hence x^po^ ^^ ^^ old synonym x^p^^ (New Crat. $ 280), might 
be considered as an adjective agreeing with the suppressed word oypor, 
just as x^P'^ might refer to the suppressed word yfj : and thus x^P^ 
signifies " land not built on" — either the open space in a town, or fields 
in the country (Herod, n. 154: iid^nri x^povr ci«ouc$a'at),^-and X9^pa 
rather signifies " a region," ** a territory," in the wider sense. 


ivdavra 6 Kvpo^ {^v yap 6 %cSpo9 — axavddSff^ — )tout6v a^ 
rov x<3poy irpouire i^fiepSa-at iv rifiepa. IV. 118: rot)? aUl 
ifi/jTC&wv ytvofjUvov^ rjfiepovTat irdinw;. In all of these passages 
the verb rifiep6m implies making a clear passage or road ; and in 
Plat. {Legg. p. 761* a) the adjective rffjiepo^ is used as a predi- ' 

. cate of oSo9 : o&iSi/ re hrvfiekovfiiuov^, otto)? w rjfiepwrarai 
SicaaTOL ryiyvavrai^. That the Greeks connected road-making 

-with civilisation in general, and with the peaceful commerce of 
man with man, appears from many passages (Aristotle, 7r€/>l 
daviMurlav cueovapArndv, c. 85, p. 837, Bekk. ; Thucydides, i. 2, 
compared with I. 13, &c.); and this is generally implied in all 
the legends relating to Hercules and Theseus. But it haa not 
been sufficiently remarked that this road-making was also in- 
timately connected with the cultivation of land. It may, how- 
ever, be shown, that as the Greek 07/909 becomes ^fiepo<; when 
divided by a road, by a similar process the Latin ciger becomes 

jugerum = di-ager-u-nu 

Whenever a piece of unemployed ground — of ager^ so called 
— Wfw to be taken into use, whether for cultivation, or for the 
site of a city or a camp, the rules of the ancient Umitatio were 
immediately applied. Now this very word Umitatio signifies, 
the dividing of a certain piece of ground into main-roads {vice) 
and cross-roads {limites) ; and the same primary notion is con- {, 
veyed hj^^emr^um; so obviously derived from tem-noy Gr. ra/i- t 
iw, comp. rifkepo^, &c. For in all limitation the first thing done 
was to observe the templum, i. e. as we should say, to take the 
bearing by the compass*. If we suppose the augur stood with 
his back to the north', then the line from north to south would 

1 The word {jfrMipos » i; buaripw x^P^ furnishes another instance of 
the substitution of 17 for dia : comp. the epithet diawpwrutSf Find. N. iv. 
51, where see the note. 

s Most ancient nations seem to ha?e connected the regiones eodi with 
the regioMB vtarvm. Thus in old Englbh "the milky way" was called 
^ Watling-streety" which was the name of one of the four great roads in 
this country; see Qt\\mmf Deutsche Myth, p. 330, 2d ed., and Drayton's 
Polyolbion, Song xui. p. 389, with the illustrations to Song xvi. p. 403. 

< The point of view taken by the augur seems to ha?e depended 
on his own discretion; for it is stated that he looked eastward at the 
inauguration of a king, gauihward in certain cases, and westward in the 

D. V. 21 


be called the cardo^ as corresponding to the axis of the globe ; 
and the limes from east to west, which cut the oardo at right 
angles, would be called the decumaniu^ or *' tenth line" (FestoSy 
p. 71). For both these lines repeated themselves according to 
the number of separate allotments into Which the land was 
divided, or the number of separate streets in the ci^ or camp^. 
Now the Roman actua or fundus [== 120 feet] was the unit of sab- 
division ; two of these jundi made a jufferum = di-ager-unij and 
two Jugera constituted the heredium of a Soman patrician : con- 
sequentlj, 200 jugera made up the ager limitatus of a century 
of the old Boman populus (Fest. s. v. Centuriaius^ p. 53). If 
this ager limitaiusy then, were arranged as a square, we have, 
of course, for each side 20 x 120 feet. Supposing, then, a road 
between each two of the fundi, — ^which there must have been, 
as every two fundi made a di-ager-um^^^the limes which passed 
between the tenth and eleventh fundus would be properly called 
the decumanuSf and it would consequently be the main road. 
The point at which the decumanus crossed the cardo was called 
grama or gruma; and here, in a city or camp, the two cross- 

dirision of land (Niebuhr, n. p. 626). In laying out the camp he turned 
his back to the enemy, as though to bless what was before him: for the 
porta prcBtoria led to the opposing force, and the porta principalis dextra 
was to the Isft of the line of march. There can be no doubt, howerer, 
that the eardo corresponded to the axis of the earth, i. a from north to 
south, and that the limss, which cuts it, is parallel to the equator (Pliny 
H. N, XYiil. 33, $ 326). Hence the eardo is called textanwa from the 
sixth hour of the Roman meridian (Feldmesier ed. Blume, Lacbmann et 
Rudorff, Vol. I. p. 324, 1. 12). The meaning of the important adjective 
decumanus is fully discussed in Chapter xin. f S. 

1 It would seem that the word dcUieua (from seeo) was properly and 
originally applied to this apportionment of land. In the Bantine Table 
(1. 25) we hare nep him pmhipid mai$ zicoloiM z nmrnoi» ; which I hare 
translated abore (p. 161): nc in hoc prcehibeat (i.e. prcebeat) phu neilids 
X contigui». According to Klenze (AbhandL p. 50) x nesimois=^deeimii ; 
but I cannot understand why we should hare an ordinal here. The root 
of nciimu» appears in nahe, near, next, &c. ; and I would understand it 
of so many adjoining allotments. The sieUicus was 600 square feet, t. e. 
^ of the jugerum, or ^ of the actus. Consequently, ttie 30 contiguous 
iieilid mentioned in 1. 17 would be } of the jugernm, or f of the actus ; 
and the ten contiguous nciliei would, therefore, be ^ of the former and 
A of the latter. 


roads seem to have spread themselves out into a kind oi forum. 
There is as much probability in the supposition that the immor- 
tal name of Borne was derived from this ancient word, as there 
is in any of the numerous etymologies suggested by Festus (p. 
266). From this it appears, that among the Romans it was the 
same thing to speak of a territory as divided by roads, and to 
call it cultivated, occupied, or built upon; and the y^^erum, or 
divided cyery implied both. To the same principle we may refer 
the importance attached by the ancients to straight ploughing^ ; 
for the fiirrow was the first element of the road ; and the urha 
itself was only that space round which the plough had been for- 
mally and solemnly drawn. 

The Bomans were very sparing in their use of the Greek 
letter k. It was occasionally employed to form the syllable ka, 
as in kalumnta^ handidatusy kaput, KartJuzgo, Kastor, evoka- 
tU8, JtidikanduSf Parkarum ; but in these instances it was con- 
sidered quite superfluous ; and Quintilian thinks (l. 4, 9, and 7, 
10) that its use ought to be restricted to those cases in which 
it serves as the conventional mark of an abbrevation, as in JT. = 
KcBso, and K. or Kal. ^ Kalendm, Isidor [Origg. 1, 4) and 
Petrus Diaconus (p. 1582, Putsch) tell us that the letter JTwas 
added to the Boman alphabet by the ludi-magister Sallustius, 
in order to mark a distinction between K and Q. But it has been 
already mentioned that K was always one of the Boman letters, 
and this must have been merely an attempt to bring it into 
more general use. 

The letter y was never used by the Bomans except as the 
transcription of v in words derived either from or through the 
Greek; and it seems to have been a representative of those 
sounds which have been designated above by the characters u^ 
and U„ both of which involve an approximation to the sound of I. 
Hence, in the French alphabet it is not improperly called '< the 
Greek*" {I grec). In many words, rather connected with the 
Greek than derived from it, the v is represented by i, as in 

1 See Hesiod. Op. et D. 443: 

litike ix. 02 ; and comp. the tropical use of delirare. 



dtens, in-clitus (*Xvo)), dipeits («aXvirr»), /St fa, ailva (vXFiy), &c.; 
while in others the v has become E, as in aocer (ktcupi^)^ remulco 
(fiVfuwXfUa)), polenta {iraXutm]), &c. The Roman u, sometimes 
represents the common v of the Greeks, as in luptts (Xv/ro^}, nunc 
(vuv,), Jilt {<f>vw), &c. ; sometimes the Greek o, as in all noons 
of the o-declension. 

§ 7. The Numeral Signs. 

This examination of the Latin alphabet will not be complete 
without some remarks on the signs which were used by the 
Bomans to denote the numeral adjectives. Priscian, in his 
usual school-boy way, has endeavoured to establish the connexion 
between the numeral signs as we have them, and the ordinary 
Roman capitals. Thus, quinqtte, he tells us, is represented by 
V, because this is the fifth vowel ; quinquagtnta is L, because, 
elymologically, L and N may be interchanged, and N is irevn]^ 
Kovra in Greek ; quingenti is D, because this is the next letter 
to C ! — ^and so forth (Priscian, ii. p. 388, ed. Krehl). 

Now there can be no doubt that the Roman numeral signs 
are derived from the Tuscans : though in certain cases a Roman 
capital has been substituted for an Etruscan character which 
does not correspond to it in value, and though in these instances 
the figures are either inclined or reversed. The Etruscan cha- 
racters are as follows : — 

I, II, III, IIII, A, AI, All, AIII, IX, X, &c. 

1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. 
XX, XXX, XXXX, or XT 0^, O^X, &c. 
20, 30, 40, 50, 60, 

e> 8, J)' ^ *^- 

100, 1000, 6000, 10000. 
It is sufficiently obvious that the first ten of these characters 
are identical with the Roman figures, the A, &c. being reversed; 
^nd as n^ is often written T, and as \b i, frequently occur on 
Roman family coins, we may recognize in this character the 
original of the Roman L, and therefore identify the Etruscan 
and Roman ciphers from 1 to 99. The Roman C and the 
Etruscan ® do not appear to be connected ; but the Etruscan 8, 
«r, as it is also written (D, is clearly the same as the Roman A , 


0, and old, for which M was subsequently written; and the 
same remark applies to the still higher numbers. 

If, then, the Roman ciphers were deriyed from the Tuscans, 
it is obvious that we must seek in the Tuscan language for an 
interpretation. Now it cannot be doubted* that the Tuscan 
numeral signs are either letters of the alphabet slightly changed, 
or combinations of such characters made according to fixed rules. 
Thus, A is the inverted V = « ; H^ or T is an inverted ylr^ch^ ; 
and 8 =/ Since, therefore, the position of these letters in the 
organic alphabet docs not correspond to their value as numeral 
signs, we must conclude that they represent the initials of the 
numerals in the Etruscan, just as M afterwards denoted mille in 
the Latin language. We do not positively know any Etruscan 
numeral, and therefore cannot pretend to any certainty on this 
subject ; but this is the most probable inference. The manner in 
which the elementary signs are combined to form the intermediate 
numerals is more easily and safely investigated. The character 
denoting unity is perhaps selected from its simplicity ; it is the 
natural and obvious score in every country. This character is 
combined with itself to form the next three digits, though four is 
sometimes expressed as 5 - 1, according to the principle of sub- 
traction so common among the Bomans (comp. duodevfgtrUt, &c.). 
The same plan is adopted to form the numerals between 5 and 
10. The number 10 is represented by a combination of two V's 
^ — thus, X ; and this figure enclosed in a circle indicates the 
multiplication of 10 by itself, or 100. The letter 8, or ©, being 
assumed as the representative of 1000, its half, or D, would 
indicate 500; and as multiplication by ten was indicated by a 

circle in the case of 100, on the same principle (H}) would be 

10,000, and its half or J]) would represent 5000. 

These rules for the formation of one numeral from another 
are more obvious than the origin of the elementary numeral 
signs. But where certainty is not within our reach, we must be 
contented with a solution of those diflSculties which may be sub- 
mitted with safety to a philological analysis. 

I It 18 possible that this character may be the half of that which 
denotes 100, according to the principle stated below. 


§ I. Fohken and do6cienete8 of the Lalxii oaae-syBtem. S *• Grtaunl atheme of 
the CMe-endiiigs. § 3. Differenoes of onide form, f 4. Hypothetical fonoe 
of the nominatiYe and accusative plnraL § 5. Existing fonns — the genitive. 
S 6. The dative and locative. § 7. The accusative singular. § 8. The ahU- 
tive. I 9. The neater forms. | 10. The vocative. § 1 1. Adveihe oMiridered 
as cases of noons. % 12, Adverbial exproosion for the day of the month. 

§ 1. Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system. 

THE system of cases, with which the Latin noun is famished, 
presents a greater abundance and varietj of forms than that 
of the Greek declension. The Greek nonn has no distinct ablative 
case ; its accosative has freqaently lost its characteristic termina- 
tion ; the genitive includes the ablative meaning ; and the loca- 
tive is almost obsolete. The greater number and variety of the 
Latin cases is due to the more ancient state or condition of the 
language, and perhaps also to its composite structure. As the 
language degenerates intp the so*K»illed Bomance idioms, we find 
that its cases are gradually lost, and their place taken by a 
number of prefixes, which add indeed to the syntactical distinct- 
ness of the language, but purchase this advantage by sacrificing 
the etymological development. The student of Latin, however, 
very soon discovers that the variety of caae-forms is the veiy 
reverse of an advantage. For idiomatic usage has introduced so 
much confusion into the use of the genitive, dative, and ablative, 
that the two latter derive all their distinctions from the preposi* 
tions attached to the ablative, while the genitive, in many cases, 
differs from the ablative only as an arbitrary form, and without 
any reference to a distinction of meaning. If we revert to the 
Greek language, which still retains the more accurate distinctions 
of case, we shall see that the genitive, or case of ablation, denotes 
the origin of motion or action ; the dative, or case of accession, 
denotes juzta*position, immediate proximity, rest and presence ; 
the accusative, or case of transition, denotes the end of motion 

§ 1.] THE LATIN 0A8B-STSTBM. 827 

or action, — the object to which something is proceeding. Now 
the Latin, in most instances, is unable to express this simple 
relation of uTidey vbi and quo bj the mere case-endings. If we 
except certain adverbs derived from nouns, certain agglutinate 
forms, such as meridie^ postridie^ &c., some few nouns, as rtis^ 
domus^ huinits, helium^ militia^ and the proper names of cities, 
we have no locative in Latin, and no case for the simple expres* 
sion of departure or approach, and are obliged to use prepositions, 
such as tn, od, ad, to convey these meanings* And even with 
regard to the forms which are still used as locatives, differences 
of declension produce endless confusions, which all the old and 
some modem grammarians have enhanced by making arbitrary 
rules for differences of case in the syntax of different declensions. 
Thus because nouns in -a, -m«, of the first and second declen- 
sion, had a locative in -a-t = ce, and in -o-i = {, we are told that 
miltttcey Romm^ domi^ Cypri are genitive cases ; whereas ruri^ 
Carthaffine, Athenia are ablatives, because the locative approxi- 
mates or corresponds to the mutilated ablative in the consonantal 
declension. These labourers in the work of making' the Latin 
language unlearnable, except by the parrot use of the memory, 
could not perceive that as dies is masculine when it means '' a 
day," ho^ie sjidjoostri-dte must belong to the same forms, and 
that if the former is from ho^-die, the latter must be from 
postero-i-die. The same remark applies to meridie for medii dte, 
and independently of these quasi-compounds we have the phrases 
die septimi (Plautus, Men. 1156), die nani in the Prsetor's words 
cited by Aul. Gellius (x. 24). Also die praximi (Cato), die 
crastini (Plautus, MostelL 884), &c. The connexion of hS-die 
for hi-die or hoi-die (cf. hlc) with these locatives in -l supports 
the true etymology of mS-dS-ml-ddto, to which we are led by 
the synonymous c^-do (see Philol. Society's Trans. 1864, pp. 97 
sqq.). It seems, however, that even this form in i or ai does not 
give the complete affix of the locative. Originally it must have 
ended in -tn or -iw, and this was corrupted in every form with 
the exception of such words as partim, enim, &c. ; hence, to 
restore the original ending, we must write, with different degrees 
of alteration or addition, militia-4m (-tn), Boma-im {-in), domo-im 
(-tn), Cypro-im (-tn), rur-im (-tn), Carthagin-im (-tn), Athenia' 
im {-in). With this locative in -m the preposition cum is used 


in inscriptions just as ^vv govems the dative-locative in Greek ; 
thus we have cum guem or cum quen (Corssen, i. p. 268). 

§ 2. General scheme of the Cdse-^ndinga. 

In treating of the Latin cases, our attention is directed to 
three different aspects under which they may be considered. 
We may regard them either according to a general scheme de- 
rived from all the declensions, or as modified by those varieties 
in the termination of the crude form which constitute differences 
of declension ; or we may take both of these together, and add 
to them those additional phenomena which are ftimished by the 
adverb. A supplementary source of information respecting the 
cases may be derived from those nouns, whether substantive or 
adjective, which are obviously formed from the oblique cases of 
other nouns. Thus, we know that the original Greek genitive 
ended in -o-to (Sanscr. sya) firom the form of the possessive ad- 
jective hrffioau)^ (Bopp, VergL Oramm. p. 294, note). Similarly, 
a case in -trie, analogous to the Sanscrit instrumental, may be 
inferred both from the particle sine and firom the derivative forms 
urbdnua (= urhSmus), &c., and offictna {^officXlrui)^ &c. 

If we confine ourselves to the forms of the noun, we get the 
following general scheme of the case-endings. 

Sing. Plur. 

Norn. . ^^''''^^^ft:^^^^ [Sles (Tarlood, modmad) 

G^n. i8,Ju8, sis (or?gnaUy -#«wi) [r]um (origtoaUy #&».#) 

Dat. .-or bi (''•*£/^":;|i^"'"- {*]«* = «. 

Abl. a[d] (the d U found only in old Latin) [bjus^is 

Loc. {[m] or t[n] M^[tm] or ti-[tn.]. 

§ 3. Differences of crude form. 

By taking the different crude forms according to the usual 
classification, we shall at once see how this scheme is modified 
and applied. The declensions will be fully discussed in a sepa- 
rate chapter, and it will be sufficient in this place to show how 
the different cases attach themselves to the different charac- 





Sing, Plub. 

Norn. lajpi[d]s lapid-lsj-es (-^is) 

Gen, • lapidria lapid-e-rum^ 

Dat. lapid-4'\b%\ (= €} lapid^bua 

Accus. laptd'e-m lapid'e\m\s (=&) 

Abl. lapid-€\d] laptd-t-bus 

Log. lapid'imf laptd-ia-^mf 







Jhmtlia-[8&i] (= at, ce) 


famiUoria (=aetf*, 


at, ce) 

familiorrum • 


jumiliar'\h'\i (= <b) 

famiUa-bu8 (=i9)' 


. familia-m 

jfemt7ta-[«»]« (= da) 


jumilia-\d] (= d) 



familia-i (=cb) 


= A-I 



die-a = dia-is 









. dierm 






die = dia^\fn\ 


die-aim f 






avi-[8^]a (= ^«) 


aviris (= avyis, avis) 



avt'\h]t (= avf) 


1 ChariBius, i. 40. 

' Many examples of the gen. in -aes have been collected from in- 
BoriptioDs; (see Corssen, i. p. 183). The nom. pi. in -€m = -aea is pre- 
serred in pcmas, Feat p. 371, abore, p. 263. 

* For the form in -bus comp. Orelli, Inser. nos. 1628, 1629, 4601, &c.; 
and K. L. Schneider, Formenlehre, i. pp. 26, sqq. 

* This genitire appears Bometimes under the form -m, sometimes also 
under the form -i, as : pemicies, gen. pemieUs, progeniuy gen. progenii. 
Bee the passages quoted by Suhwartzo, d<u alte jEgypten^ p. 665. 





. avi-m (=5 em) 

atnk[m]« (=&) 





<m-{in\ ? 

avt'Stm t 





a8 in gen. sing.) 


avo-U (= 8U8 or «yo, = 

= to, 


= et, = 



avo-\b'\% (= 8) 

avo-ifma (^eia^ts) 


. avo-m 

aw-[w]5 (= d«) * 



atw-t&M* (=a fo) 


avo-t-[w] =sav-< 


aw-ti-[w»] f 






fructu'is (=^) 



fructU'[b]t {^H) 



. fructvrm 

yh«rfu-[w]« (=il«) 







§ 4. Hypoihettoal forms of the wmtinative and accuscOive 


If now we compare these particular instances with the 
general scheme, we shall see that, taking all the varieties of 
the crude form, of which the above are specimens, there are 
only two assumptions in the general table, — namely, the original 
forms of the nominative and accusative plural. All the others 
are actually found, either in nouns or pronouns, at some epoch 
of the language. 

1 Ajb ifjit^awt di{ftoio, biifunf, comp. the nom. plural. 

> The dative or ablative in "bus is sometimeB founcl in thoBe nouns 
which have « or » before the characteristic: thus we have diibus from dau 
(Oruter, u. 9; I2iy. 6; zlvi. 9); and JUibu$ from JUim (id. nun. 8; 
DIiTV. 4). 


With regard to the nominative and aocuaative pinral, the 
assumed original forms are derived from a sound induction ac«- 
cording to the principles of comparative philology. 

And first with regard to the nominative plural. The sign of 
this case must have been originally ^a throughout the declen- 
sions. Now it appears from general considerations, as well as 
from an induction of facts» that -s was also the sign of the 
nominative singular {New Craiylua^ § 243). Therefore the -« of 
the nominative plural, if it was to distinguish the form from the 
same case in the singular, cannot have been appended to the 
mere crude form of the noun; for then the nominatives singular 
and plural would have been one and the same inflexion. It 
must have been formed bj adding the -« (with, of course, an 
intervening short vowel, for the Latin language does not tolerate 
a double -« at the end of a word) to the ftdl form of the nomi- 
native, and thus constituting, as the total addition to the crude 
form, or the real termination, the syllable -set. If we compare 
lapid^, patr-^y with iKwl^-e^, nrarip-e^j we shall see that the 
long 6 in the Latin words cannot be accounted for otherwise 
than by the absorption of an «, whidi has probably become 
vocalized in t. In the Greek forms this e, like the v of the 
accusative, has been dropt altogether. This view is supported, 
not only by the fact that the plurals va^is^ Xoyo-tr^^ &c. actually 
stand in this relation to the singulars tviiy Xoyy » X^7o-i, &c., 
but even more so by the analogy of the genitive singular. For 
in many cases the genitive singular is identical, in its secondary 
form, with the nominative plural : thus fdmilvB^ avij are the 
common forms of both cases. But familicB is actually written 
familids ^familiaXs in compounds with pater ^ mater ^ jtlius, &c 
Hence we may presume the same original form of the nomina- 
tiye plural fiunilias (cf. diea^ &c.). Now the original form of the 
nom. singular must have been fam%liSr9; cons^juently, if, when 
the nom. sing, was famUia^ the nom. plur. was familial ^far 
milicB (as in posnas, Feat. jp. 371), it follows that when the nom. 
sing, was Jiimiliit-Sf the nom. plur. must have been JamiliarBA, 
The same follows from the form avi. The omission of s between 
two vowels is ftdly supported by Greek analogies : for if iXjlyov 
is manifestly a corruption of iKiyeao, tx^ve^ may well be a simi- 
lar corruption of tx^^e^. I have preferred to treat the original 

332 ' THE LATIN CASlfi-STSTEM. [CHAP. Till. 

form of the nominatiye plural as an assumptioD, and to support 
it by the arguments which I have just adduced; but if we 
remember that the original s of many Boman words was not 
changed into B till about the 4th century A. u. C. (aboye, Ch. vir. 
§ 3), we might take the existence of such forms as spe^es (which 
occurs in fragments of Ennius), and gnarvHres (which is found 
in Plautus, Mostdlariay I. 2, 17; PcBmUtu, proL 47), as a distinct 
confirmation of the theoiy (compare also dies ^ dieres^ or dieses^ 
with such forms as dies-ptter, dtur-nicay ho-dter-'nue, &c.). And 
here again the analogy of the genitive becomes applicable, as 
will be seen below (§ 5). The pronouns also supply a partial 
confirmation of the above induction; for though in common 
Latin we find a genitive singular in -s by the side of a nomina- 
tive plural in -t, we learn from old inscriptions that there was 
also a nominative plural in -« .* see Senatus Cons, de Bacch, 11. 3, 
7; Lex Bom. Bant. Tab. 1. 21; Klenze cui Leg. ServU. p. 12. 

Again, in regard to the accusative plural, which in all the 
above instances ends in -a preceded by a long vowel, we must 
infer that -« is the termination of the plural as such, from con- 
siderations of the same nature with those which have just been 
brought forward. We should also have no difficulty in sup- 
posing that the long vowel indicates the absorption of some con- 
sonant. This consonant can only be the -m of the accusative 
singular ; for not only is this most probable h priori^ but it is 
the only supposition which explains all the phenomena. Let us 
take the Greek, Latin, Sanscrit, and GK)thic forms in a particular 
word; and we shall see that, while the Gothic alone preserves 
the outward marks of such a derivation of the accusative plural 
from the accusative singular, the only possible explanation of the 
other forms is the supposition that they were originally identical 
with the Gothic. Thus, \ufco-v, lupu-m, vrlkorm^ vulfixHiy are the 
accusative singular of synonymous words in these four languages. 
The plural of the Gothic vulfa-n is simply vulfii-Tirs, whereas all 
the other forms strengthen the final .vowel of the crude form, 
and drop one of the concluding consonants: Xu/eov becomes 
XuKov^, iupum is converted into lupSa, and vHkam into vrtkdn. 
The comparison of o&n;9, &c. with dens, &c., shows us that Xuxovf; 
may stand for \uK<n^; and the analogy of TT}7rTa>i'==Ti}7rTov[T]9 
is sufficient to explain the change of vrzkans into vrfkdn. The 


TJmbrian also lias shown us both the original fonnation and the 
corruption of the accusative plural : for while we have abrcmra 
exactly corresponding to the Gothic vtdfan^s, we have also dbrof, 
which, as I have shown (above, p. 110), must have proceeded from 
abromrh ~ abrom-s. If we add to this, that when the accusa- 
tive singular has lost its final consonant, the plural accusative 
merely adds -a to the existing form of the singular (as in 
avSpa{y]y TinrTOPTa\y], sing., avhpa-^y TvuTOvrd-^, plural), we 
have, it should seem, the most satisfactory evidence which the 
subject admits, in support of the assumed original form of the 
accusative plural. 

Having thus justified the only hypothetical forms in the 
above scheme of cases, it will be desirable to make some remarks 
on the most striking peculiarities in the existing inflexions. 

§ 5. Exiattng forma — the Oenitive, 

In the general scheme, the genitive singular is characterized 
by the terminations -ti, -aia, or 'jtta; the gen. plural by the 
•ending '^rum, where the r is generally dropt, except in the a, e, 
and declensions, which constantly retain it. The difficulty 
here felt is, to connect the plural form with the singular. 
Struve's assertion {iiber die Lat. DecL 3, 15) that the r is 
merely euphonic, would tend, if we assented to it, to complicate 
and increase this difficulty in no small degree. The comparative 
philologer cannot doubt that the original form of the genitive 
plural in the Indo-Germanic languages was that which is pre- 
served in the Sanscrit -«^m = 20M (see Miiller cui Varron. L. L. 
VIII. § 74, p. 192). This form, after the fourth century A. U. c, 
would appear in Latin as kom, which was afterwards softened into 
BUM. The Indians wrote --ndm for -adm in many of their words 
where the n represents the a, as in vrtkdn for vrikda=svr%Ic&mra; 
but in the pronouns, which generally preserve the authentic forms 
longer than the nouns, we have td-adm = iatd-rum. The Greeks 
very often omitted an cr- between two vowels in a case lik^ this ; 
and as they wrote iXjiyov for iX^cao, Ix^v-e^ for lI%^v<r-€9, so 
they gave us hrjiioio^ or ultimately Sijfiov, for the original SrjfioaiOj 
and fioiMroHov^ or ultimately fiovo'&v, for fiovtrda-oDV^^ fiovaaro-iov-^. 
That -aum or --atum was the proper and genuine form of the Latin 
genitive appean^ from the genitives in -azum^ which are found in 


the Oscan monuments (e. g. egmorxum) \ and that r was the 
immediate representative of this $ or z \b proved not mexelj bj 
the fact that the Romans actoaUy wrote ^um for -orufi» when 
it suited their convenience^ thereby showing the reason for 
the omission of the r in the other declensions, but also by the 
fact that the r is found in the pronouns, the oldest and most 
immutable parts of speech, and that in the more ancient state 
of the language even nouns of the other declensions retained the 
r: thus we hear of such words as hcverumj Joverum (VarrOy 
£. Zr. VIIL § 74), lapiderumy nuceruniy regerum (Cn. Grdliufl 
apud CAartatum, I. 40). This evidence receives very striking 
confirmation from the analogy of the genitive singular. The most 
common characteristic of the genitive singular is the termination 
-w. There are reasons, however, which may induce us to doubt 
if this is the full and original form of the genitive-ending. The 
Sanscrit vHkSsya compared with XiMcoto, and the possessive Sfffii- 
(Tio^ by the side of Sfffi6~tOj might lead us to suspect that the ter- 
mination commenced with an s, which was subsequently absorbed; 
and this suspicion is confirmed by the fiict, that there are, in old 
Latin, genitives ending in -tm =» -m where the r » a is not part of 
the crude form. Thus we have suerris for euis in the fragment 
of Plautus quoted by Festus, & v. SpeUh, p. 330: ''Esto peS 
nam, sumen mem, spetile, callum, glandia." Compare Varro, 
L. L. V. § 110, p. 44. And firom the extant forms of the nomi- 
native plural in -res we may fairly infer that the genitive in 
»w « sis was not uncommon. The Latin possessive adjectives end 
in ^itis or -€t£«, e.g. prcetor-ius from prcUor^ vtrgin-eus firom 
virgo^ (vtrgin-); and as the analogy of SfifMS-ciofiy vHkd-^Oy 
leads us to an assumption of an original -siuSf we must insert s 
also in the pronominal genitives in -^W, -u<9, which, as we shall 
see in a subsequent chapter, are derived from the possessives of 
the pronouns. We cannot doubt that adjectives in -i09 = -0*409 
are formed from the genitive in -u> — -«rto, and as these adjectives 
are only weaker forms of the quasi-comparatives in -uov = -<rlol^^, 
the original form of the genitive must have been -kfiov in Greek, 
which would amount to -^m in Latin ; and the plural, originally 

1 On this abbreviation, see Cicero's remarks iu Orator, c. 46, § 165. 

§6.] fHB LATIN CA8£-ST8TEH. 335 

-ovwys-o-Mi^^, in the former language, would become si&m^a^ 
sMm in Latin, from which it is softened to -sum, just as the -(ID9 
of iroXett>9 falls into -lt« in cu^'Hs, &c. Compare also the Sanscrit 
dual -ihydm with the plural -ikyia or IJm. 

§ 6. The JDcUive and Locative. 

In Greek, the dative, as the case denoting rest and proximity, 
indicates whatever is close at hand, and thus implies the in- 
strument or occasion, as well as that which is receptive of gain, 
or that which is the locality of the action. In other words, it 
includes the three Sanscrit cases, which are denoted as the in- 
strumental, the dative, and the locative. These three caaes end 
in -tna, -^ya^ and -i. There is reason to believe that the first of 
these affixes is the original type. It is- identical with the forms 
a-vd^ Z-va, originally Fo-i/a, and it thus appears that it is only 
partially represented by -^*, -Jt, -t, which are the usual termi- 
nations of the Greek and Latin dative and locative. The Greek 
pronouns, ifiiv, retif^ riVy Xv, <r^lv^ <l>iv, y^iv, contain the whole 
affix, and it always appears in the Greek dual, as in av^6-ip = 
avTo-^ufy where the characteristic of plurality is omitted, as in 
the Latin plural -sum = -rum. We may also conclude that the 
Latin -^«, in no-bis, vo-its, has lost the n necessary to the full 
form, which is preserved in the particle s-incj which is presumed 
in words like offidna, and which appears slightly altered from 
the Sanscrit instrumental in words like partim, entm, olim, isttm. 
The termination -ftt = -^( is dative and instrumental in fo-&t, 
tx>-ftw, but simply local in w-W, t-W, &c. Commonly the Latin 
locative ends in -t, agreeing in this with the Sanscrit. But when 
the characteristic of the noun is a consonant, it is generally 
shortened into e, especially if the word is of more than two syl- 
lables. The locative of rua is ruri. In the plural the dative 
and locative are always confused with the ablative ; and instances 
occur even in classical Latin where the dative of an ordinary 
noun, with the sense of limitation, appears in the form of the 
ablative in e. In some phrases this is rather the rule than the 
exception; such are piffnare dare, for jpignori; IllrtW auro 
argento cere flando feriundo^ for cert; jure dicundo for juri; 
qui dant quique accipiuntfoenore^iotfoenori; &c. (se^ Schneider, 
Lot. Or. II. pp. 260, sqq. ; Muller, ad Varro. L. L. v. p. 16). 


If there Ib anj reason for using the term daUvus in reference 
to the case of a noun, it must surelj be applicable to morte in the 
epitaph of Plautus, quoted by Gellius {N. A, i. 84) : " Postqaam 
est morie datos Plautus, Comoedia luget," — for here the form in 
-e actually follows a verb oi giving. Thus we see that ore is not 
the ablative but the dative in (Virgil, Georg. i, 430) : 

Bi vii^gineum suffuderit ore ruborem; 
and that it is a locative in {Oeorg. iii, 439) : 

linguis micat ore trisulcis. 
This usage occurs in the following passages of Propertius 
(see Paley, ad v. 8, p. 311), namely, i. 17, 22 : 
moUiter et tenera poneret ossa roia. 

III. 26, 84: 

anseris indocto earnme cessit olor. 

IV. 6, 24: 

81 placet iDBoltet, Lygdame, morU msa, 

V. 8, 10 : 

Cum temere anguino credltur ore manus. 

§ 7. The Accusative Singular. 

The m, which marks the accusative singular in Latin and 
Sanscrit, is only a weaker form of the dental v^ which appears 
in. Greek. This dental is the residuum of the third pronominal 
element, and denotes distance and objectivity. We are not to 
suppose that partem Ktidipartim are the same word, or generally 
that the accusative and locative are the same form. The t 
which appears in the latter, with or without the accusative 
affix, constitutes the essential difference between the two cases. 
Belonging to the second pronominal element, this i is in itself an 
expression of proximity ; and thus, while parter^m denotes that 
.".the part" is an object to be approached or acted on, part-i-m 
indicates that not only is the part an object, but also that it is 
close at hand for use or superposition. It is true that the tem- 
poral particles quum^ turn, nun-^, jam^ &c., are not less locative 
in meaning than olim^ and that the causal nam, though accusative 
in form, coincides in signification with the locative enim. But 
we must remember that quod, quod si, quippe = qui-pte, iri, 
2t€, ot€, &c. are used as general expressions of objectivity ; and 


we must not allow syntactical equivalences to interfere with our 
etymological discrimination, 

% 8. The AblaHve. 

In ordinary Latin the abktive is used as the case of instru- 
mentality in both numbers; and in the plural there is no dis- 
tinction between it and the dative. The specimens of old Latin 
in Chapter vi. (cf. also the examples given by Corssen, Auspr, 
VoJeal. u. Beton. I. pp. 72, 334) have sufficiently shown that the 
termination of the ablative was -c?, or, perhaps, at one period of 
the language, -t The instrumental ending in Sanscrit is, as we 
have seen, -ina ; and the Sanscrit ablative ended, like the Latin, 
in -rf. The tendency of the instrumental and ablative — the case 
of proximity and the case of derivation, — to interchange their 
significations, is a phenomenon, in which the philosophical gram- 
marian find» no difficulty. The fact that sine and aed are so 
nearly synonymous is an obvious exemplification of this ten- 
dency. It is a more serious imperfection of the Latin case- 
system that the ablative, though distinguished in form from the 
genitive, should sometimes agree with it in meaning, and some- 
times coincide in sense with its direct opposite the dative. With 
regard to the singular number, which has an ablative properly 
so called, there can be no doubt that in Latin and Sanscrit, as 
well as in Greek, the genitive and ablative are traceable to a 
common origin. The full, original, and proper form of the geni- 
tive singular was -sicn^ and this in Greek often appeared as 
'Oevi cf. tf€09 = <rto9. In Sanscrit the ablative vrikdt bears the 
same relation to the genitive vrUcdsya that the genitive 7roX€a>9 
does to a more ancient iro\i6<Tiov, or the adverb xaXA; to an ori- 
ginal /cdKo-OeUj or the common twtc^ to the inevitably assumed 
rvTrre-a-t. It is well known that the Latin adverbs in -tus cor- 
respond to the Greek in -Oev; thus cceli-tus^ovpavo-Oew, and 
the Grreek termination B- in -£179, &c. involves this ending -ffev 
{New Crat. § 263). There is therefore every reason to believe 
that the Latin ablative in -d or -t is an apocopated form of a 
case in -dus or -tus, which is resolvable to an ultimate identity 
with the genitive. 

D. V. 22 


§ 9. The Neuter Forms. 

The neuter accusative, which serves also as a nominative 
(see New drat. § 236), ends, like the usual accusative, in -m in 
all nouns of the vowel-declensions. There is no doubt, however, 
that this m may be traced back through the dental liquid n, 
which represents it in Greek, to the dental mute -rf or -L Thus 
we have ^-rf, illurd^ qtuMly &c. to the latest period of the lan- 
guage; we have also met^ tet, set, or med, ted, sed; ego-met, 
mermet, ted-tpsum, inter sed {Senat. Consult, de Bacch. 11. 13, 
14); and we shaD see in the next chapter that the final * or 
r, in nouns like corpu^s, robo-r, genus, &c., is a softening of an 
original t or d. We must take care not to confuse this t or d 
with the same letter appearing as the aflSx of the ablative. The 
long vowel, which precedes the dental in that case, shows that 
there is apocope or absorption of something more than a mere 
consonant, and abundant reason has been given for the inference 
that this d has passed through th from an original sibilant repre- 
senting the second pronominal element. On the contrary, the 
accusative m, n, d or t is merely the residuum of the third pro- 
nominal element, denoting simple objectivity. The forms of the 
neuter plural show, h fortiori, that the dental aflSx in the singular 
was a mere letter, and not a syllable, as in the case of the 
ablative. For all neuter nouns, to whatever declension they 
belong, form their plural nominative-accusative in df in the Zend 
and in the old European languages of this family. Now the 
Greek language shows us that n, when it stands by itself at the 
end of a word, or precedes a dental mute, may be changed into 
d, and this vowel may even represent the combination -in-. Thus 
we have irarepd for irdrepv, rerv^TOL for r€TV(f>PT<u, acD^olaro 
for (Tci^oivTo, irado<i for irhOo^, and even Zeica for Bitceirr, and 
<roo/ui for adfievr. There is therefore no objection, h priori, 
to the hypothesis, but rather a presumption, that the plural -a 
represents an original -in*; and it seems quite reasonable to 
assume that ^Xa^^^Xev-r; for if the objective i' or r of the 
singular had to be extended into a plural, we should not in this 
case append the personal or subjective s, as in the case of mas- 
culine and feminine nouns, but should rather repeat the objective 
affix. Now it is known that the neuter plural in Latin originally 


ended in -<2/ thus we find in the Senatus Consult, de Bacch, 
1. 24: qtm advorsum eani ficiaent. Again, we find in Sanscrit 
that neuter plurals end in -nt ; thus madhu^fieOv makes madhH- 
ni^ fUBv-a] and the final i must be a vocalisaticm of a second n, 
just as conversely nn is substituted for ni in f^wo9 = fei^to9 = 
{eo'o?. Lastly, while the Erse plural of the third personal pro- 
noun is 8%dd for swtad, the Welsh form of the plural is htoynt 
for atoynt. Putting all these facts together, we must come to the 
conclusion that the neuter accusative singular ended in -w = -» 
s=-* or -c?, and that the plural d represents an original -nd^^'fU 
= -^n or -wiwi. 

The pronominal neuters in ae^ as quosy hcsc, &c», are ex« 
plained in a subsequent chapter. 

§ 10. The Vocative. 

The vocative, i. e. the case of allocution, exhortation, or ex- 
clamation, is not distinguished from the nominative except in 
nouns of the second declension, and in certain Greek words 
adopted by the classical writers. When a noun in -tis has to be 
used in the vocative, the crude form is employed with the lightest 
substitution for the characteristic vowel. Thus domimts makes 
domine. If i precedes the characteristic, the vocative e is ab- 
sorbed, zsAfilias xnsikeB JUi^JUie. The same is the case with 
meua which has for its vocative fne = mee. As the regular nomi- 
native plural of deii^s is diy the Romans, to avoid confusion, did 
not use a vocative dee = di. This rule does not apply to adjec- 
tives, as Cynthte from Cynthvua^ Sperchie firom Sperchlus. The 
vocative Odl exposes the common error of pronouncing the dac- 
tyl OoXUb as a trochee ; for if this had been true the vocative 
must have been Oai-e. In point of fact, Oaiua is scanned regu- 
larly in three syllables; thus we have (Martial, ix. Ep. 93): 

T. 4. Perrigil in pluma Odlil»^ ecce, jacet. 
T. 7. Quod debes, Gai^ redde, inqult PhoebuB. 
▼. 10. QdUU et mallet verbera mille pati. 
T. 12. Non mayis quam ter GoH» esse tuuB. 
SimUarly (id. xi. 36): 

y. 1. Oii&&9 banc lacem gemma mibi Julius alba< 
Y. 8. QiOilt ut fiat Julius et Proculus. 



The analogy of CHmbus shows how it would have been written 
had it become a trochee ; the same is shown bj the Greek accentu- 
ation, for we have Paw not TcLm. The original form of the word 
was Gavitu, probably signifying lastificans; cf. gdvisus (Aufirecht, 
Zeitschr.f. vergl. 8pr. I. 232). The C has been retained as the 
initial from the time when there was no distinction between (7 and 
O; but the word was always pronounced Oaiua; and it seems 
that it should be so written, except when the initial only is used. 

Although the vocative, as a distinct case, is thus limited 
to a few forms in the language, the Latin writers give it occa- 
sionally a very remarkable extension of use. Thus it is made 
to agree with the nominative ^.* as 

Siemmate quod Tu8co ramum miUetvrM duels, 
Censorem fatuom vel quod traheaiu salutas. 

(PerB. ra. 27, 28). 

This is regularly the case in the idiomatic use of made » moffia 
aucte (i.e. frugilua et mold); thus we have m€U^ virtute esiOy 
"be increased in virtue" (Hor. i. 8erm. ii. 31); made novd 
virtute jmer, "be increased in your young valour" (Virg. jEn. 
IX. 641). And even in an oblique sentence, as juberem \te\ 
macte virtute esse (Liv. II. 12). 

§ 11. Adverbs considered as Gases of Nouns. 

If now we add to the observations derived from the actual 
cases of nouns, the additional phenomena furnished by the ad- 
verbs, the subject of this chapter will have received all the 
examination of which it is capable. 

Adverbs are, properly speaking, certain cases of pronouns 
and nouns, and under particular circumstances they are deduced 
from the participles or supines of verbs. Their syntactical use is 
as secondary predicates, inasmuch as they convey predication 
only through the verb of the sentence. The Greeks employ their 
adjectives and participles for this purpose without any additional 
inflexion ; but the Boman adverbs are always cases, and some- 
times, if one may use the expression, double or superimposed 
cases of nominal or pronominal forms. 

Pronominal adverbs are secondary predicates either of place 
or of time. The former indicate — (a) "locality," in which case 
they generally exhibit the locative endings -J» and -m or the 


accnsative -m.« thns, from the demonstrative t8 and tlie relative 
quij we have i-bt and u-&t, originallj ctdn, comp. aH-cubtf «fee; 
from iste we have isiinij &c.; and the ending -m appears in 
us-quam or tupiam, &c.; — (i) '* motion towards," in which case 
they end in -o/ as ul^tro, " to a place beyond" (see D5derlein, 
%«. tt. JSi^m. III. pp. 105 sqq.); quo, "whither;" eo, "thither," 
&c.; sometimes -c is appended: thus we have tUuc, istuc, by 
the side of t7Zt>, isto; — (c) "motion from," in which case the 
ending is -m2e, or -nee, -nque: thus we have t-nde from t^, 
\c\urnde from qui, aliu-nde from a?«i4«, hi-^nc from At-o, iUt-nc 
from tfle, 1^^1-^ue from ttfer; — (d) " the way," in which case 
we have a feminine ablative in -d agreeing with vid understood, 
as qtid, ed, &c. The forms of class (c) deserve some special 
remark. The comparison of turn with tunc shows that the n 
would have been written m, if the c had not been appended. 
And the same remark applies to exin-dey hin-Cy tllin-c, isttn-c: 
for exim occurs in Lucretius [see Lachmann on ill. 161), and 
Bitschl has claimed tUim and istim for the text of Plautus 
(Bkein. Mus. 1850, pp. 472 sqq.). But this does not interfere 
with the inference that the accusative and locative m is the re- 
presentative of an original dental. There can be no doubt that 
the termination -de is identical with that of the ablative, and, as 
we have seen, with the termination -(jw. Bopp, who was aware 
of this ( VergL Gramm. p. 610), proposes to consider the same 
letter as included in hinc, illinc, tstinCy which he regards as cor- 
ruptions of hinder iUindey istinde. I should not desire any other 
proof of the importance of the distinction which I first introduced 
into the analysis of the pronominal elements [New Orat § 130). 
According to the principle which regulates all combinations of 
these elements, n-^-c denotes motion "from the there to the 
A^re," and therefore expresses ablation or removal quite as natu- 
rally as the affix -de = -tus, which is in fact ultimately referable 
to the same source {N. Crat. § 262). 

Pronominal adverbs of time generally end in -«i, as turn, 
quum; in -nc, "nque, as tu-nCy curnque; or in -nefo, -njwawi, as 
qua-ndoy nu-nquam. 

Adverbs derived from nouns adjective and substantive either 
end in e, o, or ter; or else they are merely adjectives in the 
neuter objective case. 


(a) Adverbs in e or o, anciently ending in -ed, or -oc?, are, 
in fact, ablative cases of adjectives: thus valde^ originally vaU- 
dod; benej originally banod; dto^ originally ciiod; certe or oerto, 
originally certod^ &c., are the ablative cases of vcdidus, honus^ 
citusy certus, &c. respectively. The Greeks had a large daas of 
adverbs of the same kind ; but in these the final -d of the abla- 
tive has been softened down, according to the laws of Hellenism, 
into an -9: thus, ovray;, tcoK&s, &c. represent the old forms of 
the ablative, ovro^, /caKoB, &c. (see N. Crat. § 249). There are 
two cases where this 8- seems still to exist, ffi-to? and 'A^/>oS-rn7 
(Sanscr. Abhrdd-ttd); and there is one instance in which the 
metre of Homer will not allow its modem representative to 
stand, namely, in those passages where lc^ is a trochee. The 
Sanscrit td^at compared with tcFq)? might justify the supposi- 
tion that the original form was afoS; while the analogy of \aF09, 
XiFQ>9, vao^, v€6)9, should authorize us to insert, even in our Hel- 
lenic text of Homer, the emendation aFo9 for S»9 (comp. also 
"HcD^, AvG)9,''Efl*9), whenever this particle is a trochee*. 

(b) The termination -fer is appended to adjectives of the 

third declension in the same way as . [[d] is aflixed to adjectives 

of the first and second declension. Thus, from lenis we have 
leni-ter; from gravis, gravi-ter ; from f&lix, fdid^ter; from 
audax, audao-ter; from dvfftctlts, difficulr-ter ; and so on. To these 
must be added the isolated form igt-tur, which, according to 
Festus (p. 105, Mtiller) is equivalent to ind^^ poatea, turn (above, 
p. 242); and which is used by Plautus {Miles Glor. iii. 1, 177) 
as the antecedent to guando; for he says: ^^ quando habebo, 
igitur rationem mearum fabricarum dabo.'' The first two sylla- 
bles i-gi must be taken to represent the composite form e-goy 
e-hoy ^-ja^ &c., of which the Oscan e^sa is a softer form: and as 

1 There can be little doubt that coos and tws correspond to ydvat 
and tdvca respectively. Now as, by the side of Utos, we have XaPoy and 
Xas, so by the side of eiwf we have as (Pind. O. xi. 61 ; Aristoph. Lynslr, 
173), which was also written Fas {Tab, Heracl. 2, 62, p. 207) ; and we 
may therefore infer the intermediate form afog^Afoi=^yd-vat, A 
similar argument may be deduced from the genitive in -eȣ=xfFo( or -lyts 
(New Cratj/lu8, } 248). 



the Umbrian ea-te represents the Latin i-ta, so t-^i^ may corre- 
spond to es'ffo = er-^o, which is strictly a synonym of irgi-tur. 
The termination -tery -tury is, in fact, the same as -titSy which is 
appended to substantires and adjectives of the second declension : 
thus we have ccBli-tus, fundi-tnSy radtd'tua, anttqui-tus, divinu 
tti8y humani^tusy &c. This last, which is obviously the older form, 
answers to the Sanscrit -tasy on the one hand, and to the Greek 
'0ev on the other (compare the Greek first person plural in ^fieif 
with the Latin in "mus). There is yet a third form in which it 
appears, namely, -^m, which is the termination of a most interest- 
ing class of participial adverbs; for I cannot consent to consider 
any of them as strictly formed from nouns; and though the 
verbs in all cases are not forthcoming, the adverbs themselves 
prove that they must have existed in part at least. Instances of 
this class of adverbs are caterva-timy carp^timy gradorttniy privor 
timy punc-timy separortimy vtca-tim (other examples are cited by 
Corssen, i. p. 266). Compare with these the German participial 
forms in -tn^^n, and the Greek participial adverbs in -i^a, -i^y, 
-&71/ {N. Crat. § 263). The most striking result from a proper 
appreciation of the origin of adverbs in 'tiniy is the explanation 
which it supplies for those adverbs in -ter which are derived 
from active participles. The termination of the supine is already 
-tu; the adverb, therefore, is a locative case of the supine ; for 
catervartxm stands to oaterva-tua in precisely the same relation as 
par-tim to pars {poT\t\8), Similarly, amanrtery sapien-teTy &c. 
are cases of the participles amanSy sapienSy &c.; for the crude 
forms of these participles already contain the t. Now, if I am 
right in concluding that these terminations, -OeVy -tasy -tery ^tus^ 
*timy &c. are lengthened forms of that dental affix which marks 
the ablative of the noun, most interesting conclusions may be 
drawn from this respecting the origin of the participle and of 
the passive person-endings of the Latin verb. That there is no 
essential distinction between the terminations -ft&n and -fer, and 
that the former is not restricted to participles of the passive for- 
mation, is clear from such forms as pede-tentimy &c. In fact, 
while the -J or -t alone is sufficient to express the participial 
relation, we find also a strengthened form which contains the 
liquid, as well as the mute dental; thus we have as syno- 
nyms not only cupt-dus but cupten{t)8y not only <t>vya{B)^ but 


^>€vyovT'^=il)€vyfOV9 not only t€ti;^o(t)9=t€tv^9 but ivirrtnrr-s^ 
Tinrnov] and in the fixed or adverbial forms not only the adverbs 
in -Sa, -Soi/, -&71/, but also those in -vSa, -i/Soi^^ -vSijv, Now the 
obvious derivation of these latter adverbs entitles us to infer 
that the participle-ending in -nt is a secondary formation from 
a verbal noun, bearing the same relation to the simpler forms in 
-rf, -S, that i^nde opposed to i-hi does to avri-Oev opposed to 
avro^c^. Consequently, the adverbs in question are really fixed 
cases of participles, analogous to the forms which we call 
supines, gerunds, or infinitives. And the participle itself differs 
only from these adverbs, and from the persons of the verb, in the 
circumstance, that it i» not an immovable form, but one which 
IS capable of regular flexion through the whole system of cases 
{N. Grat. §§ 300, 415). With regard to the passive person- 
ending in -r the fact that it is a locative a£Bx is proved to 
demonstration (1) by the analogy between these adverbs in -&;i^, 
'Bov, -Sa, and the Greek passive person-endings in -at, -rfv (cf. 
Salj Sijv), -^01/, -o, -o; (2) by the identity of meaning of these 
adverbs with the Latin in ^tim and ^ter; and (3) by the locative 
value of igi'tur, which strictly corresponds in form to ama-tur 
(see New Gratylus, § 365; below, Chapter xi. § 2). 

Adverbs, used as conjunctions, are such as jam, nam^ enim 

(Sanscr. Sna)^ idea, tamen^ &c. These are, in fact, cases of 

different pronouns. Most of them are of obvious origin. Thus 

Jam is merely the locative of the second pronominal element, 

m its weakest form^ It appears as a dissyllable, especially in 

^ Id the text t have merely put together some of the aualogies 
suggested in my former work. The late Mr. Oamett, who was one of 
tho Boundesty and, at the same time, most origina) philologerB in this 
country, had arriTed at some reeults which were calculated to confirm 
and extend these riews. In a letter to me (dated 3d May, 1842} he said: 
** I flatter myself that I can make it appear from a pretty copious induc- 
tion that the Indo Germanic present participle is formed upon the abla- 
tive case of the verbal noun [Sanscrit tupcU]^ in much the same way as 
the pronoun possessire in Latin, German, &c., is formed upon the geni- 
tive of the personal. If I am not mistaken, this is calculated to throw 
an important light upon the organisation of the Indo- Germanic and mauy 
other languages." Although there is an important truth at the basis of 
this theory, it seems to me to involTe in the application a fallacy which 
I have pointed out elsewhere (New Crafylus, p. 511, ed. 3). 


et^iam, and bears the same relation to ptam that ldXKja> does to 
^MzXXoo {Neio CratyluSy § llO), Nam^ of which enim is merely a 
lengthened form, contains the same pronominal root as a-va, val^ 
ncBy nunc, &c. Id-eo (comp. ad-eo) is equivalent to the Greek 
eirlrrfBe^ (= e7r2 roBea-iv, Buttmann), and from it is derived 
idoneua = ideoneua a= Gr. hriniBeuyi. The form of tamen has 
created fiome difficulty. Max. Schmidt {de pronom. Or. et LaL 
p. 91) considers that tarn-en is for tam-tn; and Pott {Etym. 
FoTsch. If. p. 136) regards the last syllable of tam-Sa as a 
weakened form of an. As we have both tam-quam and qvxim* 
qitam, and as tam-en is the correlative of the latter, it is most 
reasonable to suppose that the second syllable en is a locative 
of the pronoun w, like im in inter-im. For tarn, which appears 
both in tam-en and tan-dem, we find taine (Fest. p. 360), as we 
have cume for cum (Terent. Scaur, p. 226) ; and tarn is substi- 
tuted for tamen in tam^etst. 

Some adverbs are merely cases of common nouns, which 
usage has made indeclinable. These appear sometimes as con- 
jmictions, and sometimes as prepositions. Instar, gratid^ and 
ergoy may be compared with St/w/i/, x«P*»'» ^^^ h^Ka (see New 
Crat. §§ 271 sqq.). iVope[rf] (df. proptn-quus) is the ablative 
of an old adjective, and prop-ter is its case in -ter = ^i« = Oev. 
Penes and tenus are forms of the same kind as instar, and con- 
tain the roots of pen-dere, ten-dere. Clam and palam are loca- 
tives of the same nature as partim, &c. The former, which was 
also written calim (Fest. p. 47), contains the root of cefo, KXenTcoy 
ieaKtrnTO), &c. Palam is the same case of an adjective connected 
with palatum, irvkt), &c. That it is a noun appears farther from 
the fact, that it is used also with the preposition in {in palam =s 
aperte, Oloss. Isid.), like in-cassum; comp. pr(hpalam. The 
same is the case with coram = co*oram [icar ififia) ; comp. 
co' minus, e^ minus {iic x^V^)> iHico is in loco; and we have 
extemplo or ext&tnpulo from another form of tempus. Some- 
times the adverb is merely the crude form of the noun. We 
have examples of this in simul, procul (from similis, procilis) ; 
mox is supposed to be a corruption of movox; and the ancients 
wrote facul (Fest. p. 87) and perfhcul (id. p. 214) for JhcuUer 
or facile, and perfacile. Again, the full form of the noun is 
occasionally used as an adverb: in the xii. Tables we have 


nox for Tioctu (above, p. 254); and Virgil {JEm. I. 215; vii. 624) 
and other writers used pars for partim. There is an approxima- 
tion to this usage in the indeclinable Greek Oifu^ (Buttmann, 
Ausf. Sprachl i. p. 227). 

§ 12. Adverbial expression jbr the day of the month. 

To these instances of the adverbial use of nouns may, 
perhaps, be added the phrase by which the Romans designated 
the day of the month. Here a locative of the day is inserted 
between the preposition and the word which "denotes the standard 
of reckoning. Thus, " on the fourth day before the Nones of 
April," is expressed by ante [die quarto) Nonas Apriles^ quarto 
die ante Nonas Apriles. And this whole expression is regarded 
as one word, which may be dependent on a preposition : thus we 
may say, ex ante d. iii. Non. Jan. usque ad pridie Kal. Septem- 
hresy or differre aliquid in ante d, xv. Kal, Novembres. This idiom 
was carried so far that even when the Ides themselves were 
intended we have the phrase ante Idus instead of Idibus, Thus 
Liv. III. 40 : ante Idus Maias decemviros ahtsse magistratu. 

If the inserted date was ever written or pronouneed in the 
accusative case, according to the ordinary practice «mong 
modem Latinists, it is obvious that this must have originated 
in an attraction, or in a mistaken usage* The well-known 
employment af the locative pridie to. indicate the day imme- 
diately before the Calends, Nones^ or Ides, shows that the other • 
days must have been expressed in the same case» 


§ I. The usual arrangement is erroneous. § 3. General rules for the classification 
of Latin nouns. § 3. First or -a declension. § 4. Second or -o declension. 
§ 5. Third declension or consonantal nouns. § 6. A. First class. or purely 
consonantal nouns. § 7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal nouns. 

§ 1. The usual arrangement is erroneous. 

THE arrangement of Latin nouns in different declensions («\t- 
aeisi) or forms of inflexion has been managed hj grammarians 
without any regard either to the internal organisation of the 
word or to the real convenience of the learner. Among the 
ancient grammarians, Varro proposed a simple convention — 
namely, to distinguish the declensions of nouns according to the 
vowel of the ablative singular {L. L. x. 62, p. 257, MttUer) : 
''nam ejus cassuis literarum discriminibus facilius reliquorum 
varietatem discemere poterit, quod ei habent exitus, aut in A, ut 
hac^terrd: ant in E, ut hoc lance: aut in 1, ut hac levi: aut in 
O, ut hoc cobIo: aut in U, ut hoc versu. Igitur ad demonstrandas 
declinationes vice prima hsec." Diomedes distinguished seven 
declensions, dividing th6 nouns in -tW, -iuin from those in -w, 
"tim, and the neuters in -it from the feminines in -us (see Zeitschr. 
f. d. Wiss. d. Spr. ill. 315). The favourite and oldest method 
in this country has been to consider the noun according to five 
distinct declensions. The -a and -o declensions stand in their 
proper place at the head of the list. Then follow the conso- 
nantal and -V declensions considered as one. And the nouns in 
-t^ and -6 are treated as two distinct schemes of case-formations. 
One of the objects, which I proposed to myself in writing a new 
Latin Grammar ^ was to correct this vicious and faulty exhibi- 
tion of the different forms of the noun ; but as I could not 
attempt in a merely elementary treatise to explain and justify 

^ A complete Latin Orammarfor the we o/ kamers. Second Edition, 
mudii improved. Londoni 1860. 


every feature in the system which I have adopted, I have re- 
served for the present work a more complete discussion of the 
theory of the Latin declensions; and I shall now. proceed to 
show that the arrangement, which appears in the Latin Gram- 
mar, is the only classification which is consistent with the results 
of scientific philology ; while I know by experience that it is at 
least as easy to the learner. 

§ 2. General rules Jhr the claasijlcattan of Latin Nouns. 

The true classification of the crude or unlnflected forms of 
the Latin noun is obviously that of the letters which constitute 
the distinctive characteristics. And the crude-form may always 
be deduced irom the genitive plural by omitting the final syl- 
lable whether it be -urn or -rum*. Thus we know from the gen. 
pi. urbt-um, that the original form of urb-s must have been 
urbi'Sy just as conversely we find orJ-«, nub-s, by the side of the 
common orbt-Sj nube-s. At first sight all these forms fall into 
two great divisions, according as they terminate in vowels or 
consonants. But while, on the one hand, the vowels themselves 
are distinguished by their structure and origin as vowels of 
articulation and vocalized consonants, so that the latter belong 
to the consonant class when considered according to the genesis 
of the crude-form, — on the other hand the consonants are not 
less distinguished among themselves, according to the organ by 
which they are uttered, and according to the difference between 
mutes and liquids, than they are discriminated from the pure 
vowels. The scientific or methodical order of the declensions 
must be one which enables us most easily to fall back on the 
root of the noun, and on the original form of those pronominal 
aflSxes by which it is extended or developed, before it becomes 
the vehicle of the case-endings. And if the vocalized consonants 

^ I beliere I was the first to call attention to this simple method of 
ascertaining the declension- character of Latin nouns from their genitiYe 
plural. The grammarian is not supposed to be making his first ac- 
quaintance with the forms of Latin words, and therefore it is no true 
objection to say that he cannot know the declension-character till he has 
learned the inflexions of the particular noun. It is sufficient that he is 
able to make the classification intelligible, at first sight to the learner. 


t and u maj be traced to an ultimate identity with guttural or 
labial mutes, it' is clear that the nouns of which they are the 
characteristics ought to be ranged among the consonant declen- 
sions. In this way we shall have two main classes of nouns — 
those whose characteristic is one of the pure- vowels a or o, 
and these may be considered as subdivided into two declensions; 
— and those whose characteristic is a consonant, whetheiw mute, 
or liquid, or one of the semi-consonants % and u, considered as a 
representative of some mute, and these may be regarded as 
constituting one declension. While this scheme of the declensions 
is the only arrangement which can be justified on the groimds 
of scientific etymology, it is at least as convenient as any other 
to the mere learner : for we cannot give any practical rule to a 
beginner more simple than that which results from this arrange- 
ment — namely, that the vowel-nouns invariably form their geni- 
tive plural in -d-rum or -o^vm, which is rarely contracted into 
"Hm: that they form their dative and ablative plural in -w, 
which rarely appears under the uncontracted form -hua: that 
the accusative singular is always -am or -um^ the accusative 
plural -08 or -a*, and the ablative singular always -d or -8; and, 
on the other hand, that the consonant-nouns generally form their 
genitive plural in -wwi, which is rarely preceded by the character- 
istic r ; that, conversely, they form their dative and ablative plural 
in -bus, which rarely, if ever, loses its characteristic h; that the 
ablative singular is always 6 or /; and the accusative plural 
always -e», except when the characteristic is u. These general 
distinctions do not apply to the nominative-accusative plural of 
neuter nouns, which are uniformly terminated by -& in all declen- 
sions. If then the classification, which I am about to explain, is 
not only true, but most convenient to the student, there can be 
no reason why it should not supersede the old-fashioned method 
even in elementary grammars. 

§ 3. FirH or -a Declension. 

Gkn. PI. --4-ruw. 

The Latin -a declension, as compared with the Greek, pre- 
sents one remarkable contrast. In pure Latin nouns, the termi- 
nation is invariably -A, whereas in corresponding forms the Greek 


declension exhibits -a, -a, -a?, -17, -179, Thus we have not only 
cell& by the side of ifiiXXdy but amicitia, scrtba, area, nota, ho- 
mtcid&, by the side of <f>iXid, rafiid^, avKed, rp^, dvSp€ul}6pTf^. 
And even when Greek nouns are transplanted, the same shorten- 
ing of the last syllable may take place ; thus irerpa, ^6nnj and 
irvKTqs become petr&, zoni and pycta. The explanation of this 
phenomenon is to be sought in the general tendency to abbrevia- 
tion, which characterizes the Latin language, and which is perhaps 
connected with their habit of throwing the accent forward. In 
many cases the short a is not merely an extenuation of the syllable, 
but an abridgment involving the omission of one ok more forma- 
tive letters. Thus, as (f>iXld must be considered as a contraction 
of ^CKlro-ird, the same omission must have taken place in amtci- 
tia, and we shall see a further proof of this when we come to the 
nouns in es^ -S-t^. A comparison oiKptrrj^y avxia, -rj, and rojua/^y 
shows us that these words involve the second pronominal element 
under the form la = ya. And we must presume an addition of the 
same element in scrtb-a = scrib-yas, not-a = not^asay hamidld-a 
^homtcid-yasy &c. The length of the « iafamiltds^familiatSy 
famtltd =familiady JUiahus ^ filta-ibuSy Jilias^JUtam-s, is of 
course due to the absorption, in each case, of some original letter, 
so recently belonging to the inflexion that it could not be forgotten ; 
and with regard to the genitive in particular, we are able to sup- 
port this inference by an appeal to a considerable number of 
forms in -aes, which are still found in inscriptions ((Jorssen, I. 
p. 103). That the nom. pi. corresponded in form to the gen. 
sing, is proved by the phrase viginti quinque poenas in the Xli. 
Tables (above, p. 253). 

§ 4. Second or -0 Declension. 

Gen. PI. -O-Tum. 
As the nominative of this declension ends in -w« or -er = -rw, 
and the accusative in -um, it is necessary to state to the beginner 
why the characteristic is said to be o and not u: but to any one 
who has made even a commencement in philology, it is obvious 
that while the forms in -5, -^rww, -fi« could not have sprung firom 
an original u, the forms, in which a short u appears, would natu- 
rally result from a short 6 (above, Ch. vii. § 6). Besides, many 


of these nouns appear bj the side of Ghreek nouns in -09, and in old 
Latin the o is still apparent, as in qvom for quum, oloea for oUis 
or iUis, &c. A comparison of ager with drypi^j Alexander with 
'AAifai/Spo9, and the like (see Corssen, ii. p. 53), shows that the 
Latin forms have suffered an apocope not altogether unlike that 
of scriba from acribycts, &c., and certainly due to the same ten- 
dency to abbreviate and throw back the accent. We have nouns 
in -erua which are never shortened into -er, as humerus, nuTnerus, 
vespenUf uterus; and some compounds with the verb-roots fer- 
and ger- present both the full form and the apocope; thus we 
have armiger by the side of morigerus. In these instances, of 
course, the er is retained throughout the declension. Bat in the 
oblique cases of ager and Alexander, as in the corresponding 
Greek words, the e is dropt, afl might have been expected from its 
obvious functions as a merely compensatory insertion. The same 
is the case with a great many words of this form, especially 
those which exhibit the termination signifying agency, which 
corresponds to the Greek -ti;9, -Tiyp, -rmp, fem. -t/jmj, -TpiS-, 
such as magiS'ter, minis^ter, arbi-ter, &c. There is also in 
Latin a longer form in -tor, -torts. Those which retain the e 
have generally some Greek affinity, which explains the importance 
of the letter. Thus puer must be compared with the Greek 
irotp: liber, Uheri = ikevOepo^ or Ai6wao^ ikevOepio^, is thus 
distinguished from U-ber, li-brt; gener, generi belongs to 7&09, 
76i/€[(r]o9, genus, generis, and socer to ?Kvpoff. It is to be 
observed that although ager always loses its e in the oblique 
cases, this unessential letter is constantly retained in the com- 
pound ytiyfirttwi = eZtajrerttwi (above, p. 321). The pronouns tile, 
ipse, &c. for ollus, ipsus, &c., are singular instances of a form of 
the nominative corresponding to the mere crude-form as it ap- 
pears in the vocative of this declension. 

It is an interesting fact that the Romans substituted the 
second for the third declension in some of the inflexions of 
Greek nouns in -€V9, -€(»9 or -179, -0C9. • Thus they wrote 
Achtllei and Ulixei as the genitives of Achilles CAxtXX€i;9) and 
Ulisses (OBwraein;), and Pericli for the genitive of Pericles (Jlepir^ 
kXjet^). The latter change is partly supported by the Greek 
abbreviation of derivatives from kXJo^, such as HdrpoKKo^, 'Et€- 
0/1CX09. That Hercules passed into Eerculus or Herclus may be 


inferred from the interjectional vocative Hercide or fferde, used 
like the Greek vocative 'HpoKkei^ I \ 

§ 5. Third Declension of consonantal Nouns. 

It baa been already remarked, that nouns of the third declen- 
sion are arranged according to the nature of the characteristic 
consonant, which precedes the case-ending; aijd that they &11 
into two great classes according as they retain the consonant or 
vocalize it into % or a. The characteristic is very often lost in 
the nominative singular, but it may always be recovered by a 
careful examination of the oblique cases. 

§ 6. A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns. 

Gren. PI. -B-um, -P-um. 
{a) Labial nouns are limited to some few in b, generally 
shortened from forms in -», as plebs (also plebes), scobs (also 
scobis), scrobs (also scrobis), traJbs^ urbs (anciently urbis), and 
some few in jp, as daps, slips (also stipes or stipis\ stirps (an- 
ciently stirpis), to which must be added compounds in dp- from 
capio, as man^ceps, muni-ceps, parti-ceps, prin-ceps. To the 
same class of compounds we must refer ^-cep«, " a pair of pin- 
cers," the first syllable referring to the " opening " or " door," 
which this instrument makes in order to grasp the object. Simi- 
larly we have far-fex, " a pair of scissors," from fotdo, and for- 
pexj " a pair of curling-tongs," from pe<yto. 

Gen. PI. "O'Um, "C-um. 

(&) Guttural nouns are a more numerous group, and the 
tenuis c is a more common characteristic than the medial g. Of 
the latter class we have only the primitive frux {Jruff-), grex 
{grSg-), and strix (sMg-) : and the verbals lex (root leg-)^ rex 
(root rey-), with the compounds U-lex, inter-rex^ cfm-jux (root 
jug-)^ retnex (root ag-). Supellex is an abridgment of the form 

1 Sir £. Bulwer Lytton gires an oxemplifi cation of his ]mperf«>ct 
scholarship when in his Pompeii he makes a Roman swear per ffereU, 
In the passage of Gi^llius, m. 5 : per herele rem mirandam dicit Aris-^ 
toUiesy we bare the usual tmesis of the intensive per^ as in Cicero de 
Orating, i. 49 : per mihi mirum vitum esL 


in -7f- indicated by the genitive mpettectilu, and the x does not 
represent a ff but eta. The same is the case with senexy which 
conversely exhibits a shortened form in its genitive senis: cf., 
however, senectus, seneca, aenecio^ &c. The root of sen-ex is to 
be sought in the Sanscrit sanrd^ and the old Saxon and H. G^ 
«n, " always," found also in the Gothic sth-teins; and we have 
the same root in aem-per^ opposed to nt^per^ as sen-ex to novtis 
(below, Ch. X. § 6). The idea of sen-ex is that of advanced 
longevity rather than that of relative age, which is expressed by 
major, maacimus, with or without n<Uu; and similarly minor y mini* 
muSy is used instead oi junior. In Persiua we find Aristophanes 
designated ^prasgrandis senex (i. 124), and as Cratinus is men- 
tioned in the same passage, the epithet cannot refer to the great 
age of the other poet, but must mean that he was the most illus- 
trious representative of the old comedy {comcedia priscQy Hor. 1. 
8erm. iv. 2; comcedia vetuSy id. Ars Poet. 281). The substantive 
senium is often used to denote antiquity in general, as in Statins 
Silv. I. 3, 38 : venerabile lu^corum senium. I have intimated the 
possibility (above, p. 203) that in old Etruscan eterey which seems 
to denote " an elder son," may be connected with vetus. But there 
is no authority for this use of the word in Latin. With a geni- 
tive vetus may signify experienced {gnarus)y as in Silius, iv. 
332 : gnaros belli veteresque laborumy and this is common enough 
in Tacitus, as in Annal. vi. 44: vetus regnandi. It might be 
supposed that this is the meaning of veten'imum Itberorum in 
VI. 31, which cannot signify " the eldest of his sons." But the 
absence of the genitive, and the whole context, induce me 
to suppose that the text is corrupt, and that we ought to read 
teterrimum instead of veterrimum. The word veteres occurs im- 
mediately after; and the scevitia of the father would lead us to 
expect an epithet which would signify **most tyrannical;" cf. 
Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 40; Vatin. III. fin.; Resjmbl. II. 12. In nix 
the x represents gv or qv : cf. ninguo. The genitive nivis may 
be compared with vivo = qviqvOy struo = struquOy &c. The gen. 
plur. of nixy nivisy nivlumy and merx, mercis, merclumy shows 
that these nouns really belong to the I declension. The tenuis 
c is the characteristic of a number of primitive nouns, such as 
fox {foc')y lux {luc"), codex {codic-), cornix {comlC')y &c.; it also 
appears in nouns containing the root of c verbs, as dux (rfiic-)., 
D. V. 23 


ju-dex (tffc-), and other nouns irom dico; pol-lex (Zfo-), and other 
nouns from lido; arii-fex (/&-), and other nouns from fauAo; 
and we find a great number of feminines in -frto; corresponding 
to real or possible masculines in tor^ such as nuirix (nti^rtc-), 
obatetrix {obstetric-), &c. The last word deserves some special 
notice, as showing the true meaning of ob in composition. For 
ob-stetrir must mean *' a woman who stands by to assist" — a 
JBetateherin — ^and 7rapa4rr^pcu or avfnrapaoTffvcu is especially 
used to denote this by-standing or assistance in childbirth : so 
Pind. OL VI. 42 : irpaifji/qrlv r 'EXci/^ci avfiwapiarap-ev re 
Molpa^ ; cf. OL XI. 64, If then ob-sto may signify ** to assist," 
like iraplcrrfffUy as well as " to oppose," it can only bear this 
meaning in consequence of the sense of extension, continuance, 
and perseverance borne by ob; and thus of-fidum may denote 
'^ beneficial aid," though of-fido signifies harm and hinderance. 
Compare the two applications of our word pre-vent^ which means 
to go before, either for the purpose of clearing the way, or for 
the purpose of obstructing the passage. From this explanation 
of cb-stetr-ixy it is plain that Stator does not imply, actively, 
" one who causes to stand," but " one who stands by, ready to 
ielp " — qui stcU opera latunts — of a prcesens Divus, according to 
the proper meaning of that term, as in Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 12, 
§ 28 : '^ Hercules tantus et tamprcssens habetur deus." 

Gen. PL -D-urHy -T-um, -B-um. 

(c) The most numerous and important class of the purely 
consonantal nouns are those which have a dental mute for their 
characteristic; for while the labial and guttural nouns are limited 
to the masculine and feminine, these exhibit also some neuter 
nouns of very common occurrence. 

. (a) Masculine and feminine nouns in -d are such as pes 
{p^d-), frons {frond-), vas {vad-)^, and its derivatives press 
{^prcB-vad-), custos {cvsto-vadr), sxidi merdes {merce-vad-) (above, 

1 This word is interesting from its connexion with the Low-German 
weed, or wad, ^ a pledge," found in wad-ie^ wed-ding, $o. Another form 
was had, as in the old compact gif had genumen sy on monnes orfe, ** if a 
pledge be taken for a man's chattels;" and from this comes oar htt* 
From the Low Latin fiad-iart comes the Romance guadiare, guaggiare, 
and our trnger. (See Palgrave, History of the Anglo'Saxons, Pref. p. zxL). 


p. 146); palua {palud-), &c. Masculine and feminines nouns in 
"t, are such as dena {dent-), Jrons (Jrant-), pars {part-), comes 
{comU-), qutes {quiet-), n&pos {nepot-) ; a very long list of abstract 
words in -tas {-tat-), as boni-tas, with a smaller number of supple- 
mentary forms in -tus {-ttU-), as virtus : and active participles in 
"fis (-w^), whicli are occasionally used as nouns, "as serpens {ser^ 
pent-), &c. The genitive plural in -ium proves that there must 
have been originally older forms in ^tis of those nouns in -t or 
-ef, in which the characteristic is preceded by another consonant; 
cf. densy gen. pi. dentium, with sementis. This remark applies 
also to many of the nouns in 'd{ti)s, -g(«t)«, i{ti)s (see the exam- 
ples collected by Corssen, ii. pp. 57, 58). 

{13) Neuter nouns of this class originally and properly termi- 
nated in -t. Although caput, gen. capitis (for which the oldest 
MSS. of Lucretius give capud), is the only word in which the 
characteristic is retained unaltered, Greek analogies and many 
collateral indications enable us to see at once what nouns belonged 
to this dental declension. Some Greeks nouns in -fm^fmr-^ 
fievT- {New Crat.% 114) have been naturalized in Latin, such as 
poema, gen. poematis ; and lac, gen. lactis, retains more of the 
termination in the nominative than the corresponding ^oKa, gen. 
^oKoucTfyi. The t, which is lost in iciap, cor, is represented 
by the medial in KapBla, cordis. Though carmen (cf. carTJieU" 
lis), a^men (cf. armentum), have omitted the characteristic t, not 
only in the nominative, but also in the oblique cases carmi- 
nis, agminis, &c., they at all events retain the preceding liquid, 
which is lost altogether in the Greek neuters in -fia, -fiaTo^. 
And while corpus, opus, &c. agree with rel^o? in softening the t 
into 9, they retain some trace of it in the r of the oblique cases, 
where the Greek, according to the rule {New Crat. § 114), has 
dropt the 9 between the two vowels. There is an assimilation 
of the t in the oblique cases of os, oss-is (cf. wrr-eovY, inel, mellis 
(cf. fUXir-r), fel, fellis, and far, f arris. The exceptional forms 
jecur (also jecinor), iter (also itiner), SLudJuhar, probably ended 
originally in -rat, like the Greek fjirap for rjirpar, gen. ipraro^^ 
The following table will show the gradual degeneration of the 
forms : 

^ The gen. pL ossivm showB that this word stood for osH and belonged 
to the -t declension. 



a A /9. A A 7 

caput lac[t] cor os{t] carmen[t] corpnta 

capU-ia lact'%8 card-is oaa-is carmi-nia corpor-is. 

Here it will be observed that in a the « is preserved intact; 
that in ^9^ it is lost after another consonant in the nominative, 
and preserved in the oblique cases; that in j3^ it is retained in the 
medial form which comes nearer to the preceding liquid r (above, 
p. 303); that in /3^ it is assimilated to s; that in fi^ it is altoge- 
ther dropt after n ; and that in 7 it is softened into s and r. In 
comparing corpus, corpor-is^ with reZ^o?, Te/;;^e-o9, we observe 
that, although the latter has lost the 0-, according to the rule, 
because it is flanked by two vowels, it could retain the neuter 
characteristic before a consonant : thus we have opiafiuK from 
Spo^, a-atcec-waXo^ from aaKo^^ &c. Similarly, that the r or « 
which takes the place of t in the Latin nouns, is retained in de- 
rivatives, like gener-osus, from genus, generis, robus-tus from 
robur, and tempes^tas from tempus. 

Gren. PL -Zf-wm, 'N-um, -R-um. 

{d) Liquid nouns are generally of dental origin, and many 
of them recal to our recollection the neuter nouns, which have 
just been mentioned. The only noun in m is the word hiem-p-s, 
gen. htemiSf which is probably the corruption of a longer form 
in mn : cf. x^^M^^ ^^^ X^^f-^ ~ xei/Acin-. There are a few nouns 
in Z, as sol, soUisy sal, sSlis (which is neuter, as well as mascu- 
line, and which, in that use, has lost a final t), nihil (for nihilum), 
which is neuter and undeclined, and some compounds derived 
from salio, as consul, prce-sul, ex-suL The great majority of 
liquid nouns have crude forms in n or r = «. Of the former we 
have some in -o, -tnis; many in -db, -edo, -Ido, -tudo, of which 
the genitive is formed in -dinis, &c.; others in -go, -ago, -tgo, 
"ugo, which have their genitives in -ginis, &c. ; others, again, in 
-0, 'io, ''mo, 'Sio, -tio, which form the genitive in -onw, &c. It 
is superfluous to give examples of all these different classes. In 
comparing caro^, gen. carnis, with virgo, gen. vir ginis, we see 
that two liquids in the former have coalesced to the exclusion of 
the short {; and virgo ^virgin-is differs from sermo = sermdn-s, 

» The original form of the nom. was eamis; seo Lir. xxxvn. 3. 


jx^t 9AhcUfMov = Salfioi^^ differs from %ei/M»ya£;^t/ia»^-9, or as 
irolfmiv = trolfjteu^ differs from avrk'^v^^ <nr\i]v^. In some of the 
nouns in «=rthis characteristic represents the neuter^; such 
are cw, gen. abtw, ntSy gen. rurtSy os, gen. orisy ver, gen. verisj 
&c. Other nouns in r really belong to the % declension, as 
laqtieary gen. laquearis. But we have a large number of mas- 
culine and feminine nouns of which r is the genuine character- 
istic. These are formed in -^, or -««, or -t«, -^Wj, as mvliery 
Ceresy Venm; in -5r or cw, -Srti, as labors fios; in -wr, -Sm, as 
augur; in -ttr = -iw, -wrw, as teUus; in -or, -frti, as arbor: we 
have an important class of nouns denoting agency, and ending 
in -fer, "trisy as pa-ter, ma-tery &c., to which must be added 
tt-fer, vr-trisy venrter^ ven-trisy and the compound ao-ct^pt-ter (-«m) 
from occtjpib; cf. capy«, the Etruscan word for a falcon (above, 
p. 184). The instrumental ending in -ter is extended, in a very 
numerous class of nouns, to -tor, -torw, assibilated to -«or,«om; 
thus we have dtto-tor from diuH), ara-tor from aro^ numi-tor 
from moneo, spon-aor from epondeOy &c. We have seen that the 
r often appears as « in the nominative ; in two nouns an e Is 
changed into t in this case; — thus we have ctnts, cin^ria and 
jmlvt8, pulvSrta. In consonantal derivatives from nouns in r, as 
in the corresponding neuter-forms, this characteristic is retained 
as a simple sibilant; thus, from Venus ^^ Ven^rUy we have venus-^ 
tas; from honor ^ honoris, hones-tas; from arbor, arbSria, arbiM'- 
turn; &c. 

§ 7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal Nouns. 
Gen. PI. I'um, E-rum^a^I-^rum. 
(a) Nouns in i exhibit some phenomena of considerable 
linguistic importance, which have eluded the observation of all 
previous grammarians. It has been shown elsewhere that the 
termination t, as a guttural residuum, is derived from the second 
pronominal element. But it appears as an extension not only 
of other pronominal affixes, but even of the second pronoun in 
many of its forms, and especially under the form c^k. Thus 
we have not only a large class of Greek adjectives in -/co9, and 
nouns in -#c-9, but we have also the extensions -#c-t9, -#c-609, &c., 
in which that element is repeated under a softened or vocalized 
form. Similarly in Latin, although the substantives in x^o-s or 


g^8 form their genitive plural in -um and are therefore independent 
of any additional elements, adjectives of the same form show bj 
their ablative in -i and their genitive plural in -titm, that die 
full ending of their crude form is not o-, but o-t. It has been 
already remarked that some nouns in J-, o-, ^-, or ^ {d) either 
have by-forms in -W-, -ci-, -j?i-, or -tf-, or must have been origi- 
nally formed in /. The shortened form is confined to the sin^ukr 
number, for the gen. pi. is invariably in -/um. And it is to be 
observed that the syncope generally takes place in nouns in 
which a mute is preceded either by the liquid n or r, or by a 
long vowel. Thus we have mem for mentisy fronds for fr<mdi8y 
urbs for urbis, pars for partis^ merx for merctSy a number of 
nouns in -asy -es, -is, for --cUisy -etis, -itisy as cujas for cujatisj 
Cceres for CcBretis or Cceriiisy Samnis for Samnitisy the longer 
forms of the latter being still found in the older poets ^^ and a 
class of nouns in -aZ and -ar for -^ile and -^rey as animal for oni- 
mdlcy pulvvfidr for pulmndre. There are, however, not a few 
nouns which are liable to the same syncope, though the penul- 
tima in the original form was short; thus we have scobs for scobisy 
fax fox jucisy caro{n) for camisy par iotparisy celer for celerisy acUps 
for adipisy sal (when masc.) for salisy &c. The appearance of 
-w^i- instead of -n^, as the characteristic formation of the parti- 
ciple, connects itself with a very interesting fact — namely, that 
forms in -nto in Greek and Latin stand beside forms in -^tus and 
-^us. From the regular change of -vt9 in Greek into -nttis in 
Latin — as when we have ira^ = 7ravT-9 by the side of quanhis, or 
Tdpa^ = TdpavT'^ by the side of Tarentum — no inference can be 
drawn. But as -rf- is generally, if not always, a shortened form 
of the articulation which appears as the second personal pronoun 
and the second numeral, and as we have verbal forms in -dus 
(as cupidus, &c.) by the side of verbals in -rio?, -tv?, -Tt9, it is 
not unreasonable to conclude that if orien-t-s = oriu-n-^usy the 
former is an abridgment of orien-tts analogous to sementisy &c., 
and this explains the genitive plural in -tWm. Although there 

1 The original form is also indicated by tbe accent; for, although 
Latin words are generally barytone, nouns in 'd{t)» have the accent on 
the last syllable just like those which hare an apocopated enclitic as 
ittd(^t tcmiSn\ and the like. 


are some nouns in -t- which retain their characteristic throughout 
the cases — ^as sitis, Ttberisy febris, pujfpia, &c., — ^it not unfre- 
quentlj happens that the shorter vowel e is substituted in the 
nom., ace., and abl. sing., and this is always the rule in the nom. 
and ace. pi. So that, generally, the criterion of a noun in t is 
furnished only by the form of the gen. pi. Thus, although we 
have nuie8y nubeniy nube, nvbea^ we have always nvh-i-um. The 
peculiar nouns in -es^^a-isy in which this characteristic i is ap- 
pended to a crude form in -df, sometimes appearing as a distinct 
noun of the first declension (cf. mater-ta, " the mother-stuff," or 
"materials," KX^, with materiea^imateria-ts)^ always retain this 
^=aV, and consequently exhibit the full or proper form of the 
gen. pi. in -tmj». For, according to the rule, « = r is not usually 
elided except between two short vowels, and the contraction 
i = a{ produces the same result as the contractions d^^a^ and 
$ = d~if in the first and second declension, so that we have arum 
= a-^rum, orum = (h^rum and erum = a-irum. As canisy juvenis 
and vatea form the gen. pi. in -urn, we infer from this simple fact 
that they are as improperly included in the -«- declension as 
other nouns are excluded from it. If we compare cania with 
xvfov = fcvov^, we shall see that the % is merely an unorganic in- 
sertion after the liquid, and the same is the case with juvenia; 
whereas vates must be explained on the same principle as the 
Greek compounds in -979 from neuter nouns in -09, which exhibit 
the lengthened form only in the nom. and aocus. {New OrcU. 
§ 228). The neuter nouns in -e, which are shown by their abl. 
sing, in -t, their nom. accus. pi. in -ta, and their gen. pi. in -ttim, 
to belong to the class of -4 nouns, are really the neuter forms of 
adjectives in -w. Compare, for example, mcenia with comrmunis^ 
mare and miUe with acrisy agxlis, rete with restis and irretirey 
animal for animxjde with cequaliSj &c. One of the strongest 
proofs that the additional -i is an indication of the adjectival in- 
flexion is furnished by the fact that while the immoveable vetua^ 
veteriay forms its gen. pi. in -um, and while celer, denoting " a 
horseman," has no gen. pi. but celerum, the regularly inflected 
adjective celer, celeriay celere, has a gen. pi. celer-ium. The same 
inference may be drawn from the relation between jfraw* a d vaa^ 
&c. (below Ch. XIII. § 12)* With regard to the nouns in I and 
r in particular, we must consider that the extensions in -lia and 


"Tta are the basis of further extensioBS in -hua and -rtW, snch 
as nucnl^us^ prceUhriua, &c,, which in Greek would sometimes 
appear as -X^>co9, and for this there is an occasional parallel in 
Latin, as in fame-li-cua. The following classification will show 
how far the whole group of % nouns has retained or lost the 
original characteristic. 

(a) The characteristic % is retained in the singular, as in 
sitis, TibertSy febris, puppis. 

(J) The characteristic % is omitted or changed into c in the 
nom. sing., but retained in the abl., as in mare^ animal^ pul- 
vinar, os (gen. ossis), 

(c) The characteristic I'is omitted or changed into e in the 
nom. sing., and e always appears in the abl. sing., as in urhsy 
nuhea^ merx, parSy Arpinas, Quirts, 

id) The characteristic is absorbed by the contraction of a-i 
into ^, which becomes a new characteristic, and is retained 
throughout, as in dies for dia-is. 

As this last class of nouns never exlnbits the original form 
even in the gen. pi., and as it coincides in inflexions with the a 
declension, of which it is an extension, it might be convenient 
on some accounts to place it next to the nouns in a. We should 
then have representatives of the three primary vowels a, c, o, 
and as the original r of the genitive plural is not omitted except 
between two short vowels, these vowel-nouns would have this 
consistent distinction from all the others, while the dat. and abl. 
dtebus would be paralleled by the occasional forms dealtiSy and 
the gen. diet, dies would stand by the side of occasional forms 
like aquat, familtas^ These resemblances between the first and 
fifth declensions of the ordinary grammars have induced Bopp 
( VerffL Oramm. p. 141 sqq.) to identify these forms of the Latin 
noun, on the assumption that the ilT of the first declension was ori* 
ginally a, and that the difference, for example, between materies 
and materia is simply that between the Ionic 17 and the Doric a. 
To the obvious objection that the nom. sing, of the ? nouns in- 
variably exhibits a final «, which is always wanting in the a 
nouns, not only in Latin, but in Sanscrit, Zend, Greek, Gothic, 
and Lithuanian, Bopp replies by asserting that species and cani» 
ties are linguistic patriarchs, exhibiting a more original form of 


the other declension ! This is, to say the least, a s 
tion from a comparative philologer ; for it substitutes an 
conjecture, for an unexceptionable induction. If Bopp had been 
thoroughly acquainted with the stmcture of the Greek and Latin 
languages, he would have seen that the ultimate form of the 
feminine always terminates in a short a, and that the forms in a, 
1/, always involve some absorption of a or t. That the nouns in 
'€8 are really nouns in -t- formed on the basis of nouns in -a, 
may be shown by a few simple considerations. It is admitted 
by all philologers that in Latin e = au Thus amimtts^amaimus, 
and so forth (Bopp, Verg. Oram. p. 66). Therefore di^^dia-ia 
(cf. dtdnits, &c.), mat€rte8=mat€ria-t8 [ct. materia) y &c. With the 
exception of the gen. pi., which is found only in two nouns, dies 
and res, the e nouns are inflected throughout in accordance with 
the forms of the t- declension, supposing the contraction ai-=i. 
For there is good authority for the gen. sing, in -^. Why the 
gen. pi. in -erum is of such rare occurrence and whether the form 
in 'turn was ever found, are questions which it is difficult to 
answer. It is clear that Cicero objected to specierum {Topic. 7), 
Quintilian to sperum (i. 6, §■ 26) ; and though we have, in late or 
obsolete authors, such forms (tsfaderum (Cato, ap. Prise, p, 782) 
and gladerwn (Sidon, ApoUon. Epiat. 4, 6 extr.), this proves 
no more than the occurrence of lapiJkrum and the like (above, 
p. 334). On the whole, there cannot be any doubt that the 
nouns in €8 = aia ought to be placed after the nouns in i of which 
they are a contracted declension. 

Gen. PI. 'U'um. 

(/9) It may be inferred that: nouns in u either inelvded or 
were ultimately identical with the nouns in -», which have just 
been discussed. Thus in Greek -u-v was originally - F*9 or -W9, 
and the Oscan Ke-ia stands by the side of the Latin ci-ms 
(above, p. 149). In most existing instances, however, this t has 
been lost, and we have either a noun in t?, declined like the 
purely consonant-nouns, or a form in which the u is retained 
throughout, just as the i alone keeps its place in the most regular 
of the i nouns. Of the former class, we have only two remain- 
ing: bo8 for hov'8 (Greek /801)9), gen. bav-is, and Jus for Jov-s 
(Greek Zevsi), gen. Jov-is. The nominative of this latter noun 



























k alwajs connected with pater under the form of Jupiter , corre- 
sponding more nearly to the Greek yocative. Thus Catnllus 
(lxiy. [lxyi.], 48) translates the line of Callimachns word for 
word as follows: 

Z€v wartp^ tis XaKvfituf iray dinJXotro ycpof. 
Ju-pUer ut Ohalybon omne genus pereat 
The analogy between the nouns in i and u will be seen from 
the following comparison : 



tribu-i or trihd 




There are two nouns of the i declension, which deserve es- 
pecial consideration, not only on their own account, but also on 
account of some remarkable assonances in the cognate languages, 
which might lead to misconception or confusion : — ^these are re$^ 
" a thing or object," and Tnare, " the sea." I have shown, in 
another work, that rea^h-ra-is is a derivative from hir^j(elp 
(Yarro, L. L. iv. 26), and that it must therefore be compared 
with the Greek %peo9, xp^/a, xP^M^y ^^ which it bears the same 
relation as Icena, luridtis, &c. do to j^Xaipa, ^K^pS^Sy &c. Con- 
sequently, res is " that which is handled," and means an object 
of thought in accordance with that practical tendency of the 
Boman mind which made them regard all realities as necessarily 
palpable^, whereas the Greeks were contented with the evidence 
of the eyes. Thus, while a Greek declared his certainty by the 
predicates hapyri<i^, ifi<f>avii^, o-cufnj^y &c., referring to light, 

^ Ariosto (Orlando FurioMo, vu. 1) speaks of the Tulgar belief as de- 
pendent on the sight and tench combined : 

Che 'i sciocco Yulgo non gli vuol da fede, 

Se non le vede o toeea chiaro o piane. 
* For this use of ivapyii^ we may compare ^schyl. P«r«. 179 : aXX* 
oMnw rotoyd* evapyit c^dcSftijy with Soph. Track. 11: fftotrAp ipapyrft niv- 
pos; which is opposed to avbptit^ kvtu fiovtrpt^poi or the partial assumption 
of the bovine form. Just in tho same way we find in Shakspere 
{K. John, I. 2) : 

Mine eye hath well examined his parts, 

And finds them perfect Richard. 



the Boman brought every thing to the test of the toach, and / 
pronounced a thing " mamfestll^(wiant^^ .re«) when he couli 
reach out his hand and feel it. With the Greeks the idea of 
handling was connected with that of facility, rather than with 
that of evidence: thus evj(€pii^, "easy," is opposed to Si;o^epj;9, 
"diflScult:" and as fidfyrj in old Greek was a synonym of x'^V 
(and probably akin to maniui)^ evfiapi^^ is a common equivalent 
to €ux€p^^ {Schol. Ven. ad Hiad. XV. 37). Now this word fidfyq. 
brings us to the first of those apparent resemblances between the 
Greek and Latin, against which I would caution the student. 
For the Etymolog, Magn, directly connects fidp-rv^ " a witness" 
with fULpfq "a hand," and thus brings us back to the Eoman 
manxfeata res; the compiler says (p. 78, 11): fiaprv<i o frnpr^a^; 
fcal elhdh rd oKrjOk. But, as I have shown elsewhere {New 
Crat. § 460), fuzprw is not immediately connected with fidptf, 
but belongs to the same application of the root as fne-mor, fiip- 
i/ipa, &c., so that it is expressive rather of the memory and 
spoken record than of the certainty of the thing declared. And 
here we have a remarkable difference between the Greek and.^^;- / 
Boman conceptions of "truth." For while the Greek pAprrv^ 
refers to memory, and the Greek 0X17^179 to the absence of for- \\^^ 
getfulness, the Latin teatia refers jib to testa a piece of earthen- /.. . 
ware used as a proof, ticket, or symholum (cf. tesaeray which is for ^< ^ - 
iestera^ and not from the Greek riaa-ape^)^ and varus , like the^ -^ 
Teutonic wdr and the Lithuanian geras^ which mean both verua 
and honua (Graff, Sprach, I. 913), indicates the certainty, good- 
ness, validity, and protection, on which we may rely with confi- 
dence. It is well known to Latin scholars that verua even in 
the classical writers not unfrequently recurs to its original mean- 
ing, and denotes rather that which is good, right, and proper, 
than that which is true as a matter of fact. Thus, in Livy, 11. 
48: verum eaae habere eoa quorum aanguine et audore partum ait. 

j7ci<iit ^/ 

And Milton says {Parad. Reg, i. 82) : 

I Baw 
A perfect dore descend ; 
i.e. Ivapytjg ntpurrtpd, Arifltotle (Eth, Nicom, I. 1, 3) uses wapyf^g and 
<l>aptp6s as synonymotts expressions for that which falls within the reach 
of our ordinary experience. 


** it was right and proper that those should have it by whose blood 
and labour it had been obtained." Cf. IIT. 40, xxxii. 33, XL. 
16; Caesar, B. G. iv. 8; Virgil. jEn. xii. 696; Horace, 2 Serm. 
III. 312; 1 Epiat. Yii. 98. This meaning is sometimes made 
more clear by the addition of cequus, as in Horace, 1 EpiaL xil. 
23: nil Qrosphua niai vonim orabtt et (Bquum. And decena is 
similarly added, as in Horace, 1 Ilpist I. 11 : qtiod verum aique 
decens euro et rogo et omnia in hoc aunt (see Gronovius and Drar- 
kenborch on Liv. II. 48). Again, fuipff bears an outward resem- 
blance to the Latin mare, the other word under discussion, and 
the syllabic correspondence is strengthened by our knowledge of 
the fact, that Oevapy which denotes " the hollow of the hand," is 
also used to signify " the surface of the sea" (see Pind. lathm. 
III. 74). But these are merely accidental coincidences: for, as 
we have seen above (p. 90), «wa-re and the Sclavonian mo-re 
must be referred to thtf Semitic U^D , the second syllable being 
that which appears in the Greek picD, the Etruscan rt7, &c. 
Besides, mare does not signify " the aurfiice of the sea," but the 
Toaaa of water, as opposed to dry-land. The surface of the 
water is denoted by pelagua, directly borrowed from the Greek 
wi>uxrfo<;, which is connected with TrXaf , and means " an extended 
sheet of water;" hence irikaryo^ signifies '*the high-sea," and 
TreXarfU)^ means " out at sea" {New Crat. § 280). K a river 
had burst its banks and covered a large expanse of CQimtry, it 
would be called a mare, or ^ flood," and might in that case ex- 
hibit a pelagva or " wide surface of water." Thus Virgil says 
of the mouth of the Po {JEn. I. 246): 

It mare proruptum, et pdago premit arra soDantL 

" It rushes forth in a Jlood, and covers the lands with a roaring 
akeet of voater^ This view of the origin and signification of 
ma-re is important with reference to its form as a noun in «. We 
see this % in other words involving the root re, as ri-vua, ri-l, 
&c. ; and considering the general meaning of adjectives in -ti, 
we must come to the conclusion that ma-r-e is the neuter of an 
adjective ma-re-ia = ma-r-ia = vSpopp6o<;. To return to re» = hra- 
is, the termination seems to indicate it as a doing, rather than as 
a thing done — ^as a ^^ hand-ling^^ {Jiandlung) rather than as a 
work, — ^as a XPV<'^^^ rather than as a Xf^f^' Practically, how- 


ever, res means a mere object of thought, a thing which is or 
may be handled; and this appears still more dearlj from the 
use of re-OTy " I think," i. e. " I propose a res to my mind," and 
its derivative ra-tto (from ra-tus), which implies the action of 
the verb, and denotes the mode or act of thinking. Still, it may 
be seen, by a little care in the examination, that the fixed or 
passive meaning of res is quite consistent with its original use as 
a noun of action. As we shall see, when we come to the gerun- 
dia and gerundiva, the difference between active and passive 
becomes evanescent when we descend to the infinitive or abstract 
use of a word. When we are speaking of the " winding-up of a 
business," " the closing of a shop," &c., it is obvious that we 
direct attention to the thing done, rather than to the act of doing 
it. Just so with res as opposed to ratio. Between these two tlie 
substantive reus and the verb reor may be presumed to inter- 
vene. If res means a " handling," or "action," reus will denote 
the person implicated in the action ; and as res, in a legal sense, 
denotes the cause and object of the controversy, in the same 
technical application reus will denote a person accused or im- 
peached — ctyus res agitur. And as ratio has no existence save 
through the verb reor, it must mean something more than the 
mere bodily handling implied by res. It must denote a mental 
operation consequent upon this contact. And, in point of fact, 
rcUio always implies some intellectual process, or the plan and 
system which emanate from it. While res or res famiUaris is 
the property, ratio is the account kept; respuhlica is the state or 
object of government, ratio is the mode of governing ; res is the 
outer world, as in natura rerum, &c., ratio is the inner reason, 
which deals with it theoretically. And this opposition is even 
carried so far that, while verborum ratio is the aiTangement of 
words, or the style (Cic. de Oratore, II. 15, § 64), we have 
rerum ratio (§ 63) for " history," or the arrangement of facts 
and actions. 

The neuters in 6 of this declension are interesting as examples 
of the form which appears by the side of all masculine and 
feminine adjectives in -w, as tristis^ neut. triste. Of course this 
theory assures us that the original ending of their neuter must 
have been -id, just as ante was originally antid. And this 
inference is confirmed by an obsolete neuter in -w, which bears 



the same relation to -id that corpus, opus, &c.y do to the original 
corptid, opudj &c. This neater is found in potts, satis, bj the 
side ofpote and sat (for sate); thus, Lucret. i. 452:. 

OoDJunctum est id, quod nunquam sine pemiciali 
DiBcidio potii est sejangi seqae gregarl 

V. 716: 

Corpus enim licet esse aliud, quod fcrtur et ana 
Labitur omnimodiB occursans efficiensque, 
Neo potii est cemi, quia cassam lumine fertur. 

Terent. Adelph. lY. 1, 5: '4ta fiat et istoe, si quid potts est 
rectius." Catull. Lxxv. 24 : " quod non potts est" Lxxi. 7 : 
" qui potts est.'* Com. Nep. Epam. 4 : " abstinentiae erit hoc 
satis testimonium:" of. Hannib. 6. These passages are quoted 
by Schwartze, das alte ^gypten, i. p. 637. The same expla- 
nation applies to necessus for necessum or necesse, in the Senatus 
Consultum de Bacckanalibus. The neuter in >t9 is sometimes a 
representative of -t« for -tw«, as in tnagis (by the side of magej^ 
nimis, tdtts {Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Spvf. ill. p. 277 seq.) ; comp, 
aliquantis^per, pauUis-per, tantis-per, &o. 


§ I. GenenJ definitions. § i. Personal Pronouns. § 3. Indicative Pronouns. 
§ 4. Distinctive Pronouns. § 5. Relative, interrogative, and indefinite Pro- 
nouns. § 6. Numerals and degrees of comparison. § 7. Prepositions. 
§ 8. Negative Particles. 

§ 1. Oeneral Definitions. 

THE tenn pronoun^ in accordance with its original meaning 
{pronomeUy dvT(DWfila){ ought to denote onlj those words 
which are used as substitutes for nouns. But according to that 
which appears to me to be the only scientific classification, all 
words fall into two great divisions, — ^anouns, or words which 
indicate space or position; and words containing roots, which 
express the positional relations of general attributes. The former 
do not allow any admixture with the other element of language : 
the latter require the addition of at least one pronominal suffix 
to make them words. I have therefore proposed^ to call the 
pronouns, or positional words, the organizing, constituent, or 
formative element of inflected language, and the roots I would 
designate as the material element of human speech. With this 
extension of meaning the t&na pronoun will include not only the 
personal, demonstrative, and relative words, which it generally 
denotes, but also the prepositions, the conjunctions, and those 
adverbs which are not merely cases of nouns. 

§ 2. Personcd Pronouns. 

Although the verb has three persons, the Latin language 
does not use more than two personal pronouns or general indi- 
cations of the nominative case. For, although ego and tu may be 
used with the first and second persons of the verb, which, as we 
shall see, are not consistently expressed by the inflexions, with 
the third person, which always ends in -t or 'tur, the nominative 
is either omitted or expressed by a noun substantive. When, 
however, in the objective construction it is necessaiy to introduce 

1 Nsw Orat. § 128. 


a pronoun referring to the nominative of the verb, we employ 
the reciprocal or reflexive ae. Thus, although dtceba-t is a suf- 
ficient expression of " he said, or used to say," we must introduce 
se before an infinitive expressing the assertion ; as : dicebant SE 
esse bonum vtrum, "he said that he (the person, in question, 
who said) was a good man;" and as we should write ego 
diceba-m ME esse^ or tu dxceba-s TE esse^ we may infer au ori- 
ginal pronoun of the third person beginning with «- and corre- 
sponding to the Greek 6 or ?, just as e corresponds to se. But 
this form occurs only in the oblique cases, sui^ sibi, se, and in the 
particles «i-c, si-ne, si, and se-d. 

The original inflexions of the two personal pronouns were as 
follows : 

N. e-go or ego^met tu or tu-te 

G. mis ti-s 

D. mi-M (for mi-fi or mi-bi) ti-bi 

A. me-he te-he 

Abl. me-^ te-d. 

For the plural, or rather the collective form, of the personal 
pronouns, we have two different roots corresponding to pwi and 
a^£ly which are used as the dual in Greek; and from these 
roots we have the nom., ac, voc. no-s, vo-s; dat., abl. no-bi-s, 
vo-^bt-s. According to the analogy of vmv, a-<l>mv, we ought also 
to have genitives no-uw or no-sum, and vo-um or vo-sum. But 
these are not found. Indeed, although the singular genitives 
mis, tisj which may have been originally forms in -jus, like 
hu-jus, e-jus, &c., retained their use as late as Plautus, these also 
became obsolete in classical Latinity, and the genitive forms for 
the singular and plural were derived from the possessive adjec- 
tives mens, tuuSy nos-ter, ves-ter. The connexion between the 
genitive and the epithet is well known {New Crat. § 298), 
and in all languages the possessive may take the place of the 
genitive of a pronoun. But in Latin and Greek we have not 
only a possessive in direct adjectival agreement with its noun, 
but, by a singular attraction, we have the genitive of the pos- 
sessive used as if it Were the genitive of the pronoun itself. I 
call this an attraction, for I think it must be explained by a 
transition from those idiomatic collocations, in which a dependent 


genitive stands by the side of the possessive. Thus we may say 
not only mea scrtpta, " my writings," for " the writings of me," 
but even mea acripta redtare timentis (Hor. I. Serm. 4, 23), 
**the writings of me fearing to recite;" and not only fjfierepa 
ipi^j "our contention," for "the contention of us," but even 
dyaff&v ipi^ i^fieripa (JSschyL Earn. 975), "the contention of 
us good persons." We see then how easy the transition may be 
from such phrases as mea unitia opera resptiblica est salva^ or 
ve»tri8 paucorum respondet laudtbus, to earn unius tut etudio 
me oi^equi passe confido^ or vestrum ^&mnium voluntati paruit 
Hence we find that ultimately mei and tut were the only geni- 
tives of effo and tUy and nostri or nostrum, and vestri or vestrum^. 
the only genitives of nos and vos. The same remark applies to 
the very defective pronoun of the third person, the reciprocal se^ 
which has lost its nominative, and has only the genitive sut, the 
dative sUn, and the accusative or ablative se, for all genders and 
numbers. We must also consider the Greek iftov, or ^loO^ 
anciently /a€oS (JV^ drat. § 134), and cov, as properly belonging 
to the possessive. The hypothesis of .an attraction, which I have 
proposed, is the only way of explaining the difference in the 
usage of nostrt, nostrum, and of vestri, vestrum. That nostrum, 
vestrum are genitives plural, is clear from the tact that they were 
anciently used in the full forms nostrorum, vestrorum; thus in 
Flautus {Mostell. i. 3, 123) we have : verum illud est, maanmaque 
pars vostrorum intdligit. As genitives jfchey can only be explained 
by an attraction into the case of some plural genitive expressed 
or understood. In general, we do not find the genitive except 
when the personality is emphatically expressed; as in Ovid, 
Heroid. XIII. 166 : 8i tibi cura mei sit tibi cura tui. Cic. 
CatiL IV. 9: hahetis ducem memorem vestri, ohliium sui* 
And here it may stand by the side of an inflected possessive, as 
in Cic. ad Fam. xil. 17: grata miki vehementer est memoria 
nostri tua; or even be opposed to one, as in Ovid, Beroid. 
VII. 134: parsgue tui lateat corpore dausa meo. But whereas 
nostri, vestri, are used only when we speak of the persons as a 
whole; as: memoria nostri tua, "your recollection of us," as a 
single object of thought ; nostrUm, vestrUm are employed when 
we speak of the persons as a collection of separate or separable 
elements. Accordingly, the latter is the form adopted after such 
D. V. 24 


a word as pars (in the passage quoted above from Plautus), and 
by the side of omnium, as in Cic. Cat. I. 7 : patria est com- 
munis omnium nostrUm parens, " our native land is the common 
parent of all of ns/* many and separable as we are. But that it 
is reallj in this case an attraction from the inflected possessive, 
is clear from such passages as Cic. CcU. iv. 2 : hi ad vegtram 
omnium ccedem Bothcb restiterunt We have a genitive by the 
side of the possessive in the construction of the impersonal verbs, 
/' or rather phrases, re-Jhrt=rei fsrt, "it contributes to the in- 
A\ terest," bhA Jnterest, "it is concerned about the business," 
where rei is understood in the sense in which the Latin verb 
has become an English substantive*. In these phrases we have 
either a gen. of the person or persons interested, or the pos- 
sessive pronouns, med, tua, sud^ nostra, vestrd, agreeing with 
the dative rei, expressed in re-fert, and understood in interest. 
Thus we have : fadundum aliquid, quod illorum magis, quam 
sua r^'tulisse videretur, "he must do something which might 
seem to have been more for the interest of those others than 
for his own;" Ccesar dicer e solebat non tarn sud quam reipub^ 
licas interesse, ut salvus esset, "Caesar used to say that it was 
not so much for his interest as for that of the state that he 
should be safe." That re for rei is the dative, and consequently 
that med, sud, &c., here stand for mece, suce, &c., is proved 
by the competent testimony of Verrius (Festus, p. 282, ed. 
MnUer): rerfert quum didmus, errare nos ait Verrius. Esse 
enim rectum kei pert, dativo scilicet, non ahlativo casu. In 
Cato, B. B. c. 3. we have: et rei et virtuti et glorim erit. 
That fero may be used absolutely without any accusative is 
clear from such phrases as: dum tempus ad earn rem tulii 
(Ter. Andr. i. 2, 17), dum cetas tulit (id. ibid. il. 6, 12), nunc 
ita tempus fert, ut cttpiam (Heaut. IV. 1, 64), scilicet ita tempus 
fert {Adelpk. v. d-, 5). And it is unnecessary to show ihaifsro, 
like \ua-kre\iw, may govern the dativus commodi. The change 
of €B into a is found also in post-hoc, inter^ea, &c., which will 
be explained immediately. 

1 For re -rei m this sense cf. Plaut. Trinumm. in. 2, 9 = 635 : turn 
re consulere cupio. 


§ 3, Indicative Pronouns. 

The three pronoims, hie, iste, tile are called mdicative, be- 
cause they indicate, as obfectSy the three personal distinctions, 
which, in the cases already considered, are expressed as mbjecta 
of the verb. Hie, "this," " the person or thing Aere," indicates 
the speaker and all close to him; iste, " that »of yours," indicates 
the person addressed and those in his proximity; tZfe, "that 
other," indicates all distant persons and objects. This distinction 
was well known to the oldest grammarians, and is fully borne 
out by the consistent usage of the best writers. Priscian's defi- 
nition is rather vague : he says (xvii. 9. § 68, Vol. ii. p. 39, 
Krehl) : " Demonstrativa [sunt] hie, iste, et iUe. Sed interest 
quod iUe spatio longiore intelligitur, iate vero propinquiore ; hio 
autem non solum de praesente, verum etiam de absente possumus 
diccre, ad intellectum referentes demonstrationem, ut, hoe regnum 
dea gentihvs ease Yergilius ad absentem Carthaginem rettulit 
demonstrationem." But Laurentius Valla has given the personal 
reference of the three pronouns with the greatest accuracy 
{Elegant, ii. c. iv. p. 39. ed. Aldina, 1536) : " de we loquens 
dicere debeo hoe eaptU, hcee mantM, hcee eivitas. De te vero 
tstud eaput, ista tnanus, ista eivitas. De tertiu autem per^ 
sona illud eaput, ilia manus, iUa dvitad. CiceTo in Antonium 
{Phil. II. 25): tu istis faxidhus, &c., h.e. istis tuisfoudbus, &c. 
Unde nascuntur adverbia istie, istinc, istae, istue, istorsum, isto. 
Ut idem ad Valerium juris consultum : qui istine veniunt aiunt 
te superhiorem esse juetum, i.e. qui ab ista provincia in qua 
agis, htie in Italiam Bomamque veniunt." Practically we find 
that hie and iste are opposed as / Mid you, and hie and ille as 
near and distant. Thus we find (Cic. Aead. IV. 33) : " iisdem 
hie sapiens, de quo loquor, oculis, quibus iste vester terram, mare, 
intuebitur;" and {pro Bdbirio, il.): "si illos, quo$ Jam videre 
non possumus, negligis, ne his quidem, quos tndes, consuli putas 
oportere." And thus in reference to circumstances previously 
mentioned,, ille denotes the former or more distant, hie the latter 
or nearer particular ; as in Propert. ill. 14, 17 : 

Qoalis et Eurot» Pollux ct Castor tremB, 
Hio yictor pugnis, ilk futarus equis. 

The same distinctions are observable in certain peculiar usages. 



Thus Terence has {Andr. ii. 1,10) : " tu si hic sis, aliter sentias," 
"if you were in my place, you would think otherwise." In 
lawsuits iste, " the man before you," i. e. the judicesy is the 
opponent : hence, we find this pronoun used with a certain ex- 
pression of contempt to indicate a person who has been brought 
unfavourably before the notice of those whom we are addressing; 
whereas »%, "that other," as indicating a person so striking as 
to attract our attention in spite of his remoteness, is often used 
to denote a well-known or eminent individual, as: " magnus iUe 
Alexander," or " Medea tfla." In all these usages the triad Aic, 
wte, ille, correspond to the Greek Z&, ovro^, iKelvoi;. This is 
especially seen in the employment of oBe and ovro^ to designate 
the first and second persons respectively. Thus (Edipus is made 
to say of himself: ovri /jurj Xdxo'^o'i rovSe avfifiax'^^ {(EdL C. 
450) : but he is addressed by the subterraneous voice {^id. 
1627): cJ o5to9, o5to9 Oi8t7rov9, rl fUWofiof; The speaker 
in a law-court generally designates himself, his client, and his 
affairs, by iSe; but the opponent is oSra^ = iate^ " the man before 
you" (the judges). In continuous narrative roSe are the things 
which I am about to say, which are before me, but not yet 
before my readers; whereas ravra are the things just said, and 
which have been submitted to them. This shows that the true 
reading in iEschylus, SuppL 313, must be : 

X0> B^Xoy hhranha wmpa rovtl^ Cftov trttrpos, 
BA. t6 iroy tra^Ss ww Hyofia tovtov lun ^/xuroF. 

For the Chorus having spoken of their father as present by 
them (toOSc), the King, in his reply, would designate him as by 
their side {tovtov). 

"With regard to the etymology of the indicative pronouns, 
there can be no doubt that the first part of Ai-c corresponds to 
the Greek ?, which appears as the nominative of the reflexive 
go = ov, ol, I. It is therefore a subsidiary form of o = <ro, 'and 
while the h is represented by a more original sibilant in «t-c, se, 
&c., it has vanished altogether in t-«, i-terum, i-^tem, &c. The 
most original form represented the Anlaut as a strong combina- 
tion of the guttural and labial, which we call the digamma ; and 
thus qui, si'C, Ai-c, is, will be four forms of the same pronominal 
root signifying proximity, in whioh the guttural element has 
successively degenerated. The sibilant form, which is regularly 


found in the Sanscrit sa^ sak^ $6^ and in the Umbrian eao^ &c., 
where there is an initial vowel as in ifjA^ compared with fii^ 
was still extant in the dajs of Ennios, who writes «o-m, sa-psOf 
su-m^ 8(hs. The guttural appears without any labial affection in 
the affix -o- or -C6, and in the forms cia^ citra^ ceteris &c. The 
forms iatici-ne, ilUci-ney hid-ne^ tunci-ne, show that c» is an 
older form of the affix than C6, and the inscription of Aquila has 
even the form heicei (Corssen, i. p. 271), As there is reason to 
believe that the first syllable of the Umbrian e-so is a residuum 
of the second pronominal element Fa, analogous to the i in i-s, 
&c., the form e-sTi-k (above, p. 102) is really a combination of 
three, as Aw; is of two similar elements. The Latin forms e-ho^ 
e-ja^ e-go (New Grot, § 134) might lead us to infer that A-w may 
originally have been e-A^-c = e-«M-c. As the first element, in 
this repetition of cognate syllables, was generally omitted in 
Latin, so we find that the final -c was dropt in the usual form of 
the genitive hujusy though hujiis-ce occasionally appears, and 
was usually omitted in the plural, with the exception of the nom., 
accus., voc. neuter hB-c^ha-ce, though good writers have occa- 
sionally Ai-c for hi (Varro, L.L. vi. 73), and h(B-c for h<B (Plant. 
Aulul in. 5, 59; Ter. Eun. in. 6, 34; Phorm. v. 8, 23, &c.), 
in the nom. masc. and fem. The neuter Jub-c furnishes us with 
the clue to some important analogies. 

If there is good reason to connect At-c = e-Ai-c with the 
XJmbriam e-su-h^ there is still more reason for seeking an affinity 
between the second indicative pronoun u-te and the Umbrian 
es'tu. The latter combination will not allow us to doubt that 
the final syllable is identical with the second personal pronoun. 
Its adjectival inflexion in three genders is a subsequent result of 
its usage. But there is no reason to conclude that the forms 
-■tius, ti (for -tibt), -tum^ -to, are not as original as tts, tibi and te* 
The identity of the first part of em-k or e-hi-c and es-tu^ as in- 
dicatives of the first and second pronouns, is supported by the 
Hebrew 'Mn6hi, "I," and 'han-td^'hU-td, "thou," which are 
similarly distinguished by the affix only. And such forms as 
e^o-met, i-yai-vrf, Sanscrit a-Ao-wi, show that the syllables e-ffOf 
a-ha, e-ho, &c., do not in themselves indicate the first person» 
though they strongly exhibit the idea of nearness as opposed to 
that of all other positions. But although -c is the distinction 


between the first and second pronouns of indication, such is the 
general usefulness of this adjunct that it is occasionally, though 
yarely, appended even to certain forms of ia-te, as is-tcBCy &c. 
And, what is still more singular, we find even tllcBCy &c. These 
are irregularities, and the general distinction of M^e and ia-te 
remains as I have described it ; and thus their relatiTe meanings 
of "here** and "near to the here'* are fully supported by their 

An analysis of the third indicative pronoun tUe leads to 
results quite as interesting aa that of the other two. There 
cannot be any doubt that tUe, " that other,'* and aliua^ "another," 
ftgreeing as they do in declension and primitive meaning, are 
only different forms of one and the same word: and thus the 
double I of tile will belong to the same form of assimilation as 
the Greek synonym oXXo? {New Gratyl, § 215). The other 
forms, under which the root of iUe or alius occurs, are ollus^ 
which is a common archaism of t7Ze, and is found even in Virgil ; 
ol'im for oll-4m (" antiqui enim litteram non geminabant,'* Fest.) 
=^%Uo tempore; soltis = 8&-olt8 sz sine aliisf uh (opposed to ct», 
^ tile is to Alb) = ilh loco; al-ter and ul-tra, ul4ertor, id-timus^ 
expressing relative degrees of distance and separation ; and td-^o 
signifying movement to a degree beyond expectation. To these 
must be added compounds beginning with aZt-, as alt-quis, &c. 
The I is retained in the Goth, alis, O. N. ella, A. S. ele, O. H. G. 
ali; but a comparison with the Sanscrit an-^ya ;= alius, an-tara = 
alter, and the Goth, an-thar, 0. N. an-mar, A. S. other, 0. H. G. 
an-dar, &c., leads us to the conclusion that the original form must 
have involved an n, and thus we fall back on the Greek expres- 
sion for distant locality, — d-va, and ultimately arrive at Ketvo^ = 
iic-ei^w? (cf. &W9), the synonym of tile in its regular use, and 
Ka-rdy the correlative of ai/a, both as- a preposition and as a par- 
tide {New Grot. §§ 136, 138). As it may be shown that dvd, 
in its most distinct significations, is represented by in {New Orat, 
§ 170), it will follow that ille^in-T/ue bears the same relation 
to in that aXXo9 does to dvd. And while the a in all these forms 
is more original than the i (above, p. 309), it is equally clear that 
the Latin ol- and ul- are successive extenuations of the original 
vowel, caused in part by the change of n into I (p. 317), The 
termination of oll-us, ali-us is softened into -e in ille, just as we 


have ipse and tste for tpsue and tatus, and just as we have necessB 
hj the side of neceastis. Of all the words, in which this root 
enters, ultro alone obscures the original meaning of '^ distance 
and separation/' It seems to be used as a sjnonjm of sponte^ 
which signifies "of one's own accord" or "free inclination.'*' 
But an accurate examination of all the passages, in which it 
occurs, enables us to trace it back to its original meaning, "to a 
place beyond," which is still found in such phrases as uUro 
istum a msj " take him tsLt from me" (Plant. Capt iii. 4, 19), 
tiltro cttroqm, " thither and hither," Ats lacrymis vitam damua^ 
et miserescimtis ultro, " to these tears we grant his life, and 
pity him besides" (see Ddderlein, Sifn. u. Etym. ill. 103, sqq.). 
Hence, while ih-pantey which is the abl. of s-pons or ex^pons, a 
derivative of another form oiponduSy means " by its own weight 
or inclination," " of its own accord," " unbidden" (Hor. I. Epist. 
XII. 17 : spofUe sud, jusscene), ultro means " going still farther," 
" going beyond expectation," " showing an activity which ex- 
cites surprise," or the like. Thus we find such phrases as 
(Plautus, Mil. GL ii. 1, 13) : aitseae ultro omnia muUeres sector 
rier, " he says that all the women even go so far as to run after 
him;" (Tac. Ann, xill. 23): cammotia qui aderant, uUroque 
epiritua yiia mitigantibuay "when those who stood by were affected, 
and, what is more, actively bestirred themselves to pacify her 
wrath ;" and (Hor. Carm. iv. 4, 61) : aectamur uUro quoa opimua 
fattere et effugere eat triumpht^, " contrary to all expectation, we 
pursue those, whom we ought to be only too happy to escape." 
It is clear from this that no single English word is more nearly the 
equivalent of ultro in this secondary application than our com- 
mon particle " even." The true force of uUro is also seen in the 
quasi-compound uUro tributumj which is the correlative otvecttgal, 
and implies that as the farmers of the taxes {vectigalia) had to pay 
money into the treasury, the state had even to advance money to 
those who contracted for the public works {uUro tributa). Thus we 
read that the censors incurred odium when they diminiahed the 
payment on account of the latter, and increased the sums to be 
paid in on account of the taxes (Liv. xxxix. 44) : vectigalia aum^ 
miapretiiaj uUro tributa injimia locaverunt, which Plutarch {v. Cat 
p. 347), explains by: avareWo^v roi: fua-ffoU ra^ ipyoKafiian;, rcL 
Bk riXtf Ta?9 irpcuT&Tiv iirl ra^ k<r)(afTa^ iKavvfOiv rifid^. This 



explains the metaphor in Seneca, de Benefic. iv. 1 : cum tmius 
nee Iticrum invitet, nee absterreat damno, adeoque neminem spe ac 
pollidtatione carrumpcU, ut contra in se impenderejubeai et scqnua 
in ultra tributis sit, — that is, virtue belongs to the class of those 
contracts which imply an initiatory expenditure on the part of 
those who let them out. To complete the analysis of the third 
indicative pronoun, it is worth while to notice that the aflSx 
hunt or hant, which marks this pronoun in Umbrian, is clearly 
connected with the English yon in yonder y heryond, &c. ; and this 
brings us at once, through the Goth. jatn^j^atW, N. 'R.Gt.jener^ 
&c,, to the Greek teelvoniy and the root of ille. And thus we see 
that the common Latin, like the Greek, has lost the three fall 
forms of the distinctive pronouns, which are preserved in the 
Umbrian eau-k (= ehic = Atic), " the particular thing here," et-tu 
(= iste), " the particular thing where you are," and er-oni = e»" 
ont (= -^u/ov = t7fe), " the particular thing yonder.'' The form 
iKuwy; maj be a residuum of icxeivofs = es-ont, and the same ex* 
planation may apply to i-fU, &c. Practically we find that iHe 
= alius differs from al-4er as plurality differs from d«ality, that 
is as aXXo^; — akio<; differs from hepof;; for al-ius, aXXo9 denote 
" that other person of many," and cdrtery l-^repo^ " that other 
person of two." On the general differences in meaning and use 
between the comparative affixes in -ius or -ibr and -ter-, the 
reader may consult the New Cratylus^ § 165. 

§ 4. Distinctive Pronouns, 

The elements m^, e-Ao, e-so, Ai-, which, we have seen, con- 
stitute the initial syllable or syllables of the indicative pronomis, 
appear without any affix in the merely distinctive pronoun is. 
In the older Latin Grammars it used to be the custom to exhibit 
the indicative hie ss a sort of prepositive article : but this func- 
tion, so far as the Latin language is capable of performing it at 
all, belongs rather to the weaker form is, which disHnguishes 
the particular person referred to, especially when the distinction 
is supported by a defining relative sentence. Thus, is Piso in 
Sallust, Catil. c. 19, is as nearly as possible o n/<ra>i/. The 
functions of ti, as a distinctive pronoun, are carried still farther 
by its association with two derivatives i-dem and i-pse (some- 


times ijmui). If we except that meaning of is, which has been 
already mentioned, and according to which it appears as the cor- 
relative and antecedent to qui, — so that is qui means '^ the parti-* 
cular person who," and the relative sentence becomes eqnivialent 
to tide Greek participle with the article, — we shall find that is 
and its two derivatives enable ns to reproduce in Latin the dif- 
ferent usages of avr6^. Thus, w is a mere pronoun of reference 
like the oblique cases of aruro^r uxor efus is the exact counter- 
part of »7 ywff avTov, "his wife" or "the wife of a person 
already mentioned and referred to;" sgnijungit eos renders (JnJy- 
mxrvif avrov^, **^he yokes them," i, e. the cattle already mentioned. 
Idem means more emphatically "the very he," "the same man," 
like o avr6<:^ And ipse signifies "the man himself," or "the 
man distinguished from others," like ovro^, when it is used as a 
secondaiy predicate in apposition without the article {Complete 
Oreek Oramm, art. 444, d, aa). The declension of is, namely, is, 
ea, id, gen. ejus, &c., is preserved in i'-dem for is-dem, en-dem, 
i^-dem for id-dem, gen. ejus-dem, &c., so that dem becomes a 
mere appendage like the Greek irep, S17, to both of which it 
partly corresponds in meaning, and to the latter of which it is 
•directly related. In the classical use of ipse, on the contrary, 
the first part, or the is, remains uninflected, while the second 
syllable is regularly declined; thus: i'^se{'-tis), i-psa, i-psum, 
gen. i-psius, &c. There are two ways of explaining this pheno- 
menon. We may suppose that th.^ ps" represents an inversion of 
the reciprocal 0-^ analogous to the Doric ^p4, '^Ivi and thus the 
inflexion of the second part only will correspond to the Greek 
forms ifiavTov, eaurov, &c., where the first part is immoveable. 
This is Bopp's theory. But it may with justice be objected 
that ipse corresponds to auri^, and that we have the combina- 
tions me ipsum, se ipsum, &c. Besides, we find in the older 
writers that the included is is regularly declined, while the aSBx 
^pse remains as an immutable appendage, just like the -dem of 
i-^em; thus we have eam-pse (Plaut. GtstelL I. 3, 22; AuL 
V. 7), eorpse ilia {CurcuL IV. 3, 2), eo-pse illo (ibid. 5): and 
especially in the combination re ea-pse, or reapse (Festus, p. 278, 
Muller). Since therefore we find another affix -pte also appended 
not only to the declined forms of is, as in eo-pte (Festus, p. 110, 
cf. ipsippe=^ipsipte, p. 105), but also to vos, mihi, meo, sue, &c, 


as vo-pte, mihi-pUy meo-pte, «wo-yte, &c., as this cannot be re- 
ferred to an inversion of w, but may bear the same relation to 
*pse that the original supines in -turn do to ther secondary fonns 
in -sum, I fall back on the other explanation, and consider -pte 
an indeclinable affix, analogous to ware, which has been softened 
into -psBy perhaps from an original assimilation in ts-pie (c£ 
SltTKO^ for hU-atcofi^ X€<t^ from Xey-<riCT7, &c,). 

The declension of w, yvSy reminds us at once of Ai-c, hu- 
ju^f and it is clear that the former is only a weaker modifica- 
tion of the latter, just as the Greek t is of the older ? (New 
CraU § 139). The most striking diflferences in the inflexions of 
18 and hi'C are entirely due to the -c or -ce appended to the lat- 
ter, and there is reason to believe that this affix, which appears 
attached to all the indicative pronouns, was originally appended 
also to the distinctive is and the relative qui. Indeed, as qui^ 
si'C, ht'O and w are successive degenerations of one and the 
same form, there is no reason to exclude from the first and last 
the strengthening appendage which so constantly appears with 
the two intermediate words. To say nothing of the alleged 
occurrence of such forms as eis-ce (Plant. Mercai, proL 91), 
ejus'ce (Aul. Gell. lemm. c. xiY. 1. Ill), cujua-ce (Cic. de In- 
vent. II. 45, § 134), &c., the original appendage of *ce to the 
neuter plurals at least of is and qui may be proved by the fol- 
lowing induction. Where the accus. neut. pi. of is becomes fixed 
in combination with certain prepositions, as in inter-ed, jpast-ed, 
proBter-ed, &c,, the d is long. It is therefore fair to conclude 
that, when these compounds were formed, there was some reason 
for the length of the plural 4, which, as a general rule, is short 
in all Greek and Latin words. Now we find in ItBtin post-hoc = 
post'hcec, qua~propter=:quoB-proptery and med re/Brt^mecB rei 
fert. Therefore a may represent as. And as post-fidc, qua- 
propter are entirely analogous to postea^ propterea^ it follows 
that the neuter plural of is was anciently e«, just as the neuter 
plurals of hie and qui were hm-c and qu<B. But oa = at, therefore 
ecBy and quce stand for ed-i^ qua-i; and as the neuter plural hcec can 
only be explained as a residuum of hd-ce or hd-cis, the final i in 
the two other cases must represent a lost guttural fulcrum. This 
view is confirmed by the fact that the Oscan represents post-^ 
under the form post-esa-k (above, p. 145) ; and the same ex- 


planation applies to post-tlld = post-iUa-c. The strongest oonfirm- 
ation of this view is furnished by the fact that no other proba- 
ble explanation has been offered. For the only suggestion, which 
merits a moment's attention — namely, that the long d may be 
occasioned by the absorption of the d which is still seen in ar- 
vorsum ead, &c., falls to the ground when we consider that the 
neuter plural must always haye terminated in a double dental, or 
the combination -nt, which is uniformly represented by a short 
d, so that the d is elided and not absorbed {New Crat. § 239). 
The supposition (above, p. 145), that poatea is for posteam, on 
the analogy otpoatquam, &c., is undeserving of any notice except 
as a specimen of philological imbecility. As I have elsewhere 
remarked {New CrcU, § 240, note): "every Latin scholar is 
aware that qtiam is not here a case after post, &c., but the par- 
ticle of comparison, so that the full form, is, in {act, post^e^-quam, 
&c.^" And the case of qu&^ai for quam-si (for we have quan-sei 
in the lex Thoria, above, p. 281, 1. 34) shows that quam would 
not be represented by jm". 

§ 5. jRelative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns. 

In its syntactical use, the relative connects with the indica- 
tive or distinctive pronouns, and especially with is, its regular 
antecedent or correlative, some fuller description of the person or 
thing indicated. And thus, whether the antecedent is definite or 
vague, the relative sentence exists only by virtue of its correla- 
tive; consequently, it is a syntactical contrivance which plays 
the same part as the adjective or genitive case. Etymology 
fully confirms this view of the matter, which is derived from the 
logic of the sentence, and without any reference to the forms of 
words : for we see that the correlative pronouns, is and qui, are 
manifestly identical with one another, and with the affix of the 
genitive case, which forms the basis of the possessive adjective 

^ When tbo author of this absurd etymology says that '' the other 
word qwB owed its length possibly to the circumstance of its being a 
monosyllable, Just as vi» ' force' has a long t, navis, &c. a short t,** I can 
only suppose that he does not know the difference between a crude form 
in -r like via^vir-s, pi. vlr-es, vlr-inm, and one in -» like navis, pi. naves, 


(cf. New Oral. §§ 148, 243, 300). The common origin of all 
these forms and of the Greek definite article is, as might he 
expected, the second pronominal element, which indicates rela- 
tive proximity. The Anlaut or initial articulation of this pro- 
noun is the sound which we call digamma^ and which represent» 
some combination of the guttural with the labial. In the Greek 
forms 2^9» kov, xh, &c., in the Latin At-c, ^-o, f«, &c., and in the 
Sanscrit yas, haa^ &c., we have only a guttural residuum, and 
they = n is still farther degenerated in t49, tc, &c. In ttov, and 
the old Italian ^iV, pe, &c., the labial alone remains. But in the 
Latin relative and indefinite qui and jmw, and in the correspond- 
ing particles, we have the genuine and original combination of 
both elements, the labial however being vocalized into tt, or 
rather represented by a silent v (above, p. 295). 

It is usual to distinguish quis from qui merely by the use of 
the former as interrogative and of the latter as relative, and no 
one has been found to recognize the inherent distinction of the 
two words. The fact is that quis^ qucB (or rather ywcl), quid^ is 
the original form, corresponding to t9, e^, id; and as iUe has a 
secondary form ollvs or alius j which is used as its adjective, so 
qui, qiMB, quod represent an adjective, and this must have con- 
tained the additional vowel o=u, which appears in so many of its 
cases. It has long been observed that in all interrogative and 
indefinite pronouns the form quod is used as an adjective and the 
form quid as a substantive; thus, we say: aliquod monsirunh 
"some monster;" but aliquid tnonstri, "something of a monster." 
The same remark really applies to the differences between the 
simple qui and quis; and the two words may be arranged, as 
far as the forms exist, in different declensions, the adjective 
belonging to the vowel declensions, and the substantive to the 
consonantal formations of nouns. It is true that with regard to 
the oblique cases, subsequent usage and habitual corruption have 
introduced many interchanges and confusions of form, but the 
farther we go back, and the more carefully we examine the 
derived and collateral words, the more reason do we find for the 
conclusion that quis is substantival and consonantal^ and qui 
adjectival and belonging to the vowel declensions. 






M. F. 



G. culyl-yua 
D. •jm[«]*W or cut 
Ac. qi^m\(qutmf] quid 
Abl. qui 

[Osc. jna, pit] 

[Osc. pieis] 
[Osc. piei] 
[Osc, j?m, j!wV] 

M. F. 

N. Ac. jt£es 



N. qui 


M. F. N. 

jM» jw5 quod 
(later jtice) 
^quum quam quod 
quo qua quo 


D. Abl. quibus 


(later gtMs) 
G. juorii??» jiMzn^m j^t<oru97i 

A. quos , jp^otf jua {qtue^^qud) 

The forms marked* occur only as particles in ordinary 
Latin. Practically the feminine qu& or qucB is used either inter- 
rogatively or relatively, either substantively or adjectively ; but 
in the derived form quis-quam there is no feminine inflexion, 
though this form is sometimes used with feminine nouns, as in 
Plautus, Cistellariaj I. 1, 68: quod neque habeo nee quisquam 
alia mulier, and in Plautus, Mil 01. lY. 2,* 68 = 1060, the best 
MSS. have: non hie suo seminio quenquam porcellam imperti" 
turusL With regard to those passages in which jquia and quid 
are said to be used as adjectives, we must be careful to avoid 
the confusion which has led to this mode of interpreting them. 
Schmidt says (de Pronomine Or. et Lat. p. 53): "inter quis 
et qui, quid et quod hoc plerumque intercedere discrimen tra- 
dunt quod alterum pronomen sit substantivum, alterum adjecti- 
vum. Sed quia quoque ssspissime vim habet adjectivi.'' And he 
proceeds to quote, among other passages, Plant. Men. ill. 2, 33 
= 498: responde adolescensy quid nomen tibiatf Cic. pro Deiot 
13, 37 : qiuB enim fortuna aut quia eaaua aut quca tanta poa- 
ait injuria . . . decreta deiere f Yet the distinction which he 
inmiediately afterwards quotes from Eritz {ad SaUitat. CatiL 
c. 44) ought to have taught him that the adjectival use of quia 
in these passages is merely apparent, especially as there is the 
same distinction between the German wer and waa, which are 



substantival, and weUhery which is declined like a r^olar sub- 
stantive. As Kritz says, quts and quid merely ask for the 
name, but qui and qv>od inquire respecting the kind, condition, or 
quality of the person or thing. Thus, in the passages adduced 
by Grysar [Thea^ dea lat. Styls, p. 88) and in those quoted 
above, quis stands by itself, or in apposition to a noun, but qutj 
like an adjective, is a definite epithet, e. g. T. Quis fuit igitur f 
P. late Chcerea. T. Qui Chcerea (Ter. Eun. V. 1, 7), i.e. "tcAp 
was it then? That Chserea of yours. Which Chajrea?"— where 
the first question refers to the unknown name, and the second 
seeks a distinction between him and others who bore the same 
designation. Similarly, in the passages quoted above, when 
there is an opposition, quid tihi nomen est means "what is your 
name?" but quod nomen would mean "which name?" quis 
casus means "what chance?" or "what for a chance?" as the 
Scotch say: but qui ca^us would mean "which chance?" or 
'^ what kind of a chance?" Just the same is the distinction of 
wer or was and welcher given in the German dictionaries. For 
if the question is : wer hat dir es gegebent " who has given if 
to you?" and the answer is, mein Bruder, "my brother," we 
should add the further question, welcher f^^ "which brother?" if 
there were more than one. 

The adjectival character of qui as distinguished from quis is 
common to the genitive of all the demonstrative and relative pro- 
nouns which end in -Jus, as hu-jus^ ist-itts, iUrius, e-jusy ips-ius, 
cu-jus^ qu>o-jus. We have seen that the personal pronomis use, 
instead of their proper genitive, the genitive of their possessives, 
meus, tuus, suus, and analogy would lead us to infer that some*^ 
thing similar is found in the other pronouns. Now ctijus, -a, -urn 
is a regular adjective, and its derivative eyas, cujatis must be 
compared with the Greek forms like TroTuifnj^, 'ItoXwbtit?, {N. 
Orat. § 259). It is clear that these last forms must be derived 
from the ablative-genitive of nouns in -t. Such a case we have 
in the form it6X-ew^ from ttoX*?, prtt-yds from pritis; and I 
suggested long ago that the Latin ^w^ represents under a weaker 
form this genitive ending -^ds or -^em^ytn^ for ^loOev {N, Orai. 
§ 248). The other explanations, which were proposed before or 
after mine, may be seen in a paper by Aufrecht {Zeitsckrifi / 
Vergl Sprachf. 1861, p. 282). The suggestion that the genitive 


cujtis is merely the adjective cujus, with a fixed inflexion like th« 
'-mini of the passive verb, is objectionable, as well on other ac- 
counts, as because it is contrary to the analogy of wee, tut, aui, 
which exhibit the genitives of the possessive pronoun. The long 
i in -lua is of course due to the absorption of a previous vowel, 
and the same must be the case with the Sanscrit possessives in 
^iya. The short u of the termination is illustrated by a very 
complete analogy. There can be no doubt that &)9 t€, e$ re and 
its-que spring from a. common origin; and thus .we see at once 
that the terminations of cu-Jua and ttoX-co)? are identical. 

The guttural Anlaut of the Latin relative and interrogative 
is lost in uii, unde (cf. alt-cuin, ali-cunde)y un^quam (cf. ^cunqus), 
uter (cf. Korepo^), &c. 

Extensions of the relative or interrogative form indefinite or 
indefinite^relative pronouns, which are accurately distinguished 
by the best writers. Thus ali-quis = altus-quis or tlle-quia, and 
qui-dam, denote "some one in particular," though the object is 
not named; quis-qtie means "every one;" quia^uis and qui- 
cttnjMe "whosoever;" quuvis and qui-l^t, " any you please;" 
quis-qiiam and its adjective ulltis = unultis " any at all." Hence 
the words in the first group are obscurely definite; quiaque, 
quisquis, BXii jquicunque include all persons or things referred to ; 
qutvis and quilibet allow an unlimited range of choice ; and quis" 
quam and uUua exclude all the objects specified. As a general 
rule, while quiaque has never thfe relative-indefinite signification, 
but always, like the Greek Ikoxtto^, ?ra9 ta9, &c. refers to the 
antecedent in the sense of " every" "each," qutsquis is synony- 
mous with quicunqm, ocrri^, " whoever," and is virtually used as 
a relative pronoun* There are however exceptions to this, and 
qutsquis is used in the sense of quisque. Thus in Cicero {ad 
Famil, VI. 1, § 1) : quocunque in loco qutsquis est, idem est ei 
sensus et eadem (xcerbOas ex interitu rerum publicarum et suaruntj 
we have quisquis used in exactly the same sense as quisque in 
Epist. 4, § 3 of the same book : ut vhi quisque sit, ibi minime 
esse velit. And we have the two forms together in the same 
sense in the Lex Tharia (above, p. 282): ita tUei quicquid 
quoieique ante hanc legem rogatam licuit. In the neuter modem 
scholars propose to distinguish the less common meaning of 
quiequid ^r^quidque from the ordinary meaning of qyidquid^ quod^ 


eunqtte by writing the fonner with c and the latter with dy and 
they would also distinguish qutdque=^et quid from quicque^ 
''every thing," and would also write qutcquam (Lachmann, 
ad Lucret. V. 264, p. 286). Thus they would write guicquid 
in Ter. Addph. lY. 2, 51 : alque unum quicquid^ quad quidem 
erit heUtasimum carpam; in Lucret. V. 304: etprimum quicquid 
fiammarum perdere semper (cf. v. 291 : et primum jactum ful- 
gar{8 quemque pertre) ; in Cicero Tuscul. v. 34, § 99 : ut quicqudd 
obfectum est : but quidquid in such passages as Yirgil, jSlneid. II. 
49 : quidquid id est, titneo Danaos et danaferentes, where the pro- 
noun is manifestly relatiye. The first syllables of aU-quis hsre 
been discussed aboye» and there is no difficulty in understanding 
the compound as significant of separative uncertainty — *^ that 
other some one.*' That quis^iam and quisquam very nearly 
correspond in meaning is clear from such passages as the fol- 
lowing : Terence, Andr. II. 6, 7 : wum illi molestce quidpiam 
sufU hoB nupticB. Justin, xxxvill. 7: neque Alexander nee 
quispiam successcrum efus. Cic. 2, Verr. I. 10: nego esse 
quicquam a testibus dictum, quod out vestrum cuipiam essei 
cbscurumy aut cufusquam crataris doquentiam qucereret. And 
there can be little doubt that etymologically they are ulti- 
mately identicaL The last two syllables of quispiam puzzled 
the Roman grammarians ; for Festus says (p. 254) : quispiam 
quin signijicet cdiquis et qucepiam aliqua, similiterque alia ejus^ 
dem generis, ut dubium nan est, ita unde sequenspars gus ooeperit 
inveniri nan potest. Modem philologers, however, have no diffi- 
culty in seeing that 'piam is only the older or more Oscan 
form of -quam, to which it bears the same relation that -pe does 
to -{tie in nem-pe = nam-que. It will be observed that Festus 
considers quis-piam as identical in meaning with aliquis. But 
this is not the case ; for we may always use the English " any" 
in translating quis-piam, and must always introduce the English 
" some" in rendering ali-quis, aliquot, ali-quando, &c. The idio- 
matic difference between quispiam and quisquam consists in this, 
that while the former means ''any body," leaving the range 
of choice open, but without the selection implied in quivis and 
quiUbet, quisquam must be rendered ''any at all," and must 
be confined, like its adjective uUus, to those usages in which 
we imply that all are excluded. The opposition between o/t- 


quis, quia-piamy quis^que, qui-visy and quis-qtiam, may be seen 
in the following passages ; Afranius ap. Cic. Tusc» Diap. lY. 25, 
§ 55: dummodo doleat aliquid, doleat quidltbet, '^ provided he 
only suffers some pain, let him suffer any pain you please.^^ 
Publius Syrus ap. Senec. de Tranquill. XI. § 8 : cuivh potest 
acddere quod cuiquam potest^ '^ what may happen to any one 
at aU may happen to any one you please.^^ CdBS. B. (7. y. 34 : 
juoties quosque cohora procurreret ab ea parte magnus hoattum 
numerua cadebat, '^ as often as every cohort advanced, a great 
number of the enemy fell.^' Id. ibid. i. 85 : quum quoBpiam 
cohora ex orbe exceaaerat hoatea fugiebant, '^ when any cohort left 
the circle, the enemy fled." The difference between aliquia and 
quiapiam consists in the tlefiniteness conveyed to the former by 
its prefix aZt-, so that while aliquia means ^' some one in par^ 
ticular," quiapiam means generally " any one." Thus in Cicero 
{de Orat. ii. c. 9, § 38) we have : " si de rebus rusticis agri- 
cola quiapiam, aut etiam, id quod multi, medicus de morbis, 
aut de pingendo pictor aliquia diserte dixerit aiit scripserit, non 
idcirco artis illius putanda sit eloquentia." The addition of the 
id quod muUi shows that quiapiam is more general than ali- 
quia : " if any peraon versed in agriculture shall have written 
or spoken with eloquence on rural affairs, or even any phy- 
sician on diseases, as many have done, or aoTue painter on paint- 
ing, &c.'' That there is much the same distinction between 
aliquia and quiapiam as between aliquia and quia, is proved by the 
existence and usage of the compound aliquiapiam or aliquipiam 
(see Cic. Tuac, Disp, iii. 9 ; I. F. Gronovius, adLiv. XLI. 6). In 
the case of aliquia itself a stronger signification of separation or 
definiteness may be conveyed by writing at length aliua quia or 
quia aliua (see the passages quoted by Drakenborch, ad Liv. v. 
13, §4, p. 59), With regard to the definite force of quidam, it is 
to be remarked that there is a close affinity between Sij and the 
affix -dam or -dem. Thus qui-dam is exactly 09 S17, and qui- 
dem is ye St;. To the same class belongs demum^ which £bel 
{Zeitachr. f. Vergl Sprachf. 1851, p. 308) would explain as a 
superlative from the preposition de^ on the analogy of primvm 
from proe. The forms tan-dem and pri-dem show that this 
explanation is untenable; and the latter at all events proves 
that dem and pri are not. contradictory designations of time. 

D. V. 25 


The true explanation is suggested by deni-que and its by-forms 
dun-gm (in the Salian hymn, above, p. 236), dane-c, and chni- 
cumK Greek particles expressing time end either in Ka^xe»^ 
as oihirKa, irqvlrKa, Ttivl-Kay ^vl-KOy or in re, as o-re, to-t€, wo-tc, 
cv-re, i/cdoTo-re, &c. It is clear that these endings are ulti- 
mately identical ; but it may be concluded, that, while the latter 
gives rather a degree of precision to the term, the former, 
which more immediately corresponds to the well-known particle 
of the apodosis, comes nearer in meaning to the Latin ctin-que =» 
-7ro-T€, and our ^soever. The Latin '-que corresponds in some 
cases to -#ca or op, in others to -re. Thus, while -cun-q^ is 
wo-re, there can be no doubt as to the equivalence of ubi-qtie and 
Zttov aVf of Trjvi'/ca and deni-que {N&a GraU § 196). The sub- 
stitution of the tenuis for the medial in the Greek forms is 
not universal, for we have ire SjJ by the side of quandoj and 
when this apparent difference is removed, we have no difficult 
in seeing the exact correspondence between rfjfM)^, as opposed 
to ^/lo^y and demuniy for which, according to Festus (p. 70, 
MuUer), Livius Andronicus wrote demtuf. As the element dem 
is placed indifferently before or after the particle which it qua- 
lifies (cf. deni-que with ton-diem, prt-dem), we shall understand 
the correspondence between qut^^m, 8crTi9 SiJ, and the synony- 

1 Gknnan philologers show a very imperfect apprehension of the pro- 
nominal machinery of inflected language. I have elsewhere noticed the 
philological vtrrtpo» irp6Ttpov inyolved in Hartung's connexion of di; with 
the Sanscrit cfyo, in Bopp's derivation of the ending -vc-ica with nUham = 
noo;, and in Pott's comparison of ya-di with dies {New Cratylu$^ § 200). 
A still greater absurdity is committed by the latest writer on Latin ety- 
mology, W. Corssen, who considers the pronominal affix -dem in pnrdtm^ 
tan-dem^ qui-deni) and even i-dmiy as simply the aoousative dienil(" nichta 
anderes als der Accusatiy diem/' Ausspr. ^c. d. Lot. Spr. n. p. 148) ; and 
even goes so far as to analyze donicum, donee, into «fo-nt-cum, do being 
fbr diOf the abl. of ditu (cf. nu-dius), which, he thinks, is found also in 
qmMrdo and alirquando (I), and the whole being a phrase signifying ** on 
the day-not-when" Can dem Tage nicht wann" » ** zur Zeit nicht wann," 
u. p. 56). Such an etymology in the case of a particle, which once 
existed in the form dun-que, and which bears the same relation to demir 
que and rjiviKOj that the affix 'bov does to -di/v, is really a proof of philo- 
logical imbecility. It is worse even than Qrotefend's dum-touDat^dwm" 
iae-eat (above, p. 270). 


mous Sj; Ti^ssfiescio quts (Heindorf o^ PkU. Phcedon. p. 107 d). 
The parallelism between quippe = qut-pte (comp. ipst-ppe = 
ip9tpte, Festua, p. 105), and are entitles us to conclude that 
utrpote^ which is all but a synonym of quippe^ is merely a 
compound of vi and a fonn equivalent to the termination -pte 
discussed above. And as it cannot be proved that ut pote = 
ut potest in Varro (apud Non. c. 2, n. 876 : viget, veget, ut pote 
plurimum), there is really no evidence to show that pote is a 
neuter adjective, and that ut pote means " as is possible," 
The suggestion of Diklerlein that it stands for ut puta does 
not deserve a moment's consideration. 

That quilibet involves the impersonal lihet is obvious on the 
slightest examination ; and notwithstanding the difficulty occa- 
sioned by the particle -w, we must conclude that the 2nd pers. 
sing, of volo is the affix of quivia. This is not only deducible 
from the analogy of quilibet, but is shown by a passage in Cato 
{R,R. c. 52), where a noim is interposed between qui and vis: 
" hoc modo quod genus vis propagabis." 

What has been already said of cun-que ^ cum-^ue ^ iro-re 
applies to other uses of the affix -que, as quis^que, uter^que, 
undi'-que, utrin-que, ubi-que, us-que, quo^que. There is much 
general truth in Schmidt's definition oiquisque {depronom. Gr. 
et Lot. p. 100) : " pronomen indefinitum rem mente conceptam 
et e rerum ejusdem generis cumulo ac serie exemptam significat. 
Que autem particula si ad pronomen additur, pronominis vis ex- 
tenditur, idque ad omnem rem, in quam cadere possit sententia, 
transferri significatur. Itaque quis, particula que adjuncta, non 
hominum incertum quendam, sed omnem, ad quem pertinere pos- 
sit sententia, notat. Ab o7nnis igitur ita differt, ut hoc quidem 
cunctos simul significet, quisque autem distributionem quandam 
exprimat." Referring to the comparison made above between 
the Boman affix, and the Greek, -/ca, k€p, or dv appended to re- 
latives in general expressions, it is clear that the only principle, 
which will explain all the facts, is that which lies at the basis 
of the true theory respecting these Greek particles. Now it 
appears that dv and k€v are connected with the second pronominal 
element, and therefore claim the same pedigree as the relative 
pronouns. But they are not only immediately attached to the 
relative word in the hypothesis or protasis, as in iratVy idv, 09 



avj &c., but also appear as antecedents or correlatives in the 
apodosis of a condition. In the latter case they can only he 
considered as hints suggestive of the hypothetical or general 
nature of the whole sentence ; for if I say \eyoifi avy even with- 
out any condition expressed, the hearer feels that a condition is 
implied, which would not be the case if I had said Xifco. Such 
being the fact in regard to the apodosis, it is still more evident 
that the addition of a relative particle in the protasis, which is 
already a relative sentence, must add to the generality or com* 
prehensiveness of ,the reference. And so we constantly find tiiat 
the multiplication of relative or indefinite elements makes the 
rauge of supposition wider ; and if quia means " any one," qms- 
guSf quis-quis, qui-can-que will mean " any any" or " every 
possible" individual. This view is confirmed by the Semitic 
usages: for we not only find pronominal repetitions, such as 
nD^Sip=nD^ nD=! jtttic? et quid, but even repetitions of general 
terms, as B^^ljO ^**)^^vir et vir ^ quis-que. In comparing guts* 
que with qui-cun-qiie we observe, besides the constant distinction 
between quia and jwe, that the latter is strengthened by the in- 
sertion of the temporal particle cum ; and it is worthy of notice 
that not only is cunque used by itself as an expression of time ; 
as in Hor. 1 Carm. xxxil. 15 : " mihi cunque salve rite vo- 
canti," where cunque = quoque tempore; but we even find it 
after cum, as in Lucretius, ii. 113 : " contemplator enim, cum 
solis lumina cunque inserti fundunt radii per opaca domorum." 
Ua-que for cus-que (cf. us-piam, us^quam) is only a different 
inflexion of the same elements as cun-que, for U8-qt$e and 
un-quam both refer to time, (see Schmidt, 1. 1. p. 96) ; and 
qv^o-que, " too," " still," " continuing that state of things," 
must also be regarded as a particle of time, like its synonym 
etiam = etjam^. 

As the latter part of the words quis-qu^e, quis-quts, qui-cun- 
que is manifestly of relative import no less than the affix of 
quts-quam, it is clear that the absolute difference in meaning 
between these words* and between u^que and un-quam, us-quam, 

1 For the parallolism and difference of quoqw and eliam see Plant 
Trin, IV. 3, 42 : •• illis quoque abrogant etiain ftdem.'^ 


cannot depend upon the etymology of the saffix. If we compare 
tamy quam with tumy qaum, we shall see that while the former 
pair refer to manner ^ the latter imply time. As dies signifying 
a particular day is always masculine, and as we have a number 
of adverbs counting time by days, Bspridie^ hodie^ nudius tertius^ 
diuy interdiuy &c., it is fair to conclude that tum^ quum me&a 
" on the particular day," " on which day ;" and the same expla- 
nation will apply to oUm, "on that day." Similarly, as the 
Qreek adverbs in -17 are properly explained by an ellipse of 68^ 
jMgnifying "way," "process," "manner," and as we have the 
adverbs chviam^pervtam^ signifying directions or modes of motion, 
it may be inferred that there is an ellipse of viam in torn, quam^ 
which would at once explain their meaning. K we apply the 
same explanation to quU^uamy we shall see that it means " any 
one in any way," t. 6. "any one at all" {d. per-quam^ "in a 
very high way, manner, degree, or kind," ne-^utim^ " in no 
manner or degree," neuti-qaam^nuUo-modoy and see Pott, Et. 
Forsch. p. 149. zw. Aufl.). This is always the distinctive 
meaning of the pronoun ; for guiaquam can only be used in a 
negative or conditional sentence, where all are excluded, or 
where the range of choice is circumscribed between the nar- 
rowest possible limits. Hence in Terence {Eunuch. proL 1) 
we have : " «1 guisqtiain est — ^in his poeta his nomen profitetur 
suum" — "if there is any person at all, if there is any one person 
in all the world" — ^where the number is especially limited. 
Hence unus is often appended to quisquam (cf. Liv. xxviii. 37, 
where quisquam unm is opposed to alii omnes, and il. 9, where 
quisquam unus is opposed to universus aenatus). Hence also 
uttm =^ untdtis, "a little one,^' "a mere one,'' serves as the 
adjective of quisquam^ which, as we have seen, has no £»ni* 
nine or plural forms, tliough it occurs occasionally with femi* 
nine noims. The exclusive force of unus and ullus is well shown 
by the modem French aucun = aliquis unus, which performs all 
the functions of quispiam, although the first word belongs to the 
most definite of these general pronouns. Thus nan vidi quenquam 
might be rendered ^e n'^ai vu personne, or aucune persanne. 
And in English we sometimes use the word "single" for the 
purpose of excluding all of the kind — as, " I have not a single 
shilling." Opposed as quisquam is to quis-quis, it is very strange 


that no editor should have observed its intrusion into the jdaee 
of the latter in a passage of Ovid (Fast, vl 21) : 

8»pe aUquis solio» qnod to, Satame^ tenebasy 

Ansns de media plebo sedere deos; 
Et latiis Ooeano qm$quam dens advena jmizit: 

TetbyB et eztremo nepe reoepta looo est. 

It is obvious that quiaquam is inadmissible, and that we must 
read quisquis, with the punctuation: et lotus Ooeano, quiegms 
deus advena^ junxity i.e. '^ whatever god happened to ocmie 
up." Cf. Plant. Amph. i. 1, 156: quisqms homo hmc venerii, 
pugnos edet. 

§ 6. Numerals and Degrees of Comparison. 

In regard to the general discussion of this part of the subject, 
I have nothing to add to the full investigation which it has re- 
ceived in the New Crat. Book ii. ch. 2. For the sake of method, 
however, it will be desirable to mention a few facts referring 
more particularly to the Latin language. While times, more 
anciently (Bntis or oinos, corresponds in origin to the Greek el?, 
hf-y Goth, aina, Celtic aenn, the Sanscrit ^ha is represented onlj 
/ bj the adjective cequtts. We have Iv-, with 9 instead of tiie 
• aspirate, in sin-certts {unam eeram habens, i. e. mrXoiky cf. mi* 
plex)f sin-cinia {cantio solitariaj Festus, p. 337), sin-ciput (not 
for semi-caputy i^fiiKe<f>aKaiov Gl. Labb, but for stngulum oapui, 
the head being regarded as double), and sin-gtdus. It is gene- 
rally supposed that semel and semper also contain this form, but 
there is nothing to account for the change from n to m in the 
former, as there is in simplex; and it seems most natural to 
compare the word with afia, for Hesychins gives us the gloss 
dfuUi^* &7ra^* Kpfjref. And with regard to sem-per, although 
the m would be explained by the following p, the correlative 
nUper =? novi-per would lead us to seek for the root in the San- 
/ scrit sandy " always," which is connected with senrioTj senrex, 

Lith. sentSy senas. Thiui we have in the Teutonic languages, 
O. H. G. «in, '' always,'* also simbaly simialesy simplum (Graff, Yi. 
p. 26), Goth, stnteins =» sempitemitSf &c. The true form of qum- 
que and its connexion with decim are shown by the spelling do- 
qum, which is found in the Silian law (above, p. 269). It is 
there written dequin-que, the m being changed into n before the 


quSy as in -cun^qtie and dun-^tte (above, p. 236). But in dequim^ 
as in the preposition cumy and the affix of the accusative and 
locative case, the final m is merely the representative of a more 
original n, and that quinque really stands for quinie is farther 
shown by the ordinal, which is quintus and not quimptus. The 
ordinal jpritnus is derived from the preposition pra^ just as the 
Oreek trpSro^ comes from vpo. All the ordinals end in -mus 
(which is perhaps contained in octavua for octatMnuSj nanus for 
mwemmtuijj with the exception of secunduSj '^ following,'' which 
is merely the participle of sequor^ and of terHus, quartus, quitUm^ 
sextus, which represent the Greek -to9. In tertitis this ending is 
lengthened by the qualitative or possessive -tW, so that ter-^^itu 
is a derivative of ter-tua, and the same is the case in the Sanscrit 
dm-tiyaa^ tri-ttyasy and in the Sclavonic treUitj fem. tretiza. The 
Sclavonic relative kotoraia exhibits a similar extension of a form 
corresponding to /corepo^. By the side of duo we have amboj 
which is nearly synonymous with uterqtie. The distinction of 
these words is well known. While- (it«o merely denotes an ag^ 
gregate of two individuals-— the number '^ two" — ambo signifies 
*'both togeihery^ and uterquBy ''both the one and the other." 
Cf. the Greek afu^epo^ and hcartpo^y Plat. TheoUet. p. 185 B. 
This is clear from such passages as the following; Ter. Adelph. 
I. 2, 60: 

Curemns SBqaam uUirqm partem; tu alteram^ 
Ego alteram: nam amboi curare propemodum 
RepoBcere ilium est» quern dedisti. 

'' Let hoth the one and ike other of tAs look to his own: for to 
concern yourself with hoik togetker is almost to demand back 
again the boy whom you gave me." Auson. Ep. 91: ** vis ambaa 
nt amem? si diligit utraque vellem.*' *^ Do you wish me to love 
hoik togetherf If hoik ike one cmd ike otker loves me, I should 
be glad to do so." Hence it is clear that, as Ddderlein says 
(Lot. M. u. 8yn. iv. 349), anJ>o regards the two as two kalvesy 
but uterque as two integral unittea." and the former corresponds 
to afjuf>wy the latter to itcarepo^, and both in different cases 
to dful>oTepo^. The separability of the two constituent units 
in uterqt^ is £uther shown by the fact that this word may have 
either a singular or plural verb, whereas ambo always takes the 
plural. It is worthy of remark, as the two words axe often 


oonfiised by students, that Inrdena^ '^a mattock/' merelj involves 
hisy but that bi-dena^ '^a sheep/' is for ambi-den» (Festus, p. 4: 
^^ambidens sive bidens ovis appellabator, que superioribns et 
inferioribns est dentibus"). 

The formation of the degrees of comparison in adjectives and 
adverbs is intimately connected with that of the numerals. For 
all ordinals are of the nature of superlatives, and the most ge- 
nuine form of the comparative in the Indo-Germanic languages 
is the combination of pronominal elements, which forms tiie 
third numeral, considered. as indicating something beyond two. 
Although the Latin language is almost the only idiom which 
exhibits the full development of the separate usage of the fonn 
ier^torra {New Oral. § 167), for it has not only the numeral 
under the forms ires, Ur^ ter^to, ter-tius, but also a noun ier- 
mtnu8y and a regular preposition transy it does not use -ter as a 
comparative suffix except in the case of pronominal forms. For 
all common words we have instead of -ter^ -repo^, 'tarae^ which 
are so usual in cognate languages, either the merely relative 
adjective in -tW, corresponding to the Sanscrit -iyas^ Oreek -109, 
or a derivative from this in -ibr, corresponding to the Sanscrit 
'4ydny Greek -ti»i/==-w)v-9; where we may compare the adverbs 
in --iena with their more recent forms in -^es. Thus we have 
both al^ter and al-itis, and from the same root ul-tra^ ulntro. 
Many prepositions have a fixed or adverbial form in -fra, which 
is extended by the addition of -tbr into an inflected comparative. 
Thus we have ci-tra^ ci-ter^ior, ex-^tra^ ex-ter-iory in-tray inrter' 
tor, ulr-tray ul-ter-tory &c. The forms an-ter-ioTy de-ier-toTy poa- 
ter-ioTy show that there must have been originally derivatives 
like an-tray de-tray poa-tray as well as the existing an-tey die, 
poat\e\\ and we have seen that^o^^o is still extant in Umbrian. 
In some words the original affix was -ra only, as in inf^ray 
aup^ra, whence inferiory auperior. Some prepositions have no ' 
intermediate adverb in -tra or -^a, but merely add the termina- 
tion 'tOTy as prior /rom prce, propior from prope; and to this 
class we must add pyor for pea-ior, from per. This form, and 
its superlative jTemmi^, are assigned to malua. But, paradoxical 
as it may appear at first sight, there seems to be good reason for 
the belief that in point of regular derivation the true comparative 
of Tnalua is mel-iory which is assigned to the correlative. Acwa». 


Attempts have been made to derive meltor irom borma^ because 
we may have m bj the side of h (above, p. 290), and because n 
appears by the side of Z in fiehrrurro^ and fiep-rurro^. The 
double change, however, from htom and from n to 2 in the same 
syllable, can hardly be assumed in a case where there is no evi- 
dence that the root ever exhibited either in its first or last letter 
the modification which is supposed. On the other hand, there 
«re Qreek analogies, which quite support the reference oimdior 
to maluB. For there can be no doubt that there is a real con- 
nexion between the ideas of excess and depravity, of magnitude 
and difficulty, as exhibited in the adverbs /iMiXa, /i^\t9, which 
give us the root of maJruSy and In /A0719, which gives us the 
root of |t€yo9 and /*ox^09 [n. Crat. §§ 167, 186). There is 
no reason therefore why malhs should not convey the secondary 
idea of difficulty and depravity, which is borne by /^X-19, while 
the primary notion of superior magnitude and higher degree, 
which is borne by /«aXa, fiSXKov^ and fioKurra^ is retained by 
the comparative TMUior. We have a remarkable trace of the 
original form of malus in the occasional use of male, as a syno- 
nym for the Greek /uzXa, or the Latin vaMe; thus we find in 
Horace (1 Carm. xvii. 21) male dispart for mWum, valde, ad- 
modum dispart; (1 Epiat. III. 31) male laxtis calceus for nimivm 
hams; in Catullus (x. 33) inaulsa male et molesta vivia for ad- 
modum insulaa; in TibuUus (4 Carm. x. 2) ne male inepta cadam 
for nimia inepta (see Hand, TuraeU, ill. p. 584) ; in all of which 
passages we see the transition from the idea of excess to that of 
disapprobation. All regular adjectives form their comparative in 
this way — ^namely, by substituting -ior for the flexion-form of the 
positive, as dur-ua, dur-ioTy facH-ia, fadl-iar, or, if the adjective 
involves a verbal root, by adding -ior to the crude fcrm of the 
participle; thus, the comparative of maledicua is not maledicioTy 
but maledi-cent-iar. There is no doubt that aUiua and med-iua are 
comparative words. The regular comparative In -tor, gen. -ioriay 
is formed from the genitive of these forms, as appears from the 
Sanscrit •4ydny Gr. -M0V=:ioi^9 {New Crat. § 165). As the or- 
dinal admits of two forms in -tita and In "mua, and as the super- 
lative is of the nature of an ordinal, we should expect that it 
would be indicated by one or both of these terminations. And 
this is the case. We have -mua alone in pri-mtis, exfre-mua 


poatre-mus^ inji-mua or imus^ and sum-^mMa for mipi-mna. We 
have -ti-mxi8 in ul-timusy in op-timu8y ^^ uppermoBt," from oft, in 
in-timusy ''most inward," from tn, in peasimus (for pe»4imu8)y 
" most down," from per (cf. peMtcm-cifo with per-do, and per-eo). 
The termination -^mt» is nniversally assimilated in the superla- 
tives of ordinary adjectiyes. For these superlatives are formed, 
like the comparatives in ^tra, '•repo^, from an adverbial form, 
and not from the crude form of the adjective, like the compara- 
tives in 'tor (see New Orat. § 166; Or. Or. Art 269 eqq.)- 
The adverb derived from the adjectives in -u« or -«r, which 
ended in e or o in ordinary Latin, originally terminated in -«{/ 
and as the supines in ^-tum of dental verbs generally changed 
their t into a, or, in combination with the characteristic, into -«», 
we are not at a loss to account for tBe similar phenomenon in the 
superlatives: for ces-aum^ced-tum from cedoy and aesaum^aed- 
ium from aedeo^y frilly correspond to dur-^-aaimua from dured- 
timuay and moU-i^mua from molUd-timua. The change of e 
into i in the former case is in accordance with the usual practice; 
cf. teneoy con-tineoy aedeoy aaaideo, &c When the crude form of 
the adjective ends in / or r, the t of -timua is assimilated to this 
letter : thus from celer we have celer-rtmua for celer^tmua, from 
facilia we hsYt fctctl-Umua {or JactlMmua. The junction between 
the crude form of the adjective and an affix properly appended 
to a derived adverb is due to the fact that adjectives of this kind 
may use their neuter and even their crude form as adverbs ; thus 
we have not only facilitery but Jucile, and even Jacul (Festus, p. 
87, Mtlller). 

§ 7. Preposittona. 

The most important of the pronominal adverbs, which are 
used as the basis of degrees of comparison, are the prepositions. 
One of these, trana, is merely an extension of the affix of the 
comparative, and they are all employed more or less in qualifying 
those expressions of case, on which the mutual relations of words 
so much depend. We have seen that, according to the proper 
and original distinctions of the oblique cases, the genitive or 

Adrgretui^ad-gred-tuB actually oooun in Ennius (Ann, 574, Vablen) 
darmus. FettuB, p. 6. 

for adgr^Bius. FettuB, p. 6. 


ablative (for they were originally identical) denotes motion ^om 
a place, or, generally, separation; the dative or locative implies 
rest in a place^ or, generally, conjunction; and the accusative 
signifies motion to a place, or, generally, approach with a view 
to conjunction; but that these primitive uses of the oblique in- 
flexions have become obsolete in Latin, with the exception of a 
few general nouns and the proper names of cities. In other 
instances, motion ^om and tOy and rest in a place, together with 
the other mutual relations of words, are expressed by some pre- 
position; and in this use of the prepositions, the genitive, as dis- 
tinct &om the ablative, and the dative, whether identified with 
the locative or distinguished from it, are utterly excluded. The 
ablative alone is used with those prepositions which signify 
separation, and takes the place of the dative or locative with 
those which imply rest or conjunction, while &e accosative pro- 
perly accompanies those which denote approach or motion. 

It will be convenient to class the Latin prepositions under 
three heads, corresponding to the three primitive distinctions of 
the oblique cases — ^namely, separation or motion frorn^ rest m, 
and approach or motion to. To each of these may be appended 
the derived or compounded prepositions, which introduce some 
new modification of meaning. 

The three simplest auxiliaries of the primitive relations of 
case are ah (shortened in a, and extended into absy oibaque) far 
the expression -of Mopcsraiion or motion from^ with the ablative ; 
in for the exjnession of rest in or on, with the ablative, as the 
usurper of the place of the dative or locative; and ad for tiie 
expression of approach or motion to with the accusative. 

There is no doubt as to the origin and linguistic affinities of 
these prepositions. Ab or ats corresponds in etymology and 
meaning to the Gieek anrh or a^, which was originally ainir&i^ 
or vor^o^ {New Oral. § 169), and, as such, denoted motion from 
a distant object to the subject, according to the principle which 
I have stated and elacidated elsewhere {Neto Crat. §§ 130, 169; 
Ghr. Or. Art. 77 sqq.). Practically ab and chro denote motion from 
the surface of an object, and are so distinguished from ev (a), ^ 
{iK)j which imply that we pass through intermediate proximity; 
in corresponds in use to the Greek iv and ek «^ ^, and in origin 
not only to these prepositions, but also to dva. In with the 


ablative and hf with the dative express the simplest and most 
elementary notion of locality — ^the being in a place. With 
the accusative, in signifies into or unto a place, deriving the 
expression of motion from the case with which it is connected. 
When iv is connected with the accusative in this sense, it is 
always expanded to eU^hf^, except in some of the lyric poets, 
such as Pindar, who, like the Bomans, use h to express both 
location with the dative and motion with the accusative. Thore 
is no doubt that &, dv^ eivlj dva, &a, are ultimately identical, 
the original form having been Fo-i^, which expresses motion 
through the nearer to the more distant object. Practically, m 
represents all the uses of &, €(9, am, and even of the negative 
prefix which corresponds to the last. Thus we have ava /le- 
/909 = tn-t;icem, ip if 7r6\eissin urbey ek rrjp TroKiP^in urbemj 
dp^^P^f*^ — inntimerua. While in thus corresponds to some 
of the applications of dvoj the other meanings of the Oieek 
particle are represented by the inseparable prefix r^- or red^^ 
which, like the Greek /Sa, is ultimately traceable to an 
identity with va- (New Orat. §§ 266—270). This prefix, 
which properly signifies "up" as the correlative of "down," 
is very often used, like oi/o, to give to a compound the converse 
meaning to that which is borne by the simple verb. The 
origin of this is to be sought in the opposition of md to koto. 
Thus if KaTcueaKuirrm means "to cover down," or "put down 
a covering," dpoKoKu'irrfa would mean "to up-cover," "un- 
cover," or " take up a covering." Hence we have the verb re- 
wfo, "to unveil," re^udoj "to unclose," re-^erOy "to unlock," 
re-tegoy " to uncover." At a later period, however, this prefix 
became merely emphatic, and as recondo meant "to lay up, 
or hoard up diligently," so redudo^ instead of denoting "to 
open," meant "to close up with special care:" whence our 
sense of the word "recluse." This change in the application 
came into vogue in the silver age, and we find in Suetonius 
{Octav. 78} retectis pedibus in the sense "with his feet care- 
fully covered " (see the notes of Casaubon and Emesti on this 
passage). Similarly, we find reoemo for secemoy rejirmare^oo- 
dudere (Fr. refermer^ renfermer). It is an interesting circum- 
stance that whereas reteffo, detegOy and reveloy deoeloy were used 
tropically as synonyms in classical Latin (compare Hor. 3 




Carm. xxi. 16, with Liv. x. 4, and Ovid, Fast vi. 619, with 
Metam. vi. 604), in English we have "detect" from the first 
pair, and "reveal" alone from the second pair of verbs. The 
French, however, retain develo in their dSvoilery as they also 
have dScouvrir. The preposition (zd is obviously another form 
of the conjunctions at =: " still," and et = " too/' " and." The 
late Professor Hunter showed^ that there was the same relation 
between the Greek Se, which signifies " too," " in the second 
place," and the affix -Sc, as in oucov^y "to-home," implying 
motion to a place. We learn from the other form et-ra {New 
Orat. § 193) that ^t is compounded of the second element 
Fa, and the third; consequently it corresponds in etymology, 
as it does pretty nearly in meaning, to the Greek 6^9 « iv^, 
and to «n«u8ed with the accusative. 

In its use with the ablative of the agent, ab corresponds J 
rather to the Greek viro than to airS. /j?hus, mundua a deo 
creattu eat would be rendered 6 kwtiao^ inrh (not airo) rov 6eov 
iicrladrj. But we are not to conclude from this that vtto, 
am'6j are different forms of the same word. The u is found in 
all the cognate words viroy sub, inrkpy aupery mbiery ufy ufaxy 
upay upari; and it is clear that while a-Tro = vo^-tto is com- 
pounded of the third and first, i-iro ^ fqnro is made up of 
the second and first pronominal elements, and so denotes a 
passage to the subject firom that which is proximate or under 
the feet. As the act of separation implies nearness at the 
moment of separation, we find that idiomatically ab is used to 
express relative positions, as afrontey "in front," a tergoy "be- 
hind," libertus a manUy ''a freedman at hand," i.e. an amanur 
ensia. But this meaning is more ftilly expressed by ap^dy 
compounded of ab and ady and combining the meaning of these 
two prepositions ; for apud signifies " being by the side of but 
not part of an object," and this implies botii juxtaposition and 
separation. It is used with the accusative, because this is the 
case of the latter preposition of the two, and because the passage 
from abto ad implies motion. The Greek irapdy which answers 

* A Grammatical Essay on the nature, import, and effect, of certain 
Conjunctions; particularly the Greek hi \ read June 21, 1784. Tram, of 
the Royal Society of EdinhurgJi, Vol. i. pp. 113—34. 


exactly to aptid, takes different cases according to the meaning 
implied by the special reference {Ch. Or. Art 485). In low 
Latin we have the compound alhante from which comes the 
Ftench c^-vant^ and eren cfe-a6^nAi, from whence comes deveaU 
(see Pott, Zgitschr.f. d. Vergl Sprf. I. p. 311). 

The preposition in has also the comparatiye forms in-ter and 
in-tray or in^Jra, which imply motion, and are consequently 
joined to the accusative. The same is the case with anrUj 
which retains the a found in an-^ter^ Sanscr. an-4arj Ghr. or^rep 
for dv^ep (New Oral, § 204). In meaning an-ie corresponds 
to the Greek cohrl only so far as the latter signifies " in front 
of," which is the primitire signification of the Latin particle. 
The Greek w/>6, from whence comes irpi^^ or irporij claims a 
common origin with^o/ and there can be no doubts as to the 
connexion between ircLpa^ whence Trapalj Bniprm; but there are 
many shades of meaning in which the Latin and Greek terms by 
no means coincide. iVee-fer, which is a compaiatiye of pne, and 
prop'tery whi^ is similarly formed from pro-pe^ an extension of 
pro (above, § 5), express exactly certain meanings of ircbpa : thus 
irafA S6^ay=pr<Bter cpinicnem^ and ira^ raira^ propter tsta. 
Per exactly answers to rrapdj in its negative or depreciating 
sense, in compounds such nape^'ero iorper-juro ^ irapopte^: cf. 
pefor for periar. Although per and vepi are identical words, 
there are only some few cases in which their significations 
strictly correspond (see New CraJt. §§ 177, 8). It is perhaps 
still more difficult to show the exact relation in meaning be- 
tween the Greek and Latin affix -tt^, 'per: c£ larep^ iaamp, 
&c. with patdliaper, nuper, &c. In many of its employments 
the Latin per coincides exactly with the Greek hia, which, with 
the genitive, and, in the older poets, with the accusative also, 
signifies " through," and which, with the accusative in ordinary 
Greek, corresponds to the use of iropa, propUr^ to which I have 
just adverted. Etymologically there can be no doubt that Sia 
finds a representative in the Latin de^ which implies descent 
and derivation, and is of course used with the ablative. In 
form de corresponds to the old Latin se for eine^ and as the 
full form of this ee was sed, or aety we find in Oscan (above, 
p. 144) that de originally appeared as dot. It has been remarked 
already, that ah differs from ex, the other preposition most di- 


rectly connected with the meaning of the ablative, by referring 
to the surface of the object from which the separation takes 
place, whereas ex denotes a remoral from or out of the interior 
of the object or objects. Now de also presumes that the thing 
removed was a part of the object from which it is removed. 
Thus while we have no ab-imo from emo, we have both eoT-mo, 
" to take out," and demo, " to take away a part " (as partem 
8olido demere de die)y to say nothing of eumoy ^'to take up,'' 
promo, " to take forth," which imply approximation to the same 
idea of partition. This signification of partition brings us back 
very closely to the primitive meaning of hid, Sk, Bvo; and we 
have absolute division in such phrases as dedi de meo. From 
the same idea of partition we may get the sense of derivation 
and descent implied in these and other compounds of de. And 
here de comes into close contact with the affixes "dev, -tua, which, 
undoubtedly belong to the same original element (see New Orat. 
§ 263); thus de oodo is exactly equivalent to coBli-tus. While 
Bid corresponds toper in its sense of ^' through," and to ci!e in its 
meaning of division into parts, we find that de conversely coin- 
cides with irepl in the sense of " about," '^ concerning," as de- 
noting the subject from which the action or writing is derived, 
t. 6. the source of agency or the subject-matter (&X17). Thus 
8crtpstt de reptiblioa means '' he took the subject of his writing 
from the general theme of the commonwealth;" for which a 
Oreek would have said iypa^ irepl 1^9 iroXirelaii, i,e. ''his 
writing was about or derived from the republic.'" The con- 
nexion of de and Sui is seen still more plainly in the form d% 
or dis which the former bears in composition. 

As de, though connected with Bid, thus corresponds to one 
of the uses of irepi, while Bid in its general meaning coincides 
with per, so we find that ob, which is etymologically identical 
i^th dfJL^l, a synonym of irepl, agrees in one of its uses with 
propter, and so with Bid when used with the accusative. The 
fact, that ob may be traced to a common origin with iwi and 
dfuf>i, has been elsewhere established {New Grot. §§ 172, 3), by 
the following proofe. There can be no doubt as to the identity 
of hrl with the Sanscrit apt and abhi. Now ahhi is related to 
ifji^l, as abhra is to Sfifipo^, vhhau to afKJxD, awbo, &c. And 
the analogy of diro for dv-ir6, shows that M must originally 


have been iv-iri or dv-vl^ afi^L Moreover hrl and a§ji^l con- 
cur not only in their ordinary meanings, but especially in that 
sense of interchange or reciprocity which I have cbtimed for hri 
{New Grat § 174). Now oJ, which resembles the Sanscrit abhi 
in its Aitslaut, shows by its vowel the last trace of a lost nasal ; 
comp. obba, umbo, afi^i^^. And its usage, in other senses than 
that of propter, indicates a close connexion in meaning with Ar* 
and dfKffi. Thus op-timm from ob manifestly denotes '' up-most"' 
or "upper-most." So that ob must have denoted " superposition"' 
or "relative altitude" like hrL And Festus (p. 178, Miiller) has 
pointed out usages in which it concurs with the two Greek pre- 
positions: "o6 praepositio alias ponitur pro circum (Le. dfu^i), 
ut cum dicimus urbem ob'Stderi, ob-vallari, ohs^nari • . . alias 
pro ad (i. e. eiri) ponitur, ut Ennius : ob Romam nootu legiones 
ducere capit, et alibi ob Trqjam duxit^ The relative altitade 
implied by hri and ob is shown in such phrases as 6b oculas, 
" before the eyes," i. e. on a level with them ; and in Ennius* 
Telamo we have more generally ob o$ (Cic. Tuac, Disp. ill. 
18) : hidne est ille Telamo . . . ciajvA ob os Oraii ora obverUiHtnt 
€ua, where the compound reminds us of ^schyl. Gho'iph. 350: 
hnntrrperirrof; aldp. The frequentative sense of iiri is conveyed 
by obeoy hn^ncuo, " to go backwards and forwards," and the 
relative height of a table, or city built on the level sur&ce of a 
hill, is signified by oppidum = hrhre^v (Virg. Oeorg. il. 156 : 
tot conffeata manu proeruptia oppida saxts). The phrases quoted 
by Festus for the sense of circum remind us at once of cttI and 
irepi or dfKf>L Thus obsidere is either i^l^eadai or 'ir€pi,Ka6¥j(r6<u. 
If obscurus reminds us of iirla-Kio^y we have dfi^KdKinrrm in 
oo-culo; if ob^io suggests hraxovm, ob-estts (basstuf) refers us to 
dfi<j>iKa^ij^, ob-erro to mepLifKjavSfuUy and ob^liquus to dfuf>lr 
\ofo9. The sense of perseverance or continuance conveyed by 
oC'Cupo, ob^tineo, and oba-tinattia (see Ruhnken, Dictata in Teren- 
tium, p. 78), is also due to the meaning of surrounding or going 

I It is a remarkable circumstance that we have in Feet. p. 26 the 
Gloss. ** ahisse pro adisse dicebaiit." This clearly involyes a confusion 
between amb or oh and ah, for the word intended is manifestly obis$6. 
Pott, Etym, Forseh, il p. 635, supposes a change from <2 to 6, which is 
impoBsiblo. * 


backwards and forwards contained in iiri and dfJL^i (irepl). For 
example, oc-cupo is either eTriXafifidvco or irepiKafifiavfo* The 
preposition circum (circa, circiter), which is limited to the local 
or temporal meaning of wepi, is a case of the substantive circusj 
which may be connected with cis {cttra), a form of the prono- 
minal element -ce; and ci-tra, citro are opposed to ut-tra, uUiro^ 
as ce = '*here" is opposed to uU (aZ-, aw-, i?-, iV) =" there," 
and there is no doubt that the preposition in is ultimately iden- 
tical with the pronoun «/-, aU (cf. Sanscr. anya^ Greek /celw?, 
&c.)* The pronominal root ce obtains another prepositional ex- 
tension in cum == f t^, and this again has its comparative in con- 
tra, *' against," implying extension from and in front of that 
which is here. • The^ first element po^ combined with the second 
"8 and the third -n gives in /7o[«]ne a sense of extension ^' back- 
wards" and ^' behind," i. e* through all three positions ; and this 
is also the meaning of pos-t, which bears the same relation to 
po-ne that se-d or sc'^t does to si-ne. The latter, which is really 
jpo-a-ne without the first syllable, expresses the idea of simple 
separation. The compound post^ or even the syllable po alone, 
is used as a preposition almost equivalent to trans^ as in po^ 
mcerium or poatrmcerium^ " the space beyond the wall," post" 
liminiuniy ''the space beyond the threshold, within which a 
resumption of civic rights is possible." Trana^ involving the 
elements of the comparative suffix, with a new affix, differs little 
from vUira^ for it includes nearly the same elements in a dif- 
ferent order. As cir^cua is probably connected with ctsy so ter^ 
minus undoubtedly contains the root of tr^ns. A finis or ter- 
minus strictly excludes the citra as well as the ultra, and the 
circus, as a line, is neither the space, which it encloses, nor that, 
which it shuts out. JSrga, which bears the same relation to 
ergo that tUtra does to' uUro, must be explained by the corre* 
spondence of ergo and iffitur. The latter, as we have seen, is 
an extension in -tur^^-tus of i-ffi^es-gi; and erg-^^esff^ is 
only a different form of the same word ; for the ending of igv-tur 
i» 'tur^'timj and while circa stands by circi-ter we shall see 
directly that juojto presumes ti juxta-tim. 

It has been shown (in Chapter vili.) that clam, coram, penes 
and tenus are adverbs derived from nominal or verbal roots; 
and juxia ^jug-sta is a compound of the root jug- in jungo 
D.v. 26 


jugiMn^ jugis, and the crude fonn of ato. Like oonriinuo it ex- 
presses contiguity. Some consonantal affix, equivalent to a 
case-ending, is involved in the last syllable. The old gram- 
marians remark that '' atatim pro Jlrmiter primam producit ; pro 
iliico corripit ;*' and such forms as atatioj &c., prove that the 
contraction is not always exhibited. But the analogy of dvor 
/tty-Siyv, dvc^fiiy-Sa, apd-fitrfci, dpd-fu^ (Oreek Qrammar^ Art. 
265), shows that some affix was to be expected, and that it 
might be extenuated into a mere vocal Aualaut. From die 
almost synonymous tenua and €^9> compared with the ablatives 
in d for ad^ and with ergdip) by the side of igi4ury we can easily 
infer the nature of the appendage which has been rubbed off 
from the prepositional adverb jugata^^jug-aiorHm. 

It may be worth while to add that prepositions compounded 
with verbs are liable to certaiu changes from assimilation or 
absorption, which perhaps typify a similar change in the separate 
use of these proclitic words. 

Aj aby aba may appear as au^ and we have seen it assume the 
form of in old Latin (above, p. 260, 1. 11). 

Ad may change d into the first letter of the word with which it 
is compounded; thus it may become oc, af^ ag, aZ, an^ ap, or, 
aa^ at; and we have seen that the last of these represents one 
of its separate usages; compare also et^ and the Greek en. 
This preposition is represented by a short d in S-perio = ad- 
..pario; SHncmuas^ad-mdmua (cf. m-fnanw) ; H-depa^ad-d^; 
Srtrox^ ad*truxj &c* 

Ante sometimes appears as antidy which may have been its 
original form (see above, p. 365). 

Ctrcum may lose its final m or change it into n» 

Cum appears as com, co, col, con, or cor. 

De either remains unaltered, or assumes the form daa before t; 
it is found also with a different, but cognate signification, as 
dia-, di", dtf- and rfiV-. 

Ey ex, enters into compounds either in its separate form, or assi- 
milated to /■, as in ef-fero. 

In is im before labials, % before g, il and ir before the liquids 
I and r, but otherwise unchanged; in old writers or their 
imitators we have endo or indu. 



InUr is not changed, except before 4 when it becomes inielr. 

Ob becomes oba before dentals, it is assimilated to labials and 
gutturals, and is shortened into 9 before m; sometimes it 
resumes its original m: thus we have amb^ shortened into 
am^ or an before c, as in an-c^s. 

Per is sometimes, but not always, assimilated to a following I. 

Postf or pone, becomes po, in pomoBrtum, jmneridianiis. 

Fro is written prod before a vowel, as in prod-eat ; it suffers 
metathesis in pol4tceo, por-riffo, where it approaches to the 
cognate |wr, if it is not identical with it. 

The inseparable r«, really a form of tns=ai/a, is written red before 
a Towel, or the dentals d, t; compare rcrf-eo, redrdo^ ret-tuU. 

Sine appears onlj as se or sed-, the former with an occasional 
tmesis, as in Lucret* i. 453 : sejungi aeque gregari. 

Sub may change b to the following letter, and sometimes as- 
sumes 8 before tj as in suhs-fy'aho. 

Trans may be shortened into tra. 

Vey or vehe, is not a preposition, but a particle containing the 
same root 9A via^ veha, veho, voeg, &c. 

§ 8. Negative Particles, 

Negative particles £b.U into two main classes essentially dif- 
ferent -in signification; for they denote either dental, which is 
categorical negation, ox prohibition, which is hypothetical nega- 
tion ; in the former case, we negative an affirmation, i. e. affirm 
that the case is not so ; in the latter, we negative a supposition, 
i. e. prohibit or forbid an assumed or possible event. As these 
differences are absolute in logic or syntax, it is necessary that 
they should be expressed by the forms of the words ; and the 
three classical languages have sufficient, but by no means iden- 
tical, methods of conveying these distinctions. The Greek lan- 
guage expresses categorical negation by the particle ovTor ov-k, 
amounting to a-iut-Fa-iv, which denotes distance and separation, 
but takes for the expression of a prohibition or negative hypo- 
thesis the particle /m;, which is connected with the first personal 
pronoun, and is therefore opposed to ovk as subject is to object 
{New Crat. § 189). The Hebrew language has the same root 
^, which is ultimately identical with the Indo-Grermanic na or 
af^^a, to express both negation and prohibition > but while the 

26 — Z 


categorical negative th conveys this idea by a lengthened stress 
on the vowel which follows the liquid, the hypothetical 7K 
denotes the prohibition of an act present or intended by an 
initial breathing which throws the emphasis on the Anlaui 
{Mashil le-SopheTj p. 15). The Latin language, like the 
Hebrew, contents itself with one pronominal element, namely, n\ 
signifying ** distance" and "separation," for both negation and 
proliibition, but distinguishes these in form by adopting a com- 
pound or lengthened word for the categorical negative, while the 
liypothetical word appears without any such strengthening 
addition. Thus, while the common expression for the cate- 
gorical negative is nan for nenu, or ncsnu, which is obviously 
fie cenum or ne tmT«»i with the ecthlipsis of the final m, we find 
merely ne in the prohibitive sense, in ordinary Latin. There are 
traces in single words and in the older authors of a strengthening 
affix c in this latter use (above, p. 118), corresponding to the 
affix which appears in ov-k or ou-^^- ^® mn^t distinguish this 
affix from tlie conjunction -que, which appears in the disjunction 
ne-que (MtiUer, SuppL Ann. ad Feat p. 387). If, Aen, we 
compare ou-/e = a-va-Fa-/c with ne-c, we shall see that they differ 
only in the inserted element Fa, arid there is no reason to suppose 
that the categorical n^an differs from the hypothetical n«, otiier- 
wise than by the strengthening word unum^ which is also in- 
volved in nullus ~ n^unu-lus. On tlie other hand, we see finom 
the categorical use of n^nquam^ n^uaquam^ ne-quidem and ne- 
que^ that the negative ne may always be used in a denial of facts, 
if it is only sufficiently strengthened. The identity of a-ya^[Fa]-ic 
and ne^ is farther shown by the use of the negative as a prefix 
in Latin. Of this we have three forms ; the simple ne or «il as 
in ne-faSy ns-scia, ni-hil, nt-sty &c. ; the same with «=Fa pre- 
fia^ed, as in in-iquuSj in-numerus, im-mensuaj i-ffnatma^ &c; 
with c affixed, as in fteo-optnt<«, neg^tium, neg-liga or neoMgo. 
As it is quite clear that in these instances the element n is that 
which gives the negative force, and as this element is common to 
n^an and ne, it follows that the Romans did not distinguish 
between the form of the prohibition and categorical negation 
otherwise than by strengthening the latter. And this extenuation 
of the negative emphasis in subordinate expressions is also shown 
by the fact, that, in conditional and final sentences, the mere dirai- 


nation of asaertion expressed by mintia took the place of the 
shorter negatire ; thus we have si minua for sin, and quominua 
for quin. It is a question whether the shorter form ne can 
appear without some strengthening affix, as ^um^ -jm6, or 
-^uidem, in the categorical negation. Of the passages quoted 
some are manifestly corrupt, and it seems that ne is not used 
categorically, except when it stands for ne^uidemj " not even" 
(see Drakenborch, ad Liv. viir. 4; xxxiii. 49). It may be 
doubted in these cases whether there is not a concealed prohi- 
bition, as in the Greek ^ ori. On the other hand, when nan 
appears, as it occasionally does, in a final sentence, there is always 
some reason for the employment of this more emphatical par- 
ticle. Thus 7ie phira dicain, or ut ne plttra dicam, means 
merely " not to say more," but lU plura nan dtcam neque alio^ 
rum exemplia confirmem (Cic. pro lege ManiL 15, § 44) implies 
a more deliberate abstinence from irrelevant details. The dif- 
ference between ne-^uidem and non-quidem or nec-quidem con- 
sists in the greater degree of emphasis conveyed by the former, 
which is much the more usual combination; for ne-quidem means 
"not even;" but non (or nee) -^uidem denotes merely a qualifi- 
cation of opposed terms, so that qutdem is simply the Greek 
fiev : this appears from Quintilian's rendering (ix. 3, § 65) of 
Demosthenes {de Corond, p. 288) : ovk ehrov fjtev ravray ovk 
iypayffu Si* oiJS* Sypay^a /*«/, ouk errpeafieva-a Sc* oi5S' hrpia- 
fiewra fieUy ovk hreurcC hk Srffialov^, — *^ non enim dixi quidemy 
^sed non scripsi; nee scripsi qutdem^ sed non obii legationem; 
nee obii qutdem, sed non persuasi Thebanis" (see Wagner on 
Verg. Ge4yrg. i. 126). 

This distinction in emphasis regulates the employment of the 
negative particles in interrogations, and we observe the same 
relation between the Greek and Latin particles in this use also — 
that is, we employ nonne in Latin, where we write ap ov in 
Greek ; num, which bears the same relation to ne that ipsus does 
to ipse or necessum to necesae, corresponds to the Greek use of 
palf or fAtj ovv^fi&v\ and the enclitic -Ti^is used when no nega- 
tion appears in Greek ; thus we have pp ovk lariv dadei/ij^ ; 
ss nonne cegrotat ? when we expect an affirlnative answer ; Spa 
fui i<rraf aadeini^] or fiSv aadarq^ i<m ;^num cegrotat f when we 
expect a negative answer ; and apa dadevrj^; i<m ; = cegrotat-ne f 


when we merely ask for information. The emplojment of the 
negative in the final sentence really emanates from this use in 
interrogation^, coupled with the prohibitive value of the shorter 
particle. The subordinate sentence, whether affirmative or neg^ 
tive, is generally coupled with that on which it depends by some 
relative or interrogative particle. In Greek this particle cannot 
be dispensed with, except in those cases, when the thing feared, 
denied, or doubted, is expressed by a prohibitive sentence, and 
here the usual form of the final or illative sentence is reUn- 
quished; but the use of &ar€ firf {Or. Or. Art. 602) shows that 
this is merely an idiomatic omission, and SiBouea /ju^ 6ai^ might 
. have been written tktouca ok /^^ Oawo^ or &<rre firj davet»^ ^' I 
fear with a view to the result that I may not die." The examples 
collected by Mr. Allen {Analysia of Latin VerbSy pp. 337 sqq.) 
sufficiently show that in Latin the relative particle ut may be 
either inserted or omitted at pleasure, whether the subordinate 
sentence is affijrmative or negative. 


§ E. The Latin verb generally defective. % i. The penooftl inflexion! — their oon- 
aistent anomaliea. § 3. Doctrine of the Latin tenses. § 4. The subetau- 
tive. verba, § 5. Paadty of organic formations in the regular Latin, verb. 
§ 6. General scheme of tenses in the Latin verb. § 7. Verbs which may be 
regarded as parathetic oompoimdB. % 8. Tenses of the vowel-verbs which are 
combinations of the same kind. § 9. Organic derivation of the tenses in the 
consonant-yerb. § 10. Auxiliary tenses of the passive voice. § ri. The 
modal distinctions— their syntax. § is. Forms of the infinitive and partici- 
ple — how connected in derivation and meaning. § 13. The gerundiwn and 
gmrundwun^ shown to be active and present. § 14. The participle in 
-iwruM, § 15. The perfect subjunctive. § 16. The past tense of the infinitive 
active. § 1 7. The future of the infinitive passive. 

§ 1. The Laiin Verb generally defective. 

THE* forms of the Latin verb are meagre and scanty in the 
same proportion as the cases of the nouns are multifarious 
and comprehensive. The deficiencies of the one are due to the 
same cause as the copiousness of the other. They both spring 
from the antiquated condition of the language. An idiom which 
has been long employed in literature will generally substitute 
prepositions for the inflexions of cases, and, by the employment 
of yarious syntactical devices, increase the expressiveness and 
significance of the verb. It is just in these particulars that the 
dialects formed from the Latin differ from their mother-speech, 
and in the same particulars they approximate to the syntactical 
distinctness of the Greek. 

§ 2. The Personal Infiexums — their consistent Anomalies. 

The Latin person-endings are, however, on the whole, less 
mutilated than the corresponding inflexions in the Greek verb. 
This is because the person-endings are, in fact, case-endings of 
pronouns, by virtue of which every forln of the finite verb be- 
comes complete in itself (see New Crat. § 347), and the case- 
endings, as has been already observed, are more perfect in Latin 
than in Greek. 

The person-endings of the active verb, as they appear in 
classical Latin, are -m, -«, -t; -mus^ -tis, -nt. But these forms 


are not maintained throughout all the tenses. The present 
indicative has dropt the characteristic -m^ except in the two cases 
of sum and inquam. The sign of the first person singular is 
also wanting in the perfect indicative, and in the futures in -io 
and -ro. The second person singular is represented by -« in 
every case but one — that of the perfect indicative, which substi* 
tutes '8ti. The third singular is always -t ; the first plural al- 
ways -mus; the second plural always -tts, except in the perfect 
indicative, when it is -stis, corresponding to the singular of the 
same person ; and the third plural is always -ni, though this is 
occasionally dropt in the third person plural of the perfect indi- 
cative. The loss of the final t in the third person singular is 
found both in the Umbrian forms AaJc, fuia^ «, &c. for habeij 
fuat^ sity &c., and in the old Latin dede, dedroy dederi. We 
have also in Umbrian covoriuso and benuso for converterunt and 
venerunt If we may judge from the -to, -tote of the imperative, 
these person-endings must have been originally ablative or causa- 
tive inflexions of the pronouns. The original form of the im- 
perative suflSx in the singular number was -torf or -tW, which is 
unequivocally an ablative inflexion (above, Chap. viii. § 8). 
In common Latin the imperative not only lost its personal affix 
in the second singular, but even suffered an apocope of the crude 
form in certain verbs, as due and fac. For da or data we have 
d6 in c^^, "give-here," plural cette; and I have elsewhere 
endeavoured to prove that the nearly synonymous mS-do must 
be a similar form involving also the first personal pronoun (" On 
the Etymology of the Latin particle woefo," Trans, of the PhiUL 
8oc. 1854, pp. 97 sqq.). 

The person-endings of the passive verb present some difficul- 
ties to the inquiring philologist. In fact, only the third person, 
singular and plural, seems to have been preserved free firom 
mutilation or suppression. The terminations of the passive 
should, according to the rules of sound philology, present them- 
selves as inflexions or cases of the active person-endings (see 
New Oratylusj § 348). If, then, we compare the active atMU^ 
amanty amare^ with the corresponding passive forms, amatury 
amantur, amarter, we must conclude that r, connected with the 
active form by a short vowel, e or w, is the sign of the passive 
voice, and that this amounts to an inflexion of the active form 


analogous to the adverbs in -ter {lent-ter, gnavi-ter^ &c.), or -Hm 
{gradortim^ &c.) (New Cratylu8, § 365, above, p. 343). In fact, 
thq isolated particle igi-tur supplies a perfect analogy for the 
passive person-endings -tur and -ntur. This particle, as we 
have seen (above, pp. 342, 401), is an extension in -tur from the 
comp.osite form t-gi (cf. e-go^ er-ga^-o), e-ho, e-Ja), and it has the 
locative meaning " thereupon" in a Fragment of the xii. Tables 
(above, p. 242). We have also «een that the adverbs in -fer, 
'ttm are used in a locative sense. And whether we conclude 
that 'tur is a locative like rSOi, or identical with -tua = -^cv, and 
therefore bearing a locative meaning only as the act of separation 
implies proximity at the moment of separation (above, p. 397), 
there can be no doubt that it does bear that locative sense, which 
is required by the person-endings of the passive voice. The 
identity of -tur with -ter (-tim) is farther shown by the form 
amari-er, which stands by the side of ama-tur, and the change 
from the short ^ to w, is found in other cases, eg. in tubur-ctno 
from tuber and in tacitur-nus and diutur-nus by the side of 
hester-ntia. According to this, the first persons amor and ama" 
mur are contractions of arnomSr^ aTnamUs^y according to the 
Sanscrit analogy (comp. hhar^ with <f>€pofiai, &c. New Grot. 
§§ 352, 362). The second persons, amaris {amare) and ama- 
mini, are altogether diflFerent forms ; 'they seem to be two verbals, 
or participial nouns, of the same kind respectively as the Latin 
and Greek active infinitive, amare ^amcLse (compare dicsis-sey 
ea-ae, Gr. y&uii^, v^w, &c.), and the passive participle tvttto- 
fuvo^. The verbal, which stands for the second person singular 
of the passive verb, was probably, in the first instance, a verbal 
noun in -ais; compare frpa^i^, filp/r^a^, &c. That which re- 
presents the second person plural is the plural of a form which 
is of very frequent occurrence in the Latin language {New Crat, 
§ 362). The earlier form ended in -minor, and is preserved in 
the imperative, which in old Latin had a corresponding second 
person singular in -mino: thus we have anteatamino {Legg. xii. 
Tab. I. Fr. 1, above, Ch. vi. § 7), jhmino (Fest. p. 87), prca- 
Jumino {Cai. B. B. 136, 140),/rMtWno {Inacr. Orut), for ant^- 
atare, fare, prcafarey fruere; as well as arbitraminor (Plant. 
JEpid. V. 2, 30) and progrediminor (id. Paeud. ill. 2, 70) for 
arbitramini and progredimini. The use of these verbals, with a 


fixed gender, and without any copula, to express passive predi- 
cations referring to the second person, is one of the most siiigalar 
features in the Latin language, and the former can only be 
compared to the Greek use of the infinitive to express the 
second person imperative. 

§ 3. Doctrine of the Latin Tenses, 

There is, perhaps, no one department of classical philology, 
in which so little has been done as in the analysis and simplifica- 
tion of the Latin tenses. They are still arranged and designated 
as they were in the beginning; and no one seems to have dis- 
cerned the glaring errors inseparable from such a system. Even 
among the more enlightened, it is not yet agreed whether certain 
tenses axe to be referred to the indicative or to the subjunctive 
mood, and forms of entirely different origin are placed together 
in the same category. 

Without anticipating the discussion of the difficulties which 
beset the doctrine of the Latin tenses, I will premise that, prac- 
tically, the regular verb has four moods and five tenses, whidi 
are known by the following names, and represented, in my 
Grammar, by the notation attached to the terminology; the in- 
diccUive (A), imperative (B), aubfunctive (C), and injinitive (D) 
moods, and the present (I), *imperfsct (EC), perfect (III), pluper- 
fict (IV), and JiUtire (V) tenses. Thus, to avoid repeating the 
names, A. IIL will represent the perfect indicative, C. 11. the 
imperfect suhjunctive, and so on. 

An accurate examination of all the forms in the Latin lan- 
guage will convince us that there are only two ways in which 
a tense can be formed organically from the root of a Latin verb. 
One is, by the addition of «-; the other, by the addition of t^. 
We find the same process in the Greek verb; but there it is 
regular and systematic, supplying us throughout with a complete 
series of primary and secondary, or definite and indefinite tenses*. 
In Greek, we say that the addition of <r- to the root forms the 
aorist and friture, that the same adjunct in a more guttural form 

1 For the convenience of the reader, I will repeat here the distinc- 
tions which I have elsewhere quoted from J. L. Bomoaf s Mkhode pour 
kudier la Langue Gfreequej pp. 216 sqq. : 


makes the perfect, and that the insertion of ^ indicates the 
conjunctiTe or optative mood. Moreover, we have in the Greek 
yerb an augment, or syllable prefixed for the pnrpose of marking 
past time as such, and traces at least of the systematic employ- 
ment of reduplication to designate the continuance of an action. 
As the ancient epic poetry of the Greeks neglects the augment, 
we may understand how it fell into desuetude among the Romans. 
The reduplication too, though common to all the old Italian lan- 
guages, is of only partial application in the existing forms of 
the Latin yerb. With regard to the value of the tenses in a-- 
and It the same holds to a certain extent in Latin also ; but 
while the principle is here susceptible of a double application, it 
is, on the other hand, interrupted by the operation of a system 
of composite tenses which is peculiar to the Latin language, and 
still more so by the regular use of the afiSx*-* to express derived 
or indefinite tenses. 

§ 4. 3%6 Substantive Verbs.' 

Before I proceed to examine the tense-system of the Romans, 
as it appears in all the complications of an ordinary verb, it will 
be as well to analyze, in the first instance, the substantive verb 
which enters so largely into all temporal relations. 

The Latin language has two verbs signifying "to be:" one 
contains the root e»-, Sanscr. <»-, Greek €<r-, Lith. ee-; the other, 
the root^, Sanscr. JAfl-, Qr. ^u-, Lith. bu-. 

The inflexions of eg- are as follows : 


Tho Present expresses nmuUaneity^ .^i. i> ^ ( J^ ^*' 

mu ™ X M ' 'J^ I '^«th reference to J . ,. . 

The Future . . . postenaritv > . ^ . 'i w Urtn 

The Perfect . , . ZlerMt^ ) the present time (^^ ^^ 


Thelmperfeot expresses «tmuZtoneifv^ ., ^ (jeliioiB^ 

TheAomt . . . porierhrity } '''*^ "^T^"^. *^ ] j, lu** 

The Pluperfect . . anteriarity ) «>»« «t^er time (^^^i^ 

^ pendant que youb dcriviez. ' apr^ que vous eiites fini d'^rire. 

' ayant quo vous eusaiez ^crit. 



Actual form. Ancient fonn. 



^sum . . . 

esum^ . • • 

iunit . • 

. em»» 


essi • . . 

asi • . 

. e«»» 

es't ... 

esti . . • 

asti . . 

. estiy est 

^mimtis . . 

esumtis . . 


. e«ma 

es'tts . . 

esitis . • '. 

st'a . 

. • esie 

'sunt . . 

esunt . . 


. [e»an<?] 


A. II. 

Actual form. 

Ancient form. 


eram . 

. * . ^am 

. • . 

. dsam 


. . . Ssas 

. • « 

. ^^^ 

erat . . 

. . Ssat 

• . • 



. . ^samus . . . 

. ^S^ma 


. . ^aiis 


. dsta 

erant . . 

. . fsant 


. &an 



w C. L, 

Formed by the insertion of the guttural element -t. 

Actual foi 


Ancient form. Sanscrit 

erOy 'simy 

'stVm . 

. esydm . 

. sydm 

erisy 'sis, 

'siVs . 

. esyds . 

. *y^ 

ertty 'sitj 

'siA . .. 

. esydt . 

. sydt 

erimus, 'simt 

iSy 'siemus . 

. esydmus 

. sydma 

erUiSy 'sitis 

, 'stVtis . 

. esydtis 

. 4;y<!ito 

erunty 'sint, 

'stVnt , 

. e«y^w< . 

. «yu* 


Fonned from the last by the addition of -id. 

Actual form. Ancient form. 

es'-sem '. . . . es-sa-yam 

esses .... es-sa-yas 

&c. &c. 

Or locative of a verbal in -tit, expressing the action of the yerb*. 


I Varro, L. L. ix. 100, p. 231. 

« New Crat. § 410. 



Nom, *«en[^]tf {m ab-aeni, pras'tenSf kc.) ongintiXiy esen[i]8 

Gten. ^sentia esentis 

&c. &c. 

eSy €8t0 originally €8, €8tod 

esio . • • . eatod 

este, eatote .... eaite, esitote 
aunto .... eaunto. 

Throughout the Latin verb we may observe, as in the case 
of ero here, that the element i has vanished from the first person 
of the future; for ero does not really differ from eaum^ the 
present indicative. The explanation of this may be derived from 
the fact, that in English the first and the other persons of the 
future belong to different forms : where an Englishman says, " I 
shall" of himself, he addresses another with "you will;" and 
conversely, where he asserts of another that " he shall," he tells 
him, " I will." The third person plural ^runt is only another 
way of writing erint; u^ being substituted, as it so frequently is, 
for 1,, to which the qualifying i had been ultimately reduced. 
But besides the form of the future in f, we have in old Latin 
another expression of it in the inchoative form eaco for ea-aco ' 
(Leffg. XII. Tab. apud OelL xx. i. Tab. i. fr. 3; Lucret. i. 613 ; 
Festus, s. V. eacit, p. 77; aupereacit, p 302; nee, p. 162; obeacet, 
p. 188; and Miiller, Suppl Annot. p. 386). 

The verb /i*-, which appears as a supplementary form or 
auxiliary tense of the substantive verb, is really a distinct verb, 
very complete in its inflexions, and connected by many interest- 
ing affinities with the other Indo-Germanic languages. It has 
been shown elsewhere that in these languages, the same root is 
used to express ." light," or "brightness," and "speaking" {New 
Crai. § 460). To t!ie idea of "light" belongs that of "mani- 
festation," or " bringing to light," and this is simply the idea of 
" nmking," or " causing to be." Now the full form of the root 
^'ifo'f ft*^-> which, in Greek, Latin, and Sanscrit, conveys the 
cognate expressions of "light" and "speech," involves what is 
called a digamma in Aualaut as well as in Anlaut; for we learn 
from the words favoniua^ vapor, &c. that the full forms must 
have been FaFrifu, ^nFo^, &c. {New Crat. § 468). Now this 


foil form is much more obvious in <^u-, facr^ signifying "to 
make," than in the roots w&ich conrej the other modifications 
of meaning ; although fax^ " a torch," and fades ^ " the counte- 
nance," contain the guttural at the end of the root, which ap- 
pears m facto, and which is a residuum of the first constituent of 
the digamma, just as the v in <^u- represents the ultimate form of 
the constituent labial. In the ordinary forms of the Greek verb, 
the transitive ^va>, ^v<r(k>, e<f>va-a, do not seem to differ externally 
firom the intransitive €if>inf and 'rri^vKo. But we know firom 
philological induction that the latter must have involved the ele- 
ment t=ya {New GrcU. § 380); and in old Greek we actually 
find the form if>vl(a corresponding to the Pelasgian Jiiiua and the 
Greek vw (above, p. 202). The following table will show 
what remains of the Greek and Latin forms of <^=: ^oF (^vm», 
o-wi;/(M, iroirito; see Or, Gr. 322), andj^=/ac iox fxf "to 
bring to light,'' or " cause to be." 


Pres. ^v-o = ^F<^•/L^ A. I. fac-io 

Fut, if>iH<re9 A. V. fho-sim 

Aor. e^^v-^a A. V^. {el-fac-sim 

Perf. A. IIL f^factooutr.fSci. 


Pres. ^vUo A. I. fio=fiio (-fto) 

Fut A. V. fbrem^fii'sim. 

Aor. i^x}v = i^vuLfi A. V^. [e\-forem {--ebam) 

Perf. iri<t>VKa = ir€^viaKa A. HI. Jui^ or fuvi^Jufui, 

sometimes ^^ich» sum. 

if>v^ = ^u-/ai/T-9 fvrturue 

7r€<f>v/cw fwtus ^fui-his 

fascundus ^^fuirscundua 
vi&i = (^vtFoT? fosmmuA ^fai-mtnuS (cf. 

The omission oi v^ya in €j>vv is shown by the quantity of 
V in the plural; comp. €<f>vfjL€p with iSel/cvvfia/. It will be seen 

1 That the fi inyiit is properly long is shown by many passages in 
Plautus (see Ritschl, Proleg. p. 17l). 


at once that the Latin verb ia much more complete than the 
Greek : and besides these forms, which admit of direct compa- 
rison, the Latin neuter verb has a present snbjunctiTe faam^ 
furianij a pluperfect indicative fu-^eram ^juesam^ a perfect sub- 
junctive fuerim (or faero) ^^fuvensim, and a corresponding i^xxr 
j^GrfectJuiasem^Jiive^e-^m» The «=sr, which appears in the 
last three of these forms, is best explained bj a comparative 
analysis of 7ri(f>v/ca and Jut^Ju/ui. As t is the regular ex- 
ponent of guttural vocalisation, as the guttural, before it subsides 
into t, is generally softened into 8 and A, and as we find k, «, A 
in the perfect and aorist of Greek verbs, we see that 7ri<t>vtea 
compared with yw/wi presumes an intermediate /w/w^a, and thus, 
bj a transposition and substitution quite analogous to the French 
change of I through ul into u, we get the following explanation 
of the existing forms of the Latin perfect, in accordance with the 
assumption of an original inflexion in -«a. 

v€<l)V' KO'lfi] JuJu-Bdt-m =fufuis =fy/w 

frc^v-m.ff (or -Ai: cf. ob^Ba) fufi^M-iha ^fyfui-B-H 
frt^Kf-y (for -n) JkifiirM-t —fyfunri-i =fiijuii 

w¥t)v-KariU'V (for -fi€-ff) Jk^kh$chmiu=^fy/wr8-mu»=fujuimiu 

vt4>v-Ka'T€ (for -T€g) fuJu-ta-iU ^fyfid-i-iU 

ntifw'Ka-o'i (for -wi) fy/u-s-ant =>fyfu&'sni =fy/uerumi. 

The «, which appears before the r = tf in the mutilated inflexions 
of the Latin perfect, assumes the weaker form of e in the pluper- 
fect, which must originally have corresponded in termination to 
the perfect, though the loss of the distinguishing augment has 
obliged the Latin language to have recourse to a variation of the 
affixes in the secondary tenses. Thus, while we must have had 
originally e^Jufuaa by the side oijufiisa, the former has become 

Jueram, while the latter has shrunk into Jui. We ipust take 
care not to confuse between the t, which represents a lost s in 
Jut, and liiat which appears as the characteristic of the subjunc- 
tive mood in furam^furiam and in fuerim ^ fwe^aim ; for 

. although there is every reason to believe that the « = r of the 
fut. and perf. is really identical ultimately with the % of the 
subjunctive, the actual Amctions are difierent in the cases which 
require to be discriminated. Originally, no doubt, fao-mm and 
forem ^fursim were futures indicative which had corresponding 
aorists; but like the Greek conjunctive, which was originally 


future, thej have been remanded to a subordinate position. 
The loss of the original reduplication might lead us to confuse 
between for em ^fu-sim and fiiertm ^fafu-axm; but the latter 
is really a subjunctive formation from the perfect indicative, 
entirely analogous to r€Tif<f>oifu from r€Tv<f>a» From ftiertm we 
have fuissem ^fufu-aa-sim by the same extension which con- 
verts aim = esim or esyam into essem = es-sa-tm or ea-aa-yam. 
This use of the aflSx s in successive accretions to form the 
secondary past tenses, although regular in its application to 
the Latin verb, is quite inconsistent with the use of the same 
affix in the Greek verb, where it seems to indicate proximate 

The association of the roots es- and /u-, as supplementary 
tenses of one substantive verb, and the use of the latter to form 
more or less of the subordinate inflexions of all other verbs, is 
best explained by the meaning of these two roots themselves. 
For while c«- denotes ** continuance of being," t. e. " existence," 
fu' expresses "beginning of being,'* or "coming into being." 
The parallelism therefore between es- and fu" is the same as 
that between the Greek elfil^ itr-fil, and yiyvofieUy which fur- 
nishes the materials for the opposition between the systems of 
Plato and Heracleitus. There is the same association of resem- 
blance and contrast between the Hebrew root t^>, which agrees 
with the Sanscrit as and our esse, and mn or rTHi which 
coincides in meaning, and ultimately in origin, with the Sanacr. 
bhiir, the Greek ^u- and oixr fu-. And whatever may be the 
true view with regard to the explanation of the names fS 
and buddkd, there cannot be the least doubt that the much 
more important name rniT or nVT has reference to the fact, 
that the pod of Revelation is the God who manifests himself 
historically, so that while UT^t^ is the Beginning and the 
End, miT is the Middle, that is, God manifested in the world, 
and therefore always in process of being or becoming by his 
acts of redemption and creative power\ It is obvious that, 
with this difference of meaning, es- is adapted to express the 
continuous tenses of a verb of being, while /m- describes the 

1 This idea h vrell deroloped hj Delltzscb, Oenuii, pp. 23» 389» 3d0. 


completion of single acts, coming into being and saccessirely 
determined.. Thus ea- will give ns the present and imperfect, 
together with the vague future or potential aim = era. The 
perfect and its derivatives will naturally be Aimished by j^t, 
"I have become," or "I have come into being." The form 
Jorem, which is used as a synonym for. essem^ is probably an 
aorist, which, like the Greek optative, has lost its augment 
{New CrcU. § 391). It is therefore, as it stands, externally 
identical with the original future, of which fuam ^fu-yam is 
a mere mutilation. The future signification is retained \ijJiMre^ 
^^ to become," which is really a present tense analogous to ea-ae; 
ioTJUri is a latter and irregular form. 

§ 5. Patidty cf Organic Formations in the regular 
Latin Verb* 

The conjugations of these two verbs furnish us with speci- 
mens of organic inflexions for all the teinses, in other words, the 
tenses are formed without the aid of any foreign adjunct except 
those pronominal elements which contribute to the living mar 
chinery of all inflected languages. But this is not the case with 
the great mass of verbs which constitute the staple of the Latin 
language. Although the flexion-forms in ^ and t- appear in all 
these verbs, there is no one of them which is not indebted more 
or less to ^u- for its active tenses ; and all verbs form some 
tenses of their passive voice by calling in the aid of es-. 

According to the ordinary classification of Latin verbs, there 
are three conjugations of vowel- verbs, in a, «, and i, and one 
conjugation of consonant-verbs, to which we must assign the 
verbs in tto and some of those in to. Now, as a general rule, 
we find that all vowel-verbs are secondary to nouns — in other 
words they are derived from the crude forms of nouns. But 
many nouns are demonstrably secondaiy to consonant-verbs. 
Therefore we might infer, as a general rule, that the consonant- 
verb belonged to a class of forms older or more original than 
the vowel-verbs. This view is supported by a comparison of 
the tenses of the two sets of verbs : for while we find that e^ 
often effects a primary variation in the consonant-verb, we ob- 
serve that this insertion never takes place in the vowel-verb 
except in composite forms, or in those verbs which neglect the 
D. V. 27 


Towel characterifltic in the formation of their perfects. The only 
tense in the consonant-rerb, which can be consider^ as a com* 
posite form, is the imperfect ; but the future does not correspond 
to this, as is the case in the TOwel-verbs. Verbs in *tb partially 
approximate to the consonant*yerbs in this respect 

§ 6. General Scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb. 

The following table will show the organic formations and