This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at |http : //books . google . com/
c^fc-
^
REESE LiBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
<A-
C/ f-f
;?to
-*5
^
^
REESE LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
kwi^ra yt^> f?^^ tHK^
Acctiswm .No.^Jke^ k:y.S^ Slttl! No.^Q^.
/?fe^
-9$
PRINTED BT C. J. CLAY, ILA.
AT THE UNlVEEfilTY PBEB8.
-VARRONIANUS:'
TO
THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY
THE PHILOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE
LATIN LANGUAGE.
BY
JOHN WILLIAM pONALDSON, D.D.
CLASSICAL EXAMINBB tS THB VKIYBBAITY OF LOKDON ;
AVD FOBMSBLY FELLOW AND CLASSICAL LBCTUBBB OF TRIKITY COLLKOB,
CAXBBIOOB.
THIRD EDITION,
REV^IBSD AirDgOKSSNOUBLY £NLAKGEI>.
LONDON: JOHNW. PARKER AND SON.
CAMBRIDGE: DBIGHTON, BELL, AND CO.
i860.
-^^S^f
tim
TO
THE BIOHT BEVEBEND
CONNOP THIRLWALL, D.D.
ZX>BD BBHOP or ST. DAVID'S,
THIS WOBE: IB BE-INSCBIBED
WITH AN UNDIMINISHSD APPRECIATION
OF THE SEBVICESk WHICH HE HAS BENDEBED TO CLASSICAL PHILOLOGT,
AND WITH A LIVELY BEOOLLEOTION
OF THE PEBSONAL KINDNESS AND VALUABLE INSTBUCHON.
WnSICH THE AUTHOB BECETVED FBOM HIM MANY YEABS AGO.
B.V.
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
THE careful reyision, which I bestowed upon the Second
Edition of this Work, has enabled me, on the present
occasion, to escape a large proportion of the renewed labour
and study, which I must otherwise have encountered. It is
true that my interest in Italian philology has rather in-
creased than diminished, and the course of lectures on
Latin Etymologies and Synonyms, which I had the honour
to deliver to some of the best Scholars in the University
on recommencing my residence at Cambridge in October,
1855, may be regarded as some sort of proof that in mat-
ters of detail I had still, as I conceived, something new to
say on the subjects discussed in the following pages. Some
of the results of those investigations will be found in the
present edition. But these and other additions, though they
have increased the bulk of the present volume by at least
one-fifth of the whole, are mainly questions of lexicography
and special detail As &r as regards the general deduc-
tions in Ethnography and Comparative Grammar, which
this book undertakes to establish, I have had nothing to
alter, and the additional matter will be found to confirm
and illustrate what I had previously advanced.
It is not necessary that' I should restate the object
which I have proposed to myself in writing this book. The
Title-page sujfficiently intimates that it is an attempt to
discuss the comparative philology of the Latin language on
the broad basis of general ethnography. My motto : licet
omnia Itaiica pro Romania habeam — points to the attempt,
which I have made, to show historically how the classical
idiom of ancient Rome resulted from the absorption or
centralisation of the other dialects spoken in the peninsula.
b2
VIU PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
And this result is justified by the ethnological deductions
here presented to the reader, which prove that, with the
exception of the Celtic substratum, which is occasionally
appreciable, there are no elements in the old population of
Italy which may not be regarded, as either Sclavonian, Low-
German, or that well-fused combination of those two branches
of the Arian family, which we tenn Lithuanian. All these
elements are homogeneous, and the political union enforced
by the conquests of the Imperial City on the Tiber natu-
rally led to a perfect combination or absorption of idioms,
which have been partially fused in other parts of Europe ^
The only part of the ethnographical theory propounded
in the former edition, which has not been received with
general and tacit assent, is the hypothesis that the Basenic
or non-Pelasgian element in the Etruscan is ultimately
identical with the primitive form of the Scandinavian lan-
guages. A careful and sci-upulous review of all the evi-
dence, and an impartial consideration of all the objections
raised by those who took a different view of the question,
have only tended to confirm my conviction of the validity
of the results, at which I had amved; and I trust that
the additional arguments and illustrations, which I have
brought forward in the present edition, will increase the
number of those who have recognized in this solution of
the Etruscan problem the germs at least of a linguistic dis-
covery firmly resting on the only available induction.
1 In the map of ancient Italy which I have drawn up for this work,
I hare so chosen the colours as to indicate the structures and relation-
ship of the different strata in the populations of ancient Italy. As I
helioYOithat the Greeks and Celts — ^like the Teutones and Oimhri of his-
tory — were scions ultimately of the same stock, I have represented them
by cognate colours — red and pink; and then, taking yellow to mark the
Sclayonians and blue to indicate tlie Qothic tribes, the fusion of these
races in the Lithuanian or Latin is shown to the eye by a stratum of
greerij which is a mixture of blue and yellow.
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. ix
With regard to the bearing of this work on the practi-
cal cultivation of Latin Scholarship, it is still the only
book which combines an adequate collection of the mate-
rials with an original explanation of the phenomena. The
opinion, which I expressed in the two former editions,
that Latin Scholarship is not flourishing in England^ may
now, I am happy to aay, be considered as liable to some
qualification. How &r the following pages may have con-
tributed to an increased study of Latin philology, I do
not presume to determine. Bi^t it cannot be doubted that
an improvement in this respect has commenced. Classical
examination papers in the higher competitions at the
Universities and elsewhere, both presume and require a
more exact knowledge of the structure of the Latin lan-
guage, and some articles, which have appeared in the
Jowmal of Philology, show that we have among us at
least one or two scholars who have devoted themselves
to the minutiae of Latin criticism with a zeal and abi-
lity which promise results not inferior to those which
have been obtained by Lachmann, Ritschl, and Madvig.
On the other hand, I cannot say that I see any better
prospect of a revived use of the Latin language as a
medium of communication among Scholars, and in this
respect at least I subscribe to the opinion expressed by
an entertaining writer in the Edinburgh Review^ and
quite agree with him in deprecating the discontinuance
of a practice, which, if it did not preserve the dignity of
learned controversy, at least confined it to its narrower
stage and more appropriate audience. I am also bound
to admit that our reputation for Latin Scholarship is
1 See also Mr. Paley's Preface to Ins Propcrtius, which was published
shortly after the second edition of this work (pp. mii sqq.).
« April, 1857; p. 612.
X • PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
still seriously compromised by one or two pretentious
writers, whose unacquaintance with the refinements of the
Latin language is only equalled by their want of ordinary
tact and judgment, and by their contempt for the first'
principles of scientific philology. Above all, it is to be
regretted that the greatest schools in this country per-
sist in the use of Latin grammars, which not only fail to
conyey with sufficient accuracy the essential facts of the
language, but, what is still worse, succeed in impressing
the tenacious memory of th^ most hopeful students with
erroneous statements and fallacious principles, which pro-
duce an ineradicable effect on all except the most original
minds.
Entertaining a profound conviction of the importance of
maintaining the old basis of a liberal education, and be-
lieving ihat an exact study of the language and literature
of ancient Rome is at least as useful as Greek scholarship
in its various applications, I have endeavoured in the pre-
sent work and in more elementary publications to furnish
teachers and learners with manuals of reference, which are
at any rate in harmony with the advanced philological dis-
cipline of the present generation. I do not need to be told,
how far I have fitUen short of what might be done in this
way. As, however, I have not only made the first attempt
in the right direction, but have hitherto had few if any
fellow-labourers among my own countrymen, I may venture
to believe that I have been of some service to the better
class of Students; and the simultaneous demand for new
editions both of this work and of my Latin Grammar
encourages me to hope that my labours have recommended
themselves to the favourable considemtion of an increasing
number of persons interested in. the philological study of
the Latin language.
J. W. D.
Cambbidge, 2'^th April, t86o.
PEEFACE TO THE FIEST EDITION.
NO person who is conversant with the subject will ven-
ture to assert that Latin scholarship is at present
flourishing in England. On the contrary, it must be ad-
mitted that, while we have lost that practical familiarity
with the Latin language, which was possessed some forty
years ago by every Englishman with any pretensions to
scholarship, we have not supplied the deficiency by making
ourselves acquainted with the results of modem philology,
so far as they have been brought to bear upon the lan-
guage and literature of ancient Rome. The same impulse,
which has increased and extended our knowledge of Greek,
has checked and impoverished our Latinity. The dis-
covery that the Greek is, after all, an easier language than
the Latin, and that it may be learned without the aid of
its sister idiom, while it has certauily enabled many to
penetrate into the arcana of Greek criticism who must
otherwise have stopt at the threshold, has at the same time
prevented many from facing the difficulties which surround
the less attractive literature of Rome, and, by removing
one reason for learning Latin, has induced the student to
overlook the other and higher considerations which must
always confer upon this language its value, its importance,
and its dignity.
A return to the Latin scholarship of our ancestors
can only be effected by a revival of certain old-fashioned
XU PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
methods and usages, which have been abandoned, perhaps
more hastily than wisely, in favour of new habits and new
theories. No arguments can make it fiashionable for scho-
lars to clothe their thoughts in a classic garb: example
will do more than precept ; and when some English phi-
lologer of sufficient authority shall acquire and exert the
faculty of writing Latin with terse and simple elegance,
he will not want imitators and followers. With regard,
however, to our ignorance of modem Latin philology, it
must be owned that our younger students have at least
one excuse — ^namely, that they have no manual of instruc-
tion; no means of learning what has been done and is
still doing in the higher departments of Italian philology;
and if we may judge from the want of information on
these subjects which is so frequently conspicuous in the
works of our learned authors, our literary travellers, and
our classical commentators, this deficiency is deeply rooted^
and has been long and sensibly felt Even those among
us who have access to the stores of German literature,
would seek in vain for a single book which might serve as
the groundwork of their studies in this department. The
most comprehensive Roman histories, and the most elabo-
rate Latin grammars, do not satisfy the curiosity of the
inquisitive student; and though there is already before
the world a great mass of materials, these are scattered
through the voluminous works of German and Italian
scholars, and are, therefore, of little use to him who is not
prepared to select for himself what is really valuable, and
to throw aside the crude speculations and vague conjec-
tures by which such researches \Te too often encumbered
and deformed.
These considerations, and the advice of some friends,
who have supposed that I might not be unprepared for
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. XIU
such an office, have induced me to undertake the work
which is now presented to the English student How &r
I have accomplished my design must be left to the judg-
ment of others. It has been my wish to produce, within
as short a compass as possible, a complete and systematic
treatise on the origin of the Romans, and the structure
and affinities of their language, — a work which, while it
might be practically useful to the intelligent and educated
traveller in Italy, no less than to the reader of -Niebuhr
and Arnold, might at the same time furnish a few specimens
and samples of those deeper researches, the full prosecu-
tion of which is reserved for a chosen few.
The most cursory inspection of the table of contents
will show what is the plan of the book, and what informa-
tion it professes to give. Most earnestly do I hope that
it may contribute in some degree to awaken among my
countrymen a more thoughtftd and manly spirit of Latin
philology. In proportion as it effects this object, I shall
feel myself excused in having thus ventured to commit to
a distant press a work necessarily composed amid the dis-
tractions and interruptions of a laborious and engrossing
profession.
J. W. D.
The School Hall, Bubt St. Edmund's,
2Sth March, 1844.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE OLD ITALIAN TBIBES CONSIDERED AS BELATED TO EACH
OTHER.
PAQB
1. Elements of the population of Rome , 1
2. The LATiNEH-a oomposite tribe 8
3. The Oscans, &a 4
4. Alba and LaThuom 7
6. Trojan Colony in Latium 8
€. The Sabinbs— how related to the Umbrians and Oscans . , 9
7. The Umbrians— their ancient greatness 10
8. Beduoed to insignificance by snccessiye contacts with the Tyr-
rheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans 11
9« The P£LAsaiANB-^e differences of their position in Italy and
Greece respectively 12
10. Preserye their national integ^ty in Etmria .... 13
11. Meaning and extent of the name " Tyrrhenian " . . . t&«
12. The Etruscans— the author's theory respecting their origin . 16
13. The names Etbusous and Basena cannot be brought to an agree-
ment with Tyrsenus 18
14. The legend that the Etruscans were Lydians is entirely destitute
of historical foundation . . ' 20
15. It is explicitly stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans were
connected with Rsetia 21
16. This view of the case is after ail the most reasonable 23
17. It is confirmed by all ayailable eyidence, and especially by the
contrast between the town and country languages of .ancient
Etniria •. 24
18. Further inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary history of
the Luceres • 26
19. (b) Fragmentary records of the early Constitution of Rome 28
20. (c) Etymology of some mythical proper names ... 29
21. General Conclusion as to the mutual Belations of the old Italian
Tribes .33
CONTENTS. XV
CHAPTER 11.
THE FOBEION AFFINITIES OF THE ANCIENT ITALIANa
PA OB
1. Etymology of the word U€\aay6t 35
2. How ihe Pelaagians came into Europe • 38
3. Inferences deriyable from the contrast of Pelasgian and Hellenic
Architecture. . • '. 39
4. Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology of the
two races 44
6. Thracians^ GetsB, and Scythians 46
6. Scythians and Modes 4S
7. Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Getee, may be
shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the remains
of the Scythian language t&.
8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this chain of
nations 60
9. Peculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by Aristo-
phanes 62
10. Names of the Scythian rirers deriyed and explained ... 53
11. Names of the Scythian divinities 66
12. Other Scythian Words explained 60
13. Suocessiye peopling of Asia and Europe: fiU» of tlie Mongolian
race 64
14. The Pelasgians were of Sclayonian origin 66
15. Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, &c 67
16. Reasons for belieying that they were the same race as the
Lithuanians f&.
17. Further confirmation from etymology 70
18. Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sdayonians and Lithuanians in
Italy and elsewhere 71
19. The Sarmatee probably a branch of the Lithuanian family 74
20. Gothic or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans shown
by their ethnographic opposition to the Veneti ... 76
21. Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the Old Norse . 77
22. Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans .... 80
23. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names ... 83
24. Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the Sclayonian . . 87
25. Predominant Sdayonism of the old Italian languages . 89
CHAPTER IIL
THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE AS EXHIBITED IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
L The Eugubiifb Tables 93
2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were distin-
guished 95
XVI CONTENTS.
TAOm
3. The Sibilants 97
4. Some remarks on the other letters 99
5. Umbrian Grammatical Forms 100
6. Selections from the Eugubine Tables, with ezplanatious . . 105
7. Tab. I. a, 2— 6 108
a Tab» I. b, 13 sqq. 114
9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. .VI. a 115
10. The Atidian Augural Saa-ifice 118
11. Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin synonyms . 120
12. The Todi Inscription contains four words of the same class . . 123
CHAPTER IV.
THE SABELLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE.
1. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as Sabel-
lianalso 126
2. Alphabetical list of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpreta-
tion 128
3. The Bantine Table 139
4. Commentary on the Bantine Table 142
6. The Cippus Abellanus 151
6. The Bronze Tablet of Agnone 154
7. TheAtellan» 156
CHAPTER V.
THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE.
1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an interpretation
of the Etruscan language 164
2. Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained 171
3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted .180
4. Etruscan Inscriptions — Difficulties attending their Interpretation 196
5. Inscriptions in which the Pela^gian element predominates 198
6. Transition to the Inscriptions which contain Scandinavian words.
The laurel-crowned Apollo. Explanations of the words Clan
andPHLE&ES 202
7. Inscriptions containing the words Suthi and Thbce 208
8. Inferences derivable from the words Cveb, Sver, and Thub or
Thaue 210
9. Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse in tlie
use of the auxiliary verb Lata . . * . . . 212
10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined— its Runic
affinities 215
CONTENTS. XVU
PAOI
11. Harmony betwoen lingaistdc resoarch and ethnographic tradition
in regard to the ancient Etnucana 226
12. General remarks on the absorption or evanescence of the old
Etruscan Language 229
CHAPTER VI.
THE OLD ROMAN OB LATIN LANGUAGE.
1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous 231
2. Arralian Litany 232
3. Chants preserved by Cato 234
4. Fragments of the Salian Hymns 235
6. Old Regal Laws 238
6. Remains of the XIL Tables 241
7. Tab I tb.
8. Tab. II 244
9. Tab. IIL 246
10. Tab. IV 247
11. Tab. V *t6.
12. Tab. VI 249
13. Tab. VIL 250
14. Tab. VIII 253
16. Tab. IX 266
16. Tab. X 267
17. Tab. XI 258
18. Tab. XII %b.
19. The Tiburtine Inscription 269
20. The Epitaphs of the Sdpios 260
21. The Columna Rosirata 268
22. The Silian and Papyrian Laws» and the Edict of the Curule
^dilea 26D
23. The Senatus-Consultum de Baochanalibus 270
24. The Old Roman Law on the Bantine Table .... 272
25. The Agrarian Law of Sp. Thorius 276
CHAPTER VIL
ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET.
1. Organic Classification of the Original Latin Alphabet 283
2. The Labials ".286
3. The Gutturals 291
4. The Dentals. ' 301
XVIU CONTENTS.
FAOI
6. TheVowelfl 307
6. The Greek Letters used by the Romans 318
7. The Numeral Signs 324
CHAPTER Vin.
THE LATIN CASE-STSTEM.
1. Fuhiess and deficiencies of the Latin case-system . . 326
2. General scheme of the case-endings 328
3. Differences of crude form ib.
4. Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusatiye plural 330
5. Existing forms — ^the Genitive 333
6. The Dative and Locative 335
7. The Accusative Singular 336
8. The Ablative 337
9. The Neuter Forms 338
10. The Vocative 339
11. Adverbs considered as Cases of Nouns 340
12. Adverbial expression for the day of the month 346
CHAPTER IX.
DECLENSIONS OP THE LATIN NOUN.
1. The usual arrangement is erroneous 347
2. General rules for the classification of Latm Nouns . 348
3. First or -a Declension 349
4. Second or -0 Declension 350
5. Third Declension or consonantal Nouns 352
6. A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns .... ib.
7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal Nouns .... 357
CHAPTER X.
PRONOUNS AND PBONOKINAL WORDS.
1. General Definitions 367
2. Personal Pronouns ib.
3. Indicative Pronouns 371
4. Distinctive Pronouns 376
5. Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns ... 379
6. Numerals and Degrees of Comparison 390
7. Prepositions 394
8. Negative Particles .403
CONTENTS. XIX
CHAPTER XL
THE THEOBY OF THE LATIN VERB.
FAOI
1. The Latin Verb generally defective 407
2. The Personal Inflexiong— their consistent Anomalies . . . i&.
3. Doctrine of the Latin Tenses 410
4. The Substantive Verbs 411
5. Paucity of Oi^ganic Formations in the regular Latin Verb 417
6. General Scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb .... 418
7. Verbs which may be regarded as Parathetic Compounds . tb.
8. Tenses of the Vowel-verbs which are combinations of the same
kmd 420
9. Oi^ganic Derivation of the Tenses in the Consonant-verb . 422
10. Auxiliary Tenses of the Passive Voice ib.
11. The Modal Distinctions— their Syntax 423
12. Forms of the Infinitive and Participle—how connected in deri-
vation and meaning 426
13. The GERUin>ii7H and Gerundivum shown to be active and pre-
sent 428
14. The Participle in -tfirus 432
15. The Perfect Subjunctive 433
16. The Past Tense of the Infinitive Active 437
17. The Future of the Infinitive Passive 439
CHAPTER XXL
THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS.
1. The Coxgugations are regulated by the same principle as the
Declensions 440
2. The first or •« Coi\jugati<»i 441
3. The second or -e Coiyugation 447
4. The third or -i Conjugation 451
5. The fourth or Consonant Conjugation. A Mute Verbs 454
6. B. Liquid Verbs 468
7. C. Semi-consonantal Verbs 460
8. Irregular Verbs. A. Additions to the Present Tense . 461
9. B. Abbreviated forms 468
10. Defective Verbs 470
CHAPTER XIIL
DEBIVATION AND COMPOSITION.
1. A. Derivation. General Principles 472
2. Derivation is merely extended or ulterior inflexion . 473
XX CONTENTS
PAOI
3. (I.) Derived Noum 474
4. (a) Forms with the first Pronommal Element only . 475
5. (b) Forms with the seoond Pronominal Element only i&.
6. (c) Forms with the third Pronominal Element only . . 477
7. (a) Terminations oomponnded of the first and other Pronominal
Elements 480
8. (/3) Terminations compounded of the second and other Pro-
nominal Elements 481
9. (y) The third Pronominal Element compounded with others and
reduplicated 494
10. (II.) Derived Verbs 497
11. B. Composition. Discrimination of Compound Words . 504
12. Classification of Latin Compounds 506
CHAPTER XIV.
GONSTITUTIOK AND PATHOLOGY OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
1. Genius of the Latin Language 513
2. Abbreviations observable in the written forms 514
3. Ancient Testimonies to the difference between the spoken and
the written Language 518
4. The Poetry of the Augustan age does not represent the genuine
Latin Pronunciation 520
5. Which is rather to be derived from an examination of the Comic
Metres 622
6. The French Language is the best modem representative of the
spoken Latin 528
7. Themodemltaliannot equally so: and why .... 530
8. Different dialects of the French Language 532
9. But all these Dialects were closely related to the Latin . 534
10. Leading Distinctions between the Roman and Romance Idioms . 537
11. Importance and value of the Latin Language 542
ERRATA.
Page 164 line 8 for tree read three
>* 35« M 3 n of „ or
ErHNOfFRATHICAX 3iAP OP
SY J.WJ)QKAID801iJ)J)£R.&.6.
1
>*. .t
fc ]>
11 II
^ ^
'^
Wri:v/;.'K^;S> <
/
4
1
TV \r<A -.^u v<
'd
■?^^^\.
^**H
*
^
n^;^
<:!1"
FWVi
k ,.
5 \
X
[^
P
nf ^^^^
^^N
H--
<
dinieA L=] a.. Odts (li^ures . AmhroneB ftc)
Hvn^ CZn b. SGLaTQiiiaaia(IVIaB$i,T^liAii8
SIK^
^
^) "^
K=A^
•^
y
•1
3
j IJ* C3i c. GothiotribeB (BacrtL.Baaena.) ^
^'^^ m d.Iifliaianaaut4>«o)(OBoi.L«lixii,6al>«IHao)
K^
1
IIV^
••• «. HdLBiiM(QrMkLCoIcnii««) ^
j\
r
• -AJf^
'
— M
' *'fe^"^^
^2<nv^
--^L
^*c<^^
/^
c^L >\
^^
■HX^ ' S^
^^^\j^\ ,^
_l
D 0^
]
&
IB
■^r
, . ■«„««„«
1. -J^ T J_ T-.1-.
.'UrlV..V.» IL Cr^ T...
„ io«n J-^
Jdblnns
Dei^htaaBellft.C? Caznluidge .LondQii Joifan'V^^BArkBr &San June 1860
VARRONIANUS,
CHAPTER I.
THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES CONSIDERED AS
RELATED TO EACH OTHER.
% I. Elements of the population of Borne. § 9. The Latins— a composite tribe.
§ 3. The Oscans, Ac. § 4. Alba and Layinimn. § 5. Trojan colony in Latium.
§ 6. The Sabihsb— bow related to tbe Umbrians and Oscans. § 7. The Um-
brians — their ancient greatness. § 8. Bednoed to insignificance by suocessiye
contacts with the Tyrrbeno-Pelasgians and Etruscans. § 9. The Pxlasoians
— ^the differences of their position in Italy and Greece respectively. § 10. They
preserve their national integrity in Etruria. §11. Meaning and ethnical extent
of the name "Tyrrhenian." § 11, The Etbusoavb — the author's theory re-
specting their origin. §13. The names £ifni«ni« and Rauna cannot be brought
to an agreement with TyneMU, § 14. The legend that tbe Etruscans were
Lydians is entirely destitute of historical foundation. § 15. It is explicitly
stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans were connected with Bsetia. § 16.
This view of the case is after all the most reasonable. § 17. It is confirmed
by all available evidence, and especially by the contrast between the town and
oountiy languages of ancient Etruria. § 18. Further inferences derivable
from (a) the traditionary history of the Luceres. § 19. (ft) Fragmentary
records of the eariy constitution of Bome. § 10, (c) Etymology of some
mythical proper names. § ix. General conclusion as to the mutual relations
of the old Italian tribes.
§ 1. Elements of the popuhiion of Rome.
THE sum of all that is known of the earliest history of Bome
is comprised in the following enumeration of particulars. A
tribe of Latin origin, more or less connected with Alba, settled
on the Palatine hill, and in the process of time united itself, by
the right of intermarriage and other ties, with a band of Sabine
warriors, who had taken up their abode on the Quirinal and
Capitoline hills. These two towns admitted into fellowship
with themselves a third community, established on the Cselian
and Esquiline hills, which seems to have consisted of Pelas-
gians, either from the Solonian plain lying between Rome and
D,V. 1
2 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
Layiniiun, or from the opposite side of the river near Caere; and
tke whole body became one city, governed by a king, or magister
populiy and a senate; the latter being the representatives of the
three original elements of the state, — the Latin or Oscan Bamnes,
the Sabine Titienses or Quiritfcs, and the Pelasgian Luceres. It
appears, moreover, that the Etruscans, on the other side of the
Tiber, eventually influenced the destinies of Rome in no slight
degree, and the last three kings mentioned in the legendary tra-
ditions were of Etruscan origin. In other words, Rome was,
during the period referred to by their reigns, subjected to a
powerful Etruscan dynasty, from the tyranny of which it had, on
two occasions, the good fortune to escape. What Servius planned
was for the most part carried into effect by the consular consti-
tution, which followed the expulsion of the last Tarquinius.
As these facts are established by satisfactory evidence, and
as we have nothing else on which we can depend with certainty,
it follows that, in order to investigate the ethnical affinities of the
Roman people, and the origin and growth of their language, we
must in the first instance inquire who were the Latins, the Sa-
bines, the Pelasgians, and the Etruscans, and what were their
relations one with another. After this we shall be able with
greater accuracy to examine their respective connexions with the
several elements in the original population of Europe.
The general result will be this : — ^that the S^timonttum, or
seven Hills of Rome, contained a miniature representation of the
ethnography of the whole Peninsula. Leaving out of the ques-
tion the Celtic substratum, which cannot be ascertained, but which
was probably most pure in the mountaineers of the Apennines,
the original population of Italy from the Po to the straits of
Bhegium was, like that of ancient Greece, Pelasgo-Sclavonian.
This population remained unadulterated up to the dawn of ancient
history in the central plains to the west — ^namely, in Etruria
and Latium ; but in the rest of Italy it was superseded or ab-
sorbed or qualified in different degrees of fusion by a population
of Gothic or Low-German origin, which, although undoubtedly
of later introduction in the Peninsula, was so mixed up with the
Celtic or primary tribes that it claimed to be aboriginal. When
this Low-German race remained tolerably pure, or at least only
infected with Celtic ingredients, it bore the names of Umbrians
§2.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 3
or Ombricans in the north, and of Opicans or Oscans in the
south. When it was intermixed with Sclavonic elements to
about the same extent as the Lithuanians or Old Prussians in
the north of Europe, this Low-German population became
known as Latins and Sabines. And the Etruscans or Basena
were a later and uninfected importation of Low Grermans fresh
from the north, who conquered and were partly absorbed into
the pure Tyrrhenians, or Pelasgo-Sclavonians to the right of the
Tiber.
In giving this general sketch of the ingredients which com-
posed the population of ancient Italy, I omit all reference to the
Greek colonists, who retained their language and a distinct na-
tionality in numerous settlements along the coast, and actually
gave the name of Orceda Magna {rj fieyaKrf 'EXXa?) to the south-
eastern part of the Peninsula. Like the colonies in Sicily, these
Greeks belong in every sense to their mother country, and
Italian ethnography is not more concerned with them than with
the inhabitants of Attica and Laconia. The Greeks of Cfuma,
from whom the Romans derived their alphabet, and perhaps
many other features of their early civilisation, only anticipated
the influences, which subsequent intercourse with the Greeks of
the mother country produced on the whole texture of the lan-
guage and literature of Rome.
§ 2. The Latins — a composite tribe.
The investigations of Niebuhr and others have made it
sufficiently certain that the Pelasgians formed a very important
element in the population of ancient Latium. This appears not
merely from the primitive traditions, but also, and more strongly,
from the mythology, language, and architecture of the country.
It has likewise been proved that this Pelasgian population was
at an early period partially conquered by a tribe of mountaineers,
who are called Oscans, and who descended on Latium from the
basins of the Nar and the Velinus. The influence of these
foreign invaders was most sensibly and durably felt in the
language of the country; which in its earliest form presents
phenomena not unlike those which have marked the. idiom
spoken in this island since the Norman conquest. The words
1—2
4 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
relatitig to husbandly and peaceful life are Pelasgian, and the
terms of war and the chase are Oscan^.
As it is this foreign element which forms the distinction
between the Latins and the Pelasgians, let us in the first place
inquire into the origin and affinities of these Oscan conquerors,
in order that we may more easily disentangle the complexities
of the subject.
§ 3. The OacanSy <Scc.
The Oscans were known at diflferent times and in different
places under the various names of Opicans, Opscans, Ausonians,
and Auruncans. The primary denomination was Op-icus or
0qu-icu8, derived firom Ops or Opis = Oqu-isy the Italian name
of the goddess Earth; and these people were therefore, in
accordance with their name, the AutocMhones, or aboriginal
inhabitants of the district where they are first found. The
othe^ denominations are derived from the same word, Op-a =
OjM-w, by the addition of the endings -mk»«, ^sunvsy and -sun-
teas. The guttural is assimilated in Oscus, the labial is absorbed
in Av<T(0Vj and the s has become r, according to the regular pro-
cess, in AuTuncus^.
1 Niebuhr, H, R, i. p. 82 ; MUller, Etrwh&r^ i. p. 17. This obsenra-
tion must not be pressed too far ; for it does not in fact amount to more
than j^rima fame eyidence. The Opican or Oscan language belongs to
the Indo-Qenn^nic family no less than the Pelasgian; the latter, however,
was one ingredient in the language of ancient Greece, and it does not
appear that any Hellenic tribes were connected with the Oscans ; con-
sequently it is fair to say that, as one element in the Latin language
resembles the Greek, while the other does not, the Grsdcising element is
Pelasgian.
' See Niebuhr, i. 69, note. Buttmann, Lexilogus, i. p. 68, note 1.
(p. 154, Fishlake). The inyestigation of these names leads to a variety
of important and interesting results. It has been shown elsewhere that
in the oldest languages of the Indo-Germanic family the names of the
cow or ox and the earth are commu table (N. Crca. § 470). Not to refer
to the obvious but not so certain analogy between ^ms, the ox-god, and
the arrlri yaia, it can be shown to demonstration that the steer or ox, which
was to the last the symbol of the old Italians, as appears by their coins,
entered into the meaning of their two national designationst Itahu and
Opieus, With regard to the former it is well known, that iialos, or
§3.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 5
These aboriginal tribes, having been in the first instance,
like the Arcadians in the Peloponnese, driven hj their invaders,
the Pelasgians, into the mountain fastnesses of the Apennines,
were at length reinforced by foreign elements, and, descenditig
from the interior on both sides, conquered the people of the
plains and the coast. One tribe, the Ap-tdiy subdued the
UvXm^ or with the digamma wbdw, meant an oz or steer (Niebohr, i.
18 8qq.)> and ViMium appears on coins as a synonym for Italia. This
takes ns at once to the Gothic vitknu^ O. N. vedr^ O. S. wUhow^ Anglo-S.
vether^ O. H. G. wdar^ N. H. G. widder (properly the castrated animal),
English v)6tkeri and as these are referred to sheep rather than oxen, we
must conclude that the name is an epithet which is applicable to either
animal. With regard to the other root, gy in ^qwu carries us back to
the principle of combined but dirergent articulations, to which I first called
attention (iV. Crat. $ 110, 121), and on which the late Mr. Gamett wrote
some raluable papers (PhUol. Soc, n. pp. 233, 257, al.), and we may infer
that the roots ap- or op- present a labial only instead of an original com-
bination of labial and guttural, while we find the opposite divergence in
the guttural forms vac-ca, vehro, Sanscr. vaha, Gr. Sxos, tfx^f Goth, auh-io,
O. N. ox, Ang1o-S. oxa, O. H. G. oJuo, N. H. G. ochs, Engl. ox. The
labial form is sometimes strengthened by an inserted aniuvdra, or homo-
geneous liquid ; thus by the side of iir'<oipa and op-8 we hare o-ftrifivvttp'
di^tp. Hesych. Of. itr-iopti, aue-tumnus (where the root av{-, aue-f aug-eo
contains the guttural form of this element) and i-fi-mj' tv^rfwla 66€p kqI j
Aijfi^Tifp '0-fi-irp(ou With these inductions we shall hare no difficulty in
reducing to one origin and classifying the different Italian names into
which the root oqur enters. The qti- is found only in jEqur^us ; the p
appears in Op-icuSfAp-ulus; the guttural is assimilated in 0deu8=0k'9eue
(cf. di'O-Kog for bU-a-Kogf ^€-0^ for Xey-a-iaf &c. N, CnU, $ 219); the labial
is Tocalized in Au-son; the t of the termination is changed into r,
according to the old Italian practice, in Au-rwMus^Atb-mmeiu: and
the root-consonant is represented only by an initial v in VoheiM^Apvt^
Usicus, which has yanished, as usual, in the Hellenic articulation 'EX/oi/xo^
(Herod, vn. 165). It will be seen in the sequel that I seek a very differ-
ent origin for the name Umbria, which Niebuhr apparently refers to
this root: and it seems rery strange to me that he should hare under-
stood the statement of Philistus quoted by Dionysius (i. 22): iiopa-
OTTJvai d€ €K rQp iaxrrvp rovs Alyuas vttJ re *OyfipiK&v /ced TLiKauySv, which
refers to the dispossession of the Celtic inhabitants of Umbria and
Etruria, as belonging to the same traditions which led Antiochus to write
that the Sicilians were driven orer into Sicily by the Opicans (IT. R, i.
p. 82): for Antiochus is speaking exclusirely of what took place in the
southern extremity of Italy, and the Pelasgians and Omtvici mentioned
by Philistus were the Tyrrhenians and Umbrians of the north.
6 THE OLD ITALIAN TEIBBS [OHAP. !•
Daunians and other tribes settled in the south-east, and gave
their name to the countrj; they also extended themselves to
the west, and became masters of the country from the bay of
Terracina upwards to the Tiber, In this district they bore the
well-known names of Volad and jEqui^ names still connected
with the primary designation of the aborigines;
A more important invasion was that which was occasioned
by the pressure of the Sabines on an Oscan people settled in
the mountains between Beate and the Fucine lake. These in-
vaders came down the Anio, and conquered the Pelasgians of
northern Latium. The name Sacrani given to these conquerors
in the old legends of Latium is supposed to refer to the tradition
that they left their home in pursuance of the vow of a Sacred
Spring ( Ver Sacrum). For it is said that, when the Sabellians
found their population more than their narrow territory would
support, they devoted to the Gods every creature bom in a cer-
tain year, and when twenty years had elapsed, the cattle were
sacrificed or redeemed, and the young men were compelled
to expatriate themselves and find a new settlement at the
expense of their neighbours*. According to the legends these
Sacrani were guided to their new abodes by the animal, which
represented the God to whom they had been dedicated*. Thus
the Sabellians, who conquered Picenum, were led by a wood-
pecker [picu8) • ; those who conquered Samnium were conducted
by an ox {vitalusY', those who conquered Hirpinum were con-
ducted by a wolf {hirpusY; the same animal figures in the tra-
ditions of Latium and Rome ; and, as we shall see in the next
chapter, the wolf is also the sacred animal of the cognate
Lithuanians of the North. The chief seat of the Sacranians,
who conquered Northern Latium, seems to have been Alba, the
^^ine or mountain-city, where they dwelt under the name of
Prisci Latiniy " ancient Latins ;'* being also called Gasci^ a name
* See Festua, b. yy. Saerani etMameriini; Seryius ad Verg, ^n. vn.
796 ; Varro op. Dion. i. 14 ; Strabo, v. p. 250 A ; Liyy, xxxm. 44.
2 The reader will remember the similar case of Hengist and Horsa;
New Cratylm^ § 78.
■ Strabo, v. p. 240 D ; Pliny, H. N. m. 8.
^ Above, p. 4, note 2.
& Straboi y. p. 260 b, p.
§4.] AS BELATED TO EACH OTHER. 7
which denotes "ancient" or "well-bom," and which, like the
connected Greek term x^^ implies that they were a nation of
warriors {N. Crat. § 322).
§ 4. Alba and Lavinium.
The district of Latium, when history first speaks of it, was
thus occupied by two races ; one a mixed people of Oscan con-
querors living in the midst of the Pelasgians whom they had
subdued, the other a Pelasgian nation not yet conquered by the
invaders* These two nations formed at first two distinct con-
federacies : of the forme? Alba was the head, while the place of
congress for the latter was Lavinium. At the latter place, the
Penates^ or old Pelasgian Caheiri^ were worshipped; and even
after the Pelasgian league was broken up by the power of Alba,
and when Alba became the capital of the united nation of the
Latins and sent a colony to Lavinium, the religious sanctity
of the place was still maintained, the Penates were still wor-
shipped there, and deputies still met in the temple of Venus,
The influence of Alba was, however, so great, that even after its
fall, when the Pelasgian Latins partially recovered their inde-
pendence, there remained a large admixture of foreign elements
in the whole population of Latium, and that which was purely
Pelasgian in their character and institutions became gradually
less and less perceptible, till nothing remained on the south of
the Tiber which could claim exemption fi-om the predominating
influence of the Oscans.
That the name Lavinium is only a dialectical variety of
IxOinium has long been admitted. The original form of the
name Latiniis^ which afterwards ftimlshed a denomination for
the language of the civilised world, must have been Latvinue;
and while the Pelasgian Latins preservied the labial only, the
mixed people retained only the dentaP. We shall see in the
1 The same has been the case in the Pelasgian formsy Uber, librctj bU,
ruber, &c.» compared with their Hellenio equivalents, e-Xcv^fpor, Xtrpo»
dtf, i'pv$p699 &C. These forms are in fact exemplifications of a principle
of considerable importance, to which I first directed attention in Feb-
ruary 1839 (New Oratylue, §§ 110, 121), and which I hare termed ^ the
law of dirergent articulations" {Encjfch Brit. ed. 8, art. ** Philology").
8 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
next chapter tbat the AiU form of the name is preserved, hj the
side of both the divergences, in the north of Europe, where we
have Lithuaniana by the side of Lettonians and Livoniana.
§ 5. Trojan Colony in Latium.
The tradition speaks of the Pelasgian Latins as a colony of
Trojans who settled on the coast under ^neasy the son of
Anchises, Without entering at length into an examination of
this poetical legend, it may be mentioned here that the names
j^neas and Anchises refer, wherever they are found, to the
Pelasgian or Cabeiric worship of water in general, and of the
flowing stream in particular, and therefore indicate the presence
of a Pelasgian population. We have other reasons for inferring
the existence of Pelasgians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Thes-
saly, Boeotia, Arcadia, and the west of Italy. It is therefore
quite natural that we should find in these localities the name of
JEmas as that of a river or river-god. The word itself denotes
<< the ever-flowing" [alvelof; or aivea^^ diwao^y del or aUl vktov^
The late Mr. Gamett, who has illustrated this law in his excellent paper
** on certain initial letter-changes in the Indo-European languages"
(Proceed, of ths PhUoL Soe. Vol. i. pp. 233 sqq. pp. 267 sqq. ; Eseays,
pp. 263 sqq.), remarks (p. 236, note) that '* Hofer in his Beitrctge zwr Ety.
mologik has taken pretty nearly the same riew of the subject." I liare
only within the last few days succeeded In obtaining a copy of this book,
the correct title of which is BeUrdgs zur Etymologie und Vergleiehender
ChrammcUik der HaupUprachen dea Indo^Oermaniechen Stammes, Although
he has abundantly noticed the phenomena, from which my law is derived,
Hofer is so far from asserting the principle that two divergent articular
tions must have branched off from an original combination which con-
tained them both, . that he distinctly (p. 260) derires qu from k, and
maintains that *' the guttural tenuis has a special relation to the sound ti,
which makes it possible that u should be developed out of and along
with the guttural/' Whatever resemblance there may be between Hofer's
views and mine on this subject, as his preface is dated 18 September,
1839, it is not for me to determine his relations to a book published in
the preceding February. The true view, as far as concerns the apparent
transition from ib top, was first indicated by Lepsios (Zum-Abhandlunffm^
p. 99) ; bat in spite of this Corssen (Auespr. VokcU. u. Beton, der Lateiiu
Spr. I. p. 39) still maintains that ^ is a transitional sound from the gut-
tural tenuis k to the labial tenuis />.
§ 6.] AS BELATED TO EACH OTHER. 9
c£ aiwvla^^ dfivpwv, N. Crat § 262), and in accordance with
this we have the rivers Amas, jEntos, .^nus, and Anio. In the
same waj, because the stream is the child of its fountain,
A,ncht8€s the father of JEneaa^ whose mother is Aphrodite^ the
goddess of the sea-foam, denotes the outpouring of water
{arfxia^y arfxycrt^, dr/xecr/io^, o/fXP^^ from aj/a%60)), and cor-
responds to Fontua, the Jupiter Egeriaa of the Romans^
§ 6. The Sabines — how related to the Umbriana and
Oscana.
It has been mentioned that the Sabines dispossessed the
Oscans, and compelled them to invade Latium. Our next point
is, therefore, to consider the relation in which the Sabines stood
to the circumjacent tribes.
The original abode of these Sabines was, according to Cato*,
about Amitemum, in the higher Apennines. Issuing from this
lofty region, they drove the Umbrians before them on one side
and the Oscans on the other, and so took possession of the dis-
trict which for so many years was known by their name.
It will not be necessary in this place to point out the suc-
cessive steps by which the Sabine colonies made themselves
masters of the whole south and east of Italy, nor to show how
they settled on two of the hills of Rome. It is clear, on every
account, that they were not Pelasgians ; and our principal object
is to inquire how they stood related to the Umbrians and Oscans
on whom they more immediately pressed.
Niebuhr thinks it not improbable that, the Sabines and
Oscans were only branches of one stock, and mentions many
reasons for supposing so'. It appears, however, that there are
stiU stronger reasons for concluding that the Sabines were an
ofehoot of the Umbrian race. This is established not only by
the testimony of Zenodotus of Troezen*, who wrote upon the
1 For these and many other ingenions combioations more or less
tenable, see Trcj<£$ Unprung, BlUthe, Untergang vmd Wiedergtburt t»
Zoft'um, Ton Emil Biickert> Hamb. u. Gotha, 1846.
s Quoted by Diooys. i. 14, p. 40; n. 49, p. 338» Reiske.
* Hist. Bom^ I. p. 103. ^ Apud Dionys. n. 49, p. 337.
10 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. !•
Umbrians, but also bj the resemblances of the Sabine and
Umbrian languages ^. It is true that this last remark maj be
made also with regard to the Sabine and Oscan idioms; for
many words which are quoted as Sabine are likewise Oscan".
The most plausible theory is, that the Sabines were Umbrians,
who were separated from the rest of their nation, and driven
into the high Apennines, by the Pelasgians of the north-east ;
but that, after an interval, they in their turn assumed an
oflFensive position, and descending from their highlands, under
the name of 8ahin% or "worshippers of Sabus the son of
Sancus'," attacked their Umbrian brethren on the one side, and
the Oscan Latins on the other. At length, however, they sent
out so many colonies to the south, among the Oscan nations, that
their Umbrian aflBnities were almost forgotten; and the Sabellian
tribes, especially the Samnites, were regarded as members of the
Oscan family, from having adopted to a considerable extent the
language of the conquered tribes among whom they dwelt
§ 7. The Umbrians — their ancient greatness.
The Umbrians are always mentioned as one of the most
ancient nations of Italy*. Though restricted in the historical
ages to the left bank of the Tiber, it is clear that in ancient
times they occupied the entire northern half of the peninsula,
from the Tiber to the Po. Their name, according to the Greek
etymology, implied that they had existed before the great rain-
1 Seryins ad Verg, ^n. ni. 235. * Niebuhr, u6t supra.
^ That this Saneiu was an Umbrian deity is clear from the Eagubine
Tables. Indeed, both sabus and saneus, in the old languages of Italy,
signified ''sacred'' or "rerered" and were probably epithets regularly
applied to the deity. In the Eugubine Tables we hare the word stfo-ttm,
meaning ** reverently" (i. a. 5) ; and Sanrius is an epithet of the god
Fisus, or Fisovius (vi. &. 3, 6). Comp. the Latin tev^rus (o-c/d-o) and
tanctus. The denarii struck during the social war have 8a/aUum for
Samnium (Eckhel, p. 103), so that the name of the nation must have
been Sajini or Sav4m, " the sacred." According to this» the name Sabim
is nearly equivalent to Sacrani, The tables also mention the pious
Martius of the Sabines, from which the Pkeni derived their name
(piquier Martisr, V. h. 9, 14); comp. Strabo, v. p. 240.
^ Niebuhr, i. note 430.
§ 8.] AS BELATED TO EACH OTHER. 11
floods which had destroyed many an earlier race of men^ This
is about as valuable as other Greek etymologies. The ethno-
graphical import of the name will be examined in the following
chapter, and we certainly do not need a forced etymology to
prove that the Umbrians must have been among the earliest
inhabitants of Italy. Cato said that their city Ameria was
founded 381 years before Rome*. All that we read about
them implies that they were a great and an ancient nation'.
There are distinct traditions to prove that the country, after-
wards called Etruria, was originally in the occupation of the
Umbrians. The name of the primitive occupants of that country
was preserved by the Tuscan river UnibrOy and the tract of
land through which it flowed into the sea was to the last called
Umbria^. It is expressly stated that Cortona was once Um-
brian*; and Gamers, the ancient name of Clusium*, points at
once to the Camertes, a great Umbrian tribe^. It is certain
also that the Umbrians occupied Picenum, till they were expelled
from that region by their brethren the Sabines®.
§ 8. Beduced to tnsigmjficance hy successive contacts with
the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans.
Since history, then, exhibits this once great nation expelled
from the best part of its original possessions, driven beyond the
Apennines, deprived of all natural barriers to the north, and
reduced to insignificance, we are led at once to inquire into the
cause of this phenomenon. Livy speaks of the Umbrians as
dependent allies of the Tuscans' ; and Strabo tells us that the
Etruscans and Umbrians maintained a stubborn contest for the
possession of the district between the Apennines and the mouth
of the Po". The people, which thus ruled them or strove with
^ See Plin. H.N. m. 19: ** TJmbrorum gens antiquissima Itali»
existioiatar, ut quos OmbrioB a Qracis putent diotos, quod Inundatione
terrarum imbrlbus superfaissent."
« Pliny, ra. 14, 19. » Florog, i. 17; DioDja. l 18.
4 Pliny, m. 5. (8). « Dionys. i. 20.
« Liy. X. 26. t LiT. ix. 36.
» Pliny, m. 13, 14. » In Books ix. and x.
w P. 216.
12 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
them in the latter period of their history, when they were
living within the circumscribed limits of their ultimate posses-
sions, was that which deprived them of a national existence
within the fairest portion of their originally wide domains.
It will be shown that the national integrity of the Umbrians
was impaired by their successive contacts with the Tyrrheno-
Pelasgians, and the Etruscans properly so called ; and it will be
convenient to consider, as separate questions, these qualifying
elements in the population of ancient Umbria.
§ 9. The Pelasgians— eAe differences of their position in
Italy and Greece respectively.
Without stopping to inquire at present who the Pelasgians
were out of Italy, let us take them up where they first make
their appearance at the mouth of the Po. We find that their
area commences with this district, and that, having crossed the
Apennines, they wrested from the Umbrians the great city
Gamers, from whence they carried on war all around. Continu-
ally pressing towards the south, and, as they advanced, conquering
the indigenous tribes, or driving them up into the highlands,
they eventually made themselves masters of all the level plains
and of the coasts. Though afterwards, as we have seen, invaded
in their turn, and in part conquered by the Oscan aborigines,
they were for a long time in possession of Latium ; and, under
the widely diffused name of CEnotrians, they held all the south
of Italy, till they were conquered or dispossessed by the spread
of the great Sabellian race.
To these Pelasgians were due the most important elements
in the ancient civilisation of Italy. It was not their destiny to
be exposed throughout their settlements, like their brethren in
Greece, to the overruling influence of ruder and more warlike
tribes. This was to a certain extent the case in the south ; where
they were not only overborne by the power of their Sabellian
conquerors, but also Hellenised by the Greek colonies which
were at an early period established among them. But in Etruria
and Latium the Pelasgian nationality was never extinguished :
even among the Latins it survived the severest shocks of Oscan
invasion. In Etruria it remained to the end the one prevailing
§ 10.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTQEB. 13
cbaxacterifltic of the people y and Borne herself, though she owed
her militaiy greatness to the Sabellian ingredient in her eompo-
sition, was, to the dajs of her decline, Pelasgian in all the essen-
tials of her language, her religion, and her law.
§ 10. Preserve their ncOianal irUegrity in Etruria.
It is easy to see why the Pelasgians retained their national
integrity on the north-western coast so much njpre perfectly than
in the south and east. It was because they entered Etruria in a
body, and established there the bulk of their nation. All their
other settlements were of the nature of colonies ; and the density*
of the population, and its proportion to the number of the con-
quered mingled with it, varied, of course inversely, with the dis-
tance from the main body of the people. In Etruria the Pelas-
gians were most thickly settled, and next to Etruria in Latium.
Consequently, while the Tyrsenians retained their conquest, and
compelled the Sabines, the most vigorous of the dispossessed
Umbrians, to direct their energies southwards, and while the
Latins were only partially reconquered by the aboriginal tribes,
the Pelasgians of the south resigned their national existence,
and wcTB merged in the concourse of Sabellian conquerors and
Greek colonists.
§ 11. Meaning and extent of the name " Tyrrhenian."
From the time of Herodotus* there has been no doubt that
the Pelasgians in Greece and Italy were the same race, and that
^ I. 57. The following is the subBtance of what Herodotas has told
vs respecting the Tyrrh^ans and Pelasgians; and his information,
though much compresBed, is still very valuable. He seems tacitly to draw
a distinction between the Pelasgians and the Tyrrhenians, whom he
really identifies with one another. With regard to the latter he relates
the Lydian story (i. 94: 4>aa\ dc alrol Avdot), that Atys, son of Manes
king of the Msoonians, had two sons, Lydus and Tyrrhenus. Lydus
remained at home, and gave to the Meaonians the name of Lydians;
whereas Tyrrhenus sailed to Umbria with a part of the population, and
there founded the Tyrrhenian people. In general, Herodotus, when
he speaks of the Tyrrhenians, is to be understood as referring to the
Pelasgo-Etrascans. Of the Pelasgians he says (l 66 sqq.), that they
14 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. I,
the so-called Tyrrheni or Tyrseni were the most civilised branch
of that family. Herodotus, the great traveller of his time, was •
more entitled than any of hi» contemporaries to form a judgment
on the subject, and he obviously identifies the Pelasgians with the i
Tyrrhenians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Greece, and in Italy. j
It is perhaps one of the many indications of the literary inter-
course between Herodotus and Sophocles, which I have else-
where established^, that the latter, in a fragment of his InachuSy
mentions the Tyirheno-Pelasgians among the old inhabitants of
Argos*. Lepsius' has fully shown that the name Tvpfn)v6<; or
formed one of the original elements of the population of Greece, the
diTision into Dorians and lonians corresponding to tbe opposition of
Hellenes to Pelasgians. In the course of his travels he had met ¥rith
pure Pelasgians in Placie and Soylace on the Hellespont, and also in
Greston; and their language differed so far from the Greek that he did
not scruple to call it barbarian (c. 57). At the same time he seems to
have been convinced that the Hellenes owed their greatness to their
coalition with these barbarous Pelasgians (c. 58). The text of Herodotus
is undoubtedly corrupt in this passage; but the meaning is clear from
the context. He says, that " the Hellenes having been separated from
the Pelasgians, being weak and starting from small beginnings, have
increased in population, principally in consequence of the accession of
the Pelasgians and many other barbarous tribes.*' The reading aij(fjTat
€s frkij^os r&v iBviwv iroW&v is manifestly wrong; not only because the
position of the article is inadmissible, but also because aXX»v iOp€^v
fiappap»p avxv&y immediately follows. I cannot doubt that we ought to
read aS^tu cV wX^^or, t»v Ilf\a<ry9»v /uSXtora irpo(rKex»priK6T»v avr^ koX
aXXttv i6v€»v Papfiaptiv avxv^v. The epithet iroXKav has crept into the
text from a marginal explanation of (rvxySv, and t£p iOviviv iroXXiSy has
consequently taken the place of the abbreviation tmv UKV&v [llAA<Sy]
for r«5v IIcXaoTMF.
1 Proceed, of the PhxL Soc. i. pp. 161 sqq.
a ApudDion. Hal. i. 25r ,
"ivaxt ytwarop vol KptfvSv
irarphs *12«cravov, p*ya irp€<rptv»p
^Apyovt T€ yvaif, "Hpag r* iroyotr,
fcat Tvparfvoiiri HeXaayois,
See also Schol ApolL Rh. i. 580.
8 Ud>er die Tyrrhmiachen PeUuger in Etrurien. Leipslg, 1842. Dr.
Lepsius maintains the identity of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians with the
Etruscans; and in the first edition I accepted his view, which was
true as far as it went : but subsequent research has convinced me that
we must recognize a Rwtian element superinduced on the previously
§ lU] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 15
Tvpc^vo^ signifies "tower-builder," and that this term has been
properly explained even by Dionysius*, as referring to the
rvpcr€v^ or Cyclopean fortifications which every where attest
the presence of Pelasgian tower-builders. The word rvppif; or
Tvpcrv;, which occurs in Pindar as the name of the great palace
of the primeval god Saturn*, is identical with the Latin turris;
and the £EU^t, that the Pelasgians derived their distinguishing
epithet from this word, is remarkable, not only as showing the
affinity between the Greek and Latin languages on the one hand,
and the Pelasgian in Etruria on th& other hand, but also because
these colossal structures are always found wherever the Pelas-
gians make their appearance in Greece. Fortresses in Pelasgian
countries received their designation as often from these rvpaei^;
as from the name Larissa^ which seems to signify the abode of
the lara or prince. . Thus the old Pelasgian Argos had two
citadels or oKpoiroKeif;, the one called the Larisaa^ the other
Tb apyo<;, t. e, the arx*. In the neighbourhood, however, was
the city Ttryns, which is still remarkable for its gigantic
Cyclopean remains, and in the name of which we may recognize
exiBting combination of Tyrrheno-PelaBgian and IJmbrian ingredients.
We are indebted to this scholar for some of the most important contri-
bations which Itattan philology has ever received. In his treatise on
the Eagttbine Tables, which he published in the year 1833, as an exercise
for his degree» he erinced an extent of knowledge, an accuracy of
scholarship, and a maturity of judgment, such as w^ rarely meet ¥rith
in so young a man. His collection of Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions
(Lipsi», 1841) supplied the greatest want felt by those who were
interested in the old languages of Italy. And the most fruitful results
hare proceeded from those inquiries into the Egyptian language and
history in which he has long been engaged.
^ 1 I. 26 : avb r»F ipvftarttiVf k irpnroi r&v rjde oiKOvvrmp Korta-Ktvaa-avTo.
TV pa-* IS yap Koi vaph. Tvpprfvois al €VT§ixtoi Koi trrtyatfal olia^a-tK ovopd-
(owrai, tto-irep wap* "EXXiyoriv. Tzetzcs, ad Lycophr, 717: rvptris t6
Tttxofy on Tvparfvol irpArop tkf>€Vpoy rrjy TtixoTToita». Oomp. Etym, M, s. r.
rvpapvou
^ 01, II. 70 : trtiKop At6t 6b6v irapa Kp6vov rvptnv. See also Orph.
Ar^on, 151 : rvptrt» Ipvpvfjs MtXifroio. Suidas : rvptroSf t6 iv v^et ^xo-
^fujiuvop. The word rvpcanfos contains the same root: comp. Kolpavos
with Kapoy and the other analogies pointed out in the New CratyluB^
§ 336.
< Lir. xxxiY. 26 : '' TJtrasque oreeB^ nam dwu habent Argi.*' .
16 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
the word Tvppv;^ ; not much farther on the other side was Thy-
rea, which Pausanias connects with the fortified city 27iyr<Bon* ,
in the middle of Felasgian Arcadia; and more to the south
we have the Messenian Thuriay and Thyrides at the foot of
TfiBuaron. Then again, in the northern abodes of the Pelasgians,
we find Tyrrheum^ a fortified place not far from the Felasgian
Dodona, and also a Tirida in Thrace*. At no great distance
from the Thessalian Larissa and Argiaaa lay the Macedonian
TSfiriasa^ a name which reminds us of the Spanish Turtasa in
agro Tarraconensi^ ; and i^^'Tyrrhenica Tarraeo^ with its mas-
sive walls'^, friUj establishes the connexion of this latter place
with the Tyrrhenians*.
§ 12* The Etruscans — the authors theory respecting their
origin.
The fact that the distinctive name Tv/S/wyi/o? admits of a
Greek interpretation is sufiicient to show that the Tyrrhenians
^ According to Theophrastus (api*d PUn. til 57), the iDhabitants of
Tiryns were the inyentors of the rvpo-cir. As early as Homer's time the
town was called T€ixt6t(r(ra {II, n. 569), and its walls are described by
Euripides (Electr. 1158 ; Iph. in Atd, 152, 1501 ; TroacL 1088) as kvkK»-
«rem ovpdpta T€ixn^ The mythological personage TVf^ is called " the
son of Argos" (Pans. n. 25), who, according to Steph. Byz., derired
his origin from Pdcugus, who civilized Arcadia (Pausan. vm. l), and
was the £&ther o| Larlssa (Id. vn. 17), and grandfather of Thessalus
<Dionys. 1. 17).
s It was built by Thyranu the grandson of Pelasgus (Paus. vm. 35).
s Plin. JV. H, lY. 18 : '* Oppidum quondam Diomedis equorum sta-
bulis dh-um."
^ Anton. Itin.
fi Mailer, Etrusker, i. p. 291 ; Auson. Ep. 24, 88.
^ Lepsius suggests also, that the Turres on the coast near Cnre and
Alsium may hare been a Boman translation of the name Tvpptit. With
regard to the city of Tyrrha in Lydia, and the district of Torrhsbioy to
which the Tyrrhenians referred their origin, it is worthy of remark that
the civilised ToUecet who introduced architecture, agriculture, and the
useful arts into Mexico, and whose capital was TWo, bore a name which
passed into a synonym for architeet. See Prescott, Conqttest of Mewieo^ i.
p. 12; Sahagun, Hist de nueva Etpana, lib. z. c. 29; Torquemado,
Monarch. Ind. lib. i. c. 14. The Toltecs were in general very like the
Tyrrhenians, and the Etruscans, by their gorgeous luxury and their
§^12.] AS RELATED TO BACH OTHER. 17
were not exclusivelj Italian, and therefore were wrongly identi-
fied by the ancient writers with the singular and unaffiliated
nation of the Etruscans. To determine the origin of this people
and the nature of their language has been considered for many
years as the most difficult problem in Philology. And while
Bonarota, in his supplement to Dempster*, earnestly exhorts
the learned, and especially orientalists, to labour at the discovery
of this lost language, suggesting the hope of ultimate success,
if a carefully edited collection of inscriptions <»n be procured to
fomish materials for the work, Niebuhr remarks, in his lectures
on Ancient Geography •: " People feel an extraordinary curiosity
to discover the Etruscan language; and who would not enter-
tain this sentiment ? I would give a considerable part of my
worldly means as a prize, if it were discovered ; for an entirely
new light would then be spread over the ethnography of ancient
Italy. But however desirable it may be, it does not follow
that the thing is attainable,'' And he proceeds to point out the
inherent faultiness of some previous investigations. Whatever
may be the value of the discovery, I cannot allow myself to
doubt that the true theory is that which I have had the honour
of submitting to the British Association'. It has always ap-
peared to me a very great reproach to modem philology that
while we can read the hieroglyphic literature of Egypt, and
interpret the cuneiform inscriptions of Persia and Assyria, we
should profess ourselves unable to deal scientifically with the
remains of a language which flourished in the midst of Boman
skill in cookery, &c., remind one very much of the united race of Aztecs
and Toltecs which Cortes found in Mexico.
^ p. 106: ^hortari postremo fas mihi sit, doctos pr»cipue Unguis
Orientalibus yiros, ut animi Tures intendant, ad illustrandam yeterem
Btnucam linguam, tot jam sncnlis deperditam. £t quis yetat sperare,
qnod tempomm decursu emergat aliquis, qui difficilem et inaocessam
Tiam aperiat : et penetralia lingusD hujus reseret; si pracipue cires et
incoln urbinm et locorum nbi inscriptiones Etmsc» reperluntur sedolo
et diligenter excipi et delineari curent monumenta> ke/*
^ Varirdge Uber aUe Lender- wnd Vdlkerkunde. Berl. 1851, p. 681.
^ ** On two unsolyed problems in Indo-Qerman Philology,'' in the
Report of the Brit. As$oe. /or ih4 Advanameni of Soienee for 1851, pp.
138 — ^159,
2
18 THE OLD ITAUAN TRIBES [cHAP. I.
civilisation. So far from regarding the problem as inyolyed in
hopeless difficulty, I havjs always felt that its solution was,
^ooner or later, inevitable; and as the present state of our
i&thnographic knowledge enables us to classify ^i^l discriminate
All the different elements in the population of Europe, the
identification of the ancient Etruscans must reduce itself to the
alternative of exclusion, from which there is no escape. Sir
Thomas More came to the conviction that his unknown visitor
was aut JEraemuSy aut Diaholtta, and we may now say in the
same manner, that unless the Etruscans were old Low Orermans
of the purest Gothic stock, there is no family of men to whoni
they could have belonged. The demonstration of this, however,
belongs to a later part of the subject. At present we have only
to consider the Etruscans as they appear in the peninsula of
Italy.
§ 13. The names Etruscus and Kasena cannot he hroughi
to an agreement with Tybsenus.
We have already ^een that the Tyraeni or Tyrrheni in
Greece and Italy were a branch of the great Pelasgian race,
and that although the ancients considered them identical with
the Etruscans, the Greek explanation of which their name so
readily admits is a proof that they could not have been the
exclusively Italian tribe of the Etruscans. Modem scholars,
who have adopted the ancient hypothesis of the identity of the
Tyrrheni and JStrusd, have endeavoured by a Procrustean
method of etymology to overcome the difficulties caused by the
discrepancies of name. Thus the distinctive designation JEtruscus
or Hetru8CU8 is dipt and transposed until it becomes identical
with the Latin Tuscus for Turaicus, and synonymous with the
Greek Tvpaijvi^^. On the other hand, the 'Fao-ipa of Dionysius
1 pallor, Etrmk. i. 71, 72. This view is adopted by Conmn {Zwh
whr.f, V0rgl. S^f, m. pp. 272 sqq.; Afmpr, Vok. u. B^tm. d, hxt. Spr.
I. p. 92), who derires Etnu-eui from the Umbrian etru = ^lUr^ and con-
Bidera that the word denotes only exteri or ''foreigners.'' He compares the
form of Etru$eu8 with that of pri-B-cus, so that $, he ^y?, is a relic of
the Latin comparatiye sufiiz mm/ (cf. i. p. 288). He forgets that ac-
cording to his own preyious admission (p. 86) Etruria = EfruB-ia, in
r'SLyrTjggg^^naca^ a.iP^au.j w j wp gj B WJftja ^ iWUUJ^ iy^
§ IS.] AS E£LAT£D TO EACH OTHER. 19
is pronounced a false reading and a mutilated representative of
Tapatripa or Tapaha^ which bears the same relation to Tvp<rr}v6^
that Parana does to lIop<rrjv6<; or Hoparjpaf;^. There is an allur-
ing facility about this emendation, but it is a shock to the most
credulous etymologist, when we prefix a syllable to one word
and decapitate another in order to bring them both to an agree-
ment with a third designation. In philology, as in other
departments of human science, we perceive resemblances before
we can be persuaded that they are connected with irreconcilable
discrepancies. This we may see in the identification of the
'word Hvplyqv&i with another name peculiar to the Etruscans of
Italy, which appears under the form Tapxa^Pi^v^ Tarhynia^
Tarqutnii. It is perfectly consistent with sound philology to
say that Tvpo-- may be a softer form of Ta/j;^-, Tarh-^ or
Tarq-. But, as I have elsewhere shown, if rapX', or rpax"
and TvpcT" belonged to the same root, the latter must be a
secondary or assibilated form of the other. Now to say nothing
of the fact that the <r- of rvp-a-Tjvo^: and Tvp-(n<; belongs to the
termination, and is not found in rvp-awo^, T/p-w?, ^vp-ia^ Svp^
Movj &c., it is clear that the form Tvp-a^vo^ is the only one
which was ever known to the Pelasgians in Greece, while the
harder form belongs to the later or mixed race in Italy. They
must therefore be considered as diflerent words. There is no
reason why the names Et-ruria ^ EH'uata (cf. Apulus, Apulia) ^
Bk-^rtiSHn, and Bas-ena should not contain the same root: and
we shall see that there are good grounds for retaining these
words as the primitive and distinctive designation of a people
who invaded and conquered the mixed Tyrrhenians and Um-
briauB of northern Italy.
which there is no reference to a comparatire any more than in the
name of the Tuscan city Penma.
^ This view has been suocessiyely adopted by Lanzi (SoffffiOf I. p«
189); Gell (Borne and its vicinity L pp. 364, 5); Cramer (Ancient Italy,
I. p. 161); and Lepsios (a. s. p. 23); and formerly approred itself to
my judgment.
2—2
20 ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. L
§ 14. The legend that the Etruscans tvere Lydians is entirely
destitute of historical foundation.
If we have recourse to ancient authorities, we find only two
definite statements respecting the origin of the Etruscans. The
.one is the old story, — which first appears in Herodotus*, which is
reproduced in endless variety by later writers*, and which the
young student learns £rom the addresses of Horace to his patron
Maecenas *, — ^that the Etruscans were a colony directly imported
firom Lydia. This etory was distinctly rejected by Dionysius,
who not only proves by the authority of Xanthus that the state-
ment of Herodotus rested on no Lydian authority, but also
appeals to the total difference of the two nations in religion, lan-
guage, manners, and laws^. But although this story is entirely
.destitute of historical fotmdation, and is contradicted by the facts
of the case, there must be some way of explaining its origin and
general acceptance. It has been suggested^ that possibly an
isolated band of pirates from Asia Minor may have landed in
JEtruria, and that firom this the whole story had its origin. Or,
that, more probably, it is nothing but a mere pun derived firom
the accidental similarity of name between the Tvp<rnvol and the
Lydian Topprj^oL " By connecting," says the author of these
conjectures*, " the maritime commerce of the Etruscans with the
piratical expeditions of the Lydians, and by confounding, as
Thucydides was the first to do,'the Torrhebian pirates with the
fillibustering Pelasgians, who roamed over every sea, plundering
wherever they came, there has arisen one of the most deplorable
confusions of historical tradition." Without falling back on
either of these suppositions, it seems that we have a sufficient
explanation of this tradition, — ^which stands on precisely the same
footing as the mythical account of a Trojan settlement inLatium, —
1 I. 94. See aboYe, p. 13, note. « e. g. Strabo, p. 219.
« Serm. n, init.:
Non quia, Mnoenas, Lydorum quidquid EtruBCOB
' Incoluit fines nemo generosior est te, &c.
Meocenas belonged to the Etruscan gens Cilnia, which appears on the
monuments.
^ Dionysius Halicam. i. p. 21, Reiske.
6 By Mommsen» Hiit, Bom, (Introd. tr. by Robertson, p. 67).
e Mommsen, u. s.
§ 15.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHBIR. 21
if we refer it to the widely diffiised activity of the Tyrsenians,
and to the effect which would naturally be produced by the dis-
coreiy from time to time of the similarities of religious and othei:
usages, which distinguished the Pelasgian race wherever they
were found. So that this legend, though utterly devoid of any
historical basis, may have had a certain admixture of ethnical
truth, if we limit it to the Pelasgians, whom the Basenic tribes
invaded; but it i^^^^te worthless as a means of accounting for
the Etruscans as distinguished from the Tyrsenians.
§ 15. It 18 explicitly stated hy ancient writers that the
Etruscans were connected with Bcetia.
In direct opposition to this Lydian fable, we have a simple
and natural accoimt of the origin of the Etruscans properly sq
called, which rests upon a strictly historical foundation, and
which, though it inverts the relations of the metropolis and its
colonists, is in a<3cordance with all that we can learn from othey
sources respecting the affinities of the Basenic conquerors.
Livy, who, as a native of Padua, was likely to be weU-in-r
formed on the subject, has left us a statement respecting the
Etruscans, which, so far from being hypothetical, is one of the
most definite expressions of ethnological facts to be met with in
ancient history. Speaking of the Gallic invasion and the attack
upon Cluaium, he says (v. 33) : "nor were the people of Clusium
the first of the Etruscans with whom armies of the Gauls fought;
but long before this they frequently fought with the Etruscans
who dwelt between the Apennines and the Alps. Before the
Boman empire was established the power of the Etruscans
extended far by land and sea. This is shown by the names
of the upper and lower seas by which Italy is girt like an
island: for while the Italian nations have called the former the
Tuscan sea by the general appellation of the people, they have
designated the latter the Hadriatic, from Hadria a colony of the
Tuscans. The Greeks call these same seas the Tyrrhenian
and the Hadriatic. This people inhabited the country extending
to both seas in confederacies of twelve cities each, first, twelve
cities on this side of the Apennines towards the lower j sea,
afterwatds, having sent- across the Apennines as many colpniep
22 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
as there were capital cities in the mother-cotmtry; and these
occupied the whole territory beyond the Po, as far as the Alps*,
except the comer of the Veneti, who dwell round the extreme
point of the Hadriatic There is no doubt that the Alpine
nations, especially the Kaeti, have the same origin, but these
have lost their civilisation from their climate and locality, so as
to retain nothing of their original type except their spoken
language, and not even that without corruption." This distinct
and positive statement is repeated by Pliny, who says (H N. in.
20, § 133): "people think that the Reeti were a branch of the
Tuscan stock, driven out by the Gauls under the leadership of
EsBtus" (Rsetos Tuscorum prolem arbitrantur, a Gallis pulsos
duce Raeto) ; and by Justin, who remarks (xx. 5) : " the Tus-
cans also, under the leadership of R®tus, having lost their ances-
tral settlements, occupied the Alps, and founded the tribes of
the RsBti, called after their leader" (Tusci quoque, duce Bseto,
avitis sedibus amissis, Alpes occupavere et ex nomine ducis gen-
tes Bsetorum condiderunt) ; and it is confirmed by relics of art,
names of places, and peculiarities of language in the Tyrol (see
the examples collected by Ludwig Steub in his essay iiier die
Urbewohner Rattens und ihren ZusammenJiang mit den Etruskemj
Mlinchen, 1843), to which the Raetians of Lombardy were driven
by the Gauls, and from which they had descended in the first in-
stance. Strabo implies an adhesion to the same tradition, when
he says (iv. 6, p. 204) : " above Comon, built at the foot of the
Alps, lie on the one side the Sasti and the Venones towards the
east, and on the other side the Lepontii, TridentinI, Stoni, and
several other little tribes; and these occupied Italy in former
times" {{nripKeivTcu hk rod Kdfiov wpo^ r^ pl^tj r&v ^AXiricdv
tbpvfievov ry fikv *P(utoI koX Ovhove; hrl Trjv &> K€K\ifih/oc' if
Sk ArfTTovTCoi Kot TpiSevTivoc KoX Xrovot Kol aXXa irXelto fUKpa
S0vrf fcarkxpinra rfjv ^IraKiap iv Tot9 irpotrOev xpwow). More-
over, Stephanus of Byzantium defines the Rceti as a Tyrrhenian,
that is, in his sense, as an Etruscan race (Fairoly TvpprjvtKov
iOvofijy and it is quite in accordance with the laws of language to
suppose that 'Vcuroi and 'Taah/a are only modifications of the
^ Among other places Mantua is expressly mentioned as a Tuscan
city; Vli^gil, jEn. x. 198—200.
I 16.] AS REtiATEI) to EACH OTHtSS. 23
same word*. It is true that Livy inverts the relation between
the powerftil colonists and their uncivilized mother-country.
But in this he only follows the precedent, which is observable in
so many forms of early tradition; It has been well remarked hf
Niebuhr {H. B. i. p. 40) that the " inversion of a story into its
Ofpposite is a characferistic of legendary history.'* This rule,
which Niebuhr supporte by many examples, is particularly ap-
plicable to the mythical records of ethiiography, which perpetu-
ally invert the direction of a migration, and substitute the outlet
for the source of the stream. Thus in the myth of lo, Argori,
which is given as the starting-point of her wanderings, is pro-
1>ably the point of arrival for the emigrants from the south and
east whom she represents (see Olasstcal Museurn, No. xii. p.
160). There is the same inversion, if we suppose that the story
of lo represents the importation into Greece of the Egyptian
moon-goddess Isis (Kenrick, FhtBHicta, p. 85). The eastern
journey of Perseus, whether Andromeda is -«Ethiopian or Phoe-
nieian, may indicate the western progress^ of Phoenician euter-
prise and civilisation, for the name of the hero's weapon {ipmi)
is undoubtedly Semitic (see ChristUm Orthodoxy, p. 254). This
inversion occurs even among the Phoenicians themselves; for
when the Tyrians had become more opulent and powerful thah
the Sidonians they claimed the rank of mother-state, though it
wa» a recognized fact in ancient times that Tyre was a colony
from Sidon (Kenrick, Phcemcia^ p. 58).
§ 16. This view of the case is after all the most reasonable.
Now if we are to adopt the old statement that the Etruscans,
properly so called, were the same stock with the Esetians — and
if we reject it there is nothing in ancient history or geography
which we can with confidence accept ^ — there will be no difficulty
^ Compare, for example, the cognate German words reiUn and reisen.
^ Abeken says {Mittd-ItaUm, p. 21): '' diese Meinang, Ton Niebuhr
zuerst entftchieden ansgesprochen, wird auch die herrschende bleiben/'
This Tiew wad first maintained by Freret {Acad, d, Inacr. t. xvm.), and
it h now generally adopted by ethnographers. The latest exception
with whidh I am acquainted is M. Koch (die Alpen-Etrmher, Leipsig,
1853), who falls back on the old Lydian story, which he takes literally.
24 THB OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cflAP. 1.
in understanding the relation between the Etruscans «nd the
other Italian tribes. Long after the Tjrrrheno-Pelasgians had
established their civilisation on both sides of the Tiber, and had
conquered the Umbrian mountaineers in the north, but yielded to
the Oscan or Sabine highlanders in the south, long after this time
a Bffitian tribe sallied forth from the plains of Lombardy, where
it was settled in unbroken connexion with sister tribes in the
.Tyrol and south-western Germany, and not only effected a per-
manent conquest of Umbria, but also settled itself as a military
aristocracy among the civilised Tyrrhenians on the right of
the Tiber. These conquerors included in their progress the
Tyrrheno-Latin city, Rome, which had just shaken off the in-
fluence of the Tarquinii, but they lost this and their other acqui-
^itiops beyond the Tiber, in consequence of a defeat which the
^dominant Clusians sustained at Aricia. In every feature of this
Etruscan invasion we may observe an analogy to the similar pro-
. ceedings of the Gallic tribes, who at a still later period descended
into Lombardy from the west. They succeeded in breaking
through the continuity of the Eastian settlement by establishing
themselves in the territory afterwards called Cisalpine Gaul.
They also invaded Umbria and Etruria, besieged the imperial
city of Clusium, and even sacked Home. But they were borne
back again, not without a severe struggle, to the region from
which the Etruscans started, and the city of the Seven Hills
was to each of these northern invaders the limit of their progress
to the south.
§ 17. It is confirmed by all available evidence^ and especially
by the contrast between the totcn and country languages of
ancierU Etruria.
This view with respect to the Raetian invasion of a country
previously occupied by Tyrrheno-Umbrians is fuUy supported by
all the remains of their language, and by all that we know about
and, like Zeuss, confiues between the Bs9tian8, as they were in later
times, when the Gauls, who conquered Lombardy, had penetrated into
their mountain-fiMtnesses, and the earlier and more original inhabitants
of 'R»tia, from whom alone the Basenic conquest of Etruria can haye
proceeded.
§17.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 25
this idiom. The details of this subject belong to a future chap^
ter. It is sufficient to mention in this place that the Etruscan
language, as exhibited in the fragments which hare come down
-to us, consists of three separate or separable elements. We haye
either words which admit of a direct comparison with Greek and
Latin, and these we will call the TTrrheno-Pelasgian element of
l;he language; or words which present affinities to the Umbrian
and Oscan dialects; or words which resemble neither of the
pther, but may be explained by the Gothic affinities, which, for
other reasons, we should be led to seek in the language of the
Baetians. The first element appears most in the words quoted
with an explanation hj Eoman writers, that is, in words of the
3outhem Etruscans, who were to the last the purest representa-
tives of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians. We find the same kind of
words in inscriptions from the same district. On the other hand,
in the great cities of northern Etruria, and especially in the high-
lands of Umbria, we either find a mixed idiom, or must seek our
explanations from the Gothic idioms to which I have referred.
If the Etruscans, properly so called, did not establish themselves
permanently or in very great numbers much to the south of
Yolsinii, and if in all their conquests to the south-west of their
territory they rather occupied the cities than peopled the fields,—^
and both these facts appear on the face of their history, — ^it will
follow that the ireploucoi in south Etruria, as in Laconia after
4he Dorian invasion, and in England after the Norman conquest,
would retain their original, that is, their Tyrrheno-Felasgian
dialect. This result is illustrated by two incidents to which Lep-
•sins has referred with a somewhat different objects Livy tells us
(x. 4), that in the year 301 B.c. the legate Cn. Fulvius, serving
in Etruria, escaped an ambush and detected some pretended
«shepherds who would have led him into it, by learning from the
men of Caere who acted as his interpreters, that the shepherdB
spoke the town language, not that of the country, and that their
outward appearance did not correspond to that of rustics. The
same author informs us (ix. 36), that in the year 308 B.C. a
Roman nobleman and his slave, who had learned Etruscan at Caere,
travelled through the Ciminian forest and as far as thQ Cam^rtes
' 1 U. B. p. 32. .
26 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. I.
who liVed iurotind Clusium, and ihat they escaped detection on
this journey which carried them through the whole tatent of
i^onthehi Ethiria» From these two ineidents we Infer that the
town diiilects of the Etruscans differed more or less from fiiose of
the country peo{)le, and that the country dialect abotrt Oaere,
which must have been Tyrrheno-Pelasgian, was intelligiHe to
the countily people as far north as Clusium. This is quite in ao*-
cordance with the parallel cases of the Saxons as suljected to the
Normans, and the Achaeans as reduced to- yassalage by the Do-
rians; and the agreates EtruBcorum cokortes mentioned by Liv^
(ix. 86), and the bands of ireviarat or feudal retainers, whom
the Etruscan nobles {oi hwarxlnaroi) took with them to battle,
(Dionysius, ix. 5), indicate the same distinction which is always
observable in to aristocracy of conquest.
§ 18. Fwriher inferences derivable from (a) the traditianarjf
history of the Luceres.
To return to the Seven Hills of Bome, wb shall find, as was
stated at the beginning of this inv^estigation, that the relations in
which the inhabitents of the city stood to one another are the
«ame, on a smaller scale, with those which connected or distin-
guished the inhabitants of the whole peninstda of Italy. And
here scientific etymology throws a wonderful light on the appa-
rently discordant facts preserved by an undiscriminating trar
dition.
It appears that the Oscan or Alban Bamnes on the Palatine^
had Induced the Felasgians on the Oselian to a slate of de-
pendence or vassalage; what took place in Latium generally
was also enacted on the Septimontium. These two commu-
nities''— Kme of which we may call Boma, and the other Luce-
rum — constituted the original city of Bome, which contended on
a footing of equality with the Quirites : hence the legend calls
Boma the daughter of Italus and Leucaria',-H>f the aboriginal
Oscans and the foreign or Pelasgian Luceres. When Boma
^ The '' Palatini aborighies ez agro Reatino," as Varro calls them
(L. L. V. J 63).
^ Plutarch, Romul. n., where we must read AwKoptat.
§ 18.] AS RELATED TO «ACH OTHER 27
admitted Quirlum to the privileges of citizenship, the Quirites
natnrallj took rank above the subject Luceres, and the celsi
Baimnes still remained at the head of the pcpulus. According
to one story, they compelled the Lnceres to leave their strong-
hold and descend to the plain \ It appears, too, thkt, together
^th the Gselian town, the Palatine Romans ruled over the
possessions of the Luceres in the Solonian plain, which were
called the Pectuscum Palati^ or "breast-Work of the Palatine*."
Now> it is distinctly said, that the Luceres were first raised
to the full privileges of the other burgesses by the elder Tarqui-
nius, who both introduced them into the senate, and also gave
them -representatives among the ministers of religion*. And who
was this Liicius Tarquiniua but a Imcumo or grandee from the
Tuscan city Tarqu%ni% who settled at Rome, and was raised
to the throne? Indeed, there seems to be but little reason to
doubt that he was the Cfleles Vivenna*, whose friend and suc-
cessor Mastama appears under the name of Servius Tullius'.
The difference in the policy of the first and second of these
Tuscan kings of Rome need not surprise us. Every scattered
hint referring to this Tullius, or Mastama, represents him as
connected with that Pelasgian branch of the Roman population
which eventually ftimished the greater part of the plebs^;
whereas Vivenna, or Tarquinius, was a patrician or Lucumo of
1 Varro, L. L. v. $ 46.
« Festus, p. 21«, MQller: "Pectttscum Palati dicta est ea repoUrbis,
qnam Romulus obrersam posuit, ea parte in qaa plurimum erat agri
Bomani ad mare vdrsus et qua molUssime adibatdr urbs, cum Etrus-
eoram agrum a Romano Tiberis disoludereti eeter» vicincd dntates
ooUes allquoB haberent oppositos.*'
' See Niebohr, x« p. 296 ; m. p. 350.
4 Niebuhr, i. p. 375, note 922; and KUim Schrtfteih n. p. 26 sqq.
' See the celebrated Lugdonensian Table, Lipsias, Excurs^fid Toe.
Ann. XI. 124. Mttller {Etnuker, i. 118 — 123) ingeniously conjectures
that the reigns of the Tarquins mythicallj represent the predominance
of the city Tarquinii, which was for a time interfered with by Mastama,
the represontatiye of the riral city Volsinii. Tarquinii, howeyer, for
a while resumed hor influence ; but at last was obliged to succumb, like
the other Tuscan cities, to Clusium.
^ See, for instance, Liry, l 30, where both TuHius and Serrilius
(Niebuhr, i. note 920) are mentioned as Latin family names.
28 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAp/l.
the Tuscan citj Tarquinii, and his prejudices were of course aris-
tocratic, or rather, as was more fully developed in the case of the
second Tarquinius, tyrannical ; for only the absolute sovereign
of a great nation could have accomplished the wonderful works
which were achieved by this Tarquinian Lucumo. There is
sufficient reason to believe that Rome stood high as a Tuscan
town during the last years of its monarchal history. The Sep-
timontium, if not the capital of southern Etruria^, was at least
the southern bulwark of the twelve cities, and extended its domi-
jiion over a large part of the Sabine territory. The fall of the
regal power of Rome has been well ascribed to the decline of
Tarquinii and the rising predominance of Clusium. If. Lars
Porsena, when he conquered Rome, had really been anxious for
the restoration of Superbus, he might easily have replaced him
on the throne ; but he was so far from doing this, that he did
not even grant him an exsilium in his own dominions. The
vanquished Lucumo of Rome took refuge, not at Clusium, but at
Cumae', with Forsena^s great enemy Aristodemus',. whom he
made his heir, and who subsequently defeated and slew Aruns
Porsena, when, with a Clusian army, he made war on Aricia,
and endeavoured to found a Tuscan empire in Latium.
§ 19. (J) Fragmentary records of the early Gonstitutum of
Rome*
The inferences derivable from these traditions are materially
confinried by some fragmentary records of the constitutipnal
history of early Rome. The revolutionary movement, by which
the second Tarquinius was expelled, is always connected with the
influence and agency of Junius Brutus, who then held the office
^ NlQbuhr^ I. p. 373. ' Oramer's Italy ^ n. p. 150.
8 There are many traces of the connexion of the Roman Tuscans with
the Greeks. The first Tarquin himself is represented as half a Greek ;
and the late Lord Macaulay has pointed out very clearly the Greek fea-
tures of the second Tarquinian legeiSd (Xay« of Andemt Bome^ p. 80).
The equestrian games of the Tarqwns, and their reyerence for the
Delphic oracle, also imply frequent intercourse with Greece, of which we
read still more distinctly in the case of Fyrgi, the renowned port of
Agylla» or Otere^ another Etruscan town, which, like Tarquinii» was
intimately connected with Rome.
§ 20.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 29
of Tribunua GeUrum. The result of this revolution was to sub-
stitute two conmlea or colleagues for the old kingly government.
But whenever it was thought advisable, on great emergencies, to
revert to the authority of a single chief, we find that this Dic"
tatoTf as he was called, appeared as a Magiater PopuU^ or head
of the old patrician tribes, and that he was invariably associated
with a Magister Egmhim, or head of the plebeian knights, whom
the elder Tarquin admitted to the full franchise, and so made his
senate to consist of Patrea^ or original deputies, and Conscripti^
Y>r additional counsellors. The Duumviri Perduellionis and
other ancient dualisms pointed out by Niebuhr are additional
indications of a two-fold division of the Roman people long before
the growth of the later pleba. Now if the second order corre-
sponded to the Lucerea, as opposed to the combined populus of
Bamnea and Titiea^ we can easily see that the Tarquinian
influence, as exercised by Cseles Yivenna and Mastama, was
favourable not only to the Celerea or richer class among the
Lucerea, but also to the Proletarians, and generally to the whole
population ; whereas the second Tarquinius is indicated by his
whole history as having endeavoured to reduce and degrade
the inferior order of his subjects, until some final outrage roused
the whole city to vengeance, the Lucerea however taking the
lead under the guidance of their legitimate leader the Tribunua
GeUrum. The result of this revolution was to reduce the
populua, or two elder tribes, to a footing of tolerable equality
with the Lucerea; and the lays or legends represent the latter
as having purchased their position by a pre-eminence of sufier-
ings and of services, both in the expulsion of the Tarquinian
dynasty and in the subsequent resistance to the foreign domina-
tion of the Clusians.
§ 20. (c) Etymology of aome mythical proper namea.
A great deal of new light may be derived fix)m a careful
examination of the proper names Horatiua and Ltusretiua, the
former representing the inferior position of the populace, the
latter the local designation of the Lucerea. The word Hor-^Uiua
is derived from the old Latin word Air, " a hand," and is there-
fore a longer form of J3iV-<tW, just as Ouriatiua is of Our-tiua^
The fight between the Horatii and Curiaiii probably refers te
30 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I,
^ contest between tte Ouridtn {Kovprjresijx "men of the curia,
and wielders of the spear, or wearers of the helmet," and the
Sordtii (x^pinJTe^)^ "handicraftsmen," ue. the lower order, in
which contest, as usual, the latter succeeded in maintaining their
just rights. In the old tradition it is uncertain which of the
two fought for Alba (Liv. I. 24), i.e. whether the Latin or
Sabine interest was at that time predominant at Bome. The
story about Horatius Codes admits of a similar interpretation.
The Tuscans were repelled at the bridge-head by the three
Roman tribes — Lartiua (Larth^ Lars^ " prince" or " king") re-
presenting the head-tribe, Herminim the second, and HoratiuH
the third. The surname Codes still farther explains the name
JBbratius in its opposition to Curiatius. The ancients knew
that this word meant one-eyed (Flin. H. N. xxxvii. 55), and I
have elsewhere suggested that it may be derived from cceculus
{N. CraL § 154). The last part is undoubtedly that derivative
from i'-re, which is found in mil-it-eSy ped-it-ea^ ejru-iVe^, &c.
With the Bomans, as with other nations, the ideas of heir^ and
going are interchangeable {N, Crat. § 269), and therefore we
0hould not press the meaning of this termination farther than
by saying that codes is a form analogous to mileSy &c. Now
the other term for one-eyed is luscus, which is to be compared
with Xofo9, Xo{mi9. This last word, as the name of the archer-
god, Apollo, refers unquestionably to the oblique or side-long
position of the bowman in the act of shooting; and there is
no reason why the same explaniettion should not apply to the
cocWi^e», who will thus represent the y^iKoi or light-armed troops
of the commonalty. As in the case of David and Goliath,
the triumph is greater when there is an inequality in the arms ;
and this no doubt was felt to enhance the Horatian victory and
the successfiil defence of the Pons Svblicius. Considered as
an army, the Bomans fell into the following subdivisions — ^the
populus or patrician oTrXtTm, the cderes or plebeian knights,
and the plebs, i.e. irKfjOo^, or muUitudo, who were the milites,
properly so called, "the common soldiers who marched in a
body," and who were by virtue of their armour merely coclites,
ot "shooters." And thus the magister populi and magister
egpiitum, or tnhunus celerum, will stand in a military opposition
to the tribum plebis. The separation between the populus and
§20.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 81
pUiSj which is most strongly indicated l^ the refusal of the eotif
nuhium^ or right of intermarriage, to the latter, renders it possi-
ble that the patricians were called proceresy "wooers," or proci
patricity "patrician suitors" (Festus, p. 249, MttUer), with par-
ticular reference to this crowning mark of political equality.
And a comparison o{ procerea with celereg might lead us to infer,
that, while the original patres were termed proci^ the celeres (»
canscripti were designated as prpceresy the terminfition indicating
the later acquisition of the cannuMum. The meaning of the
name Herminvm is not obvious at first sight ] it does not soun4
like 1^ Latin name. When however we call to mind that the
most ancient name fer a noble warrior in Greek was $/>a»9,
which may be proved to be equal to i;p-FaoT-9 == i7/)-^a>T-9, *' the
lord-warrior" {K Orat. § 329), and when we recollect that herug
is a good Latin word, and that min is found in Ao-min-, ne-^n-^
&C., we may well suppose that Her-minius represents a form
analogous to $p(»9, and therefore that, as Lartim typifies the
pobles, and Hcratiua the common people, so Herminiua personi-
fies the warriors of Rome. And this explanation of the name is
quite in accordance with the meaning of the word Eermann or
Mirmxn (the Arminiua of Tacitus) in those Low-German lan-^
guages with which the Sabine and other Italian idioms were so
intimately connected. Grimm says {Deutsche MythoL p. 828,
2nd edit.): ^'die Sachsen scheinen in Hirmin einen hnegeriach
dargeHdUen Wddan verehrt zu baben." In fis^t Irmin^ Armitiy
Earmarij Hermann is the oldest deity of our race. He is the Mr
or Ear of the Scytibic tribes and the Afsea of \he Greeks. He
combines the functions of the two later divinities Tiv or Ziv or
Ziuj who corresponds to Mars, and Wddan^ who represents
Mercury. And the Irman-etd or pillar of Irman was so common
an object that it suggested a designation for any perpendicular
object, even a road running due north (Can^bridge Essays^ 1856,
p. 68). That the root min in Her-minriua may be identical with
the man of Ir-man might be inferred from Ao-mtVt-, ne-minr
compared with mann. And we have another interesting ana-
logy, pointing at once to the deeply-seated Teutonism of the old
Itidian languages, in the common adjective omnia. For as
distinct from cuncti, which denotes " all in a body" {canjuncti)^
i.e. all conjoined or united for a particular purpose and at a
32 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
particular time, univerai, which signifies " all acting hj common
consent/' i. e. going in the same direction {una verstis), and totus,
which means " the whole/' i. e. all the parts so combined that
they are regarded as forming a new unit, omnes like 'iravre^
(qtuxntt) implies " all, as many as there are/' In other words,
omnea means "all," considered as made up of separable parts —
^' all" as a collection of individuals (see Classical Sckolarship and
Classical Learning, Cambridge, 1866, p. 216). Accordingly
omnes may be rendered " eveiy one," or " that which belongs to
every one." And this in the oldest German is soman, virtually
the same word as that which is implied in the adjective o-mn-is.
The modem German is je-mand, and in English the commoner
as distinguished from the noble was called a yeo-man, an
*' every-man," an "any-body," 6 rvxdv; the aristocracy being
a collection of " some-bodies," just as the Spanish grandee calls
himself hidalgo, i. e. hijo rf' alguno, " a son of somebody.'* We
find a farther confirmation of this comparison of the mythical
Sabine with the Teutonic divinity in the fact, that the name of
the second person in the triumvirate of the bridge was Titus
Herminius; for not only does Titus signify "warrior'* (Fest.
]p. 366, Muller: ^^Tituli milites appellantur quasi tutuli, quod
patriam tuerentur, unde et Titi prsenomen ortum est"), but the
Titienses or Tities, were actually "the Sabine quirites (spear-
men)," the second tribe at Rome. By a similar personification,
the senior consul, Valerius, who as poplicola represents the
populus, has under his orders Titus Herminius, the " warriors,"
and Bpurius Lcn^ius, the "young nobles*;" while the other
consul, Lucretius, represents the Luceres, or third class of citizens
(Liv. II. 11). Even Lucretia may be nothing more than a
symbol of the third order of the populus/ so that her ill-treat-
ment by Sextus will be an allegory referring to the oppression
of the Luceres, who often approximated to the plebs, by the
tyrannical Etruscan dynasty. It i? also singular that Lttcretiw
and Horatius, both representatives of the third class, succeed one
another in the first consulship. The prsenomen of Spurius Lar^
tius does not appear to be the Latin spurius, "illegitimate/' but
* At a later period these two are combined in the one designation
Lart Hsrminius (Lir. m. 66),
§ 21.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 33
is a Tuscan derivative from mper^ the first vowel being omitted,
according to the Tuscan custom, and the second softened into u^
as in QMguT (also perhaps a Tuscan word) for aviger. That
SpuTtua was a Tuscan name appears from the derivative 8pur-
rinna.
If, as seems probable, Cades is onlj a modification of CcBres,
the name of Cceles Vivenna will indicate him as one of the
Ckeritesy that, is as belonging to the most purely Pelasgian part
of South Etmria. And then we have an additional confirmation
of our belief that the Tarquinian dynasty- was in the first instance
at least Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian, rather than Basenic or Bastian.
§ 21. General Concltman aa toihe mutual Bdations of the
old Italian Tribes.
These traditionary £Eu^ts and philological deductions eilable us
to come to a fixed conclusion on the subject of the old population
of Italy, and the relations of the different tribes to one another.
How they stood related .to the Transpadane members of the
great European fiunily is a subsequent inquiry ; but within the
limits of Italy proper, we may now say, there were originally
two branches of one great family, — ^the Umbrians, extending from
the Po to the Tiber; and the Oscans^ occupying the southern
half of the peninsula^ These nations were combined, in different
1 Aufrechty in his report of '* the last results of the Italic researches'*
(in Bunsen's Chtitivinity amd McmMnd^ Yol. m.), seems to hare rather a
oonfiised apprehension of t|ie relations between the Umbrian, Sabellian»
and Oscan tribes. He says (p. 89), that we must comprise the Latinia*
ing language of Italy under three heads :
» -^ — ^
XJmbrian. Sabellian. Oscan.
Umbrian Latin* Yolscian. Marsian.
proper.
But surely the Latin is not connected directly with the UmbriaD» as dis-
tinguished from the Sabellian and Oscan; the Volsci, like the .£qui,
must have been Oscan; and he tells us himself (p. 93}» that ^tho
central point of the Osci is the land of the Sabines." Eckermann
(i^d^^riofu-G^escAie^ %vnd Mytholo^ Yol. n. pp. 140 sqq.)» ^ho says that
the Sabines spoke Oscan, and that the elements of the Latin are to be
found in that language (p. 142), seems to subordinate both the Umbrians
and Oscans to the Sabellian tribes. Mommseuy who recognises three
D.v. 3
34^ THE OLD ITAUAN TRIBES, &C. [CHAF. L
degrees, with Felasgians from the north-east. The main Ixodj
of these Pelasgians assmned a distinct nationality in Etroriay
and established a permanent empire there, which the Umbrians
could never throw off. Another great horde of Pelasgians was
settled in Latium, where they were afterwards partially con-
quered by the Oscans ; and a mixed population of Pelasgians
and Oscans extended to the very south of Italy, The Sabines,
however, who were members of the Umbrian family, retained
from the hills, to which the Pelasgians had driven them, and
pressed upon the other Umbrians, upon the Oscans, and upon
those. Latrns who were a mixture of conquered Pelasgians and
Oscan conquerors. The combination of a branch of these Sabines
with a branch of the Latins settled on the Tiber constituted
the first beginnings of that Boman people which, standing in
the midst of these Pelasgian and Oscan races, eventually became
a point of centralisation for them all. Not to speak of any
Celtic substratum, which we have many reasons for assuming,
or of the scanty fragments of the Messapian or lapygian dialects,
which probably preserved the Lithuanian elements in their least
modified form, we may feel assured that up to the commence-
ment of history the population of ancient Italy consisted entirely
of this admixture or juxtaposition of Umbro-Oscan and Tyr-
xheno-Pelasgian tribes. But about the time when the ancient
annalists begin to speak definitely, the south of the peninsula
became studded with Grreek colonies, and the north was con-
quered by a B»tian tribe, the Basena or Etruscans properly so
called; and while the Ghreeks never spi^ead themselves in the
northern provinces, the surging tide of the Etruscan invasion
was beaten back from the walls of Rome ; and the Gauls, who
at a later period endeavoured to extend their settlements to the
south of the Tiber, were obliged to content themselves with the
still remoter districts beyond the Rubicon.
primitire stocks in Italy, the lapygian, the Etruscan, and the Italian,
diyides the hitter into two main branches, the Latin, and that to which
the dialects of the Umbri, Marsi, Volsci and Samnites belong (EarUest
InhabiUinti of Italy, from, Mommsen's History of Rome, translated by S.
Robertson, p. 3). In this, as it appears to me, he confases what ought
to be distinguished, and discriminates what ought to be identified.
CHAPTER n.
THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF TEE ANCIENT
ITALIANS.
1 1. Etymology of ih« woid IlcXo^f. § 3. How it» Pelaflgiaim oMne into Bo,*
lope. § 3. Inferenoes derivable from the conirast of PeUmgian and HeUenio
architectore. § 4. Supported by dednctiong from the contrasted mythology
of the two raoes. § 5. Thiadans^ Getee, and Scythians. § 6. Boytldans and
Hades. § 7. Iranian origin of tha Sannatians, Scythians, and Ootf^ may ba
shown (1) generally, and (a) by an examination of the remains of the Scythian
language. § 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this chain of
nations. § 9. Peculiarities of the Scythian language suggested by Aristo»
lihanes. § la Names of the Scythian riTera derived and explained. § i x. Names
of the Scythian divinities. § 13. Other Serbian words explained. § 13, Sue-
cesdve peopling of Asia and Europe : fate of the Mongolian race. § 14. The
Pelasgians were of Sdavonian origin. § 15. Foreign affinities of the T7m«
briansy &o. § t6. Seasons for believing that they were the same race as tha
Lithnanians. § 17. Further conJSrmation from etymology. § 18. Celtio
tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and Lithuanians in Itily and elBewhops.
S 19. The SarmatsB probably a branch of the Lithuanian £unily. 1 30. Gothic
or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans shown by their ethnographio
opposition to the Veneti. §3i. Beasons for comparing the old Etruscan
with the old Norse. § 33. Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans,
i 33. Old Norse explsnalions of Etruscan proper names. § H« OontaiHff m4
oontrasts of the Semitic and tho Sch^yoni^n. 8 95» P!w>d«wn»nyit Mwonm
of the old Italian languages.
§ 1. Etymology of the word neXa<J7^.
SINCE the Umbrians, OacanSy &c. rnufit be regarded in tb^
first instance as the aboriginal inhabitants, the inqnirer, who
wonld pass the limits of Italy and investigate the foreign affinities
of the ItaUanSy is first attracted by the Pelasgians. The seats
of this race in Greece and elsewhere are well known ; but there
is no satisfactory record as to the region from which they started
on their wide^spread migrations, or the countries which they
traversed on their route. According to some they were Cretans,
others make them Philistines, others again Phoenicians or Egyp*
tians^ ; in £bu^, there is hardly one ancient natipn which has not
1 The confuBion of the Pelasgians with the Phoenicians and Egyp.
tiaas arises from an interchange of the directions (aboye, p. 28) of that
8 — 2
36 THB FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [OHAP. II.
1)6611 indicated in its turn as their parent stock. Even thdr
name has received almost every possible etymology. The older
scholars derived the word HeXcuryo^ from Peleg* ; Sturz connects
it with TreXofo)"; Hermann finds the root in irikarY^i ^^™ ^^"
Xo^Jw"; Wachsmuth* and K. O. Miiller", considering ireXapyo^ to
be the original form of the word, give as its etymology ttIXq), " to
till," and «7/009, "the field," looking upon the nation as originally
devoted to husbandry. The most common derivation is that
which writes JleXapyoi, and interprets it "the storks," either from
the wandering habits of this race*, or from their linen dress^, or
from their barbarous speech®. Every one of these etymologies
admits of an easy confiitation. The best answer to them all is to
point out a better analysis of the word. Buttmann^ suggested
long ago that the last two syllables were an ethnical designation,
connected with the name Asca-nitiSf common in Phrygia, Lydia,
,and Bithynia, and with the name of Asia itself. He also cor-
rectly pointed to the relationship between Ashkenaz^ the son
of Gromer, and Javan, the biblical progenitor of the lonians
(laFov69) {Oen. x. 3). Now the first syllable of the word Pd-
general inteFCOurse which prevailed in the eastern part of the Mediterra-
nean daring the earliest ages, and of which I hare elsewhere gi7en some
remarkable examples (Chrittian Orthodaastfy pp. 251 — ^255). The reci-
procal iDfloenoe of the Pelasgians, Phoenicians, and Egyptians, was very
often limited to one or other of these instniments of primeval civilisation,
and the Semitic was confused with the Indo-Germanic. I am glad to find
that Mr. Oladstone, who has particularly noticed the relations between
the Pdasgians and Egyptians (Homeramd the Homeric Age, i. pp. 148 sqq.),
comes to my conclusion that the Modes, i.e. the Sclavonians, ^are to be
regarded in all likelihood as the immediate fountain-head of the wide-
spread Pelasgian race" (i. p. 572).
1 Salmasitis de HelUnistica, p. 342. ^ X>e DidUet. Macedon, p. 9.
> OpuMC. n. p. 174: ^'«rcXayor enim, a verbo «rcXa^ciy dictum, ut ab
Latinis VeniUa, mare notat : a qua origine etiam fnXaayoi^ advenm/*
4 Hellenkcha AUerthumsk, i. p. 29, Trans, p. 39. He also, half in jest»
refers to irXafcty, << to lead astray/' p. 36.
6 " Von fl-cX» (irAipy froXco», der Sparto UcXoSp, und UcXttpuiy das Fest
der Bewohnung) und apyos,*' Orehom, p. 125.
« Strabo, v.p, 221 ; vra. p. 397.
^ Bekker, Anecd. p. 229 : dia rag <rtpd6iKK ag ^^/xnir. So also E^fmoL
jftxgn»
« Fhilol Mu8, I. p. 615. » LexOogus, I. p. 68, note 1. .
§ 1.] THE ANCIENT ITALUNS. 37
asguB is clearly the same as that of Pelrops. There are two
Niobes in Gtreek mythology, daughters, the one of Phoronens,
the other of Tantalus — ^the latter is the sister of Pdops^ the
former the mother of Pelasgits. The syllable TreX- stands in
the same relation to fieX- that tt^Sa does to fji£T<L The original
form of the root signifying ''blackness" was KfieK-^; but the
labial generally predominated over the guttural element. Of the
labial forms, that with the tenuis usually came to signify " livid"
rather than '' black ;" as we see in the words 9rlXu)9, TreXiBvof;^
&c. Apollodorus expressly says' that HeTud^ was so called be-
cause his face was rendered livid (tt^Xao?) by a kick from a
horse; and it is obvious that II^o^, which signifies "dark-
faced" or "swarthy/' is an ethnical designation which differs
from the well-known name Al0io^ only in the degree of black-
ness which is implied. The AWioire: were the "bumtfeced
people" {qtu>8 India torrety as Tibullus says of them, il. 3, 59),
and are described as perfectly black {Jeremiah xiii. 23; icuaveovy
Hes. Op. et Dies, 525) ; whereas the IUXottc? were only dark
in comparison with the Hellenes'. On the whole, it can hardly
be doubted that the Hekcuryol were, according to the name
given them by the old inhabitants of Greece, "the swarthy
Asiatics," who were called by the latter part of their name
along the coasts of Asia Minor; and thus the cognate terms
TliXHme: and HeK-aayol point to an emigration from Asia
Minor to Argolis indisputably connected with the progress of
Phcenician civilisation. The former part of the name was not
necessary in the mother-country, where all were dark complex-
ioned ; and the latter part of the word, which denoted the Asiatic
origin of the IleVaeryo/, was dropt in the synonym IleX-o^,
which signifies merely " swarthy of face*."
1 New CratyUiS, § 121 ; Buttmann's LeM. n. p. 265.
•i. 9,§8.
s Asius makes Felasgus spring from the blaek earth (ap. PauBan.
vm. 1, 4):
yfua fukatv avtdo»JC€V» era OvtfrAp ycvoff co;.
Bot here the adjectiFO is nothing but an epkhetan eoTistans.
^ For further arguments in support of this etymology, which is also
applicable to the word irt\apy6sf as the stork, or ** black but whitened
38 TH« f OMiaiJ AFFrNlTIES OP [OHAP. U.
§ 2« Sotc ike Pdasgums came into Europe.
Tradition and etymology agre^, therefore, in tracing the
Felasgians, do called, to the western and northern coast of Asia
Minor. There is, however, little or no reason to doubt that the
bnlk of the race, to which these " swarthy Asiatics" belonged,
entered Europe in the first instance through the wide district of
Thrace, Which is always mentioned as the most ancient European
settlement of this tribe. For although the legends about Pelops
and Lydia make it probable that they subsequently crossed over
the ^gean, leaving settlements as they sailed along in the islands
of the Archipelago, and bringing with them perhaps some of that
Semitic civilisation which the Phoenicians and Egyptians had
diffused over the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, and though
the etymology of their name refers to some such migration from
the sunny coasts of Asia, it is nearly certain that the main body
entered both Greece and Italy from the north-east The course
of their wanderings seems ix^ have been as follows. They passed
into this continent from the western side of the Euxine, And
fcpread themselves over Thrace, Macedonia, and Epirus ; then,
while some of them forced their way into Greece, others, again
moving on to the north-west, eventually entered Italy near the
tootith of the Po. At some time, however, during the period of
their itettlement in Thrace, and before they had penetrated to
the south of Greece, or had wandered to Italy, they appear to
have crossed the Hellespont and peopled the western coast of
Asia Minor, where they founded the city of Troy, and established
the kingdom of Lydia — names to which the Pelasgians in Italy
birdt** the reader is referred to the N, Cfratyl § 95. Mr. Paley has
suggested a similar explanation of the doves of Dodona, who bring the
Phodnicians, Pelasgiams and Bgyptians, into -a sort of conAuion with one
another (Herod, n. 54 sqq.). He says (ufisch. Suppl. Ed. 2, p» xiv),
refenltig to mj riew of the matter ; ^ obiter mon^ higras haace eolum*
has (vfXetabag), qiue humana voce locutn tradontur, non alias f nisse videri
qoam n-cXop quasdam, s6» Jwrvas nittlierei^ ox Oriente profectas." It is
curious that Mrs. Hamilton Gray (HUt, ef Etrur, t. p. B9) should have
quoted the epithet '* pale-£i^ce>^ applied to Buropeans by the American
IndiailB, in tiie same page with her derivation of rnXmrySt frotn r^dyor,
irhioh It simply irreconcilable with the laws of the Greek language.
§ 3.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS, 89
and Argos looked back with myBterioos reverence. It might be
curious to inquire how the traditionary quarrels between the
&miliea of Dardanus and Tantalus contributed to produce the im-
portant Lydian migration into Greece ; but such an investigation
scarcely belongs to our subject. There seems to be good reason
for beUeving that the Pelasgians acquired their distinctiye cha-
racter, that of agriculturists and architects, in the fisrtile plains of
Asia Minor, and imder that climate which was afterwards so pro-
lific in works of art and genius. Those only of the Pelasgians
who were connected with the commercial activity of the Medi«>
terranean, namely the Tyrrhenians, were celebrated as artisans
and tower^builders.
§ 3. Infore^/^oes derivable from the ccntraat cf Pelasgtan and
Hellenic Architecture.
The immediate derivation of even the later Greek architecture
ftom Asia Minor may be proved by some combinations which
throw an important light not only on the history of ancient art,
but on the ethnical affinities of the old inhabitants of southern
and eastern Europe. It is well known that the Greeks or Hel-
lenes descended from the north of Thessaly and conquered Or
incorporated themselves with the Felasgo^Achseans, whom they
found in the south of Greece. Now these Pelasgians, especially
those who called themselves Tyrrheniane or "tower-builders,"
have left behind them numerous remains of their architecture,
which are distinguished by immense blocks of solid stone built
into rude masses of walls, towers, and treasuries, and are com-
monly called Cyclopean. It was of course this architecture which
the Hellenes found in southern Greece, and as they were a
warrior-tribe and less cultivated in every respect than their
vassals, they must have adopted the same style of building.
What origin then must we seek for the characteristic architecture
of the Doro-Ionians— that which we commonly call Grecian
architecture? The due to the whole is fomished by that sin-
gular monument, the gate of the lions of MyoensB, probably the
oldest memorial of the primitive Achaeans. We have here, at
the entrance of a Cyclopean treasure-house, two lions trampling
on an inverted column of Dorian architecture. With regard to
the lions I feel no hesitation in rejecting Creuzer^s supposition
40 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [OHAP. IT.
that we have here a Mithraic symboP. This supposition springs
from a total misconception of the object which stands between
the lions, and affords no explanation of their duality. It can be
shown, on the contrary, that it must be intended to indicate that
the two lords of Mycenae, some twin-power or duumvirate there,
had conquered some place distinguished by the architecture of
which the inverted column is a specimen. Whether the cir-
cumstance thus conmiemorated be a fact or a legend, we can
hardly doubt that the two lions represent the two Atreidce or
sons of Atreus, the Pelopid or Lydo-Pelasgian prince of Mycen»",
and that the city captured and overthrown, the plunder of which
they had stored up in their treasure-house, was the far-famed
Troy. Both the duality of the conquerors of Troy, and the
symbol of the lions as applied to them, are distinclJy recorded
in the Agam&mwm of iBschylus". If this explanation is correct,
the inverted column represents Asiatic architecture, as opposed
to the style of building then common in Greece and Italy, and
which we call Cyclopean. From this inverted fragment we can
restore the whole fa9ade^, and we see that it contains the ele-
ments of what was afterwards the Doro-Ionian architecture. We
also see that M has many points of contact with the Lycian
monuments. Now Pindar says that the Corinthians, among
other usefiil arts, introduced the double tympanum or gable of the
Dorian templet As therefore the Corinthians were the great
1 Syrpholik tind Mythologie (3rd Edit.) I. p. 267.
> Ilie lion was a holy symbol of the Lydian kings; see Herod, i. 50 ;
and Oreuzer, Symbol n. p. 633.
3 Ot 42 sqq. :
'M€V€kao£ lhta( ifd* 'Ayaiiepaww
diBp6yov AUB€P /eal dtcKijfrTpov
TifAtjgf ^xvp^P C^vyos *ATp€ld&V,
with 796, 7:
VK€pBopmv dt fFvpyaif wfifiar^g Xcivr
&d^v cXei^p a[fuxro9 rvpcannKov»
^ This has been done by Metiger, in Thiersch's tract, iiber das
Ereehtheum,
6 Olymp. JUL 21 sqq. :
Sfrav 3* tvp6rros Ifpy^ar
rdi Aiavvirov n^Bep i^<f>avfp
§ S.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. -41
traders and colonizers, it is sufficientlj obyionis tBat they must
have derived this improyement in architecture &om abroad, just
•as the introduction of the bridle-rein points, to their mjiihical
<M)nnexion, and commercial dealings with Lycia': and since we
see fiom the gate of the lions that the Dorian fa<^e existed in
Asia Minor long before the Dorian and Ionian colonies were
established there, it is a fair conclusion that the Dorian and
Ionian architecture, like the distinctions of dialect, was due to
the reaction of the Dorian and Ionian colonies on the mother-
land. And thus we see that all the architecture of Greece, the
more refined porch as well as the ruder masses of Cyclopean
jnasoniy, was imported from the sunny land to which we trace
the name of the Felasgians. We may go a step farther, and say
that the more recent architecture of Asia Minor^ which was
afterwards naturalized in Greece, was due to the Semitic tribes
which extended inland from Lydia to Assyria and Egypt,
whereas the Cyclopean architecture was strictly Indo-G«rmanic.
The primary distinction between the Pelasgo- Achaean and the
Doro-Ionian architecture consisted in the materials which they
respectively adopted, the former being the adaptation of huge .
masses of uncemented stone, the latter the result of the best
arrangement of beams and joists. The materials of the Cyclo-
pean walls require no comment, but a few remarks may be neces-
sary to show that the Doro-Ionian architecture originated in
wood-carpentry. The simplest form of this architecture is the
9 Bt&v vaxHtrw oI»p£p fiatrOua didvfiov
That the aer6g, or airaiuh meant the tympanum, or gable, and not any
figures within or upon it, has been f ally shown by Brondsted, Voyages e$
Becherehei e» €hr^ n. p. 154; and by Welcker, AU$ DenkmUUr, i. p. 3
sqq. The pediment was originally open; the deep relief, or rather
oomplete figures, which appear in it, indicate the original practioe, when
it might be said in the language of £aripides {Fr, Hyptip,) :
Idoit irp6s al$€p* €$afuXX»irnu K&ptu
ypaimvt [iv aWiroun vpoa-pkmof rwnwff.
And the ground was subsequently painted blue to recaL the darkness of
the space under the roof.
1 The commercial dealiugs were a fact; the mythology of Bellero-
pfaon yna a.poettoal record of it.
42 THS VOBEiaH AFVIKITIXS OF [CHAP. II.
apterftl iempk <n antis. This hits no column or portico, the
porch being sapported by irapaardSe; or antay u e. projections
of the side wbHb\ We then come to the prostyle, witii a vesti^
bule supported by oolmnna beyond the anicB; then to the $m*
phiproBtyle, with such a termination at each end ; and finally to
the peripteral temple, surrounded by columns, like the Parthenon,
The complete form is the best exemplification of the tectonics or
carpentry in which the architecture originated. If we compare
the Doric building, as restored from the inverted column on the
gate of the lions, with the remains of Lyoian architeoture^ we
shall see that the foundation consisted of tranks of trees, laid
level and crossed at right angles by the trunks of other trees.
On these last, as we see in the gate of the lions, the plinth of
the column rested, and on this the torus. The shaft of the
column was the trunk of h tree, and its capital originally nothing
more than a plinth. On the top of the column was placed the
architrave or main beam of the entablature, and on this rested
the frieze with holes immediately above the columns for the
reception of the upper joists of the building. When these joists
were inserted, their ends, ornamented by channels cut in the
wood, were termed triglypha, and the spaces between the tri-
gljTphs, which were fiat wood, and upon which it was customary
to nail up spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and sculptures,
^f ere called mOopes, or intervals between the holes^ The friese
^ On the sense of vapaaras^ or iroordr, I may refer to my note on
the AwtHgimtt II73, p. n5, where I haYe cotleoted all the authorities.
> See Thiench, ilb^dM Ermktkmm, pp. 149 Bqq.
8 It has been the opinion of many learned architects that the metopes,
or Bpaoes between the beatn-ends, were originally hollow. This is
an opinion oontrary to the evidences fomished by the Greek langaage
and by the Greek authors, and is plainly overthrown by the MyoeniMui
monument, which shows os that the firieie was originally a solid piece
with holes for the beam^nds. The word ^ means '^an opening or
hole," i. e. the bed of a beam; hence the Roman arshitects called the
triglyphs cava cclumhania^ or ''pigeon-holes/' The word fAcnSvny must
signify " a space between ^a/,** as rh fttraixfuop means ** a space between
t#0 armies;" consequently the metope could not have been Itself a
cavity. Besides, spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and soalptures,
-were nailed up to ti^e Meie^ which must therefore have been solid. The
triglyphs were the ornamented ends of the beams, cut short on a line
§ «•] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 43
was stinnoimted hj the comioe, which originated in transVerse
beams supporting the a^uKKifrffp^ of the sloping roof, and the
fitu^e was finished off by the pediment, tympannm) or cUre^fUij
which was originally an open gable formed by the sloping
rafters. Now eTery detail in this form of edifice points to wood-
work or carpentry, which always constituted the material of pure
Semitic architecture. The complete details which hate been
preserved of the temple of Solomon, Which was a masterpiece of
Phoenician workmanship, show how the most costly and ela-
borate building could be erected without the assistance of the
stonemason^ and the ivory palaces of Solomon' were also speci-
mens of the same application of art with that which appeared in
the chryselephantine statues of Phidias. The very fact that the
Doro-Ionian architecture, in its original and oldest iype, not
only admitted but required polychrome decorations, indicates
that the materials employed must have been wood and metal,
not stone, in the first instance. And the result of the whole
discussion is to confirm our previous inference, that the Pelas-
gians were an Indo-Grermanic tribe, who passed by the north of
the Euxine into Europe, and recrossed into Asia Minor by the
Hellespont, where they came into direct contact with Semitic
art and civilisation. All tradition confirms this, and the ready
adoption by the Hellenes of the Asiatic, as opposed to tiie
with the frieze : but these beams oould not hare projected in the same
pliuie in the tides and at the ends of the building. Sopposiog then
that those whieh ran the whole length of the building terminated in
the friete of the portico^ the cross-beams must hare rested upon them
and senred as supports to the end of the roof. Consequently the frieie
on the sides of the building must either haye had hollow spaces instead
of beams, which was of course the original form, or they were filled by
imaginary beam-^nds, L e. mere triglyphs. When the fa9ade of a tem-
ple was imitated on the Greek stage, it seems that the iiml or beds of
the beams were left open, i. e. there were large holes through which
a man might omwi. This enables us to understand such passages as
the Ibllowing : Buripid. Ipk f*» 118: Jipa ^ y $l&w rpiyXv^^mp dim
«cfp^ Scfuif fu6€iptu. Aristoph. Vesp, 126 : 6 d* ^(^(dptunu M rt twV
vdpoppomp ml tAw 3ira»F.
1 For the details of Soloifion's Temple» see Theniu8,ti6er dk SUeker
der Konige^ Anhang. pp. 25 sqq.
' Psahn sir. 8; cf. 1 Kingi xlii. 89; Amoi iit. 15.
44 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [cHAP. U.
Cyclopean architecture, cannot be regarded as altogether uncon-
nected with the ethnographical fact that the Dorians or Hellenes
were a tribe which passed through Asia Minor in a strong but
narrow stream on their way from the mountains of Caramania to
the highlands of western Qermanj and northern Greece^
§ 4« Supported hy deductions from the contracted mythology of
the two races.
These views of the Cyclopean architecture, as distinctively
characterizing the Pelasgians, are confirmed by all that we know
of their religious system. The worship of the Pelasgians was
not only elementary ; it not only consisted in an adoration of the
great objects of nature — ^for this was common to them with other
primitive tribes ; — ^but it was especially a sun-worship, like that
of the Medes, from whom, as we shall see, they trace their legi-
timate descent. Thus, while the so-called ahorigtnes of Italy
worshipped Satumm-Ops^ the divinity of the earth", the Pelasgo-
Tyrrhenians who dwelt beside them worshipped Tina or JanuSy
the God of light. The two tribes, who constituted the original
populus, being especially warriors, worshipped the God of war ;
as Romulus was mythically the son of Marsy we may conclude
that Mars or Mamers was the God of the Ramnes ; and then
Quirinus^ would be the spear-god of the Titles. Just in the
same way, the Hellenes, who, as I have shown in another place,
were a waxlike tribe of high German character*, brought into
Greece their war-god Apollo^ j a sort of refined Woden; but
eventually allowed some of his attributes to be absorbed by the
God of light, who was worshipped by the Pelasgians*. The
Hyacinthia, which were retained by the Dorians in Laconia and
^ New Crat. § 92. ^ See Zumpf 8 Essay on this subjeot.
s As the QtMrtnot was the flnt seat of the Sabines coming from
the north, it may be inferred that JamcaLum across the riTor indicated
the first approximation of the Tyrrheno-Felasgian worshippers of Tina
or Jama^ who formed a new element in the state under Virenna of
Giere. See Chapter i. $ 18.
« New Crat. § 92.
» 'EXXipcp, «the warriors;" •AjtcXX^f, «the fighter." MttUer, Dor. n.
6, §6.
< ThscUre of the Greek», (ed.' 6), p. [20].
§ 4.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 45
applied to the' worship of their own Apollo, were a festival of
Achaean or Pelasgian origin, and symbolically expressed the
triumph of the .sun's disk over the rainy months of winter^ All
the Pelasgian religion, wherever it can be discerned under the
incrustations of later Hellenism, points to the same worship of the
sun. Jupiter and Danae, of whose union the Argive Perseus
was the fruit, represent the golden showers of the fructifying
sky descending on the dry earth (Bavdifj yfj)\ The Argive
goddess Juno is called /Sowtti^ as being a representative of the
moon-goddess, who bore her disk between two horns, and who
is thus identified with /o, " the earth," the daughter of Inachus^
In the same way Europa, the "broad-fjBtced" moon, is borne
across the sea from east to west by Jupiter in the form of a bull,
that is, the sun in Taurus in conjunction with the moon rises
from the eastern waves. Here she assumes the Amotions of
'*Af3T€fju>$ Tov/MwroXo^, and, as we shall see, Artemis, which, in
the Pelasgian language, was Ari-timia, and means " the vir^n
of the sea," becomes identical with ^Api-^ovtra, "the virgin
swiftly moving*,'' for the idea of time finds one of its natural
expressions in that of flowing water'^. Even the name KiiKKay^j
which has furnished a designation for the peculiar architecture
of the Pelasgians, must refer to figures adorned with the sun's
disk, rather than to any monophthalmic symbols ; and we shall
see. the same transition in the earliest seats of the Pelasgic
race*. The connexion of the Pelasgi with the Sclavonians,
which will clearly appear in the sequel, brings them into close
contact also with the early Celtic tribes. Now there can be
hardly any doubt that the circular and megalithic structures,
which are found in Britain and elsewhere, belong to the ele-
mentary worship of the early Celts. These buildings, whether
grown in trees, as a grove, or built up in massive stones, repre-
sented the world; and this is the true interpretation of Arthur's
Bound Table. It was "made by Merlin for a type of the
Bound World, and was given by Pendragon to Gtegyrvan father
1 New Orat. $ 464. > See Maller^s Mythol p. 252, Engl. Tr/
« See Paley, Free/, ad Pram. p. zz; <mI SuppL p. Tii.
4 Below, $ 12; and Chapter v. § 6; see also Tapia, p. 349; Bumouf.
« New Oroa. J.270. P Below, } 12.
46 THB FOREIGN AniNITIIS OF [CHAP. II.
of Ghrenhwyvar, who brought it to Arthur as her dowrj {Morte
Arthur, xiy. c. 2 ; iv. c. 1). From which we may collect
that the true round table was the circular sanctuary erected
by Merlin. The lake or pool under the JXruu Emmrya was
likewise declared by Merlin to be fgura huju8 mundiy a type
of this world (Nennius, c 43^)." And Arthur himself' ''was
the sun, honoured as a deity but figured as a warrior, i. e. as
Miihraa. His f&ther's name, Uthyry the Portent, is supernatural,
and not really a name ; least of all the name of a Boman, bro-
ther to AureUufl Ambrosius, and son to Constantinus. And the
said Uikyr signifies in his dirge, that he is the Azure Firma-
ment {id syhlime candena quem ifivocant omnes Jovemj^ and that
the rainbow is his belt in battle. It follows of course, that the
son or milUfdd (offspring) of Uihyr Qarlaaaar^ who fills the
place of Ormued, should be Mithras. And his twelve battles, in
all imaginable parts of the island, correspond to the twelve Her-
culean labours." It is not unreasonable to conclude that the
Celts, who carried to the uttermost parts of the west this purely
Median worship of the Gt)d of Light, must have derived it firom
the Pelasgo-Sclavonians, who came most directly firom the nordi
of Media, who first touched upon and became mingled with the
sporadic tribes of Gelto-Turanians, and who in their original
settlements, as Hyperboreans, and also as southern Pelasgians,
were perseveringly devoted to this distinctive form of worship.
§ 5. Thradami Oetm^ and Scythians.
B^ond these particulars we have no satisfactory data for the
migrations of the great Pelasgian people; and if we wish to
know their original settlements in Asia, we must turn to com-
parative philology and to ethnographical traditions of a dif-
ferent kind.
Our point of departure, in these further researches into the
original abode and ethnical affinities of the Pelasgians, is the
great country of Thrace, their first European settlement. The
Thracians, according to Herodotus, were, next to the Indians,
the greatest people in the world' ; and Scylax tells us that their
I CfyOopi C%riffMnitM, G. A, ^erb6rt. Load. 1849, p, 191.
» Herbert, 1. c. p. 213. » v. 2.
§ 5.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 47
territoiy extended from the Strjinon to the Ister^ Now, among
these Thraciang we find the two important tribes of Get» and
Hysians, or Moesians. Of these the geographer Strabo speaks
as follows": "The Greeks considered the Get» to be Thracians.
There dwelt, however, on both sides of the Ister as well these
Get» as the Mysi, who are likewise Thracians, and are now
oaUed Moesi, from whom also the Mysi now dwelling among the
Ljdians, Phrygians, and Trojans, derived their origin." Again,
Scylax informs ns that the Bcythians bordered on the Thracians*;
and Stephanus of Byzantium says expressly^, that the Scythians
were of Thracian extraction. The same is implied in what
Strabo says on the subject : and it has long been admitted that
X/eu0€u and Tircu are the same ethnical name^ We thus at
once obtain new data, reaching far beyond the limits of Hellenio
tradition. For if the Pelasgians can fairly be traced to Thrace
as their first traditionary settlement in Europe, and if we can
pass from the Thracians to the G«t», and fiom the Gkt» to the
Scythians, we are carried into a new field, in which our specu-
lations immediately receive the support of comparative philology*.
^ 0eogiF, VM*, — Scrips Min. I. p. ^. It Is tingalar that tho Qain«
of the Thraciaoa sboold seem to bear the same relatiop to TiroMf one
of the sons of Japheth, that the ethnical names of the Medea and
lonians do to the names of two of hb other sons, Madai and Javan (Oen»
X. 2). If It were neceesarj to seek a oonnezion between the word
Tv(Hni»6t and the Qoth. Tkai4n6$j Old None Thu% O. H. O. Dwr% ao^
oording to Grimm's suggestion {DuvUaeh Myik, pp. ^ 469, 2d ed.)» ^^
might with still greater safety bring the Thracians and the Agc^-ikyrn
into the same etymology. The Bithynians were Thracians ; and there
were Medo-Bithynians (jAaML tBvot Qp^t^s^ Steph. Byz. p. 527) as well
as Partliians (o{ Zjcv^ rovr ^vy6ba9 TLapBovt /eaXovcri, Steph. Byz. p 628)
in Thrace. It is carious that the SkUianB and McBdi^ whom Thucydides
mentions (n. 98) as contigaous Thracian tribes, should represent a simi-
lar joztaposition in Irftn, where those to the west and north were
called Mede» and Sauro-Mato^ while those to the SQUth and east were
termed Sindions or Indi.
^ p. 290. He says also (p. 302), that the Get» spoke the same
language as the Thradans.
» G^ogr, Va.,—S. U. J. p. 29.
4 De UrbiXnUf p. 674, Berkel: 2kv^ t$pog Bpiiaop,
^ See Salmasius, lAng. Hell. p. 269; Ihre, Olois. Suio-Goih. Procem.
p. vi.
• The connexion of the Thracians with the Get» and of the latter
48 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [cHAP. II.
§ 6. Scythians and Medes,
The Scythians of Herodotas are represented as occapjing
the wide tract of country which lies to the north of the Euxine.
Though there are some alleged di£ferenceSy we can collect that
the whole countiy between Media and the Danube was occupied
by a series of cognate tribes. The earliest traditions represent
these Scythians as in continual contact and collision with the
Modes; and we receive many signiiicant hints that the Scythians
and Medea were ultimately connected with one another as
kindred races. If we pursue this subject in its details, especially
as illustrated by the fragments of the Scythian language which
Herodotus and others haye preserved, we shall see that the
Pelasgians may be traced step by step to a primary settlement
in Media or northern Ir&n.
§ 7* Iranian origin of the Sarmatiam^ BcythianSj and GcUb,
may he shoum (1) generallyy and (2) by an examination
of the remains of the Scythian language.
The general proof that Irftn, or the country lying between
the Caspian, the Euphrates, the Indian Ocean, and the Indus,
was the original abode of the Indo-Gkrmanic race, has been
given elsewhere^. It has also been shown, that within these
limits were spoken two great branches of the one Indo-Ger»
manic language, which stood related to one another in much the
same way as the Low and High German ; the former being the
older, and spok6n by the inhabitants of Media, the northern
half of this district. To these Medes, or, as they may be called,
the Northern and Low Iranians^ we refer, on the one hand,
the Hindus^ who 'Call themselves Arians [dryaa^ " well-bom"),
for this was also the ancient name of the Medes ; and, on the
other hand, the following members of the Sclavonian and Low
(jerman families: — (a) the SarmatOB or Sauromatce, an old
Sclavonian tribe, who are expressly called " descendants of the
with the Goths has heen fully discussed by J. Grimm in his Ge$chiehte
der deuuehm Sprache^ c. ix., and he has come to much the same oonclu-
sion with that which was first given in this work.
1 N. Crat. § 80 sqq.
§7.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 49
Medes" both by Diodorufl* and by Pliny', whose name, in the
cognate Lithuanian language, signifies '^ the northern Medes or
Matieni*," and who, under the slightly modified name of %r-
make, dwelt near the Indus*; (ft) the SigynruB, or Sclavonian
Wends, to whom Herodotus ascribes a Median parentage' ; (c)
the Saxons^ Sacassani, or Saca-aiinavas, i. e. '' sons of the Sacae,"
who once inhabited Bactriana, as well as the most fertile part of
Armenia, and from thence forced their way into Europe* ; and,
above all, (d) the Ghths, who, under the different local names of
Terai, X'tcv0<Uj i.e. Aaa-^oths, Svaa-aryircUy or Tvptryh-tHf
i. e. Tyrcu^eUB, or Groths dwelling by the Dniester^, and Mvaoi^
Mouroly or Moo-o-o^ercu, i.e. Mceso^oths^ occupied the whole
of the districts which extend from the north-east of Irftn to the
borders of Thrace*.
* n. 48, p. 195. Bind. « H, N. yi, 7.
•* Gatterer ap. Bockh, C. 7. n. p. 83. * Plin. H. N, yi. 18.
* V. 9. Strabo, p. 620.
< Plin. H. N. TL 11. Strabo, pp. 73, 507, 609, 511, 613. Among
those who- fought with Ftfudintfra are mentioned (i24mdtyatia, i. c. 54»
9I. 21), flnt, the PoAJavt, i. e. the Fenians, for they were called PMavi
by the Indians; and then a mixed army of Sckcb and Yavant, who cohered
the whole earth (totr dsH Bamvrtd bhUmih Cakair Tavanorfnifritaih), The
Persians called the Scythians in general SaecB (Herod, vn. 64 : ol yap
Utpa-ai irdirras rots ^KvSag icakiovtn laicat), A. W. Ton Schlegel (ad loe.
Itdmd^, n. 2, p. 169) thinks that the name *laFtty, the original form of
'lamp, *I«F, was not brought from Greece, but was learned by the settlers
hi Asia from the Lydians; and that the Tavani here mentioned by the
Indian poet were the Oreeks in general, who were always bo called by
the Indians, Persians, and Jews (SchoL ad Arist, Acham. 106 : narrag
rovt''SKktfvas'*laaimt ol fiapQapoi iKoKovv).
7 If we wished to bring thQ Tkywj^getm or Tkyrsa-geUe into con-
nexion with the Aga-thyrn, and into closer contact with the Am-getm or
S-^fthcPj we might suppose that Aaa-getas and ThyvMrgeUB were other
forms of Aaa-jdtun and Thursa-jotim, in which As *' deus" and Thurs
"gigas'* would stand in the usual opposition (See Edd. Sannund, u.
Spec. Qloss. p. 861).
* 2ieuB8 (die Deutiohen, p. 280) is induced by some misspelling in the
text of Ptolemy (m. 5, lO) to write Tytxig-eUB, Mauag^eUe, thus repu*
diating all connexion with the Oetce.
^ The traditions of the Ooths referred not merely to Asia in general,
but in particular to their Midumrheime, or ** Median home," as the point
of their departure (Ritter, VorhdUs, p. 473). -
D.v. 4
60 THE FORBION AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
Although these general results are already established, the
details of the subject have not jet been sufficientlj examined,
especially as regards the fragments of the language spoken by
these northern and western scions of the great Median stock. It
is in accordance with the main object of this treatise, that
these details should be followed as far as they will lead us ; and
it is hoped that, by an analysis of all the Scythian words and
names which Herodotus and others have preserved, the affinity
of the Scythians to the Medes will be confirmed by the most
decisive proo&, and that it will appear that the Pelasgians,
whom tradition traces to the same regions, were members of the
Sclavonian race.
§ 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this
chain of nations.
One caution must be given at the very beginning of all
these inquiries concerning the chain of tribes which link together
the extreme points of Indo-Gtermanic migration. As I have
remarked before, it is always easier to perceive resemblances than
to recognize distinctions ; and the ancient writers speak of Thra-
cians. Get», and Scythians as identical, because they have points
of contact and common ingredients. The results of researches,
which have been indicated elsewhere, tend to show that although
the bulk and substratum of the ancient population of Thrace was
Pelasgian, and this again Sclavonian, the warlike tribes, which
gave a name to the nation, were identical in origin and title
with the Dorians, who were the distinctive Hellenes, and with
the Hermun-duri or Thuringians, who were the High-Gtermans
or Herminones properly so called\ Teres or TereiLs is a local
name in Doris or Daulis as well as in Thrace* ; and the latter
country must at least have retained some fragments or droppings
by the road-side of that united band of warriors who forced their
way in one imbroken stream from the highlands of Kurdistan
across the north of Asia Minor, and so through Thraoe> sending
forth conquering offshoots into Greece to the left and into
1 New Crat, § 92. « Thucyd. n. 29.
§ 8.] THB ANCIENT ITALUNS. 61
Eastern Gennany on their more direct ronte\ The Oeks, on
the .other hand, wherever thej were pure from anj Sclavonic
admixture, stand as Low-Grermans in direct opposition to the
Sdavonians. As MassorOetcB or Moeso'Ooths thej were mixed
np with Mysians, who were Pelasgo-Sclavonians ; and there was
the same mingling of the Sclavonian and Low-German elements
in the Lithuanians or Samo-Oetm. As Dad or Danes the pure
Low-G«rmans stand opposed and related*, both in the north and
south, to the OeUB^ whether called bj this name, or designated
as Chtha, Guddaa^ JiUea, and Vites: and there is every reason
to believe that the latter in this opposition represent som^ ad-
mixture of the Sclavonic and pure Gt)thic elements analogous
to that which is presented bj the Lithuanians or Samo-Geke.
In the Greek comedies Davus^DacvuSf and Qeta^ stand on a
parallel footing as the names of slaves ; but the countries from
which these slaves came were distinguished as Dacia and MoBsia^
and the latter was, at least to a considerable extent, Sclavonic
In the north, according to the legend*, the Dant or Dacini* were
settled in the islands as opposed to Jutland, or, as it is called,
Viihe0'l(Bih; and in the peninsula itself the stratification of
Sclavonians in Schleswig, Angles or pure Low-G«rmans in
Jutland, and High-Germans in Holstein, is still very distinct.
In the immense area to which the ancients gave the name of
Scythia, we must distinguish between the Sarmake, or Bauro-
nuUcBy who were mainly or to a large extent Sclavonian, the
Scythce or AsorOotha^ who were mainly or to a large extent
Low-Grerman, the Soccb or Saxons^ who were purely Low-Grer-
man, and therefore identical ultimately with the Dad or Danes,
and the S-^oIoUb or Asa-GalakSy also called Gimmerii^ who were
mainly Celtic. And besides all these, we must allow a sub-
stratum or fringe of Mongols or Turano-Scythians. Nevertheless,
1 The deriTation of Greek poetry from Thrace, and the Pierian
reBUng.placeB at the foot of Olympiu in the North, and at the foot of
Parnassus and Helicon in the soath of Thessaly, point to the roate of
these Thraoo-Uellenio emigrants.
' They both spoke dialects of the Thracian language ; 8trabo, pp.
303, 305.
' ZeosSy dUDwUcheny pp. SOSeqq.
4 Qrimm, Guek, dtr dmU9ch&n Spraehey p. 192.
4—2
b2 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [OHAF. It.
the SclaTonian is the prevalent or qualifying element throughout,
and from Thrace to Media we identify this with the Pelasgian.
For the old statements, which class together the Thracians,
Gkt8e, Mjsians, and Scjthians, can onlj be understood as assert-
ing their ethnical affinity : that is, the Grreeks saw that thej had
something in common. Now if the Dorians are to be derived
from the Thracians so called, if Massa-geta, or Moeso-Goth, pre-
sumes a combination of different ingredients, the Mysian and
Gothic, and if, which everything conspires to show, the non-
Hellenic element in Greece is also to be sought in Thrace ; it
follows that this element, or the Pelasgi^ must be referred to the
Mysians, who appear as the Pelasgian inhabitants of Asia Minor.
*The same must also be the link of connexion between the
Thracians and the Scythians or Asa-goths. But the Gt>ths,
when qualified by admixture in their primary settlements, are
«Iways blended with Sclavonian elements. Therefore the My-
sians or Pelasgians were Sclavonian also. The Ehoxolani and
Sarmatse, who occupied the province of Dacia after the time of
Aurelian, belonged to the same Gothic and Sclavonian races
respectively as the original inhabitants ; and though historically
a change must be indicated, an ethnographical identily with the
original population is still maintained by the Walachians, who
had adopted a corruption of the Latin tongue before they re-
ceived this addition of homogeneous ingredient8\
§ 9. Peculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by
Aristophanes.
The Scythian words, which have been preserved by the
jancients, are names of rivers, places, and persons ; designations
of deities ; and common terms. Before we consider these separ
rately, it will be as well to inquire if there are not some general
principles by which the characteristics of the language may be
4iscertained.
Some of these general conclusions may be derived from
Aristophanes. It is well known that the police of Athens con-
sisted of Scythian bowmen. Accordingly, when the great come-
1 ZeusB, p. 263;
§ 10.] TH£ ANCIENT ITALIANS. 53
difin introduces one of these public servants on the stage, we
might expect that, as he imitates the broad dialects of the Boeo*
tians and Megarians, and the pure Doric of the Spartans, he
would also give an accurate representation of the broken Greek
of these barbarian functionaries ^ When we mimic the provin-
cialisms of the Highlanders or the Welsh, we are careful to
substitute tenues for medials ; and in the same waj, we may
suppose, Aristophanes would represent the leading peculiarities
of the Scythian pronunciation of Grreek. Now we find that his
Scythian bowman in the ThestnopAorieusuecB consistently omits
the final -9 or -i^ of Greek words, substitutes the lenis for the
aspirate, and once puts ^ for sigma. We should expect, there-
fore, that the Scythian language would present us with Filvar-
ffcA and Anuaiodrah, would repudiate aspirated consonants, and
employ ^=^sh instead of the ordinary sibilant. While this is
the case with the firagments of thei Scythian language which still
remain, it is even more remarkable in the old idioms of Italy.
In fact, these peculiarities constitute, as we shall see in the
sequel, some of the leading features by which the Italian lan-
guages are distinguished bom the dialects of ancient Greek.
§ 10. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained.
The names of the Scythian rivers, which Herodotus enu-
merates, will first engage our attention. These names are mate-
rially corrupted by the Greek transcription ; but with the help
of the general principles, which have just been stated» we shall
be able to analyze them without much difficulty.
Beginning from the European side, the first of these rivers
is the Is'ter^ or, as it is now called, the Datirau or Dan^-yhe. If
we follow the analogy of our own and other countries, we shall
observe that local names very often consist of synonymous
1 See Niebohr, Kieine Sehriften, n. p. 200 (Uber d<u JSgyptuek-
Oriechisehe),
In this and the two following sectioDS I faavo been pretty closely
followed by Mr. G. Rawlinson in his translation of Herodotus (Vol. m.
pp. 196 sqq.)* I mention this merely to intimate that I do not accept
the modifications which Mr. Bawlinson has mixed up with his repetitions
of my interpretations and criticisms.
54 THE FOREIGN AITIKITIES OF [CHAF. II.
elements ; from which we maj infer that the earlier parts of the
word have successively lost their significance. Thus, the words
toicky ham, and taum, are synonjmous, though belonging to
di£Eerent ages of our language ; and yet we have compounds
such as Wick-ham and Hamlpyton-wick. The words wan,
heck, and waiter, are synonymous ; and yet we find a stream in
the north of England called Wana-beck-^ater. The words noffara
BnApura in Sanscrit both signify " city;" but we find in India
a city called Noff-poar. In the same way, we believe that both
parts of the word Is-ter denote "water" or "river." The first
part of the word is contained in the name of our own river
ITtames, or Tam-tsiSf the upper part of which is still called the
Is-is : the second part we shall discuss directly, in speaking of
the third Scythian river. The other and more recent name,
Dan-vb-iua, also contains two elements, each signifying " water"
or "river." The latter part is found in the Gaelic ap, and
in our Avon, &c. ; the former in most of the Scythian rivers,
as will presently appear.
The next river is the Por-aia or Pruth, which obviously
contains the same root as the Greek word «7ro/>o9 and the Scy-
thian parts.
The third river is called by Herodotus the Tvp-iyy, and is
now known as the Dntea-ter or Dana^ter. The latter part of
this name is the same as the latter part of la-ter. The first
part of the compound is the commencement of the other name of
the la-ier. In the transcription of Herodotus, either this word
is omitted, and the Danas-ter is mentioned merely as the Ter,
or the last syllable of Tvp-7j^ represents the first syllable of the
Is-ter; so that the Danube was called the Is-ter, and the Dnies-
ter the Ter-is. It is singular that the syllables Dan-, Don-, or
Dun-, and Ter- or Tur-, are used in the Celtic and Pelasgian
languages respectively to signify "height," or "hill," or "hill-
tower;" and it is to be supposed that this was the origin of their
application to the river, which flows rapidly down firom its birth-
place in the mountains^.
The river Hypan-is is called, according to the Greek tran-
^ Coleridge has, with much poetical truth» designated a cataract as
" the Bon of the rock*' {PoeiM, Vol. ii. p. 131).
§ 10«] THB ANOIJSNT ITALIANS. 66
fcription, by a name compounded of the Ctldc Apan {Awn) and
the word w-, which we haye jnat examined. The first part of
the word occurs also in the name of the river Hyporcaris^ which
means the water of Carts. The root of the second part of this
name appears in the names of the citj Car-cine^ and the riyer
Oer-rmy which flowed into the Gar-cinitis sinus by the same
mouth as the Hypan-is and Hypc^caris. It would also seem that
l^e exceedingly corrupted name Pan-ticapes began originally
with the same word : the meaning of the last three syllables is
absolutely lost, and they will scarcely be sought in the modem
name Ingulretz, of which we can only say that the last syllable
represents the root w- / comp. Tana-ts, Tana^z \
The Greeks who dwelt near the mouth of the great river
Borysihenes naturally pronounced the native name of the river
in the manner most convenient to their own articulation; and
the name, as it stands, is to all outward appearance a Greek
word. This circumstance has deceived the ablest of modem
geographers, who derives the first part of the word firom Hopfj^
or Bopia9. There is little difficulty, however, in showing that the
name is identical with that by which the river is known at the
present time, — the Dni&per or Dana-partSy with the last part
of which we may compare the name Forctta or Pruth. It is well
known that the northem Greeks were in the habit of substituting
the medial, not only for the tenuis, but even for the aspirate;
thus we have fivpyo^ for mipyof;, 'BepevUff for ^epofuci}, Save!]/
for Oaveufy and Boc-wopo^ for ^<»cr-^/M)9. Accordingly, their
pronunciation of the word Danorparis {^Paris-^nas) would be
Dana-harisy or, by an interchange of the two synonymous
elements, Baris-danas^. But the Greek ear was so familiar
with the sequence cr^-, that the sd- would inevitably fall into this
collocation ; and» with a change of vowels, for the same purpose
of giving the barbarous name a Gireek sound, the compound
^ The identiileatton of the InguJretz with the Pixn-H^apes depends
upon the position of the HyUaOy or '' woodland " distriot, which must
hare been on the right bank of the Borysthenes, for the other tide of
the rirer is both woodless and waterless (see Lindler Skythisnt Stuttgart,
1841, pp. 40 sqq.) The name Ingul is borne hj another river, which may
be identified with the Hypa-earii,
* A similar change has token place in the name Benshuu
56 THE irOJUSIGN AFFINITIES OF [OHAP. II.
would become the Hellenic form Bopvadhny;, a word which has
hitherto eluded etymological analysis.
The Tana^ was the most easterly of Scythian, and indeed
of European rivers. The explanation of the name is implied in
what has Been already stated. No difficulty can arise from the
appearance of a tenuis instead of the medial, which generally
appears in the first part of this name ; for the Danube, which is
most consistently spelt with the medial, is called the TunH>ioe in
the Niebelungen-lied (v. 6116). The Tanats seems to haye beoi
the same river which the Cossacks still call the Donaetz or
Tanaetz.
We find the word Danors in composition not only with the
synonyms -&-, -4?-, Parity and Ter, but also with .fiAo-, which
occurs in the names of the Asiatic A-ra-xeSy and in that of the
Eha-y or Wolga. Thus, we have the -&rt-dantw in Italy, the
Bhi'-dawiu in Prussia, the JRho^lanus in France, and the name
'FovSov, quoted by Ptolemy. In England the name Dana
occurs by itself as " the -Don."
§ 11. Names of the Scythian divinities.
Let us now pass to the names of the Scythian gods, which
may be referred without any difficulty to the roots of the Indo-
Grermanic family of languages. Herodotus informs us (iv. 59),
that the names by which the Scythians designated the Greek
divinities, 'lor/i;, ZeiJy, F^, 'AiroXXwy, Ovpauirj ^A^poBirvj, and
HoaeiBifoPy were Ta/3iTi, IlairaJov, 'Attio, Olroavpo^, ^Aprifu-
vraaay and SafUfuuraSa^ ; and it is clear, from his manner of
speaking of these and the Medo-Persian divinities (i. 131), that
he is describing one and the same elementary worship.
*I<rrlrf, or Vesta, was the goddess of fire, as Ovid teUs us
{Fast. VI. 291) : " nee tu aliud Vestam quam vivam intellige
Jiammam.'' There can be no doubt why the Medo-Scythians
called her Tabitiy when we know that in the Zend and Sanscrit
languages the root tab- or top- signifies " to bum." Compare
also the Latin tab-eo, tepidus, the Greek tZ^09, the German
thau-en, the new Peraian tehideuy Sclavonian ty>lye, whence
TiBplitZy "the hot baths," and the river Tepel at Karlsbad,
the Oscan tefarom {Tab. Agnan. w. 17, 20), Etrusc. tephral
§ 11.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 67
(Orelli, 1384), &c. The same root may also appear in the Per-
sian local names cited bj Zeoss {die Deutschen, p. 286), namely
Tafiuivrf between Caramania and Parthia, Ta^idva an island
on the coast of Persia, Tainf a city in Hyrcania, Tevrrovpol or
Taaraipeotf people in Media and on the Imaus.
Zcw, or Z6V9 iran^p {Ju-piter)^ was .called Haircuof; or
"the Father^" a name by which he was known to the Latins
also. The primary labial sounds are appropriated in all Ian-
gnages to express the primary relation of parent and child. The
children on whom Psammitichos tried his experiment (Herod.
II. 2) first uttered the articulate sound B€-/ico9, apparently the
first labial followed by the first guttural ; and in some articu-
lations, as well as in the order of our alphabet, this is the natural
sequence. To this spontaneous utterance of the first labials to
designate the parental relation and the primary necessities of
infancy, I have referred elsewhere {N, Crat. % 262) ; and it
seems to have struck Delitsch also {laagoge^ p. 131), when he
speaks of those nouns " qu» aboriginum instar sine verbi semine
s})onte proYenerunt, velut IK) Dt^» primi labiales balbutientis
pueri, Sanscr. pi-tri^ md-tri^ &c." The word TraTraib? shows us
very clearly the connexion between the Persian and Sarmatian
languages ; for while in the Pehlevi, as Bichardson tells us» (s. v.
Idb) " the name h6bd or hdb is given by way of excellence to
express fire, which they worship as Xht father and principle of all
things,** we find Babai in Jomandes (cc. 54, 55) as the name of
a Sarmatian king. According to Xenophon {Gyrop. viii. 8, §24)
the Persians distinguished between Jupiter and the Sun, and he
also speaks of separate sacrifices to Vesta and Jupiter {Gyrop. i.
6, § 1, vii. 5, § 57). But he may veiy well have confused be-
tween the different ingredients in this worship of fire.
The Scythian name for the goddess of the Earth is ^Kirla.
This word actually occurs in Greek, as the name of the country
where the Pelasgians ruled : and the root Ap^ or Op- is of fire-
quent occurrence both in Greece and in Italy(Buttmann*s LexiL
8. v., and above, Ch. i. § 3).
Ab the Scythian religion appears to have exhibited an ele-
mentary character, we should expect that their Apollo would be
"the god of the sun/' And this seems to be the meaning of
his name, as cited by Herodotus. Olri-avpo^ should signify
58 THB FOBEIGN AFlflNITIBS 09 [CHAP. II.
''the light or life of the san.^ The second part of the word
at once refers ns to the Sanscrit s^trya, which is also implied in
the avpiov apfm of JEschjlns {Fera. 86 ; N. Crat. § 473). The
first two syllables may be explained as follows. After the loss
of the digamma, the sound of w at the beginning of a word was
often expressed by o : thus we have "Oa^ = Fa^ ; "Oo^r*?,
with its modem equivalent el Wah ; the Persian inteijection &x
(iEschyl. Pers. 116), which is doubtless the Greek representa-
tive of the oriental exclamation wah; the N. Test, ovai^weh;
and the word otarpo^f referring to the whizzing n<M«e of the
gad-fly. Accordingly, Oir^-ovpo?, pronounced WUo-auros^ sig-
nifies the Uita^ 0!ro9, AZaa, or life of tlie sun: comp. the
Eussian Vite^ signifying ''a portion;" or if we prefer the
cognate idea of light, we may compare the oira- with o^i/,
aidiyi^ uiUaj weiaSf " white," Egypt, toit, Copt, oett, " to be white
or brilliant," &e. As the avpiov ipfia seems to show that the
Fersiaa son-god was sometimes known by a part of this
Scythian name, we might be led to ask whether the Persian
Mithras had not a representative in Scythia. Now we read not
only that the Persians called the '^ Sun" Mithras (Strabo, p. 752:
rip>&(n hk Toi/ ''HXaoi/, ov koKovo-i Ml0pav)y but also that the
Persians gave the name of Miira to the heavenly Venus (Herod.
I. 131 : hnfiefMJdriKaai 8^ mi r^ Ovpavlg Oveiv, irapd re
^Aaavplcav fia66vTe<i teal ^Apafil(ov, /cdKiovai Bk ^Ka-avpioi rvjv
^K^poblmiv MvXtrra, ^Apdfiioi Se^AX^rra, Hipa-ai Bk Mlrpap).
From this it appears that the Persians had a pair of deities
called Mithras and Mithra, and that the latter corresponded to
the heavenly Venus. But the very dualism itself shows that she
must have been a form of Artemis^ the sister-goddess of ApoUoy
and therefore represented the moon. Thus Jul. Firmicus says (de
Err, Prof, Rdig. I. c. 5: "hi itaque [Magi et Persie] Jovem in
duas dividunt potestates, naturam ejus ad utriusque sexus trans-
ferentes, et viri et feminsB simulacra ignis substantiam deputan-
tes." This pair of deities seems to be implied in the dual forms
ahuraiibya mithraMbya in the Ya^na^ which Bumouf translates
(p. 351) : " les deux seigneurs Mithras ^" But the most important
^ Some remarks hare been made on this passage by Mr C. Knight
Watson, Journal of Philoloffy, i. pp. 241, 264.
§11.] THB ANOIKNT ITALIANS. 59
authority for the present purpose is the inscription quoted by
Zeuss (p. 289), from Ovdii Inacr. Antiques^ p. 66. 2, whidb
should be read: BEAI . 2EAHNHI . OITOSKTPAI . KAI .
AHOAAflNI . OlTOSKTPfll . MiePAI . M . OTAHIOS .
HAOKAMOS . NEflKOPOS • ANEe. This shows that the
epithet of the "sun" quoted as Scythian by Herodotus (with
the mere change of aK for cr to represent the sound sh: see
Maskil le-Sopher^ p. 8) is applicable to the moon as well as to
the sun, and that Apolh-Oitqsurus was also Mithras, Now we
know that "Apre/u^ was specially worshipped by the Persians ;
for Plutarch says (Vit Lucull. c. 24): Tiepa-ia "Xpr^fiv; fjv
fioKurra OeSv ol iripav 'Ev^pdrov fidp/Sapoi TLfiAai^ and her
Persian name Zapfjri^ (Hesych.) was probably connected with
SOrya; but if she was, as this investigation has shown, also
identical with the heavenly Venus or Mithra, we find her Greek
name in 'ApTi/*7ra<ra, the Scythian Venus: for, as we shall
see, 'Ap-Tt/* is best explained out of the Scythian glosses,
as ''the virgin of the sea," and iraaa signifies ''the queen."
The noun was probably Persian also, for Artim-pcLsa occurs
on two inscriptions found near Tusculum and probably of
Persian origin (Zeuss, p. 290). It is by no means clear what
were the attributes of the celestial Venus of ftkb Sqrthians ; but
her name thus explained corresponds exactly to the functions
of Europa^ the broadfaced moon, and to those of the "Kprrefu^
HavpoiroKri.
The Scythian name for Neptune may be explained with
almost demonstrable certainty. The general observations on the
Scythian language have shown that they preferred the tenuis to
the aspirate. The word Ba/it/Mura&s9 must therefore have been
pronounced Tami-fMisadaa. Now, if we compare this word
with the Scythian proper name OdcMfiCLaadae (Herod, iv. 80),
we shall see that fnasadas must be the termination. In the
Zend, or old Median language, Mazdas (connected with mae^
"great"), signifies "a god," or "object of worship." So Or-
muzd is called Ahurormazdas, and a worshipper is termed
Mazdayaana. Accordingly, Tamirmaaadaa must mean "a god,
or object of worship, with regard to TamV^ When, therefore,
we learn from Pliny, that Temamnda is equivalent to mctter
maris, we cannot doubt that Teme, or Tam% means " the sea,**
60 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIEGT OF [CHAP. IL
and that Tamt-masadas^ or ^'Neptune/' is, bj interpretation,
" the god of the sea.'' It does not appear that the second part
of the name Temarunda is a distinct word in itself. It seems
more probable that it is a feminine termination, analogous to that
of scBrende from «(B=:"sea," in the A. S. document quoted bj
Grimm (Oeach. d. deutscA. Spr. I. p. 234), who also compares
the name of the river T%mavu8 as explained by Strabo, v.
p. 214. For Pliny says (vi. 7); "Scyth8B...vocant...Maeo-
tim Temartmdam^ quo significant matrem marisJ" And as
McufJTi^, which seems to be another form of the Zend mate
f=matt8f is stated by Herodotus (iv. 86) to mean /iifn^/o rov
nSpTov, it is more than probable that Temarunda is a qualifying
epithet of McBotisy and that it denotes maritima. The word
Tama perhaps signifies "broad water ;*^ for the river which
is called the la-is while it is narrow, becomes the Tam-ts^^ or
" Thames," when it begins to widen. That the name of a man
like Octarmasadaa^ should be significant of veneration will not
surprise those who recollect the Scythian name Spargorpisea (the
son of Tomyris, Herod, i. 211) or Spargorpithes (a king of the
Agathyrsi, id. iv. 78), which seems to be equivalent to the
Sanscrit Svargorpati^ "lord of heaven" — sparga bearing the
same relation to svarga that the Persian a^pa does to the Sanscrit
a^va; and the Zend gpan, old Persian ^paka^ Sclavonian eabaka^
to the Sanscrit gvd {ffoan)^ Greek kv(ov.
§ 12. Other Scythian Words explained.
Leaving the names of divinities, we may turn to the scarcely
less mythological Arimaspi, Herodotus says that they were a
one-eyed people (jioiw6<l)daKfioi)j and that their name indicates
as much — apifia yap iv KcCKAovat ^tcuOac, airov hk rhv o^
BoKfiov. Eustathius {ad Dionys. 31) gives a different division
of the compoimd, which Hartung would transfer to the text of
Herodotus: api fjtev yap ri hv Xfcvdcarl, fiaairb^ Sk 6 6^
OaXfiS^. It appears to me that Herodotus is in error respecting
the meaning of the word, and that the true explanation is to be
sought in the epithet imroPdfuov, which -Slschylus {Prom. 830)
kpplies to this people :
§ 12,] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 61
6(wrr6fAout yap Ziivot dxpaytU levpas
Tpdvas ifkvXa^iy t6p rt itavptnra arpaT6vf
olKovtruf a/jixlil pafia ItkowSvos ir6pop.
The position of the article before /jbowSira shows that the words
^Apifuunriv iTnro/Sdfiova are to be taken in close connexion, and
apart from the epithet ijuowwira', and I see in this fragment of
symbolical mythology a trace of that Hyperborean snn- worship,
which the Pelasgians brought from Media into Greece and Italy.
For Arim-aspcu is most naturally explained as Ahurtm-ofpa, or
Orimrogpa^ the ** horse" or " horseman of light," thus explain-
ing the term imrofiafifov, and the epithet fiovwi^ will refer to
the circular disc which surmounted the head of the Sun-god, and
80 gave rise to a belief in Cyclopean or monophthalmic deities^.
With this view the meaning of the fable is clear. The one-eyed,
equestrian people dwelling in the Hyperborean regions, which
are regarded ^as the inaccessible and ever-guarded sanctuary of
the Sun, can only represent the Sun-god himself mounted on his
Jie9.venly courser (the aurvat a^pa^ ''cheval rapide,** of the
Yagna: Burnouf, pp. cxxxiv. 371) ; and the Gryfon, which
Punaet the Arimaspian, who by stealth
Had from his wakeful oiutody purloined
The guarded gold— ^
is the /eipfi-epa; or STO, which vainly seeks to prevent the
golden light of day from being borne to the southern regions by
the horseman of light*. In a communication read before the
Boyal Asiatic Society in January 1851^, I have pointed out a
similar error of Herodotus respecting the horse of Darius and his
groom Oibarea; and I have shown that, while this last name
refers to the verb vyabara, or the noun asbaray which must
have occurred in the original inscription, Darius, as in his other
inscriptions, must have referred his power not to the ingenuity of
1 See C^irisUan Orthodoxy^ pp. 854 sqq.
' Ariosto mixes up the horse of the Arimaspian with the Gryfon
which pursued him, and in his jokiug way speaks of the composite
animal as still extant in the northern regions : Orlando Fur. it. 18 :
chiamasi Ippogrifo,
Che ne i monti Rifei vengon, ma rari.
» See Journal of the Royal AdoUk Society, Vol. xvi. pp. 1 — 7.
62 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
a servant, but to the gracious help of Ahurormazda, ^'the lord
of light,^ and his celestial steed — the Sun. In India also the
same* figure was adopted, and there may be traces of it in the
Greek myth of Eephalos, the beloved of Eos. '' Kephalos/^ says
Max Miiller {Oxf. JEas. 1856, p. 53), "was the rising Sun— the
head of light — an expression frequently used of the Sun in
different mythologies. In the V^da, where the Sun is addressed
as a horse, the head of the horse is an expression meaning the
rising Sun.^
Another compound, which may with equal facility be referred
to the Indo-Germanic family of languages, is the name by which
the Scythians designated the Amazons. Ol6fyrrara, according to
Herodotus, is equivalent to dvSpo/crovos — olbp yap fcaXiown
rov avSpa^ to Be ward, fcrelveiv. Now oiop is clearly the
Sanscrit vtra^ the Zend vairya^ vtra (Bumouf, Yct^na, p. 236),
the Latin wV, Gothic vair-Sy Welsh gtvyr, and the Lithuanian
vyras. The root jxU in Sanscrit does not signify primarily " to
kill,'' but " to fall;" though the causative (orm pdtayati constaxdly
means ^' he kills;" ^'i.e. ''causes to fall." It seems more pro-
bable, however, that the Scythian articulation has substituted a
tenuis for the t?-sound, as in the case of aparga for warga^ men-
tioned above, and that the verb is to be sought in the common
Sanscrit root vorfA-, "to strike," "to kill,'' "to destroy,'* Irish
/w<aam,"Ikill."
Pliny {RUt. N(xt. vi. 17) tells us that the Scythian name
for Mount Caucasus was Oraurcasia^ i.e. nive candidtu. The
first part of this word is clearly connected with gelu^ glaciesy
Kpv<^, Kpv'oroKKo^f haUy cold, grau, and grey; and casta,
" white," may be compared with caa^tus, caa-nar (senex OacO'
rum lingua, Fest.; comp. Yarro, L. L. vn. § 29), canua, &c
In the tract about rivers, printed among Plutarch's Frag-
ments, we have the following Scythian words, with interpreta-
tions annexed. He does not translate asiv^, which he describes
as a sort of cabbage growing near the Tanais (c. xiv. § 2) : we
may compare the word with Temarunda.' He tells us, however,
that fipi^a/Sa means KpioO fiiranrov (c. XIV. § 4), that ^pv^
• is equivalent to fiurcrn'ovripo^ (c. XIV. § 5), and that apa^ sig-
nifies fiuro7rdp0€tw (c. xxiii. § 2). Of these, /3pl^, " a ram,"
seems connected with berbex, verbix, or vervex, *'Afia is probably
§12.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 63
akin to caput, kapala^ haupt, &c., — the initial gattoral having
been lost, as in amOf Sanscr. kam-. We may compare fa,
" to hate," with the German acheu, and the syllable <l>pv (pAru)
in if>pv-^a probably contains the element of prav-^us (comp. the
German frevd). K this analysis of ^pv^^a is right, and if
apor^ really means fjturo-wdpOeva^y it follows that apa means
'* a virgin." This leads ns to some interesting deductions. In the
first place, the Pelasgian goddess "Ap-refu^^ Etrusc. AritimtSf
Scyth. Ar-tim-pasaf receives an appropriate explanation from the
Scythian language. For, as we have seen, temi or tami means
" the sea," and thus "A/o-re/uy, as " the virgin of the sea," con-
nects herself with Europa, the broad-faced moon-goddess, who
crossed the sea on the back of a bull (see Kenrick on Herodotus,
II. 44, p. 71), and 8o''A|t)-T€/M9 T<wp<nr6Ko^ becomes identical with
^Api-Oovaa, "the virgin swiftly moving," who passes under
water from Elis to Syracuse. Again, the root of dpa, " a virgin,''
seems unmistakeably connected with that of 4l/)-^9i dpe-nj^ dp-
CTfPy denoting distinctive manliness. It may be doubtful whether
the Scythian word ivapie^j "the unmanly," (Herod. I. 105)
is compounded of a and nrt, or of an^ and or. But it is clear
that the root ar in the Indo-Germanic language was originally
voTy and the Scythian olSpy as we have just seen, is the Sanscrit
vtra. It is not at all improbable that the anlaut may have been
dropt in the other word dpa, just as in "A^wy^, ''A/>t€/u9. At any
rate there is no doubt as to the connexion between vir and virgo
or virago : compare the synonyms Varro and Nero, wehren and
nehrung; &c. The mythology of Minerva and the etjrmology
of castus may suffice to tell us how the ideas of protection, re-
sistance, and virginity, are combined: and it is clear that the
two former constitute the frmdamental meaning of vir and aptf^
{N. Crat. § 285).
Herodotus (iv. 52) mentions a fountain the name of which
was tticvOurrl fih 'E^a/i7ra!b9, Kara Bk r^v *EKh]viov yK&a-aav,
Ipol oSoL Ritter {VorhaUe, p. 345) conjectures that the ori-
ginal form of 'Efa/*-^o?-o9 must have been Hexen-Pfad, i.e,
Asen-P/hd, which .he compares with Siri-pad, and which de-
notes, he thinks, the sacred ominous road by which the Cim-
merian Buddhists travelled towards the west. Bockh {Corpus
Inacript. II. p. Ill) supposes the right interpretation to be iwia
64 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. IL
oBol; 80 that i^dv is "nine." The numeral "nine'' is pre-
served in a very mutilated state in all languages, both Semitic
and Indo-6ermanic, and it would not be difficult to point out a
possible explanation of the word i^av, if the reading ivpia oBol
were really certain. But there is more reason to suppose that
the other interpretation is correct, and that i^dp corresponds to
the Zend cw/a, aschavauj (zahaun, aakaon, "holy/* so that the
termination will be the Persian jpai, Zend jpate^ " a path," and
the compound will correspond to the Persian Mah-pat, Satter-
paty and will denote "Holy-road" or Hali-dam: cf. the Persian
names Baryor^cuo^; and Barfa-TraTf}^ (Zeuss, p. 295).
This examination includes all the Scythian words which haye
come down to us with an interpretation ; and in all of them it
has been shown that they are connected, in the signification
assigned to them, with the roots or elements which we find in
the Indo-Germanic languages generally, and especially in the
Medo-Persian idioms. If we add this result of philology to the
traditionary facts which have been recorded of the international
relations of the Get», Scythse, Sauromat», and Medes, we must
conclude that the inhabitants of the northern side of the Euziue,
who were known to the Greeks under the general name of Scy-
thians, were members of the Indo-Germanic family, and not
Mongolians, as Niebuhr has supposed^.
§ 13. Successive peopling of Asia and Europe : fate of the
Mongolian race.
The true theory with regard to the successive peopling of
Asia and Europe seems to be the following*. Believing that
the human race originated in the table-land of Armenia', I give
1 KldM Sckrifien, i. p. 361.
« The author's views are given in the New Oraiylus, (3rd Ed.) §§ 64
sqq. and in the Tramactions of the BritUh AModatumfor 1861, pp. 138 sqq.
See also Winning's Manual, pp. 124 sqq. and Rask, Uber das AUer und dU
t!chtheU der Zend-Sprache, pp. 69 sqq., Hagen's Tr. And, for the affinity
of the inhabitants of Northern Asia in particular, see Prichard on ikt
Ethnography of High Ana (Journal of R. G. S. ix. 2, pp. 192 sqq.).
^ The general reasons for this opinion are given in the New Cr€Uylu$,
§64.
§18.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 66
the name of Oeniral to the two sister-races, the Semitic and
the Indo-GermaniCy which formed themselves in Mesopotamia
and Ir&n, and became the twin-mothers of human civilisation,
and the joint source and home of intellectual culture. To this
central group, I oppose the Sporadic^ as including all those
nations and languages which were scattered over the globe by
the first and farthest wanderers from the birth-place of our
race. The process of succeigsive peopling may be thus described.
While the Indo-Germanic or Japhetic race was developing itself
within the limits of Ir&n, and while the Semitic family was
spreading from Mesopotamia to Arabia and Egypt, a great popu-
lation of Tchudes, or Mongolians, Celts and Turanians, had ex-
tended its migrations from the Arctic to the Indian Ocean, and
from Greenland over the whole north of America, Asia, and
Europe, even as far as Britain, France, and Spain. In propor-
tion, however, as these Celto-Turanians were widely spread, so
in proportion were they thinly scattered; their habits were
nomadic, and they never formed themselves into large or power-
ful communities. Consequently^ when the Iranians broke forth
from their narrow limits, in compacter bodies, and with superior
physical and intellectual organisation, they easily mastered or
drove before them these rude barbarians of the old world; and
in the great breadth of territory which they occupied, the Tu-
ranians have formed only four great and independent states —
the Mantchus in China, the Turks in Europe, and the Aztecs
and the Peruvians in America.
The student of ethnography must bear in mind some essential
differences between the spread of those Sporadic tribes, which
derived their origin from Irdn^ and to which the aboriginal po-
pulation of Europe, Asia, and America is due, and those which
emigrated from Mesopotamia and Arabia, and furnished a sub-
stratum of dispersed inhabitants for Africa. For while the
Sporadic Syro-Arabians in Africa exhibit, as we go farther from
the center of their dispersion, a successive degeneration in the
passage of the Aramaic languages from the Abyssinian to the
Galla and Berber, from this again to the Caffire, from the Caffire
to the Hottentot, and from the Hottentot to the clucking of the
savage Bushman, and while there is no later infusion of civilized
Semitic elements until the conquest of North Africa by the Arabs;
D.V. 5
66 THE FORBION AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
on the other hand, the Celio-Tnranian tribes were oyemin or
absorbed at a very early period hj snccessiye or parallel streams
of Sclayonians, Lithuanians, and Saxo-Goths, flowing freely and
freshly from the north of Lr&n; and the latest of these emigrants,
the High-Gkrmans, found many traces of similarity in the Celtic
tribes with which they ultimately came in contact. Whatever
might have been the degradation of the Ugro-Turanian races in
those regions where they were most thinly scattered, it is obvious
that the Scythia of Herodotus, which was the highway of the
earliest march of Indo-Grermanic migration into Europe, could
not have been, as Niebuhr supposed, mainly peopled by a
Tchudic or Mongolian stock. And though the name of S-coIoUb
or Asa-Oiilatce, by which some of the ScythsB called themselves,
may be regarded as pointing to a Celtic or Turanian intermixture,
the great mass of the hordes which dwelt to the north of the
Euxine must have consisted of Indo-6ermanic tribes who con-
quered or ejected the Turanians; and I have no hesitation in
referring these invaders, together with the Pelasgians of Greece
and Italy, to different branches of the Sclavonian, Lithuanian,
Saxo-Gothic, or generally Low Iranian stock.
§ 14. The Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin.
It has been proved that the Sarmatians belonged to the parent
stock of the Sclavonians; and we find in the Sclavonian dialects
ample illustrations of those general prlociples by which the Scy*
thian languages seem to have been characterized. Making, then,
a fresh start from this point, we shall find an amazing number of
coincidences between the Sclavonian languages and the Felas-
gian element of Greek and Latin: most of these have been
pointed out elsewhere*; at present it is only necessary to call
attention to the fact. So that, whichever way we look at it, we
shall find new reasons for considering the Pelasgians as a branch
of the great Sarmatian or Sclavonian race. The Thracians,
G^tee, Scythed, and Sauromatss, were so many links in a long
chain connecting the Pelasgians with Media; the Sauromat»
were at least in part Sclavonians; and the Pelasgian language,
Nwo CraJt. § 88.
THE ^
§ 15.] THB ANCIENT ITALIANS. V ^^/ ^^
as it appeara in the oldest forms of Latin, and in certain Greek
archaisms^ was nnqnestionablj most nearly allied to the Solavo-
nian : we cannot, therefore, doubt that this was the origin of the
Pelasgian people, especially as there is no evidence or argument
to the contrary.
§ 15. Foreign affmiies of the Umhrians, Ac.
But, to return to Italy, who were the old inhabitants of that
peninsula? Whom did the Pelasgians in the first instance con-
quer or drive to the mountains? What was the origin of that
hardy race, which, descending once more to the plain, subjugated
Latium, founded Rome, and fixed the destiny of the world?
The Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, or Sabines — ^for, in their
historical appearances, we must consider them as only different
members of the same family — ^are never mentioned as foreigners.
We know, however, that they must have had their Transpadane
affinities a& well as their Pelasgian rivals. It is only because
their Celtic substratum was in Italy before the Pelasgians
arrived there, that they are called aborigines. The difference
between them and the Pelasgians is in effect this : in examining
the ethnical affinities of the latter we have tradition as well
SB comparative grammar to aid us ; whereas the establishment
of the Umbrian pedigree depends upon philology alone.
§ 16. Reasons for bdievinff that they were the same race as
the Lithtianiaris,
Among the oldest languages of the Indo-G«rmanic family
not the least remarkable is the Lithuanian, which stands first
among the Sclavonian dialects^, and bears a nearer resemblance
to Sanscrit than any European idiom. It is spoken, in different
dialects, by people who live around the south-east comer of the
Baltic. One branch of this language is the old Prussian, which
used to be indigenous in the Sam-land or " Fen-country" be-
tween the Memel and the Pregel, along the shore of the Gurische
1 See Pott, Et, Foneh^ i. p. zxxiii, and hiB ComtnenicUio de Banuto-
IMuamecB torn in Slavici$ quam LettieU Unguis prindpatu, Halis Saxonam,
1837—1841.
6—2
68 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. H.
Saf^ and the Lithuanians are often called Samo-Chtm or '' Fen-
Goths." Other writers have pointed ont the numerous and strik*
ing coincidences between the people who spoke this language and
the Italian aborigines ^ Thus the connexion between the Sabine
0ure8^ Quirtmi8j Qutrttes, &c. and the old Prussian names Cures,
Cour-land, Curtscke Saf, &c. has been remarked ; it has been
shown that the wolf (AtVpu«), which was an object of mjstic
reverence among the Sabines, and was connected with manj of
their ceremonies and some of their legends, is also regarded
as ominous of good luck among the Lettons and Courlanders; the
Sabine legend of the rape of the virgins, in the early history of
Bome, was invented to explain their marriage ceremonies, which
are still preserved among the Courlanders and Lithuanians, where
the bride is carried off from her father's house with an appear-
ance of force; even the immortal name of Bome is found in the
Prussian Bomaioo; and the connexion of the words Boma^
BomultLBf ruma lupce^ and ruminalU ficuA^ is explained by the
Lithuanian raumu^ gen. raumens^ signifying "a dug" or "udder^*"
1 Perhaps the oldest obsenration of this affinity is that whidi is
quoted by Pott (GomiiMntofto» i. p. 6)9 from a work published at Leyden
in 1642 by Miohalo Lituanus («n rtip. Pol. ioe. p. 246) : ^ nos Lithvani
ex Italico sanguine oriundi sumus, qood ita esse liquet ex nostro sennone
semi-latino et ex ritibus Bomanorum Tetustis, qui non ita pridem i^ud
nos desiere,' &c. Etenim et ignis (Lith. ugnis f.) et unda (wandu ni.)f
aer (unu), 9ol («dti/l) . . . imiim (wihuu) . . • et pleraque alia, idem significant
Lithnano sermone quod et Latino."
* See Festus, pp. 266—8, Mailer; and Pott, EtymoL Fone^. n. p. 28S.
According to this etymology, the name Ramamu ultimately identifies it>
self with the ethnical denomination Hirpinua. The derivation of the
word Roma is, after all, Tery uncertain; and there are many who might
prefer to connect it with Oroma, the name given to the forum, or point
of intersection of the main streets in the original Roma quadrata, which
was also, by a very significant augury, called mundu$ (see Festus, p. 266;
Dionys. i. 88; Bunsen, Buehrmb. d. Stadi Rom. m. p. 81; and l>eIow,
. Gh. vn. $ 6). The word groma or grumes, however, is not without its
Lithuanian affinities. I cannot agree with MQlIer (Etrtuk n. p. 152),
Pott (Etym. Foneh. n. 101), and Benfey (WurzeLLexicofh n. p. 143),
who follow the old grammarians, and connect this word with the Greek
yvoSfia, yif^fuf, yimftmp I it is much more reasonable to suppose^ with
Klenie (AhkandL p. 135, note), that it is a genuine Latin term; and I
would suggest that it may be connected with grumus^ Lithuan. Mswa^
§ l6.] THE ANCIBNT ITALIANS. 69
Besides these^ a great number of words and forms of words in the
Sabine language are explicable most readily from a comparison
with the Lithuanian; and the general impression which these
arguments leave upon our mind is, that the Latins and Sabines
were of the same race as the Lithuanians or old Prussians. A
special argument is furnished bj the scanty remnants of the Mes*
aapian or lapygian language, which was spoken in the south
eastern comer of Italy. For this fragmentary language, lying
beyond the reach of any influences except that of the Greek
colonists, into whose idiom it was rapidly absorbed, may be
regarded as a pure remnant of the old Italian. Now it is re-
markable that the few Messapian words, which have come down
to us with an explanation of their meaning, admit of more direct
comparison with the Lithuanian, as a German-Sclayonic lan-
guage, than with any other. . Thus we are told that ^pipBo^ or
fiphrriov was Messapian for ^'a stag'* or ''a stag's head"
(Hesych. s. v. ; Etym. M. s. v. Bpevnia-iov ; Steph. Byz, s. v. ;
Strabo, VI. 3, 6, &c.), and in Lithuanian br^is is " the elk," or,
in some districts, ^'the stag;" iravi^ is the Messapian for
** bread" (Athen. ill. p. Ill c), soidjfinas is the Lithuanian for
*'food;" fiavpia means "a house" {JEtym. M. p. 389, 24), and
this reappears in the low German hur^ bauer^ English ^' bower,"
Lith. hur-wcdhan^ "a yard;" fiUrfiri means 9kfaix vinitoria or
"vine-dresser's knife" (Hesych. s. v.), and fiurfiala is rendered
KXaSeuTrfpla, and this root has a very Lithuanian or Sclavonic
sound* The inflexions, as far as they can be ascertained, ob-
viously belong to the Indo-Germanic forms of declension; for
example, the genitive singular in -at%« or -iht corresponds to the
Sanscrit -asya, Greek ^ou> = "ocio, and the Lithuanian -$ proba-
bly for •Hiha.
Lettish kraut : comp. jtp«/ta^, /cX«»/mi{, globui^ gldxif &c. The name may
iuiTe been giren to the point of iatersection of the main via and limea,
because a heap of stones was there erected as a mark (cf. Gharis. i.
p. 19). Eren in our day it is common to mark the junction of several
roads by a cross, an obelisk, or some other erection ; to which the grumus,
or " barrow,** was the first rude approximation. If so. It may still be
connected with rttfiia;*ju8t as fuurr6s signifies both " a hillock*' and ^'a
breast;" and the omission of the initial^ before a liquid is very com-
mon in Latin, comp. ncurro with yv»piC»f no9co with yiyywo-Ko», and norma
with ypttpifioff.
70 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
§ 17. Further c(mjirmatdon Jrom etymology.
Let us add to this comparison one feature wUcli has not yet
been observed. The Lithuanians were not only called by this
name*, which involves both the aspirated dental th and the vo-
calized labial w, but also by the names Ltvonian and Lettoniany
which omit respectively one or other of these articulations. Now
it has been mentioned before, that the name of the Latins ex-
hibits the same phenomenon; for as they were called both Latins
and Lavinea, it follows that their original name must have been
Latumtans, which is only another way of spelling and pro-
nouncing Liihuanxans. If, therefore, the warrior-tribe, which
descended upon Latium from Eeate and conquered the Felasgians,
gave their name to the country, we see that these aborigines were
actually called Lithuanians; and it has been shown that they and
the Sabines were virtually the same stock. Consequently, the
old Prussians brought even their name into Italy. And what
does this name signify? Simply, "freemen*;" for the root
signifying " free," in all the European languages consisted of ?-
and a combination of dental and labial, with, of course, a vowel
interposed. In most languages t!ie labial is vocalized into u, and
prefixed to the dental; as in Greek i-T^jeude-po^y Lithuan. Uau-
disy Germ, leute^ &c.* In the Latin liber the labial alone re-
mains.
1 The known forms of the name are Lihva^ Lietwwa^ LUaiuen, Liekt-
wininka$t Acr/3oi» Lethowini^ Lituini, Letwinif Lethuini, LeUowiiy JAtwam,
Letihones, and Letthu
9 By a singular change, the name of the kindred SclavonianB, which
in the oldest remains of the language signifies either ** celebrated," ^ illua-
trious" (from flava^ "glory," root pZu, Sanscr. fru^ Gr.jcXw-: see 'Safarik,
and Palacky's ^lUst. Denhm, der Bohm, iSjpr. pp. 63» 140), or <* intelli-
gibly speaking,** as opposed to barbarian (from slave, ** a word "), has
furnished the modem designation of " a slave," esdavet schiavo. The
Bulgarians, whom Qibbon classes with the Sclavonians (vn. p. 279, ed.
Milman), hare been still more unfortunate in the secondary application
of their name (Gibbon, x. p. 177).
< Dr. Latham says (Qermania of TacUuSf Epilegom. p. cxi) : ^ the
root L-t = people is German (X^ute), yet no one argues that the Xa<-tfit,
Lith-^MnianSf and a host of other populations, must, for that reason, be
German." If the people called themselves by this name, it may be
§ 18.] TH? ANCIENT ITALIANS. 71
§ 18. Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavoniam and
Lithiuinians in Italy and elsewhere.
The name of the Unibrians, the most northerly of the indi-
genous Italians, leads to some other considerations of great im-
portance. It can scarcely be doubted that in their northern as
well as their southern settlements the Lithuanians were a good
deal intermixed with Celto-Finnish ti*ibes in the first instance,
and subjected to Sclavonian influences afterwards. That this was
the case with the Lithuanians, we learn from their authentic and
comparatively modem history. The proper names cited by Zeuss
(p. 229) show that there was a Celtic ingredient in the popula-
tion of Rsetia and Noricum. It appears, too, that in Italy there
was a substratum of Celts before the Lithuanians arrived there;
this is expressly recorded of the Umbrians by M. Antonius and
Bocchus (opttrf Solin. c. 2) and by Servius {ad Verff. JEneid. xir.
753), and the fact is clearly indicated by the name of the country,
Umbriay and its principal river Umbro. If the oldest inhabit-
ants of this country were Celtic, they must have been an offshoot
of the Celtic race which occupied the contiguous district of Ligu-
ria*. Now not only are the Ambrones said to have been a Celtic
race {Ambrones y says Festus, fuerunt gens qumdam OaUica)^
but this was also the generic name of die ligurians (<r^9 70^
auTov<i o&ret>9 ovojia^owrL Kara yevty; A^/i/e9, Plut. Vit. Mariif
c XIX.). Whatever weight we may attach to the statement in
Festus, that they were driven from their original settlements by
an inundation of the sea, we cannot fail to see the resemblance
£ur]y infeired that it was to thorn a Bignifioant term, and may therefore
be taken as a mark of affinity : no Indo-Germanio philologer will deny
that the Lithuanians and Germans were cognate races.
^ Mr. Ellis, who maintains (Ccntributions to the Ethnography of Italy
and Ghreece, Lend. 1858) that the Aboriginal Italians were chiefly Celtic,
bat partly Finnish, and allows that the Umbrians were Celtic, contends
that the Ligurians (pp. 18 sqq.) were a branch of the Finns, and sup-
ports bis opinion by referring bodincus or bodencua to the Lapp<mic
tcfiiod(o-w) anek ^/undo earena, I hare used the compounds Celto-Fin*
nish and Celto-Turanian to indicate the mixture of these ethnic elements
in the early population of Europe, and I do not deny that there may
have been Finnish ingredients in the Ligurian race ; but I think that
the reasoofl giren in the text prore that they were nuunly Celtie.
^2 THE FOREIGN ACTINITIBS OF [CHAP. II.
between the name of the Amironea and that of the river Vinbro;
and no Englishman is ignorant that the North-tmbriana are so
called with refereDce to an Ymbra-land through which the river
Sumber flowed. Dr. Latham {Tac. Oerman. Epilegom. p. ex) has
suggested a connexion between a number of different tribes which
bore names more or less resembling this, and he thinks that there
is some reference in this name to the settlement of the race
bearing it near the lower part of some river. Thus the -4«i-
hrones seem to have been on the Lower Bhine, the Urnbri on the
Lower Po, the Gumbriana of Cumberland on the Solway, and
the Gambrimi and Si-^ambri on the Lower Rhine. Dr. Latham
also conjectures that Humber xel9,j be the Gallic and east British
form of the Welsh Aber and the Gaelic Inver = " mouth of a
river.'* It appears to me that the Sigambri and Gambrimi
belonged to a German, not to a Celtic stock, and I am disposed
to refer the name of Cumber-land to the form Cymmry. It is of
course quite possible that the words Cymmry^ XJambrian, Cumr
briauy Cimbri, Cimmerii, Gomer^ &c. bear the same relation to
Sumher, Umbro, AmhroneSy that cubi does to vhi, hdmaydmi to
amOy Ghannibal to ^Avpvfia^y and the like ; and so Humber and
Cumber might be different pronunciations of the same name. But
I do not think it reasonable to suppose that Humber or Umbro is a
dialectical variety of Aber or Inver. It can hardly be doubted
that the name of Umbria points to a continuous population of
Ligurians or Ambranes extending from the Cottian Alps to the
Tiber; and there is every reason to believe that this was only
part of a Celtic population which occupied originally the three
peninsulas of Greece, Italy, and Spain, together with the great
islands of Britain, Ireland, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. In
Italy the Ligurians and Umbrians stand side by side, and it is
only in the coimtry occupied by the latter that we have the
river, which gives a name to the people. But the Lech, in the
originally Celtic district of Bavaria, contains the same root as the
name Of the Ligyea or Ldegea, In France we have the Lig-er or
Loire, i.e. "the great river," by the side of the Qur-umna or
Garonne, which combines the Gaelic Gar, found in Garry^
Garry-owen, &c. with the other word amhainn, amhna, Umbro,
And as the Lhegrians^ or Britons of the south and east in this
island, are identified with the Gauls of northern France, it was
§ 13.] TH2 ANCIENT ITALIANS. 73
elsewhere {Cambridge Essays, 1856, p. 35) suggested that the
Cumhrians or Humbrians, i. e. the older branch of the Celtic
stock, occupied in prehistorical times an area extending from the
isles of Britain to the east coast of Italy, and were intruded
upon by the kindred race of Leleges, Ligyes, Ligurians, Lige-
rians, or Lloegrians, who established their line of occupation from
this Humber-land of England across France to the Alps, the
Tyrol, and the seaboard of Genoa, and who also found their
way to the southern regions of Italy and Greece, probably by
the western coast of the former peninsula. The first inhabitants
of Spain and Sicily are called Iberians by every ancient writer,
and they are identified with the Sicanians ; and Philistus must
haye referred to these when he said that the Sicilians were Li-
gurians who had been driren southwards by the Umbrians and
Pelasgians (Dionys. Hal. i. 22), meaning of course the Low-
German and Sclavonian tribes, who subsequently occupied north
Italy. With regard to Greece, there is no reason why the
Leleges, whom we have other grounds for considering as Celtic,
should not be regarded as exhibiting the name of the Ligyes
with that reduplication of the initial 2- which is so universal in
Welsh ^
1 ProfesBor F. W. Newman, in his little work entitled Regai BotnSf
maintains that the old languages of Italy, especially the Umbrian and
Sabine, contaiaed a striking predominance of Celtic ingredients, and he
wishes to show that this is still evident eren in the Latin of Cicero.
His proof rests on Tocabularies (pp. 19 — 26), especially in regard to the
military, political, and religious words, which he supposes that the
Romans deriyed from the Sabines (p. 61). With regard to these lists
I have to ohsenre, that while all that is ralid in the comparison merely
gires the Indo^Oermanic affinities of the Celtic languages — a £sct beyond
dispute — Mr. Newman- has taken no pains to discriminate between the
marks of an original identity of root, and those words which the Celts
of Britain derived from their Roman conquerors. In general» Mr. New.
man's philology is neither solid nor soientiflc. It is not at all creditable
to a professed student of languages to compare the participial word
eUens (eUe-nt^) with the Gaelic c^onn, damns, " children." If anything
is certain about the former» it is clear that it contains the verb-root eli-
or elu- with a merely formative termination in nt, which does not belong
to the root. Agun, when every one knows the Latin meaning of tru
pudium, referring to the triple ictus, what is the use of deriving it
from the Gaelic tir, *'earth,'' and put, '< to push"? If ^r.t[<>s with a
74 THE FOREIGN AFFIKITIEB OF [cHAP. II.
§ 19. The SarmatcB probably a branch of the Lithuanian
family.
If it is necessary to go one step feurther, and identify this
Lithuanian race with some one of the tribes which form so many
links of the chain between Media and Thrace, it would be only
reasonable to select the SauromatcB, whose name receives its in-
terpretation from the Lithuanian language {Szaure-Matent, i.e.
"Northern Medes*'). The Sauromatae and the Scyth» were
undoubtedly kindred tribes; but still there were some marked
differences between them, insomuch that Herodotus reckons the
Sarmat» as a separate nation. Between the Pelasgians and the
Umbrians, &c. there existed the same affinities, with similar dif-
ferences ; and the fairest conclusion seems to be this, that as the
Latins or Lithuanians were a combination of Gothic and Sclavo-
nian ingredients, so were the Sauromatae; that as the indigenous
tribes of Italy were pure Gothic, mized with Celtic, so were the
Scythae or Asa^Goths. At the same time it must be remarked,
that the term Sarmatian has a wider as well as a narrower signi-
fication. In its more extended meaning it is synonymous with
Sclavonian, and therefore includes the Pelasgians. In its nar-
rower use, it is expressive of that admixture of Sclavonian and
Low-German elements which characterizes the Lithuanian or
Samo-Q^tic languages, and in which the Sclavonian is so predo-
minant that the Gothic element is almost overpowered. Revert-
ing to the Asiatic settlements of these races, we may say, as
we pass firom west to east across the northern frontiers of the
plateau of Irto, that the true Sclavonians extended fix)m the
borders of Assyria to those of Hyrcania and Parthia; that they
there abutted on the debateable land or oscillating boundary-line
between the Sclavonian and Gothic races, and so became Massa-
regular Indo-Germanic ending, is naturally derived from qtdris, "a Bpear,**
what miserable etymology it b to compare the former with curaidh^
**a champion/' from eur^ "power," and the latter with cotr, "just,
honourable, ift>ble." And all regard for simple reasoning is neglected
by a writer, who analyzes au^r = aviger into the Gaulish auea, " a bird,*
and the Welsh cur, "care."
§ 20.] THE AHOIBNT ITALIANS. 75
Get» or lithnaniaTifl ; and that the Sacse, Saxons, or genuine
Gothic and Low-German tribes, the Daci, Danes, and Northmen
of Europe, occupied Sogdiana to the banks of the laxartes. K
we suppose, what we have a right to suppose, that this line was
preserved as the march of emigration wheeled round the north of
the Caspian — the Sclavonians to the left, the Lithuanians in the
center, and the pure Goths to the right, — ^we shall have a simple
explanation of all the facts in the ethnography of eastern Europe.
For these are still the relative positions of the different races.
The right wing becomes in the course of this geographical evolu-
tion the most northerly or the most westerly, while the left wing
or pivot of the movement becomes most southerly or most easterly,
and the center remains between the two. Thus the pure Low-*
Germans and the Lithuanians never come into Greece, which
is peopled by the Sclavonians. The Lithuanians and Sclavonians
are mingled in Italy. But although, as we shall see, a branch of
the pure Gothic race invaded that peninsula, it felt, to the end of
its early histoiy, that it had approached a distinct line of de-
marcation wherever it touched, without Lithuanian intervention,
on the borders of pure Sclavonism.
§ 20. Gothic or Low-Oerman affinities of the ancient
Etruscans shoum by their ethnographic opposition to the
Veneti.
This brings us to the crowning problem in Italian ethnogra-
phy, — ^the establishment of the foreign affinities of the ancient
Etruscans. Wherever the advancing tide of Sclavonian emigra-
tion came to a check before the established settlements of a
purely Gothic or Low-German tribe, wherever, consequently,
the Sclavonians felt a need for a distinctive appellation, we find
that they called themselves Serhs^ Sorbs^ or Servians^ a name
apparently denoting their agricultural habits, or else Slow^'ansj
8low-jene, or Sclavonian^ a name implying, according to the
most recent interpretation, that they opposed their own language
as intelligible to the foreign jargon of their neighbours. By
these names they were known in the distant lands to which the
wars of the ninth and tenth centuries transported them as cap-
tives; and as a foreign and barbarous slave was a Scythian in the
older days of Athens, a Davus or Dacian and a Oeta or Ooih
76 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAF. II.
in the later comedies, so all prisoners were called indiffisrentlj
Slave or Syrfy a circumstance which proves the identify and
prevalence of these national designations. But while these were
the names which the Sclavonians assumed on their own western
boundary-lines, and by which they were known in foreign coun-
tries, they received the name of Wende, Wtniden, O. H. G.
Winidd, A.-S. Veanodaa, from the Gk)thic tribes on whom they
immediately abutted. By this name, or that of FinnSy which is
merely a different pronunciation, the Groths of the north desig-
nated their eastern neighbours, whether of Sclavonian or Turanian
race. By this name the Saxons distinguished the Sclavonians in
Lusatia. The traveller's song in the Codex Exoniensta expressly
opposes the Ooihs to the Wineda wherever found; "I was,"
says the author (w. 113 sqq.), "with Huns and with Hreth-
Goths, with Swedes and with South-Danes, with Wends I was
and with Waems, and with Wikings, with Oefihs I was and with
Wineda.^^ Although the strong but narrow stream of High-Grer-
man conquest disturbed the continuous frontier of the Sclavonian
and Low-German tribes, we find, as late as Charlemagne's time,
that Sclavonians were recognized in central Germany under the
designations of Mcnnvrwinidi djii, RaJtanz-vnnidi^ from the names
of the rivers which formed their geographical limits. The same
denomination was applied in much earlier times to the Sclavo-
nians settled in Bavaria, who were called the Vinde-liciy or
Wineda settled on the Licua or Lech^. Farther east on the
Danube the March-field furnished another boundary to the Scla-
vonians, whose city there was called Vind-a-honum. We must of
course admit the same term in the name of the Veneti at the
^ We have a sort of indirect testimony to the Sclavonic affinities
of the Yindelici in the immemorial practice of carrying the axe, which
excited the attention of Horace (ir. Carm, iv. 18);
Yindelici, qnibns
Mob undo deductos per omne
Tempus Amazonia securi
Dextras obarmet, qnsrere distoli
Nee scire fas est omnia.
For there can be little doubt that the weapon referred to was the
trayapig used by the Scythians (Herod, i. 216, it. 5, yu. 64) and other*
tribes more or less easily traceable to a Sclayonian stock.
§ 21.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 77
head of the Adriatic. And thus we trace this difitinctive appel-
lation from Scandinavia to the north of Italy, in a line nearly
corresponding to the parallel of longitude. The ethnographic
importance of the name Wined can scarcely he overrated: for it '
not only tells us that the trihes to the east of the line upon
which it is found were generally pure Sclavonian, but it tells us
as plainly that the tribes to the west, who imposed the name, were
equally pure branches of the Gothic, Saxon, or Low-German
race. Indeed, the latter fact is more certain than the former.
For if, as I believe, the term Wined merely indicates, in the
mouth of a Low-German, the end or wend-^iat of his distinctive
territory, our inference must be that whatever the Wineds were,
they indicated the boundary-line of some branch of the Gothic
race. Now we have such a boundary line in Bavaria; therefore
the Bcetiana who faced the Vindelici or Lech-Wineds were
Low-Germans. We have a similar line in the north of Italy;
therefore there must have been Low-Germans in opposition and
contiguily at the western frontier of the Veneti or Wineds on the
Po. But we have seen that the Etruscans, properly so called,
were Bcetians, who at one time occupied a continuous area
stretching from western Grermany across the Tyrol into the plains
of Lombardy. It follows therefore, as an ethnographical fSstct,
that the Etruscans must have been a Low-German, Gothic, or
Saxon tribe.
§ 21. Beaeans for comparing the old Mruscan toith th^
Old Norse.
These combinations would be sufficient» if we had nothing
else, to establish primd foicie the Gothic affinities of the old
Etruscans. But they are only the first step in a cumulative
series of arguments, which, when complete, raises our conclu-
sion to the rank of a philological demonstration. Some of the
details must be reserved for the chapter on the Etruscan lan-
guage; but the general effect of the reasoning shall be given here.
If the ancient Etruscans were Low-Germans, they must
present the most striking marks of resemblance when they are
compared with the oldest and least alloyed branches of that
family. In the center of Europe the Low-German element was
absorbed by the High-German, and the latter became a qualifying
78 THE FOKBIGN AFFINITIES OF [OHAP. 11.
ingredient in all the Teutonic tribes of the mainland, who w^e
not similarlj aflfected by Sclavonism. As I have elsewhere sug-
gested {New OraL § 78), the Lithuanians were Low-Grermans
thoroughly Sclavonized; the Saxons or Ingcsvcma were Low-
Germans untainted by Sclavonism, and but slightly influenced by
High-Germanism ; the Franks or Iscoevonea were Low-Germans
over whom the High-Germans had exercised considerable control;
and the Thuringians or Herminones were pure High-Gfermans, in
the full vigour of their active opposition to the tribes among
which they had settled. For Low-German unaffected by any
qualifying element we must go to the Scandinavian or Nar$e
branch of the race, which contains the Danish, Swedish, Nor-
wegian, Faroic, and Icelandic tribes. The oldest or standard
form of the languages spoken by these tribes is the Old Norse or
Icelandic, which not only exists as a spoken tongue, but is also
found in a very flourishing and ancient literature. The present
inhabitants of Iceland trace their descent from emigrants who
settled there in the ninth century; and, from circumstances con-
nected with their isolated position, the language has remained the
unaltered representative of the oldest known form of Scandinavian
or pure Gothic. It is therefore with this Old Norse or Icelandic,
the language of the Sagas and Runes, that we must compare
the old Etruscan, if we wish to approximate to the common
mother of both, on the hypothesis that they are both traceable to
the sajne stock. But the reader must from the first be guarded
against the ridiculous idea that I identify the Etruscan with
the Icelandic^. The proposition which I maintain is this: that
1 In spite of this distinct caution, which stands now as it did in
the last edition, some persons have been careless or disingenuous enough
to assert that I propose to regard the old Etruscan as a dialect of the
Old Norse, and therefore, by presumption at least, as admitting of easy
tind complete interpretation. This is the only meaning which can be
attached to Bunsen's flippant and puerile objection {CkrManity and
Mankind^ Vol. m. p. 85, note) : ** we do not know Etruscan, but we do
know Icelandic." And it is probably this misrepresentation that has
induced an anonymous and ill-informed critic to say {BmUe^t QtMrterly
RevieWf i. p. 52) : '* a philologist who belioTes, or believed, that the
Etruscans spoke a dialect of Korse, deserves to be plaoed in the same
category with the late Sir W. Betham, who beliered that they spoke
§21.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 19
the Icelandic in the nncoltiyated north represents in the ninth
centciiy of onr »ra the language of a race of men, who might
have claimed a common pedigree with those Baeto-Etmscans of the
south, who became partakers in the Pelasgian civilisation about
1600 years before that epoch. Moreover the Icelandic or Old
Norse remains pure to the last, whereas the Etruscan is from the
first alloyed by an interpenetration of Umbrian and Pelasgian
ingredients. Consequently, it will justify all our reasonable ex-
pectations, if we find clear traces of the Old Norse in the distinc-
tive designations of the Etruscans, that is, in those names which
they imported into Italy, and if we can make the Scandinavian
pare Irish." To a reader of this hook such reckless misrepresentations
expose their own ignorance or dishonesty. When Bunsen adds a refer-
ence to Dr. Freund's strictures upon me in a paper read before the
Ethnological Society (in April, 1858), he is not ashamed to suppress
the fact that I answered those strictures in a subsequent paper read
before the same Society (in January, 1854), and proved that Freund's
objections were utterly insignificant and invalid. In a subsequent note
(p. 89) Bunsen is careful to advertize Dr. Freund's Latin- English Dic-
tionary, which has never appeared, and his expedition to Bsetia, at the
expense of the Royal Academy of Berlin, from which the learned world
has not as yet derived any benefit. Scholars have learned to estimate
at their proper value Bunsen's indiscriminate encomiums on his own
countrymen. For to say nothing of his undisguished wish on all occa-
sions to praise Germans at the expense of Englishmen, Bunsen is really
qmte incompetent to pronounce a judicial opinion on any questioi^ con-
nected with philology. Thus, besides the misinterpretation involved in
the passage quoted above, it presumes a strange confusion of mind. For
what would Bunsen himself say, if any one were to object to his theory
that the language of the Targum and the Pcshito is a form of the same
language as that which has been recognized in the cuneiform inscriptions
of Babylonia, by saying that '' we do not know old Babylonian, but we
do know Chaldee and Syriac"? Then, what is to be said of the critical
discernment of a man, who after talking of a theory as a bad joke and
an anaofaronism, immediately after publishes a report on the subject by
Aufrecht, in which that theory is to all intents and purposes maintained?
That Bunsen is a mere dabbler in philology and has yet to learn the
first principles of linguistic analysis, is clear from his comparisons of the
Egyptian ar with the English arey Anglo- Saxon aron^ original form <ueni:
ofatUj "1 am," with av- in avT6si and of tm with both <?y=€-<$irr-( = e-Mnt-«
and unttf / (JEgypterh i* p* 350). He repeats some of these absurdities
in his Chrittianity and Mankind, nr. p. 187, though they were pointed
out to him many years ago (Quarterly RwUw, No. olv. p. 154).
80 THE rOREIGK AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
langtUkges directly available for the explanation of such of their
words and phrases as are clearly alien from the other old idioms
of Italy. This, and more than this, I shall be able to do.
§ 22. Teutonic peculiaritiea cf the ancient Etruecane.
In comparing the old Etroscans with a branch of the Teu-
tonic race, the first step will naturally be to ask whether the
distinctive habits and peculiarities of the Rasenic invaders of
northern Italy corresponded with those of the Scandinavians in
question. If we take even what we know of the physical cha-
racteristics of the Etruscans, we shall see that we have a race
more like the Grothic tribes of the north than the Italians, with
whom they stand in immediate contact ^'The Etruscans,"
says Mommsen^, '' present the most striking contrasts to the
Latin and Sabellian Italians, as well as to the Greeks. Their
very bodily structure would be sufficient to distinguish them
from the other two nations. Instead of the symmetrical slender-
ness of the Greeks and Italians, the* sculptures of the Etruscans
show us short, sturdy figures, with large heads and thick arms.
Their manners and customs, so &r as we are acquainted with
them, as clearly prove them to be a people originally quite
distinct from the Grseco-Italian races." In the days of Ca-
tullus *, and even of Virgil", the obesity of the Tuscans was
their distinctive peculiarity. And this, as is well known, to-
gether with the broad» short figure so remarkable in the Tuscan
monuments, is equally observable in the legendary Scandina-
vians and their modem representatives. A nation, which sings
the praises of little but doughty champions, who conquered
gigantic opponents, is generally found to combine strength and
pugnacity with a stature conspicuously shorter than that of the
conterminous tribes. The Boa^ Basena, or "Runners," were,
we may depend upon it, a race of sturdy, active, nimble little
men, like their representative the giant-killer of the nursery
tales, with his seven-leagued boots and his sword of sharpness.
1 Hktory of Rome (Introd. tr. by Robertson, p. 52).
' xxxYU. (xxxix.) 11: ^ aut parcus Umber aut obesus Etniscos.**
> OeargieOy n. 193: ''inflant cum pingois ebur Tyrrhenus ad ans."
§ 22.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 81
Tages, the dwarf, who rose from the ground at Tarquinii and
Qonvejed to the Etruscans their knowledge of divination, is one
of the wonderful little men, who appear in the Old Norse stories'.
The duodenary system of the Etruscans reappears in the old
Saxon or Gothic form of government*. The most striking in-
stance, however, of the Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient
Etruscans is furnished by the correspondence between the Tus-
can combat of gladiators and the ffSlm-gdnga^ i. e. the duel or
monomachy of the Scandinavians. It is generally admitted
that the gladiatorial exhibitions at Rome originated in Etruria',
and that they belonged at first to the fiineral solemnities of the
country. Indeed there is no representation More common on the
better class of Etruscan Monuments than that of the gladiatorial
combat round the altar sacred to the tomb of the deceased ; and
we must refer to this class even the group supposed to represent
Echetlus at the battle of Marathon, which is of frequent occur-
rence, and which appears to me to be only a particular modi-
fication of a cohtest analogous to that of the retiarwa. The
custom of sacrificing prisoners of war at the tomb of a departed
warrior is connected with the fraditions of the Trojan war.
Such a sacrifice takes place at the fhneral of Patroclus^, and
Achilles himself is appeased l|y the sacrifice of the Trojan
princess Polyxena*. The ancient Greeks, like the ancient Etrus-
cans, were mixed Up with Pelasgians, and both nations were
thus placed in the channel of direct communication with the
Phoenicians, who influenced the religion and usages of all the
Pelasgian tribes. Now we know that the funeral sacrifices of
the old Italians had reference to the worship of Kronos or
8(Uumu8y the subterraneous God, who fed on his own children ;
and the gladiatorial games inhere especially exhibited at the
Saturnalia. On a tonlb copied by Bonarota {Dempatery Vol. III.
* Niebuhr, H. R. i. p. 1S9.
' Maiden, H. B, p. 90» and the passage from Tamcr^s Anglo-Saxom
quoted by him (both passages are giren by Mr Ellis, JtmrnoL of PhUo-
loffy, n. p. 179).
< Nicol. Damasc. ap, Athen. iv. 39» p. 153 F ; Tortull. Speet. c. 5.
4 Horn. H. xim, 175 sqq.
A The story is gfyen in the Heduba of Euripides.
D.V. 6
82 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
pi. 25) the deyouring deitj is represented as waiting for his
gladiatorial prej. But Satumua is the Phoenician Molochj in
whose worship the sacrifice of human victims took its rise\
Accordingly the practice of offering up human victims must
have been derived by the ancient Greeks and Italians, through
the Pelasgian ingredient in their composition, from the Phosni-
cian and other Syrian tribes, who trafficked with the coasts of
the Mediterranean. While, however, these nations and their
pure descendants, the Carthaginians, retained this inhuman
practice in its original and unmitigated form, the Greeks soon
shook off this barbarous worship, and found various substitutes,
of which the interrupted sacrifice of Iphigenia is a mythical
representation*. The Rasena on the other hand, with rude war-
like instincts, and with the practice of the Hdlm-^dnga already
established among them, were naturally led to pit the captives
destined for sacrifice to fight against one another; and, instead
of slaying them in cold blood, to make them become both sacri-
ficers and victims in the funeral solemnity. Under peculiar cir-
cumstances the old eastern ferocity was retained, as when the
Tarquinians, in the year A.U.C. 397, sacrificed in cold blood
307 Boman prisoners of war to the Sun-God or God of the year,
as the number of thc.victims seems to show'. At private fune-
rals, however, the fight of gladiators invariably took the place of
the human sacrifice. Servius* attribates the origin of this sub-
stitution to the funeral of Junius Brutus ; but he seems to con-
fuse between the origin of the practice, and the first beginning of
a public exhibition or munus of gladiators, in which the amuse-
ment of the people was combined with the honours due to the
dead. This appearance of the Hdlm-gdnga^ instead of the cold-
blooded slaughter in which the Pelasgo-Phoenician rites in-
dulged, seems to me a remarkable indication of the connexion
of the Raaena with a branch of the Teutonic family, which,
whether in sport or earnest, delighted in eveiy form of martial
spectacles, and whose descendants in another part of Europe in-
1 See Ghillany, MeMchenopfer^ pp. 123 sqq.
* C%«*uitan Orthodasey, p. 113.
s LiT. vu. 15. The Etruscan year was either 304 or 307 days.
« Ad jEneid, u. 67.
§ 23.] THE ANCIENT ITALUNS. 83
trodaoed the chivalroiis and sometimes deadly encoimters of the
tournaments
§ 23. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names.
It has been shown in the preceding chapter that the con-
qnerors of the Umbrians and Tyrrheno-Pelasgians in Northern
Italy called themselves Bas-ena. Niebuhr has suggested that
this word contains the root ras- with the termination -ena
fomid in Pors-^na, &c., and I have hinted that the same root
is fonnd ifi the distinctive designation of this race, Et-rus-ci or
Eet-rus-cij which presumes an original Het-rust, whence Het^
rur-ia for Hetr^rusia. The Old Norse will tell us the meaning
both of the root and of the prefix, if I am justified in assuming
that the word was originally aspirated': for in Icelandic hetia
is *'a warrior, hero, or soldier," and in the same language ras
implies rapidity of motion, as at rasa, "to run." So that Basena
1 I first suggested this illastration in a paper ^ on the Eimscan tomb
at Hardwick/' read before the Suffolk Institute of ArchsDology, 17th
June, 185dy and now published in their Transactions.
* There is no authority for the aspiration of Etruscus and Etrurioj
as Manutius has remarked Orthographioy s. ▼. Etruria : ** omnem aspira-
tionem oroittunt veteres libri, lapides, et numi." I therefore always cite
these words without the aspirate, as this is the authorized and fashion-
able orthography. But in a foreign name adopted by the Romans the
presumption is always in favour of a rough breathing when the word
begins with a Towel. In fact, the uniTersal tendency is rather to omit
than to introduce gratuitously the mark of an initial breathing. The
following examples illustrate this tendency in Latin : Alcedo, Halcedo;
Alcyon^ Halcyon; arena, harma; aruspex, hanapex; aper, Kotrpos; arundo,
hanmdo: arvigOf harviga; edera, hedera; jEdui, Ha^ui: aveo, haveo or
habeo: apala ova» airaX^ mo, cf. apcUarCf " an egg-spoon ;" Annibcdf *Ayri-
/3ar, Hafmibaly ^y^^lTl» &c. If the unaspi rated form is genuine there
will be no difficulty in explaining the prefix either by reference to of,
the prepositional prefix, or €U = attf ** stirps, familia,'' both of which are
used to form words in Old Norse (see the examples in Egilsson's Lexicon
Poetieum amt^iuce linguoB Septentrionalist p. 27 sqq.). The word at-rennif
"adiapetUf eteeumu" from cU renna is found quite in accordance with
et-rus-ctw from at raea. In an inscription from Tarquinii {Ann. dell'
Intt. Arch. IT » 1832, p. 16l) we hare the spelling AETRVRIA, which is
a presumption in faronr of an original aspirate; for Helena is written
ABLENA {BuU. Arch, Sardo. m. 32; ap. Fabretti, s. v.).
6—«
84 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAF. II.
and Hei-rwn imply a warrior-tribe, distingoiBhed by their sudden
onset and rapid career^ Similarly, an Homeric hero is wi&v;
mteu^^ predaoeons animals are 0&e;^ and the Scandinayian pirates
have left the eagle or the war-galley on the armorial bearings
of those families which claim a descent from them, as an indi-
cation of the same characteristic This would be admitted as a
reasonable conjecture even if it had nothing else to recommend
it. However, it does so happen that we have a distinct record
of a migratory conquest by the Scandinavians in the heart of
Europe rather before the colonisation of Iceland, in which they
called themselves by the same name as these Bcmna or Het-
rtis-i. It has been shown by Zeuss {die Deutscheny pp, 547, sqq.)
that the language of these conquerors, who descended the Dnieper,
the Volga, and the Don, was Old Norse, and that their leader
Ckcuxin bears the Norse name HaJcon; and Symeon Magister,
who wrote A. d. 1140, has given the same Scandinavian expla-
nation of their name Ro8y which I have suggested for Bas-ena;
for he says {Scriptor. post Theophan. ed. Paris, p. 490): oi Pw?
ot Koi Apofiirai X€70/A€voi, " the Bos who are called the racers or
runners;" and (p. 465): Tw Bk oi ^poiurai ^>efHowfjuoL — hpo-
fUTCU &) dir^ Tcv o|€fii9 rpex^iv avroU irpotr&fkvetOy "the Bos are
called the runners, and they are so called from the rapidity of
their motion ^*' Here the coi\jecture, which I proposed to the
British Association, is confirmed by an authority subsequently
observed : and no one will deny the obvious value of this cor-
roboration. That the name Basena or Bos^ thus explained,
would be a very suitable designation for a dominant tribe of
warriors is shown by the fact that the highest class at Borne
had no older name than that of celeres or "swift-horsemen."
There can be little doubt that the word ross, which appears also
I It is worthy of remark that Honuie applies the epithet wHodes to
the Breum, one of the leading Rntian tribes (iv. Carm. xrr. ll).
> Zenss snggests that the original Old None form was Rcesar from
the sing. Jtcmr s= dpofiirrit = cursor. He asks: ** gehort hieher aoch Bcssir
in den Liedem haOfiges Synonymum fUr KomOngr, etwa der SekneU^
EcUef and quotes Skaldskaparm. p. 191, for Bcenr as a man's name.
The name Eos or JRua, as applied to the Scandinavians, is presumed in
the designation P-rt4ft =j>o-i2tM-» " adjoining the iZo»;" cf. Po-moram,
*• the dwellers on the sea " (po-more).
§25.] THB ANCIBKT ITALIANS. 85
in the dialectical variety hormy containB this root raa or ros;
and as the word roaa, in a secondaiy sense, like the Greek
vifYaa-o^, denotes a mnning stream, and as hills and the rivers
which descend from them are often denoted hj the same name
in the Indo-Oermanic languages, it is worth remarking that in
Bstia a great number of names of rivers and hills contain this
word ro88/ thus we have Boss-hack and Ross-hachrherg^ BasS"
kogel, Boss-kavy Ross-herg^ Ross-Jcopf^ Boss-^rtuskj Boss-^and^ &c.
It may therefore be laid down as a matter of fact that the dis*
tinctive ethnical designation of the old Etruscans is Scandina-
vian ; and we shall see that their mythological or heroic names
are explicable in the same way. Niebuhr remarked, without
attaching any importance to the observation, that there was a
singular resemblance between the Scandinavian mythology and
that of the Etruscans : *' according to their religion, as in that
of the Scandinavians, a limit and end was fixed to the life even
of the highest gods^' {H. B. i. note 421). Now in the Scan-
dinavian mythology tliere is no name more prominent than that
of I%or or Tef^y and this prefix is a certain indication of the
presence of the Northmen in any country in which it is found.
Hickes says : ^* Prssp. Thar vel Tor in compositis denotat diffi-
cultatem, arduitatem, et quid efficiendi molesdam, pessumdans
significationem vocis cui prceponitur, ut in Tor-cere ^annonaa
difficultas et caritas,' Tor-fieray * iter difficile et impeditum/ 2br-
feiginny * acquisitu difficilis,' TorycotUj * rarus nactu,' &c. Ex
qnibus constat, ut nomen deastri Tyr veterum septentrionalium
Mercurii in ecnnpositione ghriam, lattdemy et exceUentiam de-
notet: sic nomen idoli Thor euphonice Tor eorum Jovis et
Eerculisy qui cum malleo suo omnia domuit et superavit, in com-
positione significat et insinuat dijfficukatem quasi Herculeam vel
rem adeo arduam et difficilemy ut Thori opem posceret, qua
superari quiret.*' The lexicographer has here confused between
the name of the god Thor (Grimm, D. M. p. 146, et passim)
and a prefix equivalent to the Sianscrit dur- Greek Sua*- {N. GraL
§ 180). But whatever may be the true explanation of this
initial syllable, there can be no doubt that it belongs to the
oldest and most genuine forms of the Low-G«rman languages ;
and when we find the name Tar-ckon or Tar-quin among the
mythical and local terms of the ancient EtruscanS| we cannot
86 THE FOBEIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. IL
but be Btrack bj the Old None character impressed upon them.
We at once recognize the Scandinavian origin of the town of
Thor-igny in the north-west of Normandy, where the termina-
tion is the same as that of many towns in the same district, as
Formigntfy Juvtgnyj &c,, and corresponds to the Danish ter-
mination "iThge^ as BelUnge, Helstnffe, &c. (Etienne Borring,
8ur la limite mSridionale de la Monarchie Danoise. Paris, 1849,
p. 9). It is worthy of remark that the word tny-, which is
appropriated by the Ing^BvoneSy Ang-liy EngUliahy and other
Low-German tribes, seems to signify "a man"' or "a warrior"
(Grimm, D.M. i. p. 320), and as quinna is the Icelandic for
muliery Tar-tnff and Tar-quxn might be antithetical terms ; and
the latter would find a Low-German representative in Tar-quxL
The other mythical name of the old Etruscans, which comes in
close conneidon with Tar-quiriy is Tana-quil; and Tar-quin
or Tar-qutl and Tana-^uil might represent a pair of deities
worshipped at Tarqumn, the plural name of which indicates,
like AtheruB and Thebas^ the union of two communities and two
worships, the Pelasgian Tina or Tanaj i. e. Jantis, being placed -
on an equal footing with the Scandinavian Thor^. This is in-
verted in the tradition which weds the Greek Demaratus to the
indigenous Tana-quiL At any rate, we cannot but be struck
with the Scandinavian sound of Tana-quil, which reminds us of
Tana-quialy the Old Norse name of the Tanais, which, although
the name of a river, is feminine (Grimm, D, Or. iii. p. 385).
These coincidences become the more striking, when we re-
member that we are comparing the Old Norse, of which we know
nothing before the eighth century of our sera, with the Old
Etruscan, which flourished nearly as many centuries before the
birth of Christ. And when we add to all these evidences of
direct history, ethnography, and mythology, the fact, which will
1 It is worthy of obserTatioti that Lycophron, who had peculiar
opportunities of becoming acquainted with the population of Italy {Hitt.
Chr. Lit, IL p. 435), expressly distinguiBhes Tarehan and Tynenua as two
sons of tho Mysian King; Alexandra, 1248 sqq. :
<rvy dc difnvxoi Trf#co«
§ 24.] TBM ANCIENT ITALIANS. 87
be exhibited in a sabseqaent Chapter, that the Scandinavian
languages suppty an immediate and consistent interpretation of
those parts of the Etruscan inscriptions which are otherwise
inexplicable, no reasonable man will refuse to admit that the
lingaistic and ethnological problem suggested bj the old inha-
bitants of Etruria has at length received the only solution, which
18 in accordance with all the data, and in harmony with the
nature and extent of the materials and with the other conditions
of the case.
§ 24. Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the
Sclavonian.
It appears that the original settlements of the Sclavonian
race were in that part of Northern Media which immediately
abuts on Assyria, and therefore on the cradle of the Semitic
family*. From this we should expect that the Sclavonian dia-
1 It can scarcely be necessary to point out the difference between
the ethnological argument by which I hare traced the Pelasgo-SclaTonians
to an original settlemonc in the immediate vicinity of upper Mesopotamia,
and Mrs Hamilton Gray's conjectural derivation of the Rcuena from IU~
mn on the Tigris {History of Etruria, i. pp. 21 sqq.). To say nothing
of the fact that I do not regard the Raaena as Pelasgian, I must obserre
that it is one thing to indicate a chain of ethnical affinities which ex-
tended itself link by link through many centuries, and another thing to
assume a direct emigration from Resen to Egypt, and from Egypt to
Etruria. The hypothesis of an Egyptian origin of the Etruscans is as
old as the time of Bonarota, but we know enough of the Semitic lan-
guages to be perfectly aware that the Rasena did not come immediately
from Assyria or Egypt. Besidos, if this had been the case, they would
hare retained the name of their natire Resen until they reached Italy.
In tracking the High-Germans and Hellenes from Caramania to Greece
and central Europe, we find in the dry-bed of History continuous indi-
cations of their starting-point and route (New Cratylus, § 92). And the
Sanuro'maUB preserve in all their settlements a name referring to their
" Median home." But Mrs Gray's Rasena forgot their natire Reeen in
the alluTial plains of Egypt, and miraculously recoTer this ethnographi-
cal recollection in Umbria and among the Apennines. This is not in
accordance with observed facts. Wandering tribes call themselves by
the name of their tutelary hero, or by some significant epithet applicable
either to themselves or to their original country, and they keep this
throughout their progress. There is no parallel to Mrs Gray's assumed
88 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [OHAP. 11.
lects wOTild fbmidh us with tlie point of transition from the Indo-
Grermtoic to the Semitic languages; and an accurate examination
of the question tends to show that this expectation is well founded.
But etymological affinities maj exist bj the side of the greatest
contrast in regard to the state or condition of two languages;
and thus we find that, while the Semitic and Sclavonian come
very close in etymology, they are unlike in syntactical develop-
ment in those points which most distinguish the Sclayonian from
other Indo-Grermanic idioms. As I have elsewhere discussed
this subject at sufficient length^, I shall here only recapitulate
the general results of the inquiry. (1) The salient points of
resemblance between the etymological structure of the Semitic
and Sclavonian languages are (a) a number of common words
which are more or less peculiar ip both : as IIQ dhSb^ jo
debr^ "good," compared with the Russian dob-ro; T!!^ eferei,
^jj dery^ "a road," compared with the Russian doroga;
^TTi gdrddly "great," compared with the Russian dolgte^ &c.;
{b) a tendency to the agglutination of concrete structures in
both. If roots were originally monosyllabic, the triliteral roots
of the Semitic languages cannot be otherwise accounted for than
by supposing that they are pollarded forma, of words consisting
of monosyllabic roots combined with a prefix, affix, or both. As
then the Sclayonian languages exhibit words in this state of
accretion, and as the Semitic petrifactions would most naturally
emanate from this state, we must reckon this amp;ig the proo&
of their etymological affinity; (c) the correspondences furnished
by the. comparative anatomy of the Semitic and Sclavonic verb.
fact, that a body of men set forth from a great city» lost their name on
the route, and resumed it in tbeir ulterior Bettlementa. On the whole,
I mast designate the conjecture about Reseaas a lady-like. sjinnise; very
imaginative and poetical; but repreaentiog rather the oonrerBational
ingenuity of the drawing-room than the i^ell- considered criticism of the
library. On the contacts between the Semitic and Sclavonian tribes in
their original settlements» the reader, may consult the authorities quoted
by Prichard, NcUurcU Hjatory qf Man, p. 142, and Mill, Myth. Interpr. of
Lttht p. 66, note.
^ Eepari of tJie British Auoeiation for 1851, pp. 146 sqq.
I «5.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 89
We find in both a parsimony of tense-fonns hj tlie side of a
layish abundance of derived or conjugational forms; {d) the
complete coincidence of the Semitic and Sclavonian languages in
regard to their unimpaired deyelopment of the original sibilants;
for it is only in these languages that we find the three sounds
of zain and zemJjay of tsade and fot, of ^mech and slow: and
while the formation of palatals has proceeded to its full extent
in Sclavonian and Arabic, the permanence of the pure sibilant
in Hebrew is shown by the fact, that, with a fidl array of
breathings, there is no diminution in the use of the sibilants in
anlaut or as initials. (2) The most striking difference between
the Semitic and Sclavonian languages— rand it is one which marks
the earliest of the former no less than the most modem repre-
sentatives of the latter— rconsiats in the fact, that while the Semitic
languages are all in a syntactical condition, having lost most of
their inflexions, and exhibiting all the machinery of definite
articles, prepositional determinatives of the oblique cases, and
other uses of particles to compensate defects of etymological
structure, the Sclavonic languages have never arrived at this
syntactical or logical distinctness, and have never abandoned their
formative appendages and the other symptoms of etymological
Ufe and activity. These differences are due to the &ct that
while the Sclavonic tribes have remained pure up to the present
tune, and have been remarkable for their slow adoption of the
art of writing and their inferior literary cultivation, the Semitic
nations were from the earliest times exposed to the frequent
intermixture of cognate races, and were the first possessors of
an alphabet and of written records. We have therefore, in the
antithesis or contrast of the Sclavonic and Semitic, a proof of the
effects which external circumstances pay produce on the state or
condition of a language; and the resemblances, to which I have
called attention, must be taken as an indication of the perma-
nence of that affinity which results from the geographical contact
and intermixture of two races at a very early period.
§ 25. JPredominani Sdavonism of the old Italian
languages.
As the result of the ethnological speculations of this Chapter
has been to show that the Peksgian or Sclavonian was one of the
90 THE FORBION AVINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
earliest and certainly the most permanently inflaential element
in the old languages of Italj, we should expect to find in these
languages those characteristics of Sclavonism which evince the
primitive contact and actual contrast of the Semitic and Sclavo-
nian idioms. And this expectation is amply justified by the fiicts
of the case. For while^ on the one hand, we observe in the old
Latin, Umbrian, and Oscan, verbal resemblances to the Semitic,
which cannot be accidental, because they belong to some of the
oldest forms in the respective languages; and while both the
Semitic and the old Italian are remarkable, like the Sclavonian,
for their superabundance of sibilants, we observe that in spite of
the cultivation of Greek literature by the Romans, and in spite
of the adoption of the Greek ritual by the Sclavonians, these lan-
guages have never attained to the use of a definite article, which
is the key-stone of Greek syntax, and without which the Semitic
languages could not construct a single sentence. The prepon-
derance of the sibilants in the old Italian languages will be dis-
cussed in the next Chapter, and we shall see in the proper place
that in anlattty or as an initial, the a always appears in Latin
where it is omitted altogether, or represented only by an aspi-
rate in Greek. Of the coincidences between the pure Latin
and genuine Semitic words, it will be sufficient to give a few
examples out of many which might be adduced, (a) The verb
aveo or Juiveo is at least as closely connected with IHW or rw
as with any Indo-Germanic synonym, (i) The words s^-curts
and sct-ffitta have occasioned great difficulty to philologers. The
former, according to Bopp {Vergl. Gfr, p. 1097), is a participial
noun from seco, and sec-Hrts^se-cusis must be compared with the
Sanscrit forms in -i«Af =Gr. -via. This however is hardly more
than a conjecture, for we have no other Latin noun to support
the analogy. It is more probable that the initial syllable in
both words is one of those prepositional affixes which we find in
C'/cirrapvop compared with ^otttq), s^ponte compared with pondus,
&c., and then we shall be able to see the resemblance between s^
curia and the Hebrew jn|, Lett, grauat " to hack or gnaw," and
between aa-gttta and the Hebrew \11 from yXH, which again is
not unconnected with ^Op, and the Latin casdo, (c) It has
been proposed to derive mare^ Sclav, «wwe, firom the Sanscr. maruy
§ 25.] THB ANCIKNT ITALIANS. 91
"the waste" {ZtdUckt. f. Vergh Sprf. u p. 33); bat it appears
much more reasonable to compare these words with the Hebrew
D^D, in which case the affix re will be connected with a word
denoting "flowing:" cf. teme with temorrunda (above § II),
{d) The Hebrew TT^ gives ns the root rey-, " to reach out,"
with the prepositional affix ia, from abhi, as fully as the
Latin p-recor, p^oc-us, Sanscrit p-rtch-chhdmi^ &c. {e) It is
only in the Pelasgian SoXa^^, the Sclavonic dolgye^ and the
Latin tn-^ulgeOy that we find a complete reproduction of the
Semitic 7ll"|. (/) As the impersonal use of c2^6(? nearly accords
with that of oportet, and as the latter is manifestly connected
with opus (Doderlein, Lot. Sgn. u. Et. v. 324), it may be after
all more reasonable to connect deb-eo with ^the important root
dob, "a suitable time" (Polish), dob-ro, "good" (Polish and
Aussian), which furnishes us with one of the most remarkable
instances of a connexion between the Sclavonian and Semitic lan-
guages (cf. the Hebrew aiD dhdb, and the Arabic Jj, dd>r)^
than to fall back upon either of the favourite derivations from
BeCea-dcu or dehibeo. The adjective debilis differs so entirely in
meaning and application from the verb debeo, to which it is re-
ferred, that I cannot concede the identity of origin. As there is
reason to believe that the termination -bilia is connected with the
substantive verb^ (written bo in the agglutinate forms), a refer-
ence to the usage of de-'sum and de-Jio would best explain the origin
and meaning of d&H-lu. How the sense of "owing" or "obliga-
tion" borne by deb-eo is connected with that of " fitness," "good-
ness," and " propriety," may be seen at once by an examination
of such idioms, as iiKcu&; elfu tovto iroieiv, " I am bound to do
this," el fifj dSuaSf "I ought," &c. (g) A comparison of heri and
j(l9e<; enables us to^ see that the Latin humus and the Greek
XOfial must meet in the root of ;^tfa/ia-\ov. This combined
form is therefore the Pelasgo-Sclavonic original, and as such we
recognize it in the hethuma of the Cervetri inscription. Now
this again is a near approximation to the Hebrew HDIK . (A) The
Boman use of regioj dirtgo, &c., in reference to road-making, is
the best explanation of the obvious connexion between the Rus-
sian doroga and the Hebrew ^^, in which the initial dental must
92 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES^ &C. [oHAF. U.
be explained in the same way as that in SpS^fiKhwy dr0p^,
&c., compared with o-pan and the Hebrew HM^ {MaskU U-
Sopher^ p. 38): for we have in Crreek 7^/>^« and i-pdfw
{Bpair-irfy:) by the side of 6-piyw, and i-pxo-fiai. These ex-
amples might be extended to any limit: bat they are sufficient to
show how permanently the stamp of a Sdaronian origin and
consequent Semitic affinity was impressed even on the composite
Latin language. And this will enhance the interest with which
the philosophical ethnographer must always regard the desperate
struggle for empire between the Romans, as the ultimate repre-
sentatives of Pelasgian Italy, and that great Punic colony, which
maintained a Semitic language and Semitic civiUsation on the
south coast of the Mediterranean.
CHAPTER m.
THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE A8 EXHIBITED IN
THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
I I. The Eugubine l^bles. § a. PecalUrities by which the old Italian alpha-
bets were distbgaished. § 3. The BibiUnts. § 4. Some remarlu on the
other letters. § 5. Umbrian grammatical forma. § 6. Selections from the
Eognbine Tables, with explanations : Tab. I. a, i. § 7. Tab. I. a» a-6.
§ 8. Tab. I. K ts, sqq. § 9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. YI. a.
§ 10. The Atidian augural sacrifice in Tab. II. b, 1-14. | 11. Umbrian
words which approximate to their Latin synonyms. § I9. The Todi inscrip-
tion contains four words of the same dass.
§ 1. The JBuguiine Tables.
FROM the preceding inveBtigations it appears that the original
inhabitants of ancient Italy may be divided into three classes.
It is not necessary to speak here of the Celts, who formed the
substratom in all the insular and peninsular districts of Europe,
or of the GreekS) who colonized part of the countiy ; but con-
fining our attention to the more important ingredients of the
population, we find only three-^Sclaroniaus, Lithuanians or Scla-
voni^ed Ok)ths, and pure Goths or Low-Germans. To the first
belonged the various ramifications of the Pelasgian race ; to the
second, the Umbrians, Oscans, and the Connecting link between
them, the Sabines; to the third, the Etruscans or Basena, as
distinguished fix)nl the Tyrrhenians»
The next step will be to examine in detail some of the frag-
mentary remains of the languages spoken by these ancient tribes.
The Umbrian claims the precedence, not only on account of the
copiousness and importance of the relics of the language, but also
because the UmbrianS must be considered as the most important
and original of all those ancient Italian tribes with whom the
Pelasgians became intermixed either as conquerors or as vas-
sals. As we have seen, the Sabellians, who influenced, more or
less, all the Oscan or southern branch of the old population of
Italy, were themselves an ofishoot of the Umbrian race. But
independently of these and other circumstances, which place the
94 THE UMBRIAK LAKGUAOE [CHAP. III.
Umbrians in the van of all the non-Pelasgian Italians, an in-
quiry into the philology of the Latin language, beginning with
an examination of its primitive ingredients, and ending with a
brief notice of the Romance dialects, which are its living repre-
sentatives, cannot find a better starting-point than the Um-
brian, which, being exposed at a very early period to disturbing
causes not unlike those which ultimately affected the Latin,
exhibits some of the characteristics, which distinguish the
modem idioms of Italy, France and Spain. In Umbrian, as in
these languages, we see the substitution of -o for the termination
-wm, so that fato is both the old Umbrian and modem Italian
ioxfatum; in Umbrian, as in the modem Romance languages,
the final 8 and d are constantly dropt ; in this old form of native
Italian no less than in its most modem descendants, we observe
a tendency to substitute liquids for mutes; and it has been
remarked, that in the softening of o to u, and in the return to
the old 0, the Umbrian has preceded the Latin by several
oentories (Corssen, Auspr. Vokalum u. Beton. d. Lai, 8pr. i.
p- 251).
The Eugubine Tables, which contain a living specimen of the
Umbrian language, were discovered in the year 1444 in a sub-
terraneous chamber at La Schieggiay in the neighbourhood of the
ancient city of Iguvium (now Crvbhto or Uguhio)^ which lay at
the foot of the Apennines, near the via Fhminia (Plin. H, N,
XXIII. 49). On the mountain, which commanded the city, stood
the temple of Jupiter Apenninus; and from its connexion with
the worship of this deity the city derived its name: — Iguvium^
Umbr, liovium, i.e. lovium^ A£oi/, Ai09 voki^. The Tables,
which are seven in number, and are in perfect preservation, relate
chiefly to matters of religion. From the change of s in those of
the Tables which are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian cha-
racter, into r in those which are engraved in Roman letters,
Lepsius infers {de Tabb. Eugub. p. 86, sqq.) that the former were
written not later than A.u.c. 400; for it appears that even in
proper names the original s began to be changed into r about
A.U.C. 400 (see Cic. ad Famil. ix. 21. comp. Liv. iii. cap. 4, 8.
Pompon, in Digg. i. 2, 2, § 36. Schneider, Lot. Or. i.l, p. 341,
note); and it is reasonable to suppose that the same change took
place at a still earlier period in common words. By a similar
IN THE EUOUBINE TABLES.
95
argoment, derived chiefly from the insertion of h between two
vowels in the TabuhB Latine scriptcB^ Lepsius infers (p. 93) that
these were written about the middle of the sixth century A.U.C.,
t. 6. at least two centuries after the TcJmlcd Umbrice scriptcB. But
here I think he is mistaken : for the etymology of the words
shows that the longer forms must have been more ancient than
their abbreviations. And, in general, it is not very consistent
with scientific philology to speak of an arbitrary diatractio voca^
liumy when we are surprised by the appearance of an elongated,
syllable.
§ 2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were
distinguished.
Before, however, we turn our attention to these Tables and
the form of words which are found in them, it will be advisable
to make a few remarks on the alphabet which was used in
ancient Italy.
The general adaptation of the Semitic alphabet to express
the sounds of the Pelasgian language has been 'discussed else-
where. {N. Crat. § 100). It has there been shown that the
original sixteen characters of the Semitic syllabarium were the
following twelve: —
Breathings.
Ubiab.
Falatali.
Dentals.
Medials.
Aspirates.
Tenaes.
N'A
16
3g
Id
n*
"1»
n-A
]f^dh
y'h
Si»
p?
r\t
with the addition of the three liquids, ^, D) 3} A^d the sibilant
O; and it has been proved that these sixteen were the first
characters known to the Greeks. The old languages of Italy,
however, even in the earliest form in which they present them-
selves to us, were not confined to this syllabaicium. The Um-
brian alphabet contains twenty letters; theOscan as many; the
Etruscan nineteen ; and the oldest Latin alphabets twenty-one.
96 THE UM6RIAN LANGUAGE [OHAP. III.
The explanation of this abundance of written characters is to be
sought in the admitted fact that the old inhabitants of Ital j derived
their alphabet from the Greek colonists, and not immediatelj from
the Phoenicians. This is proved bj the circumstance, that the
Italian alphabets contain from the first the letters v, f , if>, %, which
were invented or introduced with a new application bj the
Greeks. With the exception of the Latin, all the Italian alpha-
bets originated in an old form of the Greek alpliabet, which still
retained both trip and alyfia, and, on the contrary, had lost the
Komra (see N» Grot. § 102). To this class belong the Sabellian
and Etrurian alphabets, and with slight deviations we have this
collection of characters in the Etrurian of Campania, in the
Umbrian, and in the Oscan (see Mommsen Unterital. DioL pp.
4—7, 14, 24; Nardetrur. Alphahete, pp* 222—227). But be-
sides this Greek alphabet, which must have been borrowed from
the Hellenic settlers at a very early period^ there was another
and more recent set of Greek characters, which the Boman de-
rived from the Doric alphabet of the Greeks of Cuma, probably
imder the domination of the Tarquins, when there were special
relations between between Cuma and Borne (see Miiller, JEkrusk,
II. 312; Mommsen, Unterital. Dial. pp. 3, 9, 26. Nordeirur. AU
pkah. 8, 220. Rom. Oesck. I. 141). This alphabet was from the
first written from right to left ; it had both Kamra and ic&tnra ;
it had dropt the aav\ had substituted the digamma F for the
Etruscan 8 ; and introduced R for P. It originally consisted of
twenty-four letters ; but 6^ ^, and x ^'^ ^^ disuse at a very
early period ; for ri was not used as a long vowel but as the
aspirate ^, and the combinations ih^ pJiy ch took the places of the
single letters invented by the Greeks. For some time c repre-
sented both the medial and the tenuis guttural ; then the two
characters c and G were introduced, as we ^hall see in a friture
chapter, by the freedman Sp. Carvilius ; and classical Latinity
was contented with these twenty-three letters : a^ by c,^, d^B^f^hy
t, A, Z, w, n, <7, ^, J, r, «, «, u (t?)* 0?, y, «, which with the exception
of the guttural c, modified as has been mentioned, the super-
numerary use of V under the form y, and the omission of the
Greek d, ^, %, correspond to the Doric alphabet of the Tarquins.
If we compare the Italian alphabets with the oldest form of
the Greek, we shall remark that, notwithstanding the omission
§ 3.] IN THE EUOTJBIKE TABLES. 97
of the advy there is a great increase in the sibilants ; for whereas
the original sixteen characters {nmish only the sibilants 8 and
TH, the old Italian alphabets exhibit not only these, but SH or
X, z, K, and li. Of these additional sibilants, x is the Hebrew
shiny z is tsade^ B represents resh, and i is an approximation to
the sound of 0, This preponderance of sibilants is, as we have
seen, a peculiarity of Sclayonian or Felasgic articulation»
§ 3. The Sibilants,
As these sibilants constitute the distinguishing feature in the
old Italian languages» it will be useful to speak more particularly
of them, before we turn to the other letters.
(a) The primary sibilant s, as used by the Umbrians and
Oscans, does not appear to have differed, either in sound or
form, jfrom its representative in the Greek alphabet.
{b) The secondary sibilant z, in the TJmbrian and Etruscan
alphabets, appears to have corresponded to only one of the two
values of the Greek gl The latter, as I have proved elsewhere,
was not only the soft g orj\ or ultimately the sound shj but also,
in its original use, equivalent to the combination ds, transposed
in some dialects to sd, and ultimately assimilated to ss. Now
the Romans expressed the first sound of the Greek f, either by
di or by y, and its ultimate articulation {sh) by x; whereas, on
the other hand, they represented f — Scr either by a simple s^
or by its Greek assimilation ss. Thus the Etruscan Kamna^
Vemi, Kazi, Veliza, are written in Latin CcesiuSy Vensitts^
Cassias y Vilisaj and Zaxwdt^ becomes Saguntus; while the
Greek ami^, /L(t;(|i», S/3pv^Vf Trvri^etv^ dparf/cd^eiv, Ktofid^eiv, may
be compared with massa^ mttsso, obrtissa, pt/tissare, necesse, co^
missari. In the Eugubine Tables, words, which in theUmbrian
characters exhibit a z, give us a corresponding 8 in those which
are written with Latin letters. Thus, for the proper name
lapuzkum^ as it is written in Umbrian characters, we have in
the Latin letters Icibtuke^ Idbusker^ &c.
(c) The aspirated Umbrian sibilant s, for which the Oscans.
wrote X, expressed the sound sh (Q^rm. sch^ Fr. ch), which was
D. V. 7
$8 THE UHBRIAN LANQUAGS [CHAP. Ul.
the ultimate articalation of the other sound of the Greek ^ We
maj compare it with the Sanscrit !^ (g); and, like that Sanscrit
sibilant and the Qreek ^ it often appears as a softened gattunJ.
Thus we find pruseietu for pmaehatUy Lat. pra-secato; and the
termination -i/a, -kky -Jdu (Lat. -ouZtim), often appears as ^iJoi
•«20, "ilu. As in our own and other languages the gutturals are
softened before the rowels e and t, so in Umbrian the guttural
h generally becomes i before the same vowels. The sibilant a
occurs only in contact with vowels, liquids, and h; and the
prefix an-y which drops the n before consonants, retains it before
vowels and s.
{d) The letter r is always to be regarded as a secondary or
derived character. In Umbrian it generally represents, at the
end of a word, the original sibilant S. When the Eugubine
Tables are written in Etruscan characters, we have such forms
as, veres treplanes^ ttUaa ITcuvinas; but in those which give us
Latin letters, we read vertr treplariir, totar Ijovinar, This change
is particularly observable in the inflexion of the Latin genitive
plural; and the Latin language, in other forms, uses the letter R
in the same way as the Umbrian. Li fact, the most striking
characteristic of the Umbrian language is its continual employ-
ment of the secondary letters R and H, both of which are ulti-
mately derived from sibilants, or stronger gutturals. The former
is used in Umbrian, not only in the verb-forms, as in Latin,
but also in the declensions, in the Latin forms of which it only
occurs in the gen. plural. The letter H is often interposed
between vowels both in Umbrian and in Latin. Thus we have
in Umbrian the forms stahito^ pthatu, for stato^ piaiOf and
Naharcum derived from Nar; and in Latin, ahenus, prehendo^
vehemenSf coharSy mehe (QuinctiL i. 5, 2), by the side of aeneus.
prendoy vemena (compare t?«-cor«, cle-mens)^ cars, me; and even
Deheberts for Tiberis: this, as has been mentioned above, has
been referred to a later epoch both in Umbrian and Latin
(see Lepsius, de Tab. Eug. p. 92, and Schneid. Lat. Gr. i. 1, p.
118, not. 187. Corssen, Auspr. Vok. u. Beton. i. p. 46). There can
be no doubt, however, that the longer forms are the older. Thus
stahito contains the h of stehen^ and pre-hendo gives us the true
root of hand and hinthian; vehe- exhibits the guttural auslaut of
§ 4.] IH THS BUGI7BINS TABLES. 00
v)egy and in the same way me-he reyives a rflationship with
(e) The sibilant i is peculiar to the Umbrians. In the Latin
transcription it is often represented bj the combination ra.
Sometimes, however, it seems to stand for si, as in featira = t?e«-
tiaia; and it also serves as the ultimate assibilation of a dental
or guttural, for tera = dersa and tesva = dersva are connected with
dato and dextra. Its real pronimciation was probably similar
to that of fl, which last occurs only twice in the Eugubine
Tables. The frequent substitution of r for d in Latin indicates
a change to that letter through the softened dental 0, and we often
find i where we should expect a dental, as in farenf =^furent^
Jcapire = capide^ arveitu = advehtto, &c. Although i is some-
times represented by rs, we also occasionally find this letter fol-
lowed by «, as in the words estuhtamUy mefs^ which in the
Latin character are written eturatahmUf mere.
§ 4. Some femarka an the other lettera.
Of the other letters it will not be necessary to say much.
The most remarkable is the Oscan vowel i, which in the inscrip-
tions appears as a mutilated f or the first half of H ; thus, h.
The same figure was adopted by the emperor Claudius to express
the middle sound between i and u with which the Eomans pro-
nounced such words as virtua, wgere, and acribere. In Oscan
it appears to have been either a very light i (and so distin-
guished from the vowel i, which generally represents the long i
of the Romans), or else a very short u. In the Oscan inscriptions
i is of more frequent occurrence than t. Whenever these vowels
come together, t always precedes. I is almost invariably used to
form the diphthongs iff, af, eij answering to the Greek ot (o)),
tu {a), and €c; and i very rarely appears before two consonants.
The Oscan letter u' stands to U in the same relation as this i
to the Oscan i. The former seems to be a sort of very light o,
which is substituted for it in those inscriptions which are written
in the Latin characters ; whereas the letter u seems to represent
the long of the Latins, as in -urn (Gr. -©i/) for -oriim, Uld-tud
for Itce^tOj kvataatur for qitasatory &c.
7^«
100 .THE UBCBBIAN LANGUAGB [CHAP. in.
The Umbriyis and Oscans distinguished between u and y.
The latter was a consonant, and was probably pronounced like
our w. It was written as a consonant after E ; bnt the vowel u
was preferred, as in Latin, after Q.
The letters L and B were of rare occnrrence in the Umbrian
language. The former never stands at the beginning of a word,
the latter never at the end of one. In the Oscan language we
meet with l more frequently.
As the Etruscan alphabet had no medials, those of the Eugu-
bine Tables which are written in Etruscan characters substitute
K for G, e.g. Krapuvi for Gfrabove. But the Oscan and Um-
brian inscriptions when written in Latin characters distinguish
between the tenuis and medial gutturals, according to the marks
introduced by Sp. Carvilius, viz. c, G.
In the Oscan alphabet D is represented as a reversed b;
and the affinity between these letters in the Latin language is
well known.
The labial P, which never terminates a word in Latin, stands
at the end of many mutilated forms both in Umbrian and Oscan,
as in the Umbrian vitlup for vituUbus (vitulis), and the Oscan
mp for neque. In general, it is to be remarked that the letters
p, F, K, 8, D, and T, all occur as terminations of Umbrian or
Oscan words.
§ 5» Umbrian (rrammaitcal Forms,
The grammatical forlns of llie Umbrian language are very
instructive. In Umbrian we see the secondary letter r, that im-
portant element in the formation of Latin words, not only regu-
larly used in the formation of the cases and numbers of noxms
which in Latin retain their original ^, but also appearing in
plural verb-forms by the side of the primitive «, which is retained
in the singular, though the Latin has substituted the r in both
numbers. The following are the three declensions of Umbrian
nouns, according to the scheme given by Aufrecht and KirchhofF
{Vrnir. Sprcu^hdenkm. pp. 115 sqq. ; see also MtiUer, Ootting,
Gel Anz. 1838, p. 58):
§*.]
IN THE EVGUBINS TABLES.
101
:. Decl. Tuta:
a city.
II. Decl. Pyplua^ a people.
Sing. Nom. «uto,
tutu.
puplus.
Gen. tuta-s
r, tutar.
puph'^y pupJer.
Dat. tute.
puple.
Accus. tutam
i.
puplu'tn.
Abl. tuta.
puplu.
1. Local, tutamem.
puplumem.
2, Locat. tutemem.
3. Locat. tute.
Plur. Nom. tutas,
mar.
puphis.
Oen. ^farufi».
puplum.
Sk} '-
puples.
Accus. tutcxf.
pupluf.
1. Locat. tutajkm.
puplujem.
2. Locat. tuteref
pupleref
IIL Decl.
UcrirSj a mountain. NufMy a name.
Sing. Nom.
ucar.
fiufnefi.
Gen.
tu^es.
numnes.
Dat.
ucre.
numne.
Accns.
ucretn.
numen.
Abl.
ucrt.
numfie.
Locat.
ucremem.
numenemt
Plor. Nom.
ucres.
numenat
Q^n.
ucriumf
numenvmf
Dat.
Abl.
A
ucres.
numnes I
Accus.
ucre/.
numenat
Locat.
ucrefimf
numenem f
The Umbrian pronouns are the demonstratives eso, or ero,
and esto, corresponding to the Latin is and iste, and the relatiye
or interrogative poe^ corresponding to the labial element in qui
and guts. The demonstratives are generally construed as adjec-
tives; but» with the affix -hunt or -£, ero maj become substantive.
Thus we have er-ont^ or ere-k^ as an indicative pronoun. The
affix ^k is that which plays so important a part in Latin. Thd
affix --hunt or ^hont (Gx)th. hindanaj Etrusc. hirUhiu or hiniha)
102 THE UHBRUN LANaUAOE [OHAP. in.
appears in the comparative and superlatiye adyerbs huni-ra or
Jumd-ra^ (Groth. hindar, O. N. hindra)^ and hmdromu, Goth.
Mndumist, eignifying "farther," "lower," or "farthest," "lowest;"
so that hand may correspond to our yon or yonder: and as h
expresses proximity ere-h and er-ovU will gain the meaning of
"here" and "there," from their terminations respectively; so
that eau'hj es-tu^ and er-cvU^ may have corresponded in distinctive
meaning to the Latin Ate, iate, iUe, the first part being the same
in each, and identical with the initial syllable of u-^
The verbs generally occnr in the imperative mood, as might
be expected, since the Tables contain chiefly prayers and injunc-
tions about praying. In these imperatives we mostly recognize
a singular in -tu^ and a plural in '-tutu; as Jvrtu (vi. a, 30, &c.),
9JidiJu-tvau (vi. b, 61), corresponding to e*-fc), ea-^Me. Verbs
of the -a conjugation seem occasionally to make their imperative
in -a, like the Latin. See i. b, 33 : pwne purtinius^ karetu;
puji apruf Jizkurent^ jmze ems tefa; ape ems tehist^ pustru
kupifiatu: where, though the meaning of particular words may
be doubtful, the construction is plain enough : postquam por^
rexerisj calato; ubi aproa ficerint, tbipreces data; quandopreces
dedertty postero {—retro) consptcito. We often have the perf.
subj. both singular and plural, as may be seen in the example
just quoted. The pres. subj. too occasionally appears, the
person-ending in the singular being generally omitted, as in
arse for arsies = ad-steSy and habia for habeas. The Oscan in-
finitive in -wm, as or-fsrum = circum^firrey is also used in Um-
brian; and we often find the auxiliary perfect both in the
singular and in the plural. See vi. b, 30 : perse touer peskier
vasetom est, pesetom est, peretum est, frosetom est, daetom est,
touer peskier virseto avtrseto vas est: i. e. quod tui sax^ficii vaca'
turn est, peccatum est, neglectum est, ryectum est, projechim est,
tui sacrificit visa invisa vacatio est^. And we have not only
skrehto est, but also skreihtor sent (vi. a, 16). The active par-
ticiple seems to end both in -eiw, like the Latin, and also io -is,
^ It seeniB that v€u must be the root of viu-etom, and probably both
refer to the evacuation or nulliflcatSon of the Bacriftce ; cf. wu^u$, &c.
with the Oreek ck-mi^ : wrasto avirseto is compared with Gate's ^ at to
morbos visas mvisasqus probibessif" (B, R. 141).
§5.] IN THE EITGUBINX TABLES. 103
like that of the Gtteek yerbs in -fu. The following are the forms
of 9um^ fiU^ and htibeoy which are found in the Tables :
Sum (root es). Fu-.
Pres. Indic. (A, I.)
3. sing. est.
3. plor. sent.
Pres. Subj. (A. III.)
2. sing. 9vr^ si^ seij ate.
3. sing, su
3. plur. sAu. fwia.
Perf. Subj. (C. III.)
3. smg. fiiiestj fiisU
3. plor. fijoremU
Imper. (B. L)
2y 3. sing, fiiitu^
2« plur. juktto.
Inpin. (D.)
eri* or erowi, (V. 26, 29, VIL b, 2.)
Habeo.
Pres, Indic, (A, I.)
3. sing. habe\t\ (I. b, 18; VL b, 54).
Pres. Subj. (C. L)
2. sing. AoWaW (V. a, 17).
Perp. Subj. (C. HI.)
2. sing, hdbiest (YI. b, 50); hdbus {hahuerts) (VL b, 40).
3. plur. kaburmt (VIL a, 52).
Imperat. (B.)
2. sing, habitu (VI. a, 19) ; or hahetu (11. a, 23).
2. plur. kdbitxOo (VI. b, 51); or habeM» (I. b, 15).
Hnschke gives the following paradigm of an ordinary verb
in Umbrian {Iffuv. Taf. p. 656) :
Present
Iniic. Suhj. ' Indtc. 8ubj.
Singular. Sbgolar.
pihu pihaiam ostendu ostendam
pihas pihaias ostendes ostendas
pihat pihaiat ostendet ootendat
104
.THE UHBRIAN LANGUAQB
[chap.
III.
PiiuraL
PluraL
pihames
pihaiames
ostendemes
ostendames
pihates
pihaiates
OBtendetes
ostendates
pihant
pihaians
Perfect.
ostendent
Singular.
Singular.
pihafi
pihafim
osteli
ostelim
pihafesti
pihafis
ostelesti
OBtelis
(pihasti)
pihafet
pihafit
ostelet
ostelit
Plunl.
PlnraL
pihafemes
pihafimes
ostelemes
ostelimes
pihafestis
pibafitis
ostelestis
ostelitis
(pihastis)
pihafusont
pihafins
osteluBont
ostelins
(pihafens?)
FOTUBE 1.
(ostelens?)
Singalar.
Plural
Sngular.
PIutbL
pihaiesu?
pihaiesemes
ostensu
ostensemes
pihaieses
pihaiestes
ostenses
ostensetes
pihaiest
pihaiesent
Future 2.
ostenset
ostensent
SiDgolar.
Plural.
Singular.
PlnzaL
pihafuso?
pihafusemes
osteloso
ostelusemes
pihafases
pihafdstes
oateluseff
ostelustes
pihaAist
pihafarent
Jmperaiive.
ostelust
oatelurent
Sipgnlw.
Plural.
Singular.
Plural.
pihatu
pihatato
ostendu
ostenduto
(pihato)
(ostento)
Infinitive,
Supine.
pihom
ostendom
pihatum
ostentom.
These forms are very interesting, not only as showing that
the agglutinate fonn of the perfect was adopted in this early
state of the Italian verb, but also as exhibiting the past tense in
Z, which is > characteristic of the Sclavonian conjugation. Thus
in Russian trogat, '^ to touch," makes trogaiayo in the present,
and trogal in the past tense. In the passive it is .worthy of
remark that the person*ending terminates in r in UmbriaHi as in
§ 6.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 105
Qscan and Sabine verbs, and this is an additional argument
against the assumption that in Latin this r represents the % of
the reflexive pronoun; thus we have :
Umhr. emantur LaJt, emantur
terkantur tergeantur
Obc. sakarater sacratur, sacrator
8ah. ferentor. ferentur, ferantur
feruntur
feruntor
(Corssen, Amsfr. Vok. u. Beton. i. p. 88.)
The imperative passive in Umbrian contains the old partici-
pial ioim in -mu or "mwmo^ as in the sing, eturstc^mu^ pL pemi'
mumos which maj be compared with the obsolete Jhmino {Feat
p. 87), and the classical arbiiramtnu
§ 6. Selections from the Euffubine Tables, with eocplanoUdona.
In interpreting the remains of the Umbrian language, it
seems, advisable, in the present state of our knowledge, that we
should confine our attention to those passages which fall within
the reach of a scientific philological examination. Grotefend^
indeed, has frankly and boldly presented us with a Latin version
of all the Eugubine Tables ; but although he has here and there
fia.llen upon, some happy conjectures, his performance is for the
most part mere guesswork of the vaguest kind, and therefore,
for all purposes of scholarship, uninstructive and imsatisfactory.
Lassen, by attempting less, has really eflFected more*. There is,
1 Rudimenta Linguce Umbricce, Particulie ym. Hannoy. 1835 — 1889.
^ Beitrdge zur Deutung der Eugulnnigchen Tctfeln, in the Rhein, Mm.
for 1833, 4. Of earlier interpretationB it is soareely necessary to speak.
It may, howeyer, amuse the reader to know that the recent attempt of a
wortiiy herald, in the sister-island, to proye that Irish of a certain kind was
spoken by the ancient Umbrians and Tuscans, has its parallel in a book
published at Tpres in 1614, by Adriaen Schrieck, who finds the ancient
language of his own country in the se?enth Eugubine Table 1 {Van 't
Beghm der eerster Voleken van Europen^ t'Tpre, 1614). The Irish Book,
howeyer, is. the more elaborately ridiculous of the tvro. It has been
exposed, wath considerable ability and humour, in the Q^arterUf Revmo,
Vol. LXXVI. pp. 45sqq.
106 THE UUBBIAN LAlVaUAGB [cHAP. HI.
however, no one who haa done more to prepare die way for a
scientific examination of these Umbrian docoments than Lepsins,
who examined all the preliminary questions connected with die
subject in an inaugural disserta^on published in 1833^, and who
has subsequently edited a most accurate collection of fiBUSsimiles,
which appeared in 1841 '. The materials furnished by Lepsins
have been elaborately discussed in a special work by Aufi'echt
and Kirchhoff, published in 1849*; and though their toeatise
is defective in arrangement and inconvenient for purposes of
reference, it deserves the praise of never attempting too much,
and it is generally distinguished by a careful regard for the
principles of sound philology. The most recent work on the
Eugubine tables is that of E. Huschke, which has just appeared^.
This scholar has undertaken to give a complete explanation of
the Umbrian inscriptions, and has, in consequence, been obliged
to resort to a considerable number of arbitrary conjectures, in
which he sometimes relies too much on Ghreek assonances. It
must, however, be allowed that he has advanced our knowledge
of the subject in regard to many of the details.
The following extracts are selected from the admirable
transcripts of Lepsius^, and the arrangement of the Tables is
that which he has adopted. The first four Tables, and part of
the fifth, are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian character.
The others are in Latin letters.
Tab. I. a, 1. This Table and its reverse contain the rules
for twelve sacrifices to be performed by the FrcUres Aitersit in
honour of the twelve gods. The same roles are given in Tables
VI. and VII. and in nearly the same words, the differences being
merely dialectical; but the latter Tables add the liturgy to be
^ De Tabulu Eugtibmu. Berolini, 1888.
s ImcripiUmes UmMem ei Osea. Lips. 1841.
< Die Umbrifohm Spraehdmhmaier : mn Vertw^ mr Dmhmg denOben.
Berlin, 1849.
^ Die Igwriaehen TafOn nebtt den hleinerm Umbrieehen Ineekr^km mU
HingufUgung tmer Ghraimmatik und einea Olonam der Umbriechen Spraoke
voUMnding iHbeneUet und erkiart, Leipsig, 1859.
^ In citing the edition of Lepsius as now constitnting the standard
text, we mnst not forget the exoellenoe of Bonarota's transeriptlonfl, to
which Lepsins himself has borne testimonj. DeTabb. Eug. p. 14.
§ 6.] IN THE EUGUBINfi TABLES. 107
used on the occasion, and also dwell at greater length on the
anguries to be employed, &c. The first Table begins as follows:
Este persUum aves anzeriates enetu, 2. pemaies
pusnaes.
And in vi. a, 11, we have:
Este perddo a/veis aseriater enetu.
There can be little doubt as to the meaning of these words.
Este, which is of constant recurrence in the Tables, is the
Umbrian adverb corresponding to ita, which is only a weaker
form of it. If we may infer that persklum or peraJdo ^pref^
culum, we may render this word "a prayer." Grotefend de-
rives tbe noun from purgo, and translates it by "Zt^^rwrn."
'Rui pur-go is a compound otpurua and ago (comp. castigo, &c.),
whereas the root pera-, signifying "pray," is of constant occur-
rence in Umbrian ; and every one, however slightly conversant
with etymology, understands the metathesis in a case of this
kind. It is the same root as prec- or proc- in Lat., pereg* in
2fend, j?racAA'- in Sanscr., yrajy-en in Cterm., &c.
It is clear that aves anzeriates or avets aJierieOeT are ab-
latives absolute. As we have avif seritu or aseruxhi (vi. b, 48,
49. 1, b, 11, &c.) by the side of salvam serttu (vi, a, 51, &c.),
and as this last is manifestly saham servato, it is pretty clear
that aves amertates must be equivalent to avtbus chservatis
[sziip^ervatis),
Enetu is clearly the imperative of %neo, for in-tto ; the pre-
position had the form en^in in old Latin ; thus we find in the
Columna Rostrata: enque eodem mactstratod : and the same was
the case in Oscan, which gives us em-bratur for tm-perator.
The adjectives per-nates, pus-maes, are derived firom per^ne,
past^ie, which are locative forms of the prepositions prcs and
post, and signify "at the southern and northern side of the
temple." The birds are so defined with reference to the practice
of the augurs in such cases. See Varro, L. L. vil. § 7, p. 119,
Miiller: ^^quodrca caelum, qua attuimur, dictum temphmu...
Ejus templi partes iv. dicuntur, sinistra ab oriente, dextra ab
occasu, antica ad meridiem, postica ad septentrionem."
The meaning of the whole passage will therefore be: Ita
Utatianem (pblatianem Huschke) av^ms observatis {cireumservatis
108 THE UHBBIAN LAKGTTAGB [CHAP. III.
Buschke) intto^ onHcis, poeticis; i.e. ^'Thus enter upon the
supplication, the birds having been observed, those in the soutii,
as well as those in the north."
§ 7. Tab. I. a, 2—6.
Tab. I. a, 2.
PrervereB treplanes, 3. luve Krapuvi tre\^f'\ hvf
fetu^ arma vstentu, 4. vatuva ferine feitu, heris
vinu, heri[s] puni, 5. uhriper Fisiu, tutaper
Ikuvinaf feitu sevum, 6. kvtef pemimu ; afepes
arves. — Comp. yi. b,, 22. Prervereir treblaneir
luue Grabovei buf treiffetu. vi. b, 1. Aruio fett^
uatuo ferine fetu^ poni fetu, 3. okriper Fisiti,
totaper liovina.
The words pre-veres (vereir) trq>lane8 {treblaneir) are easily
explained in connexion with (7) pus-veres treplanes, (11) pre-
veres tesenakes, (14) pus-veres tesenakes, (20) pre-veres vehiiesj
(24) piia-verea vehiies. It is obvious that these passages begin
with the prepositions pre^ "before," and pus ^ post, "behind,"
and that thej fix a locality. The prepositions per^ signifying
"for," and co or huj signifying "with" or "at," are placed
after the word which they govern: thus we have tuta-per
Ikuvina = ^^pfo urbe Iffuvina" vocurcom loviu = " cum" or
" infoco Jovioy But the prepositions pre and\pt« precede, and
it seems that they both govern the ablative, contrary to the
Latin usage, which places an accus. after ante and post. The
word veres {vereir) is the abl. plur. of a noun verus (cf. I. b,
9), corresponding in root and signification to the Latin fores.
Compare also porta with the German Pfxyrte. The v answers
to the f as vocm, vas, &c. for focus, fas, &c. Lassen {Bhein.
Mus. 1833, pp. 380 sqq.) refers treplanes, tesenakes, vehiies, to
the numerals tares, decern, and viffirUi. Gkotefend, more pro-
bably, understands the adjectives as describing the carriages
used at the particular feasts. Cato {B, B. c. 135) mentions the
trebla as a rustic carriage. Tefisa is the well-known name of
the sumptuous processional chariot in which the images of the
§7.] IN THE EUGCBINB TABLES. 109
goda were carried to the pulmnar at the ludi Circenses (Festus,
p« 364, Mtiller^; and veia was the Oscan sTnonyin for plau-^
Btrum (Festus, p. 368, Mtlller). It is, therefore, not unreason-
able to suppose, that the forea treblance furnished an entrance to
the 0<ri8 or citadel for treblvs; that through the fores tesenakes
the statues of the gods were conveyed to their pulvinar in
tensce; and that the j^e* vehue allowed the larger chariots to
enter in triumphal or festive procession. In the Latin Table
the adj. derived from tesna or tensa ends in -ax^ "Ocis, like velox;
in the Umbrian it ends in -<zx, '^cuns, like capax. Aufrecht and
Kirchhoff, to whom the true explanation of verus is due, sup-
pose a quadrangular citadel with one side closed, and the other
three opening with gates called by the names of the cities to
which they led. But this mode of designation is not borne out
hy the names of the three gates, if there were only three, in the
jRoma Qaadrata on the Palatine. These gates were called the
Porta Somanulay Jantialisj and Mucionts, and lay to the W.,
N.W., and N. (Mttller, Etruak. ii. p. 147). Whatever the names
meant, it is clear that they are not designations of towns to which
the gates led. As there were no cities called Trebla and Tesena^
and as Veil was too far off to give a name to one of the gates
of Igupiufn, it is much more reasonable to suppose that the
entrances refer to the names of carriages with which they are
80 easily identified. To say nothing of the analogy of the French
porte cochirej which actually denotes une ports aesez grands
pour dormer erUrie aux coches ou voUurea^ it is well known that
the ancients measured road-ways by the kind of carriages which
traversed them, or by the number of such carriages which could
pass abreast Thus we have oSof; aiia^tro^ for a wide road
(Find. N. VI. 56); afiafiTo^ alone is used in the same sense
(id. P. IV. 247) ; and Thucydides defines the breadth of a wall
by saying that: Bvo ap,a^cu ivavrioL aXX9;X<u9 roi^ Xidov^
hnJTfov (I. 93).
The epithet ^rapuvii«, or in the Latin Table Gfra-bomuSy
according to Lassen signifies ^'nourisher or feeder of cattle.'* The
^ For the metathesis tesna or teaena for tensa we may compare mesene
/lusare in an inscription found near Amitemom (Leps. Tab. xxyn. 46),
with menaefiware in the Latin inscription quoted by Muratori (p. £87).
110 THE UHBBIAN LANGXTAOB [CHAP. III.
first sjllable, he supposes, contains the root grory impljing growth
and nourishment» and found in the Sanscr. grdrma (signifying^
either ^^a herd of feeding cattle" — -grex — or vicus inter pamsuot),
in the Lat. grd^^men, in the Goth, ffras, and in the Old Norse
groa^virescere, Lassen, too, suggests that Ghradivua contains
the same root This comparison ought perhaps to have led him
to the true explanation of both words. For it is manifest that
Ora^wua^ gravis or grandia Diwia; and it is equally certain
that no genuine Latin compound begins with a verbal root. If,
therefore, Ora-btmua contains the root of bos^ bovia, the first
syllable must be the element of the adjective gravis or grandis/
so that Orabovius will be a compound of the same kind as
KaXkvrrdpOevo*; (see Lobeck, Paralip. p. 372). Pott, however,
{Et. Forach. ii. p. 201) considers OralHCvius as another form
of GravirJavius,
Tre or treif buf is either baves tree or bobus tribus. If we
have here the accus. plural, we must conclude that this case in
the Umbrian language ends in -of, -o/J -uf^ -«f, -tj^ -etj/^ according
to the stem ; and the labial termination has been compared with
the Sanscrit and Zend change of s into u at the end of a word
(Wilkins, § 61; Bopp, § 76). This is the opinion of Lassen
(JBAdin. Mas. 1833, p. 377). According to Lepsius and (Jrote-
fend, on the other hand, all these words are ablatives, because
the termination is more easily explained on this hypothesis, and
because verbs signifying " to sacrifice*' are construed with the
ablative in good Latin (Virg. Eclog. iii. 77; Hor. Carm. i. 4,
11). The latter reason is confuted by the tables themselves;
for it is quite clear that abrons is an accusative, like the Gothic
vulfansj and yet we have both abr<ms fakurent (vii. a, 43) and
ahroffrbu (vii. a, 3). See also Pott, Et. Farsch. II. p. 202.
With regard to the form, it is not explained by the Sanscrit ana-
logies cited by Lassen, for these spring from the visargak after a,
as in Bdmahy Rdmau^ Bdm6. There is a much simpler way of
bringing airof and abrons into harmony. For the plural is
formed from the singular by adding s to the latter. If then the
accusative singular assumed the form n from m, this would be
retained before «, as in ahron-s; but if ahromrs passed by visar^
gah into abrcm-h^ this, according to the Celtic articulation, would
regularly become abrof; for in Celtic mh and bh are regularly
§7.] IN THE SOaUBINB TABLES. Ill
changed into v^f. And we have seen above (p. 71) veiy good
reasons for rec<^izmg Celtic influences in Umbria*
^etVtf {Jeix^ is simplj /ictifo, the guttural being softened
down, as in dibu, for didto (vi. b, 10, &c.) \
Arma seems to be the same as the Latin arvtVia, i.e. ''the
hard fat which lies between the skin and the flesh" (Servius ad
Verg. JEn, Yii. 627); and tLstentu is probably chstineto, which
was the old Latin for oatendito (Festus, p. 197, Mlill.).
Vatuva ferine fdtu must mean "offer up unsalted meal"
{Jutwim farinam or fatud farind)^ according to Nonius Mar-
cellus, IV. 291 (quoting Varro, de Vit. Pop. Bom. Lib. I.):
quod Kalend. Jun. ei jmblice et privatim fatuam pultem dtia
mactat. Grotefend supposes that ferine must mean raw flesh,
and not^rtna, because ''bread" (punt) is mentioned in the pas-
sage. But in minute directions like these, a difference would be
marked between the meal {SKevpa) and the bread (apro^) ; just
as the hard fat {arvina) is distinguished from the soft feit (o^t-
pea), if the interpretation suggested below is to be admitted.
JSeris vinu, heris puni^ "either with bread or wine."
Heria^ as a particle of choice, is derived, from the Sanscr. root
Art, "to take;" Lat. AtV, "a hand," &c.; and maj be compared
with veZ, which is connected with the root of volo^ as this is
with the root of aiploi>. Compare the use of vel=^ " for example,"
i.e« "take this;" in Plautus, Milea Oh I. 1, 59: vel tZte, quoe
heri paUio me rqprehenderunt. In fact, hens appears to be
the participle of the verb, of which the imperative is herttu
(vi. a, 27, &c.). This verb occurs in the Oscan also {Tab.
Bantin. 12, &c.).
That ocriper (tusriper) Fieiu means "for the Fisian mount"
may be demonstrated from Festus, p. 181, MUller: "Ocrem
antiqui, ut Ateius philologus in libro Glossematorum refert,
montem confragosum vocabant, ut aput Livium : 8ed qui aunt
hif qui aacendunt aUum ocrimf et: eelaoaque ocria^ arvaque
putria et mare magnum, et: namque Tcanari celaos ocria. et:
haut ut quern Chiro in Pelio docuit ocri. Unde fortasse etiam
ocre® sint diet» inaequaliter tuberatae." From this word are
1 According to Pott and Lepsius this imperative stands for JUo— fiat.
112 THE UMBEIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. III.
derived the names of some Umbrian towns, e. g. Ocriculum and
IfUerocrea (cf. Inter amna). The epithet Fiaituf indicates that
the mountain was dedicated to the god Fisttis or Ftsoviua
Saniius [Fidhia Sanctis) , a name under which the old Italians
worshipped Jupiter in their mountain-temples. Lassen (p. 388)
refers to this temple the following lines of Claudian {de VL Cans.
Honor. 503y 4):
Exsaperans delubra loris, saxoqae miQantes
Apenninigenis cultas pastoribus
He also quotes from the Peutinger inscription : " Jovis Penninus,
idem Agubio," where Iguvxum is obviously referred to, Lepsius
thinks that ocrts Fisius was the citadel of Iguvium.
Tota-^per (tuta-per) Ikuvtna, "for the city of Iguvium."
It was always understood by previous interpreters that tiUa or
tota was nothing more than the fem. of the Lat. iotua. But
Lepsius has clearly proved that it is both an Oscan and an
Umbrian substantive, signifying "city/* from which the adj.
tuti-cus is derived, as in the name of the magistrate meddix
tuticusy i.e. consul urbanus: consequently tuta-per IJcumna is
simply ^^pro urbe Iffuvina^ This substantive, tota or tuta, is,
no doubt, connected with the adject, totus; for the idea of a city
is that of "fulness," "collection," "entirety." Similarly, the
Greek woXt? must contain the root woX- (ttoX-w) or ttXc-
(7rX€09), signifying the aggregation of the inhabitants in one
spot. The derivation of the adjective tS-tus is by no means
easy. If we compare it with tn-vt-tus (from veJ-fe), we may be
disposed to connect it with the root of the words telrlus, tol-loy
(t€X-09,), &c. Op^idum, another name for "city," is only
"a plain" {db-pedrum^hrlrirehov)) and oppido, " entirely " =
in totOy is synonymous with plane. But it is diflScult to resist
the impression that tota is related to the Lith. tauta, Goth.
thtuda, O. N. thiody and, if so, that totus should be referred to the
TOot tUy " crescere," " implere" (Graff, Sprsch. V. p. 125; Bopp,
Gloss, p. 154; Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, p. 420). The student
will take care not to confuse between this t6-tus and the re-
duplicated form i6'tus (comp. to-t-^ quo-tus, &c.), which is suffi-
ciently distinguished from it in the line of Lucretius (vi. 652) :
Neo tdta pars homo terra! qf$6ta t6tiu$ unns.
§7.] IN THE BUGUBINB TABLES. 113
8evum and hutef are two adverbs. The former signifies
"with reverence," and contains the root aev- {sev-erus) or <r€/8-
{aifi<o)\ The latter is derived horn cav-eOy cautuSj with the
affix ''f=(f>if and means " cautiously."
The words arypea arvea or ariper arvis^ which conclude
almost every prescription in the first Table, are not very easy.
That Grotefend's translation pro ardore s. tistiane armgcB is in-
admissible, every sound philologer must at once concede. The
following suggests itself as the most probable solution. It
appears that the Umbrian participle generally ended in -e», -ez^
or -€w, like the old Ghreek participle of verbs in -/u. Thus we
have taseSf tasts^ and taSez, for tcicena. Vesteta, too, is obviously
a participle (vi. a, 22). As, then, we constantly find the im-
perative arveiiu for advehitOy we may surmise that arvesy arvis,
is the participle for advehens; and arepesy atipety on the same
principle, will be aitpes/ so that the phrase will signify adipes
advehens s. parr^ensy i» e. " offering up the soft fat."
Accordingly, the translation of the whole passage should run
thus : Ante portam Treblanam Jom Chrahomo tres boves facitOy
(xrmnd ostendttOy Jhtud Jertnd focito, vel vino vel pane, pro
monte FisiOy pro civitate Iguvindy facito severe, caute precator,
adipes advehensy i.e. "Before the gate, by which the trebles
enter, sacrifice three oxen to Jupiter Grabovius, offer up the hard
fat, sacrifice with unsalted meal, either with wine or bread, for
the Fisian mount, for the city of Iguvium, sacrifice reverently,
pray cautiously, holding forth the soft fat of the vigtims."
Buschke translates the passage as follows: Pro muris {veresy
fiK>m toetyan = deJmdere) Trebulanis Jovi Ordbovio tres boves
facitOy exta ostendito, pectora {vatuvay Gr. fiaOv^y Tarentine ^ard^:)
verufacitOy vel vino vel mulso {puni, Gr. ttIpov), pro monte Fisioy
pro urbe Iguvina facitOy carmen (sevum firora seo = dicOy carmen,
lex) caute precator, immote {afepes from appem^^l) strepitibtis
{arves from apafia: !}
1 According to Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, (p. 418) seviun is the same
adjeciire as that which fumisheB the initial syllable to 8etMikni=8ollennii
from aJbfio=annia; and is therefore to be compared with the Latin sollua
from sohnUf Gr. ^For, Sanscrit aarva.
D. V. 8
114 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. HI.
§ 8. Tab. I. J, 13 sqq.
The next passage which deserves notice and admits of a
reasonable interpretation is the following. Many of the inter-
vening sentences, however, are so like that which has just been
examined, that thej can canse no real difficulty to the student.
In I. b, 13, we have
enumek steplatu 'parfam tesvam tefe^ Tute Ikuvine.
The first word is a particle of connexion signifying inde^ dein^
"then," "in the next place." It is also written inumek^ and
seems to be compounded of tnum (the Lat. enitn) and ek; com-
pare the Grothic intththia, &c.
SUplatUj stiplaiu, and an-stipIatUj are the imperatives of
a verb attplo or ansHplo^ which seems to be of proper applica-
tion in matters of auguxy. In old Latin Mjndua was synony-
mous with stabilis (ForcelL s. v. gtijndatio): consequently this
verb must signify something like stabiUo or firmo^ which last
word is used in speaking of omens (Virgil, Oeorg. iv. 386).
Parfay which occurs frequently in the Tables, is the auguriai
parra^ a kind of owl, which the Italians in general call dtetUiy
and the Venetians parruzza; and teava means on the right: as
will appear from the following considerations. At the beginning
of the sixth Table we have, among the auspices, parfii kurruue
dersiMy peiqu peica merstu / which should seem to mean, par-
ranif comicemy dextras; ptcum^ picam sinisiroa. The Roman
augurs used to turn their faces to the south ; consequently the
east was on their left, and the west on their right. The east was
in general the seat of good omens ; but in certain cases, and with
certain birds, the bad omen of the west, or right hand, might be
converted into good. They made a distinction between the birds
which gave the omen by their note, and those which gave the
omen by their flight ; the former were called oacines^ the latter
aliiea. The parra and the ptcus were reckoned in both classes,
according to Festus (p. 197, MttUer). Indeed there must have
been some confusion among the augurs themselves, as Cicero
seems to admit {de Divin. ii. 39): "Hand ignoro, quae bona
sint, sinistra nos dicere, etiamsi dextra sint; sed certe nostri
sinistrum nominaverunt, extemique dextrom, quia plerumque me-
§9.] IN THE EUGUBINB TABLES. 115
lias id videbatnr." Lutatius says, that the masculine gender
indicates the propitious bird, and the feminine the unpropitious ;
yet the XJmbrians seem to hsnre held the ptcua and the pica in
equal estimation. In constituting a good omen, the Umbrians
placed the picus on the left, and the comix on the right ; while
Flautus places them both on the left, but the parra on the right,
as did the Umbrians {Asin, n. 1, 11) :
Impetritam, inaugoratam 'st : quoyis admittunt avM,
Picus, comix est ab Ise^a; corrus, parra ab dextera.
Prudentins, though not an Umbrian like Plautus, preserves the
Umbrian order {Symmach. il. 570} :
Car Cramer» in campis, cornice vel oscine parra»
Kemo detm monoit perituros Marie BUiifltro
Ter centum Fabios, Tix stirpe superstite in uno ?
Comp. also Horat. in, Garm. xxvii. 1, &c.
Tesva in the Table means '^ the right,'* and may be compared
with the Gothic ta{hsv6. In the Latin Table it is written der^
sua^ which is nearer to the Lat. dextra. That mersttu must
mean '^ propitious*' or '^salutary," is clear from the passages in
which it occurs, as well as from the use of mera. A few lines
lower we have (i. b, 18) : sve-pia hahe purtatutu pue mera est,
Jeitu uru pefe mers est. Comp. VI. b, 54: 8<hpir Kobe esme
paple poriatu ulo pue mers est, fitu uru pirse^ mers est. The
meaning seems to be: «t guis habet portatum aliguid ubi
sahOare est, fadto ustionem prottt salutare est. The etymology
of mers is quite uncertain. Grotefend connects it with medicus,
Lassen widi merx. The passage before us will mean: Inde
st^mUxtor parram dextram, tibi^ civitati IguvincSy i. e. ^^ There*
upon make good the propitious owl for thee and the city of
Iguvium."
§ 9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. a.
A complete examination of the whole of the Eugubine Tables
does not fall within the limits of this work, and I will only add
a few extracts from the Litany in the sixth Table.
VI. a, 22. Teio suhokau subokoy 23, Dei Grahovi,
ohri-per Fisiu, totOrper liovina, erer nomne-^pevy
8—2
116 THE UHBRIAN LANQUAQE [OHAP. HI.
erar nomne-^per ; fos set, pdker set, okre Fisei,
24. Tote liovine, erer nomne, erar nomne:
!• e. te invoco invocattonem^ Jupiter Grabovie, pro monte Ftsio,
pro urbe Iffuvina, pro tUitia nomine^ pro hujus nomine; bonus
{placidus Huschke) sis, propitius {paccUus Huschke) sisj mcntx
FisiOf urbi Iguvirue^ illiua nominiy hujus nomini.
VI. a, 24, Arsie, ttosnhokau suhoko^DeiGrabove:
i. e. adsiSf te invoco invoccUionem, J, Or. Huschke reads arsietio,
which he renders propitium, comparing the Greek apaio^.
In both these passages svJM>leau is the verb for sub-vocafOy
and sub-oco is* a noun, so that the construction is like Cato^s: te
bonas preces precor {B. R. 134, 139).
ArdeTyfrite tio subokau 26. suhoko D. Gr.
Here f-rite is written for rtife, just as we have f-rango by the
side of pi^ypvfu ; f-ragen^ f-luo^ as well as rogOy luo (Xou») ;
f-ragumy pd^;f-renumj " rein ;" ^^ri/ere, rigere^ &c. ; and in
these tables probably f^ for rus^ f-rosetom for roga/tum^ &c.
Huschke (p. 113} compares frite with fretus and renders wrsier
frite hjprcpitiijlducid.
VI. a, 26. Dei Grahovie, orer ose, persei ohre
Fide pir orto est, toteme lovine arsmor dersekor
suhator sent, pusei nep heritu.
This passage is somewhat more difficult. It appears to me that
the particles per-seiy pt^-^ei, mark the opposition of the protasis
to the apodosisj " as** — ^*' so," prout — tto. The chief difficulty
here is in the word arsmo^^ which, however, ocdurs very fre-
quently in the Tables. It is clearly the plural of arsmo. If we
examine one of the numerous passages in which the word is
found, we may be inclined to conjecture that it means a man or
functionary of some sort. Thus in vi. a, 32, we have : A Chr.
salvo seritu okrer Fisier^ totar liovinar nome; nerf, arstno^
veirOypequo, kastruo^Jriy salva seritu; which must surely mean;
J* Or, salvum servato nomen ocris Fisiiy urbis Iguvince^ salvos
servato principes (i. e. neriones), arstnos, viros, pecua, prcedia,
segetes. Now Lassen has shown {Rhein. Mus. 1834, p. 151)
§ 9.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 117
that deraecor must be a derivative from dtssecOj and tliat, like
tnerffiis, vivusy from mergere^ vivere, it most have an active
signification. We have the verb der-aeco = dis-aeco in the form
dersikust, derstJcurent {dis^secassit^ dia-aecaverint). Conse-
quently, aramor deraecor must mean arami diaaecanteay or diaai-
centea (for diaatco^ 4. conj., see Gronov. Lect. Flautin. p. 87).
SubcUor aerU is either aubacti aunt or aubjecti aunt^ i. e. aub^
miaai aunt On the whole, it is most probable that aramua
means a priest ; and the following seems to be the true analysis
of the word. If we compare al-mtia "the nourisher/' with
ahir-mnuay "the nourished/' and other forms in -^nnua {New
Crat. § 410), we may conclude that ara-mua has an active signi-
fication in i-eference to its first syllable. Now we have the root
ars' in the Etruscan Mrua-pex, and probably in dra ^daa == ara-a.
And whatever is the meaning of the root of these two words, it
1^ clear that it is not inconsistent with that which we should
expect in ara-mvs. Accordingly, it is a reasonable conjecture
that ara-mua^hanLa-^niua means a sacrificial priest, or altar*
man. K this supposition be correct, we shall have no great
difficulty in translating the passage before us. Fir occurs so
often in connexion with vuku^focua^ aaa^ara^ ureiu^urito^
&c. that it must mean " fire," cf. Gr. irvpy O. H. G. fiur^ N. H,
G. fiuer^ O. H.fjfTy Engl.^r^. Orer is a deponent form of oro^
after the analogy of precor^ eSxofiai. Oae is probably ore.
Nep stands for nec^ as in Oscan, but does not imply any dis-
junction: nor did nee or neg in old Latin; compare neo-lego^
nec-quidquamy &c., and see Festus, p. 162, sub VV. nedegena
and nee. Mtiller {Suppl. Annot. p. 387) supposes that the
disjunctive nee or neque and the negative nee or neg^ were two
distinct particles. To me it appears that nee or neg is never
used for non except either as qualifying a single word — neg^
ligo^j neo-opinanay neg-otiumy — ^in a conditional clause, as in the
1 Prof. Newman {Regal BomSy p. 26) says that neg^Ugo is to be com.
pared with nach-kuaeny and exhibits the German nocA ** after" — a particle
uoknown to Latin. I belieye lie is not responsible for this paerile deri-
ration, which eTinces a complete ignorance of the part which nee or neg
plays in Latin words, and of the connexion of this particle with naeh.
We shall see when we come to the Etruscan language that nak occurs in
118 THE UMBEIAK LAKGUAGE [cHAP. IIL
passages quoted bj Festas, and Cato JB. JB. 141,— or in a pio-
hibition, as here ; in all which cases the Greeks used /m; and not
ovy and the Romans generally ne *and not nan. Nego is a
peculiar case; the Greeks said oi ^/u o&ra>9 ex!^w for ^ijui
fufj OVT409 ^€^1^: and the same principle may be applied to
explain ov^ rj/cuTTay ov yap dfieivovy &c. In a case like this the
Romans seem to have nsed nee as qualifying and oonyerting the
whole word, in preference to nan. MtLller supposes that negritUy
quoted bj Festus (p. 165) as signifying csgritudo in angorial
language, stands for nec-Whi. I think it must be a corruption
for ne-<iritu\d6\ : see below, Ch. yii. § 5» Heritu is the imper.
of Art, "to take away," Sanscrit hri^caperej toUerey dmnerCy
auferr^y rapere^ abriperej Welsh hwra. The whole passage then
may be rendered : Jupiter Cfrabovie precar preoatCane, quantam
in ocri Fisio ignis ortus eat, in urbe Iguvina sacerdotw diMeccaiUes
submissi aunt^ — ita ne tu adimas. Huschke renders this difEcidt
passage as follows : Di Graboviey tempeetcUis tempore {orer aee cf.
Spa), vhi in monte Fisio ignis ortus est, in ttrhe Iguvina aqua-'
ria {arsmor s dpSfiol Hom. Odyss. y. 247) siccata subacta sunt
(dersecor^siccatiy sicci, cf. Oep-i^m, ripa^ofiai) subacta suntf uti
ne infiato (" ohne Zweifil von ipWw V)
§ 10. The Atidian Augural Sacrifice.
As a more detailed specimen of the style and language of
the Eugubine tables, and as an example of the latest attempt to
explain them, I subjoin a passage amounting to fourteen oxise-
cutive lines (Tab. ii. b, 1 — 14), together with the translation
proposed by Buschke, who entitles this section the "Atidian
Augural Sacrifice^' (AticUsche Auguralopjer; p. 344).
an insoriptioQ with the neose ^^ in'' or ^ down in ;** and in this or a aimilar
senBO na or nach is used in all the SclaTonian and German dialeoto — to
■ay nothing of po-ne^ n-ne, &c. in Latin. The gnttural at the end of
ofr F» ot'X^ does not differ from that in ne-^ ne-que; and as the Sanscrit
aod-kt which is obyioosly connected with the Greek ov^k^wo- Fo-k (New
Orat, $ 189) signifies daorswn^ we can easily recognize the different signi-
fications of these particles.
§10.]
IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
119
Pone kame spetuiie Atiefie
aviekate narakluin (2) Tortusi eetu
esunu.
Fetu fiatruBper Atiierie; eu
esam (3) esu naratu.
Pere kame speturie Atierie
aviekate (4) aiu urtu fefure, fetu,
puze neip eretu. YeBti9e Sa^e
(5)sakre^ Juvepatare bum perak-
ne, Spetnre pmikne restatu.
(6)Juvie unu erietu Sakre pel-
sanu fetn, arviu ustentii, (7) puni
fetUy tacez pesnimu arepe aryes.
Pnne purtiius, (8) una sura
pesutru feto, tikanme Juvie^ ka-
pire (9) peru prove fetu. Ape
purtiius sufu, eruB tetu; enu
kuma(10)ltu, kumato pesnimu.
Ahtu Juvip. uve peraknem (1 1)
peraem fetu, arviu ustentu, puni
fetu.
Ahtu Marti abrunu (12)perak-
ne fetu, arviu ustetu, fasiu pruse-
9ete arveitu, (13) perae fetu, puni
fetu.
Tra ekvine fetu, (14) a^etus
perakne fetu.
Oum ad victimas spectorias in
Atiedio auspicatu narrationeni
verteris, esto illud.
Eadto pro fratribus Atiediis;
ea eorum esse narrata
Ubi victimis spectoriis in Atie-
dio auspicatu ejulationes oit»
fuerint^ fadto uti ne interficias.
Yesticio Sando saci^m, Jovi patri
bovem debUem, Spectori debilem
novate. Joviis unum arietem
sacrem immolandum £su$ito, exta
ostendito, mulso (?) fiicito, tacitus
precator, immotus strepitibus (1).
Gum porrexeris,.unum aoervum
pulmentum &cito, dicatione Jo-
viifl, capide fundolum sigillatim
fadto. Ubi poirexeris acervum,
honorem date, itaque, «equato
sequatis precator.
Actutum Jovi patri ovem de*
bilem, subventrile, &cito, exta
ostendito, mulso (?) fistdto.
Actutum Marti apriculum de-
bilem &cito, exta ostendito, &rd-
men proseotis advehito, subven-
trile facito, mulso (?) facito.
Trans simulacra fadto, furcillis
debiles facito.
The only words in this passage, which require special re-
mark, are the following: Aiu (4) is compared with Aius locur
tiu8 and with the root of ald^ci>, ejulo. With regard to sakre (5)
Huschke supposes (p. 176) a form aacrisy sacre by the side of
saceTy sacray sacruniy like equestris by the side of equester. Per'-
akni8 is compared with irrfpS^y and is supposed to mean a muti-
lated victim (p. 305). This is of course very doubtful. Be-
statu is compared with the Roman novarey and the precatio
maxima as explained by Servius, ad .Mneid, xii. 176 (p. 358).
Pelsana (6), according to Huschke (p. 183) is the gerundive of
pdsorvmh ss immolarSy which he compares with TraXvvecp. 8uru
120 THE UMBBIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. UU
(8), which is elsewhere written sorsOf is compared with the
Greek <r(op6^ (p. 186). Peru (9), also written peraom, is com-
pared with possum, and rendered Jundolus, in the sense ex-
plained by Varro {L.L.Y. 22, §111), i.e, rv^ikhv hrrepov,
Komaltu and hamate (10) are referred to a verb kamolom^
ceqiLare, the root of which is sought in the Greek ofiaXaM^
ofiaTu^a) (p. 173). Peraem (11), from perais or persais^ is ren-
dered imuSy quoad partem inferiorem [pedum) spectatus {sumen^
subventrile), and is referred to wija (p. 143), Fasiu (12), also
written farsio, is derived from the Latin farcio (p. 147). And
ekvine (13) is compared, rather arbitrarily, with eUaiv (p. 356).
§ 11. Vmbrtan words which approximate to their Latin
synonyms.
This may suffice as far as the direct interpretation of the
Tables is concerned. In conclusion it may be well to give a
list of those words in the Umbrian language which approach
most closely to their Latin equivalents. And first, with respect
to the numerals, which are the least mutable elensients in every
language, it is clear that tuves {duves), tuva (duva), and tris^
treioy correspond to duo and tres, tria. Similarly tupler {dupler)
and tripler represent duplus and triplusy and tuplak (ill. 14) is
dupUce, It is obvious, too, that petur is " four," as in Oscan ;
see VI. b, 10 : du-pursus, petur-pursus, i. e. bipedibusy guadri-
pedihus (cf. ahtrqpuraum = drcum-tripudiarey capirus = capidi-
bus, &c.) As to the ordinals, pmmum is primum, etre {etramct)
is alter, and tertie [tertiamd) is tertius.
The other words may be given in alphabetical order:
Angla or arJda (vi. a, 1) = aquHa
(comp. anguis with ^c^ unda
with vSbip, &c ; see I^ew CraC^
Abrqf(apru/) (viL a, 3) = apro8.
Ager (Tab. xxvu. 21).
Ahairirpuraa^u (vn. a, 23, 36) =
circv/mrtripudiaito,
Ahes-^no (iiL 8, 19) = ahenu8.
Alju (i. b, 29) = albus (aA<^).
Amh-, prefix, shortened into oAo,
a — drcu/m.
Ampenom (ii. b, 20) = impendere.
Ander (anter) (vi. b, 47. i. b, 8)
= inter (aim. in Oscan).
§223).
Anglome (vl a, 9) = angvlus.
Af^teniu (passim) = in-tendUo.
Anter (i. b, 8) = inter.
Ape (l b, 34) = wW.
Ar-ferfmr (vi. a, 3) = affertor.
Afpeltu (n. a, 19) = adpellito.
Afputrati (v. a, 12) = arbitnUu.
§".]
IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
121
Ar^veUu (i. b, 6) = advehUo (cf.
arvis and arves).
Asa (vL a, 9, et passim) = cmto,
Asiane (i. a, 25) = in aUari.
Aim (i. b, 29) = afer.
Aveis (VL a, 1) = cmbuSy Ac.
Aviedoa (i. b, 14) =3ai/^i^ra^to.
^enes (l b, 50) =:«^ie9.
Biie (vL a, 26, et passim) = bove.
^esna (v. b, 9) = cana.
Der-mkurent (vi. b, 62) = c^t««6-
i>er or fer, later {fer« or dira, from
efec^Oi a reduplicated formof da=^
dare. It is sometimes found
under the forms dwve or tuve^
especiallj in composition with
pur, as in pur^ttmrtu ^prihdito
or por-ricUo (n. a, 24).
Dekuria or ^e^uru» (il b, 1) =
decwriay i.e. cSsct^-i^iriei.
Destru or ^^n« (i. a^ 29) = dexter,
Dige or «ij» (n. a, 17) = decere,
Dicom (iL % 7, «fee) = dioere,
Ditu (vL b, 10) =dieito.
Du (vL b, 50) = chu).
JDupla (vi. b, 18), so also wumer
iupler (v. a, 19)— -comp. rmmer
prever (y. a, 18) and rmmer
iripier (v. a, 21).
JEikvasatis (m, 24,29) = in vicenos
disiribtUis.
JErom (vn. b, 2) = ease.
Eter (vi. a, 35, <fec) = dUer^ secim-
due.
£Ut{YL b, 48) = ito.
Fakuet (IV. 31)=/«<5en«.
Fameriaa FtimperuM (vui. a, 2)
/amilicB Fornpilias. '
i?V*r(v. b, 10)=/eM'.
jPoto (vL b, ll)=ya<wm.
FerMu (Miiller, Eiruak. i. p. 57,
note) =^/erculum,
FerehJtru (jXL \%)=fere^rum.
Ferine (l a, 4) —fwrina,
Fertni (vl b, 50) ^ferto.
Fone, fosy (vi. a, 23) = honua^ or
favenSj placidua.
Frater (v. b, 11).
Funtlere (i. b, 24) = infimdvlie.
Gomia, hwrniaf (i. a, 7) = pLenoBj
gramdas?
Habetu (n. % 23) = Aa5eto.
Hapina/ru (l a, 33) = o^F/ioriim.
Bere^veUe, connected with Atr,
"the hand," jpTV-HEND-o, cupco),
Ac. (iVino Crcrf. § 162); hence
heri = ve^ (i. a, 22) ; also in
the sense of taking away, Ac.
like the Sanscr. Ari, Welsh
hwra (aboye, p. 118).
Homonue (y. b, \0) = ho7mnibva.
7/«(n.b, 12) = t6i.
Jverika (i. b, 40) -ywoenca,
Kometfu, (iv. 29) = canUo^
Kapire (i. a, 29) = capwfe, "with
a sacrificial jug."
Kaprum (ii. a, 1) = caprum,
Karetu (i. b, 33) = calato.
Ka/me (ii. a, 1) = ca/me,
Kastrao (vl a, 30, et passim)»
caeira, damus.
KaOo (iL a, 38)*: ca^ti«.
Kamohakt (yL % 54) = commoia»
Koveriom (l b, 9, Ac.) = eanver^
terej revertiy redire,
KwnAafy see Ganda,
Kwra^hA (y. a, 24) : we rehle ku-
raiu 8i = 8i recte curaium sit.
Kwmak (vi. a, 2) = eomix.
Kvesbwr (y. a, 23) == qtJUEetor.
Maletu (n. a, 18) = molihim.
I
122
THE UHBBIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. UL
Mawu, (n. a, 32) = moniM.
Mtke (yl a, 5) = m%ki.
MeritoB (VL a, 3, i) - occicknikh
l%8.
Mestru (v. a, 24) = magitier v.
major.
MugcUu (vL a, 6) = mugito.
MuneMu (v. a, 17) == mumttfCtt^iTk
ifuto (y.b, 2) = mulia.
ITaraklum (il b, 1) = narratio-
nem.
J^araiu (n. a, 8) = narraio (Yarro
wrote ftorofis).
Ner (vi. a, 30, «fee) = prvncepSy
mUes.
NoTM (passim) = namen,
N(h€ve (vL b, 64) = wm.
Nvmer (y. a, \l)=^nv4Mrus.
Numo (v. % Vl) = nvmuB.
Nurpier (vi. a, 12) =<0rarit/
Omem, (u. b, 19) ::= oman^um.
Orer (vi. a, 26) = oro, cvxofuu.
Or^ (VI. % 26) = or^u*.
Ow (vi. a, 26) = OTA
OsUndu (vl a, 20) ^ot^^nib.
0«* (vi. b, 43,) uoe (n. 6, 10) =
ovia.
Fcue (vi. a, SO) = pace.
Faier (il a, 24).
Feiho (vL % 3) ^picut.
Feku (vL.a, 30) =jpecM«.
Felsana (l a, 26) s= balsamonf
FeUom (vi. b, 40) = canspergeret
Feretdmu (i. b, 7)=preoaU}r.
Fihakler (v. a, 8) =piacultim.
Fihatu (vL a, 9) =piaio.
Fir(hh, I2) = vvp,fire.
Fid (v. a, 3lO)rsqui8qut9,
Flenado (v. a, 2) == plenaritu.
Foplo (pBsaim)=^populu8.
Forka (vil. a, 6) =/wca.
Pm*/ /MMfoio (vi. b, 5) =po8lerOy
Lo. rc^o.
Friwvaio8 (vl b, 50, Ac.) =/>rtt»-
FrokanurwU (vL a, 16) = j?roa»-
Proseteto (vi. a, 56) =/>raMea(a
Puemu^ne (in. 26) ^pomona.
Pupfihe (iiL 27) ^ptMiee or «up-
Fur^in4u8 (l b, 33)=pro-<0fft-
FuHertiu (l b, 40)=pa8«46ftto.
i2eto(v. a,24) = r0ete.
£«9, i?t (v. a, 6) = rea.
Ruphra (i. b, 27) « ru&ro.
/SioAra (l b^ 29>
Salu = 9aUm (Huschke, p. 366).
/SoZvo, aalfHii d&c. (passim).
^SM^u (passim) erMTooio (MiOler,
Etruaky i. p. 55).
Seraea (vl a, 5)=:mc289.
Seraom (vi. b» 17) = «e^^svie.
Seatom (il a, 24) = ^t0re.
Sevaknia (il a, 8) ^^hoaUaf
Si/{i. a, 7)==«uM.
Skrehto (vn. b. 3) == «ertp^uA
iSna^ (il b. 19) = impletuaf
Sanaa (v. b, I2') = acerttba f
Sopo (vL b, 5) s «iptfUM, auppua.
StahUu (vL b, 56) = atalo.
Struala (vl a, 59) = atruircula,
dimiiL of atrtiea,
Svhator (vl a, 27, ho,) - aubacti,
Svhoho (vl a, 22, &a) = «tt|E^i-
oemprecem.
/Sw^a (v. a, 20) = aupra,
SwnUu (l a, 9, 16) ss. aumfUo.
Sve (v. a, 24)= Osc. anas^ Lot. ai
SerUu (n. b. 24), vide aeritu,
Seana (v. b, 9) = ceanoy eoma.
§1«.]
nsr THE XUGUBIHE TABLES.
128
Tcues (VL a, 5S)^tacm8.
Tefrom (vn, a, 46) = «acri/Wiw»
Tekwries (n. % l) = deeuriah
Tenawwrho (vi. b, 53)=cti9i» Ur-
mino.
Tio (pafisim) = te.
Tuf (i. b, 41) - curdmf
Ttirae (p. 433, Huschke) = tu/rrem,
Ufestne = pwterioribvs {iirurOiois,
HuBchke, p. 436).
IThiur = auetor (Huschke, p. 397.)
Ufetu (in. 12) = tirUo.
Urnasia (y. a, 2)=iMmariti8.
Uvikum (HL 28) = cum ove.
Vapers (i. b^ 14) = campus.
Fa*(vL %26) = vaa.
ViUwoa (i. a; 4) =f<x^tm.
Veiro (vl a, 30) = viros.
Veru (passim) =/ore8 or nmri ?
Vestra (v. b, 61).
Vinu (passim) = vinum.
Vvrseto (vi. a, 2S) = vi8iu.
Vitlu (iL a, 2\)=imtulu8.
VokfUrkam (vl b, 43) = cmn, vel in
foco.
Vutu (iL b, 39) =tn*fti«.
§ 12. 2%« Todi Inscription contains Jour words of the
same class.
In the year 1835 a bronze figure of a man in armour was
discovered near Todi {Tuder)^ on the borders of Umbria. The
inscription, which was detected on the girdle of the breast-plate,
has been interpreted from the (Jreek, Latin, and Hebrew lan-
guages by a number of different scholars. It appears to me to
contain four words, which may be added to the above list, as
they are all explicable from the roots of the Latin language.
The inscription runs thus :
AHALTBVTITISPVNVMPEPB;
The word titis occurs in the Eugubine Tables (i. b, 45), and
punum is obviously the accusative of puntiSj another form of
punejjntnes, puni^ which are known to be Umbrian words. It is
true that the Latin synonym jpanis and the Eugubine words
belong to the declension ; bat that is no reason why we should
not have a by-form of the o- declension, and that this form
actually existed in Messapia is well known (Athen. iii. p. Ill C :
iTiOfo^ apro^ MetraaTTioi). These two words being removed
from the middle, the extremities remain, namely, ahaUru and
pqpe. With regard to the first it is to be observed that the
lengthening of a syllable, by doubling the vowel and inserting
the letter A, is common in Umbrian (see Leps. de Tabh. Eugvb,
124 THE UMBKIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. III.
pp. 92,' 8qq.), and the same practice ia often remarked in Latin.
Indeed, as we have seen above (p. 98), the elongated form is
the more ancient and original. AhaUru, then, bears the same
relation to the Latin alter that ahala bears to ala, nihil to
nilf vehemens to vemens^ &c. It is true that in the Eugubine
Tables etre seems to represent the meaning, if not the form of
alter; but this is no reason why there should not be the other
equally genuine and ancient form alter or ahaltef, which is pro-
bably the more emphatic word in that language, and corre-
sponds, perhaps, in meaning to the adjective alienua. The sig-
nification of the word pepe suggests itself from the context, and
is also supported by analogy. It seems to be a reduplication of
the root jhi {pd-nisy pa-aco, ira^daOcUy ira-riofuu, &c.), analo-
gous to the reduplication of the root bi (or pi, irl-woy &c.) in
bi'bo. If the Sabines were a warrior tribe of Umbrians, it is
reasonable to conclude that their name for "a warrior" would
be Umbrian also; now we know that the Sabine name for "a
warrior" was titus (Fest p. 366, and above, p. 32), and the
warrior tribe at Rome was called the Titienses (Liv. i. 13) ; ac-
cordingly, as the Umbrian Propertius calls these the Tities {El
IV. 1, 31 : Hinc Titles Ramnesque mri Luceresgue coloni^), it is
not an unfair assumption that titia, pi. tities, was the Umbrian
word for " a warrior." We have the same word on an Etruscan
monument from Volterra, which represents a warrior with sword
and spear, and bears the following, legend: mi afilee Tites
(Inghirami Mon. Etr. aer. VI. tot?. A.; Micali Ant. Mon. tav. 51;
Miiller, Denkmdler, LXII. n. 312). The inscription, then, will
run thus: "the warrior eats another's bread;" the position of
ahaltru being justified by the emphasis which naturally falls
upon it. Compare Dante, Paradiso, xvii. 58-60 :
Tu proTerai si come sa di sale
Lo pa^M aUruif et com' h duro calle
Lo Bcendere e '1 salir per V aUrui Bcala
This motto, then, either refers to the practice of serving as
mercenaries, so common among the Italians, or expresses the
prouder feeling of superiority to the mere agriculturist, which
1 Luemo in v. 29 Is an accurate transcription of the Etruscan Lauehms*
§ 12.] IN THE BUQUBINB TABLES. 125
was equally characteristic of the oldest Greek warriors. Compare
the scolion of Hjbrias the Cretan («p. Aihen. xv. 695 p) :
loTi fiot frXovrof lUyat t6pv koi $i(l>os
Koi t6 KoKhw XoMnfioy frp6Pkrina XP^^^'
TovT^ wartm t6p ddim oufov atr dfurcX»,
ravTif dttnr^ras fiv»tas K€Kkrjfjuu.
Tol dc fuj rokf/MVT tx^t» ^pv Koi $i<l>oSf K. r. X.
It is also to be remarked that the Litcumones^ or ^^ illustrious
nobles/' among the Tuscans, seem to have distinguished their
plebeians as Aruntea {dpovvTe;)^ i. e. mere ploughmen and agri-
pultural labourers (Elenze, PhtL Alhandlurig, p. 39, note). In
general the prsBUomen Aruns seems to be used in the old mythi-
cal history to designate an inferior person (Mliller, Etnuk, I.
p. 405). Others compare the word with 'Apta)i/, ^Apeuov, Sanscr.
variyas^ Lith. wiremis (Fabretti, s. v. p. 167).
CHAPTEE IV.
THE BABELLO'OSCAN LANGUAGE.
I. The remaans of tfa« Oacaa language most be considered as SabeQian a]flo.
§ 4. Alphabetical liBt of Sabello-Oacaa words, with their inteipr0tatio&.
§ 3 The Bantiiie Table. 9 4. Gonmientaiy on the Baatiae Table. % $. Tht
Oippm Ahdlanut, 9 6. The Bronie tablet of Agwme, § 7. The <' AteOanci"
•
§ 1. The remains of the Oscan language must he considered
as SabeUian o&o*.
THE Oscan language is more interesting even than the Um-
brian, and the remains which have come down to us are
much more easily interpreted than the Eugubine Tables. Indeed,
as Niebuhr has remarked (l. ad not 212), '^ some of the inscrip-
tions maj be explained word for word, others in part at least,
and that too with perfect certainty, and without any violence."
This language had a literature of its own, and survived the
Boman conquest of southern Italy. It was spoken in Samnium
in the year 459*; it was one of the languages of Bruttium in
the days of Ennius*; the greatest relic of Oscan is the Bantine
Table, which was probably engraved about the middle of the
seventh century; and the Oscan was the common idiom at Her-
culaneum and Pompeii, when the volcano at once destroyed and
preserved those cities.
Although, as it has been shown in a previous chapter, the
Sabines must be regarded as a branch of the Umbrian stock, who
conquered all the Ausonian nations, and though Varro* speaks of
' 1 Llr. X. 20: ** gnaros Unguee Obccb exploratam mittit.''
s FestuB, 8. T. bilingucit p. 35 : " lnUngue$ BrutkOea Enniiu dizity quod
Bratti et Osce et Groece loqui soliti sint."
' L, L, vn. i 3, p. 130, Mailer. Varro was bom at Reate (see
p. 301 of Mailer's edition), and therefore, perhaps, attached peculiar
importance to the provincialiBms of the ager Sabinus,
\ 1,] THE SABBLLO-OSCAN LAHGUAGS. [[U N ??^ T^ C* T "
the Sabine language as different from the Oscan, jev^w^edl the
remains of the Sabine and Oscan languages belong to a^p^od
when the Sabellian conquerors had mixed themselves up with the
conquered Ausonians and had learned their Itoguage, it seems
reasonable that we should not attempt, at this distance of time,
to discriminate between them, but that, recognizing generallj the .
original affinity of the iT^mbrian and Oscan nations, we should
consider the Sabine words which have been transmitted to us, as
belonging, not so much to the Umbrian idiom, as to the complex
Sabello-Oscan language, which prevailed throughout the whole of
southern Italy. And this view of the matter is farther justified
by the &et, that a great many of these words are quoted, not
only as Sabine, but also as Oscan. It is true that some parti-
cular words are quoted as Sabine, which are not found in Oscan
inscriptions, and not known to be Oscan also; but we cannot
form any general conclusions from such isolated phenomena, espe-
cially as a great many of these words are Latin as well. All
that they prove is simply this, that there were provincialisms in
the Sahine territory properly so called. Still less can we think
with Mtiller {JSiruak. I. p. 42), that the Sabine language is the
un-Greek element in the Oscan; for many of these words have
direct connexions with Greek synonyms, as MtLller himself has
admitted. There are no Sabine Inscriptions as such. The Mar-
sian inscription, quoted by Lanzi, and which Niebuhr thought
unintelligible (i. 105, ad not, 333), is Oscau, if it ought not
rather to be called old Latin.
In the following observations, then, for the materials of which
I am largely indebted to the writings of Professor Klenze (PW-
loloffische Ahhandlungen, Berlin, 1839), and of Theodor Momm-
sen {Vhteritalischen Dialekte, Leipsig, 1850), the Sabine and
Oscan will be treated in conjunction with one another*. Before
proceeding to consider the Oscan inscriptions, it may be as well
to give an alphabetical list of those words which are cited by old
writers as Sabine, Oscan, or both.
^ In the present edition I bare added some of Mr. Ellis's comparisons
from his Ethnography of Italy and Oreeeej pp. 23 sqq., where he has
introdaoed my list with sotae further illustratlont.
128 THE SABELLO-OBOAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. IV.
§ 2. AlpJiaietical list of Sabello-Oscan toorcb, with their
interpretation.
Alpusy Sab.. Feat. p. 4, Mttller : ^' AJbumy quod nos dicimns, a
Grseco, quod est aX^v^ est appellatum. Sabini tamen cApwn
dixerunt." Breton cdp^ " white," Greek 0X^09.
Anxur. Plin. H. N. iii. 5 ; " flumen tJfens — ^lingaa Volscorran
Anocur dictum."
Aurdius. Vide s. v. 80L
Aurum, Sab. Fest. p. 9: ^*Aurum — ^alii a Sabinis translatum
putant, quod illi auatmi dicebant." Pruss. atisia^ Welsh aur.
Brutusy Osc. "A runaway slave," "a maroon." Strabo, vi.
p. 255; Diod. xvi. 16. Gaelic ruithj "to run;" Lapp. rues==
celer.
Cctscusy GasinuSy Casnar^ Sab. Osc. Varro, L. L. yii. § 28:
" Cdscum significat vetus ; ejus origo Sabina, quss usque radices
in Oscam linguam egit." § 29 : '^ Item ostendit quod oppidum
vocatur (hsinum ; hoc enim ab Sabinis orti Samnites tenue-
runt, et nunc nostri etiam nunc Gasinum forum vetus appellant.
Item significant in Atellanis aliquot Pappum senem, quod
Osci Caenar appellant." Quintilian sajs (i. 5, § 8) : " Gasnar,
assectator, e Gallift ductum est" With this meaning, Mr.
Ellis compares the Welsh casnator. These words probably
contain the Sanscr. root kd^^ "to shine," which also appears
in Kodapo^, caa^ttiSy &c. Gdnua is also to be referred to this
class (comp. co-esnUf ccena, &c.), and stands related to oandi^
duSj sAplenua does to s-plendidtis. According to Pott {Etym.
Forsch. II. 109), cas^nar is a compound word, containing the
roots cas'y " old," and nr^, " a man." Lobeck thinks (Paralip.
p. 22 n.) that caanar is for cantis, as Gcesar and Gesso for
Gassua,
Gatua Sab. Varro, L. L. vii. § 46: " Gata acuta; hoc enim
verbo dicunt Sabini." We have the Welsh cateray " to cut,"
the A. S. gddy "goad," and the O. N. gaddr = clavua.
Grepusculum, Sab. Varro, L. L. VI. § 5: " Secundum hoc dicitur
crepuscvlum a crepero. Id vocabulum sumpserunt a Sabinis,
imde veniunt Grepusci nominati Amitemo, qui eo tempore
erant nati, ut Lucii prima luce. In Eeatino creptcacubim sig-
nificat dubium ; ab eo res dictaa dubi» crq^cB^ quod crepus-
§ S.] THS SABELLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE. 129
culnm dies etiam nunc sit an jam nox, multis dubium." vii.
§ 77 : '' Greptisculum ab Sabinis, qnod id dabium tempos
noctis an diei sit." Comp. Festus, s. t. Deerepitus, p. 71,
Mliller. The root of this word seems to be contained in the
Sanscr. kahegMSj Greek /cviffKK (see New OrcU. § 160).
Oumbay Sab. Festus, p. 64 : " Cumbam Sabini vocant eam,
qoam militares lecticam, nnde yidetnr derivatum esse eubicu-
lum.'^ Comp. Varro, L. L. V. § 166, and Gloss. MS. Camberon.
(Voss. VU. 8erm. p. 419: '' Chmha dicitor lectica a cubando''*)
Oupencus^ Sab. Serv. ad JEn. xii. 538: ''Sane sciendum,
cupencum Sabinorum lingua sacerdotem vocari: sunt autem
cupenci Herculis sacerdotes." Cf. Gaelic cotMt, ''an arch-
druid."
GuriSj Quirisy Sab. Ovid. Fast II. 475: " Sive quod hasta
curis priscis est dicta Sabinis." Yarro {op. Dion. Sal. ii.
p. 109, Hnds.): Kvpei^ yap oi Xafiuwi ra^ aixf^ KoKovar
Tovra ^ ovp Tephrrto9 Ovap^mv ypcuf>€L Macrob. 8cU. i.
9 : " Quirinum quasi bellorum potentem, ab hasta, quam Sa-
bini curim vocant.'* Festus, p. 49 : " Curis est Sabine hasta.
Unde Bomulus Quirtnus^ quia eam ferebat, est dictus.'' Ibid. :
" Ouritim Junonem appellabant, quia eandem ferre hastam
putabant" p. 63: ''Quia matron» Junonis Curitis in tutela
sint, qu» ita appellabatur a ferenda hasta, qu» lingua Sabi-
norum Gwris dicebatur." (Comp. MtlUer, Elrwk. ii. p. 45,
and Festus, p. 254). Servius, JSn. i. 296: "Bomulus au-
tem Quirinus ideo dictus est, rel quod hasta utebatur, quas
Sabinorum lingua Curia dicitur : hasta enim, i. e. curia j telum
longum est, unde et aecuriaj quasi aemi-^uria'^ Isidor. ix.
2, 84: "Hi et Quirites dicti, quia Quirinus dictus est Bomu-
lus ; quod semper hasta utebatur, quse Sabinorum lingua quiria
didtur.** Cf. Plutarch. Vit. Bamul. 29. If curia meant "a
lance,'* as these authorities indicate, its meaning was derived
firom the definition of a lance as " a headed or pointed staff."
The analogies suggested hj Pott {M Farach. i. 263, ii. 533)
do not lead to any satisfactorj result Some confusion arises
in the mind from a comparison of Quiritesj {curia), curiadi,
*Hhe full citizens or hoplites," with tcovpqre^, fcvpu>i, tcoipa-
voi, Ko&poij KovplBio^ — ^words denoting "headship" or "per-
sonal rank." See New Cratylua, § 330; Welcker, Theognia,
D.V. 9
130 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANQUAGK. [CHAP. IV.
p. xzxiii. ; Lobeck, Aglaopham. p. 1144, not. c, and ad Soph.
' Aj\ 374, 2d edit; and above, p. 30 ; of. Irish cotVr, Old Norse
ffeir, "a spear."
Cypnis, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 159 : " Vicus CypriuB (Liv. i.
48) a cypro^ quod ibi Sabini cives additi oonsedenmt, qui a
bono omine id appellarunt; nam cyprum Sabine bonum.^'*
The word probablj contains the same element as the Fersian
hhvb (c-^), "good'* or "fair/* As Kupra was the Etroscan
Juno, (Strabo, p. 241), this word must have belonged to the
Umbrian element common to both languages. Mr. Ellis
compares both the German hiibsch and the Welsh hyfryd.
Dalivusy Osc. Fest. p. 68 : " Daltvum supinum ait esse Aure-
lius, ^lius stultum. Oscorum quoque lingua significat in-
sanum. Santra vero dici putat ipsum, quern Grseci SeiKatov,
i.e. propter cujus &tuitatem quis misereri debeat.*' Comp.
Hesjch., AaKl^j fjLOipoSf and see Blomf. ad.^ch. Evmen. 318.
Labb. Gloss, daunum^ A^pova^ where Scaliger reads daUvwau
We have in a similar sense not only the Gaelic daiUean,
Welsh dol, but the Gothic dvcd, and the Gbrm. toll
Diana, Sab. Vide sub v. Feronia.
Dirm, Umbr. et Sab. Serv. ad Mit. in. 235: "Sabini et
Umbri, qu» nos mala dira appellant" This word seems to
be the same in effect as the Gr. heivi^. But it comes nearer
to the Gaelic dear "great," "prodigious," and the Welsh
dirtedf " mischievous," " unlucky."
Falacer (cf. alaoer). Varro, L. L. V. § 84. (cf. vil. § 45) : " flamen
Falacer a divo patre Falacre.^^ It is supposed by Mommsen
that this word was Sabine, because Vespasian's Sabine birth-
place was Fal^wnne or Falacrinum. If so the word must
have belonged to the Umbrian element common to the Sabine
and Etruscan : for Varro tells us here that Falacer was divtie
pater, or Jupiter, and we learn expressly that falandum was
the Etruscan equivalent to coelum (Fest. p. 88).
Famel, Osc. Fest. p. 87 : " Famuli origo ab Oscis dependet,
apud quos OGrvus Jamel nominabatur, unde etfamiUa vocata."
Comp. Mtiller, EtrusTcer, i. p. 38. Benfey {Wurzd-Lex. ii.
20) would connect ju-^mel for fag-mel with the Sanscrit root
hhaj, "to honour;" Sclav, bog, "god;" Russ. bo^-itj, "to
honour."
§ 2.] THE SABBLLO-OSCAN LANGUAGS. 131
Fasena, Sak Vaxro {pp. Vet. Orthogr. p. 2230 P.): ^'Siqui.
dem, ut testis est Yarro» a Sabinis jiisefna dicitar." p. 2238 :
^' Itaqne harenam jostins qnis dixerit, quoniam apud antiqaos
jhaena erat, et hordeum^ K^piA fardeum, et, sioat supra diximus,
hireos^ quoniam firci erant, et hcdckiy quoniam jMV^ The
ancients, however, often omitted the aspirate in those words
which originally had/. Quintil. InsU OroA. !• 5. § 20 : " Pax-
cissime ea (aspiratione) reteres usi sunt etiam in vocalibus,
cum cBdoB ircosque dicebant." The / is changed into h in
the proper name Halesus — the hero eponymus of the Fcde"
rtansy and founder of Falisd: see Tumeb. Adv. zxi. 3.
Below, Fedus. For the similar change from / to A in the
Bomance languages, see New CrcLtylu8y § 111.
Februum^ Sab. Varro, L. L. VI. § 13 : " FAruvm Sabini pur-
gamentum, et id in sacris nostris verbum." Ovid. Faxt. ii.
19 : ^^ Februa Bomani dizere piamina Patres." Fest. p. 85.
Also Tuscan ; see J. Ljdus d» Mens. p. 170. The word maj
be compared either with the A. S. jtBgery " fair," or with the
Gaelic /eoJA, "good."
Fedus, Foedns^ Sab. Varro, L. L. V. § 97 : " Irciia, quod Sa^
bini fircua; quod illic Jedus, in Latio rure edus; qui in urbe,
nt in multis A additio, aedusS^ Apul. de Nat. Adspir. p. 94
(Osann.): ^'M. Terentius scribit hedum lingua Sabinorum
Jidum vocatum, Bomanosque corrupte hedus pro eo quod est
Jidu8 habuisse, sicut hircua pro Jtrcusj et irahere pro trqfere."
p. 125 : " Sabini enim fircuSj Bomani hircua; illi ve/hre^ Bo-
mani vehere protnlerunt." Fest. p. 84: ^^ Fcedum antiqui
dicebant pro hmdOf folua pro olerCy foatem pro hoate^ foatem
pro hostia'' Above, Faaena. We have both Celtic and
Teutonic aflinities for this word ; cf. the Welsh ged with the
Swedish geiaixA the Gothic gaitaa.
Ferontay Sab. Varro, L. L. V. § 74 : " Feronia^ Mtnervay No-
venaidea a Sabinis. Paulo aliter ab eisdem dicimus Hercu-
lem, Veatam^ Salutem, Fortunam, Fortem, Fidem. Et ar»
Sabinam linguam olent qu» Tati regis voto sunt Bomas de-
dicate; nam, ut Annales dicunt, vovit (1) Opt, (2) FIotcb,
(3) Vediavi BcOumoqWy (4) Soli, (6) Lunca, (6) Volcam et
Bummcmo, itemque (7) Larundce, (8) Termino, (9) Quirino,
(10) Vartumno, (11) Laribua, (12) Dianca iwcfnaque." [The
9—2
182 THE 8ABSLLO-060AN LANGUAOB. . [OHAP. IV.
fignres refer to the XII. altars, according to Mllller'a view,
FestoB, p. xliv.: comp. Etrusk. ii. p. 64.] " E qnis nonnulk
nomina in utraqne lingua habent radices, at arbores, qn» in
confinio nat» in utroqne agro serpunt : potest enim Satomufl
hie de alia cansa esse dictus atque in Sabinis, et sic Diana, et
de qnibos snpra dictum est/'
Fides, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia.
Fircus, Sab. Above, s. v. Fedua.
Flora, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia.
Fora, Fortuna. Ibid.
Gela, Osc Steph. Bjzant. voc. TcXa:— hJ Bi vorapi^ (Tika)
on iroXKrjv ir&xyrpf yein^f' ravrrfv yap rg ^Chrue&v 4>^v§ xal
liUciKmv yiKav Xey€<r$ai, We have both the Teutonic Aoft
and the Welsh geloer.
Hercules, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronda.
Hema, Sab. et Marsic. "A rock." Serv. ad Verg. JEn. Vii.
684. Compare Kpat^aS^, tcapai^ev; Gael, cam; Irish, co^-
neach; Sclav, kremeni.
Idus, Sab. Varro, L. L. vi. § 28 : " Idus ab eo quod Tusci
itus, vel potius quod Sabini tdus dicunt." This root is found
in dir^dro, viduus, &c., Sanscrit vidhavd, and even in the
Semitic languages ; see N. Orat. § 39, note.
Irpus, Sab. et Samn. Serv. ad JEn. xii. 785: "Nam lupi
Sabinorum lingua Atrpt vocantur." Fest. p. 106 : " Irpiai
appellati nomine lupi, quem irpum dicunt Samnites; eum
enim ducem secuti agros occupavere.'* Strabo, v. p. 250:
k^fi S eurlv *Ifmivoi, kovtoI "Zavptrai* roifuofia S* laj(pv mo
rov i^yffo-afiiuov Xuieov rfj^ dvoueia/i* t/mov yap koKowtiv ol
Xavi/trM Tov \uKo». Compare the Sanscrit vrikas; and see
New Cratyl § 269.
Jupiter, Sab. s. v. Feronia.
Lares, Sab. s. v. Feronia,
Larunda, Sab. s. v. Feronta.
Lebasius, Sab. Serv. oJ Verg. Georg. i. 7 : " Quamvis Salini
Cererem Panem appellant, Liberum LebasiumJ*^ It is pro-
bable that the root-^jllable should be written laelh- » hdn (see
Fest p. 121, MttUer). For the termination we may compare
the Sabine name Vesp-asia.
LepestcB, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 123 : " Diet» lepestm, qm
§2.] THE 8ABELLO-08CAN LANGUAGE. 133
etiam nunc in diebos sacris Sabinis fxua wnaria in mensa
deonun sunt posita; apnd antiqnos scriptores inveni appel-
lari pocnli genns Xen-aardvy quare vel inde radices in agram
Sabinnm et Bomannm sunt profect»/'
Lixulay Sab. Varro, L. L. V. § 107 : " Circnli, quod mixta
farina et caseo et aqua circuitum sequabiliter fundebant. Hoc
quidem qui magis incondite faciebant, vocabant lixidas et
semiltxulcu voeabulo Sabino, itaque firequentati a Sabinis."
Gomp. liquor y &c.
Lucetiua^ Ctec Serv. ad JEm. IX. 670: "Lingua Osca lAxce-
tws est Jupiter dictus, a luce quam prsBstare dicitur homi-
nibus." Gomp. lux^ Xet;^, %^9 &c.
Lticinaj Luna. s. v. Feronia.
Moeaius, Qsc. Fest p. 136: ^^Mamua lingua Osca mensis
Maiu$:'
MamerSy Osc. et Sab. Fest. p. 131 : ^^ Mamers^ Mamertis fiicit,
«. «. lingua Osca MarSy Martia, unde et Mamertini in Sicilia
dicti, qui Messan» habitant'* Id. p. 158: "Et nomen ao-
ceperunt unum, ut dicerentur Mamertini, quod conjectis in
sortem duodecim deorum nominibus, Mamers forte exierat;
qui lingua Oscorum Mars significatur." Id. p. 131: ** Ma-^
mercus praenomen Oscum est ab eo, quod hi Martem Ma^
mertem appellant*' Varro, L. L. v. § 73: '^Mars ab eo
quod maribus in bello prseest, aut quod ab Sabinis acoeptus,
ibi (ubi?) est J£zmer«." This word and its analogies are
explained in the next chapter, § 2. The whole subject has
been reviewed by Corssen, iiber die Formen u. Bedeutunffen
des Namen Mars in den ital, Didlekten {Z&itschr. fi Vergl.
8prf. 1852, pp. 1 — 35), who proposes to consider Mavors
as a contraction of Mar-mar with a formative iy which is also
found in Mars (Jlfor-^).
Meddixy Osc. Liv. xxvi. 6 : '^ Medix tuticus summus apud
Campanos magistratus.*' Gomp. xxiv. 19. (The old reading
was mediaskaicus.) Fest p. 123 : ^^ Meddix apud Oscos no-
men magistratus est." Ennius : '' Summus ibi capitur Med-
dixy occiditur alter" {Annal. viii. 73). In this passage from
Ennius, Dacier reads unus for summus. This appears un-
necessary: Meddix occurs in the Oscan inscriptions with
the epithets degetasiuSy Jbrtis, and tuHcus; summus maj be
134 THE SABBLLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. IV.
another epithet of the same kind. The word Meddix appears
to be connected in origin with the Greek fi^a^v. The proper
name Mettius (Fest. p. 158), or MeUtis (liv. i. 23), seems to
have been this word Meddix, At least livy says that Met-
tu8 Fuffetius was made dictator of Alba ; and Festos speaks
of Sthennins Mettius as princepa of the Samnites. So, also,
we have M£AA£I3« oy«bns {Meddix Ufena) in the inscription
given by Castelli di Torremuzza, 8icil. vet, Tnacr. v. 45, p. 55:
see Mailer, Etrusk. il. p. 69, note. Kn5tel proposes {Zsitackr.
f. d AUerihumaw. 1850, p. 420) to consider Med^dix^mediumr
dicens as a componnd analogous to ju'dex^jjAs^dicena^ tnn-
dex = vim-^licens, &c. The last word is more truly explained
with reference to ven^eo^ venrdoy and ven-dioo; and as fnedix
is properly spelt with one d (see Sch5mann'*8 Greifiwald Pro-
gram jur 1840), it would be better to consider Tnedr as the
root and a; = c-« as a mere formative ending: cf. rnedicu». In
somewhat later times the Sabello-Oscans called their dictator
by the name emhratur^ which is evidently a shortened form of
the Latin im-peraior^ or indurperator. Liv. Viii. 39 ; IX. 1 ;
X. 29. Oros. V. 15 : '* Postquam sibi Samnites Papium Ma-
tilmn imperatorem praefecerant" Similarly we have coins
with the Oscan inscription, G. Paapi G. MuHl Embratur;
which refer to the time of the Social War, when the forces
of the confederaqr were divided into two armies, each un*
der its own imperator^ the Marsi being under the orders of
Q, PopoBdiua Silo, the Samnites having for their leader this
Gaiue Papius Mutilue, the son of Gaius. Of ttUicua, see
below.
Minerva, Sab. s. v. Feronia.
MuUa, Osc. et Sab. Fest p. 142: ''Mukam Osoe dici putant
posnam quidam. M. Varro ait pcenam esse, sed pecaniariam,
de qua subtiliter in Lib. i. qusestionum Epist I. refert*" Cf.
p. 144. s. V; Maximam muham, Vairo, apud CML xi. 1 :
^^ Vocabulum autem ipsum muUce idem M. Varro uno et vice-
simo rerum humanarum non Latiniun sed Sabinum esse dicit,
idque ad suam memori^m mansisse ait in lingua Samnitium,
qui sunt a Sabinis orti/'
Nar, Sab. Virg. JEn. vii. 517 : " Sulfurea Nar albas aqua."
Ubi Serv. : " Sabini lingua sua nar dicunt sulfur."
§ S.] THE SABELIiO-OBOAN LANQUAGB. 135
Nety nerioj Sab. Suet. Vit. Tiber, i.: "Inter cognomina autem
et Neronis adsnmpslt, quo significatar lingua Sabina jbrtis ac
strenuusy Gell. xiii. 22: ^^ Nerio a veteribns sic declina^
tar, quasi Anio ; nam proinde ut Anienem, sic Nerienem dix-
enint, tertia syllaba prodncta ; id autem, sive Nerio sive Ne^
rienes est, Sabiniun verbum est, eoque significatur virtus et
fortitudo. Itaque ex Claudiis, quos a Sabinis oriundos acce-
pimus, qui erat egregia atque praestanti fortitudine Nero appel-
latus est Sed id Sabini accepisse a Grsecis videntur, qui vin-
cula et firmamenta membrorum vevpa dicunt, unde nos quoque
nervos appellamus." Lydus de Mens. iv. 42. Id. de Man
giatr. 1. 23. Compare the Sanscr. nrl; and see above, p. 128,
8. T. Cas-^ar: cf. p. 116.
NovenmdeSy Ops. Sab. s. v. Ferorda.
Panis = Geresy Sab. s. v. Lebasivs.
Panosy Messap. Athen. iil. p. Ill c: vavo^ dpro^ Mea-a-dirioi.
This is a confirmation of punus for jpanis in the Umbrian
inscription (p. 123).
Petora^ petorritum^ Osc. Fest. p. 206: ^^ Petorritum et Gallicum
vehiculum est, et nomen ejus dictum esse existimant a numero
liii. rotarum ; alii Osce, quod hi quoque petora quattuor vo-
cent : alii Orsece, sed cudKiscw dictum." Comp. Quintil. Inst
Orat, I. 5, § 67. The -^Eolic Greek wrote via-avpe^y ttcct-
captLy or irlavpa, or irhope;y iriropa. In Gaelic we have
peder. The Doric" Qr. was rirope:. In general we have t
in Gr. where we have qv in Latin, and in these cases we have
p in Oscan : e. g. Osc. pisy Lat. qvisy Gr. rk ; and the Oscans
wrote TarpinitiSy Ampusy for the Lat. TarquinitiSy Ancus,
But qv was so agreeable to the Roman articulation, that we
find qv in Latin words where we have not t but tt in Greek.
Comp. rrfjy irivre {'/rifJk'Tre), wttto?, mofjuuy Xslnrmy Tdira (X^
7rap6^)y ,iimXo^y ivhreiy irarairafOy TT^Trr©, ffirapy with quay
quinquSy equusy seqwjTy UnqaOy liqueo, oquuluSy in-quit {quoth
Angl., quHhan Anglo-Sax., gwedyd Welsh ^), quatioy quoquo,
jecur. For petor-ritum {petor, " four," rod, Sanscrit rathuy
"a chariot") see Heindorf on Hon 8at. i. 6, 104.
* Seo below, Chap, xi, J 7. We have the present tense of quoth in
the English word be^queath; cf. bespeak.
136 . THE SABBLL0-080AN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. IV.
JPicus^ Sab. ^trabo, v. § 2: Tnxop yap rrjiv opvuf rovrov ova-
fui^ova-i Kol vofAlfyvaiv "Apec^ Upov, Cf. Bret pOc^ "a mag-
pie.
Pipatioj Osc. Fest. p. 212: ^^PipaHo clamor plorantis lingua
Oscorum." We may compare this either with the Gaelic /itoJ,
" to pipe," " to squeak," or with the Grerman pfcifen.
POpity Osc Fest. p. 212: '' FitpU Osce quidquid." Above,
s. V. Petora.
ParcuSf Sab. Varro, L. L. V. § 97 : " Porcua qnod Sabinis dio-
tum Aprimo Porco^por^ inde porcus ; nisi si a Grrsecis, quod
Athenis in libris sacrorum scripta ttmrp^ koL 7r6pK€x" This
root occurs in all the Indo-Germauic languages.
Quirinus^ Saltis, Sab. s. v. Feronia.
Sancus, Sab. Varro, X. L. v. § 66 : " ^lius Dium Fidium di-
cebat Dioyis filium, ut Grasci Am Kopov Castorem, et putabat
hunc esse Sancum ab Sabina lingua, et Herculem a Grseca."
Lyd. de Mens, 58: r6 aayteo^ ovofUL ovpavhv innAoiveL t§
Xa/Sa/tuv yXdafffj,
ScUumus, Sab. s. v. Feronia.
Scenaa, Sab. Fest. p. 339 : '^ Scenaaa [Sabini dicebant, quae]
nunc cenas, quad autem nunc prandia, cenas habebant, et pro
ceni[s vespemas antiqui].*** Comp. Paul. Diac. in p. 338. Mr.
Ellis compares the Welsh gmnaa and veapema with the Gaelic
fsaagar^ both signifying " evening."
Sol, Sab. s. V. Feronta; see also Varro, L. L, v. §§ 27, 68; but
Festus says (p. 20) : ^^ Aureliam familiam, ex Sabinis oriun-
dam, a Sole dictum putant, quod ei publice a populo Bomano
datus sit locus, in quo sacra faceret Soli, qui ex hoc AtiaeU di-
cebantur, ut Valesii, Papisii, pro eo quod est Valerii, PapiriL"
— ^And on an Etruscan mirror Vail appears as the name of a
figure armed with a bow, which probably represents Apollo,
{BulletL 1840, p. 11) ; and this would seem to confirm Miller's
suggestion (see Berlin. JcJirbUcher, August 1841, p. 222, note)
that the whole word Auail was the name of the Sun-god, both
in the Sabine and in the Etruscan language. The word Au-
relitia, however, brings us much nearer to Aurora^ and while
we have the word Uail on Etruscan monuments in connexion
wit}i the figure of Aurora (Gerhard, Arch. Zeitwng^ 1847,
Anh. n. 1. p. 9), wc find from the obvious reading in a gloss
§S.] THB SABEIiLO-OSOAN LAKGUAQK. 137
of Heajchios that the Etruscan word really meant " the morn-
ing" rather than "the sun:" avicfiKm I. av<r/iK\fo4\y &>9 xnro
Tvpfn)vwv. AncT as the Sabines said atimm from auruniy we
may probably refer both words to the Sanscrit root uah^
vrerey and explain the name of the metal from the red glare of
light, which is common to it and to the sun-rise: whence Varro
says (2/. L. v. § 83) : " aurora dicitur ante solis ortum, ab eo
quod ab igni solis tum aureo aer aureacat.^^ The slight con-
fusion between the sun and his early light is easily accounted
for, and excused : and on the whole it seems better to sup-
pose that $oly from the Sanscrit root 8war=^cadum (Pott,
Etym. FarsiJi. I. p. 131), and auad^ from uah = urere^ were
independent, but partly commutable Sabine and Etruscan
words.
SoUo^ Osc Fest. p. 298 : " SoUo Osce dicitur id quod nos
toium Yocamus. Lucilius: vaaa quoque omnino redimit, non
soUo dupundij i.e. non tota. Idem Livius. BoUicuria^ in
omni re curiosa. Et aoUiferreum genus teli, totum ferreum.
Bollera etiam in omni re prudens [comp. Sanscr. 8arvdrlJui\ ;
et soUemine^ quod onmibus annis prsestari debet.^ Grimm.
{DeuUch, Worterh. I. p. 206) compares with this word Goth.
alia, O. H, G., O; S. &c. aZ, A. S. eal, Engl. aH, O. N. aUr, Swed.
and Dan. aK, Ir. uil, Welsh oil, Armor. hoU, Gr. 2\o9— 3XFo9,
Lat salvusy Sanscr. sarva.
Sirdnda, Umbr. Fest. p. 313 : " Strebula Umbrico nomine
Plautus appellat coxendices quas G[r8eci fi/r}pla dicunt, quse]
in altaria in[poni solebant, ut Flau]tus ait in Fri[volaria]."
Varro, L. L. Vll. § 67 : " Stribtda^ ut Opilius scribit, cir-
cum coxendices sunt bovis ; id Graecum est ab ejus loci ver-
sura." Amob. adv. Oent. vii. 24: "Non enim placet camem
strelndam nominari qusB taurorum e coxendicibus demitur.^
Mr. Ellis compares Basque isterray Armen. azdr.
Sirenay Sab. Elpidian. ap. hyd, de Mens. lY. 4: o Si 'EXtti-
Suofo^ iv ry irepl kopr&v crprfvaif ttjv vyieutv ry %afiiva>v
ifxav^ Tjyea-Oai ^criv. Comp. Symmach. J^. X. 35 ; Festus,
p. 313 ; and the Germ, strenge^ Engl, strong ^ Lat. strenuusy
Gr. <rrprjvi]^y irrpffvoffy &c. For another sense of strena, see
Fest. p. 313.
Summanits, Sab. s. v. Feronta.
138 THE BABILLO-O60AN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. lY.
Supparw, Oac. Varro, L. L. v. § 131 : **Indutui alteram quod
subtus, a quo subucula ; alteram quod supra, a quo weppamja^
uisi id, quod item dicunt Osci/' Cfl alirapo^y stpcartu.
TehcB^ Sab. Varro, B. B. in. 1, 16 : '^ Nam lingua prisca et
in Grsscia ^oleis Boeotii sine afflatu vocant collis td^as/ et in
Sabinis, quo e Gnecia yenenmt Pelasgi, etiamnunc ita dicunt;
cujus vestigium in agro Sabino via Salaria non longe a Beate
milliarius clivus appellatur ThebteJ*^ The word therefore,
according to Varro, was Pelasgian as well as Sabine. Cf.
"top,''"tip,"&c.
Terenum, Sab. Macrob. 8aL il. 14: ''A tereno, quod est
Sabinorum lingua molle, unde Terentioa quoque dictos putat
Varro ad Libonem primo." Comp. the Gr. ripijv,
Terminusj Sab. s. v. Feronta.
Tesqua, Sab. Schol Ear. Eptst. I. 14, 19 : '' Lingua Sabino-
rum loca difficilia et repleta sentibus sic (tesqua) nominantur.*'
Testis^ Sab. Labb. Gloss. Norn. p. 32 : ^^ Testis fuzprv^ if r£p
TatUicus, Osc Liv. xxvi. 6 : " Medix ttUicus" The Bine-
rarmm Hterosolym. explains the name of the citj Equus^
IkUtcuSy which Horace could not fit to his verse (i. 8(U. 6, 87),
bj equus magnus. Though it is possible, however, that tutt"
cus might in a secondary application bear this signification,
it is inore probable that it is the adj. firom tuta=civttas, and
that it ineans publicus or ctvicus. Abeken thinks {MiUeU
italieny p. 100) that the word equus in this compound is the
ethnical name JEquus; but the version of the Binerartum is
confirmed by the inscription of Nuceria, published by Pelli-
cano in 1840: "M. Virtio . M. T. Men. Cerauno . iEdili . ii
Vir . Jure . dicundo . prsefecto . fabrum . V. Vir • cui . decu-
riones . ob • munificentiam . ejus . quod . equum • mctgnum .
posuerat . et . denarios . populo . dedicatione . ejus . dederat .
duumviratum . gratuitum . dederunt . Nuceri».^ So that the
city may have derived its name firom some such symbolical
steed erected in the market-place, which was at once '^ great"
and ^^ public." Cf. Abella = Aperula = Boartoton or Barton.
Traheay Sab. Lydus de Mens. i. 19.
Traferej Sab. Above, s. v. Fedus.
Trimodiaf Sab. Schol. Hor. Serm. I. 1, 53 : '^ Cumersd dicuntor
§3.] THE 8ABBLL0-0SCAN LANGUAGS. 139
vasa minora qtue capinnt quinque sive sex modios, qtuB lingua
Sabinonim trimodim dicontur.^
Unguilty Osc. Feat. p. 375 : '' Ungulus Oscorum lingua anu*
luaJ" Comp. Plin. H. N. xxxili. 1.
Vacuna^ Sab. Horat. i. Epiat. x. 49: "Post fanum putre
Vacunm^ Porphyr. ad 1. : " Vacwna apud Sabinos pluri-
mum colitiir...yarro,..yictoriam ait et ea maxime hi gandent
qui sapientia yincnnt.^ She seems to have been the goddess
of Victory, whether she approximated in this capacify to
BeHona, to Minerva, to Diana, or to Ceres; and the old
temple, mentioned by Horace, was restored under this name
by the Sabine Emperor Vespasian: vide Orelli, Corp. In-
scripi. no. 1868.
Vedius, Sab. s. v^ Feronta.
Vefore, Sab. s. v. Fedua.
Veia, Osc. Fest. p. 368 : " Veia apud Oscos dicebatur plaustrum.^
Veepema, Sab. s. v. Scensa.
Vesta,' Volcanus, Vertumnus, Sab. s. v. Feronta.
§ 8. The Bantine Table.
The most important fragment of the Oscan Language is carved
on a bronze tablet, which was found in the year 1793 at Oppido,
on the borders of Lucania, and which is called the Tabula Ban-
Una on account of the name Bansm occurring in the inscription,
which seems to refer to the neighbouring city of Bantia in
Apulia'. On the other side is a Latin inscription, which will be
considered in its proper place.
The Oscan Bantine inscription contains thirty-eight lines or
fragments of lines. Of these lines four to twenty-six are com-
plete at the begiiming; and lines eleven to thirty-three have
preserved the ends entire: consequently there are some six-
teen lines which may be read throughout. Of course, the
certainty and facility of the interpretation vary materially with
the completeness of the fragment; and while many passages
in the intermediate lines may be made out almost word for
word, we are left to mere conjecture for the broken words and
It was bovght for the Museo Borbpntoo for 400 flcodi.
140 THE 8ABELL0-08CAN LAN6UAQE. [CHAP. lY.
sentenoes at tbe beginning and end. The following is a oopy
of the Table.
1. . . . 5 . nam [f^iLSt^ izic ru
2. . . . su€B 2(e) l{e)p{tif)its . q . moUam, angit
u . amnur . . .
3. • . . deivast . maimas • carneis . senateis
tanginud . am ...
4. XL. . osii . ... IOC . egmo . comparascuster . siuie
pis . pertern/ust . pruter . pan ....
5. deivatud . 5ipt^ . comonei . perum . doUm . mal-
hm . stem . «oc . comono .. mat» . cgrm .
6. cos . amnt^ . pan . pieis . umbrateis • avti
cadeis . amnud . imm . idic . siom . dot
senat . . .
7. tanginud • maimas . carneis . pertumum . piei
ex . comono . pertem^est . mc . 6t2;eiO . zicd
8. comono . ni . Atptcl pts . pocapit . post . port
eaxic . comono . hajiert . meddis . (iat . co^
fn'd . louJi\rud'] .\auti\ . . .
9. en . eituas . factud . jpoti^ . tcwrfo . deivatuns . tan-
ginom . deicans . ^m . c2a< . eizo^c . idic •
tangineis . . .
10. deicum . jpoc{ . i;a2aeinom . tou<icom . tadait • ezum
nep .fe[f]oLcid . pod .pw . dai.eizao . egmad
min . . .
11. deivaid . cIoZuc^ . 97iaZm2 . auae .pis . oonfrt^ • exeze
fefacuLst . auti . comono • hiptist . moZfo
e?an .
12. <o . e^^t^c? . n . O0 . in . ^uoe . pt^ . ionc .fortis
meddis. moUaum . herest . aTnpert . mtn^reis
a£teis .
13. eittui^ . mokas . moUaum . licitud . «i^oe . jns
pnmieddixud . oftret . castrous . at^t . eifuc»
14. 2^ico2oin . dicust . izic . comono . ni • hipid . ne
§ 8.] THE SABXLLO-OSOAN LANGUAQS. 141
pon . op . toutad . petirupert . urust . sipus ;
perum . dolam .
15. maUom . in . tnUtim . zico . touto . peremiist . petito-.
pert . neip . mats . pomtis . com . preivatud .
16. pruter . pam . medicat . i'nom • cJicKist . in .pon ^
posmom • con . preivatud . t^rti^t • eisucen .
zictdud •
17. zicolom . XXX • nmmt^m . comonom . m . hipid .-
. suae . pis . coning . eo^etc .fefacijusA . ionc .
TOoe . pis .
18. ^ere^ . meddis . mo&aum . licitud . ampert . mistreis •
ae^ei^ • et^uo» • licitud . pon • cen^t^n
19. [jBJansoe . toutam . censaaet . pts . C6t<^ . Bantins .
yii^ . censamur , esitf . in . eitv>am - poizad .
ligud.
20. aisc (f) censtur. censaum . anget . t/isef . avJt . .«t^e .
pis . censtomen . nei • ce&nti^ . cZoZtd^ •
moMud .
21. in . eizeic . vincter . ew/". comenei . Zamoftr . prmed-
diamd . toutoc? . praesentid • jperum . doZt^m .
22. maUom . m . a/miricattui . <x22o ./amdo . m • et • ^uom •
pa^i . 6t2«i8 .y^^ .pae . ancen^to .^5/5« .
23. toutico . e^JtecZ • jjr . «^ae . praefucus . pod! • po** .
eocac . Bansae .Just. su<xe • jpw . op . eizois .
24. a[Z]^ru€2 . ligtui . acvm . herest . auti . prumedicatud .
manimasenMn . eizaaunc . egmazum .
25. pc» . esr . aiscen . ligis , scriftas . set.nep .him.prur
hipid • mai^ . sicdUns . x . nesvmois . suae •
^> - contrud .
26. eo^eic • pruhipust • mo2to . 6<anto . estud .n.O*in.
suae . pis . ionk . meddis • moUcmm * herest •
licitud .
142 THE SABSLLO-OSOAN LAHeUAGE. [CHAF. IT.
27. [cm^f>eTt'] minstreis . (leteis . eituas . moUas • moir
taum • lidtud pr . censtur . Bansae .
28. [m . pis .ju^d . nei . «Moa . q .fust . nep . censtur .
ywwi . nei . «toe . ^ .Just . tn . «^€ . pis .
pr .in . suae .
29« . •. . . . t6n . g . pis . toct^^ . im . nerum .^u^ . izic .
po^ . eizuo .tr.pl. ni .faid • «t^oe . pis •
30. ...[pjocopii . Bansa\e\ . [/]t^5^ . WJW? . amprufid .faais
. estud . idic . medtcm . eizuk .
3l....m.2$ . • m . nerum . . . medidm . . ^num
. VI . nesimum .
32.
• • (nn[j]udew . iicfeh • . .
. mum . pod •
33.
• m . luii . sucB • . eizs . s . .
• . • medicim.
34.
. . nistreis a{e\teis i
35.
. . est lidtud tr .
36.
. . comipid iruds . . .
37.
• • tr{p]l estud . . .
38.
. . tinkom . • . .
§ 4. CommerUary on the BatUine Table.
In tbe first line we have only the words Ju8i=^JuerU and
istet^iSj which are of frequent occurrence.
In 1. 2 we read : Q. moltam angii .u. Q. is the common
abbreviation for quceator^ whose business it was to collect such
fines : compare Mua. Ver, p. 469 : qvai&tores • • . . AIBE .
MVLTATICOD . DEDERONT. We have scen above that muUa
s. moUa is recognized as a Sabello-Oscan word ; and it is of
course equivalent to the Latin multa. As (mter is the Oscan
form of inter y we might suppose that an^git.u was for in-igU
«0. But a comparison of the Oscan inscriptions xxiv . 18 (p. 71
Leps.) : meddias degetaeiils araget^ and xxvii. 38 (p. 86 Leps.) :
meddia degetasia aragetud muUas (which are obviously, with the
common change of J to r, meddix degetasiue adiget and meddtx
degetastus adigito multcui), would rather show that angiLu[d]
is an abbreviation of adigito, the dental liquid representing the
dental mute.
§ 4.] THE SABXLLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE. 143
L. 3 : deiva8t maimas kameial aenateia ianginud. The first
word is the conjunctiye of divavit^ which occurs in the inscrip*
tion quoted hj Lanzi {Saggioy ill. p. 533), and we have the
imperative deiotxtud in I. 5, deivahms in 1. 9, and deivaid in
I. 11. Deivo mnst be identical with divo in Lanzi's inscription,
which runs thus: v. ATII DIVAVIT TUNII IRINII II. T. IRINII
PATRII DONO ^IIIL I. LIB . . . T. We have also deivames
on the Grecchio Inscription, and Enotel would connect the yerb
with devaveo^ {Zeitschr. f. d. Alterihumsw. 1860, p. 419). Etjr-
mologically this is obviously wrong: but if we adopt Mommsen^s
derivation from divua^ so that divare means ccnsecrare or divi-
nam facere, the meaning will come to this. Huschke (die oak,
u. 8ah. Spr. pp. 64, 70), connects the word with dubius, and
renders deivo bj moram focio, marart, Maimaa Jcameis must
mean maximi (in old Latin maxtmae) cardmia. So mata in
II. 15, 25, signifies magia; comp. the French maia: and d is
often omitted in derivatives from the Latin, as in mirmuit for
media node. The cardo mduxnmua refers to the main line in the
templum in Boman land-surveying, and thus in 1. 7, we have
maimaa kameia pertumum. As deivo and pertemo are mani-^
festly transitive verbs (cf. comono pertemeaty 1. 7), the gen. maimas
kameia must be explained as an expression of measurement or
value. Tanginudy which occurs elsewhere, was probably an
ablative case, corresponding to the accus. tanginom (1. 9). We
have the same phrase, aencUeia tanginild, in the Cippua Ahelia^
nuay I. 8 ; and it is probably equivalent to the de aenattioa aen-
tenHad of the aencOua-HxmauUum de Bacchanalibua, If so, the
root tag- (with nasal insertion torn-g^) occurred in Qscan as well
as in Greek.
L. 4: atujB pia pertemuat. The first two words, auca pia
i. e. ai quia, are of constant occurrence in this Table. For the
form of aticB^ai, see New Cratyhia, § 205. So auad^^aic
(Miiller, SuppL Ann. in Feat. p. 411). Pertemuat is the perf.
subjunctive of a verb pertimere, which seems to mean " to portion
oflf " or " divide :^ comp. periica, templum^ rifievoi, rifjomj oon-
temnOf &c.
1 In the second transcription I hare submitted kfor 0, for the resBons
given by Lepsius (ad Inser, p. 150).
144 THE SABELLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE. [CHAF. lY.
L. 5: komanei BeemB to be the locative of a word, cam-unm,
BynonymoxiB with cam-muniey and designating the ager publicus,
i. e. TO KOLv6v. Perum dolum maUom siam ^per dolum mctUm
suum. The preposition per-^m seems to be a compound like its
synonym am-pert (12, &c.), lok komo-[no] is perhaps hoc
camrunum : tone stands in this inscription for hunc or eum-ee.
L. 6 : 'kaa amnud. In Lepsius' transcript this is written as
one word ; but in the original there is a vacant space between
the two, and "kas is clearly the end of some matilated word, the
beginning of which was broken off from the end of the preceding
line. Amnud occurs again in this line, and also in the Ctp*
pm AbellantM, 1. 17. It seems to be the abl. of some noun.
Mommsen translates it causa, and some such meaning is re-
quired. At any rate, it governs a genitive in both clauses of
this comparative sentence. For egmo is a feminine noun, as ap-
pears from its ablative egmadi 1. 10 ; gen. pi. ^mazum, 1. 24.
Consequentiy -kaa must represent the gen. sing, of some adjec-
tive agreeing with eg-maa. Mommsen derives eg-mo from
egere, so that it means '' need or business.'' Buschke, who finds
Greek everywhere, refers the word to aixf^Vy and renders it am-
troversia, jurgium {die oak. u. 8ab. Bpr. p. 80). As umbraUia is
clearly imperati (cf. embratur with imperator), and as kadeia
may be the genitive of some noim signifying " permission'* (cf.
cadym, X^o^ihicoH», X^'^^^j careo, &c.), the whole passage will
mean: magta negotii proprii cauad, quam alicujua imperoH
autpermtaai cauad. Pieia and piei in this line and the next are
the gen. and dat. of pia^quia. It is supposed by several
scholars that dat in this line is another form of the preposition
de; similarly dat caatrtd laufirud (1. 8) is supposed to mean de
agro libera; dat eizatac (1. 9) is rendered by de iUia; and dat
eizac egmad (1. 10) is de ilia re (Fabretti, p. 288). If so cfo is to
dat as «e* to aed.
L. 8: ni hipid^ i.e. ne habeat: conf. 11. 11, 14, 17; also
pru'hynd (25) ^prcehibeaty and pru^hipuat (26) ^ prashibueriL
Poat poat is probably an error of the engraver for pod poat^
for pod = quod signifies quando in 1. 23; or we must omit the
former poat as an unmeaning interpolation. Poat^ak^poat^
'hoc or poat'Cak: eaak is the accus. neut. pi. of the pronoun
eaua, which we have also in the Eugubine Tables, the -^, -JEr«,
§ 4.] THU SAaKLLO-OSCAN LAHOUAQB. 145
being BQbjoined, as in the Latin Atc»AtW». This is a most
xnstnictiye fonn, as bearing immediately on a difficalty which
has long been felt in Latin etymology. The quantity of the
last syllables of anted^ ifUereSy pasted^ praptereaj seems at fiist
aig^t irreconcilable with the supposition that these words are the
prejxraitions anUy inter^ &c., followed by the neat, accus. ea^
And a comparison with poat-hao^ adversus hoc (Fest. p. 246,
L 8, &c.) might lead to the supposition that they are ablatives
feminine, the regimen of the prepositions being changed, as i»
certainly the case in Umbrian. This is, at any rate, the .opinion
of Elenze {Phil Ahhandl. p. 45) and Mliller {ad Feat. p. 247).
An English writer supposes that they may be deduced from the
aocus. eam^ on the analogy otpost-quam^ ante-qtuim, &c. {Journal
cf JSduccaiany I. 1Q6). But this opinion inyolves a singular
misconception. It is much more reasonable to conclude that the
demonstratiye pronoun, in Latin as in Oscan, being generally
followed by the termination -oe, made its neut. pi. in "CHse or
-cec.* we have an instance of this in the demonstratiye At-c, the
neut. pi. of which is hcBc^ not ha-^e or ha* Now as this form
has become ho'C in poaihac^ and as gua-ce has become gwBy
we may understand that, as quce-prapier becomes qtm-propter^
BO antC'-ea-ce^ or atde-ecBd might become anted; and so of the
others. At least, there is no other way of explaining the neuter
forma qwB and Kcec Fost-^a-k is therefore a synonym for
poai-hcBc =^pa8t-hac. See below, Ch. X. § 4.
F^kapii (in the Cippua AbeU. 1. 52, pukkapid) may be
rendered qwmdocwnque^ and compared with the obsolete concapit^
if this is equivalent to quoemique in Festus (p. 364, Mtdler);
Hgpw/m junctwrn csdibua vineave^ et concapit^ ne aolvito; where
however a di£ferent interpretation may be given : see below, Ch. yi.
§ 12, Fr. 7. The ablatives haatrid hufirud must mean prcadto
Ubero. Lil. 13 we have io^^oti^ also contrasted with 6t^6», which
Taast^specuniaj and so we have an opposition of land to maney
in each case. Of the difference of form between kaatrid and
kaa^vua there is no explanation on the hypothesis that they are
cases of the same noun. The former may be the ablative of a
word analogous to campea-ter^ aegea-ter. The latter must be
the accusative plural of a derivative firom this under the form
-V9 or F*9 {New Crat § 257). The forms /*i;Tpa>9, fs/nrpviMt
n.v. 10
146 THE SABKLLO-OSOAN LAlH}UAOE. [OHAP. lY.
'n'oTpo^^f warp^f sufficiently vindicate the addition of F19 to tiie
affix t + r (New Grat. § 414), and the Umbrian JauOruvu/f
the accus. pi. of an adjective kastrumus, proves the existence ot
snch an extension in the old Italian languages. With an eUipsis
of ager the new adjective would become substantival, and this is
apparently the case with haslrovsy the accus. pi. of the apoco-
pized hastrov. The root ca^^ which occurs in the Latin cow-liw,
auay CM'trumj conveys the idea of inclosure, purity, and pioteo
^n {New Crai. § 267). Consequently castrts or oaeiraus ager
is an inclosed field like the old English '^ town.'' There is an un-
observed connexion between casirwn exAprcedium. Die latter
is derived from proBS (prced^sprce^ad^ for we have prtB^fndea for
proBdee in the 2ea; Thoria, which is not older than B.C. 111), '*a
surety in money-matters,*' and this noun includes vasj {vad-^
*^ wad") the more general name for *' a bail.'' The same teorm is
also included in cuetoe {custody cast'vad'); and while this word
combines the idea of surety with that of protection, prees com-
bines the idea of surety with that of substitution ; there is the
same opposition between cMtrum or cuatodium the place of
security, and prcedium the property which represents a maa^s
person. The form Imtjir for liber is justified by the old form
IcBber^luber (Fest. p. 121); which is farther supported by the
Greek ikevdepo^; cf. SpvOpo^ with ruber^ &c.
L. 10: pod vakemom Umtikom tadaU ezum fup fipdkid
pod pie datf Le. [at quie f6cii\^ quod salutem pubUcam tardea
ex tM, neque fidt^ quod quia dot [jiuyiendum\. TadaU ap-
pears to contam the root of toadet^ which is connected in sense
and etymology with tardus} the r is only an assimilation to the
d* Similarly we have: ^^pigere interdum pro tardari^'*^ Feetos,
p. 213, Mtiller. Fepakid is only an error for fsfaikidy like
domd for dolud in the next line. We see firom this and the
conjunctive j^e/aA:u«e, which follows, that the Oscans formed the
preterite oi facAo by reduplication, and not by lengthening the
root-syllable {New Oral. § 377).
The passage firom 1. 11 to the end of the paragraph may be
supplied and explained as follows : auca pia konirud eaeOc f^-^
kuaty auti komono hip[uai]j [molto'] [eian]to eatud n. O ®., tn
auca pia ionk fartia meddia moUaum hereat amperi mi^natreis
ixe\teia eiiuaa moUaa fnoltaum Ukitud: i.e. ai quia adveraus
§4.] THK SABBLLO-OSOAN LAHarAOB. 147
hose Jeceritf out cam-unum (i.e. agrvm ptMicwnC) habuertt
(i.e. poasederU), multa tatUa esto numi CIO.CIO, tnde si qui$
eum validus magigtratus muUare voluerit usque ad mincres
partes pecunim muUas muUare Itceto, It is easy to restore
moUo eianto from I. 26 infra. Multa tanta refers to what has
preceded, like the siremps lex esto of the Roman laws. The
snm is denoted bj the nnmeral sign, which was subsequent! j^
represented by cio, jost as ii.s. became H.3. Fartis meddix^
validus maffistratus (see Festus, p. 84, s. y. forctes)^ in other
words, '' a magistrate of sufficient authority." Mcltorvm is the
old infinitiye of multo. Merest is the perf. subj. of a verb heroy
"to choose" or "take" (root hit, "a hand," Sanscr. *H), which
occurs in the Umbrian Tables with a slight variely of meaning.
In the Latin Bantine Table (I. 7) we have quei volet magis^
traius in a parallel clause. That ampert is a preposition is
dear, and it is also obvious that it denotes extension : but that
it is to be referred to ofii^l weplj as Grotefend proposes, is
not so manifest. I should rather think that pert is a termi«^
nation here, as in peivro-pert (1. 15); and if so, it qualifies the
prepos. am, corresponding to the Gterman um, which is also
used with qualifying terminations, whether prepositional or
otherwise: compare the Latin ad^versusj in-usquey &c.; and as
peUropert signifies usque ad quatuor and pert viam (Oipp*
AJbdlan* L 33) = usque ad viam^ we may render am-pert by tn-
usque or usque ad, Minstreis asteis is supplied from 11. 18, 27.
The word minis-ter is the correlatire of magis-ter^; and as
magistri or magistratus were the higher public functionaries, so
ministri were those who did the state service in a subordinaie
capacity — lictores^ viatoresy and such like. Here minister is a
general adjective corresponding to minor. The phrase ampert
minstreis aeteis eituas occurs again in 1. 18, and may be ex-
plained by the Latin inscription on this table, where we find 1. 10:
dum minoris partis familias taxat. If this is the true inter-
1 This obTioQB comparison occurred to me independently of Pott, who,
as I loam from Aufrecht,had made the same ohservation (Etf^ Forseh.
n. p. 264). Another form of the same kind is sinis-ter from nnm (Pott,
JZahlmethode, p. 139, where he seems to refer to the false deriyation of
nMster fixMn manut),
• 10—2
148 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANQUAGEU [CHAP. lY.
pretation, eieUs signifies "a part," and ia connected with the
root vid-' in viduay di^vidoy with the Etruscan %tu8y Sabine idus
(Varro, L. L. vi, § 28), just as Achivus is related to 'A%<uo9,
ajuus^ to tnriquusj &c. For the relation between vldr- and id-
Bee New Grot. § 116, where the principle was first indicated.
EZIenze takes eituaa for iatas; and Grotefend translates it cBrariu
It is nearly certain that eitua ^pecunia; if so,, the word maj be
derived from oes; in which case we shall have (B\8\tuiu8 bj the
side of (Bs-timus (preserved in ces-timo: see below, Ch. Yii. § 5),
jnflt as we have both cedt-tutu and cedi-timua (Festns, p. 13).
L. 13 : inuB pis pru-meddtiud aUrei caatrous auti ettuas zi-
holom dicust, izik Jcamono ni hipid: i.e. si quis pro magta-
tratu alii prasdiaria aut pecunias in sicilicum (i. e. partionem)
dioaverity is camunum ne habeat. Prumeddisud seems to be much
the same as prumedikatudy 1. 24. Pru stands for prm or pro:
80 we have jwvter (1. 16), pruhipid (1. 25), for prater, prcshibeat.
The eictduSy mentioned in this and other passages of the Table,
seems to be the sicilicus (from seco)y which was, in land-measur-
ing, ^ of ihejuger, or six hundred square feet (Columella, v. 1,
9): in general it expressed subdivision, and was ^ of the a«,
or J of the semuncia in money-reckoning (Fest. p. 366: Sid-
licuni dictum quod semundam secet; Labb. Oloss.: BiciUcutny
riraprov ovyKlev:; Bdckh, Metrolog. Unterauchung, p. 160), and
also ^ of the quinaria (Frontin. de Aqucsd. c. 28), and of the
hora (Plin. xviii. 32).
L. 14: ne pon op Umtad petirupert urust sipus p. d, m.
The first words here are very pbscure. Klenze joins cptou-
tody which he translates propterea. Mommsen translates op
toutad " a populo." Petiriirpert seems to include the TJmbrian
petwr^qua;tuor {Eug. Tab. vi. b. 11), and may mean naque ad
qtuxtuor: see on 1. 12. Urust is the perf. subj. oiurvo s. urbo^s
aratro definio, circumdo (Fest. p. 375 ; Pomponius, L. 239, § 6,
de Verb. 8ignif.)y whence urbsy and perhaps orbis. Sipus p. d.m^
" knowingly and with evil design." Sipus ^sibusy for which see
Fest. p. 336.
L. 15: petiro-pert neip mats pomtis =: usque ad quatuor
neque plus quinque. It is known that the Samnite proper
name Pontius corresponds to the Latin Quintius (see New Crat.
§ 161). Ibid: horn preivatud aktud^cum privato actu. Fest
§ 4.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LAKGUAQE; 149
p. 17 : '' Achu in: geometria minorem partem jogeri, Id est cen-
tamyiginti pedum/' Niebuhr, Hist, of Bom. ii. Append. \. ad
not. 29: "The jugerum, as the very name implies, was a
double measure; and the real unit in the Soman land-measure
was the aclu$^ containing 14,400 square feet, that is, a square of
which each side was 120 feet."
L. 16: pruter pam^prcBter-quam.
LL. 18, sqq. : pon kenstur Bansm taistam hensotzet pis heuB
Bantins fust kenaamur esuf in eituam paizad ligud aisk kenatur
kensaum anget uzet out stus pis kenatomen nei kebnust dohd
maUud in eizeik mnkter esuf comenei lamatir prmed<liiDud totUad
prcBserUid perum dolum maUum in amirikcUud alto famdo in ei
sivam paei eizeis fiat pae ancensto fust Umtiko estud. The first
words are tolerably clear : Quum censor (here censitor) Bantica
dvitatem censassit^ quia civia Bantintia fuerit. The letter z here
represents the combination aa^ as has been shown above by a
comparison of 6fipv^, obruaaay &c.; it is sometimes equivalent
to t{u)a as in horz = hortua (Mommsen, Unterit. Dial. p. 128, 139,
140) ; cf. the Umbr. piaz for piatua {Umbr. 8prd. I. 108); and
in the gen. egmazum it corresponds to the Latin r=«. The
second of these values seems to have been borne by the Etruscan
Zf if achncui = agnaiua (Fabretti, s. v.). The form keua for civia
is etymologically interesting. It proves that -via is the termina-
tion of the Latin word : consequently ke-ua, ci-via, is composed
of the root ke {icel-fuu, &c.), and the pronominal affix, -vt-«, -urs
(see New Graiyhs^ § 257), and the word means " a squatter,''
or generally " an inhabitant ;" compare drjre^i inaaaaeny &c.
(Buttmann, Lexil. ii. Ill, ndte). The word kenaamur^ if it is
one word, is hardly intelligible. Grotefend understands it as
the passive participle kenaamua for kenaamnua or cenaendua ; but
although the participial termination mn is often reduced to n, I
know no instance in which it is represented by m only. As we
must expect here a passive imperative, it seems most reasonable
to conclude that kenaamur is a corruption for kenaatur « csna^or.
A different explanation, but to the same effect, has been proposed
by Curtius {Zeitachr. f. d. AUerthw. 1849, p. 346). It is re-
markable that the verb is conjugated in -oo, and not. like its
Latin equivalent in -eo. The conjugation seems to be cenaoy -aaj
•rtii, -aum, "Uuaj like veto. In the next words we have a form
150 THE SABBLLO-OSCAH LAKGUAGB. [cHAP. IV.
uzetf which seems to be a parallel to anget; and this, as is
shown above, means adigei. Bat it wonld be difficnlt to explain
such a fonn as tt«o, Auftecht {Zeksi^r. f. Vergh 8prf. 1. 189)
reads angetuzei as one word, which, however, he does not ex*
plain. Now -ttiset occurs in the Cippus Abellantis, U. 16 — 39,
as an affix to verb-forms : pruf-tuset, tribarakat-tuset; and even
in Etmscan: Aareu-hue {Gipp. Perus. 24); and I should explain
these agglutinate words as parallel to the Latin oenttm-efo, cre-do^
considering tur as identical with do. If so, angetuzei will mean
adcusium dabit or adigesaet. JSW/ seems to correspond exactly to
i-hii just as pt^/ {Tab, Pomp. xxiv. 4, 3) answers to w-Jt. For
poizad Aufrecht (u. s.) suggests pam eizad. If paizad is to
stand, it must be a subjunctive corresponding to penset, a form
of petido. The analogy is supported by the French patds for
pandus, &c. lAgud atake^lege hac^ just as below, 1. 25, es
aisken ligis must mean ex hisce legibus. It is hardly possible to
understand Jcefutom. en. Qxc&pt as an abbreviation of the two
words censtam enom, the latter being the same pronoun which
appears in Latin, in the locative case, as the conjunction enim,
Sanscrit ina {New Crat. § 170). Gkotefend's supposition that it
is a noun in -«nen, like the Umbrian esunumen^ is inadmis-
sible, because in that case the word must have been centamen.
Mommsen (p. 269) suggests an affixed particle «t», so that
Ken9tam-en ~ in centum. This, to say the least, requires to be
supported by examples. The verb keibnust » kebnuerit is aveiy
difficult word. Mommsen (p. 269) proposes to connect it with
the Gothic quiman "to come," so that kebnnst — cbenust Auf-
recht, who justly objects to this etymology (u. s. p. 190), sug-
gests a connexion with the Sanscrit ^p vzzjurare. It appears to
me that the first syllable is the root of oap^tU, Ke^ahr}j Aaupiy
&c.; so that keb^uo would be equivalent to «arovetio», "to
assent to," or, if this is required, "to affirm" on oath. This
interpretation of kebnust is of course conjectural only; and in a
matter of so much uncertainty it is better to leave it as it is.
Of the next words we cannot make much, Toutad prcesentid^
papula prcBsentef Amirikatud dimmer caia (Barchhoff, Zeitachr.
f, Vergh Spff, I. 37). We know from Festus that ^mcZ was an
Oscan word, anijiimela appears by the context to be a feminine
derivative from it, signifying familia (cfc egmoj abl. egmad).
§ 5.] THB SABfiLLChOBOAK LANOUAGB. 161
Atto eaa <m\y he a demonstratiye adjective contaming the same
root as o^^y al4us, oUuSj &c. And thus the main predication
will be amiaicoavd aJlo fameh toutiko estud^ i, e. immerccOo q. d.
9ine emptiansy iUa/amiliapuiltoa eato. The intenreaing words
are not easily dealt with, and ineisiuom can or\j be rendered
conjectnrallj: but the general meaning of U. 21 — 23, clearly is:
out si quia cenmim nonjuraverit dolo malo et tUud convincihAry ibi
in pyblico queratur promagiatratu popuh prceaente propter dolum
malum; ei sine emptione iUa fom^ia {perinde atque ejus fuerit
qua non censttajuerit) publica €$to,
L. 23: Pr atus prtBfiikua pad post eiaJc Banaca fuat:
L e. prcetor aive pra^dtuay quando poat-hac Bantue faerU*
Pro^tJcua is formed from prcsjlcioj in the same waj as the
Umbrian der^aecua from dia-^eco. LL. 23 sqq. : atUB pia op^
eigoia loom aUrud ligud akum hereat, auti prumedikaiud manim^
aaerum eizcusunk egmazum paa ea aiaken Ugia ahrifiaa aet
ne pkim pruh^nd maia nScdoia x neaimoia, &c. : i. e. ai quia
6b hcac cum cdtaro lege ctgere voluerit, out pro magiatrat/u
manum oonaerere propter eaa rea^ quaa ex hiace legibua acriptcu
aciety ne in hoe pnxkibeai plua aidlicia decern coniiguia (below
Chap. Til. § 6)) &C. The Table has ne. phim; I woold rather
read nep him: nep occurs for neque in the Cippua Ahellanuay
VL 46, 47, and is used in an absolute prohibition in Umbrian
{TcA. Eug. Yi. a, 27); and him appears to be the locatiye of
the pronoun hi (see New Crat. § 139). The rest of the para-
graph has been explained before.
There is nothing in the last paragraph which seems to re«
quire any observation, except that in 1. 29 tribunes of ih^pUiba
seem to be mentioned : tr. pL ni Juid » niai fuit tribunua
§ 5. The appua AbeUanua.
Next to the Tabula Bantina the most important monument
of the Oscan language is a stone tablet called the Cippua AbeU
lanua, which was moved from Avella Vecchia^ to the modem
^ The old Ahella, or AwXtOf was probably Aharla ^ apenUa « Ehentadt;
d AulUa^adarla^Qitarvkk^8elmar (Oonteu, ZeUaekr, /. VargU
152
THB BABEliliO-OSCAN LANOtJAOS.
[OHAP.
IT.
village of that name in 1685, and there employed m a door-step,
nntil in 1745 it was remarked hy Bemondini, then professor in
the Episcopal Seminary at Nola, and by him removed to the
Museum in that seminary aboat 1750. The subject of the in-
scription is an agreement between the neighbouring Campanian
cities, Abella and Nola. It will be sufficient to give the inscrip
tion with an approximate and in part conjectural translation,
which is in great measure due to Theodore Mommsen.
maaiof • vestirikif o . mai sir
prapukid . sverrunei . kyaist[u]
rei . abellanoi . (nfm . maiio[l]
* jovkifoi . mai . pukalatoi
5. medikef . deketaaioi . novla
[noi f]nim . Ifgatofs . abellan
[ofa]
fnim ligatois novlanois
pos Benate[f|8 tanginod
suvels potorospfd ligat[oB]
10. fttlans . ekss . kombened
sakaiaklom . herekleis
slaagid . pod . issb . inim t6er[om]
pod . op . eisod . Bakaraklod[iat]
pod. anter . terenmfss . eh[trad.]
15. ist . paf . teremennio . nio[ini-
kad]-
tanginod . prof, tuset . i[ehtod.]
aimiod . puT . idfk . sakara-
[klom]
(nim . idSk . terom . molii{[kom]
mofnfke( . teref . fusfd [aut.]
20. elseis . sakarakleis . i[nfm]
terds . fruktatiuf . £r[ukta]
[tios] . mofniko . poturu[m-
[fusjid . aut . noTlaQu[
...]hereklei8,fi[
Magio Yestricieio Magii SL
... Berroni qosesto-
ri Abellano, et Magio
JoYicieio Magii fil. Pucalato
magistratui diotario Nokr
no et legatis AbeUanis
et legatis NolaniSy
quis^natusjussu
sui utrique Inlaid
fuerunt^ hoc convenit.
Saoellum Herculis
in agro quod est et terra
qun apud id saoellum est^
qu8B inter terminos extra
est, qu» terminatio communi
jussu probabitur justft
oau8& aliquli, id saoellum
et ea terra communis
ih communi terra erit At .
ejus sacelli et
teme in messe mes-
sio communis utrommque
erit At Nolanorum
...Herculis fimum
Spr/. 1852, p. 17). Pott (Etym. Fonch. i. 124, n. 100)» suppoMB an
original form Alb'eUas but the first syllable was short; Verg. jEn, ni.
. 740 : ** et quoe malifer» deepectant mcenia Abell»."
§«.]
THK BABUJiO-OSOAlf LASQVJLQZ:
163
25. . . .] iispfd . iioylaii[
ipu...]8t
ekkum . . . : .
trifbaraka ....
liimito...tenn.
30. herekleis . .fUsnu . mefe .
1st . ehtrad . fefliofls . pti[s]
herekleiis . ffisnAm • amfr
et . pert . Tiam . po6stist
paf * (p . Ist * postin. slagfm,
35. senateis . sureb . tangi
no<f . tribarakaymn . U
kitad . fnlm . (ok . triba
lakkiaf . pam . noylanos .
trfbarakattnaet . Inim
40. oittiaf . noTlanmn . estad
ekkam . sval . pf d . abeUanoB
tribarakattoset . iok • trf
barakkiuf . fnfm . oittiuf .
abeUanmn . estad . aut
45, post . f efkols . pos . fisnam • am
fret . efsef . terei . nep . abel-
lanoB . nep . novlanos . pidum
trfbarakattins . ant . the
saurom . pod . esei . teref . ist
50. pon . patensins . moinikad .
1«[n]-
ginod . patensins . inim pid
e[8flf]
ihesanrei . pnkkapid . eh[trad]
[ofMoim . alttram . alttr[
]enins • ant . anter 8lag[im]
55. [ajbellanam . inim . novlanam
[p]oUad . tIo . nruYO . ist . tednr
[ejisai . ylai . mefiai . tereme[n]
[n^u staiet •
que Nolans
ibiest
Item [si Tolent agrum
parti[ri qui ager}
limitatuB [post] term[inos, ubi]
Hercolis Ja-nnin medium
est, extra antefixa^ qu»
Heroulis fcm^n^ amb*
iunt, ad yiam usque positus est,
qui ibi est posituEf, agrom
senatus sui jus-
Bu partirili-
ceto; etispartiti-
one quam Nolanus (senatus)
partietur et
Usui Nolanorom esto.
Item si quid Abellanus (senatus)
partietur, is (ager) par-
titione et usu
AbeHanomm esto. At
post antefixa qusB &num am-
biunty in ea terra neque Abel-
lanus neque Nolanus quidquam
partiantur. At tho-
saurom qui in ea terra est
qunm aperiunt^ communi jus-
su i^riant, et quidquid in eo •
thesauro quandocunque extra
usum altenim-^lterius
habeant At inter agrom
Abeilantim et Nolanom
quacunque via curva est, ibi
in ea via media termina>
tio stet.
164 THB SABSUiO-OBOAir LAHafTAOS* [OHAF. tV.
On the fonns whidi occur in this inscription it is not neoessaij to
say much. Blagisy which occurs in tiie accos. and abL sing.,
seems to contain the root of locos {silaeus)^ lao-^na^ loch, &c.
Prof4uset, tribarakai-tttset, trtbarakoMinay are agglutinate forms
like venumrdo, cre^, &c. The adjunct tur is probably equiva-
lent to do, signifying "to make, or put." Thus pnyf-tuset^^
prehatum ddbit ^ probabiiur (see above, on Tab. Bant. I. 20).
FiUna comes from fia- or fas-, as in jka-<enn%nu8y fas-^num.
Feihoa contains the root oi Jtgo. And tedur is a pronominal
adverb corresponding in form and meaning to the old use of
igifur.
%6. Th€ Bronze Tablet of Agncne.
The most recent contribution to our knowledge of the Oscan
language is iumished by a small bronze tablet, which was dis-
covered at Fonte di Bomito, between Capracotta and Agnone, in
the year 1848. As the place of discovery is near the river
Sagrus or Sangro, this inscription may be regarded as exhibiting
the most northerly as the Bantine table exhibits the most southerly
dialect of the Sunnite language. It is obvious, on the slightest
inspection, that the table speaks of a series of dedications to dif-
ferent deities or heroes, who are enumerated in the dative case.
Accordingly, it is not likely to add much to the goieral vocabu-
lary of the Sabello-Oscan idioms. Its interpretation has been
attempted by Hemsen {AnnaU delP InstUuto ArcheoL 1848,
pp. 882—414), Mommsen {{bid. pp. 414—429 ; unteriUil Dior
UkU, pp. 128 sqq.), Aufeecht {Zeitschriftf. Verffl JSptf. I. pp. 86,
aqq.), and Endtel {Zeitschr. /. d. Alterthumsw. 1850, no. 52, 53,
1852, no. 16, 17), who are by no means in agreement respecting
the proper names or ordinary words which it includes. The in-
terpretation, which I have placed by the side of the text, is in-
debted in most points to some or other of my predecessors.
Face.
status , pus . set . hortln .
kerriiln : vezkef . statif .
evkloi . statff . keni . statif .
futrei . kerrliaf . statff .
5. anter . statoi. statif .
Consecratio qosa sit horto
geniali Y esco stative,
libero st, Gero st.,
Oereri genial! st,
Interstitie st..
§«.]
THB SABBLL0-080AN LASOVAGK
155
ammai • kecrfiai . stattf .
dimnpais . kerriiais . ste^tlf •
l^anakdikei . entarai . statff .
anafriss . kerriiois . statff •
10. maatois . keniiois . statlf .
dioTef . verehaflioi . statff .
dioTei . regaturef . statif .
berekloi . kerriiof . statif .
patanaf . piistlai . statff •
15. defvai . genetai . statif .
aasai . purasiai .
saahtom . teforom . alltref .
poterefpf d . akenel •
sakahfter .
20. finusasiais . 82 . hortom
sakarater
pemai . kerrfial . statif .
ammaf . kerriial . statif .
flossai . kerrfiaf . statif .
25, eykloi . pater«i . statif .
Back.
aasas . ekask . eestfnt
hortof
rezkef
evklof
5. fautref
anter . statai •
kerrf
diumpais
10. liganakdikel . entraf .
kerrfiaf.
anafiiss .
maatois •
diovef . yer^iasio
15. diorei . piihioi . regaturei •
hereklc^ . kerrlioi .
patanaf piistiai .
def vaf « genetaf .
aasaf • purasiai.
Matri gemali sii
Ljmphis genialibus st,
Leganecdid immot» st.,
AmbarYalibus genialibus ut,
Matntis genialibos st.,
Jovi almo st.,
Jovi pluvio St.,
Herculi geniali st.,
PandiB pistrici st.,
Divse genetse st.,
At» purse;
saonim tepidum alter-
utro anno
sacr^tur.
Floralibus ad bortum
saerificatur;
Pali geniali stative,
Matri geniali st,
Flor» geniali st,
Idbero patii st
Ajttd hsd exstent
borto;
Vesoo,
Lib«x>,
Oeren,
Inters tiUs,
Genio,
Matri,
Lympbis,
Legauecdici immot»
geniali,
Ambarvalibus^
Matntis,
«Tori almo,
Jovi pio pluvio,
Herculi geniali,
PandiB pistrici,
DiviB genet»,
Ar»pur«e;
156 XHi SABM.LO-OSCAN IlInguage; [chap, iyI.
20. saahtom . teforom .
alttref poterefpid
akenef .
horz'. dekmam^iols stait .
sacrum tepidum
alterutro
anno;
hortus in decamanis stet.
The substantive Jcerus and its possessive kereias must be explained
with reference to the root cer-j ere- {creare), Sanscr. kri^ "to
make," which we find in Ceres and Cerm =: crecUOTy Festus,
p. 122. To the same class of deities belongs FtUria (root <fw-j
Ju)f and it is a matter of indifierence whether Venus or Ceres
comes nearest to the goddess intended. Knotel identifies Evklus
with Iphidus, and of course this is possible ; but the adjunct
patri in 1. 25, seems to denote a deitj analogous to Ltber
Pater (cf. Evitui); Amma corresponds, as Aufirecht suggests, to
the Germ, amme, Sanscr. anibdy " mother." On diumpats = lifm'
phtSy which is compared with the Sanocrit dip^ftdgere^ splen-
derey in the same way as limp-idvs falls back on XafJinrmy see
the authoritiei^ quoted by Fabretti (p. 317). VerehasiuSy as an
epithet of Jupiter, is explained by the Sanscr. vrtdhy " to grow,"
whence the Latin virga; and regator must be rtgcttOTy i. e. plu-
viiu. Patana is Panda or PateUa (Grell. xiii. 22, Amob. IT,
7), who opens the husk of the grain. Te/brom answers to the
Latin tqndusy and still more nearly to the Etruscan tephral (see
above, Chap. ii. § 11). AkentAs is ^ annus, bs in Umbrian (see
Aufirecht u. Kirchhoff, Umbr. 8prd. p. 401). Pema is Poles
s= Pares (v. Festus, p. 222, Mailer ; and cf. vetus, veier-nusy lux,
luci-nay diesy diarnuSy jov-isy ju-noy &c.). We may compare
pistia with pistor, pistuniy pisum, &c.
§ 7. The Atellam.
It seems scarcely worth while to enumerate the grammatical
forms which may be collected from these inscriptions, as they
are virtually the same with those which occur in the oldest spe-
cimens of Latin, the only important difierences being that we
have "ozum for -arum in the gen. pi. of the Ist ded., that the
3rd declension sometimes preserves the original -fts of the nom. pL,
and that this reduplication represents the absorbed sn in the
ace. pi. of the 2nd and .3rd declensions. It may be desirable.
§ 7.] THE SABELLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE. 157
however, before concluding this part of the subject, to make a
few remarks on the Fabnlcs AteUancsj the only branch of Oscan
literature of which we know anything.
The most important passage respecting the Fabuke AteU
lancBj — ^that in which Livj is speaking (yii. 2) of the introduc*
tion of the Tuscan ludianes at Borne in the year A.U.C. 390, —
has often been misunderstood ; and the same has been the fate
of a passage in Tacitus (it. 14), in which the historian mentions
the expulsion of the actors from Italy in the year A. u.c. 776.
With regard to the latter, Tacitus has caused some confusion
by his inaccurate use of the word hiatrio; but Suetonius has
the phrase AteUanarum histrto {Nero, c. 39) ; and the word had
either lost its earlier and more limited signification, or the Atel-
lane were then performed by regular Awtrume». .
liyy says that, among other means of appeasing the anger of
the gods in the pestilence of 390 A. u. c, scenic games were for
the first time introduced at Bome. Hitherto the Romans had
no public sports except those of the circus^— namely, races and
wrestling; but now this trivial and foreign amusement wad
introduced. Etruscan ludumes danced gracefully to the sound
of the flute without any accompaniment of words, and without
any professed mimic action. Afterwards, the Roman youth
began to imitate these dances, and accompanied them with unpre-
m&litated jests, after the manner of the Fescennine verses; these
effusions gave way to the acUura, written in verse and set to the
flute, which was acted by professed hiatriones with suitable songs
and gestures; and then, after a lapse of several years, Livius
Andronicus ventured to convert the aatm'a into a regular poem,
and to make a distinction between the singing {canttcum) and
the dialogue (diverbia); the latter alone being reserved to the
htatrtanes, and the former being a monologue, by way of inter-
lude, with a flute accompaniment^ Upon this, the Roman youth,
leaving the regular play to the professed actors, revived the old
1 Diomed. m. p. 489 ; '' in canticis una tantum debet esse persona»
ant, si duie fuerint, ita debent esse, ut ex occulto una audiat, nee ooUo-
qnainr, sed secum, si opus faerit, rerba facial." On the eaniieum see
Hermann, Opuae, i. pp. 290, sqq., who has clearly shown that it was not
merely a flute Toluntary between the acts.
168 THE SABELLO-OSOAN LAEGUAGE. [CHAF. IT.
faxotBf and acted them as interlvdes or afterpieces (exodia^) to
the regular drama. These furces, he ezpresslj says, were of
Oscan origin, and akin to liie Fabuke AteUatuB/ and ihey had
the peculiar adyantage of not affecting the ciyic rights of the
actors*
Li order to understand the ancient respectability of the
AtelknuB, we must bear in mind the opposition which is always
recognized between them and the Mime. Hermann has pro-
posed the following parallel classification of the Greek and
Boman plays {Opuac Y. p. 260, cf. Diomedes, in. p, 480, Putsch):
GlUaSCUM ABGUMENTUM. BOMANUM ABGUMENTUM. ,
CrqndcUa (rparf^la)* ProBiexUUa.
Falliata (jcc^fi^ld). Togata^ vel trabeaia vel taber^
naria»
Saiyrioa {carvpoi). Atellana
MimuB (jJUfw^)^ Planipe».
Adopting this classification, which has at least much to recom-
mend it, we shall see that as the Greek satyrical drama was
the original form of the entertainment, and, though jocose, was
not without its elevating and religious element, so the Ateb'
lana^ as a national drama, was immediately connected with
the festive worship of the people in which it took its rise, and
therefore retained a respectability which could. not be conceded
to the performances of foreign histrionea^ These artists were
not allowed to pollute' the domestic drama; and, being free
from all contact with the professional actor, the young Koman
could appear in the Atellan play without any forfeiture of his
social position. Whereas, even in the corrupt days of tiie later
^ As the praotioe of the Greek and Roman stage inyolyed the per-
fbrmance of sereral dramas on the same day, it matters little whether we
render wodium by ^ interlude" or ^ afterpiece." According to the defi-
nitions giren by Suidas and Hesychitts, an exodium was that which
followed an $amaU amnet^ whether, which was more common, at the end
of a play, or at the end of an act See the examples giren by Meineke
on Cratinufl, Fr. Incert. CLXX. p. 220, and compare Baumstark's article
in Paul/s EecU-Encyd. m. p. 360.
* Lir. TH. 2 : *' nee ab histrionibiii poUm passa est."
§7.] THJS EABELLO-OSOAK LANQUAQS. 169
empire, Javenal saw something especially monstrous in the fact
that a noble could appear as a mimus or planipeaK With
particular reference to the contrast between the mimus and the
Atellana, Cicero says to Papiri^s PaBtus, who had introduced
some vulgar jokes after a quotation from the CBnomaus of Accius,
that he had followed the modem custom of giving a mime for
afterpiece instead of adopting the old practice of introducing the
Atelbm farce after the traged7^ In the same way he sajs*
that superfluous imitation, such as obscene gestures, belongs to
the domain of those mimij who caricatured the manners of
men. And while Macrobius considers it as an exceptional merit to
have introduced mimt without ksciyiousness^ Valerius Mazimus
attributes the social respectabilitj of those who pexfocmed in the
1 TUL 189, Bqq. ;
** populi frons donor hujus.
Qui sedet, et speetat triacurria patricionun»
PlanipedeB audit Fftbios» rid^re poteat qui
Mamercoram alapaa.**
s dc. ad Div. ix. IS» 2 : '^nuno Tenio ad jocationea iuas, qnum tu
fleeuDdum (Enomaum Accii, non, ut olim Bolebat» AUttanam, Bed, ut nunc
fit, mknum introdnziati."
^ deOraiare^iLBQ: '^mtmarumeBteohaeUMogorum^dxd^
tatio^ aieoi obsooanitaa.'* Of. c. 60, ( 244.
« SatncD. n. 7 : ^ Tidebimnr et adfaibeado eouTiTio admos Titaaae
Ja$cMaak,'* Thia ia the passage referred to by Ifanutiua in hia note on
Cicero adIXv. ix. 16, 2, where be says in a parentheaia : ^ itaque Macro*
bina Lib. in. Saturn, mimia laadriam tribuit.'' In Smith'a Diet, of AnH-^
^iM^ Art. AuOancB fabulaa, Ed. i., thia note of Manutina ia paraded
at fbll length aa a quotation from ^ Macrobius Sahnt. Lib. m.," and OTon
the ia arbUror of the commentator is made to express the opiniona of the
author quoted. It ia erident that the compiler of thia Article made no
attempt to yerify the reference to Macrobioa, which he haa uaed without
atating that he waa indebted for it to Manutiua, and which be baa care-
fbllj placed at a diatanoe fh>m hia reference to Cicero. Hia blunder la
the juat Nemeti$ of lua want of candour. Aa bo quotea flrom Yaleriua
Maximua, ** n. l,** inatead of ^n. 4,'' we may preaume that in thia ease
also he ia using the learning of aome commentator. In the new edition
of Smith'a DieUonarjf the article Jieikmm FaMm ia auppreased, and a
short account of the subject ia included in the article Cameedia, written
by another person. The same Nemem» still tracks the second-hand quo*
ttttion, for there ^'Macrobiua, Satur. m.*" ia quoted for Manntiua' atate-
ment that the Atelkma waa dirided into ftre acta.
160 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGK [OHAP. XT.
Atellan farces to the old Italian graviiy which tempered this
eiitertaixmient\
But besides the moral decency bj which the Atellana was
distinguished from the Mime, it is manifest from the passage in
Jjivj that it derived additional recommendation from the fact
that this was a national amusement and was connected with the
usages of the country population, who always contributed a
yaiying proportion to the inhabitants of ancient Bome* We infer
from the words of the historian that the Boman youth were not
satisfied with either the Tuscan or the Greek importations, and
that it was their wish to revive something that was not foreign,
but nationaL Of course Livy cannot mean to say that the Oscan
farce was not introduced at Bome till after the time of Livius
Andronicus Muso, and that it was then imported frx)m AteHa.
For whereas Muso did not perform at Bome till the second
Punic war*, Atella shared in the &te of Capua ten years before
the battle of Zama, and the inhabitants were compelled to migrate
to Calatia^ Now it appears from the coins of this place that its
Oscan name was Aderla^; and the Bomans always pronounced
this as Atella, by a change of the medial into a tenuis, as in
Mettua for MeddtXy imperator for emhraiury Juit for juid^ &c*
This shows that the name was in early use at Bome; and we
may suppose that, as an essential element in the population of
Bome was Oscan, the Bomans had their Oscan farces from a
Very early period, and that these farces received a great im-
provement from the then celebrated city of Aderla in Campania.
It is also more than probable that these Oscan farces were
common in the country life of the old Bomans, both before they
^ n. 4 : " Atellani autem ab Oscis acciti sunt ; quod genut delecta-
tionis Italica severitate temperatum, ideoque yacuum nota est ; nam neque
tribu moretur, neque a militaribuB stipendiis repellitur."
* PorciuB Licinius, apud Aul, GeU. xvii. 21 :
Pcenieo hello $eeundo Miuo pinnate gradu
Intulit se bellicoeam in Bomuli gentem feram.
Bee aUo Hor. ii. Epitt. I. 162.
^Liyy, xxvi. 16, zxn. 61, zxvn. 3.
<L0p6iu8 ad InteripHanei, p. 111. For the meaning of the word, Be^
aboTc, } 6, note.
§ 7.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 161
were introduced into the city*, and after the expulsion of the
histriones by Tiberius*, For the mask was the peculiar charac-
teristic of the Atellanae^, and these country farces are always
spoken of with especial reference to the masks of the actors.
We may be sure that the Oscan language was not used in
these farces when that language ceased to be intelligible to the
Romans. The language of the fragments which have come down to
us is pure Latin*, and Tacitus describes the Atellana as "Oscum
quondam ludicrum*." Probably, till a comparatively late period,
the Atellana abounded in provincial and rustic expressions*; but
at last it retained no trace of its primitive simplicity, for the
gross coarseness and obscenity*^, which seem to have superseded
the old-fashioned elegance of the original farce®, and brought
it into a close resemblance to the mimuSy from which it was
originally distinguished, must be attributed to the general cor-
ruption of manners under the emperors, and perhaps also to the
&ct that from the time of Sulla downwards the Oscan farce was
1 YirgU. Oeorg, n 385, sqq.:
Nee non Auaonii, Troja gens missa, coloni
Versibus incomptis ludant risuque soluto,
Oraque corticibuB samuDt horrcnda oayatis.
€k>mp. Herat, n. Epist. i. 139, sqq.
s Jarenal, Sal. nu 172, sqq. :
Ipsa dierum
Festorum herboso colitur si quando theatre
Majestas, tandemque redit ad pulpita natum
Ezodium, quum personcQ pallentis hiatum
In gremio matris formidat rusticus infans.
That the eaodium here refers to the AteUana appears from Jar. vi. 71 :
^Urbicus exodio risum moret AteUanm
Gestibus Autocoes."
« Festus, 8. T. permmaia fabuiUiy p. 217: ** per Atellanos qui proprie
vceaniiur pertontUi" The modem represents tires of the Atellan charac
ters are still called mcuoheref and our harlequin always appears with a
black mask on the upper part of his face.
4 See Diomed. m. pp. 487, 488, Putsch.
« Ann. iv. 149. « Varro, L. L. vii. } 84, p. 162.
7 Terent. Maur, p. 2486, Putsch ; Quintil. Inst. Or. yi. 3 ; Tertull.
De SpectctctdiSf 18; Schober, ilber die Atellan, Schatupidef pp. 28, sqq.
* Donat. de Trag. et Com. " Atellanse salibus et jocis compositae, quce
in se non habent nisi veMtam eUgantiam/'
D. V. 11
162 THE SABBLLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. IV.
gradtiallj pasBing from its original form into that of a regolar
play on the Greek model, so that all the faults of Greek comedj
would eventually find a place in the entertainment. The prin-
cipal writers of the Latin AtellanjB, after Sulla, who is said to
have used his own, that is, the Campanian dialect^ were Q.
Novius^ L. Pomponius Bononiensis', L. Afranius^, and C. Mem-
mius'^. The political allusions with which they occasionally
abounded, and which in the opinion of Tiberius called for the
interference of the senate**, were a feature borrowed from the
licence of the old Greek comedy; and to the same source we
1 AthenffiUS, IV, p. 261, O : iyiffxjyi^ovtn 9 avTov rh V€p\ ravra Ikeiph»
a( im avrov ypa^cio-cu ^arvpuuiX K»iuj^iai rj warpi^ <fHiv§. My learned
friend, Mr. Alexander Dyce, whose opinion on the proper interpretation
of AthensBUB is of peculiar weight, suggests to me that if Oscan was not
always used in the Fabulce Atcllan», we ought to understand by r^ irarpif
<j)<ovjit *' his native language," L e. the Latin tongue. And he expresses
his conviction that in all the other places where Atheneeus has ^mj, it
means the language, and not some particular dialect of a country, e.g.
I. c. 48 : Tj 'EXXadi (f>iovS; XII. c. 49 : rfjv Uiptrucfjv <l>civijp. On the other
hand, there is no doubt that the Greeks used the word ^«in; to denote
a mere provincialism ; see tho passages quoted in the New Cratylus^ $ 88;
and there would have been no particular force in the remark that Sulla
wrote comedies in Latin. It is clear from Strabo, y. p. 233, that Oscan
was the language of the Atellane farces long after it had ceased to be
common and vernacular^ and he uses the phrase aywp irarpcop in describ-
ing these performances: r^v fuv yhp "Ocxmy cicXeXoMrdrov 17 diaXcxTor
fuvfi irapa rots *P«/ia(Oir, ware xal iroiij/uora trKrjvoParfttrBai Kara rufa ay&Hi
ndrpiov km fupoKoytlaBai» That the satyric comedies here referred to
must have been AtdlancB may be inferred from Diomedes, m. p. 487«
Putsch: '^tertia species est fabularum Latinaram» qun . • . Atdlarue diet»
sunt, argumentis dictisquo jocularibus similes Mttjrriea fftbulis GrcDcis."
The reference to the Simus in the AtellanoB (Sueton. OaW. 16) points to
a contact with the satyrs. Macrobius, Satunu n. 1.
> Aulus Gellius, N, A. xvii. 2.
« Macrob. S€Uum, vii. 9 ; Fronto ad M. Csbb. iv. 3, p, 96, Mai; Vel-
leius, II. 9, 6.
^ Nonius, s. T. ientare, < Macrobius, Saium. i. 10.
< Tacitus, AnwU. iy. 14 : *' Oscum quondam ludicrum, levissimsB apud
vulgus delectationis, eo flagitiorum et virium veuisse, ut auctoritate
patrum coorcendum sit." Gf. Sueton. Neroj c. 39; OtUba^ c. 13; Caiiff'
c. 27; where we have special instances of the political allnsions in the
later Atellanm.
§ 7.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 163
must refer the names of the personages*, which are known to
have been adopted by Novius, Afranins, and Pomponius, and which
are either Greek in themselves or translations of Greek words.
The old gentleman or pantaloon was called Pappus or Gasnar:
the former was the Greek Hamrof;, the latter, as we have seen,
was an Oscan ttxm^vetua. The clown or chatterbox was called
Bucco, from bucca, and was thus a representative of the Greek
TvaOfav, The glutton Macco^ Greek Mo^/co), has left a trace
of his name in the Neapolitan Maccaroni; and Punch or Pofo-
chtneUo is derived from the endearing diminutive Pulchellus,
which, like the Greek KaXXta?, was used to denote apes and
puppets'. The Sannio is the aawd^ of Cratinus {Fr. Incert
xxxTii. a. p. 187, Meineke); and this buffoon with his patch-
work dress is represented by the modem Harlequin, one of
whose names is still zanni, Angl. " zany." The modem word
harlequin is merely the Italian allecchtnOy i.e. "gourmand."
Menage's dream about the comedian, who was so called in the
reign of Henry III. because he frequented the house of M. de
Harlai, is only an amusing example of that which was called
etymology not many years ago.
On the whole we must conclude, that the Atellan farces
were ultimately Greciaed, like all the literature of ancient Italy,
and as the language of the Boric chorus grew more and more
identical with that of the Attic dialogue, to which it served as
an interlude, so this once Oscan exodtum was assimilated in
language and character to the histrionic plays, to which it served
as an afterpiece, and so gradually lost its national character and
social respectability. Thus we find in the destiny of this branch
of Oscan literature an example of the absorbing centralisation of
Rome, which, spreading its metropolitan Latinity over the pro-
vinces, eventually annihilated, or incorporated and blended with
its civic elements, all the distinctive peculiarities of the allied or
subject population.
^ See MUUer, Hist, LU. Or. ch. xxix. § 4. Vol. ii. p. 55, note.
« Theatre of the Greek», Ed. 6, p. [160].
11.
CHAPTER V.
THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE.
S I. Tnnsoriptions of proper names the first due to an interpretation of the Etrus-
can language. § i. Nanies of Etruscan divinities derived and explained.
S 3. Alphabetical list of Etruscan words interpreted. § 4. Etruscan inscrip-
tions—difficulties attending their interpretation. § 5. Inscriptions in which
the Peksgian element predominates. § 6. Transition to the inscriptions which
contain Scandinavian words — The laurel-crowned Apollo— Explanations of the
words chm and joAZ«re». § 7. Inscriptions containing the words «u^Ai.and tree.
§ 8. Inferences derivable from the words wver, ever, and fhw or tJumr. § 9.
Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse in the use of the
auxiliaiy verb UUa, § 10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined.
Its Bonio affinities. § 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethno-
graphic tradition in regard to the ancient Etruscans. $ is. General remarks
on the absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language.
§ 1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an
interpretation of the Etruscan language.
IT will not be possible to investigate the remains of the Etrus-
can language with any reasonable prospect of complete suc-
cess, until some scholar shall have furnished us with a body of
inscriptions resting on a critical examination of the originals^;
and even then it is doubtful if we should have a sufficiently co-
pious collection of materials. The theory, however, that the
Etruscan language, as we have it, is in part a Pelasgian idiom,
more or less corrupted and deformed by contact with the Um-
brian, and in part a relic of the oldest Low-German or Scandi-
navian dialects, is amply confirmed by an inspection of those
remains which admit of approximate interpretation. Nor has
this theory been shaken by the researches of those who have un-
dertaken to examine this difficult subject since I communicated
1 The first impulse to the study of Etroscan antiquities was giren by
the posthumous publication of Dempster's work de Etruria ReffoU, which
was finished in 1619, and edited by Coke in 1723—4. Bonarota, who
furnished the accurate illustrations of this work, insists upon the import-
ance of a correct transcription of the existing linguistic materials.
§ 1.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGtTAGE. 165
my views to the British Association in 1851. With the excep-
tion of one or two attempts* to explain the Etrascan inscriptions
on the hypothesis that the language was Semitic, all the latest
contributions towards the solution of this philological problem
recognize the lost idiom as Indo-Germanic, and nearly all admit
that the Etruscan was compounded of distinct and heterogeneous
elements, and that the Rasena were BsBtians. Br. W. Freund,
who, as I have already mentioned, expressly undertook to com-
bat my theory, in order, I presume, to clear the ground for the
discovery which he intended to make, came back from his expe-
dition in 1854, without having arrived at any independent
results as a return for the liberality of the Royal Academy of
Sciences at Berlin, which furnished him with his viaticum. But
it is stated by Bunsen' that he discovered in the Tyrol and Vo-
ralsberg a number of words which were not Celtic or Bomanic,
and which he does not seem to be able to identify. Bunsen
himself has published a brief report by Dr. Aufrecht*, which
expressly asserts the Indo-Germanic character of the language,
admits its composite structm-e, and goes to the Icelandic* in par-
ticular for the most striking illustration of the grammatical forms.
In 1848 James Grimm expressed his opinion that the Etrus-
cans came from the Esetian alps, and that there was an occa-
1 There is an elaborate book on this hypothesis by Dr. J. G. Stickel :
dcu Etnuhuche dureh ErhUirung von Einschriftm und Namen ah Semi^
titehe SpracKt trwveun^ Leipsic, 1858. It was preceded, I beliere, by
a similar attempt in a Roman Catholic Journal. Dr. Stickel's results
seem to me absolutely invalid.
< Christiamty and Mankmdy m. p. 89.
« Ibid, pp. 87—89.
4 Referring to the fact that **9a added to a man's name indicates
the name of his wife : thus LarihiaJriria means the consort of the son of
Larthius/' Aufrecht remarks that this formatiye adjunct ** is also found
in the Icelandic tja^ * this'." And he adds in a note : " in the Edda it
occurs in the nominative singular masc. and fem. (p. 8 a and 61b}, and
even in later works, for instance, KormaJ^B Saga** He compares the
terminations -orttM, more anciently a-ttW) as in the Lex Agraria of Sp.
Thorius (I. 12), we find Fioneu for Ftartw, and cites the Osc. JlwanoB
^^flarariwBy Umbr. plmatioB ^ pUnarixts. He denies the connexion be-
tween tbis form and aris^ a2ts, and remarks that ^ what Freund says about
these terminations in the Preface to his Dictionary is erroneous/*
166 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, [CHAP. V.
sional appearance of Teutonic ingredients in the traditions and
language of the Etruscans^; and he had previously remarked the
undoubted affinity of the Etruscan (bbox or <e9ub with the Scandi-
navian Asmi^^ and had made a precarious comparison of the name
Tvp^iw with the Old Norse thursK In 1854 Dr. L, Steub,
who had previouslj collected a number of resemblances between
the Tuscan proper names and those found in the Grisons and
Tyrol ^, published a treatise on Raetian ethnology, in which* he
attempted the explanation of a number of Etruscan inscriptions
with more or less reference to Teutonic or Lithuanian affinities*.
In 1855, Mr. E. Ellis, who was favourably known by an elabo-
rate treatise on Hannibar» transit of the Alps, contributed to a
philological journal* a learned and ingenious essay on the Thra-
cian affinities of the Etruscans and Baetians. In the course of
this paper, Mr. Ellis remarks'' that the resemblances between
the Etruscans and the Gothic branch of the German stock are
striking and rest on good authority, and he institutes, for the
first time, a comparison between the Gothic and the Rseto-
Romansch dialects, which confirms indirectly the Scandinavian
affinities of the Etruscans ^ And in connecting the Etruscans
with the Thracians he seeks the point of union in the Getae,
whose identification with the Goths was first pointed out in
the original edition of this work, and afterwards asserted by
J. Grimm®. In his more recently published " Contributions to
the Ethnography of Italy and Greece**" Mr. Ellis adopts an'
hypothesis less in accordance with the conclusions of the present
1 Ge9oh. d.deuUch. Spr. p. 164, ed. 1848 (p. 115, ed. 1853): '*die
Rfttier hat man xu Abkommlingen dor Tyrrhener odor Etrusker gemacht.
Eher trugen wohl Riltier oder Rasener ihren Stamm too der Alpen in
die Halbinsel ; eioxelnes in etniskiBcber Sage and Sprache kllngt an
germanischci."
^ Deutsehs Mt/ihologie^ p. 23, ed. 1844. > Ibid. p. 480.
4 Dis Urbewokner RcUieru und ihnr Jhuammmkang mU dm J^lrMtiarm
Mundien» 1843.
« Zur RcUisehen Ethnologic. Stuttgardt, 1854.
« Journal of Philology, Vol. n. pp. 1—20, 169 — 185. ** On the pro-
bable connexion of the BaotianB and EiruscaiiB with the Thracian stock
of nations."
» p. 179. 8 p. 180. » p. 183. . w London, 1858.
§ 1.] THB ETRUSOAN LAKGUAGS. 167
work. He now contends that the Etruscan language is com-
pounded of Armenian and Celtic ingredients, the former being
to the latter in the proportiim of two to one, in the list of some
fifty words, which he borrows from the present chapter\ The
Celtic element is to be assigned, he thinks, to the Umbrians,
and he regards all the aboriginal languages of Italy as chiefly
Celtic, but partly Finnish*, The Pelasgian element, which, with
me, he seeli^ in the Medes', that is, in the Sarmatian or Sclayonic
etockf would thus hare an affinity with the Rasenic or distinctive
elonent in the Etruscan. For the Armenians spoke Persian
even in the days of Xenophon^. As Mr. Ellis admits this affinity,
it seems to me that his new hypothesis, even if we concede the
results of his comparative philology, would leave out of con-
sideration all those ingredients in the Etruscan, which have ,
created the philological difficulties of the problem to be solved^
and would leave us no distinction between the Pelasgian Tyr-
seni, whose language, as we shall see, was not altogether unlike
that of their brethren in Greece, and the RsBtian invaders,
who disintegrated the spoken idiom of the conquered country,
and whose fragmentary records will not find their interpretation
in the vocabulary of any unmixed and comparatively modem
form of human speech'^.
1 p. 69. ^ p. 40. 8 p. 69. 4 New OrcOyluB, § 85.
^ An exception to the general admission that the Etruscan was at
least of the same family with the other European languages has quite
recently been furnished by Mr. G. Rawlinson (Herod. Vol. m. p. 541),
who declaros that it ^ is decidedly not ereu Indo-Gtermanic," and ex-
presses his BorpriBe that I '* should attempt to prove the Etruscan a
* sister' dialect to the other Italic languages by means of a certain num-
ber of similar rooUf when its entire structure is so different that it is
impossible even from the copious inscriptions that remain, to form a
conjecfemre as to its grammar, or do more than guess at the meaning of
some half-dozen words." I must, in my turn, express my surprise that
Mr* Bawlinson should so entirely misconceive the state of the case and
the nature of my attempt as to write such an account of the matter.
The reader of the present chapter does not need to be told that my
attempt is very different from that described by Mr. Rawlinson ; and
when we hare ike notorious fact that the Perugian Inscription alone gires
us the gen. and accus. of the first Latin declension, it is really astonish*
ing that he should speak of the Etruscan grammar as beyond the reach
168 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, [CHAP. V.
The first clue to the understanding of this mysterious lan-
guage is furnished by the Etruscan transcriptions of well-known
Greek proper names, and by the Etruscan forms of those names
which were afterwards adopted by the Komans, Tliis comparison
may at least supply some prima-facie evidence of the peculiari-
ties of Tuscan articulation, and of the manner in which the lan-
guage tended to corrupt itself.
It is well known that the Etruscan alphabet possessed no
medtcB, as they are called. We are not, therefore, surprised to
find, that in their transcriptions of Greek proper names the Etrus-
cans have substituted ienues^. Thus, the Greek names, ''ABpor-
OTOv, TvS€i;9, 'OSv<7cr6i;9, MeXioY/jo?, and HoXuSevtcf)*;, are
written Atrestke^ Tute, Utitze, Melakre, and PuUuke, But the
change in the transcription goes a step farther than this ; for,
though they actually possessed the tenues, they often convert
them into asptratoe. Thus, ^Ayafii/jLV(»v, ''ASpa<rro9, 8^*9,
Hepaev^, noXwew«;9, Ti]Xe(f)0^, become Aehmiem^ Airesthcj
Thethts, Pherse, Phulnike^ Tkelaphe. In some cases the Greek
tentiea remain unaltered in the transcription, as in Ili^Xei^,
Pele; UapOevoTrcuoSy Parthanapce/ Kdarcdpy Kastur; ^Hpc^
icX^9; Herhle: and the Greek aapiratce are also transferred, as
in ^AfKfx^apao^f Amphiare. These transcriptions of Greek names
even of a coDJecture. His own opiDion socms to be that the language
was Turanian (p. 644, note 2) ; but there is no eridence whatever for thai
Bupposition.
1 With regard to the Etruscan alphabet in general, it may be said
that it did not come directly from the East, but from the intermediate
settloments of the Pelasgian race« When Miiller says (Etrwk. n. 290)
that it was derived from Greece, he cannot mean that it passed over into
Italy subsequently to the commencement of Hellenic clTilisation. The
mere fact that the writing was from right to left, shows that the Etruscans
derived thoir letters from the other peninsula, while its inhabitants were
still Pelasgian; for there are very few even of the earliest Greek inscrip-
tions which retain the original direction of the writing (see New Qrat,
$ 101 ; Mttller, Etrusk. n. p. 309). At the same time, the existence of
hexameter verse in Etruria and other circumstances show that there was
a continued intercourse between the Pelasgo- Etruscans and the Greeks
(Mailer, ibid. p. 292). On the Pelasgian origin of the Etruscan alphabet,
the reader may consult the authorities quoted by Lepsius, de T<M. Eug.
p. 29, and for the Italian alphabet in general, see above, p. 95.
§ 1.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 169
Bapplj ns also with a very important fact in regard to the Etrus*
can syllabarium: namely, that their liquids were really semi-
vowels; in other words, that these letters did not require the
expression of an articulation-vowel. It has been shown else-
where^ that the semi-vocal nature of the liquid is indicated in
most languages by* the etymological fact, that it may be articu-
lated by a vowel either preceding or following it. For example :
mute -f liquid -f vowel = mute + vowel -f liquid, is an equation
which holds good in every etymological problem. Applying this
principle to the Etruscan transcriptions, we see that the Etrus-
can Ap[u\lu, Ach[%]le, At\a\laentj JErc[u]le, M[e]ch8[a]ntrey
Men\e\lej M[e\n\e\rva, Phtd[u]ntce8y Ur[e]8t€j &c. are represen-
tatives of the Greek 'AttoXXwi/, *A;^aXX€V9, 'AraXoirny, ^HpaxKfj^j
^AXi^aj/Spo^y MeveXAw^y HoXweUfj*;, ^Opiartf^, and of the Latin
Minervay only because the Etruscans did not find it necessaiy
to express in writing the articulation-vowels of the liquids. It is
interesting to remark that the old poetic dialect of the Icelandic,
as distinguished from the modem tongue, exhibits the same pecu-
liarity; thus r is always written for wr, as in norihry vethvy dlcTy
vetTy vitr. There are a few instances of the same brachygraphy
in the oldest Greek inscriptions : thus, on Mr. Burgon's vase we
have AeHNHeN for 'kB^infiey. Bdckh (0. I. No. 33) has
wrongly read this inscription, which forms three cretics: t&v
^A0rf\vfid€if ajdXcDi; ifji,L With regard to the form Erchy for
which we have Hercoh in Dempster, T. i. Tab. vi. ; Lanzi, ii.
p. 205, Tab. xi. n. 1, it is to be remarked that the short u^o
before I appears to be a natural stop-gap in old Italian articula-
1 New Crat. § 107. The word et^m-en-ftim, according to the etymo-
mology which has receiyed the sanction of Hoindorf(aiii7ar.i. Sain 1.26),
would furnish an additional conflrmation of these views. Bat this ety-
mology cannot be admitted ; and the word must be considered as con-
taining the root oU (in oUr6,adole9oen$y indoles, aobolsayf^rSleSy &o.), so thai
eU'tnentum^ol^fMntum. See Benary in the BerL Jahrb. for August 1841,
p. 240. As the ludust or gladiatorial school, was the earliest specimen of
a distinct training establishment, and as it has consequently furnished a
name to all schools, so its two functions hare similarly descended into
the vocabulary of education : for rwU^mentOy properly the *' foil exercises/'
and eU-menUif properly the ^ training food," hare become synonymous
expressions for early education, Just as e-md-itw, " out of foils," has be-
come tho term for a completely learned man.
170 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
tion. Thus we have jSaetdaptua for AUnchrjino^. But con-
Tersely we have the shortened forms vindumy pertclumf poclunij
oradumy sceclumj mirachimy vehtdumy gubertuxclumy and the like,
and Herculaneua is written Herclaneua (see Corssen Aitsepr. Vok.
u. Bet. II. pp. 6, 7). When we remember that 'HpcucX^ was
the tutelary god of the Dorians or Her^mun-Hiuri, who conquered
the Peloponnese, we can hardly avoid identifying him with
Her-mimua.
If we pass to the consideration of those proper names which
are found in the Latin language, we shall observe peculiarities
of precisely the same kind. For instance, the medials in Idus^
TlabontuSy Vibiua, &c. are represented in Etruscan by the tenues
in Ittis, Tlapuni, Ftpij &c. ; the tenues in TuritiSy Velcioy &c
stand for the aspirates in Thura, Felcke, &c. ; and the articula-
tion-vowels in Licinius, Tanaquily &c. are omitted before or
afi;er the liquids in Lecne^ Thanchfily &c.
The transcription UtmCy for '0£v(r<i-€t^, suggests a remark
which has been in part anticipated in a former chapter. We
see that in this ease the Etruscan z corresponds to the Greek
'ca-f just as conversely, in the cases there cited, the Greek -^ is
represented by -^ in Latin. It was formerly supposed that
this Etruscan z was equivalent to X==KS, and this supposition
was based on a comparison of Utuze with Ulyxes. To say no-
thing, however, of the mistake, which was made in assuming that
Utuze represented Ulyxea and not ^Ohvaaev^^ it has been shown
by Lepsius (2>e Tabh. Eug. pp. 59 sqq. ; Annali ddV Insittuto,
VIII. p. 168) both dLat the Etruscans added this z to the guttural
K, as in Srankzl, &c. and also that, when it was necessary to ex-
press the Greek ^, they did not use the letter z, but formed a
representative for it by a combination of k or CH with s, as in
Secstinal =* SexHnia natusy and Elchsntre = 'AXif avS/jo?. Pa-
laeographical considerations also indicate that the letter corre-
sponded in form, not to f or a?, but to the Greek z. We ought,
however, to go a step farther than Lepsius has done, and say
that the Latin x was, after all, in one of its values, a represen-
tative of this Etruscan letter. It is true, indeed, that x does
represent also the combination of a guttural and sibilant; but
there are cases, on the other hand, in which x is found in Latin
words containing roots into which no guttural enters ; comp. rixa
§2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 171
with Ipi^ (eptBo^), ipl^€dy &c In these cases it must 1>e supposed
to stand as a representative of the Greek ^ in its sound sh, and
also of the Hebrew shin, from which ft has derived its name
(see New Grot. § 115). With regard to the name Ulysses ,
Ulyxes, ^O&va-aev^, etymology would rather show that the
ultimate form of the x, ss, or z, was a softened dental. The
Tuscan name of this hero was Nanus, i. e. " the pygmy" (Muller,
Etrusk. II. p. 269) ; and, according to Eustathius (p. 289, 38),
^OXvaaev^ or 'OXtcrcrev? was the original form of the Greek
name. From these data it has been happily conjectured (by
Kenrick, Herod, p. 281) that the name means o-Xi^of;, i-Xurao^,
JFkA. for o-XiTfos (Eustath. 1160, 16), of which the simplest form
is X*T09, little: so that Ulysses, in the primitive conception,
WBJS a god represented in a diminutive form.
§ 2. Names of Etritscan divinities derived and explained.
The materials, which are at present available for an approxi-
mate philological interpretation of the Tuscan language, may be
divided into three classes : (1) the names of deities, &c., whose
titles and attributes are familiar to us from the mythology of
Greece and Rome ; (2) the Tuscan words which have descended
to us with an interpretation ; and (3) the inscriptions, sepulchral
or otherwise, of which we possess accurate transcripts. Let us
consider these three in their order.
The Tuscans seem to have worshipped three gods especially.
as rulers of the sky, — Janus, god of the sky in general ; Jupiter,
whom they called Tina, god of the day; and Summanus, god
of the night. Of these, Janiis and Tina are virtually the same
designation. The root dyd seems to be appropriated in a great
many languages to signify "day" or "daylight." See Grimm,
Deut. Mythol. 2d ed. p. 177. Sometimes it stands absolutely,
as in dies = dia^is; sometimes it involves u, as in the Sanscr. dyu,
Gt. Zfi^, Lat. dem; sometimes it appears in a secondary form,
as in the Hebr. y$m, Gr. rifiipa ; and sometimes it has a dental
aflSx, as in the Gr. Ttrjv, Lat. or Tusc. Janus. It is sufficiently
established that dj,j, y, are different forms of the same articula-
tion, which is also expressed by the Greek f. The fem. of
Janus was Diana: Jupiter and Diespiter were the same word.
172 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, [CHAP. V.
The Greeks had lost their y-sound, except so far as it was
implied in f; but I have proved elsewhere that the r) also con-
tained its ultimate resolution ^ That Tina contains the same
root as Zt]v = Ih/an may be proved by an important Greek
analogy. If we compare the Greek interrogative tI[v]^ with its
Latin equivalent quia, admitting, as we must, that thay had a
common origin, we at once perceive that the Greek form has lost
every trace of the labial element of the Latin qu, while the
guttural is preserved in the softened form t* =y. Supposing
that ke[n]s was the proper form of the interrogative after the
omission of the labial, then, when k was softened into/ = dt\ as
qyro^vs became cu-jua^ &c., in the same way /e-e[i/]-9 would be-
come ta[i']9, the tenuis being preferred to the medial*. Just so in
the Etruscan language, which had no medials, Zriv ^ dtan-vs
would become Tina'\8\ or 2Ynm-[5]. This Tina or Jupiter of the
Tuscans was emphatically the god of light and lightning, and
with Juno and Minerva formed a group who were joined toge-
ther- in the special worship of the old Italians. As the Etruscans
1 New Crat, § 112.
' The crude form of rcr is ri-v- (n-yof, &c.); in other words it is a
compound of two pronominal elements, like tls (=€v-()> Kti^vot, r$-vor»
d-pd^ ^-nim, i^fui^ &c. Lobeck asserts (Paralipom. p. 121, note) that the
V in Ti'V'6s is repugnant to all analogy, the Zttorce clUicm of the Greeks
being dentals only, — as if p were not a dentall The absurdity of
Lobeck's remarks here, and in many other passages of his later writings,
"will serTe to show how necessary it is that an etymologer should be
acquainted with the principles of comparative philology. There are some
obserrations on this subject in the New Crat. $ 38, which more particularly
refer to Lobeck (Aglaapham. p. 478, note i), and to a very inferior man»
his pupil Ellendt (Lex SophoeL prcefat. p. iii). From what Lobeck said
in his ParaUpomena (p. 127» note), one felt disposed to hope that his old-
fashioned prejudices were beginning to yield to conviction. In a later
work, however (PcUhologia, pnef. pp. vii. sqq.), he reappears in his original
character. The oaulion on which he plumes himself (^ ego quoque ssepe
vel inritus et ingratis eo adactus sum ut Tocabulorum origines abditas
conjectura qusererem, cautior fartcLSse OrcUylU nastria, quorum cnrlositati
nihil claUiBum, nihil impervium est") is only another name for one-sided
obstinacy ; and whatever value we may set upon Lobeck's actual per-
formances in his own field» we cannot concede to him the right of con-
fining all other scholars to the narrow limits of his Hemsterhusian phi*
lology.
§ 2.] THK ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE- 173
had no consonant j^ the name of Janus must have "been pro-
nounced by them as Zanus. This god, whose four-faced statue
was brought from Falerii to Kome, indicated the sky, or templum,
with its four regions. When he appeared as bicq>8, he repre-
sented the main regions of the templum — the decumanus and
the cardo. And as this augurial reference was intimately con-
.nected with the arrangement of the gates in a city or in a camp*,
he became also the god of gates, and his name ultimately signi-
fied "a gate" or "archway." Summantts, or Submantia, was
the god of nightly thunders. The usual etymology is summua
manium; but there is little reason for supposing that it is an
ordinary Latin word. As Amobius considers him identical with
Pluto*, it seems reasonable to conclude that he was simply the
Jupiter Infemus; and as the Diapater of the Tuscans was called
MarUtia, and his wife Mania, we may conjecture that Sub-manua
was perhaps in Tuscan Zuv-mantis or Jupiter^omis, which is
the common euphemism in speaking of the infernal deities. The
connexion between the nightly thunders, which the ancients so
greatly feared, and the x^ovlat ^povral, is obvious. Another
gloomy form of the supreme god was Ve^jus or. Ve-yovia, who
seems to have represented Apollo in his character of the causer
of sudden death. The prefix Ve* is a disqualifying negative—
the name signifies " the bad Jupiter." He was represented as a
young man armed with arrows; his feast was on the nones of
March, when an atoning sacrifice was offered up to him ; and he
was considered, like Summanusy as another form of Pluto.
The second of the great Tuscan deities was JUno {Jovtno or
Dyuno), who was called Kupra and Thalna in the Etruscan
language. Now Kupra signifies "good," as has been shown
above; and therefore Dea hupra is Dea bona, the common
euphemism for Proserpine. The name Thalna may be analyzed
with the aid of the principles developed above. The Etruscans
had a tendency to employ the aspirates for the tenues, where
* See below, Ch, vn. j 6.
9 The Glossar. Labbsoi has Summanu», ttpof/riBevs ; and perhaps Pro-
metheus, as the stealer of fire from heaven, may bare been identified
with the god of nightly thunders in some forms of mythology. At Co-
lonas, where the infernal deities were especially worshipped, the rvrap
UpofAfiB^vst 6 nvp4>6pof BtSs^ was reckoned among them {(Ed. CoL 55).
174 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
in other forms, and in Greek especially, the tenues were used.
Accordingly, if we articulate between the liquids Zn, and substi-
tute t for ^, we shall have, as the name of Juno, the goddess
of marriage, the form Tal\a\na, which at once suggests the root
of Talaasus, the Eoman Hyrnen^ and the Greek ri£\i9, (Soph.
Antig. 629: roKvi* i; vvM^^ Zonar. p. 1711: raXir 17 /acX-
XoyafjLo^ irapBhfo^ koX Kartovofjtaa-fihn] ruft oi Bk ywcuKa
yafA€T^ir oi Be vvfMfyrfv, Hesych. n^XiBa* oim» ti71' awrfpfjLoo'^
fiiuffVy id. BaXiBa^ ra9 fiefivffarev/ihfcif^, id. raXi^' €/e>o>9, id.) :
comp. also yafjLoio t€Xo9, Hom. Od. XX. 74, and the epithet
"Hpa reXeia. The Aramaean raTuOa (KJl'^p, Mark v. 41) is
not to be referred to this class.
The deity VulcanttSf who in the Etruscan mythology was
one of the chief gods, being one of the nine thundering gods, and
who in other mythologies appears in the first rank of divinities,
always stands in a near relationship to Juno. In the Greek
theogony he appears as her son and defender ; he is sometimes
the rival, and sometimes the duplicate, of his brother Mars ; and
it is possible that in the Egyptian calendar he may have been a
kind of Jupiter. Here we are only concerned with the form of
his Etruscan name, which was Sethlans, Apylying the same
principles as before, we collect that it is only 8e'tal[a]ntts, a
masculine form of Tal[a]na (^Juno) with the prefix Se-: comp.
the Greek ^-Xm)9> cre-Xiyi^, with the Latin 80I, Luna, where the
feminine, like Tal[a]nay has lost the prefix.
To the two deities Tina and Tatna, whose names, with their
adjuncts, I have just examined, the Etruscans added a third,
Minerva, or, as they called her, Miner/a, Minrfa (see Quintilian,
/. 0. I. 4, § 17), who was so closely connected with them in the
reverence of this people, that they did not consider a city com-
plete if it had not three gates and three temples dedicated to
Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. She was the goddess of the storms
prevalent about the time of the vernal equinox ; and her feast,
the quinquatrus, was held, as that word implied in the Tuscan
language, on the fifth day after the ides of March. The name
seems to have been synonymous with the Greek /t^rt?; and
bears the same relation to mens that hierves (in the Arval hymn)
does to lues : this appears from the use of the verb pramenervat
{pro monei, Fest. p. 205).
§2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANOUAQE. 175
With regard to the legend that Minerva sprang from the head
of Jnpiter, it is to be remarked that the head was considered to
be the seat of the mens, as the heart was of the animus;
whereas the antma (Lucret. III. 354) permixta corpore toto,,v&
diffiised all over the frame, and has no special seat assigned to it.
With regard then to the opposition of mens and animiLS, the
English antithesis of ''head" and ''heart*' sufficiently expresses
it. See Ter. Andr. i. 1, 137.
It is easy to explain the names Sdtumus, VertumntiSy Mars^
and Feronia, from the elements of the Latin language. Sdtur"
nus = Kpovo^ is connected with sas-culumy as ce^temus with cevum
(the full form being cevi-temus, Varro, i. i. VI. § 11), sempi-
temus with semper, and taci-tumtts with taceo. Vertumnus is
the old participle of vertor, " I turn or change myself." (See
Ch. XII. §5.) Mdrs is simply "the male" or "manly god."
Thus Mas-piter is " the male or generating father." The forms
Mar-mar, Md-murtus exhibit the root with an intensive redu*
plication ; the root is strengthened by t, denoting personality, in
Mar[t]s; and the words Ma'Vor[i]s, Marmer\t\s give us both
the intensive reduplication and the strengthening affix (Corssen,
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, p. 32) . In this word the idea of viri-
lity is connected with that of protection, and the root is identical
with the Greek Fa/»-, Sanscr. vri, "to protect," vtra^ "a man,"
Latin vir, &c. {New Crat. § 285). It has been proposed by Pott
(Etym. Forsch, li. 206) to connect m^as with the Sanscrit root man
" to think," from whence comes manas " the mind," manushya
" man ;" and we know that this root with these connected mean-
ings runs through a great number of languages : thus we have the
Egyptian men " to construct or establish," month " a man," the
Greek /lifiovc^ iirivuto, &c., the Latin mon*eo, m^e-^mtni, mens,
luMnin, the German m^inen, mund, &c.; and this brings ub
back to the goddess Minerva, and other mythological beings, as
Menu, Menes, Minos, Minyas, and Mannvs {Q. R. CLV, p. 149).
We may also remark that the Hebrew "^DT mas, is immediately
connected with HDt m^eminit. But here the idea is somewhat
different. For the verb HD"? contains the root Jcar which is found
in the Chald. "l?*? and l^, *"^^ signifies infigere^ insculpere^
hence tropically mem4)ri(B infigere, imprimere, (Flint, Concorde
176 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
p. 352). And as "IDT is opposed to nig3 from IgJ jperjbravit —
(a membri genitalis forma distinctionis causa sic dicta, Ftirst,
Concord, p. 727), we may conclude that it signifies: 6 rpvn&Vy
(cf. -SIsch. Fragm, Dan, 38: ipq. fiev ayvo^ ovpavo<; rp&a-av
yQova), Be this as it may, it is clear that the root Fa/>- is not
identical with the root many and it is quite possible that man
should appear distinctively as " the protector," as well as gene-
rally in the character of "thinker" and "indicator." There is
the same opposition with the same parallelism in manus, the
hand, generally, and specially the right hand, as pointing out
and indicating (cf. /Aiyi^-vo, mon-strarc, Se^la, BeU-wfu, &c.),
and dpurrepi^, the left hand, as carrying the weapon of defence
{New Crat. § 162, note). The attributes of the goddess FSronia
are by no means accurately known: there seems, however, to
be little doubt that she was an elementary goddess, and as such
perhaps also a subterraneous deity, so that her name will be
connected with firalisy iftOelpeiv^ <f>€p(re<f>6vrf; &c.
Aeu/codia, " the white goddess," had a Tuscan representative
in the Mater matiUa, " mother of the morning," whose attribute
is referred to in the Greek name, which designates the pale
silvery light of the early dawn. Both goddesses were probably
also identical with 'EtkeiOvui, Ludna, the divinity who brought
children from the darkness of the womb into the light of life.
Sothina, a name which occurs in Etruscan monuments (Lanzi, ii.
p. 494), is probably the Etruscan transcription of the Greek
'^o<oBiva ("saving from child-bed pains"), which was an epithet
of Artemis (see Bockli, Corp. Inscr. no. 1595).
Apollo was an adopted Greek name, the Tuscan form being
Apulu, Apluy JEpul, or Epure. If the " custos Soractis Apollo,"
to whom the learned Virgil {JEn. xi. 786) makes a Tuscan
pray, was a native Etruscan god, then his name Soranus, and
the name of the mountain SoractCy must be Tuscan words, and
contain the Latin sol, with the change from Z to r observable in
the form Epure for Epul: compare also the Sanscr. sHrya.
Although Neptunus was an important god in the Tuscan
pantheon, it is by no means certain that this was the Tuscan
form of his name : if it was, then we have another Tuscan word
easily explicable from the roots of the Indo-G^rmanic language ;
for Nep-tunus is clearly connected with j/€©, U7)p€i^, viwrto, &c.
§2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 177
The form Neptumnus (ap. Grut. p. 460) is simply the participle
viirr6fji,evo^. If the word Nethunsi- which is fomid on a Tuscan
mirror over a figure manifestly intended for Neptune {Berlin.
Jahrh. for August 1841, p. 221), is to be considered as the
genuine form of the sea-god^s name, there will of course be no
difficulty in referring it to the same root (see below, § 5).
The Tuscan Pluto, as is well known, was called MantuA^ and
firom him the city Mai^Jbaa derived its name. The etjrmology of
this word is somewhat confused by its contact with the terms
manes and mama. That the latter are connected with the old
word mcmm^honus can hardly be doubted^; and the depre-
catory euphemism of such a designation is quite in accordance
with the ancient mode of addressing these mysterious func-
tionaries of the lower world. But then it is difficult to explain
ManiuB as a derivative firom this manus. Now, as he is repre-
sented in all the Tuscan monuments as a huge wide-mouthed
monster with a personce pallentia hiatuSy it seems better to
understand his name as signifying "the devourer;" in which
sense he may be compared with the yawning and roaring Cha-
ron^. This, at any rate, was the idea conveyed by the TnandiUMSy
^ Varro Beems to eonnecfc the word Manius with niame, ** momiDg"
(X. L. IX. $ 60).
' See Ntw CraJt, $ 283. Another personage of the same kind is Tupimv^
" the caller." As Charon is attended by the three-headed KtpfitpoSf so
the three-bodied Geryon has a two-headed dog, "OpOpou who is brother
to Cerberus (Hesiod. Theog. 308, sqq.) ; that is ** the morning" (Bp6pos)
is brother to the ** darkness" (Mpfitpot : ride SchoL Od. A, 14, and Person
ad l. ; K^iifupos' dx^vt, Hesych. ; and Lobeck, PardUpom, p. 32). By
a similar identity, Geryon lives in the distant west, in Erythia, the land
of darkness, jnst as Charon is placed in Hades ; and these two beings,
wiih their respectire dogs, both figure in the mythology of Hercules, who
appears as the enemy of Pluto, and of his type, Eurystheus. It may be
remarked, too, that Pluto is described as an owner of flocks and herds,
which is the chief feature in the representations of Geryon. Mr. Keight-
ley remarks in the additions to his MytKologyy p. 369 : *' Though we could
not perhaps satisfactorily prove it, we have a strong notion that Geryo*
neus (from ytjpvca) is only another form of Hades. They both, we may
observe, had herds of ozen, and the two-headed dog of the former
answers to the three-headed dog of the latter. Admetos, apparently
another form of Hades (p. 122), was also famous for his herds. We find
the herds of Hades (p. 960) pasturing under the care of Menoetius, near
D. V. 12
178 THE teTRtJSCAN LANOtAGB. [OHAP. V.
another form of manttis; for this was an image " magnis malts
ac late dehiscens et ingentem denitbtis sonitum faciens^^ (Fest.
p. 128). The two words may be connected with ma-n-dere,
luxATourOaiy the n, which is necessary in manus^ inanesy being here
only euphonical : similarly, we have masticiumy edacem a «lon-
dendo scilicet (Fest. p. 139), and me-n-tum by the side of fiurvaA
{=^yvdOoiy Hesych.). Compare also mdia, maxilla, &c. It is
Viot improbable that the Greek, or perhaps Pelasgic, fuani^ con-
tains this root. The mysterious art of divination was connectetl,
in one at least of its branches, with the rites of the infernal
gods. Teiresias, the blind prophet, wad especially the prophet
of the dark regions. Now Mantita, according to Virgil, was
founded by Ocnus, " the bird of omen," who was the son of
MantOy and through her the grandson of Teiresias. This at
least is legendary evidence of a connexion between mantus and
fiavrt^. The same root is contained in the mythical mundus
(MtQler, Etrusk. U. p. 96).
The name Ceres is connected with crearey Sanscr. hrK. The
Tuscan name Ancaria may be explained by a comparison of
ancillay anclarCy oncare, iveyKetv, dyKoSy &c.
According to Servius, CereSy Pales, and Fortunay were the
three Penates of the Etruscans (see Micali, Storia, ii. p. 117).
The last of these three was one of the most important divinities
in Etruria, and especially at Volsinii, where she bore the name
Nortiay Norsiay or Nursia, and was the goddess of the calendar
or year (Cincius, op. Liv. vii. 3). The nails, by which the
calendar was marked there, pointed to the fixed and unalterable
character of the decrees of fate. The Fortuna of Antium had
the nail as her attribute, and the clavi trabales and other imple-
ments for fastening markei4 her partner Necessitas (Hor. I.
Carm. XXXV. 17 sqq.); under the Greek name of "Arpoiro^:
{Athrpa) she is represented on a Tuscan patera as fixing the
those of GeryonetiB in the isle of "Ery thia, and (p. 39$) We meet them in
the under-world nnder the care of the same herdsfman. This looks very
like two different forms of the same legend ; the hero in the one seeking
the abode of Hades in the west» in the other in the nnder-world. The
name Geryoneus might correspond in signification with icXvtdr aiid kXv-
fieyoff, epithets of Hades."
§ 2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 179
destinj of Mekearypa^ {Meliaer) by driving in a nail ; though it
is clear from tiie wings that the name only is Greek, while the
fignre of the deity is genuine Etruscan (Mtiller, Etnisk, li.
p. 331). From these conuderations it seems a safe inference
that Nortia^ or Nnrsia, is simply ne^^vartia, ne-vertia, the "Arrpo-
?ro9, or ^'untuming, unchanging goddess/' according to the
consistent analogy of rwirsus^re^ersusy quorstis = qtio^ersus,
tntrarsua = intrc^versus, prorsvm^ prossum, or pro9um (in proaa
craiio) ^pr(h-versum, sursum = sub-versum, &c. : and this supposi-
tion receives additional confirmation from the statement men-
tioned below (§ 3), that vorsua was actually a Tuscan word.
The god Merqtmriits appears on the Tuscan monuments as
Turms = Turmus. This Etruscan name has been well explained
by the Jesxdt G. P. Secchi {Annali dell' Inatituto^ vili. pp. 94
sqq.). It appears that Lycophron, who elsewhere uses genuine
Italian names of deities and heroes (as yLafj^pro^ for "'Afyrj^, w.
938, 1410; Nai/(59 for 'OSwrcrei;^, v. 1244), calls the x'^ovio^
'Epfi/^ by the name Tepfiiev^ (Alex. 705 sqq.) :
\ifunjp T "Aopvov afj^tTopvrjT^p Ppox^^
Koi x^V^ Ka>in;roco \app0Siv incdrt^
2Tvy6s Kekaanis pao-ftSy, tvSa TtpfuwifS
ficXXov yiyavTQs KOirl tittjpos V€pav,
Now Turmns certainly does not differ more from this Tepfuetk
than Eutttrpe and Aohh from their Greek representatives (Bun-
sen, ibid. p. 175). It might seem, then, that TurmtLs is not the
Latin Termintis, but rather the Greek 'Epfifj^; for the Hellenic
aspirate being represented in the Pelasgian language, according
to rule, by the sibilant, this might pass into T, as in ripMpch
aiifiepovy Tqfuepov', hrroj reirrd, Hesych.; ipfik, repfik^ id.; &c.
The name iar, icw, when it signifies "lord" or "noble,"
has the addition of a pronominal affix -t; when it signifies " god,"
it is the simple root: the former is Lars {Larth), gen. Lartis ;
the latter Lar, gen. Laris. Precisely the same difierence is
observable in a comparison between "'Avaxe;, ''Avokol^ "the
Dioscuri," and ai'OAc-Te?, "kings" or "nobles." Similarly the
original Mars seen in the forms Mar-mar, Ma-murtus, &c. is
lengthened into Mar^t-y and from names of towns we have deri-
vatives with the same insertion of a formative * : e.g. Tvder-t-es,
12—2
180 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. V.
TiSwr-^e*, Pioen^t-ea^ Fidm-Uea, Fucen-t-es, Nar^t-es, (Corsaen,
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, pp. 6, 13). Some suppose that
the English Lor-d is related to the same root; see, however,
New CrcU. § 338 : and as the Lares were connected with the
Cabiriac and Curetic worship of the more eastern Pelasgians,
I would rather seek the etymology in the root Xa-, Xaa-'^ Xaur-,
so frequently occurring in the names of places and persons con-
nected with that worship \ and expressing the devouring nature
of fire. It appears from the word Lar-va that the Lar was
represented as a wide-mouthed figure. There are two feminine
forms of the name, Lar^unda and Lar^enJtia. The former may
be compared with the Scythian Temarwnda and Anglo-Saxon
ScBrende (above, p. 60).
This enumeration of the names of Tuscan divinities shows
that, as far as the terms of mythology are concerned (and there
are few terms less mutable), the Tuscan language does not abso-
lutely escape from the grasp of etymology. If the suggestion
thrown out above (Ch. ii. § 22) respecting the parallelism be-
tween Tina and Tor is to be received, the easy analysis of these
mythical names is to be explained by the fact that they belonged
to the religion of southern Etruria, which was Pelasgian rather
than Scandinavian. Many of the common words which have
been handed down to us present similar traces of affinity to the
languages of the Indo-Germanic family. I will examine them
in alphabetical order; though, unfortunately, they are not so
numerous as to assume the form of a comprehensive vocabulary
of the language.
§ 3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted.
JEsar^ " God." Sueton, Odav. c. 97 : " Responsum est centum
solos dies posthac victurum, quem numerum c littera notaret;
futurumque ut inter deos referretur, quod jesar, id est, reliqua
pars e Caesaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur." Conf.
Dio. Cass. LVI. 29; Hesych. alao'i; deoi, vtto Tvpprjvciv. See
Ritter, Vorhalle, pp. 300, 471, who compares the Cabiriac
1 The following are some of the most obvious appearances of this
root: Sanscrit, laSf ^to wish;** Latin, lar^gus; Greek, Xa-fua^ Xarfwtf
Xapvyf, Xatrfui, &c. Aanrrpvyiov, XatWair, Xatofro^lasy AiffivoSf Aiyrw.
§3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 181
names JEs^mun, .^k-def, the proper name jEsyetea^ tzsa the
old form of ara, and a great many other words implying
** holiness" or "sanctity:" and Grimm, Deutsche Myihol.
2d edit. p. 22. Comp. also aUra. The most important fact
is that as or ass^ pi. aesir^ meaning deua^ numen^ is " nomen
nusguam non occurrena " {Edda Scemund. VoL I. p. 472) in
the old Icelandic.
Agalletor, " son." Hesych. dyaXK^ropa' iraXba^ Tvp^voL This
is pure Pelasgian, if not Greek. Thus Sophocles, AtUig. 1115,
calls Bacchus : KaJBfietd^ ini/jufM^ ayeiKfui. Mr. Ellis compares
the Gaelic ogatl, " youthful."
Aifil, "age." This word frequently occurs in sepulchral in-
scriptions with a numeral attached. In one of these we have,
Qf\e\Gilfitlf . Papa aif . XXII., with the Latin translation,
Ouegilii Papii cetatis xxil. It is obvious, then, that this
word contains the same root as cst^-um, (B-taa, alFt&v, cufei^ &c.
The Felasgo-Tyrrhenian language always inserts the digamma
in these cases : compare A!a9, written Aifaa on the Tuscan
monuments.
Antavj "eagle." Hesych. avrop* a€Ti9 inro Tvpfnfvwv. See
below, under Fentha.
Aniea^ " wind." Hesych. Avtcw ave/iot and AvSaq' "Bopetk, vrri
Hvpjyqv&v. This is neither more nor less than the Latin
ventusj which is ultimately identical with the Greek FdvefAo^y
and the Teutonic " wind." Mr. Ellis remarks (p. 47) : " as
antes signifies especially the north wind, ' Boreas,' arUar and
antes afford a close parallel to aqutla and aqutlOf which appa-
rently involve the root ag, * motion '."
Apluda, "bran." Fest. p. 10; Aul. Gell. xi. 7: "fie inquit,
equss Romanus apludam edity etjhces btbtt. Aspexerunt omnes
qui aderant alius alium, primo tristiores turbato et requirente
vultu, quidnam illud utriusque verbi foret ; post inde, quasi
nescio quid Tusce aut Gallice dixisset, universi riserunt.
Legerat autem ille apludam veteres rusticos frumenti furfurem
dixisse." The passage does not prove that apluda was Tus-
can. The word was probably derived from ahludo: cf. Virg.
Ge<yrg. i. 368, 9 :
Sflope levem paleam et frondes rolitare eaducas»
Aut Bumma nantea in aqua eof^lMdeirt plumas.
182 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
Mr. Ellis compares the Basto-Bomansh hleuschaj ^'Imsk,"
"bark,"
Aquilex, " a collector of springs for aqueducts." Varro op. Nonn.
Marc. 2, 8: " at hoc pacto, utilior te Tuscus dquilexy
Aracos^ "a hawk." Hesych. "Apaxo^ iepa^ TvpprjvoL See
Haruspex. We maj compare the O. N. ari^ " an eagle."
Arimusy " ape." Strabo, Xlli. p. 626 D: koX tox^ itlOi^kov^ ^oal
irapd roU Tvpp7)vok dplfiov^ KaKeiadiu. Hesych.: dptfio^*
7rl0rj/co9. There is no certainty about this word. There is
some confusion of ideas between the place called Arimi on
the coast of Cilicia, and the island JPithecuaa on the coast of
Campania. The commentators would connect it with the
Hebrew WUH {chdrilm)^ Levit xxi. 18, which signifies " snub-
nosed," 8tmu8/ if this can be admitted, the only way of
explaining the Semitic etymology will be by reading irapd
Tofe Tvplot<i in the passage of Strabo. Mr. Ellis compares
the Armen. ayr, " homo," on the analogy of orang-outang ^
which signifies man.
Arse-verse. Fest. p. 18: ^^Arseverse averte ignem significat.
Tuseorum enim lingua arse averte, verse ignem constat appel-
lari. Unde Afiranius ait : Inscribat aliquis in ostio arseverse."
An inscription found at Cortona contains the following words :
Arses vurses Sethlanl tephral ape termnu pisest estu (Orelli,
no. 1394). Miiller considers this genuine {qnem quominus
genutnum habeamus nihil vetat); Lepsius will not allow its
authenticity, but thinks it is made up of words borrowed
from other sources. Be this as it may, the words arse verse
must be admitted as genuine Etruscan; and they are ako
cited by Placidus {Oloss. ajmd Maiurhy p. 434). It seems
probable that arse is merely the Latin arce with the usual
softening of the guttural ; and verse contains the root of wvp,
pir^ feuer^ her, &c. Pott {Et. Forsch. i. p. 101) seems to
prefer taking verse as the verb, Lat. verte^ and arse as the
noun, comp, ardere. Tephral must be compared with tepidus
and the other analogies pointed out above (Ch. ii. § 11) ; it
comes very near to the Oscan teforom [Tab. Agn. 11. 17, 20),
and to the foi-m thipurenai in the Cervetri inscription (below,
§ 5). From all these reasons we may conclude that it belongs
to the Pelasgian element in the language. K the Cortona
§3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 183
inscription is genuine, we must divide pis-est = qui est, and
then the meaning must be, '^ Avert the fire, consuming
Vulcan, from the boundary v^ich is here."
At(B8umj " a vine that grows up trees." Hesych. araurov' ava-
BevBpa/iy TvpptfvoL Can this be the Latin word adhcBsumf
Lucret. iv. 1243: "tenve locis (juia non potis est adfigere
adhassumJ*^
Atrium^ " the cav<Bdxum,^^ or common hall in a Eoman house.
Varro, L. L, v. § 161 ; * - Cavum csdium dictum, qpi locus
tectus intra parietes relinquebatur patulus, qui esset ad com-
munem omnium usum...7Wcanicum dictum a Tuscis, postea-
quam iUorum c*avum sBdium simulare coeperunt Atrium
appellatum ab Atriatibus Tuscis ; illinc enim ezemplum sump-
tum," Mliller {Etrusk. ;. p. 256) a4opts this etymology
(which is also suggested by Festus, p. 13), with the explana-
tion, that the name is not derived from Atrias because the
people of that place invented it, but from a reference to the
geograjAical position of Atrias, which, standing at the con-
fluence of many rivers, might be supposed to represent the
compluvium of the atrium. T^hi^ geographical etymology
appears to me very far-fetched and improbable ; nor, indeed,
do I see the possibility of deriving atrium from atrias; the
converse would be the natural process. There does not appear
to be any objection to the etymology suggested by Servius
(ad J^. III. 353) : " ab atro^ propter fiunum qui esse sole-
bat in atrtis:^^ and we may compare the corresponding Greek
term fiiXaffpov. If atrium, then, was a Tuscan word, the
Latin ater also was of Pelasgian origin. The connexion of
atrium with aXffpiov, alOova-a, &c., suggested by Scaliger and
others, may be adopted, if we derive the word from the
Tuscan atrua, which signifies '*a day."
Balteus, " the military girdle," is stated by Varro {Antiq. R,
Hum. 18. ap, Sosip, I. p. 51) to have been a Tuscan word.
It also occurs, with the same meaning, in all the languages of
the German family ; and we have it still in our word " belt,"
which bears a close resemblance to the loelandic noun helti^
zona and the corresponding verb beUa = cingere,
Burrus, "a beetle," Hesych. Bup^6<;' KovOapo^, Tvpp7)voL Is this
the Latin word burrus f Festus, p. 31 : " burrum dicebant
184 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. V.
antiqui, quod nunc dicimus ruftim. Unde rujstici hurram ap-
pellant buculam, qu« rostrum habet rufam. Pari modo rubens
cibo ac potione ex prandio hunrua appellatur." In Gaelic
burruta is " a caterpillar."
Bygoia, a nymph, who taught the Etruscans the art of inter-
preting lightning. Serv. ad jEneid. VI. Vide Dempster,
Etrur. Reg. in. 3.
Camtllua, " Mercury.'' Macrob. ScUum. ill. 8 : " Tuscos Co-
milium appellare Mercurium." This is the Cabiriac or Pelas-
gian KacTfukty;. Schol. Apoll Shod. i. 915.
Capra^ " a she-goat." Hesych. Konrpa* o?f, HvpfyqvoL
Capys, " a falcon." Servius {ad JSn. X. 145) : " Constat earn
(capuam) a Tuscis conditam de viso falconis augurio, qui
Tusca lingua capya dicitur." Fest. p. 43: "Capuam in
Campania quidam a Capye appellatam ferunt, quern a pede
introrsus curvato nominatum antiqui nostri Falconem vocant."
For the meaning of the word fodcones^ see Fest. s. v. p. 88.
licapys^falcoy it would seem that cap-ys contains the root
of cap-^re; for this would be the natural derivation of the
name : cf. oc-ctjp-tter*. We may compare the Grerman habtcJitf
the Welsh hebog^ and the Lapponic hapak. The word cape^
which appears in the great Perugian Inscription (1. 14), is
probably to be referred to a very different root.
Cassis^ "a helmet" (more anciently caas-ila, Fest. p. 48).
Isidor. Origg. xviii. 14 : " Caasidem autem a Tuscis nomi-
^ See New Oratyhu^ $ 466, To the instances there cited the follow,
ing may be added: (a) ate, "a dog," i. e. " the yelp-er." (b) l^Jf ,
••a raren*' (eorvus, Sanscr. hdrava)^ i.e. **a cawing bird." (c) fiovt
Sanger. gau$, " the bellowing or lowing animal :" comp, Pod» with yodw,
and the latter with the Hebrew nE^a, mugiret "to low like an ox"
(1 8am. Ti. 12» Job Ti. 6), and the Latin ceoa, which, according to Color
mella (ti. 24), was the name of the cow at Altinmu on the AdriaUc.
Wx^'^»** the goose," Le. "the gaping bird" (x^y kmx^s, Aihen. ^. 619 a).
(e) 3KT, "the tawny wolf," may be connected with an?^ "gold."
Perhaps the roost remarkable instance of selecting for the name of
an object some single 'attribute» is famished by the words $eudo and
** crown," both denoting a large siWer coin, and both derinng thoir origin
from a part of the design on the reyerse — the former from the shield»
or coat of arms» the latter from the crown, by which it was surmoanted.
§S.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAQE. 185
natam dicnnt/' The proper form was capsia^ as the same
writer tells ns; but the assimilation hardly disguises the
ob^ous connexion of the word with cap-ut^ haup-ty &c.
Comp. Komtcal' al TrepiKeffxiKaSaiy with t$9 /cott&o^' Aoh
ptek Si T^v Ke4>a\fjv ovrm tcdKovav. J. Pollux, II. 29.
Celery '^ si Tzetzi fides prasbeatur, tox Latina fuit ex Etrusco
nomine usque a Romuli »tate." Amaduzzi, Alphdb. Vet.
JStru8c. p. Ixix.
CymicUcBy Tyrrhenian settlers in Corsica. Hesych. KvpviaTa[i'
ot] €7rl Kvpvov ^/cTfo-av Tvpf^voi, according to Is. Voss's
emendation for Kvpytara a.
Damnu8y " a horse," Hesych. : Sdfivo<;' Ttttto^, TvpfyqvoL This
seems to be an Etruscan, not a Pelasgian word, and suggests
at once the O. N. tamr = domitua, assuetuSy cicur; N. H. G.
zahm. We have also the Lapponic tamp => epius.
Deay i.e. bona Dea, "Cybele." Hesych. Sia' 'Pia, vtto Tv^pf)v£v.
Drufuiy "sovranty." Hesych. hpovva* i; ofX^y viri Tvpjyqv&v.
It is clear that this word can have nothing to do with the
Low-Greek Bpovyyo^y " a «body of men," Spovyydpio^y *' a
captain," which are fully explained by Du Cange, Oloss.
Med. et Inf. Orcecit. I. pp. 333, 4. We must refer it to the
O. Norse, droit — dominusy <U droUna — imperarey the dental
mutes being absorbed before the n as in ie^iw for Se^S-i^,
&C. And thus we get another trace of GU)thic affinity for the
Easena.
FcdanduMy ''the sky." Fest. p. 88: ''FoJcb [^oXoi* Sptf,
a/etmuU, Hesych.] diet» ab altitudine, 9,falandoy quod apud
Etruscos signifieat coelum." This is generally connected with
^Xavdovy blondy &c. Or we might go a step farther, and
refer it to ^<iXXa>, ^Xo9, &c., which are obviously deriyed
from ^9: see Lobeck, Pathol, p. 87. It is also possible
that falandum may be connected with the Icelandic flenna «
hiatusy chaamay which I have cited below to explain the
Etruscan jfenim^joa^am. If so, we get the same meaning
as that of the Greek ovpa-vo^ (see N. Crat. § 259).
Famasay ** an excavation." Fest. p. 88 : " Famaaca locum sic
appellabant, in quo erat aqua inclusa circa templa. Sunt
autem, qui putant, favissas esse in Capitolio cellis cistemisque
similes, ubi reponi erant solita ea, quse in templo vetustate
186 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAQB. [cHAP. V.
erant facta inutilia.*' From the analogy otfivisaa, manHsaa,
and from the circumstance that the Bomana seem to have
learned to mak^ favissiB from the Etniacans, it is inferred
that faviasa was a Tuscan word : see MuUer, ad Festi hcum,
and Etrusk. II. p. 239. The word is probably connected
with^t^a, baicen, &c. We shall see below that lautn was
the Rasenic synonym.
Februum, "a purification." Angrius, ap, J. hyd. de Mens.
p, 70 : " Februum inferum esse Thuscorum lingua." Also
Sabine: see Varro, i. i. vi. § 13. If we compare ^^Jrii,
&c., we shall perhaps connect the root with fovea ^torreo^
whence fomlla, &c., and understand the ^^ torrida cum mica
farra," which, according to Ovid {Fast. il. 24), were called by
this name.
Fenthay according to Lactantius {de FaU. Belig. I. c. 22, § 9),
was the old Italian name of Fatua, the feminine form of
Faunus, '' quod mulieribus fata canere consueyisset, ut Faunus
viris." The form Finthta seems to occur on an old Tuscan
monument {Ann, deW Instit. Yiii. p. 76), and is therefore
perhaps a Tuscan word. The analogy of Fentha to Fatua
is the same as that which has been pointed out above in the
case of Manttis, The n is a kind of anuawdrah very common
in Latin: comp. I^t?, angui»; XetTroo^ linguo; "hjevxfOi lingo;
Sanscr. tuddmi, tundo; v&vp, unda ; &c.
Floces, " dregs of wine," Aul. Gell. xi. 7; ^^Jloces audierat prisca
voce significare vini faecem e vinaceis expressam, sicuti fraoes
ex oleis." Above s. v. Aplttda. In Welsh ^^Kj means "dregs."
Fruntac; see HartispeXy and Fhruntac.
Gapusy "a chariot." Hesych.: ywrro^' hcif*^ TvpfnfvoL We
have here FaTro^, a short Pelasgian form of imivr). Comp.
habena with xa^So? (Hesych.), aeXi^PTj with a-ika^, av$na with
av6<;, &c. In Gaelic cap is " a cart."
GtniSf " a crane." Hesych. ; y[c]vLr y€pavo9, TvpprfvoL This
is probably some shortened form like the Latin grtis. We
may compare the Old Norse verb fftna, which is applied to
wide^mouthed or wide-beaked animals.
Haruspex is generally considered to have been an Etruscan
word. Strabo, XVI. p. 762, renders it by UpocKOTro^ : aaa or
ara certainly implied "holiness" in the Tuscan language;
§3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 187
and Hesjchins has the gloss, cipattor iip^y Tvpfufiwlj which
shows the same change from Up- to har^ (see above, p. 182).
If these analogies are not overthrown hj the Inscriptio bilifi"
guts of Pisaurom {FoArett. Inscr. c. X. n. 171, p. 646; Oliv.
Marm. Pisaw, n. 27, p. 11; Lanzi, ii. p. 652, n. S, where
[Gaf]ai%u8 L. f. 8te, haruspex falguriator is translated by
Caphatea La. Ls. Netmfis TrvJtnft Fhruntac)^ we maj perhaps
conclude that haruapex was the genuine Pelasgian form, trutnji
being the Easenic or Etruscan synonym \ For the word
harua or ara-' see the Umbrian ara-Tno (above, p. 117). On the
supposition that trutnji corresponds to haruapexy it furnishes
an important confirmation of the general theory respecting
the Low German origin of the Basena. For the oldest forms
of Scandinavian divination exhibit to us the haruspex fur-
nished with a wand which he waves about» and the Northmen
no less than the Greeks regarded an oracular communication
as emphatically the truth : see note on Pind. 01. viii. 2, where
the poet says, addressing Olympia, with reference to the cele-
brated oracle of the lamidae: Bi<nroiv ^AXrfdela^, %va fiavTie^
avBpe^ ifjv7rvpoi/9 rcKfiaipofieifot irapairup&vriu A^9, '^01 queen
of oracular truths where men of divination forming their
judgment (taking their tohena) from the burnt-offerings search
into the will of Jove:" and compare Hymia^Quida I. Edd.
Scemund. i. p. 118:
'Athr sathir yrthf
HriBto Uina
Ok k hlaut B&.
which is rendered: ^'antequam ^>erum deprehenderent, con-
cusserunt baciUoa (divinatorios) et sauguinem sacrum inspexe-
runt." With this view of divination the litutia of the Etruscan
augur entirely corresponds : and as ^ru in Icelandic signifies
Jidea or reltgiOy and JU4a = leviter digxtoa mcvere (where -2a is
merely a frequentative a£Ebc, Bask, Old Norae Orammar^
p. 168), I recognize teinn — baciUua in the middle of trvrtn-ft^
and refer the whole to the use of the liiuua by the Etruscan
1 Aufrecht (apud Bunsen, ChT\%U and Mankind, jn. p. 138) derives
haruspex from haru=exter,- cf. x<>^-«^> ^'^ Norse garner^ O. H. G.
mUiirg€ume, Lith. Mima, Banscr. Atro» Old Latin hira.
188 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
hantspex. Those who are not satisfied with this analysis may
compare tru^Ji with the Bnnic trutiriy *'God" (Dieterich,
p. 322), and/cto, "invenire" (Egilsson, p. 167).
JBt8ter, " an actor." Liv. vil. 2 : " Sine carmine uUo, sine imi-
tandorum carminum actu, ladiones ex Etmria adciti, ad tibi-
cinis modos saltantes, haud indecoros motns more Tusco dabant.
Imitari deinde eos juventos, simol inconditis inter se jocularia
fundentes versibus, coepere; nee absoni a voce motus erant.
Accepta itaque res ssspiasqae nsnrpando excitata. Yemaculis
artificibus, quia htster Tosco verbo ludio vocabatur, nomen
histrionibus inditum : qui non, sicnt ante, Fescennino versa
similem incompositum temere ac mdem altemis jaciebant; sed
impletas modis saturas, descripto jam ad tibicinem canta,
motuqne congruenti peragebant." (See above, p. 157.) It
appears from this, and from all we read of the htstery that he
was a mimic actor; his dance is compared bj Dionjsius to
the Sicinnis; so that the word seems to be synonymous with
SeucTJkltcni^f and the root is the pronoun t- or hi- {N. Grot.
§ 139), which also enters into the cognate words i-mitor^ f-^09,
eU-iiv, &c., and appears in the termination of oleaster, &c.
(Lobeck, PcUhoL p. 79).
Itu8, *' the division of tfie month." Varro, L. L. VI. § 28 : " Idas
ab eo quod Tusci this.'' Of. Macrob. 8at. i. 15. As tttis was
the hvxpMvia of the Tuscan lunar month, its connexion with
the root w?- or Jid- is obvious ^ comp. di-vido, vid-uua, &c.
So Horat. iv. Carm. xi. 14 :
idtit tibi sunt agend»
Qui dies mensem VeDerls mariDss
Findit Aprilem.
Lceha, "a double cloak." Fest. p. 117: ^'Quidam appellatam
existimant Tusce, quidam Graece, quam 'xKavlZa dicunt." If
it be a Tuscan word, it is very like the Greek : compare hiri-^
dus, lac, \iapo^, &c., with ;^Xa>/>09, yd-Xa, %-XMxpo9, &c. Varro
{L. L. V. § 133) derives it from lana.
Lanista, " a keeper of gladiators." Isidor. Or^ff. x. p. 247 :
'^ Lanista gladiator, t. e. camifex Tusca lingua appellatus."
Comp. lanttis, &c., from the root fao-, or the Irish lann, " a
sword." Gladiatorial games are expressly st$ited to have been
derived by the Bomans from the Etruscans: see Nicolaus
§3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 189
Bamasc. aptid Athen. lY. 153 F, above, p. 81, and below, & v.
Ludtts,
LoTy " a lord." Explained above, p. 179.
Leine. This word occurs in sepulchral inscriptions generally
along with ril and a numeral. It is a quasi-substitute for
aifilf and as it seems to be a verb it must mean either vixit or
obiit. Mr. Ellis (p. 57) assumes the former, and compares the
Armenian linel, " to be." As, however, viant annos is ren-
dered bj avil rily and not by leine ril, I am disposed to render
the word by obiit, in such passages as : TAana Cainei ril leine
LV.; or: A Pecni ril Llii. leine; or: aural clan leine. And if
so, it is to be connected with the Old Norse linna, " cessare,
desinere," Gk)thic and O. H. G. lennan.
Lituusj ''an augur's staiF, curved at the end;" also, "a curved
trumpet:" see Cic. Divin. ii. 18; Liv. 1. 18. It constantly,
occurs on Etruscan monuments (see Inghirami, vi. tav. P. 5, 1).
MUller justly considers this word an adjective signifying
''crooked" {Etruak. II. p. 212). It contains the root Zi-,
found in li^quis, ob'liquus, li^a, litus {irKarfu^), Xixpio^, Xto^
^eiVy &c. ; and is perhaps the Latin for teinn (above, p. 187).
Lucumoy whence the Roman prsenomen Lucitis (Yaler. Max. de
Nomin. 18), "a noble." The Tuscan form was Lauchme,
which the Umbrian Propertius has preserved in his transcrip-
tion Lucmo {El. IV. 1, 29) : prima galeritua posuit prcetaria
Luomo. The word contains the root Zuc-, and may therefore
be compared with the Greek VeKkome;, designating, like the
Tuscan term, a noble and priestly tribe (N. Crat. § 459). The
ifyyabei^ correspond to the Aruntes, who are regularly con-
trasted with the Lucumones (above, .p. 125).
Ludue. The ancients derived this word from the Lydian origin
of the Etruscans, from whom the Romans first borrowed their
dancers and players. Dionys. Antiqu. II. 71 : KoKovfievoi irpo^
air&v eirl rrj^ ^oi&a^ t^9 inrh Ax£&v i^prja-dai io/covarf^
XvBlmve^, eueove:, ik ifiol Botcety rSv XaXUov. Appian, VIII.
de Beb. Pun, c. 66 : x^P^ luOapurr&v re seal rvrvpurrmv w
fUfi^fiara Tvpfnfvudis 9ro/Lwr^9...AvSoi59 avrow KoKova-iVy ire
(plfuu) Tvppffvol AvSwp airoiKOi. Isidor. p. 1274: " Inde Ro-
mani accersitos artifices mutuati sunt, et inde ludi a Lydiis
vocati sunt." Hesych. II. p. 506: AvSol oSrot rct^i 0iwi evpew
190 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
XerfovTCu, ideif teal ^VfOfuSot Xovhov^ j>€UTu Comp. al^o Valer,
Max. II. 4, 4; TertuU. de Spect. v. The deriyation from the
ethnic name Lydius is of course a mere fancy. It does not,
howeyer, seem improbable that, as the armed dances as well
as the clownish buffooneries of the Romans were deriyed from
Etmria, so the name, which designated these as jokers and
players {ludianes), was Etroscau also, like the other name
Awfer, which denoted the imitatiye actor. If so, the word
hidus was also of Tuscan or Pelasgian origin. Now this word
Itidtts is admirably adapted to express all the functions of the
Tuscan ludto. It is connected with the roots of loedo (comp.
cudo, ccedo)f XoiSopo^, XI^cd, XdaOw, (^^Tral^o), Hesych.). Con-
sequently, it expresses on the one hand the amusement afforded
by the gesticulations of the Itidio {ayrifuirv^erai vouetKi»^ eh
yiXanay Appian, u. s.), and on the other hand indicates the
innocent brandishing of weapons by the armed ludio as com-
pared with the use of arms in actual warfare. This latter
sense was preseryed by ludua to the last, as it signified the
school in which the gladiators played or fenced with wooden
foils (rurdes) preparatory to the bloody encounters of the arena.
That the ludiones were Tuscans eyen in the classical age is
clear from Plautus, Curculio, i. 2, 60 sqq. : '^pSssuli, heus,
p^ssuli, y6s salut6 lubens — ^fite causd mea Mdit bdrbari; siUh-
stlite, tfbsecro, et mlttite istinc foras,*' ptmning on the resem-
blance of pesauli to the prcemles of th^se Tuscan dancers (see
Non. Marc. c. Xll. de Doctorvm Indagtne, p. 783, Gottofr.).
Mr. Ellis compares the Irish luthy "nimble," "active,"
which harmonizes with the dances at least of the Tuscan
Ivdiones.
Luna^ the Tuscan port, probably got its name from the half-
moon shape of the harbour. See Pers. yi. 7, 8; Strabo, y.
p. 222; Martial, xiii. 30. The Tuscan spelling was perhaps
Losna {^hus-mi)^ which is found on a patera (see Mliller,
Etrusk. I. p. 294). With this we may compare the Irish
luisne^ "flame."
Manus or Manis, " good." Apparently a Tuscan word; at any
rate, the manes were Tuscan divinities. Fest. p. 146, s,y.
Marvms; Serv. ad JEn. i. 139, ill. 63. So cents manus, in
the Salian song, was creator bonus, Fest. p. 122, s. v. Mairem
§3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 191
fnatutam; comp. Varro, L. L. vii. § 26. We may perhaps
recognize the same root in a-^moenuB, Lithuan. aim^snis,
Mtmtisa, " weighing-meat." Fest. p. 132 : " Mantisa addita-
tnentnm dicitur lingua Tusca, quod ponderi adicitur, sed dete-
TiuB et quod sine uUo ubu est. Lucilius: mantisa cbsonta
fnnctt.'^ Scaliger and Voss derive it from manu-tensa, "eo
quod manu porrigitur." It is more probably connected, like
me-n-da, with the root of fuzTrjv; compare frustum with
fruetra*
NanuB^ " the pigmy." Lycophr. Ahx, 1244: Navo9 ifKoafoUri
vain Ipeovqa-a^ y^vypv. Ubi Tzetzes : o 'OSv<r<r€i)9 irapa to&
TvpoTywfe vavo^ KoKjelra^,^ StjIKovpto^ tov ovSfuvny; top TrXai^-
Trfv, This interpretation seems to be only a guess based on
the frkavaia-^ of Lycophron. The considerations mentioned
above (§ 1) leave it scarcely doubtful that the Tuscan word,
like the Latin nanuSy refers to the diminutive stature of the
hero, which is also implied in his common name Ulysses. The
Greek words vauo^^ vdmfo^, vavurico^, vavd^e», vavtov^ &c. have
Ihe same meaning. The word, therefore, being common to
the Tuscans, Greeks, and Eomans, is indubitably of Pelasgic
origin.
Nepos, " a profligate." Fest. p. 166 : " Ny>os luxuriosus a Tus-
cis dicitur." Probably, as MttUer suggests {Etrtisk. i. p. 277),
the word which bears this meaning is not from the same root
as the Siculian nq[H>s, "a grandson" (Gr. vhrov^, dr-vhp^co^,
Grerm. neffe). Many etymologies have been proposed; but I
am not satisfied with any one of them. Might we connect
the word with ne-pdtis, Gr. d-tcpari^^y d/cSXacrro^?
Phruntac ^ Julffurtatar. See the Inscriptio bilinguis quoted
above s. V. Haruspex. We must consider this Tuscan word
as standing either for Fum-tacius or for fulntacius : in the
former case it is connected with the Latin Jumus, Jbmax,
Greek mjp, Grerm. ^«r, &c., Old Norse /«r or Jyr ; in the
latter it may be compared with fal-geo^ fat-men^ ^\i-7-€tv,
^Xo-f , &c. It is not impossible that both roots may be ulti-
mately identical: compare crebevy celeber; cresco, gltsco ;
Kpavp<y^y /caKavpoy^; cruSy «r-/feXo9; culmeuy celsiis, tcoXo-
(fxivy /cpdviovy /copv^ijy &c. ; but the r brings the word nearer
to the Old Norse, which the theory would lead us to expect ;
192 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, [CHAP. V.
and as tah^a in Icelandic signifies oniinarij we could not
have a nearer translation of kartispex Jnlguriator than tru"
ten-fit famrtak = veru-haciUum-cantrectana ifffie-aminana = oXi/-
0opafiSov6fio9 irvpofiami^^ "the fire-tokener who waves the
wand of divination." When such coincidences explain all the
elements of two compound words, the meaning of which is
established by monumental evidence, the result ought to be
conviction rather than surprise.
Quinquatrm. Varro, L. L. Vl. § 14: " Quinquatrua; hie dies
unus ab nominis errore observatur, proinde ut sint quinque.
Dictus, ut ab Tusculanis post diem sextum idus similiter voca-
tur SexatruSj et post diem septimum SeptimcUrus, sic hie,
quod erat post diem quintum idus, QutnqiuUrtisy Festus, p.
254: " Quinqiuztrtts appellari quidam putant a numero diemm
qui feriis iis celebrantur: qui scilicet errant tarn hercule, quam
qui triduo Saturnalia et totidem diebus Gompetalia : nam om-
nibus his singulis diebus fiunt sacra. Forma autem vocabuli
ejus, exemplo multorum populorum Italicorum enuntiata est,
quod post diem quintum iduum est is dies festus, ut aput Tus-
culanos Trtatrua et Sexairus et Septimatrua et Faliscos
Decimatrua.^^ See also Grell. N. A. ii. 21. From this we
infer that in the Tuscan language the numeral qutnqtiey or, as
they probably wrote it, cfincfk, signified "five," and that
atrua meant "a day." With regard to the numeral, Steub
states that c^t means "five" on a newly discovered die, and
he translates the inscription [Bullet. Arch. 1836, p. 147)
Hiaiicoilu avila da cealcha by Tanaqutl cetatia LV, inferring
that cealcha =^cealichaa means the decad of five, because the
Lithuanian Uka — hhca (Grimm, Oeach. d. deutach. Spr. p.
246), which, however, indicates the addition of ten, and not a
multiplication by that number; for e,g, keturdltha is 14 and
not 44 (Pott, Zdhhnethode, p. 186). That, however, quingue^
cfincfe is likely enough to represent the Etruscan is shown by
the Etruscan form of the prsenomen Quintuay which is written
Cutntua (see Dennis, ii. p. 412). With the latter part of the
word, perhaps connected with aXdpiov, we may compare the
Tuscan cUrtum, according to the second of the etymologies
proposed above.
Bamnenaea^ TUiea^ Luoerea. Varro, L. L. v. § 55: "Omnia
§ 3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAQE. 193
hac vocabula Tusca, ut Volnius, qui tragoedias Tuscas scripsit,
dicebat." See MttUer, Etruak. i. p. 380.
Bil, " a year." This word frequently occurs before numerals in
sepulchral inscriptions; and, as the word aifil^CBtatia gene-
rally precedes, ril is supposed with reason to mean annum or
annoB. It is true that this word does not resemble any
synonym in the Indo-Grermanic languages ; but then, as has
been justly observed by Lepsius, there is no connexion be-
tween annusj ero^ and tdr^ and yet the connexion between
Greek, Latin, and German is universally admitted \ The word
ril appears to me to contain the root ra or r«, implying " flux"
and " motion," which occurs in every language of the family,
and which in the Pelasgian dialects sometimes famished a name
for great rivers (above, p. 56). Thus 2¥5e-r£», the Tuscan
river, is probably "the mountain-stream;" see below, § 6.
The termination -2 also marks the Tuscan patronymics, and, in
the lengthened form -litis, serves the same office in Latin (e. g.
Servi'lius from Servius). The Greek patronymic in -8179 ex-
presses derivation or extraction, and is akin to the genitive-
ending. This termination appears in f^et^ov, (m-6-pav, &c.,
which may therefore be compared with rt-Z. If the I repre-
sents a more original n, ril comes into immediate contact with
the Icelandic renna "to run" or "flow," whence retnandi
v(xfyi ^ aquorjluens, and the river Bhine probably received
its name from this source, for renna, A. S. rin = curstia aqtiCB.
How well suited this connexion is for the expression of time
need not be pointed out to the intelligent reader. The fol-
lowing examples from the Latin language will show that the
etymology is at least not inconsistent with the forms of speech
adopted by the ancient Italians. The Latin name for the
year — annus, more anciently amis — of which annulus ox
antdtis (Schneider, Lat Or. i. p. 422) is a diminutive — denotes
a circle or cycle — a period — a curve returning to itself; and
the same is the origin of the other meaning of anus, i. e. ab
orbiculari Jlffurd. Now as the year was regarded as a num-
ber of mon^s, and as the moon-goddess was generally the
^ See the other instances of the tame kind quoted by Dr. Priohard,
/oumoZ o/R. G, S. ix. 2, p. 209.
J>. V. 13
194 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. V.
feminine form of the sun-god*, we recognize Anmis as the god
of the sun, and Anna as the goddess of the moon ; and as she
recurred throughout the period of the sun's course, she was
farther designated by the epithet perenna. To this Aniia
perenna, "the ever-circling moon," the ancients dedicated the
ides of March, the first full moon of the primitive year, and,
as Macrobius tells us {Saturn, I. 12), " eodem quoque mense
et publice et privatim ad Annam Perennam sacrificatum itur
ut annare j^erennareque commode liceat." The idea, therefore,
attached to her name was that of a regular flowing, of a con-
stant recurrence; and d^nus denotes at once " the ever-flowing"
{ai'-V€ios:) and "the ever-recurring" {del veofieiw): see New
Crat.^ 270. Now this is precisely the meaning of the com-
mon Latin eLdjectivQ perennia ; and sollennis {= quod omntbtu
annia prcestari debet, Festus, p. 298) has acquired the similar
signification of "regular," " customary," and " indispensable."
It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that in a Tuscan monument
(Micali, Storia, pi. 36) Atlas supporting the world is called
A-ril. If Atlas was the god of the Tuscan year, this may
serve to confirm the common interpretation of rtl; and d-nus^
jd^us will thus correspond to d-ril both in origin and signifi-
cation ; for it is certain that vet» and ped spring firom a com-
mon source {New Grot. u. s.). Aufrecht (ap. Bunsen, Christt"
anity and Mankind, III. p. 102) compares the Umbr. ah^os
with amrnis, and from this derives an original ap-nua, which
. would contain the Sanscrit root op, " water," and so come more
^ In the Penny Cyclopedia 8. y. Demetery I remarked, as I had pre-
Tlously done in the Theatre of the Chreeksy " that in the Roman mythology
as well as in the Greek, we continually find duplicate divinities male and
female, and sometimes deities of a doubtful sex (Niebuhi-'s Rome^ Vol. ii.
pp. 100, 101, Eng. Tr. ; and Philolog, Mu$. i. pp. 116, 117). Thus the sun-
god and the moon-goddess are always paired together." From this the
writer of the article Roman Calendar in Smith's Dictionary of AntiquUieSy
borrowed his statement, that " the tendency among the Romans to have
the same word repeated first as a male and then as a female deity, has
been noticed by Niebuhr," &c. ; and because I took the liberty of repeat-
ing myself, in a former edition of the present work, this compiler has
assumed, with amusing effrontery, that I was copying the trifling appro-
priation of which he had probably forgotten the source.
§d.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 195
immediatelj into harmony with my view of the question. It is
worthy of remark that annus appears in inscriptions under the
forms adnuB or atnua (Fabretti s. v.), which may be compared
with the name of the Tuscan river Amtia.
Strcpptia, " a fillet." Fest. p. 313 : " Stroppus est, ut Ateius
philologus existiraat, quod Greece <rrpw^v vocatur, et quod
sacerdotes pro insigni habent in capite. Quidam coronam esse
dicunt, aut quod pro corona insigne in caput imponatur, quale
sit strophium. Itaque apud Faliscos diem festum esse, qui
vocetur struppearia^ quia coronati ambulent. Et a Tuscu-
lania'' [for another instance of the similarity of language be-
tween the people of Falerii and Tusculum, see under Quinquor'
trus], "quod in pulvinari imponatur, Castoris struppum vocari."
Idem, p. 347 : " Struppi vocantur in pulvinaribus fasciculi de
verbenis facti, qui pro deorum capitibus ponuntur."
Subulo, "a flute-player." Varro, L. L. vii. § 35: " Subuh
dictus quod ita dicunt tibicines Tusci: quocirca radices ejus in
Etruria non Latio quserundse." Fest. p. 309: " Subulo Tusce
tibicen dicitur; itaque Ennius: auiulo quondam marinas
adstahat plagas^ Compare stbilo, alffxovy si-Ienus, tTi^yJxoy
dnovifyrjiko^, &c. Fr. stffler, persifler, &c.
Toga. If toga was the name by which the Tuscans called their
outer garment, the verb tego must have existed in the Tuscan
language; for this is obviously the derivation. That the
Tuscans wore togas^ and that the Romans borrowed this dress
from them, is more than probable (Mttller, Etrusker, p. 262).
If not, they must, from the expression used by Photius {Lex,
s. v.), have called it rqfiewa^ which was its name in Argos
and Arcadia.
Trutnfl = tru't€n'JU: see s. v. Haruspex,
Versus^ " one hundred feet square," is quoted as both Tuscan and
Umbrian. Fragm. de LtmiL ed Goes. p. 216: "Primum
agri modulum fecerunt quattuor limitibus clausum figursB,
quadratse similem, plerumque centum pedum in utraque parte,
quod Qrseci irXidpov appellant, Tusci et Umbri vorsum.'' For
the use of ifKAOpov, see Eurip. Ion. 1137. In itself vorsus is
the integral part of the area; but the lines forming right
angles in the vorsus and in the whole area were termed prorsi,
i. e. pro-'versi limites^ when they followed the main direction,
13—2
196 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
hut trans-versi when they crossed it {Hygin. p. 167, 17, &c.).
The word univerms derives its meaning from the same class of
expressions (above, p. 32). The fact that varsua is a Tuscan
word confirms the etymologies of Vertumnua and Ncrtia,
§ 4, Etruscan Inscrtpttons — DtfficuUies attending their Inter^
pretation.
In passing to our third source of information respecting the
Tuscan language — ^the inscriptions which have been preserved —
we are at once thrown upon difficulties, which are still beyond
the reach of a complete solution. We may, indeed, derive from
them some fixed results with regard to the structure of the lan-
guage, and here and there we may find it possible to offer an
explanation of a few words of more frequent occurrence. In
general, however, we want a more complete collection of these
documents; one, too, in deciphering which the resources of
palflBOgraphy have been carefully and critically applied. When
we shall have obtained this, we shall at least know how fi&r we
can hope to penetrate into the hitherto unexplored arcana of the
mysterious Etruscan language'.
^ The moet eomplete oolleotion of Etniscan inscriptionB that we
kave at present is that of O. B. Vermiglioli (AntMe lierUioni PerugUu^
ed. 2, Perugia, 1833), bat this is generally limited to the inscriptionB at
Perugia, and does not include the numerous fragments which hare been
published by the Arch»ological Society at Rome and by other o<^-
lectoFB. How far the want will be supplied by the copies of Etruscan
iDBcriptions to be contained in Fabretti's Qhnarium ItaUcum^ of whidi
three parts hare appeared (Aug. Taurinorum, 1868, 1859), will be seen
when the work is completed. The following extract from the Pro-
spectus will show what Fabretti promises : —
^ L' autoro di questo Olouarium italiaun non s'indlrizza propria-
mente a coloro che ban fama di maestri nelle filologiche discipline, e
ebe finora yegliarono nel sollerare il velo che ouopre gli scritti monu-
menti de' padrl nostri ; che anzi e' si giora dell' opera lore per ottenere
che il beneficio renutone alia scienza si estenda ai meno Tersati in questo
genere di studi ed a quanti amano inoltrarsi, per men aspro cammino,
nel campo delle ricerche storiche e filologiche suU'antica Italia. A molti
tomerii utile, se non c'inganniamo. Payer sott'occbi in un comedo volume
tutte le inscrixioni antichissime appartenenti alio 7aHe contrade della
patria nostra (e molte delle etrusche inedite o corrette sugli original!)»
§4.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 197
Referring to the theory, that the Etroscan nation consisted
of two main ingredients — ^namely, Tyrrheno-Pelasgians, more
or less intermixed with Umbrians, and Raetians or Low Ger-
nians\ the former prevailing in the South, the latter in the
e trorar facilmente i Yocaboli di ogni dialetto territoriale rioordati dagli
sorittori o ricaraU dai monument], colle dichiarazioni degl' interpret!
migliori, coi raffronti tra le diverse lingue e con la scorta delle etimo-
logie ; si che facciasi palese che le prische faTelle itallche si collegauo
oolla latioa lingua e cpi parlari modern!, e che quest! e quelle si recon-
ginngono alia grande famiglia indo-polasgica."
1 The Idea that one ingredient, at least, in the old fitruscan language
was allied to the most ancient type of the Low German, as preserved in
the Icelandio inscriptions, occurred to me wlien I was reading the Runio
fragments with a different object in 1846. A long series of independent
combinations was required before I could bring myself to attach any im-
portance to the primAfcK^ resemblances which struck *me on the most
superficial comparison of documents, apparently so far removed f^om the
possibility of any mutual relations. But I have quite lately discovered
that the same first impressions were produced and recorded just one hun-
dred years before I communicated my views to the Britiah AuodaUon,
A folio tract has come into my hands with the following title; AlpKahdum
wUrum EtruMcarum secwidii ouris ifduOrcOum et auctum a Joh. Chnt.
Amadutto [Amadazzi], Rom. 1776, and I find the following statement in
p. xlL : ' nemo melius hujusroodi cerebrosa tentamina ridenda suscepit
quam anonymus qaidam scriptor (qui Hieronymus Zanettius Venetus a
quibusdam habitus est) qui anno 1761 opusculum (Nuova trcujigurcusums
ddU UiUrt Etnuehe) edidit lepidum et festivum satis, in quo .... literas
quibus [monumenta Etrusca] instructa sunt Geticas ac Runicas potius...
statuendas comminiscitur ... Id etiam nonnullis Runlcis sive Geticis ad-
duetis monumentb et cum lis, quss Etrusca censentur, facta comparatione
evinoere nititur.** With more etymological knowledge, but with the
same inability to appreciate the importance of the OTidence which he
was adducing, the reviewer of JAkel's superficial book in the Quarterly
Review (Vol. zlvl p. 347) remarks : *' It is strange but true that some
of the most striking coincidences are between the Latin and the Teutonic
dialects of Scandinavia and Friezeland — regions which Roman foot never
touched. Here are a few of the Scandinavian ones: abetergoy afBlryha;
ahi^rahOf afdraga; eanw, kaer; oandda^ hmdd; dhms^ Ueif (cliff); &c.
In all these cases the word has disappeared, or at least become unusual,
in the German. In Friezeland hoepea is os5, macula is magl^ reU is rhwyd^
tvrtua is turfar^ Sec." I do not know to whom Bulwer Lytton refers {My
Navel i Blackwood's Magazine, Sept. 1860, p. 247), where he speaks of
some speculator on races who had identified the Danes with the ancient
198 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
north-western paxt of Etruria, — it is obvious that we cannot
expect to find one uniform language in the inscriptions, which
belong to different epochs and are scattered over the territory
occupied in different proportions by branches of cognate tribes.
Accordingly, we must, if possible, discriminate between those
fragments which represent the language in its oldest or un-Ba-
senic form, and those which exhibit scarcely any traces of a
Pelasgic character.
§ 5.. Inscriptions in which the Pelasffian element predominates.
Of all the Etruscan cities the least Basenic perhaps is Ccere^
or Affylhy which stands in so many important connexions with
Eome. Its foundation by the Pelasgians is attested by a great
number of authorities (Serv. adJEn. viii. 478; Strabo, v. p. 220;
Dionys. Hal. in. 58; Plin. H.K in. 8): its port, Ylvpyoi, had
a purely Pelasgian or even Greek name, and the Pelasgians
had founded there a temple in honour of ^iKriOvia (Strabo, V.
226; Diod. xv. 14). In the year 634 B.C., the people of Agylla
consulted the oracle at Delphi respecting the removal of a curse;
and they observed, in the days of Herodotus, the gymnic and
equestrian games which the Pythoness prescribed (Herod. 1. 167) :
moreover, they kept up a connexion with Delphi, in the same
manner as the cities of Greece, and had a deposit in the bank
of the temple (Strabo, v. p. 220).
As the Agyllaeans, then, maintained so long a distinct Pe-
lasgian character, we might expect to find some characteristics
in the inscriptions of Care, or Cervetri, by which they might
be distinguished from the monuments of northern and eastern
Etruria. There is at least one very striking justification of this
supposition. On an ancient vase, dug up by General Galassi at
Etruscans, because they both called their gods JEwr^ and who had re*
cognized the root of this word in the name of Azin.
1 Lepsius (<2t0 Tyrrli, PdoBger^ p. 28) considers Coere an Umbrian and
not a Pelasgian word, -r« being a common ending of the names of Um-
brian towns; thus we haTc TtOe-re on coins for Tuder, The original
name was perhaps Kaiere, which contains a root expressire of antiquity
and nobility (above, p. 7).
§5.] THE ETBUSOAJtr LANGUAGE. 199
Ceryetri, the following inscription is traced in verj clear and
legible characters :
Mi ni keOuma, mi ma9u maram lisiai Qipurenai;
EOe erai sie epana^ mi nedu nastav hdecpu.
It is obvious that there is an heroic rhythm in these lines ; the
punctuation and division into words are of course conjectural.
This inscription differs from those which are found in the Um-
bro-Etruscan or Basenic districts, and especially from the Peru-
sian cipptts, in the much larger proportion of vowels, which are
here expressed even before and after liquids, and in the absence
of the mutilated terminations in c, 7, r, which are so common in
the other monuments. The meaning of this couplet seems to be
as follows: " I am not dust; I am ruddy wine on burnt-ashes:
when" (or "if") "there is burning-heat under ground I am
water for thirsty lips." Mi is clearly the mutilated ^-/a/= itr-fil^.
That the substantive verb may be reduced to i-fiC, with the first
syllable short, is clear from the inscription on the Burgon vase,
which B5ckh has so strangely misunderstood {CI. n. 33), and
which obviously consists of three cretics : tSp *A^ | -vt^Ocp a- |
$Xmv efiL ||. Ni \& the original negative, which in Latin always
appears in a reduplicated or compounded form. The same form
appears in Icelandic. KeOuma is the primitive form of x^cov,
j(j9afiar'\o<;, x^M^^y humttSy &c.; and may not y^Oa^LOr be an off-
shoot of the Hebrew HDIK, in which the cJephy as in many other
cases, represents a stronger guttural? (see above, p. 91). The
1 Dr. L. Steub {zwr BUtisehm Eihnologie^ p. 223) conBiders that mi
is VMf and not ^lyJi Thus he translates mi mthi Larihial Muthihus " me
posuit L. M." According to him sutU is a verb connected with sido,
V»> tidjdy ioljdny sdzin. And he is not deterred by the appearance of
turce in the same sentence with stUki (Lanzi, ii. p. 497; MOlIer, Etrtuh,
I. p. 452). For he considers turce to be another verb, analogous to
mtdenike (Mtiller, n. p. 352), lupuce=vixity taiseke, perucey ccUesecey mianecey
miaee {BuUtt, Arch, 1850, p. 40), being all homogeneous forms. Simi-
larly, in an inscription on a vault (BtUUt. 1833, p. 55), eitkfanu aaihee
lautn. Pwnpua, he extracts the meaning : hoece (or idee) famun postUt
L. P., and mi eana is me pomU. In the inscription quoted above he
changes mini into mim; and so also in the Naples inscription, where he
reads: mim mtdveneke Veltha in PupHana, and renders the words, me
fecit Vtdtho in Papulonia,
200 THE ETRUSCAN LANOIJAGB. [CHAP. V.
difference of quantity in the second mi will not prevent ns from
identifying it with the first, which is lengthened by the ictus.
MaOu is the Greek /jiiOv, Sanscr. madhu, Maram is the epithet
agreeing with mathu: it contains the root ntar-, found in TAapfov
(the grandson of Bacchus), and in "T-c-fiapo^, the site of his
vineyards (see Od. IX. 196 sqq.), and probably signifying
" ruddy " (/mlpa), fiaZpa^ &c.). The fact that Mara was an agri-
cultural cognomen at Mantua is an argument in favour of the
Etruscan use of the root. Listai is the locative of Ztiii, an
old word corresponding to Z£r, " ashes mingled with water."
Stpurenai is an adjective in concord with liiiai, and probably
containing the same root as tepidusy tephral, teforom, &c. (above,
pp. 56, 156). EOe is some particle of condition or time^. Erat
is the locative of epa^ " earth." The idea of this second line is
conveyed by the sneer of Lucretius (iii. 916 sq. Lachmann) :
" Tanquam in morte mali cum primis hoc sit eorum»
Quod BitiB exurat miseros atque arida \
where Lachmann quotes Cyrill. ofTro/cavfAa UBtilacio, torres; and
it is probable that epana is synonymous with torres, and that it
may be connected with Bairrw, &c., as epulce is with Bavdvffy
dapsj Behrvov, &c., or ignis with the root dah, " to bum." 8ie
(pronounced syS) is siet = sit (so ar-sie^^ ad-sis and si = sit in the
Eug. Tables). There can be little doubt that neffu means " water"
in the Tuscan language. There is an Etruscan mirror in which
the figure of Neptune has superscribed the word Nethuns — Ne'
ihu^n'[u]s. The root is w«-, and appears under a slightly different
development in the next word, nastav (comp. vacfio^, vad/i09,
O. H. G. naz), which is probably a locative in -^a, agreeing with
hele^u, and this may be referred to ;^rXo9, Police X€^'^^, Latin
hebio, &c.
There is another inscription in the Museum at Naples which
also begins with mi ni, and presents in a shorter compass the
1 Mr. Ellis remarks (p. 52, note) that ethe means "if in ArmeniaDy
and as this inscription is dcariy of a Pelasgtan character, this coincidence
seems to strengthen the supposition that the Armenian affinities of the
Etruscans, so far as they can he made good, belong to the fton-Rasenic
part of the language (above, p. 167).
§ 5.] THE BTRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 201
same fS^tores with that which has just been quoted. It runs
thus in one Hexameter line :
Mi ni mvlve neke vdOu ir pupliana,
and seems to mean : " I am not of Mulva nor Volsinii, but
Populonia." For neka = neqtie see N. Crat. § 147. Ir is the
conjunction dXKd = " but " (compare the O. N. an-nar with our
other y or); and as Velsa or Velthu signifies the city Volsinii
(MttUer, Etr. I. p. 334), and as pupliana obviously refers to
Fuplana = Populonia (Miiller, i. p. 331), I would suppose a place
Midvay whence the pons Mulv-ius, two miles from Rome, (Taci«
tus, Annul xiii. 47. Hist. I. 87. II. 89. ill. 82), and the proper
name Mulvius (Horace, i. Serm. vii. 36) \
Besides these, we have a great number of inscriptions be-
ginning with the syllable mt, mostly from Orvieto (i.e. urbs
vetusy Volsinii f); and an inspection of those among them which
are most easily interpreted leaves us little reason to doubt that
this syllable represents the verb elfily which has suffered decapi-
I Dr. Karl Meyer (in the Gelehrier Anzeigm of the Royal Academy at
Muniob, for 1843, pp. 698 — 735) has endeaToared to explain the two
Pelaagian inscriptions on the supposition that the Pelasgians» though
Oaocasian, belonged to the JSgypto-(Chaldeo)-Celtic group of people,
who inhabited the Caucasian regions in the most primitire times, and
were therefore pre-Sanscritic in the formation of their languages (p. 728).
He thus borrows his suggestions from the fragmentary and half-under-
stood remains of ancient Egyptian on the one hand, and fh>m modem
Irish and Welsh on the other-^a mode of proceeding which to myself
i^pears not likely to lead to any safe results. His interpretation of the
Gervetri Inscription is as follows: "ich (mtni, as in 2 p. pi. pass. 1 1) sage
(Eg* ^9 Champ, p. 378; Gaelic, M(-atm; Goth. qaUhant &c.), dass ich
rahme (Irish, muidhim) die Huld {vndri O. H.D ^fama) des Lisias Purenas
(Thipurenas) und die seiner Frau Gemahlin (A«ra^ and Irish, hsan =s
woman I) singe (Irish, noMtni), preise (same with ( inserted, as in gustOf
from ycM»!) und verkUndige ich (Cymr. A^cwaro)/' The following is
Meyer's explanation of the Naples inscription: ''Ich salbe mich mit
populonischem Dele. d. i. Oel der stadt Populonia," i.e. mvh>tiM is from
the Irish morfaa^ ''train oil," comp. /loXuiviv, (I); eevdthu^ Irish, bealadh,
" to anoint," from IXoior with the digamma, cf. /SoXovor, &c., ir from the
Egypto-Celtic r, ir, " to make," as an affix to the passire voice in Latin,
&c.(!) fiat even supposing these comparisons were as safe, as they seem
to meVar-fetohed and improbable, why is such an inscription, applicable
only to a man, found on a vessel ?
202 THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. Y.
tation in the same manner as the modem Greek va for tva.
A collection of these inscriptions has been made bj Lanzi {Saggio^
II. p. 319, Epitaji scelti fra' piu antichiy no. 188-200)*; and
Miiller thinks {Etruak. I. p. 451) that thej are all pore Pelas-
gian. Some of them, indeed, seem to be almost Greek — at least,
they are more nearly akin to Greek than to Latin. Take, for
instance, no. 191, which has been adduced both by Miiller and
by Lepsius, and which runs thus :
Mi halairu fuius.
Surely 'this is little else than archaic Greek : et/u KcCKaipov
YviM» In regard to the last word at any rate, eyen modem
Latin approaches more nearly to the Etruscan type. It is well
known that the termination -a2, --ul in Etruscan indicates a
patronymic. Thus a figure of Apollo, found in Picenum, is in-
scribed, Jupetrul Epure, i.e. "Jupiter's son, Apollo." The
syllable -aZ corresponds to the Latin form -a?w, but in its sig-
nificance as a patronymic it is represented rather by -i-Zit», as
in Servius, Sermlitia; Lucius^ Lucilius; &c. According to this
analogy, Ji-lius^ from jlo, is nearer to the Etruscan than ^vio^,
from the JEolic ^i;m> [Et. M. p. 254, 16).
§ 6. Transition to the Inscripttona which contain Soandina-^
vian words. The laurel-crotiDned ApoUo. Explanations cf
the words Clan and Phlekes.
There is another inscription of this class which deserves
particular notice, because, though it is singularly like Greek, it
contains two words which are of constant occurrence in the least
Pelasgian of the Etruscan monuments, and furnish us with the
strongest evidence of the Low-German or Scandinavian affinities
of a portion at least of the Etruscan language. A bronze figure,
representing Apollo crowned with laurel (Gori, Mta. Etrusc. I.
pi. 32), has the following inscription:
Mi phleres epid aphe aritimi
phasti ruphrua turce clen ceca.
^ There is also an old inBcription in the Vatican Library which belongs
to the same class : mi Veneru» /inueencut which Mommsen would render
{Unterital, DiaUktd, p. 18): sum Veneris ErycinoB. He has mentioned some
otliers of the same kind.
§ 6.] THE ETRUSCAN LAKGXTAGE. [[ ^ ^ I3P3I ?. S I T
The first sentence must mean: 8um donarium Apo^m^J^X^r^
temidi. The form Ari^timi-^ as from Ar-timi-s, insteaoW the
Greek ''A/>-t^6[S]9, is instructive. We might suppose from this
that Ari'ttmi'8, the " virgin of the sea/' and 'Api-dovaa, " the
virgin swiftly flowing," were different types of one and the same
goddess (see above, pp. 45, 59). 'A/)T€/^779 appears to me to be
a derivative from "Aprc/u?. The next words probably contain
the name and description of the person who made the offering.
The name seems to have been Faatia Rufrunia or Rufria*
Lanzi and Miiller recognize a verb in turcey which is of frequent
occurrence on the Etruscan monuments, and translate it by
ejToUiy dedit, avidriKe^ or the like. Lanzi goes so far as to
suggest the etymology [Se-JScops/ice. And perhaps we might
make a verb of it, were it not for the context^. Its position,
however, between the proper name and the word clen^ which in
all other inscriptions is immediately appended to the name and
description of a person, would induce me to seek the verb in
ceca (probably a reduplication, like pepe on the Todi statue:
compare chu-che^ cechaze in the Perugian inscription, and cechciae
on the Bomarzo sarcophagus, Dennis, i. p. 313), and to suppose
that Turce is the genitive of the proper name Tuscus.
The word den, one of the two to which I have referred, some-
times stands in contrast to eter^ etera, — a word at once suggest-
ing either the Latin veter (vetw), Lith. wets, or the Latin iterum^
Umbrian eire. Thus we have on the same monument ;
La . Fenete La . Lethial etera
Se . Fenete La . Lethial dan:
and again:
eterav cUnarcL
The order of the words seems to show that etera means "the
elder" and clen "the younger;" but if etera waiter, we should
infer that clan must mean the Jiret or head of the family^.
1 Steuby who, as I have mentioned, takes turce as a verb, renders the
inscription: me donarium F. B. posuitJUii causa,
9 Steub opposes etera to clen, as ^old" to ''young;" thus in the
inscription (BtUlet, 1850, p. 92) eterav clenarei, he renders the words,
eenes juvenesque, Mr. Ellis considers it scarcely doubtful that clan means
-son.'*
204 THE ETRUSCAN LANQUAOB. [CHAP. V.
Taking den or dan bj itself, there are etTinological arguments
for both conclnsions. On the one hand it may be remarked,
that the root, which in the Greek and Latin languages signifies
head^ summit^ tcpy is eel-, cul-, c?i-, «o\-, tcop*, or Kpa-. These
are in effect the same root,— compare gltsco, cresco, &c.; and it is
well known, that words denoting height and elevation — or head-
ship, in fact — are employed to signify ratJc. Now the transition
from this to primogeniture — the being first in a family — ^is easy
and natural: compare the ''patrio princepa donftrat nomine
regem" of Lucretius (i. 88). Therefore, if den or dens (in Latin
dants or danius) is connected with the root of celsus, cul-menf
coUis, divus, KoKo^fxiv, Kopv<f>ij, icvpio^y Kolpauo^j Kovpo^, KOpo^,
/eupfia/^f fcpaviovy &c., it may well be used to signify the first in a
family. Cf. the Hebrew wvhj "de cujuscunque rei initio,
principio, origine (yelut^uminM), summitate, velut de montium
verticibusy &c." (Fttrst, Gone. s. v.). To this it may be added
that there were two rivers in Italy which bore the name of
Giants or" Glanttis; the one running into the Tiber between
Tuder and Volstnit, the other joining the sea near the Tuscan
colony of Vuhumum. Now the names of rivers in the Pelasgian
language seem to have some connexion with roots signifying
"height," "hill," or " hill-tower." This has been indicated
above in what has been said of the names of the Scythian rivers
(Chap. II. § 10). The Ttbe-ris— the "Tuscan river," as the
Latin poets call it — seems to have derived its name from the
Pelasgian teba, "a hill," and the root r», "to flow" (see above.
Chap. IV. § 2). And the Glan-is and Glan-ius, which flow
down from the Apennines, may well have gained a name of
similar import. On the other hand, we shall find that the most
obvious result from an examination of the northern languages
is in favour of the supposition, that den either signifies " little"
as opposed to " great," or "son" as opposed to "father." For
though the root kl- in kit/, hliffe, hleyf, signifies altitude and
climbing, and though kladcr in Icelandic denotes " a rock," we
find that, with the affix n. Men or klien in Icelandic, and in
Grerm. kUin, signify "little," but primarily* in the sense of "a
child" as opposed to "a man;" and it may be a question whether
the idea of derivation, which I have just indicated in the river as
compared with the mountain, may not be at the basis of the
§6.] THE ETRUSCAN LANOUAOE. 205
ordinary meaning of klen or kleine. And thus whether the
Etruscan clen signifies "young" generally, or simply "the
child" in particular, in contrast with the parents, the Icelandic
will help the explanation. This result is supported, not only, as
I haye already mentioned, by the order in which etera and clen
appear, but also by the occurrence of den in conjimction with
the adjunct er or era, which, if there is any truth in the Scandi-
navian hypothesis, must be compared with the Old Norse ceri or
«rt, "junior" (Egilsson, LexicoHf p. 131). In the Perugian in-
scription (1. 6) we have aras peraij which may be the genitive
cases of a substantive and adjective denoting "younger child"
(compare 2)era with the root bar, and the words baro, ham,
"bairn," &c). And that dan means "son" in particular rests
to a certain extent on positive evidence. For the only bilin-
gual inscription, in which I have found dans, seems to imply
that, unless otherwise expressed, this word merely denotes son-
ship. It is (Dennis, ii. p. 426) :
V. Caszi C. clans
C. Oassiua C. F. Satuminus.
Where C Clans ^C. F,y the cognomen Saturninvs being an
addition in the Latin versicm. This view is confirmed by the fieu^t
that dan sometimes occurs in the same inscription with the
matronymie in -^il, as in the inscription quoted above; and while
in the bilingual inscriptions this matronymie is rendered by
naius, dans, as we have seen, is translated JUtus, and sometimes
JUius is added without any corresponding dan in the Etruscan
inscriptions. The following examples will show all the diffeient
usages of this adjunct:
A. Clan or den used with a genitive case and without any
patronymic.
a. PhMti Ruphrua Turce den ceca. (Gori, Mua.
EtTusc. I. pi. 32, i.e. in the inscriptiou under
consideration.)
b. F. Casd C dans. (Dennis, ii. p. 426.)
C. Cassius (7. F. Satuminus.
B. Clan, with a patronymic, and without a genitive t
206 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V,
ZamPumpt^^mt^c2ancec^6. (Dennis, i.
p. 313).
And 80 in the second inscription quoted above.
C. Patronymic without clarif but with ncUua in the Latin
translation.
(a). VI. Alphninuvi. cainal
G. Al/msA.F.CainniancUus. (Dennis, ii. p. 354.)
(b). Vd. Venzilecd Phnalisle
C. Vensius (7. F. Ccesia natus. (Id. ii. p. 371.)
(c). Cuint. Sent. ArrUnal
Q. Sentius L. F. Arria natus. (Id. ii. p. 412.)
(d). Pup. VdtmnaAu. Caphatial
P. Volumnius A. F. Violens Cqfatia natus. (Id.
II. p. 475.)
From this it appears that clan represents the son or daughter
as opposed to the father^ the mother's name being given in the
matronymic.
The other of the two words in this inscription, to which I
have adverted, is phlerea^ which clearlj means donarium, or
something of the kind. This word, as we shall see directly,
occurs on a number of small Etruscan objects, which are of the
nature of supplicatory ^fts. And it would be only fair to con^
elude that the word denotes " vow " or " prayer," as included in
the donation. Now we know from Festus (p. 230, cf.-77, 109)
that ploro and implaro or endoploro in old Latin signified tn-
damo without any notion of lamentation or Wieeping. If, then,
we compare the Icelandic ^W, Suio-Grothic^r6 with the Latin
plures^ pie-ores, we shall easily see how phleres may contain the
same root as ploro ^ple-oro (below, Ch. xii. § 2), especially since
the Latin language recognizes a similar change in Jleo compared
with pluo. The word is then in effect equivalent to the Greek
dpdfffjfia, as in Cicero {ad Attic. I. 1) : " Hermathena tua valde
me delectat, et posita ita belle est ut totum gymnasium i^\iov
dvdffrjfia esse videatur." Thus it means a votive offering, like
the votiva tabella of the ancient temples, or the veto of the
modem churches in Italy; and it is easy to see how the ideas
§ 6.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 207
of " VOW," "prayer," " inTOcation," "offering," may be repre-
sented by such an object. Accordingly the inscription of the
laurel-crowned Apollo will signify: Sum votivum donarium
ApolUni atque Artemtdi; Fastia Rufria, Tusci filia, Juciundum
curamt. For if we compare ceca with cechaze or cech<ise, we
may render it with reference to the Icelandic hxsa^ Danish
hoJease^ " to heap up " or " build." The same word cecha im-
mediately follows den in an inscription running down the right
leg of the statue of a boy in the Museum at Leyden, which
is as follows (Lanzi, ii. 533; Micali, Antichi Monumenti, pi.
43 ; Miiller, Denkmaler, No. 291) : Veliaa Phanacnal ThuphUhaa
Alpan AejKzche den cedia tuthtnes tlenacheia. Steub renders
this : " Velius Fanacnal [voyit] »gri pueri causa sanata aegri-
tudine." The latter part of this inscription must of course
be compared with that on the statue of Metellus, commonly
called the arringatore, in the gallery at Florence (Dempster,
EtTuria Begalis, T. I. pi. 40 ; Miiller, Denhm&ler, No. 289 ;
Vermiglioli, pp. 35 sqq.; Micali, Anttchi Monumenti, pi. 44, n. 2),
which is as follows : Aulesi Metelia Ve. Vestal densi cen phleres
tece sansl tenine ttUhines diuffltcs. Steub's rendering is : " Auli
Metelli Y. Y. filii causa donum dedit Sansl Tenine sanato vul-
nere." In both cases his conjectures seem to have little probabi-
lity. If Steub is right in his analysis of cealcha (aboye, p. 129)|
diisflica ought also to be a numeral, and if so, there would be
a similar presumption respecting denadieis in the other inscrip-
tion. But it is idle to indulge in such conjectures. All that
can be said with any confidence is that in each of the inscriptionii
the last two words are parallel expressions in an absolute case,
probably the genitiye singular, explaining the cause or motive
of the offering, and that with the exception of the verb cedia in
the Leyden inscription, and the words cen phleres tece in that on
the statue of Metellus, the remaining words are proper names or
personal designations. That tece is a verb (we may compare the
Old Norse taka^ which has several applicable meanings), and
that cen phleres tece Sansl Tenine probably means " hoc donarium
obtuUt Sansilius Tenina,'' may be inferred from the fact that these
words nearly constitute the whole inscription on the right thigh
of a btdlata sttUua, formerly in the Museo Graziani» which differs
from that at Leyden only in the fact that the boy is sitting instead
208 THE ETEUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP, V.
of standing (Dempster, Ikruria BegaUs^ plate xly.; Vermiglioli,
p. 42). Here the words are: phleres tec Sanalcver. The last
word is discussed in § 8. And whatever it means, the other
three words most surely mean : '^ donarinm obtolit Sansilios.'*
On the Leyden buUata statua we have the word cJpatiy which
occurs in several inscriptions, and which Fabretti (s. v. p. 79)
renders by lubena. But it appears to me from the position to be
in every case the proper name AljHinus, i, 6. Albania (above,
p. 6), Alpinvsy AlpcntM, or some other name derived from Alpea.
We have seen above in a bilingual inscription that Alphni is
rendered Aljiu»^
§ 7. Inscriptions containing the words SuTHi and Thbce.
It has been mentioned that the word phleres appears on a
number of smaller or moveable objects. In one of these it has
appended to it the word throe. Thus we have
eca ersce nac achrum pMer-thrce. (Dennis, i. p. xc.)
This inscription is found on an amphora from Yulci, and in con*
nexion with a picture representing the farewell embrace of
Admetus and Alcestis. It may be assumed, therefore, that the
amphora was a farewell offering from a husband to his deceased
wife, and that the monument to which it belonged was sepul-
chral or ftmereal. If Htn&Oi phleres signifies a votive offering, the
additional word three must indicate " mourning*' or " sorrow.'*
And here the northern languages at once come to our aid ; for
in Suio-Gothic trcega^dolere and traege^dolor ; and in Icelandic
at treffa^ angers or dolere, and tregi=^ dolor/ and to the same
root we may refer the Icelandic thr^^ gravis labor or molestia;
for tregi also means impedimentum. See Specimen Olossarii ad
JEdd, Scemund. Vol. ii. p. 818: " {at) Trega (A) 'angere,' 'do-
lorem causare,' B. i. 29 : tregr mik that^ ' id mihi sBgre est,'
G. III. 3: tregrath ydr, *molestum non est vobis,' GH. 2.
(B) 'dolere,' *lugere.' Hinc treginn *deploratus' 1. 'deplorandus'
irnde foem. pi. tregnar. Priore sensu A. S. tregian. Tregi * moeror,
dolor ' (passim). Germ, trauer. Trcege, trege * vexatio,' * indigna-
tio.' Originitus forsan verbotenus : ' onus,' ' moles.' Germ.
trachtf Dan. draght, AngL draught. Cf. tregr ' invitns,' 'segnis,'
Germ, trdg, AL treger. Forsan a draga 'trahere,' 'portare.'
§7.] .THE ETRUSCAN LANOUAGV. 209
Treg-Tof^lxicixjcom^^ 1. ' calamitatum series vel etiam discossio/ '*
The connexion of this word with traJio brings it into still greater
affinity with the old langoages of Italy, and the eyidence from
the context is oonclasiye for the meaning. Many Etruscan in-
Bcriptions like those quoted aboye (pp. 207, 208), introduce eoa^
cerij or ceketij which are obyionsly pronouns or adyerbs signifying
'this,' or 'here' in accordance with the root A>- which appears in
all the Indo-Germanic languages. The Ceryetri inscription has
taught us (aboye, p. 200) that era signifies 'earth' (N.H.Cr.
erde, Goth, airthay Altfir. irihe^ Gr. ipa). Consequently, erace
would naturally denote an earthenware yessel, for "dka is a^ yery
common termination in Icelandic names, as hem'-aka " childish-
ness," iU-aka^ "malice," &c. And as cen or ceheniB found in
similar connexions, eca must be the feminine of the pronominal
adjectiye ecua^ eca, ecum, agreeing with erace. We haye in
Etruscan inscriptions not only eca but ca, anken and cunl as
pronouns corresponding to the Umbrian eao (see Fabretti, s. yy.).
As €tchrum is clearly the locatiye of acher which occurs in the
great Perugian inscription, and which at once suggests the Ice-
landic akr, G^rm. acker, offer, we may fairly conclude that nac
is the preposition which, under the form na, nahe, nach, is found
in all the Teutonic and Sclayonian languages: and thus the
Yulci inscription will mean : " this earthen yessel in the ground
is a yotiye offering of sorrow."
By the side of cen phlerea we haye, on larger monuments,
eca or ceken auihi or authineal. Thus we find :
eca 3uthi Larthial Cilnia (Dennis^ i. p. 500).
cehen suthi hinthiu thues (Vermiglioli, i.p. 118, ed. 2).
eca authined Titnie (Dennis, i. 242, 443).
eca suihi Amcie Titial (Vermiglioli, i. p. 131, ed. 2),
Here again the Icelandic comes to our aid, for aut is dolor,
moaatitia, luctua, and is so completely a synonym of tragi that we
haye tregnar and autir in the same stanza of Hamdia-Mal {Edd.
Boamund, II. p. 488); and neala or hneala ^Junia, laqueua: so
tiiat we may translate eca auihi, ^' this is the mourning," and
eca authineal, '^ this is the sorrowful inscription^" Comparisons
^ Steub renders neU by noviter,
D.v. 14
210 THE ETBUSOAN LANGUAOB. [OHAP. Y.
of indiyidxial words in languages not known to be the same are
of course eminently precarioos. But it is impossible to resist
the evidence of affinity furnished hj the fact that the words three
and authif constantly occurring on Etruscan monuments of a
funereal character, are translated at onoe by the Icelandic syno-
nyms tregi and «ue, both signifying "grief" or "sorrow,'' If
we had only this fact we should be induced by it to seek for
farther resemblances between the old languages of Northern
Europe and the obscure fragments of the old Etruscan.
§ 8. Inferenoea derivable fnm, the Hfords SvEB, GvEB, and
Thuh or TflAUR.
It has been already mentioned that the inscription on the
right leg of the sitting figure of the boy of the Museo Graziani
ended with the word ever. There is another sitting figure of
the same kind, which was found at Tarquinii in the year 1770,
and which had an inscription on the left arm (Amaduzzi, Alphor
hetum veter. Etruacorum. p. LXii.). Of this arm unfortunately
only the shoulder remains, but the mutilated firagment of the
inscription contains this same word ever. As the word occurs in
both cases on the statues of boys, the Italian scholars not unna->
turally compare it with the Greek icopo^ (Vermiglioli, p* 45,
ed. 2). And as the female figure belonging to the Marchese
Obizo is supposed to represent Proserpine, it is proposed to read
curey i, e. KOfyq for sver^ which is found in the following inscrip-
tion, engraved on the robe of the figure (Vermiglioli, p. 44, ed.
2) ; phleres tlenasies sver^. But this same form ever is found
also on a monument beginning with {e)ca suthi (Vermiglioli,
p. 131, 1. 6, ed. 2), which is therefore of a funereal character,
and there is uo reason to doubt that the buUatce statua were
memorials of deceased children. Without therefore thinking it
necessary to alter the texts of the inscriptions, I should be
inclined to suppose that ever and ever are either synonymous
adjectives or participles expressive of sorrow, or that they are
slightly difierent forms of the same word. In either case the
old Teutonic comes to our iBissistance. On the supposition of two
^ Stcub ronden this, donum languidi vol CBgri,
§ 8.] TBB ETRUSCAN LANOUAOC. 211
BjncmjmcfUB words we have the Teutonic root quar, quer (Lat.
queri), "to groan or grieve" (Graff, Sprsch. IV. 679), by the
side of etieran^dolerei mero^dolor (Graff, Yi.), Old Engl, «or,
New Engl, mrrow^ Old Norse sver. Or if, instead of this, which
appears to me the most natural supposition, we endeavour to
unite the two words in one form, we must have recourse to the
idea of prostration and lying in the grave; and here the Icelandic
gives us the verb ihverra » mmui^ disparere, the adjective
thverr = transversus, and its adverb thverz=tran8ver8im (vid. JSilrf.
Sasmund. Vol. ii. Spec. Oloss. pp. 859, 860)« And in the cognate
languages we find the same change in this word as might be
assumed in the ever and sver of the Etruscans : for while the
Icelandic thverr^ Engl, thwart^ Dan. tver^ Germ, ztoerch^ exhibit
the dental more or less assibilated as in 8}}er, the German quer
and English queer give us a guttural instead of a sibilant as in
ever. The forms of thverray when passive, axe ek thverr, thvarr,
ihorinn; when active, eh thverr a, thverda: and thurr, thurt^
thyrrinn, signify "aridus," ** siccus," like the German durr.
Without stopping to ask whether these latter forms are derived
in any way from the verb thverr, which is quite possible, it is
worthy of remark that in those sepulchral inscriptions, in which
the word ever or sver does not occur, we have, in corresponding
places, the word thaure, thurasi (Vermigl. p. 118, ed. 2), thuras^
ihaura, thurum (Jnser. Per, 11. 6, 20, 41). And in one old
epitaph (Lanzi, Baggto, ii. p. 97, no. 12) we find : mi suthi L.
Felthuri, thura, where the position of the last word almost leads
us to render it: ^'I am the lamentation for L. Felthurius
deceased.^* The inference derivable from the appearance of these
forms is that either synonymous words expressive of grief and
sorrow or connected words significant of decay, prostration, and
death, and liable to the same modification, prohahly existed both
in Old Norse and in Etruscan. The amount of probability
depends upon the cumulative effect of the other evidenced But
1 I may mention in passing that tuer actual! j occurs Sn Runic tnscrip-
tions in the semie " father-in-law ;" tinis : iflir Kuthrikr itter iin (Die-
terieh» XunenrSpneh, p. 265) ; and that I do not regard this as more than
an accidental coincidence with the e'xpressions under consideration. For
auer is the cormpted form of the Goth, swaihro, Germ. Behwieger, Lat.
toeer, Gr. Sicvpos, Sanscr. pvajmro.
14—2
212 .THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAG15. [CHAP. V.
in any case the effect must be a strong presumption in favour of
the Teutonic analogies of one element at least in the Old Etrus-
can language. Our object is, not to interpret the monuments^
for that is probably an unattainable result, but to determine the
character of the language, and this problem receives an approxi-
mate solution in every case of successful comparison with one
and the same class of idioms, even though the comparison
should present itself in the form of an alternative»
§ 9. Btrihing coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Narae
in the twe of the auxiliary verb Lata.
Whatever may be thought of the verbal resemblances be-
tween the Old Norse and the language of the Etruscan frag-
ments, it must be admitted by all sound philologers that we have
an indisputable proof of the aflBinity of these idioms in the gram-
Inatical identity which I communicated to the British Associa-
tion^. Every reader of the Eunic inscriptions must have noticed
the constant occurrence of the auxiliary or causative verb laia =
facere in causa esse, of which the Uddas give us the forms ek
ket, Ut, Idtit (see Egilsson, Lex. Poet. AnJb. Ling. Sept. p. 495).
Thus we find : Lithsmother lit hdkva stein aufti Julibim fath^
1. e. " Lithsmother let engrave a stone after (in memory of) his
father Julibim." Thorstin lit gera merki stir Suin fathur sin^
i. e. " Thorstin let carve marks in memory of his father Sweyn.^'
Ulfktil uk Ku ulc Uni thir litu raisa stin iftir Ulf fathur sin^
i, e. " Ulfktil and Ku and Uni, they let raise a stone in memory
of their father UK" (vide Dieterich, Bunen-Sprach-Schatz, p.
372). Now we have here, as part of a constantly-recurring
phraseology, an auxiliary verb, signifying "to let** or "cause"
followed by an infinitive in -a. 0^ reading the first line of the
longest Etruscan inscription, that of Perugia, we seem to stum-
ble at once upon this identical phraseology, for we find : eu lot
tanna La Bezul amev achr lautn Velthinas. If we had no other
reason for supposing that there was some connexion between, the
Scandinavians and Etruscans, we could not avoid being struck
by this apparent identity of construction. As, however, we have
1 Report, 1851, p. 168.
§ 9.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE: 2lS
every reason to expect resemblances between the two languages,
it becomes a matter of importance to inquire whether the gram-
matical identity can be established; and this amounts to the
proof that lat and tanna are both verbs. Of course there is no
jn^md fcicie reason to conclude that ianna is a verb. On the
contrary, Niebuhr {Kletne Schriften^ ii. p. 40) thinks that thana
is a noun signifying ^'a lady/' and that Tanaquil is .only a
diminutive of it; and Passeri, whom he quotes, suggests that
Thana is a title of honour, nearly equivalent in meaning, though
not of course in origin, to the modem Italian Dcnna (from
domina). Even on the supposition that we have here the same
language as that of the Runic monuments, it might have occur-
red to any one to compare tanna with the accusative pronoun
thafia^ as in stin thcma (Dieterich, p. 79). Fortunately, how-
ever, about the tune when this comparison between the Bunic
and Etruscan phraseology first occurred to me, my friend, Mr. J.
H. Porteus Oakes, returned from a tour in Italy, and presented
to the Museum at Bury St. Edmund's a small patera or saucer,
which he had obtained at Chiusi, and which exhibits the follow-
ing legend: stem tenilaeth nfatia. This at once furnished me
with the means of proving that lat tanna in the Perugian In*
scription were two verbs, the latter being an infinitive and the
former an auxiliary on which it depends. For it is obvious that
tenilaeth is the third person of a transitive verb, the nominative
being 2f/iUtaf probably the name of a woman (cf. Caphatial^
Cc^Ma natua in Dennis's bilingual inscription, il. p. 475), and
the accusative being stem for ietaniy Umbr. eat- (cf. mi with
e-m%, &c.). The verb tenilaeth manifestly belongs to the same
class of forms as the agglutinate or weak-perfects in Gothic,
which are formed by the aflix of the causative da^ as soki-day
'il did seek" (Gabelentz u. L5be, Goth. Gramm. § 127). We
have this Gk)thic formation in the Latin ven-do^ pen-do j &c. ; and
I have discussed in a subsequent chapter the remarkable causa-
tives in -«o, -«m, as arceasOy capea-aOy qua^sOj &c. It is clear
then that lot tanna represents as separate words what tenilaeth
exhibits in an agglutinate form. In the latter case the auxiliary
is in the present tense, which in Gothic is formed in th/ and
latis9L strong perfect. There is no difficulty about the meaning
of tanna^ teniy which are clearly identical with the Icelandic
2H THB BTRU8CAN LAVQUAGi:. [CHAF. Y.
thenia'^iehder€i O. H. G. danjan^ denjcm, A. S. dkenfattf N. H*
G. dehnen, Gr. retyc», rauvo^y^ Sanscr. icmrj and therefore signifjr
" to offer/' like the Latin porrigo or porricio. " Giving," «ays
Grimm (''liber schenken u. geben/' JBer?. Abhandl. 1848) "pre-
sumes a taking, and the outstretched hand is the sign of both"
(see Pott, Zdhlmeth. p. 272). K this is the true explanation of
the root when it occurs as a yerb, we may reasonably apply the
same interpretation to its use as a noun. In this it appears
under all the different forms ihana^ thaniay thctana^ tania^
iannia^ dana^ and tha (Mliller, Etrush. il. 308, 315). From
the collocation it is clear that the word is equivalent to phlereSf
or rather it signifies " an offering" generally, without the impli-
cation of a vow or prayer. Thus, while we have in the only urn
with an inscription among the Etruscan specimens in the rooms
adjoining the Egyptian collection in the British Museum : thana
cdia cumnusa^ we find on one of Lanzi's {Saggioj ii. 506, na 15):
mi ihana Amtkay which is quite analogous to mi phleres or «Tit
suthi. It is worthy of remark that tetirdoj which is an aggluti-
nate form like tenilata, is synonymous with porrigo; thus wa
have in Cicero (de Oratore, i. 40, § 184): ** ptasidium dientibus
atque opem amicis et prope cunctis civibns luoem ingenii et con*
silii sui porriffenkm atque tendentmn;^^ and we may compare
such phrases as duplices tendens ad ndera palmas with parrigU
exta manua, and the like. Even the Umbrian hss pur^tit-^tu «
por-rexms {Bug. Tab. i. b, 33). In ritual phraseology therefore
the Latin language comes sufficiently near the language of this
patera, and item tenilaeth Nfatia bears as close a resemblance to
iatam tendit (vel porrigii) N^atia^ as we have any right to
expect. The Perugian inscription, however, is even nearer to
the Runic than this patera legend is to the Latin : and the evi-
dence furnished by the two, taken together, seems to be quit^
conclusive in proof of the affinity between the Etruscan and Old
Norse languages. As lau^ and latttnescle occur together on
another Etruscan sepulchre, there can be no objection to connect
them with the Icelandic laui^lacuna^ locus depresstn et defossus^
from lukk =» indinare ee^; and eu firom is is strictly analogous to
the Latin ceu from ce, da; luicordingly, comparing amev with
I Zau/ ako Bignifi^ generally Urra; see Egilsson, p. 500.
§ 10.] THB ETRUSOAir LANGUAOE, 216
the Icelandic ama^ango^ molesiiam fatcto^ the beginning of the
Pemgian Inscription will be rendered as naturally and easily as
one of the Bunes : *^ Here Lartins the son of lUssia let ofii^ or
gire a field of monming as or for the grave of Velthina." To
return to the pateray its companion, now in the possession of
Mr. Beekford Bevan, bears a legend which is also capable of
translation, by the help of the Old Norse» The words are :
Jhnun ikekmtkl tkm^neth. It is obvious that we have here the
name of a man, a transitive verb, and the accusative of the
object, which is an open patera or saucer. As therefore in Ice-
l&niic flenna = hiahiSj chaama, we may explain ^^ignm by an im*
mediate reference to the proper meaning of jxztera from pateo:
ct,pahilus (see above, § 8, s. v. Falandum) ; and as in Icelandic
ikam^egelida obscuritcis aeris; tef^morari; and lana=smutuum
darCf crederey eommodarey Engl, "lend," the compound verb
tham-tef-lan-etk will mean "he lendeth for a dark dwelling,"
and the whole inscription will run thus : Thekinthl dot paJteram
ad c<mimorandum in tenebrts. The name Thekinthl has at any
rate a very Scandinavian sound. The name Thurtd, anciently
ThorkeUf is a precisely analogous designation. Verbs com*
pounded of nouns and verbs are not uncommon in Icelandic ;
thus we have halshoggra^ "to behead," brennimerkfdy "to brand,"
&c. It only remains to remark, that as the Gothic auxiliary -do
is found in Latin, so the Norse lata must be recognized in a
fainter form in some Latin verbs in -lo, as well as in the Scla^
vonic formations in -/, and in the Old Norse diminutives or fre*
quentatives in -2a, such as rug-la, " to turn upside down," from
rugga, "to remove,'* tog-la^ "to let chew," or "chew over
again," from tyggja, &c.
§ 10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined —
its Runic affinities.
The fecility with which the philologist dissects the Etruscan
words which have been transmitted to us, either with an inter»*
pretation, or in such collocation as to render their meaning nearly
certain, and the striking and unmistakable coincidences between
the most difficult fragments and the remains of the Old Norse
language, might well occasion some surprise to those who are
216^ THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE; [CHAP. V.
told that there exists a large collection of Etruscan inscriptions
which cannot be satisfactorily explained. One cause of the un-
profitableness of Tuscan inscriptions is to be attributed to the
fact J that these inscriptions, being mostly of a sepulchral or dedi-
catorial character, are generally made up of proper names and
conventional expressions. Consequently they contribute Teiy
little to our knowledge of the Tuscan syntax, and iumish us
with very few forms of inflexion. So far as I have heard, we
have no historical or legal inscriptions. Those which I have
inspected for myself are only monumental epitaphs and the dedi*
cations of offerings.
These observations might be justified by an examination of
all the inscriptions which have been hitherto published. It will
be sufficient, however, in this place to show how much or how
little can be done by an analysis of the great inscription which
was discovered in the neighbourhood of Perugia in the year
1822. This inscription is engraved on two sides of a block of
stone, and consists of forty-five lines in the whole ; being by hx
the most copious of all the extant monimients of the Tuscan lan-
guage. The writing is singularly legible, and the letters were
coloured with red paint.
The following is an accurate transcript of the facsimiles given
by MicaU (Tav. cxx. no. 80) and Vermiglioli {AnHche Iscri-
ziani Perugxne^ ed 2, p. 85).
25. velthinai. 1. eu .hi . tanna . la . rezid .
26. atena . zuh^ 2. amev . cu^r . lantn . veUhinas . e-
27. i . enedd . ip- 3. -it . la . ajunai . sld . eth . haru^
28. a . spdane . 4. tezan .fukUri . testis . teii .
29. this .Julumchr 5. raines . ipa . ama . hen • naper .
30. va . ipd . thi- 6.. xii . vel^ina . thuras . aras .pe-
31. rene , thi . est . 7. ras . kemulndeshd . zuki . erir
32. ak . velthina 8. eshi . epl . tularu .
33. oJk . ilune . 9. aulesi . veUhinas . arznal . U^
34. turunesk . 10. ensi . thii . thiU . kuna . kenu • e-
35. unezea . zuk- 11. plk .fdik . larthaU . ajunes .
36. i • eneski . ath- 12. Uen • thunchvlthe .
37. umics . afvr 13. falm • chi&m ^ Juste . veithtna •
1-10.]
THE ETRtrSCAK LANOtJAaiS^'
Sir
38. nai . penthn" 14. hintha . kape .muniJctet . hvoLsu .
39. a . ama . vefofe- 15. noper • krankd . ^feii .faUti
40. ina . a/?^n .
41. ^uruni . etn-
42. zeriunak . cA^
43. a.^i7.£At^nc^
44. vJM.ick . ka ,
45. ke(Jiaai. chuckr 21.
46. e . 22.
16. eUhina . Atrf . noper . penezs . /'
17. mcww . aknina . HeZ . q/t^na .vd-
18. thinam . hrzinia . intemam . e-
19. r . ^nZ . veUhina . ^{(w . afene .'
20. tesne . e^ . vd^ina . thuras . ik-
aura . hdu . <esne . rasnc . kei . ^
tesns . teii . rasnes . chimth . ip .
23. d . thutas . kuna . qfunam . ena ^
24. Aen . naper , H . A:wZ . herevtttie
Now, if we go througli this inscription, and compare the
words of which it is composed, we shall find that out of more
than eighty diflferent words there are very few which are not
obvionsly proper names, and some of these occur very frequently;
so that this monxmient, comparatively copious as it is, famishes,
after all, only slender materials for a study of the Tuscan Ian*
guage. According to the most probable division of the words»
the contents of the inscription may be considered as given in the
following vocabulary :
Achr (2) [agefy acker],
AJtm (40) [Aponitui],
A/kma (17).
A/u/nam (23).
AJunai (3, 37).
A/unei (11).
^ife(32, 33)[cf. awife, «^and"]. .
Aknina {17).
Afna;{5, 39) [" mouming''].
Amev (2) [id.].
Arai (6) [O. N. asri or en, "junior,"
arai perai, " of a younger
diild"].
Arznal (9).
AUna (26) [Attrmui].
Iten^ {19).
Athumid (36) or athwrnici [Miil-
ler.eir.i, 61, not. 135].
AuIeH (9) [gen. of Atdus],
Cha (42).
Chiem (13).
Chimth (22).
Chuehe (45).
Einzeriunak (42).
Eka (20) ["this," Fabretti, s. v.
p.. 354}'
^na(23)[«one"1].
EnesM, always with ztiki (7, 27,
36) [We may compare either
the O. N. eski^izski, "ashes,"
or eski =pyxi8f ciateUa],
Epl (11) [cfl O; N. epli, "pro-
genies"].
Eplk{S).
Er (18).
218
TUB BTftUSOAN LAVQUAOE. [OHAP. T«
Bi$ (2, 31) [iOe 9 c£ stem oa the
pateroj p. 213}
JSth (3) [elsewhere ekh; used both
aa a demonstratiye pronoun,
and as a demonstrative affix:
e£ the old Norse idioms ; and
see Fabretti, s. v. p. 340. Here
probablj an affix to aid, as in
munid-et, &c.]
Eu (1).
Faiaiy/aUti(l3,l5).
Fdik (11) [VdcvuB or Volcius,
Fabretti, p. 460}
FtUumchva (29).
Fvile,/uSleH{lZ,i).
JIareuttLze (24) [a, rerh; cf. kctrti-
tezgtn and the Oscan form in
ffdu (21).
Hen (5, 24) [probably a pronoun].
Hiniha (14) [cf. <*hind," Umbr.
hotUf hondra].
Hut (16) [we have kui in the
Bunic insoription£^ sa: thir
huaru hut til Grika, i, e. iiti
pro/ectimnt inGrcBciamfHiokeBf
p. 2}
7cA(44)[c£tiM», ''not"].
Ilune (33).
Intemam (18).
/jt?a (5, 27) [probably a preposi-
tion].
Ka (44).
JTope (14),
KanUeaan (4) [a rerb].
Kechazi (45)*
jrei(21)[«and"].
KemtUmleskul (7) [^fn(, '' a mo-
numental stone," or tomb].
Kerm (10).
Zt (24),
ZZe^(17).
Xleuy klensi (9, 12) [above, p. 208.]
KrU (19, 24).
Kuna (10, 23) [« a wife,** Diete-
rich, Eunen-Sprsch, p. 117.]
Za (1, 3) [Lars}
LarihM (11) [gen. oi Lmrf/wxl^
Lot (1) [O. N. IU\
Lautn (2) ["grave," O. N. ^trf}
Lerzinia (18).
ifcMw (14, 17).
MunikUt (14) [mi^ntMcu^um, witb
definite affix}
iVapcr (5, 15, 16, 24) [This word
is probably the O. N. knapr,
''a son,'* as we have in Icel.
napa for gnapa, &c]
Penezi (16).
Pen^na (38) [We may compare
the lith. pantos, ''a pledge,"
O. N. parUr, O. H. G. jJiant,
phunt],
Pero*' (6) ["of a child-}
i^otfiie, i^oi^* (5, 21, 22).
iSe^ (1) [Besia natus],
Sid (3) [O.N. sula, O.tLG. sOl,
sHUi, "a column"] or [with a defi-
nite affix] sldr^th^ or A/unaisld,
[see^Fabretti, &v. Af/iunde; a£
below, p. 223],
*Spd, spdane (22, 28, 30).
*Srankd (IS) [for the form c£
Icel. o»;^ = tuber].
Tmna (1).
reM(4, 22)[«two"f}
IV«w5, Tesni (5, 20, 21, 32)
["ten"?}
Thaura (20).
!%!, <^is, thii, ikU, thtli (39, SI,
10, 43).
Thuras,thirene,thi4rum{e,Z0,4iy
§ lO.J THB BTRU8CAH UJSIOVXQE. 219
TkmtchuUh4 (13).
^AuhcAWcA; (43).
T&tdai (23).
rWom (8).
Turtcfie^iS; (34).
VeUhinOf Velthinai, VeUhinam
(6, 13, 15, 19, 20, 32, 39, 2, 9,
25, 17).
Unezea (35).
Zuuf (19) [^ia <' «a aunt" in Mo-
dem Tuscan].
^Zuki, always with erteaki (7, 26»
35) [O. N. «oife, "causi," dat. pL
sokum, "propter," Eng. "sake"].
The first remark to be made respecting this inBcription ifl,
that if we abstract the forms which are obyiously proper names,
the remaining worda present very striking resemblances to sig*
nificant terms in the oldest Teutonic langoagcs, and that the
meanings thus assigned are supported bj the groups into which
the words naturally fall. Thus we cannot help noticing the
following groups or short clauses which sometimes partially
recur. I. (a) teens teii raines. (h) atene teene. (c) tesne rasna
hei tesna lets raSnes. II. (a) fuileri teens teta rasneL {b) fuile
VeUhina^ III. (a) amev achr. {b) ama, (c) jpenthna ama VeU
ihina, {d) tpa ama XII naper VeUkina. (e) ipa spelane. IV.
(a) masu naper srankzl. (b) hut ruiper peneza masu. (c) hen
naper hi knl, (d) er knl Velthina. Y. (a) tki thils htna kent^
(b) spel thtttas kuna. Some of these collocations suggest imme-
diately a plausible interpretation. For example, as desen is
"ten'* and rfctf^n-rfttf "eleven" in Umbrian (Fabretti, p. 305),
and as deiu is duo in Oscan (Huschke, die ask. u. Tab. Spr.
p. 70), and dvor is duobus in Umbrian (Fabretti, p. 323), it is
extremely probable that tesne is " ten*" (Stickel, das Etruskische^
p. 30), and if so, tesni teii will be "twelve," and we shall have
both numbers together in 11. 23, 24. The probability of finding
numerals in the inscription is supported by the phrase XH
naper y which- may mean " twelve sons." This being the case,
fuileri^ which stands by the side of tesns teis rasnei (4, 5) will
be plural, and^i?e by the side of Velthtna (13) will be singular,
whether the word is or is not to be understood as meaning " de-
sired" or " lamented," after the analogy of the 0. 'S.fusSjJystnn,
"cupidus," "eagerly desirous," or as denoting pity for the dead
after the analogy of O. N. vesal, usely " miser," " infelix." But
although no certain results can be expected from a comparison
between syllables occurring in this inscription and others of
similar sound, which are found in the Old Norse and other
220
^niS ETRtSCXK LANGTJAGIS: [CHAP. V.
Teutonic languages, sometliing might be done if we had a large
number of smaller inscriptions, written in the same language,
derived from the same neighbourhood, and treating in different
ways on the same or kindred subjects. To show this I will
quote another Perugian inscription, and place fifide hj side in
a parallel column the words or phrases of the great inscription
which seem to correspond. The text which I have adopted is
that of Vermiglioli, (p. 118, ed. 2). The inscription was first
copied bj Bonarota in his supplement to Dempster (p. 98) \ It
was also quoted many years ago, with great inaccuracy, by
Amaduzzi {Alphahetum Veterum JStruscoruniy Rom. 1775, p. Ixi.) :
1.1.
cehen . mlhi . hinthiu . thues .
sains . Etve . thaure .
lautnescle\ caresri . Avles .
Larthial . precu-thurasi.
1.2.
Larthialisvle . Cestnal .
clenerasi . eth . phanu .
lavtn . precus . ipa . murzua
cerurum . ein .
1. 3.
heczri . tunur . chdiva
tdur r .
hintha (14)
lautn (2)
thuras (6)
eih (3)
lautn (2) ipa (5, 27)
ein [zeriunaJc] (41)
In another inscription quoted by Vermiglioli (p. 131) we
have caratsle by the side of carutezan (4), which must be com-
pared with hareutuse (24). The starting-point for a profitable
comparison between the Perugian Inscription and that just quoted
is fiimished by an examination of caratsle, carutezan, hareuttLze,
and the word caresri in the document before us. We have seen
1 Bonarota describes the inscriptioQ as adhuc extans in antiquo cedi-
Jieio ad modwn turris lapidibw grandiorifm» easHntcto et voecOur '^S.
Manno." Amaduzzi says it comes ex hypogcso Penmno,
§1Q«} THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE; 221
above (p. 150) that in the Oscan language -iuaet or ^tuzet occurs
t^ an aoxiliaiy affix to verbs, in the same way as -do and ^so =
r^ifw are used in Latin, -^h in Gk>thic, and lata in Old Norse
and Etruscan. There is eveiy reason, then, to suppose that the
forms cara^talef carurtezan, Aar^u-tu^re, inyolve the root of ttizet, or
that the Etruscan agrees with the Latin, Gothic, and Oscan, in
the use of the auxiliary hJo. As the Etruscan also agrees with
the Old Norse in the use of the auxiliary Zoto, which probably
occurs also in Sclavonian and Latin forms, we may be led to
expect a similar coincidence in regard to the auxiliary ao^sino»
Now it will be shown in the proper place that the isolated form
serOf sevi^ is only a by-form of sinoj sivtf the primary meaning
of both being " to put" or "lay down," i.e. as seed in the ground.
In Old Norse sero, in the sense "I sow," is represented by aSa,
which has a peculiar aorist sera, 3 pers. «m. These Old Norse
aorists, such as grSaj " to grow;" aorist sing. 1. griraj 2. gririry
3. grtri; pi. 1. grirum, 2. grtruJt, 3. grim, &c., have been
made the subject of special commentaries by Aufrecht and Knob-
lauch (^TtecAr. / Vergl. Bprf. 1861, pp. 471, 573), who agree
in identifying the r with the 8 of erw^ and acripai, and this
again with the substantive verb. Whatever opinion may be
formed respecting the origin of this r (and the verb pirrut from
fi^ssfio, shows tiiat it cannot be derived from the contrasted
«0^«), it is impossible to overlook the fact that aeri is, in Old
Norse, a past tense of a verb really identical with that which
constitutes the causative auxiliary in so many Latin forms. So
that care-ari would be quite equivalent to care-tiuset. The root
is found under the form kar, kra, gra, mostly with a labial
aualatU (as in acrtb^, ypa^€j), but sometimes without (as in
"O^, above, p. 175, and xap-«^^«)> and sometimes either with
or without, as in the Icelandic kira, gera, hiera, Jdara, hara,
kerva (Dieterich, Bunen-Sprach. p. 134), N. H. G. kerbeuy
A. S. ceorfan, Engl, "carve," to signify any impression made
upon a surface by notching, scratching, indenting, painting, or
pointing. We may well conclude therefore that care-art means,
** he caused to write or inscribe." And as thyr in Icelandic is
= *ert^-t«, Greek ft^, A. S. theav, M. G. thiHa, and thuea is
obviously the gen. of a word thu = theovy the beginning of the
inscription runs as if it were pure Low-German or some dialect
222 THB BTRC80AN LANOUAOS. [cHAP. V.
of the Sca&di&ayian. ^' Here Atilas the son of Lartia let en*
grave moaming in honour of (lit. ^ after/ hinthiu^hmterj cf.
the Bunic auftiy A. S. o/^ with Goth. q/2aro, Engl, after y Umbr.
h4mt, iandra), ^ hifl aervant Etins on the sepnlchral exeaTaticm a
prayer for the dead/* i.e. ^^hier sat hinter theovB seimi Etfa
thanre lautnegcle lat kaia Aules Larthial fr&ga thyerraBL" We
should oome, however, to a similar conclusion if thu-e9 were
compared with the Felasgo*Hellenic Oeio^y *'an uncle,^ rallier
than with ^179, '^a servant" In (act, the two words fall into a
remarkable agreement with one another and with the Pelasgic
and German words denoting divinity; of. (a) thyr, thew, dio, &€.
^'a servant," (b) ^€«09, modem Tuscan zio, (Pemg. Inscr. zia)
"an unde," (c) Tyr, Tiv, Zio, "God," (Grimm. D. M. p. 175,
and above, p. 130, s. v. Famd). To say nothing of the possible
interchange in the ideas of relationship and servitude which
might bring back Bern and A79 to a common origin* in the San-
scrit dhava^ssvitj maritua, paier-familtas, the form of the word
dAnfs in its other meaning sufficiently shows that a labial is ab-
sorbed, and this would account for the identity of Betro^^ 04fo^y
and the Etruscan thu. For the gen. here, cf. Ihies in our Tuesday
with its original form Tiv^Div-^is. The name of a relation, how-
ever, is more to be expected here than that of a servant The pre-
position hiuthiuy with the gen. may be compared with the Gothic
use of hindanaj e. g. Ulph. Mc, III. 8. That this root occurred in
the TJmbrian we have already seen (above, p. 10). It is not at all
necessary that the preposition should bear the comparatife form.
On the Runic inscriptions we have not only the oompanttives
iftir, efr and the like, but also the positive forms au/lt, ol, &c.
With regard to the form of the pronoun eaiuy as oompared with
aein or sin, it may be remarked that in the Runic inscriptions tve
have sain, san, sian, as well as sin, (Dieterich, p. 289), and that
we have stain, as well as sten, stein, stin, (Dieterich, p. 308}«
1 recognize a form like caresriin heczri, the other verb in this
inscription, which may obviously be connected with the Runic
haJca or hakva, "to hew or carve," (above, p. 212), and this
being so, it would be a surprising coincidence, if it were only a
coincidence, that these three lines should contain two of the
verbs which appear in the same way in the Runic inscriptions;
as Lithsmother lit hakva stein; and TAarstin lit gera merki stir
§ 10.] THE BTRUSOAK LANGUAGX. 223
Suinfathur m; or both together, as, iTikuth lot landibro htara
ante Hain hakva. The last part of the inscription is mutilated^
at the end, and the divisions of the words are occasionally nn*
certain; bat it seems plain that Larthialtsvle most be com-
pared with the patronymic Phnalisle (above, p. 206) ; that we
ought to divide elen-erc^si and understand " of the younger son"
(above, p. 205) ; that ipa is a preposition corresponding to our
up, Sanscrit ftpa, Icelandic uppd, Qothic uf, &c.; and as murzva
seems to refer to munii, Icel. mur, a term well applicable to the
' tower ^^grandumbus lapidibus eocstrttcta^^'* on which this inscrip-
tion was found, we may render heczri ipa murzva, " he let carve
upon the building." And it is difficult to resist the impression
that oemrum is connected with the Old Norse Jeer = vas, which
is used in the Edda in the sense of vasartum (Scemund. II.
p. 528) : " Gudrum hvarf til skemmo, kumbl konunga or keram
valdi," i. e. " Gudruna contnlit se ad promptuarium, cristas re-
gias e vasariu delegit." If this comparison is valid, cerurum is
a genitive plural. In some Runic inscriptions em, which imme-
diately follows, is used as a definite article before an epithet, as
Sandulf ein euartij " Sandulf the swarthy" (Worsaae, Danes
and Norwegiane in England, &c. p. 281). But ein here is pro-
bably part of the verb keczri, which follows, and may thus be
compared widi einzeriunak in the Perugian inscription. The last
word teluTy whether or not related to ttdaru on the Perugian
eippue (1. 8), seems to be a verb, not unconnected with the Ice-
landia at ieUA, Swed. taelj4t, Dutch tellen, Eng. teU, the inflexion
being that of the Icelandic 3 pers. sing., as in brennr, *^hb
bums," from hrenna. On an urn in the British Museum, in the
Aame room with the Nineveh sculptures, we find tulati on a
mutilated inscription; and ria-tiox rais^ti, ''he erected," on the
Bunic stones, might justify the assumption that it is a verb; but
it is impossible to form luiy plausible conjecture as to its sig^
nification. We may, however, render the second part of the
inscription approximately as follows: ^'Tunnr Clutiva let carve
^ Steab rendera tho first part of the second line : LartJualu<9 ei
CettnaU junenibu» id (hoe) /anum posuit. And he cites from the BulUL,
Arch, 1863, p. 55, another inscription !u which pAonu occurs. (aboTe>
p. 199 note).
524 .THE ETEUSOAN LAJ9QUAGE. [cHAP: f .
.this sacred fonereal prayer of Larthialisaliis, the jormger son of
.-Cestna, upon the building where the cinerary urns are deposited."
If we now turn back from the inscription, which has thus
.been examined, to the great Ferugian cippus, we shall see that
some definite conclusions result from the comparison. First of
all, as they are obyiously written in the same language, the
.strong resemblances between the phraseology of the shorter
legend and that of the Icelandic Bunes must confirm our prei-
^vious conviction respecting the Old Norse affinities of the longer
.inscription* Again, as htrUhiu and ipa are manifestly prepo-
sitions in the former, we may give a similar value to hintha and
ipa in the latter. And as ipa is used with the name of a build-
ing in the shorter epitaph, ama which follows it on the cippus^
and which seems in the first line to refer to mourning or sorrow,
must signify an erection for such a purpose, and therefore the
^amev achr of the first line must mean a field for the erection of a
tomb. The word ama also occurs in a very imperfect inscription
.quoted by Dennis (i. p. 342). Lastly, as we have both lautn
;and lautnescle in the shorter inscription by the side of lautn in
the larger, we may infer that latUnesde is a diminutive form like
.muntisculumy and therefore we may compare kenud^mleshd in
the Ferugian inscription with kund^ the regular Runic name for
a monxmiental stone (Dieterich, RunenrSprach-Schatz^ p» 124;
Egilsson, Lexicon^ p. 479).
With regard to the general interpretation of the Ferugian
inscription, it seems idle to follow in the steps of the Italian
scholars, Vermiglioli, Orioli, and Campanari, the last of whom
.has given us a Latin translation of the whole inscription. Nor
can I sympathize in the regret of Dr. C. Von Schmitz, when
he complains that he cannot find a publisher for the granmuur
and dictionary of the Etruscan, which are to explain his forced
^nd unnatural version of this docimient {ZeiUchr. f. d. Aher»
thumsto. 1846, Septemb. Beilage^). It would, indeed, be easy to
ibund a number of conjectures on the Old Norse as9ona]:Lcea
which .may be detected in almost every line, and which I have
' ^ It is right to mention that Schmitz's interpretation rests on the
Supposition thai the language is Teutonic.
§ 10.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 225
noticed in the Tocabulaiy of the inscription ; hut until a com-
plete collection of all the genuine Etruscan inscriptions shall
have famished us with a sufficiently wide field for our re-
searches, — until every extant Tuscan word has been brought
within the reach of a philological comparison, — ^above all, until we
get some sufficiently extensive bilingual monument — we must be
content to say of this great Perugian inscription, that it appears
to be a cippus conveying some land for funereal purposes, and
commemorating the feimily connexions of certain persons bearing
the names of lUesiua, AponiuSy Atinitta, and VeUhina^. The
donor is Larthius, a member of the family of the Beza {Itcesit)f
who were distinguished people in the neighbourhood of Ferusia
(see Yermiglioli, lacriz. Perug. p. 273), and Rome, which occurs
thrice in the inscription, seems to be a patronymic of the same
family. The relative position of the word, no less than the
locality of the inscription, shows that Velihina is the person in
whose honour this cippua was erected, and that the word does
not refer to FeUinaj the old name of Bononia (Flin. H. N, ill.
20, xxxin. 37, xxxvii. 67, Serv. ad JEn. x. 198). The other
personal name, which occurs most frequently ii^ the inscription is
AJimOj probably Aponia (Yermiglioli, p, 233, Migliarino, Zihaln
donsy pp. 28, 30)'; and it is worthy of remark, that we have the
nom., gen., and accus. of these two proper hames in accordance
with the regular forms of the first Latin declension, — ^namely, —
Afimay Afanasy Afimamy and VeUhinay VelthinaSy Vdthinam.
The name VeUhina may be compared with the well-known name
GcBcinct. From the pr»nomen Aulesi in v. 9 it is probably a
man's name^ The word Atena, Atene (26, 19) probably repre-
1 See the commentators on Hor. i. S&rm, vm. 13 ; and the ban mot
of Augustus on Vettius quum tnonumentum patris excurcusei (Macrob. n.
Sat. c. 4: p. 232).
s We hare a derivatire of this name on the lid of a cinerary urn :
aih euptna ajhmal^ i. e. Auim Cuprennius Aponia natua (Fabreiti, s. t.).
' We have seen above that the termination -l indicates a matrtpymic ;
and I conolade that the Etruscan patronymio ended in -na ; compare in
this inscription, Eezul with EcuncLy and CoBeirlioy which was the Roman
equivalent to the mythical Tanaquil, with the undoubtedly Tuscan form
Ckjoei-na, I do not agree with Mttller (Eir, i. p. 463) that the forms in
-«t, as Atdai» denti, are datives. From its connexion with VMiina$ (9)
D.v. 16
226 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [OHAP. Y.
sents the female name Atinia (Fabretti, s. vv. Atnei^ Atntal,
p. 204). On a bell-shaped cineraiy um, brought to England
fix)m Chiusi in Nov. 1846 by Mr. Beckford Bevan, we have the
inscription Lth: Vete: Atenattal, which exhibits a matronymic
fonn of the same name.
If I do not undertake to interpret all that Lartius, the son of
Rffisia, has thought fit to inscribe on this cippus for the gratifi-
cation of his own immediate relatives, it mufit not be supposed
that this in any way affects the results at which I have arrived
respecting the ethnography of the Etruscans. That an inability
to interpret ancient monuments may be perfectly consistent with
a knowledge of the class of languages to which they belong, is
shown, not merely by the known relationship between the Ian-
guage of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and the Coptic dialects
more recently spoken in that country, but still more strikingly
by the fiswjt, that, although we have no doubt as to any of the
idioms spoken in ancient Britain, no one has been able as yet
to give a certain interpretation of the Bunic inscriptions on the
pillar at Bewcastle and on the font at Bridekirk, which are both
in Cumberland, and which both belong to the same dialect of
the Low-German languages, (see Palgrave, History of the Anglo-
Saxonsy Lond. 1850, pp. 146 sq.). The really important point is
to determine the origin of the ancient Etruscans; and the Peru-
gian inscription, so far irom throwing any difficulties in the way
of the conclusion at which I have arrived, has furnished some of
the strongest and most satisfactoiy confirmations of the Old
Norse affinity of the Basena.
§ 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethnographic
tradition in regard to the ancient Etruscans.
This survey of the Etruscan language, brief and circumscribed
as it necessarily is, has enabled us to perceive that there is a
perfect harmony and agreement between the results of our lin-
guistic researches, so ^ as the scanty materials have allowed
us to ^rry them, and the ethnographic and historic traditions
i^especting the ancient Etruscans. We have seen that in the
ftod with Metdis in the statue of the Arringatoref I hare no doubt that
AuUn IB the genitive.
§11.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 227
character of their writing, in most of their mythology, in by far
the greatest number of those words which have been transmitted
to ns with an interpretation, and in the oldest inscriptions, espe-
cially in those from Caere, there are decisive evidences of an
affinity between the inhabitants of Etruria and those Felasgians
who peopled Greece in the earliest times, and who constituted an
important element in the inhabitants of Latinm. For the residue
of the language, and especially in the case of those inscriptions
which are found near Clusium and Perugia, we are enabled to
recognize an ingredient unmistakably identical with that Scan*
dinavian dialect, which Norwegian emigrants conveyed in an
ancient form to the inaccessible regions of ultima TkuUy where
it remained for centuries safe from all risk of corruption or im*
provement by an inftision of foreign words or constructions. Now
these phenomena, as we have seen, are necessary to reconcile, and
do in fact reconcile, all the traditions about the inhabitants of
Etruria. The Pelasgian affinities of the old Tyrrhenians are
attested by the concurring voice of all antiquity; and as in Argo-
lis, so in Italy, we shall best understand the statement that a
more complete civilisation was imported directly from Lydia, if
we bear in mind that the Lydians referred to in the tradition
were Felasgians, who had appropriated the arts and social cultuie
of their Asiatic neighbours, and with whom the Tyrrhenians oi
Italy came into contact as navigators of the Mediterranean. And
we shall be able to adopt this universal belief of an early con-
nexion or intercourse between the western coasts of Asia Minor
and Italy, without disturbing the well-grounded statement that
the Basena and BsBti were one and the same race, if we infer
that these Rasena were a much later ingredient, and one which
only established an aristocracy of conquest in the cities of
Etruria, without permanently or extensively affecting the great
mass of the population. It will be observed that the main
obstacle to a general reception of the statement that the Basena
were RsBtians has consisted in the apparent inconsistency between
this and the Lydian tradition, a tradition which, as we have seen
(above, p. 20), has no historical basis, and only a certain admix-
ture of ethnical truth. The usual inversion, by which Livy
makes the Rsetians the fugitive offshoot of a nation which really
descended from their own mountains, had not occasioned any
15—2
228 THE STRUSOAN LANGUAGS. [CHAP. T.
difficulty (above, p. 23). It would be admitted at once that, if the
Bsetiana and Basena were one and the same people, some foreign
interference must have disturbed the continuity of their area in
the valley of the Po, and if there was once an unbroken stream
of population from the Lech to the Tiber, no ethnographer will
doubt that its source must have been in the mainland rather than
in the peninsula. But it has not been sufficiently considered, that
the bulk of the Felasgian nation, already settled in Umbria and
Etruria, would not lose their original type, merely because they
were invaded and conquered by a band of warriors from the
north, any more than Anglo-Saxon England was entirely de-
prived of its former characteristics by the Norman inroad. The
civilisation of the Tyrrhenians, their connexion with the commer-
cial activity of the Mediterranean^, and the advantages which
they derived from the arts and social culture of their brethren in
Asia Minor (above, p. 39), were circumstances long anterior to
the invasion from the north; and as the Rasena would adopt the
refinements which they found among the Tyrrhenians, we may
make ingenious comparisons between the tombs of Porsena and
Alyattes^, without refrising our assent to the well-attested fact
that the warriors and city-nobles of historical Etruria derived
their origin from the Rsetian Alps. With regard to the argument
from the remains of the Etruscan language, the philologer will
at once admit that, as far as it goes, the evidences of affinity,
which have been adduced, are neither precarious nor doubtfrd.
Instead of conjectures founded on a casual agreement of syUables,
we have seen that the meaning, which we were led to expect,
was at once supplied by the language, which collateral circum-
stances had indicated as the proper source of information ; and
not only were ethnical names and common words simply and
^ It is to this that I would attribute the continuance of Hellenic
influenceB, on which MUller insiBts (Etruik. n. 292).
* See Quatremdre de .Quincy, Monumem ei Oumragm <fAri an-
Uquit raHtvh I. pp. 127 Bqq. It is worthy of remark, that a distin-
guiBhiDg feature in the monument of Poraena» as described by Yarro
(apud Plin. xxxir. 13), namely, the bells on the cupolas, is expressly
compared with a similar contrivance at the Pelaigian Dodona: ** tin-
Unnabula, qun rento agitata longe sonitUB referant» trt Dodomm olim
§ 12.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 229
consistently explained in this way, bnt we found that some pecu-
liarities of etymology and syntax were at once illustrated by a
reference to the same standard of comparison. So that, on the
whole, every available resource of grammar and philology tends
to confirm and reconcile the otherwise divergent and contra-
dictory statements of ancient histoiy; and the Etruscans may
now without any inconsistency claim both the Tyrrheno-Pelas-
gian and Baetian affinities, which the classical writers have attri-
buted to them.
§ 12. General remarks on the absorptum or evanescence of
the old Etruscan Language,
It only remains that I should make a few remarks on the
absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language. When
we see so much that is easily explained ; when, in fact, there is
no great difficulty in dealing with any Etruscan word which has
come down to us with an interpretation or clue to its meaning ;
and when we are puzzled only by inscriptions, which are in
themselves mere fragments, made up in a great measure of
proper names, deformed by a rude, precarious, and often incon-
sistent orthography, and mutilated by, we know not how many,
conventional abbreviations, it is sufficiently evident that the
striking differences between the Etruscan and the other ancient
dialects of the peninsula were not such as to take the language
out of the Indo-Germanic family, and that while these differences
affected only an inconsiderable ingredient in the old Etruscan,
the main portion of the language must have approximated very
closely to the -contiguous and surrounding idioms. Otherwise,
we should be obliged to ask, where is the bulk of that language
which was spoken by the ancestors of Maecenas? We talk of
dead languages ; but this variety of human speech should seem
to be not only dead, but buried, and not only buried, but sunk
beneath the earth in some necropolis, into which no Galassi or
Campanari can dig his way. The standard Italian of the
present day is the offspring of that Latinity which was spoken
by the Etrusco-Romans; but we find no trace of ancient bar-
barism in any Tuscan writer. Surely it is a fair inference, that
while the Raetian element, introduced into the northern cities
'230 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. V.
by an aristocracy of conquest, was not permanently influential,
"but was absorbed, like the Norman French in this country, by
the Pelasgo-Umbrian language of the bulk of the population, the
latter, which may be termed " the common Etruscan," like the
Sabello-Oscan and other dialects, merged in the old Latin, not
because the languages were unlike, but because they were sister
idioms, and embraced one another as soon as they had discovered
their relationship*. The only way to escape from aU the diffi-
culties of this subject is to suppose that the city on the Tiber
served as a centre and rallying point for the languages of Italy
as well as for the different tribes who spoke them, and that
Bome admitted within her walls, with an inferior franchise, which
in time completed itself, both the citizens and the vocabularies
of the conquered Italian states. If this absorbing centralisation
could so thoroughly Latinize the Celtic inhabitants of Lombardy,
and even the transalpine branch of the Grallic race, much more
would it be likely to affect the Etruscans, who extended to the
Tiber, and whose language, in its predominant or Pelaagian
character, approximated so closely to the cognate idiom of the
old Latin tribes.
^ Among many instances of the poBsibility at least of such a transition,
not the least interesting is the dorivation of Populonia from Phuplans,
the Etruscan Bacchus; so that this city, the Etruscan name of which was
Papluna, is the Dionysopolis of Etruria (see Gerhard in the EJiein. Mus.
for 1833, p. 135). Now it is clear that as Nelhuru^Netku-nus, is the
god of neihu, so Phuplu'ns=Poplu-nus is the god of poplu. It seems that
the ancients planted the poplar chiefly on account of their yines, and the
poplar was sacred to Hercules, who has so many points of contact with
Bacchus. Hare we not, then, in the word phupltma the root otpdpuluSf a
word quite inexplicable from the Latin language alone ? A sort of .
young, effeminate Hercules, who appears on the coins of Populonia (see
Mailer, Etrtuk. i. p. 33l), is probably this Poplunua. The difference
in the quantity of the first syllables of Pdpulus and Populonia is not
surprising, as the latter is an exotic proper name, and the former a na-
turalized common term.
CHAPTER VI.
THE OLD ROMAN OB LATIN LANGUAGE.
•
§ I. Fragments of old Iistin Bot very numerous. § i. Arvalmn Litany. § 3.
Chants preserved by Gate. § 4. Fragments of Saltan hymns. § 5. Old
regal laws. § 6. Remains of the XII. Tables. § 7. Tab. I. § 8. Tab. II.
§ 9. Tab. III. § 10. Tab. IV. § 11. Tab. V. § la. T^b. VL § 13. Tab.
Vn. § 14. Tkb. VUI. § 15. TW). IX. § 16. Tab. X. § 17. Tab. XI.
§ 18. Tab. XII. § 19. The Tiburtine Inscription. § ao. The epitaphs of the
Scipios. § at. The Columna RottroUa, § a a. The Silian and Papirian Laws
and the ediot of the Ctmile JSdiles. § as. The Senaiua-ChMuUum de Baccka-
mMus. § 24. The old Roman Law on the Bantine Table. § 35. The
Agrarian Law of Sp. Tborius.
§ 1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous.
IN the preceding chapters I have given specimens of the lan-
guages spoken by those nations which contributed in dif-
ferent proportions to the formation of the Roman people, and the
next step will be to collect the most interesting remains of the
old Boman language,— considered as the offspring of the Urn-
brian, Oscan, and Tuscan, — such as it was before the predomi-
nance of Greek cultivation had begun to work on this rude
composite structure. The total loss of the genuine Roman
literature^ will» of course, leave us but a scanty collection of such
documents. Indeed, for the earlier centuries we have onlj a few
brief fragments of religious and legal import. As we approach
the Punic wars, the inscriptions become more numerous'and com-
plete; but then we are drawing near to a period when the
Roman language began to lose its leading characteristics under
the pressure of foreign influences, and when it differed little or
nothing from that idiom which has become familiar to us from
the so-called classical writings of the Augustan age.
Poljbius, speaking of the ancient treaty between Rome and
Carthage (ill. 22), remarks that the old Latin language differed
so much from that which was spoken in his own time, that the
best-informed Romans could not make out some expressions
1 See Macaulay, Zoyi of Ancient Rome, pp. 15, sqq.
232 THB OLD ROMAN [OHAP. VI.
without diffictiltj, even when thej paid the greatest attention :
TTiKucaxrrri yap t} Buuf>opcL yiyove 7^9 ButXi/craVj xal irctpcL
^FoDfialoifij T^9 vvv 7rpo9 rijv dfrxa^y ©ot6 toi>9 oweroyraTov^
(hui fjLokA^ i^ hrurraaecd^ BievKpLvea/. The great mass of words
must, however, have been susceptible of interpretation.; for he
does not shrink from translating into Greek the substance at
least of that very ancient treaty.
§ 2. Arvalian Litany,
Accordingly, we find that the most primitive specimens of
Latinity may now-a-days be understood by the scholar, who,
after all, possesses greater advantages than Polybius and his con-
temporary Bomans. This will appear if we examine the song
of the Fratrea Arvalesj which is one of the most important and
ancient specimens of the genuine Eoman language. The inscrip-
tion, in which it is preserved, and which was discovered in the
year 1777, is probably not older than A. d. 218; but there is
every reason to believe that the cantilena itself was the same
which was sung in the earliest ages of B.ome, — ^for these litanies
very often survive their own significance. The monks read the
Latin of their missals without understanding it, and the Parsees
x)f Gujerat cannot interpret their sacred Zend. It appears from
the introductory remarks, that this song was confined to the
priests, the Publici being excluded: ^'Deinde subselliis mar-
moreis consederunt ; et panes laureatos per Publicos partiti sunt;
ibi omnes lumemulia cum rapinis acceperunt, et Deas unguenta-
veront, et JEAta clusa est, omnes foris exierunt : ibi Sacerdotes
clusi succincti, libellis acceptis, carmen descindentes tripodaverunt
in verba hsBC :
1. Eno8 Loses Juvate (ter),
2. Neve liLoerve Mairmar sins ineurrere in pleoris (ter)
3. ScUwJktrere (veiju/ere) Mars limen saliva berber (ter)
4. Senvunis altemei (vel alternis f) advocapit oanctos (ter)
5. Enos Ma/rmor (vel MamMr) juvato (ter)
6. Triumpe, triumpe, triwmpe^ triumpe, triutnpe.
Post tripodationem, deinde signo dato Publici introiere, et libel-
los receperunt." (See Orelli, Insoript. Lot, I. p. 391, no. 2271.)
There can be little doubt as to the meaning of any single
word in this old hymn, which seems to be written in very rude
§ S.] OR LATIK LANGUAGE. 233
Satnmiftn verse, the first half of the Terse being alone preserved
in some cases; as in En6$ Lasis juvdte — Ends Mamdr juvdto.
The last line is a series of trochees cum anacmai, or a still
sborter form of the first half of the Satamian verse.
1. Unas is a form of the first person plural, analogous to
the German una. Loses is the old form of Lares (Quintil.
Institut. Orat. I. 4, § 13 ; see MuUer ad Fest. p. 15).
2. Luaerve for luerm-^nij according to a custom of dropping
the final M, which lasted till Cato*s time (see next §). This
form bears the same relation to luem that Minerva does to
mens, Caterva from catus ^ (zciUus (above, p. 128), and its
synonym cusertms firom acus, are derivatives of the same kind\
We may also compare bovem, suem^ &c. with their older forms,
hoverem, suerem^ &c Marmar^ Mannor^ or Mamor^ is the
Oscan and Tuscan Mamers^ i.e. Mars (above, p. 175). That
Mars^ or Mars paler ^ was addressed as the averter of diseases,
bad weather, &c. is clear from Cato, JB. R. 141. Sins is sinas;
so Tab. Bantin. 1. 19: Bantins for BanJtinus^ &c. Pie-ores is
the genuine comparative of ple-ntis which bears the same re-
lation to 7r\£!69 that units does to 0Z09. The fullest form would
be pU^iores = TrXe-Zove^.
3. ''O Mars, having raged to your satisfaction (comp.
Hor. I. Carm. II. 37: "longo satiate ludo"), grant that the
Son's light may be warm.*' Limen for lumen may be com-
1 Mr. F. W. Newman {Regal Roms^ p. 61) derires eaUrva from the
Welch cad-torvaf ** battle-troop." I do not know whether thia etymology
was suggested by the well-known statements In Vegetius, u. 2: "Oalli
Celtiberiqae pluresque barbaricsB nationes eatervis ntebantur in prselUs."
Isidor. Orig, ix. 33: ''proprie Macedonum phalanx, Gallomm ecUerva,
nostra legio dicitur." Doderlein, who proposes {LaL Syn, u. Et y. 861)
to connect eaterva with quattu&r, properly remarks that these passages
do not show that caierva was considered a Gallic word, but only that,
as distinguished from the phalanx and legio^ it denoted a lees opm-
pletely disciplined body of men. The natural idea of a *' heap" of sepa-
rable objects is that of a mass piled up to a point, and this is indicated
by the roots of ae-er-vus and cat-er-va. The latter therefore as denoting
a body of men, suggests the same arrangement as the etineiM, which is .
mentioned along with H by Tacitus, Hisi, u. 42: ^'commtnus eminus
saienriB et mumw eonourrebant." On the form of cai'-sr-vct, see below,
Ch. zm. ( 6.
234 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
pared with pluima for plurima (Fest, p. 205), scriputum for
scrujptduniy &c. (see below, § 5). Salts is the original form of
solis: comp. aiKiK, rfXto^y AunseliuSf &c. The Oscan and Etrus-
can usage of the auxiliary to or tu, "to cause" (above, pp. 150,
154, 221), shows that Doderlein is right in reading ta=^da in-
stead of sta {Lat. 8yn. u. Et. vi. 330). He quotes Hor.' i. Ep.
16, 60 : "da mihi fallere, da justo sanctumque videri," though
he perceives that to is connected with rlBrifu rather than with
SiBcofu. Berber is another form offervere.
4t. Semuneis is sememes^ i.e. semihemonea. Advocapit is a
contraction for ad vos capite — ^the e being omitted, as in duc^focj
Jbtj &c. — and it is probable that the phrase is equivalent to
adhibete in auxilium^ " call to your aid." Hermann {Elem. Doct.
Metr. p. 612 sq.) supposes advocapU to bejawi duo capit.
§ 3. Chants preserved by Caio.
The other extant religious compositions, though few and
scanty, contribute to the same conclusion — ^that the oldest Latin
was not so imlike the language with which we are familiar as
to defy interpretation. Two relics of the same kind as the last
have been preserved by Cato {R. B. 160), who writes thus:
"Luxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem
prende tibi viridem p. iv. aut v. longam.' Mediam diffinde, et
duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantare in alio:
S[anum] F[iet]. In mota et soluta (vulg. mota txBta): dories
dardaries astataries, die sempitemo (vulg. dissunapiter or die
una pariter) usquedum coeant .... Ad luxum aut ad fracturam
alliga, sanum fiet, et tamen quotidie cantato in alio: S. F. yel
luxato: vel hoc modo: havat, kavat, havat: ista pista sista:
domabo damruiusira et Itixato,^^ i. e. havea;t^ haveai, haveat :
istam pestem sistam: domabo damna vestra et liixatum (see
Grotefend, Bud. L. Umbr. iv. 13). With regard to the second
excantatio^ which is simple enough, it is only necessary to ob-
serve, that the final m is omitted both in the accusatives luocato^
pista J &c. and in the futm-e sista; and we are especially told
that it was the custom with Cato the Censor to drop the m at
the termination of the futures of verbs in -o and -to.* thus he
wrote dice, faeiey for dicam, fiuMm (see Quintil. Inst. Or. I. 7,
§ 23, and cf. ix. 4, § 39; Fest. p. 72, Mtill.), recipie for reoir
§ 4.] Olfc LATIN LANGUAGE. 236
piam (Fest. p. 286), attinge for attingam (id. p. 26), ostende
for osteiidam (id. p. 201), which are all quoted as common ex-
amples (for fiirther instances, see Corssen, Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet.
d. L(U. Spr. I. pp. 109 sqq.). He also omitted the -a of the
nominative, as in prcef amino for j^rcejhminiis (osed for prcrfato :
see R. B. 141: " Janum Jovemque vino prcefuminOy sic dicito:"
cf. 134; and see Fest p. 87). The words claries, dar-dar-^es^
as-ta-tar-iesy seem to be a jingling alliteration, the meaning of
which must not be pressed too far ; Pliny (JK N. xvii. 28) does
not think them worthy of serious attention; though Grotefend
would compare them with dertier dierir in the spurious Umbrian
inscription (see Leps. p. 52).
§ 4. FragmevUs of the Salian Hymns.
The Salian songs, if any considerable fragments of them had
come down to oxu: times, would have furnished us with very
interesting specimens of ancient Latinity. Unfortunately they
are all lost, with the exception of a few lines and detached
words; and with them we have been deprived of the learnt
commentaries of ^lius Stilo, who was not, however, able to
explain them throughout. Varro, yii. § 2 : " -^lii, hominis in
primo in litteris Latinis exercitati, interpretationem carminum
Saliorum videbis et exili littera expeditam et praeterita obscura
multa\'' Of the explanations of ^lius the following have been
preserved. Festus, s. v. ManttoSf p. 146: ** Manuos in carmi-
nibus Saliaribus JElius Stilo [et Aureliits, v. Paul. p. 147] sig-
nificare ait honos: unde Inferi Di m^nes pro honi dicantur a
Buppliciter eos venerantibus propter metum mortis, ut immanes
quoque pro valde [non bonis] dicuntur." Id. s. v. Molucrum^
p. 141: "Molucrum non solum quo mol» vertuntur dicitur, id
quod Graeci fivKqicopov appellant, sed etiam tumor ventris, qui
etiam virginibus incidere solet...Cloatius etiam \et JElius] in
libris sacrorum molucrum esse aiunt lignum quoddam quad-
ratum ubi immolatur. Idem .^lius in explanatione carminum
1 Horace, too» alludes to the difficulty of the Salian Bongs (n. EpiiU
I. 86):
Jam saliare Numse carmen qui laudat, et illud,
Quod maoum ignorat, solus Tult scire rideri, &c.^
236 THE OLD ROHAN [CHAP. YI.
Saliarium eodem nomine appellari ait, qnod sub mola snpponatnr.
AnreUns Opilins appellat nbi molatnr." Id. s. y. Peseta, p. 210:
*' JPesoia in Saliari cannine ^lins Stilo dici ait capita ex pellibns
agninis facta, qnod Grseci pelles yocent iriaicrf [irecrtci^ovy Sep--
fioTfov, Hesjch.] neutro genere plnraliter.*' Id. 8. y. SaUas
mrfftneSy p. 329 : '' Saliajs yirgines Cincios ait esse condncticias,
qnsB ad Salios adhibeantnr com apicibos palndatas, quas ^lius
Stilo scripsit sacrificinm facere in Begia cum pontifice palndatas
cnm apicibns in modnm Saliomm.*' There are other references
in Festns to the philological interpretations of JGlins; but as the
Salian songs are not mentioned in them, we haye no right to
assume that this particular commentary is quoted: see Festos,
8. y. Manias^ p. 129 ; s. y. Manstrutn, p. 138 ; s. y. Nebulo^
p. 165; s. y. Naucum^ p. 166; s. y. Nusciciosum^ p. 173; s. y.
Novalem agrum^ p. 174; s. y. Ordinartum hominem^ p. 185;
s.y. Obstitum, p. 193 (cf. pp. 248, 249); s. y. Puttculos, p. 217;
s. y. Portiaculusy p. 234; s. y. Santtcum, p. 290; s. y. Subur
adam, p. 309; s. y. Tongerej p. 356 ; s. y. Tamne (= eo uaque)^
p. 359; s.y. Vtctimam^ p. 371.
The following are the remaining fragments of the Salian
hymns.
Varro, L. L. yii. § 26: "In multis y^rbis, in quo antiqui
dicebant s, postea dictum R ; ut in carmine Saliorum sunt haec :
OOZEULODOIZESO [yel oortuLodorieso]', omina [enim] ysBO ab
PATULA ooEicissB [yel oremMw] jamcusiahxs; duokuscekitses
DUNZIAITUS VEyBT."
This may be written as follows, in the Satumian metre:
GhdraHloidor eao : \ 6mvna ham vhro
""Adpdtula* 6se^ misse \ Jdni cHridnea,
Dit6nu8 Gerva edty \ dUnque Jdnus vSvet
i. e. chofauloedos sum (= esum) ; omtna entmvero ad patulam
aurem miserunt Jani curtonea. Bonus Gems (i.e. Cerus ma-
nus = creator bonusj Fest. p. 122) erit donee Janus vivet (vide
Grotefend, Bud. L. Umhr. ii. p. 16).
With regard to the apparently Greek word choroaulcedos^
it may be sufficient to quote an observation of Varges {Bhein.
Mus. for 1835, p. 69), who, speaking of his derivation of am-
pirvo (see below) from ofiireipay says : " Vix est quod moneam
§4.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 237
in Saliari caimine alia quoqne Tocabula inveniri, qtisB originem
Grsecam manifesto prae se ferant, nt peacia^ de quo vocabnlo
vide Fest, et Gutberl. \de Saliis], p. 146, et tripudium^ quod
propins esse Gradoorum TroSa qnam Latinonim pedem patet, et
recte interpretatnr Anson. Popma de Differ. Verbar. s. SctUare.
Item coaauli, apud Varronem de L. L. vii. c. 3, Grsecorom
yhfMuKoi esse videntnr, quod verbum Pollux servavit." In this
word, as in curvmte^ I have ventured to insert the letter "A
(above, p. 99).
Varro, L. L. vil. § 27 : " Canite^ pro quo in Saliari versu
scriptum est cante^ hoc versu:
nlvuM Ampta cantb, nfvuMinto st^PucANTB."
i.e. Deorum tmpetu canite, deorum deum suppltciter cantte* Cf.
Macrob. 8at. I. 9 : '^ Saliorum carminibus deorum deus canitur
\Janu8-\r
Festus, s. V. Mamuri Veturi^ p. 131 : " Probatum opus est
maxime Mamuri Yeturi, qui prsemii loco petiit, ut suum nomen
inter carmina Salii canerent."
Id. 8. V. NegumcUej p. 168: ^^ Negumate in carmine Cn,
Marci vatis significat negate^ cum ait: quhmvta movSntidm
[molinientum Herm. EL D. M. p. 614] du-Snum n&gumdte^^
Id. B. V. Obstinety p. 197 : " Obsttnet dicebant antiqui, quod
nunc est ostendit; ut in veteribus carminibus: shd jdm se ccelo
ddens {Aurora] dbatinit suum pdtrem.^^ Here it will be ob-
served that se ccelo cedens^ ccelo secedenSf and that suum is a
monosyllable (see Fest. p. 301).
Id. s. V. FrcBceptcU, p. 205: ^^ Prcecqi)tat in Saliari carmine
est saepe prsecipit. Fa pro patre, et po pro potissimum, positum
est in Saliari carmine. JPromenervat item pro monet. Frasdo^
piont, prseoptant, &c Pilumnce poploe in carmine Saliari, Bo-
mani, velut pilis assueti : vel quia praecipue pellant hostes.''
Id. 8. V. Bedantruare, p. 270: " Bedantruare dicitur in
Saliorum exsultationibus, quod cum prsesul amptruavit, quod est
motus edidit, ei referuntur invicem idem motus. Lucilius:
IVcBstd ut aimptnuU' inde ; ita volgu redamptruat oUim. Pa-
cuvius:
Prcmemnda^ gratia
Simul cum vidsam Grain mkil msdiocrUer
Redamptruare, cpibusque summis psr$equiL'*
240 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
DatimTirf perdu^Uijooem JMidUito.
Si a dutiniTlris proroe&Blt | provociiione eeiidto.
Si yincent, c&pnt obnubito injfiglici &rbore r^fite
Sii8p6ndito, Y^rber&to | Intra vel 6xtra pomflemm.
I have here written judicanto for Jtuitcent, because the final
thesis cannot be suppressed (below, § 20). The i? or d is sltir-
red over in pro'caatt, pr6*catumey and obnu^tOy according to the
common Roman pronunciation* Each trochaic tripodia in 1. 2
begins with an anacrusis. According to Livy (i. 26), the law
belongs to the time of TuUus Hostilius ; Cicero, on the other
hand (j^ro Babir, c. 4, § 13), refers it to the legislation of
Tarquinius.
Id. s. V. PeUiceSy p. 222 : " Cui generi mulierum poena con-
stituta est a Numa Pompilio hac lege : Pellex aram Junonia ne
tangito; si tangetj Junoni crinibus demtssia agnum foBminam
ccaditOy^ i. e. Pelecs asam Junonia nei tancitud; aei tanceiy
Junonei crineboa demiaeia acnam feminam ceditud.
Id. s. y. Opima apoliay p. 189 : *^ Esse etiam Fompili regis
legem opimorum spoliorum talem: Otyua auapido claaae pro-
cincta opima apolia capiuntuVy Jovi Feretrio bovem ccadito;
qui cepit [ei] ceria COG darter oportet: [cujus auspicio capiun*
tur] aecunda apolia^ in Martia aram in Campo aoUtaurilia
tt^a voluerit' (i. e. *vel majora vel lactentia,' Scal.) coadito;
[qui cepit, ei seris CG dato]: [cujus auspicio capiuntur] teriia
apolia Janui Quirino agnum marem ccaditOy C qui ceper^ ex
asre dato; mfua auapido capta, dia piaculum dato,^^ Niebuhr
(i7. R. II. note 972) explains these gradations of reward bj a
reference to the scale of paj in the Roman army. The supple-
ments in this passage rest principally on Plutarch, FtV. Marc
c. 8: Kok \afiffav€iv yipa/^y cura-dpia rptoKoaia rov irpArop^ rhv
hk Seurepov BuueociOy rhv hi rplrov hcarov.
Plin. H. N. XXXII. 2, 10, § 20: '' Placeia quei aquamoaei
nee aunty nei polucetod/ aquamoaoa omneia prceter acarom polu-
cetodJ" Cf. Fest. s. v. PoUucere, p. 253: ^^Pottueere meroee
[quae cuivis deo liceat], sunt far, polenta, yinum, panis fer-
mentalis, ficus passa, suilla, bubula, agnina, case!» ovilla, alica,
sesama, et oleum, pisces quibus est squama, prseter scarnm:
Hercnli autem omnia esculenta, poculenta."
Id. s. Y. TerminOy p. 368 : " Denique Numa Pompilius sta-
§6.] OB LATIN LANGUAGE. 241
toit, Eum qui terminum exarasaet ei ipawm et loves aeuyroa e«se."
L e. Qui terminom ecsarasety ipsua et haveia aacrei sunto (see
Dirkseu, Verstiche, p. 334).
Id. s. y. AliutUy p. 6: ^^ Aliuta antiqui dicebant pro aliter,
.... hinc est illud in legibus Numse Pompili : Siquisquam aiitUa
facsit ipaoa Jovei sacer estod.^^
§ 6. Bemains of the XIL Tables.
But of all the legal fragments which exhibit the prisca
vetustaa verhorum (Cic. de Orator Sy I. c. 43), the most copious, as
well as the most important, are the remains of the Twelve
Tables, of which Cicero speaks in such enthusiastic, if not
hyperbolical language. These fragments have been more than
once collected and explained. In the following extracts I have
followed the text of Dirksen ( Uebersicht der hUherigen VerauchA
zur Kritik und Herstellung dea Textea der Zwblf- TafeUFragmentd)*
The object, however, of Dirksen*s elaborate work is juristic *
rather than philological; whereas I have only wished to present
these fragments as interesting specimens of old Latinity.
It was probably the intention of the decemvirs to comprise
their system in six double Tables; for each successive pair of
Tables seems to refer to matters which are naturally classed
together. Thus Tab. i. and ii. relate to the legia actionea; Tab.
III. and IV. to the mancipiumy poteataa, and manuay or the rights
which might be acquired over insolvent debtors, the right of a
£Either over his son, and of a husband over his wife; Tab. v. and
VI. to the laws of guardianship, inheritance atfd property; Tab.
VII. and VIII. to obligaHoneay delictay and crimina; Tab. IX. and
X. to the jua publicum and jua aacrum; Tab. XI. and xil. were
supplementary to the ten former Tables, both in subject and in
date.
§ 7. Tab. I.
Fr. 1. (1. 1, 2, Gotholredi) : si . in . JUS . vocat . ni . it . an-
TESTATOR . IQITUR . EM . CAPITO . (Porphyrio od HoT. I. Serm.
9, 65 : " Adversarius molesti illius Horatium consulit, an per-
1 The student will find a general sketch of the old Roman law in
Arnold's Romsy i. pp. 256 sqq.
D. V. 16
242 THB OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI,
mittat se antestari, injecta manu extractnroa ad Praetorem, quod
yadimomo non pamerit. De hac autem Lege xii. Taibularwn his
yerbis cautum est: si vis vocaiiont iestamtni^ tgitwr en capito
antestari. Est ergo antestari, scilicet anteqaam maniini injiciat.''
Cf. Cic. Legg. ii. c. 4; Aul. Grell. ^.-4. xx. 1; Auctor ad He-
renn. ii. c. 13; Non. Marcell. de Prcpr. 8erm. c. 1, § 20, s. v.
calvitur. Lucilins, Lib. xvil. : " Si non it, ccgnto, inqnit, eum et,
si calvitur ergo, Ferto manum^^). It seems probable that the
original form of the law was si quis in jus vocatus nee it, ante-
staminOy igitur (i. e. iwefe, pastea, turn, Fest. p. 106) em (= eum)
cajyito. Cf. Gronov. Lect. Plautin. p. 95. That igitur means
** thereupon " is shown hj the context, and that it denotes turn
as to the antecedent to qttando appears from Plantus, Mil. OL ill.
1. 177: quando habebo, igitur rationem mearumfabricarum dabo.
Fr. 2 (i. 3): Si . calvitur . pedemve . struit, . manum .
ENDO . jacito . (Festas, p. 313). The word calvitur is explained
by Gains, L. 233, pr. D. de Verb. 8ign.:^^ 8i calvitur et moretur
et frostretur. Inde et calumniatores appellati sunt, quia per
frandem et fimstrationem alios vexarent litibus/' Pedem struere
is explained bj Festus, 1. 1.: '^ Alii putant significare retrorsum
ire: aHi, in aliam partem : sliijugere: slii grcidum augere : alii
minuere, cum quis vix pedem pedi praefert, otiose it, remoratur:"
and p. 210: ^^ pedem struit in xii. significat Jugit, ut ait Sen
Sulpicius." This fragment seems to have followed close upon
the previous one : see the passage of Lucilius, quoted above.
Fr. 3 (i. 4): si , morbus . aevitasve . vitium . escit, . qui .
IN . JUS . VOCABl* . JUMENTUM . DATO ; . 81 . NOLET . ARCERAM .
NE . STERNITO . (Aul. GcU. N. A. XX. 1). Vitium escit means
impedimenta erit. Arcera is explained by Nonius Marcellus, de
Prcpr, 8erm. I. § 270 : " Arcera plaustrum est rusticum, tectum
undique quasi area. Hoc vocabulum et apud Yarronem et apud
M. Tullium invenitur. Hoc autem vehiculi genere senes et CBgroti
vectari solent. Varro y€fH)jniBiBcur/caKco: veh(i>atur cum uxore
vehiculo semel aut bis anno cum' arcera : si non veUet non ster"
neret.^^
Fr. 4 (i. 6) : assiduo . vindex . assiduus . esto, . proleta-
RIO . QUOI . QUIS . VOLET . VINDEX . ESTO . (Aul. Qelh N. A. XVI.
c. 10; cf. Cicero, Tcp. c. 2, who explains assiduus as a STnonym
of hcuplesy and derives it, with iElius, ah asse dando/ Nonius,
§7.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 243
Propr. 8erm. c. 1, § antepen., who explains proletaries as equi-
valent to plebeius — " qui tantum prolem sufficiat." See Niebuhr,
Hist. Bom. I. p. 445, note 1041).
Fr. 5 (ix. 2). Festus, p. 348 : " Satiates dicti sunt, qui supra
infraque Bomam habitaverunt. Quod nomen his fuit, quia cum
defecissent a Bomanis, brevi post redierunt in amicitiam, quasi
9anata mente. Itaque in xii. cautum est, ut ' idem juris esset
Sanatibus quod Forcttbus,^ id est bonis (cf. pp. 84, 102), et qui
nunquam defecerant a p. B." Whence we may supply, p. 321 :
" [Hinc] in xii.: ' NEx[i solutique, ac] POBCn 8ANATi[sque idem
jus estod'], id est, bonor[um et qui defecerant sociorum]."
Where also sanas is explained from Cincius, " [quod Priscus] '
prseter opinio[nem eos debellavisjset, sanaYisse[tque ac cum iis
pajcisci potuisset." Dirksen (p. 164) is wrong in referring these
extracts to the epitome of Paulus.
Fr. 6 (i. 17) : kem . ubi . pagunt, . obato . {Atictor ad J5fo-
renn. ii. c. 13).
Fr. 7 (i. 8) : ni . pagunt . in . comitio . aut . in . poeo .
ANTE . MEBIDIEM . CAUSAM . OONJICITO, . QUOM . PEBOBANT .
AMBO . PBAESENTES . (id. ibid, and Aul. Gell. xvii. 2). The
word^w^n^ is explained by Priscian (x. 6, § 32) as a synonym
of paciscor; the common Latin form is pa-n-go^ but the medial
and tenuis of the gutturals were constantly interchanged after
the distinction between them was introduced by Sp. Carvilius
(Terent. Scaur, p. 2253, Putsch).
Fr. 8 (i. 9): post . mebidiem . pbaesenti . stlitem . addi-
ciTO . (Aul. Gell. XVII. 2).
Fr. 9 (l. 10) : SOL . OOCASUS . supbema . tempestas . esto .
(id. ibid.). The word tempestas is here used for tempos; the
whole afternoon was called tempos occiduum, and the sunset was
suprema tempestas (Macrob. Saturn. I. c. 3). Q^llius, to whom
we owe these fragments, considers the correct reading to be sol,
not solis occasus. " Sole occaso,^^ he says, " non insuavi venus-
tcUe (yetustate?) est, si quis aurem habeat non sordidam nee
proculcatam." But Festus (p. 305), Varro {L. L. v. c. 2), and
others, consider the phrase to have been solis occasus. There is
more probability in the reading of G^llius.
Fr. 10 (n. 1). Aul. Gell. N. A. xvl c. 10: "Sedenim
qnum proletarU^ et assidui, et satiates, et vades, et suhvades,-^
16—2
244 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. TI.
evanuerint, omnisque ilia xii. Tabolaram antiquitas — consopita
sit, &c."
§ 8. Tab. 11.
Fr. 1. Gains, Inst. iv. § 14: " Poena antem sacramenti aut
quingenaria erat, aut qiiinqnagenaria; nam de rebns mille »ris
plurisve qningentis assibus, de minoris vero qninqnaginta assibns
Sacramento contendebator; nam ita lege xii. Tabulamm caatom
erat. Sed si de libertate hominis controversia erat, etsi pre-
tiosissimos homo esset, tamen ut L. assibus Sacramento conten-
deretur eadem lege cautom est favoris causa ne satisdatione
onerarentur adsertores."
Fr. 2 (II. 2): (a) mobbus . soNTicus — (&) status, dies.
CUM . HOSTE — (c) SI . QUID . HORUM . FUAT . UNUM, . JUDICI, .
ARBITROVE . REOVE, . DIES . DIFFENSUS . ESTO . (a) Aul. Grell.
XX. c. 1 : " Morbum vehementiorem, vim graviter nocendi haben-
tem, Leg, istar. i. e. xii. Tab. scriptores alio in loco non per se
Tnorhum, sed morbum sorUicum appellant." Fest p. 290 : " iSbn-
ticum morbum in xii. significare ait jS^lius Stilo certum cum
justa causa, quem non nulli putant esse, qui noceat, quod' wmtes
significat nocentes. NaBvius ait: sonticam esse oportet causamy
quam ob remperdas multeremJ*^ (b) Cic. de Off. I. c. 12: ^^Sostis
enim majores nostros is dicebatur, quem imno pereffrinum dicimus.
Indicant xii. Tabulae ut : stahis dies cum hosts; itemque : adver-
sus hostem cetema auctoritas.'' Fest. p. 314: " Status dies [cum
hoste] vocatur qui judici causa est constitutus cum peregrino.
Ejus enim generis ab antiquis hostes appellabantur, quod erant
pari jure cum populo R., atque hostire ponebatur pro cBquare.
Plautus in Curculione [l. 1, 6] : si status condictus cum hoste
intercedit dies, tamen est e^ndum, quo i?nperant ingraJtis.^^ This
passage is neglected by Dirksen, but not by Gronovius, Lectiones
Plautince^ p. 81. With regard to the original signification of
hostis^ it is very worthy of remark that the Latin hostis and the
Greek fei/09, starting firom opposite points, have interchanged
their significations. Hos-tis originally signified '^ a person enter-
tained by another," " one who has food given to him " (comp.
hos-pi-lt-^Sj " the master of the feast," hostia, gasts, &c. N. OraL
§ 474); but at last it came to mean " a stranger," " a foreigner,"
and even " an enemy " (see Varro, L. L. p. 2, Mtdler). Whereas
§9.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 245
f^yo9, originally denoting "a stranger" (extraneua), i.e. "one
without " (Hf€i/o9), came in the end to signify " an entertainer "
and " a friend." I cannot accept MfLller's derivation of ^hfo^
{ad Feat. p. 102). (c) Festus, p. 273 : "-Betw nunc dicitur, qui
causam dicit; et item qui quid promisit spoponditve, ac debet.
At Gallus -^lius libro il. Sign. Verb. qu. ad Jus pertinent, ait:
Beus eat, qui cum aUero litem contestatam habet, sive is egity sive
cum eo actum eat. Beua atipulando eat idem qui atijpulator did"
twTj quive atto nomine ah altera quid atipulaiua eat, nan ia qui
alteri adatipulatua eat. Beua promittendo eat qui auo nomine aUeri
quid jpramiiait, non qui pro aUero quid promiait. At Capito Ateius
in eadem quidem opinione est : sed exemplo adjuvat interpreta-
tionem. Nam in secunda Tabula secunda lege in qua scriptum
est: ai quid horumfuat unumjudid arbitrove reove, eo die diffen-
mis estOy hie uterque, actor reusque, in judicio rei vocantur, item-
que accusator de via citur more vetere et consuetudine antiqua."
Ulpian, L. Lxxiv. ad Edict. : " Si quis judicio se sisti promise-
rit, et yaletudine vel tempestate yel vi fluminis prohibitus se
sistere non possit, exceptione adjuvatur; nee immerito: cum
enim in tali permissione prsesentia opus sit, quemadmodum potuit
ae sistere qui adversa yaletudine impeditus est? Et ideo etiam
Lex XII. Tab. : ai judex vel alteruter ex litigatoribua morbo aon-
tico impediatuTjjuhet diemjudidi eaae diffenaum^ I have restored
diffenaua both in Festus and Ulpian on the authority of Mllller,
who has shown . {Suppl. Annot. ad Feat. p. 401) that findo must
have been anciently a synonym oi fsrio and trudo, and conse-
quently that dijenaua eato = differatur.
Fr. 3 (ii. 3) : cui . testimonium . defuerit, . is . tertiis .
DIEBUS . OB . PORTUM . OBVAGULATUM . ITO . (Fest. p. 233 : " For-
tum in XII. pro domo positum omnes fere consentiunt : si/' &c.
Id. p. 375 : '^ Vagulatio in lege xii. [Tab.] significat quceationem
cum convido : «," &c.).
Fr. 4 (II. 12). "Nam et de furto pacisci lex permittit"
(L. 7, § 14 D, d6 Factia, Ulp, iv. ad Edictwm).
§ 9. Tab. III.
Fr. 1 (ill. 4) : aeris . confessi . rebusque . jure . judi-
cata . TRIGINTA . DIES . JUSTI . SUNTO . (Aul. GcU. XX. C. 1 :
'^ Eosque dies Decemviri justos appellaverunt, velut quoddam
246 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
justitiiun, id est juris inter eos quasi interstitionem quandam et
cessationem, quibus diebus nihil cum his agi jure posset." XY.
c. 13; cf. Gains, Inst. iii. § 78, &c.).
Fr. 2 (ill. 5) : post . deinde . manus . injectio . Efi?ro ; .
IN • JUS . DUCITO . (Aul. Gell. XX. c. 1; cf. Gains, Imt iv. § 21).
Fr. 3 (ill. 6) : Ni . judicatum . facit (1. Juxsit), . aut .
QUIPS . ENDO . EM . JURE . VINDICIT, . SECUM . DUCITO; . VINCITO, .
AUT . NERVO . AUT . COMPEDIBUS, . QUINDECTM . PONDO . NE . MA-
JORE, . AUT . SI , VOLET . MINORE . VINCITO . (Aul. Gell. XX.
c. 1). We should perhaps read faxsit for facU on account of
vindicity for which see Mtiller, SuppL Ann. ad Fest. p. 393. For
the form quips see Gronovius ad OeU. I.; the proper reading is
ques; see below, § 23. For the meaning of nervus here, comp.
Fest. s. V. p. 766.
Fr. 4 (ill. 7) : si . volet, . suo . vivito; . ni . suo . vivit, .
QUI . EM . VINCTUM . HABEBIT, . LIBRAS . FARRIS . ENDO . DIES .
DATO; . SI . VOLET . PLUS . DATO . (Aul, Gell, XX. c. 1; and for
the meaning of mvere compare L. 234, § 2 D, {f€ Verb. Sign.;
Gains, L. ii. ad Leg. xii. Tah.; Donat. ad Terent. Phorm. ii.
1, 20). The student will observe that endo dies = indies.
Fr. 6 (ill. 8). Aul. GelL JV. J, xx. 1 : " Erat autem jus
interea paciscendi ; ac nisi pacti forent, habebantur in vinculis,
dies LX. ; inter eos dies trinis nundinis continuis ad Prsetorem in
comitium producebantur, quantaeque pecuniae judicati essent prse-
dicabatur." From which Ursinus conjectures: Endoderaiim
[rather interatim, Festus, p. Ill] pacio estod. Nei cum eopadtf
LX. dies vinciam habetod. In ieis diebus tertieis nondineis can-
tinueis indu comitium endo joure im procitato, gudnieique stlis
cestumata siet prcedicato.
Fr. 6 (ill. 9). Aul. Gell. xx. 1 : " Tertiis autem nundinis
capite poenas dabant, aut trans Tiberim peregre venum ibant—
si plures forent, quibus reus esset judicatus, secare si vellent
atque partiri corpus addicti sibi hominis permiserunt — verba ipsa
Legis dicam: — tertiis, inquit, nundinis partis Secanto, 8I
PLUS MINUSVE SECUERUNT, SE FRAUDE ESTO." Cf. Quintil. In8t.
Or. III. c. 6; Tertullian, Apol. c. 4. The student will remark
that we have here se for sine, as in the compounds se-dulo {^sine
dolo), se-parOf se-cludo, se-motuSy se-gregatusy &c. (See Festus,
p. 336). Se => sed is an ablative form which in later Latin appears
§ 10.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 247
only in composition; sine accords in form with the Sanscrit
instrumental, and was used as a preposition to the latest period
of the language. Accordingly these two forms may be compared
with the Greek tta and icard ; the former being used only as the
particle of apodosts or in composition (as Kofrrerop Pind. 0. Viil.
38), while the latter retains to the end its regular prepositional
functions.
Ft. 7 (ill. 3) : adversus . hostbh . Xetebna . auctobitas .
(Cic. de Of. I. c. 12).
§ 10. Tab. IV.
Ft. 1 (IV. 1). Cic. de Legg. iii. c. 8: "Deinde quum [Trib.
pot. ortus] esset cito legatus \leto datus^ Orelli], tamqiiam ex xil.
TabuUs insignia ad deJbrmitcUem ptier.'^ From whence we infer
that the xii. Tables authorized the exposure of deformed
children.
Fr. 2 (IV. 2). From the statement of Dionysius (ii. 26, 27),
that the decemvirs in their fourth Table continued the jtis venr
dendarum liberorum established in the time of the kings, Ursinus
imagines some such passage as this : patrei • endo . FIDIO •
VITAB . NECISQUE . POTESTAS . ESTOD, . TBRQUE . IN . VENOM .
darieb . jeus . ESTOD ; to which he appends the next fragment.
Fr. 3 (iv. 3) : si . pater . filium . teb . venum . duit, .
FiLius . A . patre . LIBER . ESTO . (Ulpian, Fr. Tit. X. § 1 ; Gains,
Inst. X. § 132; iv. § 79).
Fr. 4 (iv. 4). Aul. Gell. in. 16 : ... " Quoniam Decemviri in
decern mensibus gigni hominem, non in undecimo scripsissent ; "
whence Gothofredus would restore: si qui ei in x. mensibus
proximis jHfstumus nattu escit, Justus esio.
§ 11. Tah. V.
Fr. 1. Gains, Inst. i. § 145: "Loquimur autem exceptis
Yirginibus Yestalibus, quas etiam veteres in honorem sacerdotii
liberal esse voluerunt; itaque etiam lege xii. Tabularum cautum
est." Cf. Plutarch, Vit. Num. c. 10.
Fr. 2. Id. II. § 47 : " (Item olim) mulieres quae in agnato-
rum tutela erant, res mancipi usucapi non poterant, praeterquam
si ab ipso tutore (auctore) traditae essent : id ita lege xii. Tabu*
latum cautum erat."
248 THE OLD ROMAN [OHAP. VI.
Fr. 3 (v. 1) : [paterfamilias] . uti . legassit . supee .
PECUNIA . TUTELAYE . SUAE . REI, . ITA . JUS . ESTO . (Ulpian, Fr.
Tit. XI. § 14; Gaiufl, Inst. II. § 224; Cic. de Invent. Rhet. il.
c. 60; Novell. Justin, xxii. c. 2, &c.).
Fr. 4 (v. 2) : si . intestato . moritur . cui . suus . hebes .
NEC . SIT, . ADGNATUS . PROXIMUS . FAMIUAM . HABETO . (Ulpian,
Fr. Tit. XXVI. § 1; cf. Gains, Inst. in. § 9, &c.).
Fr. 5 (v. 3) : si . ai^gnatus . nec . escit, . gentilis . fami-
LIAM . NANXITOR. {CoUotio Legg. Mosaic, et Bom. Tit. xvi. § 4;
cf. Gaiufl, Inst. in. § 17). I have written nanocitor for nancttor
on the authority of Miifler, ad Fest. p. 166 : " nanocitor in Xli.,
«actus erit, prsehenderit;" where he remarks: ^^ nancitor quo-
modo futumm exactum esse possit, non intelligo, nisi correcta
una littera. Ab antiquo verbo nancio fiit. ex. fit nanxoy sicut a
capio capso; idque translatum in pass. form, efficit nanadtur vel
nanxitoTy ut a turhftsso fit turhassitur.^^ We have another instance
of this form in the pontifical law about the ver sa/yrunij quoted
by Livy (xxil. 10, § 6) : si antidea senatus populusque jussertt
fieri ac Juxitur, eo populus solutus liber esto (see also Corssen,
Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet. d. lot. Spr. ii. pp. 38 sqq.).
Fr. 6 (v. 7). Gains, Inst. i. § 155 : " Quibus testament©
quidem tutor datus non sit, iis ex lege xii. agnati srnit tutores;
qui vocantur legitimi." Cf. § 157, where he says that this
applied to women also.
Fr. 7 (v. 8) : si . furiosus . aut . prodigus . escit, . ast .
EI . gustos . NEC . ESCIT, . ADGNATORUM . GENTILIUMQUE . IN .
EO . PEQVUNIAQUE . EJUS . P0TE8TAS . ESTO. (Cicer. de Invent.
Bhet. II. c 50, gives the bulk of this passage ; aut prodigus is
inserted on the authority of Ulpian, § 3, i. de Curationibus/ and
ast ei castas nec escit is derived from Festus, p. 162 : " Nec con-
junctionem grammatici fere dicunt esse disjunctivam, ut nec
legit nec scr^t^ cum si diligentius inspiciatur, ut fecit Sinnius
Capito, intelligi possit cam positam esse ab antiquis pro non, ut
et in XII. est: ast ei custos nec escit ^^). For nec see above, Ch.
III. § 9, and below, Ch. vii. § 5.
Fr. 8 (v. 4). Ulpian, Frag. Tit. xxix. § 1; L. 195, § 1 D,
de Verb. Sign.: " Civis Bomani liberti hereditatem lex xii. Tab.
patrono defert, si intestato sine sue herede libertus decesserit —
Lex : EX ea familia, inquit, in eam familiam.'' Gothofiredus
§12.] OR LATIK LANGUAGE. 249
proposes the following restoration of the law : at Itbertus intes^
tato morttur cut suus heree nee escit, ast patrcnus ptxtronive Uberi
escint, ex eajhmilia in earn fomiltam proximo pecunia adduitor,
Fr. 9 (v. 5) and 10 (v. 6). From the numerous passages
which refer the law de ercti-dscunda (as the word must have
been originally written) familia to the xii. Tables (see Hugo,
Oeach. d. Rom, B, I. p. 229), we may perhaps suppose the law
to have been : si heredes partem quisque suam habere maUnt^
familicB ercti-ciscunda^ iris arbitros sumunto.
§ 12. Tab. VI.
Fr. 1 (VI. 1) : CUM . NEXUM . FACIET . MANaPIUMQUE, . UTI .
LINGUA . NUNCUPASSIT, . ITA . JUS . ESTO. (FeStUS, p. 173; Cic.
de Off. III. 16, de Orator, i. 57). Nuncupare=^nominare: Festds,
1. 1.; Varro, L. L. VI. § 60, p. 95, Mtiller. .
Fr. 2 (VL 2). Cic. de Offic. iii. 16: "Nam cum ex xn.
Tabulis satis esset ea prosstari quce essent lingua nuncupata, quce
qui infiHatue eseet dupli pcmam subiret; a jureconsultis etiam
reticentisB poena est constituta.*'
Fr. 3 (VL 6). Cic. Topic, c. 4 : " Quod in re pari valet,
valeat in hac, quse par est; ut: Qtumiam uaus auctoritas fundi
hiennium est, sit etiam cedium : at in lege. 2dA.es non appellantur,
et sunt ceierarum rerum omnium^ quarum annuus est usus^
Cf. Cic. pro CcBcina, c 19 ; Gains, Instit. ii. § 42 : and Boe-
thins ad Top. 1. c. p. 609, Orelli.
Fr. 4 (vi. 6). Gains, Inst. i. § 111: "Usu in manum con-
veniebat, quse anno continue nupta perseverabat : — ^itaque lege
XII. Tab. cautum [erat], si qua nollet eo mode in mauaum m^ariti
canve\mie, ut quotan]nt9 trinoctio abesset, cUque [ita usum] cujus'
que anni inierrumperet.'' Cf. Aul. GelL III. 2; Macrob. Saturn.
1.3.
Fr. 6 (vi. 7): 81 . qui . in . jure . manum . oonsebunt .
(Aul. Gell. XX. c. 10).
Fr. 6 (VI. 8). From Liv. in. 44, Dionys. Hal. xi. c. 30,
&C.J we may infer a law: prcetor secundum Ubertatem vindicias
data.
Fr. 7 (vi. 9): tionum . junctum . aedibus . vineaeve, . b .
OONCAPITB . NE . 80LVITO . (Fest. p. 364). A great number of
emendations of this passage have been proposed. The reading
250 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VL
which I have adopted Is the same as MUller's, except that I
prefer concapite to his concape: compare procapta —progenies^
" quae ab imo capite procedit" (Fest. p. 225). In the same way
as we have capes, capitis m. = miles; caput, capitis n. = vertex;
so we have concajns, concapitis f. = continua capitum junctura
(comp. Madvig, Beilage zu zeiner Latetn. SprockL p. 33).
Fr. 8 (vi. 10). L. 1. pr^ J), de tigno juncto, Ulpian, L.
xxxvii. ad JEdictum : " Quod providenter lex [xii. Tab.] effe-
cit, ne vel aedificia sub hoc praetextu diruantur, vel vinearum
cultura turbetur; sed in eum qui convictus est junxisse, in
duplum dat actionem." Where tignum is defined as signifying
in the xii. Tables: omnis materia ex qua cedificium constet,
vinecsque necessaria.
Fr. 9 (vi. 11) : quandoque . sarpta, . donec . dempta .
BRUNT . (Fest. p. 348). The word sarpta (which Mliller under-
stands of the ipsa sarpta, i.e. sarmenta putata) is explained hj
Festus, 1. 1. : " sarpiuntur vine», i. e. putantur," &c. p. 322 :
^^ [sarpta vinea putata, i.] e. pura [facta — ] inde etiam [sarmenta
script]ores dici pu[tant; sarpere enim a]ntiqui pro pur[gare
dicebant]." The sentence in the fragment probably ended with
vindicarejvs esto.
§ 13. Tab. VII.
Fr. 1 (VIII. 1). Vano, L. L. v. § 22, p. 9 : " Amiitus est
quod circumeundo teritur, nam amhitus circumitus, ab eoque
XII. Tabularum interpretes amhitum parietis circumitum esse
describunt." Volusius Msecianus, apud Gronov. de Sesteriio,
p. 398: ^^ Sestertius duos asses et semissem. Lex etiam xii. Ta-
bularum argumento est, in qua duo pedes et semis sestertius pes
vocatur." Festus, p. 16 (cf. p. 5) : " Ambitus proprie dicitur
inter vicinorum aedificia locus duorum pedum et semipedis ad
circumeundi facultatem reUctus." The law itself, therefore, pro-
bably ran thus : inter vicinorum cedificia ambitus parietum ses-
tertius pes esto.
Fr. 2 (viil. 3). Gains (lib. ly. ad Leg. xii. Tab. L.fin. D.
finium regundcrum) refers to a law of Solon, which he quotes
in Greek, and describes as in some measure the type of the
corresponding law of the xii. Tables, which regulates digging,
fendng, and building near the borders of a piece of ground.
§ 13.] OR LATIN LANaUAQE. 251
Fr. 3 (viii. 6): hobtus — heredium — tugubium . (Plin.
H. N. XIX. 4c, § 1: ''In xii. Tab. leg. nostrar. nosquam nomi*
natur mUa; semper m significatione ea hortusy in horti yero
heredium.''* Festus, p. 355: "[2%M-]rta a tecto appellantur
[domicilia rusticorum] sordida — quo nomine [MessaUa in ex-
plana] tione xii. ait etiam .... siguificari"). Properly speaking,
the vtcus (signifying " several Rouses joined together") included
the villa {=vicula, Doderl. 8yn, u. Et. iii. 5), which was the
residence of the proprietor, and the adjoining tuguria, in which
the oohni partiarii lived. All persons living in the same vicua
were called vicini; and the first fragment in this table refers to
the ambitus between the houses of those who lived on the same
estate. The pasture-land left common to the vicini was called
compascuua ager (Festus, p. 40). It is not improbable that the
words compescere and impescere occurred in the xii. Tables. See,
however, Dirksen, p. 634, Ager is defined as : " locus qui sine
villa est" (Ulpian, L. 27, Fr. D. de V. 8.). But in a remark-
able passage in Festus (p. 371), the vicua is similarly described
in its opposition to the villa or proedium. The passage is as
follows (see Muller, 8uppL Ann. p. 413) : " Vici appellari inci-
piunt ab agris, [et sunt eorum hominumj qui ibi villas non
habent,'ut Maxsi aut Peligni, sed ex vicis partim habent rempub*
licam, [ubi] et jus dicitur, partim nihil eorum, et tamen ibi nun-
dinas aguntur negotii gerendi causa, et magistri vici, item magistri
pagi, [in iis] quotannis fiunt. Altero» cum id genus officiorum
[significatur], qusB continentia sunt in oppidis, qussve itineribus
regionibusve distributa inter se distant, nominibusque dissimilibus
discriminis causa sunt dispartita. Tertio, cum id genus aedifi-
ciorum detinitur, qu» in oppido prive, id est in suo quisque loco
proprio ita sedificat, ut in eo sadificio pervinm sit, qoo itinere
habitatores ad suam quisque habitationem habeat accessum ; qui
non dicuntur vicani, sicut ii, qui aut in oppidi vicis, aut ii, qui in
agnB sunt, vicani appellantur." Festus here describes (1) the
vicus rusticus, (2) a street in a town, as tlie vicua Oypriua, and
(3) a particular kind of insulated. house {insula) in the cily.
Fr. 4 and 6 (viii. 4, 6). Cicero de Legg. i. c. 21 : " TJsu-
capionem xii. Tabulae intra quinque pedes esse noluerunt." Non.
Marcell, de Propr. Serm. c. 5, § 34, quotes, as the words of the
law: 81 JURGANT. '^ 8i jurganty inquit« Benevolomm conceit
252 THE OLD BOMAK [cHAP. YI.
tatio non lis, ut inimicomm, sed jurgium dicitur." Ursintis
Bupposes the law to have been : si vtdni inter se jurgaadnty
intra v. pedes usucapio ne esto. Jur-gium is from Jure agere.
Fr. 6 (VIII. 10). L. 8, d, de Servit Ftcid. Rustic.: "Viae
latitado ex lege xii. Tab. in porrectum octo pedes habet; in
anfractum, id est, ubi flexum est, sedecim." Varro, L. L. vii.
§ 15, p. 124 : ** Anfractum est flexum, ab origine duplici dictum,
ab ambitu et frangendo ; ab eo leges jubent, in directo pedum
VIII. esse, in anfracto xvi., id est in flexu."
Fr. 7 (viii. 11). Cicero pro Ccecina, c. 19: "Si via sit im-
munita, jubet (lex), qua velit agere jumentum." Cf. Festus, p.
21, 8. V. Amsegetes. MtlUer and Buschke express their surprise
that Dirksen and other learned jurists should have overlooked
the passage in Festus, which contains the best materials for the
restoration of this law. Festus (s. v. Vice, p. 371) says : " Via
sunt et public», per [quas ire, agere, veher]e omnibus licet:
privatffl quibus [vehiculum immittere non licet] prater eorum,
quorum sunt privat». [In xii. est : Amsegetes] vias muniunto
DONICUM LAPIDES ESCUNT: [NI MUNIERINT,] QUA VOLET JUMENTA
AGITO." See MttUer, 8uppL Annot. p. 414.
Fr. 8 (viii. 9). L. 5, d, ne quid in I. pvhl. Paulus, Lib.
XVI. ad Scibinum: "Si per publicum locum rivus aquaeductus
privato nocebit, erit actio private ex lege xn. Tab. ut noxse
domino caveatur." L. 21, D, de Statuliber. Pompon. L. vii.
ex PlatUio: si . AQUA . pluvia . nocet.
Fr 9 (VIII. 7). L. 1, § 8, D, de Arbortbus cwdend. Ulp.
L. Lxxi. ad Edict. : " Lex xii. Tab. efficere voluit, ut xv.
pedes altius rami arboris circumcidantur." From which, and
Festus, p. 348, it is proposed to restore the law : si arbor in
vicini agrum impendet, altius a terra pedes XV. sublucator.
Fr. 10 (viii. 8). Plin! K N. xvi. c. 5: "Cautum est
prsBterea lege xii. Tab., ut glandem in alienum fundum proci-
dentem liceret colligere.'' The English law makes a similar
provision respecting rabbit-burrows.
Fr. 11 (VI. 4). § 1, 41, I» de Ber. Divis.: "Vendit» vero
res et traditas non aliter emptori adquiruntur, quam si is venditor!
pretium solverit, vel alio modo satisfecerit, veluti expromissore,
aut pignore dato. Quod cavetur quidem et lege xn. Tab., tamen
xecte dicitnr et jure gentium, i. e. jure naturali, effici.*'
§ 14.] OR LATIN LAKGUAOE. 253
Fr. 12 (VI. 3). Ulpian, Fr. tit. 2, § 4: «Sub hac condi-
tione liber esse jussua, si decern millia heredi dederit, etsi ab
berede abalienatus sit, emptori dando pecuniam, ad'libertatem
perveniet: idque lex xii. Tab. jubet." Cf. Fest. s. v. Statultber^
p, 314.
§ 14. T(j>. vm.
Fr. 1 (viii. 8). Cic. de Republ. iv. 10: "Nostr» xii. Tjt-
bulsB, quum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his banc quoque
sanciendam putaverunt: si quia occentamsset^ sive carmen can"
didissety quod infdmiam fajcefet flagitiumve aUeri.^^ Festus,
p. 181 : " Occentassint antiqui dicebant quod nunc oonmtium
fscerint dicimus, quod id clare, et cum quodam canore fit, ut
procul exaudiri possit Quod turpe habetur, quia non sine causa
fieri putatur. Inde cantilenam dici querellam, non cantus jucun-
ditatem puto.'* Plautus, Gurcul. I. 2, 57; Horat. ii. 8erm. 1,
80 ; II. Epiat. 1, 152. Grothofredus would restore the law thus :
8% quia pipuh {^ploratu^ Fest. p. 253 ; cf. p. 212, s. y. pipatio^
above, p. 136), occentaaait, carmenve condidiaaet, &c.JiiateJerito,
Fr. 2 (vii. 9): 8i membrum . bupit . ni . cum . eo . pacit, .
TAUO . ESTO . (Fest. p. 363 : ** Permittit lex parem vindictam."
Aul. Grell. XX. 1; Gains, Inat. lii. § 223).
Fr. 3 (vii. 10). Gains, InaL ill. § 223: "Propter os vero
firactum aut conlisum ccc. assium poena erat (ex lege xii. Tab.
velut si libero os firactum erat; at si servo, CL." Cf. Aul.
Gell. XX. 1.
Fr. 4 (vii. 7) : 8i . injuriam . paxit . alteri, . viginti .
QUINQUE . AERIS . POENAE . SUNTO . (Aul. Gcll. XX. 1 ; cf.
Gains, Inat HI. § 223). Fest. p. 371 : " Viginti quinque posnaa
in XII. significat viginti quinque asses.'' Here pcQntxa ^painaea
is the old form of the genitive singular and nominative plural.
Fr. 5 (vii. 2) : rupitias . [qui . faxit] . sarcito . (Fest
8. w. pp. 265, 322), i. e. qui damnum dederit prceatato.
Fr. 6 (vii. 5). L. 1, pr. d, ai Quadrup. Paup. fie. die.
Ulp. xvixi. ad Edict. : '^ Si quadrupes pauperiem fecisse dice-
tnr, actio ex lege xii. Tab. descendit ; quae lex voluit aut dari id
quod nocuit, id est, id animal, quod noxiam commisit, aut »sti-
mationem noxisd offerre.''
Fr- 7 (vxi. 6). L. 14, § 3, D, de Prceacr. Verb.: "Si glans
254 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
ex arbore toa in meum fundum cadat' eamque ego immlsso pecore
depascam, Aristo scribit non sibi occurrere legitimam actionem,
qua experiri possim, nam neque ex lege xii. Tab. de pafitu
pecoris, quia non in tuo pascitur, neque de pauperie neque de
damni injurise agi posse" (of. Tab. vii. Fr. 10).
Fr. 8 (vii. 3): qui . fruges . excantassit . (Plin. H. N.
XXVIII. C. 2). NEVE . ALIENAM . SEQETEM . PELLEXERIS . (SerV.
ad Verg. Ed. VIil. 99). Cf. Seneca, Nat. QucBst. iv. 7, &c.
Fr. 9 (vii. 4). Plin. H. N. xviii. c. 3: "Frugem quidem
aratro qus&sitam furtim noctu pavisse ac secuisse, puberi xii.
Tabulifi capitale erat, suapensumque Cereri necari jubebant;
gravius quam in homicidio conyictmn : impubem prsBtoris arbi-
tratu yerberari, noxiamque duplione decemi."
Fr. 10 (vil. 6). L. 9, d, de Incend. Ruina Naufr. Gains,
• IV. ad XII. Tah. : " Qui asdes acervumve frumenti juxta domum
positum camiuMerit, vinctus verberatua igni necari jubetur, si
modo Bciens prudensque id commiserit: si vero casu^ id est,
negligentia, aut noxbim aarcire, jubetur, aut si minus tdoneus
sit, levins castigatur: appellatione autem cedium omnes species
aedificii continentur."
Fr. 11 (II. 11). Plin. H. N. xvii. 1 : " Fuit et arborum
cura legibus priscis ; cautumque est xii. Tabulid, ut qui injuria
cecidisset alienas, lueret in singulas seris xxv."
Fr. 12 (II. 4) : si . Nox . furtum . factum . sit, . si . im .
OCCISIT, . JURE . CAESUS . ESTO . (Macrob. Saturn, i. c 4). Here
nox = noctu; Aul. Gell. Viii. c. 1.
Fr. 13 (II. 8). L. 54, § 2, D, dejurt. Gains, Lib. xill. ad
Edict. Provinc. : '* Furem interdiu deprehensum non aliter occi-
dere lex xii. Tab. permisit, quam si telo se defendat."
Fr. 14 (II. 6—7). Aul. Gell. xi. c. 18: "Ex ceteris autem
I manifestis fiiribus liberos verberari addicique jusserunt (decem-
viri) ei, cui factum furtum esset, si modo id luci fecissent, neque
I se telo defendissent : servos item furti manifesti prensos verberi-*
bus affici et e saxo prsDcipitari ; sed pueros impuberes pr»toris
I arbitratu verberari voluerunt, noxamque ab his factam sarciri."
i Cf. Gains, in. § 189. For the last part, cf. Fr. 9.
I Fr. 15 (II. 9). Gains, Inst. in. § 191, 192: "Concepti et
oblati (furti) poena ex lege xil. Tab. tripli est, — ^praecipit (lex)
* ut qui quserere velit, nudus quadrat linteo cinctus, lancem ha-
§ 14.] OB LATIN LANGUAGE. 255
bens; qui si quid inyenerit, jubet id lex fortum manifestum
ess^" Cf. Aul. Gell. XL 18, XVL 10.
Fr. 16 (II. 10) : si . adorat . pubto . quod . nec . mani-
festum . ESCIT . (Fest. p. 162. Gains, Inst. iii. § 190 : " Nec
manifesti ftirti per leg. xii. Tab. dupli irrogatur"). For the use
of adoro, see Fest. p. 19 : " Adorare apud antiques significabat
offere, unde et legati oratores dicuntur, quia mandata populi
agunt:^^ add, Fest s. v. oratores^ p. 182 : Varro, L. L. vi. § 76,
Vii. § 41, &c.
Fr. 17 (ii. 13). Gains, Inst. ii. § 45: "Furtivam (rem) lex
xii. Tab. usucapi probibet.'*
Fr. 18 (ill. 2). Cato, J8. J8. procem. : " Majores nostri sic
habuemnty itaque in legibns posuemnt, fiirem dupli damnari,
foeneratorem quadrupli." Tacit. Antud. VI. 16: "Nam primo
XII. Tabulis sanctum, ne quis unciario foenere amplius exerce-
ret." See Niebuhr, H. R. ill. 60 sqq., who has proved that the
foBnua unciariwin was ^ of the principal, i. e. 8J per cent for the
old year of ten months, and therefore 10 per cent for the civil year.
Fr. 19 (III. 1). Paulus, Rec. Sent. n. tit. 12, § 11: "Ex
causa depositi lege xii. Tab. in duplum actio datur.'*
Fr. 20 (VII. 16). L. I. § 2, d, (fe suspect. Tutortbus: " Sci-
endum est suspecti crimen e lege xii. Tab. descendere." L. 55,
§ 1, D, c2e Admin, et Perio. Tutor. : " Sed si ipsi tutores rem pupilli
fnrati sunt, videamus, an ea actione, quse proponitur ex lege
XII. Tab. adversus tutorem in duplum, singuli in solidum tene*
antur."
Fr. 21 (vii. 17) : patronus . si . clienti . fbaudem . pece-
RTT . SACER . ESTO . (Servius, on VirgiPs words, .^meid. vi. 609 :
"pulsatusve parens, et fraus innexa clienti"). I can suppose
that the original hsA fraudem Jrausu^ siet: see Festus, p. 91,
and Gronov. Lect. Plaut. p. 33, ad Astn. II. 2, 20.
Fr. 22 (vii. 11): qui . se . sierit . testarier, . libri-
PENSVE . PUERIT, . Nl . TESTIMONIUM . PARIATUR(?), . IMPR0BU8 .
iktestabilisque . ESTO . (Aul. Gell. xv. 13).
Fr. 23 (vii. 12). Aul. Gell. xx. 1 : "An putas, si non ilia
ex XII. Tab. de testimoniis falsis poena abolevisset, et si nunc
quoque, ut antea, qui falsum testimonium dixisse convictus esset,
e saxo Tarpeio dejiceretur, mentituros ftdsse pro testimonio tarn
moltos quam videmus ?*'
266 THB OLD SOMAN [OHAP. VI.
Fr. 24 (vii. 13). Pliny, in the passage quoted in Fr. 9, im-
plies that involuntary homicide was but slightly punished. The
fine in such a case seems to have been a ram (Serv. ad Verg.
Ed. IV. 43) ; and the law has been restored thus (with the help
of Cic. de OraL III. 39, Top. 17): 8% quia hominem Uberum doh
sciens morti dedit^ parricida esto : at si telum manu fugit^ pro
capite occisi et ncUis efua arietem subjicito,
Fr. 25 (VII. 14). J'rom Plin. H. N. xxviii. 2, and L. 236,
pr. D, de Verb. Sign., the following law has been restored : QUI .
MALUM . CAKMEN . INGANTASSIT . [CEREKI . SACEB . ESTO] .
[qui] . MALUM . VENENUM . [fAXIT . DUITVE . PAKRICIDA . ESTO],
Fr. 26 (ix. 6), Porcius Latro, Declam. in Catilin. c. 19:
'^ Primum xii. Tabulis cautum esse cognoscimus, ne quia in urbe
ccstU8 noctumoa agitaret.^^ Which Ursinus restores thus: qui
calim endo urbe nox coit, coiverit, capital estod.
Fr. 27 (VIII. 2). L. 4, d, de CoUeg. et CarporOua: " 8odaU$
sunt, qui ejusdem collegii sunt; quam Grsdci eroApiav vocant
His autem potestatem facit lex, pactionem quam velint sibi ferre,
dum ne quid ex publica lege corrumpant"
§ 15. Tab. IX.
Fr. 1 (IX. 1). Cicero ^0 Domo, c. 17: "Vetant xii. Ta-
bulas leges privis hominibus irrogari.*'
Fr. 2 (ix. 4). Cicero de Legibus, HI. 19 : " Turn leges pras-
darissimss de xil. Tabulis translates du83 : quarum . . . altera de
capite dvis rogari, nisi maximo comitatu, vetaf Cf. Cicero
pro Sextio, c 30.
Fr. 3 (ix. 3). Aul. Gell. xx. 1: "Dure autem scriptum
esse in istis legibus (sc. xii. Tab.) quid existimari potest? nisi
duram esse legem putas, qu» judicem arbitrumve jure datam,
qui ob rem dicendam pecuniam accepisse convictus est, capite
pcenitur." Cf. Cicerp, Verr. Act. ii. Lib. il. c 32.
Fr. 4 (IX. 5). L. 2, § 23, d, de Orig. Jur.: "Quastores
constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus prsDessent: hi
appellabantur Quoestoree parricidii ; quorum etiam meminitlex
XII. Tabularum." Cicero de Bepuhl. Ii. 31. *' Frovocationem
autem etiam a regibus fuisse declarant pontificii libri, significant
nostri etiam augurales ; itemque ab omni judido poenaque pro-
§ 16.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 257
vocari licere, indicant xii. Tabtdae compluribus legibus." See
above, p. 239.
Fr. 5 (ix. 7) L. 3, pr. d. ad Leg, Jul. Majestat,: "Lex
XII. Tab. jubet eum qui hostem concitaverit, quive hosti civem
tradiderit, capite puniri."
§ 16. Tab. X
Fr. 1 (x. 2) : hominem . mortuum . in . ubbe . ne . sepe-
Lrro . neve . urito . (Cicero de Legihus, ii. 23).
Fr. 2 (x. 4, 6) : hoc . plus . ne . facito . — eogum . ascia .
ne . POLITO . (id. ibid.).
Fr. 3 and 4 (x. 6, 7) : " Extenuato igitur snmtu, tribus
riciniis, et vinclis purpurse, et decern tibicinibus toUit (lex xil.
Tab.) etiam lamentationem: mulieres . genas . ne . radunto; .
neve . LESSUM FUNERIS . ERGO . HABENTO." (id. ibid.). For
ridnium (= veatimentam qwzdrcUum) see Fest. s. v. p. 274, and
for radere genas (= unguibua lacerare malas) id. p. 273. From
Servius (zd JEn. xii. 606, it would appear that the full frag-
ment would be: mulieres genas ne radunto, faciem ne car-
puntOf &c.
Fr. 5 (x. 8): ''Cetera item funebria, quibus luctus augetur,
XII. sustulerunt: homini, . inquit, mortuo . ne 08SA . legito, .
QUO . POST . FUNUS • FACIAT . Excipit bellicam peregrinamque
mortem" (Cic. de Leg. Ii. 24).
Fr. 6 (x. 9, 10) : " H»c praeterea sunt in legibus de unctura,
quibus servilis . unctura . tollitur, omnisque circumpotatio :
quas et recte toUuntur, neque tollerentur nisi fuissent. ne .
SUMTUOSA . RESPERSIO ; . NE . LONGAE . CORONAE, . NEC . ACER-
RAE . prsBtereantnr" (Cic de Legibus, li. 24). For acerra, see
Fest. p. 18: "Acerra ara quas ante mortuum poni solebat, in
qua odores incendebant. Alii dicunt arculam esse thurariam,
scilicet ubi thus reponebant." Festus, s. v. Murrata jpoHone
(p. 158), seems also to refer to this law, which, according to
Gothofi^dus ran thus: Servilis unctura omnisque circumpotatio
auferitor. Murrata potio mortuo ne inditor. Ne longce corance,
neve acerrce prce/eruntor.
Fr. 7 (X. 11) : QUI ; CORONAM . PARIT . IPSE, . PECUNIAVE .
EJU», . VIRTUTIS . ERGO . DUITOR . EI. (Plin. K N. XXI. 3; cf.
Cic. de Leg. ii. 24).
D. V. 17
258 THB OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI.
Fr. 8 (x. 12), Cic. de Leg. ii. 24: " Ut uni plnra (fiincra)
fierent, lectique plores stemerentury id quoque ne fieret l^e
Bancitum est"
Fr. 9 ^x. 18) : neve . aurdm . addito . quoi . auro . dentes .
VINCTI . ESCUNT, . AST . IM . CUM . ILLO . SEPELIRE . UREREYE .
8E . PRAUDE . ESTO . (Cic. de Leg. II. 24). For se—sine^ see
above. Tab. iii. fir. 6. This firagment is interesting, because it
shows the antiquity of the dentist's art. Cicero {N. D. IK. 22,
§ 57) raises the first dentist to the rank of an ^sculapius :
" iEsculapiorum — tertius, Arsippi et ArsinosB, qui primus purga-
tionem alvi dentisque evidsianem, ut ferunt, invenit."
Fr. 10 (x. 14). Id. ibid.: " Rogum bustumve novum vetat
(lex XII. Tab.) propius lx. pedes adici sedeis alienas, invito
domino."
Fr. 11 (x. 15). Id. ibid. : " Quod autem FORUM, id est
vestibttlum sepulcri, bustumve . usucapi . vetat (lex xii. Tab.)
tuetur jus sepulchrorum." Comp. Festus, s. v. Farum^ p. 84.
§ 17. Tah. XL
Fr. 1 (xi. 2). Liv. iv. c.4: "Hoc ipsum, ne connubium
patribua cum plebe easet, non Decemviri tulerunt?" Cf. Dion.
Hal. X. c. 60, XI. c. 28.
§ 18. Tah. XIL
Fr. 1 (xii. 1). Gains, Inat. iv. § 28: "Lege autem intro-
ducta est pignoris capio, velut lege xii. Tab. adversus eum, qui
hostiam emisset, nee pretium redderet ; item adversus eum, qui
mercedem non redderet pro eo jumento, quod quia ideo locasaet,
at inde pecuniam acceptam in dapem, id est in sacrificium,
inpenderet."
Fr. 2 (xii. 4) : "In lege antiqua, si servus aciente domino
furtum fecit, vel aliam noxiam commisit, servi nomine actio est
noxalis, nee dominus suo nomine tenetur. si . SERVUS . FURTUM .
FAXIT, . NOXIAMVE . NOGUIT." (L. II. § 1 D. (& Noxal. Actio-
nibua).
Fr. 3 (xii. 3) : si . vindigiam . falsam . tuut, . stlitis .
[et . VINDICIARUM . PRAEJTOR . ARBITBOS . TRES . DATO, . BO-
RUM . ARBITRIO . [POSSESSOR sive REUS] . FRUCTUS . DUPUONB .
DAMNUM . DECIDITO . (Festus, s. V. Vifidicice, p. 376. I have
§ 19.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 259
introduced the corrections and additions of Mtlller). Cf. Theodos.
Cod. IV. 18, 1.
Fr. 4 (xii. 2). h. 3 D, de lAtigios,: "Rem, de qua con-
troyersia est, prohibemur in sacrum dedicate; alioquin dupli
pcenam patimur.''
Fr. 5 (XI. 1). Liv. vii. 17 : " In xii. Tabulis legem esse,
ut, quodcuuque postremum populus jussisset, id jus ratumque
esset."
§ 19. The Ttburiine Inscription.
These remains of the xii. Tables, though referring to an
earlj period of Soman history, are merely quotations, and as
such less satisfactory to the philological antiquary than monu-
mental relics even of a later date. The oldest, however, of these
authentic documents is not earlier than the second Samnite war.
It is a aenatuS'ConsuUum, " which gives to the Tiburtines the
assurance that the senate would receive as true and valid their
justification in reply to the charges against their fidelity, and
that it had given no credit, even before, to these charges"
(Niebuhr, E.B. lii. p. 310, orig. p. 264, tr.y. The inscription
was engraved on a bronze table, which was found at Tivoli in
the sixteenth century, near tlie site of the Temple of Hercules.
About a hundred years ago it was in the possession of the Bar-
berini family, but is now lost; at least, Niebuhr was unable to
discover it, though he sought for it in all the Italian collections,
into which the lost treasures of the house of Barberini were
likely to have found their way. Niebuhr's transcript (from
Gruter, p. 499), compared with Haubold's {Manumenta Legalia,
p. 81), is as follows.
1. L, Comdku Cn. F. Praetor SwyaXum oonsulwU a, d. m. Nonas
Maiaa tub aede Kastoru»:
2. 9or. adf.* A. Manlius A. F.^ Seos. JvlivSy L. Postumku S.* F.
1 TiBOonti inpposed that this Inieription wm not older than the Mar-
sian war» and Haubold (Mon. Legal p. 8l) places the date at a.u.o.
664 or 666; but there can be little doubt that NiebuhFi Tiew is correct;
■ee BetehreSbunff der Stadt Rom^ ra. pp. 125, 659.
« Scriimndo adfuerurU. » Niebuhr prefen L.
17—2
260 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI.
3. Qucd TeUbwrtes verba /ecerurU^ guibusque de rtSbut voe purgavis-
tUy ea Benalu»
4. wwiaMm advorUt, Ua tUei (tequam JuU: no9que ea iia audi-
v&ramtu
5. uivas deixnstie vobeia nanUoiUi erne: ea noe cmimwrn noetrvm
6. nan indoucebamfua Ua facta esse^ propter ea quod ecnbanvue
7. ea V08 merito noetro/acere non potuieee; neque voe dignoe eeee,
8. quel ea/aoeretis, neqtte id vobeie negue ret poplicae voetrae
9. oitUe eeee/aoere: et poetquam voetra verba Senatue audivity
10. tanto magie anirmum nostrwn indoucinms, Ua tUei ante
11. Oirbitrabamur, de eieis rebus a/ vobeie peeeatum non esee.
12. Quonquede eieia rdyue Senatuei purgatei eetis, credimiu, voeque
13. animum voetrttm indoucere oportet, item voe poptdo
14. Jiomano purgatoe/ore.
With the exception of a few peculiarities of spelling, as a/
for ab, quonqtie for cumque (comp. -cunqtie), deixststts for dixtetis,
&c., there is nothing in the phraseology of this inscription which
is unclassical or obscure. The expressions animum advertere,
" to observe," animum inducere^ " to think," seem to belong to
the conventional terminology of those days. After fecerunt in
1. 3 we ought perhaps to add D. E. R. I. c. i. e. '* de ea re {patree)
ita censuerunt " (cf. Cic. ad Fam. Vlii. 8).
§ 20. ne Epitaphs of the Scipios.
The L. Cornelius, the son of Cnseus, who is mentioned as
praetor in the inscription quoted above, is the same L. Cornelius
Scipio Barbatus, whose sarcophagus is one of the most interest-
ing monuments at Rome. The inscription upon that monument
expressly states that he had been praetor. All the extant epitaphs
of the Scipios have been given by Bunsen (Beschreibung dfir
Stadt Bom, III. pp. 616 sqq.), who does not, however, enter upon
any criticism of the text. They are as follows.
(a) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, who was consul in
A. u. c. 456.
Comelio* Cn. F. Scipio
Cdrneliiie Ldcvas \ S(Api6 Barbdtue
Onaivod pdtre progndtue \ fbrtie vir ectpihteque^
QfwUie f5rma v^rtu \ Ud parisftma /dit.
§ 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 261
CdnaHl oen86r Aidilia | qui/dit apiid voe,
TaUrdsiS CiaaHna' \ Sdmniff dpU,
S&Ugit 6nme Lo4c€ma' \ 6p8id^que abdoucU^.
(6) Epitaph on the son of the above, who was addile in
A. u. c. 466; consul, 494:
L, Comdio^ L, F, Scipio
Aidiles . Casol . Cesor .
ffdnc oino* ploirunU co\s^fUi6nt JS[<>mdni]
Dudn&ro^ dpttun^' \ /iiise i>M
LUdom Scipi6ne\ \ FUiJbi Barbdti
Cdnadl, Censor, Aidiles \ hicfdet a{piid vos\
H^ c^U GtrsicS I 'AUri£ que Hrhe*,
D^det temphtdtebus \ aid^ merHo^,
(c) Epitaph on the Flamen Dialis P. Scipio, son of the
elder Africanus, and adoptive father of the yoanger*.
1 See Arnold, History of Boms, n. p. 326.
s BuDsen, 1.1.: "In return for the delivery of hU fleet in a itorm off
Ck>rBica he built a temple of which Ovid Bpeaks (Fcut, iv. 193) :
Te quoque, Tempestas, msntam delubra fatemur,
Quum pene est Gorsii dinita classis aquis."
The same passage is quoted by Funccius, ds Ori^ne st Pueritia L, X*
p. 326.
< As this epitaph seems to deserve a translation, and as no one, so
far as I know, has exhibited it in an English dress, the following attempt
may be accepted in the want of a better:
The priestly symbol deckt thy brow :
But oh ! how brief a share hadst thou
Of all this world can give, —
Honour and fiime, and noble birth,
High intellect and moral worth : —
Had it been thine to liye
A lengthened span, endowed with these.
Not all the stately memories
Of thy time-honoured knightly line
Had left a glory like to thine.
Hail! Publius, Publius Scipio's son!
Thy brief but happy course is run.
Child of the great Cornelian race,—*
The grave is now thy dwelling-place :
And mother earth upon her breast
Has lulled thee lovingly to rest.
262 THE OLD ROMAN [gHAP« YI.
Quei dpice\ tngign$ didlu \ fldminU ffetitUif
Mdra ph/edt tua tU Useni \ 6fnnid brMci,
Eonos/dma xfirtHiqus \ gl6ria dtque inginwm,
Quibiu 8ei in longd licuiset \ tibe iUier viia.
Facile fdcteis sUperdsea \ gl6ridm maj^runu
Qud^ r% liMns U in grhniu!y \ SdlpiOy r^pU tSrra^
PaMi, prdgndtum \ PObliS, CamiliK
{d) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Cn. Hispallus,
grandson of Calvus, the conqueror of Spain, and nephew of
Scipio Nasica:
Z. ComeliuB Cn. f, Cn. n. Scipio. Magna sapienUa
MtiUasque virtutes astate qucm parva
Fosidet hoc saoasumy quoiei vita defecvt nan
Honoa, HimorB is hie situs qud nunquovm
* Yichis est virtutei : curmos gnatus XX : is
L[aursis] dolus, ne quairoUs honors
Quei minus sit mand
(e) Epitaph on Cn. Cornelius Scipio, brother of the pre-
ceding :
Cn. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio ffispanus
Fr. Aed. Cur. Q. Tr. mil. II. Xvir si. judik.
Xvir sacr. fac.
Virtutes generis mieis moribus accumulavii
Frogeniem genuiy /acta patris petiei :
MajoTTum ohtenui laudem ut sibei me esse creatum
Lastentur; stirpem nohilitavit honor.
(/) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Asiaticus, who
was qmestor in 588 :
L. Comeli L./. F. n. Scipio quaid.
Tr. mil. awnos gnatus XXIII
Mortuos. Fater regem AnHoco^ suhegit.
1 Bonsen, 1. I. : *^ Cicero beara testimony to the truth of these noble
words in his Coto Maj. § 11 : Quam fuit imbecillus Africaoi filius» is qui
te adoptavit? Quam tenui aut nulla potius Taletudine? Quod ni ita
fuisset, altera ille ezstitisset lumen ci?itatis; ad patenuun enim mag-
nitudinem animi doctrina uberior accesserat."
§ 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 263
{g) Epitaph on a son of the preceding, who died joong :
Comdiua L,f,L,n. Sdpio Agiagwua
Camattis cmnoru^ griatuf XVL
(A) Epitaph of uncertain date, but written in very antique
cliaracters :
Aulla [sic] Comdia, Cn,f. HiapaUL
It will be observed, that in these interesting monuments we
have both that anusvdrahy or dropping of the final m, which led
to ecthlipsis (e. g. dtumoro' for bonorum)^ and also the visargay or
evanescence of the nominative s (as in Comelio for Comeliua),
The diphthong at is not always changed into ae, and gnaiua has
not lost its initial g. We may remark, too, that n seems not to
have been pronounced before s : thus we have cosol^ cesor, for
consul, censor, according to the practice of writing cos. for consul
(Diomed. p. 428, Putsch). Epitaph (e) has Xvir sL jud%k.y i. e.
decemvir alitibus judikandisy where we not only observe the ini-
tial s of 8\t\li\t\8^8treit^h\3X also the k before a in jvdicandis.
The phraseology, however, does not diflfer in any important par-
ticulars from the Latin language with which we are familiar.
The metre, in which the three oldest of these inscriptions are
composed, is deserving of notice. That they are written in
Satumian verse has long been perceived ; Niebuhr, indeed, thinks
that they " are nothing else than either complete nenias, or the
beginnings of them" {H. R. I. p. 253). It is not, however, so
generally agreed how we ought to read and divide the verses.
For instance, Niebuhr maintains that patre, in a. 2, is " beyond
doubt an interpolation;" to me it appears necessary to the verse:
He thinks that there is no ecthlipsis in apice\ c. 1; I cannot
scan the line without it. These are only samples of the many
differences of opinion, which might arise upon these short inscrip-
tions: it will therefore, perhaps, be desirable, that a few general
remarks should be made on the Satumian metre itself, and
that these remarks should be applied to the epitaphs before us,
which may be placed among the oldest Latin specimens of the
Satumian lay*.
* Liry's transcript of the inscription of T. Qainctius is confessedly
imperfect; the historian says: " his /erm« incisa littcris fuit" (vi. 29).
264 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VL
That the Saturnian metre was either a native of Italy, or
naturalized there at a very early period, has been sufficiently
shown by Lord Macaulay [Lays of Ancient Bome^ p. 23). It is,
perhaps, not too much to say, that this metre, — ^which may be
defined in its pure form as a brace of trochaic tripodiae, preceded
by an anacrusis, — is the most natural and obvious of all rhyth-
mical intonations. There is no language which is altogether
without it; though, of course, it varies in elegance and harmony
with the particular languages in which it is found, and with the
degree of literary advancement possessed by the poets who have
written in it. The Umbrians had this verse as well as the
Latins; at least there can be no doubt that the beginning of the
VI. Eugubine Table is pervaded by a Saturnian rhythm, though
the laws of quantity, which the Latins borrowed from the
Greeks, are altogether neglected in it. The following may serve
as a sample :
^EsU perakld av^ a\9eridter enlitu.
Fhrfd kumdse dirsva | peiqu peica nihrstu^
Foei Angla dseridto est | ^o trhnnu sBrse.
These verses are, in fact, more regular than many of the Latin
specimens. The only rule which can be laid down for the
genuine Latin Saturnian is, that the ictus must occur three times
in each member of the verse ^, and that any thesis j except the
last, may be omitted (see MttUer, SuppL Annot. ad Fest. p. 396).
The aruicrtms, at the beginning of the line, is often necessary in
languages which, like the Latin and our own, have but a few
words beginning with an ictus. When the Greek metres be-
came established among the Romans, it would seem that the con-
ventional pronunciation of many words was changed to suit the
exigencies of the new versification, and no line began with an
anacrusis, unless it had that commencement in the Greek model :
but this appears not to have been the case in the genuine Roman
verses, which begin with an unemphatic thesis whenever the
1 To this necessity for a triple recurrence of the ietus io the genuine
Italian metre I would refer the word tripudium^tripUx puhatio. Pudio
meant " to strike with the foot," ^ to spurn" (comp. re^udio). The fact
is alluded io by Horace, 3. Carm. xvm. 15 : ** gaudet inrisam pepulisse
fossor ter pede terram."
OV TIJK
I 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAOK. \^ ^ 264>
convenience of the writer demands such a prefix. Werabo^ seen
aboTe (§ 2), that the first trochaic tripodia of the Satumius cum
anacruaty and even an amphibrachys (= troehceus cum afKxcrust^)^
^ In the common books on metres this would be called a 8ing:le foot,
1. e. an amphibrachy$. It appears to me that many of the difficulties»
which the student has felt in bis first attempts to understand the rules
of metre, have been occasioned by the practice of inventing names for
the residuary forms of common rhythms. Thus, the last state of the
logacedic verse is called a ehoriambus ; and the student falls into inex-
tricable confusion when he endeavours to explain to himself the con-
currence of choriambi and dactyls in the commonest measures of Horace's
odes. Some commentators would persuade us that we are to scan thus :
Mceee\ncu otovii | edite reg\ibu$: and Sie ie | diva potens \ Cypri, But
how can we connect the rhythm of the choriambus with such a termi-
nation? If we examine any of the Glyconics of Sophocles» who was con-
sidered a master in this species of verse, we shall observe that his cho^
riambi appear in contact with dactyls and trochees, and not with iambi.
Take, for instance, (Ed. Col. 610, sqq. :
bttP^ I lih rh ira\\M || Ktifuvov \ ll\\dij kok^p \ t» \\ {ciy €irt\ytlp€tP ||
^|fta»f d* t[pa\fiai irv\B€<rBai ||
ri I rovTO \ ras b€ik\ai\\as dir6\pov <l>a\v€iaas \\
dk\yTid6vot I f fvyjcWoff ||
fuj I irpor fcvijas av\oifyfs \\
ras I <ra£f freVoir, | cpy' dvjaid^ ||
t6 I roi troKv \ xal || /ii^da/ia | X^oy ||
Xpi\C^9 i*^j I ^pBbv 2jc|ov(r/i' dielovcrai. ||
Here we see that the rhythm is dactylic or trochuc — these two being
considered identical in some metrical systems — and that the long syl-
lable after the dactyl is occasionally equivalent to the ictus of the
trochee. We may apply the same principle to the choriambic metres in
Horace, which differ only in the number of imperfect trochees which
follow the dactyls in this logacedic rhythm. Thus we have nothing but
dactyls in
Sic te I diva po|t4ns Cypri: ||
we have one imperfect trochee or dactyl in
Sic fraMs Hele|na6 || Iddda | sfdera; ||
and two imperfect feet of the same kind in
Tu ne I qua^sieirls || scire ne|fi&8 || qu6m mihi | qu6m tibi. ||
The cretic bears the same relation to the trochaic dipodia that the cho-
riambus does to the dactylic dipodia, or logaoedic verse ; and it was in
consequence of this reduction of the trochaic dipodia to the cretic that
the ancient writers on music were enabled to find a rhythmical identity
between the dactyl and the trochaic dipodia (see MQlier, Liter, of Ghr^ece,
266 THE OIJ> ROHAN [CHAP. YI.
could form a verse. And conyerselj, if the aniusrasis was want-
ing, the Satumitts could extend itself to a triplet of tripodi».
We haye instances of both practices in the old Latin translation
of an epigram, which was written, probably by Leonidas of
Tarentum, at the dedication of the spoils taken in the battles of
Heraclea and Asculum (b. c. 280» 279), and which should be
scanned as follows:
Qui drUedhdc inificH \ fHxi^t vfrt | pdJtw dptime Olympi ||
Hd8 ^go in pUgna vid ||
Vldttisqus 9ilm ah isdem)\^.
I. p. 228 (302)). It appears to me that this Tiew of the question Is calca-
lated to settle the dispute between those who reject and those who maintain
the termination of a line in the middle of a word. If every compound
foot is a sort of conclusion to the rhythm, many rhythms must end in
the middle of a word ; and therefore such a ciesnra cannot bo in itself
objectionable. We can hardly take any strophe in Pindar without find-
ing some illustration of this. As a specimen, I will subjoin the first
strophe of the ix. Olympian ode, with its dinsiona according to the
rhythm :
rh yJtv I ^Kfix^^W""^ /A<|Xof 1 1
^6>|vacr *OXv/Afri|g || jcciXX/jpiJcos 6 | rpiirXcSl*» Ml^XuMf ||
cKpic€{(rc Kp6vi\ov nap || l^xBov | oyc/io] pfv^oi ||
K»na\(ifam ^c|Xo4r *E| |0ap/:x<$a-|iY <rvir i|ra/p<Mf ||
(iXX^ I vw Ua\ra^\\Kf»p yLoi\<TW iar^ \ r^v ||
Aid re I ^oirt|KoaT(p(({3ray irtii\v69 r M\w€ifuu \\
aiepm\Tfipiov |^tdoc ||
roijoicrde j3c|X€(rinv ||
1^ I di7 «rare I Ava^ | ^\\pmt n€|Xof ||
^l^paro I KaX||XMiToy cdvor {| 'inwoaaj/icior. ||
In general, it seems unreasonable to call a number of syllables in which
the ictus occurs more than once by the name of " foot" ( pes) ; for the
foot, so called, is defined by the stamp of the foot which marks the iotuB,
and therefore, as above suggested, the half«Satumius would be called
trv-^udmm^ because it consisted of three feet. For instance, if j^^^Xo^ov
lukfts had no ictus except on the first and fourth syllables of ^Kpxt^^x^
we might scan it as two dactyls; but if, as the analogy of -racy 'oXvfurt^
would seem to indicate, it had an ictus on the lost syllable of ficXor,
we must scan the words as a dactyl + trochee + ictus. This method of
considering the Greek metres is exemplified in the Prosody of the Omr
plete Ormk Grammar, 2nd Ed. Cambridge, 1859.
^ The lost original may have been as follows :
T0^£ irpiv dyc/a;rovr, wartp tdyKrJ€WT09 'OXv/iirov,
/iappafttv6g T ^KpaTov¥f ot r iKpanfowf ifU.
§ ISO.] OB liATlK LANOUAOX. 267
Niebuhr suggests (iii, note 841) th»t the first line is an attempt
at an hexameter, and the last two an imitation of the shorter
Terse ; and this remark shows the discernment which is always
so remarkable in that great scholar. The author of this trans-
lation, which was probably made soon after the original, coald
not write in hexameter verse, but he represented the hex-
ameter of the original bj a lengthened form of the Satumius,
and indicated the two penthemimers of the pentameter bj writing
their meaning in two truncated Satumians, taking care to indi-
cate bj the afKicrusia that there was really a break in the
rhythm of the original pentameter, although it might be called
a single line according to the Greek system of metres.
To return, however, to the epitaphs of the Scipios. The
scansion of the lines, which I have adopted, is su£Sciently indi-
cated by the metrical marks placed over the words. It is only
necessary to add a few explanatory observations. With the ex-
ception of a. 2, 3, b. 3, and c. 7, every line begins with an ana-
crusis, or unaccentuated thesis; and it seems to be a matter of
indifference whether this is one long or two short syllables.
The vowel i is often pronounced like y before a vowel, as in
L&cyus (a. 1), Liicyom (b. 3), dydlia (c. 1), brivya (c. 2)> ingi^
nyum (c. 3), ^ityer (c. 4), grimyu (c. 6), Sdpyo (ibid.). And u
is pronounced like t<7 in c. 2. The rules of synalospha and
ecthlipsis are sometimes attended to (as in a. 6), and S9metimes
neglected (as in b. 6, c. 4). The quantity oi fdiaae and viro^ in
b. 2, may be justified on general principles; ior;^is8e is properly
famnt^ and mro is written veiro in Umbrian. But there is no
consistency in the syllabic measurement of the words in these
rude lines. Facile, in c. 5, makes a thesis in consequence of
that short pronunciation which is indicated by the old form
facul (Feat p. 87, Mtlller). As all the other verbs in epitaph a.
are in the perfect tense, it seems that subigit and abdotictt in the
last line, must be perfect also. Indovcimm is perhaps a perfect
in the Tiburtine inscription (1. 10) : " postquam senatus audivit,
tanto magis — indoucimvs ;^^ and mbigit was probably pro-
nounced sUbigU. The beginning of b. seems to have been the
conventional phraseology in these monumental nenias. The
sepulchre of A. Attilius Calatinus, which stood near those of the
268 THE OLD ROHAN [cHAP. TT.
Scipios at the Porta Capena (Cic. TWc. Dup. I. 7, § 13), bore
an inscription beginning in much the same waj :
Hdnc oino plcirumB co\8hUi6nt gSnies.
Foptdi primdriiim \ /itiisse tlrum,
(Comp. Cic. de Finibus, ii. 35, § 116 ; Cato M. 17, 61).
§ 21. The Columna Baatrata.
The Columna- Eostrata, as it is called, was fonnd at the
foot of the Capitol in the year 1565. Its partial destruction hy
lightning is mentioned by Livy (xLii. 20); and it was still
standing, probably in the existing copy, when Servius wrote
{ad Vergil. Oeorg. ill. 29). It refers to the well-known ex-
ploits of C. Duilius, who was consul b.c. 260, A.u.C. 494. This
inscription, with the supplements of Ciacconi, and a commentary,
was published by Funck, in his treatise de Orig. et Pwer, L, L.
pp. 302, sqq. It is here given with the restorations of Grotefend
(OrelU, no. 549).
\G. DuUioSf Af, F. M. JT. Consol advorsum Poenos en
Siceliad Siceatyinc^a aocios Rom. ohsidioned craveyi exemU
ledonea f[e/ecei dumque Poeiiei fn\aximo8que^ macistratos
l[eciontimque dticeis ex n][)vem castreis ex/ociurU Macel[am
opidom opp\tJLcnandod cepet enque eodem nuu^igtrcUod bene
r^Bm naveboe marid coruol prijnos €[e9et eocios] elaeeaque
navalee primoe ornavet pa[ravetqtie] cwmque eis nawboa da-
eeis Poenicae om^neie et mcuc^sumcu eopiae Ccbrtadnieneie
praetierUe{d sumod] Dictaiored oUioryim in aUod marid pucn-
[ad meet] xxx que navi[3 cepe^ cum socieie septem [mfUiboB
quiavre8m^>8que trireemasque naveis [xiv. mereet, tone aur]i)m
captom mumei O O O DC .... [pondod arcenyom captom
prceda numd occlooo [pondod crave] captom aee occlooo
ccclooo ccclooo occlooo cGcIooo ccclooo cccIoDO occlooo
occlooo occlooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo coclooo
ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo .... [iff qu}:>que navaled
praedad poplom [Rom* deitavet atqae\ Cartacini[en8]^ [ince]-
mws d[fixet triumpod cum xxx rostr^eis [cUms] (7arto[ctnt-
ensis captai quorum erco S. P. Q, R. hanc colomnam eel P.],
^ As it is said that maaumus was the preraleat form before Cnsar^s
time, this more recent spelling may indicate that the inscription is not in
its original condition.
§ S2.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 269
§ 22. The Silian and Pajnrian LawSy and the Edict of
the Curule j^diles.
Festus has preserved two interesting fragments of laws,
which are nearly contemporarj with the Columna Boatrata.
The first of these is the Lex Stlia de publtds pondertbusy which
was passed in the year B.c. 244, A.u.c. 610. Festus s. v. Pub^
Ucapondera, p. 246: "Publica pondera [ad legitimam normam
exacta faisse] ex ea causa Junius .... [coUegiJt quod duo Silii
P. et M. Trib. pleb. rogarint his verbis :
JSx ponderilms puhlicis, quibua hoc tempestate popuXua
oetier solet, uti coaequetur^^^ sedulwm^^ uti qiuuirantal vini
octoginta pondo siet; congitu vini decern [dequim f] p. eiet; sex
eextari cangius siet vini; duo de quinquaginta sextari qtiad-
rantal eiet vini; sextaHu» aaquua aequo cum librario eiet^^-
sex dequifique^*^ Itbra/ri in medio sieni.
JSi quis magistratuLS adversus hoc d, m. pondera modiosque
vcuaqtie publica modicOy major a, minorave /aonty jusseritve^^^
fieriy dolumve adduit quo ea fianty eum quis volet magistra-
tus^*^ multare, dum minors parti /amilias taxat^\ liceto; sive
quis im^^ sacrum judicare voluerit, liceto,*'
The Latinity of this fragment requires a few remarks.
(1) coaequetur. In the Pompeian Inscription (Qrelli, no. 4348)
we have: mensuras excBquandas, (2) Sedulum. Scaliger sug-
gests ee dolo m. i.e. sine dole mala. But sedulo or sedulum
itself signifies ''sine fraude indiligentiaeve culpa" (Muller ad L),
and the law refers to the care and honesty of those who were to
test the weights and measures. For sedulus, see Doderl. 8yn. u.
Et. I. p. 118. (3) "Nihil intelligo nisi librariue qui hie sig-
nificatur sextarius frumenti erat." MtiUer. (4) 8ex dequinque
^sex decimquey the qu being written instead of c. (5) The
editions have jussit ve re, for which MilUer writes juaeitve;
Haubold {Monwmenta Legalia) proposes jusseritvey " propter se-
quens re;'' and I have adopted this reading on account of the
word faxity which precedes. (6) Quie volet magistratus. Cf.
Tab. Bantin. Osc. 12. LcU. 7. (7) Dum minore parti fami^
lias taxat. Compare the Latin Bantine Inscription, 1. 10: [dum
roinoris] partus Jumilias taxsat. Cato, apud Aul. Oell. vii. 3 :
" Qu8f? lex est tarn acerba qu» dicat, fli quis illud facere voluerit,
270 THS OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
mille nummi dimidium famtlicB multa esto?'* The abl. parti
(which occurs in Lucretius) and the gemtxve partus (comp. Gas^
torus in the Bantine Inscription, ejus, ctytu, &c.) depend on
multare and muUam, which are implied in the sentence. For
tax<Uf see Fest. p. 356* These passages show the origin of the
particle dumt€ucatf which is used hy the classical writers to sig-
nify ^'provided one estimates it/' "estimating it accuratelj,"
" onlj," " at least," " so far as that goes," &c.* (8) Im = eum.
Fest. p. 103.
The Lex Fapiria de Saoramento, which is to be referred to
the year b.c. 243, A.U.C. 611, is thus cited by Festus s. y. ^*
cramentum^ p. 344: '^ Sacramentum »s significat, quod poenss
nomine penditur, sive eo quis interrogatur, sire contenditur. Id
in aliis rebus quinquaginta assium est, in aliis rebus quingen-
torum inter eos, qui judicio inter se contenderent. Qua de re
lege L. Papiri Tr. pi. sanctum est his verbis:
Quicunqtie Fraet&r post hoc /actus erit qui inter cives jus
dieet, tres viros CapUcUis populum rogato, hiqus tres viri
[capitaUs'ly quieunque [posthac /a'\eti erunty sacramerUa ex-
[igunto], judicantoque, eodemque jure sutUo, uti ex legibus
plebeique scitis exigere, judvGO/reque esseque oportet,**
To these may be added the old EdicUim csdilium curulium
de Mandpiis Vendundisy quoted by Gellius, N. A. IV. 2 :
Titulus servorum singulorwn utei scriptus sit, ecerato ita,
utei intellegi recte possit, quid morbi vitiive quoique sit, quis
/ugitivus errove sit, noxave sohUus non sit,
§ 23. The Senatus-Consultum de Bacchanaltbus,
The SenaJtuS'ConsvUum de Bacchanal^ms, which is refened
to by Livy (xxxix. 14), and which belongs to the year B.C.
186, A.U.C. 568, waa found at Terra de Teriolo in Calabria, in
1640, and is now at Vienna. A facsimile of the inscription, with
the commentary of Matthseus ^gyptius, will be found in Drar
kenborch's Livy^ Vol. vii. pp. 197, sqq.
1 It is scarcely necesBary to point out the absurdity of the derlTation
proposed by A. Orotefond {Atuf, Gramm. d. Lot, Spr. f 124y : •* Am-
iatoat auB dum taeeo (cetera) zat (est hoc) !"
§23.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 271
1. [Q,] Marcius L. F. S. FogtumiuB Z. F, Cos. Senaium eonsoluerunt
N, ' Octoh, aptid aedem
2. IhUUmai sc' ar/.^ M. Claudi M. F. L. Valeri P. F. Q. Minuet
C F. De BcuxmdLibua, quei/oidercUei
3. esentf ita exdeioendwn cvMuere, Neiquis eorum Saoanal* hahuise
velet; aei qtt^a'
4. etent, quel sihei deicererU necesu»* eae BacancU habere, eei» utei ad
pr, urbcmum
5. Romam venireni, deque eei$ r^me^ ubei earum vtr a' emdUa eeenif
uteisencOus
6. noeter decemeret, dum ne minus eencUartbus c adeeent [quam 6]a
res cosoleretw,
7. Bacots^ vir ne quis (tdiese^ velet oeims Bomanus, neve nominus
L(Uin[t], neve socivm
8. quisquam, nisei pr, wrhanwn adieserU, isque de senaJtuos sen-
tentiad, dum ne
9. minus sencUoribus c. ftdesent, quom ea res cosdereiur, iousisent,
eensuere.
10. Saeerdos ne quis vir eset, magister neque vir neque mulier quis-
quam esei,
11. neve pectmiam quisquam eorum comoinem abuise^^ vdet, neve ma-
1 2. neve promaqistratud, neque virum neque mulierem quiquwm " fedse
veletf
13. neve post hcbc inter sed^^ eonjourcbse neve comvovise neve conr
spondise
14. neve conpromesise velety neve quisquam Jldem inter sed dedise
velet,
15. sacra in oquoUod^* ne quisquam /ecise velet neve in poplicod
neve in
16. preivatod, neve exstrad urbem sacra quisquam /ecise vdet, nisei
17. pr. urbanum adieset, isque de senatuos sententiad, dum ne minus
18. s&nataribus o. adesent quom ea res cosoleretur, iousisent, eensuere.
1 Nanis. ' scribundo, * itdfuerunt. * Bacchanal.
A qusB 3= qiiei See Klenze, Legis ServUioB Fr. p. 12, not. 2 ; Fest.
p. 261.
• nBcesaum. "^ 1. verba. • i.e. Bacchas. • adiisse.
10 habuisse. The omission of the A is common in old Latin. See
Pabretti, s. r. " qmsquam.
IS i.e. M as in L 14. i* oeeulto.
272 THE OLD BOMAN [CHAP. VI.
19. Homines phtis v. oinvoraei^^ virei aiqite muliereSj aetera ne quit-
quam
20. fedae veleiy neve inter tbei* virei ploua duobue^ mulieribus pious
tribtcSy
21. ar/uise velenty nisei de pr, v/rhani senatuosque sententiad niei
suprcui
22. scriptum est Haice uiei in coventionid* exdeiecUis ne minus tri-
num
23. noundmum^ senatuosque sententiam utei scientes esdisy eorum
24. sententia itafuU, Sei ques* esent quei arvorsum eadfedsenJt quam
suprad
25. seripHim est^ eeis rem eapiUalem/aciendam eensuere (Uqtie utei
26. hoce in tabolam ahenam inceideretis. Ita sencUus aiquom
censuit,
27. Uteique earn figier jouheatis uhei /aeilumed^ qnoscier poUsit\
cUque
28. utei ea BctcanaUay sei qua sunt exstrad quam sei quid ibei saeri
est,
29. ita utei suprad scriptum est, in diebus x quHms vobeis tabdaV
datai
30. erunt,/aciatis utei dismota sient. In agro Teu/rano\
§ 24. The Old Soman Law an the Bantine Table.
The Eoman law on the Bantine Table is probably not older
than the middle of the seventh century u. c. The chief reason
for introducing it here, is its connexion in locality, if not in im-
port, with the most important fragment of the Oscan language
(above, pp. 139, sqq.). It is, however, very interesting in itself
from the orthography, and also from the archaistic style of the
document. Mommsen divides it into six, Klenze into four sec-
tions. His transcription and supplements {Rhein. Mus. for 1828,
pp. 28, sqq. ; Phil. AbhandL pp. 7, sqq.) compared with those of
Mommsen {Unterital. Dialekte, pp. 140, sqq.), give the following
results:
1 umversL > =b interta. > contUme. ^ ques=:queL
* faeiUime. « = potis-sit^possit. ^ = tabdUB.
^ in agro Tearano. 8fcrabo» p. 254 c : vn^p d^ rwr Oovplmp im\ 9 Tatr
puanj xfh^ XtyoftMVTf idpvrat.
§ 24.] OR LATIN LANGUAQB. 273
Cap. 1. On the degradation of oflfenders'.
1. [n\eqiie pro^inciam]
2. in 8ena[tu 8eiv]e in poplico joudicvo ne 9en\tevUiam rogcUo tabd-
lamve nei dcUo]
3 deicit\o, neive quis mag. testtimanium poplice eid{em de-
/erri neive den^ontiari
4. [sinito neive joudicem ewm neive arbitriMn neive recipey
ratarem dato, neive is in poplico luuci praetexiam neive soUaa
habeto neive quis
5. [mag. prove, mag. prove quo imperio poteetateve erit qy[eiqtiomque
eomiiia conciliumve h>abebit eum mfragium/erre nei svnito
6. [neive eum censor in eenatum legiio nevoe in eenatu] relinquUo.
L. 3. See Quintil. v. 7, § 9 : " Duo sunt genera testium, aut
voluntariorum aut quibus in judiciis publicis %e denuntiatur^
L. 4. hiud^ " by day." Plant. Cos. iv. 2, 7 : " Tandem ut
veniamus 6*ci." Cic, Phil. xii. 10, § 25: "Quis audeat /tict—
illustrem aggredi?"
Gap. 2. On the punishment of judges and senators who violate
the law.
7. \SdqvM ^ovdex queiqiwrnquA ^
eenatorve/ecerit gesseritve quo ex hace lege
8. [minus fiofrU quae fieri oportet, qiiaeve fieri oportu] erit oportebitve
non/ecerit sciens d. m.^ seive adtnyrsus ha/nce legem /ecerit
9. [gesseritve sciens d. m.; ei multa tanta esto HS.... ewnupue pe-
qimiam] quei volet magistratvs eocsigito. Sei postvldbit quei
petet pr. recuperatores
10. [quoSf quotque dari opor^eat daio, jvhetoque evmiy sei Ua pcvriat,
condumoKm populo, /acitoque joudicetur. Sei condemnatus
11. [eritf quanti condemruUv^Sj erit prcedes] ad q. urh. det oaU Inma
ejus poplice possidea/ntu/r /acito. Seiquis mag. m/idtam inro-
gore volet,
12. [ei mvltam inroga/re licetOy dwm minoris] partus /amUias taocsat
liceto; eiq. omnium rerum siremps lex esto, quasei sei is hacux
lege
13. [miUtam ffS.... exegisset.]
12 dum minoris partus familias taxsat. See above, § 22,
on the Lex Silia. Partus is the genitive case, like Castorus, cap.
3, 1. 17. Siremps is explained by Festus, p. 344: ^^ Siremps
D. V. 18
274 THE OLD BOMAK [cHAP. YI.
ponitor pro eadem, yel, proinde ac ea» quasi similta res ipsa.
Cato in dissuadendo legem . . . relicta est : Et pteterea rogas,
quemquam adyersns ea si populns condempnaverit, uti siremps
lex siet, quasi adversus leges fecisset." The form siremps
occurs in the Thorian Law (below, p. 281); we have sir^
in Cato ap. Charts, pp. 73, 116 ; and sirempse in Plautus, Am-
phitryOf JProL 73 : sirempse legem jussit esse Jupiter.
Cap. 3. On binding the judges and magistrates by an oath to
observe the law.
14. [Co9. pr. aid. tr. pi. q. luvir, cap, invir. a. d, a. ^]ei nunc est, is
m diebus v praxsumeis^ quibus qu>eique earum sciet A. l. popo-
lum plebemve
15. [joussisse jourcmto tOei infra scriptwm est. Itemyiie. cos. pr. mag.
eq. cens. aid. tr. pi. q. uivir cap. invir a. d. a. jaudex ex h. I.
plebvoe scito
16. [/actus queiquomqus eorum p'^Mthac foetus erit, eis in diebus
y proossumeis quibus quisqu^ eorwm mag. inperiumve inierit^
joura/nto
17. [utei infra scriptmn est. Bidem consistunto in ae]de Castorus
palam luci in /orum versus, et eidem in di^ms v aptid q.
jourcmto per Jovem deasque
18. [penateis, sese qtiae ex h. I. facere oport]Bbit /aeturum, neque sese
advoreum h. I. factu/rum edentem d. m. neque seese /acturum
neque interoesurum
19. [quo quce ex h. I. oportet minus Jiant. Qu]d exh.1. nonjouraif&-
rU, is magistratum inperiumve nei petito neive gerito neive
habeto, neive in senatu
20. [si ad/uerit sententiam dioere e\u,m quis sinito neive ewn censor
in seruUfum legito. Quei ex k. I. joudioaverity is /acito apud
q. wrb.
21. [nomen ejus quei jottrcwerit scyiptum siet, quae^orque ea nomina
accipito et eos quei ex h. L apud sed jovrarvnit facito in
taboleis
22. [popliceis scriptos habeat],
L. 15. i. e. Dictator^ consul, prcetor, magister equitum^ ceu"
sor, cedHis, tribunus plebei^ qucestor, triumvir capitalis, triumvir
agris dandis adsignandis.
L. 17. palam luci in forum versus. See Cic. de Offio.
in. 24.
§85.] OR LATIN LAKGUAGE. ^76
Cap. 4. On the oath of the senators.
23. [Qu6t wtMUor est inve aenatu aemtentt^m deixer^iny poH hcmce
legem rogatam, eia in diebua x proxaumeie, qudbua quxequs
[eorum sciet h, l,'\
24. [popvlv/m pUbemve jaussiase^ j^yu/ranto apud quaeatorem ad
aerarium pcUa/m liud per Javem d^oaqu^s penate[ia aeae quce
ex h. l]
25. \Jacere oportebU /actuntmy neque aee^e advcrawm hcmce legem
factwrum eaae^ neque aeeae
2Q, ae house leegei fi
27. anodni wra/ver.
L. 23. eia = 18.
L. 24. ad OBrarium. See Liv. xxix. 37. Per Jovem deos^
quepenateis. Comp. Cic. Acad. iv. 20.
Cap. 5.
28. e quia magiatraJtua^ p.
Cap. 6.
30. [u]bi in tabdeia pop![iceia]
31. [tr]m/um nondwJ[um]
32. is eritun,
§ 25. The Agrarian Law cf 8p. Thorius.
This selection from the remains of the old Roman language
may be properly concluded hj the celebrated fragment of the
Thorian Law, which is engraved on the rough back of the
bronze tablet occupied on its smooth side by the Servilian Law
de pecuniia repetundta^. Although the relative position of the
documents on the tablet shows that the Servilian Law was en-
graved earlier than the document, which is crowded on the back
1 Mr. LoDg makes a serious blunder in Latin scholarsbfp both in his
article Repetundm in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities^ and in his essay
with this heading in the first Tolume of his edition of Cicero's orations,
when he speaks of " the word repetundm," There Is no such word in the
La^ language, and we hare only the gerundive phrases r^petundarumf
i.e. pecimiarumy or de peeunna repetundia.
18—2
276 THE OLD BOMAN [CHAP. VI.
of the same bronze plate, it is known that the Thorian law was
the older enactment. For the Servilian law was probably passed
A.U.C. 654, B.C. 100, i.e. in the year of Julius Caesar's birth and
of the sixth consulship of Marius ; whereas it is concluded by
Eudorff that the Thorian law was passed A.u.C. 643, B.C. 111,
i.e. when the Jugurthine war commenced. But besides being
older by more than a decad of years, the Thorian law contains
some curious and instructive orthographies and forms of words,
such as sibei for aibiy ceivts for civis, cavitus for cautus^ oetor for
utor^ viasiua for viariua^ jy^'ra for jugeta^ campcisoo for compescOy
the full phrase ante eidus Martias primaa, deicio for dejicio^
proxsumeis for proximts, sed for sine, prcevides for prasdeSy pe-
^nia for pecuniay gnatua for natvAy quansei for qttast, moini-
cipium for munidpiumy tablets for taiuleis, &c. I think it use-
ful, therefore, that the student of Latin philology should have
before him this specimen of the language as it was actually writ-
ten in formal documents in the age immediately preceding that
of Cicero. I have taken the inscription with the supplements
of Sigonius from Haubold's Monumenta Legaliay pp. 13 — 21.
Legis Thoriae Fiagmentum, cum supplementis 0. SigoniL
Sp. THORIUS......P. TB. PL, PLEBEM. JURE. HOG. PLEBE8QUE. JURE.
SCIVIT. TBIBUS PRINOIPIUH. FUTF. PRO. TRIBU. Q. FaBIUS. Q. F.
FRnnis. SCIVIT. Quel aoer. popucus. popui^. Romanel in. teeram.
Itauaic p. Mudo. L. CALPURNia co8B, faU, extra, eum, agrum,
locum, quel, ex, lege, pUheive. ac. d. vetere, poaaessore. poaaeaaua. ait
De, eo. agro, loco, quern, quia, aihi. aorum. locum, sumpsit. reli-
QUITVB. QUOD. NON. MODUS. MAJOR. SIET. QUAM. QUANTUM. UNUM.
hominem. ex. lege, plebeivk sc. sibel. sumere. relinquereve, oporteaL
quod, QUOI. EIQUE. DE. EO. AORO. LOCO. EX. L. PLEBEIVE. SC. IlL
VIR. SORTITO. CEIVI. EoMANO. DEDlT. ADSIGNAVIT. QUOD. NON. IN.
EO. AGRO. LOCO. EST. QUOD. uUra, finda. ejua, agri. locei. eat.
redditua. est. quel ager. pvpliovs. popvll Romanei. in. terra.
Italia, P. Mucio. L. Calpurnio. Cos. fuit. extra, eum. agrum.
QUEL AGER. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. sc. ^. vetere. poaaeaaore. poaaea*
aua. aU.
ager, locua. aedificium. omnia, qid. aupraacriptua, eat. qtu>dyE. agri.
locei. pubucel in. terra. Italia, quod. ejus. ExntA. urbem.
BOMAM. EST. QUOD. EJVS. IN. URBE. OPPIDO. VICO. B8T. QUOD. KJVS.
§25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 277
in. TIB. DBDiT. AS81QKAVIT. QUOD. yu8. ogreu locd, neqiie. poaaesaor.
ipsa, abalienavU. ahaUatiaveriiiffe.
exira. enm, ttgrum, locvm, guei. agar, loeua, ax, lege, plebeitb.
8GITO. QUOD. 0. SBMPBONn. Tl. FlL. Tb. PL. BOO. BXCEPTUM. CA-
▼rrUMYB. EST. NEI. DIYIDEBETUB. QUOD. QUOL EIQUE. DE. BO. AOBO.
LOCO. AOBi. LOCEi. AEDiFiCH. doitum, oaaigncUtim, aat.
quod, ajtia, agri, local, extras eum. agrwn. locum, quern, locum, agrum,
IN. TEBRA. Italia, ul vib. dedit. assionayit. beliquit. nrvB.
FOBMAS. TABULASYE. BETULIT. BEFRRBIVE. JU88IT. AGEB. LOCH^S. AE-
DIFIdUH. 0MNI8. QUEI. SYPBA. 8CBIPTUS ast.
O. ITA. UTEL CETEBOBUM. LOOOBUM. AGBOBYM. AEDIFICIOBYM. FBIYA-
TOBYH. EST. ESTO. CeNSOBQUE. QUEI. QUOMQUE. EBIT. FACITO. UTEL
IS. AGEB. LOCYs. AEDiFiciuM. QUEI. supra. acriptus. Cat, ajua, aU.
cujua, ax. laga. plabeiva. acito. eaaa. oportet.
Quei agar, locua, aadificium. datua. <Maign<Utia. est. neiye. quis.
FACrrO. QUO. QUOIUS. EYIC. AGBUM. LOCUM. AEDIFICIUM. POSSESSIO-
NEM. EX. LEGE. PLSBEIYE. SCITO. ESSE. OPOBTET. OPOBTEBITYE. EUM.
AGBUM. locum, aadifidum. odiua. haheoL poaaidaat. vJUiJbwr, frvAjJtwr,
neiva. queia, da, ea. re, ad, aenatwm. referto. aenaior, judaxva.
NEIYE. SENTEMTIA. DEICITO. NEIYE. FEBTO. QUO. QUIS. BOBYM. QUOIUM.
EUM. AGBYM. LOCYM. AEDIFICIUM. POSSESSIONEM. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIYB.
SCITO. ESSE. OPOBTET. oportebUva. eo. ctgro, loco, ciedificio. poaaeaaiona.
apolietur.
Quam. agrum. locum, in. viaaieia. yicaneis. quei. in. tebba. Ita-
lia. SYNT. DEDEBYNT. AD3IGNAYEBYNT. BELIQUEBUNT.* NEL QUIS. FA-
CITO. QUO. MINUS. OETANTYB. FBUANTYB. HABEANT. poaaideatU,
eumqua. rwn, alUer. vendare. dare, reddereve. jua. eato. atqye. eym.
AGBYM. QYEM. EX. H. L. YENIBE. DABI. BEDDIYE. OPOBTEBIT. QYEI.
AGEB. LOCYS. AEDIFICIYM. EI. QYEM. IN. YIASIEIS. YICANEISYE. EX.
s. a ESSE. OPOBTET. OPOBTEBIT. veviditua, arU.
Quo, mvnua. quod, in, hoc. capita, acriptmn. aat. ita. ytel est. biet.
EX. H. L. N. B. QYEI. AGEB. LOCYS. PYBUCY8. POPYLI. BOMANEL IN.
TEBBA. ItAUA. P. MuCIO. L. CaLPUBNIO. COS. FUIT. EXTBA. EYM.
AGBYM. QYEI. AGEB. EX. LEGE. PLEBEiYE. adlo. iL Vetera, poaaaa-
aore. poaaaaavs, ait,
cvjfua. rd. cauaa, in. eym. agbym. agbi. jygba. non. ampuys. xxx.
POSSIDEBIT. HABEBITYE. S. AGEB. PBIYATYS. ESTO. QYEI. IN. AGBYM.
OOMPASCYOM. PECYDES. MAJOBES. NON. PLYS. X. PASGET. QuAI. aX.
eia. minua, armum. gnatae. erwrU. poateaquam, gnatae. ervM,
nihU. populo. naive, puibliccmo. newe. dato. neiye. solyito. ageb.
PVBJJOYS. POPYLI. ROMANEI. QYEI. IN. ItALIA. P. MUCTO. L. CaL-
278 THE OLD EOMAN [CHAP. VL
FUBNIO. COBS. FUIT. QUOD. EJVB. AGBL IIL TIB. A. D. A. EX. LBOE.
FLEBEiVE. SGiTO. 80BTIT0. QUOL CEivi. RoMANO. dedU. (udgnamt.
ejui, sit. CUJU8. ex. hoe, lege, pMeive. seUo, esse, oporlet,
Pr. Consuhe. quo. de. ea. re. ex. h. I., in. jus. adUum. erit. vms.
dicUo. DECEBKITOQUE. UTEI. POeaESSIONiaL SBCUVDO. EUM. HEBXDEKVE.
EJUS. DET. QUOL SOBTI. IS. AOEB. DATUS. ADSIGKATUSYE. FUERIT.
QUOD. EJUS. AOBI. NON. ABAUEHTATUK. ERIT. FTA. UTEL a S. EST. SStO.
iiueL d. passessotUms. qxjbiye. ab. bobum. quel emit, quel eo-
BTH. DE. EA. BE. ANTE. EIDU8. MaBTIAS. PBIEAS. m. lOUS. ADIERIT.
AD. EUM. QUEM. EX. H. L. DE. EG. AOBO. JUS. DEICEBE. OFOBTB-
BiT. I& DE EA. BE. FTA. JUS. DEIGITO. decsmUoqus. tUei. jus.
suum. cansequatur. quiquomque. ex. eo. ctqro. queL ager. s. & ex.
K>SSE8SI0NE. YL EJEOTUS. EST. QUOD. EJU& QUEI. EJECTU8. EST.
POSSEDERIT. QUOD. NEQX7R YI. KEQVE. CLAM. NEQVE. PBBCABIO. P08-
SEDEBIT. AB. BO. QUEL BUM. EA. P0S8ESSI0NK YL EJECEBIT. jUS.
SMwm. perssqui. Ueeto.
quod. agri. loceL asdificii. ex. plebiscUo. exye. H. L. pbiyatym.
FACTYM. EST. EBTTYE. FBO. EO. AOBO. LOCO. AEDIFtCIO. FBOQUE.
8CBIFTUBA. PECOBIS. QUOD. IN. EO. AOBO. FASCITUB. POSTQUAM. YBO-
TioALiA. coNsnTEBDiT. QYAB. POST. H. L. Tog. prisnum. oonsUtsHnL
nsL quis. facUo. quo.
quid ob. earn, rem. populo. Romano, debeaiur. qyoye. qyid. o&
EAM. BEM. POPYLO. AYT. FYBUCANO. DETYB. EXIOATYBYE. NEIYE
QYIS. QYID. FOSTEA. QUAM. YECTIGALIA. COITBISTENT. QYAE. POST.
H. L. BOG. PBiMYM. coNerriTERiKT. 0& EOS. AOB08. looos. (tedifieio.
nomine, poptdi. aut. puhlicani. exigai.
E. A. D. XI. K. OeroBBis. qyom. agbym. qyel teaks. Oybionb.
BST. LOCAYEBDIT. QYEI. IK. EO. AGBO. LOCO. CEIYIS. ROMAKYa 60-
GIYMYE. KOMIKISYE. LatIKL QYIBYS. EX. FOBMYLA. TOGATOBYM. ibsL
esse, licet. swrU. net. quis. eo. agro. looo. moveoL
Quod OPPIDYM. OOLOKIAMYE EX. LEGE PLEBEIYE. SdTO. COKSTITVIT.
DEDYXITQYB. COKLOCAYITYE. QYEM. AGBYM. LOCYMYB. PBa BO. AGBO.
LOCOYB. DE BO. AGBO. LOCO. QYEL FYBLICYS. POFYLI. BOMAKBL JuU.
dedU. cbdsignaviL
QyOIYE. AB. BO. HEBEDE EJYS. IS. AGEB. LOOTS. TBBTAMBNTO. HEBB-
DIFATI. DEDITIOKIYE. OBYEKIT. OBYEKEBTTYE. EMIT. EMEBITYE. QYBIYB.
AB. EMPTOBE. EJYS. EMIT. EMEBITYE. 8. AGEB. FBIYATYS. EBTO. QYAM.
seL is. ctger, F. Mudo. L. Calpumio. cos. fuiL pr. oonsuh&. quo. ex,
h. I. in. jous. }
adUum. erU.jus, dieito. /adtoque. uieL possessumem. secundum, eum,
HEBBDYMYB. BJYS. DET, QYOL IH. YIB. EYM. AGBYM. LOCYM. FBa BO.
§25,]
OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 279
AOBO. LOGO. QYO. OOLONIAX. DEDYXTT. DKDIT. BEDDIOIT. ADSIONAYirYE.
FACrrOQYB. IS. PB. C0N80L. TE. QYO. DE. BA. BE. IN. JOYS. ADITYIL
EBTT. tUeL ju8, suam, ooMequcmtur,
KEIYE. IS. AOER. COMPASCYOS. ESTO. KEIYE. QYIS. IN. EO. AGBO. AGRYM.
OOCYPATYM. HABETO. NEIYE. DEFENBITO. QYO. MINYS. QYEI. YELIT. COM-
PASCEBE. LICEAT. SEI. QYIS. FAXIT. QY0TIEK8. FAXIT. IK AGBL JYGBA.
fiHNGYLA H. pendtU,
KYXEBY8. FBCYDYM. IK. H. L. 8CBIFTYS. EST. LICETO. KEIYE. QYIS.
QYOL OB. EAM. REM. YECTIGAL. KEIYE. SCRIFTYRAJL doTS. DEBETO. QYOT.
QYI8QYB. FBCYBEB. IK. CALLEIS. YIASYE. FYBUCA& ITIKEBIS. CAYSA.
IKDYXEBIT. nei. qtiid. poptdo. neive, pMicano, pecv/niaan, scripturcun,
vecUgalve, det.
Qoem. agrvm. ex, publico, t n. privtUvm, cx)mmytayit. qyo. peg. agbo.
IXXX). EX. PBIYATO. IK PYBUCYM. TAKTYK. MODYM. AGBEL LOCEI. OOIC-
ICYTAYIT. 19. ager. locus, omkeis. pbiyatys. ita. ytei. qyei. opthca.
LEGE. PBIYATYS. BBT. ESTO. QYEI. AGER. EX. PBIYATO. in, pvhUcwn.
eommiUatvs, erit.
gruem, cUiL dL gens. BEDiafPTYiL HABEirr. ceksobes. qveicvmqye. post.
HAC. FACTEI. EBYKT. EI. FAdYKTO. YTEL QYEI. YOLENT. TAKTIDEM. PEG.
PATBITO. BEDEMTYIL HABEAKT. P. P. BYBSIGKEKT. U. YIBYM. QY
quod. EX. H. L. ita. ytei. s. s. est. m. agbeis. qyei. ik. Italia.
SYKT. QYEI. P. Mmjcio. L. Calpubkio. COS. pybmcei. popyli. Bomakei.
fyerykt. ceiyi. Bokako. facere. licebit. item. Latiko. pebb-
GBiKOQYE. M. LiYio. L. CalKtekio. COS. eon8uUum. est. /aeere. Uceto,
QYISQYia QYOD. EYIL EX. H. L. FACERE. OPOBTYERIT. KOK. FECERIT.
QYODYE. QYIS. EORYM. EX. H. L. OMISERTT. MaO. PBOYE. MaG. QYO.
DB. EA. BE. IK. lOYS. ADITYK. EBIT. QYOD. EX. H. L. PETETYB. ITEM.
JYDidYK. JYDiCEK. recupertUoresve. dcUo. l y. e. e. b. p. f. y. s. y. e.
ju8. dicvto. decemiioque.
SEIYE. QYEL PEG. KOIKICIPIEIS. OOLOKEIS. SOaiSYE. KOMIKISYE. LaTIKI.
POPUCE. DEYE. SEKATI. SEKTENTIA. AGEB. PBYEKDYS. DATY8. EST.
quoi/ve. ab. eo. heredeve. e^. is. a>ger. locus. testommUo, hereditaie,
deditioneve. obyekit. obyekebitye. qyibys. akte. H. L. bog. bedemp-
TYM. COKDYCTYM. HABERE. FRYL P0S8IDERE. DEFEKDERE. LICYIT. EXTRA.
EYM. AGBYK. LOCYM. oedifimim, quern, agrvm. locum
QYEI. AGEB. L0CY8. PYBUCYS. POPYLI. BOMAKEI. IK. TEBBA. ItALIA.
P. Muucio. L. Calpubkio. Cos. fyit. qyod. bjys. agri. locl ex.
LEGE, pkbeive. se.
de. eo. agro. loco. nei. ious. didto. newe. decermto. keiye. JYDiaYic.
KEIYE. JYDICEM. KEIYE. RBCYPERATORES. DATO. NISEI. 008. PR. YE.
QYOD. YADmOKIYM. EJYS. BE
280 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
SKI. QYID. DS. SO. AOBa LOCO. AMBIQETVB. 008. FB. CERB. QTEI.
QYOMYE. ERIT. DE. EA. BE. lYRIS. DICTIO. JYDICL JYDICI8. BBCTPERA-
TORVM. DATIO. E8TO. L Y. E. E. R. P. F. 8. V. E. JU8, dtcUo. decemUo-
que, ESSE. YIDEBITYR. QYO. MINYS. HYIC. L. INTERCEDAT. E. H. L. K. R.
QYOL FYBLICAKO. E. H. L. PEQYNIA. DEBEBITYR.
SolffL DAEIYE. OPORTERE. DECBETYH. ERIT. COS. PR. PROYE. PR. QYO.
IN. lOYS. ADIERIMT. IN DIEBYS. X. PROXSYHEI8. QYEIBYS. hoec reS.
deUUa. erU, decretum, judicatuin. haheto.
QYAE. RES. SOLYTA. KON. ERIT. EA. DECRETA. HON. 8IET. JYBIGATAYE.
KON. SIET. QYOD. EJYS. PRAEYARICATIONIS
SENTENTIA REI JYDICANDAE. MAXSYME. YERYH. ESSE. COMMPERBIT.
FACITOQYE Utei
HABERE. POSSTDEBE. FBYI. YETET. QYASYE. IN. LEGES. PL. YE. Sa DE.
BA. BE. reliUmn. erU.
neL maglgtrum, qyem. hinys. petere. capebe. gebebe. HABEBEiqY&
LICETO. NEIYE. quid,
quod, eLfacere. ex, lege, pl. sc. exqye. foedere. licyit. sed. fbayde.
SYA. FACERE. E. LICETO. IN. QYE. EAS. LEGES. PL. SC DB. EA. R&
QYOD. EX
YS. EST. D&DIT. ADSIGNAYITYE. QYEMYE. AORYM. LOCYM. DE. EO. AGRa
LOCO, quel, publicas, popvleL EoTnanei
ADSIGNATYM. ESSE. FYISSEYE. JOYDICAYERTT. YTEI. IN. H. L. Sa EST.
QVEL L
AGRYK LOCYM. QYEM. EX. H. L. COLONEI. EIYE. QYEI. IN. COLONEI.
NYMEROi sunt
PRAEYIDEa PRAEDIAQYE. SOLYTL SYNTO. EAQYE. NOMINA. MANCYPIS....
EMIT. IS. PRO. EO. AGRO. LOCO. PEQYNIA. NEIYE. PRAEYIDEa NEIY&
PRAEDIA
MANCEPS. PRAESYE. PACTYS. EST. QYODQYE. PRAEDIYM. OB
AGEB. LOCYS. PRIYATV8. VECTIGALISQYE
YECTIGALIA. IMPERARE. SOLENT. EI8. P.
QYEM. AGRYM. LOCYM. IN.
qud, AGER. LOCYS. PYBUCYS. populi jRamaneL erit,
Legis Thoriae Fragiuentam Alteram.
quod. C, Semproni, Ti, f. ir, pl rog, exceptym. cayitvmye. est. neL
divideretfwr.
JTDICIO. EYM. QYOIYM.
NEIYE. QYIS. DE. EA. RE. AD. 8ENATYM. ref&rtO
haheat, possideatqye. qyoye. possessio. inyito. mob
AGBYM. NON. ABALIENAYERIT. EXTRA. EYM.
§*«.]
OR LATIN LANGUAGE. • 281
18. AGER. LOCVS. AEDIFIdVlC. FRITATYS. SJET. QYOYE. XA
EZniAQyE. EYM. AOBYK. QYESC. YBTY8. POSSESSOB. EX. LEGE. FLEBEIYE.
9cito. haJbuU. poasedU. uau8. fructusqu^ eat.
FASCErr, QYAEQYE. EX. U& MINYS. ANITVIL GNATAE. ERYKT. POST. EA.
<2YAM.
ne^ue. ipae. abalienayit. abalxenayeritye. neqye. hebes. ejys.
ABALIENAYIT. ABALIEKAYEBITTe.
ERET. POSSESSIONEM. DEDIT. ADSIGNAYIT. BEDDIDIT. QYODQYE. EJYS.
AGRI. iiL vir. coloniae, deducendae. dedit, asaigruwit,
QYOL la AGEB. YETERE. PBOYE. YETBRE. POSSESSORE. DATYS. ASSIGNA-
TYSYB. QYEIYE.
ante, eidua. Martias. qyae. post. H. L. bog. pbimae. eryitt. factio.
YTEL IS. QYEL ITA. YL EJECTYS. ERIT. reatUtUXtur.
neive. poptUo. neive, pybucano. peqynia. scriptyrah. yecjtigalye.
PET. DABEYE. DEBEAT. KEIYE. QYIS
qrwL PASCETYB. POPYLO. AYT. PYBUGANO. DABE. DEBEAT. AGER. LOCYS.
PYBLICYS. POPYLL Bomanei,
agrum. locyh. pyblicyh. popyu. Eomanel de. sya. possessiokb.
YETYS. POSSESSOB. PBOYE. YETEBE. POSSESSOBE.
extra, eum. agbyk. locyh. qyei. ageb. locys. ex. lege, plebeiye.
sc. QYOD. C. Sehproni. Tl F. tr. PL. ROG. EXCEPTYH. co/vitumque.
eat. net. divideretur.
QYO. CJOLONIAM. DEDYXSIT. ITA. YTEI. S. S. EST. AGRYM. LOCYIL AEDI-
FICIYIL DEDIT. REDDIDIT. ADSIGNAYIT.
QYEL AGEB. LOCYS. QYEI. SYPRA. SCRIPTYS. EST. QYOD. EJYS. AGREL
LOCEI. POST. H. L. ROG. PYBLICYH. POPYLEI. EOHANEI. EBIT. EXTBA.
EYH. AG
nihU. DABE. DEBETO. EI. QYEIQYOHQYE. ID. PYBLICYH. FBYENDYK.
BEDEHFTYM. CONDYOTYHYE. HABEBIT B0YE8. EQYL QYIBYS. YIEI8.
LOCI& FYBLICEI8. PA8TYH. IHPYLSYH. ITIKERIS. CAYSA. ERIT. NEIQYID.
POPYLO. NEiYE. FYBUCANO. PEQYNiA. acriptwram. vectigcUve. det. dcureoe.
debeat.
quei. ager. ex. pyblico. in. priyatyh. cohhytatys. est. de eg.
AGRO. SIREHP8. LEX. E8T0. QYAKSEI. IS. AGER. P. MyYCIO. L.
Calpyrnio. coa.
PER. TERBAH. ItALIAH. P. MyYCIO. L. CaLFYBNIO. 00& FYEBIKT. EAa
FACIYNTO. FATEANT. YACYAEQYE. SIEMT.
ex* lege, plebeiye. sti. exye. foedebe. ucyit. sed. fbaydb. sya. facers.
LICETO. QYOD. EX. H. L. ITA. YTEI. S. 8. EST. IN AGBEIS. QYEI.
ET. IK. EYH. JYDICIYH. JYDICEH. BECYPEBATORESYE. EX. H. L. DABE.
OFOBTEBET. SBL QYIS. DE. EA. BE. JYDICIYH
282 THE OLD ROMAN OR LATIN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. VI.
neive, pbo. oolokia. MOiNiciPioyB. pbote. moihigipieis. fbtentvb.
QYSI. vs. TBIBMTABVLEIS DABB. OPOBTEBFT. ID. TTBL QYICQYm
QYOL EIQyE. ANTE. H. L. R LICYIT. ITA. EL HABBBB. liceoL
Sei QVID. DB. BO. AOBO. LOGO. AXBIQETTB. COB. PB. QYBI-
QVOMQVE. BBIT. DB. EA. BE. JTBI8DIGTIO. judici. judicU, ftCWptmr
torum, daUo. esto,
L GAYSA. DECEBNANT. BJYS. SL L. N. R^ QYOD. JTDICiyiC. JYDB3L
BBCYPEEATOBYE. reddtderU. id, jus. ra^umqus. esto,
Pr. cansrdve. neL de. bo. aobo. loco. ioys. deictto. netyb. dbcebbito.
NBIYB. JYDiGTYiL Tieive. jfuHcem, neive, recupercUaree, da/to
BIL FACITO. QYO. QYIS. PBO. AOBO. lONYS. AUTEEYB. BCBIPTYBAIL
YECTIGALYB. dcL
GIYIBY8. L. QYEI. GLAS8IS. PBIMAB. 8IBNT. XL DATO. DTDB. ALTEBirOfl.
DYGITO
decre^um, jydigiymye. factym. nok. siet. sel majob. pab& bobyil
BBCYPEEATOBYH. Tum. oonaenaertL
BIT. SEDYLO. MN. YTEL I& QYEI. JYDIGATYS. BBIT. DABB. OPOBTBAT.
aliter, habeM. possidebit. feyetyb. qyam. ex. H. L. ligbbtt. eyil
AGBYir. QYEK.
8L QYAE. LEX. PLEBEIYE. 8G. EBT. QYAB. MA& QYEIL BX. H. L. DBCEBr
NEBE. OPOBTEBIT. BED. FBAYDE. SYA. KEL JOYRATO. NETYB.
ex. PL. SO. QYOD. M. BaBBIYS. TB. PL. m. YIB. GOLONIAB. DEDYGBNDAX.
/eciL
BXTBA. BYIL AORYK. LOCYK. QYEI. AOER. LOGYS. IK. EA. GEMTYBIA.....
oparteL opobtebitye. qyod. ejyb. aobl logel qyoieiqye. emp-
TYM. EST......
qucteetar. qyei. aebabiym. proyingiam. obtinebit. in tableis.
pubUceie. re/erat,
ob. earn. «em. qyod. pbabs. factys. est. popylo. obugatys. est
QYEI. AGER. LOGYS. IN. AfBIGA. BST. QYEL BoiEAE. FYBUGE. venUL
vemeritve,
datue. ADSIONATYS. ERFT. QUOD. EJYB. AGRL LOGEL EXTRA. TERRAM.
Italiam. est
ye agryh. logyk. qyeiqyohqyb. habebit. p088idebit
quel. AGER. LOGY& IN. Afriga. bbt. QUOD. EJYB. AGRL looei diebuf.
proxeumis. quibtu. fagtyb. oreatysye. txn./acito pbofitebityb.
OOONITO. IQYE. IPSE.
^ ^iM hoc lege nihil rogatwr. Perperam Tulgo formulam ezplioant : ex
h. L Vid. dc^aron. pro Caecina. e. 33. — Sp.
CHAPTER Vn.
ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET.
% I. Organic classification of the original Latin alphabet. § 3. The labials.
§ 3. The gnttnrals. § 4. The dentals. § 5. The vowels. § 6. The Greek
letters used by the Romans. § 7. The numeral signs.
§ 1. Organic Chsstfication of the Original Latin Alphabet.
THE genuine Latin alphabet, — or that set of characters which
expressed in writing the sounds of the Roman Tanguage
before it had borrowed from the Greek a number of words,
and the means of exhibiting them to the eje, — may be regarded
as consisting of nineteen letters ; that is, of the representatives of
the original Cadmean sjUabarium (which contained only sixteen
letters), with an appendix comprising the secondary vowels, or
vocalized consonants, i and u, and the seeondaiy sibilant x = 8h.
The original alphabet of the Romans, as derived from the
Greeks of Cama (above, p. 96), had consisted of 21 letters,
namely, these 19 and the letters Z and K, which occupied the
seventh and tenth places respectively — ^thus :
(1) A
(8) H
(16) P
(2) B
(9) I
(16) Q
(3) c=r
(10) K
(17) R
(4) D
(11) L
(18) S
(5) E
(12) M
(19) T
(6) F
(13) N
(20) V
(7) Z
(14)
(21) X
But Z fell out of general use, and in the first Punic war C was
divided into C and G, and the latter was placed where Z had
stood between F and H (Plut. Qu. Bom. c. 59 ; Corssen, i. 7).
In Cicero's time the number of letters was 21 {de Natur.'Deorum^
II. 37, § 93) ; but before his death v and f were borrowed from
the Greek and placed at the end of the Latin alphabet under
the forms Y and Z, and thus the frdl number of 23 letters
was attained. A further augmentation was introduced by the
284 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP, VII.
Emperor Claudius, who was a professed grammarian. He intro-
duced three additional characters, namely, an inverted digamma j
to give the sound of v in servua and vulgus (Quintil. I. 4, § 7), the
antisigma o or DC to represent the Greek -^ or the combination
bs, ps; and the Oscan I', which resembled in form the Greek «pt-
ritvs asper h (above, p. 99), to represent the sound between t and
u (Quiutil. I. 4, § 8 : medius Uet I Htterce sonus). But although
the influence of the Emperor procured a partial adoption of these
letters in his lifetime, they soon became obsolete (Tacit. Ann. XI.
14), and are found on only a few monuments (Corssen, i. pp. 13,
14). In its latest form, as recognized by Priscian, the Latin
alphabet consisted of the 23 letters, which it comprised when the
Y and Z were added.
If we omit the supernumeraries C, K, Y, Z, and distribute
the nineteen genuine and necessary letters according to their
natural or organic classification, we shall have the following
arrangement : —
CONSONANTS.
Labials.
Outtnrala.
Dentab.
Medials ....
B
G
D
A^iratee . . .
P
H
R
Tennes
P
Qv
T
Liquids ....
M
L,N
Sibilants . . .
S,X
VOWELS.
Vowels of Ar-|
ti^ulation j
Heafiest.
A
Lightest.
E
Medium.
Vocalized 1
Consonants /
Vocalized Labial.
Vocalised Gattural. or
Dental.
I
§ 2.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 285
It will be moBt convenient, bb well as most methodical, to
consider these letters according to this classification, which will
be justified by the investigation itself,
§ 2. The Labials.
The labials consist of three mutes and the liquid M. The
regular changes of the labial mutes, in the principal languages
of the Indo-Germanic familj, have been thus indicated bj James
Grimm, to whom we owe the discovery of a most important law
[Deutsche Gramm. I. p. 584*), which may be stated thus in its
application to all three orders of mutes :
Medial corresponds to Tenuis and to Aspirate,
Aspirate „ „ Medial „ Tenuis,
Tenuis „ „ Aspirate „ Medial.
This law, applied to the labials only, may be expressed in the
following table:
Latin (Greek, Sanscrit) . B F P
Gothic P B F
Old High German . . F P B (V)
To take the instances given by Grimm himself, — ^the first
column is confirmed, as far as the Latin language is concerned,
by the- following examples: cannabis {Kdwafii^)^ Old Norse
hanpry Old High German hanaf; turla {0opvfir)), Goth, thailrp^
' 0. H. G. dorof; stabulum, O. N. stopull, O. H. G. staphol. To
which may be added, Zoii, Anglo-Saxon slipan, O. H. G. sit-
uffan. These instances are confined to the occurrence of the
labials in the middle of words ; for there are no German words
beginning with P, and no H. G. words beginning with f.
The second column is supported as follows : Initials— ;/a^i«
(^wryo?)> ,0. N. heykiy O. H. G. puocha; fero {(f>ipci>), Goth.
bairay 0. H. G. pirn; jui (^uet)), Ang.-Sax. beon, O. H. G. pirn;
flarcy Goth, blasany O. H. G. plasan ; Jra-n-^gere (piT^w/u), Goth.
1 Dr. Guest muntaioB that this celebrated law is inyalidated by rery
Berious exceptions {Proceedings of the PhUoL Soe. m. pp. 179» sqq.).
A
286 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VIL
brtkanj 0. H. G. pr'Schan; folium (^wXXov), O. N. blad, O. H. G.
plat; Jrtzter {^pf)Tqp)y Goth, broihar, O. H. G. pruoder. The
Latin language Aimishes no instances of this rule in its appli-
cation to the middle sounds. In v€if>iKrf, K€<f>aXi], ypd^iv and
such like, the Latin equivalents present h or p; compare nebida^
captU, a-crtbere. The reason for this is to be sought in the
aversion of the Roman ear from f as a middle sound.
The third column rests on the following induction: Initials —
pea (pedia), Qoth. fStua, O. H. G. vtu>z; piacia, Goth, ^aka^
0. H. G. viae; pater ^ Goth, jfeir*, O. H. G. vatar ; plenua^ Qoth.
fuUa, O. H. G. vol; pecuay Goth, fathuy O. H. G. vihu; palmoy
Angl..Sax. filma, O. H. G. volma; pellia, Goth. /K, O. H. G.
^Mi.J2w2t», Goth.^wZa, 0. H. G. volo; primua, Gotii. frumiftay
^ O. H G. vTomist. Middle sounds — aopoTy 0. N. avefa^ O. Sax.
avUiUian; aq^teniy Angl.-Sax. aejon^ Goth, aibun; aper, Angl.-
Sax. '4qfi>r, 0. H. G. &>ar; auper, Goth, ujuvy O. N. jnfir, 0. H. G.
tibar; rdpina^ Angl.-Sax. redf; O. H. G. roub.
L^ These may be taken as proofs of the general application of
^ Grrimm*s rule to the Latin labials. If, however, we examine the
use of the separate letters more minutely, we shall find great
vacillation even within the limits of the Latin language itself.
The medial B seems to have approximated in many cases to
the sound of v; at other times it came more nearly to P. We
find in old Latin the forms Duittius, duonua^y dttelluniy &c. by
the side of BiUmay bonua, beUumy &c. Now, there is no doubt
that the proper abbreviation of these forms would be e.g.' donua
or vonuay and so on. The labial representative boniia, therefore,
shows a sort of indifference between the occasional pronunciation
of B and V. This view is confirmed by a comparison of duia,
which must have been the original form (Fest. p. 66), with Sk
on the one hand, and bia^ bea^ vi-ginti on the other. The same
appears particularly in the change firom Latin to Italian or
French, as in habere = avere = avoir y habebam = aveva = avaiay
Aballo = Avalon, Cabellio ^ CavailloUy Eburovicea = JEvreux, &c.,
or conversely, as in Veaontio = Beaan^on. The commutation of
b and v in the Spanish language gave occasion to Scaliger*s
epigram :
1 On the etymology of this word, Bee N, Crat, $ 262.
fZK*f-
§S.] ANALYSIS OV THK LATIX ALPHABfiT. 287
HcmA temert cmJtiqwu mukU Va$eonia voee§
Cm nihil igt aliud vivere quam bibereK
«Similar! J, we have averunco for ab^-runcOf i. e. iKfioravl^fa,
as the old gloBS renders it (see Weber, Zeitsch.f. vergh Spr. ii.
80). BS>o for vivo is common in old monuments (Fabretti s. v.
p. 251). The interchange of b and p may be remarked in hurrua^
mppo^; Balantium, Palatium; bitumen^ pitamen {oomip, pttuita)^
&C. In many Latin words the B stands for a ^ (=p'h) in the
Ghreek synonym: compare haloBTia^ albua^ ambo, nSula, urnbt"
licu8y &c,, with ^klKouvOj oKi^y Afjuf^io, V€<}>iKr), ofufuiXAfy &c.
The ancient Romans did not use B, as the Greeks did, to
form a fhlcmm between two liquids (comp. fietrrffjLeploy fiea^fir'
fipia; fjLiKiy [/*])8\itt(» ; i-fjboXov, fiifil3XoDKa; fiopo^, afifiporo^;
&c) ; but in the derivative idioms there are many instances of
this insertion; compare numems, nombre; carnera, chambrey^_
&c. ; and even when r is substituted for some other liquid, as in
hominemy Sp. hombre; or when a third liquid is retained, as in
cumtdare, Fr. combler.
In classical Latin B is often omitted when flanked by two
vowels; this is particularly the case in the dative or ablative
plural, as in queta by the side of quibuSy filiis by the side of
jUiabus, &c. ; indeed this omission is regular in the second
declension.
It is hardly necessary to remark, that the genuine Etruscan
element in the Latin language must have been altogether with-
out the medial B. As a final, b is found only in the proclitic
words qby 6b^ sub.
When B or V is followed by the vocalized or palatal j, we
sometimes remark that, in the derived languages, this palatal
supersedes the labial, and is pronounced alone, or with an as-
similation ; so we have cavea (= cavfa), cage; caTnbiare, chan--
ger; debeo, diggio; DibiOy Dijon; objeciuniy oggeUo; rabies,
rage; rvhere (= rahjeri), rougir; subfectumy sujety &c. We see
1 Penny Cyel, m. p. 220. See also Scaliger de Cat». Z. Z. i. c. 14.
p. 36. In older Latin we have Fovii by the side of Fabii (Fest. p. 87)9
Sewni by the side of 8abm% (Plin. H.N. lu. 12), Stoverues by the side of
Stobentes, and, in the flexion-forma of the verb, -fro, -bamf -Wi», -bundtUy
by the Bide of -vi, from fio and Jkii (see Oorssen Zeitsehr.f, vergh Sprf^
1852, p. 17).
288 ANALYSIS 0? THS LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VH.
the full development of this cliange in Bach words as nager
from navtgare, while the absolute omission of the labial is justi-
fied b;^ 4cnre from acriberey in Amiens from Ambtani^ and in
aimoiay which comes from aTnabam through atWy = ofnotie »
amava (Lewis, On the Romance Languages^ p. 199).
The labial F and the guttural Q^ are the most characteristic
letters in the Latin alphabet. Of the latter I will speak in its
place, merely remarking here that its resemblance to F consists
in the fact that they are both compound letters, although used
from the earliest period as exponents of simple sounds.
In considering the Latin F, we must be careful not to confbse
it with the Greek ^ on the one hand, or with the modem v on
the other. It is true that F corresponds to ^ in a number of
words, such as fagus^ fcmui, ferOy falh^ fari, fcLacis, fraier, fn--
gu8y facuSy fugto^ fui^ falgeo^ fur (Mttller, Eiaruah. I. p. 20) ;
but we must consider these words as an approach to a foreign
articulation ; for in a great number of words, in which the F has
subsequently been commuted for H, we can find no trace of con-
nexion with the Greek ^: such are fartolua, faaena^ fidusy
fircusy foluSy fordeumy fostisy foatuiy forctisy vefoy trajb (MttUer,
Etruak. I. p. 44).
It is generally laid down that F and v are both labio-dental
aspirates, and that they differ only as the tenuis differs from the
medial ; and one philologer has distinctly asserted their identity,
meaning perhaps that in Latin F s^the English v, and u = the
English w. If, however, we analyse some of the phenomena of
comparative philology in which the Latin F appears, and then
refer to Quintilian's description of the sound of this letter, we
may be disposed to believe that in many cases the English v
formed only a part of the sound. Quintilian says (xii. 10,
§ 27, 29) that the Roman language suffered in comparison with
the Greek from having only v and F, instead of the Greek i; and
^, "qutbue nullce apvd eos {OrcBCoa) dulcius apiranL Nam
et ilia, quce est sexta nostrarumy pcene non humana voce vd
omnino non voce potius inter discrimina dentium efflanda est:
qiuB etiam, cum vocalem proxima accipit, quaasa qriodammodo:
utiquCy quoties aliquam consonantem frangity ut in hoc ipso
I»RANGIT, muUo fit horridiory Not to repeat here what has
been stated at length elsewhere {N. Crat. § 111), it will be
§ 2.] ANALTSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 289
sufficient to make the following observations : (a) the Latin F,
though not= y, contained that letter, and was a cognate sound
with it*: this is proved by a comparison of con-ferre^ con-
vivay &c. with com-bibere^ tm-primtSy &c, {b) It appears from
Quintilian that in his time the Latin F contained, in addition to
the labial v, some dental sibilant ; and the sibilant is known to
have been the condition in which the guttural passed into the
mere aspirate, (c) A comparison of the Greek 0i^p with its ^
Latin synonym /era would produce great difficulty, if we could L
not suppose a coexistence of the sibilant with the labial in the
latter; such a concurrence we have in the Eussian synonym
sveray Lettish svehrs, Old Prussian svirs, {d) The Sabine words
mentioned above (such as Jlrcua), tlie more modem representa-
tives of which substitute an aspirate for the F, prove that the
F must have contained a guttural aspirate; for no labial can
pass into a guttural, though a compound of labial and guttural
may be represented by the guttural -only, («) Those words in
the Romance languages which present an aspirate for the F
which their Latin synonyms retained to the last, — ^such as
falcOj "hawk;" Jbrisy Fr. "hors;" Jpicersy J^mosus, fumus^ /
&c., Sp. "Jbacer," "hermoso,'* "Jiumo,*' &c.,— prove that, to
the last, the Latin F contained some guttural element, in addition {
to the labial of which it was in part composed. It seems to me {
that F must have been sv, or, ultimately, HV, and that V must •
have corresponded to our English w. With regard to the Greek .
^, there can be no doubt that it was a distinct p'A, like the
middle sound in hap-hazardy sJi^-Jierd; reduplications like
irei\>vica {pe^'*huka)y and contacts like ^irKJxo {Sapp^ho)^ suffi-
ciently prove this. The forms of Latin words which seem to
substitute F for this ^ must be referred to the Pelasgian element
in the Latin language : the Tuscans, as we have seen, were by
no means averse from this sound ; and the Eomans were obliged
to express it by the written representative of a very diflferent
articulation.
^ In the same way as f seems to represent in the instances cited
aboye, v also appears as a substitute both for and n*. Oompare vulgtu,
vcUUUi veruy virgo, and vitrieust with ^X«M$f, palus, wtipioy irapBtvoSf and
pater (Buttmann» Lexil, s. r. <I)o\k6s),
D, V. 19
^
290 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. Yn.
The derivation of FaUrii and Faliaci (cf. Ururta and
Etrusci) from a founder Halesua^ shows that even among the
Tuscans there was an intimate affinity between F and u (see
Mtiller, E(T. ii. p. 273).
Of the tenuis P it is not necessary to say much. If we
compare the Latin forms with their Greek equivalents, we
observe that P or pp, is used as a substitute for the ^ (p^h) of
which I have just spoken. Thus puniceus^ caputs &c. corre-
k I spond to if>oivliC€Of;j K&t ^Vj & Cm ftnd cruppdlarii^ cippus, -lappa,
^ \ strcpptis, supparum, s-ctoppua, tcpper, &c., answer to KeKpv^H£><JO^^
ice^xiKriTri^y okoKi]^^ aTp6<f>iov, vifMcla, KoKcuf^o^, <r-Ti;^/oo9»
0-Ti/^X(k {tapfer)y &c.
In the languages derived from the Latin, P very often passes
into V. This is most regular in the French: comp. aperire^
aprilta^ capilltM, capistrum, eapra, episcopus^ juniperus, hpua^
nepo8^ operay pauper^ recipere, sepelirey sapere, &c., with ouvrtr^
avrily chevhi, chevitrey chhyre^ iv^que^ genthyrCj lihyre^ neveuy
ceuvrcy pauvrey resevotr, en-seveliry saumvy &c.*
p is often inserted as a fulcrum to the labial M when a liquid
follows : thus we have aumoy aum-^p-aiy sumptus; promOy prom-
p-siy promptus ; and the true spelling of hiemr-s (cfl ;^€i/i-a) is
htemrp-s (Wagner, Orthog. VergiL p. 442).
Contact with the guttural j will convert P into GH = J or a
soft G. Compare rupesy roche; sapiamy sache; sapm^ s agej
&c Here in effect the labial is assimilated or absorbed, as in
Rochester from Hrof-ceastre,
The labial liquid M occa^onally takes the place of one or
other of the labial mutes, even within the limits of the Latin
c language itself. It stands by the side of b in ghmtiSy hiempsy
) tumeo, &c., compared with globus, hibemtiSy iubery &c. We find
a substitution of B for M in Bandelay the modem name of
1 To avoid unnecessary trouble (for independont dictionary-hunting
would hare led, in most cases, to a repetition of the same results) I hare
taken seTeral of the commonest comparisons of French and Latin
synonyms from the articles on the separate consonants in the Penny
Cyclopaedia, It is scarcely worth while to make this reference, for no
one acquainted with French and Latin need go to the Penny CifelopcBcUoy
or any other compifation, in order to learn that auvriry avrUy &c. are
derired from aperire, aprUis, &c.
§ S.] ANALYSIS OP THE LATIN ALPHABET. 291
Mandela (OrelH, ad Hor. ill. Carm. 18, 12), and in Lubedan
for Laaniedon (Scaliger, de CausstSf L. L, I. c. 22, p. 54). I
am not aware that we have anj example of the commutation
of M with the labio-dental F. With v it is not uncommon:
comp. Mulciber, Vul/ianus; pro-mulgare, pro-vulgare (compare
dirwlgare) ; &c. This is still more remarkable if we extend
the comparison to cognate languages: thus Mara, mas {maris) ^
may be compared with Fa/w;?, fdpprfv, (vir, virtus, " war,'^ - 1
wehren, "warrior," *Oapla>v; Mii Minne, " Minion," &c., wit!i
Venus, Winnes-jafte, &c. {Abhandl. JSerl Ak. 1826, p. 68).
So also /Aa-i/-T*9 may be compared with votes; at least, Plautus
writes mantiscinari for vaticinari. The changes of P into M
are generally observable in assimilations such as summus fori
supimus, supremus: in Greek, and in the passage between Greek/
and Latin, this change is common enough ; thus we have fiera
by the side of iriZa, and fioKu^So^ by the side of plumbum. In ' -
fact, M and N are more nearly akin to the medials b and D than
to the tenues, and a thick articulation will always give the
medials for the liquids.
At the end of Latin words M is very often omitted in writing,
and seems to have been still more frequently neglected in pro-
nunciation. With regard to the written omissions, it was the
rule to omit in the present tense of active verbs the important M /
which characterizes the first person in many of the other tenses.
Li fact, the only verbs which retain it in the present tense are
surm and inqua-^n : and it is mentioned as a custom of Cato the
Censor, that he used also to elide the M at the termination of the
futures of verbs in -o and -w> (see Ch. vi. § 3). The metrical
ecthlipsis, which disregards the final -M when a vowel follows,
may be explained by supposing a sort of anusvdrah in the Latin
language. In the transition to the Romance languages, which
make a new nominative of the Latin accusative, the final m is
dropt in all but two instances — the Italian speme^spem, which
extends it by a final vowel, and the French rien^rem, which
substitutes the nasal avslaut.
§ 3. The Outturals.
The Boman gutturals are three, — the medial G, the aspirate
H, and the labio-guttural tenuis Qt. The regular changes of this
19— a
>v
4
292 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
order of mutes, as far as the Latin language is concerned, are
proved by the following examples; the law itself, as applied to
the gutturals, being expressed thus :
Latin, (Greek, Sanscrit) . G H C
Gothic K G H, G.
Old High German . . . CH K H, G.
1st column. Initials^ granum, O. N. Tco rn^ O. H. G. chom;
genuSy hi7ii, chunni; gena, O. N. kinn^ O. H. G. chtnnt; genu^ .
^^^ ^kne^ chnio; geluy gejidu8y Gothic kalds, O. H. G. chaU; gustare,
. j'^'^ kiuaan, chiosan. Middle sounds; egoj ik^ih {ich); ager^ ahrSy-^
C/*^ achar; magnus, mikilsy michil; jugum,juk,joch; mulgere, O. N.
A mmka. 6. Jl.G.meMan. ^^^^ " ^
' 2d column. Initials: homer ^ gans^ kans; hert, hestemus^
ij,J'i,\ _jy*^^a, kestar; hortua^ 99!£^^ karto; hostta, gasts^ kast; komOy
* guma, komo. H is of rare occurrence as a middle sound in Latin;
we may, however, compare t«a, veha^ with weg; veho with Groth.
^ aigan; traho with Anglo-Sax. drqgan^ &c.
A A^\ 3d column (in which I have substituted c for Q,, because the
. ^4^'''^ latter belongs to a different class of comparisons). Initials :
"" ^laudtiSjJ^alt, halz; caput, havbith, hovhit; ccr, hairto, herzd;
a^ , . ca'^'^x. Jiunths, hund. Middle sounds: lux, Uuhdd, licht; tacere»
^ ^^»' - ihakan, dagen; ^^cem, Goth, taihun, Lith. deszinUs.
' "^ V Originally the Eomans made no distinction between the gut-
.j^ '> ,\.^^'' turals C and G; the former was the only sign used; and although
V*^ Ausonius says {Idyll, xil. de Utteris, v. 21): gammce vice juncta
^^ li,** prtua C (see also Festus, s, vv. prodtgiat orcum), thereby imply-
ing that c expressed both the medial o and the tenuis K^, there
is reason to believe that in the older times the Romans pronounced
C as a medial, and used Q as their only tenuis guttural. This
appears from the forms macestratus, leciones, &c, on the Duilian
monument, and still more strikingly from the fact that the prae-
nomens Gains, Chiceus (Faw, Tewcuoi), were to the last indicated
by the initials C and Cn,; for in the case of a proper name the
old character would survive the change of application. When,
however, the Romans began to distinguish between the pure
tenuis K and the labial tenuis Q, they introduced a distinction
V
V
1 On this confusion in other languages see New Crai, § 100.
§S.], ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 293
between c and G, which was marked by the addition of a tail to
the old character c, the letter thus modified being used to repre-
sent the medial, and the old form being transferred from the
medials to the tenues. The author of this change was Sp. Car-
vilius, a freedman and namesake of the celebrated Sp. Carvilius
Euga, who, in A. u. C. 523, B. c. 231, furnished the first example
of A divorce. See Plutarch, Qticest. Rom. p. 277 D : ri K irf^
rh V avyyeveubv e^et irap avrol<i [the Romans], o-^k yap iyj^
cravTO T^ ydfifia Kap^iXiov %Troplov 'rrpoae^evpovro^. Id. p. 278 e:
oy^i TJp^avTO fuaOov SiBcurKeiv, koX irpwro^ dve^e ypafifuiToSiSa"
CKcCKeiov ^Tropuy: Kap^tKio^ direKevOepo^ KapfitXiov tov Trpdrrov
yafjLerfjv ix^oKovTo^. From the position in the alphabet assigned
to this new character, — namely, the seventh place, corresponding
to that of the Greek z, — there is reason to believe that the
Koman C still retained the hard ^-sound, while the new charac-
ter represented the soft palatal pronunciation of the English j
and the Greek z, which is also expressed by the modem Italian
ffi. It is clear that the Greek K was introduced long before the
time of Carvilius, and therefore there could have been no need
of an additional character except for the expression of an addi-
tional sound. And as K was used only in the syllable ka, the
additional sound must have been that borne by c and a in
modem Italian before the vowels e and i. Before and u, as
we shall see directly, Q was in its original place.
The Latin h was a strong guttural aspirate, corresponding
in position and in power to the Greek x* I* is trae that this
character sometimes indicates a mere spiritus asper; and in this
use it is either dropt or prefixed, according to the articulation.
In general, however, it was the strongest and purest of the
Roman aspirated gutturals. Graff has remarked {Abhandl.
Berl. Ak. 1839, p. 12) tliat there are three classes of aspirates —
the guttural (h), i.e. the spiritus; the labial (w), t. e. ih^jlatua;
and the dental (s), i. e. the stbilatus: and he says that the Latin
language entirely wants the first, whereas it possesses the labial
aspirate in its Q, and the dental perhaps in its X. This appears
to me to be neither a clear nor a correct statement. With regard
to H in particular, there can be no doubt that it is a strong gut-
tural, quite as much so as the Greek X' This is established by
the following comparison. The Latin H answers to % in the-
294 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. Til.
! words htemps (x^ifJMv), hiberrms (x^tfiipivoi), hio (%a/iw), humi
ixdfiai)^ hortua (x^proi), &c. It represents the guttural c in
trah-o, trac''8t, veh-o, vec-siy &c. In a word, it corresponds to the
hard Sanscrit A, for which, in the cognate Gothic and Greek
words, either g^ h, or 7, Ky x* ^® substituted (oomp. N. CraJt.
§ 112). An initial H, or some other guttural, was often omitted
in Latin as in other languages before another consonant ; thus
we have res for hrea^hra-ia for AtV, " the hand;" ma for hma
or crua {Jcarah^aro)^ loena by the side of 'xKoiiva', nidar by the
side of icviaaa; Roma by the side of gruma (above, p. 68), &c.
And even before vowels we have frequent instances of extenua-
tion and omission of an original H. Indeed it is sometimes
a matter of doubt whether the H ought to be retained or dismissed
in spelling; thus some would write Hannibal, others Annibal;
some Etruria^ others, more correctly, as I think, but less in ac-
cordance with authority, Hetrurta; although aut and haud are
the same word, and though old MSS. make no distinction
between them (Lachmann ad Lticret. ill. 330, 632), the former
generally omits, while the latter as generally retains the H; and
while hcereo is almost the universally received orthography, we
have caait in Lucret. VI. 1016 {uii v. Lachm.), in accordance with
the Tyrrhenian at-caaum, (above, Ch. V. § 3, p. 183).
With regard to Q or Qt, a character almost peculiar to the
Latin alphabet, a longer investigation will be necessary. It has
been a common opinion with philologers that there were different
classes of the tenuis guttural, varying with the vowel which
articulated them; thus, tcamra, kaph, was «followed only by a;
H {heth) only by e; ^} only by i; KOTnra, hoph^ only by o; and
Q only by w. Lepsius {Zwei Abhandl. pp. 18 — 31) has given a
more rational and systematic form to this opinion, by supposing
that there were three fundamental vowels, o, t, u; that x was
subsequently split up into 1, e, and u into 0, u; that one of the
three fundamental vowels was prefixed to each row of mutes in
the old organic syllabarium, so that all the medials were articu-
lated with a, all the aspirates with t, and all the tenues with «.
This form of the opinion, however, is by no means suflScient to
explain the peculiarities of the Roman Qt; and if it were, still
it could not be adopted, as it runs counter to the results of a
more scientific investigation into the origin of i and u.
§».] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 295
Tte difficulty which has been felt in dealing with the Latin
Q has proceeded chiefly from the supposition that the accompany-
ing t^ or t; must be either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant;
for if it is a vowel, then either it ought to form a diphthong
with the accompanying vowel, or a distinct syllable with the Q ;
and neither of these cases ever happens : if, on the other hand,
it is a consonant, the vowel preceding the Q ought to be long by
position; and this is never the case even in the most ancient
writers (see Graff, Abh. Berl Ak. 1839 : '' uber den Buchstaben
q(qO").
It appears to me unnecessary to assume that the accompany-
ing u is either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant. And
herein consists the peculiarity of the Eoman q : it cannot be
articulated without the u, and yet the u has no distinct existence.
The true explanation, I conceive, is the following. No attentive
student of the Latin authors can have failed to observe how
great a tendency there is in this language to introduce sounds
consisting of an union of the guttural and labial. Such a sound
is the digamma, which may be considered to have been the lead-
ing characteristic of the Felasgian language both in Italy and in
Greece. Now there are four states of this sound, besides its
original condition, in which both guttural and labial have their
full power : the first is when the labial predominates, and this is
expressed by the letter F = 5v (At?) ; the second is when the gut-
tural predominates, and this is expressed by Qr; the third is
when the guttural alone is sounded, and in this state it becomes
the strong guttural E or k; the fourth is when the labial alone
is articulated, and from this we have the letter v.
The great difference between F and q consists in this, that
in the latter it is necessary to express both the ingredients of the
double sound, whereas they are both represented by one charac-
ter in the former. Hence it has happened, that, while the gut-
tural element of F has been overlooked by many philologers,
they have over-estimated the independent value of the labial
which accompanies Q.
A sound bearing the same relation to the medials that Qr does
to the tenues is occasionally formed by the addition of v to G.
This occurs only after n and r: thus we find tinguo^ unguo, ur^
gueOf by the side of tinffo, ungo, urgeo. The former were probably
296 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [cHAP. VII.
the original words, the latter being subsequent modifications:
compare gverra^ *' war," guardire^ " ward," &c. with the French
pronunciation of guerre^ guardir^ &c. {Nem Crat § 110).
When the labial ingredient of Qy is actually vocalized into «,
the Q is expressed in classical Latin by the new tenuis c = K ;
thus quojnSyquoi, the original gen. and dat. of qui, become ctijusy
cut; cuirei becomes cur; quoin is turned into cum; sequundusy
oquulus, torqular (comp. torqueo), quiris (cf. Quirinus), &c. are
converted into secundus, oculus, torcular, curia, &c.^ This is also
the case when u is represented by the similar Eoman sound of
the 0. Thus coh must have been originally quolo; for Q is the
initial of quohnia on coins, and in-quilinus is obviously derived
from in-€oIoy which has lost its w, just as quotidie is written coti-
die (Schneider, Lat. Gr. I. p. 335). It is known, too, that coquus
must have been pronounced quoquus even in Cicero's time; for
he made no difference in pronunciation between the particle
quoque and the vocative of coquu»: see Quintil. VI. 3, §47:
"Quae Ciceroni aliquando...exciderunt, ut dixit, quum is candi-
datus, qui coqui filius habebatur, coram eo suffiragium ab alio
peteret: ego quoque tibi favebo'." The change of qva into cu
is particularly remarkable when a syllable is shortened, on ac-
count of the heavier form in which it occurs; as when quatio
in composition becomes con-cutio, per-cutio, &c. Perhaps we
ought to write aciia in those cases in which aqua appears as a
trisyllable (Lachipann ad LucreL VI. 552).
The two constituent parts of Q^ often exist separately in
different forms of the same root : thus we h^ve conniveo, connixi;
fio (^J/co), fitci^^ foLCtua; jlw), jluxi; foveo^ focus; lavo^ hcus;
1 It is laid down by modern scholars that u can nerer follow
qu; thus we must not write gutim, hquuntur^ aequum, eqwUy &c., bat
eum^ locuntur, cecunij ecus, &c. (MUlIer, <id Varron. p. 38; Lachmann,
ad Lucret, pp. 172, 220, 398 ; Wagner, ad Verg. jEn, ix. 299 ; Ritschl,
ProUg- Plant p. 94; Sillig, Proe/. Plin. p. 72). Bat I hope that this
rule will not be adopted generally by editors, and that in writing modem
Latin at all events we shall still be allowed to distinguish between qwum
the conjunction and cum the preposition» without resorting to the old-
fashioned quom for the former.
^ There are some remarks on this subject in Erasmus, CoUoqwa,
p. 164, ed. Amstelod. 1651.
§ 3.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 297
nixy mvia; struo, struxi; vivo^ vixi. The last is a double in-
stance; for there can be no doubt of the connexion between
^^ " quick " and virms (for qviqvtis) {New Grat § 112, note).
Bopp's opinion, therefore {Vergleich. Gramm. pp. 18, 98), that
there is some natural connexion between v and k in themselves,
is altogether unfounded.
In the comparison between Latin and Sanscrit we seldom
find that Qy is represented hj a Sanscrit K, but that it usually
stands in cognate words where the Sanscrit has a palatal or
sibilant {New Crat. § 105, 216) : compare quatuor, Sanscr.
cAatur; s-quama, Sanscr. chhad, "tegere;" quurmdus, Sanscr.
cA«, "accumulare;" oc-aiUus (pb-quultus)^ Sanscr. ^a?, "tegere;"
sequoTj Sanscr. sajj; pequus, Sanscr. pagu; equtts, Sanscr. agva,
&c. When Qy stands by the side of a Sanscrit A, it is
either when that letter is followed by e or i— in which case
the guttural approximates to the palatal, — or when the k stands
before u or v. There are some instances in which the Qt is re-
presented by the labial p in Greek and Sanscrit; and this is
particularly remarkable in cases where the Qv occurs twice in the
Latin word : compare the Latin quinquej quoquo {coquo), aqua,
hqtwr, &c., with the Sanscrit and Greek panchan, irifitre, pack,
ireirc^, dpah (pi.), lap, &c.; also equtis, oquulua, sequor, Unquo,
&c., with hnro^, ofifia, eirofuu, \el7roi>, &c.
Quintilian says that the Latin Q is derived from the Greek
Krnira (i. 4, § 9) ; and there can be no doubt that they have a
common origin. Now this Greek KOTnra^ which is of rare oc-
currence, is founds where it occurs in Greek inscriptions, only
before o. Thus we have (popivOoOev (Bockh, C /. no. 29), o/xpoi^
(n. 37), \v<poBopKa<; (n. 166); and on coins we have <popivOo^y
l,vpa(;>oa'uovy &c. The explanation of this is simple : the letter
o before a vowel expressed the sound of w, so far as the mouth
of a Greek could convey this sound : compare olarpof;, poifiBo^y
which imitate tlie whizzing noises of the wings of the gad-fly
and the bird; ia which represents the Persian lamentation wa/
&c. (above, p. 68). Consequently, the syllable 90 must be
regarded as the residuum of a syllable pronounced kwa, which
was probably the pronunciation of the Latin Qt. At any rate,
it is sufficiently evident from the single word Xwpohopica^ that
9 and K could not have been identical at the time when the
^ :^^ ^
298 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [cHAP. YII.
inscription was caryed; otherwise we should have had either
Xv4M>Sop/ica9 or Xu9oSo/»9a9. In fact, the word yJfKio^ must hare
been originallj Xupoo^ {luqvus)^ otherwise the labial in the Latin
lujpm would, be inexplicable. Perhaps, too, as Graff suggests
(u. s. p. 10, note 7), there are other Qxeek words containing
the syllable ko or /m/, which must have been written with 9 in
the older state of the language. He selects the following, of
which the Sanscrit equivalents have the palatals ;, ok: xoafio^y
fcoyxf^, /copoTf, k£vo^, Kvcam^ Sanscrit fudhj ^'purificari;"
^hkha^ "concha;" giras^ "caput;" yd, "acuere," Lat. qvurvus;
chydma, "violaceus." The passage from Q^ into 90, jcir, &c.
maj be illustrated also by the converse change from Kvix> qu in
" liquorice,** from yXwcvpplfyty &c., while the English articulation
of "can" has entirely obliterated all traces of the Q in the Latin
gueoy originally qtieno (cf. ne-quinont for ne-queunt), though the
Grerman kannen still preserves this sound by implication ^
If we examine the changes which have taken place in the
gutturals in their passage from the Roman to the Bomance lan-
guages, we are first struck by the general tendency to soften
down or assibilate the tenuis c. The former process is effected
by a change of c into ch: compare the Latin caballm^ cadere^ ' ^Ly,
calidus, camera^ cantSy caputs carmen, carua^ casa^ ca^iasiea;' ,
castus, caulia, &c. with the French chevalj cheatr, chaud, cham-^^' .
bre, chj^, charme, chien, cher, chez, cJuUawney chaste^ choux^
&c. Of the assibilation of C we have many instances: such
are, facimH8y Fr. faiaons; licere, loisir; placer e^ plaistr; &c.
Scaliger says {prima Scab'gerana, p. 114) : " mutam semper
Galli tollunt inter duas vocales." This is very often justified
by the transition from Latin to French in the case of gutturals
and dentals. Between two vowels c is sometimes dropt ; thus
the Icauna becomes the Yonne, Tricaaees becomes Trayes ; and
similarly the Seqiuma is turned into the Seine.
Another change in the Romance languages is the omission of
C when it is followed by a T : comp. dictua, It. ditto, Fr. dit ;
pectua, It. petto, Fr. poiirine, &c. c also disappears in French
when in the Latin form it was followed by R ; compare lacrima,
1 We may compare qui-squU-im with the Greek ico-o-jevXX», jco-<ricwX-
fuiria, where the original gu = 9 is represented by ko or icv.
§ 3.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABBT. 299
sucramentum, &c. with larniBy sermenty &c. It is neglected in
the same language when it stands between two vowels, especially
when one or both are u {o) or i: compare apicula, carbiculay
^ ^«*, J0CU8, tocus^ , nocere, paucusy vicesy &c. with abetUe, cot"
1^^ betlley Jm, jeu; lieuj nuire, peu, Jbie, &c. An omission of the ^ o ^** ' 1 .
hard c is sometimes strangely compensated by the introduction i'ttA/^ ^
of o before i; thus we have paix from pix, Poitiers from PtO'
tones, &c. We must distinguish this fronj Jbyer by the side of
focus which has an o already.
In some cases the French converts the tenuis c into the
medial a. Compare aigre, aveuffle, maigre, &c. with a^r, '" '* f ^^^
aboculus, nuicer^ &c. ) * ifiJi^^ ' .
G is often omitted in the middle of French words : compare
AtigustiLS, Auffustodunum, Brigantioy Lugdunum, legere^ lAge*
risj magiSy magister, niger, paganus, regxnOj &c. with Ao^ity
AtUun, Briangon, Lyon, and Loony lircy LoirCy maisy maitre, noir^
paieny reinSy &c. Similarly, we have dais or dins {dasium) from
dagus^dachy i.e. the canopy over the high table in the hall.
Compare also our pronunciation of Augustin as Austiny and of
Magdalen as Maudlin. The same omission took place in old
Latin ; thus we find morvis = magis-pis.
The French and Italians generally neglect the guttural H.
The old hard sound of this aspirate is quite unknown to them.
Although the sibilant is in some cases akin to the dental
class, the Latin sibilants x and s must be considered as belong-
ing altogether to the gutturals. The Romans had a dental sibi-
lant in their R, of which I shall speak directly; but these two
seem to have in themselves no connexion with the dentals, be-
yond the circumstance that R is frequently derived from s by the
substitution of a dental articulation, in the same way as stands
for cr in ddXaaaa for a-dXao-aay &c., and as the lisping English-
man says yeth for yes.
If we consider x in its common acceptation, it is a direct
combination of the guttural c or a with the sibilant s. This
must, of course, be its power in rexiy Jkxiy &c. But it was
not always equivalent to this combination either in sound or in
origin. Sometimes it stands for the dental f=c^', as in rta?a ^ ^ - ^
compared with SpiS^y ipO^y &c. And even when it was derived
immediately from a guttural and s, the sibilant seems to have
300 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. VII.
overpowered the guttural, which was either lost altogether or
pronounced only as an aspiration. We have traces of this in the
modem Italian pronunciation of Alessandro, vissi, &c. The
Greek ^ derived its name from the Hebrew shin, and perhaps
occasionally represented it in sound. A sibilant or aspirate often
changes its place: thus the Gothic hv is in English wh, the
Greek hr is the Latin rh, and the Greek ^ = K<r- might occasion-
ally be a-K-: compare the transposition in the oriental words
Iscander, Scanderoon, Candahar, all derived from the Greek ^
^AXi'^avSpof;. The last of these words is a mutilation which
reminds us of the modem Scotch division of the name Alexander
into the t^vo abbreviations Alick and Saunders or Sandy. When
the transposition was once effected, the softening of the guttural
was obvious and easy: compare axirTuo^, "scathe," schade;
^-^yi/ X^Pf^V» "s-kiiinish," schirm, &c.
' ^ *^^ The Latin s is principally remarkable as standing at the
beginning of words, the Greek equivalents of which have only
an aspirate: compare sal, sex, septem, sol, silva, simul, sedere,
segui, somnus, &c., with 5X9, ?f, iirrd, ^\to9, v\frf, a/ia,
'\,'-, l^ca-Oa^, cTTofMu, wrvo^, &c. Though in some cases even this
aspirate has vanished: as in el, i\\6<}, &c., compared with
si, sileo, &c. It frequently happens that in the more modem
forms of the Roman language an original s has been super-
seded by the dental sibilant R. Thus Quintilian tells us (i, 4,
§ 13) that Valesius, Fusius, arhos, labos, vapos, clamos, and
lases (cf. Fest. s. v.), were the original forms of Valerim, Fu-
ritis, arbor, labor, vapor, clamor, and lares ; and it is clear that
honor, honestus, are only different forms of onus, onustus. It
is rather surprising that the Jurist Pomponius {Diffff. i. 2, 2,
§ 36) should have attributed to Appius Claudius Caecus (consul I.
A.U.C. 447, B.C. 307; consul II. A.U.C. 458, b.c. 296) the inven-
tion of a letter which is the initial of the names Boma and
Bomulus. He can only mean that Appius was the first to in-
troduce the practice of substituting R for s in proper names, a
change which he might have made in his censorship. It appears,
from what Cicero says, that L. Papirius Crassus, who was consul
in A.u.C. 418, B.C. 336, was the first of his name who did not
call himself Papisius {ad FamiL ix. 21): **How came you to
suppose," says Cicero, writing to L. Papirius Pestus, "that there
§4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 301
never was a Papirius of patrician rank, when it is certain that
they were patricit minorum gentium f To begin with the first
of these, I will instance L. Papirius Mugillanus, who, in the year
of the city 312, was censor with L. Sempronins Atratinus, who
had previously (A.U.C. 310) been his colleague in the consulship.
But your family-name at that time was Papistus. After him
there were thirteen of your ancestors who were curule magis-
trates before L. Papirius Crassus, the first of your family that
disused the name Papistus. This Papirius was chosen dictator
in A.U.C. 415, with L. Papirius Cursor for his vruigister equitum,
and four years afterwards he was elected consul with K. Duilius."
We must conclude, therefore, that Appius Claudius used his cen-
sorial authority to sanction a practice, which had already come
into vogue, and which was intimately connected with the pecu-
liarities of the Eoman articulation. In fact, the Romans were to
the last remarkable for the same tendency to rhotacism, which is
characteristic of the Umbrian, Dorian, and Old Norse dialects.
% 4:. The Dentals.
The Eomans had five dentals or Unguals : the mutes D and
T, the liquids L and N, and the secondary letter B, which in
most alphabets is considered a liquid, but in the Latin stands for
an aspiration or assibilation of the medial D. Grimm's law» as
applied to the dentals, stands thus :
Latin, (Ghreek, Sanscrit) . D T
Gothic ...... T D Z, TH
Old High German . . • Z T D
The following examples will serve to establish the rule.
1st column. Initials : dingiuz, lingua, tuggo, zunga ; deus, ^ ^
O. N. t^r, 0. H. G. ziu; dens, dentis, Qoth.-funlhus-, O. H. G. to^^
Zand; damare, tamjan, zemen; dolus, O. N. tdl, zdla; ducere,
Goth, tiuhan, 0. H. G. ziohan; duo, tva, zuei; dextra, taihsvSy ^
z'isawa. Middle sounds: sedes, sedere, sitan, sizan; e-dere, V
itan, 'izan ; videre, vitan, voizan ; ^dium, hatis, haz ; u-^^da, j^ ,^ i.
vat8, wazar; sudor ^ sveiti, sweiz ; pedes, fdtjus, viwzi.
2d Column. The Latin has no ^; and when the R stands
for the D, there are generally other coexistent forms in which
the medial is found. For the purpose of comparison Grimm has
302 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. TH,
^ selected some Latin words in which a Latin F stands bj the side
■'/*^/ of the Greek 0, Initials: ,/bre*(tfi5pa), dair^ tor; fera {0^p)y
O. N. d^, O, H. G. tiar. Middle sounds : audere, auaus (Oappebf)^
gada&ran^ twrran; mathu^ Tnsc. {Gi. f^Ov)^ Anglo-Sax. inftfo^
0- H. G. mStu.
3d column. Initials : tUy Gothic thu ; O. H. G. dH ; tener,
O. N. thunnr^ O. H. G. dunni; tendere^ Goth, thanjan, O. H. G.
\ denen; tacere^ tkaJum^ dagen; tolerarey thulan, dolen; tectum^
<^' ihaky dock. Middle sounds: fratert brSthar, pruoder ; rota^
O.N. hradhr ("celer"), O.H.G. hrad ("rota"); a-Uer (Umbr.
eire), anthar^ andar; iterum, vithra, widar.
Of the commutations of the dentab one with another in the
Latin language alone, the most constant is the interchange o( D
with L or R. Thus D becomes L in deUcare (Fest. pp. 70, 73),
impelimenJtai lemvy Melica (Fest. p. 124), oljhcit for dedicart^
impedimenta, Sa^py Medica, odefadt; and is assimilated to L in
such words as mala, rcUla, scala, sella from ma-n-do, radoy
sca-n-doy aedeo: the conrerse change is obserrable in ^OSvaa-ev^,
HoKuSevMr:, hcucpvov {dacrima, Fest. p. 68), Sa^iXi;?, dingua
(Mar. Vict. p. 2647) (O. H. G. zunga), Cajntodium, meditariy
Icadamitas, adauda, &c., the more genuine forms of which, are
preserved in the Ulysses {oXJr/osi), Pol-lux (comp. Sev/ice?, Hesych.
with lux)y lacryma {Itqueo), lapsilis (XaTrrc»), lingua (A^/^c*!'),
Capitohum, fjLeKerav, calamitas, alauda, &c. : Sioo, on the con-
trary, is a more ancient form than ligare (see K Crat, § 155),
This change takes place within the limits of the Greek language
also: comp. hel&o> with heCKM^ Sf^ (SfSo?) with &1X09, &c«,
though in many of these cases there is the residue of an original
assimilation, as in «coX^k, root #ca8-, cf. ko^, &c The change
is also observable in the passage from Latin to the Romance lan-
guages; thus Digentia has become Licema, the people of Madrid
call themselves Madrilenos, and JSgidius becomes Oiles. The
other dentals, T and N, are also sometimes converted into L : as
in Thetis, Thelis; Nympha, Lympha, &c, (See Varro, L. L.
Yil. § 87). In some cases there is a passage from S to X in
Greek, as in aSriv, oKi^ (compare satis); and the Greek in
Odpff^ is represented by an Z in lorica. There is an inter-
change of N and B in €Breus, esneus: in murus, munio; in SApw,
donum; irKripnfy;, plenus; Ixmdres, London; Havre, Hafm, &c.
§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 303
The ablative or adverbial D has become n in longinquua, pro-
pinquus from longe\d\, prope\d^\ (compare antiques , posticus,
from antea, postea, amicus from amo [amcu>), &c. In the cor-
ruption Catamitus from Oanymedes, both N and D are changed
into T, and in caduceus from tcf)pvf^taiL.y^e have th*e converse
change from B to D. d is dropt when flanked bj two vowels,
as es for edisy est for edit, esse for edere, item for itidem, &c.
So also the dental liquids L and N are liable to excision; compare
vis = volis, and the numberless omissions of the final -nt as in
Juire^Jiierunt, Tegna = regnont,
The change from D to B has been often pointed out, in such
common instances as avrris compared with audrio, apor for apvd,
meridie for media die, ar-vocat for ad-vocat, &c. The verb ar^
cesso, which is also written accerso, furnishes a double example
of the change : the original form was ad<ed-so = accedere svno :
in arcesso the first d is changed into r, and the second assimi-
lated to «.* in accerso the first d is assimilated to c, and the
second changed to r. In the Bomance language D is changed
into B in the Spanish lampare from lampada, and conversely in
the Italian rado from raro, fidire from jerire; compare the
English jpa^2e2t>c& for parruc, A.-S. tor park.
As a final letter, D became more and more liable to proscrip-
tion* With the exception of the proclitics ad and apud, some-
times written et or tU and apiU, ar and apar; the conjunction
sed^ also written set; and the adverb hatid also written haut and
ata (cf. autem), we have no D in atulaut in classical Latinity.
In the ablative, D was absorbed before the rise of Roman litera-
ture» and 'od for -n^ or -nt in the neuter plural was finally re-
presented by -df only.
N is principally remarkable in Latin from its use as a sort
of anitsvdrah (see N. Crat. § 223). In this use it is inserted,
generally before the second consonant of the root, as in turnrdo,
root titd- ; Ji-n-do, root fid-, &c. ; but sometimes after it, as in
ster-firOy root ster-y stra- ; sper-n-o, root yper-, spre- ; si-n-Oy
root si-y &c. This nasal insertion is found in modem transitions
as when the chamcedrys {xa^iaiBpt;^), i, e. the quercula or " speed-
well" is called gamander or germander.
Conversely, n becomes evanescent in certain cases, particu-
larly before s and y. Thus consul is written cosol (abbreviated
;
/ )
804 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
into cos)^ where the N is represented bj a long pronunciation of
the preceding vowel, as appears from the Greek transcription
K&v<Tov\ (Corssen, I. p. 101); and we find ceaovy infaa, vicies^
vicesinma for censor^ infanSy viciena, vicensumus (see Corssen, I.
p. 30 b). Similarly B is elided, especially before s. Thus we
have in old Latin advosis for advoratis, prostis for prorsua (as in
prosa oratio), rosua for rursus (Miijler ad FesL p. 26). We have
even suaum-Jttsum for sursum deorsum in later Latin (see Journal
of Philoloffi/, March 1858, p. 200). This omission of N is regu-
lar in the Greek particles in -6^9, and in other words, e. g. oBotn; ;
it seems also to have been the rule in Umbrian. As the Greeks
wrote -^ for the Latin rw, so conversely the B.omans wrote tkenF-
saurtM {or the Greek Orja-avpo^^ (Munro, Journal of PhUoloffy,
Feb. 1860, p. 283). This seems to show that n before s was
merely a nasal sound, which lengthened the preceding vowel.
In the Romance language the Latin termination -ensta generally
loses its N (see Schneider, i. 2, p. 458). Thus we have Vaudoia
by the side of Waldensea, hourgeoia for burgenaza, courtota for «w-
tenaia, &c. In Italian we have Veroneae for Veronenaiaf marcheae
for marchenaiay paeae iox pagenaia; and the last two pass into the
French warjww and paj/a. The most important instance of the
omission of N before v is frimished by the common word contio,
derived fi^om conventio through the form coventio^y which is
found in old inscriptions (see Senat. Gona, de Bacc, 22). Simi-
lady, conv€9U becomes coyent (" Ci>t;€7i^-garden, &c."), Gonjlur
entea is turned into Coblenz, and /w/j/ into "five." In English
the prefix eon is shortaied into co- before all consonants, in spite
t)f the remonstrances of Bentley. On the contractions of con in
Latin, see Lachmann on Lucret. 11. 1061.
1 This word has nothing to do with aurunit but contains the root of
rWijfu under the same extension and modification as the name G^orcv-ff»
which denotes ''the arranger;" so that Stia-av^pds =:^ 6fj<raf^p6s h merely
^ a Btore-room or receptacle of things arranged and set in order." As
a matter of usage ^jjamfpSs is by no means confined to the signification,
in which we use the word " treasure," i. e. as a hoard of money or
articles of specific ralue.
* Contio stands related to eonventio as nundincB to novendmcB, ntmtiua
to novirven-tius, &c. For the latter, comp. nov^i-tius. Domitius^ the pro-
per name, seems to signify '* the home-goer ;" so propitius, as the ante-
cedent of praeaenSf when said of a deity. Ilitht^ (old fern, of elKtiBw)
might be rendered PropUia.
§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 305
With regard to the changes experienced by the dentals in
the passage from Latin to the Romance dialects, the following
instances may suffice, d and T are frequently dropt in the
French forms of Latin words: (a) d: Andegavi, Fr. Anjou; Co-
durdy Fr. Cahors ; Medtomairices, Fr. Metz ; Meduana^ Fr. May*
enne; Mdodunum^ Fr. Melun (cf. Medtolantmi^ It. MiUmo);
y'^' ^ Cauda (It. coda^ Sp. cofa), Fr. queue; fides^ Yr.foi; medico
nocte, Fr. mt-nuit; nudus, Fr. nu; Mhodanua, Fr. Rhone; vor-
dum^ Fr. gui; videre, Fr. voirK So also in the passage from
verbs compounded with ad, we have aorer and aomer from ado*
rare and adamarej and the English ''aim" from adcBStimare
through the old French aesmer (Duchat, apud Menage Diet.
Etymol. I. p. 549, ed. 1750). (i) t: acetum, Lomb. aseo;
ad^satta, Fr. aa-sez (originally assetz); Autura, Fr. Eure;
amaiuSy Fr. aind; Biturigea, Fr. Bourgea; Matiaco, Fr. Mdgon;
Bhedcmea^ Fr. Bennea; Rodumna, Fr. Bauanne; Catalauni, Fr.
Chdhna; pater, Fr. ph'e; Butheni, Fr. Bodez; vitq, Fr. vie.
There is a double abbreviation in Arraa from Atrebatea. So
also we have Mayence from Moguntiacum, ipage bom^paedor
gogium (N. Crat. § 225), and Bich-'borough from Butupium,
where we have also the change from pi to ch (above, p. 290).
In Orenoble from Gfratianopolia the first three syllables are con-
tracted, just as in grb from gratia, in malgrS, &c. On the con*
trary, D intrudes or is revived in certain prepositions when com-
pounded with verbs beginning with a vowel; thus we haLveprod^
eat hut pro-aunt, red-eo, but re-verto, wd as we have re-cido, re-
Jero, re^Uo, rerperio, it may be doubtful whether reccidi, rep*
puli, repperi, rettuli are for red-ddi, redpuli, red-peri, redrtuli,
or for re-cecidi, re-pepuli, re-peperi, re-tetuli. Corssen supposes
the latter change {Auaapr. Vok. u. Bet. ii. p. 46). BeUigio, reL-
liquia, &c. favour the former supposition. In the Bomance lan^
gukges this letter is sometimes inserted as a fulcrum between the
liquids n and r, as in cendr^, JDordogne, gendre, tendre, fix)m
einer-^, Duraniua, gener, tener; viendr-ai, tiendr-ai for venir-ai
{venire habeo), tener-ai {tenere habeo), &c. ; vendredi for Veneria
1 The French Bometimes drop the n before a guttural in words of
German extraction» as in Huguenot for Eidgikosaen, or Eidrgenoim^ i. e.
" conspirators,"
D.v. 20
306 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [cHAP. ^^I.
die^ &c. This will remind the classical stadent of the similar
insertion in the Greek av-B-pi^, &e. ; and both the Greeks and
the Bomans applj the same principle to the labials also. The
combination Ti is almost always represented by a soft a in
French words derived from the Latin: as offe, itage^ MQQage
/l^*^' from cetdtium^ statio, maritaiio. In these cases it is matter of
/^'jA' indifference whether we suppose a softening of the whole combi-
nation {N. Crat § 112) or an omission of the dental and sub-
stitution of the i^Jf as in the labial forms mentioned above
(p. 290).
The indistinctneyi with which the French pronounce N at
the end of a word has given rise to some etymological, or rather
orthographical, inconsistencies in that language. Not the least
remarkable of these is the appearance of s instead of M or N in
the first person of many verb-forms. If we compare tuts with
the Italian sono on the one hand, and the Spanish say on the
other, and remember that the first and third persons of the
present tense in the Romance verbs do not exhibit a final s in
the oldest examples of the language, we may conclude that the B
in this and other French forms is an arbitrary orthographic
appendage. The termination -ois^etms shows that eay is not
an inadequate representative of aono.
There are some few instances of a metathesis of L in the ap-
parent transition from Greek to Latin ; thus we have yku/cd^ (from
ilkvKv^f Ahrens, d. dial. jEoL p. 73), Tivev^p (from irkeufiMv)^
yXcuf}^, yXu^ by the side of dulcts, pulmo, aealpo, sculpo (Cors-
sen, I. p. 79). L, n,.r, are frequently interchanged as the Latin
passes into the Bomance idiom. L passes into R* in apStte^
epitre, Omey rosstgnol, titre, &c., from apostolus, epistola, Olina,
lusciniola, titultM, &c. ; — ^N into L in aJma, Barcelona, Bohffna,
Lebrixa from antma, Barcino, Bononta, Nebrissa; — N into R in
1 Ad-Mar^ might bo regarded as tn ioBtance of the conterse change
from R to L : namely, as compounded of ad and ula=ovfi^ and at refer-
ring, like the Greek tralvtuf {=a-tUt¥, ''to shako or wag"), to the dog
blandishing, fawning, and wagging his tail But a more probable analysis
"would be to suppose a oontractod reduplication from ad-ululo in the
usual sense of ad and ntipd with rerbs expressing a sound; compare
ad-oro.
§ 5.] ANALYSIS OJ* TH£ LATIN ALPHABET. 807
diaxre from diaconns^ in aerOjSevi bj the side of nno^ sivi, and
in Langres from Lingones^ Nevera from Nomodunum. In old
Latin r passes into 2, as in (7(Db2m Vivenna from Cbr60 (above, .
p. 33); but I passes into r in ocsruZ^ from ccehdetis. We seem
to have a change of I into r, or t^ice t?er#a, in Zw, Ztifw from «tZtl^y
compared with the German s^eii.
L is a representation of d in Giles from .^JgiditUj in eHera
for edera, and in PV^^Zta for Veaidta.
The Italians vocalize L into I when it follows certain conso-
nants : compare damaref darusj davis^ floSy FhrmHa^ jlwstuiy
jlwmenj obliqum^ Placentia, planus^ plenua^ &c., with chiamare^
c&iaro, chiave, fiora^ Ficreme (Firenze), ^fioitOj Jiume» bieco (Fr..
iwtw^^Eng^U^'big,*"), Piacenzay pianoj pieno^ &c. . - - ■ ,^f
* 'The French vocalize the Latin D into L, which seems to
have been in the first instance onlj an affection of the previous
vowel, into which the L was subsequently absorbed. Thus alter
was first written anUrey and then autre. This affection of a
preceding vowel by the liquid which follows is not uncommon in
other languages. The Greeks in some of their dialects pro-
noTmced tiie vowel broad before or after p : comp. ^>pcuTi with
^peaLf &c. : and the common people in Dorsetshire pronounce o
like a when it is followed bj r and another consonant ; thus
George is pronounced George^ stormy eiarmy &c. The French
absorption of the L is almost universal : it is regular in the
dative of the article au^h fe, aux^h lea; in the plurals of
nouns in 2, as ammalesy antmaux; canalea^ canatuc, &c. But
it is also foimd in a number of other words, in which the vowel
preceding I is not a; even when it is u: compare alig^uia unua,
aUarey iXefffioavini, Bulgare, fdix (like o frnKapirryiy used in
speaking of the dead), tUna, &c, with the French aucuny atUely
aumdne, bougre^fiu (anciently written .^tia? asAJmlx)y (mne^ &c.
% 5. The Votoela.
The philological student must always bear in mind that there
are two distinct classes of vowels ; the one containing the vowels
1 It 18 probable that the word "bias** came from France with the
game of bowls ; and as denoting that one-sided weight which makes the
sphere run obliquely, it is connected in meaiSing as well as origin with
Moii ss M0CO s o6^ =3 oMi^itf .
20—2
308 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VIL
of articolation, A, E, o ; the other comprising the vocalized conso-
nants I and u. In other words, there are onlj three distinct
vowels, A, I, u ; for e and o differ £rom A in weight onlj.
The original alphabet is a sjllabarium consisting of breathings
and consonants, which are articolated by the sonnd A. Now the
character A, in its original application, denotes the lightest of the
breathings, the character E the heaviest of them, and the cha-
racter o a breathing which is intermediate in weight Conse-
t][uentl7, on the principle that the lightest vowel always co-exists
with the heaviest form (see N. Grot. §§ 101, 222, &c), when
these breathings were no longer indicated by distinct characters,
. A would represent the heaviest articnlation-vowel, E the lightest^
and o that which stands between them in point of weight. That
this is actually the order of the articulation-vowels, considered in
respect to the weight of the combinations in which they are
found, is clearly established by an examination of the existing
forms in the most perfect of the Indo-Grermanic languages.
The vowels i and u result firom the vocalisation, not of
breathings, — ^as is the case with A, E, o, — ^but of mutes. The
former is the ultimate state of the softened or assibilated gut-
turals and dentals, the latter lb the residuum of the labials
{N. Crat, § 108). Even in cases, in which they are regularly
used as vowels, i and u occasionally revert by synizesis to their
consonantal use. Thus we have cannubia (Lucret. iii. 741) and
cannubto (Verg. JSn. i. 73) ; ebuUtat (Pers. Ii. 10), ahiete (Verg.
jEn. II. 16), prifudpivm (Horat. 3 Carm. vi. 6), as words of
three syllables; and tenuis (Lucr. i. 875), duarum (Ter. HeaiU.
II. 3, 85) as two syllables, dueUica (Lucr. ii. 661) as three sylla-
bles, tuoB (Ter. Andr. i. 5, 61) as one syllable; in which i and u
are pronoimced like r or J and v or w (see Corssen, ii. 167 sqq).
But, though they are of different origin firom A and its subordi-
nates, they must be considered, especially in the Latin language,
as occasionally approximating in sound to the vowels derived
from breathings, and as representing them in certain cases, where
forms of an intermediate weight require an intermediate weight
of vowels. This will be best shown by examples, fit>m which it
will appear that the vowels i and U have shades of value, or
rather that they admit of subdivision into other vowels, differing
from them in weight, as £ and o differ firom A, but not expressed
§5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 309
in different characters, at least in the existing written remains of
the Latin language.
It has been remarked that the a of the root-syllable is
changed into % or e in secondary formations according to a fixed
rule : namely, that a becomes % when the root-syllable in the
longer form remains otherwise unchanged ; but the a is turned
into e when the root-syllable is followed immediately by an adsci-
titious consonant, or when the consonant following the root-vowel
is thrown back upon the vowel by some semi-consonant, like t,
or e^y (see Bopp, Vergleich. Chramm. p. 5 ; Rosen, Journal of
EducaHon, viii. p. 344; K Orat. § 222*). The following ex-
amples may suffice to establish this :
A I E "
amicus • . • in^imicus • . • ''enmity."
arfna .... • tfirermts»
ars tfirers.
hatha vmr^berbts.
(oo-^put . . . r&t-ceptf.
caput . . . <prtn-cipium . ipros-^ieps.
{sin-ciput . . [prinHxps.
J (ce-cidi
cacto • • . •< ^.v.. .T*
{sHUt-cidtufn.
(ce-cini .... [cem-cenitM.
cano. . . . \t^i^nt8 . . {tubi-^sen.
, (con-foio , . . (cofirfectus.
•^*^ • • • \pro-fici8cor . . \pro-fectu8.
judum profecto.
faUo }»-/efft.
fostus pro-jkatus.
gradtor rc^redior.
jacio . . . ab^icio . . . ah^ectus.
taceo • • • can'ticesco.
tango . . . con-tingo.
The cause of the change from i to E is farther shown by the
change back again from B to i when the root is not followed by
1 Similar to this is the case of qametz 'katuph in Hebrew, for here the
long d becomes 8 in conseqnence of the consonant in amknU being
thrown back on the rowel of articulation*
810 AITALTSIS OF THB LATIN ALPHABET. [cHAP. YII.
two consonants: thns, bi-ceps, &c., become bi^pitis^ &c. in the
genitive; and similarly ttdn-cenla] makes tubi-^nia. Another
change firom i to B is to be remarked in the transformation of
the diphthongs Ai, 01 into AE and OE. It was also a peculiarity of
the Latin writers from the earliest times to use e as a repre-
sentative of EI, for which also they occasionally substituted i.
Thus, while "Hireipo^ becomes Epirus; Deiy Di; Deis, Dia ; &c. ;
we have naves by the side of naveis^^navtSy and both tris and
tre$ by the side of &ei8. Schwartze {aUe JBigypten^ i. p. 605)
distinguishes three main periods of Latin orthography in regard
to the pronunciation of i and E. The peculiarity of the first
and oldest period consisted in the employment of E with a dull
I sound, which Schwartze terms the E pinguis. The second
period, which immediately preceded the classical, wrote i instead
of this E pinffuts. The third or classical period in a considerable
number of forms introduced an E, which ^^>rma% corresponded
to the old £ pinguisj but was materially different from it, and
this, as it possessed the true sound of E, he calls the phonetic E.
It is worthy of remark that as Ennius introduced the custom
of doubling the mutes, semivowels, and liquids for the purpose
of expressing the sharp sound which they sometimes threw back
on the preceding vowel (Festus, p. 293), ahd as a substitute for
the 8tcilicu$ or inverted c, which was also used for the same pur-
pose, as in sel'a, ser'a, aa^eres (Mar. Victor, p. 2456), so also the
tragedian Attius introduced double vowels for the purpose of in-
dicating that the syllable was long by nature (Yel. Long. p. 2220),
a practice which is observed in inscriptions fit>m the time of
the Gracchi up to Cicero^s consulship (Ritschl, d$ Vacalibua
Gemtnatts ab Attio ChrammcUicOy cited by Corssen, l. p. 8). Thus
they wrote Feelix^ luuce, pequlatuUy juus^ &c. In order, how-
ever, to mark a double I, they sometimes wrote Ei as in uutet,
and sometimes used a large single letter, as in fdidt fi^fnt^ Uc,
&c. The Romans seem to have had a special oljection to the
double II, and used various substitutes for it. Sometimes we
have IE wh^re the form of the word ought to have given ii, as in
ali-enua for ali-tmu, vari^are for vari-igare or var-^are (cf.
levtgarBy damttare). Sometimes a simple long i is found instead
of EI or II I thus n, iia^ dii^ diis, do not appear in the best ages
of the language ; but we have either 6t, ei$j deij deig^ or €, i», di^
§5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABBT. 311
dia. And the genitive in -tV, except in adjectives, is generally
written -$ in the best authors of the Angustan age. This rule is
applied also to the concurrences of y and t, and we find in the
best MSS. not ac^icioy mjicio^ rejicio^ prqjicioy &c., but adicio^
inicioy reictOy proicioy &c. (Corssen, I. p. 312). They is retained
as a distinct consonant both before fuid after other vowels ; thus
we have adjungoy gurOy ^eehiSy prqjectus^ and it allows the pre-
ceding vowel to remain short in bijugus, trlftigus, quadHjugvSy
almjyffua. It is remarkable that the onlj % verbs which regularly
have ibam for iebam in the imperfect are those which change
n into M or e in the present, namely, eo for «-u>, queo for quirioy
oi-o or ci-eo for ct-tb.
The vowel o has had a curious destiny in the growth and
decline of the Latin language. Up to the time of the Syrian
war it retained its place, like the Greek o, as a formative letter.
Thus we have Luciam, qtiom^ ignavomy avom, &c. in the earlier
period ; but Liteium, quum or cum, ignavum, anum, &c. daring
the literary epoch. Then again in the Italian these u's are
turned into o's, as in Imdo, incognito^ and the like (see Corssen,
I. p. 298). Even the weaker vowels i and E have in many cases
excluded an original o. Thus we have Ule, illim and illis for
oUuSy olimy and ohes; and votOy volimy vorrOy vartOy vaster , are
regularly written vetOy velim, verro, vertOy vester. In secondary
formations o retains its place to the end in contrast to A, E and
I; thus we have (Corssen, i. pp. 234, 235) :
A
E
I
O
pars
portio
iartulus
mamers
mora
fero
jfbra
cello
coUia
pendo
pandua
•
tego
toga
plena
memini
moneo
di-did {dia-^
doeeo
ssduyaoo
nex
noceo
terra
torreo
ex'torria
The appearance of for A in the nominative of feminine nouns
312 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. TU-
which have A in the inflexions (e.g. egmOy egmady egmazum,
above, pp. 144, 150), is peculiar to the Oscan; for the influence
of the last m is sufficient to explain the usual first person in hj
the side of inqttam and sum.
The next comparison, in point of w.eight which suggests it-
self, is that between the secoijdary. vowels I and u ; and in order
to make this comparison satisfactorily, it will be well to consider
first their subdivisions. It appears, then, that there are three
distinct uses of each of these vowels : i is (1) a very long vowel,
the representative of the diphthong Ai== AE; (2) a vowel of medium
length, frequently as we have seen above, the representative of
a, the first part of that diphthong ; (3) a Very short vowel ap-
proximating to the sound of the shortest u, and used chiefly
before R. Similarly, u is (1) a very long vowel, the represen-
tative of the diphthong oi=OE; (2) a vowel of medium length,
generally answering to o, the first part of that diphthong; (3) a
very short vowel, approximating to the sound of the shortest i,
and used chiefly before L. The old Italians had separate cha-
racters for I, and u,, which diflered from the other characters by
the addition of certain marks : i, was written F, like the Greek
spiritus asper, and U, was written v. It is remarkable that the
emperor Claudius, when he introduced his new letters into the
Boman alphabet to express the consonant v, the Greek -^, and
the modification i^, while he inverted the digamma (thus J) to
express the first, and joined two sigmas (thus )C ) to express the
second, which was consequently called anttstgma (Priscian, p.
645, Putsch ; i. p. 40, Krehl), was contented to borrow the third
from the old alphabet of the Oscans.
The following examples will justify the subdivision which I
have made of the vowels i and u.
Ij. — In composition we find this long vowel in the root-
syllable of words which contain the dipthong ai^^ae. Thus,
from oes-ttjno we have ex-istimo; from cequua we have tn-iquuss
from ccedo, con^ctdo, oc-cido; from IcBdOy col-lido; from quasro,
in-quiro; &c. We may recognize the same substitution in vi-U
for t?ia-ti, &c. This long i, as we have seen, also represents the
diphthong Ei, and it is used as a contraction for ii, especially in
the genitives of nouns in -iW. It has been already mentioned that,
when employed for either of these purposes, it is expressed in the
§5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 313
inscriptions bj an exaggeration of fonn ; thus we have dIs, alI,
ObIt, for Dei8f aliiy obitt: and that, converselj, a doubled
vowel is written to represent one long vowel; thus we have
(Orelli, no. 1287) : LEEGEALBAANA for lege AJbana. There
are some cases in which a long i represents the diphthong oi^oe,
as iUHe, privicults or prwia^ lib^rtaSy ptlumnl popuh, foscinl, &c.
for oloea (Fest. p. 19), privicloes (id. p. 206), hebertas (id. p. 121),
pilumnce pupU» (id. p. 20S)yfB8cemn<B (id. p. 86) &c.
I,. — ^This is the commonest power of the Boman i. It is,
however, a representative of A in other cases besides those given
above : thus, inter stands for the old antar^ iUe represents the
Sanscrit anya^ old Latin oUus^ &c. From the examples quoted
hj Schwartze, daa (die JE^pterty i. pp. 543, sqq., there need
be no doubt that the older Bomans used £ as a representative
of I,.
I3. — ^The sound of this letter is indicated bj a passage in
Yelius Longus (p. 2235, Putsch): ^^Unde fit, ut ssepe aliud
scribamus, aliud ennntiemusy sicut supra (p. 2219) locutus sum
de viro et mrtutej ubi I scribitnr et paene v enuntiatur; unde
Ti. Claudius novam quandam litteram excogitavit, similem ei
not», quam pro aspiratione Graeci ponunt, per quam scriberentur
e» voces, qu» neque secundum exilitatem litter» i, neque secun*
dum pingnitudinem litter» V sonant, ut in viro et virtuUj neque
rursus secundum latum litter» sonum enuntiarentur, ut in eo
quod est legere^ scrxbere.^^ From this passage we learn that i
before R was pronounced somewhat like u, as in the case with
us; and we also draur the important inference that Ugere and
scribere must have been pronounced lire and scrire. In augur
and the proper name Spuriua this pronunciation seems to be ex-
pressed by the vowel u. The latter is a derivation from sujpeTf
and is equivalent in meaning to Superbua (above, p. 32) ; the
former is a derivative from avi-gero^ as may be proved by a
curious analogy between the derivatives of avt-«, " a bird," and
cB-tf, '' a weight or burden.*' For as cBdi^-ti-^ua means a person
who is conversant with a temple (Fest. p. IS^cedis intimtut),
so avitimus would mean " conversant with birds," CBs-timus,
"conversant with weights*;" hence, as augury and weighing
1 ^i-tinUa or cBt-timiwn oocarred in old Latin ; see Fest p. 26.
\
314 ANALT8IS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [cHAP. VII.
were the two most usual means of fonning a judgment, both
au'tuino and cea^iumo signified ^' to judge." Comp. the use of
canr-templor^ can-ndero. Again, as (B-ger signifies '^bearing a
burden," or " burdened," and ne-^er, " not able to bear," or
" weak" (Fest. p. 166, s. v. ne-^frUuldo]), so augur would mean
^' bearing a bird," or " dealing with birds" {beUi-^er, &c.) :
comp. au'spexy &c. On the proper orthography of Virgiliua or
Vergilius the student will find the principal authorities in Wag-
ner's Virgil, Vol. v. p. 479.
The existence of such* a short vowel as i, is necessary for the
explanation of those forms in which I appears to be lighter than
E. Thus, from lego, rego, ieneo, we have coUligo, di-rigo,
rer-tineo; and the I thus introduced is so short, that it is omitted
altogether in some compounds of rego, as per\rygo, #ur[r]-yo.
In the rustic pronunciation of the Italians I was frequently drop-
ped (as in ame, from animus), and the £, on the other hand,
was lengthened improperly; see Cic. de Oral, iii. 12, § 46:
^^ Quare Cotta noster, cujus tu ilia lata, Sulpici, non&umquam
imitaris, ut iota litteram tollas, et E plenissimum dicas, non mihi
oratores antiques, sed messores videtur imitari."
U^. — ^The interchange of the diphthong ci^oe with this
value of u is of constant occurrence. Thus we have ainas, omus,
unu8; nunruB, masrus, muru8; similarly we have usus for oisua^
oestte, cur a for oaira^ and ooera, plurimua for phirumus and
ploBTumua, ludue, for hides and Itedos, &c.; and in Boeotian Greek
jf/Av for ifiol (ApoUon. de Pronam* p. 364). The observation
of some of these changes leads to interesting etymologies ; as,
for instance, in the case of the word prceliumy formerly written
prailium (see Muretus, Var. Zeot vi. 4); d. the proper name
Oledius for CluUius. The Greeks, like the Highlanders of
Scotland, placed their best-^urmed soldiers in the first line, and by
these the battle was begun and generally decided. Hence these
j|f/M»€9 or iirTuTa^ were called irpvkief;, — ^which is interpreted
wpofiaxot (see Hermann. Opusc. iv. p. 289 ; MtLller, Dor. in.
1 This form of eurct, which connecte itself directly with the Goth.
kara, O. H. G. eharct, Anglo-Sax. carfi, Engl, ^care," carries ub back to
the word ever, which I hare noticed in the Etruscan inscriptions aboTe
Chap. y. $ 8.
§ 5.] ANALYSIS OF THB LATIN ALPHABET. 315
12, § 10), and is iindoubtedlj another form of irpoiKif^; and
hence the skirmish or battle between the van of the two armies y
was termed wpo^XMv^prmlium. This etymology is confirmed f\ ^
by the obvionS deriyation of imlite$. The Greek language ex-
pressed large numbers in terms derived firom common objects:
thus, xtKioi, "a thousand," is connected with ^iX^k, "a heap of
fodder," from ;^efl», " to scatter abroad ;" and fivpioi, '' ten thon*
sand," with /Avpai, " to pour forth water." Similarly, the Latin
mrile, "a thousand," means only " a large number," "a crowd"
(ofj^iXia) ; and mril^tea are " those who march in a large body"
(compare ^art-6^, '' those which go round," soil, the house), %,e.
'' the common soldiers" (cf. above, p. 30). So that we have three
classes of warriors: (1) the irpvkee^, i.e. trpo-iXie^ or ^pai€9,
" the choice troops, who fought in the van ;" (2) the [hd\mriltte$f
or, ^' common soldiers, who marched in a body i" (3) the ept^
itesj or " cavalry, who went- on horseback/' The rorarit seem
to have derived their name from the idea of spreading out or
pouring forth, which is conveyed by %^XiOi and./At;/:>M>t, and not
from the fanciftd resemblance of slight drops before a heavy
shower.
In the same way as the diphthong Ai becomes i^, the diph-
thong AU becomes u^: oomp. catisay acrcuso; clattdoj tn^dudo;
&c. The same is the case with the Greek diphthong ov, Bov*
KuBlSff^t Thucjfdidesy &c. ; and even with its Latin equivalent
cu^ — thus we have indouco .for induoo on the bronze table of
Tivoli (above, Chap. vi. § 19). The diphthong AU is sometimes
represented by S^au^ as in Sanscrit: comp. pUmdo^ est-plodo;
Glaudttts, Clodiua; &c. So also we have mf-focr<vre from fcsax^
DTciJhJis for ixuraiiiM (Fest. p. 182), ospicatwr for aueipica^wr (Claud.
E%Mt. lib. VIII ; Diom. p. 378) ; Olvs for AvUm (Gellius, N. A. xvii.
21, § 17) ; ToAiks for raudua (Fest. p. 265) ; himo for haurio (Cato,
JS. B. 66), &c. In ob-oedio, from ovefib (Cie. de legibns^ iv. 3, § 6 ;
PlauLAu. Trag. rel. p. 164; Ajran. Com. reC. p. 162, Bibbeck),
AU is represented by the lighter diphthong oi' ; and it is a
further proof of the tenden^ to interchange u^ and ij,*that the
^ Oomen's deriration of ob-^jed-io from oft-aut-trf-lw = o6-o«-id.trtf
s«6-«4^|^r« (i. p, 197) seems to me quite unneoetsary, not to say
labturd.
316 ANALYSIS OF TAB LATIN ALPHABET. {CHAP. VII.
diphthong 0I=0E, which lb so ofien represented by U^ also'appears
as I : thus, oic(momu8 is written tconamusy o&mSo«o9 appears as
hodidccusj Oiv6fiaiv; as Ifuxnuma^ leoyfji/rfrripiov as {dmeteriurn^ &c
Sometimes, on the contrary, OE is represented by the first vowel
only, as in diocesisj poema^ &c., from hu^ucqa-vij woirjfia, &c. (see
Gifanius, in Mureti 0pp. I. p. 550, Ruhnken.) With regard to
iroU&y the omission of the v was common enough in Greek (see
Porson, Tracts^ p. 63 ; Dindorf, ad Arist. Ntd). 1448, Acham.
410). The pronunciation of yi^vc, as in lUthyta^EiKeiOvutf
is best explained on the hypothesis that the y = v became eva-
nescent, just as the a in at and au is omitted in the derived
forms, for yx^vi is certainly pronounced with a single utterance.
That ui may be shortened to % is clear fit)m the forms podt for
pomit (OreUi, G. L nos. 71, 1475, 1732, 3087, 4139), tia for
tuts (Id. no. 4847), m for mis (Lucr. iii. 1038; v. 1076.
Fest s. V. 808), In the same way uu is shortened into u (Orelli,
nos. 1108, 3488) and n into i (Gruter, p. dlxxiii., and cfl all
the genitives of nouns in itis).
U,. — ^This is the common short u of the Romans. It corre-
sponds generally to the short of the Greeks ; and nouns of the
o-declension always exhibit this u in Latin ; comp. \t;/ico9, lupus;
2W7ro9, equus; &c. It is probably a remnant 6f the Etruscan u.
In the older Latin inscriptions we have seen o used for this
value of u. Thus we have consol for oanstUf Ludom for
Ludumy &c. In Greek transcriptions of Latin words this U,
although short, is represented by ov; thus we have Not;/ia9,
KopfioiXtoVf rovofiy KipKovlrovfi, &c. for N^ma^ CorhUlOj t&um^
circUitum, &c. (Corssen. i. p. 150).
Uj. — This letter, like i„ must be considered as a point of
contact between i and u. Indeed, it may be doubtful in some
cases whether u, has not been written for i,. The passage of
this u, into an approximate i is of the following nature : — First,
a short is changed into Uj. The genitive of the Greek im-
parisyllabic declension ends in -09: for this the oldest Latin
substitutes -t^, as in Ccistorus, naminus, partus, Venerus, Aonoru^,
&c. compared with Senatuos, mafftstratuosy domuos, &c. Some
of these old genitives remained to the end of the language, as
aJius, yusy htyus, iUius, &c. Again, the 1st pers. plur. of the
Greek vert ended in -o/aci^ =-0/^69 : for this the old Romans wrote
§5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 317
«umtM, a fonn still preserved in sumus and volumua. Again, in
old Latin the vowel of the crude form is preserved m the inflex-
ions, as in arcvrhua^ opturmus^ pontu-fix^ &c. Bat bi all three
cases the later Latin exhibits an i : thus we havp Ccaioriaj
nominisy &c. ; dicimuSy scrtbimus^ &c. ; ardhuSy optimvSy pont^
fixy &c. Li these cases we observe that u = passes into^a
simple I. But there are other instances in which the transition
seems to go still farther. As the reduplication-syllable is gene-
rally shorter than the root-syllable in the preterite of verbs, we
should expect that the u or in .the first syllable of curcurriy
mo-'mordiy purpugiy turtudiy would be an approximation to Ug.^
Then, again, in cuUus, cuhneriy &c from co2t>, columen, &c., and
in tuffurium, by the side of toga^ the u is clearly less significant
than 0, though the u here may have been partly occasioned
by that affinity between u and I of which the Erench furnishes
so many examples, and which we also see in the transition firom
the Greek ^AaKXiprio^y 'H/xucX^, HarpoKkfj^ to the Latin
^8culaptu8y Hercules, Patrtcolea. This light u or 0, however,
is inserted before the consonants in the transcription firom Greek
to Latin ; thus we have drachumay Ahumena, Alcumceoy Tecun
meesa for Spaj(fjui]y ^AXxfiijvffy ^AXxfuiiiDv, TiKfi/qa-aa (Corssen, I.
p. 253). There are some cases in which we conclude that the u,
which is written, has less weight even than i. This might be
inferred firom can-culco, the secondary form of calco, which, ac-
cording to the above table, should be either can-cilco or conrcdco;
and also firom difficultas, sepuUuSy derived firom difficilis and
sq^lio. The fact seems to be, that what would be- 1 before R,
becomes u, before L; so that u,, I,, are both ultimate forms of
their respective vowels, and as such are in a state of converg-
ence.
Accordingly, if we should seek to arrange the Latin vowels
in regard to their comparative weight, we should, as the result
of this inquiry, have the following order :
A (as in mtMd, &c.);,U„ \; A; 0, U„ I,; E; U„ I^.
^ The older writers wrote memarcU, pepoici, pepugi, tpepondi, according
to GeUiuB, N. A. vn. 9, who, howerer, sayg of the common spelliog, " ita
nunc omnea ferme doctiores hujusmodi rerbiB utuntur."
318 AHALT8I8 OF THB LATIN ALPHABIT. [CHAP. Yil.
Corsaen, who has examined the Towel-changes at some
length, considers (i. p. 298) that contigaons consonants produce
a legolar series of changes in the neighbouring vowels, which he
represents ^n the following table (p. 299):
a becomes o, u, e, t ,
« o becomes v, 6, t,
u becomes e, t,
e becomes t , u,
X becomes e.
And he gives the following as the general result of his investi-
gations (I. p. 323):
A sinks into u before the labials h^ p, v, m, before simple I,
and before I and another consonant.
A sinks infb 6 in a closed syllable before two or more conso-
nants and before r.
A is weakened into i before all simple consonants,, except
those already specified.
E often sinks into t.
o generally remains unchanged.
U is always immutable.
I, as the thinnest and lightest vowel, is not capable of any
farther extenuation.
§ 6. 2%e Cheek Letters used by the Romans,
The Greek letters more rarely employed by the Romans
were z, K, and T. Two of these, z and K, were, as we have seen
- (above, § 1), included in the oldest alphabet, derived by the
Bomans from the Greeks of Cuma. But when a was formed
from Ct z resigned its place to the former letter, and c super-
seded almost every use of K. On the other hand, Z was re-intro-
duced before the death of Cicero, and an attempt was made by a
grammarian to re-habilitate K in general use. The letter v did
not appear in the oldest Boman alphabet, and was borrowed
during the literary epoch expressly for the purpose of writing an
equivalent to T in words transcribed from the Greek. We must
therefore remember with regard to these three Jetters that K,
although rarely used, was always to be found in the Boman
§ 6.] ANALTSIB 07 THE LAtIN ALPHABBt. 31d
alphabet ; that z was an original letter, which made way for G,
but was afterwards replaced at the end of the alphabet ; and that
T never appeared until it accompanied z on the restoration of
that consonant to the Roman franchise. • ^
Although z appears in the Umbrian and Oscan monuments,
and though it occurred in the Salian songs (Velius Longus,
p. 2217 : *^ Mihi videtur nee aliena sermoni Aiisse z littera, cum
inveniatur in carmine Saliari"), we find that, even in words
borrowed from the Greek, this letter is represented by di, as in
Sabadiua for 2i/3a^09 (Apuleius, Met Ylll. 170), judaidxare for
jndaizare (Commodian, Instruct, adv. GenL c. xxxviT. 634),
irapedia for trapeza {Auctar. Rei. Agrar. p. 248), schidia for
schiza, aridta for oriza, &c. (vide Schneid. Elementath I. p. 886;
and Lobeck, Aglaoph, p. 296, note T). The fact seems to be,
that the Romans had two different characters to express the two
different values of the Greek z, which was a dental, either assi-
bilated (as &r transposed in some dialects to o-S), or softened (as
S^). Now, in its latter use it becomes equivalent to the softened
guttural; for the dental and guttural, when combined with y,
which is the tdtimate vocalisation of the gutturals, converge in
the sound of our^ or sh {New Grot. §§ 112, 216). When, there*
fore, the Greek z more nearly approximates to the sound o-S,
either this is preserved in the Latin transcriptions, as in Mes*
dentine, Sd^herus for Meeentius, Zephyrue (Max. Victor, p. 1945) ;
or the i is assimilated to the o-, as in Meseentiue^ masea, aUicieeOy
camteeor, hadieso, mahciasOy &c., by the side of Mezentius^ H'oJ^^
drruci^cDy /aafjLa^c^j fitiBi^to, fMLKajci^fOy &c. ; or else one or other
of the two component parts is omitted, as in Saguntua for Zor
kynthus, or Medentius for Mezentiue. In this case, too, we may
consider that the letter x occasionally steps in, as in rixcbhy^
the side of ipilS]^. When, however, the Greek z is a sojiened
By and therefore equivalent to a softened guUural, we find that
it is represented either by the full combination diy as in' the
cases quoted above, or else by the vocalized guttural (J) only.
Of this latter substitution there are numberless instances : such
as Jvrpiter, 7i€v^ '!raTfip\ jugum^ }^arfo^\ &c. Of these the
most important are the cases connected with the first-quoted
example, Ju-jnter ^ Dies-pcUer ; and I must take this oppor-
tunity of returning to one etymology belonging to this class.
320 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. Til.
which has always appeared to me to open the way to a chain
of the most interesting associations.
It has been shown elsewhere {N. Crat. § 116) how the
Greek H, or^nally the mark of aspiration, came to be used as
a sign for the long e. Out of that investigation it appeared —
(1) that a short vowel aspirated may be equivalent to an im*
aspirated long vowel ; (2) that the vocalized consonants i and u
may change their place ; (3) that these vocalized consonants may
be absorbed into or represented by the long vowel only. To
the instances given there, I will now add the iota subscriptum
of the Greek dative, and the Ionic Greek absorption of v after ai,
/ V-' as in O&vfjuiy iatrrov, &c.^ These principles explain the con»
[»' ' nexion between ^frapi jecur (Sanscr. yahrit); fjfuav^ hiifieao^y
dtmidius; and between ^fiipa = Siafjb€p<ys, and dies^ (comp. diu-
tumvs, Jutuma ; Diana^ Janus^ &c.). Now, besides riiUpcLj we
have an adjective ijfiepo^y "civilized," "cultivated," &c. the
regular antithesis of Srypuy;; and it has been suggested (ibid.
§ 150), that this word was originally applied to a country
through which there was a road or passage, a country divided
by a road (Bidfiepo^) ; just as arypLo^ was properly applied to a
jude, open country, with nothing but &ypoi>\ This is sufiSciently
proved by ^sch. Eumen. 13, 14 : KekevOan-oioi vdiBe: 'H^>a/ir-
ToVy ')^ova avTjfiepov riBkin^ rjfiepcofihnjv. Find. Isthm. III. 76
(iv. 97): vavrCKiaurl re wopdfjLov dfieptitraTO. Herod. I. 126:
^ In many editions of Herodotus we have these words written Sm/fia^
jttvToO, &c. ; but the accentuation of 6&vfia sufficiently proves that it is a
dissyllable ; and oyen if we had not this evidence, it would be contrary
to all analogy to infer a resolution of a diphthong in a crasis, the sole
object of which is to shorten the word. Why should rmvrd be written,
if it were a word of as many syllables as t6 oM?
s In the name of the city 'Ifitpa (another form of i?fwpa, see Bockh's
note on Pindar, O. xn. 13-21, p. 210), the preposition did is represented
by the aspirated i. In the words antirqutu, posti-cui, from anisa, postsot
we have i=ea=Mi.
9 Hence x^po^ ^^ ^^ old synonym x^p^^ (New Crat. $ 280), might
be considered as an adjective agreeing with the suppressed word oypor,
just as x^P'^ might refer to the suppressed word yfj : and thus x^P^
signifies " land not built on" — either the open space in a town, or fields
in the country (Herod, n. 154: iid^nri x^povr ci«ouc$a'at),^-and X9^pa
rather signifies " a region," ** a territory," in the wider sense.
§ 6.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 321
ivdavra 6 Kvpo^ {^v yap 6 %cSpo9 — axavddSff^ — )tout6v a^
rov x<3poy irpouire i^fiepSa-at iv rifiepa. IV. 118: rot)? aUl
ifi/jTC&wv ytvofjUvov^ rjfiepovTat irdinw;. In all of these passages
the verb rifiep6m implies making a clear passage or road ; and in
Plat. {Legg. p. 761* a) the adjective rffjiepo^ is used as a predi- '
. cate of oSo9 : o&iSi/ re hrvfiekovfiiuov^, otto)? w rjfiepwrarai
SicaaTOL ryiyvavrai^. That the Greeks connected road-making
-with civilisation in general, and with the peaceful commerce of
man with man, appears from many passages (Aristotle, 7r€/>l
daviMurlav cueovapArndv, c. 85, p. 837, Bekk. ; Thucydides, i. 2,
compared with I. 13, &c.); and this is generally implied in all
the legends relating to Hercules and Theseus. But it haa not
been sufficiently remarked that this road-making was also in-
timately connected with the cultivation of land. It may, how-
ever, be shown, that as the Greek 07/909 becomes ^fiepo<; when
divided by a road, by a similar process the Latin ciger becomes
jugerum = di-ager-u-nu
Whenever a piece of unemployed ground — of ager^ so called
— Wfw to be taken into use, whether for cultivation, or for the
site of a city or a camp, the rules of the ancient Umitatio were
immediately applied. Now this very word Umitatio signifies,
the dividing of a certain piece of ground into main-roads {vice)
and cross-roads {limites) ; and the same primary notion is con- {,
veyed hj^^emr^um; so obviously derived from tem-noy Gr. ra/i- t
iw, comp. rifkepo^, &c. For in all limitation the first thing done
was to observe the templum, i. e. as we should say, to take the
bearing by the compass*. If we suppose the augur stood with
his back to the north', then the line from north to south would
1 The word {jfrMipos » i; buaripw x^P^ furnishes another instance of
the substitution of 17 for dia : comp. the epithet diawpwrutSf Find. N. iv.
51, where see the note.
s Most ancient nations seem to ha?e connected the regiones eodi with
the regioMB vtarvm. Thus in old Englbh "the milky way" was called
^ Watling-streety" which was the name of one of the four great roads in
this country; see Qt\\mmf Deutsche Myth, p. 330, 2d ed., and Drayton's
Polyolbion, Song xui. p. 389, with the illustrations to Song xvi. p. 403.
< The point of view taken by the augur seems to ha?e depended
on his own discretion; for it is stated that he looked eastward at the
inauguration of a king, gauihward in certain cases, and westward in the
D. V. 21
822 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP.- YII.
be called the cardo^ as corresponding to the axis of the globe ;
and the limes from east to west, which cut the oardo at right
angles, would be called the decumaniu^ or *' tenth line" (FestoSy
p. 71). For both these lines repeated themselves according to
the number of separate allotments into Which the land was
divided, or the number of separate streets in the ci^ or camp^.
Now the Roman actua or fundus [== 120 feet] was the unit of sab-
division ; two of these jundi made a jufferum = di-ager-unij and
two Jugera constituted the heredium of a Soman patrician : con-
sequentlj, 200 jugera made up the ager limitatus of a century
of the old Boman populus (Fest. s. v. Centuriaius^ p. 53). If
this ager limitaiusy then, were arranged as a square, we have,
of course, for each side 20 x 120 feet. Supposing, then, a road
between each two of the fundi, — ^which there must have been,
as every two fundi made a di-ager-um^^^the limes which passed
between the tenth and eleventh fundus would be properly called
the decumanuSf and it would consequently be the main road.
The point at which the decumanus crossed the cardo was called
grama or gruma; and here, in a city or camp, the two cross-
dirision of land (Niebuhr, n. p. 626). In laying out the camp he turned
his back to the enemy, as though to bless what was before him: for the
porta prcBtoria led to the opposing force, and the porta principalis dextra
was to the Isft of the line of march. There can be no doubt, howerer,
that the eardo corresponded to the axis of the earth, i. a from north to
south, and that the limss, which cuts it, is parallel to the equator (Pliny
H. N, XYiil. 33, $ 326). Hence the eardo is called textanwa from the
sixth hour of the Roman meridian (Feldmesier ed. Blume, Lacbmann et
Rudorff, Vol. I. p. 324, 1. 12). The meaning of the important adjective
decumanus is fully discussed in Chapter xin. f S.
1 It would seem that the word dcUieua (from seeo) was properly and
originally applied to this apportionment of land. In the Bantine Table
(1. 25) we hare nep him pmhipid mai$ zicoloiM z nmrnoi» ; which I hare
translated abore (p. 161): nc in hoc prcehibeat (i.e. prcebeat) phu neilids
X contigui». According to Klenze (AbhandL p. 50) x nesimois=^deeimii ;
but I cannot understand why we should hare an ordinal here. The root
of nciimu» appears in nahe, near, next, &c. ; and I would understand it
of so many adjoining allotments. The sieUicus was 600 square feet, t. e.
^ of the jugerum, or ^ of the actus. Consequently, ttie 30 contiguous
iieilid mentioned in 1. 17 would be } of the jugernm, or f of the actus ;
and the ten contiguous nciliei would, therefore, be ^ of the former and
A of the latter.
§6.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 328
roads seem to have spread themselves out into a kind oi forum.
There is as much probability in the supposition that the immor-
tal name of Borne was derived from this ancient word, as there
is in any of the numerous etymologies suggested by Festus (p.
266). From this it appears, that among the Romans it was the
same thing to speak of a territory as divided by roads, and to
call it cultivated, occupied, or built upon; and the y^^erum, or
divided cyery implied both. To the same principle we may refer
the importance attached by the ancients to straight ploughing^ ;
for the fiirrow was the first element of the road ; and the urha
itself was only that space round which the plough had been for-
mally and solemnly drawn.
The Bomans were very sparing in their use of the Greek
letter k. It was occasionally employed to form the syllable ka,
as in kalumnta^ handidatusy kaput, KartJuzgo, Kastor, evoka-
tU8, JtidikanduSf Parkarum ; but in these instances it was con-
sidered quite superfluous ; and Quintilian thinks (l. 4, 9, and 7,
10) that its use ought to be restricted to those cases in which
it serves as the conventional mark of an abbrevation, as in JT. =
KcBso, and K. or Kal. ^ Kalendm, Isidor [Origg. 1, 4) and
Petrus Diaconus (p. 1582, Putsch) tell us that the letter JTwas
added to the Boman alphabet by the ludi-magister Sallustius,
in order to mark a distinction between K and Q. But it has been
already mentioned that K was always one of the Boman letters,
and this must have been merely an attempt to bring it into
more general use.
The letter y was never used by the Bomans except as the
transcription of v in words derived either from or through the
Greek; and it seems to have been a representative of those
sounds which have been designated above by the characters u^
and U„ both of which involve an approximation to the sound of I.
Hence, in the French alphabet it is not improperly called '< the
Greek*" {I grec). In many words, rather connected with the
Greek than derived from it, the v is represented by i, as in
1 See Hesiod. Op. et D. 443:
litike ix. 02 ; and comp. the tropical use of delirare.
21—2
324 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
dtens, in-clitus (*Xvo)), dipeits («aXvirr»), /St fa, ailva (vXFiy), &c.;
while in others the v has become E, as in aocer (ktcupi^)^ remulco
(fiVfuwXfUa)), polenta {iraXutm]), &c. The Roman u, sometimes
represents the common v of the Greeks, as in luptts (Xv/ro^}, nunc
(vuv,), Jilt {<f>vw), &c. ; sometimes the Greek o, as in all noons
of the o-declension.
§ 7. The Numeral Signs.
This examination of the Latin alphabet will not be complete
without some remarks on the signs which were used by the
Bomans to denote the numeral adjectives. Priscian, in his
usual school-boy way, has endeavoured to establish the connexion
between the numeral signs as we have them, and the ordinary
Roman capitals. Thus, quinqtte, he tells us, is represented by
V, because this is the fifth vowel ; quinquagtnta is L, because,
elymologically, L and N may be interchanged, and N is irevn]^
Kovra in Greek ; quingenti is D, because this is the next letter
to C ! — ^and so forth (Priscian, ii. p. 388, ed. Krehl).
Now there can be no doubt that the Roman numeral signs
are derived from the Tuscans : though in certain cases a Roman
capital has been substituted for an Etruscan character which
does not correspond to it in value, and though in these instances
the figures are either inclined or reversed. The Etruscan cha-
racters are as follows : —
I, II, III, IIII, A, AI, All, AIII, IX, X, &c.
1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10.
XX, XXX, XXXX, or XT 0^, O^X, &c.
20, 30, 40, 50, 60,
e> 8, J)' ^ *^-
100, 1000, 6000, 10000.
It is sufficiently obvious that the first ten of these characters
are identical with the Roman figures, the A, &c. being reversed;
^nd as n^ is often written T, and as \b i, frequently occur on
Roman family coins, we may recognize in this character the
original of the Roman L, and therefore identify the Etruscan
and Roman ciphers from 1 to 99. The Roman C and the
Etruscan ® do not appear to be connected ; but the Etruscan 8,
«r, as it is also written (D, is clearly the same as the Roman A ,
§ 7.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 326
0, and old, for which M was subsequently written; and the
same remark applies to the still higher numbers.
If, then, the Roman ciphers were deriyed from the Tuscans,
it is obvious that we must seek in the Tuscan language for an
interpretation. Now it cannot be doubted* that the Tuscan
numeral signs are either letters of the alphabet slightly changed,
or combinations of such characters made according to fixed rules.
Thus, A is the inverted V = « ; H^ or T is an inverted ylr^ch^ ;
and 8 =/ Since, therefore, the position of these letters in the
organic alphabet docs not correspond to their value as numeral
signs, we must conclude that they represent the initials of the
numerals in the Etruscan, just as M afterwards denoted mille in
the Latin language. We do not positively know any Etruscan
numeral, and therefore cannot pretend to any certainty on this
subject ; but this is the most probable inference. The manner in
which the elementary signs are combined to form the intermediate
numerals is more easily and safely investigated. The character
denoting unity is perhaps selected from its simplicity ; it is the
natural and obvious score in every country. This character is
combined with itself to form the next three digits, though four is
sometimes expressed as 5 - 1, according to the principle of sub-
traction so common among the Bomans (comp. duodevfgtrUt, &c.).
The same plan is adopted to form the numerals between 5 and
10. The number 10 is represented by a combination of two V's
^ — thus, X ; and this figure enclosed in a circle indicates the
multiplication of 10 by itself, or 100. The letter 8, or ©, being
assumed as the representative of 1000, its half, or D, would
indicate 500; and as multiplication by ten was indicated by a
circle in the case of 100, on the same principle (H}) would be
10,000, and its half or J]) would represent 5000.
These rules for the formation of one numeral from another
are more obvious than the origin of the elementary numeral
signs. But where certainty is not within our reach, we must be
contented with a solution of those diflSculties which may be sub-
mitted with safety to a philological analysis.
I It 18 possible that this character may be the half of that which
denotes 100, according to the principle stated below.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM.
§ I. Fohken and do6cienete8 of the Lalxii oaae-syBtem. S *• Grtaunl atheme of
the CMe-endiiigs. § 3. Differenoes of onide form, f 4. Hypothetical fonoe
of the nominatiYe and accusative plnraL § 5. Existing fonns — the genitive.
S 6. The dative and locative. § 7. The accusative singular. § 8. The ahU-
tive. I 9. The neater forms. | 10. The vocative. § 1 1. Adveihe oMiridered
as cases of noons. % 12, Adverbial exproosion for the day of the month.
§ 1. Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system.
THE system of cases, with which the Latin noun is famished,
presents a greater abundance and varietj of forms than that
of the Greek declension. The Greek nonn has no distinct ablative
case ; its accosative has freqaently lost its characteristic termina-
tion ; the genitive includes the ablative meaning ; and the loca-
tive is almost obsolete. The greater number and variety of the
Latin cases is due to the more ancient state or condition of the
language, and perhaps also to its composite structure. As the
language degenerates intp the so*K»illed Bomance idioms, we find
that its cases are gradually lost, and their place taken by a
number of prefixes, which add indeed to the syntactical distinct-
ness of the language, but purchase this advantage by sacrificing
the etymological development. The student of Latin, however,
very soon discovers that the variety of caae-forms is the veiy
reverse of an advantage. For idiomatic usage has introduced so
much confusion into the use of the genitive, dative, and ablative,
that the two latter derive all their distinctions from the preposi*
tions attached to the ablative, while the genitive, in many cases,
differs from the ablative only as an arbitrary form, and without
any reference to a distinction of meaning. If we revert to the
Greek language, which still retains the more accurate distinctions
of case, we shall see that the genitive, or case of ablation, denotes
the origin of motion or action ; the dative, or case of accession,
denotes juzta*position, immediate proximity, rest and presence ;
the accusative, or case of transition, denotes the end of motion
§ 1.] THE LATIN 0A8B-STSTBM. 827
or action, — the object to which something is proceeding. Now
the Latin, in most instances, is unable to express this simple
relation of uTidey vbi and quo bj the mere case-endings. If we
except certain adverbs derived from nouns, certain agglutinate
forms, such as meridie^ postridie^ &c., some few nouns, as rtis^
domus^ huinits, helium^ militia^ and the proper names of cities,
we have no locative in Latin, and no case for the simple expres*
sion of departure or approach, and are obliged to use prepositions,
such as tn, od, ad, to convey these meanings* And even with
regard to the forms which are still used as locatives, differences
of declension produce endless confusions, which all the old and
some modem grammarians have enhanced by making arbitrary
rules for differences of case in the syntax of different declensions.
Thus because nouns in -a, -m«, of the first and second declen-
sion, had a locative in -a-t = ce, and in -o-i = {, we are told that
miltttcey Romm^ domi^ Cypri are genitive cases ; whereas ruri^
Carthaffine, Athenia are ablatives, because the locative approxi-
mates or corresponds to the mutilated ablative in the consonantal
declension. These labourers in the work of making' the Latin
language unlearnable, except by the parrot use of the memory,
could not perceive that as dies is masculine when it means '' a
day," ho^ie sjidjoostri-dte must belong to the same forms, and
that if the former is from ho^-die, the latter must be from
postero-i-die. The same remark applies to meridie for medii dte,
and independently of these quasi-compounds we have the phrases
die septimi (Plautus, Men. 1156), die nani in the Prsetor's words
cited by Aul. Gellius (x. 24). Also die praximi (Cato), die
crastini (Plautus, MostelL 884), &c. The connexion of hS-die
for hi-die or hoi-die (cf. hlc) with these locatives in -l supports
the true etymology of mS-dS-ml-ddto, to which we are led by
the synonymous c^-do (see Philol. Society's Trans. 1864, pp. 97
sqq.). It seems, however, that even this form in i or ai does not
give the complete affix of the locative. Originally it must have
ended in -tn or -iw, and this was corrupted in every form with
the exception of such words as partim, enim, &c. ; hence, to
restore the original ending, we must write, with different degrees
of alteration or addition, militia-4m (-tn), Boma-im {-in), domo-im
(-tn), Cypro-im (-tn), rur-im (-tn), Carthagin-im (-tn), Athenia'
im {-in). With this locative in -m the preposition cum is used
^28 THE LATIN CASE-STSTBM. [CHAP. Vlll.
in inscriptions just as ^vv govems the dative-locative in Greek ;
thus we have cum guem or cum quen (Corssen, i. p. 268).
§ 2. General scheme of the Cdse-^ndinga.
In treating of the Latin cases, our attention is directed to
three different aspects under which they may be considered.
We may regard them either according to a general scheme de-
rived from all the declensions, or as modified by those varieties
in the termination of the crude form which constitute differences
of declension ; or we may take both of these together, and add
to them those additional phenomena which are ftimished by the
adverb. A supplementary source of information respecting the
cases may be derived from those nouns, whether substantive or
adjective, which are obviously formed from the oblique cases of
other nouns. Thus, we know that the original Greek genitive
ended in -o-to (Sanscr. sya) firom the form of the possessive ad-
jective hrffioau)^ (Bopp, VergL Oramm. p. 294, note). Similarly,
a case in -trie, analogous to the Sanscrit instrumental, may be
inferred both from the particle sine and firom the derivative forms
urbdnua (= urhSmus), &c., and offictna {^officXlrui)^ &c.
If we confine ourselves to the forms of the noun, we get the
following general scheme of the case-endings.
Sing. Plur.
Norn. . ^^''''^^^ft:^^^^ [Sles (Tarlood, modmad)
G^n. i8,Ju8, sis (or?gnaUy -#«wi) [r]um (origtoaUy #&».#)
Dat. .-or bi (''•*£/^":;|i^"'"- {*]«* = «.
Abl. a[d] (the d U found only in old Latin) [bjus^is
Loc. {[m] or t[n] M^[tm] or ti-[tn.].
§ 3. Differences of crude form.
By taking the different crude forms according to the usual
classification, we shall at once see how this scheme is modified
and applied. The declensions will be fully discussed in a sepa-
rate chapter, and it will be sufficient in this place to show how
the different cases attach themselves to the different charac-
teristics.
M
THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM.
829
CONSONANT-NOUNS.
Sing, Plub.
Norn. lajpi[d]s lapid-lsj-es (-^is)
Gen, • lapidria lapid-e-rum^
Dat. lapid-4'\b%\ (= €} lapid^bua
Accus. laptd'e-m lapid'e\m\s (=&)
Abl. lapid-€\d] laptd-t-bus
Log. lapid'imf laptd-ia-^mf
VOWEL-NOUNS.
A
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
famtltd^ls]
Jhmtlia-[8&i] (= at, ce)
Gren.
famiUoria (=aetf*,
ds,
at, ce)
familiorrum •
Dat.
jumiliar'\h'\i (= <b)
famiUa-bu8 (=i9)'
Accus
. familia-m
jfemt7ta-[«»]« (= da)
Abl.
jumilia-\d] (= d)
familta-^'hus
Loc.
familia-i (=cb)
Sing.
E
= A-I
familia-ta-imf
Plur.
Nom.
die-a = dia-is
Jtl0-[«e]«
Gen.
dieri\sY
dierrwn
Dat.
die-ibli
die-bua
Accus
. dierm
dt&-[m\a
Abl.
die-[d]
dte-bua
Loc.
die = dia^\fn\
4-
die-aim f
Sing.
I
Pluk.
Nom.
avi'S
avi-[8^]a (= ^«)
Gen.
aviris (= avyis, avis)
avv-lrlum
Dat.
avt'\h]t (= avf)
avi-btta
1 ChariBius, i. 40.
' Many examples of the gen. in -aes have been collected from in-
BoriptioDs; (see Corssen, i. p. 183). The nom. pi. in -€m = -aea is pre-
serred in pcmas, Feat p. 371, abore, p. 263.
* For the form in -bus comp. Orelli, Inser. nos. 1628, 1629, 4601, &c.;
and K. L. Schneider, Formenlehre, i. pp. 26, sqq.
* This genitire appears Bometimes under the form -m, sometimes also
under the form -i, as : pemicies, gen. pemieUs, progeniuy gen. progenii.
Bee the passages quoted by Suhwartzo, d<u alte jEgypten^ p. 665.
wo
THK LATII^
I GABB-STSTEtf. [CHAP. TU:
AOCUB
. avi-m (=5 em)
atnk[m]« (=&)
Abl.
art-[rf]
ain-&u«
Loc,
<m-{in\ ?
avt'Stm t
SiNO.
Plur.
Nora.
avo-a
a8 in gen. sing.)
Gen.
avo-U (= 8U8 or «yo, =
= to,
aw-erwm
= et, =
"()'
Dat.
avo-\b'\% (= 8)
avo-ifma (^eia^ts)
Accus
. avo-m
aw-[w]5 (= d«) *
AbU
avo-\d]
atw-t&M* (=a fo)
Loc.
avo-t-[w] =sav-<
U
aw-ti-[w»] f
Sing.
Plur.
Nom.
JTUCtU'8
Gren.
fructu'is (=^)
yh*cft<-c[r]ttw»
Dat.
fructU'[b]t {^H)
^/rt«c<M-ti&t«
Accus,
. fructvrm
yh«rfu-[w]« (=il«)
Abl.
fructur[d]
^/n«c<w-tJt/«
Loc.
Jructu-tmf
yrMC(««-ti-m/
§ 4. Hypoihettoal forms of the wmtinative and accuscOive
plural.
If now we compare these particular instances with the
general scheme, we shall see that, taking all the varieties of
the crude form, of which the above are specimens, there are
only two assumptions in the general table, — namely, the original
forms of the nominative and accusative plural. All the others
are actually found, either in nouns or pronouns, at some epoch
of the language.
1 Ajb ifjit^awt di{ftoio, biifunf, comp. the nom. plural.
> The dative or ablative in "bus is sometimeB founcl in thoBe nouns
which have « or » before the characteristic: thus we have diibus from dau
(Oruter, u. 9; I2iy. 6; zlvi. 9); and JUibu$ from JUim (id. nun. 8;
DIiTV. 4).
§4.] THB LATIN CA8E-BTSTEH. 331
With regard to the nominative and aocuaative pinral, the
assumed original forms are derived from a sound induction ac«-
cording to the principles of comparative philology.
And first with regard to the nominative plural. The sign of
this case must have been originally ^a throughout the declen-
sions. Now it appears from general considerations, as well as
from an induction of facts» that -s was also the sign of the
nominative singular {New Craiylua^ § 243). Therefore the -« of
the nominative plural, if it was to distinguish the form from the
same case in the singular, cannot have been appended to the
mere crude form of the noun; for then the nominatives singular
and plural would have been one and the same inflexion. It
must have been formed bj adding the -« (with, of course, an
intervening short vowel, for the Latin language does not tolerate
a double -« at the end of a word) to the ftdl form of the nomi-
native, and thus constituting, as the total addition to the crude
form, or the real termination, the syllable -set. If we compare
lapid^, patr-^y with iKwl^-e^, nrarip-e^j we shall see that the
long 6 in the Latin words cannot be accounted for otherwise
than by the absorption of an «, whidi has probably become
vocalized in t. In the Greek forms this e, like the v of the
accusative, has been dropt altogether. This view is supported,
not only by the fact that the plurals va^is^ Xoyo-tr^^ &c. actually
stand in this relation to the singulars tviiy Xoyy » X^7o-i, &c.,
but even more so by the analogy of the genitive singular. For
in many cases the genitive singular is identical, in its secondary
form, with the nominative plural : thus fdmilvB^ avij are the
common forms of both cases. But familicB is actually written
familids ^familiaXs in compounds with pater ^ mater ^ jtlius, &c
Hence we may presume the same original form of the nomina-
tiye plural fiunilias (cf. diea^ &c.). Now the original form of the
nom. singular must have been fam%liSr9; cons^juently, if, when
the nom. sing, was famUia^ the nom. plur. was familial ^far
milicB (as in posnas, Feat. jp. 371), it follows that when the nom.
sing, was Jiimiliit-Sf the nom. plur. must have been JamiliarBA,
The same follows from the form avi. The omission of s between
two vowels is ftdly supported by Greek analogies : for if iXjlyov
is manifestly a corruption of iKiyeao, tx^ve^ may well be a simi-
lar corruption of tx^^e^. I have preferred to treat the original
332 ' THE LATIN CASlfi-STSTEM. [CHAP. Till.
form of the nominatiye plural as an assumptioD, and to support
it by the arguments which I have just adduced; but if we
remember that the original s of many Boman words was not
changed into B till about the 4th century A. u. C. (aboye, Ch. vir.
§ 3), we might take the existence of such forms as spe^es (which
occurs in fragments of Ennius), and gnarvHres (which is found
in Plautus, Mostdlariay I. 2, 17; PcBmUtu, proL 47), as a distinct
confirmation of the theoiy (compare also dies ^ dieres^ or dieses^
with such forms as dies-ptter, dtur-nicay ho-dter-'nue, &c.). And
here again the analogy of the genitive becomes applicable, as
will be seen below (§ 5). The pronouns also supply a partial
confirmation of the above induction; for though in common
Latin we find a genitive singular in -s by the side of a nomina-
tive plural in -t, we learn from old inscriptions that there was
also a nominative plural in -« .* see Senatus Cons, de Bacch, 11. 3,
7; Lex Bom. Bant. Tab. 1. 21; Klenze cui Leg. ServU. p. 12.
Again, in regard to the accusative plural, which in all the
above instances ends in -a preceded by a long vowel, we must
infer that -« is the termination of the plural as such, from con-
siderations of the same nature with those which have just been
brought forward. We should also have no difficulty in sup-
posing that the long vowel indicates the absorption of some con-
sonant. This consonant can only be the -m of the accusative
singular ; for not only is this most probable h priori^ but it is
the only supposition which explains all the phenomena. Let us
take the Greek, Latin, Sanscrit, and GK)thic forms in a particular
word; and we shall see that, while the Gothic alone preserves
the outward marks of such a derivation of the accusative plural
from the accusative singular, the only possible explanation of the
other forms is the supposition that they were originally identical
with the Gothic. Thus, \ufco-v, lupu-m, vrlkorm^ vulfixHiy are the
accusative singular of synonymous words in these four languages.
The plural of the Gothic vulfa-n is simply vulfii-Tirs, whereas all
the other forms strengthen the final .vowel of the crude form,
and drop one of the concluding consonants: Xu/eov becomes
XuKov^, iupum is converted into lupSa, and vHkam into vrtkdn.
The comparison of o&n;9, &c. with dens, &c., shows us that Xuxovf;
may stand for \uK<n^; and the analogy of TT}7rTa>i'==Ti}7rTov[T]9
is sufficient to explain the change of vrzkans into vrfkdn. The
§ 5.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 333
TJmbrian also lias shown us both the original fonnation and the
corruption of the accusative plural : for while we have abrcmra
exactly corresponding to the Gothic vtdfan^s, we have also dbrof,
which, as I have shown (above, p. 110), must have proceeded from
abromrh ~ abrom-s. If we add to this, that when the accusa-
tive singular has lost its final consonant, the plural accusative
merely adds -a to the existing form of the singular (as in
avSpa{y]y TinrTOPTa\y], sing., avhpa-^y TvuTOvrd-^, plural), we
have, it should seem, the most satisfactory evidence which the
subject admits, in support of the assumed original form of the
accusative plural.
Having thus justified the only hypothetical forms in the
above scheme of cases, it will be desirable to make some remarks
on the most striking peculiarities in the existing inflexions.
§ 5. Exiattng forma — the Oenitive,
In the general scheme, the genitive singular is characterized
by the terminations -ti, -aia, or 'jtta; the gen. plural by the
•ending '^rum, where the r is generally dropt, except in the a, e,
and declensions, which constantly retain it. The difficulty
here felt is, to connect the plural form with the singular.
Struve's assertion {iiber die Lat. DecL 3, 15) that the r is
merely euphonic, would tend, if we assented to it, to complicate
and increase this difficulty in no small degree. The comparative
philologer cannot doubt that the original form of the genitive
plural in the Indo-Germanic languages was that which is pre-
served in the Sanscrit -«^m = 20M (see Miiller cui Varron. L. L.
VIII. § 74, p. 192). This form, after the fourth century A. U. c,
would appear in Latin as kom, which was afterwards softened into
BUM. The Indians wrote --ndm for -adm in many of their words
where the n represents the a, as in vrtkdn for vrikda=svr%Ic&mra;
but in the pronouns, which generally preserve the authentic forms
longer than the nouns, we have td-adm = iatd-rum. The Greeks
very often omitted an cr- between two vowels in a case lik^ this ;
and as they wrote iXjiyov for iX^cao, Ix^v-e^ for lI%^v<r-€9, so
they gave us hrjiioio^ or ultimately Sijfiov, for the original SrjfioaiOj
and fioiMroHov^ or ultimately fiovo'&v, for fiovtrda-oDV^^ fiovaaro-iov-^.
That -aum or --atum was the proper and genuine form of the Latin
genitive appean^ from the genitives in -azum^ which are found in
334 THE LATIN CASE-8T8TJSM. [CHAP. Till.
the Oscan monuments (e. g. egmorxum) \ and that r was the
immediate representative of this $ or z \b proved not mexelj bj
the fact that the Romans actoaUy wrote ^um for -orufi» when
it suited their convenience^ thereby showing the reason for
the omission of the r in the other declensions, but also by the
fact that the r is found in the pronouns, the oldest and most
immutable parts of speech, and that in the more ancient state
of the language even nouns of the other declensions retained the
r: thus we hear of such words as hcverumj Joverum (VarrOy
£. Zr. VIIL § 74), lapiderumy nuceruniy regerum (Cn. Grdliufl
apud CAartatum, I. 40). This evidence receives very striking
confirmation from the analogy of the genitive singular. The most
common characteristic of the genitive singular is the termination
-w. There are reasons, however, which may induce us to doubt
if this is the full and original form of the genitive-ending. The
Sanscrit vHkSsya compared with XiMcoto, and the possessive Sfffii-
(Tio^ by the side of Sfffi6~tOj might lead us to suspect that the ter-
mination commenced with an s, which was subsequently absorbed;
and this suspicion is confirmed by the fiict, that there are, in old
Latin, genitives ending in -tm =» -m where the r » a is not part of
the crude form. Thus we have suerris for euis in the fragment
of Plautus quoted by Festus, & v. SpeUh, p. 330: ''Esto peS
nam, sumen mem, spetile, callum, glandia." Compare Varro,
L. L. V. § 110, p. 44. And firom the extant forms of the nomi-
native plural in -res we may fairly infer that the genitive in
»w « sis was not uncommon. The Latin possessive adjectives end
in ^itis or -€t£«, e.g. prcetor-ius from prcUor^ vtrgin-eus firom
virgo^ (vtrgin-); and as the analogy of SfifMS-ciofiy vHkd-^Oy
leads us to an assumption of an original -siuSf we must insert s
also in the pronominal genitives in -^W, -u<9, which, as we shall
see in a subsequent chapter, are derived from the possessives of
the pronouns. We cannot doubt that adjectives in -i09 = -0*409
are formed from the genitive in -u> — -«rto, and as these adjectives
are only weaker forms of the quasi-comparatives in -uov = -<rlol^^,
the original form of the genitive must have been -kfiov in Greek,
which would amount to -^m in Latin ; and the plural, originally
1 On this abbreviation, see Cicero's remarks iu Orator, c. 46, § 165.
§6.] fHB LATIN CA8£-ST8TEH. 335
-ovwys-o-Mi^^, in the former language, would become si&m^a^
sMm in Latin, from which it is softened to -sum, just as the -(ID9
of iroXett>9 falls into -lt« in cu^'Hs, &c. Compare also the Sanscrit
dual -ihydm with the plural -ikyia or IJm.
§ 6. The JDcUive and Locative.
In Greek, the dative, as the case denoting rest and proximity,
indicates whatever is close at hand, and thus implies the in-
strument or occasion, as well as that which is receptive of gain,
or that which is the locality of the action. In other words, it
includes the three Sanscrit cases, which are denoted as the in-
strumental, the dative, and the locative. These three caaes end
in -tna, -^ya^ and -i. There is reason to believe that the first of
these affixes is the original type. It is- identical with the forms
a-vd^ Z-va, originally Fo-i/a, and it thus appears that it is only
partially represented by -^*, -Jt, -t, which are the usual termi-
nations of the Greek and Latin dative and locative. The Greek
pronouns, ifiiv, retif^ riVy Xv, <r^lv^ <l>iv, y^iv, contain the whole
affix, and it always appears in the Greek dual, as in av^6-ip =
avTo-^ufy where the characteristic of plurality is omitted, as in
the Latin plural -sum = -rum. We may also conclude that the
Latin -^«, in no-bis, vo-its, has lost the n necessary to the full
form, which is preserved in the particle s-incj which is presumed
in words like offidna, and which appears slightly altered from
the Sanscrit instrumental in words like partim, entm, olim, isttm.
The termination -ftt = -^( is dative and instrumental in fo-&t,
tx>-ftw, but simply local in w-W, t-W, &c. Commonly the Latin
locative ends in -t, agreeing in this with the Sanscrit. But when
the characteristic of the noun is a consonant, it is generally
shortened into e, especially if the word is of more than two syl-
lables. The locative of rua is ruri. In the plural the dative
and locative are always confused with the ablative ; and instances
occur even in classical Latin where the dative of an ordinary
noun, with the sense of limitation, appears in the form of the
ablative in e. In some phrases this is rather the rule than the
exception; such are piffnare dare, for jpignori; IllrtW auro
argento cere flando feriundo^ for cert; jure dicundo for juri;
qui dant quique accipiuntfoenore^iotfoenori; &c. (se^ Schneider,
Lot. Or. II. pp. 260, sqq. ; Muller, ad Varro. L. L. v. p. 16).
336 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [cHAP, YIII.
If there Ib anj reason for using the term daUvus in reference
to the case of a noun, it must surelj be applicable to morte in the
epitaph of Plautus, quoted by Gellius {N. A, i. 84) : " Postqaam
est morie datos Plautus, Comoedia luget," — for here the form in
-e actually follows a verb oi giving. Thus we see that ore is not
the ablative but the dative in (Virgil, Georg. i, 430) :
Bi vii^gineum suffuderit ore ruborem;
and that it is a locative in {Oeorg. iii, 439) :
linguis micat ore trisulcis.
This usage occurs in the following passages of Propertius
(see Paley, ad v. 8, p. 311), namely, i. 17, 22 :
moUiter et tenera poneret ossa roia.
III. 26, 84:
anseris indocto earnme cessit olor.
IV. 6, 24:
81 placet iDBoltet, Lygdame, morU msa,
V. 8, 10 :
Cum temere anguino credltur ore manus.
§ 7. The Accusative Singular.
The m, which marks the accusative singular in Latin and
Sanscrit, is only a weaker form of the dental v^ which appears
in. Greek. This dental is the residuum of the third pronominal
element, and denotes distance and objectivity. We are not to
suppose that partem Ktidipartim are the same word, or generally
that the accusative and locative are the same form. The t
which appears in the latter, with or without the accusative
affix, constitutes the essential difference between the two cases.
Belonging to the second pronominal element, this i is in itself an
expression of proximity ; and thus, while parter^m denotes that
.".the part" is an object to be approached or acted on, part-i-m
indicates that not only is the part an object, but also that it is
close at hand for use or superposition. It is true that the tem-
poral particles quum^ turn, nun-^, jam^ &c., are not less locative
in meaning than olim^ and that the causal nam, though accusative
in form, coincides in signification with the locative enim. But
we must remember that quod, quod si, quippe = qui-pte, iri,
2t€, ot€, &c. are used as general expressions of objectivity ; and
§ 8.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 837
we must not allow syntactical equivalences to interfere with our
etymological discrimination,
% 8. The AblaHve.
In ordinary Latin the abktive is used as the case of instru-
mentality in both numbers; and in the plural there is no dis-
tinction between it and the dative. The specimens of old Latin
in Chapter vi. (cf. also the examples given by Corssen, Auspr,
VoJeal. u. Beton. I. pp. 72, 334) have sufficiently shown that the
termination of the ablative was -c?, or, perhaps, at one period of
the language, -t The instrumental ending in Sanscrit is, as we
have seen, -ina ; and the Sanscrit ablative ended, like the Latin,
in -rf. The tendency of the instrumental and ablative — the case
of proximity and the case of derivation, — to interchange their
significations, is a phenomenon, in which the philosophical gram-
marian find» no difficulty. The fact that sine and aed are so
nearly synonymous is an obvious exemplification of this ten-
dency. It is a more serious imperfection of the Latin case-
system that the ablative, though distinguished in form from the
genitive, should sometimes agree with it in meaning, and some-
times coincide in sense with its direct opposite the dative. With
regard to the singular number, which has an ablative properly
so called, there can be no doubt that in Latin and Sanscrit, as
well as in Greek, the genitive and ablative are traceable to a
common origin. The full, original, and proper form of the geni-
tive singular was -sicn^ and this in Greek often appeared as
'Oevi cf. tf€09 = <rto9. In Sanscrit the ablative vrikdt bears the
same relation to the genitive vrUcdsya that the genitive 7roX€a>9
does to a more ancient iro\i6<Tiov, or the adverb xaXA; to an ori-
ginal /cdKo-OeUj or the common twtc^ to the inevitably assumed
rvTrre-a-t. It is well known that the Latin adverbs in -tus cor-
respond to the Greek in -Oev; thus cceli-tus^ovpavo-Oew, and
the Grreek termination B- in -£179, &c. involves this ending -ffev
{New Crat. § 263). There is therefore every reason to believe
that the Latin ablative in -d or -t is an apocopated form of a
case in -dus or -tus, which is resolvable to an ultimate identity
with the genitive.
D. V. 22
388 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [CHAP. VIII.
§ 9. The Neuter Forms.
The neuter accusative, which serves also as a nominative
(see New drat. § 236), ends, like the usual accusative, in -m in
all nouns of the vowel-declensions. There is no doubt, however,
that this m may be traced back through the dental liquid n,
which represents it in Greek, to the dental mute -rf or -L Thus
we have ^-rf, illurd^ qtuMly &c. to the latest period of the lan-
guage; we have also met^ tet, set, or med, ted, sed; ego-met,
mermet, ted-tpsum, inter sed {Senat. Consult, de Bacch. 11. 13,
14); and we shaD see in the next chapter that the final * or
r, in nouns like corpu^s, robo-r, genus, &c., is a softening of an
original t or d. We must take care not to confuse this t or d
with the same letter appearing as the aflSx of the ablative. The
long vowel, which precedes the dental in that case, shows that
there is apocope or absorption of something more than a mere
consonant, and abundant reason has been given for the inference
that this d has passed through th from an original sibilant repre-
senting the second pronominal element. On the contrary, the
accusative m, n, d or t is merely the residuum of the third pro-
nominal element, denoting simple objectivity. The forms of the
neuter plural show, h fortiori, that the dental aflSx in the singular
was a mere letter, and not a syllable, as in the case of the
ablative. For all neuter nouns, to whatever declension they
belong, form their plural nominative-accusative in df in the Zend
and in the old European languages of this family. Now the
Greek language shows us that n, when it stands by itself at the
end of a word, or precedes a dental mute, may be changed into
d, and this vowel may even represent the combination -in-. Thus
we have irarepd for irdrepv, rerv^TOL for r€TV(f>PT<u, acD^olaro
for (Tci^oivTo, irado<i for irhOo^, and even Zeica for Bitceirr, and
<roo/ui for adfievr. There is therefore no objection, h priori,
to the hypothesis, but rather a presumption, that the plural -a
represents an original -in*; and it seems quite reasonable to
assume that ^Xa^^^Xev-r; for if the objective i' or r of the
singular had to be extended into a plural, we should not in this
case append the personal or subjective s, as in the case of mas-
culine and feminine nouns, but should rather repeat the objective
affix. Now it is known that the neuter plural in Latin originally
§ 10.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 839
ended in -<2/ thus we find in the Senatus Consult, de Bacch,
1. 24: qtm advorsum eani ficiaent. Again, we find in Sanscrit
that neuter plurals end in -nt ; thus madhu^fieOv makes madhH-
ni^ fUBv-a] and the final i must be a vocalisaticm of a second n,
just as conversely nn is substituted for ni in f^wo9 = fei^to9 =
{eo'o?. Lastly, while the Erse plural of the third personal pro-
noun is 8%dd for swtad, the Welsh form of the plural is htoynt
for atoynt. Putting all these facts together, we must come to the
conclusion that the neuter accusative singular ended in -w = -»
s=-* or -c?, and that the plural d represents an original -nd^^'fU
= -^n or -wiwi.
The pronominal neuters in ae^ as quosy hcsc, &c», are ex«
plained in a subsequent chapter.
§ 10. The Vocative.
The vocative, i. e. the case of allocution, exhortation, or ex-
clamation, is not distinguished from the nominative except in
nouns of the second declension, and in certain Greek words
adopted by the classical writers. When a noun in -tis has to be
used in the vocative, the crude form is employed with the lightest
substitution for the characteristic vowel. Thus domimts makes
domine. If i precedes the characteristic, the vocative e is ab-
sorbed, zsAfilias xnsikeB JUi^JUie. The same is the case with
meua which has for its vocative fne = mee. As the regular nomi-
native plural of deii^s is diy the Romans, to avoid confusion, did
not use a vocative dee = di. This rule does not apply to adjec-
tives, as Cynthte from Cynthvua^ Sperchie firom Sperchlus. The
vocative Odl exposes the common error of pronouncing the dac-
tyl OoXUb as a trochee ; for if this had been true the vocative
must have been Oai-e. In point of fact, Oaiua is scanned regu-
larly in three syllables; thus we have (Martial, ix. Ep. 93):
T. 4. Perrigil in pluma Odlil»^ ecce, jacet.
T. 7. Quod debes, Gai^ redde, inqult PhoebuB.
▼. 10. QdUU et mallet verbera mille pati.
T. 12. Non mayis quam ter GoH» esse tuuB.
SimUarly (id. xi. 36):
y. 1. Oii&&9 banc lacem gemma mibi Julius alba<
Y. 8. QiOilt ut fiat Julius et Proculus.
22—2
840 TUB LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [CHAP. VIH.
The analogy of CHmbus shows how it would have been written
had it become a trochee ; the same is shown bj the Greek accentu-
ation, for we have Paw not TcLm. The original form of the word
was Gavitu, probably signifying lastificans; cf. gdvisus (Aufirecht,
Zeitschr.f. vergl. 8pr. I. 232). The C has been retained as the
initial from the time when there was no distinction between (7 and
O; but the word was always pronounced Oaiua; and it seems
that it should be so written, except when the initial only is used.
Although the vocative, as a distinct case, is thus limited
to a few forms in the language, the Latin writers give it occa-
sionally a very remarkable extension of use. Thus it is made
to agree with the nominative ^.* as
Siemmate quod Tu8co ramum miUetvrM duels,
Censorem fatuom vel quod traheaiu salutas.
(PerB. ra. 27, 28).
This is regularly the case in the idiomatic use of made » moffia
aucte (i.e. frugilua et mold); thus we have m€U^ virtute esiOy
"be increased in virtue" (Hor. i. 8erm. ii. 31); made novd
virtute jmer, "be increased in your young valour" (Virg. jEn.
IX. 641). And even in an oblique sentence, as juberem \te\
macte virtute esse (Liv. II. 12).
§ 11. Adverbs considered as Gases of Nouns.
If now we add to the observations derived from the actual
cases of nouns, the additional phenomena furnished by the ad-
verbs, the subject of this chapter will have received all the
examination of which it is capable.
Adverbs are, properly speaking, certain cases of pronouns
and nouns, and under particular circumstances they are deduced
from the participles or supines of verbs. Their syntactical use is
as secondary predicates, inasmuch as they convey predication
only through the verb of the sentence. The Greeks employ their
adjectives and participles for this purpose without any additional
inflexion ; but the Boman adverbs are always cases, and some-
times, if one may use the expression, double or superimposed
cases of nominal or pronominal forms.
Pronominal adverbs are secondary predicates either of place
or of time. The former indicate — (a) "locality," in which case
they generally exhibit the locative endings -J» and -m or the
§ 11.] THE LATIN CASB-SYSTBM. 341
accnsative -m.« thns, from the demonstrative t8 and tlie relative
quij we have i-bt and u-&t, originallj ctdn, comp. aH-cubtf «fee;
from iste we have isiinij &c.; and the ending -m appears in
us-quam or tupiam, &c.; — (i) '* motion towards," in which case
they end in -o/ as ul^tro, " to a place beyond" (see D5derlein,
%«. tt. JSi^m. III. pp. 105 sqq.); quo, "whither;" eo, "thither,"
&c.; sometimes -c is appended: thus we have tUuc, istuc, by
the side of t7Zt>, isto; — (c) "motion from," in which case the
ending is -m2e, or -nee, -nque: thus we have t-nde from t^,
\c\urnde from qui, aliu-nde from a?«i4«, hi-^nc from At-o, iUt-nc
from tfle, 1^^1-^ue from ttfer; — (d) " the way," in which case
we have a feminine ablative in -d agreeing with vid understood,
as qtid, ed, &c. The forms of class (c) deserve some special
remark. The comparison of turn with tunc shows that the n
would have been written m, if the c had not been appended.
And the same remark applies to exin-dey hin-Cy tllin-c, isttn-c:
for exim occurs in Lucretius [see Lachmann on ill. 161), and
Bitschl has claimed tUim and istim for the text of Plautus
(Bkein. Mus. 1850, pp. 472 sqq.). But this does not interfere
with the inference that the accusative and locative m is the re-
presentative of an original dental. There can be no doubt that
the termination -de is identical with that of the ablative, and, as
we have seen, with the termination -(jw. Bopp, who was aware
of this ( VergL Gramm. p. 610), proposes to consider the same
letter as included in hinc, illinc, tstinCy which he regards as cor-
ruptions of hinder iUindey istinde. I should not desire any other
proof of the importance of the distinction which I first introduced
into the analysis of the pronominal elements [New Orat § 130).
According to the principle which regulates all combinations of
these elements, n-^-c denotes motion "from the there to the
A^re," and therefore expresses ablation or removal quite as natu-
rally as the affix -de = -tus, which is in fact ultimately referable
to the same source {N. Crat. § 262).
Pronominal adverbs of time generally end in -«i, as turn,
quum; in -nc, "nque, as tu-nCy curnque; or in -nefo, -njwawi, as
qua-ndoy nu-nquam.
Adverbs derived from nouns adjective and substantive either
end in e, o, or ter; or else they are merely adjectives in the
neuter objective case.
842 THE LATIN CASB-SYBTBM. [OHAP. VIII.
(a) Adverbs in e or o, anciently ending in -ed, or -oc?, are,
in fact, ablative cases of adjectives: thus valde^ originally vaU-
dod; benej originally banod; dto^ originally ciiod; certe or oerto,
originally certod^ &c., are the ablative cases of vcdidus, honus^
citusy certus, &c. respectively. The Greeks had a large daas of
adverbs of the same kind ; but in these the final -d of the abla-
tive has been softened down, according to the laws of Hellenism,
into an -9: thus, ovray;, tcoK&s, &c. represent the old forms of
the ablative, ovro^, /caKoB, &c. (see N. Crat. § 249). There are
two cases where this 8- seems still to exist, ffi-to? and 'A^/>oS-rn7
(Sanscr. Abhrdd-ttd); and there is one instance in which the
metre of Homer will not allow its modem representative to
stand, namely, in those passages where lc^ is a trochee. The
Sanscrit td^at compared with tcFq)? might justify the supposi-
tion that the original form was afoS; while the analogy of \aF09,
XiFQ>9, vao^, v€6)9, should authorize us to insert, even in our Hel-
lenic text of Homer, the emendation aFo9 for S»9 (comp. also
"HcD^, AvG)9,''Efl*9), whenever this particle is a trochee*.
(b) The termination -fer is appended to adjectives of the
third declension in the same way as . [[d] is aflixed to adjectives
of the first and second declension. Thus, from lenis we have
leni-ter; from gravis, gravi-ter ; from f&lix, fdid^ter; from
audax, audao-ter; from dvfftctlts, difficulr-ter ; and so on. To these
must be added the isolated form igt-tur, which, according to
Festus (p. 105, Mtiller) is equivalent to ind^^ poatea, turn (above,
p. 242); and which is used by Plautus {Miles Glor. iii. 1, 177)
as the antecedent to guando; for he says: ^^ quando habebo,
igitur rationem mearum fabricarum dabo.'' The first two sylla-
bles i-gi must be taken to represent the composite form e-goy
e-hoy ^-ja^ &c., of which the Oscan e^sa is a softer form: and as
1 There can be little doubt that coos and tws correspond to ydvat
and tdvca respectively. Now as, by the side of Utos, we have XaPoy and
Xas, so by the side of eiwf we have as (Pind. O. xi. 61 ; Aristoph. Lynslr,
173), which was also written Fas {Tab, Heracl. 2, 62, p. 207) ; and we
may therefore infer the intermediate form afog^Afoi=^yd-vat, A
similar argument may be deduced from the genitive in -eȣ=xfFo( or -lyts
(New Cratj/lu8, } 248).
•-^
§11.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 843
the Umbrian ea-te represents the Latin i-ta, so t-^i^ may corre-
spond to es'ffo = er-^o, which is strictly a synonym of irgi-tur.
The termination -tery -tury is, in fact, the same as -titSy which is
appended to substantires and adjectives of the second declension :
thus we have ccBli-tus, fundi-tnSy radtd'tua, anttqui-tus, divinu
tti8y humani^tusy &c. This last, which is obviously the older form,
answers to the Sanscrit -tasy on the one hand, and to the Greek
'0ev on the other (compare the Greek first person plural in ^fieif
with the Latin in "mus). There is yet a third form in which it
appears, namely, -^m, which is the termination of a most interest-
ing class of participial adverbs; for I cannot consent to consider
any of them as strictly formed from nouns; and though the
verbs in all cases are not forthcoming, the adverbs themselves
prove that they must have existed in part at least. Instances of
this class of adverbs are caterva-timy carp^timy gradorttniy privor
timy punc-timy separortimy vtca-tim (other examples are cited by
Corssen, i. p. 266). Compare with these the German participial
forms in -tn^^n, and the Greek participial adverbs in -i^a, -i^y,
-&71/ {N. Crat. § 263). The most striking result from a proper
appreciation of the origin of adverbs in 'tiniy is the explanation
which it supplies for those adverbs in -ter which are derived
from active participles. The termination of the supine is already
-tu; the adverb, therefore, is a locative case of the supine ; for
catervartxm stands to oaterva-tua in precisely the same relation as
par-tim to pars {poT\t\8), Similarly, amanrtery sapien-teTy &c.
are cases of the participles amanSy sapienSy &c.; for the crude
forms of these participles already contain the t. Now, if I am
right in concluding that these terminations, -OeVy -tasy -tery ^tus^
*timy &c. are lengthened forms of that dental affix which marks
the ablative of the noun, most interesting conclusions may be
drawn from this respecting the origin of the participle and of
the passive person-endings of the Latin verb. That there is no
essential distinction between the terminations -ft&n and -fer, and
that the former is not restricted to participles of the passive for-
mation, is clear from such forms as pede-tentimy &c. In fact,
while the -J or -t alone is sufficient to express the participial
relation, we find also a strengthened form which contains the
liquid, as well as the mute dental; thus we have as syno-
nyms not only cupt-dus but cupten{t)8y not only <t>vya{B)^ but
844 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [cHAP. VIII.
^>€vyovT'^=il)€vyfOV9 not only t€ti;^o(t)9=t€tv^9 but ivirrtnrr-s^
Tinrnov] and in the fixed or adverbial forms not only the adverbs
in -Sa, -Soi/, -&71/, but also those in -vSa, -i/Soi^^ -vSijv, Now the
obvious derivation of these latter adverbs entitles us to infer
that the participle-ending in -nt is a secondary formation from
a verbal noun, bearing the same relation to the simpler forms in
-rf, -S, that i^nde opposed to i-hi does to avri-Oev opposed to
avro^c^. Consequently, the adverbs in question are really fixed
cases of participles, analogous to the forms which we call
supines, gerunds, or infinitives. And the participle itself differs
only from these adverbs, and from the persons of the verb, in the
circumstance, that it i» not an immovable form, but one which
IS capable of regular flexion through the whole system of cases
{N. Grat. §§ 300, 415). With regard to the passive person-
ending in -r the fact that it is a locative a£Bx is proved to
demonstration (1) by the analogy between these adverbs in -&;i^,
'Bov, -Sa, and the Greek passive person-endings in -at, -rfv (cf.
Salj Sijv), -^01/, -o, -o; (2) by the identity of meaning of these
adverbs with the Latin in ^tim and ^ter; and (3) by the locative
value of igi'tur, which strictly corresponds in form to ama-tur
(see New Gratylus, § 365; below, Chapter xi. § 2).
Adverbs, used as conjunctions, are such as jam, nam^ enim
(Sanscr. Sna)^ idea, tamen^ &c. These are, in fact, cases of
different pronouns. Most of them are of obvious origin. Thus
Jam is merely the locative of the second pronominal element,
m its weakest form^ It appears as a dissyllable, especially in
^ Id the text t have merely put together some of the aualogies
suggested in my former work. The late Mr. Oamett, who was one of
tho Boundesty and, at the same time, most origina) philologerB in this
country, had arriTed at some reeults which were calculated to confirm
and extend these riews. In a letter to me (dated 3d May, 1842} he said:
** I flatter myself that I can make it appear from a pretty copious induc-
tion that the Indo Germanic present participle is formed upon the abla-
tive case of the verbal noun [Sanscrit tupcU]^ in much the same way as
the pronoun possessire in Latin, German, &c., is formed upon the geni-
tive of the personal. If I am not mistaken, this is calculated to throw
an important light upon the organisation of the Indo- Germanic and mauy
other languages." Although there is an important truth at the basis of
this theory, it seems to me to involTe in the application a fallacy which
I have pointed out elsewhere (New Crafylus, p. 511, ed. 3).
§ 11.] THE LATIN CASB-SYSTBM. 345
et^iam, and bears the same relation to ptam that ldXKja> does to
^MzXXoo {Neio CratyluSy § llO), Nam^ of which enim is merely a
lengthened form, contains the same pronominal root as a-va, val^
ncBy nunc, &c. Id-eo (comp. ad-eo) is equivalent to the Greek
eirlrrfBe^ (= e7r2 roBea-iv, Buttmann), and from it is derived
idoneua = ideoneua a= Gr. hriniBeuyi. The form of tamen has
created fiome difficulty. Max. Schmidt {de pronom. Or. et LaL
p. 91) considers that tarn-en is for tam-tn; and Pott {Etym.
FoTsch. If. p. 136) regards the last syllable of tam-Sa as a
weakened form of an. As we have both tam-quam and qvxim*
qitam, and as tam-en is the correlative of the latter, it is most
reasonable to suppose that the second syllable en is a locative
of the pronoun w, like im in inter-im. For tarn, which appears
both in tam-en and tan-dem, we find taine (Fest. p. 360), as we
have cume for cum (Terent. Scaur, p. 226) ; and tarn is substi-
tuted for tamen in tam^etst.
Some adverbs are merely cases of common nouns, which
usage has made indeclinable. These appear sometimes as con-
jmictions, and sometimes as prepositions. Instar, gratid^ and
ergoy may be compared with St/w/i/, x«P*»'» ^^^ h^Ka (see New
Crat. §§ 271 sqq.). iVope[rf] (df. proptn-quus) is the ablative
of an old adjective, and prop-ter is its case in -ter = ^i« = Oev.
Penes and tenus are forms of the same kind as instar, and con-
tain the roots of pen-dere, ten-dere. Clam and palam are loca-
tives of the same nature as partim, &c. The former, which was
also written calim (Fest. p. 47), contains the root of cefo, KXenTcoy
ieaKtrnTO), &c. Palam is the same case of an adjective connected
with palatum, irvkt), &c. That it is a noun appears farther from
the fact, that it is used also with the preposition in {in palam =s
aperte, Oloss. Isid.), like in-cassum; comp. pr(hpalam. The
same is the case with coram = co*oram [icar ififia) ; comp.
co' minus, e^ minus {iic x^V^)> iHico is in loco; and we have
extemplo or ext&tnpulo from another form of tempus. Some-
times the adverb is merely the crude form of the noun. We
have examples of this in simul, procul (from similis, procilis) ;
mox is supposed to be a corruption of movox; and the ancients
wrote facul (Fest. p. 87) and perfhcul (id. p. 214) for JhcuUer
or facile, and perfacile. Again, the full form of the noun is
occasionally used as an adverb: in the xii. Tables we have
346 THB LATIN CASB-STSTBM. [cHAP. VIII.
nox for Tioctu (above, p. 254); and Virgil {JEm. I. 215; vii. 624)
and other writers used pars for partim. There is an approxima-
tion to this usage in the indeclinable Greek Oifu^ (Buttmann,
Ausf. Sprachl i. p. 227).
§ 12. Adverbial expression jbr the day of the month.
To these instances of the adverbial use of nouns may,
perhaps, be added the phrase by which the Romans designated
the day of the month. Here a locative of the day is inserted
between the preposition and the word which "denotes the standard
of reckoning. Thus, " on the fourth day before the Nones of
April," is expressed by ante [die quarto) Nonas Apriles^ quarto
die ante Nonas Apriles. And this whole expression is regarded
as one word, which may be dependent on a preposition : thus we
may say, ex ante d. iii. Non. Jan. usque ad pridie Kal. Septem-
hresy or differre aliquid in ante d, xv. Kal, Novembres. This idiom
was carried so far that even when the Ides themselves were
intended we have the phrase ante Idus instead of Idibus, Thus
Liv. III. 40 : ante Idus Maias decemviros ahtsse magistratu.
If the inserted date was ever written or pronouneed in the
accusative case, according to the ordinary practice «mong
modem Latinists, it is obvious that this must have originated
in an attraction, or in a mistaken usage* The well-known
employment af the locative pridie to. indicate the day imme-
diately before the Calends, Nones^ or Ides, shows that the other •
days must have been expressed in the same case»
CHAPTEB IX.
DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN.
§ I. The usual arrangement is erroneous. § 3. General rules for the classification
of Latin nouns. § 3. First or -a declension. § 4. Second or -o declension.
§ 5. Third declension or consonantal nouns. § 6. A. First class. or purely
consonantal nouns. § 7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal nouns.
§ 1. The usual arrangement is erroneous.
THE arrangement of Latin nouns in different declensions («\t-
aeisi) or forms of inflexion has been managed hj grammarians
without any regard either to the internal organisation of the
word or to the real convenience of the learner. Among the
ancient grammarians, Varro proposed a simple convention —
namely, to distinguish the declensions of nouns according to the
vowel of the ablative singular {L. L. x. 62, p. 257, MttUer) :
''nam ejus cassuis literarum discriminibus facilius reliquorum
varietatem discemere poterit, quod ei habent exitus, aut in A, ut
hac^terrd: ant in E, ut hoc lance: aut in 1, ut hac levi: aut in
O, ut hoc cobIo: aut in U, ut hoc versu. Igitur ad demonstrandas
declinationes vice prima hsec." Diomedes distinguished seven
declensions, dividing th6 nouns in -tW, -iuin from those in -w,
"tim, and the neuters in -it from the feminines in -us (see Zeitschr.
f. d. Wiss. d. Spr. ill. 315). The favourite and oldest method
in this country has been to consider the noun according to five
distinct declensions. The -a and -o declensions stand in their
proper place at the head of the list. Then follow the conso-
nantal and -V declensions considered as one. And the nouns in
-t^ and -6 are treated as two distinct schemes of case-formations.
One of the objects, which I proposed to myself in writing a new
Latin Grammar ^ was to correct this vicious and faulty exhibi-
tion of the different forms of the noun ; but as I could not
attempt in a merely elementary treatise to explain and justify
^ A complete Latin Orammarfor the we o/ kamers. Second Edition,
mudii improved. Londoni 1860.
348 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
every feature in the system which I have adopted, I have re-
served for the present work a more complete discussion of the
theory of the Latin declensions; and I shall now. proceed to
show that the arrangement, which appears in the Latin Gram-
mar, is the only classification which is consistent with the results
of scientific philology ; while I know by experience that it is at
least as easy to the learner.
§ 2. General rules Jhr the claasijlcattan of Latin Nouns.
The true classification of the crude or unlnflected forms of
the Latin noun is obviously that of the letters which constitute
the distinctive characteristics. And the crude-form may always
be deduced irom the genitive plural by omitting the final syl-
lable whether it be -urn or -rum*. Thus we know from the gen.
pi. urbt-um, that the original form of urb-s must have been
urbi'Sy just as conversely we find orJ-«, nub-s, by the side of the
common orbt-Sj nube-s. At first sight all these forms fall into
two great divisions, according as they terminate in vowels or
consonants. But while, on the one hand, the vowels themselves
are distinguished by their structure and origin as vowels of
articulation and vocalized consonants, so that the latter belong
to the consonant class when considered according to the genesis
of the crude-form, — on the other hand the consonants are not
less distinguished among themselves, according to the organ by
which they are uttered, and according to the difference between
mutes and liquids, than they are discriminated from the pure
vowels. The scientific or methodical order of the declensions
must be one which enables us most easily to fall back on the
root of the noun, and on the original form of those pronominal
aflSxes by which it is extended or developed, before it becomes
the vehicle of the case-endings. And if the vocalized consonants
^ I beliere I was the first to call attention to this simple method of
ascertaining the declension- character of Latin nouns from their genitiYe
plural. The grammarian is not supposed to be making his first ac-
quaintance with the forms of Latin words, and therefore it is no true
objection to say that he cannot know the declension-character till he has
learned the inflexions of the particular noun. It is sufficient that he is
able to make the classification intelligible, at first sight to the learner.
§3.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 349
t and u maj be traced to an ultimate identity with guttural or
labial mutes, it' is clear that the nouns of which they are the
characteristics ought to be ranged among the consonant declen-
sions. In this way we shall have two main classes of nouns —
those whose characteristic is one of the pure- vowels a or o,
and these may be considered as subdivided into two declensions;
— and those whose characteristic is a consonant, whetheiw mute,
or liquid, or one of the semi-consonants % and u, considered as a
representative of some mute, and these may be regarded as
constituting one declension. While this scheme of the declensions
is the only arrangement which can be justified on the groimds
of scientific etymology, it is at least as convenient as any other
to the mere learner : for we cannot give any practical rule to a
beginner more simple than that which results from this arrange-
ment — namely, that the vowel-nouns invariably form their geni-
tive plural in -d-rum or -o^vm, which is rarely contracted into
"Hm: that they form their dative and ablative plural in -w,
which rarely appears under the uncontracted form -hua: that
the accusative singular is always -am or -um^ the accusative
plural -08 or -a*, and the ablative singular always -d or -8; and,
on the other hand, that the consonant-nouns generally form their
genitive plural in -wwi, which is rarely preceded by the character-
istic r ; that, conversely, they form their dative and ablative plural
in -bus, which rarely, if ever, loses its characteristic h; that the
ablative singular is always 6 or /; and the accusative plural
always -e», except when the characteristic is u. These general
distinctions do not apply to the nominative-accusative plural of
neuter nouns, which are uniformly terminated by -& in all declen-
sions. If then the classification, which I am about to explain, is
not only true, but most convenient to the student, there can be
no reason why it should not supersede the old-fashioned method
even in elementary grammars.
§ 3. FirH or -a Declension.
Gkn. PI. --4-ruw.
The Latin -a declension, as compared with the Greek, pre-
sents one remarkable contrast. In pure Latin nouns, the termi-
nation is invariably -A, whereas in corresponding forms the Greek
350 DBOLBNSIOKS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
declension exhibits -a, -a, -a?, -17, -179, Thus we have not only
cell& by the side of ifiiXXdy but amicitia, scrtba, area, nota, ho-
mtcid&, by the side of <f>iXid, rafiid^, avKed, rp^, dvSp€ul}6pTf^.
And even when Greek nouns are transplanted, the same shorten-
ing of the last syllable may take place ; thus irerpa, ^6nnj and
irvKTqs become petr&, zoni and pycta. The explanation of this
phenomenon is to be sought in the general tendency to abbrevia-
tion, which characterizes the Latin language, and which is perhaps
connected with their habit of throwing the accent forward. In
many cases the short a is not merely an extenuation of the syllable,
but an abridgment involving the omission of one ok more forma-
tive letters. Thus, as (f>iXld must be considered as a contraction
of ^CKlro-ird, the same omission must have taken place in amtci-
tia, and we shall see a further proof of this when we come to the
nouns in es^ -S-t^. A comparison oiKptrrj^y avxia, -rj, and rojua/^y
shows us that these words involve the second pronominal element
under the form la = ya. And we must presume an addition of the
same element in scrtb-a = scrib-yas, not-a = not^asay hamidld-a
^homtcid-yasy &c. The length of the « iafamiltds^familiatSy
famtltd =familiady JUiahus ^ filta-ibuSy Jilias^JUtam-s, is of
course due to the absorption, in each case, of some original letter,
so recently belonging to the inflexion that it could not be forgotten ;
and with regard to the genitive in particular, we are able to sup-
port this inference by an appeal to a considerable number of
forms in -aes, which are still found in inscriptions ((Jorssen, I.
p. 103). That the nom. pi. corresponded in form to the gen.
sing, is proved by the phrase viginti quinque poenas in the Xli.
Tables (above, p. 253).
§ 4. Second or -0 Declension.
Gen. PI. -O-Tum.
As the nominative of this declension ends in -w« or -er = -rw,
and the accusative in -um, it is necessary to state to the beginner
why the characteristic is said to be o and not u: but to any one
who has made even a commencement in philology, it is obvious
that while the forms in -5, -^rww, -fi« could not have sprung firom
an original u, the forms, in which a short u appears, would natu-
rally result from a short 6 (above, Ch. vii. § 6). Besides, many
§ 4.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 351
of these nouns appear bj the side of Ghreek nouns in -09, and in old
Latin the o is still apparent, as in qvom for quum, oloea for oUis
or iUis, &c. A comparison of ager with drypi^j Alexander with
'AAifai/Spo9, and the like (see Corssen, ii. p. 53), shows that the
Latin forms have suffered an apocope not altogether unlike that
of scriba from acribycts, &c., and certainly due to the same ten-
dency to abbreviate and throw back the accent. We have nouns
in -erua which are never shortened into -er, as humerus, nuTnerus,
vespenUf uterus; and some compounds with the verb-roots fer-
and ger- present both the full form and the apocope; thus we
have armiger by the side of morigerus. In these instances, of
course, the er is retained throughout the declension. Bat in the
oblique cases of ager and Alexander, as in the corresponding
Greek words, the e is dropt, afl might have been expected from its
obvious functions as a merely compensatory insertion. The same
is the case with a great many words of this form, especially
those which exhibit the termination signifying agency, which
corresponds to the Greek -ti;9, -Tiyp, -rmp, fem. -t/jmj, -TpiS-,
such as magiS'ter, minis^ter, arbi-ter, &c. There is also in
Latin a longer form in -tor, -torts. Those which retain the e
have generally some Greek affinity, which explains the importance
of the letter. Thus puer must be compared with the Greek
irotp: liber, Uheri = ikevOepo^ or Ai6wao^ ikevOepio^, is thus
distinguished from U-ber, li-brt; gener, generi belongs to 7&09,
76i/€[(r]o9, genus, generis, and socer to ?Kvpoff. It is to be
observed that although ager always loses its e in the oblique
cases, this unessential letter is constantly retained in the com-
pound ytiyfirttwi = eZtajrerttwi (above, p. 321). The pronouns tile,
ipse, &c. for ollus, ipsus, &c., are singular instances of a form of
the nominative corresponding to the mere crude-form as it ap-
pears in the vocative of this declension.
It is an interesting fact that the Romans substituted the
second for the third declension in some of the inflexions of
Greek nouns in -€V9, -€(»9 or -179, -0C9. • Thus they wrote
Achtllei and Ulixei as the genitives of Achilles CAxtXX€i;9) and
Ulisses (OBwraein;), and Pericli for the genitive of Pericles (Jlepir^
kXjet^). The latter change is partly supported by the Greek
abbreviation of derivatives from kXJo^, such as HdrpoKKo^, 'Et€-
0/1CX09. That Hercules passed into Eerculus or Herclus may be
852 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [cHAP. IX.
inferred from the interjectional vocative Hercide or fferde, used
like the Greek vocative 'HpoKkei^ I \
§ 5. Third Declension of consonantal Nouns.
It baa been already remarked, that nouns of the third declen-
sion are arranged according to the nature of the characteristic
consonant, which precedes the case-ending; aijd that they &11
into two great classes according as they retain the consonant or
vocalize it into % or a. The characteristic is very often lost in
the nominative singular, but it may always be recovered by a
careful examination of the oblique cases.
§ 6. A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns.
Gren. PI. -B-um, -P-um.
{a) Labial nouns are limited to some few in b, generally
shortened from forms in -», as plebs (also plebes), scobs (also
scobis), scrobs (also scrobis), traJbs^ urbs (anciently urbis), and
some few in jp, as daps, slips (also stipes or stipis\ stirps (an-
ciently stirpis), to which must be added compounds in dp- from
capio, as man^ceps, muni-ceps, parti-ceps, prin-ceps. To the
same class of compounds we must refer ^-cep«, " a pair of pin-
cers," the first syllable referring to the " opening " or " door,"
which this instrument makes in order to grasp the object. Simi-
larly we have far-fex, " a pair of scissors," from fotdo, and for-
pexj " a pair of curling-tongs," from pe<yto.
Gen. PI. "O'Um, "C-um.
(&) Guttural nouns are a more numerous group, and the
tenuis c is a more common characteristic than the medial g. Of
the latter class we have only the primitive frux {Jruff-), grex
{grSg-), and strix (sMg-) : and the verbals lex (root leg-)^ rex
(root rey-), with the compounds U-lex, inter-rex^ cfm-jux (root
jug-)^ retnex (root ag-). Supellex is an abridgment of the form
1 Sir £. Bulwer Lytton gires an oxemplifi cation of his ]mperf«>ct
scholarship when in his Pompeii he makes a Roman swear per ffereU,
In the passage of Gi^llius, m. 5 : per herele rem mirandam dicit Aris-^
toUiesy we bare the usual tmesis of the intensive per^ as in Cicero de
Orating, i. 49 : per mihi mirum vitum esL
§6.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 353
in -7f- indicated by the genitive mpettectilu, and the x does not
represent a ff but eta. The same is the case with senexy which
conversely exhibits a shortened form in its genitive senis: cf.,
however, senectus, seneca, aenecio^ &c. The root of sen-ex is to
be sought in the Sanscrit sanrd^ and the old Saxon and H. G^
«n, " always," found also in the Gothic sth-teins; and we have
the same root in aem-per^ opposed to nt^per^ as sen-ex to novtis
(below, Ch. X. § 6). The idea of sen-ex is that of advanced
longevity rather than that of relative age, which is expressed by
major, maacimus, with or without n<Uu; and similarly minor y mini*
muSy is used instead oi junior. In Persiua we find Aristophanes
designated ^prasgrandis senex (i. 124), and as Cratinus is men-
tioned in the same passage, the epithet cannot refer to the great
age of the other poet, but must mean that he was the most illus-
trious representative of the old comedy {comcedia priscQy Hor. 1.
8erm. iv. 2; comcedia vetuSy id. Ars Poet. 281). The substantive
senium is often used to denote antiquity in general, as in Statins
Silv. I. 3, 38 : venerabile lu^corum senium. I have intimated the
possibility (above, p. 203) that in old Etruscan eterey which seems
to denote " an elder son," may be connected with vetus. But there
is no authority for this use of the word in Latin. With a geni-
tive vetus may signify experienced {gnarus)y as in Silius, iv.
332 : gnaros belli veteresque laborumy and this is common enough
in Tacitus, as in Annal. vi. 44: vetus regnandi. It might be
supposed that this is the meaning of veten'imum Itberorum in
VI. 31, which cannot signify " the eldest of his sons." But the
absence of the genitive, and the whole context, induce me
to suppose that the text is corrupt, and that we ought to read
teterrimum instead of veterrimum. The word veteres occurs im-
mediately after; and the scevitia of the father would lead us to
expect an epithet which would signify **most tyrannical;" cf.
Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 40; Vatin. III. fin.; Resjmbl. II. 12. In nix
the x represents gv or qv : cf. ninguo. The genitive nivis may
be compared with vivo = qviqvOy struo = struquOy &c. The gen.
plur. of nixy nivisy nivlumy and merx, mercis, merclumy shows
that these nouns really belong to the I declension. The tenuis
c is the characteristic of a number of primitive nouns, such as
fox {foc')y lux {luc"), codex {codic-), cornix {comlC')y &c.; it also
appears in nouns containing the root of c verbs, as dux (rfiic-).,
D. V. 23
854 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
ju-dex (tffc-), and other nouns irom dico; pol-lex (Zfo-), and other
nouns from lido; arii-fex (/&-), and other nouns from fauAo;
and we find a great number of feminines in -frto; corresponding
to real or possible masculines in tor^ such as nuirix (nti^rtc-),
obatetrix {obstetric-), &c. The last word deserves some special
notice, as showing the true meaning of ob in composition. For
ob-stetrir must mean *' a woman who stands by to assist" — a
JBetateherin — ^and 7rapa4rr^pcu or avfnrapaoTffvcu is especially
used to denote this by-standing or assistance in childbirth : so
Pind. OL VI. 42 : irpaifji/qrlv r 'EXci/^ci avfiwapiarap-ev re
Molpa^ ; cf. OL XI. 64, If then ob-sto may signify ** to assist,"
like iraplcrrfffUy as well as " to oppose," it can only bear this
meaning in consequence of the sense of extension, continuance,
and perseverance borne by ob; and thus of-fidum may denote
'^ beneficial aid," though of-fido signifies harm and hinderance.
Compare the two applications of our word pre-vent^ which means
to go before, either for the purpose of clearing the way, or for
the purpose of obstructing the passage. From this explanation
of cb-stetr-ixy it is plain that Stator does not imply, actively,
" one who causes to stand," but " one who stands by, ready to
ielp " — qui stcU opera latunts — of a prcesens Divus, according to
the proper meaning of that term, as in Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 12,
§ 28 : '^ Hercules tantus et tamprcssens habetur deus."
Gen. PL -D-urHy -T-um, -B-um.
(c) The most numerous and important class of the purely
consonantal nouns are those which have a dental mute for their
characteristic; for while the labial and guttural nouns are limited
to the masculine and feminine, these exhibit also some neuter
nouns of very common occurrence.
. (a) Masculine and feminine nouns in -d are such as pes
{p^d-), frons {frond-), vas {vad-)^, and its derivatives press
{^prcB-vad-), custos {cvsto-vadr), sxidi merdes {merce-vad-) (above,
1 This word is interesting from its connexion with the Low-German
weed, or wad, ^ a pledge," found in wad-ie^ wed-ding, $o. Another form
was had, as in the old compact gif had genumen sy on monnes orfe, ** if a
pledge be taken for a man's chattels;" and from this comes oar htt*
From the Low Latin fiad-iart comes the Romance guadiare, guaggiare,
and our trnger. (See Palgrave, History of the Anglo'Saxons, Pref. p. zxL).
§ 6.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 856
p. 146); palua {palud-), &c. Masculine and feminines nouns in
"t, are such as dena {dent-), Jrons (Jrant-), pars {part-), comes
{comU-), qutes {quiet-), n&pos {nepot-) ; a very long list of abstract
words in -tas {-tat-), as boni-tas, with a smaller number of supple-
mentary forms in -tus {-ttU-), as virtus : and active participles in
"fis (-w^), whicli are occasionally used as nouns, "as serpens {ser^
pent-), &c. The genitive plural in -ium proves that there must
have been originally older forms in ^tis of those nouns in -t or
-ef, in which the characteristic is preceded by another consonant;
cf. densy gen. pi. dentium, with sementis. This remark applies
also to many of the nouns in 'd{ti)s, -g(«t)«, i{ti)s (see the exam-
ples collected by Corssen, ii. pp. 57, 58).
{13) Neuter nouns of this class originally and properly termi-
nated in -t. Although caput, gen. capitis (for which the oldest
MSS. of Lucretius give capud), is the only word in which the
characteristic is retained unaltered, Greek analogies and many
collateral indications enable us to see at once what nouns belonged
to this dental declension. Some Greeks nouns in -fm^fmr-^
fievT- {New Crat.% 114) have been naturalized in Latin, such as
poema, gen. poematis ; and lac, gen. lactis, retains more of the
termination in the nominative than the corresponding ^oKa, gen.
^oKoucTfyi. The t, which is lost in iciap, cor, is represented
by the medial in KapBla, cordis. Though carmen (cf. carTJieU"
lis), a^men (cf. armentum), have omitted the characteristic t, not
only in the nominative, but also in the oblique cases carmi-
nis, agminis, &c., they at all events retain the preceding liquid,
which is lost altogether in the Greek neuters in -fia, -fiaTo^.
And while corpus, opus, &c. agree with rel^o? in softening the t
into 9, they retain some trace of it in the r of the oblique cases,
where the Greek, according to the rule {New Crat. § 114), has
dropt the 9 between the two vowels. There is an assimilation
of the t in the oblique cases of os, oss-is (cf. wrr-eovY, inel, mellis
(cf. fUXir-r), fel, fellis, and far, f arris. The exceptional forms
jecur (also jecinor), iter (also itiner), SLudJuhar, probably ended
originally in -rat, like the Greek fjirap for rjirpar, gen. ipraro^^
The following table will show the gradual degeneration of the
forms :
^ The gen. pL ossivm showB that this word stood for osH and belonged
to the -t declension.
23—2
356 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CRAP. IX.
a A /9. A A 7
caput lac[t] cor os{t] carmen[t] corpnta
capU-ia lact'%8 card-is oaa-is carmi-nia corpor-is.
Here it will be observed that in a the « is preserved intact;
that in ^9^ it is lost after another consonant in the nominative,
and preserved in the oblique cases; that in j3^ it is retained in the
medial form which comes nearer to the preceding liquid r (above,
p. 303); that in /3^ it is assimilated to s; that in fi^ it is altoge-
ther dropt after n ; and that in 7 it is softened into s and r. In
comparing corpus, corpor-is^ with reZ^o?, Te/;;^e-o9, we observe
that, although the latter has lost the 0-, according to the rule,
because it is flanked by two vowels, it could retain the neuter
characteristic before a consonant : thus we have opiafiuK from
Spo^, a-atcec-waXo^ from aaKo^^ &c. Similarly, that the r or «
which takes the place of t in the Latin nouns, is retained in de-
rivatives, like gener-osus, from genus, generis, robus-tus from
robur, and tempes^tas from tempus.
Gren. PL -Zf-wm, 'N-um, -R-um.
{d) Liquid nouns are generally of dental origin, and many
of them recal to our recollection the neuter nouns, which have
just been mentioned. The only noun in m is the word hiem-p-s,
gen. htemiSf which is probably the corruption of a longer form
in mn : cf. x^^M^^ ^^^ X^^f-^ ~ xei/Acin-. There are a few nouns
in Z, as sol, soUisy sal, sSlis (which is neuter, as well as mascu-
line, and which, in that use, has lost a final t), nihil (for nihilum),
which is neuter and undeclined, and some compounds derived
from salio, as consul, prce-sul, ex-suL The great majority of
liquid nouns have crude forms in n or r = «. Of the former we
have some in -o, -tnis; many in -db, -edo, -Ido, -tudo, of which
the genitive is formed in -dinis, &c.; others in -go, -ago, -tgo,
"ugo, which have their genitives in -ginis, &c. ; others, again, in
-0, 'io, ''mo, 'Sio, -tio, which form the genitive in -onw, &c. It
is superfluous to give examples of all these different classes. In
comparing caro^, gen. carnis, with virgo, gen. vir ginis, we see
that two liquids in the former have coalesced to the exclusion of
the short {; and virgo ^virgin-is differs from sermo = sermdn-s,
» The original form of the nom. was eamis; seo Lir. xxxvn. 3.
§ 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 357
jx^t 9AhcUfMov = Salfioi^^ differs from %ei/M»ya£;^t/ia»^-9, or as
irolfmiv = trolfjteu^ differs from avrk'^v^^ <nr\i]v^. In some of the
nouns in «=rthis characteristic represents the neuter^; such
are cw, gen. abtw, ntSy gen. rurtSy os, gen. orisy ver, gen. verisj
&c. Other nouns in r really belong to the % declension, as
laqtieary gen. laquearis. But we have a large number of mas-
culine and feminine nouns of which r is the genuine character-
istic. These are formed in -^, or -««, or -t«, -^Wj, as mvliery
Ceresy Venm; in -5r or cw, -Srti, as labors fios; in -wr, -Sm, as
augur; in -ttr = -iw, -wrw, as teUus; in -or, -frti, as arbor: we
have an important class of nouns denoting agency, and ending
in -fer, "trisy as pa-ter, ma-tery &c., to which must be added
tt-fer, vr-trisy venrter^ ven-trisy and the compound ao-ct^pt-ter (-«m)
from occtjpib; cf. capy«, the Etruscan word for a falcon (above,
p. 184). The instrumental ending in -ter is extended, in a very
numerous class of nouns, to -tor, -torw, assibilated to -«or,«om;
thus we have dtto-tor from diuH), ara-tor from aro^ numi-tor
from moneo, spon-aor from epondeOy &c. We have seen that the
r often appears as « in the nominative ; in two nouns an e Is
changed into t in this case; — thus we have ctnts, cin^ria and
jmlvt8, pulvSrta. In consonantal derivatives from nouns in r, as
in the corresponding neuter-forms, this characteristic is retained
as a simple sibilant; thus, from Venus ^^ Ven^rUy we have venus-^
tas; from honor ^ honoris, hones-tas; from arbor, arbSria, arbiM'-
turn; &c.
§ 7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal Nouns.
Gen. PI. I'um, E-rum^a^I-^rum.
(a) Nouns in i exhibit some phenomena of considerable
linguistic importance, which have eluded the observation of all
previous grammarians. It has been shown elsewhere that the
termination t, as a guttural residuum, is derived from the second
pronominal element. But it appears as an extension not only
of other pronominal affixes, but even of the second pronoun in
many of its forms, and especially under the form c^k. Thus
we have not only a large class of Greek adjectives in -/co9, and
nouns in -#c-9, but we have also the extensions -#c-t9, -#c-609, &c.,
in which that element is repeated under a softened or vocalized
form. Similarly in Latin, although the substantives in x^o-s or
358 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
g^8 form their genitive plural in -um and are therefore independent
of any additional elements, adjectives of the same form show bj
their ablative in -i and their genitive plural in -titm, that die
full ending of their crude form is not o-, but o-t. It has been
already remarked that some nouns in J-, o-, ^-, or ^ {d) either
have by-forms in -W-, -ci-, -j?i-, or -tf-, or must have been origi-
nally formed in /. The shortened form is confined to the sin^ukr
number, for the gen. pi. is invariably in -/um. And it is to be
observed that the syncope generally takes place in nouns in
which a mute is preceded either by the liquid n or r, or by a
long vowel. Thus we have mem for mentisy fronds for fr<mdi8y
urbs for urbis, pars for partis^ merx for merctSy a number of
nouns in -asy -es, -is, for --cUisy -etis, -itisy as cujas for cujatisj
Cceres for CcBretis or Cceriiisy Samnis for Samnitisy the longer
forms of the latter being still found in the older poets ^^ and a
class of nouns in -aZ and -ar for -^ile and -^rey as animal for oni-
mdlcy pulvvfidr for pulmndre. There are, however, not a few
nouns which are liable to the same syncope, though the penul-
tima in the original form was short; thus we have scobs for scobisy
fax fox jucisy caro{n) for camisy par iotparisy celer for celerisy acUps
for adipisy sal (when masc.) for salisy &c. The appearance of
-w^i- instead of -n^, as the characteristic formation of the parti-
ciple, connects itself with a very interesting fact — namely, that
forms in -nto in Greek and Latin stand beside forms in -^tus and
-^us. From the regular change of -vt9 in Greek into -nttis in
Latin — as when we have ira^ = 7ravT-9 by the side of quanhis, or
Tdpa^ = TdpavT'^ by the side of Tarentum — no inference can be
drawn. But as -rf- is generally, if not always, a shortened form
of the articulation which appears as the second personal pronoun
and the second numeral, and as we have verbal forms in -dus
(as cupidus, &c.) by the side of verbals in -rio?, -tv?, -Tt9, it is
not unreasonable to conclude that if orien-t-s = oriu-n-^usy the
former is an abridgment of orien-tts analogous to sementisy &c.,
and this explains the genitive plural in -tWm. Although there
1 The original form is also indicated by tbe accent; for, although
Latin words are generally barytone, nouns in 'd{t)» have the accent on
the last syllable just like those which hare an apocopated enclitic as
ittd(^t tcmiSn\ and the like.
§7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 359
are some nouns in -t- which retain their characteristic throughout
the cases — ^as sitis, Ttberisy febris, pujfpia, &c., — ^it not unfre-
quentlj happens that the shorter vowel e is substituted in the
nom., ace., and abl. sing., and this is always the rule in the nom.
and ace. pi. So that, generally, the criterion of a noun in t is
furnished only by the form of the gen. pi. Thus, although we
have nuie8y nubeniy nube, nvbea^ we have always nvh-i-um. The
peculiar nouns in -es^^a-isy in which this characteristic i is ap-
pended to a crude form in -df, sometimes appearing as a distinct
noun of the first declension (cf. mater-ta, " the mother-stuff," or
"materials," KX^, with materiea^imateria-ts)^ always retain this
^=aV, and consequently exhibit the full or proper form of the
gen. pi. in -tmj». For, according to the rule, « = r is not usually
elided except between two short vowels, and the contraction
i = a{ produces the same result as the contractions d^^a^ and
$ = d~if in the first and second declension, so that we have arum
= a-^rum, orum = (h^rum and erum = a-irum. As canisy juvenis
and vatea form the gen. pi. in -urn, we infer from this simple fact
that they are as improperly included in the -«- declension as
other nouns are excluded from it. If we compare cania with
xvfov = fcvov^, we shall see that the % is merely an unorganic in-
sertion after the liquid, and the same is the case with juvenia;
whereas vates must be explained on the same principle as the
Greek compounds in -979 from neuter nouns in -09, which exhibit
the lengthened form only in the nom. and aocus. {New OrcU.
§ 228). The neuter nouns in -e, which are shown by their abl.
sing, in -t, their nom. accus. pi. in -ta, and their gen. pi. in -ttim,
to belong to the class of -4 nouns, are really the neuter forms of
adjectives in -w. Compare, for example, mcenia with comrmunis^
mare and miUe with acrisy agxlis, rete with restis and irretirey
animal for animxjde with cequaliSj &c. One of the strongest
proofs that the additional -i is an indication of the adjectival in-
flexion is furnished by the fact that while the immoveable vetua^
veteriay forms its gen. pi. in -um, and while celer, denoting " a
horseman," has no gen. pi. but celerum, the regularly inflected
adjective celer, celeriay celere, has a gen. pi. celer-ium. The same
inference may be drawn from the relation between jfraw* a d vaa^
&c. (below Ch. XIII. § 12)* With regard to the nouns in I and
r in particular, we must consider that the extensions in -lia and
360 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
"Tta are the basis of further extensioBS in -hua and -rtW, snch
as nucnl^us^ prceUhriua, &c,, which in Greek would sometimes
appear as -X^>co9, and for this there is an occasional parallel in
Latin, as in fame-li-cua. The following classification will show
how far the whole group of % nouns has retained or lost the
original characteristic.
(a) The characteristic % is retained in the singular, as in
sitis, TibertSy febris, puppis.
(J) The characteristic % is omitted or changed into c in the
nom. sing., but retained in the abl., as in mare^ animal^ pul-
vinar, os (gen. ossis),
(c) The characteristic I'is omitted or changed into e in the
nom. sing., and e always appears in the abl. sing., as in urhsy
nuhea^ merx, parSy Arpinas, Quirts,
id) The characteristic is absorbed by the contraction of a-i
into ^, which becomes a new characteristic, and is retained
throughout, as in dies for dia-is.
As this last class of nouns never exlnbits the original form
even in the gen. pi., and as it coincides in inflexions with the a
declension, of which it is an extension, it might be convenient
on some accounts to place it next to the nouns in a. We should
then have representatives of the three primary vowels a, c, o,
and as the original r of the genitive plural is not omitted except
between two short vowels, these vowel-nouns would have this
consistent distinction from all the others, while the dat. and abl.
dtebus would be paralleled by the occasional forms dealtiSy and
the gen. diet, dies would stand by the side of occasional forms
like aquat, familtas^ These resemblances between the first and
fifth declensions of the ordinary grammars have induced Bopp
( VerffL Oramm. p. 141 sqq.) to identify these forms of the Latin
noun, on the assumption that the ilT of the first declension was ori*
ginally a, and that the difference, for example, between materies
and materia is simply that between the Ionic 17 and the Doric a.
To the obvious objection that the nom. sing, of the ? nouns in-
variably exhibits a final «, which is always wanting in the a
nouns, not only in Latin, but in Sanscrit, Zend, Greek, Gothic,
and Lithuanian, Bopp replies by asserting that species and cani»
ties are linguistic patriarchs, exhibiting a more original form of
§ 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN
the other declension ! This is, to say the least, a s
tion from a comparative philologer ; for it substitutes an
conjecture, for an unexceptionable induction. If Bopp had been
thoroughly acquainted with the stmcture of the Greek and Latin
languages, he would have seen that the ultimate form of the
feminine always terminates in a short a, and that the forms in a,
1/, always involve some absorption of a or t. That the nouns in
'€8 are really nouns in -t- formed on the basis of nouns in -a,
may be shown by a few simple considerations. It is admitted
by all philologers that in Latin e = au Thus amimtts^amaimus,
and so forth (Bopp, Verg. Oram. p. 66). Therefore di^^dia-ia
(cf. dtdnits, &c.), mat€rte8=mat€ria-t8 [ct. materia) y &c. With the
exception of the gen. pi., which is found only in two nouns, dies
and res, the e nouns are inflected throughout in accordance with
the forms of the t- declension, supposing the contraction ai-=i.
For there is good authority for the gen. sing, in -^. Why the
gen. pi. in -erum is of such rare occurrence and whether the form
in 'turn was ever found, are questions which it is difficult to
answer. It is clear that Cicero objected to specierum {Topic. 7),
Quintilian to sperum (i. 6, §■ 26) ; and though we have, in late or
obsolete authors, such forms (tsfaderum (Cato, ap. Prise, p, 782)
and gladerwn (Sidon, ApoUon. Epiat. 4, 6 extr.), this proves
no more than the occurrence of lapiJkrum and the like (above,
p. 334). On the whole, there cannot be any doubt that the
nouns in €8 = aia ought to be placed after the nouns in i of which
they are a contracted declension.
Gen. PI. 'U'um.
(/9) It may be inferred that: nouns in u either inelvded or
were ultimately identical with the nouns in -», which have just
been discussed. Thus in Greek -u-v was originally - F*9 or -W9,
and the Oscan Ke-ia stands by the side of the Latin ci-ms
(above, p. 149). In most existing instances, however, this t has
been lost, and we have either a noun in t?, declined like the
purely consonant-nouns, or a form in which the u is retained
throughout, just as the i alone keeps its place in the most regular
of the i nouns. Of the former class, we have only two remain-
ing: bo8 for hov'8 (Greek /801)9), gen. bav-is, and Jus for Jov-s
(Greek Zevsi), gen. Jov-is. The nominative of this latter noun
N.
pupp~i8
G.
pupp-ta
D.
pupp-i
A.
pupp-tm
Abl.
pupp-i
G.pl
pupp-ium
N.A.
ret\{^'\e
camru
G.
ret'ta
com-us
D.
ret-i
com-u
N.pL
ret'ta
com-ua
G.pl.
rectum
oomrvum
362 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [OHAP. IX.
k alwajs connected with pater under the form of Jupiter , corre-
sponding more nearly to the Greek yocative. Thus Catnllus
(lxiy. [lxyi.], 48) translates the line of Callimachns word for
word as follows:
Z€v wartp^ tis XaKvfituf iray dinJXotro ycpof.
Ju-pUer ut Ohalybon omne genus pereat
The analogy between the nouns in i and u will be seen from
the following comparison :
trib-us
trib-He
tribu-i or trihd
trtb'um
trib'U
trib-uum
There are two nouns of the i declension, which deserve es-
pecial consideration, not only on their own account, but also on
account of some remarkable assonances in the cognate languages,
which might lead to misconception or confusion : — ^these are re$^
" a thing or object," and Tnare, " the sea." I have shown, in
another work, that rea^h-ra-is is a derivative from hir^j(elp
(Yarro, L. L. iv. 26), and that it must therefore be compared
with the Greek %peo9, xp^/a, xP^M^y ^^ which it bears the same
relation as Icena, luridtis, &c. do to j^Xaipa, ^K^pS^Sy &c. Con-
sequently, res is " that which is handled," and means an object
of thought in accordance with that practical tendency of the
Boman mind which made them regard all realities as necessarily
palpable^, whereas the Greeks were contented with the evidence
of the eyes. Thus, while a Greek declared his certainty by the
predicates hapyri<i^, ifi<f>avii^, o-cufnj^y &c., referring to light,
^ Ariosto (Orlando FurioMo, vu. 1) speaks of the Tulgar belief as de-
pendent on the sight and tench combined :
Che 'i sciocco Yulgo non gli vuol da fede,
Se non le vede o toeea chiaro o piane.
* For this use of ivapyii^ we may compare ^schyl. P«r«. 179 : aXX*
oMnw rotoyd* evapyit c^dcSftijy with Soph. Track. 11: fftotrAp ipapyrft niv-
pos; which is opposed to avbptit^ kvtu fiovtrpt^poi or the partial assumption
of the bovine form. Just in tho same way we find in Shakspere
{K. John, I. 2) :
Mine eye hath well examined his parts,
And finds them perfect Richard.
J
§ 7.] DBCLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 363
the Boman brought every thing to the test of the toach, and /
pronounced a thing " mamfestll^(wiant^^ .re«) when he couli
reach out his hand and feel it. With the Greeks the idea of
handling was connected with that of facility, rather than with
that of evidence: thus evj(€pii^, "easy," is opposed to Si;o^epj;9,
"diflScult:" and as fidfyrj in old Greek was a synonym of x'^V
(and probably akin to maniui)^ evfiapi^^ is a common equivalent
to €ux€p^^ {Schol. Ven. ad Hiad. XV. 37). Now this word fidfyq.
brings us to the first of those apparent resemblances between the
Greek and Latin, against which I would caution the student.
For the Etymolog, Magn, directly connects fidp-rv^ " a witness"
with fULpfq "a hand," and thus brings us back to the Eoman
manxfeata res; the compiler says (p. 78, 11): fiaprv<i o frnpr^a^;
fcal elhdh rd oKrjOk. But, as I have shown elsewhere {New
Crat. § 460), fuzprw is not immediately connected with fidptf,
but belongs to the same application of the root as fne-mor, fiip-
i/ipa, &c., so that it is expressive rather of the memory and
spoken record than of the certainty of the thing declared. And
here we have a remarkable difference between the Greek and.^^;- /
Boman conceptions of "truth." For while the Greek pAprrv^
refers to memory, and the Greek 0X17^179 to the absence of for- \\^^
getfulness, the Latin teatia refers jib to testa a piece of earthen- /.. .
ware used as a proof, ticket, or symholum (cf. tesaeray which is for ^< ^ -
iestera^ and not from the Greek riaa-ape^)^ and varus , like the^ -^
Teutonic wdr and the Lithuanian geras^ which mean both verua
and honua (Graff, Sprach, I. 913), indicates the certainty, good-
ness, validity, and protection, on which we may rely with confi-
dence. It is well known to Latin scholars that verua even in
the classical writers not unfrequently recurs to its original mean-
ing, and denotes rather that which is good, right, and proper,
than that which is true as a matter of fact. Thus, in Livy, 11.
48: verum eaae habere eoa quorum aanguine et audore partum ait.
j7ci<iit ^/
And Milton says {Parad. Reg, i. 82) :
I Baw
A perfect dore descend ;
i.e. Ivapytjg ntpurrtpd, Arifltotle (Eth, Nicom, I. 1, 3) uses wapyf^g and
<l>aptp6s as synonymotts expressions for that which falls within the reach
of our ordinary experience.
364 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [cHAP. IX.
** it was right and proper that those should have it by whose blood
and labour it had been obtained." Cf. IIT. 40, xxxii. 33, XL.
16; Caesar, B. G. iv. 8; Virgil. jEn. xii. 696; Horace, 2 Serm.
III. 312; 1 Epiat. Yii. 98. This meaning is sometimes made
more clear by the addition of cequus, as in Horace, 1 EpiaL xil.
23: nil Qrosphua niai vonim orabtt et (Bquum. And decena is
similarly added, as in Horace, 1 Ilpist I. 11 : qtiod verum aique
decens euro et rogo et omnia in hoc aunt (see Gronovius and Drar-
kenborch on Liv. II. 48). Again, fuipff bears an outward resem-
blance to the Latin mare, the other word under discussion, and
the syllabic correspondence is strengthened by our knowledge of
the fact, that Oevapy which denotes " the hollow of the hand," is
also used to signify " the surface of the sea" (see Pind. lathm.
III. 74). But these are merely accidental coincidences: for, as
we have seen above (p. 90), «wa-re and the Sclavonian mo-re
must be referred to thtf Semitic U^D , the second syllable being
that which appears in the Greek picD, the Etruscan rt7, &c.
Besides, mare does not signify " the aurfiice of the sea," but the
Toaaa of water, as opposed to dry-land. The surface of the
water is denoted by pelagua, directly borrowed from the Greek
wi>uxrfo<;, which is connected with TrXaf , and means " an extended
sheet of water;" hence irikaryo^ signifies '*the high-sea," and
TreXarfU)^ means " out at sea" {New Crat. § 280). K a river
had burst its banks and covered a large expanse of CQimtry, it
would be called a mare, or ^ flood," and might in that case ex-
hibit a pelagva or " wide surface of water." Thus Virgil says
of the mouth of the Po {JEn. I. 246):
It mare proruptum, et pdago premit arra soDantL
" It rushes forth in a Jlood, and covers the lands with a roaring
akeet of voater^ This view of the origin and signification of
ma-re is important with reference to its form as a noun in «. We
see this % in other words involving the root re, as ri-vua, ri-l,
&c. ; and considering the general meaning of adjectives in -ti,
we must come to the conclusion that ma-r-e is the neuter of an
adjective ma-re-ia = ma-r-ia = vSpopp6o<;. To return to re» = hra-
is, the termination seems to indicate it as a doing, rather than as
a thing done — ^as a ^^ hand-ling^^ {Jiandlung) rather than as a
work, — ^as a XPV<'^^^ rather than as a Xf^f^' Practically, how-
§7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 365
ever, res means a mere object of thought, a thing which is or
may be handled; and this appears still more dearlj from the
use of re-OTy " I think," i. e. " I propose a res to my mind," and
its derivative ra-tto (from ra-tus), which implies the action of
the verb, and denotes the mode or act of thinking. Still, it may
be seen, by a little care in the examination, that the fixed or
passive meaning of res is quite consistent with its original use as
a noun of action. As we shall see, when we come to the gerun-
dia and gerundiva, the difference between active and passive
becomes evanescent when we descend to the infinitive or abstract
use of a word. When we are speaking of the " winding-up of a
business," " the closing of a shop," &c., it is obvious that we
direct attention to the thing done, rather than to the act of doing
it. Just so with res as opposed to ratio. Between these two tlie
substantive reus and the verb reor may be presumed to inter-
vene. If res means a " handling," or "action," reus will denote
the person implicated in the action ; and as res, in a legal sense,
denotes the cause and object of the controversy, in the same
technical application reus will denote a person accused or im-
peached — ctyus res agitur. And as ratio has no existence save
through the verb reor, it must mean something more than the
mere bodily handling implied by res. It must denote a mental
operation consequent upon this contact. And, in point of fact,
rcUio always implies some intellectual process, or the plan and
system which emanate from it. While res or res famiUaris is
the property, ratio is the account kept; respuhlica is the state or
object of government, ratio is the mode of governing ; res is the
outer world, as in natura rerum, &c., ratio is the inner reason,
which deals with it theoretically. And this opposition is even
carried so far that, while verborum ratio is the aiTangement of
words, or the style (Cic. de Oratore, II. 15, § 64), we have
rerum ratio (§ 63) for " history," or the arrangement of facts
and actions.
The neuters in 6 of this declension are interesting as examples
of the form which appears by the side of all masculine and
feminine adjectives in -w, as tristis^ neut. triste. Of course this
theory assures us that the original ending of their neuter must
have been -id, just as ante was originally antid. And this
inference is confirmed by an obsolete neuter in -w, which bears
L/-""
366 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN: [CHAP. IX.
the same relation to -id that corpus, opus, &c.y do to the original
corptid, opudj &c. This neater is found in potts, satis, bj the
side ofpote and sat (for sate); thus, Lucret. i. 452:.
OoDJunctum est id, quod nunquam sine pemiciali
DiBcidio potii est sejangi seqae gregarl
V. 716:
Corpus enim licet esse aliud, quod fcrtur et ana
Labitur omnimodiB occursans efficiensque,
Neo potii est cemi, quia cassam lumine fertur.
Terent. Adelph. lY. 1, 5: '4ta fiat et istoe, si quid potts est
rectius." Catull. Lxxv. 24 : " quod non potts est" Lxxi. 7 :
" qui potts est.'* Com. Nep. Epam. 4 : " abstinentiae erit hoc
satis testimonium:" of. Hannib. 6. These passages are quoted
by Schwartze, das alte ^gypten, i. p. 637. The same expla-
nation applies to necessus for necessum or necesse, in the Senatus
Consultum de Bacckanalibus. The neuter in >t9 is sometimes a
representative of -t« for -tw«, as in tnagis (by the side of magej^
nimis, tdtts {Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Spvf. ill. p. 277 seq.) ; comp,
aliquantis^per, pauUis-per, tantis-per, &o.
CHAPTER X
PB0N0UN8 AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.
§ I. GenenJ definitions. § i. Personal Pronouns. § 3. Indicative Pronouns.
§ 4. Distinctive Pronouns. § 5. Relative, interrogative, and indefinite Pro-
nouns. § 6. Numerals and degrees of comparison. § 7. Prepositions.
§ 8. Negative Particles.
§ 1. Oeneral Definitions.
THE tenn pronoun^ in accordance with its original meaning
{pronomeUy dvT(DWfila){ ought to denote onlj those words
which are used as substitutes for nouns. But according to that
which appears to me to be the only scientific classification, all
words fall into two great divisions, — ^anouns, or words which
indicate space or position; and words containing roots, which
express the positional relations of general attributes. The former
do not allow any admixture with the other element of language :
the latter require the addition of at least one pronominal suffix
to make them words. I have therefore proposed^ to call the
pronouns, or positional words, the organizing, constituent, or
formative element of inflected language, and the roots I would
designate as the material element of human speech. With this
extension of meaning the t&na pronoun will include not only the
personal, demonstrative, and relative words, which it generally
denotes, but also the prepositions, the conjunctions, and those
adverbs which are not merely cases of nouns.
§ 2. Personcd Pronouns.
Although the verb has three persons, the Latin language
does not use more than two personal pronouns or general indi-
cations of the nominative case. For, although ego and tu may be
used with the first and second persons of the verb, which, as we
shall see, are not consistently expressed by the inflexions, with
the third person, which always ends in -t or 'tur, the nominative
is either omitted or expressed by a noun substantive. When,
however, in the objective construction it is necessaiy to introduce
1 Nsw Orat. § 128.
368 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. X.
a pronoun referring to the nominative of the verb, we employ
the reciprocal or reflexive ae. Thus, although dtceba-t is a suf-
ficient expression of " he said, or used to say," we must introduce
se before an infinitive expressing the assertion ; as : dicebant SE
esse bonum vtrum, "he said that he (the person, in question,
who said) was a good man;" and as we should write ego
diceba-m ME esse^ or tu dxceba-s TE esse^ we may infer au ori-
ginal pronoun of the third person beginning with «- and corre-
sponding to the Greek 6 or ?, just as e corresponds to se. But
this form occurs only in the oblique cases, sui^ sibi, se, and in the
particles «i-c, si-ne, si, and se-d.
The original inflexions of the two personal pronouns were as
follows :
Sing.
N. e-go or ego^met tu or tu-te
G. mis ti-s
D. mi-M (for mi-fi or mi-bi) ti-bi
A. me-he te-he
Abl. me-^ te-d.
For the plural, or rather the collective form, of the personal
pronouns, we have two different roots corresponding to pwi and
a^£ly which are used as the dual in Greek; and from these
roots we have the nom., ac, voc. no-s, vo-s; dat., abl. no-bi-s,
vo-^bt-s. According to the analogy of vmv, a-<l>mv, we ought also
to have genitives no-uw or no-sum, and vo-um or vo-sum. But
these are not found. Indeed, although the singular genitives
mis, tisj which may have been originally forms in -jus, like
hu-jus, e-jus, &c., retained their use as late as Plautus, these also
became obsolete in classical Latinity, and the genitive forms for
the singular and plural were derived from the possessive adjec-
tives mens, tuuSy nos-ter, ves-ter. The connexion between the
genitive and the epithet is well known {New Crat. § 298),
and in all languages the possessive may take the place of the
genitive of a pronoun. But in Latin and Greek we have not
only a possessive in direct adjectival agreement with its noun,
but, by a singular attraction, we have the genitive of the pos-
sessive used as if it Were the genitive of the pronoun itself. I
call this an attraction, for I think it must be explained by a
transition from those idiomatic collocations, in which a dependent
§2.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 369
genitive stands by the side of the possessive. Thus we may say
not only mea scrtpta, " my writings," for " the writings of me,"
but even mea acripta redtare timentis (Hor. I. Serm. 4, 23),
**the writings of me fearing to recite;" and not only fjfierepa
ipi^j "our contention," for "the contention of us," but even
dyaff&v ipi^ i^fieripa (JSschyL Earn. 975), "the contention of
us good persons." We see then how easy the transition may be
from such phrases as mea unitia opera resptiblica est salva^ or
ve»tri8 paucorum respondet laudtbus, to earn unius tut etudio
me oi^equi passe confido^ or vestrum ^&mnium voluntati paruit
Hence we find that ultimately mei and tut were the only geni-
tives of effo and tUy and nostri or nostrum, and vestri or vestrum^.
the only genitives of nos and vos. The same remark applies to
the very defective pronoun of the third person, the reciprocal se^
which has lost its nominative, and has only the genitive sut, the
dative sUn, and the accusative or ablative se, for all genders and
numbers. We must also consider the Greek iftov, or ^loO^
anciently /a€oS (JV^ drat. § 134), and cov, as properly belonging
to the possessive. The hypothesis of .an attraction, which I have
proposed, is the only way of explaining the difference in the
usage of nostrt, nostrum, and of vestri, vestrum. That nostrum,
vestrum are genitives plural, is clear from the tact that they were
anciently used in the full forms nostrorum, vestrorum; thus in
Flautus {Mostell. i. 3, 123) we have : verum illud est, maanmaque
pars vostrorum intdligit. As genitives jfchey can only be explained
by an attraction into the case of some plural genitive expressed
or understood. In general, we do not find the genitive except
when the personality is emphatically expressed; as in Ovid,
Heroid. XIII. 166 : 8i tibi cura mei sit tibi cura tui. Cic.
CatiL IV. 9: hahetis ducem memorem vestri, ohliium sui*
And here it may stand by the side of an inflected possessive, as
in Cic. ad Fam. xil. 17: grata miki vehementer est memoria
nostri tua; or even be opposed to one, as in Ovid, Beroid.
VII. 134: parsgue tui lateat corpore dausa meo. But whereas
nostri, vestri, are used only when we speak of the persons as a
whole; as: memoria nostri tua, "your recollection of us," as a
single object of thought ; nostrUm, vestrUm are employed when
we speak of the persons as a collection of separate or separable
elements. Accordingly, the latter is the form adopted after such
D. V. 24
870 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X-
a word as pars (in the passage quoted above from Plautus), and
by the side of omnium, as in Cic. Cat. I. 7 : patria est com-
munis omnium nostrUm parens, " our native land is the common
parent of all of ns/* many and separable as we are. But that it
is reallj in this case an attraction from the inflected possessive,
is clear from such passages as Cic. CcU. iv. 2 : hi ad vegtram
omnium ccedem Bothcb restiterunt We have a genitive by the
side of the possessive in the construction of the impersonal verbs,
/' or rather phrases, re-Jhrt=rei fsrt, "it contributes to the in-
A\ terest," bhA Jnterest, "it is concerned about the business,"
where rei is understood in the sense in which the Latin verb
has become an English substantive*. In these phrases we have
either a gen. of the person or persons interested, or the pos-
sessive pronouns, med, tua, sud^ nostra, vestrd, agreeing with
the dative rei, expressed in re-fert, and understood in interest.
Thus we have : fadundum aliquid, quod illorum magis, quam
sua r^'tulisse videretur, "he must do something which might
seem to have been more for the interest of those others than
for his own;" Ccesar dicer e solebat non tarn sud quam reipub^
licas interesse, ut salvus esset, "Caesar used to say that it was
not so much for his interest as for that of the state that he
should be safe." That re for rei is the dative, and consequently
that med, sud, &c., here stand for mece, suce, &c., is proved
by the competent testimony of Verrius (Festus, p. 282, ed.
MnUer): rerfert quum didmus, errare nos ait Verrius. Esse
enim rectum kei pert, dativo scilicet, non ahlativo casu. In
Cato, B. B. c. 3. we have: et rei et virtuti et glorim erit.
That fero may be used absolutely without any accusative is
clear from such phrases as: dum tempus ad earn rem tulii
(Ter. Andr. i. 2, 17), dum cetas tulit (id. ibid. il. 6, 12), nunc
ita tempus fert, ut cttpiam (Heaut. IV. 1, 64), scilicet ita tempus
fert {Adelpk. v. d-, 5). And it is unnecessary to show ihaifsro,
like \ua-kre\iw, may govern the dativus commodi. The change
of €B into a is found also in post-hoc, inter^ea, &c., which will
be explained immediately.
1 For re -rei m this sense cf. Plaut. Trinumm. in. 2, 9 = 635 : turn
re consulere cupio.
§ 3.] PRONOUNS AND PitONOMlNAL WORM* $?t
§ 3, Indicative Pronouns.
The three pronoims, hie, iste, tile are called mdicative, be-
cause they indicate, as obfectSy the three personal distinctions,
which, in the cases already considered, are expressed as mbjecta
of the verb. Hie, "this," " the person or thing Aere," indicates
the speaker and all close to him; iste, " that »of yours," indicates
the person addressed and those in his proximity; tZfe, "that
other," indicates all distant persons and objects. This distinction
was well known to the oldest grammarians, and is fully borne
out by the consistent usage of the best writers. Priscian's defi-
nition is rather vague : he says (xvii. 9. § 68, Vol. ii. p. 39,
Krehl) : " Demonstrativa [sunt] hie, iste, et iUe. Sed interest
quod iUe spatio longiore intelligitur, iate vero propinquiore ; hio
autem non solum de praesente, verum etiam de absente possumus
diccre, ad intellectum referentes demonstrationem, ut, hoe regnum
dea gentihvs ease Yergilius ad absentem Carthaginem rettulit
demonstrationem." But Laurentius Valla has given the personal
reference of the three pronouns with the greatest accuracy
{Elegant, ii. c. iv. p. 39. ed. Aldina, 1536) : " de we loquens
dicere debeo hoe eaptU, hcee mantM, hcee eivitas. De te vero
tstud eaput, ista tnanus, ista eivitas. De tertiu autem per^
sona illud eaput, ilia manus, iUa dvitad. CiceTo in Antonium
{Phil. II. 25): tu istis faxidhus, &c., h.e. istis tuisfoudbus, &c.
Unde nascuntur adverbia istie, istinc, istae, istue, istorsum, isto.
Ut idem ad Valerium juris consultum : qui istine veniunt aiunt
te superhiorem esse juetum, i.e. qui ab ista provincia in qua
agis, htie in Italiam Bomamque veniunt." Practically we find
that hie and iste are opposed as / Mid you, and hie and ille as
near and distant. Thus we find (Cic. Aead. IV. 33) : " iisdem
hie sapiens, de quo loquor, oculis, quibus iste vester terram, mare,
intuebitur;" and {pro Bdbirio, il.): "si illos, quo$ Jam videre
non possumus, negligis, ne his quidem, quos tndes, consuli putas
oportere." And thus in reference to circumstances previously
mentioned,, ille denotes the former or more distant, hie the latter
or nearer particular ; as in Propert. ill. 14, 17 :
Qoalis et Eurot» Pollux ct Castor tremB,
Hio yictor pugnis, ilk futarus equis.
The same distinctions are observable in certain peculiar usages.
24—2
372 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS, [CHAP. X.
Thus Terence has {Andr. ii. 1,10) : " tu si hic sis, aliter sentias,"
"if you were in my place, you would think otherwise." In
lawsuits iste, " the man before you," i. e. the judicesy is the
opponent : hence, we find this pronoun used with a certain ex-
pression of contempt to indicate a person who has been brought
unfavourably before the notice of those whom we are addressing;
whereas »%, "that other," as indicating a person so striking as
to attract our attention in spite of his remoteness, is often used
to denote a well-known or eminent individual, as: " magnus iUe
Alexander," or " Medea tfla." In all these usages the triad Aic,
wte, ille, correspond to the Greek Z&, ovro^, iKelvoi;. This is
especially seen in the employment of oBe and ovro^ to designate
the first and second persons respectively. Thus (Edipus is made
to say of himself: ovri /jurj Xdxo'^o'i rovSe avfifiax'^^ {(EdL C.
450) : but he is addressed by the subterraneous voice {^id.
1627): cJ o5to9, o5to9 Oi8t7rov9, rl fUWofiof; The speaker
in a law-court generally designates himself, his client, and his
affairs, by iSe; but the opponent is oSra^ = iate^ " the man before
you" (the judges). In continuous narrative roSe are the things
which I am about to say, which are before me, but not yet
before my readers; whereas ravra are the things just said, and
which have been submitted to them. This shows that the true
reading in iEschylus, SuppL 313, must be :
X0> B^Xoy hhranha wmpa rovtl^ Cftov trttrpos,
BA. t6 iroy tra^Ss ww Hyofia tovtov lun ^/xuroF.
For the Chorus having spoken of their father as present by
them (toOSc), the King, in his reply, would designate him as by
their side {tovtov).
"With regard to the etymology of the indicative pronouns,
there can be no doubt that the first part of Ai-c corresponds to
the Greek ?, which appears as the nominative of the reflexive
go = ov, ol, I. It is therefore a subsidiary form of o = <ro, 'and
while the h is represented by a more original sibilant in «t-c, se,
&c., it has vanished altogether in t-«, i-terum, i-^tem, &c. The
most original form represented the Anlaut as a strong combina-
tion of the guttural and labial, which we call the digamma ; and
thus qui, si'C, Ai-c, is, will be four forms of the same pronominal
root signifying proximity, in whioh the guttural element has
successively degenerated. The sibilant form, which is regularly
§ 3,] P&ONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. S7S
found in the Sanscrit sa^ sak^ $6^ and in the Umbrian eao^ &c.,
where there is an initial vowel as in ifjA^ compared with fii^
was still extant in the dajs of Ennios, who writes «o-m, sa-psOf
su-m^ 8(hs. The guttural appears without any labial affection in
the affix -o- or -C6, and in the forms cia^ citra^ ceteris &c. The
forms iatici-ne, ilUci-ney hid-ne^ tunci-ne, show that c» is an
older form of the affix than C6, and the inscription of Aquila has
even the form heicei (Corssen, i. p. 271), As there is reason to
believe that the first syllable of the Umbrian e-so is a residuum
of the second pronominal element Fa, analogous to the i in i-s,
&c., the form e-sTi-k (above, p. 102) is really a combination of
three, as Aw; is of two similar elements. The Latin forms e-ho^
e-ja^ e-go (New Grot, § 134) might lead us to infer that A-w may
originally have been e-A^-c = e-«M-c. As the first element, in
this repetition of cognate syllables, was generally omitted in
Latin, so we find that the final -c was dropt in the usual form of
the genitive hujusy though hujiis-ce occasionally appears, and
was usually omitted in the plural, with the exception of the nom.,
accus., voc. neuter hB-c^ha-ce, though good writers have occa-
sionally Ai-c for hi (Varro, L.L. vi. 73), and h(B-c for h<B (Plant.
Aulul in. 5, 59; Ter. Eun. in. 6, 34; Phorm. v. 8, 23, &c.),
in the nom. masc. and fem. The neuter Jub-c furnishes us with
the clue to some important analogies.
If there is good reason to connect At-c = e-Ai-c with the
XJmbriam e-su-h^ there is still more reason for seeking an affinity
between the second indicative pronoun u-te and the Umbrian
es'tu. The latter combination will not allow us to doubt that
the final syllable is identical with the second personal pronoun.
Its adjectival inflexion in three genders is a subsequent result of
its usage. But there is no reason to conclude that the forms
-■tius, ti (for -tibt), -tum^ -to, are not as original as tts, tibi and te*
The identity of the first part of em-k or e-hi-c and es-tu^ as in-
dicatives of the first and second pronouns, is supported by the
Hebrew 'Mn6hi, "I," and 'han-td^'hU-td, "thou," which are
similarly distinguished by the affix only. And such forms as
e^o-met, i-yai-vrf, Sanscrit a-Ao-wi, show that the syllables e-ffOf
a-ha, e-ho, &c., do not in themselves indicate the first person»
though they strongly exhibit the idea of nearness as opposed to
that of all other positions. But although -c is the distinction
374 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. X.
between the first and second pronouns of indication, such is the
general usefulness of this adjunct that it is occasionally, though
yarely, appended even to certain forms of ia-te, as is-tcBCy &c.
And, what is still more singular, we find even tllcBCy &c. These
are irregularities, and the general distinction of M^e and ia-te
remains as I have described it ; and thus their relatiTe meanings
of "here** and "near to the here'* are fully supported by their
etymology.
An analysis of the third indicative pronoun tUe leads to
results quite as interesting aa that of the other two. There
cannot be any doubt that tUe, " that other,'* and aliua^ "another,"
ftgreeing as they do in declension and primitive meaning, are
only different forms of one and the same word: and thus the
double I of tile will belong to the same form of assimilation as
the Greek synonym oXXo? {New Gratyl, § 215). The other
forms, under which the root of iUe or alius occurs, are ollus^
which is a common archaism of t7Ze, and is found even in Virgil ;
ol'im for oll-4m (" antiqui enim litteram non geminabant,'* Fest.)
=^%Uo tempore; soltis = 8&-olt8 sz sine aliisf uh (opposed to ct»,
^ tile is to Alb) = ilh loco; al-ter and ul-tra, ul4ertor, id-timus^
expressing relative degrees of distance and separation ; and td-^o
signifying movement to a degree beyond expectation. To these
must be added compounds beginning with aZt-, as alt-quis, &c.
The I is retained in the Goth, alis, O. N. ella, A. S. ele, O. H. G.
ali; but a comparison with the Sanscrit an-^ya ;= alius, an-tara =
alter, and the Goth, an-thar, 0. N. an-mar, A. S. other, 0. H. G.
an-dar, &c., leads us to the conclusion that the original form must
have involved an n, and thus we fall back on the Greek expres-
sion for distant locality, — d-va, and ultimately arrive at Ketvo^ =
iic-ei^w? (cf. &W9), the synonym of tile in its regular use, and
Ka-rdy the correlative of ai/a, both as- a preposition and as a par-
tide {New Grot. §§ 136, 138). As it may be shown that dvd,
in its most distinct significations, is represented by in {New Orat,
§ 170), it will follow that ille^in-T/ue bears the same relation
to in that aXXo9 does to dvd. And while the a in all these forms
is more original than the i (above, p. 309), it is equally clear that
the Latin ol- and ul- are successive extenuations of the original
vowel, caused in part by the change of n into I (p. 317), The
termination of oll-us, ali-us is softened into -e in ille, just as we
§S.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 375
have ipse and tste for tpsue and tatus, and just as we have necessB
hj the side of neceastis. Of all the words, in which this root
enters, ultro alone obscures the original meaning of '^ distance
and separation/' It seems to be used as a sjnonjm of sponte^
which signifies "of one's own accord" or "free inclination.'*'
But an accurate examination of all the passages, in which it
occurs, enables us to trace it back to its original meaning, "to a
place beyond," which is still found in such phrases as uUro
istum a msj " take him tsLt from me" (Plant. Capt iii. 4, 19),
tiltro cttroqm, " thither and hither," Ats lacrymis vitam damua^
et miserescimtis ultro, " to these tears we grant his life, and
pity him besides" (see Ddderlein, Sifn. u. Etym. ill. 103, sqq.).
Hence, while ih-pantey which is the abl. of s-pons or ex^pons, a
derivative of another form oiponduSy means " by its own weight
or inclination," " of its own accord," " unbidden" (Hor. I. Epist.
XII. 17 : spofUe sud, jusscene), ultro means " going still farther,"
" going beyond expectation," " showing an activity which ex-
cites surprise," or the like. Thus we find such phrases as
(Plautus, Mil. GL ii. 1, 13) : aitseae ultro omnia muUeres sector
rier, " he says that all the women even go so far as to run after
him;" (Tac. Ann, xill. 23): cammotia qui aderant, uUroque
epiritua yiia mitigantibuay "when those who stood by were affected,
and, what is more, actively bestirred themselves to pacify her
wrath ;" and (Hor. Carm. iv. 4, 61) : aectamur uUro quoa opimua
fattere et effugere eat triumpht^, " contrary to all expectation, we
pursue those, whom we ought to be only too happy to escape."
It is clear from this that no single English word is more nearly the
equivalent of ultro in this secondary application than our com-
mon particle " even." The true force of uUro is also seen in the
quasi-compound uUro tributumj which is the correlative otvecttgal,
and implies that as the farmers of the taxes {vectigalia) had to pay
money into the treasury, the state had even to advance money to
those who contracted for the public works {uUro tributa). Thus we
read that the censors incurred odium when they diminiahed the
payment on account of the latter, and increased the sums to be
paid in on account of the taxes (Liv. xxxix. 44) : vectigalia aum^
miapretiiaj uUro tributa injimia locaverunt, which Plutarch {v. Cat
p. 347), explains by: avareWo^v roi: fua-ffoU ra^ ipyoKafiian;, rcL
Bk riXtf Ta?9 irpcuT&Tiv iirl ra^ k<r)(afTa^ iKavvfOiv rifid^. This
V'
876 PRONOTTNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. X.
explains the metaphor in Seneca, de Benefic. iv. 1 : cum tmius
nee Iticrum invitet, nee absterreat damno, adeoque neminem spe ac
pollidtatione carrumpcU, ut contra in se impenderejubeai et scqnua
in ultra tributis sit, — that is, virtue belongs to the class of those
contracts which imply an initiatory expenditure on the part of
those who let them out. To complete the analysis of the third
indicative pronoun, it is worth while to notice that the aflSx
hunt or hant, which marks this pronoun in Umbrian, is clearly
connected with the English yon in yonder y heryond, &c. ; and this
brings us at once, through the Goth. jatn^j^atW, N. 'R.Gt.jener^
&c,, to the Greek teelvoniy and the root of ille. And thus we see
that the common Latin, like the Greek, has lost the three fall
forms of the distinctive pronouns, which are preserved in the
Umbrian eau-k (= ehic = Atic), " the particular thing here," et-tu
(= iste), " the particular thing where you are," and er-oni = e»"
ont (= -^u/ov = t7fe), " the particular thing yonder.'' The form
iKuwy; maj be a residuum of icxeivofs = es-ont, and the same ex*
planation may apply to i-fU, &c. Practically we find that iHe
= alius differs from al-4er as plurality differs from d«ality, that
is as aXXo^; — akio<; differs from hepof;; for al-ius, aXXo9 denote
" that other person of many," and cdrtery l-^repo^ " that other
person of two." On the general differences in meaning and use
between the comparative affixes in -ius or -ibr and -ter-, the
reader may consult the New Cratylus^ § 165.
§ 4. Distinctive Pronouns,
The elements m^, e-Ao, e-so, Ai-, which, we have seen, con-
stitute the initial syllable or syllables of the indicative pronomis,
appear without any affix in the merely distinctive pronoun is.
In the older Latin Grammars it used to be the custom to exhibit
the indicative hie ss a sort of prepositive article : but this func-
tion, so far as the Latin language is capable of performing it at
all, belongs rather to the weaker form is, which disHnguishes
the particular person referred to, especially when the distinction
is supported by a defining relative sentence. Thus, is Piso in
Sallust, Catil. c. 19, is as nearly as possible o n/<ra>i/. The
functions of ti, as a distinctive pronoun, are carried still farther
by its association with two derivatives i-dem and i-pse (some-
§ 4.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 877
times ijmui). If we except that meaning of is, which has been
already mentioned, and according to which it appears as the cor-
relative and antecedent to qui, — so that is qui means '^ the parti-*
cular person who," and the relative sentence becomes eqnivialent
to tide Greek participle with the article, — we shall find that is
and its two derivatives enable ns to reproduce in Latin the dif-
ferent usages of avr6^. Thus, w is a mere pronoun of reference
like the oblique cases of aruro^r uxor efus is the exact counter-
part of »7 ywff avTov, "his wife" or "the wife of a person
already mentioned and referred to;" sgnijungit eos renders (JnJy-
mxrvif avrov^, **^he yokes them," i, e. the cattle already mentioned.
Idem means more emphatically "the very he," "the same man,"
like o avr6<:^ And ipse signifies "the man himself," or "the
man distinguished from others," like ovro^, when it is used as a
secondaiy predicate in apposition without the article {Complete
Oreek Oramm, art. 444, d, aa). The declension of is, namely, is,
ea, id, gen. ejus, &c., is preserved in i'-dem for is-dem, en-dem,
i^-dem for id-dem, gen. ejus-dem, &c., so that dem becomes a
mere appendage like the Greek irep, S17, to both of which it
partly corresponds in meaning, and to the latter of which it is
•directly related. In the classical use of ipse, on the contrary,
the first part, or the is, remains uninflected, while the second
syllable is regularly declined; thus: i'^se{'-tis), i-psa, i-psum,
gen. i-psius, &c. There are two ways of explaining this pheno-
menon. We may suppose that th.^ ps" represents an inversion of
the reciprocal 0-^ analogous to the Doric ^p4, '^Ivi and thus the
inflexion of the second part only will correspond to the Greek
forms ifiavTov, eaurov, &c., where the first part is immoveable.
This is Bopp's theory. But it may with justice be objected
that ipse corresponds to auri^, and that we have the combina-
tions me ipsum, se ipsum, &c. Besides, we find in the older
writers that the included is is regularly declined, while the aSBx
^pse remains as an immutable appendage, just like the -dem of
i-^em; thus we have eam-pse (Plaut. GtstelL I. 3, 22; AuL
V. 7), eorpse ilia {CurcuL IV. 3, 2), eo-pse illo (ibid. 5): and
especially in the combination re ea-pse, or reapse (Festus, p. 278,
Muller). Since therefore we find another affix -pte also appended
not only to the declined forms of is, as in eo-pte (Festus, p. 110,
cf. ipsippe=^ipsipte, p. 105), but also to vos, mihi, meo, sue, &c,
378 PBONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. X.
as vo-pte, mihi-pUy meo-pte, «wo-yte, &c., as this cannot be re-
ferred to an inversion of w, but may bear the same relation to
*pse that the original supines in -turn do to ther secondary fonns
in -sum, I fall back on the other explanation, and consider -pte
an indeclinable affix, analogous to ware, which has been softened
into -psBy perhaps from an original assimilation in ts-pie (c£
SltTKO^ for hU-atcofi^ X€<t^ from Xey-<riCT7, &c,).
The declension of w, yvSy reminds us at once of Ai-c, hu-
ju^f and it is clear that the former is only a weaker modifica-
tion of the latter, just as the Greek t is of the older ? (New
CraU § 139). The most striking diflferences in the inflexions of
18 and hi'C are entirely due to the -c or -ce appended to the lat-
ter, and there is reason to believe that this affix, which appears
attached to all the indicative pronouns, was originally appended
also to the distinctive is and the relative qui. Indeed, as qui^
si'C, ht'O and w are successive degenerations of one and the
same form, there is no reason to exclude from the first and last
the strengthening appendage which so constantly appears with
the two intermediate words. To say nothing of the alleged
occurrence of such forms as eis-ce (Plant. Mercai, proL 91),
ejus'ce (Aul. Gell. lemm. c. xiY. 1. Ill), cujua-ce (Cic. de In-
vent. II. 45, § 134), &c., the original appendage of *ce to the
neuter plurals at least of is and qui may be proved by the fol-
lowing induction. Where the accus. neut. pi. of is becomes fixed
in combination with certain prepositions, as in inter-ed, jpast-ed,
proBter-ed, &c,, the d is long. It is therefore fair to conclude
that, when these compounds were formed, there was some reason
for the length of the plural 4, which, as a general rule, is short
in all Greek and Latin words. Now we find in ItBtin post-hoc =
post'hcec, qua~propter=:quoB-proptery and med re/Brt^mecB rei
fert. Therefore a may represent as. And as post-fidc, qua-
propter are entirely analogous to postea^ propterea^ it follows
that the neuter plural of is was anciently e«, just as the neuter
plurals of hie and qui were hm-c and qu<B. But oa = at, therefore
ecBy and quce stand for ed-i^ qua-i; and as the neuter plural hcec can
only be explained as a residuum of hd-ce or hd-cis, the final i in
the two other cases must represent a lost guttural fulcrum. This
view is confirmed by the fact that the Oscan represents post-^
under the form post-esa-k (above, p. 145) ; and the same ex-
§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 379
planation applies to post-tlld = post-iUa-c. The strongest oonfirm-
ation of this view is furnished by the fact that no other proba-
ble explanation has been offered. For the only suggestion, which
merits a moment's attention — namely, that the long d may be
occasioned by the absorption of the d which is still seen in ar-
vorsum ead, &c., falls to the ground when we consider that the
neuter plural must always haye terminated in a double dental, or
the combination -nt, which is uniformly represented by a short
d, so that the d is elided and not absorbed {New Crat. § 239).
The supposition (above, p. 145), that poatea is for posteam, on
the analogy otpoatquam, &c., is undeserving of any notice except
as a specimen of philological imbecility. As I have elsewhere
remarked {New CrcU, § 240, note): "every Latin scholar is
aware that qtiam is not here a case after post, &c., but the par-
ticle of comparison, so that the full form, is, in {act, post^e^-quam,
&c.^" And the case of qu&^ai for quam-si (for we have quan-sei
in the lex Thoria, above, p. 281, 1. 34) shows that quam would
not be represented by jm".
§ 5. jRelative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns.
In its syntactical use, the relative connects with the indica-
tive or distinctive pronouns, and especially with is, its regular
antecedent or correlative, some fuller description of the person or
thing indicated. And thus, whether the antecedent is definite or
vague, the relative sentence exists only by virtue of its correla-
tive; consequently, it is a syntactical contrivance which plays
the same part as the adjective or genitive case. Etymology
fully confirms this view of the matter, which is derived from the
logic of the sentence, and without any reference to the forms of
words : for we see that the correlative pronouns, is and qui, are
manifestly identical with one another, and with the affix of the
genitive case, which forms the basis of the possessive adjective
^ When tbo author of this absurd etymology says that '' the other
word qwB owed its length possibly to the circumstance of its being a
monosyllable, Just as vi» ' force' has a long t, navis, &c. a short t,** I can
only suppose that he does not know the difference between a crude form
in -r like via^vir-s, pi. vlr-es, vlr-inm, and one in -» like navis, pi. naves,
navium.
380 PEONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
(cf. New Oral. §§ 148, 243, 300). The common origin of all
these forms and of the Greek definite article is, as might he
expected, the second pronominal element, which indicates rela-
tive proximity. The Anlaut or initial articulation of this pro-
noun is the sound which we call digamma^ and which represent»
some combination of the guttural with the labial. In the Greek
forms 2^9» kov, xh, &c., in the Latin At-c, ^-o, f«, &c., and in the
Sanscrit yas, haa^ &c., we have only a guttural residuum, and
they = n is still farther degenerated in t49, tc, &c. In ttov, and
the old Italian ^iV, pe, &c., the labial alone remains. But in the
Latin relative and indefinite qui and jmw, and in the correspond-
ing particles, we have the genuine and original combination of
both elements, the labial however being vocalized into tt, or
rather represented by a silent v (above, p. 295).
It is usual to distinguish quis from qui merely by the use of
the former as interrogative and of the latter as relative, and no
one has been found to recognize the inherent distinction of the
two words. The fact is that quis^ qucB (or rather ywcl), quid^ is
the original form, corresponding to t9, e^, id; and as iUe has a
secondary form ollvs or alius j which is used as its adjective, so
qui, qiMB, quod represent an adjective, and this must have con-
tained the additional vowel o=u, which appears in so many of its
cases. It has long been observed that in all interrogative and
indefinite pronouns the form quod is used as an adjective and the
form quid as a substantive; thus, we say: aliquod monsirunh
"some monster;" but aliquid tnonstri, "something of a monster."
The same remark really applies to the differences between the
simple qui and quis; and the two words may be arranged, as
far as the forms exist, in different declensions, the adjective
belonging to the vowel declensions, and the substantive to the
consonantal formations of nouns. It is true that with regard to
the oblique cases, subsequent usage and habitual corruption have
introduced many interchanges and confusions of form, but the
farther we go back, and the more carefully we examine the
derived and collateral words, the more reason do we find for the
conclusion that quis is substantival and consonantal^ and qui
adjectival and belonging to the vowel declensions.
§*•]
PJtONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.
381
CONSONANTAL-FORM,
N.
M. F.
quia
N.
quid
G. culyl-yua
D. •jm[«]*W or cut
Ac. qi^m\(qutmf] quid
Abl. qui
Singular.
[Osc. jna, pit]
[Osc. pieis]
[Osc. piei]
[Osc, j?m, j!wV]
M. F.
N. Ac. jt£es
'quia
Plural.
H.
N. qui
VoWEL-FORM.
M. F. N.
jM» jw5 quod
(later jtice)
quo^'ua
quo-i
^quum quam quod
quo qua quo
F.
qtUB
D. Abl. quibus
N.
(later gtMs)
G. juorii??» jiMzn^m j^t<oru97i
A. quos , jp^otf jua {qtue^^qud)
The forms marked* occur only as particles in ordinary
Latin. Practically the feminine qu& or qucB is used either inter-
rogatively or relatively, either substantively or adjectively ; but
in the derived form quis-quam there is no feminine inflexion,
though this form is sometimes used with feminine nouns, as in
Plautus, Cistellariaj I. 1, 68: quod neque habeo nee quisquam
alia mulier, and in Plautus, Mil 01. lY. 2,* 68 = 1060, the best
MSS. have: non hie suo seminio quenquam porcellam imperti"
turusL With regard to those passages in which jquia and quid
are said to be used as adjectives, we must be careful to avoid
the confusion which has led to this mode of interpreting them.
Schmidt says (de Pronomine Or. et Lat. p. 53): "inter quis
et qui, quid et quod hoc plerumque intercedere discrimen tra-
dunt quod alterum pronomen sit substantivum, alterum adjecti-
vum. Sed quia quoque ssspissime vim habet adjectivi.'' And he
proceeds to quote, among other passages, Plant. Men. ill. 2, 33
= 498: responde adolescensy quid nomen tibiatf Cic. pro Deiot
13, 37 : qiuB enim fortuna aut quia eaaua aut quca tanta poa-
ait injuria . . . decreta deiere f Yet the distinction which he
inmiediately afterwards quotes from Eritz {ad SaUitat. CatiL
c. 44) ought to have taught him that the adjectival use of quia
in these passages is merely apparent, especially as there is the
same distinction between the German wer and waa, which are
^
382 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
substantival, and weUhery which is declined like a r^olar sub-
stantive. As Kritz says, quts and quid merely ask for the
name, but qui and qv>od inquire respecting the kind, condition, or
quality of the person or thing. Thus, in the passages adduced
by Grysar [Thea^ dea lat. Styls, p. 88) and in those quoted
above, quis stands by itself, or in apposition to a noun, but qutj
like an adjective, is a definite epithet, e. g. T. Quis fuit igitur f
P. late Chcerea. T. Qui Chcerea (Ter. Eun. V. 1, 7), i.e. "tcAp
was it then? That Chserea of yours. Which Chajrea?"— where
the first question refers to the unknown name, and the second
seeks a distinction between him and others who bore the same
designation. Similarly, in the passages quoted above, when
there is an opposition, quid tihi nomen est means "what is your
name?" but quod nomen would mean "which name?" quis
casus means "what chance?" or "what for a chance?" as the
Scotch say: but qui ca^us would mean "which chance?" or
'^ what kind of a chance?" Just the same is the distinction of
wer or was and welcher given in the German dictionaries. For
if the question is : wer hat dir es gegebent " who has given if
to you?" and the answer is, mein Bruder, "my brother," we
should add the further question, welcher f^^ "which brother?" if
there were more than one.
The adjectival character of qui as distinguished from quis is
common to the genitive of all the demonstrative and relative pro-
nouns which end in -Jus, as hu-jus^ ist-itts, iUrius, e-jusy ips-ius,
cu-jus^ qu>o-jus. We have seen that the personal pronomis use,
instead of their proper genitive, the genitive of their possessives,
meus, tuus, suus, and analogy would lead us to infer that some*^
thing similar is found in the other pronouns. Now ctijus, -a, -urn
is a regular adjective, and its derivative eyas, cujatis must be
compared with the Greek forms like TroTuifnj^, 'ItoXwbtit?, {N.
Orat. § 259). It is clear that these last forms must be derived
from the ablative-genitive of nouns in -t. Such a case we have
in the form it6X-ew^ from ttoX*?, prtt-yds from pritis; and I
suggested long ago that the Latin ^w^ represents under a weaker
form this genitive ending -^ds or -^em^ytn^ for ^loOev {N, Orai.
§ 248). The other explanations, which were proposed before or
after mine, may be seen in a paper by Aufrecht {Zeitsckrifi /
Vergl Sprachf. 1861, p. 282). The suggestion that the genitive
§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PEONOMINAL WORDS. 383
cujtis is merely the adjective cujus, with a fixed inflexion like th«
'-mini of the passive verb, is objectionable, as well on other ac-
counts, as because it is contrary to the analogy of wee, tut, aui,
which exhibit the genitives of the possessive pronoun. The long
i in -lua is of course due to the absorption of a previous vowel,
and the same must be the case with the Sanscrit possessives in
^iya. The short u of the termination is illustrated by a very
complete analogy. There can be no doubt that &)9 t€, e$ re and
its-que spring from a. common origin; and thus .we see at once
that the terminations of cu-Jua and ttoX-co)? are identical.
The guttural Anlaut of the Latin relative and interrogative
is lost in uii, unde (cf. alt-cuin, ali-cunde)y un^quam (cf. ^cunqus),
uter (cf. Korepo^), &c.
Extensions of the relative or interrogative form indefinite or
indefinite^relative pronouns, which are accurately distinguished
by the best writers. Thus ali-quis = altus-quis or tlle-quia, and
qui-dam, denote "some one in particular," though the object is
not named; quis-qtie means "every one;" quia^uis and qui-
cttnjMe "whosoever;" quuvis and qui-l^t, " any you please;"
quis-qiiam and its adjective ulltis = unultis " any at all." Hence
the words in the first group are obscurely definite; quiaque,
quisquis, BXii jquicunque include all persons or things referred to ;
qutvis and quilibet allow an unlimited range of choice ; and quis"
quam and uUua exclude all the objects specified. As a general
rule, while quiaque has never thfe relative-indefinite signification,
but always, like the Greek Ikoxtto^, ?ra9 ta9, &c. refers to the
antecedent in the sense of " every" "each," qutsquis is synony-
mous with quicunqm, ocrri^, " whoever," and is virtually used as
a relative pronoun* There are however exceptions to this, and
qutsquis is used in the sense of quisque. Thus in Cicero {ad
Famil, VI. 1, § 1) : quocunque in loco qutsquis est, idem est ei
sensus et eadem (xcerbOas ex interitu rerum publicarum et suaruntj
we have quisquis used in exactly the same sense as quisque in
Epist. 4, § 3 of the same book : ut vhi quisque sit, ibi minime
esse velit. And we have the two forms together in the same
sense in the Lex Tharia (above, p. 282): ita tUei quicquid
quoieique ante hanc legem rogatam licuit. In the neuter modem
scholars propose to distinguish the less common meaning of
quiequid ^r^quidque from the ordinary meaning of qyidquid^ quod^
384 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
eunqtte by writing the fonner with c and the latter with dy and
they would also distinguish qutdque=^et quid from quicque^
''every thing," and would also write qutcquam (Lachmann,
ad Lucret. V. 264, p. 286). Thus they would write guicquid
in Ter. Addph. lY. 2, 51 : alque unum quicquid^ quad quidem
erit heUtasimum carpam; in Lucret. V. 304: etprimum quicquid
fiammarum perdere semper (cf. v. 291 : et primum jactum ful-
gar{8 quemque pertre) ; in Cicero Tuscul. v. 34, § 99 : ut quicqudd
obfectum est : but quidquid in such passages as Yirgil, jSlneid. II.
49 : quidquid id est, titneo Danaos et danaferentes, where the pro-
noun is manifestly relatiye. The first syllables of aU-quis hsre
been discussed aboye» and there is no difficulty in understanding
the compound as significant of separative uncertainty — *^ that
other some one.*' That quis^iam and quisquam very nearly
correspond in meaning is clear from such passages as the fol-
lowing : Terence, Andr. II. 6, 7 : wum illi molestce quidpiam
sufU hoB nupticB. Justin, xxxvill. 7: neque Alexander nee
quispiam successcrum efus. Cic. 2, Verr. I. 10: nego esse
quicquam a testibus dictum, quod out vestrum cuipiam essei
cbscurumy aut cufusquam crataris doquentiam qucereret. And
there can be little doubt that etymologically they are ulti-
mately identicaL The last two syllables of quispiam puzzled
the Roman grammarians ; for Festus says (p. 254) : quispiam
quin signijicet cdiquis et qucepiam aliqua, similiterque alia ejus^
dem generis, ut dubium nan est, ita unde sequenspars gus ooeperit
inveniri nan potest. Modem philologers, however, have no diffi-
culty in seeing that 'piam is only the older or more Oscan
form of -quam, to which it bears the same relation that -pe does
to -{tie in nem-pe = nam-que. It will be observed that Festus
considers quis-piam as identical in meaning with aliquis. But
this is not the case ; for we may always use the English " any"
in translating quis-piam, and must always introduce the English
" some" in rendering ali-quis, aliquot, ali-quando, &c. The idio-
matic difference between quispiam and quisquam consists in this,
that while the former means ''any body," leaving the range
of choice open, but without the selection implied in quivis and
quiUbet, quisquam must be rendered ''any at all," and must
be confined, like its adjective uUus, to those usages in which
we imply that all are excluded. The opposition between o/t-
§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 386
quis, quia-piamy quis^que, qui-visy and quis-qtiam, may be seen
in the following passages ; Afranius ap. Cic. Tusc» Diap. lY. 25,
§ 55: dummodo doleat aliquid, doleat quidltbet, '^ provided he
only suffers some pain, let him suffer any pain you please.^^
Publius Syrus ap. Senec. de Tranquill. XI. § 8 : cuivh potest
acddere quod cuiquam potest^ '^ what may happen to any one
at aU may happen to any one you please.^^ CdBS. B. (7. y. 34 :
juoties quosque cohora procurreret ab ea parte magnus hoattum
numerua cadebat, '^ as often as every cohort advanced, a great
number of the enemy fell.^' Id. ibid. i. 85 : quum quoBpiam
cohora ex orbe exceaaerat hoatea fugiebant, '^ when any cohort left
the circle, the enemy fled." The difference between aliquia and
quiapiam consists in the tlefiniteness conveyed to the former by
its prefix aZt-, so that while aliquia means ^' some one in par^
ticular," quiapiam means generally " any one." Thus in Cicero
{de Orat. ii. c. 9, § 38) we have : " si de rebus rusticis agri-
cola quiapiam, aut etiam, id quod multi, medicus de morbis,
aut de pingendo pictor aliquia diserte dixerit aiit scripserit, non
idcirco artis illius putanda sit eloquentia." The addition of the
id quod muUi shows that quiapiam is more general than ali-
quia : " if any peraon versed in agriculture shall have written
or spoken with eloquence on rural affairs, or even any phy-
sician on diseases, as many have done, or aoTue painter on paint-
ing, &c.'' That there is much the same distinction between
aliquia and quiapiam as between aliquia and quia, is proved by the
existence and usage of the compound aliquiapiam or aliquipiam
(see Cic. Tuac, Disp, iii. 9 ; I. F. Gronovius, adLiv. XLI. 6). In
the case of aliquia itself a stronger signification of separation or
definiteness may be conveyed by writing at length aliua quia or
quia aliua (see the passages quoted by Drakenborch, ad Liv. v.
13, §4, p. 59), With regard to the definite force of quidam, it is
to be remarked that there is a close affinity between Sij and the
affix -dam or -dem. Thus qui-dam is exactly 09 S17, and qui-
dem is ye St;. To the same class belongs demum^ which £bel
{Zeitachr. f. Vergl Sprachf. 1851, p. 308) would explain as a
superlative from the preposition de^ on the analogy of primvm
from proe. The forms tan-dem and pri-dem show that this
explanation is untenable; and the latter at all events proves
that dem and pri are not. contradictory designations of time.
D. V. 25
386 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
The true explanation is suggested by deni-que and its by-forms
dun-gm (in the Salian hymn, above, p. 236), dane-c, and chni-
cumK Greek particles expressing time end either in Ka^xe»^
as oihirKa, irqvlrKa, Ttivl-Kay ^vl-KOy or in re, as o-re, to-t€, wo-tc,
cv-re, i/cdoTo-re, &c. It is clear that these endings are ulti-
mately identical ; but it may be concluded, that, while the latter
gives rather a degree of precision to the term, the former,
which more immediately corresponds to the well-known particle
of the apodosis, comes nearer in meaning to the Latin ctin-que =»
-7ro-T€, and our ^soever. The Latin '-que corresponds in some
cases to -#ca or op, in others to -re. Thus, while -cun-q^ is
wo-re, there can be no doubt as to the equivalence of ubi-qtie and
Zttov aVf of Trjvi'/ca and deni-que {N&a GraU § 196). The sub-
stitution of the tenuis for the medial in the Greek forms is
not universal, for we have ire SjJ by the side of quandoj and
when this apparent difference is removed, we have no difficult
in seeing the exact correspondence between rfjfM)^, as opposed
to ^/lo^y and demuniy for which, according to Festus (p. 70,
MuUer), Livius Andronicus wrote demtuf. As the element dem
is placed indifferently before or after the particle which it qua-
lifies (cf. deni-que with ton-diem, prt-dem), we shall understand
the correspondence between qut^^m, 8crTi9 SiJ, and the synony-
1 Gknnan philologers show a very imperfect apprehension of the pro-
nominal machinery of inflected language. I have elsewhere noticed the
philological vtrrtpo» irp6Ttpov inyolved in Hartung's connexion of di; with
the Sanscrit cfyo, in Bopp's derivation of the ending -vc-ica with nUham =
noo;, and in Pott's comparison of ya-di with dies {New Cratylu$^ § 200).
A still greater absurdity is committed by the latest writer on Latin ety-
mology, W. Corssen, who considers the pronominal affix -dem in pnrdtm^
tan-dem^ qui-deni) and even i-dmiy as simply the aoousative dienil(" nichta
anderes als der Accusatiy diem/' Ausspr. ^c. d. Lot. Spr. n. p. 148) ; and
even goes so far as to analyze donicum, donee, into «fo-nt-cum, do being
fbr diOf the abl. of ditu (cf. nu-dius), which, he thinks, is found also in
qmMrdo and alirquando (I), and the whole being a phrase signifying ** on
the day-not-when" Can dem Tage nicht wann" » ** zur Zeit nicht wann,"
u. p. 56). Such an etymology in the case of a particle, which once
existed in the form dun-que, and which bears the same relation to demir
que and rjiviKOj that the affix 'bov does to -di/v, is really a proof of philo-
logical imbecility. It is worse even than Qrotefend's dum-touDat^dwm"
iae-eat (above, p. 270).
§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 387
mous Sj; Ti^ssfiescio quts (Heindorf o^ PkU. Phcedon. p. 107 d).
The parallelism between quippe = qut-pte (comp. ipst-ppe =
ip9tpte, Festua, p. 105), and are entitles us to conclude that
utrpote^ which is all but a synonym of quippe^ is merely a
compound of vi and a fonn equivalent to the termination -pte
discussed above. And as it cannot be proved that ut pote =
ut potest in Varro (apud Non. c. 2, n. 876 : viget, veget, ut pote
plurimum), there is really no evidence to show that pote is a
neuter adjective, and that ut pote means " as is possible,"
The suggestion of Diklerlein that it stands for ut puta does
not deserve a moment's consideration.
That quilibet involves the impersonal lihet is obvious on the
slightest examination ; and notwithstanding the difficulty occa-
sioned by the particle -w, we must conclude that the 2nd pers.
sing, of volo is the affix of quivia. This is not only deducible
from the analogy of quilibet, but is shown by a passage in Cato
{R,R. c. 52), where a noim is interposed between qui and vis:
" hoc modo quod genus vis propagabis."
What has been already said of cun-que ^ cum-^ue ^ iro-re
applies to other uses of the affix -que, as quis^que, uter^que,
undi'-que, utrin-que, ubi-que, us-que, quo^que. There is much
general truth in Schmidt's definition oiquisque {depronom. Gr.
et Lot. p. 100) : " pronomen indefinitum rem mente conceptam
et e rerum ejusdem generis cumulo ac serie exemptam significat.
Que autem particula si ad pronomen additur, pronominis vis ex-
tenditur, idque ad omnem rem, in quam cadere possit sententia,
transferri significatur. Itaque quis, particula que adjuncta, non
hominum incertum quendam, sed omnem, ad quem pertinere pos-
sit sententia, notat. Ab o7nnis igitur ita differt, ut hoc quidem
cunctos simul significet, quisque autem distributionem quandam
exprimat." Referring to the comparison made above between
the Boman affix, and the Greek, -/ca, k€p, or dv appended to re-
latives in general expressions, it is clear that the only principle,
which will explain all the facts, is that which lies at the basis
of the true theory respecting these Greek particles. Now it
appears that dv and k€v are connected with the second pronominal
element, and therefore claim the same pedigree as the relative
pronouns. But they are not only immediately attached to the
relative word in the hypothesis or protasis, as in iratVy idv, 09
25—2
388 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. X.
avj &c., but also appear as antecedents or correlatives in the
apodosis of a condition. In the latter case they can only he
considered as hints suggestive of the hypothetical or general
nature of the whole sentence ; for if I say \eyoifi avy even with-
out any condition expressed, the hearer feels that a condition is
implied, which would not be the case if I had said Xifco. Such
being the fact in regard to the apodosis, it is still more evident
that the addition of a relative particle in the protasis, which is
already a relative sentence, must add to the generality or com*
prehensiveness of ,the reference. And so we constantly find tiiat
the multiplication of relative or indefinite elements makes the
rauge of supposition wider ; and if quia means " any one," qms-
guSf quis-quis, qui-can-que will mean " any any" or " every
possible" individual. This view is confirmed by the Semitic
usages: for we not only find pronominal repetitions, such as
nD^Sip=nD^ nD=! jtttic? et quid, but even repetitions of general
terms, as B^^ljO ^**)^^vir et vir ^ quis-que. In comparing guts*
que with qui-cun-qiie we observe, besides the constant distinction
between quia and jwe, that the latter is strengthened by the in-
sertion of the temporal particle cum ; and it is worthy of notice
that not only is cunque used by itself as an expression of time ;
as in Hor. 1 Carm. xxxil. 15 : " mihi cunque salve rite vo-
canti," where cunque = quoque tempore; but we even find it
after cum, as in Lucretius, ii. 113 : " contemplator enim, cum
solis lumina cunque inserti fundunt radii per opaca domorum."
Ua-que for cus-que (cf. us-piam, us^quam) is only a different
inflexion of the same elements as cun-que, for U8-qt$e and
un-quam both refer to time, (see Schmidt, 1. 1. p. 96) ; and
qv^o-que, " too," " still," " continuing that state of things,"
must also be regarded as a particle of time, like its synonym
etiam = etjam^.
As the latter part of the words quis-qu^e, quis-quts, qui-cun-
que is manifestly of relative import no less than the affix of
quts-quam, it is clear that the absolute difference in meaning
between these words* and between u^que and un-quam, us-quam,
1 For the parallolism and difference of quoqw and eliam see Plant
Trin, IV. 3, 42 : •• illis quoque abrogant etiain ftdem.'^
§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 389
cannot depend upon the etymology of the saffix. If we compare
tamy quam with tumy qaum, we shall see that while the former
pair refer to manner ^ the latter imply time. As dies signifying
a particular day is always masculine, and as we have a number
of adverbs counting time by days, Bspridie^ hodie^ nudius tertius^
diuy interdiuy &c., it is fair to conclude that tum^ quum me&a
" on the particular day," " on which day ;" and the same expla-
nation will apply to oUm, "on that day." Similarly, as the
Qreek adverbs in -17 are properly explained by an ellipse of 68^
jMgnifying "way," "process," "manner," and as we have the
adverbs chviam^pervtam^ signifying directions or modes of motion,
it may be inferred that there is an ellipse of viam in torn, quam^
which would at once explain their meaning. K we apply the
same explanation to quU^uamy we shall see that it means " any
one in any way," t. 6. "any one at all" {d. per-quam^ "in a
very high way, manner, degree, or kind," ne-^utim^ " in no
manner or degree," neuti-qaam^nuUo-modoy and see Pott, Et.
Forsch. p. 149. zw. Aufl.). This is always the distinctive
meaning of the pronoun ; for guiaquam can only be used in a
negative or conditional sentence, where all are excluded, or
where the range of choice is circumscribed between the nar-
rowest possible limits. Hence in Terence {Eunuch. proL 1)
we have : " «1 guisqtiain est — ^in his poeta his nomen profitetur
suum" — "if there is any person at all, if there is any one person
in all the world" — ^where the number is especially limited.
Hence unus is often appended to quisquam (cf. Liv. xxviii. 37,
where quisquam unm is opposed to alii omnes, and il. 9, where
quisquam unus is opposed to universus aenatus). Hence also
uttm =^ untdtis, "a little one,^' "a mere one,'' serves as the
adjective of quisquam^ which, as we have seen, has no £»ni*
nine or plural forms, tliough it occurs occasionally with femi*
nine noims. The exclusive force of unus and ullus is well shown
by the modem French aucun = aliquis unus, which performs all
the functions of quispiam, although the first word belongs to the
most definite of these general pronouns. Thus nan vidi quenquam
might be rendered ^e n'^ai vu personne, or aucune persanne.
And in English we sometimes use the word "single" for the
purpose of excluding all of the kind — as, " I have not a single
shilling." Opposed as quisquam is to quis-quis, it is very strange
390 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
that no editor should have observed its intrusion into the jdaee
of the latter in a passage of Ovid (Fast, vl 21) :
8»pe aUquis solio» qnod to, Satame^ tenebasy
Ansns de media plebo sedere deos;
Et latiis Ooeano qm$quam dens advena jmizit:
TetbyB et eztremo nepe reoepta looo est.
It is obvious that quiaquam is inadmissible, and that we must
read quisquis, with the punctuation: et lotus Ooeano, quiegms
deus advena^ junxity i.e. '^ whatever god happened to ocmie
up." Cf. Plant. Amph. i. 1, 156: quisqms homo hmc venerii,
pugnos edet.
§ 6. Numerals and Degrees of Comparison.
In regard to the general discussion of this part of the subject,
I have nothing to add to the full investigation which it has re-
ceived in the New Crat. Book ii. ch. 2. For the sake of method,
however, it will be desirable to mention a few facts referring
more particularly to the Latin language. While times, more
anciently (Bntis or oinos, corresponds in origin to the Greek el?,
hf-y Goth, aina, Celtic aenn, the Sanscrit ^ha is represented onlj
/ bj the adjective cequtts. We have Iv-, with 9 instead of tiie
• aspirate, in sin-certts {unam eeram habens, i. e. mrXoiky cf. mi*
plex)f sin-cinia {cantio solitariaj Festus, p. 337), sin-ciput (not
for semi-caputy i^fiiKe<f>aKaiov Gl. Labb, but for stngulum oapui,
the head being regarded as double), and sin-gtdus. It is gene-
rally supposed that semel and semper also contain this form, but
there is nothing to account for the change from n to m in the
former, as there is in simplex; and it seems most natural to
compare the word with afia, for Hesychins gives us the gloss
dfuUi^* &7ra^* Kpfjref. And with regard to sem-per, although
the m would be explained by the following p, the correlative
nUper =? novi-per would lead us to seek for the root in the San-
/ scrit sandy " always," which is connected with senrioTj senrex,
Lith. sentSy senas. Thiui we have in the Teutonic languages,
O. H. G. «in, '' always,'* also simbaly simialesy simplum (Graff, Yi.
p. 26), Goth, stnteins =» sempitemitSf &c. The true form of qum-
que and its connexion with decim are shown by the spelling do-
qum, which is found in the Silian law (above, p. 269). It is
there written dequin-que, the m being changed into n before the
§ 6.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 891
quSy as in -cun^qtie and dun-^tte (above, p. 236). But in dequim^
as in the preposition cumy and the affix of the accusative and
locative case, the final m is merely the representative of a more
original n, and that quinque really stands for quinie is farther
shown by the ordinal, which is quintus and not quimptus. The
ordinal jpritnus is derived from the preposition pra^ just as the
Oreek trpSro^ comes from vpo. All the ordinals end in -mus
(which is perhaps contained in octavua for octatMnuSj nanus for
mwemmtuijj with the exception of secunduSj '^ following,'' which
is merely the participle of sequor^ and of terHus, quartus, quitUm^
sextus, which represent the Greek -to9. In tertitis this ending is
lengthened by the qualitative or possessive -tW, so that ter-^^itu
is a derivative of ter-tua, and the same is the case in the Sanscrit
dm-tiyaa^ tri-ttyasy and in the Sclavonic treUitj fem. tretiza. The
Sclavonic relative kotoraia exhibits a similar extension of a form
corresponding to /corepo^. By the side of duo we have amboj
which is nearly synonymous with uterqtie. The distinction of
these words is well known. While- (it«o merely denotes an ag^
gregate of two individuals-— the number '^ two" — ambo signifies
*'both togeihery^ and uterquBy ''both the one and the other."
Cf. the Greek afu^epo^ and hcartpo^y Plat. TheoUet. p. 185 B.
This is clear from such passages as the following; Ter. Adelph.
I. 2, 60:
Curemns SBqaam uUirqm partem; tu alteram^
Ego alteram: nam amboi curare propemodum
RepoBcere ilium est» quern dedisti.
'' Let hoth the one and ike other of tAs look to his own: for to
concern yourself with hoik togetker is almost to demand back
again the boy whom you gave me." Auson. Ep. 91: ** vis ambaa
nt amem? si diligit utraque vellem.*' *^ Do you wish me to love
hoik togetherf If hoik ike one cmd ike otker loves me, I should
be glad to do so." Hence it is clear that, as Ddderlein says
(Lot. M. u. 8yn. iv. 349), anJ>o regards the two as two kalvesy
but uterque as two integral unittea." and the former corresponds
to afjuf>wy the latter to itcarepo^, and both in different cases
to dful>oTepo^. The separability of the two constituent units
in uterqt^ is £uther shown by the fact that this word may have
either a singular or plural verb, whereas ambo always takes the
plural. It is worthy of remark, as the two words axe often
392 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
oonfiised by students, that Inrdena^ '^a mattock/' merelj involves
hisy but that bi-dena^ '^a sheep/' is for ambi-den» (Festus, p. 4:
^^ambidens sive bidens ovis appellabator, que superioribns et
inferioribns est dentibus").
The formation of the degrees of comparison in adjectives and
adverbs is intimately connected with that of the numerals. For
all ordinals are of the nature of superlatives, and the most ge-
nuine form of the comparative in the Indo-Germanic languages
is the combination of pronominal elements, which forms tiie
third numeral, considered. as indicating something beyond two.
Although the Latin language is almost the only idiom which
exhibits the full development of the separate usage of the fonn
ier^torra {New Oral. § 167), for it has not only the numeral
under the forms ires, Ur^ ter^to, ter-tius, but also a noun ier-
mtnu8y and a regular preposition transy it does not use -ter as a
comparative suffix except in the case of pronominal forms. For
all common words we have instead of -ter^ -repo^, 'tarae^ which
are so usual in cognate languages, either the merely relative
adjective in -tW, corresponding to the Sanscrit -iyas^ Oreek -109,
or a derivative from this in -ibr, corresponding to the Sanscrit
'4ydny Greek -ti»i/==-w)v-9; where we may compare the adverbs
in --iena with their more recent forms in -^es. Thus we have
both al^ter and al-itis, and from the same root ul-tra^ ulntro.
Many prepositions have a fixed or adverbial form in -fra, which
is extended by the addition of -tbr into an inflected comparative.
Thus we have ci-tra^ ci-ter^ior, ex-^tra^ ex-ter-iory in-tray inrter'
tor, ulr-tray ul-ter-tory &c. The forms an-ter-ioTy de-ier-toTy poa-
ter-ioTy show that there must have been originally derivatives
like an-tray de-tray poa-tray as well as the existing an-tey die,
poat\e\\ and we have seen that^o^^o is still extant in Umbrian.
In some words the original affix was -ra only, as in inf^ray
aup^ra, whence inferiory auperior. Some prepositions have no '
intermediate adverb in -tra or -^a, but merely add the termina-
tion 'tOTy as prior /rom prce, propior from prope; and to this
class we must add pyor for pea-ior, from per. This form, and
its superlative jTemmi^, are assigned to malua. But, paradoxical
as it may appear at first sight, there seems to be good reason for
the belief that in point of regular derivation the true comparative
of Tnalua is mel-iory which is assigned to the correlative. Acwa».
§ 6.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 393
Attempts have been made to derive meltor irom borma^ because
we may have m bj the side of h (above, p. 290), and because n
appears by the side of Z in fiehrrurro^ and fiep-rurro^. The
double change, however, from htom and from n to 2 in the same
syllable, can hardly be assumed in a case where there is no evi-
dence that the root ever exhibited either in its first or last letter
the modification which is supposed. On the other hand, there
«re Qreek analogies, which quite support the reference oimdior
to maluB. For there can be no doubt that there is a real con-
nexion between the ideas of excess and depravity, of magnitude
and difficulty, as exhibited in the adverbs /iMiXa, /i^\t9, which
give us the root of maJruSy and In /A0719, which gives us the
root of |t€yo9 and /*ox^09 [n. Crat. §§ 167, 186). There is
no reason therefore why malhs should not convey the secondary
idea of difficulty and depravity, which is borne by /^X-19, while
the primary notion of superior magnitude and higher degree,
which is borne by /«aXa, fiSXKov^ and fioKurra^ is retained by
the comparative TMUior. We have a remarkable trace of the
original form of malus in the occasional use of male, as a syno-
nym for the Greek /uzXa, or the Latin vaMe; thus we find in
Horace (1 Carm. xvii. 21) male dispart for mWum, valde, ad-
modum dispart; (1 Epiat. III. 31) male laxtis calceus for nimivm
hams; in Catullus (x. 33) inaulsa male et molesta vivia for ad-
modum insulaa; in TibuUus (4 Carm. x. 2) ne male inepta cadam
for nimia inepta (see Hand, TuraeU, ill. p. 584) ; in all of which
passages we see the transition from the idea of excess to that of
disapprobation. All regular adjectives form their comparative in
this way — ^namely, by substituting -ior for the flexion-form of the
positive, as dur-ua, dur-ioTy facH-ia, fadl-iar, or, if the adjective
involves a verbal root, by adding -ior to the crude fcrm of the
participle; thus, the comparative of maledicua is not maledicioTy
but maledi-cent-iar. There is no doubt that aUiua and med-iua are
comparative words. The regular comparative In -tor, gen. -ioriay
is formed from the genitive of these forms, as appears from the
Sanscrit •4ydny Gr. -M0V=:ioi^9 {New Crat. § 165). As the or-
dinal admits of two forms in -tita and In "mua, and as the super-
lative is of the nature of an ordinal, we should expect that it
would be indicated by one or both of these terminations. And
this is the case. We have -mua alone in pri-mtis, exfre-mua
394 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
poatre-mus^ inji-mua or imus^ and sum-^mMa for mipi-mna. We
have -ti-mxi8 in ul-timusy in op-timu8y ^^ uppermoBt," from oft, in
in-timusy ''most inward," from tn, in peasimus (for pe»4imu8)y
" most down," from per (cf. peMtcm-cifo with per-do, and per-eo).
The termination -^mt» is nniversally assimilated in the superla-
tives of ordinary adjectiyes. For these superlatives are formed,
like the comparatives in ^tra, '•repo^, from an adverbial form,
and not from the crude form of the adjective, like the compara-
tives in 'tor (see New Orat. § 166; Or. Or. Art 269 eqq.)-
The adverb derived from the adjectives in -u« or -«r, which
ended in e or o in ordinary Latin, originally terminated in -«{/
and as the supines in ^-tum of dental verbs generally changed
their t into a, or, in combination with the characteristic, into -«»,
we are not at a loss to account for tBe similar phenomenon in the
superlatives: for ces-aum^ced-tum from cedoy and aesaum^aed-
ium from aedeo^y frilly correspond to dur-^-aaimua from dured-
timuay and moU-i^mua from molUd-timua. The change of e
into i in the former case is in accordance with the usual practice;
cf. teneoy con-tineoy aedeoy aaaideo, &c When the crude form of
the adjective ends in / or r, the t of -timua is assimilated to this
letter : thus from celer we have celer-rtmua for celer^tmua, from
facilia we hsYt fctctl-Umua {or JactlMmua. The junction between
the crude form of the adjective and an affix properly appended
to a derived adverb is due to the fact that adjectives of this kind
may use their neuter and even their crude form as adverbs ; thus
we have not only facilitery but Jucile, and even Jacul (Festus, p.
87, Mtlller).
§ 7. Preposittona.
The most important of the pronominal adverbs, which are
used as the basis of degrees of comparison, are the prepositions.
One of these, trana, is merely an extension of the affix of the
comparative, and they are all employed more or less in qualifying
those expressions of case, on which the mutual relations of words
so much depend. We have seen that, according to the proper
and original distinctions of the oblique cases, the genitive or
Adrgretui^ad-gred-tuB actually oooun in Ennius (Ann, 574, Vablen)
darmus. FettuB, p. 6.
for adgr^Bius. FettuB, p. 6.
§7.] PBONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 395
ablative (for they were originally identical) denotes motion ^om
a place, or, generally, separation; the dative or locative implies
rest in a place^ or, generally, conjunction; and the accusative
signifies motion to a place, or, generally, approach with a view
to conjunction; but that these primitive uses of the oblique in-
flexions have become obsolete in Latin, with the exception of a
few general nouns and the proper names of cities. In other
instances, motion ^om and tOy and rest in a place, together with
the other mutual relations of words, are expressed by some pre-
position; and in this use of the prepositions, the genitive, as dis-
tinct &om the ablative, and the dative, whether identified with
the locative or distinguished from it, are utterly excluded. The
ablative alone is used with those prepositions which signify
separation, and takes the place of the dative or locative with
those which imply rest or conjunction, while &e accosative pro-
perly accompanies those which denote approach or motion.
It will be convenient to class the Latin prepositions under
three heads, corresponding to the three primitive distinctions of
the oblique cases — ^namely, separation or motion frorn^ rest m,
and approach or motion to. To each of these may be appended
the derived or compounded prepositions, which introduce some
new modification of meaning.
The three simplest auxiliaries of the primitive relations of
case are ah (shortened in a, and extended into absy oibaque) far
the expression -of Mopcsraiion or motion from^ with the ablative ;
in for the exjnession of rest in or on, with the ablative, as the
usurper of the place of the dative or locative; and ad for tiie
expression of approach or motion to with the accusative.
There is no doubt as to the origin and linguistic affinities of
these prepositions. Ab or ats corresponds in etymology and
meaning to the Gieek anrh or a^, which was originally ainir&i^
or vor^o^ {New Oral. § 169), and, as such, denoted motion from
a distant object to the subject, according to the principle which
I have stated and elacidated elsewhere {Neto Crat. §§ 130, 169;
Ghr. Or. Art. 77 sqq.). Practically ab and chro denote motion from
the surface of an object, and are so distinguished from ev (a), ^
{iK)j which imply that we pass through intermediate proximity;
in corresponds in use to the Greek iv and ek «^ ^, and in origin
not only to these prepositions, but also to dva. In with the
396 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. X.
ablative and hf with the dative express the simplest and most
elementary notion of locality — ^the being in a place. With
the accusative, in signifies into or unto a place, deriving the
expression of motion from the case with which it is connected.
When iv is connected with the accusative in this sense, it is
always expanded to eU^hf^, except in some of the lyric poets,
such as Pindar, who, like the Bomans, use h to express both
location with the dative and motion with the accusative. Thore
is no doubt that &, dv^ eivlj dva, &a, are ultimately identical,
the original form having been Fo-i^, which expresses motion
through the nearer to the more distant object. Practically, m
represents all the uses of &, €(9, am, and even of the negative
prefix which corresponds to the last. Thus we have ava /le-
/909 = tn-t;icem, ip if 7r6\eissin urbey ek rrjp TroKiP^in urbemj
dp^^P^f*^ — inntimerua. While in thus corresponds to some
of the applications of dvoj the other meanings of the Oieek
particle are represented by the inseparable prefix r^- or red^^
which, like the Greek /Sa, is ultimately traceable to an
identity with va- (New Orat. §§ 266—270). This prefix,
which properly signifies "up" as the correlative of "down,"
is very often used, like oi/o, to give to a compound the converse
meaning to that which is borne by the simple verb. The
origin of this is to be sought in the opposition of md to koto.
Thus if KaTcueaKuirrm means "to cover down," or "put down
a covering," dpoKoKu'irrfa would mean "to up-cover," "un-
cover," or " take up a covering." Hence we have the verb re-
wfo, "to unveil," re^udoj "to unclose," re-^erOy "to unlock,"
re-tegoy " to uncover." At a later period, however, this prefix
became merely emphatic, and as recondo meant "to lay up,
or hoard up diligently," so redudo^ instead of denoting "to
open," meant "to close up with special care:" whence our
sense of the word "recluse." This change in the application
came into vogue in the silver age, and we find in Suetonius
{Octav. 78} retectis pedibus in the sense "with his feet care-
fully covered " (see the notes of Casaubon and Emesti on this
passage). Similarly, we find reoemo for secemoy rejirmare^oo-
dudere (Fr. refermer^ renfermer). It is an interesting circum-
stance that whereas reteffo, detegOy and reveloy deoeloy were used
tropically as synonyms in classical Latin (compare Hor. 3
PRONOUliS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.
397
§7.]
Carm. xxi. 16, with Liv. x. 4, and Ovid, Fast vi. 619, with
Metam. vi. 604), in English we have "detect" from the first
pair, and "reveal" alone from the second pair of verbs. The
French, however, retain develo in their dSvoilery as they also
have dScouvrir. The preposition (zd is obviously another form
of the conjunctions at =: " still," and et = " too/' " and." The
late Professor Hunter showed^ that there was the same relation
between the Greek Se, which signifies " too," " in the second
place," and the affix -Sc, as in oucov^y "to-home," implying
motion to a place. We learn from the other form et-ra {New
Orat. § 193) that ^t is compounded of the second element
Fa, and the third; consequently it corresponds in etymology,
as it does pretty nearly in meaning, to the Greek 6^9 « iv^,
and to «n«u8ed with the accusative.
In its use with the ablative of the agent, ab corresponds J
rather to the Greek viro than to airS. /j?hus, mundua a deo
creattu eat would be rendered 6 kwtiao^ inrh (not airo) rov 6eov
iicrladrj. But we are not to conclude from this that vtto,
am'6j are different forms of the same word. The u is found in
all the cognate words viroy sub, inrkpy aupery mbiery ufy ufaxy
upay upari; and it is clear that while a-Tro = vo^-tto is com-
pounded of the third and first, i-iro ^ fqnro is made up of
the second and first pronominal elements, and so denotes a
passage to the subject firom that which is proximate or under
the feet. As the act of separation implies nearness at the
moment of separation, we find that idiomatically ab is used to
express relative positions, as afrontey "in front," a tergoy "be-
hind," libertus a manUy ''a freedman at hand," i.e. an amanur
ensia. But this meaning is more ftilly expressed by ap^dy
compounded of ab and ady and combining the meaning of these
two prepositions ; for apud signifies " being by the side of but
not part of an object," and this implies botii juxtaposition and
separation. It is used with the accusative, because this is the
case of the latter preposition of the two, and because the passage
from abto ad implies motion. The Greek irapdy which answers
* A Grammatical Essay on the nature, import, and effect, of certain
Conjunctions; particularly the Greek hi \ read June 21, 1784. Tram, of
the Royal Society of EdinhurgJi, Vol. i. pp. 113—34.
398 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
exactly to aptid, takes different cases according to the meaning
implied by the special reference {Ch. Or. Art 485). In low
Latin we have the compound alhante from which comes the
Ftench c^-vant^ and eren cfe-a6^nAi, from whence comes deveaU
(see Pott, Zgitschr.f. d. Vergl Sprf. I. p. 311).
The preposition in has also the comparatiye forms in-ter and
in-tray or in^Jra, which imply motion, and are consequently
joined to the accusative. The same is the case with anrUj
which retains the a found in an-^ter^ Sanscr. an-4arj Ghr. or^rep
for dv^ep (New Oral, § 204). In meaning an-ie corresponds
to the Greek cohrl only so far as the latter signifies " in front
of," which is the primitire signification of the Latin particle.
The Greek w/>6, from whence comes irpi^^ or irporij claims a
common origin with^o/ and there can be no doubts as to the
connexion between ircLpa^ whence Trapalj Bniprm; but there are
many shades of meaning in which the Latin and Greek terms by
no means coincide. iVee-fer, which is a compaiatiye of pne, and
prop'tery whi^ is similarly formed from pro-pe^ an extension of
pro (above, § 5), express exactly certain meanings of ircbpa : thus
irafA S6^ay=pr<Bter cpinicnem^ and ira^ raira^ propter tsta.
Per exactly answers to rrapdj in its negative or depreciating
sense, in compounds such nape^'ero iorper-juro ^ irapopte^: cf.
pefor for periar. Although per and vepi are identical words,
there are only some few cases in which their significations
strictly correspond (see New CraJt. §§ 177, 8). It is perhaps
still more difficult to show the exact relation in meaning be-
tween the Greek and Latin affix -tt^, 'per: c£ larep^ iaamp,
&c. with patdliaper, nuper, &c. In many of its employments
the Latin per coincides exactly with the Greek hia, which, with
the genitive, and, in the older poets, with the accusative also,
signifies " through," and which, with the accusative in ordinary
Greek, corresponds to the use of iropa, propUr^ to which I have
just adverted. Etymologically there can be no doubt that Sia
finds a representative in the Latin de^ which implies descent
and derivation, and is of course used with the ablative. In
form de corresponds to the old Latin se for eine^ and as the
full form of this ee was sed, or aety we find in Oscan (above,
p. 144) that de originally appeared as dot. It has been remarked
already, that ah differs from ex, the other preposition most di-
§ 7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 399
rectly connected with the meaning of the ablative, by referring
to the surface of the object from which the separation takes
place, whereas ex denotes a remoral from or out of the interior
of the object or objects. Now de also presumes that the thing
removed was a part of the object from which it is removed.
Thus while we have no ab-imo from emo, we have both eoT-mo,
" to take out," and demo, " to take away a part " (as partem
8olido demere de die)y to say nothing of eumoy ^'to take up,''
promo, " to take forth," which imply approximation to the same
idea of partition. This signification of partition brings us back
very closely to the primitive meaning of hid, Sk, Bvo; and we
have absolute division in such phrases as dedi de meo. From
the same idea of partition we may get the sense of derivation
and descent implied in these and other compounds of de. And
here de comes into close contact with the affixes "dev, -tua, which,
undoubtedly belong to the same original element (see New Orat.
§ 263); thus de oodo is exactly equivalent to coBli-tus. While
Bid corresponds toper in its sense of ^' through," and to ci!e in its
meaning of division into parts, we find that de conversely coin-
cides with irepl in the sense of " about," '^ concerning," as de-
noting the subject from which the action or writing is derived,
t. 6. the source of agency or the subject-matter (&X17). Thus
8crtpstt de reptiblioa means '' he took the subject of his writing
from the general theme of the commonwealth;" for which a
Oreek would have said iypa^ irepl 1^9 iroXirelaii, i,e. ''his
writing was about or derived from the republic.'" The con-
nexion of de and Sui is seen still more plainly in the form d%
or dis which the former bears in composition.
As de, though connected with Bid, thus corresponds to one
of the uses of irepi, while Bid in its general meaning coincides
with per, so we find that ob, which is etymologically identical
i^th dfJL^l, a synonym of irepl, agrees in one of its uses with
propter, and so with Bid when used with the accusative. The
fact, that ob may be traced to a common origin with iwi and
dfuf>i, has been elsewhere established {New Grot. §§ 172, 3), by
the following proofe. There can be no doubt as to the identity
of hrl with the Sanscrit apt and abhi. Now ahhi is related to
ifji^l, as abhra is to Sfifipo^, vhhau to afKJxD, awbo, &c. And
the analogy of diro for dv-ir6, shows that M must originally
400 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. X.
have been iv-iri or dv-vl^ afi^L Moreover hrl and a§ji^l con-
cur not only in their ordinary meanings, but especially in that
sense of interchange or reciprocity which I have cbtimed for hri
{New Grat § 174). Now oJ, which resembles the Sanscrit abhi
in its Aitslaut, shows by its vowel the last trace of a lost nasal ;
comp. obba, umbo, afi^i^^. And its usage, in other senses than
that of propter, indicates a close connexion in meaning with Ar*
and dfKffi. Thus op-timm from ob manifestly denotes '' up-most"'
or "upper-most." So that ob must have denoted " superposition"'
or "relative altitude" like hrL And Festus (p. 178, Miiller) has
pointed out usages in which it concurs with the two Greek pre-
positions: "o6 praepositio alias ponitur pro circum (Le. dfu^i),
ut cum dicimus urbem ob'Stderi, ob-vallari, ohs^nari • . . alias
pro ad (i. e. eiri) ponitur, ut Ennius : ob Romam nootu legiones
ducere capit, et alibi ob Trqjam duxit^ The relative altitade
implied by hri and ob is shown in such phrases as 6b oculas,
" before the eyes," i. e. on a level with them ; and in Ennius*
Telamo we have more generally ob o$ (Cic. Tuac, Disp. ill.
18) : hidne est ille Telamo . . . ciajvA ob os Oraii ora obverUiHtnt
€ua, where the compound reminds us of ^schyl. Gho'iph. 350:
hnntrrperirrof; aldp. The frequentative sense of iiri is conveyed
by obeoy hn^ncuo, " to go backwards and forwards," and the
relative height of a table, or city built on the level sur&ce of a
hill, is signified by oppidum = hrhre^v (Virg. Oeorg. il. 156 :
tot conffeata manu proeruptia oppida saxts). The phrases quoted
by Festus for the sense of circum remind us at once of cttI and
irepi or dfKf>L Thus obsidere is either i^l^eadai or 'ir€pi,Ka6¥j(r6<u.
If obscurus reminds us of iirla-Kio^y we have dfi^KdKinrrm in
oo-culo; if ob^io suggests hraxovm, ob-estts (basstuf) refers us to
dfi<j>iKa^ij^, ob-erro to mepLifKjavSfuUy and ob^liquus to dfuf>lr
\ofo9. The sense of perseverance or continuance conveyed by
oC'Cupo, ob^tineo, and oba-tinattia (see Ruhnken, Dictata in Teren-
tium, p. 78), is also due to the meaning of surrounding or going
I It is a remarkable circumstance that we have in Feet. p. 26 the
Gloss. ** ahisse pro adisse dicebaiit." This clearly involyes a confusion
between amb or oh and ah, for the word intended is manifestly obis$6.
Pott, Etym, Forseh, il p. 635, supposes a change from <2 to 6, which is
impoBsiblo. *
§ 7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 401
backwards and forwards contained in iiri and dfJL^i (irepl). For
example, oc-cupo is either eTriXafifidvco or irepiKafifiavfo* The
preposition circum (circa, circiter), which is limited to the local
or temporal meaning of wepi, is a case of the substantive circusj
which may be connected with cis {cttra), a form of the prono-
minal element -ce; and ci-tra, citro are opposed to ut-tra, uUiro^
as ce = '*here" is opposed to uU (aZ-, aw-, i?-, iV) =" there,"
and there is no doubt that the preposition in is ultimately iden-
tical with the pronoun «/-, aU (cf. Sanscr. anya^ Greek /celw?,
&c.)* The pronominal root ce obtains another prepositional ex-
tension in cum == f t^, and this again has its comparative in con-
tra, *' against," implying extension from and in front of that
which is here. • The^ first element po^ combined with the second
"8 and the third -n gives in /7o[«]ne a sense of extension ^' back-
wards" and ^' behind," i. e* through all three positions ; and this
is also the meaning of pos-t, which bears the same relation to
po-ne that se-d or sc'^t does to si-ne. The latter, which is really
jpo-a-ne without the first syllable, expresses the idea of simple
separation. The compound post^ or even the syllable po alone,
is used as a preposition almost equivalent to trans^ as in po^
mcerium or poatrmcerium^ " the space beyond the wall," post"
liminiuniy ''the space beyond the threshold, within which a
resumption of civic rights is possible." Trana^ involving the
elements of the comparative suffix, with a new affix, differs little
from vUira^ for it includes nearly the same elements in a dif-
ferent order. As cir^cua is probably connected with ctsy so ter^
minus undoubtedly contains the root of tr^ns. A finis or ter-
minus strictly excludes the citra as well as the ultra, and the
circus, as a line, is neither the space, which it encloses, nor that,
which it shuts out. JSrga, which bears the same relation to
ergo that tUtra does to' uUro, must be explained by the corre*
spondence of ergo and iffitur. The latter, as we have seen, is
an extension in -tur^^-tus of i-ffi^es-gi; and erg-^^esff^ is
only a different form of the same word ; for the ending of igv-tur
i» 'tur^'timj and while circa stands by circi-ter we shall see
directly that juojto presumes ti juxta-tim.
It has been shown (in Chapter vili.) that clam, coram, penes
and tenus are adverbs derived from nominal or verbal roots;
and juxia ^jug-sta is a compound of the root jug- in jungo
D.v. 26
402 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
jugiMn^ jugis, and the crude fonn of ato. Like oonriinuo it ex-
presses contiguity. Some consonantal affix, equivalent to a
case-ending, is involved in the last syllable. The old gram-
marians remark that '' atatim pro Jlrmiter primam producit ; pro
iliico corripit ;*' and such forms as atatioj &c., prove that the
contraction is not always exhibited. But the analogy of dvor
/tty-Siyv, dvc^fiiy-Sa, apd-fitrfci, dpd-fu^ (Oreek Qrammar^ Art.
265), shows that some affix was to be expected, and that it
might be extenuated into a mere vocal Aualaut. From die
almost synonymous tenua and €^9> compared with the ablatives
in d for ad^ and with ergdip) by the side of igi4ury we can easily
infer the nature of the appendage which has been rubbed off
from the prepositional adverb jugata^^jug-aiorHm.
It may be worth while to add that prepositions compounded
with verbs are liable to certaiu changes from assimilation or
absorption, which perhaps typify a similar change in the separate
use of these proclitic words.
Aj aby aba may appear as au^ and we have seen it assume the
form of in old Latin (above, p. 260, 1. 11).
Ad may change d into the first letter of the word with which it
is compounded; thus it may become oc, af^ ag, aZ, an^ ap, or,
aa^ at; and we have seen that the last of these represents one
of its separate usages; compare also et^ and the Greek en.
This preposition is represented by a short d in S-perio = ad-
..pario; SHncmuas^ad-mdmua (cf. m-fnanw) ; H-depa^ad-d^;
Srtrox^ ad*truxj &c*
Ante sometimes appears as antidy which may have been its
original form (see above, p. 365).
Ctrcum may lose its final m or change it into n»
Cum appears as com, co, col, con, or cor.
De either remains unaltered, or assumes the form daa before t;
it is found also with a different, but cognate signification, as
dia-, di", dtf- and rfiV-.
Ey ex, enters into compounds either in its separate form, or assi-
milated to /■, as in ef-fero.
In is im before labials, % before g, il and ir before the liquids
I and r, but otherwise unchanged; in old writers or their
imitators we have endo or indu.
^
§8.] PRONOITNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 40^
InUr is not changed, except before 4 when it becomes inielr.
Ob becomes oba before dentals, it is assimilated to labials and
gutturals, and is shortened into 9 before m; sometimes it
resumes its original m: thus we have amb^ shortened into
am^ or an before c, as in an-c^s.
Per is sometimes, but not always, assimilated to a following I.
Postf or pone, becomes po, in pomoBrtum, jmneridianiis.
Fro is written prod before a vowel, as in prod-eat ; it suffers
metathesis in pol4tceo, por-riffo, where it approaches to the
cognate |wr, if it is not identical with it.
The inseparable r«, really a form of tns=ai/a, is written red before
a Towel, or the dentals d, t; compare rcrf-eo, redrdo^ ret-tuU.
Sine appears onlj as se or sed-, the former with an occasional
tmesis, as in Lucret* i. 453 : sejungi aeque gregari.
Sub may change b to the following letter, and sometimes as-
sumes 8 before tj as in suhs-fy'aho.
Trans may be shortened into tra.
Vey or vehe, is not a preposition, but a particle containing the
same root 9A via^ veha, veho, voeg, &c.
§ 8. Negative Particles,
Negative particles £b.U into two main classes essentially dif-
ferent -in signification; for they denote either dental, which is
categorical negation, ox prohibition, which is hypothetical nega-
tion ; in the former case, we negative an affirmation, i. e. affirm
that the case is not so ; in the latter, we negative a supposition,
i. e. prohibit or forbid an assumed or possible event. As these
differences are absolute in logic or syntax, it is necessary that
they should be expressed by the forms of the words ; and the
three classical languages have sufficient, but by no means iden-
tical, methods of conveying these distinctions. The Greek lan-
guage expresses categorical negation by the particle ovTor ov-k,
amounting to a-iut-Fa-iv, which denotes distance and separation,
but takes for the expression of a prohibition or negative hypo-
thesis the particle /m;, which is connected with the first personal
pronoun, and is therefore opposed to ovk as subject is to object
{New Crat. § 189). The Hebrew language has the same root
^, which is ultimately identical with the Indo-Grermanic na or
af^^a, to express both negation and prohibition > but while the
26 — Z
404 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAIi WORDS. [CHAP- X.
categorical negative th conveys this idea by a lengthened stress
on the vowel which follows the liquid, the hypothetical 7K
denotes the prohibition of an act present or intended by an
initial breathing which throws the emphasis on the Anlaui
{Mashil le-SopheTj p. 15). The Latin language, like the
Hebrew, contents itself with one pronominal element, namely, n\
signifying ** distance" and "separation," for both negation and
proliibition, but distinguishes these in form by adopting a com-
pound or lengthened word for the categorical negative, while the
liypothetical word appears without any such strengthening
addition. Thus, while the common expression for the cate-
gorical negative is nan for nenu, or ncsnu, which is obviously
fie cenum or ne tmT«»i with the ecthlipsis of the final m, we find
merely ne in the prohibitive sense, in ordinary Latin. There are
traces in single words and in the older authors of a strengthening
affix c in this latter use (above, p. 118), corresponding to the
affix which appears in ov-k or ou-^^- ^® mn^t distinguish this
affix from tlie conjunction -que, which appears in the disjunction
ne-que (MtiUer, SuppL Ann. ad Feat p. 387). If, Aen, we
compare ou-/e = a-va-Fa-/c with ne-c, we shall see that they differ
only in the inserted element Fa, arid there is no reason to suppose
that the categorical n^an differs from the hypothetical n«, otiier-
wise than by the strengthening word unum^ which is also in-
volved in nullus ~ n^unu-lus. On tlie other hand, we see finom
the categorical use of n^nquam^ n^uaquam^ ne-quidem and ne-
que^ that the negative ne may always be used in a denial of facts,
if it is only sufficiently strengthened. The identity of a-ya^[Fa]-ic
and ne^ is farther shown by the use of the negative as a prefix
in Latin. Of this we have three forms ; the simple ne or «il as
in ne-faSy ns-scia, ni-hil, nt-sty &c. ; the same with «=Fa pre-
fia^ed, as in in-iquuSj in-numerus, im-mensuaj i-ffnatma^ &c;
with c affixed, as in fteo-optnt<«, neg^tium, neg-liga or neoMgo.
As it is quite clear that in these instances the element n is that
which gives the negative force, and as this element is common to
n^an and ne, it follows that the Romans did not distinguish
between the form of the prohibition and categorical negation
otherwise than by strengthening the latter. And this extenuation
of the negative emphasis in subordinate expressions is also shown
by the fact, that, in conditional and final sentences, the mere dirai-
§ 8.] PRONOUNS AND PUONOMINAL WORDS, 405
nation of asaertion expressed by mintia took the place of the
shorter negatire ; thus we have si minua for sin, and quominua
for quin. It is a question whether the shorter form ne can
appear without some strengthening affix, as ^um^ -jm6, or
-^uidem, in the categorical negation. Of the passages quoted
some are manifestly corrupt, and it seems that ne is not used
categorically, except when it stands for ne^uidemj " not even"
(see Drakenborch, ad Liv. viir. 4; xxxiii. 49). It may be
doubted in these cases whether there is not a concealed prohi-
bition, as in the Greek ^ ori. On the other hand, when nan
appears, as it occasionally does, in a final sentence, there is always
some reason for the employment of this more emphatical par-
ticle. Thus 7ie phira dicain, or ut ne plttra dicam, means
merely " not to say more," but lU plura nan dtcam neque alio^
rum exemplia confirmem (Cic. pro lege ManiL 15, § 44) implies
a more deliberate abstinence from irrelevant details. The dif-
ference between ne-^uidem and non-quidem or nec-quidem con-
sists in the greater degree of emphasis conveyed by the former,
which is much the more usual combination; for ne-quidem means
"not even;" but non (or nee) -^uidem denotes merely a qualifi-
cation of opposed terms, so that qutdem is simply the Greek
fiev : this appears from Quintilian's rendering (ix. 3, § 65) of
Demosthenes {de Corond, p. 288) : ovk ehrov fjtev ravray ovk
iypayffu Si* oiJS* Sypay^a /*«/, ouk errpeafieva-a Sc* oi5S' hrpia-
fiewra fieUy ovk hreurcC hk Srffialov^, — *^ non enim dixi quidemy
^sed non scripsi; nee scripsi qutdem^ sed non obii legationem;
nee obii qutdem, sed non persuasi Thebanis" (see Wagner on
Verg. Ge4yrg. i. 126).
This distinction in emphasis regulates the employment of the
negative particles in interrogations, and we observe the same
relation between the Greek and Latin particles in this use also —
that is, we employ nonne in Latin, where we write ap ov in
Greek ; num, which bears the same relation to ne that ipsus does
to ipse or necessum to necesae, corresponds to the Greek use of
palf or fAtj ovv^fi&v\ and the enclitic -Ti^is used when no nega-
tion appears in Greek ; thus we have pp ovk lariv dadei/ij^ ;
ss nonne cegrotat ? when we expect an affirlnative answer ; Spa
fui i<rraf aadeini^] or fiSv aadarq^ i<m ;^num cegrotat f when we
expect a negative answer ; and apa dadevrj^; i<m ; = cegrotat-ne f
406 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
when we merely ask for information. The emplojment of the
negative in the final sentence really emanates from this use in
interrogation^, coupled with the prohibitive value of the shorter
particle. The subordinate sentence, whether affirmative or neg^
tive, is generally coupled with that on which it depends by some
relative or interrogative particle. In Greek this particle cannot
be dispensed with, except in those cases, when the thing feared,
denied, or doubted, is expressed by a prohibitive sentence, and
here the usual form of the final or illative sentence is reUn-
quished; but the use of &ar€ firf {Or. Or. Art. 602) shows that
this is merely an idiomatic omission, and SiBouea /ju^ 6ai^ might
. have been written tktouca ok /^^ Oawo^ or &<rre firj davet»^ ^' I
fear with a view to the result that I may not die." The examples
collected by Mr. Allen {Analysia of Latin VerbSy pp. 337 sqq.)
sufficiently show that in Latin the relative particle ut may be
either inserted or omitted at pleasure, whether the subordinate
sentence is affijrmative or negative.
CHAPTER XI.
THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB.
§ E. The Latin verb generally defective. % i. The penooftl inflexion! — their oon-
aistent anomaliea. § 3. Doctrine of the Latin tenses. § 4. The subetau-
tive. verba, § 5. Paadty of organic formations in the regular Latin, verb.
§ 6. General scheme of tenses in the Latin verb. § 7. Verbs which may be
regarded as parathetic oompoimdB. % 8. Tenses of the vowel-verbs which are
combinations of the same kind. § 9. Organic derivation of the tenses in the
consonant-yerb. § 10. Auxiliary tenses of the passive voice. § ri. The
modal distinctions— their syntax. § is. Forms of the infinitive and partici-
ple — how connected in derivation and meaning. § 13. The gerundiwn and
gmrundwun^ shown to be active and present. § 14. The participle in
-iwruM, § 15. The perfect subjunctive. § 16. The past tense of the infinitive
active. § 1 7. The future of the infinitive passive.
§ 1. The Laiin Verb generally defective.
THE* forms of the Latin verb are meagre and scanty in the
same proportion as the cases of the nouns are multifarious
and comprehensive. The deficiencies of the one are due to the
same cause as the copiousness of the other. They both spring
from the antiquated condition of the language. An idiom which
has been long employed in literature will generally substitute
prepositions for the inflexions of cases, and, by the employment
of yarious syntactical devices, increase the expressiveness and
significance of the verb. It is just in these particulars that the
dialects formed from the Latin differ from their mother-speech,
and in the same particulars they approximate to the syntactical
distinctness of the Greek.
§ 2. The Personal Infiexums — their consistent Anomalies.
The Latin person-endings are, however, on the whole, less
mutilated than the corresponding inflexions in the Greek verb.
This is because the person-endings are, in fact, case-endings of
pronouns, by virtue of which every forln of the finite verb be-
comes complete in itself (see New Crat. § 347), and the case-
endings, as has been already observed, are more perfect in Latin
than in Greek.
The person-endings of the active verb, as they appear in
classical Latin, are -m, -«, -t; -mus^ -tis, -nt. But these forms
408 THE THBORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [cHAP. XL
are not maintained throughout all the tenses. The present
indicative has dropt the characteristic -m^ except in the two cases
of sum and inquam. The sign of the first person singular is
also wanting in the perfect indicative, and in the futures in -io
and -ro. The second person singular is represented by -« in
every case but one — that of the perfect indicative, which substi*
tutes '8ti. The third singular is always -t ; the first plural al-
ways -mus; the second plural always -tts, except in the perfect
indicative, when it is -stis, corresponding to the singular of the
same person ; and the third plural is always -ni, though this is
occasionally dropt in the third person plural of the perfect indi-
cative. The loss of the final t in the third person singular is
found both in the Umbrian forms AaJc, fuia^ «, &c. for habeij
fuat^ sity &c., and in the old Latin dede, dedroy dederi. We
have also in Umbrian covoriuso and benuso for converterunt and
venerunt If we may judge from the -to, -tote of the imperative,
these person-endings must have been originally ablative or causa-
tive inflexions of the pronouns. The original form of the im-
perative suflSx in the singular number was -torf or -tW, which is
unequivocally an ablative inflexion (above, Chap. viii. § 8).
In common Latin the imperative not only lost its personal affix
in the second singular, but even suffered an apocope of the crude
form in certain verbs, as due and fac. For da or data we have
d6 in c^^, "give-here," plural cette; and I have elsewhere
endeavoured to prove that the nearly synonymous mS-do must
be a similar form involving also the first personal pronoun (" On
the Etymology of the Latin particle woefo," Trans, of the PhiUL
8oc. 1854, pp. 97 sqq.).
The person-endings of the passive verb present some difficul-
ties to the inquiring philologist. In fact, only the third person,
singular and plural, seems to have been preserved free firom
mutilation or suppression. The terminations of the passive
should, according to the rules of sound philology, present them-
selves as inflexions or cases of the active person-endings (see
New Oratylusj § 348). If, then, we compare the active atMU^
amanty amare^ with the corresponding passive forms, amatury
amantur, amarter, we must conclude that r, connected with the
active form by a short vowel, e or w, is the sign of the passive
voice, and that this amounts to an inflexion of the active form
§2.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VEEB. 409
analogous to the adverbs in -ter {lent-ter, gnavi-ter^ &c.), or -Hm
{gradortim^ &c.) (New Cratylu8, § 365, above, p. 343). In fact,
thq isolated particle igi-tur supplies a perfect analogy for the
passive person-endings -tur and -ntur. This particle, as we
have seen (above, pp. 342, 401), is an extension in -tur from the
comp.osite form t-gi (cf. e-go^ er-ga^-o), e-ho, e-Ja), and it has the
locative meaning " thereupon" in a Fragment of the xii. Tables
(above, p. 242). We have also «een that the adverbs in -fer,
'ttm are used in a locative sense. And whether we conclude
that 'tur is a locative like rSOi, or identical with -tua = -^cv, and
therefore bearing a locative meaning only as the act of separation
implies proximity at the moment of separation (above, p. 397),
there can be no doubt that it does bear that locative sense, which
is required by the person-endings of the passive voice. The
identity of -tur with -ter (-tim) is farther shown by the form
amari-er, which stands by the side of ama-tur, and the change
from the short ^ to w, is found in other cases, eg. in tubur-ctno
from tuber and in tacitur-nus and diutur-nus by the side of
hester-ntia. According to this, the first persons amor and ama"
mur are contractions of arnomSr^ aTnamUs^y according to the
Sanscrit analogy (comp. hhar^ with <f>€pofiai, &c. New Grot.
§§ 352, 362). The second persons, amaris {amare) and ama-
mini, are altogether diflFerent forms ; 'they seem to be two verbals,
or participial nouns, of the same kind respectively as the Latin
and Greek active infinitive, amare ^amcLse (compare dicsis-sey
ea-ae, Gr. y&uii^, v^w, &c.), and the passive participle tvttto-
fuvo^. The verbal, which stands for the second person singular
of the passive verb, was probably, in the first instance, a verbal
noun in -ais; compare frpa^i^, filp/r^a^, &c. That which re-
presents the second person plural is the plural of a form which
is of very frequent occurrence in the Latin language {New Crat,
§ 362). The earlier form ended in -minor, and is preserved in
the imperative, which in old Latin had a corresponding second
person singular in -mino: thus we have anteatamino {Legg. xii.
Tab. I. Fr. 1, above, Ch. vi. § 7), jhmino (Fest. p. 87), prca-
Jumino {Cai. B. B. 136, 140),/rMtWno {Inacr. Orut), for ant^-
atare, fare, prcafarey fruere; as well as arbitraminor (Plant.
JEpid. V. 2, 30) and progrediminor (id. Paeud. ill. 2, 70) for
arbitramini and progredimini. The use of these verbals, with a
410 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [cHAP. XI
fixed gender, and without any copula, to express passive predi-
cations referring to the second person, is one of the most siiigalar
features in the Latin language, and the former can only be
compared to the Greek use of the infinitive to express the
second person imperative.
§ 3. Doctrine of the Latin Tenses,
There is, perhaps, no one department of classical philology,
in which so little has been done as in the analysis and simplifica-
tion of the Latin tenses. They are still arranged and designated
as they were in the beginning; and no one seems to have dis-
cerned the glaring errors inseparable from such a system. Even
among the more enlightened, it is not yet agreed whether certain
tenses axe to be referred to the indicative or to the subjunctive
mood, and forms of entirely different origin are placed together
in the same category.
Without anticipating the discussion of the difficulties which
beset the doctrine of the Latin tenses, I will premise that, prac-
tically, the regular verb has four moods and five tenses, whidi
are known by the following names, and represented, in my
Grammar, by the notation attached to the terminology; the in-
diccUive (A), imperative (B), aubfunctive (C), and injinitive (D)
moods, and the present (I), *imperfsct (EC), perfect (III), pluper-
fict (IV), and JiUtire (V) tenses. Thus, to avoid repeating the
names, A. IIL will represent the perfect indicative, C. 11. the
imperfect suhjunctive, and so on.
An accurate examination of all the forms in the Latin lan-
guage will convince us that there are only two ways in which
a tense can be formed organically from the root of a Latin verb.
One is, by the addition of «-; the other, by the addition of t^.
We find the same process in the Greek verb; but there it is
regular and systematic, supplying us throughout with a complete
series of primary and secondary, or definite and indefinite tenses*.
In Greek, we say that the addition of <r- to the root forms the
aorist and friture, that the same adjunct in a more guttural form
1 For the convenience of the reader, I will repeat here the distinc-
tions which I have elsewhere quoted from J. L. Bomoaf s Mkhode pour
kudier la Langue Gfreequej pp. 216 sqq. :
§ 4.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 411
makes the perfect, and that the insertion of ^ indicates the
conjunctiTe or optative mood. Moreover, we have in the Greek
yerb an augment, or syllable prefixed for the pnrpose of marking
past time as such, and traces at least of the systematic employ-
ment of reduplication to designate the continuance of an action.
As the ancient epic poetry of the Greeks neglects the augment,
we may understand how it fell into desuetude among the Romans.
The reduplication too, though common to all the old Italian lan-
guages, is of only partial application in the existing forms of
the Latin yerb. With regard to the value of the tenses in a--
and It the same holds to a certain extent in Latin also ; but
while the principle is here susceptible of a double application, it
is, on the other hand, interrupted by the operation of a system
of composite tenses which is peculiar to the Latin language, and
still more so by the regular use of the afiSx*-* to express derived
or indefinite tenses.
§ 4. 3%6 Substantive Verbs.'
Before I proceed to examine the tense-system of the Romans,
as it appears in all the complications of an ordinary verb, it will
be as well to analyze, in the first instance, the substantive verb
which enters so largely into all temporal relations.
The Latin language has two verbs signifying "to be:" one
contains the root e»-, Sanscr. <»-, Greek €<r-, Lith. ee-; the other,
the root^, Sanscr. JAfl-, Qr. ^u-, Lith. bu-.
The inflexions of eg- are as follows :
FRDIABY TEK8ES.
Tho Present expresses nmuUaneity^ .^i. i> ^ ( J^ ^*'
mu ™ X M ' 'J^ I '^«th reference to J . ,. .
The Future . . . postenaritv > . ^ . 'i w Urtn
The Perfect . , . ZlerMt^ ) the present time (^^ ^^
SECONDARY TENSES.
Thelmperfeot expresses «tmuZtoneifv^ ., ^ (jeliioiB^
TheAomt . . . porierhrity } '''*^ "^T^"^. *^ ] j, lu**
The Pluperfect . . anteriarity ) «>»« «t^er time (^^^i^
^ pendant que youb dcriviez. ' apr^ que vous eiites fini d'^rire.
' ayant quo vous eusaiez ^crit.
412 THE THEORT OF THE LATI^ VERB. [CHAF. XL
INDICATIVE PRESENT, A. I,
Actual form. Ancient fonn.
Sanscrit
Lxthuanian.
^sum . . .
esum^ . • •
iunit . •
. em»»
£»'...
essi • . .
asi • .
. e«»»
es't ...
esti . . •
asti . .
. estiy est
^mimtis . .
esumtis . .
sm€ts
. e«ma
es'tts . .
esitis . • '.
st'a .
. • esie
'sunt . .
esunt . .
^nf»
. [e»an<?]
IMPERFECT,
A. II.
Actual form.
Ancient form.
Sanscrit
eram .
. * . ^am
. • .
. dsam
eras
. . . Ssas
. • «
. ^^^
erat . .
. . Ssat
• . •
. di.it
eramua
. . ^samus . . .
. ^S^ma
ercUia
. . ^aiis
...
. dsta
erant . .
. . fsant
...
. &an
FUTURE
or SUBJUNCTIVE, A. V. i
w C. L,
Formed by the insertion of the guttural element -t.
Actual foi
rms.
Ancient form. Sanscrit
erOy 'simy
'stVm .
. esydm .
. sydm
erisy 'sis,
'siVs .
. esyds .
. *y^
ertty 'sitj
'siA . ..
. esydt .
. sydt
erimus, 'simt
iSy 'siemus .
. esydmus
. sydma
erUiSy 'sitis
, 'stVtis .
. esydtis
. 4;y<!ito
erunty 'sint,
'stVnt ,
. e«y^w< .
. «yu*
. INDEFINITE or PAST TENSE» C. II.,
Fonned from the last by the addition of -id.
Actual form. Ancient form.
es'-sem '. . . . es-sa-yam
esses .... es-sa-yas
&c. &c.
INFINITIVE, D,
Or locative of a verbal in -tit, expressing the action of the yerb*.
esse.
I Varro, L. L. ix. 100, p. 231.
« New Crat. § 410.
§->.] • THB THEORY OF THB LATIN VERB. 413
PARTICIPLE, E.
Nom, *«en[^]tf {m ab-aeni, pras'tenSf kc.) ongintiXiy esen[i]8
Gten. ^sentia esentis
&c. &c.
IMPERATIVE, B.
eSy €8t0 originally €8, €8tod
esio . • • . eatod
este, eatote .... eaite, esitote
aunto .... eaunto.
Throughout the Latin verb we may observe, as in the case
of ero here, that the element i has vanished from the first person
of the future; for ero does not really differ from eaum^ the
present indicative. The explanation of this may be derived from
the fact, that in English the first and the other persons of the
future belong to different forms : where an Englishman says, " I
shall" of himself, he addresses another with "you will;" and
conversely, where he asserts of another that " he shall," he tells
him, " I will." The third person plural ^runt is only another
way of writing erint; u^ being substituted, as it so frequently is,
for 1,, to which the qualifying i had been ultimately reduced.
But besides the form of the future in f, we have in old Latin
another expression of it in the inchoative form eaco for ea-aco '
(Leffg. XII. Tab. apud OelL xx. i. Tab. i. fr. 3; Lucret. i. 613 ;
Festus, s. V. eacit, p. 77; aupereacit, p 302; nee, p. 162; obeacet,
p. 188; and Miiller, Suppl Annot. p. 386).
The verb /i*-, which appears as a supplementary form or
auxiliary tense of the substantive verb, is really a distinct verb,
very complete in its inflexions, and connected by many interest-
ing affinities with the other Indo-Germanic languages. It has
been shown elsewhere that in these languages, the same root is
used to express ." light," or "brightness," and "speaking" {New
Crai. § 460). To t!ie idea of "light" belongs that of "mani-
festation," or " bringing to light," and this is simply the idea of
" nmking," or " causing to be." Now the full form of the root
^'ifo'f ft*^-> which, in Greek, Latin, and Sanscrit, conveys the
cognate expressions of "light" and "speech," involves what is
called a digamma in Aualaut as well as in Anlaut; for we learn
from the words favoniua^ vapor, &c. that the full forms must
have been FaFrifu, ^nFo^, &c. {New Crat. § 468). Now this
414 THE THBORY OP THE LATIN VEREL [CHA"^. XI.
foil form is much more obvious in <^u-, facr^ signifying "to
make," than in the roots w&ich conrej the other modifications
of meaning ; although fax^ " a torch," and fades ^ " the counte-
nance," contain the guttural at the end of the root, which ap-
pears m facto, and which is a residuum of the first constituent of
the digamma, just as the v in <^u- represents the ultimate form of
the constituent labial. In the ordinary forms of the Greek verb,
the transitive ^va>, ^v<r(k>, e<f>va-a, do not seem to differ externally
firom the intransitive €if>inf and 'rri^vKo. But we know firom
philological induction that the latter must have involved the ele-
ment t=ya {New GrcU. § 380); and in old Greek we actually
find the form if>vl(a corresponding to the Pelasgian Jiiiua and the
Greek vw (above, p. 202). The following table will show
what remains of the Greek and Latin forms of <^=: ^oF (^vm»,
o-wi;/(M, iroirito; see Or, Gr. 322), andj^=/ac iox fxf "to
bring to light,'' or " cause to be."
TRANSITIVE.
Pres. ^v-o = ^F<^•/L^ A. I. fac-io
Fut, if>iH<re9 A. V. fho-sim
Aor. e^^v-^a A. V^. {el-fac-sim
Perf. A. IIL f^factooutr.fSci.
INTRANSITIVE WITH ADJUNCT t. *
Pres. ^vUo A. I. fio=fiio (-fto)
Fut A. V. fbrem^fii'sim.
Aor. i^x}v = i^vuLfi A. V^. [e\-forem {--ebam)
Perf. iri<t>VKa = ir€^viaKa A. HI. Jui^ or fuvi^Jufui,
sometimes ^^ich» sum.
PARTICIPLES, E.
if>v^ = ^u-/ai/T-9 fvrturue
7r€<f>v/cw fwtus ^fui-his
fascundus ^^fuirscundua
vi&i = (^vtFoT? fosmmuA ^fai-mtnuS (cf.
fc&mtna)
fmus^firlius.
The omission oi v^ya in €j>vv is shown by the quantity of
V in the plural; comp. €<f>vfjL€p with iSel/cvvfia/. It will be seen
1 That the fi inyiit is properly long is shown by many passages in
Plautus (see Ritschl, Proleg. p. 17l).
§4.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 415
at once that the Latin verb ia much more complete than the
Greek : and besides these forms, which admit of direct compa-
rison, the Latin neuter verb has a present snbjunctiTe faam^
furianij a pluperfect indicative fu-^eram ^juesam^ a perfect sub-
junctive fuerim (or faero) ^^fuvensim, and a corresponding i^xxr
j^GrfectJuiasem^Jiive^e-^m» The «=sr, which appears in the
last three of these forms, is best explained bj a comparative
analysis of 7ri(f>v/ca and Jut^Ju/ui. As t is the regular ex-
ponent of guttural vocalisation, as the guttural, before it subsides
into t, is generally softened into 8 and A, and as we find k, «, A
in the perfect and aorist of Greek verbs, we see that 7ri<t>vtea
compared with yw/wi presumes an intermediate /w/w^a, and thus,
bj a transposition and substitution quite analogous to the French
change of I through ul into u, we get the following explanation
of the existing forms of the Latin perfect, in accordance with the
assumption of an original inflexion in -«a.
v€<l)V' KO'lfi] JuJu-Bdt-m =fufuis =fy/w
frc^v-m.ff (or -Ai: cf. ob^Ba) fufi^M-iha ^fyfui-B-H
frt^Kf-y (for -n) JkifiirM-t —fyfunri-i =fiijuii
w¥t)v-KariU'V (for -fi€-ff) Jk^kh$chmiu=^fy/wr8-mu»=fujuimiu
vt4>v-Ka'T€ (for -T€g) fuJu-ta-iU ^fyfid-i-iU
ntifw'Ka-o'i (for -wi) fy/u-s-ant =>fyfu&'sni =fy/uerumi.
The «, which appears before the r = tf in the mutilated inflexions
of the Latin perfect, assumes the weaker form of e in the pluper-
fect, which must originally have corresponded in termination to
the perfect, though the loss of the distinguishing augment has
obliged the Latin language to have recourse to a variation of the
affixes in the secondary tenses. Thus, while we must have had
originally e^Jufuaa by the side oijufiisa, the former has become
Jueram, while the latter has shrunk into Jui. We ipust take
care not to confuse between the t, which represents a lost s in
Jut, and liiat which appears as the characteristic of the subjunc-
tive mood in furam^furiam and in fuerim ^ fwe^aim ; for
. although there is every reason to believe that the « = r of the
fut. and perf. is really identical ultimately with the % of the
subjunctive, the actual Amctions are difierent in the cases which
require to be discriminated. Originally, no doubt, fao-mm and
forem ^fursim were futures indicative which had corresponding
aorists; but like the Greek conjunctive, which was originally
416 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [cHAP. XL
future, thej have been remanded to a subordinate position.
The loss of the original reduplication might lead us to confuse
between for em ^fu-sim and fiiertm ^fafu-axm; but the latter
is really a subjunctive formation from the perfect indicative,
entirely analogous to r€Tif<f>oifu from r€Tv<f>a» From ftiertm we
have fuissem ^fufu-aa-sim by the same extension which con-
verts aim = esim or esyam into essem = es-sa-tm or ea-aa-yam.
This use of the aflSx s in successive accretions to form the
secondary past tenses, although regular in its application to
the Latin verb, is quite inconsistent with the use of the same
affix in the Greek verb, where it seems to indicate proximate
fiiturity.
The association of the roots es- and /u-, as supplementary
tenses of one substantive verb, and the use of the latter to form
more or less of the subordinate inflexions of all other verbs, is
best explained by the meaning of these two roots themselves.
For while c«- denotes ** continuance of being," t. e. " existence,"
fu' expresses "beginning of being,'* or "coming into being."
The parallelism therefore between es- and fu" is the same as
that between the Greek elfil^ itr-fil, and yiyvofieUy which fur-
nishes the materials for the opposition between the systems of
Plato and Heracleitus. There is the same association of resem-
blance and contrast between the Hebrew root t^>, which agrees
with the Sanscrit as and our esse, and mn or rTHi which
coincides in meaning, and ultimately in origin, with the Sanacr.
bhiir, the Greek ^u- and oixr fu-. And whatever may be the
true view with regard to the explanation of the names fS
and buddkd, there cannot be the least doubt that the much
more important name rniT or nVT has reference to the fact,
that the pod of Revelation is the God who manifests himself
historically, so that while UT^t^ is the Beginning and the
End, miT is the Middle, that is, God manifested in the world,
and therefore always in process of being or becoming by his
acts of redemption and creative power\ It is obvious that,
with this difference of meaning, es- is adapted to express the
continuous tenses of a verb of being, while /m- describes the
1 This idea h vrell deroloped hj Delltzscb, Oenuii, pp. 23» 389» 3d0.
§5.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN TERB. 417
completion of single acts, coming into being and saccessirely
determined.. Thus ea- will give ns the present and imperfect,
together with the vague future or potential aim = era. The
perfect and its derivatives will naturally be Aimished by j^t,
"I have become," or "I have come into being." The form
Jorem, which is used as a synonym for. essem^ is probably an
aorist, which, like the Greek optative, has lost its augment
{New CrcU. § 391). It is therefore, as it stands, externally
identical with the original future, of which fuam ^fu-yam is
a mere mutilation. The future signification is retained \ijJiMre^
^^ to become," which is really a present tense analogous to ea-ae;
ioTJUri is a latter and irregular form.
§ 5. Patidty cf Organic Formations in the regular
Latin Verb*
The conjugations of these two verbs furnish us with speci-
mens of organic inflexions for all the teinses, in other words, the
tenses are formed without the aid of any foreign adjunct except
those pronominal elements which contribute to the living mar
chinery of all inflected languages. But this is not the case with
the great mass of verbs which constitute the staple of the Latin
language. Although the flexion-forms in ^ and t- appear in all
these verbs, there is no one of them which is not indebted more
or less to ^u- for its active tenses ; and all verbs form some
tenses of their passive voice by calling in the aid of es-.
According to the ordinary classification of Latin verbs, there
are three conjugations of vowel- verbs, in a, «, and i, and one
conjugation of consonant-verbs, to which we must assign the
verbs in tto and some of those in to. Now, as a general rule,
we find that all vowel-verbs are secondary to nouns — in other
words they are derived from the crude forms of nouns. But
many nouns are demonstrably secondaiy to consonant-verbs.
Therefore we might infer, as a general rule, that the consonant-
verb belonged to a class of forms older or more original than
the vowel-verbs. This view is supported by a comparison of
the tenses of the two sets of verbs : for while we find that e^
often effects a primary variation in the consonant-verb, we ob-
serve that this insertion never takes place in the vowel-verb
except in composite forms, or in those verbs which neglect the
D. V. 27
416 THE THEORT OT THE LATIK VERB. [CHAP. XI.
Towel characterifltic in the formation of their perfects. The only
tense in the consonant-rerb, which can be consider^ as a com*
posite form, is the imperfect ; but the future does not correspond
to this, as is the case in the TOwel-verbs. Verbs in *tb partially
approximate to the consonant*yerbs in this respect
§ 6. General Scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb.
The following table will show the organic formations and
agglutinate additions» by which the tenses of the Latin verb are
constructed from the crude form. With regard to the perfect
indicative, it is necessary to premise that, in addition to the
parathetic or agglutinate combination with -fut, which will be
mentioned presently^ there are two forms in common use: one
which may be considered as a regular perfect, exactly corre-
sponding to Jilt— Jiijuij with a reduplication either expressed or
implied, and with the -s or guttural of the affix repreisented, as
in Jiit, by % or ts; and another, which may be regarded as an
aorist in -«e, although the inflexions of the persons exhibit the
same retention of t or i» as the regular perfect, and therefore
presume the addition of a repeated s or sa^ra^ which appears
in the pluperfect
VOWEL-VERBS.
CONSONANT-VEl
EtBS.
OrgKaiQ fonoa.
Agglutin&te fonns.
Oiganic forms.
Aggivtuiftto
fonns.
A. I. -0
-0
A.n.
'-bam for e-^m
-bam for
A; in.
"ui for fui
-t or '8%
t-fiam
A. IV.
"Ueram iorjueram
-eram or -^eram
A,V.
-bo iorfio
-tm
C.I. -m
-tm
C. II. -rem^sem
'■rem^^'Sem
C. III.
-uerim iorfuerim
-erim or -serim
CIV.
-uissem iorfuissem
-issem or -sissem
•
§ 7. Verbs which may be regarded as Parathetic Compounds.
The fourteenth chapter will show that the most remarkable
feature in the pathology of the Latin language is the prevalent
tendency to abbreviation by which it is characterized. Among
many instances of this, we may especially advert to the practice
§ T.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 41&
of prefixing the crude fonn of one verb to some complete in-
flexion of another. Every one knows the meaning of such com-
pounds as vide-licet {^vtdere licet) y aci-ltoet (^$cire lioet), pate*
facio {^patert facto) y ven-eo {^venum eo, comp. venum-do, on
the analogy of per-eo, per-do) \ &c. There is a distinct class of
verbs in -so, wh 
Open Library