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Cambridge :
PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
VARRONIANUS:
ὦ Gritical and Wistorical δτάτουπαϊσι
THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY
AND TO
THE PHILOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE
LATIN LANGUAGE.
BY
JOHN WILLIAM. DONALDSON, D.D.
CLASSICAL EXAMINER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON;
AND FORMERLY FELLOW AND CLASSICAL LECTURER OF TRINITY COLLEGE,
CAMBRIDGE.
THIRD EDITION,
LONDON: JOHN W. PARKER AND SON.
CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO.
1860.
ZEEE F&F
THE RIGHT REVEREND
CONNOP THIRLWALL, D.D.
LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID's,
THIS WORK. I8 REINSCRIBED
WITH AN UNDIMINISHED APPRECIATION
OF THE SERVICES, WHICH HAS RENDERED TO CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY,
AND WITH A LIVELY REOOLLECTION
OF THE PERSONAL KINDNESS AND VALUABLE INSTRUCTION,
WHICH THE AUTHOR RECEIVED FROM HIM MANY YEARS AGO.
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
HE careful revision, which I bestowed upon the Second
Edition of this Work, has enabled me, on the present
occasion, to escape a large proportion of the renewed labour -
and study, which I must otherwise have encountered. It is
irue that my interest in Italian philology has rather in-
creased than diminished, and the course of lectures on
Latin Etymologies and Synonyms, which I had the honour
to deliver to some of the best Scholars in the University
on recommencing my residence at Cambridge in October,
1855, may be regarded as some sort of proof that in mat-
ters of detail I had still, as I conceived, something new to
say on the subjects discussed in the following pages. Some
of the results of those investigations will be found in the
present edition. But these and other additions, though they
have increased the bulk of the present volume by at least
one-fifth of the whole, are mainly questions of lexicography
and special detail As far as regards the general deduc-
tions in Ethnography and Comparative Grammar, which
this book undertakes to establish, I have had nothing to
alter, and the additional matter will be found to confirm
and illustrate what I had previously advanced.
It is not necessary that I should restate the object
which I have proposed to myself in writing this book. The
Title-page sufficiently intimates that it is an attempt to
discuss the comparative philology of the Latin language on
the broad basis of general ethnography. My motto: licet
omnia Italica pro Romanis habeam—points to the attempt,
which I have made, to show historically how the classical
idiom of ancient Rome resulted from the absorption or
centralisation of the other dialects spoken in the peninsula.
b2
vili PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
And this result is justified by the ethnological deductions
here presented to the reader, which prove that, with the
exception of the Celtic substratum, which is occasionally
appreciable, there are no elements in the old population of
Italy which may not be regarded, as either Sclavonian, Low-
German, or that well-fused combination of those two branches
of the Arian family, which we term Lithuanian. All these
elements are homogeneous, and the political union enforced
by the conquests of the Imperial City on the Tiber natu-
rally led to a perfect combination or absorption of idioms,
which have been partially fused in other parts of Europe!.
The only part of the ethnographical theory propounded
in the former edition, which has not been received with
general and tacit assent, is the hypothesis that the Rasenic
or non-Pelasgian element in the Etruscan is ultimately
identical with the primitive form of the Scandinavian lan-
guages. A careful and scrupulous review of all the evi-
dence, and an impartial consideration of all the objections
raised by those who took a different view of the question,
have only tended to confirm my conviction of the validity
of the results, at which I had arrived; and I trust that
the additional arguments and illustrations, which I have
brought forward in the present edition, will increase the
number of those who have recognized in this solution of
the Etruscan problem the germs at least of a linguistic dis-
covery firmly resting on the only available induction.
1 In the map of ancient Italy which I have drawn up for this work,
I have 80 chosen the colours as to indicate the structures and relation-
ship of the different strata in the populations of ancient Italy. As I
believe;that the Greeks and Celts—like the Teutones and Cimbri of his-
‘tory—wero scions ultimately of the same stock, I have represented them
by cognate colours—red and pink; and then, taking yellow to mark the
Sclavonians and blue to indicate the Gothic tribes, the fusion of these
races in the Lithuanian or Latin is shown to the eye by a stratum of
green, which is a mixture of blue and yellow.
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. ᾿ 1X
With regard to the bearing of this work on the practi-
cal cultivation of Latin Scholarship, it is still the only
book which combines an adequate collection of the mate-
rials with an original explanation of the phenomena. The
opinion, which I expressed in the two former editions,
that Latin Scholarship is not flourishing in England’, may
now, I am happy to say, be considered as liable to some
qualification. How far the following pages may have con-
tributed to an increased study of Latin philology, I do
not presume to determine. Byt it cannot be doubted that
an improvement in this respect has commenced. Classical
examination papers in the higher competitions at the
Universities and elsewhere, both presume and require a.
more exact knowledge of the structure of the Latin lan-
guage, and some articles, which have appeared in the
Journal of Philology, show that we have among us at
least one or two scholars who have devoted themselves
to the minutie of Latin criticism with a zeal and abi-
lity which promise results not inferior to those which
have been obtained by Lachmann, Ritschl, and Madvig.
On the other hand, I cannot say that I see any better
prospect of a revived use of the Latin language as a
medium of communication among Scholars, and in this
respect at least I subscribe to the opinion expressed by
an entertaining writer in the Edinburgh Review’, and
quite agree with him in deprecating the discontinuance
of a practice, which, if it did not preserve the dignity of
learned controversy, αὖ least confined it to its narrower
Stage and more appropriate audience. I am also bound
to admit that our reputation for Latin Scholarship is
1 Seo also Mr. Paley's Prefaco to his Propertius, which was published
shortly after the second edition of this work (pp. xxii sqq.).
3 April, 1857; p. 512.
Χ - PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
still seriously compromised by. one or two pretentious
writers, whose unacquaintance with the refinements of the
Latin language is only equalled by their want of ordinary
tact and judgment, and by their contempt for the first
principles of scientific philology. Above all, it is to be
regretted that the greatest schools in this .country per-
sist in the use of Latin grammars, which not only fail to
convey with sufficient accuracy the essential facts of the
language, but, what is still worse, succeed in impressing
the tenacious memory of the most hopeful students with
erroneous statements and fallacious principles, which pro-
duce an ineradicable effect on all except the most original
minds.
Entertaining a profound conviction of the importance of
maintaining the old basis of a liberal education, and be-
lieving that an exact study of the language and literature
of ancient Rome is at least as useful as Greek scholarship
in its various applications, I have endeavoured in the pre-
sent work and in more elementary publications to furnish
teachers and learners with manuals of reference, which are
at any rate in harmony with the advanced philological dis-
cipline of the present generation. I do not need to be told,
how far I have fallen short of what might be done in this
way. As, however, I have not only made the first attempt
in the right direction, but have hitherto had few if any
fellow-labourers among my own countrymen, I may venture
to believe that I have been of some service to the better
class of Students; and the simultaneous demand for new
editions both of this work and of my Latin Grammar
encourages me to hope that my labours have recommended
themselves to the favourable consideration of an increasing
number of persons interested in, the philological study of
the Latin language.
J. W. D.
CAMBRIDGE, 27th April, 1860.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
O person who is conversant with the subject will ven-
ture to assert that Latin scholarship is at present
flourishing in England. On the contrary, it must be ad-
mitted that, while we have lost that practical familiarity
with the Latin language, which was possessed some forty
years ago by every Englishman with any pretensions to
Bcholarship, we have not supplied the deficiency by making
ourselves acquainted with the results of modern philology,
80 far as they have been brought to bear upon the lan-
guage and literature of ancient Rome. The same impulse,
which has increased and extended our knowledge of Greek,
has checked and impoverished our Latinity. The dis-
covery that the Greek is, after all, an easier language than
the Latin, and that it may be learned without the aid of
its sister idiom, while it has certainly enabled many to
penetrate into the arcana of Greek criticism who must
otherwise have stopt at the threshold, has at the same time
prevented many from facing the difficulties which surround
the less attractive literature of Rome, and, by removing
one reason for learning Latin, has induced the student to
overlook the other and higher considerations which must
always confer upon this language its value, its importance,
and its dignity. |
À return to the Latin scholarship of our ancestors
can only be effected by a revival of certain old-fashioned
xii PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
methods and usages, which have been abandoned, perhaps
more hastily than wisely, in favour of new habits and new
theories. No arguments can make it fashionable for scho-
lars to clothe their thoughts in a classic garb: example
will do more than precept; and when some English phi-
lologer of sufficient authority shall acquire and exert the
faculty of writing Latin with terse and simple elegance,
he will not want imitators and followers. With regard,
however, to our ignorance ef modern Latin philology, it
must be owned that our younger students have at least
one excuse—namely, that they have no manual of instruc-
lion; no means of learning what has been done and is
still doing in the higher departments of Italian philology ;
and if we may judge from the want of information on
these subjects which is so frequently conspicuous in the
works of our learned authors, our literary travellers, and
our classical commentators, this deficiency is deeply rooted,
and has been long and sensibly felt. Even those among -
us who have access to the stores of German literature,
would seek in vain for a single book which might serve as
the groundwork of their studies in this department. The
most comprehensive Roman histories, and the most elabo-
rate Latin grammars, do not satisfy the curiosity of the
inquisitive student; and though there is already before
the world a great mass of materials, these are scattered
through the voluminous works of German and Italian
scholars, and are, therefore, of little use to him who is not
prepared to select for himself what is really valuable, and
to throw aside the crude speculations and vague conjec-
tures by which such researches “are too often encumbered
and deformed.
These considerations, and the advice of some friends,
who have supposed that I might not be unprepared for
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. xii
such an office, have induced me to undertake the work
which is now presented to the English student. How far
I have accomplished my design must be left to the judg-
ment of others. It has been my wish to produce, within
' a8 short a compass as possible, a complete and systematic
ireatise on the origin of the Romans, and the structure
and affinities of their language,—a work which, while it
might be practically useful to the intelligent and educated
traveller in Italy, no less than to the reader of -Niebuhr
and Arnold, might at the same time furnish a few specimens
and samples of those deeper researches, the full prosecu-
tion of which is reserved for a chosen few.
The most cursory inspection of the table of contents
wil show what is the plan of the book, and what informa-
tion it professes to give. Most earnestly do I hope that
it may contribute in some degree io awaken among my
countrymen a more thoughtful and manly spirit of Latin
philology. In proportion as it effects this object, I shall
feel myself excused in having thus ventured to commit to
ἃ distant press ἃ work necessarily composed amid the dis-
tractions and interruptions of a laborious and engrossing
profession.
J. W. D.
Tae ScHooL Hatt, Bury Sr. EDMUND'S,
25th March, 1844.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES CONSIDERED AS RELATED TO EACH
OTHER.
Elements of the population of Rome . . . .
The Latins—a composite tribe - ΝΥ
The Oscans &c. . .. . .
Alba and Lavinium .
Trojan Colony in Latium. e.
The BSABINES—how related to the Umbrians and Oscans . ,
The Umbrians—their ancient greatness "M
Reduced to insignificance by successive contacts with the Tyr-
rheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans
The PELASGIANS—the differences of their position i in Ttaly and
Greece respectively . ,
Preserve their national integrity in n Etruria . "
Meaning and extent of the name * TYRRHENIAN" . .
The Erruscans—the author's theory respecting their origin .
The names Errusous and RASENA cannot be brought to an agree-
ment with TvRSENUS .
The legend that the Etruscans were re Lydians i is entirely destitute
of historical foundation
It is explicitly stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans were
connected with Reetia . . PC
This view of the case is after all the most reasonable 2t
It is confirmed by all available evidence, and especially by the
contrast between the town and country languages of ancient
Etruria.
Further inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary history of
the LUCERES .
(b) Fragmentary records of the early Constitution of Rome
(c) Etymology of some mythical proper names .
General Conclusion as to the mutual Relations of the old Italian
&
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER II.
THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF THE ANCIENT ITALIANS.
Etymology of the word Πελασγός
How the Pelasgians came into Europe ..
Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and Hellenic
Architecture. .
Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology o of the
two races . .
Thracians, Getso, and Scythians TEM
Scythians and Medes . .
Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Soythians, and Gete, may be
shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the remains
of the Scythian
Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this chain of
nations .
Peculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by Aristo-
phane ..
Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained .
. Names of the Scythian divinities .
Other Scythian Words explained .
Successive Peopling of Asia and Barope: fate of the o Mongolian
race .
The Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin
Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, &c.
Reasons for believing that they were the same race as the
Lithuanians . . . . . . .
Further confirmation from etymology .
Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and Lithuanians i in
Italy and elsewhere . .
The Sarmatee probably a branch of the Lithuanian family .
Gothic or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans shown
by their ethnographic opposition to the VenzT: . .
Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the Old Norse .
Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans . . .
Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names . ..
Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the Sclavonian . -.
Predominant Sclavonism of the old Italian languages. .
CHAPTER III.
XV
THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE AS EXHIBITED IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
1.
The Eugubirfe Tables
2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were | distin-
gushed . .
93
95
xvl CONTENTS.
PAGE
3. The Sibilants . . . . . . . . 97
4. Some remarks on the other letters . 000. 5. ew . 99
5. Umbrian Grammatical Forms . . 100
6. Selections from the Bugubino T Tables, with explanations . «+ 105
7. Tab. I.a,2—6 . . » . . . 108
8. Tab. I. b, 13 sqq. . . . . . . . 114
9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. 8 . . . . . 115
10. The Atidian Augural Sacrifice . , . 118
11. Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin synonyms . 190
12. The Todi Inscription contains four words of the same class. . 123
CHAPTER IV.
THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.
l. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as Sabel-
lian also . 196
2. Alphabetical list of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpreta-
tion . . " . 128
3. The Bantine Table . ee - 139
4. Commentary on the Bantine Table 00. 0. 5. . . 149
5. The Cippus Abellanus . . - ΝΕ 151
6. The Bronze Tablet of Agnone . . . . . . . 154
7. The Atellane . . . . . . . . . 156
CHAPTER V.
THE ETBUSCAN LANGUAGE.
1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an interpretation
| of the Etruscan language . . 164
9. Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained e 171
3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted . 180
4, Etruscan Inscriptions— Difficulties attending their Interpretation 196
5. Inscriptions in which the Pelasgian element predominates . 198
6. Transition to the Inscriptions which contain Scandinavian words.
The laurel-crowned Apollo. Explanations of the words CLAN
and PHLERES . - « « 202
7. Inscriptions containing the words Borm and TRECE 4 208
8. Inferences derivable from the words CvER, SvER, and TRUR or
THAUR . 210
9. Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old N orse in the
use of the auxiliary verb Lata. . δος 212
10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined—its Runic
affinities 5; . . 215
11.
12.
f£ 9 9 δὲ en ἢ"
X
CONTENTS.
Harmony betwoen linguistic research and ethnographic tradition
in regard to the ancient Etruscans .
General remarks on the absorption or evancscence of the old
Etruscan Language
CHAPTER VI.
THE OLD ROMAN OR LATIN LANGUAGE.
Fragments of old Latin not very numerous .
Arvalian Litany .
Chants preserved by Cato "
Fragments of the Salian Hymne
Old Regal Laws .
Remains of the XII. Tables
Tab I. .
Tab. II.
Tab. III.
The Tiburtine Inscription
The Kpitaphs of the Scipios
The Columna Rostrata. .
The Silian and Papyrian Laws, and the Edict of the Curule
ZEdiles . .
The Benatus-Consultum de Bacchanalibus ;
The Old Roman Law on the Bantine Table
The Agrarian Law of Sp. Thorius
CHAPTER VII.
ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET.
Organic Classification of the Original Latin Alphabet
The Labials . . . . .
The Guttarals . . . . . . .
TbeDentals. Ὁ . . . . «© .
xvil
PAGE
226
229
xvii CONTENTS.
go
fe 90 -3 Q» Θὲ 9 Ὁ m
-'O QU $9 τὉ "Ὁ
BAIR It
The Vowels . .
The Greek Letters used by the Romans
The Numeral Signs
CHAPTER VIII.
THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM.
Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system
General scheme of the case-endings . .
Differences of crude form .
Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusative plural
Existing forms—the Genitive . . .
The Dative and Locative . .
The Accusative Singular
The Ablative
The Neuter Forms
The Vocative
Adverbs considered as Cases of Nouns .
Adverbial expression for the day of the month
CHAPTER IX.
DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN.
The usual arrangement is erroneous. .
General rules for the classification of Latin N ouns .
First or -a Declension .
Second or -o Declension
Third Declension or consonantal Nouns
A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns
B. Second class or semi-consonantal Nouns
CHAPTER X.
PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.
General Definitions .
Personal Pronouns
Indicative Pronouns .
Distinctive Pronouns .
Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite ‘Pronouns
Numerals and Degrees of Comparison - "M
Prepositions . . . ἮΝ
Negative Particles
PAGB
307
818
324
-— —— -
ΟἹ 80 P i» $3 nr
μ-
e:90uges» pu
με
-
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XI.
THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB.
The Latin Verb generally defective
The Personal Inflexions—their consistent Anomalies .
Doctrine of the Latin Tenses
The Substantive Verbs . .
Paucity of Organic Formations in the regular Latin Verb
General Scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb . .
Verbs which may be regarded as Parathetic Compounds.
Tenses of the Vowel-verbs which are combinations of the same
kind. . .
Organic Derivation of the Tenses i in the Consonant-verb .
Auxiliary Tenses of the Passive Voice .
The Modal Distinctions—their Syntax
Forms of the Infinitive and Participle—how connected i in deri-
vation and meaning .
The GERUNDIUM and GERUNDIVUM shown to be active and pre-
sent .
The Participle i in 4ürus
The Perfect Subjunctive . .
The Past Tense of the Infinitive Active .
The Future of the Infinitive Passive
CHAPTER XII
THE LATIN CONJUGATIONR.
The Conjugations are regulated T the same © principle as the
Declensions .
The first or -a Conjugation .
The second or -e Conjugation
The third or -i Conjugation. .
The fourth or Consonant Conjugation. A. Mute Verbs
B. Liquid Verbs . 04
C. Semi-consonantal Verbs .
Irregular Verbs. A. Additions to the Present Tense
B. Abbreviated forms .
Defective Verbs
CHAPTER XIII.
DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION.
A. Derivation. General Principles ΝΞ
Derivation is merely extended or ulterior inflexion
X1X
472
473
ΧΧ
TIPO δι B 09
S -
— oc 2 eon
CONTENTS
(L) Derived Nouns. —. .
(a) Forms with the first Pronominal Flement only .
(b) Forms with the second Pronominal Element only
(c) Forms with the third Pronominal Element only . .
(a) Terminations compounded of the first and other Pronominal
Elements
(8) Terminations compounded of the second and other Pro-
nominal Elements
(y) The third Pronominal Element compounded with others and
reduplicated . .
(II) Derived Verbs . .
B. Composition. Discrimination of Compound Y Words .
Classification of Latin Compounds
CHAPTER XIV.
CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
Genius of the Latin Language.
Abbreviations observable in the written forms .
Ancient Testimonies to the difference between the spoken and
the written Language .
The Poetry of the Augustan age does not represent the genuine
Latin Pronunciation
Which is rather to be derived from an exantination of the Comic
Metres...
The French Language i is the best modern representative c of the
spoken Latin .
The modern Italian not equally so BO : and why .
Different dialects of the French Language . .
But all these Dialects were closely related to the Latin νος
Leading Distinctions between the Roman and Romance Idioms .
Importance and value ofthe Latin Language. . . . .
ERRATA.
Page 164 line 8 for trce read three
» 9351, 3, of ,, or
513
514
518
ETHNOGRAPHICAL MAP OF |
ANCIENT ITALY.
BY J.W.DONALDS8ON.D.D.F.R.G.5.
L—] a. Celts (Ligures, Ambrones &c)
» [L7 b. Sclavonians (Pelasdi, Tyrrheni &c)
| CM c. Gothio tribes (Raeti, Rasena)
CI d. Lithuanians Cb« c)(0sci, Latini, Babelli &o)
* ** e, Hellenes (Greek Colores )
VARRONIANUS.
— PB
CHAPTER I.
THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES CONSIDERED AS
RELATED TO EACH OTHER.
§ 1. Elements of the population of Rome. § 2. Tbe Latins—a composite tribe.
$3. The Oscans, &c. $4. Alba and Lavinium. $5. Trojan colony in Latium.
8 6. The SABINES—how related to the Umbrians and Oscans. § 7. The Um-
brians—their ancient greatness. § 8. Reduced to insignificance by successive
contacts with the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans. $9. The PELASGIANS
—the differences of their position in Italy and Greece respectively. $10. They
preserve their national integrity in Etruria. § 11. Meaning and ethnical extent
of the name “Tyrrhenian.” ὃ 12. The ETRUSCANB—the author's theory re-
specting their origin. § 13. Thenames Etruscus and Rasena cannot be brought
to an agreement with Tyrsenus. ὃ 14. The legend that the Etruscans were
Lydians is entirely destitute of historical foundation. ὃ 15. Itis explicitly
stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans were connected with Ratia. 8 16.
This view of the case is after all the most reasonable. $8 17. It is confirmed
by all available evidence, and especially by the contrast between the town and
country languages of ancient Etruria. 8 18. Further inferences derivable
from (a) the traditionary history of the Luceres. ὃ 19. (b) Fragmentary
records of the early constitution of Rome. § 20. (c) Etymology of some
mythical proper names. § 21. General conclusion as to the mutual relations
of the old Italian tribes.
§ 1. Elements of the population of Rome.
ΤῊ" sum of all that is known of the earliest history of Rome
is comprised in the following enumeration of particulars. A
tribe of Latin origin, more or less connected with Alba, settled
on the Palatine hill, and in the process of time united itself, by
the right of intermarriage and other ties, with a band of Sabine
warriors, who had taken up their abode on the Quirinal and
Capitoline hills. ‘These two towns admitted into fellowship
with themselves a third community, established on the Celian
and Esquiline hills, which seems to have consisted of Pelas-
gians, either from the Solonian plain lying between Rome and
D. Y. 1
2 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. I.
Lavinium, or from the opposite side of the river near Cere; and
the whole body became one city, governed by a king, or magister
populi, and a senate; the latter being the representatives of the
three original elements of the state, —the Latin or Oscan Ramnes,
the Sabine Titienses or Quirites, and the Pelasgian Luceres, It
appears, moreover, that the Etruscans, on the other side of the
Tiber, eventually influenced the destinies of Rome in no slight
degree, and the last three kings mentioned in the legendary tra-
ditions were of Etruscan origin. In other words, Rome was,
during the period referred to by their reigns, subjected to a
powerful Etruscan dynasty, from the tyranny of which it had, on
two occasions, the good fortune to escape. What Servius planned
was for the most part carried into effect by the consular consti-
tution, which followed the expulsion of the last Tarquinius.
As these facts are established by satisfactory evidence, and
as we have nothing else on which we can depend with certainty,
it follows that, in order to investigate the ethnical affinities of the
Roman people, and the origin and growth of their language, we
must in the first instance inquire who were the Latins, the Sa-
bines, the Pelasgians, and the Etruscans, and what were their
relations one with another. After this we shall be able with
greater accuracy to examine their respective connexions with the
several elements in the original population of Europe.
The general result will be this :—that the Septimontium, or
seven Hills of Rome, contained a miniature representation of the
ethnography of the whole Peninsula. Leaving out of the ques-
tion the Celtic substratum, which cannot be ascertained, but which
was probably most pure in the mountaineers of the Apennines,
the original population of Italy from the Po to the straits of
Rhegium was, like that of ancient Greece, Pelasgo-Sclavonian.
'This population remained unadulterated up to the dawn of ancient
history in the central plains to the west—namely, in Etruria
and Latium; but in the rest of Italy it was superseded or ab-
sorbed or qualified in different degrees of fusion by a population
of Gothic or Low-German origin, which, although undoubtedly
of later introduction in the Peninsula, was so mixed up with the
Celtic or primary tribes that it claimed to be aboriginal. When
this Low-German race remained tolerably pure, or at least only
infected with Celtic ingredients, it bore the names of Umbrians
$e] — AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 8
or Ombricans in the north, and of Opicans or Oscans in the
south. When it was intermixed with Sclavonic elements to
about the same extent as the Lithuanians or Old Prussians in
the north of Europe, this Low-German population became
known as Latins and Sabines. And the Etruscans or Rasena
were a later and uninfected importation of Low Germans fresh
from the north, who conquered and were partly absorbed into
the pure Tyrrhenians, or Pelasgo-Sclavonians to the right of the
Tiber.
In giving this general sketch of the ingredients which com-
posed the population of ancient Italy, I omit all reference to the
Greek colonists, who retained their language and a distinct na-
tionality in numerous settlements along the coast, and actually
gave the name of Grecia Magna (ἡ μεγάλη '"EXXds) to the south-
eastern part of the Peninsula. Like the colonies in Sicily, these
Greeks belong in every sense to their mother country, and
Italian ethnography is not more concerned with them than with
the inhabitants of Attica and Laconia. The Greeks of Cuma,
from whom the Romans derived their alphabet, and perhaps
many other features of their early civilisation, only anticipated
the influences, which subsequent intercourse with the Greeks of
the mother country produced on the whole texture of the lan-
guage and literature of Home.
§ 2. The Latins—a composite tribe.
The investigations of Niebuhr and others have made it
sufficiently certain that the Pelasgians formed a very important
element in the population of ancient Latium. This appears not
merely from the primitive traditions, but also, and more strongly, :
from the mythology, language, and architecture of the country.
It has likewise been proved that this Pelasgian population was
at an early period partially conquered by a tribe of mountaineers,
who are called Oscans, and who descended on Latium from the
basins of the Nar and the Velinus. The influence of these
foreign invaders was most sensibly and durably felt in the
language of the country; which in its earliest form presents
phenomena not unlike those which have marked the. idiom
Spoken in this island since the Norman conquest. The words
1—2
4 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHaP. 1.
relating to husbandry and peaceful life are Pelasgian, and the
terms of war and the chase are Oscan'.
As it is this foreign element which forms the distinction
between the Latins and the Pelasgians, let us in the first place
inquire into the origin and affinities of these Oscan conquerors,
in order that we may more easily disentangle the complexities
of the subject.
§ 3. The Oscans, dc.
The Oscans were known at different times and in different
places under the various names of Opicans, Opscans, Ausonians,
and Auruncans. The primary denomination was Op-icus or
Oqu-icus, derived from Ops or Opis = Oqu-is, the Italian name
of the goddess Earth; and these people were therefore, in
accordance with their name, the .Autochthones, or aboriginal
inhabitants of the district where they are first found. The
other denominations are derived from the same word, Op-s =
Oqu-is, by the addition of the endings -si-cus, -sunus, and -sun-
(cus. The guttural is assimilated in Oscus, the labial is absorbed
in Αὔσων, and the s has become 7, according to the regular pro-
cess, in Auruncus?,
1 Niebuhr, H. KE. 1. p. 82; Miller, Etrusker, 1. p. 17. This observa-
tion must not be pressed too far; for it does not in fact amount to more
than prima facie evidence. The Opican or Oscan language belongs to
the Indo-Germanic family no less than the Pelasgian; the latter, however,
was one ingredient in the language of ancient Greece, and it does not
appear that any Hellenic tribes were connected with the Oscans; con-
sequently it is fair to say that, as one element in the Latin language
. resembles the Greek, while the other does not, the Greecising element is
Pelasgian.
3 See Niebuhr, 1. 69, note. Buttmann, Lezxilogus, 1. p. 68, note 1.
(p. 154, Fishlake). The investigation of these names leads to a variety
of important and interesting results. It has been shown elsewhere that
in the oldest languages of the Indo-Germanic family the names of the
cow or ox and the earth are commutable (JN. Crat. $ 470). Not to refer
to the obvious but not so certain analogy between ‘Ams, the ox-god, and
the ἀπίη γαῖα, it can be shown to demonstration that the steer or ox, which
was to the last the symbol of the old Italians, as appears by their coins,
entered into the meaning of their two national designations, Ztalus and
Opicus. With regard to the former it is well known, that italos, or
§3.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 5
These aboriginal tribes, having been in the first instance,
like the Arcadians in the Peloponnese, driven by their invaders,
the Pelasgians, into the mountain fastnesses of the Apennines,
were at length reinforced by foreign elements, and, descending
from the interior on both sides, conquered the people of the
plains and the coast. One tribe, the Ap-uli, subdued the
ulus, or with the digamma vitulus, meant an ox or steer (Niebuhr, 1.
18 sqq.), and Vitellium appears on coins as a synonym for Jtalia. This
takes us at once to the Gothic vithrus, O. N. vedr, O. S. withar, Anglo-8.
vether, O. H. G. vidar, N. H. G. widder (properly the castrated animal),
English wether; and as these are referred to sheep rather than oxen, we
must conclude that the name is an epithet which is applicable to either
animal. With regard to the other root, qv in ZEquus carries us back to
the principle of combined but divergent articulations, to which I first called
attention (AN. Crat. $ 110, 121), and on which the late Mr. Garnett wrote
some valuable papers (Philol. Soc. rt. pp. 233, 257, al.), and we may infer
that the roots ap- or op- present & labial only instead of an original com-
bination of labial and guttural, while we find the opposite divergence in
the guttural forms vac-ca, veh-o, Sanscr. vaha, Gr. ὄχος, ἔχω, Goth. auh-sa,
O. N. ow, Anglo-S. ova, O. H. G. ohso, N. H. G. ochs, Engl. os. The
labial form is sometimes strengthened by an inserted anusvára, or homo-
geneous liquid; thus by the side of éx-dpa and op-s we have ὁ-μ-φύνειν᾽
αὔξειν. Hesych. Cf. ὀπ-ώρα, auc-tumnus (where the root ai£-, auc-, aug-eo
contains the guttural form of this element) and ὀ-μ-πη᾿ εὐθηνία ὅθεν xal ἡ
Δημήτηρ 'O-n-nvía. With these inductions we shall have no difficulty in
reducing to one origin and classifying the different Italian names into
which the root oqu- enters. The qu- is found only in ZEgw-us; the p
appears in Op-icus, Ap-ulus ; the guttural is assimilated in Oscus — Ok-scus
(cf. δί-σκος for δίκ-σκος, λέ-σχη for Aéy-okn &c. N. Crat. $ 219); the labial
is vocalized in Au-son; the s of the termination is changed into r,
according to the old Italian practice, in Au-runous = Au-sunicus; and
the root-consonant is represented only by an initial v in Volscus — Apu-
lisicus, which has vanished, as usual, in the Hellenic articulation Ἑλίσυκος
(Herod. vr. 165). It will be seen in the sequel that I seek a very differ-
ent origin for the name Umbria, which Niebuhr apparently refers to
this root: and it seems very strange to me that he should have under-
stood the statement of Philistus quoted by Dionysius (1. 22): ἐξανα-
στῆναι δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτῶν τοὺς Λίγνας ὑπό τε "OufBpikóv. xal Πελασγῶν, which
refers to the disposseesion of the Celtic inhabitants of Umbria and
Etruria, as belonging to the same traditions which led Antiochus to write
that the Sicilians were driven over into Sicily by the Opicans (H. R. 1.
p. 82): for Antiochus is speaking exclusively of what took place in the
southern extremity of Italy, and the Pelasgians and Ombrici mentioned
by Philistus were the Tyrrhenians and Umbrians of the north.
6 . ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
Daunians and other tribes settled in the south-east, and gave
their name to the country; they also extended themselves to
the west, and became masters of the country from the bay of
Terracina upwards to the Tiber. In this district they bore the
well-known names of Volsct and qui, names still connected
with the primary designation of the aborigines:
A more important invasion was that which was occasioned
by the pressure of the Sabines on an Oscan people settled in
the mountains between Reate and the Fucine lake. These in-
vaders came down the Anio, and conquered the Pelasgians of
northern Latium. "The name Sacrani given to these conquerors
in the old legends of Latium is supposed to refer to the tradition
that they left their home in pursuance of the vow of a Sacred
Spring (Ver Sacrum). For it is said that, when the Sabellians
found their population more than their narrow territory would
support, they devoted to the Gods every creature born in a cer-
tain year, and when twenty years had elapsed, the cattle were
sacrificed or redeemed, and the young men were compelled
to expatriate themselves and find a new settlement at the
expense of their neighbours!. According to the legends these
Sacrani were guided to their new abodes by the animal, which
represented the God to whom they had been dedicated?. "Thus
the Sabellians, who conquered Picenum, were led by a wood-
pecker (pécus)* ; those who conquered Samnium were conducted
by an ox (vitulus)*; those who conquered Hirpinum were con-
ducted by a wolf (hirpus)'; the same animal figures in the tra-
ditions of Latium and Rome; and, as we shall see in the next
chapter, the wolf is also the sacred animal of the cognate
Lithuanians of the North. The chief seat of the Sacranians,
who conquered Northern Latium, seems to have been Alba, the
Alp-ine or mountain-city, where they dwelt under the name of
Prisci Latini, “ ancient Latins ;" being also called Casct, a name
1 See Festus, B. vv. Saerani et Mamertini; Servius ad Verg. din. vn.
796; Varro ap. Dion. 1. 14; Strabo, v. p. 2004 ; Livy, xxx. 44.
3 The reader will remember the similar case of Hengist and Horsa;
New Cratylus, § 78.
? Strabo, v. p. 240 Ὁ; Pliny, H. N. m. 8.
4 Above, p. 4, note 2.
* Strabo, v. p. 250 5, Ὁ.
§ 4.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. | 7
which denotes "ancient" or “well-born,” and which, like the
connected Greek term χαοί, implies that they were a nation of
warriors (N. Crat. $ 322).
§ 4. Alba and Lavinium.
The district of Latium, when history first speaks of it, was
thus occupied by two races; one a mixed people of Oscan con-
querors living in the midst of the Pelasgians whom they had
subdued, the other a Pelasgian nation not yet conquered by the
invaders. These two nations formed at first two distinct con-
federacies: of the forme? Alba was the head, while the place of
congress for the latter was Lavinium. At the latter place, the
Penates, or old Pelasgian Cabeirt, were worshipped; and even
after the Pelasgian league was broken up by the power of Alba,
and when Alba became the capital of the united nation of the
Latins and sent a colony to Lavinium, the religious sanctity
of the place was still maintained, the Penates were still wor-
shipped there, and deputies still met in the temple of Venus.
The influence of Alba was, however, so great, that even after its
fall, when the Pelasgian Latins partially recovered their inde-
pendence, there remained a large admixture of foreign elements
in the whole population of Latium, and that which was purely
Pelasgian in their character and institutions became gradually
less and less perceptible, till nothing remained on the south of
the Tiber which could claim exemption from the predominating
influence of the Oscans.
That the name Lavinitwm is only a dialectical variety of
Latintum has long been admitted. The original form of the
name Latinus, which afterwards furnished a denomination for
the language of the civilised world, must have been Latvinus;
and while the Pelasgian Latins preserved the labial only, the
mixed people retained only the dental'. We shall see in the
1 The same has been the case in the Pelasgian forms, liber, libra, bis,
ruber, &c., compared with their Hellenic equivalents, ἐ-λεύθερος, Airpa,
dis, ἐ-ρυθρός, &c. These forms are in fact exemplifications of a principle
of considerable importance, to which I first directed attention in Feb-
ruary 1839 (New Cratylus, $$ 110, 121), and which I have termed “the
law of divergent articulations" (Encycl, Brit. ed. 8, art. “ Philology’).
8 ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. I.
next chapter tliat the full form of the name is preserved, by the
side of both the divergences, in the north of Europe, where we
have [nthuantans by the side of Lettontans and Invontans.
§ 5. Trojan Colony in Latium.
The tradition speaks of the Pelasgian Latins as a colony of
Trojans who settled on the coast under Aineas, the son of
Anchises. Without entering at length into an examination of
this poetical legend, it may be mentioned here that the names
ZEneas and Anchises refer, wherever they are found, to the
Pelasgian or Cabeiric worship of water in general, and of the
flowing stream in particular, and therefore indicate the presence
of ἃ Pelasgian population. We have other reasons for inferring
the existence of Pelasgians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Thes-
saly, Boeotia, Arcadia, and the west of Italy. It is therefore
quite natural that we should find in these localities the name of
"Eneas as that of a river or river-god. The word itself denotes
“the ever-flowing" (aivelas or aivéas, aévvaos, ἀεὶ or αἰεὶ νέων,
The late Mr. Garnett, who has illustrated this law in his excellent paper
* on certain initial letter-changes in the Indo-European languages"
(Proceed. of the Philol. Soc. Vol.1. pp. 233 sqq. pp. 257 8qq.; Essays,
pp. 253 sqq.), remarks (p. 235, note) that “ Hófer in his Beitráge zur Ety-.
mologik has taken pretty nearly the same view of the subject." I have
only within the last few days succeeded in obtaining a copy of this book,
the correct title of which is Beitrüge zur Etymologie und Vergleichender
Grammatik der Hauptsprachen des Indo- Germanischen Stammes. Although
he has abundantly noticed the phenomena, from which my law is derived,
Hofer is so far from asserting the principle that two divergent articula-
tions must have branched off from an original combination which con-
tained them both, that he distinctly (p. 260) derives qu from & and
maintains that “the guttural tenuis has a special relation to the sound wu,
which makes it possible that w should be developed out of and along
with the guttural.” Whatever resemblance there may be between Hófer's
views and mine on this subject, as his preface is dated 18 September,
1839, it is not for me to determine his relations to & book published in
the preceding February. The true view, as far as concerns the apparent
transition from & to p, was first indicated by Lepsius (Zwei-Abhandlungen,
p. 99); but in spite of this Corssen (Ausspr. Vokal. uw. Beton. der Latein.
Spr. 1. p. 39) still maintains that qu is a transitional sound from the gut-
tural tenuis & to the labial tenuis p.
δ 6.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 9
cf. ἀμυνίας, ἀμύνων, N. Crat. § 262), and in accordance with
this we have the rivers Anas, /Entos, Ainus, and Anto. In the
same way, because the stream is the child of its fountain,
-Anchises the father of ZEneas, whose mother is Aphrodite, the
goddess of the sea-foam, denotes the outpouring of water
(ὠγχίσης, ἀγχύσις, ἄγχεσμος, ayyon, from ἀναχέω), and cor-
responds to Fontus, the Jupiter Egerius of the Romans’.
S 6. The SABINES—Aow related to the Umbrians and
Oscans.
It has been mentioned that the Sabines dispossessed the
Oscans, and compelled them to invade Latium. Our next point
is, therefore, to consider the relation in which the Sabines stood
to the circumjacent tribes.
The original abode of these Sabines was, according to Cato?,
about Amiternum, in the higher Apennines. Issuing from this
lofty region, they drove the Umbrians before them on one side
and the Oscans on the other, and so took possession of the dis-
trict which for so many years was known by their name.
It will not be necessary in this place to point out the suc-
cessive steps by which the Sabine colonies made themselves
masters of the whole south and east of Italy, nor to show how
they settled on two of the hills of Rome. It is clear, on every
account, that they were not Pelasgians; and our principal object
is to inquire how they stood related to the Umbrians and Oscans,
on whom they more immediately pressed.
Niebuhr thinks it not improbable that the Sabines and
Oscans were only branches of one stock, and mentions many
reasons for supposing so”. It appears, however, that there are
still stronger reasons for concluding that the Sabines were an
offshoot of the Umbrian race. This is established not only by
the testimony of Zenodotus of Trcezen‘, who wrote upon the
1 For these and many other ingenious combinations more or less
tenable, see 7Yoja's Ursprung, Blüthe, Untergang und Wiedergeburt in
Latium, von Emil Rickert, Hamb. u. Gotha, 1846.
2 Quoted by Dionys. 1. 14, p. 40; rr. 49, p. 338, Reiske.
3 Hist. Rome, 1. p. 103. . * Apud Dionys. π. 49, p. 337.
10 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. 1.
Umbrians, but also by the resemblances of the Sabine and
Umbrian languages!. It is true that this last remark may be
made also with regard to the Sabine and Oscan idioms; for
many words which are quoted as Sabine are likewise Oscan?.
The most plausible theory is, that the Sabines were Umbrians,
who were separated from the rest of their nation, and driven
into the high Apennines, by the Pelasgians of the north-east;
but that, after an interval, they in their turn assumed an
offensive position, and descending from their highlands, under
the name of Sabin, or “worshippers of Sabus the son of
Sancus*," attacked their Umbrian brethren on the one side, and
the Oscan Latins on the other. At length, however, they sent
out so many colonies to the south, among the Oscan nations, that
their Umbrian affinities were almost forgotten; and the Sabellian
tribes, especially the Samnites, were regarded as members of the
Oscan family, from having adopted to a considerable extent the
language of the conquered tribes among whom they dwelt.
§7. The Umbrians—their ancient greatness.
The Umbrians are always mentioned as one of the most
ancient nations of Italy*. Though restricted in the historical
ages to the left bank of the Tiber, it is clear that in ancient
times they occupied the entire northern half of the peninsula,
from the Tiber to the Po. Their name, according to the Greek
etymology, implied that they had existed before the great rain-
1 Servius ad Verg. din. ni. 235. 3 Niebuhr, ubi supra.
8 That this Sancus was an Umbrian deity is clear from the Eugubine
Tables. Indeed, both sabus and sancus, in the old languages of Italy,
signified “sacred” or “revered,” and were probably epithets regularly
applied to the deity. In the Eugubine Tables we have the word sev-um,
meaning “ reverently” (1. α. 5); and Sansius is an epithet of the god
Fisus, or Fisovius (v1. b. 8, 5). Comp. the Latin sev-erus (cé8-o) and
sanctus. The denarii struck during the social war have Safinium for
Samnium (Eckhel, p. 103), so that the name of the nation must have
been Safini or Sav-ini, “the sacred.” According to this, the name Sabini
is nearly equivalent to Sacranit. The tables also mention the picus
Martius of the Sabines, from which the Picené derived their name
(piquier Martier, v. b. 9, 14); comp. Strabo, v. p. 240.
4 Niebuhr, 1. note 430.
§ 8.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 11
floods which had destroyed many an earlier race of men’. This
is about as valuable as other Greek etymologies. The ethno-
graphical import of the name will be examined in the following
chapter, and we certainly do not need a forced etymology to
prove that the Umbrians must have been among the earliest
inhabitants of Italy. Cato said that their city Ameria was
founded 381 years before Rome*. All that we read about
them implies that they were a great and an ancient nation’.
There are distinct traditions to prove that the country, after-
wards called Etruria, was originally in the occupation of the
Umbrians. The name of the primitive occupants of that country
was preserved by the Tuscan river Umbro, and the tract of
land through which it flowed into the sea was to the last called
Umbria. It is expressly stated that Cortona was once Um-
brian5; and Camers, the ancient name of Clusium®, points at
once to the Camertes, a great Umbrian tribe’. It is certain
also that the Umbrians occupied Picenum, till they were expelled
from that region by their brethren the Sabines®.
§ 8. Reduced to insignificance by successive contacts with
the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans.
Since history, then, exhibits this once great nation expelled
from the best part of its original possessions, driven beyond the
Apennines, deprived of all natural barriers to the north, and
reduced to insignificance, we are-led at once to inquire into the
cause of this phenomenon. Livy speaks of the Umbrians as
dependent allies of the Tuscans’; and Strabo tells us that the
Etruscans and Umbrians maintained a stubborn contest for the
possession of the district between the Apennines and the mouth
of the Po”. The people, which thus ruled them or strove with
! Seo Plin. H. N. m. 19: “Umbrorum gens antiquissima Italire
existimatur, ut quos Ombrios a Greecis putent. dictos, quod inundatione
terrarum imbribus superfuissent.”
' 3 Pliny, m. 14, 19. 8 Florus, 1. 17; Dionys. 1. 19.
4 Pliny, nr. 5. (8). 5 Dionys. r. 20.
6 Liv. x. 25, 7 Liv. rx. 86.
8 Pliny, mr. 13, 14. - 9 In Books ix. and x.
10 P. 216.
Φ
12 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHaPp. I.
them in the latter period of their history, when they were
living within the circumscribed limits of their ultimate posses-
sions, was that which deprived them of a national existence
within the fairest portion of their originally wide domains.
It will be shown that the national integrity of the Umbrians
was impaired by their successive contacts with the Tyrrheno-
Pelasgians, and the Etruscans properly so called; and it will be
convenient to consider, as separate questions, these qualifying
elements in the population of ancient Umbria.
§ 9. The PELAsGIANs—the differences of their position 4n
Italy and Greece respectively.
Without stopping to inquire at present who the Pelasgians
were out of Italy, let us take them up where they first make
their appearance at the mouth of the Po. We find that their
area commences with this district, and that, having crossed the
Apennines, they wrested from the Umbrians the great city
Camers, from whence they carried on war all around. Continu-
ally pressing towards the south, and, as they advanced, conquering
the indigenous tribes, or driving them up into the highlands,
they eventually made themselves masters of all the level plains
and of the coasts. Though afterwards, as we have seen, invaded
in their turn, and in part conquered by the Oscan aborigines,
they were for ἃ long time in possession of Latium ; and, under
the widely diffused name of CEnotrians, they held all the south
of Italy, till they were conquered or dispossessed by the spread
of the great Sabellian race.
To these Pelasgians were due the most important elements
in the ancient civilisation of Italy. It was not their destiny to
be exposed throughout their settlements, like their brethren in
Greece, to the overruling influence of ruder and more warlike
tribes. This was to a certain extent the case in the south; where
they were not only overborne by the power of their Sabellian
conquerors, but also Hellenised by the Greek colonies which
were at an early period established among them. But in Etruria
and Latium the Pelasgian nationality was never extinguished :
even among the Latins it survived the severest shocks of Oscan
invasion. In Etruria it remained to the end the one prevailing
S 10.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 18
characteristic of the people; and Rome herself, though she owed
her military greatness to the Sabellian ingredient in her compo-
sition, was, to the days of her decline, Pelasgian in all the essen-
tials of her language, her religion, and her law.
8 10. Preserve thetr national integrity in Etruria.
It is easy to see why the Pelasgians retained their national
integrity on the north-western coast so much mpre perfectly than
in the south and east. It was because they entered Etruria in a
body, and established there the bulk of their nation. All their
other settlements were of the nature of colonies; and the density
of the population, and its proportion to the number of the con-
quered mingled with it, varied, of course inversely, with the dis-
tance from the main body of the people. In Etruria the Pelas-
gians were most thickly settled, and next to Etruria in Latium.
Consequently, while the Tyrsenians retained their conquest, and
compelled the Sabines, the most vigorous of the dispossessed
Umbrians, to direct their energies southwards, and while the
Latins were only partially reconquered by the aboriginal tribes,
the Pelasgians of the south resigned their national existence,
and were merged in the concourse of Sabellian conquerors and
Greek colonists. |
S11. Meaning and extent of the name “ TYRRHENIAN.”
From the time of Herodotus! there has been no doubt that
the Pelasgians in Greece and Italy were the same race, and that
1 1, 57. The following is the substance of what Herodotus has told
us respecting the Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians; and his information,
though much compressed, is still very valuable. He seems tacitly to draw
& distinction between the Pelasgians and the Tyrrhenians, whom he
really identifies with one another. With regard to the latter he relates
the Lydian story (1. 94: φασὶ δὲ αὐτοὶ Λυδοί), that Atys, son of Manes
king of the Mseonians, had two sons, Lydus and Tyrrhenus. Lydus
remained at home, and gave to the Mmonians the name of Lydians;
whereas Tyrrhenus sailed to Umbria with a part of the population, and
there founded the Tyrrhenian people. In general, Herodotus, when
he speaks of the Tyrrhenians, is to be understood as referring to the
Pelasgo-Etruscans. Of tho Pelasgians he says (1. 56 sqq.), that they
14 ο΄ THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHaP. 1.
the so-called Tyrrhen? or Tyrsent were the most civilised branch
of that family. Herodotus, the great traveller of his time, was
more entitled than any of his contemporaries to form a judgment
on the subject, and he obviously identifies the Pelasgians with the
Tyrrhenians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Greece, and in Italy.
It is perhaps one of the many indications of the literary inter-
course between Herodotus and Sophocles, which I have else-
where established’, that the latter, in a fragment of his Inachus,
mentions the Tywheno-Pelasgians among the old inhabitants of
Argos*. Lepsius® has fully shown that the name Τυῤῥηνός or
Φ
formed one of the original elements of the population of Greece, the
division into Dorians and Jonians corresponding to the opposition of
Hellenes to Pelasgians. In the course of his travels he had met with
pure Pelasgians in Placie and Scylace on the Hellespont, and also in
Creston; and their language differed 80 far from the Greek that he did
not scruple to call it barbarian (c. 57). At the same time he seems to
have been convinced that the Hellenes owed their greatness to their
coalition with these barbarous Pelasgians (c. 58). The text of Herodotus
is undoubtedly corrupt in this passage; but the meaning is clear from
the context. He says, that “the Hellenes having been separated from
the Pelasgians, being weak and starting from small beginnings, have
increased in population, principally in consequence of the accession of
the Pelasgians and many other barbarous tribes." The reading αὔξηται
és πλῆθος τῶν ἐθνέων πολλῶν is manifestly wrong; not only because the
position of the article is inadmissible, but also because ἄλλων ἐθνέων
βαρβάρων συχνῶν immediately follows. I cannot doubt that we ought to
read at{nra: és πλῆθος, τῶν Πελασγῶν μάλιστα προσκεχωρηκότων αὐτῷ καὶ
ἄλλων ἐθνέων βαρβάρων συχνῶν. The epithet πολλῶν has crept into the
text from & marginal explanation of συχνῶν, and τῶν ἐθνέων πολλῶν has
consequently taken the place of the abbreviation ré» IIATGv [IIAAó»]
for τῶν Πελασγῶν».
1 Proceed. of the Phil. Soc. 1. pp. 161 sqq.
2 Apud Dion. Hal. 1. 25: .
"Ivaye γεννᾶτορ mai κρηνῶν
πατρὸς ᾽Ωκεανοῦ, μέγα πρεσβεύων
Ἄργους τε γύαις, Ἥρας τε πάγοις,
καὶ Τυρσηνοῖσι Πελασγοῖς.
See algo Schol, Apoll. Rh. 1. 580.
8 Ueber die Tyrrhenischen Pelasger in Etrurien. Leipsig, 1842. Dr.
Lepsius maintains the identity of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians with the
Etruscans; and in the first edition I accepted his view, which was
true as far as it went: but subsequent research has convinced me that
we must recognize a Reetian element superinduced on the previously
S 11.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 15
Τυρσηνός signifies “tower-builder,” and that this term has been
properly explained even by Dionysius', as referring to the
τύρσεις or Cyclopean fortifications which every where attest
the presence of Pelasgian tower-builders. The word τύῤῥιἐς or
τύρσις, Which occurs in Pindar as the name of the great palace
of the primeval god Saturn’, is identical with the Latin turris;
and the fact, that the Pelasgians derived their distinguishing
epithet from this word, is remarkable, not only as showing the
affinity between the Greek and Latin languages on the one hand,
and the Pelasgian in Etruria on thé other hand, but also because .
these colossal structures are always found wherever the Pelas-
gians make their appearance in Greece. Fortresses in Pelasgian
countries received their designation as often from these τύρσεις
as from the name Larissa, which seems to signify the abode of
the lars or prince. . Thus the old Pelasgian Argos had two
citadels or ἀκροπόλεις, the one called the Lartssa, the other
τὸ dpyos, 4. e. the arz*. In the neighbourhood, however, was
the city T'ryns, which is still remarkable for its gigantic
Cyclopean remains, and in the name of which we may recognize
existing combination of Tyrrheno-Pelasgian and Umbrian ingredients.
We are indebted to this scholar for some of the most important contri-
butions which Itatian philology has ever received. In his treatise on
the Eugubine Tables, which he published in the year 1833, as an exercise
for his degree, he evinced an extent of knowledge, an accuracy of
scholarship, and a maturity of judgment, such as wg rarely meet with
in so young a man. His collection of Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions
(Lipsis, 1841) supplied the greatest want felt by those who were
interested in the old languages of Italy. And the most fruitful results
have proceeded from those inquiries into the Egyptian language and
history in which he has long been engaged.
: 1 1. 26: ἀπὸ τῶν ἐρυμάτων, ἃ πρῶτοι τῶν τῇδε οἰκούντων κατεσκευάσαντο.
τύρσεις γὰρ καὶ παρὰ Τυῤῥηνοῖς αἱ ἐντείχιοι καὶ στεγαναὶ οἰκήσεις ὀνομά-
ζονται, ὥσπερ sap Ἕλλησιν. — Tzetzes, ad Lycophr. 717: τύρσις τὸ
τεῖχος, ὅτι Τυρσηνοὶ πρῶτον ἔφευρον τὴν τειχοποιΐαν. Comp. Etym. M. 8. v.
τύραννος-
3 Ol. τι. 70: ἔτειλαν Διὸς ὁδὸν παρὰ Κρόνου τύρσιν. See also Orph.
Argon. 151: τύρσιν ἐρυμνῆς Μιλήτοιο. Suidas: τύρσος, τὸ ἐν ὕψει Qo-
δομημένον. Tho word τύραννος contains the same root: comp. κοίρανος
with κάρα, and the other analogies pointed out in the New Cratylus,
8 336.
8 Liv. xxx1v. 25 : “ Utrasque arces, nam duas babent Argi." .
16 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
the word τύῤῥις' ; not much farther on the other side was Thy-
rea, which Pausanias connects with the fortified city Zhyr@on’,
in the middle of Pelasgian Arcadia; and more to the south
we have the Messenian Thuria, and Thyrides at the foot of
Tenaron. Then again, in the northern abodes of the Pelasgians,
we find Tyrrheum, a fortified place not far from the Pelasgian
Dodona, and also a Tirida in Thrace*®. At no great distance
from the Thessalian Larissa and Argissa lay the Macedonian
Tyrissa, a name which reminds us of the Spanish Turissa in
agro Tarraconensi*; and the’ Tyrrhenskca Tarraco, with its mas-
sive walls5, fully establishes the connexion of this latter place
with the Tyrrhenians’.
812. The Erruscans—the author's theory respecting thetr
origin.
The fact that the distinctive name Τυῤῥηνός admits of a
Greek interpretation is sufficient to show that the Tyrrhenians
1 According to Theophrastus (apud Plin. vu. 57), the inhabitants of
Tiryns were the inventors of the τύρσεις. As early as Homer's time the
town was called τειχιόεσσα (Il. τι. 559), and its walls are described by
Euripides (Electr. 1158; Iph. in Aul, 152, 1501; Troad. 1088) as κυκλώ-
sea οὐράνια τείχη. The mythological personage Tifyns is called “the
son of Argos" (Paus. n. 25), who, according to Steph. Byz., derived
his origin from Pelasgus, who civilized Arcadia (Pausan. vir. 1), and
was the father of Larissa (Id. vr. 17), and grandfather of Thessalus
(Dionys. 1. 17).
3 It was built by Zhyra@us the grandson of Pelasgus (Paus. vil. 35).
8 Plin. N. H. 1v. 18: “ Oppidum quondam Diomedis equorum sta-
bulis dirum."
4 Anton. Ztin.
5 Müller, Etrusker, 1. p. 291; Auson. Ep. 24, 88.
9 Lepsius suggests also, that the T'wrres on the coast near Cere and
Alsium may have been a Roman translation of the name Tippes. With
regard to the city of Tyrrha in Lydia, and the district of Torrhebia, to
which the Tyrrhenians referred their origin, it is worthy of remark that
the civilised T'oltece, who introduced architecture, agriculture, and the
useful arts into Mexico, and whose capital was Tula, bore a name which
passed into a synonym for architect. See Prescott, Conquest of Mezico, I.
p.12; Sahagun, Hist. de nueva Espana, lib. x. c. 29; Torquemado,
Monarch. Ind. lib. x. c. 14. The Toltecs were in general very like the
Tyrrhenians, and the Etruscans, by their gorgeous luxury and their
$19] — AS RELATED TO RACH OTHER. 17
were not exclusively Italian, and therefore were wrongly identi-
fied by the ancient writers with the singular and unaffiliated
nation of the Etruscans. To determine the origin of this people
and the nature of their language has been considered for many
years as the most difficult problem in Philology. And while
Bonarota, in his supplement to Dempster’, earnestly exhorts
the learned, and especially orientalists, to labour at the discovery
of this lost language, suggesting the hope of ultimate success,
if a carefully edited collection of inscriptions can be procured to
furnish materials for the work, Niebuhr remarks, i his lectures
on Ancient Geography*: ** People feel an extraordinary curiosity
to discover the Etruscan language; and who would not enter-
tain this sentiment? I would give a considerable part of my
worldly means as a prize, if it were discovered; for an entirely
new light would then be spread over the ethnography of ancient
Italy. But however desirable it may be, it does not follow
that the thing is attainable.’ And he proceeds to point out the
inherent faultiness of some previous investigations. Whatever
may be the value of the discovery, I cannot allow myself to
doubt that the true theory is that which I have had the honour
of submitting to the British Association’. It has always ap-
peared to me a very great reproach to modern philology that
while we can read the hieroglyphic literature of Egypt, and
interpret the cuneiform inscriptions of Persia and Assyria, we
should profess ourselves unable to deal scientifically with the
remains of a language which flourished in the midst of Roman
skill in cookery, &c., remind one very much of the united race of Aztecs
and Toltecs which Cortes found in Mexico.
1 p. 106: “ hortari postremo fas mihi sit, doctos prsecipue linguis
Orientalibus viros, ut animi vires intendant, ad illustrandam veterem
Etruscam linguam, tot jam seculis deperditam. Et quis vetat sperare,
quod temporum decursu emergat aliquis, qui diffücilem et inaccessam
viam aperiat: et penetralia lingus hujus reseret; si prsecipue cives et
incolee urbium et locorum ubi inscriptiones Etrusom reperiuntur sedulo
et diligenter excipi et delineari curent monumenta, &c.”
* Vortrüge über alte Lünder- und Volkerkunde. Berl. 1851, p. 581.
$ “On two unsolved problems in Indo-German Philology,” in the
Report of the Brit. Assoc. for the Advancement of Science for 1851, pp.
138—159.
2
18 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. 1.
civilisation. So far from regarding the problem as involved in
hopeless difficulty, I have always felt that its solution was,
Booner or later, inevitable; and as the present state of our
ethnographic knowledge enables us to classify and discriminate
All the different elements in the population of Europe, the
identification of the ancient Etruscans must reduce itself to the
alternative of exclusion, from which there is no escape. Sir
Thomas More came to the conviction that his unknown visitor
was aut Erasmus, aut Diabolus, and we may now say in the
same manner, that unless the Etruscans were old Low Germans
of the purest Gothic stock, there is no family of men to whom
they could have belonged. The demonstration of this, however,
belongs to a later part of the subject. At present we have only
to consider the Etruscans as they appear in the peninsula of
Italy.
$18. The names Etruscus and RASENA cannot be brought
to an agreement with TYRSENUS.
We have already seen that the T'yrseni or Tyrrheni in
Greece and Italy were a branch of the great Pelasgian race,
and that although the ancients considered them identical with
the Etruscans, the Greek explanation of which their name so
readily admits is & proof that they could not have been the
exclusively ltalian tribe of the Etruscans. Modern scholars,
who have adopted the ancient hypothesis of the identity of the
Tyrrheni and Etrusci, have endeavoured by a Procrustean
method of etymology to overcome the difficulties caused by the
discrepancies of name. "Thus the distinctive designation Etruscus
or Hetruscus is clipt and transposed until it becomes identical
with the Latin Tuscus for Tursicus, and synonymous with the
Greek Τυρσηνός. On the other hand, the “Pacéva of Dionysius
1 Miller, Etrusk. 1. 71, 72. This view is adopted hy Corssen (Zeit-
sohr. f. vergl. Sprf. m. pp. 272 sqq. ; Augspr. Vok. u. Beton. d. lat. Spr.
I. p. 92), who derives Etrus-cus from the Umbrian efru = alter, and con-
siders that the word denotes only exteri or “foreigners.” He compares the
form of Etruscus with that of pri-s-cus, so that e, he pays, is a relic of
the Latin comparative suffix ius/ (cf. 1. p. 288). He forgets that ac-
cording to his own previous admission (p. 86) Etruria = Etrus-ia, in
S 1$.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 19
is pronounced a false reading and & mutilated representative of
Tapacéva or Tapoéva, which bears the same relation to Τυρσηνός
that Porséna does to Πορσηνός or Πορσήνας!. There is an allur-
ing facility about this emendation, but it is a shock to the most
credulous etymologist, when we prefix a syllable to one word
and decapitate another in order to bring them both to an agree-
ment with a third designation. In philology, as in other
departments of human science, we perceive resemblances before
we can be persuaded that they are connected with irreconcilable
discrepancies. 'lhis we may see in the identification of the
word Τυῤῥηνός with another name peculiar to the Etruscans of
Italy, which appears under the form Ταρχώνιον, Turkynia,
Tarquins. It is perfectly consistent with sound philology to
say that Tupo- may be a softer form of Tapy-, Tark-, or
Targ-. But, as I have elsewhere shown, if rapy-, or τραχ-
and τυρσ- belonged to the same root, the latter must be a
secondary or assibilated form of the other. Now to say nothing
of the fact that the σ- of τυρ-σηνός and τύρ-σις belongs to the
termination, and is not found in r/p-avvos, Tip-vvs, Θυρ-έα, Θύρ-
αἰον, &c., it is clear that the form Τυρ-σηνός is the only one
which was ever known to the Pelasgians in Greece, while the
harder form belongs to the later or mixed race in Italy. "They
must therefore be considered as different words. There is no
reason why the names Et-rirta = Ht-rusta (cf. Apiilus, Apilia),
Et-rus-ci, and Ras-ena should not contain the same root: and
we shall see that there are good grounds for retaining these
words as the primitive and distinctive designation of a people
who invaded and conquered the mixed Tyrrhenians and Um-
brians of northern Italy.
which there is no reference to a comparative any more than in the
name of the Tuscan city Perusia.
1 This view has been successively adopted by Lanzi (Saggio, 1. p.
189); Gell (Rome and its vicinity, τ, pp. 364, 5); Cramer (Ancient Italy,
I. Ὁ. 161); and Lepsius (u.8. p. 23); and formerly approved itself to
my judgment.
20 ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. 1.
8 14. The legend that the Etruscans were Lydians ts entirely
destitute of historical foundation.
If we have recourse to ancient authorities, we find only two
definite statements respecting the origin of the Etruscans. The
one is the old story,—which first appears in Herodotus!, which is
reproduced in endless variety by later writers?, and which the
young student learns from the addresses of Horace to his patron
Meecenas*,—that the Etruscans were a colony directly imported
from Lydia. This story was distinctly rejected by Dionysius,
who not only proves by the authority of Xanthus that the state-
ment of Herodotus rested on no Lydian authority, but also
appeals to the total difference of the two nations in religion, lan-
guage, manners, and laws‘. But although this story is entirely
destitute of historical foundation, and is contradicted by the facts
of the case, there must be some way of explaining its origin and
general acceptance. It has been suggested® that possibly an
isolated band of pirates from Asia Minor may have landed in
Etruria, and that from this the whole story had its origin. Or,
that, more probably, it is nothing but a mere pun derived from
the accidental similarity of name between the Τυρσηνοί and the
Lydian Τοῤῥηβοί. “ By connecting,” says the author of these
conjectures®, * the maritime commerce of the Etruscans with the
piratical expeditions of the Lydians, and by confounding, as
Thucydides was the first to do,'the Torrhebian pirates with the
fillibustering Pelasgians, who roamed over every sea, plundering
wherever they came, there has arisen one of the most deplorable
confusions of historical tradition." Without falling back on
either of these suppositions, it seems that we have a sufficient
explanation of this tradition,—which stands on precisely the same
footing as the mythical account of a Trojan settlement in Latium,—
1 1.94. See abore, p. 13, note. 2 e. g. Strabo, p. 219.
3 Serm. vi. init.:
Non quia, Mecenas, Lydorum quidquid Etruscos
Incoluit fines nemo generosior est te, &c.
Mecenas belonged to the Etruscan gens Cilnia, which appears on the
monuments.
* Dionysius Halicarn. 1. p. 21, Reiske.
5 By Mommsen, Hist. Kom. (Introd. tr. by Robertson, p. 57).
$ Mommsen, u. 8.
t
S 15.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 2L
if we refer it to the widely diffused activity of the T'yrsenians,
and to the effect which would naturally be produced by the dis-
covery from time to time of the similarities of religious and other
usages, which distinguished the Pelasgian race wherever they
were found. So that this legend, though utterly devoid of any -
historical basis, may have had a certain admixture of ethnical
truth, if we limit it to the Pelasgians, whom the Rasenic tribes
invaded; but it ig quite worthless as a means of accounting for
the Etruscans as distinguished from the Tyrenians,
§ 15. It ts explicitly stated by ancient writers that the
Etruscans were connected with Retia.
In direct opposition to this Lydian fable, we have a simple
and natural account of the origin of the Etruscans properly sq
called, which rests upon a strictly historical foundation, and
which, though it inverts the relations of the metropolis and its
colonists, is in accordance with all that we can learn from other
sources respecting the affinities of the Rasenic conquerors.
Livy, who, as a native of Padua, was likely to be well-in-
formed on the subject, has left us a statement respecting the
Etruscans, which, so far from being hypothetical, is one of the
most definite expressions of ethnological facts to be met with in
ancient history. Speaking of the Gallic invasion and the attack
upon Clusium, he says (v. 33): “nor were the people of Clusium
the first of the Etruscans with whom armies of the Gauls fought;
but long before this they frequently fought with the Etruscans
who dwelt between the Apennines and the Alps. Before the
Roman empire was established the power of the Etruscans
extended far by land and sea. This is shown by the names
of the upper ard lower seas by which Italy is girt like an
island: for while the Italian nations have called the former the
Tuscan gea by the general appellation of the people, they have
designated the latter the Hadriatic, from Hadria a colony of the
Tuscans. 'The Greeks call these same. seas the Tyrrhenian
and the Hadriatic. This people inhabited the country extending
to both seas in confederacies of twelve cities each, first, twelve
cities on this side of the Apennines towards the lower, sea,
afterwards, having sent-across the Apennines as many colonies
92 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. 1.
as there were capital cities in the mother-country; and these
occupied the whole territory beyond the Po, as far as the Alps',
except the corner of the Veneti, who dwell round the extreme
point of the Hadriatic. There is no doubt that the Alpine
nations, especially the Reti, have the same origin, but these
have lost their civilisation from their climate and locality, so as
to retain nothing of their original type except their spoken
language, and not even that without corruption." This distinct
and positive statement is repeated by Pliny, who says (H. N. τη.
20, § 133): “people think that the Reti were a branch of the
Tuscan stock, driven out by the Gauls under the leadership of
Ratus" (Reetos Tuscorum prolem arbitrantur, a Gallis pulsos
duce Reto); and by Justin, who remarks (xx. 5): “the Tus-
cans also, under the leadership of Retus, having lost their ances-
tral settlements, occupied the Alps, and founded the tribes of
the Reti, called after their leader" (Tusci quoque, duce Reto,
avitis sedibus amissis, Alpes occupavere et ex nomine ducis gen-
tes Retorum condiderunt); and it is confirmed by relics of art,
names of places, and peculiarities of language in the Tyrol (see ~
the examples collected by Ludwig Steub in his essay über die
Urbewohner Ratiens und ihren Zusammenhang mit den Etruskern,
München, 1843), to which the Retians of Lombardy were driven
by the Gauls, and from which they had descended in the first in-
stance. Strabo implies an adhesion to the same tradition, when
he says (1v. 6, p. 204): “above Comon, built at the foot of the
Alps, lie on the one side the Reti and the Venones towards the
east, and on the other side the Lepontii, Tridentini, Stoni, and
several other little tribes; and these occupied Italy in former
times" (ὑπέρκεινται δὲ τοῦ Κώμου πρὸς τῇ ῥίζῃ τῶν ᾿Αλπέων
ἱδρύμενον τῇ μὲν ‘Parrot καὶ Οὐένονες ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω κεκλιμένοι τῇ
δὲ Ληπόντιοι καὶ Tpdevrivos καὶ Στόνοι καὶ ἄλλα πλείω μικρὰ
ἔθνη κατέχοντα τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν χρόνοις). More-
over, Stephanus of Byzantium defines the Reti as a Tyrrhenian,
that is, in his sense, as an Etruscan race (Pasrol, Τυῤῥηνικὸν
ἔθνος), and it is quite in accordance with the laws of language to
suppose that “Pasro/ and “Pacéva are only modifications of the
1 Among other places Mantua is expressly mentioned as a Tuscan
city; Virgil, ain. x. 198—200.
ἢ 16.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 28
same word!, It is true that Livy inverts the relation between
the powerfal colonists and their uncivilized mother-country.
But in this he only follows the precedent, which is observable in
so many forms of early tradition. It has been well remarked by
Niebuhr (H. R. 1. p. 40) that the “inversion of a story into its
opposite is ἃ characteristic of legendary history. " This rule,
which Niebuhr supports by many examples; is particularly ap-
plicable to the mythical records of ethnography, which perpetu-
ally invert the direction of a migration, and substitute the outlet
for the source of the stream. Thus in the myth of Io, Argos,
which is given as the starting-point of her wanderings, is pro-
bably the point of arrival for the emigrants from the south and
east whom she represents (see Classical Museum, No. XII. p.
160). There is the same inversion; if we suppose that the story
of Io represents the importation into Greece of the Egyptian
moon-goddess Isis (Kenrick, Phoenicia, Pp 85). The eastern
journey of Perseus, whether Andromeda is ZEthiopian or Phos-
nician, máy indicate the western progresd of Phoenician efter-
prise and civilisation, for the name of the hero's weapon (ἄρπη)
is undoubtedly Semitic (see Christian Orthodoxy, p. 254). This
inversion occurs even among the Pheenicians themselves; for
when the Tyrians had become more opulent and powerful thah
the Sidonians they claimed the rank of mother-state, though it
was a recognized fact in ancient times that Tyre was a colony
from Sidon (Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 58).
§ 16. Tis view of the case 1s after all the most reasonable.
Now if we are to adopt the old statement that the Etruscans,
properly so called, were the same stock with the Eetisns—and
if we reject it there is nothing in ancient history or geography
which we can with confidence accept*—there will be no difficulty
1 Compare, for example, the cognate German words reiten and reisen.
2 Abeken says (Mittel-Italien, p. 21): “ diese Meinung, von Niebuhr
zuerst entschieden ausgesprochen, wird auch die herrschende bleiben.”
This view was first maintained by Freret (Acad. d. Inscr. t. xvm.), and
it is now generally adopted by ethnographers. The latest exception
with which I am acquainted is M. Koch (die Alpen- Etrusker, Leipsig,
1853), who falls back on the old Lydian story, which he takes literally,
24 .. THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [ crap. 1.
in understanding the relation between the Etruscans and the
other Italian tribes. Long after the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians had
established their civilisation on both sides of the Tiber, and had
conquered the Umbrian mountaineers in the north, but yielded to
the Oscan or Sabine highlanders in the south, lang after this time
8 Reetian tribe sallied forth from the plains of Lombardy, where
3t was settled in unbroken connexion with sister tribes in the
"Tyrol and south-western Germany, and not only effected a per-
manent conquest of Umbria, but also settled itself as a military
aristocracy among the civilised Tyrrhenians on the right of
the Tiber. These conquerors included in their progress the
Tyrrheno-Latin city, Rome, which had just shaken off the in-
fluence of the Tarquinii, but they lost this and their other acqui-
sitions beyond the Tiber, in consequence of a defeat which the
‘dominant Clusians sustained at Aricia. In every feature of this
. Etruscan invasion we may observe an analogy to the similar pro-
.ceedings of the Gallic tribes, who at a still later period descended
into Lombardy from the west. They succeeded in breaking
through the continuity of the Retian settlement by establishing
themselves in the territory afterwards called Cisalpine Gaul.
They also invaded Umbria and Etruria, besieged the imperial
city of Clusium, and even sacked Rome. But they were borne
back again, not without a severe struggle, to the region from
which the Etruscans started, and the city of the Seven Hills
was to each of these northern invaders the limit of their progress
to the south.
S 17. li ts confirmed by all avatlable evidence, and especially
by the contrast between the town and country languages of
ancient Etruria.
This view with respect to the Reetian invasion of a country
previously occupied by Tyrrheno-Umbrians is fully supported by
all the remains of their language, and by all that we know about
and, like Zeuss, confuses between the Retians, as they were in later
times, when the Gauls, who conquered Lombardy, had penetrated into
their mountain-fastnesses, and the earlier and more original inhabitants
of Retia, from whom alone the Rasenic conquest of Etruria can have
proceeded.
S 17.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. | 25
this idiom.: The details of this subject ‘belong to a future chap-
ter. lt is sufficient to mention in this place that the Etruscan
language, as exhibited in the fragments which have come down
to us, consists of three separate or separable elements. We have
either words which admit of a direct comparison with Greek and
Latin, and these we will call the Tyrrheno-Pelasgian element of
the language; or words which present affinities to the Umbrian
and Oscan dialects; or words which resemble neither of the
other, but may be explained by the Gothic affinities, which, for
other reasons, we should be led to seek in the language of the
Reetians. The first element appears most in the words quoted
with an explanation by Roman writers, that is, in words of the
southern Etruscans, who were to the last the purest representa-
tives of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians. We find the same kind of
words in inscriptions from the same district. On the other hand,
in the great cities of northern Etruria, and especially in the high-
lands of Umbria, we either find a mixed idiom, or must seek our
explanations from the Gothic idioms to which 1 have referred.
If the Etruscans, properly so called, did not establish themselves
permanently or in very great numbers much to the south of
Volsinii, and if in all their conquests to the south-west of their
territory they rather occupied the cities than peopled the fields,—
and both these facts appear on the face of their history,—it will
follow that the περίοικοι in south Etruria, as in Laconia after
the Dorian invasion, and in England after the Norman conquest,
would retain their original, that is, their Tyrrheno-Pelasgian
dialect. This result is illustrated by two incidents to which Lep-
-sius has referred with a somewhat different object’. Livy tells us
(x. 4), that in the year 301 5.c. the legate Cn. Fulvius, serving
in Etruria, escaped an ambush and detected some pretended
shepherds who would have led him into it, by learning from the
men of Cere who acted as his interpreters, that the shepherds
spoke the town language, not that of the country, and that their
outward appearance did not correspond to that of rustics. "The
same author informs us (Ix. 36), that in the year 308 B.C. a
Roman nobleman and his slave, who had learned Etruscan at Ceere,
travelled through the Ciminian forest and as far as the Camertes
1 UV. s. p. 82.
26 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES | [ CHAP. I.
who lived around Clusium, and that they escaped detection on
this journey which carried them through the whole extent of
southern Etturia. From these two incidents we infer that the
town dialects of the Etruscans differed more or less from those of
the éduntry people, and that the country dialect about. Owre,
whieh must have been Tyrrheno-Pelasgian, was intelligible to
the country people as far north as Clusium. This is quite in ac-
cordance with the parallel cases of the Saxons as subjected to the
Normans, and the Achwans as reduced to: vassalage by the Do-
rians; and the agrestes Etruscorum cohortes mentioned by Livy
(1x. 86), and the bands of zrevéoras or feudal retainers, whom
the Etruscan nobles (οἱ δυνατώτατοι) took with them to battle,
(Dionysius, 1x. 5), indicate the same distinction which is always
observable in dn aristocracy of conquest.
§ 18. Further inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary
history of the LUCERES.
To return to the Seven Hills of Reme, we shall find, as was
stated at the beginning of this investigation, that the relations in
which the mhabitents of the city stood to one another are the
eame, on a smaller scale, with those which connected or distin-
guished the inhabitants of the whole peninsula of Italy. And
here scientific etymology throws a wonderful light on the appa-
tently discordant facts preserved by an undiscriminating tra-
dition.
It appears that the Oscan or Alban Ramnes on the Palatine!
had reduced the Pelasgians on the Ozlian to a state of de-
pendence or vassalage; what took place in Latium generally
was also enacted on the Septimontium. These two commu-
nities—one of which we may call Roma, and the other Luce-
rum—constituted the original city of Rome, which contended on
a footing of equality with the Quirites: hence the legend calls
Roma the daughter of Italus and Leucaria’,—of the aboriginal
Oscans and the foreign or Pelasgian Luceres. When Roma
1 The “ Palatini aborigines ex agro Reatino,” as Varro calls them
(L. L. v. § 53).
3 Plutarch, Romul, 1.) where we must read Aeveapias.
8 18.] AS RELATED TO HACH. OTHER 27
admitted Quirium to the privileges of citizenship, the Quirites
naturally took rank above the subject Luceres, and the celss
Ramnes still remained at the head of the populus. According
to one story, they compelled the Luceres to leave their strong-
hold and descend to the plain'. It appears, too, that, together
with the Celian town, the Palatine Romans ruled over the
possessions of the Luceres in the Solonian plain, which were
called the Pectuscum Palatt, or “breast-work of the Palatine."
Now, it is distinctly said, that the Luceres were first raised
to the full privileges of the other burgesses by the elder Tarqui-
nius, who both introduced them into the senate, and also gave
them -representatives among the ministers of religion’. And who
was this Lucius Tarquinius but a Incumo or grandee from the
Tuscan city Tarquini, who settled at Rome, and was raised
to the throne? Indeed, there seems to be but little reason to
doubt that he was the Celes Vivenna‘, whose friend and suc-
cessor Mastarna appears under the name of Servius Tullius’.
The difference in the policy of the first and second of these
Tuscan kings of Rome need not surprise us. Every scattered
hint referring to this Tullius, or Mastarna, represents him as
connected: with that Pelasgian branch of the Roman population
which eventually furnished the greater part of the plebs‘;
whereas Vivenna, or Tarquinius, was a patrician or Lucumo of
1 Varro, L. L. v. § 46.
3 Festus, p. 218, Müller: “Pectuscum Palati dicta est ea regio Urbis,
quam Romulus obversam posuit, ea parte in qua plurimum erat agri
Romani ad mare versus et qua mollissime adibatur urbs, cum Etrus-
eorum agrum a Romano Tiberis discluderet, coterp vicina civitates
colles aliquos baberent oppositos."
8 See Niebuhr, 1, p. 296; m1. p. 350.
4 Niebuhr, 1. p. 375, note 922; and Kleine Schriften, τι. p. 26 sqq-
5 See the. celebrated Lugdunensian Table, Lipsius, Eccurs. ad Tac.
Ann. xr. 44, Müller (Etrusker, 1. 118—123) ingeniously conjectures
that the reigns of the Tarquins mythically represent the predominance
of the city Tarquinii, which was for a time interfered with by Mastarna,
the representative of the rival city Volsinii. "Tarquinii, however, for
& while resumed hor influence ; but at last was obliged to succumb, like
the other Tuscan cities, to Clusium.
6 See, for instance, Livy, 1. 30, where both Tullius and Servilius
(Niebuhr, 1. note 920) are mentioned as Latin family names.
28 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES - [cHap. I.
the Tuscan city Tarquinii, and his prejudices were of course aris-
tocratic, or rather, as was more fully developed in the case of the
second Tarquinius, tyrannical; for only the absolute sovereign
of a great nation could have accomplished the wonderful works
which were achieved by this Tarquinian Lucumo. There is
sufficient reason to believe that Rome stood high as a Tuscan
town during the last years of its monarchal history. The Sep-
timontium, if not the capital of southern Etruria’, was at least
the southern bulwark of the twelve cities, and extended its domi-
nion over a large part of the Sabine territory. The fall of the
regal power of Rome has been well ascribed to the decline of
Tarquinii and the rising predominance of Clusium. If. Lars
Porsena, when he conquered Rome, had really been anxious for
the restoration of Superbus, he might easily have replaced him
on the throne; but he was so far from doing this, that he did
not even grant him an exstliwm in his own dominions, The
vanquished Lucumo of Rome took refuge, not at Clusium, but at
Cume?, with Porsena's great enemy Aristodemus’,. whom he
made his heir, and who subsequently defeated and slew Aruns
Porsena, when, with a Clusian army, he made war on Aricia,
and endeavoured to found a Tuscan empire in Latium.
§ 19. (b) Fragmentary records of the early Constitution of
Rome
The inferences derivable from these traditions are materially
confirmed by some fragmentary records of the constitutional
history of early Rome. The revolutionary movement, by which
the second Tarquinius was expelled, is always connected with the
influence and agency of Junius Brutus, who then held the office
1 Niebuhr, 1. p. 373. 3 Cramer's Italy, rt. p. 150.
8 There are many traces of the connexion of the Roman Tuscans with
the Greeks. The first Tarquin himself is represented as half a Greek;
and the late Lord Macaulay has pointed out very clearly the Greek foa-
tures of the second Tarquinian legerid (Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 80).
The equestrian games of the Tarquins, and their reverence for the
Delphic oracle, also imply frequent intercourse with Greece, of which we
read still more distinctly in the case of Pyrgi, the renowned port of
Agylia, or Cere, another Etruscan town, which, like Tarquinii, was
intimately connected with Rome.
7 A
.d
§ 20. | AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 29
of Tribunus Celerum. The result of this revolution was to sub-
stitute two consules or colleagues for the old kingly government.
But whenever it was thought advisable, on great emergencies, to
revert to the authority of a single chief, we find that this Dic-
tator, a8 he was called, appeared as a Magister Populi, or head
of the old patrician tribes, and that he was invariably associated
with a Magister Equitum, or head of the plebeian knights, whom
the elder Tarquin admitted to the full franchise, and so made his
senate to consist of Patres, or original deputies, and Conscriptt,
or additional counsellors. The Duumviri Perduellionis and
other ancient dualisms pointed out by Niebuhr are additional
indications of a two-fold division of the Roman people long before
the growth of the later plebs. Now if the second order corre-
sponded to the .Luceres, as opposed to the combined populus of
Ramnes and Tities, we can easily see that the Tarquinian
influence, as exercised by Celes Vivenna and Mastarna, was
favourable not only to the Celeres or richer class among the
Luceres, but also to the Proletarians, and generally to the whole
population; whereas the second Tarquinius is indicated by his
whole history as having endeavoured to reduce and degrade
the inferior order of his subjects, until some final outrage roused
the whole city to vengeance, the Luceres however taking the
lead under the guidance of their legitimate leader the Tribunus
Celerum. The result of this revolution was to reduce the
populus, or two elder tribes, to a footing of tolerable equality
with the Luceres; and the lays or legends represent the latter
as having purchased their position by a pre-eminence of suffer-
ings and of services, both in the expulsion of the Tarquinian
dynasty and in the subsequent resistance to the foreign domina-
tion of the Clusians.
§ 20. (c) Etymology of some mythical proper names.
A great deal of new light may be derived from a careful
examination of the proper names Horatius and Lucretius, the
former representing the inferior position of the populace, the
latter the local designation of the Duceres. The word Hor-atius
is derived from the old Latin word Air, “a hand," and is there-
fore a longer form of Hir-tius, just as Ourtatius is of Cur-ttus,
The fight between the Horati and Curtats probably refers te
90 | THE.OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [ CHAP. 1.
a contest between the Ouriatü (κούρητες), men of the curta,
and wielders of the spear, or wearers of the helmet," and the
Hóràtá (χερνῆτες), " handicraftsmen," ὦ. 6. the lower order, in
which contest, as usual, the latter succeeded in maintaining their
just rights. In the old tradition it is uncertain which of the
two fought for Alba (Liv. 1. 24), ὦ. 6. whether the Latin or
Sabine interest was at that time predominant at Rome. The
story about Horatius Cocles admits of a similar interpretation.
The Tuscans were repelled at the bridge-head by the three
Roman tribes—Lartius (Larth, Lars, “prince” or * king") re-
presenting the head-tribe, Herminius the second, and Horatius
the third. The surname Cocles still farther explains the name
Horatius in its opposition to Curiatius. The ancients knew
that this word meant one-eyed (Plin. H. N. xxxvit. 55), and I
have elsewhere suggested that it may be derived from caculus
(N. Crat. § 154). The last part is undoubtedly that derivative
from $-re, which is found in mil-it-es, ped-it-es, equ-it-es, &c.
With the Romans, as with other nations, the ideas of being and
going are interchangeable (N. Crat. ὃ 269), and therefore we
should not press the meaning of this termination farther than
by saying that cooles is a form analogous to miles, &c. Now
the other term for one-eyed is duscus, which is to be compared
with Xofós, Xofías. This last word, as the name of the archer-
god, Apollo, refers unquestionably to the oblique or side-long
position of the bowman in the act of shooting; and there is
no reason why the same explanation should not apply to the
cocl-it-es, who will thus represent the ψυλοί or light-armed troops
of the commonalty. As in the case of David and Goliath,
the triumph is greater when there is an inequality in the arms;
and this no doubt was felt to enhance the Horatian victory and
the successful defence of the Pons Sublictus. Considered as
an army, the Romans fell into the following subdivisions—the
populus or patrician ὁπλῖται, the celeres or plebeian knights,
and the plebe, i.e. πλῆθος, or multitudo, who were the milites,
properly so called, “the common soldiers who marched in a
body," and who were by virtue of their armour merely coclites,
or “shooters.” And thus the magister populi and magister
equitum, or iribunus celerum, will stand in a military opposition
to the tribune plebis, The separation between the populus and
8.20.} AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 81
plebe, which is most strongly indicated by the refusal of the con-
nubium, or right of intermarriage, to the latter, renders it possi-
ble that the patricians were called proceres, “ wooers," or proci
patricii, * patrician suitors” (Festus, p. 249, Müller), with par-
ticular reference to this crowning mark of political equality,
And ἃ comparison of proceres with celeres might lead us to infer,
that, while the original patres were termed proci, the celeres ox
conscripti were designated as proceres, the termination indicating
the later acquisition of the connubium. The meaning of the
name Herminius is not obvious at first sight; it does not sound
like 4 Latin name. When however we call to mind that the
most ancient name for a noble warrior in Greek was ἥρως,
which may be proved to be equal to 5p-Faor-s = ἠρ-φωτ-ς, “ the
lord-warrior”’ (N. Crat. ὃ 329), and when we recollect that herus
is a good Latin word, and that mtn is found in ho-min-, ne-min-,
&c., we may well suppose that Her-mintus represents a form
analogous to ἥρως, and therefore that, as Lartius typifies the
nobles, and Horatius the common people, so Herminius personi-
fies the warriors of Rome. And this explanation of the name is
quite in accordance with the meaning of the word Hermann or
Hirmin (the Arminiua of Tacitus) in those Low-German lan-
guages with which the Sabine and other Italian idioms were so
intimately connected. Grimm says (Deutsche Mythol. p. 828,
2nd edit.): ‘‘die Sachsen gcheinen in Hirmin einen kriegerisch
dargestellten Wódan verehrt zu haben.” In fact Irmin, Armin,
Eorman, Hermann is the oldest deity of our race. He is the Er
or Kor of the Scythic tribes and the Axes of the Greeks. He
combines the functions of the two later divinities Ziv or Zi or
Zi, who corresponds to Mars, and Wédan, who represents
Mercury. And the Jrman-sul or pillar of Inman waa so common
an object that it suggested a designation for any perpendicular
object, even a road running due north (Cambridge Essays, 1856,
p. 68). That the root min in Her-min-tus may be identical with
the man of Jr-man might be inferred from ho-min-, ne-min-
compared with mann. And we have another interesting ana-
Jogy, pointing at once to the deeply-seated Teutoniam of the old
Italian languages, in the common adjective omnis. For as
distinct from cuncts, which denotes “all in a body” (conjunctt),
i.e. all conjoined or united for a particular purpose and at a
32 ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I.
particular time, universi, which signifies all acting by common
consent," i. e. going in the same direction (wna versus), and totus,
which means *the whole," i.e. all the parts so combined that
they are regarded as forming ἃ new unit, omnes like πάντες
(guanti) implies “all, as many as there are." In other words,
omnes means “all,” considered as made up of separable parts—
* all" as a collection of individuals (see Classical Scholarshtp and
Classical Learning, Cambridge, 1856, p. 216). Accordingly
omnes may be rendered “every one," or “that which belongs to
every one." And this in the oldest German is eoman, virtually
the same word as that which is implied in the adjective o-mn-is.
The modern German is je-mand, and in English the commoner
as distinguished from the noble was called a yeo-man, an
* every-man," an “any-body,” ὁ τυχών; the aristocracy being
a collection of **some-bodies," just as the Spanish grandee calls
himself hidalgo, i.e. hijo d' alguno, “a son of somebody." We
find a further confirmation of this comparison of the mythical
Sabine with the Teutonic divinity in the fact, that the name of
the second person in the triumvirate of the bridge was Titus
Herminius ; for not only does Titus signify '' warrior" (Fest.
p. 366, Müller: "Tu milites appellantur quasi tutuli, quod
patriam tuerentur, unde et 7t prenomen ortum est"), but the
Titienses or Tities, were actually “the Sabine quérites (spear-
men)," the second tribe at Rome. By a similar personification,
the senior consul, Valerius, who as poplicola represents the
populus, has under his orders Titus Hermtnius, the “ warriors,"
and Spurius Lartius, the “young nobles!;" while the other
consul, Lucretius, represents the Luceres, or third class of citizens
(Liv. τι. 11). Even Lucretia may be nothing more than a
symbol of the third order of the populus; so that her ill-treat-
ment by Sextus will be an allegory referring to the oppression
of the Luceres, who often approximated to the plebs, by the
tyrannical Etruscan dynasty. It is also singular that Lucretius
and Horatius, both representatives of the third class, succeed one
‘another in the first consulship. The preenomen of Spurius Lar-
tius does not appear to be the Latin spurius, “illegitimate,” but
1 At a later period these two are combined in the one designation
Lars Herminius (Liv. mt. 65),
§ 21.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 93
is a Tuscan derivative from super, the first vowel being omitted,
according to the T'uscan custom, and the second softened into v,
as in augur (also perhaps a Tuscan word) for aviger. That
Spurius was & Tuscan name appears from the derivative Spu-
rinna.
If, as seems probable, Cales is only a modification of Ceres,
the name of Celes Vivenna will indicate him as one of the
Corites, that is as belonging to the most purely Pelasgian part
of South Etruria. And then we have an additional confirmation
of our belief that the Tarquinian dynasty-was in the first instance
at least Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian, rather than Rasenic or Retian.
§ 21. General Conclusion as to the mutual Relations of the
old Italian Tribes.
These traditionary facts and philological deductions erfable us
to come to a fixed conclusion on the subject of the old population
of Italy, and the relations of the different tribes to one another.
How they stood related to the Transpadane members of the
great European family is a subsequent inquiry; but within the
limits of Italy proper, we may now say, there were originally
two branches of one great family,—the Umbrians, extending from
the Po to the Tiber; and the Oscans, occupying the southern
half of the peninsula'. These nations were combined, in different
1 Aufrecht, in his report of “the last results of the Italic researches”
(in Bunsen's Christianity and Mankind, Vol. 11), seems to have rather a
confused apprehension of the relations between the Umbrian, Sabellian,
and Oscan tribes. He says (p. 89), that we must comprise the Latiniz-
ing language of Italy under three heads:
στ-------------------------------
Umbrian. Sabellian. Oscan.
Oa |
Umbrian Latin. Volscian. Marsian.
proper.
But surely the Latin is not connected directly with the Umbrian, as dis-
tinguished from the Sabellian and Oscan; the Volsci, like the Aqui,
must have been Oscan; and he tells us himself (p. 93), that “the
central point of the Osci is the land of the Sabines.” Eckermann
(Religions-Geschichte und Mythologie, Vol. τι. pp. 140 sqq.), who says that
the Sabines spoke Oscan, and that the elements of tbe Latin are to be
found in that language (p. 142), seems to subordinate both the Umbrians,
and Oscans to the Sabellian tribes. Mommsen, who recognises three
D. V. 9
94 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES, &c. [cHaP. 1.
degrees, with Pelasgians from the north-east. The main body
of these Pelasgians assumed a distinct nationality in Etruria,
and established a permanent empire there, which the Umbrians
could never throw off. Another great horde of Pelasgians was
settled in Latium, where they were afterwards partially con-
quered by the Oscans; and a mixed population of Pelasgians
and Oscans extended to the very south of Italy. The Sabines,
however, who were members of the Umbrian family, returned
from the hills, to which the Pelasgians had driven them, and
pressed upon the other Umbrians, upon the Oscans, and upon
those. Latins who were a mixture of conquered Pelasgians and
Oscan conquerors. The combination of a branch of these Sabines
with a branch of the Latins settled on the Tiber constituted
the first beginnings of that Roman people which, standing in
the midst of these Pelasgian and Oscan races, eventually became
a point of centralisation for them all. Not to speak of any
Celtic substratum, which we have many reasons for assuming,
or of the scanty fragments of the Messapian or Iapygian dialects,
which probably preserved the Lithuanian elements in their least
modified form, we may feel assured that up to the commence-
ment of history the population of ancient Italy consisted entirely
of this admixture or juxtaposition of Umbro-Oscan and Tyr-
rheno-Pelasgian tribes. But about the time when the ancient
annalists begin to speak definitely, the south of the peninsula
became studded with Greek colonies, and the north was con-
quered by a Retian tribe, the Rasena or Etruscans properly so
ealled; and while the Greeks never spread themselves in the
northern provinces, the surging tide of the Etruscan invasion
was beaten back from the walls of Rome; and the Gauls, who
at a later period endeavoured to extend their settlements to the
south of the Tiber, were obliged to content themselves with the
still remoter districts beyond the Rubicon.
primitive stocks in Italy, the Iapygian, the Etruscan, and the Italian,
divides the latter into two main branches, the Latin, and that to which
the dialects of the Umbri, Marsi, Volsci and Samnites belong (Earliest
Inhabitants of Italy, from Mommsen’s History of Rome, translated by 8.
Robertson, p. 3). In this, as it appears to me, he confuses what ought
to be distinguished, and discriminates what ought to be identified.
CHAPTER IL.
THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF THE ANCIENT
ITALIANS.
8 1. Etymology of the word Πελασγός. § 2. How the Pelasgians came into Eu»
rope. § 3. Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and Hellenic
architecture. 8 4. Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology
of the two races. §5. Thracians, Getz, and Scythians. § 6. Scythians and
Medes. § 7. Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Gets, msy be
shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the remains of the Scythian
language. § 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elementa in this chain of
nations. §9. Peculiarities of the Scythian language suggested by Aristo-
phanes. § 10. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained. $ 11. Names
of the Scythian divinities. ὃ 12. Other Scythian words explained. ὃ 13, Suc-
cessive peopling of Asia and Europe: fate of the Mongolian race. §14. The
Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin. § 15. Foreign affinities of the Um-
brians, &. § 16. Reasons for believing that they were the same race as the
Lithuanians, § 17. Further confirmation from etymology. ἃ 18. Celtio
tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and Lithuanians in Italy and elsewhere.
$ 19. The Sarmate probably a branch of the Lithuanian family. § 20. Gothic
or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans shown by their ethnographio
opposition to the Veneti. 821. Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan
with the old Norse. § 22. Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans,
ἃ 23. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names. § 24. Contacta and
contrasts of the Semitic and the Sclayonien. § 35. Predominant Aolavoniam
of the old Italian languages.
§ 1. Etymology of the word Ylexaaryós.
INCE the Umbrians, Oscans, &c. must be regarded in the
first instance as the aboriginal inhabitants, the inquirer, who
would pass the limits of Italy and investigate the foreign affinities
of the Italians, is first attracted by the Pelasgians. The seats
of this race in Greece and elsewhere are well known; but there
is no satisfactory record as to the region from which they started
on their wide-spread migrations, or the countries which they
traversed on their route, According to some they were Cretans,
others make them Philistines, others again Phoenicians or Egyp-
tians'; in fact, there is hardly one ancient nation which has not
1 The confusion of the Pelasgians with the Phonicians and Egyp.
tians arises from an interchange of the directions (above, p. 28) of that
9—2
96 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. 11.
been indicated in its turn as their parent stock. Even their
name has received almost every possible etymology. The older
scholars derived the word Πελασγός from Peleg’; Sturz connects
it with πελάζω"; Hermann finds the root in πέλαγος, from πε-
λάζω"; Wachsmuth' and K. O. Müller, considering πεέλαργός to
be the original form of the word, give as its etymology πέλω, “to
till,” and ἄγρος, “the field,” looking upon the nation as originally
devoted to husbandry. The most common derivation is that
which writes Πελαργοί, and interprets it **the storks,” either from
the wandering habits of this race‘, or from their linen dress?, or
from their barbarous speech®, Every one of these etymologies
admits of an easy confutation. The best answer to them all is to
point out a better analysis of the word. Buttmann® suggested
long ago that the last two syllables were an ethnical designation,
connected with the name Asca-nius, common in Phrygia, Lydia,
and Bithynia, and with the name of Asia itself. He also cor-
rectly pointed to the relationship between .4shkenae, the son
of Gomer, and Javan, the biblical progenitor of the Ionians
(Ida Foves) (Gen. x. 3). Now the first syllable of the word Pel-
general intercourse which prevailed in the eastern part of the Mediterra-
nean during the earliest ages, and of which I have elsewhere given some ἡ
remarkable examples (Christian Orthodozy, pp. 251—255). The reci-
procal influence of the Pelasgians, Phoenicians, and Egyptians, was very
often limited to one or other of these instruments of primeval civilisation,
and the Semitic was confused with the Indo-Germanic. Iam glad to find
that Mr. Gladstone, who has particularly noticed the relations between
the Pelasgians and Egyptians (Homer and the Homeric Age, 1. pp. 148 sqq.),
comes to my conclusion that the Medes, i.e. the Sclavonians, “are to be
regarded in all likelihood as the immediate fountain-head of the wide-
spread Pelasgian race” (I. p. 572).
1 Salmasius de Hellenistica, p. 342. 2 De Dialect. Macedon. p. 9.
3 Opusc. II. p. 174: “πέλαγος enim, a verbo πελάζειν dictum, ut ab
Latinis Venilia, mare notat: a qua origine etiam πελασγοί, advenas."
4 Hellenische Alterthumsk. 1. p. 29, Trans. p. 39. He also, half in jest,
refers to πλάζειν, “to lead astray,” p. 36.
| 56 “Von πέλω (mus, πολέω, der Sparte Πελώρ, und Πελώρια, das Fest
der Bewohnung) und dpyos.” Orchom. p. 125.
' 6 Strabo, v. p. 221; vim. p. 397.
7 Bekker, Anecd. p. 229: διὰ τὰς σινδόνας ἃς ἐφόρουν. So also Etymol.
Magn.
8 Philol. Mus. 1. p. 615. 9 Lexilogus, 1. p. 68, note 1.
δ 1.} ' THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. ' 97.
asgus is clearly the same as that of Pel-ops. There are two
Niobes in: Greek mythology, daughters, the one of Phoroneus,
the other of Tantalus—the latter is the sister of Pelops, the
former the mother of Pelasgus. The syllable sreA- stands in
the same relation to μελ- that πέδα does to μετά. The original
form of the root signifying “blackness” was ueA- ; but the
labial generally predominated over the guttural element. Of the
labial forms, that with the tenuis usually came to signify “ livid”
rather than “black ;” as we see in the words πέλιος, πελωδνός,
&c. Apollodorus expressly says! that IleAvas was so called be-
cause his face was rendered livid (πέλμος) by a kick from a
horse; and it is obvious that IIé\-oy, which signifies “ dark-
faced" or "swarthy," is an ethnical designation which differs
from the well-known name Αἰὐθίοψ' only in the degree of black-
ness which is implied. The Αἰθίοπες were the “ burntfaced
people" (quos India torret, as Tibullus says of them, 11. 3, 59),
and are described as perfectly black (Jeremiah xiii. 23; xváveos,
Hes. Op. et Dies, 525); whereas the IIéXozes were only dark
in comparison with the Hellenes*. On the whole, it can hardly
be doubted that the Πελασγοί were, according to the name
given them by the old inhabitants of Greece, “the swarthy
Asiatics,” who were called by the latter part of their name
along the coasts of Asia Minor; and thus the cognate terms
Πέλιοπες and IleA-acyol point to an emigration from Asia
Minor to Argolis indisputably connected with the progress of
Pheenician civilisation. The former part of the name was not
necessary in the mother-country, where all were dark complex-
ioned ; and the latter part of the word, which denoted the Asiatic
origin of the IleA-acyol, was dropt in the synonym Πέλεοψ,
which signifies merely * swarthy of face*.”
1 New Cratylus, $ 121; Buttmann’s Lec. n. p. 265.
3 1. 9, 68.
3 Asius makes Pelasgus spring from the black carth (ap. Pausan.
vin. 1, 4):
ἀντίθεον δὲ Πελασγὸν ἐν ὑψικόμοισιν ὄρεσσι
γαῖα μέλαιν᾽ ἀνέδωκεν, ἵνα θνητῶν γένος ein.
Βαὶ here the adjective is nothing but an epitheton constans.
4 For further arguments in support of this etymology, which is also
applicable to the word meAapyós, as the stork, or “black but whitened
98 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IL.
82, How the Pelasgians came tnto Europe.
Tradition and etymology agreé, therefore, in tracing the
Pelasgians, 80 called, to the western and northern coast of Asia
Minor. There is, however, little or no reason to doubt that the
bulk of the race, to which these “swarthy Asiatica" belonged,
entered Europe in the first instance through the wide district of
Thrace, which is always mentioned as the most ancient European
settlement of this tribe. For although the legends about Pelops
and Lydia make it probable that they subsequently crossed over
the Aigean, leaving settlements as they sailed along in the islands
of the Archipelago, and bringing with them perhaps some of that
Semitic civilisation which the Phoenicians and Egyptians had
diffused over the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, and though
the etymology of their name refers to some such migration from
the sunny coasts of Asia, it is nearly certain that the main body
entered both Greece and Italy from the north-east. The course
of their wanderings seems to have been as follows. They passed
into this continent from the western side of the Euxine, and
bpread themselves over Thrace, Macedonia, and Epirus; then,
while some of them forced their way into Greece, others, again
moving on to the north-west, eventually entered Italy near the
motith of the Po. At some time, however, during the period of
their settlement in Thrace, and before they had penetrated to
the south of Greece, or had wandered to Italy, they appear to
have crossed the Hellespont and peopled the western coast of
Asia Minor, where they founded the city of Troy, and established
the kingdom of Lydia—names to which the Pelasgians in Italy
bird,” the reader is referred to the N. Cratyl. § 95. Mr. Paley has
. suggested a similar explanation of the doves of Dodona, who bring the
Phoenicians, Pelasgians, and Egyptians, into-a sort of confusion with one
another (Herod. m. 54 sqq.). He says (Asch. Suppl. Ed. 2, p. xiv),
referring to my view of the matter: “obiter monéo nigras hasce colum-
bas (sreAerddas), qure humana voce locute traduntur, non alias faisse videri
quam πελάς quasdam, sé. furvas mulieres ex Oriente profectas." It is
curious that Mrs. Hamilton Gray (Hist, of Etrur. t. p. 89) should have
quoted the epithet “ pale-face," applied to Buropeans by the American
indimis, in the same page with her derivation of sreAac-yés from πέλαγος,
which is simply irreconcilable with the laws of the Greek language.
é
§3.] — — ' THE ANCIENT ITALIANS, - 39
and Argos looked back with mysterious reverence. It might be
curious to inquire how the traditionary quarrels between the
families of Dardanus and Tantalus contributed to produce the im-
portant Lydian migration into Greece; but such an investigation
scarcely belongs to our subject. There seems to be good reason
for believing that the Pelasgians acquired their distinctive cha-
racter, that of agriculturists and architects, in the fertile plains of
Asia Minor, and under that climate which was afterwards so pro-
lific in works of art and genius. Those only of the Pelasgians
‘who were connected with the commercial activity of the Medi-
terranean, namely the Tyrrhenians, were celebrated as artisans
and tower-builders.
ὃ 3. Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and
Hellenic Architecture.
The immediate derivation of even the later Greek architecture
from Asia Minor may be proved by some combinations which
throw an important light not only on the history of ancient art,
but on the ethnical affinities of the old inhabitants of southern
and eastern Europe. It is well known that the Greeks or Hel-
lenes descended from the north of Thessaly and conquered or
incorporated themselves with the Pelasgo-Achsans, whom they
found in the south of Greece. Now these Pelasgians, especially
those who called themselves Tyrrhenians or “tower-builders,”’
have left behind them numerous remains of their architecture,
which are distinguished by immense blocks of solid stone built
into rude masses of walls, towers, and treasuries, and are com-
monly called Cyclopean. It was of course this architecture which
the Hellenes found in southern Greece, and as they were a
warrior-tribe and less cultivated in every respect than their
vassals, they must have adopted the same style of building.
What origin then must we seek for the characteristic architecture
of the Doro-Ionians—that which we commonly call Grecian
architecture? The clue to the whole is furnished by that sin-
gular monument, the gate of the lions of Mycens, probably the
oldest memorial of the primitive Achseans. We have here, at
the entrance of a Cyclopean treasure-house, two lions trampling
on an inverted column of Dorian architecture. With regard to
the lions I feel no hesitation in rejecting Creuzer’s supposition
40 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IT.
that we have here a Mithraic symbol’. This supposition springs
from a total misconception of the object which stands between
the lions, and affords no explanation of their duality. It can be
shown, on the contrary, that it must be intended to indicate that
the two lords of Mycens, some twin-power or duumvirate there,
had conquered some place distinguished by the architecture of
which the inverted column is a specimen. Whether the cir-
-cumstance thus commemorated be a fact or a legend, we can
hardly doubt that the two lions represent the two .Atreide or
‘sons of Atreus, the Pelopid or Lydo-Pelasgian prince of Mycense',
and that the city captured and overthrown, the plunder of which
they had stored up in their treasure-house, was the far-famed
Troy. Both the duality of the conquerors of Troy, and the
symbol of the lions as applied to them, are distinctly recorded
in the Agamemnon of Zschylus*, If this explanation is correct,
the inverted column represents Asiatic architecture, as opposed
to the style of building then common in Greece and Italy, and
which we call Cyclopean. From this inverted fragment we can
restore the whole facade‘, and we see that it contains the ele-
ments of what was afterwards the Doro-Ionian architecture. We
also see that if has many points of contact with the Lycian
monuments. Now Pindar says that the Corinthians, among
other useful arts, introduced the double tympanum or gable of the
Dorian temple". As therefore the Corinthians were the great
1 Symbolik und Mythologie (3rd Edit.) 1. p. 267.
3 'The lion was ἃ holy symbol of the Lydian kings; see Herod. 1. 50;
and Creuzer, Symbol. rt. p. 688.
8 Of. 42 8q4.:
"Mevedaos ἄναξ 73° Ἀγαμέμνων
διθρόνου Διόθεν καὶ δισκήπτρου
τιμῆς, ὀχυρὸν ζεῦγος ᾿Ατρειδῶν.
with 796, 7:
ὑπερθορὼν δὲ πύργον ὠμηστὴς λέων
ἄδην ἔλειξεν αἵματος τυραννικοῦ.
4 This has been done by Metzger, in Thiersch's tract, über das
Erechtheum.
5 Olymp. xir. 21 sqq.:
ἅπαν δ᾽ εὑρόντος ἔργον"
ταὶ Διωνύσου «πόθεν ἐξέφανεν
‘abv βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;
§ 3.] | THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. 41
traders and colonizers, it is sufficiently obvious that they must
have derived this improvement in architecture from abroad, just
as the introduction of the bridle-rein points. to their mythical
connexion, and commercial dealings with Lycia’: and since we
see from the gate of the lions that the Dorian facade existed in
Asia Minor long before the Dorian and Ionian colonies were
established there, it is a fair conclusion that the Dorian and
Jonian architecture, like the distinctions of dialect, was due to
the reaction of the Dorian and Ionian colonies on the mother-
land. And thus we see that all the architecture of Greece, the
more refined porch as well as the ruder masses of Cyclopean
‘masonry, was imported from the sunny land to which we trace
the name of the Pelasgians. We may go ἃ step farther, and say
that the more recent architecture of Asia Minor, which was
afterwards naturalized in Greece, was due to the Semitic tribes
which extended inland from Lydia to Assyria and Egypt,
whereas the Cyclopean architecture was strictly Indo-Germanic.
The primary distinction between the Pelasgo-Achsan and the
Doro-Ionian architecture consisted in the materials which they
respectively adopted, the former being the adaptation of huge.
masses of uncemented stone, the latter the result of the best
arrangement of beams and joists. The materials of the Cyclo-
pean walls require no comment, but a few remarks may be neces-
sary to show that the Doro-Ionian architecture originated in
wood-carpentry. The simplest form of this architecture is the
τίς γὰρ ἱππείοις ἐν ἔντεσσιν μέτρα
d θεῶν ναοῖσιν οἰωνῶν βασιλέα δίδυμον
ἐπέθηκε;
That the ἀετός, or ἀέτωμα, meant the tympanum, or gable, and not any
figures within or upon it, has been fully shown by Bróndsted, Voyages et
Recherches en G'ràce, 11. p. 154; and by Welcker, Alte Denkmüler, 1. p. 3
sqq. The pediment was originally open; the deep relief, or rather
complete figures, which appear in it, indicate the original practioe, when
it might be said in the language of Euripides (Fr. Hypsip.) :
ἰδοὺ πρὸς αἰθέρ᾽ ἐξαμελλῶνται κόραι
γραπτοὺς [ἐν αἰε]τοῖσι προσβλέπειν τύπους.
And the ground was subsequently painted blue to recal the darkness of
the space under the roof.
1 The commercial dealings were ἃ fact; the mythology of Bellero-
phon was a poetical record of it.
42 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. 11.
apteral temple 4 ants. This has no column of portico, the
porch being supported by παραστάδες or anto, 1.6. projections
of the side walls’. We then come to the prostyle, with a vesti-
bule supported by columns beyond the ante; then to the am-
phiprostyle, with such a termination at each end; and finally to
the peripteral temple, surrounded by columns, like the Parthenon.
The complete form is the best exemplification of the tectonics or
carpentry in which the architecture originated. If we compare
the Doric building, as restored from the inverted column on the
gate of the lions, with the remains of Lyoian architecture’, we
shall see that the foundation consisted of trunks of trees, laid
level and crossed at right angles by the trunks of other trees.
On these last, as we see in the gate of the lions, the plinth of
the column rested, and on this the torus. The shaft of the
column was the trunk of & tree, and its capital originally nothing
more than ἃ plinth. On the top of the column was placed the
architrave or main beam of the entablature, and on this rested
the frieze with holes immediately above the columns for the
reception of the upper joists of the building. When these joists
were inserted, their ends, ornamented by channels cut in the
wood, were termed triglyphs, and the spaces between the tri-
‘glyphs, which were flat wood, and upon which it was customary
‘to nail up spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and sculptures,
were called metopes, or intervals between the holes*. The frieze
* On the sense of παραστάς, or παστάς, I may refer to my note on
the Antigone, 1173, p. 225, where I have collected all the authorities.
2 See Thiersoh, über dae Erechtheum, pp. 149 sqq.
8 It has been the opinion of many learned architects that the metopes,
or spades between the beam-ends, were originally hollow. This is
an opinion contrary to the evidences furnished by the Greek language
and by the Greek authors, and is plainly overthrown by the Mycenssan
monument, which shows us that the frieze was originally a solid piece
with holes fot the beam-ends. The word ὀπή means “an opening or
hole,” i.e. the bed of a beam; hence the Roman architects called the
triglyphs cava columbaria, or " pigeon-holes." The word μετόπη must
signify “a space between ómal," as rd μεταίχμιον means “a space between
‘two atmies;” consequently the metope could not have been itself a
cavity. Besides, spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and sculptures,
were nailed up to the frieze, which must therefore have been solid. The
triglyphs were the ornamented ends of the beams, cut short on a line
§ s.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. | 43
was surmounted by the cornice, which originated in transverse
beams supporting the ἀμιλλητῆρες of the sloping roof, and the
facade was finished off by the pediment, tympanum, or ἀέτωμα,
which was originally an open gable formed by the sloping
rafters.. Now every detail in this form of edifice points to wood-
work or carpentry, which always constituted the material of pure
Semitic architecture. The complete details which have been
preserved of the temple of Solomon, which was a masterpiece of
Phoenician workmanship, show how the most costly and ela-
borate building could be erected without the assistance of the
stonemason’, and the ivory palaces of Solomon’ were also speci-
mens of the same application of art with that which appeared in
the chryselephantine statues of Phidias. The very fact that the
Doro-Ionian architecture, in its original and oldest type, not
only admitted but required polychrome decorations, indicates
that the materials employed must have been wood and metal,
not stone, in the first instance. And the result of the whole
discussion is to confirm our previous inference, that the Pelas-
gians were an Indo-Germanic tribe, who passed by the north of
the Euxine into Europe, and recrossed into Asia Minor by the
Hellespont, where they came into direct contact with Semitic
art and civilisation. All tradition confirms this, and the ready
adoption by the Hellenes of the Asiatic, as opposed to the
with the frieze: but these beams could not have projected in the same
plane in the sides and at the ends of the building. Supposing then
that those which ran the whole length of the building terminated in
the frieze of the portico, the cross-beams must have rested upon them
and served as supports to the end of the roof. Consequently the frieze
on the sides of the building must either have had hollow spaces instead
of beams, which was of course the original form, or they were filled by
imaginary beam-ends, i. e. mere triglyphs. When the facade of a tem-
ple was imitated on the Greek stage, it seems that the ὀπαί or beds of
the beams were left open, í.e. there were large holes through which
8 man might crawl. This enables us to understand such passages as
the following: Euripid. Iph. Z. 118: dpa δέ γ᾽ εἴσω τριγλύφων ὅποι
κενὸν δέμας μεθεῖναι. Aristoph. Vesp. 126: ὁ δ᾽ ἐξεδίδρασκε διά τε τῶν
ὑδροῤῥοῶν καὶ τῶν ὁπ dy.
! For the dctails of Solomon’s Temple, 606 Thenius, über die Büoer
der Konige, Anhang. pp. 25 844.
2 Psalm xlv. 8; cf. 1 Kings xxii. 895 Amos iif. 15.
44 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. I.
Cyclopean architecture, cannot be regarded as altogether uncon-
nected with the ethnographical fact that the Dorians or Hellenes
were 8 tribe which passed through Asia Minor in a strong but
narrow stream on their way from the mountains of Caramania to
the highlands of western Germany and northern Greece’.
§ 4. Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology of
the two races.
These views of the Cyclopean architecture, as distinctively
characterizing the Pelasgians, are confirmed by all that we know
of their religious system. The worship of the Pelasgians was
not only elementary ; it not only consisted in an adoration of the
- great objects of nature—for this was common to them with other
primitive tribes ;—but it was especially a sun-worship, like that
of the Medes, from whom, as we shall see, they trace their legi-
timate descent. Thus, while the so-called aborigines of Italy
worshipped Saturnus- Ops, the divinity of the earth*, the Pelasgo-
Tyrrhenians who dwelt beside them worshipped Tina or Janus,
the God of light. The two tribes, who constituted the original
populus, being especially warriors, worshipped the God of war;
as Romulus was mythically the son of Mars, we may conclude
that Mars or Mamers was the God of the Ramnes; and then
Quirinus? would be the spear-god of the Tities. Just in the
same way, the Hellenes, who, as I have shown in another place,
were a warlike tribe of high German character‘, brought into
Greece their war-god Apollo’, a sort of refined Woden; but
eventually allowed some of his attributes to be absorbed by the
God of light, who was worshipped by the Pelasgians®. The
Hyacinthia, which were retained by the Dorians in Laconia and
1 New Crat. § 92. * See Zumpt’s Essay on this subject.
8 As the Quirinal was the first seat of the Sabines coming from
the north, it may be inferred that Janiculum across the river indicated
the first approximation of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgian worshippers of Tina
or Janus, who formed a new element in the state under Vivenna of
Cere. See Chapter r. $ 18.
* New Crat. $ 92.
n Ἕλληνες, “the warriors;” Ἀπέλλων, “ the fighter." Miller, Dor. π.
6, $ 6.
6 Theatre of the Greeks, (ed. 6), p. [20].
S 4] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 45
applied to the worship of their own Apollo, were a festival of
Achsan or Pelasgian origin, and symbolically expressed the
triumph of the sun's disk over the rainy months of winter’. All
the Pelasgian religion, wherever it can be discerned under the
incrustations of later Hellenism, points to the same worship of the
sun, Jupiter and Danae, of whose union the Argive Perseus
was the fruit, represent the golden showers of the fructifying
sky descending on the dry earth (Savdn γῆ). The Argive
goddess Juno is called βοῶπις, as being a representative of the
moon-goddess, who bore her disk between two horns, and who
is thus identified with Jo, “the earth," the daughter of Inachus?.
In the same way Europa, the “ broad-faced’’ moon, is borne
across the sea from east to west by Jupiter in the form of a bull,
that is, the sun in Taurus in conjunction with the moon rises
from the eastern waves. Here she assumes the functions of
ἼΑρτεμις ταυροπόλος, and, as we shall see, Artemis, which, in
the Pelasgian language, was -Art-timis, and means “‘ the virgin
of the sea,” becomes identical with 'Apé-0ovca, “the virgin
swiftly moving*," for the idea of.time finds one of its natural
expressions in that of flowing water’. Even the name κύκλωψ,
which has furnished a designation for the peculiar architecture
of the Pelasgians, must refer to figures adorned with the sun's
disk, rather than to any monophthalmic symbols; and we shall
see. the same transition in the earliest seats of the Pelasgic
race&, The connexion of the Pelasgi with the Sclavonians,
which will clearly appear in the sequel, brings them into close
contact also with the early Celtic tribes. Now there can be
hardly any doubt that the circular and megalithic structures,
which are found in Britain and elsewhere, belong to the ele-
mentary worship of the early Celts. "These buildings, whether
grown im trees, as a grove, or built up in massive stones, repre-
sented the world; and this is the true interpretation of Arthur’s
Round Table. It was “made by Merlin for a type of the
Round World, and was given by Pendragon to Gogyrvan father
1 New Crat. § 464. 2 See Millers Mythol. p. 252, Engl. Tr.
3 See Paley, Prof. ad Prom. p. xx; ad Suppl. p. vii.
4 Below, $ 12; and Chapter v. § 6; see also Yarna, p. 349; Burnouf.
5 New Crat. §.270. - 6 Below, $ 12. -
46 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. II.
of Gwenhwyvar, who brought it to Arthur as her dowry (Morte
Arthur, X1iV. c. 2; Iv. c. 1). From which we may collect
that the true round table was the circular sanctuary erected
by Merlin. The lake or pool under the Dinas Emmrys was
likewise declared by Merlin to be figura hujus mundi, a type
of this world (Nennius, c. 481). And Arthur himself* “ was
the sun, honoured as a deity but figured as a warrior, i. e. 88
Mithras. His father's name, Uthyr, the Portent, 18 supernatural,
and not really a name; least of all the name of a Roman, bro-
ther to Aurelius Ambrosius, and son to Constantinus. And the
aaid Uthyr signifies in his dirge, that he is the Azure Firma-
ment (id sublime candens quem invocant omnes Jovem), and that
the rainbow is his belt in battle. It follows of course, that the
son or etstllydd (offspring) of UtAyr Gorlassar, who fills the
place of Ormuzd, should be Mithras. And his twelve battles, in
al] imaginable parts of the island, correspond to the twelve Her-
culean labours.” t is not unreasonable to conclude that the
Celts, who carried to the uttermost parts of the west this purely
Median worship of the God of Light, must have derived it from
the Pelasgo-Sclavonians, who came most directly from the north
of Media, who first touched upon and became mingled with the
sporadic tribes of Celto-Turanians, and who in their original
settlements, as Hyperboreans, and also as southern Pelasgians,
were perseveringly devoted to this distinctive form of worship.
8 5. Thracians, Get, and Scythians.
Beyond these particulars we have no satisfactory data for the
migrations of the great Pelasgian people; and if we wish to
know their original settlements in Asia, we must turn to com-
parative philology and to ethnographical traditions of a dif-
ferent kind.
Our point of departure, in these further researches into the
original abode and ethnical affinities of the Pelasgians, is the
great country of Thrace, their first European settlement. The
Thracians, according to Herodotus, were, next to the Indians,
the greatest people in the world’; and Scylax tells us that their
1 Cyclops Christianus, G. A, Herbert. Lond. 1849, p. 191.
3 Herbert, 1. c. p. 213. 5 v. 2,
. 8. Δ.} THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 47
territory extended from the Strymon to the Ister. Now, among
these Thracians we find the two important tribes of Gete and
Mysians, or Mossians. Of these the geographer Strabo speaks
as follows*: “The Greeks considered the Gete to be Thracians.
There dwelt, however, on both sides of the Ister as well these
Gete as the Mysi, who are likewise Thracians, and are now
called Mosi, from whom also the Mysi now dwelling among the
Lydians, Phrygians, and Trojans, derived their origin." Again,
Scylax informs us that the Scythians bordered on the Thracians®;
and Stephanus of Byzantium says expressly‘, that the Scythians
were of Thracian extraction. The same is implied in what
Strabo says on the subject: and it has long been admitted that
Σκύθαι and Τέται are the same ethnical name>, We thus at
once obtain new data, reaching far beyond the limits of Hellenic
tradition. For if the Pelasgians can fairly be traced to Thrace
as their first traditionary settlement in Europe, and if we can
pass from the Thracians to the Gets, and from the Gets: to the
Scythians, we. are carried into a new field, in which our specu-
lations immediately receive the ne support of comparative philology δ,
1 Geogr. Vet.,—Soript. Min. 1. p. 27. It is singular that the name
of the Thracians should seem to bear the same relation to Tiras, one
of the sons of Japheth, that the ethnical names of the Medes and
Ionians do to the names of two of his other sons, Madai and Javan (Gen.
x. 2). If it were necessary to seek a connexion between the word
Τυρσηνός and the Goth. Thadreds, Old Norse Thurs, O. H. G. Durs, ao-
cording to Grimm’s suggestion (Deutsche Myth. pp. 28, 489, 2d ed.), we
might with still greater safety bring the Thracians and the Aga-thyrsi
into the same etymology. The Bithynians were Thracians; and there -
were Medo-Bithynians (Ma:doi ἔθνος Θράκης, Steph. Byz. p. 527) ag well
as Parthians (οἱ Σκύθαι τοὺς φυγάδας Πάρθους καλοῦσι, Steph. Byz. p. 628)
in Thrace. It is curious that the Sintians and Medi, whom Thucydides
mentions (It. 98) as contiguous Thracian tribes, should represent a gimi-
lar juxtaposition in Irán, where those to the west and north were
called Medes and Sauro- Mate, while those to the south and east were
termed Sindigns or Indi.
3 p. 295. He says also (p. 302), that the Get» spoke the same
language as the Thracians.
8 Geogr, Vef.,—8. M. 1. p. 29
4 De Urbibus, p. 674, Berkel: ᾿Σκύθαι ἔθνος Θράκιον.
5 See Salmasius, Ling. Hel}. p. 269; Thre, Gloss. Suio-Goth. Proom.
p. Vi.
6 The connexion of the Thracians with the Gets and of the latter
48 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. II.
' 86. Soythians and Medes.
The Scythians of Herodotus are represented as occupying
the wide tract of country which lies to the north of the Euxine.
Though there are some alleged differences, we can collect that
the whole country between Media and the Danube was occupied
by a series of cognate tribes, The earliest traditions represent
these Scythians as in continual contact and collision with the
Medes; and we receive many significant hints that the Scythians
and Medes were ultimately connected with one another as
kindred races. If we pursue this subject in its details, especially
as illustrated by the fragments of the Scythian language which
Herodotus and others have preserved, we shall see that the
Pelasgians may be traced step by step to a primary settlement
in Media or northern Iran.
§ 7. lranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Geta,
may be shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination
of the remains of the Scythian language.
The general proof that Irán, or the country lying between
the Caspian, the Euphrates, the Indian Ocean, and the Indus,
was the original abode of the Indo-Germanic race, has been
given elsewhere! It has also been shown, that within these
limits were spoken two great branches of the one Indo-Ger-
manic language, which stood related to one another in much the
same way as the Low and High German; the former being the
. older, and spokén by the inhabitants of Media, the northern
half of this district. Τὸ these Medes, or, as they may be called,
the Northern and Low Iranians, we refer, on the one hand,
the Hindus, who-call themselves Arians (@ryas, ** well-born"),
for this was also the ancient name of the Medes; and, on the
other hand, the following members of the Sclavonian and Low
German families:—(a) the Sarmate or Sauromate, an old
Sclavonian tribe, who are expressly called “descendants of the
with the Goths has been fully discussed by J. Grimm in his Geschichte
der deutschen Sprache, c. 1x., and he has come to much the same conclu-
sion with that which was first given in this work.
1 N. Crat. $ 80 sqq.
$7.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 49
Medes” both by Diodorus! and by Pliny’, whose name, in the
cognate Lithuanian language, signifies the northern Medes or
Matieni’,” and who, under the slightly modified name of Syr-
mate, dwelt near the Indus‘; (b) the Sigynne, or Sclavonian
Wends, to whom Herodotus ascribes a Median parentage’; (c)
the Sawons, Sacassant, or Saca-sünavas, i. e. “ sons of the Sacs,"
who once inhabited Bactriana, as well as the most fertile part of
Armenia, and from thence forced their way into Europe’; and,
above all, () the Goths, who, under the different local names of
Γέται, Σ-κύθαι, i.e. Asa-goths, Qvoca-yérat, or Tupt-yéras,
1,6. Tyras-gete, or Goths dwelling by the Dniester’, and Μυσοί,
Mowol, or Macca~yerat, i.e. Maso-goths*, occupied the whole
of the districts which extend from the north-east of Irán to the
. borders of Thrace’.
! yr. 48, p. 195. Dind. 2 H. N. vi. 7.
8. Gatterer ap. Bóckh, C. J. 1. p. 83. * Plin. H. N. vi. 18.
5 v. 9. Strabo, p. 520.
$ Plin. H. N. vi. 11. Strabo, pp. 73, 507, 500, 511, 513. Among
those who fought with Vicvdmitra are mentioned (Rdmdyana, τ. c. 54,
cl. 21), first, the Pahlavi, i. e. the Persians, for they were called Pahlavi
by the Indians; and then a mixed army of Sacw and Yavani, who covered
the whole earth (tair dstt samvrtá bhümih Cakair Yavana-migritaih). The
Persians called the Scythians in general ‘Saco (Herod. vr. 64: of γὰρ
Πέρσαι πάντας τοὺς Σκύθας καλέουσι Σάκας). A. W. von Schlegel (ad loc.
Rámdy. n. 2, p. 169) thinks that the name ‘IdFwy, the original form of
Ἰάων, “lev, was not brought from Greece, but was learned by the settlers
in Asia from the Lydians; and that the Yavani here mentioned by the
Indian poet were the Greeks in general, who were always so called by
the Indians, Persians, and Jews (Schol. ad Arist. Acharn. 106: πάντας
τοὺς Ἕλληνας "Idovas οἱ βάρβαροι ἐκάλουν»).
7 If we wished to bring the Thyssa-gete or Thyrsa-gete into con-
nexion with the Aga-thyrsi, and into closer contact with the Asa-getce or
S-eythe, we might suppose that Asa-getw and Thyrsa-gete were other
forms of Asa-jétun and Thursa-jótun, in which As * deus" and Thurs
“gigas” would stand in the usual opposition (See Edd. Semund. m.
Spec. Gloss. p. 861).
5 Zeuss (die Deutschen, p. 280) is induced by some misspelling in the
text of Ptolemy (m. 5, 10) to write Tyrag-etw, Massag-etos, thus repu-
diating all connexion with the Gee.
9 The traditions of the Goths referred not merely to Asia in general,
but in particular to their Midum-heime, or ** Median home,” as the point
of their departure (Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 478).
D. V. 4
δ0 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
Although these general results are already established, the
details of the subject have not yet been sufficiently examined,
especially as regards the fragments of the language spoken by
these northern and western scions of the great Median stock. It
is in accordance with the main object of this treatise, that
these details should be followed as far as they will lead us; and
it is hoped that, by an analysis of all the Scythian words and
names which Herodotus and others have preserved, the affinity
of the Scythians to the Medes will be confirmed by the most
decisive proofs, and that it will appear that the Pelasgians,
whom tradition traces to the same regions, were members of the
Sclavonian race.
§ 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this
chain of nations.
One caution must be given at the very beginning of all
these inquiries concerning the chain of tribes which link together
the extreme points of Indo-Germanic migration. As I have
remarked before, it is always easier to perceive resemblances than
to recognize distinctions; and the ancient writers speak of Thra-
cians, Gets, and Scythians as identical, because they have points
of contact and common ingredients. The results of researches,
which have been indicated elsewhere, tend to show that although
the bulk and substratum of the ancient population of Thrace was
Pelasgian, and this again Sclavonian, the warlike tribes, which
gave a name to the nation, were identical in origin and title
with the Dorians, who were the distinctive Hellenes, and with
the Hermun-duri or Thuringians, who were the High-Germans
or Herminones properly so called’. eres or Tereus is a local
name in Doris or Daults as well as in Thrace’; and the latter
country must at least have retained some fragments or droppings
by the road-side of that united band of warriors who forced their
way in one unbroken stream from the highlands of Kurdistan
across the north of Asia Minor, and so through Thrace, sending
forth conquering offshoots into Greece to the left and into
1 New Crat. § 92. 2 Thucyd. 11. 29.
§ 8.] | THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. - 5]
Eastern Germany on their more direct route’. The Gee, on
the other hand, wherever they were pure from any Sclavonic
admixture, stand as Low-Germans in direct opposition to the
Sclavonians. As Massa-Gete or Meso-Goths they were mixed
up with Mysians, who were Pelasgo-Sclavonians; and there was
the same mingling of the Sclavonian and Low-German elements
in the Lithuanians or Samo-Gete. As Daci or Danes the pure
Low-Germans stand opposed and related*, both in the north and
south, to the Get#, whether called by this name, or designated
as Goths, Guddas, Jutes, and Vites: and there is every reason
to believe that the latter in this opposition represent some ad-
mixture of the Sclavonic and pure Gothic elements analogous
to that which is presented by the Lithuanians or Samo- Geta.
In the Greek comedies Davus=Dacvus, and Geta, stand on a
parallel footing as the names of slaves; but the countries from
which these slaves came were distinguished as Dacia and Masia,
and the latter was, at least to a considerable extent, Sclavonic.
In the north, according to the legend’, the Dant or Dacini* were
settled in the islands as opposed to Jutland, or, as it is called,
Vithes-leth; and in the peninsula itself the stratification of
Sclavonians in Schleswig, Angles or pure Low-Germans in
Jutland, and High-Germans in Holstein, is still very distinct.
In the immense area to which the ancients gave the name of
Scythia, we must distinguish between the Sarmate, or Sauro-
mate, who were mainly or to a large extent Sclavonian, the
Scythe or Asa-Goths, who were mainly or to a large extent
Low-German, the Saec or Saxons, who were purely Low-Ger-
man, and therefore identical ultimately with the Daci or Danes,
and the S-colote or Asa-Galate, also called Cimmerit, who were
mainly Celtic. And besides all these, we must allow a sub-
stratum or fringe of Mongols or Turano-Scythians. Nevertheless,
1 The derivation of Greek poetry from Thrace, and the Picrian
resting-places at the foot of Olympus in the North, and at the foot of
Parnassus and Helicon in the south of Thessaly, point to the route of
these Thraco-Hellenic emigrants.
? They both spoke dialects of the Thracian language; Strabo, pp.
803, 306.
ἃ Zeuss, die Deutschen, pp. 508 sqq.
1 Grimm, Gesch. der deutschen Sprache, p. 192.
52 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF — [OHAP. II.
the Sclavonian is the prevalent or qualifying element throughout,
and from Thrace to Media we identify this with the Pelasgian.
For the old statements, which class together the Thracians,
Gets, Mysians, and Scythians, can only be understood as assert-
ing their ethnical affinity: that is, the Greeks saw that they had
something in common. Now if the Dorians are to be derived
from the Thracians so called, if Massa-geta, or Mceso-Goth, pre-
sumes a combinatión of different ingredients, the Mysian and
Gothic, and if, which everything conspires to show, the non-
Hellenic element in Greece is also to be sought in Thrace; it
follows that this element, or the Pelasgi, must be referred to the
Mysians, who appear as the Pelasgian inhabitants of Asia Minor.
‘The same must also be the link of connexion between the
Thracians and the Scythians or Asa-goths. But the Goths,
when qualified by admixture in their primary settlements, are
always blended with Sclavonian elements. ‘Therefore the My-
sians or Pelasgians were Sclavonian also. The Rhoxolani and
Sarmate, who occupied the province of Dacia after the time of
‘Aurelian, belonged to the same Gothie and Sclavonian races
respectively as the original inhabitants; and though historically
a change must be indicated, an ethnographical identity with the
original population is still maintained by the Walachians, who
had adopted a corruption of the Latin tongue before they re-
ceived this addition of homogeneous ingredients’.
§ 9. JPeculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by.
Aristophanes.
The Scythian words, which have been preserved by the
ancients, are names of rivers, places, and persons; designations
of deities; and common terms. Before we consider these sepa-
rately, it will be as well to inquire if there are not some general
principles by which the characteristics of the language may be
ascertained. |
Some of these general conclusions may be derived from
Aristophanes. It is well known that the police of Athens con-
sisted of Scythian bowmen. Accordingly, when the great come-
1 Zeuss, p. 263.
§ 10.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 53
disn introduces one of these public servants on the stage, we
might expect that, as he imitates the broad dialects of the Βωο-
tians and Megarians, and the pure Doric of the Spartans, he
would also give an accurate representation of the broken Greek
of these barbarian functionaries'. When we mimic the provin-
cialisms of the Highlanders or the Welsh, we are careful to
Bubetitute tenues for medials; and in the same way, we may
suppose, Aristophanes would represent the leading peculiarities
of the Scythian pronunciation of Greek. Now we find that his
Scythian bowman in the Thesmophoriazuse consistently omits
the final -> or -ν of Greek words, substitutes the lenis for the
aspirate, and once puts £ for sigma. We should expect, there-
fore, that the Scythian language would present us with Visar-
gah and Anuswérah, would repudiate aspirated consonants, and
employ £=sh instead of the ordinary sibilant. While this is
the case with the fragments of the Scythian language which still
remain, it is even more remarkable in the old idioms of Italy.
In fact, these peculiarities constitute, as we shall see in the
sequel, some of the leading features by which the Italian lan-
guages are distinguished from the dialects of ancient Greek.
§ 10. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained.
The names of the Scythian rivers, which Herodotus enu-
merates, will first engage our attention. These names are mate-
rially corrupted by the Greek transcription; but with the help
of the general principles, which have just been stated, we shall
be able to analyze them without much difficulty.
Beginning from the European side, the first of these rivers
is the Js-ter, or, as it is now called, the Don-au or Dan-ube. If
we follow the analogy of our own and other countries, we shall
observe that local names very often consist of synonymous
1 See Niebuhr, Kleine Schriften, τι. p. 200 (über das gyptisch-
Griechische).
In this and the two following sections I have been pretty closely
followed by Mr. G. Rawlinson in his translation of Herodotus (Vol. ur.
pp. 196 sqq.). I mention this merely to intimate that I do not accept
the modifications which Mr. Rawlinson has mixed up with his repetitions
of my interpretations and criticisms.
54 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF — [CHAP. 1].
elements ; from which we may infer that the earlier parts of the
word have successively lost their significance. Thus, the words
wick, ham, and town, are synonymous, though belonging to
different ages of our language; and yet we have compounds
such as Wick-ham and .Ham[p]-ton-wick. The words wan,
beck, and water, are synonymous; and yet we find a stream in
the north of England called Wans-beck-water. The words nagara
and pura in Sanscrit both signify *city;" but we find in India
a city called Nag-poor. In the same way, we believe that both
parts of the word Js-ter denote “water” or “river.” The first
part of the word is contained in the name of our own river
‘Thames, or Tam-isis, the upper part of which is still called the
ls-is: the second part we shall discuss directly, in speaking of
the third Scythian river. The other and more recent name,
Dan-ub-tus, also contains two elements, each signifying “ water"
or “river.” The latter part is found in the Gaelic ap, and
in our Avon, &c.; the former in most of the Scythian rivers,
as will presently appear.
The next river is the Por-ata or Pruth, which obviously
contains the same root as the Greek word πόρος and the Scy-
thian paris.
The third river is called by Herodotus the Tup-ns, and is
now known as the Dnies-ter or Danas-ter. The latter part of
this name is the same as the latter part of Js-ter. The first
part of the compound is the commencement of the other name of
the Js-ter. In the transcription of Herodotus, either this word
is omitted, and the Danas-ter 1 mentioned merely as the Ter,
or the last syllable of Τύρ-ης represents the first syllable of the
Is-ter; so that the Danube was called the Js-ter, and the Dnées-
ter the Ter-is. It is singular that the syllables Dan-, Don-, or
Dun-, and Ter- or Tur-, are used in the Celtic and Pelasgian
languages respectively to signify ** height," or “hill,” or “hill-
tower;'" and it is to be supposed that this was the origin of their
application to the river, which flows rapidly down from ita birth-
place in the mountains!,
The river Hypan-is is called, according to the Greek tran-
1 Coleridge has, with much poetical truth, designated a cataract as
* the son of the rock” (Poems, Vol. 1. p. 131).
§ 10.] THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. δᾶ
^ seription, by a name compounded of the Celtic Apan (Avon) and
the word ts-, which we have just examined. The first part of
the word occurs also in the name of the river Hypa-caris, which
means the water of Carte. The root of the second part of this
name appears in the names of the city Car-cine, and the river
Ger-rus, which flowed into the Car-cinttis sinus by the same
mouth as the Hypan-ts and Hypa-caris. It would also seem that
the exceedingly corrupted name Pan-ticapes began originally
with the same word: the meaning of the last three syllables is
absolutely lost, and they will scarcely be sought in the modern
name Ingul-etz, of which we can only say that the last syllable
represents the root ts- ; comp. Tana-ts, Tana-etz !.
The Greeks who dwelt near the mouth of the great river
Borysthenes naturally pronounced the native name of the river
in the manner most convenient to their own articulation; and
the name, as it stands, is to all outward appearance a Greek
word. This circumstance has deceived the ablest of modern
geographers, who derives the first part of the word from Βορῆς
or Βορέας. There is little difficulty, however, in showing that the
name is identical with that by which the river is known at the
present time,—the Dnte-per or Dana-paris, with the last part
of which we may compare the name Porata or Pruth. It is well
known that the northern Greeks were in the habit of substituting
the medial, not only for the tenuis, but even for the aspirate;
thus we have βύργος for πύργος, Βερενίκη for Φερενίκη, δανεῖν
for θανεῖν, and Βόσ-πορος for oc-$opos. Accordingly, their
pronunciation of the word Dana-parts (=Parts-danas) would be
Dana-baris, or, by an interchange of the two synonymous
elements, Baris-danas?. But the Greek ear was so familiar
with the sequence σθ-, that the sd- would inevitably fall into this
collocation ; and, with a change of vowels, for the same purpose
of giving the barbarous name a Greek sound, the compound
1 The identification of the Ingul-etz with the Pan-ticapes depends
upon the position of the Hylwa, or “ woodland” district, which must
have been on the right bank of the Borysthenes, for the other side of
the river is both woodless and waterless (see Lindler Skythien, Stuttgart,
1841, pp. 40 sqq.) The name Jngul is borne by another river, which may
be identified with the Hypa-caris.
3 A similar change bas taken place in the name Beresina.
56 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [oHaP. 1r.
would become the Hellenic form Βορυσθένης, a word which has
hitherto eluded etymological analysis.
The 7ana-is was the most easterly of Scythian, and indeed
of European rivers. The explanation of the name is implied in
what has been already stated. No difficulty can arise from the
appearance of a tenuis instead of the medial, which generally
appears in the first part of this name; for the Danube, which is
most consistently spelt with the medial, is called the Zun-owe in
the Niebelungen-lied (v. 6116). The Tanats seems to have been
the.same river which the Cossacks still call the Donaetz or
Tanaetz.
We find the word Dana-s in composition not only with the
synonyms Js-, Ap-, Paris, and Ter, but also with Rha-, which
occurs in the names of the Asiatic A-ra-wes, and in that of the
Bha-, or Wolga. Thus, we have the E-ri-danus in Italy, the
Rha-danau in Prussia, the Rho-danus in France, and the name
Ῥοῦ-δον, quoted by Ptolemy. In England the name Dana
occurs by itself as “the Don.”
§ 11. Names of the Scythian divinities.
Let us now pass to the names of the Scythian gods, which
may be referred without any difficulty to the roots of the Indo-
Germanic family of languages. Herodotus informs us (Iv. 59),
that the names by which the Scythians designated the Greek
divinities, ‘Iorim, Ζεύς, Γῆ, ᾿Απόλλων, Οὐρανίη ᾿Αφροδίτη, and
Ποσειδέων, were Ταβιτί, Παπαῖος, ᾿Απία, Οἰτόσυρος, ᾿Αρτίμ-
πασα, and Θαμιμασάδας : and it is clear, from his manner of
speaking of these and the Medo-Persian divinities (1. 131), that
he is describing one and the same elementary worship.
Ἵστίη, or Vesta, was the goddess of fire, as Ovid tells us
(Fast. vi. 291): “nec tu aliud Vestam quam vivam intellige
flammam." There can be no doubt why the Medo-Scythians
called her Tabiti, when we know that in the Zend and Sanscrit
languages the root tab- or tap- signifies “‘to burn." Compare
also the Latin tab-eo, tepidus, the Greek rid-os, the German
thau-en, the new Persian tebfden, Sclavonian teplye, whence
Toeplitz, “the hot baths," and the river Tepe! at Karlsbad,
the Oscan teforom (Tab, Agnon. vv. 17, 20), Etrusc. tephral
S 11.} THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 57
(Orelli, 1384), ἄς. The same root may also appear in the Per-
sian local names cited by Zeuss (die Deutschen, p. 286), namely
Ταβιήνη between Caramania and Parthia, Ταβιάνα an island
on the coast of Persia, Τάπη a city in Hyrcania, Ταπουροί or
Tazrovpeot, people in Media and on the Imaus.
Ζεύς, or Ζεὺς πατήρ (Ju-piter), was .called Ilavaíos or
“the Father,” a name by which he was known to the Latins
also. The primary labial sounds are appropriated in all lan-
guages to express the primary relation of parent and child. The
children on whom Psammitichus tried his experiment (Herod.
II. 2) first uttered the articulate sound Be-xés, apparently the
first labial followed by the first guttural; and in some articu-
lations, as well as in the order of our alphabet, this is the natural
sequence. ΤῸ this spontaneous utterance of the first labials to
designate the parental relation and the primary necessities of
infancy, I have referred elsewhere (N. Crat. § 262); and it
seems to have struck Delitsch also (Jsagoge, p. 131), when he
speaks of those nouns “ quee aboriginum instar sine verbi semine
sponte provenerunt, velut IN) ON, primi labiales balbutientis
pueri, Sanscr. pi-tri, má-tri, &c." The word παπαῖος shows us
very clearly the connexion between the Persian and Sarmatian
languages ; for while in the Pehlevi, as Richardson tells us, (s. v.
báb) *the name bébé or báb is given by way of excellence to
express fire, which they worship as the father and principle of all
things," we find Baba? in Jornandes (cc. 54, 55) as the name of
a Sarmatian king. According to Xenophon (Cyrop. virt. 8, § 24)
the Persians distinguished between Jupiter and the Sun, and he
also speaks of separate sacrifices to Vesta and Jupiter (Cyrop. 1.
6,81, vir. 5, 857). But he may very well have confused be-
tween the different ingredients in this worship of fire.
The Scythian name for the goddess of the Earth is "Amia.
This word actually occurs in Greek, as the name of the country
where the Pelasgians ruled: and the root Ap- or Op- is of fre-
quent occurrence both in Greece and in Italy(Buttmann’s Lezil.
8. v., and above, Ch. 1. ὃ 3).
As the Scythian religion appears to have exhibited an dle:
mentary character, we should expect that their Apollo would be
“the god of the sun." And this seems to be the meaning of
his name, as cited by Herodotus. Oirdé-cvpos should signify
- —N& — 4 a mb ^ M na
.—a .-—- -—N — x
ah ——— m ^ a 2a a 4A m Wu -
δ8 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. 1.
“the light or life of the sun." The second part of the word
at once refers us to the. Sanscrit s@rya, which is also implied in
the σύριον ἄρμα of Aischylus (Pers. 86; N. Crat. ὃ 473). The
first two syllables may be explained as follows. After the loss
of the digamma, the sound of w at the beginning of a word was
often expressed by o: thus we have "Oa£fos = Fafos; "Oaacus,
with its modern equivalent el Wah; the Persian interjection 3a
(ZEschyl. Pers. 116), which is doubtless the Greek representa-
tive of the oriental exclamation wah; the N. Test. ovaíz weh ;
and the word οἶστρος, referring to the whtszing noise of the
gad-fly. Accordingly, Oird-cvpos, pronounced Weto-suros, sig-
nifies the Ustta, Οὗτος, Alea, or life of the sun: comp. the
Russian Vite, signifying “a portion;" or if we prefer the
cognate idea of light, we may compare the oiro- with ai@n,
aides, uitta, weiss, “ white," Egypt. wit, Copt. oett, “to be white
or brilliant," ἄς. As the σύριον ἅρμα seems to show that the
Persian san-god was sometimes known by a part of this
Scythian name, we might be led to ask whether the Persian
Mithras had not a representative in Scythia. Now we read not
only that the Persians called the ** Sun" Mithras (Strabo, p. 752:
τιμῶσι δὲ τὸν “Ἥλιον, ὃν καλοῦσι Μέθραν), but also that the
Persians gave the name of Mira to the heavenly Venus (Herod.
I. 181: ἐπιμεμαθήκασι δὲ καὶ τῇ Οὐρανί θύειν, mapa τε
᾿Ασσυρίων μαθόντες καὶ ᾿Αραβίων. καλέουσι δὲ ᾿Ασσύριοι τὴν
᾿Αφροδύτην Μύλιεττα, ᾿Αράβιοι δὲ Αλεττα, Πέρσαι δὲ Mírpay).
From this it appears that the Persians had a pair of deities
called Mithras and Mithra, and that the latter corresponded to
the heavenly Venus. But the very dualism itself shows that she
must have been a form of Artemis, the sister-goddess of Apollo,
and therefore represented the moon. Thus Jul. Firmicus says (de
Err. Prof. Relig. 1. c. 5: ** hi itaque [Magi et Perse] Jovem in
duas dividunt potestates, naturam ejus ad utriusque sexus trans-
ferentes, et viri et femine simulacra ignis substantiam deputan-
tes.” This pair of deities seems to be implied in the dual forms
ahuraéibya mithraétbya in the Yagna, which Burnouf translates |
(p. 351): “les deux seigneurs Mithras!." But the most important
1 Some remarks have been made on this passage by Mr C. Knight
Watson, Journal of Philology, 1. pp. 241, 264.
§ 11. ] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 59
authority for the present purpose is the inscription quoted by
Zeuss (p. 289), from Gudit Inscr. Antique, p. 56. 2, which
should be read: @EAI . ZEAHNHI . OITOZKTPAI . ΚΑΙ.
AIIOAAQNI . OULTOZKTPOI . MI@PAI . M. OTAIIIOZ .
IIAOKAMOX.NEOKOPOX.ANES. This shows that the
epithet of the “sun” quoted as Scythian by Herodotus (with
the mere change of σκ for o to represent the sound sh: see
Maskil le-Sopher, p. 8) is applicable to the moon as well as to
the sun, and that Apollo-Ovtosurus was also Mithras. Now we
know that ”Apreyts was specially worshipped by the Persians;
for Plutarch says (Vit. Lucull. c. 24): Περσία "Apregus ἣν
μάλιστα θεῶν οἱ πέραν Evdparov βάρβαροι τιμῶσι, and her
Persian name Ζαρῆτις (Hesych.) was probably connected with
Sürya; but if she was, as this inveatigation has shown, also
identical with the heavenly Venus or Mithra, we find her Greek
name in ᾿Αρτίμπασα, the Scythian Venus: for, as we shall
see, ᾿Αρ-τίμ is best explained out of the Scythian glosses,
as “the virgin of the sea," and πάσα signifies “‘the queen."
The noun was probably Persian also, for Artim-pasa occurs
on two inscriptions found near Tusculum and probably of
Persian origin (Zeuss, p. 290). It is by no means clear what
were the attributes of the celestial Venus of the Scythians; but
her name thus explained corresponds exactly to the functions
of Europa, the broadfaced moon, and to those of the "Apres
Ταυροπόλη.
The Scythian name for Neptune may be explained with
almost demonstrable certainty. The general observations on the
Scythian language have shown that they preferred the tenuis to
the aspirate. The word Θαμιμασάδας must therefore have been
pronounced Tami-masadas. Now, if we compare this word
with the Scythian proper name Octa-masadas (Herod. Iv. 80),
we shall see that masadas must be the termination. In the
Zend, or old Median language, Mazdas (connected with maz,
* great"), signifies *a god," or “object of worship." So Or-
mued is called AAura-mazdas, and a worshipper is termed
Mazdayasna. Accordingly, Tami-masadas must mean “a god,
or object of worship, with regard to Zamt.’’ When, therefore,
we learn from Pliny, that Temarunda is equivalent to mater
maris, we cannot doubt that Teme, or Tamt, means “ the sea,”
60 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IL
and that Zamt-masadas, or "Neptune," is, by interpretation,
“the god of the sea." It does not appear that the second part
of the name Temarunda is & distinct word in itself. It seems
more probable that it is a feminine termination, analogous to that
of serende from se=“ sea," in the A. S. document quoted by
Grimm (Gesch. d. deutsch. Spr. 1. p. 234), who also compares
the name of the river 7*mavus as explained by Strabo, v.
p. 214. For Pliny says (vi. 7); "Scythe ... vocant ... Mseo-
tim Temarundam, quo significant matrem maris." And as
Μαιῆτις, which seems to be another form of the Zend mate
=matis, is stated by Herodotus (iv. 86) to mean μήτηρ τοῦ
Πόντου, it is more than probable that Temarunda is a qualifying
epithet of AMeotis, and that it denotes maritima. The word
Tama perhaps signifies ** broad water;" for the river which
is called the Js-ts while it is narrow, becomes the Tam-ts-1s, or
“Thames,” when it begins to widen. That the name of a man
like Octa-masadas, should be significant of veneration will not
surprise those who recollect the Scythian name Sparga-pises (the
son of Tomyris, Herod. 1. 211) or Sparga-pithes (a king of the
Agathyrsi, id. Iv. 78), which seems to be equivalent to the
Sanscrit Svarga-pati, “lord of heaven"—eparga bearing the
same relation to svarga that the Persian agpa does to the Sanscrit
agva ; and the Zend gpan, old Persian gpaka, Sclavonian sabaka,
to the Sanscrit gué (van), Greek κύων.
S 12. Other Scythian Words explained.
Leaving the names of divinities, we may turn to the scarcely
less mythological Arimaspi. Herodotus says that they were a
one-eyed people (μουνόφθαλμοι), and that their name indicates
as much—dpipa yap ὃν καλέουσι Σκύθαι, σποῦ δὲ τὸν od-
θαλμόν. Eustathius (ad Dionys. 31) gives a different division
of the compound, which Hartung would transfer to the text of
Herodotus: ἄρε μὲν γὰρ τὸ 8v Σκυθιστί, μασπὸς δὲ ὁ óq-
θαλμός. It appears to me that Herodotus is in error respecting
the meaning of the word, and that the true explanation is to be
sought in the epithet ἱπποβάμων, which ZEschylus (Prom. 830)
applies to this people:
§ 12.] | THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 61
ὀξυστόμους yap Ζηνὸς ἀκραγεῖς κύνας
Γρῦπας φύλαξαι, τόν τε μουνῶπα στρατόν,
᾿Αριμασπὸν ἱπποβάμον᾽, οἱ χρυσόῤῥντον
οἰκοῦσιν ἀμφὶ νᾶμα Πλουτῶνος πόρον.
The position of the article before μουνῶπα shows that the words
᾿Αριμασπὸν ἱπποβάμονα are to be taken in close connexion, and
apart from the epithet μουνῶπα; and I see in this fragment of
symbolical mythology a trace of that Hyperborean sun-worship,
which the Pelasgians brought from Media into Greece and Italy.
For Arim-aspas is most naturally explained as Ahurim-agpa, or
Orim-agpa, the ** horse" or “ horseman of light," thus explain-
ing the term ἱπποβάμων, and the epithet μουνώψ' will refer to
the circular disc which surmounted the head of the Sun-god, and
80 gave rise to a belief in Cyclopean or monophthalmic deities!,
With this view the meaning of the fable is clear. The one-eyed,
equestrian people dwelling in the Hyperborean regions, which
are regarded-as the inaccessible and ever-guarded sanctuary of
the Sun, can only represent the Sun-god himself mounted on his
heavenly courser (the aurvat agpa, “cheval rapide," of the
Yagna: Burnouf, pp. cxxxiv. 371); and the Gryfon, which
Pursues the Arimaspian, who by stealth
Had from his wakeful custody purloined
The guarded gold—-
is the xépf-epos or 22, which vainly seeks to prevent the
golden light of day from being borne to the southern regions by
the horseman of light*. In a communication read before the
Royal Asiatic Society in January 18518, I have pointed out a
similar error of Herodotus respecting the horse of Darius and his
groom Oibares; and I have shown that, while this last name
refers to the verb vyabara, or the noun asbara, which must
have occurred in the original inscription, Darius, as in his other
inscriptions, must have referred his power not to the ingenuity of
1 See Christian Orthodoxy, pp. 854 sqq.
* Ariosto mixes up the horse of the Arimaspian with the Gryfon
which pursued him, and in his joking way speaks of the composite
animal as still extant in the northern regions: Orlando Fur. 1v. 18:
chiamasi Ippogrifo,
Che ne i monti Rifei vengon, ma rari.
3 Sce Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. xvi. pp. 1—7.
62 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [cHapP. II.
a servant, but to the gracious help of Ahura-mazda, “‘the lord
of light," and his celestial steed—the Sun. In India also the
same figure was adopted, and there may be traces of it in the
Greek myth of Kephalos, the beloved of Eos. **Kephalos," says
Max Müller (Oxf. Ess. 1856, p. 53), ‘ was the rising Sun—the
head of light—an expression frequently used of the Sun in
different mythologies. In the Véda, where the Sun 1s addressed
as & horse, the head of the horse is an expression meaning the
rising Sun."
Another compound, which may with equal facility be referred
to the Indo-Germanic family of languages, is the name by which
the Scythians designated the Amazons. Ovépzrara, according to
Herodotus, is equivalent to ἀνδροκτόνος---οἱὸρ γὰρ καλέουσι
τὸν ἄνδρα, τὸ δὲ πατά, κτείνειν. Now oióp is clearly the
Sanscrit vfra, the Zend vairya, vira (Burnouf, Yagna, p. 236),
the Latin vir, Gothic vatr-s, Welsh gwyr, and the Lithuanian
vyras. The root pat in Sanscrit does not signify primarily “to
kill,” but ^ to fall;” though the causative form pátayati constantly
means “he kills ;” “i.e. “‘ causes to fall.” It seems more pro-
bable, however, that the Scythian articulation has substituted a
tenuis for the v-sound, as in the case of sparga for svarga, men-
tioned above, and that the verb is to be sought in the common
Sanscrit root vadh-, “to strike," “to kill,” “to destroy,” Irish
faethaim, “1 kill.”
Pliny (Hist. Nat. vi. 17) tells us that the Scythian name
for Mount Caucasus was Grau-casis, i.e. nive candidus. The
first part of this word is clearly connected with gelu, glacies,
κρύος, κρύ-σταλλος, kalt, cold, grau, and grey; and casis,
“white,” may be compared with cas-tus, cas-nar (senex Oeco-
rum lingua, Fest.; comp. Varro, L. L. vit. § 29), canus, &c.
In the tract about rivers, printed among Plutarch's Frag-
ments, we have the following Scythian words, with interpreta-
tions annexed. He does not translate ἁλέίνδα, which he describes
as a sort of cabbage growing near the Tanais (c. xiv. 8 2): we
may compare the word with Temarunda. He tells us, however,
that βριξάβα means κριοῦ μέτωπον (c. x1v. ὃ 4), that φρύξα
-is equivalent to μισοπόνηρος (c. XIV. § 5), and that ἀράξα sig-
nifies μισοπάρθενος (c. XXIII. ὃ 2). Of these, Api, “a ram,”
seems connected with derbex, verbix, or vervex. " Aga is probably
§ 12. | THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 63
akin to caput, kapala, haupt, &c.,—the initial guttural having
been lost, as in amo, Sanscr. kam-. We may compare £d,
* to hate," with the German scheu, and the syllable $pv ( phru)
in $pv-fa probably contains the element of prav-us (comp. the
German frevel) If this analysis of φρύ-ξα is right, and if
ἀράτ-ξα really means μισο-πάρθενος, it follows that ἄρα means
ἐᾷ virgin." This leads us to some interesting deductions. In the
first place, the Pelasgian goddess "Ap-rejss, Etrusc. Arttimis,
Scyth. Ar-tim-pasa, receives an appropriate explanation from the
Scythian language. For, as we have seen, tem? or tam? means
“the sea," and thus "Ap-Tejus, as “‘the virgin of the sea," con-
nects herself with Europa, the broad-faced moon-goddess, who
croased the sea on the back of a bull (see Kenrick on Herodotus,
II. 44, p. 71), and so” Ap-rejus ταυροπόλος becomes identical with
'Apé-Üovca, "the virgin swiftly moving," who passes under
water from Elis to Syracuse. Again, the root of dpa, “a virgin,"
seems unmistakeably connected with that of dp-ns, ἀρε-τή, dp-
σην, denoting distinctive manliness. It may be doubtful whether
the Scythian word évapées, “the unmanly," (Herod. 1. 105)
is compounded of a and nrt, or of an- and ar. But it is clear
that the root ar in the Indo-Germanic language was originally
var, and the Scythian oiép, as we have just seen, is the Sanscrit
víra. It is not at all improbable that the anlaut may have been
dropt in the other word apa, just as in “Apns, "Ap-reuuw. At any
rate there is no doubt as to the connexion between vir and virgo
or virago: compare the synonyms Varro and Nero, wehren and
nehrung; ἄς. The mythology of Minerva and the etymology
of castus may suffice to tell us how the ideas of protection, re-
sistance, and virginity, are combined: and it is clear that the
two former constitute the fundamental meaning of vir and dpns
(N. Crat. S 285).
Herodotus (1v. 52) mentions & fountain the name of which
was Σκυθιστὶ μὲν "Efajrmatos, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ελλήνων γλῶσσαν,
Ἱραὶ ὁδοί. Ritter (Vorhalle, p. 345) conjectures that the ori-
ginal form of 'E£fau-rai-o; must have been Hexen-Pfad, i.e.
Asen-Pfad, which .he compares with Strt-pad, and which de-
notes, he thinks, the ‘sacred ominous road by which the Cim-
merian Buddhists travelled towards the west. Béckh (Corpus
Inscript. 11. p. 111) supposes the right interpretation to be ἐννέα
64 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. IT.
ὁδοί; so that ἐξάν is “nine.” The numeral "nine" is pre-
served in a very mutilated state in alllanguages, both Semitic
and Indo-Germanic, and it would not be difficult to point out a
possible explanation of the word ἐξάν, if the reading ἐννέα ὁδοί
were really certain, But there is more reason to suppose that
the other interpretation is correct, and that ἐξάν corresponds to
the Zend asja, aschavan, ashaun, ashaon, “holy,” so that the
termination will be the Persian pat, Zend pate, “a path,” and
the compound will correspond to the Persian Mah-pai, Satter-
pat, and will denote “ Holy-road” or Hali-dom: cf. the Persian
names Baya-raios and Barya-rrarns (Zeuss, p. 295).
This examination includes all the Scythian words which have
come down to us with an interpretation; and in all of them it
has been shown that they are connected, in the signification
assigned to them, with the roots or elements which we find in
the Indo-Germanic languages generally, and especially in the
Medo-Persian idioms. If we add this result of philology to the
traditionary facts which have been recorded of the international
relations of the Gets, Scythe, Sauromate, and Medes, we must
conclude that the inhabitants of the northern side of the Euxine,
who were known to the Greeks under the general name of Scy-
thians, were members of the Indo-Germanic family, and not
Mongolians, as Niebuhr has supposed!.
§ 13. Successive peopling of Asia and Europe: fate of the
Mongoltan race.
The true theory with regard to the successive peopling of
Asia and Europe seems to be the following?. Believing that
the human race originated in the table-land of Armenia?, I give
1 Kleine Schriften, 1. p. 361.
3 The author's views are given in the New Cratylus, (8rd Ed.) §§ 64
. 8qq. and in the Transactions of the British Association for 1851, pp. 188 sqq.
See also Winning's Manual, pp. 124 sqq. and Rask, über das Alter und dis
Echtheit der Zend-Sprache, pp. 69 8qq., Hagen's Tr. And, for the affinity
of the inhabitants of Northern Asia in particular, see Prichard on the
Ethnography of High Asia (Journal of R. G. S. 1x. 2, pp. 192 sqq.).
? * The general reasons for this opinion are given in the New Cratylus,
4.
S 18. ΤῊΣ ANCIENT ITALIANS. 65
the name of Central to the two sister-races, the Semitic and
the Indo-Germanic, which formed themselves in Mesopotamia
and Irán, and became the twin-mothers of human civilisation,
and the joint source and home of intellectual culture. To this
central group, I oppose the Aporadic, as including all those
nations and languages which were scattered over the globe by
the first and farthest wanderers from the birth-place of our
race. The process of successive peopling may be thus described.
While the Indo-Germanic or Japhetic race was developing itself
within the limits of Irán, and while the Semitic family was
spreading from Mesopotamia to Arabia and Egypt, a great popu-
lation of Tchudes, or Mongolians, Celts and Turanians, had ex-
tended its migrations from the Arctic to the Indian Ocean, and
from Greenland over the whole north of America, Asia, and .
Europe, even as far as Britain, France, and Spain. In propor-
tion, however, as these Celto-Turanians were widely spread, 80
in proportion were they thinly scattered; their habits were
nomadic, and they never formed themselves into large or power-
ful communities. Consequently, when the Iranians broke forth
from their narrow limits, in compacter bodies, and with superior
physical and intellectual organisation, they easily mastered or
drove before them these rude barbarians of the old world; and
in the great breadth of territory which they occupied, the Tu-
ranians have formed only four great and independent states—
the Mantchus in China, the Turks in Europe, and the Aztecs
and the Peruvians in America.
The student of ethnography must bear in mind some essential
differences between the spread of those Sporadic tribes, which
derived their origin from Jrén, and to which the aboriginal po-
pulation of Europe, Asia, and America is due, and those which
emigrated from Mesopotamia and Arabia, and furnished a sub-
stratum of dispersed inhabitants for Africa. For while the
Sporadic Syro-Arabians in Africa exhibit, as we go farther from
the center of their dispersion, a successive degeneration in the
passage of the Aramaic languages from the Abyssinian to the
Galla and Berber, from this again to the Caffre, from the Caffre
to the Hottentot, and from the Hottentot to the clucking of the
savage Bushman, and while there is no later infusion of civilized
Semitic elements until the conquest of North Africa by the Arabs;
D. V. 5
66 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IT.
on the other hand, the Celto-Turanian tribes were overrun or
' absorbed at a very early period by successive or parallel streams
of Sclavonians, Lithuanians, and Saxo-Goths, flowing freely and
freshly from the north of Irán; and the latest of these emigrants,
the High-Germans, found many traces of similarity in the Celtic
tribes with which they ultimately came in contact. Whatever
might have been the degradation of the Ugro-Turanian races in
those regions where they were most thinly scattered, it is obvious
that the Scythia of Herodotus, which was the highway of the
earliest march of Indo-Germanic migration into Europe, could
not have been, as Niebuhr supposed, mainly peopled by a
Tchudic or Mongolian stock. And though the name of S-colota
or Asa-Galate, by which some of the Scythe called themselves,
may be regarded as pointing to a Celtic or Turanian intermixture,
the great mass of the hordes which dwelt to the north of the
Euxine must have consisted of Indo-Germanic tribes who con-
quered or ejected the Turanians; and I have no hesitation in
referring these invaders, together with the Pelasgians of Greece
and Italy, to different branches of the Sclavonian, Lithuanian,
Saxo-Gothic, or generally Low Iranian stock.
S 14. The Pelasgians were of Sclavontan ortgin.
It has been proved that the Sarmatians belonged to the parent
stock of the Sclavonians; and we find in the Sclavonian dialects
ample illustrations of those general principles by which the Scy-
thian languages seem to have been characterized. Making, then,
a fresh start from this point, we shall find an amazing number of
coincidences between the Sclavonian languages and the Pelas-
gian element of Greek and Latin: most of these have been
pointed out elsewhere'; at present it is only necessary to call
attention to the fact. So that, whichever way we look at it, we
shall find new reasons for considering the Pelasgians as a branch
of the great Sarmatian or Sclavonian race. The Thracians,
Gete, Scythe, and Sauromate, were so many links in a long
chain connecting the Pelasgians with Media; the Sauromate
were at least in part Sclavonians; and the Pelasgian language,
1 New Crat. § 88.
DN
aet OF THE REN '
UNIVERSITY
e. 87
as it appears in the oldest forms of Latin, and in certain Greek
archaisms, was unquestionably most nearly allied to the Sclavo-
nian: we cannot, therefore, doubt that this was the origin of the
Pelasgian people, especially as there is no evidence or argument
to the contrary.
S 15. ] ‘THE ANOIENT ITALIANS,
8 15. Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, dc.
But, to return to Italy, who were the old inhabitants of. that
peninsula? Whom did the Pelasgians in the first instance con-
quer or drive to the mountains? What was the origin of that
hardy race, which, descending once more to the plain, subjugated
Latium, founded Rome, and fixed the destiny of the world?
The Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, or Sabines—for, in their
historical appearances, we must consider them as only different
members of the same family—are never mentioned as foreigners.
We know, however, that they must have had their Transpadane
affinities as well as their Pelasgian rivals. It is only because
their Celtic substratum was in Italy before the Pelasgians
arrived there, that they are called aborigines. The difference
between them and the Pelasgians is in effect this: in examining
the ethnical affinities of the latter we have tradition as well
as comparative grammar to aid us; whereas the establishment |
of the Umbrian pedigree depends upon philology alone.
§ 16. Reasons for believing that they were the same race as
the Lathuantans.
Among the oldest languages of the Indo-Germanic family
not the least remarkable is the Lithuanian, which stands first
among the Sclavonian dialects!, and bears a nearer resemblance
to Sanscrit than any European idiom. It is spoken, in different
dialects, by people who live around the south-east corner of the
Baltic. One branch of this language is the old Prussian, which
used to be indigenous in the Sam-land or “ Fen-country" be-
tween the Memel and the Pregel, along the shore of the Curtsche
1 See Pott, Et. Forsch. 1. p. xxxiii, and his Commentatio de Borusso-
Litkuanicos tam in Slavicis quam Letticis linguis principatu. Halis Saxonum,
1837——1841.
5—2
68 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
Haf, and the Lithuanians are often called Samo-Gete or ** Fen-
Goths.”’ Other writers have pointed out the numerous and strik-
ing coincidences between the people who spoke this language and
the Italian aborigines!. Thus the connexion between the Sabine
Cures, Quirinus, Quirites, &c. and the old Prussian names Cures,
Cour-land, Curische Haf, &c. has been remarked; it has been
shown that the wolf (Airpus), which was an object of mystic
reverence among the Sabines, and was connected with many of
their ceremonies and some of their legends, is also regarded
as ominous of good luck among the Lettons and Courlanders; the
Sabine legend of the rape of the virgins, in the early history of
Rome, was invented to explain their marriage ceremonies, which
are still preserved among the Courlanders and Lithuanians, where
the bride is carried off from her father's house with an appear-
ance of force; even the immortal name of Rome is found in the
Prussian Romowo; and the connexion of the words Roma,
Romulus, ruma lupe, and ruminalis ficus, is explained by the
Lithuanian raumu, gen. raumens, signifying “a dug" or *udderf."
1 Perhaps the oldest observation of this affinity is that which is
quoted by Pott (Commentatio, 1. p. 6), from a work published at Leyden
in 1642 by Michalo Lituanus (in rep. Pol. &c. p. 246): “ nos Lithuani
ex Italico sanguine oriundi sumus, quod ita esse liquet ex nostro sermone
semi-latino et ex ritibus Romanorum vetustis, qui non ita pridem apud
nos desiere, ὅθ. Etenim et ignis (Lith. ugnis f.) et unda (wandu m.),
aer (tras), sol (sául$). .. unus (wiénas)... et pleraque alis, idem significant
Lithuano sermone quod et Latino."
* See Festus, pp. 266—8, Miller; and Pott, Etymol. Forsch. rt. p. 288.
According to this etymology, the name Romanus ultimately identifies it-
self with the ethnical denomination Hirpinus. The derivation of the
word Roma is, after all, very uncertain; and there are many who might
prefer to connect it with Groma, the name given to the forum, or point
of intersection of the main streets in the original Roma quadrata, which
was also, by ἃ very significant aay called mundus (see Festus, p. 266;
Dionys. 1. 88; Bunsen, Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom. ni. p. 81; and below,
.Ch. vir. § 6). The word groma or gruma, however, is not without its
Lithuanian affinities. I cannot agree with Miller (Etrusk. 11. p. 152),
Pott (Etym. Forsch. 11. 101), and Benfey (Wurzel- Lexicon, τὶ. p. 143),
who follow the old grammarians, and connect this word with the Greek
γνῶμα, γνώμη, γνώμων : it is much more reasonable to suppose, with
Klensze (Abhandl. p. 185, note), that it is a genuine Latin term; and I
would suggest that it may be connected with grumus, Lithuan. bréwa,
ὃ 16. ] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 69.
Besides these, a great number of words and forms of words i in the
Sabine language are explicable most readily from a comparison
with the Lithuanian; and the general impression which these
arguments leave upon our mind is, that the Latins and Sabines
were of the same race as the Lithuanians or old Prussians. A
special argument is furnished by the scanty remnants of the Mes-
sapian or lapygian language, which was spoken in the south -
eastern corner of Italy. For this fragmentary language, lying
beyond the reach of any influences except that of the Greek
colonists, into whose idiom it was rapidly absorbed, may be
regarded as a pure remnant of the old Italian. Now it is re-
markable that the few Messapian words, which have come down
to us with an explanation of their meaning, admit of more direct
comparison with the Lithuanian, as a German-Sclavonic lan-
guage, than with any other. . Thus we are told that βρένδος or
Bpévriov was Messapian for “a stag” or “a stag's head"
(Hesych. s. v.; £tym. M. s. v. Βρεντήσιον ; Steph. Byz. s. v.;
Strabo, v1. 8, 6, &c.), and in Lithuanian brédis is “ the elk," or,
in some districts, “the stag;" πανός is the Messapian for
* bread" (Athen. 111. p. 111 c), and pénas is the Lithuanian for
*food;" βαυρία means “a house" (tym. M. p. 389, 24), and
this reappears in the low German bur, bauer, English “ bower,"
Lith. bur-walkan, “a yard;’’ βίσβη means a falz vinitoria or
* vine-dresser's knife" (Hesych. s. v.), and βισβαία is rendered
κλαδευτηρία, and this root has a very Lithuanian or Sclavonic
sound. The inflexions, as far as they can be ascertained, ob-
viously belong to the Indo-Germanic forms of declension; for
example, the genitive singular in -atAi or -ἰλὲ corresponds to the
Sanscrit -asya, Greek -ovo — -octo, and the Lithuanian -é proba-
bly for -aha.
Lettish kraut: comp. κρώμαξ, κλώμαξ, globus, gleba, &c. The name may
have been given to the point of intersection of the main via and limes,
because a heap of stones was there erected as a mark (cf. Charis. 1.
p. 19). Even in our day it is common to mark the junction of several
roads by a cross, an obelisk, or some other erection; to which the grumus,
or “barrow, was the first rude approximation. If so, it may still be
connected with ruma; -just as μαστός signifies both “a hillock” and “a
breast ;” and the omission of the initial g before a liquid i is very com-
mon in Latin, comp. narro with γνωρίζω, nosco with γιγνώσκω, and norma
with γνώριμος.
70 - THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. 11.
§ 17. Further confirmation from etymology.
Let us add to this comparison one feature which has not yet
been observed. The Lithuanians were not only called by this
name!, which involves both the aspirated dental th and the vo-
calized labial wu, but also by the names Livonian and Lettontan,
which omit respectively one or other of these articulations. Now
it has been mentioned before, that the name of the Latins ex-
hibits the same phenomenon; for as they were called both Latins
and Lavines, it follows that their original name must have been
Latuinians, which is only another way of spelling and pro-
nouncing Jithuanians. If, therefore, the warrior-tribe, which
descended upon Latium from Reate and conquered the Pelasgians,
gave their name to the country, we see that these aborigines were
actually called Lithuanians; and it has been shown that they and
the Sabines were virtually the same stock. Consequently, the
old Prussians brought even their name into Italy. And what
does this name signify? Simply, “freemen*;’’ for the root
signifying ' free," in all the European languages consisted of 7-
and a combination of dental and labial, with, of course, a vowel
interposed. In most languages the labial is vocalized into v, and
prefixed to the dental; as in Greek ἐ-λεύθε-ρος, Lithuan. Wau-
dis, Germ. leute, &c.* In the Latin kber the labial alone re-
mains.
1 The known forms of the name are Litwa, Lietuwa, Litauen, Lietu-
wininkas, Λιτβοί, Lethowint, Lituini, Letwini, Lethuini, Lettowii, Litwani,
Letthones, and Letthi.
3 By a singular change, the name of the kindred Sclavonians, which
in the oldest remains of the language signifies either * celebrated," * illus-
trious” (from clava, “glory,” root clu, Sanscr. gru, Gr. xÀv-: see 'Safarik,
and Palacky's ZEltest. Denkm. der Bólun. Spr. pp. 63, 140), or "intelli-
gibly speaking," as opposed to barbarian (from δίουο, “a word”), has
furnished the modern designation of “a slave," esclave, schiavo. The
Bulgarians, whom Gibbon classes with the Sclavonians (vm. p. 279, ed.
Milman), have been still more unfortunate in the secondary application
of their name (Gibbon, x. p. 177).
3 Dr. Latham says (Germania of Tacitus, Epilegom. p. cxi): “the
root L.-t — people is German (Leute), yet no one argues that the Lai-ins,
Lith-uanians, and a host of other populations, must, for that reason, be
German.” If the people called themselves by this name, it may be
§ 18. | THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 71
§ 18. Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavontans and
Lithuanians in Italy and elsewhere.
The name of the Umbrians, the most northerly of the indi-
genous Italians, leads to some other considerations of great im-
portance. It can scarcely be doubted that in their northern as
well as their southern settlements the Lithuanians were a good
deal intermixed with Celto-Finnish tribes in the first instance,
and subjected to Sclavonian influences afterwards, That this was
the case with the Lithuanians, we learn from their authentic and
comparatively modern history. The proper names cited by Zeuss
(p. 229) show that there was a Celtic ingredient in the popula-
tion of Retia and Noricum. It appears, too, that in Italy there
was a substratum of Celts before the Lithuanians arrived there;
this is expressly recorded of the Umbrians by M. Antonius and
Bocchus (apud Solin. c. 2) and by Servius (ad Verg. Ametd. XII.
753), and the fact is clearly indicated by the name of the country,
Umbria, and its principal river Umbro. If the oldest inhabit-
ants of this country were Celtic, they must have been an offshoot
of the Celtic race which occupied the contiguous district of Ligu-
ria’. Now not only are the Ambrones said to have been a Celtic
race (Ambrones, says Festus, fuerunt gens quadam Gallica),
but this was also the generic name of the Ligurians (σφᾶς γὰρ
αὐτοὺς οὕτως ὀνομάζουσι κατὰ γένος Ajyves, Plut. Vit. Marit,
c. XIX.). Whatever weight we may attach to the statement in
Festus, that they were driven from their original settlements by
an inundation of the sea, we cannot fail to see the resemblance
fairly inferred that it was to them a significant term, and may therefore
be taken as a mark of affinity: no Indo-Germanic philologer will deny
that the Lithuanians and Germans were cognate races.
} Mr. Ellis, who maintains (Contributions to the Ethnography of Italy
and Greece, Lond. 1858) that the Aboriginal Italians were chiefly Celtic,
but partly Finnish, and allows that the Umbrians were Celtic, contends
that the Ligurians (pp. 18 sqq.) were a branch of the Finns, and sup-
ports his opinion by referring bodincus or bodencus to the Lapponic
wuod(o-w) anek = fundo carens. I have used the compounds Celto-Fin-
nish and Celto-Turanian to indicate the mixture of these ethnic elements
in the early population of Europe, and I do not deny that there may
have been Finnish ingredients in the Ligurian race; but I think that
the reasons given in the text prove that they were mainly Celtic.
72 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [6ΉΑΡ. 11.
between the name of the Ambrones and that of the river Umbro;
and no Englishman is ignorant that the North-umbrians are 80
called with reference to an Ymbra-land through which the river
Humber flowed. Dr. Latham (Tac. German. Epilegom. p. cx) has
suggested a connexion between a number of different tribes which
bore names more or less resembling this, and he thinks that there
is some reference in this name to the settlement of the race
bearing it near the lower part of some river. Thus the Am-
brones seem to have been on the Lower Rhine, the Umbri on the
Lower Po, the Cumbrians of Cumberland on the Solway, and
the Gambrivit and Si-gambri on the Lower Rhine. Dr. Latham
also conjectures that Humber may be the Gallic and east British
form of the Welsh Ader and the Gaelic Jnver =“ mouth of a
river.” It appears to me that the Sigambri and Gambrivit
belonged to a German, not to a Celtic stock, and I am disposed
to refer the name of Cumber-land to the form Cymmry. It is of
course quite possible that the words Cymmry, Cambrian, Cum-
brian, Cimbri, Cimmerii, Gomer, &c. bear the same relation to
Humber, Umbro, Ambrones, that cubi does to ubi, kémaydmi to
amo, Channibal to ᾿Αννίβας, and the like; and so Humber and
Cumber might be different pronunciations of the same name. But
I do not think it reasonable to suppose that Humber or Umbro is a
dialectical variety of Ader or Inver. It can hardly be doubted
that the name of Umbria points to a continuous population of
Ingurvans or Ambrones extending from the Cottian Alps to the
Tiber; and there is every reason to believe that this was only
part of a Celtic population which occupied originally the three
peninsulas of Greece, Italy, and Spain, together with the great
islands of Britain, Ireland, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. In
Italy the Ligurians and Umbrians stand side by side, and it is
only in the country occupied by the latter that we have the
river, which gives a name to the people. But the Zech, in the
originally Celtic district of Bavaria, contains the same root as the
name of the Ligyes or Leleges. In France we have the Lig-er or
Lowe, i.e. “the great river," by the side of the Gar-umna or
Garonne, which combines the Gaelic Gar, found in Garry,
Garry-owen, &c. with the other word amhainn, amhna, Umbro.
And as the Licegrians, or Britons of the south and east in this
island, are identified with the Gauls of northern France, it was
§ 18.} THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 73
elsewhere (Cambridge Essays, 1856, p. 35) suggested that the
Cumbrians or Humbrians, i.e. the older branch of the Celtic
stock, occupied in prehistorical times an area extending from the .
isles of Britain to the east coast of Italy, and were intruded
upon by the kindred race of Leleges, Ligyes, Ligurians, Lige-
rians, or Lloegrians, who established their line of occupation from
this Humber-land of England across France to the Alps, the
Tyrol, and the seaboard of Genoa, and who also found their
way to the southern regions of Italy and Greece, probably by
the western coast of the former peninsula. The first inhabitants
of Spain and Sicily are called Iberians by every ancient writer,
and they are identified with the Sicanians; and Philistus must
have referred to these when he said that the Sicilians were Li-
gurians who had been driven southwards by the Umbrians and
Pelasgians (Dionys. Hal. 1. 22), meaning of course the Low-
German and Sclavonian tribes, who subsequently occupied north
Italy. With regard to Greece, there is no reason why the
Leleges, whom we have other grounds for considering as Celtic,
should not be regarded as exhibiting the name of the Ligyes
‘with that reduplication of the initial - which is so universal in
Welsh!,
1 Professor F. W. Newman, in his little work entitled Regal Rome,
maintains that the old languages of Italy, especially the Umbrian and
Sabine, contained a striking predominance of Celtic ingredients, and he
wishes to show that this is still evident even in the Latin of Cicero.
His proof rests on vocabularies (pp. 19—-26), especially in regard to the
military, political, and religious words, which he supposes that the
Romans derived from the Sabines (p. 61). With regard to these lists
I have to observe, that while all that is valid in the comparison merely
gives the Indo-Germanic affinities of the Celtic languages—a fact beyond
dispute—Mr. Newman. has taken no pains to discriminate between the
marks of an original identity of root, and those words which the Celts
of Britain derived from their Roman conquerors. In general, Mr. New.
man’s philology is neither solid nor scientific. It is not at all creditable
to a professed student of languages to compare the participial word
cliens (clie-nt-s) with the Gaelic clann, cloinne, “ children." If anything
is certain about the former, it is clear that it contains the verb-root ck-
or clu- with a merely formative termination in nt, which does not belong
to the root. Again, when every oue knows the Latin meaning of tri-
pudium, referring to the triple ictus, what is the use of deriving it
from the Gaelic tir, “earth,” and put, “to push"? If quir-i(t)-a with a
74 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. 11.
8 19. The Sarmate probably a branch of the Lithuanian
(0 family.
If it is necessary to go one step farther, and identify this
Lithuanian race with some one of the tribes which form so many
links of the chain between Media and Thrace, it would be only
reasonable to select the Sauromate, whose name receives its in-
terpretation from the Lithuanian language (Szaure-Matent, i.e.
“ Northern Medes"). The Sauromate and the Scythe were
undoubtedly kindred tribes; but still there were some marked
differences between them, insomuch that Herodotus reckons the
Sarmate as a separate nation. Between the Pelasgians and the
Umbrians, &c. there existed the same affinities, with similar dif-
ferences; and the fairest conclusion seems to be this, that as the
Latins or Lithuanians were a combination of Gothic and Sclavo-
nian ingredients, so were the Sauromate; that as the indigenous
tribes of Italy were pure Gothic, mixed with Celtic, so were the
Scythe or Asa-Goths. At the same time it must be remarked,
that the term Sarmatian has a wider as well as a narrower signi-
fication. In its more extended meaning it is synonymous with
Sclavonian, and therefore includes the Pelasgians. In its nar-
rower use, it is expressive of that admixture of Sclavonian and
Low-German elements which characterizes the Lithuanian or
Samo-Getic languages, and in which the Sclavonian is so predo-
minant that the Gothic element is almost overpowered. Revert-
ing to the Asiatic settlements of these races, we may say, as
we pass from west to east across the northern frontiers of the
plateau of Iran, that the true Sclavonians extended from the
borders of Assyria to those of Hyrcania and Parthia; that they
there abutted on the debateable land or oscillating boundary-line
between the Sclavonian and Gothic races, and so became Massa-
regular Indo-Germanic ending, is naturally derived from quiris, “a spear,”
what miserable etymology it is to compare the former with curaidh,
“a champion," from cur, “ power," and the latter with coir, “ just,
honourable, roble." And all regard for simple reasoning is neglected
by a writer, who analyzes augur = aviger into the Gaulish auca, * a bird,”
and the Welsh cur, “ care.”
§ 20. | THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. . 75
Gete or Lithuanians; and that the Sace, Saxons, or genuine
Gothic and Low-German tribes, the Daci, Danes, and Northmen
of Europe, occupied Sogdiana to the banks of the Iaxartes. If
we suppose, what we have a right to suppose, that this line was
preserved as the march of emigration wheeled round the north of
the Caspian—the Sclavonians to the left, the Lithuanians in the
- center, and the pure Goths to the right,—we shall have a simple
explanation of all the facts in the ethnography of eastern Europe.
For these are still the relative positions of the different races.
The right wing becomes in the course of this geographical evolu-
tion the most northerly or the most westerly, while the left wing
or pivot of the movement becomes most southerly or most easterly,
and the center remains between the two. Thus the pure Low-
Germans and the Lithuanians never come into Greece, which
is peopled by the Sclavonians. The Lithuanians and Sclavonians
are mingled in Italy. But although, 4s we shall see, a branch of -
the pure Gothic race invaded that peninsula, it felt, to the end of
its early history, that it had approached a distinct line of de-
marcation wherever it touched, without Lithuanian intervention,
on the borders of pure Sclavonism.
§ 20. Gothic or Low-German affinities of the ancient
Etruscans shown by their ethnographic opposition to the
VENETI.
This brings us to the crowning problem in Italian ethnogra-
phy,—the establishment of the foreign affinities of the ancient
"Etruscans. Wherever the advancing tide of Sclavonian emigra-
tion came to & check before the established settlements of &
purely Gothic or Low-German tribe, wherever, consequently,
the Sclavonians felt a need for a distinctive appellation, we find
that they called themselves Serbs, Sorbs, or Servians, a name
apparently denoting their agricultural habits, or else Slow-jane,
Slow-jene, or Sclavonian, a name implying, according to the
most recent interpretation, that they opposed their own language
as intelligible to the foreign jargon of their neighbours. By
these names they were known in the distant lands to which the
wars of the ninth and tenth centuries transported them as cap-
tives; and as a foreign and barbarous slave was a Scythian in the
older days of Athens, a Davus or Dacian and a Geta or Goth
76 ! THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. II.
in the later comedies, so all prisoners were called indifferently
Slave or Syrf, a circumstance which proves the identity and
prevalence of these national designations. But while these were
the names which the Sclavonians assumed on their own western
boundary-lines, and by which they were known in foreign coun-
tries, they received the name of Wends, Winiden, O. H. G.
Winidá, A.-S. Veonodas, from the Gothic tribes on whom they
immediately abutted. By this name, or that of Finns, which 18
merely a different pronunciation, the Goths of the north desig-
nated their eastern neighbours, whether of Sclavonian or Turanian
race. By this name the Saxons distinguished the Sclavonians in
Lusatia. The traveller's song in the Codex Exontensis expressly
opposes the Goths to the Wineds wherever found; “I was,"
says the author (vv. 113 sqq.), “with Huns and with Hreth-
Goths, with Swedes and with South-Danes, with Wends I was
* and with Werns, and with Wikings, with Gefths I was and with
Wineds.” Although the strong but narrow stream of High-Ger-
man conquest disturbed the continuous frontier of the Sclavonian
and Low-German tribes, we find, as late as Charlemagne’s time,
that Sclavonians were recognized in central Germany under the
designations of Moinu-winidi and Ratanz-winidi, from the names
of the rivers which formed their geographical limits. The same
denomination was applied in much earlier times to the Sclavo-
nians settled in Bavaria, who were called the Vinde-lict, or
_Wineds settled on the Incus or Lech!. Farther east on the
Danube the March-field furnished another boundary to the Scla-
vonians, whose city there was called Vind-o-bonum. We must of
course admit the same term in the name of the Veneti at the
1 We have a sort of indirect testimony to the Sclavonic affinities
of the Vindelici in the immemorial practice of carrying the axe, which
excited the attontion of Horace (iv. Carm. rv. 18):
Vindelici, quibus
Mos unde deductus per omne
Tempus Amazonia securi
Dextras obarmet, querere distuli
Nec scire fas est omnia.
‘For there can be little doubt that the weapon referred to was the
σάγαρις used by the Scythians (Herod. 1. 215, rv. 5, vir. 64) and other’
tribes more or less easily traceable to a Sclavonian stock.
§ 21.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 71.
head of the Adriatic. And thus we trace this distinctive appel-
lation from Scandinavia to the north of Italy, in a line nearly
corresponding to the parallel of longitude. The ethnographic
importance of the name Wéned can scarcely be overrated: for it ©
not only tells us that the tribes to the east of the line upon
which it is found were generally pure Sclavonian, but it tells us
as plainly that the tribes to the west, who imposed the name, were
equally pure branches of the Gothic, Saxon, or Low-German
race. Indeed, the latter fact is more certain than the former.
For if, as I believe, the term Wined merely indicates, in the
mouth of a Low-German, the end or wend-point of his distinctive
territory, our inference must be that whatever the Wineds were,
they indicated the boundary-line of some branch of the Gothic
race. Now we have such a boundary line in Bavaria; therefore
the Retians who faced the Vindelict or Lech-Wineds were
Low-Germans. We have a similar line in the north of Italy;
therefore there must have been Low-Germans in opposition and
- contiguity at the western frontier of the Venett or Wineds on the
Po. But we have seen that the Etruscans, properly so called,
were Retians, who at one time occupied a continuous area
stretching from western Germany across the Tyrol into the plains
of Lombardy. It follows therefore, as an ethnographical fact,
that the Etruscans must have been a Low-German, Gothic, or
Saxon tribe.
§ 21. Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the —
Old Norse.
These combinations would be sufficient, if we had nothing
else, to establish primé@ facie the Gothic affinities of the old
Etruscans. But they are only the first step in a cumulative
series of arguments, which, when complete, raises our conclu-
sion to the rank of a philological demonstration. Some of the
details must be reserved for the chapter on the Etruscan lan-
guage; but the general effect of the reasoning shall be given here.
If the ancient Etruscans were Low-Germans, they must
present the most striking marks of resemblance when they are
compared with the oldest and least alloyed branches of that
family. In the center of Europe the Low-German element was
absorbed by the High-German, and the latter became a qualifying
78 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [OHAP. rt.
ingredient in all the Teutonic tribes of the mainland, who were
not similarly affected by Sclavonism. As I have elsewhere sug-
gested (New Crat. § 78), the Lithuanians were Low-Germans
thoroughly Sclavonized; the Saxons or Ingevones were Low-
Germans untainted by Sclavonism, and but slightly influenced by
High-Germanism ; the Franks or Jscevones were Low-Germans
over whom the High-Germans had exercised considerable control ;
and the Thuringians or Herminones were pure High-Germans, in
the full vigour of their active opposition to the tribes among
which they had settled. For Low-German unaffected by any
qualifying element we must go to the Scandinavian or Norse
branch of the race, which contains the Danish, Swedish, Nor-
wegian, Faroic, and Icelandic tribes. The oldest or standard
form of the languages spoken by these tribes is the Old Norse or
Icelandic, which not only exists as ἃ spoken tongue, but is also
found in a very flourishing and ancient literature. "The present
inhabitants of Iceland trace their descent from emigrants who
settled there in the ninth century; and, from circumstances con-
neeted with their isolated position, the language has remained the
unaltered representative of the oldest known form of Scandinavian
or pure Gothic. It is therefore with this Old Norse or Icelandic,
the language of the Sagas and Runes, that we must compare
the old Etruscan, if we wish to approximate to the common
mother of both, on the hypothesis that they are both traceable to
the same stock. But the reader must from the first be guarded
against the ridiculous idea that I identify the Etruscan with
the Icelandic’. The proposition which I maintain is this: that
l In spite of this distinct caution, which stands now as it did in
the last edition, some persons have been careless or disingenuous enough
to assert that I propose to regard the old Etruscan as & dialect of the
Old Norse, and therefore, by presumption at least, as admitting of easy
and complete interpretation. This is the only meaning which can be
attached to Bunsen's flippant and puerile objection (Christianity and
Mankind, Vol. m1. p. 85, note): “ we do not know Etruscan, but we do
know Icelandic.” And it is probably this misrepresentation that has
induced an anonymous and ill-informed critic to say (Bentley's Quarterly
Review, 1. p. 52): “a philologist who believes, or believed, that the
Etruscans spoke a dialect of Norse, deserves to be placed in the same
‘category with the late Sir W. Betham, who believed that they spoke
$21.] THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. 79
the Icelandic in the uncultivated north represents in the ninth
century of our &ra the language of a race of men, who might
have claimed a common pedigree with those Reto-Etruscans of the
south, who became partakers in the Pelasgian civilisation about
1600 years before that epoch. Moreover the Icelandic or Old
Norse remains pure to the last, whereas the Etruscan is from the
first alloyed by an interpenetration of Umbrian and Pelasgian
ingredients. Consequently, it will justify all our reasonable ex-
pectations, if we find clear traces of the Old Norse in the distinc-
tive designations of the Etruscans, that is, in those names which
they imported into Italy, and if we can make the Scandinavian
pure Irish." To a reader of this book such reckless misrepresentations
expose their own ignorance or dishonesty. When Bunsen adds a refer-
ence to Dr. Freund’s strictures upon me in a paper read before the
Ethnological Society (in April, 1853), he is not ashamed to suppress
the fact that I answered those strictures in a subsequent paper read
before the same Society (in January, 1854), and proved that Freund’s
objections were utterly insignificant and invalid. In a subsequent note
(p. 89) Bunsen is careful to advertize Dr. Freund’s Latin-English Dic-
tionary, which has never appeared, and his expedition to Reetia, at the
expense of the Royal Academy of Berlin, from which the learned world
has not as yet derived any benefit. Scholars have learned to estimate
at their proper value Bunsen’s indiscriminate encomiums on his own
countrymen. For to say nothing of his undisguished wish on all occa-
sions to praise Germans at the expense of Englishmen, Bunsen is really
quite incompetent to pronounce a judicial opinion on any question, con-
nected with philology. Thus, besides the misintorpretation involved in
the passage quoted above, it presumes a strange confusion of mind. For
what would Bunsen himself say, if any one were to object to his theory
that the language of the Targum and the Peshito is a form of the same
language as that which has been recognized in the cuneiform inscriptions
of Babylonia, by saying that “we do not know old Babylonian, but we
do know Chaldee and Syriac”? Then, what is to be said of the critical
discernment of a man, who after talking of a theory as a bad joke and
an anachronism, immediately after publishes a report on the subject by
Aufrecht, in which that theory is to all intents and purposes maintained?
That Bunsen is a mere dabbler in philology and has yet to learn the
first principles of linguistic analysis, is clear from his comparisons of the
Egyptian ar with the English are, Anglo-Saxon aron, original form asent;
of aui, “I am,” with av- in αὐτός; and of un with both dy=é-drr-s = e-sent-s
and unus! (Zi gypten, 1. p. 350). He repeats some of these absurdities
in his Christianity and Mankind, nt. p. 187, though they were pointed
out to him many years ago (Quarterly Review, No. OLv. p. 154).
80 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. II.
languages directly available for the explanation of such of their
words and phrases as are clearly alien from the other old idioms
of Italy. This, and more than this, I shall be able to do.
§ 22. Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans.
In comparing the old Etruscans with a branch of the Teu-
tonic race, the first step will naturally be to ask whether the
distinctive habits and peculiarities of the Rasenic invaders of
northern Italy corresponded with those of the Scandinavians in
question. If we take even what we know of the physical cha-
racteristics of the Etruscans, we shall see that we have a race
more like the Gothic tribes of the north than the Italians, with
whom they stand in immediate contact. “The Etruscans,"
says Mommsen’, “present the most striking contrasts to the
Latin and Sabellian Italians, as well as to the Greeks. Their
very bodily structure would be sufficient to distinguish them
from the other two nations. Instead of the symmetrical slender-
ness of the Greeks and Italians, the-sculptures of the Etruscans
show us short, sturdy figures, with large heads and thick arms.
Their manners and customs, so far as we are acquainted with
them, as clearly prove them to be a people originally quite
distinct from the Greco-Italian races.” In the days of Ca-
tullus*, and even of Virgil*, the obesity of the Tuscans was
their distinctive peculiarity. And this, as is well known, to-
gether with the broad, short figure so remarkable in the Tuscan
monuments, is equally observable in the legendary Scandina-
vians and their modern representatives. A nation, which sings
the praises of little but doughty champions, who conquered
gigantic opponents, is generally found to combine strength and
pugnacity with a stature conspicuously shorter than that of the
conterminous tribes. The Ros, Rasena, or ‘“ Runners," were,
we may depend upon it, a race of sturdy, active, nimble little
men, like their representative the giant-killer of the nursery
tales, with his seven-leagued boots and his sword of sharpness.
1 History of Rome (Introd. tr. by Robertson, p. 52).
3 xxxvir. (xxxix.) 11: “aut parcus Umber aut obeeus Etruscus."
3 Georgica, 11. 198: *inflavit cum pinguis ebur Tyrrhenus ad aras."
§ 22.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 8l
Tages, the dwarf, who rose from the ground at Tarquinii and
conveyed to the Etruscans their knowledge of divination, is one
of the wonderful little men, who appear in the Old Norse stories'.
The duodenary system of the Etruscans reappears in the old
Saxon or Gothic form of government*. The most striking in-
stance, however, of the Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient
Etruscans is furnished by the correspondence between the Tus-
can combat of gladiators and the Hólm-gánga, i.e. the duel or
monomachy of the Scandinavians. It is generally admitted
that the gladiatorial exhibitions at Rome originated in Etruria’,
and that they belonged at first to the funeral solemnities of the
country. Indeed there is no representation niore common on the
better class of Etruscan rionuments than that of the gladiatorial
combat round the altar sacred to the tomb of the deceased ; and
we must refer to this class even the group supposed to represent
Echetlus at the battle of Marathon, which is of frequent occur-
rence, and which appears to me to be only & particular modi-
fication of a contest analogous to that of the retiartus. The
custom of sacrificing prisoners of war at the tomb of a departed
warror is connected with the traditions of the Trojan war.
Such a sacrifice takes place at the funeral of Patroclus', and
Achilles himself is appeased by the sacrifice of the Trojan
princess Polyxena*. The ancient Greeks, like the ancient Etrus-
cans, were mixed up with Pelasgians, and both nations were
thus placed in the channel of direct communication with the
Pheenicians, who influenced the religion and usages of all the
Pelasgian tribes. Now we know that the funeral sacrifices of
the old Italians had reference to the worship of Kronos or
Saturnus, the subterraneous God, who fed on his own children ;
and the gladiatorial games were especially exhibited at the
Satarnalia. On a tomb copiéd by Bonarota (Dempster, Vol. 111.
1 Niebuhr, H. R. 1. p. 189.
* Malden, H. R. p. 90, and the passage from Turner's Ang: 'o-Sazona
quoted by him (both passages are given by Mr Ellis, Journal of Philo-
logy, nt. p. 179).
3 Nicol. Damasc. ap. Athen, 1v. 39, p. 153 F; Tertull. Spect. c. δ.
1 Hom. Jl. xxi. 175 sqq.
5 The story is given in the Hecuba of Euripides.
D. V. 6
82 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [cHAP. 11.
pl 25) the devouring deity is represented as waiting for his
gladiatorial prey. But Saturnus is the Phoenician Moloch, in
whose worship the sacrifice of human victims took its mise’.
Accordingly the practice of offering up human victims must
have been derived by the ancient Greeks and Italians, through
the Pelasgian ingredient in their composition, from the Phoeni-
cian and other Syrian tribes, who trafficked with the coasts of
the Mediterranean. While, however, these nations and their
pure descendants, the Carthaginians, retained this inhuman
practice in its original and unmitigated form, the Greeks soon
shook off this barbarous worship, and found various substitutes,
of which the interrupted sacrifice of Iphigenia is a mythical
representation?, ‘The Rasena on the other hand, with rude war-
like instincts, and with the practice of the Hélm-gdnga already
established among them, were naturally led to pit the captives
destined for sacrifice to fight against one another; and, instead
of slaying them in cold blood, to make them become both sacri-
ficers and victims in the funeral solemnity. Under peculiar cir-
cumstances the old eastern ferocity was retained, as when the
Tarquinians, in the year A.U.C. 397, sacrificed in cold blood
807 Roman prisoners of war to the Sun-God or God of the year,
as the number of the..victims seems to show’. At private fune-
rals, however, the fight of gladiators invariably took the place of
the human sacrifice. Servius‘ attributes the origin of this sub-
Btitution to the funeral of Junius Brutus; but he seems to con-
fuse between the origin of the practice, and the first beginning of
& public exhibition or munus of gladiators, in which the amuse-
ment of the people was combined with the honours due to the
dead. This appearance of the Hélm-gdnga, instead of the cold-
blooded slaughter in which the Pelasgo-Phoenician rites in-
dulged, seems to me a remarkable indication of the connexion
of the Rasena with a branch of the Teutonic family, which,
whether in sport or earnest, delighted in every form of martial
spectacles, and whose descendants in another part of Europe in-
1 See Ghillany, Menschenopfer, pp. 123 sqq.
3 Christian Orthodozy, p. 118.
3 Liv. vu. 15. The Etruscan year was either 304 or 307 days.
4 Ad Aineid. τι. 07.
§ 23, | THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 83
troduced the chivalrous and sometimes deadly encounters of the
tournament’.
§ 28. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names.
It has been shown in the preceding chapter that the con-
querors of the Umbrians and Tyrrheno-Pelasgians in Northern
Italy called themselves Ras-ena. Niebuhr has suggested that
this word contains the root ras- with the termination -ena
found in Pors-ena, &c., and I have hinted that the same root
is found in the distinctive designation of this race, Et-rus-cit or
Het-rus-ct, which presumes an original Het-rus?, whence Het-
rur-ia for Het-rusia. The Old Norse will tell us the meaning
both of the root and of the prefix, if I am justified in assuming
that the word was originally aspirated’: for in Icelandic Aetia
is “a warrior, hero, or soldier," and in the same language ras
implies rapidity of motion, as at rasa, “to run." So that Rasena
1 [ first suggested this illustration in a paper * on the Etruscan tomb
at Hardwick,” read before the Suffolk Institute of Archseology, 17th
June, 1853, and now published in their Transactions.
3 There is no autbority for the aspiration of Etruscus and Etruria,
as Manutius has remarked Orthographia, s. v. Etruria: “omnem aspira-
tionem omittunt veteres libri, lapides, et numi.” I therefore always cite
these words without the aspirate, as this is the authorized and fashion-
able orthography. But in a foreign name adopted by the Romans the
presumption is always in favour of a rough breathing when the word
begins with a vowel. In fact, the universal tendency is rather to omit
than to introduce gratuitously the mark of an initial breathing. The
following examples illustrate this tendency in Latin: Alcedo, Halcedo;
Aleyon, Halcyon; arena, harena; aruspex, haruspez; aper, κάπρος; arundo,
harundo: arviga, harviga; edera, hedera; dui, Hadui; aveo, haveo or
habeo; apala ova, ἁπαλὰ wd, cf. apalare, “an egg-spoon ;" Annibal, ‘Awi-
Bas, Hannibal, yan. &c. If the unaspirated form is genuine there
will be no difficulty in explaining the prefix either by reference to at,
the prepositional prefix, or at = att, “ stirps, familia," both of which are
used to form words in Old Norse (see the examples in Egilsson's Lezicon
Poeticum antique lingua Septentrionalis, p. 27 sqq.). The word at-renni,
" adlapsus, accursus" from at renna is found quite in accordance with
e-rus-cus from at rasa. In an inscription from Tarquinii (Ann. dell’
Inst. Arch. ΤῊ = 1832, p. 151) we have the spelling AETRVRIA, which is
à presumption in favour of an original aspirate; for Helena is written
AELENA (Bull. Arch. Sardo. n1. 32; ap. Fabretti, s. v.).
6—2
84 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IL.
and Het-russ imply a warrior-tribe, distinguished by their sudden
onset and rapid career’. Similarly, an Homeric hero is πόδας
ὠκύς, predaceous animals are θῶες, and the Scandinavian pirates
have left the eagle or the war-galley on the armorial bearings
of those families which claim a descent from them, as an indi-
cation of the same characteristic. This would be admitted as a
reasonable conjecture even if it had nothing else to recommend
it. However, it does so happen that we have a distinct record
of a migratory conquest by the Scandinavians in the heart of
Europe rather before the colonisation of Iceland, in which they
called themselves by the same name as these Rasena or Het-
rus-t- It has been shown by Zeuss (die Deutschen, pp. 547, 8qq.)
that the language of these conquerors, who descended the Dnieper,
the Volga, and the Don, was Old Norse, and that their leader
Chacan bears the Norse name Hakon; and Symeon Magister,
who wrote A. D. 1140, has given the same Scandinavian expla-
nation of their name Ros, which I have suggested for Ras-ena;
for he says (Scriptor. post Theophan. ed. Paris, p. 490): of Pads
of καὶ Δρομῖται λεγόμενοι, “the Ros who are called the racers or
runners;" and (p. 465): ‘Pas δὲ οἱ Apopuiras φερώνυμοι----δρο-
pira, δὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὀξέως tpéyew αὐτοῖς προσεγένετο, the Ros are
called the runners, and they are so called from the rapidity of
their motion*." Here the conjecture, which I proposed to the
British Association, is confirmed by an authority subsequently
observed: and no one will deny the obvious value of this cor-
roborstion. That the name fasena or Ros, thus explained,
would be a very suitable designation for a dominant tribe of
warriors is shown by the fact that the highest class at Rome
had no older name than that of celeres or “ swift-horsemen.”
There can be little doubt that the word ross, which appears also
1 It is worthy of remark that Horace applies tho epithet veloces to
the Breuni, one of the leading Retian tribes (1v. Carm. xrv. 11).
3 Zeuss suggests that the original Old Norse form was Resar from
the sing. Reesir = 8popirns = cursor. He asks: “ gehért hieher auch Resr
in den Liedern haüfiges Synonymum für Konéngr, etwa der Schnelle,
Edle?" and quotes Skaldskaparm. p. 191, for Resir as a man’s name.
The name Ros or Rus, as applied to the Scandinavians, is presumed in
ihe designation P-rusi = po-Rus-i “adjoining the Ros:” cf. Po-morani,
“the dwellers on the sea” (po-more).
§ 25.] THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. 85
in the dialectical variety horsa, contains this root ras or ros;
and as the word ress, in a secondary sense, like the Greek
πήγασος, denotes a running stream, and as hills and the rivers
which descend from them are often denoted by the same name
in the Indo-Germanic languages, it is worth remarking that in
Retia a great number of names of rivers and hills contain this
word ross; thus we have Ross-back and Ross-bach-berg, Ross-
kogel, Ross-kar, Hoes-berg, Ross-kopf, Ross-ruck, Ross-wand, &c.
It may therefore be laid down as a matter of fact that the dis-
tinctive ethnieal designation of the old Etruscans is Scandina-
vian; and we shall see that their mythological or heroic names
are explicable in the same way. Niebuhr remarked, without
attaching any importance to the observation, that there was a
singular resemblance between the Scandinavian mythology and
that of the Etruscans: *'aceording to their religion, as in that
of the Scandinavians, a limit and end was fixed to the life even
of the highest gods" (H. R. 1. note 421). Now in the Scan-
dinavian mythology there is no name more prominent than that
‘of Thor or Tor, and this prefix is a certain indication of the .
presence of the Northmen in any country in which it is found.
Hickes says: '* Prep. Thor vel Tor in compositis denotat diffi-
cultatem, arduitatem, et quid efficiendi molestiam, pessumdans
significationem vocis cui preponitur, ut in Zor-ere ‘annonm
difficultas et caritas, Tor-fera, ‘iter difficile et impeditum, Zor-
feiginn, *acquisitu difficilis, Tor-getu, ‘rarus nactu, &. Ex
quibus constat, ut nomen deastri T'yr veterum septentrionalium
Mercurit in eompositione gloriam, laudem, et excellentiam. de-
notet: sic nomen idoli Fhor euphonice Zor eorum Jovis et
Herculis, qui cum malleo suo omnia domuit et superavit, in com-
positione significat et insinuat difficultatem quasi Herculeam vel
rem adeo arduam et diffícilem, ut T'horé opem posceret, qua
superari quiret." The lexicographer has here confused between
the name of the god Thor (Grimm, D. M. p. 146, et passim) |
and a prefix equivalent to the Sanscrit dur- Greek δυσ- (N. Crat.
$ 180). But whatever may be the true explanation of this
initial syllable, there can be no doubt that it belongs to the
oldest and most genuine forms of the Low-German languages;
and when we find the name Tar-choa or Tar-quin among the
mythical and local terms of the ancient Etruscans, we cannot
86 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II.
but be struck by the Old Norse character impressed upon them.
We at once recognize the Scandinavian origin of the town of
Thor-igny in the north-west of Normandy, where the termina-
tion is the same as that of many towns in the same district, as
Formigny, Juvigny, &c., and corresponds to the Danish ter-
mination -tnge, as Bellinge, Helsinge, ὅς. (Etienne Borring,
sur la limite méridionale de la Monarchie Danoise. Paris, 1849,
p- 9). It is worthy of remark that the word ἐπσ-, which is
appropriated by the Ing-cvones, Ang-li, Engl-lish, and other
Low-German tribes, seems to signify “8 man" or “a warrior”
(Grimm, D. M. 1. p. 320), and as quinna is the Icelandic for
mulier, Tor-ing and Tar-quin might be antithetical terms; and
the latter would find a Low-German representative in Zor-qutl.
The other mythical name of the old Etruscans, which comes in
close connexion with Tar-guin, is Tana-quil; and Tar-quin
or Tor-quil and Tana-quil might represent a pair of deities
worshipped at Tarquini the plural name of which indicates,
like Athene and Thebe, the union of two communities and two
worships, the Pelasgian Zina or Tana, i.e. Janus, being placed -
on an equal footing with the Scandinavian Tor!. This is in-
verted in the tradition which weds the Greek Demaratus to the
indigenous Tana-quil. At any rate, we cannot but be struck
with the Scandinavian sound of Tana-quil, which reminds us of
Tana-quisl, the Old Norse name of the Tanais, which, although
the name of a river, is feminine (Grimm, D. Gr. 111. p. 385).
These coincidences become the more striking, when we re-
member that we are comparing the Old Norse, of which we know
nothing before the eighth century of our sra, with the Old
Etruscan, which flourished nearly as many centuries before the
birth of Christ. And when we add to all these evidences of
direct history, ethnography, and mythology, the fact, which will
1 It is worthy of observation that Lycophron, who bad peculiar
opportunities of becoming acquainted with the population of Italy (Hist.
Gr. Lit. xt. p. 435), expressly distinguishes Tarchon and Tyrsenus as two
sons of the Mysian King; Alexandra, 1248 sqq. :
σὺν δὲ δίπτυχοι τόκοι
Τάρχων τε καὶ Τυρσηνός, αἴθωνες λύκοι,
Tov Ἡρακλείων ἐκγεγῶτες αἱμάτων.
§ 24.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 87
be exhibited in & subsequent Chapter, that the Scandinavian
languages supply an immediate and consistent interpretation of
those parts of the Etruscan inscriptions which are otherwise
inexplicable, no reasonable man will refuse to admit that the
linguistic and ethnological problem suggested by the old inha-
bitants of Etruria has at length received the only solution, which
is in accordance with all the data, and in harmony with the
nature and extent of the materials and with the other conditions
of the case.
§ 24. Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the
Sclavontan.
It appears that the original settlements of the Sclavonian
race were in that part of Northern Media which immediately
abuts on Assyria, and therefore on the cradle of the Semitic
family!. From this we should expect that the Sclavonian dia-
1 It can scarcely be necessary to point out the difference between
the ethnological argument by which I have traced the Pelasgo-Sclavonians
to an original settlement in the immediate vicinity of upper Mesopotamia,
and Mrs Hamilton Gray's conjectural derivation of the Rasena from Re-
sen on the Tigris (History of Etruria, 1. pp. 21 sqq.). To say nothing
of the fact that I do not regard the Kasena as Pelasgian, I must observe
that it is one thing to indicate a chain of ethnical affinities which ex-
tended itself link by link through many centuries, and another thing to
assume a direct emigration from Resen to Egypt, and from Egypt to
Etruria. The hypothesis of an Egyptian origin of the Etruscans is as
old as the time of Bonarota, but we know enough of the Semitic lan-
guages to be perfectly aware that the Rasena did not come immediately
from Assyria or Egypt. Besides, if this had been the case, they would
have retained the name of their native Resen until they reached Italy.
In tracking the Higb-Germans and Hellenes from Caramania to Greece ©
and central Europe, we find in the dry-bed of History continuous indi-
cations of their starting-point and route (New Cratylus, $ 92). And the
Sauro-mate preserve in all their settlements a name referring to their
“Median home." But Mrs Gray's Rasena forgot their native Resen in
the alluvial plains of Egypt, and miraculously recover this ethnographi-
cal recollection in Umbria and among the Apennines. This is not in
accordance with observed facts. Wandering tribes call themselves by
the name of their tutelary hero, or by some significant epithet applicable
either to themselves or to their original country, and they keep this
throughout their progress. There ie no parallel to Mrs Gray’s assumed
88 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [cHAP. 11.
lects would fürnish us with the point of transition from the Indo-
Germanic to the Semitic languages; and an accurate examination
of the question tends to show that this expectation is well founded.
But etymological affinities may exist by the side of the greatest
contrast in regard to the state or condition of two languages;
and thus we find that, while the Semitic and Sclavonian come
very close in etymology, they are unlike in syntactical develop-
ment in those points which most distinguish the Sclavonian from
other Indo-Germanic idioms. As I have elsewhere discussed
this subject at sufficient length!, I shall here only recapitulate
the general results of the inquiry. (1) The salient points of
resemblance between the etymological structure of the Semitic
and Sclavonian languages are (a) a number of common words
which are more or less peculiar to both: as 3) dÀób, pe
debr, * good,” compared with the Russian dob-ro; (YT derek,
ey dee, "a road," compared with the Russian doroga;
oma gá-dól, “ great," compared with the Russian dolgie, &c.;
(b) & tendency to the agglutination of' concrete structures in
both. If roots were originally monosyllabic, the triliteral roots
of the Semitic languages cannot be otherwise accounted for than
by supposing that they are pollarded forms of words consisting
of monosyllabic roots combined with a prefix, affix, or both. As
then the Sclavonian languages exhibit words in this state of
accretion, and as the Semitic petrifactions would most naturally
emanate from this state, we must reckon this among the proofs
of their etymological affinity; (c) the correspondences furnished
by the. comparative anatomy of the Semitic and Sclavonic verb.
fact, that a body of men set forth from a great city, lost their name on
the route, and resumed it in their ulterior settlements. On the whole,
I must designate the conjecture about Resen, as a lady-like.anrmise; very
imaginative and poetical; but representing rather the convorsational
ingenuity of the drawing-room than the well-congidered criticism of the
library. On the contacts between the Semitic and Sclavonian tribes in
their original settlements, the reader. may. consult the authorities quoted
by Prichard, Natura} History of Man, p. 142, and Mill, Myth. Interpr. of
Luke, p. 66, note.
1 Report of the British Association for 1851, pp. 146 sqq.
§ 46.} THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 89
We find in both a parsimony of tense-forms by the side of a
lavish abundance of derived or conjugational forms; (d) the
complete coincidence of the Semitic and Sclavonian languages in
regard to their unimpaired development of the original sibilants;
for it is only in these languages that we find the three sounds
of zain and zemlja, of tsade and tst, of camech and slovo: and
while the formation of palatals has proceeded to its full extent
in Sclavonian and Arabic, the permanence of the pure sibilant
in Hebrew is shown by the fact, that, with a full array of
breathings, there is no diminution in the use of the sibilants in
anlaut or as initials. (2) The most striking difference between
the Semitic and Sclavonian languages—and it is one which marks
the earliest of the former no less than the most modern repre-
sentatives of the latter—consists in the fact, that while the Semitic
languages are all in a syntactical condition, having lost most of
their inflexions, and exhibiting all the machinery of definite
articles, prepositional determinatives of the oblique cases, and
other uses of particles to compensate defects of etymological
structure, the Sclavonic languages have never arrived at this
syntactical or logical distinctness, and have never abandoned their
formative appendages and the other symptoms of etymological
life and activity. These differences are due to the fact that
while the Sclavonic tribes have remained pure up to the present
time, and have been remarkable for their slow adoption of the
art of writing and their inferior literary cultivation, the Semitic
nations were from the earliest times exposed to the frequent
intermixture of cognate races, and were the first possessors of
an alphabet and of written records. We have therefore, in the
antithesis or contrast of the Sclavonic and Semitic, a proof of the
effects which external circumstances. may produce on the state or
condition of a language; and the resemblances, to which I have
called attention, must be taken as an indication of the perma-
nence of that affinity which results from the geographical contact
and intermixture of two races at a very early period.
§ 25. Predominant Sclavonism of the old Italian
languages.
As the result of the ethnological speculations of this Chapter
has been to show that the Pelasgian or Sclavonian was one of the
9. THE FOREIGN ARFINITIES OF [cHaP. Π.
earliest and certainly the most permanently influential element
in the old languages of Italy, we should expect to find in these
languages those characteristics of Sclavonism which evince the
primitive contact and actual contrast of the Semitic and Sclavo-
nian idioms. And this expectation is amply justified by the facts
of the case. For while, on the one hand, we observe in the old
Latin, Umbrian, and Oscan, verbal resemblances to the Semitic,
which cannot be accidental, because they belong to some of the
oldest forms in the respective languages; and while both the
Semitic and the old Italian are remarkable, like the Sclavonian,
for their superabundance of sibilants, we observe that in spite of
the cultivation of Greek literature by the Romans, and in spite
of the adoption of the Greek ritual by the Sclavonians, these lan-
guages have never- attained to the use of a definite article, which
is the key-stone of Greek syntax, and without which the Semitic
languages could not construct a single sentence. The prepon-
derance of the sibilants in the old Italian languages will be dis-
cussed in the next Chapter, and we shall see in the proper place
that in anlaut, or as an initial, the s always appears in Latin
where it is omitted altogether, or represented only by an aspi-
rate in Greek. Of the coincidences between the pure Latin
and genuine Semitic words, it will be sufficient to give a few
examples out of many which might be adduced. (a) The verb
aveo or haveo is at least as closely connected with JN or Ms
as with any Indo-Germanic synonym. (Ὁ) The words sé-curis
and sd-gitta have occasioned great difficulty to philologers. The
former, according to Bopp (Vergl. Gr. p. 1097), is a participial
noun from seco, and sec-firis=se-cusis must be compared with the
Sanscrit forms in -usht— Gr. -via. This however is hardly more
than & conjecture, for we have no other Latin noun to support
the analogy. It is more probable that the initial syllable in
both words is one of those prepositional affixes which we find in
σ-κέπαρνον compared with κόπτω, s-ponte compared with pondus,
&c., and then we shall be able to see the resemblance between sé
curis and the Hebrew ]T13, Lett. graust “to hack or gnaw,” and
between sa-gitta and the Hebrew YT] from Y3T3, which again is
not unconnected with 575p, and the Latin cedo. (c) It has
been proposed to derive mare, Sclav. more, from the Sanscr. snaru,
S 25.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 91
"the waste” (Zestschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1. p. 88); but it appears
much more reasonable to compare these words with the Hebrew
D'D, in which case the affix re will be connected with a word
_ denoting "flowing:" cf. teme with tema-runda (above § 11).
(d) The Hebrew T3 gives us the root reg-, “to reach out,”
with the prepositional affix ba, from abhi, as fully as the
Latin p-recor, p-roc-us, Sanscrit p-rich-chhámi, &c. (e) It is
only in the Pelasgian δολέχός, the Sclavonie dolgye, and the
Latin tn-dulgeo, that we find a complete reproduction of the
Semitic 9173. (f) As the impersonal use of debeo nearly accords
with that of oportet, and as the latter is manifestly connected
with opus (Déderlein, Lat. Syn. u. Et. v. 324), it may be after
all more reasonable to connect deb-eo with the important root
dob, “a, suitable time" (Polish), dob-ro, “good” (Polish and
Russian), which furnishes us with one of the most remarkable
instances of a connexion between the Sclavonian and Semitic lan-
guages (cf. the Hebrew 335 dhób, and the Arabic jo, debr),
than to fall back upon either of the favourite derivations from
δεύεσθαι or dehibeo. The adjective debilis differs so entirely in
meaning and application from the verb debeo, to which it is re-
ferred, that I cannot concede the identity of origin. As there is
reason to believe that the termination -d¢lis is connected with the
substantive verb fio (written bo in the agglutinate forms), a refer-
ence to the usage of de-sum and de-fto would best explain the origin
and meaning of de-bi-lis. How the sense of owing" or “obliga-
tion” borne by deb-eo is connected with that of ** fitness," “good-
ness," and “ propriety," may be seen at once by an examination
of such idioms, as δίκαιός eis τοῦτο ποιεῖν, * Iam bound to do
this," εἰ μὴ ἀδικῶ, “Tought,” &c. (g) A comparison of her? and
χθές enables us to, see that the Latin humus and the Greek
χαμαί must meet in the root of x0aua-Xós. This combined
form is therefore the Pelasgo-Sclavonic original, and as such we
recognize it in the kethuma of the Cervetri inscription. Now
this again is a near approximation to the Hebrew ΠΝ. (A) The
Roman use of regio, dirigo, &c., in reference to road-making, is
the best explanation of the obvious connexion between the Rus-
sian doroga and the Hebrew T7, in which the initial dental must
92 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES, &c. — [oHAP. IL.
be explained in the same way as that in δρῶ — βλέπω, ἀ-θρέω,
&c., compared with 6-paw and the Hebrew ΓΝ (Maskil le-
Sopher, p. 88): for we have in Greek T-péyo and διράξω
(BpaT-érgs) by the side of ó-péye, and É-pyo-ua.. These ex-
amples might be extended to any limit: but they are sufficient to
show how permanently the stamp of a Sclavonian origin and
consequent Semitic affinity was impressed even on the composite
Latin language. And this will enhance the interest with which
the philosophical ethnographer must always regard the desperate
struggle for empire between the Romans, as the ultimate repre-
sentatives of Pelasgian Italy, and that great Punic colony, which
maintained a Semitic language and Semitic civilisation on the
south coast of the Mediterranean.
CHAPTER 1Π.
THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE AS EXHIBITED IN
THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
$ r. The Eugubine Tables. § 2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian alpha-
bets were distinguished. § 3. The sibilants. § 4. Some remarks on the
other letters. § 5. Umbrian grammatical forms. § 6. Selections from the
Eugubine Tables, with explanations: Tab. I. a, 1. § 7. Tab. I. a, 2-6.
§ 8. Tab. I. b. 13, sqq. ὃ 9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. a.
$ 10. The Atidian augural sacrifice in Tab. II. b, 1-14. 8 rr. Umbrian
words which approximate to their Latin synonyms, ὃ 12. The Todi insorip-
tion contains four words of the same class.
8 1. The Eugubine Tables.
HRoM the preceding investigations it appears that the original
inhabitants of ancient Italy may be divided into three classes.
It is not necessary to speak here of the Celts, who formed the
substratum in all the insular and peninsular districts of Europe,
or of the Greeks, who colonized part of the country; but con-
fining our attention to the more important ingredients of the
population, we find only three—Sclavonians, Lithuanians or Scla-
vonized Goths, and pure Goths or Low-Germans. To the first
belonged the various ramifications of the Pelasgian race; to the
second, the Umbrians, Oscans, and the connecting link between
them, the Sabines; to the third, the Etruscans or Rasena, as
distinguished from the Tyrrhenians,
The next step will be to examine in detail some of the frag-
mentary remains of the languages spoken by these ancient tribes.
The Umbrian claims the precedence, not only on account of the
copiousness and importance of the relics of the language, but also
because the Umbrians must be considered as the most important
and original of all those ancient Italian tribes with whom the
Pelasgians became intermixed either as conquerors or as vas-
gals. As we have seen, the Sabellians, who influenced, more or
less, all the Oscan or southern branch of the old population of
Italy, were themselves an offshoot of the Umbrian race. But
independently of these and other circumstances, which place the
—— — M o -——~ «4
94 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [ CHAP. III.
Umbrians in the van of all the non-Pelasgian Italians, an in-
quiry into the philology of the Latin language, beginning with
an examination of its primitive ingredients, and ending with a
brief notice of the Romance dialects, which are its living repre-
sentatives, cannot find a better starting-point than the Um-
brian, which, being exposed at a very early period to disturbing
causes not unlike those which ultimately affected the Latin,
exhibits some of the characteristics, which distinguish the
modern idioms of Italy, France and Spain. In Umbrian, as in
these languages, we see the substitution of -o for the termination
-um, Bo that fato is both the old Umbrian and modern Italian
for fatum ; in Umbrian, as in the modern Romance languages,
the final s and d are constantly dropt; in this old form of native
Italian no less than in its most modern descendants, we observe
& tendency to substitute liquids for mutes; and it has been
remarked, that in the softening of o to το, and in the return to
the old o, the Umbrian has preceded the Latin by several
centuries (Corssen, Auspr. Vokalism wu. Beton. d. Lat. Spr. 1.
P. 251).
The Eugubine Tables, which contain 8 living specimen of the
Umbrian language, were discovered in the year 1444 in a sub-
terraneous chamber at La Schiegg:a, in the neighbourhood of the
ancient city of Iguvium (now Gubbio or Ugubio), which lay at
the foot of the Apennines, near the via Flaminia (Plin. H. N.
XXIII. 49). On the mountain, which commanded the city, stood
the temple of Jupiter Apenninus; and from its connexion with
the worship of this deity the city derived its name:—Jguvium,
Umbr. Jéovéwm, i.e. Jovium, Δῖον, Διὸς πόλις. The Tables,
which are seven in number, and are in perfect preservation, relate
chiefly to matters of religion. From the change of s in those of
the Tables which are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian cha-
racter, into r in those which are engraved in Roman letters,
Lepsius infers (de Tabb. Eugub. p. 86, &qq.) that the former were
written not later than A.U.c. 400; for it appears that even in
proper names the original s began to be changed into r about
A. U.C. 400 (see Cic. ad Famil. 1x. 21. comp. Liv. Π|. cap. 4, 8.
Pompon. ἐπ Digg. 1.2, 2, § 36. Schneider, Lat. Gr. 1. 1, p. 341,
note); and it is reasonable to suppose that the same change took
place ata still earlier period m common words. By a similar
§ 2.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 95
argument, derived chiefly from the insertion of À between two
vowels in the Tabula Latine scripte, Lepsius infers (p. 93) that
these were written about the middle of the sixth century A.U.C.,
ὦ. e. at least two centuries after the Tabule Umbrice scripte. But
here I think he is mistaken: for the etymology of the words
shows that the longer forms must have been more ancient than
their abbreviations. And, in general, it is not very consistent
with scientific philology to speak of an arbitrary distractio voca-
dium, when we are surprised by the appearance of an elongated.
syllable.
§ 2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were
distinguished.
Before, however, we turn our attention to these Tables and
the form of words which are found in them, it will be advisable
to make a few remarks on the alphabet which was used in
ancient Italy.
The general adaptation of the Semitic alphabet to express
the sounds of the Pelasgian language has been ‘discussed else-
where. (N. Crat. § 100). It has there been shown that the
original sixteen characters of the Semitic syllabarium were the
following twelve :—
Breathings.| Labials. Palatals, Dentals.
N’h 35 38 "d =| Medials.
sth LL n ty dh |Aspirates.
5p p4 nt Tenues.
with the addition of the three liquids, 5, Ὁ, 3, and the sibilant
D; and it has been proved that these sixteen were the first
characters known to the Greeks. "The old languages of Italy,
however, even in the earliest form in which they present them-
selves to us, were not confined to this syllabaxium. The Um-
brian alphabet contains twenty letters; the Oscan as many; the
Etruscan nineteen; and the oldest Latin alphabets twenty-one.
96 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. IIL.
The explanation of this abundance of written characters is to be
sought in the admitted fact that the old inhabitants of Italy derived
their alphabet from the Greek colonists, and not immediately from
the Phoenicians. This is proved by the circumstance, that the
Italian alphabets contain from the first the letters v, E, $, y, which
were invented or introduced with a new application by the
Greeks. With the exception of the Latin, all the Italian alpha-
bets originated in an old form of the Greek alphabet, which still
retained both ody and σύγμα, and, on the contrary, had lost the
κόππα. (see N. Crat. § 102). To this class belong the Sabellian
and Etrurian alphabets, and with slight deviations we have this
collection of characters in the Etrurian of Campania, in the
Umbrian, and in the Oscan (see Mommsen Unterital. Dial. pp.
4—7, 14, 24; Nordetrur. Alphabete, pp. 222—227). But be-
sides this Greek alphabet, which must have been borrowed from
the Hellenic settlers at a very early period, there was another
and more recent set of Greek characters, which the Roman de-
rived from the Doric alphabet of the Greeks of Cuma, probably
under the domination of the Tarquins, when there were special
relations between between Cuma and Rome (see Müller, Etrusk.
11. 812; Mommsen, Unterttal. Dial. pp. 3, 9, 26. Nordetrur. Al-
phab. 8, 220. Róm. Gesch. τ. 141). This alphabet was from the
first written from right to left; it had both κάππα and κόππα;
it had dropt the σάν; had substituted the digamma F for the
Etruscan 8; and introduced R for P. It originally consisted of
twenty-four letters; but 6, $, and y fell into disuse at a very
early period; for 7 was not used as a long vowel but as the
aspirate À, and the combinations th, ph, ch took the places of the
single letters invented by the Greeks. For some time C repre-
sented both the medial and the tenuis guttural; then the two
characters C and a were introduced, as we Bhall see in a future
chapter, by the freedman Sp. Carvilius; and classical Latinity
was contented with these twenty-three letters: ας ὃ, oc, g, d, e, f, ὦ,
1, kl, m, n, 0, Py 4, 7,5, , u (v), v, y, 2, which with the exception
of the guttural c, modified as has been mentioned, the super-
numerary use of v under the form y, and the omission of the
Greek 0, $, x, correspond to the Doric alphabet of the Tarquins.
If we compare the Italian alphabets with the oldest form of
the Greek, we shall remark that, notwithstanding the omission
§ 3.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 97
of the ody, there is a great increase in the sibilants; for whereas
the original sixteen characters furnish only the sibilants 8 and
TH, the old Italian alphabets exhibit not only these, but SH or
X, Z, R, and EK. Of these additional sibilants, x is the Hebrew
shin, 2 18 tsade, R represents resh, and καὶ is an approximation to
the sound of 6. This preponderance of sibilants is, as we have
seen, a peculiarity of Sclavonian or Pelasgic articulation.
8 3. The Sibilants.
As these sibilants constitute the distinguishing feature in thé
old Italian languages, it will be useful to speak more particularly
of them, before we turn to the other lettera.
(a) The primary sibilant 8, as used by the Umbrians and
Oscans, does not appear to have differed, either in sound or :
form, from its representative in the Greek alphabet.
(b) The secondary sibilant z, in the Umbrian and Etruscan
alphabets, appears to have corresponded to only one of the two
values of the Greek & The latter, as I have proved elsewhere,
was not only the soft g or 7, or ultimately the sound sh, but also,
in its original use, equivalent to the combination ds, transposed
in some dialects to sd, and ultimately assimilated to ss. Now
the Romans expressed the first sound of the Greek £, either by
di or by Jj, and its ultimate articulation (sh) by 2; whereas, on
the other hand, they represented £— 8e either by a simple s,
or by its Greek assimilation ss. Thus the Etruscan Kanzna,
Venzi, Kazt, Veliza, are written in Latin Cesius, Venstus,
Cassius, Viltsa, and Ζάκυνθος becomes Saguntus; while the
Greek μάζα, uoti, ὄβρυζον, πυτίζειν, ἀναγκάζειν, κωμάζειν, may
be compared with massa, musso, obrussa, pytissare, necesse, co-
missari. In the Eugubine Tables, words, which in the Umbrian
characters exhibit a Z, give us a corresponding 8 in those which
are written with Latin letters. Thus, for the proper name
lapuzkum, as it is written in Umbrian characters, we have in
the Latin letters Jabuske, Iabusker, &c.
(c) The aspirated Umbrian sibilant 8, for which the Oscang
wrote x, expressed the sound sh (Germ. sch, Fr. ch), which was
Ὁ. v. 7
98 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. II.
the ultimate articulation of the other sound of the Greek & We
may compare it with the Sanscrit §[ (¢); and, like that Sanscrit
sibilant and the Greek £ it often appears as a softened guttural.
Thus we find prusesetu for prusekatu, Lat. pro-secato; and the
termination -kla, -kle, -klu (Lat. -culum), often appears as -sla,
-8le, -slu. As in our own and other languages the gutturals are
softened before the vowels e and 4, so in Umbrian the guttural
k generally becomes $ before the same vowels. The sibilant 8
occurs only in contact with vowels, liquids, and 4; and the
prefix an-, which drops the n before consonants, retains it before
vowels and 8.
(d) The letter R is always to be regarded as a secondary or
derived character. In Umbrian it generally represents, at the
end of a word, the original sibilant 8. When the Eugubine
Tables are written in Etruscan characters, we have such forms
as, veres treplanes, tutas Ikuvinas; but in those which give us
Latin letters, we read vertr treplantr, totar Ijovinar. This change
is particularly observable in the inflexion of the Latin genitive
plural; and the Latin language, in other forms, uses the letter n
in the same way as the Umbrian. In fact, the most striking
characteristic of the Umbrian language is its continual employ-
ment of the secondary letters R and H, both of which are ulti-
mately derived from sibilants, or stronger gutturals. The former
is used in Umbrian, not only in the verb-forms, as in Latin,
but also in the declensions, in the Latin forms of which it only
occurs in the gen. plural. The letter # is often interposed
between vowels both in Umbrian and in Latin. Thus we have
in Umbrian the forms stahtto, pihatu, for stato, piato, and
Naharcum derived from Nar; and in Latin, ahenus, prehendo,
vehemens, cohors, mehe (Quinctil. 1. 5, 2), by the side of aeneus,
prendo, vemens (compare ve-cors, cle-mens), cors, me; and even
Deheberis for Tiberis: this, as has been mentioned above, has
been referred to a later epoch both in Umbrian and Latin
(see Lepsius, de Tab. Eug. p. 92, and Schneid. Lat. Gr. 1. 1, p.
118, not. 187. Corssen, Auspr. Vok. τι. Beton. 1. p. 46). There can
be no doubt, however, that the longer forms are the older. Thus
stahito contains the h of stehen, and pre-hendo gives us the true
root of hand and hinthian; vehe- exhibits the guttural auslaut of
§ 4.} IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 99
weg, and in the same way me-he revives a relationship with
(e) The sibilant Ris peculiar to the Umbrians. In the Latin
transcription it is often represented by the combination re.
Sometimes, however, it seems to stand for st, as in festi?a = ves-
tista ; and it also serves as the ultimate assibilation of a dental
or guttural, for tera = dersa and tesva = dersva are connected with
dato and dextra. Ita real pronunciation was probably similar
to that of @, which last occurs only twice in the Eugubine
Tables. The frequent substitution of r for d in Latin indicates
" achange to that letter through the softened dental 0, and we often
find καὶ where we should expect a dental, as in furen? — furent,
kapite = capide, afveitu = advehito, ἄς. Although καὶ is some-
times represented by rs, we also occasionally find this letter fol-
lowed by s, as in the words esturstamu, mers, which in the
Latin character are written eturstahmu, mers.
§ 4. Some remarks on the other letters.
Of the other letters it will not be necessary to say much,
The most remarkable is the Oscan vowel ¢, which in the inscrip-
tions appears as a mutilated F or the first half of H; thus, Fk,
The same figure was adopted by the emperor Claudius to express
the middle sound between 4 and τὸ with which the Romans pro-
nounced such words as virtus, vigere, and scribere. In Oscan
it appears to have been either a very light 4 (and so distin-
guished from the vowel 1, which generally represents the long $
of the Romans), or else a very short w. In the Oscan inscriptions
f is of more frequent occurrence than ἡ, Whenever these vowels
come together, ὁ always precedes. I is almost invariably used to
form the diphthongs 4f, af, ef, answering to the Greek o: (c),
as (a), and e; and ? very rarely appears before two consonants.
The Oscan letter u’ stands to U in the same relation as this {
to the Oscan 1. The former seems to be a sort of very light o,
which is substituted for it in those inscriptions which are written
in the Latin characters; whereas the letter « seems to represent
the long o of the Latins, as in -um (Gr. -wv) for -orum, líkt-tud
for lice-to, kvatsstur for questor, &c.
Janu
100 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE: [cuaP. ΠΙ.
The Umbrigns and Oscans distinguished between U and v.
The latter was a consonant, and was probably pronounced like
our :. It was written as a consonant after K ; but the vowel u
was preferred, as in Latin, after Q.
The letters L and 5 were of rare occurrence in the Umbrian
language. The former never stands at the beginning of a word,
the latter never at the end of one. In the Oscan language we
meet with L more frequently.
As the Etruscan alphabet had no medials, those of the Eugu-
bine Tables which are written in Etruscan characters substitute
K for a, e.g. Krapuvt for Grabove. But the Oscan and Um-
brian inscriptions when written in Latin characters distinguish
between the tenuis and medial gutturals, according to the marks
introduced by Sp. Carvilius, viz. c, a.
In the Oscan alphabet D is represented as a reversed n;
and the affinity between these letters in the Latin language is
well known.
The labial P, which never terminates a word in Latin, stands
at the end of many mutilated forms both in Umbrian and Oscan,
as in the Umbrian vitlup for vitulibus (vitulis), and the Oscan
nep for neque. In general, it is to be remarked that the letters
P, F, R, 8, D, and T, all occur as terminations of Umbrian or
Oscan words.
§ 5. Umbrian Grammatical Forms.
The grammatical forms of the Umbrian language are very
instructive. In Umbrian we seo the secondary letter r, that im-
portant element in the formation of Latin words, not only regu-
larly used in the formation of the cases and numbers of nouns -
which in Latin retain their original s, but also appearing in
plural verb-forms by the side of the primitive s, which is retained
in the singular, though the Latin has substituted the r in both
numbers. The following are the three declensions of Umbrian
nouns, according to the scheme given by Aufrecht and Kirchhoff
(Umbr. Sprachdenkm. pp. 115 sqq.; see also Müller, Gotting.
Gel. Anz. 1838, p. 58):
S 5.]
IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
101
I. Dect. Tuta, a city. | II. Dect. JPyplus, a people.
Sing. Nom. tuta, tutu. puplus.
Gen. tuta-s, tutar. puple-s, pupler.
Dat. tute. puple.
Accus. tutam. puplu-m.
Abl. tuta. puplu.
1. Locat. tutamem. puplumem.
2, Locat. tutemem.
9. Locat. tute.
Plur. Nom. tuas, tutar puplus.
Gen. tutarum puplum.
Aut tutes. puples.
Accus. futaf. pupluf.
1. Locat. tutafem. puplufem.
2. Locat. utere? puplere?
III. Dect. Ucri-e, à mountain. Nume, a name.
Sing. Nom. war. numen.
Gen. — ucres. numnes.
Dat. ^ were. numne.
Accus. wcrem. numen.
Abl. wert. numhe.
Loeat. ucremem. numenem ?
Plur. Nom. — ucres. numena ?
Gen. — ucrium? numenum ?
Dat. ucres. numnes ?
Abl.
Accus. weref. numena ?
Locat. wcrefem? numenem ?
The Umbrian pronouns are the demonstratives eso, or ero,
and esto, corresponding to the Latin 4s and éste, and the relative
or interrogative poe, corresponding to the labial element in qus
and quis. The demonstratives are generally construed as adjec-
tives; but, with the affix -hunt or -k, ero may become substantive.
Thus we have er-ont, or ere-k, as an indicative pronoun. The
affix -k is that which plays so important a part in Latin. The
affix -hunt or -hont (Goth. hindana, Etrusc. hinthtu or hintha)
102 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. IIL.
appears in the comparative and superlative adverbs hunt-ra or
hond-ra, (Goth. hindar, O. N. hindra), and hond-omu, Goth.
hindumist, signifying “farther,” “lower,” or ‘‘farthest,” “lowest ;”
80 that hond may correspond to our yon or yonder: and as ἢ
expresses proximity ere-k and er-ont will gain the meaning of
"here" and “there,” from their terminations respectively; so
that esu-k, es-tu, and er-ont, may have corresponded in distinctive
meaning to the Latin Aic, iste, tlle, the first part being the same
in each, and identical with the initial syllable of ts-¢e.
The verbs generally occur in the imperative mood, as might
be expected, since the Tables contain chiefly prayers and injunc-
tions about praying. In these imperatives we mostly recognize
a singular in -tu, and a plural in -tutv; as fu-tu (Vr. ἃ, 30, &.),
and fu-tutu (VI. b, 61), corresponding to es-to, es-tote. Verbs
of the -a conjugation seem occasionally to make their imperative
in -a, like the Latin. See 1. b, 83: pune purtinsus, karetu;
pufe apruf fakurent, puze erus tera; ape erus terust, pustru
kupifiatu: where, though the meaning of particular words may
be doubtful, the construction is plain enough: postquam por-
rexerts, calato; ubt apros fecerint, bi preces dato; quando preces
dederit, postero (- retro) conspicito. We often have the perf.
subj. both singular and plural, as may be seen in the example
just quoted. The pres. subj. too occasionally appears, the
person-ending in the singular being generally omitted, as in
arse for arsies = ad-stes, and λαδέα for habeas. The Oscan in-
finitive in -um, a8 a-ferum = circum-ferre, is also used in Um-
brian; and we often find the auxiliary perfect both in the
singular and in the plural. See vr. b, 30: perse touer peskler
vasetom est, pesetom est, peretum est, frosetom est, daetom est,
touer peskler virseto avirseto vas est: i.e. quod tut sacrificit vaca-
tum est, peccatum est, neglectum est, rejectum est, projectum est,
tut sacrificii visa invisa vacatio est’, And we have not only
skrehto est, but also skrethtor sent (VI. ἃ, 15). The active par-
ticiple seems to end both in -ens, like the Latin, and also in -is,
1 It seems that vas must be the root of vas-etom, and probably both
refer to the evacuation or nullification of the sacrifice; cf. vas-tus, &c.
with the Greek ἐκ-κενόω : virseto avireeto is compared with Cato's “ut tu
morbos visos iuvisosque probhibessis" (X. R. 141).
§ 5.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 108
like that of the Greek verbs in -,u. The following are the forms
of sum, fut, and habeo, which are found in the Tables:
Sum (root Es), Fv-.
Pres. Inpic. (A. 1.)
3. sing. est.
3. plur. sew.
Pres. Susy. (A. IIL)
. Sing. δὲ», δὲ, 86ὲ, 886.
. Bing. si.
. plur. sins. fuia.
Perr. Susy. (C. HL)
3. sing. futest, fust.
3. plur. furent.
Imper. (B. I.)
2, 3. sing. futu.
2. plur. fututo.
Inrin. (D.)
eru or erom, (V. 26, 29, VII. b, 2.)
HABEO.
Pres. INbic. (A. L)
8. sing. kabe|t] (I. b, 18; VI. b, 54).
Pres. Supy. (C. 1.)
2. sing. Aabea[s] (V. a, 17).
Perr. Sum. (C. III.)
2. sing. habtest (VI. b, 50); habus (habueris) (VI. b, 40).
3. plur. haburent (VII. a, 52).
IwPERAT. (B.)
2. sing. habttu (VI. a, 19); or Aabetu (II. a, 28).
2. plur. habituto (VI. b, 51); or habetutu (I. b, 15).
Huschke gives the following paradigm of an ordinary verb
in Umbrian (Iguv. Tof. p. 656):
Go & h9
PRESENT. Ind uj
pihu pihaiam ostendu ostendam
pihas pihaias ostendes ostendas
pihat pihaiat ostendet ostendat
104
THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE ἡ
" Plural. —
pihames pihaiames
pihates pihaiates
pihant pihaians
PERFECT.
Sin .
pihafi pihafim
pihafesti pihafis
(pihasti)
pihafet pihafit
Plural.
pihafemes ὀο pihafimes
pihafestis pihafitis
(pihastis)
pihafusont ^ pihafins
(pihafens ?) |
' Furuzk 1.
Singular. Plural ᾿
pihaiesu ? pihaiesemes
pihaieses pihaiestes
pihaiest pihaiesent :
| Furure 2.
Singular. Plural.
pihafuso? pihafusemes
pihafuses pihafustes
pihafust pihafurent
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
pihatu pihatuto
(pihato)
Infinitive.
| pihom ostendom
[cHapP. III.
Plural.
ostendemes — ostendames
ostendetes ostendates
oatendent ostendans
Sin .
osteli ostelim
ostelesti ostelis
. ostelet ostelit
Plural.
ostelemes ostelimes
ostelestis ostelitis
ostelusont ostelins
(ostelens ?)
Singular. Plural
ostensu ostensemes
ostenses ostensetes
ostenset ostensent
Singular. Plural.
osteluso ostelusemes
osteluses ostelustes
ostelust ostelurent
Singular. Plural.
ostendu ostenduto
(ostento)
Supine.
pihatum ostentom.
These forms are very interesting, not only as showing that
the agglutinate form of the perfect was adopted in this early
state of the Italian verb, but also as exhibiting the past tense in
l, which is a characteristic of the Sclavonian conjugation. Thus
in Russian ¢rogat, **to touch," makes trogatayo in the present,
and trogal in the past tense. In the passive it is worthy of
remark that the person-ending terminates in r in Umbrian, as in
$6.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 105
8
Oscan and Sabine verbs, and this is an additional argument
against the assumption that in Latin this 7 represents the s of
the reflexive pronoun; thus we have:
Umbr. emantur Lat. emantur
terkantur tergeantur
Osc. sakarater sacratur, sacrator
Sab. ferentor. ferentur, ferantur
feruntur
feruntor
(Corssen, Ausspr. Vok. u. Beton. 1. p. 88.)
The imperative passive in Umbrian contains the old partici-
pial form in -mu or -mumo, as in the sing. etursta-mu, pl. pesni-
mumo, which may be compared with the obsolete famino (Fest.
p. 87), and the classical arbttramin:.
§ 6. Selections from the Eugubine Tables, with explanations.
In interpreting the remains of the Umbrian language, it
seems advisable, in the present state of our knowledge, that we
should confine our attention to those passages which fall within
the reach of a scientific philological examination. Grotefend',
indeed, has frankly and boldly presented us with a Latin version
of all the Eugubine Tables; but although he has here and there
fallen upon. some happy conjectures, his performance is for the
most part mere guesswork of the vaguest kind, and therefore,
for all purposes of scholarship, uninstructive and unsatisfactory.
Lassen, by attempting less, has really effected more*, There is,
1 Rudimenta Lingue Umbrice, Particulse vir. Hannov. 1835—1889,
2 Beitrige zur Deutung der Eugubinischen Tafeln, in the Rhein. Mus.
for 1833, 4. Of earlier interpretations it is scarcely necessary to speak.
It may, however, amuse the reader to know that the recent attempt of a
worthy herald, in the sister-island, to prove that Irish of a certain kind was
spoken by the ancient Umbrians and Tuscans, has its parallel in a book
published at Ypres in 1614, by Adriaen Schrieck, who finds the ancient
language of his own country in the seventh Eugubine Table! (Van ’t
Beghin der eerster Volcken van Europen, t'Ypre, 1614). The Irish Book,
however, is.the more elaborately ridiculous of the two. It has been
exposed, with considerable ability and humour, in the Quarterly Review,
Vol. Lxxvi. pp. 45 8qq.
106 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [ CHAP. ILI.
.
however, no one who has done more to prepare the way for a
scientific examination of these Umbrian documents than Lepsius,
who examined all the preliminary questions connected with the
subject in an inaugural dissertation published in 1833!, and who
has subsequently edited a most accurate collection of facsimiles,
which appeared in 1841*. The materials furnished by Lepsius
have been elaborately discussed in a special work by Aufrecht
and Kirchhoff, published in 1849"; and though their treatise
is defective in arrangement and inconvenient for purposes of
reference, it deserves the praise of never attempting too much,
and it is generally distinguished by a careful regard for the
principles of sound philology. The most recent work on the
Eugubine tables is that of E. Huschke, which has just appeared.
This scholar has undertaken to give a complete explanation of
the Umbrian inscriptions, and has, in consequence, been obliged
to resort to a considerable number of arbitrary conjectures, in
which he sometimes relies too much on Greek assonances. It
must, however, be allowed that he has advanced our knowledge
of the subject in regard to many of the details.
The following extracts are selected from the admirable
transcripts of Lepsius®, and the arrangement of the Tables is
that which he has adopted. The first four Tables, and part of
the fifth, are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian character.
The others are in Latin letters.
Tab. 1.a,1. This Table and its reverse contain the rules
for twelve sacrifices to be performed by the Fratres Attersi¢ in
honour of the twelve gods. "The same rules are given in Tables
VI. and VII. and in nearly the same words, the differences being
merely dialectical; but the latter Tables add the liturgy to be
1 De Tabulis Eugubinis. Berolini, 1888.
3 Inscriptiones Umbricas et Osce. Lips. 1841.
δ Die Umbrischen Sprackdenkmiler : ein Versuch sur Deutung derselben.
Berlin, 1849.
4 Die Iguvischen Tafeln nebst. den kleineren. Umbrischen Inschriften mit
Hinzufügung einer Grammatik und eines Glossars der Umbrischen Sprache
vollstánding tibersetzt und erklart. Leipsig, 1859.
5 In citing the edition of Lepsius as now constituting the standard
text, we must not forget the excellence of Bonarota's transcriptions, to
which Lepsius himself has borne testimony. De. Tabb. Eug. p. 14.
$6] — IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 107
used on the oecasion, and also dwell at greater length on the
auguries to be employed, &c. The first Table begins as follows:
Este persklum aves anzeriates enetu, 2. pernavres
pusnaes.
And in VI. a, 11, we have:
Este persklo aveis aseriater enetu.
There can be little doubt as to the meaning of these words.
Este, which is of constant recurrence in the Tables, is the
Umbrian adverb corresponding to tta, which is only a weaker
form of it. If we may infer that persklum or persklo — preg-
culum, we may render this word “a prayer." Grotefend de-
rives the noun from purgo, and translates it by *'lustrum."
But pur-go is a compound of purus and ago (comp. castigo, &c.),
whereas the root pers-, signifying ' pray," is of constant occur-
rence in Umbrian; and every one, however slightly conversant
with etymology, understands the metathesis in a case of this
kind. It is the same root as prec- or proc- in Lat., pereg- in
Zend, prachh'- in Sanscr., frag-en in Germ., &c.
It is clear that aves anzertates or aveis asertater are ab-
latives absolute. As we have avif serttu or asertatu (vI. b, 48,
49. 1. b, 11, ἄς.) by the side of salvam seritu (vi. a, 51, &c.),
and as this last is manifestly salvam servato, it is pretty clear
that aves anzertates must be equivalent to avibus observatis
( — fn-servatis).
Enetu is clearly the imperative of tneo, for in-tto ; the pre-
position had the form ea - ἐπ in old Latin; thus we find in the |
Columna Rostrata: enque eodem macistratod: and the same was
the case in Oscan, which gives us em-bratur for tm-perator.
The adjectives per-nates, pus-naes, are derived from per-ne,
post-ne, which are locative forms of the prepositions pre and
post, and signify “at the southern and northern side of the
temple." The birds are so defined with reference to the practice
of the augurs in such cases. See Varro, L. L. vir. ὃ 7, p. 119,
Miller: “‘quoctrca celum, qua attuimur, dictum templum....
Ejus templi partes iv. dicuntur, sinistra ab oriente, dextra ab
occasu, antica ad meridiem, postica ad septentrionem."
The meaning of the whole passage will therefore be: Jta
litationem (oblationem Huschke) avtbus observatis (ctrcumservatis
108 |. THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [cHAP. ΠῚ.
Huschke) intto, anticis, posticis; i.e. “Thus enter upon the
supplication, the birds having been observed, those in the south,
as well as those in the north."
§ 7. Tab. I. a, 2—6.
Tab. 1. 8, 2.
Pre-veres treplanes, 9. Iuve Krapuvi tre[ f | buf
fetu, arvia ustentu, 4. vatuva ferine feitu, heris
vinu, hers] pum, 5. ukriper Fisiu, tutaper
Ikuvina, fetu sevum, 6. kutef pesnimu ; arepes
arves.—Comp. vi. a, 22. Pre-vereir treblaneir
Iuue Grabover buf treif fetu. vt. b, 1. Aruto fetu,
uatuo ferine fetu, pont fetu, 3. okriper Fistu,
totaper Frovina.
The words pre-veres (vereir) treplanes (treblaneir) are easily
explained in connexion with (7) pus-veres treplanes, (11) pre-
veres tesenakes, (14) pus-veres tesenakes, (20) pre-veres vehttes,
(24) pus-veres vehtics. It is obvious that these passages begin
with the prepositions pre, “before,” and pus= post, ** behind,”
and that they fix a locality. The prepositions per, signifying
“for,” and co or ku, signifying “with” or “at,”’ are placed
after the word which they govern: thus we have tuta-per
Ikuvina = “pro urbe Iguvina,” vocu-com 7ουΐμ = “cum” or
* 4n foco Jovio.” But the prepositions pre and pus precede, and
it seems that they both govern the ablative, contrary to the
Latin usage, which places an accus. after ante and post. The
word veres (vereir) is the abl. plur. of a noun verus (cf. 1. b,
9), corresponding in root and signification to the Latin fores.
Compare also porta with the German Pforte. The v answers
to the f, a8 vocus, vas, &c. for focus, fas, &e. Lassen (Rhetn.
Mus. 1833, pp. 380 sqq.) refers treplanes, tesenakes, vehties, to
the numerals wes, decem, and viginti. Grotefend, more pro-
bably, understands the adjectives as describing the carriages
used at the particular feasts, Cato (Jt. E. c. 135) mentions the
trebla as a rustic carriage. Zensa is the well-known name of
the sumptuous processional chariot in which the images of the
Sz.) | IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 109
gods were carried to the pulvinar at the ludi Circenses (Festus,
p. 964, Müller'; and veía was the Oscan synonym for plau-
strum (Festus, p. 368, Müller). It is, therefore, not unreason-
able to suppose, that the fores treblane furnished an entrance to
the Ocrts or citadel for treble ; that through the fores tesenakes
the statues of the gods were conveyed to their pulvinar in
tense ; and that the fores vehie allowed the larger chariots to
enter in triumphal or festive procession. In the Latin Table
the adj. derived from tesna or tensa ends in -oz, -octs, like velox ;
in the Umbrian it ends in -az, -acis, like capaz. Aufrecht and
Kirchhoff, to whom the true explanation of verus is due, sup-
pose a quadrangular citadel with one side closed, and the other
three opening with gates called by the names of the cities to
which they led. But this mode of designation is not borne out
by the names of the three gates, if there were only three, in the
Roma Quadrata on the Palatine. These gates were called the
Porta Homanula, Janualis, and Mucionis, and lay to the W.,
N.W., and N. (Müller, Etrusk. 11. p. 147). Whatever the names
meant, it is clear that they are not designations of towns to which
the gates led. As there were no cities called Trebla and Tesena,
and as Veit was too far off to give a name to one of the gates
of Jguvium, it is much more reasonable to suppose that the
entrances refer to the names of carriages with which they are
so easily identified. 'To say nothing of the analogy of the French
porte cochére, which actually denotes une porte assez grande
pour donner entrée aux coches ou voitures, it is well known that
the ancients measured road-ways by the kind of carriages which
traversed them, or by the number of such carriages which could
pass abreast. Thus we have ὁδὸς ἁμαξιτός for a wide: road
(Pind. N. vi. 56); ἁμαξιτός alone is used in the same sense
(id. P. rv. 247); and Thucydides defines the breadth of a wall
by saying that: δύο ἅμαξαι ἐναντίαε ἀλλήλαις τοὺς λίθους
ἐπῆγον (1. 98).
The epithet Krapuvius, or in the Latin Table Gra-bovius,
according to Lassen signifies *nourisher or feeder of cattle." The
1 For the metathesis tesna, or tesena for tensa we May compare mesene
ftusare in an inscription found near Amiternum (Leps. Tab. xxvrr. 46),
with mense flusare in the Latin inscription quoted by Muratori (p. 587).
110 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [cHap. 11.
first syllable, he supposes, contains the root gra-, implying growth
and nourishment, and found in the Sanscr. grá-ma (signifying
either “a herd of feeding cattle" —grez—or vicus tnter pascua),
in the Lat. grá-men, in the Goth. gras, and in the Old Norse
groa=virescere. Lassen, too, suggests that Gradivus contains
the same root. This comparison ought perhaps to have led him
to the true explanation of both words. For it is manifest that
Gra-divus = gravis or grandis Divus; and it is equally certain
that no genuine Latin compound begins with a verbal root. If,
therefore, Gra-bovius contains the root of bos, bovis, the first
syllable must be the element of the adjective gravis or grandis ;
so that Grabovius will be a compound of the same kind as
καλλιυπάρθενος (see Lobeck, Paralip. p. 372). Pott, however,
(Et. Forsch. 11. p. 201) considers Grab-ovius as another form
of Gravi-Jovius.
Tre. or treif buf is either boves tres or bobus tribus. If we
have here the accus, plural, we must conclude that this case in
the Umbrian language ends in -af, -of, -uf, -ef, -4f, -eif, according
to the stem; and the labial termination has been compared with
the Sanscrit and Zend change of s into v at the end of a word
(Wilkins, ὃ 51; Bopp, S 76). This is the opinion of Lassen
(Rhein. Mus. 1833, p. 377). According to Lepsius and Grote-
fend, on the other hand, all these words are ablatives, because
the termination is more easily explained on this hypothesis, and
because verbs signifying * to sacrifice" are construed with the
ablative in good Latin (Virg. Eclog. 111. 77; Hor. Carm. τ. 4,
11). The latter reason is confuted by the tables themselves;
for it is quite clear that abrons is an accusative, like the Gothic
vulfans, and yet we have both abrons fakurent (vit. a, 43) and
abrof fetu (vir. a, 3). See also Pott, Et. Forsch. τι. p. 202.
With regard to the form, it is not explained by the Sanscrit ana-
logies cited by Lassen, for these spring from the visargah after a,
as in Ramah, Rámau, Hámó. There is a much simpler way of
bringing abrof and abrons into harmony. For the plural is
formed from the singular by adding s to the latter. If then the
accusative singular assumed the form a from sm, this would be
retained before s, as in abron-s; but if abrom-s passed by vssar-
φαΐ into abrom-h, this, according to the Celtic articulation, would
regularly become abrof; for in Celtic mh and δὰ are regularly
8 7.] IN THE EOGUBINE TABLES. 111
changed into v f. And we have seen above (p. 71) very good
reasons for recognizing Celtic influences in Umbria.
Feitu (fetu) is simply facito, the guttural being softened
down, as in ditu for dicito (vi. b, 10, &c.)'.
Arvwia seems to be the same as the Latin arvina, i.e. * the
hard fat which lies between the skin and the flesh" (Servius ad
Verg. Ain. vir. 627); and ustentu is probably obstineto, which
was the old Latin for ostendito (Festus, p. 197, Müll).
Vatuva ferine feitu must mean “offer up unsalted meal”
(fatuam farinam or fatuá foriná), according to Nonius Mar-
cellus, Iv. 291 (quoting Varro, de Vit. Pop. Rom. Lib. 1):
quod Kalend. Jun. et publice et privatim fatuam ‘pultem | diis
mactat. Grotefend supposes that ferine must mean raw flesh,
and not farina, because “ bread" (punt) is mentioned in the pas-
sage. But in minute directions like these, a difference would be
marked between the meal (ἄλευρα) and the bread (ἄρτος); just
as the hard fat (arvina) is distinguished from the soft fat (adi-
pes), if the interpretation suggested below is to be admitted.
Heris vinu, heris puni, “either with bread or wine."
Heris, as a particle of choice, is derived. from the Sanscr. root
hri, *to take;" Lat. hir, “ἃ hand," &c.; and may be compared
with vel, which is connected with the root of volo, as this is
with the root of aipéw. Compare the use of vel — * for example,"
i.e. “take this;" in Plautus, Miles Gl. 1. 1, 59: vel illo, que
heri pallio me reprehenderunt. In fact, heris appears to be
the participle of the verb, of which the imperative is Aeritu
(vi. a, 27, &c.). This verb occurs in the Oscan also (Zab.
Bantin. 12, &c.).
That ocriper (ucriper) Fisiu means “for the Fisian mount”
may be demonstrated from Festus, p. 181, Müller: **Ocrem
antiqui, ut Ateius philologus in libro Glossematorum refert,
montem confragosum vocabant, ut aput Livium: Sed qui sunt
hi, qui ascendunt altum ocrim? et: celsosque ocris, arvaque
putria et mare magnum. et: namque Τωπαγὶ celsos ocris. et:
haut ut quem Chiro tn Pelio docuit ocri. Unde fortasse etiam
ocrese sint dicte insqualiter tuberate." From this word are
1 According to Pott and Lepsius this imperative stands for fito — fiat.
112 THE UMBBIAN LANGUAGE. | CHAP. IIT.
derived the names of some Umbrian towns, e.g. Ocriculum and
Interocrea (cf. Interamna). The epithet Fisiue indicates that
the mountain was dedicated to the god sius or Fisovius
Sansius (Fidius Sancus), a name under which the old Italians
worshipped Jupiter in their mountain-temples. Lassen (p. 388)
refers to this temple the following lines of Claudian (de VI. Cons.
Honor. 503, 4):
Exsuperans delubra Iovis, saxoque minantes
Apenninigenis cultas pastoribus aras.
He also quotes from the Peutinger inscription : * Jovis Penninus,
idem Agubio," where Jguvium is obviously referred to. Lepsius
thinks that ocris Fisius was the citadel of Iguvium.
Tota-per (tuta-per) Ikuvina, “for the city of Iguvium.”
It was always understood by previous interpreters that tuta or
tota was nothing more than the fem. of the Lat. totus. But
Lepsius has clearly proved that it is both an Oscan and an
Umbrian substantive, signifying “city,” from which the adj.
tuti-cus is derived, as in the name of the magistrate meddiz
tuticus, i.e. consul urbanus: consequently tuta-per Ikuvina is
simply “pro urbe Iguvina.” This substantive, tota or tuta, is,
no doubt, connected with the adject. totus; for the idea of a city
is that of “fulness,” “collection,” “entirety.” Similarly, the
Greek πόλεις must contain the root πολ- (voA-Us) or πλε-
(πλέος), signifying the aggregation of the inhabitants in one
spot. The derivation of the adjective ¢é-tus is by no means
easy. If we compare it with tn-vt-tus (from vel-le), we may be
disposed to connect it with the root of the words tel-lus, tol-lo,
(τέλ-ος,), &c. Op-pidum, another name for “city,” is only
“a plain" (ob-ped-um = érl-redov) ; and oppido, “entirely” =
tn toto, is synonymous with plane, But it is difficult to resist
the impression that tota is related to the Lith. tauta, Goth.
thiuda, O. N. thiod, and, if so, that totus should be referred to the
xoot £u, ** crescere," ** implere" (Graff, Sprach. v. p. 125; Bopp,
Gloss. p. 154; Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, p. 420). The student
will take care not to confuse between this é-tus and the re-
duplicated form t)-tus (comp. to-t-, gud-tus, &c.), which is suffi-
ciently distinguished from it in the line of Lucretius (vt. 652):
Neo ἐδέα pars homo terra! quóta tétiue unus.
8 7.] IN THE RUGUBINE TABLES. 113
Sevum and kutef are two adverbs. The former signifies
* with reverence," and contains the root sev- (sev-erus) or σεβ-
(σέβω). The latter is derived from cav-eo, cautus, with the
affix -/— φι, and means * cautiously. n
The words arepes arves or ariper arvis, which conclude
almost every prescription in the first Table, are not very easy.
That Grotefend's translation pro ardore 8. ustione arvige is in-
admissible, every sound philologer must at once concede. The
following suggests itself as the most probable solution. It
appears that the Umbrian participle generally ended in -es, -ez,
or -ets, like the old Greek participle of verbs in -ju. Thus we
have tases, tasts, and tasez, for tacens. Vestets, too, is obviously
a participle (Vi. a, 22). As, then, we constantly find the im-
perative arveitu for advehito, we may surmise that arves, arvis,
is the participle for advehens; and arepes, ariper, on the same
principle, will be a&ipes; so that the phrase will signify adipes
advehens 8. porrigens, i, e. “ offering up the soft fat.”
Accordingly, the translation of the whole passage should run
thus: Ante portam Treblanam Jovi Grabovio tres boves facito,
arviná ostendito, fatuá ferind facito, vel vino vel pane, pro
monte Fisio, pro civitate Iguvind, facito severe, caute precator,
adipes advehens, i.e. “ Before the gate, by which the treble
enter, sacrifice three oxen to Jupiter Grabovius, offer up the hard
fat, sacrifice with unsalted meal, either with wine or bread, for
the Fisian mount, for the city of Iguvium, sacrifice reverently,
pray cautiously, holding forth the soft fat of the victims.”
Huschke translates the passage as follows: Pro muris (veres,
from :werjan Ξε defendere) Trebulanis Jovi Grabovio tres boves
facito, exta ostendito, pectora (vatuva, Gr. βαθύς, Tarentine βατάς)
veru facito, vel vino vel mulso (punt, Gr. πῖνον), pro monte Fisio,
pro urbe Iguvina facito, carmen (sevum from seo — dico, carmen,
lex) caute precator, immote (arepes from apperns!) atrepitibus
(arves from ἄραβος !)
1 According to Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, (p. 418) sevum is the same
adjective as that which furnishes the initial syllable to sev-akni=sollennis
from akno=annus; and is therefore to be compared with the Latin sollus
from solvus, Gr. S\Fos, Sanscrit sarva.
D. V. . 8
114 . THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. III.
8 8. Tab. I. ὃ, 18 sqq.
The next passage which deserves notice and admits of a
reasonable interpretation is the following. Many of the inter-
vening sentences, however, are so like that which has just been
examined, that they can cause no real difficulty to the student.
In I. b, 13, we have
enumek steplatu parfam tesvam tefe, Tute Ikuvine.
The first word is a particle of connexion signifying inde, dein,
“then,” “in the next place.” It is also written inumek, and
seems to be compounded of «num (the Lat. entm) and ek ; com-
pare the Gothic snuhthis, ἄζο,
Steplatu, stiplatu, and an-stiplatu, are the imperatives of
a verb stiplo or anstiplo, which seems to be of proper applica-
tion in matters of augury. In old Latin sfipulus was synony-
mous with stabilis (Forcell s. v. stipulatio): consequently this
verb must signify something like stabilio or firmo, which last
word is used in speaking of omens (Virgil, Georg. 1v. 386).
Parfa, which occurs frequently in the Tables, is the augurial
parra, a kind of owl, which the Italians in general call civetta,
and the Venetians parruzza ; and tesva means on the right: as
will appear from the following considerations. At the beginning
of the sixth Table we have, among the auspices, parfa kurnase
dereua, peiqu peica merstu ; which should seem to mean, par-
ram, cornicem, dextras; picum, picam sinistros. The Roman
augurs used to turn their faces to the south; consequently the
east was on their left, and the west on their right. The east was
in general the seat of good omens; but in certain cases, and with
certain birds, the bad omen of the west, or right hand, might be
converted into good. They made a distinction between the birds
which gave the omen by their note, and those which gave the
omen by their flight; the former were called oscines, the latter
alites. The parra and the ptcus were reckoned in both classes,
according to Festus (p. 197, Müller). Indeed there must have
been some confusion among the augurs themselves, as Cicero
seems to admit (de Divin. τι. 39): * Haud ignoro, que bona
sint, sinistra nos dicere, etiamsi dextra sint; sed certe nostri
sinistrum nominaverunt, externique dextrum, quia plerumque me-
§ 9.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 115
lius id videbatur." Lutatius says, that the masculine gender
indicates the propitious bird, and the feminine the unpropitious ;
yet the Umbrians seem to have held the picus and the pica in
. equal estimation. In constituting a good omen, the Umbrians
placed the picus on the left, and the cornix on the right; while
Plautus places them both on the left, but the parra on the right,
as did the Umbrians (Asen. 11. 1, 11):
Impetritum, inauguratum 'st: quovis admittunt aves,
Picus, cornix est ab leva; corvus, parra ab dextera.
Prudentius, though not an Umbrian like Plautus, preserves the
Umbrian order (Symmach. 11. 570) :
Cur Cremere in campis, cornice vel ogcine parra,
Nemo deüm monuit perituros Marte sinistro
Ter centum Fabios, vix stirpe superstite in uno?
Comp. also Horat. 111. Carm. xxvii. 1, &c.
Tesva in the Table means “the right," and may be compared
with the Gothic tathsvé. In the Latin Table it is written der-
sua, which is nearer to the Lat. dextra. That merstus must
mean *' propitious" or “salutary,” is clear from the passages in
which it occurs, as well as from the use of mera. Α few lines
lower we have (I. b, 18): sve-pis habe purtatutu pue mers est,
fetu uru pere mers est. Comp. VI. b, 54: so-pír habe esme
pople portatu ulo pue mers est, fetu uru pirse, mers est. The
meaning seems to be: st quis habet portatum aliquid ubi
salutare est, facito ustionem prout salutare est. The etymology
of mers is quite uncertain. Grotefend connects it with medicus,
Lassen with merz. The passage before us will mean: Inde
stepulator parram dextram, tibi, ctvitaté Iguvine, i.e. * There-
upon make good the propitious owl for thee and the city of
Iguvium."
89. Extracts from the Litany tn Tab. VI. a.
A complete examination of the whole of the Eugubine Tables
does not fall within the limits of this work, and I will only add
a few extracts from the Litany in the sixth Table.
VI. a, 22. T'eio subokau suboko, 23. Dei Grabow,
okri-per Fisiu, tota-per Iiovina, erer nomne-per,
8—2
116 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. ΠΙ.
erar nomne-per; fos set, paker sei, okre Fiser,
24. Tote Iiovine, erer nomne, erar nomne:
i.e. te invoco tnvocationem, Jupiter Grabovie, pro monte Fisio,
pro urbe Iguvina, pro illius nomine, pro hujus nomine ; bonus
(placidus Huschke) sis, propitius (pacatus Huschke) sis, monts
Fisio, urbi Iguvine, illius nomini, hujus nomint.
VI. a, 24. Arsie, tio subokau suboko, Der Grabove:
1. e. adsis, te 4nvoco invocationem, J. Gr. Huschke reads arstetio,
which he renders propitium, comparing the Greek ἄρσιος.
In both these passages sub-okau is the verb for sub-vocam,
and sub-oco 18. à noun, so that the construction is like Cato's: te
bonas preces precor (E. R. 134, 189).
Arsier, frite tio subokau 25. suboko D. Gr.
Here f-rite is written for rite, just as we have f-rango by the
side of ῥήγνυμε; f-ragen, f-luo, as well as rogo, luo (Nove);
frragum, pak; f-renum, “rein;” f-rigere, rigere, &c.; and in
these tables probably f-r for rus, f-rosetom for rogatum, &c.
Huschke (p. 113) compares frite with fretus and renders arster
frite by propitit fiduciá.
Vl.a, 26. Dei Grabovie, orer ose, perse okre
F'isie pir orto est, toteme Iovine arsmor dersekor
subator sent, pusei nep heritu.
This passage is somewhat more difficult. It appears to me that
the particles per-sei, pu-set, mark the opposition of the protasts
to the a 3, *as"—* go," prout—1ta. The chief difficulty
here is in the word arsmo-r, which, however, occurs very fre-
quently in the Tables. It is clearly the plural of aremo. If we
examine one of the numerous passages in which the word is
found, we may be inclined to conjecture that it means a man or
functionary of some sort. Thus in vi. a, 92, we have: D. Gr.
salvo seritu okrer Fister, totar liovinar nome; nerf, arsmo,
veiro, pequo, kastruo, fri, salva seritu ; which must surely mean;
J. Gr. salvum servato nomen ocris Fisti, urbis Iguvine, salvos
servato principes (i. e. meriones), arsmos, viros, pecua, pradia,
segetes. Now Lassen has shown (Zhein. Mus. 1834, p. 151)
$9.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 117
that dersecor must be a derivative from disseco, and that, like
mergus, vivus, from mergere, vivere, it must have an active '
signification. We have the verb der-seco = dis-seco in the form
dersikust, dersikurent (dis-secassit, dis-secaverint). Conse-
quently, arsmor dersecor must mean arem: dissecantes, or disst-
centes (for dissico, 4. conj., see Gronov. Lect. Plautin. p. 87).
Subator sent is either subacti sunt or subjecti sunt, i.e. sub-
misst sunt. On the whole, it is most probable that arsmus
means a priest; and the following seems to be the true analysis
of the word. If we compare al-mus “the nourisher," with
alu-mnus, the nourished,” and other forms in -mnus (New
Croat. § 410), we may conclude that ars-mus has an active signi-
fication in reference to its first syllable. Now we have the root
ars- in the Etruscan hdrus-pex, and probably in dra = ésa = ars-a.
And whatever is the meaning of the root of these two words, it
is clear that it is not inconsistent with that which we should
expect in ars-mus. Accordingly, it is a reasonable conjecture
that ars-mus — harus-mus means a sacrificial priest, or altar-
man. If this supposition be correct, we shall have no great
difficulty in translating the passage before us. .Pir occurs so
often in connexion with vuku = focus, asa — ara, uretu τε urtto,
ἅς. that it must mean “fire,” cf. Gr. πῦρ, O. H. G. fiur, N. H.
G. feuer, O. N. fyr, Engl. fire. Orer is a deponent form of oro,
after the analogy of precor, εὔχομαι. Ose is probably ore.
Nep stands for nec, as in Oscan, but does not imply any dis-
junction: nor did nec or neg in old Latin; compare nec-lego,
nec-quidquam, &c., and see Festus, p. 162, sub vv. neclegens
and sec. Müller (Suppl. Annot. p. 387) supposes that the
disjunctive nec or neque and the negative nec or neg, were two
distinct particles. To me it appears that nec or neg is never
used for non except either as qualifying a single word—neg-
ligo!, nec-opinans, neg-otium,—in a conditional clause, as in the
1 Prof. Newman (Regal Rome, p. 26) says that neg-ligo is to be com.
pared with nach-lassen, and exhibits the German nach “ after”—a particle
unknown to Latin. I believe he is not responsible for this puerile deri-
vation, which evinces a complete ignorance of the part which nec or neg
plays in Latin words, and of the connexion of this particle with nach.
We shall see when we come to the Etruscan language that nak occurs in
118 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [ CHAP. ΠΙ.
passages quoted by Festus, and Cato #. H. 141,—or in a pro-
^ hibition, as here; in all which cases the Greeks used μή and not
ov, and the Romans generally ne and not non. Nego is a
peculiar case; the Greeks said οὔ φημε οὕτως ἔχειν for φημὲ
μὴ οὕτως ἔχειν: and the same principle may be applied to
explain οὐχ ἥκιστα, ov yap ἄμεινον, &c. In a case like this the
Romans seem to have used nec as qualifying and converting the
whole word, in preference to non. Müller supposes that negritu,
quoted by Festus (p. 165) as signifying @gritudo in augurial
language, stands for nec-ritu. I think it must be a corruption
for ne-gritu[do]|: see below, Ch. vi. ὃ 5. Herttu is the imper.
of Àri, “to take away," Sanscrit hri — capere, tollere, demere,
auferre, rapere, abripere, Welsh hwra. The whole passage then
may be rendered: Jupiter Grabovie precor precatione, quoniam
tn ocr$ Fisto ignis ortus est, in urbe Iguvina sacerdotes dissecantes
submisst sunt,—ita ne tu adimas. Huschke renders this difficult
passage as follows: Dt Grabovie, tempestatis tempore (orer ose cf.
ὥρα), ubi tn monte Fisio ignis ortus est, in urbe Iguvina aqua-
ria (arsmor = ἀρδμοί Hom. Odyss. v. 247) siccata. subacta. sunt
(dersecor = siccatt, sicci, cf. θερ-ἴξω, τέρσ-ομαι) subacta sunt, uti
ne inflato (“ohne Zwetfel von ἐρέθω 1")
810. The Atidian Augural Sacrifice.
As a more detailed specimen of the style and language of
the Eugubine tables, and as an example of the latest attempt to
explain them, I subjoin a passage amounting to fourteen conse-
cutive lines (Tab. 11. b, 1—14), together with the translation
proposed by Huschke, who entitles this section the * Atidian
Augural Sacrifice" (Atidische Auguralopfer ; p. 844).
an inscription with the sense * in" or * down in;" and in this or ἃ similar
sense na or nach is used in all the Sclavonian and German dialects—to
say nothing of po-ne, si-ne, &c. in Latin. The guttural δὲ the end of
οὐ- F, οὐ-χί, does not differ from that in ne-c, ne-que; and as the Sanscrit
avá-b, which is obviously connected with the Greek oi-k—»a- Fa-x (New
Crat. $ 189) signifies deorsum, we can easily recognize the different signi-
fications of these particles.
§ 10.]
Pune karne speturie Atierie
aviekate naraklum (2) vurtus, estu
esunu.
Fetu fratrusper Atiierie; eu
esum (3) esu naratu.
Pere karne speturie Atierie
aviekate (4) aiu urtu fefure, fetu,
puze neip eretu. Vestige Sage
(5)sakre, Juvepatre bum perak-
ne, Speture perakne restatu.
(6)Juvie unu erietu Sakre pel-
sanu fetu, arviu ustentu, (7) puni
fetu, tacez pesnimu arepe arves.
Pune purtiius (8) unu suru
pesutru fetu, tikamne Juvie, ka-
pire (9) peru preve fetu. Ape
purtiius suru, erus tetu; enu
kuma(10)ltu, kumate pesnimu.
Ahtu Juvip. uve peraknem (11)
peraem fetu, arviu ustentu, puni
fetu.
Ahtu Marti abrunu (12) perak-
ne fetu, arviu ustetu, fasiu pruse-
cete arveitu, (13) perae fetu, puni
fetu.
Tra ekvine fetu, (14) acetus
perakne fetu.
IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
119
Cum ad victimas spectorias in
Atiedio auspicatu narrationem
verteris, esto illud.
Facito pro fratribus Atiediis;
ea eorum esse narrato.
Ubi victimis spectoriis in Atie-
dio auspicatu ejulationes orte
fuerint, facito uti ne interficias.
Vesticio Sancio sacrem, Jovi patri
bovem debilem, Spectori debilem
novato. Joviis unum arietem
gacrem immolandum facito, exta
ostendito, mulso (1) facito, tacitus
precator, immotus strepitibus (1).
Cum porrexeris, unum acervum
pulmentum facito, dicatione Jo-
viis, capide fundolum sigillatim
facito. Ubi porrexeris acervum,
honorem dato, itaque, squato
sequatis precator.
Actutum Jovi patri ovem de-
bilem, subventrile, facito, exta
ostendito, mulso (1) facito.
Actutum Marti apriculum de-
bilem facito, exta ostendito, farci-
men prosectis advehito, subven-
trile facito, mulso (1) facito.
Trans simulacra facito, furcillis
debiles facito.
The only words in this passage, which require special re-
mark, are the following: Atu (4) is compared with Atus locu-
tius and with the root of αἰάξω, ejulo. With regard to sakre (5)
Huschke supposes (p. 176) a form sacris, sacre by the side of
sacer, sacra, sacrum, like equestris by the side of equester. Per-
aknis is compared with πηρός, and is supposed to mean a muti-
lated victim (p. 305). This is of course very doubtful. Re-
statu is compared with the Roman novare, and the precatio
maxima as explained by Servius, ad ZEneid. x11. 176 (p. 358).
Pelsana (6), according to Huschke (p. 183) is the gerundive of
pelsa-wum τε immolare, which he compares with παλύνειν. Suru
120 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. ILI.
(8), which is elsewhere written sorso, is compared with the
Greek σωρός (p.186). Peru (9), also written persom, is com-
pared with passum, and rendered fundolus, in the sense ex-
plained by Varro (L.L. v. 22, § 111), i.e. τυφλὸν ἔντερον.
Komaltu and kumate (10) are referred to a verb komolom —
equare, the root of which is sought in the Greek ὁμαλάω,
ὁμαλιξω (p. 173). Peraem (11), from perats or persais, is ren-
dered ?mus, quoad. partem inferiorem (pedum) spectatus (sumen,
subventrile), and is referred to πέζα (p. 143). Fastu (12), also
written farsio, is derived from the Latin farcio (p. 147). And
ekvine (13) is compared, rather arbitrarily, with εἰκών (p. 356).
811. Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin
synonyms.
This may suffice as far as the direct interpretation of the
Tables is concerned. In conclusion it may be well to give a
list of those words in the Umbrian language which approach
most closely to their Latin equivalents. And first, with respect
to the numerals, which are the least mutable elements in every
language, it is clear that tuves (duves), tuvo (duva), and tris,
treia, correspond to duo and tres, tria. Similarly tupler (dupler)
and tripler represent duplus and triplus, and tuplak (111. 14) is
duplice, It is obvious, too, that petur is "four," as in Oscan;
X gee VI. b, 10: du-pursus, petur-pursus, i.e. bipedibus, quadri-
pedibus (cf. ahtrepuraum τε circum-tripudiare, captrus = capidi-
bus, &c.) As to the ordinals, prumwm is primum, etre (etrama)
is alter, and tertie (terttama) 18 tertius.
The other words may be given in alphabetical order:
Abrof (apruf) (vir. a, 3)=apros. | Anglia or ankla (v1. a, 1) = aquila
Ager (Tab. xxvir. 21). (comp. anguis with ἔχις, vnda
Ahatri-pursatu (vu. a, 23, 36) = with ὕδωρ, &c.; see New Crat.,
circum-tripudiato. $ 223).
Ahes-no (111. 8, 19) = ahenus. Anglome (v1. a, 9) = angulus.
Alfu (1. b, 29) = albus (ἀλφός). An-tentu (passim) = tn-tendito.
Amb-, prefix, shortened into aha, | Anter (1. b, 8) = inter.
a = circum. Ape (1. b, 34) = ubi.
Ampenom (n. b, 20) =tmpendere. | Ar-fertur (νι. a, 3)= affertor.
Ander (anter) (vt. Ὁ, 47. 1. b, 8) | Arpeltu (1. a, 19) = adpellsto.
= inler (sim. in Oscan). Arputrati (v. a, 12) = arbitratu.
δ 11.
Ar-veitu (1. b, 6) = advehito (cf.
arvis and arves).
Asa (vr. a, 9, et passim) = ara.
Asiane (1. a, 25) 2 n altari.
Atru (1. b, 29) = ater.
A veis (vr. a, 1) = avibus, &c.
Aviectos (1. b, 14) = auguratio.
Benes (1. b, 50) = ventes.
Bue (σι. a, 26, et passim) = bove.
(ema (v. b, 9) -
JDer-eicurent (vi. b, 62) = disse-
caverint.
Der or ter, later ders or dirs, from
deda, a reduplicated form of da=
dare. It is sometimes found
under the forms dwve or (uve,
eapecially in composition with
pur, a8 in pur-tuvt-tu = pro-dito
or por-ricito (11. a, 24).
Dekuria or tekuria (iL b, 1) =
decuria, i.e. decu-viria.
Destru or testru (1. a, 29) = dexter.
Dice or tice (τι. a, 17) = decere.
Dicom (IL a, 7, &c.) = dicere.
Ditu (v1. b, 10) = dicito.
Du (vr. b, 50) = duo.
Dupla (v1. b, 18), so also mer
tupler (v. a, 19)—comp. nwmer
prever (v. a, 18) and nwmer
tripler (v. a, 21).
Eikvasates (111. 24,29) = in vicenos
disiribulis.
Erom (vu. b, 2) = esse.
Eter (vi. a, 35, &.) = alter, secun-
dus.
Etw (v1. b, 48) -- dto.
Fakust (1v. 31) = fecerit.
Famerias Pumperias (vut. a, 2)
Far (v. b, 10) = far.
Fato (νι, b, 11) =fatum.
IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
| 121
Feraklu (Müller, Ztrusk. 1. p. 57,
note) = ferculum.
Ferehtru (111. 16) — feretrum.
Ferine (1, a, 4) = farina.
Fertu (v1. b, 50) = ferto.
Fons, fos, (v1. a, 23) = bonus, or
favens, placidus.
Frater (v. b, 11).
Funtlere (1. b, 24) 2 in fundulis.
Gomia, kumiaf (1. a, 7) = plenas,
gravidas ?
Habetu (τι. a, 23) = habeto.
Hapinaru (i a, 33) = agnarum.
Here — velle, connected with Air,
“the hand," pre-HEND-o, αἱρέω,
ἄς. (New Crat. ὃ 162); hence
heri = vel (τ. a, 22); also in
' the sense of taking away, &c.
like the Sanscr. Art, Welsh
hwra (above, p. 118).
Homonus (v. b, 10) = hominibus.
[fe (11. b, 12) = dbi.
Jvenka (1. b, 40) = juvenca.
Kametu (1v. 29) = canito,
Kapire (1. a, 29) = capide, “with
a sacrificial jug.”
Kaprum (11. a, 1)= caprum.
Karetu (1. b, 33) = calato.
Karne (11. ἃ, 1) = .
Kastruo (vL a, 30, et passim) =
castra, domus.
Katlo (τι. a, 38) = catulus.
Komohota (vt. a, 54) = commota.
Kovertom (1. b, 9, &.) = conver-
tere, reverti, redire,
Kumiaf, see Gomia.
Kuratu (v. a, 24): sve rehte ku-
ratu, st = si recte curatum sit.
Kurnak (v1. a, 2) -- cornix.
Kvestur (v. a, 23) = questor.
Maletu (11. a, 18) = molitum.
122
Manu (11. a, 32) = manus.
Mehe (v1. a, 5) = mn.
Merstos (V1. a, 3, 4) = occidenta-
lis.
Mestru (v. a, 24) = magister v.
major.
Mugatu (v1. a, 6) = mugito.
Mwuneklu (v. a, 17) = munusculum.
Muta (v. b, 2) = multa.
Naraklum (τι. b, 1) Ξ
mem,
Naratu (11. ἃ, 8) = narrato (Varro
wrote narare).
Ner (vi. a, 90, &.) = princeps,
miles.
Nome (passim) = nomen.
No-eve (v1. b, 54) = nist.
Numer (v. & 17) =numerus.
Numo (v. ἃ, 17) = numus.
JNurpier (v1. ἃ, 12) =e@rarv?
Omen (τι. b, 19) = omentum.
Orer (v1. a, 26) = oro, εὔχομαι.
Orto (v1. a, 26) = ortus.
Ose (VI. a, 26) = ore.
Ostendu (νι. a, 20) = ostendo.
Out (νι. b, 43,) wee (r1. 6, 10) =
ovis.
Pase (vi. a, 30) = pace.
Pater (11. a, 24).
Peiko (v1. a, 3) = picus.
Peku (vi ἃ, 30) = pecus.
Pelsana (1. a, 26) = balsamon?
Pelsom (γι. b, 40) = conspergere?
Perenimu (τ. b, 7) = precator.
Pthakler (v. a, 8) = piaculum.
Pihatu (v1. a, 9) = ptato.
Pir (1. b, 12) = πῦρ, fere.
Pisi (v. a, 310) = quisquis.
Plenasio (v. ἃ, 2) = plenarius.
Poplo (passim) = populus.
Porka (vit. a, 6) = porca.
narrati-
THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE
[ CHAP. nr.
Post; postro (vi. b, δ) = postero,
Le. retro.
Prinvatos (v1. b, 50, &c.) = priva-
bus.
Prokanurent (vr. a, 16)
erint.
Proseseto (V1. a, 56) = prosecato.
Puemune (ui. 26) = pomona.
Puprike (ut. 27) = publice or sup-
pliciter ?
Pur-tin-ius (τ. b, 33) = pro-ten-
deris
= procin-
Pustertiu (1. b, 40) = post-tertio.
Rehie (v. a, 24) = recte.
Res, Ri (v. a, 6) = res.
Ruphra (1. b, 27) = rubra.
Sakra (1. b, 29).
Salu = salem (Huschke, p. 366).
Salvo, salva, &c. (passim).
Seritu (passim) — servato (Müller,
Etrusk, τ. p. 55).
Serses (VL a, 5) — sedes.
Sersom (vi. b, 17) = sedere.
Sestom (11. a, 24) = sistere.
Sevaknis (1L a, 8) = hostia?
Sif (1. a, 7) = 868.
Skrehto (vu. b. 3) = scriptus.
Snatos (u. b. 19) = impletus?
Sorsos (v. b, 12) - acertus ἢ
Sopo (v1. b, δ) = supinus, suppus.
Stahitu (v1. b, 56) = stato.
Strusla (vi. a, 59) = strui-cula,
dimin. of strues.
Subator (VL a, 27, &c.) = subacti.
Suboko (vi. a, 22, &o.) = suppli-
cem precem.
Subra (v. a, 20) = supra.
Sumtu (1. a, 9, 16) = swmito.
Sve (v. a, 24) = Osc. suce, Lat. si.
t. (11. b. 24), vide serstu.
Sesna (v. b, 9) 2 cesna, cosna.
§ 12.]
Tafle (11. a, 12) = in tabula.
T'ases (v1. a, 55) = tacens.
Tefrom (vit a, 46) = sacrificium
crematwm.
Tekuries (τι. a, 1) = decurio.
Termmu-ko (vi. b, 53) - cum ter-
Mino.
T^o (passim) = te.
Tuf (1. b, 41) 2 cursim?
Turse (p. 433, Huschke) = turrem.
Ufestne = posterioribus (ὀπισθίοις,
Huschke, p. 436).
Uhtur = auctor (Huschke, p. 397.)
Uretu (nx. 12) = urito.
IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES.
128
Urnasis (v. a, 2) = wrnarius.
Uvikum (n1. 28) = cum ove.
Vapers (1. b, 14) = campus.
Vas (VL &, 28) - vas.
Vatuva (1. a, 4) = fatua.
Vetro (v1. a, 30) = viros.
Veru (passim) = fores or mwri?
Vestro, (v. b, 61).
Vinu (passim) = vinum.
Virseto (v1. a, 28) = visus.
Vitlu (IL a, 21) = eitulus.
Voku-kom (v1. b, 43) = cum vel in
foco.
Vudu (11. b, 39) = ewltus.
812. The Todt Inscription contains four words of the
same class.
In the year 1835 & bronze figure of a man in armour was
discovered near Tod? (Tuder), on the borders of Umbria. The
inscription, which was detected on the girdle of the breast-plate,
has been interpreted from the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew lan-
guages by a number of different scholars. It appears to me to
contain four words, which may be added to the above list, as
they are all explicable from the roots of the Latin language.
The inscription runs thus:
AHALTRVYTITISPVNY MPEPE.
The word tiis occurs in the Eugubine Tables (1. b, 45), and
punum is obviously the accusative of punus, another form of
pune, punes, punt, Which are known to be Umbrian words. It is
true that the Latin synonym panis and the Eugubine words
belong to the ¢-declension ; but that is no reason why we should
not have ἃ by-form of the o- declension, and that this form
actually existed in Measapia is well known (Athen. 111. p. 1116:
πανὸς ἄρτος Μεσσάπιοι. These two words being removed
from the middle, the extremities remain, namely, ahaltru and
pepe. With regard to the first it is to be observed that the
lengthening of a syllable, by doubling the vowel and inserting
the letter 4, is common in Umbrian (see Leps. de Tabb. Eugub.
194 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [cHap. ΠΙ.
pp. 92; sqq.), and the same practice is often remarked in Latin.
Indeed, as we have seen above (p. 98), the elongated form is
the more ancient and original. .4Aaltru, then, bears the same
relation to the Latin alter that ahala bears to ala, nthil to
nil, vehemens to vemens, &c. It is true that in the Eugubine
Tables etre seems to represent the meaning, if not the form of
alter; but this is no reason why there should not be the other
equally genuine and ancient form alter or ahalter, which is pro-
bably the more emphatic word in that language, and corre-
sponds, perhaps, in meaning to the adjective alienus. The sig-
nification of the word pepe suggests itself from the context, and
is also supported by analogy. It seems to be a reduplication of
the root pa (pá-nis, pa-sco, π᾿ασάσθαι, πα-τέομαι, &c.), analo-
gous to the reduplication of the root bé (or pt, πέγνω, &c.) in
bi-bo. If the Sabines were a warrior tribe of Umbrians, it is
reasonable to conclude that their name for “a warrior" would
be Umbrian also; now we know that the Sabine name for “a
warrior” was -titus (Fest. p. 366, and above, p. 32), and the
warrior tribe at Rome was called the Titzenses (Liv. 1. 13); ac-
cordingly, as the Umbrian Propertius calls these the Titties (Ef.
IV. 1, 31: Hinc Tities Ramnesque viri Luceresque coloni"), it is
not an unfair assumption that tit:s, pl. tities, was the Umbrian
word for “‘ a warrior." We have the same word on an Etruscan
monument from Volterra, which represents ἃ warrior with sword
and spear, and bears the following legend: mi afiles Tites
(Inghirami Mon. Etr. ser. V1. tav. À.; Micali Ant. Mon. tav. 51;
Müller, Denkmáler, Lxi1. n. 812). The inscription, then, will
run thus: “the warrior eats another's bread;’’ the position of
ahaltru being justified by the emphasis which naturally falls
upon it. Compare Dante, Paradiso, x vit. 58-60:
Tu proverai s) come 88 di sale
Lo pane altrui, et com’ ἃ duro calle
Lo scendere e Ἶ salir per I’ altrui scale.
This motto, then, either refers to the practice of serving as
mercenaries, 80 common among the Italians, or expresses the
prouder feeling of superiority to the mere agriculturist, which
1 Lucmo in v. 29 is an accurate transcription of the Etruscan Lauchme.
§ 12.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 125:
was equally characteristic of the oldest Greek warriors. Compare
the scolion of Hybrias the Cretan (ap. Athen. xv. 695 F):
ἔστι μοι πλοῦτος μέγας δόρυ καὶ ξίφος
καὶ τὸ καλὸν λαισήϊον πρόβλημα χρωτός"
τούτῳ μὲν ἀρῶ, τούτῳ θερίζω,
τούτῳ πατέω τὸν dO)» οἶνον ἀπ᾽ ἀμπέλω,
τούτῳ δεσπότας μνωΐας κέκλημαι.
τοὶ δὲ μὴ τολμῶντ᾽ ἔχειν δόρυ καὶ ξίφος, x. T. λ.
It is also to be remarked that the Lucumones, or “ illustrious
nobles," among the Tuscans, seem to have distinguished their
plebeians as Aruntes (ἀροῦντες), i.e. mere ploughmen and agri-
gultural labourers (Klenze, Phil. Abhandlung. p. 39, note). In
general the prenomen Aruns seems to be used in the old mythi-
cal history to designate an inferior person (Müller, .Etrusk. 1.
p. 405). Others compare the word with 'Apiov, ᾿Αρείων, Sanscr.
varíyas, Lith. wiresnis (Fabretti, 8. v. p. 167).
—— -π-’--«------ο- -——— ——————————————————— τα —-—----
CHAPTER IV.
THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.
I. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as Sabellian also.
8 2. Alphabetical list of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpretation.
83 The Bantine Table. 8 4. Commentary on the Bantine Table. § 5. The
Oippus Abellanus. § 6. The Bronse tablet of Agnone. ὃ 7. The “‘ Atellanz.”
S 1. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered
as Sabellian also. .
TE Oscan language is more interesting even than the Um-
brian, and the remains which have come down to us are
much more easily interpreted than the Eugubine Tables. Indeed,
as Niebuhr has remarked (I. ad not. 212), “some of the inscrip-
tions may be explained word for word, others in part at least,
and that too with perfect certainty, and without any violence."
This language had a literature of its own, and survived the
Roman conquest of southern Italy. It was spoken in Samnium
in the year 459'; it was one of the languages of Bruttium in
the days of Ennius*; the greatest relic of Oscan is the Bantine
Table, which was probably engraved about the middle of the
seventh century; and the Oscan was the common idiom at Her-
culaneum and Pompeii, when the volcano at once destroyed and
preserved those cities.
Although, as it has been shown in a previous chapter, the
Sabines must be regarded as a branch of the Umbrian stock, who
conquered all the Ausonian nations, and though Varro? speaks of
' 1 Liv. x. 20: “ gnaros lingue Osce exploratum mittit."
3 Festus, s. v. bilingues, p. 35: " bilingues Bruttates Ennius dixit, quod
Brutti et Osce et Greece loqui soliti sint."
* L. L. vi. ᾧ 8, p. 180, Müller. "Varro was born at Reate (see
p. 301 of Müllers edition), and therefore, perhaps, attached peculiar
importance to the provincialisms of the ager Sabinus.
E LI Ν
SE rnp PAR ᾿
ΝΠ τ το τ
the Sabine language as different from the Oscan, γοΐδ αν 1 the
remains of the Sabine and Oscan languages belong to a period
when the Sabellian conquerors had mixed themselves up with the
conquered Ausonians and had learned their language, it seems
reasonable that we Should not attempt, at this distance of time,
to discriminate between them, but that, recognizing generally the .
original affinity of the Umbrian and Oscan nations, we should
consider the Sabine words which have been transmitted to us, as
belonging, not so much to the Umbrian idiom, as to the complex
Sabello-Oscan language, which prevailed throughout the whole of
southern Italy. And this view of the matter is farther justified
by the fact, that a great many of these words are quoted, not
only as Sabine, but also as Oscan. It is true that some parti-
cular words are quoted as Sabine, which are not found in Oscan
inscriptions, and not known to be Oscan also; but we cannot
form any general conclusions from such isolated phenomena, espe-
cially as a great many of these words are Latin as well. All
that they prove is simply this, that there were provincialisms in
the Sabine territory properly so called. Still less can we think
with Müller (Etrusk. 1. p. 42), that the Sabine language is the
un-Greek element in the Oscan; for many ofthese words have
direct connexions with Greek synonyms, as Müller himself has
admitted. There are no Sabine Inscriptions as such. The Mar-
sian inscription, quoted by Lanzi, and which Niebuhr thought
unintelligible (1. 105, ad not. 333), is Oscan, if it ought not
rather to be called old Latin.
In the following observations, then, for the materials of which
I am largely indebted to the writings of Professor Klenze (Pht-
lologische Abhandlungen, Berlin, 1839), and of Theodor Momm-
sen (Unteritalischen Dialekte, Leipsig, 1850), the Sabine and
Oscan will be treated in conjunction with one another’. Before
proceeding to consider the Oscan inscriptions, it may be as well
to give an alphabetical list of those words which are cited by old
writers as Sabine, Oscan, or both. |
S 1.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.
b
1 In the present edition I have added some of Mr. Ellis's comparisons
from his Ethnography of Italy and Greece, pp. 23 sqq., where he has
introduced my list with soine further illustrations.
128 THE SABELLO-OBCAN LANGUAGE. [cHaP. IV.
8 2. Alphabetical list of Sabello- Oscan words, with their
interpretation.
Alpus, Sab.. Fest. p. 4, Müller: “ 4/bum, quod nos dicimus, a
Greco, quod est ἀλφόν, est appellatum. | Sabini tamen alpum
dixerunt." Breton alp, “ white," Greek ἀλφός.
Anzur. Plin. H. N. 111. 5: “ flumen Ufens—lingua Volscorum
Anzur dictum." '
Aurelius. Vide s. v. Sol.
Aurum, Sab. Fest. p. 9: “ Aurum—alii a Sabinis translatum
putant, quod illi ausum dicebant." Pruss. ausis, Welsh aur.
Brutus, Osc. “A runaway slave," “a maroon." Strabo, VI.
p. 255; Diod. xvr. 15. Gaelic ruth, “to run;” Lapp. rues =
celer.
Cascus, Casinus, Casnar, Sab. Osc. Varro, L. L. vit. § 28:
- * Cascum significat vetus; ejus origo Sabina, que usque radices
in Oscam linguam egit." § 29: ‘Item ostendit quod oppidum
vocatur Casinum ; hoc enim ab Sabinis orti Samnites tenue-
runt, et nunc nostri etiam nunc Castnum forum vetus appellant.
Item significant in Atellanis aliquot Pappum senem, quod
Osci Casnar appellant." Quintilian says (1. 5, $ 8): ** Casnar,
assectator, e Gallia ductum est." With this meaning, Mr.
Ellis compares the Welsh casnawr. These words probably
contain the Sanscr. root kág-, ‘‘to shine," which also appears
in καθαρός, cas-tus, &c. Canus is also to be referred to this
class (comp. co-esna, cena, &c.), and stands related to candi-
dus, a8 plenus does to s-plendidus. According to Pott (Etym.
Forsch. 11. 109), cas-nar is & compound word, containing the
roots cas-, “ old," and nri, ‘a man." Lobeck thinks (Paralip.
P. 22 n.) that casnar is for canus, as Caesar and Ceso for
Casus.
Catus Sab. Varro, L. L. vir. ὃ 46: “ Cata acuta; hoc enim
verbo dicunt Sabini." We have the Welsh catera, “to cut,”
the A. S. gád, “goad,” and the O. N. gaddr = clavus.
Crepusculum, Sab. Varro, L. L. v1. 85: ““ Secundum hoc dicitur
crepusculum a crepero. Id vocabulum sumpserunt a Sabinis,
unde veniunt Crepusct nominati Amiterno, qui eo tempore
erant nati, ut Lucii prima luce. In Reatino crepusculum sig-
nificat dubium ; ab eo res dicte dubis creper@, quod crepus-
§ 2.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 129
culum dies etiam nunc sit an jam nox, multis dubium." vit.
§ 77: “ Crepusculum ab Sabinis, quod id dubium tempus
— noctis an diei sit." Comp. Festus, s. v. Decrepitus, p. 71,
Müller. The root of this word seems to be contained in the
Sanscr. kshapas, Greek κνέφας (see New Crat. § 160).
Cumba, Sab. Festus, p. 64: “ Cumbam Sabini vocant eam,
quam militares lecticam, unde videtur derivatum esse cubicu-
lum." Comp. Varro, L. L. v. $166, and Gloss. MS. Camberon.
(Voss. Vit. Serm. p. 419: “ Cumba dicitur lectica a cubando.")
Cupencus, Sab. Serv. ad 4in. xii 538: “Sane sciendum,
cupencum Sabinorum lingua sacerdotem vocari: sunt autem
cupenci Herculis sacerdotes." Cf. Gaelic cotbAs, “an arch-
drui d."
Curis, Quiris, Sab. Ovid. Fast. τι. 475: '*Sive quod hasta
curis priscis est dicta Sabinis." Varro (ap. Dion. Hal. τι.
p. 109, Huds.): Κύρεις γὰρ οἱ Σαβῖνοι τὰς αἰχμὰς καλοῦσι".
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Τερέντιος Οὐάῤῥων γράφει. — Macrob. Sat. 1.
9: "Quirinum quasi bellorum potentem, ab hasta, quam Sa-
bini curtm vocant." Festus, p. 49: ““ Curds est Sabine hasta.
Unde Romulus Quirinus, quia eam ferebat, est dictus." Ibid.:
* Curitim Junonem appellabant, quia eandem ferre hastam
putabant." p. 63: *Quis matrone Junonis Curitis in tutela
Sint, qus; ita appellabatur a ferenda hasta, que lingua Sabi-
norum Curis dicebatur." (Comp. Müller, Etrusk. 11. p. 45,
and Festus, p. 254). Servius, dn. 1. 296: “ Romulus au-
tem Quirinus ideo dictus est, vel quod hasta utebatur, que
Sabinorum lingua Curis dicitur: hasta enim, i. e. curis, telum
longum est, unde et securis, quasi semi-curis." Isidor. Ix.
2, 84: “Hi et Quirites dicti, quia Quirinus dictus est Romu-
lus; quod semper hasta utebatur, que Sabinorum lingua qutrts
dicitur." Cf. Plutarch. Vit. Romul. 29. If curis meant “a
lance," as theae authorities indicate, its meaning was derived
from the definition of a lance as **a headed or pointed staff."
The analogies suggested by Pott (t. Forsch. 1. 263, 11. 533)
do not lead to any satisfactory result. Some confusion arises
in the mind from a comparison of Quirites, (curta), curtates,
**the full citizens or hoplites,” with κούρητες, κύριοι, xoipa-
νοι, κοῦροι, xoupftos—words denoting “headship” or “ per-
sonal rank." See New Cratylus, § 330; Welcker, Theognis,
D. V. 9
180 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHaP. IV.
p. xxxii.; Lobeck, 4glaopham. p. 1144, not. c, and ad Soph.
Aj. 814, 2d edit.; and above, p. 30; cf. Irish cotrr, Old Norse
getr, “a spear.” .
Cyprus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. ὃ 159: * Vicus Cyprius (Liv. 1.
48) ἃ cypro, quod ibi Sabini cives additi consederunt, qui 8
bono omine id appellarunt; nam cyprum Sabine bonum."
The word probably contains the same element as the Persian
khub (c2), * good” or “fair.” As Kupra was the Etruscan
Juno, (Strabo, p. 241), this word must have belonged to the
Umbrian element common to both languages. Mr. Ellis
compares both the German hiibsch and the Welsh hyfryd.
Dalivus, Osc. Fest. p. 68: “ Dalivum supinum ait esse Aure-
lius, ZElius stultum. Oscorum quoque lingua significat in-
sanum. Santra vero dici putat ipsum, quem Greci Secdacop,
i.e. propter cujus fatuitatem quis misereri debeat." Comp.
Hesych., Δαλές, μωρός; and see Blomf. ad Asch. Eumen. 818.
Labb. Gloss. daunum, ἄφρονα, where Scaliger reads dalsvum.
We have in a similar sense not only the Gaelic datltean,
Welsh dol, but the Gothic dval, and the Germ. toll.
Diana, Sab. Vide sub v. Feronsa.
Dirus, Umbr. et Sab. Serv. ad Am. irr. 235: “Sabini' et
Umbri, qux» nos mala déra appellant." This word seems to
be the same in effect as the Gr. δεινός. But it comes nearer
to the Gaelic dear “ great,” “prodigious,” and the Welsh
dirted, ‘‘ mischievous,” “ unlucky.”
Falacer (cf. alacer). Varro, L. L. v. § 84. (cf. vir. § 45): “flamen
Falacer a divo patre Falacre." It is supposed by Mommsen
that this word was Sabine, because Veapasian’s Sabine birth-
place was Falacrine or Falacrinum. If so the word must
have belonged to the Umbrian element common to the Sabine
and Etruscan: for Varro tells us here that Falacer was divus
pater, or Jupiter, and we learn expressly that falandum was
the Etruscan equivalent to celum (Fest. p. 88).
Famel, Osc. Fest. p. 87: * Famuli origo ab Oscis dependet,
apud quos servus fame! nominabatur, unde et familia vocata."
Comp. Müller, Htrusker, 1. p. 88. Benfey (Wursel-Lez. τι.
20) woald connect fa-mel for fag-mel with the Sanscrit root
bhaj, *to honour;" Sclav. bog, *god;" Russ. bog -itj, “ to
honour."
§ 2.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 131
Fasena, Sab. Varro (ap. Vet. Orthogr. p. 2230 Ρ.): “ Siqui-
dem, ut testis est Varro, a Sabinis fasena dicitur." p. 2238:
** Itaque harenam justius quis dixerit, quoniam apud antiquos
fasena erat, et hordeum, quia fordeum, et, sicut supra diximus,
hercos, quoniam ferct erant, et hadi, quoniam fedt." The
ancients, however, often omitted the aspirate in those words
which originally had f. Quintil. Inst. Orat. 1. 5. $20: '* Par-
cissime ea (aspiratione) veteres usi sunt etiam in vocalibus,
cum «cedos $rcosque dicebant." The f is changed into ἃ in
the proper name Halesus—the hero eponymus of the Fale-
rians, and founder of Falisci: see "Turneb. Adv. xxi. 8.
Below, Fedus. For the similar change from f to À in the
Romance languages, see New Cratylus, § 111.
Februum, Sab. Varro, L. L. v1. § 13: “ Februum Sabini pur-
gamentum, et id in sacris nostris verbum." Ovid. Fast. 11.
19: “Februa Romani dixere piamina Patres." Fest. p. 85.
Also Tuscan; see J. Lydus de Mens. p. 170. The word may
be compared either with the A. S. fager, “fair,” or with the
Gaelic feabh, “ good." |
Fedus, Foedus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. 8 97: “ Ircus, quod Sa-
bini fercus; quod illic fedus, in Latio rure edus; qui in urbe,
ut in multis A additio, aedus." — Apul. de Not. Adsmr. p. 94
(Osann.): *M. Terentius scribit Aedum lingua Sabinorum
fedum vocatum, Romanosque corrupte hedus pro eo quod est
fedus habuisse, sicut hircus pro fircus, et trahere pro trafere."
p. 125: “ Sabini enim fircus, Romani hircus; illi vefere, Ro-
mani vehere protulerunt." Fest. p. 84: “ Fedum antiqui
dicebant pro hedo, folus pro olere, fostem pro hoste, fostem
pro hostia.” Above, Fasena. We have both Celtic and
Teutonic affinities for this word; cf. the Welsh ged with the
Swedish get and the Gothic gattsa.
Feronia, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 74: “ Feronia, Minerva, No-
vensides & Sabinis. Paulo aliter ab eisdem dicimus Hercu-
lem, Vestam, Salutem, Fortunam, Fortem, Fidem. Et are
Sabinam linguam olent qus Tati regis voto sunt Rome de-
dicate; nam, ut Annales dicunt, vovit (1) Opt, (2) Flore,
(8) Vediovi Saturnoque, (4) Sol, (5) Lune, (6) Volcano et
Summano, itemque (7) Larunde, (8) Termwo, (9) Quirtno,
(10) Vortumno, (11) Laribus, (12) Diana Lucinaque." [The
2
182 THE SABELLO-O8CAN LANGUAGE. . [OHAP. IV.
figures refer to the XII. altars, according to Miller's view,
᾿ Festus, p. xliv.: comp. Etrusk. 11. p. 64.] “Εἰ quis nonnulla
nomina in utraque lingua habent radices, ut arbores, qus in
confinio nate in utroque agro serpunt: potest enim Saturnus
hic de alia causa esse dictus atque in Sabinis, et sic Diana, et
de quibus supra dictum est.”’
Fides, Sab. Above, 8. v. Feronta.
Fircus, Sab. Above, 8. v. Fedus.
Flora, Sab. Above, 8. v. Feronia.
Fors, Fortuna. Ibid.
Gela, Osc. Bteph. Byzant. voc. Γέλα :—o δὲ ποταμὸς (Γέλα)
OTL πολλὴν πάχνην γεννᾷ" ταύτην γὰρ τῇ Ὀπικῶν φωνῇ καὶ
Σικέλων γέλαν λόγεσθαι. We have both the Teutonic kalt
and the Welsh geloer.
Hercules, Sab. Above, 5. v. Feronsa.
Herna, Sab. et Marsic. “A rock." Serv. ad Verg. Aim. vil.
684. Compare xpav-aóe, xápav-ov; Gael. carn; lrish, cair-
neach; Sclav. krement.
Idus, Sab. Varro, Z. L. vi. § 28: “ Idus ab eo quod Tusci
ttus, vel potius quod Sabini «dus dicunt." This root is found
in dt-vid-o, viduus, &c., Sanscrit vidhavá, and even in the
. Semitic languages; see N. Crat. § 39, note.
Irpus, Sab. et Samn. Serv. ad Ain. xit 785: “Nam lupi
Sabmorum lingua htrpi vocantur." Fest. p. 106: “ Jrpint
appellati nomine lupi, quem trpum dicunt Samnites; eum
enim ducem secuti agros occupavere.” Strabo, v. p. 250:
ἑξῆς δ᾽ εἰσὶν Ἱρπῖνοι, καὐτοὶ Σαυνῖται" τοὔνομα δ᾽ ἔσχον ἀπὸ
τοῦ ἡγησαμένου λύκου τῆς ἀποικίας" ἴρπον γὰρ καλοῦσιν οἱ
Σαυνῖται τὸν λύκον. Compare the Sanscrit vrikas ; and see
New Cratyl. S 269.
Jupiter, Sab. 8. v. Feronta.
Lares, Sab. s. v. Feronia.
Larunda, Sab. s. v. Feronia.
Lebasius, Sab. Serv. ad Verg. Georg. 1. 7: “ Quamvis Sabini
Cererem Panem appellant, Liberum Lebasium." It is pro-
bable that the root-syllable should be written lab- = lub- (see
Fest. p. 121, Müller). For the termination we may compare
the Sabine name Vesp-asta.
Lepeste, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. ὃ 128: “ Dictw lepesta, que
§ 4. THE BABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 133
etiam nunc in diebus sacris Sabinis vasa vinaria in mensa
deorum sunt posita; apud antiquos scriptores inveni appel-
lari poculi genus λεπαστάν, quare vel inde radices in agrum
Sabinum et Romanum sunt profectz.”
Laxula, Sab. Varro, 1. L. v. § 107: "Circuli, quod mixta
farina et caseo et aqua circuitum squabiliter fundebant. Hoc
quidem qui magis incondite faciebant, vocabant lixulas et
semilizulas vocabulo Sabino, itaque frequentati a Sabinis."
Comp. liquor, &c.
Lucetius, Osc. Serv. ad in. rx. 570: “Lingua Osca Luce-
téus est Jupiter dictus, a luce quam prestare dicitur homi-
nibus." Comp. lux, λευκός, light, &c.
Lucina, Luna. 8. v. Feronia.
Mesius, Osc. Fest. p. 186: * Mesius lingua Osca mensis
Mattis."
Mamers, Osc. et Sab. Fest. p. 131: ** Mamers, Mamertis facit,
$. e. lingua Osca Mars, Martis, unde et Mamertini in Sicilia
dicti, qui Messane habitent" Id. p. 158: “Et nomen ac-
ceperunt unum, ut dicerentur Mamertini, quod conjectis in
sortem duodecim deorum nominibus, Mamers forte exierat;
qui lingua Oscorum Mars significatur." Id. p. 181: ** Ma-
mercus prenomen Oscum est ab eo, quod hi Martem Ma-
mertem appellant.” Varro, L. L. v. S 73: ^ Mars ab eo
- quod maribus in bello preest, aut quod ab Sabinis acceptus,
ibi (ubi?) est Mamers." This word and its analogies are
explained in the next chapter, 8 2. The whole subject has
been reviewed by Corssen, &ber die Formen wu. Bedeutungen
des Namen Mars in den ital. Dialekten (Zeitschr. f. Vergl.
Sprf. 1852, pp. 1—35), who proposes to consider Mavors
as a contraction of Mar-mar with a formative ἐ, which is also
found in Mare (Mar-t-).
Meddix, Osc. Liv. xxvi. 6: “ Mediz tuticus summus apud
Campanos magistratus." Comp. xxiv. 19. (The old reading
was medtastaticus.) Fest. p. 123: '** Meddix apud Oscos no-
men magistratus est.” Ennius: “ Summus ibi capitur Med-
diz, occiditur alter" (Annal. vii. 78). In this passage from
Ennius, Dacier reads unus for summus. This appears un-
necessary: Meddiz occurs in the Oscan inscriptions with
the epithets degetasius, fortis, and tuttcus; summus may be
184 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [OCHAP. IV.
another epithet of the same kind. The word Meddiz appears
. to be connected in origin with the Greek μέδων. The proper
name Mettius (Fest. p. 158), or Mettss (Liv. 1. 23), seems to
have been this word Meddia. At least Livy says that Met-
tus Fuffetius was made dictator of Alba; and Festus speaks
of Sthennius Mettius as princeps of the Samnites. So, also,
we have MEAAEIZ OYeENZ (Meddix Ufens) in the inscription
given by Castelli di Torremuzza, Sicil. vet. Inscr. v. 45, p. 55:
see Müller, Etrusk. 11. p. 69, note. Knótel proposes (Zettschr.
f d. Alterthumsw. 1850, p. 420) to consider Med-dix = medium-
dicens a8 ἃ compound analogous to ju-dex = 7us-dicens, vin-
dex = vim-dicens, &c. The last word is more truly explained
with reference to ven-co, ven-do, and wen-dico; and as medi
is properly spelt with one d (see Schómann's Gretfawald Pro-
gram fur 1840), it would be better to consider med- as the
root and c — c-s as a mere formative ending: cf. medicus. In
somewhat later times the Sabello-Oscans called their dictator
by the name embratur, which is evidently a shortened form of
the Latin 4m-perator, or wndu-perator. Liv. vill. 39; 1x. 1;
x. 29. Oros. v. 15: '* Postquam sibi Samnites Papium Mu-
tilum smperatorem preefecerant.” Similarly we have coins
with the Oscan inscription, G. Paapi G. Muttl Embratur ;
which refer to the time of the Social War, when the forces
of the confederacy were divided into two armies, each un-
der its own ¢mperator, the Marsi being under the orders of
Q. Popedius Silo, the Samnites having for their leader this
Gaius Papius Mutilus, the son of Gatus. Of tuticus, see
below.
Minerva, Sab. 8. v. Feronta.
Multa, Ose. et Sab. Fest. p. 142: “ Multam Osce dici putant
ponam quidam. M. Varro ait poenam esse, sed pecuniariam,
de qua subtiliter in Lib. 1. questionum Epist. 1. refert." Cf.
p. 144. s. v. Maximam multam. Varro, apud. Gell. ΧΙ. 1:
** Vocabulum autem ipsum multe idem M. Varro uno et vice-
simo rerum humanarum non Latinum sed Sabinum esse dicit,
idque ad suam memoriam mansisse ait in lingua Samnitium,
qui sunt a Sabinis orti,"
Nar, Sab. Virg. din. vir. 517: “Sulfurea Nar albus aque."
Ubi Serv.: “ Sabini lingue sua nar dicunt sulfur.”
S 2.] THE SABELLO-OBCAN LANGUAGE. 135
Ner, nerio, Sab. Suet. Vit. Tiber. 1.: “Inter cognomina autem
et Neronis adsumpsit, quo significatur lingua Sabina fortis ac
strenuus." Gell. xix. 22: ** Nerio a veteribus sic declina-
tur, quasi Anio; nam proinde ut Anienem, sic Nerienem dix-
erunt, tertia syllaba producta; id autem, sive Nerio sive Ne-
vienes est, Sabinum verbum est, eoque significatur virtus et
fortitudo. Itaque ex Claudiis, quos a Sabinis oriundos acce-
pimus, qui erat egregia atque prestanti fortitudine Nero appel-
latus est. Sed id Sabini accepisse a Grecis videntur, qui vin-
cula et firmamenta membrorum νεῦρα dicunt, unde nos quoque
nervos appellamus." Lydus de Mens. 1v. 42. Id. de Ma-
gistr. 1, 28. Compare the Sanscr. nri; and see above, p. 128,
B. V. Cas-nar:; cf. p. 116.
Novensides, Ops. Sab. 8. v. Feronta.
Panis = Ceres, Sab. 8. v. Lebasius.
Panos, Messap. Athen. 11. p. 111 C.: πανὸς ἄρτος Μεσσάπιοι.
This is a confirmation of punus for pants in the Umbrian
inscription (p. 123).
Petora, petorritum, Osc. Fest. p. 206: '* Petorritum et Gallicum
vehiculum est, et nomen ejus dictum esse existimant a numero
IIIL rotarum ; alii Osce, quod hi quoque petora quattuor vo-
cent: alii Grace, sed αἰολεκῶς dictum." Comp. Quintil. Znst.
Orat. 1. 5, S 57. The /Eolic Greek wrote πέσσυρες, πέσ-
capa, or πίσυρα, or πέτορες, πέτορα. In Gaelic we have
peder. The Doric Gr. was Téropes. In general we have τ
in Gr. where we have qv in Latin, and in these cases we have
p in Oscan: e.g. Osc. pis, Lat. qvis, Gr. τίς ; and the Oscans
wrote Tarpintus, Ampus, for the Lat. Tarquintus, Ancus.
But qv was so agreeable to the Roman articulation, that we
find gv in Latin words where we have not τ but vr in Greek.
Comp. πῆ, πέντε (πέμπε), ἵππος, ὅπομαι, λείπω, λίπα (λι-
παρός), ὄπτιλος, ἐνέπει, πατάσσω, πέπτω, ἧπαρ, with qua,
quinque, equus, sequor, linquo, liqueo, oquulus, $n-qust (quoth
Angl, quéthan Anglo-Sax., gwedyd Welsh'), quatio, quoquo,
jecur. For petor-ritum (petor, “ four," rad, Sanscrit ratha,
“a chariot") see Heindorf on Hor. Sar. 1. 6, 104.
! Seo below, Chap. xi. ὁ 7. We have the present tense of quoth in
the English word be-queath; cf. be-speak.
136 | THE SABELLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. IV.
Picus, Sab. «Strabo, v. § 2: πῖκον γὰρ τὴν ὄρνιν τοῦτον Ovo-
μάξουσι καὶ νομίξουσιν “Apews ἱερόν. Cf. Bret. ptk, “a mag-
. pie."
Pipatio, Osc. Fest. p. 212: “ Pipatio clamor plorantis lingua
Oscorum." We may compare this either with the Gaelic piob,
“to pipe,” “to squeak,” or with the German pfeifen.
Pitpit, Ose. Fest. p. 212: “ Pitptt Osce quidquid." Above,
8. V. Petora.
Porcus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. 897: “ Porcus quod Sabinis dic-
tum Aprimo Porco-por, inde porcus; nisi si a Grecis, quod
Athenis in libris sacrorum scripta κάπρῳ καὶ πόρκῳ." This
root occurs in all the Indo-Germanic languages.
Quirinus, Salus, Sab. s. v. Feronta.
Sancus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 66: “ /Elius Dium Fidium di-
cebat Diovis filium, ut Gre;ci Διὸς κόραν Castorem, et putabat
hunc esse Sancum ab Sabina lingua, et Herculem a Grgca."
Lyd. de Mens. 58: τὸ σάγκος ὄνομα οὐρανὸν σημαίνει τῇ
Σαβίνων γλώσσῃ.
Saturnus, Sab. s. v. Feronia.
Scensa, Sab. Fest. p. 339: '' Scensas [Sabini dicebant, quas]
nunc cenas, que autem nunc prandia, cenas habebant, et pro
ceni[s vespernas antiqui]." Comp. Paul. Diac. in p. 338. Mr.
Ellis compares the Welsh gwinsa and vesperna with the Gaelic
feasgar, both signifying ** evening."
Sol, Sab. s. v. Feronia; see also Varro, L. L. v. §§ 27, 68; but
Festus says (p. 20): * Aureliam familiam, ex Sabinis oriun-
dam, a Sole dictum putant, quod ei publice a populo Romano
datus sit locus, in quo sacra faceret Soli, qui ex hoc Ausels di-
cebantur, ut Valesii, Papisii, pro eo quod est Valerii, Papirii.”
—And on an Etruscan mirror Usil appears as the name of a
figure armed with a bow, which probably represents Apollo,
(Bullett. 1840, p. 11) ; and this would seem to confirm Müller's
suggestion (see Berlin. Jahrbücher, August 1841, p. 222, note)
that the whole word 4usil was the name of the Sun-god, both
in the Sabine and in the Etruscan language. The word 4v-
relius, however, brings us much nearer to Aurora, and while
we have the word Usil on Etruscan monuments in connexion
with the figure of Aurora (Gerhard, Arch. Zeitung, 1847,
Anh. n. 1. p. 9), we find from the obvious reading in a gloss
§ 4.} . THE BABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 137
of Hesychius that the Etruscan word really meant “the morn- |
ing" rather than “the sun:" αὐκήλως 1. avond[ws], ἕως ὑπὸ
Τυῤῥηνῶν. And as the Sabines said ausum from aurum, we
may probably refer both words to the Sanscrit root ush=
urere, and explain the name of the metal from the red glare of
light, which is common to it and to the sun-rise: whence Varro
says (L. L. v. ὃ 83): "aurora dicitur ante solis ortum, ab eo
quod ab igni solis tum aureo aer aurescat." The slight con-
fusion between the sun and his early light is easily accounted
for, and excused: and on the whole it seems better to sup-
pose that sol, from the Sanscrit root swar=calum (Pott,
Etym. Forsch. 1. p. 131), and ausel, from ush = urere, were
independent, but partly commutable Sabine and Etruscan
words.
Sollo, Osc. Fest. p. 298: ‘ Sollo Osce dicitur id quod nos
totum vocamus. Lucilius: vasa quoque omnino redimit, non
sollo dupundi, i.e. non tota. Idem Livius. Sollicuria, in
omni re curiosa. Et solliferreum genus teli, totum ferreum.
Sollers etiam in omni re prudens [comp. Sanscr. sarvártha] ;
et sollemne, quod omnibus annis prestari debet." Grimm.
(Deutsch. Wüórterb. 1. p. 206) compares with this word Goth.
alls, O. H. G., O: S. ἄς. al, A. S. eal, Engl. all, O. N. allr, Swed.
and Dan. all, Ir. ul, Welsh oil, Armor. holl, Gr. ὅλος = ὄλβος,
Lat. salvus, Sanscr. sarva.
Strebula, Umbr. Fest. p. 313: “ Strebula Umbrico nomine
Plautus appellat coxendices quas G[reci μηρία dicunt, que]
in altaria in[poni solebant, ut Plau]tus ait in Fri[volaria]."
Varro, L. L. vit. 8 67: * Stribula, ut Opilius scribit, cir-
cum coxendices sunt bovis; id Grecum est ab ejus loci ver-
sura." Arnob. adv. Gent. vir. 24: “ Non enim placet carnem
strebulam nominari que taurorum e coxendicibus demitur."
Mr. Ellis compares Basque tsterra, Armen. azdr.
Strena, Sab. Elpidian. ap. Lyd. de Mens. 1v. 4: ὁ δὲ Ἔλπι-
διανὸς ἐν τῷ περὶ ἑορτῶν στρήναν τὴν ὑγίειαν τῇ Σαβίνων
φωνῇ λέγεσθαί φησιν. Comp. Symmach. Ep. x. 35; Festus,
p. 918; and the Germ. strenge, Engl. strong, Lat. strenuus,
Gr. στρηνής, στρῆνος, &c. For another sense of strena, see
Fest. p. 313.
Summanus, Sab. s. v. Feronta.
: 138 THE BABELLO-OBCAN LANGUAGE. [oHAP.iv.
Supparus, Osc. Varro, L. L. v. $131: “Indutui alterum quod
subtus, a quo subucula; alterum quod supra, a quo supparus,
nisi id, quod item dicunt Osci." Cf. σίπαρος, siparus.
Tebe, Sab. Varro, E. H. 11. 1,16: “Nam lingua prisca et
in Grecia 7Eoleis Boeotii sine afflatu vocant collis tebas; et in
Sabinis, quo e Grecia venerunt Pelasgi, etiamnunc ita dicunt;
cujus vestigium in agro Sabino via Salaria non longe a Reate
millarius clivus appellatur T'ebe." The word therefore,
according to Varro, was Pelasgian as well as Sabine. Cf.
“top,” * tip," &e.
Terenum, Sab. | Macrob. Sat. r1. 14: “A tereno, quod est
Sabinorum lingua molle, unde Zerentios quoque dictos putat
Varro ad Libonem primo." Comp. the Gr. τέρην.
Terminus, Sab. 8. v. Feronta.
Tesqua, Sab. Schol. Hor. Epist. 1. 14, 19: “ Lingua Sabino-
rum loca difficilia et repleta sentibus sic (tesqua) nominantur."
Testis, Sab. Labb. Gloss. Nom. p. 82: “Testis μάρτυς τῇ τῶν
Σαβίνων φωνῇ." "
Touticus, Osc. Liv. xxvI. 6: “ Medix tutecus.” The Jtine-
rarium Hverosolym. explains the name of the city Equus-
Tuticus, which Horace could not fit to his verse (1. Sat. 5, 87),
by equus magnus. Though it is possible, however, that tuti-
cus might in a secondary application bear this signification,
it is more probable that it is the adj. from tuta civitas, and
that it means publicus or cívicus. Abeken thinks (Mittel-
ttalien, p. 100) that the word eguus in this compound is the
ethnical name ZEquus ; but the version of the Zttinerartum is
confirmed by the inscription of Nuceria, published by Pelli-
cano in 1840: * M. Virtio . M. T. Men. Cerauno . 7Edili . i1
Vir . Jure . dicundo . prefecto . fabrum . V. Vir . cui . decu-
riones . ob . munificentiam . ejus . quod . equum . magnum .
posuerat . et . denarios . populo . dedicatione . ejus . dederat .
duumviratum . gratuitum . dederunt . Nucerie." So that the
city may have derived its name from some such symbolical
steed erected in the market-place, which was at once “ great"
and “public.” Cf. Abella τε Aperula = Boartown or Borton.
Trabea, Sab. Lydus de Mens. 1. 19.
Trafere, Sab. Above, s. v. Fedus.
Trimodia, Sab. — Schol. Hor. Serm. τ. 1, 58: ‘‘ Cumerg dicuntur
§ 3.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 139
vasa minora que capiunt quinque sive sex modios, que lingua
Sabinorum érimodia dicuntur."
Ungulus, Osc. Fest. p. 375: “ Ungulus Oscorum lingua anu-
lus.” Comp. Plin. H. N. xxxu. 1.
Vacuna, Sab. Horat. 1. Epist. x. 49: “Post fanum putre
Vacune.” Porphyr. ad 1.: “ Vacuna apud Sabinos pluri-
mum colitur... Varro... Victoriam ait et ea maxime hi gaudent
qui sapientia vincunt," She seems to have been the goddess
of Victory, whether she approximated in this capacity to
Bellona, to Minerva, to Diana, or to Ceres; and the old
temple, mentioned by Horace, was restored under this name
by the Sabine Emperor Vespasian: vide Orelli, Corp. In-
script. no. 1868. |
Vedius, Sab. 8. v. Feronta.
Vefere, Sab. 8. v. Fedus.
Veta, Osc. Fest. p. 368: “ Veta apud Oscos dicebatur plaustrum."
Vesperna, Sab. s. v. Scensa.
Vesta, Volcanus, Vertumnus, Sab. 8. v. Feronta.
88. The Bantine Table.
The most important fragment of the Oscan Language is carved
on a bronze tablet, which was found in the year 1793 at Oppido,
on the borders of Lucania, and which is called the Tabula Ban-
tina on account of the name Banse occurring in the inscription,
which seems to refer to the neighbouring city of Bantia in
Apulia’. On the other side is a Latin inscription, which will be
considered in its proper place.
The Oscan Bantine inscription contains thirty-eight lines or
fragments of lines. Of these lines four to twenty-six are com-
plete at the beginning; and lines eleven to thirty-three have
preserved the ends entire: consequently there are some six-
teen lines which may be read throughout. Of course, the
certainty and facility of the interpretation vary materially with
the completeness of the fragment; and while many passages
in the intermediate lines may be made out almost word for
word, we are left to mere conjecture for the broken words and
. 1 It was bought fer the Museo Borbonico for 400 scudi. -
140 THE SABELLO-O8CAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. IV.
sentences at the beginning and end. The following is a copy
of the Table.
1.. . . s.nom [f just, ae ru . . .
2... . suc l(e) l(ey(t)us.q. moltam angit .
| u . amnur
.8.. . . dewast . maimas . carneis . senaters .
tanginud . am
4, XL . 0805 .. . . 0C . egmo . comparascuster . suae .
pis . pertemust . pruer.pan. . .
. B. deivatud. . sipus . comonei . perum . dolom . mal.
lom . som . 0c . comono . mais . egm .
6. cas . amnud . pan . pieis . umbraters . aut.
cadeis . amnud . inim . wdic. stom. dat .
senat .
7. tanginud . motmas . carneis . pertumum . pie.
ez .comono . pertemest . rzic . erzerc . zicel.
8. comono . ni . hipid pis . pocapit . post . post .
exac . comono . hafiert . meddis . dat . cas-
trid . loufi[rud ] . [aut] .
, 9. en. eituas . factud . pous . touto . dewatuns . tan-
ginom . deicans . siom . dat . eizasc . idic.
tangineis . .
10. deicum . pod . valaemom . touticom . tadast . ezum .
nep fel f jactd . pod. pis. dat. eizac . egmad.
min. .
11. deivaid . dolud . malud. suae . pis . contrud . exeic .
Jefacust . autv . comono . hipust . molto .
' etan .
12. to . estud . n. QD. in. suae . pis . tone. fortis .
meddis moltaum . herest . ampert . minstreis .
aeteis .
18. eituas . moltas . moltaum . licitud . suae . pis.
prumeddixud . altrei . castrous . auti . ertuas
14. zicolom . dicust . izic . comono . nt. hind . ne.
«......
ὃ 3.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 141
16.
17.
pon . op . toutad . petirupert . urust . sipus .
perum . dolom .
. mallom . in . trutum.. zico . touto . peremust . petiro-.
pert . neip . mais . pomlis .. com . prewatud .
actud .
pruter . pam . medicat .inom . didist . in. pon.
posmom . con . prewatud . wrust . eisucen .
ziculud . |
zicolom . XXX . nesimum.. comonom . ni . hid .-
. Suae . pis . contrud . exeic . fefacust . 4onc .
suae . pis.
. herest . meddis . moltaum . licitud . ampert . mistreis .
aeteis . eituas . licitud . pon . censtur.
. [Blansae . tautam . censazet . pis. ceus . Bantins .
ust . censamur , esuf . in . evtuam . poizad .
ligud.
. aise (7) censtur.. censaum . anget . uzet . aut . suae .
pis . censtomen . nev. cebnust . dolud .
mallud .
. in . eizeic . vincter . esuf . comener . lamatir . prmed-
dixud, . toutad . praesentid . perum . dolum . ᾿
. mallom . in . amiricatud . allo . famelo . 4n . et. siuom .
paer . eizeis . fust . pae . ancensto . fust .
. toutico.estud. pr . suae . praefucus . pod . post .
— "exac . Bansae . fust. suae . pis . op . eizois .
com
924. a[ T ]trud . ligud . acum . herest . auti . prumedicatud .
25.
26.
manimaserum . eizazunc . egmazum .
pas . ex . ascen . ligis . scriftas. set .nep .him . pru-
hiyid . mais . sicolois . X . nesumois. — suae.
pis . contrud .
exeic . pruhipust . molto. etanto . estud τ. (D. 1n .
8uae . pis. tonk . meddis . moltaum . herest.
licitud .
142 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. (CHAP. IV.
27. [ampert] minstreis . aeters . eituas . moltas . mol-
taum .licitud — pr . censtur . Bansae .
28. [m . prs. fu yd . nei.suae .q.fust. nep . censtur.
. net. 8uae . pr . fust . in . suae . pis.
pr.in.suae.
29... .. . μὲ... pis. tacus . am. nerum . fust . zie.
post . eizuc . ir . pl. mi . fud . suae . pis.
30....[p Jocapid . Bansa| e]. [f ]ust . àzic . amprufid . facus
. estud . dic . medicim . eizuk .
981....m.2 . . m.mnerum...medicim . . sinum
. VI. nesimum .
92...om[j]udem .acfeh . . . . mum. pod.
93. .m.lu.sum..ems.s. . . . . medicum.
94. . . ntstreis a[e]teis 2
95. . . estlicitud tr.
96. . . comipid irucis .
37. . . trip] estud .
98. . . timom . .
84. Commentary on the Bantine Table
In the first line we have only the words fust— fuerit and
ἑσΐο τὰ ὦ, which are of frequent occurrence. |
In 1. 2 we read: Q. moltam angit. u. — Q. is the common ~~ |
abbreviation for questor, whose business it was to collect such
fines : compare Mus. Ver. p. 469 : QVAIRTORES . . . . AIRE.
MVLTATICOD . DEDERONT. We have seen above that wiulta
8. molia is recognized as ἃ Sabello-Oscan word; and it is of
course equivalent to the Latin multa. As anter is the Oscan
form of énter, we might suppose that an-git.u was for in-ttt
.o. But ἃ comparison of the Oscan inscriptions xxiv. 18 (p. 71
Leps.): medd(ss degetastiis araget, and xxvir. 38 (p. 86 Leps.):
meddís degetasis aragetud «multas (which are obviously, with the
common change of d to r, meddix degetastus adiget and meddix
degetastus adigito multas), would rather show that angit.u[d]
is an abbreviation of adigito, the dental liquid representing the
dental mute.
8 4.} THE SABELLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE, 143
L. 8: detvast matmas karnets! senateis tanginud. The first
word is the conjunctive of divavit, which occurs in the inscrip-
tion quoted by Lanzi (Saggio, 111. p. 533), and we have the
imperative detvatud in l. 5, deivatuns in |. 9, and deivaid in
l. 11. .Deivo must be identical with divo in Lanzi's inscription,
which runs thus: v. ATII DIVAVIT TUNII IRINII Il. T. IRINII
PATRII DONO MIIIL I. LIB... T. We have also deivames
on the Crecchio Inscription, and Knótel would connect the verb
with devoveo, (Zeitschr. f. d. Alterthumsw. 1850, p. 419). Ety-
mologically this is obviously wrong: butif we adopt Mommsen's
derivation from divus, so that divare means consecrare or divi-
num facere, the meaning will come to this. Huschke (die ook.
wu. Sab. Spr. pp. 64, 70), connects the word with dubius, and
renders deivo by moram facio, morari. Maimas karnets must
mean mazximt (in old Latin maximae) cardenis. So mais in
ll. 15, 25, signifies magts; comp. the French mats: and d is
often omitted in derivatives from the Latin, as in mt-nuté for
media nocte. The cardo maximus refers to the main line in the
templum in Roman land-surveying, and thus in l. 7, we have
maimas karneis pertumum. ΑΒ detvo and pertemo are mani-
festly transitive verbs (cf. comono pertemest, |. 7), the gen. matmas
karneis must be explained as an expression of measurement or
value. Zanginud, which occurs elsewhere, was probably an
ablative case, corresponding to the accus. tanginom (1.9). We
have the same phrase, senatets tanginsíd, in the Cippus Abella-
nus, I. 8; and it is probably equivalent to the de senatuos sen-
tenttad of the senatus-consultum de Bacchanalibus. If so, the
root tag- (with nasal insertion ta-n-g-) occurred in Oscan as well
as in Greek. |
L. 4: ewe pis pertemust. The first two words, sue pis
1.e. st quis, are of constant occurrence in this Table. For the
form of sue=si, see New Cratylus, ὃ 205. So suad = sic
(Müller, Suppl. Ann. in Fest. p. 411). Pertemust is the perf.
subjunctive of a verb pertimere, which seems to mean “to portion
off" or “divide :” comp. pertica, templum, τέμενος, τέμνω, con-
temno, &c.
1 In the second transcription I have submitted k for o, for the reasons
given by Lepsius (ad Inscr. p. 150).
144 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. IV.
L. 5: komonet seems to be the locative of a word com-unus,
synonymous with com-munie, and designating the ager publicus,
i.e. τὸ κοινόν. Perum dolum mallom siom τα per dolum malum
suum. The preposition per-um seems to be a compound like its
synonym am-pert (12, &c.). ok komo-[no] is perhaps Aoc
com-unum : 1onc stands in this inscription for hunc or eum-ce.
L. 6: -kas amnud. In Lepsius’ transcript this is written as
one word; but in the original there is a vacant space between
the two, and -&as is clearly the end of some mutilated word, the
beginning of which was broken off from the end of the preceding
line. Amnud occurs again in this line, and also in the Cip-
pus Abellanus, 1. 17. It seems to be the abl. of some noun.
Mommsen translates it causa, and some such meaning is re-
quired. At any rate, it governs a genitive in both clauses of
this comparative sentence. For egmo is a feminine noun, as ap-
pears from its ablative egmad, |. 10; gen. pl. egmazum, 1. 24.
Consequently -kas must represent the gen. sing. of some adjec-
tive agreeing with eg-mas. Mommsen derives eg-mo from
egere, ΒΟ that it means “ need or business." Huschke, who finds
Greek everywhere, refers the word to αἴχμη, and renders it con-
troversia, jurgium (de osk. u. Sab. Spr. p. 80). As umbratets is
clearly tmperati (cf. embratur with tmperator), and as kadeis
may be the genitive of some noun signifying “permission” (cf.
cadum, χα-ν-δάνω, χατέω, careo, &c.), the whole passage will
mean: magis negotW proprii causá, quam alicujus tmperatt
aut permissi causá, Preis and pret in this line and the next are
the gen. and dat. of pís- quis. It is supposed by several
scholars that dat in this line is another form of the preposition
de; similarly dat castrid loufirud (1. 8) is supposed to mean de
agro libero ; dat eizaisc (1. 9) is rendered by de silks; and dat
eizac egmad (l. 10) is de tlla re (Fabretti, p. 288). If so dei is to
dat 88 se- to sed.
L. 8: nt hid, i.e. ne habeat: conf. ll. 11, 14, 17; also
pru-hipid (25) = ργωλέδοαί, and pru-Mpust (26) = prohtbuerit.
Post post is probably an error of the engraver for pod post,
for pod — quod. signifies quando in |. 23; or we must omit the
former post as an unmeaning interpolation. Post-esak = post-
-hac or post-eak: esak is the accus. neut. pl. of the pronoun
esus, which we have also in the Eugubine Tables, the -k, -ke,
8.4. THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 145
being subjoined, as in the Latin AÀíc--Aé-ce. This is a most
Instructive form, as bearing immediately on a difficulty which
has long been felt in Latin etymology. The quantity of the
last syllables of antea, tntered, postea, proptered, seems at first
sight irreconcilable with the supposition that these words are the
prepositions ante, tnier, &c., followed by the neut. accus. ea.
And a comparison with post-hac, adversus hac (Fest. p. 246,
l 8, &c.) might lead to the supposition that they are ablatives
feminine, the regimen of the prepositions being changed, as is
certainly the case in Umbrian. This is, at any rate, the opinion
of Klenze (Phil. Abhandl. p. 45) and Müller (ad Fest. p. 247).
An English writer supposes that they may be deduced from the
accus. eam, on the analogy of post-quam, ante-quam, &c. (Journal
of Education, 1. 106). But this opinion involves a singular
misconception. It is much more reasonable to conclude that the
demonstrative pronoun, in Latin as in Oscan, being generally
followed by the termination -ce, made its neut. pl. in -a-ce or
-Gc: we have an instance of this in the demonstrative hz-o, the
neut. pl. of which is hec, not ha-ce or ha. Now as this form
has become Aa-c in posthac, and as qua-ce has become que,
we may understand that, as qgue-propter becomes quà-propter;
BO ante-ea-ce, or ante-eec, might become ant’ed; and so of the
others. At least, there is no other way of explaining the neuter
forms que and Aec. .Post-eéa-k is therefore a synonym for
qost-heoc =post-hac. See below, Ch. x. § 4.
Pokaptt (in the Cippus Abell. 1. 52, pukkapid) may be
rendered quandocunque, and compared with the obsolete concaptt,
if this is equivalent to guocunque in Festus (p. 364, Muller):
tignum junctum. adibus vineave, et concapit, ne solvito; where
however a different interpretation may be given: see below, Ch. v1.
§ 12, Fr. 7. The ablatives kastrid loufirud must mean predio
bero. In1. 18 we have kastrous also contrasted with ettuas, which
must = pecunia, and so we have an opposition of land to money
in each case. Of the difference of form between kastrid and
kastrous there is no explanation on the hypothesis that they are
cases of the same noun, The former may be the ablative of 8
word analogous to campes-ter, seges-ter. The latter must be
the accusative plural of a derivative from this under the form
-us or Fes (New Crat. ὃ 257). The forms μήτρως, μητρυιός,
D. V. 10
146 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [OHAP. IV.
πάτρως, πατρῷος, sufficiently vindicate the addition of Fes to the
affix t+r (New. Crat. S 414), and the Umbrian kastruvu/,
the accus. pl. of an adjective kastrueus, proves the existence of
such an extension in the old Italian languages. With an ellipsis
of ager the new adjective would become substantival, and this is
apparently the case with kastrov-s, the accus. pl. of the apoco-
pized kastrov. The root cas-, which occurs in the Latin cas-tus,
casa, cas-trum, conveys the idea of inclosure, purity, and protec-
tion (New Crat. § 267). Consequently castris or castrous ager
is an inclosed field like the old English **town." There is an un-
observed connexion between castrum and predium. The latter
is derived from pres ( pred = pra-vad, for we have pro-vides for
grades in the lex Thoria, which is not older than &.c. 111), “a
surety in money-matters," and this noun includes eas, (vad-,
* wad"') the more general name for “a bail.” The same term is
also included in custos (custod = cast-vad-); and while this word
combines the idea of surety with that of protection, pras com-
bines the idea of surety with that of substitution ; there is the
same opposition between castrum or custodéum the place of
security, and predium the property which represents ἃ man's
person. The form loufir for ber is justified by the old form
ἴωδον = luber (Fest. p. 121); which is farther supported by the
Greek ἐλεύθερος; cf. ἔρυθρος with ruber, &c.
L. 10: pod valemom toutikom tadatt ezum nep. fepakid
pod pis dat, i.e. [et quia fecit]: quod salutem publicam tardet
ex tts, neque fecit, quod quis dat [faciendum]. Tadait ap-
pears to contain the root of tedet, which is connected in sense
and etymology with tardus; the r is only an assimilation to the
d. Bimilarly we have: ''pigere interdum pro tardart,” Festus,
p. 213, Müller. Fepakid is only an error for feéfakid, like
docud for dolud in the next line. We see from this and the
conjunctive fefakust, which follows, that the Oscans formed the
preterite of facio by reduplication, and not by lengthening the
root-syllable (New Crat. § 377).
The passage from 1. 11 to the end of the paragraph may be
supplied and explained as follows: suc pis kontrud eseik fefa-
kust, auti komono hip[ust], [molto] [etan]to estud n. ὦ Φ., tn
suc pis tonk fortis meddis moltaum herest ampert s [naireis
aelteis ettuas moltas moliaum likitud: i.e. δὲ quis adversus
§ 4, THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 147
hac fecerit, aut com-unum (i.e. agrum publicum) habuerit
(i.e. possedertt), multa tanta esto numi CIO.CI0, (nde st quis
eum validus magistratus multare voluerit usque ad minores
partes pecunie multas multare liceto. It 18 easy to restore
molto etanto from 1. 26 infra. Multa tanta refers to what has
preceded, like the stremps lex esto of the Roman laws. The
sum is denoted by the numeral sign, which was subsequently:
represented by CIO, just as 11.8. became H.8. Fortis meddix =
validus magistratus (see Festus, p. 84, s. v. forctes), in other
words, “a magistrate of sufficient authority." Molta-wm is the
old infinitive of multo. Herest is the perf. subj. of a verb hero,
* to choose" or “take” (root λέν, a hand," Sanscr. Art), which
occurs in the Umbrian Tables with a slight variety of meaning.
In the Latin Bantine Table (1. 7) we have quet volet magis-
tratus in a parallel clause. That ampert is a preposition is
clear, and it is also obvious that it denotes extension: but that
it is to be referred to dup) περί, as Grotefend proposes, is
not so manifest. I should rather think that peré is a termi-
nation here, as in pettro-pert (1. 15); and if so, it qualifies the
prepos. am, corresponding to the German wm, which is also
used with qualifying terminations, whether prepositional or
otherwise: compare the Latin ad-versus, $n-usque, &c.; and as
pettropert signifies usque ad quatuor and pert viam (Cipp.
Abellan. |. 33) 2 usque ad vam, we may render am-pert by tn-
usque or usque ad. Minstreis cteis is supplied from ll. 18, 27.
The word ménts-ter is the correlative of magis-ter!; and as
magistra or magistratus were the higher public functionaries, so
sinistri were those who did the state service in a subordinate ὦ
capacity—lictores, viatores, and such like. Here minister is a
general adjective corresponding to minor. The phrase ampert
minstress aeteis eituas occurs again in |. 18, and may be ex-
plained by the Latin inscription on this table, where we find 1. 10:
dum minoris partis familias taxat. If this is the true inter-
1 This obvious comparison occurred to me independently of Pott, who,
as I learn from Aufrecht, had made the same observation (Etym. Forsch.
n. p. 254). Another form of the same kind is sinis-ter from sinus (Pott,
Zahimethode, p. 139, where he seems to refer to the false derivation of
minister from manus). °
10--
148 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE: [CHAP. IV.
pretation, aetís signifies “a part,” and is connected with the
root vid- in vidua, di-vido, with the Etruscan ttus, Sabine zdus
(Varro, L. L. vi. § 28), just as Achivus is related to ᾿Αχαεός,
equus to in-tquus, &c. For the relation between vid- and id-
see New Crat. § 116, where the principle was first indicated.
Klenze takes ettuas for istas ; and Grotefend translates it erarst.
It is nearly certain that ettua = pecunia; if so, the word may be
derived from «s; in which case we shall have @[s|tuus by the
side of ws-timus (preserved in «s-timo: see below, Ch. vit. ὃ 5),
just as we have both edi-tuus and edi-timus (Festus, p. 13).
L. 18: sue pis pru-meddisud altrei castrous auti ettuas zi-
kolom dicust, izik komono ni hipid: i.e. st quis pro magis-
tratu alii prediaria aut pecunias in sictlicum (1. e. portionem)
dicavertt, is comunum ne habeat. Prumeddisud seems to be much
the same as prumedtkatud, |. 24. Pru stands for pre or pro:
so we have pruter (1. 16), prukspid (1. 25), for prater, prohibeat.
The £icu/us, mentioned in this and other passages of the Table,
seems to be the stctlicus (from seco), which was, in land-measur-
ing, à of the juger, or six hundred square feet (Columella, v. 1,
9): in general it expressed subdivision, and was 2, of the as,
or } of the semuncia in money-reckoning (Fest. p. 366: Stc#-
licum dictum quod semunciam secet; Labb. Giloss.: Stctlicum,
τέταρτον οὐγκίας; Boóckh, Metrolog. Untersuchung. p. 160), and
also τς of the guinaria (Frontin. de Aquad. c. 28), and of the
hora (Plin. xvi. 32).
L. 14: ne pon op toutad petirupert urust sipus p. d. m.
The first words here are very obscure. Klenze joins optou-
tad, which he translates propterea. Mommsen translates op
toutad “a populo." Petiru-pert seems to include the Umbrian
petur — quatuor (Eug. Tab. vi. b. 11), and may mean usque ad
quatuor: see on 1. 12. — Urust is the perf. subj. of urvo 8. urbo =
aratro definto, circumdo (Fest. p. 375; Pomponius, LL. 239, § 6,
de Verb. Signif.), whence urbs, and perhaps orbis. Sipus p. d. m.,
“knowingly and with evil design." Sipus — sibus, for which see
Fest. p. 336.
L. 15: pettro-pert neip mais pomtis- usque ad quatuor
neque plus quinque. It is known that the Samnite proper
name Pontius corresponds to the Latin Quintius (see New Crat.
§ 161). Ibid: kom preivatud aktud - cum privato actu. Fest.
ἢ 4.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE, 149
P. 17: “ Actus in geometria minorem partem jugeri, id est cen-
tumviginti pedum." Niebuhr, Hist. of Hom. 11. Append. i. ad
not. 29: “The jugerum, as the very name implies, was a
double measure; and the real unit in the Roman land-measure
was the actus, containing 14,400 square feet, that is, a square of
which each side was 120 feet.”
L. 16: pruter pam = prater-quam.
LL. 18, sqq.: pon kenstur Bansew tautam kensazet pis keus
Bantins fust kensamur esuf in ettuam poizad ligud atsk kenstur
kensaum anget uzet aut sue pis kenstomen nei kebnust dolud
mallud in eizeik vinkter esuf comenet lamatir prmed-dizud toutad
presentid perum dolum mallum in amirikatud allo famelo in e$
sivom paet eizeis fust pae ancensto fust toutiko estud. The first
words are tolerably clear: Quum censor (here censitor) Bantia
civitatem censassit, quis civis Bantinus fuertt. The letter z here
represents the combination ss, as has been shown above by a
comparison of ὄβρυξα, obrussa, &c.; it is sometimes equivalent.
to t(u)s as in hore = hortus (Mommsen, Unterit. Dial. p. 128, 139,
140); cf. the Umbr. piaz for piatus (Umbr. Sprd. 1. 108); and
in the gen. egmazum it corresponds to the Latin r—2. The
second of these values seems to have been borne by the Etruscan
2, if achnaz = agnatus (Fabretti, 8. v.). The form keus for civis
is etymologically interesting. It proves that -vis is the termina-
tion of the Latin word: consequently ke-us, ct-vis, is composed
of the root ke (κεῖ-μαε, &c.), and the pronominal affix, -vi-s, -u-s
(see New Cratylus, S 257), and the word means “a squatter,”
or generally ‘an inhabitant;" compare θῆτες, tnsassen, &c.
(Buttmann, Lezil. 11. 111, note). The word kensamur, if it is
one word, is hardly intelligible. Grotefend understands it as
the passive participle &ensamus for kensamnus or censendus ; but
although the participial termination mn is often reduced to n, I
know no instance in which it is represented by m only. ΑΒ we
must expect here a passive imperative, it seems most reasonable
to conclude that kensamur is a corruption for kensatur = censetor.
A different explanation, but to the same effect, has been proposed
by Curtius (Zeitschr. f. d. Alterthw. 1849, p. 846). It is re-
markable that the verb is conjugated in -ao, and not.like its
Latin equivalent in -eo. The conjugation seems to be censo, -as,
“ut, -Gum, -itus, like veto. In the next words we have a form
150 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. IV.
uzet, which seems to be a parallel to anget; and this, as is
shown above, means adiget. But it would be difficult to explain
such a form as wuzo. Aufrecht (Zestschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. τ. 189)
reads angetuzet as one word, which, however, he does not ex-
plain. Now -tuset occurs in the Cippus Abellanus, ll. 16—39,
as an affix to verb-forms: pruf-tuset, tribarakat-tuset; and even
in Etruscan: hareu-tuse (Cipp. Perus. 24); and I should explain
these agglutinate words as parallel to the Latin venum-do, cre-do,
considering éu- as identical with do. If so, angetuzet will mean
adactum dabtt or adigesset. .Esu-f seems to correspond exactly to
4-bi, just as pu-f (Tab. Pomp. xxiv. 4, 3) answers to u-bt. For
poisad Aufrecht (u.s.) suggests pam eizad. If potzad is to
stand, it must be a subjunctive corresponding to penset, a form
of pendo. The analogy is supported by the French potds for
pondus, &c. Ingud atske = lege hac, just as below, 1. 25, es
aisken ligts must mean ex hesce legibus. It is hardly possible to
understand kenstom.en.except as an abbreviation of the two
words censtom enom, the latter being the same pronoun which
appears in Latin, in the locative case, as the conjunction entm,
Sanscrit éna (New Crat. S 170). Grotefend’s supposition that it
is ἃ noun imn -men, like the Umbrian esunumen, is inadmis-
sible, because in that case the word must have been censamen.
Mommsen (p. 269) suggests an affixed particle =tn, so that
Kenstom-en — 4n censum. This, to say the least, requires to be
supported by examples. The verb kebnust = kebnuerit is a-very
difficult word. Mommsen (p. 269) proposes to connect it with
the Gothic quéman “to come," so that kebnust τε cbenust. Auf-
recht, who justly objects to this etymology (u. s. p. 190), sug-
gests a connexion with the Sanscrit gap jurare. It appears to
me that the first syllable is the root of cap-ut, xep-ady, haupt,
&c.; 80 that keb-nuo would be equivalent to κατανεύω, “to
assent to," or, if this is required, “to affirm" on oath. This
interpretation of kebnust is of course conjectural only; and in a
matter of so much uncertainty it is better to leave it as it is.
Of the next words we cannot make much. Toutad presentid =
populo presente? Amtrikatud =immercato (Kirchhoff, Zestschr.
f£. Vergl. Sprf. τ. 31). We know from Festus that famel was an
Oscan word, and famelo appears by the context to be a feminine
derivative from it, signifying familia (cf. egmo, abl. egmad).
§ 6. THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 15}
Allo can only be a demonstrative adjective containing the same
root as al-ter, al-tus, ollus, &c. And thus the main predication
will be américatud allo famelo toutiko estud, i, e. immercato q. d.
sine emptione, tlla familia publica esto. The intervening words
are not easily dealt with, and inetstuom can only be rendered
conjecturally: but the general meaning of ll. 21— 223, clearly is:
aut 8i quis censum non juraverit dolo malo et illud convincitur, 4b
tn publico queratur promagistratu populo presente propter dolum
malum; et sine emptione tlla familia (perinde atque gus fuerst
qua non censita fuerit) publica esto. |
L. 23: Pr sum prefubu pod post ejak Bansm fust:
i e. pretor sive profectus, quando post-hac Bantio fuerit.
Profukus is formed from prejficto, in the same way as the
Umbrian der-secus from dis-seco. LL. 28 sqq.: sue pis op-
eizois kom alirud ligud akum herest, auti prumedikatud manim-
aserum etzazunk egmazum pas es aisken ligis skrifias set
ne phim pruhyid mais stkolots X. nesimots, &c.: i.e. at quis
οὗ hac cum altero lege agere voluerit, aut pro magistratu
manum conserere propier eas res, quas ex hisce legibus scriptas
actet, ne in hoc prohibeat plus sicilicis decem. contiguis. (below
Chap. vir. ὃ 6), &c. The Table has ne. phim; I would rather
read nep him: nep occurs for neque in the Cippus Abellanus,
ll. 46, 47, and is used in an absolute prohibition in Umbrian
(Tab. Eug. v1. 4, 27); and him appears to be the locative of
the pronoun fi (see New Crat. ὃ 139). The rest of the para-
graph has been explained before.
There is nothing in the last paragraph which seems to re-
quire any observation, except that in 1. 29 tribunes of the plebs
seem to be mentioned: ἐγ, pl. nt fuid = nist fuit. tribunus
plebes.
§ 5. The Cippus Abellanus.
Next to the Tabula Bantina the most important monument
of the Oscan language is a stone tablet called the Cippus Abel-
lanus, which was moved from Avella Vecchia! to the modern
1 The old Abella, or Avella, was probably Aberla=aperula= Eberstadi;
cf. Atella=aderla = aterula -z Sowarsburg (Corssen, Zeitschr. 7. Vergl.
152
village of that name in 1685, and there employed as a door-step,
until in 1745 it was remarked by Remondini, then professor in
the Episcopal Seminary at Nola, and by him removed to the
Museum in that seminary about 1750. The subject of the in-
scription is an agreement between the neighbouring Campanian
cities, Abella and Nola. It will be sufficient to give the inserip-
‘tion with an approximate and in part conjectural translation,
THE BABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [OHAP. IV.
which is in great measure due to Theodore Mommsen.
maiiof . vestirikifo . mai sir
_ prupukid . sverrunef . kvaíst(u]
.. reí . abellanof . {nfm . maiio[]
jovkifoí. mai. pukalatoí
5. medíkef . deketasiof . novla
' [nof f]ním . ligatofs . abellan
[ofa]
. Íním lígatoís novlanofs
pos senate[f]s tanginod
suveís potorospfid lígat[os]
10. fufans . ekss . kombened
sakaraklom . herekleís
slaagid . pod. ist. inim teer[om]
pod . op . eísod . sakaraklod[ist]
. pod.anter. teremníss . eh[trad.]
15. fst . paf. teremennio . ino[íní-
tanginod . prof. tuset . r[ehtod.]
amnod . puv . {dik . sakara-
[klom]
Íním . fdfk. terom . moínf[kom]
᾿ς mofnfkef . teref . fusíd [aut.]
20. efsefs . sakarakleís . íf[nfm]
terefs . fruktatiuf . fr[ukta]
[tios] . mofnfko . poturu[m-
pid}. |
[fus]id . aut. novlanu[
...] hereklefs . fi]
Magio Vestricieio Magii fil
... Berroni queesto-
ri Abellano, et Magio
Jovicieio Magii fil. Pucalato
magistratui dictario Nola-
no et legatis Abellanis
et legatis Nolanis,
qui sénatus jussu
sui utrique legati
fuerunt, hoc convenit.
Sacellum Herculis
in agro quod est et terra
qui apud id sacellum est,
quise inter terminos extra
est, quse terminatio communi
jussu probabitur justá
causá aliquá, id sacellum
et ea terra communis
in communi terra erit. At.
ejus sacelli et |
lerre in messe mes-
sio communis utrorumque
erit. At Nolanorum
... Herculis fanum
Sprf. 1852, p. 17). Pott (Etym. Forsch. 1. 124, rt. 100), supposes an
: original form Alb-ella; but the first syllable was short; Verg. 4. VII.
. 740: "et quos maliferee despectant monis Abellm."
5.6.
ὅ. ...] ispíd . novlan[
ipu...ist é .
ekkum
trifbaraka
lifmfto.. term.
30. herekleís . .fíísnu . mefo .
ist . ehtrad . fefhoss . Peel
hereklefs . fíísnam .
et. pert . viam . scat
pef * fp . ist " postin. slagím,
95. senateís . suveís . tangi
^ nod. tribarakavum . lí
kítud . íním . fok . tríba
rakkiuf. pam . novianos .
tribarakattuset . ínim
40. ofttiuf. novlanum . estud
ekkum . svaí . píd . abellanos
tribarakattuset . fok . tri
barakkiuf . {nim . ofttiuf .
abellanum . estud . aut
45. post. fefhofs . pos. físnam . am
fret . efsef . tereí . nep . abel-
Janos . nep. novlanos . pidum
tribarakattins . aut . the
saurom . pod . eseí . teref . fst
50. pon . patensíns . moinfkad .
^ an]:
ginod . patensins . íním píd
dsef]
thesaureí . pukkapid . eh[trad]
[o]íttíom . alttram . alttz[
Jerríns . aut . anter slagfím]
55. [a]bellanam . infm . novlanam
[pplled . vio. uruvo. ist. tedur
[elísaí . víaf . mefiaf . tereme[n]
[nfiu stafet .
THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.
153
que Nolans
ibi est
Item [si volent agrum
parti[ri qui ager]
limitatus [post] term[inos, ubi]
Herculis fanum medium
est, extra antefixa, ques
Heroulis fanum amb-
iunt, ad viam usque positus est,
qui ibi est positus, agrum
senatus sui jus-
Bu partiri li-
ceto; et is partiti-
one quam Nolanus (senatus)
partietur et
usui Nolanorum esto.
Item si quid Abellanus (senatus)
partietur, is (ager) par-
titione et usu
Abellanorum esto. At
post antefixa quse fanum am-
biunt, in ea terra neque Abel-
lanus neque Nolanus quidquam
partiantur. At the-
saurum qui in ea terra est
quum aperiunt, communi jus- -
su aperiant, et quidquid in eo -
thesauro quandocunque extra
usum alterum-alterius
habeant, At inter agrum
Abellanum et Nolanum
quacunque via curva est, ibi
in ea via media termina.
tio stet. -
184 THE SABELLO-OBUAN LANGUAGE. [OHAP. tiv.
On the forms which occur in this inscription it is not necessary to
say much. Slagis, which occurs in the accus. and abl. sing.
seams to contain the root of locus (stlocus), lac-una, loch, &c.
Prof-tuset, tribarakat-tuset, tribarakat-tins, are agglutinate forms
like venum-do, cre-do, &c. The adjunct tu- is probably equiva-
lent to do, signifying “to make, or put.” Thus prof-tuset =
probatum dabit — probabitur (see above, on Tab. Bant. 1. 20).
F'í(sna comes from fes- or fas-, as in fes-cenninus, fas-cinum.
Fethos contains the root of figo. And tedur is a pronominal
adverb corresponding in form and meaning to the old use of
igtur,
8 6. The Bronse Tablet of Agnone.
The most recent contribution to our knowledge of the Oscan
language is furnished by a small bronze tablet, which was dis-
covered at Fonte di Romito, between Capracotta and Agnone, in
the year 1848. As the place of discovery is near the river
Sagrus or Sangro, this inscription may be regarded as exhibiting
the most northerly as the Bantine table exhibits the most southerly
dialect of the Samnite language. It is obvious, on the slightest
inspection, that the table speaks of a series of dedications to dif-
ferent deities or heroes, who are enumerated in the dative case.
Accordingly, it is not likely to add much to the general vocabu-
lary of the Sabello-Oscan idioms. Its interpretation has been
attempted by Henzen (Annals dell’ Instituto Archeol. 1848,
pp. 882—414), Mommsen (tid. pp. 414—429; unterttal. Dia-
lekte, pp. 128 sqq.), Aufrecht (Zettechrift f. Vergl. Sprf. 1. pp. 86,
844.), and Knótel (Zeitschr. f. d. Alterthumsw. 1850, no. 52, 53,
1852, no. 16, 17), who are by no means in agreement respecting
the proper names or ordinary words which it includes. The in-
terpretation, which I have placed by tbe side of the text, is in-
debted in most points to some or other of my predecessors.
Face.
status . pus . set . hortin . Consecratio quse sit horto
kerríiín : vezkef . statif . geniali Vesco stative,
evklof . statif. kerri. statif . Libero st., Cero st.,
futref . kerríiaí . statíf . Cereri geniali st.,
b. anter. statoí. statif . Interstites st.,
§ 6.]
líganakdíkef . entraf . statif.
anafríss . kerrfiofs . statif .
10. maatoís . kerríioís . statff .
dioveí. verehasioí . statíf .-
dioveí . regaturef . statíf .
hereklof . kerríiof . statif .
petanaí . piístíaf . statif .
15. deívaí . genetaf . statíf .
aasai . purasiaf .
saahtom . teforom . alltref .
poterefpid . akenef .
sakahíter .
20. fluusasiaís . az . hortom
sakarater
pernaí . kerrfiaf . statif .
ammaf . kerrfiaí . statif .
flussaí . kerrfiaf . statif .
2b. evkloi. pateref . statíf .
Back.
aasas . ekask . eestínt
hortof
vezkef
evklof
5. fautref
anter. stataí .
kerrí
ammaf
diumpaís
10. liganakdíkef . entraí.
kerrfiaf .
anafríss .
maatoís .
diovef . verehasio
15. diovef . piíhiof . regaturef .
hereklof . kerrfiof .
patanaf pifstiaf .
defvaf . genetaf .
aasaí . purasiaf .
THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.
Matri geniali st.,
Lymphis genialibus st.,
Leganecdici immote st.,
Ambarvalibus genialibus st.,
Matutis genialibus st.,
Jovi almo st.,
Jovi pluvio st.,
Herculi geniali st.,
Panda pistrici st.,
Dive genetee st.,
Aree pure ;
sacrum tepidum alter-
utro anno
sacratur.
Floralibus ad hortum
sacrificatur ;
Pali geniali stative,
Matri geniali st.,
Flore geniali st.,
Libero patri st.
Arex he exstent
Jovi pio pluvio,
Herculi geniali,
Pands pistrici,
Dives genete,
Are pure;
155
156 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. IV,
20. saahtom . teforom. | sacrum tepidum
alttreí potereífpíd alterutro
akenef . anno;
horz:. dekmanniofs staít . hortus in decumanis stet.
The substantive kerus and its possessive kereras must be explained
with reference to the root cer-, cre- (creare), Sanscr. kri, “to
make," which we find in Ceres and Cerus — creator, Festus,
p. 122. To the same class of deities belongs Futris (root φυ-,
fu), and it is a matter of indifference whether Venus or Ceres
comes nearest to the goddess intended. Knótel identifies Evklus
with ZpAéclus, and of course this is possible; but the adjunct
patri in 1. 25, seems to denote a deity analogous to Liber
Pater (cf. Evíus); Amma corresponds, as Aufrecht suggests, to
the Germ. amme, Sanscr. ambá, “mother.” On diwmpats = lym-
phis, which is compared with the Sanscrit dtp — fulgere, splen-
dere, in the same way as limp-tdus falls back on Xdjwme, see
the authorities quoted by Fabretti (p. 317). Verehasius, as an
epithet of Jupiter, is explained by the Sanser. vridh, “to grow,"
whence the Latin virga; and regator must be rtgator, i.e. plu-
vius. Patana is Panda or Patella (Gell. xiii. 22, Arnob. rv.
7), who opens the husk of the grain. Téeforom answers to the
Latin tepidus, and still more nearly to the Etruscan tephral (see
above, Chap. 11. ὃ 11). Akenus is = annus, as in Umbrian (see
Aufrecht u. Kirchhoff, Umbr. Sprd. p. 401). Perna is Pales
— Pares (v. Festus, p. 222, Muller; and cf. vetus, veter-nus, luz,
luci-na, dies, dia-nus, jov-is, ju-no, &c.). We may compare
pistia with pistor, pistum, pisum, '
8 7. The Atellane.
It seems scarcely worth while to enumerate the grammatical
forms which may be collected from these inscriptions, as they
are virtually the same with those which occur in the oldest spe-
cimens of Latin, the only important differences being that we
have -azum for -arum in the gen. pl. of the 1st decl., that the
9rd declension sometimes preserves the original -ss of the nom. pl.,
and that this reduplication represents the absorbed m in the
acc. pl. of the 2nd and 3rd declensions. It may be desirable,
$T] | THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 157
however, before concluding this part of the subject, to make a
few remarks on the Fabule Atellane, the only branch of Oscan
literature of which we know anything.
The most important passage respecting the Fadule Atel-
lane,—that in which Livy is speaking (vir. 2) of the introduc-
tion of the Tuscan /udiones at Rome in the year A.v.c. 390,—
has often been misunderstood; and the same has been the fate
of a passage in Tacitus (1v. 14), in which the historian mentions
the expulsion of the actors from Italy in the year A. U.c. 776.
With regard to the latter, Tacitus has caused some confusion
by his inaccurate use of the word Aisirio; but Suetonius has
the phrase Atellanarum histrio (Nero, c. 39); and the word had
either lost its earlier and more limited signification, or the Atel-
lang were then performed by regular Aístriones. . |
Livy says that, among other means of appeasing the anger of
the gods in the pestilence of 890 A. U. C., scenic games were for
the first time introduced at Rome. Hitherto the Romans had
no public sports except those of the circus—namely, races and
wrestling; but now this trivial and foreign amusement was
introduced. Etruscan /udiones danced gracefully to the sound
of the flute without any accompaniment of words, and without
any professed mimic action. Afterwards, the Roman youth
began to imitate these dances, and accompanied them with unpre-
meditated jests, after the manner of the Fescennine verses; these
effusions gave way to the satura, written in verse and set to the
flute, which was acted by professed hestriones with suitable songs
and gestures; and then, after a lapse of several years, Livius
Andronicus ventured to convert the satura into a regular poem,
and to make a distinction between the singing (canticum) and
the dialogue (diverbia); the latter alone being reserved to the
histriones, and the former being a monologue, by way of inter-
lude, with a flute accompaniment!. Upon this, the Roman youth,
leaving the regular play to the prefessed actors, revived the old
1 Diomed. m1. p. 489: “in canticis una tantum debet esse persona,
aut, si duse fuerint, ita debent esse, ut ex occulto una audiat, nec collo-
quatur, sed secum, si opus fuerit, verba faciat." On the canticum see
Hermann, Opusc. 1. pp. 290, sqq., who has clearly shown that it was not
merely a flute voluntary between the acts.
158 THE BABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. IY.
farces, and acted them as interludes or afterpieces (exod$a!) to
the regular drama. These farces, he expressly says, were of
Oscan origin, and akin to the Fabule Atellanew ; and they had
the peculiar advantage of not affecting the civic rights of the
actors.
In order to understand the ancient respectability of the
Atellance, we must bear in mind the opposition which is always
recognized between them and the Mime. Hermann has pro-
posed the following parallel classification of the Greek and
Roman plays (Opusc. v. p. 260, cf. Diomedes, 111. p, 480, Putsch):
GRECUM ARGUMENTUM. ROMANUM ARGUMENTUM.
Crepidata (Tparyqbía). Pretextata.
Palliata (κωμῳδία). Togata, vel trabeata vel taber-
RATA.
Satyrica (carupot). Atellana
Mimus (pios). Planipes.
Adopting this classification, which has at least much to recom-
mend it, we shall see that as the Greek satyrical drama was
the original form of the entertainment, and, though jocose, was
not without its elevating and religious element, so the Afel-
lana, a8 & national drama, was immediately connected with
the festive worship of the people in which it took its rise, and
therefore retained a respectability which could.not be conceded
to the performances of foreign hestriones. These artists were
not allowed to pollute* the domestic drama; and, being free
from all contact with the professional acfor, the young Roman
could appear in the Atellan play without any forfeiture of his
social position. Whereas, even in the corrupt days of the later
1 As the practice of the Greek and Roman stage involved the per-
formance of several dramas on the same day, it matters little whether we
render exodiwm by “interlude” or “afterpiece.” According to the defi-
nitions given by Suidas and Hesychius, an exodium was that which
followed an exeunt omnes, whether, which was more common, at the end
of a play, or at the end of an act. See the examples given by Meineke
on Cratinus, Fr. Incert. cLxx. p. 220, and compare Baumstark’s article
in Pauly’s Real- Encycl. m1. p. 360.
3 Liv. vo. 2: “nec ab histrionibus pollui passa est."
872] .— THE BABELLO-OSCAÀN LANGUAGE. 159
empire, Juvenal saw something especially monstrous in the fact
that a noble could appear as ἃ mimus or planipes'. With
particular reference to the contrast between the mimus and the
Atellana, Cicero says to Papirius Pstus, who had introduced
some vulgar jokes after a quotation from the CEnomaus of Accius,
that he had followed the modern custom of giving a mime for
afterpiece instead of adopting the old practice of introducing the
Atellan farce after the tragedy*. In the same way he says
that superfluous imitation, such as obscene gestures, belongs to
the domain of those mimi, who caricatured the manners of
men. Ánd while Macrobius considers it as an exceptional merit to
have introduced mtm? without lasciviousness‘, Valerius Maximus
attributes the social respectability of those who performed in the
1 vim. 189, sqq. :
“ populi frons durior hujus,
Qui sedet, et spectat triscurria patriciorum,
Planipedes audit Fabios, ridere potest qui
Mamercorum alapas."
3 Cic. ad Div. 1x. 16, 2: “nunc venio ad jocationes tuas, quum tu
secundum (Enomaum Accii, non, ut olim solebat, Atellanam, sed, ut nunc
fit, mimum introduxisti."
5 de Oratore, τι. 59: “mimorwm est enim ethologorum, si nimia est imi-
tatio, sicut obseccenitas.” Of. ὁ. 60, 6 244.
4 Saturn. 1. 7: “videbimur et adhibendo convivio mimos vitasse
lasciviam." This is the passage referred to by Manutius in his note on
Cicero ad Div. 1x. 16, 2, where he says in a parenthesis : * itaque Macro-
bius Lib. rr. Saturn. mimis lasciviam tribuit" In Smith's Dict. of .Anti-
quities, Art. Atellane fabule, Ed. 1., this note of Manutius is paraded
at fall length as a quotation from * Macrobius Satur. Lib. m1.,” and even
the μὲ arbitror of the commentator is made to express the opinions of the
author quoted. It is evident that the compiler of this Article made no
attempt to verify the reference to Macrobius, which he has used without
stating that he was indebted for it to Manutius, and which he has care-
ΠΥ placed at a distance from his reference to Cicero. His blunder is
the just Nemesis of his want of candour. As he quotes from Valerius
Maximus, ^ rr. 1," instead of “11. 4,” we may presume that in this case
also he is using the learning of some commentator. In the new edition
of Smith's Dictionary the article Atedlane Fabulo is suppressed, and a
short account of the subject is included in the article Comedia, written
by another person. The same Nemesis still tracks the second-hand quo-
tation, for there * Macrobius, Satur. rm." is quoted for Manutius" state-
ment that the Atellana was divided into five acts.
160 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. IV.
Atellan farces to the old Italian gravity which tempered this
entertainment’.
But besides the moral decency by which the Atellana was
distinguished from the Mime, it is manifest from the passage in
Livy that it derived additional recommendation from the fact
that this was a national amusement and was connected with the
usages of the country population, who always contributed a
varying proportion to the inhabitants of ancient Rome. We infer
from the words of the historian that the Roman youth were not
satisfied with either the Tuscan or the Greek importations, and
that it was their wish to revive something that was not foreign,
but national. Of course Livy cannot mean to say that the Oscan
farce was not introduced at Rome till after the time of Livius
Andronicus Muso, and that it was then imported from .Atella.
For whereas Muso did not perform at Rome till the second
Punic war’, Atella shared in the fate of Capua ten years before
the battle of Zama, and the inhabitants were compelled to migrate
to Calatia®. Now it appears from the coins of this place that its
Oscan name was Aderla‘; and the Romans always pronounced
this as Atella, by a change of the medial into a tenuis, as in
Mettus for Meddix, imperator for embratur, fuit for fuid, &c.
This shows that the name was in early use at Rome; and we
may suppose that, as an essential element in the population of
Rome was Oscan, the Romans had their Oscan farces from a
very early period, and that these farces received a great im-
provement from the then celebrated city of Aderla in Campania.
It is also more than probable that these Oscan farces were
common in the country life of the old Romans, both before they
1. 4: “Atellani autem ab Oscis acciti sunt; quod genus delecta.
tionis Italica severitate temperatam, ideoque vacuum nota est ; nam neque
tribu movetur, neque a militaribus stipendiis repellitur.”
3 Porcius Licinius, apud Aul. Gell. xvi. 21:
Ponico bello secundo Muso pinnato gradu
Intulit se bellicoeam in Romuli gentem feram.
Bee also Hor. rt. Epist. 1. 162.
iLivy, xxvi. 16, xxm. 61, xxvm. 8.
‘Lepsius ad Inscriptiones, p. 111. For the meaning of tho word, see
above, $ 5, note. _
§ 7.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 161
were introduced into the city’, and after the expulsion of the
histriones by Tiberius*. For the mask was the peculiar charac-
teristic of the Atellane’, and these country farces are always
spoken of with especial reference to the masks of the actors.
We may be sure that the Oscan language was not used in
these farces when that language ceased to be intelligible to the
Romans. The language of the fragments which have come down to
us is pure Latin‘, and Tacitus describes the Atellana as **Oscum
quondam ludicrum*," Probably, till a comparatively late period,
the Atellana abounded in provincial and rustic expressions$; but
at last it retained no trace of its primitive simplicity, for the
gross coarseness and ohscenity?, which seem to have superseded
the old-fashioned elegance of the original farce?, and brought
it into a close resemblance to the mimus, from which it was
originally distinguished, must be attributed to the general cor-
ruption of manners under the emperors, and perhaps also to the
fact that from the time of Sulla downwards the Oscan farce was
1 Virgil. Georg. τι. 385, 8qq.:
Nec non Ausonii, Troja gens missa, coloni
Versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto,
Oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis.
Comp. Horat. rr. Epist. 1. 139, sqq.
3 Juvenal, Sat. 111. 172, 8qq.:
Ipsa dierum
Festorum herboso colitur si quando theatro
Majestas, tandemque redit ad pulpita notum
Exodium, quum persons pallentis hiatum
In gremio matris formidat rusticus infans.
That the ewodium here refers to the Atellana appears from Juv. vt. 71:
* Urbicus exodio risum movet Atellane '
Gestibus Autonoes."
3 Festus, s. v. personata fabula, p. 217: “ per Atellanos qui proprie
vocantur personati." The modern representatives of the Atellan charac-
ters are still called maschere, and our harlequin always appears with a
black mask on the upper part of his faco.
1 See Diomed. rm. pp. 487, 488, Putsch.
5 Ann. 1v. 149. 6 Varro, L. L. vit. $ 84, p. 152.
7 Terent. Maur. p. 2486, Putsch; Quintil. Inst. Or. v1. 8; Tertull.
De Spectaculis, 18; Schober, über die Atellan. Schauspiele, pp. 28, sqq.
5 Donat. de Trag. et Com. “ Atellanz salibus et jocis composite, quee
in se non habent nisi vetustam elegantiam."
D. V. 11
162 ' THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. IV.
gradually passing from its original form into that of a regular
play on the Greek model, 80 that all the faults of Greek comedy
would eventually find a place in the entertainment. The prin-
cipal writers of the Latin Atellane, after Sulla, who is said to
have used his own, that is, the Campanian dialect’, were Q.
Novius’, L. Pomponius Bononiensis?, L. Afranius', and C. Mem-
mius5, The political allusions with which they occasionally
abounded, and which in the opinion of Tiberius called for the
interference of the senate?, were a feature borrowed from the
licence of the old Greek comedy; and to the same source we
1 Athenzeus, 1v. p. 261, 0: ἐμφανίζουσι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸ περὶ ταῦτα ἱλαρὸν
al én’ αὐτοῦ γραφεῖσαι Σατυρικαὶ κωμφδίαι τῇ πατρίῳ φωνῇ. My learned
friend, Mr. Alexander Dyce, whose opinion on the proper interpretation
of Athenreus is of peculiar weight, suggests to me that if Oscan was not
always used in the Fabule Atellanz, we ought to understand by τῇ πατρίᾳ
φωνῇ, “his native language," ie. the Latin tongue. And he expresses
his conviction that in all the other places where Atheneus has φωνή, it
means the language, and not some particular dialect of a country, e.g.
I. c. 48: τῇ Ἑλλάδι φωνῇ; xu. c. 49: τὴν Περσικὴν φωνήν. On the other
hand, there is no doubt that the Greeks used the word φωνή to denote
'a mere provincialism ; see tho passages quoted in the New Cratylus, $ 88;
and there would have been no particular force in the remark that Sulla
wrote comedies in Latin. It is clear from Strabo, v. p. 238, that Oscan
was the language of the Átellane farces long after it had ceased to be
common and vernacular, and he uses the phrase ἀγὼν πάτριος in describ-
ing these performances: τῶν μὲν yàp “Ocxwy ἐκλελοιπότων ἡ διάλεκτος
μένει παρὰ rois Ῥωμαίοις, wore καὶ ποιήματα σκηνοβατεῖσθαι κατά τινα ἀγῶνα
πάτριον καὶ μιμολογεῖσθαι. That the satyric comedies here referred to
must have been Atellanw may be inferred from Diomedes, 111. p. 487,
Putsch: "tertia species est fabularum Latinaram, que. . . Atellane dicts
sunt, argumentis dictisque jocularibus similes satyricis fabulis Grecis.”
The reference to the Simus in the Atellane (Sueton. Galb. 15) points to
ἃ contact with the satyrs. Macrobius, Saturn. 1. 1.
3 Aulus Gellius, Δ, A. xvir. 2.
5 Macrob. Saturn. vi. 9; Fronto ad M. Css. 1v. 3, p. 95, Mai; Vel-
leius, 11. 9, 6.
1 Nonius, 8. v. tentare. 5 Macrobius, Saturn. 1. 10.
6 Tacitus, Annal. 1v. 14: “ Oscum quondam ludicrum, levissimte apud
vulgus delectationis, eo flagitiorum et virium venisse, ut auctoritate
patrum coercendum sit.” Cf. Sueton. Nero, c. 39; Galba, c. 13; Calig.
c. 27; where we have special instances of the political allusions in the
later Atellane,
S 7.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 168
must refer the names of the personages!, which are known to
have been adopted by Novius, Afranius, and Pomponius, and which
are either Greek in themselves or translations of Greek words.
The old gentleman or pantaloon was called Pappus or Casnar:
the former was the Greek Πάππος, the latter, as we have seen,
was an Oscan term — vetus. The clown or chatterbox was called
Bucco, from bucca, and was thus a representative of the Greek
Γνάθων. The glutton Macco, Greek Μάκκω, has left a trace
of his name in the Neapolitan Maccaroni; and Punch or Poli-
chinello is derived from the endearing diminutive Pulchellus,
which, like the Greek Καλλίας, was used to denote apes and
puppets". The Sannio is the cavvas of Cratinus (Fr. Incert.
ΧΧΧΤΙΙ. a. p. 187, Meineke); and this buffoon with his patch-
work dress is represented by the modern Harlequin, one of
whose names is still zannz, Angl. *zany." The modern word
harlequin is merely the Italian allecchino, i.e. “ gourmand.”
Menage’s dream about the comedian, who was so called in the
reign of Henry III. because he frequented the house of M. de
Harlai, is only an amusing example of that which was called
etymology not many years ago.
On the whole we must conclude, that the Atellan farces
were ultimately Grecized, like all the literature of ancient Italy,
and as the language of the Doric chorus grew more and more
identical with that of the Attic dialogue, to which it served as
an interlude, so this once Oscan exodium was assimilated in
language and character to the histrionic plays, to which it served
as an afterpiece, and so gradually lost its national character and
social respectability. Thus we find in the destiny of this branch
of Oscan literature an example of the absorbing centralisation of
Rome, which, spreading its metropolitan Latinity over the pro-
vinces, eventually annihilated, or incorporated and blended with
its civic elements, all the distinctive peculiarities of the allied or
subject population.
1 See Moller, Hist. Lit. Gr. ch. xx1x. 6 4. Vol. 11. p. 55, note.
3 Theatre of the Greeks, Ed. 6, p. [160].
11—2
CHAPTER V.
THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE.
$ 1. Transoriptions of proper names the first clue to an interpretation of the Etrus-
can language. § 3. Nanies of Etruscan divinities derived and explained.
8 3. Alphabetical list of Etruscan words interpreted. § 4. Etruscan inscrip-
tions—difficulties attending their interpretation. § 5. Inscriptions in which
the Pelasgian element predominates. § 6. Transition to the inscriptions which
contain Scandinavian words—The laurel-crowned Apollo—Explanations of the
words clan and pAleres. § 7. Inscriptions containing the words eui and tree.
8 8. Inferences derivable from the words ever, cver, and thur or thawr. § 9.
Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse in the use of the
auxiliary verb lata. §10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined.
Ite Ranio affinities. § 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethno-
graphic tradition in regard to the ancient Etruscans. § 12. General remarks
on the absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language.
§ 1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an
interpretation of the Etruscan language.
T will not be possible to investigate the remains of the Etrus-
can language with any reasonable prospect of complete suc-
cess, until some scholar shall have furnished us with a body of
inscriptions resting on a critical examination of the originals’;
and even then it is doubtful if we should have a sufficiently co-
pious collection of materials. The theory, however, that the
Etruscan language, as we have it, is in part a Pelasgian idiom,
more or less corrupted and deformed by contact with the Um-
brian, and in part a relic of the oldest Low-German or Scandi-
navian dialects, is amply confirmed by an inspection of those
remains which admit of approximate interpretation. Nor has
this theory been shaken by the researches of those who have un-
dertaken to examine this difficult subject since I communicated
1 The first impulse to the study of Etruscan antiquities was given by
the posthumous publication of Dempster's work de Etruria Regali, which
was finished in 1619, and edited by Coke in 1723—4. Bonarota, who
furnished the accurate illustrations of this work, insists upon the import-
ance of a correct transcription of the existing linguistic materials.
δ 1.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, 165
my views to the British Association in 1851. With the excep-
tion of one or two attempts' to explain the Etruscan inscriptions
on the hypothesis that the language was Semitic, all the latest
contributions towards the solution of this philological problem
recognize the lost idiom as Indo-Germanic, and nearly all admit
that the Etruscan was compounded of distinct and heterogeneous
elements, and that the Rasena were Retians. Dr. W. Freund,
who, as I have already mentioned, expressly undertook to com-
bat my theory, in order, I presume, to clear the ground for the
discovery which he intended to make, came back from his expe-
dition in 1854, without having arrived at any independent
results as a return for the liberality of the Royal Academy of
Sciences at Berlin, which furnished him with his viattcum. But
it is stated by Bunsen* that he discovered in the Tyrol and Vo-
ralsberg a number of words which were not Celtic or Romanic,
and which he does not seem to be able to identify. Bunsen
himself has published a brief report by Dr. Aufrecht’, which
expressly asserts the Indo-Germanic character of the language,
admits its composite structure, and goes to the Icelandic* in par-
ticular for the most striking illustration of the grammatical forms.
In 1848 James Grimm expressed his opinion that the Etrus-
cans came from the Retian alps, and that there was an occa-
1 There is an elaborate book on this hypothesis by Dr. J. G. Stickel:
das Etruskische durch Erkldrung von Einschriften und Namen αἷς Semi-
tische Sprache erwiesen, Leipsic, 1858. It was preceded, I believe, by
a similar attempt in a Roman Catholic Journal. Dr. Stickel's results
seem to me absolutely invalid.
2 Christianity and Mankind, ri. p. 89.
3 Ibid, pp. 87—89.
4 Referring to the fact that “sa added to a man's name indicates
the name of his wife: thus Larthial-i-sa means the consort of the son of
Larthius,” Aufrecht remarks that this formative adjunct “is also found
in the Icelandic sja, ‘this’.” And he adds in a note: “in the Edda it
occurs in the nominative singular masc. and fem. (p. 8a and 61b), and
even in later works, for instance, Kormak's Saga.” He compares the
terminations -arius, more anciently a-sius, as in the Lex Agraria of Sp.
Thorius (1. 12), we find Viasieis for Viariis, and cites the Osc. flusasios
=florarius, Umbr. plenasios = plenarius. He denies the connexion be-
tween this form and aris, alis, and remarks that “what Freund says about
these terminations in the Preface to his Dictionary is erroneous," .
166 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v.
sional appearance of Teutonic ingredients in the traditions and
language of the Etruscans'; and he had previously remarked the
undoubted affinity of the Etruscan esar or wsus with the Scandi-
navian Asen*, and had made a precarious comparison of the name
τυρσηνός with the Old Norse thurs*. In 1854 Dr. L. Steub,
who had previously collected a number of resemblances between
the Tuscan proper names and those found in the Grisons and
Tyrol‘, published a treatise on Retian ethnology, in which he
attempted the explanation of a number of Etruscan inscriptions
with more or less reference to Teutonic or Lithuanian affinities®.
In 1855, Mr. R. Ellis, who was favourably known by an elabo-
rate treatise on Hannibal's transit of the Alps, contributed to a
philological journal* a learned and ingenious essay on the Thra-
cian affinities of the Etruscans and Retians. In the course of
this paper, Mr. Ellis remarks* that the resemblances between
the Etruscans and the Gothic branch of the German stock are
striking and rest on good authority, and he institutes, for the
first time, a comparison between the Gothic and the Reeto-
Romansch dialects, which confirms indirectly the Scandinavian
affinities of the Etruscans*. And in connecting the Etruscans
with the Thracians he seeks the point of union in the Getz,
whose identification with the Goths was first pointed out in
the original edition of this work, and afterwards asserted by
J. Grimm?. In his more recently published ** Contributions to
the Ethnography of Italy-and Greece!" Mr. Ellis adopts an'
hypothesis less in accordance with the conclusions of the present
1 Gesoh. d. deutsch. Spr. p. 104, ed. 1848 (p. 115, ed. 1853): “die
Rátier hat man au Abkommlingen der Tyrrhener oder Etrusker gemacht.
Eher trugen wohl Rütier oder Rasener ihren Stamm von der Alpen in
die Halbinsel; einzelnes in etruskischer Sage uud Sprache klingt an
germanischos."
3 Deutsche Mythologie, p. 23, ed. 1844. 8 Ibid. p. 489.
4 Die Urbewolner Ratiens und ihrer Zusammenhang mit den Etruskern,
Munthen, 1848.
δ Zur Ratischen Ethnologie. Stuttgardt, 1854.
9 Journal of Philology, Vol. n. pp. 1—20, 169—185. “ On the pro-
bable connexion of the Estians aud Etruscans with the Thracian stock
of nations."
1 p. 179. 8 p. 180. 9 p. 183. . 10 London, 1858.
$ 1.} THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 167
work. He now contends that the Etruscan language is com-
pounded of Armenian and Celtic ingredients, the former being
to the latter in the proportion of two to one, in the list of some
fifty words, which he borrows from the present chapter’, The
Celtic element is to be assigned, he thinks, to the Umbrians,
and he regards all the aboriginal languages of Italy as chiefly
Celtic, but partly Finnish*. The Pelasgian element, which, with
me, he seeks in the Medes’, that is, in the Sarmatian or Sclavonic
stock, would thus have an affinity with the Rasenic or distinctive
element in the Etruscan. For the Armenians spoke Persian
even in the days of Xenophon*. As Mr. Ellis admits this affinity,
it seems to me that his new hypothesis, even if we concede the
results of his comparative philology, would leave out of con-
sideration all those ingredients in the Etruscan, which have,
created the philological difficulties of the problem to be solved,
and would leave us no distinction between the Pelasgian Tyr-
seni, whose language, as we shall see, was not altogether unlike
that of their brethren in Greece, and the Retian invaders,
who disintegrated the spoken idiom of the conquered country,
and whose fragmentary records will not find their interpretation
in the vocabulary of any unmixed and comparatively modern
form of human speech?.
1 p. 69. à p. 40. 8 p. 69. * New Cratylus, $ 85.
5 An erception to the general admission that the Etruscan was at
least of the same family with the other European languages has quite
recently been furnished by Mr. G. Rawlinson (Herod. Vol. rm. p. 541),
who declares that it “is decidedly not even Indo-Germanic,” and ex-
presses his surprise that I “should attempt to prove the Etruscan a
* sister’ dialect to the other Italic languages by means of a certain num-
ber of similar roots, when its entire structure is so different that it ig
impossible even from the copious inscriptions that remain, to form a
conjecture as to its grammar, or do more than guess at the meaning of
some half-dozen words.” Imust, in my turn, express my surprise that
Mr. Rawlinson should so entirely misconceive the state of the case and
the nature of my attempt as to write such an aecount of the matter.
The reader of the present chapter does not need to be told that my
attempt is very different from that described by Mr. Rawlinson; and
when we have the notorious fact that the Perugian inscription alone gives
us the gen. and accus. of the first Latin declension, it is really astonish-
ing that he should speak of the Etruscan grammar as beyond the reach
-—ÁÀ
168 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v.
The first clue to the understanding of this mysterious lan-
guage is furnished by the Etruscan transcriptions of well-known
Greek proper names, and by the Etruscan forms of those names
which were afterwards adopted by the Romans. This comparison
may at least supply some prima-facte evidence of the peculiari-
ties of Tuscan articulation, and of the manner in which the lan-
guage tended to corrupt itself.
It is well known that the Etruscan alphabet possessed no
medic, as they are called. We are not, therefore, surprised to
find, that in their transcriptions of Greek proper names the Etrus-
cans have substituted tenues'. Thus, the Greek names, "Aópa-
στος, Τυδεύς, ᾿Οδυσσεύς, Μελέαγρος, and Πολυδεύκης, are
written Atresthe, Tute, Utuze, Melakre, and Pultuke. But the
change in the transcription goes a step farther than this; for,
though they actually possessed the tenues, they often convert
them into aspirate. Thus, ᾿Αγαμέμνων, “Adpactos, Θέτις,
Περσεύς, Πολυνείκης, Τήλεφος, become .Aehmiem, Atresthe,
Thethis, Pherse, Phulnike, Thelaphe. In some cases the Greek
tenues remain unaltered in the transcription, as in Πηλεύς,
Pele; llapÜevomatos, Parthanape ; Κάστωρ, Kastur ; 'Hpa-
κλῆς, Herkle: and the Greek aspirate are also transferred, as
in ᾿Αμφιάραος, Amphiare. These transcriptions of Greek names
even of a conjecture. His own opinion seems to be that the language
was Turanian (p. 544, note 2) ; but there is no evidence whatever for that
supposition.
1 With regard to the Etruscan alphabet in general, it may be said
that it did not come directly from the East, but from the intermediate
settloments of the Pelasgian race. When Müller says (Etrusk. rt. 290)
that it was derived from Greece, he cannot mean that it passed over into
Italy subsequently to the commencement of Hellenic civilisation. The
mere fact that the writing was from right to left, shows that the Etruscans
derived thoir letters from the other peninsula, while its inhabitante were
still Pelasgian; for there are very few even of the earliest, Greek inscrip-
tions which retain the original direction of the writing (see New Crat.
ὁ 101; Müller, Etrusk. rt. p. 309). Αὖὐ the same time, the existence of
bexameter verse in Etruria and other circumstances show that there was
& continued intercourse between the Pelasgo-Etruscans and the Greeks
(Müller, ibid. p. 292). On the Pelasgian origin of the Etruscan alphabet,
tho reader may consult the authorities quoted by Lepsius, de Tabb. Eug.
p. 29, and for the Italian alphabet in general, see above, p. 95.
§ 1.} THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 169
supply us also with a very important fact in regard to the Etrus-
can syllabarium: namely, that their liquids were really semi-
vowels; in other words, that these letters did not require the
expression of an articulation-vowel. It has been shown else-
where’ that the semi-vocal nature of the liquid is indicated in
most languages by-the etymological fact, that it may be articu-
lated by a vowel either preceding or following it. For example:
mute + liquid + vowel = mute + vowel + liquid, is an equation
which holds good in every etymological problem. Applying this
principle to the Etruscan transcriptions, we see that the Etrus-
can .Ap[u]lu, <Ach([i]le, At[allaent, Erc[u]le, Ll[elchs[alntre,
Men|e]le, M[e|n[e]rva, Phul[u]ntces, Ur[e]ste, &c. are represen-
tatives of the Greek ᾿Απόλλων, 'AyiXXevs, ᾿Αταλάντη, Ἡρακλῆς,
᾿Αλέξανδρος, Μενελέως, Πολυνείκης, ᾿Ορέστης, and of the Latin
Minerva, only because the Etruscans did not find it necessary
to express in writing the articulation-vowels of the liquids. It is
interesting to remark that the old poetic dialect of the Icelandic,
as distinguished from the modern tongue, exhibits the same pecu-
liarity; thus r is always written for ur, as in northr, vethr, akr,
vetr, vitr. ‘There are 8 few instances of the same brachygraphy
in the oldest Greek inscriptions: thus, on Mr. Burgon's vase we
have A@HNHON for ᾿Αθήνηθεν. Bóckh (C. I. No. 33) has
wrongly read this inscription, which forms three cretics: τῶν
᾿Αθηϊνηθεν ἄϊβθλων ἐμί, With regard to the form Ercle, for
‘which we have Hercole in Dempster, T. 1. Tab. v1.; Lanzi, 11.
p. 205, Tab. xr. n. 1, it is to be remarked that the short v —o
before 2 appears to be a natural stop-gap in old Italian articula-
1 New Crat. § 107. The word el-em-en-tum, according to the etymo-
mology which has received the sanction of Heindorf (ad Hor. 1. Sat. 1. 26),
would furnish an additional confirmation of these views. Bat this ety-
mology cannot be admitted; and the word must be considered as con-
taining the root ol- (in olere, adolescens, indoles, soboles, préles, &o.), so that
ele-mentum —olementum. See Benary in the Berl. Jahrb. for August 1841,
p.240. As the ludus, or gladiatorial school, was the earliest specimen of
a distinct training establishment, and as it has consequently furnished a
name to all schools, so its two functions have similarly descended into
the vocabulary of education: for rudi-menta, properly the * foil exercises,"
and ele-menta, properly the “training food," have become synonymous
expressions for early education, just as e-rud-itus, “out of foils," has be-
come tho term for 8 completely learned man.
170 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cuaP. v.
tion. Thus we have ZEsculapius for Αἰσκλήπιος. But con-
versely we have the shortened forms vinclum, periclum, poclum,
oraclum, seclum, miraclum, vehiclum, gubernaclum, and the like,
and Herculaneus is written Herclaneus (see Corssen Ausspr. Vok.
u. Bet. 11. pp. 6, 7). When we remember that ‘Hpaxdjs was
the tutelary god of the Dortans or Her-mun-duri, who conquered
the Peloponnese, we can hardly avoid identifying him with
Her-mintus.
If we pass to the consideration of those proper names which
are found in the Latin language, we shall observe. peculiarities
of precisely the same kind. For instance, the medials in Jdus,
Tlabonius, Vibius, &c. are represented in Etruscan by the tenues
in Jtus, Tlapunt, Fipi, &c.; the tenues in Turtus, Velcia, &c.
stand for the aspirates in Thura, Felche, &c.; and the articula-
tion-vowels in Licintus, Tanaquil, &c. are omitted before or
after the liquids in Lecne, Thanchfil, &c.
The transcription Utuze, for ᾿δυσσεύς, suggests a remark
which has been in part anticipated in a former chapter. We
see that in this case the Etruscan z corresponds to the Greek
-oo, just as conversely, in the cases there cited, the Greek -£ is
represented by -ss in Latin. It was formerly supposed that
this Etruscan Z was equivalent to x= KS, and this supposition
was based on a comparison of Utuze with Ulyzes. To say no-
thing, however, of the mistake, which was made in assuming that
Utuze represented Ulyxes and not Ὀδυσσεύς, it has been shown
by Lepsius (De Tabb. Eug. pp. 59 sqq.; Annals dell’ Instituto,
VIII. p. 168) both that the Etruscans added this z to the guttural
K, as in érankzl, &c. and also that, when it was necessary to ex-
press the Greek £, they did not use the letter z, but formed a
representative for it by a combination of K or CH with 8, as in
Secstinal = Sextinia natua, and Elchsntre τὸ ᾿Αλέξανδρος. — Pa-
leographical considerations also indicate that the letter corre-
sponded in form, not to £ or z, but to the Greek z. We ought,
however, to go a step farther than Lepsius has done, and say
that the Latin ὦ was, after all, in one of its values, a represen-
tative of this Etruscan letter. It is true, indeed, that c does
represent also the combination of a guttural and sibilant; but
there are cases, on the other hand, in which z is found in Latin
words containing roots into which no guttural enters: comp. riza
§ 2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, 171
with ἔρις (ἔριδος), ἐρίζω, &c. In these cases it must be supposed
to stand as a representative of the Greek £in its sound sh, and
also of the Hebrew shin, from which £i has derived its name
(see New Crat. S 115). With regard to the name Ulysses,
Ulyzes, ᾿Οδυσσεύς, etymology would rather show that the
ultimate form of the zc, ss, or z, was a softened dental. The
Tuscan name of this hero was Nanus, i. e. “the pygmy”’ (Müller,
Etrusk. 11. p. 269); and, according to Eustathius (p. 289, 38),
Ὀλυσσεύς or ᾿Ολισσεύς was the original form of the Greek
name. From these data it has been happily conjectured (by
Kenrick, Herod. p. 281) that the name means ὄ-λέξος, ὄτλισσος,
fl. for 6-Avyos (Eustath. 1160, 16), of which the simplest form
ia λιτός, little: so that Ulysses, in the primitive conception,
was a god represented in a diminutive form.
§ 2. Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained.
The materials, which are at present available for an approxi-
mate philological interpretation of the Tuscan language, may be
divided into three classes: (1) the names of deities, &c., whose
titles and attributes are familiar to us from the mythology of
Greece and Rome; (2) the Tuscan words which have descended
to us with an interpretation; and (3) the inscriptions, sepulchral
or otherwise, of which we possess accurate transcripts. Let us
consider these three in their order.
The Tuscans seem to have worshipped three gods especially.
as rulers of the sky,—Janus, god of the sky in general ; Jupiter,
whom they called Zina, god of the day; and Summanus, god
of the night. Of these, Janus and Tina are virtually the same
designation. The root dy@ seems to be appropriated in a great
many languages to signify day" or “daylight.” See Grimm,
Deut. Mythol. 2d ed. p. 177. Sometimes it stands absolutely,
as in dies = dia-is ; sometimes it involves vu, as in the Sanscr. dyu,
Gr. Ζεύς, Lat. deus ; sometimes it appears in a secondary form,
as in the Hebr. yém, Gr. ἡμέρα; and sometimes it has a dental
affix, as in the Gr. Ζήν, Lat. or Tusc. Janus. It is sufficiently
established that dj, 7, y, are different forms of the same articula-
tion, which is also expressed by the Greek & The fem. of
Janus was Diana: Jupiter and Diespiter were the same word.
172 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cuar. v.
The Greeks had lost their j-sound, except so far as it was
implied in ἔ; but I have proved elsewhere that the » also con-
tained its ultimate resolution!. That Zina contains the same
root as Ζήν -- Dyan may be proved by an important Greek
analogy. If we compare the Greek interrogative τί[ν]ς with its
Latin equivalent guis, admitting, as we must, that thay had a
common origin, we at once perceive that the Greek form has lost
every trace of the labial element of the Latin gu, while the
guttural is preserved in the softened form re=j7. Supposing
that ke[n]s was the proper form of the interrogative after the
omission of the labial, then, when & was softened into j= di, as
qu-0-jus became cu-jus, &c., in the same way x-e[v]-s would be-
come ti[p]s, the tenuis being preferred to the medial*. Just so in
the Etruscan language, which had no medials, Ζήν = déan-us
would become 77na-[s] or Tinta-[s]. This Tina or Jupiter of the
Tuscans was emphatically the god of light and lightning, and
with Juno and Minerva formed & group who were joined toge-
ther-in the special worship of the old Italians. As the Etruscans
1 New Crat. $ 112.
3 The crude form of τις is ri-»- (ri-vos, &c.); in other words it is a
compound of two pronominal elements, like εἷς (=é-s), xei-vos, τῆτνος,
d-vd, e-nim, éna, &c. Lobeck asserts (Paralipom. p. 121, note) that the
ν in ri-»-ós i8 repugnant to all analogy, the litera clitice of the Greeks
being dentals only,—as if » were not a dental! The absurdity of
Lobeck's remarks here, and in many other passages of his later writings,
"will serve to show how necessary it is that an etymologer should be
acquainted with the principles of comparative philology. There are some
observations on this subject in the New Crat. $ 38, which more particularly
refer to Lobeck (Aglaopham. p. 478, note i), and to a very inferior man,
his pupil Ellendt (Lez Sophocl. preefat. p. iii.). From what Lobeck said
in his Paralipomena (p. 127, note), one felt disposed to hope that his old-
fashioned prejudices were beginning to yield to conviction. In a later
work, however (Pathologia, pref. pp. vii. sqq.), he reappears in his original
character. The caution on which he plumes himself (“ego quoque ssepe
vel invitus et ingratis eo adactus sum ut vocabulorum origines abditas
conjectura quererem, cautior fortasse Cratylis nostris, quorum curiositati
nihil clatsum, nihil impervium est") is only another name for one-sided
obstinacy; and whatever value we may set upon Lobeck’s actual per-
formances in his own field, we cannot concede to him the right of con-
fining all other scholars to the narrow limits of his Hemsterhusian phi-
lology.
8.2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 173
had no consonant j, the name of Janus must have been pro-
nounced by them as Zanus. "This god, whose four-faced statue
was brought from Falerii to Rome, indicated the sky, or templum,
with its four regions. When he appeared as biceps, he repre-
sented the main regions of the templum—the decumanus and
the cardo. And as this augurial reference was intimately con-
nected with the arrangement of the gates in a city or in a camp!,
he became also the god of gates, and his name ultimately signi-
fied ‘‘a gate" or “archway.” Summanus, or Submanus, was
the god of nightly thunders. The usual etymology is summus
manium; but there is little reason for supposing that it is an
ordinary Latin word. As Armobius considers him identical with
Pluto’, it seems reasonable to conclude that he was simply the
Jupiter Infernus; and as the Dispater of the Tuscans was called
Mantus, and his wife Mania, we may conjecture that Sub-manus
was perhaps in Tuscan Zuv-manus or Juptter-bonus, which is
the common euphemism in speaking of the infernal deities. The
connexion between the nightly thunders, which the ancients so
greatly feared, and the χθονίαι βρονταί, is obvious. Another
gloomy form of the supreme god was Ve-djus or. Ve-jovis, who
seems to have represented Apollo in his character of the causer
of sudden death. The prefix Ve- is a disqualifying negative—
the name signifies “the bad Jupiter." He was represented as a
young man armed with arrows; his feast was on the nones of
March, when an atoning sacrifice was offered up to him; and he
was considered, like Summanus, as another form of Pluto.
The second of the great Tuscan deities was Jfno (Jovino or
Dyuno), who was called Kupra and Thalna in the Etruscan
language. Now Kupra signifies “good,” as has been shown
above; and therefore Dea kupra is Dea bona, the common
euphemism for Proserpine. The name 7 αΐπα may be analyzed
with the aid of the principles developed above. The Etruscans
had a tendency to employ the aspirates for the tenues, where
! See below, Ch. viz. $ 6.
2 The Glossar. Labbei has Summanus, Προμηθεύς ; and perhaps Pro-
metheus, as the stealer of fire from heaven, may have been identified
with the god of nightly thunders in some forms of mythology. At Co-
lonus, where the infernal deities were especially worshipped, the τιτὰν
Προμηθεύς, ὁ πυρφόρος θεός, was reckoned among them (Cid. Col. 55). .
174 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. Y.
in other forms, and in Greek especially, the tenues were used.
Accordingly, if we articulate between the liquids /n, and substi-
tute ¢ for th, we shall have, as the name of Juno, the goddess
of marriage, the form 7al[a]|na, which at once suggests the root
of Talassus, the Roman Hymen, and the Greek rds, (Soph.
Antig. 629: Td ἡ νύμφη, Zonar. p. 1711: rds ἡ per-
λόγαμος παρθένος xal κατωνομασμένη Twit οἱ δὲ γυναῖκα
γαμετήν" οἱ δὲ νύμφην, Hesych. ria: οὕτω τὴν συνηρμοσ-
μένην, id. δαλίδας: τὰς μεμνηστευμένας, id. τἄλιξ' ἔρως, 14.) :
comp. also γάμοιο τέλος, Hom. Od. xx. 74, and the epithet
"Hoa TeXeía. The Aramean raMÜd (wm, Mark v. 41) is
not to be referred to this class.
The deity Vulcanus, who in the Etruscan mythology was
one of the chief gods, being one of the nine thundering gods, and
who in other mythologies appears in the first rank of divinities,
always stands in a near relationship to Juno. In the Greek
. theogony he appears as her son and defender; he is sometimes
the rival, and sometimes the duplicate, of his brother Mars; and
it is possible that in the Egyptian calendar he may have been a
kind of Jupiter. Here we are only concerned with the form of
his Etruscan name, which was Sethlans. Apylying the same
principles as before, we collect that it is only Se-tal[a]nus, a
masculine form of Tal[a]na (= Juno) with the prefix Se-: comp.
the Greek 5240s, σε-λήνη, with the Latin Sol, Luna, where the
feminine, like Ta/[a]na, has lost the prefix.
To the two deities Zina and Taína, whose names, with their
adjuncts, I have just examined, the Etruscans added a third,
Minerva, or, as they called her, Ménerfa, Ménrfa (see Quintilian,
I, 0. 1. 4, § 17), who was so closely connected with them in the
reverence of this people, that they did not consider a city com-
plete if it had not three gates and three temples dedicated to
Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. She was the goddess of the storms
prevalent about the time of the vernal equinox; and her feast,
the quinquatrus, was held, as that word implied in the 'l'uscan
language, on the fifth day after the ides of March. "The name
seems to have been synonymous with the Greek jr; and
bears the same relation to mens that luerves (in the Arval hymn)
does to /ues : this appears from the use of the verb promenervat
(pro monet, Fest. p. 205).
a
§ 2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 175
With regard to the legend that Minerva sprang from the head
of Jupiter, it is to be remarked that the head was considered to
bé the seat of the mens, as the heart was of the animus ;
whereas the anzma (Lucret. 111. 354) permixta corpore toto, 18
diffused all over the frame, and has no special seat assigned to it.
With regard then to the opposition of mens and animus, the
English antithesis of ** head" and “ heart" sufficiently expresses
it. See Ter. Andr. 1. 1, 137.
It is easy to explain the names Saturnus, Vertumnus, Mars,
and Feronia, from the elements of the Latin language. Sdtur-
nus = Kpóvos is connected with se-culum, as c-ternus with evum
(the full form being @vi-ternus, Varro, L. L. vi. S 11), sempi-
ternus with semper, and taci-turnus with taceo. Vertumnus 18
the old participle of vertor, “1 turn or change myself." (See
Ch. xi. ὃ 5.) Mérs is simply “the male" or “manly god."
Thus Mas-piter is “the male or generating father." The forms
Mar-mar, Ma-murius exhibit the root with an intensive redu-
plication ; the root is strengthened by ἐ, denoting personality, in
Mar[t]|s; and the words Ma-vor[t|s, .Ma-mer|t|s give us both
the intensive reduplication and the strengthening affix (Corssen,
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, p. 32). In this word the idea of viri-
lity is connected with that of protection, and the root is identical
with the Greek Fap-, Sanscr. vrf, ‘‘ to protect," víra, “a man,”
Latin vir, &c. (New Crat. $ 285). It has been proposed by Pott
(Etym. Forsch. 11. 206) to connect mas with the Sanscrit root man
“to think," from whence comes manas “the mind," manushya
‘man ;" and we know that this root with these connected mean-
ings runs through a great number of languages: thus we have the
Egyptian men ‘to construct or establish,” month ‘a man,” the
Greek péuova, μηνύω, &c., the Latin mon-eo, me-mint, mens,
ho-min, the German meinen, mund, &c.; and this brings us .
back to the goddess Minerva, and other mythological beings, as
Menu, Menes, Minos, Minyas, and Mannus (Q. E. CLY. p. 149).
We may also remark that the Hebrew "121 mas, is immediately
connected with "2| meminit. But here the idea is somewhat
different. For the verb 727] contains the root kar which is found
in the Chald. 7277 and 732. and signifies 4nfigere, insculpere,
hence tropically memoria infigere, imprimere, (Fürst, Concord.
Eee SS eee
176 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHaP. v.
p. 352). And as “2} is opposed to 3p) from 2p3 perforavit—
(a membri genitalis forma distinctionis causa sic dicta, Fürst,
Concord. p. 727), we may conclude that it signifies: ὁ rpvrróv,
(cf. ZEsch. Fragm. Dan. 38: ἐρᾷ μὲν ἁγνὸς οὐρανὸς τρῶσαι
χθόνα). Be this as it may, it is clear that the root Fap- is not
identical with the root man; and it is quite possible that man
should appear distinctively as "the protector," as well as gene-
rally in the character of “thinker” and “indicator.” There is
the same opposition with the same parallelism in manus, the
hand, generally, and specially the right hand, as pointing out
and indicating (cf. μην-ύω, mon-strare, δεξ-ία, δείκενυμι, &c.),
and ἀριστερός, the left hand, as carrying the weapon of defence
(New Crat. § 162, note). The attributes of the goddess Féron?a
are by no means accurately known: there seems, however, to
be little doubt that she was an elementary goddess, and as such
perhaps also a subterraneous deity, so that her name will be
connected with féralis, φθείρειν, φερσεφόνη; Ke.
AevxoGéa, ** the white goddess," had a Tuscan representative
in the Mater matuta, ‘mother of the morning," whose attribute
is referred to in the Greek name, which designates the pale
silvery light of the early dawn. Both goddesses were probably
also identical with Εἰλείθυια, Lucina, the divinity who brought
children from the darkness of the womb into the light of life.
Sothina, a name which occurs in Etruscan monuments (Lanzi, 11.
p. 494), is probably the Etruscan transcription of the Greek
Σοωδίνα (“saving from child-bed pains"), which was an epithet
of Artemis (see Bóckh, Corp. Inscr. no. 1595).
Apollo was an adopted Greek name, the Tuscan form being
Apulu, Aplu, Epul, or Epure. If the ** custos Soractis Apollo,”
to whom the learned Virgil (ZEn. x1. 786) makes a Tuscan
pray, was & native Etruscan god, then his name Soranus, and
the name of the mountain Soracte, must be Tuscan words, and
contain the Latin sol, with the change from / to r observable in
the form .Epure for Epul: compare also the Sanser. sárya.
Although Neptunus was an important god in the Tuscan
pantheon, it is by no means certain that this was the Tuscan
form of his name: if it was, then we have another Tuscan word
easily explicable from the roots of the Indo-Germanic language ;
for Nep-tunus is clearly connected with νέω, Νηρεύς, νίπτω, &c.
8.2. THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 177
The form Neptumnus (ap. Grut. p. 460) is simply the participle
verrropevos. If the word Nethuns; which is found on a Tuscan
mirror over a figure manifestly intended for Neptune (Berlin.
Jahrb. for August 1841, p. 221), is to be considered as the
genuine form of the sea-god’s name, there will of course be no
difficulty in referring it to the same root (see below, § 5).
The Tuscan Pluto, as is well known, was called Mantus, and
from him the city Mantua derived its name. The etymology of
this word is somewhat confused by its contact with the terms
manes and mania. That the latter are connected with the old
word manus =bonus can hardly be doubted’; and the depre-
catory euphemism of such a designation is quite in accordance
with the ancient mode of addressing these mysterious func-
tionaries of the lower world. But then it is difficult to explain
Mantus as a derivative from this manus. Now, as he is repre-
sented in all the Tuscan monuments as a huge wide-mouthed
monster with a persone pallentis hiatus, it seems better to
understand his name as signifying “the devourer;" in which
sense he may be compared with the yawning and roaring Cha-
ron*. This, at any rate, was the idea conveyed by the manducus,
! Varro seems to connect the word Manius with mane, “morning”
(L. L. rx. ᾧ 60).
3 See New Crat. § 288. Another personage of the same kind is Γηρύων,
“the caller.” As Charon is attended by the three-headed Κέρβερος, so
the three-bodied Geryon has a two-headed dog, "Opópos, who is brother
to Cerberus (Hesiod. Theog. 308, sqq.) ; that is “the morning” (ὄρθρος)
is brother to the “ darkness” (κέρβερος : vide Schol. Od. A, 14, and Porson
ad 1.; Képpepos’ ἀχλύς, Hesych.; and Lobeck, Paralipom. p. 32). By
a similar identity, Geryon lives in the distant west, in Erythia, the land
of darkness, just as Charon is placed in Hades; and these two beings,
with their respective dogs, both figure in the mythology of Hercules, who
appears as the enemy of Pluto, and of his type, Eurystheus. It may be
remarked, too, that Pluto is described as an owner of flocks and herds,
which is the chief feature in the representations of Geryon. Mr. Keight.
ley remarks in the additions to his Mythology, p. 359: “ Though we could
not perhaps satisfactorily prove it, we have a strong notion that Geryo-
neus (from ygpvo) is only another form of Hades. They both, we may
observe, had herds of oxen, and the two-headed dog of the former
answers to the three-headed dog of the latter. Admetos, apparently
another form of Hades (p. 122), was also famous for his herds. We find
the herds of Hades (p. 360) pasturing under the care of Mencetius, near
D. V. 12
178 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. Y.
another form of mantus; for this was an image “ magnis malis
ac late dehiscens et ingentem dentibus sonitum faciens" (Fest.
p. 128). The two words may be connected with ma-n-dere,
μασᾶσθαι, the n, which is necessary in manus, manes, being here
only euphonical: similarly, we have masucium, edacem a man-
dendo scilicet (Fest. p. 139), and me-n-tum by the side of parva:
(= γνάθοι, Hesych.). Compare also méla, maxilla, &c. It is
not improbable that the Greek, or perhaps Pelasgic, μάντις con-
tains this root. The mysterious art of divination was connected,
in one at least of its branches, with the rites of the infernal
gods. Teiresias, the blind prophet, was especially the prophet
of the dark regions. Now Mantua, according to Virgil, was
founded by Ocnus, “the bird of omen," who was the son of
Manto, and through her the grandson of Tetrestas. This at
least is legendary evidence of a connexion between mantus and
μάντις, The same root is contained in the mythical mundus
(Müller, Etrusk. 11. p. 96).
The name Ceres is connected with creare, Sanscr. kri. The
Tuscan name Ancarta may be explained by a comparison of
ancilla, anclare, oncare, ἐνεγκεῖν, ἀγκάς, &c.
According to Servius, Ceres, Pales, and Fortuna, were the
three Penates of the Etruscans (see Micali, Storta, 11. p. 117).
The last of these three was one of the most important divinities
in Etruria, and especially at Volsinii, where she bore the name
Nortta, Norsia, or Nursia, and was the goddess of the calendar
or year (Cincius, ap. Liv. vit. 3). The nails, by which the
calendar was marked there, pointed to the fixed and unalterable
character of the decrees of fate. The Fortuna of Antiam had
the nail as her attribute, and the clavt trabales and other imple-
ments for fastening marked her partner Necessitas (Hor. 1.
Carm. XXXV. l7 sqq.); under the Greek name of “Arpozros
(Athrpa) she is represented on a Tuscan patera as fixing the
those of Geryoneus in the isle of 'Erythis, and (p. 363) we meet them in
the under-world under the care of the same herdsman. This looks very
like two different forms of the same legend; the hero in the one seeking
the abode of Hades in the west, in the other in the under-world. The
name Geryoneus might correspond in signification with κλυτὸς ahd κλύ-
pevos, epithets of Hades." .
UNE Ὁ...
§ 2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 179
destiny of Μελέαγρος (Meltacr) by driving in a nail; though it
is clear from the wings that the name only is Greek, while the
figure of the deity is genuine Etruscan (Müller, Etrusk. 11.
p.931). From these considerations it seems a safe inference
that Nortig, or Nursia, is simply ne-vortea, ne-vertia, the " A-rpo-
qos, or “unturning, unchanging goddess,” according to the
consistent analogy of rursus=re-versus, quorsus = quo-versus,
sntrorsus = tntra-versus, prorsum, prossum, or prosum (in prosa
oratto) = pro-versum, sursum = sub-versum, &c.: and this supposi-
tion receives additional confirmation from the statement men-
tioned below (S 3), that vorsus was actually ἃ Tuscan word.
The god Merquurius appears on the Tuscan monuments as
Turms = Turmus. This Etruscan name has been well explained
by the Jesuit G. P. Secchi (.Annal dell’ Instituto, vit. pp. 94
sqq.). It appears that Lycophron, who elsewhere uses genuine
Italian names of deities and heroes (as Mapepros for "Apps, VV. —
938, 1410; Νανός for Ὀδυσσεύς, v. 1244), calla the χθόνιος
“Ἑρμῆς by the name Τερμιεύς (Alex. 705 sqq.):
λίμνην τ᾿ Ἄορνον ἀμφιτορνητὸν βρόχῳ
καὶ χεῦμα Kokvroto λαβρωθὲν σκότῳ
Στυγὸς κελαινῆς νασμόν, ἔνθα Τερμιεὺς
ὁρκωμότους ἔτενξεν ἀφθίτους ἕδρας
μέλλων γίγαντας κἀπὶ τιτῆνας περᾶν.
Now Turmus certainly does not differ more from this Τερμοεύς
than Euturpe and Achle from their Greek representatives (Bun-
sen, ibid. p. 175). It might seem, then, that Turmus is not the
Latin Terminus, but rather the Greek Ἑρμῆς; for the Hellenic
aspirate being represented in the Pelasgian language, according
to rule, by the sibilant, this might pass into T, as in ἡμέρα,
σήμερον, τήμερον; ὅπτά, τεπτά, Hesych.; ἑρμίς, τερμίς, id. ; &c.
The name Lar, Las, when it signifies “lord” or "noble,"
has the addition of a pronominal affix -^; when it signifies “ god,"
it is the simple root: the former is Lars (Larth), gen. Lartis ;
the latter Lar, gen. Darts. Precisely the same difference is
observable in a comparison between "Avaxes, "Avaxot “the
Dioscuri ' and ἄνακ-τες, "kings" or “ nobles." Similarly the
original Mar-s seen in the forms Mar-mar, Ma-murius, &c. is
lengthened into Mar-t-, and from names of towns we have deri-
vatives with the same insertion of ἃ formative ἐ: e.g. Tuder-t-es,
12—2
180 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v.
Tibur-t-es, Picen-t-es, Fiden-t-es, Fucen-t-es, Nar-t-es, (Corssen,
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, pp. 6, 13). Some suppose that
. the English Zor-d is related to the same root; see, however,
New Crat. ὃ 338: and as the Lares were connected with the
Cabiriac and Curetic worship of the more eastern Pelasgians,
I would rather seek the etymology in the root λα-, Aaa-, Xatc-,
80 frequently occurring in the names of places and persons con-
nected with that worship', and expressing the devouring nature
of fire. It appears from the word Zar-va that the Lar was
represented as a wide-mouthed figure. "There are two feminine
forms of the name, Lar-unda and Lar-entia. ‘The former may
be compared with the Scythian Temarunda and Anglo-Saxon
Serende (above, p. 60).
This enumeration of the names of Tuscan divinities shows
that, as far as the terms of mythology are concerned (and there
are few terms less mutable), the Tuscan language does not abso-
lutely escape from the grasp of etymology. If the suggestion
thrown out above (Ch. 11. § 22) respecting the parallelism be-
tween Tina and Tor is to be received, the easy analysis of these
mythical names is to be explained by the fact that they belonged
to the religion of southern Etruria, which was Pelasgian rather
than Scandinavian. Many of the common words which have
been handed down to us present similar traces of affinity to the
languages of the Indo-Germanic family. I will examine them
in alphabetical order; though, unfortunately, they are not 80
numerous as to assume the form of a comprehensive vocabulary
of the language.
$3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted.
ZEsar, “God.” Sueton, Octav. c. 97: “ Responsum est centum
solos dies posthac victurum, quem numerum C littera notaret;
futurumque ut inter deos referretur, quod 23aR, id est, reliqua
pars e Csesaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur." Conf.
Dio. Cass. Lv1. 29; Hesych. aicoé θεοί, ὑπὸ Τυῤῥηνῶν. See
Ritter, Vorhalle, pp. 300, 471, who compares the Cabiriac
1 The following are some of the most obvious appearances of this
root: Sanscrit, las, “to wish ;" Latin, lar-gus; Greek, Aa-uía, Aá-pos,
λάρυγξ, λαῖτμα, &c. Λαιστρυγών, λαίσπαις, λαισποδίας, Λήμνος, Λητώ.
§ 3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 181
names s-mun, /Es-clef, the proper name syetes, asa the
old form of ara, and a great many other words implying
“holiness” or *sanctity:" and Grimm, Deutsche Mythol.
2d edit. p. 22. Comp. also αἷσα. The most important fact
is that as or ass, pl. aesir, meaning deus, numen, is ‘nomen
nusquam non occurrens" (Edda Semund. Vol. 1. p. 472) in
the old Icelandic.
Agalletor, “gon.” Hesych. ἀγαλλήτορα' παῖδα, Τυῤῥηνοί. This
is pure Pelasgian, if not Greek. Thus Sophocles, Anéeg. 1115,
calls Bacchus: Kadpelas νύμφας ἄγαλμα. Mr. Ellis compares
the Gaelic ogat?, “ youthful.”
Aifil, “age.” This word frequently occurs in sepulchral in-
scriptions with a numeral attached. In one of these we have,
Cfle]cfslf . Papa aif . xxt1., with the Latin translation,
Guegilii Papit etatis Χχτι. It is obvious, then, that this
word contains the same root as cv-um, @-tas, αἰξών, aifei, &c.
The Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian language always inserts the digamma
in these cases: compare Alas, written Atfas on the Tuscan
monuments.
Antar, "eagle." Hesych. ἄνταρ' ἀετὸς ὑπὸ Τυῤῥηνῶν. See
below, under Fentha. |
Antes, * wind." Hesych. ἄνται' ἄνεμοι and ἄνδας" Bopeas, ὑπὸ
Τυῤῥηνῶν. This is neither more nor less than the Latin
ventus, Which is ultimately identical with the Greek Favepos,
and the Teutonic * wind." Mr. Ellis remarks (p. 47): ‘as
antes signifies especially the north wind, * Boreas, antar and
antes afford a close parallel to aquila and aquilo, which appa-
rently involve the root ag, * motion '."
Apluda, bran." Fest. p. 10; Aul. Gell. x1. 7: “ Hic inquit,
eques Romanus apludam edit, et floces bibit. Aspexerunt omnes
qui aderant alius alium, primo tristiores turbato et requirente
vultu, quidnam illud utriusque verbi foret; post inde, quasi
nescio quid 7'usce aut Gallice dixisset, universi riserunt.
Legerat autem ille apludam veteres rusticos frumenti furfurem
dixisse." The passage does not prove that apluda was Tus-
can. The word was probably derived from abludo: cf. Virg.
Georg. 1. 368, 9:
Szepe levem paleam et frondes volitare caducas,
Aut summa nantes in aqua conludere plumas.
182 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v.
Mr. Ellis compares the Reto-Romansh bdleuscha, ‘“ husk,”
* bark."
Aquilez, “a collector of springs for aqueducta." Varro ap. Nona.
Marc. 2, 8: “ at hoc pacto, utilior te Tuscus aquilez."
Aracos, “a hawk." Hesych. "Apaxos ἱέραξ Τυῤῥηνοί, See
Haruspex. We may compare the O. N. art, “an eagle."
Artimus, “ape.” Strabo, X11. p. 626 D: καὶ τοὺς πιθήκους φασὶ
παρὰ τοῖς Τυῤῥηνοῖς ἀρίμους καλεῖσθαι. Hesych.: ἄριμος"
πίθηκος. There is no certainty about this word. There is
some confusion of ideas between the place called Artmz on
the coast of Cilicia, and the island JPéthecusa on the coast of
Campania. The commentators would connect it with the
Hebrew DIM (chárüm), Levit. xxi. 18, which signifies “ snub-
nosed,” sémus; if this can be admitted, the only way of
explaining the Semitic etymology will be by reading παρὰ
τοῖς Τυρίοις in the passage of Strabo. Mr. Ellis compares
the Armen. ayr, “homo,” on the analogy of orang-outang,
which signifies man.
Arse-verse. Fest. p. 18: ‘“ Arseverse averte ignem significat.
Tuseorum enim lingua arse averte, verse ignem constat appel-
lari. Unde Afranius ait: Inscribat aliquis in ostio arseverse."'
An inscription found at Cortona contains the following words:
Arses vurses Sethlanl tephral ape termnu pisest estu. (Orelli,
no. 1394). Müller considers this genuine (quem quominus
genutnum habeamus nihil vetat); Lepsius will not allow its
authenticity, but thinks it is made up of words borrowed
" from other sources. Be this as it may, the words arse verse
must be admitted as genuine Etruscan; and they are also
cited by Placidus (Gloss. apud Maium, p. 484). It seems
probable that arse is merely the Latin arce with the usual
softening of the guttural; and verse contains the root of πῦρ,
pir, feuer, ber, ἄς. Pott (Et. Forsch. 1. p. 101) seems to
prefer taking verse as the verb, Lat. verte, and arse as the
noun, comp. ardere. Tephral must be compared with tepidus
and the other analogies pointed out above (Ch. 11. 8 11) ; it
comes very near to the Oscan teforom (Tab. Agn. ll. 17, 20),
and to the form tAipurena? in the Cervetri inscription (below,
§ 5). From all these reasons we may conclude that it belongs
to the Pelasgian element in the language. If the Cortona
§ s.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 183
inscription is genuine, we must divide pis-est = gut est, and
then the meaning must be, “Avert the fire, O consuming
Vulcan, from the boundary which is here."
Atesum, “a vine that grows up trees." Hesych. ἀἄταισον᾽ ava-
δένδρας, Τυῤῥηνοί. Can this be the Latin word adhesum ?
Lucret. Iv. 1243: "'tenve locis quia non potis est adfigere
adhesum.”
Atrium, “the cavedium,” or common hall in a Roman house.
Varro, L. L. v. $ 161: “ Cavum edium dictum, qui locus
tectus intra parietes relinquebatur patulus, qui esset ad Gom-
munem omnium usum... Tuscanicum dictum a Tuscis, postea-
quam illorum cavum zdium simulare coeperunt. Atrium
appellatum ab Atriatibus Tuscis ; illinc enim exemplum sump-
tum." Müller (Etrusk. p. p. 256) adopts this etymology
(which is also suggested by Festus, p. 13), with the explana-
tion, that the name is not derived from Aérias because the
people of that place invented it, but from a reference to the
geographical position of Atrias, which, standing at the con-
fluence of many rivers, might be supposed to represent the
compluvium of the atrium. This geographical etymology
appears to me very far-fetched and improbable; nor, indeed,
do I see the possibility of deriving atrzwm from atrias; the
converse would be the natural process. There does not appear
to be any objection to the etymology suggested by Servius
(ad AEn. 111. 353): “ab atro, propter fumum qui esse sole-
bat in atriis:" and we may compare the corresponding Greek
term μέλαθρον. If atrium, then, was a Tuscan word, the
Latin ater also was of Pelasgian origin. The connexion of
atrium with αἴθριον, αἴθουσα, &c., suggested by Scaliger and
others, may be adopted, if we derive the word from the
Tuscan atrus, which signifies “a day." '
Balteus, the military girdle,” is stated by Varro (Antiq. R.
Hum. 18. ap. Sosip. 1. p. 51) to have been a Tuscan word.
It also occurs, with the same meaning, in all the languages of
the German family; and we have it still in our word “ belt,"
whieh bears a close resemblance to the Icelandic noun belt: =
zona and the corresponding verb belta = cingere.
Burrus, “a beetle," Hesych. Βυῤῥός" κάνθαρος, Τυῤῥηνοί. Is this
the Latin word burrus? Festus, p. 31: “ burrum dicebant
184 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGRE. [CHAP. v.
antiqui, quod nunc dicimus rufum. Unde rustici burram ap-
pellant buculam, que rostrum habet rufum. Pari modo rubens
cibo ac potione ex prandio burrus appellatur." In Gaelic
burruis is “a caterpillar.”
Bygois, à nymph, who taught the Etruscans the art of inter-
preting lightning. Serv. ad ZEneid. vi. Vide Dempster,
FEtrur. Heg. 111. 8.
Camillus, ** Mercury." Macrob. Saturn. 111. 8: "Tuscos. Ca-
millum appellare Mercurium." This is the Cabiriac or Pelas-
gian Κασμῖλος. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1. 915.
Capra, “a she-goat." Hesych. «dmpa' αἴξ, Τυῤῥηνοί.
Capys, “a falcon.” Servius (ad ZEn. x. 145): ** Constat eam
(capuam) a Tuscis conditam de viso falconis augurio, qui
Tusca lingua capys dicitur." Fest. p. 48: *'*Capuam in
Campania quidam a Capye appellatam ferunt, quem a pede
introrsus curvato nominatum antiqui nostri Falconem vocant."
For the meaning of the word falcones, see Fest. s. v. p. 88.
If capys — falco, it would seem that cap-ys contains the root
of cap-ere; for this would be the natural derivation of the
name: cf. ac-cip-iter'. We may compare the German hadicht,
the Welsh hebog, and the Lapponic hapak. The word cape,
which appears in the great Perugian Inscription (1. 14), is
probably to be referred to & very different root.
Cassís, ‘“‘a helmet" (more anciently cass-tla, Fest. p. 48)..
Isidor. Origg. xvii. 14: ““ Cassidem autem a Tuscis nomi-
1 See New Cratylus, $ 455, To the instances there cited the follow-
ing may be added: (a) 22, “a dog," i. e. “ the yelp-er." (b) AN,
"a raven” (corv-us, Sanscr. kbárava), i.e. "a cawing bird." (c) βοῦς
Sanscr. gaus, “the bellowing or lowing animal :” comp, Soáe with γοάω,
and the latter with the Hebrew ;Ty3, mugire, “ to low like an ox"
(1 Sam. vi. 12, Job vi. 5), and the Latin ceva, which, according to Colu-
mella (v1. 24), was the name of the cow at Altinum on the Adriatic.
(d) χήν, “the goose,” ie. “the gaping bird” (χὴν κεχηνώς, Athen. p. 519 A).
(e) IN}, “the tawny wolf,” may be connected with Ji, “gold.”
Perhaps the most remarkable instance of selecting for the name of
an object some single ‘attribute, is furnished by the words scudo and
“crown,” both devoting a large silver coin, and both deriving their origin
from a part of the design on the reverse—the former from the shield,
or coat of arms, the latter from the crown, by which it was surmounted.
§ 3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 185 .
natam dicunt." The proper form was capsis, as the same
writer tells us; but the assimilation hardly disguises the
obvjous connexion of the word with cap-ut, haup-t, &c.
Comp. κοττικαί" ai περικεφαλαῖαι, with τῆς κοττίδος" Δω-
ριεῖς δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν οὕτω καλοῦσιν. J. Pollux, 1. 29.
Celer, “si Tzetzi fides prebeatur, vox Latina fuit ex Etrusco
nomine usque a Romuli state." Amaduzzi, Alphab. Vet.
Etrusc. p. lxix.
Cyrniate, Tyrrhenian settlers in Corsica. Hesych. Κυρνιᾶτα[ε'
ot] ἐπὶ Κύρνον ᾧκησαν Τυῤῥηνοί, according to Is. Voss's
emendation for Κυρνιάτα dá.
Damnus, “a horse," Hesych.: δάμνος" ἵππος, Τυῤῥηνοί, This
seems to be an Etruscan, not a Pelasgian word, and suggests
at once the O. N. tamr = domitus, assuetus, cicur; N. H. G.
zakm. We have also the Lapponic tamp = equus.
Dea, i.e. bona Dea, '* Cybele." Hesych. déa* Ῥέα, ὑπὸ Τυῤῥηνῶν.
Druna, “sovranty.” Hesych. dpoiva’ ἡ ἀρχή, ὑπὸ Τυῤῥηνῶν.
It is clear that this word can have nothing to do with the
Low-Greek Spoiyyos, “a .body of men," δρουγγάριος, “a
captain,” which are fully explained by Du Cange, Gloss.
Med. et Inf. Grecit. x. pp. 888, 4. We must refer it to the
O. Norse, drott=dominus, at drottna =tmperare, the dental
mutes being absorbed before the n as in dSe-vos for δειδ-νός,
&c. And thus we get another trace of Gothic affinity for the
Rasena.
Falandum, "the sky." Fest. p. 88: “ Fale [φάλαι' ὄρη,
σκοπιαί, Hesych.] dict: ab altitudine, a falando, quod apud
Etruscos signifieat coelum." This is generally connected with
φάλανθον, blond, &c. Or we might go a step farther, and
refer it to φάλλω, φαλός, &c., which are obviously derived
from φάος: see Lobeck, Pathol. p. 87. It is also possible
that falandum may be connected with the Icelandic ffenna =
hiatus, chasma, which I have cited below to explain the
Etruscan flenim — pateram. If so, we get the same meaning
as that of the Greek oUpa-vós (see N. Crat. ὃ 259).
Favissa, "an excavation." Fest. p. 88: ‘“ Favisse locum sic
appellabant, in quo erat aqua inclusa circa templa. Sunt
autem, qui putant, favissas esse in Capitolio cellis cisternisque
similes, ubi reponi erant solita ea, que in templo vetustate
C——————————— A—— Ó ——Á ὦ — — υϑ — πα ΄΄΄ m ff
186 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [| CHAP. v.
erant facta inutilia." From the analogy of favisaa, mantissa,
and from the circumstance that the Romans seem to have
learned to make favisse from the Etruscans, it is inferred
that favissa was a Tuscan word: see Müller, ad Festi locum,
and Htrusk. τι. p. 289. The word is probably connected
with fovea, bauen, &c. We shall see below that lautn was
the Rasenic synonym.
Februum, “ἃ purification." Angrius, ap. J. Lyd. de Mens.
p.70: “Februum inferum esse Thuscorum lingua." Also
Sabine: see Varro, L. L. v1.8 13. If we compare febris,
&c., we shall perhaps connect the root with foveo = torreo,
whence favilla, &c., and understand the “ torrida cum mica
farra," which, according to Ovid (Fast. 11. 24), were called by
this name.
Fentha, according to Lactantius (de Fals. Relig. 1. c. 22, ὃ 9),
was the old Italian name of Fatua, the feminine form of
Faunus, “ quod mulieribus fata canere consuevisset, ut Faunus
viris." The form Finthia seems to occur on an old Tuscan
monument (Ann. dell’ Instit. VIII. p. 76), and is therefore
perhaps a Tuscan word. The analogy of Fentha to Fatua
is the same as that which has been pointed out above in the
case of Mantus. The n is ἃ kind of anuswárah very common
in Latin: comp. ὄχις, anguts; λείπω, linquo; λείχω, lingo;
Sanscr. tudámi, tundo; ὕδωρ, unda ; &c.
Floces, ** dregs of wine," Aul. Gell. x1. 7; ** floces audierat prisca
voce significare vini feecem e vinaceis expressam, sicuti fraces
ex oleis." Above s.v. Apluda. In Welsh fjíés means “ dregs.”
Fruntac; see Haruspex, and Phruntac,
Gapus, “a chariot." Hesych.: yarros: ὄχημα Τυῤῥηνοί. We
have here Fazros, a short Pelasgian form of ἀπήνη. Comp.
habena with χαβός (Hesych.), σελήνη with σέλας, avena with
avds, &c. In Gaelic cap is “ a cart.”
Ginis, “a crane." Hesych.: y[e]viss γέρανος, Τυῤῥηνοί. This
is probably some shortened form like the Latin grus. We
may compare the Old Norse verb gina, which is applied to
wide-mouthed or wide-beaked animals.
Haruspex is generally considered to have been an Etruscan
word. Strabo, XVI. p. 762, renders it by ἑεροσκόπος : asa or
ara certainly implied *'holiness" in the Tuscan language;
§ 3.} THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 187
and Hesychius has the gloss, ἄρακος" ἱέραξ, Τυῤῥηνοί, which
shows the same change from ἱερ- to har- (see above, p. 182).
If these analogies are not overthrown by the Jnscriptio bilin-
guts of Pisaurum (Fabrett. Inscr. c. X. n. 171, p. 646; Oliv.
Marm. Pisaur. n. 27, p. 11; Lanzi, 11. p. 652, n. à, where
[Caf ]atius L. f. Ste. haruspex fulguriator is translated by
Caphates Ls. Ls. Netmfis Trutnft Phruntac), we may perhaps
conclude that haruspex was the genuine Pelasgian form, trutnft
being the Rasenic or Etruscan synonym’. For the word
harus or ars- see the Umbrian ars-mo (above, p.117). On the
supposition that trutnft corresponds to haruspex, it furnishes
an important confirmation of the general theory respecting
the Low German origin of the Rasena. For the oldest forms
of Scandinavian divination exhibit to us the haruspex fur-
nished with a wand which he waves about, and the Northmen
no less than the Greeks regarded an oracular communication
as emphatically the truth : see note on Pind. Ol. vir. 2, where
the poet says, addressing Olympia, with reference to the cele-
brated oracle of: the Iamidee: δέσποιν ᾿Αληθείας, ἵνα μάντιες
ἄνδρες ἐμπύροις τεκμαιρόμενοι παραπειρώνται Διός, "ΟἹ queen
of oracular truth, where men οὗ divination forming their
judgment (taking their tokens) from the burnt-offerings search
into the will of Jove: and compare Hymis-Quida 1. Edd.
Semund, 1. p. 118:
"Athr sathir yrthí
Hristo teina
Ok 4 hlaut s.
which is rendered: * antequam verum deprehenderent, con-
cusserunt baczllos (divinatorios) et sanguinem sacrum inspexe-
runt." With this view of divination the /stuus of the Etruscan
augur entirely corresponds: and as éru in Icelandic signifies
fides or religio, and fit-la — leviter digitos movere (where -/a is
merely ἃ frequentative affix, Rask, Old Norse Grammar,
p. 168), I recognize teinn — bactllus in the middle of tru-tn-ft,
and refer the whole to the use of the lituus by the Etruscan
1 Aufrecht (apud Bunsen, Christ. and Mankind, im. p. 138) derives
haruspex from haru=ezxter; cf. xod-as, Old Norse garner, O. H. G.
mitti-garne, Lith. zarna, Sanscr. λίγα, Old Latin kira.
188 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. v.
haruspex. Those who are not satisfied with this analysis may
compare érutnft with the Runic trutin, “God’’ (Dieterich,
p. 922), and feta, “invenire”’ (Egilsson, p. 167).
Mister, “an actor." Liv. vit. 2: “Sine carmine ullo, sine imi-
tandorum carminum actu, ludiones ex Etruria adciti, ad tibi-
cinis modos saltantes, haud indecoros motus more Tusco dabant.
Imitari deinde eos juventus, simul inconditis inter se jocularia
fundentes versibus, coepere; nec absoni a voce motus erant.
Accepta itaque res seepiusque usurpando excitata. Vernaculis
artificibus, quia Acster Tusco verbo ludio vocabatur, nomen
histrionibus inditum: qui non, sicut ante, Fescennino versu
similem incompositum temere ac rudem alternis jaciebant; sed
impletas modis saturas, descripto jam ad tibicinem cantu,
. motuque congruenti peragebant." (See above, p. 157.) It
appears from this, and from all we read of the hister, that he
was a mimic actor; his dance is compared by Dionysius to
the Sicinnis; so that the word seems to be synonymous with
δεικηλίκτης, and the root is the pronoun ἐ- or Ac (N. Crat.
§ 139), which also enters into the cognate words t-mitor, ἴσσος,
eix-ov, &c., and appears in the termination of oleaster, &c.
(Lobeck, Pathol. p. 79).
Itus, “ the division of the month.” Varro, L. L. vt. 8 28: * Idus
ab eo quod Tusci stus." Cf. Macrob. Sat. 1. 15. As (tus was
the διχομηνία of the Tuscan lunar month, its connexion with
the root 4d- or fid- ia obvious: comp. di-vido, vid-uus, &c.
So Horat. 1v. Carm. x1. 14:
idus tibi sunt agendte
Qui dies mensem Veneris marinz
Findié Aprilem.
Leno, “ἃ double cloak.” Fest. p. 117: “ Quidam appellatam
existimant 'T'usce, quidam Grece, quam χλανίδα dicunt." ]f
it be a Tuscan word, its very like the Greek: compare lurt-
dus, lac, λιαρός, &c., with 4X pós, γά-λα, y-Mapós, ἄς. Varro
(L. L. v. § 183) derives it from lana.
Lanista, ‘a keeper of gladiators.” Isidor. Origg. x. p. 247:
“ Lanista gladiator, ὦ. 6. carnifex Tusca lingua appellatus."
Comp. /anzus, &c., from the root lac-, or the Irish /ann, “a
sword." Gladiatorial games are expressly stated to have been
derived by the Romans from the Etruscans: see Nicolaus
§ 3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 189
Damasc. apud Athen. 1v. 153 F, above, p. 81, and below, s. v.
Ludus.
Lar, “‘a lord.” Explained above, p. 179.
Leine. This word occurs in sepulchral inscriptions generally
along with rs? and a numeral. It is a quasi-substitute for
aifil, and as it seems to be a verb it must mean either eiat or
obiit. Mr. Ellis (p. 57) assumes the former, and compares the
Armenian léínel, “to be. As, however, vixit annos is ren-
dered by avi! ril, and not by eine ril, I am disposed to render
the word by odtit, in such passages as: Thana Catnet ril leine
LV.; or: A Peent ril Lit. Leine; or: aural clan leine. And if
30, it is to be connected with the Old Norse dinna, "cessare,
desinere," Gothic and O. H. G. lennan.
Intuus, “an augur's staff, curved at the end;” also, “a curved
trumpet :" see Cic. Divin. 11. 18; Liv. 1. 18. It constantly.
occurs on Etruscan monuments (see Inghirami, VI. tav. P. 5, 1).
Müller justly considers this word an adjective signifying
“crooked” (Etrusk. 11. p. 212). It contains the root /i-,
found in /i-quis, ob-liquus, li-ra, litus. (πλάγιος), λέχριος, 9uá-
few, &c. ; and is perhaps the Latin for teinn (above, p. 187).
Lucumo, whence the Roman prenomen Lucius (Valer. Max. de
Nomin. 18), “ἃ noble." The Tuscan form was Lauchme,
which the Umbrian Propertius has preserved in his transcrip-
tion Lucmo (El. 1v. 1, 29): prima galeritus posuit. pretoria
Lucmo. The word contains the root luc-, and may therefore
be compared with the Greek Γελέοντες, designating, like the
Tuscan term, a noble and priestly tribe (NV. Crat. $ 459). The
ἐργάδεις correspond to the Aruntes, who are regularly con-
trasted with the Lucumones (above, p. 125).
Ludus. The ancients derived this word from the Lydian origin
of the Etruscans, from whom the Romans first borrowed their
dancers and players. Dionys. Antiqu. 11. 71: καλούμενοι πρὸς
. αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῆς παιδιᾶς τῆς ὑπὸ Λυδῶν ἐξευρῆσθαι δοκούσης
λυδίωνες, εἰκόνες, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τῶν Σαλίων. Appian, VIII.
de Ποῦ. Pun. c. 66: χορὸς κιθαριστῶν τε καὶ τιτυριστῶν εἰς
μιμήματα Τυῤῥηνικῆς πομπῆς...Λυδοὺς αὐτοὺς καλοῦσιν, ὅτι
(oluas) Τυῤῥηνοὶ Λυδῶν ἄποικοι. Isidor. p. 1274: '' Inde Ro-
mani accersitos artifices mutuati sunt, et inde Judi a Lydiis
vocati sunt." Hesych. 11. p. 506: Λυδοὶ οὗτοι τὰς θέας εὑρεῖν
190 THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v.
λέγονται, ὅθεν καὶ Ρωμαῖοι λουδούς φασι. Comp. also Valer.
Max. τι. 4, 4; Tertull. de Spect. v. The derivation from the
ethnic name Lydius is of course a mere fancy. It does not,
however, seem improbable that, as the armed dances as well
as the clownish buffooneries of the Romans were derived from
Etruria, so the name, which designated these as jokers and
players (ludiones), was Etruscan also, like the other name
hister, which denoted the imitative actor. If so, the word
ludus was also of Tuscan or Pelasgian origin. Now this word
ludus is admirably adapted to express all the functions of the
Tuscan ludio. It is connected with the roots of ledo (comp.
. €udo, cedo), λοίδορος, λίζω, λάσθω, (= aito, Hesych.). Con-
sequently, it expresses on the one hand the amusement afforded
by the gesticulations of the ludio (σχηματίζεται ποικίλως eis
γέλωτα, Appian, u.8.), and on the other hand indicates the
innocent brandishing of weapons by the armed /udio as com-
pared with the use of arms in actual warfare. This latter
sense was preserved by /wdus to the last, as it signified the
school in which the gladiators played or fenced with wooden
foils (rudes) preparatory to the bloody encounters of the arena.
That the ludiones were Tuscans even in the classical age is
clear from Plautus, Curculto, 1.2, 60 sqq.: ''péssult, heus,
péssuh, vós salutó lubens—fite causá mea lid? bárbart; sdb-
silite, Sbsecro, et mittite istánc foras," panning on the resem-
blance of pessuli to the prasules of these Tuscan dancers (see
Non. Marc. c. x11. de Doctorum Indagine, p. 783, Gottofr.).
Mr. Ellis compares the Irish ζω, “nimble,” * active,"
which harmonizes with the dances at least of the Tuscan
ludtones.
Luna, the Tuscan port, probably got its name from the half-
moon shape of the harbour. See Pers. vi. 7, 8; Strabo, v.
p. 222; Martial, xirr. 30. The Tuscan spelling was perhaps
Losna (= Lus-na), which is found on a patera (see Müller,
Etrusk. 1. p. 294). With this we may compare the Irish
luisne, '* flame."
Manus or Manis, * good.” Apparently a Tuscan word; at any
rate, the manes were Tuscan divinities. Fest. p. 146, s. v.
Manuos ; Serv. ad 4m. 1. 189, 111. 68. So cerus manus, in
the Salian song, was creator bonus. Fest. p. 122, s. v. Matrem
§ 5. ] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 191
matutam; comp. Varro, L. L. vit. § 26. We may perhaps
recognize the same root in a-menus, Lithuan. atmésnts.
Mantisa, “ weighing-meat.” Fest. p. 182: '* Mantisa addita-
mentum dicitur lingua Tusca, quod ponderi adicitur, sed dete-
rius et quod sine ullo usu est. Lucilius: mantisa obsonia
vincit." Scaliger and Voss derive it from manu-tensa, “eo
quod manu porrigitur. It is more probably connected, like
me-n-da, with the root of μάτην; compare frustum with
a.
Nanus, “the pigmy." Lycophr. Alex. 1244: Návos πλαναῖσι
“πάντ᾽ ἐρευνήσας μυχόν. Ubi Tzetzes: 6 Ὀδυσσεὺς παρὰ τοῖς
Τυρσηνοῖς νάνος καλεῖται, δηλοῦντος τοῦ ὀνόματος τὸν πλανή-
την. This interpretation seems to be only a guess based on
the πλαναῖσι of Lycophron. The considerations mentioned
above (S 1) leave it scarcely doubtful that the Tuscan word,
like the Latin nanus, refers to the diminutive stature of the
hero, which is also implied in his common name Ulysses. The
Greek words vávos, νάννος, νάνισκος, vavdto, νάνιον, &c. have
the same meaning. The word, therefore, being common to
the Tuscans, Greeks, and Romans, is indubitably of Pelasgic
origin.
Nepos, “ἃ profligate.” Fest. p. 165: ** Nepos luxuriosus a Tus-
cis dicitur." Probably, as Müller suggests (Etrusk. 1. p. 277),
the word which bears this meaning is not from the same root
as the Siculian nepos, “ἃ grandson” (Gr. vérrous, ἀ-νέψιος,
Germ. neffe). Many etymologies have been proposed; but I
am not satisfied with any one of them. Might we connect
the word with ne-pdtis, Gr. ἀ-κρατής, ἀκόλαστος Ὁ
Phruntac = fulguriator. See the Inscriptio bilinguts quoted
above s. v. Haruspex. We must consider this T'uscan word
as standing either for Furn-tactus or for fulntacius : in the
former case it is connected with the Latin furnus, fornax,
Greek πῦρ, Germ. feur, &c., Old Norse fur or fyr ; in the
latter it may be compared with ful-geo, ful-men, $Xé-y-ew,
φλό-ξ, &c. It is not impossible that both roots may be ulti-
mately identical: compare creber, celeber; cresco, glisco ;
κραῦροψ,, καλαῦροψ'; crus, σ-κέλος; culmen, celsus, xoXo-
φών, κράνιον, κορυφή, &c.; but the r brings the word nearer
to the Old Norse, which the theory would lead us to expect ;
192 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cuar. v.
and as tak-na in Icelandic signifies ominari, we could not
have a nearer translation of haruspex fulguriator than éru-
ten-fit furn-tak = veri-bacillum-contrectans tgne-omtnans = ἀλη-
θοραβδονόμος πυρόμαντις, “the fire-tokener who waves the
wand of divination." "When such coincidences explain all the
elements of two compound words, the meaning of which is
established by monumental evidence, the result ought to be
conviction rather than surprise. |
Quinquatrus. Varro, L. L. vi. § 14: “ Quinquatrus ; hic dies
unus ab nominis errore observatur, proinde ut sint quinque.
Dictus, ut ab Tusculanis post diem sextum idus similiter voca-
tur Sexatrus, et post diem septimum Septimatrus, sic hic,
quod erat post diem quintum idus, Qwinquatrus." Festus, p.
254: ““ Quinquatrus appellari quidam putant a numero dierum
qui feriis iis celebrantur: qui scilicet errant tam hercule, quam
qui triduo Saturnalia et totidem diebus Competalia: nam om-
nibus his singulis diebus fiunt sacra. Forma autem vocabuli
ejus, exemplo multorum populorum Italicorum enuntiata est,
quod post diem quintum iduum est is dies festus, ut aput Tus-
culanos Triatrus et Sexatrus et Septimatrus et Faliscos
Decimatrus.” See also Gell. N. A. rr. 21. From this we
infer that in the Tuscan language the numeral quinque, or, as
they probably wrote it, cfincfe, signified "five," and that
atrus meant “a day." With regard to the numeral, Steub
states that cht means “five” on a newly discovered die, and
he translates the inscription (Bullet. Arch. 1836, p. 147)
Thancoilu avils cis cealchs by Tanaquil «etatis Lv, inferring
that cealchs = cealtchas means the decad of five, because the
Lithuanian itka = δέκα (Grimm, Gesch. d. deutsch. Spr. p.
246), which, however, indicates the addition of ten, and not a
multiplication by that number; for e.g. keturdiika is 14 and
not 44 (Pott, Zihlmethode, p. 186). That, however, quinque =
cfincfe is likely enough to represent the Etruscan is shown by
the Etruscan form of the prenomen Quintus, which is written
Cuintus (see Dennis, 11. p. 412). With the latter part of the
word, perhaps connected with ai@piov, we may compare the
Tuscan atriwm, according to the second of the etymologies
proposed above. |
Ramnenses, Tities, Luceres. Varro, L. L. v. S 55: “Omnia
§ 8.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 193
heec vocabula Tusca, ut Volnius, qui tragcedias Tuscas scripsit,
dicebat." See Müller, Htrusk. 1. p. 380.
Ril, *a year." This word frequently occurs before numerals in
sepulchral inscriptions; and, as the word aif — etatis gene-
rally precedes, rt/ is supposed with reason to mean annum or
annos. It is true that this word does not resemble any
synonym in the Indo-Germanic languages; but then, as has
been justly observed by Lepsius, there is no connexion be-
tween annus, Gros and sr, and yet the connexion between
Greek, Latin, and German is universally admitted'. The word
ril appears to me to contain the root ra or re, implying “ flux"
and “motion,” which occurs in every language of the family,
and which in the Pelasgian dialects sometimes furnished a name
for great rivers (above, p. 56). Thus 7Ybe-ris, the Tuscan
river, is probably “the mountain-stream ;" see below, § 6.
The termination -ἶ also marks the Tuscan patronymics, and, in
the lengthened form -itus, serves the same office in Latin (e. g.
Servi-lius from Servius). The Greek patronymic in -δῆς ex-
presses derivation or extraction, and is akin to the genitive-
ending. This termination appears in fet-rov, pei-0-pov, &c.,
which may therefore be compared with r:-l. If the 7 repre-
sents a more original n, ril comes into immediate contact with
the Icelandic renna “to run" or "flow," whence retnandé
vain = aqua-fluens, and the river Rhine probably received
its name from this source, for renna, A. B. rin =cursus aqua.
How well suited this connexion is for the expression of time
need not be pointed out to the intelligent reader. The fol-
lowing examples from the Latin language will show that the
etymology is at least not inconsistent with the forms of speech
adopted by the ancient Italians. The Latin name for the
year—annus, more anciently anus—of which annulus or
anulus (Schneider, Lat. Gr. 1. p. 422) is a diminutive—denotes
a circle or cycle—a period—a curve returning to itself; and
the same is the origin of the other meaning of anus, i.e. ab
orbiculari figura. Now as the year was regarded as a num-
ber of months, and as the moon-goddess was generally the
1 See the other instances of the same kind quoted by Dr. Prichard,
Journal of R. G. S. 1x. 2, p. 209.
D. V. 18
194 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v.
feminine form of the sun-god', we recognize Annus as the god
of the sun, and Anna as the goddess of the moon; and as she
recurred throughout the period of the sun's course, she was
farther designated by the epithet perenna. To this Anna
perenna, ‘the ever-circling moon," the ancients dedicated the
ides of March, the first full moon of the primitive year, and,
as Macrobius tells us (Saturn. 1. 12), ‘“‘eodem quoque mense
et publice et privatim ad Annam Perennam sacrificatum itur
ut annare perennareque commode liceat." The idea, therefore,
attached to her name was that of a regular flowing, of a con-
stant recurrence; and d-nus denotes at once *' the ever-flowing”’
(dé-vaos) and “the ever-recurring’’ (del νεόμενος): see New
Crat..§ 270. Now this is precisely the meaning of the com-
mon Latin adjective perennis; and sollennis (= quod omntbus
annis prestars debet, Festus, p. 298) has acquired the similar
signification of *regular," * customary," and “‘ indispensable."
It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that in ἃ Tuscan monument
(Micali, Storia, pl. 36) Atlas supporting the world is called
-A-ril. If Atlas was the god of the Tuscan year, this may
serve to confirm the common interpretation of 717; and d-nus =
ja-nus will thus correspond to é-rtl both in origin and signifi-
cation; for it is certain that νέω and ῥεώ spring from ἃ com-
mon source (New Croat. u.8.). Aufrecht (ap. Bunsen, Christi-
anity and Mankind, Yit. p. 102) compares the Umbr. ak-nos
with am-nis, and from this derives an original ap-nus, which
. would contain the Sanscrit root ap, “ water," and so come more
1 In the Penny Cyclopedia 8. v. Demeter, I remarked, as I bad pre-
viously done in the Theatre of the Greeks, “that in the Roman mythology
as well as in the Greek, we continually find duplicate divinities male and
female, and sometimes deities of a doubtful sex (Niebuhr’s Rome, Vol. 1.
pp. 100, 101, Eng. Tr.; and Philolog. Mus. 1. pp. 116, 117). Thus the sun-
god and the moon-goddess are always paired together." From this the
writer of the article Roman Calendar in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities,
borrowed his statement, that “the tendency among the Romans to have
the same word repeated first as ἃ male and then as ἃ female deity, has
been noticed by Niebuhr,” &c.; and because I took the liberty of repeat-
ing myself, in a former edition of the present work, this compiler has
assumed, with amusing effrontery, that I was copying the trifling appro-
priation of which he had probably forgotten the source.
$5.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 195
immediately into harmony with my view of the question. It is
worthy of remark that annus appears in inscriptions under the
forms adnus or atnus (Fabretti s. v.), which may be compared
with the name of the Tuscan river Arnus.
Stroppus, “a fillet.” Fest. p. 313: “ Stroppus est, ut Ateius
philologus existimat, quod Grece στρόφιον vocatur, et quod
sacerdotes pro insigni habent in capite. Quidam coronam esse
dicunt, aut quod pro corona insigne in caput imponatur, quale
sit strophium, Itaque apud Faliscos diem festum esse, qui
vocetur struppearia, quia coronati ambulent. Et a Tuscu-
lanis" [for another instance of the similarity of language be-
tween the people of Falerii and Tusculum, see under Quinqua-
trus), “quod in pulvinari imponatur, Castoris struppum vocari."
Idem, p. 347: ‘“ Strupp? vocantur in pulvinaribus fasciculi de
verbenis facti, qui pro deorum capitibus ponuntur."
Subulo, “a flute-player.” Varro, L. L. vu. ὃ 85: “ Subulo
dictus quod ita dicunt tibicines Tusci: quocirca radices ejus in
Etruria non Latio querunde.” Fest. p. 309: ““ Subulo Tusce
tibicen dicitur; itaque Ennius: subulo quondam marinas
adstabat plagas." Compare sibilo, σίφων, si-lenus, σιφλόω,
ἀ-σύφηλος, ἄς. Fr. siffler, persifler, &c.
Toga. If toga was the name by which the Tuscans called their
outer garment, the verb tego must have existed in the Tuscan
language; for this is obviously the derivation. That the
Tuscans wore togas, and that the Romans borrowed this dress
from them, is more than probable (Müller, Etrusker, p. 262).
If not, they must, from the expression used by Photius (Lez.
8. v.), have called it τήβεννα, which was its name in Argos
and Arcadia.
Trutnft = tru-ten-fit: see 8. v. Haruspez.
Voraus, ‘‘ one hundred feet square," is quoted as both Tuscan and
Umbrian. Fragm. de Limit. ed Ges. p. 216: "Primum
agri modulum fecerunt quattuor limitibus clausum figure,
quadrats: similem, plerumque centum pedum in utraque parte,
quod Greci πλέθρον appellant, Tusci et Umbri vorsum." For
the use of πλέθρον, see Eurip. Jon. 1137. In itself vorsus is
the integral part of the area; but the lines forming right
angles in the vorsus and in the whole area were termed proret,
le. pro-verst limites, when they followed the main direction,
13—2
196 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. V.
but.trans-veret when they crossed it (Hygin. p. 167, 17, &c.).
The word universus derives its meaning from the same class of
expressions (above, p. 32). The fact that vorsus is a Tuscan
word confirms the etymologies of Vertumnus and Nortia.
§ 4. Etruscan Inscriptions— Difficulties attending their Inter-
pretation.
In passing to our third source of information respecting the
Tuscan language—the inscriptions which have been preserved—
we are at once thrown upon difficulties, which are still beyond
the reach of a complete solution. "We may, indeed, derive from
them some fixed results with regard to the structure of the lan-
guage, and here and there we may find it possible to offer an
explanation of a few words of more frequent occurrence. In
general, however, we want a more complete collection of these
documents; one, too, in deciphering which the resources of
peleography have been carefully and critically applied. When
we shall have obtained this, we shall at least know how far we
can hope to penetrate into the hitherto unexplored arcana of the
mysterious Etruscan language !.
2 The most complete collection of Etruscan inscriptions that we
have at present is that of G. B. Vermiglioli (Antiehe Jscrisioni Perugine,
ed. 2, Perugia, 1833), but this is generally limited to the inscriptions at
Perugia, and does not include the numerous fragments which have been
published by the Archzological Society at Rome and by other col-
lectors. How far the want will be supplied by the copies of Etruscan
inscriptions te be contained in Fabretti's Glossarium Italicum, of which
three parte have appeared (Aug. Taurinorum, 1858, 1859), will be seen
when the work is completed. The following extract from the Pro-
spectus will show what Fabretti promises :—
* L'autore di questo Glossarium italicum non s'indirizza propria-
mente a coloro che han fama di maestri nelle filologiche discipline, e
che finora vegliarono nel sollevare il velo che cuopre gli scritti monu-
menti de' padri nostri; che anzi e' si giova dell' opera loro per ottenere
che il beneficio venutone alla scienza si estenda ai meno versati in questo
genere di studi ed a quanti amano inoltrarsi, per men aspro cammino,
nel campo delle ricerche storiche e filologiche sull'antica Italia. A molti
tornerà utile, se non c'inganniamo, l'aver sott' occhi in un comodo volume
tutte le inserizioni antichissime appartenenti ale vatie contrade della
patria nostra (e molte delle etrusche inedite o corrette sugli originali),
§ 4. THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 197
Referring to the theory, that the Etruscan nation consisted
of two main ingredients—namely, Tyrrheno-Pelasgians, more
or less intermixed with Umbrians, and Retians or Low Ger-
mans’, the former prevailing in the South, the latter in the
e trovar facilmente i vocaboli di ogni dialetto territoriale ricordati dagli
scrittori o ricavati dai monumenti, colle dichiarazioni degl' interpreti
migliori, coi raffronti tra le diverse lingue e con 1a scorta delle etimo-
logie; si che facciasi palese che le prische favelle italiche si collegano
colla latina lingua e coi parlari moderni, e che questi e quelle si recon-
giungono alla grande famiglia indo-pelasgica.”
1 The idea that one ingredient, at least, in the old Etruscan language
was allied to the most ancient type of the Low German, as preserved in
the Icelandic inscriptions, occurred to me when I was reading the Runic
fragments with a different object in 1846, A long series of independent
combinations was required before I could bring myself to attach any im-
portance to the prim facie resemblances which struck me on the most
euperficial comparison of documents, apparently so far removed from the
possibility of any mutual relations. But I have quite lately discovered
that the same first impressions were produced end recorded just one hun-
dred years before I communicated my views to the British Association.
A folio tract has come into my bands with the following title: Alphabetum
veterum Etruscorum secundis curis inlustratum et auctum a Joh. Chrst.
Amadutio [Amaduzzi], Rom. 1775, and I find the following statement in
P. xli: “nemo melius hujusmodi cerebrosa tentamina ridenda suscepit
quam anonymus quidam scriptor (qui Hieronymus Zanettius Venetus &
quibusdam habitus est) qui anno 1751 opusculum (Nuova trasigurazions
delle lettere Etrusche) edidit lepidum et festivum satis, in quo... . literas
quibus [monumenta Etrusca] instructa sunt Geticas ac Runicas potius...
statuendas comminiscitur...Id etiam nonnullis Runicis sive Geticis ad-
ductis monumentis et cum iis, qure Etrusca censentur, facta comparatione
evinoere nititur" With more etymological knowledge, but with the
same inability to appreciate the importauce of the evidence which he
was adducing, the reviewer of J&kel’s superficial book in the Quarterly
Review (Vol. xuvi. p. 347) remarks: “ It is strange but true that some
of the most striking coincidences are between the Latin and the Teutonic
dialects of Scandinavia and Friezeland—regions which Roman foot never
touched. Here are ἃ few of the Scandinavian ones: abetergo, affsiryka ;
abstraho, affdraga; carus, kaer; candela, kindel; clivus, kleif (cliff); &c.
In all these cases the word has disappeared, or at least become unusual,
in the German. In Friezeland hospes is osb, macula is magl, rete is rhwyd,
turtus is turtur, &c.” Ido not know to whom Bulwer Lytton refers (My
Novel; Blackwood's Magazine, Sept. 1850, p. 247), where he speaks of
some speculator on raccs who had identified the Danes with the ancient
198 THE ἘΤΒΌΒΟΑΝ LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v.
north-western part of Etruria,—it is obvious that we cannot
expect to find one uniform language in the inscriptions, which
belong to different epochs and are scattered over the territory
occupied in different proportions by branches of cognate tribes.
Accordingly, we must, if possible, discriminate between those
fragments which represent the language in its oldest or un-Ra-
senic form, and those which exhibit scarcely any traces of a
Pelasgic character.
§ 5. Inscriptions in which the Pelasgian element predominates.
Of all the Etruscan cities the least Rasenic perhaps is Cere!
or Agylla, which stands in so many important connexions with
Rome. Its foundation by the Pelasgians is attested by a great
number of authorities (Serv. ad Zn. vii. 478; Strabo, v. p. 220;
Dionys. Hal. 111. 58; Plin. H. N. m1. 8): its port, Πύργοι, had
a purely Pelasgian or even Greek name, and the Pelasgians
had founded there a temple in honour of Εὐλήθυια (Strabo, v.
226; Diod. xv. 14). In the year 534 B.c., the people of Agylla
consulted the oracle at Delphi respecting the removal of a curse;
and they observed, in the days of Herodotus, the gymnic and
equestrian games which the Pythoness prescribed (Herod. 1. 167):
moreover, they kept up a connexion with Delphi, in the same
manner 88 the cities of Greece, and had a deposit in the bank
of the temple (Strabo, v. p. 220).
As the Agylleans, then, maintained so long a distinct Pe-
lasgian character, we might expect to find some characteristics
in the inscriptions of Cere, or Cervetri, by which they might
be distinguished from the monuments of northern and eastern
Etruria. There is at least one very striking justification of this
supposition. On an ancient vase, dug up by General Galassi at
Etruscaus, because they both called their gods sar, and who had re-
cognized the root of this word in the name of Asia.
1 Lepsius (die Tyrrh. Pelasger, p. 28) considers Core an Umbrian and
not a Pelasgian word, -re being a common ending of the names of Um-
brian towns; thus we have T'ute-re on coins for Tuder. The original
name was perhaps Kaiere, which contains a root expressive of antiquity
and nobility (above, p. 7).
ὃ 6.] THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 199
Cervetri, the following inscription is traced in very clear and
legible characters :
Mi πὶ ke0uma, mt mabu maram lsat Ovpurenar ;
E0e erat sie epana, mi ne0u, nastav heleu.
It is obvious that there is an heroic rhythm in these lines; the
punctuation and division into words are of course conjectural.
This inscription differs from those which are found in the Um-
bro-Etruscan or Rasenic districts, and especially from the Peru-
sian cippus, in the much larger proportion of vowels, which are
here expressed even before and after liquids, and in the absence
of the mutilated terminations in c, 7, r, which are so common in
the other monuments. The meaning of this couplet seems to be
as follows: “1 am not dust; I am ruddy wine on burnt-ashes:
when" (or “if”) “there is burning-heat under ground I am
water for thirsty lips." JM? is clearly the mutilated é-uí-— ἐσ- μέ,
That the substantive verb may be reduced to é-u/, with the first
syllable short, is clear from the inscription on the Burgon vase,
which Bóckh has so strangely misunderstood (C.J. n. 33), and
which obviously consists of three cretics: τῶν ᾿Αθή-νηθεν ἄ- |
xov ἐμί. . Ne is the original negative, which in Latin always
appears in a reduplicated or compounded form. The same form
appears in Icelandic. Ke@uma is the primitive form of χθών,
χθαμα-λός, χαμαί, humus, &c.; and may not χιθαμα- be an off-
shoot of the Hebrew DIN, in which the aleph, as in many other
cases, represents a stronger guttural? (see above, p. 91). The
1 Dr. L. Steub (zur Ratischen Ethnologie, p. 223) considers that mé
ia me, and not εἰμί. Thus he translates mi suthi Larthial Muthikus * me
posuit L. M." According to him suthi is a verb connected with sido,
ἴζω, sidjé, salján, selzén. And he is not deterred by the appearance of
turce in the same sentence with suthi (Lanzi, 11. p. 497; Müller, Etrusk.
X. p. 452). For he considers turce to be another verb, analogous to
mulenike (Müller, rt. p. 352), lupuce=vizit, taiseke, peruce, calesece, mianece,
miace (Bullet. Arch. 1850, p. 40), being all homogeneous forms. Simi-
larly, in an inscription on a vault (Bullet. 1833, p. 55), eith fanu sathec
lautn. Pumpus, he extracts the meaning: hoece (or idce) fanum posuit
L. P., and mi cana is me posuit. In the inscription quoted above he
changes mini into mim; and so also in the Naples inscription, where he
reads: mim mulveneke Veltha in Pupliana, and renders the words, me
Jecit Vultho tn Populonia.
200 | THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v.
difference of quantity in the second ms will not prevent us from
identifying it with the first, which is lengthened by the ictus.
Ma6u is the Greek μέθυ, Sanscr. madhu. Maram is the epithet
agreeing with mathu: it contains the root mar-, found in Μάρων
(the grandson of Bacchus), and in Ἴσ-μαρος, the site of his
vineyards (see Od. 1x. 196 sqq.), and probably signifying
“ruddy” (ualpw, patpa, &c.). The fact that Maro was an agri-
cultural cognomen at Mantua is an argument in favour of the
Etruscan use of the root. sad is the locative of lists, an
old word corresponding to lix, “ashes mingled with water."
@ipurenas is an adjective in concord with /1/$:a?, and probably
containing the same root as fepidus, tephral, teforom, &c. (above,
pp. 56, 156). Ee is some particle of condition or time’. rat
is the locative of gpa, “earth.” The idea of this second line is
conveyed by the sneer of Lucretius (111. 916 sq. Lachmann):
* Tanquam in morte mali cum primis hoc sit eorum,
Quod sitis exurat miseros atque arida torres—"
where Lachmann quotes Cyrill. ἀπόκαυμα ustilacio, torres; and
it is probable that epana is synonymous with torres, and that it
may be connected with δάπτω, &c., as epulae is with δαπάνη,
daps, δεῖπνον, &c., or (gnis with the root dah, “to burn." Ste
(pronounced syé) is siet = stt (80 ar-sie = ad-sts and st — sit in the
Eug. Tables). There can be little doubt that ne@u means “ water"
in the Tuscan language. There is an Etruscan mirror in which
the figure of Neptune has superscribed the word Nethuns = Ne-
thu-n-[u]s. The root is ne-, and appears under a slightly different
development in the next word, nastav (comp. νασμός, ναθμός,
O. H. G. naz), which is probably a locative in -φι, agreeing with
helegu, and this may be referred to χεῖλος, Molice yéXXos, Latin
heluo, &c.
There is another inscription in the Museum at Naples which
also begins with m$ ni, and presents in a shorter compass the
1 Mr. Ellis remarks (p. 52, note) that ethe means “if” in Armenian,
and as this inscription is clearly of a Pelasgian character, this coincidence
seems to strengthen the supposition that the Armenian affinities of the
Etruscans, 80 far as they can be made good, belong to the hon-Rasenic
part of the language (above, p. 167).
§ 5.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 201
same features with that which has just been quoted. It runs
thus in one Hexameter line:
Mi ni mulve neke velóu ir pupliana,
and seems to mean: *I am not of Mulva nor Volsinii, but
Populonia.” For ποῖα τε neque see NN. Crat.§ 147. Jr is the
,
conjunction ἀλλά = “ but" (compare the O. N. an-nar with our
other, or); and as Velsa or Velthu signifies the city Volsinds
(Muller, Etr. 1. p. 334), and as pupliana obviously refers to
Puplana = Populonia (Müller, 1. p. 331), I would suppose a place
Mulva, whence the pons Mulv-tus, two miles from Rome, (Taci-
tus, Annal. x11. 47. Hist. 1. 87. 11. 89. 111. 82), and the proper
name Mulvius (Horace, 1. Serm. vit. 36)'.
Besides these, we have a great number of inscriptions be-
ginning with the syllable mz, mostly from Orvieto (i.e. urbs
vetus, Volsini??); and an inspection of those among them which
are most easily interpreted leaves us little reason to doubt that
this syllable represents the verb εἰμί, which has suffered decapi-
1 Dr. Karl Meyer (in the Gelehrter Anzeigen of the Royal Academy at
Munich, for 1843, pp. 698—735) has endeavoured to explain the twa
Pelasgian inscriptions on the supposition that the Pelasgians, though
Caucasian, belonged to the ZEgypto-(Chaldeo)-Celtic group of people,
who inbabited the Caucasian regions in the most primitive times, and
were therefore pre-Sanscritic in the formation of their languages (p. 728).
He thus borrows his suggestions from the fragmentary and half-under-
stood remains of ancient Egyptian on tbe one hand, and from modern
Irish and Welsh on the other—a mode of proceeding which to myself
appears not likely to lead to any safe results. His interpretation of the
Cervetri Inscription is as follows: “ich (mini, as in 2 p. pl. pass.!!) sage
(Eg. ct-, Champ. p. 378; Gaelic, cet-aim; Goth. quithan, &c.), dass ich
rühme (Irish, muidhim) die Huld (mari O. H.D = = fama) des Lisias Purenas
(Thipurenas) und die seiner Frau Gemahlin (Aerae, and Irish, bean —
woman!) singe (Irish, nasaim), preise (same with t inserted, as in gusto,
from γεύω) und verkündige ich (Cymr. Alavara).” The following is
Meyer's ezplanation of the Naples inscription: “Ich salbe mich mit
populonischem Oele. d. i. Oel der stadt Populonia,” i.e. mulvene is from
the Irish morfas, “train oil," comp. μολύνειν, (1); cevelthu, Irish, bealadh,
“to anoint,” from ἔλαιον with the digamma, cf. βάλανος, &c., ir from the
METNO Pelo r, ir, “to make," as an affix to the passive voice in Latin,
&c.(!) But even supposing these comparisons were as safe, as they seem
to me"far-fetched and improbable, why is such an inscription, applicable
only to a man, found on a vessel?
202 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v.
tation in the same manner as the modern Greek va for ἕνα.
A collection of these inscriptions has been made by Lanzi (Saggto,
II. p. 319, .Epitafi scelt$ fra’ piu antichi, no. 188-200)"; and
Müller thinks (Htrusk. 1. p. 451) that they are all pure Pelas-
gian. Some of them, indeed, seem to be almost Greek—at least,
they are more nearly akin to Greek than to Latin. "Take, for
instance, no. 191, which has been adduced both by Müller and
by Lepsius, and which runs thus:
Mi kalairu fuus.
Surely 'this is little else than archaic Greek: εἰμὲ Καλαιροῦ
Fuiós. In regard to the last word at any rate, even modern
Latin approaches more nearly to the Etruscan type. It is well
known that the termination -a/, -ul in Etruscan indicates a
patronymic. Thus a figure of Apollo, found in Picenum, is in-
scribed, Jupetrul Hpure, i.e. “ Jupiter's son, Apollo.” The
syllable -al corresponds to the Latin form -alis, but in its sig-
nificance as a patronymic it is represented rather by -i-/íus, as
in Servius, Servilius ; Lucius, Lucilius; &c. According to this
analogy, f-lius, from fio, is nearer to the Etruscan than dios,
from the Molic $w (Et. M. p. 254, 16).
§ 6. Transition to the Inscriptions which contain Scandina-
vian words. The laurel-crowned Apollo. .Explanations of
the words CLAN and PHLERES.
There is another inscription of this class which deserves
particular notice, because, though it is singularly like Greek, it
contains two words which are of constant occurrence in the least
Pelasgian of the Etruscan monuments, and furnish us with the
strongest evidence of the Low-German or Scandinavian affinities
of a portion at least of the Etruscan language. A bronze figure,
representing Apollo crowned with laurel (Gori, Mus. Etrusc. 1.
pl. 32), has the following inscription :
Mi phieres epul aphe aritimi
phastt ruphrua turce clen ceca.
! There is also an old inscription in the Vatican Library which belongs
to the same class: mi Venerus fAnucenas, which Mommsen would render
(Unterital. Dialekte, p. 18): sum Veneris Erycine. He has mentioned some
others of the same kind.
e
$6. | | THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE.
The first sentence must mean: sum donarium Apol 4 tAr-
temidt. The form Ari-témi-, as from Ar-timi-s, instead vf the
Greek ΓΑρ-τεμι[δ]ς, is instructive. We might suppose from this
that Ari-timi-s, the “virgin of the sea,” and 'Apé-Oovca, “ the
virgin swiftly flowing," were different types of one and the same
goddess (see above, pp. 45, 59). ᾿Αρτεμής appears to me to be
a derivative from “Apress. The next words probably contain
the name and description of the person who made the offering.
The name seems to have been Fastia Rufrunia or Rufria.
Lanzi and Miiller recognize a verb in turce, which is of frequent
occurrence. on the Etruscan monuments, and translate it by
ἐποίει, dedit, ἀνέθηκε, or the like. Lanzi goes so far as to
suggest the etymology [δε-Ἰδώρηκε. And perhaps we might
make a verb of it, were it not for the context}. Its position,
however, between the proper name and the word clen, which in
all other inscriptions is immediately appended to the name and
description of a person, would induce me to seek the verb in
ceca (probably a reduplication, like pepe on the Todi statue:
compare chu-che, cechaze in the Perugian inscription, and cechase
on the Bomarzo sarcophagus, Dennis, I. p. 313), and to suppose
that Turce is the genitive of the proper name 7Vascus.
The word clen, one of the two to which I have referred, some-
times stands in contrast to eter, etera,—a word at once suggest-
ing either the Latin veter (vetus), Lith. wets, or the Latin tterum,
Umbrian etre. Thus we have on the same monument;
La . Fenete La . Lethial etera
Se . Fenete La. Lethal clan:
and again:
eterav clenarci.
The order of the words seems to show that etera means “ the
elder" and clen “the younger;" but if etera alter, we should
infer that clan must mean the first or head of the family’.
1 Steub, who, as I have mentioned, takes turce as a verb, renders the
inscription: me donarium F. E. posuit filii causa.
3 Steub opposes etera to clen, as “old” to “young;” thus in the
inscription (Bullet. 1850, p. 92) eterav clenarci, he renders the words,
senes juvenesque. Mr. Ellis considers it scarcely doubtful that clan means
« son."
SE LIBRA DN
eor THE
UNIS LS
=. om
IT^'
204 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHapP. v.
Taking clen or clan by itself, there are etymological arguments
for both conclusions. On the one hand it may be remarked,
that the root, which in the Greek and Latin languages signifies
head, summit, top, is cel-, cul-, cli-, xoX-, xop-, or xpa-. These
are in effect the same root, —compare glisco, cresco, &c.; and it is
well known, that words denoting height and elevation—or head-
ship, in fact —are employed to signify rank. Now the transition
from this to primogeniture—the being first in a family—is easy
and natural: compare the '*patrio princeps donfrat nomine
regem" of Lucretius (1. 88). Therefore, if clen or clens (in Latin
clanis or clantus) 18 connected with the root of celsus, cul-men,
collis, clivus, κολοφών, κορυφή, κύριος, κοίρανος, κοῦρος, κόρος,
κύρβας, κράνιον, &c., it may well be used to signify the first in a
family. Cf. the Hebrew w^, “de cujuscunque rei initio,
principio, origine (velut flumints), summitate, velut de montium
verticibus, &c." (First, Conc. a. v.). To this it may be added
that there were two rivers in Italy which bore the name of
Clanis or Clantus; the one running into the Tiber between
Tuder and Volsinii, the other joining the sea near the Tuscan
colony of Vulturnum. Now the names of rivers in the Pelasgian
language seem to have some connexion with roots signifying
“height,” * hill" or ‘ hill-tower.” This has been indicated
above in what has been said of the names of the Scythian rivers
(Chap. rr. ὃ 10). The Tibe-ris—the “Tuscan river," as the
Latin poets call it—seems to have derived its name from the
Pelasgian teba, “ἃ hill," and the root r$, “to flow" (see above,
Chap. Iv. ὃ 2). And the C/an-is and Clan-tus, which flow
down from the Apennines, may well have gained a name of
similar import. On the other hand, we shall find that the most
obvious result from an examination of the northern languages
is in favour of the supposition, that clen either signifies “little”
as opposed to “ great," or “son” as opposed to “father.” For
though the root #l- in kf, kliffe, kleyf, signifies altitude and
climbing, and though klackr in Icelandic denotes “a rock," we
find that, with the affix n, klen or klien in Icelandic, and in
Germ. klein, signify “little,” but primarily in the sense of “a
child" as opposed to **a man;" and it may be a question whether
the idea of derivation, which I have just indicated in the river as
compared with the mountain, may not be at the basis of the
$6.] THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 205
ordinary meaning of klen or kleine. And thus whether the
Etruscan clean signifies “young” generally, or simply “the
child” in particular, in contrast with the parents, the Icelandic
will help the explanation. This result is supported, not only, as
I have already mentioned, by the order in which etera and clen
appear, but also by the occurrence of clen in conjunction with
the adjunct er or era, which, if there is any truth in the Scandi-
navian hypothesis, must be compared with the Old Norse ers or
ert, “janior” (Egilsson, Lexicon, p. 131). In the Perugian in-
scription (1. 6) we have ara$ peras, which may be the genitive
cases of a substantive and adjective denoting “younger child"
(compare pera with the root bar, and the words baro, barn,
* bairn," &c.). And that clan means “son” in particular rests
to a certain extent on positive evidence. For the only bilin-
gual inscription, in which I have found clans, seems to imply
that, unless otherwise expressed, this word merely denotes son-
ship. It is (Dennis, 11. p. 426):
V. Casa C. clans
C. Cassius C. F. Saturninus.
Where C. Clans=C. F., the cognomen Saturninus being an
addition in the Latin version. This view is confirmed by the fact
that clan sometimes oecurs in the same inscription with the
matronymie in -a/, as in the inscription quoted above; and while
in the bilingual inscriptions this matronymic is rendered by
natus, clans, as we have seen, is translated filius, and sometimes
filius is added without any corresponding clan in the Etruscan
inscriptions. The following examples will show all the different
usages of this adjunct:
A. Clan or clen used with a genitive case and without any
patronymic.
a. Phastt Ruphrua Turce clen ceca. (Gori, Mus.
Etrusc. 1. pl. 32, ie. in the inscription under
consideration.)
b. V. Caszi C. clans. (Dennis, 11. p. 426.)
C. Cassius C. F. Saturninus.
B. Clan, with ἃ patronymic, and without a genitive:
206 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v.
Laris Pumpus Arnthal clan cechase. (Dennis, 1.
p. 313).
And so in the second inscription quoted above.
C. Patronymic without clan, but with natus in the Latin
translation.
(a). Vl. Alphni nuvi. cainal
C. Alfius A. F. Cainnia natus. (Dennis, 11. p. 354.)
(b). Vel. Venzileal Phnalisle
C. Vensius C. F. Cesia natus. (Id. 11. p. 371.)
(c). Cuint. Sent. Arntnal
Q. Sentius L. F. Arria natus. (Id. τι. p. 412.)
(d). Pup. Velumna Au. Caphatial
P. Volumnius A. F. Violens Cafatia natus. (Id.
II. p. 475.)
From this it appears that clan represents the son or daughter
as opposed to the father, the mother's name being given in the
matronymic.
The other of the two words in this inscription, to which I
have adverted, is pAleres, which clearly means donartum, or
something of the kind. This word, as we shall see directly,
occurs on a number of small Etruscan objects, which are of the
nature of supplicatory gifts. And it would be only fair to con-
clude that the word denotes ** vow " or “ prayer," as included in
the donation. Now we know from Festus (p. 230, cf.-77, 109)
that ploro and imploro or endoploro in old Latin signified tn-
clamo without any notion of lamentation or weeping. If, then,
we compare the Icelandic flerrt, Suio-Gothic flere with the Latin
plures = ple-ores, we shall easily see how phleres may contain the
same root as ploro = ple-oro (below, Ch. xit. ὃ 2), especially since
the Latin language recognizes a similar change in fleo compared
with pluo. The word is then in effect equivalent to the Greek
ἀνάθημα, as in Cicero (ad Attic. 1. 1): ** Hermathena tua valde
me delectat, et posita ita belle est ut totum gymnasium ἡλίου
ἀνάθημα esse videatur." Thus it means a votive offering, like
the votiva tabella of the ancient temples, or the voto of the
modern churches in Italy; and it is easy to see how the ideas
§ 6.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 207
of “ vow," ‘‘prayer,’”’ “ invocation,” “ offering," may be repre-
sented by such an object. Accordingly the inscription of the
laurel-crowned Apollo will signify: Sum vottvum donarium
Apollini atque Artemidi; Fastia Rufria, Tusci filta, faciundum
curavit. For if we compare ceca with cechaze or cechase, we
may render it with reference to the Icelandic kasa, Danish
kokase, “to heap up” or "build." The same word cecha im-
mediately follows clen in an inscription running down the right
leg of the statue of a boy in the Museum at Leyden, which
is as follows (Lanzi, 11. 533; Micali, Anticht Monumenti, pl.
49; Müller, Denkmáler, No. 291) : Velas Phanacnal Thuphlthas
Alpan Aenache clen cecha tuthines tlenacheis. Steub renders
this: * Velius Fanacnal [vovit] sgri pueri causa sanata segri-
tudine." The latter part of this inscription must of course
be compared with that on the statue of Metellus, commonly
called the arringatore, in the gallery at Florence (Dempster,
Etruria Regalis, T. 1. pl. 40; Müller, Denkmdler, No. 289;
Vermiglioli, pp. 35 sqq.; Micali, Anticht Monumenti, pl. 44, n. 2),
which is as follows: Aulest Metelis Ve. Vestal clenst cen phleres
tece sansl tenine tuthines chisflics. Steub’s rendering is: * Auli
Metelli V. V. filii causa donum dedit Sans] Tenine sanato vul-
nere." In both cases his conjectures seem to have little probabi-
lity. If Steub is right in his analysis of cealchs (above, p. 129),
chisflics ought also to be a numeral, and if so, there would be
a similar presumption respecting ¢lenachets in the other inscrip-
tion. But it is idle to indulge in such conjectures. All that
can be said with any confidence is that in each of the inscriptions
the last two words are parallel expressions in an absolute case,
probably the genitive singular, explaining the cause or motive
of the offering, and that with the exception of the verb cecha in
the Leyden inscription, and the words cen phleres tece in that on
the statue of Metellus, the remaining words are proper names or
personal designations. That tece is a verb (we may compare the
Old Norse taka, which has several applicable meanings), and
that cen pAleres tece Sansl Tenine probably means “ hoc donarium
obtulit Sansilius Tenina," may be inferred from the fact that these
words nearly constitute the whole inscription on the right thigh
of a bullata statua, formerly in the Museo Graziani, which differs
from that at Leyden only in the fact that the boy is sitting instead
208 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. v.
of standing (Dempster, Etruria Regalis, plate XLv.; Vermiglioli,
p.42). Here the words are: phleres tec Sansl cver. The last
word is discussed in § 8. And whatever it means, the other
three words must surely mean: “ donarium obtulit Sansilius.”
On the Leyden bullata statua we have the word alpan, which ©
occurs in several inscriptions, and which Fabretti (s. v. p. 79)
renders by /ubens. But it appears to me from the position to be
in every case the proper name Alpanus, 4.e. Albanus (above,
p. 6), Alpinus, Alponus, or some other name derived from Alpes.
We have seen above in a bilingual inscription that Alphne is
rendered Alfius.
§ 7. Inscriptions containing the words ΘΌΤΗΙ and THRCE.
Jt has been mentioned that the word phleres appears on a
number of smaller or moveable objects. In one of these it has
appended to it the word three. Thus we have
eca ersce nac achrum phler-three. (Dennis, x. p. xc.)
This inscription is found on an amphora from Vulci, and in con-
nexion with a picture representing the farewell embrace of
Admetus and Alcestis. It may be assumed, therefore, that the
amphora was a farewell offering from a husband to his deceased
wife, and that the monument to which it belonged was sepul-
chral or funereal. If then phleres signifies a votive offering, the
additional word thrce must indicate * mourning" or “ sorrow."
And here the northern languages at once come to our aid; for
in Suio-Gothic trega — dolere and trage-dolor ; and in Icelandic
at trega — angere or dolere, and tregt — dolor; and to the same
root we may refer the Icelandic threk = gravis labor or molestia ;
for tregí also means impedimentum. See Specimen Glossarti ad
Edd. Semund. Vol. τι. p. 818: “ (at) Trega (A) *angere,' “ ἀο-
lorem causare, B. 1. 29: tregr mk that, ‘id mihi egre est,’
G. I. 3: tregrath ydr, * molestum non est vobis, GH. 2.
(B) *dolere, "lugere. Hinc treginn ‘deploratus’ |. *deplorandus'
unde foem. pl. tregnar. Priore sensu A. S. tregian. Tregt ‘ moeror,
dolor’ (passim), Germ. trauer. Trage, trege * vexatio, ‘ indigna-
tio. Originitus forsan verbotenus: ‘onus,’ ‘moles.’ Germ.
tracht, Dan. draght, Angl. draught. Cf. tregr ‘ invitus,’ ‘ segnis,’
Germ. trig, Al. treger. Forsan a droga ‘trahere,’ ‘portare.’
§7] | THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 200
Treg-rof ‘\actuum,’ |. * calamitatum series vel etiam discussio.' ”’
The connexion of this word with traho brings it into still greater
affinity with the old languages of Italy, and the evidence from
the context is conclusive for the meaning. Many Etruscan in-
scriptions like those quoted above (pp. 207, 208), introduce eca,
cen, or cehen, which are obviously pronouns or adverbs signifying
‘this,’ or ‘here’ in accordance with the root &- which appears in
all the Indo-Germanic languages. The Cervetri inscription has
taught us (above, p. 200) that era signifies ‘earth’ (N. H. G.
erde, Goth. airtha, Altfr. irthe, Gr. gpa). Consequently, ersce
would naturally denote an earthenware vessel, for -ka is a very
common termination in Icelandic names, as bern-ska “ childish-
ness," «/l-ska, * malice," ἄς. And as cen or cehen is found in
similar connexions, eca must be the feminine of the pronominal
adjective ecus, eca, ecum, agreeing with ersce. We have in
Etruscan inscriptions not only eca but ca, anken and acil as
pronouns corresponding to the Umbrian eso (see Fabretti, & vv.). ,
As achrum is clearly the locative of acher which occurs in the
great Perugian inscription, and which at once suggests the Ice-
landic akr, Germ, acker, ager, we may fairly conclude that nac
is the preposition which, under the form na, nahe, nach, is found
in all the Teutonic and Sclavonian languages: and thus the
Vulci inscription will mean: “ ‘this earthen vessel in the ground
is a votive offering of sorrow.’ |
By the side of cen na we have, on larger monuments,
eca or cehen suthi or suthinesl. Thus we find:
eco, authi Larthial Cinta (Dennis, 1. p. 500).
cehen suthi hinthiu thues (V ermiglioli, r. p. 118, ed. 2).
eca suthinesl Titnie (Dennis, 1. 242, 443).
eca suthi Amcie Titial (Vermigholi, 1. p. 131, ed. 2).
Here again the Icelandic comes to our aid, for sut is dolor,
meestitia, luctus, and is so completely a synonym of tregi that we
have tregnar and sutir in the same stanza of Hamdts-Mal (Edd.
Bemund. τι. p. 488); and nesla or hnesla = funis, laqueus: 80
that we may translate eca suthi, "this is the mourning," and
éca suthinesl, “ this is the sorrowful inscription’.”” Comparisons
ΟΠ ἋΣ Steub renders neal by noviter
D. V, 14
210 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v.
. of individual words in languages not known to be the same are
of course eminently precarious. But it is impossible to resist
the evidence of affinity furnished by the fact that the words thrce
and suthi, constantly occurring on Etruscan monuments of ἃ
funereal character, are translated at once by the Icelandic syno-
nyms tregi and sut, both signifying “ grief” or *sorrow." If
we had only this fact we should be induced by it to seek for
further resemblances between the old languages of Northern
Europe and the obscure fragments of the old Etruscan.
§ 8. Inferences derivable from the words Sven, CVER, and
THUR or THAUR.
It has been already mentioned that the inscription on the
right leg of the sitting figure of the boy of the Museo Graziani
ended with the word cver. There is another sitting figure of
the same kind, which was found at Tarquinii in the year 1770,
and which had an inscription on the left arm (Amaduzzi, Alpha-
betum veter. Etruscorum. p. LX11.). Of this arm unfortunately
only the shoulder remains, but the mutilated fragment of the
inscription contains this same word cver. As the word occurs in
both cases on the statues of boys, the Italian scholars not unna-
turally compare it with the Greek κόρος (Vermiglioli, p. 45,
ed. 2). And as the female figure belonging to the Marchese
Obizo is supposed to represent Proserpine, it is proposed to read
cure, 1. e. κόρη for sver, which is found in the following inscrip-
tion, engraved on the robe of the figure (Vermiglioli, p. 44, ed.
2); phleres tlenasws sver'. But this same form 9067. is found
also on a monument beginning with (e)ca seuthi (Vermiglioli,
p. 131, 1. 6, ed. 2), which is therefore of a funereal character,
and there is no reason to doubt that the budlate statue were
memorials of deceased children. Without therefore thinking it
necessary to alter the texts of the inscriptions, I should be
inclined to suppose that cver and sver are either synonymous
adjectives or participles expressive of sorrow, or that they are
slightly different forms of the same word. In either case the
old Teutonic comes to our assistance. On the supposition of two
1 Steub renders this, donum languidi vel agri.
$ 8. THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 211
synonymous words we have the Teutonic root quar, quer (Lat.
queri), “to groan or grieve " (Graff, Sprech. Iv. 679), by the
side of sueran = dolere, suero = dolor (Graff, v1.), Old Engl. sor,
New Engl. sorrow, Old Norse sver. Or if, instead of this, which
appears to me the most naturel supposition, we endeavour to
unite the two words in one form, we must have recourse to the
idea of prostration and lying in the grave; and here the Icelandic
gives us the verb thkverra τὸ minui, disparere, the adjective
thverr = transversus, and ita adverb thverz —-transversim (vid. Edd.
Semund, Vol. 11. Spec. Gloss. pp. 859, 860). And in the cognate
languages we find the same change in this word as might be
assumed in the cver and sver of the Etruscans: for while the
Icelandic thverr, Engl. thwart, Dan. tver, Germ. zwerch, exhibit
the dental more or less assibilated as in sver, the German quer
and English queer give us a guttural instead of a sibilant as in
ever. The forms of thverra, when passive, are ek thverr, thvarr,
thorinn; when active, ek thverra, thverda: and thurr, thurt,
thyrrinn, signify "aridus," “siccus,” like the German durr,
Without stopping to ask whether these latter forms are derived
in any way from the verb thverr, which is quite possible, it is
worthy of remark that in those sepulchral inscriptions, in which
the word cver or sver does not occur, we have, in corresponding
places, the word thaure, thurasi (Vermigl. p. 118, ed. 2), thuras,
thaura, thurunt (Inscr. Per. ll. 6, 20, 41). And in one old
epitaph (Lanzi, Saggio, τι. p. 97, no. 12) we find: mt suthé L.
Felthuri, thura, where the position of the last word almost leads
us to render it: “I am the lamentation for L. Felthurius
deceased." The inference derivable from the appearance of these
forms is that either synonymous words expressive of grief and
sorrow or connected words significant of decay, prostration, and
death, and liable to the same modification, probably existed both
in Old Norse and in Etruscan. The amount of probability
depends upon the cumulative effect of the other evidence’. But
1 I may mention in passing that suer actually occurs in Runic inscrip-
tions in the sense “father-in-law ;” thus: iftir Kuthrikr suer sin (Die-
terich, Runen-Sprech, p. 265); and that I do not regard this as more than
an accidental coincidence with the expressions under consideration. For
suer i$ the corrupted form of the Goth. swaihro, Germ. schwieger, Lat.
socer, Gr. éxupos, Banscr. gvacura.
14—2
212 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHapP. v.
in any case the effect must be a strong presumption in favour of
the Teutonic analogies of one element at least in the Old Etrus-
can language. Our object is, not to interpret the monuments,
for that is probably an unattainable result, but to determine the
character of the language, and this problem receives an approxi-
mate solution in every case of successful comparison with one
and the same class of idioms, even though the comparison
should present itself in the form of an alternative.
§ 9. Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse
an the wse of the auxiliary verb LATA.
— Whatever may be thought of the verbal resemblances be-
tween the Old Norse and the language of the Etruscan frag-
ments, it must be admitted by all sound philologers that we have
an indisputable proof of the affinity of these idioms in the gram-
matical identity which I communicated to the British Associa-
tion!, Every reader of the Runic inscriptions must have noticed
the constant occurrence of the auxiliary or causative verb lata =
facere 4n causa esse, of which the Eddas give us the forms ek
leet, lat, látit (see Egilsson, Ler. Poet, Ant. Ling. Sept. p. 495).
Thus we find: Lnthsmother lit hakva stein aufti Julibirn fath,
i.e. * Lithsmother let engrave a stone after (in memory of) his
father Julibirn.” Thorstin lit gera merkt stir Suin fathur sin,
i. e. “ Thorstin let carve marks in memory of his father Sweyn."
Ulfktil uk Ku uk Uni thir litu raisa stin iftir Ulf fathur sin,
i.e. “ Ulfktil and Ku and Uni, they /et raise a stone in memory
of their father Ulf" (vide Dieterich, Runen-Sprach-Schatz, p.
372). Now we have here, as part of a constantly-recurring
phraseology, an auxiliary verb, signifying “to let" or “cause”
followed by an infinitive in -a. On reading the first line of the
longest Etruscan inscription, that of Perugia, we seem to stum-
ble at once upon this identical phraseology, for we find: ew lat
tanna ‘La Rezul amev achr lautn Velthinas. If we had no other
reason for supposing that there was some connexion between. the
Scandinavians and Etruscans, we could not avoid being struck
by this apparent identity of construction. As, however, we have
| Report, 1851, p. 158,
§ 9.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, 213
every reason to expect resemblances between the two languages,
it becomes a matter of importance to inquire whether the gram-
matical identity can be established; and this amounts to the
proof that /at and tanna are both verbs. Of course there is no
primé facie reason to conclude that tanna is a verb. On the
contrary, Niebuhr (Kleine Schriften, τι. p. 40) thinks that thana
is a noun signifying *a lady," and that Tunaquil is only a
diminutive of it; and Passeri, whom he quotes, suggests that
_ Thana is a title of honour, nearly equivalent in meaning, though
not of course in origin, to the modern Italian .Donna (from
domina). Even on the supposition that we have here the same
language as that of the Runic monuments, it might have occur-
red to any one to compare (anna with the accusative pronoun
thana, as in stin thana (Dieterich, p. 79). Fortunately, how-
ever, about the time when this comparison between the Runic
and Etruscan phraseology first occurred to me, my friend, Mr. J.
H. Porteus Oakes, returned from a tour in Italy, and presented
ἰο the Museum at Bury St. Edmund's ἃ small patera or saucer,
which he had obtained at Chiusi, and which exhibits the follow-
ing legend: stem tentlaeth nfatia. This at once furnished me
with the means of proving that lat tanna in the Perugian In-
scription were two verbs, the latter being an infinitive and the
former an auxiliary on which it depends. For it is obvious that
tenilaeth is the third person of a transitive verb, the nominative
being Nfatia, probably the name of a woman (cf. Caphatial =
Cafatia natus in Dennis's bilingual inscription, 11. p. 475), and
the accusative being stem for stam, Umbr. est- (cf. mi with
e-mi, &c.). The verb tentlaeth manifestly belongs to the same
class of forms as the agglutinate or weak-perfects in Gothic,
which are formed by the affix of the causative da, as soki-da,
«I did seek" (Gabelentz u. Lóbe, Goth. Gramm. ὃ 127). We
have this Gothic formation in the Latin ven-do, pen-do, &c.; and
I have discussed in a subsequent chapter the remarkable causa-
fives in -so, -stvt, as arces-s0, capes-so, que-so, ἄς. It is clear
then that lat tanna represents as separate words what tentlaeth
exhibits in an agglutinate form. In the latter case the auxiliary
is in the present tense, which in Gothic is formed in th; and
lat is a strong perfect. There is no difficulty about the meaning
of tanna, tent, which are clearly identical with the Icelandic
214 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v.
thenia = tendere, O. H. G. danjan, denjan, A. B. dkenjan, N. H.
G. dehnen, Gr. τείνω, Tavvo, Sanscr. tan-, and therefore signify
* to offer," like the Latin porrigo or porricio. “Giving,” says
Grimm (“ über schenken u. geben,” Berl. Abhandl. 1848) '* pre-
sumes ἃ taking, and the outstretched hand is the sign of both"
(see Pott, Zihklmeth. p. 272). If this is the true explanation of
the root when it occurs ΔΒ & verb, we may reasonably apply the
same interpretation to its use as a noun. In this it appears
under all the different forms thana, thania, thasna, tanta,
tannia, dana, and tha (Müller, Eírusk. τι. 308, 315). From
the collocation it is clear that the word is equivalent to phleres,
or rather it signifies “an offering" generally, without the impli-
cation of ἃ vow or prayer. Thus, while we have in the only urn
with an inscription among the Etruscan specimens in the rooms
adjoining the Egyptian collection in the British Museum: thana-
celia cumniza, we find on one of Lanzi's (Saggio, 11. 506, no. 15):
mt thana Árntha, which is quite analogous to mt pAleres or mt
sutht. Itis worthy of remark that ten-do, which is an aggluti-
nate form like tenilata, is synonymous with porrigo; thus we
have in Cicero (de Oratore, 1. 40, § 184): “ presidium clientibus
atque opem amicis ef prope cunctis civibus lucem ingenii et con-
silii sui porrigentem atque tendentem ;" and we may compare
such phrases as duplices tendens ad sidera. palmas with porrigt
exta manus, and the like. Even the Umbrian has pur-tin-eus
por-rexerts (Eug. Tab. 1. b, 83). In ritual phraseology therefore
the Latin language comes sufficiently near the language of this
patera, and stem tentlaeth Nfatva bears as close a resemblance to
tstam tendit (vel porrigit) Nefatia, as we have any right to
expect. The Perugian inscription, however, is even nearer to
the Runic than this patera legend is to the Latin: and the evi-
dence furnished by the two, taken together, seems to be quite
conclusive in proof of the affinity between the Etruscan and Old
Norse lauguages. As dautn and lautnescle occur together on
another Etruscan sepulchre, there can be no objection to. connect
them with the Icelandic laut κα lacuna, locus depressus et defossus,
from uta = faclinare ee’; and eu from (s is strictly analogous to
the Latin ceu from ce, cts; accordingly, comparing amev with
1 Leué also signifies generally terra; see Egilason, p. 500.
§ 10.] THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE, 215
the Icelandic ama τὸ ango, molestiam facio, the beginning of the
Perugian Inscription will be rendered as naturally and easily as
one of the Runes: * Here Lartius the son of Reesia let offer or -
give a field of mourning as or for the grave of Velthina." To
return to the patera, its companion, now in the possession of
Mr. Beckford Bevan, bears a legend which is also capable of
translation, by the help of the Old Norse. The words are:
flenun theleinthl thntflaneth. It is obvious that we have here the
name of & man, a transitive verb, and the accusative of the
object, which is an open patera or saucer. As therefore in Ice-
landic flenna = hiatus, chasma, we may explain fentm by an im-
mediate reference to the proper meaning of patera from pateo:
cf. patulus (see above, § 8, s. v. Falandum) ; and as in Icelandio
tham egelida obscuritas aeris; tef=moraré ; and lana = mutuum
dare, credere, commodare, Engl. “lend,” the compound verb
tham-tef-lan-eth will mean “he lendeth for a dark dwelling,"
and the whole inscription will run thus: Thekinthl dat pateram
ad commorandum in tenebris. The name Thekinthl has at any
rate a very Scandinavian sound. The name Thurtel, anciently
Thorketl, is & precisely analogous designation. Verbs com-
pounded of nouns and verbs are not uncommon in Icelandie;
thus we have halshoggra, “to behead,” brennimerlyé, “to brand,”
&e. It only remains to remark, that as the Gothie auxiliary -do
is found in Latin, so the Norse data must be recognized in a
fainter form in some Latin verbs in -/o, as well as in the Scla-
vonic formations in -/, and in the Old Norse diminutives or fre-
quentatives in «ἴα, such as rug-la, “‘to turn upside down," from
rugga, “to remove," tog-la, “to let chew," or “chew over
again," from tygqja, &c.
§ 10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined—
tts Runic affinitres.
"The facility with which the philologist dissects the Etruscan
words which have been transmitted to us, either with an inter-
pretation, or in such collocation as to render their meaning nearly
certain, and the striking and unmistakable coincidences between
the most difficult fragments and the remains of the Old Norse
language, might well occasion some surprise to those who are
216 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. v.
told that there exists a large collection of Etruscan inscriptions
which cannot be satisfactorily explained. One cause of the un-
profitableness of Tuscan inscriptions is to be attributed to the
fact, that these inscriptions, being mostly of a sepulchral or dedi-
catorial character, are generally made up of proper names and
conventional expressions. Consequently they contribute very
little to our knowledge of the Tuscan syntax, and furnish us
with very few forms of inflexion. So far as I have heard, we
have no historical or legal inscriptions. Those which I have
inspected for myself are only monumental epitaphs and the dedi-
cations of offerings.
These observations might be justified by an examination of
all the inscriptions which have been hitherto published. It will
be sufficient, however, in this place to show how much or how
little can be done by an analysis of the great inscription which
was discovered in the neighbourhood of Perugia in the year
1822. This inscription is engraved on two sides of a block of
stone, and consists of forty-five lines in the whole; being by far
the most copious of all the extant monuments of the Tuscan lan-
guage. The writing is singularly legible, and the letters were
coloured with red paint.
The following is an accurate transcript of the facsimiles given
by Micali (Tav. cxx. no. 80) and Vermiglioli (Anttche Iseri-
ztont Perugine, ed 2, p. 85).
25. velthinas. 1, ew. lat . tanna. la. rezul .
26. atena . zuk- 2. amev . achr . lautn . velthinas . e-
27. ἃ. eneski . «p- 8. -δὲ. ἴα. afunas. slel . eth . karu-
28. a.spelane. 4, tezan . fuslerc . tesns . ters .
29. this . fulumch- 5. rasnes . 4pa . ama . hen . naper .
30. ua. spel. thi- 6.. x11. velthina . thuras . aras ..pe-
31. rene. thi. est . 7. ras . kemulmleskul . zuki . en-
32. ak . velthina 8. eskt.epl.tularu. — |
33. ak . «lune . 9. aulest . velthina’ . arznal . kl-
94, turunesk . 10. ens . ther . thls . kuna . kenu . e-
35. unezea .2uk- 11. plk .felhk . larthals . afunes .
96. 2. eneskt . ath- 19. klen . thunchulthe .
37. umics.afu- 13. falas. chiem . fuále . velthina .
$10] THE ETRUSUAN LANGUAGE. 217
38. nas. penthn- 14. hintha . kape . muniklet . masu .-
39. a . ama . velth- 15. naper . árankz . thit . faliti
40. ina .afun. 16. elthina. hut . naper . penezá .
41. thurum . en- 17. masu . aknina . klel . afuna .vel-
42. zeriunak . ch- 18. thinam . lerzinia, . intemam ..e-
48. a.thil.thunch- 19. 7 . knl . velthina . σαὶ . atene -
44. ulthl ach . ka . 20. tesne . eka . velthina . thuras . th-
45. kechazi. chuch- 21. aura . helu . tesne . rasne . ker. .
46. e. ... 22. tesns . ters . ra&nes . chamth . sp .
23. el . thutas . kuna. afunam . ena.
24. hen. naper . kt . knl . hereutude
Now, if we go through this inscription,. and compare the
words of which it is composed, we shall find that out of more
than eighty different words there are very few which are not
obviously proper names, and some of these occur very frequently;
so that this monument, comparatively copious as it is, furnishes,
after all, only slender materials for a study of the Tuscan lan-
guage. According to the most probable division of the words,
the contents of the inscription may be considered as given in the
following vocabulary: ,;
Achr (2) [ager, acker]. Aulesi (9) [gen. of Aulus].
Afun (40) [Aponius] Cha (49).
Áfuna (17). Chiem (13).
Afunam (23). Chimt (22).
Afunas (3, 37). Chuche (45).
Afunes (11). Einzeriunak (42).
Ak (32, 33) [c£ auk, *and"] . | Eka (20) [“ this,” Fabretti, s. v.
Aknina (1T). p. 954]
Ama (δ, 39) [* mourning"]. Ena (23) [4 one” 1].
Amev (2) [id.]. Eneski, always with zukt (7, 27,
Araá (6) [O. N. ert or eri, “junior,” 36) [We may compare either
araá peras, “of a younger the O. N. eski=aski, "ashes,"
child”). or eski = pyxis, cistella].
Arznal (9). Epl (11) [c£ O. N. epi, “ pro-
Atena (26) [Asinius]. genies"]
Átene (19). Epl (8).
Athumicé (36) or athumics [Mül- | Er (18).
ler, Etr. 1. 61, not. 135].
218
Est (2, 81) [iste ? cf. stem on the
patera, p. 213].
Eth (3) [elsewhere eit ; used both
as a demonstrative pronoun,
and as a demonstrative affix :
cf, the old Norse idioms ; and
see Fabretti, s. v. p. 340. Here
probably an affix to alel, as in
municl-et, &c.]
Eu (1).
Fala’, faléti (13, 15).
Felik (11) [Velcius or Volcius,
Fabretti, p. 460]
Fulwmchva (29).
F'usle, fusleri (13, 4).
Hareutuze (24) [a verb ; cf. karu-
teegn and the Oscan form in
tuset].
Hel (21).
Hen (5, 24) [probably a pronoun}
Hintha (14) [cf “hind,” Umbr.
hont, hondra].
Hut (16) [we have Aué in the
Runic inscriptions, as: thir
huaru hut til Grika, i. e. deti
profectisunt inGreciam,Hickes,
P. 2].
Ich (44) [c£ tkke, ** not].
Ilune (33).
Intemam (18).
Ipa (b, 27) [probably a preposi-
tion].
Ka (44).
Kape (14).
Karutezan (4) [a verb].
Kechazi (45),
Kei (21) [“ and” }.
Kemulmleskul (T) [kumb, “a mo-
numental stone,” or tomb].
Kenu (10).
Ki (24).
THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE.
—
[cHap. v.
Klel (17).
Klen, klensi (9, 12) [above, p. 203. ]
Knl (19, 24).
Kuna (10, 23) (“a wife,” Diete-
rich, Runen-Sprach, p. 117.]
La (1, 3) [Lars].
Larthals (11) [gen. of Lart^ial]
Lat (1) [O. N. le].
Lautn (2) [* grave," O. N. C laut}
Lerzinia (18).
Masu (14, 17).
Muniklet (14) [munusculum, with
definite affix].
Naper (5, 15, 16, 24) [This word
is probably the O. N. knapr,
“a son," as we have in Icel.
napa for gnapa, &c.]
Penezd (16).
Penthna (38) [We may compare
the Lith. pantas, “a pledge,”
O. N. panir, O. H. G. phant,
phunt]
Peraé (6) [** of a ohild"].
Rasne, Rasnes (b, 21, 22).
Rezul (1) [Resta natus].
Slel (3) [O.N. aula, O. H. G. edi,
sili, *a column"] or [with a defi-
nite affix] slel-eth, or A funaéelel,
[see\Fabretti, s.v. Alfanisle, of.
. below, p. 223].
“Spel, spelane (22, 28, 30).
‘Sranka (15) [for the form of
Icel. exi = tuber].
Tanna (1).
Teiá (4, 22) [“ two"1].
Tesne, Tesné (5, 20, 21, 22)
[* ten" 1].
Thaura (20).
Tht, this, that, Owl, thilé (29, 91,
10, 43).
Thuraé, thirens, turum (6, 30, 41).
§ 10.] THB ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, 219
Thunchulthe (12). 25, 17).
Thunchulthl (43). Unezea (35).
Thutas (23). Ζιαε (19) [Zia “ gn aunt" in Mo-
Tulare (8). dern Tuscan].
T'urunesk (34). Zuki, always with eneski (7, 26,
Velthina, Velthinaé, Velthinam | — 36) [O. N. sik, “causa,” dat. pl.
(6, 13, 15, 19, 20, 32, 39, 2, 9, | — sékwm, "propter," Eng. *sake"].
The first remark to be made respecting this inscription is,
that if we abstract the forms which are obviously proper names,
the remaining words present very striking resemblances to sig-
nificant terms in the oldest Teutonic languages, and that the
meanings thus assigned are supported by the groups into which
the words naturally fall. Thus we cannot help noticing the
following groups or short clauses which sometimes partially
recur. I. (a) teens teis rasnes. (b) atene tesne. (c) tesne rasne
ket tesns tei$ rasnes. II. (a) fusleri tesns tes rasne&. (Ὁ) fuéla
Velthina, III. (a) amev achr. (b) ama. (c) penthna ama Vel-
thina. (d) ρα ama xii naper Veltkina. (e) ipa spelane. IV.
(a) masu naper $rankzl. (b) hut naper penezs masu. (c) hen
naper ki knl. (d) er knl Velthina. V. (a) thé thils kuna kenu,
(b) spel thuta$ kuna. Some of these collocations suggest imme-
diately a plausible interpretation. For example, as desen is
“ten” and desen-duf “eleven” in Umbrian (Fabretti, p. 305),
and as deiu is duo in Oscan (Huschke, die osk. τ, Tab. Spr.
p- 70), and dvor is duobus in Umbrian (Fabretti, p. 323), it is
extremely probable that tesne is ten" (Stickel, das Htruskische,
p. 30), and if so, tesné teié will be “twelve,” and we shall have
both numbers together in ll. 23, 24. The probability of finding
numerals in the inscription is supported by the phrase XII
naper, which- may mean "twelve sons." This being the case,
fusleri, which stands by the side of teóns tei$ rasnes (4, 5) will
be plural, and fusle by the side of Velthina (13) will be singular,
whether the word is or is not to be understood as meaning “ de-
sired" or *' lamented," after the analogy of the O. N. fuss, fysinn,
" cupidus," “eagerly desirous,” or as denoting pity for the dead
after the analogy of O. N. vesal, usel, “ miser," "infelix." But
although no certain results can be expected from a comparison
between syllables occurring in this inscription and others of
similar sound, which are found in the Old Norse and other
220 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP: v.
Teutonic languages, something might be done if we had a large
number of smaller inscriptions, written in the same language,
derived from the same neighbourhood, and treating in different
ways on the same or kindred subjects. To show this I will
quote another Perugian inscription, and place side by side in
à parallel column the words or phrases of the great inscription
which seem to correspond. The text which I have adopted is
that of Vermiglioli, (p. 118, ed. 2). The inscription was first
eopied by Bonarota in his supplement to Dempster (p. 98)'. It
was also quoted many years ago, with great inaccuracy, by
Amaduzzi (Alphabetum Veterum Etruscorum, Rom. 1775, p. 1xi.):
l. 1.
cohen . suthà . hinthiu.thues. | hintha (14)
sains . Etve . thaure .
lautnescle*. caresri . Aules . | lautn (2)
Larthial . precu-thuras. thuras (6)
l. 2.
Larthialisvle . Cestnal .
clenerasi . eth . phanu . eth (3)
lautn. precus . pa. murzua, | lautn (2) wpa (5, 27)
cerurum . ein . ein [zeriunak] (41)
1,8.
heczri . tunur . clutiva
telur. ......... T.
In another inscription quoted by Vermiglioli (p. 131) we
have caratsle by the side of carutezan (4), which must be com-
pared with hareutuse (24). The starting-point for a profitable
comparison between the Perugian Inscription and that just quoted
is furnished by an examination of caratsle, carutezan, hareutuze,
and the word caresri in the document before us. We have seen
1 Bonarota describes the inscription as adhue extans in antiquo cdi-
fcio ad modum turris. lapidibus grandioribus exstructo et vocatur. “8.
Manno.” Amaduzzi says it comes ez hypogoo Perusino.
δ 10.} ἢ THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 221
above (p. 150) that in the Oscan language -tuset or -tuzet occurs
as an auxiliary affix to verbs, in the same way as -do and -so —
-sino are used in Latin, -do in Gothic, and data in Old Norse
and Etruscan. There is every reason, then, to suppose that the
forms cara-tsle, caru-tezan, hareu-tuze, involve the root of tuzet, or
that the Etruscan agrees with the Latin, Gothic, and Oscan, in
the use of the auxiliary -do. As the Etruscan also agrees with
the Old Norse in the use of the auxiliary data, which probably
occurs also in Sclavonian and Latin forms, we may be led to
expect a similar coincidence in regard to the auxiliary so = sino.
Now it will be shown in the proper place that the isolated form
sero, sevi, is only a by-form of sino, sivi, the primary meaning
of both being “to put" or “lay down," i.e. as seed in the ground.
In Old Norse sero, in the sense “1 sow," is represented by sóa,
which has a peculiar aorist sera, 3 pers. seri. These Old Norse
aorists, such as gróa, “to grow;”’ aorist sing. 1. gréra, 2. grérir,
8. gréri; pl 1. grérum, 2. grérut, 8. gréru, &c., have been
made the subject of special commentaries by Aufrecht and Knob-
lauch (Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1851, pp. 471, 573), who agree
in identifying the r with the s of ἔτυψα and scrips?, and this
again with the substantive verb. Whatever opinion may be
formed respecting the origin of this r (and the verb pt-rui from
pt= fio, shows that it cannot be derived from the contrasted
68-86), it is impossible to overlook the fact that sert is, in Old
Norse, a past tense of a verb really identical with that which
constitutes the causative auxiliary in so many Latin forms. So
that care-ert would be quite equivalent to care-tuzet. The root
is found under the form kar, kra, gra, mostly with a labial
auslaut (as in scrib-o, ypad-w), but sometimes without (as in
7271, above, p. 175, and χαρ-άσσω), and sometimes either with
or without, as in the Icelandic kira, gera, kiera, kiara, kara,
kerva (Dieterich, Runen-Sprsch. p. 134), N. H. G. kerben,
A. S. ceorfan, Engl. “carve,” to signify any impression made
upon a surface by notching, scratching, indenting, painting, or
pointing. We may well conclude therefore that care-srt means,
* he caused to write or inscribe." And as thyr in Icelandic is
= serv-us, Greek Ons, A. S. theov, M. G. this, and thues is
obviously the gen. of a word thu — theov, the beginning of the
inscription runs as if it were pure Low-German or some dialect
222 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cnar. v.
of the Scandinavian. “Here Aulus the son of Lartia let en-
grave mourning in honour of" (lit. ‘after,’ Atnthiu=henter, cf.
the Runic auf&t, A. 8. aft, with Goth. aftaro, Engl. after, Umbr.
hont, hondra), “his servant Etfus on the sepulchra] excavation a
prayer for the dead,” i.e. “hier sut hinter theovs seins Etfa
thaure lautnescle lat kara Aules Larthial frigu thverrasi.”” We
should oome, however, to a similar conclusion if thu-es were
compared with the Pelasgo-Hellenic θεῖος, “an uncle," rather
than with θής, “4 servant." In fact, the two words fall into a
remarkable agreement with one another and with the Pelasgic
and German words denoting divinity; cf. (a) thyr, theov, dio, &c.
*& servant,” (b) θεῖος, modern Tuscan σίο, (Perug. Inscr. sta)
“an uncle," (c) Tyr, Tév, Zio, “God,” (Grimm. D. M. p. 175,
and above, p. 180, a. v. Kamel). To say nothing of the possible
interchange in the ideas of relationship and servitude which
might bring back θεῖος and θής to a common origin: in the San-
acrit dhava — eir, marttus, pater-familias, the form of the word
θεῖος in its other meaning sufficiently shows that a labial is ab-
sorbed, and this would account for the identity of 8ei-os = BéFos,
and the Etruscan thu. For the gen. here, cf. Tues in our Tuesday
with its original form 7¥v=Div-us. The name of a relation, how-
ever, is more to be expected here than that of a servant. The pre-
position Ainthiu, with the gen. may be compared with the Gothie
use of hindana, e.g. Ulph. Mc. 111. 8. That this root occurred in
the Umbrian we have already seen (above, p. 10). It is not at all
necessary that the preposition should bear the comparative form.
On the Runic inscriptions we have not only the comparatives
eftir, efr and the like, but also the positive forms aufti, at, &c.
With regard to the form of the pronoun san, as compared with
sein or sin, it may be remarked that in the Ranic inscriptions we
have sain, san, stan, as well as sin, (Dieterich, p. 289), and that
we have statn, as well as sten, stein, stin, (Dieterich, p. 308).
1 recognize a form like caresri in heczri, the other verb in this
inscription, which may obviously be connected with the Runic
haka or hakva, "to hew or carve,” (above, p. 212), and this
being so, it would be a surprising coincidence, if it were only a
coincidence, that these three lines should contain two of the
verbs which appear in the same way in the Runic inscriptions;
as Lithemother lit hakva stein; and Thorstin lit gera merka stir
$19] . THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE, 223
Suin fathur sin; or both together, as, Inkuth lat landtbro kiara
ante stain hakva. The last part of the inscription is mutilated!
at the end, and the divisions of the words are occasionally un-
certain; but it seems plain that Larthtalievle must be com-
pared with the patronymic Phnalisle (above, p. 206); that we
ought to divide clen-era-s$ and understand “ of the younger son"
(above, p. 205); that £pa is a preposition corresponding to our
up, Sanscrit «pa, Icelandic uppd, Gothic uf, &c.; and as mursva
seems to refer to murus, Icel. mur, a term well applicable to the
‘tower “ grandioribus lapidibus exstructa," on which this inscrip-
tion was found, we may render hecert ipa murzva, “he let carve
upon the building." And it is difficult to resist the impression
that cerurum is connected with the Old Norse ker = vas, which
is used in the Edda in the sense of vasarium (Semund. ΤΙ,
p. 528): ** Gudrum hvarf til skemmo, kumbl konunga or kerom
valdi,” i.e. “ Gudruna contulit se ad promptuarium, cristas re-
gias e vasarits delegit." If this comparison is valid, cerurum is
& genitive plural. In some Runic inscriptions ein, which imme-
diately follows, is used as a definite article before an epithet, as
Sandulf ein suarti, “Sandulf the swarthy" (Worsase, Danes
and Norwegians in England, &c. p. 281). But ein here is pro-
bably part of the verb heczrt, which follows, and may thus be
compared with etnzertunak in the Perugian inscription. The last
word telur, whether or not related to tularu on the Perugian
cippus (1. 8), seems to be a verb, not unconnected with the Ice-
landic a£ teltd, Swed. taclj4, Dutch tellen, Eng. tell, the inflexion
being that of the Icelandic 3 pers. sing., as in brennr, “he
burns," from brenna. On an urn in the British Museum, in the
game room with the Nineveh sculptures, we find tulati on a
mutilated inscription; and rts-t¢ or rais-&, “he erected," on the
Runic stones, might justify the assumption that it is a verb; but
it is impossible to form any plausible conjecture as to its sig-
nification. We may, however, render the second part of the
inscription approximately as follows: “ΤΌΠΟΣ Clutiva let carve
1 Steub renders tho first part of the second line: Larthialise et
Cestnali juvenibus id (hoc) fanum posuit. And he cites from the Bullet.
Arch. 1853, p. 55, another inscription in which phanu occurs. (above,
p. 199 note).
224 HE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cgar- v.
this sacred funereal prayer of Larthialisulus, the younger son of
::Cestna, upon the building where the cinerary urns are deposited.”
. If we now turn back from the inscription, which has thus
,been examined, to the great Perugian cippus, we shall see that
‘some definite conclusions result from the comparison. First of
‘all, as they are obviously written in the same language, the
-strong resemblances between the phraseology of the shorter
legend and that of the Icelandic Runes must confirm our pre-
.vious conviction respecting the Old Norse affinities of the longer
inscription. Again, as hinthiu and tpa are manifestly prepo-
sitions in the former, we may give a similar value to hintha and
tpa in the latter. And as tpa is used with the name of a build-
ing in the shorter-epitaph, ama which follows it on the ctppus,
and which seems in the first line to refer to mourning or sorrow,
must signify an erection for such a purpose, and therefore the
.amev achr of the first line must mean a field for the erection of a
tomb. The word ama also occurs in a very imperfect inscription
quoted by Dennis (I. p.342). Lastly, as we have both ldautn
and lautnescle in the shorter inscription by the side of lautn in
the larger, we may infer that /autnescle is a diminutive form like
munusculum, and therefore we may compare kemul-mleskul in
the Perugian inscription with kuml, the regular Runic name for
ἃ monumental stone (Dieterich, Runen-Sprach-Schatz, p. 124;
Egilsson, Lexicon, p. 479).
With regard to the general interpretation of the Perugian
inscription, it seems idle to follow in the steps of the Italian
scholars, Vermiglioli, Orioli, and Campanari, the last of whom
has given us 8 Latin translation of the whole inscription. Nor
can I sympathize in the regret of Dr. C. Von Schmitz, when
he complains that he cannot find a publisher for the grammar
and dictionary of the Etruscan, which are to explain his forced
ond unnatural version of this document (Zettschr. f. d. Alter-
thumsw. 1846, Septemb. Beilage'). It would, indeed, be easy to
found a number of conjectures on the Old Norse assonances
which may be detected in almost every line, and which I have
"^ © It is right to mention that Schmitz's interpretation rests on the
‘upposition that the language is Teutonic.
§ 10. THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 225
noticed in the vocabulary of the inscription; but until a com-
plete collection of all the genuine Etruscan inscriptions shall
have furnished us with a sufficiently wide field for our re-
searches, — until every extant Tuscan word has been brought
within the reach of a philological comparison, —above all, until we
get some sufficiently extensive bilingual monument—we must be
content to say of this great Perugian inscription, that it appears
to be a cippus conveying some land for funereal purposes, and
commemorating the family connexions of certain persons bearing
the names of Resius, Apontus, Atinius, and Velthina!, The
donor is Larthius, a member of the family of the Reza (Resi),
who were distinguished people in the neighbourhood of Perusia
(see Vermiglioli, Iscrtz. Perug. p. 273), and Rasne, which occurs
thrice in the inscription, seems to be a patronymic of the same
family. The relative position of the word, no less than the
locality of the inscription, shows that Velthina is the person in
whose honour this cippus was erected, and that the word does
not refer to Felsina, the old name of Bononia (Plin. H. N. rt.
20, xxxii. 37, xxxvil. 57, Serv. ad 4m. x. 198). The other
personal name, which occurs most frequently in, the inscription is
Afuna, probably .Apon?a (Vermiglioli, p. 233, Migliarino, Zibal-
done, pp. 28, 30)*; and it is worthy of remark, that we have the
nom., gen., and accus. of these two proper hames in accordance
with the regular forms of the first Latin declension,—namely,—
Afuna, Afunas, Afunam, and Velthina, Velthinas, Velthinam.
The name Velthina may be compared with the well-known name
Cecina. From the prenomen Axlest in v. 9 it is probably a
man's name®, The word Atena, Atene (26, 19) probably repre-
1 See the commentators on Hor. 1. Serm. vin. 13; and the bon mot
of Augustus on Vettius quum monumentum patris ezarasset (Macrob. 1r.
Sat. c. 4: p. 282).
3 We have a derivative of this name on the lid of ἃ cinerary urn:
ath cupena afunal, i.e. Attius Cuprennius Aponia natus (Fabretti, s. v.).
3 We have seen above that the termination -1 indicates a matrenymic;
and I conclude that the Etruscan patronymic ended in -na; compare in
this inscription, Rezul with Raena, and Caci-lia, which was the Roman
equivalent to the mythical Tanaquil, with the undoubtedly Tuscan form
Caci-na. Ido not agree with Müller (Etr. 1. p. 453) that the forms in
-si, as Aulesi, clensi, are datives. From its connexion with Velthinas (9)
D. V. 15
226 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cua?. v.
sents the female name .Aténia (Fabretti, 8. vv. Atnet, Atnial,
p. 204). On a bell-shaped cinerary urn, brought to England
from Chiusi in Nov. 1846 by Mr. Beckford Bevan, we have the
inscription Lth: Vete: Atenatial, which exhibits a matronymic
form of the same name.
If I do not undertake to interpret 811 [δὲ Lartius, the son of
Resia, has thought fit to inscribe on this cippus for the gratifi-
cation of his own immediate relatives, it must not be supposed
that this in any way affecta the results at which I have arrived
respecting the ethnography of the Etruscans. That an inability
to interpret ancient monuments may be perfectly consistent with
a knowledge of the class of languages to which they belong, is
shown, not merely by the known relationship between the lan-
guage of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and the Coptic dialects
more recently spoken in that country, but still more strikingly
by the fact, that, although we have no doubt as to any of the
idioms spoken in ancient Britain, no one has been able as yet
to give a certain interpretation of the Runic inscriptions on the
pillar at Bewcastle and on the font at Bridekirk, which are both
in Cumberland, and which both belong to the same dialect of
the Low-German languages, (see Palgrave, History of the Anglo-
Saxons, Lond. 1850, pp. 146 sq.). The really important point is
to determine the origin of the ancient Etruscans; and the Peru-
gian inscription, so far from throwing any difficulties in the way
of the conclusion at which I have arrived, has furnished some of
the strongest and most satisfactory confirmations of the Old
Norse affinity of the Rasena.
8 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethnographic
tradition tn regard to the ancient Etruscans.
This survey of the Etruscan language, brief and circumscribed
as it necessarily is, has enabled us to perceive that there is a
perfect harmony and agreement between the results of our lin-
guistic researches, so far as the scanty materials have allowed
us to earry them, and the ethnographic and historic traditions
respecting the ancient Etruscans. We have seen that in the
and with Metelis in the statue of the Arringatore, I have no doubt that
Aulesi is the genitive.
S 11.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 227
character of their writing, in most of their mythology, in by far
the greatest number of those words which have been transmitted
tous with an interpretation, and in the oldest inscriptions, espe-
cially in those from Care, there are decisive evidences of an
affinity between the inhabitants of Etruria and those Pelasgians
who peopled Greece in the earliest times, and who constituted an
important element in the inhabitants of Latium. For the residue
of the language, and especially in the case of those inscriptions
which are found near Clusium and Perugia, we are enabled to
recognize an ingredient unmistakably identical with that Scan-
dinavian dialect, which Norwegian emigrants conveyed in an
ancient form to the inaccessible regions of ulitma Thule, where
it remained for centuries safe from all risk of corruption or im-
provement by an infusion of foreign words or constructions. Now
these phenomena, as we have seen, are necessary to reconcile, and
do in fact reconcile, all the traditions about the inhabitants of
Etruria. The Pelasgian affinities of the old Tyrrhenians are
attested by the concurring voice of all antiquity; and as in Argo-
lis, 80 in Italy, we shall best understand the statement that a
more complete civilisation was imported directly from Lydia, if
we bear in mind that the Lydians referred to in the tradition
were Pelasgians, who had appropriated the arta and social culture
of their Asiatic neighbours, and with whom the Tyrrhenians of
Italy came into contact as navigators of the Mediterranean. And
we shall be able to adopt this universal belief of an early con-
nexion or intercourse between the western coasts of Asia Minor
and Italy, without disturbing the well-grounded statement that
the Rasena and Reti were one and the same race, if we infer
that these Rasena were a much later ingredient, and one which
only established an aristocracy of conquest in the cities of
Etruria, without permanently or extensively affecting the great
mass of the population. It will be observed that the main
obstacle to a general reception of the statement that the Rasena
were Restians has consisted in the apparent inconsistency between
this and the Lydian tradition, a tradition which, as we have seen
(above, p. 20), has no historical basis, and only a certain admix-
ture of ethnical truth. The usual inversion, by which Livy
makes the Retians the fugitive offshoot of a nation which really
descended from their own mountains, has not occasioned any
15—2
228 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cuaP. v.
difficulty (above, p. 23). It would be admitted at once that, if the
Reetians and Rasena were one and the same people, some foreign
interference must have disturbed the continuity of their area in
the valley of the Po, and if there was once an unbroken stream
of population from the Lech to the Tiber, no ethnographer will
doubt that its source must have been in the mainland rather than
in the peninsula. But it has not been sufficiently considered, that
the bulk of the Pelasgian nation, already settled in Umbria and
Etruria, would not lose their original type, merely because they
were invaded and conquered by a band of warriors from the
north, any more than Anglo-Saxon England was entirely de-
prived of its former characteristics by the Norman inroad. The
civilisation of the Tyrrhenians, their connexion with the commer-
cial activity of the Mediterranean!, and the advantages which
they derived from the arts and social culture of their brethren in
Asia Minor (above, p. 39), were circumstances long anterior to
the invasion from the north; and as the Rasena would adopt the
refinements which they found among the Tyrrhenians, we may
make ingenious comparisons between the tombs of Porsena and
Alyattes?, without refusing our assent to the well-attested fact
that the warriors and city-nobles of historical Etruria derived
their origin from the Retian Alps. With regard to the argument
from the remains of the Etruscan language, the philologer will
at once admit that, as far as it goes, the evidences of affinity,
which have been adduced, are neither precarious nor doubtful.
Instead of conjectures founded on a casual agreement of syllables,
we have seen that the meaning, which we were led to expect,
was at once supplied by the language, which collateral circum-
stances had indicated as the proper source of information; and
not only were ethnical names and common words simply and
1 It is to this that I would attribute the continuance of Hellenic
influences, on which Miller insists (Etrusb. rt. 292).
3 See Quatremére de Quincy, Monumens et Ouvrages d'Art an-
diques restitués 1. pp. 127 sqq. It is worthy of remark, that a distin-
guishing feature in the monument of Porsena, as described by Varro
(apud Plin. xxxiv. 13), namely, the bells on the cupolas, is expreesly
compared with a similar contrivance at the Pelasgian Dodona: “ tin-
tinnabula, qut» vento agitata longe sonitus referant, uf Dodone olim
actum."
S 12.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 229
consistently explained in this way, but we found that some pecu-
liarities of etymology and syntax were at once illustrated by a
reference to the same standard of comparison. So that, on the
whole, every available resource of grammar and philology tends
to confirm and reconcile the otherwise divergent and contra-
dictory statements of ancient history; and the Etruscans may
now without any inconsistency claim both the Tyrrheno-Pelas-
gian and Reetian affinities, which the classical writers have attri-
buted to them. |
§ 12. General remarks on the absorption or evanescence of
the old Etruscan Language.
It only remains that I should make a few remarks on the
absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language. When
we see so much that is easily explained; when, in fact, there is
no great difficulty in dealing with any Etruscan word which has
come down to us with an interpretation or clue to its meaning;
and when we are puzzled only by inscriptions, which are in
themselves mere fragments, made up in a great measure of
proper names, deformed by a rude, precarious, and often incon-
sistent orthography, and mutilated by, we know not how many,
conventional abbreviations, it is sufficiently evident that the
striking differences between the Etruscan and the other ancient
dialects of the peninsula were not such as to take the language
out of the Indo-Germanic family, and that while these differences
affected only an inconsiderable ingredient in the old Etruscan,
the main portion of the language must have approximated very
closely to the-contiguous and surrounding idioms. Otherwise,
we should be obliged to ask, where is the bulk of that language
which was spoken by the ancestors of Mecenas? We talk of
dead languages; but this variety of human speech should seem
to be not only dead, but buried, and not only buried, but sunk
beneath the earth in some necropolis, into which no Galassi or
Campanari can dig his way. The standard Italian of the
present day is the offspring of that Latinity which was spoken
by the Etrusco-Romans; but we find no trace of ancient bar-
barism in any Tuscan writer. Surely it is a fair inference, that
while the Retian element, introduced into the northern cities
290 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v.
by an aristocracy of conquest, was not permanently influential,
but was absorbed, like the Norman French in this country, by
the Pelasgo-Umbrian language of the bulk of the population, the
latter, which may be termed “the common Etruscan,” like the
Sabello-Oscan and other dialects, merged in the old Latin, not
because the languages were unlike, but because they were sister
idioms, and embraced one another as soon as they had discovered
their relationship’. The only way to escape from all the diffi-
culties of this subject 1s to suppose that the city on the Tiber
served as a centre and rallying point for the languages of Italy
as well as for the different tribes who spoke them, and that
Rome admitted within her walls, with an inferior franchise, which
in time completed itself, both the citizens and the vocabularies
of the conquered Italian states. If this absorbing centralisation
could so thoroughly Latinize the Celtic inhabitants of Lombardy,
and even the transalpine branch of the Gallic race, much more
would it be likely to affect the Etruscans, who extended to the
Tiber, and whose language, in its predominant or Pelasgian
character, approximated so closely to the cognate idiom of the
old Latin tribes.
1 Among many instances of the possibility at least of such a transition,
not the least interesting is the derivation of Populonia from Phupluns,
the Etruscan Bacchus; so that this city, the Etruscan name of which was
Popluna, is the Dionysopolis of Etruria (see Gerhard in the Rhein. Mus.
for 1838, p. 135). Now it is clear that as Nethuns = Nethu-nus, is the
god of nethu, 80 Phupluns= Poplu-nus is the god of poplu. It seems that
the ancients planted the poplar chiefly on account of their vines, and the
poplar was sacred to Hercules, who has so many points of contact with
Bacchus. Have we not, then, in the word phupluns the root of pépulus, a
word quite inexplicable from the Latin language alone? A sort of.
young, effeminate Herculcs, who appears on the coins of Populonia (see
Müller, Etrusk. 1. p.331), is probably this Poplunus. The difference
in the quantity of the first syllables of Pépulus and Populonia is not
surprising, as the latter is an exotic proper name, and the former a na-
turalized common term.
CHAPTER VI.
THE OLD ROMAN OR LATIN LANGUAGE.
Ld
$ 1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous, § 3. Arvalian Litany. § 3.
Chants preserved by Cato. § 4. Fragments of Salian hymns. ὃ 5. Old
regal laws. § 6. Remains of the XII. Tables. § 7. Tab. I. § 8. Tab. II.
$ 9. Tab. IlI. § το. Tab. IV. 8 1r. Tab. V. 8:12. Tab. VI. 8$ 12. Tab.
VII § r4. Tab. VILE. § 15. Tab. IX. 8 16. Tab. X. § 17. Tab. XI.
$18. Tab. XII. § 19. The Tiburtine Inscription. $ 20. The epitaphs of the
Scipios. § 3t. The Columna Rostrata. § 33. The Bilian and Papirian Laws
and the edict of the Curule Adiles. 8 23. The Senatus-Consultum de Baccha-
"alibus, § 24. The old Roman Law on the Bantine Table. § 25. The
Agrarian Law of Sp. Thorius.
§ 1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous.
N the preceding chapters I have given specimens of the lan-
guages spoken by those nations which contributed in dif-
ferent proportions to the formation of the Roman people, and the
next step will be to collect the most interesting remains of the
old Roman language,—considered as the offspring of the Um-
brian, Oscan, and Tuscan,—such as it was before the predomi-
nance of Greek cultivation had begun to work on this rude
composite structure. The total loss of the genuine Roman
literature! will, of course, leave us but ἃ scanty collection of such
documents. Indeed, for the earlier centuries we have only a few
brief fragments of religious and legal import. As we approach
the Punic wars, the inscriptions become more numerous and com-
plete; but then we are drawing near to & period when the
Roman language began to lose its leading characteristics under
the pressure of foreign influences, and when it differed little or
nothing from that idiom which has become familiar to us from
the so-called classical writings of the Augustan age. *
Polybius, speaking of the ancient treaty between Rome and
Carthage (111. 22), remarks that the old Latin language differed
so much from that which was spoken in his own time, that the
best-informed Romans could not make out some expressions
1 See Macaulay, Lays of Ancient Rome, pp. 15, sqq.
292 THE OLD ROMAN [oHAP. VI.
without difficulty, even when they paid the greatest attention :
τηλικαύτη yap ἡ διαφορὰ γόγονε τῆς διαλέκτου, καὶ παρὰ
Ῥωμαίοις, τῆς νῦν πρὸς τὴν ἀρχαίαν, ὥστε τοὺς συνετωτάτους
ἔνια μόλις ἐξ ἐπιστάσεως διευκρινεῖν. The great mass of words
must, however, have been susceptible of interpretation; for he
does not shrink from translating into Greek the substance at
least of that very ancient treaty.
8 2. Arvalian Litany.
Accordingly, we find that the most primitive specimens of
Latinity may now-a-days be understood by the scholar, who,
after all, possesses greater advantages than Polybius and his con-
temporary Romans. This will appear if we examine the song
of the Fratres Arvales, which is one of the most important and
ancient specimens of the genuine Roman language. The inscrip-
tion, in which it is preserved, and which was discovered in the
year 1777, is probably not older than A.D. 218; but there is
every reason to believe that the cantslena itself was the same
which was sung in the earliest ages of Rome,—for these litanies
very often survive their own significance. -The monks read the
Latin of their missals without understanding it, and the Parsees
of Gujerat cannot interpret their sacred Zend. It appears from
the introductory remarks, that this song was confined to the
priests, the Publici being excluded: *'Deinde subselliis mar-
moreis consederunt ; et panes laureatos per Publicos partiti sunt;
ibi omnes lumemulia cum rapinis acceperunt, et Deas unguenta-
verunt, et /Edes clusa est, omnes foris exierunt: ibi Sacerdotes
clusi succincti, libellis acceptis, carmen descindentes tripodaverunt
in verba hec: |
Enos Lases juvate (ter),
Neve luaerve Marmar sins incurrere tn pleoris (ter)
Satur furere (vel fufere) Mars limen salista berber (ter)
Semunis aliernet (vel alternas ?) advocaptt conctos (ter)
Enos Marmor (vel Mamor) juvato (ter)
Triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, triumpe.
Post tripodationem, deinde signo dato Publici introiere, et libel-
los receperunt." (See Orelli, Inscript. Lat. 1. p. 391, no. 2271.)
There can be little doubt as to the meaning of any single
word in this old hymn, which seems to be written in very rude
$9» Soe c I 5
§ 2.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 299
Saturnian verse, the first half of the verse being alone preserved
in some cases; as in Ends Lasts juvdte— πόθ Mamór juvdto.
The last line is a series of trochees cwm anacrust, or a still
shorter form of the first half of the Saturnian verse.
1. mos is a form of the first person plural, analogous to
the German uns. Lases is the old form of Lares (Quintil.
Institut. Orat. 1. 4, ὃ 13; see Müller ad Fest. p. 15).
2. .Luaerve for luerve-m, according to a custom of dropping
the final m, which lasted till Cato's time (see next S). This
form bears the same relation to luem that Minerva does to
mens. Caterva from catus=acutus (above, p. 128), and its
synonym acervus from acus, are derivatives of the same kind’.
We may also compare bovem, suem, &c. with their older forms,
boverem, suerem, &c. Marmar, Marmor, or Mamor, is the
Oscan and Tuscan Mamers, i.e. Mars (above, p. 175). That
Mars, or Mars pater, was addressed as the averter of diseases,
bad weather, &c. is clear from Cato, E. E. 141. Sins is sinas;
so Tab. Bantin. 1. 19: Banténs for Bantinus, ἄς. Ple-ores is
the genuine comparative of ple-nus which bears the same re-
lation to πλεῖος that unus does to οἷος. The fullest form would
be ple-tores = mhe-loves.
3. *O Mars, having raged to your satisfaction (comp.
Hor. 1. Carm. τι. 37: "longo satiate ludo’’), grant that the
Sun's light may be warm." Lémen for lumen may be com-
1 Mr. F. W. Newman (Regal Rome, p. 61) derives caterva from the
Welch cad-torva, * battle-troop." I do not know whether this etymology
was suggested by the well-known statements in Vegetius, 1. 2: “ Galli
Celtiberique pluresque barbaries nationes catervis utebantur in preeliis.”
Isidor. Orig. 1x. 33: “ preprie Macedonum phalanx, Gallorum caterva,
nostra legio dicitur." Dóderlein, who proposes (Lat. Syn. u. Et v. 861)
to connect eaterva with quattuor, properly remarks that these passages
do not show that caterva was considered a Gallic word, but only that,
as distinguished from the phalanz and legio, it denoted a less com-
pletely disciplined body of men. The natural idea of a “heap” of sepa-
rable objects is that of a mass piled up to a point, and this is indicated
by the roots of ac-er-vus and cat-er-va. The latter therefore as denoting
& body of men, suggests the same arrangement as the cuneus, which is.
mentioned along with $t by Tacitus, Hist. u. 42: ' comminus eminus
eatervis et cuneis concurrebant." On the form of cat-er-va, seo below,
Ch. xu. $ 5.
294 ᾿ THE OLD ROMAN [ CHAP. VI.
pared with plistma for plurima (Fest. p. 205), scripulum for
scrupulum, &e. (see below, ὃ 5). Salis is the original form of
solis: comp. σέλας, ἥλιέος, Au-selius, &c. The Oscan and Etrus-
can usage of the auxiliary £a or tu, “to cause” (above, pp. 150,
154, 221), shows that Déderlein is right in reading ta — da in-
stead of sta (Lat. Syn. u. Et. v1. 330). He quotes Hor. 1. Ep.
16, 60: “da mihi fallere, da justo sanctumque videri," though
he perceives that (a is connected with τίθημι rather than with
δίδωμι. Berber is another form of fervere.
4. Semuneis is semones, i.e. semthemones. Advocapit is a
contraction for ad vos capite—the e being omitted, as in duc, fac,
fer, &c.—and it is probable that the phrase is equivalent to
adhibete in auxilium, “call to your aid." Hermann (Elem. Doct.
Metr. p. 612 sq.) supposes advocaptt to be jam duo capit.
8 3. Chants preserved by Cato.
The other extant religious compositions, though few and
scanty, contribute to the same conclusion—that the oldest Latin
"was not so unlike the language with which we are familiar as
to defy interpretation. Two relics of the same kind as the last
have been preserved by Cato (A. R. 160), who writes thus:
*Tuxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem
prende tibi viridem P. Iv. aut v. longam. Mediam diffinde, et
duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantere in alio:
S[anum] F[iet]. In mota et soluta (vulg. mota veta): daries
dardaries astataries, dic sempiterno (vulg. dissunapiter or dic
una pariter) usquedum coeant....Ad luxum aut ad fracturam
alliga, sanum fiet, et tamen quotidie cantato in alio: S. F. vel
luxato: vel hoc modo: havat, havat, havat: ista pista sista:
domabo damnaustra et luxato,' i.e. haveat, haveat, haveat:
istam pestem sistam: domabo damna vestra et luxatum (see
Grotefend, Rud. L. Umbr. tv. 18). With regard to the second
excantatio, which is simple enough, it is only necessary to ob-
serve, that the final m is omitted both in the accusatives luxato,
pista, &c. and in the future sista; and we are especially told
that it was the custom with Cato the Censor to drop the m at
the termination of the futures of verbs in -o and -io0: thus he
wrote dice, facie, for dicam, faciam (see Quintil. Inst. Or. 1. 7,
§ 23, and cf. rx. 4, § 39; Fest. p. 72, Mull), rectpie for rect-
S 4.} OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 99b
giam (Fest. p. 286), attinge for attingam (id. p. 26), ostende
for ostendam (id. p. 201), which are all quoted as common ex-
amples (for further instances, see Corssen, Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet.
d. Lat. Spr. 1. pp. 109 sqq.). He also omitted the -s of the
nominative, as in prefamino for prefaminus (used for prafato :
see R. R. 141: * Janum Jovemque vino prefamino, sic dicito :"
cf. 134; and see Fest. p. 87). The words daries, dar-dar-tes,
as-ta-tar-ies, seem to be a jingling alliteration, the meaning of
which must not be pressed too far; Pliny (H. N. xvi. 28) does
not think them worthy of serious attention; though Grotefend
would compare them with dertier dtertr in the spurious Umbrian
inscription (see Leps. p. 52).
δ 4. Fragments of the Salian Hymns.
The Salian songs, if any considerable fragments of them had _
come down to our times, would have furnished us with very
interesting specimens of ancient Latinity. Unfortunately they
are all lost, with the exception of a few lines and detached
words; and with them we have been deprived of the learned
commentaries of ZElius Stilo, who was not, however, able to
explain them throughout. Varro, vit. ὃ 2: “ JElii, hominis in
primo in litteris Latinis exercitati, interpretationem carminum
Saliorum videbis et exili littera expeditam et preterita obscura
multa!" Of the explanations of /Elius the following have been
preserved. Festus, s. v. Manuos, p. 146: “ Manuos in carmi-
nibus Saliaribus /Elius Stilo [et Aurelius, v. Paul. p. 147] sig-
nificare ait bonos: unde Inferi Di manes pro boni dicantur a
suppliciter eos venerantibus propter metum mortis, ut tmmanes
quoque pro valde [non bonis] dicuntur." Id. 5, v. Molucrum,
p. 141: “ Molucrum non solum quo mole vertuntur dicitur, id
quod Greci μυληκόρον appellant, sed etiam tumor ventris, qui
etiam virginibus incidere solet...Cloatius etiam [et lus] in
libris sacrorum molucrum esse aiunt lignum quoddam quad-
ratum ubi immolatur. Idem /Elius in explanatione carminum
1 Horace, too, alludes to the difficulty of the Salian songs (u. Epist.
1. 86):
Jam ssliare Num carmen qui laudat, et illud,
Quod mecum ignorat, solus vult scire videri, &c.*
290 THE OLD ROMAN [cuar. vi.
Saliarium eodem nomine appellari ait, quod sub mola supponatur.
Aurelius Opilius appellat ubi molatur.” Id. 5. v. Pescta, p. 210:
* Pescia in Saliari carmine ZElius Stilo dici ait capita ex pellibus
agninis facta, quod Greci pelles vocent πέσκη [πεσκέων, δερ-
μάτων, Hesych.] neutro genere pluraliter." Id. s. v. Salas
virgines, p. 329: ''Salias virgines Cincius ait esse conducticias,
quz; ad Salios adhibeantur cum apicibus paludatas, quas 7Elius
Stilo scripsit sacrificium facere in Regia cum pontifice paludatas
cum apicibus in modum Saliorum." There are other references
in Festus to the philological interpretations of /Elius; but as the
Salian songs are not mentioned in them, we have no right to
assume that this particular commentary is quoted: see Festus,
s. v. Mantas, p. 129; s. v. Monstrum, p. 138; s. v. Nebulo,
p. 165; s. v. Naucum, p. 166; s. v. Nuscictosum, p. 173; s. v.
Novalem agrum, p. 174; s. v. Ordinarium hominem, p. 185;
B. Y. Obstitum, p. 193 (cf. pp. 248, 249); s. v. Puticulos, p. 217;
8. v. Portisculus, p. 234; s. v. Sonticum, p. 290; s. v. Subu-
culam, p. 309; s. v. Tongere, p. 356; s. v. Tamne (— eo usque),
p. 359; s.v. Victimam, p. 371.
The following are the remaining fragments of the Salian
hymns.
Varro, L. L. vir. § 26: “In multis verbis, in quo antiqui
dicebant 8, postea dictum R; ut in carmine Saliorum sunt hxc:
OOZEULODOIZESO [vel coreulodorieso|; owrwA [enim] VERO ap
PATULA COEMISSE [vel oremésse] JAMCUSIANES; DUONUSCERUBES
DUNZIANUS VEVET."
This may be written as follows, in the Saturnian metre:
Chératiloidor éso: | émina énim véro
"Ad pdtula 6se' mísse | Jani cüriónes.
Dàónus Cérus ésit, | dínque Jánus vévet.
i.e. chofauledos sum (=esum); omina enimvero ad patulam
aurem miserunt Jani curtones. Bonus Cerus (i.e. Cerus ma-
nus — creator bonus, Fest. p. 122) erit donec Janus vivet (vide
Grotefend, Rud. L. Umbr. 11. p. 16).
With regard to the apparently Greek word cho oauleedos,
it may be sufficient to quote an observation of Varges (Rhein.
Mus. for 1835, p. 69), who, speaking of his derivation of am-
pirvo (see below) from ἄμπειρα, says: “ Vix est quod moneam
§ 4.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 237
in Saliari carmine alia quoque vocabula inveniri, que originem
Grecam manifesto pre se ferant, ut pescta, de quo vocabulo
vide Fest. et Gutberl. [de Salis], p. 146, et tripudium, quod
propius esse Grecorum πόδα quam Latinorum pedem patet, et
recte interpretatur Auson. Popma de Differ. Verbor. 8. Saltare.
Item cosauli, apud Varronem de L. L. vix. c. 8, Grecorum
χόραυλοι esae videntur, quod verbum Pollux servavit." In this
word, as in curiones, I have ventured to insert the letter καὶ
(above, p. 99).
Varro, L. L. vit. § 27: “ Cantte, pro quo in Saliari versu
Scriptum est cante, hoc versu:
DIVUM ÉMPTA CANTE, DÍVUM|DÉO SUPPLICANTE.”
i.e. Deorum impetu cantte, deorum deum suppliciter canite. Cf.
Macrob. Sat. 1. 9: **Saliorum carminibus deorum deus canitur
[Janus ]."
Festus, s. v. Mamuri Veturt, p. 181: “ Probatum opus est
maxime Mamuri Veturi, qui premii loco petiit, ut suum nomen
inter carmina Salii canerent.”’
Id. s. v. Negumate, p. 168: “ Negumate in carmine Cn.
Marci vatis significat negate, cum ait: quàmvís movénttüm
[molimentum Herm. El. D. M. p. 614] du-ónum négumdte.”
Id. 8. v. Obstinet, p. 197: ** Obstinet dicebant antiqui, quod
nunc est ostendit; ut in veteribus carminibus: sód jdm se calo
cédens [Aurora] óbstinét suum pdtrem.” Here it will be ob-
served that se colo cedens =celo secedens, and that suwm is a
monosyllable (see Fest. p. 301).
Id. s. v. Preceptat, p. 205: “ Preceptat in Saliari carmine
est sspe precipit. a pro patre, et po pro potissimum, positum
est in Saliari carmine. Promenervat item pro monet. Predo-
pini, preoptant, ἄς. Pilumno pople in carmine Saliari, Ro-
mani, velut pilis assueti: vel quia precipue pellant hostes."
Id. s. v. Redantruare, p. 270: “ Redantruare dicitur in
Saliorum exsultationibus, quod cum presul amptruavit, quod est
motus edidit, ei referuntur invicem idem motus. Lucilius:
Presul ut amptruat/ inde; ta volgw redamptruat ollim. Pa-
cuvius:
Promerenda gratia
Simul cum videam Graios nihil mediocriter
Redampiruare, opibusque summis persequi."
240 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI.
Dufimviri perduélliónem jádicánto.
Si a duümvirís provoefeit | provocátióne certáto.
Si vincent, cáput obnübito in|félici árbore réate
Suspéndito, vérberáto | intra vel éxtra pómcerum.
I have here written judicanto for judtcent, because the final
thesis cannot be suppressed (below, § 20). The e or 5 is slur-
red over in pro'castt, pro’catione, and obnw'to, according to the
common Roman pronunciation. Each trochaic tripodia in |. 2
begins with an anacrusis. According to Livy (1. 26), the law
belongs to the time of Tullus Hostilius; Cicero, on the other
hand (pro Rabir. c. 4, S 13), refers it to the legislation of
Tarquinius.
Id. s. v. Pellices, p. 222: “Cui generi mulierum pcena con-
stituta est a Numa Pompilio hac lege: Pellex aram Junonis ne
tangito ; si tanget, Junoni crintbus demissis agnum famtnam
cedito,” i.e. Pelecs asam Junonis net tancitud ; set tancet,
Junones crinebos demiseis acnom feminam ceditud.
Id. s. v. Optima spolia, p. 189: “ Esse etiam Pompili regis
legem opimorum spoliorum talem: Cujus auspicio classe pro-
cincta opima spolia. capiuntur, Jovi Feretrio bovem cadito ;
qui cepit [ei] eris ccc darier oportet: [cujus auspicio capiun-
tur] secunda spolia, in Martis aram in Campo solttaurilia
utra voluerit. (i. e. ‘vel majora vel lactentia, ScaL.) cedtto;
[qui cepit, ei seris CC dato]: [cujus auspicio capiuntur] fertta
spolia Janut Quirino agnum marem ceedito, C qui ceperit ex
ere dato; cujus auspicio capta, dis piaculum dato," Niebuhr
(H. R. τι. note 972) explains these gradations of reward by a
reference to the scale of pay in the Roman army. The supple-
ments in this passage rest principally on Plutarch, Vit. Marc.
6. 8: kal λαμβάνειν γέρας, ἀσσάρια τριακόσια τὸν πρῶτον, τὸν
δὲ δεύτερον διακόσια, τὸν δὲ τρίτον ἑκατόν.
Plin. H. N. xxxi. 2, 10, § 20: * Piscets quet squamoses
nec sunt, nei polucetod ; squamosos omneis preter scarom polu-
cetod." Cf. Fest. s. v. Pollucere, p. 253: ''Pollucere merces
[quas cuivis deo liceat], sunt far, polenta, vinum, panis fer-
mentalis, ficus passa, suilla, bubula, agnina, casei, ovilla, alica,
sesama, et oleum, pisces quibus est squama, preter scarum:
Herculi autem omnia esculenta, poculenta.”’
Id. s. v. Termino, p. 368: * Denique Numa Pompilius sta-
§ 6.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 241
tuit, Hum qui terminum exarasset et ipsum et boves sacros esse.”
le. Qui terminom ecsaraset, tpsus et boveis sacrei sunto (see
Dirksen, Versuche, p. 334).
Id. s. v. Aluta, p. 6: “ Aliuta antiqui dicebant pro aliter,
. ... hine est illud in legibus Num» Pompili: Siguisquam altuta
J'acsit ipsos Jovei sacer estod."
86. Remains of the XII. Tables.
But of all the legal fragments which exhibit the prisca
vetustas verborum (Cic. de Oratore, 1. c. 43), the most copious, as
well as the most important, are the remains of the Twelve
Tables, of which Cicero speaks in such enthusiastic, if not
hyperbolical language. These fragments have been more than
once collected and explained. In the following extracts I have
followed the text of Dirkeen (Uebersicht der bisherigen Versuche
zur Kritik und Herstellung des Textes der Zwilf- Tafel-Fragmente).
The object, however, of Dirksen's elaborate work is juristic!
rather than philological; whereas I have only wished to present
these fragments as interesting specimens of old Latinity.
It was probably the intention of the decemvirs to comprise
their system in six double Tables; for each successive pair of
Tables seems to refer to matters which are naturally classed
together. Thus Tab. I. and 11, relate to the legis actiones; Tab.
III. and Iv. to the mancipium, potestas, and manus, or the rights
which might be acquired over insolvent debtors, the right of a
father over his son, and of a husband over his wife; Tab. v. and
vi. to the laws of guardianship, inheritance affd property; Tab.
vir. and VIII. to obligationes, delicta, and crimina; Tab. ΙΧ. and
x. to the jus publicum and jus sacrum ; Tab. xi. and xir. were
supplementary to the ten former Tables, both in subject and in
date.
87. Tub. I.
Fr. 1. (1. 1, 2, Gothofredi): 81 . IN. JUS. VOCAT . NI. IT . AN-
TESTATOR.IGITUR.EM.CAPITO. (Porphyrio ad Hor. 1. Serm.
9, 65: “ Adversarius molesti illius Horatium consulit, an per-
1 The student will find a general sketch of the old Roman law in
Arrold’s Rome, 1. pp. 256 sqq.
D. V. 16
949 THE OLD ROMAN [omap. VI.
mittat se antestari, injecta manu extracturus ad Pretorem, quod
vadimonio non paruerit. De hac autem Lege x11. Tabularum his
verbis cautum est: δὲ eis vocationi testamini, igitur en capito
antestari. Est ergo.antestari, scilicet antequam manum injiciat.”’
Cf. Cic. Legg. τι. c. 4; Aul. Gell. N. 4. xx. 1; Auctor ad He-
renn. II. c. 13; Non. Marcell. de Propr. Serm. c. 1, § 20, s. v.
calvitur. Lucilius, Lib. xvi. : “ Si non it, capito, inquit, eum et,
st calvitur ergo, Ferto manum"). It seems probable that the
original form of the law was st quis in jus vocatus nec tt, ante-
stamino, igitur (i.e. inde, postea, tum, Fest. p. 105) em (= eum)
capito. Cf. Gronov. Lect. Plautin. p. 95. That igitur means
* thereupon " is shown by the context, and that it denotes tum
as to the antecedent to quando appears from Plautus, M«/. GU. 111.
1. 177: quando habebo, igttur rationem mearum fabricarum dabo.
Fr. 2 (1. 3): 81. CALVITUR. PEDEMVE . STRUIT, . MANUM..
ENDO. JACITO. (Festus, p. 313). The word calvitur is explained
by Gaius, L. 233, pr. D. de Verb. Sign.: * Si calvitur et moretur
et frustretur. Inde et calumniatores appellati sunt, quia per
fraudem et frustrationem alios vexarent litibus." — Pedem struere
is explained by Festus, l.1.: * Alii putant significare retrorsum
ire; alii, in aliam partem : alii fugere: alii gradum augere: alii
minuere, cum quis vix pedem pedi preefert, otiose it, remoratur :"
and p. 210: ** pedem struit. m. ΧΙ. significat fugit, ut ait Ser.
Sulpicius." This fragment seems to have followed close upon
the previous one: see the passage of Lucilius, quoted above.
Fr. 8 (1. 4): SI. MORBUS . AEVITASVE . VITIUM . ESCIT, . QUI.
IN . JUS . VOCABIT . JUMENTUM . DATO; . SI. NOLET . ARCERAM.
NE.STERNITO. (Aul. Gell. N. 4. xx. 1). Vitium esctt means
impedimento erit. Arcera is explained by Nonius Marcellus, de
Propr. Serm. 1. § 270: “ Arcera plaustrum est rusticum, tectum
undique quasi arca. Hoc vocabulum et apud Varronem et apud
M. Tullium invenitur. Hoc autem vehiculi genere senes et agrott
vectari solent. Varro γεροντιδιδασκάλῳ: vehebatur cum uxore
vehiculo semel aut bis anno cum arcera: st non vellet non ster-
neret."
Fr. 4 (1. 6): ASSIDUO . VINDEX . ASSIDUUS. ESTO, . PROLETA-
RIO . QUOI. QUIS. VOLET. VINDEX. ESTO. (Aul. Gell. N. A. xvi.
c. 10; cf. Cicero, Top. c. 2, who explains assiduus as a synonym
of locuples, and derives it, with Alius, ab asse dando; Nonius,
$7] | OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 948
Propr. Serm. c. 1, S antepen., who explains proletarius as equi-
valent to plebeius—'' qui tantum prolem sufficiat." See Niebuhr,
Hist. Hom. 1. p. 445, note 1041).
Fr. 5 (1x. 2). Festus, p. 848: ** Sanates dicti sunt, qui supra
infraque Romam habitaverunt. Quod nomen his fuit, quia cum
defecissent a Romanis, brevi post redierunt in amicitiam, quasi
sanata mente. ltaque in XII. cautum est, ut ‘idem juris esset
Sanatibus quod Forctibus,’ id est bonis (cf. pp. 84, 102), et qui
nunquam defecerant a P. ." Whence we may supply, p. 321:
* [Hinc] in x11.: ‘ NEx[i solutique, ac] FoRCTI SANATI(sque idem
jus estod'], id est, bonor[um et qui defecerant sociorum]."
Where also sanas is explained from Cincius, “(quod Priscus]
preter opinio[nem eos debellavis|set, sanavisse[tque ac cum iis
ps]cisei potuisset." Dirksen (p. 164) is wrong in referring these
extracts to the epitome of Paulus.
Fr. 6 (1. 17): REM . UBI . PAGUNT, . ORATO . (Auctor ad He-
renn. II. c. 13).
Fr. 7 (1. 8): NI. PAGUNT . IN. COMITIO. AUT. IN. FORO.
ANTE . MERIDIEM . CAUSAM . CONJICITO, . QUOM . PERORANT .
AMBO . PRAESENTES . (id. ibid. and Aul. Gell. xvir. 2). The
word pagunt is explained by Priscian (x. 5, ὃ 32) as a synonym
of paciscor; the common Latin form is pa-n-go, but the medial
and tenuis of the gutturals were constantly interchanged after
the distinction between them was introduced by Sp. Carvilius
(Terent. Scaur. p. 2253, Putsch).
Fr. 8 (1. 9): POST . MERIDIEM . PRAESENTI . STLITEM . ADDI-
crTO , (Aul. Gell. χυτι. 2).
Fr. 9 (1. 10): SOL . OCCASUS . SUPREMA . TEMPESTAS . ESTO.
(id. ibid). The word tempestas is here used for tempus; the
whole afternoon was called tempus occyduum, and the sunset was
suprema tempestas (Macrob. Saturn. 1. c. 3). Gellius, to whom
we owe these fragments, considers the correct reading to be sol,
not solís occasus. ‘‘ Sole occaso,” he says, “non insuavi venus-
tate (vetustate?) est, si quis aurem habeat non sordidam nec
proculeatam." But Festus (p. 305), Varro (L. L. v. c..2), and
others, consider the phrase to have been solis occasus. There is
more probability in the reading of Gellius.
Fr. 10 (rr. 1. Aul. Gell. N. A. xvi. c. 10: “Sed enim
quum proletari?, et assidut, et sanates, et vades, et subvades,—
16—2
244 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI.
evanuerint, omnisque illa xir. Tabularum antiquitas—consopita
sit, &c."
§ 8. Ταῦ. II.
Fr. 1. Gaius, Inst. tv. S 14: “ Poena autem Sacramenti aut
quingenaria erat, aut quinquagenaria; nam de rebus mille seris
plurisve quingentis assibus, de minoris vero quinquaginta assibus
sacramento contendebatur; nam ita lege x11. Tabularum cautum
erat. Sed si de libertate hominis controversia erat, etsi pre-
tiosissimus homo esset, tamen ut L. assibus sacramento conten-
deretur eadem lege cautum est favoris causa ne satisdatione
onerarentur adsertores."'
Fr. 2 (11. 2): (a) MORBUS . SONTICUS—(b) STATUS . DIES.
CUM . HOSTE—(c) SI . QUID. HORUM . FUAT . UNUM, . JUDICI, .
ARBITROVE . REOVE, . DIES . DIFFENSUS . ESTO . (a) Aul. Gell.
XX. c. 1: “ Morbum vehementiorem, vim graviter nocendi haben-
tem, Leg. istar. i.e. x11. Tab. scriptores alio in loco non per se
morbum, sed morbum sonticum appellant." Fest. p. 290: ** Son-
ticum morbum in XII. significare ait /Elius Stilo certum cum
justa causa, quem non nulli putant esse, qui noceat, quod’ sontes
Bigniflcat mocentes. Nevius ait: sonticam esse oportet causam,
quam ob rem perdas mulierem." (b) Cic. de Off. x. c. 12: “ Hostis
enim majores nostros is dicebatur, quem nunc peregrinum dicimus.
Indicant x11. Tabule ut: status dies cum hoste; itemque: adver-
sus hostem eterna auctoritas." Fest. p. 314: ““ Status dies [cum
' hoste] vocatur qui judici causa est constitutus cum peregrino.
Ejus enim generis ab antiquis hostes appellabantur, quod erant
pari jure cum populo Β., atque hostire ponebatur pro equare.
Plautus in Curculione [1. 1, 5]: &é status condictus cum hoste
intercedit dies, tamen est eyndum, quo tmperant ingratis." This
passage is neglected by Dirksen, but not by Gronovius, Lectiones
Plautine, p. 81. With regard to the original signification of
hostis, it is very worthy of remark that the Latin hostis and the
Greek ξένος, starting from opposite points, have interchanged
their significations. Hos-tis originally signified “a person enter-
tained by another," “one who has food given to him” (comp.
hos-pi-[t-]s, ** the master of the feast," hostia, gasts, &c. N. Crat.
§ 474); but at last it came to mean “a stranger,” “a foreigner,”
and even “an enemy " (see Varro, L. L. p. 2, Müller). Whereas
8 9.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 245
ξένος, originally denoting “a stranger" (extraneus), i.e. '* one
without " ({é]£évos), came in the end to signify “an entertainer "
and “a friend.” I cannot accept Müller's derivation of ξένος
(ad Fest. p. 102). (c) Festus, p. 273: ‘ Heus nunc dicitur, qui
causam dicit; et item qui quid promisit spoponditve, ac debet.
At Gallus Alius libro 11. Sign. Verb. qu. ad Jus pertinent, ait:
Reus est, qui cum altero litem contestatam habet, sive is egit, sive
cum eo actum est. Reus stipulando est idem qui stipulator dici-
tur, quive suo nomine ab altero quid stipulatus est, non ts qus
alteri adstipulatus est. Reus promittendo est qui suo nomine alteri
quid promisit, non qus pro altero quid promisit. At Capito Ateius
in eadem quidem opinione est: sed exemplo adjuvat interpreta-
tionem, Nam in secunda Tabula secunda lege in qua scriptum
est: δὲ quid horum fuat unum judici arbitrove reove, eo die diffen-
eus esto, hic uterque, actor reusque, in judicio rei vocantur, item-
que accusator de via citur more vetere et consuetudine antiqua."
Ulpian, L. txxtv. ad Edict. : “Si quis judicio se sisti promise-
rit, et valetudine vel tempestate vel vi fluminis prohibitus se
sistere non possit, exceptione adjuvatur; nec immerito: cum
enim in tali permissione presentia opus sit, quemadmodum potuit
se sistere qui adversa valetudine impeditus est? Et ideo etiam
Lex xir. Tab.: δὲ judex vel alteruter ex litigatoribus morbo son-
tico impediatur, jubet diem judicit esse diffensum.” I have restored
difensus both in Festus and Ulpian on the authority of Müller,
who has shown (Suppl. Annot. ad Fest. p. 401) that fendo must
have been anciently a synonym of ferio and trudo, and conse-
quently that diffensus esto = differatur.
Fr. 3 (11. 3): CUI . TESTIMONIUM . DEFUERIT, . I8. TERTIIS .
DIEBUS . OB. PORTUM . OBVAGULATUM . 1TO . (Fest. p. 233: ** Por-
tum in XII. pro domo positum omnes fere consentiunt: si," &c.
Id. p. 875: “ Vagulatio in lege x11. [Tab.] significat questionem
cum convicto : st,” &c.). |
Fr. 4 (11. 12). * Nam et de furto pacisci lex permittit"
(L. 7, § 14 p, de Pactis, Ulp. 1v. ad Edictum).
89. Tub. III.
Fr. 1 (in. 4): AERIS . CONFESSI . REBUSQUE . JURE . JUDI-
CATIS . TRIGINTA . DIES . JUSTI. SUNTO . (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1:
* Eosque dies Decemviri justos appellaverunt, velut quoddam
246 THE OLD ROMAN [cuar. vr.
justitium, id est juris inter eos quasi interstitionem quandam et
cessationem, quibus diebus nihil cum his agi jure posset." xv.
c. 18; cf. Gaius, Znst. 111. S 78, &c.).
Fr. 2 (111. 5): POST . DEINDE . MANUS . INJECTIO . ESTO; .
IN . JU8 . DUCITO. (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1; cf. Gaius, Inst. tv. § 21).
Fr. 3 (1. 6): NI. JUDICATUM . FACIT (l. fazsit), . AUT.
QUIPS . ENDO. EM . JURE . VINDICIT, . SECUM . DUCITO; . VINCITO, .
AUT. NERVO . AUT . COMPEDIBUS, . QUINDECIM . PONDO. NE. MA-
JORE,. AUT. SI. VOLET . MINORE. VINCITO . (Aul. Gell. xx.
c. 1) We should perhaps read fazxsit for facit on account of
vindicit, for which see Müller, Suppl. Ann. ad Fest. p. 393. For
the form quips see Gronovius ad Gell. 1.; the proper reading is
ques; see below, ὃ 28. For the meaning of nervus here, comp.
Fest. a. v. p. 765.
Fr. 4 (111. 7): 8r. VOLET, . SUO. VIVITO; . NI. SUO. VIVIT,.
QUI. ΕΜ. VINCTUM . HABEBIT, . LIBRAS . FARRIS . ENDO . DIES.
DATO; . SI. VOLET . PLUS. DATO. (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1; and for
the meaning of vivere compare L. 234, § 2 p, de Verb. Sign.;
Gaius, L. 11. ad Leg. xi. Tab.; Donat. ad Terent. Phorm. 11.
1, 20). The student will observe that endo dies = indies.
Fr. 5 (ur. 8). Aul. Gell. N. A. xx. 1: * Erat autem jus
interea paciscendi; ac nisi pacti forent, habebantur in vinculis,
dies LX.; inter eos dies trinis nundinis continuis ad Preetorem in
comitium producebantur, quanteque pecunis judicati essent pre-
dicabatur." From which Ursinus conjectures: Endoderatim
[rather énferatiém. Festus, p. 111] pactio estod. Net cum eo pacit,
LX. dies vinctom habetod. In eis diebus tertrets nondinets con-
tinuets indu comitum endo joure im procitato, quanteique stlis
estumata siet predicato.
Fr. 6 (111. 9). Aul. Gell. xx. 1: “ Tertiis autem nundinis
capite poenas dabant, aut trans Tiberim peregre venum ibant—
Bi plures forent, quibus reus esset judicatus, secare si vellent
atque partiri corpus addicti sibi hominis permiserunt —verba ipsa
Legis dicam :—TERTIIS, inquit, NUNDINIS PARTIS SECANTO, SI
PLUS MINUSVE SECUERUNT, SE FRAUDE ESTO." Cf. Quintil. 7nst,
Or. 111. c. 6; Tertullian, Apol, c. 4. The student will remark
that we have here se for sine, as in the compounds se-dulo (= sine
dolo), se-paro, se-cludo, se-motus, se-gregatus, &c. (See Festus,
p.386). Se-sedisan ablative form which in later Latin appears
S 10.] | OR LATIN LANGUAGE. - 247
only in composition; sine accords in form with the Sanscrit
instrumental, and was used as a preposition to the latest period
of the language. Accordingly these two forms may be compared
with the Greek κα and κατά; the former being used only as the
particle of apodosts or in composition (as κάπετον Pind. O. ὙΠ.
38), while the latter retains to the end its regular prepositional
functions.
Fr. 7 (111. 8): ADVERSUS . HOSTEM . AETERNA . AUCTORITAS .
(Cic. de Off. 1. c. 12).
§ 10. Tob. IV.
Fr. 1 (1v. 1). Cic. de Legg. ut. c. 8: “ Deinde quum (Trib.
pot. ortus] esset cito legatus [leto datus, Orelli], tamquam ex xut.
Tabulis insignis ad deformitatem puer." From whence we infer
that the x11. Tables authorized the exposure of deformed
children.
Fr. 2 (1v. 2). From the statement of Dionysius (11. 26, 27),
that the decemvirs in their fourth Table continued the jus ven-
dendorum liberorum established in the time of the kings, Ursinus
imagines some such passage as this: PATREI.ENDO.FIDIO.
VITAE. NECISQUE . POTESTAS . ESTOD, . TERQUE . IN. VENOM.
DARIER . J6US . ESTOD; to which he appends the next fragment.
Fr. 3 (iv. 3): SL. PATER. FILIUM . TER. VENUM . DUIT, .
FILIUS. A. PATRE . LIBER . ESTO. (Ulpian, Fr. Tit. x. $1; Gaius,
Inst. 1. S 182; 1v. § 79).
Fr. 4 (iv. 4J. Aul. Gell. rrr. 16:... * Quoniam Decemviri in
decem mensibus gigni hominem, non in undecimo scripsissent ; ”’
whence Gothofredus would restore: δὲ gut δὲ wn X. mensibus
procimis postumus natus escit, justus esto.
8 11. Tab. V.
Fr. 1. Gaius, Znst. 1. 8 145: “ Loquimur autem exceptis
Virginibus Vestalibus, quas etiam veteres in honorem sacerdotii
liberas esse voluerunt; itaque etiam lege x11. Tabularum cautum
est." Cf Plutarch, Vit. Num. c. 10.
Fr.2. Id. τι. 8 47: “ (Item olim) mulieres que in agnato-
rum tutela erant, res mancipi usucapi non poterant, preterquam
si ab ipso tutore (auctore) tradite essent: id ita lege x11. Tabu-
larum cautum erat."
248 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
Fr. 3 (v. 1): [PATERFAMILIAS] . UTI . LEGASSIT. SUPER .
PECUNIA . TUTELAVE . 8UAE . REI,. ITA. JUS. ESTO . (Ulpian, Fr.
Tt. xi. $ 14; Gaius, Inst. 11. S 224; Cic. de Invent. Rhet. 11.
c. 50; Novell. Justin. xx1I. c. 2, &c.).
Fr. 4 (v. 2): 81. INTESTATO. MORITUR. CUI. SUUS. HERES.
NEC . SIT, . ADGNATUS . PROXIMUB . FAMILIAM. HABETO . (Ulpian,
Fr. Tit. xxvi. ὃ 1; cf. Gaius, Inst. 111. § 9, &c.).
Fr. 5 (v. 3): S1. ADGNATUS . NEC. ESCIT, . GENTILIS . FAMI-
LIAM . NANXITOR. (Collatio Legg. Mosaic. et Rom. ΤΊ. xvi. S 4;
cf. Gaius, Inst. 111. 8 17). I have written nanaitor for nancitor
on the authority of Müfler, ad Fest. p. 166: “ nanzstor in XII.,
nactus erit, prehenderit;" where he remarks: “ nancitor quo-
modo futurum exactum esse possit, non intelligo, nisi correcta
una littera. Ab antiquo verbo nancio fut. ex. fit nanzo, sicut a
capio capso ; idque translatum in pass. form. efficit nanzstur vel
nanantor, ut a turbasso fit turbassitur." We have another instance
of this form in the pontifical law about the ver sacrum, quoted
by Livy (xxi. 10, § 6): δὲ antidea senatus populusque jussertt
fieri ac faxitur, eo populus solutus liber esto (see also Corssen,
Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet. d. lat. Spr. τι. pp. 38 sqq.).
Fr. 6 (v. 7). Gaius, Jnst. τ. § 155: “ Quibus testamento
quidem tutor datus non sit, iis ex lege x1I. agnati sent tutores;
qui vocantur legitimi." Cf. S 157, where he says that this
applied to women also.
Fr. 7 (v. 8): SI. FURIOSUS . AUT . PRODIGUS . ESCIT, . AST.
EI. CUSTOS. NEC. ESCIT, . ADGNATORUM . GENTILIUMQUE . IN.
EO . PEQVUNIAQUE . EJUS . POTESTAS . ESTO. (Cicer. de Invent.
Rhet. τι. c. 50, gives the bulk of this passage; aut prodigus is
inserted on the authority of Ulpian, ὃ 3, 1. de Curattontbus ; and
ast et custos nec eacit is derived from Festus, p. 162: ** Nec con-
junctionem grammatici fere dicunt esse disjunctivam, ut mec
legt nec scribit, cum si diligentius inspiciatur, ut fecit. Sinnius
Capito, intelligi possit eam positam esse ab antiquis pro son, ut
et in XII. est: ast ev custos nec escit’’). For nec see above, Ch.
III. § 9, and below, Ch. vn. § 5.
Fr. 8 (v. 4. Ulpian, Frag. Tit. xxix. § 1; L. 195, 8 1 p,
de Verb. Sign.: * Civis Romani liberti hereditatem lex x11. Tab.
patrono defert, si intestato sine suo herede libertus decesserit—
Lex: EX EA FAMILIA, inquit, IN EAM FAMILIAM." Gothofredus
$12.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 249
proposes the following restoration of the law: δὲ libertus tntes-
tato moritur cut suus heres nec esctt, ast patronus. patrontve liberi
escint, ex ea familia in eam familiam proximo pecunia adduttor.
Fr. 9 (v. 5) and 10 (v. 6). From the numerous passages
which refer the law de ercti-ctscunda (as the word must have
been originally written) familia to the x11. Tables (see Hugo,
Gesch. d. Róm. H. 1. p. 229), we may perhaps suppose the law
to have been: δὲ heredes partem quisque suam habere malint,
familia ercti-ciscunde tris arbitros sumunto. .
8. 12. Ταῦ. VI.
Fr. 1 (σι. 1): CUM. NEXUM . FACIET . MANCIPIUMQUE, . UTI.
LINGUA . NUNCUPASSIT, . ITA . JUS. ESTO. (Festus, p. 173; Cic.
de Off. 111. 16, de Orator. 1. 57). Nuncupare - nominare : Fe&tüs,
1.1.; Varro, L. L. vr. S 60, p. 95, Müller. .
Fr. 2 (vr. 2). Cic. de Offic. 111. 16: “Nam cum ex ΧΙ].
Tabulis satis esset ea prestart que essent lingua nuncupata, que
qui infittatus esset. dupli panam subiret; a jureconsultis etiam
reticentie poena est constituta."
Fr. 8 (vi. 5). Cic. Topic. c. 4: “Quod in re pari valet,
valeat in hac, quee par est; ut: Quoniam usus auctoritas fundi
biennium est, sit etiam edium: at in lege. edes non appellantur,
et sunt ceterarum rerum omnium, quarum annuus est usus."
Cf. Cic. pro Cecina, c. 19; Gaius, Jnstit. τι. § 42: and Boe-
thius ad Top. |. c. p. 509, Orelli.
Fr. 4 (vr. 6). Gaius, Znst. 1. § 111: “ Usu in manum con-
veniebat, que anno continuo nupta perseverabat :—itaque lege
x11. Tab. cautum [erat], st qua nollet eo modo in manum mariti
conve[nire, ut quotannis trinoctio abesset, atque [ita usum] cujus-
que anni interrumperet." Cf. Aul. Gell. 111. 2; Macrob. Saturn.
I. ὃ.
Fr. 5 (vi. 7): S1. QUI. IN. JURE. MANUM . CONSERUNT .
(Aul. Gell. xx. c. 10).
Fr. 6 (vri. 8. From Liv. ur. 44, Dionys. Hal. x1. c. 30,
&c., we may infer a law: prator secundum libertatem vindicias
dato. |
Fr. 7 (σι. 9: TIGNUM . JUNCTUM . AEDIBUS . VINEAEVE, . E.
CONCAPITE . NE. SOLVITO . (Fest. p. 364). A great number of
emendations of this passage have been proposed. The reading
- -— —~ ow — ---
250 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
which I have adopted is the same as Müllers, except that I
prefer concapite to his concape: compare procapts = progentes,
“que ab uno capite procedit" (Feat. p. 225). In the same way
as we have capes, capitis m. = miles; caput, capttis n. = verter;
80 we have concapis, concapttis Í. — continua capitum junctura
(comp. Madvig, Beilage zu zeiner Latein. Sprachl. p. 33).
Fr. 8 (vi. 10). L. 1. pr. D. de tigno juncto, Ulpian, L.
XxXxVII. ad Edictum : “Quod providenter lex [xrr. Tab.] effe-
cit, ne vel edificia sub hoc pretextu diruantur, vel vinearum
cultura turbetur; sed in eum qui convictus est junxisse, in
duplum dat actionem." Where tignum is defined as signifying
in the xir. Tables: omnis materta ex qua cdificium constet,
vinecque necessaria. |
Fr. 9 (vr. 11): QUANDOQUE . SARPTA, . DONEC . DEMPTA .
ERUNT . (Fest. p. 348). The word sarpta (which Müller under-
stands of the ipsa sarpta, i.e. sarmenta putata) is explained by
Festus, |. 1.: “sarpiuntur vines, i.e. putantur," &c. p. 322:
* [sarpta vinea putata, i.] e. pura [facta—] inde etiam [sarmenta
scriptores dici pu[tant; sarpere enim a]ntiqui pro pur[gare
dicebant]." The sentence in the fragment probably ended with
vindicare jus esto.
8 18. Tab. VII.
Fr. 1 (vir. 1). Varro, L. L. v. § 22, p. 9: * Ambttus eat
quod cireumeundo teritur, nam ambitus circumitus, ab eoque
x11. Tabularum interpretes ambitum parietis circumitum esse
describunt." Volusius Mecianus, apud Gronov. de Sesterito,
p. 398: “ Sesterttus duos asses et semissem. Lex etiam x11. Ta-
bularum argumento est, in qua duo pedes et semis sestertius pes
vocatur." Festus, p. 16 (cf. p. 5): *.Ambitus proprie dicitur
inter vicinorum edificia locus duorum pedum et semipedis ad
circumeundi facultatem relictus." The law itself, therefore, pro-
bably ran thus: inter vicinorum edificia ambitus parietum. ses-
tertius pes esto.
Fr. 2 (virt. 3). Gaius (lib. rv. ad Leg. xit. Tab. L. fin. D.
finium regundorum) refers to a law of Solon, which he quotes
in Greek, and describes as in some measure the type of the
corresponding law of the xir. Tables, which regulates digging,
fencing, and building near the borders of a piece of ground.
ἢ 18. OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 251
Fr. 3 (vill. 6): HORTUS— HEREDIUM — TUGURIUM . (Plin.
H. Ν. xix. 4, 81: “In xir. Tab. leg. nostrar. nusquam nomi-
natur villa; semper in significatione ea Aortus, in horti vero
heredium." Festus, p. 355: "[Tugu-|]ria a tecto appellantur
[domicilia rusticorum] sordida—quo nomine [Messalla in ex-
plana]|tione XII. ait etiam . ...siguificari"). Properly speaking,
the vicus (signifying “several houses joined together’’) included
the villa (— vicula, Dóderl. Syn. u. Et. x11. 5), which was the
residence of the proprietor, and the adjoining tugurta, in which
the colon? partiari$ lived. All persons living in the same vicus
were called vicint ; and the first fragment in this table refers to
the ambttus between the houses of those who lived on the same
estate. The pasture-land left common to the vicine was called
compascuus ager (Festus, p. 40). It is not improbable that the
words compescere and impescere occurred in the x11. Tables. See,
however, Dirksen, p. 584. Ager is defined as: “locus qui sine
villa est" (Ulpian, L. 27, Pr. D. de V. 8.). But in a remark-
able passage in Festus (p. 371), the vicus is similarly described
in its opposition to the villa or predium. The passage is as
follows (see Müller, Suppl. Ann. p. 413): * Vici appellari inci-
piunt ab agris, [et sunt eorum hominum,] qui ibi villas non
habent, ut Marsi aut Peligni, sed ex vicis partim habent rempub-
licam, [ubi] et jus dicitur, partim nihil eorum, et tamen ibi nun-
dinz aguntur negotii gerendi causa, et magistri vici, item magistri
pagi, [in iis] quotannis fiunt. Altero, cum id genus officiorum
[significatur], quse continentia sunt in oppidis, queve itineribus
regionibusve distributa inter se distant, nominibusque dissimilibus .
discriminis causa sunt dispartita. "Tertio, cum id genus edifi-
ciorum definitur, qui in oppido prive, id est in suo quisque loco
proprio ita edificat, ut in eo sedificio pervium sit, quo itinere
habitatores ad suam quisque habitationem habeat accessum : qui
non dicuntur vicani, sicut ii, qui aut in oppidi vicis, aut ii, qui in
agris sunt, vicani appellantur." Festus here describes (1) the
vicus rusticus, (2) a street in a town, as the vicus Cyprius, and
(3) a particular kind of insulated house (insu/a) in the city.
Fr. 4 and 5 (vir. 4, 5). Cicero de Legg. 1. c. 21: “ Usu-
capionem XII. Tabule intra quinque pedes esse noluerunt." Non.
Marcell. de Propr. Serm. c. 5, ὃ 34, quotes, as the words of the
law: 81 JURGANT. “δὲ Jurgant, inquit. Benevolorum concer-
252 | THE OLD ROMAN [onap. VI.
tatio non Xs, ut inimicorum, sed jurgium dicitur." Ursinus
supposes the law to have been: δὲ wicint inter se jurgassint,
intra v. pedes usucapio me esto. Jur-gium is from jure agere.
.. Fr. 6 (vir. 10). L. 8, p, de Servit. Pred. Rustic. : “ Vim
latitudo ex lege x11. Tab. in porrectum octo pedes habet; in
anfractum, id est, ubi flexum est, sedecim." Varro, L. L. vu.
§ 15, p. 124: “ Anfractum est flexum, ab origine duplici dictum,
ab ambitu et frangendo; ab eo leges jubent, in directo pedum
VIII. esse, in anfracto XVI., id est in flexu."
Fr. 7 (vir. 11). Cicero pro Caecina, c. 19: “Si via sit im-
munita, jubet (lex), qua velit agere jumentum." Cf. Festus, p.
21, 8. v. Amsegetes. Müller and Huschke express their surprise
that Dirksen and other learned jurists should have overlooked
the passage in Festus, which contains the best materials for the
restoration of this law. Festus (s. v. Vie, p. 371) says: '* Vie
sunt et publice, per [quas ire, agere, veher]e omnibus licet:
private quibus [vehiculum immittere non licet] prseter eorum,
quorum sunt private. [In xir. est: AMSEGETES] VIAS MUNIUNTO
DONICUM LAPIDES ESCUNT: [NI MUNIERINT,] QUA YOLET JUMENTA
AGrro." See Müller, Suppl. .Annot. p. 414.
Fr. 8 (vir. 8). L. 5, D, ne quid in |. publ. Paulus, Lib.
xvi. ad Sabinum : “Si per publicum locum rivus aqueductus
privato nocebit, erit actio privato ex lege x1. Tab. ut noxe
domino caveatur." L. 21, p, de Statuliber. Pompon. L. vir.
ex Plautio: 81. AQUA. PLUVIA . NOCET.
Fr 9 (vir. 7). L. 1, 8 8, p, de Arboribus cedend. Ulp.
L. Lxxr. ad Edict.: *Lex xir. Tab. efficere voluit, ut xv.
pedes altius rami arboris circumcidantur." From which, and
Festus, p. 348, it is proposed to restore the law: δὲ arbor in
vicint agrum impendet, altius a terra pedes XY. sublucator.
Fr. 10 (vir. 8. Plin. H. N. xvi. c. 5: “Cautum est
preterea lege x11. Tab., ut glandem in alienum fundum proci-
dentem liceret colligere." The English law makes a similar
provision respecting rabbit-burrows. s
Fr. 11 (vi. 4. 8 1, 41, 1. de Rer. Divis. : “ Vendite vero
res et tradite non aliter emptori adquiruntur, quam si is venditori
pretium solverit, vel alio modo satisfecerit, veluti expromissore,
aut pignore dato. Quod cavetur quidem et lege x11. Tab., tamen
recte dicitur et jure gentium, i. e. jure naturali, effici.”
814.) ὁ OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 258
Fr. 12 (v1. 3). Ulpian, Fr. tit. 2, § 4: “Sub hac condi-
tione liber esse jussus, si decem millia heredi dederit, etsi ab
herede abalienatus sit, emptori dando pecuniam, ad libertatem
perveniet: idque lex x11. Tab. jubet." Cf. Fest. a. v. Statulsber,
p. 314.
814. Tab. VIII.
Fr. 1 (vir. 8). Cic. de Republ. tv. 10: ** Nostre x11. Ta-
bule, quum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque
sanciendam putaverunt: st quis occentavisset, sive carmen con-
didisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri." Festus,
p. 181: * Occentassint antiqui dicebant quod nunc convitium
fecerint dicimus, quod id clare, et cum quodam canore fit, ut
procul exaudiri possit. Quod turpe habetur, quia non sine causa
fieri putatur. Inde cantilenam dici querellam, non cantus jucun-
ditatem puto." Plautus, Curcul. 1. 2, 57; Horat. rt. Serm. 1,
80; 11. Epist. 1, 152. Gothofredus would restore the law thus:
st quis pipulo (=ploratu, Fest. p. 253; cf. p. 212, s. v. pipatio,
above, p. 136), occentassit, carmenve condidisset, &c. fuste ferito.
Fr. 2 (vii. 9): 81 MEMBRUM . RUPIT . NI. CUM. EO . PACIT, .
TALIO . ESTO . (Fest. p. 363: ‘‘ Permittit lex parem vindictam."
Aul. Gell. xx. 1; Gaius, Znst. 111. S 223).
Fr. 3 (vir. 10). Gaius, Inst. 111. ὃ 223: “ Propter os vero
fractum aut conlisum CCC. assium poena erat (ex lege xir. Tab.
velut si libero os fractum erat; at si servo, CL." Cf. Aul.
Gell. xx. 1.
Fr. 4 (vri. 7): SI. INJURIAM . FAXIT . ALTERI, . VIGINTI .
QUINQUE . AERIS . POENAE . SUNTO . (Aul. Gell. xx. 1; cf.
Gaius, Inst. 111. ὃ 228). Fest. p. 371: “ Viginti quinque pomas
in Xil. significat viginti quinque asses." Here panas = poinaes
is the old form of the genitive singular and nominative plural.
Fr. 5 (vir. 2): BUPITIAS . [QUI . FAXIT] . SARCITO . (Fest.
8. vv. pp. 265, 322), 1. e. qui damnum dederit prastato.
Fr. 6 (vir. 5). L. 1, pr. p, s¢ Quadrup. Paup. fec. dic.
Ulp. xvur. ad Edict.; *Si quadrupes pauperiem fecisse dice-
tur, actio ex lege x11. Tab. descendit; qus lex voluit aut dani id
quod nocuit, id est, id animal, quod noxiam commisit, aut eesti-
mationem noxise offerre."
Fr.7 (vu. δ). L.14, $8, p, de Prascr. Verb.; “Si glans -
re a τ ττὧὔ΄ὖῷὖῷ — —— —— — —— ———— —M — —————— M er rrr ———— ——— —— ———— —À “- τ
254 THE OLD ROMAN [cuaP. vr.
ex arbore tua in meum fundum cadat' eamque ego immisso pecore
depascam, Aristo scribit non sibi occurrere legitimam actionem,
qua experiri possim, nam neque ex lege xir. Tab. de pastu
pecoris, quia non in tuo pascitur, neque de pauperie neque de
damni injurie agi posse" (cf. Tab. vri. Fr. 10).
Fr. 8 (vii. 3): QUI . FRUGES . EXCANTASSIT . (Plin. H. N.
XXVIII. €. 2). NEVE. ALIENAM . SEGETEM . PELLEXERIS . (Serv.
ad Verg. Ecl. vixt. 99). Cf. Seneca, Nat. Quost. 1v. 7, &c.
Fr. 9 (vir. 4. Plin. H. N. xvin. c. 3: * Frugem quidem
aratro quesitam furtim noctu pavisse ac secuisse, puberi XII.
Tabulis capitale erat, suspensumque Cereri necari jubebant;
gravius quam in homicidio convictum : impubem pretoris arbi-
tratu verberari, noxiamque duplione decerni."
Fr. 10 (vu. 6). L. 9, p, de Incend. Ruina Naufr. Gaius,
- IV. ad x1I. Tab. : “Qui edes acervumve frumenti juxta domum
positum combussertt, vinctus verberatus tnt necari jubetur, si
modo sciens prudensque id commiserit: si vero casu, id est,
negligentia, aut noxtam sarctre, jubetur, aut si minus idoneus
sit, levius castigatur: appellatione autem «dtum omnes species
sedificii continentur."
Fr. 11 (π. 11). Plin. Z. N. xvii. 1: * Fuit et arborum
cura legibus priscis; cautumque est ΧΙ. Tabulis, ut qui injuria
cecidisset alienas, lueret in singulas eris Xxv."
Fr. 12 (11. 4): 81. NOX . FURTUM . FACTUM . SIT, . SI . IM.
OCCISIT, . JURE . CAESUS . ESTO . (Macrob. Saturn.1. c. 4). Here
noz Ξε noctu; Aul. Gell. vri. c. 1.
Fr. 13 (11. 8). L. 54, § 2, p, de furt. Gaius, Lib. xri. ad
Edict. Province. : “ Furem interdiu deprehensum non aliter occi-
dere lex xir. Tab. permisit, quam si telo se defendat."
Fr. 14 (11. 5—7). Aul. Gell. xr. c. 18: “Ex ceteris autem
manifestis furibus liberos verberari addicique jusserunt (decem-
viri) ei, cui factum furtum esset, si modo id luci fecissent, neque
se telo defendissent: servos item furti manifesti prensos verberi-
bus affici et e saxo precipitari; sed pueros impuberes preetoris
arbitratu verberari voluerunt, noxamque ab his factam sarciri."
Cf. Gaius, r1. ὃ 189. For the last part, cf. Fr. 9. -
Fr. 15 (π. 9). Gaius, Jnsé. 111. ὃ 191, 192: ““ Concepti et
oblati (furti) poena ex lege x11. Tab. tripli est,—precipit (lex)
* ut qui querere velit, nudus querat linteo cinctus, lancem ha-
— —— HR ——ÓcM MÀ ——— 7 ——M———— —- —— 070 — -— ———ÁÓA-——À ———— Le σ΄ CU — - 7 σ
8 14. ] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 255
bens; qui si quid invenerit, jubet id lex furtum manifestum
esse,” Cf. Aul. Gell. xr. 18, xvr. 10.
Fr. 16 (11. 10): 81. ADORAT . FURTO . QUOD . NEC . MANI-
FESTUM . ESCIT . (Fest. p. 162. Gaius, Znst. 111. ὃ 190: “Nec
manifesti furti per leg. x11. Tab. dupli irrogatur"). For the use
of adoro, see Fest. p. 19: ** Adorare apud antiquos significabat
agere, unde et legati oratores dicuntur, quia mandata populi
agunt:" add, Fest. 8. v. oratores, p. 182: Varro, L. L. γι. ὃ 76,
vit. § 41, &c.
Fr. 17 (11. 18). Gaius, Znst. 11. § 45: “ Furtivam (rem) lex
XII. Tab. usucapi prohibet."
Fr. 18 (111. 2). Cato, E. R. prowm.: ‘ Majores nostri sic
habuerunt, itaque in legibus posuerunt, furem dupli damnari,
foeneratorem quadrupli.” Tacit. Annal. v1. 16: “Nam primo
xu. Tabulis sanctum, ne quis unciario foenere amplius exerce-
ret." See Niebuhr, H. 2. 111. 50 sqq., who has proved that the
fenus unciarium was τ of the principal, i.e. 84 per cent for the
old year of ten months, and therefore 10 per cent for the civil year. -
Fr. 19 (nux. 1) Paulus, Rec. Sent. τι. tit. 12, § 11: “Ex
causa depositi lege x11. Tab. in duplum actio datur."
Fr. 20 (vu. 16). L. 1. 8 2, p, de suspect. Tutoribus : ** Sci-
endum est suspecti crimen e lege xit. Tab. descendere." L. 55,
§ 1, D, de Admin. et Peric. Tutor. : “ Sed si ipsi tutores rem pupilli
furati sunt, videamus, an ea actione, que proponitur ex lege
XII. Tab. adversus tutorem in duplum, singuli in solidum tene-
antur."
Fr. 21 (v1.17): PATRONUS . SI. CLIENTI . FRAUDEM . FECE-
RIT . SACER . ESTO . (Servius, on Virgil's words, ZEne:d. v1. 609:
*pulsatusve parens, et fraus innexa clienti"). I can suppose
that the original had fraudem frausus siet: see Festus, p. 91,
and Gronov. Lect. Plaut. p. 33, ad Asin. 11. 2, 20.
Fr. 22 (vir. 11): QUI . ΒΒ. SIERIT . TESTARIER, . LIBRI-
PENSVE . FUERIT, . NI. TESTIMONIUM . FARIATUR(?), . IMPROBUS .
INTESTABILISQUE . ESTO . (Aul. Gell. xv. 13).
Fr. 28 (vir. 12). Aul. Gell. xx. 1: “An putas, si non illa
ex XII. Tab. de testimoniis falsis poena abolevisset, et 81 nunc
quoque, ut antea, qui falsum testimonium dixisse convictus esset,
e saxo Tarpeio dejiceretur, mentituros fuisse pro testimonio tam
multos quam videmus ?"'
7 — M ——— "s — —— M — —— M — 9 —À — ————— : —— — ———— —— — -ἕ .. --
256 THE OLD ROMAN [onap. vr.
Fr. 24 (vir. 18). Pliny, in the passage quoted in Fr. 9, im-
plies that involuntary homicide was but slightly punished. The
fine in such a case seems to have been a ram (Serv. ad Verg.
Ecl. 1v. 43); and the law has been restored thus (with the help
of Cic. de Orat. 111. 39, Top. 17): δὲ quis hominem liberum dolo
sciens morti dedit, parricida esto: at si telum manu fugit, pro
capite occist et natis ejus arietem subjtctto.
Fr. 25 (vri. 14). .From Plin. H. N. xxvii. 2, and L. 236,
pr. D, de Verb. Sign., the following law has been restored: QUI .
MALUM . CARMEN . INCANTASSIT . [CERERI . SACER . ESTO].
[QUI] . MALUM . VENENUM . [FAXIT . DUITVE . PARRICIDA . ESTO].
Fr. 26 (1x. 6). Porcius Latro, Declam. ἐπ Catilin. c. 19:
* Primum x1. Tabulis cautum esse cognoscimus, ne quis in urbe
coctus nocturnos agitare." Which Ursinus restores thus: qui
calim endo urbe nox coit, coiverit, capital estod.
Fr. 27 (vu. 2). L. 4, p, de Colleg. et Corporibus : ““ Sodales
sunt, qui ejusdem collegii sunt; quam Grseci ἑταιρίαν vocant.
His autem potestatem facit lex, pactionem quam velint sibi ferre,
dum ne quid ex publica lege corrumpant.” ]
$15. Tob. IX.
Fr. 1 (1x. 1). Cicero pro Domo, c. 17: “ Vetant xu. Ta-
bule leges privis hominibus irrogari." |
Fr. 2 (1x. 4). Cicero de Legibus, 111. 19: “Tum leges pre-
clarissime de xit. Tabulis translate due: quarum . . . altera de
capite civis rogari, nisi maximo comitatu, vetat." Cf. Cicero
pro Sextio, c. 80.
Fr. 3 (1x. 8). Aul. Gell. xx. 1: “Dure autem scriptum
esse in istis legibus (sc. xu. Tab.) quid existimari potest? nisi
duram esse legem putas, que judicem arbitrumve jure datum,
qui ob rem dicendam pecuniam accepisse convictus est, capite
peenitur.”” Cf. Cicero, Verr. Act. 11. Lib. r1. c. 32.
Fr. 4 (ΙΧ. 5). L. 2, 8 23, p, de Orig. Jur. : “ Queestores
constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus preessent: hi
appellabantur Questores parrictdit ; quorum etiam meminit lex
XII. Tabularum." Cicero de Hepubl. 11. 31. ““ Provocationem
autem etiam ἃ regibus fuisse declarant pontificii libri, significant
nostri etiam augurales; itemque ab omni judicio posnaque pro-
§ 16.] - OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 257
vocari licere, indicant xir. Tabule compluribus legibus." See
&bove, p. 239.
Fr. 5 (ix. 7 L.8, pr. n. ad Leg. Jul. Majestot.: “ Lex
XII. Tab. jubet eum qui hostem concitaverit, quive bosti civem
tradiderit, capite puniri."
8 16. Ταῦ. X.
Fr. 1 (x. 2): HOMINEM . MORTUUM . IN. URBE . NE . SEPE-
LITO . NEVE . URITO . (Cicero de Legibus, 11. 23).
Fr. 2 (x. 4, δ): HOC. PLUS . NE. FACITO . — BOGUM . ASCIA .
NE . POLITO . (id. ibid.).
Fr. 3 and 4 (x. 6, 7): “Extenuato igitur sumtu, tribus
riciniis, et vinclis purpure, et decem tibicinibus tollit (lex x11.
Tab.) etiam lamentationem: MULIERES . GENA8 . NE. RADUNTO; .
NEVE . LESSUM FUNERIS. ERGO . HABENTO." (id. ibid.) For
ricintum (= vestimentum quadratum) see Fest. s. v. p. 274, and
for radere genas (— unguibus lacerare malas) id. p. 273. From
Servius ad Ain. xit. 606, it would appear that the full frag-
ment would be: mulieres genas ne radunto, faciem ne car-
punto, &c.
Fr. 5 (x. 8): ‘Cetera item funebria, quibus luctus augetur,
XII. sustulerunt: HOMINI, . inquit, MORTUO . NE O88A . LEGITO, .
QUO . POST . FUNUB . FACIAT , Excipit bellicam peregrinamque
mortem" (Cic. de Leg. τι. 24).
Fr. 6 (x. 9, 10): * Hec preterea sunt in legibus de unctura,
quibus SERVILIS . UNCTURA . tollitur, omnisque CIRCUMPOTATIO:
quz et recte tolluntur, neque tollerentur misi fuissent. NE.
SUMTUOSA . RESPERSIO; . NE. LONGAE . CORONAE, . NEC . ACER-
RAE . pretereantur" (Cic de Legibus, 11. 24). For acerra, see
Fest. p. 18: * Acerra ara que ante mortuum poni solebat, in
qua odores incendebant. Alii dicunt arculam esse thurariam,
scilicet ubi thus reponebant." Festus, s. v. Murrata potione
(p. 158), seems also to refer to this law, which, according to
Gothofredus ran thus: Servilis unctura omnisque circumpotatio
auferitor. Murrata potio mortuo ne tnditor. Ne longa corone,
neve acerre praferuntor.
Fr. 7 (x. 11): QUI: CORONAM . PARIT . IPSE, . PECUNIAVE .
EJUS, . VIRTUTIS . ERGO. DUITOR . EI. (Plin. H. N. xxi. 8; cf.
Cic. de Leg. 11. 24). .
D. V. 17
258 THE OLD ROMAN ^ — [enar. VI.
Fr. 8 (x. 12). Cic. de Leg. 11. 24: * Ut uni plura (funera)
fierent, lectique plures sternerentur, id quoque ne fieret lege
sancitum est.”
Fr. 9 (x. 18): NEVE. AURUM. ADDITO . QUOI. AURO . DENTES .
VINCTI . ESCUNT,. AST . IM.CUM . ILLO . SEPELIBE . UREREVE .
8E. FRAUDE. ESTO. (Cic. de Leg. 11. 24). For se=sine, see
above, Tab. 111. fr. 6. This fragment is interesting, because it
shows the antiquity of the dentist's art. Cicero (N. D. 111. 22,
S 57) raises the first dentist to the rank of an ZEsculapius:
** /JEsculapiorum—tertius, Arsippi et Arsinos, qui primus purga-
tionem alvi dentisque evulsionem, ut ferunt, invenit."
Fr. 10 (x. 14). Id. ibid.: ‘‘ Rogum bustumve novum vetat
(lex xri. Tab.) propius Lx. pedes adici sedeis alienas, invito
domino."
Fr. 11 (x. 15). Id. ibid.: “ Quod autem roRuM, id est
vestibulum sepulcri, BUSTUMVE . USUCAPI . vetat (lex xit. Tab.)
tuetur jus sepulchrorum." Comp. Festus, s. v. Forum, p. 84.
§ 17. Tab. XI.
Fr. 1 (xr. 2). Liv. 1v. c. 4: “Hoc ipsum, ne connubium
patribus cum plebe esset, non Decemviri tulerunt?" Cf. Dion.
Hal. x. c. 60, x1. c. 28.
§ 18. Tab. XII.
Fr.1 (xit. 1). Gaius, Inst. 1v. § 28: * Lege autem intro-
ducta est pignoris capio, velut lege x11. Tab. adversus eum, qui
hostiam emisset, nec pretium redderet; item adversus eum, qui
mercedem non redderet pro eo jumento, quod quis ideo locasset,
ut inde pecuniam acceptam in dapem, id est in sacrificium,
inpenderet."
Fr. 2 (xir. 4): *In lege antiqua, si servus sciente domino
furtum fecit, vel aliam noxiam commisit, servi nomine actio est
noxalis, nec dominus suo nomine tenetur. SI. SERVUS. FURTUM.
FAXIT, . NOXIAMVE . NOCUIT." (L. τ΄. $ 1D. de .Nozal. Actio-
ntbus).
Fr. 3 (xir. 8): 81. VINDICIAM . FALSAM . TULIT, . STLITIS .
[ET . VINDICIARUM . PRAE|TOR . ARBITROS . TRES . DATO, . EO-
RUM . ARBITRIO . [POSSESSOR sive REUS] . FRUCTUS . DUPLIONE.
DAMNUM . DECIDITO . (Festus, s. v. Vindicia, p. 876. I have
§ 19.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 259
introduced the corrections and additions of Müller). Cf. Theodos.
Cod. 1v. 18, 1.
Fr. 4 (xir. 2). L. 8 p, de Litigios.: “Rem, de qua con-
troversia est, prohibemur in sacrum dedicare; alioquin dupli
poenam patimur."
Fr. 5 (xr. 1). Liv. vri. 17: “In xir. Tabulis legem esse,
ut, quodcunque postremum populus jussisset, id jus ratumque
esset."
§ 19. The Tiburtine Inscription.
These remains of the x11. Tables, though referring to an
early period of Roman history, are merely quotations, and as
such less satisfactory to the philological antiquary than monu-
mental relics even of a later date. The oldest, however, of these
authentic documents is not earlier than the second Samnite war.
It 18 a senatus-consultum, '* which gives to the Tiburtines the
assurance that the senate would receive as true and valid their
justification in reply to the charges against their fidelity, and
that it had given no credit, even before, to these charges "
(Niebuhr, H. R. 111. p. 310, orig. p. 264, tr.)). The inscription
was engraved on a bronze table, which was found at Tivoli in
the sixteenth century, near the site of the Temple of Hercules.
About a hundred years ago it was in the possession o? the Bar-
berini family, but is now lost; at least, Niebuhr was unable to
discover it, though he sought for it in all the Italian collections,
into which the lost treasures of the house of Barberini were
likely to have found their way. Niebuhr’s transcript (from
Gruter, p. 499), compared with Haubold’s (Monumenta Legalia,
p. 81), is as follows.
1. JZ. Cornelius Cn. F. Praetor Senatum consuluié a. d. y. Nonae
Maras sub aede Kastorue:
2. sor. adf.' A. Manlius A. F., Sex. Julius, L. Postumius S.* F.
1 Visconti supposed that this inscription was not older than the Mar-
sian war, and Haubold (Mon. Legal. p. 81) places the date at A.v.c.
664 or 665; but there can be little doubt that Niebuhr's view is correct;
see Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, 1. pp. 125, 659.
2 Scribundo adfuerunt. 8 Niebuhr prefers L.
17—2
960 THE OLD ROMAN [ CHAP. VI.
3. Quod Teiburtes verba fecerunt, quibusque de rebus vos purgavis-
tis, ea Senatus
4. animum advortit, ita utet aequom fuit: nosque ea sta. audi-
veramus
D. «t vos deizsistis vobeis nontiata esse: ea nos animum nostrum
6. non indoucebamus sta facta esse, propter ea quod scibamus
7. ea vos merito nostro facere non potuisse; neque vos dignos esse,
8. quei ea faceretis, neque id vobeis neque τοὶ poplicae vostrae
9. oitie esse facere: et postquam vostra verba Senatus audivit,
10. tanto magis animum nostrum indoucimus, ita utei ante
ll. arbitrabamur, de eveis rebus af vobeis peccatum non esse.
12. Quonque de eieis rebus Senatuer purgatei estis, credimus, vosque
13. animum vostrum indoucere oportet, tem vos populo
14. Romano purgatos fore.
With the exception of a few peculiarities of spelling, as af
for ab, quonque for cumque (comp. -cunque), detxsistis for dixistis,
&c., there is nothing in the phraseology of this inscription which
is unclassical or obscure. The expressions anémum advertere,
* to observe," animum inducere, “to think," seem to belong to
the conventional terminology of those days. After fecerunt in
], 8 we ought perhaps to add D. E. R. 1. C. ὦ e. “de ea re (patres)
ita censuerunt" (cf. Cic. ad Fam. virt. 8).
§ 20. The Epitaphs of the Sctpios.
The L. Cornelius, the son of Cnzeus, who is mentioned as
preetor in the inscription quoted above, is the same L. Cornelius
Seipio Barbatus, whose sarcophagus is one of the most interest-
ing monuments at Rome. The inscription upon that monument
expressly states that he had been preetor. All the extant epitaphs
of the Ncipios have been given by Bunsen (Beschreibung der
Stadt Rom, 111. pp. 616 sqq.), who does not, however, enter upon
any criticism of the text. They are as follows.
(a) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, who was consul in
A. U. C. 456.
Cornelio’ Cn. F. Scipio
Cornélids Lücius | Scípió Barbátus
Gnatvod pátre prognátus | fortis vir sapiénsque,
Quotus forma víirbu|tet paríauma fait.
§ 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 261
Cénsil censór Aidílis | quí fait apdd vos,
Tarrdsid Cisaáno! | Sámnió cépit,
Sabigit ó6mne Loácana | ópsidésque abdoiicit'.
(6) Epitaph on the son of the above, who was sedile in
A. U. C. 466; consul, 494:
L. Cornelio’ L. F. Scio
Atdiles . Cosol . Cesor .
Hone otno’ plotrumé co|séntiónt R[omán]
Duónóro' 6ptwmó' | físe vtro
Láciom Scípióne. | Ftliés Barbát
Cóns6l, Censór, Aidtles | htc fiet alpdd vos].
Hee cépit Córsicá | 'Alerif que drbe',
Dadét tempéstátebus | aidé’ meréto*.
(c) Epitaph on the Flamen Dialis P. Scipio, son of the
elder Africanus, and adoptive father of the younger’. .
1 See Arnold, History of Rome, τι. p. 326.
3 Bunsen, 1.1. : “In return for the delivery of his fleet in a storm off
Corsica he built a temple of which Ovid speaks (Fast. 1v. 193):
Te quoque, Tempestas, meritam delubra fatemur,
Quum pene est Corsis diruta classis aquis."
The same passage is quoted by Funccius, de Origine et Pueritia L. L.
p. 326.
3 As this epitaph seems to deserve 8 translation, and as no one, so
far as I know, has exhibited it in an English dress, the following attempt
may be accepted in the want of a better:
The priestly symbol deckt thy brow:
But oh! how brief a share hadst thou
Of all this world can give,—
Honour and fame, and noble birth,
High intellect and moral worth :—
Had it been thine to live
A lengthened span, endowed with these,
Not all the stately memories
Of thy time-honoured knightly line
Had left a glory like to thine.
Hail! Publius, Publius Scipio’s son!
Thy brief but happy course is run.
Child of the great Cornelian race,—
The grave is now thy dwelling-place :
And mother earth upon her breast
Has lulled thee lovingly to rest.
202 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
Quet dpice’, insigne didlis | fláminis geststei,
Mors pérfectt tua ut éssent | dmnid brévia,
Honos Jéma vírtásque | glória átque ingénewm.
Quibus sei tn longá licukset | tíbe titier vita,
Facile fácteis sáperáses | glóriám majórum.
Quà ré lubéns te in grémiu’, | Sctpio, récipu térra,
Publi, prógnátum | Páblió, Cornéli*.
(d) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Cn. Hispallus,
grandson of Calvus, the conqueror of Spain, and nephew of
Scipio Nasica:
L. Cornelius Cn. f. Cn. n. Scipio. Magna sapientia
Multasque virtutes etate quom parva
Posidet hoc saxsum, quoiei vita defecit non
Honos. Honore is hio situs que nunquam
* — Victus est virtute : annos gnatus XX : ὦ
(e) Epitaph on Cn. Cornelius Scipio, brother of the pre-
ceding:
Cn. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio Hiepanus
Pr. Aed. Cur. Q. Tr. mil. II. Xvir al. judi.
Avir sacr. fac.
Virtutes generis mieis moribus accumulavi,
Progeniem genut, facta patris petiet :
Majorum obtenus laudem ut sibei me esse creatum
Letentur ; stirpem nobilitaeit honor.
' (f) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Asiaticus, who
was questor in 588:
L. Corneli L. f. P. n. Scipto quaist.
T'r. mil. annos gnatus XXIII
Mortuos. Pater regem Antioco’ subegit.
1 Bunsen, ]. 1. : “Cicero bears testimony to the truth of these noble
words in his Cato Maj. ὃ 11: Quam fuit imbecillus Africani filius, is qui
ie adoptavit? Quam tenui aut nulla potius valetudine? Quod ni ita
fuisset, altera ille exstitisset lumen civitatis; ad paternam enim mag-
nitudinem animi doctrina uberior accesserat."
§ 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 209
(g) Epitaph on a son of the preceding, who died young:
Cornelius L. f. L. n. Scipio Asiagenus
Comatus annoru’ gnatus XVI.
(A) Epitaph of uncertain date, but written in very antique
characters ;
Aulla [sic] Cornelia. Cn. f. Hispalli.
It will be observed, that in these interesting monumenta we
have both that anusvárah, or dropping of the final m, which led
to ecthlipsis (e. g. duonoro' for bonorum), and also the visarga, or
evanescence of the nominative s (as in Cornelio for Corneltus).
The diphthong az is not always changed into ae, and gnatus has
not lost its initial g. We may remark, too, that n seems not to
have been pronounced before s: thus we have cosol, cesor, for
consul, censor, according to the practice of writing cos. for consul
(Diomed. p. 428, Putsch). Epitaph (e) has Xvir sl. judik., i. e.
decemvir slitibus judikandis, where we not only observe the ini-
tial s of s[t]h[t]s — strett, but also the & before a in jud?candis.
The phraseology, however, does not differ in any important par-
ticulars from the Latin language with which we are familiar.
The metre, in which the three oldest of these inscriptions are
composed, is deserving of notice. That they are written in
Saturnian verse has long been perceived ; Niebuhr, indeed, thinks
that they *' are nothing else than either complete nenias, or the
beginnings of them” (H. R. 1. p. 253). It is not, however, so
generally agreed how we ought to read and divide the verses.
For instance, Niebuhr maintains that patre, in a. 2, is * beyond
doubt an interpolation;"' to me it appears necessary to the verse
He thinks that there is no ecthlipsis in aptce’, c. 1; I cannot
scan the line without it. These are only samples of the many
differences of opinion, which might arise upon these short inscrip-
tions: it will therefore, perhaps, be desirable, that a few general
remarks should be made on the Saturnian metre itself, and
that these remarks should be applied to the epitaphs before us,
Which may be placed among the oldest Latin specimens of the
Saturnian lay!.
] ! Livy's transcript of the inscription of T. Quinctius is confessedly
imperfect; the historian says: “his ferme incita litteris fuit" (vr. 29).
204 THE OLD ROMAN [cuAP. vr.
That the Saturnian metre was either a native of Italy, or
naturalized there at a very early period, has been sufficiently
shown by Lord Macaulay (Lays of Anctent Rome, p. 23). It is,
perhaps, not too much to say, that this metre,—which may be
defined in its pure form as a brace of trochaic tripodie, preceded
by an anacrusis,—is the most natural and obvious of all rhyth-
mical intonations. There is no language which is altogether
without it; though, of course, it varies in elegance and harmony
with the particular languages in which it is found, and with the
degree of literary advancement possessed by the poets who have
written in it. 'lhe Umbrians had this verse as well as the
Latins; at least there can be no doubt that the beginning of the
γι. Eugubine Table is pervaded by ἃ Saturnian rhythm, though
the laws of quantity, which the Latins borrowed from the
Greeks, are altogether neglected in it. The following may serve
as ἃ sample:
‘Esté persklé avets a |sériáter enétu.
Parfé kurndse dérsva | peíqu petca mérstu,
Poei ángla dseridto est | éso trémnu séree.
. These verses are, in fact, more regular than many of the Latin
specimens. The only rule which can be laid down for the
genuine Latin Saturnian is, that the ictus must occur three times
in each member of the verse}, and that any thesis, except the
Jast, may be omitted (see Miiller, Suppl. Annot. ad Fest. p. 396).
The anacrusis, at the beginning of the line, is often necessary in
languages which, like the Latin and our own, have but a few
words beginning with an ictus. When the Greek metres be-
came established among the Romans, it would seem that the con-
ventional pronunciation of many words was changed to suit the
exigencies of the new versification, and no line began with an
anacrusis, unless it had that commencement in the Greek model:
but this appears not to have been the case in the genuine Roman
verses, which begin with an unemphatic thesis whenever the
1 To this necessity for a triple recurrence of the ictus in the genuine
Italian metre I would refer the word tripudium=tripler pulsatio. Pudio
meant “to strike with the foot,” “to spurn” (comp. re-pudio). The fact
is alluded to by Horace, 3. Carm. xvin. 15: “ gaudet invisam pepulisse
fossor ter pede terram."
E LIBRA,
Qe sun AM
«ἢ
UNIV I Ti
o. ἄρα ον
fpr τὐὐ΄ν!
convenience of the writer demands such a prefix. We Βδδ seen ~
above (§ 2), that the first trochaic tripodia of the Saturnius cum
anacrust, and even an amphibrachys (= trocheus cum anacrusi!),
S 20. ] OR LATIN LANGUAGE.
1 In the common books on metres this would be called a single foot,
i.e. an amphibrachys. It appears to me that many of the difficulties,
which the student has felt in his first attempts to understand the rules
of metre, have been occasioned by the practice of inventing names for
the residuary forms of common rhythms. Thus, the last state of the
logacedic verse is called a choriambus; and the student falls into inex-
tricable confusion when he endeavours to explain to himself the con-
currence of choriambi and dactvls in the commonest measures of Horace’s
odes. Some commentators would persuade us that we are to scan thus:
Mece|nas atavis | edite veg'ibus; and Sic te | diva potens | Cypri. But
how can we connect the rhythm of the choriambus with such a termi-
nation? If we examine any of the Glyconics of Sophocles, who was con-
sidered a master in this species of verse, we shall observe that his cho-
riambi appear in contact with dactyls and trochees, and not with iambi.
Take, for instance, CEd. Col. 510, sqq. :
δεινὸν | μὲν τὸ πάϊλαι || κείμενον | ἤ δὴ κακὸν | ὦ || ξεῖν᾽ ἐπεἰγείρειν ||
δίμως δ᾽ ἔραμαι πυϊθέσθαι
τί | τοῦτο | τᾶς δειλίαί( ας ἀπόρου φαϊ]νείσας ||
ἀλ] γηδόνος | ᾧ ξυν]έστας ||
μὴ | πρὸς ξενίας ἀνοίξῃς ll
τᾶς | σᾶς, πέπον, | ἔργ᾽ ἀν]αιδῆ ||
τό | τοι πολὺ | καὶ || μηδαμὰ | λῆγον ||
χρήϊζω, ξέν᾽, | ὀρθὸν ἄκ]ουσμ᾽ ἀκοῦσαι. ||
Here we see that the rhythm is dactylic or trochaic—these two being
considered identical in some metrical systems—and that the long syl-
lable after the dactyl is occasionally equivalent to the ictus of the
trochee. We may apply the same principle to the choriambic metres in
Horace, which differ only in the number of imperfect trochees which
follow the dactyls iu this logacedic rhythm. Thus we have nothing but
dactyls in
Sio te | diva polténs Cypri: ||
we have one imperfect trochee or dactyl in
Sic fra|trés Hele|naé || lácida | sídera; ||
and two imperfect feet of the same kind in
Tu ne | quaésiejrís || scire ne|fás || quém mihi | quém tibi. ||
The cretic bears the same relation to the trochaic dipodia that the cho-
riambus does to the dactylic dipodia, or logacedic verse; and it was in
consequence of this reduction of the trochaic dipodia to the cretic that
the ancient writers on music were enabled to find a rhythmical identity
between the dactyl and the trochaic dipodia (see Müller, Liter. of Greece,
266 THE OLD ROMAN - [ CHAP. VI.
could form a verse. And conversely, if the anacrusis was want-
ing, the Saturnius could extend itself to a triplet of tripodis.
We have instances of both practices in the old Latin translation
of an epigram, which was written, probably by Leonidas of
Tarentum, at the dedication of the spoils taken in the battles of
Heraclea and Asculum (B.c. 280, 279), and which should be
scanned as follows:
Qui dntedhác invicti | fávére viri | páter 6ptime Olympi ||
Hos ἔσο in págna vict ||
Victásque stim ab tsdem||’.
I. p. 228 (302)). It appears to me that this view of the question is calcu-
lated to settle the dispute between those who reject and those who maintain
the termination of a line in the middle of a word. If every compound
foot is ἃ sort of conclusion to the rhythm, many rhythms must end in
the middle of a word; and therefore such a cssura cannot bo in itself
objectionable. We can hardly take any strophe in Pindar without find-
ing some illustration of this. ΑΒ & specimen, I will subjoin the first
strophe of the 1x. Olympian ode, with its divisions according to the
rhythm:
τὸ μὲν | ᾿ΑρχιλόΪϊχον nélXos ||
φωϊνᾶεν "OXvusi]a || καλλίνικος ὁ | τριπλό᾽ος xelyAaders ||
ἄρκεϊσε Κρόνιον παρ᾽ || ὄχθον | ἁγεμοϊνεῦσαι ||
κωμάϊζοντι dildos ᾿ΕΪ φαρμόσ᾽τῳ σὺν élralposs ll
ἀλλὰ | viv éxa|raBé| Ao» Μοισᾶν ἀπὸ | τόξων ||
Διά re | φοινἀκοστερόϊπαν σεμ͵νόν τ᾽ ἐπίϊνειμαι ||
ἀκρωτήριον | Ἄλιδος
τοιἰοίσδε βέϊλεσσιν ||
τὸ | δή ποτε | Λυδὸς | ἥρως Ππέϊλοψ ||
ἐϊξάρατο | κάλι]λιστον ἔδνον || Ἱπποδαϊμείας. ||
In general, it seems unreasonable to call a number of syllables in which
the ictus occurs more than once by the name of “foot” (pes); for the
foot, so called, is defined by the stamp of the foot which marks the ictus,
and therefore, as above suggested, the half-Saturnius would be called
tri-pudium, because it consisted of three feet. For instance, if Ἀρχιλόχου
μέλος had no ictus except on the first and fourth syllables of Ἀρχιλόχον
we might scan it as two dactyls; but if, as the analogy of -vaev ᾿ολυμπίᾳ
would seem to indicate, it had an ictus on the last syllable of μέλος,
we must scan the words as a dactyl + trochee + ictus. This method of
considering the Greek metres is exemplified in the Prosody of the Com-
plete Greek Grammar, 2nd Ed. Cambridge, 1859.
1 The lost original may bave been as follows:
τοὺς πρὶν ἀνικήτους, πάτερ αἰγλήεντος ᾽Ολύμπου,
μαρνάμενός τ᾽ ἐκράτουν, ot τ᾽ ἐκράτησαν ἐμέ.
§ 40.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 267
Niebuhr suggests (111. note 841) that the first line is an attempt
at an hexameter, and the last two an imitation of the shorter
verse; and this remark shows the discernment which is always
so remarkable in that great scholar. The author of this trans-
lation, which was probably made soon after the original, could
not write in hexameter verse, but he represented the hex-
ameter of the original by a lengthened form of the Saturnius,
and indicated the two penthemimers of the pentameter by writing
their meaning in two truncated Saturnians, taking care to indi-
cate by the anacrusts that there was really a break in the
rhythm of the original pentameter, although it might be called
a single line according to the Greek system of metres.
To return, however, to the epitaphs of the Scipios. The
scansion of the lines, which I have adopted, is sufficiently indi-
cated by the metrical marks placed over the words, [Ὁ is only
necessary to add a few explanatory observations. With the ex-
ception of a. 2, 8, b. 3, and c. 7, every line begins with an ana-
crusis, or unaccentuated thesis; and it seems to be a matter of
indifference whether this is one long or two short syllables.
The vowel ¢ is often pronounced like y before a vowel, as in
Lácyus (a. 1), Lricyom (b. 3), dydlis (c. 1), brévya (c. 2), tngé-
nyum (c. 9), átyer (c. 4), grémyu (c. 6), Sctpyo (ibid.). And ὦ
is pronounced like w in c. 2. The rules of synalopha and
ecthlipsis are sometimes attended to (as in a. 6), and sometimes
neglected (as in b. 5, c. 4). The quantity of fiitsse and víro' in
b. 2, may be justified on genera] principles; for futsse is properly
fuvisse, and vitro is written vetro in Umbrian. But there is no
consistency in the syllabic measurement of the words in these
rude lines. Facile, in c. 5, makes a thesis in consequence of
that short pronunciation which is indicated by the old form
facul (Fest. p. 87, Müller). As all the other verbs in epitaph a.
are in the perfect tense, it seems that subigtt and abdoucit in the
last line, must be perfect also. Jndouctmus is perhaps a perfect
in the Tiburtine inscription (1. 10): * postquam senatus audivit,
tanto magis—(éndoucimus ;" and subigit was probably pro-
nounced sibígit. The beginning of b. seems to have been the
conventional phraseology in these monumental nenias. The
sepulchre of A. Attilius Calatinus, which stood near those of the
208 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI.
Scipios at the Porta Capena (Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 7, § 13), bore
an inscription beginning in much the same way:
Hone ono plotrumé co|séntiónt géntes.
Popult primáriám | fütese vírum.
(Comp. Cic. de Finibus, 11. 35, § 116; Cato M. 17, 61).
§ 21. The Columna Rostrata.
The Columna Rostrata, as it is called, was found at the
foot of the Capitol in the year 1565. Its partial destruction by
lightning is mentioned by Livy (xLrt 20); and it was still
standing, probably in the existing copy, when Servius wrote
(ad Vergil. Georg. 111. 29). It refers to the well-known ex-
ploits of C. Duilius, who was consul B.c. 260, A. v.c. 494. This
inscription, with the supplements of Ciacconi, and a commentary,
was published by Funck, in his treatise de Orig. et Puer. L. L.
pp. 302, sqq. It is here given with the restorations of Grotefend
(Orelli, no. 549).
[C. Duilios, M. F. M. N. Consol advorsum Poenos en
Siceliad Sicest]ano|s socios Rom. obsidioned crave|d exemet
leciones rlefecet dumque Poenei m]azimosque! macistratos
Tectonumque duceis ex njovem castreis exfociunt Macel[am
opidom opp|wcnandod cepet enque eodem maciistratod bene
rlm navebos marid consol primos c|eset socios] clasesque
navales primos ornavet pa|ravetque] cwnque eis navebos cla-
seis Poenicas om[neis οὐ maz]|sumas copias Cartaciniensis
praesente|d sumod | Dictatored ol|orjom in altod marid pucn-
[ad vicet] xxx que navi[s cepe cum soctets septem [milibos
quinresm osque triresmosque naveis [x1v. merset. tonc aurjom
captom numei Ὁ Ὁ Φ DC....[pondod arcen}tom captom
preda nume ccclooo [pondod crave] captom aes occIooo
ccclooo cecclooo coclooo coclooo ocolooo ccclooo ccclooo
ecolooo ccclooo coclooo coclooo ccclooo ccclooo coclIooo
ccclooo ccclooo coclooo ccclooo .... [te qu]eque navaled
praedad poplom [Rom. deitavet atque] Cartacintiens]s [tnce]-
nuos d|uxet triumpod cum xxx rostr]eis [clasis] Carta[cini-
ensis captai quorum erco S. P. Q. E. hanc colomnam eei P.]
! As it is said that mazumus was the prevalent form before Ceear's
time, this more recent spelling may indicate that the inscription is not in
its original condition.
§ 22.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 209
§ 22. The Silian and Papirian Laws, and the Edict of
the Curule ZEdiles.
Festus has preserved two interesting fragments of laws,
which are nearly contemporary with the Columna Rostrata.
T he first of these is the Lex Silia de publicis ponderibus, which
was passed in the year B.C. 244, A.U.C. 010. Festus s. v. Pub-
lica pondera, p. 246: ** Publica pondera [ad legitimam normam
exacta fuisse] ex ea causa Junius....[collegi]t quod duo Silii
P. et M. Trib. pleb. rogarint his verbis:
Ex ponderibus publicis, quibus hac tempestate populus
oetier solet, uti coaequetur™ sedulum"™, uti quadrantal vini
octoginta pondo sie! ; congius vini decem [dequim 7] p. siet ; sex
sextari congius siet vini; duo de quinquaginta sextari quad-
vrantal siet vini; sextarius aequus aequo cwm librario siet? ;
sex dequingue™ [ibrari in modio sient.
St quis magistratus adversus hac d. m. pondera modiosque
vasaque publica modica, majora, minorave facit, Jusseritoe !
fieri, dolumve addutt quo ea fiant, eum quis volet magistra-
tus multare, dum minore parti familias taxat", liceto; sive
quis im") sacrum judicare voluertt, liceto.”
The Latinity of this fragment requires a few remarks.
(1) coaequetur. In the Pompeian Inscription (Orelli, no. 4348)
we have: mensuras exequandas. (2) Sedulum. Scaliger sug-
gests se dolo m. i.e. sine dolo malo. But sedulo or sedulum
itself signifies "sine fraude indiligentieve culpa" (Müller ad /.),
and the law refers to the care and honesty of those who were to
test the weights and measures. For sedulus, see Dóderl. Syn. v.
Et. τ. p. 118. (8) “ Nihil intelligo nisi /ibrarius qui hic sig-
nificatur sextartus frumenit erat." Müller. (4) Sex dequinque
=sex decimque, the qu being written instead of c. (5) The
editions have jussit ve re, for which Müller writes jussitve ;
Haubold (Monumenta Legalia) proposes jusseritve, ** propter se-
quens ve,” and I have adopted this reading on account of the
word fazit, which precedes. (6) Qw:s volet magistratus. Cf.
Tab. Bantin. Ose. 12. Lat. 7. (7) Dum minore parti fami-
lias taxat. Compare the Latin Bantine Inscription, l. 10: [dum
minoris] partus familias taxsat. Cato, apud. Aul. Gell. vi1. 8:
'' Que lex est tam acerba que dicat, si quis illud facere voluerit,
270 THX OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI.
mille nummi dimidium familie multa esto?" The abl parti
(which occurs in Lucretius) and the genitive partus (comp. Cas-
torus in the Bantine Inscription, ejus, cujus, &c.) depend on
multare and multam, which are implied in the sentence. For
taxat, see Fest. p. 356. These passages show the origin of the
particle dumtaxat, which is used by the classical writers to sig-
nify “provided one estimates it," “estimating it accurately,"
“only,” “at least,” “so far as that goes," &c.' (8) Jm=eum.
Fest. p. 103.
The Lex Papiria de Sacramento, which is to be referred to
the year B.C. 248, A.U.C. 511, is thus cited by Festus s. v. Sa-
cramentum, p. 344: "Sacramentum ss significat, quod pene
nomine penditur, sive eo quis interrogatur, sive contenditur. Id
in aliis rebus quinquaginta assium est, in aliis rebus quingen-
torum inter eos, qui judicio inter 86 contenderent. Qua de re
lege L. Papiri Tr. pl. sanctum est his verbis:
Quicunque Praetor post hac factus erit qui inter cives jus
dicet, tres viros Capitalis populum rogato, hique tres viri
[capitales], quicunque [posthac falcti erunt, sacramenta ez-
[tgunto], jwdicantoque, eodemque jure sunto, uti ex legibus
plebeique scitis exigere, Judicareque esseque oportet."
To these may be added the old Ldtctum edilium curulium
de Mancipiis Vendundis, quoted by Gellius, N. A. Iv. 2:
Titulus servorum singulorum utei scriptus sit, cerato ita,
utei intellegi recte possit, quid morbi vitiive quoique sit, quis
fugitivus errove sit, noxave solutus non sit.
8 28. The Senatus- Consultum de Bacchanalibus.
| The Senatus- Consultum de Bacchanalibus, which is referred
to by Livy (xxxix. 14), and which belongs to the year B.c.
186, a.u.c. 568, was found at Terra de Teriolo in Calabria, in
1640, and is now at Vienna. A facsimile of the inscription, with
the commentary of Mattheus ZEgyptius, will be found in Dra-
kenborch's Livy, Vol. vit. pp. 197, sqq.
1 It is scarcely necessary to point out the absuardity of the derivation
proposed by A. Grotefend (Ausf. Gramm. d. Lat. Spr. § 124, : “dun-
tazat aus dum taceo (cetera) sat (est hoc) !”
§ 23, | OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 271
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
[Q.] Marcius L. F. S. Postumius L. F. Cos. Senatum consolueruni
NV.’ Octob. apud aedem
Duelonai sc! arf M. Claudi M. F. L. Valeri P. FP. Q. Minuet
C. F. De Bacanalibus, quei foideratet
esent, ita exdeicendum censuere. Neiquis eorum Saoanal* habuise
velet; sei ques |
esent, quei siber deicerent necesus® ese Bacanal habere, eeis utei ad
pr. urbanum
Romam venirent, deque ecis rebus, ubei eorum vir αὖ audita esent,
utei senatus
. noster decerneret, dum ne minus senatoribus c. adesent [quom ela
res cosoleretwr.
. Bacas® vir ne quis adiese" velet ceivis Romanus, neve nominus
Latin{t], neve soctum
quisquam, misei pr. urbanum adiesent, isque de senatuos sen-
tentiad, dum ne
. minus senatoribus C. adesent, quom, ea res cosoleretur, tousisent, —
cenauere.
. Sacerdos ne quis vir eset, magister neque vir neque mulier quis-
quam, eset,
. Neve pecuntam quisquam, eorum comoinem abuise'® volet, neve ma-
gistratum
. neve promagistratud, neque virum neque mulierem quaquam" fecise
velet,
. neve post hac inter sed '* conjowrase neve comvovise neve con-
spondise
. neve conpromesise velet, neve quisquam fidem inter sed dedise
velet,
. sacra in oquoltod" ne quisquam fecise velet neve tn poplicod
neve in
. preivatod, neve exstrad urbem sacra quisquam fecise velet, nisei
. pr. urbanum adieset, isque de senatuos sentenitad, dum ne minus
. senatoribus 0. adesent quom ea res cosoleretur, tousisent, censuere.
1 Nonis. 3 scribundo. 8 adfuerunt. 4 Bacchanal.
5 ques=quei. See Klenze, Legis Servilio Fr. p. 12, not. 2; Fest.
p. 261.
6 mecessum. 71. verba. 8 1e. Bacchas. 9 adiisse.
10 habutsse. The omission of the À is common in old Latin. See
Fabretti, 8. v. 1) quisquam.
12 i.e. se as in ]. 14. 18 occulto.
272 THE OLD ROMAN [cHaP. VI.
19. Homines plous v. oinvorsei', vire$ atque multeres, sacra ne quis-
quam
20. fecise velet, neve inter ibei* viret plous duobus, mulieribus plous
tribus,
21. arfuise velent, nisei de pr. urbani senatuosque sententiad utei
suprad
22. scriptum est. Hatce utei in coventionid" exdeicatis ne minus tri
num
23. noundinum, senatuosque sententiam wei scientes esetis, eorum
24. sententia ita fuit. Set ques* esent quei arvorsum ead fecisent quam
suprad
25. seriptum est, eeis rem caputalem faciendam censuere atque utei
26. hoce in tabolam ahenam incevderetis. Ita senatus. aiquom
censutt.
27. Uteique eam fier joubeatis «bei facilumed" gnoscier potistt’,
atque
28. utei ea Bacanalia, sei qua sunt exstrad quam sei quid thei sacri
est,
29. tta utei suprad scriptum est, tn diebus x quibus vobeis tabelat’
datai
90. erunt, faciatis utei dismota stent. In agro Tewrano*.
§ 24. The Old Roman Law on the Bantine Table.
The Roman law on the Bantine Table is probably not older
than the middle of the seventh century u.c. The chief reason
for introducing it here, is its connexion in locality, if not in im-
port, with the most important fragment of the Oscan language
(above, pp. 139, sqq.). It is, however, very interesting in itself
from the orthography, and also from the archaistic style of the
document. Mommsen divides it into six, Klenze into four sec-
tions. His transcription and supplements (Rhein. Mus. for 1828,
pp. 28, sqq.; PAi. Abhandl. pp. 7, sqq.) compared with those of
Mommsen (Unterttal. Dialekte, pp. 140, sqq.), give the following
results :
1 universi. 3 = interes. 3 contione. 4 ques = quei.
5 facillime. 6 — potis-sit — possit. 7 = tabelle.
8 in agro Teurano. Strabo, p. 254 c: ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν Θουρίων xal ἡ Tav-
ριάνη χώρα λεγομένη ἵδρυται.
§ 24.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 2/9
Car. 1. On the degradation of offenders.
l. [n]eque prov[inciam]
2. tn sena[tu seiv]e in poplico joudicio ne sen{tenttam rogato tabel-
lamve nei dato]
5 deicit] 0, neive quis mag. testumonium poplice eid|em de-
ferri neive denjontiari
4, osse [sinito neive joudicem eum neive arbitrum neive recipe]-
ratorem dato, neive is in poplico luuct praetextam newe soleas
: habeto neive quis
5. [mag. prove. mag. prove quo imperio potestateve erit qu|eiquomque
comitia, conciliwmve habebit, eum sufragium ferre net swnito
6. [neive eum censor in senatum legito newe in senatu] relinquito.
L. 3. See Quintil. v. 7, § 9: “Duo sunt genera testium, aut
voluntariorum aut quibus in judiciis publicis lege denuntiatur.""
L. 4. luuci, “by day." Plaut. Cas. 1v. 2, 7: “Tandem ut
veniamus luci." Cic. Phil. xir. 10, 8 25: “Quis audeat luct—
illustrem aggredi ?"'
Car. 2. On the punishment of judges and senators who violate
the law.
7. [Seiquis joudez queiquomque ex hace lege] plebeive scito factus erit
senatorve fecerit gesseritve quo ex hace lege
8. [minus fiamt quae fieri oportet, quaeve fieri oportu| erit oportebitve
non fecerit sciena d. m., seive advorsus hance legem fecerat
9. [gesseritve sciens d. m.; e multa tanta esto HS.... eamque pe-
quniam) quei volet magistratus exsigito. Set postulabit. quei
petet pr. recuperatores
10. [quos, quotque dari oporteat dato, jwbetoque ewm, sei ia. pariat,
condumnari populo, facitoque joudicetur. Set condemnatus
ll. [erit, quanti condemnatus, erit predes| ad gq. urb. det aut bona
. ejus poplice possideantur facito. Seiquis mag. multam tnro-
gare volet,
12. [ei multam inrogare liceto, dum minoris] partus familias taxsat
liceto ; eiq. omnium rerum siremps lex esto, quaser ser ἐδ haace
lege
13. [multam HS.... exegisset. |
12 dum minoris partus familias taxsat. See above, S 22,
on the Lex Silia. Partus is the genitive case, like Castorus, cap.
3, l. 17. Stremps is explained by Festus, p. 344: “ Stremps
D. V. 18
274 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI.
ponitur pro eadem, vel, proinde ac ea, quasi similis res tpsa.
Cato in dissuadendo legem...relicta est: Et pteterea rogas,
quemquam adversus ea si populus condempnaverit, uti siremps
lex siet, quasi adversus leges fecisset." The form stremps
occurs in the Thorian Law (below, p. 281); we have sireps
in Cato ap. Charis. pp. 78, 116; and strempse in Plautus, Am-
phitryo, Prol. 73: sirempse legem jussit esse Jupiter.
Cap. 3. On binding the judges and magistrates by an oath to
observe the law.
14. [Cos. pr. aid. tr. pl. g. Wivir. cap. mvir. a. d. a. qu]ei nunc est, is
tn diebus Y proxsumeis, quibus queique eorum, sciet. À. l. popo-
lum plebemve
15. [joussisse jowranto ulet infra scriptwm est. Ttem dic. cos. pr. mag.
eq. cens. asd. tr. pl. q. Wivir cap. 1nvir a. d. a. joudex ex h. l.
plebive scito
16. [factus queiquomque eorum p]osthac factus erit, eis in diebus
V proxswumeis quibus quisque eorum mag. inperiwmve inierit,
jouranto
17. [utet infra scriptwm est. Hidem consistunto in ae|de Castorus
palam luci in forum vorsus, et eidem in diebus v apud q.
Jowranto per Jovem deosque
18. [penateis, sese quae ex h. l. facere oport]ebit facturum, neque sese
advorsum h. l. facturum scientem d. m. neque seese facturum
neque intercesurum
19. [quo que ex h.l. oportet minus fiant. Qu]ei ex À. 1. non jourave-
ru, 18 magistratum inperiumve nei petito newe gerito netve
habeto, neive in senatu
20. [si adfuerit sententiam dicere ejum quis sinito neive eum censor
in senatum legito. — Quei ex h. |. joudicaverit, is facio apud
φ. urb.
21. [nomen ejus quei jowraverit sclriptum siet, quaestorque ea nomina
accipito ef eos quei ex ἢ. l. apud sed jowrarint facito in
taboleis
22. [popliceis scriptos habeat].
L. 15. i.e. Dictator, consul, pretor, magister. equitum, cen-
sor, edilis, tribunus plebei, quaestor, triumvir capitalis, triumvir
agris dandis adsignandis.
L. 17. palam luc in forum versus. See Cic. de Offs.
Ir. 24.
§ 25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 270
Cap. 4. On the oath of the senators.
23. [Quei senator est inve senatu sententi]am deixer[in Y post hance
legem rogatam, eis in diebus x proxsumeis, quibus quisque
[corum sciet ἢ. 1.
24. [populum plebemve joussiase, juranto apud quaestorem ad
aerarium palam luci per Jovem ddosqu]e penatelis sese que
ez h.l]
25. [facere oportebit facturum, neque see]se advorsum hance legem
Jactwrum esse, neque seese .
26. — — se hoice leegei fi — —
27. — — anodni uraver.
L. 28. eis-— is.
L. 24. ad erarium. See Liv. xxix. 37. Per Jovem deos-
que penateis, Comp. Cic. Acad. 1v. 20.
Car. 5.
28. — — e quis magistratus, p.
29. — — — |
Cap. 6.
80. — — [v]& $n taboleis popl[iceis]
31. — — [tr num. nondin[um]
32. — — is erttun.
8 25. The Agrarian Law of Sp. Thorsus.
This selection from the remains of the old Roman language
may be properly concluded by the celebrated fragment of the
Thorian Law, which is engraved on the rough back of the
bronze tablet occupied on its smooth side by the Servilian Law
de pecuniis repetundis. Although the relative position of the
documents on the tablet shows that the Servilian Law was en-
graved earlier than the document, which is crowded on the back
1 Mr. Long makes a serious blunder in Latin acholarshfp both in his
article Repetunde in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, and in his essay
with this heading in the first volume of his edition of Cicero's orations,
when he speaks of “the word repetunde." There is no such word in the
Latin language, and we have only the gerundive phrases repetundarum,
i.e. pecuniarum, or de pecuntis repetundis.
18—2
276 THE OLD ROMAN . [cHAP. VI.
of the same bronze plate, it is known that the Thorian law was
the older enactment. For the Servilian law was probably passed
A.U.C. 654, B.c. 100, i.e. in the year of Julius Cresar's birth and
of the sixth consulship of Marius; whereas it is concluded by
Rudorff that the Thorian law was passed A.U.c. 643, B.c. 111,
ie. when the Jugurthine war commenced. But besides being
older by more than a decad of years, the Thorian law contains
some curious and instructive orthographies and forms of words,
such as eibei for sibi, ceivis for civis, cavitus for cautus, oetor for
utor, viasius for viarius, Jugra for jugera, compasco for compesco,
the full phrase ante eidus Martias primas, deicio for dejicto,
proxsumeis for proximis, sed for sine, prevides for predes, pe-
qunia for pecunta, gnatus for natus, quanset for quasi, motni-
cipium for munictpium, tablets for tabuleis, ἄς. I think it use-
ful, therefore, that the student of Latin philology should have
before him this specimen of the language as it was actually writ-
ten in formal documents in the age immediately preceding that
of Cicero. I have taken the inscription with the supplements
of Sigonius from Haubold's Monumenta Legalia, pp. 13—21.
Legis Thoriae Fragmentum, cum supplementis C. Sigonii.
SP. THORIUS......F. TR. PL. PLEBEM. JURE. ROG. PLEBESQUE. JURE.
SCIVIT. TRIBUS...... PRINCIPIUM. FUIT. PRO. TRIBU. Q. Fanivs, Q. F.
PRIMUS, SCIVIT. QUEL AGER. POPLICUS. POPULI. ROMANEL IN. TERRAM.
IrALiaAx. P. Mucio. L. CALPURNIO. coss. fuil. extra. ewm. agrum.
locum. quei. ex. lege. plebeive. sc. à. vetere. possessore. possessus. sit.
De. eo. agro. loco. quem. quis. sibi. AGRUM. LOCUM. SUMPSIT. RELI-
QUITVE. QUOD. NON. MODUS. MAJOR. SIET. QUAM. QUANTUM. UNUM.
HOMINEM. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. 8C. SIBEL. SUMERE. relinquereve. oporteat.
quod. QUOI. EIQUE. DE. EO. AGRO. LOCO. EX. L. PLEBEIVE. SC. UL
VIR. SORTITO. CEIVI. ROMANO. DEDIT. ADSIGNAVIT. QUOD. NON. IN.
EO. AGRO. LOCO. EST. QUOD. ultra. fines. ejus. agri. locet. est.
redditus. EST. QUEI. AGER. PVPLICVS. POPVLI RoMANEI IN. TERRA.
ITALIA, P. Mucio. L. CanPuRNiIOo. Cos. FUIT. EXTRA. EUM. AGRUM.
QUEL AGER, EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. SC. à. vetere. possessore. posses-
ager. locus. aedificium. omnis. qui. suprascriptus. est. quodvE. AGRI.
LOCEI PUBLICEL IN. TERRA, ITALIA. QUOD. EJUS. EXTRA. URBEM.
RoMAM. EST. QUOD. EJVS. IN. URBE. OPPIDO. VICO. EST. QUOD. EJVS.
S 25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 277
XII. VIR. DEDIT. ASSIGNAVIT. QUOD. ejus. agret. locet. neque. possessor.
$pse. abalienavié. abalienaweritwe.
extra. eum, agrum. loowm. quei. ager. locus. ex, LEGE. PLEBKIVE.
SOITO. QUOD. C. Sempronu. Tr. Fin TR PL. ROG. EXCEPTUM. CA-
VITUMVE. EST. NEI. DIVIDERETUR. QUOD. QUOL EIQUE. DE. EO. AGRO.
LOCO. AGRI. LOCEI. AEDIFICIL datum. assignatwm. est.
quod. ejus. agri. locet. extra. eum. agrum. locum. quem. locum. agrum.
IN. TERRA. ITALIA. IIL VIR. DEDIT. ASSIGNAVIT. RELIQUIT. INVE.
FORMAS. TABULASVE. RETULIT. REFKRRIVE. JUSSIT. AGER, LOCUS. AE-
DIFICIUM. OMNIS. QUEI. SVPRA. SCRIPTUS 68.
O. ITA. UTEL CETERORUM. LOCORUM. AGRORVM. AEDIFICIORVM. PRIVA-
TORVM. EST. ESTO. CENSORQUE. QUEL QUOMQUE. ERIT. FACITO. UTEI.
IS. AGER. LOCVS. AEDIFICIUM. QUEI. supra. scriptus. est. ejus. att.
cujus. ex. lege. plebewwe. scito. esse. oportet.
Quei. ager. locus. aedificium. datus. assignatus. EST. NEIVE. QUIS.
FACITO. QUO. QUOIUS. EVM. AGRUM. LOCUM. AEDIFICIUM. POSSESSIO-
NEM. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. SCITO. ESSE, OPORTET. OPORTEBITVE. EUM.
AGRUM. locum. aedificium. alvus. habeat. possideat. utatur. fruatur.
vive. queis. de. ea. ve. ad. senatwm. referto. senator. judexve.
NEIVE. SENTENTIA. DEICITO. NEIVE. FERTO. QUO. QUIS. EORVM. QUOIUM.
EUM. AGRVM. LOCVM. AEDIFICIUM. POSSESSIONEM. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE.
SCITO. ESSE. OPORTET. oportebiive. eo. agro. loco. aedificio. possessione.
apolvetur.
Quem. agrum. locum. tn. viasieis. VICANEIS. QUEI. IN. TERRA. ITA-
LIA. SVNT. DEDERVNT. ADSIGNAVERVNT. RELIQUERUNT. NEI. QUIS. FA-
CITO. QUO. MINUS. OETANTVR. FRUANTVR. HABEANT. possideant.
ewnque. non. aber. vendere. dare. reddereve. jus. esto. ATQVE. EVM.
AGRVM. QVEM. EX. H. L. VENIRE. DARI. REDDIVE. OPORTEBIT. QVEI.
AGER. LOCVS. AEDIFICIVM. EI. QVEM. IN. VIASIEIS. VICANEISVE. EX.
8. C. ESSE. OPORTET. OPORTEBIT. venditus. eri.
Quo. minus. quod. in. hoc. capite, scriptum. est. ita. VTEL EST. BIET.
EX..H. L. N. R. QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. PVBLICVS. POPVLI. ROMANEL IN.
TERRA. lTALIiA. P. Mucio. L. CALPURNIO. COS. FUIT. EXTRA. EVM.
AGRVM. QVEL AGER, EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. scito. ἃ, vetere. posees-
sore. possessus. sit.
cujus. Tet. causa. IN. EVM. AGRVM. AGRI. JVGRA. NON. AMPLIVS. XXX.
POSSIDEBIT. HABEBITVE. 8. AGER. PRIVATVS. ESTO. QVEI. IN. AGRVM.
COMPASCVOM, PECVDES. MAJORES. NON. PLVS. X. PASCET. QUAI. ex.
eia. minus. annum. gnatae. erunt. posteaquam. gnatae. erunt.
nihil. populo. newe. publicano. newe. DATO. NEIVE. SOLVITO. AGER,
PYBLICVS, POPVLI. ROoMxANEL QVEXI IN. ITALIA. P. Moo. L. Car-
278 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI.
PURNIO, COBS. FUIT. QUOD. EJVS. AGRI. IIL VIR. A. D. A. EX. LEGE.
PLEBEIVE. SCITO. SORTITO. QUOL CEIVL Romano. dedit. assignavit.
ejus. sit. cujus. em. hac. lege. plebeive. scito. esse. oportet.
Pr. Consulve. quo. de. ea. re. ex. h. Ll in. jus. aditum. erit. tous.
dicio. DECERNITOQUE. UTEI. POSSESSIONEM. SECUNDO. EUM. HEREDEMVE.
EJUS. DET. QUOI SORTI. IS. AGER. DATUS. ADSIGNATUSVE. FUERIT.
QUOD. EJUS. AGRI. NON. ABALIENATUM. ERIT. ITA. UTEI. 8. 8. EST. esto,
Quei. à. possessoribus. QUEIVE. AB. EORUM. QUEL. EMIT. QUEL EO-
RVM. DE. EA. RE. ANTE. EIDUS. MARTIAS. PRIMAS. IN. IOU8. ADIERIT.
AD. EUM. QUEM. EX. H. L. DE. EO. AGRO. JUS. DEICERE. OPORTE-
BIT, 18. DE EA. RE. ITA. JUS. DEICITO. decernitoque. wei. jus.
suum. consequatur. quiquomque. ex. 60. agro. quet. ager. S. 8. EX.
POSSESSIONE. VI. EJECTUS. EST. QUOD. EJUS. QUEI. EJECTUS. EST.
POSSEDERIT. QUOD. NEQUE. VI. NEQVE. CLAM. NEQVE. PRECARIO. POS-
.SSEDERIT. AB. EO. QUEI. EUM. EA. POSSESSIONE. VI. EJECERIT. jus.
quod. agri. locet. aedificii. ex. plebiscito. EXVE. H. L. PRIVATYM.
FACTVM. EST. ERITVE. PRO. EO. AGRO. LOCO. AEDIFICIO. PROQUE.
SCRIPTURA. PECORIS. QUOD. IN. EO. AGRO. PASCITUR. POSTQUAM. VEC-
TIGALIA. CONSTITERINT. QVAE. POST. H. L. fog. primum. constüerint.
nei quis. facito. quo.
quid. ob. eam. rem. populo. Romamo. debeatur. QVOVE. QVID. OB.
EAM, REM. POPVLO. AYVT. PVBLICANO. DETVR. EXIGATVRVE. NEIVE.
QVIS. QVID. POSTEA. QUAM. VECTIGALIA. CONSISTENT. QVAE. POST.
H. L. Roa. PRIMVM. CONSTITERINT. OB. E08. AGROS. locos, aedtfcia.
nomine. populi. aut. publicant. exigat.
E. A. D. xri K. Ocrosris. QvOM. AGRVM. QVEL TRANS. CVRIONE
EST. LOCAVERINT. QVEI. IN. EO. AGRO. LOCO. CEIVIS. ROMANVS. 80-
CIVMVE. NOMINISVE. LATINL QVIBVS. EX. FORMVLA. TOGATORVM. tei.
esse. licet. sunt. nei. quis. eo. agro. loco. moveat.
Quod OPPIDVM. COLONIAMVE. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. SCITO. CONSTITVIT.
DEDVXITQVE. CONLOCAVITVE. QVEM. AGRVM. LOCVMVE. PRO. EO. AGRO.
LOCOVE. DE. EO. AGRO. LOCO. QVEL PYBLICVS. POPVLI. ROMANEL fui.
QVOIVE. AB. EO. HEREDE, EJVS. 18. AGER. LOCVS. TESTAMENTO. HERE-
DITATI. DEDITIONIVE. OBVENIT. OBVENERITVE. EMIT. EMERITVE. QVRIVE.
AB. EMPTORE. EJVS. EMIT. EMERITVE. 8. AGER. PRIVATVS. ESTO. QVAM.
set. 18. ager. P. Mucio. L. Calpurnio. cos. fuit. pr. consulve. quo. ex.
λ. 1. in. jous. }
aditwm. erit. jus. dicito. facitoque. utei. possessionem. secundum. eum.
HEREDVMYN. EJVS. DET. QVOL Ill. VIR. EVM. AGRVM. LOCYM,. PRO. EO.
S 25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE, 279
AGRO. LOOO. QVO. COLONIAM. DEDVIIT. DEDIT. REDDIDIT. ADSIGNAVITVE.
FACITOQVE. IS. PR. CONSOL. VE. QVO. DE. EA. RE. IN. IOVS. ADITVM.
ERIT. «ei. jus. suum. consequantur.
NEIVE. 18. AGER. COMPASCVOS, ESTO. NEIVE. QVIS. IN. EO. AGRO. AGRVM.
OCCVPATVM. HABETO. NEIVE. DEFENDITO. QVO. MINV8. QVEI. VELIT. COM-
PASCERE. LICEAT. SEI. QVIS. FAXIT. QVOTIENS. FAXIT. IN AGRI. JYGRA.
SINGVLA......H. pendat. -
NVMERVS. PECVDVM. IN. H. L. SCRIPTVS. EST. LICETO. NEIVE. QVIS.
QVOL OB. EAM. REM. VECTIGAL. NEIVE. SCRIPTVRAM. dare. DEBETO. QVOT.
QVISQVE. PECVDES. IN. CALLEIS. VIASVE. PVBLICAS. ITINERIS. CAVSA.
INDVXERIT. nei. quid. populo. neive. publicano. pecuniam. scripturam.
Qvem. agrum. ex. publico. in. privatum. COMMYTAVIT. QVO. PRO. AGRO.
LOCO. EX. PRIVATO. IN PYBLICVM. TANTVM. MODVM. AGREI. LOCEI. COM-
MVTAVIT. ts. ager. locus. OMNEIS. PRIVATVS. ITA. VTEI. QVEI. OPTIMA.
LEGE. PRIVATVS. EST. ESTO. QVEI. AGER. EX. PRIVATO. in. publicum.
commutatus. erit.
quem. alu. à. CENS. REDEMPTVM. HABENT. CENSORES. QVEICVMQVE. POST.
HAC. FACTEI. ERVNT. ΕἸ. FACIVNTO. VTEL QVEI. VOLENT. TANTIDEM. PRO.
PATRITO. REDEMTVM. HABEANT. P. P. SVBSIGNENT. IL VIRVM. QV......
quod. EX. H. L. rTA. VTEI. S. 8. EST. IN. AGBEIS. QVEL IN. ITALIA.
SVNT. QVEI. P. Muvcio. L. CALPURNIO. COS. PVBLICEI. POPVLI. ROMANEI.
FVERVNT. CEIVI. ROMANO. FACERE. LICEBIT. ITEM. LATINO. PERE-
GRINOQVE. M. Livio. L. CaLPurnio. cos. consultum. est. facere. liceto.
QVISQVIS. QVOD. EVM. EX. H. L. FACERE. OPORTVERIT. NON. FECEBIT.
QVODVE. Qvi&. EoRVM. EX. H. L. omisenrr. Maa. prove. Maa. Qvo.
DE. EA. RE. IN. IOVS. ADITVM. ERIT. QVOD. EX. H. L. PETETVR. ITEM.
JVDICIVM. JVDICEM. recuperatoresve. dato. I. V. E. E. R. P. F. V. 8. V. E.
SEIVE. QVEI. PRO. MOINICIPIEIS. COLONEIS. SOCIISVE. NOMINISVE. LATINI.
POPLICE. DEVE. SENATI. SENTENTIA. AGER. FRVENDVS. DATVS. EST.
quowe. ab. eo. heredeve. ejus. is. ager. locus. testamento. hereditate.
deditioneve. OBVENIT. OBVENERITVE. QVIBVS. ANTE. H. L. RoG. REDEMP-
TVM. CONDVCTVM. HABERE. FRVI. POSSIDERE. DEFENDERE. LICVIT. EXTRA.
EVM. AGRVM. LOCVM. aedificium. quem. agrwm. locum......
QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. PVBLICVS. POPVLI. ROMANEIL IN. TERRA. ITALIA.
P. Mouvcio. L. CaLPumNi1o0. Cos. FVIT. QVOD. EJVS. AGRI. LOCL EX.
LEGE. plebeive. sc.
de. eo. agro. loco. nei. tous. dicito. newe. decernito. NEIVE. JVDICIVM.
NEIVE. JVDICEM. NEIVE. RECVPERATORES. DATO. NISEI. OOS. PR. VE.
QVOD. VADIMONIVM. EJV8. RE......
280 THE OLD ROMAN [ CHAP. vi.
SEI. QVID. DE. EO. AGRO. LOCO. AMBIGETVR. COS. PR. CENS. QVEI.
QVOMVE. ERIT. DE. EA. RE. IVRIS, DICTIO. JVDICI. JYDICIB. RECVPERA-
TORVM. DATIO. ESTO. L V. E. E. R. P. F. 8. V. E. Jus. dicito. decernto-
que. ESSE, VIDEBITVR. QVO. MINVS. HVIC. L. INTERCEDAT. E. H. L. N. R.
QVOL PYBLICANO. E. H. L. PEQVNIA. DEBEBITVR.
solvi. DARIVE. OPORTERE. DECRETVM. ERIT. COS. PR. PROVE. PR. QVO.
IN. IOVS. ADIERINT. IN DIEBVS. X. PROXSVMEIS. QVEIBVS. haec. res.
delata. erit. decretum. judicatum. habeto.
QVAE. RES. SOLVTA. NON. ERIT. EA. DECRETA. NON. SIET. JVDICATAVE.
NON. BIET. QVOD. EJVS. PRAEVARICATIONIS......
SENTENTIA...... REI JVDICANDAE. MAXSVME. VERVM. ESSE. COMMPERBIT.
FACITOQVE ttet......
HABERE. POSSIDERE. FRVI. VETET. QVASVE. IN. LEGES. PL. VE. BC. DE.
EA. RE. relatum. erii.
net. magistrum. QVEM. MINVS. PETERE. CAPERE. GERERE. HABEREQVE.
LICETO. NEIVE. quid.
quod. ei. facere. ex. lege. PL. SC. EXQVE. FOEDERE. LICVIT. SED. FRAVDE.
SVA. FACERE. E. LICETO. IN. QVE. EAS. LEGES. PL, 8C. DE. EA. ΒΕ.
QVOD. EX......
V8. EST. DEDIT. ADSIGNAVITVE. QVEMVE. AGRVM. LOCVM. DE. EO. AGRO.
LOCO. quei. publicus. populer. Romane ......
ADSIGNATYM. ESSE. FVISSEVE. JOVDICAVERIT. VTEI. IN. H. L. sc. EST.
QVEI. L......
AGRVM LOCVM. QVEM. EX. H. L. COLONEL. EIVE. QVEI. IN. COLONEL.
NVMERO. 8unl...... .
PRAEVIDES. PRAEDIAQVE. SOLVTI. SVNTO. EAQVE. NOMINA. MANCVPIS....
EMIT. IS. PRO. EO. AGRO. LOCO. PEQVNIA. NEIVE. PRAEVIDES. NEIVE.
PRAEDIA...... )
MANCEPS. PRAESVE. FACTVS. EST. QVODQVE. PRAEDIVM. OB............
AGER. LOCVS. PRIVATVS. VECTIGALISQVE......
VECTIGALIA. IMPERARE. SOLENT. EIS. P.......
QVEM. AGRVM. LOCVM. IN.
quei. AGER. LOCVS. PVBLICVS. populi Romanet. erit.
Legis Thoriae Fragmentum Alterum.
quod. C. Sempront. Ti. f. tr. pl. rog. EXCEPTVM. CAVITVMVE. est. net.
divideretur.
.JYDICIO. EVM. QVOIVM.
NEIVE. QVIS. DE. EA. RE. AD. SENATVM. referto......
habeat. POSSIDEATQVE. QVOVE. POSSESSIO. INVITO. MOR......
AGRVM. NON. ABALIENAVERIT, EXTRA. EVM.
§ 25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. . 281
..... 14. AGER. LOCVS. AEDIFICIVM. PRIVATVS. SIET. QVOVE. MA......
EXTRAQVE. EVM. AGRVM. QVEM. VETVS. POSSESSOR. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE.
scito. haburt. possedit. usus. fructusque. est.
PASCET. QVAEQVE. EX. IIS. MINVS. ANNVM. GNATAE. ERVNT. POST. EA.
QVAM.
neque. ipse. ABALIENAVIT. ABALIENAVERITVE. NEQVE. HERES. EJVS.
ABALIENAVIT. ABALIENAVERITUÉ.
ERET. POSSESSIONEM. DEDIT. ADSIGNAVIT. REDDIDIT. QVODQVE. EJVS.
AGRI. III. vir. coloniae. deducendae. dedit. assignavit.
QVOL IS. AGER. VETERE. PROVE. VETERE. POSSESSORE. DATVS. ASSIGNA-
TVSVE. QVEIVE.
ante, eidus. MARTIAS. QVAE. post. H. L. ROG. PRIMAE. ERVNT. FACITO.
YTEL IS. QVEL ITA. VI. EJECTVS. ERIT. restituatur.
neive. populo. neive, PYBLICANO. PEQVNIA. SCRIPTVRAM. VECTIGALVE.
DET. DAREVE. DEBEAT. NEIVE. QVIS......
gut. PASCETVR. POPVLO. AVT. PVBLICANO. DARE. DEBEAT. AGER. LOCVS.
PVBLICVS. POPVLI. Romanet.
Ggrwum. LOCVM. PVBLICVM. POPVLI. ROMANEL DE. SVA. POSSESSIONE.
VETVS. POSSESSOR. PROVE. VETERE. POSSESSORE.
extra. ewm. AGRVM. LOCVM. QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE.
gc. QvoD. C. Semproni. Tr F. TR. PL ROG. EXCEPTVM. cavitumque.
est. mei. divideretwr.
QVO. COLONIAM. DEDVXSIT. ITA. VTEI. 8. 8. EST. AGRVM. LOCVM. AEDI-
FICIVM. DEDIT. REDDIDIT. ADSIGNAVIT.
QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. QVEI. SVPRA. SCRIPTVS. EST. QVOD. EJV8. AGREL
LocEI. POST. H. L. Rog. PVBLICVM. POPVLEI. ROMANEI. ERIT. EXTRA.
EVM. AG......
nihi. DARE. DEBETO. EL QVEIQVOMQVE. ID. PVBLICVM. FRVENDVM,
REDEMPTYM. CONDVCTVMVE. HABEBIT...... BOVES. EQVI. QVIBVS. VIEIS.
LOCIS. PVBLICEIS. PASTVM. IMPVLSVM. ITINERIS. CAVSA. ERIT. NEIQVID.
POPVLO. NEIVE. PVBLICANO. PEQVNIA. scripturam. vectigalre. det. dareve.
debeat. .
quei. ager. ex. PVBLICO. IN. PRIVATVM. COMMYVTATVS. EST. DE EO.
AGRO. SIREMPS. LEX. ESTO. QVANSEI. 18. AGER. P. Mvvoro. L.
CALPVRNIO. cos.
PER. TERRAM. ITALIAM. P. Mvvcio. IL. CALPVRNIO. COS. FVERINT. EAS.
FACIVNTO. PATEANT. VACVAEQVE. SIENT.
ex. lege. PLEBEIVE. 8C. EXVE. FOEDERE. LICVIT. SED. FRAVDE. 8YA. FACERE.
LICETO. QVOD. EX. H. L. ITA. VTEI. 8. 8. EST. IN AGREIS. QVEI.
ET. IN. EVM. JVDICIVM. JYDICEM. RECVPERATORESVE. EX. H. L. DARE.
OPORTERET. SEL QVIS. DE. EA. RE. JVDICIVM......
282 HE OLD ROMAN OR LATIN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. VL
metve. PRO. COLONIA. MOINICIPIOVE. PROVE. MOINICIPIEIS. FRVENTVE
QVEI. IN. TRIENTABVLEIS...... DARE. OPORTEBIT. ID. VTEL QVICQVID.
QVOL EIQVE. ANTE. H. L. R. LiCVIT. ITA. EL HABERE. liceat.
......80$. QVID. DE. EO. AGRO. LOCO. AMBIGETVR. COS. PR. QVEI-
QVOMQVE. ERIT. DE. EA. RE. JVRISDICTIO. judici. judicis. recupera-
L CAV8A. DECERNANT. EJvs. H. L. N. Ε΄. Qvop. JVDICIVM. JVDEX
RECVPERATORVE. reddiderit. td. jus. ratumque. esto.
Pr. consulve. net. de. BO. AGRO. LOCO. IOVS. DEICITO. NEIVE. DECERNITO.
NEIVE. JVDICIVM. neive. Judicem. nee. recuperatores, dato....
EM. FACITO. QVO. QVIS. PRO. AGRO. MINVS, ALITERVE. BSCRIPTVRAM.
VECTIGALVE. det. .
CIVIBVS. L. QVEI. CLASSIS. PRIMAE. SIENT. XI. DATO. INDE. ALTEBRNOS.
decretum. JVDICIVMVE. FACTVM. NON. SIET. SEL MAJOR. PARS. KORVM.
RECVPERATORVM. on. consenserit,
RIT. BEDVLO. MN. VTEL I&. QVEI. JVDICATVS. ERIT. DARE. OPORTRAT.
alter. habebit. POSSIDEBIT. FRVETVR. QVAM. EX. H. L. LicEBIT. EVM.
AGRVM. QVEM.
SI. QVAE. LEX. PLEBEIVE. SC. EST. QVAE. MAS. QVEM, EX. H. LL. DECER-
NERE. OPORTEBIT. SED. FRAVDE. 8VA. NEL JOVRATO. NEIVE.
ex. PL. 8C. QvOD. M. BAEBIVS. TR. PL. III. VIR. COLONIAE. DEDVCENDAE.
fecit.
EXTRA. EVM. AGRVM. LOCVM. QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. IN. EA. CENTVBIA.....
....0poriet. OPORTEBITVE. QVOD. EJVS. AGRI. LOCEL QVOIEIQVE. EMP-
quaestor. QVEI. AERARIVM. PROVINCIAM. OBTINEBIT. IN TABLEIS.
publiceis. referat.
οὗ. eam, REM. QVOD. PRAES. FACTVS. EST. POPVLO. OBLIGATVS. EST......
QVEI. AGER. LOCVS, IN. AFRICA. EST. QVEL ROMAE. PVBLICE veni.
datus. ADSIGNATVS. ERIT. QUOD. EJVS. AGRI. LOCEL. EXTRA. TERRAM.
ITALIAM. EST..
VE AGRVM. LOCVM. QVRIQVOMQVE. HABEBIT. POSSIDEBIT......
quei. AGER. LOCVS. IN. AFRICA. EST. QUOD. EJVS. AGRI. loces...... diebus.
proxewumis. quibus. FACTVS. CREATVSVE, EBIT. factto...... PROFITEBITVR.
COGNITO. IQVE. IPSE.
1 ejus hac lege nihil rogatur. Perperam vulgo formulam explicant: ex
h.l. Vid. Ciceron. pro Caecina. c. 38.—Sp.
CHAPTER VII.
ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET.
$1. Organic classification of the original Latin alphabet. 8 2. 'The labials.
§ 3. The gutturals. § 4. The dentals. § 5. The vowels. ὃ 6. The Greek
letters used by the Romans. § 7. The numeral signs.
§ 1. Organic Classification of the Original Latin Alphabet.
THE genuine Latin alphabet,—or that set of characters which
expressed in writing the sounds of the Roman language
before it had borrowed from the Greek & number of words,
and the means of exhibiting them to the eye,—may be regarded
as consisting of nineteen letters; that is, of the representatives of
the original Cadmean syllabarium (which contained only sixteen
letters), with an appendix comprising the secondary vowels, or
vocalized consonants, I and v, and the secondary sibilant x — sh.
The original alphabet of the Romans, as derived from the
Greeks of Cuma (above, p. 96), had consisted of 21 letters,
namely, these 19 and the letters Z and K, which occupied the
seventh and tenth places respectively—thus:
(1) A (8 H (15) P
(2 B (9) I (160) Q
(3) σ- (10 K (17) R
(4) D (1) L (18) S
(5) E (12) M (19 T
(6) F (18 N (20) V
(7) Z (14 O (21) X
But Z fell out of general use, and in the first Punic war C was
divided into C and G, and the latter was placed where Z had
stood between F and H (Plut. Qu. Hom. c. 59; Corssen, I. 7).
In Cicero's time the number of letters was 21 (de Natur. Deorum,
11. 97, $ 93); but before his death v and £ were borrowed from
the Greek and placed at the end of the Latin alphabet under
the forms Y and Z, and thus the full number of 23 letters
was attained. A further augmentation was introduced by the
284 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
Emperor Claudius, who was a professed grammarian. He intro-
duced three additional characters, namely, an inverted digamma 4
to give the sound of v in servus and vulgus (Quintil. 1. 4, § 7), the
antisigma 3 or IC to represent the Greek 4 or the combination
bs, ps; and the Oscan I’, which resembled in form the Greek spt-
ritus asper ἘΞ (above, p. 99), to represent the sound between ¢ and
u (Quintil. 1. 4, 8 8: medius U et I littere sonus). But although
the influence of the Emperor procured a partial adoption of these
letters in his lifetime, they soon became obsolete (Tacit. Ann. XI.
14), and are found on only a few monuments (Corssen, 1. pp. 13,
14). In its latest form, as recognized by Priscian, the Latin
alphabet consisted of the 23 letters, which it comprised when the
Y and Z were added.
If we omit the supernumeraries C, K, Y, Z, and distribute
the nineteen genuine and necessary letters according to their
natural or organic classification, we shall have the following
arrangement :— :
CONSONANTS.
Labials. Gutturals. Dentals.
Medials..../ B a D
Aspirates ... F H R
Tenues..... P Qv T
Liquids .... M L, N
Sibilants Sx
VOWELS.
Vowels of Ar-)| Heaviest. Lightest. Medium.
ti¢ulation j A E Oo
Vocalized Labial, | Voo*lzed Guttural, or
U I
Consonants
Vocalized ᾿
$2.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 28b
It will be most convenient, as well as most methodical, to
consider these letters according to this olassification, which will
be justified by the investigation itself,
§ 2. The Labials.
The labials consist of three mutes and the liquid M. The
regular changes of the labial mutes, in the principal languages
of the Indo-Germanic family, have been thus indicated by James
Grimm, to whom we owe the discovery of a most important law
(Deutsche Gramm. 1. p. 584"), which may ‘be stated thus in its
application to all three orders of mutes:
In G In Old High
Latin, ΠΑΝ In Gothic. Germme
Medial corresponds to Tenuis and to Aspirate.
Aespirate ,, ,, Medal » Tenuis.
Tenuis » » Asptrate » Medial.
This law, applied to the labials only, may be expressed in the
following table:
Latin (Greek, Sanscrit) . B F P
Gothie. . . . .. P B F
Old High German . . F P B (V)
To take the instances given by Grimm himself —the first
column 18 confirmed, as far as the Latin language is concerned,
by the. following examples: cannabis (κάνναβις), Old Norse
hanpr, Old High German hanaf ; turba (θορύβη), Goth. thadárp,
Ὁ. H. G. dorof; stabulum, O. N. stópull, O. H. G. staphol. To
which may be added, /ab?, Anglo-Saxon slipan, O. H. G. sh-
uffan. These instances are confined to the occurrence of the
labials in the middle of words; for there are no German words
beginning with P, and no H. G. words beginning with r.
The second column is supported as follows: Initials—fagus
(φηγός), Ο. N. beykt, O. H. G. puocha; fero (φέρω), Goth.
batra, O. FI. G. piru; fui (vo), Ang.-Sax. b£on, O. H. G. pim ;
flare, Goth. blasan, O. H. G. plasan ; fra-n-gere (ῥήγνυμι), Goth.
1 Dr. Guest maintains that this celebrated law is invalidated by very
serious exceptions (Proceedings of the Philol. Soc. 111. pp. 179, 8qq.).
280 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VIL
brikan, O. H. G. préchan ; folium (φύλλον), O. N. blad, O. H. 6.
plat ; frater (φρητήρ), Goth. brothar, O. H. G. pruoder. The
Latin language furnishes no instances of this rule in its appli-
cation to the middle sounds. In νεφέλη, κεφαλή, γράφειν and
such like, the Latin equivalents present b or p; compare nebula,
caput, s-cribere. The reason for this is to be sought in the
aversion of the Roman ear from F as a middle sound.
The third column resta on the following induction: Initials—
pes (pedis), Goth. fótus, O. H. G. vuoz; piscis, Goth. fíaks,
O. H. G. visc ; pater, Goth. fadrs, O. H. G. vatar ; plenus, Goth.
full, O. H. G. vol; pecus, Goth. fathu, O. H. 6. vthu ; palma,
Angl.-Sax. folma, O. H. G. volma; pellis, Goth. fll, O. H. G.
val; pullus, Goth. fula, O. H. G. volo; primus, Goth. frumists, /^^**
O. Η 6. vromist. Middle sounds—sopor, O. N. svefn, O. Sax.
suélhan ; septem, Angl.-Sax. séfon, Goth. sibun; aper, Angl.-
Sax. dofor, O. H. G. ébar; super, Goth. ufar, O. N. yfir, O. H. G.
ubar; rdpwa, Angl.-Sax. redf; O. H. G. roub.
These may be taken as proofs of the general application of
Grimm's rule to the Latin labials. If, however, we examine the
use of the separate letters more minutely, we shall find great
vacillation even within the limits of the Latin language itself.
The medial B seems to have approximated in many cases to
the sound of v; at other times it came more nearly to P. We
find in old Latin the forms Duillius, duonus!, duellum, &c. by
the side of Pilltus, bonus, bellum, &c. Now, there is no doubt
that the proper abbreviation of these forms would be e. g. donus
or vonus, and so on. The labial representative bonus, therefore, |
shows a sort of indifference between the occasional pronunciation
of Β and v. This view is confirmed by a comparison of duis,
which must have been the original form (Fest. p. 66), with δίς
on the one hand, and bis, bes, vi-ginti on the other. The same
appears particularly in the change from Latin to Italian or
French, as in habere = avere = avoir, habebam = aveva = avots,
Aballo = Avalon, Cabellio= Cavaillon, Eburovices = Evreux, &c.,
or conversely, as in Vesontto= Besangon. The commutation of
b and v in the Spanish language gave occasion to Scaliger’s
epigram;
1 On the etymology of this word, see N. Creat. $ 262.
$2. ] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 287
Haud temere antiquas mutat Vasconia voces
Cui nihil est aliud vivere quam bibere},
‘Similarly, we have averunco for ab-e-runco, i. e. ἐκβοτανίζω,
as the old gloss renders it (see Weber, Zettsch. f. vergl. Spr. τι.
80). Bibo for vivo is common in old monuments (Fabretti s. v.
p.251). The interchange of B and P may be remarked in burrus,
Tuppos; Balantium, Palatium; bitumen, pitumen (comp. pituita),
ἄς. In many Latin words the B stands for ἃ $ (=P’H) in the
Greek synonym: compare balena, albus, ambo, nebula, umbt-
licus, &c., with φάλαινα, ἀλφός, ἄμφω, νεφέλη, ὀμφαλός, &c.
The ancient Romans did not use B, as the Geeks did, to
form a fulcrum between two liquids (comp. μεσημερία, μεσημ-
Bpia ; μέλι, [μ]βλίττω ; &-uoXov, μέμβλωκα; μόρος, ἄμβροτος;
&c.); but in the derivative idioms there are many instances of
this insertion; compare numerus, nombre; camera, chambre, _ .
&c.; and even when r is substituted for some other liquid, as in
hominem, Sp. hombre; or when a third liquid is retained, as in
cumulare, Fr. combler.
In classical Latin B is often omitted when flanked by two
vowels; this is particularly the case in the dative or ablative
plural, as in queis by the side of quibus, filiis by the side of
filiabus, &c.; indeed this omission is regular in the second
declension. .
It is hardly necessary to remark, that the genuine Etruscan
element in the Latin language must have been altogether with-
out the medial B. As a final, B is found only in the proclitic
words ab, ob, sub.
When B or Y is followed by the vocalized or palatal J, we
sometimes remark that, in the derived languages, this palatal
supersedes the labial, and is pronounced alone, or with an as-
similation; so we have cavea (= cavja), cage; cambiare, chan-
ger; debeo, diggio; Dibio, Dijon; objectum, oggetto; rabies,
rage; rubere (= rubjere), rougir; subjectum, sujet, &c. We see
1 Penny Cycl. iu. p. 220. See also Scaliger de Caus. L. L. 1. c. 14.
p. 36. In older Latin we have Fovii by the side of Fabii (Fest. p. 87),
Sevini by the side of Sabini (Plin. H. N. 1. 12), Stovenses by the side of
Stobenses, and, in the flexion-forms of the verb, -bo, -bam, -bilis, -bundus,
by the side of -vi, from fio and fui (see Corssen Zeitschr. f. vergl, Sprf.
1852, p. 17).
-
288 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
the full development of this change in Buch words as nager
from navigare, while the absolute omission of the labial is justi-
fied by écrire from scribere, in Amiens from Ambiani, and in
atmois, which comes from amabam through atmoy = amoue =
amava (Lewis, On the Romance Languages, p. 199).
The labial F and the guttural Q, are the most characteristic
letters in the Latin alphabet. Of the latter I will speak in its
place, merely remarking here that its resemblance to F consists
in the fact that they are both compound letters, altbough used
from the earliest period as exponents of simple sounds.
In considering the Latin F, we must be careful not to confuse
it with the Greek 4 on the one hand, or with the modern v on
the other. It is true that F corresponds to $ in a number of
words, such as fagus, fama, fero, fallo, fari, fascis, frater, fri-
gus, fucus, fugio, fui, fulgeo, fur (Müller, Etrusk. 1. p. 20);
but we must consider these words as an approach to a foreign
articulation; for in a great number of words, in which the F has
subsequently been commuted for H, we can find no trace of con-
nexion with the Greek d$: such are fartolus, fasena, fedus,
fircus, folus, fordeum, fostis, fostia, forctis, vefo, trafo (Müller,
Htrusk. 1. p. 44).
It is generally laid down that F and v are both labio-dental
aspirates, and that they differ only as the tenuis differs from the
medial ; and one philologer has distinctly asserted their identity,
meaning perhaps that in Latin F =the English v, and v =the
English w. If, however, we analyse some of the phenomena of
comparative philology in which the Latin F appears, and then
refer to Quintilian’s deseription of the sound of this letter, we
may be disposed to believe that in many cases the English v
formed only a part of the sound. Quintilian says (xir. 10,
§ 27, 29) that the Roman language suffered in comparison with
the Greek from having only v and r, instead of the Greek v and
$, "quibus nulle apud eos (Gracos) dulcius spirant. Nam
et tlla, que est sexta nostrarum, pane non humana voce vel
omnino non voce potius inter discrimina dentium efflanda est:
qua etiam, cum vocalem proxima, accipit, quassa quodammodo:
utique, quoties aliquam consonantem frangit, ut in hoc tpso
FRANGIT, mulio fit horridior." Not to repeat here what has
been stated at length elsewhere (N. Crat. ὃ 111), it will be
$2.]. ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 289
sufficient to make the following observations: (a) the Latin F,
though not — v, contained that letter, and was a cognate sound
with it’: this is proved by a comparison of con-ferre, con-
viva, &c. with com-bibere, (m-primis, &c. (Ὁ) It appears from
Quintilian that m his time the Latin F contained, in addition to
the labial v, some dental sibilant; and the sibilant is known to
have been the condition in which the guttural passed into the
mere aspirate. (c) A comparison of the Greek 605p with its [
Latin synonym fera would produce great difficulty, if we could ;*
not suppose a coexistence of the sibilant with the labial in the |
latter; such a concurrence we have in the Russian synonym
svera, Lettislr svehrs, Old Prussian svirs. (d) The Sabine words
mentioned above (such as fircus), the more modern representa-
tives of which substitute an aspirate for the F, prove that the
F must have contained a guttural aspirate; for no labial can
pass into a guttural, though a compound of labial and guttural
may be represented by the guttural only. (e) Those words in
the Romance languages which present an aspirate for the F
which their Latin synonyms retained to the last,—such as
falco, “hawk;” foris, Fr. “hors;” facere, formosus, fumus,
&c., Sp. “hacer,” “hermoso,” “humo,” &c. prove that, to
the last, the Latin F contained some guttural element, in addition (
to the labial of which it was in part composed. It seems to me /
that F must have been sv, or, ultimately, Hv, and that v must ':
have corresponded to our English w. With regard to the Greek | .
$, there can be no doubt that it was a distinct p'À, like the -
middle sound in Aap-hazard, shep-herd; reduplications like
πέφυκα (pe-p'huka), and contacts like Zarda (Sapp'ho), suffi-
ciently prove this. The forms of Latin words which seem to
substitute F for this $ must be referred to the Pelasgian element
in the Latin language: the Tuscans, as we have seen, were by
no means averse from this sound ; and the Romans were obliged
to express it by the written representative of a very different
articulation.
3 In the same way as F seems to represent $ in the instances cited
above, Y also appears as a substitute both for $ and s. Compare vulgus,
vallus, veru, virgo, and vitricus, with φολκός, palus, πείρω, παρθένος, and
pater (Buttmann, Lezil. s. v. φολκός).
D. V. 19
ls.
l
PE di
290 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. vir.
The derivation of Faleri$ and Falísei (cf. Etruria and
Etrusci) from a founder Halesus, shows that even among the
Tuscans there was an intimate affinity between F and H (see
Muller, Hér. 11. p. 273).
Of the tenuis P it is not necessary to say much. If we
compare the Latin forms with their Greek equivalents, we
observe that P or PP, is used as a substitute for the φ (Ρ Ἦ) of
which I have just spoken. Thus puniceus, caput, &c. corre-
spond to φοινίκεος, κεφαλή, &c., and cruppellarit, cippus, -lappa,
stroppus, supparum, s-cloppus, topper, &c., answer to cexpudanos,
κεφαλήτης, ἀκαλήφη, στρόφιον, ὑφασία, κόλαφος, σ-τυφρός,
σ-τυφελός (tapfer), &c
In the languages derived from the Latin, P very often passes
into v. This is most regular in the French: comp. aperire,
aprilis, capillus, capistrum, capra, episcopus, juniperus, lepus,
nepos, opera, pauper, recipere, sepelire, sapere, &c., with ouvrir,
avril, chevdu, chevétre, chevre, évéque, geniévre, livre, neveu,
ceuvre, pauvre, regevoir, en-sevelir, savotr, &c.!
P i8 often inserted as a fulcrum to the labial M when a liquid
follows: thus we have sumo, sum-p-si, sumptus; promo, prom-
p-st, promptus ; and the true spelling of Aiem-s (cf. χεῖμ-α) is
hiem-p-s (Wagner, Orthog. Vergil. p. 442).
Contact with the guttural 3 will convert P into CH —J or a
soft G. Compare rupes, roche; sapiam, sache; sapiéns, sage
ἄς. Here in effect the labial is assimilated or absorbed, as in ©
Rochester from Hrof-ceastre.
The labial liquid M occasionally takes the place -of one or
other of the labial mutes, even within the limits of the Latin
language itself. It stands by the side of B in glomus, hiemps,
tumeo, &c., compared with globus, hibernus, tuber, ἄς. We find
a substitution of B for M in Bandela, the modern name of
1 To avoid unnecessary trouble (for independent dictionary-hunting
would have led, in most cases, to a repetition of the same results) I have
taken several of the commonest comparisons of French and Latin
synonyms from the articles on the separate consonants in the Penny
Cyclopedia. It is scarcely worth while to make this reference, for no
one acquainted with French and Latin need go to the Penny Cyclopedia,
or any other compilation, in order to learn that ouvrir, avril, &c. are
derived from aperire, aprilis, &c
"n
*
§ 8.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 291
Mandela (Orelli, ad Hor. 111. Carm. 18, 12), and in Lubedon
for Laomedon (Scaliger, de Caussis, L. L.1. c. 22, p. 54). I
am not aware that we have any example of the commutation
of M with the labio-dental r. With v it is not uncommon:
comp. Mulctber, Vulcanus; pro-mulgare, pro-vulgare (compare
di-vulgare); &c. This is still more remarkable if we extend
the comparison to cognate languages: thus Mars, mas (marre),
may be compared with Fapys, Fappnv, (vir, virtus, * war! «ἱ
wehren, “ warrior," 'Oapíev; and Minne, “ Minion,” &c., with "n S MT
Venus, Winnes-jdfte, ἄς. (Abhandl. Berl. Ak. 1826, p. 58).
So also ud-v-r« may be compared with vates; at least, Plautus
writes mantiscinari for vaticinari. The changes of P into M
are generally observable in assimilations such as summus for
supimus, supremus: in Greek, and in the passage between Greek]
and Latin, this change is common enough; thus we have pera
by the side of πέδα, and μόλυβδος by the side of plumbum. In ^.
fact, M and N are more nearly akin to the medials B and Ὁ than
to the tenues, and a thick articulation will always give the
medials for the liquids.
_ "At theend of Latin words M is very often omitted in writing,
and seems to have been still more frequently neglected in pro-
nunciation. With regard to the written omissions, it was the
rule to omit in the present tense of active verbs the important M |
which characterizes the first person in many of the other tenses.
In fact, the only verbs which retain it in the present tense are
su-m and ingua-m: and it is mentioned as a custom of Cato the
Censor, that he used also to elide the M at the termination of the
futures of verbs in -o and -to (see Ch. vr. ὃ 3). The metrical
ecthlipsis, which disregards the final -M when a vowel follows,
may be ‘explained by supposing a sort of anusvérah in the Latin
language. In the transition to the Romance languages, which
make a new nominative of the Latin accusative, the final m is
dropt in all but two instances—the Italian speme = spem, which
extends it by a final vowel, and the French rien τε rem, which
gubstitutes the nasal auslaut.
§ 3. The Gutturals.
The Roman gutturals are three,—the medial 6, the aspirate
H, and the labio-guttural tenuis Qr. The regular changes of this
19—4
292 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [cHapP. VII.
order of mutes, as far as the Latin language is concerned, are
proved by the following examples; the law itself, as applied to
the gutturals, being expressed thus:
Latin, (Greek, Sanserit) . G H C
Gothie . . . . . K G H, G.
Old High German - . . CH K H, G.
ἢ lst column. Initials: granum, O. N. korn, O. H. G. chorn;
a" genus, kuni, chunni; gena, O. N. kinn, .O. H. G.. chinni ; genu, ,.
v "Ine, chnio; gelu, gelidus, Gothic kalds, O. H. G. chalt; gustare,
σ΄ ^ ωδαη, chiosan. Middle sounds; ego, tk, th (ich) ; ager, r, akrs, —
it achar ; magnus, mikils, michil ; jugum, juk, Joch; mulgere, O. N.
midlka, O. H. G. mzlchan. yu
2d column. Initials: hanser, gans, kans; heri, hesternus,
qa . gistra, késtar ; hortus, gards, “karte; “hostis, gasts, kast; homo,
guma, komo. H i8 of rare occurrence as a a middle sound in Latin;
we may, however, compare via, veha, with weg; veho with Goth.
. aigan; traho with Anglo-Sax. dragan, &c.
pert, 8d column (in which I have substituted C for Q,, because the
M QC latter belongs to a different class of comparisons). Initials:
“ xelaudue, halt, hals; caput, haubith, houbit; cor, haírto, hérza;
TA » canis, hunths, hund. Middle sounds: luz, liukad, licht; tacere,
"E thahan, dagen; decem, Goth. tathun, Lith. deszimts.
co Originally the Romans made no distinction between the gut-
m 12 A.V turals c and 8; the former was the only sign used; and although
t V* — Ausonius says (Idyll. χτι. de litteris, v. 21): gamma vice functa
Ἢ ἀν U prius C (see also Festus, s. vv. prodigia, orcum), thereby imply-
ing that C expressed both the medial a and the tenuis K!, there
is reason to believe that in the older times the Romans pronounced
C as a medial, and used Q as their only tenuis guttural. This
appears from the forms macestratus, lectiones, &c., on the Duilian
monument, and still more strikingly from the fact that the pre-
nomens Gatus, Gnaus (latos, l'evvatos), were to the last indicated
by the initials C. and Cn.; for in the case of a proper name the
old character would survive the change of application. When,
however, the Romans began to distinguish between the pure
tenuis K and the labial tenuis Q, they introduced a distinction
1 On this confusion in other languages see New Crat. $ 100.
88.]. ΑἀἊΑΝΑΙΙ͂ΒΙΒ OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 293
between C and a, which was marked by the addition of a tail to
the old character c, the letter thus modified being used to repre-
sent the medial, and the old form being transferred from the
medials to the tenues. The author of this change was Sp. Car-
vilius, a freedman and namesake of the celebrated Sp. Carvilius
Ruga, who, in A. U. C. 028, B. c. 231, furnished the first example
of à divorce. See Plutarch, Quest. Rom. p. 277 Ὁ: τὸ K πρὸς
τὸ I' συγγένειαν ἔχει παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς [the Romans], ὀψὲ γὰρ ἐχρή-
σαντο τῷ γάμμα Καρβιλίου Σπορίου προσεξευρόντος. Id. p. 278 E:
ὀψὲ ἤρξαντο μισθοῦ διδάσκειν, καὶ πρῶτος ἀνέῳξε γραμματοδιδα--
σκαλεῖον Σπόριος Καρβίλιος ἀπελεύθερος KapBidiov τοῦ πρώτου
γαμετὴν ἐκβαλόντος. From the position in the alphabet assigned
to this new character, —namely, the seventh place, corresponding
to that of the Greek z,—there is reason to believe that the
Roman C still retained the hard g-sound, while the new charac-
ter represented the soft palatal pronunciation of the English J
and the Greek z, which is also expressed by the modern Italian
gt. It is clear that the Greek K was introduced long before the
time of Carvilius, and therefore there could have been no need
of an additional character except for the expression of an addi- .
tional sound. And as K was used only in the syllable ka, the
additional sound must have been that borne by C and G in
modern Italian before the vowels E and 1. Before 0 and U, as
we shall see directly, Q was in its original place.
The Latin H was a strong guttural aspirate, corresponding
in position and in power to the Greek xy. It is true that this
character sometimes indicates ἃ mere spiritus asper; and in this
use it 1s either dropt or prefixed, according to the articulation.
In general, however, it was the strongest and purest of the
Roman aspirated gutturals. Graff has remarked (Abhandl.
Berl. Ak. 1839, p. 12) that there are three classes of aspirates—
the guttural (1), .6. the spiritus; the labial (Ww), t.e. the flatus ;
and the dental (8), 2. e. the sibilatus: and he says that the Latin
language entirely wants the first, whereas it possesses the labial
aspirate in its Q, and the dental perhaps in its x. This appears
to me to be neither a clear nor a correct statement. With regard
to H in particular, there can be no doubt that it is a strong gut-
tural, quite as much so as the Greek y. This is established by
the following comparison. The Latin H answers to x in the
peo
294 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. VII.
words Aiemps (χείμων), hibernus (χειμέρενος), hio (χαίνω), hums
(yapat), hortus (χόρτος), ἄς. It represents the guttural c in
trah-o, trac-st, veh-o, vec-si, &c. In a word, it corresponds to the
hard Sanscrit À, for which, in the cognate Gothic and Greek
words, either g, k, or y, «, x, are substituted (comp. .N. Crat.
8112). An initial H, or some other guttural, was often omitted
in Latin as in other languages before another consonant; thus
we have res for hres =hra-ts for hir, “ the hand;" rus for hrus
or erus (karsh — aro), lena by the side of χλαῖνα; nidor by the
side of κνίσσα; Roma by the side of gruma (above, p. 68), ἄς.
And even before vowels we have frequent instances of extenua-
tion and omission of an original H. Indeed it is sometimes
a matter of doubt whether the H ought to be retained or dismissed
in spelling; thus some would write Hannibal, others Annibal ;
some Etruria, others, more correctly, as I think, but less in ac-
cordance with authority, Hetruria; although aut and haud are
the same word, and though old MSS. make no distinction
between them (Lachmann ad Lucret. 111. 330, 632), the former
generally omits, while the latter as generally retains the H; and
. while Aereo is almost the universally received orthography, we
have asit in Lucret. γι. 1016 (ub? v. Lachm.), in accordance with
the Tyrrhenian at-esum, (above, Ch. v. § 3, p. 183).
With regard to Q or Q», a character almost peculiar to the
Latin alphabet, a longer investigation will be necessary. It has
been ἃ common opinion with philologers that there were different
classes of the tenuis guttural, varying with the vowel which
articulated them; thus, κάππα, kaph, was.followed only by a;
H (Aeth) only by e; yi only by 4; κόππα, koph, only by o; and
Q only by w. Lepsius (Zwet Abhandl. pp. 18—31) has given a
more rational and systematic form to this opinion, by supposing
that there were three fundamental vowels, a, €, v; that ¢ was
subsequently split up into $4, e, and u into o, v; that one of the
three fundamental vowels was prefixed to each row of mutes in
the old organic syllabarium, 80 that all the medials were articu-
lated with a, all the aspirates with 4, and all the tenues with wu.
This form of the opinion, however, ia by no means sufficient to
explain the peculiarities of the Roman ον; and if it were, still
it could not be adopted, as it runs counter to the results of a
more scientific investigation into the origin of 4 and v.
$$] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 295
The difficulty which has been felt in dealing with the Latin ©
Q has proceeded chiefly from the supposition that the accompany-
ing wor v must be either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant;
for if it is a vowel, then either it ought to form a diphthong
with the accompanying vowel, or a distinct syllable with the q;
and neither of these cases ever happens: if, on the other hand,
it is a consonant, the vowel preceding the Q ought to be long by
position; and this is never the case even in the most ancient
writers (see Graff, Abk. Berl. Ak. 1839: * über den Buchstaben
Q (Q)”’).
It appears to me unnecessary to assume that the accompany-
ing wis either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant. And
herein consists the peculiarity of the Roman Q: it cannot be
articulated without the v, and yet the ὦ has no distinct existence.
The true explanation, I conceive, is the following. No attentive
student of the Latin authors can have failed to observe how
great a tendency there is in this language to introduce sounds
consisting of an union of the guttural and labial. Such a sound
is the digamma, which may be considered to have been the lead-
ing characteristic of the Pelasgian language both in Italy and in
Greece. Now there are four states of this sound, besides its
original condition, in which both guttural and labial have their
full power: the first is when the labial predominates, and this is
expressed by the letter F = sv (hv); the second is when the gut-
tural predominates, and this is expressed by ον; the third is
when the guttural alone is sounded, and in this state it becomes
the strong guttural H or K; the fourth is when the labial alone
is articulated, and from this we have the letter v.
The great difference between F and Q consists in this, that
in the latter it is necessary to express both the ingredients of the
double sound, whereas they are both represented by one charac-
ter in the former. Hence it has happened, that, while the gut-
tural element of F has been overlooked by many philologers,
they have over-estimated the independent value of the labial
which accompanies Q. .
A sound bearing the same relation to the medials that Q, does
to the tenues is occasionally formed by the addition of v to a.
This occurs only after n and σ᾿ thus we find ténguo, unguo, ur-
gueo, by the side of tingo, ungo, urgeo. The former were probably
296 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET.’ [CHAP. VII.
the original words, the latter being subsequent modifications:
compare guerra, ** war," guardire, * ward," &c. with the French
pronunciation of guerre, guardir, &c. (New Crat. § 110).
When the labial ingredient of 9. i3 actually vocalized into τ,
the Q is expressed in classical Latin by the new tenuis C=K ;
thus quojus, quot, the original gen. and dat. of guz, become cujus,
cui; cui ret becomes cur; quom is turned into cum; sequundus,
oquulus, torqular (comp. torqueo), quéris (cf. Quirinus), ἄς. are
converted into secundus, oculus, torcular, curis, &c.! This is also
the case when v is represented by the similar Roman sound of
the o. Thus colo must have been originally quolo; for Q is the
initial of quolonia on coins, and ?n-quilinus is obviously derived
from in-colo, which has lost its v, just as quotidte is written cott-
die (Schneider, Lat. Gr. 1. p. 335). It is known, too, that coquus
must lave been pronounced guoguus even in Cicero’s time; for
he made no difference in pronunciation between the particle
quoque and the vocative of coguus: see Quintil. v1. 3, ὃ 47:
* Quse Ciceroni aliquando...exeiderunt, ut dixit, quum is candi-
datus, qui coqui filius habebatur, coram eo suffragium ab alio
peteret: ego quoque tibi favebo*.” The change of qva into cu
is particularly remarkable when a syllable is shortened, on ac-
count of the heavier form in which it occurs; as when quatio
in composition becomes con-cutio, per-cutio, &c. Perhaps we
ought to write acüa in those cases in which aqua appears as a
trisyllable (Lachmann ad Lucret. v1. 552).
The two constituent parts of Q, often exist separately in
different forms of the same root: thus we hgve conntveo, conntz ;
Jfo ($vo), facto, factus ; fluo, fruit ; foveo, focus ; lavo, lacus;
1 It is laid down by modern scholars that uw can never follow
qu; thus we must not write quum, loquuntur, cequum, equus, &c., but
cum, locuntur, ecum, ecus, &c. (Müller, ad Varron. p. 38; Lachmann,
ad Lucret. pp. 172, 220, 398; Wagner, ad Verg. En. 1x. 299; Ritschl,
Proleg. Plaut. p. 91; Sillig, Pref. Plin. p. 72). But I hope that this
rule will not be adopted generally by editors, and that in writing modern
Latin at all events we shall still be allowed to distinguish between quum
the conjunction and cum the preposition, without resorting to the old-
fashioned quom for the former.
3 There are some remarks on this subject in Erasmus, Colloquia,
p. 164, ed. Amstelod. 1651.
§ 3.} ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 207
nix, nivis; struo, struai; vivo, viz. The last is a double in-
stance; for there can be no doubt of the connexion between
" quick" and vivus (for qvigvus) (New Crat. S 112, note).
Bopp's opinion, therefore (Vergleich. Gramm. pp. 18, 98), that
there is some natural connexion between v and & in themselves,
is altogether unfounded.
In the comparison between Latin and Sanscrit we seldom
find that Q is represented by a Sanscrit k, but that it usually
stands in cognate words where the Sanscrit has a palatal or
sibilant (New Crat. § 105, 216): compare quatuor, Sanscr.
chatur; s-quama, Sanscr. chhad, “ tegere;” quumulus, Sanscr.
chi, “ accumulare;" oc-cultus (ob-quultus), Sanscr. jal, **tegere ;”’
sequor, Sanscr. sajj ; pequus, Sanscr. pacu,; equus, Sanscr. agva,
ἄς. When Q, stands by the side of a Sanscrit &, it is
either when that letter is followed by e or &—in which case
the guttural approximates to the palatal,—or when the & stands
before «or v. There are some instances in which the Q, is re-
presented by the labial P in Greek and Sanscrit; and this is
particularly remarkable in cases where the Q, occurs twice in the
Latin word: compare the Latin quinque, quoquo (coquo), aqua,
loquor, &c., with the Sanscrit and Greek panchan, πέμπε, pach,
πέπω, Gpah (pl.), lap, &c.; also equus, oquwlus, sequor, linquo, |
&c., with isos, ὄμμα, ὅπομαι, λείπω, Ke.
Quintilian says that the Latin Q is derived from the Greek
korr ra, (1. 4, ὃ 9); and there can be no doubt that they have a
common origin. Now this Greek κόππα, which is of rare oc-
currence, is found, where it occurs im Greek inscriptions, only
before o. Thus we have φορινθοθεν (Bóekh, C. I. no. 29), ópoov
(n. 37), λυφοδορκας (n. 166); and on coins we have φορινθος,
Συραφοσιων, &c. The explanation of this is simple: the letter
o before a vowel expressed the sound of w, so far as the mouth
of a Greek could convey this sound: compare olotpos, ῥοῖβδος,
which imitate the whizzing noises of the wings of the gad-fly
and the bird; da which represents the Persian lamentation wa /
&c. (above, p. 58). Consequently, the syllable oo must be
regarded as the residuum of a syllable pronounced kwa, which
was probably the pronunciation of the Latin Q. At any rate,
it is sufficiently evident from the single word λυφοδορκας that
o and « could not have been identical at the time when the
C"
[ME
298 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
inscription was carved; otherwise we should have had either
λυκοδορκας or λυφοδορφας. In fact, the word λύκος must have
been originally Xvooos (luqvus), otherwise the labial in the Latin
lupus would. be inexplicable. Perhaps, too, as Graff suggests
(u. s. p. 10, note 7), there are other Greek words containing
the syllable xo or xv, which must have been written with o in
the older state of the language. He selects the following, of
which the Sanscrit equivalents have the palatals c, ch: κόσμος,
Kóyyos, κόρση, κῶνος, κυανός, Sanserit gudh, “ purificari;”
gankha, '* concha ;" ciras, “ caput;” có, *acuere," Lat. qvurvus ;
chyáma, * violaceus." The passage from Q, into oo, xv, &c.
may be illustrated also by the converse change from xv to qu in
* Jiquorice," from γλυκυῤῥίζα, &c., while the English. articulation
of “can” has entirely obliterated all traces of the αὶ in the Latin
. queo, originally queno (cf. ne-qutnont for ne-queunt), though the
German kénnen still preserves this sound by implication!.
If we examine the changes which have taken place in the
gutturals in their passage from the Roman to the Romance lan-
guages, we are first struck by the general tendency to soften
down or assibilate the tenuis c. The former process is effected
by a change of c into cH: compare the Latin caballus, cadere, '
calidus, camera, cante, caput, carmen, carus, casa, castanea; ἢ
castus, caulis, &c. with the French cheval, cheotr, chaud, cham- “ὦ
bre, chef, charme, chien, cher, chez, c chátasgne, chaste, chouz,
&c. Of the assibilation of c we have many instances: such
are, facimus, Fr. faisons; licere, loisir ; placere, plaisir; &c.
Scaliger says (prima Scaligerana, p. 114): “ mutam semper
Galli tollunt inter duas vocales." This is very often justified
by the transition from Latin to French in the case of gutturals
and dentals. Between two vowels C is sometimes dropt; thus
the Icauna becomes the Yonne, Tricasses becomes Troyes ; and
similarly the Seguana is turned into the Setne.
Another change in the Romance languages is the omission of
c when it is followed by a T: comp. dictus, It. ditto, Fr. dit;
pectus, It. petto, Fr. pottrine, &c. C also disappears in French
when in the Latin form it was followed by R; compare lacrima,
1 We may compare qui-squil-i with the Greek κο-σκύλλω, κο-σκυλ-
μάτια, where the original qu = o is represented by «o or xv.
ί
eth
4
-
§ 3.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 299
sacramentum, &c. with larme, serment, &c. It is neglected in
the same language when it stands between two vowels, especially
when one or both are w (o) or $: compare aptcula, corbicula,
) focus, Jjocus, locus, nocere, paucus, vices, &c. with abetlle, cor-
nA ‘ beille, feu, jeu; lieuj nuire, peu, fois, &c. An omission of the ὑ ὁ "ἡ.
hard c is sometimes strangely compensated by the introduction
of o before ?; thus we have potx from pix, Poitiers from Pic-
tones, &c. We must distinguish this from foyer by the side of
focus which has an 0 already.
In some cases the French converts the tenuis C into the
medial a. Compare agre, aveugle, maigre, &c. with ager, ^ 4 δεν
aboculus, macer, &c. 1 * * Y"
Gis often omitted in the middle of French words: compare
Augustus, Augustodunum, Brigantto, Lugdunum, legere, Lige-
ris, magis, magister, niger, paganus, regina, &c. with Aott,
Autun, Briangon, Lyon, and Laon, lire, Lotre, mats, mattre, noir,
paien, reine, &c. Similarly, we have dats or dots (dastum) from
dagus = dach, i.e. the canopy over the high table in the hall.
Compare also our pronunciation of Augustin as Austin, and of
Magdalen 23 Maudlin. The same omission took place in old
Latin; thus we find ma-vis = magts-yis.
The French and Italians generally neglect the guttural H.
The old hard sound of this aspirate is quite unknown to them.
Although the sibilant is in some cases akin to the dental
class, the Latin sibilants x and 8 must be considered as belong-
ing altogether to the gutturals. The Romans had a dental sibi-
lant in their Β, of which I shall speak directly; but these two
seem to have in themselves no connexion with the dentals, be-
yond the circumstance that R is frequently derived from s by the
substitution of a dental articulation, in the same way as @ stands
for σ in θάλασσα for σάλασσα, &c., and as the lisping English-
man says yeth for yes.
If we consider X in its common acceptation, it is a direct
combination of the guttural c or α with the sibilant s. This
must, of course, be its power in reat, flexi, &c. But it was
not always equivalent to this combination either in sound or in
origin. Sometimes it stands for the dental £— dj, as in riza » * .-
compared with ἔριδ-ς, ἐρίζω, &c. And even when it was derived
immediately from a guttural and 8, the sibilant seems to have
900 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. VII.
overpowered the guttural, which was either lost altogether or
pronounced only as an aspiration. We have traces of this in the
modern Italian pronunciation of Alessandro, vissi, &c. The
Greek £i derived its name from the Hebrew shin, and perhaps
occasionally represented it in sound. A sibilant or aspirate often
changes its place: thus the Gothic kv is in English wh, the
Greek hr is the Latin rh, and the Greek £— «o- might occasion-
ally be ox-: compare the transposition in the oriental words
Iscander, Scanderoon, Candahar, all derived from the Greek”
᾿Αλέ-ξανδρος. The last of these words is a mutilation which
reminds us of the modern Scotch division of the name Alexander
into the two abbreviations Alick and Saunders or Sandy. When
the transposition was once effected, the softening of the guttural
was obvious and easy: compare σχέτλιος, "scathe," schade;
χάρμη, "s-kirmish," schirm, &c.
The Latin 8 is principally remarkable as standing at the
beginning of words, the Greek equivalents of which have only
an aspirate: compare sal, sex, septem, sol, silva, simul, sedere,
sequi, somnus, &c., with ars, ὅξ, émrá, ἥλιος, ὕλη, ἅμα,
^. Sm ὅξεσθαι, ἕπομαι, ὕπνος, &c. Though in some cases even this
aspirate has vanished: as in εἰ, éXXos, &c., compared with
' gt, stleo, &c. It frequently happens that in the more modern
forms of the Roman language an original s has been super-
seded by the dental sibilant R. Thus Quintilian tells us (1. 4,
§ 13) that Valesius, Fusius, arbos, labos, vapos, clamos, and
‘lases (cf. Fest. s. v.), were the original forms of Valerius, Fu-
rius, arbor, labor, vapor, clamor, and lares ; and it is clear that
‘honor, honestus, are only different forms of onus, onustus. It
is rather surprising that the Jurist Pomponius (Degg. 1. 2, 2,
§ 36) should have attributed to Appius Claudius Cacus (consul I.
"A.U.C. 447, B.C. 307; consul II. a.u.c. 458, B.c. 296) the inven-
tion of a letter which is the initial of the names Roma and
Romulus. He can only mean that Appius was the first to in-
troduce the practice of substituting R for 8 in proper names, a
change which he might have made in his censorship. It appears,
from what Cicero says, that L. Papirius Crassus, who was consul
in A.U.C. 418, 5.c. 336, was the first of his name who did not
call himself Papisius (ad Famil. 1x. 21): * How came you to
suppose," says Cicero, writing to L. Papirius Pectus, “that there
MA Vd -
-
§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 901
never was ἃ Papirius of patrician rank, when it is certain that
they were patrici? minorum gentium? To begin with the first
of these, I will instance L. Papirius Mugillanus, who, in the year
of the. city 312, was censor with L. Sempronius Atratinus, who
had previously (4.U.c. 310) been his colleague in the consulship.
But your family-name at that time was Papisius. After him
there were thirteen of your ancestors who were curule magis-
trates before L. Papirius Crassus, the first of your family that
disused the name Papisius. This Papirius was chosen dictator
in A. U.C. 415, with L. Papirius Cursor for his magister equitum,
and four years afterwards he was elected consul with K. Duilius."'
We must conclude, therefore, that Appius Claudius used his cen-
sorial authority to sanction a practice, which had already come
into vogue, and which was intimately connected with the pecu-
liarities of the Roman articulation. In fact, the Romans were to
the last remarkable for the same tendency to rhotacism, which is
characteristic of the Umbrian, Dorian, and Old Norse dialects.
§ 4. The Denials.
The Romans had five dentals or linguals: the mutes Ὁ and
T, the liquids L and N, and the secondary letter R, which in
most alphabets is considered a liquid, but in the Latin stands for
an aspiration or assibilation of the medial "Ὁ. Grimm’s law, as
applied to the dentals, stands thus:
Latin, (Greek, RBanserit) « D T
Gothic . . . T D Ζ, TH
Old High German . 42 T D
The following examples will serve to establish the rule.
1st column. Initials: dingua, lingua, tuggo, zunga ; deus,
O. N. tjr, O. H. G. ziu; dens, dentis, Goth.-tunthus, O. H. G.
zand; domare, tamjan, zemen; dolus, O. N. tél, zála; ducere,
Goth. tiuhan, O. H. G. ztohan; duo, tva, zuet; dextra, tathsvó,
zisawa. Middle sounds: sedes, sedere, sitan, sizan; e-dere,
ttan, ézan; videre, vitan, wizan; Odium, hatis, haz; w-n-da,
vató, wazar; sudor, sveiti, sweiz ; pedes, fótjus, vuozt.
9d Column. The Latin has no 0; and when the R stands
for the D, there are generally other coexistent forms in which
the medial is found. For the purpose of comparison Grimm has
"4
2 42
802 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
selected some Latin words in which a Latin F stands by the side
of the Greek 0. Initials: fores (θύρᾳ), dadr, tor; fera (895p),
O. N. dgr, O. H. G. tior. Middle sounds: audere, ausus (θαῤῥεῖν),
gadaáran, turran ; mathu, Tusc. (Gy. μέθυ), Anglo-Sax. médo,
O. H. 6. métu.
8d column. Initials: tu, Gothic thu; O. H. G. d@; tener,
Ο. N. thunnr, O. H. G. dunni; tendere, Goth. thanjan, O. H. G.
denen; tacere, thahan, dagen; tolerare, thulan, dolen ; tectum,
thak, dach. Middle sounds: frater, bróthar, pruoder; rota,
O. N. hradhr (“ celer"), O. H. G. Arad (* rota"); a-L-ter (Umbr.
etre), anthar, andar; sterum, vithra, widar.
Of the commutations of the dentals one with another in the
Latin language alone, the most constant is the interchange of D
with L or R. Thus D becomes L in deltcare (Fest. pp. 70, 73),
impelimenta, levir, Melica (Fest. p. 124), olfacit for dedicare,
impedimenta, δαήρ, Medica, odefactt; and is assimilated to L in
such words as mala, ralla, scala, sella from ma-n-do, rado,
sca-n-do, sedeo: the converse change is observable in Ὀδυσσεύς,
Πολυδεύκης, δάκρυον (dacrima, Fest. p. 68), δαψιλής, dingua
(Mar. Vict. p. 2547) (Ὁ. H. G. zunga), Capitodium, meditari,
kadamitas, adauda, &c., the more genuine forms of which. are
preserved in the Ulysses (ὀλύγος), Pol-luz: (comp. δευκές, Hesych.
with lux), lacryma (liqueo), lapsilis (λάπτω), lingua (λείχειν),
Capitohum, μελετᾶν, calamitas, alauda, &c.: δέω, on the con-
trary, is a more ancient form than ligare (see N. Crat. § 155).
This change takes place within the limits of the Greek language
also: comp. δείδω with δειλός, δᾷς (δῷδος) with δαλός, &c.,
though in many of these cases there 1s the residue of an original
assimilation, as in καλός, root καδ-, cf. κάζω, &c. The change
is also observable in the passage from Latin to the Romance lan-
guages; thus Digentia has become Licenza, the people of Madrid
call themselves Madrilenos, and Egidius becomes Giles. The
other dentals, T and N, are also sometimes converted into L: as
in Thetts, Thels ; Nympha, Lympha, ἄς. (See Varro, L. L.
vir. 8 87). In some cases there is a passage from ὃ to X in
Greek, as in ἄδην, ἅλις (compare eatis); and the Greek @ in
θώρηξ is represented by an / in lorica. "There is an inter-
change of N and R in cereus, aeneus: in murus, munito; in δῶρον,
donum; σλήρης, plenus; Londres, London; Havre, Hafen, &c.
§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 303
The ablative or adverbial D has become n in longénquue, pro-
pinquus from longe[d], prope[d]; compare antiquus, posticus,
from antea, postea, amicus from amo (amao), &c. In the cor-
ruption Catamitus from Ganymedes, both N and D are changed
into T, and in caduceus from κηρύκειον we have tlie converse
change from R to D. Dis dropt when flanked by two vowels,
as es for edis, est for ed, esse for edere, item for (tidem, &c.
So also the dental liquids L and N are liable to excision; compare
vis =volis, and the numberless omissions of the final -nt as in
Suére — fuerunt, regna = regnont.
The change from D to B has been often pointed out, in such
common instances as au-ris compared with aud-o, apor for apud,
meridie for media die, ar-vocat for ad-vocat, &c. The verb ar-
cesso, which is also written accerso, furnishes a double example
of the change: the original form was ad-ced-so = accedere sino:
in arcesso the first d is changed into r, and the second assimi-
lated to 8. in accerso the first d is assimilated to c, and the
second changed to r. In the Romance language D is changed
into R in the Spanish lampare from lampada, and conversely in
the Italian rado from raro, fedire from ferire; compare the
English paddock for parruc, A.-S. for park.
As ἃ final letter, D became more and more liable to proscrip-
tion, With the exception of the proclitics ad and apud, some-
times written e£ or ut and aput, ar and apor; the conjunction
sed, also written set; and the adverb haud also written haut and
aut (cf. autem), we have no D in auslaut in classical Latinity.
In the ablative, D was absorbed before the rise of Roman litera-
ture, and -ad for -nd or -nt in the neuter plural was finally re-
presented by -d only.
N is principally remarkable in Latin from its use as a sort
of anusvárah (see N. Crat. ὃ 223). In this use it is inserted,
generally before the second consonant of the root, as in tu-n-do,
root tud-; fi-n-do, root fid-, &c.; but sometimes after it, as in
ster-n-o, root ster-, stra-; sper-n-o, root sper-, spre-; 8i-n-0,
root st-, &c. This nasal insertion is found in modern transitions
as when the chamedrys (yapaiépus), i.e. the quercula or “speed- .
well" is called gamander or germander.
Conversely, N becomes evanescent in certain cases, particu-
larly before 8 and v. Thus consul is written cosol (abbreviated
904 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
into cos), where the N is represented by a long pronunciation of
the preceding vowel, as appears from the Greek transcription
κῶνσουλ (Corssen, I. p. 101); and we find cesor, infas, victes,
vicesimus for censor, infans, victens, vicensumus (see Corssen, I.
p.30 b). Similarly k is elided, especially before 5. Thus we
have in old Latin advosis for advorsus, prosus for prorsus (as in
prosa oratio), rosus for rursus (Müller ad Fest. p. 25). We have
even susum-jusum for sursum deorsum in later Latin (see Journal
of Philology, March 1858, p. 200). This omission of N is regu-
lar in the Greek particles in -εἰς, and in other words, e. g. ὀδούς ;
it seems also to have been the rule in Umbrian. As the Greeks
wrote -ἧς for the Latin ns, 80 conversely the Romans wrote then-
saurus for the Greek θησαυρόςϊ (Munro, Journal of Philology,
Feb. 1860, p. 283). This seems to show that n before s was
merely a nasal sound, which lengthened the preceding vowel.
In the Romance language the Latin termination -ensis generally
loses its N (see Schneider, I. 2, p. 458). Thus we have Vaudois
by the side of Waldenses, bourgeois for burgensis, courtois for cor-
tensis, &c. In Italian we have Veronese for Veronensis, marchese
for marchensis, paese for pagensis; and the last two pass into the
French marguts and pays. The most important instance of the
omission of N before Υ is furnished by the common word contio,
derived from conventio through the form coventio?, which is
found in old inscriptions (see Senat. Cons. de Bacc. 22). Simi-
larly, convent becomes covent (‘‘ Covent-garden, &c."), Conflu-
| entes is turned into Coblenz, and fünf into “five.” In English
the prefix con is shortened into co- before all conaonants, in spite
of the remonstrances of Bentley. On the contractions of con in
Latin, see Lachmann on Lucret. 11. 1061.
1 This word has nothing to do with aurum, but contains the root of
τίθημι under the same extension and modification as the name Θησεύ-ς,
which denotes “‘the arranger;" so that θησανυ-ρός = θησαξ -ρός is merely
“a store-room or receptacle of things arranged and set in order." As
a matter of usage θησαυρός is by no means confined to the signification,
in which we use the word “ treasure," i.e. as a hoard of money or
articles of specific value.
2 Contio stands related to conventio as nundine to novendine, nuntius
to novi-ven-tius, &c. For the latter, comp. nov-i-tius. Domitius, the pro-
per name, seems to signify "the home-goer;” so propitius, as the ante-
cedent of praesens, when said of a deity. Jlithyia (old fem. of εἰλειθώς)
might be rendered Propitia.
,
"up
§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 305
With regard to the changes experienced by the dentals in
the passage from Latin to the Romance dialects, the following
instances may suffice. D and T are frequently dropt in the
French forms of Latin words: (a) Ὁ: Andegavi, Fr. Anjou; Ca-
durci, Fr. Cahors ; Mediomatrices, Fr. Metz ; Meduana, Fr. May-
enne; Melodunum, Fr. Melun (cf. Mediolanum, It. Milano) ;
— cauda (It. coda, Sp. cola), Fr. queue; fides, Fr. fot; media-
nocte, Fr. mi-nuit; nudus, Fr. nu; Rhodanus, Fr. Rhone; va-
dum, Fr. gué; videre, Fr. voir!. So also in the passage from
verbs compounded with ad, we have aorer and aorner from ado-
rare and adornare, and the English “ aim" from adestimare
through the old French aesmer (Duchat, apud Menage Dict.
Etymol, 1. p. 549, ed. 1750). (δ) T: acetum, Lomb. aseo;
ad-satis, Fr. as-sez (originally assetz); Autura, Fr. Eure;
amatus, Fr. aimé; Bituriges, Fr. Bourges; Matisco, Fr. Magon;
Jhedones, Fr. Rennes; Rodumna, Fr. Rouanne; Catalaunt, Fr.
Chálons; pater, Fr. pàre; Ruthent, Fr. Rodez; vita, Fr. vie.
There is a double abbreviation in Arras from .Atrebates. So
also we have Mayence from Moguntiacum, .page from .paedae . «
gogium (N. Crat. § 225), and Rich-borough from Rutupium,
where we have also the change from p: to ch (above, p. 290).
In Grenoble from Gratianopolis the first three syllables are con-
tracted, just as in grà from gratia, in malgré, &c. On the con-
trary, D intrudes or is revived in certain prepositions when com-
pounded with verbs beginning with a vowel; thus we have prod-
est but pró-sunt, red-eo, but re-verto, and as we have re-cido, re-
Jéro, re-pello, re-perio, it may be doubtful whether reccid?, rep-
puli, repperi, rettuli are for red-cidt, red-puli, red-pert, red-tult,
or for re-cecidi, re-pepult, re-pepert, re-tetuli. Corssen supposes
the latter change (Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet. τι. p. 46). — .Rellsgto, rel-
liquie, &c. favour the former supposition. In the Romance lan-
this letter is sometimes inserted as a fulerum between the
liquids » and r, as in cendré, Dordogne, gendre, tendre, from
ciner-is, Durantus, gener, tener; viendr-ai, tiendr-at for ventr-ai
(venire habeo), tener-a4 (tenere habeo), &c.; vendredt for Veneris
! The French sometimes drop the p before a guttural in words of
German extraction, as in Huguenot for Bidg&rossen, or Fid-genoten, i i. e.
“ conspirators,”
D.V, 20
306 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. vir.
die, ἄς. This will remind the classical student of the similar
insertion in the Greek ἀν-δ-ρός, ἄς. ; and both the Greeks and
the Romans apply the same principle to the labials also. The
combination TI is almost always represented by a soft α in
French words derived from the Latin: as age, étage, mariage
from etatium, statio, marttatto. In these cases it is matter of
indifference whether we suppose a softening of the whole combi-
nation (Δ΄, Crat. S 112) or an omission of the dental and sub-
stitution of the ¢=7, as in the labial forms mentioned above
(p. 290).
The indistinctnegs with which the French pronounce N at
the end of a word has given rise to some etymological, or rather
orthographical, inconsistencies in that language. Not the least
remarkable of these is the appearance of 8 instead of M or N in
the first person of many verb-forms. If we compare suts with
the Italian sono on the one hand, and the Spanish soy on the
other, and remember that the first and third persons of the
present tense in the Romance verbs do not exhibit & final 8 in
the oldest examples of the language, we may conclude that the Β
in this and other French forms is an arbitrary orthographic
‘appendage. The termination -οὗ — enste shows that soy is not
an inadequate representative of sono.
There are some few instances of a metathesis of 1, in the ap-
parent transition from Greek to Latin ; thus we have γλυκύς (from
ὁλυκύς, Ahrens, d. dial. dol. p. 73), πνεύμων (from πλεύμων),
γλάφω, γλύφω by the side of dulcis, pulmo, scalpo, sculpo (Cors-
sen, I. p. 78). 10, N, B, are frequently interchanged as the Latin
passes into the Romance idiom. 1% passes into ΕἸ in apótre,
epttre, Orne, rossignol, titre, &c., from apostolus, epistola, Olina,
luscintola, titulus, &c.;—N into L in alma, Barcelona, Bologna,
Lebriza from anima, Barcino, Bononta, Nebrissa ;—N into R in
1 Ad-dlare might bo regarded as an instance of the converse change
from R to L: namely, as compounded of ad and wla=oipd, and as refer-
ring, like the Greek σαίνειν (ΞΞ σείειν, “to shake or wag”), to the dog
blandishing, fawning, and wagging his tail. But a more probable analysis
would be to suppose a contracted reduplication from ad-ululo in the
usual sense of ad and sfipá with verbs expressing a sound; compare
ad-oro.
2
ΩΣ
;
,
“ὁ
Pd
§ 5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 807
diaore from diaconus, in sero, sevi by the side of sino, sivi, and
in Langres from Lingones, Nevers from Noviodunum. In old
Latin r passes into ἦ, as in Coles Vivenna from Ceres (above, .
p. 33); but / passes into r in ceruleus from celuleus, We seem
to have a change of 2 into r, or vice versa, in lis, litis from stlit,
compared with the German sérett.
Lisa represeptation of D in Giles from 4Egidius, in eller
for edera, and in Versiglia for Vesidia.
The Italians vocalize L into 1 when it follows certain conso-
nants: compare clamare, clarus, clavis, flos, Florentia, fluctus,
flumen, obliquus, Placentia, planus, plenus, &c., with chiamare,
chiaro, chiave, fiore, Fiorenze (Firenze), otto, fiume, bteco (Fr. .
e bias" "), Piacenza, piano, pieno, &c. _-
he French vocalize the Latin D into L, which seems to
have been in the first instance only an affection of the previous
vowel, into which the L was subsequently absorbed. "Thus alter
was first written aulire, and then autre. This affection of a
preceding vowel by the liquid which follows is not uncommon in
other languages. The Greeks in some of their dialects pro-
nounced the vowel broad before or after p: comp. φρασί with
φρεσί, &c.: and the common people in Dorsetshire pronounce.o
like a when it is followed by r and another consonant; thus
George is pronounced Gearge, storm, starm, &c. The French
absorption of the L is almost universal: it is regular in the
dative of the article au=a le, aux=2 les; in the plurals of
nouns in 7, as animales, animaux ; canales, canauz, &c. But
it is also found in a number of other words, in which the vowel
‘preceding / is not a ; even when it is %- compare aliquis unve,
altare, ἐλεημοσύνη, Bulgare, felix (like ὁ μακαρίτης, used in
speaking of the dead), uina, &c., with the French aucun, autel,
auméne, bougre, feu (anciently written feux and feula), aune, &c.
§ 5. The Vowels.
The philological student must always bear in mind that there
are two distinct classes of vowels; the one containing the vowels
1 It is probable that the word “bias” came from France with the
game of bowls; and as denoting that one-sided weight which makes the
sphere run obliquely, it is connected in meariing as well as origin with
biais =bieco= obieco = obliquus.
ee 20—2
808 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
of articulation, A, E, O; the other comprising the vocalized conso-
nants I and 1. In other words, there are only three distinct
. vowels, A, I, U ; for E and o differ from A in weight only.
The original alphabet is a syllabarium consisting of breathings
and consonants, which are articulated by the sound A. Now the
character A, in its original application, denotes the lightest of the
breathings, the character E the heaviest of them, and the cha-
racter O a breathing which is intermediate in weight. Conse-
quently, on the principle that the lightest vowel always co-exists
with the heaviest form (see .N. Crat. SS 101, 222, &c.), when
these breathings were no longer indicated by distinct characters,
. A would represent the heaviest articulation-vowel, £ the lightest,
and o that which stands between them in point of weight. That
this is actually the order of the articulation-vowels, considered in
respect to the weight of the combinations in which they are
found, is clearly established by an examination of the existing
forms in the most perfect of the Indo-Germanic languages.
The vowels I and wv result from the vocalisation, not of
breathings,—as is the case with A, E, 0,—but of mutes. The
former is the ultimate state of the softened or assibilated gut-
turals and dentals, the latter is the residuum of the labials
(N. Crat.§ 108). Even in cases, in which they are regularly
used as vowels, I and U occasionally revert by synizesis to their
consonantal use. Thus we have connubia (Lucret. 111. 741) and
connubio (Verg. Ain. τ. 18); ebulliat (Pers. 11. 10), abiete (Verg.
ZEn. τι. 16), principium (Horat. 3 Carm. vi. 6), as words of
three syllables; and tenuis (Lucr. 1. 875), duarum (Ter. Heaut.
II. 3, 85) as two syllables, duellica (Lucr. 11. 661) as three sylla-
bles, tue (Ter. Andr. 1. 5, 61) as one syllable; in which 1 and u
are pronounced like y or J and v or w (see Corssen, 11. 167 sqq).
But, though they are of different origin from A and its subordi-
nates, they must be considered, especially in the Latin language,
as occasionally approximating in sound to the vowels derived
from breathings, and as representing them in certain cases, where
forms of an intermediate weight require an intermediate weight
of vowels. This will be best shown by examples, from which it
will appear that the vowels 1 and U have shades of value, or
rather that they admit of subdivision into other vowels, differing
from them in weight, as E and 0 differ from a, but not expressed
$5.] ANALYBIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 309
in different characters, at least in the existing written remains of
the Latin language.
It has been remarked that the a of the root-syllable is
changed into ¢ or e in secondary formations according to a fixed
rule: namely, that a becomes + when the root-syllable in the
longer form. remains otherwise unchanged; but the α is turned
into e when the root-syllable is followed immediately by an adsci-
titious consonant, or when the consonant following the root-vowel
is thrown back upon the vowel by some semi-consonant, like $,
or ex:y (see Bopp, Vergleich. Gramm. p. 5; Rosen, Journal of
Education, vitt. p. 844; N. Crat. ὃ 222"). The following ex-
amples may suffice to establish this:
A I E
amicus . $n-imtcus . *enmity."
arma . fn-ermis.
ars . . ners.
barba P . ém-berbis.
oc-ciput bi-ceps.
caput | prin-ctptum pra-ceps.
8in-ciput /n-cepa.
ce-cids
cado {sell otdéum.
cem . . con-centus.
cano . ina ΛΩΝ
facio .. puo profi . o-fectus.
factum . . profecto.
fallo fe felis.
fastus . pro- festus.
gradior TP" re-gredior.
jacio abyicto . ab-jectus.
taceo con-ticesco.
tango . con-tingo.
The cause of the change from 1 to E is farther shown by the
change back again from x to I when the root is not followed by
1 Similar to this is the case of gametz ‘hatuph in Hebrew, for here the
long à becomes ó in consequence of the consonant in auslaut being
thrown back on the vowel of articulation.
810 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
two consonants: thus, bi-ceps, &c., become bi-cipitis, &c. in the
genitive; and similarly tubi-cen[s] makes tubi-cinis. Another
change from 1 to E is to be remarked in the transformation of
the diphthongs aI, ΟἹ into AEand ΟΕ. It was also a peculiarity of
the Latin writers from the earliest times to use E as a repre-
sentative of EI, for which also they occasionally substituted 1.
Thus, while Ἤπειρος becomes Epirus; Det, Di; Deis, Dis ; &c. ;
we have naves by the side of navets=navis, and both tris and
tres by the side of treis. Schwartze (alte /Egypten, 1. p. 605)
distinguishes three main periods of Latin orthography in regard
to the pronunciation of I and E. The peculiarity of the first
and oldest period consisted in the employment of E with a dull
I sound, which Schwartze terms the E pinguis. The second
period, which immediately preceded the classical, wrote I instead
of this E pinguts. The third or classical period in a considerable
number of forms introdueed an E, which formally corresponded
to the old E pinguis, but was materially different from it, and
this, as it possessed the true sound of E, he calls the phonetic x.
It is worthy of remark that as Ennius introduced the custom
of doubling the mutes, semivowels, and liquids for the purpose
of expressing the sharp sound which they sometimes threw back
on the preceding vowel (Festus, p. 293), and as a substitute for
the s?cilicus or inverted c, which was also used for the same pur-
pose, as in sel’a, ser?a, as"eres (Mar. Victor. p. 2456), so also the
tragedian Attius introduced double vowels for the purpose of in-
dicating that the syllable was long by nature (Vel. Long. p. 2220),
a practice which is observed in inscriptions from the time of
the Gracchi up to Cicero's consulship (Ritschl, de Vocalibus
Geminatis ab Atto Grammatico, cited by Corssen, I. p. 8). Thus
they wrote Feelix, luuce, pequlatuu, juus, &c. In order, how-
ever, to mark a double 1, they sometimes wrote EI as in wutet,
and sometimes used a large single letter, as in felicl, flent, Alc,
&c. 'The Romans seem to have had a special objection to the
double 11, and used various substitutes for it. Sometimes we
have IE where the form of the word ought to have given II, as in
alt-enus for ali-inus, vart-egare for vari-igare or var-igare (cf.
levigare, clamitare). Sometimes a simple long 1 is found instead
of EI or I1; thus t7, tis, dii, deis, do not appear in the best ages
of the language; but we have either et, eis, det, dets, or &, ie, di,
§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 911
dis. And the genitive in -4?, except in adjectives, is generally
written -i in the best authors of the Augustan age. This rule is
applied also to the concurrences of 7 and $, and we find in the
best MSS. not adjicio, injicto, rejicio, projicto, &c., but adicio, .
tnicto, reicto, proicio, &c. (Corssen, 1. p. 312). "The j is retained
as a distinct consonant both before and after other vowels; thus
we have adjungo, ejuro, ejectus, projectus, and it allows the pre-
ceding vowel to remain short in bijugus, trijugus, quadrijugus,
alttijugus. It is remarkable that the only ¢ verbs which regularly
have ibam for tebam in the imperfect are those which change
$$ into e or e in the present, namely, eo for ¢-to, queo for qui-to,
ct-o or ci-eo for ci-t0.
The vowel o has had a curious destiny in the growth and
decline of the Latin language. Up to the time of the Syrian
war it retained its place, like the Greek 0, as a formative letter.
Thus we have Luciom, quom, tgnavom, avom, &c. in the earlier
period; but Lucium, quum or cum, ignavum, avum, &c. during
the literary epoch. Then again in the Italian these u's are
turned into o's, as in Lucio, incognito, and the like (see Corssen,
I. p. 208). Even the weaker vowels 1 and E have in many cases
excluded an original o. Thus we have tlle, slim and «ilis for
ollus, olim, and oloes; and voto, volim, vorro, vorto, voster, are
regularly written veto, velim, verro, verto, vester. In secondary
formations 0 retains its place to the end in contrast to A, E and
1; thus we have (Corssen, I. pp. 234, 235):
A E - I
O
pars portio
martulus mamers mors
fero fers
cello collis
gendo pondus
tego toga
mens memint moneo
di-dict (dés-c0) | doceo
= dio-sco
nex noceo
terra torreo
ex-torres
The appearance of 0 for A in the nominative of feminine nouns
912 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. VII.
which have A in the inflexions (e.g. egmo, egmad, egmazum,
above, pp. 144, 150), is peculiar to the Oscan; for the influence
of the last m is sufficient to explain the usual first person in 0 by
the side of inqguam and sum.
The next comparison, in point of weight which suggests it-
self, is that between the secondary vowels I and U; and ἴῃ order
to make this comparison satisfactorily, it will be well to consider
first their subdivisions. It appears, then, that there are three
distinct uses of each of these vowels: I is (1) a very long vowel,
the representative of the diphthong A1—AE; (2) a vowel of medium
length, frequently as we have seen above, the representative of
a, the first part of that diphthong; (3) a very short vowel ap-
proximating to the sound of the shortest U, and used chiefly
before R. Similarly, U is (1) a very long vowel, the represen-
tative of the diphthong o1—0E; (2) a vowel of medium length,
generally answering to 0, the first part of that diphthong; (3) a
very short vowel, approximating to the sound of the shortest I,
and used chiefly before 1. The old Italians had separate cha-
racters for I, and U,, which differed from the other characters by
the addition of certain marks: 1, was written f, like the Greek
spiritus asper, and U, was written Y. It is remarkable that the
emperor Claudius, when he introduced his new letters into the
Roman alphabet to express the consonant v, the Greek q^, and
the modification 1,, while he inverted the digamma (thus 4) to
express the first, and joined two sigmas (thus )¢ ) to express the '
second, which was consequently called antisigma (Priscian, p.
545, Putsch ; 1. p. 40, Krehl), was contented to borrow the third
from the old alphabet of the Oscans.
The following examples will justify the subdivision which I
have made of the vowels 1 and v.
I,.—In composition we find this long vowel in the root-
syllable of words which contain the dipthong as=ae. Thus,
from cs-témo we have ex-tstimo; from aequus we have tn-iquus ;
from cedo, con-cido, oc-cido; from ledo, col-lido; from quero,
in-quiro; &c. We may recognize the same substitution in vt-fs
for via-is, &c. This long 1, as we have seen, also represents the
diphthong EI, and it is used as a contraction for 11, especially in
the genitives of nouns in -tus. It has been already mentioned that,
when employed for either of these purposes, it is expressed in the
' 85.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 313
Inscriptions by an exaggeration of form; thus we have pIs, ALI,
opt, for Deis, al, οὐδέ; and that, conversely, a doubled .
vowel is written to represent one long vowel; thus we have
(Orelli, no. 1287): LEEGEALBAANA for lege Albana. There
are some cases in which a long 1 represents the diphthong o1=o¢,
as tllis, priviculis or. privis, libertas, pylumni populi, fascini, &c.
for oloes (Fest. p. 19), privicloes (id. p. 205), loebertas (id. p. 121),
pilumne puple (id. p. 205), fescemno (id. p. 86) &c.
I,.—This is the commonest power of the Roman 1. It is,
however, 8 representative of A in other Cases besides those given
above: thus, énter stands for the old antar, tlle represents the
Sanscrit anya, old Latin ollus, &c. From the examples quoted
by Schwartze, das alte /Egypten, 1. pp. 543, sqq., there need
be no doubt that the older Romans used E as a representative
of 1,.
I,.—The sound of this letter is indicated by a passage in
Velius Longus (p. 2235, Putsch): “Unde fit, ut sepe aliud
scribamus, aliud enuntiemus, sicut supra (p. 2219) locutus sum
de viro et virtute, ubi 1 scribitur et pene v enuntiatur; unde
Ti. Claudius novam quandam litteram excogitavit, similem ei
note, quam pro aspiratione Greci ponunt, per quam scriberentur
es voces, que neque secundum exilitatem litterz I, neque secun~
dum pinguitudinem littere v sonant, ut in vtro et virtute, neque
rursus secundum latum littere sonum enuntiarentur, ut in eo
quod est legere, scribere." From this passage we learn that 1
before R was pronounced somewhat like U, as in the case with
us; and we also draw, the important inference that legere and
scribere must have been pronounced lire and sorire. In augur
and the proper name Spurius this pronunciation seems to be ex-
pressed by the vowel vu. The latter is a derivation from super,
and is equivalent in meaning to Superbus (above, p. 32); the |
former is a derivative from avi-gero, as may be proved by a
curious analogy between the derivatives of avi-s, ‘a bird," and
@-s, “ἃ weight or burden." For as edt-tt-mus means a person
who is conversant with a temple (Fest. p. 13 - edis tntimus),
S0 avitimus would mean “conversant with birds," «cs-témus,
‘conversant with weights';" hence, as augury and weighing
1 4ZEs-timia or as-timium occurred in old Latin; see Fest. p. 26.
na
314 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
were the two most usual means of forming a judgment, both
au-tumo and es-tumo signified “to judge.” Comp. the use of
con-templor, con-sidero. Again, as @-ger signifies “ bearing a
burden," or ‘“ burdened,” and ne-ger, “not able to bear,” or
* weak" (Fest. p. 165, s. v. ne-gritu[do]), 80 augur would mean
“bearing a bird," or “dealing with birds" (belli-ger, &c.) :
comp. au-apex, &c. On the proper orthography of Virgilius or
Vergilius the student will find the principal authorities in Wag-
ner's Virgil, Vol. v. p. 479.
The existence of such' a short vowel as 1, is necessary for the
explanation of those forms in which 1 appears to be lighter than
E. Thus, from lego, rego, teneo, we have col-ligo, di-rigo,
re-tineo; and the 1 thus introduced is so short, that it is omitted
altogether in some compounds of rego, as per[r]-go, sur[r]-go.
In the rustic pronunciation of the Italians 1 was frequently drop-
ped (as in ame, from animus), and the E, on the other hand,
was lengthened improperly; see Cie. de Orat. 111. 12, ὃ 46:
* Quare Cotta noster, eujus tu illa lata, Sulpici, nonnumquam
imitaris, ut tota litteram tollas, et E plenissimum dicas, non mihi
oratores antiquos, sed messores videtur imitari."
U,.—The interchange of the diphthong οὗ τ οὐ with this
value of U is of constant occurrence. Thus we have otnos, amus,
unus; morus, morus, murus; similarly we have usus for otsus,
oesus, cura for cotra’ and cera, plurimus for ploirumus and
plorumus, ludus, for loidos and ledos, &c.; and in Bosotian Greek
éuv for ἐμοέ (Apollon. de Pronom. p. 364). The observation
of some of these changes leads to interesting etymologies; as,
for instance, in the case of the word prelium, formerly written
protlium (see Muretus, Var. Lect. v1. 4); cf. the proper name -
Olelius for Clutliue. The Greeks, like the Highlanders of
Scotland, placed their best-armed soldiers in the firat line, and by
these the battle was begun and generally decided. Hence these
ἥρωες or ὁπλῖται were called spvAées,—which is interpreted
πρόμαχοι (see Hermann. Opusc. iv. p. 289; Müller, Dor. 111.
1 This form of cura, which connects itself directly with the Goth.
kara, O. H. G. chara, Anglo-Sax. caru, Engl. “care,” carries us back to
. the word cver, which I have noticed in the Etruscan inscriptions above
Chap. v. ᾧ 8.
§ 5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 915
12, $ 10), and is undoubtedly another form of προιλέες ; and
hence the skirmish or battle between the van of the two armies
was termed προ-έλεον or protium. This etymology is confirmed
by the obvious derivation of milites. The Greek language ex-
pressed large numbers in terms derived from common objects:
thus, χέλιοι, “a thousand,” is connected with χιλός, “a heap of
fodder,” from χέω, “ to scatter abroad ;" and μύριοι, “ ten thou-
sand,” with μύρω, “to pour forth water.” Similarly, the Latin
m-ile, ** & thousand," means only ** a large number," “a crowd"
(op-tdéa) ; and m-tl-ttes are “ those who march in a large body"
(compare part-etes, “ those which go round," scil. the house), t.e.
‘the common soldiers" (cf. above, p. 30). So that we have three
classes of warriors: (1) the «rpvAées, 4.e. mpo-chées or ἥρωες,
“the choice troops, who fought in the van ;" (2) the [ha] m-ihttes,
or, * common soldiers, who marched in a body ;" (8) the egv-
ttes, or “cavalry, who went. on horseback,” ‘The rorar$ seem
to have derived their name from the idea of spreading out or
pouring forth, which is conveyed by χίλιοι and μύριοι, and not
from the fanciful resemblance of slight drops before a heavy
shower.
In the same way as the diphthong ΑΙ becomes 1,, the diph-
thong AU becomes U,: comp. causa, ac-cuso; claudo, $n-cludo ;
&c. The same is the case with the Greek diphthong ov, @ov-
κυδίδης, Thucydides, &c.; and even with its Latin equivalent
ou,—thus we have indouco for tndiico on the bronze table of
Tivoli (above, Chap. vr. ὃ 19). The diphthong AU is sometimes
represented by ó- aw, as in Sanscrit: comp. plaudo, ex-plodo;
Claudius, Clodius ; &c. So also we have suf-foc-are from faux,
oratus for auratus (Fest. p. 182), osptcatur for auspicatur (Claud.
Hist. lib. vi11; Diom. p. 878) ; Olus for Aulus (Gellius, N. A. xv11.
21, $17); rodus for raudus (Fest. p. 265) ; horto for haurto (Cato,
R. R. 66), ἄς. In ob-oedto, from audio (Cic. de legibus, 1v. 3, 86 ;
Plaut. Att. Trag. rel. p. 164; Afran. Com. rel. p. 162, Ribbeck),
AU is represented by the lighter diphthong o1'; and it is a
further proof of the tendency to interchange U, and 1, *that the
1 Corssen’s derivation of ob-ad-io from ob-aus-id-ire = ob-os-id-ire
zz 6b-o-id-ire (1. p. 197) seems to me quite unnecessary, not to say
-ς
Pre
916 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
diphthong o1=0E, which is so often represented by v, also appears
as I: thus, otconomus is written tconomus, ὁδοιδόκος appears as
hodidocus, Οἰνόμαος a8 Inomaus, κοιμητήριον 88 cimeterium, &c.
Sometimes, on the contrary, OE is represented by the first vowel
only, as in diocesis, poema, &c., from διοίκησις, ποίημα, &c. (see
Gifanius, in Mureti Opp. 1. p. 550, Ruhnken.) With regard to
ποιέω, the omission of the ὁ was common enough in Greek (see
Porson, Tracts, p. 63; Dindorf, ad Arist. Nub. 1448, Acharn.
410). The pronunciation of yéz w, as in Jlithyia = Εἰλείθυια,
is best explained on the hypothesis that the y=v became eva-
nescent, just as the a in az and aw is omitted in the derived
᾿ς forms, for yi — ve is certainly pronounced with a single utterance.
That u$ may be shortened to ¢ is clear from the forms posit for
posuit. (Orelli, C. I. nos. 71, 1475, 1732, 3087, 4139), tis for
tuis (Id. no. 4847), ss for suis (Lucr. 11. 1038; v. 1076.
Fest. 8. v. 808). In the same way uw is shortened into u (Orelli,
nos. 1108, 3488) and ἐΐ into ¢ (Gruter, p. DLXXIII., and cf. all
the genitives of nouns in tus).
U,.—This is the common short u of the Romans. Τί corre-
sponds generally to the short 0 of the Greeks; and nouns of the
o-declension always exhibit this U in Latin; comp. λύκος, lupus;
ἵππος, equus; &c. It is probably a remnant of the Etruscan U.
In the older Latin inscriptions we have seen o used for this
value of uv. Thus we have consol for consul, Luctom for
Lucium, &c. In Greek transcriptions of Latin words this U,
although short, is represented by ov; thus we have Νουμάς,
Κορβούλων, τούομ, κιρκονίτουμ, &c. for Niima, Corbiilo, tiium,
circióttum, &c. (Corssen. 1. p. 150).
U,.—This letter, like 1,, must be considered as a point of
contact between I and v. Indeed, it may be doubtful in some
cases whether U, has not been written for r. The passage of
this U, into an approximate I is of the following nature :—First,
a short O is changed into U,. The genitive of the Greek im-
parisyllabic declension ends in -os: for this the oldest Latin
substitutes -us, as in Castorus, nominus, partus, Venerus, honorus,
ἄς. compared with Senatuos, magistratuos, domuos, &c. Some
of these old genitives remained to the end of the language, as
alius, ejus, hujus, illius, &c. Again, the 1st pers. plur. of the
Greek verb ended in -ouev—-opes : for this the old Romans wrote
ἢ 5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 817
-umus, & form still preserved in sumus and volumus. Again, in
old Latin the vowel of the crude form is preserved in the inflex-
ions, as in arcu-bus, optu-mus, pontu-fex, &c. But hn all three
cases the later Latin exhibits an 1: thus we have Castoris,
nominis, &c.; dicimus, scribimus, &c.; arcibus, optimus, ponti-
fév, &c. In these cases we observe that U — O passes into a
simple 1. But there are other instances in which the transition
seems to go still farther. As the reduplication-syllable is gene-
rally shorter than the root-syllable in the preterite of verbs, we
should expect that the U or O in.the first syllable of cu-currt,
mo-mordi, pu-pugi, tu-tudt, would be an approximation to U,.’
Then, again, in cultus, culmen, &c. from colo, columen, &c., and
in tugurium, by the side of toga, the vu is clearly leas significant
than o, though the u here may have been partly occasioned
by that affinity between u« and / of which the French furnishes
so many examples, and which we also see in the transition from
the Greek ᾿Ασκλήπιος, Ἡρακλῆς, Πατροκλῆς to the Latin
ZEsculapius, Hercules, Patricoles.. This light U or 0, however,
is inserted before the consonants in the transcription from Greek
to Latin; thus we have drachuma, Alcwmena, Alcumao, Tecu-
messa. for δραχμή, ᾿Αλκμήνη, ᾿Αλκμαίων, Τέκμησσα (Corssen, I.
p. 253). There are some cases in which we conclude that the v,
which is written, has less weight even than 1. This might be
inferred from con-culco, the secondary form of calco, which, ac-
cording to the above table, should be either con-ctlco or con-celco;
and also from difficultas, sepultus, derived from difficilis and
sepelio. The fact seems to be, that what would be'1 before n,
becomes U, before L; so that U,, r, are both ultimate forms of
their respective vowels, and as such are in a state of converg-
ence.
Accordingly, if we should seek to arrange the Latin vowels
in regard to their comparative weight, we should, as the result
of this inquiry, have the following order:
A (as in must, &c.);. U,, I; A; O U,, L; E; U, 1.
1 The older writers wrote memordi, peposci, pepugi, spepondi, according
to Gellius, N. A. vit. 9, who, however, says of the common spelling, * ita
nunc omnes ferme doctiores bujusmodi verbis utuntur."
918 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. vir.
Corssen, who has examined the vowel-changes at some
length, considers (1. p. 298) that contiguous consonants produce
a regular séries of changes in the neighbouring vowels, which he
represents jn the following table (p. 299):
ἃ becomes o, 4, ^ @, t,
» o becomes v, e, t,
u becomes e, 1,
e becomes 1, u,
a becomes e.
And he gives the following as the general result of his investi-
gations (1. p. 323):
A sinks into vu before the labials 5, p, v, m, before © simple ἶ,
and before / and another consonant.
A sinks infe e in a closed syllable before two or more conso-
nants and before r.
A is weakened into ¢ before all simple consonants,. except
those already specified.
E often sinks into 4.
Ο generally remains unchanged.
U is always immutable.
I, as the thinnest and lightest. vowel, is not capable of any
further extenuation.
8 6. The Greek Letters used by the Romans.
The Greek letters more rarely employed by the Romans
were Z, K, and v. Two of these, Z and K, were, as we have seen
(above, S 1), included in the oldest alphabet, derived by the
Romans from the Greeks of Cuma. But when a was formed
from c, Z resigned its place to the former letter, and C super-
seded almost every use of K. On the other hand, z was re-intro-
duced before the death of Cicero, and an attempt was made by a
grammarian to re-habilitate K in general use. The letter y did
not appear in the oldest Roman alphabet, and was borrowed
during the literary epoch expressly for the purpose of writing an
equivalent to T in words transcribed from the Greek. We must
therefore remember with regard to these three letters that k,
although rarely used, was always to be found in thé Roman
§ 6.] ANALYSIB OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 319
alphabet; that z was an original letter, which made way for a,
but was afterwards replaced at the end of the alphabet ; and that
Y never appeared until it accompanied z on the restoration of
that consonant to the Roman franchise.
Although z appears in the Umbrian and Oscan monuments,
and though it occurred in the Salian songs (Velius Longus,
p. 2217: ‘“ Mihi videtur nec aliena sermoni fuisse z littera, cum
inveniatur in carmine Saliari"), we find that, even in words
borrowed from the Greek, this letter is represented by di, as in
Sabadius for Σέβαξος (Apuleius, Met. viri. 170), judatdiare for
judaizare (Commodian, Instruct. adv. Gent. c. xxxvit. 684),
trapedia for trapeza (Auctor. Ret. Agrar. p. 248), schidia for
schiza, oridia for oriza, &c. (vide Schneid. Elementarl. 1. p. 886;
and Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 296, note ἢ. The fact seems to be,
that the Romans had two different characters to express the two
different values of the Greek z, which was a dental, either assi-
bilated (as do transposed in some dialects to a5), or softened (as
Sy). Now, in its latter use it becomes equivalent to the softened
guttural; for the dental and guttural, when combined with y,
which is the ultimate vocalisation of the gutturals, converge in
the sound of our or sh (New Crat. §§ 112, 216). When, there-
fore, the Greek z more nearly approximates to the sound o6,
either this is preserved in the Latin transcriptions, as in Mes-
dentius, Sdepherus for Mezentius, Zephyrus (Max. Victor. p. 1945);
or the ὃ is assimilated to the c, as in Messentius, massa, atticisso,
comissor, badisso, malacisso, &c., by the side of Mezentius, μάζα,
ἀττικίζω, κωμάζξω, βαδίζω, paraxifw, &c.; or else one or other
of the two component parts is omitted, as in Saguntus for Za-
kynthus, or Medentius for Mezentius. In this case, too, we may
consider that the letter 2 occasionally steps in, as in rizàyby-
the side of ἔὄρι[δ]ς. When, however, the Greek z is a softened
6, and therefore equivalent to a softened guttural, we find that
it is represented either by the full combination di, as in‘ the
cases quoted above, or else by the vocalized guttural (7) only.
Of this latter substitution there are numberless instances: such
as Ju-piter, Ζεὺς πατήρ; jugum, ξεῦγος; &c. Of these the
most important are the cases connected with the first-quoted
example, Ju-piter = Dies-pater; and I must take this oppor-
tunity of returning to one etymology belonging to this class,
320 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII.
which has always appeared to me to open the way to a chain
of the most interesting associations.
It has been shown elsewhere (N. Crat. S 116) how the
Greek H, originally the mark of aspiration, came to be used as
a sign for the long e. Out of that investigation it appeared—
(1) that a short vowel aspirated may be equivalent to an un-
aspirated long vowel; (2) that the vocalized consonants $ and τ
may change their place; (3) that these vocalized consonants may
be absorbed into or represented by the long vowel only. To
the instances given there, I will now add the iota subscriptum
of the Greek dative, and the Ionic Greek absorption of v after c,
as in Odupa, ἑωυτοῦ, &c.! These principles explain the con-
nexion between ἧπαρ, jecur (Sanscr. yakrit); ἥμισυ, διάμεσος,
dimidius; and between ἡμέρα — διάμερος, and dies? (comp. diu-
turnus, juturna; Diana, Janus, &c.). Now, besides ἡμέρα, we
have an adjective ἥμερος, “civilized,” "cultivated," &c. the
regular antithesis of ἄγριος; and it has been suggested (ibid.
S 150), that this word was originally applied to a country
through which there was a road or passage, a country divided
by a road (διάμερος) ; just as ἄγριος was properly applied to a
rude, open country, with nothing but ὥγροιδ. This is sufficiently
proved by Atsch. Humen. 13, 14: κελευθόποιοι παῖδες “Hdalo-
του, χθόνα ἀνήμερον τιθέντες ἡμερωμένην. Pind. Isthm. 111. 76
(1v. 97): vavriXaw Te πορθμὸν ἀμερώσατο. Herod. 1. 126:
! In many editions of Herodotus we have these words written θῶῦμα,
ἑδωῦτοῦ, &c.; but the accentuation of θῶυμα sufficiently proves that it isa
dissyllable ; and even if we had not this evidence, it would be contrary
to all analogy to infer a resolution of a diphthong in a crasis, the sole
object of which is to shorten the word. Why should ravró be written,
if it were a word of as many syllables as τὸ avró?
3 In the name of the city Ἱμέρα (another form of ἡμέρα, see Bóckh's
note on Pindar, O. x11. 13-21, p. 210), the preposition διά is represented
by the aspirated ε. In the words anti-quus, posti-cus, from antea, postea,
we have i-:edzeas.
8 Hence χῶρος with its old synonym χορός (New Crat. § 280), might
be considered as an adjective agreeing with the suppressed word ἄγρος,
just as χώρα might refer to the suppressed word γῆ: and thus χῶρος
signifies “land not built on"—-either the open space in a town, or fields
‘in the country (Herod. n. 154: δίδωσε χώρους évoujca),—&and χώρα
rather signifies “a region," “a territory," in the wider sense.
§ 6.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. ° 321
ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Κῦρος (ἦν yap ὁ χώρος---ἀκανθώδης--- τοῦτόν σφι
τὸν χῶρον προεῖπε ἐξημερῶσαι ἐν ἡμέρᾳ. Iv. 118: τοὺς αἰεὶ
ἐμποδὼν γινομένους ἡμεροῦται πάντας. In all of these passages
the verb ἡμερόω implies making a clear passage or rogd ; and in
Plat. (Legg. p. 761°A) the adjective ἥμερος is used as a predi-
.Cate of ὁδός: ὁδῶν τε ἐπιμελουμένους, ὅπως ὡς ἡμερώταται
ὅκασται γύγνωνται!. That the Greeks connected road-making
-with civilisation in general, and with the peaceful commerce of
man with man, appeats from many passages (Aristotle, περὶ
θαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτων, c. 85, p. 837, Bekk. ; Thucydides, I. 2,
compared with τ. 18, &c.); and this is generally implied im all
the legends relating to Hercules and Theseus. But it has not
been sufficiently remarked that this road-making was also in-
timately connected with the cultivation of land. It may, how-
ever, be shown, that as the Greek ἄγρος becomes ἥμερος when
divided by a road, by a similar process the Latin ager becomes
jugerum = = di-ager-um.
Whenever a piece of unemployed ground—of ager, so called
—was to be taken into use, whether for cultivation, or for the
site of a city or a camp, the rules of the ancient /émitatio were
immediately applied. Now this very word itmitatio signifies,
the dividing of a certain piece of ground into main-roads (vie)
and cross-roads (limites); and the same primary notion is con- |
veyed bytem-plum; so obviously derived from tem-no, Gr. τάμ- *
vo, comp. τέμενος, &c. For in all lamttation the first thing done -
was to observe the templum, i.e. as we should say, to take the
bearing by the compass*. If we suppose the augur stood with
his back to the north’, then the line from north to south would
1 The word 7reípos — ἡ διαπέραν χώρα, furnishes another instance of
the substitution of η for da: comp. the epithet διαπρύσιος, Pind. N. 1v.
51, where see the note.
3 Most ancient nations seem to have connected the regiones cals with
tho regiones viarum. Thus in old English “the milky way” was called
* Watling-street," which was the name of one of the four great roads in
this country; see Grimm, Deutsche Myth. p. 330, 2d ed., and Drayton's
Potyolbion, Song x11. p. 389, with the illustrations to Song xvi. p. 403.
3 The point of view taken by tho augur seems to have depended
on his own discretion; for it is stated that he looked eastward at the
inauguration of a king, southward in certain cases, and westward in the
D. V. 2]
322 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP: VII.
be called the cardo, as corresponding to the axis of the globe;
and the limes from east to west, which cut the cardo at right
angles, would be called the decumanus, or “tenth line" (Festus,
p.71) For both these lines repeated themselves according to
the number of separate allotments into which the land was
divided, or the number of separate streets in the city or camp!.
Now the Roman actus or fundus [= 120 feet] was the unit of sub-
division ; two of these fundi made a jugerum = di-ager-um, and:
two jugera constituted the heredium of a Roman patrician: con-
sequently, 200 jugera made up the ager limsitatus of a century
of the old Roman populus (Fest. 8. v. Centurtatus, p. 53). If
this ager limitatus, then, were arranged as a square, we have,
of course, for each side 20 x 120 feet. Supposing, then, a road
between each two of the fundi, —which there must have been,
as every two fundi made a di-ager-um,—the limes which passed
between the tenth and eleventh fundus would be properly called
the decumanus, and it would consequently be the main road.
The point at which the decumanus crossed the cardo was called
groma or gruma; and here, in a city or camp, the two cross-
division of land (Niebuhr, m. p. 626). In laying out the camp he turned
his back to the enemy, as though to bless what was before him: for the
porta pratoria led to the opposing force, and the porta principalis dextra
was to the left of the line of march. There can be no doubt, however,
that the cardo corresponded to the axis of the earth, i. e, from north to
south, and that the limes, which cuts it, is parallel to the equator (Pliny
H. N. xvut. 83, $ 326). Hence the cardo is called sextaneus from the
sixth hour of the Roman meridian (Feldmesser ed. Blume, Lachmann et
Rudorff, Vol. 1. p. 324, 1. 12). "The meaning of the important adjective
decumanus is fully discussed in Chapter xir. $ 8.
1 It would seem that the word sicilicus (from seco) was properly and
originally applied to this apportionment of land. In the Bantine Table
(I. 25) we have nep him pruhipid mais zicolois x nesimois ; which I have
translated above (p. 151): ne in hoc pre&hibeat (i.e. prebeat) plus sicilicis
x contiguis. According to Klenze (Abhandl. p. 50) x nesimois = decimis ;
but I cannot understand why we should have an ordinal here. The root
of ne-simus appears in nahe, near, next, &c.; and I would understand it
of ΒΟ many adjoining allotments. The sicilicus was 600 square feet, i. e.
3 of the jugerum, or ἂς of the actus. Consequently, the 30 contiguous
sicilict mentioned in |, 17 would be § of the jugerum, or } of the actus ;
and the ten contiguous sicilici would, therefore, be τὸ of the former and
τὰ of the latter.
§ 6.] ANALYSI8 OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 323
roads seem to have spread themselves out into a kind of forum.
There is 88 much probability in the supposition that the immor-
tal name of Rome was derived from this ancient word, as there
is in any of the numerous etymologies suggested by Festus (p.
266). From this it appears, that among the Romans it was the
same thing to speak of a territory as divided by roads, and to
call it cultivated, occupied, or built upon; and the jugerum, or
divided ager, implied both. To the same principle we may refer
the importance attached by the ancients to straight ploughing’;
for the furrow was the first element of the road; and the urbs
itself was only that space round which the plough had been for-
mally and solemnly drawn.
The Romans were very sparing in their use of the Greek
letter K. It was occasionally employed to form the syllable ka,
as in kalumnia, kandidatus, kaput, Karthago, Kastor, evoka-
tus, judikandus, Parkarum ; but in these instances it was con-
sidered quite superfluous; and Quintilian thinks (1. 4, 9, and 7,
10) that its use ought to be restricted to those cases in which
it serves as the conventional mark of an abbrevation, as in K. =
Keso, and K. or Kal.=Kalende. Isidor (Origg. 1, 4) and
Petrus Diaconus (p. 1582, Putach) tell us that the letter K was
added to the Roman alphabet by the ludt-magister Sallustius,
in order to mark a distinction between K and Q. But it has been
already mentioned that K was always one of the Roman letters,
and this must have been merely an attempt to bring it into
more general use.
The letter Y was never used by the Romans except as the
transcription of v in words derived either from or through the
Greek; and it seems to have been a representative of those
sounds which have been designated above by the characters v,
and v,, both of which involve an approximation to the sound of 1.
Hence, in the French alphabet it is not improperly called “the
Greek £" (( grec). In many words, rather connected with the
Greek than derived from it, the v is represented by 1, as in
1 See Hesiod. Op. et D. 443:
ὅς κ᾿ ἔργου μελετῶν ἰθεῖαν αὔλακ᾽ ἐλαύνοι,
μηκέτι παπταίνων μεθ᾽ ὁμήλικας.
Luke ix. 62; and comp. the tropical use of delirare.
21—2
924 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. ΥἹΙ.
cliens, in-clitus (κλύω), clipeus (καλύπτω), Sila, silva (UXF9), &c.;
while in others the v has become E, as in socer (éxvpós), remulco
(ῥυμουλκέω), polenta (παλυντή), &c. The Roman v, sometimes
represents the common v of the Greeks, as in lupus (λύκος), nunc
(νῦν,), fut (φύω), &c.; sometimes the Greek o, as in all nouns
of the o-declension.
§ 7. The Numeral Signs.
This examination of the Latin alphabet will not be complete
without some remarks on the signs which were used by the
Romans to denote the numeral adjectives. Priscian, in his
usual school-boy way, has endeavoured to establish the connexion
between the numeral signs as we have them, and the ordinary
Roman capitals. Thus, quinque, he tells us, is represented by
V, because this is the fifth vowel; quinquaginta is L, because,
etymologically, L and N may be interchanged, and N is πεντή-
κοντα in Greek; quingenti is D, because this is the next letter
to C!—and so forth (Priscian, 11. p. 388, ed. Krehl).
Now there can be no doubt that the Roman numeral signs
are derived from the Tuscans: though in certain cases a Roman
capital has been substituted for an Etruscan character which
does not correspond to it in value, and though in these instances
the figures are either inclined or reversed. The Etruscan cha-
racters are as follows :—
I, II, III, IIII, A, AI, AIT, AIII, IX, X, &c.
1, 2, 8 4, 5,06, 7, 8, 9, 10.
AX, XXX, XXXX,or XT T, TX, &.
20, 80, 40, 50, 60,
Φ. 8. D cy &e,
100, 1000, 5000, 10000.
It is sufficiently obvious that the first ten of these characters
are identical with the Roman figures, the A, &c. being reversed ;
and as 7) is often written T, and as «b LL, frequently occur on
Roman family coins, we may recognize in this character the
original of the Roman L, and therefore identify the Etruscan
and Roman ciphers from 1 to 99. The Roman C and the
Etruscan (Ὁ do not appear to be connected; but the Etruscan 8,
er, 85 it is also written (D, is clearly the same as the Roman = ;
PO ee δὰ. eee 79 —
8 7.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 920 -
Φ, and o[o, for which M was subsequently written; and the
same remark applies to the still higher numbers.
If, then, the Roman ciphers were derived from the 'T'uscans,
it is obvious that we must seek in the Tuscan language for an
interpretation. Now it cannot be doubted; that the Tuscan
numeral signs are either letters of the alphabet slightly changed,
or combinations of such characters made according to fixed rules.
Thus, A is the inverted V — vw ; or T is an inverted W = ch! ;
and 8 2f. Since, therefore, the position of these letters in the
organic alphabet does not correspond to their value 88 numeral
signs, we must conclude that they represent the initials of the
numerals in the Etruscan, just as M afterwards denoted mille in
the Latin language. We do not positively know any Etruscan
numeral, and therefore cannot pretend to any certainty on this
subject ; but this is the most probable inference. The manner in
which the elementary signs are combined to form the intermediate
numerals is more easily and safely investigated. The character
denoting unity is perhaps selected from its simplicity; it is the
natural and obvious score in every country. This character is
combined with itself to form the next three digits, though four is
sometimes expressed as 5 — 1, according to the principle of sub-
traction so common among the Romans (comp. duodeviginti, &c.).
The same plan is adopted to form the numerals between 5 and
10. The number 10 is represented by a combination of two V's
—thus, X; and this figure enclosed in a circle indicates the
multiplication of 10 by itself, or 100. The letter 8, or (D, being
assumed as the representative of 1000, its half, or D, would
indicate 500; and as multiplication by ten was indicated by &
circle in the case of 100, on the same principle ap would be
10,000, and its half or ly would represent 5000.
These rules for the formation of one numeral from another
are more obvious than the origin of the elementary numeral
signs. But where certainty is not within our reach, we must be
contented with a solution of those difficulties which may be sub-
mitted with safety to a philological analysis.
1 It is possible that this character may be the half of that which
denotes 100, according to the principle stated below.
a
CHAPTER VIII.
THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM.
$ 1. Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system. § 2. General scheme of
the case-endings. $3. Differences of crude form. ὃ 4. Hypothetical forms
of the nominative and accusative plural § 5. Existing forms—the genitive.
§ 6. The dative and locative. 8 7. The accusative singular. $8. The abla-
tive. 89. The neuter forms. § το. The vocative. § tr. Adverbe considered
as cases of nouns. § 12. Adverbial expression for the day of the month.
§ 1. Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system.
HE system of cases, with which the Latin noun is furnished,
presents a greater abundance and variety of forms than that
of the Greek declension. 'The Greek noun has no distinct ablative
case ; its accusative has frequently lost its characteristic termina-
tion; the genitive includes the ablative meaning; and the loca-
tive is almost obsolete. The greater number and variety of the
Latin cases is due to the more ancient state or condition of the
language, and perhaps also to its composite structure. As the
language degenerates intp the so-called Romance idioms, we find
that its cases are gradually lost, and their place taken by a
number of prefixes, which add indeed to the syntactical distinct-
ness of the language, but purchase this advantage by sacrificing
the etymological development. The student of Latin, however,
very soon discovers that the variety of case-forms is the very
reverse of an advantage. For idiomatic usage has introduced so
much confusion into the use of the genitive, dative, and ablative,
that the two latter derive all their distinctions from the preposi-
tions attached to the ablative, while the genitive, in many cases,
differs from the ablative only as an arbitrary form, and without
any reference to a distinction of meaning. If we revert to the
Greek language, which still retains the more accurate distinctions
of case, we shall see that the genitive, or case of ablation, denotes
the origin of motion or action; the dative, or case of accession,
denotes juxta-position, immediate proximity, rest and presence;
the accusative, or case of transition, denotes the end of motion
§ 1,7 THE LATIN OASE-SYSTEM. 927
or action, —the object to which something is proceeding. Now
the Latin, in most instances, is unable to express this simple
relation of unde, ubt and quo by the mere case-endings. If we
except certain adverbs derived from nouns, certain agglutinate
forms, such as meridie, postridie, &c., some few nouns, as rus,
domus, humus, bellum, militia, and the proper names of cities,
we have no locative in Latin, and no case for the simple expres-
Bion of departure or approach, and are obliged to use prepositions,
such as in, ab, ad, to convey these meanings. And even with
regard to the forms which are still used as locatives, differences
of declension produce endless confusions, which all the old and
some modern grammarians bave enhanced by making arbitrary
rules for differences of case in the syntax of different declensions.
Thus because nouns in -a, -us, of the first and second declen-
sion, had a locative in -a-$— ὦ, and in -o- — ἢ, we are told that
mile, Rome, domi, Cypri are genitive cases; whereas ruri,
Carthagine, Athenis are ablatives, because the locative approxi-
mates or corresponds to the mutilated ablative in the consonantal
declension. These labourers in the work of making the Latin
language unlearnable, except by the parrot use of the memory,
could not perceive that as dies is masculine when it means “a
day," Ad-die and postri-die must belong to the same forms, and
that if the former is from ho-t-die, the latter must be from
postero-t-die. The same remark applies to meridie for medi die,
and independently of these quasi-compounds we have the phrases
die septemt (Plautus, Men. 1156), dte nont in the Preetor’s words
cited by Aul. Gellius (x. 24). Also die proximt (Cato), die
crastini (Plautus, Mostell. 884), ἄς. The connexion of hd-dte
for hi-dte or hot-die (cf. hic) with these locatives in -? supports
the true etymology of md-dd -- mi-dato, to which we are led by
the synonymous cé-do (see Philol. Society's Trans. 1854, pp. 97
Bqq.). It seems, however, that even this form in ¢ or at does not
give the complete affix of the locative. Originally it must have
ended im -tn or -/m, and this was corrupted in every form with
the exception of such words as partim, enim, &c.; hence, to
restore the original ending, we must write, with different degrees
of alteration or addition, mslitia-ém (-in), Roma-im (-in), domo-im
(-én), Cypro-im (-in), rur-im (-in), Carthagin-im (-in), Athenis-
tm (-tn). With this locative in -m the preposition cum is used
328 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [CHAP. VILE.
in inscriptions just as ξύν governs the dative-locative in Greek ;
thus we have cum quem or cum quen (Corssen, 1. p. 268).
§ 2. General scheme of the case-endings.
In treating of the Latin cases, our attention is directed to
three different aspects under which they may be considered.
"We may regard them either according to a general scheme de-
rived from all the declensions, or as modified by those varieties
in the termination of the crude form which constitute differences
of declension; or we may take both of these together, and add
to them those additional phenomena which are furnished by the
adverb. A supplementary source of information respecting the
cases may be derived from those nouns, whether substantive or
adjective, which are obviously formed from the oblique cases of
other nouns. ‘Thus, we know that the original Greek genitive
ended in -ovo (Sanscr. sya) from the form of the possessive ad-
jective δημόσιος (Bopp, Vergl. Gramm. p. 294, note). Similarly,
a case in -tne, analogous to the Sanscrit instrumental, may be
inferred both from the particle sine and from the derivative forms
urbinus (= urbdinus), &c., and officina (=offictina), &c.
If we confine ourselves to the forms of the noun, we get the
following general scheme of the case-endings.
SING. PLUR.
"Nom. oe i eee eh [ales (varionsly modified)
Gen. — ds, jus, 878 (orignally -siom) [r]wm (originally siom-s)
Dat. ἴον δὲ “he preserved only in [6009 = ts
Accus. m [m]e (a sore e
Abl. a[d] (the d is found only in old Latin) [b]us = ts
Loc. ἐγ] or ?[n] 18- [$m] or ts-[1n.].
§ 3. Differences of crude form.
By taking the different crude forms according to the usual
classification, we shall at once see how this scheme is modified
and applied. The declensions will be fully discussed in a sepa-
rate chapter, and it will be sufficient in this place to show how
the different cases attach themselves to the different charac-
teristics.
|
§3.] . THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 329
CONSONANT-NOUNS.
SING. PLUE.
Nom. lapi[d]s lapid-[s]-es (= és)
Gen. - lapid-is lapid-e-rum*
Dat. lapid-i-[bi] (=4) lapid-1-bus
Accus. lapid-e-m lapid-e[m]s (= és)
Abl. lapid-e[d] lapid-i-bus
Loc. lapid-im? lapid-is-im?
VOWEL-NOUNS.
A
SING. PLUuR.
Nom. familid-[s] Samilia-[s&%] (= at, a)
Gen. famila-is (= aes", ds, ài, v) familia-rum -
Dat. famtlia-[b]¢ (= α) familia-bus (= £s)?
Accus. familia-m familia-[m]s (= as)
Abl. familia-[d] (= 4) familia-i-bus
Loc. familias (= @) familia-is-4m?
E= A-I
SING. ^ PLUR.
Nom. dte-s = dia-is die-[se]e
Gen. die-i[5]* die-rum
Dat. dte-[b]¢ die-bus
Accus. die-m die-[m]s
Abl dte-[d] die-bus
Loc. die-dta-A[ m] die-sim ?
I
SING. PLUR.
Nom. avi-s avi-[s& ]s (= és)
Gen. avi-is (= avyts, avis) avt-|r]um
Dat. αὐυΐ [δ]ὲ (= avt) avi-bus
1 Charisius, 1. 40.
3 Many examples of the gen. in -aes have been collected from in-
scriptions; (see Corssen, 1. p. 183). The nom. pl. in -as — -aes is pre-
served in ponas, Foat. p. 371, above, p. 253.
3 For the form in -bus comp. Orelli, Znscr. nos. 1628, 1629, 4601, &oc.;
and K. L. Schneider, Formenlehre, 1. pp. 25, 8qq.
4 This genitive appears sometimes under the form -es, sometimes also
under the form -i, as: pernicies, gen. pernicies, progenies, gen. progenii,
See the passages quoted by Scehwartzo, das alte /Egypten, p. 565.
990 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. ^ [CHAP. VIL
Accus. avi-m (= em) avi-[m]s (= és)
Abl. avi-[d] avi-bus
Loc. avi-[m]? avi-sim ?
oO .
SING. Prvm.
Nom. avo-s avo-ses (= 0$ = — e$ τεῦ,
as in gen. sing.)
Gen. avo-is (= sus or 8yo, — 10, — avo-erum
= et, = ὃ 1
Dat. | avo-[5]* (Ξ δ) avo-tbhus (= eis = s)
Accus. avo-m avo-[m]s (= 6s) *
Abl. avo-[d] avo-thus (= és)
Loc. avo-z-[m] Ξε αὐ . avo-ts-[tm] 3
U
. SING. PLR.
Nom. fructu-s fructu-ses (= s)
Gen. fructu-ts (= ds) fructu-e[r]um
Dat. fructu-[6]¢ (= a) fructu-ibus
Accus. fructu-m fructu-[m]s (= ds)
Abl. fructu-[d] Sructu-tbus
Loc. fructu-im? fructu-is-im?
§ 4. Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusative
plural.
If now we compare these particular instances with the
general scheme, we shall see that, taking all the varieties of
the crude form, of which the above are specimens, there are
only two assumptions in the general table,—namely, the original
forms of the nominative and accusative plural. All the others
are actually found, either in nouns or pronouns, at some epoch
of the language.
1 As δημόσιο, δήμοιο, δήμου, comp. the nom. plural.
3 The dative or ablative in -bus is sometimes found in those nouns
which have 6 or ¢ before the characteristic: thus we have diibus from deus
(Gruter, u. 9; xxiv. 6; XLVI. 9); and füibus from flius (a. DLUI. 8;
DLIV. 4).
§ 4.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 331
With regard to the nominative and accusative plural, the
assumed original forms are derived from a sound induction ac-
cording to the principles of comparative philology.
And first with regard to the nominative plural. The sign of
this case must have been originally -s throughout the declen-
sions. Now it appears from general considerations, as well as
from an induction of facts, that -s was also the sign of the
nominative singular (New Cratylus, § 248). Therefore the -s of
the nominative plural, if it was to distinguish the form from the
same case in the singular, cannot have been appended to the
mere crude form of the noun; for then the nominatives singular
and plural would have been one and the same inflexion. It
must have been formed by adding the -s (with, of course, an
intervening short vowel, for the Latin language does not tolerate
a double -s at the end of a word) to the full form of the nomi-
native, and thus constituting, as the total addition to the crude
form, or the real termination, the syllable -ses. If we compare
lapid-és, patr-és, with ἐλπίδ-ες, πατέρ-ες, we shall see that the
long ein the Latin words cannot be accounted for otherwise
than by the absorption of an s, which has probably become
vocalized ins. In the Greek forms this 8, like the ν of the
accusative, has been dropt altogether. This view is supported,
not only by the fact that the plurals vo-b1s, Xéryo-4-s, &c. actually
stand in this relation to the singulars ἐΐ- δὲ, λόγῳ = Xóryo-4, ἄς.
but even more so by the analogy of the genitive singular. For
in many cases the genitive singular is identical, in its secondary
form, with the nominative plural: thus familie, avt, are the
common forms of both cases. But familia is actually written
familias = familiaàs in compounds with pater, mater, filius, &c.
Hence we may presume the same original form of the nomina-
tive plural familia (cf. dies, &c.). Now the original form of the
nom. singular must have been familid-s ; congfquently, if, when
the nom. sing. was famslia, the nom. plur. was familia-d = fa-
milie (as in ponas, Fest. p. 371), it follows that when the nom.
sing. was famihd-s, the nom. plur. must have been famtla-sé&.
The same follows from the form avt. The omission of s between
two vowels is fully supported by Greek analogies: for if éXéyov
is manifestly a corruption of éAéyeco, ἔχθυες may well be a simi-
lar corruption of ἔχθυσες. I have preferred to treat the original
392 - THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. — [CHaAP. viu.
form of the nominative plural as an assumption, and to support
it by the arguments which I have just adduced; but if we
remember that the original 8 of many Homan words was not
changed into R till about the 4th century A. v. C. (above, Ch. vir.
$ 3), we might take the existence of such forms as spe-res (which
occurs in fragments of Ennius), and gnaru-res (which is found
in Plautus, Mostellaria, 1. 2,17; Penulus, prol. 47), as a distinct
confirmation of the theory (compare also dies = dieres, or dieses,
with such forms as dies-ptter, diur-nus, ho-dier-nus, &c.). And
here again the analogy of the genitive becomes applicable, as
will be seen below (8 5). The pronouns also supply a partial
confirmation of the above induction; for though in common
Latin we find a genitive singular in -s by the side of a nomina-
tive plural in -7, we learn from old inscriptions that there was
also a nominative plural in -s: see Senatus Cons. de Bacch. ll. 3,
7; Lex Hom. Bant. Tab. 1. 21; Klenze ad Leg. Servil. p. 12.
Again, in regard to the accusative plural, which in all the
above instances ends in -s preceded by a long vowel, we must
infer that -s is the termination of the plural as such, from con-
siderations of the same nature with those which have just been
brought forward. We should also have no difficulty in sup-
posing that the long vowel indicates the absorption of some con-
sonant. This consonant can only be the -m of the accusative
singular; for not only is this most probable à priori, but it is
the only supposition which explains all the phenomena. Let us
take the Greek, Latin, Sanscrit, and Gothic forms in a particular
word; and we shall see that, while the Gothic alone preserves
the outward marks of such a derivation of the accusative plural
from the accusative singular, the only possible explanation of the
other forms is the supposition that they were originally identical
with the Gothic. Thus, λύκο-ν, lupu-m, vrika-m, vulfa-n, are the
accusative singular of synonymous words in these four languages.
The plural of the Gothic vulfa-n is simply vulfa-n-s, whereas all
the other forms strengthen the final ,vowel of the crude form,
and drop one of the concluding consonants: λύκον becomes
λύκους, lupum is converted into lupós, and urtkam into vrikán.
The comparison of ὀδούς, &c. with dens, &c., shows us that λύκους
may stand for λύκονς ; and the analogy of τύπτων -- τύπτον[ τῆς
is sufficient to explain the change of vrikans into vríkán. The
ὃ 5.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. . 883
Umbrian also has shown us both the original formation and the
corruption of the accusative plural: for while we have abron-s
exactly corresponding to the Gothic vulfan-s, we have also abrof,
which, as I have shown (above, p. 110), must have proceeded from
abrom-h = abrom-s. If we add to this, that when the accusa-
tive singular has lost its final consonant, the plural accusative |
merely adds -s to the existing form of the singular (as in
avSpa[v], τύπτοντα[ν], sing., avdpa-s, τὐπτοντἄ-ς, plural), we
have, it should seem, the most satisfactory evidence which the
subject admits, in support of the assumed original form of the
accusative plural.
Having thus justified the only hypothetical forms in the
above scheme of cases, it will be desirable to make some remarks
on the most striking peculiarities in the existing inflexions.
§ 5. Existing forms—the Genitive.
In the general scheme, the genitive singular is characterized
by the terminations -?s, -s/s, or -7us; the gen. plural by the
ending -rum, where the r is generally dropt, except in the a, e,
and o declensions, which constantly retain it. The difficulty
here felt is, to connect the plural form with the singuler.
Struve's assertion (über die Lat. Decl. 8, 15) that the 7 is
merely euphonic, would tend, if we assented to it, to complicate
and increase this difficulty in no small degree. ‘The comparative
philologer cannot doubt that the original form of the genitive
plural in the Indo-Germanic languages was that which is pre-
served in the Sanscrit -s&m τε ΣΩΜ (see Müller ad Varron. L. L.
vill. § 74, p. 192). This form, after the fourth century A. U. C.,
would appear in Latin as RoM, which was afterwards softened into
RUM. The Indians wrote -nám for -8&m in many of their words
where the n represents the s, as in vrikán for vrikás = vriküm-s;
but in the pronouns, which generally preserve the authentic forms
longer than the nouns, we have tá-süm — istá-rum. The Greeks
very often omitted an o- hetween two vowels in a case liké this ;
and as they wrote éAéyou for ἐλέγεσο, ÜyÜv-es for ἔχθυσ-ες, 80
they gave us δήμοιο, or ultimately δήμου, for the original ónuóato,
and μουσά-ων, or ultimately μουσῶν, for nova da vv -- μουσα-σιον-ς.
That -sum or -sium was the proper and genuine form of the Latin
genitive appears from the genitives in -azum, which are found in
994 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. — [cHAP. VIII.
the Oscan monuments (e.g. egma-sum); and that r was the
immediate representative of this s or 2 is proved not merely by
the fact that the Romans actually wrote -um for -orum when
it suited their convenience', thereby showing the reason for
the omission of the r in the other declensions, but also by the
fact that the r is found in the pronouns, the oldest and most
immutable parts of speech, and that in the more ancient state
of the language even nouns of the other declensions retained the
r: thus we hear of such words as boverum, Joverum (Varro,
L. L. viu. ὃ 74), lapiderum, nucerum, regerum (Cn. Gellius
apud Charistum, 1. 40). This evidence receives very striking
confirmation from the analogy of the genitive singular. The most
common characteristic of the genitive singular 18 the termination
-ts. There are reasons, however, which may induce us to doubt
if this is the full and original form of the genitive-ending. The
Sanscrit vrikdsya compared with λύκοιο, and the possessive δημό-
σιος by the side of δημό-εο, might lead us to suspect that the ter-
mination commenced with an s, which was subsequently absorbed ;
and this suspicion is confirmed by the fact, that there are, in old
Latin, genitives ending in -rts — -eis where the r = 8 is not part of
the crude form. "Thus we have sue-ris for suts in the fragment
of Plautus quoted by Festus, s v. Spetile, p. 330: '* Esto pet-
nam, sumen sueris, Bpetile, callum, glandia." Compare Varro,
L. L. v. § 110, p. 44. And from the extant forms of the nomi-
native plural in -res we may fairly infer that the genitive in
-ris = sis Was not uncommon. The Latin possessive adjectives end
in -ius or -eus, e.g. pretor-tus from pretor, virgin-eus from
virgo, (virgin-); and as the analogy of δημό-σιος, vrikü-sya,
leads us to an assumption of an original -stws, we must insert s
algo in the pronominal genitives in -jus, -4us, which, as we shall
see in 8 subsequent chapter, are derived from the possessives of
the pronouns. We cannot doubt that adjectives in -ἰος — -σίος
are formed from the genitive in -4o — -σίο, and as these adjectives
are only weaker forms of the quasi-comparatives in -cwy τε -σιον-ς,
the original form of the genitive must have been -ovoy in Greek,
which would amount to -sim in Latin; and the plural, originally
! On this abbreviation, seo Cicero's remarks iu Orator. c. 46, $ 155.
§ 6.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 990
«σιωνΞε-σίον-ς, in the former language, would become si2m-s-—
siQm in Latin, from which it is softened to -stim, just as the -ws
of πόλεως falla into -ts in cu-jiis, &c. Compare also the Sanscrit
dual -bAyám with the plural -bhyde or bAis,
8 6. The Dative and Locative.
In Greek, the dative, as the case denoting rest and proximity,
indicates whatever is close at hand, and thus implies the in-
strument or occasion, as well as that which is receptive of gain,
or that which is the locality of the action. In other words, it
includes the three Sanscrit cases, which are denoted as the in-
strumental, the dative, and the locative. "These three cases end
in -tna, -aya, and -¢. There is reason to believe that the first of
these affixes is the original type. It is identical with the forms
a-va, i-va, originally Fa-va, and it thus appears that it is only
partially represented by -$«, -bó, -4, which are the usual termi-
nations of the Greek and Latin dative and locative. The Greek
pronouns, ἐμίν, telv, τίν, ἵν, σφίν, div, piv, contain the whole
affix, and it always appears in the Greek dual, as in av-ró-w =
αὐτό-φιν, where the characteristic of plurality is omitted, as in
the Latin plural -sum =-rum. We may also conclude that the
Latin -bés, in no-bis, vo-bis, has lost the n necessary to the full
form, which is preserved in the particle s-tne, which is presumed
in words like officina, and which appears slightly altered from
the Sanscrit instrumental in words like partim, enim, olim, tstim.
The termination -bi τὸ -φι is dative and instrumental in ἐΐ- δέ,
vo-bis, but simply local in w-bt, $-b4, &e. Commonly the Latin
locative ends in -4, agreeing in this with the Sanscrit. But when
the characteristic of the noun is ἃ consonant, it is generally
shortened into e, especially if the word is of more than two syl-
lables. The locative of rus is ruri, In the plural the dative
and locative are always confused with the ablative; and instances
occur even in classical Latin where the dative of an ordinary
noun, with the sense of limitation, appears in the form of the
ablative in e. In some phrases this is rather the rule than the
exception; such are pignore dare, for pignori; IlIvirt auro
argente ere flando feriundo, for ert; jure dicundo for juri;
qui dant quique acctpiunt fenore, for famori; &c. (se& Schneider,
Lat. Gr. τι. pp. 200, sqq.; Müller, ad Varro. L. L. v. p. 16).
990 THE LATIN CABE-SYSTEM, [CHAP. VIII.
If there is any reason for using the term daftvus in reference
to the case of & noun, it must surely be applicable to morte in the
epitaph of Plautus, quoted by Gellius (N..4. 1. 84): ** Postquam
est morte datus Plautus, Comedia luget,"—for here the form in
-e actually follows a verb of giving. Thus we see that ore is not
the ablative but the dative in (Virgil, Georg. τ. 430):
si virgineum suffuderit ore ruborem;
and that it is a locative in (Georg. 111. 489) :
linguis micat ore trisulcis.
This usage occurs in the following passages of Propertius
(see Paley, ad v. 8, p. 311), namely, 1. 17, 22:
molliter et tenera poneret ossa rosa.
111, 26, 84:
anseris indocto carmine cessit olor.
IV. 6, 24:
si placet insultet, Lygdame, morte mea.
v. 8, 10:
Cum temere anguino creditur ore manus.
§ 7. The Accusative Singular.
The m, which marks the accusative singular in Latin and
Sanscrit, is only a weaker form of the dental ν, which appears
in Greek. This dental is the residuum of the third pronominal
element, and denotes distance and objectivity. We are not to
suppose that partem and partim are the same word, or generally
that the accusative and locative are the same form. The 7
which appears in the latter, with or without the accusative
affix, constitutes the essential difference between the two cases.
Belonging to the second pronominal element, this 2 is in itself an
expression of proximity; and thus, while parte-m denotes that
“the part" is an object to be approached or acted on, part-t-m
indicates that not only is the part an object, but also that it is
close at hand for use or superposition. It is true that the tem-
poral particles quum, tum, nun-c, jam, &c., are not less locative
in meaning than olim, and that the causal nam, though accusative
in form, coincides in signification with the locative enim. But
we must remember that quod, quod sí, quippe -qui-pte, ὅτι,
ὅτε, ἅτε, &c. are used as general expressions of objectivity ; and
§ 8.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. | 937
we must not allow syntactical equivalences to interfere with our
etymological discrimination,
8 8. The Ablative.
In ordinary Latin the ablative is used as the case of instru-
mentality in both numbers; and in the plural there is no dis-
tinction between it and the dative. "The specimens of old Latin
in Chapter vi. (cf. also the examples given by Corssen, Auspr.
Vokal. u. Beton. 1. pp. 72, 334) have sufficiently shown that the
termination of the ablative was -d, or, perhaps, at one period of
the language, -&. The instrumental ending in Sanscrit is, as we
have seen, -ina; and the Sanscrit ablative ended, like the Latin,
in-d. The tendency of the instrumental and ablative—the case
of proximity and the case of derivation,—to interchange their
significations, is a phenomenon, in which the philosophical gram-
marian finde no difficulty. The fact that ste and sed are so
nearly synonymous is an obvious exemplificátion of this ten-
dency. It is a more serious imperfection of the Latin case-
system that the ablative, though distinguished in form from the
genitive, should sometimes agree with it in meaning, and some-
times coincide in sense with its direct opposite the dative. With
regard to the singular number, which has an ablative properly
so called, there can be no doubt that in Latin and Sanscrit, as
well as in Greek, the genitive and ablative are traceable to a
common origin. The full, original, and proper form of the geni-
tive singular was -sion, and this in Greek often appeared as
«θεν: cf. θεός τε σιός. In Sanscrit the ablative vríkát bears the
same relation to the genitive vrikdsya that the genitive πόλεως
does to a more ancient πολιόσιον, or the adverb καλῶς to an ori-
ginal καλο-θεν, or the common τύπτεις to the inevitably assumed
τύπτε-σι. Τὶ is well known that the Latin adverbs in -tus cor-
respond to the Greek in -Oev; thus cali-tus τε οὐρανό-θεν ; and
the Greek termination &- in -δης, &c. involves this ending -θεν
(New Crat. S 263). There is therefore every reason to believe
that the Latin ablative in -d or -¢ is an apocopated form of a
case in -dus or -tus, which is resolvable to an ultimate identity
with the genitive.
998 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [ CHAP. VIII.
§ 9. The Neuter Forms.
The neuter accusative, which serves also as a nominative
(see New Crat. S 236), ends, like the usual accusative, in -m in
all nouns of the vowel-declensions. There is no doubt, however,
that this m may be traced back through the dental liquid m,
which represents it in Greek, to the dental mute -d or -t. Thus
we have 7d, illu-d, quo-d, &c. to the latest period of the lan-
guage; we have also met, tet, set, or med, ted, sed; ego-met,
me-met, ted-ipsum, inter sed (Senat. Consult. de Bacch. M. 13,
14); and we shall see in the next chapter that the final s or
r, in nouns like corpu-s, robo-r, genu-s, &c., is a softening of an
original ¢ or d. We must take care not to confuse this ἐ or d
with the same letter appearing as the affix of the ablative. The
long vowel, which precedes the dental in that case, shows that
there is apocope or absorption of something more than a mere
consonant, and abundant reason has been given for the inference
that this d has passed through ¢h from an original sibilant repre-
senting the second pronominal element. On the contrary, the
accusative m, n, d or t is merely the residuum of the third pro-
nominal element, denoting simple objectivity. The forms of the
neuter plural show, à fortiori, that the dental affix in the singular
was a mere letter, and not a syllable, as in the case of the
ablative. For all neuter nouns, to whatever declension they
belong, form their plural nominative-accusative in d in the Zend
and in the old European languages of this family. Now the
Greek language shows us that n, when it stands by itself at the
end of a word, or precedes a dental mute, may be changed into
' d, and this vowel may even represent the combination -vr. Thus
we have πάτερἄᾶ for πάτερν, τετύφαται for τετύφνται, σωζοίατο
for σώξοιντο, πάθος for πένθος, and even δέκα for δέκεντ, and
σῶμα for σώμεντ. There is therefore no objection, à priori,
to the hypothesis, but rather a presumption, that the plural -ἃ
represents an original -yr; and it seems quite reasonable to
assume that ξύλα — ξύλεν-τ; for if the objective v or τ of the
singular had to be extended into a plural, we should not in this
case append the personal or subjective s, as in the case of mas-
culine and feminine nouns, but should rather repeat the objective
affix. Now it is known that the neuter plural in Latin originally
§ 10. | THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 939
ended in -d; thus we find in the Senatus Consult. de Bacch.
l. 24: quei advorsum ea-d fecisent. Again, we find in Sanscrit
that neuter plurals end in -nt; thus madhu- μέθυ makes madha-
ni= μέθυ-α; and the final 4 must be a vocalisation of a second ἢ,
just as conversely nn is substituted for nt in £évvos = ξένιος —
ξεῖνος. Lastly, while the Erse plural of the third personal pro-
noun is siád for swiad, the Welsh form of the plural is heoynt
for swynt. Putting all these facts together, we must come to the
conclusion that the neuter accusative singular ended in -m — -n
— -£ or -d, and that the plural & represents an original -nd = -nt
=-nn or -mm.
The pronominal neuters in ae, as que, hac, &c., are ex-
plained in a subsequent chapter.
S 10. The Vocateve.
The vocative, i.e. the case of allocution, exhortation, or ex-
clamation, is not distinguished from the nominative except in
nouns of the second declension, and in certain Greek words
adopted by the classical writers. When a noun in -us has to be
used in the vocative, the crude form is employed with the lightest
substitution for the characteristic vowel. Thus dominus makes
domine. lf 4 precedes the characteristic, the vocative e is ab-
sorbed, and fílius makes fii — fite. The same is the case with
meus which has for its vocative m? - mee. As the regular nomi-
native plural of deus is di, the Romans, to avoid confusion, did
not use a vocative dee —- di. This rule does not apply to adjec-
tives, as Cynthie from Cynthius, Sperchie from Sperchius. The
vocative Gai exposes the common error of pronouncing the dac-
tyl Gattis as a trochee; for if this had been true the vocative
must have been Gai-e. In point of fact, Gatus is scanned regu-
larly in three syllables; thus we have (Martial, 1x. Hp. 93):
v. 4. Pervigil in pluma Gatis, ecce, jacet.
v. 7. Quod debes, Gaz, redde, inquit Phoebus.
v. 10. Gaiüs et mallet verbera mille pati.
v. 12. Non mavis quam ter Gaiis esso tuus.
Similarly (id. x1. 36):
v.1l. Gatis hanc lucem gemma mihi Julius alba.
v.8. Gdiíis ut fiat Julius et Proculus.
22—2
940 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [CHAP. VIII.
The analogy of Gnaeus shows how it would have been written
had it become a trochee ; the same is shown by the Greek accentu-
ation, for we have I'dios not Γαῖος. The original form of the word
was Gavius, probably signifying letificans; cf. güvisus (Aufrecht,
Zeitschr. f. vergl. Spr. 1. 282). The C has been retained as the
initial from the time when there was no distinction between C and
G; but the word was always pronounced Gatus; and it seems
that it should be so written, except when the initial only is used.
Although the vocative, as a distinct case, is thus limited
to a few forms in the language, the Latin writers give it occa-
sionally a very remarkable extension of use. Thus it is made
to agree with the nominative tu: as
Stemmate quod Tusco ramum millesime ducis,
Censorem fatuum vel quod trabeate salutas.
(Pers. m1. 27, 28).
This is regularly the case in the idiomatic use of macte = magis
aucte (i.e. frugibus et mola); thus we have macte virtute. esto,
* be increased in virtue" (Hor. 1. Serm. ri. 31); macte πουᾶ
virtute puer, ** be increased in your young valour” (Virg. din.
IX. 641). And even in an oblique sentence, as juberem [te]
macte virtute esse (Liv. 11. 12).
& 11. .Adverbs considered as Cases of Nouns.
If now we add to the observations derived from the actual
cases of nouns, the additional phenomena furnished by the ad-
verbs, the subject of this chapter will have received all the
examination of which it is capable.
Adverbs are, properly speaking, certain cases of pronouns
and nouns, and under particular circumstances they are deduced
from the participles or supines of verbs. Their syntactical use is
as secondary predicates, inasmuch as they convey predication
only through the verb of the sentence. The Greeks employ their
adjectives and participles for this purpose without any additional
inflexion ; but the Roman adverbs are always cases, and some-
times, if one may use the expression, double or superimposed
cases of nominal or pronominal forms.
Pronominal adverbs are secondary predicates either of place
or of time, The former indicate—(a) “locality,” in which case
they generally exhibit the locative endings -bi and -tm or the
δ.11.] THE LATIN OASE-SYSTEM. 941
accusative -m: thus, from the demonstrative 1s and the relative
qui, we have i-bi and u-dt, originally cubi, comp. ali-cubt, &c.;
from iste we have tstim, &c.; and the ending -m appears in
us-quam or uspiam, &c.;—(b) “motion towards," in'which case
they end in -o: as ul-tro, ‘to a place beyond" (see Déderlein,
Syn. u. Etym. Yn. pp. 105 aqq.); quo, * whither;" eo, *thither,"
&c.; sometimes -c is appended: thus we have tlluc, istuc, by
the side of «lo, tsto;—(c) “motion from," in which case the
ending is -nde, or -nce, -nque: thus we have :-nde from ὦ,
[c]u-nde from qui, aliu-nde from alius, hi-nc from hi-c, slli-nc
from tlle, utri-nque from uter;—(d) “the way," in which case
we have a feminine ablative in -@ agreeing with vid understood,
as quá, ed, &c. The forms of class (c) deserve some special
remark. The comparison of tum with tunc shows that the n
would have been written m, if the c had not been appended.
And the same remark applies to exin-de, hin-c, ?llin-c, tstin-c:
for extm occurs in Lucretius [see Lachmann on III. 161), and
Ritschl has claimed $m and ¢stim for the text of Plautus
(Rhein. Mus. 1850, pp. 472 sqq.). But this does not interfere
with the inference that the accusative and locative m is the re-
presentative of an original dental. There can be no doubt that
the termination -de is identical with that of the ablative, and, as
we have seen, with the termination -tys. Bopp, who was aware
of this (Vergl. Gramm. p. 610), proposes to consider the same
letter as included in hine, illinc, tstinc, which he regards as cor-
ruptions of hinde, sllinde, istinde. I should not desire any other
proof of the importance of the distinction which I first introduced
into the analysis of the pronominal elements (New Crat. ὃ 130).
According to the principle which regulates all combinations of
these elements, n-rc denotes motion “from the there to the
here," and therefore expresses ablation or removal quite as natu-
rally as the affix -de — -tus, which is in fact ultimately referable
to the same source (N. Crat. § 262). |
Pronominal adverbs of time generally end in -m, as tum,
quum; in -nc, -nque, as tu-nc, cu-nque; or in -ndo, -nquam, as
qua-ndo, nu-nquam. |
Adverbs derived from nouns adjective and substantive either
end in e, o, or ter; or else they are merely adjectives in the
neuter objective case.
842 THE LATIN CASE-SYBTEM. [CHAP. VIII.
(2) Adverbs in e or o, anciently ending in -ed, or -od, are,
in fact, ablative cases of adjectives: thus valde, originally vals-
dod ; bene, originally bonod; cito, originally citod ; certe or certo,
originally certod, &c., are the ablative cases of validus, bonus,
citus, certus, &c. respectively. The Greeks had a large class of
adverbs of the same kind; but in these the final -d of the abla-
tive has been softened down, according to the laws of Hellenism,
into an -s: thus, οὕτως, καλῶς, &c. represent the old forms of
the ablative, οὕτοδ, καλοδ, &c. (see N. Crat. S 249). There are
two cases where this 5- seems still to exist, ἔδ-ος and 'Adpoó-irg
(Sanscr. AbÀrád-i4); and there is one instance in which the
metre of Homer will not allow its modern representative to
stand, namely, in those passages where ἕως is a trochee. The
Sanserit ¢@-vat compared with réFes might justify the supposi-
tion that the original form was &Fo9; while the analogy of XaFos,
λέξως, vaos, νέως, should authorize us to insert, even in our Hel-
lenic text of Homer, the emendation áFos for ἕως (comp. also
"Hos, Atos," Eos), whenever this particle is a trochee!.
(b) The termination -éer is appended to adjectives of the
third declension in the same way as Mir is affixed to adjectives
of the first and second declension. Thus, from /lents we have
leni-ter; from gravis, gravi-ter ; from felix, felici-ter; from
audax, audac-ter ; from diffcilis, difficul-ter ; and so on. To these
must be added the isolated form igt-tur, which, according to
Festus (p. 105, Miiller) is equivalent to inde, postea, tum (above,
p. 242); and which is used by Plautus (Msles Glor. 111. 1, 177)
as the antecedent to quando; for he says: ‘‘ quando habebo,
igitur rationem mearum fabricarum dabo." The first two sylla-
bles 4-g? must be taken to represent the composite form e-go,
e-ho, €-ja, &c., of which the Oscan e-sa is a softer form: and as
1 There can be little doubt that ἕως and τέως correspond to ydvat
and távat respectively. Now as, by the side of λέως, we have AaFós and
λᾶς, 60 by the side of ἕως we have ds (Pind. O. x1. 51; Aristoph. Lysistr.
173), which was also written Fas (Tab. Heracl. 2, 52, p. 207); and we
may therefore infer the intermediate form dFoc— dFo8 — yd-vat. A
similar argument may be deduced from the gonitive in -εως -eFos or -nos
(New Cratylus, $ 248).
8.11.7 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 948
the Umbrian es-te represents the Latin ἐπέα, so i-gi- may corre-
spond to es-go = er-go, which is strictly a synonym of ¢-gi-tur.
The termination -ter, -tur, is, in fact, the same as -tus, which is
appended to substantives and adjectives of the second declension :
thus we have celi-tus, fundi-tus, radtct-tus, antiqui-tus, divini-
tus, humani-tus, &c. This last, which is obviously the older form,
answers to the Sanscrit -tas, on the one hand, and to the Greek
-Üev on the other (compare the Greek first person plural in -4ev
with the Latin in -mus). There is yet a third form in which it
appears, namely, -tim, which is the termination of a most interest-
ing class of participial adverbs; for I cannot consent to consider
any of them as strictly formed from nouns; and though the
verbs in all cases are not forthcoming, the adverbs themselves
prove that they must have existed in part at least. Instances of
this class of adverbs are caterva-tim, carp-tim, grada-tim, priva-
tim, punc-tim, separa-tim, vica-tim (other examples are cited by
Corssen, I. p. 266). Compare with these the German participial ©
forms in -?ngen, and the Greek participial adverbs in -νδα, -νδην,
-δην (N. Crat. ὃ 263). The most striking result from a proper
appreciation of the origin of adverbs in -/óm, is the explanation
which it supplies for those adverbs in -ter wbich are derived
from active participles. The termination of the supine is already
-tu; the adverb, therefore, is a locative case of the supine; for
caterva-tim stands: to caterva-tus in precisely the same relation as
par-tim to pars (par[t]s). Similarly, aman-ter, sapien-ter, &c.
are cases of the participles amans, sapiens, &c.; for the crude
forms of these participles already contain the t. Now, if I am
right in concluding that these terminations, -θεν, -tas, -ter, -tus,
-tim, &c. are lengthened forms of that dental affix which marks
the ablative of the noun, most interesting conclusions may be
drawn from this respecting the origin of the participle and of
the passive person-endings of the Latin verb. ‘That there is no
' essential distinction between the terminations -ttm and -ter, and
that the former is not restricted to participles of the passive for-
mation, is clear from such forms as -tentim, ἄς. In fact,
while the -d or -t alone is sufficient to express the participial
relation, we find also ἃ strengthened form which contains the
liquid, as well as the mute dental; thus we have as syno-
nyms not only cupi-dus but cuptén(t)s, not only φυγά(δ)ς but
344 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [ CHAP. virt.
φεύγοντ-ς -- φεύγων, not only τετυφό(τ)ς--- τετυφώς but τύπτοντ-ς-Ξ
τύπτων; and in the fixed or adverbial forms not only the adverbs
in -δα, «δον, -δην, but also those in -νδα, -νδον, -νδην. Now the
obvious derivation of these latter adverbs entitles us to infer
that the participle-ending in -»t is a secondary formation from
a verbal noun, bearing the same relation to the simpler forms in
-d, -5, that t-nde opposed to $-b6 does to αὐτό-θεν opposed to
αὐτό-θι', Consequently, the adverbs in question are really fixed
cases of participles, analogous to the forms which we call
supines, gerunds, or infinitives. And the participle itself differs
only from these adverbs, and from the persons of the verb, in the
circumstance, that it is not an immovable form, but one which
is capable of regular flexion through the whole system of cases
(N. Crat. § 300, 415). With regard to the passive person-
ending in -r the fact that it is a locative affix is proved to
demonstration (1) by the analogy between these adverbs in -δὴν,
«δον, -0a, and the Greek passive person-endings in -az, -ν (cf.
δαί, δήν), “ον, -a, -o; (2) by the identity of meaning of these
adverbs with the Latin in -ttm and -ter; and (3) by the locative
value of igi-tur, which strictly corresponds in form to ama-tur
(see New Cratylus, § 365; below, Chapter x1. S 2).
Adverbs, used as conjunctions, are such as jam, nam, entm
(Sanscr. éna), ideo, tamen, ἄς. These are, in fact, cases of
different pronouns. Most of them are of obvious origin. Thus
jam is merely the locative of the second pronominal element,
in its weakest form. It appears as a dissyllable, especially in
-— — rr MÀ P —aM— --..
! In the text I have merely put together some of the analogies
suggested in my former work. The late Mr. Garnett, who was one of
tho soundest, and, at the same time, most original philologers in this
country, had arrived at some results which were calculated to confirm
and extend these views, In a letter to me (dated 3d May, 1842) he said:
“TI flatter myself that I can make it appear from a pretty copious induc-
tion that the Indo.Germanic present participle is formed upon the abla-
tive case of the verbal noun (Sanscrit tupat], in much the same way as
the pronoun possessive in Latin, German, &c., is formed upon the geni-
tive of the personal. If I am not mistaken, this is calculated to throw
an important light upon the organisation of the Indo-Germanic and mauy
other languages.” Although there is an important truth at the basis of
this theory, it seems to me to involve in the application a fallacy which
I have pointed out elsewhere (New Cratylus, p. 511, ed. 8). -
$ 11.} THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 945
et-iam, and bears the same relation to piam that ἰάλλω does to
φιάλλω (New Cratylus, S 110). Nam, of which enim is merely a
lengthened form, contains the same pronominal root as ὦ-νά, vai,
ne, nunc, &c. Id-eo (comp. ad-eo) is equivalent to the Greek
ἐπίτηδες (= ἐπὶ tadeow, Buttmann), and from it is derived
tdoneus = ideoneus = Gr. ἐπιτήδειος. The form of tamen has
created some difficulty. Max. Schmidt (de pronom. Gr. et Lat.
p. 91) considers that tam-en is for tam-in; and Pott (Etym.
Forsch. i. p. 136) regards the last syllable of tom-/n as a
weakened form of an. As we have both tam-quam and quam-
quam, and as tam-en is the correlative of the latter, it is most
reasonable to suppose that the second syllable en is a locative
of the pronoun 1s, like im in inter-tm. For tam, which appears
both in tam-en and tan-dem, we find tame (Fest. p. 360), as we
have cume for cum (Terent. Scaur. p. 226); and tam is substi-
tuted for tamen in tam-etst.
Some adverbs are merely cases of common nouns, which
usage has made indeclinable. These appear sometimes as con-
junctions, and sometimes as prepositions. Instar, gratia, and
ergo, may be compared with δίκην, χάριν, and ἕνεκα (see New
Crat. SS 271 sqq.). Prope[d] (cf. _propin-quus) is the ablative
of an old adjective, and prop-ter is its case in -ter = tus = θεν.
Penes and tenus are forms of the same kind as instar, and con-
tain the roots of pen-dere, ten-dere. Clam and palam are loca-
tives of the same nature as partim, &c. The former, which was
- also written calim (Fest. p. 47), contains the root of celo, κλέπτω,
καλύπτω, &c. Palam is the same case of an adjective connected
with palatum, πύλη, &c. That it is a noun appears farther from
the fact, that it is used also with the preposition ἐπ (in palam =
aperte, Gloss. Isid.), like 4n-cassum; comp. pro-palam. The
same is the case with coram =co’oram (xar ὄμμα); comp.
co minus, eminus (ἐκ χειρός); tllico is in loco; and we have
extemplo or extempulo from another form of tempus. Some-
times the adverb is merely the crude form of the noun. We
have examples of this in simul, procul (from similis, procilis) ;
moz is supposed to be a corruption of movor; and the ancients
wrote facul (Fest. p. 87) and perfacul (id. p. 214) for faculter
or facile, and perfacile. Again, the full form of the noun is
occasionally used as an adverb: in the x11. Tables we have
346 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [ CHAP. VIII.
nox for noctu (above, p. 254); and Virgil (din. 1. 215; vir. 624)
and other writers used pars for partim. There is an approxima-
tion to this usage in the indeclinable Greek θέμες (Buttmann,
Ausf. Sprachl. 1. p. 227).
§ 12. Adwerbial expression for the day of the month.
To these instances of the adverbial use of nouns may,
perhaps, be added the phrase by which the Romans designated
the day of the month. Here a locative of the day is inserted
between the preposition and the word which denotes the standard
of reckoning. Thus, “on the fourth day before the Nones of
April," is expressed by ante (die quarto) Nonas Apriles =quarto
die ante Nonas Apriles. And this whole expression is regarded
as one word, which may be dependent on a preposition: thus we
may say, ex ante d. iii. Non. Jun. usque ad pridie Kal. Septem-
bres, or differre aliquid in ante d. xv. Kal. Novembres. This idiom
was carried so far that even when the Ides themselves were
intended we have the phrase ante Idus instead of Idibus. Thus
Liv. 111. 40: ante Idus Matas decemviros abísse magistratu.
If the inserted date was ever written or pronouneed in the
accusative case, according to the ordinary praetice &mong
modern Latinists, it is obvious that this must have originated
in an attraction, or in a mistaken usage. The well-known
employment of the locative pridie to indicate the day imme-
diately before the Calends, Nones, or Ides, shows that the other .
days must have been expressed in the same case.
CHAPTER IX.
DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN.
$ 1. The usual arrangement is erroneous. § 3. General rules for the classification
of Latin nouns. § 3. First or -a declension. $4. Second or -o declension.
$ 5. Third declension or consonantal nouns. $6. A. First class or purely
consonantal nouns. § 7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal nouns.
S 1. The usual arrangement is erroneous.
HE arrangement of Latin nouns in different declensions («Ai-
σεις) or forms of inflexion has been managed by grammarians
without any regard either to the internal organisation of the
word or to the real convenience of the learner. Among the
ancient grammarians, Varro proposed a simple convention—
namely, to distinguish the declensions of nouns according to the
vowel of the ablative singular (L. L. x. 62, p. 257, Müller):
“nam ejus cassuis literarum discriminibus facilius reliquorum
varietatem discernere poterit, quod ei habent exitus, aut in A, ut
hac'terrá : aut in. E, ut hac lance: aut in I, ut hac levi: aut in
O, ut hoc colo: aut in U, ut hoc versu. Igitur ad demonstrandas
declinationes vice prima hec." Diomedes distinguished seven
declensions, dividing thé nouns in -tus, -tum from those in -us,
-wm, and the neuters in -« from the feminines in -us (see Zeitschr.
f. d. Wiss. d. Spr. ut. 315). The favourite and oldest method
in this country has been to consider the noun according to five
distinct declensions. The -a and -o declensions stand in their
proper place at the head of the list. Then follow the conso-
nantal and -ἰ declensions considered as one. And the nouns in
-u and -e are treated as two distinct schemes of case-formations.
One of the objects, which I proposed to myself in writing a new
Latin Grammar’, was to correct this vicious and faulty exhibi-
tion of the different forms of the noun; but as I could not
attempt in a merely elementary treatise to explain and justify
Y A complete Latin Grammar for the use of learners. Second Edition,
much improved. London, 1860.
948 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. 1x.
every feature in the system which I have adopted, I have re-
served for the present work a more complete discussion of the
theory of the Latin declensions; and I shall now, proceed to
show that the arrangement, which appears in the Latin Gram-
mar, is the only classification which is consistent with the results
of scientific philology ; while I know by experience that it is at
least as easy to the learner.
82. General rules for the classification of Latin Nouns.
The true classification of the crude or uninflected forms of
the Latin noun is obviously that of the letters which constitute
the distinctive characteristics. And the crude-form may always
be deduced from the genitive plural by omitting the final syl-
lable whether it be -um or -rum'. Thus we know from the gen.
pl. wrbi-wn, that the original form of urb-s must have been
urbi-s, just as conversely we find orb-s, nub-s, by the side of the
common orbi-s, nube-s. At first sight all these forms fall into
two great divisions, according as they terminate in vowels or
consonants. But while, on the one hand, the vowels themselves
are distinguished by their structure and origin as vowels of
articulation and vocalized consonants, so that the latter belong
to the consonant class when considered according to the genesis
of the crude-form,—on the other hand the consonants are not
less distinguished among themselves, according to the organ by
which they are uttered, and according to the difference between
mutes and liquids, than they are discriminated from the pure
vowels. The scientific or methodical order of the declensions
must be one which enables us most easily to fall back on the
root of the noun, and on the original form of those pronominal
affixes by which it is extended or developed, before it becomes
the vehicle of the case-endings. And if the vocalized consonants
— LATA maa € »..... .--..
! [ believe I was the first to call attention to this simple method of
ascertaining the declension.character of Latin nouns from their genitive
plural. The grammarian is not supposed to be making his first ac-
quaintance with the forms of Latin words, and therefore it is no true
objection to say that he cannot know the declension-character till he has
learned the inflexions of the particular noun. It is sufficient that he is
able to make the classification intelligible. at first sight to the learner.
$3.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 349
$ and u may be traced to an ultimate identity with guttural or
labial mutes, it'is clear that the nouns of which they are the
characteristics ought to be ranged among the consonant declen-
sions. In this way we shall have two main classes of nouns—
those whose characteristic is one of the pure .vowels a or o,
and these may be considered as subdivided into two declensions;
—and those whose characteristic is a consonant, whether mute,
or liquid, or one of the semi-consonants ¢ and u, considered as a
representative of some mute, and these may be regarded as
constituting one declension. While this scheme of the declensions
is the only arrangement which can be justified on the grounds
of scientific etymology, it is at least as convenient as any other
to the mere learner: for we cannot give any practical rule to a
beginner more simple than that which results from this arrange-
ment—namely, that the vowel-nouns invariably form their geni-
tive plural in -a-rum or -o-rwm, which is rarely contracted into
-Am: that they form their dative and ablative plural in -zs,
which rarely appears under the uncontracted form -dus-; that
the accusative singular is always -am or -wm, the accusative
plural -os or -as, and the ablative singular always - or -ó; and,
on the other hand, that the consonant-nouns generally form their
genitive plural in -um, which is rarely preceded by the character-
istic r ; that, conversely, they form their dative and ablative plural
in -bus, which rarely, if ever, loses its characteristic 6; that the
ablative singular is always e or 7; and the accusative plural
always -es, except when the characteristic is u. These general
distinctions do not apply to the nominative-accusative plural.of
neuter nouns, which are uniformly terminated by -@ in all declen-
sions. If then the classification, which I am about to explain, is
not only true, but most convenient to the student, there can be
no reason why it should not supersede the old-fashioned method
even in elementary grammars.
§ 3. First or -a Declension.
Gen. Pl. -A-rum.
The Latin -a declension, as compared with the Greek, pre-
sents one remarkable contrast. In pure Latin nouns, the termi-
nation is invariably -ἄ, whereas in corresponding forms the Greek
950 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
declension exhibits -à, -d, -às, τη, της. Thus we have not only
cellá by the side of dXX, but amicitid, scribd, ared, notá, ho-
micidá, by the side of duXiía, ταμίᾷς, συκέᾶ, τρίβη, ἀνδρειφόντης.
And even when Greek nouns are transplanted, the same shorten-
ing of the last syllable may take place; thus πέτρᾶ, ζώνη and
πύκτης become petrá, zoná and pyctá. The explanation of this
phenomenon is to be sought in the general tendency to abbrevia-
tion, which characterizes the Latin language, and which is perhaps
connected with their habit of throwing the accent forward. In
many cases the short d is not merely an extenuation of the syllable,
but an abridgment involving the omission of one or, more forma-
tive letters. Thus, as φιλία must be considered as a contraction
of duXé-a-cá, the same omission must have taken place in amici-
tia, and we shall see a further proof of this when we come to the
nouns in és= -d-is. A comparison of κριτής, συκέα, -ἢ, and ταμίας,
shows us that these words involve the second pronominal element
under the form za = ya. And we must presume an addition of the
same element in scrib-a = scrib-yas, not-d = not-yasa, homicid-a
= homicid-yas, &c. The length of the à in familids = familiass,
familia = familiad, filiabus = filta-tbus, filias = filiam-s, is of
course due to the absorption, in each case, of some original letter,
eo recently belonging to the inflexion that it could not be forgotten ;
and with regard to the genitive in particular, we are able to sup-
port this inference by an appeal to a considerable number of
forms in -aes, which are still found in inscriptions (Corssen, 1.
p. 103). That the nom. pl. corresponded in form to the gen.
sing. is proved by the phrase vigints quinque ponas in the ΧΙ.
Tables (above, p. 253).
§ 4. Second or -o Declenston.
Gen. Pl. -O-rum.
As the nominative of this declension ends in -us or -er = -rus,
and the accusative in -um, it is necessary to state to the beginner
why the characteristic is said to be o and not v: but to any one
who has made even a commencement in philology, it is obvious
that while the forms in -ó, -órum, -és could not have sprung from
an original «, the forms, in which a short i appears, would natu-
rally result from a short ó (above, Ch. vir. ὃ 5). Besides, many
§ 4,1 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 351
of these nouns appear by the side of Greek nouns in -os, and in old
Latin the o is still apparent, as in quom for quum, olves for ollis
or tllts, ἄς. A comparison of ager with ὠγρός, Alexander with
᾿Αλέξανδρος, and the like (see Corssen, II. p. 53), shows that the
Latin forms have suffered an apocope not altogether unlike that
of scriba from scribyas, &c., and certainly due to the same ten-
dency to abbreviate and throw back the accent. We have nouns
in -erus which are never shortened into -er, as humerus, numerus,
vesperus, uterus; and some compounds with the verb-roots fer-
and ger- present both the full form and the apocope; thus we
have armiger by the side of morigerus. In these instances, of
course, the er is retained throughout the declension. But in the
oblique cases of ager and .Alexander, as in the corresponding
Greek words, the e is dropt, as might have been expected from its
obvious functions as a merely compensatory insertion. The same
is the case with a great many words of this form, especially
those which exhibit the termination signifying agency, which
corresponds to the Greek -τῆς, -rgp, -rep, fem. -rpua, -τριδ-,
such as magis-ter, mints-ter, arbi-ter, &c. There is also in
Latin a longer form in -tor, -toris. Those which retain the e
have generally some Greek affinity, which explains the importance
of the letter. Thus puer must be compared with the Greek
ποῖρ: liber, liberi — ἐλεύθερος or Διόνυσος ἐλευθέριος, is thus
distinguished from (V-ber, li-bri; gener, gener? belongs to γένος,
yeve[o]os, genus, generis, and socer to Exupos. It is to be
observed that although ager always loses its e in the oblique
cases, this unessential letter is constantly retained in the com- :
pound jugerum — díagerum (above, p. 321). The pronouns «le,
tpse, &c. for ollus, ipsus, &c., are singular instances of a form of
the nominative corresponding to the mere crude-form as it ap-
pears in the vocative of this declension.
It is an interesting fact that the Romans substituted the
second for the third declension in some of the inflexions of
Greek nouns in -evs, -ews or -7e, -οῦς.. Thus they wrote
Achillei and Uliei as the genitives of Achilles (Ay4XXevs) and
Ulisses (Ὀδυσσεύς), and Pericls for the genitive of Pericles (Tlepi-~
κλέης). The latter change is partly supported by the Greek
abbreviation of derivatives from κλέος, such as Πάτροκλος, 'Eré-
oxros. That Hercules passed into Herculus or Herclus may be
902 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
inferred from the interjectional vocative Hercule or Hercle, used
like the Greek vocative Ἡράκλεις !*.
§ 5. Third Declension of consonantal Nouna.
It has been already remarked, that nouns of the third declen-
sion are arranged according to the nature of the characteristic
consonant, which precedes the case-ending; and that they fall
into two great classes according as they retain the consonant or
vocalize it into ¢ or a. The characteristic is very often lost in
the nominative singular, but it may always be recovered by ὃ 8,
careful examination of the oblique cases.
8 6. A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns
Gen. Pl. -B-um, -P-um.
(c) Labial nouns are limited to some few in 5, generally
shortened from forms in -t, as plebs (also plebes), scobs (also
scobis), scrobs (also scrobis), trabs, urbs (anciently urbis), and
some few in p, as dape, stips (also stipes or stipis), stirps (an-
ciently stirpis), to which must be added compounds in cip- from
capio, as man-ceps, munt-ceps, parti-ceps, prin-ceps. To the
same class of compounds we must refer for-cepe, δ a pur of pin-
cers,” the first syllable referring to the “opening” or “door,”
which this instrument makes in order to grasp the object. Simi-
larly we have for-fex, “ἃ pair of scissors,” from facio, and for-
pez, “a pair of curling-tongs," from pec-to.
Gen. Pl. - G-um, - C-um.
(b) Guttural nouns are a more numerous group, and the
tenuis c is a more common characteristic than the medial g. Of
the latter class we have only the primitive früz (früg-), grex
(grég-), and strix (strig-): and the verbals lex (root leg-), rex
(root reg-), with the compounds ¢-lex, énter-rez, con-jux (root
jug-), remex (root ag-). | Supellez is an abridgment of the form
1 Sir E. Bulwer Lytton gives an exemplification of his imperfect
‘scholarship when in his Pompeii he makes a Roman swear per Hercle.
In the passage of Gellius, π|. δ: per hercle rem mirandam dicit. Arie
toteles, we havo the usual tmesis of the intensive per, as in Cicero de
Oratore, 1. 49: per mihi mirum visum est.
§ 6.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 353
in -h- indicated by the genitive supellectilis, and the x does not
represent a g but cts. The same is the case with senex, which
conversely exhibits a shortened form in its genitive sents: cf.,
however, senectus, seneca, senecto, &c. The root of sen-ex is to
be sought in the Sanscrit san-d, and the old Saxon and H. G.
sin, “always,” found also in the Gothic stn-tetns; and we have
the same root in sem-per, opposed to nu-per, as sen-ex to novus
(below, Ch. x. § 6). The idea of sen-ex is that of advanced
longevity rather than that of relative age, which is expressed by
major, maximus, with or without natu ; and similarly mtnor, mini-
mus, is used instead of junior. In Persius we find Aristophanes
designated as pregrandis senex (1. 124), and as Cratinus is men-
tioned in the same passage, the epithet cannot refer to the great
. age of the other poet, but must mean that he was the most illus-
trious representative of the old comedy (comedia prisca, Hor. 1.
Serm. 1v. 2; comedia vetus, id. Are Poet. 281). The substantive
senium i8 often used to denote antiquity in general, as in Statius
Silv. 1. 8, 88: venerabile lucorum senium. I have intimated the
possibility (above, p. 208) that in old Etruscan etere, which seems
to denote “an elder son," may be connected with vetus. But there
is no authority for this use of the word in Latin. With a geni-
tive vetus may signify experienced (gnarus), as in Silius, Iv. -
332: gnaros bells veteresque laborum, and this is common enough
in Tacitus, as in Annal. v1.44: vetus regnandi. It might be
supposed that this is the meaning of veterrimum liberorum in
vi. 91, which cannot signify * the eldest of his sons." But the
absence of the genitive, and the whole context, induce me
to suppose that the text is corrupt, and that we ought to read
telerrimum instead of veterrimum. The word veteres occurs im-
mediately after; and the sevitia of the father would lead us to
expect an epithet which would signify *' most tyrannical;" cf.
Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 40; Vatin. 111. fin.; Hespubl. 11. 12. In πὲ
the z represents gv or qv: cf. ninguo. The genitive nivis may
be compared with vivo = qviqvo, struo = struquo, &c. The gen.
plur. of πῶ», nivis, ntvIum, and merz, mercis, merclum, shows
that these nouns really belong to the I declension. The tenuis
c is the characteristic of a number of primitive nouns, such as
fax (füc-), lux (lic-), codex (codic-), cornix (cornic-), &c. ; it also
appears in nouns containing the root of c verbs, as dux (düc-),
D. V. 23
954 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
ju-dex (dic-), and other nouns from dico; pol-lex (lic-), and other
nouns from licio; arti-fex (fic-), and other nouns from facto ;
and we find a great number of feminines in -triz corresponding
to real or possible masculines in for, such as nutria (nutric-),
obstetrix (obstetric-), &c. The last word deserves some special
notice, as showing the true meaning of ob in composition. For
ob-stetriz must mean “a woman who stands by to assist —a&
Beisteherin—and παραστῆναι or συμπαραστῆναι is especially
used to denote this by-standing or as-sistance in childbirth: so
Pind. OL vi. 42: πραΐμητίν τ᾽ "EXev0À συμπαρέστασέν τε
Μοίρας: cf. Ol. x1. 54. If then ob-sto may signify “ to assist,"
like παρίστημι, as well as “to oppose," it can only bear this
meaning in consequence of the sense of extension, continuance,
and perseverance borne by ob; and thus of-jictum may denote
* beneficial aid," though of-fício signifies harm and hinderance.
Compare the two applications of our word pre-vent, which means
to go before, either for the purpose of clearing the way, or for
the purpose of obstructing the passage. From this explanation
of ob-stetr-iz, it is plain that Stator does not imply, actively,
* one who causes to stand," but “one who stands by, ready to
help "— qui stat opem laturus—of a prasens Divus, according to
the proper meaning of that term, as in Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 12,
§ 28: “ Hercules tantus et tam prasens habetur deus."
Gen. Pl. -D-um, -T-um, -R-um.
(c) The most numerous and important class of the purely
consonantal nouns are those which have & dental mute for their
characteristic; for while the labial and guttural nouns are limited
to the masculine and feminine, these exhibit 4180 some neuter
nouns of very common occurrence,
. (a) Masculine and feminine nouns in -d are such as pes
(péd-), frons (frond-), vas (vdd-)', and its derivatives pres
Ξε pra-vad-), custos (custo-vad-), and mercés (merce-vad-) (above,
1 This word is interesting from its connexion with the Low-German
weed, or wad, “a pledge," found in wad-set, wed-ding, &c. Another form
was bad, as in the old compact gif bad genumen sy on monnes orfe, * if &
pledge be taken for a man’s chattels;” and from this comes our bet.
From the Low Latin vad-iare comes the Romance guadiare, guaggiare,
and our wager. (See Palgrave, History of the Anglo-Sazons, Pref. p. xxi.).
§ 6.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 955
p. 146); palus (palud-), &c. Masculine and feminines nouns in
-£, are such as dens (dent-), frons (front-), pars (part-), comes
(comit-), quies (queét-), nepos (nepot-) ; a very long list of abstract
words in -éas (-tat-), as boni-tas, with a smaller number of supple-
mentary forms in -tus (-tut-), as virtus: and active participles in
-ns (-nt-), which are occasionally used as nouns, ‘as serpens (ser-
pent-), ἄς. The genitive plural in -cwm proves that there must
have been originally older forms in -ἐΐ of those nouns in - or
-d, in which the characteristic is preceded by another consonant;
cf. dens, gen. pl. dentium, with sementis. This remark applies
also to many of the nouns in -G(tt)s, -e(ti)s, t(ti)s (see the exam-
ples collected by Corssen, 11. pp. 57, 58).
(8) Neuter nouns of this class originally and properly termi-
nated in -& Although caput, gen. capttis (for which the oldest
MSS. of Lucretius give capud), is the only word in which the
characteristic is retained unaltered, Greek analogies and many
collateral indications enable us to see at once what nouns belonged
to this dental declension. Some Greeks nouns in -~a=pat-=
μεντ- (New Crat. S 114) have been naturalized in Latin, such as
poema, gen. poematis ; and lac, gen. lactis, retains more of the
termination in the nominative than the corresponding γάλα, gen.
γάλακτος. The τ, which is lost in κέαρ, cor, is represented
by the medial in καρδία, cordis. Though carmen (cf. carmen-
tis), agmen (cf. armentum), have omitted the characteristic ¢, not
only in the nommative, but also in the oblique cases carmi-
nis, agminis, &c., they at all events retain the preceding liquid,
which is lost altogether in the Greek neuters in -μᾶ, -ματος.
And while corpus, opus, &c. agree with τεῖχος in softening the τ
into s, they retain some trace of it in the r of the oblique cases,
where the Greek, according to the rule (New Crat. § 114), has
dropt the ς between the two vowels. There is an assimilation
of the t in the oblique cases of os, oss-?s (cf. Ga-r-eov)!, mel, mellis
(cf. n&u-T), fel, fellis, and far, farris. The exceptional forms
jecur (also jectinor), iter (also sténer), and jubar, probably ended
originally in -rat, like the Greek ἧπαρ for ἧπρατ, gen. ἥπατος.
The following table will show the gradual degeneration of the
forms:
1 The gen. pl. ossium shows that this word stood for osti and belonged
to the «ὁ declension.
23—2
356 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
a ; B, β, , β, "y
caput — lacet] cor os|t| | carmen|t] corpus
capit-is lact-ts cord-is 088-18 carmi-nis —corpor-is.
Here it will be observed that in a the ¢ is preserved intact;
that in 8, it is ost after another consonant in the nominative,
and preserved in the oblique cases; that in 6, it is retained in the
medial form which comes nearer to the preceding liquid 7 (above,
p. 303); that in B, it is assimilated to s; that in B, it is altoge-
ther dropt after n; and that in y it is softened into sandr. In
comparing corpus, corpor-is, with τεῖχος, τείχε-ος, we observe
that, although the latter has lost the c, according to the rule,
because it is flanked by two vowels, it could retain the neuter
characteristic before a consonant: thus we have ὀρέσβιος from
ὄρος, σακεσ-πάλος from σάκος, &c. Similarly, that the r or s
which takes the place of ¢ in the Latin nouns, is retained in de-
rivatives, like gener-osus, from genus, generis, robus-tus from
robur, and tempes-tas from tempus.
Gen. Pl. -Z-um, -N-um, -E-um.
(d) Liquid nouns are generally of dental ongin, and many
of them recal to our recollection the neuter nouns, which have
just been mentioned. The only noun in m is the word Atem-p-s,
gen. hiemis, which is probably the corruption of a longer form
in mn: cf. χεΐμων and χεῖμα = χείμεντ. There are a few nouns
in J, as sol, sol-is, sal, siis (which is neuter, as well as mascu-
line, and which, in that use, has lost a final £), nthil (for nihilum),
which is neuter and undeclined, and some compounds derived
from salto, as con-sul, pre-sul, ex-sul. The great majority of
liquid nouns have crude forms in n or r=s. Of the former we
have some in -o, -énts; many in -do, -édo, -ido, -t&do, of which
the genitive is formed in -dínis, &c.; others in -go, -àgo, -igo,
-àgo, which have their genitives in -gínis, &c.; others, again, in
,70, -t0, -mo, -810, -tio, which form the genitive in -dnis, &c. It
is superfluous to give examples of all these different classes. In
comparing caro!, gen. carnis, with virgo, gen. virginis, we see
that two liquids in the former have coalesced to the exclusion of
the short $; and virgo — virgín-is differs from sermo = sermén-s,
1 The original form of the nom. was carnis; seo Liv. xxxvi. 3.
8 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 357
just as δαίμων — δαίμον-ς differs from χείμων ΞΞ- χείμων-ς, or as
ποίμην = trolpev-s differs from σπλήν-- σπλήν-ς. In some of the
nouns in s=r this characteristic represents the neuter t; such
are c8, gen. cris, rus, gen. rüris, 08, gen. oris, ver, gen. veris,
ἄς. Other nouns in r really belong to the ¢ declension, as
laquear, gen. laqueüris. But we have a large number of mas-
culine and feminine nouns of which r is the genuine character- -
istic. These are formed in -ér, or -es, or -us, -éris, as mulier,
Ceres, Venus; in -ór or os, -oris, as labor, flos; in -ur, -üris, as
augur; in -ür =-us, -uris, as tellus; in -or, -dris, as arbor: we
have an important class of nouns denoting agency, and ending
in -ter, -tris, a8 pa-ter, ma-ter, &c., to which must be added
u-ter, u-tris, ven-ter, ven-tris, and the compound ac-cipi-ter (-tris)
from accipio: cf. capys, the Etruscan word for a falcon (above,
p. 184). The instrumental ending in -ter is extended, in a very
numerous class of nouns, to -tor, -toris, assibilated to -sor, soris ;
thus we have duc-tor from duc-o, ara-tor from aro, mont-tor
from moneo, spon-sor from spondeo, &c. We have seen that the
r often appears as s in the nominative; in two nouns an e 18
changed into $ in this case;—thus we have cints, cinérts and
pulvis, pulvéris, In consonantal derivatives from nouns in r, as
in the corresponding neuter-forms, this characteristic is retained:
as ἃ simple sibilant; thus, from Venus, Venéris, we have venus-
tas; from honor, honoris, hones-tas; from arbor, arbóris, arbus-
tum; &c.
§ 7. B. Second class or semt-consonantal Nouns.
Gen. Pl. Ium, E-rum τε a-I-rum.
(a) Nouns in ¢ exhibit some phenomena of considerable
linguistic importance, which have eluded the observation of all
previous grammarians. It has been shown elsewhere that the
termination 4, as a guttural residuum, is derived from the second
pronominal element. But it appears as an extension not only
of other pronominal affixes, but even of the second pronoun in
many of its forms, and especially under the form c=k. Thus
we have not only a large class of Greek adjectives in -κός, and
nouns in -«-s, but we have also the extensions -«-cs, -&-eos, &c.,
in which that element is repeated under a softened or vocalized
form. Similarly in Latin, although the substantives in 2 = c-e or
908 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
g-s form their genitive plural in -wm and are therefore independent
of any additional elements, adjectives of the same form show by
their ablative in -¢ and their genitive plural in -ἕωηι, that the
full ending of their crude form is not e-, but c-. It has been
already remarked that some nouns in 5-, c-, p-, or t- (d) either
have by-forms in -bi-, -ci-, -pi-, or -ti-, or must have been origi-
nally formed in Z. The shortened form is confined to the singular
number, for the gen. pl. is invariably in -Jum. And it is to be
observed that the syncope general takes place in nouns in
which a mute is preceded either by the liquid » or r, or by a
long vowel. Thus we have mens for mentis, fronds for frondis,
urbs for urbis, pars for partis, merx for mercis, a number of
nouns in -as, -es, -i8, for -atis, -etiís, -ttis, as cujas for cujatis,
Cares for Coretis or Coritis, Samnis for Samnitis, the longer
forms of the latter being still found in the older poets!, and a
class of nouns in -αἷ and -ar for -ale and -are, as animal for ani-
male, pulvinàr for pulvinüre. There are, however, not a few
nouns which are liable to the same syncope, though the penul-
tifha in the original form was short; thus we have scobs for scobis,
faa for facis, caro(n) for carnis, par for paris, celer for celeris, adeps
for adipis, sal (when masc.) for salis, &c. The appearance of
~nti- instead of -nt-, as the characteristic formation of the parti-
ciple, connects itself with a very interesting fact—namely, that
forms in -nts in Greek and Latin stand beside forms in -ntus and
-ndus. From the regular change of -vrs in Greek into -ntus in
Latin—as when we have πᾶς — πάντ-ς by the side of quantus, or
Τάρας — Tapavr-s by the side of Tarentum—no inference ean be
drawn. But as -d- is generally, if not always, a shortened form
of the articulation which appears as the second personal pronoun
and the second numeral, and as we have verbal forms in -dus
(as cupidus, &c.) by the side of verbals in -réos, -τύς, -τις, it is
not unreasonable to conclude that if orten-t-s = oriu-n-dus, the
former is an abridgment of orten-tis analogous to sementis, &c.,
and this explains the genitive plural in -twm. Although there
1 The original form is also indicated by the accent; for, although
Latin words are generally barytone, nouns in -d(¢)s have the accent on
the last syllable just like those which bare an apocopated enolitic, as
sllác', tantón', and the like.
S 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 959
are some nouns in -?- which retain their characteristic throughout
the cases—as sitis, Tiberis, febris, puppis, &c.,— it not unfre-
quently happens that the shorter vowel e is substituted in the
nom., acc., and abl. sing., and this is always the rule in the nom.
and acc. pl. So that, generally, the criterion of a noun in ¢ is
furnished only by the form of the gen. pl. Thus, although we
have nubes, nubem, nube, nubes, we have always nub-i-un. The
peculiar nouns in -es=-a-ts, in which this characteristic ? is ap-
pended to ἃ crude form in -d, sometimes appearing as a distinct
noun of the first declension (cf. mat£er-ia, * the mother-stuff,” or
“materials,” ὕλη, with materies = materia-is), always retain this
é=at, and consequently exhibit the full or proper form of the
gen. pl. in-rum. For, according to the rule, s —r is not usually
elided except between two short vowels, and the contraction
é=ai produces the same result as the contractions @=a-e and
ὃ — 0-4 in the first and second declension, so that we have arum
— a-érum, orum — o-frum and erum τε a-írum. As canis, juvenis
and vates form the gen. pl. in -um, we infer from this simple fact
that they are as improperly included in the -i- declension as
other nouns are excluded from it. If we compare canis with
κύων = κύον-ς, we shall see that the ζ is merely an unorganic in-
sertion after the liquid, and the same is the case with juvenis;
whereas vates must be explained on the same principle as the
Greek compounds in -ἧς from neuter nouns in -os, which exhibit
the lengthened form only in the nom. and accus. (New Orat.
S 228). The neuter nouns in -e, which are shown by their abl.
sing. in -t, their nom. accus. pl. in -4a, and their gen. pl. in -tum,
to belong to the class of -¢ nouns, are really the neuter forms of
adjectives in -ts. Compare, for example, menta with com-munts,
mare and mille with acris, agilis, rete with restis and trretire,
animal for animale with equalis, &c. One of the strongest
proofs that the additional - is an indication of the adjectival in-
flexion is furnished by the fact that while the immoveable vetus,
veteris, forms its gen. pl. in -um, and while celer, denoting “a
horseman,” has no gen. pl. but celerum, the regularly inflected
adjective celer, celeris, celere, has a gen. pl. celer-éum. The same
inference may be drawn from the relation between fraus & d vas,
&e. (below Ch. xir. 8 12). With regard to the nouns in / and
yr in particular, we must consider that the extensions in -/is and
360 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
-ris are the basis of further extensions in -leus and -rius, such
as nuc-leus, preto-rius, &c., which in Greek would sometimes
appear as -Al-xos, and for this there is an occasional parallel in
Latin, as in fame-li-cus. The following classification will show
how far the whole group of ¢ nouns has retained or lost the
original characteristic.
(2) The characteristic ¢ is retained in the singular, as in
sitis, Tiberis, febris, puppis.
(b) The characteristic t is omitted or changed into e in the
nom. sing., but retained in the abL, as in mare, animal, pul-
vinar, os (gen. ossis).
(c) The characteristic ¢ is omitted or changed into e in the
nom. sing., and e always appears in the abl. sing., as in urbs,
nubes, merx, pars, Arpinas, Quiris.
(d) The characteristic is absorbed by the contraction of a-t
into 8, which becomes a new characteristic, and is retained
throughout, as in dtes for déa-is.
As this last class of nouns never exhibits the original form
even in the gen. pl., and as it coincides in inflexions with the a
declension, of which it is an extension, it might be convenient
on some accounts to place it next to the nouns in a. We should
then have representatives of the three primary vowels a, e, o,
and as the original r of the genitive plural is not omitted except
between two short vowels, these vowel-nouns would have this
consistent distinction from all the others, while the dat. and abl.
diebus would be paralleled by the occasional forms deabus, and
the gen. diet, dies would stand by the side of occasional forms
like aquas, familias. These resemblances between the first and
fifth declensions of the ordinary grammars have induced Bopp
( Vergl. Gramm. p. 141 sqq.) to identify these forms of the Latin
noun, on the assumption that the ἄ of the first deelension was ori-
ginally à, and that the difference, for example, between materiés
and materi is simply that between the Ionic ἡ and the Doric a.
To the obvious objection that the nom. sing. of the 2 nouns in-
variably exhibits a fimal s, which is always wanting in the a
nouns, not only in Latin, but in Sanserit, Zend, Greek, Gothic,
and Lithuanian, Bopp replies by asserting that spectes and cant-
ties are linguistic patriarchs, exhibiting a more original form of
$7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN κου! V AN IWGIA SIT Y!
the other declension! This is, to say the least, as
tion from a comparative philologer ; for it substitutes an arbi
conjecture, for an unexceptionable induction. If Bopp had been
thoroughly acquainted with the structure of the Greek and Latin
languages, he would have seen that the ultimate form of the
feminine always terminates in a short a, and that the forms in a,
ἡ, always involve some absorption of σ or «. That the nouns in
-és are really nouns in -i- formed on the basis of nouns in -a,
may be shown by a few simple considerations. It is admitted
by all philologers that in Latin ὃ τ αὐ, Thus amémus=amaimus,
and so forth (Bopp, Verg. Gram. p. 66). Therefore diés = dia-ts
(cf. dianus, &c.), matertés = materia-ts (cf. materia), &c. With the
exception of the gen. pl., which is found only in two nouns, dies
and res, the e nouns are inflected throughout in accordance with
the forms of the ἐ- declension, supposing the contraction αὖτ 8.
For there is good authority for the gen. sing. in -és. Why the
gen. pl. in -erwm is of such rare occurrence and whether the form
in -tum was ever found, are questions which it is difficult to .
answer. It is clear that Cicero objected to specterum (Topic. 7),
Quintilian to sperum (1. 6, § 26); and thongh we have, in late or
obsolete authors, such forms as facierum (Cato, ap. Prisc. p. 782)
and glacierum (Sidon. Apollon. Epist. 4, 6 extr.), this proves
no more than the occurrence of lapiderum and the like (above,
p. 334). On the whole, there eannot be any doubt that the
nouns in es = ais ought to be placed after the nouns in + of which
they are a contracted declension.
Gen. Pl. -U-um.
(8) It may be inferred that. nouns in τὸ either ineluded or
were ultimately identical with the nouns in -ὦ which have just
been discussed. Thus in Greek -v-s was originally - Fes or -ws,
and the Oscan Ke-us stands by the side of the Latin ci-vis
(above, p. 149). In most existing instances, however, this 1 has
been lost, and we have either ἃ noun in v, declined like the
purely consonant-nouns, or a form in which the w is retained
throughout, just as the ¢ alone keeps its place in the most regular
of the ὁ nouns. Of the former class, we have only two remain-
ing: bos for bov-s (Greek βοῦς), gen. bov-is, and Jus for Jov-s
(Greek Ζεύς), gen. Jov-is, The nominative of this latter noun
ea v5 wl
302 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX.
is always connected with pater under the form of Jupiter, corre-
sponding more nearly to the Greek vocative. Thus Catullus
(uxiv. [Lxvi.], 48) translates the line of Callimachus word for
word as follows:
Ζεῦ πάτερ, ὡς Χαλύβων πᾶν ἀπόλοιτο γένοε.
Ju-piter αἱ Chalybón omne genus pereat.
The analogy between the nouns in 4 and wu will be seen from
the following comparison :
N. pupp-ts — trib-us N. A. ret[i-]e corn-u
G. pupp-ts — trib-üs G. — ret-i corn-us
D. = pupp-t tribu-i or tribd 10. — ret-i corn-u
A. — pupp-im — trib-um N. pl. ret-ta — corn-ua
Abl. pupp-i trib-u G. pl. ret-ium — corn-uum
G. pl. pupp-tum — trib-uum
There are two nouns of the τ declension, which deserve es-
pecial consideration, not only on their own account, but also on
account of some remarkable assonances in the cognate languages,
which might lead to misconception or confusion :—these are res,
*& thing or object," and mare, “the sea." I have shown, in
another work, that res =h-ra-ts is a derivative from Air = χείρ
(Varro, L. L. 1v. 26), and that it must therefore be compared
with the Greek χρέος, χρεία, χρῆμα, to which it bears the same
relation as lena, luridus, &c. do to χλαῖνα, «Xopós, ἄς. Con-
sequently, res is “that which is handled," and means an object
of thought in accordance with that practical tendency of the
Roman mind which made them regard all realities as necessarily
palpable!, whereas the Greeks were contented with the evidence
of the eyes. "Thus, while ἃ Greek declared his certainty by the
predicates ἐναργής", ἐμφανής, σαφής, &c., referring to light,
1 Ariosto (Orlando Furioso, vu. 1) speaks of the vulgar belief as de-
pendent on the sight and touch combined :
Ché ἾἸ sciocco vulgo non gli vuol da fede,
Se non le vede e tocca chiare e piane.
᾿ 3 For this use of ἐναργῆς we may compare ZEschyl. Pers. 179: ἀλλ᾽
οὐδέπω τοίονδ᾽ ἐναργὲς εἰδόμην with Soph. Trach. 11: φοιτῶν ἐναργὴς rab-
pos; which is opposed to ἀνδρείφ κύτει βούπρῳρος or the partial assumption
of the bovine form. Just in tho same way we find in Shakspere
(K. John, 1. 2):
Mine eye hath well examined his parts,
And finds them perfect Richard. ἡ
§ 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 963
the Roman brought every thing to the test of the touch, and /
pronounced a thing “ manifest" (mant-festa res) when he could ^ |
reach out his hand and feel it. With the Greeks the idea of .,^ |
handling was connected with that of facility, rather than with
that of evidence: thus εὐχερής, easy," is opposed to δυσχερής,
* difficult:" and as μάρη in old Greek was a synonym of χείρ
(and probably akin to manus), εὐμαρής is a common equivalent
to εὐχερής (Schol. Ven. ad Iliad. xv. 37). Now this word μάρη.
brings us to the first of those apparent resemblances between the :
Greek and Latin, against which I would caution the student.
For the Etymolog. Magn. directly connects uáp-rus “a witness"
with μάρη “8 hand," and thus brings us back to the Roman
manifesta res; the compiler says (p. 78, 11): μάρτυς ó μάρψας
καὶ εἰδὼς τὸ ἀληθές. But, as I have shown elsewhere (New
Crat. § 450), μάρτυς is not immediately connected with μάρη,
but belongs to the same application of the root as me-mor, pép-
ἐμνα, &c., so that it is expressive rather of the memory and
spoken record than of the certainty of the thing declared. And
here we have a remarkable difference between the Greek and We f
Roman conceptions of “truth.” For while the Greek μάρτυς" (ent ef
refers to memory, and the Greek ἀληθής to the absence of for- ἢ al’ PPM
getfulness, the Latin testis refers us to testa a piece of earthen- .”...
ware used as a proof, ticket, or symbolum (ef. tessera, which is for |," '..
testera, and not from the Greek τέσσαρες), und verus, like the, — -
Teutonic wér and the Lithuanian geras, which mean both verus
and bonus (Graff, Sprsch. 1. 913), indicates the certainty, good-
ness, validity, and protection, on which we may rely with confi-
dence. It is well known to Latin scholars that verus even in
the classical writers not unfrequently recurs to its original mean-
ing, and denotes rather that which is good, right, and proper,
than that which is true as a matter of fact. Thus, in Livy, 11.
48: verum ease habere eos quorum sanguine et sudore partum sit,
And Milton says (Parad. Reg. 1. 82):
| I saw
A perfect dove descend ;
i.e. évapy)s περιστερά. Aristotle (Eth. Nicom. 1. 1, 8) uses ἐναργής and
φανερός as synonymous expressions for that which falls within the reach
of our ordinary experience. '
964. DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [cHaP. IX.
‘it was right and proper that those should have it by whose blood
and labour it had been obtained." Cf. rrr. 40, xxxir. 33, xr.
16; Cesar, B. G. 1v. 8; Virgil. Zn. x11. 696; Horace, 2 Serm.
LI. 312; 1 Epist. vir. 98. This meaning is sometimes made
more clear by the addition of equus, as in Horace, 1 Epist. x11.
23: nil Grosphus nisi verum orabit et equum. And decens is
similarly added, as in Horace, 1 Epist. 1. 11: quod verum atque
decens curo et rogo et omnis in hoc sum (see Gronovius and Dra-
kenborch on Liv. 11. 48). Again, μάρη bears an outward resem-
blance to the Latin mare, the other word under discussion, and
the syllabic correspondence is strengthened by our knowledge of
the fact, that θέναρ, which denotes “the hollow of the hand,” is
also used to signify “the surface of the sea" (see Pind. Jsthm.
II. 74). But these are merely accidental coincidences: for, as
we have seen above (p. 90), ma-re and the Sclavonian mo-re
must be referred to thé Semitic D'D, the second syllable being
that which appears in the Greek ῥέω, the Etruscan ril, &c.
Besides, mare does not signify “the surfuce of the sea," but the
mass of water, as opposed to dry-land. The surface of the
water is denoted by pelagus, directly borrowed from the Greek
πέλαγος, Which is connected with πλάξ, and means “an extended
sheet of water;" hence πέλωγος signifies “the high-sea,” and
πεέλάγιος means “out at sea" (New Crat. § 280). If a river
had burst its banks and covered a large expanse of cquntry, it
would be called a mare, or * flood,” and might in that case ex-
hibit a pelagus or “wide surface of water." Thus Virgil says
of the mouth of the Po (Ln. 1. 246):
It mare proruptum, et pelago premit arva sonanti.
* [t rushes forth in a flood, and covers the lands with a roaring
sheet of water." ‘This view of the origin and signification of
ma-re is important with reference to its form as a noun in 4. We
see this 4 in other words involving the root re, as ri-vus, ri-l,
&c.; and considering the general meaning of adjectives in -is,
we must come to the conclusion that ma-r-e is the neuter of an
adjective ma-re-is = ma-r-1s = vÓpoppóos. To return to res — hra-
is, the termination seems to indicate it as a doing, rather than as
a thing done—as a “hand-ling” (handlung) rather than as a
work,—as a χρῆσις rather than as a χρῆμα. Practically, how-
8 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 365
ever, res means ἃ mere object of thought, a thing which is or
may be handled; and this appears still more clearly from the
use of re-or, “I think," i.e. “I propose a res to my mind," and
its derivative ra-tio (from ra-tus), which implies the action of
the verb, and denotes the mode or act of thinking. Still, it may
be seen, by a little care in the examination, that the fixed or
passive meaning of res is quite consistent with its original use as
a noun of action. As we shall see, when we come to the gerun-
dia and gerundiva, the difference between active and passive
becomes evanescent when we descend to the infinitive or abstract
use of a word. When we are speaking of the “ winding-up of a
business,” “the closing of a shop," &c., it is obvious that we
direct attention to the thing done, rather than to the act of doing
it. Just so with res as opposed to ratio. Between these two the
substantive reus and the verb reor may be presumed to inter-
vene, lf res means a "* handling," or ‘Caction,” reus will denote
the person implicated in the action; and as res, in a legal sense,
denotes the cause and object of the controversy, in the same
technical application reus will denote a person accused or im-
peached—cujus res agitur. And as ratio has no existence save
through the verb reor, it must mean something more than the
mere bodily handling implied by res. It must denote ἃ mental
operation consequent upon this contact. And, in point of fact,
ratio always implies some intellectual process, or the plan and
System which emanate from it. While res or res familiaris is
the property, ratto is the account kept; res publica is the state or
object of government, ratio is the mode of governing; res is the
outer world, as in natura rerum, &c., ratio is the inner reason,
which deals with it theoretically. And this opposition is even
carried so far that, while verborum ratio is the arrangement of
words, or the style (Cic. de Oratore, 11. 15, § 64), we have
rerum ratio (§ 63) for “history,” or the arrangement of facts
and actions.
The neuters in e of this declension are interesting as examples
of the form which appears by the side of all masculine and
feminine adjectives in -e, as tristis, neut. triste. Of course this
theory assures us that the original ending of their neuter must
have been -id, just as ante was originally antid. And this
inference is confirmed by an obsolete neuter in -is, which bears
360 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [cHAP. IX.
the same relation to -?7 that corpus, opus, &c., do to the original
corpud, opud, &c. ‘This neuter is found in potis, satis, by the
side of pote and sat (for sate); thus, Lucret. 1. 452:
Conjunctum est id, quod nunquam sine perniciali
Discidio potis est sejungi seque gregari.
v. 716:
Corpus enim licet esse aliud, quod fertur et una
Labitur omnimodis occursans efficiensque,
Nec potis est cerni, quia cassum lumine fertur.
Terent. Adelph. tv. 1, 5: “ita fiat et istoc, si quid potis est
rectius." Catull. Lxxv. 24: “quod non potis est." LXXxI. 7:
“qui potts est." Corn. Nep. Epam. 4: “ abstinentie erit hoc
satis testimonium :" cf. Hannib. 6. These passages are quoted
by Schwartze, das alte gypten, 1. p. 637. The same expla-
nation applies to necessus for necessum or necesse, in the Senatus
Consultum de Bacchanalibus. The neuter in -4s is sometimes a
representative of -us for -ius, as in magts (by the side of mage),
nimis, ultis (Zettechr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 111. p. 277 seq.); comp.
aliquantis-per, paullis-per, tantis-per, &o.
CHAPTER X.
PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.
8 1. General definitions. 8 2. Personal Pronouns. § 3. Indicative Pronouns.
$ 4. Distinctive Pronouns. § 5. Relative, interrogative, and indefinite Pro-
nouns, § 6. Numerals and degrees of comparison. § 7. Prepositions.
8 8. Negative Particles.
§ 1. General Definitions.
TAE term pronoun, in accordance with its original meaning
( pronomen, ἀντωνυμία), ought to denote only those words
which are used as substitutes for nouns. But according to that
which appears to me to be the only scientific classification, all
words fall into two great divisions,—pronouns, or words which
indicate space or position; and words containing roots, which
express the positional relations of general attributes. The former
do not allow any admixture with the other element of language:
the latter require the addition of at least one pronominal suffix
to make them words. I have therefore proposed’ to call the
pronouns, or posttional words, the organizing, constituent, or
formative element of inflected language, and the roots I would
designate as the material element of human speech. With this
extension of meaning the term pronoun will include not only the
personal, demonstrative, and relative words, which it generally
denotes, but also the prepositions, the conjunctions, and those
adverbs which are not merely cases of nouns.
§ 2. Personal Pronouns,
Although the verb has three persons, the Latin language
does not use more than two personal pronouns or general indi-
cations of the nominative case. For, although ego and tv may be
used with the first and second persons of the verb, which, as we
shall see, are not consistently expressed by the inflexions, with
the third person, which always ends in -¢ or -tur, the nominative
is either omitted or expressed by a noun substantive. When,
however, in the objective construction it is necessary to introduce
1 New Crat. § 128.
368 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
& pronoun referring to the nominative of the verb, we employ
the reciprocal or reflexive se. Thus, although diceba-t is a suf-
ficient expression of “ he said, or used to say,” we must introduce
se before an infinitive expressing the assertion; a8: diceba-t 8E
esse bonum virum, “he said that he (the person, in question,
who said) was a good man;" and as we should write ego
diceba-m ME esse, or tu diceba-s TE esse, we may infer an ori-
ginal pronoun of the third person beginning with s- and corre-
sponding to the Greek ὁ or ἴ, just as é corresponds to se. But
this form occurs only in the oblique cases, δεῖ, stbt, se, and in the
particles si-c, si-ne, st, and se-d.
The original inflexions of the two personal pronouns were as
follows :
SING.
N. e-go or ego-met tu or tu-te
G. mis ti-s
D. mi-Ai (for mi-f or mi-bt) ti-bi
A. me-he te-he
Abl. me-d te-d.
For the plural, or rather the collective form, of the personal
pronouns, we have two different roots corresponding to νῶξ and
σφῶϊ, which are used as the dual in Greek; and from these
roots we have the nom., ac., voc. no-s, vo-s; dat., abl. no-bi-s,
vo-bi-s. According to the analogy of νῶϊν, σφῶϊν, we ought also
to have genitives no-um or no-sum, and vo-um or vo-sum. But
these are not found. Indeed, although the singular genitives
mis, tis, which may have been originally forms in -jus, like
hu-jus, e-jus, &c., retained their use as late as Plautus, these also
became obsolete in classical Latinity, and the genitive forms for
the singular and plural were derived from the possessive adjec-
tives meus, tuus, nos-ter, ves-ter. The connexion between the
genitive and the epithet is well known (New Crat. § 298),
and in all languages the possessive may take the place of the
genitive of a pronoun. But in Latin and Greek we have not
only a possessive in direct adjectival agreement with its noun,
but, by a singular attraction, we have the genitive of the pos-
sessive used as if it were the genitive of the pronoun itself. I
call this an attraction, for I think it must be explained by a
transition from those idiomatic collocations, in which a dependent
$2.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 369
genitive stands by the side of the possessive. Thus we may say
not only mea scripta, * my writings,” for "the writings of me,”
but even mea scripta recitare timentia (Hor. 1. Serm. 4, 23),
*the writings of me fearing to recite;" and not only ἡμετέρα
ἔρις, “our contention," for “the contention of us," but even
ὠγαθῶν ὄρις ἡμετέρα (.ischyl, Hum. 975), “the contention of
us good persons." We see then how easy the transition may be
from such phrases as mea unius opera respublica est salva, or
vesiris paucorum respondet laudtbus, to eam unius tut studio
me assequi posse confido, or vestrum omnium voluntati paruit,
Hence we find that ultimately met and tui were the only geni-
tives of ego and tu, and nostri or nostrum, and vestri or vestrum,
the only genitives of nos and vos. The same remark applies to
the very defective pronoun of the third person, the reciprocal se,
which has lost its nominative, and has only the genitive sut, the
dative sibi, and the accusative or ablative se, for all genders and
numbers. We must also consider the Greek ἐμοῦ, or μοῦ,
anciently μεοῦ (N. Crat. S 134), and σοῦ, as properly belonging
to the possessive. The hypothesis of an attraction, which I have
proposed, is the only way of explaining the difference in the
usage of nostri, nostrum, and of vestri, vestrum. That nostrum,
vestrum are genitives plural, is clear from the fact that they were
anciently used in the full forms nostrorwm, vestrorum; thus in
Plautus (Mostell. 1. 8, 123) we have: verum tllud est, maximaque
pars vostrorum intelligit. As genitives they can only be explained
by an attraction into the case of some plural genitive expressed
or understood. In general, we do not find the genitive except
when the personality is emphatically expressed; 88 in Ovid,
Heroid. xu. 166: δὲ tib cura «eV sit tib cura tut. Cic.
Catil. Iv. 9: habetis ducem memorem | vestri, oblitum sut.
And ‘here it may stand by the side of an inflected possessive, as
in Cic. ad Fam. xu. 17: grata mtht vehementer est memoria
nostri tua; or even be opposed to one, as in Ovid, Heroid.
vil. 184: paraque tut lateat corpore clausa meo. But whereas
nostri, vestri, are used only when we speak of the persons as a
whole; a8: memoria nostri tua, “your recollection of us," as ἃ
single object of thought; nostrüm, vestrüm are employed when
we speak of the persons as a collection of separate or separable
elements. Accordingly, the latter is the form adopted after such
D. V. 24
970 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. x.
& word as pars (in the passage quoted above from Plautus), and
by the side of omntum, as in Cic. Cat. 1. 7: patria est com-
munis omnium nostrüm parens, “our native land is the common
parent of all of us," many and separable as we are, But that it
is really in this case an attraction from the inflected possessive,
is clear from such passages as Cic. Cat. 1v. 2: ht ad vestram
omnium cedem Rome restiterunt. We have a genitive by the
side of the possessive in the construction of the impersonal verbs,
‘or rather phrases, ré-fert=ret fert, “it contributes to the in-
terest," and interest, “it i8 concerned about the business,"
where ret is understood in the sense in which the Latin verb
has become an English substantive!, In these phrases we have
either a gen. of the person or persons interested, or the pos-
gessive pronouns, med, tud, sud, nostra, vestrü, agreeing with
the dative ret, expressed in ré-fert, and understood in fnterest.
Thus we have: faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis, quam
sua ré-tulisse videretur, he must do something which might
seem to have been more for the interest of those others than
for his own;" Casar dicere solebat non tam su@ quam retpub-
licce interesse, ut salvus esset, “Cesar used to say that it was
not so much for his interest as for that of the state that he
should be safe." That re for ret is the dative, and consequently
that mea, sud, &c., here stand for mec, suc, &c., is proved
by the competent testimony of Verrius (Festus, p. 282, ed.
Miller): re-fert quum dicimus, errare nos att Verrius. Esse
entm rectum REI FERT, dativo scilicet, non ablativo casu. In
Cato, 1. H. c. 3. we have: et ret et virtuti et. glorie erit.
That fero may be used absolutely without any accusative is
clear from such phrases as: dum tempus ad eam rem tulit
(Ter. .Andr. 1. 2, 17), dum «ctas tulit (id. ibid. 11. 6, 12), nunc
tia tempus fert, ut cupiam (Heaut. 1v. 1, 54), scilicet sta tempus
fert (Adelph. v. 8, δ). And it is unnecessary to show that fero,
like λυσιτεέλέω, may govern the dativus commodi. The change
of ὦ into a is found also in post-hac, tnter-ea, &c., which will
be explained immediately.
1 For re- rei in this sense cf. Plaut. Zrinumm. 11. 2,9—635: ἐπα
re consulere cupio.
§ 3.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS, 371
§ 3. Indicative Pronouns.
The three pronouns, hic, iste, ille are called indicative, be-
cause they indicate, as objects, the three personal distinctions,
which, in the cases already considered, are expressed as subjects
of the verb. Hic, *this," “the person or thing Aere," indicates
the speaker and all close to him; 4ste, *that.of yours," indicates
the person addressed and those in his proximity; ¢lle, "that
other,” indicates all distant persons and objects. This distinction
was well known to the oldest grammarians, and is fully borne
out by the consistent usage of the best writers. Priscian’s defi-
nition is rather vague: he says (xviI. 9. ὃ 58, Vol. 11. p. 89,
Krehl): * Demonstrativa [sunt] hic, iste, et ille. Sed interest
quod $e spatio longiore intelligitur, este vero propinquiore; hic
autem non solum de presente, verum etiam de absente possumus
dicere, ad intellectum referentes demonstrationem, ut, hoc regnum
dea gentibus esse Vergilius ad absentem Carthaginem rettulit
demonstrationem." But Laurentius Valla has given the personal
reference of the three pronouns with the greatest accuracy
(Elegant. 11. c. 1v. p. 39. ed. Aldina, 1536): "de me loquens
dicere debeo hoc caput, hec manus, hac civitas. De te vero
istud caput, ita manus, ista civitas. De tertia autem per-
sona, tllud caput, illa manus, tlla. civitas. Cicero in Antonium
(Phel. 11. 25): tu estes faucibus, &c., h.e. detis tuis faucibus, &c.
Unde nascuntur adverbia istic, istine, istac, istuc, istorsum, isto.
Ut idem ad Valerium juris consultum: qui istinc ventunt atunt
te superbiorem esse factum, i.e. qui ab sta provincia in qua
agis, huc in Italiam Romamque veniunt." Practically we find
that hic and iste are opposed as 7 and you, and Aic and tlle as
near and distant. Thus we find (Cic. Acad. Iv. 33): “ iisdem
hic sapiens, de quo loquor, oculis, quibus iste vester terram, mare,
intuebitur;" and (pro Rabirio, 11.) : ‘si sllos, quos jam videre
non possumus, negligis, ne his quidem, quos vides, consuli putas
oportere." And thus in reference to circumstances previously
mentioned, 2/le denotes the former or more distant, hic the latter
or nearer particular; as in Propert. 111. 14, 17:
Qualis et Eurot# Pollux et Castor arenis, .
Hic victor pugnis, ille futurus equis.
The same distinctions are observable in certain peculiar usages.
24—2
972 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP.x.
Thus Terence has (Andr. 11. 1,10): “ tu si fic sis, aliter sentias,"
“if you were tn my place, you would think otherwise." In
lawsuits iste, “the man before you,” i.e. the judices, is the
opponent: hence, we find this pronoun used with a certain ex-
pression of contempt to indicate a person who has been brought
unfavourably before the notice of those whom we are addressing;
whereas $//e, “that other," as indicating a person so striking as
to attract our attention in spite of his remoteness, is often used
to denote a well-known or eminent individual, as: “ magnus tlle
Alexander," or ** Medea zlla.” In all these usages the triad hic,
aste, tlle, correspond to the Greek ὅδε, οὗτος, ἐκεῖνος. This is
especially seen in the employment of ὅδε and οὗτος to designate
the first and second persons respectively. Thus CEdipus is made
to say of himself: οὔτε μὴ λάχωσι τοῦδε συμμάχου (Hd. C.
450): but he is addressed by the subterraneous voice (did.
1627): ὦ οὗτος, οὗτος Οἰδίπους, τί μέλλομεν; The speaker
in ἃ law-court generally designates himself, his client, and his
affairs, by ὅδε; but the opponent is οὗτος = dete, “the man before
you' (the judges). In continuous narrative τάδε are the things
which I am about to say, which are before me, but not yet
before my readers; whereas ταῦτα are the things just said, and
which have been submitted to them. This shows that the true
reading in /schylus, Suppl. 313, must be :
XO. Βῆλον δίπαιδα πατέρα τοῦ δ᾽ ἐμοῦ πατρός.
ΒΑ. τὸ πᾶν σαφῶς νυν ὄνομα τούτου μοι φράσον.
For the Chorus having spoken of their father as present by
them (τοῦδε), the King, in his reply, would designate him as by
their side (rovrov).
With regard to the etymology of the indicative pronouns,
there can be no doubt that the first part of hi-c corresponds to
the Greek 7, which appears as the nominative of the reflexive
=o, ol, ὅ. It is therefore a subsidiary form of 6 = co, 'and
while the ὦ is represented by a more original sibilant in st-c, se,
&c., it has vanished altogether in t-s, t-terum, i-tem, &c. The
most original form represented the 4n/aut as a strong combina-
tion of the guttural and labial, which we call the digamma; and
thus gut, si-c, hi-c, 4-s, will be four forms of the same pronominal
root signifying proximity, in whieh the guttural element has
successively degenerated. The sibilant form, which is regularly
§ s.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 978
found in the Sanscrit sa, sak, 88, and in the Umbrian eso, &c.,
where there is an initial vowel as in ἐμέ, compared with μέ,
was still extant in the days of Ennius, who writes sa-m, sa-psa,
su-m, 50-8. The guttural appears without any labial affection in
the affix -c- or -ce, and in the forms cts, citra, ceters, &c. The
forms tstict-ne, illci-ne, hict-ne, tunci-ne, show that ct is an
older form of the affix than ce, and the inscription of Aquila has
even the form heicet (Corssen, 1. p. 271). As there is reason to
believe that the first syllable of the Umbrian e-so is ἃ residuum
of the second prognominal element Fa, analogous to the ¢ in 1-s,
&c., the form e-su-k (above, p. 102) is really a combination of
three, as λύτο 18 of two similar elements. The Latin forms e-ho,
e-ja, e-go (New Crat. § 134) might lead us to infer that h-ic may
originally have been e-hi-c=e-su-c. ΑΒ the first element, in
this repetition of cognate syllables, was generally omitted in
Latin, 80 we find that the final -c was dropt in the usual form of
the genitive hujus, though Aujus-ce occasionally appears, and
was usually omitted in the plural, with the exception of the nom.,
accus., voc. neuter he-c=ha-ce, though good writers have occa-
sionally hi-c for À$ (Varro, L..L. vi. 78), and ha-c for he (Plaut.
Aulul, 111. 5, 59; Ter. Eun. rr. 5, 34; Phorm. v. 8, 28, &c.),
in the nom. masc. and fem. The neuter ha-c furnishes us with
the clue to some important analogies.
If there is good reason to connect hi-c=e-hi-c with the
Umbriam e-su-k, there is still more reason for seeking an affinity
between the second indicative pronoun ¢s-te and the Umbrian
es-tu. The latter combination will not allow us to doubt that
the final syllable is identical with the second personal pronoun.
Its adjectival inflexion in three genders is a subsequent result of
its usage. But there is no reason to conclude that the forms
-tius, tí (for -tibi), -tum, -to, are not as original as tis, tb$ and te.
The identity of the first part of esu-k or e-ht-c and es-tu, as in-
dicatives of the first and second pronouns, is supported by the
Hebrew 'Aánóki, “I,” and 'han-tá -- 'hat-tá, **thou," which are
similarly distinguished by the affix only. And such forms as
e-go-met, é&-ya-vn, Sanscrit a-ha-m, show that the syllables e-go,
a-ha, e-ho, &c., do not in themselves indicate the first person,
though they strongly exhibit the idea of nearness as opposed to
that of all other positions. But although -c is the distinction
974 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP.X.
between the first and second pronouns of indication, such is the
general usefulness of this adjunct that it is occasionally, though
rarely, appended even to certain forms of ¢ts-te, as 7s-tec, &c.
And, what is still more singular, we find even ?/lec, &c. These
are irregularities, and the general distinction of Aie and 18-te
remains as I have described it; and thus their relative meanings
of “here” and “near to the here" are fully supported by their
etymology.
An analysis of the third indicative pronoun tlle leads to
results quite as interesting as that of the other two. There
cannot be any doubt that ¢Z/e, ** that other," and alius, “another,”
agreeing as they do in declension and primitive meaning, are
only different forms of one and the same word: and thus the
double 7 of ze will belong to the same form of assimilation as
the Greek synonym ἄλλος (New Cratyl. ὃ 215). The other
forms, under which the root of ¢lle or altus occurs, are ollus,
which is a common archaism of tlle, and is found even in Virgil ;
ol-im for oll-im (“antiqui enim litteram non geminabant,” Fest.)
=tllo tempore; solus =se-olis= sine aliis; uls (opposed to cts,
as ille 18 to hic) = tllo loco; al-ter and ul-tra, ul-terior, ul-timus,
expressing relative degrees of distance and separation; and uLtro
aignifying movement to a degree beyond expectation. Τὸ these
must be added compounds beginning with aA-, as ali-quis, &c.
The 7 is retained in the Goth. a/is, O. N. ella, A. S. ele, O. H. G.
ali; but a comparison with the Sanscrit an-ya = altus, an-tara =
alter, and the Goth. an-thar, O. N. an-nar, A. S. other, O. H. Gl.
an-dar, &c., leads us to the conclusion that the original form must
have involved an n, and thus we fall back on the Greek expres-
sion for distant locality,—a-va, and ultimately arrive at κεῖνος =
&-év-Los (cf. ἔνιος), the synonym of ¢/e in its regular use, and
κα-τά, the correlative of ava, both as-a preposition and as a par-
ticle (New Crat. §§ 135, 138). As it may be shown that dvd,
in its most distinct significations, is represented by in (New Crat.
$ 170), it will follow that lle =«tn-yus bears the same relation
to in that ἄλλος does to ἀνά. And while the a in all these forms
18 more original than the ¢ (above, p. 309), it is equally clear that
the Latin o/- and ul- are successive extenuations of the original
vowel, caused in part by the change of n into / (p. 317). The
termination of oll-us, ali-us is softened into -e in tlle, just as we
§ 3. ] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 376
have spse and zs¢e for ?psus and tstus, and just as we have necesse
by the side of necessus. Of all the words, in which this root
enters, ultro alone obscures the original meaning of “ distance
and separation." It seems to be used as a synonym of sponte,
which signifies ‘of one’s own accord’’ or “free inclination."
But an accurate examination of all the passages, in which it
occurs, enables us to trace it back to its original meaning, “to a
place beyond,” which is still found in such phrases as ultro
tstum a me, “take him far from me" (Plaut. Capt. 111. 4, 19),
ultro citroque, ‘‘ thither and hither,” his lacrymis vitam damus,
et miserescimus ultro, “to these tears we grant his life, and
pity him besides" (see Dóderlein, Syn. u. Etym. 111. 108, sqq.).
Hence, while s-ponte, which is the abl. of s-pons or ex-pons, ἃ
derivative of another form of pondus, means ** by its own weight
or inclination," “ of its own accord," * unbidden" (Hor. t. Epist.
Xi. 17: sponte sud, jussene), ultro means “ going still farther,"
* going beyond expectation," “showing an activity which ex-
cites surprise," or the like. "Thus we find such phrases as
(Plautus, M. Gl. τι. 1, 18) : ast sese ultro omnis mulieres secta-
rier, * he says that all the women even go so far as to run after
him;" (Tac. Ann. xiu. 23): commotis qui aderant, ultroque
spiritus ejus mitigantibus, when those who stood by were affected,
and, what is more, actively bestirred themselves to pacify her
wrath ;" and (Hor. Carm. 1v. 4, 51): sectamur ultro quos opimus
fallere et effugere est triumphus, ‘contrary to all expectation, we
pursue those, whom we ought to be only too happy to escape."
It is clear from this that no single English word is more nearly the
equivalent of ultro in this secondery application than our com-
mon particle “even.” The true force of ultro is also seen in the
quasi-compound ultro tributum, which is the correlative of vectigal,
and implies that as the farmers of the taxes (vectigalia) had to pay
money into the treasury, the state had even to advance money to
those who contracted for the public works (ultro tributa). Thus we
read that the censors incurred odium when they diminished the
payment on account of the latter, and increased the sums to be
paid in on account of the taxes (Liv. xxxix. 44) : vectigalia sum-
mis pretiis, ultro tributa infimis locaverunt, which Plutarch (v. Cat.
p. 347), explains by: συστέλλων τοῖς μισθοῖς τὰς ἐργολαβίας, τὰ
δὲ τέλη ταῖς πράσεσιν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐσχάτας ἐλαύνων τιμάς. This
876 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. x.
explains the metaphor in Seneca, de Benefic. ΤΥ. 1: cum virtus
nec lucrum tnvitet, nec absterreat damno, adeoque nemtnem spe ac
pollicitatione corrumpat, ut contra in se impendere jubeat et satus
in ultro tributis sit,—that is, virtue belongs to the class of those
contracts which imply an initiatory expenditure on the part of
those who let them out. To complete the analysis of the third
indicative pronoun, it is worth while to notice that the affix
hunt or hont, which marks this pronoun in Umbrian, is clearly
connected with the English yon in yonder, be-yond, &c.; and this
brings us at once, through the Goth. jatns, jaind, N. H. G. gener,
&c., to the Greek κεῖνος, and the root of ¢lle. And thus we see
- that the common Latin, like the Greek, has lost the three full
forms of the distinctive pronouns, which are preserved in the
Umbrian esu-k (= eh?c — hic), “the particular thing here," es-tu
(2 $5te), “the particular thing where you are," and er-ont = es
ont (= -κεῖνος — tlle), ‘“ the particular thing yonder.” The form
ἐκεῖνος may be a residuum of ἐσκεῖνος = es-ont, and the same ex-
planation may apply to é-yé, &c. Practically we find that lle
= alius differs from al-ter as plurality differs from duality, that
is aS ἄλλος = ἄλιος differs fronr ἕτερος; for al-tus, ἄλλος denote
"that other person of many," and al-ter, Erepos “that other
person of two." On the general differences in meaning and use
between the comparative affixes in -?us or -ior and -ter-, the
reader may consult the New Cratylus, § 165.
8 4. Distinctive. Pronouns.
The elements ts, e-Ào, 6-80, hi-, which, we have seen, con-
stitute the initial syllable or syllables of the indicative pronouns,
appear without any affix in the merely distinctive pronoun ὥ.
In the older Latin Grammars it used to be the custom to exhibit
the indicative hic as ἃ sort of prepositive article: but this func-
tion, so far as the Latin language is capable of performing it at
all, belongs rather to the weaker form ts, which distinguishes
the particular person referred to, especially when the distinction
is supported by a defining relative sentence. Thus, ts Piso in
Sallust, Catil. c. 19, is as nearly as possible ὁ Πίσων. The
functions of 1s, as a distinctive pronoun, are carried still farther
by its association with two derivatives s-dem and t-pse (some-
S 4.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 977
times tpsus). If we except that meaning of ts, which has been
already mentioned, and according to which it appears as the cor-
relative and antécedent to gut,—so that ἐφ qui means “the parti-
cular person who," and the relative sentence becomes equivalent
to the Greek participle with the article,—we shall find that 4s
and its two derivatives enable us to reproduce in Latin the dif-
ferent usages of αὐτός. Thus, ἐθ is a mere pronoun of reference
like the oblique cases of αὐτός: uxor ejus is the exact counter-
part of ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ, “his wife" or *the wife of a person
already mentioned and referred to;" and jungit eos renders Cevry-
νυσιν αὐτούς, “he yokes them,” i.e. the cattle already mentioned.
Idem means more emphatically “the very he," “the same man,”
like 6 αὐτός, And ipse signifies “the man himself,” or “the
man distinguished from others,” like αὐτός, when it is used as a
secondary predicate in apposition without the artiele (Complete
Greek Gramm. art. 444, d, aa). The deelension of 1s, namely, is,
ea, td, gen. ejus, &c., 18 preserved in t-dem for ts-dem, ea-dem,
%-dem for td-dem, gen. ejus-dem, &c., Bo that dem becomes a
mere appendage like the Greek περ, δή, to both of which it
partly corresponds in meaning, and to the latter of which it is
directly related. In the classical use of $pse, on the contrary,
the first part, or the 4s, remains uninflected, while the second
syllable is regularly declined; thus: 2-pse(-ws), ¢-psa, +-psum,
gen. t-pstus, &e. There are two ways of explaining this pheno-
menon. We may suppose that the ps- represents an inversion of
the reciprocal e$- analogous to the Doric ψέ, yi: and thus the
inflexion of the second part only will correspond to the Greek
forms ἐμαυτοῦ, ἑαυτοῦ, &c., where the first part is immoveable.
This is Bopp's theory. But it may with justice be objected
that tpse corresponds to αὐτός, and that we have the combina-
tions me ipsum, se ipsum, &c. Besides, we find in the older
writers that the included ὧς is regularly declined, while the affix
-pse remains as an immutable appendage, just like the -dem of
s-dem; thus we have eam-pse (Plaut. Cistell. 1. 8, 22; Aul.
v. 7), ea-pse illa. (Curcul. 1v. 8, 2), eo-pse illo (ibid. 5): and
especially in the combination re ea-pse, or reapse (Festus, p. 278,
Müller) Since therefore we find another affix -pte also appended
not only to the declined forms of 73, as in eo-pte (Festus, p. 110,
οὗ, tpstppe = ipsipte, p. 105), but also to vos, miht, meo, suo, &c.,
978 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP.x.
as vo-pte, mihi-pte, meo-pte, suo-pte, &c., as this cannot be re-
ferred to an inversion of sv, but may bear the same relation to
-pse that the original supines in -tum do to the secondary forms
in -sum, I fall back on the other explanation, and consider -pte
an indeclinable affix, analogous to ποτε, which has been softened
into -pse, perhaps from an original assimilation in $s-pte (ef.
δίσκος for δίκ-σκος, λέσχη from λέγ-σκη, &c.).
The declension of 1s, ejus, reminds us at once οὗ Ai-c, hu-
jus, and it is clear that the former is only a weaker modifica-
tion of the latter, just as the Greek 7 is of the older ? (New
Crat. § 139). The most striking differences in the inflexions of
as and Ài-c are entirely due to the -c or -ce appended to the lat-
ter, and there is reason to believe that this affix, which appears
attached to all the indicative pronouns, was originally appended
also to the distinctive 9 and the relative qui. Indeed, as qui,
si-c, hi-c and ts are successive degenerations of one and the
same form, there is no reason to exclude from the first and last
the strengthening appendage which so constantly appears with
the two intermediate words. To say nothing of the alleged
occurrence of such forms as ezs-ce (Plaut. Mercat. prol. 91),
ejus-ce (Aul. Gell. lemm. c. xiv. 1. 111), cujus-ce (Cic. de In-
vent, II. 45, § 134), &c., the original appendage of -ce to the
neuter plurals at least of ἐξ and gui may be proved by the fol-
lowing induction. Where the accus. neut. pl. of 4s becomes fixed
in combination with certain prepositions, as in inter-ed, posi-eà,
preter-ed, &c., the d is long. It is therefore fair to conclude
that, when these compounds were formed, there was some reason
for the length of the plural d, which, as a general rule, is short
in all Greek and Latin words, Now we find in Latin post-hac —
post-hec, qua-propter = que-propter, and mea refer — mea rei
fert. Therefore ἃ may represent ae. And as post-hac, qua-
propter are entirely analogous to postea, propterea, it follows
that the neuter plural of 4s was anciently ew, just as the neuter
plurals of hic and qui were he-c and que. But ae — at, therefore
ew, and que stand for ed-i, gud-7; and as the neuter plural hac can.
only be explained as a residuum of Aá-ce or Ad-cis, the final ¢ in
the two other cases must represent a lost guttural fulcrum. This
view is confirmed by the fact that the Oscan represents post-ea
under the form post-esa-k (above, p. 145); and the same ex-
§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. = 879
planation applies to post-1llà = post-illa-c. ‘The strongest confirm-
ation of this view is furnished by the fact that no other proba-
ble explanation has been offered. For the only suggestion, which
merits a moment's attention—namely, that the long 4 may be
occasioned by the absorption of the d which is still seen in ar-
vorsum ead, &c., falls to the ground when we consider that the
neuter plural must always have terminated in a double dental, or
the combination -nt, which is uniformly represented by a short
d, so that the αἱ is elided and not absorbed (New Crat. § 239).
The supposition (above, p. 145), that posted is for posteam, on
the analogy of postquam, &c., is undeserving of any notice except
as a specimen of philological imbecility. As I have elsewhere
remarked (New Crat. ὃ 240, note): ‘every Latin scholar is
aware that guam is not here a case after post, &c., but the par-
ticle of comparison, so that the full form, is, in fact, post-ea-quam,
&c.!" And the case of quá-si for guam-st (for we have quan-sei
in the lex Thoria, above, p. 281, 1. 34) shows that guam would
not be represented by qu^.
§ 5. Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns.
In its syntactical use, the relative connects with the indica-
tive or distinctive pronouns, and especially with ἐσ, its regular
antecedent or correlative, some fuller description of the person or
thing indicated. And thus, whether the antecedent is definite or
vague, the relative sentence exists only by virtue of its correla-
tive; consequently, it is a syntactical contrivance which plays
the same part as the adjective or genitive case. Etymology
fully confirms this view of the matter, which is derived from the
logic of the sentence, and without any reference to the forms of
words: for we see that the correlative pronouns, 1s and qui, are
manifestly identical with one another, and with the affix of the
genitive case, which forms the basis of the possessive adjective
1 When the author of this absurd etymology says that “the other
word que owed its length possibly to the circumstance of its being a
monosyllable, just as vis ‘force’ has a long i, navis, &c. ἃ short i,” I can
only suppose that he does not know the difference between ἃ crude form
in -r like vis =vir.s, pl. vir-es, vtr-ium, and one in «ὁ like navi-s, pl. naves,
tavium.
980 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. x.
(cf. New Crat. §§ 148, 243, 800). The common origin of all
these forms and of the Greek definite article is, as might be
expected, the second pronominal element, which indicates rela-
tive proximity. The Anlaut or initial articulation of this pro-
noun is the sound which we call digamma, and which represents
some combination of the guttural with the labial. In the Greek
forms ὅς, κοῦ, κέν, &c., in the Latin Ai-c, si-c, ὦ, &c., and in the
Sanscrit yas, kas, &c., we have only a guttural residuum, and
the j = τὸ is still farther degenerated in ris, re, ἄς. In ποῦ, and
the old Italian pit, pe, &c., the labial alone remains. But in the
Latin relative and indefinite gut and guts, and in the correspond-
ing particles, we have the genuine and original combination of
both elements, the labial however being vocalized into «, or
rather represented by a silent v (above, p. 295).
It is usual to distinguish guts from qu£ merely by the use of
the former as interrogative and of the latter as relative, and no
one has been found to recognize the inherent distinction of the
two words. The fact is that quis, gue (or rather quá), quid, is
the original form, corresponding to £s, ed, 4d; and as tlle has a
secondary form ollus or alius, which is used as its adjective, 80
qui, gue, quod represent an adjective, and this must have con-
tained the additional vowel o—v, which appears in so many of its
cases. It has long been observed that in all interrogative and
indefinite pronouns the form quod is used as an adjective and the
form quid as a substantive; thus, we say: aliquod monstrum,
. *gome monster;" but aligutd monstri, “something of a monster."
The same remark really applies to the differences between the
simple qui and quis; and the two words may be arranged, as
far as the forms exist, in different declensions, the adjective
belonging to the vowel declensions, and the substantive to the
consonantal formations of nouns, It is true that with regard to
the oblique cases, subsequent usage and habitual corruption have
introduced many interchanges and confusions of form, but the
farther we go back, and the more careful we examine the
derived and collateral words, the more reason do we find for the
conclusion that quis is substantival and consonantal, and qui
adjectival and belonging to the vowel declensions,
§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 381
CONSONANTAL-FORM. VOWEL-FORM.
Singular.
M. F. N. M. F. N.
N. quis quid [Osc. pes, pit] qui qud quod
(later qua)
G. cu|1]-jus [Osc. preis] quo-jus
D. φι[{]- δὲ or cut [Osc. pier] quo-i
Ac, quem[quim?] quid [Osc. pim, pit] *quum quam quod
Abl. quf quo qua quo
Plural.
M. F. N. M. F. N.
N. Ac. ques "quia N. qui que qua=qud
. (later que)
— - G. quorum quarum quorum
D. Abl. quibus queis
A. quos | quas qua (que — qua)
The forms marked * occur only as particles in ordinary
Latin. Practically the feminine quá or quc is used either inter-
rogatively or relatively, either substantively or adjectively ; but
in the derived form quis-quam there is no feminine inflexion,
though this form is sometimes used with feminine nouns, as in
Plautus, Cistellaria, 1. 1, 68: quod neque habeo nec quisquam
alta mulier, and in Plautus, Mil. Gl. 1v. 2, 68 — 1060, the best
MSS. have: non hic suo seminio quenquam porcellam 4mperti-
turust. With regard to those passages in which guts and quid
are said to be used as adjectives, we must be careful to avoid
the confusion which has led to this mode of interpreting them.
Schmidt says (de Pronomine Gr. et Lat. p. 58): "inter quis
et qui, quid et quod hoc plerumque intercedere discrimen tra-
dunt quod alterum pronomen sit substantivum, alterum adjecti-
vum. Sed guts quoque sepissime vim habet adjectivi." And he
proceeds to quote, among other passages, Plaut. Men. 111. 2, 38
2:498: responde adolescens, quid nomen tibist ? — Cic. pro Deiot.
13, 87: que enim fortuna aut quis casus aut que tanta pos-
sit injuria . . . decreta. delere? Yet the distinction which he
immediately afterwards quotes from Kritz (ad Sallust. Catil.
c. 44) ought to have taught him that the adjectival use of quis
in these passages is merely apparent, especially as there is the
same distinction between the German wer and was, which are
982 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x.
substantival, and welcher, which is declined like a regular sub-
stantive. As Kritz says, quis and quid merely ask for the
name, but qui and quod inquire respecting the kind, condition, or
quality of the person or thing. Thus, in the passages adduced
by Grysar (Theorie des lat. Styls, p. 88) and in those quoted
above, quis stands by itself, or in apposition to a noun, but qut,
like an adjective, is a definite epithet, e.g. T. Quis futt 1gitur ?
P. Iste Cherea. T. Qui Cherea (Ter. Eun. v. 1, 7), i.e. ** scho
was it then? That Cherea of yours. Which Cherea?"— where
the first question refers to the unknown name, and the second
seeks a distinction between him and others who bore the same
designation. Similarly, in the passages quoted above, when
there is an opposition, quid tibi nomen est means “what is your
name?" but quod nomen would mean “which name?" ques
casus means “ what chance?" or “what for a chance?" as the
Scotch say: but gut casus would mean “which chance?" or
* what kind of ἃ chance?" Just the same is the distinction of
wer or was and welcher given in the German dictionaries. For
if the question is: wer hat dir es gegeben? '' who has given it
to you?" and the answer is, mein Bruder, * my brother," we
should add the further question, welcher?" * which brother?" if
there were more than one.
The adjectival character of qu? as distinguished from quis is
common to the genitive of all the demonstrative and relative pro-
nouns which end in -jus, as hu-jus, tst-ius, ill-ius; e-jus, ips-ius,
cu-jus, quo-jus. We have seen that the personal pronouns use,
instead of their proper genitive, the genitive of their possessives,
meus, tuus, suus, and analogy would lead us to infer that some-
thing similar is found in the other pronouns. Now cujus, -a, -um
is a regular adjective, and its derivative cujas, cujátis must be
compared with the Greek forms like πομήτης, Ἰταλιώτης, (N.
Crat. ὃ 259). ΤῈ is clear that these last forms must be derived
from the ablative-genitive of nouns in -. Such a case we have
in the form «óA-eos from πόλις, prít-yás from prítis; and I
suggested long ago that the Latin jus represents under a weaker
form this genitive ending -yás or -eo$—yos for -w0ev (N. Crat.
§ 248). The other explanations, which were proposed before or
after mine, may be seen in a paper by Aufrecht (Zeitschrift f.
Vergl. Sprachf. 1851, p. 282). The suggestion that the genitive
§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 383
cujus is merely the adjective cujus, with a fixed inflexion like the
-mint of the passive verb, is objectionable, as well on other ac-
counts, as because it is contrary to the analogy of mez, tut, sut,
which exhibit the genitives of the possessive pronoun. The long
ὦ in -ius is of course due to the absorption of a previous vowel,
and the same must be the case with the Sanscrit possessives in
-tya. The short τὸ of the termination is illustrated by a very
complete analogy. There can be no doubt that ἕως τε, ἔς τε and
us-que spring from a.common origin; and thus.we see at once
that the terminations of cu-jus and πόλ-εως are identical.
The guttural Anluut of the Latin relative and interrogative
is lost in ubt, unde (cf. alt-cubi, ali-cunde), un-quam (cf. -cunque),
uter (cf. kórepos), &c.
Extensions of the relative or interrogative form indefinite or
indefinite-relative pronouns, which are accurately distinguished
by the best writers. Thus ali-quis = alius-quis or tlle-quis, and
qui-dam, denote “some one in particular," though the object is
not named; quis-que means “every one;" quis-quis and qui-
cunque “ whosoever;" qui-vis and qui-libet, * any you please ;"
quis-quam and its adjective ullus = unulus any at all." Hence
the words in the first group are obscurely definite; quisque,
quisquis, and quicunque include all persons or things referred to ;
^ quivis and quilibet allow an unlimited range of choice; and quis-
quam, and ullus exclude all the objects specified. As a general
rule, while guésque has never the relative-indefinite signification,
but always, like the Greek ἕκαστος, πᾶς Tis, Kc. refers to the
antecedent in the sense of * every " “each,” quisquis is synony-
mous with quicunque, ὅστις, “ whoever," and is virtually used as
a relative pronoun. There are however exceptions to this, and
quisquis is used in the sense of quisque. Thus in Cicero (ad
Famil. vt. 1, $8 1): quocunque in loco quisquis est, idem est ei
sensus et eadem acerbitas ex $nteritu rerum publicarum et suarum,
we have quisquis used in exactly the same sense as quisque in
Epist. 4, $8 3 of the same book: ut ubi quisque sit, ἐδὲ mintme
esse velit. And we have the two forms together in the same
sense in the Lex Thoria (above, p. 282): tta ute$ quecquid
quoieique ante hanc legem rogatam licuit. In the neuter modern
scholars propose to distinguish the less common meaning of:
quicquid —- quidque from the ordinary meaning of quidquid quosi^
984 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x.
cunque by writing the former with c and the latter with d, and
they would also distinguish quidque — et quid from quicque =
* every thing," and would also write quicquam (Lachmann,
ad Lucret. v. 264, p. 286). Thus they would write quicquid
in Ter. Adelph. 1v. 2, 51: atque unum quicquid, quod quidem
erit bellissimum corpam; in Lucret. v. 304: et primum quicquid
flammarum perdere semper (cf. v. 291: ef primum jactum ful-
goris quemque perire) ; in Cicero Tuscul. v. 34, 899: ut quicquid
objectum est: but quidquid in such passages as Virgil, ned, τι.
49: quidquid td est, timeo Danaos et dona ferentes, where the pro-
noun is manifestly relative. The first syllables of a&-quis have
been discussed above, and there is no difficulty in understanding
the compound as significant of separative uncertainty—“ that
other some one." That quis-piam and quisquam very nearly
correspond in meaning is clear from such passages as the fol-
lowing: Terence, Andr. 11, 6, 7: num tlli moleste quidpsam
sunt he nuptie. Justin, XXXVIII 7: neque Alexander nec
quispiam. successorum gus. Cic. 2, Verr. 1. 10: nego esse
quicquam, a testibus dictum, quod aut vestrum. cuiptam | esset
obscurum, aut cujusquam oratoris eloquentiam quaereret. And
there can be little doubt that etymologically they are ulti-
mately identical The last two syllables of quispiam puzzled
the Roman grammarians; for Festus says (p. 254): quispiam
quin significet aliquis et quapiam aliqua, similiterque alta ejus-
dem generis, ut dubium non est, ita unde sequens pars ejus coeperit
tnvenirt non potest. Modern philologers, however, have no diffi-
eulty in seeing that -piam is only the older or more Oscan
form of -quam, to which it bears the same relation that -pe does
to -que in nem-pe τὸ nam-que. It will be observed that Festus
considers quis-piam as identical in meaning with aquis. But
this is not the case; for we may always use the English “any”
in translating quis-ptam, and must always introduce the English
“some” in rendering ali-quis, ali-quot, ali-quando, &c. The idio-
matic difference between quispiam and quisquam consists in this,
that while the former means “any body," leaving the range
of choice open, but without the selection implied in quivis and
quilibet, quisquam must be rendered “any at all" and must
be confined, like its adjective udlus, to those usages in which
we imply that all are excluded. The opposition between ali-
S 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 385
quis, quis-piam, quis-que, qui-vis, and quis-quam, may be seen
in the following passages; Afranius ap. Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1v. 25,
§ 55: dummodo doleat aliquid, doleat quidlibet, * provided he
only suffers some pain, let him suffer any pain you please."
Publius Syrus ap. Senec. de Tranquill. x1. S 8: cutvis potest
accidere quod cuiquam, potest, “what may happen to any one
at all may happen to any one you please.” Cas. B. G. v. 84:
quoties queque cohors procurreret ab ea parte magnus hostium
numerus cadebat, ‘as often as every cohort advanced, a great
number of the enemy fell" Id. £bd. 1. 85: quum quepam
cohors ex orbe excesserat hostes fugtebant, ** when any cohort left
the circle, the enemy fled." The difference between a/tquis and
quispiam consists in the definiteness conveyed to the former by
its prefix a/i-, so that while aliguis means ‘“ some one in par-
ticular,” quispiam means generally * any one." "Thus in Cicero
(de Orat. τι. c. 9, 8 38) we have : “si de rebus rusticis agri-
cola quispiam, aut etiam, id quod multi, medicus de morbis,
aut de pingendo pictor aliquis diserte dixerit atit scripserit, non
idcirco artis illius putanda sit eloquentia." The addition of the
td quod multi shows that quispiam is more general than αὖέ-
quis: “if any person versed in agriculture shall have written
or Spoken with eloquence on rural affairs, or even any phy-
sician on diseases, as many have done, or some painter on paint-
ing, ἄς." That there is much the same distinction between
aliquis and quispiam as between aliquis and quis, ia proved by the
existence and usage of the compound aliquispiam or aliquiptam
(see Cic. Tusc. Disp. 111. 9; I. F. Gronovius, ad Liv. XL1. 6). In
the case of aliquis itself a stronger signification of separation or
definiteness may be conveyed by writing at length altus quis or
quis alius (see the passages quoted by Drakenborch, ad Lav. v.
18, $4, p. 59). With regard to the definite force of quidam, it is
to be remarked that there is a close affinity between δή and the
affix -dam or -dem. Thus qué-dam is exactly ὃς δή, and qwi-
dem is ye 0j. To the same class belongs demum, which Ebel
(Zettschr. f. Vergl. Sprachf. 1851, p. 808) would explain as a
Buperlative from the preposition de, on the analogy of primum
from pre. The forms tan-dem and pri-dem show that this
explanation is untenable; and the latter at all events proves
that dem and pri are not. contradictory designations of time.
D. V. 25
386 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
The true explanation is suggested by deni-que and its by-forms
dun-que (in the Salian hymn, above, p. 236), done-c, and dons-
cum, Greek particles expressing time end either in xa = κεν,
88 avTí-xa, πηνί-κα, τηνέ-κα, Hvl-Ka, or in Te, as ὅ-τε, τό-τε, πό-τε,
εὖ-τε, ἑκάστο-τε, &c. It is clear that these endings are ulti-
mately identical; but it may be concluded, that, while the latter
gives rather a degree of precision to the term, the former,
Which more immediately corresponds to the well-known particle
of the apodosis, comes nearer in meaning to the Latin cun-que —
-ro-re, and our -soever. The Latin -que corresponds in some
cases to -κα or ἄν, in others to -re, Thus, while -cun-que is
qro-re, there can be no doubt as to the equivalence of ubs-que and
ὅπου ἄν, of τηνί-κα and deni-que (New Crat. ὃ 196). The sub-
stitution of the tenuis for the medial in the Greek forms is
not universal, for we have ὅτε δή by the side of quando, and
when this apparent difference is removed, we have no difficulty
in seeing the exact correspondence between τῆμος, as opposed
to ἦμος, and démum, for which, according to Festus (p. 70,
Müller), Livius Andronicus wrote demus. As the element dem
is placed indifferently before or after the particle which it qua-
lifies (cf. dent-que with tan-dem, pri-dem), we shall understand
the correspondence between qui-dam, ὅστις δή, and the synony-
1 German philologers show a very imperfect apprehension of the pro-
nominal machinery of inflected language. I have elsewhere noticed the
philological ὕστερον πρότερον involved in Hartung's connexion of δή with
the Sanscrit dya, in Bopp's derivation of the ending -»-xa with nisham =
wor, and in Pott's comparison of ya-di with dies (New Cratylus, § 200).
A still greater absurdity is committed by the latest writer on Latin ety-
mology, W. Corssen, who considers the prenominal affix -dem in pri-dem,
tan-dem, qui-dem, and even i-dem, as simply the accusative diem / (* nichts
anderes als der Accusativ diem," Ausspr. &c. d. Lat. Spr. τι. p. 148); and
even goes 80 far as to analyze donicum, donec, into do-ni-cum, do being
for dio, the abl. of dius (cf. nu-dius), which, he thinks, is found also in
quan-do and ali-quando (1), and the whole being a phrase signifying “ on
the day-not-when" (“an dem Tage nicht wann" = “ zur Zeit nicht wann,"
I. p. 55). Such an etymology in the case of a particle, which once
existed in the form dun-que, and which bears the same relation to deni-
que and τηνίκα, that the affix -do» does to -δην, is really a proof of philo-
logical imbecility. It is worse even than Grotefend’s dum-tazat = dum-
tac-eat (above, p. 270).
δ 6] . PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 38"
mous δή τις Ξ- nescio quis (Heindorf ad Plat. Phedon. p. 107 d).
The parallelism between quippe = qui-pte (comp. tpsi-ppe =
tpsipte, Festus, p. 105), and ἅτε entitles us to conclude that .
ut-pote, which is all but s synonym of quippe, is merely a
compound of μέ and a form equivalent to the termination -pte
discussed above. And as it cannot be proved that ut pote Ξε
ut potest in Varro (apud Non. c. 2, n. 876: viget, veget, ut pote
plurimum), there is really no evidence to show that pote is a
neuter adjective, and that ut pote means “as is possible."
The suggestion of Déderlein that it stands for ut puta does
not deserve a moment's consideration.
That quilibet involves the impersonal libet is obvious on the
slightest examination ; and notwithstanding the difficulty occa-
sioned by the particle -ve, we must conclude that the 2nd pers.
sing. of volo is the affix of guévis. This is not only deducible
from the analogy of quilibet, but is shown by a passage in Cato
(R. E. c. 52), where ἃ noun is interposed between qué and vis:
* hoc modo quod genus vis propagabis."
What has been already said of cun-que = cum-que = tro-re
applies to other uses of the affix -que, as quisque, uter-que,
undi-que, utrin-que, ubi-que, us-que, quo-que. There is much
general truth in Schmidt's definition of quisque (de pronom. Gr.
et Lat. p. 100): ‘ pronomen indefinitum rem mente conceptam
et e rerum ejusdem generis cumulo ac serie exemptam significat.
Que autem particula si ad pronomen additur, pronominis vis ex-
tenditur, idque ad omnem rem, in quam cadere possit sententia,
transferri significatur. Itaque quis, particula gue adjuncta, non
hominum incertum quendam, sed omnem, ad quem pertinere pos-
sit sententia, notat. Ab omnis igitur ita differt, ut hoc quidem
cunctos simul significet, gutsque autem distributionem quandam
exprimat." Referring to the comparison made above between
the Roman affix, and the Greek, -xa, xev, or ἄν appended to re-
latives in general expressions, it is clear that the only principle,
which will explain all the facts, is that which lies at the basis
of the true theory respecting these Greek particles. Now it
appears that ἄν and κεν are connected with the second pronominal
element, and therefore claim the same pedigree as the relative
pronouns. But they are not only immediately attached to the
relative word in the hypothesis or protasis, as in ὅταν, ἐάν, ὃς
| 25—2
988 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x.
ἄν, &c., but also appear as antecedents or correlatives in the
‘apodosis of a condition. In the latter case they can only be
. considered as hints suggestive of the hypothetical or general
nature of the whole sentence; for if I say λέγοιμ᾽ av, even with-
out any condition expressed, the hearer feels that a condition is
implied, which would not be the case if I had said λέξω. Such
being the fact in regard to the apodosis, it is still more evident
that the addition of a relative particle in the protasis, which is
already ἃ relative sentence, must add to the generality or com-
prehensiveness of the reference. And 80 we constantly find that
the multiplication of relative or indefinite elements makes the
range of supposition wider; and if guis means “any one,” gzts-
que, quis-quis, qui-cun-que will mean “any any" or “every
possible" individual. This view is confirmed by. the Semitic
usages: for we not only find pronominal repetitions, such as
roD - UID UD = quid et quid, but even repetitions of general
terms, as E^» t= vir et vir — quis-que. In comparing quis-
que with qui-cun-que we observe, besides the constant distinction
between quis and qui, that the latter is strengthened by the in-
sertion of the temporal particle cum; and it is worthy of notice
that not only is cunque used by itself as an expression of time;
as in Hor. 1 Carm. xxxi. 15: “ mihi cunque salve rite vo-
canti," where cunque- quoque tempore; but we even find it
after cum, as in Lucretius, 11. 113: * contemplator enim, cum
solis lumina cunque inserti fundunt radii per opaca domorum."
Us-que for cus-que (cf. wus-piam, us-quam) is only a different
inflexion of the same elements as cun-que, for us-que and
un-quam both refer to time, (see Schmidt, l. l p. 96); and
quo-que, "too," "still," “continuing that state of things,”
must also be regarded as a particle of time, like its synonym
etiam - et jam!.
As the latter part of the words quis-que, quis-quis, qui-cun-
que is manifestly of relative import no less than the affix of
quis-quam, it is clear that the absolute difference in meaning
between these words; and between us-que and un-quam, us-quam,
1 For the parallelism and difference of quoque and etiam see Plaut,
Trin. 1v. 8, 42: “illis quoque abrogant etiam fidem."
$ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 989
cannot depend upon the etymology of the suffix. If we compare
tam, quam with tum, quum, we shall see that while the former
pair refer to manner, the latter imply time. As dies signifying
a particular day is always masculine, and as we have a number
of adverbs counting time by days, as pridte, hodte, nudius tertius,
diu, tnterdiu, &c., it is fair to conclude that tum, quum mean
* on the particular day," “‘on which day ;" and the same expla-
nation will apply to olóm, “on that day." Similarly, as the
Greek adverbs in -y are properly explained by an ellipse of ὁδῷ
signifying * way," '* process," “manner,” and as we have the
adverbs obviam, perviam, signifying directions or modes of motion,
it may be inferred that there is an ellipse of viam in tam, quam,
which would at once explain their meaning. If we apply the
same explanation to guis-quam, we shall see that it means “ any
one in any way," :.e. "any one at all" (cf. per-quam, “in a
very high way, manner, degree, or kind," me-quum, “in no
manner or degree," neuti-quam = nullo-modo, and see Pott, Et.
Forsch. p. 149. zw. Aufl). This is always the distinctive
meaning of the pronoun; for quisquam can only be used in a
negative or conditional sentence, where all are excluded, or
where the range of choice is circumscribed between the nar-
rowest possible limits. Hence in Terence (Hunuch. prol. 1)
we have: “st quisquam est—in his poeta his nomen profitetur
suum’’—‘‘if there is any person at all, if there is any one person
in all the world"—where the number is especially limited.
Hence unus is often appended to quisquam (cf. Liv. ΧΧΎΠΙ. 37,
where quisquam unus is opposed to ali? omnes, and 11, 9, where
quisquam unus i8 opposed to universus senatus). Hence also
ullus = unulus, “a little one," “a mere one," serves as the
adjective of qutsquam, which, as we have seen, has no femi-
nine or plural forms, though it occurs occasionally with femi-
nine nouns. The exclusive force of unus and ullus is well shown
by the modern French aucun — aliquis unus, which performs all
the functions of quispiam, although the first word belongs to the
most definite of these general pronouns. Thus non vidi quenquam
might be rendered je π᾿ αὐ vu personne, or aucune personne.
And in English we sometimes use the word “single” for the
purpose of excluding all of the kind—as, *I have not a single
shilling.” Opposed as quisquam is to quis-quis, it is very strange
ον... ΡΝ
990 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x.
that no editor should have observed its intrusion into the place
of the latter in a passage of Ovid (Fast. v. 21):
Seepe aliquis solio, quod tu, Saturne, tenebas,
Ausus de media plebe sedere deus;
Et latus Oceano quisquam deus advena junxit:
Tethys et extremo sspe recepta loco est.
It is obvious that quisquam is inadmissible, and that we must
read quisquis, with the punctuation: e£ latus Oceano, quisquis
deus advena, junxit, i.e. “whatever god happened to come
up.” Cf. Plaut. Amph. 1. 1, 156: quisquis homo huc venerit,
pugnos edet.
§ 6. Numerals and Degrees of Comparison.
In regard to the general discussion of this part of the subject,
I have nothing to add to the full investigation which it has re-
ceived in the New Crat. Book 11. ch. 2. For the sake of method,
however, it will be desirable to mention ἃ few facts referring
more particularly to the Latin language. While snus, more
anciently @nus or oinos, corresponds in origin to the Greek ek,
éy-, Goth. aina, Celtic aenn, the Sanscrit éka is represented only
by the adjective equus. We have év-, with « instead of the
aspirate, in sin-cerus (unam ceram habens, i.e. ἁπλοῦς, cf. sim-
plex), sin-cinia (cantio solitaria, Festus, p. 887), stn-ciput (not
for semi-caput, ἡμικεφάλαιον Gl. Labb, but for singulum caput,
the head being regarded as double), and sin-gulus. It is gene-
rally supposed that seme! and semper also contain this form, but
there is nothing to account for the change from n to m in the
former, as there is in stm-plex ; and it seems most natural to
compare the word with ἅμα, for Hesychius gives us the gloss
apaxus Graf Κρῆτες. And with regard to sem-per, although
the m would be explained by the following p, the correlative
nilper = novi-per would lead us to seek for the root in the San-
scrit sand, "always," which is connected with sen-tor, sen-ex,
Lith. sents, senas. Thus we have in the Teutonic languages,
O. H. G. sin, “always,” also simbal, simbales, simplum (Graff, v1.
p. 26), Goth. sintetns = sempiternus, &c. The true form of gutn-
que and its connexion with decim are shown by the spelling de-
qutm, which is found in the Silian law (above, p. 269). It is
there written dequin-que, the m being changed into n before the
$6.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 991
que, 88 in -cun-que and dun-que (above, p. 236). But in deguim,
as in the preposition cum, and the affix of the accusative and
locative case, the final m is merely the representative of a more
original n, and that gutnque really stands for qwinte is farther
shown by the ordinal, which is quintus and not quémptus. The
ordinal primus is derived from the preposition pre, just as the
Greek πρῶτος comes from πρό. All the ordinals end in -mus
(which is perhaps contained in octavus for octau-mus, nonus for
noventmus), with the exception of secundus, “following,” which
is merely the participle of seguor, and of tertius, quartus, quintus,
sextus, which represent the Greek -ros. In tertéus this ending is
lengthened by the qualitative or possessive -tus, so that ter-t-ius
18 a derivative of ter-tus, and the same is the case in the Sanscrit
dui-ityas, tri-ttyas, and in the Sclavonic trettót, fem. tretiza. The
Sclavonic relative kotorota exhibits a similar extension of a form
corresponding to xorepos. By the side of duo we have ambo,
which is nearly synonymous with uterque. The distinction of
these words is well known. While duo merely denotes an ag-
gregate of two individuals—the number “ two’’—ambo signifies
“both together," and uterque, “both the one and the other."
Cf. the Greek ἀμφότερος and ἑκάτερος, Plat. Thectet. p. 185 5.
This is clear from such passages as the following; Ter. Adelph.
I. 2, 50:
Curemus tequam uterque partem ; tu alterum,
Ego alterum: nam ambos curare propemodum
Reposcere illum est, quem dedisti.
* Let both the one and the other of us look to lás own: for to
concern yourself with both together is almost to demand back
again the boy whom you gave me," Auson. Ep. 91: “vis ambas
ut amem? si diligit uérague vellem." ‘Do you wish me to love
both together? If both the one and the other loves me, I should
be glad to do so." Hence it is clear that, as Déderlein says
(Lat. Et. u. Syn. 1v. 849), ambo regards the two as two halves,
but uterque as two tntegral unites: and the former corresponds
to ἄμφω, the latter to ἑκάτερος, and both in different cases
to ἀμφότερος. The separability of the two constituent units
in uterque is farther shown by the fact that this word may have
either a singular or plural verb, whereas ambo always takes the
plural. It is worthy of remark, as the two words are often
992 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x.
confused by students, that b:-dens, “8 mattock," merely involves
bis, but that be-dens, “a sheep," is for ambi-dens (Festus, p. 4:
* ambidens sive bidens ovis appellabatur, que superioribus et
inferioribus est dentibus").
The formation of the degrees of comparison in adjectives and
adverbs is intimately connected with that of the numerals. For
all ordinals are of the nature of superlatives, and the most ge-
nuine form of the comparative in the Indo-Germanic languages
is the combination of pronominal elements, which forms the
third numeral, considered.as indicating something beyond two.
Although the Latin language is almost the only idiom which
exhibits the full development of the separate usage of the form
ter =ta-ra (New Crat. § 157), for it has not only the numeral
under the forms tres, ter, ter-nio, ter-tius, but also a noun ter-
minus, and a regular preposition trans, it does not use -éer as a
comparative suffix except in the case of pronominal forms. For
all common words we have instead of -ter, -τερος, -taras, which
are so usual in cognate languages, either the merely relative
adjective in -ivs, corresponding to the Sanscrit -tyas, Greek -cos,
or a derivative from this in -tor, corresponding to the Sanscrit -
-tyan, Greek -ἰων =-iov-s; where we may compare the adverbs
in -tens with their more recent forms in -tes. Thus we have
both al-ter and al-tus, and from the same root ul-tra, ul-tro.
Many prepositions have a fixed or adverbial form in -tra, which
is extended by the addition of -tor into an inflected comparative.
Thus we have ct-ira, ci-ter-tor, ex-tra, ez-ter-ior, tn-tra, tn-ter-
tor, ul-tra, ul-ter-ior, &c. The forms an-ter-ior, de-ter-tor, pos-
ter-ior, show that there must have been originally derivatives
like an-tra, de-tra, pos-tra, as well as the existing an-te, de,
post[e]; and we have seen that pos-tro is still extant in Umbrian.
In some words the original affix was -ra only, as in infra,
sup-ra, whence tnferior, superior. Some prepositions have no
intermediate adverb in -tra or -ra, but merely add the termina-
tion -tor, as prior from pre, propior from prope; and to this
class we must add pejor for pes-tor, from per. This form, and
its superlative pessimus, are assigned to malus. But, paradoxical
as it may appear at first sight, there seems to be good reason for
the belief that in point of regular derivation the true comparative
of malus is mel-tor, which is assigned to the correlative bonus.
δ 6] - PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 398
Attempts have been made to derive melior from bonus, because
we may have m by the side of 5 (above, p. 290), and because n
appears by the side of / in βέλετιστος and Bev-ricros. The
double change, however, from 5 to m and from n to / in the same
syllable, can hardly be assumed in a case where there is no evi-
. dence that the root ever exhibited either in its first or last letter
the modification which is supposed. On the other hand, there
are Greek analogies, which quite support the reference of melior
to malus. For there can be no doubt that there is a real con-
nexion between the ideas of excess and depravity, of magnitude
and difficulty, as exhibited in the adverbs μάλα, μόλες, which
give us the root of mal-us, and in μόγις, which gives us the
root of péyas and μόχθος (N. Crat. §§ 167, 185). There is
no reason therefore why malüs should not convey the secondary
idea of difficulty and depravity, which is borne by μόλ-ἰς, while
the primary notion of superior magnitude and higher degree,
which is borne by μάλα, μᾶλλον, and μάλιστα, is retained by
the comparative mel-ior. We have a remarkable trace of the
original form of malus in the occasional use of male, as a syno-
nym for the Greek μάλα, or the Latin valde; thus we find in
Horace (1 Carm. xvii. 21) male dispart for nimium, valde, ad-
modum dispari; (1 Epist. 111. 31) male laxus calceus for nimium
laxus; in Catullus (x. 33) insulsa male et molesta, vivis for ad-
modum insulsa; in Tibullus (4 Carm. x. 2) ne male inepta cadam
for nimis inepta (see Hand, Tursell. 111. p. 584); in all of which
passages we see the transition from the idea of excess to that of
disapprobation. All regular adjectives form their comparative in
this way—namely, by substituting -zor for the flexion-form of the
positive, as dur-us, dur-tor, facil-is, facil-tor, or, if the adjective
involves a verbal root, by adding -ior to the crude form of the
participle; thus, the comparative of maledicus is not maledicior,
but maledi-cent-ior. There is no doubt that al-cws and med-tus are
comparative words. The regular comparative in -éor, gen. -iorts,
is formed from the genitive of these forms, as appears from the
Sanserit -fyán, Gr. -ἰῶν τ ἰον-ς (New Crat. ὃ 165). As the or-
dinal admits of two forms in -tus and in -mus, and as the super-
lative is of the nature of an ordinal, we should expect that it
would be indicated by one or both of these terminations. And
this is the case. We have -mus alone. in pri-mus, extre-mus,
994 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
postre-mus, infi-mus or imus, and sum-mus for supi-mus. We
have -&-mus in ul-timus, in op-timus, “uppermost,” from ob, in
tn-timus, ‘most inward," from in, in pes-simus (for pes-timus),
* most down," from per (cf. pessum-do with per-do, and per-eo).
The termination -&imus is universally assimilated in the superla-
tives of ordinary adjectives. For these superlatives are formed,
like the comparatives in -tra, -repos, from an adverbial form,
and not from the crude form of the adjective, like the compara-
tives in -tor (see New Crat. ὃ 165; Gr. Gr. Art. 269 sqq.).
The adverb derived from the adjectives in -us or -er, which
ended in e or o in ordinary Latin, originally terminated in -ed;
and as the supines in -tum of dental verbs generally changed
their ἐ into 8, or, in combination with the characteristic, into -es,
we are not at a loss to account for the similar phenomenon in the
superlatives: for ces-sum = ced-tum from cedo, and sessum = sed-
tum from sedeo!, fully correspond to dur-i-ssimus from dured-
timus, and moll-i-ssimus from mollid-temus. The change of e
into ¢ in the former case is in accordance with the usual practice;
ef. teneo, con-tineo, sedeo, asstdeo, &c. When the crude form of
the adjective ends in / or r, the ¢ of -timus is assimilated to this
letter: thus from celer we have celer-rimus for celer-timus, from
facilis we have facil-limus for factltimus. The junction between
the crude form of the adjective and an affix properly appended
to a derived adverb is due to the fact that adjectives of this kind
may use their neuter and even their crude form as adverbs ; thus
we have not only faciliter, but facile, and even facul (Festus, p.
87, Müller).
§ 7. Prepositions.
The most important of the pronominal adverbs, which are
used as the basis of degrees of comparison, are the prepositions.
One of these, trans, is merely an extension of the affix of the
comparative, and they are all employed more or less in qualifying
those expressions of case, on which the mutual relations of words
so much depend. We have seen that, according to the proper
and original distinctions of the oblique cases, the genitive or
! Ad-gretus = ad-gred-tus actually occurs in Ennius (Ann. 574, Vahlen)
for adgressus. Festus, p. 6.
§7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 395
ablative (for they were originally identical) denotes motion from
8 place, or, generally, separation; the dative or locative implies
rest ἐπ a place, or, generally, conjunction; and the accusative
signifies motion to a place, or, generally, approach with a view
to conjunction; but that these primitive uses of the oblique in-
flexions have become obsolete in Latin, with the exception of a
few general nouns and the proper names of cities. In other
instances, motion from and to, and rest in a place, together with
the other mutual relations of words, are expressed by some pre-
position; and in this use of the prepositions, the genitive, as dis-
tinct from the ablative, and the dative, whether identified with
the locative or distinguished from it, are utterly excluded. The
ablative alone is used with those prepositions which signify
separation, and takes the place of the dative or locative with
those which imply rest or conjunction, while the accusative pro-
perly accompanies those which denote approach or motion.
It will be convenient to class the Latin prepositions under
three heads, corresponding to the three primitive distinctions of
the oblique cases—namely, separation or motion from, rest in,
and approach or motion to. To each of these may be appended
the derived or compounded prepositions, which introduce some
new modification of meaning.
The three simplest auxiliaries of the primitive relations of
case are ab (shortened in à, and extended into abs, absque) for
the expression οἱ separation or motion from, with the ablative ;
$n for the expression of rest in or on, with the ablative, as the
usurper of the place of the dative or locative; and ad for the
expression of approach or motion to with the accusative.
There is no doubt as to the origin and linguistic affinities of
these prepositions. .45 or abe corresponds in etymology and
meaning to the Greek ἀπό or dy, which was originally ἀν-πός,
or να-πός (New Crat. § 169), and, as such, denoted motion from
a distant object to the subject, according to the principle which
I have stated and elucidated elsewhere (New Crat. § 130, 169;
Gr. Gr. Art. 77 sqq.). Practically ab and ἀπό denote motion from
the surface of an object, and are go distinguished from ex» (e), ἐξ
(dx), which imply that we pasa through intermediate proximity ;
fn corresponds in use to the Greek ἐν and eis = ἐνς, and in origin
not only to these prepositions, but also to ava. In with the
996 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. x.
ablative and ἐν with the dative express the simplest and most
elementary notion of locality—the being ἐπ a place. With
the accusative, tn signifies ἐπίο or unto a place, deriving the
expression of motion from the case with which it is connected.
When ἐν is connected with the accusative in this sense, it is
always expanded to εἰς = ἐνς, except in some of the lyric poets,
such as Pindar, who, like the Romans, use ἐν to express both
location with the dative and motion with the accusative. There
is no doubt that ἐν, εἰν, εἰνί, ἀνά, ἵνα, are ultimately identical,
the original form having been fa-va, which expresses motion
through the nearer to the more distant object. Practically, ἐπ
represents all the uses of ἐν, εἰς, ἀνά, and even of the negative
prefix which corresponds to the last. Thus we have ἀνὰ μέ-
pos τε in-vicem, ἐν τῇ πόλει — ἐπ urbe, eis THY πόλεν = tn urbem,
ἀν-ήριθμος = innumerus. While tn thus corresponds to some
of the applications of ἀνά, the other meanings of the Greek
particle are represented by the inseparable prefix re- or red-,
which, like the Greek fa, is ultimately traceable to an
identity with va- (New Crat. §§ 266—270). This prefix,
which properly signifies "up" as the correlative of “down,”
is very often used, like ava, to give to a compound the converse
meaning to that which is borne by the simple verb. The
origin of this is to be sought in the opposition of ἀνά to κατά.
Thus if κατακαλύπτω means “to cover down,” or “put down
@ covering," ἀνακαλύπτω would mean “to up-cover," *un-
cover," or “take up a covering." Hence we have the verb re-
velo, **to unveil,’ re-cludo, **to unclose," re-sero, “to unlock,”
re-tego, ‘‘to uncover.” At a later period, however, this prefix
became merely emphatic, and as recondo meant “to lay up,
or hoard up diligently," so recludo, instead of denoting “to
open," meant “to close up with special care:" whence our
sense of the word “recluse.”” This change in the application
came into vogue in the silver age, and we find in Suetonius
(Octav. 78) retectis pedibus in the sense “with his feet care-
fully covered" (see the notes of Casaubon and Ernesti on this
passage). Similarly, we find recerno for secerno, refirmare = oc-
cludere (Fr. refermer, renfermer). It is an interesting circum-
stance that whereas retego, detego, and revelo, develo, were used
tropically as synonyms in classical Latin (compare Hor. 3
§ 7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 397
Carm. xxi. 16, with Liv. x. 4, and Ovid, Fast. v1. 619, with
Metam. vi. 604), in English we have “detect” from the first
pair, and “reveal” alone from the second pair of verbs. The
French, however, retain develo in their dévoiler, as they also
have découvrir. The preposition ad is obviously another form
of the conjunctions at = “still,” and et — too,” “and.” The
late Professor Hunter showed’ that there was the same relation
between the Greek δέ, which signifies “too,” **in the second
place," and the affix -8e, as in οἰκόν-δε, “ to-home,” implying
motion to a place. We learn from the other form el-ra (New
Crat. S 193) that ὄττι is compounded of the second element
Fa, and the third; consequently it corresponds in etymology,
as it does pretty nearly in meaning, to the Greek εἰς = évs,
and to in-used with the accusative.
In its use with the ablative of the agent, αὖ corresponds |
rather to the Greek ὑπό than to d7ó.« Thus, mundus a deo
creatus est would be rendered 6 κόσμος ὑπὸ (not ἀπὸ) τοῦ θεοῦ
ἐκτίσθη. But we are not to conclude from this that ὑπό,
ἀπό, are different forms of the same word. The w is found in
all the cognate words ὑπό, sub, ὑπέρ, euper, subter, uf, ufar,
upa, upari; and it is clear that while ἀ-πό = να-πό is com-
pounded of the third and first, v-rro= Fa-7ro is made up of
the second and first pronominal elements, and so denotes a
passage to the subject from that which is proximate or under
the feet. As the act of separation implies nearness at the
moment of separation, we find that idiomatically αὖ is used to
express relative positions, as a fronte, “in front," a tergo, “ be-
hind," Abertus a manu, “a freedman at hand," i.e. an amanu-
ensis, But this meaning is more fully expressed by ap-ud,
compounded of αὖ and ad, and combining the meaning of these
two prepositions; for apud signifies “being by the side of but
not part of an object,” and this implies both juxtaposition and
separation. It is used with the accusative, because this is the
case of the latter preposition of the two, and because the passage
from ab to ad implies motion. The Greek παρά, which answers
1 4 Grammatical Essay on the nature, import, and effect, of certain
Conjunctions; particularly the Greek δέ: read June 21, 1784. Trans. . of
the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vol. 1. pp. 113— 84. ZEE
998 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [ CHAP. Χ.
exactly to apud, takes different cases according to the meaning
implied by the special reference (Gr. Gr. Art. 485). In low
Latin we have the compound ab-ante from which comes the
French a-vant, and even de-ab-ante, from whence comes devant
(see Pott, Zeitschr. f. d. Vergl. Sprf. 1. p. 311).
The preposition tn has also the comparative forms £n-ter and
tn-tra, or tn-fra, which imply motion, and are consequently
joined to the accusative. The same is the case with an-te,
which retains the a found in an-ter, Sanscr. an-tar, Gr. d-rep
for dv-rep (New Crat. ὃ 204). In meaning an-te corresponds
to the Greek dy-ri only so far as the latter signifies ‘“‘in front
of,” which is the primitive signification of the Latin particle.
The Greek πρό, from whence comes πρός, or Tpori, claims a
common origin with pro; and there can be no doubt as to the
connexion between παρά, whence παραί, and pre; but there are
many shades of meaning in which the Latin and Greek terms by
no means coincide. Pre-ter, which is a comparative of pre, and
prop-ter, which is similarly formed from pro-pe, an extension of
pro (above, § 5), express exactly certain meanings of παρά : thus
παρὰ δόξαν — prater opinionem, and παρὰ ταῦτα — propter ista.
Per exactly answers to παρά, in its negative or depreciating
sense, in compounds such as pe-ero for per-juro = παρορκέω: cf.
pejor for pertor. Although per and περί are identical words,
there are only some few cases in which their significations
strictly correspond (see New Crat. SS 177, 8). It is perhaps
still more difficult to show the exact relation in meaning be-
tween the Greek and Latin affix -7rep, -per: cf. &mep, ὅσαπερ,
&c. with paullisper, nuper, &c. In many of its employments
the Latin per coincides exactly with the Greek διά, which, with
the genitive, and, in the older poets, with the accusative also,
signifies “through,” and which, with the accusative in ordinary
Greek, corresponds to the use of παρά, propter, to which I have
just adverted. Etymologically there can be no doubt that da
finds a representative in the Latin de, which implies descent
and derivation, and is of course used with the ablative. In
form dé corresponds to the old Latin sé for sine, and as the
full form of this se was sed, or set, we find in Oscan (above,
p. 144) that de originally appeared as dat. It has been remarked
already, that αὖ differs from ex, the other preposition most di-
8 7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 999
rectly connected with the meaning of the ablative, by referring
to the surface of the object from which the separation takes
place, whereas ex denotes a removal from or out of the interior
of the object or objects. Now de also presumes that the thing
removed was a part of the object from which it is removed.
Thus while we have no ab-imo from emo, we have both ex-imo,
* to take out," and démo, “to take away a part" (as partem
solido demere de die), to say nothing of sumo, "to take up,"
promo, “to take forth," which imply approximation to the same
idea of partition. This signification of partition brings us back
very closely to the primitive meaning of διά, δίς, δύο; and we
have absolute division in such phrases as dedi de meo. From
the same idea of partition we may get the sense of derivation
and descent implied in these and other compounds of de. And
here de comes into close contact with the affixes -Óev, -tus, which.
undoubtedly belong to the same original element (see New Orat.
§ 263); thus de celo is exactly equivalent to cals-tus. While
dea corresponds to per in its sense of “ through," and to de in its
meaning of division into parts, we find that de conversely coin-
cides with περί in the sense of “about,” “concerning,” as de-
noting the subject from which the action or writing is derived,
4. e. the source of agency or the subject-matter (ὕλη). Thus
scripsit de republica means “he took the subject of his writing
from the general theme of the commonwealth;” for which a
Greek would have said ἄγραψε περὶ τῆς ToMwreías, t.¢. “his
writing was about or derived from the republic.” The con-
nexion of de and διά is seen still more plainly in the form dé
or dts which the former bears in composition.
As de, though connected with διά, thus corresponds to one
of the uses of περί, while dca in its general meaning coincides
with per, so we find that οὗ, which is etymologically identical
with ἀμφί, a synonym of περί, agrees in one of its uses with
propter, and so with διά when used with the accusative. The
fact, that ob may be traced to a common origin with ἐπί and
ἀμφί, has been elsewhere established (New Crat. §§ 172, 3), by
the following proofs. There can be no doubt as to the identity
of ἐπί with the Sanscrit apt and abht. Now abhi is related to
ἀμφί, as abhra is to ὄμβρος, ubhau to ἄμφω, ambo, &c. And
the analogy of ἀπό for ἀν-πό, shows that ἐπί must originally
400 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
have been ἐν-πί or ἀν-πίτε ἀμφί. Moreover ἐπί and audi con-
cur not only in their ordinary meanings, but especially in that
sense of interchange or reciprocity which I have claimed for ἐπί
(New Crat. 8 174). Now ob, which resembles the Sanscrit abhs
in its Auslaut, shows by its vowel the last trace of a lost nasal ;
comp. obba, umbo, duBiE!. And ita usage, in other senses than
that of propter, indicates a close connexion in meaning with ἐπί
and ἀμφί. Thus op-timus from ob manifestly denotes ** up-most"
or *upper-most." So that ob must have denoted “ superposition"
or * relative altitude" like ér/. And Festus (p. 178, Müller) has
pointed out usages in which it concurs with the two Greek pre-
positions: ‘“‘ob prepositio alias ponitur pro circum (i.e. appé),
ut cum dicimus urbem ob-sidert, ob-vallari, ob-signari . . . alias
pro ad (i.e. ἐπ) ponitur, ut Ennius: ob Romam noctu legiones
ducere coptit, et alibi ob Trojam duxit. The relative altitude
implied by ἐπί and ob is shown in such phrases as ob oculos,
* before the eyes," i.e. on a level with them; and in Ennius'
Telamo we have more generally ob os (Cic. Tusc. Disp. ru.
18): hicine est tlle Telamo ... cujus ob os Gra ora obvertebant
gua, Where the compound reminds us of Auschyl. Chotph. 350:
ἐπι-στρεπτὸς αἰών. The frequentative sense of ἐπί is conveyed
by obeo, ἐπιφοιτάω, “to go backwards and forwards," and the
relative height of a table, or city built on the level surface of a
hill, is signified by oppidum = ἐπίπεδον (Virg. Georg. 11. 156:
tot congesta manu preruptis oppida saxis). The phrases quoted
by Festus for the sense of circum remind us at once of ἐπί and
περί or ἀμφί. Thus obsidere is either ἐφέζεσθαι or περικαθῆσθαι.
If obscurus reminds us of ἐπίσκιος, we have ἀμφικαλύπτω in
oc-culo; if ob-edto suggests érraxovw, ob-esus (bassus) refers us to
ἀμφιλαφής, ob-erro to περιπλανῶμαι, and ob-liquus to ἀμφί-
Aofos. The sense of perseverance or continuance conveyed by
oc-cupo, ob-tineo, and obs-tinatus (see Ruhnken, Dictata in Teren-
tium, p. 78), is also due to the meaning of surrounding or going
1 It is a remarkable circumstance that we have in Fest. p. 26 tho
Gloss. “abisse pro adisse dicebant." This clearly involves a confusion
between amb or ob and ab, for the word intended is manifestly obisse.
Pott, Etym. Forsch. τι. p. 635, supposes a chango from d to b, which is
impossible.
δ. 7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 401
backwards and forwards contained in ἐπί and ἀμφί (περί). For
example, oc-cupo is either ἐπιλαμβάνω or περιλαμβάνω. The
preposition circum (circa, circiter), which is limited to the local
or temporal meaning of περί, is ἃ case of the substantive ctrcus,
which may be connected with cis (cttra), a form of the prono-
minal element -ce; and ci-tra, citro are opposed to ul-tra, ul-tro,
as ce—'' here" is opposed to ul- (al-, an-, 4L, 4n-) =“ there,"
: and there is no doubt that the preposition tn is ultimately iden-
tical with the pronoun wi-, al- (cf. Sanscr. anya, Greek κεῖνος,
&c.). The pronominal root ce obtains another prepositional ex-
‘tension in cum = ξύν, and this again has its comparative in con-
tra, "against," implying extension from and in front of that
which is here. .'l'he,first element po- combined with the second
-s and the third -4 gives in po[s]ne a sense of extension “ back-
wards" and “ behind," i. e, through all three positions; and this
is alao the meaning of pos-t, which bears the same relation to
po-ne that se-d or se-t does to st-ne. ‘The latter, which is really
po-s-ne without the first syllable, expresses the idea of simple
separation. The compound post, or even the syllable po alone,
is used as a preposition almost equivalent to trans, as in
mertum or post-moriwm, "the space beyond the wall," post-
liminium, “the space beyond the threshold, within which a
resumption of civic rights is possible.” Trans, involving the
elements of the comparative suffix, with a new affix, differs little
from wl-tra, for it includes nearly the same elements in a dif-
ferent order. As cir-cus is probably connected with cts, so ter-
minus undoubtedly contains the root of tr-ans. <A finis or ter-.
minus strictly excludes the cira as well as the ultra, and the
circus, as a line, is neither the space, which it encloses, nor that,
which it shuts out. Erga, which bears the same relation to
ergo that ultra does to ultro, must be explained by the corre-
spondence of ergo and igitur. The latter, as we have seen, is
an extension in -tur=-tus of t-gi=es-gi; and erg-a -—esg-a is
only a different form of the same word; for the ending of <gi-tur
is -iur =-tim, and while circa stands by circi-ter we shall see
directly that juxta presumes a jucta-tim. |
It has been shown (in Chapter ΥὙ111.} that clam, coram, penes
and tenus are adverbs derived from nominal or verbal roots;
and juxta =jug-sta is a compound of the root jug- in jungo
D. V. 26
402 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x.
jugum, jugts, and the crude form of sto. Like con-tinuo it ex-
presses contiguity. Some consonantal affix, equivalent to a
case-ending, is involved in the last syllable. The old gram-
marians remark that “ statim pro firmtter primam producit; pro
$lkco corripit;" and such forms as stdtio, &c., prove that the
contraction is not always exhibited. But the analogy of a»a-
μίγ-δην, ἀνα-μύγ-δα, ἀνά-μυγα, ἀνά-μιξ (Greek Grammar, Art.
265), shows that some affix was to be expected, and that it
might be extenuated into a mere vocal Auslaut. From the
almost synonymous fenus and ἑξῆς, compared with the ablatives
in ἃ for ad, and with erga(o) by the side of tgt-tur, we can easily
infer the nature of the appendage which has been rubbed off
from the prepositional adverb jugsta = jug-sta-tim.
It may be worth while to add that prepositions compounded
with verbs are liable to certain changes from assimilation or
absorption, which perhaps typify a similar change in the separate
use of these proclitic words.
A, ab, abs may appear as au, and we have seen it assume the
form af in old Latin (above, p. 260, 1. 11).
Ad may change d into the first letter of the word with which it
is compounded; thus it may become ac, af, ag, al, an, ap, ar,
as, at; and we have seen that the last of these represents one
of its separate usages; compare also e£, and the Greek ἔτι.
This preposition is represented by a short d in d-perio — ad-
.pario; d-mamus = ad-manus (cf. én-mants) ; d-deps = ad-deps ;
d-trow = ad-truz, &c.
Ante sometimes appears as antid, which may have been its
original form (see above, p. 365).
Circum may lose its final m or change it into n.
Cum appears as com, co, col, con, or cor.
De eithér remains unaltered, or assumes the form des before t;
it is found also with a different, but cognate signification, as
dis-, di-, dif- and dir-.
E, ex, enters into compounds either i in its separate form, or assi-
milated to f-, as in ef-fero.
Jn is im before labials, $ before g, it and ὧν before the liquids
| and v, but otherwise unchanged; in old writers or their
Imitators we have endo or indu.
ὃ 8.} PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 403
Inter is not changed, except before ὦ, when it becomes tniel-.
Ob becomes obs before dentals, it is assimilated to labials and
gutturals, and is shortened into ὅ before m; sometimes it
resumes its original m: thus we have amb, shortened into
am, or an before c, as in an-ceps.
Per is sometimes, but not always, assimilated to a following J.
Post, or pone, becomes po, in pomerium, pomeridianus.
Pro is written prod before a vowel, as in prod-est; it suffers
metathesis in pol-liceo, por-rigo, where it approaches to the
cognate per, if it is not identical with it.
The inseparable re, really a form of ὑντε ἀνά, is written red before
a vowel, or the dentals d, ¢ ; compare red-eo, red-do, ret-tult.
Sine appears only as sé or sed-, the former with an occasional
tmesis, as in Lucret. 1. 458: sejungi seque gregart.
Sub may change ὁ to the following letter, and sometimes as-
sumes s before /, as in subs-traho.
Trans may be shortened into íra.
Ve, or vehe, is not a preposition, but a particle containing the
same root as via τε veha, veho, weg, &c.
S 8. Negative Particles.
Negative particles fall into two main classes essentially dif-
ferent.in signification ; for they denote either dental, which is
categorical negation, or prohibition, which is hypothetical nega-
tion; in the former case, we negative an affirmation, i.e. affirm
that the case is not so; in the latter, we negative a supposition,
i.e. prohibit or forbid an assumed or possible event. As these
differences are absolute in logic or syntax, it is necessary that
they should be expressed by the forms of the words; and the
three classical languages have sufficient, but by no means iden-
tical, methods of conveying these distinctions. The Greek lan-
guage expresses categorical negation by the particle οὐ ὋΣ ov-x,
amounting to a-va-Fa-«x, which denotes distance and separation,
but takes for the expression of a prohibition or negative hypo-
thesis the particle μή, which is connected with the first personal
pronoun, and is therefore opposed to οὐκ as subject is to object
(New Crat. ὃ 189). ‘The Hebrew language has the same root
b, which is ultimately identical with the Indo-Germanic na or
a-na, to express both negation and prohibition ; but while the
26—2
e
404 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [crHaP. x.
categorical negative ND conveys this idea by a lengthened stress
on the vowel which follows the liquid, the hypothetical 5x
denotes the prohibition of an act present or intended by an
initial breathing which throws the emphasis on the Anlaut
(Maskil le-Sopher, p. 15). The Latin language, like the
Hebrew, contents itself with one pronominal e‘ement, namely, π᾿,
signifying “distance” and “separation,” for both negation and
prohibition, but distinguishes these in form by adopting a com-
pound or lengthened word for the categorical negative, while the
hypothetical word appears without any such strengthening ,
addition. Thus, while the common expression for the cate-
gorical negative 18 non for nenu, or nonu, which is obviously
sie num or ne unum with the ecthlipsis of the final m, we find
merely ne in the prohibitive sense, in ordinary Latin. There are
traces in single words and in the older authors of ἃ strengthening
affix c in this latter use (above, p. 118), corresponding to the
affix which appears in oU-« or ov-y/. We must distinguish this
affix from the conjunction -que, which appears in the disjunction
ne-que (Muller, Suppl. Ann. ad Fest. p. 387). If, then, we
compare οὐ-κ — d-va-Fa-x with ne-c, we shall see that they differ
only in the inserted element Fa, arid there 18 no reason to suppose
that the categorical n'on differs from the hypothetical ne, other-
wise than by the strengthening word unum, which is also in-
volved in nullus τὸ n'unu-lus. On the other hand, we see from
the categorical use of m'unquam, n'usquam, ne-quidem and ne-
que, that the negative ne may always be used in a denial of facts,
if it is only sufficiently strengthened. The identity of a-va-[Fa]-«
and ne-c is farther shown by the use of the negative as a prefix
in Latin. Of this we have three forms; the simple ne or nf as
in ne-fas, ne-scto, ni-hil, ni-st, &c.; the same with $-—Fa pre-
fixed, as in én-iquus, tn-numerus, im-mensus, t-gnavus, &c.;
with c affixed, as in nec-opinus, neg-otium, neg-ligo or nec-ligo.
As it is quite clear that in these instances the element n is that
which gives the negative force, and as this element is common to
n'on and ne, it follows that the Romans did not distinguish
between the form of the prohibition and categorical negation
otherwise than by strengthening the latter. And this extenuation
of the negative emphasis in subordinate expressions is also shown
by the fact, that, in conditional and final sentences, the mere dimi-
88.) . PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 405
nution of assertion expressed by minus took the place of the
shorter negative; thus we have δὲ minus for sin, and quominus
for quin. It is a question whether the shorter form me can
“appear without some strengthening affix, as -dum, -que, or
-quidem, in the categorical negation. Of the passages quoted
some are manifestly corrupt, and it seems that ne is not used
categorically, except when it stands for ne-quidem, “not even”
(see Drakenborch, ad Liv. vit. 4; xxxi. 49). It may be
doubted in these cases whether there ig not a concealed prohi-
bition, as in the Greek μὴ ὅτι. On the other hand, when non
appears, as it occasionally does, in a final sentence, there is always
some reason for the employment of this more emphatical par-
ticle. Thus ne plura dicam, or ut ne plura dicam, means
merely “not to say more,” but μέ plura non dicam neque alio-
rum exemplis confirmem (Cic. pro lege Manil. 15, § 44) implies
a more deliberate abstinence from irrelevant details. The dif-
ference between ne-quidem and non-quidem or nec-quidem con-
sists in the greater degree of emphasis conveyed by the former,
which is much the more usual combination; for ne-quidem means
“not even ;" but non (or nec) -quidem denotes merely a qualifi-
cation of opposed terms, so that quidem is simply the Greek
μέν : this appears from Quintilian’s rendering (1x. 8, § 55) of
Demosthenes (de Coroná, p. 288): οὐκ εἶπον μὲν ταῦτα, οὐκ
éypayra δέ" οὐδ᾽ ἔγραψα μέν, οὐκ ἐπρέσβευσα δέ" οὐδ᾽ ἐπρέσ-
βευσα μέν, οὐκ ἔπεισα δὲ Θηβαίους ͵----““ non enim dixi quidem,
Sed non scripsi; nec scripsi quidem, sed non obii legationem;
nec obil quidem, sed non persuasi Thebanis" (see Wagner on
Verg. Georg. 1. 126).
This distinction in emphasis regulates the employment of the
negative particles in interrogations, and we observe the same
relation between the Greek and Latin particles in this use also—
that is, we employ nonne in Latin, where we write dp' ov in
Greek ; num, which bears the same relation to ne that tpsus does
to tpse or necessum to necesse, corresponds to the Greek use of
μή or μὴ οὖν = dv; and the enclitic -n& is used when no nega-
tion appears in Greek; thus we have gp’ οὐκ ἔστιν ἀσθενής ;
τε nonne Ggrotat ? when we expect an affirmative answer; dpa
μή ἐστιν ἀσθενής ; or μῶν ἀσθενής ἐστι ; num egrotat ? when we
expect a negative answer; and dpa ἀσθενής ἐστι; = egrotut-ne?
406 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X.
when we merely ask for information. The employment of the
negative in the final sentence really emanates from this use in
interrogations, coupled with the prohibitive value of the shorter
particle. The subordinate sentence, whether affirmative or negs-
tive, is generally coupled with that on which it depends by some
relative or interrogative particle. In Greek this particle cannot
be dispensed with, except in those cases, when the thing feared,
denied, or doubted, is expressed by & prohibitive sentence, and
here the usual form of the final or illative sentence is relin-
quished ; but the use of ὥστε μή (Gr. Gr. Art. 602) shows that
this is merely an idiomatic omission, and δέδοικα μὴ θάψω might
.have been written δέδοικα ὡς μὴ θάνω, or ὥστε μὴ θανεῖν, “1
fear with a view to the result that I may not die." The examples
collected by Mr. Allen (Analysis of Latin Verbs, pp. 337 sqq.)
sufficiently show that in Latin the relative particle «t£ may be
either inserted or omitted at pleasure, whether the subordinate
sentence is affirmative or negative.
CHAPTER ΧΙ.
THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB.
$ t. The Latin verb generally defective. § 2. The personal inflexions—their con-
sistent anomalies. § 3. Doctrine of the Latin tenses. § 4. The subetan-
tive verbe. ὃ 5. Paucity of organic formations in the regular Latin verb.
86. General scheme of tenses in the Latin verb. § 7. Verbs which may be
regarded as parathetic compounds. § 8. Tenses of the vowel-verbe which are
combinations of the same kind. § 9. Organic derivation of the tenses in the
consonant-yerb. § 10. Auxiliary tenses of the passive voice. § rr. The
modal distinctions— their syntax. ὃ 13. Forms of the infinitive and partici-
ple—how connected in derivation and meaning. § 13. The gerundiam and
gerundivum shown to be active and present. §14. The participle in
-turus. ὃ 15. The perfect subjunctive. § 16. The past tense of the infinitive
active. § 17. The future of the infinitive passive.
§ 1. The Latin Verb generally defective.
HE* forms of the Latin verb are meagre and scanty in the
game proportion as the cases of the nouns are multifarious
and comprehensive. The deficiencies of the one are due to the
same cause as the copiousness of the other. They both spring
from the antiquated condition of the language. An idiom which
has been long employed in literature will generally substitute
prepositions for the inflexions of cases, and, by the employment
of various syntactical devices, increase the expressiveness and
significance of the verb. It is just in these particulars that the
dialects formed from the Latin differ from their mother-speech,
and in the same particulars they approximate to the syntactical
distinctness of the Greek.
82. The Personal Inflexions—their consistent Anomalies.
The Latin person-endings are, however, on the whole, lesa
mutilated than the corresponding inflexions in the Greek verb.
This is because the person-endings are, in fact, case-endings of
pronouns, by virtue of which every fort of the finite verb be-
comes complete in itself (see New Crat. ὃ 347), and the case-
endings, as haa been already observed, are more perfect in Latin
than in Greek.
The person-endings of the active verb, as they appear in
classical Latin, are -m, -s, -(; -mus, -tis, -nt. But these forms
408 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XL
are not maintained throughout all the tenses. "The present
indicative has dropt the characteristic -m, except in the two cases
of sum and inquam. The sign of the first person singular is
also wanting in the perfect indicative, and in the futures in -bo
and -ro. The second person singular is represented by -s in
every case but one—that of the perfect indicative, which substi-
tutes -a&4, The third singular is always -¢; tbe first plural al-
ways -mus; the second plural always -tte, except in the perfect
indicative, when it is -sts, corresponding to the singular of the
same person; and the third plural is always -nt, though this is
occasionally dropt in the third person plural of the perfect indi-
cative. The loss of the final ¢ in the third person singular is
found both in the Umbrian forms habe, fuia, st, &c. for habet,
fuot, sit, &c., and in the old Latin dede, dedro, dederi. We
have also in Umbrian covortuso and benuso for converterunt and
venerunt. lf we may judge from the -to, -tote of the imperative,
these person-endings must have been originally ablative or causa-
tive inflexions of the pronouns. ‘The original form of the im-
perative suffix in the singular number was -tod or -tud, which is
unequivocally an ablative inflexion (above, Chap. vit. ὃ 8).
In common Latin the imperative not only lost its personal affix
in the second singular, but even suffered an apocope of the crude
form in certain verbs, as duc and fac. Yor da or dato we have
dó in c&dd, “ give-here,” plural cette; and I have elsewhere
endeavoured to prove that the nearly synonymous md-dd must
be a similar form involving also the first personal pronoun (“On
the Etymology of the Latin particle modo," Trans. of the Philol.
Soc. 1854, pp. 97 sqq.).
The person-endings of the passive verb present some difficul-
ties to the inquiring philologist. In fact, only the third person,
singular and plural, seems to have been preserved free from
mutilation or suppression. The terminations of the passive
should, according to the rules of sound philology, present them-
selves as inflexions or cases of the active person-endings (see
New Cratylus, § 348). If, then, we compare the active amat,
amant, amare, with the corresponding passive forms, amatur,
amantur, amarier, we must conclude that r, connected with the
active form by a short vowel, e or w, is the sign of the passive
voice, and that this amounts to an inflexion of the active form
§2.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 409
analogous to the adverbs in -ter (leni-ter, gnavi-ter, &c.), or -tén
(grada-tim, &c.) (New Cratylus, ὃ 365, above, p. 343). In fact,
the isolated particle ¢gi-tur supplies a perfect analogy for the
passive person-endings -tur and -ntur. This particle, as we
have seen (above, pp. 342, 401), is an extension in -tur from the
composite form 2-94 (cf. e-go, er-ga(-o), e-ho, e-ja), and it has the
locative meaning ** thereupon” in a Fragment of the x11. Tables
(above, p. 242). We have also seen that the adverbs in -ter,
-tim are used in a locative sense. And whether we conclude
that -tur is ἃ locative like τόθι, or identical with -tus — -θεν, and
therefore bearing a locative meaning only as the act of separation
implies proximity at the moment of separation (above, p. 397),
there can be no doubt that it does bear that locative sense, which.
is required by the person-endings of the passive voice. The
identity of -tur with -ter (-tim) is farther shown by the form
amari-er, Which stands by the side of ama-tur, and the change
from the short & to u, is found in other cases, e.g. in tubur-cino
from tuber and in tacitur-nus and diutur-nus by the side of
hester-nus. According to this, the first persons amor and ama-
mur are contractions of amómér, amamiisér, according to the
Sansorit analogy (comp. bharé with φέρομαι, &c. New Crat.
§§ 352, 362). The second persons, amaris (amare) and ama-
mint, are altogether different forms; ‘they seem to be two verbals,
or participial nouns, of the same kind respectively as the Latin
and Greek active infinitive, amare =amase (compare dic-sts-se,
es-se, Gr. γέλαϊς, ὕψοῖϊς, &c.), and the passive participle τυπτό-
pevos. The verbal, which stands for the second person singular
of the passive verb, was probably, in the first instance, a verbal
noun in -878; compare πρᾶξις, μέμη-σις, &c. That which re-
presents the second person plural is the plural of a form which
is of very frequent occurrence in the Latin language (New Crat. .
§ 362). The earlier form ended in -minor, and is preserved in
the imperative, which in old Latin had a corresponding second
person singular in -mino: thus we have antestamino (Legg. X11.
Tab. 1. Fr. 1, above, Ch. vi. § 7), famino (Fest. p. 87), pre-
famino (Cat. R. RB. 135, 140), frutmino (Inscr. Grut.), for ante-
stare, fare, prafare, fruere; as well as arbttraminor (Plaut.
Epid. v. 2, 80) and progrediminor (id. Pseud. Yr. 2, 70) for
arbitramini and progredimint. The use of these verbals, with a
—LP m ——— Á——————— NR PP
ee
410 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. ΧΙ.
fixed gender, and without any copula, to express passive predi-
cations referring to the second person, is one of the most singular
features in the Latin language, and the former can only be
compared to the Greek use of the infinitive to express the
second person imperative.
§ 3. Doctrine of the Latin Tenses.
There is, perhaps, no one department of classical philology,
in which so little has been done as in the analysis and simplifica-
tion of the Latin tenses. They are still arranged and designated
as they were in the beginning; and no one seems to have dis-
cerned the glaring errors inseparable from such a system. Even
among the more enlightened, it is not yet agreed whether certain
tenses are to be referred to the indicative or to the subjunctive
mood, and forms of entirely different origin are placed together
in the same category.
Without anticipating the discussion of the difficulties which
beset the doctrine of the Latin tenses, I will premise that, prac-
tically, the regular verb has four moods and five tenses, which
are known by the following names, and represented, in my
Grammar, by the notation attached to the terminology; the tn-
dicative (A), imperative (B), subjunctive (C), and tnfinttive (D)
moods, and the present (I), *émperfect (II), perfect (IIT), pluper-
fect (IV), and future (V) tenses. Thus, to avoid repeating the
names, A. III. will represent the perfect tndtcative, C. II. the
imperfect subjunctive, and so on.
An accurate examination of all the forms in the Latin lan-
guage will convince us that there are only two ways in which
a tense can be formed organically from the root of a Latin verb.
One is, by the addition of s-; the other, by the addition of ¢-.
We find the same process in the Greek verb; but there it is
regular and systematic, supplying us throughout with a complete
series of primary and secondary, or definite and indefinite tenses’.
In Greek, we say that the addition of σ- to the root forms the
aorist and future, that the same adjunct in a more guttural form
1 For the convenience of the reader, I will repeat here the distinc-
tions which I have elsewhere quoted from J. L. Burnouf's Méthode pour
étudier la Langue Grecque, pp. 215 8qq.:
S 4.} THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 411
makes the perfect, and that the insertion of ¢ indicates the
conjunctive or optative mood. Moreover, we have in the Greek
verb an augment, or syllable prefixed for the purpose of marking
past time as such, and traces at least of the systematic employ-
ment of reduplication to designate the continuance of an action.
As the ancient epic poetry of the Greeks neglects the augment,
we may understand how it fell into desuetude among the Romans.
The reduplication too, though common to all the old Italian lan-
guages, is of only partial application in the existing forms of
the Latin verb. With regard to the value of the tenses in σ-
and .- the same holds to a certain extent in Latin also; but
while the principle is here susceptible of a double application, it
is, on the other hand, interrupted by the operation of a system
of composite tenses which is peculiar to the Latin language, and
still more so by the regular use of the affix'-s to express derived
or indefinite tenses.
8 4. The Substantive Verbs.
Before I proceed to examine the tense-system of the Romans,
as it appears in all the complications of an ordinary verb, it will
be as well to analyze, in the first instance, the substantive verb
which enters so largely into all temporal relations.
The Latin language has two verbs signifying “to be:” one
contains the root es-, Sanscr. as-, Greek eo-, Lith. es-; the other,
the root fu-, Sanscr. δλῶ-, Gr. φυ-, Lith. du-.
The inflexions of es- are as follows:
PRIMARY TENSES.
The Present expreases —À with veferonce to | je lis
The Future . . . posteriority . je lirai
The Perfect . . . anteriority the present timo ja lu.
SECONDARY TENSES.
The Imperfect orpressos simultaneity
The Aorist
9 . . 1
with reference to b nae
The Pluperfect . . anteriority J
some other time favais lu?
1 pendant que vous écriviez. 3 aprés que vous eütes fini d'écrire.
5 avant que vous eusaiez écrit.
412 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. ΧΙ.
INDICATIVE PRESENT, A. I.
Actual form. Ancient form. Sanacrit. Lithuanian.
"eum. . . esum'. . . asmi. . . esmt
es. . . 088) . . . G8 . . . 688ὲ
est . . . esti . . . ast . . . estt, est
δ . . 68URUS . . 6ma8 . . esma
es tts 9 Φ esttis e ' e P δία e e *. este
"sunt . . esunt . . sant . . [esant?]
IMPERFECT, A. IIl. |
Actual form. Ancient form. - Sanscrit.
eram . . . . 6am ... . dsam
eras . . . . ésas 0. 5. e. (sis
erat . . . . ésat 00. 5. e. Bst
eramus . . . ésamus . . . . desma
eratis . . . ésads . . . . Gsta
erant . . . . ésant . . . . dean
FUTURE or SUBJUNCTIVE, A. V. or C. I.,
Formed by the insertion of the guttural element -$.
Actual forms. Ancient form. Sanscrit.
eró, "sim, ‘siém . . esyám . . syám
eris, ‘sis, ‘siés . . esyás . . syds
eri, ‘sit, ᾿εἷδὲ . . . esyát . . syát
erimus, 'stmus, 'siémus . . esyümus . syáma
eritis, ‘sttts, ‘siétis . . esyátis . syáta
erunt, ‘sint, ‘siént . . esyánt . . syus
. INDEFINITE or PAST TENSE, C. IT.,
Formed from the last by the addition of -δὰ.
Actual form. Ancient form.
es-sem |. .. . . e8-85a-yam
08-868 . .. .. . 68-8a-yas
&c. &c.
INFINITIVE, D,
Or locative of a verbal in -sis, expressing the action of the verb’.
68-86,
1 Varro, L. L. 1x. 100, p. 231. ? New Crat. ὃ 410.
$4] - THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 413
PARTICIPLE, E.
Nom. 'sen[t]s (in ab-sens, pra-sens, &c.) originally esen(t]s
Gen. 'sentis esentis
&c. ἄς.
IMPERATIVE, B.
es, X esto originally es, estod
esto . . . . estod
este, estote . . . . emite, esitote
sunto . -. . esaunto.
Throughout the Latin verb we may observe, as in the case
of ero here, that the element ¢ has vanished from the first person
of the future; for ero does not really differ from esum, the
present indicative. The explanation of this may be derived from
the fact, that in English the first and the other persons of the
future belong to different forms: where an Englishman says, “I
shall” of himself, hé addresses another with “you will;" and
conversely, where he asserts of another that ** he shall," he tells
him, “I will" The third person plural erunt is only another
way of writing erint; u, being substituted, as it so frequently is,
for ὦ, to which the qualifying ὁ had been ultimately reduced.
But besides the form of the future in 4, we have in old Latin
another expression of it in the inchoative form esco for es-sco:
(Legg. xit. Tab. apud. Gell. xx. i. Tab. 1. fr. 8; Lucret. 1. 613;
Festus, s. v. escit, p. 77 ; superescit, p 302; nec, p. 162; obescet,
p. 188; and Müller, Suppl. Annot. p. 386).
The verb fu-, which appears as a supplementary form or
auxiliary tense of the substantive verb, is really a distinct verb,
very complete in its inflexions, and connected by many interest-
ing affinities with the other Indo-Germanic languages. It has
been shown elsewhere that in these languages, the same root is
used to express * light," or “ brightness," and “ speaking" (New
Crat. § 460). Τὸ the idea of “light” belongs that of “ mani-
festation," or *' bringing to light," and this is simply the idea of
* making," or “causing to be." Now the full form of the root
φα-, fa-, bá-, which, in Greek, Latin, and Sanscrit, conveys the
cognate expressions of “light” and “speech,” involves what is
called a digamma in Auslaut as well as in Z4nlaut; for we learn
from the words favontus, vapor, &c. that the full forms must
have been αβημι, paFos, ἄς. (New Crat. & 458). Now this
414 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI.
full form is much more obvious in φν-, fac-, signifying ‘“‘ to
make," than in the roots which convey the other modifications
of meaning; although faz, * a torch," and facies, * the counte-
nance," contain the guttural at the end of the root, which ap-
pears in facto, and which is ἃ residuum of the first constituent of
the digamma, just as the v in $v- represents the ultimate form of
the constituent labial. In the ordinary forms of the Greek verb,
the transitive φύω, φύσω, ἔφυσα, do not seem to differ externally
from the intransitive ἔφυν and πέφυκα. But we know from
philological induction that the latter must have involved the ele-
ment ἐτεψα (New Crat. § 380); and in old Greek we actually
find the form $víw corresponding to the Pelasgian futus and the
Greek υἱός (above, p. 202). The following table will show
what remains of the Greek and Latin forms of φυ -- $aF (φνίω,
ὁ-πυίω, ποι-έω; see Gr. Gr. 322), and fu=fac for faf, “to
bring to light," or * cause to be."
TRANSITIVE.
Pres. φύ-ω = φάξα-μ A. I. fuc-io
Fut. φύ-σω A. V. fac-sim
Aor. ἔ-φυ-σα A. V. [e]-fac-sim
Perf. ..... A. IIL. fe-fact contr. fect.
INTRANSITIVE WITH ADJUNCT f.
Pres. ule A. 1. jfio=futo (-bo)
TEMPE A. V. jforem — fu-sim.
Aor. ἔὄφυν = ἔφυιαμ A. V. [e]Jforem (-ebam)
Perf. πέφυκα — πεφυίακα A. III. für! or füvi = fufus,
sometimes factus sum.
PARTICIPLES, E.
gus = $v-lavr-s fu-turus
πεφυκὼς fetus = fui-tus
facundus = fui-scundus
υἱός = φυιβότς | Seminus = fut-minus (cf.
Joemina)
Suius = fi-lius.
The omission of «= ya in ἔφῦν is shown by the quantity of
v in the plural; comp. ἔφῦμεν with ededxvipev. It will be seen
1 That the @ in fui is properly long is shown by many passages in
Plautus (see Ritschl, Proleg. p. 171).
§ 4.} THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 415
at once that the Latin verb is much more complete than the
Greek: and besides these forms, which admit of direct compa-
rison, the Latin neuter verb has a present subjunctive fuam —
fw-1am, a pluperfect indicative fu-eram = fuesam, a perfect sub-
junctive fuerim (or fuero) = fuve-s$m, and a corresponding plu-
perfect fuissem = fuve-se-sim. The s=r, which appears in the
last three of these forms, is best explained by a comparative
analysis of πέφυκα and fut=fufur. As ¢ is the regular ex-
ponent of guttural vocalisation, as the guttural, before it subsides
into 4, is generally softened into s and A, and as we find k, s, À
in the perfect and aorist of Greek verbs, we see that πέφυκα
compared with fufu: presumes an intermediate fufusa, and thus,
by a transposition and substitution quite analogous to the French
change of / through ul into v, we get the following explanation
of the existing forms of the Latin perfect, in accordance with the
assumption of an original inflexion in -sa.
πέφυ-κα- [μ] fufu-ta-m = fufuia = fufui
πέφυ-κα-ς (or “θα: cf. οἷσ- θα) fufu-sa-tha = fufui-s-ti
φπέφυ-κε-ν (for -rt) Sufu-sa-t = fufui-s-E = fufuit
πεφύ- κα-με-ν (for -pe-s) Sufwsa-mus = fufui-s-mus = fufuimus
«εφύ-κα-τε (for -res) Sufu-sa-tis = fufui-s-tie
πεφύ-κα-σι (for -yrt) — ^ — fufu-s-ant = fufue-snt = fufuerunt,
The £, which appears before the r=< in the mutilated inflexions
of the Latin perfect, assumes the weaker form of e in the pluper-
fect, which must originally have correspended in termination to
the perfect, though the loss of the distinguishing augment has
obliged the Latin language to have recourse to a variation of the
affixes in the secondary tenses. Thus, while we must have had
originally e-fufusa by the side of fufusa, the former has become
fueram, while the latter has shrunk into fut. We must take
care not to confuse between the ?, which represents a lost sin |
jut, and that which appears as the characteristic of the subjunc-
tive mood in fu-am τὸ fu-iam and in fuerim = fue-sim ; for
. although there is every reason to believe that the s=r of the
fat. and perf. is really identical ultimately with the ¢ of the.
subjunctive, the actual functions are different in the cases which
require to be discriminated. Originally, no doubt, fac-s?m and
ferem = fu-sim were futures indicative which had corresponding
aorists; but like the Greek conjunctive, which was originally
416 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI.
future, they have been remanded to a subordinate position.
The loss of the original reduplication might lead us to confuse
between forem = fu-sim and fuerim = fufu-sim ; but the latter
is really a subjunctive formation from the perfect indicative,
entirely analogous to τετύφοιμε from Trérv$a. From fuerim we
have fuissem = fufu-sa-sim by the same extension which con-
verts sim - esim or esyam into essem = e8-sa-tm OT e8-8a-yam.
This use of the affix s in successive accretions to form the
‘secondary past tenses, although regular in its application to
the Latin verb, is quite inconsistent with the use of the same
affix in the Greek verb, where it seems to indicate proximate
futurity.
The association of the roots es- and fu-, as supplementary
tenses of one substantive verb, and the use of the latter to form
more or less of the subordinate inflexions of all other verbs, is
best explained by the meaning of these two roots themselves.
For while es- denotes * continuance of being," (i.e. “ existence,"
fu- expresses “ beginning of being," or “coming into being."
The parallelism therefore between es- and fu- is the same as
that between the Greek εἰμές ἐσ-μί, and γέγνομαι, which fur-
nishes the materials for the opposition between the systems of
Plato and Heracleitus. "There is the same association of resem-
blance and contrast between the Hebrew root U^, which agrees
with the Sanscrit as and our es-se, and FW3 or mm» which
coincides in meaning, and ultimately in origin, "with the Sanser.
bhá-, the Greek $v- and our fu-. And whatever may be the
true view with regard to the explanation of the names f$
and buddhé, there cannot be the least doubt that the much
more important name jYyP or ΓΤ has reference to the fact,
that the God of Rev elation is the God who manifests himself
historically, so that while oytx is the Beginning and the
End, ΓΤ is the Middle, that is, God manifested in the world,
and therefore always in process of being or becoming by his
acts of redemption and creative power’. It is obvious that,
with this difference of meaning, es- 18 adapted to express the
continuous tenses of a verb of being, while fu- describes the
1 This idea ia well developed by Delitzsch, Genesis, pp. 23, 389, 390.
§ 5.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 417
completion of single acts, coming into being and successively
determined. "Thus es- will give us the present and imperfect,
together with the vague future or potential sim — ero. The
perfect and its derivatives will naturally be furnished by fui,
*I have become," or *I have come into being." The form
Jorem, which is used as a synonym for. essem, is probably an
aorist, which, like the Greek optative, has lost its augment
(New Crat. § 391). It is therefore, as it stands, externally
identical with the original future, of which fuam = fu-yam is
a mere mutilation. The future signification is retained by fo-re,
* to become," which is really a present tense analogous to es-se;
for fieri is a latter and irregular form.
§ 5. Paucity of Organic Formations in the regular
Latin Verb.
The conjugations of these two verbs furnish us with speci-
mens of organic inflexions for all the tenses, in other words, the
tenses are formed without the aid of any foreign adjunct except
those pronominal elements which contribute to the living ma-
chinery of all inflected languages. But this is not the case with
the great mass of verbs which constitute the staple of the Latin
language. Although the flexion-forms in s- and #- appear in all
these verbs, there is no one of them which is not indebted more
or less to fu- for its active tenses; and all verbs form some
tenses of their passive voice by calling in the aid of es-.
According to the ordinary classification of Latin verbs, there
are three conjugations of vowel-verbs, in a, e, and ὦ, and one
conjugation of consonant-verbs, to which we must assign the
verbs in wo and some of those in to. Now, as a general rule,
we find that all vowel-verbs are secondary to nouns—in other
words they are derived from the crude forms of nouns. But
many nouns are demonstrably secondary to consonant-verbs.
Therefore we might infer, as a general rule, that the consonant-
verb belonged to a class of forms older or more original than
the vowel-verbs. This view is supported by a comparison of
the tenses of the two sets of verbs: for while we find that s-
often effects a primary variation in the consonant-verb, we ob-
serve that this insertion never takes place in the vowel-verb
except in composite forms, or in those verbs which neglect the
D. V. 21
418 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI.
vowel characteristic in the formation of their perfects. The only
tense in the consonant-verb, which can be considered as a com-
posite form, is the imperfect; but the future does not correspond
to this, as is the case in the vowel-verbs. Verbs in -1o partially
approximate to the consonant-verbs in this respect.
§ 6. General Scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb.
The following table will show the organic formations and
egglutinate additions, by which the tenses of the Latin verb are
constructed from the crude form. With regard to the perfect
indicative, it is necessary to premise that, in addition to the
parathetic or agglutinate combination with -fu£, which will be
mentioned presently, there are two forms in common use: one
. Which may be considered as a regular perfect, exactly corre- Ὁ
sponding to fut = fufui, with a reduplication either expressed or
implied, and with the -s or guttural of the affix represented, as
in fut, by ¢ or 4s; and another, which may be regarded as an
aorist in -δὲ, although the inflexions of the persons exhibit the
same retention of $ or ts as the regular perfect, and therefore
presume the addition of a repeated s or sa z:ra, which appears
in the pluperfect.
VOWEL-VERBS. CONSONANT-VERBS.
Organic forms. Agglutinate forms. Organic forms. Aggintinate
A. I. -o -0
A. II -bam for e-fiam -bam for
A. III. -ut for fui -4 Or -ϑὲ e-fiam
A. IV. -ueram for fueram | -eram or -seram
A. V -bo for fto - «ἴηι
C. I. -im -im
C. II. -rem —sem -rem --8em
C. III. -uerim for fuerim — ^ -ertm or -serim
C. IV. -uissem for fuissem -tssem or -stesem.
§ 7. Verbs which may be regarded as Parathetic Compounds.
The fourteenth chapter will show that the most remarkable
feature in the pathology of the Latin language is the prevalent
tendency to abbreviation by which it is characterized. Among
many instances of this, we may especially advert to the practice
δ 1.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 410
of prefixing the crude form of one verb to some complete in-
flexion of another. Every one knows the meaning of such com-
pounds as wide-licet (Ξε videre licet), sci-licet (= ectre licet), pate-
facio (z patere facio), ven-eo (= venum eo, comp. venum-do, on
the analogy of per-eo, per-do)', ἄς. There is a distinct class of
verbs in -so, which are undoubtedly compounds of the same
kind, as will appear from an examination of a few instances.
The verb st-n-o has for its perfect sive; and it is obvious that the
n in the present is only a fulcrum of the same nature as that in
tem-no, root tem-; πίγνω, root πί-, ἄς. Now the verbs in -so,
to which I refer, such as arceseo, capesso, incipesso, lacesso,
petesso, quero, &c., all form their perfect in -sivi. We might
therefore suppose a. priori, that the termination was nothing but
the verb sino. But this is rendered almost certain by the
meaning of arceeso or accerso, which is simply acoedere simo",
"I cause to approach,” i.e. *Isend for." Similarly, copeseo
e capere sino, I let myself take," i.e. “I undertake," facesso
x facere sino, “I let myself make," i.e. *I set about,” laceseo
= lacere sino, “I let myself touch," i.e. ^ I provoke or irritate,”
&c. The infinitive of 4n-quam (above, p. 185) does not exist;
but there can be little doubt that it is involved in que-ro or
gue-so, which means “I cause to speak," i.e. “I inquire.”
That quae-so was an actual fort of quae-ro may be seen from
the passages of Ennius quoted by Festus (p. 258, Müller):
Ostia munita est; idem loca navibu' pulchris
Munda facit, nautisque mari quossentibu’ vitam (Annal. 11.).
Ducit me uxorem liberorum sibi queeendum gratia (Cresphont.).
Liberum quasendum causa familie matrem tus (Andromed.).
These parathetic compounds with s$no, so, eiv?, are analogous to
1 The true orthography, ven-dico for vindico, furnishes a third illus-
tration of ven-do, i. e.
ven-eo, “I go for sale" — I am, sold.
ven-do, or venwm-do, “I give for sale" — I sell.
ven-dico, “I declare for sale"— I claim.
3 I am not aware that any other scholar has suggested this explana-
tion. Müller (ad Fest. p. 820) thinks that arcesso is the inchoative of
arceo = accieo: but, in the first place, the reading in Festus is by no means
certain (Huschke's arce dantur being, I think, an almost necessary cot-
rection); and secondly, this would leave accerso unexplained.
27—2
420 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [OHAP. XI.
the Hebrew conjugations in Pi"hel and Hiph"hil. Sometimes
the causative sense refers to the object, as in arcesso, “I cause
him to come,” quae-ro, “1 cause him to speak.” Sometimes it
is reflexive, as in the conjugation Hithpa"hel; thus, we have
facesso, “1 let myself do it—I set about it," &c. Pi*hel and
Hiph"hil only differ as ἐτύπην differs from ἐτύφθην, according
to the explanation which I have given of these tenses (New
Crat. § 382). We shall see below (§ 15), that the same ex-
planation applies to the infinitives in -assere.
§ 8. Tenses of the Vowel-verbs which are combinations
of the same kind.
Most of the tenses of the Latin vowel-verb seem to be com-
posite forms of the same kind with those to which I have just
referred; and the complete verbal inflexion, to which the crude
form of the particular verb is prefixed, is no other than a tense
of the verb of existence fu-, Lithuan. du-, Sanscrit δλῶ- (see
Bopp, Vergl. Gram. vierte Abtheil. pp. iv. and 804). This verb, ἡ
as we have seen, expresses * beginning of being," or “‘ coming
into being," like the Greek γύγνομαι. It is therefore well cal-
culated to perform the functions of an auxiliary in the relation of
time. For ama-bam — ama-e-fíam — ** I became to love," “ I was
loving ;" ama-bo = ama-fio = “1 am coming into love," = “I am
&bout.to love;" ama-vt = ama-fui τε 1 have come into love,”
= “TJ have loved," &c.
The vowel-verb has a present tense which preserves through-
out the vowel of the crude form. From this is derived, with
the addition of the element £, the present subjunctive, as it is
called; and from that, by the insertion of s-, the imperfect of the
same mood. Thus we have amém=ama-im, amarem = amasem
— Gma-sa-im; monem = mone-yam, monerem = monesem = mone-
syam, &c. That 4 was the characteristic of the secondary or
dependent mood is clear from the old forms du-im (dém), temper-
am, ed-im, verber-im, car-tm, &c., which, however, are abbrevia-
tions from du-yam,-ed-yam, &c. Comp. sim with the older
form siem, and δίδοιμι, ἄς. with διδοίην, &c. The ὦ is absorbed
or included in moneam = mone-yam, legam = leg-yam, &c.; just
as we have nav-dlis for navi-alis, βη-ἅϊ9 for fint-alis, &c.
(Benary, Rémische Lautlehre, p. 95.) These are the only
ἢ s.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 421
tenses which are formed by pronominal or organic additions to
the root of the verb. Every other tense of the vowel-verb is ἃ
compound of the crude form of the verb and some tense of fu-
or bhé@-.
The futures of the vowel-verbs end in -bo, -bis, -bit, &c.,
with which we may compare fio, fis, fit, &c. The imperfect,
which must be considered as an indefinite tense corresponding to
the future, ends in -ébam, -ébas, -ébat, &c., where the initial
must be regarded as an augment; for as reg'-ébat is the imper-
fect of the consonant-verb reg'o, not regébat, and as audt-éat is
the imperfect of aud-io!, though audi-bit was the old future, it
is clear that the suffix of the imperfect had something which did
not belong to the crude form, but to the termination itself;
it must therefore have been an augment, or the prefix which
marks past time (see Benary, I. c. p. 29).
The perfect of the vowel-verbs is terminated by -vi or -ut.
If we had any doubt as to the origin of this suffix, it would be
removed by the analogy of pot-ui for pot-fut = potis-fui. Ac-
cordingly, ama-vi (=ama-ut), mon-ui, audt-vi (= audt-ut), are
simply ama-fut = amare-fut, mon-fui = monere-fui, and audi-
Sut = audire-fut.
Similarly, with regard to the tenses derived from the per-
fect, we find that the terminations repeat all the derivatives of
fus; thus, ama-uero = ama-fuero; ama-utsses = ama-fursses, &c.
It will be observed that the fof fio and fut never appears in
these agglutinate combinations. The explanation of this involves
some facts of considerable importance.
We have seen above (p. 288) that the Latin f involves a
gattural as well as a labial, and that the v, which formed a part
of the sound, had a tendency to pass into ὁ (p. 286). If, then,
which seems to be the case, the long vowel, which always forms
the link of communication in this parathesis, absorbed and in-
cluded the guttural part of the f (New Crat. § 116), the re-
maining labial would necessarily appear as ὃ, except in the
perfect, where it would subside into the w, just as fuvit itself
became fuit. In general we observe that, with the exception of
1 Virgil has lenibat (ZEn. vr. 468) and polibant (vir. 436); but these
must be considered as poetical abbreviations.
499 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. xr.
the three or four words ending in the verbal stem fer ( furci-
luei-fer, &c.), the letter f does not appear among Latin termi-
nations; and as the terminations -ber, -bra, -brum, -bulum are
manifestly equivalent in meaning to -cer, -crum, -culum, it is
reasonable to conclude that these formations begin with letters
which represent the divergent articulations of the compound f or
F (see New Crat. § 267).
§ 9. Organic Derivation of the Tenses in the Consonant-verb.
The consonant-verb, on the other hand, forms all its tenses,
except the imperfect’, by a regular deduction from its own root.
Thus we have veg'o [old fut. reg-so], Ὁ aor. [e]-reg-et ; subjunct.
pres. or precative, regam = regyam, vegas = regyas, or, in ἃ softer
form, regés = rege-is, &c. ; subj. imperf. or optat. regerem = rege-
syam ; subj. perf. reg-se-ro=reg-se-sim ; subj. plup. vegsissem =
regusi-se-syam. If we might draw an inference from the forms
facsit, &c., which we find in old Latin, and from fefakust, &c.,
which appear in Oscan, we should conelade that the Italian
consonant-verb originally possessed a complete establishment of
definite and indefinite tenses, formed from the root by pronominal
or organic addition, or by prefixing augments and reduplieations
after the manneg of the genuine Greek and Sanserit verbs. For
example? sake, we may suppose the following scheme of tenses:
root pag, pres. pa-n-go-m, impf. [e]-pangam, fat. pan-g-stm
I aor. e-pangstm, perf. pe-pigi-m, phuperf. pe-pige-sam, subj. pres.
pangyam, subj. imp. pangesyam, subjunct. perf. pepige-eim or
pangee-stm, subj. pluperf. (derived from ee) pepigise-syam OF
pang-st-se-syam
S 10. Auanlary Tenses of the Passive Voice.
In the passive voice, those tenses, which in the active depend
upon fui and its derivatives, are expressed by the passive parti-
ciple and the tenses of e-swm. The other tenses construct the
passive by the addition of the letter r — 5 to the person-endings of
the active forms, with the exceptions mentioned before. The
1 The loss of the imperfect, and the substitution of ἃ componnd tense,
is accounted for by the practice of omitting the augment. Without
this prefix the regular imperfect does not differ from the present.
S11] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 423
second person plural of the passive is of such rare occurrenee,
that we cannot draw any decided conclusions respecting it; but
if such a form as audi-óbamini occurred, it would certainly
occasion some difficulty; for one could scarcely understand how
the é, which seems to be the augment of the auxiliary suffix,
could appear in this apparently participial form.. Without
stopping to inquire whether we have any instances of the kind,
or whether ama-bam?n: might not be a participle as well as
ama-bundus (compare ama-bilis, &c.), it is sufficient to remark
that when the origin of a form is forgotten, a false analogy is
often adopted and maintained. This secondary process is fully
exemplified by the Greek ἐτίθεσαν, τυπτέτω-σαν, &c. (New
Crat. S 363).
Nor need we find any stumblingblock in the appendage of
passive endings to this neuter auxiliary verb. For the construc-
tion of neuter verbs with a passive affix is common enough in
Latin (e.g. peccatur, ventum est, &c.); and the passive infinitive
fieri, and the usual periphrasis of srt with the supine, for the
future infinitive of a pessive verb, furnish us with indubitable
instanees of a similar inflexion. We might suppose that the
Latin future was occasionally formed periphrastically with eo
as an auxiliary like the Greek ja λόγων, Fr. j'alloís dire,
‘I was going to say.” If so, amatwm eo, amatum ire, would
be the active futures of the indicative and infinitive, to which
the passive forms amatum eor, amatum (ri, would correspond.
The latter of these actually occurs, and, indeed, is the only.
known form of the passive infinitive future.
8 11. The Modal Distinctions—their Syntax.
Properly speaking, there are only three main distinctions
of mood in the forms of the Latin and Greek verb, namely, the
indicative, the imperative, and the infinitive. 'The Greek gram-
mars practically assign five distinct moods to the regular verb,
namely, the indicative, imperative, conjunctive, optative, and
infinitive. But it has been already proved (New Crat. § 388),
that, considered in their relation to one another and to the other
moods, the Greek conjunctive and optative must be regarded as
differing in tense only. The Latin grammarians are contented
with four moods, namely, the indicative, subjunctive, imperative,
424 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI.
and infinitive; and according to this arrangement, the present
Bubjunctive Latin answers to the Greek conjunctive, while the
imperfect subjunctive Latin finds its equivalent in the optative of
the Greek verb: for instance, scribo, ut discas corresponds to
γράφω, ἵνα μανθάνῃς, and -scripst, ut. disceres to ἔγραψα, tva
μανθάνοις. If, however, we extend the syntactical comparison 8
little farther, we shall perhaps be induced to conclude that there
is not always the same modal distinction between the Latin in-
dicative and subjunctive which we find in the opposition of the
Greek indicative to the conjunctive + optative. Thus, to take
one or two instances, among many which might be adduced, one
of the first lessons which the Greek student has to learn is,
to distinguish accurately between the four cases of protasis and
apodosis, and, among these, more especially between the third,
in which two optatives are used, and the fourth, in which two
past tenses of the indicative are employed'!. Now the Latin
syntax makes no such distinction between the third and fourth
cases, only taking care in the fourth case to use past tenses, and
in the third case, where the hypothesis is possible, to employ
present tenses of the subjunctive mood. "Thus, e. g., in the third
case: st hoc nunc vocifgrari velim, me dies, vor, latera de-
féciant; where we should have in Greek: εἰ τοῦτο ἐν τῷ
παραυτίκα γεγωνεῖν ἐθέλοιμι, ἡμέρας ἄν μοι καὶ φωνῆς καὶ
_ l'This is, indeed, a very simple and obvious matter: but it may be
convenient to some readers, if I subjoin a tabular comparison of the
Greek and Latin usages in this respect. The classification is borrowed
from Buttmann's Mittlere Grammatik, $ 109 (p. 394, Lachmann's edi-
tion, 1833). |
1. Possibility without the expression of uncertainty :
εἴ τι ἔχει, δίδωσι (δός) — si quid habet, dat (da).
2. Uncertainty with the prospect of decision :
ἐάν τι ἔχωμεν, δώσομεν — si quid habeamus, dabimus.
8. Uncertainty without any such subordinate idea :
εἴ τι ἔχοις, διδοίης ἄν — si quid habeas, des.
4. Impossibility, or when we wish to indicate that the thing is not so:
(a) εἴ τι εἶχεν, ἐδίδου ἄν — si quid haberet, daret.
(b) εἴ τι ἔσχεν, ἔδωκεν ἄν = si quid habuisset, dedisset.
The distinction between cases (3) and (4) is also observed in the expres-
sion of a wish: thus, utinam salvus sis! pronounces no opinion respect-
ing the health of the party addressed ; but utinam salvus esses! implies
that he is no longer in good health.
§ u.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 425
σθένους ἐνδεήσειεν. In the fourth case: (a) δὲ scirem, dicerem
-- εἰ ἠπιστάμην, ἔλεγον ἄν. (Ὁ) si voluissen plura, non ne-
gasses = εἰ πλεόνων ἐπεθύμησα, οὐκ ἂν npyvnow. And tlris
confusion becomes greater still, when, by a rhetorical figure, the
smpossible is supposed possible; as in Ter. Andr. 11. 1, 10: te
δὲ hic sts, aliter sentias. For in this instance the only differ-
ence between the two cases, which is one of tense, 18 overlooked.
In the apodosis of case 4, b, the Romans sometimes used the
plusquam-perfectum of the indicative, as in Seneca, de Jra, 1. 11:
perierat. imperium, st Fabius tantum ausus. esset, quantum tra
suadebat; and Horace, 11. Carm. 17, 27: me truncus illapsus
cerebro sustulerat, nisi Faunus (ctum dextra levasset. Sometimes
the perfect was used in this apodosis, as in Juvenal, x. 128:
Antoni gladios potutt contemnere, st ‘sic omnia diaisset ; or
even the imperfect, as in Tacitus, Annal. xit. 39: mec ideo
fugam sistebat, ni legiones pugnam exceptssent. Again, particles
of time, like donec, require the subjunctive when future time is
spoken of; as in Hor. 1. Epist. 20, 10: carus eris Rome, donec
te deserat etas. But this becomes a past tense of the indicative
when past time is referred to; as in Hor. 1. Epist. 10, 86:
cervus equum—pellebat—donec [equus] imploravit opes. hominis
frenumque recepit. The confusion between the Latin indicative
and subjunctive is also shown by the use of the subjunctive pre-
gent as a future indicative (a phenomenon equally remarkable in
Greek, New Crat. ὃ 393), and conversely by the employment
of the periphrastic future (which is, after all, the same kind
of form as the ordinary composite form of the future indicative)
as an equivalent for a tense of the subjunctive mood. Thus
Cicero uses dicam and dicere tnstituo in the same construction;
Phil. 1. 1: antequam de republica dicam ea, que dicenda hoc
tempore arbitror, exponam breviter consilium profectionis mes.”
Pro Murena, 1: "antequam pro L. Murena dicere tnstituo,
pro me ipso pauca dicam." And we have always the indica-
tive in apodosis to the subjunctive when the future in -rus
is used: e.g. Liv. ΧΧΧΥΤΙΙ. 47: “si tribuni prohiberent, testes
citaturus fui" (for *citarem"); and Cic. Verr. 11r. 52: “illi
ipsi aratores, qui remanserant, relicturi omnes agros erant"
(for * reliquissent"), “nisi ad eos Metellus Roma literas mi-
sisset." "The Romans also used the perfect subjunctive exactly
426 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [cnar. ΧΙ.
as the Greeks used their perfect indicative with xai δή in sup-
positions.
- On the whole, it must be confessed that the Latin sub-
junctive, meaning by that term the set of tenses which are
formed by the insertion of -4-, differs modally from the indicative
only in this, that it is uniformly employed in dependent clauses
where the idiom of the language repudiates the indicative; and
it is not a little remarkable, that in almost all these cases—in
all, except when final particles are used, or when an indirect
question follows a past tense—the indicative is expressly required
in Greek syntax. The title subjunctive, therefore, does but
partially characterize the Latin tenses in -4-; and their nght to a
separate modal classification is scarcely less doubtful than that of
the Greek optative as distingnished from the conjunctive.
The differences between the indicative, imperative, and infi-
nitive equally exist between the two latter and the subjunctive.
The indicative and subjunctive alone possess a complete appa-
ratus of person-endings; the imperative being sometimes merely
the crude form of the verb, and the infinitive being strictly
impersonal.
$12. Forms of the Infinitive and Participle—how connected .
in derivation and meaning.
He who would investigate accurately the forms of the Latin
language must always regard the infinitive as standing in inti-
mate connexion with the participles. There are, in fact, three
distinct forms of the Latin infinitive: (a) the residuum of an
abstractum verbale in -yis, which remains uninflected; (b) a
similar verbal in -tus, of which two cases are employed; (e) the
participial word in -ndus, which 1s used both as three cases of
the infinitive governing the object of the verb, and also as am
adjective in concord with the object. "There are also three forms
of the partteiple: (a) one in -ns = -nés, sometimes lengthened into
-ndus ; (8) another in «tus; and a third (y) in -té@rus. ‘The parti-
. ciple ia -ns is always active; its by-form m -ndus is properly
active, though it often seems to be passive. "The partieiple in
-tus is always passive, except when derived from a deponent
verb, in which case it eorresponds in meaning to the Greek
aorist middle. The participle in -türws is always active and
§ 12.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 427
future. It is, in fact, an extension of the noun of agency in
-lor; compare praetor, praetura; scriptor, scriptura, &c. with the
corresponding future in -turus of preeo, scribo, ἄς. (see New
Crat. § 261). The Greek future participle is sometimes used
as a mere expression of agency; thus we have in Soph. Antig.
261: οὐδ᾽ ὁ κωλύσων παρῆν. Aristot. Eth. Nic. τι. 1, § 7:
οὐδὲν ἂν ἔδει τοῦ dSsdakorvros—where we should use the mere
nouns of agency—“ the make-peace "—* the teacher."
Now it is impossible to take an instructive view of these
forms without eonsidering them together. The participle in
-furus (y) is a derivative from the verbal m -tus (b); and it
would be difficult to avoid identifying the participle in -ndus and
the corresponding gerundial infinitive. In the following remarks,
therefore, I shall presume, what has been proved elsewhere (New
Crat. § 416), the original identity of the infinitive and the par-
ticiple.
That the verbal (a), which acts as the ordinary infinitive m
ve — se, is dertved from the crude form of the verb by the addi-
tion of ἃ pronominal ending δὲ- or sy-, 13 clear, no less from the
analogy of the /jolic Greek forms in -ἰς, where the ¢ ts trans-
posed (comp. N. Crat. § 410, (3)), than from the ortgmal form
of the passive, which is -rier — syer, and not merely -rer. This
infinitive, therefore, is the indeclinable state of a derivative
precisely similar to the Greek nouns im -σὶς (πρᾶξις, ῥῆ-σις,
«&e.), which express the action of the verb. This Greek ending
im -ots appears to have been the same in effect as another ending
in -τύς, which, however, is of less frequent occurrence (ἐπη-τύς,
ἐδη-τύς, ὀρχησ-τύς, &e.), bat which may be eompared with the
Latin infinitive (5) m -tum, -tu, (the supine, as it is called), and
with the Sanscrit gerund in -tvé. The verbal in -tus, which is
assumed as the origin of these supines, must be carefully distin-
guished from the passive partietple (8) in -tus. For it appears,
from forms like venum, &c., and the Oscan infmitives moltaum,
deicum, akum, &c., that the ¢ of the supine is not organic, but
that the infinitive (5) is formed like the infinitive (a) by a suffix
belonging to the second pronominal element, so that the labial
(U = V) is an essential part of the ending. On the other hand,
the participle (8) has merely a dental suffix derived from the
third pronominal element, and corresponding to the Greek
428 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP, XI.
endings in -ros, -vos, and the Latin -tus- nus. In fact, the
suffix of infinitive (5) is tv = Fa or va, while that of participle (8)
is ¢- only.
8 18. The GERUNDIUM and GERUNDIVUM shown to be
active and present.
The infinitive (c) and the participle (a) are, in fact, different,
or apparently different, applications of one and the same form.
In its infinitive use this verbal in -ndus is called by two names—
the gerundium when it governs the object of the verb, and the
gerundivum when it agrees with the object. Thus, in *'con-
silium capiendt urbem," we have a gerundium; in “ consilium
urbis captende,” a gerundivum. As participles, the ordinary
grammatical nomenclature most incorrectly distinguishes the
form in -ndus as “ἃ future passive," from the form -n[t]s con-
sidered as “a present active." The form in -ndus is never ἃ
future, and it bears no resemblance to the passive in form. The
real difficulty is to explain to the student the seeming alternation
of an active and passive meaning in these forms. Perhaps there
is no better way of doing this than by directing attention to the
fact, that the difference between active and passive really be-
comes evanescent in the infinitive use of a verb. ‘‘ He is à man
to love" = “he is a man to be loved ;" “I give you this to eat"
= “T give you this to be eaten,” ἄς. The Greek active infini-
tives in -evat, -vas, are really passive forms in their inflected
use*; and that the Latin forms in -ndus, which seem to be
1 We observe tho same fact in the uso of the participles in English and
German. Thus, in Herefordshire, “a good-leapt horse” means “ a good-
leaping-horse ;" and in German there is no perceptible difference between
kam geritten and kam reitend. See Mr. Lewis's Glossary of Provincial
Words used in Herefordshire, p. 58; and Grimm, D. Gr. rv. p. 129.
3 Conversely, the forms in -»r-, which are always active when used
in concord with a noun, are occasionally employed in that infinitive sense
in which the differences of voice seem to be neglected. Thus we hare,
Soph. Aj. 579: θρηνεῖν ἐπῳδὰς πρὸς τομῶντι πήματι (“ad vulnus quod
secturam desideret" 8. secandum sit”). CEd. Col. 1219: ὅταν ris es πλέον
πέσῃ τοῦ θέλοντος (“ quando quis cupiendi satietatem expleverit” s. “id
quod cupiebat plene consecutus fuerit). Thucyd. 1. 36: γνώτω τὸ μὲν
δεδιὸς abroU—ro)s ἐναντίους μᾶλλον φοβῆσον (* sciat timere illud suum—
majorem adversariis metum incussurum esse").
§ 13, | THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 429
passive in their use as gerundiva, are really only secondary
forms of the participle in -n[#]s, appears not only from etymo-
logical considerations (New Crat. § 415), but also from their
use both as active infinitives and active participles. When the
gerundivum is apparently passive, it seems to attach to itself the
sense of duty or obligation. Thus, we should translate delenda
est Carthago, ** Carthage is to be destroyed”.=“‘we ought to
destroy Cartliage;" and no one has taken the trouble to inquire
whether this oportet is really contained in the gerundivum. If
it is, all attempts at explanation must be unavailing. But since
it is not necessary to seek in the participial form this notion,
which may be conveyed by the substantive verb (e. g. sapientis
est seipsum, nosse), it is surely better to connect the gerundivum
with the gerundium, and to reconcile the use of the one with the
ordinary force of the other. Supposing, therefore, that da-ndus
is a secondary form of da-n[!]s, and synonymous with it, on the
analogy of .4craga[nt]|s, .Agrige-ntum; orte-n[t]s, ortu-ndus ;
&c.; how do we get the phrase da-nda est occasio, “an oppor-
tunity is to be given," from da-ndus = dan[t]s, “ giving”?
Simply from the gerundial or infinitive use of the participle.
Thus, (A) da-ndus = da-n|t]|s signifies * giving;" (B) this, used
a8 an infinitive, still retains its active signification, for ad
dan-dum opes means “ for giving riches" = “to give riches ; "
(c) when this is attracted into the case of the object, the sense
is not altered, for ad opes dandas is precisely equivalent to ad
dandum opes; (D) when, however, this attraction appears in the
nominative case, the error at once takes root, and no one is
willing to see that it is still merely an attraction from the in-
finitive or indeclinable use of the participle. Even here, how-
ever, the intransitive verb enables us to bring back the student
to a consideration of the real principle. For one can hardly fail
to see that vivendum est = vivere est 1. q. oportet vivere; and that
there may be no doubt as to the identity of the uninflected with
the inflected gerund in this case, Horace has put them together
in the same sentence: “nunc est bibendum, nunc pede libero
pulsanda tellus," where it is obvious that tellus pulsanda est is
. mo less equivalent to ‘“‘oportet pulsare tellurem," than “ biben-
dum est" is to oportet bibere." At all events, his Greek origi-
nal expressed both notions by the infinitive with χρή :
430 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI.
νῦν χρὴ μεθύσθυν καί τινα πρὸς βίαν
πίνην, ἐπειδὴ κάτθανε Μύρσιλος.
(Alceous, Fr. 20, p. 575, Bergk.)
The strongest proof, that the involved meaning of the gerun-
divum is strictly that of the active verb, is furnished by the
well-known fact that the attracted form is regularly preferred to
the gerund in -di, -do, -dum governing the case, when the verb
of the gerund requires an accusative case; thus we have: ad
tolerandos rather than ad tolerandum, labores; consuetudo homt-
num immolandorum rather than homines :mmolandi; triumviri
retpublice constituendae rather than constituendo. rempublicam.
Indeed, this is rarely departed from, except when two gerunds
of a different construction occur in the same sentence, as in
Sall. Cat. 4: "neque vero agrum. colendo aut venando, servi-
libus officiis, intentum statem agere,'—because venando has
nothing to do with agrum. The student might be led to suppose
at first sight that the phrase: lea de pecuntts repetundis, “ἃ law
about extortion,” literally denoted “a law concerning money to
be refunded," and that therefore the gerundivum was passive in
signification. But this gerundivum is used only in the genitive
and ablative plural, to agree with pecuntarum and pecuniis, and
we happen to have a passage of Tacitus (Annal. x111. 33) which
proves that the verbal is transitive: for the words: a quo Lycit
repetebant are immediately followed by: lege repetundarum dam-
natus est; and thus we see that lex de pecuntie repetundis does
not mean “a law concerning money to be refunded," but, “a law
which provides for the redemanding of money illegally exacted.”
This view of the case appears to me to remove most of the
difficulties and confusions by which the subject of the gerund
has hitherto been encumbered. There are three supplementary
considerations which deserve to be adduced. The first is, that
in the particular case where the gerundivum appears to be most
emphatically passive—namely, when it implies that a thing is
given out or commissioned to be done—it is found by the side of
the active infinitive: thus, while we have such phrases as: “ An-
tigonus Eumenem mortuum propinquis sepeliendum tradidit”
(Corn. Nep. Zum. 13), we have by their side such as: “ tristi-
tiam et metus tradam protervis in mare Creticum portare ventis"
(Hor. 1. Carm. 26, 1). That the gerund in this case is really
--
8.18.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 431
present, as well as active, appears from its opposition to the use
of the past participle; thus: hoc faciundum curabo means “1
will provide for the doing of this:’’ hoc factum volo means “I
wish it were already done." The second point to be noticed is
that deponent verbs, which have no passive voice, employ the
gerundicum in the attributive use, which, we are told, cannot
easily be wrested to an active signification; as: prelia conju-
gibus loquendo, “battles for wives to speak of." That these
attributive usages really correspond to active infinitives even in
those cases, in which the gerundive might be referred to ἃ
passive verb, as in: vir minime contemnendus, &c., appears
from Greek phrases like: oU πάνυ μοίρας εὐδαιμονίσαι πρώτης
(Soph. Gd. Col. 142). And rez timendus might be rendered “a
king to fear," just as Waverley declared (ch. XLI.) that the
Young Pretender was ‘“‘a Prince to live and die under." The
third case is this; that the supines, which are only different
cases of one and the same verbal, appear as active infinitives
when the accusative is used (-fwm), and as passive when the
ablative is employed (-tu). Now, this seemingly passive: use of
the supine in -tu arises from the fact, that it appears only by the
side of adjectives, in which case the active and passive forms of
the infinitive are often used indifferently, and some adjectives
take the supine in -tw when they expressly require an active
infinitive, as in: “ difficile est dictu (= dicere), quanto opere con-
ciliet homines comitas affabilitasque sermonis" (Cic. Off. 11. 14).
Now this supine, which is thus identical with the infinitive
active frequently alternates with the gerund; compare, for in-
stance: guid est tam jucundum auditu (Cic. de Or. 1. 8), with:
verba ad audiendum jucunda (id. ibid. 1. 49). The active sense
of the verbal in -£us — -sus is equally apparent in the dative case:
thus we find such phrases as (Sallust, Jugurth. 24): "quoniam
eo natus sum ut Jugurthe scelerum oatentut essem," i.e. “since
I have been born to serve as an exhibition of (2 to exhibit) the
wickedness of Jugurtha."
But the form in -ndus is not only active in voice, but also, as
has been mentioned, present in tense. Thus, if we take a depo-
nent verb, we often find a form in -ndus acting as a collateral
to the common form in -n[t]s, and opposed with it to the form
in -tus. For instance, secundus and sequen[t]s both signify
432 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [ CHAP. XI.
* following," but secutus =“ having followed." The same is the
distinction between morten|t]s, moriundus; orien|t]s, oriundus ;
trascen[t]s, ira[s|cundus; &c., on the one hand, and mortuus,
ortus, iratus, &c., on the other. This cannot be remarked in
active verbs, because the Latin language has no active past par-
ticiple!. If, however, we turn to the gerundial use of the form
in -ndus, we may observe a distinction of tense between it and
the participle in -/us even in the case of active verbs. Thus
volvendus is really a present tense in Virgil, ned. 1x. 7:
volvenda dies, en, attulit ultro; comp, Ennius (apud Varro, L. L.
vir. ὃ 104, p. 160, Müller), and Lucretius, v. 1275; because,
in its inflected form, it is equivalent in meaning to volvendo ; and
the following passages show that the gerund is equivalent to the
present participle: Virgil, Georg. τι. 225: * multa virum volvens
durando ssecula vincit;" Lucret. 1. 203: "multaque vivendo
vitalia vincere seecla;’’ and id. 111. 961: “omnia si pergas vi-
vendo vincere sscla." And the words of Livy (pref. ad Hist.):
“que ante conditam. condendamve urbem traduntur," can only
mean “ traditions derived from a period when the city was nei-
ther built nor building."
8 14. The Participle in -térus.
The participle (y) in -rus or -ürus, which always bears a
future signification, is supported by an analogy in the Latin lan-
guage which has no parallel either in Greek or Sanscrit. The
Greek desiderative is formed from the ordinary future by the
insertion of the element 7-: thus δρά-ω, fut. δρά-σω, desiderative
Spa-ceiw. This desiderative is the common future in Sanscrit;
though the Védas have a future, like the Greek, formed by the
element s- only, without the addition of ἐ- (Rosen, on the Rig-
Véda Sanhita, p. iv.) Now the regular future of scribo would be
scrip-so, indicated by the aorist scripsi; but the desiderative is
scripturio, We may infer, then, that in the loss of the regular
1 Consideratus homo (Cic. Cacin. 1. $ 1) seems to be an example to
the contrary, and the words cautus, circumspectus, exosus, falsus, tacitus,
&c. have a quasi-active meaning, just as conversely true deponent parti-
ciples are used as passives (see Lubker, de participiis, p. 29).
§ 15. ] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 433
future of the Latin verb, the desiderative and future participle
have been formed by the addition of the future r=s and the
desiderative γέ ξε st, not to the crude form of the verb, but to
the verbal in -tus, so that the desiderative is deduced imme-
diately from the future participle in -tur-us or from the noun
of agency in -tor (above, p. 427).
8 15. The Perfect Subjunctive.
We have seen above (S 4) that the form fuerim = fuestm is
really a subjunctive tense of the usual kind derived from the
perfect indicative fui — fuesa. As, however, the first person is
occasionally written fuero, just as sim=esim or erim is short-
ened into ero, it has been common among grammarians to ima-
gine two tenses as distinct as ero and stm. But this view is
represented under two different forms; for while the older gram-
mars make fuerim and fuero two tenses of the subjunctive mood,
the former being perfect, and the latter future, the more modern
writers on the subject increase the confusion by referring the
latter, as ἃ futurum exactum, to the indicative mood, while the
former retains its place as perfect subjunctive. Those, who have
had any thing to do with the business of teaching the Latin
language, need not be told that a young and thoughtful student
will not derive much edification from the doctrine that fuerit is
both indicative and subjunctive, both past and future. And those
who are conversant with the higher kind of philology, know
that, while fuero and fuerim are merely euphonic distinctions, all
the other persons, having only one set of meanings, are neces-
sarily inflexions of the same form. Even the quantity of the
plural is a proof that the tense is subjunctive, For while we
have invariably ertmus, erttis, we have no authority for a short
penultima in the first and second persons plural of the perf. subj.,
and several instances of the 4 being long, as Catull. v. 10: fece-
rimus; Ovid, Epist. Pont. 1v. D, 6: transieritis; Id. «bid. 1v. 5,
16: contigeritis; Enn. Ann. v. 200; Ovid, Met. γι. 857; Plaut.
Mil. Gl. 862: diweritts. With regard to the signification of
this perfect subjunctive, it is clear that, as it is formed from
the perfect indicative just as the present subjunctive is formed
from the present indicative, it must exhibit the same modification
of meaning. Now dicam -dic-yam means “there is a proba-
D. V. 28
® .
| 434 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. ΧΙ.
bility of my speaking;" consequently dixero — dic-se-rim must
mean, “there is a probability of my having spoken;" and in
proportion as the former approximates to the predication, “I
shall speak," in the same proportion does the latter express, “I
shall have spoken.” In strictness that which is called a futurum
exactum, or paulo-post-futurum, can only exist in forms derived
from the perfects of intransitive verbs. These forms exist in
Greek both with the active and with the middle inflexions; thus
from θνήσκω, *I am dying,” τέθνηκα, “1 am dead,” we have
τεθνήξομαι or τεθνήξω, “1 shall have died,” i.e. “1 shall be
found in the state of death;” from γράφω, “1 am writing,” we
have γέγραφα, “I have written," yéypaupas, *Í have been
written," i. e. *Istand or remain written," γεγράψομαε, “I shall
have been written," i.e. *I shall stand and remain written."
Now it has been observed even by the old grammarians, that
the Romans did not use these futures of the intransitive or
passive perfect. Thus Priscian says (Lib. virt. c. 8, p. 388,
Krehl): *quamvis Greci futurum quoque diviserunt in quibus-
dam verbis, in futurum infinitum, ut τύψομαι, et paulo-post-
futurum ut τετύψομαι,---τ 6} 18 tamen Romani considerata futuri
ratione, que omnino incerta est, simplici in eo voce utuntur, nec
fintunt spatium futuri." But if the Romans had no futurum
exactum of the passive form, still less would they have one with
active inflexions. The question of moods, as we ‘have seen
above, is not one of forms, but one of syntactical usage. And if
we wish to inquire whether there is any justification for those
who place fuero in the indicative mood, we have only to ascer-
tain whether there is really any difference in syntactical usage
between this form and fuertm, and generally, whether the tense,
which we call perfect subjunctive, is ever used as an indicative,
that is, as a categorical predication, without any reference to a
protasis, expressed or plainly implied. The confusion, into
which some modern grammarians have fallen in regard to this
tense, has arisen entirely from the use of the Latin subjunctive
in the apodosis, without a qualifying particle of reference like the
Greek ἄν. Hence the imperfect grammarian is extremely liable
to confuse between a categorical and a consequential assertion,
where the protasis is omitted; and while the Greek optative,
with dy, is rendered by the future indicative, without any risk
§ 15.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 495
of a misunderstanding as to the logical intention of the phrase,
the perfect subjunctive in Latin has been supposed to be merely
a future indicative referring to completed action. The following
comparison will show that there is no use of the tense now under
consideration, which may not be referred to some parallel em-
ployment of the Greek conjunctive or optative aorist.
habebis
ἐάν τι σχῆς, δώσεις = 8i quid habueris, dabis.
εἴ τι ὄχοις, διδοίης av = 8i quid habeas, des.
εἴ τι σχοίης, Soins ἄν = si quid habueris, dederis.
ἐάν τι ἔχῃς, δώσεις =si quid | habeas , dabis.
APS R
If in the second and fourth cases habueris and dederis are
subjunctive or potential, the same explanation must apply to the
following:
a. 8t plane occidimus, ego omnibus meis exitio fuero, “if
we have altogether fallen, I shall have been (i.e. I shall
prove in the result, γενοίμην ἄν) a destruction to all my
friends.”
b. si pergis, abiero, “if you go on, I shall have departed
(1. e. I shall go at once, ἀπέλθοιμ᾽ ἄν).᾽"
c. tu invita mulieres; ego accivero pueros, “do you invite
the ladies; after that, when you have done so, I shall be
found to have sent for the boys (σὺ μὲν τὰς γυναῖκας
Kane’ ἐγὼ δὲ τοὺς παῖδας àv μεταπεμψαίμην).᾽"
That the difference between the subjunctive present (C. I.)
and this subjunctive perfect (C. IIL) is one of tense only, might
be shown by numberless examples; thus we have (Plaut. Trinum.
11. 4, 187 — 588): magis apage dicas, sí omnia ex me audive-
ris, and (irr. 1, 21 — 621): quot tuam quom rem credideris, sine
omni cura dormias, where we have an apodosis corresponding
to the Greek present optative with d», preceded by a protasis
containing an equivalent to the optative aorist. It is a mere
assumption on the part of some grammarians that there is any
difference of usage between the forms of the first person in -ro
or -rim. The choice of one form or the other is a mere matter
of euphony, and they are both equally subjunctive or potential
in their nature. Thus we find in a hortative or deliberative
sense: Auc aliquantum abscessero (Trinum. 111. 1, 25 = 625),
28—2
486 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [6ΉΔΡ. ΣΙ.
* let me stand aside here a little;" and we find this form after
quum in precisely the same manner as the imperfect and pluper-
fect subjunctive are used with that particle; thus quum extem-
plo arcum et pharetram mi et sagittas sumpsero ( Trinum. 111. 2,
99 — 725); or after ubi: extemplo ubi oppidum expugnavero
(Bacch. 1v. 9, 52 — 977). So also Verg. Georg. 1. 441, 2. We
have sometimes both forms in the same passage; thus omnia
X ego tstec que tu dixti scio, vel exsignavero (comp. the common
use of confirmaverim): ut rem patriam et gloriam majorum
fedarim meum (Trinum. 11. 2, 209—655). And no one will
maintain that credidero and crediderim might not change places
in the following passages; Plaut. Zrin. 111. 1, 6 — 606: at tute
edepol nullus creduas. St hoc non credis, ego credidero. Ver-
gil. Georg. 11. 338: non alios prima crescentis origine mundi
alluxisse dies, aliumve habuisse tenorem crediderim. And that
the perfect subjunctive in -rém may come as near to a simply
future signification as the corresponding form in -ro, is clear
from Vergil. Georg. τι. 101: non ego te, Dis et mensis accepta
secundis, transierim, Rhodia, compared with Hor. tv. Carm. 9,
30: non ego te mets chartis inornatum silebo. ‘There is the same
indifference as to the employment of a form in -o or one in -im
in the old aorists; thus we have faxo in Plaut. Pon. 1. 1, 34,
but faxim in the same play, v. 2, 131. If these forms in -ro or
-rim were ever modifications of the future indicative, this would
be observable in the case of verbs like memini, novi, odt, which
are used as present perfects. But we never find the form in -ro
or -rim used as a mere future to these virtually present verbs;
on the contrary, while memtnerim and recorder stand in the same
subjunctive sentence (Cic. pro Plancio, c. 28 fin.), we have recor-
dabor as the only future indicative for the two verbs (id. tn Pison.
c. 6). And so of the others. It has been supposed that certain
forms in -assere, which occur in Plautus, and seem to have the
meaning of a future infinitive (e.g. expugnassere, Amphttr. 1.
1, 55; reconcilassere, Capt. 1. 2, 59; (mpetrassere, Aulul. rv.
7, 6), are infinitives corresponding to this tense in -ro or -rim,
as though formed, e. g., from expugnasso τὸ expugnavero'. Such
! Madvig thinks that these forms result from a mistaken attempt to
follow the Greek analogy of τύψειν from τύψω (Bemerkungen über Lat.
Sprl. p. 41).
§ 16.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 437
a formation of an infinitive appears to me simply impossible ;
and as all these infinitives are referred to verbs of the -a
conjugation, I have no difficulty in explaining these words
in the same way as I have explained the agglutinate forms
in -esso, -essere (above, ὃ 7); and as capes-so — capere-sino,
BO expugnas-so = expugnare-sino. With regard to the appa-
rently future signification of the infinitives in -assere, it 18
sufficient to remark that an auxiliary may give this meaning,
as in the case of dtcere instituo = dicam, mentioned above
(§ 9); and the future in the Romance languages is always
formed by an agglutinate appendage of habeo, as in aur-at=
aver-ai — habere habeo. As fuero= fueso and fuerim = fuestm
oscillate between the forms ero = eso and sim — esim, the plural
might exhibit & similar freedom of choice; and fuerimus — fu-
erimus or fue-simus might represent either erímus, which is
shortened in its penultima, or stmus, which has lost its initial
syllable. But authority is in favour of the long % In the
passive and deponent verbs the loss of the perfect subjunctive
is supplied by a periphrastic tense made up of the future ero
and the participle in -tus. It is a matter of indifference whether
we refer this tense to a period when the future and present
subjunctive of the substantive verb were stil identical, or
whether we suppose that it is an approximation to the Greek
paulo-post-futurum, adopted to meet a syntactical exigency.
§ 16. The Past Tense of the Infinitive Active.
The past tense of the infinitive active ends in -tsse, when
it corresponds to the Greek first aorist, as scripsisse; when
it is the regular perfect, as tettgisse; and when it is a com-
posite form, as ama-visse = ama-fuisse. It is to be recollected
that in all these cases the same tense inserts an s=r in the
second person singular and second and third persons plural
of the indicative mood. There can be little doubt that this
doubling of the δ in the infinitive (-s-se) is to be explained from
the-indicative mood. As we have fuz-s-tis instead of fufusa-tis,
so we have fui-sse instead of fufusa-se ; and in both cases the
additional s is analogous to that in futssem =fust-se-stm, from
438 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI.
fuerim = fuesim. This view is in accordance with all the similar
phenomena. The other explanations, which have been given, are
very unscientific and not even very plausible. It has been sup-
posed that the additional s is designed to represent the length-
ening of the penultimate syllable; but why should the termi-
nation se — re be appended by means of a long syllable to fui
any more than to es- in es-se or to dico in dicére? Bopp is
of course ready with his agglutination theory, and explains
ama-vi-85e as a compound of amavi and esse (Vergl. Gramm. p.
1227). But, as he must see, this presumes a derivation of fuisse
from fui and esse, and of fueram from fut and eram, so that
amaveram τε ama-fui-eram and amavisse= ama-fut-esse. It is
only by remembering the great services, which Bopp has rendered
to comparative philology, that we can reconcile such suggestions
with any claim to a character for critical tact and acumen. The
whole theory of inflected language would fall to pieces, if we
could not explain even the future and aorist s without falling
back upon the existing forms of the substantive verb. "There
must be some formative machinery in the verb besides the
person-endings; and if we cannot explain the inflexions of fui
without calling in the aid of sum, how are we to inflect sum
itself through its own moods and tenses? It seems to me falla-
cious to suppose, as Bopp does (p. 1228), that the forms scrip-
sé, consum-se, admis-se, divis-se, dic-se, produc-se, abstrac-se,
advec-se, are aorists corresponding to the Greek and related to
the forms scrip-so or scrip-sim as γράπ-σαι is to ἔ-γραπ-σα.
The Latin infinitive is always formed by adding se=re to the
tense represented by the infinitive, which is merely denuded of
its person-endings in order to qualify it for becoming the vehicle
of this new appendage. From scrip-so we could only have
scrip-sere = scrip-sese, 88 we have scrib-ere from scribo. As we
have diti for dtc-si-s-tt, extinzem for exting-sts-sem, viret for
vice-sis-set, &c., why should not dixe = dic-se for dic-sis-se be
an analogous abbreviation? Not to speak of the tendency to
shorten the forms of words, which generally characterizes the
Latin language, the omission of the syllable es or £s is invariable
in the passive infinitive of all consonant-verbs ; for as amart or
«marier 18 formed from amare = amase, we ought to have dicert
or dicert-er = dic-es-ier from dicere = dicese, but, in point of fact,
S 17.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 439
we always find dicier or dict, which is related to dic-es-ver very
much as dic-se is to dic-sis-se}.
817. The Future of the Infinitive Passive.
One of the most remarkable peculiarities of the Latin verb
is the contrivance which is adopted to supply a future tense to
the infinitive passive. That the verb eo, when used as an auxi-
liary, should contribute to the formation of a periphrastic future,
is a phenomenon, which should not surprise us ;. for. we find
analogous idioms in a number of languages; the Greek has ja
λέγων, “1 was about to say,” the French has je vais arriver, “ I
am about to arrive," and we say, “1 am going to write a letter,”
when we wish to intimate the intention of doing so. But the Latin
future infinitive passive is formed by the passive infinitive of the
neuter verb eo affixed to the supine or active infinitive of the
verb which is to be expressed in the given tense. This idiomatic
usage 18 not so singular as it seems. It is the regular prac-
tice in Latin to make the auxiliary rather than the dependent
infinitive liable to the modifications of tense. Thus when we
say, “he ought not to have done it," the Latin idiom requires
non oportebat facere, to which an English vulgarism supplies a
sort of equivalent. The same principle is adopted to effect a
modification of voice, when convenience requires it. Thus as
ulcisct is deponent and cannot be used passively, Sallust writes
(Jugurtha, XXX1.): quidquid. sine sanguine civium ulcisci nequt-
tur, ^ whatever it is impossible to avenge without shedding the
blood of citizens." Similarly in Cato, Orig. 1.: quod Termino
fanum fuit, id nequitum exaugurart, and in Sanscrit we have
(Nalas, xx. 5): na áhartun gak-ya-té, 1. e. afferre nequitur for
afferri nequit (New Crat. § 447). In the same way, then, we
write amatum iri, '*to be about to be loved ;" and the idiom is
the more intelligible, because we have the impersonal passive
ttur, ‘it is gone," i.e. “ people go." So that spero eum amatum
ri ab omnibus, naturally means, ** I hope that it is gone by all
to love him,” i.e. “ that all are going to love him."
1 In this explanation I am followed by Corssen, rr. pp. 35, 36.
CHAPTER XII.
THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS.
I. The conjugations are regulated by the same principle as the declensions.
82. The first or -a conjugation. § 3. The second or-e conjugation. 84. The
third or -¢ conjugation. § 5. The fourth or consonant conjugation. A. Mute
verbs. $6. B. Liquid verbs. $7. C. Semi-consonantal verbe." $8. Irregu-
lar verbe. Α. Additions to the present tense. 89. B. Abbreviated forms.
$10. Defective verbs.
§ 1. The Conjugations are regulated by the same princtple
as the Declenstons.
ERE is not much difficulty in seeing that the Latin conju-
gations ought to be arranged on the same principle as the
declensions— namely, according to the characteristic letters of the
different verbs. This mode of classification will give us three
conjugations of verbs in a, e, 4, which are regularly contracted ;
and one conjugation of consonant verbs, which retain their
inflexions uncontracted, whether the characteristic 15 mute, liquid,
br semi-consonant. In the first three conjugations, which con-
tain none but derivative verbs, the crude form of ἃ noun 18 made
the vehicle of verbal inflexions by means of the formative affix ya,
which belongs to the second pronominal element. We shall see
that, while the a and ¢ conjugations append this formative syl-
lable to crude forms terminating in these vowels respectively, the
e conjugation represents the pronominal affix by this vowel alone,
because it generally consists of verbs formed from consonantal
nouns. In the semi-consonantal forms, there is no difficulty in
seeing that the v verbs belong to the fourth and not to the vowel
conjugations; but in order to know when a verb in -ὦ is to be
considered as belonging to the vowel conjugation, and when, on
the other hand, it is to be counted as a semi-consonantal verb,
we must observe the evidences of contraction which are furnished
in the former case by the second person singular of the present
indicative, and by the present infinitive. Thus, while audt-o
gives us audis = audi-is, audt-re = audi-ere, and audt-ri=
audi-ert, cap-t-o gives us cap-ts, cap-ére, and capt. Besides
this, as we have already seen (above, Ch. x1. § 8), the vowel-
verb is generally confined to an agglutinate perfect in -vt.
§ 2. | THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 441
There are indeed irregularities, which must be learned by expe-
rience, and which generally flow from the copartnership in dif-
ferent tenses of two distinct verbs, as when peto, pétere have ἃ
perfect and participle petivi and petitus, from a lost verb in -16,
or when cupio, cupivi, cupitus, have an infinitive cupére, as
though the 7 were a semi-consonantal adjunct. But the general
distinctions of conjugations are those which dicriminate the
declensions of nouns. |
82. The fira or -a Conjugation.
In laying down the general rules for the conjugation of
a Latin verb, the grammarian has to consider, in the first
instance, whether the perfect indicative (A. IIL), or the passive
participle (E. IIL.), present any deviation from the form of the
verb; and he must then inquire what is the cause of this
irregularity. Now, as we have seen in the previous chapter, the
Latin verb has three forms of A. IIL: (a) the proper or redupli-
cated perfect; (8) the aorist perfect in -si ; (y) the composite,
or agglutinate, perfect in -v? or -ut, from fur. According to the
general rule already given, the vowel-verb is properly limited to
the third form of the perfect active. In point of fact, there are
only two exceptions to this rule in the case of the -a verb, and
these two exceptions give us the regular or reduplicated perfect.
But the two verbs, in which this form is found, are both of them
irregular. For do, which makes A. III. dedi, D. I. dáre, and
E. III. ditus, does not fully and properly belong to the vowel-
verbs, but partly also to the same class as its compounds con-do,
con-dis, con-didi, con-dére, con-ditus. ‘It is true that we have
dés for the second person singular of A. I., and that the common
form of C. I. is dem, des, det, &c.; but duim is the old form of
the latter; and the quantity of a in ddbam, dárem, shows that
we have not to do with a verb of which the characteristic is a,
but with one which preserves this form of its root, or articulation,
vowel. The old du-im, compared with the Umbrian, Oscan, and
Tuscan tu-, the German thun, &c. would lead us to the con-
clusion that « was the most ancient articulation-vowel of this root.
And there are evidences of an original form ddéno. In its primi-
tive meaning, do reverts to the same sense as our “do,” and the
German thun. Like the Old Norse and Etruscan lata, and like
442 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [ CHAP. xir.
sino in Latin, and sri in Etrusean, do is used not only with pre-
positions, but with other verbal roots, signifying "doing," or
* causing," as opposed to eo, which denotes the passive result of
the action: thus we have per-do, or pessum-do, opposed to per-eo,
tnter-do to tnter-eo, ven-do to ven-eo, &c. As we have a @ in the
corresponding Greek forms πέρ-θω, &c., we may be led to con-
clude that the Latin do furnishes the link of connexion between
δίδωμε, Sanscrit dadámi and τίθημι, Sanscrit dadhámi ; which
are therefore only different forms of the same root. The idea
of “giving” is partly represented by that of “ putting,” or
* placing," for acceptance. In regard to the offering of prizes,
or the placing of meat on the table, the ideas of placing and
giving run into one another, and it is well known that pono
and τέίθημε are regularly used in this sense (see my note on
Pindar, O. x1. 63, and the commentators on Horace, 1. Serm.
2, 106; 1r. 3, 23). But we may also represent the act of
giving with reference to the donor as a liberal pouring forth of
that which he has, and this is the primary sense of gef-an,
gib-an, “give,” χέξ-ω, &c., as Grimm has shown in a special
paper on the subject (45A. Ak. Berl. 1848: ** über schenken und
geben"). The other verb, which appears to belong to the -a
conjugation, but has & reduplicated perfect, is sto, whicb makes
A. III. stéti. This verb does not give the same indications as do
of a mere articulation-vowel; for even the compounds retain the
long à, which appears in stabat, &c. But we have a by-form,
&i-sto, to which steti may be referred, just as our transitive .
“stay,” intransitive “stand,” are represented by the German
present stehe, perf. stand, both of which are intransitive. And
I am inclined to explain the long a in sto, as resulting from a
contraction of staho = steyo, Germ. stehen, which is still found in
the Umbrian stahkito= stato (above, p. 98). So that sto can-
not be considered as a verb, of which the characteristic or for-
mative adjunct is -a, but, like do, owes its contraction to the con-
tact of the root-syllable with the termination. With these two
exceptions, all -a verbs form their perfect in -u¢ or -vi. Although
the Greek vowel-verbs particularly affect the aorist in -ca, and
indeed have no other, we find that no vowel-verb in Latin has
the aorist-perfect in -s?, unless it has dropt in this tense its
characteristic vowel—in other words, we have no Latin perfect
$2.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 443
in -a-8i, -e-st, Or -t-st. We shall see that there are verbs in -eo
and -io, which drop their characteristic, and have perfecta in -st
immediately attached to the root; but though the characteristic
is sometimes dropt in -a verbs, as in domo, A. III. dom-ui,
E. III. domttus, and though, when the root ends in v, the u of
the perfect is absorbed and represented only by a lengthening
of the verb-syllable, as in jávo, A. III. 7πυ-ἴ, E. III. jü-tus, we
never find an -a verb which exhibits the aorist-perfect in -s7.
Why this tense has vanished in the first Latin conjugation it is
difficult to say, unless we must conclude that it was not eupho-
nious or convenient in the eleven short words, which elide the
characteristic -a, and in which alone it was possible. These are
crépo, citbo, dómo, frico, mico, néco, plico, s&co, sino, tino, veto. -
If we compare these words with the Greek verbs in -aw, which
have a short a before the -o of the future, we may be led to con-
clude that in these instances also the a was originally followed
by some consonant which has been absorbed, and the short
vowel in the penultima favours the supposition that we have
here the remnants of longer forms. Thus cubuz belongs to cumbo,
which is strengthened by anusvára, as well as to ctiba-o, which,
like «vro, may have had some consonantal formative: crépa-o,
créput, may be compared with strépo, streput, which has alto-
gether lost the pronominal adjunct of its present tense: dÓma-o
stands by the side of Sau-vy-ue as well as δαμά-ζω. I have
shown elsewhere (Journal of Philology, τι. p. 353) that véto,
properly “to warn off,” is another form of vito = ve-ito, “to
avoid." These verbs bear a relation the converse of cado, cedo,
* fall," “fell,” but the distinction of meaning is equally effected
by the vocalization, and they are both derived from ve- and the
frequentatives of i-, “to go." The noun vitium bears the same
enílinity to veto that pretium = per-itium, “that which changes |
hands," bears to inter-pretart, “to be an interpres or go-between"
(below, Ch. xirr. 8 10). The verb mico, considered as a deri-
vative, has a special interest for the philologer. I have no hesi-
tation in eonnecting this word with the root μαχ- found in
Ad-payos, μάχεομαι, μάχ-αιρα, A. S. méce, O. B. make, O. N.
maker, ** a sword" (Grimm, Deutsche Gramm. 11. 511; 111. 440),
a root of such antiquity that it was imported into Palestine in the
reign of David by his Carian mercenaries (Christian Orthodozy,
444 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. XII.
pp. 251 sqq.). The primary meaning of mico is therefore best
preserved in the compound di-mico, “to fight hand to hand."
But mico itself means “to strike or shoot out rapidly,” as in its
application to the game called mora, in which the fingers were
suddenly raised, and immediately afterwards compressed: and
the same sense of rapid motion is implied in the secondary sig-
nifications “to palpitate, twinkle, quiver,” &c. The primary
meaning is also retained in emico, “to strike out with a sword,
to make a blow or lunge,” as in Verg. ZEneid xi. 728 :
Emicat hic impune putans, et corpore toto
Alte sublatum Turnus consurgit in hastam
Et ferit.
And the same signification is conveyed when the verb 18 used
of runners shooting out at once at the commencement of a foot-
race (Verg. ZEn. v. 318; Ovid. Metam. x. 652), or of a sudden
bound into the air (Verg. dim. τι. 174; xir. 327). Of the
regular verbs of the first conjugation, the most troublesome in its
etymology is ploro, which Déderlein once (Lat. Syn. u. Et. it.
155) considered as an intensive form of pltco, and which he now
(ibid. VI. p. 273) connects with pluo, fluo, and fleo. I cannot
accept either of these etymologies. As far as the signification 1s
concerned there is no reason to suppose that ploro ever meant
* to shed tears," and such a meaning would be quite inconsistent
with the ordinary use of the compound exploro. Festus tells us
(p. 230, Müller, quoted above, p. 238), that the original meaning
of ploro was inclamo or (nvoco ; and with regard to ploro he
says (p. 79): * ezplorare antiquos pro exclamare usos, sed postea
prospicere et certum cognoscere ccepit significare. Itaque spe-
culator ab exploratore hoc distat, quod speculator hostilia silentio
perspicit, ezplorator pacata clamore cognoscit ;" and the Glossar.
Labb. explains endoplorato by ἐπικάλεσον, which is more accu-,
᾿ rate than the account given by Festus (s. v. p. 77). In a frag-
ment of Varro, quoted by Forcellini, who is unable to verify it,
we have: "gemit, explorat, turbam omnem concitat," from which
it appears that the original meaning of the word must have been
*tocry aloud." Now we know that ad-oro, which does not sig-
nify, as is generally supposed, to put the hands to the mouth,
and then stretch them forth in honour of a superior being
(προσκυνέω), but rather “to speak to” and “ address," is a com-
§2.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 445
pound of ad and oro, just as alloqui is a compound of ad and
loqui; and we know (from Festus, pp. 19, 182), that orator was
originally a name for an ambassador, and that adorare meant
agere caussas. So that oro means to make an oratio or speech,
and emphatically to use the os or mouth for the purpose of ob-
taining something. Hence, it passes into its meaning “to ask"
or “‘ pray for," and then becomes nearly synonymous with ploro
and tmploro. But if oro comes from os, why should not pl-oro
have the same origin? "There can be no difficulty about the first
two letters, which contain the root of pl-us, pl-erique, πλ-έος,
πολεύς, "full;' and the phrases pleno ore laudare (Cic. de
Officiis, 1. 18), and. plena voce vocare (Verg. Georg. 1. 388), are
sufficient to show how pl-oro got its original and proper meaning
“to cry aloud." Now “to call aloud" for anything is to desire
it earnestly and to demand it with importunity ; hence in Greek
we have such phrases as βοᾷ λουγὸν ᾿Ερινύς (ZEsch. Choeph.
396), which is equivalent to Shakspere's “ they say it well have
blood.” And in general the idea of asking, which is involved
in the etymological analysis of quero (above, p. 419), passes into
that of seeking, which is so often and so regularly conveyed by
that verb and its compounds. As then ezquéro has lost all
trace of the original meaning of quceso-quero, “1 cause to
speak," so ez-ploro has quite taken leave of the sense of “ calling
aloud” originally borne by ploro, and means merely “to seek
out," so that it is perfectly synonymous with exgutro. In a
passage of Virgil (Georg. 1. 175) we find exploro used of the
searching nature of smoke, which penetrates the smallest aper-
tures, and insinuates itself into the tissue of a substance: “et
suspensa focis explorat robora fumus." The force of the prepo-
sition in ex-ploro is merely intensive, as in ez-quiro. It has not
that sense of effecting and obtaining which we notice in exoro, as
in Ter. Andr. 111. 4, 13: “ gnatam ut det oro, vixque id exoro:”
and Hecyra, Prol. 2, v. 1: “ orator ad vos venio ornatu prologi:
Sinite exorator sim." In deploro we sometimes have the same
use of the preposition which we notice in de-sidero, and de-apero,
and de expresses a feeling of loss or absence. With regard to
de-sidero it may be remarked in passing, that, as con-templor and
con-sidero are augurial terms derived from the observation of the
heavenly templum and its stars, so de-sidero indicates the inter-
rg rye errr ante = te -——— ————— ——- -
---- ——— —— ee — 5 --
446 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHap. xi.
ruption to the augurial process which was occasioned by a cloudy
and starless night. As pl-oro, according to the etymology which
is here suggested, must have been originally ple-oro, and as plu-
res ig a corruption of the old comparative ple-ores (above, Ch. v1.
§ 2), we see a perfect analogy between the Old Norse ffeir?, Suio-
Gothic flere, compared with the latter, and the Etruscan phleres,
which has been derived from the former (above, p. 206). And
with respect to the meaning of pAleres, the connexion of votum,
which expresses its application, with voco, which is 8 synonym
of ploro, may be seen in such phrases as Virgil's “ votes ad-
guesce vocari" (Georg. I. 42), and “ votis vocaveris imbrem"
(ibid. 1. 157). That the composition with os may appear in a
noun as well as in a verb, seems to be shown by three nouns in
-or, -oris, which have corresponding adjectives in -orus, namely
can-ór-us, dec-or-us, son-dr-us. As can-tus, decus (-dris), sdnus
exist by the side of can-or, decor (-drts), sonor, it is to be inferred
that the longer forms involve an additional element, namely or-,
“the face" or * mouth." Thus we have in Verg. ZEn. 1v. 150:
* tantum egregio decus enitet ore." Servius tells us that son-or-
us differs from sonans as denoting “ quidquid sine intermissione
Bonum servat," whereas sonans means “quod ad tempus au-
ditur." The relation then between sonus and sonor is much the
same as that between συγάω and σι-ωπάω ; sonus being mere
sound, and sonor “ voice-sound.” Cf. Lucret. 1v. 570, v. 334.
Similarly canor is musical sound, continuous like the utterance
of the voice, and Ovid says (A. A. 111. 315): “res est blanda
canor: discant cantare puelle," referring of course to the sound
or melody of the human voice in singing. Another verb of the
first conjugation which deserves some notice is futo found in its
compounds con-futo and re-futo. According to Festus (p. 89),
Cato used futo as a frequentative of fuo or fio. But this is not
the origin of futo as found in these compounds and in the ad-
jective futihs, &c. This verb is connected with futts (— vas
aquarium, Varro, p. 47, Müller) and fundo; and con-futo, re-futo,
which are frequentatives of fuo, whence fons and fundus (see
below, Ch. x1rr. $ 9) are applied to the act of pouring in cold
water with a ladle to prevent the kettle from boiling over;
Titinn. ap. Non. c. 4, n. 47: **cocus magnum ahenum, quando
fervit, paula confutat trua" (see Scaliger ad Fest. B. v. refuto;
§ 3.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 447
Ruhnken, Dict. tn Ter. p. 114). Hence we have such phrases
as confutare dolores, *to repress or keep down sorrows’ (Cic.
Tusc. Disp. v. 81).
ὃ 3. The second or -e Conjugation.
The first point, which strikes the philological student, when
he turns his attention to the second conjugation, is the general
tendency to drop the characteristic e in the perfect (A. ITI), and
its participle (E. IIL.). This is necessarily the case in all verbs
which take the proper perfect (a) by reduplication, as mordeo,
momordt, morsus ; or the aorist in -δὲ, (8), a8 jubeo, jusst, jussus ;
lugeo, lua, luctus; and when / or r precedes a guttural in these
verbs, this guttural is omitted in the perfect, as in fulgeo, ful-st;
torqueo, tor-st; and the same is the case with dentals, whether
mute or liquid, as rideo, rist; hereo, hest; though maneo
retains its n in the perfect manst. But even where the agglu-
tinate perfect in -w? is used, we generally find that the charac-
teristic e i8 dropt before it. Indeed there are only a few cases
in which the perfect is formed after the analogy of ama-vi.
These are deleo, delevi; fleo, flevi; neo, nevi; the compounds
of oleo, as aboleo, abolevi; the compounds of pleo, as tmpleo,
implevt; and the nearly obsolete vteo, vievi. The long e in
these verbs is generally retained in E. IIL., as deletus, fletus, tm-
pletus ; but adoleo has adultus, and aboleo makes abolitus. All
other verbs of this conjugation, which take the agglutinate per-
fect, omit before it the characteristic E, and either drop it also
in the participle E. IIL, or shorten it mto 7. Thus we have
moneo, monui, monitus; misceo, miscut, mistus and mictus.
The deponent reor takes the stronger vowel a in its participle
rütus, whence γἄξέο, but the ¢ is resumed in the compound
irritus — non ratus. Verbs ending in v generally absorb the v
of their agglutinate perfect like the corresponding a verbs juvo
and lavo; thus we have caveo, cávi, cautus; faveo, favi, fautus ;
foveo, fóvi, fotus; moveo, móvi, motus; paveo, pàvi; voveo,
vovi, vOlus. If we compare mordeo, momordi, morsus with
prondeo, prandt, pransus; sedeo, sédt, sessus; and video, vidi,
visus; we shall probably conclude that the latter have merely
lost their reduplication. The best explanation, which can be
offered of the very general evanescence of the characteristic e
448 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [ CHAP. XII.
in the perfects of this conjugation, is to assume that in the ma-
jority of instances it was merely one of those adjuncts, which are
used for the purpose of strengthening the present and the tenses
derived from it. Among these adjuncts not the least common is
the second element under the form ya (see New Orat. §§ 426,
432), and as this is clearly contained in many Greek verbs in
-ew which are also written -&» (New Crat. ὃ 432, 7), so there
are many special reasons for inferring the presence of this auxi-
liary in the Latin verbs in -eo. Perhaps the most important of
these special reasons is suggested by the phenomenon that many
active verbs in Latin, either (a) uncontracted, or (δ) contracted
in -a, have ἃ neuter or passive verb from the same root distin-
guished by the formative characteristic e; thus we have (a) active
jactre, passive jacere ; active pandére, passive patere; active pen-
dére, passive pendére; active scandére, passive scatére; (b) active
liquáre, passive liquere; active parüre, parére, passive parére ;
active sedare, passive sedére. Now it is well known that the in-
sertion of ya between the root and the ending forms the pas-
Bive voice in Sanscrit in the conjug. tenses (New Crat. ὃ 379), and
I have shown (ἰδία. $ 381) that a similar explanation is applicable
to the Greek passive aorists in -θὴν and -gv; and as one of these
aorists is éorny=éordyapt, we may conclude that the irre-
gular stare, which is opposed to sistére, stands for sta-yere or
steh-yere (above, p. 442), and in the same way we shall bring
back to this conjugation fugére, which is similarly opposed to
fugüre. The next section will point out the distinction between
these verbs formed with the pronominal ya, and those which
have the verb eo, as an auxiliary accretion. With regard to
those now under consideration, as in the case of the subordinate
verb-forms in Hebrew, it depends upon the nature of the primary
element whether the verb is intransitive, as in the instances just
adduced, or causative, intensive, or frequentative, as in others
which might be cited. Thus mon-eo, which contains the root
men- implying thought and recollection (me-min-t, &c.), bears a
causative meaning. Her-eo, like the Greek afp-éw, is an in-
tensive form of a root not unconnected with the Latin Aer, “a
hand;" Umbrian here, “to take;" Sanscrit, hri=capere (see
above, pp. 111, 118). . The substantive heres or heres (harzd- =
her-vad, above, p. 146) is connected with this verb, in the
§ s.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 449
sense of *' property-dependent," just as in English law there is a
distinction of immediate or intermediate derivation between a
person who takes by imitation, and one who takes by purchase,
i.e. from the person last seized. It may be doubted whether
* hear," héren, and their unaspirated ‘derivatives ‘“‘ear,” ohr,
may not be derived from this root, so that heren will signify
*to catch," i.e. a sound. If so, heres, as implying dependence,
will approximate in origin and meaning to cliens, “the hearer;"
or heriger, according to Niebuhr's etymology (HH. E. 1. p. 823,
note 823). In the verbs hab-eo and ten-eo the root-meaning is
seriously modified by the affix. For Aab-eo must correspond in
root to gib-a, gafa, "give, and these, as Grimm has shown
(Abh. Ak. Berlin, 1848), fall back upon χέω = yéF o (cf. ὑφαίνω,
5$» with O. H. G. wipu, wap; O. N. vef, vaf; Sanscr. vap ;
Engl. “ weave"); and the form χιών, which shows a remnant of.
the F in its ¢, is clearly connected with yéFe (see Hom. 17. xir.
281: ὥστε νιφάδες χιόνος πίπτουσι ...... κοιμήσας δ᾽ ἀνέμους
χέει ἔμπεδον) : similarly, we have χίλιοι from χιλός, “ἃ heap
of fodder," also connected with χέω (New Crat. ὃ 163). Con-
sequently, the root hab- must imply originally rather “to pour
out and give," than “to have” or “ possess." Similarly, ten-eo,
which contains the same root as τα-νύτ-ω, ' to stretch out," and
ten-do, falls back upon the old epic imperative τῇ, ‘ take thou."
Although the formative adjunct ya has inverted the ideas of
giving and taking in hab-eo and ten-eo, we find that they are
only partially kept distinct in the former. "Thus, while the root
ten-, when strengthened by the adjunct -do, has quite a different
meaning from ten-eo, we find that Aabeo, in its compounds per-
hibeo, prabeo = pre-hibeo, quite reverts to the primitive meaning
of the root, for both these words imply a holding forth and
giving, as though prebere meant pre se habere like pra se ferre,
or pretendere’. The same is the case with ὄχω (see Arnold on
Thucyd. 1. 9), and still more with παρέχω, whence comes the tech-
nical use of παροχή, “supplying,” "furnishing," and the later
1 Corssen's derivation of jubeo from jus-hibeo (tt. p. 50) is precarious
in itself, and seems to be partly overthrown by the departure of the
perfect jussi from tho agglutinate form adopted by habeo and all its com-
pounds.
D. V. 20
400 THE LATIN. CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. XII.
parochus, ‘a purveyor” (Hor. 1. Serm. 5, 43), or “ entertainer”
(id. ibid. 11. 8, 36). This technical sense of παρέχω has been
overlooked in Thucyd. tv. 39: βρώματα ἐγκατέληφθη" ὁ γὰρ
ἄρχων ᾿Ἐπιτάδας ἐνδεεστέρως παρεῖχεν ἢ πρὸς τὴν ἐξουσίαν.
When habeo denotes a state or condition it generally takes the
reflexive pronoun se, where the Greek uses ἔχω absolutely with
an adverb in -ws; but Sallust (Cat. 6) has: “sicuti pleraque
mortalium habentur" for se habent. Metaphysical considerations
(New Crat. S 53) might lead us to infer that habeo not only
includes the ideas of holding forth or giving, and of having or
keeping, but also conveys the antecedent notion of desiring,
under the form aveo or haveo, which falls back on the Semitic
238 or MR. But whatever reason we may have for connecting
habeo or haveo with this Hebrew root, there are two verbs in
-co, Which strongly support the ethnographical theory respecting
the Sclavonism of the old Italians, and their consequent Semitic
affinities. These are deb-eo, of which I have spoken above
(p. 91), and misc-eo. The latter, which appears with a medial
auslaut in the Greek μέσγω, is represented under both forms by
the Hebrew D and 212 (found in the noun 312 “mixed wine");
compare the Arabic ^, Sclav. mjeshu, Polish mieszam, Bohe-
mian misyti, Russian s-mjeshat’, Persian eM, O. H. G.
miscyan, Lith» maiszyti, Gael. measgaim, Sanscr. mig-ra, ἄς.
From the extreme antiquity and universal prevalence of this
compound root, and from the formative affix with which it
appears as a verb in most of the Indo-Germanic languages, it is
fair to conclude that its origin is to be sought in a pronominal
combination analogous in meaning and form to the Irish measg,
“among,” “between,” Welsh ym-musk, Greek με-τά, ué-ada,
μέ-χρι, μέσσος, Lat. me-dius, Hebrew JT , which would
serve as a sufficient basis for such a causative verb. It has been
mentioned above (p. 91), in a general way, that deb-eo is con-
nected with the important Semitic and Sclavonic root 3i5,
dhób, and dob, signifying "good." But it will be necessary in
this place to justify this comparison with special reference to
the formative syllable of the conjugation. In its impersonal use,
oportet corresponds to the personal and impersonal use of debeo,
and as the former is clearly connected with opus, so the latter
§ 4.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 451
expresses, as Forcellini says, rationem officii, convenire, oportere,
obstrictum esse ad aliquid faciendum. In both, the ideas of
interest and duty are mixed up, and in general, when we say
that $t 4s good for us to do any thing, we combine in one notion
the thought of a moral fitness or propriety and that of an
advantage to be gained. We feel that we owe it to ourselves,
when we feel that we owe it to our principles or to our fellow-
men. Hence, being in debt, which is the reverse of a good
thing, i8 expressed by an application of the verb, which conveys
the idea of justice or moral obligation, just as officium, “duty,”
belongs to the same family with officit, or obest, “it harms.”
In English we have only one word for what we “owe” and
what we “ought to do;" and the German ao/len, “to be in
duty bound" (connected with our “shall,” and “should”), be-
longs to the same root as Schuld, “a debt." The Greek phrase
δίκαιός εἰμι τοῦτο ποιεῖν, “1 am in justice bound to do this” =
“7 ought to doit,” shows how the two ideas run into one another.
But the most decisive illustration of the etymology of deb-eo is fur-
nished by the affinity between the Greek ὀ-φέλλω, “ to increase,"
* enlarge," “benefit,” ''aggrandize," ó-$eXos, " advantage,"
* help," “profit,” ὡ-φελέω, “to be of service" (all from the root
phel-, “ to swell," and all showing the ordinary meaning of
350 and dob), and their derivatives ὀφλι-σκ-ά-νω, “to incur an
obligation,” and ὀ-φείλω = ὀ-φέλ-ψω, “to owe," the impersonal '
use of which ὀφείλει, “it is fitting," reverts to the meaning
of the other class of words and of the Latin oportet and opus est.
As then ὀ-φείλω = ὀφέλ-γω, with the same pronominal adjunct
ya, forms the expression of duty from that of advantage, so
deb-eo by the same machinery passes to the same extension of
the primitive dob, **a fitting time," dob-ro, “ góod, useful,” &c.'
§ 4. The third or -ἰ Conjugation.
The best general rule for distinguishing between the verbs
in -to, which belong to the vowel-conjugation, and those which
! As the form dehibeo actually occurs, and as debeo might bear the
same relations to this, that prebeo and probeo do to preehibeo and pro-
hibeo, there is no objection in point of form to the other derivation of
debeo. But in that case the meaning of debet creates a difficulty.
29—2
452 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [ CHAP. XII.
have for their characteristic the letter ¢ considered as a sem:
consonant, or vocalization of & guttural, has been already given
(81). With regard to their origin and analysis, we must con-
sider the former as an extension of the -e conjugation, and while
the vowel-verbs in -to will thus represent a set of derivatives
in which a crude form in -i is strengthened by the affix -ya,
in which case there will always be a contraction, the semi-conso-
nantal verbs, which outwardly resemble them, merely strengthen
the present and its immediate offspring with a vocalized guttural,
to which the person-endings are attached without any inter-
mediate agency. Thus, as we shall see in the next chapter, all
verbs of the third conjugation are derived from nouns actually
existing in -t, or which may be inferred from the inflexions of
existing nouns, while the semi-consonant verbs have no such
primitives. We see the manner in which the second conjugation
is included in the third, from a verb of the second conjugation, of
which the root happens to end in the vowel -£, and which, there-
fore, is liable to the double contraction observable in all genuine
4 verbs. From the root ci- (Greek xi-w) we have, with an
entire correspondence of meaning, two forms ct-eo and ct-o, and
as the perfect is always civi, we must consider the latter as
a condensation of the former. The great peculiarity of this
verb is that its participle (E. IIT.) is indifferently citus or citus,
the latter being found not only in compounds like concitus,
inclitus, percitus, but also in the simple form citus, both when it
is used as a participle, as in Virgil (ZEnesd. viir. 642):
Haud procul inde cite Mettum in diversa quadrigse
Distulerant,
where we must take cite with tn diversa, “chariots moved in dif-
ferent directions ;" and also when it appears as a simple adjective
signifying "swift." The short penultima is contrary to all rule;
for the participle of ci-eo must be ci-itus- citus; and we can only
explain it as the result of Roman abbreviation (cf. véto, vito).
But the existence of the forms cieo and cio is quite sufficient to
prove the fact, for which I contend, that true verbs in -$ include
the formative in -e. And in the next chapter I shall show that,
as I have mentioned above (S 1), the same remark applies also
to the a verbs. To this rule, respecting the ¢ verbs, there are
§ 4. ] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 453
only two exceptions—the verb eo (root 7) and the verb queo
(root quen- or kon-). These two verbs are distinguished from
the regular verbs in ? by their omission of the e in the imperfect
ibam, quibam, and by the adoption of the agglutinate form in
the futures 1-bo, qui-bo. "With regard to the former point,
although we have occasional exceptions in the poets, as lenibat,
polibant, &c., we generally find that the imperfect of the ¢ verb
ends in -tebam, as audi-e-bam ; and in this particular it is imi-
tated by the semi-consonant verb in ὦ, which gives captebam,
faciebam, fugiebam, &c. With regard to the future, we rarely,
if ever, find an - verb which follows the analogy of tbo, quibo ;
but in almost every case we have the subjunctive form in -am
(-es, -et, &c.), which is invariably adopted by the consonant
verbs. The substitution of e for ¢ in the verb eo, which does
not involve the formative element of the second conjugation,
leads to some momentary confusion with the e- verb, in those
instances in which eo is used as an agglutinate auxiliary to
expresa the passive of certain compounds of do and facto, just as
the -eo verb stands as the corresponding intransitive to verbs
merely differing from it in conjugation. ‘Thus we have tnter-eo,
* [ go between," i.e. vanish, by the side of inter-ficto, ** I cause
to go between," i.e. make away with; per-eo, *I go through,"
i. e. disappear, by the side of per-do, “1 put through," i.e. anni- —
hilate; and similarly, pessum-do (cf. πέρθω) ; ven-eo (= venum
eo), “I go for sale," i.e. “I am sold," by the side of ven-do
(2 venum-do), “I put up for sale," and ven-dico or vin-dtco
(= venum-dico), “I declare for sale." But the confusion is only
momentary, for the first comparison shows that these verbs
are distinguished from the neuter verbs mentioned above (as
pateo, pendeo, sedeo) both by the conjugation of the present
(in -eo, -es, -et, &c., not -eo, -ts, -tt, &c.) and by the form of the
perfect (which is never in -ivt). On the other hand, we must
distinguish the causative verbs in -do, Greek -θω, from the aorist
formations in -θὴν -nv, which involve the element ya, and have
precisely the converse meaning. Of these latter forms enough
has been said elsewhere (New Crat. §§ 379, sqq.). I will only
remark in passing, that the explanation of these forma will not
justify the monstrosity ἐγρηγόρθασι, in which all the gram-
marians have acquiesced. As this word rests only on a single
454 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. — '[cHAP. xm.
passage (Hom. 12. x. 419) and as the context shows (cf. J.
vil. 971; xvin. 299) that the true reading is:
of δ' ἐγρήγορθαί re φυλασσέμεναί τε κέλονται
ἀλλήλοις,
the portentous ἐγρηγόρθασι should be expunged from all dic-
tionaries and grammars. The 2nd pers. plur. ἐγρήγορθε, and
the infin. ἐγρήγορθαι are easily justifiable. But to return to
the Latin verbs in -?, while we observe an obstinate retention
of the characteristics in all other inflections, we not unfre-
quently find that the perfect and its participle (E. IIT.) are
formed as from the naked root. Thus from amic-to we have
amiai, amic-tus, from aper-io, aper-ui, aper-tus, from haur-to,
hau-si, haus-tus, from sent-io, sen-si, sen-sus, from ven-io,
vén-i, ven-tus. In all these cases we may conclude that the
sense of completion borne by the perfect has enabled it to dis-
pense with the elongating appendage of the present and its sub-
ordinate forms.
§ 5. The fourth or Consonant Conjugation.
A. Mute Verbs.
Mute verbs, whether their characteristic be labial, guttural,
or dental, do not exhibit any peculiarities’ of inflexion which call
for detailed examination. The perfect is generally either the redu-
plicative form (a) or the aorist in -s?; the reduplication is some-
times represented merely by lengthening the root-syllable, as in
δοᾶδο, scáb:, légo, legt ; sometimes the first syllable is omitted
without compensation, as in fédi, scidt ; and this is always the
case in compounds, as cddo, cecidi, but concido, concidt. Bibo,
which is reduplicated in the present, can have no further redu-
plication in its perfect, which is accordingly bibi. The few verbs
which have an agglutinate perfect in -fu? must have borrowed this
lost form of the vowel-conjugation. We are able to justify
this surmise by comparing cumbo, cubui with cubo. And of
course the same explanation must apply to strepo, -is, streput,
compared with crepo, -as, crepui, frendo, -is, frendut, compared
with strideo, &c. The verbs peto and rudo, which form their
perfect and its participle as from a verb in -?,—namely, petivi,
petitus; rudivi, ruditus;—are shown by this fact alone to be
§ 5.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 455
weakened forms of original verbs in which the vowel ¢ appeared;
and this inference is confirmed by their etymology: for there
can be no doubt that peto is identical with the Gothic did-jan,
Greek πείθω = πίθ-γω, whence πτωχός and the Italian pit-occo.
Now if the primary meaning of this root is “to fall down"
and “ make an inclination," like the Hebrew 23, **to make a
reaching towards another," so that the root will be contained in
pe[d]-s, πίσπτ-ω, πέδ-ον, fotus, ‘foot,’ the present must have
required the strengthening observed in πείθω -- πίθ-ψω, and
presumed in peto τ pet-yo. It is also clear that rudo is only
another form of rugio, which has passed into rudio; compare
the Gothic rauAts — fremitus," with the Greek ῥόθος, ῥοθεῖν,
ῥύξειν, γρύξειν, &c. Several of the consonant verbs strengthen
the root in the present tense and its derivatives by a nasal
insertion analogous to the Sanscrit anusvéra; but this insertion
. is never retained in the perfect, if this tense is or was formed by
reduplication; thus we have pu-n-go, pupiigt, ru-m-po, rüpi,
fra-n-go, frégt, tu-n-do, tutüdi, sci-n-do, scidi, &c. The same
rule applies to n, when it is appended to the root, for in this case
also it appears to be inconsistent with reduplication, not only in
the Greek and Latin, but also in their elder sister the Sanscrit,
and in the Sclavonian, which furnished the Pelasgian element to
both of them. Thus we have da-démt, but ép-nóm:i; δίδωμε,
τέθημι, torn, but ζεύγ-νυμι, δάμ-νημι, ἱκ-νέομαι; πί-πτω
for πι-πέτω, but ait-vw; bibo, but πένω; and, as we shall
Bee, sper-no, but spre-vi, contem-no, but contemp-si. In Scla-
vonian there is a particular class of verbs, which the grammarians
call semel-factive, and in which this nu is the distinctive mark.
As then the reduplication clearly denotes iterative or continuous
action, we must conclude that n is in these cases the pronominal
element denoting separation and distance, which is opposed to the
idea of abiding presence connected with that of continuance.
Whereas in those cases in which the perfect formation retains the
τη, as in jungo, junat, fungor, functus sum, &c., we may infer
that the n is merely euphonic, or intended to express, in con-
junction with the guttural, the sound of the Semitic y (see
Report of the British Association for 1851, p. 148). Most of
the Greek verbs in -rw exhibit the το as a pronominal adjunct
of the same kind with the -v- which has just been mentioned:
456 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHaP. XII.
compare τύπ-τω, τίκ-τω with τέμτνω, δάκ-νω, &c. We may
come to the same conclusion with regard to the Latin verbs in
-to, as flec-to from the root flac- in flaccidus, ἄς. ΑΒ nis
opposed to the continuous or iterative meaning of the verb,
it may seem surprising that the most common Latin frequenta-
tives end in -?to ; but these, as we shall see in the next chapter,
are derivatives of a very different kind. Of the Latin verbs m
-to, -tis, &c., the most instructive is ver-to. The ideas of turning,
changing, and beginning to be, have a common source, and refer
themselves to one conception in the mind. It is difficult to say
which is the primary modification of the thought. Perhaps the
word vertumnus, which has long been recognized as a participial
form from verto, will lead us most easily to the original meaning
of the root. It is usual to consider the Etruscan deity Vertum-
nus as the god of the autumn or of the ripe fruits (so Creuzer,
Symb. 111. 665); but the co-existence of the word auctumnus
shows that this cannot be the correct view of the matter. As
the husband of Pomona, the summer-goddess, Vertumnus begets
Ceculus, the darkening time of the year, and must therefore, in
himself, be a personification of the spring, ver, which is actually
included in his name. For ver = ver-t (Feap-r) is the period
when the germs of the fruit first come into being (compare
wes-en with wer-den), and this, as the beginning of new life, is a
change from the previous state of decay and non-existence. We
may say that Vertumnus (or Vertunnus, cf. Neptunus for Nep-
tumnus) is the year when “it changes itself,” or puts on a new
dress; and as the aura Favont, in the language of Lucretius, is
not only reserata, or released from its former bondage in the
dungeons of winter, but also genztadilis, or the cause of birth,
we may see that Vertumnus, the god of change (Ovid. Fast.
vi. 410; Prop. rv. 2,10; Horat. 11. Serm. 7, 14), is also the
representative of the generation or birth of the fruits, which lie
fecundating under the care of Pomona, until they spring up into
the Auctumnus= Auctomenos or growing year. Thus the Hebrew
"n, which denotes the autumn, is used as an expression for
maturity, as in Job ΧΧΙΧ. 4; and if the same root indicates also
a falling away, decadence, and consequent reproach, we only
come to the idea suggested by Caculus, another expression for
the Autumn, as the child of Vertumnus and Pomona. The
§ 5.] THE LATIN OONJUGATIONS. 457
Umbrian Propertius (Iv. 246) expressly tells us that the name
of Vertumnus was explicable in the Etruscan language; for
he says:
Αὐ mihi, quod formas unus vertebar in omnes,
Nomen ab eventu patria lingua dedit, —
and that this patria lingua must be Etruscan (i.e. in this case
Pelasgian) is clear from the beginning of the Elegy (v. 3):
Tuscus ego, et Tuscis orior: nec poenitet inter
Proelia Volsinios deseruisse focos.
And Varro expressly tells us that he was a chief divinity with
those Etruscans who came with Coles Vibenna (L. L. v. 46,
p.18, Müller): “ab iis dictus Vicus Tuscus, et ideo ibi Ver-
tumnum stare, quod is Deus Etrurie princeps." From this we
learn that the Pelasgian religion was peculiarly distinguished by
its elementary character (above, p. 44), and that ver-to, and
consequently auc-to, were Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian words. In its
middle sense, vertor often appears in the compound re-vertor,
“IT turn myself back or return." The verb rego, which, as we
have seen (above, p. 91), has important affinities with the Greek,
Sclavonian, and even the Semitic languages, is never used as a
deponent to signify motion in a straight line, like the Greek
ὄτρχτομαι, nor is it used as a neuter verb like 7-péyo, and yet
the term regio or regio viarum expressly denotes the straight
course or direction, like the ἀνομένων βημάτων ὄ-ρεγμα of
JEschylus (Choéph. 799). The omission of the vowel in the
root-syllable of ἔ-ρχ-ομαε, is paralleled by the similar omission in
su-rgo for sub-rigo, per-go and ex-per-giscor for per-rigo and
ex-per-rig-iscor, por-go for por-rigo: cf. also surpio for sub-ripto.
The uncompounded verb lego has the perfect /égt, which is un-
doubtedly a remnant of reduplication ; but in the derivative forms,
such as intel-ligo, “1 make a discrimination," i.e. I understand,
diligo, “1 make a choice," i.e. I prefer or love, neg-ligo, “I
make no option," i.e. I leave behind neglected, we have only
the aorist in -st, as intellext, dilexi, negleat. But we have also
intellégi, neglegi, and conversely collezi, in the older writers (see
Lachmann, ad Lucret. v1.17). This aorist revives the lost gut-
tural of the present tense in fluo, fluxt, in struo, struxt, in vivo,
viri, and in fruor, fructus sum; and strengthens an ultimate
guttural in traho, trazi, and veho, vext.
458 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. ΧΗ.
§ 6. B. Liquid Verbs.
Some of the verbs, which have / for their characteristic,
double this letter in the present tense, but not in the perfect,
thus we have pello, pepuli, pulsus, &c. The analogy of tlle,
altus, &c., would lead us to infer that these verbs belong strictly
to the semi-consonant class, and the singular participle tlatus or
latus from tollo, tetuli, coupled with the Greek form τλάω,
: would almost suggest the idea that there was once a collateral
verb in -a. There are only two n verbs, the reduplicated gigno,
root gen-, perfect genu:, and cano, perfect cecini. But the
known relationship between lle, alius and ava, together with the
meanings of alo, al-mus, al-u-mnus, which imply ** bringing up,”
suggest the possibility that this verb may have belonged ori-
ginally to the same form of the liquid characteristic. We have
seen above that / and ^ are both dentals, and that they are
frequently interchanged. Although s is by its origin a result of
the gutturals, it often passes into the dental r; and there can be
little doubt that most of the verbs in r and s must be placed in
the same category. Indeed it has been suggested that sero,
serut is merely a reduplication for seso. While the other liquids
are all capable of some connexion with the dental articulation,
the labial m stands apart from any interchange with the other
letters of this class, except in the case of an assimilation, as in
pressi from premo (cf. jubeo, juss?). The most important and
remarkable of the m verbs is emo, which is worthy of special
examination, not only on its own account, but also on account of
its numerous compounds. The primary meaning of emo is, “I
take up or select," and thus it comes very near in signification to
lego. This idea of selection lies at the root of the ordinary
meaning of emo, “1 buy;" for this presumes a selection from a
variety of objects offered for sale. In our own colloquial English,
“T will take this," is the usual phrase for expressing an intention
to purchase some particular article. The Greek πρέαμαε ap-
pears as the middle of πεπράσκω, “I cause to pass over;" and
the two together express the changing of hands (vépaàv») which
always attends a sale. And as ἀποδίδομαι means, “1 give away
for my own benefit," i.e. “1 part with a thing on advantageous
terms," so ὠνέομαι (from the same root as óv-(vgpu ) declares the
§ 6.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 459
fact that the purchaser finds his benefit in the transaction. A
recent theological writer has remarked that ‘“‘the verb emo,
which signifies literally ‘to select for use’ (whence amor and its
derivative am[a]o, cf. diligo), is employed in its compounds
gromo and sumo to denote the use made of the selected articles,
or of the money which is their representative; these must be zn
promptu before they can be tn sumptu, they must be κτήματα
before they can be χρήματα. Hence promptus is the primary
as well as the secondary synonym of ἑτοῖμος. When we re-
collect that the compounds ad-imo, ex-imo, inter-imo, give us
the ¢’, which presumes an a in the weaker form (as in con-ficio,
from facto, &c., above, p. 309), we are entitled to suppose that
emo represents a primary amo, amts, and a secondaty em-to;
(comp. £en-eo, con-tin-eo, with raw, ra-vvo, &c.). We shall see
in the next chapter that amor presumes an original am-tor, and
that am[a]o suggests a form am-a=am-ya which is included in
amor =am-tor, formed from the genitive case of such a noun.
It is usual to connect amor with the Sanscrit k&ma, which
corresponds to it in meaning. But as the analysis now before us
shows that “love’’ is a secondary meaning, derived from that of
* gelection," we may leave out of the question any results arising
from this immediate comparison ; and as the Greek api-apat, qe-
πρά-σκω, are manifestly connected with the pronominal com-
bination πέ-ρα-ν or πα-ρά, signifying a transit, we may compare
a-ma with ἅμα, sa-ma, cu-m, which express union or conjunction,
and hence appropriation (New Crat. § 181), and bring us ulti-
mately to the most probable origin of the Sanscrit kKéma. It is
worth noticing that the Greek ἀ-σπάξομαι, “1 draw to myself,"
and ἀ-σπα-λμεύς, an angler," (cf. the proper name ᾿Ασφα-λέων
in "Theocritus xxI.), really include in this prefix this pronominal
combination, and the same is the case with am-plector and com-
plector. No difficulty will be created by the fact that we have
1 It is to be remarked that the omission of the i in como, demo, promo,
premium, sumo, is in accordance with the Latin analogy, which often
requires the omission of the initial i in the second member of a com-
pound, thus as como, &c. stand for co. imo, &e., so we have co-go, co-gito,
de-go, indu-tic, jur-gium, nar-ro, pra&-tor, pur-go, for co-igo, co-igito, de-igo,
indu-itia, jus-igium, gnar-igo (Fest. p. 95), pre-itor, pur-igo (Corssen, II.
p. 49).
460 . _ THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [CHAP. XII.
& compound co-emo, in the secondary sense, “I buy up." It
would be paying too great a compliment to the etymological
knowledge of the Romans to suppose that they dreamt of an
affinity between the preposition cum, and the root of emo;
and even if this had been so, the repetition of the same elements
under different forms would have been in accordance with the
oldest examples of pronominal agglutination. The perfect of
&mo, is émt, and this form is retained by the compounds, except
when the prepositional prefix coalesces with the first syllable of
the verb: thus we have adémt!, exémt, interémi, but démo τ
de-emo makes dem-p-si, prómo — pro-emo makes prom-p-st,
Simo =su-emo makes sum-p-si; and while co-emo, “I buy up,"
makes co-@mt, co-emptus, the same verb in the older sense,
* I take and put together," i.e. the hair, makes como, com-p-st,
com-p-tus.
§ 7. C. BSemi-consonantal Verbs.
It has been already mentioned that the vowel-verbs in -4 differ
from the semi-consonantal forms, which they so nearly resemble,
both in the origin and in the extent of the pronominal adjunct
by which they are qualified. For while the vowel $- verb in-
volves not only a crude form in -2, but a repetition of the same
pronominal element, the semi-consonantal ἐ- verb uses this adjunct
merely to strengthen the present tense and its immediate deriva-
tives, and loses all traces of it in those formations in which a
contraction i8 most conspicuous, namely, in the second person
singular of A. I., and in the present infinitive. Thus, while we
have, from the crude form of ves-tt-s, vesti-o= vesti-yo, vesti-s
— vesti-is, and vestire = vesti-yere, the mere root fac- gives us
fac-to = fac-yo, fac-is and fac-tre. As cupio has a perfect
cupivi and derivatives like cupido, we may perhaps be inclined
to consider cupére as a degenerate form, and to refer this verb
to the vowel-conjugation; and this opinion might be confirmed by
its relation to capio. : For, according to a principle pointed out
elsewhere (New Crat. ὃ 53), capio and cupio are related by the
association of contrast; and the shorter vowel u shows that the
! By the side of adimo and seemingly with the same meaning the older
Latin had 'abemo, Fest. P. 4, where Müller reads ambemito.
§ 8.} THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 461
latter is a longer form than capto ; but this implies that cupio
Ξε οαρῖ-ψο, which is in accordance with the theory respecting the
ἐ- verbs. In all other verbs, however, which form the present in
-io and the infinitive in -ere, it is plain that there is only one
affection of the root with a formative appendage, and the nature
of this adjunct is clearly seen in the case of fug-io. For there
can be no doubt that we have here the root fug-, and that
the same root is found in φεύγω, aor. é-jwy-ov, where it is
strengthened by guna (New Crat. ὃ 442), and in φυ-γ-γά-νω,
where it is not only strengthened by anusvdra, but supported
by an additional nasal (ibid. § 435). To the same class as φυγ-
γάνω we must refer the deponent fu-n-gor, “I make myself
quit of," “ get fairly away from," "discharge" or *''perform."
And from a comparison of these cognate verbs with fug-io, we
see that it is affected only with a single formative adjunct, which
is the same as that which is assimilated in the Greek ψάλλω,
and transferred to the root-syllable in φθείρω, root φθαρ-,
$aívo, root $a-, κρίνω, root kpl- (New Crat. 8432). With re-
gard to the u- verba, the known derivation of many of them, and
the termination of the participle (E. III.) in -àtus or -uitus, shows
that they are abridgments or degenerate forms of e- verbs. Thus it
is clear that metu-o comes from metu-s, tribu-o from tribu-s, &c.;
and as the verbs are thus connected with crude forms of the semi-
consonantal declensions, they require in addition another pro-
nominal adjunct, and thus stand in the same relation to the
genuine semi-consonant verbs in -u, such as ruo, ruere, ritus, that
the vowel 4- verbs bear to the semi-consonantal verbs in t. As the
ὦ is after all a representative of some guttural, those apparently
u- verbs, which exhibit their guttural characteristic in the perfect,
as struo, struat, structus, do not essentially differ from those,
which, like metuo, have absorbed the element ya.
§ 8. rregular Verbs. A. Additions to the Present Tense.
From the formations, which we have just discussed, and in
which the second element, under the modification += ya, plays
80 prominent a part, there is an immediate transition to the
first class of the so-called irregular verbs, which strengthen the
present by the addition of one or more actual consonants. As
far as the epithet “ irregular’ is concerned, we have seen that
462 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [CHAP. XII.
there are deviations from perfect uniformity even in those con-
jugations which we take as the type of the Latin verb; and
it is only in consequence of an excess in the degree of deviation
that we are induced to place the verbs with a consonantal ac-
cretion in a class by themselves. The additions, by which the
present is strengthened in these verbs, are the liquid Nn, which
in a solitary instance appears also as R, and the combination sc.
The former of these adjuncts may or may not be the same with
the inserted anusvdra, which we find in jungo, root jug-, fungor
root fug-. It is possible that such a nasal may have resulted
from euphony; on the other hand, the manner, in which the
adjuncts -νὸ, -vv are melted down so as to combine themselves
with the root, e. g. in daivw = $a-vyo (root $a-), ἐλαύνω = ἐλα-
vie, (root ἐλα-), renders it possible that the addition may be
pronominal or formative. And this view is confirmed by the
fact (noticed above, p. 455), that the inserted nasal seems, like
the added n, to be inconsistent with reduplication (cf. ru-m-po,
rüpi, &c.). We do not find, in Latin as in Greek, that the
adjunct n coexists with the inserted n, as in Tv-y-ya-vo, λα-μ-
βά-νω, &c., or with the appended sc, as in ὀφλι-σκ-ά-νω, ἄς.
Many of the Latin forms in πὶ have corresponding verbs in Greek;
thus we have cer-no by the side of κρίνω = κρίενψω, s-per-no
(cf. as-per-nor) by the side of πέρ-νημει, ster-no by the side of
στορέ-ννυμι, and tem-no by the side of réu-vo. With regard
to tem-no and s-per-no, which are nearly synonymous in Latin,
we know from the word temp-lum, referring to the actual di-
visions of a field or the imaginary regions of the sky (τέμενος),
and from temp-us referring to the divisions of time (cf. καιρός
from κείρω, which is equivalent to μέτρον : see note on Pind.
Ol. xx. 38"), that the primary meaning of the root tem- in Latin
a Ó————áÓó!
} To what is there said I may add that the Hebrew YD, which the
LXX. translate καιρός, is derived from YX), ced-ere, **to cut;" that in
English we speak of the “ nick" of time, i. e. ef a small portion cut off;
that tempero means " to put in & proper proportion ;" and that Hesiod
says (O. et D. 692): μέτρα φυλάσσεσθαι, καιρὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἄριστος.
(See New Cratylus, $ 171.) It is to be observed that tempora “tho temples
of the head," are so called from the separation of the zygomatic arch
which connects the malar with the temporal bones at the ears.
$88] . THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 463
as in Greek must be **to cut off.” And as πέρ-νημε means “ to
export," or “sell,” we see that s-per-no or as-per-nor only
carries the idea of separation into that of rejection. With re-
gard to cer-no and κρίνω it is worthy of remark, that while
they agree in expressing their primary idea, “ separation,” or
the sifting out of that which is mixed up in confusion, they
fall back, by the association of contrast, to an agreement with
κερά-ννυμε, “to mix," (see New Crat. § 53). From the primary
meaning “‘to see or distinguish," that of ‘selection, choice, or
judgment,” naturally flows; and we find that cer-no by itself,
and in its compound de-cer-no, accords in this respect with the
common use of κρίνω. This is particularly observable in the
idiom cernere hereditatem, “to declare oneself (as distinguished
from all others) lawful heir to an estate," as Varro says (L. L.
vit. ὃ 98, p. 158, Müller): *apud Plautum (Cistell. x. 1, 1.):
Quia ego antehac te amavi et mihi amicam esse crevi,
erevt valet conetitui; itaque heres, quom constituit se heredem
esse, dicitur cernere, et quom id fecit crevisse." How far cer-no
is connected (as Varro thinks, Z. L. vi. § 81) with creo, Sanscr.
kri-, is perhaps not easily determined. The most interesting of
the verbs, in which n appears as an adjunct, are /i-no and si-no,
for these two, as has been said more than once, play an impor-
tant part as agglutinate auxiliaries. The common meaning of
li-no is “to besmear," i.e. “to overlay with something adhesive.”
This cannot, however, be the primary meaning of so simple a
root. It is much more reasonable to conclude that the first sig-
nification is simply to Jay down, and thus it will furnish us with
the element of the O. N. data and its Etruscan correlative (above,
p. 212). We shall also find in this an explanation of a number
of Scandinavian and Sclavonian forms, into which ¢ enters aa a
verbal adjunct, and, what is of more importance to our immediate
object, we shall see in this the origin of the Latin verbs in -lo, as
cavillor = caver[e]-lor, “1 let myself take care," i.e. “I raise
cautious objections or special pleas. for myself," conscribillo =
conscreber|e]-lo, “I let write," *I indulge in it at random,”
sorbillo = sober[e|-lo, “1 let sip," “1 indulge in sipping,” &c.
As all these verbs belong to the a- conjugation, we must recog-
nize in them an extension by means of ¢-, and this is necessary
to explain di-no, A. III. ἰξ-υΐ; si-no, A. III. si-vi; se-ro, A. IIL
464 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [ CHAP. XII.
s8-vt, A conclusive proof of the truth of this-theory is furnished
by the adjective lentus, for it contains both the assumed primary
meaning of li-no, and its common secondary signification. The
form shows that it is an elongated participle, and while we have
opu-lentus, vio-lentus, &c., we have also opu-lens, vto-lens, &c.
And it is to be observed that, with the exception of mact-lentus,
this class of adjectives has ὅ or u instead of the usual as the
vowel of connexion; thus we have trucu-lentus, viru-lentus, &c.
This peculiarity points to ‘the form of the involved derivative
verb. For as violens, violentus stand by the side of violo, so
opulens, opulentus, macilentus, &c., are in analogy with such
verbs as pullu-lo, lutu-lo, postu-lo, venti-lo, &c. If these adjec-
tives in -lentus are derived from verbs in -/o, we should infer
from the case of violens that the meaning of the participle is
active; but, standing by itself lentus seems to bear a passive
signification. For its first meaning is “laid down" or “lying
down," as lentus 4n umbra (Verg. Buc. 1. 4); hence it denotes
“sluggish” or “heavy,” and this is its meaning in the com-
pounds just mentioned; then it signifies adhesive; and finally
it implies that which is pliant, ie. that which yields without
breaking. Now all these meanings of the participle lens are
implied or included in leo, lao, or l-no; and thus we can have
no doubt as to the meaning of the verb. It has been mentioned
already (p. 221), that the solitary form se-ro, A. ITI. 9ξ-υΐ, as
distinguished from ser-o, ser-ui, is merely a modification of st-no,
δέ υἱ, This is susceptible of a very easy proof. For the form
of the perfect shows that r is an adjunct; and in the pronominal
affixes r is only a form of n. Consequently there is only the
same difference between si-no, si-vi; se-ro, sé-vi; as between
temper-im and the later temper-em. The root of each is st- or
se-, which bears the same relation to “set,” that “lay” does to
* Jet," or the dao, leo, just examined, to the Scandinavian lata.
Se-ro, O. N. $a or sóa, Goth. satan, O. H. G. saan, N. H. 6.
sá-en, Eng. sow," merely means to set in the ground. And
the more ‘original form sz-no denotes leaving or setting down
in general. And the first application is in the sense of leaving a
thing alone or letting it be, as in the German das Feuer ausgehen
lassen, our *to let the fire go out." Hence comes the idea of
allowing or suffering to be done—and finally the causative
88.) THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 465
meaning flows from that of leaving to be done by others: for
the master or employer by leaving undone presumes the active
employment of his substitute. A further modification is occa-
sioned by a transference of person; and an action is predicated
with reference to its object, as when a German says stch hiren
lassen, of & man who makes a speech, and Jets others hear him,
or when a Roman says que-so, “1 let another person speak,”
meaning “1 put a question to him." The general signification
of so for s#-no, in compounds like arcesso, “I let approach,”
1.6. “I send for,” capesso, “I let myself take,” 1. 6. “I under-
take," &c., has been shown in the last chapter, where it has
been adduced as an illustration of the composite tenses of the
regular verb. It is rather remarkable that Bopp, who first
suggested the true explanation of the composite tenses, and
whom I have had to censure on more than one occasion! for
& theory of agglutinate forms carried beyond the reasonable
limits of philological deduction, should still be among the num-
ber of those who are unable to see that the verbs in -sso, -ss?vi
involve the addition of st-no. He would compare these forms
with the Sanscrit denominatives in sya, asyo, and with certain
imitations of the Greek derivative verbs such as atticisso, pa-
trisso, &c. (Vergleich. Gramm. §775, p. 1066). But in the latter
case, the verb is always of the first conjugation in -a, and not
only have we corresponding forms in -zo directly derived from
the Greek (as patrizo for patrisso), but we know that ss gene-
rally stands for a Greek [ (above, p. 97). Besides, we cannot
explain any of the verbs under consideration as desiderative
forms, and if the obvious analysis of arcesso with ite two ortho-
graphies, and queso, with its included qua-ere from [in]-guam,
were not sufficient to demonstrate that the -so, -siv: stands
for sino, eivi, we could appeal to a case in which the verb
sino, independently compounded with a preposition, has suf-
fered a still more striking mutilation. There can hardly, I
think, be a doubt that pó-no, (po-sut), stands for po-s-no; and
as the perfect occurs under the form po-sívi, as in Plaut. T'i-
numm. 1. 2, 108:
‘Mihi quod credideris, sumes ubi posiverie,
1 See New Crat. $$ 868, 379, above, Ch. xr. $ 16.
D. V. 30
Bhan δα δ. δ᾽
: 466 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. XII.
and as in this and other passages po-sino, “1 lay down,” is
opposed to sumo -- suemo, “I take up," it is clear that pono is
merely a mutilated form of this verb sino compounded with the
preposition po in po-ne, po-st, &c. But if we must recognize
81no, 8ivi, in pono, ponis, po-sui, surely it is more clearly dis-
cernible in capesso, capessis, capes-sivi. Bopp’s explanation is
faulty on every account—the invariable ¢ before the termination,
the a- form of the verb, the later or Greek origin of the in-
flexion, the interchange of 88 and z in existing specimens—all
contribute to show that atticisso, -as, &c., do not belong to the
same class with capesso, -is, expugnassere, &c.; and the signi-
fication of these latter verbs, their form, and the analogy of the
old languages of Italy, all conspire to prove that the analysis
which I have suggested is true. I must be permitted to add,
that the value of the discovery is materially enhanced by the
fact that it lies deep enough to have eluded the search of one of
the first comparative philologers of the day, who has been unable
to see the most important example of the accretion of verb-
forms, although he has abused in other respects a similar theory
of agglutination. The other affix, used for strengthening the
present, namely sc, generally gives an inchoative meaning, and
is therefore, by the nature of the case, as entirely excluded
from the perfect as the affix N. In most instances the per-
fect follows the model of a corresponding vowel-verb, whether
real or possible; thus we have cre-sco, cre-vi, (to be distin-
guished from the accidentally coincident perfect of cer-no), con-
cupi-sco, concupivt (cf. cupto), contice-sco, con-ticut (cf. taceo),
exarde-sco, exar-si (cf. ardeo), no-sco, no-vi, sct-sco, sci-vt, ἄς.
But although we have pa-sco, pa-vt, the origin of the appendage
seems to be forgotten in the compounds, and compesco, com-
pescut, &c., treat the whole crude form as though it were an
independent root. Bopp (Gloss. p. 225), who is followed by
Benfey (Wurzellez. 1.), considers posco as a corruption of proc-sco
from the root of precor, procus, &c. To this theory, however,
there are some grave objections; (1) the verb has no trace of an
inchostive sense; (2) as it has ἃ genuine or reduplicated perfect,
the case of compesc-ut does not explain the form poposci or
peposct (Valerius Antias, ap. Gell. vii. 9) ; (3) there is no reason
for the permanent o, which is not found in precor, preces, &c.;
8 8. | THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS.
(4) the analogy of disco = dic-sco, di-dici and ἀοο-οδ γί
us to expect prisco, if there were an inchoative from
proc- or prec-; cf. the Sanser. prichch’hdmt; (5) there is nothing
to account for the omission of the r, which holds its ground in
other forms of the root, and even survives the initial p in rog-o;
(6) the s being retained in pos-tu-lo must have belonged to the
root of the verb, rather than to a formative affix. It seems
more reasonable therefore to connect the word with the Teutonic
Jorskon, forschen, on the analogy of pes, fotus; piscis, fish;
pater, father ; and to suppose that the original form was porsco
from porro or porso, and that the meaning was “to get farther
forward, to advance or press on in question or intreaty:” The
semi-consonantal facto retains the ¢ in its inchoative deponent
pro-fic-t-scor, “1 cause myself to set forth," i.e. *I set out,"
and the perfect profectus sum falls back on the form of the
primitive participle. Some consonantal verbs strengthen the
present with 4 before they assume the inchoative affix; thus,
from gemo, we have gem-t-sco, from tremo, trem-i-sco, from
vivo, re-viv-t-sco (perf. revixt); from the root nac, na-n-c-tscor,
nactus sum, from pa-n-go, pac-t-scor, pactus sum. The peculiar
verb ob-liv-i-scor (from livor, liveo, livescor) meaning “I make
a black mark for myself,” *I obliterate,” *I forget," has the
perfect ob-lt-tus sum. The forms which I have mentioned have
either simply verbal roots, or corresponding verbs without this
affix. But there are some which are apparently derived from
substaritives, as arbor-e-sco, tr-a-scor, puer-a-sco, tener-a-aco, &c.
It must be clear, however, to any philologer, that we must in
these cases assume an intermediate verb in -ya (=ao or eo).
And while we find this supported in particular cases by sub-
stantives and adjectives like arbor-e-tum, ?r-à-tus, &c., the fact,
that there must have been many such vowel-verbs which are -
now extinct, is shown by the appearance of many adjectives
in -atus, ~ttus, -utus, derived from nouns, but with the meaning
of passive participles; such as barbá-tus, *' bearded,” auri-tus,
* Jong-eared," cornü-tus, “horned,” and many adverbs in -ttm,
with an active participial meaning, as caterva-tim, “troopingly,”
fur-tim, “stealingly,” &c. (above, p. 343, and below, Ch. xrir.
§ 6). The passive form of these participial words implies that
the vowel-verb, to which they are referred, is transitive, and in
30—2
408. THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. (CHAP. xir.
point of fact we find that cre-sco, “1 am being made," stands in
this relation to creo; see Verg. Georg. 11. 886: “ prima crescentts
origine mundi." With singular inconsistency, Bopp, who cannot
see any agglutinate form in the verbs in -so, -stvt, in the very
next page assumes that these inchoatives include esco the ob-
solete future of the substantive verb, quite overlooking the fact
that this form also remains to be accounted for, and that it
cannot be explained otherwise than by concluding that esco=
es-sco 18 the inchoative of es-um, Sanscr. as-mi. For my own
part, I have not the least doubt that sc in these Latin inchoa-
tives, in the corresponding Greek verbs in -oxw, and in the
iterative or inchoative tenses in -σκον, is ἃ pronominal affix,
springing from a repetition of the idea of proximity (New Crat.
§$ 386, 7). Whether we say at once that s+c is a junction of
two forms of the same element, like the common endings n + t,
t+n, or identify it with the affix sy found in the Sanscrit future,
and in the Greek and Latin desideratives, the result will be the
same, for s=:= come to an ultimate agreement as forms of the
second pronominal element. As pronominal elements and their
combinations appear also as verb-roots (as e.g. wer in μένω,
θα- in τίθημι, &c.), we shall have no difficulty in recognizing
the reduplication sc, with its inchoative and iterative meaning,
in *a large class of words of which the general idea is that of
the inequality of the limbs" (Kenrick, Herod. p. 24), or rather
which denote progression by successive steps; such 88 σκέλος,
sca-ndo, &c.
89. B. Abbreviated forms.
Most of the abbreviated forms, or the verbs which are liable
to syncope in certain of their inflexions, have received sufficient
notice already. Possum for potis-sum or pot'sum is merely an
assimilation. The perfect pot-ui may be referred to the same
class as the other agglutinate perfects. The omission of d in
certain inflexions of edo belongs to an analogy which is parti-
cularly observable in the Romance languages (above, pp. 303).
The same may be said of vis for volts, malo for mage' volo, &c.
There are, however, some etymological peculiarities about fero,
which deserve a special examination, independently of the fact
that it borrows its perfect tul? for tetul?, and its participle latus
§ 9. ] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 469
for tlatus or toltus, from the root of tollo, tolyo, or tlao. No
difficulty is suggested by an immediate comparison of fer-o with
the Greek dép-o, Sanser. dirt, O. H. G. bar, Engl. “ bear."
But even without comparative philology it has been seen that
fer-o must be connected with fer-io and fendo; thus Müller
supports his reading, diffensus, in Festus, p. 272 (Suppl. Annot.
p. 401, above, p. 245), by referring to the use of offendo, defendo,
infensus, infestus, confestim, "quibus illud ostenditur synony-
mum fuisse fertendo et trudendo," and he adds, “quod poste-
riorum temporum usu diceretur: eam οὗ caussam dies differetur :
majore cum vi, nec sine emphasi quadam sic pronunciabatur :
EO DIES DIFFENSUS ESTO." But if diffendo = differo, of course
féndo — fero. With regard to the adjectives ?nfensus and in-
féstus, which are so often confused, while offensus, from offendo,
shows that the former is connected with £n-fendo, a comparison
of mani-festus, fest-ino, proves that in-festus is the old and
genuine participle of in-fero. The meaning of these apparently
synonymous words is quite in accordance with this etymology ;
for while infensus denotes an unfriendly or angry disposition of
the mind, and so corresponds to tratus, inimicus, on the other
hand, infestus always signifies some outward opposition or attack,
so that it answers to adversus, hostilis. Hence we find in the
same passage of Livy (11.6): * concitat calcaribus equum, atque
in ipsum ¢tnfestus consulem dingit....adeoque infensis animis
concurrerunt, ut....duabus herentes hastis moribundi ex equis
lapsi sint," where the ''énfensis animis" implies the animosity
with which they were actuated; and the tnfestus the direct
charge full tilt against the adversary; as in the parallel descrip-
tion of the fight between the two brothers in Sophocles (Antig.
145) they are described not only as στυγεροί, but also as καθ᾽
αὑτοῖν δικρατεῖς λόγχας στήσαντε. lf we admit the affinity of
ferio and fero, we shall see at once that the former, which is the
secondary form, merely exhibits the adjunct ya, and the idea of
striking is intimately connected with that of lifting, bearing,
carrying; for a blow is nothing more than a weight or momen-
tum brought to bear on some object: hence, the earliest weapon
of offence is naturally termed a ῥόπαλον from ῥέπω, just as
the instrument of protection is called ὅπλον from ἕπω (New
Crat. $259). The connexion between fendo and fero is not so
470 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. XII.
obvious. When we recollect the affinity between Ar, hr£, χείρ,
ἁρ-πάξω, κάρπος, aip-éw and γέν-το, hinthan, can-is, “hand,”
“hound,” χανδάνω, pre-hendo (New Crat. § 162, 281), we see
at once the possibility of a community of origin in fero and
fendo. And as we cannot explain the 8 or ¢h in either case as 8
mere adjunct to the root, we must not be led by the actual
change of r into n, in some of these forms, to the conclusion that
this change has taken place in hendo and fendo. As in the case
of χα-ν-δά-νω, it is more in accordance with scientific reasoning
to suppose that the π is here an anusvára or euphonic nasal;
and the insertion of this sound would naturally introduce the
medial d before r, as in av-5-pds, ven-d-re-di, &c. But, as we
have seen, the Latin r has ἃ natural tendency to commutation
with d. Consequently, its absorption or assimilation in -hend-o,
fend-o, would follow as a matter of course. And thus fer-o,
fen-d-o, and fer-io, establish their claim to be considered as
members of the same fer-tile stock.
§ 10. Defective Verbs.
The epithet “ defective’ is applied to verbs with a very
restricted signification. Properly speaking, all impersonal verbs
are defective in the Ist and 2nd persons, and all neuter and de-
ponent verbs are defective in voice, except when the former are
defective in person. But it is customary to restrict the term
defective to those verbs which are specially incomplete in the
machinery of their conjugation. Some of these are really only
irregular appendages of existing verbs. Thus cep: is the usual
perfect of ἐπισίρίο, memini of reminiscor; ausim and faxim
are obsolete tenses of audeo and facto, and the former of these,
with gaudeo, fido, and. soleo, has no perfect of the active form .
queso, quesumus are the original articulations of quero, quert-
mus; forem and fore are used with sum and fui. Some few
verbs are employed in a sort of interjectional sense in the impe-
rative only, as apage, c&-do, &c.; others, as vale, which are thus
used, appear also as regular verbs. Odi, ‘I hate,” “I have
conceived a dislike," is the intransitive perfect of ἃ lost deponent,
eorresponding to the Greek ὀδύσσομαι (cf. ὄλωλα from ὄλλυμαι,
&c.); this deponent form exists in the compound participles
ezosus and perosus. We can have no difficulty in understanding
§ 10.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 471
the parenthetical use which gradually reduced the oldest verbs of
** gpeaking," ato, inquam, and fart, to a few of their commonest
inflexions. We have the same result in the Greek # δ᾽ és, and in
our * quoth," which, as has been remarked above (p. 135), exists
as an independent verb only in the compound “ be-queath," and
which contains the same root as in-guam. The forms of the im-
perfect and future (in-quiebam, $n-quies), and the diphthong in
the derivative gua-ro=quat-sino, show that the root tn-quam
must have contained something more than a mere vowel of arti-
culation, and that it was probably strengthened by the semi-
vowel t. It therefore stands on a different footing from sum, the .
only other verb which retains the first person-ending in the
present; for here the % is a mere sh'va like that in Herciiles
(above, p. 317): cf. as-mi and ἐσ-μέ, In the by-form in-ft we
have f= qv, which is not uncommon.
CHAPTER XIII.
DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION.
$ 1. A. Derivation. General Principles. $2. Derivation is merely extended or
ulterior inflexion. § 3. (L) Derivative nouns. § 4. (a) Forms with the first
pronominal element only. § 5. (6) Forms with the second pronominal ele-
ment only. § 6. (c) Forms with the third pronominal element only.
$ 7. (a) Terminations compounded of the first and other pronominal elementa.
8.8. (8) Terminations compounded of the second and other pronominal ele-
ments. $9. (y) The third pronominal element compounded with others and
reduplicated. ὃ το. (II.) Derived verbe. 8 11. B. Discrimination of compound
words. § 12. Classification of Latin compounds.
§1. A. Derivation. General Principles.
[45 term derivation was once used to denote the process of
guess-work by which the etymology of ἃ word was ascer-
tained, and it was formerly thought that the most satisfactory
derivation of a Latin word was that which consisted in its direct
deduction from some Greek word of similar sound'. The student
of scientific or comparative philology does not need to be told that,
although the Greek and Latin languages have a common element,
or are traceable, in part at least, to a common source, their mutual
relationship is collateral, and not in the direct line of descent,
and that in these and other old languages of the Indo-Germanic
family **derivation is, strictly speaking, inapplicable, farther than
as pointing out the manner in which certain constant syllables,
belonging to the pronominal or formative element of inflected
languages, may be prefixed or subjoined to a given form for the
expression of some secondary or dependent relation" (New Crat.
Pref. 1st Ed.). According to this view, derivation includes a de-
partment of what is called word-building (Wort-bildung), so far
as this is distinguished from mere inflexion. The modifications
of the noun and verb, by which inflected language is charac-
terized, belong indifferently to all forms, whether primary or
derived, whether simple or compound. And after considering
1 Dóderlein is perhaps the last representative of this school, and
some of his derivations (e.g. fraus from ψεῦδος) are equal to the
worst attempts of his predecessors.
§ 2.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 478
these formations, the grammarian naturally passes on to an in-
vestigation of the cognate but subsequent procedure, by virtue
of which, (1) an existing noun or verb developes itself into &
secondary form of the same kind, or (2) two or more distinct
words are combined in one, and furnished with a single set of
inflexions. "This procedure is called word-building, and might
be designated as derivation in reference to the materials, and
composition in reference to the machinery. Practically, however,
we confine the term derivation to the former department; namely,
to the development of secondary words containing only a simple
root; while composition is used to denote the subordination of
two or more crude forms under the influence of some set of for-
mative appendages and inflexions.
§ 2. Derivation ts merely extended or ulterior énflexion.
In considering the distinction between derivation and in-
flexion, we must bear in mind, that the former process is really
nothing more than an extension of the latter. In forming a word,
in the first instance, by the addition of cases or person-endings,
we derive our formative materials from the same limited and
classified stock of pronominal elements, which furnishes us with
the machinery of derivation. Indeed, the new crude form, which
becomes the vehicle of the inflexion, is very often neither more
nor less than the oblique case of some existing word, and it is
probable that this process has been repeated in successive de-
rivations. This remark applies only to derivative nouns, for the
new forms of verbs cannot rest upon the inflexions, i.e. person-
endings, of their primitives. In general, we observe that there is
much greater variety in the secondary formations of nouns than
in those of verbs. For the person-endings of the latter antici-
pate the distinctive use of the three pronominal elements in their
most prominent and important application, whereas the cases of
the noun are connected only with a special development of the
second element, signifying proximity and transition of agency or
the point of motion, and of the third, denoting position and dis-
tance. In the derivative forms we find the converse phenomenon:
for while the verbs are contented with extensions of their crude
form, by pronominal additions limited to that special develop-
474 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
ment of the second and third elements, which is found in the
cases of the noun, and which does not exhibit any direct reference
to the primary distinctions of position; in the nouns all three
pronominal elements are used, in their distinctive senses and in
combination with one another, to form nominal derivatives, which
may be extended by successive accretions to a considerable
length of after-growth. A verb in the finite moods must always
be distinguished by person-endings, which cannot become the
vehicle of ulterior formations; and, for the same reason, all pro-
nominal elements, which might be mistaken for person-endings
by retaining the original distinctions, are excluded, in the verb,
from the function of extending the crude form, which they exer-
cise in the derivative nouns, both when they are and when they
are not identical with the case-affixes of the primitive words.
83. (1) Derived Nouns.
It is not always possible to assign a definite meaning to all
the elements or combinations of elements, which contribute to
the extension of the crude form in Latin nouns; but so far as we
can arrive at the signification of the affix, we can see that the
distinctive use of the pronouns is preserved in this application;
namely, that the first pronominal element expresses that the
thing proceeds from, or immediately belongs to, the subject; the
gecond, that it has a relation to the subject; the third, that it 18
a mere object, or something removed from the proximity of the
subject. We also observe that the combinations of these ele-
ments are regulated by the same principle as that which explains
their use in prepositions and other independent words; namely,
“that if any one of the elements of position is combined with
-ra, an ultimate form of the third element, it indicates motion and
continuation in a direction of which the element in question
represents the point nearest to the subject; and that by sub-
joining any one of the pronominal elements to any other of
them, we denote a motion or continuation from the position
signified by the first element towards that indicated by the
second, and so on, if the combination involves more than two."
(New Crat. S 169).
$5.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 47b
84. (a) Forms with the first Pronominal Element only.
There are comparatively few Latin nouns in -ma or -mus,
which *xpress an action as immediately proceeding from the
subject: such are fa-ma, “a speaking" (root fa-), flam-ma,
* & burning" (root ffag-), tra-ma, ‘“‘a drawing" (root trah-),
ani-mus, “ἃ blowing," ar-mus, “a joining," re-mus (root ret- or
rot-) “a turning round" (in the water), i.e. “a rowing thing,"
al-mus, '* a nourisher," pri-mus, “the first of a series beginning
with the subject," &c.
§ 5. (b) Forms with the second Pronominal Element only.
The second element, under one or other of its various modi-
fications, contributes most largely to the formation of derivative
nouns. A great number of these are abstract or qualitative
terms, and they differ from those in -ma and -mus by their
more general and relative predication. For all those formed by
the first element only may be translated as expressing the sub-
ject of action, and some of them, as re-mus, al-mus, cannot be
regarded as mere abstractions. Whereas the nouns, which
exhibit the second element as their termination, always depart
from the idea of a subject or agent, and express only an agency
or quality, like the English words in -ness, -hood, -y, &c. Some-
times the second element appears under a guttural form, as in
v0-c-8 (vor), ‘‘a voice" or “ speaking" (Sanscr. Avé, cf. βοή, ἡ-χή,
&c.); and to this class belongs the copious list of adjectives in
-cus, -i-cus, ac-8 (— ax), &c., denoting quality or disposition, as
civi-cus from civis, ami-cus from amo, logu-a-x from loquor, &c.
But by far the most common form of the second element, in its
use as an affix, is that in which the guttural is vocalized to ¢.
Besides the numerous words in -ta, -tus, -ea, -eus, -tum, -1s, a8
grat-ia from grat-us, mod-tus from mod-us, pic-ea from pic,
Calc-eus from cale-s, consil-ium from consul, febr-is from ferv-eo,
nubes —nube-is from nubo, materies τε mater-ia-is from mater, &c.,
it seems reasonable to infer that the masculine nouns in a, toge-
ther with some feminines, involve vocalized gutturals; for we
cannot otherwise account for the formation of such words as
ecrib-d, notd, agri-col-d, &c., as compared with the Greek κριτής,
τιμή, συκέα, and ταμίας, than by supposing an omission of the
476 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. ΧΗΙ.
extenuated ¢=y- thus scrib-a=scrib-yas wil be legitimately
formed from scribo, nota=not-ya=no-tia, will properly corre-
spond to τιμή, &c. in Greek, and to amici-tia, &c. in Latin. We
may also compare ad-vena Ξε ad-ven-ya-s with ad-vento. That
such an extenuation is possible is shown by the transference of
ζώνη, &c. into zond, ἄς. (above, p. 850). We have also seen
that the affix 7 lies more or less hid in some nouns of the third
declension, and especially in participles and adjectives (above,
p. 358). This is particularly the case with the forms in né-s or
nti-s, and we may compare the affix -ts or -tus, in pes-tis, “a
destroying," ves-tis, “ἃ covering," po-tus, “a drinking," spiri-
tus, “‘a breathing," with the Greek nouns in -ots, -ris, and -τύς,
as Tpüx-cis, “ἃ doing”’=mpax-tus, φά-τις, “ἃ speaking," &c.
To the same class we must refer the participial adjectives in
-dus, a8 cupi-dus=cupient-s, candi-dus-- candens, ἄς. (New Crat.
§ 265). Nouns in -sa from a verbal-root, such as fos-sa, spon-sa,
ton-sa, are really feminines of the passive participle, which pro-
perly ended in -£vs. Perhaps the only nouns of this class which
really correspond to Greek forms, like μοῦ-σα, δόξα = 80x-ca, are
causa from cat-eo and noxa from moceo. The latter, which is
synonymous with βλάβη, “ hurt, let, hindrance, damage, punish-
ment," is opposed to noaxia, really an adjective agreeing with
res, conditio, or culpa, and signifying “ guilt” or “crime.”
Hence the distinction between in-nocens, i.e. re, and in-noxius,
i.e. animo. Ob-noxius seems to mean “declared guilty and
brought up for punishment." Idiomatically it is used in the
sense “under obligation to, at the mercy of” (Sallust. Catil. xx.
XLVI. Jugurth. XXX1.). The nouns in which the termination
Fa assumes the form v, are much less numerous in Latin than in
Greek. We have, however, the following: al-vus, ar-vum, cal-
vus, cer-vus, ci-via, cla-vis, cla-vus, cor-vus, cur-vus, eq-vus, fla-vus,
ful-vus, fur-vus, gna-vus, lae-vus, ner-vus, par-vus, pra-vus, sc-
vus, sal-vus, ser-vus, tor-vus, vul-va. If we compare cer-vus,
cla-vis, cur-vus, gna-vus, le-vus, with the Greek xé-pa-Fos,
κλῆ- Fue, γῦρ- Fos, γεννα-ῖος, Xa-tos, we shall see that the v in the
former cases corresponds to a digamma in the terminations of
the latter ; ner-vus and par-vus compared with νεῦρον and παῦρος
suggest the possibility of a metathesis in the latter analogous to
that in ἐλαύνω for ἐλα-νύω ; ci-vis compared with the Oscan ce-us
ae
8.6. DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 477
brings us back to the root κε (above, p. 149); tor-vus contains
the same root as rop-ós, ταρ-βεῖν, ταῦρ-ος, trux, trucido, tru-
cu-lentus, and we must assign d-troz to the same class, the initial
being either one of those prefixes, which we find in d-vjp,
ἀ-στήρ, &c., or a remnant ad, as in d-menus, d-deps, é-perio, &c.;
and eg-vus compared with the Sanscrit ag-va refers us to the
root Gg-u, “swift,” Greek ὠκύς, Latin acer. All the words in
-vus, Which have been mentioned, join this termination immedi-
ately to the root; but in some few, to which incidental allusion
has been made above (pp. 174, 233), the v immediately follows
an 7; thus from the roots ac- and cat-, both signifying “ sharp,"
we have the derivatives ac-er-vus, cat-er-va denoting a pointed,
pyramidal heap, or a crowd following its leaders. Similarly, we
have Min-er-va, from the root min-, “to think," and in. the
Arvalian chant we find lu-er-ve[m] for luem. In these instances
we may suppose that the affix -v- is attached to a lengthened
crude form, just as hones-tas, onus-tus, tempes-tas, venus-tas, in-
volve something more than the mere root of the word, and there
need be no doubt that the r in the cases just cited is merely the
usual substitute for an originale. The termination -wus is also
appended to certain adjectives derived from and expressing the
verbal abstraction; thus we have ac-ti-vus from the supine ac-
tum (ac-teFos), by the side. of ac-tio, na-ti-vus from na-tum (na-
teFos), by the side of na-tio, &c.; and we.know that the verb-
forms in -se, -tum are the same in effect with the abstract nouns
in -8i8- -tis, -TUg —-TéFos, &c. (New Crat. §§ 254, 410 (3)).
S 6. (c) Forms with the third Pronominal Element only.
The most common forms, under which the third element
appears as an affix, are ¢ and πο. The former must be care-
fully distinguished from the participial ending in -dus, and
those nouns in -tus, -t@s, which, as has just been mentioned,
belong to a formation connected with the second pronominal
element: the latter must be identified with the endings in /
and r including the diminutives in -lus, -leus (New Crat. S 266).
For the original identity between ¢ and « it may be sufficient
to refer to such forms as re-ple-tus compared with ple-nus, cas-
tus compared with ci-nus, &c. The simple use of the third
element, under the forms ¢ or n occasionally softened into 8 =r,
478 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
is confined to those neuter nouns which express a mere object,
as capu-t, cor-pu-s, and lac-te (which occurs in Plautus, Mercat.
v. 9. 87); or to those nouns and participles which express
a thing done, or the passive result of an action, as digi-fus,
“that which is pointed," compared with dig-nus, “that which
is shown," /tber-tus, ** he who is freed," compared with dé-num,
“that which is given," lec-tus, “‘that which is gathered " (of
leaves and the like), compared with kg-num, “that which is
bound” (of a faggot), and the forms in -nus and -tvs mentioned
above; to which may be added fa-num compared with fa-tum,
and reg-num, pug-na, pen-na, po-na, va-nus and pa-nis, compared
with rec-tum, cris-ta, lacer-ta, vi-ta, sagit-ta, &c. An interest-
ing class of words ending in -tus, which has been mentioned
already (above p. 467), deserve special notice. If we merely
compare créni-tus or cornü-tus with ama-tus, we might be dis-
posed to adopt the common opinion that the former are derived
from the nouns crini-s and cornu, and the latter from the verb-
root ama-. And this view is taken by the latest writer on the
subject (Aufrecht, Zrans. of the Philol. Soc. 1856 pp. 54 sqq).
But the meaning of crint-tus and cornu-tus is thoroughly parti-
cipial; and the forms gratu-itus and fortu-itus show that they
are derived from £- verbs with a causative meaning. Thus
erini-3o meant “to make long-haired,” cornu-to, “to make
horned,” fortu-to, **to make accidental" (for the form cf. for-
tuna), &c. Verbs of this class seem to have been formed
from the verbals of simpler verbs; thus from cinc-tus and ver-
sus, the verbals of cingo and verto, we have the secondary forms
cinc-tu-to and ver-su-to, presumed in ctnc-tu-tus and ver-su-tus;
and the adverb ac-tu-tum, “forthwith, on the sudden,” seems
to be the verbal of ac-tuo, which bears the same relation to
ac-tus that eta-tuo does to status. The identity of the affixes
-tum and -nwm with -rwm and -lum may be seen by comparing
βέλο-ς = βέλο-τ, “a thing cast or thrown" (jac-tum), with jacu-
lum, do-num with δῶ-ρον, sacrum with dy-vóv, and by com-
paring tempu-e = tempu-t or tempu-lum (in ez-tempulo, extemplo)
^& portion of time," (καιρός) with tem-p-lum and τέμε-νος,
whether as the templum of the augur and the τέμενος αἰθέρος
(ZEsch. Pers. 357), or as the portion of land eut off and set
apart for divine uses. Many of the nouns in -lum are used
§ 6.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 479
as diminutives, formed from other nouns. Of those m -ellum,
there are some which have assimilated the r of the included crude
form, as lucel-lum from luer-um, castel-lum from castrum, &c.
The word caelum “‘heaven’’ must be regarded as a secondary.
and derivative word. That the word should be spelled with ae
and not with oe is proved by the gloss in Hesychius; xa/Xovs*
οὐρανούς. Ῥωμαῖοι, and this orthography is supported by the
best authorities (Wagner, Orthogr. Vergil. p. 419). The other
spelling coelwm was suggested by the belief that the word was
merely the Greek κοῖλον. And though an immediate derivation
from the Greek is fallacious in the case of such an ancient Latin
word, it seems more than probable that the idea of the word
leads us back to a very similar notion, that of emptiness and
hollowness. For if we compare ca-scus with yaol (above p. 7),
cohors with χορός, ca-reo with χα-τέω and ya-v-dave, carus with
χαίρω and χάρις (see New Crat. §§ 287, 323), we may easily
understand the connexion of ggelum with the root χα-, and we
shall recognize another form in the obsolete cohum (Fest. p. 39:
cohum poete caelum dixerunt a chao, ex quo putant celum esse
formatum), which is also connected with the root of κοῖλος
(Hesych. xóoi* τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς καὶ rà κοιλώματα). That the
verb caelo is derived from the noun caelum, and not vice versa,
as the older authors supposed (Varro LL. v. 3 [8]. Cicero,
Verres, 11. 52,§ 129. Plin. H. N. 11. 4), must be regarded by
every philologer as a self-evident proposition. The root of
caelum is contained in another word of some interest and diff-
culty. The connexion of ccluwm and celebs was recognized by
the old grammarians, though their explanation of the etymology
was very absurd. Festus says (p. 44): '*calibem dictum .ex-
istimant, quod dignam celo vitam agat." If we fall back on
the primary meaning of celum, which has just been indicated,
we shall see that celebs finds a natural explanation as a synonym
of viduus; compare the Greek χῆρος, which contains the same
or a cognate root. The ὁ of the crude-form celib- is merely a
pronominal affix, like that which is found in the endings -brum
and -bulwn, and we have a further extension in the adjective
celt-baris used as an epithet of hasta, the spear with a bent
point, with which the hair of the bride was combed or parted, for
one of the various reasons mentioned by Festus (s. u. calibari
480 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
hasta), the most probable explanation being “quia matrone
Junonis Curitis in tutela sint, que ita appellabatur a ferenda
hasta, que lingua Sabinorum Cures dicitur." The practice is
alluded to by Ovid, Fast. v1. 559:
Nec tibi que cupides mhtura videbere matri,
Comat virgineas hasta recurva comas.
Plutarch (Qu. Eom. 87) implies in his mode of stating the
question, that the hair of the bride was parted with the point
of a little spear, probably a mere toy-model (dea ví τῶν γαμου-
μένων αἰχμῇ Sopariov τὴν κόμην διακρίνουσιν ;). He also men-
tions the reference of the marriage rites to Juno Curitis, who,
no doubt, appropriated some of the functions of the Greek "Hpa
τελεία (see New Cratylus, §§ 329, 330).
§ 7. (a) Terminations compounded of the first and other
Pronominal Elements.
Many nouns exhibit in their affix a combination of the first
element with the third, under the form m+ 2, which is often
strengthened by a repetition of the objective affix under the
form ¢, so that the whole affix i8 m+nt. Of nouns in -món
corresponding to the Greek nouns in -4ov, we have only three,
ser-mó(n], pul-mó[n], te-mó[n], which may be compared with
γνω-μών, πλεύ-μων, &c.; we have also ἃ limited number of
nouns in -maus, corresponding to the Greek passive participle
in -Levos, such as auctu-mnus, da-mnum, vertu-mnus, alu-mnus,
colu-mna, eru-mna, pilu-mnus (pilatus, Fest. p. 205), &c. and
these are sometimes extended by a further formation, as in
calu-mnta, Tolu-mnia, Volu-mnia. A comparison of alu-mnus,
“the person nourished,’ with al-mus, “the nourisher," shows
that the combination m+ n completes the agency and carries
it on to the object acted on. As in Greek we have -povn =-po-
y-a by the side of -μων, so in Latin we find an extended termi-
,, nation -mónia, in such words as acri-min-ta, egri-mbdn-ta, ali-
' φῃδηῃ-ἴα, cere-mon-ta, casti-min-ta, parsi-món-ia, sancti-mon-ta,
all of which express ἃ quality or abstraction inferred from an
act done. We have also neuter nouns in montium, which convey
no very consistent signification. Thus while patri-nonium
means “a paternal estate," matri-monium signifies “ lawful
wedlock ;’’ and while testi-montum, and vadi-monium denote that
§ 8.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 481
which is given by a festis or vas, merci-monium 1s not distin-
guishable in meaning from the simple word merxz. The force
of the abstract words in -monta is best shown by a comparison
between these and the nouns in 25 Ἐπί, which have a repeti-
tion of the third element instead of an addition of the second.
These words, which agree with the Greek neuters in -uar —-uevr, -
either omit the final ¢, as in car3men, cri-men, legu-men, stra-men
(above, p. 355), or, which is more common, exhibit the length-
ened form -mentum, as in ali-inentum, ar-mentwn, arma-mentum,
aug-mentum, orna-mentum, pul-mentum. Now all these words
express an action proceeding from the subject (m), but become
objective (n), and exhibited in its results (ἢ. Thus car-men|t]
Ξε ποιή a, = Sanscrit kar-man, means “a thing made," with
especial reference to the maker. But cere-monta, which contains
the same root (cere-, cre-, kri-), calls attention by its affix to
the doing or process. Similarly, al-mus is “a nourisher," alu-
mnus, ‘‘a person nourished,” ali-mentum, “a thing for nourish-
ing," but a/i-mon:a, “the process of nourishing.”
δ᾽ 8. (8) Terminations compounded of the second and other
Pronominal Elements.
_ Of these combinations the most usual and important are the
forms in which the second element, vocalized into ὦ, is prefixed
to the third element with or without further extensions. A very
large class of nouns end in -io[n], and express, if one may say
so, a fixed or consolidated abstraction’, These nouns, which are
always of verbal origin when the noun is feminine, are formed
either by affixing -7o[n] to the simple stem, as in leg-io, optn-io,
reg-to, rellig-io, and this is always the form in the masculine
nouns, as cur-io, centur-to, scip-to, &c.: or by adopting the
1 There is a little paper on the nouns in -o and -to by Volckmar
(Zeitschr. f. d. Alterthumsw. 1850, pp. 184—144). He collects the facts,
but does not throw much light upon them. For instance, he does not
seem to be aware (p. 137) that suspicio, as he writes it, ought to be spelt
suspitio, and that the quantity of the second syllable indicates that ft is
a corruption for suspicitio; cf. sétius (commonly misspelt secius) for seci-
tius (Journal of Philolegy, Feb. 1860, p. 284).
p. V. 931
NS
482 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xm.
ἐπε of the supine, as in man-sio, ses-sio, con-fu-sio, quces-tio,
col-lec-tio, dié-trac-tio, dubita-tio, pulsa-tio, con-jura-tio, post-
tio, ad-moni-tio, erudt-teo, &c. The masculine nouns generally
denote a person or thing belonging to that from which the noun
is derived; thus cur-to[n] is the man of the curia, centur-to[n]
the man of the centur-ia, ἄς. And as the genitive ended origi-
nally in -ión = -stdn, we must consider these nouns in -4ón = ton-s
as extensions of the genitive case. The same explanation will
apply to the nouns in -o[n], as epul-o[n] from epul-a; for there
is reason to believe (above, p. 350) that these forms have lost or
absorbed an 4. ΑΒ the termination -ia, -4s, -sis, -tts, is parti-
cularly appropriated to verbal nouns expressing the action of
the verb, we must conclude that the verbal nouns in -4o, -sio,
-tto, are also derived from the genitive of nouns in -4a, -sis, &c.
And this will lead us to the meaning already suggested, namely,
that these words denote the result of an abstraction which has
become fixed and objective.
The important word rellgio will furnish a good exemplifi-
cation of my meaning. "There have been two different opinions
with regard to the etymology of this word. For while most
modern scholars adopt the suggestion of Servius (ad Verg. ZEn.
vill. 349), Lactantius (Iv. 28), and Augustin (Retract. 1. 13),
namely, that the word comes from religare, supporting this
view with the quotation from Lucretius (1. 931, Iv. 7): “relli-
gionum nodis animos exsolvere;" Cicero makes religere the
main verb, and gives the following explanation (de Nat. Deor.
Ir. 28, fin.): "qui omnia, que ad cultum deorum pertinerent,
diligenter retractarent et tamquam relegerent, sunt dicti religiosi
ex relegendo, ut elegantes ex eligendo, tanquam a diligendo,
diligentes, ex intelligendo, intelligentes: his enim in verbis
omnibus vis legendé eadem, que in religioso;” and similarly,
in another part of the same work, he says (tb:d. 11. 3, § 8):
“relligio est quse superioris cujusdam nature (quam divinam
vocant) curam cerimoniamque affert." This etymology is in
accordance with the verse quoted by Aul. Gell. rv. 9: **rel-
gentem esse oportet, relligiosum nefas." And there can be no
doubt that it is perfectly true. It is clear from the use of the
word that relligio is nqt derived from religare, “to bind back,”
but from religere, *to gather over and over again," “ to think
§ 8.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 488
perpetually and carefully on the same subject," *to dwell with
anxious thought on some idea or recollection :" so that re-ligens
is nearly a synonym of di-ligens, and an opposite of neg-ligens.
The word expressing the abstraction of the verb should end
in -ta, but this, as in most of these words in -to[n], is lost,
and we have only the derivative from the genitive case ex-
pressing the result of the abstraction—the realized ideal. Hence,
practically, relligio signifies, (1) “ religious worship,” considered
as scrupulous obedience to the exactions of the conscience, and
with especial reference to the act of worship; as (Cic. Verr. II.
4, 849): “qui sacris anniversariis ac summa religione colere-
tur;" or to the religious sanctity of an object; as (id. ἐδίά.
§ 46): "fanum est*Junonis antiquum, quod tanta religione
semper fuit, ut semper inviolatum sanctumque fuerit;" (2) *re-
ligious scruple " or *superstitious fear," considered as something
objective and real; as (Css. Bell. Civ. 111. 72, § 4):, non
recordabantur quam parvulze sspe cause vel false suspitions
vel terroris repentini vel object relligionis magna detrimenta
intulissent ;" and especially in the plural, as (Lucret. I. 109) :
“ἐ velligionibus atque mineis obsistere vatum ;" (3) by substi-
tuting the cause for the effect, ‘‘ guilt causing religious scruple
or fear," and “the divine curse and consequent remorse or
oppression of the conscience caused by a sense of violated
religious scruples." In the second and third sense it is used
in a curious connexion with violare and eaxptare in three pas-
sages of Cicero, which have never, 80 far as I know, been
compared by any lexicographer or commentator: (a) ad Atticum,
I. 17, § 16: *quare et illa, que violata, expiabuntur; et hsc
nostra, quz sunt sanctissime conservata, suam religionem ob-
tinebunt." Here, it should seem, reltgio means “ scrupulous
observance ;’’ and the maintenance of uninterrupted intimacy
between Cicero and Atticus is opposed to the atonement neces-
sary to restore the violated harmony between Quintus and his
brother-in-law. (Ὁ) Zusc. Disput. 1.12, 817: “id quum multis
aliis rebus, tum e pontificio jure et cxremoniis sepulcrorum
intelligi licet; quas maximis ingeniis prediti nec tantá cura
coluissent nec violatas tam tnexpiabili religione sanatssent, nisi
hzesisset in eorum mentibus mortem non interitum esse omnia
tollentem atque delentem." It is clear from the collocation in
31—2
-
484 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xmi.
this passage, compared with that of the former, that religio
means not only the scrupulous observance of religious obliga-
tions, but the lasting curse or remorse, which, as a punishment,
waits on those who violate the sanctity of divine worship. This
feeling may, as the former passage shows, be expiated, atoned,
or removed by the performance of suitable rites, or the guilt
may be so heinous that no reconciliation can take place between
the offender and his conscience; and thus we find—in the third
passage ta which I have adverted, (c) Phtlipp. 1. 6, § 13: “an
me censetis, P. C., decreturum fuisse, ut parentalia cum supplica.
tionibus miscerentur ut inempiabiles" religiones in rempublicam
inducerentur?'"—that a state would be involved in an ὥγος, or
pollution, which no καθαρμοί could wash away, if funereal sacri-
fices in honour of the departed were mixed up and confused with
public thanksgivings to the immortal gods.
From all this it appears that the formation in -o[n] brings
the mere abstract noun, from which it is derived, into a more
concrete reference, so that the meaning is rather the result of the
verb’s action than the action itself. This is the signification also
of Greek nouns in -o», -wvos, many of which, as λειμών, denote
some object or thing. The most important, and perhaps the
least understood of these Greek nouns is αἰών, which denotes not
only an unlimited extension in time, which is one meaning of
asi, but also present existence, or existence for the time being,
as in ὁ κρατῶν del, * whoever happens to be in power” (Asch.
Prom. 978); thus aidy may signify not only an age or eternity,
but also the present life, as opposed to the future, which is
sometimes its meaning in the New Testament, and the ‘existing
generation of a family for the time being, as opposed to the
series of yeveal, which make up the whole succession or con-
tinuance of a race (see the note on the Antig. 580, p. 179).
From religio we have the adjective religiosus; and the
occurrence of the same form in derivatives from nouns in -4a
as @rumn-osus from erumna, glori-osus from gloria, luxuriosus
from luxuria, &c., tends to confirm the supposition that the
noun in -io i8 an extension of the noun in -ἰα. We find adjec-
tives in -osus from other crude forms, as dol-osus, libtdin-osus,
and we may conclude that in these cases also the intermediate
form is the genitive in -ton. The forms in -tivus, mentioned
T
ὃ 8.]} DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 485.
above (p. 477), show that the origin of the abstract nouns in -is,
-sia, -tis, &c., may be traced back to the supine in -twm and the
infinitive in -se (cf. New Crat. § 410, (8)).
That in all the nouns in -o[a] the ¢ of the genitive -ion is
absorbed, may be proved by an examination of the abstract
nouns in -or, such as amor, favor, honor, &c. For no one will
doubt that the Latin comparative ending -tor=ton-s is equivalent
to the Greek -vv—tov-s. Now the termination -or is inexplica-
ble except as an abbreviation of -/or. Therefore, part ratione,
-on must be an abbreviation of -ton. It is obvious that this
view accords exactly with the meaning of such a noun as amor,
which, as we shall see, results from a consonant verb amo- emo,
and leads to the vowel-verb amo=amao. And thus amor=
am-io-n-s means the act of choosing and selecting. Similarly,
favor =fav-ion-s, which leads to the verb fav-eo, must have come
from the root $aF-, and, like fe-lix, faus-tus, it conveys the
ideas of light and happiness. The noun AÁon-or cannot be re- .
ferred to any primary verb in Latin, but it is not at all difficult
to discover its Indo-Germanic affinities. It may be referred at
once to the Sanscrit root van, “to love and serve," Greek For»,
in ὁν-ίνημι, &c., German win (winnan, Graff, 1. 875). It thus
denotes any kind of gain or profit, and the estimation of others,
howeyer expressed, is conveyed in the meaning of the abstract
honor. Another form, indicating the concrete result, is onus
onu-t, and with all their differences of application hones-tus and
onus-tus fall back to a common origin. This will not surprise
any one who knows that the Hebrew 75 not only bears every
signification of honour and dignity, but also denotes weight, with
all its subordinate ideas of difficulty and trouble. We therefore
see that as favor implies light and cheerfulness, as elements of
happiness, honor expresses some more solid and weighty ad-
juncts of prosperity-—advvarov yap ἢ οὐ ῥάδιον τὰ καλὰ πράτ-
τειν ἀχορήγητον ὄντα (Arist. Eth. Nic. 1. 9, 15). Or if we pre-
fer to connect it with the idea of estimation, we may remember
that τι- μή signifies merely putting a price upon something, and
that ces-timo denotes a valuation by the standard of weight (above,
p. 818). And thus the Romans would reckon personal distinction
by weight (honor), by space filling the eye (amplus), and by the
voice of fame occupying the ear (clarus, gloria, κλέος, &c.).
486 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
As the nouns in -tto[n] must be regarded as formed from
the genitive of the abstract substantives in -fts=tevs, we may
conclude from the similar signification of nouns in -éa[é]s and
-tu[t]s, that they are formations from the ablatives of the same
sort of nouns, and as pinguédo=pinguéd-in-s is an extension of 8
noun formed from the ablative of pinguts, we may infer that
nouns like forts-tu-do are similarly formed from nouns like
vir-tus=vir-tu-[t]s=vir-tud-s.
As nouns in -tis, &c. denote the action, so we find that,
with the affix r, the same termination implies the agent. Thus,
besides some abbreviated forms in which the ¢ appears unaffected
| by any addition to distinguish it from the third pronominal ele-
ment, as pa-ter, magis-ter, minis-ter, but which the Greek forms
in -Tnp, as 7ra-T5p, show to have belonged to the same class
with the abstract nouns in -tis =-tyas, we have a large class of
words in -tor, fem. -#~is, denoting the agent. Thus, from
pre-tre, “to go before," we have pretor=pre-t-tor, ** one who
goes before," i.e. “a general” or “leader,” and from this again
is formed pre-tura, denoting his agency, function, or office, and
pre-torium, the place which is appropriated to him. The verbal
nature of these adjuncts is shown by the fact that they are inti-
mately connected with certain participial forms. Thus, from
scribo, we have the supine or infinitive scrip-tum, “ to write,”
and the participle scrip-turus, “ about to write," as well as the
nouns scrip-tor, “a writer,” and scrip-tura, “a writing." And
if we compare these with the participle (E. III.) scrip-tus, **writ-
ten," we shall see the difference between the forms under dis-
cussion and those which involve merely the dental affix of the
third pronominal element. For the latter imply only an object
—a thing done—while those before us denote that the agent is
still at work, and refer to the act of doing. Extenuated forms,
like magis-tér, &c., are sometimes lengthened in their deriva-
tives, a8 magis-térium, &c., which revive the original type. But
very often the r is immediately appended to the £ in the neuter
derivatives, so that we seem to have nothing more than the
combination which appears in the third numeral, the compara-
tive suffix, and the preposition trans (above, p. 392). But the
analogy of the other endings and the meaning of the words
plead for the connexion of the objective nouns in -trum with the
ὃ 8. DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 487
words denoting agency, and thus bring these nouns to an agree-
ment with the longer extensions in -éertum and -tortum. Writers
on Latin etymology, who have not fully studied the subject, or
are deficient in the tact which verbal criticism presumes and
requires, have been in the habit of explaining nouns in -trum as
denoting always the instrument or means of doing; and one of
these incompetent philologists has actually ventured on the ab-
surdity of proposing (Proc. of Philol. Soc. τι. p. 249) that as
movere castra, ponere castra are common phrases, the castra
must have been the axes which the soldiers carried with them
for the purpose of felling trees to fence their encampment! To
say nothing of the fact that cas-trum and cas-tellum both occur
in the singular to denote an inclosed place of security, and that
they may be explained with reference to the root of casa, **a
house," cas-tus, ‘religiously pure and protected from external
contact," κάσ-τωρ, **a mailed warrior," ἄς, (New Crat. ὃ 267)",
it is not the fact that **the suffix -trum denotes always the in-
strument." If, which is nearly certain, it is only a weaker form
of -terium or -torium, we should infer from this analogy, that all
these nouns denote a thing, whether place or object, considered
with reference to a certain agency. We cannot always trace
these secondary words to a noun signifying an agent, or to a
verb from which such a noun might be derived: but it is clear
in every case that this is the involved or implied meaning. 'The
following are nearly all the nouns in trum: an-trum, “a place
for going up" (cf. βάρα-θρον with dv-rpov, and, for the root,
Fava, ven-to, &c.); ara-trum, “a thing for ploughing” (cf. ara-
tor); cas-trum, '*a place for enclosing” (κάξω); claus-trum, “a
thing for shutting" (claud-o); fenes-tra, “a thing for giving
light;" fere-trum, “a thing for carrying" (fer-o); fulge-trum,
* a thing for flashing" (i.q. fulgur); haus-trum, “a thing for
drawing" (haur-io); mon-s-trum, “a thing for pointing at ;" mulc-
trum, “a thing for milking” (mulg-eo); ras-trum, “a thing for
scraping” (rad-o); ros-trum, “a thing for gnawing or cutting"
(rod-o, cf. se-curts, 173, &c., above, p. 90); ru-trum, “a thing
! Further analogies are suggested by the various uses of 12D; cf.
cay-5j, and cax-os.
488 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
for digging" (ruo); trans-trum, “a thihg for crossing" (transeo);
vera-trum, ‘‘a thing for purifying” (vero, *to make verus, i. e.
purus"); vere-trum, “a thing for causing shame" (αἐδοῖον). We
should erroneously assign to this class astr-um, apiastr-um, cent-
rum, flag-rum, &c., which are nouns in -um or -rum; but we
occasionally find a genuine noun in -trum strengthened by -s,
which is merely functional, as in the Greek forms κελευ-σ-τής
from κελεύ-ω, &c. Such are caps-s-trum, “a thing for catching"
(capto); lu-s-trum, “a thing for purifying” (lavo); mon-s-trum,
“a thing for pointing at" (manus, μην-ύω). To this class I
would refer plau-s-trum, which some have attempted to derive
from plaudo, as claus-trum comes from claudo. It seems better
to explain the word with reference to Virgil: “tarda Eleusing
matris volventia plaustra" (Georg. 1. 163), which alludes to the
slow and heavy waggon with its solid wheels, as it is still found
in Lombardy. In this way we shall revert to the Greek πολεύω,
πόλευ-σ-τρον; the analogy is supported by κέλευστρα ἢ xé-
λευστα' ἅμαξα ἡμιονική (Hesych.); and the.meaning by a
passage, which, however, introduces some subordinate ideas;
Soph. Antig. 340: ἐλλομένων apórpow ἔτος εἰς Eros, ἱππείῳ γένει
πολεύων. Whether the reference to the Eleusinian Ceres is or is
not to be taken as an intimation that the plaustrum was of
Greek origin, there can be no reason why, as in théatrum, scep-
trum, sistrum, &c., & Greek name should not have been natura-
lized in this instance. In general, then, we may say that nouns
in -trum indicate the thing with reference to the doer, and so
denote the means or opportunity of doing, whether considered as
& place or as an instrument.
The same is the signification of another set or rather double
set of words in 6-r', b-l, c-r, c-L; thus we have voluta-brum, “a
place for rolling," vena-bulum, “a thing for hunting," sepul-
crum, “a place for burying,” vehi-culum, “ἃ thing for carrying;"
and by the side of these we have nouns of agency in -ὃ, as volu-
cris, the flyer," ἄς. When we compare l-ber with ἐλευ-θερός,
ruber with épu-Opos, u-ber with οὖ-θαρ, &c., we see that these
words, according to the principle of divergent articulations (above,
1° Manubrium, which is probably for manu-Aibrium (Corssen, τι. 56),
does not belong to this class.
§ 8.} DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 489.
p. 7), must find their common origin in some forms combining 6,
as the representative of the sibilants, and through them of the
gutturals, with some labial, just as fera, φήρ, and θήρ pre-
sume the Russian svehrs; now this combination is neither more
nor less than the F- which represents the second pronominal
element; but the nouns of agency in -ier give us this second
element in its dental degeneration, followed by the same r as a
representative of the third element; therefore, the endings
b+ f » c+ Az must be divergent representatives of the same
original F +r=F -F a, to which in point of fact they come quite
as near as ¢+ 7 (above, p. 422).
The same analysis may be applied to the nouns in -e-tum,
-t-le, and -a-riwm, as arbor-é-tum, ov-f-le, gran-á-rium; for if
arbor-eus is formed by an adjunct of the second element under
the form ya, arbor-é-tum must extend the same form by an
addition of the third element, and & similar explanation will be
required by the long ¢= (t and ἄ —ea of ov-i-le and gran-d-rium,
to which the / and r terminations are appended.
We see then that all nouns expressing agency, or the place,
means, and occasion of agency, are formed by adding a combi-
nation of the second and third pronominal elements—and this
is what we should à priori expect—for the idea of agency is
that something, i.e. a doing, proceeds from the subject, who
by the nature of the case is presumed to be near, and passes
on to an object, which by the nature of the case is presumed to
be relatively more distant. But we observe that the same sort
of endings are used to form ordinary adjectives derived from
nouns and not from verbs; thus from rex we have reg-d-lis =
reg-ya-lis, from Roma we have Rom-anus = = Homa-yd-nus, from
consul we have consul-G-ris = consul-ya-ris, from civis we have
civi-lis = civi-ya-lis, from asinus we have astn-i-nus = asin-ya-
nus, &c., which fully correspond to the forms ov-i-le, gran-d-rium,
&c.; and there is also a class of diminutives in -cu-lus, which
exhibit the same termination as the verbal nouns veh-iculum, &c.
It will be easy to show that the combination of elements
in these cases is as consistent with their primitive signification
as in the class previously examined. To begin with the dimi-
nutives. ΑΒ there are objective nouns in -tum, -lum, -rum, as
490 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xim.
well as nouns combining this affix with one belonging to the
second element, so there are diminutives in -ἶμϑ and -leus, as well
as those exhibiting the compound termination now under consi-
deration. Thus we have libel-lus = liber-u-lus, filio-lus, &c., as
well as pisc-i-culus, homun-culus, &c. The origin of the dimi-
nutive expression, or ὑποκόρισμα, i8 to be sought in the ten-
dency to speak of a darling object, as, at the same time, little.
Whether this has or has not any connexion with a mother's
fondness for a child is doubtful. But it is a universal practice
to speak of a petted object as a glycerium, γλυκέριον, or “ dear
little thing." In classical Latin the diminutive puella — pueru-la
is invariably used instead of the original word. Now in these
terms the feeling of personality becomes evanescent, and that of
mere objectivity takes its place. With a view to the expression
of this ideg it seems to be a matter of indifference whether we
merely append the objective ending -lus, Greek -v, or connect
this with the main verb by some possesgive affix derived from
the second element—in Latin -c, Greek -.. For example, we
may form the secondary noun juven-cus from juven-ts without
any change of meaning; and pul-lus, catu-lus, &c., will be just
as good diminutives as juven-cu-lus. The other derivatives,
mentioned above, must be regarded as extensions of the case in
-i-na or i-n (p.328). Thus Romdn-us = Roma-tn-us is a man
who lives “at Rome," Roma-t[n]. The most important forma-
tion of this kind is the numeral adjective decumanus, which has
been misunderstood even by the illustrious historian of Rome.
In his admirable essay on the Limttatio (Vol. 11. p. 628), Niebuhr
says that the line which cuts the cardo at right angles bore the
name of decumanus, "probably from making the figure of a
cross, which resembles the numeral X—like decussatus." This
view, which is derived from Isidore (Origines, 15, 14), is also
adopted by Muller (Htrusker, 11. p. 126). But it is philologi-
cally untenable. Nor can any valid argument be adduced for
Varro's derivation of decimanus as a corruption of duoctmanus
from duo and cedere, quod terram in duas partes dividat (Hygi-
nus, de Lémitibus Constituendis, p. 167, 6). The supposition of
Góttling (Staatsverf. 209, 2) that decimanus comes from dicts or
δίκη and mane is not only absurd philologically, but contrary to
the fact, as clearly stated by Festus (p. 71). The only true
S s.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 491
explanation is that which applies to all meanings of the word;
and the explanation which harmonizes with all of them springs
at once from the philological analysis suggested by Romanus—
namely, that decumanus or dectmanus must be formed from the
locative feminine of decimus, “ the tenth," and must mean “ that
which is in the tenth way or line"— decimas viat, or lineas, or
some other feminine noun. This meaning lies at the bottom of
all the applications of decumanus. For the decumant milites are
the soldiers of the tenth legion (Suetonius, Cesar, 70), i.e. qui
decimas legione erant. The decumanus ager was land that paid
decime or the decima pars (Cic. Verr. v. 6), i.e. gut decimas
parti vectigalis erat. The decumanus fluctus was the tenth wave,
as Ovid distinctly informs us ( Tistio, 1. 2, 49, 50):
Qui venit hic fluctus, fluctus supereminet omnes;
Posterior nono est, undecimoque prior.
And because this wave was supposed to be always the largest,
and perhaps also because the decumanus limes was the widest
of the cross-paths, decumanus came to signify “very large."
Hence we have decumana scuta, “ very large shields" (Fest. s. v. -
Albesia scuta, p. 4), and decumanus acipenser, ‘a very large
sturgeon” (Lucilius, ap. Cic. Fin. 11. 8, § 24). That this ety-
mology applies to the decumanus limes, namely, that it was de-
rived a mensura denum actuum, as Siculus Flaccus distinctly
states (de Condicionibus .Agrorum, p. 153, 11), is clear from the
explanation of the measurement already given (above, p. 322).
And it may easily be shown that the decwmana porta of the
Roman camp derived its name from a similar numerical re-
ference. For the four gates of the Roman camp were originally
designated with reference at once to the augur's position in the
centre of the camp, at the pretoriwm, which was his groma, and
to the circumstance which distinguished the camp from the
ager limstatus. Had the whole camp been occupied by the tents
of the soldiers, the eia principalis, which crossed the camp at
the pretortum, would have been the decumanus limes. But the
part of the camp between the principia and the porta praetoria
facing the enemy was occupied only by the extraordinarit and
. the evocati (whence the porta pretoria is called the porta extra-
ordinaria, Liv. XL. 27, unless the passage is corrupt), and the
bulk of the encampment was in the half most distant from the
492 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xit.
enemy, i.e. to the rear of the pretorium. The augur then,
standing with his back to the enemy, surveyed really the rear-
half of the camp. Consequently the limes decumanus from him
was the rear-wall, and as he counted the gate behind him as the
pretoria with reference to the praetorium where he stood, and
the porta principalis dextra and sinistra those to his own right
and left, so he called the gate in front of him the decumana,
because it stood in the tenth line of tents from his station, which
was the decumana via, just as the road between the 5th and 6th
lines of tents, where the questorium stood, was called the qutin-
tana vta (Festus, p. 257 ; Liv. XL1. c.2, ad fin.). The reference to
the locative in the nouns in -anus is shown still farther by the
relation between these nouns and their extensions in -en-sts.
These derivatives are either formed directly from their primi-
tives, as praten-sis, “‘that which belongs to or grows in the
meadow"' (prato-en = prat-in, in a heavier form prat-en), or else
they involve some noun already formed upon the locative, as
Roman-ien-sis from Romanus. ‘In genere," says Ruhnken (ad
Suet. Cesar. ὃ 37, p. 58), “ adjectiva, que in -ensts exeunt, de-
signant res hominesque, qui sunt in aliqua regione, sed aliunde
originem habent. Romanus, qui Rome natus est; Homan|t ensis,
qui Rome degit: Siculus, qui in Sicilia ortus est; Sicitensis
qui incolit Siciliam, aliunde ortus: v. Fest. v. Corinthiensts et
Intt. ad Vellei. Paterc. rr. 51. Idem discrimen apud Grecos
in Ἰταλός et ᾿Ιταλιώτης, Σικελός et Σικελιώτης, &c.: v. Ammo-
nium in his vocibus et ibi Cl. Valckenar." This is & correct
, statement of the fact, but it does not explain the formation of
|
the secondary nouns in -ensts. As Ἰταλιώτης, &c., are formed
from nouns in -ἰα (New Orat. § 259), 80 we always find that, if
there are co-existing derivatives in -nus and -en-ets, there is an
intervening form in -ἰὰ. Thus from Hispanus we have His-
pania, and from this again Hispantensis as from the locative
Hispania-in. Accordingly, we may infer that Romaniensis,
which is the true form, comes from an intervening Romanta as
1 The. decumana porta was also called the porta toria, because it
was nearest to the quostorium (Liv. x. 32, xxxrv. 47). On tbe whole .
subject, seo Klenze das rómische Του δ und die maion Phil. Abh.
pp. 106 sqq.
§ 8.] DERIVATION AND COMPOBITION. 493
the country of the Romant. The permanence of this rule of
secondary derivation is shown by the practice of our bishops,
who call themselves Cantuariensis, Dunélmensis, &c., to show
that they are temporary incumbents, rather than hereditary
peers. e
A comparison of these nouns with the equivalent Greek
forms in -ἰω-τῆς, -ἰή-της, -t-Tys, teaches us that the termination
-sis, attached to the locative -en and belonging to the second
element, is identical with the similarly derived -rns. We shall
therefore: not be surprised to find it also under the forms -ἐ
and -ter. This is the fact when the locative, to which it is
attached, is plural, as in the case of those nouns, which express
an extended region rather than a definite locality. As we say,
(n agris, in campis, in silvis, 4n. terris, rather than $n agro, in
campo, &c., it is natural that we should find, as we do, agres-
tis, campes-ter, sylves-ter, terres-ter, rather than agren-sis, &c.,
which do not occur. At first sight we might feel disposed to
refer eques-ter and pedes-ter, rather to the substantives eques,
pedes, than to the locatives equis, pedibus. But the omission of
b in ques for quibus, &c., shows us how pedets might be a loca-
tive, and we have a passage in Virgil, which actually places the
locative equis on & parallel footing with the derived pedes —
ped-tt-s; ZEneid. Vil. 624:
Pars pedes [i. e. pedibus iens] ire parat campis: pars arduus altis
Pulverulentus equis furit: omnes arma requirunt.
The noun seques-ter does not belong to this class. As de-
, noting a functionary, it connects itself at once with magts-ter
and minis-ter, and as these involve adverbs, which are of the
nature of locatives, we must derive seques-ter, not from sequor
with the old grammarians (for then we ought to have secu-tor),
but from secus = sequis (cf. sequtor) = ἕκας, and thus sequester,
which means a mediator, umpire, or other indifferent party, will
naturally imply one who stands apart from both the litigants; for
quod secus est is opposed to quod interest (Plautus, Trin. 1. 2, 93).
The patronymics in -i/íus must not be referred to the same
class with the nouns in -z/e, -tnus, -arius, &c. As it is known
that in this case (— d? (compare Actlius, Epilius, Hostilius,
Petilius, Pompilius, Popilius, Venilius, with their original forms
Acidius, Epidius, Hostidius, Petidius, Pompedius, Umbr. Pum-
494 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIIL
perius, Popidius, Venidius), we must refer these words to the
same class with the Greek patronymics in -δης, where the second
pronominal element appears under the form of an approximate
dental sibilant (New Crat. § 262).
§ 9. (y) The third Pronominal Element compounded with
others and reduplicated.
The most common extension of the third pronominal element
is its reduplication under the forms ¢+ n or n+ t, the latter com-
bination being by far the most usual. With regard to other
forms into which the pronoun enters under the type t, it is not
always easy to say whether this is a corruption of ty, or merely
the expression of the objective word. Thus we have seen that
in ¢+7 there i8 something more than the third element extended
by the addition of r. It is probable, however, that in such affixes
as -ti-mus and -ti-nus we have merely the third element in
the first syllable; compare the Sanscrit punya-ta-mas, hyas-ta-nas
and ná-tnas, in which the dental appears unaffected by any
foreign element, with ex-t-mus, legi-ti-mus, cras-ti-nus, hes-te-
r-nus; diu-r-nus (from dius), ho-die-r-nus (from ho-dius, cf.
nu-dius) ; and taci-tu-r-nus with the passive participle tact-tus'.
We come to a similar conclusion by comparing the older spell-
ing of the affix, as in op-tumus, with the change in τύπτοο-
pev = τύπτ-ο-μες, vol-u-mus, dic-t-mus, whence it appears that
the ὦ is not a vocalized consonant, but a mere change of articu- .
lation for an original o— a. .In this inversion, it really matters
very little, so far as the meaning of the affix is concerned,
whether the dental syllable is referred to the second element
or the third. This has been shown in the analysis of the third
numeral, which admits of a similar explanation, whether we
consider it as made up of ta-- ra, or regard it as a corruption
1 The derivation of hornus (—ipsius anni, Nonius, p. 83), is uncertain;
Corssen suggests (11. p. 43), that it is for ho-jor-nus, and involves the
Goth. jér, O.H.G. jar, Greek àpo-. I would rather suggest that it is merely
formed from Aujus — hoius, as diur-nus is from dius. The adjectives bimus
and trimus are for bi-hiems, tri-hiems. Eutyches, ap. Cassiodor. p. 2311.
We have the same mode of counting in Goth. (Matt. 1x. 20, Ulph.), and
Anglo-Saxon (Mati. 11. 16: fram tvivintran ealde and binnan than).
§ 9.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 495
of an original tva-ra (New Crat. ὃ 157). Be this as it may,
there can be no doubt that the combination n+ t, which plays
80 important a part in Latin derivatives, is a reduplicated form
of the third pronominal element, expressing objectivity in its
vaguest signification. Hence we find this combination (resolved
into 4") as the neuter plural of all nouns; and either unresolved,
or in various forms of assimilation, in the third person plural
of verbs, in the active participles, and as a further affix to nouns
corresponding in meaning and often in origin to the perfect
passive participle of the Greek verb and to obsolete Latin
participles. In all these usages it denotes collective or vague
objectivity—in the neuter plural, a heap or mass of objects (like
the Hebrew my, Maskil le-Sopher, p. 14); in the third person
plural, an action performed by an indefinite number regarded as
an aggregate; in the participles, a mere notion of doing or being
done. In the present instance we are concerned only with the
participial forms and the nouns connected with them; and here
we find in Latin not only forms in -nt, as aman|t]s, or in m+n
or m+ nt, a8 car-men, ver-tu-mnus, car-men(t]s, but also elonga-
tions of both in -ntu-s, -ndu-s, and -mentu-s. Thus we have
qua-nius by the side of πᾶ[ντ]-ς, ama-ndus by the side of
ama-n[t]s, and the names of places, which, in Greek end in
-εντ-ς = -εἰς, -OVT-S =-oUS, Or -avTs — -as, generally appear in
Latin under the form -entum,; thus Acragas, Crumoeis, Maloets,
Pyxus, Taras, become Agrigentum, Grumentum, Maleventum,
Buxentum, Tarentum. Similarly, we have ar-mentum, orna-
mentum, &c., by the side of σῶ-μα[τ] Ξε co-pevr, &c. These
extensions have occasioned some difficulties in Latin etymology;
it will be sufficient here to take the two interesting examples
supplied by fundus and pondus. The former is obviously, on
the principle just mentioned, an extension of fun[t]s or fon[t]s,
the participle of fuo, “to pour out," which is involved in the
agglutinate form fu-n-do (cf. per-do, cre-do, &c.), and in the
frequentative fu-to. The nouns fon[t]s, “a fountain," i. e. “that
1 A curious collateral proof of this resolution is furnished by Φλιάσιος
for Φλιούσιος — Φλιούντιος from Φλιοῦ[ντ]ς : vide Steph. Byz.s. v.: and from
this we may see that διπλάσιος is of participial origin. See Transact. of
Philol. Soc. 1854, p. 286.
496 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xim.
which pours forth water,” and fundus, properly “the bottom of
a vessel for pouring out,” hence the lowest part or basis of any
thing, the solid part or foundation of a man’s property, his estate
or τὸ ὕπαρχον, exhibit the formation under discussion, without
any additional elements. But pondus, gen. ponder-is, leads us
to the same class of words as opus, operis, and these, as we have
seen (above, p. 355), are terminated by the softened dental, as
an additional mark of objectivity. The ablative pondo, however,
shows that there must have been a word pondus, pondt, corre-
sponding to fundus, fundt, and the synonymous ablative sponte,
* by the weight or inclination,” proves that the participial noun
pons, pontis (in old Latin abbreviated into pos, Varro, L. L. v.
I. p. 3, Müller) originally referred to a weight laid down, or
poured forth, such, for example, as an embankment, a mass of
earthwork, or separate stones thrown into the water (γέ-φυρα),
which was the primary notion of ἃ bridge, as the means of
crossing a stream: for we need not go far to prove the antiquity
of stepping-stones. While we have the d in pendo, pendeo, &c.,
the t of sponte is retained in ponti-fex, as describing the func-
tions of the priest, who settled the atonement for a specific fault
by the imposition of a fine, on payment of which he pronounced
the offender free from guilt, so that he stands opposed to the ~
carni-fex, who exacted satisfaction on the body of the delinquent,
without incurring the guilt or the danger of Shylock. We have
a similar idea in the Hebrew yp (see Pralect. Phil. in Debora
Canticum, Cantabr. 1848, p. 10). The connexion of the root
fo=svo=hvo — χεξ or «Fe with po or spo, is farther shown by
the community of meaning between χῶμα and pons, between
σπένδω and fundo. And we may also compare fons with pontus,
which properly indicates the depth of the sea (whence ποντέζω,
*to sink deep in the water"), and so corresponds to fundus,
also predicated of the sea; cf. Verg. ZEn. τι. 419:
imo Nereus ciet tequora fundo
with 11. 577:
Sundoque exeestuat imo,
which is a metaphorical description of the eruption.
§ 10.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 497
§ 10. (IL) Derived Verbs.
After what has been said on the subject of the conjugations,
the derivative forms of verbs will not involve a lengthened
discussion. We have seen that, in addition to the second pro-
nominal element under the form 7=ya, which appears in the
contracted verbs and in 80 many other derivatives, we have two
varieties of consonantal addition, -» and -sc, which increase the
verb-lists by many important predications. These have been
discussed in their proper places, as examples of the different<
conjugations. But although all these verbs are derivatives,
there are some of them which may be considered as specially or
doubly deserving of this title; namely, as derivatives from deri-
vates. ‘Thus we have a large class of frequentatives in i-[a]o,
shortened sometimes into -t[a]o, which must, upon a strict
analysis, be regarded as derived from nouns which may have
been themselves derived from verbs. We see this at once in
milit-[a]o, “to play the soldier," from miles, crude form miltt-.
For miles is derived, like pedes, &c., from a word compounded
with 4-t-, from 7-re (above, p. 315); so that milio really in-
volves a derivative from eo. In the same way, $nterpret[a]or
comes from énterpre[t]|e, a word, which, like pretium, involves
the preposition per and the verb 4-, *to go;" so that pretium
means “that which changes hands" (cf. πέρ-νημι, πρ-ῶσις, πρ-
dapat, &c.), and inter-pr-i-t-s is “one who goes between two
parties in making a bargain, or serves as the medium of com-
munication in any way” (cf. partes, New Crat.§ 178.) Although
we have not the intervening noun in all or most of the other
frequentatives, we may infer that it once existed, from these and
other instances, because, as we have seen, any verb may have a
noun of agency in -/-s or ¢+~7 formed from it. Accordingly, if
mtlito comes from miles, and interpretor from interpres, ag-ito
and its compound cég-ito = co-agito, must presume a noun ages =
ag-its. As we have seen, the affix -t-s, denoting agency, may be
represented by -dus ; thus we have rap-t-dus=rap-t-ens=rap-tor ;
cup-t-dus = cup-t-ens, &c. Now we have pav-i-dus — pav-ens by
the side of pav-t-to; and from this and other examples we may
conclude that the iteratives in -to are derived from nouns of
agency in -t-s or -dus, whether this noun of agency is interme-
D. V. 32
e
498 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xum.
diately formed from the root i-, **to go," as in the case of mili
t-s, mtil-i-to, or is directly derived from some other verb, as in
the case of pav-e-o, pav-i-dus, pav-i-to. That the shorter form
in -to may be regarded as merely an abbreviation of that in -ito,
may be inferred from the constant omission of i in such cases as
cogo, como, pergo, &c. for co-igo, co-imo, per-rigo, ἄς. (above,
p. 459 note), and this view is sustained by the interesting verb
op-to, apparently a shortened form of ob-ito, “to go frequently
about an object, to apply: oneself to it" (cf. capto). For the form
we may compare op-timus from the preposition ob, and we have
perhaps an analogous meaning in the Greek $íXo-s, fideo,
which probably contain the root of πίλ-να-μαι, TreX-alo, πέλα-
τις, &c., and imply the eager approach of interest and affection.
The verbs in --r[a]o have also a frequentative meaning, as may
be seen from éXer[a]o, ‘to go over and over again," which has
furnished a name for the class just discussed. But it is not
necessary to consider these verbs in -e-r[a]o as derived from
other verbs, except 80 far as the nouns from which they spring
are of verbal extraction. They are all built on the foundation
of nouns in s—r, and perhaps they always presume that this
letter represents an original dental, so that the noun is as regu-
larly neuter as the noun which leads to the frequentative in
-t([a]o is regularly masculine. Thus iter-o comes from ser; ag-
ger-o comes from agger; temper-o comes from tempus, tempor-is;
oner-o comes onus, oner-is, &c. When we cannot find a corre-
sponding noun under this neuter form, we may infer it from col-
lateral considerations. Thus moder-o, compared with medtt-or,
μελε-τάω, &c. suggests an objective word corresponding to
μέλος, as a correlative to the noun of agency modus. Then,
again, toler-o, which has no corresponding noun, leads us natu-
rally to a form analogous to τέλο-ς, dolu-e, and signifying “a
thing taken up,” or “a load;" cf. onus and onero with se-dulo.
We are confirmed in the belief that these verbs in -ro come from
objective forms in r —s, by the fact that we have also derivatives
: from the nouns of agency, which affix this letter to the t—d
mentioned above; thus we find such verbs as pene-tro of the first
conjugation, the termination of the future participle, which is
originally identical with that of the nouns of agency in -tor
(above, pp. 427, 486), being here shortened, as in minis-ter by
§ 10.] ^ DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 499
the side of pre-tor ; and pene-tro, compared with pent-tus, shows
how this affix is related to the form of the second element which
appears in ¢+r; for coli-tus =ovpavo-Oev, ἄς. We have the
same derivative forms, strengthened: by the subjunctive or opta-
tive ?, in the desiderative.verbs, which seem to be deduced im-
mediately from the future participle; thus, from scrip-tor or
scrip-tur-us, we have scrip-tur-to; from peti-tor or peti-tur-us,
we have peti-tur-io; from esürus-ed-türus, we have e-sir-io,
&c. The variation in quantity between the desiderative verb
and the noun or participle, with which it is so intimately con-
nected, may be explained by the lengthened form of the verb,
and illustrated by minis-tr- compared with minis-ter-iwm, &c.
The forms ligürio or ligurrio, scaturio or scaturrio, and the two
glossarial words vagurrit (— per ottum vagatur) and flagurrit —
(= φλέγει), are not to be regarded as desideratives. They seem
to be derived from nouns of the form of tellus, tellüris; compare
scaturigo with prurigo from prurio, which must be a derivative
from a word like psora, prora, prura or porra (cf. porrigo), ana-
logous to the Greek ψώρα. The few verbs in -utto, as cacutto,
balbutio, seem to be derived from participial forms in ufus, like
those mentioned above, p. 467. It is scarcely necessary to
observe after what has been said, that the verbs of the first con-
jugation in -tco must be referred to adjectives in -tcus, whether
they still exist or are only contained in these verbs: thus,
alb-i-co presumes an alb-icus as well as albus; compare ἀλφός
with λευκός, &c. The same remark applies to the verbs in -wlo,
which must have proceeded from nouns in -ulus; compare mo-
dulo with modulus, &c. In speaking of the derivative verbs we
must bear in mind that, although a verb may furnish the basis
of a series of derivative nouns, it may still have some parent
stock among the older names of things. For example, although
rog-atiq, preca-tio, &c., are derivatives from rogo, precor, the fact
that these verbs belong to the α conjugation shows that they are
themselves derived from some primitive noun like p-rec-es. The
following tables will help the’ student to determine when, in a
given case, the substantive is formed from the verb, or vice versd.
In general he will see that this depends on the appearance of ‘a
derivative pronominal adjunct in either case.
32—2
500 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [cHAP. xim.
I. NOUNS DERIVED FROM VERBS.
Nouns in E — A-I are derived from consonant-verbe.
faeere . - . 0 0. — fact-es
Nouns in U or su from TU (compare ven-um with fal-sum
and moni-tum) are derived from consonant-verbe.
currere . . . . currus = cur-sus
discedere . . . discessus .
gradi (aggredére, &c.) . . gradus
ludere. . . . lusus = lud-sus
vertere . . . . versus
Consonant-nouns are derived from consonant-verbs.
ducere .. . . dux
ἴσο . . . . lex
munus capere . . . munt-ceps
regere ww OL
Here the final -s of the noun must involve the syllable -us in the
last-mentioned class.
Il. VERBS DERIVED FROM NOUNS.
Verbs in A — aya! are derived (a) from nouns in A= ya.
curare . |. .. . cura
fugere . . . . fua
morari . . . .. mora
predart . . - « — preda
(b) from nouns in 1, in a causative sense.
celebrare . . . . . celebris
ditare . . . . ditis
gravare . e. . gravis
leare . . . « — lei.
1 The fact that the a- verb really includes the element i— ya is con-
clusively shown by the form nego —neg-[a]o —nec-aio, “I say no” (above,
p. 118). It seems more than probable that the Greek ἐάω or «ide, “ to
§ 10.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 501
Here the 1 of the crude form coalesces with the A, as in funalis
for funs-alis, navalis for navi-alis, &c.
A noun of the 1 declension occasionally forms a verb in A
without any absorption of the 1; thus we have ab-brevi-are from
brevis, and al-levi-are, as well as levare, from levis.
From nouns of the v declension we sometimes have a verb
in A with an absorption of the characteristic. Thus from cursus
we have cursare, and gradatim presumes a verb gradare. To
this class we must refer peccare, **to act like a brute, to commit
a stupid fault," which is not another form of pio, as Grimm sup-
poses (Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1839, p. 751), but a derivative from
pecu, pequu, Sanscrit pagu, Goth. faihu, O. H. G. ffhu. The
strong guttural is expressed by the double cc, as in vacca, cf.
veh-o=vequ-o (vext); equus, Greek ixxos, ἵππος; flaccus, cf. flach ;
soccus, cf. σύκχος, Hesych.; siccus, cf. stech; succus, cf. sugo,
Sclav. sok; bracce, O. H. G. bróch; lacus, Greek λάκκος, &c.
(c) from nouns in o.
bellare
donare .
numerare
populare
probare .
regnare .
sanare .
(d) from consonant-nouns.
fraudare .
generare .
laborare .
laudare .
nominare
onerare
orare
vocare
bellum
donum
numerus
populus
probus
regnum
sanus
fraus
genus
labor
laus
nomen
concede, say yes,” contains the same root as ato, namely, that which re-
appears in yea, be-jaher, &c. It is clear that οὐκ éde often means to
forbid: see e. g. Soph. Aj. 1131: εἰ τοὺς θανόντας οὐκ ἐᾷς θάπτειν παρών,
* if you come here and forbid us to bury the dead.”
502 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [cHaP.xu. —
This is particularly the case in compounds, as in dellegerare
from belliger, which is formed from bellum and gerere. And we
must not overlook the fact, that nouns in A—ya are formed in the
same manner from consonant-verbs, not only in compounds, like
agri-cola, homi-cida, &c., from colere, cedo, &c., but also in
simple forms, as ala, “that which raises," from alere; lingua,
“that which licks,” from /íngu-ere; toga, ‘‘ that which covers,"
from tegere, &c.; so that we may always assume an intervening
G- noun.
Verbs in E are generally secondary extensions of simple
roots. Some, like /ucere, are derived from consonant-nouns.
Not a few, like ardere, favere, fulgere, pavere, coexist witb
nouns in -or— yor. The same, however, may be remarked of
verbs in A; compare amare by the side of amor — am-yor, or
amaryon-s. For tn-dulg-eo we must go back to an assumed
dulgus, cf. the Greek δολεχός, ἐν-δελεχής, ke. (above, p. 91).
And fateo must be derived from fe-dus (originally fetus, “ by-
gone = stale," cf. ef-fetus), which signifies ** nasty," referring, in
the first instance, to the smell, and, by ἃ natural transition, to
whatever is disagreeable: thus we speak of “ἃ nasty accident,”
&c. The difference in meaning between the contracted verb in
-eo and the simple verb in -o is shown in an interesting manner
by the two classes of verbs which include the root sed-. For
while stdo means “to settle down," resido, **to take a seat in a
recumbent posture," consido, “to take a seat together," obsido,
* to take a seat against," &c., the corresponding contracted verbs
presume a continuance of the quiescence thus assumed ; for sedeo
is “to sit,” resideo, “to continue in sitting posture, to reside,"
consideo, ““ἴο remain sitting together," obstdeo, ‘ to remain sitting
before or against," especially of a blockading army. The latter
class of verbs are of course derived from nouns of which obses =
obsed-s is a type. It is true that obses, for instance, does not
represent the common or applied meaning of obsideo. But both
words fall back on the same primary signification; for “a
hostage” is a person sent to take his place by the side of those
who have the power «οὗ exacting such a security, and the word
therefore corresponds to ἔφεδρος in the sense supposttictus (Mar-
tial, v. Ep. 25), just as obsidere urbem answers to the Greek
ἐφέξεσθαι or περικαθῆσθαι (New Crat. S 172). The difference
§ 10.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 503
between the two classes of verbs is well shown by the contrasted
use of assido and asstdeo, the form of which denotes the mere
act of taking a seat (Terent. Heaut. 1. 1, 72: asstdo: occurrunt
servi: soccos detrahunt), while the latter implies the continuance
of sitting, as of a mother-bird by its unfledged young (Hor.
Epod. 1. 19: assidens implumibus pullis avis), or of the usual
assessor on the seat of justice (Tacit. Ann. 1. 57).
Verbs in I are derived from nouns of the 1 declension. Thus
we have
audre . . . . GUr18 = GUDIS
fire .. . - «fines
lemre . . . . lenis
mollire. . . . mollis
vestire . oe . vestis
When we seem to have an exception to this rule, we can
always find, on looking into the question, that the crude form of
the noun, from which the verb in ὦ is derived, does involve this
letter. Thus we have sepire from sepe, which is really an ¢
noun; punire is from pena, but the Greek ποινή = trot-vy-a, and
the adjective émpunt-s, show that the form enda in $; moliri
comes from moles = mole-is; sortiri from sors=sor-ti-s, gen. pl.
sorti-um; and blandiri i8 referred to blandus, which is really
the participle of b/[a]o τε f/[a]o, "to breathe or blow gently"
(cf. μαλα-κός, μαλ-θα-κός, &c.); such phrases as blandus prece
vel hostia, “soothing with prayer," or “‘sacrifice’’ (Hor. 2 Ep. 1.
135. Carm. rr. 28, 18), whence we have blande preces (id.
Carm. 1v. 1, 8. A. P. 395), still retain the participial meaning ;
and this ts presumed in the adverb bdlanditer (Plaut. Astn. 1.
8, 69), so that the true form is blan-ti-s, whence bland-t-rt.
Verbs in vu, when this amounts to u-ya, are derived from
nouns in U. Thus we have
acuer e . *. e. . acu
metuere . . . . metus .
tribuere . . . . tribus
This may be regarded as a singular case; for no contraction is
possible in a derivative verb of this kind.
There are of course many verbs in -uo, which are not deriva-
tive; thus gruo involved in con-gruo, “to dash or clash toge-
e
504 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
ther," and én-gruo, “to dash down upon," bears the same rela-
tion to κρούω that Agrigentum, Gnossus, and Progne do to
᾿Ακράγας, Κνωσσός, and Πρόκνη; and I detect the same verb m
ar-guo =ad-gruo, which means **to knock against something,"
especially for the purpose of making it ring or testing its sound-
ness; a meaning also seen in its participle argutus, which sig-
nifies * made to ring," “making a distinct shrill noise,” ** loud,”
“ clear-sounding," “significant,” “expressive, or, with reference
to the secondary but most common meaning of arguo, the partici-
ple denotes ** brought to the proof, thoroughly tested,” “ sound,"
“accurate ;" similarly argumentum means “that which makes a
substance ring, which sounds, examines, tests, and proves it"
(** On the origin and proper use of the word Argument,” Trans.
of the Cambridge Philosoph. Soc. Vol. x. Part. 11.)
$11. B. Composition. Discrimination of Compound Words.
The proper distinction between ἃ compound word and the
apparently compounded form consists in the fact, that the former
is an union of two or more words, of which the last only is
inflected, so that the preceding crude forms remain in a con-
struct or subordinate state; whereas the mere juxta-position, or
apparently compounded term, is made up of separable elements,
the inflexions of which are retained. "Thus in such words ss
magnanimus, edifico, we have entirely new compounds; for the
former is an adjective made up from the ablative of quality, so
that magnantmus τε δ qui magno animo est; and the latter is a
derivative from a compound adjective edificus, which involves
the whole predication edem facto. On the other hand, the com-
position is only apparent in res-publica, “the commonwealth,”
jus-jurandum, “an oath," Juris-peritus, “ἃ lawyer," animadverto —
— animum, adverto, ‘to pay attention to," “to take strict notice
of," “τὸ punish," ἄς. That these are not compounds, but
merely juxta-positions of separable elements, is clear from the
fact that, in those which are in direct agreement, both parts may
be inflected throughout, as rei-publice, jure-jurando, and all may
be separated by particles, as in res vero publica, juris legumque
peritus. There is no doubt, however, that these parathetic
structures may pass into regular compounds, in the course of
long usage. Thus from the phrase sesque for as semtsque, “one
§ 11.} DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 505
and a half,” we have the compound sesquipes, “a foot and a
half,” and ita derivative adjective sesqutpedalis. Again, when
the first part of a real compound is an indeclinable word, it
may be separated by a t¢mesis from the inflected part of the
compound; thus we have inque salutatus for $nsalutatusque,
and per mihé mirum videtur for permirum. In such forms as
nthtlo-minus, dum-taxat, vide-sis, sodes = st-audes, scilicet, &c.,
the two words are merely written in continuity to show their
hasty utterance in the flow of conversation. Sometimes it re-
quires a careful analysis to prove that the word is really a com-
pound. Thus annus or anus seems at first sight to be necessarily
a simple word; but it is proved by philological dissection
(p. 193) to be a shortened form of det-vos=del veouevos (cf.
oUpa-vos and ὠκεα-νός, according to the old notion of a wide
superincumbent firmament, and a swift stream flowing round the
earth), and the idea attached to the word is that which is ex-
pressed in Virgil’s lines (Georg. τι. 401):
Redit agricolis labor actus in orbem,
Atque in se sua per vestigia volvitur annus.
Then again it is an etymological discovery that pres, custos,
opu-lentus, vio-lentus, &c., are not merely derivative forms, but
real compounds (above, pp. 146, 464); and the same remark
applies to the yerbals in -btlis and -bundus, which involve the
verb of becoming (fio), and are not to be explained, like the
derivatives in -bulum, as vena-bulum, by a mere reference to
the pronominal formations. The words in -cintum seem at first
sight to express very feebly the meaning of the verb can-o, if
we except the two words galli-cintum, ‘‘ the crowing of a cock,"
and vati-cintum, "the singing of the bard” (Nepos, xxv. 16 fin.:
* Cicero cecintt ut vates"). It is quite possible however that
cano may have denoted repetition, repeated action, the playing a
particular part (compare the usage of ὑμνῶ, παίζω, ἀθύρω), and
80 sermo-cinart and ratiocinari will mean to go over a topic of
discourse, or to investigate ἃ process of arithmetic or reason,
with an idea of repetition or habit implied; and similarly, latro-
cintum, leno-cinium, patro-cintum, tiro-cintum will denote the
habitual action or employ of a robber, a procurer, a patron, and
a raw recruit. It is remarkable that all the words of this class
with the exception of galli-cintum, vati-cintum, and the verb
δ06 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xui.
tubur-cinari, *to devour greedily," omit a formative n; thus we
have latro-cintum for latront-cintum, patro-cintum for patront-
ctnium, &c.: cf. homi-cida for homini-cida, ἄρ. With regard to
tubur-cinari, which is found only in Plaut. Pers. 1. 3, 41, though
we have tuburcinatus (passive) in Appuleius, and tuburctnabundus
is quoted from Cato by Quintilian (1. 6, ad fin.), it is difficult to
say what may be the origin of the first part of the compound, or
rather in what sense the implied tuber is to be understood. It
seems, however, clear that this is the word in question, and that
e becomes w according to the general principle (above, p. 317).
§ 12. Classification of Latin Compounds.
If we consider the Latin language only, we may conve-
niently distribute all the compound words into four classes.
(a) Determtnative compounds are when the first part of the
word defines the second ; such are the prepositional compounds:
cognomen, dedecus, interrex, semideus, injurta, nefas, consul,
collega, pronepos, &c., where the prefix qualifies the meaning of
the whole word. In some cases the meaning is defined by an
involved epithet, as in: cav-edium, lati-clavis, lati-fundtum,
quatri-duum, &c.
(b) Syntactical compounds are when the first word is
governed by the second, whether the regimen is that of a noun
dependent on another noun, as in galli-cinium, “ the crowing of
a cock,” opu-lentus, “loaded with wealth," stilli-cidtum, “ a fall-
ing of drops ;’’ or, what is much more common, that of an oblique
case or adverb connected with a verb, as in: agrt-cola=qut agrum
colit, brevi-loquens breviter loquens, male-dicus — qui maledicit,
signi-fer —qui signum fert; and in the verbs derived from such
compounds, whether the intervening noun is still extant or not;
as: cGqui-paro--aquum paro, castigo - castum ago, purgo=
purum ago, &c. To the same class belongs aurigo from auriga
or aureax τε qui aureas agit, according to Festus (p. 8): “ au-
reax, auriga. -Aureas enim dicebant frenum quod ad aures
equorum religabatur; oreas quo ora coercebantur'" (cf. pp. 27, 4,
182, 23). Τῇ this interpretation is not sufficient, we must con-
sider the aures or ἄντυγες of the chariot as referred to in the
compound ; for as this term is applied to the side-pieces of the
§ 12.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 507
plough, which Virgil terms a currus! (Georg. 1. 174), it may
have been also a designation for something corresponding to
these side-pieces in the wheeled vehicle. I may remark, in
passing, that the ortel window, in Gothic architecture, was un-
doubtedly so called from its projecting like the human ear from
the side of a building. The old spelling shows this. Thus we
find in an ancient MS.: “The Lords always eat in Gothick
Halls, at the high table or oreille (which is a little room at the
upper end of the hall where stands a table,) with the folks at the
side tables;" in accordance with which we find in Matthew of
Paris (ap. Ducang. s. v.): “wut non in infirmaria, sed seorsim in
ortolo, monachi infirmi carnem comederent." Now it is well
known that oreille is a representative of auriculus. So that the
oriolum or ** oriel" is the *ear-window" or projecting chamber
used for privacy and retirement.
(c) Auastliary compounds are when two verbs come together,
and the second helps the former either in a predication of time,
or by introducing a modification of meaning or reference; thus
we have: ama-vi=amare-fut, ven-do — venum do, ven-eo = ve-
mum 60, arcesso = accedere sino, treme-factio = tremere facto, &c. ;
and to the same class belong all the tenses in -bam and -bo, -υἱ
and -veram.
(d) Possessive compounds are when the first part denotes the
manner, in which the thing, denoted by the last word, is pos-
sessed by the subject, to which the whole compound is referred
either as predicate or epithet; thus we have: aheno-barbus,
alti-sonus, crassi-pes, magn-animus, in which the first part ig
a declinable word; and affinis, concors, nefastus, beneficus, tner-
mis, bimaris, elinguis, in which the first part is an uninflected
particle: in both cases the possessive adjective, constituted by
the whole compound, involves a determinative compound, which
is made moveable, so as to agree with different substantives.
1 Modern editors read cursus, but it is difficult to see why cursus
should be applicable to a plough, when the same word with an assimi-
Jation is considered inapplicable. It appears to mo that the secondary
word is more suitable to the metaphor than the direct verbal. Besides,
it is clear from the verb torqueo that the plough itself, not its motion, is
here alluded to in *currus a tergo torqueat imos." —
owe ee eee -- -
508 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
Among these nouns, we must take care to distinguish between
those in -ceps from caput, as bi-ceps, gen. bt-ctpit-is, and the
syntactical compounds involving -ceps from capto, as munt-cep-s,
gen. muni-cip-is, &c.
Although this classification of the compounds is sufficient for
all practical purposes, 80 far as the Latin language alone is con-
cerned’, it is convenient, with a view to comparative philology,
to inquire how far these composite formations admit of arrange-
ment in accordance with the system of the Sanscrit grammarians.
As I have compared the six classes of the samésa with the
Greek compounds (New Crat. ὃ 809), and as Bopp has subse-
quently adapted this arrangement to his more general purposes
(Vergl. Gramm. pp. 1427, foll. yr. Abtheil. 1852), it may be as
well to place the Latin formations under these heads. The six
classes of the Sanscrit samása are designated by names, some of
which describe and others exemplify the nature of their con-
struction; and they are arranged by Vopadéva in the following
order: (1) The first are described by the term dvandva, i.e.
“two and two," “pair,” or “doubling,” and consist of mere
aggregations of words which might be written separately and
joined by a copulative conjunction, as agni-sómáu, “Agni and
Soma,” in the dual; bréhmana-kshatriya-vit -cüdras, the four
Indian castes, in the plural; &c.; (2) the second are exemplified
and named by the compound bahu-vrtht, “ that which has much
rice," and therefore consist of compound epithets; (8) the third
are called karma-dhéraya, that which comprehends (dhérayatt)
the object (karma)," and include such words as mahá-rájah,
“a great king," where a substantive is defined by an uninflected
epithet prefixed; (4) the fourth, exemplified by tat-purusha,
* the man of him," comprises compounds formed of two or more
nouns, the first set being in some oblique case governed by the
last, which may be a substantive, adjective, or participle in -ta,
as rája-purushah, * the king's man;" (5) the fifth, called dvigu
from dvi, ** two," contains compounds of which the first part is &
numeral and the second a noun, as chatur-yuga-m, “the four
ages of the world;" (6) the last class is called avyayf-bAáva, or
! Livy remarks incidentally (xxvn. 11) that the Latin languago was
inferior to the Greek in the power of forming compound words.
S 12.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 609
* adverbial," and is made up of indeclinable words, the first part
being some particle, and the last a noun in the neuter gender, as
a-sancaya-m, “without doubt," at-mátra-m, “over the mea-
sure." It appears from this enumeration that classes (3) and
(5) are determinative, class (4) is syntactical, class (2) is pos-
sessive, and class (1) is merely an aggregation of terms. The
following. examples will suffice, so far as the Latin language -
is concerned. |
(1) There are no Latin dvandva, unless we recognize such a
form in sw-ovi-taurilia = suile -- ovile - taurile. But the Latin
language, especially in its oldest form, abounds in examples of
nouns aggregated together so as to form one notion, and without
any copulative conjunction; thus we have populus Romanus
Quirites for the united people of Romans and Sabines (Niebuhr,
H. RH. 1. p. 294); Patres Consoripti, for the combination of two
elements, the original and the elected deputies, in the senate;
sarta tecta for sarta et tecta, “sound in wall and roof” (Festus,
p.322), &c. Notwithstanding this old Roman usage of com-
bining related words by mere juxta-position, we find that in later
times the language became pedantically accurate àn the employ-
ment of copulative conjunctions; two epithets to the same word
required the intervention of one of these particles; and the best
writers made a consistent distinction between δέ Ξε ad — ὄτε the -
particle of addition, -gue the particle of combination and paral-
lelism, and at-que (shortened into ac), which is compounded of
the other two, and implies that there is not only an addition,
but also an intimate connexion between the things coupled
together.
(2) Of bahu-vrthi compounds there is a long list in Latin.
- In addition to the possessives mentioned above, we have com-
pounds made up of substantives and their epithets, as versi-
color, multi-caulis, acu-pedius; of numerals and substantives, as
quadru-pes, bi-dens, quinque-folius ; of prepositions and substan-
tives, as com-modus, com-munis, ex-cors, &c.; of verb-roots pre-
ceded by particles, as male-dicus, bene-ficus, &c. To this class
belong the opposites, pro-sper or pro-sperus, “in accordance with
our hopes” (Non. 171, 25: sperem veteres pro spem dicebant,
unde et prospere dicimus, h.e. pro-spe) and a-sper, “ contrary
to our hopes" (i.e. a spe), as in Sallust, Cat. c. 26: “ aspera
τ
ord. DE d
^ e
per tee
Mr
0 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
fodaque evenerant," compared with Jug. c. 63: "cuncta pro-
spera eventura." It is more usual to compare prosper with
πρόσφορος.
(8) Karmadháraya compounds in Latin are such as pen-
insula, neg-otium, pro-nepos, ab-avus, $n-émicus, &c.
(4) "We have tat-purusha compounds in Latin words like
tibi-cen, for tibit-cen, auri-fodina, opi-fex for. operi-fex, lapi-
cidina for lapidi-cidina, mus-cipula, émbri-citor, &c.
(5) The Latin determinatives include many dvigu com-
pounds as a subordinate class; such are bt-noctuum, quinqu-
ertium, bi-enntum, quadri-vium, &c.
(6) Adverbial compounds or avyayt-bhéva are in fact cases
of nouns with or without epithets or prepositions; as: obr?am,
affatim, admodum, multi-modis, imprimis, &c. To this class
we must refer the correlatives se-dulo = se-dolo, “ without feeling
any weariness," and se-fraude, ‘“‘ without incurring any loss."
The epithet malus, technically applied to dolus in the old laws,
proves that it does not of itself imply “ deceit” or “ guile” (see
Festus, p. 69), and the verbs do/[a]o, “to belabour," doleo, “ to
labour," whence dolor, “labouring,” show that the primary
meaning of the word is **pain" as connected with exertion. The
root is that of tol-lo, tolero, τλάω, ἄτθλμος, &c., and Déderlein
(Syn. u. Et. 1. p. 118) has well compared sedulo with ἀ-πόνως =
haud gravate in Soph. Gd. C. 293. In the same way, it may
be shown that frau[d]s signified deprivation as an effect, before
it indicated dishonesty as the cause. For this word undoubtedly
contains the root vad, which is found in pres, custos, merces,
though its genitive plural fraudium (Cic. de Offic. 111. 18, § 75)
shows that it is a feminine, and perhaps originally adjectival,
extension in «is from some masculine noun in -d (above, p. 359).
The first part of the compound is the root for- of foris, foras,
forum, ἄς. And as custos means the man who keeps the vas
inclosed im a safe place, fraus signifies the act of its removal
from a place of deposit, and consequently its logs. In classical
Latin sine fraude means without damage or prejudice, and the
occasional addition of mala shows that it did not necessarily
denote intentional or culpable detriment. Thus we have in
Horace (2 Carm. xix. 20): modo coerces viperino Bistonidum
sine früáude crines, “ without hurt or harm." . But he says
Ἰδοῦ MÀ.
S 12.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 611
(1 Carm. 111. 28): ignem fraude mala gentibus sntulit, when he
is speaking of the κακὴ τέχνη of Prometheus. In the old fecial
formulary preserved by Livy (1. 24), we see the word in its
genuine and ancient signification: quod sine fraude mea populi-
que R. Q. fiat, facio, “I appoint you, and may it be without
any hurt to me or the Roman and Sabine people."
All these examples refer only to nouns, whether substantives
or adjectives, and adverbe, considered as cases of nouns. Strictly
speaking there are no synthetic or organic compounds of verbs;
those, which have a preposition or adverb by way of prefix, are
merely parathetic combinations, and, with the exception of an
occasional assimilation, the two parts of the word are not really
fused into one, and a ¢mesis or separation is still possible. When
a verb contains two or more distinct roots, so melted down into
one whole as to be incapable of divulsion, we also find that the
verb is a derivation from some compound noun. Thus while
bene-facio, male-dico, com-pono, per-lego, and the like, are shown
by the unaltered conjugation of the verb to be mere juxta-
positions of separable elements, leti-fe[a]o, belli-ger[a]o are
manifestly not merely parathetic combinations of letum facio
and bellum gero, but verbs derived from the adjectives leti-ficus,
belli-ger, probably through a noun of action in -a— ya. As
verbala in -us, like beneficus, letificus, maledicus, &c. are equi-
valent in meaning to the present participles of the parathetic
verbs which they represent, and as their comparatives are ac-
tually formed from the participles (e. g. maledicus, maledicentior),
we may conclude that the termination is the mutilated form of
some pronominal affix, like that of the Greek participles in -ὡς τ
vas or vis (New Crat. § 414).
As far as the form of the compound is concerned, it is only
necessary to remark that when the second part begins, and the
crude form of the preceding word ends, with a vowel, an elision
takes place, as in magn’animus. If the second word begins with
a consonant, and the first is an inflected word, the vowel of the
crude form is regularly changed into ?; thus a becomes ¢ in
causi-dicus, tubi-cen, stelli-ger ; o becomes 4 in ampli-ficus, auri-
fex, fati-dicus; u becomes ὦ in arct-tenens, corni-ger, lucti-ficus ;
¢ remains unchanged in artt-fex, morti-ferus, parti-ceps; and
there is a contraction in ébt-cen for tibii-cen. There are some
612 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII.
special exceptions, as when the ¢ is omitted in mus-ctpula for
muri-ctpula, nau-fragus for navi-fragus, puer-pera for puert-
pera, &c. ; or when we have 2 or dí for the connecting vowel, as
in aheno-barbus, opu-lentus, quadru-pes, Troju-gena, turbu-lentus,
vio-lentus. The omission of ὦ in manwu-s is observable in the
forms man-do, man-ceps, man-suetus, man-tele, mal-luvium; but
it is properly represented by 6 in mani-festus, mani-plus, &c.
The adverbs bene, male retain the final e in bene-ficus, male-ficus,
but change it into ¢ in beni-gnus, mali-gnus, where the last part
of the compound contains the root gen-, as in privi-gnus, which
means the child of one only of two married persons, and there-
fore the step-child of the others (Zestschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. ul.
pp. 283 sqq.).
Sometimes a consonantal affix is dropt in the middle of the
compound, as in Aomi-cida for homtni-cida, latro-cintum for
latront-cinium.
CHAPTER XIV.
CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY OF THE
LATIN LANGUAGE.
8 1. Genius of the Latin language. § 2. Abbreviations observable in the written
forms. § 3. Ancient testimonies to the differenoe between the spoken and the
written language. § 4. The poetry of the Augustan age does not represent
the genuine Latin pronunciation; $ 5. which is rather to be derived from
an examination of the comic metres. § 6. The French language is the best
modern representative of the spoken Latin. § 7. The modern Italian not
equally so; and why. § 8. Different dialects of the French language.
8 9. But all these dialects were closely related to the Latin. § 10. Leading
distinctions between the Roman and Romance idioms. § 11. Importance and
value of the Latin language.
81. Genius of the Latin Language.
IAM language may be considered as an organic body pos-
sessing within itself a principle of vitality, but also capable
of disintegration and decay. We may therefore, without strain-
ing the metaphor, speak of its constitution, or power of con-
tinuing in a healthy state; and also of its pathology’, or of the
symptoms of that disease to which it is by its very nature more
peculiarly liable.
Accordingly, if it were necessary to describe in one sen-
tence the genius and constitution of the Latin language, one
could not do this better than by defining it as a language which
is always yearning after contraction. Whether this tendency is
indicated in the written remains by the usual processes of syni-
zesis, assimilation, and apocope; whether it appears in the slur-
ring-over of syllables, by which the scansion of the comic metres
is effected; or whether we perceive it in the systematic abbre-
1 Lobeck, who has called one of his works Pathologie Sermonis Graci
Prolegomena, gives the following explanation of this term as applied to
language: “Cui nomen Pathologie imponere non nefas duxi, fretus auc-
toritate et exemplo Theodoreti, qui, similitudinem a re medica transferens,
librorum suorum elegantissimos παθημάτων Ἑλληνικῶν θεραπευτικὴν in-
scripsit, Videlicet, vocabula quoque affectiones suas habent, non homines
solum, et eas similes humanis, —-pleonasmos, ellipses, tropasque varias, ad
quas et cognoscendas diagnosi opus est et ad corrigendas therapia; nam
et hoc nomen usu ceperunt grammatici." (Pref. pp. v. vi.).
D. V. 33
514 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
viations which mark the transition from the Roman to the Ro-
mance languages, it is still one and the same,—it is the type
of the language, in its infancy, its maturity, and its decay.
The most distinct and vivid picture of the Latin language is,
therefore, to be derived from a consideration of this peculiarity,
as developed—
I. In the written language of ancient Rome.
II. In the spoken language of ancient Rome, so far as we
can discern it in the remains of the comedians.
III. In the modern languages (and particularly in the
French) which are derived from the Latin.
§ 2. Abbreviations observable in the written forms.
I. With regard to the written forms in which the Latn
language has been handed down to us, it would not, perhaps, be
too large an assertion, if we said that every etymological diffi
culty arises more or less from this systematic abbreviation. It
is true that all languages are more or less liable to this dimi-
nution of the forms of speech, and it is the more observable in
proportion as the syntax militates against the permanence of the
etymological structures. But the distinctive peculiarity of the
Latin appears in the fact that this abridgment coexists with a
perfect maintenance of the word-forms, as far as the inflexions
are concerned, and does not spring from the superabundance of
syntactical substitutes. It is in fact a result of the haste and
impatience of the Roman lords of the world, and is quite inde-
pendent of the inherent principles of the language. If we look
to other idioms, we shall see that, although the Sanscrit ¢léka
runs the words into one another, and so affects the terminations,
there is no appearance of abbreviation in the middle of the
words. ‘The Hebrew and other Semitic dialects have broken
down all the formative machinery, but the triliteral root main-
tains its consonants, except where assimilation becomes inevi-
table. To the latest period of Hellenistic Greek the spoken and
written language tolerated the syllabic articulation of the longest
compounds. Iligh-German still revels in the manufacture of
polysyllables. And even the Sclavonic idioms, which have so
many points of contact with the Latin, are not led, even by the
§ 2.] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 515
concourse of consonants, to abridge their composite forms; and
in the haste of polite conversation we may hear the most sesqui-
pedalian utterances at St Petersburg!. It is only the Latin
language and its daughters, in which we observe this systematic
shortening, first of spoken, and afterwards of written words, and
therefore we may both attribute it to the habits of the people,
and describe it as the characteristic feature of the Roman and
Romance form of speech.
There are two ways in which this tendency manifests itself—
in the loss of the termination, and in the coalition of syllables in
the middle of the word.
When clipt or mutilated words are common in any language,
the cause is to be sought in the strength and prominence of the
single accent*, which is generally thrown forward as far as pos-
sible, and in the impatience with which practical and busy men
hurry through that part of their work which consists in talking.
The rules of the Latin metrical system might have prepared us
for something of the kind. It has been shown in a former chap-
ter (above, p. 264), that the triple recurrence of the ictus was
the essential feature of the Saturnian verse, the thesis being ob-
served or neglected at the pleasure of the composer. Similarly,
— the accentuated syllable of a word, or that on which the em-
phasis of pronunciation was allowed to fall, was supposed to
represent the significance of the term, just as the weight of a
body is considered to be collected at its centre of gravity ; and
the other syllables were slurred over or cast aside as superfluous
and unnecessary incumbrances. As instances of this, one might
adduce a number of syncopized forms of common words. We
have ac for atque, amavere for amaverunt, amare for amarte, cal
for colo, do for domo, dein for deinde, gau for gaudio, nec for
neque, neu for neve, nt for nisi, pa for parte, po for populo, seu
for sive®, &c.; and, not to speak of the visarga, by which a
1 E. g. the common Russian for “present my compliments to your
father” is zasvidyetelstvuete moe pochtenie vashemu batyushkye, i. e. testi-
fieaminor meam. venerationem vestro patri, where the conventional verb is
as long as an Aristophanic compound.
3 See Dietrich, Zur Gesch. d. Accents in Lateinischen, Zeitschr. f. d.
Vergl. Sprf. 1. pp. 543, sqq.
8 Seo other instances in Columna's Ennius, p, 137.
33—2
616 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [cnaP. xiv.
final s, though written, was not pronounced (New Crat. ὃ 242),
we have a number of words in which the termination -4s or -us
was regularly abridged to -ὅ; such as tlle, ipse, mage, &c., for
ollus, ipsus, magis, &c. The contemptuous familiarity with
which the master addressed his slaves gave rise to ἃ number of
abbreviations of the Greek names of the latter. Thus Artem:-
dorus was called Artemas (Varro, L. L. viri. § 21), Epaphro-
ditus became the Epaphras of St Paul, and Demodorus shrank
into Demas or Dama (Hor. 2. Serm. v, 101; «bed. vi, 54).
But the hasty pronunciation of the Romans, so far as it was
exhibited in the written forms of the language, appears chiefly
in the omission of letters or syllables in the middle of words.
If the hurried talker has time to pronounce more than one sylla-
ble, he would rather preserve the termination than any of the
middle sounds. Indeed, the accent sometimes stands over the
ruins of a number of syllables, which it has fused into one com-
pound articulation. The following instances, selected from a
very large number, may serve to illustrate this: Ala for Azilla
(Cic. Orat. c. 45, ὃ 153), ape for abhibe (Fest. p. 22), aula (olla)
for auzilla, brüma (scil. dies), “the shortest day,” from brevimus,
carcer from co-arceo, contaminare, the derivative verb from con-
tagimen, contto for conventio, convitium for convicttium, cunc for
cubine, decuria for decemviria, dixtt for dixisti (see the nume-
rous instances collected by Corssen, 11. 26—33), exilis for ext-
gilis (from egeo, cf. exiguus), tmus for infimus, jusso for jussero,
jucundus for juviscundus, lapicidine for lapidicidine, mala for
maxilla, mollis for mobilis, omentum for opimentum, otium for
opitium, Pollius for Publilius (Nieb. H. R. 1. n. 977), paullus
for pauzillus, porcet for. porro arcet (Fest. s. v. arceo, p. 15,
Muller) prudens for providens, puella for puerula, qualus for
quasillus, sacellum for sacraculum (comp. sakaraklim Hereklets
-— sacellum Herculis, in the Cippus Abellanus, 1. 11), solari for
sublevart, stipendium for stipipendium, sublimis for sublevimis
(cf. μετέωρος), subtilis, “fine-spun,” for subtexilis (comp. sub-
temen, tela), summus for supremus, suspttio for suspicitio, tandem
for tamendem, vánus for vacanus, velum for vexillum, victes for
vicent-ies, ἄς. This is particularly remarkable in the flexion-
forma of nouns and verbs; and, as we have seen above, the
complete forms cannot be restored until we have made good the
§ 2.] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 517
losses occasioned by this systematic abbreviation. Thus we
have regularly dict-er, or even dici, for dicerier; and less com-
monly sumpse for sumpsisse, &c. In some cases this abbrevia-
tion will appear in ἃ compound, though the full form 1s retained
in the simple word. "Thus, we find agnitus and cognitus by the
side of notus, pejfro and dejéro by the side of jaro, and the same
difference of quantity may be effected without any change in
the spelling, as in nihilum by the side of hilum. This influence
of the accent is the more felt in proportion to the length of the
form; and sometimes we find two or three abbreviations in the
same compound. For example, although the gen. cujus retains
the original. termination, this has been shortened into f.i the
compound: cut-cut-modi for cujus-cujus-modt (Cic. ad Att. 111. 22).
The Romans, however, were not satisfied with getting rapidly
through their simple words and regular compounds. The same
principle was applied to the parathetic formations: thus magts
auctus was condensed into mactus', magts volo was written malo,
non volo became nolo, and so forth; and not only so, but we
also find that in the case of quasi-compounds, made up of two
or more words, which are not amalgamated by the loss of in-
flexions into one whole, some part of the termination of the
first word is regularly omitted, and thus the group is subjected
to the domination of a single accent. It may be sufficient to
mention such words as audin=audisne, Ecere, Ecastor, Epol
=[per] edem Cereris, Castoris, 8. Pollucis?, ho'die=hoc die,
1 J. J. Scaliger says (Scal. Pr. p. 105): “ mactum veteres Romani
vocant auctum. Herbam adultam Cato vocavit mactam, nempe quod ita
aucta esset. —Macta hostia cum frugibus et mola aucta erat; sic macta
ara, quod verbenis aucta et cumulata. Postea mactare hostiam pro caedere
dicebant, ne scilicet cedem nominarent, quia nunquam cedebatur nisi
frugibus macta esset. Nunquam autem mactabant hostiam quin dicerent
* macta esto hac mola salsa Sic cum Deo alicui vinum libabant macte
hoc vino esto dicebant in vocandi casu, quod est τεχνικὸν grammaticorum,
nam mactus esto dicendum erat. Sic Persius: stemmatequod Tusco ramum
millesime ducis, pro millesimus.” This passage seems to have been taken ©
by the compiler of the Scaligerana from Scaliger's letter to Vertun, Mus.
Crit. 11. p. 47.
3 It has been shown above (p. 303) that the dentals, when preceded
and followed by vowels, are frequently omitted in the French forms of
Latin words; and similarly, p and T must have been dropt in the old
518 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
meridie = medi die, multimodis = multis medis, nudiustertius =
nunc dies tertius, omnimodis — omnibus modis, refert = retfert,
sis — 81 vis, sodes — si audes, tectifractis — tectis. fractis, vasar-
gentets = vasibus argenteis, &c. Then, again, we find a number
of verbal juxta-positions, for we cannot term them compounds,
belonging to the same class: such are pate-facio — patere-facto,
aci-licet = scire licet, vide-licet = videre-licet, &c. It has been
shown above, that many verbs in, -do, -eo, -lo, -so, may be ex-
plained in the same manner; and that a similar analysis may be
applied to the secondary tenses of every verb.
It is not necessary to pursue this part of the subject any
farther; for we can scarcely read a page of Latin without find-
ing some proofs of the general rule!.
§ 3. Ancient Testimonies to the difference between the
spoken and the written Language.
II. But although there is much abbreviation in the written
forms of the Latin language, the orthography of the Romans
expressed much more than their articulation. This is more con-
spicuous in proportion as we take a more polished and advanced
period of the language. Before proceeding to demonstrate this
from the metres of the comedians’, it will be convenient to
pronunciation of some Latin words, such as pater, modo, quidem. The
words Epol and Ecastor, with es for edis, &c., exhibit the same fact in the
written forms of the old Latin language, and therefore complete the
induction.
1 The reader might be referred for further instances to a paper on
the “ Ausfall oder Verwandlung der Consonanten durch Zusammenzie-
hung oder Assimilation in der Lateiuischen Sprache," in the AAeinisch.
Museum for 1839 (pp. 42—-81); but, although most of the words there
enumerated are cases of contraction, the author, Professor Schwenck, has
not been happy in his restorations. In the same volume of the AÀein.
Mus. p. 297, there is a criticism on Prof. Schwenck by Dr. Düntzer.
3 The first attempt, so far as I know, to apply this very natural and
obvious test of the old colloquial pronunciation of Latin, was made by
Mr. Hallam in his View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages,
Vol. rr. p. 816, where he says: “a decisive proof in my opinion of the
deviation which took place, through the rapidity of ordinary elocution,
from the strict laws of enunciation, may be found in the metre of Terence.
His verses, which are absolutely refractory to the common laws of pro-
sody, may be readily scanned by the application of this principle." But
S s.] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 519
adduce some passages, in which the difference between the
written and the spoken language of ancient Rome is expressly
recognized.
When Cicero's Crassus (de Oratore, 111. 11, § 41) is speak-
ing of the true mode of pronouncing Latin, he says: “1 do not
like the separate letters to be either pronounced with pedantic
accuracy, or slurred over too carelessly." This shows that,
though an uneducated countryman might represent by his arti-
culation too little of the written word, it would be a fault, on the
other hand, if the scholar recollected too much of his spelling.
Again, Suetonius, who had seen the chirograph of Augustus
(Vit. Octav. c. 87), writes thus about his method of spelling
(c. 88): * He did not strictly attend to orthography,—that is,
the method and laws of writing as taught by the grammarians ;—
on the contrary, he seems rather to adopt the opinion of those
who think that we should write just as we talk. For as to his
often changing or omitting not letters only, but whole syllables,
this is a common inaccuracy ; nor would I remark the fact, did it
not appear strange to me that he should have superseded a con-
sular legate as being illiterate, because he saw in his handwriting
exit for psi." From this it is clear, that in the time of Augustus
people did not pronounce as they wrote. Quintilian, too, ex-
pressly tells us (Inst. Orat. xt. 8, § 33), that, “although it is
necessary, on the one hand, to articulate every word, yet it is
wearisome and disgusting to take account of every letter, and as.
it were to reckon them up: for not only is the crasis of vowels
very common, but even some of the consonants are disguised
when a vowel follows;" and then he quotes the examples of
both ecthlipsis and synalepha in Virgil’s multum ille et terris.
Much to the same effect are Cicero's remarks about the conglu-
tinatio verborum or avoidance of the hiatus by a kind of crasés
or synizesis (Orator. c. XXIII. § 78), and he says expressly
that the Latin language repudiates a concurrence of vowels
(Orator. ce XLIV. S 150: “ quod quidem Latina lingua sic ob-
servat, nemo ut tam rusticus sit, qui vocales nolit conjungere").
From these and other passages which might be quoted, we
perhaps every observing reader of the Latin dramatists, especially since
the time of Bentley, may have arrived at somoeimilar conclusion.
520 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
conclude that the written language of Rome could not be taken
as a standard of even the most exact and careful pronunciation
of educated men living in the city itself, whose mode of pro-
nouncing was strikingly different from that of the provincials
(Cicero, de Oratore, 111. 11, § 43, οἵ, Brutus, c. LXXIV. § 259).
Accordingly, the colloquialisms of the country people must have
been still farther removed from the written language of the
day, and are less to be inferred from it.
The true way of considering the Latin language, if we wish
to realize to ourselves its spoken form, is to regard it aa strug-
gling with the fetters of the Greek metrical system.
§ 4. The Poetry of the Augustan age does not represent
the genuine Latin Pronunciation ;
The poetry of the Augustan age shows us, that the Greek
rules of metre are observed with greater strictness by the
Romans, who adopted them, than by the Greeks themselves.
With the Roman poets the trochaic dipodia, that important
rhythm in lyric poetry, always appears under the form of
trochee + spondee; whereas in the Greek system there was
nothing to prevent the dipodia from being pure. Take, for
instance, the Sapphic verse: Horace’s second foot is always
a spondee, Sappho's as often a trochee. The same minute
accuracy, or rather sameness, is observable in their anacrusis.
_ In Horace’s Alcaics the anacrusis at the beginning of the first
three lines is rarely a short syllable; but in his Greek models
he would as often find a short syllable as a long one*. All this
1 On the difference between the lingua urbana and the lingua rustica,
see Adelung, Mithridat. ri. p. 464, and the works quoted by him (p. 467).
3 The remarks in the text refer to a mode of scanning the Sapphic
and Alcaic stanzas, which is not in accordance with the common doctrine,
but which is, I think, demonstrably correct. The Sapphic and Alcaic
stanzas differ only in a varied arrangement of the same elements; and
the first three lines of the Alcaic stanza begin with an anacrusis, which
the Sapphic rhythm excludes in this particular form of the verse, though
the so-called dodecasyllabic Alcaic is a Sapphic with the anacrusis, as in
δ Ἰόπλοκ᾽ | dyva | μείλιχο | μείδε | Σαπφοι || which is the ordinary Sapphic, if
we omit the anacrusi:, and the ordinary Alcaic, if we lop off the last
syllable. If we call the dactyl A, the trochee B, and the anacrusis c, the
law of the verse appear$ in the following simple formuls :
8 4.} OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 521
leads to the inference, that the poetry of the Augustan age was
recited with a pedantic accuracy at variance with the genius of
the language; and as the German opera-singers at the present
day soften down their gutturals in order to accommodate their
language to the flowing rhythm of Italian music, so the Romans,
in the days of Horace and Virgil, were proud of their foreign
fetters, and were glad to display the ascendancy which van-
quished Greece had gained over the minds of her rude con-
querors!,
(1) Sapphic stanza: 2B -- A 4-2B (ter)
2A.
(2) Alcaic stanza: #+2B+2A (bis)
e+4B.
2A + 2 B.
Thus, for example, the Sapphic contains three lines like—Jém sal tts
ter||rís nivis || átque | déra ||, and one like—térruit | Grbem || ; where, it will
be observed, the second member of the trochaic as well as of the dactylic
dipodia is always aspondee. The Alcaic.has two lines like—V2\dés ut |
Alta || stét nive | cándidum ||, one like—St!vaé la|bóran|tés ge|lüque ||, and
one like— Flámina | cónstite|| rínt a'ctto. With regard to the Sapphic verse,
in particular, it will not perhaps be easy to correct errors which are
sanctioned no less by the practice of schools than by the well-known
jingle of the Anti-Jacobin ; but it is not to be borne that this ignorance
should exalt itself to dogmatism. In the third number of the Classical
Museum (pp. 338, 8qq.) there is an article in which we are told that the
Sapphic verse, “recited with the true metrical quantity and the natural
spoken accent,” will read thus: Jáwm sattees | taérees || nívis atitque | deéros,
&c.; and that the following is a Sapphic of the same kind: che il gran
sepolero libero di Christo! And this is delivered, not as a modest sugges-
tion, but as a decree of oracular wisdom.
1 The relations between the pronunciation and metre, the accent and
quantity, of the Latin language have been discussed by my learned friend,
Mr. H. A. J. Munro, of Trinity College, in an able and elaborate paper
‘read before the Cambridge Philosophical Society on the 13th February,
1860. In this paper Mr. Munro has shown at length that “before the
third century Α. Ὁ. Latin verses of every kind, popular as well as learned,
were written by quantity alone; that accent had no direct influence on
the different kinds of metre, as long as the rules of quantity were
observed; but that, in the course of the third century, accent so entirely
superseded quantity, that the latter ceased to exist, except when, as in
the case of Claudian for instance, it was kept up by artificial training.”
This is exemplified in a striking manner by the Algerian inscription which
is the immediate subject of Mr. Munro's paper. It is thus given and
translated by Mr. Blakesley (Four Months in Algeria, p. 285):
522 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. xiv.
ὃ 5. which is rather to be derived from an Examination
of the Comic Metres.
This refined and mincing pronunciation was, of course, less
compatible with the colloquialisms of comedy than with the
HICEGOQVITACEOVERSIBVSMEA: "TADEMONSTROLVOCEMCLA RAFRVI
TVBETTEMPORASVMMAPRAECILIVSCIRTENSILAREARGENTARI
AXEXIBVIARTEMFYDESINMEMIRAFPVITBEMPERETVERITABOMNISOM
NISBVSCOMMVNISEGOCVINONMISERTVSVBIQVERISVSLVX VRIASEMPERFRVITVBCVN
CARIBAXICISTALEMPOSTOBITV MDOMINAEVALERIAENONINVENIPVDICAEVITAMCVM POTVI
GRATAMHABVICVNCONIVGESANCTAMNATALESHONESTEMEOSCENTV MCELEBRA VIFELICBS
ATVENITPOSTREM ADIESVTBPIRITVBINANIAMEMPRA RBLINQVATTITTVLOSQVOSLEGTISVIVVBSMEE
MORTIPARAVIVTVO-VEQREVNAMNO-AMEDEBERVITIPRASEQVIMINITALESRIICVOSEXORRECTOVEXITAE
The old gentleman probably intended to write: Hic ego qui taceo
versibus mea fata demonstro, lucem claram fruitus et tempora summa
Precilius, Cirtensi Lare, argentariam exhibui artem. Fides in me mira
fuit semper et veritas omnis omnibus communis. Ego cui non misertus
ubique? Risus, luxuriam semper fruitus cum caris amicis, talem post
obitum Domins Valeris non inveni Pudice vitam cum potui gratam
habui cum conjuge sanctá. Natales honeste meos centum celebravi felices.
At venit postrema dies ut spiritus inania membra relinquat. Titulos
quos legis, vivus mese morti paravi ut voluit Fortuna. Nunquam me
deseruit ipsa. Sequimini tales: hinc vos expecto. Venite.
BLAKESLEY'S Four Months in Algeria, p. 285.
And the accentual hexameters are arranged by Mr. Munro as follows:
1. Hic égo quitáceo vérsibus méá vitá démónstro
2. lücém clára früitüs ettémpora sámma. Praécil(iu)s
ὃ. Cirténsi laré árgéntár(1a)m éxibul ártem.
4. fydés inmé mira fuit sémper étvéritás ómnis
5. ómnibüs commünis. égo cui nónmisértus ubique
6. rísüs, lixdr(ia) sémper früitus cuncdris amícis,
7. talém pós(óbit)üm d(ómin)se Valér(iae) néninvéni. pudícae
8. vitam cám pótui grütám hab(ul) cüncónjuge sánctam
9, natáles hónésté m(éo)s céntüm c(£le)brávI félices.
10. át v(énit) póstréma d(fés) utsp(írit)us inánia mémpra relínquat. ἡ
11. tttulds quoslégis vivus méé mérti parávi,
12. utvóluit fortina : nünquam médéséruit ípsa.
18. séquímini táles: hinc vós expéctó. venitae.
v. 12. Perhaps utvolui: fortuna námnón, &c.
Mr. Munro has remarked that these lines form an aerostio—the initial
letters of the first three, H. L. C., standing for hoc loco cubat, hunc locum
consecravit, hunc lapidem condidit, or some such formula, and the remain-
ing initials making up the word fortunatus. From the mention of Cirta,
Mr. Munro argues that the inscription cannot be later than the begin-
e
ἢ 5.] | OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 523
elegant stiffness of copied heroic! or lyric poetry. Consequently,
though the comedians borrowed their metres from the Greeks,
they were content to pronounce the words as they were uttered
by the common people; and as the busy talkers of the forum
were wont to clip and contract their words, so the syllables
usually omitted in speaking were not taken into account on the
comic stage. When, therefore, we can recognize the law of the
verse in a Latin comedy, but find that the syllables, as they
stand written in many of the lines, are more numerous than
is necessary for the feet of the verse according to the usual laws
of quantity, we may safely conclude that the superfluous sylla-
bles were omitted in the pronunciation of the actor; and if by
him, à fortiori, that they were habitually slurred over by the
majority of his audience. This opinion will be confirmed, if we
discover, on further inquiry, that the syllables so dispensed with
are not found in the corresponding forms exhibited by the
modern idioms which derive their origin from the language of
ancient Rome.
The following instances, few out of many, may be sufficient
to establish this?. Let us first take some of the short impera-
tives, which are, by the nature of the case, especially liable to
hurried pronunciation. As our look/ has degenerated into lo/,
ning of the fourth century, as that town was rebuilt by Constantine and
called by its present name Constantina. I am indebted to the kindness
of Mr. Munro for the opportunity of referring to his paper, which has
not yet appeared in the Transactions of the Philosophical Society.
1 The Prenestine Sortes, written between 600 and 650 A.U.C., give us
specimens of Latin Hexameters written according to the rules of quan-
tity observed by the dramatic poets, e.g. we have
Conrigi vix tandem quod cur non est factum crede.
Where the i of the infin. pass. is made short, and factum pronounced
fe ἐὅ. And
Quod petis postempus consilium : quod rogas, non est.
Where we have not only pet? but rog', and where consilium is pronounced
consilyum or consiglum.
3 The reader, who desires a more copious induction, may refer to the
well-known essays of Bentley and Hermann; to some compilations, de-
rived from these and other sources, in the Journal of Education (Vol. n.
pp. $44, sqq.), and in the Penny Cyolopedia, s. v. Terentian Metres; and
to Ritschl’s valuable Prolegomena to Plautus.
524 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
and the Latin vide has become the Italian ve’, and the French
vot’ or σ᾽ (in vot-ct, vla); so in Terent. Adelph. τι. 2, 31, it is
clear that we must pronounce this line:
Labáscit : tn’ hoc hábyo: v8’ si sát placet.
Here, also, we have Italian abbio. Similarly, as Cicero tells us’
that cave ne eas was pronounced cauneas, we see that the follow-
ing line (Phormio, v. 1, 37) must be pronounced :
Sed pér debs atqu’ hómmes, meám's' hano, céu resciscat quísquam.
This line also furnishes the French abbreviation hommes. A
question might arise whether deos might not be a monosyllable
=dyos, as in Plaut. Trin. 520, and homtines a dissyllable=
hom'nés; but the commonest rules of emphasis plead for the
arrangement which I have proposed. It is impossible that deos
should be a mere ¢hests, and that an accent should fall on atque.
Then, again, as the French say tat, it is clear that tace is a
single long syllable in the following line (AdélpA. 11. 4. 16):
At ut ómne réddat—ómne réddet—taí-mod', ác suire héc—sequor.
Which line also furnishes us with the imperative suzre for se-
quere, if we may in this case also follow the French analogy.
In general there seems to have been a tendency towards soften-
ing down the guttural into its ultimate form, the vowel «. This
has obviously taken place in fatre and «il, derived from facere
and oculus; and not only is the imperative tace a monosyllable,
but also its indicative /acet, as in the following line (.4delpÀ. 1v.
5, 5):
Tait: car non lid’ hunc ál'quantísper mélyus est.
Where for al'quantisper compare Italian alcuno, and the French
aucun, from aliquis unus.: It can scarcely be doubted that
Adelphi, 111. 2, 20, was pronounced as follows:
Ad'lescént ips! brip’r’ αἰΐοδ : pósthac praécip'tém darém ;
and that in 111. 2, 87, lacrymas is ἃ dissyllable after the ana-
logy of larme, and of serment from sacramentum. Similarly, in
Heaut. Y. 5, 16, quoted below, as the ictus falls on facile, we
1 De Divin. π. 40, $ 84: * Quum M. Crassus exercitam Brundisii
imponeret quidam in portu, caricas Cauno advectas vendens, Cawneat
clamitabat. Dicamus, si placet, monitum ab eo Crassum, caveret ne iret."
ἢ 5.] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 525
may conclude that it was pronounced as a single long syllable.
Festus tells us that there was a form facul, and facile appears as
a mere anacrusis in the Scipio epitaph (c. 5); above, Ch. vr.
§ 20. Perhaps the most singular instance of this omission of the
guttural is furnished by the French faible from. flexibilis; for in
this there is a double collapse.
The imperatives abi, redi, are monosyllables with the omis-
sion of the unnecessary b and d (Adelph. τι. 1, 13, and 36),
and jube throws off its b (Adelph. v. 6, 1), as it does in the
perfect, &c.
The phrase bono antmo es is shortened for the game reason as
the other imperatives. In Plautus (Rudens, 111. 3, 17) it forms
a cretic:
"O salátis meaé spés tac’ ác bón-ame és.
We observe the same sort of abbreviation in a number of
nouns of common occurrence; such, for instance, as express the
nearest degrees of family relationship. The compound parricida
indicates a contraction of pater analogous to the French pére,
&nd the word was probably 80 pronounced in such lines as
(Adelph. 1. 1, 51):
Hoc pater ac dominus interest: hoc qui nequit; i.e.
Hoc pére ac dónnus tnterést: hoc quí nequit.
and (Adelph. 1. 2, 46):
Natura tu illi pater es, consiliis ego; i.e.
Natéra τώ gli pére es, cónsiglís ego.
where the ictus falls upon it. In the latter line, as tu is em-
phatic, an elision would be inadmissible; we must therefore pro-
‘nounce tii either as the Italian gi? or as the French lus, and
this gives us another modern analogy. In the former line dom«-
nus is probably a dissyllable following the analogy of domna,
which becomes donna in Italian, and dame in French. Similarly,
homines is ἃ monosyllable in the passage quoted above from the
Phormio; animus becomes ame; femina, femme, &c.
That puer was often ἃ monosyllable appears from the forms
por, pora, which occur in inscriptions, from the compounds Luct-
por, Marcipor, &c., and from the Spartan ποῖρ for παῖς. In
Heaut. v. 5, 16, we should read or pronounce as follows:
Gnáte m'yó pol tí do póllam [or pwéllam] lépidam quám tu fall amés.
526 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
The mood of ames shows that the emphatic lam would be as
out of place here, as it is appropriate in the following line. And
do, which we should have expected in the first instance (cf.
Andr. 1. 5, 60; 11. 2, 15) has been turned into dabo, partly
from a confusion between the readings dopuellam and daboillam,
and partly by an anticipation of dabo in v. 19. With regard to
the monosyllabic ¢ for tib, the Romans frequently omitted 5 in
the middle of a word: this is most common in the dat. and abl.
pl. of the first declension, and is also observable in the French
derivatives; such as ow and y from ub: and ἐδέ. For the change
of puer into por, we may also compare the transformation of
fuere and fuerent into fore, forent.
Perhaps two of the most striking instances of this clipt pro-
nunciation are afforded by the scansion of the particles quidem
and modo, in both of which the d is omitted. With regard to
the former even Bentley remarked that it must be frequently a
monosyllable in Terence (ad Andr. τ. 8, 20), and Ritschl (Proleg.
PP. CXL sqq. 01.111.) and Fleckeisen (N. Jahrb. Lx. 260) have
shown that this was the case in Plautus. The following reasons
have been adduced to prove that it was so in general. (1) The
analogy of ttem, shortened from «tidem, will support the pronun-
ciation of gu’-em for quidem. (2) As it is an enclitic, and is
regularly attached to certain words, in the same way as περ, ‘ye,
&c. in Greek, it seems reasonable to suppose that it would be
peculiarly liable to curtailment. It is argued therefore, that if
we retain the full form of quidem with some of these words, we
alter their quantity, and so sacrifice the principal word in order
to preserve a mere appendage. Thus ego-quidem, or eg-quidem,
is marked éguidem in books on Latin prosody, and sigutdem,
quandoquidem are marked siquidem, quanddquidem, although the
true quantity of the separate words is δὲ, quando; and though in
other compounds—quandoque, quandocunque—this quantity is
invariably retained. Hence it is inferred that quandoguidem
must have been pronounced quandoqu'em; siquidem, siqu'em ;
and equidem, équ'em; and that me quidem must be scanned me
quem in Pers. 1. 110, But although there is reason to believe
that quidem was either a monosyllable or two very short syl-
lables in the colloquial Latin of the comedians (see Corssen,
II. p. 93), Mr Merivale has properly remarked (ad Sallust. Ca-
§ 5.] OP THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 527
tilin. 51, p. 86) that * it is not likely that this vulgar contraction
would be admitted in heroic poetry ;" and with regard to equt-
dem in particular, the instances which he has cited of its usage
in the first person plural, and in the other persons, are sufficient
to justify Priscian's repudiation of the common belief that it is a
cerruption of ego quidem. It would be better, therefore, to sup-
pose that 2guidem is related to quidem just as enim is to nam,
and that the first two syllables were pronounced distinctly in
Virgil, Georg. 1. 415: haud equidem credo quia s divinitus
tls. Pers. 1. 110: littera—per me equidem sint. omnia pro-
tinus alba. Lucan, VIII. 824: haud equidem immerito Cumanas
carmine vatis. As to the argument from quandoquidem, there
can be no doubt that quando may be & trochee (see the examples
quoted by Corssen, 1. p. 343); the first three syllables of guan-
doquidem necessarily constitute a dactyl in Lucretius 1, 587:
quid porro nequeat, sancitum quandoquidem extat; and in what-
ever manner we pronounce qutdem, the second syllable of guan-
doquidem is certainly not long in Plautus, Trin. 352: qudndo-
quidem nec tíbi bene esse póte pati nec dlteri. With regard to
siquidem there is no doubt that the d is pronounced' in Ter.
Heaut. τι. 8, 90: quid dliud tibi vis—stquidem hoc fit—stquidem
when si retains its proper quantity and is pronounced separately.
And though siquidem may be a dissyllable in these passages in
the comedians where it cannot be a cretic, it is not likely that it
was 80 pronounced in hexameter verse, especially when there is
an ecthlipsts, as in Juvenal vi. 621: boletus—siquidem untus
praecordia pressit, which would reduce the particle to estque.
And on the whole we may follow the analogy of quandoquidem,
and consider the first syllable of siquidem as shortened in those
cases in which the two words formed a single particle, just as
Horace writes (1 Serm. 1x. 43)
Mecenas quomodd tecum,
where he uses quomodo as a mere particle; though in the same
satire (v. 48) he writes:
non isto vivimus illic,
Quo tw rere, modo,
where he uses quo and modo as two distinct words.
It is manifest that modo must often have been pronounced
pu p D Aun. GN
628 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY ([CHAP. XIV.
as a monosyllable: see e.g. Ter. Andr. 11.1, 2, and rr. 4, 6.
In the languages derived from the Latin the compound quomodo
is represented by como Sp., come It., and comme Fr.; in which
the d is omitted, and in the last, as in the old French cum (be-
low, § 9), the syllable is dropt altogether. The knowledge of
this abbreviated pronunciation enables us sometimes to correet
a faulty reading. But although Ritschl was well aware that
modo was monosyllabic, and though one of his best MSS. in
Plautus, Trin. τι. 4, 179 —580, gives the reading si for st, he has
allowed actwmst to stand when actum sit would improve both
the metre and the syntax:
L. Set, Stasime, abi huc ad meam sororem ad Calliclem :
Die, hoc negoti quomodo actum sit.
St. Ibitur. -
The scanning is obviously quóm'do actum sit. It is to be re-
marked, however, that the d of modo, quomodo is never omitted
in writing, and there is, therefore, no justification for the absurd
proposal that 4mmo or $mo, which is obviously the adverb of
emus, should be regarded as a mutilation of tn modo’.
& 6. The French Language is the best modern representative
of the spoken Latin.
III. We may now pass, by a natural transition, to our
third source of information respecting the constitution of the
Latin language—that which exhibits it pathologically, or in its
state of disorganisation or decay.
It will not be expected that I should here show at length
how the Romance languages were formed from the Latin. It
will be sufficient to point out some of the reasons for believing
that the French language is a better living representative of the
pronunciation of the ancient Italians than the language which is
now spoken in the peninsula itself; and, in conclusior, to state
briefly what was the process of the disintegration, and in what
degree the modern differed from the ancient form.
1 Classical Museum, 1t. pp. 201—297. The author of this suggestion
must have learned in his younger days that an ablative of manner repu-
diates any preposition, and modus, of all Latin words, would be the
least likely to violate this general rule.
$6.] . ' OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. ' 529:
As the Romans successively conquered the different nations
which formed the population of Italy, they gradually included
within the limits of ἃ single empire a number of different tribes,
who spoke idioms, or dialects, differing but little from the lan-
guage of the Romans themselves. It is not, therefore, surprising
that a gradual amalgamation should have taken place, and that:
every Italian should have spoken, with only slight variations of
accent, one and the same Latin language. The language οὗ
Rome itself—the language of government, of literature, and of
.law—would, of course, be independent of these minor differences,
Every educated man and every public functionary would refer
to this unvarying standard, and would speak or write, in some
cases with pedantic accuracy, the language of the senate-house
and the forum!. Accordingly, the inhabitants of the provinces,
4. 6. the foreign subjects of the Empire, would hear nothing but
pure Roman Latin; and, if they learned the language of their
rulers at all, they would at least learn it in the best form..
Their position in this respect differed materially from that of
colonists, even in ancient times. The colonists of our day, and.
especially the English emigrants, present a material contrast to.
the case of the Roman provincials. For, while the colonists who-
sailed from Corinth or Athens were of all classes—o: rvyóvres—
our modern colonists are generally those who are either not able
to live at home, or, at all events, who practise trades inconsistent
with a high amount of educational polish. We find, therefore, .
that colonial English represents only the vulgar colloquial lan-
guage of the mother-country; whereas the Roman provincials
spoke a language derived—imperfectly, it might be, but still
derived—from the polished and elegant diction of proconsuls,
jurisconsults, negotiatores, and publicani. —
The Gauls, in particular, were remarkable for their tendency
to assimilate themselves, in their language and usages, to .the
Romans. In an inconceivably short space of time the province:
Gallia was completely Romanized?. Their own language was
1 Scaliger partly saw this; he says (Prima Scaligerana, p. 99):
* Lingure nostre Gallicte potior pars ex publicis instrumentis que Latine
seribebantur conflata est."
- & How completely this was the case even in Cicero's time may be
inferred from what he says in hia Orat. pro Fonteio, 1, § 1: “ Reforta.
D, V. 94
-- em ee πὰ ταν ee — ἡπηησασε τῶν πΠππ πτισν- — REC ἀπ πισπαπ ὦν τὸ απ 1
530. CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY ([CHAP. xiv.
out of the pale of civilisation: in fact, they had. no mother-
tongue to struggle for. A language is only dear to us, when we
know its capabilities, and when it is hallowed by a thousand.
connexions with our civilisation, our literature, and our comforts.
So long as it merely lisps the inarticulate utterances of half-
educated men, it has no hold upon the hearta of those who
speak it, and it is readily neglected or thrown aside in favour of
the more cultivated idiom, which, while it finds names for luxu-
rjes of civilisation before unknown, algo opens a communication
with those who appear as the heralds of moral and intellectual
regeneration. 'The Greeks and the Jews had good reasons for
loving the language of their ancestors, and could never be jn-
duced to forget or relinquish the flowing rhythms of their poets
or the noble energy of their prose-writers. The case was not 80
with the provincials of Gaul. Without any anterior predilec-
tions, and with a mobility of character which still distinguishes
their modern representatives, they speedily &dopted the manners
and the words of the Romans; and it is probable that in the
time of the Empire there was no more difference between the
grammatical Latin of Lyons.and Rome, than there is now be-
tween. the grammatical French of St Petersburg and Paris.
& 7... The modern Italian not equally so: and why.
From what I have just said, it should appear thaf the Latin
spoken in Gaul was upon the whole better and purer than the
Latin spoken in the municipal districts of Italy during the time
of the. Empire. Let us, however, suppose that they were only
equally good. Then, if it can be shown that the disturbing
causes were greater and more efficacious in Italy than in Gaul,
we shall still have a greater surplus of good Latinity in the
latter.
Gallia negotiatorum est, plena civium Romanorum. Nemo Gallorum sine
cive Romano quidquam negotii gerit; nummus in Gallia nullus sine
civium Romanorum tabulis commovetur, &c.” For the literary culture of
Gaul some hundred years later, the reader may consult the commentators
on Juvenal, 1. 44; vir. 147, 8; xv. 111. Gibbon, who perceived that
the language of Virgil and Cicero completely superseded the Celtic idiom
in Gaul (Vol. r. p. 64, Milman), extends the same remark to other
provinces to which it is not equally applicable, . 207
-w- ^ . *
$7.] - * OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE, . 531
Before the Italian language revived as a vehicle of literary
communication, the peninsula had been subjected to a series of
invasions, which had modified and corrupted in no slight degree
the speech of the country people. This was effected not only by
the influence of the conquerors, but also by the infusion of a con-
siderable amount of foreign population. In Lombardy and other
parts, where the invaders formed a permanent settlement, the
change was most sensibly and durably felt; whereas Tuscany,
which had been screened by its position from any permanent or
extensive occupation by the northern tribes, was not exposed to
this corruption of its familiar language, and its greater wealth,
its commerce, and its independence, preserved among its inha-
bitants a residuum of the old Latin literature and civilisation.
When, therefore, vernacular composition revived in Italy,
it was emphatically Tuscan. It is true that the new literary
language spread itself over the whole of Italy, and that there
were varieties of accent in the different districts’. Still, how-
ever, a purity of Tuscan phraseology is essential to literary cor-
rectness: and whatever a man’s native accent may be, he must
accommodate it to this court-language. It follows, therefore,
that the pronunciation of modern Italian must be syllabic. In
other words, it must be more akin to the studied accuracy with
which the Romans of the Augustan age pronounced their Gra-
cized poetry, than to the natural articulation of the ancient
Italians. It has been truly said, that the Italian language can-
not be pronounced both well and quickly. This is only another
expression of the fact, that a literary language, which is not
natural, can only be articulated syllabically. The qualification
of lingua Toscana in bocca Romana is another illustration of the
same fact; for here we have a recognition of the truth, that the
modern Italian is a written language to be pronounced according
1 On these differences of Italian articulation Matthseus ZEgyptius writes
as follows (ad S. C. de Bacch. p. 145): “ Quosdam audias ore adstricto, et
inter dentes, dimidiata verba tanquam invitos, et cum quadam parsimonia
efferre, ut Ligures: quosdam ore patulo et laxo, claraque et sonera voce,
animi sensus effundere, ut Neapolitani faciunt: medios inter hos Senenses,
queis Musa dedit ore rotundo loqui. Adderem Florentinos nisi ex imo
gutture prouuntiantes originem adhuc ostenderont Pheeniciam.” -
"094—282
532 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
to its syllables, and that of the accents, in which it can be pro-
nounced, the best and sweetest is that of a well-educated inha-
bitant of the pontifical metropolis.
§ 8. Different Dialects of the French Language.
Very different was the case of the Gauls. After living for
several hundred years under the dominion and influence of the
Romans, and having lost their Celtic language and in a great
measure their Celtic character, they were invaded and partially
conquered by a confederation of German warriors, who called
themselves Franks, a name indicating their bold and martial
character’, The domination of these rude conquerors did not
1 It has usually been supposed that the word Frank denotes “ free-
man,” so that “French” and “ Latin” would, when referred to their ety-
mology, appear as synonymous terms. This is not, however, the original
meaning of the word Frank: though, in a secondary sense, the word has
borne this signification. In the Teutonic languages, to which it belongs,
the word fra-n-k, or /rak, is equivalent to ferow, and signifies “bold,”
“warlike,” “intrepid” (see Thierry, Lettres sur UHistoire de France,
Lettr. vr. p. 436, Bruxelles ed.). The namo, therefore, according to its
original signification, refers to the martial qualities, just as the name of
the Rasena (which may also be compared with the Hebrew 3) expresses
the rapid movements of warlike hordes (cf. Joel m. 4). Some nations
have derived their name from their physical characteristics. Thus, as we
have seen (p.37), the Pelopes and Pelasgians of Greece got this appellation
from the sun-burnt complexion of the colonists from Lydia. And there
can be little doubt that the ivory shoulder of the mythical Pelops was
suggested by the white necks of those Asiatics, who wore high dresses
(Thucyd. 1. 6), and consequently did not expose the whole of their
person to the sun, "That men and women differed in complexion in
Greece, and that a sedentary in-door's occupation might produce a dif-
ference of colour, is clear from the remark in Aristophanes (Zcelesiaz.
885) that the parliament of women looked like an assembly of cobblers:
ov yàp ἀλλ᾽ ὑπερφνῶς de λευκοπληθὴς ἦν ἰδεῖν ὁμιλία. I remember that
on one occasion, when & highland regiment landed in kilts from the
West Indies, where they had worn trousers, it was remarked that their
faces and legs did not match. Ethnical names in addition to their primi-
tive meaning, are often used as expressive of certain qualities, whether
the use is complimentary or not. Assassin, Gascon, Vandal, and Goth,
are attributive words in our own language; the word Slave has been
derived from the low estate of the Sclavonians; and even in ancient
times, Káp, Κρής, Παφλάγων, Muods, Συβαρίτης, Σκύθης, &c., were terms
8 s.] . OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE, ; 533
destroy the Roman texture of the language which was spoken
by the inhabitants of Gaul. At first both the conquerors and the
conquered retained their own idioms; and the lingua Francisca,
or Francica, of the German invaders, flourished by the side of
the lingua Gallica, or Gallicana, of the conquered provincials.
In time, however, as there was much more literary culture
among the latter, and as the priests and scholars of the age were
all furnished by the district in which the Franks had settled,
the standard of diction would be sought in the language of the
more educated class, and the Roman language, more or less cor-
rupted, would gradually become the medium of communication
between the conquerors and the conquered.
As might have been expected, this gradual adoption of the
Roman language by the Teutonic invaders gave rise to a number
of dialects. Of these the most refined and polished was that
which was spoken by the inhabitants of the south-eastern dis-
trict of France, Many causes conspired to give this idiom an
earlier development. The south-eastern provincials were more
completely Romanized in the first instance’; they were less sub-
jected to foreign invasion than the other inhabitants of France;
the Burgundians and Visigoths, who settled among them, were
more adapted for social life than their German brethren, and more
readily assimilated their language and customs to those of their
subjects; and when at length Provence became a part of the
Frankish dominions, the conquerors were no longer unruly
German barbarians, but the civilized and Romanized subjects of
a regular monarchy. . The happy climate of Provence, and the
wealth and commerce of the people, contributed to foster and en-
courage those arts which can only flourish in a genial soil; and
we are not to wonder if the provincials outstript the northern
Gauls in intellectual tastes as well as in physical comforts.
The connexion between Provence and Catalonia tended to
significant of qualities. The German confederacy of the Franks seems
to have corresponded to that of the Iscesvones; those of the Sarons and
Thuringians to the Ingevones and Herminones respectively. (See above,
Ῥ. 78).
1 It is right, perhaps, to say, that Marseilles in particular was rather
Grecized than Romanized: sec Cic. pro Flacco, 26, § 36.
534 CONSTITUTION ASD PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
increase the civilisation of the latter. But, in reference to the
present object, to discover a Romance language which shall most
accurately represent the spoken language of the Romans, we may
safely dismiss the Spaniards; whose language, already corrupted
by the invasions of the Suevians and Visigoths, has been still
farther disorganized by the pervading and durable influence of
the highly civilized Arabians.
The people of Provence were keenly sensible of the difference
between their own language and that of their Franco-Gallic
rulers. The names, by which they distinguished their own
country and that of the French, referred to the differences of the
idioms spoken in them. It is singular that this difference should
have been expressed in terms of the affirmative particle, which
they had respectively adopted. Drawing 4 line through Dau-
phiné, Lyonnais, Auvergne, Limousin, Perigord, and. Saintonge,
the country to the south of this was called Langue d'oc, the dis-
trict to the north of the line was termed Langue d'oyl. Now,
although the differences between the Langue d'oc and the
‘Langue d'oyl consisted mainly in the greater or less development
of the Latin element in each, it is to be remembered that these
affirmative particles are both due to their Teutonic affinities’.
And here is the inconsistency; the words oc and oyl are equally
Frankish or German, and yet the people of the Langue d'oc dis-
tinguished their language from that of the Langue d'oyl by
calling it Roman, lemozi, provensalesc; and they termed them-
selves Provinciales, i.e. Romane Provincia inquilini, as distin-
guished from the Francigene of the north.
89. But all these Dialects were closely related to the Latin.
But whatever were the distinctions between the languages
of the northern and southern inhabitants of the province of
, Ὁ According to Grimm (D. Gramm. m1. p. 768), oyl is ja il, and oc is
ja ich; the only difference between them being, that the affirmative is
combined with the first person in the one case, and with the third person
in the other. To me it appears that oyl is simply the affirmitive wel or
wohl (for this power of the initial o see above, p. 58), and that oc is the
German auch — etiam (Phil. Mus. τι. p.845) .
$9] ^ OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE, ' 533
Gaul,-it is clear that the language of the whole country was to
the middle of the ninth century A. D. a very near approximation
to the Latin. We have the original of an oath which was sworn
at Strasburg in 842 a. p., by Lodewig, king of Germany. This
interesting document, which is expressly stated to have been in
. the Romana lingua, is in the following words’: **Pro Dew
amor et pro Christian poblo et nostro commun salvament, dist
di en avant, in quant Deus savir et podir me dunat, st salvarat
to cist meon fradre Karle, et in adjuda et in cadhuna cosa, st
cum om per dreit son fradre salvar dist, in o quid il mi altresi
fazet: et ab Ludher nul plaid numquam prindrai, qui, meon
vol, citat meon. fradre Karle in damno sit." It appears from
the context of the history, that the oath was couched in this
language in order that it might be understood by the French
subjects of Karl le Chauve. It was, therefore, the common
language of the country ; and as it is free from Germanisms, and
exhibits only those corruptions of the Latin for which it is easy
to account, it furnishes us with a distinct confirmation of the
opinion, that we ought to seek in the language of France for the
best modern representative of the language of ancient Italy.
! Nithardi Hist. ap. Ser. Rer. Francic. vit. p. 26, quoted by Thierry,
Lettres sur U Histoire de France (Lettr. x1). Substituting the Latin
words which come nearest in etymology to the words of this fragment,
we bave: Pro Dei amore et pro Christiano populo et nostro comnuni
salvamento, de isto die in ab-ante, in quantum Deus sapere δὲ posse mihi
donabit, sic salvare habeo ego ecc! istum. meum fratrem Carolum, et in ad-
jutu εἰ in quaque una causa, sic quomodo homo per directum (Fr. droit) suum
Jratrem salvare debitus est, in eo quod ille mih alterum sic faciet: et ab Lo-
thario nullum placitum numquam prendere habeo, quod, mea voluntate, ece”
isti meo fratri Carolo in damno sit. It is not necessary to enter upon
any lengthened discussion of the corrupt Latinity of these words. That
salvar-ai, &c., are salvare-habeo, &c., is well known. It appears from the
oldest forms of the words that the French cel, cest. (cist), Italian quello,
questo, are the compounds ecc! ille and ecc! iste respectively. For, as in
Provencal we have aisso, in old French aezo, into which co enters, 80 we
have icel and icest, anterior to cel and cest. Similarly ici is ecc' hi. Of
altrest, which is common in Italian, Varchi says: “ Altres’ ἃ Provenzale,
non Ispagniuolo, e gli antichi nostri scrivevano alireste, e non altresi.”
Comp. altrettale, altrettanto. The French aussi represents aliresi with the
usual change of / into wu.
536 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [cmar. xiv.
. Among the political or official terms, which the Franks
adopted from the Latinized inhabitants of Gaul, and which show
the extent of the influence to which I am referring, not the least
interesting are the titles matre and bails, which designated the
primary and secondary offices in a municipality or district. The
former name is a corruption of the Latin adjective major, and it
was originally used as an epithet to the term prepositus, which
has left its traces in the French prévéé and our provost. Hence,
it happens that mayor in England and provost in Scotland are
synonymous designations for the chief of a municipal body. On
the other hand, the word balls, It. balio or bailo, is derived
from the Latin bajulus, sometimes corrupted into basllivus, and
denoted the secondary officer or depnty. According to its ety-
mology bajulus for bar-tolus (cf. pejor for per-ior) denoted a
bearer of burdens, and so the word is connected with φερ-, $op-,
bhri, fer, bar-dus, bar-o, βασ-τάζω, &c. (Dóderl. Syn. u. Ex. τ.
151). In his official duties, therefore, the bajulus or baillivus
was & chargé d'affatres, one who bore the weight of office on
behalf of others. And not to speak of the profound and solemn
meaning of the phrase in Jsatah 1x. 5: Ἰοϑ TWAT YA,
“and the government shall be upon his shoulder,” we may re-
member that the Arabic” 3j ,
cipis," is derived from the verb ^ js , vazara, which means *'sus-
tinuit onus grave." The relation between the Scottish baillies
and their provost is precisely that which subsisted between the
baillivt and their major, or prepositus, or prepositus major,
namely, the latter was the chief, and the former his vicars or
deputies, Thus we find the major or prepositus in a cathedral,
by the side of the 5ajuli or baillivi conventuales or confratrie;
we have major domus in the royal palace, by the side of the
bajuli de palatio; and in general, wherever there was a term of
authority, the baslli represented -the vice-comes, vice-gerent, de-
puty, or régent. The military use of the term major belongs to
the same application of the Latin word. While the lieutenant-
general, or Zteutenant-colonel is the deputy of the full general or
colonel, the major-general or major is so called in referenee to
the rank immediately below him; thus the major-general is the
- Veztr, which signifies '* vicarius prin-
$10] ^| . OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 537
propositus or maire of the colonels in his division, and the major
is the prepositus of the captains in the regiment, just as the
serjeant-major is the chief of the serjeants, and the drum-major
of the drummers, In its lowest application the term 5asllte or
* bailiff" still signifies a deputy, and the mere *tipstaff" or
“ὁ catchpole” is called by this name because he is the sheriff's
officer, or the deputy pro re nata of that prepositus of the county
or district.
The difference between the modern Italian, considered as the
offspring of the new Tuscan literature, and the old French,
regarded as a scion of the Roman language, which was spoken in
the province of Gaul, consists in the fact to which I have already
adverted—namely, that the former would reproduce the mincing
and pedantic pronunciation of the literary Romans, while the
latter would retain the genuine colloquial utterance of the free
colonists of the empire. It is worthy of observation that the
French language itself enables us to illustrate this difference. If
we examine the French language as it is, we shall often find
double forms of derivatives from the Latin. Now in every one
of these cases it is remarkable that the older word—that which
belongs to the oldest and most genuine vocabulary—differs most
Írom the written form or syllabic pronunciation of the Latin
original, Thus chanotne, chétf, chez, chose, hótel, naif, Noel,
pitt pousser, from canonicus, captivus, casa, causa, hospes, na-
tivus, natalis, pietas, expulsare, are older forms than canontque,
captif, case, cause, hópital, native, natal, piété, expulser. (See
A. W. Schlegel, Observations sur la Langue et la Lattérature
Prov. p. 44). The fact is, that the latter were derived from the
written, the former from the spoken language.
S 10. Leading Distinctions between the Roman and
Romance Idioms.
The manner in which the transition from the Latin language
to the French may be supposed to have taken place is well
known, and very easily described. In this place we must be :
contented with a few brief remarks; for it would be an idle
attempt to discuss as a secondary matter the details of a subject
which admits of such ample illustration, and which has already
538 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
been treated at great length, though with various degrees of
success, by Raynouard, Schlegel, Diez, Amptre, Fuchs, and
Lewis.
The tendency of the spoken Latin language to clip and
mutilate itself began at an early period to militate against the
regularity of the grammatical forms. With regard to the verbs,
it has been shown above that the organic inflexions had been
in a great measure superseded by secondary or compound tenses
before the commencement of the classical age; and that the
person-endings are obliterated, or deformed by inconsistencies, in
the oldest specimens of the written language. In regard to the
verbs, then, the change from the Roman to the Romance is
merely a further development of that which was already in
operation. The Roman case-system was in itself more complete
than the conjugation of the verb; and therefore we may expect
to find greater changes in the French noun as compared with
the- Latin. In general it may be remarked, that when the
tendency to.abbreviation has commenced its action on the flex-
ional forms of a language, certain devices are at once adopted
for the purpose of preventing any syntactical obscurity. Indeed,
the logical or syntactical development of a language is generally
benefited by the change; and where the etymological organisa-
tion becomes imperfect, the literary capabilities of the particular
idiom are extended and confirmed.
There is good reason for believing, that in the spoken
language of the ancient Italians the difference between the sub-
jective and objective cases of the noun was at an early period
neglected or overlooked (see Lepsius, ad Inscrtpt. p. 120). At
any rate, it is clear that this was the first step towards the
breaking up of the Roman case-system. The accusative case
was substituted for the nominative, and all the subordinate
relations were expressed by prefixing prepositions to the new
crude form of the noun. We observe a tendency of the same
kind in vulgar English; and perhaps this passage from the sub-
ject to the object may be explained on general principles, with-
out any reference to the want of grammatical education on the
part of those in whom it is most observable. Connected with
this employment of prepositions, to give definiteness to the crude
forms of nouns, is the use of the old Roman demonstratives ille
§ 10.] ^ OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. ^ - 539
and tpse to mark a definite object, as contrasted with unus and
aliquis-unus, which denote indifference. This is, of course,
‘identical with the use of the definitive article in the Greek and
other languages ; and the Romance languages owe much of their
acknowledged perspicuity to this adaptation. It is true that the
artifice is not applied with the logical subtilty by which the
employment of the Greek article is distinguished; bnt any
deficiency in this respect is amply compensated by the strictly
-logical order of the sentences in which the words are arranged.
. It 1s not necessary in this place to say much on the subject
of the Romance verb. Where the tenses have preserved the
forms of the Latin verb, we observe a systematic abbreviation.
-Labials are absorbed, according to the practice so remarkable in
Latin: final syllables are dropt, and the accent is thrown for-
ward. We sometimes find that what appears to be an arbitrary
corruption is really only an attempt to represent in writing some
: genuine articulation of the old Latin; thus we have seen above
(p. 290) that a palatal may take the place of a labial in French,
. when the latter is followed by 2, as in sapiam = sayjam, Fr.
.sache (cf. ravir and arracher from rapto and arripio). We see
the process of this change in the Provengal Thus, we have
in the celebrated prison-sang of Richard Coeur-de-Lion:
* Or sapchon ben miei hom e miei baron
Englés, Norman, Peytavin, e Gascon,
Qu' ieu non ai ja ei paubré companhon, .
Que per aver lo laissés en prison."
Where sap-ch-on = sap-i-ant = sachent:
* Know all my lieges and my barons true
From England, Normandy, Guienne, Poitou,—
I would not leave tho poorest of my train.
In dreary dungeon for the love of gain."
The e, which represents the Latin «ἐδ in the second person
plural of all present tenses of French verbs, except in the cases of
étes and faites for estis and facitis, is not equivalent to ts,
as some have supposed, but stands for the dental sibilant, which
followed the ¢ in the older Romance languages; thus we have
. avetz τα habetis before we find avez, and even etz for estis before
étes, That z is merely an s, so written after -¢, is clear from its
540 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [cHar. xiv.
similar appearance as a plural affix to nouns and participles, as in
gentz »-gentes—gens, toutz=tous, escriptz=écris, &c. Generally,
the number of compound or auxiliary tenses is very much in-
‘creased in the Romance as compared with the Latin verb. In
addition to the verbs sum and fut, we find that habeo and sto
are regularly pressed into the service. Verbs in their first for-
mation construct their perfect and future tenses with the aid of
"habeo; for the past participle with habeo makes up the former
(as j'ai aimé — ego habeo amatum), and the regular future con-
sists of a combination of the same verb with the infinitive (as
j aimer-ai = ego habeo amare). This analysis of the Romance
future was probably known to Sainte Palaye, who cites the main
proof of it, namely, the fact that the infinitive was sometimes
-separated from its auxiliary by the interposition of another word
‘(see Bopp, Annals of Oriental Literature, p. 45). But the
formal enunciation of this view was first made by Raynouard
(see Grammaire Romane, p. 221; Lewis On the Romance
Languages, p. 194); and there cannot be the least doubt of its
ruth. This is shown not only by the tmests, to which I have
referred, but also by the varying forms of the future in the dif-
ferent Romance languages, which correspond to the varieties
in the form of the present of habere. Thus, on the one hand,
we find : * et quant cobrat l'auran, tornar lan e so poder per fe
e senes engan" = “et quand recouvré l'auront, éourner l'ont en
son pouvoir par foi et sans trómperie."
* E pos mou cor non aus dir & rescos,
Pregar vos ai, s'en aus, en ma chansos.”
= et puisque mon désir je n'ose dire à cachette, prier vous ai, si
en ose, en ma chanson." On the other hand, we see that the
present of the verb, corresponding to Aabeo in each of the
Romance languages, is duly represented by the corresponding
-affix of the future. Thus we have:
ITAL. SPAN, Prov. FRENCH.
ho he at at
amer-d, amar-é, amar-at, aimer-at ;
-and similarly of the other persons. In Italian the future also ex-
‘hibits the longer forms in aggio or qbbo, as in dtr-aggto, “1 shall
$ 10.] ᾿ OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. ' 641
say," far-abbo, “I shall make" (cf. far-ebbe, &c.). It is obvious
that the same explanation must apply to the secondary tenses.
For if the future aur-at,-aur-as, aur-a, aur-em, aur-etz, aur-an,
is compounded of the infinitive aver and the present at, as, a,
avem, avetz, an, it is clear that the conditional aur-ta, aur-ias,
aur-{a, aur-iam, aur-iatz, aur-ian must be made up of the same
infinitive and the subjunctive present a-1a, a-ias, a-ia, a-tam,
a-iatz, a-van. And thus amar-ta will not represent amarem, as
some writers have supposed, but will exhibit the same agency of
the auxiliary verb as the future amar-at. ΕΝ
"The indeclinable words in the Romance languages are parti-
eularly interesting, as examples of the manner in which frequent _
use contributed to the abbreviation of phraseology in these
idioms. In some shorter words the alterations are very slight,
as in @ for ab!, donc for tunc, avant for ab-ante, av-ec from
ab-esc for ab-usque (cf. the Provengal duesc for de-usque, Ray-
nouard, Gramm. Hom. p. 318), ailleurs for aliorsum, doréna-
vant for de hora in ab-ante, mats for magis, jamais for jam
magis, ensemble for insimul, de-main for de mane, moins for
minus, quand for quando, car for quare, derriere for de retro,
assez for ad satis, st for sic, whence ain-st for 4n-sic, souvent
for subinde, dont for de unde, maintenant for manu tenens, or
for hora, désormais for de $sta hora magts, trop for the Low
Latin troppus, “a large number" (as “si en troppo de ju-
mentis." Lex Al. ap. Raynouard, Gr. Rom. p. 317), prét, Ital.
presto for presto, &c. Other particles are much more. cor-
rupted: per becomes pour; post 18 changed into puis; prope
into prés, whence au-pràs, a-pràs, &c.; secundum passes through
segont into selon; méme, from medesimo, brings ug back to the
corrupt form met-ipstssimus; sine is shortened into sans or
lengthened into senza; while aut appears as ou, ubi and ἐδὲ
are turned into oà and y; paucies, which was pauc in the
Romance languages, becomes peu in French, &e. I should be
inclined to place ἐδέ, Rom. tost, Ital. tosto, in the former class,
2 In the Provencal language, as in modern French and Italian, a or
ab bore the sense of apud —ab-ad, and signified location in all ita forms:
ay-ant=ab-anie, devant = de-ab- ante, ae-ec — ab-usque, &o.
542 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
but Sir G. C. Lewis says (Rom. Lang. p. 248) that * no probable
explanation of its origin has hitherto been given." I am not
aware what interpretations have been proposed, but it seems to
me obvious that tosto is merely the adverb of the corresponding
adjective, derived from the Latin tostus, and signifying * swift,”
“sudden,” “all in a heat," “hot with haste,” so that it is syno-
nymous with ardens, ©
§ 11. importance and value of the Latin Language.
- In the preceding pages I have endeavoured to write the
history of the Latin language, and to characterize its peculian-
ties, from the earliest period of its existence down to the present
time, when it is represented by a number of daughters, all re-
sembling their mother more or less, and all possessing m some
degree her beauties and defects. Of these, it can hardly be
doubted that the French has the best claim to the primogeniture
and inheritance. The Latin and French languages stand related
to one another, not only in the connexion of affinity, but still more
so in the important position which they have occupied as poli-
tical and literary organs of communication. They have both
striven to become the common language of civilized and educated
men; and they have had singular recommendations for the
office which they partially assumed. For power of condensation,
for lucid perspicuity, and for the practical exposition of common
matters, there are few idioms which can compete with the Latin
or the French. In many particulats they fall far behind the
Greek and the German; in many more they are surpassed by
the English ;, and it seems now to be determined that neither
Cesar nor Napoleon was destined to reverse the decree of
Providence, that man, though the one reasoning and speaking
creature, should, in different parts of the world, express his
thoughts in different languages. If there is one idiom which
seems both worthy and likely to include within it the articulate
utterances of all the world, it is our own,—for we, too, “are
sprung of earth's first blood," and the sun never sets upon our
Saxondom. But the dignity of our English speech, and its wide
diffusion by means of our commercial enterprise and missionary
δ11.} — OF THE LATIN LAXGUAGE. : 543
zeal, do not suggest any argument or motive, which should in-
duce us to neglect or discourage the study of the old Roman
literature, Though the Latin tongue will never again become
the spoken language of Europe, there is no reason why it should
not resume its place as the organ of literary communication, —
why, with its powers of conciseness and abbreviation, and with
its appropriation of all the conventional terms of science and art,
it should not still flow from the pens of those who have truths
and facts to communicate, and who are not careful to invest or
disguise them in the embellishments of some modern and fashion-
able style. . This at least is certain, that the Latin language has
struck its roots so deeply and so permanently in our own lan-
guage, that we cannot extirpate it, if we would; for we must
know Latin, if we would thoroughly understand our own mother-
tongue; and even those who are least learned, and most dis-
posed to undervalue classical attainments, are very liable to
further what others would call the corruption of our language,
by the introduction of new terms erroneously formed after a
Latin model’. It is, therefore, not unreasonable to expect that,
whatever changes may take place in the professional edu-
cation of Englishmen—though the Universities may cease to
bestow the highest degrees in their faculties upon those who
have passed through the Latin exercises of their schools—though
the meeting of Convocation may never again be inaugurated
with a Latin sermon at St. Paul’s—though a study of Justinian
and Gaius may be pronounced of no use to the lawyer—though
even Roman history may lose its general interest—though phy-
sicians may decline to prescribe and apothecaries to dispense ac-
cording to the phraseology of a Latin materia medica—though
the House of Commons may no longer bestow the sanction of
1 It would be easy to cite a long list of words in -ation, which are not
formed from Latin roots, and are certainly not due to the Latin scholar-
ship of those who first used them. The verb “to base” for “to cause to
rest on a base or foundation” is a modern corruption so common that I
cannot hope to have avoided it in my own writings, though I am quite.
aware that according to all analogy “to base” or “ abase” must mean
“to depress” or “lay low”, not “to build up.”
Jw
D44 constiTuTion AND PATHOLOGY, &c. [cHAP. xiv.
parliamentary applause on well applied quotations from the clas-
sical authors—still, a competent acquaintance with the language
and literature of ancient Rome will be, as it is now, indis-
pensable to every one, who lays claim to a complete cultivation
of his reason and taste, and who wishes either to understand
and enjoy the writings of our best authors, or to enrich the
English language with new examples of its capacity for terse
arguments, happy expressions, and harmonious periods.
INDICES.
I.
ETHNICAL NAMES, AND NAMES OF PLACES OR COUNTRIES.
Abella, 138, 151
Achivus, 148
ZEnus, 9
ZEqui, 4
Agathyrsi, 49
Αἰθίοψ, 37
Alba, 6
Ambrones, 71
Angli, 86
Anio, 9
Apulus, 5
Argos, 15
"Apux, 48
Asia, 36
Atella, 15r
Auruncus, Αὕσων, 4
Cere, 198
Cascus, 6
Courland, 68
Cumberland, 72”
Daci, Danes, 51
Dorian, 50
Etruria, 18, 83, 294
Etruscus, 18, 83
Falerii, 290 '
Frank, 532
Gets», Goths, 47
Herminones, 50, 78
Hirpini, 6, 132
Humber, 72
aba, 62
Apia, 57
ara, 63
araxa, 63
Araxes, 56
D. V.
i Iguvium, 94
Ingevones, 78 ©
Isceevones, 78
; Ἴων, Javan, 36
Iran, 48
, Languedoc, 534
| Larissa, 15
Latinus, 7, 70
' Lavinium, 7
' Leleges, 73
, Ligyes, 71
| Lithuanian, 8, 7o
᾿ Μαιδοί, 47
| Massagetm, 49
Mysi, 47
: Northumberland, 72
(Enotrians, 12
| Opicus, Oscus, 4, 5
, Pahlavi, 49
| Πάρθος, 47
' Πελασγός, 36
| Πέλοψ, 37
; Piceni, 6, 10
Pomeranians, 84
, Prussians, 84
! Rasena, 84, 532
Reetians, 22
| Roma, 68
11.
SCYTHIAN WORDS.
Arimaspi, 60
Artemis, 59, 63
Artimpasa, 59
Borysthenes, 55
brix-aba, 62
Romanus, 492
| Ros, 84
' Sabinus, 107
Sacs, 49
. Sacrani, 6
, Samnium, 10
! Samo-Getes, 51, 68
Sauromate, 48, 74
| Saxon, 49
Sclavonian, 70, 75
Scolote, 51, 66
Servians, 75
Sila, 324
, Bintians, 47
| Σκύθαι, 47 8qq.
| Thames, 54
Thracians, 46, 50
Thuringians, 50
. Thyrea, Thyrwon, 16
Thyseagete, 49
| Tiryns, 15, 16
. Toltecs, 16
| Τυῤῥηνός, 14
"Tuscus, 18
Umbri, 71
| Veneti, 77
' Vindelici, 76
" Volscus, 5 note
Wineds, 76
Carcine, 55
Dan-ubius, 54
Dnieper, 55
Dniester, 54
dun, 54
35
546 INDICES.
enarees, 63 Octa-masadas, 59 Rho-danus, 56
Eri-danus, 56 oior, 62 Sparga-pises, Spargapithes,
Exam-peeus, 63 oior-pata, 62 60
Ger-rus, 55 Oito-surus, 58 Tabiti, 56
Grau-casis, 62 Panticapes, 55 Tami-masadas, 59
halinda, 62 Papeus, 57 Tana-is, 56
Hypa-caris, 55 pata, 62 Temarunda, 60
Hypan-ia, 55 phru, 63 | Timavus, 60
Is-ter, 53 phry-xa, 63 Tyres, 54
Msotis, 60 Porata, 54 xa, 63
masadas, 59 Rha, 56
III.
UMBRIAN WORDS.
The Alphabetical List in pp. 120—125, and the following.
abrof, abrons, 110, 333 festira, 99 pefaem, r20
aferum, 102 Fisius, 112 peraknis, 119
abaltru, 123 fos, 116 pernaies, 106
ahtrepuraum, 120 fri, 116 perom, 120
aiu, 119 frite, 116 persei, 116
anstiplatu, 114 frosetom, 102 persklum, 107
anzeriates, 107 furenr, 99 peskler, 102
ape, 103 futu, fututo, 103 pesetom, 102
&fepes, 113 habe, &c. 103 pesnimumu, 105
arsie, 102 heris, rt: peturpursus, 120
arsmo, I17 heritu, 111, 118 piaz 149 *
arveitu, 99 hont, hondra, huntra, hon- | pihatu, 104
arves, 113 . domu, 101 pihu, 103
arvia, 111 .| kapife, 99, 120 pir, 117
buf, 110 karetu, 102 poe, ror
dersecus, 117. Krapuvius, 109 poplus or puphus, 101
dersva, 99 kumate, 120 portatu, 115
dupursus, 120 kupifiatu, 102 pre, 108
ekvine, 120 kurnase, 114 prumum, 120
emantur, 105 kutef, 113 prusesetu, 98
enetu, 107 mers, 115 pufe, 102
enumek, 114 nep, 117 pune, pus, pusnaies, 102
erar, erer, 116 nerf, 116 punus, 123
erek, eront, ΟΣ nume, IOI puplus, 1o:
erus, 103 okris, 101 purtinsus, 102
680, IOI orer, 117 pusei, puze, 102
este, 107 ose, 117 pusnares, 107
esuk, rot ostendu, 113 pustru, 102
etre, 120 paker, 116 restatu, 119
fasiu, 120 parfa, 114 sakre, 119
feitu, 111 peica, peiqu, 115 seritu, 107
ferine, 111 pepe, 124 sevakni, 113 note
INDICES.
Bevum, IO, 113 tela, 99, 102 vatuva,*r 11
skrehto, akreihtor, 102 tesenakes, 109 vehiies, 109
stahito, 98 tesva, 114 veres, 108
steplatu, 114 titis, 124 virseto, 102
subator, 117 tota, tuta, 107, 113 vitlup, 100
subokau, suboko, 116 tover, 102 ucris, TOT
sue-pis, 115 treia, 120 ulo, 115
suru, ΒΟΙΒΟ, 120 treplanes, 109 ura, 115
tases, 113 tuplak, tupler, twves, 120 | ustentu, 103
tertie, 120 vas, vasetom, 102
IV.
OSCAN WORDS.
. The Alphabetical List in pp. 128—139, and the following.
teteiB, 147 etanto, 147 likitud, 146
aisken, 150 Evklus, 156 loufir, 146
akenus, 156 famelo, 151 maimas, 143
aktud, 148 fefakust, 146 mais, 143
akum, 151 feihos, 154 mallum, malud, 150
allo, 151 fiisna, 154 manimaserum, [51
amirikatud, 151 flusare, 10g meddisud (pru-), 148
amma, 156 fortis, 147 meddix, 147
amnud, 144 fuid, fust, 151 medikatud, 151
ampert, 147 Futris, 156 meseng, 109
ancensto, I51 Herekleis, 435 minstreis, 147 '
angit, anget, 142 herest, 147 molta, 143
angetuzet, 150 hipid, 144 moltaum, 147
anter, 142 him, 151 neip, nep, t5T
araget, aragetud, 143 ΒΟΥ͂Σ, 149 nesimois, 151, 322
Ausil, 136 iok, ionk, 144 op, 148, 151
auti, 151 kadeis, 144 pae, 151
Bang», 149 karneis, 143 | pam, 149
Bantins, 149 kastris, 145 Patana, r56
Casnar, 128, 163 kebnust, 150 Perna, 156
dat, 144 kensam, kensaum, 149 pertemust, 143
Degetasius, 133, 142 kensazet, 149 perum, 144
deivaid, deivast, 143 kenstom, 150 petiropert, 147, 148
dikust, 148 kenstur, 149 piei, 144
diumpais, 156 kerus, 156 pis, 135
dolum, 144, 148, 149 keus, 149 pistia, 156
egmo, egmazum, 144 kom, 148 pod, 144
eituam, eituas, 145, 147 komenei, 144 poizad, 150
eizazunk, 151 komono, 144 pokapit, 145
embratur, 107 kontrud, 146 pomtis, 148
estud, 151 kvaísstur, 83 pon, 149
esuf, 150 lamatir, 151 post-edak, 145
edak, 145 ligis, ligud, 150 prefukus, 151
. 35—2
547
- ΝΕ
548
przesentid, 555 e
preivatad, 148
prof-tuset, 154
pru= pre, 144
pruhipid, 144
prumedikatud, 148, 151
pruter, 149
puf, 150
Q(uzstor], 142
regator, 156
sakaraklum, 516
INDICES.
senateis, 343
| set, ISI
siom, 144
sipus, 148
sivom, 149, 151
skriftas, 151
slagis, 154
suad, 143
| sum, 143
tadait, 146
| tanginud, 143
V.
ETRUSCAN WORDS.
tedur, 154
tefurom, 57, 156
ioutiko, 151
tribarakat, 154
tuset, 150
valemem, 146
verehasius, 156
Ι Vinkter, 151
, umbrateis, 144
urust, 148
| sikolom, 148
Tbe Alphabetical Lists in pp. 190—196, 217—119, and the following.
Schnaz, 149
achr, 209
Afuna, 225
Ama, 214, 224
Ancaria, 178
Apulu, Aplu, 176
aras, 205
Aril, 194
Aritimis, 45, 59, 203
Aruns, 125, 189
atesum, 294
.Atena, 225
Ausil, 136
Cecina and Cecilia, 225
Caphatial, 313
Capys, 184, 357
caratse, caresri, carutezan,
220
cealchs, 192 .
ceca, cecha, 207
cechaze, 207
cehen, cen, 209
Ceres, 178
cerurum, 223
chfinchfe, 193
chi, 193
chisflics, 207
clan, clen, 204
over, 210, 314
eca, 208
ein, 323
Elchsntre, 170
epana, 100
Epure, 202
erai, 200, 208
ersce, 208
etera, 203
ethe, 200
eu, 314
Feronia, 176
flenim, 315
fuius, 202
fulle, 219
hareutuse, 150
.| heczri, 222
helefu, 200
hintha, hinthiu, 222
ipa, 213
ir, 201%
Janus, 171
Juno, 173
Jupetrul, 202
Kalairu, 202
kemulmleskul, 224
kethuma, ΟἹ, 199
Kupra, 173
lar, 179
Larthialisvle, 223
lat, 212
lauchme, 124, 189
lautn, lantnescle, 214, 224
ligiai, 200
Mantus, 177
maram, 200
Mars, 175
mathu, 200
Matuta, 176
Menerfa, 174
Merqurius, 179
mi, 199
Mulve, 201
murzva, 223
nac, 200
nastav, 200
neke, 201
nesla, 209
nethu, 200
Nethuns, 177, 200
Nfatia, 213
ni, 199
Nortia, 179
perad, 205
phleres, 206
phruntac, 191
Phupluns, 230
Porsena, 19
Pupliana, 201
Raáne, 225
ril, 305
gains, 222
Saturnus, 175
Secstinal, 170
Bethlans, 174
sie, 200
Soranus, 176
Sothina, 176
stem, 213
sver, 210
Summanus, 173
suthi, 209
Tanaquil, 86
tanna, 213
tece, 207
tei$, 219
telur, 223
tenilaeth, 213
tephral, 57
tesne, 219
ἄγαλμα, 181
ἄγριος, 310
αἰθή, αἰθός, 58
αἱρέω, 111
αἷσα, 58, 181
αἰών, 484
ἀληθής, 363
dus, 302
ἄλλος, 374
ἄμπειρα, 238
ἀμφί, 399
ἀνά, 374, 396
ἀνακαλύπτω, 396
ἄναξ, 179
ἀπήνη, 186
᾿Απία, 4, 57
ἀπό, 395
ἀποδίδομαι, 458
ἄργος, 15
᾿Αρέθουσα, 63
“Apns, 63, 176
ἀριστερός, 176
ἁρπάζω, 470
ἄρσην, 63
ΚΆρτεμις, 63, 203
ds, 342
ἀσπάζομαι, ἀσπαλιεύς, 459
ἀσύφηλος, 195
"ATpo'ros, 179
INDICES.
Thalna, 174
thana, 121
thaura, 211
Thekinthul, 215
thipurenai, 182, 200
thmtflaneth, 215 -
three, 208
thues, 221
thura, 211
Tiberis, 204.
Tina, 172
tlenacheis, 207
VI.
GREEK WORDS.
αὐτός, 377
᾿Αφροδίτη, 343
ay, 395
βαστάζω, 536
Βερενίκη, 55
βλίττω, 487
Βόσπορος, 55
βοῦς, 184
βοῶπις, 45
βύργος, 55
γελόοντες, 180
γέφυρα, 496
γηρύων, 177
γλυκύῤῥιξζα, 298
TIrágwv, 163
γοάω; βοάω, 184
δαήρ, 302
δάκρυον, 301
δαλίς, 174
δαλός, 302
δαπάνη, 200
δαψιλής, 302
B6, 307
δεικηλίκτης, 188
δειλός, 302
δεινός, 130
δημόσιος, 330, 334
διά, 399
διπλάσιος, 405
δίς, 7
δίσκος, 5
διχομηνία, 188
549
trutnft, 187
tulati, 223
Turce, 203
Turms, 179
tuthines, 207
Vedius, 173
Velthina, 225
Velthu, 201
Vertumnus, 175
vorsus, 195
Usil, 136
Utuze, 170
δρῶ, 92
δῶρον, 302
tap, 456
édw, 501
ἐγρήγορθαι, 453
ἔζεσθαι, 300
el, 300
εἰκών, 188
εἰμὶ and γέγνομαι, 416
εἶτα, 397 —
ἐλεύθερος, 7
᾿Ἑλίσυκοξ, 5 note.
ἑλλός, 300
ἐμέ, 376
ἐν, els, 396
ἐναργής, 362
évéykew, 177
ἐπί, 399
ἐπιτήδειος, 344
ἕπομαι, 300
Epis, 299
ἐρυθρός, 7
ἔρχομαι, 91
ἔστε, 383
ἕτερος, 376
ἔτι, 396
ἑτοῖμος, 459
εὐμαρής, 363
εὐχερής, 363
ἔχω, 449
ἕως, 341
ἑωυτοῦ, 320
δδ0
Ζεύς, 171, 361
ἥλιος, σελήνη, 174
ἡμέρα, ἱμέρα, 320
ἥμερος, 310
Treipos, 321
ἥρως, 31
θάλασσα, 299
θαῤῥεῖν, 302
θεῖος, 232
θέμις, indecl. 346
θέναρ, 364
64, 289
0$s, 212
θησαυρός, 304
θῆτες, 149
θύρα, 302
θώρηξ, 302
θῶυμα, 320
ἴδιος, 343
Ἱμέρα, 320
καιρός, 462, 478
καλός, 303
κεῖνος, 372, 374
κέραννυμι, 463
κλύω, 7O
κοσκύλλω, 298
κόσμος, 398
κούρητες, 30
kpayaós, 132
κρίνω, 461
κρύσταλλος, 62
Λαιστρυγών, 180
Adpos, &c. 181
λέχριος, 189
λέως, 342
Alrpa, 7
AolSopos, 190
λοξίας, 30
μάλα, μόλις, 303
μάντις, 178, 201
μάρη, 363
μάρτυς, 363
μαστός, 69
μάτην, 191
μέθυ, 200
μέλαθρον, 183
μέλας, 37
μελετάω, 498
μέμβλωκα, 387
μεός, 369
INDICES.
μεσημβρία, 287
μετόπη, 42
μέχρι, 450
μή, 403
μηνύω, 175
μίσγω, 450
μύριοι, 315
vabpsbs, 300
γάνος, 191
véw, 176
ξένος, 244
bafos, 58
᾿Θαρίων, 244.
ὅασις, 58 °
ὅδε, 372
ὁδούς, 304
᾿Οδυσσεύς, 170
ὀδύσσομαι, 470
olorpos, 58
ὅλος, 137
ὄμπη, 5
ὄμφαλος, 287
ὁπώρα, §
οὐ, 118, 403
οὐρανός, 415
οὗτος, 372
ὀφείλω, 451
παρά, 308
παραστάς, παστάς, 41
| παραστῆναι, συμταραστῆναι,
354
παρέχω, 449
παρθένος, 280
πασάσθαι, 124
πατήρ, 57
πείθω, 455
πέλαγος, πελάγιος, 364
πελαργός, 37
πέλιος, πελιδνός, 37
πέρνημι, 462
πιπράσκω, πρίαμαι, 458
πίπτω, 455
πίνω, 124
πλήρης, 302
ποίημα, 481
ποινή, 503
ποῖρ, $25
πόλις, 111
πρύλεες, 314
ῥεῖθρον, 193
ῥόθος, 4&5
ῥοῖβδος, 297
σαίνω, 306
σελήνη, 174, 186
σίφων, 195
Σοωδίνα, 176
στορῶνυμι, 462
στυφελός, 290
σχέτλιος, 300
τάλις, 174
τανύω, τείνω, 214, 449
ταυροπόλος, 45
τέμενος, 321, 462, 478
repuls, 323
τέως, 342
τῆμος, 386
τηνίκα, 386
τίς, 173
Tipos, 56
τρέχω, 91, 457
τρίγλνφος, 43
τύραννος, 15
τύρσιβ, 15
| υἱός, 202
ὕπνος, 300
ὑπό, 307
ὑφαίνω, 449
φάλαι, 185
φίλος, φιλέω, 498
Φλιάσιος, 405
φολκός, 180
φυγγάνω, 461
φύω, 202, 414
xapual, 199
χαμαίδρυς, 303
χανδάνω, 470
xaol, 7
χάρμη, 300
χεῖλος, 200
χέω, 442
χήν, 184
χῆρος, 479
χθαμαλός, 91, 199
χίλιοι, 315, 449
χιών, 449
x^wpós, 188
χῶρος, χορός, χώρα, 320
ὠκεανός, 505
ὠνέομαι, 458
ὠφελῶ, 451
INDICES. 551
VII.
LATIN WORDS.
a, ab, abe, 395 amplector, 459 bimus, 494.
abemo, 460 amsegetes, 251 bis, 286
ac, atque, 509 ancilla, 178 bitumen, 287
accerso, 302, 419 anfractus, 251 blandus, 503
accipiter, 184, 357 anguis, 186 bonus, 286
&ocuso, &c. 315 animum advertere, indu- | bos, 361
acer, 477 cere, 260 bruma, 576
acerra, 257 annus, 193, 508 Bucco, 163
acervus, 233, 477 ante, 398 caduceus, 303
activus, 477 antid, 365 ceeculus, 456
actus, 149, 322 antiquus, 320 ceedo, go
actutum, 478 antrum, 487 celebs, 479
acua, 296 anus, 193 celibaris haste, 479
. ad, 396 aperio, 402 calum, 479
"adeps, III, 402 apud, 397 ceruleus, 307
adheeum, 183 aqua, 296 Cesar, 128
adoro, 255, 444 arboresco, arboretum, 467 | Caius, 339
adulo, 306 arbustum, 357» calvitur, calumnia, 243,
advena, 475 arcera, 242 480
sedes, 254 Arcesso, 302, 419, 465 canis, 359
seditimus, 313 arguo, argutus, argumen- | cano, 458, 505
seger, 314 tum, 504 | canorus,: 446
aeneus, ahenus, 98 armus, 475 cantilena, 253
sereus, sneus, 302 asper, 509 canus, candidus, 128
srumna, 480 aspernor, 462 capesso, 419, 465
testimo, 314 assido, assideo, 503 capio, 460
weternus, 175 assiduus, 242 caput, 62
af=ab, 260 atrox, 402, 477 caput, capud, 355
ager, 251 auctumnus, 5, 456 carcer, $16
agito, 497 audeo, 470 . cardo, 322, 490
ala, 502 augur, 313 carmen, 355, 481. *
albico, 499 aula, 516 carnifex, 496
alimentum, alimonis, 481 |suriga, 506 caro, 356
aliquis, 383 auritus, 467 castrum, 487
aliquispiam, 385 auris, 302 castus, 146, 239
alius, 374 aurum, 128, 137 | catamitus, 303
aliuta, 241 autumo, 314 caterva, 233, 477
almus, alo, 458, 475 avena, 186 catervatim, 343
alumnus, 117, 480 aveo, 00, 450 catus, 128, 233
amanuensis, 397 averrunco, 287 cauneas, 524
ambidens, 393 bajulus, $36 eausa, 476
ambitus, 250 bellum, 286 cavitus, 376
ambo, 391 berber, 234 cavillor, 463
amicus, 303 berbex, 63 cedo, 408
amo, amor, 62, 459, 485 bea, 286 oeler, 30, 359
amcenus, 101, 403 bibo, 287 celeres, 29
ampirvo, 338 bidens, 392 celsus, collis, &c. 204
552
centurio, 483
ceremonia, 487
cerno, 463
cerus manus, 236
cervus, 476
ceu, 214
ceva, 184
choraulcdos, 236
cieo, cio, 211, 452
cimeterium, 316
cinctutus, 478
cippus, 290
circa, circum, circiter, 401
citra, 401
citus, 452
civis, 149, 276, 477
clam, calim, 345
claustrum, 487
cliens, 73, 334
clipeus, 324
cocles, 30
cogo, 459, 498
coemo, 460
coona, 128
copi, 470 .
cohors, 98
cohum, 479
colonia, 296
cominus, eminus, 345
comissari, 97, 319
como, 460
compascuus, 251
compesco, 466
concÁpes, 250
confuto, 446
congruo, 504
conniveo, 296
conscripti, 29
consideratus, 432
considero, 445
contaminare, 516
contemplor, 545
contio, 304, 516
contra, 401
convitium, 516
coquus, 296
cor, 355
coram, 345
cornutus, 467, 478
corvus, 184
INDICES.
cosol, 304
creo, cresco, 466, 468
crepo, 443
crinitus, 478
crus, 19I
cubo, 443
cuicuimodi, 518
cujus, &c. 382
culmen, 317
cum, 401
cumera, 138
cung, 516
cuncti, 31
cuneus, 233
cunque, 388 -
cupidus, 476
cupio, 460
cur, 296
cura, 314
curia, curiatius, curtius, 29
curio, 482
custos, 146
dano, 441
de, 399
debeo, ΟἹ, 450
debilig, 91
decorus, 446
decumanus, 322, 490
decuria, 121, 516
deliro, 323
dehibeo, 451
demo, 399
demum, 385
denique, 386
denuntio, 273
deploro, 445
dequim, 269, 390
desidero, 445
detego, 396
develo, 396
dextra, 174
di, 339
dice, 233
diffensus, 245
difficultas, 317
Digentia, 302
digitus, dignus, 478
diligo, 457, 459
dimico, 444
diocesis, 316
dissicentes, 117
divido, 188
diurnus, 494
do, 441
dolus, 510
Domitius, 304
domo, 443
donec, 386
donum, 302
duco, 267
Duillius, 286
dulcis, 306
dumtaxat, 370, 273
dunque, 235
€, ex, 395
eapse, &c. 377
Ecaator, &c. 517.
effostus, 502
Egerius, 9
eho, ego, eja, &c. 376
elementum, 169
emico, 444
emo, 458
enim, 150, 344
enos, 233
eo, 391
equester, 493
equidem, 526
equus, 477
ercticisco, 249
erga, 401
ergo, 342
eruditus, 169
eacit, 239, 413, 468
esum, 412
et, 397, 509
etiam, 388
exiguus, 516
exilis, 516
exim, 341
existimo, 312
expergiscor, 457
explodo, 315
exploro, 444
extemplo, 345, 478
facesso, 419
facie, 234
facio, 296
facul, 267, 525
fagus, 288
fama, 475
famelicus, 360
familias, 331
fanum, fatum, 478
Fatua, 186
fatuus, 111
favor, 485
febris, 475
fendo, 469
fenestra, 487
fera, 289
ferio, 469
fero, 370, 469
filius, 102
finalis, 419
findo, 188, 303
fio, 296, 414
flamma, 475
flecto, 456
fluo, 116
fecundus, 348
foedus, 502
᾿ foemina, 414
foetus, 414
folium, 386
fone, 495
forceps, forfex, forpex, 353
forem, 415
fortuitus, 478
forum- vestibulum sepul-
cri, 258
fossa, 476
fovea, foveo, 186
frango, 116
fraus, 510
frausus, 255
frustra, 191
fugio, fugo, 448
fui, 415
folgetrum, 487
fundus, 322, 495
fungor, 461
Gaius, 339
gallicinium, 505
gelu, 62
gena, 292
generosus, 356
genus, 293
gigno, 458
glacies, 62
INDICES.
glisco, 204
globus, 290
Gnaeus, 293
gnarures, 332
granum, 292
gratuitus, 478
gruma, 68, 322
gruo, 504
grus, 187
habena, 187
habeo, 450
heereo, 294.
baruspéxz, 186
haustrum, 487
heluo, 200
Herclaneus, 170
heredium, 251
heres, 448
heri, 91
Herminius, 31, 170
herus, 3t:
hibernus, 290, 294
hic, 371 864.
hiemps, 290, 294
hinc, 341
hio, 294
hir, 111
Hirtius, 29
hodie, 327
hodiernus, 494
homicida, 431
homo, 3t
honestus, 300, 485
honor, 300, 485
hora, 148
Horatius, 29
hornus, 494
hortus, 251, 294
hospes, 244
hostis, 244
humus, 91, 199, 294
iconomus, 316
idem, 376
ideo, idoneus, 344
idus, 188
igitur, 242, 342, 401, 409
llithyia, 316
ille, 311, 372 8qq.
illioo, 345
im, 270
553
imitor, 188
immo, imo, 538
imperator, 134
imus, 516
in, 396
inclitus, 324
inde, 341
indies, 246
induco, 267
indulgeo, 90, 502
indutim, 459
infensus, infestus, 469
infit, 470
infra, inferior, 393
ingruo, 504
iniquus, 312
innocens, innoxius, 476
inquam, 135, 291, 419, 471
inquilinus, 296
inquiro, 312
instar, 345
insula, 251
intelligo, 457
inter, 311
interatim, 246
interea, 378
intereo, interficio, 453
interpres, interpretor, 443;
497
invitus, 112
ipse, 376
ipsippe, 387
iracundus, 433
is, 376
iste, 371 sqq.
item, 525
itero, 498
iterum, 303
| jacere, 448
jam, 344
jubeo, 449
jucundus, 516
judaidiare, 319
jugerum, 149, 312
jugum, 319
Jupiter, 361
jurgium, 251, 459
juvenis, 359
juvo, 443
juxta, 402
lapicidins, 516
lapiderum, 334
lappa, 290
largus, 180
larva, 180
lentus, 464
levir, 302
liber, lceber, 146, 351
librarius, 269
ligare, 301
lignum, 478
ligurio, 499
limes, 321
lingua, 302, 502
lino, 463
lira, 189
, lis, 263, 307
lituus, 189
longinquus, 303
lorica, 302
Lubedon, 201
luci, 273
Judus, 169, 189
luervem, 174, 238
lupus, 298
luridus, 188
luscus, 30
luuci, ?73
lympha, 156
macte, 340, 517
magister populi, 2, 29
magister, minister, 147
mala, 178, 516
malus, 393
mando, 178
manifestus, 363, 469
mantiscinari, 291
manubrium, 488
manus, 173, 100
Marcipor, &c. 525
mare, 90, 364
Mars, Mavors, &c. 175,
179, 201
Massa, 97, 3:9
materia, -e8, 359
INDICES.
matrimonium, 480
mea, &c. 378
meditor, 498
mehe, 98
mel, 355
melior, 393
mens and animus, 175
mentum, 178
mercimonium, 48r
mergus, 117
meridie, 302, 327, 517
merx, 353
mico, 443
mile, miles, 30, 315
Minerva, 174, 233, 477
minieter, 147
minus for non, 405
mis, 368
misceo, 450
modero, 498
modo, 217, 408, 517
molior, 503
mollis, 516
moneo, 175
monstrare, 176
1nonstrum, 487
mox, 345
multimodis, 518
muscipula, 512
musso, 97
nam, 344
namque, 384
nanxitor, 248
narro, $9, 459
nativus, 477
naufragus, 512
navalis, 419
ne, neo, and non -quidem,
495
neo, 117, 248, 404
necesse, 366
neget, 314
negligo, 117, 457
nego, 118, $00
negotium, 117
negritu[do], 118, 314
negumo, 237
nequam, 389
nequinont, 298
Nero, 63
nervus, 247, 476
nihilum, 517
nir, 297, 353
non, 405
nonus, 391
norma, 69
nostri, nostrum, 369
nox- noctu, 254, 346
noxa, noxia, 476
nubes, 475
nudiustertius, 494, 518
num, 405
nuncupo, 249
nuntius, 304
ob, 399
obba, 400
obedio; 315
obesus, 400
obliquus, 189
obliviscor, 467
obnoxius, 476
obrussa, 97
obses, 502
obsidere, 400, 502
obstetrix, 354
obstinere, 237, 400
obsto, 354
obsum, 450
occentare, 253
occultus, 207
octavns, 391
odi, 470
oetor, 276
offendo, 469
officina, 328
officium, 354, 451
oleaster, 188
olfacit, 302
olim, 239, 374
ollus, 374
omentum, 516
omnimodis, 518
omnis, 3t
onus, 300
onustus, 300, 485
opima spolia, 240
oportet, ΟἹ, 450
oppidum, oppido, 112, 400
ope, 4
opto, 498
optimus, 400
opulentus, 464
Oro, 444
08, 355
ogcines, 174
osem, 236
otium, 516
paciscor, 243
pagunt, 243
palam, 345
pando, pateo, 448
paries, 315
pario, pareo, 448
parochus, 450
pars, 345
partim, 327.
parvus, 476
pasco, 466
patefacio, 419
patres, conscripti, 29
patrimonium, 480
paullus, 516
pecoo, 501
pectuscum, 27
pecus, 297
pedester, 493
pejor, 392, 536
pejero, 398, 517
pelagus, 364
pendo, pendeo, 448
penes, 345 .
penetro, 499
per, 398
perdo, pereo, 4!9, 453
perennis, 194
pergo, 314, 459, 498
pestis, 475
peto, 455
pigeo, 146
pilumnus, 237, 480
pipatio, pipulo, 136, 253
plaustrum, 488
pleorea, 233
plorare, 238, 444
plumbum, 291
poema, 316
ponas, nom. pl. 253, 329
polenta, 324
pollex, 354
polliceo, 403
INDICES.
Pollius, 516
pomoerium, 401
pondus, 496
pone, post, 401
pono, 465
pontifex, 496
pópulus, 230
porcet, 516
porrigo, 102, 214, 403, 457
portus, 245
posco, 466
posit = posuit, 316
possum, 468
postea, 378
posthao, &c. 145, 378
posticus, 320
postliminium, 401
postridie, 327
pote, potis, 366
potus, 476
pre, preter, pro, propter,
398
predium, 146
prefamino, 235
pres, 354
preterea, 378
praetor, preetura, 486
pretor, &c. 437
preevides, 146, 276, 280
pratensis, 492
pravus, 62
precor, ΟἹ, 470
prehendo, 98
pretium, 443, 497
primus, 391
priscus, 18 .
privignus, $12
pro, 398
proceres, 31
procul, 345
prelium, 315
proficiscor, 466
proletarius, 242
promenervat, 174
promo, promptus, 459
promulgare, 290
propinquus, 303
propitius, 304
propter, 345
propterea, 378
prosa, 179, 304
prosper, 509
prudens, 516
prurigo, 499 .
puella, 490
puer, 525
pulmo, 480
puniceus, 290
punio, 503
purgo, 107, 459
pytisso, 97
quero, 419
qussetor, 256
qualus, 516
quando, 386
quandoquidem, 527
quansei, 276
"quantus, 358
quapropter, 145, 378
quasi, 379
queo, queno, 298, 311, 453
ques, 246, 381
qui and quis, 381
quia, 381
quicquid, 384
quidam, 383
quidem, 385
quilibet, . 383
quinaria, 148
quippe, 387
quispiam, 384
quisquam, 383
quisque, 383, 387
quisquis, 383
quivis, 384, 387
quomodo, 527
quoque, 388
quoquus, 296
quorsus, 179
radere genas, 257
rastrum, 487
ratio, 365
ratiocinor, 505
re= ἀνά, 403
re=rei, 370
reapse, 377
recludo, 396
redantruo, 337
refert, 370
refirmo, 396
556
refuto, 446
regio, 91
regiones viarum, 321
rego, 457
religio, 482
remulco, 324
remus, 475
reor, 365
repetundarum, 275
repudio, 364
res, 294, 362
retego, 396
rettuli, 305
revelo, 396
revertor, 457
reus, 245
ricinium, 257
rixa, 299, 319
robustus, 356
rorarius, 315
rostrum, 487
rota, 302
ruber, 7
rudimenta, 169
rudo, 455
ruma, 68
rupitia, 253
rursus, 179
rus, 294
rutrum, 487
sacellum, $t6
Sacramentum, 270
seoculum, 175
sagitta, 9o
Saguntus, 97
sal, 356, 358
sanates, 243
sarpo, sarpta, 250
satis, 302, 366
scando, 448
&cateo, scaturio, 499
Scilicet, 419, 518
scribere, 286
scriptor, scriptura, 427, 486
se, 368
ge clo cedens, 237
se, sed, sine, 246, 256, 337
gecundus, secutus, 301
gecuris, gO
gedeo, sido, 448
INDICES.
sedulo, 269
semel, simplex, &c. 390
Semones, 234
semper, 390
sempiternus, 175
semuncia, 148
senex, 353
sepultus, 317
sequester, 493
sermo, 486
sermocinor, 505
sero, 463
sesquipes, sesquipedalis,
505
sestertius, 250
setius, 481
geverus, IO
sibilo, r95
sibus, 148
sic, 372
siccus, 501
sicilicus, 148, 322
sila, silva, 324
simplex, 390
simul, 341
sincerus, 390
sinciput, 390
Bine, 401
singulus, 390
sinister, 147
sino, 463
sirempe, 273
sis=8i vis, 518
eis —suis, 316
socer, 324
sodes, 518
solari, 516
sollemnis, 137, 194
sollers, 137
solus, 374
sonorus, 446
sonticus, 244
speres, 332
sperno, 463
gpiritus, 476
sponte, 90, 375, 495
Spurius, 32, 313
Bquama, 297
statim, 402
stator, 354
sterno, 303
stipendium, 516
stipulus, 114
stlis, 263, 307
βίο, 443
strenuus, 137
struo, 461
suad, 143
sublimis, 516
subtilis, 516
sueris, 334
suffoco, 315
sum and inquam, 291
gum and fio, 411 844.
sumo, 466
summus, 516
suovetaurilia, 509
gupellex, 354
supparum, 290
suppositicius, 502
suspitio, 481, 516
ta=da, 234
tabeo, 56
taciturnus, 494
tedet, tardus, 146
tamen, 345
tandem, 345, 516
taxo, 270
tectifractis, 518
tellus, 112
temno, 321, 462
temo, 480 °
tempero, 462
tempestas, 243
tempestus, 239
templum, 107, 173,
462, 478
tempus, 462, 478
tendo, 214
teneo, 449
tenus, 345
tepidus, 56
terra, r 12
tessera, 363
testis, 363
testimonium, 480
thensaurus, 304
Tiberis, 204
tignum, 250
tinguo, 295
tis, 316
Titus, 31
tlatus, 458
toga, 195, 502
tolero, 498
tonsa, 476
topper, 290
lorquular, 296
torres, 200
torvus, 477
tot, 112
totus, 32, 112
traho, 288, 292, 394
trama, 475
trans, 401
transtrum, 488
trebla, 108
trimus, 494
tripudium, 264
trucido, 477
tuber, 390
tuburcino, or tuburcinor,
409, 506
tugurium, 251, 317
ubi, unde, unquam, usque,
383, 387
ullus, 389
ultro, 341, 374
ultro tributum, 375
umbo, 400
unguo, 295
&, 475
ago, 356
alis, 489
anus, 489
ao (verb), 441, 500
ar, 356
aris, 489
arium, 489
ax, 475
b, 351
INDICER.
universus, 32, 196
unus, 315, 390
urbe, 348
urgueo, 295
urvo, 148
usque, 388
uterque, 301
utpote, 387
VACCA, 5
vagulatio, 245
vanus, 516
variegare, 310
Varro, 63
vas, r46
vasargenteis, 518
vales, 391, 359
vaticinari, 101
vaticinium, 505
vehemens, 98
Vejovis, 173
vel, 111
velum, 516
veneo, venumdo, 419, 453
venilia, 36
ventus, 181
venum, 427
Venus, 201, 356
venustas, 356
ver, 451
ver sacrum, 6
veratrum, 488
VIII.
557
verbustus, 239
verecundus, 364
versutus, 478
verto, vertumnus, 456
veru, 389
verus, 363
vestis, 476
vestri, vestrum, 309
veto, 443
vetus, 353
vicies, 516
vious, vicinus, 251
videlicet, 419, 518
viduus, 148, 188
viginti, 386
villa, 350
vindex, 134
vindicit, 246
vindico, 134, 453
violentus, 464
vir, 63
virgineus, 334
virgo, virago, 63
vis, vires, 379
vitricus, 389
vito, 443
vitta, 58
vitulus, 5
vivus, 117, 297
VOX, 475
320n8, 350, 476
LATIN TERMINATIONS.
ber, bra, brum, 488
bilis, bundus, 91, 505
bulum, 488
€, 352, 475
cer, cris, crum, 488
culus, 489
cus, 475
d, 353
din, 486
dus, 476
ea, 475
edo, 356
ensis, 492
eo (verb), 447, 501
er, 351, 3386.
ero (verb), 498
es, 357, 475
ester, 493
etum, 489
eus, 475
558
i, 475
ico (verb), 499
icus, 475
ido, 356
idius, 493
idus, 476
iensis, 492
les, 475
igo, 356
ile, 489
ilis, 489
ilius, 493
in, 356
inus, 489
io (verb), 451, 503
io, 481
ior, 485
is, 367, 475
isso (verb), 465
ito (verb), 497
it-s, 30, 315, 498
ius, 475
1, 356
lebe, 479
lentus, 464
a, 54!
abeille, 200
aesmer, 305
age, 306
aigre, 299
ailleurs, 541
aimé, 305
aimerai, 540
aimois, 388
ainsi, 541
ame, 525
Amiens, 288
Anjou, 305
&orer, aorner, 305
Aott, 299
apótre, 306 .
arracher, $39
INDICES.
lum, lus, leus, 478, 490
men, mentum, 355, 481
mnus, mna, mnum, 480
mon, 480
monia, 481
mus, ma, 475
n, 481
ndus, 358
no (verb) 455, 462
nt, 495
on, 482
or, 357, 485
osus, 484
r, 357, 485
rt, 358
rum, 478, 488
8, 478
sco (verb), 466
strum, 487
t, 355, 481
ta, 478
tat-, tut-, 355, 486
ter, tor, 357, 486, 493
timus, tinus, 494
IX.
FRENCH WORDS. ’
Arras, 305
assez, 305, 541
aucun, 307 ᾿
aumóne, 307
aune, 307
&ussi, 535
autel, 307
autre, 307
Autun, 299
Avalon, 286
avant, 398, 541
avec, 541
aveugle, 299
avoir, 286 -
avois, 286
avril, 290
bailli, 536
tio, 482
tis, 355, 476
tivus, 477
terium, torium, 486
t+n, 494
tor, 486
tric, 354, 486
tro (verb), 499
trum, 487
tudo, 486
turio (verb), 499
turnus, 494
turus, tura, 486
tus, ta, tum, 478
tus, ths, 476
tut, 355, 486
ulo (verb), 499
um, 488
urio (verb), 499
us, -i, 350
us, -uris, 356
v, 361
vis, vus, 476
X, 352, 475
Besancon, 286
biais, 307
bougre, 307
Bourges, 305
Briangon, 299
cage, 287
Cahors, 305
canonique, 536
captif, 536
Car, 541
case, 536
cause, 536
Cavaillon, 286
cel, cet, 535
cendre, 305
chacun, 451
Chálons, 305
chambre, 287, 298
changer, 287
chanoine, 537
charme, 298
chaste, 298
chataigne, 398
chaud, 298
chef, 298
cheoir, 298
cher, 298
chétif, 537
cheval, 208
chevétre, 290
cheveu, 290
chevre, 290
chez, 298, 537
chien, 298
choux, 298
chose, 537
cochbre (porte), to9
combler, 287
comme, 528
corbeille, 299
courtois, 304
dais, 299
dame, 525
découvrir, 397
demain, 541
derriere, 541
desormais, 541
devant, 398
dévoiler, 397
diacre, 307
Dijon, 287
dit, 298
dono, 541
dont, $41
Dordogne, 305
dorénavant, 541
droit, 535
écris, 539
ensemble, 541
ensevelir, 290
écrire, 288
epttre, 306
esclave, 70
étage, 306
étes, 539
évéque, 290
Eure, 308
INDICES.
Evreux, 286
expulser, 536
faible, 525
faire, 524
faisons, 298
faites, 539
femme, 525
feu (focus), 399
feu (felix), 307
foi, 304
fois, 299
foyer, 299
gendre, 305
gens, 539
genitvre, 290
gre, 305
Grenoble, 305
gud, 305
guerre, 296
Havre, 302
hommes, 524
hópital, 536
hors, 289
hétel, 536
Huguenot, 305
ici, 535
jamais, 541
jeu, 299
Langres, 307
Laon, 299
larme, 298, 524
lieu, 299
libvre, 290
liquorice, 298
lire, 299
Loire, 299
loisir, 298
Londres, 255
Lyon, 299
Mason, 305
| maigre, 299
maintenant, 541
maire, 536
mais, 200, 541
maitre, 299
mariage, 306
marquis, 304
Mayenoe, 305
Mayenne, 305
Melun, 305
559
méme, 541
Metz, 305
minuit, 143, 305
moins, 541
nager, 288
naif, 536
natal, 536
natif, 536
Nevers, 307
neveu, 290
noel, 536
noir, 299
nombre, 287
nu, 304
nuire, 299
oc, 534
coil, 524
ouvre, 290
or, 541
Orne, 306
oà and ou, 526, 541
ouvrir, 290
oyl, 534
page, 305
paien, 299
pauvre, 290
pays, 304
pre, 305, 515
persifier, 195
peu, 299, 541
|| piété, 536
pirouetter, 238
pitié, 536 -
plaisir, 298
poids, 150
Poitiers, 299
poitrine, 298
poix, 299
pour, 541
pousser, 536
prée, 541 .
prót, 541
prévót, 536
puis, 541
quand, 541
queue, 305
rage, 287
ravir, 539
recevoir, 290
reine, 299
Cf "hangs
560
renfermer, 396
Rennes, 305
rien, 291
roche, 290
Rodez, 305
rossignol, 306
Rouanne, 305
rougir, 287
sache, 290, 539
sage, 190
sans, £41
savoir, 29Q
INDICES.
Seine, 108
selon, 54!
serment, 298
Bi, 541
siffler, 195 .
souvent, 541
suis, 306
suivre, 441
sujet, 387
tai, tait, 524
tendre, 305
titre, 306
Xx.
tat, 541
trop, 541
tous, 539
Troyes, 208
Vaudois, 304
vendredi, 305
vie, 305
viendrai, 305
voici, voila, 524
voir, 305
y; 526, 541
Yonne, 298
MISCELLANEOUS MATTEBS.
A.
Abella, 151
Accent in Latin, 358, 521
ἄποδα, 8
Hachylus, Agam. 42, 796;
explained, 40
— Choeph. 350; explained,
400
— ib. 779; explained, 457
— Eum. 975; explained,
369
— Prom. 830; explained,
61
— Suppl. 313; explained,
372
ZEsculapius, 170
᾿Αέτωμα or tympanum, 41
Africanus, epitaph on his
son translated, 261
Agnone (tablet of), 154
Agylla, 198
“aim,” 305
Alba, 6
Alphabet, 95, 168, 283
Amaduzzi (J. C.), 197
Ambrones, 71
Anchises, 9
Apollo, 44
Architecture, Pelasgian and
Doric, 39
Arethusa, 45, 63, 203
Argos, arx, 15
Arimaspian, 61
Ariosto, 61
Aristophanes as an autho-
rity for the Scythian lan-
* guage, 53
Arminius, 31
Arringatore, inscription on
the statue of the, 207
Artemas, 516
Artemis, 45, 59, 63, 203
Arthur (King), 46
.| Arthur and his round table,
46
Article in Latin rather is
than hic, 376
Articles in Romance lan-
guages, 538.
Artimpasa, 59
Arvalian chant, 232
Aspirates, 83
“4 Assassin,” 532
Atella, 151, 160
Atellans, 156 sqq
Aufrecht, (Dr), 33, 165
Avon, 54
Azteca, 16, 65
B.
Bacchanalibus (Sen. Con-
sult. de), 270
** Bailiff,” 537
** Baillie” (in Scotland), 536
Bantine table, 139, 273
** Base" (to), a corruption,
543
** Bet," 354
Bellerophon, 41
Betham (Sir W.), 105
Bevan (Mr Beckford), 215
Bewcastle and Bridekirk
(runes at) 226
“Beyond,” 376
** Bias,” 307
Bishops, their titles, 492
Bonarota, 15, 87, 164
Bopp (F.), strictures on,
438, 465, 466
βοῶπις, as an epithet of
Juno, 45
Borysthenes and Dnieper
identified, 55
Bulwer Lytéon (Bir E.), 197,
352
Bunsen (C. C. J.), 78
Burgon’s Insoription, 169,
199 .
Burnouf (J. L.), 410
C.
Ceeles (Creres) Vivenna, 29,
33
Cere, 198
Camers, 11
Canticum in Roman plays,
15]
Carthage(old treaty between
Rome and), 221
Carvilius, 293
Cases, their confusion in
Latin, 326; in Romance,
538
Castrametation, Roman,
491
Cato, 234
Celer, 30, 185
Celta in Italy, 71
Cerberus, 61
Charon, 177
Cicero, Orat. 11. 9; explain-
ed, 385
— ad Att. 1. 17 ; explained,
483
— Twsc. Disp. τι 12, Phil.
I. 6; explained, 483, 4
Claudius (the emperor), 99,
284, 312
Cocles, 30
Columns Rostrata, 268
Comedy (Roman), 158
Complexion affected by the
sun, 37; by sedentary ha-
bita, §32
Conditional propositions,
435
Copulative conjunctions,
$09
Corinth and Lycia, 41
Corssen (W.), 386
D. V.
INDICES.
Crown or scudo as a coin,
184
Cumber-land, 63
Curiatius, 30
Cyclops, 45
Cyclopean architecture, 15,
39
D.
Dacians and Danes, 51
‘*Dais” in a Gothic Hall,
299
Danaé, 45
Dante, 123
Danubius, 53
Darius and his horse, 61
Daulis and Doris, 51
Davus and Geta, 51, 75
Demas, 516
Dempeter (J.), 164
Dentists, 258
Dirksen (Dr.), 241
Dnieper or Danaparis and
Borysthenes, 55
Dniester, 54
Dodona, the doves at, 38
Don, 56
66 Donna,” 518
Dorians and Thracians, 50
Doric architecture, 40
Doris and Daulis, 51
Duilius (C.), his victory, 268
Duumviri perduellionis, 239
Dyoe (Rev. A.), 16a
E.
Ellis (Mr. R.), 71, 166
'* English," 86
Epaphras, 516
Equus Tuticus, 138
Ethnical inversions, 33
Ethnical names, 448
Etruscan alphabet, 168
Etruscan inscriptions, 196
8qq.
Etruscan language, 1648qq.
Etruscans, their physical
characteristics, 80
<n iu
«1
΄Ἃ
TEZSITY]
‘save
country dialects differed, -
25
Etrusci or Hetrusci, 83
Eugubine Tables, 94
Euripides, ph. T. 113; ex-
plained, 43
Europa, 45, 63
Exodium, 157
F.
F, it& compound structure,
288
Fabretti (A.), 196
Falerii, Falisci, and Hale-
sus, 290
Fonus unciarium, 255
Fortuna, 178
Franks and Iscsevones, 533
French and Latin, their
olose affinity, 534; simi-
lar destiny, 542
Freund (Dr. W.), 79, 165
Frieze, 42
Future in Romanoe lan-
guages, 540
G.
Garnett (Mr. R.), 5, 8, 344
Garumna, 73
** Gascon," 532
Gauls, parallel between
them and the Etruscans,
24
*' Germander," 303
Gerunds, 428
Geryon, 177
Geta and Davus, 51, 75
Get, Gotha, 47, 491; oon-
trasted with Dacians, 51
Giles, 307
** Give," 449
Gladiators, 81
Gladiatorial schools, 169
Gladstone (Mr. W. E.), 36
** Goth," 533
Graff (Dr), 203
Grimm (J.) on the Rirus- '
cans, 165
— his law, 285
36
562 INDICES.
Gray (Mrs. Hamilton), 38, | Interest, rate of, 255 Livius Andronicus, 160
| 8; *' Interest,” 370 Livy, his testimony to the
Grotefend (Prof.), 105 Inversions in migrationary | Hetian origin of the E-
Grotefend (Dr. A.), 270 traditions, 25 iruscans, 23; on the Α-
γρῦπες, 61 Io, 23, 45 tellane, 157; explained,
Guest (Dr. E.), 285 Irán, 48 431
Irmansal, 31 Lobeck (Prof.), 173
Isaiah, ix. 5; illustrated, | Lubedon for Laomedon, 291
H. 536 Luceres, 26 aqq.
Hallam (Mr H.), 518 Iscevones, 78, 533 Lucretius and the Luceres,
Harlequin, 163 Ister, 53 . 32 8qq.
Hebrew etymology, 57,88, | Italian (modern), 531: Lycophron, 86
90, 175, 182, 184, 199, | Jupiter and Danae, 45 Lydiaps, 20, 38, 227
204, 221, 364, 388, 403, | Jutes and Gotha, 51 Lytton (Sir E. Bulwer) 197,
416, 450, 455, 462, 485, 351
E 536 K.
Herminius τ, Keightley (Mr.), 177 M.
Herminones and Hermun- | Ée?rick (Mr. J.), 65, 171 | M omitted, 234
duri, 50, 78, 533 Kephaloa, myth of, 61 Maccaroni, 163
Herodotus, τ, 58 ; emended, | Xitchoff (Dr.), τού Medi in Thrace, 47
14 note Klenze (Prof.), 127 M sotis, 60
*: Hidalgo,” 32 Koch (M.), 23 Magister populi Dictator,
Hirpinus, 6, 68, 133 κύκλωψ, 45, 61 and magister equitum —
Holm-ganga, 81 tribunus celerum, 29
Homer emended, 454 ** Major" in the army, ori-
Horace explained, 76 L. gin of the name, 536
Horatius, 30 Languedoc and Langue. | Mandela, its modern name,
Horse and the Sun, 61 doyl 634 191
Huguenot, 305 Larissa, 15 Mastarna, 29
Human sacrifices, 81 Lartius, 30 ** Mayor," 536
Humber, 72 Lassen (Prof), 106 Merivale (Mr C.), 526
Huschke (E.), 106 Latin, its value, 542 Measapian language, 34, 69,
Hyacinthia, 44 Latinus, Lavinus, Latvi-| 113
nus, 7 Metopes, 41
Laws of Rome (Regal), 238 ; | Metre, Saturnian, 264 ; true
I, J. XII Tables, 241; Silian theory of ancient, 26s ;
‘‘Jack the giant killer," 80 | and Papirian, 269, 270;| Sapphic and Alcaic, 521
Janiculum, 44 Thorian, 276 Metzger (E.), 40
Janus, 44 Leleges, 71 Meyer (Dr. C.), 201
Iapygian language, 34, 69 | Leonidas of Tarentum, con- | Michalo Lituanus, 68
Javan, 36 jecturally restored, 266 | Milton, 363
Iceland, 78 Lepsius (Dr. R.), 8, 14, 106 | Mithra and Artemis, 59
Jehóvá&h, 416 * Lieutenant General” and | Mithras, 46, 59
Tguvium, 94 ** Major-General," 536 Mimus or Planipes, 159
Incendiaries, their punish- | Ligurians, 71 Masia, Mysia, and Moeo-
ment, 254 Liquids, how articulated, gotha, 47
Ing, 86 169 Mommeen (Theodor), 33
Ingevones, 78, 86; and | Lithuanians = Samo-Gete, | Monophthalmic deities, 45,
Saxons, 633 at, 67, 74 61
Mulvius (Pons), 201
Munro (Mr. H. A. J.), 521
Myocens, gate of the lions
at, 39 3qq.
Mysians, 47
N.
Newman (Mr. F. W.), 73,
117, 333
Niebuhr, 3, 5, 17, 33
Numeral signs, 324
O.
Oakes (Mr. J. H. P.), 213
oc and oyl, their etymology,
534
Οἰτόσυρος and olrécxvupos,
-a, 58
Oldest French, specimen of,
535
** Oriel" window, 507
Ormuzd, 59
Oscus, 4
Ovid, Fast. V. 21; oorrect-
ed, 390
* Ox, "ita etymology, 5, note
P.
Papirius, 201
Paris-danas and Borysthe-
nes, 55
“Park” and ‘ Paddock,”
303
Participle, 344
Pathology of language, 513
lleAao"yós, 37
Pelasgian worship, 44
Pelops and his ivory shoul-
der, 533
Peopling of the world, 65
Persius explained, 339
Perugian Inscriptious, 215
Piceni, 10, note
Pindar explained, 40
Plautus emended, 528
Pomorani, 84
Populonia, 230
Porsena (his monument),
218
INDICES.
| ^ Prevent," two meanings
of, 356
Priests, as imposers of pe-
cuniary fines, 496
Priscian, 434
Provence, 533
Provoet, $36
Prussian (origin of the
name), 84, note
Pruth river, $5
Puncb or Polichinejlo, 163
Q.
Q, its conipound structure,
293
Quinna, 86
Quintilian, 288
Quirites, 129
R.
Reti, 22
Rámáyana quoted, 49
Rasena, 84 I
Rawlinson (Mr. G.), 53, 167
Raynouard (M.), 540
Regal Laws, 138
Richard Coeur-de-Lion, 539
Richborough, 305
Rick-burners, their punish-
ment by the old Roman
laws, 254, fr. 10
Rivers and mountains, 55,
204
Road-making and civilisa-
tion, 321
Rochester (name of), 290
Roma Quadrata, 109
Romance languages, 452
Ros, 84
Rückert (Dr E.), 9
Runes (Icelandic), 212
Russian, long words in, 515
8.
Sabines, 9
Sacs, 49
Salian songs, 235
563
Sallust explained, 430, 431,
450, 476 -
Sarmate, Sauromate, Syr-
mate, 49
Saturnus, 81
Saturnian verse, 264 sqq.
Satyrical drama and the
Atellana, 156
Saxons, 49
Shakspere, 362
Scandinavian symbols of
speed, 84
Schmits (C. von), 224
Schrieck (Adriaen), 105
Schwartze (Dr.), 310
Scipios, epitaphs of, 260
Sclavonians, 70, 75
Scolotse, 51, 66
Scythians, 46 sqq.; their
language, 52 8qq.; their
rivers, 53 sqq.; their
deities, 56 sqq.
Secchi (G. P.), 179
Semitic and Sclavonian, 88
Semitic architecture, 43
Senatus Consultum de Bac-
chanalibus, 270
Servians, 76
Sibilants in Semitic and
Sclavonian, 9o
—— in old Italian, 97
Bigynnse, 41
** Slave" and “Serf,” 76
Sophocles, Track. It, ex-
plained, 362; Ajax, 579,
Gd. C. 1219, 428
Spain, corruption of Latin
in, §34
Sparga and Svarga, 62
Spolia opima, 240
Sporadic and central races,
65
Steub (Dr. L ), 166
Stickel (Dr. J. G.), 165
Strabo emended, 183
Sulla, a writer of Atellana,
162
Sürya and σύριον ἅρμα,
58
Symeon Magister, 84
564
T.
Tacitus emended, 353; ex-
plained, 375, 430
Talassus, 174
Tanaquil, 86
Tarquin, 86
Tavpowéhos, as an epithet
of Artemis, 45
Temarunda, 60
Tenses, 418
Terence, Adédph. I. 2, 80;
explained, 391; Heaut.
V. 5, 16; emended, 525
Terentian metres, 523 8qq.
Teres, 50
Thames, 54, 60
Oapupacdsas, 59
Thor, 85
Thucydides explained, 438,
450
Thuringians and Hermun-
duri, 50
Thyrsagetz, 49
Tiburtine inscription, 259
INDICES.
Tina and Janus, 86
Titus, titis, titienses, 32
Tor, 85
Triglyphs, 42
Trojans in Italy, 8
“‘Tues”-day, 222
Tyres and Dnies-ter, 54
U, V.
Ulysses, 170
Umbria, ro, 71
Umbro river, 11, 71
Valls (L.), 371
“Vandal,” 532
Varges (Dr.), 236
Varro, 63
Veneti, 76
Ver sacrum, 6, 247
Vermiglioli (G. B.), 196
Vertumnus, 456
Vesta, 56
Vezir, meaning of the title,
536
THE END.
Vindelici, 76 -
Vindobonum, γό
Virgil explained, 181, 336,
364, 432, 436, 445, 452,
493, 505, 507
Vites and Vithes-lath, 51
V olsinii, 201
W.
“Wager,” 354
Watling Street, 321
** Wedding," 354
“Wether,” 5, note
Wends, 76
X, Y, Z.
Yagna quoted, 45, 61
Y and X, 170
** Y ooman," 32
** Zany,” 163
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