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PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. 
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 


VARRONIANUS: 


ὦ Gritical and Wistorical δτάτουπαϊσι 


THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY 


AND TO 


THE PHILOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE 
LATIN LANGUAGE. 


BY 


JOHN WILLIAM. DONALDSON, D.D. 


CLASSICAL EXAMINER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON; 
AND FORMERLY FELLOW AND CLASSICAL LECTURER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, 
CAMBRIDGE. 


THIRD EDITION, 


LONDON: JOHN W. PARKER AND SON. 
CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. 
1860. 


ZEEE F&F 


THE RIGHT REVEREND 


CONNOP THIRLWALL, D.D. 


LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID's, 


THIS WORK. I8 REINSCRIBED 


WITH AN UNDIMINISHED APPRECIATION 


OF THE SERVICES, WHICH HAS RENDERED TO CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY, 
AND WITH A LIVELY REOOLLECTION 


OF THE PERSONAL KINDNESS AND VALUABLE INSTRUCTION, 


WHICH THE AUTHOR RECEIVED FROM HIM MANY YEARS AGO. 


PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. 


HE careful revision, which I bestowed upon the Second 

Edition of this Work, has enabled me, on the present 
occasion, to escape a large proportion of the renewed labour - 
and study, which I must otherwise have encountered. It is 
irue that my interest in Italian philology has rather in- 
creased than diminished, and the course of lectures on 
Latin Etymologies and Synonyms, which I had the honour 
to deliver to some of the best Scholars in the University 
on recommencing my residence at Cambridge in October, 
1855, may be regarded as some sort of proof that in mat- 
ters of detail I had still, as I conceived, something new to 
say on the subjects discussed in the following pages. Some 
of the results of those investigations will be found in the 
present edition. But these and other additions, though they 
have increased the bulk of the present volume by at least 
one-fifth of the whole, are mainly questions of lexicography 
and special detail As far as regards the general deduc- 
tions in Ethnography and Comparative Grammar, which 
this book undertakes to establish, I have had nothing to 
alter, and the additional matter will be found to confirm 
and illustrate what I had previously advanced. 

It is not necessary that I should restate the object 
which I have proposed to myself in writing this book. The 
Title-page sufficiently intimates that it is an attempt to 
discuss the comparative philology of the Latin language on 
the broad basis of general ethnography. My motto: licet 
omnia Italica pro Romanis habeam—points to the attempt, 
which I have made, to show historically how the classical 
idiom of ancient Rome resulted from the absorption or 


centralisation of the other dialects spoken in the peninsula. 
b2 


vili PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. 


And this result is justified by the ethnological deductions 
here presented to the reader, which prove that, with the 
exception of the Celtic substratum, which is occasionally 
appreciable, there are no elements in the old population of 
Italy which may not be regarded, as either Sclavonian, Low- 
German, or that well-fused combination of those two branches 
of the Arian family, which we term Lithuanian. All these 
elements are homogeneous, and the political union enforced 
by the conquests of the Imperial City on the Tiber natu- 
rally led to a perfect combination or absorption of idioms, 
which have been partially fused in other parts of Europe!. 
The only part of the ethnographical theory propounded 
in the former edition, which has not been received with 
general and tacit assent, is the hypothesis that the Rasenic 
or non-Pelasgian element in the Etruscan is ultimately 
identical with the primitive form of the Scandinavian lan- 
guages. A careful and scrupulous review of all the evi- 
dence, and an impartial consideration of all the objections 
raised by those who took a different view of the question, 
have only tended to confirm my conviction of the validity 
of the results, at which I had arrived; and I trust that 
the additional arguments and illustrations, which I have 
brought forward in the present edition, will increase the 
number of those who have recognized in this solution of 
the Etruscan problem the germs at least of a linguistic dis- 
covery firmly resting on the only available induction. 


1 In the map of ancient Italy which I have drawn up for this work, 
I have 80 chosen the colours as to indicate the structures and relation- 
ship of the different strata in the populations of ancient Italy. As I 
believe;that the Greeks and Celts—like the Teutones and Cimbri of his- 
‘tory—wero scions ultimately of the same stock, I have represented them 
by cognate colours—red and pink; and then, taking yellow to mark the 
Sclavonians and blue to indicate the Gothic tribes, the fusion of these 
races in the Lithuanian or Latin is shown to the eye by a stratum of 
green, which is a mixture of blue and yellow. 


PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. ᾿ 1X 


With regard to the bearing of this work on the practi- 
cal cultivation of Latin Scholarship, it is still the only 
book which combines an adequate collection of the mate- 
rials with an original explanation of the phenomena. The 
opinion, which I expressed in the two former editions, 
that Latin Scholarship is not flourishing in England’, may 
now, I am happy to say, be considered as liable to some 
qualification. How far the following pages may have con- 
tributed to an increased study of Latin philology, I do 
not presume to determine. Byt it cannot be doubted that 
an improvement in this respect has commenced. Classical 
examination papers in the higher competitions at the 
Universities and elsewhere, both presume and require a. 
more exact knowledge of the structure of the Latin lan- 
guage, and some articles, which have appeared in the 
Journal of Philology, show that we have among us at 
least one or two scholars who have devoted themselves 
to the minutie of Latin criticism with a zeal and abi- 
lity which promise results not inferior to those which 
have been obtained by Lachmann, Ritschl, and Madvig. 
On the other hand, I cannot say that I see any better 
prospect of a revived use of the Latin language as a 
medium of communication among Scholars, and in this 
respect at least I subscribe to the opinion expressed by 
an entertaining writer in the Edinburgh Review’, and 
quite agree with him in deprecating the discontinuance 
of a practice, which, if it did not preserve the dignity of 
learned controversy, αὖ least confined it to its narrower 
Stage and more appropriate audience. I am also bound 
to admit that our reputation for Latin Scholarship is 


1 Seo also Mr. Paley's Prefaco to his Propertius, which was published 
shortly after the second edition of this work (pp. xxii sqq.). 
3 April, 1857; p. 512. 


Χ - PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. 


still seriously compromised by. one or two pretentious 
writers, whose unacquaintance with the refinements of the 
Latin language is only equalled by their want of ordinary 
tact and judgment, and by their contempt for the first 
principles of scientific philology. Above all, it is to be 
regretted that the greatest schools in this .country per- 
sist in the use of Latin grammars, which not only fail to 
convey with sufficient accuracy the essential facts of the 
language, but, what is still worse, succeed in impressing 
the tenacious memory of the most hopeful students with 
erroneous statements and fallacious principles, which pro- 
duce an ineradicable effect on all except the most original 
minds. 

Entertaining a profound conviction of the importance of 
maintaining the old basis of a liberal education, and be- 
lieving that an exact study of the language and literature 
of ancient Rome is at least as useful as Greek scholarship 
in its various applications, I have endeavoured in the pre- 
sent work and in more elementary publications to furnish 
teachers and learners with manuals of reference, which are 
at any rate in harmony with the advanced philological dis- 
cipline of the present generation. I do not need to be told, 
how far I have fallen short of what might be done in this 
way. As, however, I have not only made the first attempt 
in the right direction, but have hitherto had few if any 
fellow-labourers among my own countrymen, I may venture 
to believe that I have been of some service to the better 
class of Students; and the simultaneous demand for new 
editions both of this work and of my Latin Grammar 
encourages me to hope that my labours have recommended 
themselves to the favourable consideration of an increasing 
number of persons interested in, the philological study of 


the Latin language. 


J. W. D. 
CAMBRIDGE, 27th April, 1860. 


PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 


O person who is conversant with the subject will ven- 
ture to assert that Latin scholarship is at present 
flourishing in England. On the contrary, it must be ad- 
mitted that, while we have lost that practical familiarity 
with the Latin language, which was possessed some forty 
years ago by every Englishman with any pretensions to 
Bcholarship, we have not supplied the deficiency by making 
ourselves acquainted with the results of modern philology, 
80 far as they have been brought to bear upon the lan- 
guage and literature of ancient Rome. The same impulse, 
which has increased and extended our knowledge of Greek, 
has checked and impoverished our Latinity. The dis- 
covery that the Greek is, after all, an easier language than 
the Latin, and that it may be learned without the aid of 
its sister idiom, while it has certainly enabled many to 
penetrate into the arcana of Greek criticism who must 
otherwise have stopt at the threshold, has at the same time 
prevented many from facing the difficulties which surround 
the less attractive literature of Rome, and, by removing 
one reason for learning Latin, has induced the student to 
overlook the other and higher considerations which must 
always confer upon this language its value, its importance, 
and its dignity. | 
À return to the Latin scholarship of our ancestors 
can only be effected by a revival of certain old-fashioned 


xii PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 


methods and usages, which have been abandoned, perhaps 
more hastily than wisely, in favour of new habits and new 
theories. No arguments can make it fashionable for scho- 
lars to clothe their thoughts in a classic garb: example 
will do more than precept; and when some English phi- 
lologer of sufficient authority shall acquire and exert the 
faculty of writing Latin with terse and simple elegance, 
he will not want imitators and followers. With regard, 
however, to our ignorance ef modern Latin philology, it 
must be owned that our younger students have at least 
one excuse—namely, that they have no manual of instruc- 
lion; no means of learning what has been done and is 
still doing in the higher departments of Italian philology ; 
and if we may judge from the want of information on 
these subjects which is so frequently conspicuous in the 
works of our learned authors, our literary travellers, and 
our classical commentators, this deficiency is deeply rooted, 
and has been long and sensibly felt. Even those among - 
us who have access to the stores of German literature, 
would seek in vain for a single book which might serve as 
the groundwork of their studies in this department. The 
most comprehensive Roman histories, and the most elabo- 
rate Latin grammars, do not satisfy the curiosity of the 
inquisitive student; and though there is already before 
the world a great mass of materials, these are scattered 
through the voluminous works of German and Italian 
scholars, and are, therefore, of little use to him who is not 
prepared to select for himself what is really valuable, and 
to throw aside the crude speculations and vague conjec- 
tures by which such researches “are too often encumbered 
and deformed. 

These considerations, and the advice of some friends, 
who have supposed that I might not be unprepared for 


PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. xii 


such an office, have induced me to undertake the work 
which is now presented to the English student. How far 
I have accomplished my design must be left to the judg- 
ment of others. It has been my wish to produce, within 
' a8 short a compass as possible, a complete and systematic 
ireatise on the origin of the Romans, and the structure 
and affinities of their language,—a work which, while it 
might be practically useful to the intelligent and educated 
traveller in Italy, no less than to the reader of -Niebuhr 
and Arnold, might at the same time furnish a few specimens 
and samples of those deeper researches, the full prosecu- 
tion of which is reserved for a chosen few. 

The most cursory inspection of the table of contents 
wil show what is the plan of the book, and what informa- 
tion it professes to give. Most earnestly do I hope that 
it may contribute in some degree io awaken among my 
countrymen a more thoughtful and manly spirit of Latin 
philology. In proportion as it effects this object, I shall 
feel myself excused in having thus ventured to commit to 
ἃ distant press ἃ work necessarily composed amid the dis- 
tractions and interruptions of a laborious and engrossing 
profession. 


J. W. D. 


Tae ScHooL Hatt, Bury Sr. EDMUND'S, 
25th March, 1844. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER I. 


THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES CONSIDERED AS RELATED TO EACH 
OTHER. 


Elements of the population of Rome . . . . 

The Latins—a composite tribe - ΝΥ 

The Oscans &c. . .. . . 

Alba and Lavinium . 

Trojan Colony in Latium. e. 

The BSABINES—how related to the Umbrians and Oscans . , 

The Umbrians—their ancient greatness "M 

Reduced to insignificance by successive contacts with the Tyr- 
rheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans 

The PELASGIANS—the differences of their position i in  Ttaly and 
Greece respectively . , 

Preserve their national integrity in n Etruria . " 

Meaning and extent of the name * TYRRHENIAN" . . 

The Erruscans—the author's theory respecting their origin . 

The names Errusous and RASENA cannot be brought to an agree- 
ment with TvRSENUS . 

The legend that the Etruscans were re Lydians i is entirely destitute 
of historical foundation 

It is explicitly stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans were 
connected with Reetia . . PC 

This view of the case is after all the most reasonable 2t 

It is confirmed by all available evidence, and especially by the 
contrast between the town and country languages of ancient 
Etruria. 

Further inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary history of 
the LUCERES . 

(b) Fragmentary records of the early Constitution of Rome 

(c) Etymology of some mythical proper names . 

General Conclusion as to the mutual Relations of the old Italian 


& 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER II. 


THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 


Etymology of the word Πελασγός 

How the Pelasgians came into Europe .. 

Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and Hellenic 
Architecture.  . 

Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology o of the 
two races . . 

Thracians, Getso, and Scythians TEM 

Scythians and Medes .  . 

Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Soythians, and Gete, may be 
shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the remains 
of the Scythian 

Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this chain of 
nations . 

Peculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by Aristo- 
phane .. 

Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained . 


. Names of the Scythian divinities  . 


Other Scythian Words explained . 

Successive Peopling of Asia and Barope: fate of the o Mongolian 
race . 

The Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin 

Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, &c. 

Reasons for believing that they were the same race as the 
Lithuanians  . . . . . . . 

Further confirmation from etymology . 

Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and Lithuanians i in 
Italy and elsewhere . . 

The Sarmatee probably a branch of the Lithuanian family . 

Gothic or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans shown 
by their ethnographic opposition to the VenzT: . . 

Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the Old Norse . 

Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans .  . . 

Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names . .. 

Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the Sclavonian . -. 

Predominant Sclavonism of the old Italian languages.  . 


CHAPTER III. 


XV 


THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE AS EXHIBITED IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 


1. 


The Eugubirfe Tables 


2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were | distin- 


gushed . . 


93 


95 


xvl CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


3. The Sibilants . . . . . . . . 97 
4. Some remarks on the other letters . 000. 5. ew . 99 
5. Umbrian Grammatical Forms . . 100 
6. Selections from the Bugubino T Tables, with explanations . «+ 105 
7. Tab. I.a,2—6 . . » . . . 108 
8. Tab. I. b, 13 sqq. . . . . . . . 114 
9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. 8 . . . . . 115 
10. The Atidian Augural Sacrifice . , . 118 
11. Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin synonyms . 190 
12. The Todi Inscription contains four words of the same class. . 123 


CHAPTER IV. 
THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 


l. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as Sabel- 


lian also . 196 

2. Alphabetical list of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpreta- 
tion . . " . 128 
3. The Bantine Table . ee - 139 
4. Commentary on the Bantine Table 00. 0. 5. . . 149 
5. The Cippus Abellanus . . - ΝΕ 151 
6. The Bronze Tablet of Agnone . . . . . . . 154 
7. The Atellane . . . . . . . . . 156 

CHAPTER V. 
THE ETBUSCAN LANGUAGE. 

1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an interpretation 
| of the Etruscan language . . 164 
9. Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained e 171 
3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted . 180 
4, Etruscan Inscriptions— Difficulties attending their Interpretation 196 
5. Inscriptions in which the Pelasgian element predominates . 198 

6. Transition to the Inscriptions which contain Scandinavian words. 

The laurel-crowned Apollo. Explanations of the words CLAN 
and PHLERES . - «  « 202 
7. Inscriptions containing the words Borm and TRECE 4 208 

8. Inferences derivable from the words CvER, SvER, and TRUR or 
THAUR . 210 

9. Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old N orse in the 
use of the auxiliary verb Lata. . δος 212 


10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined—its Runic 
affinities 5; .  . 215 


11. 


12. 


f£ 9 9 δὲ en ἢ" 


X 


CONTENTS. 


Harmony betwoen linguistic research and ethnographic tradition 
in regard to the ancient Etruscans . 

General remarks on the absorption or evancscence of the old 
Etruscan Language 


CHAPTER VI. 


THE OLD ROMAN OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 


Fragments of old Latin not very numerous . 
Arvalian Litany . 

Chants preserved by Cato " 
Fragments of the Salian Hymne 

Old Regal Laws . 

Remains of the XII. Tables 

Tab I. . 

Tab. II. 

Tab. III. 


The Tiburtine Inscription 

The Kpitaphs of the Scipios 

The Columna Rostrata. . 

The Silian and Papyrian Laws, and the Edict of the Curule 
ZEdiles . . 

The Benatus-Consultum de Bacchanalibus ; 

The Old Roman Law on the Bantine Table 

The Agrarian Law of Sp. Thorius 


CHAPTER VII. 


ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 


Organic Classification of the Original Latin Alphabet 
The Labials . . . . . 
The Guttarals . . . . . . . 
TbeDentals. Ὁ . . . . «© . 


xvil 


PAGE 


226 


229 


xvii CONTENTS. 


go 


fe 90 -3 Q» Θὲ 9 Ὁ m 


-'O QU $9 τὉ "Ὁ 


BAIR It 


The Vowels . . 
The Greek Letters used by the Romans 
The Numeral Signs 


CHAPTER VIII. 
THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 


Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system 
General scheme of the case-endings . . 
Differences of crude form . 


Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusative plural 


Existing forms—the Genitive .  . . 
The Dative and Locative . . 

The Accusative Singular 

The Ablative 

The Neuter Forms 

The Vocative 

Adverbs considered as Cases of Nouns . 
Adverbial expression for the day of the month 


CHAPTER IX. 
DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 


The usual arrangement is erroneous. . 
General rules for the classification of Latin N ouns . 
First or -a Declension . 

Second or -o Declension 

Third Declension or consonantal Nouns 

A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns 

B. Second class or semi-consonantal Nouns 


CHAPTER X. 
PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 


General Definitions . 

Personal Pronouns 

Indicative Pronouns . 

Distinctive Pronouns . 

Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite ‘Pronouns 
Numerals and Degrees of Comparison - "M 
Prepositions  . . . ἮΝ 
Negative Particles 


PAGB 
307 
818 
324 


-— —— - 


ΟἹ 80 P i» $3 nr 


μ- 


e:90uges» pu 


με 


- 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XI. 
THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 


The Latin Verb generally defective 

The Personal Inflexions—their consistent Anomalies . 

Doctrine of the Latin Tenses 

The Substantive Verbs . . 

Paucity of Organic Formations in the regular Latin Verb 

General Scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb . . 

Verbs which may be regarded as Parathetic Compounds. 

Tenses of the Vowel-verbs which are combinations of the same 
kind. . . 

Organic Derivation of the Tenses i in the Consonant-verb . 

Auxiliary Tenses of the Passive Voice . 

The Modal Distinctions—their Syntax 

Forms of the Infinitive and Participle—how connected i in deri- 
vation and meaning . 

The GERUNDIUM and GERUNDIVUM shown to be active and pre- 
sent . 

The Participle i in 4ürus 

The Perfect Subjunctive  . . 

The Past Tense of the Infinitive Active . 

The Future of the Infinitive Passive 


CHAPTER XII 
THE LATIN CONJUGATIONR. 


The Conjugations are regulated T the same © principle as the 
Declensions . 

The first or -a Conjugation . 

The second or -e Conjugation 

The third or -i Conjugation. . 

The fourth or Consonant Conjugation. A. Mute Verbs 

B. Liquid Verbs . 04 

C. Semi-consonantal Verbs . 

Irregular Verbs. A. Additions to the Present Tense 

B. Abbreviated forms . 

Defective Verbs 


CHAPTER XIII. 


DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 


A. Derivation. General Principles ΝΞ 
Derivation is merely extended or ulterior inflexion 


X1X 


472 
473 


ΧΧ 


TIPO δι B 09 


S - 


— oc 2 eon 


CONTENTS 


(L) Derived Nouns. —. . 

(a) Forms with the first Pronominal Flement only . 

(b) Forms with the second Pronominal Element only 

(c) Forms with the third Pronominal Element only .  . 

(a) Terminations compounded of the first and other Pronominal 
Elements 

(8) Terminations compounded of the second and other Pro- 
nominal Elements 

(y) The third Pronominal Element compounded with others and 
reduplicated . . 

(II) Derived Verbs . . 

B. Composition. Discrimination of Compound Y Words . 

Classification of Latin Compounds 


CHAPTER XIV. 
CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 


Genius of the Latin Language. 

Abbreviations observable in the written forms . 

Ancient Testimonies to the difference between the spoken and 
the written Language  . 

The Poetry of the Augustan age does not represent the genuine 
Latin Pronunciation 

Which is rather to be derived from an exantination of the Comic 
Metres... 

The French Language i is the best modern representative c of the 
spoken Latin . 

The modern Italian not equally so BO : and why . 

Different dialects of the French Language . . 

But all these Dialects were closely related to the Latin νος 

Leading Distinctions between the Roman and Romance Idioms . 


Importance and value ofthe Latin Language. . . . . 


ERRATA. 
Page 164 line 8 for trce read three 
» 9351, 3, of ,, or 


513 
514 


518 


ETHNOGRAPHICAL MAP OF | 
ANCIENT ITALY. 


BY J.W.DONALDS8ON.D.D.F.R.G.5. 


L—] a. Celts (Ligures, Ambrones &c) 


» [L7 b. Sclavonians (Pelasdi, Tyrrheni &c) 

| CM c. Gothio tribes (Raeti, Rasena) 
CI d. Lithuanians Cb« c)(0sci, Latini, Babelli &o) 
* ** e, Hellenes (Greek Colores ) 


VARRONIANUS. 


— PB 


CHAPTER I. 


THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES CONSIDERED AS 
RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 


§ 1. Elements of the population of Rome. § 2. Tbe Latins—a composite tribe. 
$3. The Oscans, &c. $4. Alba and Lavinium. $5. Trojan colony in Latium. 
8 6. The SABINES—how related to the Umbrians and Oscans. § 7. The Um- 
brians—their ancient greatness. § 8. Reduced to insignificance by successive 
contacts with the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans. $9. The PELASGIANS 
—the differences of their position in Italy and Greece respectively. $10. They 
preserve their national integrity in Etruria. § 11. Meaning and ethnical extent 
of the name “Tyrrhenian.” ὃ 12. The ETRUSCANB—the author's theory re- 
specting their origin. § 13. Thenames Etruscus and Rasena cannot be brought 
to an agreement with Tyrsenus. ὃ 14. The legend that the Etruscans were 
Lydians is entirely destitute of historical foundation. ὃ 15. Itis explicitly 
stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans were connected with Ratia. 8 16. 
This view of the case is after all the most reasonable. $8 17. It is confirmed 
by all available evidence, and especially by the contrast between the town and 
country languages of ancient Etruria. 8 18. Further inferences derivable 
from (a) the traditionary history of the Luceres. ὃ 19. (b) Fragmentary 
records of the early constitution of Rome. § 20. (c) Etymology of some 
mythical proper names. § 21. General conclusion as to the mutual relations 
of the old Italian tribes. 


§ 1. Elements of the population of Rome. 


ΤῊ" sum of all that is known of the earliest history of Rome 
is comprised in the following enumeration of particulars. A 
tribe of Latin origin, more or less connected with Alba, settled 
on the Palatine hill, and in the process of time united itself, by 
the right of intermarriage and other ties, with a band of Sabine 
warriors, who had taken up their abode on the Quirinal and 
Capitoline hills. ‘These two towns admitted into fellowship 
with themselves a third community, established on the Celian 
and Esquiline hills, which seems to have consisted of Pelas- 
gians, either from the Solonian plain lying between Rome and 
D. Y. 1 


2 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. I. 


Lavinium, or from the opposite side of the river near Cere; and 
the whole body became one city, governed by a king, or magister 
populi, and a senate; the latter being the representatives of the 
three original elements of the state, —the Latin or Oscan Ramnes, 
the Sabine Titienses or Quirites, and the Pelasgian Luceres, It 
appears, moreover, that the Etruscans, on the other side of the 
Tiber, eventually influenced the destinies of Rome in no slight 
degree, and the last three kings mentioned in the legendary tra- 
ditions were of Etruscan origin. In other words, Rome was, 
during the period referred to by their reigns, subjected to a 
powerful Etruscan dynasty, from the tyranny of which it had, on 
two occasions, the good fortune to escape. What Servius planned 
was for the most part carried into effect by the consular consti- 
tution, which followed the expulsion of the last Tarquinius. 

As these facts are established by satisfactory evidence, and 
as we have nothing else on which we can depend with certainty, 
it follows that, in order to investigate the ethnical affinities of the 
Roman people, and the origin and growth of their language, we 
must in the first instance inquire who were the Latins, the Sa- 
bines, the Pelasgians, and the Etruscans, and what were their 
relations one with another. After this we shall be able with 
greater accuracy to examine their respective connexions with the 
several elements in the original population of Europe. 

The general result will be this :—that the Septimontium, or 
seven Hills of Rome, contained a miniature representation of the 
ethnography of the whole Peninsula. Leaving out of the ques- 
tion the Celtic substratum, which cannot be ascertained, but which 
was probably most pure in the mountaineers of the Apennines, 
the original population of Italy from the Po to the straits of 
Rhegium was, like that of ancient Greece, Pelasgo-Sclavonian. 
'This population remained unadulterated up to the dawn of ancient 
history in the central plains to the west—namely, in Etruria 
and Latium; but in the rest of Italy it was superseded or ab- 
sorbed or qualified in different degrees of fusion by a population 
of Gothic or Low-German origin, which, although undoubtedly 
of later introduction in the Peninsula, was so mixed up with the 
Celtic or primary tribes that it claimed to be aboriginal. When 
this Low-German race remained tolerably pure, or at least only 
infected with Celtic ingredients, it bore the names of Umbrians 


$e] — AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 8 


or Ombricans in the north, and of Opicans or Oscans in the 
south. When it was intermixed with Sclavonic elements to 
about the same extent as the Lithuanians or Old Prussians in 
the north of Europe, this Low-German population became 
known as Latins and Sabines. And the Etruscans or Rasena 
were a later and uninfected importation of Low Germans fresh 
from the north, who conquered and were partly absorbed into 
the pure Tyrrhenians, or Pelasgo-Sclavonians to the right of the 
Tiber. 

In giving this general sketch of the ingredients which com- 
posed the population of ancient Italy, I omit all reference to the 
Greek colonists, who retained their language and a distinct na- 
tionality in numerous settlements along the coast, and actually 
gave the name of Grecia Magna (ἡ μεγάλη '"EXXds) to the south- 
eastern part of the Peninsula. Like the colonies in Sicily, these 
Greeks belong in every sense to their mother country, and 
Italian ethnography is not more concerned with them than with 
the inhabitants of Attica and Laconia. The Greeks of Cuma, 
from whom the Romans derived their alphabet, and perhaps 
many other features of their early civilisation, only anticipated 
the influences, which subsequent intercourse with the Greeks of 
the mother country produced on the whole texture of the lan- 
guage and literature of Home. 


§ 2. The Latins—a composite tribe. 


The investigations of Niebuhr and others have made it 
sufficiently certain that the Pelasgians formed a very important 
element in the population of ancient Latium. This appears not 
merely from the primitive traditions, but also, and more strongly, : 
from the mythology, language, and architecture of the country. 
It has likewise been proved that this Pelasgian population was 
at an early period partially conquered by a tribe of mountaineers, 
who are called Oscans, and who descended on Latium from the 
basins of the Nar and the Velinus. The influence of these 
foreign invaders was most sensibly and durably felt in the 
language of the country; which in its earliest form presents 
phenomena not unlike those which have marked the. idiom 
Spoken in this island since the Norman conquest. The words 

1—2 


4 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHaP. 1. 


relating to husbandry and peaceful life are Pelasgian, and the 
terms of war and the chase are Oscan'. 

As it is this foreign element which forms the distinction 
between the Latins and the Pelasgians, let us in the first place 
inquire into the origin and affinities of these Oscan conquerors, 
in order that we may more easily disentangle the complexities 
of the subject. 


§ 3. The Oscans, dc. 


The Oscans were known at different times and in different 
places under the various names of Opicans, Opscans, Ausonians, 
and Auruncans. The primary denomination was Op-icus or 
Oqu-icus, derived from Ops or Opis = Oqu-is, the Italian name 
of the goddess Earth; and these people were therefore, in 
accordance with their name, the .Autochthones, or aboriginal 
inhabitants of the district where they are first found. The 
other denominations are derived from the same word, Op-s = 
Oqu-is, by the addition of the endings -si-cus, -sunus, and -sun- 
(cus. The guttural is assimilated in Oscus, the labial is absorbed 
in Αὔσων, and the s has become 7, according to the regular pro- 
cess, in Auruncus?, 


1 Niebuhr, H. KE. 1. p. 82; Miller, Etrusker, 1. p. 17. This observa- 
tion must not be pressed too far; for it does not in fact amount to more 
than prima facie evidence. The Opican or Oscan language belongs to 
the Indo-Germanic family no less than the Pelasgian; the latter, however, 
was one ingredient in the language of ancient Greece, and it does not 
appear that any Hellenic tribes were connected with the Oscans; con- 
sequently it is fair to say that, as one element in the Latin language 
. resembles the Greek, while the other does not, the Greecising element is 
Pelasgian. 

3 See Niebuhr, 1. 69, note. Buttmann, Lezxilogus, 1. p. 68, note 1. 
(p. 154, Fishlake). The investigation of these names leads to a variety 
of important and interesting results. It has been shown elsewhere that 
in the oldest languages of the Indo-Germanic family the names of the 
cow or ox and the earth are commutable (JN. Crat. $ 470). Not to refer 
to the obvious but not so certain analogy between ‘Ams, the ox-god, and 
the ἀπίη γαῖα, it can be shown to demonstration that the steer or ox, which 
was to the last the symbol of the old Italians, as appears by their coins, 
entered into the meaning of their two national designations, Ztalus and 
Opicus. With regard to the former it is well known, that italos, or 


§3.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 5 


These aboriginal tribes, having been in the first instance, 
like the Arcadians in the Peloponnese, driven by their invaders, 
the Pelasgians, into the mountain fastnesses of the Apennines, 
were at length reinforced by foreign elements, and, descending 
from the interior on both sides, conquered the people of the 
plains and the coast. One tribe, the Ap-uli, subdued the 


ulus, or with the digamma vitulus, meant an ox or steer (Niebuhr, 1. 
18 sqq.), and Vitellium appears on coins as a synonym for Jtalia. This 
takes us at once to the Gothic vithrus, O. N. vedr, O. S. withar, Anglo-8. 
vether, O. H. G. vidar, N. H. G. widder (properly the castrated animal), 
English wether; and as these are referred to sheep rather than oxen, we 
must conclude that the name is an epithet which is applicable to either 
animal. With regard to the other root, qv in ZEquus carries us back to 
the principle of combined but divergent articulations, to which I first called 
attention (AN. Crat. $ 110, 121), and on which the late Mr. Garnett wrote 
some valuable papers (Philol. Soc. rt. pp. 233, 257, al.), and we may infer 
that the roots ap- or op- present & labial only instead of an original com- 
bination of labial and guttural, while we find the opposite divergence in 
the guttural forms vac-ca, veh-o, Sanscr. vaha, Gr. ὄχος, ἔχω, Goth. auh-sa, 
O. N. ow, Anglo-S. ova, O. H. G. ohso, N. H. G. ochs, Engl. os. The 
labial form is sometimes strengthened by an inserted anusvára, or homo- 
geneous liquid; thus by the side of éx-dpa and op-s we have ὁ-μ-φύνειν᾽ 
αὔξειν. Hesych. Cf. ὀπ-ώρα, auc-tumnus (where the root ai£-, auc-, aug-eo 
contains the guttural form of this element) and ὀ-μ-πη᾿ εὐθηνία ὅθεν xal ἡ 
Δημήτηρ 'O-n-nvía. With these inductions we shall have no difficulty in 
reducing to one origin and classifying the different Italian names into 
which the root oqu- enters. The qu- is found only in ZEgw-us; the p 
appears in Op-icus, Ap-ulus ; the guttural is assimilated in Oscus — Ok-scus 
(cf. δί-σκος for δίκ-σκος, λέ-σχη for Aéy-okn &c. N. Crat. $ 219); the labial 
is vocalized in Au-son; the s of the termination is changed into r, 
according to the old Italian practice, in Au-runous = Au-sunicus; and 
the root-consonant is represented only by an initial v in Volscus — Apu- 
lisicus, which has vanished, as usual, in the Hellenic articulation Ἑλίσυκος 
(Herod. vr. 165). It will be seen in the sequel that I seek a very differ- 
ent origin for the name Umbria, which Niebuhr apparently refers to 
this root: and it seems very strange to me that he should have under- 
stood the statement of Philistus quoted by Dionysius (1. 22): ἐξανα- 
στῆναι δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτῶν τοὺς Λίγνας ὑπό τε "OufBpikóv. xal Πελασγῶν, which 
refers to the disposseesion of the Celtic inhabitants of Umbria and 
Etruria, as belonging to the same traditions which led Antiochus to write 
that the Sicilians were driven over into Sicily by the Opicans (H. R. 1. 
p. 82): for Antiochus is speaking exclusively of what took place in the 
southern extremity of Italy, and the Pelasgians and Ombrici mentioned 
by Philistus were the Tyrrhenians and Umbrians of the north. 


6 . ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I. 


Daunians and other tribes settled in the south-east, and gave 
their name to the country; they also extended themselves to 
the west, and became masters of the country from the bay of 
Terracina upwards to the Tiber. In this district they bore the 
well-known names of Volsct and qui, names still connected 
with the primary designation of the aborigines: 

A more important invasion was that which was occasioned 
by the pressure of the Sabines on an Oscan people settled in 
the mountains between Reate and the Fucine lake. These in- 
vaders came down the Anio, and conquered the Pelasgians of 
northern Latium. "The name Sacrani given to these conquerors 
in the old legends of Latium is supposed to refer to the tradition 
that they left their home in pursuance of the vow of a Sacred 
Spring (Ver Sacrum). For it is said that, when the Sabellians 
found their population more than their narrow territory would 
support, they devoted to the Gods every creature born in a cer- 
tain year, and when twenty years had elapsed, the cattle were 
sacrificed or redeemed, and the young men were compelled 
to expatriate themselves and find a new settlement at the 
expense of their neighbours!. According to the legends these 
Sacrani were guided to their new abodes by the animal, which 
represented the God to whom they had been dedicated?. "Thus 
the Sabellians, who conquered Picenum, were led by a wood- 
pecker (pécus)* ; those who conquered Samnium were conducted 
by an ox (vitulus)*; those who conquered Hirpinum were con- 
ducted by a wolf (hirpus)'; the same animal figures in the tra- 
ditions of Latium and Rome; and, as we shall see in the next 
chapter, the wolf is also the sacred animal of the cognate 
Lithuanians of the North. The chief seat of the Sacranians, 
who conquered Northern Latium, seems to have been Alba, the 
Alp-ine or mountain-city, where they dwelt under the name of 
Prisci Latini, “ ancient Latins ;" being also called Casct, a name 


1 See Festus, B. vv. Saerani et Mamertini; Servius ad Verg. din. vn. 
796; Varro ap. Dion. 1. 14; Strabo, v. p. 2004 ; Livy, xxx. 44. 

3 The reader will remember the similar case of Hengist and Horsa; 
New Cratylus, § 78. 

? Strabo, v. p. 240 Ὁ; Pliny, H. N. m. 8. 

4 Above, p. 4, note 2. 

* Strabo, v. p. 250 5, Ὁ. 


§ 4.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. | 7 


which denotes "ancient" or “well-born,” and which, like the 
connected Greek term χαοί, implies that they were a nation of 
warriors (N. Crat. $ 322). 


§ 4. Alba and Lavinium. 


The district of Latium, when history first speaks of it, was 
thus occupied by two races; one a mixed people of Oscan con- 
querors living in the midst of the Pelasgians whom they had 
subdued, the other a Pelasgian nation not yet conquered by the 
invaders. These two nations formed at first two distinct con- 
federacies: of the forme? Alba was the head, while the place of 
congress for the latter was Lavinium. At the latter place, the 
Penates, or old Pelasgian Cabeirt, were worshipped; and even 
after the Pelasgian league was broken up by the power of Alba, 
and when Alba became the capital of the united nation of the 
Latins and sent a colony to Lavinium, the religious sanctity 
of the place was still maintained, the Penates were still wor- 
shipped there, and deputies still met in the temple of Venus. 
The influence of Alba was, however, so great, that even after its 
fall, when the Pelasgian Latins partially recovered their inde- 
pendence, there remained a large admixture of foreign elements 
in the whole population of Latium, and that which was purely 
Pelasgian in their character and institutions became gradually 
less and less perceptible, till nothing remained on the south of 
the Tiber which could claim exemption from the predominating 
influence of the Oscans. 

That the name Lavinitwm is only a dialectical variety of 
Latintum has long been admitted. The original form of the 
name Latinus, which afterwards furnished a denomination for 
the language of the civilised world, must have been Latvinus; 
and while the Pelasgian Latins preserved the labial only, the 
mixed people retained only the dental'. We shall see in the 


1 The same has been the case in the Pelasgian forms, liber, libra, bis, 
ruber, &c., compared with their Hellenic equivalents, ἐ-λεύθερος, Airpa, 
dis, ἐ-ρυθρός, &c. These forms are in fact exemplifications of a principle 
of considerable importance, to which I first directed attention in Feb- 
ruary 1839 (New Cratylus, $$ 110, 121), and which I have termed “the 
law of divergent articulations" (Encycl, Brit. ed. 8, art. “ Philology’). 


8 ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. I. 


next chapter tliat the full form of the name is preserved, by the 
side of both the divergences, in the north of Europe, where we 
have [nthuantans by the side of Lettontans and Invontans. 


§ 5. Trojan Colony in Latium. 


The tradition speaks of the Pelasgian Latins as a colony of 
Trojans who settled on the coast under Aineas, the son of 
Anchises. Without entering at length into an examination of 
this poetical legend, it may be mentioned here that the names 
ZEneas and Anchises refer, wherever they are found, to the 
Pelasgian or Cabeiric worship of water in general, and of the 
flowing stream in particular, and therefore indicate the presence 
of ἃ Pelasgian population. We have other reasons for inferring 
the existence of Pelasgians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Thes- 
saly, Boeotia, Arcadia, and the west of Italy. It is therefore 
quite natural that we should find in these localities the name of 
"Eneas as that of a river or river-god. The word itself denotes 
“the ever-flowing" (aivelas or aivéas, aévvaos, ἀεὶ or αἰεὶ νέων, 


The late Mr. Garnett, who has illustrated this law in his excellent paper 
* on certain initial letter-changes in the Indo-European languages" 
(Proceed. of the Philol. Soc. Vol.1. pp. 233 sqq. pp. 257 8qq.; Essays, 
pp. 253 sqq.), remarks (p. 235, note) that “ Hófer in his Beitráge zur Ety-. 
mologik has taken pretty nearly the same view of the subject." I have 
only within the last few days succeeded in obtaining a copy of this book, 
the correct title of which is Beitrüge zur Etymologie und Vergleichender 
Grammatik der Hauptsprachen des Indo- Germanischen Stammes. Although 
he has abundantly noticed the phenomena, from which my law is derived, 
Hofer is so far from asserting the principle that two divergent articula- 
tions must have branched off from an original combination which con- 
tained them both, that he distinctly (p. 260) derives qu from & and 
maintains that “the guttural tenuis has a special relation to the sound wu, 
which makes it possible that w should be developed out of and along 
with the guttural.” Whatever resemblance there may be between Hófer's 
views and mine on this subject, as his preface is dated 18 September, 
1839, it is not for me to determine his relations to & book published in 
the preceding February. The true view, as far as concerns the apparent 
transition from & to p, was first indicated by Lepsius (Zwei-Abhandlungen, 
p. 99); but in spite of this Corssen (Ausspr. Vokal. uw. Beton. der Latein. 
Spr. 1. p. 39) still maintains that qu is a transitional sound from the gut- 
tural tenuis & to the labial tenuis p. 


δ 6.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 9 


cf. ἀμυνίας, ἀμύνων, N. Crat. § 262), and in accordance with 
this we have the rivers Anas, /Entos, Ainus, and Anto. In the 
same way, because the stream is the child of its fountain, 
-Anchises the father of ZEneas, whose mother is Aphrodite, the 
goddess of the sea-foam, denotes the outpouring of water 
(ὠγχίσης, ἀγχύσις, ἄγχεσμος, ayyon, from ἀναχέω), and cor- 
responds to Fontus, the Jupiter Egerius of the Romans’. 


S 6. The SABINES—Aow related to the Umbrians and 


Oscans. 


It has been mentioned that the Sabines dispossessed the 
Oscans, and compelled them to invade Latium. Our next point 
is, therefore, to consider the relation in which the Sabines stood 
to the circumjacent tribes. 

The original abode of these Sabines was, according to Cato?, 
about Amiternum, in the higher Apennines. Issuing from this 
lofty region, they drove the Umbrians before them on one side 
and the Oscans on the other, and so took possession of the dis- 
trict which for so many years was known by their name. 

It will not be necessary in this place to point out the suc- 
cessive steps by which the Sabine colonies made themselves 
masters of the whole south and east of Italy, nor to show how 
they settled on two of the hills of Rome. It is clear, on every 
account, that they were not Pelasgians; and our principal object 
is to inquire how they stood related to the Umbrians and Oscans, 
on whom they more immediately pressed. 

Niebuhr thinks it not improbable that the Sabines and 
Oscans were only branches of one stock, and mentions many 
reasons for supposing so”. It appears, however, that there are 
still stronger reasons for concluding that the Sabines were an 
offshoot of the Umbrian race. This is established not only by 
the testimony of Zenodotus of Trcezen‘, who wrote upon the 


1 For these and many other ingenious combinations more or less 
tenable, see 7Yoja's Ursprung, Blüthe, Untergang und Wiedergeburt in 
Latium, von Emil Rickert, Hamb. u. Gotha, 1846. 

2 Quoted by Dionys. 1. 14, p. 40; rr. 49, p. 338, Reiske. 

3 Hist. Rome, 1. p. 103. . * Apud Dionys. π. 49, p. 337. 


10 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. 1. 


Umbrians, but also by the resemblances of the Sabine and 
Umbrian languages!. It is true that this last remark may be 
made also with regard to the Sabine and Oscan idioms; for 
many words which are quoted as Sabine are likewise Oscan?. 
The most plausible theory is, that the Sabines were Umbrians, 
who were separated from the rest of their nation, and driven 
into the high Apennines, by the Pelasgians of the north-east; 
but that, after an interval, they in their turn assumed an 
offensive position, and descending from their highlands, under 
the name of Sabin, or “worshippers of Sabus the son of 
Sancus*," attacked their Umbrian brethren on the one side, and 
the Oscan Latins on the other. At length, however, they sent 
out so many colonies to the south, among the Oscan nations, that 
their Umbrian affinities were almost forgotten; and the Sabellian 
tribes, especially the Samnites, were regarded as members of the 
Oscan family, from having adopted to a considerable extent the 
language of the conquered tribes among whom they dwelt. 


§7. The Umbrians—their ancient greatness. 


The Umbrians are always mentioned as one of the most 
ancient nations of Italy*. Though restricted in the historical 
ages to the left bank of the Tiber, it is clear that in ancient 
times they occupied the entire northern half of the peninsula, 
from the Tiber to the Po. Their name, according to the Greek 
etymology, implied that they had existed before the great rain- 


1 Servius ad Verg. din. ni. 235. 3 Niebuhr, ubi supra. 

8 That this Sancus was an Umbrian deity is clear from the Eugubine 
Tables. Indeed, both sabus and sancus, in the old languages of Italy, 
signified “sacred” or “revered,” and were probably epithets regularly 
applied to the deity. In the Eugubine Tables we have the word sev-um, 
meaning “ reverently” (1. α. 5); and Sansius is an epithet of the god 
Fisus, or Fisovius (v1. b. 8, 5). Comp. the Latin sev-erus (cé8-o) and 
sanctus. The denarii struck during the social war have Safinium for 
Samnium (Eckhel, p. 103), so that the name of the nation must have 
been Safini or Sav-ini, “the sacred.” According to this, the name Sabini 
is nearly equivalent to Sacranit. The tables also mention the picus 
Martius of the Sabines, from which the Picené derived their name 
(piquier Martier, v. b. 9, 14); comp. Strabo, v. p. 240. 

4 Niebuhr, 1. note 430. 


§ 8.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 11 


floods which had destroyed many an earlier race of men’. This 
is about as valuable as other Greek etymologies. The ethno- 
graphical import of the name will be examined in the following 
chapter, and we certainly do not need a forced etymology to 
prove that the Umbrians must have been among the earliest 
inhabitants of Italy. Cato said that their city Ameria was 
founded 381 years before Rome*. All that we read about 
them implies that they were a great and an ancient nation’. 
There are distinct traditions to prove that the country, after- 
wards called Etruria, was originally in the occupation of the 
Umbrians. The name of the primitive occupants of that country 
was preserved by the Tuscan river Umbro, and the tract of 
land through which it flowed into the sea was to the last called 
Umbria. It is expressly stated that Cortona was once Um- 
brian5; and Camers, the ancient name of Clusium®, points at 
once to the Camertes, a great Umbrian tribe’. It is certain 
also that the Umbrians occupied Picenum, till they were expelled 
from that region by their brethren the Sabines®. 


§ 8. Reduced to insignificance by successive contacts with 
the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans. 


Since history, then, exhibits this once great nation expelled 
from the best part of its original possessions, driven beyond the 
Apennines, deprived of all natural barriers to the north, and 
reduced to insignificance, we are-led at once to inquire into the 
cause of this phenomenon. Livy speaks of the Umbrians as 
dependent allies of the Tuscans’; and Strabo tells us that the 
Etruscans and Umbrians maintained a stubborn contest for the 
possession of the district between the Apennines and the mouth 
of the Po”. The people, which thus ruled them or strove with 


! Seo Plin. H. N. m. 19: “Umbrorum gens antiquissima Italire 
existimatur, ut quos Ombrios a Greecis putent. dictos, quod inundatione 
terrarum imbribus superfuissent.” 


' 3 Pliny, m. 14, 19. 8 Florus, 1. 17; Dionys. 1. 19. 
4 Pliny, nr. 5. (8). 5 Dionys. r. 20. 
6 Liv. x. 25, 7 Liv. rx. 86. 
8 Pliny, mr. 13, 14. - 9 In Books ix. and x. 


10 P. 216. 


Φ 


12 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHaPp. I. 


them in the latter period of their history, when they were 
living within the circumscribed limits of their ultimate posses- 
sions, was that which deprived them of a national existence 
within the fairest portion of their originally wide domains. 

It will be shown that the national integrity of the Umbrians 
was impaired by their successive contacts with the Tyrrheno- 
Pelasgians, and the Etruscans properly so called; and it will be 
convenient to consider, as separate questions, these qualifying 
elements in the population of ancient Umbria. 


§ 9. The PELAsGIANs—the differences of their position 4n 
Italy and Greece respectively. 


Without stopping to inquire at present who the Pelasgians 
were out of Italy, let us take them up where they first make 
their appearance at the mouth of the Po. We find that their 
area commences with this district, and that, having crossed the 
Apennines, they wrested from the Umbrians the great city 
Camers, from whence they carried on war all around.  Continu- 
ally pressing towards the south, and, as they advanced, conquering 
the indigenous tribes, or driving them up into the highlands, 
they eventually made themselves masters of all the level plains 
and of the coasts. Though afterwards, as we have seen, invaded 
in their turn, and in part conquered by the Oscan aborigines, 
they were for ἃ long time in possession of Latium ; and, under 
the widely diffused name of CEnotrians, they held all the south 
of Italy, till they were conquered or dispossessed by the spread 
of the great Sabellian race. 

To these Pelasgians were due the most important elements 
in the ancient civilisation of Italy. It was not their destiny to 
be exposed throughout their settlements, like their brethren in 
Greece, to the overruling influence of ruder and more warlike 
tribes. This was to a certain extent the case in the south; where 
they were not only overborne by the power of their Sabellian 
conquerors, but also Hellenised by the Greek colonies which 
were at an early period established among them. But in Etruria 
and Latium the Pelasgian nationality was never extinguished : 
even among the Latins it survived the severest shocks of Oscan 
invasion. In Etruria it remained to the end the one prevailing 


S 10.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 18 


characteristic of the people; and Rome herself, though she owed 
her military greatness to the Sabellian ingredient in her compo- 
sition, was, to the days of her decline, Pelasgian in all the essen- 
tials of her language, her religion, and her law. 


8 10. Preserve thetr national integrity in Etruria. 


It is easy to see why the Pelasgians retained their national 
integrity on the north-western coast so much mpre perfectly than 
in the south and east. It was because they entered Etruria in a 
body, and established there the bulk of their nation. All their 
other settlements were of the nature of colonies; and the density 
of the population, and its proportion to the number of the con- 
quered mingled with it, varied, of course inversely, with the dis- 
tance from the main body of the people. In Etruria the Pelas- 
gians were most thickly settled, and next to Etruria in Latium. 
Consequently, while the Tyrsenians retained their conquest, and 
compelled the Sabines, the most vigorous of the dispossessed 
Umbrians, to direct their energies southwards, and while the 
Latins were only partially reconquered by the aboriginal tribes, 
the Pelasgians of the south resigned their national existence, 


and were merged in the concourse of Sabellian conquerors and 
Greek colonists. | 


S11. Meaning and extent of the name “ TYRRHENIAN.” 


From the time of Herodotus! there has been no doubt that 
the Pelasgians in Greece and Italy were the same race, and that 


1 1, 57. The following is the substance of what Herodotus has told 
us respecting the Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians; and his information, 
though much compressed, is still very valuable. He seems tacitly to draw 
& distinction between the Pelasgians and the Tyrrhenians, whom he 
really identifies with one another. With regard to the latter he relates 
the Lydian story (1. 94: φασὶ δὲ αὐτοὶ Λυδοί), that Atys, son of Manes 
king of the Mseonians, had two sons, Lydus and Tyrrhenus. Lydus 
remained at home, and gave to the Mmonians the name of Lydians; 
whereas Tyrrhenus sailed to Umbria with a part of the population, and 
there founded the Tyrrhenian people. In general, Herodotus, when 
he speaks of the Tyrrhenians, is to be understood as referring to the 
Pelasgo-Etruscans. Of tho Pelasgians he says (1. 56 sqq.), that they 


14 ο΄ THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHaP. 1. 


the so-called Tyrrhen? or Tyrsent were the most civilised branch 
of that family. Herodotus, the great traveller of his time, was 
more entitled than any of his contemporaries to form a judgment 
on the subject, and he obviously identifies the Pelasgians with the 
Tyrrhenians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Greece, and in Italy. 
It is perhaps one of the many indications of the literary inter- 
course between Herodotus and Sophocles, which I have else- 
where established’, that the latter, in a fragment of his Inachus, 
mentions the Tywheno-Pelasgians among the old inhabitants of 
Argos*. Lepsius® has fully shown that the name Τυῤῥηνός or 


Φ 

formed one of the original elements of the population of Greece, the 
division into Dorians and Jonians corresponding to the opposition of 
Hellenes to Pelasgians. In the course of his travels he had met with 
pure Pelasgians in Placie and Scylace on the Hellespont, and also in 
Creston; and their language differed 80 far from the Greek that he did 
not scruple to call it barbarian (c. 57). At the same time he seems to 
have been convinced that the Hellenes owed their greatness to their 
coalition with these barbarous Pelasgians (c. 58). The text of Herodotus 
is undoubtedly corrupt in this passage; but the meaning is clear from 
the context. He says, that “the Hellenes having been separated from 
the Pelasgians, being weak and starting from small beginnings, have 
increased in population, principally in consequence of the accession of 
the Pelasgians and many other barbarous tribes." The reading αὔξηται 
és πλῆθος τῶν ἐθνέων πολλῶν is manifestly wrong; not only because the 
position of the article is inadmissible, but also because ἄλλων ἐθνέων 
βαρβάρων συχνῶν immediately follows. I cannot doubt that we ought to 
read at{nra: és πλῆθος, τῶν Πελασγῶν μάλιστα προσκεχωρηκότων αὐτῷ καὶ 
ἄλλων ἐθνέων βαρβάρων συχνῶν. The epithet πολλῶν has crept into the 
text from & marginal explanation of συχνῶν, and τῶν ἐθνέων πολλῶν has 
consequently taken the place of the abbreviation ré» IIATGv [IIAAó»] 
for τῶν Πελασγῶν». 

1 Proceed. of the Phil. Soc. 1. pp. 161 sqq. 

2 Apud Dion. Hal. 1. 25: . 

"Ivaye γεννᾶτορ mai κρηνῶν 
πατρὸς ᾽Ωκεανοῦ, μέγα πρεσβεύων 
Ἄργους τε γύαις, Ἥρας τε πάγοις, 
καὶ Τυρσηνοῖσι Πελασγοῖς. 

See algo Schol, Apoll. Rh. 1. 580. 

8 Ueber die Tyrrhenischen Pelasger in Etrurien. Leipsig, 1842. Dr. 
Lepsius maintains the identity of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians with the 
Etruscans; and in the first edition I accepted his view, which was 
true as far as it went: but subsequent research has convinced me that 
we must recognize a Reetian element superinduced on the previously 


S 11.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 15 


Τυρσηνός signifies “tower-builder,” and that this term has been 
properly explained even by Dionysius', as referring to the 
τύρσεις or Cyclopean fortifications which every where attest 
the presence of Pelasgian tower-builders. The word τύῤῥιἐς or 
τύρσις, Which occurs in Pindar as the name of the great palace 
of the primeval god Saturn’, is identical with the Latin turris; 
and the fact, that the Pelasgians derived their distinguishing 
epithet from this word, is remarkable, not only as showing the 
affinity between the Greek and Latin languages on the one hand, 
and the Pelasgian in Etruria on thé other hand, but also because . 
these colossal structures are always found wherever the Pelas- 
gians make their appearance in Greece. Fortresses in Pelasgian 
countries received their designation as often from these τύρσεις 
as from the name Larissa, which seems to signify the abode of 
the lars or prince. . Thus the old Pelasgian Argos had two 
citadels or ἀκροπόλεις, the one called the Lartssa, the other 
τὸ dpyos, 4. e. the arz*. In the neighbourhood, however, was 
the city T'ryns, which is still remarkable for its gigantic 
Cyclopean remains, and in the name of which we may recognize 


existing combination of Tyrrheno-Pelasgian and Umbrian ingredients. 
We are indebted to this scholar for some of the most important contri- 
butions which Itatian philology has ever received. In his treatise on 
the Eugubine Tables, which he published in the year 1833, as an exercise 
for his degree, he evinced an extent of knowledge, an accuracy of 
scholarship, and a maturity of judgment, such as wg rarely meet with 
in so young a man. His collection of Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions 
(Lipsis, 1841) supplied the greatest want felt by those who were 
interested in the old languages of Italy. And the most fruitful results 
have proceeded from those inquiries into the Egyptian language and 
history in which he has long been engaged. 

: 1 1. 26: ἀπὸ τῶν ἐρυμάτων, ἃ πρῶτοι τῶν τῇδε οἰκούντων κατεσκευάσαντο. 
τύρσεις γὰρ καὶ παρὰ Τυῤῥηνοῖς αἱ ἐντείχιοι καὶ στεγαναὶ οἰκήσεις ὀνομά- 
ζονται, ὥσπερ sap Ἕλλησιν. — Tzetzes, ad Lycophr. 717: τύρσις τὸ 
τεῖχος, ὅτι Τυρσηνοὶ πρῶτον ἔφευρον τὴν τειχοποιΐαν. Comp. Etym. M. 8. v. 
τύραννος- 

3 Ol. τι. 70: ἔτειλαν Διὸς ὁδὸν παρὰ Κρόνου τύρσιν. See also Orph. 
Argon. 151: τύρσιν ἐρυμνῆς Μιλήτοιο. Suidas: τύρσος, τὸ ἐν ὕψει Qo- 
δομημένον. Tho word τύραννος contains the same root: comp. κοίρανος 
with κάρα, and the other analogies pointed out in the New Cratylus, 
8 336. 

8 Liv. xxx1v. 25 : “ Utrasque arces, nam duas babent Argi." . 


16 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I. 


the word τύῤῥις' ; not much farther on the other side was Thy- 
rea, which Pausanias connects with the fortified city Zhyr@on’, 
in the middle of Pelasgian Arcadia; and more to the south 
we have the Messenian Thuria, and Thyrides at the foot of 
Tenaron. Then again, in the northern abodes of the Pelasgians, 
we find Tyrrheum, a fortified place not far from the Pelasgian 
Dodona, and also a Tirida in Thrace*®. At no great distance 
from the Thessalian Larissa and Argissa lay the Macedonian 
Tyrissa, a name which reminds us of the Spanish Turissa in 
agro Tarraconensi*; and the’ Tyrrhenskca Tarraco, with its mas- 
sive walls5, fully establishes the connexion of this latter place 
with the Tyrrhenians’. 


812. The Erruscans—the author's theory respecting thetr 
origin. 
The fact that the distinctive name Τυῤῥηνός admits of a 
Greek interpretation is sufficient to show that the Tyrrhenians 


1 According to Theophrastus (apud Plin. vu. 57), the inhabitants of 
Tiryns were the inventors of the τύρσεις. As early as Homer's time the 
town was called τειχιόεσσα (Il. τι. 559), and its walls are described by 
Euripides (Electr. 1158; Iph. in Aul, 152, 1501; Troad. 1088) as κυκλώ- 
sea οὐράνια τείχη. The mythological personage Tifyns is called “the 
son of Argos" (Paus. n. 25), who, according to Steph. Byz., derived 
his origin from Pelasgus, who civilized Arcadia (Pausan. vir. 1), and 
was the father of Larissa (Id. vr. 17), and grandfather of Thessalus 
(Dionys. 1. 17). 

3 It was built by Zhyra@us the grandson of Pelasgus (Paus. vil. 35). 

8 Plin. N. H. 1v. 18: “ Oppidum quondam Diomedis equorum sta- 
bulis dirum." 

4 Anton. Ztin. 

5 Müller, Etrusker, 1. p. 291; Auson. Ep. 24, 88. 

9 Lepsius suggests also, that the T'wrres on the coast near Cere and 
Alsium may have been a Roman translation of the name Tippes. With 
regard to the city of Tyrrha in Lydia, and the district of Torrhebia, to 
which the Tyrrhenians referred their origin, it is worthy of remark that 
the civilised T'oltece, who introduced architecture, agriculture, and the 
useful arts into Mexico, and whose capital was Tula, bore a name which 
passed into a synonym for architect. See Prescott, Conquest of Mezico, I. 
p.12; Sahagun, Hist. de nueva Espana, lib. x. c. 29; Torquemado, 
Monarch. Ind. lib. x. c. 14. The Toltecs were in general very like the 
Tyrrhenians, and the Etruscans, by their gorgeous luxury and their 


$19] — AS RELATED TO RACH OTHER. 17 


were not exclusively Italian, and therefore were wrongly identi- 
fied by the ancient writers with the singular and unaffiliated 
nation of the Etruscans. To determine the origin of this people 
and the nature of their language has been considered for many 
years as the most difficult problem in Philology. And while 
Bonarota, in his supplement to Dempster’, earnestly exhorts 
the learned, and especially orientalists, to labour at the discovery 
of this lost language, suggesting the hope of ultimate success, 
if a carefully edited collection of inscriptions can be procured to 
furnish materials for the work, Niebuhr remarks, i his lectures 
on Ancient Geography*: ** People feel an extraordinary curiosity 
to discover the Etruscan language; and who would not enter- 
tain this sentiment? I would give a considerable part of my 
worldly means as a prize, if it were discovered; for an entirely 
new light would then be spread over the ethnography of ancient 
Italy. But however desirable it may be, it does not follow 
that the thing is attainable.’ And he proceeds to point out the 
inherent faultiness of some previous investigations. Whatever 
may be the value of the discovery, I cannot allow myself to 
doubt that the true theory is that which I have had the honour 
of submitting to the British Association’. It has always ap- 
peared to me a very great reproach to modern philology that 
while we can read the hieroglyphic literature of Egypt, and 
interpret the cuneiform inscriptions of Persia and Assyria, we 
should profess ourselves unable to deal scientifically with the 
remains of a language which flourished in the midst of Roman 


skill in cookery, &c., remind one very much of the united race of Aztecs 
and Toltecs which Cortes found in Mexico. 

1 p. 106: “ hortari postremo fas mihi sit, doctos prsecipue linguis 
Orientalibus viros, ut animi vires intendant, ad illustrandam veterem 
Etruscam linguam, tot jam seculis deperditam. Et quis vetat sperare, 
quod temporum decursu emergat aliquis, qui diffücilem et inaccessam 
viam aperiat: et penetralia lingus hujus reseret; si prsecipue cives et 
incolee urbium et locorum ubi inscriptiones Etrusom reperiuntur sedulo 
et diligenter excipi et delineari curent monumenta, &c.” 

* Vortrüge über alte Lünder- und Volkerkunde. Berl. 1851, p. 581. 

$ “On two unsolved problems in Indo-German Philology,” in the 
Report of the Brit. Assoc. for the Advancement of Science for 1851, pp. 
138—159. 


2 


18 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. 1. 


civilisation. So far from regarding the problem as involved in 
hopeless difficulty, I have always felt that its solution was, 
Booner or later, inevitable; and as the present state of our 
ethnographic knowledge enables us to classify and discriminate 
All the different elements in the population of Europe, the 
identification of the ancient Etruscans must reduce itself to the 
alternative of exclusion, from which there is no escape. Sir 
Thomas More came to the conviction that his unknown visitor 
was aut Erasmus, aut Diabolus, and we may now say in the 
same manner, that unless the Etruscans were old Low Germans 
of the purest Gothic stock, there is no family of men to whom 
they could have belonged. The demonstration of this, however, 
belongs to a later part of the subject. At present we have only 
to consider the Etruscans as they appear in the peninsula of 
Italy. 


$18. The names Etruscus and RASENA cannot be brought 
to an agreement with TYRSENUS. 


We have already seen that the T'yrseni or Tyrrheni in 
Greece and Italy were a branch of the great Pelasgian race, 
and that although the ancients considered them identical with 
the Etruscans, the Greek explanation of which their name so 
readily admits is & proof that they could not have been the 
exclusively ltalian tribe of the Etruscans. Modern scholars, 
who have adopted the ancient hypothesis of the identity of the 
Tyrrheni and Etrusci, have endeavoured by a Procrustean 
method of etymology to overcome the difficulties caused by the 
discrepancies of name. "Thus the distinctive designation Etruscus 
or Hetruscus is clipt and transposed until it becomes identical 
with the Latin Tuscus for Tursicus, and synonymous with the 
Greek Τυρσηνός. On the other hand, the “Pacéva of Dionysius 


1 Miller, Etrusk. 1. 71, 72. This view is adopted hy Corssen (Zeit- 
sohr. f. vergl. Sprf. m. pp. 272 sqq. ; Augspr. Vok. u. Beton. d. lat. Spr. 
I. p. 92), who derives Etrus-cus from the Umbrian efru = alter, and con- 
siders that the word denotes only exteri or “foreigners.” He compares the 
form of Etruscus with that of pri-s-cus, so that e, he pays, is a relic of 
the Latin comparative suffix ius/ (cf. 1. p. 288). He forgets that ac- 
cording to his own previous admission (p. 86) Etruria = Etrus-ia, in 


S 1$.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 19 


is pronounced a false reading and & mutilated representative of 
Tapacéva or Tapoéva, which bears the same relation to Τυρσηνός 
that Porséna does to Πορσηνός or Πορσήνας!. There is an allur- 
ing facility about this emendation, but it is a shock to the most 
credulous etymologist, when we prefix a syllable to one word 
and decapitate another in order to bring them both to an agree- 
ment with a third designation. In philology, as in other 
departments of human science, we perceive resemblances before 
we can be persuaded that they are connected with irreconcilable 
discrepancies. 'lhis we may see in the identification of the 
word Τυῤῥηνός with another name peculiar to the Etruscans of 
Italy, which appears under the form Ταρχώνιον, Turkynia, 
Tarquins. It is perfectly consistent with sound philology to 
say that Tupo- may be a softer form of Tapy-, Tark-, or 
Targ-. But, as I have elsewhere shown, if rapy-, or τραχ- 
and τυρσ- belonged to the same root, the latter must be a 
secondary or assibilated form of the other. Now to say nothing 
of the fact that the σ- of τυρ-σηνός and τύρ-σις belongs to the 
termination, and is not found in r/p-avvos, Tip-vvs, Θυρ-έα, Θύρ- 
αἰον, &c., it is clear that the form Τυρ-σηνός is the only one 
which was ever known to the Pelasgians in Greece, while the 
harder form belongs to the later or mixed race in Italy. "They 
must therefore be considered as different words. There is no 
reason why the names Et-rirta = Ht-rusta (cf. Apiilus, Apilia), 
Et-rus-ci, and Ras-ena should not contain the same root: and 
we shall see that there are good grounds for retaining these 
words as the primitive and distinctive designation of a people 
who invaded and conquered the mixed Tyrrhenians and Um- 
brians of northern Italy. 


which there is no reference to a comparative any more than in the 
name of the Tuscan city Perusia. 

1 This view has been successively adopted by Lanzi (Saggio, 1. p. 
189); Gell (Rome and its vicinity, τ, pp. 364, 5); Cramer (Ancient Italy, 
I. Ὁ. 161); and Lepsius (u.8. p. 23); and formerly approved itself to 
my judgment. 


20 ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. 1. 


8 14. The legend that the Etruscans were Lydians ts entirely 
destitute of historical foundation. 

If we have recourse to ancient authorities, we find only two 
definite statements respecting the origin of the Etruscans. The 
one is the old story,—which first appears in Herodotus!, which is 
reproduced in endless variety by later writers?, and which the 
young student learns from the addresses of Horace to his patron 
Meecenas*,—that the Etruscans were a colony directly imported 
from Lydia. This story was distinctly rejected by Dionysius, 
who not only proves by the authority of Xanthus that the state- 
ment of Herodotus rested on no Lydian authority, but also 
appeals to the total difference of the two nations in religion, lan- 
guage, manners, and laws‘. But although this story is entirely 
destitute of historical foundation, and is contradicted by the facts 
of the case, there must be some way of explaining its origin and 
general acceptance. It has been suggested® that possibly an 
isolated band of pirates from Asia Minor may have landed in 
Etruria, and that from this the whole story had its origin. Or, 
that, more probably, it is nothing but a mere pun derived from 
the accidental similarity of name between the Τυρσηνοί and the 
Lydian Τοῤῥηβοί. “ By connecting,” says the author of these 
conjectures®, * the maritime commerce of the Etruscans with the 
piratical expeditions of the Lydians, and by confounding, as 
Thucydides was the first to do,'the Torrhebian pirates with the 
fillibustering Pelasgians, who roamed over every sea, plundering 
wherever they came, there has arisen one of the most deplorable 
confusions of historical tradition." Without falling back on 
either of these suppositions, it seems that we have a sufficient 
explanation of this tradition,—which stands on precisely the same 
footing as the mythical account of a Trojan settlement in Latium,— 


1 1.94. See abore, p. 13, note. 2 e. g. Strabo, p. 219. 
3 Serm. vi. init.: 
Non quia, Mecenas, Lydorum quidquid Etruscos 
Incoluit fines nemo generosior est te, &c. 
Mecenas belonged to the Etruscan gens Cilnia, which appears on the 
monuments. 
* Dionysius Halicarn. 1. p. 21, Reiske. 
5 By Mommsen, Hist. Kom. (Introd. tr. by Robertson, p. 57). 
$ Mommsen, u. 8. 


t 


S 15.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 2L 


if we refer it to the widely diffused activity of the T'yrsenians, 
and to the effect which would naturally be produced by the dis- 
covery from time to time of the similarities of religious and other 
usages, which distinguished the Pelasgian race wherever they 
were found. So that this legend, though utterly devoid of any - 
historical basis, may have had a certain admixture of ethnical 
truth, if we limit it to the Pelasgians, whom the Rasenic tribes 
invaded; but it ig quite worthless as a means of accounting for 
the Etruscans as distinguished from the Tyrenians, 


§ 15. It ts explicitly stated by ancient writers that the 


Etruscans were connected with Retia. 


In direct opposition to this Lydian fable, we have a simple 
and natural account of the origin of the Etruscans properly sq 
called, which rests upon a strictly historical foundation, and 
which, though it inverts the relations of the metropolis and its 
colonists, is in accordance with all that we can learn from other 
sources respecting the affinities of the Rasenic conquerors. 
Livy, who, as a native of Padua, was likely to be well-in- 
formed on the subject, has left us a statement respecting the 
Etruscans, which, so far from being hypothetical, is one of the 
most definite expressions of ethnological facts to be met with in 
ancient history. Speaking of the Gallic invasion and the attack 
upon Clusium, he says (v. 33): “nor were the people of Clusium 
the first of the Etruscans with whom armies of the Gauls fought; 
but long before this they frequently fought with the Etruscans 
who dwelt between the Apennines and the Alps. Before the 
Roman empire was established the power of the Etruscans 
extended far by land and sea. This is shown by the names 
of the upper ard lower seas by which Italy is girt like an 
island: for while the Italian nations have called the former the 
Tuscan gea by the general appellation of the people, they have 
designated the latter the Hadriatic, from Hadria a colony of the 
Tuscans. 'The Greeks call these same. seas the Tyrrhenian 
and the Hadriatic. This people inhabited the country extending 
to both seas in confederacies of twelve cities each, first, twelve 
cities on this side of the Apennines towards the lower, sea, 
afterwards, having sent-across the Apennines as many colonies 


92 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [cHAP. 1. 


as there were capital cities in the mother-country; and these 
occupied the whole territory beyond the Po, as far as the Alps', 
except the corner of the Veneti, who dwell round the extreme 
point of the Hadriatic. There is no doubt that the Alpine 
nations, especially the Reti, have the same origin, but these 
have lost their civilisation from their climate and locality, so as 
to retain nothing of their original type except their spoken 
language, and not even that without corruption." This distinct 
and positive statement is repeated by Pliny, who says (H. N. τη. 
20, § 133): “people think that the Reti were a branch of the 
Tuscan stock, driven out by the Gauls under the leadership of 
Ratus" (Reetos Tuscorum prolem arbitrantur, a Gallis pulsos 
duce Reto); and by Justin, who remarks (xx. 5): “the Tus- 
cans also, under the leadership of Retus, having lost their ances- 
tral settlements, occupied the Alps, and founded the tribes of 
the Reti, called after their leader" (Tusci quoque, duce Reto, 
avitis sedibus amissis, Alpes occupavere et ex nomine ducis gen- 
tes Retorum condiderunt); and it is confirmed by relics of art, 
names of places, and peculiarities of language in the Tyrol (see ~ 
the examples collected by Ludwig Steub in his essay über die 
Urbewohner Ratiens und ihren Zusammenhang mit den Etruskern, 
München, 1843), to which the Retians of Lombardy were driven 
by the Gauls, and from which they had descended in the first in- 
stance. Strabo implies an adhesion to the same tradition, when 
he says (1v. 6, p. 204): “above Comon, built at the foot of the 
Alps, lie on the one side the Reti and the Venones towards the 
east, and on the other side the Lepontii, Tridentini, Stoni, and 
several other little tribes; and these occupied Italy in former 
times" (ὑπέρκεινται δὲ τοῦ Κώμου πρὸς τῇ ῥίζῃ τῶν ᾿Αλπέων 
ἱδρύμενον τῇ μὲν ‘Parrot καὶ Οὐένονες ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω κεκλιμένοι τῇ 
δὲ Ληπόντιοι καὶ Tpdevrivos καὶ Στόνοι καὶ ἄλλα πλείω μικρὰ 
ἔθνη κατέχοντα τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν χρόνοις). More- 
over, Stephanus of Byzantium defines the Reti as a Tyrrhenian, 
that is, in his sense, as an Etruscan race (Pasrol, Τυῤῥηνικὸν 
ἔθνος), and it is quite in accordance with the laws of language to 
suppose that “Pasro/ and “Pacéva are only modifications of the 


1 Among other places Mantua is expressly mentioned as a Tuscan 
city; Virgil, ain. x. 198—200. 


ἢ 16.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 28 


same word!, It is true that Livy inverts the relation between 
the powerfal colonists and their uncivilized mother-country. 
But in this he only follows the precedent, which is observable in 
so many forms of early tradition. It has been well remarked by 
Niebuhr (H. R. 1. p. 40) that the “inversion of a story into its 
opposite is ἃ characteristic of legendary history. " This rule, 
which Niebuhr supports by many examples; is particularly ap- 
plicable to the mythical records of ethnography, which perpetu- 
ally invert the direction of a migration, and substitute the outlet 
for the source of the stream. Thus in the myth of Io, Argos, 
which is given as the starting-point of her wanderings, is pro- 
bably the point of arrival for the emigrants from the south and 
east whom she represents (see Classical Museum, No. XII. p. 
160). There is the same inversion; if we suppose that the story 
of Io represents the importation into Greece of the Egyptian 
moon-goddess Isis (Kenrick, Phoenicia, Pp 85). The eastern 
journey of Perseus, whether Andromeda is ZEthiopian or Phos- 
nician, máy indicate the western progresd of Phoenician efter- 
prise and civilisation, for the name of the hero's weapon (ἄρπη) 
is undoubtedly Semitic (see Christian Orthodoxy, p. 254). This 
inversion occurs even among the Pheenicians themselves; for 
when the Tyrians had become more opulent and powerful thah 
the Sidonians they claimed the rank of mother-state, though it 
was a recognized fact in ancient times that Tyre was a colony 
from Sidon (Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 58). 


§ 16. Tis view of the case 1s after all the most reasonable. 


Now if we are to adopt the old statement that the Etruscans, 
properly so called, were the same stock with the Eetisns—and 
if we reject it there is nothing in ancient history or geography 
which we can with confidence accept*—there will be no difficulty 


1 Compare, for example, the cognate German words reiten and reisen. 

2 Abeken says (Mittel-Italien, p. 21): “ diese Meinung, von Niebuhr 
zuerst entschieden ausgesprochen, wird auch die herrschende bleiben.” 
This view was first maintained by Freret (Acad. d. Inscr. t. xvm.), and 
it is now generally adopted by ethnographers. The latest exception 
with which I am acquainted is M. Koch (die Alpen- Etrusker, Leipsig, 
1853), who falls back on the old Lydian story, which he takes literally, 


24 .. THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [ crap. 1. 


in understanding the relation between the Etruscans and the 
other Italian tribes. Long after the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians had 
established their civilisation on both sides of the Tiber, and had 
conquered the Umbrian mountaineers in the north, but yielded to 
the Oscan or Sabine highlanders in the south, lang after this time 
8 Reetian tribe sallied forth from the plains of Lombardy, where 
3t was settled in unbroken connexion with sister tribes in the 
"Tyrol and south-western Germany, and not only effected a per- 
manent conquest of Umbria, but also settled itself as a military 
aristocracy among the civilised Tyrrhenians on the right of 
the Tiber. These conquerors included in their progress the 
Tyrrheno-Latin city, Rome, which had just shaken off the in- 
fluence of the Tarquinii, but they lost this and their other acqui- 
sitions beyond the Tiber, in consequence of a defeat which the 
‘dominant Clusians sustained at Aricia. In every feature of this 
. Etruscan invasion we may observe an analogy to the similar pro- 
.ceedings of the Gallic tribes, who at a still later period descended 
into Lombardy from the west. They succeeded in breaking 
through the continuity of the Retian settlement by establishing 
themselves in the territory afterwards called Cisalpine Gaul. 
They also invaded Umbria and Etruria, besieged the imperial 
city of Clusium, and even sacked Rome. But they were borne 
back again, not without a severe struggle, to the region from 
which the Etruscans started, and the city of the Seven Hills 
was to each of these northern invaders the limit of their progress 
to the south. 


S 17. li ts confirmed by all avatlable evidence, and especially 
by the contrast between the town and country languages of 
ancient Etruria. 


This view with respect to the Reetian invasion of a country 
previously occupied by Tyrrheno-Umbrians is fully supported by 
all the remains of their language, and by all that we know about 


and, like Zeuss, confuses between the Retians, as they were in later 
times, when the Gauls, who conquered Lombardy, had penetrated into 
their mountain-fastnesses, and the earlier and more original inhabitants 
of Retia, from whom alone the Rasenic conquest of Etruria can have 
proceeded. 


S 17.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. | 25 


this idiom.: The details of this subject ‘belong to a future chap- 
ter. lt is sufficient to mention in this place that the Etruscan 
language, as exhibited in the fragments which have come down 
to us, consists of three separate or separable elements. We have 
either words which admit of a direct comparison with Greek and 
Latin, and these we will call the Tyrrheno-Pelasgian element of 
the language; or words which present affinities to the Umbrian 
and Oscan dialects; or words which resemble neither of the 
other, but may be explained by the Gothic affinities, which, for 
other reasons, we should be led to seek in the language of the 
Reetians. The first element appears most in the words quoted 
with an explanation by Roman writers, that is, in words of the 
southern Etruscans, who were to the last the purest representa- 
tives of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians. We find the same kind of 
words in inscriptions from the same district. On the other hand, 
in the great cities of northern Etruria, and especially in the high- 
lands of Umbria, we either find a mixed idiom, or must seek our 
explanations from the Gothic idioms to which 1 have referred. 
If the Etruscans, properly so called, did not establish themselves 
permanently or in very great numbers much to the south of 
Volsinii, and if in all their conquests to the south-west of their 
territory they rather occupied the cities than peopled the fields,— 
and both these facts appear on the face of their history,—it will 
follow that the περίοικοι in south Etruria, as in Laconia after 
the Dorian invasion, and in England after the Norman conquest, 
would retain their original, that is, their Tyrrheno-Pelasgian 
dialect. This result is illustrated by two incidents to which Lep- 
-sius has referred with a somewhat different object’. Livy tells us 
(x. 4), that in the year 301 5.c. the legate Cn. Fulvius, serving 
in Etruria, escaped an ambush and detected some pretended 
shepherds who would have led him into it, by learning from the 
men of Cere who acted as his interpreters, that the shepherds 
spoke the town language, not that of the country, and that their 
outward appearance did not correspond to that of rustics. "The 
same author informs us (Ix. 36), that in the year 308 B.C. a 
Roman nobleman and his slave, who had learned Etruscan at Ceere, 
travelled through the Ciminian forest and as far as the Camertes 


1 UV. s. p. 82. 


26 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES | [ CHAP. I. 


who lived around Clusium, and that they escaped detection on 
this journey which carried them through the whole extent of 
southern Etturia. From these two incidents we infer that the 
town dialects of the Etruscans differed more or less from those of 
the éduntry people, and that the country dialect about. Owre, 
whieh must have been Tyrrheno-Pelasgian, was intelligible to 
the country people as far north as Clusium. This is quite in ac- 
cordance with the parallel cases of the Saxons as subjected to the 
Normans, and the Achwans as reduced to: vassalage by the Do- 
rians; and the agrestes Etruscorum cohortes mentioned by Livy 
(1x. 86), and the bands of zrevéoras or feudal retainers, whom 
the Etruscan nobles (οἱ δυνατώτατοι) took with them to battle, 
(Dionysius, 1x. 5), indicate the same distinction which is always 
observable in dn aristocracy of conquest. 


§ 18. Further inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary 
history of the LUCERES. 


To return to the Seven Hills of Reme, we shall find, as was 
stated at the beginning of this investigation, that the relations in 
which the mhabitents of the city stood to one another are the 
eame, on a smaller scale, with those which connected or distin- 
guished the inhabitants of the whole peninsula of Italy. And 
here scientific etymology throws a wonderful light on the appa- 
tently discordant facts preserved by an undiscriminating tra- 
 dition. 

It appears that the Oscan or Alban Ramnes on the Palatine! 
had reduced the Pelasgians on the Ozlian to a state of de- 
pendence or vassalage; what took place in Latium generally 
was also enacted on the Septimontium. These two commu- 
nities—one of which we may call Roma, and the other Luce- 
rum—constituted the original city of Rome, which contended on 
a footing of equality with the Quirites: hence the legend calls 
Roma the daughter of Italus and Leucaria’,—of the aboriginal 
Oscans and the foreign or Pelasgian Luceres. When Roma 


1 The “ Palatini aborigines ex agro Reatino,” as Varro calls them 
(L. L. v. § 53). 
3 Plutarch, Romul, 1.) where we must read Aeveapias. 


8 18.] AS RELATED TO HACH. OTHER 27 


admitted Quirium to the privileges of citizenship, the Quirites 
naturally took rank above the subject Luceres, and the celss 
Ramnes still remained at the head of the populus. According 
to one story, they compelled the Luceres to leave their strong- 
hold and descend to the plain'. It appears, too, that, together 
with the Celian town, the Palatine Romans ruled over the 
possessions of the Luceres in the Solonian plain, which were 
called the Pectuscum Palatt, or “breast-work of the Palatine." 
Now, it is distinctly said, that the Luceres were first raised 
to the full privileges of the other burgesses by the elder Tarqui- 
nius, who both introduced them into the senate, and also gave 
them -representatives among the ministers of religion’. And who 
was this Lucius Tarquinius but a Incumo or grandee from the 
Tuscan city Tarquini, who settled at Rome, and was raised 
to the throne? Indeed, there seems to be but little reason to 
doubt that he was the Celes Vivenna‘, whose friend and suc- 
cessor Mastarna appears under the name of Servius Tullius’. 
The difference in the policy of the first and second of these 
Tuscan kings of Rome need not surprise us. Every scattered 
hint referring to this Tullius, or Mastarna, represents him as 
connected: with that Pelasgian branch of the Roman population 
which eventually furnished the greater part of the plebs‘; 
whereas Vivenna, or Tarquinius, was a patrician or Lucumo of 


1 Varro, L. L. v. § 46. 

3 Festus, p. 218, Müller: “Pectuscum Palati dicta est ea regio Urbis, 
quam Romulus obversam posuit, ea parte in qua plurimum erat agri 
Romani ad mare versus et qua mollissime adibatur urbs, cum Etrus- 
eorum agrum a Romano Tiberis discluderet, coterp vicina civitates 
colles aliquos baberent oppositos." 

8 See Niebuhr, 1, p. 296; m1. p. 350. 

4 Niebuhr, 1. p. 375, note 922; and Kleine Schriften, τι. p. 26 sqq- 

5 See the. celebrated Lugdunensian Table, Lipsius, Eccurs. ad Tac. 
Ann. xr. 44, Müller (Etrusker, 1. 118—123) ingeniously conjectures 
that the reigns of the Tarquins mythically represent the predominance 
of the city Tarquinii, which was for a time interfered with by Mastarna, 
the representative of the rival city Volsinii. "Tarquinii, however, for 
& while resumed hor influence ; but at last was obliged to succumb, like 
the other Tuscan cities, to Clusium. 

6 See, for instance, Livy, 1. 30, where both Tullius and Servilius 
(Niebuhr, 1. note 920) are mentioned as Latin family names. 


28 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES - [cHap. I. 


the Tuscan city Tarquinii, and his prejudices were of course aris- 
tocratic, or rather, as was more fully developed in the case of the 
second Tarquinius, tyrannical; for only the absolute sovereign 
of a great nation could have accomplished the wonderful works 
which were achieved by this Tarquinian Lucumo. There is 
sufficient reason to believe that Rome stood high as a Tuscan 
town during the last years of its monarchal history. The Sep- 
timontium, if not the capital of southern Etruria’, was at least 
the southern bulwark of the twelve cities, and extended its domi- 
nion over a large part of the Sabine territory. The fall of the 
regal power of Rome has been well ascribed to the decline of 
Tarquinii and the rising predominance of Clusium. If. Lars 
Porsena, when he conquered Rome, had really been anxious for 
the restoration of Superbus, he might easily have replaced him 
on the throne; but he was so far from doing this, that he did 
not even grant him an exstliwm in his own dominions, The 
vanquished Lucumo of Rome took refuge, not at Clusium, but at 
Cume?, with Porsena's great enemy Aristodemus’,. whom he 
made his heir, and who subsequently defeated and slew Aruns 
Porsena, when, with a Clusian army, he made war on Aricia, 
and endeavoured to found a Tuscan empire in Latium. 


§ 19. (b) Fragmentary records of the early Constitution of 
Rome 


The inferences derivable from these traditions are materially 
confirmed by some fragmentary records of the constitutional 
history of early Rome. The revolutionary movement, by which 
the second Tarquinius was expelled, is always connected with the 
influence and agency of Junius Brutus, who then held the office 


1 Niebuhr, 1. p. 373. 3 Cramer's Italy, rt. p. 150. 

8 There are many traces of the connexion of the Roman Tuscans with 
the Greeks. The first Tarquin himself is represented as half a Greek; 
and the late Lord Macaulay has pointed out very clearly the Greek foa- 
tures of the second Tarquinian legerid (Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 80). 
The equestrian games of the Tarquins, and their reverence for the 
Delphic oracle, also imply frequent intercourse with Greece, of which we 
read still more distinctly in the case of Pyrgi, the renowned port of 
Agylia, or Cere, another Etruscan town, which, like Tarquinii, was 
intimately connected with Rome. 


7 A 
.d 


§ 20. | AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 29 


of Tribunus Celerum. The result of this revolution was to sub- 
stitute two consules or colleagues for the old kingly government. 
But whenever it was thought advisable, on great emergencies, to 
revert to the authority of a single chief, we find that this Dic- 
tator, a8 he was called, appeared as a Magister Populi, or head 
of the old patrician tribes, and that he was invariably associated 
with a Magister Equitum, or head of the plebeian knights, whom 
the elder Tarquin admitted to the full franchise, and so made his 
senate to consist of Patres, or original deputies, and Conscriptt, 
or additional counsellors. The Duumviri Perduellionis and 
other ancient dualisms pointed out by Niebuhr are additional 
indications of a two-fold division of the Roman people long before 
the growth of the later plebs. Now if the second order corre- 
sponded to the .Luceres, as opposed to the combined populus of 
Ramnes and Tities, we can easily see that the Tarquinian 
influence, as exercised by Celes Vivenna and Mastarna, was 
favourable not only to the Celeres or richer class among the 
Luceres, but also to the Proletarians, and generally to the whole 
population; whereas the second Tarquinius is indicated by his 
whole history as having endeavoured to reduce and degrade 
the inferior order of his subjects, until some final outrage roused 
the whole city to vengeance, the Luceres however taking the 
lead under the guidance of their legitimate leader the Tribunus 
Celerum. The result of this revolution was to reduce the 
populus, or two elder tribes, to a footing of tolerable equality 
with the Luceres; and the lays or legends represent the latter 
as having purchased their position by a pre-eminence of suffer- 
ings and of services, both in the expulsion of the Tarquinian 
dynasty and in the subsequent resistance to the foreign domina- 
tion of the Clusians. 


§ 20. (c) Etymology of some mythical proper names. 

A great deal of new light may be derived from a careful 
examination of the proper names Horatius and Lucretius, the 
former representing the inferior position of the populace, the 
latter the local designation of the Duceres. The word Hor-atius 
is derived from the old Latin word Air, “a hand," and is there- 
fore a longer form of Hir-tius, just as Ourtatius is of Cur-ttus, 
The fight between the Horati and Curtats probably refers te 


90 | THE.OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [ CHAP. 1. 


a contest between the Ouriatü (κούρητες), men of the curta, 
and wielders of the spear, or wearers of the helmet," and the 
Hóràtá (χερνῆτες), " handicraftsmen," ὦ. 6. the lower order, in 
which contest, as usual, the latter succeeded in maintaining their 
just rights. In the old tradition it is uncertain which of the 
two fought for Alba (Liv. 1. 24), ὦ. 6. whether the Latin or 
Sabine interest was at that time predominant at Rome. The 
story about Horatius Cocles admits of a similar interpretation. 
The Tuscans were repelled at the bridge-head by the three 
Roman tribes—Lartius (Larth, Lars, “prince” or * king") re- 
presenting the head-tribe, Herminius the second, and Horatius 
the third. The surname Cocles still farther explains the name 
Horatius in its opposition to Curiatius. The ancients knew 
that this word meant one-eyed (Plin. H. N. xxxvit. 55), and I 
have elsewhere suggested that it may be derived from caculus 
(N. Crat. § 154). The last part is undoubtedly that derivative 
from $-re, which is found in mil-it-es, ped-it-es, equ-it-es, &c. 
With the Romans, as with other nations, the ideas of being and 
going are interchangeable (N. Crat. ὃ 269), and therefore we 
should not press the meaning of this termination farther than 
by saying that cooles is a form analogous to miles, &c. Now 
the other term for one-eyed is duscus, which is to be compared 
with Xofós, Xofías. This last word, as the name of the archer- 
god, Apollo, refers unquestionably to the oblique or side-long 
position of the bowman in the act of shooting; and there is 
no reason why the same explanation should not apply to the 
cocl-it-es, who will thus represent the ψυλοί or light-armed troops 
of the commonalty. As in the case of David and Goliath, 
the triumph is greater when there is an inequality in the arms; 
and this no doubt was felt to enhance the Horatian victory and 
the successful defence of the Pons Sublictus. Considered as 
an army, the Romans fell into the following subdivisions—the 
populus or patrician ὁπλῖται, the celeres or plebeian knights, 
and the plebe, i.e. πλῆθος, or multitudo, who were the milites, 
properly so called, “the common soldiers who marched in a 
body," and who were by virtue of their armour merely coclites, 
or “shooters.” And thus the magister populi and magister 
equitum, or iribunus celerum, will stand in a military opposition 
to the tribune plebis, The separation between the populus and 


8.20.} AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 81 


plebe, which is most strongly indicated by the refusal of the con- 
nubium, or right of intermarriage, to the latter, renders it possi- 
ble that the patricians were called proceres, “ wooers," or proci 
patricii, * patrician suitors” (Festus, p. 249, Müller), with par- 
ticular reference to this crowning mark of political equality, 
And ἃ comparison of proceres with celeres might lead us to infer, 
that, while the original patres were termed proci, the celeres ox 
conscripti were designated as proceres, the termination indicating 
the later acquisition of the connubium. The meaning of the 
name Herminius is not obvious at first sight; it does not sound 
like 4 Latin name. When however we call to mind that the 
most ancient name for a noble warrior in Greek was ἥρως, 
which may be proved to be equal to 5p-Faor-s = ἠρ-φωτ-ς, “ the 
lord-warrior”’ (N. Crat. ὃ 329), and when we recollect that herus 
is a good Latin word, and that mtn is found in ho-min-, ne-min-, 
&c., we may well suppose that Her-mintus represents a form 
analogous to ἥρως, and therefore that, as Lartius typifies the 
nobles, and Horatius the common people, so Herminius personi- 
fies the warriors of Rome. And this explanation of the name is 
quite in accordance with the meaning of the word Hermann or 
Hirmin (the Arminiua of Tacitus) in those Low-German lan- 
guages with which the Sabine and other Italian idioms were so 
intimately connected. Grimm says (Deutsche Mythol. p. 828, 
2nd edit.): ‘‘die Sachsen gcheinen in Hirmin einen kriegerisch 
dargestellten Wódan verehrt zu haben.” In fact Irmin, Armin, 
Eorman, Hermann is the oldest deity of our race. He is the Er 
or Kor of the Scythic tribes and the Axes of the Greeks. He 
combines the functions of the two later divinities Ziv or Zi or 
Zi, who corresponds to Mars, and Wédan, who represents 
Mercury. And the Jrman-sul or pillar of Inman waa so common 
an object that it suggested a designation for any perpendicular 
object, even a road running due north (Cambridge Essays, 1856, 
p. 68). That the root min in Her-min-tus may be identical with 
the man of Jr-man might be inferred from ho-min-, ne-min- 
compared with mann. And we have another interesting ana- 
Jogy, pointing at once to the deeply-seated Teutoniam of the old 
Italian languages, in the common adjective omnis. For as 
distinct from cuncts, which denotes “all in a body” (conjunctt), 
i.e. all conjoined or united for a particular purpose and at a 


32 ' THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [CHAP. I. 


particular time, universi, which signifies all acting by common 
consent," i. e. going in the same direction (wna versus), and totus, 
which means *the whole," i.e. all the parts so combined that 
they are regarded as forming ἃ new unit, omnes like πάντες 
(guanti) implies “all, as many as there are." In other words, 
omnes means “all,” considered as made up of separable parts— 
* all" as a collection of individuals (see Classical Scholarshtp and 
Classical Learning, Cambridge, 1856, p. 216). Accordingly 
omnes may be rendered “every one," or “that which belongs to 
every one." And this in the oldest German is eoman, virtually 
the same word as that which is implied in the adjective o-mn-is. 
The modern German is je-mand, and in English the commoner 
as distinguished from the noble was called a yeo-man, an 
* every-man," an “any-body,” ὁ τυχών; the aristocracy being 
a collection of **some-bodies," just as the Spanish grandee calls 
himself hidalgo, i.e. hijo d' alguno, “a son of somebody." We 
find a further confirmation of this comparison of the mythical 
Sabine with the Teutonic divinity in the fact, that the name of 
the second person in the triumvirate of the bridge was Titus 
Herminius ; for not only does Titus signify '' warrior" (Fest. 
p. 366, Müller: "Tu milites appellantur quasi tutuli, quod 
patriam tuerentur, unde et 7t prenomen ortum est"), but the 
Titienses or Tities, were actually “the Sabine quérites (spear- 
men)," the second tribe at Rome. By a similar personification, 
the senior consul, Valerius, who as poplicola represents the 
populus, has under his orders Titus Hermtnius, the “ warriors," 
and Spurius Lartius, the “young nobles!;" while the other 
consul, Lucretius, represents the Luceres, or third class of citizens 
(Liv. τι. 11). Even Lucretia may be nothing more than a 
symbol of the third order of the populus; so that her ill-treat- 
ment by Sextus will be an allegory referring to the oppression 
of the Luceres, who often approximated to the plebs, by the 
tyrannical Etruscan dynasty. It is also singular that Lucretius 
and Horatius, both representatives of the third class, succeed one 
‘another in the first consulship. The preenomen of Spurius Lar- 
tius does not appear to be the Latin spurius, “illegitimate,” but 


1 At a later period these two are combined in the one designation 
Lars Herminius (Liv. mt. 65), 


§ 21.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 93 


is a Tuscan derivative from super, the first vowel being omitted, 
according to the T'uscan custom, and the second softened into v, 
as in augur (also perhaps a Tuscan word) for aviger. That 
Spurius was & Tuscan name appears from the derivative Spu- 
rinna. 

If, as seems probable, Cales is only a modification of Ceres, 
the name of Celes Vivenna will indicate him as one of the 
Corites, that is as belonging to the most purely Pelasgian part 
of South Etruria. And then we have an additional confirmation 
of our belief that the Tarquinian dynasty-was in the first instance 
at least Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian, rather than Rasenic or Retian. 


§ 21. General Conclusion as to the mutual Relations of the 
old Italian Tribes. 


These traditionary facts and philological deductions erfable us 
to come to a fixed conclusion on the subject of the old population 
of Italy, and the relations of the different tribes to one another. 
How they stood related to the Transpadane members of the 
great European family is a subsequent inquiry; but within the 
limits of Italy proper, we may now say, there were originally 
two branches of one great family,—the Umbrians, extending from 
the Po to the Tiber; and the Oscans, occupying the southern 
half of the peninsula'. These nations were combined, in different 


1 Aufrecht, in his report of “the last results of the Italic researches” 
(in Bunsen's Christianity and Mankind, Vol. 11), seems to have rather a 
confused apprehension of the relations between the Umbrian, Sabellian, 
and Oscan tribes. He says (p. 89), that we must comprise the Latiniz- 
ing language of Italy under three heads: 


στ------------------------------- 
Umbrian. Sabellian. Oscan. 
Oa | 
Umbrian Latin. Volscian. Marsian. 
proper. 
But surely the Latin is not connected directly with the Umbrian, as dis- 
tinguished from the Sabellian and Oscan; the Volsci, like the Aqui, 
must have been Oscan; and he tells us himself (p. 93), that “the 
central point of the Osci is the land of the Sabines.” Eckermann 
(Religions-Geschichte und Mythologie, Vol. τι. pp. 140 sqq.), who says that 
the Sabines spoke Oscan, and that the elements of tbe Latin are to be 
found in that language (p. 142), seems to subordinate both the Umbrians, 
and Oscans to the Sabellian tribes. Mommsen, who recognises three 


D. V. 9 


94 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES, &c. [cHaP. 1. 


degrees, with Pelasgians from the north-east. The main body 
of these Pelasgians assumed a distinct nationality in Etruria, 
and established a permanent empire there, which the Umbrians 
could never throw off. Another great horde of Pelasgians was 
settled in Latium, where they were afterwards partially con- 
quered by the Oscans; and a mixed population of Pelasgians 
and Oscans extended to the very south of Italy. The Sabines, 
however, who were members of the Umbrian family, returned 
from the hills, to which the Pelasgians had driven them, and 
pressed upon the other Umbrians, upon the Oscans, and upon 
those. Latins who were a mixture of conquered Pelasgians and 
Oscan conquerors. The combination of a branch of these Sabines 
with a branch of the Latins settled on the Tiber constituted 
the first beginnings of that Roman people which, standing in 
the midst of these Pelasgian and Oscan races, eventually became 
a point of centralisation for them all. Not to speak of any 
Celtic substratum, which we have many reasons for assuming, 
or of the scanty fragments of the Messapian or Iapygian dialects, 
which probably preserved the Lithuanian elements in their least 
modified form, we may feel assured that up to the commence- 
ment of history the population of ancient Italy consisted entirely 
of this admixture or juxtaposition of Umbro-Oscan and Tyr- 
rheno-Pelasgian tribes. But about the time when the ancient 
annalists begin to speak definitely, the south of the peninsula 
became studded with Greek colonies, and the north was con- 
quered by a Retian tribe, the Rasena or Etruscans properly so 
ealled; and while the Greeks never spread themselves in the 
northern provinces, the surging tide of the Etruscan invasion 
was beaten back from the walls of Rome; and the Gauls, who 
at a later period endeavoured to extend their settlements to the 
south of the Tiber, were obliged to content themselves with the 
still remoter districts beyond the Rubicon. 


primitive stocks in Italy, the Iapygian, the Etruscan, and the Italian, 
divides the latter into two main branches, the Latin, and that to which 
the dialects of the Umbri, Marsi, Volsci and Samnites belong (Earliest 
Inhabitants of Italy, from Mommsen’s History of Rome, translated by 8. 
Robertson, p. 3). In this, as it appears to me, he confuses what ought 
to be distinguished, and discriminates what ought to be identified. 


CHAPTER IL. 


THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF THE ANCIENT 
ITALIANS. 


8 1. Etymology of the word Πελασγός. § 2. How the Pelasgians came into Eu» 
rope. § 3. Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and Hellenic 
architecture. 8 4. Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology 
of the two races. §5. Thracians, Getz, and Scythians. § 6. Scythians and 
Medes. § 7. Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Gets, msy be 
shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the remains of the Scythian 
language. § 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elementa in this chain of 
nations. §9. Peculiarities of the Scythian language suggested by Aristo- 
phanes. § 10. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained. $ 11. Names 
of the Scythian divinities. ὃ 12. Other Scythian words explained. ὃ 13, Suc- 
cessive peopling of Asia and Europe: fate of the Mongolian race. §14. The 
Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin. § 15. Foreign affinities of the Um- 
brians, &. § 16. Reasons for believing that they were the same race as the 
Lithuanians, § 17. Further confirmation from etymology. ἃ 18. Celtio 
tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and Lithuanians in Italy and elsewhere. 
$ 19. The Sarmate probably a branch of the Lithuanian family. § 20. Gothic 
or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans shown by their ethnographio 
opposition to the Veneti. 821. Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan 
with the old Norse. § 22. Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans, 
ἃ 23. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names. § 24. Contacta and 
contrasts of the Semitic and the Sclayonien. § 35. Predominant Aolavoniam 
of the old Italian languages. 


§ 1. Etymology of the word Ylexaaryós. 


INCE the Umbrians, Oscans, &c. must be regarded in the 
first instance as the aboriginal inhabitants, the inquirer, who 
would pass the limits of Italy and investigate the foreign affinities 
of the Italians, is first attracted by the Pelasgians. The seats 
of this race in Greece and elsewhere are well known; but there 
is no satisfactory record as to the region from which they started 
on their wide-spread migrations, or the countries which they 
traversed on their route, According to some they were Cretans, 
others make them Philistines, others again Phoenicians or Egyp- 
tians'; in fact, there is hardly one ancient nation which has not 


1 The confusion of the Pelasgians with the Phonicians and Egyp. 
tians arises from an interchange of the directions (above, p. 28) of that 


9—2 


96 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. 11. 


been indicated in its turn as their parent stock. Even their 
name has received almost every possible etymology. The older 
scholars derived the word Πελασγός from Peleg’; Sturz connects 
it with πελάζω"; Hermann finds the root in πέλαγος, from πε- 
λάζω"; Wachsmuth' and K. O. Müller, considering πεέλαργός to 
be the original form of the word, give as its etymology πέλω, “to 
till,” and ἄγρος, “the field,” looking upon the nation as originally 
devoted to husbandry. The most common derivation is that 
which writes Πελαργοί, and interprets it **the storks,” either from 
the wandering habits of this race‘, or from their linen dress?, or 
from their barbarous speech®, Every one of these etymologies 
admits of an easy confutation. The best answer to them all is to 
point out a better analysis of the word. Buttmann® suggested 
long ago that the last two syllables were an ethnical designation, 
connected with the name Asca-nius, common in Phrygia, Lydia, 
and Bithynia, and with the name of Asia itself. He also cor- 
rectly pointed to the relationship between .4shkenae, the son 
of Gomer, and Javan, the biblical progenitor of the Ionians 
(Ida Foves) (Gen. x. 3). Now the first syllable of the word Pel- 


general intercourse which prevailed in the eastern part of the Mediterra- 


nean during the earliest ages, and of which I have elsewhere given some ἡ 


remarkable examples (Christian Orthodozy, pp. 251—255). The reci- 
procal influence of the Pelasgians, Phoenicians, and Egyptians, was very 
often limited to one or other of these instruments of primeval civilisation, 
and the Semitic was confused with the Indo-Germanic. Iam glad to find 
that Mr. Gladstone, who has particularly noticed the relations between 
the Pelasgians and Egyptians (Homer and the Homeric Age, 1. pp. 148 sqq.), 
comes to my conclusion that the Medes, i.e. the Sclavonians, “are to be 
regarded in all likelihood as the immediate fountain-head of the wide- 
spread Pelasgian race” (I. p. 572). 

1 Salmasius de Hellenistica, p. 342. 2 De Dialect. Macedon. p. 9. 

3 Opusc. II. p. 174: “πέλαγος enim, a verbo πελάζειν dictum, ut ab 
Latinis Venilia, mare notat: a qua origine etiam πελασγοί, advenas." 

4 Hellenische Alterthumsk. 1. p. 29, Trans. p. 39. He also, half in jest, 
refers to πλάζειν, “to lead astray,” p. 36. 
| 56 “Von πέλω (mus, πολέω, der Sparte Πελώρ, und Πελώρια, das Fest 
der Bewohnung) und dpyos.” Orchom. p. 125. 
' 6 Strabo, v. p. 221; vim. p. 397. 

7 Bekker, Anecd. p. 229: διὰ τὰς σινδόνας ἃς ἐφόρουν. So also Etymol. 
Magn. 

8 Philol. Mus. 1. p. 615. 9 Lexilogus, 1. p. 68, note 1. 


δ 1.} ' THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. ' 97. 


asgus is clearly the same as that of Pel-ops. There are two 
Niobes in: Greek mythology, daughters, the one of Phoroneus, 
the other of Tantalus—the latter is the sister of Pelops, the 
former the mother of Pelasgus. The syllable sreA- stands in 
the same relation to μελ- that πέδα does to μετά. The original 
form of the root signifying “blackness” was ueA- ; but the 
labial generally predominated over the guttural element. Of the 
labial forms, that with the tenuis usually came to signify “ livid” 
rather than “black ;” as we see in the words πέλιος, πελωδνός, 
&c. Apollodorus expressly says! that IleAvas was so called be- 
cause his face was rendered livid (πέλμος) by a kick from a 
horse; and it is obvious that IIé\-oy, which signifies “ dark- 
faced" or "swarthy," is an ethnical designation which differs 
from the well-known name Αἰὐθίοψ' only in the degree of black- 
ness which is implied. The Αἰθίοπες were the “ burntfaced 
people" (quos India torret, as Tibullus says of them, 11. 3, 59), 
and are described as perfectly black (Jeremiah xiii. 23; xváveos, 
Hes. Op. et Dies, 525); whereas the IIéXozes were only dark 
in comparison with the Hellenes*. On the whole, it can hardly 
be doubted that the Πελασγοί were, according to the name 
given them by the old inhabitants of Greece, “the swarthy 
Asiatics,” who were called by the latter part of their name 
along the coasts of Asia Minor; and thus the cognate terms 
Πέλιοπες and IleA-acyol point to an emigration from Asia 
Minor to Argolis indisputably connected with the progress of 
Pheenician civilisation. The former part of the name was not 
necessary in the mother-country, where all were dark complex- 
ioned ; and the latter part of the word, which denoted the Asiatic 
origin of the IleA-acyol, was dropt in the synonym Πέλεοψ, 
which signifies merely * swarthy of face*.” 


1 New Cratylus, $ 121; Buttmann’s Lec. n. p. 265. 
3 1. 9, 68. 
3 Asius makes Pelasgus spring from the black carth (ap. Pausan. 
vin. 1, 4): 
ἀντίθεον δὲ Πελασγὸν ἐν ὑψικόμοισιν ὄρεσσι 
γαῖα μέλαιν᾽ ἀνέδωκεν, ἵνα θνητῶν γένος ein. 
Βαὶ here the adjective is nothing but an epitheton constans. 
4 For further arguments in support of this etymology, which is also 
applicable to the word meAapyós, as the stork, or “black but whitened 


98 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IL. 


82, How the Pelasgians came tnto Europe. 


Tradition and etymology agreé, therefore, in tracing the 
Pelasgians, 80 called, to the western and northern coast of Asia 
Minor. There is, however, little or no reason to doubt that the 
bulk of the race, to which these “swarthy Asiatica" belonged, 
entered Europe in the first instance through the wide district of 
Thrace, which is always mentioned as the most ancient European 
settlement of this tribe. For although the legends about Pelops 
and Lydia make it probable that they subsequently crossed over 
the Aigean, leaving settlements as they sailed along in the islands 
of the Archipelago, and bringing with them perhaps some of that 
Semitic civilisation which the Phoenicians and Egyptians had 
diffused over the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, and though 
the etymology of their name refers to some such migration from 
the sunny coasts of Asia, it is nearly certain that the main body 
entered both Greece and Italy from the north-east. The course 
of their wanderings seems to have been as follows. They passed 
into this continent from the western side of the Euxine, and 
bpread themselves over Thrace, Macedonia, and Epirus; then, 
while some of them forced their way into Greece, others, again 
moving on to the north-west, eventually entered Italy near the 
motith of the Po. At some time, however, during the period of 
their settlement in Thrace, and before they had penetrated to 
the south of Greece, or had wandered to Italy, they appear to 
have crossed the Hellespont and peopled the western coast of 
Asia Minor, where they founded the city of Troy, and established 
the kingdom of Lydia—names to which the Pelasgians in Italy 


bird,” the reader is referred to the N. Cratyl. § 95. Mr. Paley has 
. suggested a similar explanation of the doves of Dodona, who bring the 
Phoenicians, Pelasgians, and Egyptians, into-a sort of confusion with one 
another (Herod. m. 54 sqq.). He says (Asch. Suppl. Ed. 2, p. xiv), 
referring to my view of the matter: “obiter monéo nigras hasce colum- 
bas (sreAerddas), qure humana voce locute traduntur, non alias faisse videri 
quam πελάς quasdam, sé. furvas mulieres ex Oriente profectas." It is 
curious that Mrs. Hamilton Gray (Hist, of Etrur. t. p. 89) should have 
quoted the epithet “ pale-face," applied to Buropeans by the American 
indimis, in the same page with her derivation of sreAac-yés from πέλαγος, 
which is simply irreconcilable with the laws of the Greek language. 


é 


§3.] — — ' THE ANCIENT ITALIANS, - 39 


and Argos looked back with mysterious reverence. It might be 
curious to inquire how the traditionary quarrels between the 
families of Dardanus and Tantalus contributed to produce the im- 
portant Lydian migration into Greece; but such an investigation 
scarcely belongs to our subject. There seems to be good reason 
for believing that the Pelasgians acquired their distinctive cha- 
racter, that of agriculturists and architects, in the fertile plains of 
Asia Minor, and under that climate which was afterwards so pro- 
lific in works of art and genius. Those only of the Pelasgians 
‘who were connected with the commercial activity of the Medi- 
terranean, namely the Tyrrhenians, were celebrated as artisans 
and tower-builders. 


ὃ 3. Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and 
Hellenic Architecture. 


The immediate derivation of even the later Greek architecture 
from Asia Minor may be proved by some combinations which 
throw an important light not only on the history of ancient art, 
but on the ethnical affinities of the old inhabitants of southern 
and eastern Europe. It is well known that the Greeks or Hel- 
lenes descended from the north of Thessaly and conquered or 
incorporated themselves with the Pelasgo-Achsans, whom they 
found in the south of Greece. Now these Pelasgians, especially 
those who called themselves Tyrrhenians or “tower-builders,”’ 
have left behind them numerous remains of their architecture, 
which are distinguished by immense blocks of solid stone built 
into rude masses of walls, towers, and treasuries, and are com- 
monly called Cyclopean. It was of course this architecture which 
the Hellenes found in southern Greece, and as they were a 
warrior-tribe and less cultivated in every respect than their 
vassals, they must have adopted the same style of building. 
What origin then must we seek for the characteristic architecture 
of the Doro-Ionians—that which we commonly call Grecian 
architecture? The clue to the whole is furnished by that sin- 
gular monument, the gate of the lions of Mycens, probably the 
oldest memorial of the primitive Achseans. We have here, at 
the entrance of a Cyclopean treasure-house, two lions trampling 
on an inverted column of Dorian architecture. With regard to 
the lions I feel no hesitation in rejecting Creuzer’s supposition 


40 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IT. 


that we have here a Mithraic symbol’. This supposition springs 
from a total misconception of the object which stands between 
the lions, and affords no explanation of their duality. It can be 
shown, on the contrary, that it must be intended to indicate that 
the two lords of Mycens, some twin-power or duumvirate there, 
had conquered some place distinguished by the architecture of 
which the inverted column is a specimen. Whether the cir- 
-cumstance thus commemorated be a fact or a legend, we can 
hardly doubt that the two lions represent the two .Atreide or 
‘sons of Atreus, the Pelopid or Lydo-Pelasgian prince of Mycense', 
and that the city captured and overthrown, the plunder of which 
they had stored up in their treasure-house, was the far-famed 
Troy. Both the duality of the conquerors of Troy, and the 
symbol of the lions as applied to them, are distinctly recorded 
in the Agamemnon of Zschylus*, If this explanation is correct, 
the inverted column represents Asiatic architecture, as opposed 
to the style of building then common in Greece and Italy, and 
which we call Cyclopean. From this inverted fragment we can 
restore the whole facade‘, and we see that it contains the ele- 
ments of what was afterwards the Doro-Ionian architecture. We 
also see that if has many points of contact with the Lycian 
monuments. Now Pindar says that the Corinthians, among 
other useful arts, introduced the double tympanum or gable of the 
Dorian temple". As therefore the Corinthians were the great 


1 Symbolik und Mythologie (3rd Edit.) 1. p. 267. 
3 'The lion was ἃ holy symbol of the Lydian kings; see Herod. 1. 50; 
and Creuzer, Symbol. rt. p. 688. 


8 Of. 42 8q4.: 
"Mevedaos ἄναξ 73° Ἀγαμέμνων 
διθρόνου Διόθεν καὶ δισκήπτρου 
τιμῆς, ὀχυρὸν ζεῦγος ᾿Ατρειδῶν. 
with 796, 7: 


ὑπερθορὼν δὲ πύργον ὠμηστὴς λέων 
ἄδην ἔλειξεν αἵματος τυραννικοῦ. 
4 This has been done by Metzger, in Thiersch's tract, über das 
Erechtheum. 
5 Olymp. xir. 21 sqq.: 
ἅπαν δ᾽ εὑρόντος ἔργον" 
ταὶ Διωνύσου «πόθεν ἐξέφανεν 
‘abv βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ; 


§ 3.] | THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. 41 


traders and colonizers, it is sufficiently obvious that they must 
have derived this improvement in architecture from abroad, just 
as the introduction of the bridle-rein points. to their mythical 
connexion, and commercial dealings with Lycia’: and since we 
see from the gate of the lions that the Dorian facade existed in 
Asia Minor long before the Dorian and Ionian colonies were 
established there, it is a fair conclusion that the Dorian and 
Jonian architecture, like the distinctions of dialect, was due to 
the reaction of the Dorian and Ionian colonies on the mother- 
land. And thus we see that all the architecture of Greece, the 
more refined porch as well as the ruder masses of Cyclopean 
‘masonry, was imported from the sunny land to which we trace 
the name of the Pelasgians. We may go ἃ step farther, and say 
that the more recent architecture of Asia Minor, which was 
afterwards naturalized in Greece, was due to the Semitic tribes 
which extended inland from Lydia to Assyria and Egypt, 
whereas the Cyclopean architecture was strictly Indo-Germanic. 
The primary distinction between the Pelasgo-Achsan and the 
Doro-Ionian architecture consisted in the materials which they 
respectively adopted, the former being the adaptation of huge. 
masses of uncemented stone, the latter the result of the best 
arrangement of beams and joists. The materials of the Cyclo- 
pean walls require no comment, but a few remarks may be neces- 
sary to show that the Doro-Ionian architecture originated in 
wood-carpentry. The simplest form of this architecture is the 


τίς γὰρ ἱππείοις ἐν ἔντεσσιν μέτρα 
d θεῶν ναοῖσιν οἰωνῶν βασιλέα δίδυμον 
ἐπέθηκε; 
That the ἀετός, or ἀέτωμα, meant the tympanum, or gable, and not any 
figures within or upon it, has been fully shown by Bróndsted, Voyages et 
Recherches en G'ràce, 11. p. 154; and by Welcker, Alte Denkmüler, 1. p. 3 
sqq. The pediment was originally open; the deep relief, or rather 
complete figures, which appear in it, indicate the original practioe, when 
it might be said in the language of Euripides (Fr. Hypsip.) : 
ἰδοὺ πρὸς αἰθέρ᾽ ἐξαμελλῶνται κόραι 
γραπτοὺς [ἐν αἰε]τοῖσι προσβλέπειν τύπους. 
And the ground was subsequently painted blue to recal the darkness of 
the space under the roof. 
1 The commercial dealings were ἃ fact; the mythology of Bellero- 
phon was a poetical record of it. 


42 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. 11. 


apteral temple 4 ants. This has no column of portico, the 
porch being supported by παραστάδες or anto, 1.6. projections 
of the side walls’. We then come to the prostyle, with a vesti- 
bule supported by columns beyond the ante; then to the am- 
phiprostyle, with such a termination at each end; and finally to 
the peripteral temple, surrounded by columns, like the Parthenon. 
The complete form is the best exemplification of the tectonics or 
carpentry in which the architecture originated. If we compare 
the Doric building, as restored from the inverted column on the 
gate of the lions, with the remains of Lyoian architecture’, we 
shall see that the foundation consisted of trunks of trees, laid 
level and crossed at right angles by the trunks of other trees. 
On these last, as we see in the gate of the lions, the plinth of 
the column rested, and on this the torus. The shaft of the 
column was the trunk of & tree, and its capital originally nothing 
more than ἃ plinth. On the top of the column was placed the 
architrave or main beam of the entablature, and on this rested 
the frieze with holes immediately above the columns for the 
reception of the upper joists of the building. When these joists 
were inserted, their ends, ornamented by channels cut in the 
wood, were termed triglyphs, and the spaces between the tri- 
‘glyphs, which were flat wood, and upon which it was customary 
‘to nail up spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and sculptures, 
were called metopes, or intervals between the holes*. The frieze 


* On the sense of παραστάς, or παστάς, I may refer to my note on 
the Antigone, 1173, p. 225, where I have collected all the authorities. 

2 See Thiersoh, über dae Erechtheum, pp. 149 sqq. 

8 It has been the opinion of many learned architects that the metopes, 
or spades between the beam-ends, were originally hollow. This is 
an opinion contrary to the evidences furnished by the Greek language 
and by the Greek authors, and is plainly overthrown by the Mycenssan 
monument, which shows us that the frieze was originally a solid piece 
with holes fot the beam-ends. The word ὀπή means “an opening or 
hole,” i.e. the bed of a beam; hence the Roman architects called the 
triglyphs cava columbaria, or " pigeon-holes." The word μετόπη must 
signify “a space between ómal," as rd μεταίχμιον means “a space between 
‘two atmies;” consequently the metope could not have been itself a 
cavity. Besides, spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and sculptures, 
were nailed up to the frieze, which must therefore have been solid. The 
triglyphs were the ornamented ends of the beams, cut short on a line 


§ s.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. | 43 


was surmounted by the cornice, which originated in transverse 
beams supporting the ἀμιλλητῆρες of the sloping roof, and the 
facade was finished off by the pediment, tympanum, or ἀέτωμα, 
which was originally an open gable formed by the sloping 
rafters.. Now every detail in this form of edifice points to wood- 
work or carpentry, which always constituted the material of pure 
Semitic architecture. The complete details which have been 
preserved of the temple of Solomon, which was a masterpiece of 
Phoenician workmanship, show how the most costly and ela- 
borate building could be erected without the assistance of the 
stonemason’, and the ivory palaces of Solomon’ were also speci- 
mens of the same application of art with that which appeared in 
the chryselephantine statues of Phidias. The very fact that the 
Doro-Ionian architecture, in its original and oldest type, not 
only admitted but required polychrome decorations, indicates 
that the materials employed must have been wood and metal, 
not stone, in the first instance. And the result of the whole 
discussion is to confirm our previous inference, that the Pelas- 
gians were an Indo-Germanic tribe, who passed by the north of 
the Euxine into Europe, and recrossed into Asia Minor by the 
Hellespont, where they came into direct contact with Semitic 
art and civilisation. All tradition confirms this, and the ready 
adoption by the Hellenes of the Asiatic, as opposed to the 


with the frieze: but these beams could not have projected in the same 
plane in the sides and at the ends of the building. Supposing then 
that those which ran the whole length of the building terminated in 
the frieze of the portico, the cross-beams must have rested upon them 
and served as supports to the end of the roof. Consequently the frieze 
on the sides of the building must either have had hollow spaces instead 
of beams, which was of course the original form, or they were filled by 
imaginary beam-ends, i. e. mere triglyphs. When the facade of a tem- 
ple was imitated on the Greek stage, it seems that the ὀπαί or beds of 
the beams were left open, í.e. there were large holes through which 
8 man might crawl. This enables us to understand such passages as 
the following: Euripid. Iph. Z. 118: dpa δέ γ᾽ εἴσω τριγλύφων ὅποι 
κενὸν δέμας μεθεῖναι. Aristoph. Vesp. 126: ὁ δ᾽ ἐξεδίδρασκε διά τε τῶν 
ὑδροῤῥοῶν καὶ τῶν ὁπ dy. 

! For the dctails of Solomon’s Temple, 606 Thenius, über die Büoer 
der Konige, Anhang. pp. 25 844. 

2 Psalm xlv. 8; cf. 1 Kings xxii. 895 Amos iif. 15. 


44 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. I. 


Cyclopean architecture, cannot be regarded as altogether uncon- 
nected with the ethnographical fact that the Dorians or Hellenes 
were 8 tribe which passed through Asia Minor in a strong but 
narrow stream on their way from the mountains of Caramania to 
the highlands of western Germany and northern Greece’. 


§ 4. Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology of 


the two races. 


These views of the Cyclopean architecture, as distinctively 
characterizing the Pelasgians, are confirmed by all that we know 
of their religious system. The worship of the Pelasgians was 
not only elementary ; it not only consisted in an adoration of the 
- great objects of nature—for this was common to them with other 
primitive tribes ;—but it was especially a sun-worship, like that 
of the Medes, from whom, as we shall see, they trace their legi- 
timate descent. Thus, while the so-called aborigines of Italy 
worshipped Saturnus- Ops, the divinity of the earth*, the Pelasgo- 
Tyrrhenians who dwelt beside them worshipped Tina or Janus, 
the God of light. The two tribes, who constituted the original 
populus, being especially warriors, worshipped the God of war; 
as Romulus was mythically the son of Mars, we may conclude 
that Mars or Mamers was the God of the Ramnes; and then 
Quirinus? would be the spear-god of the Tities. Just in the 
same way, the Hellenes, who, as I have shown in another place, 
were a warlike tribe of high German character‘, brought into 
Greece their war-god Apollo’, a sort of refined Woden; but 
eventually allowed some of his attributes to be absorbed by the 
God of light, who was worshipped by the Pelasgians®. The 
Hyacinthia, which were retained by the Dorians in Laconia and 


1 New Crat. § 92. * See Zumpt’s Essay on this subject. 

8 As the Quirinal was the first seat of the Sabines coming from 
the north, it may be inferred that Janiculum across the river indicated 
the first approximation of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgian worshippers of Tina 
or Janus, who formed a new element in the state under Vivenna of 
Cere. See Chapter r. $ 18. 

* New Crat. $ 92. 

n Ἕλληνες, “the warriors;” Ἀπέλλων, “ the fighter." Miller, Dor. π. 
6, $ 6. 
6 Theatre of the Greeks, (ed. 6), p. [20]. 


S 4] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 45 


applied to the worship of their own Apollo, were a festival of 
Achsan or Pelasgian origin, and symbolically expressed the 
triumph of the sun's disk over the rainy months of winter’. All 
the Pelasgian religion, wherever it can be discerned under the 
incrustations of later Hellenism, points to the same worship of the 
sun, Jupiter and Danae, of whose union the Argive Perseus 
was the fruit, represent the golden showers of the fructifying 
sky descending on the dry earth (Savdn γῆ). The Argive 
goddess Juno is called βοῶπις, as being a representative of the 
moon-goddess, who bore her disk between two horns, and who 
is thus identified with Jo, “the earth," the daughter of Inachus?. 
In the same way Europa, the “ broad-faced’’ moon, is borne 
across the sea from east to west by Jupiter in the form of a bull, 
that is, the sun in Taurus in conjunction with the moon rises 
from the eastern waves. Here she assumes the functions of 
ἼΑρτεμις ταυροπόλος, and, as we shall see, Artemis, which, in 
the Pelasgian language, was -Art-timis, and means “‘ the virgin 
of the sea,” becomes identical with 'Apé-0ovca, “the virgin 
swiftly moving*," for the idea of.time finds one of its natural 
expressions in that of flowing water’. Even the name κύκλωψ, 
which has furnished a designation for the peculiar architecture 
of the Pelasgians, must refer to figures adorned with the sun's 
disk, rather than to any monophthalmic symbols; and we shall 
see. the same transition in the earliest seats of the Pelasgic 
race&, The connexion of the Pelasgi with the Sclavonians, 
which will clearly appear in the sequel, brings them into close 
contact also with the early Celtic tribes. Now there can be 
hardly any doubt that the circular and megalithic structures, 
which are found in Britain and elsewhere, belong to the ele- 
mentary worship of the early Celts. "These buildings, whether 
grown im trees, as a grove, or built up in massive stones, repre- 
sented the world; and this is the true interpretation of Arthur’s 
Round Table. It was “made by Merlin for a type of the 
Round World, and was given by Pendragon to Gogyrvan father 


1 New Crat. § 464. 2 See Millers Mythol. p. 252, Engl. Tr. 
3 See Paley, Prof. ad Prom. p. xx; ad Suppl. p. vii. 

4 Below, $ 12; and Chapter v. § 6; see also Yarna, p. 349; Burnouf. 
5 New Crat. §.270. - 6 Below, $ 12. - 


46 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. II. 


of Gwenhwyvar, who brought it to Arthur as her dowry (Morte 
Arthur, X1iV. c. 2; Iv. c. 1). From which we may collect 
that the true round table was the circular sanctuary erected 
by Merlin. The lake or pool under the Dinas Emmrys was 
likewise declared by Merlin to be figura hujus mundi, a type 
of this world (Nennius, c. 481). And Arthur himself* “ was 
the sun, honoured as a deity but figured as a warrior, i. e. 88 
Mithras. His father's name, Uthyr, the Portent, 18 supernatural, 
and not really a name; least of all the name of a Roman, bro- 
ther to Aurelius Ambrosius, and son to Constantinus. And the 
aaid Uthyr signifies in his dirge, that he is the Azure Firma- 
ment (id sublime candens quem invocant omnes Jovem), and that 
the rainbow is his belt in battle. It follows of course, that the 
son or etstllydd (offspring) of UtAyr Gorlassar, who fills the 
place of Ormuzd, should be Mithras. And his twelve battles, in 
al] imaginable parts of the island, correspond to the twelve Her- 
culean labours.” t is not unreasonable to conclude that the 
Celts, who carried to the uttermost parts of the west this purely 
Median worship of the God of Light, must have derived it from 
the Pelasgo-Sclavonians, who came most directly from the north 
of Media, who first touched upon and became mingled with the 
sporadic tribes of Celto-Turanians, and who in their original 
settlements, as Hyperboreans, and also as southern Pelasgians, 
were perseveringly devoted to this distinctive form of worship. 


8 5. Thracians, Get, and Scythians. 


Beyond these particulars we have no satisfactory data for the 
migrations of the great Pelasgian people; and if we wish to 
know their original settlements in Asia, we must turn to com- 
parative philology and to ethnographical traditions of a dif- 
ferent kind. 

Our point of departure, in these further researches into the 
original abode and ethnical affinities of the Pelasgians, is the 
great country of Thrace, their first European settlement. The 
Thracians, according to Herodotus, were, next to the Indians, 
the greatest people in the world’; and Scylax tells us that their 


1 Cyclops Christianus, G. A, Herbert. Lond. 1849, p. 191. 
3 Herbert, 1. c. p. 213. 5 v. 2, 


. 8. Δ.} THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 47 


territory extended from the Strymon to the Ister. Now, among 
these Thracians we find the two important tribes of Gete and 
Mysians, or Mossians. Of these the geographer Strabo speaks 
as follows*: “The Greeks considered the Gete to be Thracians. 
There dwelt, however, on both sides of the Ister as well these 
Gete as the Mysi, who are likewise Thracians, and are now 
called Mosi, from whom also the Mysi now dwelling among the 
Lydians, Phrygians, and Trojans, derived their origin." Again, 
Scylax informs us that the Scythians bordered on the Thracians®; 
and Stephanus of Byzantium says expressly‘, that the Scythians 
were of Thracian extraction. The same is implied in what 
Strabo says on the subject: and it has long been admitted that 
Σκύθαι and Τέται are the same ethnical name>, We thus at 
once obtain new data, reaching far beyond the limits of Hellenic 
tradition. For if the Pelasgians can fairly be traced to Thrace 
as their first traditionary settlement in Europe, and if we can 
pass from the Thracians to the Gets, and from the Gets: to the 
Scythians, we. are carried into a new field, in which our specu- 
lations immediately receive the ne support of comparative philology δ, 


1 Geogr. Vet.,—Soript. Min. 1. p. 27. It is singular that the name 
of the Thracians should seem to bear the same relation to Tiras, one 
of the sons of Japheth, that the ethnical names of the Medes and 
Ionians do to the names of two of his other sons, Madai and Javan (Gen. 
x. 2). If it were necessary to seek a connexion between the word 
Τυρσηνός and the Goth. Thadreds, Old Norse Thurs, O. H. G. Durs, ao- 
cording to Grimm’s suggestion (Deutsche Myth. pp. 28, 489, 2d ed.), we 
might with still greater safety bring the Thracians and the Aga-thyrsi 
into the same etymology. The Bithynians were Thracians; and there - 
were Medo-Bithynians (Ma:doi ἔθνος Θράκης, Steph. Byz. p. 527) ag well 
as Parthians (οἱ Σκύθαι τοὺς φυγάδας Πάρθους καλοῦσι, Steph. Byz. p. 628) 
in Thrace. It is curious that the Sintians and Medi, whom Thucydides 
mentions (It. 98) as contiguous Thracian tribes, should represent a gimi- 
lar juxtaposition in Irán, where those to the west and north were 
called Medes and Sauro- Mate, while those to the south and east were 
termed Sindigns or Indi. 

3 p. 295. He says also (p. 302), that the Get» spoke the same 
language as the Thracians. 

8 Geogr, Vef.,—8. M. 1. p. 29 

4 De Urbibus, p. 674, Berkel: ᾿Σκύθαι ἔθνος Θράκιον. 

5 See Salmasius, Ling. Hel}. p. 269; Thre, Gloss. Suio-Goth. Proom. 
p. Vi. 

6 The connexion of the Thracians with the Gets and of the latter 


48 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. II. 


' 86. Soythians and Medes. 


The Scythians of Herodotus are represented as occupying 
the wide tract of country which lies to the north of the Euxine. 
Though there are some alleged differences, we can collect that 
the whole country between Media and the Danube was occupied 
by a series of cognate tribes, The earliest traditions represent 
these Scythians as in continual contact and collision with the 
Medes; and we receive many significant hints that the Scythians 
and Medes were ultimately connected with one another as 
kindred races. If we pursue this subject in its details, especially 
as illustrated by the fragments of the Scythian language which 
Herodotus and others have preserved, we shall see that the 
Pelasgians may be traced step by step to a primary settlement 
in Media or northern Iran. 


§ 7. lranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Geta, 
may be shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination 
of the remains of the Scythian language. 

The general proof that Irán, or the country lying between 
the Caspian, the Euphrates, the Indian Ocean, and the Indus, 
was the original abode of the Indo-Germanic race, has been 
given elsewhere! It has also been shown, that within these 
limits were spoken two great branches of the one Indo-Ger- 
manic language, which stood related to one another in much the 
same way as the Low and High German; the former being the 
. older, and spokén by the inhabitants of Media, the northern 
half of this district. Τὸ these Medes, or, as they may be called, 
the Northern and Low Iranians, we refer, on the one hand, 
the Hindus, who-call themselves Arians (@ryas, ** well-born"), 
for this was also the ancient name of the Medes; and, on the 
other hand, the following members of the Sclavonian and Low 
German families:—(a) the Sarmate or Sauromate, an old 
Sclavonian tribe, who are expressly called “descendants of the 


with the Goths has been fully discussed by J. Grimm in his Geschichte 
der deutschen Sprache, c. 1x., and he has come to much the same conclu- 
sion with that which was first given in this work. 

1 N. Crat. $ 80 sqq. 


$7.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 49 


Medes” both by Diodorus! and by Pliny’, whose name, in the 
cognate Lithuanian language, signifies the northern Medes or 
Matieni’,” and who, under the slightly modified name of Syr- 
mate, dwelt near the Indus‘; (b) the Sigynne, or Sclavonian 
Wends, to whom Herodotus ascribes a Median parentage’; (c) 
the Sawons, Sacassant, or Saca-sünavas, i. e. “ sons of the Sacs," 
who once inhabited Bactriana, as well as the most fertile part of 
Armenia, and from thence forced their way into Europe’; and, 
above all, () the Goths, who, under the different local names of 
Γέται, Σ-κύθαι, i.e. Asa-goths, Qvoca-yérat, or Tupt-yéras, 
1,6. Tyras-gete, or Goths dwelling by the Dniester’, and Μυσοί, 
Mowol, or Macca~yerat, i.e. Maso-goths*, occupied the whole 
of the districts which extend from the north-east of Irán to the 
. borders of Thrace’. 


! yr. 48, p. 195. Dind. 2 H. N. vi. 7. 

8. Gatterer ap. Bóckh, C. J. 1. p. 83. * Plin. H. N. vi. 18. 

5 v. 9. Strabo, p. 520. 

$ Plin. H. N. vi. 11. Strabo, pp. 73, 507, 500, 511, 513. Among 
those who fought with Vicvdmitra are mentioned (Rdmdyana, τ. c. 54, 
cl. 21), first, the Pahlavi, i. e. the Persians, for they were called Pahlavi 
by the Indians; and then a mixed army of Sacw and Yavani, who covered 
the whole earth (tair dstt samvrtá bhümih Cakair Yavana-migritaih). The 
Persians called the Scythians in general ‘Saco (Herod. vr. 64: of γὰρ 
Πέρσαι πάντας τοὺς Σκύθας καλέουσι Σάκας). A. W. von Schlegel (ad loc. 
Rámdy. n. 2, p. 169) thinks that the name ‘IdFwy, the original form of 
Ἰάων, “lev, was not brought from Greece, but was learned by the settlers 
in Asia from the Lydians; and that the Yavani here mentioned by the 
Indian poet were the Greeks in general, who were always so called by 
the Indians, Persians, and Jews (Schol. ad Arist. Acharn. 106: πάντας 
τοὺς Ἕλληνας "Idovas οἱ βάρβαροι ἐκάλουν»). 

7 If we wished to bring the Thyssa-gete or Thyrsa-gete into con- 
nexion with the Aga-thyrsi, and into closer contact with the Asa-getce or 
S-eythe, we might suppose that Asa-getw and Thyrsa-gete were other 
forms of Asa-jétun and Thursa-jótun, in which As * deus" and Thurs 
“gigas” would stand in the usual opposition (See Edd. Semund. m. 
Spec. Gloss. p. 861). 

5 Zeuss (die Deutschen, p. 280) is induced by some misspelling in the 
text of Ptolemy (m. 5, 10) to write Tyrag-etw, Massag-etos, thus repu- 
diating all connexion with the Gee. 

9 The traditions of the Goths referred not merely to Asia in general, 
but in particular to their Midum-heime, or ** Median home,” as the point 
of their departure (Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 478). 

D. V. 4 


δ0 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II. 


Although these general results are already established, the 
details of the subject have not yet been sufficiently examined, 
especially as regards the fragments of the language spoken by 
these northern and western scions of the great Median stock. It 
is in accordance with the main object of this treatise, that 
these details should be followed as far as they will lead us; and 
it is hoped that, by an analysis of all the Scythian words and 
names which Herodotus and others have preserved, the affinity 
of the Scythians to the Medes will be confirmed by the most 
decisive proofs, and that it will appear that the Pelasgians, 
whom tradition traces to the same regions, were members of the 
Sclavonian race. 


§ 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this 
chain of nations. 


One caution must be given at the very beginning of all 
these inquiries concerning the chain of tribes which link together 
the extreme points of Indo-Germanic migration. As I have 
remarked before, it is always easier to perceive resemblances than 
to recognize distinctions; and the ancient writers speak of Thra- 
cians, Gets, and Scythians as identical, because they have points 
of contact and common ingredients. The results of researches, 
which have been indicated elsewhere, tend to show that although 
the bulk and substratum of the ancient population of Thrace was 
Pelasgian, and this again Sclavonian, the warlike tribes, which 
gave a name to the nation, were identical in origin and title 
with the Dorians, who were the distinctive Hellenes, and with 
the Hermun-duri or Thuringians, who were the High-Germans 
or Herminones properly so called’. eres or Tereus is a local 
name in Doris or Daults as well as in Thrace’; and the latter 
country must at least have retained some fragments or droppings 
by the road-side of that united band of warriors who forced their 
way in one unbroken stream from the highlands of Kurdistan 
across the north of Asia Minor, and so through Thrace, sending 
forth conquering offshoots into Greece to the left and into 


1 New Crat. § 92. 2 Thucyd. 11. 29. 


§ 8.] | THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. - 5] 


Eastern Germany on their more direct route’. The Gee, on 
the other hand, wherever they were pure from any Sclavonic 
admixture, stand as Low-Germans in direct opposition to the 
Sclavonians. As Massa-Gete or Meso-Goths they were mixed 
up with Mysians, who were Pelasgo-Sclavonians; and there was 
the same mingling of the Sclavonian and Low-German elements 
in the Lithuanians or Samo-Gete. As Daci or Danes the pure 
Low-Germans stand opposed and related*, both in the north and 
south, to the Get#, whether called by this name, or designated 
as Goths, Guddas, Jutes, and Vites: and there is every reason 
to believe that the latter in this opposition represent some ad- 
mixture of the Sclavonic and pure Gothic elements analogous 
to that which is presented by the Lithuanians or Samo- Geta. 
In the Greek comedies Davus=Dacvus, and Geta, stand on a 
parallel footing as the names of slaves; but the countries from 
which these slaves came were distinguished as Dacia and Masia, 
and the latter was, at least to a considerable extent, Sclavonic. 
In the north, according to the legend’, the Dant or Dacini* were 
settled in the islands as opposed to Jutland, or, as it is called, 
Vithes-leth; and in the peninsula itself the stratification of 
Sclavonians in Schleswig, Angles or pure Low-Germans in 
Jutland, and High-Germans in Holstein, is still very distinct. 
In the immense area to which the ancients gave the name of 
Scythia, we must distinguish between the Sarmate, or Sauro- 
mate, who were mainly or to a large extent Sclavonian, the 
Scythe or Asa-Goths, who were mainly or to a large extent 
Low-German, the Saec or Saxons, who were purely Low-Ger- 
man, and therefore identical ultimately with the Daci or Danes, 
and the S-colote or Asa-Galate, also called Cimmerit, who were 
mainly Celtic. And besides all these, we must allow a sub- 
stratum or fringe of Mongols or Turano-Scythians. Nevertheless, 


1 The derivation of Greek poetry from Thrace, and the Picrian 
resting-places at the foot of Olympus in the North, and at the foot of 
Parnassus and Helicon in the south of Thessaly, point to the route of 
these Thraco-Hellenic emigrants. 

? They both spoke dialects of the Thracian language; Strabo, pp. 
803, 306. 

ἃ Zeuss, die Deutschen, pp. 508 sqq. 

1 Grimm, Gesch. der deutschen Sprache, p. 192. 


52 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF — [OHAP. II. 


the Sclavonian is the prevalent or qualifying element throughout, 
and from Thrace to Media we identify this with the Pelasgian. 
For the old statements, which class together the Thracians, 
Gets, Mysians, and Scythians, can only be understood as assert- 
ing their ethnical affinity: that is, the Greeks saw that they had 
something in common. Now if the Dorians are to be derived 
from the Thracians so called, if Massa-geta, or Mceso-Goth, pre- 
sumes a combinatión of different ingredients, the Mysian and 
Gothic, and if, which everything conspires to show, the non- 
Hellenic element in Greece is also to be sought in Thrace; it 
follows that this element, or the Pelasgi, must be referred to the 
Mysians, who appear as the Pelasgian inhabitants of Asia Minor. 
‘The same must also be the link of connexion between the 
Thracians and the Scythians or Asa-goths. But the Goths, 
when qualified by admixture in their primary settlements, are 
always blended with Sclavonian elements. ‘Therefore the My- 
sians or Pelasgians were Sclavonian also. The Rhoxolani and 
Sarmate, who occupied the province of Dacia after the time of 
‘Aurelian, belonged to the same Gothie and Sclavonian races 
respectively as the original inhabitants; and though historically 
a change must be indicated, an ethnographical identity with the 
original population is still maintained by the Walachians, who 
had adopted a corruption of the Latin tongue before they re- 
ceived this addition of homogeneous ingredients’. 


§ 9. JPeculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by. 
Aristophanes. 


The Scythian words, which have been preserved by the 
ancients, are names of rivers, places, and persons; designations 
of deities; and common terms. Before we consider these sepa- 
rately, it will be as well to inquire if there are not some general 
principles by which the characteristics of the language may be 
ascertained. | 

Some of these general conclusions may be derived from 
Aristophanes. It is well known that the police of Athens con- 
sisted of Scythian bowmen. Accordingly, when the great come- 


1 Zeuss, p. 263. 


§ 10.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 53 


disn introduces one of these public servants on the stage, we 
might expect that, as he imitates the broad dialects of the Βωο- 
tians and Megarians, and the pure Doric of the Spartans, he 
would also give an accurate representation of the broken Greek 
of these barbarian functionaries'. When we mimic the provin- 
cialisms of the Highlanders or the Welsh, we are careful to 
Bubetitute tenues for medials; and in the same way, we may 
suppose, Aristophanes would represent the leading peculiarities 
of the Scythian pronunciation of Greek. Now we find that his 
Scythian bowman in the Thesmophoriazuse consistently omits 
the final -> or -ν of Greek words, substitutes the lenis for the 
aspirate, and once puts £ for sigma. We should expect, there- 
fore, that the Scythian language would present us with Visar- 
gah and Anuswérah, would repudiate aspirated consonants, and 
employ £=sh instead of the ordinary sibilant. While this is 
the case with the fragments of the Scythian language which still 
remain, it is even more remarkable in the old idioms of Italy. 
In fact, these peculiarities constitute, as we shall see in the 
sequel, some of the leading features by which the Italian lan- 
guages are distinguished from the dialects of ancient Greek. 


§ 10. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained. 


The names of the Scythian rivers, which Herodotus enu- 
merates, will first engage our attention. These names are mate- 
rially corrupted by the Greek transcription; but with the help 
of the general principles, which have just been stated, we shall 
be able to analyze them without much difficulty. 

Beginning from the European side, the first of these rivers 
is the Js-ter, or, as it is now called, the Don-au or Dan-ube. If 
we follow the analogy of our own and other countries, we shall 
observe that local names very often consist of synonymous 


1 See Niebuhr, Kleine Schriften, τι. p. 200 (über das gyptisch- 
Griechische). 

In this and the two following sections I have been pretty closely 
followed by Mr. G. Rawlinson in his translation of Herodotus (Vol. ur. 
pp. 196 sqq.). I mention this merely to intimate that I do not accept 
the modifications which Mr. Rawlinson has mixed up with his repetitions 
of my interpretations and criticisms. 


54 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF — [CHAP. 1]. 


elements ; from which we may infer that the earlier parts of the 
word have successively lost their significance. Thus, the words 
wick, ham, and town, are synonymous, though belonging to 
different ages of our language; and yet we have compounds 
such as Wick-ham and .Ham[p]-ton-wick. The words wan, 
beck, and water, are synonymous; and yet we find a stream in 
the north of England called Wans-beck-water. The words nagara 
and pura in Sanscrit both signify *city;" but we find in India 
a city called Nag-poor. In the same way, we believe that both 
parts of the word Js-ter denote “water” or “river.” The first 
part of the word is contained in the name of our own river 
‘Thames, or Tam-isis, the upper part of which is still called the 
ls-is: the second part we shall discuss directly, in speaking of 
the third Scythian river. The other and more recent name, 
Dan-ub-tus, also contains two elements, each signifying “ water" 
or “river.” The latter part is found in the Gaelic ap, and 
in our Avon, &c.; the former in most of the Scythian rivers, 
as will presently appear. 

The next river is the Por-ata or Pruth, which obviously 
contains the same root as the Greek word πόρος and the Scy- 
thian paris. 

The third river is called by Herodotus the Tup-ns, and is 
now known as the Dnies-ter or Danas-ter. The latter part of 
this name is the same as the latter part of Js-ter. The first 
part of the compound is the commencement of the other name of 
the Js-ter. In the transcription of Herodotus, either this word 
is omitted, and the Danas-ter 1 mentioned merely as the Ter, 
or the last syllable of Τύρ-ης represents the first syllable of the 
Is-ter; so that the Danube was called the Js-ter, and the Dnées- 
ter the Ter-is. It is singular that the syllables Dan-, Don-, or 
Dun-, and Ter- or Tur-, are used in the Celtic and Pelasgian 
languages respectively to signify ** height," or “hill,” or “hill- 
tower;'" and it is to be supposed that this was the origin of their 
application to the river, which flows rapidly down from ita birth- 
place in the mountains!, 

The river Hypan-is is called, according to the Greek tran- 


1 Coleridge has, with much poetical truth, designated a cataract as 
* the son of the rock” (Poems, Vol. 1. p. 131). 


§ 10.] THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. δᾶ 


^ seription, by a name compounded of the Celtic Apan (Avon) and 
the word ts-, which we have just examined. The first part of 
the word occurs also in the name of the river Hypa-caris, which 
means the water of Carte. The root of the second part of this 
name appears in the names of the city Car-cine, and the river 
Ger-rus, which flowed into the Car-cinttis sinus by the same 
mouth as the Hypan-ts and Hypa-caris. It would also seem that 
the exceedingly corrupted name Pan-ticapes began originally 
with the same word: the meaning of the last three syllables is 
absolutely lost, and they will scarcely be sought in the modern 
name Ingul-etz, of which we can only say that the last syllable 
represents the root ts- ; comp. Tana-ts, Tana-etz !. 

The Greeks who dwelt near the mouth of the great river 
Borysthenes naturally pronounced the native name of the river 
in the manner most convenient to their own articulation; and 
the name, as it stands, is to all outward appearance a Greek 
word. This circumstance has deceived the ablest of modern 
geographers, who derives the first part of the word from Βορῆς 
or Βορέας. There is little difficulty, however, in showing that the 
name is identical with that by which the river is known at the 
present time,—the Dnte-per or Dana-paris, with the last part 
of which we may compare the name Porata or Pruth. It is well 
known that the northern Greeks were in the habit of substituting 
the medial, not only for the tenuis, but even for the aspirate; 
thus we have βύργος for πύργος, Βερενίκη for Φερενίκη, δανεῖν 
for θανεῖν, and Βόσ-πορος for oc-$opos. Accordingly, their 
pronunciation of the word Dana-parts (=Parts-danas) would be 
Dana-baris, or, by an interchange of the two synonymous 
elements, Baris-danas?. But the Greek ear was so familiar 
with the sequence σθ-, that the sd- would inevitably fall into this 
collocation ; and, with a change of vowels, for the same purpose 
of giving the barbarous name a Greek sound, the compound 


1 The identification of the Ingul-etz with the Pan-ticapes depends 
upon the position of the Hylwa, or “ woodland” district, which must 
have been on the right bank of the Borysthenes, for the other side of 
the river is both woodless and waterless (see Lindler Skythien, Stuttgart, 
1841, pp. 40 sqq.) The name Jngul is borne by another river, which may 
be identified with the Hypa-caris. 

3 A similar change bas taken place in the name Beresina. 


56 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [oHaP. 1r. 


would become the Hellenic form Βορυσθένης, a word which has 
hitherto eluded etymological analysis. 

The 7ana-is was the most easterly of Scythian, and indeed 
of European rivers. The explanation of the name is implied in 
what has been already stated. No difficulty can arise from the 
appearance of a tenuis instead of the medial, which generally 
appears in the first part of this name; for the Danube, which is 
most consistently spelt with the medial, is called the Zun-owe in 
the Niebelungen-lied (v. 6116). The Tanats seems to have been 
the.same river which the Cossacks still call the Donaetz or 
Tanaetz. 

We find the word Dana-s in composition not only with the 
synonyms Js-, Ap-, Paris, and Ter, but also with Rha-, which 
occurs in the names of the Asiatic A-ra-wes, and in that of the 
Bha-, or Wolga. Thus, we have the E-ri-danus in Italy, the 
Rha-danau in Prussia, the Rho-danus in France, and the name 
Ῥοῦ-δον, quoted by Ptolemy. In England the name Dana 
occurs by itself as “the Don.” 


§ 11. Names of the Scythian divinities. 


Let us now pass to the names of the Scythian gods, which 
may be referred without any difficulty to the roots of the Indo- 
Germanic family of languages. Herodotus informs us (Iv. 59), 
that the names by which the Scythians designated the Greek 
divinities, ‘Iorim, Ζεύς, Γῆ, ᾿Απόλλων, Οὐρανίη ᾿Αφροδίτη, and 
Ποσειδέων, were Ταβιτί, Παπαῖος, ᾿Απία, Οἰτόσυρος, ᾿Αρτίμ- 
πασα, and Θαμιμασάδας : and it is clear, from his manner of 
speaking of these and the Medo-Persian divinities (1. 131), that 
he is describing one and the same elementary worship. 

Ἵστίη, or Vesta, was the goddess of fire, as Ovid tells us 
(Fast. vi. 291): “nec tu aliud Vestam quam vivam intellige 
flammam." There can be no doubt why the Medo-Scythians 
called her Tabiti, when we know that in the Zend and Sanscrit 
languages the root tab- or tap- signifies “‘to burn." Compare 
also the Latin tab-eo, tepidus, the Greek rid-os, the German 
thau-en, the new Persian tebfden, Sclavonian teplye, whence 
Toeplitz, “the hot baths," and the river Tepe! at Karlsbad, 
the Oscan teforom (Tab, Agnon. vv. 17, 20), Etrusc. tephral 


S 11.} THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 57 


(Orelli, 1384), ἄς. The same root may also appear in the Per- 
sian local names cited by Zeuss (die Deutschen, p. 286), namely 
Ταβιήνη between Caramania and Parthia, Ταβιάνα an island 
on the coast of Persia, Τάπη a city in Hyrcania, Ταπουροί or 
Tazrovpeot, people in Media and on the Imaus. 

Ζεύς, or Ζεὺς πατήρ (Ju-piter), was .called Ilavaíos or 
“the Father,” a name by which he was known to the Latins 
also. The primary labial sounds are appropriated in all lan- 
guages to express the primary relation of parent and child. The 
children on whom Psammitichus tried his experiment (Herod. 
II. 2) first uttered the articulate sound Be-xés, apparently the 
first labial followed by the first guttural; and in some articu- 
lations, as well as in the order of our alphabet, this is the natural 
sequence. ΤῸ this spontaneous utterance of the first labials to 
designate the parental relation and the primary necessities of 
infancy, I have referred elsewhere (N. Crat. § 262); and it 
seems to have struck Delitsch also (Jsagoge, p. 131), when he 
speaks of those nouns “ quee aboriginum instar sine verbi semine 
sponte provenerunt, velut IN) ON, primi labiales balbutientis 
pueri, Sanscr. pi-tri, má-tri, &c." The word παπαῖος shows us 
very clearly the connexion between the Persian and Sarmatian 
languages ; for while in the Pehlevi, as Richardson tells us, (s. v. 
báb) *the name bébé or báb is given by way of excellence to 
express fire, which they worship as the father and principle of all 
things," we find Baba? in Jornandes (cc. 54, 55) as the name of 
a Sarmatian king. According to Xenophon (Cyrop. virt. 8, § 24) 
the Persians distinguished between Jupiter and the Sun, and he 
also speaks of separate sacrifices to Vesta and Jupiter (Cyrop. 1. 
6,81, vir. 5, 857). But he may very well have confused be- 
tween the different ingredients in this worship of fire. 

The Scythian name for the goddess of the Earth is "Amia. 
This word actually occurs in Greek, as the name of the country 
where the Pelasgians ruled: and the root Ap- or Op- is of fre- 
quent occurrence both in Greece and in Italy(Buttmann’s Lezil. 
8. v., and above, Ch. 1. ὃ 3). 

As the Scythian religion appears to have exhibited an dle: 
mentary character, we should expect that their Apollo would be 
“the god of the sun." And this seems to be the meaning of 
his name, as cited by Herodotus. Oirdé-cvpos should signify 


- —N& — 4 a mb ^ M na 


.—a .-—- -—N — x 


ah ——— m ^ a 2a a 4A m Wu - 


δ8 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. 1. 


“the light or life of the sun." The second part of the word 
at once refers us to the. Sanscrit s@rya, which is also implied in 
the σύριον ἄρμα of Aischylus (Pers. 86; N. Crat. ὃ 473). The 
first two syllables may be explained as follows. After the loss 
of the digamma, the sound of w at the beginning of a word was 
often expressed by o: thus we have "Oa£fos = Fafos; "Oaacus, 
with its modern equivalent el Wah; the Persian interjection 3a 
(ZEschyl. Pers. 116), which is doubtless the Greek representa- 
tive of the oriental exclamation wah; the N. Test. ovaíz weh ; 
and the word οἶστρος, referring to the whtszing noise of the 
gad-fly. Accordingly, Oird-cvpos, pronounced Weto-suros, sig- 
nifies the Ustta, Οὗτος, Alea, or life of the sun: comp. the 
Russian Vite, signifying “a portion;" or if we prefer the 
cognate idea of light, we may compare the oiro- with ai@n, 
aides, uitta, weiss, “ white," Egypt. wit, Copt. oett, “to be white 
or brilliant," ἄς. As the σύριον ἅρμα seems to show that the 
Persian san-god was sometimes known by a part of this 
Scythian name, we might be led to ask whether the Persian 
Mithras had not a representative in Scythia. Now we read not 
only that the Persians called the ** Sun" Mithras (Strabo, p. 752: 
τιμῶσι δὲ τὸν “Ἥλιον, ὃν καλοῦσι Μέθραν), but also that the 
Persians gave the name of Mira to the heavenly Venus (Herod. 
I. 181: ἐπιμεμαθήκασι δὲ καὶ τῇ Οὐρανί θύειν, mapa τε 
᾿Ασσυρίων μαθόντες καὶ ᾿Αραβίων. καλέουσι δὲ ᾿Ασσύριοι τὴν 
᾿Αφροδύτην Μύλιεττα, ᾿Αράβιοι δὲ Αλεττα, Πέρσαι δὲ Mírpay). 
From this it appears that the Persians had a pair of deities 
called Mithras and Mithra, and that the latter corresponded to 
the heavenly Venus. But the very dualism itself shows that she 
must have been a form of Artemis, the sister-goddess of Apollo, 
and therefore represented the moon. Thus Jul. Firmicus says (de 
Err. Prof. Relig. 1. c. 5: ** hi itaque [Magi et Perse] Jovem in 
duas dividunt potestates, naturam ejus ad utriusque sexus trans- 
ferentes, et viri et femine simulacra ignis substantiam deputan- 
tes.” This pair of deities seems to be implied in the dual forms 
ahuraéibya mithraétbya in the Yagna, which Burnouf translates | 
(p. 351): “les deux seigneurs Mithras!." But the most important 


1 Some remarks have been made on this passage by Mr C. Knight 
Watson, Journal of Philology, 1. pp. 241, 264. 


§ 11. ] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 59 


authority for the present purpose is the inscription quoted by 
Zeuss (p. 289), from Gudit Inscr. Antique, p. 56. 2, which 
should be read: @EAI . ZEAHNHI . OITOZKTPAI . ΚΑΙ. 
AIIOAAQNI . OULTOZKTPOI . MI@PAI . M. OTAIIIOZ . 
IIAOKAMOX.NEOKOPOX.ANES. This shows that the 
epithet of the “sun” quoted as Scythian by Herodotus (with 
the mere change of σκ for o to represent the sound sh: see 
Maskil le-Sopher, p. 8) is applicable to the moon as well as to 
the sun, and that Apollo-Ovtosurus was also Mithras. Now we 
know that ”Apreyts was specially worshipped by the Persians; 
for Plutarch says (Vit. Lucull. c. 24): Περσία "Apregus ἣν 
μάλιστα θεῶν οἱ πέραν Evdparov βάρβαροι τιμῶσι, and her 
Persian name Ζαρῆτις (Hesych.) was probably connected with 
Sürya; but if she was, as this inveatigation has shown, also 
identical with the heavenly Venus or Mithra, we find her Greek 
name in ᾿Αρτίμπασα, the Scythian Venus: for, as we shall 
see, ᾿Αρ-τίμ is best explained out of the Scythian glosses, 
as “the virgin of the sea," and πάσα signifies “‘the queen." 
The noun was probably Persian also, for Artim-pasa occurs 
on two inscriptions found near Tusculum and probably of 
Persian origin (Zeuss, p. 290). It is by no means clear what 
were the attributes of the celestial Venus of the Scythians; but 
her name thus explained corresponds exactly to the functions 
of Europa, the broadfaced moon, and to those of the "Apres 
Ταυροπόλη. 

The Scythian name for Neptune may be explained with 
almost demonstrable certainty. The general observations on the 
Scythian language have shown that they preferred the tenuis to 
the aspirate. The word Θαμιμασάδας must therefore have been 
pronounced Tami-masadas. Now, if we compare this word 
with the Scythian proper name Octa-masadas (Herod. Iv. 80), 
we shall see that masadas must be the termination. In the 
Zend, or old Median language, Mazdas (connected with maz, 
* great"), signifies *a god," or “object of worship." So Or- 
mued is called AAura-mazdas, and a worshipper is termed 
Mazdayasna. Accordingly, Tami-masadas must mean “a god, 
or object of worship, with regard to Zamt.’’ When, therefore, 
we learn from Pliny, that Temarunda is equivalent to mater 
maris, we cannot doubt that Teme, or Tamt, means “ the sea,” 


60 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IL 


and that Zamt-masadas, or "Neptune," is, by interpretation, 
“the god of the sea." It does not appear that the second part 
of the name Temarunda is & distinct word in itself. It seems 
more probable that it is a feminine termination, analogous to that 
of serende from se=“ sea," in the A. S. document quoted by 
Grimm (Gesch. d. deutsch. Spr. 1. p. 234), who also compares 
the name of the river 7*mavus as explained by Strabo, v. 
p. 214. For Pliny says (vi. 7); "Scythe ... vocant ... Mseo- 
tim Temarundam, quo significant matrem maris." And as 
Μαιῆτις, which seems to be another form of the Zend mate 
=matis, is stated by Herodotus (iv. 86) to mean μήτηρ τοῦ 
Πόντου, it is more than probable that Temarunda is a qualifying 
epithet of AMeotis, and that it denotes maritima. The word 
Tama perhaps signifies ** broad water;" for the river which 
is called the Js-ts while it is narrow, becomes the Tam-ts-1s, or 
“Thames,” when it begins to widen. That the name of a man 
like Octa-masadas, should be significant of veneration will not 
surprise those who recollect the Scythian name Sparga-pises (the 
son of Tomyris, Herod. 1. 211) or Sparga-pithes (a king of the 
Agathyrsi, id. Iv. 78), which seems to be equivalent to the 
Sanscrit Svarga-pati, “lord of heaven"—eparga bearing the 
same relation to svarga that the Persian agpa does to the Sanscrit 
agva ; and the Zend gpan, old Persian gpaka, Sclavonian sabaka, 
to the Sanscrit gué (van), Greek κύων. 


S 12. Other Scythian Words explained. 


Leaving the names of divinities, we may turn to the scarcely 
less mythological Arimaspi. Herodotus says that they were a 
one-eyed people (μουνόφθαλμοι), and that their name indicates 
as much—dpipa yap ὃν καλέουσι Σκύθαι, σποῦ δὲ τὸν od- 
θαλμόν. Eustathius (ad Dionys. 31) gives a different division 
of the compound, which Hartung would transfer to the text of 
Herodotus: ἄρε μὲν γὰρ τὸ 8v Σκυθιστί, μασπὸς δὲ ὁ óq- 
θαλμός. It appears to me that Herodotus is in error respecting 
the meaning of the word, and that the true explanation is to be 
sought in the epithet ἱπποβάμων, which ZEschylus (Prom. 830) 
applies to this people: 


§ 12.] | THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 61 


ὀξυστόμους yap Ζηνὸς ἀκραγεῖς κύνας 

Γρῦπας φύλαξαι, τόν τε μουνῶπα στρατόν, 

᾿Αριμασπὸν ἱπποβάμον᾽, οἱ χρυσόῤῥντον 

οἰκοῦσιν ἀμφὶ νᾶμα Πλουτῶνος πόρον. 
The position of the article before μουνῶπα shows that the words 
᾿Αριμασπὸν ἱπποβάμονα are to be taken in close connexion, and 
apart from the epithet μουνῶπα; and I see in this fragment of 
symbolical mythology a trace of that Hyperborean sun-worship, 
which the Pelasgians brought from Media into Greece and Italy. 
For Arim-aspas is most naturally explained as Ahurim-agpa, or 
Orim-agpa, the ** horse" or “ horseman of light," thus explain- 
ing the term ἱπποβάμων, and the epithet μουνώψ' will refer to 
the circular disc which surmounted the head of the Sun-god, and 
80 gave rise to a belief in Cyclopean or monophthalmic deities!, 
With this view the meaning of the fable is clear. The one-eyed, 
equestrian people dwelling in the Hyperborean regions, which 
are regarded-as the inaccessible and ever-guarded sanctuary of 
the Sun, can only represent the Sun-god himself mounted on his 
heavenly courser (the aurvat agpa, “cheval rapide," of the 
Yagna: Burnouf, pp. cxxxiv. 371); and the Gryfon, which 

Pursues the Arimaspian, who by stealth 

Had from his wakeful custody purloined 

The guarded gold—- 
is the xépf-epos or 22, which vainly seeks to prevent the 
golden light of day from being borne to the southern regions by 
the horseman of light*. In a communication read before the 
Royal Asiatic Society in January 18518, I have pointed out a 
similar error of Herodotus respecting the horse of Darius and his 
groom Oibares; and I have shown that, while this last name 
refers to the verb vyabara, or the noun asbara, which must 
have occurred in the original inscription, Darius, as in his other 
inscriptions, must have referred his power not to the ingenuity of 


1 See Christian Orthodoxy, pp. 854 sqq. 

* Ariosto mixes up the horse of the Arimaspian with the Gryfon 
which pursued him, and in his joking way speaks of the composite 
animal as still extant in the northern regions: Orlando Fur. 1v. 18: 

chiamasi Ippogrifo, 
Che ne i monti Rifei vengon, ma rari. 
3 Sce Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. xvi. pp. 1—7. 


62 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [cHapP. II. 


a servant, but to the gracious help of Ahura-mazda, “‘the lord 
of light," and his celestial steed—the Sun. In India also the 
same figure was adopted, and there may be traces of it in the 
Greek myth of Kephalos, the beloved of Eos. **Kephalos," says 
Max Müller (Oxf. Ess. 1856, p. 53), ‘ was the rising Sun—the 
head of light—an expression frequently used of the Sun in 
different mythologies. In the Véda, where the Sun 1s addressed 
as & horse, the head of the horse is an expression meaning the 
rising Sun." 

Another compound, which may with equal facility be referred 
to the Indo-Germanic family of languages, is the name by which 
the Scythians designated the Amazons. Ovépzrara, according to 
Herodotus, is equivalent to ἀνδροκτόνος---οἱὸρ γὰρ καλέουσι 
τὸν ἄνδρα, τὸ δὲ πατά, κτείνειν. Now oióp is clearly the 
Sanscrit vfra, the Zend vairya, vira (Burnouf, Yagna, p. 236), 
the Latin vir, Gothic vatr-s, Welsh gwyr, and the Lithuanian 
vyras. The root pat in Sanscrit does not signify primarily “to 
kill,” but ^ to fall;” though the causative form pátayati constantly 
means “he kills ;” “i.e. “‘ causes to fall.” It seems more pro- 
bable, however, that the Scythian articulation has substituted a 
tenuis for the v-sound, as in the case of sparga for svarga, men- 
tioned above, and that the verb is to be sought in the common 
Sanscrit root vadh-, “to strike," “to kill,” “to destroy,” Irish 
faethaim, “1 kill.” 

Pliny (Hist. Nat. vi. 17) tells us that the Scythian name 
for Mount Caucasus was Grau-casis, i.e. nive candidus. The 
first part of this word is clearly connected with gelu, glacies, 
κρύος, κρύ-σταλλος, kalt, cold, grau, and grey; and casis, 
“white,” may be compared with cas-tus, cas-nar (senex Oeco- 
rum lingua, Fest.; comp. Varro, L. L. vit. § 29), canus, &c. 

In the tract about rivers, printed among Plutarch's Frag- 
ments, we have the following Scythian words, with interpreta- 
tions annexed. He does not translate ἁλέίνδα, which he describes 
as a sort of cabbage growing near the Tanais (c. xiv. 8 2): we 
may compare the word with Temarunda. He tells us, however, 
that βριξάβα means κριοῦ μέτωπον (c. x1v. ὃ 4), that φρύξα 
-is equivalent to μισοπόνηρος (c. XIV. § 5), and that ἀράξα sig- 
nifies μισοπάρθενος (c. XXIII. ὃ 2). Of these, Api, “a ram,” 
seems connected with derbex, verbix, or vervex. " Aga is probably 


§ 12. | THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 63 


akin to caput, kapala, haupt, &c.,—the initial guttural having 
been lost, as in amo, Sanscr. kam-. We may compare £d, 
* to hate," with the German scheu, and the syllable $pv ( phru) 
in $pv-fa probably contains the element of prav-us (comp. the 
German frevel) If this analysis of φρύ-ξα is right, and if 
ἀράτ-ξα really means μισο-πάρθενος, it follows that ἄρα means 
ἐᾷ virgin." This leads us to some interesting deductions. In the 
first place, the Pelasgian goddess "Ap-rejss, Etrusc. Arttimis, 
Scyth. Ar-tim-pasa, receives an appropriate explanation from the 
Scythian language. For, as we have seen, tem? or tam? means 
“the sea," and thus "Ap-Tejus, as “‘the virgin of the sea," con- 
nects herself with Europa, the broad-faced moon-goddess, who 
croased the sea on the back of a bull (see Kenrick on Herodotus, 
II. 44, p. 71), and so” Ap-rejus ταυροπόλος becomes identical with 
'Apé-Üovca, "the virgin swiftly moving," who passes under 
water from Elis to Syracuse. Again, the root of dpa, “a virgin," 
seems unmistakeably connected with that of dp-ns, ἀρε-τή, dp- 
σην, denoting distinctive manliness. It may be doubtful whether 
the Scythian word évapées, “the unmanly," (Herod. 1. 105) 
is compounded of a and nrt, or of an- and ar. But it is clear 
that the root ar in the Indo-Germanic language was originally 
var, and the Scythian oiép, as we have just seen, is the Sanscrit 
víra. It is not at all improbable that the anlaut may have been 
dropt in the other word apa, just as in “Apns, "Ap-reuuw. At any 
rate there is no doubt as to the connexion between vir and virgo 
or virago: compare the synonyms Varro and Nero, wehren and 
nehrung; ἄς. The mythology of Minerva and the etymology 
of castus may suffice to tell us how the ideas of protection, re- 
sistance, and virginity, are combined: and it is clear that the 
two former constitute the fundamental meaning of vir and dpns 
(N. Crat. S 285). 

Herodotus (1v. 52) mentions & fountain the name of which 
was Σκυθιστὶ μὲν "Efajrmatos, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ελλήνων γλῶσσαν, 
Ἱραὶ ὁδοί. Ritter (Vorhalle, p. 345) conjectures that the ori- 
ginal form of 'E£fau-rai-o; must have been Hexen-Pfad, i.e. 
Asen-Pfad, which .he compares with Strt-pad, and which de- 
notes, he thinks, the ‘sacred ominous road by which the Cim- 
merian Buddhists travelled towards the west. Béckh (Corpus 
Inscript. 11. p. 111) supposes the right interpretation to be ἐννέα 


64 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. IT. 


ὁδοί; so that ἐξάν is “nine.” The numeral "nine" is pre- 
served in a very mutilated state in alllanguages, both Semitic 
and Indo-Germanic, and it would not be difficult to point out a 
possible explanation of the word ἐξάν, if the reading ἐννέα ὁδοί 
were really certain, But there is more reason to suppose that 
the other interpretation is correct, and that ἐξάν corresponds to 
the Zend asja, aschavan, ashaun, ashaon, “holy,” so that the 
termination will be the Persian pat, Zend pate, “a path,” and 
the compound will correspond to the Persian Mah-pai, Satter- 
pat, and will denote “ Holy-road” or Hali-dom: cf. the Persian 
names Baya-raios and Barya-rrarns (Zeuss, p. 295). 

This examination includes all the Scythian words which have 
come down to us with an interpretation; and in all of them it 
has been shown that they are connected, in the signification 
assigned to them, with the roots or elements which we find in 
the Indo-Germanic languages generally, and especially in the 
Medo-Persian idioms. If we add this result of philology to the 
traditionary facts which have been recorded of the international 
relations of the Gets, Scythe, Sauromate, and Medes, we must 
conclude that the inhabitants of the northern side of the Euxine, 
who were known to the Greeks under the general name of Scy- 
thians, were members of the Indo-Germanic family, and not 
Mongolians, as Niebuhr has supposed!. 


§ 13. Successive peopling of Asia and Europe: fate of the 
Mongoltan race. 


The true theory with regard to the successive peopling of 
Asia and Europe seems to be the following?. Believing that 
the human race originated in the table-land of Armenia?, I give 


1 Kleine Schriften, 1. p. 361. 

3 The author's views are given in the New Cratylus, (8rd Ed.) §§ 64 
. 8qq. and in the Transactions of the British Association for 1851, pp. 188 sqq. 
See also Winning's Manual, pp. 124 sqq. and Rask, über das Alter und dis 
Echtheit der Zend-Sprache, pp. 69 8qq., Hagen's Tr. And, for the affinity 
of the inhabitants of Northern Asia in particular, see Prichard on the 
Ethnography of High Asia (Journal of R. G. S. 1x. 2, pp. 192 sqq.). 

? * The general reasons for this opinion are given in the New Cratylus, 

4. 


S 18. ΤῊΣ ANCIENT ITALIANS. 65 


the name of Central to the two sister-races, the Semitic and 
the Indo-Germanic, which formed themselves in Mesopotamia 
and Irán, and became the twin-mothers of human civilisation, 
and the joint source and home of intellectual culture. To this 
central group, I oppose the Aporadic, as including all those 
nations and languages which were scattered over the globe by 
the first and farthest wanderers from the birth-place of our 
race. The process of successive peopling may be thus described. 
While the Indo-Germanic or Japhetic race was developing itself 
within the limits of Irán, and while the Semitic family was 
spreading from Mesopotamia to Arabia and Egypt, a great popu- 
lation of Tchudes, or Mongolians, Celts and Turanians, had ex- 
tended its migrations from the Arctic to the Indian Ocean, and 
from Greenland over the whole north of America, Asia, and . 
Europe, even as far as Britain, France, and Spain. In propor- 
tion, however, as these Celto-Turanians were widely spread, 80 
in proportion were they thinly scattered; their habits were 
nomadic, and they never formed themselves into large or power- 
ful communities. Consequently, when the Iranians broke forth 
from their narrow limits, in compacter bodies, and with superior 
physical and intellectual organisation, they easily mastered or 
drove before them these rude barbarians of the old world; and 
in the great breadth of territory which they occupied, the Tu- 
ranians have formed only four great and independent states— 
the Mantchus in China, the Turks in Europe, and the Aztecs 
and the Peruvians in America. 

The student of ethnography must bear in mind some essential 
differences between the spread of those Sporadic tribes, which 
derived their origin from Jrén, and to which the aboriginal po- 
pulation of Europe, Asia, and America is due, and those which 
emigrated from Mesopotamia and Arabia, and furnished a sub- 
stratum of dispersed inhabitants for Africa. For while the 
Sporadic Syro-Arabians in Africa exhibit, as we go farther from 
the center of their dispersion, a successive degeneration in the 
passage of the Aramaic languages from the Abyssinian to the 
Galla and Berber, from this again to the Caffre, from the Caffre 
to the Hottentot, and from the Hottentot to the clucking of the 
savage Bushman, and while there is no later infusion of civilized 
Semitic elements until the conquest of North Africa by the Arabs; 


D. V. 5 


66 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IT. 


on the other hand, the Celto-Turanian tribes were overrun or 
' absorbed at a very early period by successive or parallel streams 
of Sclavonians, Lithuanians, and Saxo-Goths, flowing freely and 
freshly from the north of Irán; and the latest of these emigrants, 
the High-Germans, found many traces of similarity in the Celtic 
tribes with which they ultimately came in contact. Whatever 
might have been the degradation of the Ugro-Turanian races in 
those regions where they were most thinly scattered, it is obvious 
that the Scythia of Herodotus, which was the highway of the 
earliest march of Indo-Germanic migration into Europe, could 
not have been, as Niebuhr supposed, mainly peopled by a 
Tchudic or Mongolian stock. And though the name of S-colota 
or Asa-Galate, by which some of the Scythe called themselves, 
may be regarded as pointing to a Celtic or Turanian intermixture, 
the great mass of the hordes which dwelt to the north of the 
Euxine must have consisted of Indo-Germanic tribes who con- 
quered or ejected the Turanians; and I have no hesitation in 
referring these invaders, together with the Pelasgians of Greece 
and Italy, to different branches of the Sclavonian, Lithuanian, 
Saxo-Gothic, or generally Low Iranian stock. 


S 14. The Pelasgians were of Sclavontan ortgin. 


It has been proved that the Sarmatians belonged to the parent 
stock of the Sclavonians; and we find in the Sclavonian dialects 
ample illustrations of those general principles by which the Scy- 
thian languages seem to have been characterized. Making, then, 
a fresh start from this point, we shall find an amazing number of 
coincidences between the Sclavonian languages and the Pelas- 
gian element of Greek and Latin: most of these have been 
pointed out elsewhere'; at present it is only necessary to call 
attention to the fact. So that, whichever way we look at it, we 
shall find new reasons for considering the Pelasgians as a branch 
of the great Sarmatian or Sclavonian race. The Thracians, 
Gete, Scythe, and Sauromate, were so many links in a long 
chain connecting the Pelasgians with Media; the Sauromate 
were at least in part Sclavonians; and the Pelasgian language, 


1 New Crat. § 88. 


DN 
aet OF THE REN ' 


UNIVERSITY 
e. 87 


as it appears in the oldest forms of Latin, and in certain Greek 
archaisms, was unquestionably most nearly allied to the Sclavo- 
nian: we cannot, therefore, doubt that this was the origin of the 
Pelasgian people, especially as there is no evidence or argument 
to the contrary. 


S 15. ] ‘THE ANOIENT ITALIANS, 


8 15. Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, dc. 


But, to return to Italy, who were the old inhabitants of. that 
peninsula? Whom did the Pelasgians in the first instance con- 
quer or drive to the mountains? What was the origin of that 
hardy race, which, descending once more to the plain, subjugated 
Latium, founded Rome, and fixed the destiny of the world? 

The Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, or Sabines—for, in their 
historical appearances, we must consider them as only different 
members of the same family—are never mentioned as foreigners. 
We know, however, that they must have had their Transpadane 
affinities as well as their Pelasgian rivals. It is only because 
their Celtic substratum was in Italy before the Pelasgians 
arrived there, that they are called aborigines. The difference 
between them and the Pelasgians is in effect this: in examining 
the ethnical affinities of the latter we have tradition as well 
as comparative grammar to aid us; whereas the establishment | 
of the Umbrian pedigree depends upon philology alone. 


§ 16. Reasons for believing that they were the same race as 
the Lathuantans. 


Among the oldest languages of the Indo-Germanic family 
not the least remarkable is the Lithuanian, which stands first 
among the Sclavonian dialects!, and bears a nearer resemblance 
to Sanscrit than any European idiom. It is spoken, in different 
dialects, by people who live around the south-east corner of the 
Baltic. One branch of this language is the old Prussian, which 
used to be indigenous in the Sam-land or “ Fen-country" be- 
tween the Memel and the Pregel, along the shore of the Curtsche 


1 See Pott, Et. Forsch. 1. p. xxxiii, and his Commentatio de Borusso- 
Litkuanicos tam in Slavicis quam Letticis linguis principatu. Halis Saxonum, 
1837——1841. 

5—2 


68 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II. 


Haf, and the Lithuanians are often called Samo-Gete or ** Fen- 
Goths.”’ Other writers have pointed out the numerous and strik- 
ing coincidences between the people who spoke this language and 
the Italian aborigines!. Thus the connexion between the Sabine 
Cures, Quirinus, Quirites, &c. and the old Prussian names Cures, 
Cour-land, Curische Haf, &c. has been remarked; it has been 
shown that the wolf (Airpus), which was an object of mystic 
reverence among the Sabines, and was connected with many of 
their ceremonies and some of their legends, is also regarded 
as ominous of good luck among the Lettons and Courlanders; the 
Sabine legend of the rape of the virgins, in the early history of 
Rome, was invented to explain their marriage ceremonies, which 
are still preserved among the Courlanders and Lithuanians, where 
the bride is carried off from her father's house with an appear- 
ance of force; even the immortal name of Rome is found in the 
Prussian Romowo; and the connexion of the words Roma, 

Romulus, ruma lupe, and ruminalis ficus, is explained by the 
Lithuanian raumu, gen. raumens, signifying “a dug" or *udderf." 


1 Perhaps the oldest observation of this affinity is that which is 
quoted by Pott (Commentatio, 1. p. 6), from a work published at Leyden 
in 1642 by Michalo Lituanus (in rep. Pol. &c. p. 246): “ nos Lithuani 
ex Italico sanguine oriundi sumus, quod ita esse liquet ex nostro sermone 
semi-latino et ex ritibus Romanorum vetustis, qui non ita pridem apud 
nos desiere, ὅθ. Etenim et ignis (Lith. ugnis f.) et unda (wandu m.), 
aer (tras), sol (sául$). .. unus (wiénas)... et pleraque alis, idem significant 
Lithuano sermone quod et Latino." 

* See Festus, pp. 266—8, Miller; and Pott, Etymol. Forsch. rt. p. 288. 
According to this etymology, the name Romanus ultimately identifies it- 
self with the ethnical denomination Hirpinus. The derivation of the 
word Roma is, after all, very uncertain; and there are many who might 
prefer to connect it with Groma, the name given to the forum, or point 
of intersection of the main streets in the original Roma quadrata, which 
was also, by ἃ very significant aay called mundus (see Festus, p. 266; 
Dionys. 1. 88; Bunsen, Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom. ni. p. 81; and below, 
.Ch. vir. § 6). The word groma or gruma, however, is not without its 
Lithuanian affinities. I cannot agree with Miller (Etrusk. 11. p. 152), 
Pott (Etym. Forsch. 11. 101), and Benfey (Wurzel- Lexicon, τὶ. p. 143), 
who follow the old grammarians, and connect this word with the Greek 
γνῶμα, γνώμη, γνώμων : it is much more reasonable to suppose, with 
Klensze (Abhandl. p. 185, note), that it is a genuine Latin term; and I 
would suggest that it may be connected with grumus, Lithuan. bréwa, 


ὃ 16. ] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 69. 


Besides these, a great number of words and forms of words i in the 
Sabine language are explicable most readily from a comparison 
with the Lithuanian; and the general impression which these 
arguments leave upon our mind is, that the Latins and Sabines 
were of the same race as the Lithuanians or old Prussians. A 
special argument is furnished by the scanty remnants of the Mes- 
sapian or lapygian language, which was spoken in the south - 
eastern corner of Italy. For this fragmentary language, lying 
beyond the reach of any influences except that of the Greek 
colonists, into whose idiom it was rapidly absorbed, may be 
regarded as a pure remnant of the old Italian. Now it is re- 
markable that the few Messapian words, which have come down 
to us with an explanation of their meaning, admit of more direct 
comparison with the Lithuanian, as a German-Sclavonic lan- 
guage, than with any other. . Thus we are told that βρένδος or 
Bpévriov was Messapian for “a stag” or “a stag's head" 
(Hesych. s. v.; £tym. M. s. v. Βρεντήσιον ; Steph. Byz. s. v.; 
Strabo, v1. 8, 6, &c.), and in Lithuanian brédis is “ the elk," or, 
in some districts, “the stag;" πανός is the Messapian for 
* bread" (Athen. 111. p. 111 c), and pénas is the Lithuanian for 
*food;" βαυρία means “a house" (tym. M. p. 389, 24), and 
this reappears in the low German bur, bauer, English “ bower," 
Lith. bur-walkan, “a yard;’’ βίσβη means a falz vinitoria or 
* vine-dresser's knife" (Hesych. s. v.), and βισβαία is rendered 
κλαδευτηρία, and this root has a very Lithuanian or Sclavonic 
sound. The inflexions, as far as they can be ascertained, ob- 
viously belong to the Indo-Germanic forms of declension; for 
example, the genitive singular in -atAi or -ἰλὲ corresponds to the 
Sanscrit -asya, Greek -ovo — -octo, and the Lithuanian -é proba- 
bly for -aha. 


Lettish kraut: comp. κρώμαξ, κλώμαξ, globus, gleba, &c. The name may 
have been given to the point of intersection of the main via and limes, 
because a heap of stones was there erected as a mark (cf. Charis. 1. 
p. 19). Even in our day it is common to mark the junction of several 
roads by a cross, an obelisk, or some other erection; to which the grumus, 
or “barrow, was the first rude approximation. If so, it may still be 
connected with ruma; -just as μαστός signifies both “a hillock” and “a 
breast ;” and the omission of the initial g before a liquid i is very com- 
mon in Latin, comp. narro with γνωρίζω, nosco with γιγνώσκω, and norma 


with γνώριμος. 


70 - THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. 11. 


§ 17. Further confirmation from etymology. 


Let us add to this comparison one feature which has not yet 
been observed. The Lithuanians were not only called by this 
name!, which involves both the aspirated dental th and the vo- 
calized labial wu, but also by the names Livonian and Lettontan, 
which omit respectively one or other of these articulations. Now 
it has been mentioned before, that the name of the Latins ex- 
hibits the same phenomenon; for as they were called both Latins 
and Lavines, it follows that their original name must have been 
Latuinians, which is only another way of spelling and pro- 
nouncing Jithuanians. If, therefore, the warrior-tribe, which 
descended upon Latium from Reate and conquered the Pelasgians, 
gave their name to the country, we see that these aborigines were 
actually called Lithuanians; and it has been shown that they and 
the Sabines were virtually the same stock. Consequently, the 
old Prussians brought even their name into Italy. And what 
does this name signify? Simply, “freemen*;’’ for the root 
signifying ' free," in all the European languages consisted of 7- 
and a combination of dental and labial, with, of course, a vowel 
interposed. In most languages the labial is vocalized into v, and 
prefixed to the dental; as in Greek ἐ-λεύθε-ρος, Lithuan. Wau- 
dis, Germ. leute, &c.* In the Latin kber the labial alone re- 


mains. 


1 The known forms of the name are Litwa, Lietuwa, Litauen, Lietu- 
wininkas, Λιτβοί, Lethowint, Lituini, Letwini, Lethuini, Lettowii, Litwani, 
Letthones, and Letthi. 

3 By a singular change, the name of the kindred Sclavonians, which 
in the oldest remains of the language signifies either * celebrated," * illus- 
trious” (from clava, “glory,” root clu, Sanscr. gru, Gr. xÀv-: see 'Safarik, 
and Palacky's ZEltest. Denkm. der Bólun. Spr. pp. 63, 140), or "intelli- 
gibly speaking," as opposed to barbarian (from δίουο, “a word”), has 
furnished the modern designation of “a slave," esclave, schiavo. The 
Bulgarians, whom Gibbon classes with the Sclavonians (vm. p. 279, ed. 
Milman), have been still more unfortunate in the secondary application 
of their name (Gibbon, x. p. 177). 

3 Dr. Latham says (Germania of Tacitus, Epilegom. p. cxi): “the 
root L.-t — people is German (Leute), yet no one argues that the Lai-ins, 
Lith-uanians, and a host of other populations, must, for that reason, be 
German.” If the people called themselves by this name, it may be 


§ 18. | THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 71 


§ 18. Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavontans and 
Lithuanians in Italy and elsewhere. 


The name of the Umbrians, the most northerly of the indi- 
genous Italians, leads to some other considerations of great im- 
portance. It can scarcely be doubted that in their northern as 
well as their southern settlements the Lithuanians were a good 
deal intermixed with Celto-Finnish tribes in the first instance, 
and subjected to Sclavonian influences afterwards, That this was 
the case with the Lithuanians, we learn from their authentic and 
comparatively modern history. The proper names cited by Zeuss 
(p. 229) show that there was a Celtic ingredient in the popula- 
tion of Retia and Noricum. It appears, too, that in Italy there 
was a substratum of Celts before the Lithuanians arrived there; 
this is expressly recorded of the Umbrians by M. Antonius and 
Bocchus (apud Solin. c. 2) and by Servius (ad Verg. Ametd. XII. 
753), and the fact is clearly indicated by the name of the country, 
Umbria, and its principal river Umbro. If the oldest inhabit- 
ants of this country were Celtic, they must have been an offshoot 
of the Celtic race which occupied the contiguous district of Ligu- 
ria’. Now not only are the Ambrones said to have been a Celtic 
race (Ambrones, says Festus, fuerunt gens quadam Gallica), 
but this was also the generic name of the Ligurians (σφᾶς γὰρ 
αὐτοὺς οὕτως ὀνομάζουσι κατὰ γένος Ajyves, Plut. Vit. Marit, 
c. XIX.). Whatever weight we may attach to the statement in 
Festus, that they were driven from their original settlements by 
an inundation of the sea, we cannot fail to see the resemblance 


fairly inferred that it was to them a significant term, and may therefore 
be taken as a mark of affinity: no Indo-Germanic philologer will deny 
that the Lithuanians and Germans were cognate races. 

} Mr. Ellis, who maintains (Contributions to the Ethnography of Italy 
and Greece, Lond. 1858) that the Aboriginal Italians were chiefly Celtic, 
but partly Finnish, and allows that the Umbrians were Celtic, contends 
that the Ligurians (pp. 18 sqq.) were a branch of the Finns, and sup- 
ports his opinion by referring bodincus or bodencus to the Lapponic 
wuod(o-w) anek = fundo carens. I have used the compounds Celto-Fin- 
nish and Celto-Turanian to indicate the mixture of these ethnic elements 
in the early population of Europe, and I do not deny that there may 
have been Finnish ingredients in the Ligurian race; but I think that 
the reasons given in the text prove that they were mainly Celtic. 


72 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [6ΉΑΡ. 11. 


between the name of the Ambrones and that of the river Umbro; 
and no Englishman is ignorant that the North-umbrians are 80 
called with reference to an Ymbra-land through which the river 
Humber flowed. Dr. Latham (Tac. German. Epilegom. p. cx) has 
suggested a connexion between a number of different tribes which 
bore names more or less resembling this, and he thinks that there 
is some reference in this name to the settlement of the race 
bearing it near the lower part of some river. Thus the Am- 
brones seem to have been on the Lower Rhine, the Umbri on the 
Lower Po, the Cumbrians of Cumberland on the Solway, and 
the Gambrivit and Si-gambri on the Lower Rhine. Dr. Latham 
also conjectures that Humber may be the Gallic and east British 
form of the Welsh Ader and the Gaelic Jnver =“ mouth of a 
river.” It appears to me that the Sigambri and Gambrivit 
belonged to a German, not to a Celtic stock, and I am disposed 
to refer the name of Cumber-land to the form Cymmry. It is of 
course quite possible that the words Cymmry, Cambrian, Cum- 
brian, Cimbri, Cimmerii, Gomer, &c. bear the same relation to 
Humber, Umbro, Ambrones, that cubi does to ubi, kémaydmi to 
amo, Channibal to ᾿Αννίβας, and the like; and so Humber and 
Cumber might be different pronunciations of the same name. But 
I do not think it reasonable to suppose that Humber or Umbro is a 
dialectical variety of Ader or Inver. It can hardly be doubted 
that the name of Umbria points to a continuous population of 
Ingurvans or Ambrones extending from the Cottian Alps to the 
Tiber; and there is every reason to believe that this was only 
part of a Celtic population which occupied originally the three 
peninsulas of Greece, Italy, and Spain, together with the great 
islands of Britain, Ireland, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. In 
Italy the Ligurians and Umbrians stand side by side, and it is 
only in the country occupied by the latter that we have the 
river, which gives a name to the people. But the Zech, in the 
originally Celtic district of Bavaria, contains the same root as the 
name of the Ligyes or Leleges. In France we have the Lig-er or 
Lowe, i.e. “the great river," by the side of the Gar-umna or 
Garonne, which combines the Gaelic Gar, found in Garry, 
Garry-owen, &c. with the other word amhainn, amhna, Umbro. 
And as the Licegrians, or Britons of the south and east in this 
island, are identified with the Gauls of northern France, it was 


§ 18.} THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 73 


elsewhere (Cambridge Essays, 1856, p. 35) suggested that the 
Cumbrians or Humbrians, i.e. the older branch of the Celtic 
stock, occupied in prehistorical times an area extending from the . 
isles of Britain to the east coast of Italy, and were intruded 
upon by the kindred race of Leleges, Ligyes, Ligurians, Lige- 
rians, or Lloegrians, who established their line of occupation from 
this Humber-land of England across France to the Alps, the 
Tyrol, and the seaboard of Genoa, and who also found their 
way to the southern regions of Italy and Greece, probably by 
the western coast of the former peninsula. The first inhabitants 
of Spain and Sicily are called Iberians by every ancient writer, 
and they are identified with the Sicanians; and Philistus must 
have referred to these when he said that the Sicilians were Li- 
gurians who had been driven southwards by the Umbrians and 
Pelasgians (Dionys. Hal. 1. 22), meaning of course the Low- 
German and Sclavonian tribes, who subsequently occupied north 
Italy. With regard to Greece, there is no reason why the 
Leleges, whom we have other grounds for considering as Celtic, 
should not be regarded as exhibiting the name of the Ligyes 
‘with that reduplication of the initial - which is so universal in 
Welsh!, 


1 Professor F. W. Newman, in his little work entitled Regal Rome, 
maintains that the old languages of Italy, especially the Umbrian and 
Sabine, contained a striking predominance of Celtic ingredients, and he 
wishes to show that this is still evident even in the Latin of Cicero. 
His proof rests on vocabularies (pp. 19—-26), especially in regard to the 
military, political, and religious words, which he supposes that the 
Romans derived from the Sabines (p. 61). With regard to these lists 
I have to observe, that while all that is valid in the comparison merely 
gives the Indo-Germanic affinities of the Celtic languages—a fact beyond 
dispute—Mr. Newman. has taken no pains to discriminate between the 
marks of an original identity of root, and those words which the Celts 
of Britain derived from their Roman conquerors. In general, Mr. New. 
man’s philology is neither solid nor scientific. It is not at all creditable 
to a professed student of languages to compare the participial word 
cliens (clie-nt-s) with the Gaelic clann, cloinne, “ children." If anything 
is certain about the former, it is clear that it contains the verb-root ck- 
or clu- with a merely formative termination in nt, which does not belong 
to the root. Again, when every oue knows the Latin meaning of tri- 
pudium, referring to the triple ictus, what is the use of deriving it 
from the Gaelic tir, “earth,” and put, “to push"? If quir-i(t)-a with a 


74 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. 11. 


8 19. The Sarmate probably a branch of the Lithuanian 
(0 family. 

If it is necessary to go one step farther, and identify this 
Lithuanian race with some one of the tribes which form so many 
links of the chain between Media and Thrace, it would be only 
reasonable to select the Sauromate, whose name receives its in- 
terpretation from the Lithuanian language (Szaure-Matent, i.e. 
“ Northern Medes"). The Sauromate and the Scythe were 
undoubtedly kindred tribes; but still there were some marked 
differences between them, insomuch that Herodotus reckons the 
Sarmate as a separate nation. Between the Pelasgians and the 
Umbrians, &c. there existed the same affinities, with similar dif- 
ferences; and the fairest conclusion seems to be this, that as the 
Latins or Lithuanians were a combination of Gothic and Sclavo- 
nian ingredients, so were the Sauromate; that as the indigenous 
tribes of Italy were pure Gothic, mixed with Celtic, so were the 
Scythe or Asa-Goths. At the same time it must be remarked, 
that the term Sarmatian has a wider as well as a narrower signi- 
fication. In its more extended meaning it is synonymous with 
Sclavonian, and therefore includes the Pelasgians. In its nar- 
rower use, it is expressive of that admixture of Sclavonian and 
Low-German elements which characterizes the Lithuanian or 
Samo-Getic languages, and in which the Sclavonian is so predo- 
minant that the Gothic element is almost overpowered. Revert- 
ing to the Asiatic settlements of these races, we may say, as 
we pass from west to east across the northern frontiers of the 
plateau of Iran, that the true Sclavonians extended from the 
borders of Assyria to those of Hyrcania and Parthia; that they 
there abutted on the debateable land or oscillating boundary-line 
between the Sclavonian and Gothic races, and so became Massa- 


regular Indo-Germanic ending, is naturally derived from quiris, “a spear,” 
what miserable etymology it is to compare the former with curaidh, 
“a champion," from cur, “ power," and the latter with coir, “ just, 
honourable, roble." And all regard for simple reasoning is neglected 
by a writer, who analyzes augur = aviger into the Gaulish auca, * a bird,” 
and the Welsh cur, “ care.” 


§ 20. | THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. . 75 


Gete or Lithuanians; and that the Sace, Saxons, or genuine 
Gothic and Low-German tribes, the Daci, Danes, and Northmen 
of Europe, occupied Sogdiana to the banks of the Iaxartes. If 
we suppose, what we have a right to suppose, that this line was 
preserved as the march of emigration wheeled round the north of 
the Caspian—the Sclavonians to the left, the Lithuanians in the 
- center, and the pure Goths to the right,—we shall have a simple 
explanation of all the facts in the ethnography of eastern Europe. 
For these are still the relative positions of the different races. 
The right wing becomes in the course of this geographical evolu- 
tion the most northerly or the most westerly, while the left wing 
or pivot of the movement becomes most southerly or most easterly, 
and the center remains between the two. Thus the pure Low- 
Germans and the Lithuanians never come into Greece, which 
is peopled by the Sclavonians. The Lithuanians and Sclavonians 
are mingled in Italy. But although, 4s we shall see, a branch of - 
the pure Gothic race invaded that peninsula, it felt, to the end of 
its early history, that it had approached a distinct line of de- 
marcation wherever it touched, without Lithuanian intervention, 
on the borders of pure Sclavonism. 


§ 20. Gothic or Low-German  affinities of the ancient 
Etruscans shown by their ethnographic opposition to the 
VENETI. 


This brings us to the crowning problem in Italian ethnogra- 
phy,—the establishment of the foreign affinities of the ancient 
"Etruscans. Wherever the advancing tide of Sclavonian emigra- 
tion came to & check before the established settlements of & 
purely Gothic or Low-German tribe, wherever, consequently, 
the Sclavonians felt a need for a distinctive appellation, we find 
that they called themselves Serbs, Sorbs, or Servians, a name 
apparently denoting their agricultural habits, or else Slow-jane, 
Slow-jene, or Sclavonian, a name implying, according to the 
most recent interpretation, that they opposed their own language 
as intelligible to the foreign jargon of their neighbours. By 
these names they were known in the distant lands to which the 
wars of the ninth and tenth centuries transported them as cap- 
tives; and as a foreign and barbarous slave was a Scythian in the 
older days of Athens, a Davus or Dacian and a Geta or Goth 


76 ! THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. II. 


in the later comedies, so all prisoners were called indifferently 
Slave or Syrf, a circumstance which proves the identity and 
prevalence of these national designations. But while these were 
the names which the Sclavonians assumed on their own western 
boundary-lines, and by which they were known in foreign coun- 
tries, they received the name of Wends, Winiden, O. H. G. 
Winidá, A.-S. Veonodas, from the Gothic tribes on whom they 
immediately abutted. By this name, or that of Finns, which 18 
merely a different pronunciation, the Goths of the north desig- 
nated their eastern neighbours, whether of Sclavonian or Turanian 
race. By this name the Saxons distinguished the Sclavonians in 
Lusatia. The traveller's song in the Codex Exontensis expressly 
opposes the Goths to the Wineds wherever found; “I was," 
says the author (vv. 113 sqq.), “with Huns and with Hreth- 
Goths, with Swedes and with South-Danes, with Wends I was 
* and with Werns, and with Wikings, with Gefths I was and with 
Wineds.” Although the strong but narrow stream of High-Ger- 
man conquest disturbed the continuous frontier of the Sclavonian 
and Low-German tribes, we find, as late as Charlemagne’s time, 
that Sclavonians were recognized in central Germany under the 
designations of Moinu-winidi and Ratanz-winidi, from the names 
of the rivers which formed their geographical limits. The same 
denomination was applied in much earlier times to the Sclavo- 
nians settled in Bavaria, who were called the Vinde-lict, or 
_Wineds settled on the Incus or Lech!. Farther east on the 
Danube the March-field furnished another boundary to the Scla- 
vonians, whose city there was called Vind-o-bonum. We must of 
course admit the same term in the name of the Veneti at the 


1 We have a sort of indirect testimony to the Sclavonic affinities 
of the Vindelici in the immemorial practice of carrying the axe, which 
excited the attontion of Horace (iv. Carm. rv. 18): 

Vindelici, quibus 
Mos unde deductus per omne 
Tempus Amazonia securi 
Dextras obarmet, querere distuli 
Nec scire fas est omnia. 
‘For there can be little doubt that the weapon referred to was the 
σάγαρις used by the Scythians (Herod. 1. 215, rv. 5, vir. 64) and other’ 
tribes more or less easily traceable to a Sclavonian stock. 


§ 21.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 71. 


head of the Adriatic. And thus we trace this distinctive appel- 
lation from Scandinavia to the north of Italy, in a line nearly 
corresponding to the parallel of longitude. The ethnographic 
importance of the name Wéned can scarcely be overrated: for it © 
not only tells us that the tribes to the east of the line upon 
which it is found were generally pure Sclavonian, but it tells us 
as plainly that the tribes to the west, who imposed the name, were 
equally pure branches of the Gothic, Saxon, or Low-German 
race. Indeed, the latter fact is more certain than the former. 
For if, as I believe, the term Wined merely indicates, in the 
mouth of a Low-German, the end or wend-point of his distinctive 
territory, our inference must be that whatever the Wineds were, 
they indicated the boundary-line of some branch of the Gothic 
race. Now we have such a boundary line in Bavaria; therefore 
the Retians who faced the Vindelict or Lech-Wineds were 
Low-Germans. We have a similar line in the north of Italy; 
therefore there must have been Low-Germans in opposition and 
- contiguity at the western frontier of the Venett or Wineds on the 
Po. But we have seen that the Etruscans, properly so called, 
were Retians, who at one time occupied a continuous area 
stretching from western Germany across the Tyrol into the plains 
of Lombardy. It follows therefore, as an ethnographical fact, 
that the Etruscans must have been a Low-German, Gothic, or 
Saxon tribe. 


§ 21. Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the — 
Old Norse. 


These combinations would be sufficient, if we had nothing 
else, to establish primé@ facie the Gothic affinities of the old 
Etruscans. But they are only the first step in a cumulative 
series of arguments, which, when complete, raises our conclu- 
sion to the rank of a philological demonstration. Some of the 
details must be reserved for the chapter on the Etruscan lan- 
guage; but the general effect of the reasoning shall be given here. 

If the ancient Etruscans were Low-Germans, they must 
present the most striking marks of resemblance when they are 
compared with the oldest and least alloyed branches of that 
family. In the center of Europe the Low-German element was 
absorbed by the High-German, and the latter became a qualifying 


78 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [OHAP. rt. 


ingredient in all the Teutonic tribes of the mainland, who were 
not similarly affected by Sclavonism. As I have elsewhere sug- 
gested (New Crat. § 78), the Lithuanians were Low-Germans 
thoroughly Sclavonized; the Saxons or Ingevones were Low- 
Germans untainted by Sclavonism, and but slightly influenced by 
High-Germanism ; the Franks or Jscevones were Low-Germans 
over whom the High-Germans had exercised considerable control ; 
and the Thuringians or Herminones were pure High-Germans, in 
the full vigour of their active opposition to the tribes among 
which they had settled. For Low-German unaffected by any 
qualifying element we must go to the Scandinavian or Norse 
branch of the race, which contains the Danish, Swedish, Nor- 
wegian, Faroic, and Icelandic tribes. The oldest or standard 
form of the languages spoken by these tribes is the Old Norse or 
Icelandic, which not only exists as ἃ spoken tongue, but is also 
found in a very flourishing and ancient literature. "The present 
inhabitants of Iceland trace their descent from emigrants who 
settled there in the ninth century; and, from circumstances con- 
neeted with their isolated position, the language has remained the 
unaltered representative of the oldest known form of Scandinavian 
or pure Gothic. It is therefore with this Old Norse or Icelandic, 
the language of the Sagas and Runes, that we must compare 
the old Etruscan, if we wish to approximate to the common 
mother of both, on the hypothesis that they are both traceable to 
the same stock. But the reader must from the first be guarded 
against the ridiculous idea that I identify the Etruscan with 
the Icelandic’. The proposition which I maintain is this: that 


l In spite of this distinct caution, which stands now as it did in 
the last edition, some persons have been careless or disingenuous enough 
to assert that I propose to regard the old Etruscan as & dialect of the 
Old Norse, and therefore, by presumption at least, as admitting of easy 
and complete interpretation. This is the only meaning which can be 
attached to Bunsen's flippant and puerile objection (Christianity and 
Mankind, Vol. m1. p. 85, note): “ we do not know Etruscan, but we do 
know Icelandic.” And it is probably this misrepresentation that has 
induced an anonymous and ill-informed critic to say (Bentley's Quarterly 
Review, 1. p. 52): “a philologist who believes, or believed, that the 
Etruscans spoke a dialect of Norse, deserves to be placed in the same 
‘category with the late Sir W. Betham, who believed that they spoke 


$21.] THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. 79 


the Icelandic in the uncultivated north represents in the ninth 
century of our &ra the language of a race of men, who might 
have claimed a common pedigree with those Reto-Etruscans of the 
south, who became partakers in the Pelasgian civilisation about 
1600 years before that epoch. Moreover the Icelandic or Old 
Norse remains pure to the last, whereas the Etruscan is from the 
first alloyed by an interpenetration of Umbrian and Pelasgian 
ingredients. Consequently, it will justify all our reasonable ex- 
pectations, if we find clear traces of the Old Norse in the distinc- 
tive designations of the Etruscans, that is, in those names which 
they imported into Italy, and if we can make the Scandinavian 


pure Irish." To a reader of this book such reckless misrepresentations 
expose their own ignorance or dishonesty. When Bunsen adds a refer- 
ence to Dr. Freund’s strictures upon me in a paper read before the 
Ethnological Society (in April, 1853), he is not ashamed to suppress 
the fact that I answered those strictures in a subsequent paper read 
before the same Society (in January, 1854), and proved that Freund’s 
objections were utterly insignificant and invalid. In a subsequent note 
(p. 89) Bunsen is careful to advertize Dr. Freund’s Latin-English Dic- 
tionary, which has never appeared, and his expedition to Reetia, at the 
expense of the Royal Academy of Berlin, from which the learned world 
has not as yet derived any benefit. Scholars have learned to estimate 
at their proper value Bunsen’s indiscriminate encomiums on his own 
countrymen. For to say nothing of his undisguished wish on all occa- 
sions to praise Germans at the expense of Englishmen, Bunsen is really 
quite incompetent to pronounce a judicial opinion on any question, con- 
nected with philology. Thus, besides the misintorpretation involved in 
the passage quoted above, it presumes a strange confusion of mind. For 
what would Bunsen himself say, if any one were to object to his theory 
that the language of the Targum and the Peshito is a form of the same 
language as that which has been recognized in the cuneiform inscriptions 
of Babylonia, by saying that “we do not know old Babylonian, but we 
do know Chaldee and Syriac”? Then, what is to be said of the critical 
discernment of a man, who after talking of a theory as a bad joke and 
an anachronism, immediately after publishes a report on the subject by 
Aufrecht, in which that theory is to all intents and purposes maintained? 
That Bunsen is a mere dabbler in philology and has yet to learn the 
first principles of linguistic analysis, is clear from his comparisons of the 
Egyptian ar with the English are, Anglo-Saxon aron, original form asent; 
of aui, “I am,” with av- in αὐτός; and of un with both dy=é-drr-s = e-sent-s 
and unus! (Zi gypten, 1. p. 350). He repeats some of these absurdities 
in his Christianity and Mankind, nt. p. 187, though they were pointed 
out to him many years ago (Quarterly Review, No. OLv. p. 154). 


80 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. II. 


languages directly available for the explanation of such of their 
words and phrases as are clearly alien from the other old idioms 
of Italy. This, and more than this, I shall be able to do. 


§ 22. Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient Etruscans. 


In comparing the old Etruscans with a branch of the Teu- 
tonic race, the first step will naturally be to ask whether the 
distinctive habits and peculiarities of the Rasenic invaders of 
northern Italy corresponded with those of the Scandinavians in 
question. If we take even what we know of the physical cha- 
racteristics of the Etruscans, we shall see that we have a race 
more like the Gothic tribes of the north than the Italians, with 
whom they stand in immediate contact. “The Etruscans," 
says Mommsen’, “present the most striking contrasts to the 
Latin and Sabellian Italians, as well as to the Greeks. Their 
very bodily structure would be sufficient to distinguish them 
from the other two nations. Instead of the symmetrical slender- 
ness of the Greeks and Italians, the-sculptures of the Etruscans 
show us short, sturdy figures, with large heads and thick arms. 
Their manners and customs, so far as we are acquainted with 
them, as clearly prove them to be a people originally quite 
distinct from the Greco-Italian races.” In the days of Ca- 
tullus*, and even of Virgil*, the obesity of the Tuscans was 
their distinctive peculiarity. And this, as is well known, to- 
gether with the broad, short figure so remarkable in the Tuscan 
monuments, is equally observable in the legendary Scandina- 
vians and their modern representatives. A nation, which sings 
the praises of little but doughty champions, who conquered 
gigantic opponents, is generally found to combine strength and 
pugnacity with a stature conspicuously shorter than that of the 
conterminous tribes. The Ros, Rasena, or ‘“ Runners," were, 
we may depend upon it, a race of sturdy, active, nimble little 
men, like their representative the giant-killer of the nursery 
tales, with his seven-leagued boots and his sword of sharpness. 


1 History of Rome (Introd. tr. by Robertson, p. 52). 
3 xxxvir. (xxxix.) 11: “aut parcus Umber aut obeeus Etruscus." 
3 Georgica, 11. 198: *inflavit cum pinguis ebur Tyrrhenus ad aras." 


§ 22.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 8l 


Tages, the dwarf, who rose from the ground at Tarquinii and 
conveyed to the Etruscans their knowledge of divination, is one 
of the wonderful little men, who appear in the Old Norse stories'. 
The duodenary system of the Etruscans reappears in the old 
Saxon or Gothic form of government*. The most striking in- 
stance, however, of the Teutonic peculiarities of the ancient 
Etruscans is furnished by the correspondence between the Tus- 
can combat of gladiators and the Hólm-gánga, i.e. the duel or 
monomachy of the Scandinavians. It is generally admitted 
that the gladiatorial exhibitions at Rome originated in Etruria’, 
and that they belonged at first to the funeral solemnities of the 
country. Indeed there is no representation niore common on the 
better class of Etruscan rionuments than that of the gladiatorial 
combat round the altar sacred to the tomb of the deceased ; and 
we must refer to this class even the group supposed to represent 
Echetlus at the battle of Marathon, which is of frequent occur- 
rence, and which appears to me to be only & particular modi- 
fication of a contest analogous to that of the retiartus. The 
custom of sacrificing prisoners of war at the tomb of a departed 
warror is connected with the traditions of the Trojan war. 
Such a sacrifice takes place at the funeral of Patroclus', and 
Achilles himself is appeased by the sacrifice of the Trojan 
princess Polyxena*. The ancient Greeks, like the ancient Etrus- 
cans, were mixed up with Pelasgians, and both nations were 
thus placed in the channel of direct communication with the 
Pheenicians, who influenced the religion and usages of all the 
Pelasgian tribes. Now we know that the funeral sacrifices of 
the old Italians had reference to the worship of Kronos or 
Saturnus, the subterraneous God, who fed on his own children ; 
and the gladiatorial games were especially exhibited at the 
Satarnalia. On a tomb copiéd by Bonarota (Dempster, Vol. 111. 


1 Niebuhr, H. R. 1. p. 189. 

* Malden, H. R. p. 90, and the passage from Turner's Ang: 'o-Sazona 
quoted by him (both passages are given by Mr Ellis, Journal of Philo- 
logy, nt. p. 179). 

3 Nicol. Damasc. ap. Athen, 1v. 39, p. 153 F; Tertull. Spect. c. δ. 

1 Hom. Jl. xxi. 175 sqq. 

5 The story is given in the Hecuba of Euripides. 


D. V. 6 


82 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [cHAP. 11. 


pl 25) the devouring deity is represented as waiting for his 
gladiatorial prey. But Saturnus is the Phoenician Moloch, in 
whose worship the sacrifice of human victims took its mise’. 
Accordingly the practice of offering up human victims must 
have been derived by the ancient Greeks and Italians, through 
the Pelasgian ingredient in their composition, from the Phoeni- 
cian and other Syrian tribes, who trafficked with the coasts of 
the Mediterranean. While, however, these nations and their 
pure descendants, the Carthaginians, retained this inhuman 
practice in its original and unmitigated form, the Greeks soon 
shook off this barbarous worship, and found various substitutes, 
of which the interrupted sacrifice of Iphigenia is a mythical 
representation?, ‘The Rasena on the other hand, with rude war- 
like instincts, and with the practice of the Hélm-gdnga already 
established among them, were naturally led to pit the captives 
destined for sacrifice to fight against one another; and, instead 
of slaying them in cold blood, to make them become both sacri- 
ficers and victims in the funeral solemnity. Under peculiar cir- 
cumstances the old eastern ferocity was retained, as when the 
Tarquinians, in the year A.U.C. 397, sacrificed in cold blood 
807 Roman prisoners of war to the Sun-God or God of the year, 
as the number of the..victims seems to show’. At private fune- 
rals, however, the fight of gladiators invariably took the place of 
the human sacrifice. Servius‘ attributes the origin of this sub- 
Btitution to the funeral of Junius Brutus; but he seems to con- 
fuse between the origin of the practice, and the first beginning of 
& public exhibition or munus of gladiators, in which the amuse- 
ment of the people was combined with the honours due to the 
dead. This appearance of the Hélm-gdnga, instead of the cold- 
blooded slaughter in which the Pelasgo-Phoenician rites in- 
dulged, seems to me a remarkable indication of the connexion 
of the Rasena with a branch of the Teutonic family, which, 
whether in sport or earnest, delighted in every form of martial 
spectacles, and whose descendants in another part of Europe in- 


1 See Ghillany, Menschenopfer, pp. 123 sqq. 

3 Christian Orthodozy, p. 118. 

3 Liv. vu. 15. The Etruscan year was either 304 or 307 days. 
4 Ad Aineid. τι. 07. 


§ 23, | THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 83 


troduced the chivalrous and sometimes deadly encounters of the 
tournament’. 


§ 28. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names. 


It has been shown in the preceding chapter that the con- 
querors of the Umbrians and Tyrrheno-Pelasgians in Northern 
Italy called themselves Ras-ena. Niebuhr has suggested that 
this word contains the root ras- with the termination -ena 
found in Pors-ena, &c., and I have hinted that the same root 
is found in the distinctive designation of this race, Et-rus-cit or 
Het-rus-ct, which presumes an original Het-rus?, whence Het- 
rur-ia for Het-rusia. The Old Norse will tell us the meaning 
both of the root and of the prefix, if I am justified in assuming 
that the word was originally aspirated’: for in Icelandic Aetia 
is “a warrior, hero, or soldier," and in the same language ras 
implies rapidity of motion, as at rasa, “to run." So that Rasena 


1 [ first suggested this illustration in a paper * on the Etruscan tomb 
at Hardwick,” read before the Suffolk Institute of Archseology, 17th 
June, 1853, and now published in their Transactions. 

3 There is no autbority for the aspiration of Etruscus and Etruria, 
as Manutius has remarked Orthographia, s. v. Etruria: “omnem aspira- 
tionem omittunt veteres libri, lapides, et numi.” I therefore always cite 
these words without the aspirate, as this is the authorized and fashion- 
able orthography. But in a foreign name adopted by the Romans the 
presumption is always in favour of a rough breathing when the word 
begins with a vowel. In fact, the universal tendency is rather to omit 
than to introduce gratuitously the mark of an initial breathing. The 
following examples illustrate this tendency in Latin: Alcedo, Halcedo; 
Aleyon, Halcyon; arena, harena; aruspex, haruspez; aper, κάπρος; arundo, 
harundo: arviga, harviga; edera, hedera; dui, Hadui; aveo, haveo or 
habeo; apala ova, ἁπαλὰ wd, cf. apalare, “an egg-spoon ;" Annibal, ‘Awi- 
Bas, Hannibal, yan. &c. If the unaspirated form is genuine there 
will be no difficulty in explaining the prefix either by reference to at, 
the prepositional prefix, or at = att, “ stirps, familia," both of which are 
used to form words in Old Norse (see the examples in Egilsson's Lezicon 
Poeticum antique lingua Septentrionalis, p. 27 sqq.). The word at-renni, 
" adlapsus, accursus" from at renna is found quite in accordance with 
e-rus-cus from at rasa. In an inscription from Tarquinii (Ann. dell’ 
Inst. Arch. ΤῊ = 1832, p. 151) we have the spelling AETRVRIA, which is 
à presumption in favour of an original aspirate; for Helena is written 
AELENA (Bull. Arch. Sardo. n1. 32; ap. Fabretti, s. v.). 


6—2 


84 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [ CHAP. IL. 


and Het-russ imply a warrior-tribe, distinguished by their sudden 
onset and rapid career’. Similarly, an Homeric hero is πόδας 
ὠκύς, predaceous animals are θῶες, and the Scandinavian pirates 
have left the eagle or the war-galley on the armorial bearings 
of those families which claim a descent from them, as an indi- 
cation of the same characteristic. This would be admitted as a 
reasonable conjecture even if it had nothing else to recommend 
it. However, it does so happen that we have a distinct record 
of a migratory conquest by the Scandinavians in the heart of 
Europe rather before the colonisation of Iceland, in which they 
called themselves by the same name as these Rasena or Het- 
rus-t- It has been shown by Zeuss (die Deutschen, pp. 547, 8qq.) 
that the language of these conquerors, who descended the Dnieper, 
the Volga, and the Don, was Old Norse, and that their leader 
Chacan bears the Norse name Hakon; and Symeon Magister, 
who wrote A. D. 1140, has given the same Scandinavian expla- 
nation of their name Ros, which I have suggested for Ras-ena; 
for he says (Scriptor. post Theophan. ed. Paris, p. 490): of Pads 
of καὶ Δρομῖται λεγόμενοι, “the Ros who are called the racers or 
runners;" and (p. 465): ‘Pas δὲ οἱ Apopuiras φερώνυμοι----δρο- 
pira, δὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὀξέως tpéyew αὐτοῖς προσεγένετο, the Ros are 
called the runners, and they are so called from the rapidity of 
their motion*." Here the conjecture, which I proposed to the 
British Association, is confirmed by an authority subsequently 
observed: and no one will deny the obvious value of this cor- 
roborstion. That the name fasena or Ros, thus explained, 
would be a very suitable designation for a dominant tribe of 
warriors is shown by the fact that the highest class at Rome 
had no older name than that of celeres or “ swift-horsemen.” 
There can be little doubt that the word ross, which appears also 


1 It is worthy of remark that Horace applies tho epithet veloces to 
the Breuni, one of the leading Retian tribes (1v. Carm. xrv. 11). 

3 Zeuss suggests that the original Old Norse form was Resar from 
the sing. Reesir = 8popirns = cursor. He asks: “ gehért hieher auch Resr 
in den Liedern haüfiges Synonymum für Konéngr, etwa der Schnelle, 
Edle?" and quotes Skaldskaparm. p. 191, for Resir as a man’s name. 
The name Ros or Rus, as applied to the Scandinavians, is presumed in 
ihe designation P-rusi = po-Rus-i “adjoining the Ros:” cf. Po-morani, 
“the dwellers on the sea” (po-more). 


§ 25.] THE ANOIENT ITALIANS. 85 


in the dialectical variety horsa, contains this root ras or ros; 
and as the word ress, in a secondary sense, like the Greek 
πήγασος, denotes a running stream, and as hills and the rivers 
which descend from them are often denoted by the same name 
in the Indo-Germanic languages, it is worth remarking that in 
Retia a great number of names of rivers and hills contain this 
word ross; thus we have Ross-back and Ross-bach-berg, Ross- 
kogel, Ross-kar, Hoes-berg, Ross-kopf, Ross-ruck, Ross-wand, &c. 
It may therefore be laid down as a matter of fact that the dis- 
tinctive ethnieal designation of the old Etruscans is Scandina- 
vian; and we shall see that their mythological or heroic names 
are explicable in the same way. Niebuhr remarked, without 
attaching any importance to the observation, that there was a 
singular resemblance between the Scandinavian mythology and 
that of the Etruscans: *'aceording to their religion, as in that 
of the Scandinavians, a limit and end was fixed to the life even 
of the highest gods" (H. R. 1. note 421). Now in the Scan- 
dinavian mythology there is no name more prominent than that 
‘of Thor or Tor, and this prefix is a certain indication of the . 
presence of the Northmen in any country in which it is found. 
Hickes says: '* Prep. Thor vel Tor in compositis denotat diffi- 
cultatem, arduitatem, et quid efficiendi molestiam, pessumdans 
significationem vocis cui preponitur, ut in Zor-ere ‘annonm 
difficultas et caritas, Tor-fera, ‘iter difficile et impeditum, Zor- 
feiginn, *acquisitu difficilis, Tor-getu, ‘rarus nactu, &. Ex 
quibus constat, ut nomen deastri T'yr veterum septentrionalium 
Mercurit in eompositione gloriam, laudem, et excellentiam. de- 
notet: sic nomen idoli Fhor euphonice Zor eorum Jovis et 
Herculis, qui cum malleo suo omnia domuit et superavit, in com- 
positione significat et insinuat difficultatem quasi Herculeam vel 
rem adeo arduam et diffícilem, ut T'horé opem posceret, qua 
superari quiret." The lexicographer has here confused between 
the name of the god Thor (Grimm, D. M. p. 146, et passim) | 
and a prefix equivalent to the Sanscrit dur- Greek δυσ- (N. Crat. 
$ 180). But whatever may be the true explanation of this 
initial syllable, there can be no doubt that it belongs to the 
oldest and most genuine forms of the Low-German languages; 
and when we find the name Tar-choa or Tar-quin among the 
mythical and local terms of the ancient Etruscans, we cannot 


86 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [CHAP. II. 


but be struck by the Old Norse character impressed upon them. 
We at once recognize the Scandinavian origin of the town of 
Thor-igny in the north-west of Normandy, where the termina- 
tion is the same as that of many towns in the same district, as 
Formigny, Juvigny, &c., and corresponds to the Danish ter- 
mination -tnge, as Bellinge, Helsinge, ὅς. (Etienne Borring, 
sur la limite méridionale de la Monarchie Danoise. Paris, 1849, 
p- 9). It is worthy of remark that the word ἐπσ-, which is 
appropriated by the Ing-cvones, Ang-li, Engl-lish, and other 
Low-German tribes, seems to signify “8 man" or “a warrior” 
(Grimm, D. M. 1. p. 320), and as quinna is the Icelandic for 
mulier, Tor-ing and Tar-quin might be antithetical terms; and 
the latter would find a Low-German representative in Zor-qutl. 
The other mythical name of the old Etruscans, which comes in 
close connexion with Tar-guin, is Tana-quil; and Tar-quin 
or Tor-quil and Tana-quil might represent a pair of deities 
worshipped at Tarquini the plural name of which indicates, 
like Athene and Thebe, the union of two communities and two 
worships, the Pelasgian Zina or Tana, i.e. Janus, being placed - 
on an equal footing with the Scandinavian Tor!. This is in- 
verted in the tradition which weds the Greek Demaratus to the 
indigenous Tana-quil. At any rate, we cannot but be struck 
with the Scandinavian sound of Tana-quil, which reminds us of 
Tana-quisl, the Old Norse name of the Tanais, which, although 
the name of a river, is feminine (Grimm, D. Gr. 111. p. 385). 
These coincidences become the more striking, when we re- 
member that we are comparing the Old Norse, of which we know 
nothing before the eighth century of our sra, with the Old 
Etruscan, which flourished nearly as many centuries before the 
birth of Christ. And when we add to all these evidences of 
direct history, ethnography, and mythology, the fact, which will 


1 It is worthy of observation that Lycophron, who bad peculiar 
opportunities of becoming acquainted with the population of Italy (Hist. 
Gr. Lit. xt. p. 435), expressly distinguishes Tarchon and Tyrsenus as two 
sons of the Mysian King; Alexandra, 1248 sqq. : 

σὺν δὲ δίπτυχοι τόκοι 
Τάρχων τε καὶ Τυρσηνός, αἴθωνες λύκοι, 
Tov Ἡρακλείων ἐκγεγῶτες αἱμάτων. 


§ 24.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 87 


be exhibited in & subsequent Chapter, that the Scandinavian 
languages supply an immediate and consistent interpretation of 
those parts of the Etruscan inscriptions which are otherwise 
inexplicable, no reasonable man will refuse to admit that the 
linguistic and ethnological problem suggested by the old inha- 
bitants of Etruria has at length received the only solution, which 
is in accordance with all the data, and in harmony with the 
nature and extent of the materials and with the other conditions 
of the case. 


§ 24. Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the 
Sclavontan. 


It appears that the original settlements of the Sclavonian 
race were in that part of Northern Media which immediately 
abuts on Assyria, and therefore on the cradle of the Semitic 
family!. From this we should expect that the Sclavonian dia- 


1 It can scarcely be necessary to point out the difference between 
the ethnological argument by which I have traced the Pelasgo-Sclavonians 
to an original settlement in the immediate vicinity of upper Mesopotamia, 
and Mrs Hamilton Gray's conjectural derivation of the Rasena from Re- 
sen on the Tigris (History of Etruria, 1. pp. 21 sqq.). To say nothing 
of the fact that I do not regard the Kasena as Pelasgian, I must observe 
that it is one thing to indicate a chain of ethnical affinities which ex- 
tended itself link by link through many centuries, and another thing to 
assume a direct emigration from Resen to Egypt, and from Egypt to 
Etruria. The hypothesis of an Egyptian origin of the Etruscans is as 
old as the time of Bonarota, but we know enough of the Semitic lan- 
guages to be perfectly aware that the Rasena did not come immediately 
from Assyria or Egypt. Besides, if this had been the case, they would 
have retained the name of their native Resen until they reached Italy. 
In tracking the Higb-Germans and Hellenes from Caramania to Greece © 
and central Europe, we find in the dry-bed of History continuous indi- 
cations of their starting-point and route (New Cratylus, $ 92). And the 
Sauro-mate preserve in all their settlements a name referring to their 
“Median home." But Mrs Gray's Rasena forgot their native Resen in 
the alluvial plains of Egypt, and miraculously recover this ethnographi- 
cal recollection in Umbria and among the Apennines. This is not in 
accordance with observed facts. Wandering tribes call themselves by 
the name of their tutelary hero, or by some significant epithet applicable 
either to themselves or to their original country, and they keep this 
throughout their progress. There ie no parallel to Mrs Gray’s assumed 


88 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [cHAP. 11. 


lects would fürnish us with the point of transition from the Indo- 
Germanic to the Semitic languages; and an accurate examination 
of the question tends to show that this expectation is well founded. 
But etymological affinities may exist by the side of the greatest 
contrast in regard to the state or condition of two languages; 
and thus we find that, while the Semitic and Sclavonian come 
very close in etymology, they are unlike in syntactical develop- 
ment in those points which most distinguish the Sclavonian from 
other Indo-Germanic idioms. As I have elsewhere discussed 
this subject at sufficient length!, I shall here only recapitulate 
the general results of the inquiry. (1) The salient points of 
resemblance between the etymological structure of the Semitic 
and Sclavonian languages are (a) a number of common words 
which are more or less peculiar to both: as 3) dÀób, pe 
debr, * good,” compared with the Russian dob-ro; (YT derek, 
ey dee, "a road," compared with the Russian doroga; 


oma gá-dól, “ great," compared with the Russian dolgie, &c.; 
(b) & tendency to the agglutination of' concrete structures in 
both. If roots were originally monosyllabic, the triliteral roots 
of the Semitic languages cannot be otherwise accounted for than 
by supposing that they are pollarded forms of words consisting 
of monosyllabic roots combined with a prefix, affix, or both. As 
then the Sclavonian languages exhibit words in this state of 
accretion, and as the Semitic petrifactions would most naturally 
emanate from this state, we must reckon this among the proofs 
of their etymological affinity; (c) the correspondences furnished 
by the. comparative anatomy of the Semitic and Sclavonic verb. 


fact, that a body of men set forth from a great city, lost their name on 
the route, and resumed it in their ulterior settlements. On the whole, 
I must designate the conjecture about Resen, as a lady-like.anrmise; very 
imaginative and poetical; but representing rather the convorsational 
ingenuity of the drawing-room than the well-congidered criticism of the 
library. On the contacts between the Semitic and Sclavonian tribes in 
their original settlements, the reader. may. consult the authorities quoted 
by Prichard, Natura} History of Man, p. 142, and Mill, Myth. Interpr. of 
Luke, p. 66, note. 
1 Report of the British Association for 1851, pp. 146 sqq. 


§ 46.} THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 89 


We find in both a parsimony of tense-forms by the side of a 
lavish abundance of derived or conjugational forms; (d) the 
complete coincidence of the Semitic and Sclavonian languages in 
regard to their unimpaired development of the original sibilants; 
for it is only in these languages that we find the three sounds 
of zain and zemlja, of tsade and tst, of camech and slovo: and 
while the formation of palatals has proceeded to its full extent 
in Sclavonian and Arabic, the permanence of the pure sibilant 
in Hebrew is shown by the fact, that, with a full array of 
breathings, there is no diminution in the use of the sibilants in 
anlaut or as initials. (2) The most striking difference between 
the Semitic and Sclavonian languages—and it is one which marks 
the earliest of the former no less than the most modern repre- 
sentatives of the latter—consists in the fact, that while the Semitic 
languages are all in a syntactical condition, having lost most of 
their inflexions, and exhibiting all the machinery of definite 
articles, prepositional determinatives of the oblique cases, and 
other uses of particles to compensate defects of etymological 
structure, the Sclavonic languages have never arrived at this 
syntactical or logical distinctness, and have never abandoned their 
formative appendages and the other symptoms of etymological 
life and activity. These differences are due to the fact that 
while the Sclavonic tribes have remained pure up to the present 
time, and have been remarkable for their slow adoption of the 
art of writing and their inferior literary cultivation, the Semitic 
nations were from the earliest times exposed to the frequent 
intermixture of cognate races, and were the first possessors of 
an alphabet and of written records. We have therefore, in the 
antithesis or contrast of the Sclavonic and Semitic, a proof of the 
effects which external circumstances. may produce on the state or 
condition of a language; and the resemblances, to which I have 
called attention, must be taken as an indication of the perma- 
nence of that affinity which results from the geographical contact 
and intermixture of two races at a very early period. 


§ 25. Predominant Sclavonism of the old Italian 
languages. 
As the result of the ethnological speculations of this Chapter 
has been to show that the Pelasgian or Sclavonian was one of the 


9. THE FOREIGN ARFINITIES OF [cHaP. Π. 


earliest and certainly the most permanently influential element 
in the old languages of Italy, we should expect to find in these 
languages those characteristics of Sclavonism which evince the 
primitive contact and actual contrast of the Semitic and Sclavo- 
nian idioms. And this expectation is amply justified by the facts 
of the case. For while, on the one hand, we observe in the old 
Latin, Umbrian, and Oscan, verbal resemblances to the Semitic, 
which cannot be accidental, because they belong to some of the 
oldest forms in the respective languages; and while both the 
Semitic and the old Italian are remarkable, like the Sclavonian, 
for their superabundance of sibilants, we observe that in spite of 
the cultivation of Greek literature by the Romans, and in spite 
of the adoption of the Greek ritual by the Sclavonians, these lan- 
guages have never- attained to the use of a definite article, which 
is the key-stone of Greek syntax, and without which the Semitic 
languages could not construct a single sentence. The prepon- 
derance of the sibilants in the old Italian languages will be dis- 
cussed in the next Chapter, and we shall see in the proper place 
that in anlaut, or as an initial, the s always appears in Latin 
where it is omitted altogether, or represented only by an aspi- 
rate in Greek. Of the coincidences between the pure Latin 
and genuine Semitic words, it will be sufficient to give a few 
examples out of many which might be adduced. (a) The verb 
aveo or haveo is at least as closely connected with JN or Ms 
as with any Indo-Germanic synonym. (Ὁ) The words sé-curis 
and sd-gitta have occasioned great difficulty to philologers. The 
former, according to Bopp (Vergl. Gr. p. 1097), is a participial 
noun from seco, and sec-firis=se-cusis must be compared with the 
Sanscrit forms in -usht— Gr. -via. This however is hardly more 
than & conjecture, for we have no other Latin noun to support 
the analogy. It is more probable that the initial syllable in 
both words is one of those prepositional affixes which we find in 
σ-κέπαρνον compared with κόπτω, s-ponte compared with pondus, 
&c., and then we shall be able to see the resemblance between sé 
curis and the Hebrew ]T13, Lett. graust “to hack or gnaw,” and 
between sa-gitta and the Hebrew YT] from Y3T3, which again is 
not unconnected with 575p, and the Latin cedo. (c) It has 
been proposed to derive mare, Sclav. more, from the Sanscr. snaru, 


S 25.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 91 


"the waste” (Zestschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1. p. 88); but it appears 
much more reasonable to compare these words with the Hebrew 
D'D, in which case the affix re will be connected with a word 
_ denoting "flowing:" cf. teme with tema-runda (above § 11). 

(d) The Hebrew T3 gives us the root reg-, “to reach out,” 
with the prepositional affix ba, from abhi, as fully as the 
Latin p-recor, p-roc-us, Sanscrit p-rich-chhámi, &c. (e) It is 
only in the Pelasgian δολέχός, the Sclavonie dolgye, and the 
Latin tn-dulgeo, that we find a complete reproduction of the 
Semitic 9173. (f) As the impersonal use of debeo nearly accords 
with that of oportet, and as the latter is manifestly connected 
with opus (Déderlein, Lat. Syn. u. Et. v. 324), it may be after 
all more reasonable to connect deb-eo with the important root 
dob, “a, suitable time" (Polish), dob-ro, “good” (Polish and 
Russian), which furnishes us with one of the most remarkable 
instances of a connexion between the Sclavonian and Semitic lan- 
guages (cf. the Hebrew 335 dhób, and the Arabic jo, debr), 
than to fall back upon either of the favourite derivations from 
δεύεσθαι or dehibeo. The adjective debilis differs so entirely in 
meaning and application from the verb debeo, to which it is re- 
ferred, that I cannot concede the identity of origin. As there is 
reason to believe that the termination -d¢lis is connected with the 
substantive verb fio (written bo in the agglutinate forms), a refer- 
ence to the usage of de-sum and de-fto would best explain the origin 
and meaning of de-bi-lis. How the sense of owing" or “obliga- 
tion” borne by deb-eo is connected with that of ** fitness," “good- 
ness," and “ propriety," may be seen at once by an examination 
of such idioms, as δίκαιός eis τοῦτο ποιεῖν, * Iam bound to do 
this," εἰ μὴ ἀδικῶ, “Tought,” &c. (g) A comparison of her? and 
χθές enables us to, see that the Latin humus and the Greek 
χαμαί must meet in the root of x0aua-Xós. This combined 
form is therefore the Pelasgo-Sclavonic original, and as such we 
recognize it in the kethuma of the Cervetri inscription. Now 
this again is a near approximation to the Hebrew ΠΝ. (A) The 
Roman use of regio, dirigo, &c., in reference to road-making, is 
the best explanation of the obvious connexion between the Rus- 
sian doroga and the Hebrew T7, in which the initial dental must 


92 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES, &c. — [oHAP. IL. 


be explained in the same way as that in δρῶ — βλέπω, ἀ-θρέω, 
&c., compared with 6-paw and the Hebrew ΓΝ (Maskil le- 
Sopher, p. 88): for we have in Greek T-péyo and διράξω 
(BpaT-érgs) by the side of ó-péye, and É-pyo-ua.. These ex- 
amples might be extended to any limit: but they are sufficient to 
show how permanently the stamp of a Sclavonian origin and 
consequent Semitic affinity was impressed even on the composite 
Latin language. And this will enhance the interest with which 
the philosophical ethnographer must always regard the desperate 
struggle for empire between the Romans, as the ultimate repre- 
sentatives of Pelasgian Italy, and that great Punic colony, which 
maintained a Semitic language and Semitic civilisation on the 
south coast of the Mediterranean. 


CHAPTER 1Π. 


THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE AS EXHIBITED IN 
THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 


$ r. The Eugubine Tables. § 2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian alpha- 
bets were distinguished. § 3. The sibilants. § 4. Some remarks on the 
other letters. § 5. Umbrian grammatical forms. § 6. Selections from the 
Eugubine Tables, with explanations: Tab. I. a, 1. § 7. Tab. I. a, 2-6. 
§ 8. Tab. I. b. 13, sqq. ὃ 9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. a. 
$ 10. The Atidian augural sacrifice in Tab. II. b, 1-14. 8 rr. Umbrian 
words which approximate to their Latin synonyms, ὃ 12. The Todi insorip- 
tion contains four words of the same class. 


8 1. The Eugubine Tables. 


HRoM the preceding investigations it appears that the original 
inhabitants of ancient Italy may be divided into three classes. 
It is not necessary to speak here of the Celts, who formed the 
substratum in all the insular and peninsular districts of Europe, 
or of the Greeks, who colonized part of the country; but con- 
fining our attention to the more important ingredients of the 
population, we find only three—Sclavonians, Lithuanians or Scla- 
vonized Goths, and pure Goths or Low-Germans. To the first 
belonged the various ramifications of the Pelasgian race; to the 
second, the Umbrians, Oscans, and the connecting link between 
them, the Sabines; to the third, the Etruscans or Rasena, as 
distinguished from the Tyrrhenians, 

The next step will be to examine in detail some of the frag- 
mentary remains of the languages spoken by these ancient tribes. 
The Umbrian claims the precedence, not only on account of the 
copiousness and importance of the relics of the language, but also 
because the Umbrians must be considered as the most important 
and original of all those ancient Italian tribes with whom the 
Pelasgians became intermixed either as conquerors or as vas- 
gals. As we have seen, the Sabellians, who influenced, more or 
less, all the Oscan or southern branch of the old population of 
Italy, were themselves an offshoot of the Umbrian race. But 
independently of these and other circumstances, which place the 


—— — M o -——~ «4 


94 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [ CHAP. III. 


Umbrians in the van of all the non-Pelasgian Italians, an in- 
quiry into the philology of the Latin language, beginning with 
an examination of its primitive ingredients, and ending with a 
brief notice of the Romance dialects, which are its living repre- 
sentatives, cannot find a better starting-point than the Um- 
brian, which, being exposed at a very early period to disturbing 
causes not unlike those which ultimately affected the Latin, 
exhibits some of the characteristics, which distinguish the 
modern idioms of Italy, France and Spain. In Umbrian, as in 
these languages, we see the substitution of -o for the termination 
-um, Bo that fato is both the old Umbrian and modern Italian 
for fatum ; in Umbrian, as in the modern Romance languages, 
the final s and d are constantly dropt; in this old form of native 
Italian no less than in its most modern descendants, we observe 
& tendency to substitute liquids for mutes; and it has been 
remarked, that in the softening of o to το, and in the return to 
the old o, the Umbrian has preceded the Latin by several 
centuries (Corssen, Auspr. Vokalism wu. Beton. d. Lat. Spr. 1. 
P. 251). 

The Eugubine Tables, which contain 8 living specimen of the 
Umbrian language, were discovered in the year 1444 in a sub- 
terraneous chamber at La Schiegg:a, in the neighbourhood of the 
ancient city of Iguvium (now Gubbio or Ugubio), which lay at 
the foot of the Apennines, near the via Flaminia (Plin. H. N. 
XXIII. 49). On the mountain, which commanded the city, stood 
the temple of Jupiter Apenninus; and from its connexion with 
the worship of this deity the city derived its name:—Jguvium, 
Umbr. Jéovéwm, i.e. Jovium, Δῖον, Διὸς πόλις. The Tables, 
which are seven in number, and are in perfect preservation, relate 
chiefly to matters of religion. From the change of s in those of 
the Tables which are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian cha- 
racter, into r in those which are engraved in Roman letters, 
Lepsius infers (de Tabb. Eugub. p. 86, &qq.) that the former were 
written not later than A.U.c. 400; for it appears that even in 
proper names the original s began to be changed into r about 
A. U.C. 400 (see Cic. ad Famil. 1x. 21. comp. Liv. Π|. cap. 4, 8. 
Pompon. ἐπ Digg. 1.2, 2, § 36. Schneider, Lat. Gr. 1. 1, p. 341, 
note); and it is reasonable to suppose that the same change took 
place ata still earlier period m common words. By a similar 


§ 2.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 95 


argument, derived chiefly from the insertion of À between two 
vowels in the Tabula Latine scripte, Lepsius infers (p. 93) that 
these were written about the middle of the sixth century A.U.C., 
ὦ. e. at least two centuries after the Tabule Umbrice scripte. But 
here I think he is mistaken: for the etymology of the words 
shows that the longer forms must have been more ancient than 
their abbreviations. And, in general, it is not very consistent 
with scientific philology to speak of an arbitrary distractio voca- 
dium, when we are surprised by the appearance of an elongated. 
syllable. 


§ 2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were 
distinguished. 

Before, however, we turn our attention to these Tables and 
the form of words which are found in them, it will be advisable 
to make a few remarks on the alphabet which was used in 
ancient Italy. 

The general adaptation of the Semitic alphabet to express 
the sounds of the Pelasgian language has been ‘discussed else- 
where. (N. Crat. § 100). It has there been shown that the 
original sixteen characters of the Semitic syllabarium were the 
following twelve :— 


Breathings.| Labials. Palatals, Dentals. 
N’h 35 38 "d =| Medials. 


sth LL n ty dh  |Aspirates. 


5p p4 nt Tenues. 


with the addition of the three liquids, 5, Ὁ, 3, and the sibilant 
D; and it has been proved that these sixteen were the first 
characters known to the Greeks. "The old languages of Italy, 
however, even in the earliest form in which they present them- 
selves to us, were not confined to this syllabaxium. The Um- 
brian alphabet contains twenty letters; the Oscan as many; the 
Etruscan nineteen; and the oldest Latin alphabets twenty-one. 


96 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. IIL. 


The explanation of this abundance of written characters is to be 
sought in the admitted fact that the old inhabitants of Italy derived 
their alphabet from the Greek colonists, and not immediately from 
the Phoenicians. This is proved by the circumstance, that the 
Italian alphabets contain from the first the letters v, E, $, y, which 
were invented or introduced with a new application by the 
Greeks. With the exception of the Latin, all the Italian alpha- 
bets originated in an old form of the Greek alphabet, which still 
retained both ody and σύγμα, and, on the contrary, had lost the 
κόππα. (see N. Crat. § 102). To this class belong the Sabellian 
and Etrurian alphabets, and with slight deviations we have this 
collection of characters in the Etrurian of Campania, in the 
Umbrian, and in the Oscan (see Mommsen Unterital. Dial. pp. 
4—7, 14, 24; Nordetrur. Alphabete, pp. 222—227). But be- 
sides this Greek alphabet, which must have been borrowed from 
the Hellenic settlers at a very early period, there was another 
and more recent set of Greek characters, which the Roman de- 
rived from the Doric alphabet of the Greeks of Cuma, probably 
under the domination of the Tarquins, when there were special 
relations between between Cuma and Rome (see Müller, Etrusk. 
11. 812; Mommsen, Unterttal. Dial. pp. 3, 9, 26. Nordetrur. Al- 
phab. 8, 220. Róm. Gesch. τ. 141). This alphabet was from the 
first written from right to left; it had both κάππα and κόππα; 
it had dropt the σάν; had substituted the digamma F for the 
Etruscan 8; and introduced R for P. It originally consisted of 
twenty-four letters; but 6, $, and y fell into disuse at a very 
early period; for 7 was not used as a long vowel but as the 
aspirate À, and the combinations th, ph, ch took the places of the 
single letters invented by the Greeks. For some time C repre- 
sented both the medial and the tenuis guttural; then the two 
characters C and a were introduced, as we Bhall see in a future 
chapter, by the freedman Sp. Carvilius; and classical Latinity 
was contented with these twenty-three letters: ας ὃ, oc, g, d, e, f, ὦ, 
1, kl, m, n, 0, Py 4, 7,5, , u (v), v, y, 2, which with the exception 
of the guttural c, modified as has been mentioned, the super- 
numerary use of v under the form y, and the omission of the 
Greek 0, $, x, correspond to the Doric alphabet of the Tarquins. 
If we compare the Italian alphabets with the oldest form of 
the Greek, we shall remark that, notwithstanding the omission 


§ 3.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 97 


of the ody, there is a great increase in the sibilants; for whereas 
the original sixteen characters furnish only the sibilants 8 and 
TH, the old Italian alphabets exhibit not only these, but SH or 
X, Z, R, and EK. Of these additional sibilants, x is the Hebrew 
shin, 2 18 tsade, R represents resh, and καὶ is an approximation to 
the sound of 6. This preponderance of sibilants is, as we have 
seen, a peculiarity of Sclavonian or Pelasgic articulation. 


8 3. The Sibilants. 


As these sibilants constitute the distinguishing feature in thé 
old Italian languages, it will be useful to speak more particularly 
of them, before we turn to the other lettera. 


(a) The primary sibilant 8, as used by the Umbrians and 
Oscans, does not appear to have differed, either in sound or : 
form, from its representative in the Greek alphabet. 


(b) The secondary sibilant z, in the Umbrian and Etruscan 
alphabets, appears to have corresponded to only one of the two 
values of the Greek & The latter, as I have proved elsewhere, 
was not only the soft g or 7, or ultimately the sound sh, but also, 
in its original use, equivalent to the combination ds, transposed 
in some dialects to sd, and ultimately assimilated to ss. Now 
the Romans expressed the first sound of the Greek £, either by 
di or by Jj, and its ultimate articulation (sh) by 2; whereas, on 
the other hand, they represented £— 8e either by a simple s, 
or by its Greek assimilation ss. Thus the Etruscan Kanzna, 
Venzi, Kazt, Veliza, are written in Latin Cesius, Venstus, 
Cassius, Viltsa, and Ζάκυνθος becomes Saguntus; while the 
Greek μάζα, uoti, ὄβρυζον, πυτίζειν, ἀναγκάζειν, κωμάζειν, may 
be compared with massa, musso, obrussa, pytissare, necesse, co- 
missari. In the Eugubine Tables, words, which in the Umbrian 
characters exhibit a Z, give us a corresponding 8 in those which 
are written with Latin letters. Thus, for the proper name 
lapuzkum, as it is written in Umbrian characters, we have in 
the Latin letters Jabuske, Iabusker, &c. 


(c) The aspirated Umbrian sibilant 8, for which the Oscang 
wrote x, expressed the sound sh (Germ. sch, Fr. ch), which was 
Ὁ. v. 7 


98 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. II. 


the ultimate articulation of the other sound of the Greek & We 
may compare it with the Sanscrit §[ (¢); and, like that Sanscrit 
sibilant and the Greek £ it often appears as a softened guttural. 
Thus we find prusesetu for prusekatu, Lat. pro-secato; and the 
termination -kla, -kle, -klu (Lat. -culum), often appears as -sla, 
-8le, -slu. As in our own and other languages the gutturals are 
softened before the vowels e and 4, so in Umbrian the guttural 
k generally becomes $ before the same vowels. The sibilant 8 
occurs only in contact with vowels, liquids, and 4; and the 
prefix an-, which drops the n before consonants, retains it before 
vowels and 8. 


(d) The letter R is always to be regarded as a secondary or 
derived character. In Umbrian it generally represents, at the 
end of a word, the original sibilant 8. When the Eugubine 
Tables are written in Etruscan characters, we have such forms 
as, veres treplanes, tutas Ikuvinas; but in those which give us 
Latin letters, we read vertr treplantr, totar Ijovinar. This change 
is particularly observable in the inflexion of the Latin genitive 
plural; and the Latin language, in other forms, uses the letter n 
in the same way as the Umbrian. In fact, the most striking 
characteristic of the Umbrian language is its continual employ- 
ment of the secondary letters R and H, both of which are ulti- 
mately derived from sibilants, or stronger gutturals. The former 
is used in Umbrian, not only in the verb-forms, as in Latin, 
but also in the declensions, in the Latin forms of which it only 
occurs in the gen. plural. The letter # is often interposed 
between vowels both in Umbrian and in Latin. Thus we have 
in Umbrian the forms stahtto, pihatu, for stato, piato, and 
Naharcum derived from Nar; and in Latin, ahenus, prehendo, 
vehemens, cohors, mehe (Quinctil. 1. 5, 2), by the side of aeneus, 
prendo, vemens (compare ve-cors, cle-mens), cors, me; and even 
Deheberis for Tiberis: this, as has been mentioned above, has 
been referred to a later epoch both in Umbrian and Latin 
(see Lepsius, de Tab. Eug. p. 92, and Schneid. Lat. Gr. 1. 1, p. 
118, not. 187. Corssen, Auspr. Vok. τι. Beton. 1. p. 46). There can 
be no doubt, however, that the longer forms are the older. Thus 
stahito contains the h of stehen, and pre-hendo gives us the true 
root of hand and hinthian; vehe- exhibits the guttural auslaut of 


§ 4.} IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 99 


weg, and in the same way me-he revives a relationship with 

(e) The sibilant Ris peculiar to the Umbrians. In the Latin 
transcription it is often represented by the combination re. 
Sometimes, however, it seems to stand for st, as in festi?a = ves- 
tista ; and it also serves as the ultimate assibilation of a dental 
or guttural, for tera = dersa and tesva = dersva are connected with 
dato and dextra. Ita real pronunciation was probably similar 
to that of @, which last occurs only twice in the Eugubine 
Tables. The frequent substitution of r for d in Latin indicates 
" achange to that letter through the softened dental 0, and we often 
find καὶ where we should expect a dental, as in furen? — furent, 
kapite = capide, afveitu = advehito, ἄς. Although καὶ is some- 
times represented by rs, we also occasionally find this letter fol- 
lowed by s, as in the words esturstamu, mers, which in the 
Latin character are written eturstahmu, mers. 


§ 4. Some remarks on the other letters. 


Of the other letters it will not be necessary to say much, 
The most remarkable is the Oscan vowel ¢, which in the inscrip- 
tions appears as a mutilated F or the first half of H; thus, Fk, 
The same figure was adopted by the emperor Claudius to express 
the middle sound between 4 and τὸ with which the Romans pro- 
nounced such words as virtus, vigere, and scribere. In Oscan 
it appears to have been either a very light 4 (and so distin- 
guished from the vowel 1, which generally represents the long $ 
of the Romans), or else a very short w. In the Oscan inscriptions 
f is of more frequent occurrence than ἡ, Whenever these vowels 
come together, ὁ always precedes. I is almost invariably used to 
form the diphthongs 4f, af, ef, answering to the Greek o: (c), 
as (a), and e; and ? very rarely appears before two consonants. 

The Oscan letter u’ stands to U in the same relation as this { 
to the Oscan 1. The former seems to be a sort of very light o, 
which is substituted for it in those inscriptions which are written 
in the Latin characters; whereas the letter « seems to represent 
the long o of the Latins, as in -um (Gr. -wv) for -orum, líkt-tud 
for lice-to, kvatsstur for questor, &c. 


Janu 


100 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE: [cuaP. ΠΙ. 


The Umbrigns and Oscans distinguished between U and v. 
The latter was a consonant, and was probably pronounced like 
our :. It was written as a consonant after K ; but the vowel u 
was preferred, as in Latin, after Q. 

The letters L and 5 were of rare occurrence in the Umbrian 
language. The former never stands at the beginning of a word, 
the latter never at the end of one. In the Oscan language we 
meet with L more frequently. 

As the Etruscan alphabet had no medials, those of the Eugu- 
bine Tables which are written in Etruscan characters substitute 
K for a, e.g. Krapuvt for Grabove. But the Oscan and Um- 
brian inscriptions when written in Latin characters distinguish 
between the tenuis and medial gutturals, according to the marks 
introduced by Sp. Carvilius, viz. c, a. 

In the Oscan alphabet D is represented as a reversed n; 
and the affinity between these letters in the Latin language is 
well known. 

The labial P, which never terminates a word in Latin, stands 
at the end of many mutilated forms both in Umbrian and Oscan, 
as in the Umbrian vitlup for vitulibus (vitulis), and the Oscan 
nep for neque. In general, it is to be remarked that the letters 
P, F, R, 8, D, and T, all occur as terminations of Umbrian or 
Oscan words. 


§ 5. Umbrian Grammatical Forms. 


The grammatical forms of the Umbrian language are very 
instructive. In Umbrian we seo the secondary letter r, that im- 
portant element in the formation of Latin words, not only regu- 
larly used in the formation of the cases and numbers of nouns - 
which in Latin retain their original s, but also appearing in 
plural verb-forms by the side of the primitive s, which is retained 
in the singular, though the Latin has substituted the r in both 
numbers. The following are the three declensions of Umbrian 
nouns, according to the scheme given by Aufrecht and Kirchhoff 
(Umbr. Sprachdenkm. pp. 115 sqq.; see also Müller, Gotting. 
Gel. Anz. 1838, p. 58): 


S 5.] 


IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 


101 


I. Dect. Tuta, a city. | II. Dect. JPyplus, a people. 
Sing. Nom. tuta, tutu. puplus. 
Gen.  tuta-s, tutar. puple-s, pupler. 
Dat. tute. puple. 
Accus. tutam. puplu-m. 
Abl. tuta. puplu. 
1. Locat. tutamem. puplumem. 
2, Locat. tutemem. 
9. Locat. tute. 
Plur. Nom. tuas, tutar puplus. 
Gen.  tutarum puplum. 
Aut tutes. puples. 
Accus. futaf. pupluf. 
1. Locat. tutafem. puplufem. 
2. Locat. utere? puplere? 
III. Dect. Ucri-e, à mountain. Nume, a name. 
Sing. Nom. war. numen. 
Gen. — ucres. numnes. 
Dat. ^ were. numne. 
Accus. wcrem. numen. 
Abl. wert. numhe. 
Loeat. ucremem. numenem ? 
Plur. Nom. — ucres. numena ? 
Gen. — ucrium? numenum ? 
Dat. ucres. numnes ? 
Abl. 
Accus. weref. numena ? 
Locat. wcrefem? numenem ? 


The Umbrian pronouns are the demonstratives eso, or ero, 


and esto, corresponding to the Latin 4s and éste, and the relative 
or interrogative poe, corresponding to the labial element in qus 
and quis. The demonstratives are generally construed as adjec- 
tives; but, with the affix -hunt or -k, ero may become substantive. 
Thus we have er-ont, or ere-k, as an indicative pronoun. The 
affix -k is that which plays so important a part in Latin. The 
affix -hunt or -hont (Goth. hindana, Etrusc. hinthtu or hintha) 


102 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. IIL. 


appears in the comparative and superlative adverbs hunt-ra or 
hond-ra, (Goth. hindar, O. N. hindra), and hond-omu, Goth. 
hindumist, signifying “farther,” “lower,” or ‘‘farthest,” “lowest ;” 
80 that hond may correspond to our yon or yonder: and as ἢ 
expresses proximity ere-k and er-ont will gain the meaning of 
"here" and “there,” from their terminations respectively; so 
that esu-k, es-tu, and er-ont, may have corresponded in distinctive 
meaning to the Latin Aic, iste, tlle, the first part being the same 
in each, and identical with the initial syllable of ts-¢e. 

The verbs generally occur in the imperative mood, as might 
be expected, since the Tables contain chiefly prayers and injunc- 
tions about praying. In these imperatives we mostly recognize 
a singular in -tu, and a plural in -tutv; as fu-tu (Vr. ἃ, 30, &.), 
and fu-tutu (VI. b, 61), corresponding to es-to, es-tote. Verbs 
of the -a conjugation seem occasionally to make their imperative 
in -a, like the Latin. See 1. b, 83: pune purtinsus, karetu; 
pufe apruf fakurent, puze erus tera; ape erus terust, pustru 
kupifiatu: where, though the meaning of particular words may 
be doubtful, the construction is plain enough: postquam por- 
rexerts, calato; ubt apros fecerint, bi preces dato; quando preces 
dederit, postero (- retro) conspicito. We often have the perf. 
subj. both singular and plural, as may be seen in the example 
just quoted. The pres. subj. too occasionally appears, the 
person-ending in the singular being generally omitted, as in 
arse for arsies = ad-stes, and λαδέα for habeas. The Oscan in- 
finitive in -um, a8 a-ferum = circum-ferre, is also used in Um- 
brian; and we often find the auxiliary perfect both in the 
singular and in the plural. See vr. b, 30: perse touer peskler 
vasetom est, pesetom est, peretum est, frosetom est, daetom est, 
touer peskler virseto avirseto vas est: i.e. quod tut sacrificit vaca- 
tum est, peccatum est, neglectum est, rejectum est, projectum est, 
tut sacrificii visa invisa vacatio est’, And we have not only 
skrehto est, but also skrethtor sent (VI. ἃ, 15). The active par- 
ticiple seems to end both in -ens, like the Latin, and also in -is, 


1 It seems that vas must be the root of vas-etom, and probably both 
refer to the evacuation or nullification of the sacrifice; cf. vas-tus, &c. 
with the Greek ἐκ-κενόω : virseto avireeto is compared with Cato's “ut tu 
morbos visos iuvisosque probhibessis" (X. R. 141). 


§ 5.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 108 


like that of the Greek verbs in -,u. The following are the forms 
of sum, fut, and habeo, which are found in the Tables: 


Sum (root Es), Fv-. 
Pres. Inpic. (A. 1.) 
3. sing. est. 
3. plur. sew. 
Pres. Susy. (A. IIL) 
. Sing. δὲ», δὲ, 86ὲ, 886. 
. Bing. si. 
. plur. sins. fuia. 
Perr. Susy. (C. HL) 
3. sing. futest, fust. 
3. plur. furent. 
Imper. (B. I.) 
2, 3. sing. futu. 
2. plur. fututo. 
Inrin. (D.) 
eru or erom, (V. 26, 29, VII. b, 2.) 
HABEO. 
Pres. INbic. (A. L) 
8. sing. kabe|t] (I. b, 18; VI. b, 54). 
Pres. Supy. (C. 1.) 
2. sing. Aabea[s] (V. a, 17). 
Perr. Sum. (C. III.) 
2. sing. habtest (VI. b, 50); habus (habueris) (VI. b, 40). 
3. plur. haburent (VII. a, 52). 
IwPERAT. (B.) 
2. sing. habttu (VI. a, 19); or Aabetu (II. a, 28). 
2. plur. habituto (VI. b, 51); or habetutu (I. b, 15). 
Huschke gives the following paradigm of an ordinary verb 
in Umbrian (Iguv. Tof. p. 656): 


Go & h9 


PRESENT. Ind uj 
pihu pihaiam ostendu ostendam 
pihas pihaias ostendes ostendas 


pihat pihaiat ostendet ostendat 


104 


THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE ἡ 


" Plural. — 
pihames pihaiames 
pihates pihaiates 
pihant pihaians 
PERFECT. 
Sin . 
pihafi pihafim 
pihafesti pihafis 
(pihasti) 
pihafet pihafit 
Plural. 
pihafemes ὀο pihafimes 
pihafestis pihafitis 
(pihastis) 
pihafusont ^ pihafins 
(pihafens ?) | 
' Furuzk 1. 
Singular. Plural ᾿ 
pihaiesu ? pihaiesemes 
pihaieses pihaiestes 
pihaiest pihaiesent : 
| Furure 2. 
Singular. Plural. 
pihafuso? pihafusemes 
pihafuses pihafustes 
pihafust pihafurent 
Imperative. 
Singular. Plural. 
pihatu pihatuto 
(pihato) 
Infinitive. 
| pihom ostendom 


[cHapP. III. 
Plural. 
ostendemes — ostendames 
ostendetes ostendates 
oatendent ostendans 
Sin . 
osteli ostelim 
ostelesti ostelis 
. ostelet ostelit 
Plural. 
ostelemes ostelimes 
ostelestis ostelitis 
ostelusont ostelins 
(ostelens ?) 
Singular. Plural 
ostensu ostensemes 
ostenses ostensetes 
ostenset ostensent 
Singular. Plural. 
osteluso ostelusemes 
osteluses ostelustes 
ostelust ostelurent 
Singular. Plural. 
ostendu ostenduto 
(ostento) 
Supine. 
pihatum ostentom. 


These forms are very interesting, not only as showing that 
the agglutinate form of the perfect was adopted in this early 
state of the Italian verb, but also as exhibiting the past tense in 
l, which is a characteristic of the Sclavonian conjugation. Thus 
in Russian ¢rogat, **to touch," makes trogatayo in the present, 
and trogal in the past tense. In the passive it is worthy of 
remark that the person-ending terminates in r in Umbrian, as in 


$6.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 105 


8 
Oscan and Sabine verbs, and this is an additional argument 
against the assumption that in Latin this 7 represents the s of 
the reflexive pronoun; thus we have: 


Umbr. emantur Lat. emantur 
terkantur tergeantur 
Osc.  sakarater sacratur, sacrator 
Sab. ferentor. ferentur, ferantur 
feruntur 
feruntor 


(Corssen, Ausspr. Vok. u. Beton. 1. p. 88.) 


The imperative passive in Umbrian contains the old partici- 
pial form in -mu or -mumo, as in the sing. etursta-mu, pl. pesni- 
mumo, which may be compared with the obsolete famino (Fest. 
p. 87), and the classical arbttramin:. 


§ 6. Selections from the Eugubine Tables, with explanations. 


In interpreting the remains of the Umbrian language, it 
seems advisable, in the present state of our knowledge, that we 
should confine our attention to those passages which fall within 
the reach of a scientific philological examination. Grotefend', 
indeed, has frankly and boldly presented us with a Latin version 
of all the Eugubine Tables; but although he has here and there 
fallen upon. some happy conjectures, his performance is for the 
most part mere guesswork of the vaguest kind, and therefore, 
for all purposes of scholarship, uninstructive and unsatisfactory. 
Lassen, by attempting less, has really effected more*, There is, 


1 Rudimenta Lingue Umbrice, Particulse vir. Hannov. 1835—1889, 

2 Beitrige zur Deutung der Eugubinischen Tafeln, in the Rhein. Mus. 
for 1833, 4. Of earlier interpretations it is scarcely necessary to speak. 
It may, however, amuse the reader to know that the recent attempt of a 
worthy herald, in the sister-island, to prove that Irish of a certain kind was 
spoken by the ancient Umbrians and Tuscans, has its parallel in a book 
published at Ypres in 1614, by Adriaen Schrieck, who finds the ancient 
language of his own country in the seventh Eugubine Table! (Van ’t 
Beghin der eerster Volcken van Europen, t'Ypre, 1614). The Irish Book, 
however, is.the more elaborately ridiculous of the two. It has been 
exposed, with considerable ability and humour, in the Quarterly Review, 
Vol. Lxxvi. pp. 45 8qq. 


106 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [ CHAP. ILI. 
. 


however, no one who has done more to prepare the way for a 
scientific examination of these Umbrian documents than Lepsius, 
who examined all the preliminary questions connected with the 
subject in an inaugural dissertation published in 1833!, and who 
has subsequently edited a most accurate collection of facsimiles, 
which appeared in 1841*. The materials furnished by Lepsius 
have been elaborately discussed in a special work by Aufrecht 
and Kirchhoff, published in 1849"; and though their treatise 
is defective in arrangement and inconvenient for purposes of 
reference, it deserves the praise of never attempting too much, 
and it is generally distinguished by a careful regard for the 
principles of sound philology. The most recent work on the 
Eugubine tables is that of E. Huschke, which has just appeared. 
This scholar has undertaken to give a complete explanation of 
the Umbrian inscriptions, and has, in consequence, been obliged 
to resort to a considerable number of arbitrary conjectures, in 
which he sometimes relies too much on Greek assonances. It 
must, however, be allowed that he has advanced our knowledge 
of the subject in regard to many of the details. 

The following extracts are selected from the admirable 
transcripts of Lepsius®, and the arrangement of the Tables is 
that which he has adopted. The first four Tables, and part of 
the fifth, are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian character. 
The others are in Latin letters. 

Tab. 1.a,1. This Table and its reverse contain the rules 
for twelve sacrifices to be performed by the Fratres Attersi¢ in 
honour of the twelve gods. "The same rules are given in Tables 
VI. and VII. and in nearly the same words, the differences being 
merely dialectical; but the latter Tables add the liturgy to be 


1 De Tabulis Eugubinis. Berolini, 1888. 

3 Inscriptiones Umbricas et Osce. Lips. 1841. 

δ Die Umbrischen Sprackdenkmiler : ein Versuch sur Deutung derselben. 
Berlin, 1849. 

4 Die Iguvischen Tafeln nebst. den kleineren. Umbrischen Inschriften mit 
Hinzufügung einer Grammatik und eines Glossars der Umbrischen Sprache 
vollstánding tibersetzt und erklart. Leipsig, 1859. 

5 In citing the edition of Lepsius as now constituting the standard 
text, we must not forget the excellence of Bonarota's transcriptions, to 
which Lepsius himself has borne testimony. De. Tabb. Eug. p. 14. 


$6] — IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 107 


used on the oecasion, and also dwell at greater length on the 
auguries to be employed, &c. The first Table begins as follows: 
Este persklum aves anzeriates enetu, 2. pernavres 
pusnaes. 
And in VI. a, 11, we have: 
Este persklo aveis aseriater enetu. 


There can be little doubt as to the meaning of these words. 


Este, which is of constant recurrence in the Tables, is the 
Umbrian adverb corresponding to tta, which is only a weaker 
form of it. If we may infer that persklum or persklo — preg- 
culum, we may render this word “a prayer." Grotefend de- 
rives the noun from purgo, and translates it by *'lustrum." 
But pur-go is a compound of purus and ago (comp. castigo, &c.), 
whereas the root pers-, signifying ' pray," is of constant occur- 
rence in Umbrian; and every one, however slightly conversant 
with etymology, understands the metathesis in a case of this 
kind. It is the same root as prec- or proc- in Lat., pereg- in 
Zend, prachh'- in Sanscr., frag-en in Germ., &c. 

It is clear that aves anzertates or aveis asertater are ab- 
latives absolute. As we have avif serttu or asertatu (vI. b, 48, 
49. 1. b, 11, ἄς.) by the side of salvam seritu (vi. a, 51, &c.), 
and as this last is manifestly salvam servato, it is pretty clear 
that aves anzertates must be equivalent to avibus observatis 
( — fn-servatis). 

Enetu is clearly the imperative of tneo, for in-tto ; the pre- 


position had the form ea - ἐπ in old Latin; thus we find in the | 


Columna Rostrata: enque eodem macistratod: and the same was 
the case in Oscan, which gives us em-bratur for tm-perator. 

The adjectives per-nates, pus-naes, are derived from per-ne, 
post-ne, which are locative forms of the prepositions pre and 
post, and signify “at the southern and northern side of the 
temple." The birds are so defined with reference to the practice 
of the augurs in such cases. See Varro, L. L. vir. ὃ 7, p. 119, 
Miller: “‘quoctrca celum, qua attuimur, dictum templum.... 
Ejus templi partes iv. dicuntur, sinistra ab oriente, dextra ab 
occasu, antica ad meridiem, postica ad septentrionem." 

The meaning of the whole passage will therefore be: Jta 
litationem (oblationem Huschke) avtbus observatis (ctrcumservatis 


108 |. THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [cHAP. ΠῚ. 


Huschke) intto, anticis, posticis; i.e. “Thus enter upon the 
supplication, the birds having been observed, those in the south, 
as well as those in the north." 


§ 7. Tab. I. a, 2—6. 


Tab. 1. 8, 2. 


Pre-veres treplanes, 9. Iuve Krapuvi tre[ f | buf 
fetu, arvia ustentu, 4. vatuva ferine feitu, heris 
vinu, hers] pum, 5. ukriper Fisiu, tutaper 
Ikuvina, fetu sevum, 6. kutef pesnimu ; arepes 
arves.—Comp. vi. a, 22. Pre-vereir treblaneir 
Iuue Grabover buf treif fetu. vt. b, 1. Aruto fetu, 
uatuo ferine fetu, pont fetu, 3. okriper Fistu, 
totaper Frovina. 


The words pre-veres (vereir) treplanes (treblaneir) are easily 
explained in connexion with (7) pus-veres treplanes, (11) pre- 
veres tesenakes, (14) pus-veres tesenakes, (20) pre-veres vehttes, 
(24) pus-veres vehtics. It is obvious that these passages begin 
with the prepositions pre, “before,” and pus= post, ** behind,” 
and that they fix a locality. The prepositions per, signifying 
“for,” and co or ku, signifying “with” or “at,”’ are placed 
after the word which they govern: thus we have tuta-per 
Ikuvina = “pro urbe Iguvina,” vocu-com 7ουΐμ = “cum” or 
* 4n foco Jovio.” But the prepositions pre and pus precede, and 
it seems that they both govern the ablative, contrary to the 
Latin usage, which places an accus. after ante and post. The 
word veres (vereir) is the abl. plur. of a noun verus (cf. 1. b, 
9), corresponding in root and signification to the Latin fores. 
Compare also porta with the German Pforte. The v answers 
to the f, a8 vocus, vas, &c. for focus, fas, &e. Lassen (Rhetn. 
Mus. 1833, pp. 380 sqq.) refers treplanes, tesenakes, vehties, to 
the numerals wes, decem, and viginti. Grotefend, more pro- 
bably, understands the adjectives as describing the carriages 
used at the particular feasts, Cato (Jt. E. c. 135) mentions the 
trebla as a rustic carriage.  Zensa is the well-known name of 
the sumptuous processional chariot in which the images of the 


Sz.) | IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 109 


gods were carried to the pulvinar at the ludi Circenses (Festus, 
p. 964, Müller'; and veía was the Oscan synonym for plau- 
strum (Festus, p. 368, Müller). It is, therefore, not unreason- 
able to suppose, that the fores treblane furnished an entrance to 
the Ocrts or citadel for treble ; that through the fores tesenakes 
the statues of the gods were conveyed to their pulvinar in 
tense ; and that the fores vehie allowed the larger chariots to 
enter in triumphal or festive procession. In the Latin Table 
the adj. derived from tesna or tensa ends in -oz, -octs, like velox ; 
in the Umbrian it ends in -az, -acis, like capaz. Aufrecht and 
Kirchhoff, to whom the true explanation of verus is due, sup- 
pose a quadrangular citadel with one side closed, and the other 
three opening with gates called by the names of the cities to 
which they led. But this mode of designation is not borne out 
by the names of the three gates, if there were only three, in the 
Roma Quadrata on the Palatine. These gates were called the 
Porta Homanula, Janualis, and Mucionis, and lay to the W., 
N.W., and N. (Müller, Etrusk. 11. p. 147). Whatever the names 
meant, it is clear that they are not designations of towns to which 
the gates led. As there were no cities called Trebla and Tesena, 
and as Veit was too far off to give a name to one of the gates 
of Jguvium, it is much more reasonable to suppose that the 
entrances refer to the names of carriages with which they are 
so easily identified. 'To say nothing of the analogy of the French 
porte cochére, which actually denotes une porte assez grande 
pour donner entrée aux coches ou voitures, it is well known that 
the ancients measured road-ways by the kind of carriages which 
traversed them, or by the number of such carriages which could 
pass abreast. Thus we have ὁδὸς ἁμαξιτός for a wide: road 
(Pind. N. vi. 56); ἁμαξιτός alone is used in the same sense 
(id. P. rv. 247); and Thucydides defines the breadth of a wall 
by saying that: δύο ἅμαξαι ἐναντίαε ἀλλήλαις τοὺς λίθους 
ἐπῆγον (1. 98). 

The epithet Krapuvius, or in the Latin Table Gra-bovius, 
according to Lassen signifies *nourisher or feeder of cattle." The 


1 For the metathesis tesna, or tesena for tensa we May compare mesene 
ftusare in an inscription found near Amiternum (Leps. Tab. xxvrr. 46), 
with mense flusare in the Latin inscription quoted by Muratori (p. 587). 


110 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [cHap. 11. 


first syllable, he supposes, contains the root gra-, implying growth 
and nourishment, and found in the Sanscr. grá-ma (signifying 
either “a herd of feeding cattle" —grez—or vicus tnter pascua), 
in the Lat. grá-men, in the Goth. gras, and in the Old Norse 
groa=virescere. Lassen, too, suggests that Gradivus contains 
the same root. This comparison ought perhaps to have led him 
to the true explanation of both words. For it is manifest that 
Gra-divus = gravis or grandis Divus; and it is equally certain 
that no genuine Latin compound begins with a verbal root. If, 
therefore, Gra-bovius contains the root of bos, bovis, the first 
syllable must be the element of the adjective gravis or grandis ; 
so that Grabovius will be a compound of the same kind as 
καλλιυπάρθενος (see Lobeck, Paralip. p. 372). Pott, however, 
(Et. Forsch. 11. p. 201) considers Grab-ovius as another form 
of Gravi-Jovius. 

Tre. or treif buf is either boves tres or bobus tribus. If we 
have here the accus, plural, we must conclude that this case in 
the Umbrian language ends in -af, -of, -uf, -ef, -4f, -eif, according 
to the stem; and the labial termination has been compared with 
the Sanscrit and Zend change of s into v at the end of a word 
(Wilkins, ὃ 51; Bopp, S 76). This is the opinion of Lassen 
(Rhein. Mus. 1833, p. 377). According to Lepsius and Grote- 
fend, on the other hand, all these words are ablatives, because 
the termination is more easily explained on this hypothesis, and 
because verbs signifying * to sacrifice" are construed with the 
ablative in good Latin (Virg. Eclog. 111. 77; Hor. Carm. τ. 4, 
11). The latter reason is confuted by the tables themselves; 
for it is quite clear that abrons is an accusative, like the Gothic 
vulfans, and yet we have both abrons fakurent (vit. a, 43) and 
abrof fetu (vir. a, 3). See also Pott, Et. Forsch. τι. p. 202. 
With regard to the form, it is not explained by the Sanscrit ana- 
logies cited by Lassen, for these spring from the visargah after a, 
as in Ramah, Rámau, Hámó. There is a much simpler way of 
bringing abrof and abrons into harmony. For the plural is 
formed from the singular by adding s to the latter. If then the 
accusative singular assumed the form a from sm, this would be 
retained before s, as in abron-s; but if abrom-s passed by vssar- 
φαΐ into abrom-h, this, according to the Celtic articulation, would 
regularly become abrof; for in Celtic mh and δὰ are regularly 


8 7.] IN THE EOGUBINE TABLES. 111 


changed into v f. And we have seen above (p. 71) very good 
reasons for recognizing Celtic influences in Umbria. 

Feitu (fetu) is simply facito, the guttural being softened 
down, as in ditu for dicito (vi. b, 10, &c.)'. 

Arvwia seems to be the same as the Latin arvina, i.e. * the 
hard fat which lies between the skin and the flesh" (Servius ad 
Verg. Ain. vir. 627); and ustentu is probably obstineto, which 
was the old Latin for ostendito (Festus, p. 197, Müll). 

Vatuva ferine feitu must mean “offer up unsalted meal” 
(fatuam farinam or fatuá foriná), according to Nonius Mar- 
cellus, Iv. 291 (quoting Varro, de Vit. Pop. Rom. Lib. 1): 
quod Kalend. Jun. et publice et privatim fatuam ‘pultem | diis 
mactat. Grotefend supposes that ferine must mean raw flesh, 
and not farina, because “ bread" (punt) is mentioned in the pas- 
sage. But in minute directions like these, a difference would be 
marked between the meal (ἄλευρα) and the bread (ἄρτος); just 
as the hard fat (arvina) is distinguished from the soft fat (adi- 
pes), if the interpretation suggested below is to be admitted. 

Heris vinu, heris puni, “either with bread or wine." 
Heris, as a particle of choice, is derived. from the Sanscr. root 
hri, *to take;" Lat. hir, “ἃ hand," &c.; and may be compared 
with vel, which is connected with the root of volo, as this is 
with the root of aipéw. Compare the use of vel — * for example," 
i.e. “take this;" in Plautus, Miles Gl. 1. 1, 59: vel illo, que 
heri pallio me reprehenderunt. In fact, heris appears to be 
the participle of the verb, of which the imperative is Aeritu 
(vi. a, 27, &c.). This verb occurs in the Oscan also (Zab. 
Bantin. 12, &c.). 

That ocriper (ucriper) Fisiu means “for the Fisian mount” 
may be demonstrated from Festus, p. 181, Müller: **Ocrem 
antiqui, ut Ateius philologus in libro Glossematorum refert, 
montem confragosum vocabant, ut aput Livium: Sed qui sunt 
hi, qui ascendunt altum ocrim? et: celsosque ocris, arvaque 
putria et mare magnum. et: namque Τωπαγὶ celsos ocris. et: 
haut ut quem Chiro tn Pelio docuit ocri. Unde fortasse etiam 
ocrese sint dicte insqualiter tuberate." From this word are 


1 According to Pott and Lepsius this imperative stands for fito — fiat. 


112 THE UMBBIAN LANGUAGE. | CHAP. IIT. 


derived the names of some Umbrian towns, e.g. Ocriculum and 
Interocrea (cf. Interamna). The epithet Fisiue indicates that 
the mountain was dedicated to the god sius or Fisovius 
Sansius (Fidius Sancus), a name under which the old Italians 
worshipped Jupiter in their mountain-temples. Lassen (p. 388) 
refers to this temple the following lines of Claudian (de VI. Cons. 
Honor. 503, 4): 


Exsuperans delubra Iovis, saxoque minantes 
Apenninigenis cultas pastoribus aras. 

He also quotes from the Peutinger inscription : * Jovis Penninus, 
idem Agubio," where Jguvium is obviously referred to. Lepsius 
thinks that ocris Fisius was the citadel of Iguvium. 

Tota-per (tuta-per) Ikuvina, “for the city of Iguvium.” 
It was always understood by previous interpreters that tuta or 
tota was nothing more than the fem. of the Lat. totus. But 
Lepsius has clearly proved that it is both an Oscan and an 
Umbrian substantive, signifying “city,” from which the adj. 
tuti-cus is derived, as in the name of the magistrate meddiz 
tuticus, i.e. consul urbanus: consequently tuta-per Ikuvina is 
simply “pro urbe Iguvina.” This substantive, tota or tuta, is, 
no doubt, connected with the adject. totus; for the idea of a city 
is that of “fulness,” “collection,” “entirety.” Similarly, the 
Greek πόλεις must contain the root πολ- (voA-Us) or πλε- 
(πλέος), signifying the aggregation of the inhabitants in one 
spot. The derivation of the adjective ¢é-tus is by no means 
easy. If we compare it with tn-vt-tus (from vel-le), we may be 
disposed to connect it with the root of the words tel-lus, tol-lo, 
(τέλ-ος,), &c. Op-pidum, another name for “city,” is only 
“a plain" (ob-ped-um = érl-redov) ; and oppido, “entirely” = 
tn toto, is synonymous with plane, But it is difficult to resist 
the impression that tota is related to the Lith. tauta, Goth. 
thiuda, O. N. thiod, and, if so, that totus should be referred to the 
xoot £u, ** crescere," ** implere" (Graff, Sprach. v. p. 125; Bopp, 
Gloss. p. 154; Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, p. 420). The student 
will take care not to confuse between this é-tus and the re- 
duplicated form t)-tus (comp. to-t-, gud-tus, &c.), which is suffi- 
ciently distinguished from it in the line of Lucretius (vt. 652): 


Neo ἐδέα pars homo terra! quóta tétiue unus. 


8 7.] IN THE RUGUBINE TABLES. 113 


Sevum and kutef are two adverbs. The former signifies 
* with reverence," and contains the root sev- (sev-erus) or σεβ- 
(σέβω). The latter is derived from cav-eo, cautus, with the 
affix -/— φι, and means * cautiously. n 

The words arepes arves or ariper arvis, which conclude 
almost every prescription in the first Table, are not very easy. 
That Grotefend's translation pro ardore 8. ustione arvige is in- 
admissible, every sound philologer must at once concede. The 
following suggests itself as the most probable solution. It 
appears that the Umbrian participle generally ended in -es, -ez, 
or -ets, like the old Greek participle of verbs in -ju. Thus we 
have tases, tasts, and tasez, for tacens. Vestets, too, is obviously 
a participle (Vi. a, 22). As, then, we constantly find the im- 
perative arveitu for advehito, we may surmise that arves, arvis, 
is the participle for advehens; and arepes, ariper, on the same 
principle, will be a&ipes; so that the phrase will signify adipes 
advehens 8. porrigens, i, e. “ offering up the soft fat.” 

Accordingly, the translation of the whole passage should run 
thus: Ante portam Treblanam Jovi Grabovio tres boves facito, 
arviná ostendito, fatuá ferind facito, vel vino vel pane, pro 
monte Fisio, pro civitate Iguvind, facito severe, caute precator, 
adipes advehens, i.e. “ Before the gate, by which the treble 
enter, sacrifice three oxen to Jupiter Grabovius, offer up the hard 
fat, sacrifice with unsalted meal, either with wine or bread, for 
the Fisian mount, for the city of Iguvium, sacrifice reverently, 
pray cautiously, holding forth the soft fat of the victims.” 
Huschke translates the passage as follows: Pro muris (veres, 
from :werjan Ξε defendere) Trebulanis Jovi Grabovio tres boves 
facito, exta ostendito, pectora (vatuva, Gr. βαθύς, Tarentine βατάς) 
veru facito, vel vino vel mulso (punt, Gr. πῖνον), pro monte Fisio, 
pro urbe Iguvina facito, carmen (sevum from seo — dico, carmen, 
lex) caute precator, immote (arepes from apperns!) atrepitibus 
(arves from ἄραβος !) 


1 According to Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, (p. 418) sevum is the same 
adjective as that which furnishes the initial syllable to sev-akni=sollennis 
from akno=annus; and is therefore to be compared with the Latin sollus 
from solvus, Gr. S\Fos, Sanscrit sarva. 


D. V. . 8 


114 . THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. III. 


8 8. Tab. I. ὃ, 18 sqq. 


The next passage which deserves notice and admits of a 
reasonable interpretation is the following. Many of the inter- 
vening sentences, however, are so like that which has just been 
examined, that they can cause no real difficulty to the student. 
In I. b, 13, we have 


enumek steplatu parfam tesvam tefe, Tute Ikuvine. 


The first word is a particle of connexion signifying inde, dein, 
“then,” “in the next place.” It is also written inumek, and 
seems to be compounded of «num (the Lat. entm) and ek ; com- 
pare the Gothic snuhthis, ἄζο, 

Steplatu, stiplatu, and an-stiplatu, are the imperatives of 
a verb stiplo or anstiplo, which seems to be of proper applica- 
tion in matters of augury. In old Latin sfipulus was synony- 
mous with stabilis (Forcell s. v. stipulatio): consequently this 
verb must signify something like stabilio or firmo, which last 
word is used in speaking of omens (Virgil, Georg. 1v. 386). 

Parfa, which occurs frequently in the Tables, is the augurial 
parra, a kind of owl, which the Italians in general call civetta, 
and the Venetians parruzza ; and tesva means on the right: as 
will appear from the following considerations. At the beginning 
of the sixth Table we have, among the auspices, parfa kurnase 
dereua, peiqu peica merstu ; which should seem to mean, par- 
ram, cornicem, dextras; picum, picam sinistros. The Roman 
augurs used to turn their faces to the south; consequently the 
east was on their left, and the west on their right. The east was 
in general the seat of good omens; but in certain cases, and with 
certain birds, the bad omen of the west, or right hand, might be 
converted into good. They made a distinction between the birds 
which gave the omen by their note, and those which gave the 
omen by their flight; the former were called oscines, the latter 
alites. The parra and the ptcus were reckoned in both classes, 
according to Festus (p. 197, Müller). Indeed there must have 
been some confusion among the augurs themselves, as Cicero 
seems to admit (de Divin. τι. 39): * Haud ignoro, que bona 
sint, sinistra nos dicere, etiamsi dextra sint; sed certe nostri 
sinistrum nominaverunt, externique dextrum, quia plerumque me- 


§ 9.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 115 


lius id videbatur." Lutatius says, that the masculine gender 
indicates the propitious bird, and the feminine the unpropitious ; 
yet the Umbrians seem to have held the picus and the pica in 
. equal estimation. In constituting a good omen, the Umbrians 
placed the picus on the left, and the cornix on the right; while 
Plautus places them both on the left, but the parra on the right, 
as did the Umbrians (Asen. 11. 1, 11): 


Impetritum, inauguratum 'st: quovis admittunt aves, 

Picus, cornix est ab leva; corvus, parra ab dextera. 
Prudentius, though not an Umbrian like Plautus, preserves the 
Umbrian order (Symmach. 11. 570) : 


Cur Cremere in campis, cornice vel ogcine parra, 

Nemo deüm monuit perituros Marte sinistro 

Ter centum Fabios, vix stirpe superstite in uno? 
Comp. also Horat. 111. Carm. xxvii. 1, &c. 

Tesva in the Table means “the right," and may be compared 
with the Gothic tathsvé. In the Latin Table it is written der- 
sua, which is nearer to the Lat. dextra. That merstus must 
mean *' propitious" or “salutary,” is clear from the passages in 
which it occurs, as well as from the use of mera. Α few lines 
lower we have (I. b, 18): sve-pis habe purtatutu pue mers est, 
fetu uru pere mers est. Comp. VI. b, 54: so-pír habe esme 
pople portatu ulo pue mers est, fetu uru pirse, mers est. The 
meaning seems to be: st quis habet portatum aliquid ubi 
salutare est, facito ustionem prout salutare est. The etymology 
of mers is quite uncertain. Grotefend connects it with medicus, 
Lassen with merz. The passage before us will mean: Inde 
stepulator parram dextram, tibi, ctvitaté Iguvine, i.e. * There- 
upon make good the propitious owl for thee and the city of 
Iguvium." 


89. Extracts from the Litany tn Tab. VI. a. 


A complete examination of the whole of the Eugubine Tables 
does not fall within the limits of this work, and I will only add 
a few extracts from the Litany in the sixth Table. 


VI. a, 22. T'eio subokau suboko, 23. Dei Grabow, 
okri-per Fisiu, tota-per Iiovina, erer nomne-per, 
8—2 


116 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. ΠΙ. 


erar nomne-per; fos set, paker sei, okre Fiser, 
24. Tote Iiovine, erer nomne, erar nomne: 


i.e. te invoco tnvocationem, Jupiter Grabovie, pro monte Fisio, 
pro urbe Iguvina, pro illius nomine, pro hujus nomine ; bonus 
(placidus Huschke) sis, propitius (pacatus Huschke) sis, monts 
Fisio, urbi Iguvine, illius nomini, hujus nomint. 


VI. a, 24. Arsie, tio subokau suboko, Der Grabove: 


1. e. adsis, te 4nvoco invocationem, J. Gr. Huschke reads arstetio, 
which he renders propitium, comparing the Greek ἄρσιος. 

In both these passages sub-okau is the verb for sub-vocam, 
and sub-oco 18. à noun, so that the construction is like Cato's: te 
bonas preces precor (E. R. 134, 189). 


Arsier, frite tio subokau 25. suboko D. Gr. 


Here f-rite is written for rite, just as we have f-rango by the 
side of ῥήγνυμε; f-ragen, f-luo, as well as rogo, luo (Nove); 
frragum, pak; f-renum, “rein;” f-rigere, rigere, &c.; and in 
these tables probably f-r for rus, f-rosetom for rogatum, &c. 
Huschke (p. 113) compares frite with fretus and renders arster 
frite by propitit fiduciá. 

Vl.a, 26. Dei Grabovie, orer ose, perse okre 

F'isie pir orto est, toteme Iovine arsmor dersekor 

subator sent, pusei nep heritu. 


This passage is somewhat more difficult. It appears to me that 
the particles per-sei, pu-set, mark the opposition of the protasts 
to the a 3, *as"—* go," prout—1ta. The chief difficulty 
here is in the word arsmo-r, which, however, occurs very fre- 
quently in the Tables. It is clearly the plural of aremo. If we 
examine one of the numerous passages in which the word is 
found, we may be inclined to conjecture that it means a man or 
functionary of some sort. Thus in vi. a, 92, we have: D. Gr. 
salvo seritu okrer Fister, totar liovinar nome; nerf, arsmo, 
veiro, pequo, kastruo, fri, salva seritu ; which must surely mean; 
J. Gr. salvum servato nomen ocris Fisti, urbis Iguvine, salvos 
servato principes (i. e. meriones), arsmos, viros, pecua, pradia, 
segetes. Now Lassen has shown (Zhein. Mus. 1834, p. 151) 


$9.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 117 


that dersecor must be a derivative from disseco, and that, like 
mergus, vivus, from mergere, vivere, it must have an active ' 
signification. We have the verb der-seco = dis-seco in the form 
dersikust, dersikurent (dis-secassit, dis-secaverint). Conse- 
quently, arsmor dersecor must mean arem: dissecantes, or disst- 
centes (for dissico, 4. conj., see Gronov. Lect. Plautin. p. 87). 
Subator sent is either subacti sunt or subjecti sunt, i.e. sub- 
misst sunt. On the whole, it is most probable that arsmus 
means a priest; and the following seems to be the true analysis 
of the word. If we compare al-mus “the nourisher," with 
alu-mnus, the nourished,” and other forms in -mnus (New 
Croat. § 410), we may conclude that ars-mus has an active signi- 
fication in reference to its first syllable. Now we have the root 
ars- in the Etruscan hdrus-pex, and probably in dra = ésa = ars-a. 
And whatever is the meaning of the root of these two words, it 
is clear that it is not inconsistent with that which we should 
expect in ars-mus. Accordingly, it is a reasonable conjecture 
that ars-mus — harus-mus means a sacrificial priest, or altar- 
man. If this supposition be correct, we shall have no great 
difficulty in translating the passage before us. .Pir occurs so 
often in connexion with vuku = focus, asa — ara, uretu τε urtto, 
ἅς. that it must mean “fire,” cf. Gr. πῦρ, O. H. G. fiur, N. H. 
G. feuer, O. N. fyr, Engl. fire. Orer is a deponent form of oro, 
after the analogy of precor, εὔχομαι. Ose is probably ore. 
Nep stands for nec, as in Oscan, but does not imply any dis- 
junction: nor did nec or neg in old Latin; compare nec-lego, 
nec-quidquam, &c., and see Festus, p. 162, sub vv. neclegens 
and sec. Müller (Suppl. Annot. p. 387) supposes that the 
disjunctive nec or neque and the negative nec or neg, were two 
distinct particles. To me it appears that nec or neg is never 
used for non except either as qualifying a single word—neg- 
ligo!, nec-opinans, neg-otium,—in a conditional clause, as in the 


1 Prof. Newman (Regal Rome, p. 26) says that neg-ligo is to be com. 
pared with nach-lassen, and exhibits the German nach “ after”—a particle 
unknown to Latin. I believe he is not responsible for this puerile deri- 
vation, which evinces a complete ignorance of the part which nec or neg 
plays in Latin words, and of the connexion of this particle with nach. 
We shall see when we come to the Etruscan language that nak occurs in 


118 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [ CHAP. ΠΙ. 


passages quoted by Festus, and Cato #. H. 141,—or in a pro- 
^ hibition, as here; in all which cases the Greeks used μή and not 
ov, and the Romans generally ne and not non. Nego is a 
peculiar case; the Greeks said οὔ φημε οὕτως ἔχειν for φημὲ 
μὴ οὕτως ἔχειν: and the same principle may be applied to 
explain οὐχ ἥκιστα, ov yap ἄμεινον, &c. In a case like this the 
Romans seem to have used nec as qualifying and converting the 
whole word, in preference to non. Müller supposes that negritu, 
quoted by Festus (p. 165) as signifying @gritudo in augurial 
language, stands for nec-ritu. I think it must be a corruption 
for ne-gritu[do]|: see below, Ch. vi. ὃ 5. Herttu is the imper. 
of Àri, “to take away," Sanscrit hri — capere, tollere, demere, 
auferre, rapere, abripere, Welsh hwra. The whole passage then 
may be rendered: Jupiter Grabovie precor precatione, quoniam 
tn ocr$ Fisto ignis ortus est, in urbe Iguvina sacerdotes dissecantes 
submisst sunt,—ita ne tu adimas. Huschke renders this difficult 
passage as follows: Dt Grabovie, tempestatis tempore (orer ose cf. 
ὥρα), ubi tn monte Fisio ignis ortus est, in urbe Iguvina aqua- 
ria (arsmor = ἀρδμοί Hom. Odyss. v. 247) siccata. subacta. sunt 
(dersecor = siccatt, sicci, cf. θερ-ἴξω, τέρσ-ομαι) subacta sunt, uti 
ne inflato (“ohne Zwetfel von ἐρέθω 1") 


810. The Atidian Augural Sacrifice. 


As a more detailed specimen of the style and language of 
the Eugubine tables, and as an example of the latest attempt to 
explain them, I subjoin a passage amounting to fourteen conse- 
cutive lines (Tab. 11. b, 1—14), together with the translation 
proposed by Huschke, who entitles this section the * Atidian 
Augural Sacrifice" (Atidische Auguralopfer ; p. 844). 


an inscription with the sense * in" or * down in;" and in this or ἃ similar 
sense na or nach is used in all the Sclavonian and German dialects—to 
say nothing of po-ne, si-ne, &c. in Latin. The guttural δὲ the end of 
οὐ- F, οὐ-χί, does not differ from that in ne-c, ne-que; and as the Sanscrit 
avá-b, which is obviously connected with the Greek oi-k—»a- Fa-x (New 
Crat. $ 189) signifies deorsum, we can easily recognize the different signi- 
fications of these particles. 


§ 10.] 


Pune karne speturie Atierie 
aviekate naraklum (2) vurtus, estu 
esunu. 

Fetu fratrusper Atiierie; eu 
esum (3) esu naratu. 

Pere karne speturie Atierie 
aviekate (4) aiu urtu fefure, fetu, 
puze neip eretu. Vestige Sage 
(5)sakre, Juvepatre bum perak- 
ne, Speture perakne  restatu. 
(6)Juvie unu erietu Sakre pel- 
sanu fetu, arviu ustentu, (7) puni 
fetu, tacez pesnimu arepe arves. 


Pune purtiius (8) unu suru 
pesutru fetu, tikamne Juvie, ka- 
pire (9) peru preve fetu. Ape 
purtiius suru, erus tetu; enu 
kuma(10)ltu, kumate pesnimu. 


Ahtu Juvip. uve peraknem (11) 
peraem fetu, arviu ustentu, puni 
fetu. 

Ahtu Marti abrunu (12) perak- 
ne fetu, arviu ustetu, fasiu pruse- 
cete arveitu, (13) perae fetu, puni 
fetu. 

Tra ekvine fetu, (14) acetus 
perakne fetu. 


IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 


119 


Cum ad victimas spectorias in 
Atiedio auspicatu narrationem 
verteris, esto illud. 

Facito pro fratribus Atiediis; 
ea eorum esse narrato. 

Ubi victimis spectoriis in Atie- 
dio auspicatu ejulationes orte 
fuerint, facito uti ne interficias. 
Vesticio Sancio sacrem, Jovi patri 
bovem debilem, Spectori debilem 
novato. Joviis unum arietem 
gacrem immolandum facito, exta 
ostendito, mulso (1) facito, tacitus 
precator, immotus strepitibus (1). 

Cum porrexeris, unum acervum 
pulmentum facito, dicatione Jo- 
viis, capide fundolum sigillatim 
facito. Ubi porrexeris acervum, 
honorem dato, itaque, squato 
sequatis precator. 

Actutum Jovi patri ovem de- 
bilem, subventrile, facito, exta 
ostendito, mulso (1) facito. 

Actutum Marti apriculum de- 
bilem facito, exta ostendito, farci- 
men prosectis advehito, subven- 
trile facito, mulso (1) facito. 

Trans simulacra facito, furcillis 
debiles facito. 


The only words in this passage, which require special re- 


mark, are the following: Atu (4) is compared with Atus locu- 
tius and with the root of αἰάξω, ejulo. With regard to sakre (5) 
Huschke supposes (p. 176) a form sacris, sacre by the side of 
sacer, sacra, sacrum, like equestris by the side of equester. Per- 
aknis is compared with πηρός, and is supposed to mean a muti- 
lated victim (p. 305). This is of course very doubtful. Re- 
statu is compared with the Roman novare, and the precatio 
maxima as explained by Servius, ad ZEneid. x11. 176 (p. 358). 
Pelsana (6), according to Huschke (p. 183) is the gerundive of 
pelsa-wum τε immolare, which he compares with παλύνειν. Suru 


120 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [CHAP. ILI. 


(8), which is elsewhere written sorso, is compared with the 
Greek σωρός (p.186). Peru (9), also written persom, is com- 
pared with passum, and rendered fundolus, in the sense ex- 
plained by Varro (L.L. v. 22, § 111), i.e. τυφλὸν ἔντερον. 
Komaltu and kumate (10) are referred to a verb komolom — 
equare, the root of which is sought in the Greek ὁμαλάω, 
ὁμαλιξω (p. 173). Peraem (11), from perats or persais, is ren- 
dered ?mus, quoad. partem inferiorem (pedum) spectatus (sumen, 
subventrile), and is referred to πέζα (p. 143). Fastu (12), also 
written farsio, is derived from the Latin farcio (p. 147). And 
ekvine (13) is compared, rather arbitrarily, with εἰκών (p. 356). 


811. Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin 
synonyms. 


This may suffice as far as the direct interpretation of the 
Tables is concerned. In conclusion it may be well to give a 
list of those words in the Umbrian language which approach 
most closely to their Latin equivalents. And first, with respect 
to the numerals, which are the least mutable elements in every 
language, it is clear that tuves (duves), tuvo (duva), and tris, 
treia, correspond to duo and tres, tria. Similarly tupler (dupler) 
and tripler represent duplus and triplus, and tuplak (111. 14) is 
duplice, It is obvious, too, that petur is "four," as in Oscan; 
X gee VI. b, 10: du-pursus, petur-pursus, i.e. bipedibus, quadri- 
pedibus (cf. ahtrepuraum τε circum-tripudiare, captrus = capidi- 
bus, &c.) As to the ordinals, prumwm is primum, etre (etrama) 
is alter, and tertie (terttama) 18 tertius. 

The other words may be given in alphabetical order: 


Abrof (apruf) (vir. a, 3)=apros. | Anglia or ankla (v1. a, 1) = aquila 


Ager (Tab. xxvir. 21). (comp. anguis with ἔχις, vnda 

Ahatri-pursatu (vu. a, 23, 36) = with ὕδωρ, &c.; see New Crat., 
circum-tripudiato. $ 223). 

Ahes-no (111. 8, 19) = ahenus. Anglome (v1. a, 9) = angulus. 


Alfu (1. b, 29) = albus (ἀλφός). An-tentu (passim) = tn-tendito. 
Amb-, prefix, shortened into aha, | Anter (1. b, 8) = inter. 

a = circum. Ape (1. b, 34) = ubi. 
Ampenom (n. b, 20) =tmpendere. | Ar-fertur (νι. a, 3)= affertor. 
Ander (anter) (vt. Ὁ, 47. 1. b, 8) | Arpeltu (1. a, 19) = adpellsto. 

= inler (sim. in Oscan). Arputrati (v. a, 12) = arbitratu. 


δ 11. 


Ar-veitu (1. b, 6) = advehito (cf. 
arvis and arves). 

Asa (vr. a, 9, et passim) = ara. 

Asiane (1. a, 25) 2 n altari. 

Atru (1. b, 29) = ater. 

A veis (vr. a, 1) = avibus, &c. 

Aviectos (1. b, 14) = auguratio. 

Benes (1. b, 50) = ventes. 

Bue (σι. a, 26, et passim) = bove. 

(ema (v. b, 9) - 

JDer-eicurent (vi. b, 62) = disse- 
caverint. 

Der or ter, later ders or dirs, from 
deda, a reduplicated form of da= 
dare. It is sometimes found 
under the forms dwve or (uve, 
eapecially in composition with 
pur, a8 in pur-tuvt-tu = pro-dito 
or por-ricito (11. a, 24). 

Dekuria or tekuria (iL b, 1) = 
decuria, i.e. decu-viria. 

Destru or testru (1. a, 29) = dexter. 

Dice or tice (τι. a, 17) = decere. 

Dicom (IL a, 7, &c.) = dicere. 

Ditu (v1. b, 10) = dicito. 

Du (vr. b, 50) = duo. 

Dupla (v1. b, 18), so also mer 
tupler (v. a, 19)—comp. nwmer 
prever (v. a, 18) and nwmer 
tripler (v. a, 21). 

Eikvasates (111. 24,29) = in vicenos 
disiribulis. 

Erom (vu. b, 2) = esse. 

Eter (vi. a, 35, &.) = alter, secun- 
dus. 

Etw (v1. b, 48) -- dto. 

Fakust (1v. 31) = fecerit. 

Famerias Pumperias (vut. a, 2) 

Far (v. b, 10) = far. 

Fato (νι, b, 11) =fatum. 


IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 


| 121 


Feraklu (Müller, Ztrusk. 1. p. 57, 
note) = ferculum. 

Ferehtru (111. 16) — feretrum. 

Ferine (1, a, 4) = farina. 

Fertu (v1. b, 50) = ferto. 

Fons, fos, (v1. a, 23) = bonus, or 
favens, placidus. 

Frater (v. b, 11). 

Funtlere (1. b, 24) 2 in fundulis. 

Gomia, kumiaf (1. a, 7) = plenas, 
gravidas ? 

Habetu (τι. a, 23) = habeto. 

Hapinaru (i a, 33) = agnarum. 

Here — velle, connected with Air, 
“the hand," pre-HEND-o, αἱρέω, 
ἄς. (New Crat. ὃ 162); hence 
heri = vel (τ. a, 22); also in 

' the sense of taking away, &c. 
like the Sanscr. Art, Welsh 
hwra (above, p. 118). 

Homonus (v. b, 10) = hominibus. 

[fe (11. b, 12) = dbi. 

Jvenka (1. b, 40) = juvenca. 

Kametu (1v. 29) = canito, 

Kapire (1. a, 29) = capide, “with 
a sacrificial jug.” 

Kaprum (11. a, 1)= caprum. 

Karetu (1. b, 33) = calato. 

Karne (11. ἃ, 1) = . 

Kastruo (vL a, 30, et passim) = 
castra, domus. 

Katlo (τι. a, 38) = catulus. 

Komohota (vt. a, 54) = commota. 

Kovertom (1. b, 9, &.) = conver- 
tere, reverti, redire, 

Kumiaf, see Gomia. 

Kuratu (v. a, 24): sve rehte ku- 
ratu, st = si recte curatum sit. 

Kurnak (v1. a, 2) -- cornix. 

Kvestur (v. a, 23) = questor. 

Maletu (11. a, 18) = molitum. 


122 

Manu (11. a, 32) = manus. 

Mehe (v1. a, 5) = mn. 

Merstos (V1. a, 3, 4) = occidenta- 
lis. 

Mestru (v. a, 24) = magister v. 
major. 

Mugatu (v1. a, 6) = mugito. 

Mwuneklu (v. a, 17) = munusculum. 

Muta (v. b, 2) = multa. 

Naraklum (τι. b, 1) Ξ 
mem, 

Naratu (11. ἃ, 8) = narrato (Varro 
wrote narare). 

Ner (vi. a, 90, &.) = princeps, 
miles. 

Nome (passim) = nomen. 

No-eve (v1. b, 54) = nist. 

Numer (v. & 17) =numerus. 

Numo (v. ἃ, 17) = numus. 

JNurpier (v1. ἃ, 12) =e@rarv? 

Omen (τι. b, 19) = omentum. 

Orer (v1. a, 26) = oro, εὔχομαι. 

Orto (v1. a, 26) = ortus. 

Ose (VI. a, 26) = ore. 

Ostendu (νι. a, 20) = ostendo. 

Out (νι. b, 43,) wee (r1. 6, 10) = 
ovis. 

Pase (vi. a, 30) = pace. 

Pater (11. a, 24). 

Peiko (v1. a, 3) = picus. 

Peku (vi ἃ, 30) = pecus. 

Pelsana (1. a, 26) = balsamon? 

Pelsom (γι. b, 40) = conspergere? 

Perenimu (τ. b, 7) = precator. 

Pthakler (v. a, 8) = piaculum. 

Pihatu (v1. a, 9) = ptato. 

Pir (1. b, 12) = πῦρ, fere. 

Pisi (v. a, 310) = quisquis. 

Plenasio (v. ἃ, 2) = plenarius. 

Poplo (passim) = populus. 

Porka (vit. a, 6) = porca. 


narrati- 


THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE 


[ CHAP. nr. 


Post; postro (vi. b, δ) = postero, 
Le. retro. 


Prinvatos (v1. b, 50, &c.) = priva- 
bus. 

Prokanurent (vr. a, 16) 
erint. 

Proseseto (V1. a, 56) = prosecato. 

Puemune (ui. 26) = pomona. 

Puprike (ut. 27) = publice or sup- 
pliciter ? 

Pur-tin-ius (τ. b, 33) = pro-ten- 
deris 


= procin- 


Pustertiu (1. b, 40) = post-tertio. 

Rehie (v. a, 24) = recte. 

Res, Ri (v. a, 6) = res. 

Ruphra (1. b, 27) = rubra. 

Sakra (1. b, 29). 

Salu = salem (Huschke, p. 366). 

Salvo, salva, &c. (passim). 

Seritu (passim) — servato (Müller, 
Etrusk, τ. p. 55). 

Serses (VL a, 5) — sedes. 

Sersom (vi. b, 17) = sedere. 

Sestom (11. a, 24) = sistere. 

Sevaknis (1L a, 8) = hostia? 

Sif (1. a, 7) = 868. 

Skrehto (vu. b. 3) = scriptus. 

Snatos (u. b. 19) = impletus? 

Sorsos (v. b, 12) - acertus ἢ 

Sopo (v1. b, δ) = supinus, suppus. 

Stahitu (v1. b, 56) = stato. 

Strusla (vi. a, 59) = strui-cula, 
dimin. of strues. 

Subator (VL a, 27, &c.) = subacti. 

Suboko (vi. a, 22, &o.) = suppli- 
cem precem. 

Subra (v. a, 20) = supra. 

Sumtu (1. a, 9, 16) = swmito. 

Sve (v. a, 24) = Osc. suce, Lat. si. 

t. (11. b. 24), vide serstu. 
Sesna (v. b, 9) 2 cesna, cosna. 


§ 12.] 


Tafle (11. a, 12) = in tabula. 

T'ases (v1. a, 55) = tacens. 

Tefrom (vit a, 46) = sacrificium 
crematwm. 

Tekuries (τι. a, 1) = decurio. 

Termmu-ko (vi. b, 53) - cum ter- 
Mino. 

T^o (passim) = te. 

Tuf (1. b, 41) 2 cursim? 

Turse (p. 433, Huschke) = turrem. 

Ufestne = posterioribus (ὀπισθίοις, 
Huschke, p. 436). 

Uhtur = auctor (Huschke, p. 397.) 

Uretu (nx. 12) = urito. 


IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 


128 
Urnasis (v. a, 2) = wrnarius. 
Uvikum (n1. 28) = cum ove. 
Vapers (1. b, 14) = campus. 

Vas (VL &, 28) - vas. 

Vatuva (1. a, 4) = fatua. 

Vetro (v1. a, 30) = viros. 

Veru (passim) = fores or mwri? 
Vestro, (v. b, 61). 

Vinu (passim) = vinum. 

Virseto (v1. a, 28) = visus. 

Vitlu (IL a, 21) = eitulus. 
Voku-kom (v1. b, 43) = cum vel in 


foco. 
Vudu (11. b, 39) = ewltus. 


812. The Todt Inscription contains four words of the 


same class. 


In the year 1835 & bronze figure of a man in armour was 
discovered near Tod? (Tuder), on the borders of Umbria. The 
inscription, which was detected on the girdle of the breast-plate, 
has been interpreted from the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew lan- 
guages by a number of different scholars. It appears to me to 
contain four words, which may be added to the above list, as 
they are all explicable from the roots of the Latin language. 
The inscription runs thus: 

AHALTRVYTITISPVNY MPEPE. 


The word tiis occurs in the Eugubine Tables (1. b, 45), and 
punum is obviously the accusative of punus, another form of 
pune, punes, punt, Which are known to be Umbrian words. It is 
true that the Latin synonym panis and the Eugubine words 
belong to the ¢-declension ; but that is no reason why we should 
not have ἃ by-form of the o- declension, and that this form 
actually existed in Measapia is well known (Athen. 111. p. 1116: 
πανὸς ἄρτος Μεσσάπιοι. These two words being removed 
from the middle, the extremities remain, namely, ahaltru and 
pepe. With regard to the first it is to be observed that the 
lengthening of a syllable, by doubling the vowel and inserting 
the letter 4, is common in Umbrian (see Leps. de Tabb. Eugub. 


194 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [cHap. ΠΙ. 


pp. 92; sqq.), and the same practice is often remarked in Latin. 
Indeed, as we have seen above (p. 98), the elongated form is 
the more ancient and original. .4Aaltru, then, bears the same 
relation to the Latin alter that ahala bears to ala, nthil to 
nil, vehemens to vemens, &c. It is true that in the Eugubine 
Tables etre seems to represent the meaning, if not the form of 
alter; but this is no reason why there should not be the other 
equally genuine and ancient form alter or ahalter, which is pro- 
bably the more emphatic word in that language, and corre- 
sponds, perhaps, in meaning to the adjective alienus. The sig- 
nification of the word pepe suggests itself from the context, and 
is also supported by analogy. It seems to be a reduplication of 
the root pa (pá-nis, pa-sco, π᾿ασάσθαι, πα-τέομαι, &c.), analo- 
gous to the reduplication of the root bé (or pt, πέγνω, &c.) in 
bi-bo. If the Sabines were a warrior tribe of Umbrians, it is 
reasonable to conclude that their name for “a warrior" would 
be Umbrian also; now we know that the Sabine name for “a 
warrior” was -titus (Fest. p. 366, and above, p. 32), and the 
warrior tribe at Rome was called the Titzenses (Liv. 1. 13); ac- 
cordingly, as the Umbrian Propertius calls these the Titties (Ef. 
IV. 1, 31: Hinc Tities Ramnesque viri Luceresque coloni"), it is 
not an unfair assumption that tit:s, pl. tities, was the Umbrian 
word for “‘ a warrior." We have the same word on an Etruscan 
monument from Volterra, which represents ἃ warrior with sword 
and spear, and bears the following legend: mi afiles Tites 
(Inghirami Mon. Etr. ser. V1. tav. À.; Micali Ant. Mon. tav. 51; 
Müller, Denkmáler, Lxi1. n. 812). The inscription, then, will 
run thus: “the warrior eats another's bread;’’ the position of 
ahaltru being justified by the emphasis which naturally falls 
upon it. Compare Dante, Paradiso, x vit. 58-60: 

Tu proverai s) come 88 di sale 

Lo pane altrui, et com’ ἃ duro calle 

Lo scendere e Ἶ salir per I’ altrui scale. 
This motto, then, either refers to the practice of serving as 
mercenaries, 80 common among the Italians, or expresses the 
prouder feeling of superiority to the mere agriculturist, which 


1 Lucmo in v. 29 is an accurate transcription of the Etruscan Lauchme. 


§ 12.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 125: 


was equally characteristic of the oldest Greek warriors. Compare 
the scolion of Hybrias the Cretan (ap. Athen. xv. 695 F): 

ἔστι μοι πλοῦτος μέγας δόρυ καὶ ξίφος 

καὶ τὸ καλὸν λαισήϊον πρόβλημα χρωτός" 

τούτῳ μὲν ἀρῶ, τούτῳ θερίζω, 

τούτῳ πατέω τὸν dO)» οἶνον ἀπ᾽ ἀμπέλω, 

τούτῳ δεσπότας μνωΐας κέκλημαι. 

τοὶ δὲ μὴ τολμῶντ᾽ ἔχειν δόρυ καὶ ξίφος, x. T. λ. 


It is also to be remarked that the Lucumones, or “ illustrious 
nobles," among the Tuscans, seem to have distinguished their 
plebeians as Aruntes (ἀροῦντες), i.e. mere ploughmen and agri- 
gultural labourers (Klenze, Phil. Abhandlung. p. 39, note). In 
general the prenomen Aruns seems to be used in the old mythi- 
cal history to designate an inferior person (Müller, .Etrusk. 1. 
p. 405). Others compare the word with 'Apiov, ᾿Αρείων, Sanscr. 
varíyas, Lith. wiresnis (Fabretti, 8. v. p. 167). 


—— -π-’--«------ο- -———  ——————————————————— τα —-—---- 


CHAPTER IV. 
THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 


I. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as Sabellian also. 
8 2. Alphabetical list of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpretation. 
83 The Bantine Table. 8 4. Commentary on the Bantine Table. § 5. The 
Oippus Abellanus. § 6. The Bronse tablet of Agnone. ὃ 7. The “‘ Atellanz.” 


S 1. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered 
as Sabellian also. . 


TE Oscan language is more interesting even than the Um- 
brian, and the remains which have come down to us are 
much more easily interpreted than the Eugubine Tables. Indeed, 
as Niebuhr has remarked (I. ad not. 212), “some of the inscrip- 
tions may be explained word for word, others in part at least, 
and that too with perfect certainty, and without any violence." 
This language had a literature of its own, and survived the 
Roman conquest of southern Italy. It was spoken in Samnium 
in the year 459'; it was one of the languages of Bruttium in 
the days of Ennius*; the greatest relic of Oscan is the Bantine 
Table, which was probably engraved about the middle of the 
seventh century; and the Oscan was the common idiom at Her- 
culaneum and Pompeii, when the volcano at once destroyed and 
preserved those cities. 

Although, as it has been shown in a previous chapter, the 
Sabines must be regarded as a branch of the Umbrian stock, who 
conquered all the Ausonian nations, and though Varro? speaks of 


' 1 Liv. x. 20: “ gnaros lingue Osce exploratum mittit." 
3 Festus, s. v. bilingues, p. 35: " bilingues Bruttates Ennius dixit, quod 
Brutti et Osce et Greece loqui soliti sint." 
* L. L. vi. ᾧ 8, p. 180, Müller. "Varro was born at Reate (see 
p. 301 of Müllers edition), and therefore, perhaps, attached peculiar 
importance to the provincialisms of the ager Sabinus. 


E LI Ν 
SE rnp PAR ᾿ 


ΝΠ τ το τ 


the Sabine language as different from the Oscan, γοΐδ αν 1 the 
remains of the Sabine and Oscan languages belong to a period 
when the Sabellian conquerors had mixed themselves up with the 
conquered Ausonians and had learned their language, it seems 
reasonable that we Should not attempt, at this distance of time, 
to discriminate between them, but that, recognizing generally the . 
original affinity of the Umbrian and Oscan nations, we should 
consider the Sabine words which have been transmitted to us, as 
belonging, not so much to the Umbrian idiom, as to the complex 
Sabello-Oscan language, which prevailed throughout the whole of 
southern Italy. And this view of the matter is farther justified 
by the fact, that a great many of these words are quoted, not 
only as Sabine, but also as Oscan. It is true that some parti- 
cular words are quoted as Sabine, which are not found in Oscan 
inscriptions, and not known to be Oscan also; but we cannot 
form any general conclusions from such isolated phenomena, espe- 
cially as a great many of these words are Latin as well. All 
that they prove is simply this, that there were provincialisms in 
the Sabine territory properly so called. Still less can we think 
with Müller (Etrusk. 1. p. 42), that the Sabine language is the 
un-Greek element in the Oscan; for many ofthese words have 
direct connexions with Greek synonyms, as Müller himself has 
admitted. There are no Sabine Inscriptions as such. The Mar- 
sian inscription, quoted by Lanzi, and which Niebuhr thought 
unintelligible (1. 105, ad not. 333), is Oscan, if it ought not 
rather to be called old Latin. 

In the following observations, then, for the materials of which 
I am largely indebted to the writings of Professor Klenze (Pht- 
lologische Abhandlungen, Berlin, 1839), and of Theodor Momm- 
sen (Unteritalischen Dialekte, Leipsig, 1850), the Sabine and 
Oscan will be treated in conjunction with one another’. Before 
proceeding to consider the Oscan inscriptions, it may be as well 
to give an alphabetical list of those words which are cited by old 
writers as Sabine, Oscan, or both. | 


S 1.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 


b 


1 In the present edition I have added some of Mr. Ellis's comparisons 
from his Ethnography of Italy and Greece, pp. 23 sqq., where he has 
introduced my list with soine further illustrations. 


128 THE SABELLO-OBCAN LANGUAGE.  [cHaP. IV. 


8 2. Alphabetical list of Sabello- Oscan words, with their 
interpretation. 


Alpus, Sab.. Fest. p. 4, Müller: “ 4/bum, quod nos dicimus, a 
Greco, quod est ἀλφόν, est appellatum. | Sabini tamen alpum 
dixerunt." Breton alp, “ white," Greek ἀλφός. 

Anzur. Plin. H. N. 111. 5: “ flumen Ufens—lingua Volscorum 
Anzur dictum." ' 

Aurelius. Vide s. v. Sol. 

Aurum, Sab. Fest. p. 9: “ Aurum—alii a Sabinis translatum 
putant, quod illi ausum dicebant."  Pruss. ausis, Welsh aur. 

Brutus, Osc. “A runaway slave," “a maroon." Strabo, VI. 
p. 255; Diod. xvr. 15. Gaelic ruth, “to run;” Lapp. rues = 
celer. 

Cascus, Casinus, Casnar, Sab. Osc. Varro, L. L. vit. § 28: 

- * Cascum significat vetus; ejus origo Sabina, que usque radices 
in Oscam linguam egit." § 29: ‘Item ostendit quod oppidum 
vocatur Casinum ; hoc enim ab Sabinis orti Samnites tenue- 
runt, et nunc nostri etiam nunc Castnum forum vetus appellant. 
Item significant in Atellanis aliquot Pappum senem, quod 
Osci Casnar appellant." Quintilian says (1. 5, $ 8): ** Casnar, 
assectator, e Gallia ductum est." With this meaning, Mr. 
Ellis compares the Welsh casnawr. These words probably 
contain the Sanscr. root kág-, ‘‘to shine," which also appears 
in καθαρός, cas-tus, &c. Canus is also to be referred to this 
class (comp. co-esna, cena, &c.), and stands related to candi- 
dus, a8 plenus does to s-plendidus. According to Pott (Etym. 
Forsch. 11. 109), cas-nar is & compound word, containing the 
roots cas-, “ old," and nri, ‘a man." Lobeck thinks (Paralip. 
P. 22 n.) that casnar is for canus, as Caesar and Ceso for 
Casus. 

Catus Sab. Varro, L. L. vir. ὃ 46: “ Cata acuta; hoc enim 
verbo dicunt Sabini." We have the Welsh catera, “to cut,” 
the A. S. gád, “goad,” and the O. N. gaddr = clavus. 

Crepusculum, Sab. Varro, L. L. v1. 85: ““ Secundum hoc dicitur 
crepusculum a crepero. Id vocabulum sumpserunt a Sabinis, 
unde veniunt Crepusct nominati Amiterno, qui eo tempore 
erant nati, ut Lucii prima luce. In Reatino crepusculum sig- 
nificat dubium ; ab eo res dicte dubis creper@, quod crepus- 


§ 2.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 129 


culum dies etiam nunc sit an jam nox, multis dubium." vit. 
§ 77: “ Crepusculum ab Sabinis, quod id dubium tempus 

— noctis an diei sit." Comp. Festus, s. v. Decrepitus, p. 71, 
Müller. The root of this word seems to be contained in the 
Sanscr. kshapas, Greek κνέφας (see New Crat. § 160). 

Cumba, Sab. Festus, p. 64: “ Cumbam Sabini vocant eam, 
quam militares lecticam, unde videtur derivatum esse cubicu- 
lum." Comp. Varro, L. L. v. $166, and Gloss. MS. Camberon. 
(Voss. Vit. Serm. p. 419: “ Cumba dicitur lectica a cubando.") 

Cupencus, Sab. Serv. ad 4in. xii 538: “Sane sciendum, 
cupencum Sabinorum lingua sacerdotem vocari: sunt autem 
cupenci Herculis sacerdotes." Cf. Gaelic cotbAs, “an arch- 
drui d." 

Curis, Quiris, Sab. Ovid. Fast. τι. 475: '*Sive quod hasta 
curis priscis est dicta Sabinis." Varro (ap. Dion. Hal. τι. 
p. 109, Huds.): Κύρεις γὰρ οἱ Σαβῖνοι τὰς αἰχμὰς καλοῦσι". 
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Τερέντιος Οὐάῤῥων γράφει. — Macrob. Sat. 1. 
9: "Quirinum quasi bellorum potentem, ab hasta, quam Sa- 
bini curtm vocant." Festus, p. 49: ““ Curds est Sabine hasta. 
Unde Romulus Quirinus, quia eam ferebat, est dictus." Ibid.: 
* Curitim Junonem appellabant, quia eandem ferre hastam 
putabant." p. 63: *Quis matrone Junonis Curitis in tutela 
Sint, qus; ita appellabatur a ferenda hasta, que lingua Sabi- 
norum Curis dicebatur." (Comp. Müller, Etrusk. 11. p. 45, 
and Festus, p. 254). Servius, dn. 1. 296: “ Romulus au- 
tem Quirinus ideo dictus est, vel quod hasta utebatur, que 
Sabinorum lingua Curis dicitur: hasta enim, i. e. curis, telum 
longum est, unde et securis, quasi semi-curis." Isidor. Ix. 
2, 84: “Hi et Quirites dicti, quia Quirinus dictus est Romu- 
lus; quod semper hasta utebatur, que Sabinorum lingua qutrts 
dicitur." Cf. Plutarch. Vit. Romul. 29. If curis meant “a 
lance," as theae authorities indicate, its meaning was derived 
from the definition of a lance as **a headed or pointed staff." 
The analogies suggested by Pott (t. Forsch. 1. 263, 11. 533) 
do not lead to any satisfactory result. Some confusion arises 
in the mind from a comparison of Quirites, (curta), curtates, 
**the full citizens or hoplites,” with κούρητες, κύριοι, xoipa- 
νοι, κοῦροι, xoupftos—words denoting “headship” or “ per- 
sonal rank." See New Cratylus, § 330; Welcker, Theognis, 

D. V. 9 


180 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.  [cHaP. IV. 


p. xxxii.; Lobeck, 4glaopham. p. 1144, not. c, and ad Soph. 
Aj. 814, 2d edit.; and above, p. 30; cf. Irish cotrr, Old Norse 
getr, “a spear.” . 

Cyprus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. ὃ 159: * Vicus Cyprius (Liv. 1. 
48) ἃ cypro, quod ibi Sabini cives additi consederunt, qui 8 
bono omine id appellarunt; nam cyprum Sabine bonum." 
The word probably contains the same element as the Persian 
khub (c2), * good” or “fair.” As Kupra was the Etruscan 
Juno, (Strabo, p. 241), this word must have belonged to the 
Umbrian element common to both languages. Mr. Ellis 
compares both the German hiibsch and the Welsh hyfryd. 

Dalivus, Osc. Fest. p. 68: “ Dalivum supinum ait esse Aure- 
lius, ZElius stultum. Oscorum quoque lingua significat in- 
sanum. Santra vero dici putat ipsum, quem Greci Secdacop, 
i.e. propter cujus fatuitatem quis misereri debeat." Comp. 
Hesych., Δαλές, μωρός; and see Blomf. ad Asch. Eumen. 818. 
Labb. Gloss. daunum, ἄφρονα, where Scaliger reads dalsvum. 
We have in a similar sense not only the Gaelic datltean, 
Welsh dol, but the Gothic dval, and the Germ. toll. 

Diana, Sab. Vide sub v. Feronsa. 

Dirus, Umbr. et Sab. Serv. ad Am. irr. 235: “Sabini' et 
Umbri, qux» nos mala déra appellant." This word seems to 
be the same in effect as the Gr. δεινός. But it comes nearer 
to the Gaelic dear “ great,” “prodigious,” and the Welsh 
dirted, ‘‘ mischievous,” “ unlucky.” 

Falacer (cf. alacer). Varro, L. L. v. § 84. (cf. vir. § 45): “flamen 
Falacer a divo patre Falacre." It is supposed by Mommsen 
that this word was Sabine, because Veapasian’s Sabine birth- 
place was Falacrine or Falacrinum. If so the word must 
have belonged to the Umbrian element common to the Sabine 
and Etruscan: for Varro tells us here that Falacer was divus 
pater, or Jupiter, and we learn expressly that falandum was 
the Etruscan equivalent to celum (Fest. p. 88). 

Famel, Osc. Fest. p. 87: * Famuli origo ab Oscis dependet, 
apud quos servus fame! nominabatur, unde et familia vocata." 
Comp. Müller, Htrusker, 1. p. 88. Benfey (Wursel-Lez. τι. 
20) woald connect fa-mel for fag-mel with the Sanscrit root 
bhaj, *to honour;" Sclav. bog, *god;" Russ. bog -itj, “ to 


honour." 


§ 2.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 131 


Fasena, Sab. Varro (ap. Vet. Orthogr. p. 2230 Ρ.): “ Siqui- 
dem, ut testis est Varro, a Sabinis fasena dicitur." p. 2238: 
** Itaque harenam justius quis dixerit, quoniam apud antiquos 
fasena erat, et hordeum, quia fordeum, et, sicut supra diximus, 
hercos, quoniam ferct erant, et hadi, quoniam fedt." The 
ancients, however, often omitted the aspirate in those words 
which originally had f. Quintil. Inst. Orat. 1. 5. $20: '* Par- 
cissime ea (aspiratione) veteres usi sunt etiam in vocalibus, 
cum «cedos $rcosque dicebant." The f is changed into ἃ in 
the proper name Halesus—the hero eponymus of the Fale- 
rians, and founder of Falisci: see "Turneb. Adv. xxi. 8. 
Below, Fedus. For the similar change from f to À in the 
Romance languages, see New Cratylus, § 111. 

Februum, Sab. Varro, L. L. v1. § 13: “ Februum Sabini pur- 
gamentum, et id in sacris nostris verbum." Ovid. Fast. 11. 
19: “Februa Romani dixere piamina Patres." Fest. p. 85. 
Also Tuscan; see J. Lydus de Mens. p. 170. The word may 
be compared either with the A. S. fager, “fair,” or with the 
Gaelic feabh, “ good." | 

Fedus, Foedus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. 8 97: “ Ircus, quod Sa- 
bini fercus; quod illic fedus, in Latio rure edus; qui in urbe, 
ut in multis A additio, aedus." — Apul. de Not. Adsmr. p. 94 
(Osann.): *M. Terentius scribit Aedum lingua Sabinorum 
fedum vocatum, Romanosque corrupte hedus pro eo quod est 
fedus habuisse, sicut hircus pro fircus, et trahere pro trafere." 
p. 125: “ Sabini enim fircus, Romani hircus; illi vefere, Ro- 
mani vehere protulerunt." Fest. p. 84: “ Fedum antiqui 
dicebant pro hedo, folus pro olere, fostem pro hoste, fostem 
pro hostia.” Above, Fasena. We have both Celtic and 
Teutonic affinities for this word; cf. the Welsh ged with the 
Swedish get and the Gothic gattsa. 

Feronia, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 74: “ Feronia, Minerva, No- 
vensides & Sabinis. Paulo aliter ab eisdem dicimus Hercu- 
lem, Vestam, Salutem, Fortunam, Fortem, Fidem. Et are 
Sabinam linguam olent qus Tati regis voto sunt Rome de- 
dicate; nam, ut Annales dicunt, vovit (1) Opt, (2) Flore, 
(8) Vediovi Saturnoque, (4) Sol, (5) Lune, (6) Volcano et 
Summano, itemque (7) Larunde, (8) Termwo, (9) Quirtno, 
(10) Vortumno, (11) Laribus, (12) Diana Lucinaque." [The 

2 


182 THE SABELLO-O8CAN LANGUAGE. . [OHAP. IV. 


figures refer to the XII. altars, according to Miller's view, 

᾿ Festus, p. xliv.: comp. Etrusk. 11. p. 64.] “Εἰ quis nonnulla 
nomina in utraque lingua habent radices, ut arbores, qus in 
confinio nate in utroque agro serpunt: potest enim Saturnus 
hic de alia causa esse dictus atque in Sabinis, et sic Diana, et 
de quibus supra dictum est.”’ 

Fides, Sab. Above, 8. v. Feronta. 

Fircus, Sab. Above, 8. v. Fedus. 

Flora, Sab. Above, 8. v. Feronia. 

Fors, Fortuna. Ibid. 

Gela, Osc. Bteph. Byzant. voc. Γέλα :—o δὲ ποταμὸς (Γέλα) 
OTL πολλὴν πάχνην γεννᾷ" ταύτην γὰρ τῇ Ὀπικῶν φωνῇ καὶ 
Σικέλων γέλαν λόγεσθαι. We have both the Teutonic kalt 
and the Welsh geloer. 

Hercules, Sab. Above, 5. v. Feronsa. 

Herna, Sab. et Marsic. “A rock." Serv. ad Verg. Aim. vil. 
684. Compare xpav-aóe, xápav-ov; Gael. carn; lrish, cair- 
neach; Sclav. krement. 

Idus, Sab. Varro, Z. L. vi. § 28: “ Idus ab eo quod Tusci 
ttus, vel potius quod Sabini «dus dicunt." This root is found 
in dt-vid-o, viduus, &c., Sanscrit vidhavá, and even in the 

. Semitic languages; see N. Crat. § 39, note. 

Irpus, Sab. et Samn. Serv. ad Ain. xit 785: “Nam lupi 
Sabmorum lingua htrpi vocantur." Fest. p. 106: “ Jrpint 
appellati nomine lupi, quem trpum dicunt Samnites; eum 
enim ducem secuti agros occupavere.” Strabo, v. p. 250: 
ἑξῆς δ᾽ εἰσὶν Ἱρπῖνοι, καὐτοὶ Σαυνῖται" τοὔνομα δ᾽ ἔσχον ἀπὸ 
τοῦ ἡγησαμένου λύκου τῆς ἀποικίας" ἴρπον γὰρ καλοῦσιν οἱ 
Σαυνῖται τὸν λύκον. Compare the Sanscrit vrikas ; and see 
New Cratyl. S 269. 

Jupiter, Sab. 8. v. Feronta. 

Lares, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Larunda, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Lebasius, Sab. Serv. ad Verg. Georg. 1. 7: “ Quamvis Sabini 
Cererem Panem appellant, Liberum Lebasium." It is pro- 
bable that the root-syllable should be written lab- = lub- (see 
Fest. p. 121, Müller). For the termination we may compare 
the Sabine name Vesp-asta. 

Lepeste, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. ὃ 128: “ Dictw lepesta, que 


§ 4. THE BABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 133 
etiam nunc in diebus sacris Sabinis vasa vinaria in mensa 
deorum sunt posita; apud antiquos scriptores inveni appel- 
lari poculi genus λεπαστάν, quare vel inde radices in agrum 
Sabinum et Romanum sunt profectz.” 

Laxula, Sab. Varro, 1. L. v. § 107: "Circuli, quod mixta 
farina et caseo et aqua circuitum squabiliter fundebant. Hoc 
quidem qui magis incondite faciebant, vocabant lixulas et 
semilizulas vocabulo Sabino, itaque frequentati a Sabinis." 
Comp. liquor, &c. 

Lucetius, Osc. Serv. ad in. rx. 570: “Lingua Osca Luce- 
téus est Jupiter dictus, a luce quam prestare dicitur homi- 
nibus." Comp. lux, λευκός, light, &c. 

Lucina, Luna. 8. v. Feronia. 

Mesius, Osc. Fest. p. 186: * Mesius lingua Osca mensis 
Mattis." 

Mamers, Osc. et Sab. Fest. p. 131: ** Mamers, Mamertis facit, 
$. e. lingua Osca Mars, Martis, unde et Mamertini in Sicilia 
dicti, qui Messane habitent" Id. p. 158: “Et nomen ac- 
ceperunt unum, ut dicerentur Mamertini, quod conjectis in 
sortem duodecim deorum nominibus, Mamers forte exierat; 
qui lingua Oscorum Mars significatur." Id. p. 181: ** Ma- 
mercus prenomen Oscum est ab eo, quod hi Martem Ma- 
mertem appellant.” Varro, L. L. v. S 73: ^ Mars ab eo 

- quod maribus in bello preest, aut quod ab Sabinis acceptus, 
ibi (ubi?) est Mamers." This word and its analogies are 
explained in the next chapter, 8 2. The whole subject has 
been reviewed by Corssen, &ber die Formen wu. Bedeutungen 
des Namen Mars in den ital. Dialekten (Zeitschr. f. Vergl. 
Sprf. 1852, pp. 1—35), who proposes to consider Mavors 
as a contraction of Mar-mar with a formative ἐ, which is also 
found in Mare (Mar-t-). 

Meddix, Osc. Liv. xxvi. 6: “ Mediz tuticus summus apud 
Campanos magistratus." Comp. xxiv. 19. (The old reading 
was medtastaticus.) Fest. p. 123: '** Meddix apud Oscos no- 
men magistratus est.” Ennius: “ Summus ibi capitur Med- 
diz, occiditur alter" (Annal. vii. 78). In this passage from 
Ennius, Dacier reads unus for summus. This appears un- 
necessary: Meddiz occurs in the Oscan inscriptions with 
the epithets degetasius, fortis, and tuttcus; summus may be 


184 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [OCHAP. IV. 


another epithet of the same kind. The word Meddiz appears 

. to be connected in origin with the Greek μέδων. The proper 
name Mettius (Fest. p. 158), or Mettss (Liv. 1. 23), seems to 
have been this word Meddia. At least Livy says that Met- 
tus Fuffetius was made dictator of Alba; and Festus speaks 
of Sthennius Mettius as princeps of the Samnites. So, also, 
we have MEAAEIZ OYeENZ (Meddix Ufens) in the inscription 
given by Castelli di Torremuzza, Sicil. vet. Inscr. v. 45, p. 55: 
see Müller, Etrusk. 11. p. 69, note. Knótel proposes (Zettschr. 
f d. Alterthumsw. 1850, p. 420) to consider Med-dix = medium- 
dicens a8 ἃ compound analogous to ju-dex = 7us-dicens, vin- 
dex = vim-dicens, &c. The last word is more truly explained 
with reference to ven-co, ven-do, and wen-dico; and as medi 
is properly spelt with one d (see Schómann's Gretfawald Pro- 
gram fur 1840), it would be better to consider med- as the 
root and c — c-s as a mere formative ending: cf. medicus. In 
somewhat later times the Sabello-Oscans called their dictator 
by the name embratur, which is evidently a shortened form of 
the Latin 4m-perator, or wndu-perator. Liv. vill. 39; 1x. 1; 
x. 29. Oros. v. 15: '* Postquam sibi Samnites Papium Mu- 
tilum smperatorem preefecerant.” Similarly we have coins 
with the Oscan inscription, G. Paapi G. Muttl Embratur ; 
which refer to the time of the Social War, when the forces 
of the confederacy were divided into two armies, each un- 
der its own ¢mperator, the Marsi being under the orders of 
Q. Popedius Silo, the Samnites having for their leader this 
Gaius Papius Mutilus, the son of Gatus. Of tuticus, see 
below. 

Minerva, Sab. 8. v. Feronta. 

Multa, Ose. et Sab. Fest. p. 142: “ Multam Osce dici putant 
ponam quidam. M. Varro ait poenam esse, sed pecuniariam, 
de qua subtiliter in Lib. 1. questionum Epist. 1. refert." Cf. 
p. 144. s. v. Maximam multam. Varro, apud. Gell. ΧΙ. 1: 
** Vocabulum autem ipsum multe idem M. Varro uno et vice- 
simo rerum humanarum non Latinum sed Sabinum esse dicit, 
idque ad suam memoriam mansisse ait in lingua Samnitium, 
qui sunt a Sabinis orti," 

Nar, Sab. Virg. din. vir. 517: “Sulfurea Nar albus aque." 
Ubi Serv.: “ Sabini lingue sua nar dicunt sulfur.” 


S 2.] THE SABELLO-OBCAN LANGUAGE. 135 


Ner, nerio, Sab. Suet. Vit. Tiber. 1.: “Inter cognomina autem 
et Neronis adsumpsit, quo significatur lingua Sabina fortis ac 
strenuus." Gell. xix. 22: ** Nerio a veteribus sic declina- 
tur, quasi Anio; nam proinde ut Anienem, sic Nerienem dix- 
erunt, tertia syllaba producta; id autem, sive Nerio sive Ne- 
vienes est, Sabinum verbum est, eoque significatur virtus et 
fortitudo. Itaque ex Claudiis, quos a Sabinis oriundos acce- 
pimus, qui erat egregia atque prestanti fortitudine Nero appel- 
latus est. Sed id Sabini accepisse a Grecis videntur, qui vin- 
cula et firmamenta membrorum νεῦρα dicunt, unde nos quoque 
nervos appellamus." Lydus de Mens. 1v. 42. Id. de Ma- 
gistr. 1, 28. Compare the Sanscr. nri; and see above, p. 128, 
B. V. Cas-nar:; cf. p. 116. 

Novensides, Ops. Sab. 8. v. Feronta. 

Panis = Ceres, Sab. 8. v. Lebasius. 

Panos, Messap. Athen. 11. p. 111 C.: πανὸς ἄρτος Μεσσάπιοι. 
This is a confirmation of punus for pants in the Umbrian 
inscription (p. 123). 

Petora, petorritum, Osc. Fest. p. 206: '* Petorritum et Gallicum 
vehiculum est, et nomen ejus dictum esse existimant a numero 
IIIL rotarum ; alii Osce, quod hi quoque petora quattuor vo- 
cent: alii Grace, sed αἰολεκῶς dictum." Comp. Quintil. Znst. 
Orat. 1. 5, S 57. The /Eolic Greek wrote πέσσυρες, πέσ- 
capa, or πίσυρα, or πέτορες, πέτορα. In Gaelic we have 
peder. The Doric Gr. was Téropes. In general we have τ 
in Gr. where we have qv in Latin, and in these cases we have 
p in Oscan: e.g. Osc. pis, Lat. qvis, Gr. τίς ; and the Oscans 
wrote Tarpintus, Ampus, for the Lat. Tarquintus, Ancus. 
But qv was so agreeable to the Roman articulation, that we 
find gv in Latin words where we have not τ but vr in Greek. 
Comp. πῆ, πέντε (πέμπε), ἵππος, ὅπομαι, λείπω, λίπα (λι- 
παρός), ὄπτιλος, ἐνέπει, πατάσσω, πέπτω, ἧπαρ, with qua, 
quinque, equus, sequor, linquo, liqueo, oquulus, $n-qust (quoth 
Angl, quéthan Anglo-Sax., gwedyd Welsh'), quatio, quoquo, 
jecur. For petor-ritum (petor, “ four," rad, Sanscrit ratha, 
“a chariot") see Heindorf on Hor. Sar. 1. 6, 104. 


! Seo below, Chap. xi. ὁ 7. We have the present tense of quoth in 
the English word be-queath; cf. be-speak. 


136 | THE SABELLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE.  [CHAP. IV. 


Picus, Sab. «Strabo, v. § 2: πῖκον γὰρ τὴν ὄρνιν τοῦτον Ovo- 
μάξουσι καὶ νομίξουσιν “Apews ἱερόν. Cf. Bret. ptk, “a mag- 

. pie." 

Pipatio, Osc. Fest. p. 212: “ Pipatio clamor plorantis lingua 
Oscorum." We may compare this either with the Gaelic piob, 
“to pipe,” “to squeak,” or with the German pfeifen. 

Pitpit, Ose. Fest. p. 212: “ Pitptt Osce quidquid." Above, 
8. V. Petora. 

Porcus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. 897: “ Porcus quod Sabinis dic- 
tum Aprimo Porco-por, inde porcus; nisi si a Grecis, quod 
Athenis in libris sacrorum scripta κάπρῳ καὶ πόρκῳ." This 
root occurs in all the Indo-Germanic languages. 

Quirinus, Salus, Sab. s. v. Feronta. 

Sancus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 66: “ /Elius Dium Fidium di- 
cebat Diovis filium, ut Gre;ci Διὸς κόραν Castorem, et putabat 
hunc esse Sancum ab Sabina lingua, et Herculem a Grgca." 
Lyd. de Mens. 58: τὸ σάγκος ὄνομα οὐρανὸν σημαίνει τῇ 
Σαβίνων γλώσσῃ. 

Saturnus, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Scensa, Sab. Fest. p. 339: '' Scensas [Sabini dicebant, quas] 
nunc cenas, que autem nunc prandia, cenas habebant, et pro 
ceni[s vespernas antiqui]." Comp. Paul. Diac. in p. 338. Mr. 
Ellis compares the Welsh gwinsa and vesperna with the Gaelic 
feasgar, both signifying ** evening." 

Sol, Sab. s. v. Feronia; see also Varro, L. L. v. §§ 27, 68; but 
Festus says (p. 20): * Aureliam familiam, ex Sabinis oriun- 
dam, a Sole dictum putant, quod ei publice a populo Romano 
datus sit locus, in quo sacra faceret Soli, qui ex hoc Ausels di- 
cebantur, ut Valesii, Papisii, pro eo quod est Valerii, Papirii.” 
—And on an Etruscan mirror Usil appears as the name of a 
figure armed with a bow, which probably represents Apollo, 
(Bullett. 1840, p. 11) ; and this would seem to confirm Müller's 
suggestion (see Berlin. Jahrbücher, August 1841, p. 222, note) 
that the whole word 4usil was the name of the Sun-god, both 
in the Sabine and in the Etruscan language. The word 4v- 
relius, however, brings us much nearer to Aurora, and while 
we have the word Usil on Etruscan monuments in connexion 
with the figure of Aurora (Gerhard, Arch. Zeitung, 1847, 
Anh. n. 1. p. 9), we find from the obvious reading in a gloss 


§ 4.} . THE BABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 137 


of Hesychius that the Etruscan word really meant “the morn- | 
ing" rather than “the sun:" αὐκήλως 1. avond[ws], ἕως ὑπὸ 
Τυῤῥηνῶν. And as the Sabines said ausum from aurum, we 
may probably refer both words to the Sanscrit root ush= 
urere, and explain the name of the metal from the red glare of 
light, which is common to it and to the sun-rise: whence Varro 
says (L. L. v. ὃ 83): "aurora dicitur ante solis ortum, ab eo 
quod ab igni solis tum aureo aer aurescat." The slight con- 
fusion between the sun and his early light is easily accounted 
for, and excused: and on the whole it seems better to sup- 
pose that sol, from the Sanscrit root swar=calum (Pott, 
Etym. Forsch. 1. p. 131), and ausel, from ush = urere, were 
independent, but partly commutable Sabine and Etruscan 
words. 

Sollo, Osc. Fest. p. 298: ‘ Sollo Osce dicitur id quod nos 
totum vocamus. Lucilius: vasa quoque omnino redimit, non 
sollo dupundi, i.e. non tota. Idem Livius.  Sollicuria, in 
omni re curiosa. Et solliferreum genus teli, totum ferreum. 
Sollers etiam in omni re prudens [comp. Sanscr. sarvártha] ; 
et sollemne, quod omnibus annis prestari debet." Grimm. 
(Deutsch. Wüórterb. 1. p. 206) compares with this word Goth. 
alls, O. H. G., O: S. ἄς. al, A. S. eal, Engl. all, O. N. allr, Swed. 
and Dan. all, Ir. ul, Welsh oil, Armor. holl, Gr. ὅλος = ὄλβος, 
Lat. salvus, Sanscr. sarva. 

Strebula, Umbr. Fest. p. 313: “ Strebula Umbrico nomine 
Plautus appellat coxendices quas G[reci μηρία dicunt, que] 
in altaria in[poni solebant, ut Plau]tus ait in Fri[volaria]." 
Varro, L. L. vit. 8 67: * Stribula, ut Opilius scribit, cir- 
cum coxendices sunt bovis; id Grecum est ab ejus loci ver- 
sura." Arnob. adv. Gent. vir. 24: “ Non enim placet carnem 
strebulam nominari que taurorum e coxendicibus demitur." 
Mr. Ellis compares Basque tsterra, Armen. azdr. 

Strena, Sab. Elpidian. ap. Lyd. de Mens. 1v. 4: ὁ δὲ Ἔλπι- 
διανὸς ἐν τῷ περὶ ἑορτῶν στρήναν τὴν ὑγίειαν τῇ Σαβίνων 
φωνῇ λέγεσθαί φησιν. Comp. Symmach. Ep. x. 35; Festus, 
p. 918; and the Germ. strenge, Engl. strong, Lat. strenuus, 
Gr. στρηνής, στρῆνος, &c. For another sense of strena, see 
Fest. p. 313. 

Summanus, Sab. s. v. Feronta. 


: 138 THE BABELLO-OBCAN LANGUAGE.  [oHAP.iv. 


Supparus, Osc. Varro, L. L. v. $131: “Indutui alterum quod 
subtus, a quo subucula; alterum quod supra, a quo supparus, 
nisi id, quod item dicunt Osci." Cf. σίπαρος, siparus. 

Tebe, Sab. Varro, E. H. 11. 1,16: “Nam lingua prisca et 
in Grecia 7Eoleis Boeotii sine afflatu vocant collis tebas; et in 
Sabinis, quo e Grecia venerunt Pelasgi, etiamnunc ita dicunt; 
cujus vestigium in agro Sabino via Salaria non longe a Reate 
millarius clivus appellatur T'ebe." The word therefore, 
according to Varro, was Pelasgian as well as Sabine. Cf. 
“top,” * tip," &e. 

Terenum, Sab. | Macrob. Sat. r1. 14: “A tereno, quod est 
Sabinorum lingua molle, unde Zerentios quoque dictos putat 
Varro ad Libonem primo." Comp. the Gr. τέρην. 

Terminus, Sab. 8. v. Feronta. 

Tesqua, Sab. Schol. Hor. Epist. 1. 14, 19: “ Lingua Sabino- 
rum loca difficilia et repleta sentibus sic (tesqua) nominantur." 

Testis, Sab. Labb. Gloss. Nom. p. 82: “Testis μάρτυς τῇ τῶν 
Σαβίνων φωνῇ." " 

Touticus, Osc. Liv. xxvI. 6: “ Medix tutecus.” The Jtine- 
rarium Hverosolym. explains the name of the city Equus- 
Tuticus, which Horace could not fit to his verse (1. Sat. 5, 87), 
by equus magnus. Though it is possible, however, that tuti- 
cus might in a secondary application bear this signification, 
it is more probable that it is the adj. from tuta civitas, and 
that it means publicus or cívicus. Abeken thinks (Mittel- 
ttalien, p. 100) that the word eguus in this compound is the 
ethnical name ZEquus ; but the version of the Zttinerartum is 
confirmed by the inscription of Nuceria, published by Pelli- 
cano in 1840: * M. Virtio . M. T. Men. Cerauno . 7Edili . i1 
Vir . Jure . dicundo . prefecto . fabrum . V. Vir . cui . decu- 
riones . ob . munificentiam . ejus . quod . equum . magnum . 
posuerat . et . denarios . populo . dedicatione . ejus . dederat . 
duumviratum . gratuitum . dederunt . Nucerie." So that the 
city may have derived its name from some such symbolical 
steed erected in the market-place, which was at once “ great" 
and “public.” Cf. Abella τε Aperula = Boartown or Borton. 

Trabea, Sab. Lydus de Mens. 1. 19. 

Trafere, Sab. Above, s. v. Fedus. 

Trimodia, Sab. — Schol. Hor. Serm. τ. 1, 58: ‘‘ Cumerg dicuntur 


§ 3.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 139 


vasa minora que capiunt quinque sive sex modios, que lingua 
Sabinorum érimodia dicuntur." 

Ungulus, Osc. Fest. p. 375: “ Ungulus Oscorum lingua anu- 
lus.” Comp. Plin. H. N. xxxu. 1. 

Vacuna, Sab. Horat. 1. Epist. x. 49: “Post fanum putre 
Vacune.” Porphyr. ad 1.: “ Vacuna apud Sabinos pluri- 
mum colitur... Varro... Victoriam ait et ea maxime hi gaudent 
qui sapientia vincunt," She seems to have been the goddess 
of Victory, whether she approximated in this capacity to 
Bellona, to Minerva, to Diana, or to Ceres; and the old 
temple, mentioned by Horace, was restored under this name 
by the Sabine Emperor Vespasian: vide Orelli, Corp. In- 
script. no. 1868. | 

Vedius, Sab. 8. v. Feronta. 

Vefere, Sab. 8. v. Fedus. 

Veta, Osc. Fest. p. 368: “ Veta apud Oscos dicebatur plaustrum." 

Vesperna, Sab. s. v. Scensa. 

Vesta, Volcanus, Vertumnus, Sab. 8. v. Feronta. 


88. The Bantine Table. 


The most important fragment of the Oscan Language is carved 
on a bronze tablet, which was found in the year 1793 at Oppido, 
on the borders of Lucania, and which is called the Tabula Ban- 
tina on account of the name Banse occurring in the inscription, 
which seems to refer to the neighbouring city of Bantia in 
Apulia’. On the other side is a Latin inscription, which will be 
considered in its proper place. 

The Oscan Bantine inscription contains thirty-eight lines or 
fragments of lines. Of these lines four to twenty-six are com- 
plete at the beginning; and lines eleven to thirty-three have 
preserved the ends entire: consequently there are some six- 
teen lines which may be read throughout. Of course, the 
certainty and facility of the interpretation vary materially with 
the completeness of the fragment; and while many passages 
in the intermediate lines may be made out almost word for 
word, we are left to mere conjecture for the broken words and 


. 1 It was bought fer the Museo Borbonico for 400 scudi. - 


140 THE SABELLO-O8CAN LANGUAGE.  [CHAP. IV. 


sentences at the beginning and end. The following is a copy 
of the Table. 


1.. . . s.nom [f just, ae ru . . . 
2... . suc l(e) l(ey(t)us.q. moltam angit . 
| u . amnur 
.8.. . . dewast . maimas . carneis . senaters . 
tanginud . am 
4, XL . 0805 .. . . 0C . egmo . comparascuster . suae . 
pis . pertemust . pruer.pan. . . 
. B. deivatud. . sipus . comonei . perum . dolom . mal. 
lom . som . 0c . comono . mais . egm . 
6. cas . amnud . pan . pieis . umbraters . aut. 
cadeis . amnud . inim . wdic. stom. dat . 
senat . 
7. tanginud . motmas . carneis . pertumum . pie. 
ez .comono . pertemest . rzic . erzerc . zicel. 
8. comono . ni . hipid pis . pocapit . post . post . 
exac . comono . hafiert . meddis . dat . cas- 
trid . loufi[rud ] . [aut] . 
, 9. en. eituas . factud . pous . touto . dewatuns . tan- 
ginom . deicans . siom . dat . eizasc . idic. 
tangineis . . 
10. deicum . pod . valaemom . touticom . tadast . ezum . 
nep fel f jactd . pod. pis. dat. eizac . egmad. 
min. . 
11. deivaid . dolud . malud. suae . pis . contrud . exeic . 
Jefacust . autv . comono . hipust . molto . 
' etan . 
12. to . estud . n. QD. in. suae . pis . tone. fortis . 
meddis moltaum . herest . ampert . minstreis . 
aeteis . 
18. eituas . moltas . moltaum . licitud . suae . pis. 
prumeddixud . altrei . castrous . auti . ertuas 
14. zicolom . dicust . izic . comono . nt. hind . ne. 


«...... 


ὃ 3.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 141 


16. 


17. 


pon . op . toutad . petirupert . urust . sipus . 
perum . dolom . 


. mallom . in . trutum.. zico . touto . peremust . petiro-. 


pert . neip . mais . pomlis .. com . prewatud . 
actud . 
pruter . pam . medicat .inom . didist . in. pon. 
posmom . con . prewatud . wrust . eisucen . 
ziculud . | 
zicolom . XXX . nesimum.. comonom . ni . hid .- 
. Suae . pis . contrud . exeic . fefacust . 4onc . 
suae . pis. 


. herest . meddis . moltaum . licitud . ampert . mistreis . 


aeteis . eituas . licitud . pon . censtur. 


. [Blansae . tautam . censazet . pis. ceus . Bantins . 


ust . censamur , esuf . in . evtuam . poizad . 
ligud. 


. aise (7) censtur.. censaum . anget . uzet . aut . suae . 


pis . censtomen . nev. cebnust . dolud . 
mallud . 


. in . eizeic . vincter . esuf . comener . lamatir . prmed- 


dixud, . toutad . praesentid . perum . dolum . ᾿ 


. mallom . in . amiricatud . allo . famelo . 4n . et. siuom . 


paer . eizeis . fust . pae . ancensto . fust . 


. toutico.estud. pr . suae . praefucus . pod . post . 


— "exac . Bansae . fust. suae . pis . op . eizois . 
com 


924. a[ T ]trud . ligud . acum . herest . auti . prumedicatud . 


25. 


26. 


manimaserum . eizazunc . egmazum . 

pas . ex . ascen . ligis . scriftas. set .nep .him . pru- 
hiyid . mais . sicolois . X . nesumois. — suae. 
pis . contrud . 

exeic . pruhipust . molto. etanto . estud τ. (D. 1n . 
8uae . pis. tonk . meddis . moltaum . herest. 
licitud . 


142 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. (CHAP. IV. 


27. [ampert] minstreis . aeters . eituas . moltas . mol- 
taum .licitud — pr . censtur . Bansae . 

28. [m . prs. fu yd . nei.suae .q.fust. nep . censtur. 

. net. 8uae . pr . fust . in . suae . pis. 

pr.in.suae. 

29... .. . μὲ... pis. tacus . am. nerum . fust . zie. 
post . eizuc . ir . pl. mi . fud . suae . pis. 

30....[p Jocapid . Bansa| e]. [f ]ust . àzic . amprufid . facus 
. estud . dic . medicim . eizuk . 

981....m.2 . . m.mnerum...medicim . . sinum 
. VI. nesimum . 

92...om[j]udem .acfeh . . . . mum. pod. 

93. .m.lu.sum..ems.s. . . . . medicum. 

94. . . ntstreis a[e]teis 2 

95. . . estlicitud tr. 

96. . . comipid irucis . 

37. . . trip] estud . 


98. . . timom . . 


84. Commentary on the Bantine Table 


In the first line we have only the words fust— fuerit and 
ἑσΐο τὰ ὦ, which are of frequent occurrence. | 
In 1. 2 we read: Q. moltam angit. u. — Q. is the common ~~ | 
abbreviation for questor, whose business it was to collect such 
fines : compare Mus. Ver. p. 469 : QVAIRTORES . . . . AIRE. 
MVLTATICOD . DEDERONT. We have seen above that wiulta 
8. molia is recognized as ἃ Sabello-Oscan word; and it is of 
course equivalent to the Latin multa. As anter is the Oscan 
form of énter, we might suppose that an-git.u was for in-ttt 
.o. But ἃ comparison of the Oscan inscriptions xxiv. 18 (p. 71 
Leps.): medd(ss degetastiis araget, and xxvir. 38 (p. 86 Leps.): 
meddís degetasis aragetud «multas (which are obviously, with the 
common change of d to r, meddix degetastus adiget and meddix 
degetastus adigito multas), would rather show that angit.u[d] 
is an abbreviation of adigito, the dental liquid representing the 
dental mute. 


8 4.} THE SABELLO-OSOAN LANGUAGE, 143 


L. 8: detvast matmas karnets! senateis tanginud. The first 
word is the conjunctive of divavit, which occurs in the inscrip- 
tion quoted by Lanzi (Saggio, 111. p. 533), and we have the 
imperative detvatud in l. 5, deivatuns in |. 9, and deivaid in 
l. 11. .Deivo must be identical with divo in Lanzi's inscription, 
which runs thus: v. ATII DIVAVIT TUNII IRINII Il. T. IRINII 
PATRII DONO MIIIL I. LIB... T. We have also deivames 
on the Crecchio Inscription, and Knótel would connect the verb 
with devoveo, (Zeitschr. f. d. Alterthumsw. 1850, p. 419). Ety- 
mologically this is obviously wrong: butif we adopt Mommsen's 
derivation from divus, so that divare means consecrare or divi- 
num facere, the meaning will come to this. Huschke (die ook. 
wu. Sab. Spr. pp. 64, 70), connects the word with dubius, and 
renders deivo by moram facio, morari. Maimas karnets must 
mean mazximt (in old Latin maximae) cardenis. So mais in 
ll. 15, 25, signifies magts; comp. the French mats: and d is 
often omitted in derivatives from the Latin, as in mt-nuté for 
media nocte. The cardo maximus refers to the main line in the 
templum in Roman land-surveying, and thus in l. 7, we have 
maimas karneis pertumum. ΑΒ detvo and pertemo are mani- 
festly transitive verbs (cf. comono pertemest, |. 7), the gen. matmas 
karneis must be explained as an expression of measurement or 
value. Zanginud, which occurs elsewhere, was probably an 
ablative case, corresponding to the accus. tanginom (1.9). We 
have the same phrase, senatets tanginsíd, in the Cippus Abella- 
nus, I. 8; and it is probably equivalent to the de senatuos sen- 
tenttad of the senatus-consultum de Bacchanalibus. If so, the 
root tag- (with nasal insertion ta-n-g-) occurred in Oscan as well 
as in Greek. | 

L. 4: ewe pis pertemust. The first two words, sue pis 
1.e. st quis, are of constant occurrence in this Table. For the 
form of sue=si, see New Cratylus, ὃ 205. So suad = sic 
(Müller, Suppl. Ann. in Fest. p. 411). Pertemust is the perf. 
subjunctive of a verb pertimere, which seems to mean “to portion 
off" or “divide :” comp. pertica, templum, τέμενος, τέμνω, con- 
temno, &c. 


1 In the second transcription I have submitted k for o, for the reasons 
given by Lepsius (ad Inscr. p. 150). 


144 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.  [cHAP. IV. 


L. 5: komonet seems to be the locative of a word com-unus, 
synonymous with com-munie, and designating the ager publicus, 
i.e. τὸ κοινόν. Perum dolum mallom siom τα per dolum malum 
suum. The preposition per-um seems to be a compound like its 
synonym am-pert (12, &c.). ok komo-[no] is perhaps Aoc 
com-unum : 1onc stands in this inscription for hunc or eum-ce. 

L. 6: -kas amnud. In Lepsius’ transcript this is written as 
one word; but in the original there is a vacant space between 
the two, and -&as is clearly the end of some mutilated word, the 
beginning of which was broken off from the end of the preceding 
line. Amnud occurs again in this line, and also in the Cip- 
pus Abellanus, 1. 17. It seems to be the abl. of some noun. 
Mommsen translates it causa, and some such meaning is re- 
quired. At any rate, it governs a genitive in both clauses of 
this comparative sentence. For egmo is a feminine noun, as ap- 
pears from its ablative egmad, |. 10; gen. pl. egmazum, 1. 24. 
Consequently -kas must represent the gen. sing. of some adjec- 
tive agreeing with eg-mas. Mommsen derives eg-mo from 
egere, ΒΟ that it means “ need or business." Huschke, who finds 
Greek everywhere, refers the word to αἴχμη, and renders it con- 
troversia, jurgium (de osk. u. Sab. Spr. p. 80). As umbratets is 
clearly tmperati (cf. embratur with tmperator), and as kadeis 
may be the genitive of some noun signifying “permission” (cf. 
cadum, χα-ν-δάνω, χατέω, careo, &c.), the whole passage will 
mean: magis negotW proprii causá, quam alicujus tmperatt 
aut permissi causá, Preis and pret in this line and the next are 
the gen. and dat. of pís- quis. It is supposed by several 
scholars that dat in this line is another form of the preposition 
de; similarly dat castrid loufirud (1. 8) is supposed to mean de 
agro libero ; dat eizaisc (1. 9) is rendered by de silks; and dat 
eizac egmad (l. 10) is de tlla re (Fabretti, p. 288). If so dei is to 
dat 88 se- to sed. 

L. 8: nt hid, i.e. ne habeat: conf. ll. 11, 14, 17; also 
pru-hipid (25) = ργωλέδοαί, and pru-Mpust (26) = prohtbuerit. 
Post post is probably an error of the engraver for pod post, 
for pod — quod. signifies quando in |. 23; or we must omit the 
former post as an unmeaning interpolation. Post-esak = post- 
-hac or post-eak: esak is the accus. neut. pl. of the pronoun 
esus, which we have also in the Eugubine Tables, the -k, -ke, 


8.4. THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 145 


being subjoined, as in the Latin AÀíc--Aé-ce. This is a most 
Instructive form, as bearing immediately on a difficulty which 
has long been felt in Latin etymology. The quantity of the 
last syllables of antea, tntered, postea, proptered, seems at first 
sight irreconcilable with the supposition that these words are the 
prepositions ante, tnier, &c., followed by the neut. accus. ea. 
And a comparison with post-hac, adversus hac (Fest. p. 246, 
l 8, &c.) might lead to the supposition that they are ablatives 
feminine, the regimen of the prepositions being changed, as is 
certainly the case in Umbrian. This is, at any rate, the opinion 
of Klenze (Phil. Abhandl. p. 45) and Müller (ad Fest. p. 247). 
An English writer supposes that they may be deduced from the 
accus. eam, on the analogy of post-quam, ante-quam, &c. (Journal 
of Education, 1. 106). But this opinion involves a singular 
misconception. It is much more reasonable to conclude that the 
demonstrative pronoun, in Latin as in Oscan, being generally 
followed by the termination -ce, made its neut. pl. in -a-ce or 
-Gc: we have an instance of this in the demonstrative hz-o, the 
neut. pl. of which is hec, not ha-ce or ha. Now as this form 
has become Aa-c in posthac, and as qua-ce has become que, 
we may understand that, as qgue-propter becomes quà-propter; 
BO ante-ea-ce, or ante-eec, might become ant’ed; and so of the 
others. At least, there is no other way of explaining the neuter 
forms que and Aec. .Post-eéa-k is therefore a synonym for 
qost-heoc =post-hac. See below, Ch. x. § 4. 

Pokaptt (in the Cippus Abell. 1. 52, pukkapid) may be 
rendered quandocunque, and compared with the obsolete concaptt, 
if this is equivalent to guocunque in Festus (p. 364, Muller): 
tignum junctum. adibus vineave, et concapit, ne solvito; where 
however a different interpretation may be given: see below, Ch. v1. 
§ 12, Fr. 7. The ablatives kastrid loufirud must mean predio 
bero. In1. 18 we have kastrous also contrasted with ettuas, which 
must = pecunia, and so we have an opposition of land to money 
in each case. Of the difference of form between kastrid and 
kastrous there is no explanation on the hypothesis that they are 
cases of the same noun, The former may be the ablative of 8 
word analogous to campes-ter, seges-ter. The latter must be 
the accusative plural of a derivative from this under the form 
-us or Fes (New Crat. ὃ 257). The forms μήτρως, μητρυιός, 

D. V. 10 


146 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [OHAP. IV. 


πάτρως, πατρῷος, sufficiently vindicate the addition of Fes to the 
affix t+r (New. Crat. S 414), and the Umbrian kastruvu/, 
the accus. pl. of an adjective kastrueus, proves the existence of 
such an extension in the old Italian languages. With an ellipsis 
of ager the new adjective would become substantival, and this is 
apparently the case with kastrov-s, the accus. pl. of the apoco- 
pized kastrov. The root cas-, which occurs in the Latin cas-tus, 
casa, cas-trum, conveys the idea of inclosure, purity, and protec- 
tion (New Crat. § 267). Consequently castris or castrous ager 
is an inclosed field like the old English **town." There is an un- 
observed connexion between castrum and predium. The latter 
is derived from pres ( pred = pra-vad, for we have pro-vides for 
grades in the lex Thoria, which is not older than &.c. 111), “a 
surety in money-matters," and this noun includes eas, (vad-, 
* wad"') the more general name for “a bail.” The same term is 
also included in custos (custod = cast-vad-); and while this word 
combines the idea of surety with that of protection, pras com- 
bines the idea of surety with that of substitution ; there is the 
same opposition between castrum or custodéum the place of 
security, and predium the property which represents ἃ man's 
person. The form loufir for ber is justified by the old form 
ἴωδον = luber (Fest. p. 121); which is farther supported by the 
Greek ἐλεύθερος; cf. ἔρυθρος with ruber, &c. 

L. 10: pod valemom toutikom tadatt ezum nep. fepakid 
pod pis dat, i.e. [et quia fecit]: quod salutem publicam tardet 
ex tts, neque fecit, quod quis dat [faciendum]. Tadait ap- 
pears to contain the root of tedet, which is connected in sense 
and etymology with tardus; the r is only an assimilation to the 
d. Bimilarly we have: ''pigere interdum pro tardart,” Festus, 
p. 213, Müller. Fepakid is only an error for feéfakid, like 
docud for dolud in the next line. We see from this and the 
conjunctive fefakust, which follows, that the Oscans formed the 
preterite of facio by reduplication, and not by lengthening the 
root-syllable (New Crat. § 377). 

The passage from 1. 11 to the end of the paragraph may be 
supplied and explained as follows: suc pis kontrud eseik fefa- 
kust, auti komono hip[ust], [molto] [etan]to estud n. ὦ Φ., tn 
suc pis tonk fortis meddis moltaum herest ampert s [naireis 
aelteis ettuas moltas moliaum likitud: i.e. δὲ quis adversus 


§ 4, THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 147 


hac fecerit, aut com-unum (i.e. agrum publicum) habuerit 
(i.e. possedertt), multa tanta esto numi  CIO.CI0, (nde st quis 
eum validus magistratus multare voluerit usque ad minores 
partes pecunie multas multare liceto. It 18 easy to restore 
molto etanto from 1. 26 infra. Multa tanta refers to what has 
preceded, like the stremps lex esto of the Roman laws. The 
sum is denoted by the numeral sign, which was subsequently: 
represented by CIO, just as 11.8. became H.8. Fortis meddix = 
validus magistratus (see Festus, p. 84, s. v. forctes), in other 
words, “a magistrate of sufficient authority." Molta-wm is the 
old infinitive of multo. Herest is the perf. subj. of a verb hero, 
* to choose" or “take” (root λέν, a hand," Sanscr. Art), which 
occurs in the Umbrian Tables with a slight variety of meaning. 
In the Latin Bantine Table (1. 7) we have quet volet magis- 
tratus in a parallel clause. That ampert is a preposition is 
clear, and it is also obvious that it denotes extension: but that 
it is to be referred to dup) περί, as Grotefend proposes, is 
not so manifest. I should rather think that peré is a termi- 
nation here, as in pettro-pert (1. 15); and if so, it qualifies the 
prepos. am, corresponding to the German wm, which is also 
used with qualifying terminations, whether prepositional or 
otherwise: compare the Latin ad-versus, $n-usque, &c.; and as 
pettropert signifies usque ad quatuor and pert viam (Cipp. 
Abellan. |. 33) 2 usque ad vam, we may render am-pert by tn- 
usque or usque ad. Minstreis cteis is supplied from ll. 18, 27. 
The word ménts-ter is the correlative of magis-ter!; and as 
magistra or magistratus were the higher public functionaries, so 


sinistri were those who did the state service in a subordinate ὦ 


capacity—lictores, viatores, and such like. Here minister is a 
general adjective corresponding to minor. The phrase ampert 
minstress aeteis eituas occurs again in |. 18, and may be ex- 
plained by the Latin inscription on this table, where we find 1. 10: 
dum minoris partis familias taxat. If this is the true inter- 


1 This obvious comparison occurred to me independently of Pott, who, 
as I learn from Aufrecht, had made the same observation (Etym. Forsch. 
n. p. 254). Another form of the same kind is sinis-ter from sinus (Pott, 
Zahimethode, p. 139, where he seems to refer to the false derivation of 
minister from manus). ° 

10-- 


148 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE:  [CHAP. IV. 


pretation, aetís signifies “a part,” and is connected with the 
root vid- in vidua, di-vido, with the Etruscan ttus, Sabine zdus 
(Varro, L. L. vi. § 28), just as Achivus is related to ᾿Αχαεός, 
equus to in-tquus, &c. For the relation between vid- and id- 
see New Crat. § 116, where the principle was first indicated. 
Klenze takes ettuas for istas ; and Grotefend translates it erarst. 
It is nearly certain that ettua = pecunia; if so, the word may be 
derived from «s; in which case we shall have @[s|tuus by the 
side of ws-timus (preserved in «s-timo: see below, Ch. vit. ὃ 5), 
just as we have both edi-tuus and edi-timus (Festus, p. 13). 

L. 18: sue pis pru-meddisud altrei castrous auti ettuas zi- 
kolom dicust, izik komono ni hipid: i.e. st quis pro magis- 
tratu alii prediaria aut pecunias in sictlicum (1. e. portionem) 
dicavertt, is comunum ne habeat. Prumeddisud seems to be much 
the same as prumedtkatud, |. 24. Pru stands for pre or pro: 
so we have pruter (1. 16), prukspid (1. 25), for prater, prohibeat. 
The £icu/us, mentioned in this and other passages of the Table, 
seems to be the stctlicus (from seco), which was, in land-measur- 
ing, à of the juger, or six hundred square feet (Columella, v. 1, 
9): in general it expressed subdivision, and was 2, of the as, 
or } of the semuncia in money-reckoning (Fest. p. 366: Stc#- 
licum dictum quod semunciam secet; Labb. Giloss.: Stctlicum, 
τέταρτον οὐγκίας; Boóckh, Metrolog. Untersuchung. p. 160), and 
also τς of the guinaria (Frontin. de Aquad. c. 28), and of the 
hora (Plin. xvi. 32). 

L. 14: ne pon op toutad petirupert urust sipus p. d. m. 
The first words here are very obscure. Klenze joins optou- 
tad, which he translates propterea. Mommsen translates op 
toutad “a populo."  Petiru-pert seems to include the Umbrian 
petur — quatuor (Eug. Tab. vi. b. 11), and may mean usque ad 
quatuor: see on 1. 12. — Urust is the perf. subj. of urvo 8. urbo = 
aratro definto, circumdo (Fest. p. 375; Pomponius, LL. 239, § 6, 
de Verb. Signif.), whence urbs, and perhaps orbis. Sipus p. d. m., 
“knowingly and with evil design." Sipus — sibus, for which see 
Fest. p. 336. 

L. 15: pettro-pert neip mais pomtis- usque ad quatuor 
neque plus quinque. It is known that the Samnite proper 
name Pontius corresponds to the Latin Quintius (see New Crat. 
§ 161). Ibid: kom preivatud aktud - cum privato actu. Fest. 


ἢ 4.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE, 149 


P. 17: “ Actus in geometria minorem partem jugeri, id est cen- 
tumviginti pedum." Niebuhr, Hist. of Hom. 11. Append. i. ad 
not. 29: “The jugerum, as the very name implies, was a 
double measure; and the real unit in the Roman land-measure 
was the actus, containing 14,400 square feet, that is, a square of 
which each side was 120 feet.” 

L. 16: pruter pam = prater-quam. 

LL. 18, sqq.: pon kenstur Bansew tautam kensazet pis keus 
Bantins fust kensamur esuf in ettuam poizad ligud atsk kenstur 
kensaum anget uzet aut sue pis kenstomen nei kebnust dolud 
mallud in eizeik vinkter esuf comenet lamatir prmed-dizud toutad 
presentid perum dolum mallum in amirikatud allo famelo in e$ 
sivom paet eizeis fust pae ancensto fust toutiko estud. The first 
words are tolerably clear: Quum censor (here censitor) Bantia 
civitatem censassit, quis civis Bantinus fuertt. The letter z here 
represents the combination ss, as has been shown above by a 
comparison of ὄβρυξα, obrussa, &c.; it is sometimes equivalent. 
to t(u)s as in hore = hortus (Mommsen, Unterit. Dial. p. 128, 139, 
140); cf. the Umbr. piaz for piatus (Umbr. Sprd. 1. 108); and 
in the gen. egmazum it corresponds to the Latin r—2. The 
second of these values seems to have been borne by the Etruscan 
2, if achnaz = agnatus (Fabretti, 8. v.). The form keus for civis 
is etymologically interesting. It proves that -vis is the termina- 
tion of the Latin word: consequently ke-us, ct-vis, is composed 
of the root ke (κεῖ-μαε, &c.), and the pronominal affix, -vi-s, -u-s 
(see New Cratylus, S 257), and the word means “a squatter,” 
or generally ‘an inhabitant;" compare θῆτες, tnsassen, &c. 
(Buttmann, Lezil. 11. 111, note). The word kensamur, if it is 
one word, is hardly intelligible. Grotefend understands it as 
the passive participle &ensamus for kensamnus or censendus ; but 
although the participial termination mn is often reduced to n, I 
know no instance in which it is represented by m only. ΑΒ we 
must expect here a passive imperative, it seems most reasonable 
to conclude that kensamur is a corruption for kensatur = censetor. 
A different explanation, but to the same effect, has been proposed 
by Curtius (Zeitschr. f. d. Alterthw. 1849, p. 846). It is re- 
markable that the verb is conjugated in -ao, and not.like its 
Latin equivalent in -eo. The conjugation seems to be censo, -as, 
“ut, -Gum, -itus, like veto. In the next words we have a form 


150 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.  [cHAP. IV. 


uzet, which seems to be a parallel to anget; and this, as is 
shown above, means adiget. But it would be difficult to explain 
such a form as wuzo. Aufrecht (Zestschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. τ. 189) 
reads angetuzet as one word, which, however, he does not ex- 
plain. Now -tuset occurs in the Cippus Abellanus, ll. 16—39, 
as an affix to verb-forms: pruf-tuset, tribarakat-tuset; and even 
in Etruscan: hareu-tuse (Cipp. Perus. 24); and I should explain 
these agglutinate words as parallel to the Latin venum-do, cre-do, 
considering éu- as identical with do. If so, angetuzet will mean 
adactum dabtt or adigesset.  .Esu-f seems to correspond exactly to 
4-bi, just as pu-f (Tab. Pomp. xxiv. 4, 3) answers to u-bt. For 
poisad Aufrecht (u.s.) suggests pam eizad. If potzad is to 
stand, it must be a subjunctive corresponding to penset, a form 
of pendo. The analogy is supported by the French potds for 
pondus, &c. Ingud atske = lege hac, just as below, 1. 25, es 
aisken ligts must mean ex hesce legibus. It is hardly possible to 
understand kenstom.en.except as an abbreviation of the two 
words censtom enom, the latter being the same pronoun which 
appears in Latin, in the locative case, as the conjunction entm, 
Sanscrit éna (New Crat. S 170). Grotefend’s supposition that it 
is ἃ noun imn -men, like the Umbrian esunumen, is inadmis- 
sible, because in that case the word must have been censamen. 
Mommsen (p. 269) suggests an affixed particle =tn, so that 
Kenstom-en — 4n censum. This, to say the least, requires to be 
supported by examples. The verb kebnust = kebnuerit is a-very 
difficult word. Mommsen (p. 269) proposes to connect it with 
the Gothic quéman “to come," so that kebnust τε cbenust. Auf- 
recht, who justly objects to this etymology (u. s. p. 190), sug- 
gests a connexion with the Sanscrit gap jurare. It appears to 
me that the first syllable is the root of cap-ut, xep-ady, haupt, 
&c.; 80 that keb-nuo would be equivalent to κατανεύω, “to 
assent to," or, if this is required, “to affirm" on oath. This 
interpretation of kebnust is of course conjectural only; and in a 
matter of so much uncertainty it is better to leave it as it is. 
Of the next words we cannot make much. Toutad presentid = 
populo presente? Amtrikatud =immercato (Kirchhoff, Zestschr. 
f£. Vergl. Sprf. τ. 31). We know from Festus that famel was an 
Oscan word, and famelo appears by the context to be a feminine 


derivative from it, signifying familia (cf. egmo, abl. egmad). 


§ 6. THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 15} 


Allo can only be a demonstrative adjective containing the same 
root as al-ter, al-tus, ollus, &c. And thus the main predication 
will be américatud allo famelo toutiko estud, i, e. immercato q. d. 
sine emptione, tlla familia publica esto. The intervening words 
are not easily dealt with, and inetstuom can only be rendered 
conjecturally: but the general meaning of ll. 21— 223, clearly is: 
aut 8i quis censum non juraverit dolo malo et illud convincitur, 4b 
tn publico queratur promagistratu populo presente propter dolum 
malum; et sine emptione tlla familia (perinde atque gus fuerst 

qua non censita fuerit) publica esto. | 

L. 23: Pr sum prefubu pod post ejak Bansm fust: 
i e. pretor sive profectus, quando post-hac Bantio fuerit. 
Profukus is formed from prejficto, in the same way as the 
Umbrian der-secus from dis-seco. LL. 28 sqq.: sue pis op- 
eizois kom alirud ligud akum herest, auti prumedikatud manim- 
aserum etzazunk egmazum pas es aisken ligis skrifias set 
ne phim pruhyid mais stkolots X. nesimots, &c.: i.e. at quis 
οὗ hac cum altero lege agere voluerit, aut pro magistratu 
manum conserere propier eas res, quas ex hisce legibus scriptas 
actet, ne in hoc prohibeat plus sicilicis decem. contiguis. (below 
Chap. vir. ὃ 6), &c. The Table has ne. phim; I would rather 
read nep him: nep occurs for neque in the Cippus Abellanus, 
ll. 46, 47, and is used in an absolute prohibition in Umbrian 
(Tab. Eug. v1. 4, 27); and him appears to be the locative of 
the pronoun fi (see New Crat. ὃ 139). The rest of the para- 
graph has been explained before. 

There is nothing in the last paragraph which seems to re- 
quire any observation, except that in 1. 29 tribunes of the plebs 
seem to be mentioned: ἐγ, pl. nt fuid = nist fuit. tribunus 
plebes. 

§ 5. The Cippus Abellanus. 


Next to the Tabula Bantina the most important monument 
of the Oscan language is a stone tablet called the Cippus Abel- 
lanus, which was moved from Avella Vecchia! to the modern 


1 The old Abella, or Avella, was probably Aberla=aperula= Eberstadi; 
cf. Atella=aderla = aterula -z Sowarsburg (Corssen, Zeitschr. 7. Vergl. 


152 


village of that name in 1685, and there employed as a door-step, 
until in 1745 it was remarked by Remondini, then professor in 
the Episcopal Seminary at Nola, and by him removed to the 
Museum in that seminary about 1750. The subject of the in- 
scription is an agreement between the neighbouring Campanian 
cities, Abella and Nola. It will be sufficient to give the inserip- 
‘tion with an approximate and in part conjectural translation, 


THE BABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [OHAP. IV. 


which is in great measure due to Theodore Mommsen. 


maiiof . vestirikifo . mai sir 
_ prupukid . sverrunef . kvaíst(u] 

.. reí . abellanof . {nfm . maiio[] 
jovkifoí. mai. pukalatoí 

5. medíkef . deketasiof . novla 

' [nof f]ním . ligatofs . abellan 

[ofa] 

. Íním lígatoís novlanofs 
pos senate[f]s tanginod 
suveís potorospfid lígat[os] 

10. fufans . ekss . kombened 
sakaraklom . herekleís 
slaagid . pod. ist. inim teer[om] 
pod . op . eísod . sakaraklod[ist] 

. pod.anter. teremníss . eh[trad.] 

15. fst . paf. teremennio . ino[íní- 
tanginod . prof. tuset . r[ehtod.] 


amnod . puv . {dik . sakara- 


[klom] 
Íním . fdfk. terom . moínf[kom] 
᾿ς mofnfkef . teref . fusíd [aut.] 
20. efsefs . sakarakleís . íf[nfm] 
terefs . fruktatiuf . fr[ukta] 


[tios] . mofnfko . poturu[m- 
pid}. | 

[fus]id . aut. novlanu[ 

...] hereklefs . fi] 


Magio Vestricieio Magii fil 
... Berroni queesto- 

ri Abellano, et Magio 
Jovicieio Magii fil. Pucalato 
magistratui dictario Nola- 
no et legatis Abellanis 


et legatis Nolanis, 

qui sénatus jussu 

sui utrique legati 

fuerunt, hoc convenit. 
Sacellum Herculis 

in agro quod est et terra 
qui apud id sacellum est, 
quise inter terminos extra 
est, quse terminatio communi 


jussu probabitur justá 
causá aliquá, id sacellum 


et ea terra communis 

in communi terra erit. At. 
ejus sacelli et | 
lerre in messe mes- 

sio communis utrorumque 


erit. At Nolanorum 
... Herculis fanum 


Sprf. 1852, p. 17). Pott (Etym. Forsch. 1. 124, rt. 100), supposes an 
: original form Alb-ella; but the first syllable was short; Verg. 4. VII. 
. 740: "et quos maliferee despectant monis Abellm." 


5.6. 


ὅ. ...] ispíd . novlan[ 
ipu...ist é . 


ekkum 
trifbaraka 
lifmfto.. term. 
30. herekleís . .fíísnu . mefo . 
ist . ehtrad . fefhoss . Peel 
hereklefs . fíísnam . 
et. pert . viam . scat 
pef * fp . ist " postin. slagím, 
95. senateís . suveís . tangi 
^ nod. tribarakavum . lí 
kítud . íním . fok . tríba 
rakkiuf. pam . novianos . 
tribarakattuset . ínim 
40. ofttiuf. novlanum . estud 
ekkum . svaí . píd . abellanos 
tribarakattuset . fok . tri 
barakkiuf . {nim . ofttiuf . 
abellanum . estud . aut 
45. post. fefhofs . pos. físnam . am 
fret . efsef . tereí . nep . abel- 
Janos . nep. novlanos . pidum 
tribarakattins . aut . the 
saurom . pod . eseí . teref . fst 
50. pon . patensíns . moinfkad . 
^ an]: 
ginod . patensins . íním píd 
dsef] 
thesaureí . pukkapid . eh[trad] 
[o]íttíom . alttram . alttz[ 
Jerríns . aut . anter slagfím] 
55. [a]bellanam . infm . novlanam 
[pplled . vio. uruvo. ist. tedur 
[elísaí . víaf . mefiaf . tereme[n] 
[nfiu stafet . 


THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 


153 


que Nolans 
ibi est 


Item [si volent agrum 
parti[ri qui ager] 
limitatus [post] term[inos, ubi] 
Herculis fanum medium 

est, extra antefixa, ques 
Heroulis fanum amb- 

iunt, ad viam usque positus est, 
qui ibi est positus, agrum 
senatus sui jus- 

Bu partiri li- 

ceto; et is partiti- 

one quam Nolanus (senatus) 
partietur et 

usui Nolanorum esto. 

Item si quid Abellanus (senatus) 
partietur, is (ager) par- 

titione et usu 

Abellanorum esto. At 

post antefixa quse fanum am- 
biunt, in ea terra neque Abel- 
lanus neque Nolanus quidquam 
partiantur. At the- 

saurum qui in ea terra est 
quum aperiunt, communi jus- - 


su aperiant, et quidquid in eo - 


thesauro quandocunque extra 
usum alterum-alterius 
habeant, At inter agrum 
Abellanum et Nolanum 
quacunque via curva est, ibi 
in ea via media termina. 

tio stet. - 


184 THE SABELLO-OBUAN LANGUAGE. [OHAP. tiv. 


On the forms which occur in this inscription it is not necessary to 
say much. Slagis, which occurs in the accus. and abl. sing. 
seams to contain the root of locus (stlocus), lac-una, loch, &c. 
Prof-tuset, tribarakat-tuset, tribarakat-tins, are agglutinate forms 
like venum-do, cre-do, &c. The adjunct tu- is probably equiva- 
lent to do, signifying “to make, or put.” Thus prof-tuset = 
probatum dabit — probabitur (see above, on Tab. Bant. 1. 20). 
F'í(sna comes from fes- or fas-, as in fes-cenninus, fas-cinum. 
Fethos contains the root of figo. And tedur is a pronominal 
adverb corresponding in form and meaning to the old use of 


igtur, 


8 6. The Bronse Tablet of Agnone. 


The most recent contribution to our knowledge of the Oscan 
language is furnished by a small bronze tablet, which was dis- 
covered at Fonte di Romito, between Capracotta and Agnone, in 
the year 1848. As the place of discovery is near the river 
Sagrus or Sangro, this inscription may be regarded as exhibiting 
the most northerly as the Bantine table exhibits the most southerly 
dialect of the Samnite language. It is obvious, on the slightest 
inspection, that the table speaks of a series of dedications to dif- 
ferent deities or heroes, who are enumerated in the dative case. 
Accordingly, it is not likely to add much to the general vocabu- 
lary of the Sabello-Oscan idioms. Its interpretation has been 
attempted by Henzen (Annals dell’ Instituto Archeol. 1848, 
pp. 882—414), Mommsen (tid. pp. 414—429; unterttal. Dia- 
lekte, pp. 128 sqq.), Aufrecht (Zettechrift f. Vergl. Sprf. 1. pp. 86, 
844.), and Knótel (Zeitschr. f. d. Alterthumsw. 1850, no. 52, 53, 
1852, no. 16, 17), who are by no means in agreement respecting 
the proper names or ordinary words which it includes. The in- 
terpretation, which I have placed by tbe side of the text, is in- 
debted in most points to some or other of my predecessors. 


Face. 
status . pus . set . hortin . Consecratio quse sit horto 
kerríiín : vezkef . statif . geniali Vesco stative, 
evklof . statif. kerri. statif . Libero st., Cero st., 
futref . kerríiaí . statíf . Cereri geniali st., 


b. anter. statoí. statif . Interstites st., 


§ 6.] 
líganakdíkef . entraf . statif. 
anafríss . kerrfiofs . statif . 

10. maatoís . kerríioís . statff . 
dioveí. verehasioí . statíf .- 
dioveí . regaturef . statíf . 
hereklof . kerríiof . statif . 
petanaí . piístíaf . statif . 

15. deívaí . genetaf . statíf . 
aasai . purasiaf . 
saahtom . teforom . alltref . 
poterefpid . akenef . 
sakahíter . 

20. fluusasiaís . az . hortom 
sakarater 
pernaí . kerrfiaf . statif . 
ammaf . kerrfiaí . statif . 
flussaí . kerrfiaf . statif . 

2b. evkloi. pateref . statíf . 


Back. 

aasas . ekask . eestínt 
hortof 
vezkef 
evklof 

5. fautref 
anter. stataí . 
kerrí 
ammaf 
diumpaís 

10. liganakdíkef . entraí. 
kerrfiaf . 
anafríss . 
maatoís . 
diovef . verehasio 
15. diovef . piíhiof . regaturef . 

hereklof . kerrfiof . 
patanaf pifstiaf . 
defvaf . genetaf . 
aasaí . purasiaf . 


THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 


Matri geniali st., 
Lymphis genialibus st., 
Leganecdici immote st., 
Ambarvalibus genialibus st., 
Matutis genialibus st., 
Jovi almo st., 

Jovi pluvio st., 

Herculi geniali st., 
Panda pistrici st., 
Dive genetee st., 

Aree pure ; 

sacrum tepidum alter- 
utro anno 

sacratur. 

Floralibus ad hortum 
sacrificatur ; 

Pali geniali stative, 
Matri geniali st., 

Flore geniali st., 
Libero patri st. 


Arex he exstent 


Jovi pio pluvio, 
Herculi geniali, 
Pands pistrici, 
Dives genete, 
Are pure; 


155 


156 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.  [cHAP. IV, 


20. saahtom . teforom. | sacrum tepidum 
alttreí potereífpíd alterutro 
akenef . anno; 
horz:. dekmanniofs staít . hortus in decumanis stet. 


The substantive kerus and its possessive kereras must be explained 
with reference to the root cer-, cre- (creare), Sanscr. kri, “to 
make," which we find in Ceres and Cerus — creator, Festus, 
p. 122. To the same class of deities belongs Futris (root φυ-, 
fu), and it is a matter of indifference whether Venus or Ceres 
comes nearest to the goddess intended. Knótel identifies Evklus 
with ZpAéclus, and of course this is possible; but the adjunct 
patri in 1. 25, seems to denote a deity analogous to Liber 
Pater (cf. Evíus); Amma corresponds, as Aufrecht suggests, to 
the Germ. amme, Sanscr. ambá, “mother.” On diwmpats = lym- 
phis, which is compared with the Sanscrit dtp — fulgere, splen- 
dere, in the same way as limp-tdus falls back on Xdjwme, see 
the authorities quoted by Fabretti (p. 317). Verehasius, as an 
epithet of Jupiter, is explained by the Sanser. vridh, “to grow," 
whence the Latin virga; and regator must be rtgator, i.e. plu- 
vius. Patana is Panda or Patella (Gell. xiii. 22, Arnob. rv. 
7), who opens the husk of the grain. Téeforom answers to the 
Latin tepidus, and still more nearly to the Etruscan tephral (see 
above, Chap. 11. ὃ 11). Akenus is = annus, as in Umbrian (see 
Aufrecht u. Kirchhoff, Umbr. Sprd. p. 401). Perna is Pales 
— Pares (v. Festus, p. 222, Muller; and cf. vetus, veter-nus, luz, 
luci-na, dies, dia-nus, jov-is, ju-no, &c.). We may compare 
pistia with pistor, pistum, pisum, ' 


8 7. The Atellane. 


It seems scarcely worth while to enumerate the grammatical 
forms which may be collected from these inscriptions, as they 
are virtually the same with those which occur in the oldest spe- 
cimens of Latin, the only important differences being that we 
have -azum for -arum in the gen. pl. of the 1st decl., that the 
9rd declension sometimes preserves the original -ss of the nom. pl., 
and that this reduplication represents the absorbed m in the 
acc. pl. of the 2nd and 3rd declensions. It may be desirable, 


$T] | THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 157 


however, before concluding this part of the subject, to make a 
few remarks on the Fabule Atellane, the only branch of Oscan 
literature of which we know anything. 

The most important passage respecting the Fadule Atel- 
lane,—that in which Livy is speaking (vir. 2) of the introduc- 
tion of the Tuscan /udiones at Rome in the year A.v.c. 390,— 
has often been misunderstood; and the same has been the fate 
of a passage in Tacitus (1v. 14), in which the historian mentions 
the expulsion of the actors from Italy in the year A. U.c. 776. 
With regard to the latter, Tacitus has caused some confusion 
by his inaccurate use of the word Aisirio; but Suetonius has 
the phrase Atellanarum histrio (Nero, c. 39); and the word had 
either lost its earlier and more limited signification, or the Atel- 
lang were then performed by regular Aístriones. . | 

Livy says that, among other means of appeasing the anger of 
the gods in the pestilence of 890 A. U. C., scenic games were for 
the first time introduced at Rome. Hitherto the Romans had 
no public sports except those of the circus—namely, races and 
wrestling; but now this trivial and foreign amusement was 
introduced. Etruscan /udiones danced gracefully to the sound 
of the flute without any accompaniment of words, and without 
any professed mimic action. Afterwards, the Roman youth 
began to imitate these dances, and accompanied them with unpre- 
meditated jests, after the manner of the Fescennine verses; these 
effusions gave way to the satura, written in verse and set to the 
flute, which was acted by professed hestriones with suitable songs 
and gestures; and then, after a lapse of several years, Livius 
Andronicus ventured to convert the satura into a regular poem, 
and to make a distinction between the singing (canticum) and 
the dialogue (diverbia); the latter alone being reserved to the 
histriones, and the former being a monologue, by way of inter- 
lude, with a flute accompaniment!. Upon this, the Roman youth, 
leaving the regular play to the prefessed actors, revived the old 


1 Diomed. m1. p. 489: “in canticis una tantum debet esse persona, 
aut, si duse fuerint, ita debent esse, ut ex occulto una audiat, nec collo- 
quatur, sed secum, si opus fuerit, verba faciat." On the canticum see 
Hermann, Opusc. 1. pp. 290, sqq., who has clearly shown that it was not 
merely a flute voluntary between the acts. 


158 THE BABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. IY. 


farces, and acted them as interludes or afterpieces (exod$a!) to 
the regular drama. These farces, he expressly says, were of 
Oscan origin, and akin to the Fabule Atellanew ; and they had 
the peculiar advantage of not affecting the civic rights of the 
actors. 

In order to understand the ancient respectability of the 
Atellance, we must bear in mind the opposition which is always 
recognized between them and the Mime. Hermann has pro- 
posed the following parallel classification of the Greek and 
Roman plays (Opusc. v. p. 260, cf. Diomedes, 111. p, 480, Putsch): 


GRECUM ARGUMENTUM. ROMANUM ARGUMENTUM. 

Crepidata (Tparyqbía). Pretextata. 

Palliata (κωμῳδία). Togata, vel trabeata vel taber- 
RATA. 

Satyrica (carupot). Atellana 

Mimus (pios). Planipes. 


Adopting this classification, which has at least much to recom- 
mend it, we shall see that as the Greek satyrical drama was 
the original form of the entertainment, and, though jocose, was 
not without its elevating and religious element, so the Afel- 
lana, a8 & national drama, was immediately connected with 
the festive worship of the people in which it took its rise, and 
therefore retained a respectability which could.not be conceded 
to the performances of foreign hestriones. These artists were 
not allowed to pollute* the domestic drama; and, being free 
from all contact with the professional acfor, the young Roman 
could appear in the Atellan play without any forfeiture of his 
social position. Whereas, even in the corrupt days of the later 


1 As the practice of the Greek and Roman stage involved the per- 
formance of several dramas on the same day, it matters little whether we 
render exodiwm by “interlude” or “afterpiece.” According to the defi- 
nitions given by Suidas and Hesychius, an exodium was that which 
followed an exeunt omnes, whether, which was more common, at the end 
of a play, or at the end of an act. See the examples given by Meineke 
on Cratinus, Fr. Incert. cLxx. p. 220, and compare Baumstark’s article 
in Pauly’s Real- Encycl. m1. p. 360. 

3 Liv. vo. 2: “nec ab histrionibus pollui passa est." 


872] .— THE BABELLO-OSCAÀN LANGUAGE. 159 


empire, Juvenal saw something especially monstrous in the fact 
that a noble could appear as ἃ mimus or planipes'. With 
particular reference to the contrast between the mimus and the 
Atellana, Cicero says to Papirius Pstus, who had introduced 
some vulgar jokes after a quotation from the CEnomaus of Accius, 
that he had followed the modern custom of giving a mime for 
afterpiece instead of adopting the old practice of introducing the 
Atellan farce after the tragedy*. In the same way he says 
that superfluous imitation, such as obscene gestures, belongs to 
the domain of those mimi, who caricatured the manners of 
men. Ánd while Macrobius considers it as an exceptional merit to 
have introduced mtm? without lasciviousness‘, Valerius Maximus 
attributes the social respectability of those who performed in the 


1 vim. 189, sqq. : 
“ populi frons durior hujus, 
Qui sedet, et spectat triscurria patriciorum, 
Planipedes audit Fabios, ridere potest qui 
Mamercorum alapas." 

3 Cic. ad Div. 1x. 16, 2: “nunc venio ad jocationes tuas, quum tu 
secundum (Enomaum Accii, non, ut olim solebat, Atellanam, sed, ut nunc 
fit, mimum introduxisti." 

5 de Oratore, τι. 59: “mimorwm est enim ethologorum, si nimia est imi- 
tatio, sicut obseccenitas.” Of. ὁ. 60, 6 244. 

4 Saturn. 1. 7: “videbimur et adhibendo convivio mimos vitasse 
lasciviam." This is the passage referred to by Manutius in his note on 
Cicero ad Div. 1x. 16, 2, where he says in a parenthesis : * itaque Macro- 
bius Lib. rr. Saturn. mimis lasciviam tribuit" In Smith's Dict. of .Anti- 
quities, Art. Atellane fabule, Ed. 1., this note of Manutius is paraded 
at fall length as a quotation from * Macrobius Satur. Lib. m1.,” and even 
the μὲ arbitror of the commentator is made to express the opinions of the 
author quoted. It is evident that the compiler of this Article made no 
attempt to verify the reference to Macrobius, which he has used without 
stating that he was indebted for it to Manutius, and which he has care- 
ΠΥ placed at a distance from his reference to Cicero. His blunder is 
the just Nemesis of his want of candour. As he quotes from Valerius 
Maximus, ^ rr. 1," instead of “11. 4,” we may presume that in this case 
also he is using the learning of some commentator. In the new edition 
of Smith's Dictionary the article Atedlane Fabulo is suppressed, and a 
short account of the subject is included in the article Comedia, written 
by another person. The same Nemesis still tracks the second-hand quo- 
tation, for there * Macrobius, Satur. rm." is quoted for Manutius" state- 
ment that the Atellana was divided into five acts. 


160 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.  [CHAP. IV. 


Atellan farces to the old Italian gravity which tempered this 
entertainment’. 

But besides the moral decency by which the Atellana was 
distinguished from the Mime, it is manifest from the passage in 
Livy that it derived additional recommendation from the fact 
that this was a national amusement and was connected with the 
usages of the country population, who always contributed a 
varying proportion to the inhabitants of ancient Rome. We infer 
from the words of the historian that the Roman youth were not 
satisfied with either the Tuscan or the Greek importations, and 
that it was their wish to revive something that was not foreign, 
but national. Of course Livy cannot mean to say that the Oscan 
farce was not introduced at Rome till after the time of Livius 
Andronicus Muso, and that it was then imported from .Atella. 
For whereas Muso did not perform at Rome till the second 
Punic war’, Atella shared in the fate of Capua ten years before 
the battle of Zama, and the inhabitants were compelled to migrate 
to Calatia®. Now it appears from the coins of this place that its 
Oscan name was Aderla‘; and the Romans always pronounced 
this as Atella, by a change of the medial into a tenuis, as in 
Mettus for Meddix, imperator for embratur, fuit for fuid, &c. 
This shows that the name was in early use at Rome; and we 
may suppose that, as an essential element in the population of 
Rome was Oscan, the Romans had their Oscan farces from a 
very early period, and that these farces received a great im- 
provement from the then celebrated city of Aderla in Campania. 
It is also more than probable that these Oscan farces were 
common in the country life of the old Romans, both before they 


1. 4: “Atellani autem ab Oscis acciti sunt; quod genus delecta. 
tionis Italica severitate temperatam, ideoque vacuum nota est ; nam neque 
tribu movetur, neque a militaribus stipendiis repellitur.” 

3 Porcius Licinius, apud Aul. Gell. xvi. 21: 

Ponico bello secundo Muso pinnato gradu 
Intulit se bellicoeam in Romuli gentem feram. 
Bee also Hor. rt. Epist. 1. 162. 
iLivy, xxvi. 16, xxm. 61, xxvm. 8. 
‘Lepsius ad Inscriptiones, p. 111. For the meaning of tho word, see 
above, $ 5, note. _ 


§ 7.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 161 


were introduced into the city’, and after the expulsion of the 
histriones by Tiberius*. For the mask was the peculiar charac- 
teristic of the Atellane’, and these country farces are always 
spoken of with especial reference to the masks of the actors. 

We may be sure that the Oscan language was not used in 
these farces when that language ceased to be intelligible to the 
Romans. The language of the fragments which have come down to 
us is pure Latin‘, and Tacitus describes the Atellana as **Oscum 
quondam ludicrum*," Probably, till a comparatively late period, 
the Atellana abounded in provincial and rustic expressions$; but 
at last it retained no trace of its primitive simplicity, for the 
gross coarseness and ohscenity?, which seem to have superseded 
the old-fashioned elegance of the original farce?, and brought 
it into a close resemblance to the mimus, from which it was 
originally distinguished, must be attributed to the general cor- 
ruption of manners under the emperors, and perhaps also to the 
fact that from the time of Sulla downwards the Oscan farce was 


1 Virgil. Georg. τι. 385, 8qq.: 
Nec non Ausonii, Troja gens missa, coloni 
Versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto, 
Oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis. 
Comp. Horat. rr. Epist. 1. 139, sqq. 
3 Juvenal, Sat. 111. 172, 8qq.: 
Ipsa dierum 
Festorum herboso colitur si quando theatro 
Majestas, tandemque redit ad pulpita notum 
Exodium, quum persons pallentis hiatum 
In gremio matris formidat rusticus infans. 
That the ewodium here refers to the Atellana appears from Juv. vt. 71: 
* Urbicus exodio risum movet Atellane ' 
Gestibus Autonoes." 
3 Festus, s. v. personata fabula, p. 217: “ per Atellanos qui proprie 
vocantur personati." The modern representatives of the Atellan charac- 
ters are still called maschere, and our harlequin always appears with a 
black mask on the upper part of his faco. 
1 See Diomed. rm. pp. 487, 488, Putsch. 
5 Ann. 1v. 149. 6 Varro, L. L. vit. $ 84, p. 152. 
7 Terent. Maur. p. 2486, Putsch; Quintil. Inst. Or. v1. 8; Tertull. 
De Spectaculis, 18; Schober, über die Atellan. Schauspiele, pp. 28, sqq. 
5 Donat. de Trag. et Com. “ Atellanz salibus et jocis composite, quee 
in se non habent nisi vetustam elegantiam." 


D. V. 11 


162 ' THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE.  [cHAP. IV. 


gradually passing from its original form into that of a regular 
play on the Greek model, 80 that all the faults of Greek comedy 
would eventually find a place in the entertainment. The prin- 
cipal writers of the Latin Atellane, after Sulla, who is said to 
have used his own, that is, the Campanian dialect’, were Q. 
Novius’, L. Pomponius Bononiensis?, L. Afranius', and C. Mem- 
mius5, The political allusions with which they occasionally 
abounded, and which in the opinion of Tiberius called for the 
interference of the senate?, were a feature borrowed from the 
licence of the old Greek comedy; and to the same source we 


1 Athenzeus, 1v. p. 261, 0: ἐμφανίζουσι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸ περὶ ταῦτα ἱλαρὸν 
al én’ αὐτοῦ γραφεῖσαι Σατυρικαὶ κωμφδίαι τῇ πατρίῳ φωνῇ. My learned 
friend, Mr. Alexander Dyce, whose opinion on the proper interpretation 
of Athenreus is of peculiar weight, suggests to me that if Oscan was not 
always used in the Fabule Atellanz, we ought to understand by τῇ πατρίᾳ 
φωνῇ, “his native language," ie. the Latin tongue. And he expresses 
his conviction that in all the other places where Atheneus has φωνή, it 
means the language, and not some particular dialect of a country, e.g. 
I. c. 48: τῇ Ἑλλάδι φωνῇ; xu. c. 49: τὴν Περσικὴν φωνήν. On the other 
hand, there is no doubt that the Greeks used the word φωνή to denote 


'a mere provincialism ; see tho passages quoted in the New Cratylus, $ 88; 


and there would have been no particular force in the remark that Sulla 
wrote comedies in Latin. It is clear from Strabo, v. p. 238, that Oscan 
was the language of the Átellane farces long after it had ceased to be 
common and vernacular, and he uses the phrase ἀγὼν πάτριος in describ- 
ing these performances: τῶν μὲν yàp “Ocxwy ἐκλελοιπότων ἡ διάλεκτος 
μένει παρὰ rois Ῥωμαίοις, wore καὶ ποιήματα σκηνοβατεῖσθαι κατά τινα ἀγῶνα 
πάτριον καὶ μιμολογεῖσθαι. That the satyric comedies here referred to 
must have been Atellanw may be inferred from Diomedes, 111. p. 487, 
Putsch: "tertia species est fabularum Latinaram, que. . . Atellane dicts 
sunt, argumentis dictisque jocularibus similes satyricis fabulis Grecis.” 
The reference to the Simus in the Atellane (Sueton. Galb. 15) points to 
ἃ contact with the satyrs. Macrobius, Saturn. 1. 1. 

3 Aulus Gellius, Δ, A. xvir. 2. 

5 Macrob. Saturn. vi. 9; Fronto ad M. Css. 1v. 3, p. 95, Mai; Vel- 
leius, 11. 9, 6. 

1 Nonius, 8. v. tentare. 5 Macrobius, Saturn. 1. 10. 

6 Tacitus, Annal. 1v. 14: “ Oscum quondam ludicrum, levissimte apud 
vulgus delectationis, eo flagitiorum et virium venisse, ut auctoritate 
patrum coercendum sit.” Cf. Sueton. Nero, c. 39; Galba, c. 13; Calig. 
c. 27; where we have special instances of the political allusions in the 
later Atellane, 


S 7.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 168 


must refer the names of the personages!, which are known to 
have been adopted by Novius, Afranius, and Pomponius, and which 
are either Greek in themselves or translations of Greek words. 
The old gentleman or pantaloon was called Pappus or Casnar: 
the former was the Greek Πάππος, the latter, as we have seen, 
was an Oscan term — vetus. The clown or chatterbox was called 
Bucco, from bucca, and was thus a representative of the Greek 
Γνάθων. The glutton Macco, Greek Μάκκω, has left a trace 
of his name in the Neapolitan Maccaroni; and Punch or Poli- 
chinello is derived from the endearing diminutive Pulchellus, 
which, like the Greek Καλλίας, was used to denote apes and 
puppets". The Sannio is the cavvas of Cratinus (Fr. Incert. 
ΧΧΧΤΙΙ. a. p. 187, Meineke); and this buffoon with his patch- 
work dress is represented by the modern Harlequin, one of 
whose names is still zannz, Angl. *zany." The modern word 
harlequin is merely the Italian allecchino, i.e. “ gourmand.” 
Menage’s dream about the comedian, who was so called in the 
reign of Henry III. because he frequented the house of M. de 
Harlai, is only an amusing example of that which was called 
etymology not many years ago. 

On the whole we must conclude, that the Atellan farces 
were ultimately Grecized, like all the literature of ancient Italy, 
and as the language of the Doric chorus grew more and more 
identical with that of the Attic dialogue, to which it served as 
an interlude, so this once Oscan exodium was assimilated in 
language and character to the histrionic plays, to which it served 
as an afterpiece, and so gradually lost its national character and 
social respectability. Thus we find in the destiny of this branch 
of Oscan literature an example of the absorbing centralisation of 
Rome, which, spreading its metropolitan Latinity over the pro- 
vinces, eventually annihilated, or incorporated and blended with 
its civic elements, all the distinctive peculiarities of the allied or 
subject population. 


1 See Moller, Hist. Lit. Gr. ch. xx1x. 6 4. Vol. 11. p. 55, note. 
3 Theatre of the Greeks, Ed. 6, p. [160]. 


11—2 


CHAPTER V. 
THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 


$ 1. Transoriptions of proper names the first clue to an interpretation of the Etrus- 
can language. § 3. Nanies of Etruscan divinities derived and explained. 
8 3. Alphabetical list of Etruscan words interpreted. § 4. Etruscan inscrip- 
tions—difficulties attending their interpretation. § 5. Inscriptions in which 
the Pelasgian element predominates. § 6. Transition to the inscriptions which 
contain Scandinavian words—The laurel-crowned Apollo—Explanations of the 
words clan and pAleres. § 7. Inscriptions containing the words eui and tree. 
8 8. Inferences derivable from the words ever, cver, and thur or thawr. § 9. 
Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse in the use of the 
auxiliary verb lata. §10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined. 
Ite Ranio affinities. § 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethno- 
graphic tradition in regard to the ancient Etruscans. § 12. General remarks 
on the absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language. 


§ 1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an 
interpretation of the Etruscan language. 


T will not be possible to investigate the remains of the Etrus- 

can language with any reasonable prospect of complete suc- 
cess, until some scholar shall have furnished us with a body of 
inscriptions resting on a critical examination of the originals’; 
and even then it is doubtful if we should have a sufficiently co- 
pious collection of materials. The theory, however, that the 
Etruscan language, as we have it, is in part a Pelasgian idiom, 
more or less corrupted and deformed by contact with the Um- 
brian, and in part a relic of the oldest Low-German or Scandi- 
navian dialects, is amply confirmed by an inspection of those 
remains which admit of approximate interpretation. Nor has 
this theory been shaken by the researches of those who have un- 
dertaken to examine this difficult subject since I communicated 


1 The first impulse to the study of Etruscan antiquities was given by 
the posthumous publication of Dempster's work de Etruria Regali, which 
was finished in 1619, and edited by Coke in 1723—4. Bonarota, who 
furnished the accurate illustrations of this work, insists upon the import- 
ance of a correct transcription of the existing linguistic materials. 


δ 1.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, 165 


my views to the British Association in 1851. With the excep- 
tion of one or two attempts' to explain the Etruscan inscriptions 
on the hypothesis that the language was Semitic, all the latest 
contributions towards the solution of this philological problem 
recognize the lost idiom as Indo-Germanic, and nearly all admit 
that the Etruscan was compounded of distinct and heterogeneous 
elements, and that the Rasena were Retians. Dr. W. Freund, 
who, as I have already mentioned, expressly undertook to com- 
bat my theory, in order, I presume, to clear the ground for the 
discovery which he intended to make, came back from his expe- 
dition in 1854, without having arrived at any independent 
results as a return for the liberality of the Royal Academy of 
Sciences at Berlin, which furnished him with his viattcum. But 
it is stated by Bunsen* that he discovered in the Tyrol and Vo- 
ralsberg a number of words which were not Celtic or Romanic, 
and which he does not seem to be able to identify. Bunsen 
himself has published a brief report by Dr. Aufrecht’, which 
expressly asserts the Indo-Germanic character of the language, 
admits its composite structure, and goes to the Icelandic* in par- 
ticular for the most striking illustration of the grammatical forms. 
In 1848 James Grimm expressed his opinion that the Etrus- 
cans came from the Retian alps, and that there was an occa- 


1 There is an elaborate book on this hypothesis by Dr. J. G. Stickel: 
das Etruskische durch Erkldrung von Einschriften und Namen αἷς Semi- 
tische Sprache erwiesen, Leipsic, 1858. It was preceded, I believe, by 
a similar attempt in a Roman Catholic Journal. Dr. Stickel's results 
seem to me absolutely invalid. 

2 Christianity and Mankind, ri. p. 89. 

3 Ibid, pp. 87—89. 

4 Referring to the fact that “sa added to a man's name indicates 
the name of his wife: thus Larthial-i-sa means the consort of the son of 
Larthius,” Aufrecht remarks that this formative adjunct “is also found 
in the Icelandic sja, ‘this’.” And he adds in a note: “in the Edda it 
occurs in the nominative singular masc. and fem. (p. 8a and 61b), and 
even in later works, for instance, Kormak's Saga.” He compares the 
terminations -arius, more anciently a-sius, as in the Lex Agraria of Sp. 
Thorius (1. 12), we find Viasieis for Viariis, and cites the Osc. flusasios 
=florarius, Umbr. plenasios = plenarius. He denies the connexion be- 
tween this form and aris, alis, and remarks that “what Freund says about 
these terminations in the Preface to his Dictionary is erroneous," . 


166 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v. 


sional appearance of Teutonic ingredients in the traditions and 
language of the Etruscans'; and he had previously remarked the 
undoubted affinity of the Etruscan esar or wsus with the Scandi- 
navian Asen*, and had made a precarious comparison of the name 
τυρσηνός with the Old Norse thurs*. In 1854 Dr. L. Steub, 
who had previously collected a number of resemblances between 
the Tuscan proper names and those found in the Grisons and 
Tyrol‘, published a treatise on Retian ethnology, in which he 
attempted the explanation of a number of Etruscan inscriptions 
with more or less reference to Teutonic or Lithuanian affinities®. 
In 1855, Mr. R. Ellis, who was favourably known by an elabo- 
rate treatise on Hannibal's transit of the Alps, contributed to a 
philological journal* a learned and ingenious essay on the Thra- 
cian affinities of the Etruscans and Retians. In the course of 
this paper, Mr. Ellis remarks* that the resemblances between 
the Etruscans and the Gothic branch of the German stock are 
striking and rest on good authority, and he institutes, for the 
first time, a comparison between the Gothic and the Reeto- 
Romansch dialects, which confirms indirectly the Scandinavian 
affinities of the Etruscans*. And in connecting the Etruscans 
with the Thracians he seeks the point of union in the Getz, 
whose identification with the Goths was first pointed out in 
the original edition of this work, and afterwards asserted by 
J. Grimm?. In his more recently published ** Contributions to 
the Ethnography of Italy-and Greece!" Mr. Ellis adopts an' 
hypothesis less in accordance with the conclusions of the present 


1 Gesoh. d. deutsch. Spr. p. 104, ed. 1848 (p. 115, ed. 1853): “die 
Rátier hat man au Abkommlingen der Tyrrhener oder Etrusker gemacht. 
Eher trugen wohl Rütier oder Rasener ihren Stamm von der Alpen in 
die Halbinsel; einzelnes in etruskischer Sage uud Sprache klingt an 
germanischos." 

3 Deutsche Mythologie, p. 23, ed. 1844. 8 Ibid. p. 489. 

4 Die Urbewolner Ratiens und ihrer Zusammenhang mit den Etruskern, 
Munthen, 1848. 

δ Zur Ratischen Ethnologie. Stuttgardt, 1854. 

9 Journal of Philology, Vol. n. pp. 1—20, 169—185. “ On the pro- 
bable connexion of the Estians aud Etruscans with the Thracian stock 
of nations." 

1 p. 179. 8 p. 180. 9 p. 183. . 10 London, 1858. 


$ 1.} THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 167 


work. He now contends that the Etruscan language is com- 
pounded of Armenian and Celtic ingredients, the former being 
to the latter in the proportion of two to one, in the list of some 
fifty words, which he borrows from the present chapter’, The 
Celtic element is to be assigned, he thinks, to the Umbrians, 
and he regards all the aboriginal languages of Italy as chiefly 
Celtic, but partly Finnish*. The Pelasgian element, which, with 
me, he seeks in the Medes’, that is, in the Sarmatian or Sclavonic 
stock, would thus have an affinity with the Rasenic or distinctive 
element in the Etruscan. For the Armenians spoke Persian 
even in the days of Xenophon*. As Mr. Ellis admits this affinity, 
it seems to me that his new hypothesis, even if we concede the 
results of his comparative philology, would leave out of con- 


sideration all those ingredients in the Etruscan, which have, 


created the philological difficulties of the problem to be solved, 
and would leave us no distinction between the Pelasgian Tyr- 
seni, whose language, as we shall see, was not altogether unlike 
that of their brethren in Greece, and the Retian invaders, 
who disintegrated the spoken idiom of the conquered country, 
and whose fragmentary records will not find their interpretation 
in the vocabulary of any unmixed and comparatively modern 
form of human speech?. 


1 p. 69. à p. 40. 8 p. 69. * New Cratylus, $ 85. 

5 An erception to the general admission that the Etruscan was at 
least of the same family with the other European languages has quite 
recently been furnished by Mr. G. Rawlinson (Herod. Vol. rm. p. 541), 
who declares that it “is decidedly not even Indo-Germanic,” and ex- 
presses his surprise that I “should attempt to prove the Etruscan a 
* sister’ dialect to the other Italic languages by means of a certain num- 
ber of similar roots, when its entire structure is so different that it ig 
impossible even from the copious inscriptions that remain, to form a 
conjecture as to its grammar, or do more than guess at the meaning of 
some half-dozen words.”  Imust, in my turn, express my surprise that 
Mr. Rawlinson should so entirely misconceive the state of the case and 
the nature of my attempt as to write such an aecount of the matter. 
The reader of the present chapter does not need to be told that my 
attempt is very different from that described by Mr. Rawlinson; and 
when we have the notorious fact that the Perugian inscription alone gives 
us the gen. and accus. of the first Latin declension, it is really astonish- 
ing that he should speak of the Etruscan grammar as beyond the reach 


-—ÁÀ 


168 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v. 


The first clue to the understanding of this mysterious lan- 
guage is furnished by the Etruscan transcriptions of well-known 
Greek proper names, and by the Etruscan forms of those names 
which were afterwards adopted by the Romans. This comparison 
may at least supply some prima-facte evidence of the peculiari- 
ties of Tuscan articulation, and of the manner in which the lan- 
guage tended to corrupt itself. 

It is well known that the Etruscan alphabet possessed no 
medic, as they are called. We are not, therefore, surprised to 
find, that in their transcriptions of Greek proper names the Etrus- 
cans have substituted tenues'. Thus, the Greek names, "Aópa- 
στος, Τυδεύς, ᾿Οδυσσεύς, Μελέαγρος, and Πολυδεύκης, are 
written Atresthe, Tute, Utuze, Melakre, and Pultuke. But the 
change in the transcription goes a step farther than this; for, 
though they actually possessed the tenues, they often convert 
them into aspirate. Thus, ᾿Αγαμέμνων, “Adpactos, Θέτις, 
Περσεύς, Πολυνείκης, Τήλεφος, become .Aehmiem, Atresthe, 
Thethis, Pherse, Phulnike, Thelaphe. In some cases the Greek 
tenues remain unaltered in the transcription, as in Πηλεύς, 
Pele; llapÜevomatos, Parthanape ; Κάστωρ, Kastur ; 'Hpa- 
κλῆς, Herkle: and the Greek aspirate are also transferred, as 
in ᾿Αμφιάραος, Amphiare. These transcriptions of Greek names 


even of a conjecture. His own opinion seems to be that the language 
was Turanian (p. 544, note 2) ; but there is no evidence whatever for that 
supposition. 

1 With regard to the Etruscan alphabet in general, it may be said 
that it did not come directly from the East, but from the intermediate 
settloments of the Pelasgian race. When Müller says (Etrusk. rt. 290) 
that it was derived from Greece, he cannot mean that it passed over into 
Italy subsequently to the commencement of Hellenic civilisation. The 
mere fact that the writing was from right to left, shows that the Etruscans 
derived thoir letters from the other peninsula, while its inhabitante were 
still Pelasgian; for there are very few even of the earliest, Greek inscrip- 
tions which retain the original direction of the writing (see New Crat. 
ὁ 101; Müller, Etrusk. rt. p. 309). Αὖὐ the same time, the existence of 
bexameter verse in Etruria and other circumstances show that there was 
& continued intercourse between the Pelasgo-Etruscans and the Greeks 
(Müller, ibid. p. 292). On the Pelasgian origin of the Etruscan alphabet, 
tho reader may consult the authorities quoted by Lepsius, de Tabb. Eug. 
p. 29, and for the Italian alphabet in general, see above, p. 95. 


§ 1.} THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 169 


supply us also with a very important fact in regard to the Etrus- 
can syllabarium: namely, that their liquids were really semi- 
vowels; in other words, that these letters did not require the 
expression of an articulation-vowel. It has been shown else- 
where’ that the semi-vocal nature of the liquid is indicated in 
most languages by-the etymological fact, that it may be articu- 
lated by a vowel either preceding or following it. For example: 
mute + liquid + vowel = mute + vowel + liquid, is an equation 
which holds good in every etymological problem. Applying this 
principle to the Etruscan transcriptions, we see that the Etrus- 
can .Ap[u]lu, <Ach([i]le, At[allaent, Erc[u]le, Ll[elchs[alntre, 
Men|e]le, M[e|n[e]rva, Phul[u]ntces, Ur[e]ste, &c. are represen- 
tatives of the Greek ᾿Απόλλων, 'AyiXXevs, ᾿Αταλάντη, Ἡρακλῆς, 
᾿Αλέξανδρος, Μενελέως, Πολυνείκης, ᾿Ορέστης, and of the Latin 
Minerva, only because the Etruscans did not find it necessary 
to express in writing the articulation-vowels of the liquids. It is 
interesting to remark that the old poetic dialect of the Icelandic, 
as distinguished from the modern tongue, exhibits the same pecu- 
liarity; thus r is always written for ur, as in northr, vethr, akr, 
vetr, vitr. ‘There are 8 few instances of the same brachygraphy 
in the oldest Greek inscriptions: thus, on Mr. Burgon's vase we 
have A@HNHON for ᾿Αθήνηθεν. Bóckh (C. I. No. 33) has 
wrongly read this inscription, which forms three cretics: τῶν 
᾿Αθηϊνηθεν ἄϊβθλων ἐμί, With regard to the form Ercle, for 
‘which we have Hercole in Dempster, T. 1. Tab. v1.; Lanzi, 11. 
p. 205, Tab. xr. n. 1, it is to be remarked that the short v —o 
before 2 appears to be a natural stop-gap in old Italian articula- 


1 New Crat. § 107. The word el-em-en-tum, according to the etymo- 
mology which has received the sanction of Heindorf (ad Hor. 1. Sat. 1. 26), 
would furnish an additional confirmation of these views. Bat this ety- 
mology cannot be admitted; and the word must be considered as con- 
taining the root ol- (in olere, adolescens, indoles, soboles, préles, &o.), so that 
ele-mentum —olementum. See Benary in the Berl. Jahrb. for August 1841, 
p.240. As the ludus, or gladiatorial school, was the earliest specimen of 
a distinct training establishment, and as it has consequently furnished a 
name to all schools, so its two functions have similarly descended into 
the vocabulary of education: for rudi-menta, properly the * foil exercises," 
and ele-menta, properly the “training food," have become synonymous 
expressions for early education, just as e-rud-itus, “out of foils," has be- 
come tho term for 8 completely learned man. 


170 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cuaP. v. 


tion. Thus we have ZEsculapius for Αἰσκλήπιος. But con- 
versely we have the shortened forms vinclum, periclum, poclum, 
oraclum, seclum, miraclum, vehiclum, gubernaclum, and the like, 
and Herculaneus is written Herclaneus (see Corssen Ausspr. Vok. 
u. Bet. 11. pp. 6, 7). When we remember that ‘Hpaxdjs was 
the tutelary god of the Dortans or Her-mun-duri, who conquered 
the Peloponnese, we can hardly avoid identifying him with 
Her-mintus. 

If we pass to the consideration of those proper names which 
are found in the Latin language, we shall observe. peculiarities 
of precisely the same kind. For instance, the medials in Jdus, 
Tlabonius, Vibius, &c. are represented in Etruscan by the tenues 
in Jtus, Tlapunt, Fipi, &c.; the tenues in Turtus, Velcia, &c. 
stand for the aspirates in Thura, Felche, &c.; and the articula- 
tion-vowels in Licintus, Tanaquil, &c. are omitted before or 
after the liquids in Lecne, Thanchfil, &c. 

The transcription Utuze, for ᾿δυσσεύς, suggests a remark 
which has been in part anticipated in a former chapter. We 
see that in this case the Etruscan z corresponds to the Greek 
-oo, just as conversely, in the cases there cited, the Greek -£ is 
represented by -ss in Latin. It was formerly supposed that 
this Etruscan Z was equivalent to x= KS, and this supposition 
was based on a comparison of Utuze with Ulyzes. To say no- 
thing, however, of the mistake, which was made in assuming that 
Utuze represented Ulyxes and not Ὀδυσσεύς, it has been shown 
by Lepsius (De Tabb. Eug. pp. 59 sqq.; Annals dell’ Instituto, 
VIII. p. 168) both that the Etruscans added this z to the guttural 
K, as in érankzl, &c. and also that, when it was necessary to ex- 
press the Greek £, they did not use the letter z, but formed a 
representative for it by a combination of K or CH with 8, as in 
Secstinal = Sextinia natua, and Elchsntre τὸ ᾿Αλέξανδρος. — Pa- 
leographical considerations also indicate that the letter corre- 
sponded in form, not to £ or z, but to the Greek z. We ought, 
however, to go a step farther than Lepsius has done, and say 
that the Latin ὦ was, after all, in one of its values, a represen- 
tative of this Etruscan letter. It is true, indeed, that c does 
represent also the combination of a guttural and sibilant; but 
there are cases, on the other hand, in which z is found in Latin 
words containing roots into which no guttural enters: comp. riza 


§ 2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, 171 


with ἔρις (ἔριδος), ἐρίζω, &c. In these cases it must be supposed 
to stand as a representative of the Greek £in its sound sh, and 
also of the Hebrew shin, from which £i has derived its name 
(see New Crat. S 115). With regard to the name Ulysses, 
Ulyzes, ᾿Οδυσσεύς, etymology would rather show that the 
ultimate form of the zc, ss, or z, was a softened dental. The 
Tuscan name of this hero was Nanus, i. e. “the pygmy”’ (Müller, 
Etrusk. 11. p. 269); and, according to Eustathius (p. 289, 38), 
Ὀλυσσεύς or ᾿Ολισσεύς was the original form of the Greek 
name. From these data it has been happily conjectured (by 
Kenrick, Herod. p. 281) that the name means ὄ-λέξος, ὄτλισσος, 
fl. for 6-Avyos (Eustath. 1160, 16), of which the simplest form 
ia λιτός, little: so that Ulysses, in the primitive conception, 
was a god represented in a diminutive form. 


§ 2. Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained. 


The materials, which are at present available for an approxi- 
mate philological interpretation of the Tuscan language, may be 
divided into three classes: (1) the names of deities, &c., whose 
titles and attributes are familiar to us from the mythology of 
Greece and Rome; (2) the Tuscan words which have descended 
to us with an interpretation; and (3) the inscriptions, sepulchral 
or otherwise, of which we possess accurate transcripts. Let us 
consider these three in their order. 

The Tuscans seem to have worshipped three gods especially. 
as rulers of the sky,—Janus, god of the sky in general ; Jupiter, 
whom they called Zina, god of the day; and Summanus, god 
of the night. Of these, Janus and Tina are virtually the same 
designation. The root dy@ seems to be appropriated in a great 
many languages to signify day" or “daylight.” See Grimm, 
Deut. Mythol. 2d ed. p. 177. Sometimes it stands absolutely, 
as in dies = dia-is ; sometimes it involves vu, as in the Sanscr. dyu, 
Gr. Ζεύς, Lat. deus ; sometimes it appears in a secondary form, 
as in the Hebr. yém, Gr. ἡμέρα; and sometimes it has a dental 
affix, as in the Gr. Ζήν, Lat. or Tusc. Janus. It is sufficiently 
established that dj, 7, y, are different forms of the same articula- 
tion, which is also expressed by the Greek & The fem. of 
Janus was Diana: Jupiter and Diespiter were the same word. 


172 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cuar. v. 


The Greeks had lost their j-sound, except so far as it was 
implied in ἔ; but I have proved elsewhere that the » also con- 
tained its ultimate resolution!. That Zina contains the same 
root as Ζήν -- Dyan may be proved by an important Greek 
analogy. If we compare the Greek interrogative τί[ν]ς with its 
Latin equivalent guis, admitting, as we must, that thay had a 
common origin, we at once perceive that the Greek form has lost 
every trace of the labial element of the Latin gu, while the 
guttural is preserved in the softened form re=j7. Supposing 
that ke[n]s was the proper form of the interrogative after the 
omission of the labial, then, when & was softened into j= di, as 
qu-0-jus became cu-jus, &c., in the same way x-e[v]-s would be- 
come ti[p]s, the tenuis being preferred to the medial*. Just so in 
the Etruscan language, which had no medials, Ζήν = déan-us 
would become 77na-[s] or Tinta-[s]. This Tina or Jupiter of the 
Tuscans was emphatically the god of light and lightning, and 
with Juno and Minerva formed & group who were joined toge- 
ther-in the special worship of the old Italians. As the Etruscans 


1 New Crat. $ 112. 

3 The crude form of τις is ri-»- (ri-vos, &c.); in other words it is a 
compound of two pronominal elements, like εἷς (=é-s), xei-vos, τῆτνος, 
d-vd, e-nim, éna, &c. Lobeck asserts (Paralipom. p. 121, note) that the 
ν in ri-»-ós i8 repugnant to all analogy, the litera clitice of the Greeks 
being dentals only,—as if » were not a dental! The absurdity of 
Lobeck's remarks here, and in many other passages of his later writings, 
"will serve to show how necessary it is that an etymologer should be 
acquainted with the principles of comparative philology. There are some 
observations on this subject in the New Crat. $ 38, which more particularly 
refer to Lobeck (Aglaopham. p. 478, note i), and to a very inferior man, 
his pupil Ellendt (Lez Sophocl. preefat. p. iii.). From what Lobeck said 
in his Paralipomena (p. 127, note), one felt disposed to hope that his old- 
fashioned prejudices were beginning to yield to conviction. In a later 
work, however (Pathologia, pref. pp. vii. sqq.), he reappears in his original 
character. The caution on which he plumes himself (“ego quoque ssepe 
vel invitus et ingratis eo adactus sum ut vocabulorum origines abditas 
conjectura quererem, cautior fortasse Cratylis nostris, quorum curiositati 
nihil clatsum, nihil impervium est") is only another name for one-sided 
obstinacy; and whatever value we may set upon Lobeck’s actual per- 
formances in his own field, we cannot concede to him the right of con- 
fining all other scholars to the narrow limits of his Hemsterhusian phi- 
lology. 


8.2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 173 


had no consonant j, the name of Janus must have been pro- 
nounced by them as Zanus. "This god, whose four-faced statue 
was brought from Falerii to Rome, indicated the sky, or templum, 
with its four regions. When he appeared as biceps, he repre- 
sented the main regions of the templum—the decumanus and 
the cardo. And as this augurial reference was intimately con- 
nected with the arrangement of the gates in a city or in a camp!, 
he became also the god of gates, and his name ultimately signi- 
fied ‘‘a gate" or “archway.” Summanus, or Submanus, was 
the god of nightly thunders. The usual etymology is summus 
manium; but there is little reason for supposing that it is an 
ordinary Latin word. As Armobius considers him identical with 
Pluto’, it seems reasonable to conclude that he was simply the 
Jupiter Infernus; and as the Dispater of the Tuscans was called 
Mantus, and his wife Mania, we may conjecture that Sub-manus 
was perhaps in Tuscan Zuv-manus or Juptter-bonus, which is 
the common euphemism in speaking of the infernal deities. The 
connexion between the nightly thunders, which the ancients so 
greatly feared, and the χθονίαι βρονταί, is obvious. Another 
gloomy form of the supreme god was Ve-djus or. Ve-jovis, who 
seems to have represented Apollo in his character of the causer 
of sudden death. The prefix Ve- is a disqualifying negative— 
the name signifies “the bad Jupiter." He was represented as a 
young man armed with arrows; his feast was on the nones of 
March, when an atoning sacrifice was offered up to him; and he 
was considered, like Summanus, as another form of Pluto. 

The second of the great Tuscan deities was Jfno (Jovino or 
Dyuno), who was called Kupra and Thalna in the Etruscan 
language. Now Kupra signifies “good,” as has been shown 
above; and therefore Dea kupra is Dea bona, the common 
euphemism for Proserpine. The name 7 αΐπα may be analyzed 
with the aid of the principles developed above. The Etruscans 
had a tendency to employ the aspirates for the tenues, where 


! See below, Ch. viz. $ 6. 

2 The Glossar. Labbei has Summanus, Προμηθεύς ; and perhaps Pro- 
metheus, as the stealer of fire from heaven, may have been identified 
with the god of nightly thunders in some forms of mythology. At Co- 
lonus, where the infernal deities were especially worshipped, the τιτὰν 
Προμηθεύς, ὁ πυρφόρος θεός, was reckoned among them (Cid. Col. 55). . 


174 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. Y. 


in other forms, and in Greek especially, the tenues were used. 
Accordingly, if we articulate between the liquids /n, and substi- 
tute ¢ for th, we shall have, as the name of Juno, the goddess 
of marriage, the form 7al[a]|na, which at once suggests the root 
of Talassus, the Roman Hymen, and the Greek rds, (Soph. 
Antig. 629: Td ἡ νύμφη, Zonar. p. 1711: rds ἡ per- 
λόγαμος παρθένος xal κατωνομασμένη Twit οἱ δὲ γυναῖκα 
γαμετήν" οἱ δὲ νύμφην, Hesych. ria: οὕτω τὴν συνηρμοσ- 
μένην, id. δαλίδας: τὰς μεμνηστευμένας, id. τἄλιξ' ἔρως, 14.) : 
comp. also γάμοιο τέλος, Hom. Od. xx. 74, and the epithet 
"Hoa TeXeía. The Aramean raMÜd (wm, Mark v. 41) is 
not to be referred to this class. 

The deity Vulcanus, who in the Etruscan mythology was 
one of the chief gods, being one of the nine thundering gods, and 
who in other mythologies appears in the first rank of divinities, 
always stands in a near relationship to Juno. In the Greek 
. theogony he appears as her son and defender; he is sometimes 
the rival, and sometimes the duplicate, of his brother Mars; and 
it is possible that in the Egyptian calendar he may have been a 
kind of Jupiter. Here we are only concerned with the form of 
his Etruscan name, which was Sethlans. Apylying the same 
principles as before, we collect that it is only Se-tal[a]nus, a 
masculine form of Tal[a]na (= Juno) with the prefix Se-: comp. 
the Greek 5240s, σε-λήνη, with the Latin Sol, Luna, where the 
feminine, like Ta/[a]na, has lost the prefix. 

To the two deities Zina and Taína, whose names, with their 
adjuncts, I have just examined, the Etruscans added a third, 
Minerva, or, as they called her, Ménerfa, Ménrfa (see Quintilian, 
I, 0. 1. 4, § 17), who was so closely connected with them in the 
reverence of this people, that they did not consider a city com- 
plete if it had not three gates and three temples dedicated to 
Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. She was the goddess of the storms 
prevalent about the time of the vernal equinox; and her feast, 
the quinquatrus, was held, as that word implied in the 'l'uscan 
language, on the fifth day after the ides of March. "The name 
seems to have been synonymous with the Greek jr; and 
bears the same relation to mens that luerves (in the Arval hymn) 
does to /ues : this appears from the use of the verb promenervat 
(pro monet, Fest. p. 205). 


a 


§ 2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 175 


With regard to the legend that Minerva sprang from the head 
of Jupiter, it is to be remarked that the head was considered to 
bé the seat of the mens, as the heart was of the animus ; 
whereas the anzma (Lucret. 111. 354) permixta corpore toto, 18 
diffused all over the frame, and has no special seat assigned to it. 
With regard then to the opposition of mens and animus, the 
English antithesis of ** head" and “ heart" sufficiently expresses 
it. See Ter. Andr. 1. 1, 137. 

It is easy to explain the names Saturnus, Vertumnus, Mars, 
and Feronia, from the elements of the Latin language. Sdtur- 
nus = Kpóvos is connected with se-culum, as c-ternus with evum 
(the full form being @vi-ternus, Varro, L. L. vi. S 11), sempi- 
ternus with semper, and taci-turnus with taceo. Vertumnus 18 
the old participle of vertor, “1 turn or change myself." (See 
Ch. xi. ὃ 5.) Mérs is simply “the male" or “manly god." 
Thus Mas-piter is “the male or generating father." The forms 
Mar-mar, Ma-murius exhibit the root with an intensive redu- 
plication ; the root is strengthened by ἐ, denoting personality, in 
Mar[t]|s; and the words Ma-vor[t|s, .Ma-mer|t|s give us both 
the intensive reduplication and the strengthening affix (Corssen, 
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, p. 32). In this word the idea of viri- 
lity is connected with that of protection, and the root is identical 
with the Greek Fap-, Sanscr. vrf, ‘‘ to protect," víra, “a man,” 
Latin vir, &c. (New Crat. $ 285). It has been proposed by Pott 
(Etym. Forsch. 11. 206) to connect mas with the Sanscrit root man 
“to think," from whence comes manas “the mind," manushya 
‘man ;" and we know that this root with these connected mean- 
ings runs through a great number of languages: thus we have the 
Egyptian men ‘to construct or establish,” month ‘a man,” the 
Greek péuova, μηνύω, &c., the Latin mon-eo, me-mint, mens, 
ho-min, the German meinen, mund, &c.; and this brings us . 
back to the goddess Minerva, and other mythological beings, as 
Menu, Menes, Minos, Minyas, and Mannus (Q. E. CLY. p. 149). 
We may also remark that the Hebrew "121 mas, is immediately 
connected with "2| meminit. But here the idea is somewhat 
different. For the verb 727] contains the root kar which is found 
in the Chald. 7277 and 732. and signifies 4nfigere, insculpere, 
hence tropically memoria infigere, imprimere, (Fürst, Concord. 


Eee SS eee 


176 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHaP. v. 


p. 352). And as “2} is opposed to 3p) from 2p3 perforavit— 
(a membri genitalis forma distinctionis causa sic dicta, Fürst, 
Concord. p. 727), we may conclude that it signifies: ὁ rpvrróv, 
(cf. ZEsch. Fragm. Dan. 38: ἐρᾷ μὲν ἁγνὸς οὐρανὸς τρῶσαι 
χθόνα). Be this as it may, it is clear that the root Fap- is not 
identical with the root man; and it is quite possible that man 
should appear distinctively as "the protector," as well as gene- 
rally in the character of “thinker” and “indicator.” There is 
the same opposition with the same parallelism in manus, the 
hand, generally, and specially the right hand, as pointing out 
and indicating (cf. μην-ύω, mon-strare, δεξ-ία, δείκενυμι, &c.), 
and ἀριστερός, the left hand, as carrying the weapon of defence 
(New Crat. § 162, note). The attributes of the goddess Féron?a 
are by no means accurately known: there seems, however, to 
be little doubt that she was an elementary goddess, and as such 
perhaps also a subterraneous deity, so that her name will be 
connected with féralis, φθείρειν, φερσεφόνη; Ke. 

AevxoGéa, ** the white goddess," had a Tuscan representative 
in the Mater matuta, ‘mother of the morning," whose attribute 
is referred to in the Greek name, which designates the pale 
silvery light of the early dawn. Both goddesses were probably 
also identical with Εἰλείθυια, Lucina, the divinity who brought 
children from the darkness of the womb into the light of life. 
Sothina, a name which occurs in Etruscan monuments (Lanzi, 11. 
p. 494), is probably the Etruscan transcription of the Greek 
Σοωδίνα (“saving from child-bed pains"), which was an epithet 
of Artemis (see Bóckh, Corp. Inscr. no. 1595). 

Apollo was an adopted Greek name, the Tuscan form being 
Apulu, Aplu, Epul, or Epure. If the ** custos Soractis Apollo,” 
to whom the learned Virgil (ZEn. x1. 786) makes a Tuscan 
pray, was & native Etruscan god, then his name Soranus, and 
the name of the mountain Soracte, must be Tuscan words, and 
contain the Latin sol, with the change from / to r observable in 
the form .Epure for Epul: compare also the Sanser. sárya. 

Although Neptunus was an important god in the Tuscan 
pantheon, it is by no means certain that this was the Tuscan 
form of his name: if it was, then we have another Tuscan word 
easily explicable from the roots of the Indo-Germanic language ; 
for Nep-tunus is clearly connected with νέω, Νηρεύς, νίπτω, &c. 


8.2. THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 177 


The form Neptumnus (ap. Grut. p. 460) is simply the participle 
verrropevos. If the word Nethuns; which is found on a Tuscan 
mirror over a figure manifestly intended for Neptune (Berlin. 
Jahrb. for August 1841, p. 221), is to be considered as the 
genuine form of the sea-god’s name, there will of course be no 
difficulty in referring it to the same root (see below, § 5). 

The Tuscan Pluto, as is well known, was called Mantus, and 
from him the city Mantua derived its name. The etymology of 
this word is somewhat confused by its contact with the terms 
manes and mania. That the latter are connected with the old 
word manus =bonus can hardly be doubted’; and the depre- 
catory euphemism of such a designation is quite in accordance 
with the ancient mode of addressing these mysterious func- 
tionaries of the lower world. But then it is difficult to explain 
Mantus as a derivative from this manus. Now, as he is repre- 
sented in all the Tuscan monuments as a huge wide-mouthed 
monster with a persone pallentis hiatus, it seems better to 
understand his name as signifying “the devourer;" in which 
sense he may be compared with the yawning and roaring Cha- 
ron*. This, at any rate, was the idea conveyed by the manducus, 


! Varro seems to connect the word Manius with mane, “morning” 
(L. L. rx. ᾧ 60). 

3 See New Crat. § 288. Another personage of the same kind is Γηρύων, 
“the caller.” As Charon is attended by the three-headed Κέρβερος, so 
the three-bodied Geryon has a two-headed dog, "Opópos, who is brother 
to Cerberus (Hesiod. Theog. 308, sqq.) ; that is “the morning” (ὄρθρος) 
is brother to the “ darkness” (κέρβερος : vide Schol. Od. A, 14, and Porson 
ad 1.; Képpepos’ ἀχλύς, Hesych.; and Lobeck, Paralipom. p. 32). By 
a similar identity, Geryon lives in the distant west, in Erythia, the land 
of darkness, just as Charon is placed in Hades; and these two beings, 
with their respective dogs, both figure in the mythology of Hercules, who 
appears as the enemy of Pluto, and of his type, Eurystheus. It may be 
remarked, too, that Pluto is described as an owner of flocks and herds, 
which is the chief feature in the representations of Geryon. Mr. Keight. 
ley remarks in the additions to his Mythology, p. 359: “ Though we could 
not perhaps satisfactorily prove it, we have a strong notion that Geryo- 
neus (from ygpvo) is only another form of Hades. They both, we may 
observe, had herds of oxen, and the two-headed dog of the former 
answers to the three-headed dog of the latter. Admetos, apparently 
another form of Hades (p. 122), was also famous for his herds. We find 
the herds of Hades (p. 360) pasturing under the care of Mencetius, near 


D. V. 12 


178 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. Y. 


another form of mantus; for this was an image “ magnis malis 
ac late dehiscens et ingentem dentibus sonitum faciens" (Fest. 
p. 128). The two words may be connected with ma-n-dere, 
μασᾶσθαι, the n, which is necessary in manus, manes, being here 
only euphonical: similarly, we have masucium, edacem a man- 
dendo scilicet (Fest. p. 139), and me-n-tum by the side of parva: 
(= γνάθοι, Hesych.). Compare also méla, maxilla, &c. It is 
not improbable that the Greek, or perhaps Pelasgic, μάντις con- 
tains this root. The mysterious art of divination was connected, 
in one at least of its branches, with the rites of the infernal 
gods.  Teiresias, the blind prophet, was especially the prophet 
of the dark regions. Now Mantua, according to Virgil, was 
founded by Ocnus, “the bird of omen," who was the son of 
Manto, and through her the grandson of Tetrestas. This at 
least is legendary evidence of a connexion between mantus and 
μάντις, The same root is contained in the mythical mundus 
(Müller, Etrusk. 11. p. 96). 

The name Ceres is connected with creare, Sanscr. kri. The 
Tuscan name Ancarta may be explained by a comparison of 
ancilla, anclare, oncare, ἐνεγκεῖν, ἀγκάς, &c. 

According to Servius, Ceres, Pales, and Fortuna, were the 
three Penates of the Etruscans (see Micali, Storta, 11. p. 117). 
The last of these three was one of the most important divinities 
in Etruria, and especially at Volsinii, where she bore the name 
Nortta, Norsia, or Nursia, and was the goddess of the calendar 
or year (Cincius, ap. Liv. vit. 3). The nails, by which the 
calendar was marked there, pointed to the fixed and unalterable 
character of the decrees of fate. The Fortuna of Antiam had 
the nail as her attribute, and the clavt trabales and other imple- 
ments for fastening marked her partner Necessitas (Hor. 1. 
Carm. XXXV. l7 sqq.); under the Greek name of “Arpozros 
(Athrpa) she is represented on a Tuscan patera as fixing the 


those of Geryoneus in the isle of 'Erythis, and (p. 363) we meet them in 
the under-world under the care of the same herdsman. This looks very 
like two different forms of the same legend; the hero in the one seeking 
the abode of Hades in the west, in the other in the under-world. The 
name Geryoneus might correspond in signification with κλυτὸς ahd κλύ- 
pevos, epithets of Hades." . 


UNE Ὁ... 


§ 2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 179 


destiny of Μελέαγρος (Meltacr) by driving in a nail; though it 
is clear from the wings that the name only is Greek, while the 
figure of the deity is genuine Etruscan (Müller, Etrusk. 11. 
p.931). From these considerations it seems a safe inference 
that Nortig, or Nursia, is simply ne-vortea, ne-vertia, the " A-rpo- 
qos, or “unturning, unchanging goddess,” according to the 
consistent analogy of rursus=re-versus, quorsus = quo-versus, 
sntrorsus = tntra-versus, prorsum, prossum, or prosum (in prosa 
oratto) = pro-versum, sursum = sub-versum, &c.: and this supposi- 
tion receives additional confirmation from the statement men- 
tioned below (S 3), that vorsus was actually ἃ Tuscan word. 
The god Merquurius appears on the Tuscan monuments as 

Turms = Turmus. This Etruscan name has been well explained 
by the Jesuit G. P. Secchi (.Annal dell’ Instituto, vit. pp. 94 
sqq.). It appears that Lycophron, who elsewhere uses genuine 
Italian names of deities and heroes (as Mapepros for "Apps, VV. — 
938, 1410; Νανός for Ὀδυσσεύς, v. 1244), calla the χθόνιος 
“Ἑρμῆς by the name Τερμιεύς (Alex. 705 sqq.): 

λίμνην τ᾿ Ἄορνον ἀμφιτορνητὸν βρόχῳ 

καὶ χεῦμα Kokvroto λαβρωθὲν σκότῳ 

Στυγὸς κελαινῆς νασμόν, ἔνθα Τερμιεὺς 

ὁρκωμότους ἔτενξεν ἀφθίτους ἕδρας 

μέλλων γίγαντας κἀπὶ τιτῆνας περᾶν. 
Now Turmus certainly does not differ more from this Τερμοεύς 
than Euturpe and Achle from their Greek representatives (Bun- 
sen, ibid. p. 175). It might seem, then, that Turmus is not the 
Latin Terminus, but rather the Greek Ἑρμῆς; for the Hellenic 
aspirate being represented in the Pelasgian language, according 
to rule, by the sibilant, this might pass into T, as in ἡμέρα, 
σήμερον, τήμερον; ὅπτά, τεπτά, Hesych.; ἑρμίς, τερμίς, id. ; &c. 

The name Lar, Las, when it signifies “lord” or "noble," 
has the addition of a pronominal affix -^; when it signifies “ god," 
it is the simple root: the former is Lars (Larth), gen. Lartis ; 
the latter Lar, gen. Darts. Precisely the same difference is 
observable in a comparison between "Avaxes, "Avaxot “the 
Dioscuri ' and ἄνακ-τες, "kings" or “ nobles." Similarly the 
original Mar-s seen in the forms Mar-mar, Ma-murius, &c. is 
lengthened into Mar-t-, and from names of towns we have deri- 
vatives with the same insertion of ἃ formative ἐ: e.g. Tuder-t-es, 
12—2 


180 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v. 


Tibur-t-es, Picen-t-es, Fiden-t-es, Fucen-t-es, Nar-t-es, (Corssen, 
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, pp. 6, 13). Some suppose that 
. the English Zor-d is related to the same root; see, however, 
New Crat. ὃ 338: and as the Lares were connected with the 
Cabiriac and Curetic worship of the more eastern Pelasgians, 
I would rather seek the etymology in the root λα-, Aaa-, Xatc-, 
80 frequently occurring in the names of places and persons con- 
nected with that worship', and expressing the devouring nature 
of fire. It appears from the word Zar-va that the Lar was 
represented as a wide-mouthed figure. "There are two feminine 
forms of the name, Lar-unda and Lar-entia. ‘The former may 
be compared with the Scythian Temarunda and Anglo-Saxon 
Serende (above, p. 60). 

This enumeration of the names of Tuscan divinities shows 
that, as far as the terms of mythology are concerned (and there 
are few terms less mutable), the Tuscan language does not abso- 
lutely escape from the grasp of etymology. If the suggestion 
thrown out above (Ch. 11. § 22) respecting the parallelism be- 
tween Tina and Tor is to be received, the easy analysis of these 
mythical names is to be explained by the fact that they belonged 
to the religion of southern Etruria, which was Pelasgian rather 
than Scandinavian. Many of the common words which have 
been handed down to us present similar traces of affinity to the 
languages of the Indo-Germanic family. I will examine them 
in alphabetical order; though, unfortunately, they are not 80 
numerous as to assume the form of a comprehensive vocabulary 
of the language. 


$3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted. 


ZEsar, “God.” Sueton, Octav. c. 97: “ Responsum est centum 
solos dies posthac victurum, quem numerum C littera notaret; 
futurumque ut inter deos referretur, quod 23aR, id est, reliqua 
pars e Csesaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur." Conf. 
Dio. Cass. Lv1. 29; Hesych. aicoé θεοί, ὑπὸ Τυῤῥηνῶν. See 
Ritter, Vorhalle, pp. 300, 471, who compares the Cabiriac 


1 The following are some of the most obvious appearances of this 
root: Sanscrit, las, “to wish ;" Latin, lar-gus; Greek, Aa-uía, Aá-pos, 
λάρυγξ, λαῖτμα, &c. Λαιστρυγών, λαίσπαις, λαισποδίας, Λήμνος, Λητώ. 


§ 3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 181 


names s-mun, /Es-clef, the proper name syetes, asa the 
old form of ara, and a great many other words implying 
“holiness” or *sanctity:" and Grimm, Deutsche Mythol. 
2d edit. p. 22. Comp. also αἷσα. The most important fact 
is that as or ass, pl. aesir, meaning deus, numen, is ‘nomen 
nusquam non occurrens" (Edda Semund. Vol. 1. p. 472) in 
the old Icelandic. 

Agalletor, “gon.” Hesych. ἀγαλλήτορα' παῖδα, Τυῤῥηνοί. This 
is pure Pelasgian, if not Greek. Thus Sophocles, Anéeg. 1115, 
calls Bacchus: Kadpelas νύμφας ἄγαλμα. Mr. Ellis compares 
the Gaelic ogat?, “ youthful.” 

Aifil, “age.” This word frequently occurs in sepulchral in- 
scriptions with a numeral attached. In one of these we have, 
Cfle]cfslf . Papa aif . xxt1., with the Latin translation, 
Guegilii Papit etatis Χχτι. It is obvious, then, that this 
word contains the same root as cv-um, @-tas, αἰξών, aifei, &c. 
The Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian language always inserts the digamma 
in these cases: compare Alas, written Atfas on the Tuscan 
monuments. 

Antar, "eagle." Hesych. ἄνταρ' ἀετὸς ὑπὸ Τυῤῥηνῶν. See 
below, under Fentha. | 

Antes, * wind." Hesych. ἄνται' ἄνεμοι and ἄνδας" Bopeas, ὑπὸ 
Τυῤῥηνῶν. This is neither more nor less than the Latin 
ventus, Which is ultimately identical with the Greek Favepos, 
and the Teutonic * wind." Mr. Ellis remarks (p. 47): ‘as 
antes signifies especially the north wind, * Boreas, antar and 
antes afford a close parallel to aquila and aquilo, which appa- 
rently involve the root ag, * motion '." 

Apluda, bran." Fest. p. 10; Aul. Gell. x1. 7: “ Hic inquit, 
eques Romanus apludam edit, et floces bibit. Aspexerunt omnes 
qui aderant alius alium, primo tristiores turbato et requirente 
vultu, quidnam illud utriusque verbi foret; post inde, quasi 
nescio quid 7'usce aut Gallice dixisset, universi riserunt. 
Legerat autem ille apludam veteres rusticos frumenti furfurem 
dixisse." The passage does not prove that apluda was Tus- 
can. The word was probably derived from abludo: cf. Virg. 
Georg. 1. 368, 9: 


Szepe levem paleam et frondes volitare caducas, 
Aut summa nantes in aqua conludere plumas. 


182 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v. 


Mr. Ellis compares the Reto-Romansh bdleuscha, ‘“ husk,” 

* bark." 

Aquilez, “a collector of springs for aqueducta." Varro ap. Nona. 
Marc. 2, 8: “ at hoc pacto, utilior te Tuscus aquilez." 

Aracos, “a hawk." Hesych. "Apaxos ἱέραξ Τυῤῥηνοί, See 
Haruspex. We may compare the O. N. art, “an eagle." 

Artimus, “ape.” Strabo, X11. p. 626 D: καὶ τοὺς πιθήκους φασὶ 
παρὰ τοῖς Τυῤῥηνοῖς ἀρίμους καλεῖσθαι. Hesych.: ἄριμος" 
πίθηκος. There is no certainty about this word. There is 
some confusion of ideas between the place called Artmz on 
the coast of Cilicia, and the island JPéthecusa on the coast of 
Campania. The commentators would connect it with the 
Hebrew DIM (chárüm), Levit. xxi. 18, which signifies “ snub- 
nosed,” sémus; if this can be admitted, the only way of 
explaining the Semitic etymology will be by reading παρὰ 
τοῖς Τυρίοις in the passage of Strabo. Mr. Ellis compares 
the Armen. ayr, “homo,” on the analogy of orang-outang, 
which signifies man. 

Arse-verse. Fest. p. 18: ‘“ Arseverse averte ignem significat. 
Tuseorum enim lingua arse averte, verse ignem constat appel- 
lari. Unde Afranius ait: Inscribat aliquis in ostio arseverse."' 
An inscription found at Cortona contains the following words: 
Arses vurses Sethlanl tephral ape termnu pisest estu. (Orelli, 
no. 1394). Müller considers this genuine (quem quominus 
genutnum habeamus nihil vetat); Lepsius will not allow its 
authenticity, but thinks it is made up of words borrowed 

" from other sources. Be this as it may, the words arse verse 
must be admitted as genuine Etruscan; and they are also 
cited by Placidus (Gloss. apud Maium, p. 484). It seems 
probable that arse is merely the Latin arce with the usual 
softening of the guttural; and verse contains the root of πῦρ, 
pir, feuer, ber, ἄς. Pott (Et. Forsch. 1. p. 101) seems to 
prefer taking verse as the verb, Lat. verte, and arse as the 
noun, comp. ardere. Tephral must be compared with tepidus 
and the other analogies pointed out above (Ch. 11. 8 11) ; it 
comes very near to the Oscan teforom (Tab. Agn. ll. 17, 20), 
and to the form tAipurena? in the Cervetri inscription (below, 
§ 5). From all these reasons we may conclude that it belongs 
to the Pelasgian element in the language. If the Cortona 


§ s.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 183 


inscription is genuine, we must divide pis-est = gut est, and 
then the meaning must be, “Avert the fire, O consuming 
Vulcan, from the boundary which is here." 

Atesum, “a vine that grows up trees." Hesych. ἀἄταισον᾽ ava- 
δένδρας, Τυῤῥηνοί. Can this be the Latin word adhesum ? 
Lucret. Iv. 1243: "'tenve locis quia non potis est adfigere 
adhesum.” 

Atrium, “the cavedium,” or common hall in a Roman house. 
Varro, L. L. v. $ 161: “ Cavum edium dictum, qui locus 
tectus intra parietes relinquebatur patulus, qui esset ad Gom- 
munem omnium usum... Tuscanicum dictum a Tuscis, postea- 
quam illorum cavum zdium simulare coeperunt. Atrium 
appellatum ab Atriatibus Tuscis ; illinc enim exemplum sump- 
tum." Müller (Etrusk. p. p. 256) adopts this etymology 
(which is also suggested by Festus, p. 13), with the explana- 
tion, that the name is not derived from Aérias because the 
people of that place invented it, but from a reference to the 
geographical position of Atrias, which, standing at the con- 
fluence of many rivers, might be supposed to represent the 
compluvium of the atrium. This geographical etymology 
appears to me very far-fetched and improbable; nor, indeed, 
do I see the possibility of deriving atrzwm from atrias; the 
converse would be the natural process. There does not appear 
to be any objection to the etymology suggested by Servius 
(ad AEn. 111. 353): “ab atro, propter fumum qui esse sole- 
bat in atriis:" and we may compare the corresponding Greek 
term μέλαθρον. If atrium, then, was a Tuscan word, the 
Latin ater also was of Pelasgian origin. The connexion of 
atrium with αἴθριον, αἴθουσα, &c., suggested by Scaliger and 
others, may be adopted, if we derive the word from the 
Tuscan atrus, which signifies “a day." ' 

Balteus, the military girdle,” is stated by Varro (Antiq. R. 
Hum. 18. ap. Sosip. 1. p. 51) to have been a Tuscan word. 
It also occurs, with the same meaning, in all the languages of 
the German family; and we have it still in our word “ belt," 
whieh bears a close resemblance to the Icelandic noun belt: = 
zona and the corresponding verb belta = cingere. 

Burrus, “a beetle," Hesych. Βυῤῥός" κάνθαρος, Τυῤῥηνοί. Is this 
the Latin word burrus? Festus, p. 31: “ burrum dicebant 


184 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGRE. [CHAP. v. 


antiqui, quod nunc dicimus rufum. Unde rustici burram ap- 
pellant buculam, que rostrum habet rufum. Pari modo rubens 
cibo ac potione ex prandio burrus appellatur." In Gaelic 
burruis is “a caterpillar.” 

Bygois, à nymph, who taught the Etruscans the art of inter- 
preting lightning. Serv. ad ZEneid. vi. Vide Dempster, 
FEtrur. Heg. 111. 8. 

Camillus, ** Mercury." Macrob. Saturn. 111. 8: "Tuscos. Ca- 
millum appellare Mercurium." This is the Cabiriac or Pelas- 
gian Κασμῖλος. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1. 915. 

Capra, “a she-goat." Hesych. «dmpa' αἴξ, Τυῤῥηνοί. 

Capys, “a falcon.” Servius (ad ZEn. x. 145): ** Constat eam 
(capuam) a Tuscis conditam de viso falconis augurio, qui 
Tusca lingua capys dicitur." Fest. p. 48: *'*Capuam in 
Campania quidam a Capye appellatam ferunt, quem a pede 
introrsus curvato nominatum antiqui nostri Falconem vocant." 
For the meaning of the word falcones, see Fest. s. v. p. 88. 
If capys — falco, it would seem that cap-ys contains the root 
of cap-ere; for this would be the natural derivation of the 
name: cf. ac-cip-iter'. We may compare the German hadicht, 
the Welsh hebog, and the Lapponic hapak. The word cape, 
which appears in the great Perugian Inscription (1. 14), is 
probably to be referred to & very different root. 

Cassís, ‘“‘a helmet" (more anciently cass-tla, Fest. p. 48).. 
Isidor. Origg. xvii. 14: ““ Cassidem autem a Tuscis nomi- 


1 See New Cratylus, $ 455, To the instances there cited the follow- 
ing may be added: (a) 22, “a dog," i. e. “ the yelp-er." (b) AN, 
"a raven” (corv-us, Sanscr. kbárava), i.e. "a cawing bird." (c) βοῦς 
Sanscr. gaus, “the bellowing or lowing animal :” comp, Soáe with γοάω, 
and the latter with the Hebrew ;Ty3, mugire, “ to low like an ox" 
(1 Sam. vi. 12, Job vi. 5), and the Latin ceva, which, according to Colu- 
mella (v1. 24), was the name of the cow at Altinum on the Adriatic. 
(d) χήν, “the goose,” ie. “the gaping bird” (χὴν κεχηνώς, Athen. p. 519 A). 
(e) IN}, “the tawny wolf,” may be connected with Ji, “gold.” 
Perhaps the most remarkable instance of selecting for the name of 
an object some single ‘attribute, is furnished by the words scudo and 
“crown,” both devoting a large silver coin, and both deriving their origin 
from a part of the design on the reverse—the former from the shield, 
or coat of arms, the latter from the crown, by which it was surmounted. 


§ 3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 185 . 


natam dicunt." The proper form was capsis, as the same 
writer tells us; but the assimilation hardly disguises the 
obvjous connexion of the word with cap-ut, haup-t, &c. 
Comp. κοττικαί" ai περικεφαλαῖαι, with τῆς κοττίδος" Δω- 
ριεῖς δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν οὕτω καλοῦσιν. J. Pollux, 1. 29. 

Celer, “si Tzetzi fides prebeatur, vox Latina fuit ex Etrusco 
nomine usque a Romuli state." Amaduzzi, Alphab. Vet. 
Etrusc. p. lxix. 

Cyrniate, Tyrrhenian settlers in Corsica. Hesych. Κυρνιᾶτα[ε' 
ot] ἐπὶ Κύρνον ᾧκησαν Τυῤῥηνοί, according to Is. Voss's 
emendation for Κυρνιάτα dá. 

Damnus, “a horse," Hesych.: δάμνος" ἵππος, Τυῤῥηνοί, This 
seems to be an Etruscan, not a Pelasgian word, and suggests 
at once the O. N. tamr = domitus, assuetus, cicur; N. H. G. 
zakm. We have also the Lapponic tamp = equus. 

Dea, i.e. bona Dea, '* Cybele." Hesych. déa* Ῥέα, ὑπὸ Τυῤῥηνῶν. 

Druna, “sovranty.” Hesych. dpoiva’ ἡ ἀρχή, ὑπὸ Τυῤῥηνῶν. 
It is clear that this word can have nothing to do with the 
Low-Greek Spoiyyos, “a .body of men," δρουγγάριος, “a 
captain,” which are fully explained by Du Cange, Gloss. 
Med. et Inf. Grecit. x. pp. 888, 4. We must refer it to the 
O. Norse, drott=dominus, at drottna =tmperare, the dental 
mutes being absorbed before the n as in dSe-vos for δειδ-νός, 
&c. And thus we get another trace of Gothic affinity for the 
Rasena. 

Falandum, "the sky." Fest. p. 88: “ Fale [φάλαι' ὄρη, 
σκοπιαί, Hesych.] dict: ab altitudine, a falando, quod apud 
Etruscos signifieat coelum." This is generally connected with 
φάλανθον, blond, &c. Or we might go a step farther, and 
refer it to φάλλω, φαλός, &c., which are obviously derived 
from φάος: see Lobeck, Pathol. p. 87. It is also possible 
that falandum may be connected with the Icelandic ffenna = 
hiatus, chasma, which I have cited below to explain the 
Etruscan flenim — pateram. If so, we get the same meaning 
as that of the Greek oUpa-vós (see N. Crat. ὃ 259). 

Favissa, "an excavation." Fest. p. 88: ‘“ Favisse locum sic 
appellabant, in quo erat aqua inclusa circa templa. Sunt 
autem, qui putant, favissas esse in Capitolio cellis cisternisque 
similes, ubi reponi erant solita ea, que in templo vetustate 


 C——————————— A—— Ó ——Á ὦ — — υϑ — πα ΄΄΄ m ff 


186 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [| CHAP. v. 


erant facta inutilia." From the analogy of favisaa, mantissa, 
and from the circumstance that the Romans seem to have 
learned to make favisse from the Etruscans, it is inferred 
that favissa was a Tuscan word: see Müller, ad Festi locum, 
and Htrusk. τι. p. 289. The word is probably connected 
with fovea, bauen, &c. We shall see below that lautn was 
the Rasenic synonym. 

Februum, “ἃ purification." Angrius, ap. J. Lyd. de Mens. 
p.70: “Februum inferum esse Thuscorum lingua." Also 
Sabine: see Varro, L. L. v1.8 13. If we compare febris, 
&c., we shall perhaps connect the root with foveo = torreo, 
whence favilla, &c., and understand the “ torrida cum mica 
farra," which, according to Ovid (Fast. 11. 24), were called by 
this name. 

Fentha, according to Lactantius (de Fals. Relig. 1. c. 22, ὃ 9), 
was the old Italian name of Fatua, the feminine form of 
Faunus, “ quod mulieribus fata canere consuevisset, ut Faunus 
viris." The form Finthia seems to occur on an old Tuscan 
monument (Ann. dell’ Instit. VIII. p. 76), and is therefore 
perhaps a Tuscan word. The analogy of Fentha to Fatua 
is the same as that which has been pointed out above in the 
case of Mantus. The n is ἃ kind of anuswárah very common 
in Latin: comp. ὄχις, anguts; λείπω, linquo; λείχω, lingo; 
Sanscr. tudámi, tundo; ὕδωρ, unda ; &c. 

Floces, ** dregs of wine," Aul. Gell. x1. 7; ** floces audierat prisca 
voce significare vini feecem e vinaceis expressam, sicuti fraces 
ex oleis." Above s.v. Apluda. In Welsh fjíés means “ dregs.” 

Fruntac; see Haruspex, and Phruntac, 

Gapus, “a chariot." Hesych.: yarros: ὄχημα Τυῤῥηνοί. We 
have here Fazros, a short Pelasgian form of ἀπήνη. Comp. 
habena with χαβός (Hesych.), σελήνη with σέλας, avena with 
avds, &c. In Gaelic cap is “ a cart.” 

Ginis, “a crane." Hesych.: y[e]viss γέρανος, Τυῤῥηνοί. This 
is probably some shortened form like the Latin grus. We 
may compare the Old Norse verb gina, which is applied to 
wide-mouthed or wide-beaked animals. 

Haruspex is generally considered to have been an Etruscan 
word. Strabo, XVI. p. 762, renders it by ἑεροσκόπος : asa or 
ara certainly implied *'holiness" in the Tuscan language; 


§ 3.} THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 187 


and Hesychius has the gloss, ἄρακος" ἱέραξ, Τυῤῥηνοί, which 
shows the same change from ἱερ- to har- (see above, p. 182). 
If these analogies are not overthrown by the Jnscriptio bilin- 
guts of Pisaurum (Fabrett. Inscr. c. X. n. 171, p. 646; Oliv. 
Marm. Pisaur. n. 27, p. 11; Lanzi, 11. p. 652, n. à, where 
[Caf ]atius L. f. Ste. haruspex fulguriator is translated by 
Caphates Ls. Ls. Netmfis Trutnft Phruntac), we may perhaps 
conclude that haruspex was the genuine Pelasgian form, trutnft 
being the Rasenic or Etruscan synonym’. For the word 
harus or ars- see the Umbrian ars-mo (above, p.117). On the 
supposition that trutnft corresponds to haruspex, it furnishes 
an important confirmation of the general theory respecting 
the Low German origin of the Rasena. For the oldest forms 
of Scandinavian divination exhibit to us the haruspex fur- 
nished with a wand which he waves about, and the Northmen 
no less than the Greeks regarded an oracular communication 
as emphatically the truth : see note on Pind. Ol. vir. 2, where 
the poet says, addressing Olympia, with reference to the cele- 
brated oracle of: the Iamidee: δέσποιν ᾿Αληθείας, ἵνα μάντιες 
ἄνδρες ἐμπύροις τεκμαιρόμενοι παραπειρώνται Διός, "ΟἹ queen 
of oracular truth, where men οὗ divination forming their 
judgment (taking their tokens) from the burnt-offerings search 
into the will of Jove: and compare Hymis-Quida 1. Edd. 
Semund, 1. p. 118: 

"Athr sathir yrthí 

Hristo teina 

Ok 4 hlaut s. 
which is rendered: * antequam verum deprehenderent, con- 
cusserunt baczllos (divinatorios) et sanguinem sacrum inspexe- 
runt." With this view of divination the /stuus of the Etruscan 
augur entirely corresponds: and as éru in Icelandic signifies 
fides or religio, and fit-la — leviter digitos movere (where -/a is 
merely ἃ frequentative affix, Rask, Old Norse Grammar, 
p. 168), I recognize teinn — bactllus in the middle of tru-tn-ft, 
and refer the whole to the use of the lituus by the Etruscan 


1 Aufrecht (apud Bunsen, Christ. and Mankind, im. p. 138) derives 
haruspex from haru=ezxter; cf. xod-as, Old Norse garner, O. H. G. 
mitti-garne, Lith. zarna, Sanscr. λίγα, Old Latin kira. 


188 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. v. 


haruspex. Those who are not satisfied with this analysis may 
compare érutnft with the Runic trutin, “God’’ (Dieterich, 
p. 922), and feta, “invenire”’ (Egilsson, p. 167). 

Mister, “an actor." Liv. vit. 2: “Sine carmine ullo, sine imi- 
tandorum carminum actu, ludiones ex Etruria adciti, ad tibi- 
cinis modos saltantes, haud indecoros motus more Tusco dabant. 
Imitari deinde eos juventus, simul inconditis inter se jocularia 
fundentes versibus, coepere; nec absoni a voce motus erant. 
Accepta itaque res seepiusque usurpando excitata. Vernaculis 
artificibus, quia Acster Tusco verbo ludio vocabatur, nomen 
histrionibus inditum: qui non, sicut ante, Fescennino versu 
similem incompositum temere ac rudem alternis jaciebant; sed 
impletas modis saturas, descripto jam ad tibicinem cantu, 

. motuque congruenti peragebant." (See above, p. 157.) It 
appears from this, and from all we read of the hister, that he 
was a mimic actor; his dance is compared by Dionysius to 
the Sicinnis; so that the word seems to be synonymous with 
δεικηλίκτης, and the root is the pronoun ἐ- or Ac (N. Crat. 
§ 139), which also enters into the cognate words t-mitor, ἴσσος, 
eix-ov, &c., and appears in the termination of oleaster, &c. 
(Lobeck, Pathol. p. 79). 

Itus, “ the division of the month.” Varro, L. L. vt. 8 28: * Idus 
ab eo quod Tusci stus." Cf. Macrob. Sat. 1. 15. As (tus was 
the διχομηνία of the Tuscan lunar month, its connexion with 
the root 4d- or fid- ia obvious: comp. di-vido, vid-uus, &c. 
So Horat. 1v. Carm. x1. 14: 

idus tibi sunt agendte 
Qui dies mensem Veneris marinz 
Findié Aprilem. 

Leno, “ἃ double cloak.” Fest. p. 117: “ Quidam appellatam 
existimant 'T'usce, quidam Grece, quam χλανίδα dicunt." ]f 
it be a Tuscan word, its very like the Greek: compare lurt- 
dus, lac, λιαρός, &c., with 4X pós, γά-λα, y-Mapós, ἄς. Varro 
(L. L. v. § 183) derives it from lana. 

Lanista, ‘a keeper of gladiators.” Isidor. Origg. x. p. 247: 
“ Lanista gladiator, ὦ. 6. carnifex Tusca lingua appellatus." 
Comp. /anzus, &c., from the root lac-, or the Irish /ann, “a 
sword." Gladiatorial games are expressly stated to have been 
derived by the Romans from the Etruscans: see Nicolaus 


§ 3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 189 


Damasc. apud Athen. 1v. 153 F, above, p. 81, and below, s. v. 
Ludus. 

Lar, “‘a lord.” Explained above, p. 179. 

Leine. This word occurs in sepulchral inscriptions generally 
along with rs? and a numeral. It is a quasi-substitute for 
aifil, and as it seems to be a verb it must mean either eiat or 
obiit. Mr. Ellis (p. 57) assumes the former, and compares the 
Armenian léínel, “to be. As, however, vixit annos is ren- 
dered by avi! ril, and not by eine ril, I am disposed to render 
the word by odtit, in such passages as: Thana Catnet ril leine 
LV.; or: A Peent ril Lit. Leine; or: aural clan leine. And if 
30, it is to be connected with the Old Norse dinna, "cessare, 
desinere," Gothic and O. H. G. lennan. 

Intuus, “an augur's staff, curved at the end;” also, “a curved 
trumpet :" see Cic. Divin. 11. 18; Liv. 1. 18. It constantly. 
occurs on Etruscan monuments (see Inghirami, VI. tav. P. 5, 1). 
Müller justly considers this word an adjective signifying 
“crooked” (Etrusk. 11. p. 212). It contains the root /i-, 
found in /i-quis, ob-liquus, li-ra, litus. (πλάγιος), λέχριος, 9uá- 
few, &c. ; and is perhaps the Latin for teinn (above, p. 187). 

Lucumo, whence the Roman prenomen Lucius (Valer. Max. de 
Nomin. 18), “ἃ noble." The Tuscan form was Lauchme, 
which the Umbrian Propertius has preserved in his transcrip- 
tion Lucmo (El. 1v. 1, 29): prima galeritus posuit. pretoria 
Lucmo. The word contains the root luc-, and may therefore 
be compared with the Greek Γελέοντες, designating, like the 
Tuscan term, a noble and priestly tribe (NV. Crat. $ 459). The 
ἐργάδεις correspond to the Aruntes, who are regularly con- 
trasted with the Lucumones (above, p. 125). 

Ludus. The ancients derived this word from the Lydian origin 
of the Etruscans, from whom the Romans first borrowed their 
dancers and players. Dionys. Antiqu. 11. 71: καλούμενοι πρὸς 

. αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῆς παιδιᾶς τῆς ὑπὸ Λυδῶν ἐξευρῆσθαι δοκούσης 
λυδίωνες, εἰκόνες, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τῶν Σαλίων. Appian, VIII. 
de Ποῦ. Pun. c. 66: χορὸς κιθαριστῶν τε καὶ τιτυριστῶν εἰς 
μιμήματα Τυῤῥηνικῆς πομπῆς...Λυδοὺς αὐτοὺς καλοῦσιν, ὅτι 
(oluas) Τυῤῥηνοὶ Λυδῶν ἄποικοι. Isidor. p. 1274: '' Inde Ro- 
mani accersitos artifices mutuati sunt, et inde Judi a Lydiis 
vocati sunt." Hesych. 11. p. 506: Λυδοὶ οὗτοι τὰς θέας εὑρεῖν 


190 THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v. 


λέγονται, ὅθεν καὶ Ρωμαῖοι λουδούς φασι. Comp. also Valer. 
Max. τι. 4, 4; Tertull. de Spect. v. The derivation from the 
ethnic name Lydius is of course a mere fancy. It does not, 
however, seem improbable that, as the armed dances as well 
as the clownish buffooneries of the Romans were derived from 
Etruria, so the name, which designated these as jokers and 
players (ludiones), was Etruscan also, like the other name 
hister, which denoted the imitative actor. If so, the word 
ludus was also of Tuscan or Pelasgian origin. Now this word 
ludus is admirably adapted to express all the functions of the 
Tuscan ludio. It is connected with the roots of ledo (comp. 

. €udo, cedo), λοίδορος, λίζω, λάσθω, (= aito, Hesych.). Con- 
sequently, it expresses on the one hand the amusement afforded 
by the gesticulations of the ludio (σχηματίζεται ποικίλως eis 
γέλωτα, Appian, u.8.), and on the other hand indicates the 
innocent brandishing of weapons by the armed /udio as com- 
pared with the use of arms in actual warfare. This latter 
sense was preserved by /wdus to the last, as it signified the 
school in which the gladiators played or fenced with wooden 
foils (rudes) preparatory to the bloody encounters of the arena. 
That the ludiones were Tuscans even in the classical age is 
clear from Plautus, Curculto, 1.2, 60 sqq.: ''péssult, heus, 
péssuh, vós salutó lubens—fite causá mea lid? bárbart; sdb- 
silite, Sbsecro, et mittite istánc foras," panning on the resem- 
blance of pessuli to the prasules of these Tuscan dancers (see 
Non. Marc. c. x11. de Doctorum Indagine, p. 783, Gottofr.). 
Mr. Ellis compares the Irish ζω, “nimble,” * active," 
which harmonizes with the dances at least of the Tuscan 
ludtones. 

Luna, the Tuscan port, probably got its name from the half- 
moon shape of the harbour. See Pers. vi. 7, 8; Strabo, v. 
p. 222; Martial, xirr. 30. The Tuscan spelling was perhaps 
Losna (= Lus-na), which is found on a patera (see Müller, 
Etrusk. 1. p. 294). With this we may compare the Irish 
luisne, '* flame." 

Manus or Manis, * good.” Apparently a Tuscan word; at any 
rate, the manes were Tuscan divinities. Fest. p. 146, s. v. 
Manuos ; Serv. ad 4m. 1. 189, 111. 68. So cerus manus, in 
the Salian song, was creator bonus. Fest. p. 122, s. v. Matrem 


§ 5. ] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 191 


matutam; comp. Varro, L. L. vit. § 26. We may perhaps 
recognize the same root in a-menus, Lithuan. atmésnts. 

Mantisa, “ weighing-meat.” Fest. p. 182: '* Mantisa addita- 
mentum dicitur lingua Tusca, quod ponderi adicitur, sed dete- 
rius et quod sine ullo usu est. Lucilius: mantisa obsonia 
vincit." Scaliger and Voss derive it from manu-tensa, “eo 
quod manu porrigitur. It is more probably connected, like 
me-n-da, with the root of μάτην; compare frustum with 

a. 

Nanus, “the pigmy." Lycophr. Alex. 1244: Návos πλαναῖσι 
“πάντ᾽ ἐρευνήσας μυχόν. Ubi Tzetzes: 6 Ὀδυσσεὺς παρὰ τοῖς 
Τυρσηνοῖς νάνος καλεῖται, δηλοῦντος τοῦ ὀνόματος τὸν πλανή- 
την. This interpretation seems to be only a guess based on 
the πλαναῖσι of Lycophron. The considerations mentioned 
above (S 1) leave it scarcely doubtful that the Tuscan word, 
like the Latin nanus, refers to the diminutive stature of the 
hero, which is also implied in his common name Ulysses. The 
Greek words vávos, νάννος, νάνισκος, vavdto, νάνιον, &c. have 
the same meaning. The word, therefore, being common to 
the Tuscans, Greeks, and Romans, is indubitably of Pelasgic 
origin. 

Nepos, “ἃ profligate.” Fest. p. 165: ** Nepos luxuriosus a Tus- 
cis dicitur." Probably, as Müller suggests (Etrusk. 1. p. 277), 
the word which bears this meaning is not from the same root 
as the Siculian nepos, “ἃ grandson” (Gr. vérrous, ἀ-νέψιος, 
Germ. neffe). Many etymologies have been proposed; but I 
am not satisfied with any one of them. Might we connect 
the word with ne-pdtis, Gr. ἀ-κρατής, ἀκόλαστος Ὁ 

Phruntac = fulguriator. See the Inscriptio bilinguts quoted 
above s. v. Haruspex. We must consider this T'uscan word 
as standing either for Furn-tactus or for fulntacius : in the 
former case it is connected with the Latin furnus, fornax, 
Greek πῦρ, Germ. feur, &c., Old Norse fur or fyr ; in the 
latter it may be compared with ful-geo, ful-men, $Xé-y-ew, 
φλό-ξ, &c. It is not impossible that both roots may be ulti- 
mately identical: compare creber, celeber; cresco, glisco ; 
κραῦροψ,, καλαῦροψ'; crus, σ-κέλος; culmen, celsus, xoXo- 
φών, κράνιον, κορυφή, &c.; but the r brings the word nearer 
to the Old Norse, which the theory would lead us to expect ; 


192 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cuar. v. 


and as tak-na in Icelandic signifies ominari, we could not 
have a nearer translation of haruspex fulguriator than éru- 
ten-fit furn-tak = veri-bacillum-contrectans tgne-omtnans = ἀλη- 
θοραβδονόμος πυρόμαντις, “the fire-tokener who waves the 
wand of divination." "When such coincidences explain all the 
elements of two compound words, the meaning of which is 
established by monumental evidence, the result ought to be 
conviction rather than surprise. | 

Quinquatrus. Varro, L. L. vi. § 14: “ Quinquatrus ; hic dies 
unus ab nominis errore observatur, proinde ut sint quinque. 
Dictus, ut ab Tusculanis post diem sextum idus similiter voca- 
tur Sexatrus, et post diem septimum Septimatrus, sic hic, 
quod erat post diem quintum idus, Qwinquatrus." Festus, p. 
254: ““ Quinquatrus appellari quidam putant a numero dierum 
qui feriis iis celebrantur: qui scilicet errant tam hercule, quam 
qui triduo Saturnalia et totidem diebus Competalia: nam om- 
nibus his singulis diebus fiunt sacra. Forma autem vocabuli 
ejus, exemplo multorum populorum Italicorum enuntiata est, 
quod post diem quintum iduum est is dies festus, ut aput Tus- 
culanos Triatrus et Sexatrus et Septimatrus et Faliscos 
Decimatrus.” See also Gell. N. A. rr. 21. From this we 
infer that in the Tuscan language the numeral quinque, or, as 
they probably wrote it, cfincfe, signified "five," and that 
atrus meant “a day." With regard to the numeral, Steub 
states that cht means “five” on a newly discovered die, and 
he translates the inscription (Bullet. Arch. 1836, p. 147) 
Thancoilu avils cis cealchs by Tanaquil «etatis Lv, inferring 
that cealchs = cealtchas means the decad of five, because the 
Lithuanian itka = δέκα (Grimm, Gesch. d. deutsch. Spr. p. 
246), which, however, indicates the addition of ten, and not a 
multiplication by that number; for e.g. keturdiika is 14 and 
not 44 (Pott, Zihlmethode, p. 186). That, however, quinque = 
cfincfe is likely enough to represent the Etruscan is shown by 
the Etruscan form of the prenomen Quintus, which is written 
Cuintus (see Dennis, 11. p. 412). With the latter part of the 
word, perhaps connected with ai@piov, we may compare the 
Tuscan atriwm, according to the second of the etymologies 
proposed above. | 

Ramnenses, Tities, Luceres. Varro, L. L. v. S 55: “Omnia 


§ 8.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 193 


heec vocabula Tusca, ut Volnius, qui tragcedias Tuscas scripsit, 
dicebat." See Müller, Htrusk. 1. p. 380. 

Ril, *a year." This word frequently occurs before numerals in 
sepulchral inscriptions; and, as the word aif — etatis gene- 
rally precedes, rt/ is supposed with reason to mean annum or 
annos. It is true that this word does not resemble any 
synonym in the Indo-Germanic languages; but then, as has 
been justly observed by Lepsius, there is no connexion be- 
tween annus, Gros and sr, and yet the connexion between 
Greek, Latin, and German is universally admitted'. The word 
ril appears to me to contain the root ra or re, implying “ flux" 
and “motion,” which occurs in every language of the family, 
and which in the Pelasgian dialects sometimes furnished a name 
for great rivers (above, p. 56). Thus 7Ybe-ris, the Tuscan 
river, is probably “the mountain-stream ;" see below, § 6. 
The termination -ἶ also marks the Tuscan patronymics, and, in 
the lengthened form -itus, serves the same office in Latin (e. g. 
Servi-lius from Servius). The Greek patronymic in -δῆς ex- 
presses derivation or extraction, and is akin to the genitive- 
ending. This termination appears in fet-rov, pei-0-pov, &c., 
which may therefore be compared with r:-l. If the 7 repre- 
sents a more original n, ril comes into immediate contact with 
the Icelandic renna “to run" or "flow," whence retnandé 
vain = aqua-fluens, and the river Rhine probably received 
its name from this source, for renna, A. B. rin =cursus aqua. 
How well suited this connexion is for the expression of time 
need not be pointed out to the intelligent reader. The fol- 
lowing examples from the Latin language will show that the 
etymology is at least not inconsistent with the forms of speech 
adopted by the ancient Italians. The Latin name for the 
year—annus, more anciently anus—of which annulus or 
anulus (Schneider, Lat. Gr. 1. p. 422) is a diminutive—denotes 
a circle or cycle—a period—a curve returning to itself; and 
the same is the origin of the other meaning of anus, i.e. ab 
orbiculari figura. Now as the year was regarded as a num- 
ber of months, and as the moon-goddess was generally the 


1 See the other instances of the same kind quoted by Dr. Prichard, 
Journal of R. G. S. 1x. 2, p. 209. 


D. V. 18 


194 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v. 


feminine form of the sun-god', we recognize Annus as the god 
of the sun, and Anna as the goddess of the moon; and as she 
recurred throughout the period of the sun's course, she was 
farther designated by the epithet perenna. To this Anna 
perenna, ‘the ever-circling moon," the ancients dedicated the 
ides of March, the first full moon of the primitive year, and, 
as Macrobius tells us (Saturn. 1. 12), ‘“‘eodem quoque mense 
et publice et privatim ad Annam Perennam sacrificatum itur 
ut annare perennareque commode liceat." The idea, therefore, 
attached to her name was that of a regular flowing, of a con- 
stant recurrence; and d-nus denotes at once *' the ever-flowing”’ 
(dé-vaos) and “the ever-recurring’’ (del νεόμενος): see New 
Crat..§ 270. Now this is precisely the meaning of the com- 
mon Latin adjective perennis; and sollennis (= quod omntbus 
annis prestars debet, Festus, p. 298) has acquired the similar 
signification of *regular," * customary," and “‘ indispensable." 
It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that in ἃ Tuscan monument 
(Micali, Storia, pl. 36) Atlas supporting the world is called 
-A-ril. If Atlas was the god of the Tuscan year, this may 
serve to confirm the common interpretation of 717; and d-nus = 
ja-nus will thus correspond to é-rtl both in origin and signifi- 
cation; for it is certain that νέω and ῥεώ spring from ἃ com- 
mon source (New Croat. u.8.). Aufrecht (ap. Bunsen, Christi- 
anity and Mankind, Yit. p. 102) compares the Umbr. ak-nos 
with am-nis, and from this derives an original ap-nus, which 
. would contain the Sanscrit root ap, “ water," and so come more 


1 In the Penny Cyclopedia 8. v. Demeter, I remarked, as I bad pre- 
viously done in the Theatre of the Greeks, “that in the Roman mythology 
as well as in the Greek, we continually find duplicate divinities male and 
female, and sometimes deities of a doubtful sex (Niebuhr’s Rome, Vol. 1. 
pp. 100, 101, Eng. Tr.; and Philolog. Mus. 1. pp. 116, 117). Thus the sun- 
god and the moon-goddess are always paired together." From this the 
writer of the article Roman Calendar in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, 
borrowed his statement, that “the tendency among the Romans to have 
the same word repeated first as ἃ male and then as ἃ female deity, has 
been noticed by Niebuhr,” &c.; and because I took the liberty of repeat- 
ing myself, in a former edition of the present work, this compiler has 
assumed, with amusing effrontery, that I was copying the trifling appro- 
priation of which he had probably forgotten the source. 


$5.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 195 


immediately into harmony with my view of the question. It is 
worthy of remark that annus appears in inscriptions under the 
forms adnus or atnus (Fabretti s. v.), which may be compared 
with the name of the Tuscan river Arnus. 

Stroppus, “a fillet.” Fest. p. 313: “ Stroppus est, ut Ateius 
philologus existimat, quod Grece στρόφιον vocatur, et quod 
sacerdotes pro insigni habent in capite. Quidam coronam esse 
dicunt, aut quod pro corona insigne in caput imponatur, quale 
sit strophium, Itaque apud Faliscos diem festum esse, qui 
vocetur struppearia, quia coronati ambulent. Et a Tuscu- 
lanis" [for another instance of the similarity of language be- 
tween the people of Falerii and Tusculum, see under Quinqua- 
trus), “quod in pulvinari imponatur, Castoris struppum vocari." 
Idem, p. 347: ‘“ Strupp? vocantur in pulvinaribus fasciculi de 
verbenis facti, qui pro deorum capitibus ponuntur." 

Subulo, “a flute-player.” Varro, L. L. vu. ὃ 85: “ Subulo 
dictus quod ita dicunt tibicines Tusci: quocirca radices ejus in 
Etruria non Latio querunde.” Fest. p. 309: ““ Subulo Tusce 
tibicen dicitur; itaque Ennius: subulo quondam marinas 
adstabat plagas." Compare sibilo, σίφων, si-lenus, σιφλόω, 
ἀ-σύφηλος, ἄς. Fr. siffler, persifler, &c. 

Toga. If toga was the name by which the Tuscans called their 
outer garment, the verb tego must have existed in the Tuscan 
language; for this is obviously the derivation. That the 
Tuscans wore togas, and that the Romans borrowed this dress 
from them, is more than probable (Müller, Etrusker, p. 262). 
If not, they must, from the expression used by Photius (Lez. 
8. v.), have called it τήβεννα, which was its name in Argos 
and Arcadia. 

Trutnft = tru-ten-fit: see 8. v. Haruspez. 

Voraus, ‘‘ one hundred feet square," is quoted as both Tuscan and 
Umbrian. Fragm. de Limit. ed Ges. p. 216: "Primum 
agri modulum fecerunt quattuor limitibus clausum figure, 
quadrats: similem, plerumque centum pedum in utraque parte, 
quod Greci πλέθρον appellant, Tusci et Umbri vorsum." For 
the use of πλέθρον, see Eurip. Jon. 1137. In itself vorsus is 
the integral part of the area; but the lines forming right 
angles in the vorsus and in the whole area were termed proret, 
le. pro-verst limites, when they followed the main direction, 

13—2 


196 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. V. 


but.trans-veret when they crossed it (Hygin. p. 167, 17, &c.). 
The word universus derives its meaning from the same class of 
expressions (above, p. 32). The fact that vorsus is a Tuscan 
word confirms the etymologies of Vertumnus and Nortia. 


§ 4. Etruscan Inscriptions— Difficulties attending their Inter- 
pretation. 


In passing to our third source of information respecting the 
Tuscan language—the inscriptions which have been preserved— 
we are at once thrown upon difficulties, which are still beyond 
the reach of a complete solution. "We may, indeed, derive from 
them some fixed results with regard to the structure of the lan- 
guage, and here and there we may find it possible to offer an 
explanation of a few words of more frequent occurrence. In 
general, however, we want a more complete collection of these 
documents; one, too, in deciphering which the resources of 
peleography have been carefully and critically applied. When 
we shall have obtained this, we shall at least know how far we 
can hope to penetrate into the hitherto unexplored arcana of the 
mysterious Etruscan language !. 


2 The most complete collection of Etruscan inscriptions that we 
have at present is that of G. B. Vermiglioli (Antiehe Jscrisioni Perugine, 
ed. 2, Perugia, 1833), but this is generally limited to the inscriptions at 
Perugia, and does not include the numerous fragments which have been 
published by the Archzological Society at Rome and by other col- 
lectors. How far the want will be supplied by the copies of Etruscan 
inscriptions te be contained in Fabretti's Glossarium Italicum, of which 
three parte have appeared (Aug. Taurinorum, 1858, 1859), will be seen 
when the work is completed. The following extract from the Pro- 
spectus will show what Fabretti promises :— 

* L'autore di questo Glossarium italicum non s'indirizza propria- 
mente a coloro che han fama di maestri nelle filologiche discipline, e 
che finora vegliarono nel sollevare il velo che cuopre gli scritti monu- 
menti de' padri nostri; che anzi e' si giova dell' opera loro per ottenere 
che il beneficio venutone alla scienza si estenda ai meno versati in questo 
genere di studi ed a quanti amano inoltrarsi, per men aspro cammino, 
nel campo delle ricerche storiche e filologiche sull'antica Italia. A molti 
tornerà utile, se non c'inganniamo, l'aver sott' occhi in un comodo volume 
tutte le inserizioni antichissime appartenenti ale vatie contrade della 
patria nostra (e molte delle etrusche inedite o corrette sugli originali), 


§ 4. THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 197 


Referring to the theory, that the Etruscan nation consisted 
of two main ingredients—namely, Tyrrheno-Pelasgians, more 
or less intermixed with Umbrians, and Retians or Low Ger- 
mans’, the former prevailing in the South, the latter in the 


e trovar facilmente i vocaboli di ogni dialetto territoriale ricordati dagli 
scrittori o ricavati dai monumenti, colle dichiarazioni degl' interpreti 
migliori, coi raffronti tra le diverse lingue e con 1a scorta delle etimo- 
logie; si che facciasi palese che le prische favelle italiche si collegano 
colla latina lingua e coi parlari moderni, e che questi e quelle si recon- 
giungono alla grande famiglia indo-pelasgica.” 

1 The idea that one ingredient, at least, in the old Etruscan language 
was allied to the most ancient type of the Low German, as preserved in 
the Icelandic inscriptions, occurred to me when I was reading the Runic 
fragments with a different object in 1846, A long series of independent 
combinations was required before I could bring myself to attach any im- 
portance to the prim facie resemblances which struck me on the most 
euperficial comparison of documents, apparently so far removed from the 
possibility of any mutual relations. But I have quite lately discovered 
that the same first impressions were produced end recorded just one hun- 
dred years before I communicated my views to the British Association. 
A folio tract has come into my bands with the following title: Alphabetum 
veterum Etruscorum secundis curis inlustratum et auctum a Joh. Chrst. 
Amadutio [Amaduzzi], Rom. 1775, and I find the following statement in 
P. xli: “nemo melius hujusmodi cerebrosa tentamina ridenda suscepit 
quam anonymus quidam scriptor (qui Hieronymus Zanettius Venetus & 
quibusdam habitus est) qui anno 1751 opusculum (Nuova trasigurazions 
delle lettere Etrusche) edidit lepidum et festivum satis, in quo... . literas 
quibus [monumenta Etrusca] instructa sunt Geticas ac Runicas potius... 
statuendas comminiscitur...Id etiam nonnullis Runicis sive Geticis ad- 
ductis monumentis et cum iis, qure Etrusca censentur, facta comparatione 
evinoere nititur" With more etymological knowledge, but with the 
same inability to appreciate the importauce of the evidence which he 
was adducing, the reviewer of J&kel’s superficial book in the Quarterly 
Review (Vol. xuvi. p. 347) remarks: “ It is strange but true that some 
of the most striking coincidences are between the Latin and the Teutonic 
dialects of Scandinavia and Friezeland—regions which Roman foot never 
touched. Here are ἃ few of the Scandinavian ones: abetergo, affsiryka ; 
abstraho, affdraga; carus, kaer; candela, kindel; clivus, kleif (cliff); &c. 
In all these cases the word has disappeared, or at least become unusual, 
in the German. In Friezeland hospes is osb, macula is magl, rete is rhwyd, 
turtus is turtur, &c.” Ido not know to whom Bulwer Lytton refers (My 
Novel; Blackwood's Magazine, Sept. 1850, p. 247), where he speaks of 
some speculator on raccs who had identified the Danes with the ancient 


198 THE ἘΤΒΌΒΟΑΝ LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v. 


north-western part of Etruria,—it is obvious that we cannot 
expect to find one uniform language in the inscriptions, which 
belong to different epochs and are scattered over the territory 
occupied in different proportions by branches of cognate tribes. 
Accordingly, we must, if possible, discriminate between those 
fragments which represent the language in its oldest or un-Ra- 
senic form, and those which exhibit scarcely any traces of a 
Pelasgic character. 


§ 5. Inscriptions in which the Pelasgian element predominates. 


Of all the Etruscan cities the least Rasenic perhaps is Cere! 
or Agylla, which stands in so many important connexions with 
Rome. Its foundation by the Pelasgians is attested by a great 
number of authorities (Serv. ad Zn. vii. 478; Strabo, v. p. 220; 
Dionys. Hal. 111. 58; Plin. H. N. m1. 8): its port, Πύργοι, had 
a purely Pelasgian or even Greek name, and the Pelasgians 
had founded there a temple in honour of Εὐλήθυια (Strabo, v. 
226; Diod. xv. 14). In the year 534 B.c., the people of Agylla 
consulted the oracle at Delphi respecting the removal of a curse; 
and they observed, in the days of Herodotus, the gymnic and 
equestrian games which the Pythoness prescribed (Herod. 1. 167): 
moreover, they kept up a connexion with Delphi, in the same 
manner 88 the cities of Greece, and had a deposit in the bank 
of the temple (Strabo, v. p. 220). 

As the Agylleans, then, maintained so long a distinct Pe- 
lasgian character, we might expect to find some characteristics 
in the inscriptions of Cere, or Cervetri, by which they might 
be distinguished from the monuments of northern and eastern 
Etruria. There is at least one very striking justification of this 
supposition. On an ancient vase, dug up by General Galassi at 


Etruscaus, because they both called their gods sar, and who had re- 
cognized the root of this word in the name of Asia. 

1 Lepsius (die Tyrrh. Pelasger, p. 28) considers Core an Umbrian and 
not a Pelasgian word, -re being a common ending of the names of Um- 
brian towns; thus we have T'ute-re on coins for Tuder. The original 
name was perhaps Kaiere, which contains a root expressive of antiquity 
and nobility (above, p. 7). 


ὃ 6.] THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 199 


Cervetri, the following inscription is traced in very clear and 
legible characters : 


Mi πὶ ke0uma, mt mabu maram lsat Ovpurenar ; 
E0e erat sie epana, mi ne0u, nastav heleu. 


It is obvious that there is an heroic rhythm in these lines; the 
punctuation and division into words are of course conjectural. 
This inscription differs from those which are found in the Um- 
bro-Etruscan or Rasenic districts, and especially from the Peru- 
sian cippus, in the much larger proportion of vowels, which are 
here expressed even before and after liquids, and in the absence 
of the mutilated terminations in c, 7, r, which are so common in 
the other monuments. The meaning of this couplet seems to be 
as follows: “1 am not dust; I am ruddy wine on burnt-ashes: 
when" (or “if”) “there is burning-heat under ground I am 
water for thirsty lips." JM? is clearly the mutilated é-uí-— ἐσ- μέ, 
That the substantive verb may be reduced to é-u/, with the first 
syllable short, is clear from the inscription on the Burgon vase, 
which Bóckh has so strangely misunderstood (C.J. n. 33), and 
which obviously consists of three cretics: τῶν ᾿Αθή-νηθεν ἄ- | 
xov ἐμί. . Ne is the original negative, which in Latin always 
appears in a reduplicated or compounded form. The same form 
appears in Icelandic. Ke@uma is the primitive form of χθών, 
χθαμα-λός, χαμαί, humus, &c.; and may not χιθαμα- be an off- 
shoot of the Hebrew DIN, in which the aleph, as in many other 
cases, represents a stronger guttural? (see above, p. 91). The 


1 Dr. L. Steub (zur Ratischen Ethnologie, p. 223) considers that mé 
ia me, and not εἰμί. Thus he translates mi suthi Larthial Muthikus * me 
posuit L. M." According to him suthi is a verb connected with sido, 
ἴζω, sidjé, salján, selzén. And he is not deterred by the appearance of 
turce in the same sentence with suthi (Lanzi, 11. p. 497; Müller, Etrusk. 
X. p. 452). For he considers turce to be another verb, analogous to 
mulenike (Müller, rt. p. 352), lupuce=vizit, taiseke, peruce, calesece, mianece, 
miace (Bullet. Arch. 1850, p. 40), being all homogeneous forms.  Simi- 
larly, in an inscription on a vault (Bullet. 1833, p. 55), eith fanu sathec 
lautn. Pumpus, he extracts the meaning: hoece (or idce) fanum posuit 
L. P., and mi cana is me posuit. In the inscription quoted above he 
changes mini into mim; and so also in the Naples inscription, where he 
reads: mim mulveneke Veltha in Pupliana, and renders the words, me 
Jecit Vultho tn Populonia. 


200 | THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v. 


difference of quantity in the second ms will not prevent us from 
identifying it with the first, which is lengthened by the ictus. 
Ma6u is the Greek μέθυ, Sanscr. madhu. Maram is the epithet 
agreeing with mathu: it contains the root mar-, found in Μάρων 
(the grandson of Bacchus), and in Ἴσ-μαρος, the site of his 
vineyards (see Od. 1x. 196 sqq.), and probably signifying 
“ruddy” (ualpw, patpa, &c.). The fact that Maro was an agri- 
cultural cognomen at Mantua is an argument in favour of the 
Etruscan use of the root. sad is the locative of lists, an 
old word corresponding to lix, “ashes mingled with water." 
@ipurenas is an adjective in concord with /1/$:a?, and probably 
containing the same root as fepidus, tephral, teforom, &c. (above, 
pp. 56, 156). Ee is some particle of condition or time’. rat 
is the locative of gpa, “earth.” The idea of this second line is 
conveyed by the sneer of Lucretius (111. 916 sq. Lachmann): 


* Tanquam in morte mali cum primis hoc sit eorum, 
Quod sitis exurat miseros atque arida torres—" 


where Lachmann quotes Cyrill. ἀπόκαυμα ustilacio, torres; and 
it is probable that epana is synonymous with torres, and that it 
may be connected with δάπτω, &c., as epulae is with δαπάνη, 
daps, δεῖπνον, &c., or (gnis with the root dah, “to burn." Ste 
(pronounced syé) is siet = stt (80 ar-sie = ad-sts and st — sit in the 
Eug. Tables). There can be little doubt that ne@u means “ water" 
in the Tuscan language. There is an Etruscan mirror in which 
the figure of Neptune has superscribed the word Nethuns = Ne- 
thu-n-[u]s. The root is ne-, and appears under a slightly different 
development in the next word, nastav (comp. νασμός, ναθμός, 
O. H. G. naz), which is probably a locative in -φι, agreeing with 
helegu, and this may be referred to χεῖλος, Molice yéXXos, Latin 
heluo, &c. 

There is another inscription in the Museum at Naples which 
also begins with m$ ni, and presents in a shorter compass the 


1 Mr. Ellis remarks (p. 52, note) that ethe means “if” in Armenian, 
and as this inscription is clearly of a Pelasgian character, this coincidence 
seems to strengthen the supposition that the Armenian affinities of the 
Etruscans, 80 far as they can be made good, belong to the hon-Rasenic 
part of the language (above, p. 167). 


§ 5.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 201 


same features with that which has just been quoted. It runs 
thus in one Hexameter line: 


Mi ni mulve neke velóu ir pupliana, 


and seems to mean: *I am not of Mulva nor Volsinii, but 
Populonia.” For ποῖα τε neque see NN. Crat.§ 147. Jr is the 


, 


conjunction ἀλλά = “ but" (compare the O. N. an-nar with our 
other, or); and as Velsa or Velthu signifies the city Volsinds 
(Muller, Etr. 1. p. 334), and as pupliana obviously refers to 
Puplana = Populonia (Müller, 1. p. 331), I would suppose a place 
Mulva, whence the pons Mulv-tus, two miles from Rome, (Taci- 
tus, Annal. x11. 47. Hist. 1. 87. 11. 89. 111. 82), and the proper 
name Mulvius (Horace, 1. Serm. vit. 36)'. 

Besides these, we have a great number of inscriptions be- 
ginning with the syllable mz, mostly from Orvieto (i.e. urbs 
vetus, Volsini??); and an inspection of those among them which 
are most easily interpreted leaves us little reason to doubt that 
this syllable represents the verb εἰμί, which has suffered decapi- 


1 Dr. Karl Meyer (in the Gelehrter Anzeigen of the Royal Academy at 
Munich, for 1843, pp. 698—735) has endeavoured to explain the twa 
Pelasgian inscriptions on the supposition that the Pelasgians, though 
Caucasian, belonged to the ZEgypto-(Chaldeo)-Celtic group of people, 
who inbabited the Caucasian regions in the most primitive times, and 
were therefore pre-Sanscritic in the formation of their languages (p. 728). 
He thus borrows his suggestions from the fragmentary and half-under- 
stood remains of ancient Egyptian on tbe one hand, and from modern 
Irish and Welsh on the other—a mode of proceeding which to myself 
appears not likely to lead to any safe results. His interpretation of the 
Cervetri Inscription is as follows: “ich (mini, as in 2 p. pl. pass.!!) sage 
(Eg. ct-, Champ. p. 378; Gaelic, cet-aim; Goth. quithan, &c.), dass ich 
rühme (Irish, muidhim) die Huld (mari O. H.D = = fama) des Lisias Purenas 
(Thipurenas) und die seiner Frau Gemahlin (Aerae, and Irish, bean — 
woman!) singe (Irish, nasaim), preise (same with t inserted, as in gusto, 
from γεύω) und verkündige ich (Cymr. Alavara).” The following is 
Meyer's ezplanation of the Naples inscription: “Ich salbe mich mit 
populonischem Oele. d. i. Oel der stadt Populonia,” i.e. mulvene is from 
the Irish morfas, “train oil," comp. μολύνειν, (1); cevelthu, Irish, bealadh, 
“to anoint,” from ἔλαιον with the digamma, cf. βάλανος, &c., ir from the 
METNO Pelo r, ir, “to make," as an affix to the passive voice in Latin, 

&c.(!) But even supposing these comparisons were as safe, as they seem 
to me"far-fetched and improbable, why is such an inscription, applicable 
only to a man, found on a vessel? 


202 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHAP. v. 


tation in the same manner as the modern Greek va for ἕνα. 
A collection of these inscriptions has been made by Lanzi (Saggto, 
II. p. 319, .Epitafi scelt$ fra’ piu antichi, no. 188-200)"; and 
Müller thinks (Htrusk. 1. p. 451) that they are all pure Pelas- 
gian. Some of them, indeed, seem to be almost Greek—at least, 
they are more nearly akin to Greek than to Latin. "Take, for 
instance, no. 191, which has been adduced both by Müller and 
by Lepsius, and which runs thus: 
Mi kalairu fuus. 

Surely 'this is little else than archaic Greek: εἰμὲ Καλαιροῦ 
Fuiós. In regard to the last word at any rate, even modern 
Latin approaches more nearly to the Etruscan type. It is well 
known that the termination -a/, -ul in Etruscan indicates a 
patronymic. Thus a figure of Apollo, found in Picenum, is in- 
scribed, Jupetrul Hpure, i.e. “ Jupiter's son, Apollo.” The 
syllable -al corresponds to the Latin form -alis, but in its sig- 
nificance as a patronymic it is represented rather by -i-/íus, as 
in Servius, Servilius ; Lucius, Lucilius; &c. According to this 
analogy, f-lius, from fio, is nearer to the Etruscan than dios, 
from the Molic $w (Et. M. p. 254, 16). 


§ 6. Transition to the Inscriptions which contain Scandina- 
vian words. The laurel-crowned Apollo. .Explanations of 
the words CLAN and PHLERES. 


There is another inscription of this class which deserves 
particular notice, because, though it is singularly like Greek, it 
contains two words which are of constant occurrence in the least 
Pelasgian of the Etruscan monuments, and furnish us with the 
strongest evidence of the Low-German or Scandinavian affinities 
of a portion at least of the Etruscan language. A bronze figure, 
representing Apollo crowned with laurel (Gori, Mus. Etrusc. 1. 
pl. 32), has the following inscription : 


Mi phieres epul aphe aritimi 
phastt ruphrua turce clen ceca. 


! There is also an old inscription in the Vatican Library which belongs 
to the same class: mi Venerus fAnucenas, which Mommsen would render 
(Unterital. Dialekte, p. 18): sum Veneris Erycine. He has mentioned some 
others of the same kind. 


e 
$6. | | THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 


The first sentence must mean: sum donarium Apol 4 tAr- 
temidt. The form Ari-témi-, as from Ar-timi-s, instead vf the 
Greek ΓΑρ-τεμι[δ]ς, is instructive. We might suppose from this 
that Ari-timi-s, the “virgin of the sea,” and 'Apé-Oovca, “ the 
virgin swiftly flowing," were different types of one and the same 
goddess (see above, pp. 45, 59). ᾿Αρτεμής appears to me to be 
a derivative from “Apress. The next words probably contain 
the name and description of the person who made the offering. 
The name seems to have been Fastia Rufrunia or Rufria. 
Lanzi and Miiller recognize a verb in turce, which is of frequent 
occurrence. on the Etruscan monuments, and translate it by 
ἐποίει, dedit, ἀνέθηκε, or the like. Lanzi goes so far as to 
suggest the etymology [δε-Ἰδώρηκε. And perhaps we might 
make a verb of it, were it not for the context}. Its position, 
however, between the proper name and the word clen, which in 
all other inscriptions is immediately appended to the name and 
description of a person, would induce me to seek the verb in 
ceca (probably a reduplication, like pepe on the Todi statue: 
compare chu-che, cechaze in the Perugian inscription, and cechase 
on the Bomarzo sarcophagus, Dennis, I. p. 313), and to suppose 
that Turce is the genitive of the proper name 7Vascus. 

The word clen, one of the two to which I have referred, some- 
times stands in contrast to eter, etera,—a word at once suggest- 
ing either the Latin veter (vetus), Lith. wets, or the Latin tterum, 
Umbrian etre. Thus we have on the same monument; 


La . Fenete La . Lethial etera 
Se . Fenete La. Lethal clan: 


and again: 
eterav clenarci. 


The order of the words seems to show that etera means “ the 
elder" and clen “the younger;" but if etera alter, we should 
infer that clan must mean the first or head of the family’. 


1 Steub, who, as I have mentioned, takes turce as a verb, renders the 
inscription: me donarium F. E. posuit filii causa. 

3 Steub opposes etera to clen, as “old” to “young;” thus in the 
inscription (Bullet. 1850, p. 92) eterav clenarci, he renders the words, 
senes juvenesque. Mr. Ellis considers it scarcely doubtful that clan means 
« son." 


SE LIBRA DN 


eor THE 


UNIS LS 


=. om 


IT^' 


204 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHapP. v. 


Taking clen or clan by itself, there are etymological arguments 
for both conclusions. On the one hand it may be remarked, 
that the root, which in the Greek and Latin languages signifies 
head, summit, top, is cel-, cul-, cli-, xoX-, xop-, or xpa-. These 
are in effect the same root, —compare glisco, cresco, &c.; and it is 
well known, that words denoting height and elevation—or head- 
ship, in fact —are employed to signify rank. Now the transition 
from this to primogeniture—the being first in a family—is easy 
and natural: compare the '*patrio princeps donfrat nomine 
regem" of Lucretius (1. 88). Therefore, if clen or clens (in Latin 
clanis or clantus) 18 connected with the root of celsus, cul-men, 
collis, clivus, κολοφών, κορυφή, κύριος, κοίρανος, κοῦρος, κόρος, 
κύρβας, κράνιον, &c., it may well be used to signify the first in a 
family. Cf. the Hebrew w^, “de cujuscunque rei initio, 
principio, origine (velut flumints), summitate, velut de montium 
verticibus, &c." (First, Conc. a. v.). To this it may be added 
that there were two rivers in Italy which bore the name of 
Clanis or Clantus; the one running into the Tiber between 
Tuder and Volsinii, the other joining the sea near the Tuscan 
colony of Vulturnum. Now the names of rivers in the Pelasgian 
language seem to have some connexion with roots signifying 
“height,” * hill" or ‘ hill-tower.” This has been indicated 
above in what has been said of the names of the Scythian rivers 
(Chap. rr. ὃ 10). The Tibe-ris—the “Tuscan river," as the 
Latin poets call it—seems to have derived its name from the 
Pelasgian teba, “ἃ hill," and the root r$, “to flow" (see above, 
Chap. Iv. ὃ 2). And the C/an-is and Clan-tus, which flow 
down from the Apennines, may well have gained a name of 
similar import. On the other hand, we shall find that the most 
obvious result from an examination of the northern languages 
is in favour of the supposition, that clen either signifies “little” 
as opposed to “ great," or “son” as opposed to “father.” For 
though the root #l- in kf, kliffe, kleyf, signifies altitude and 
climbing, and though klackr in Icelandic denotes “a rock," we 
find that, with the affix n, klen or klien in Icelandic, and in 
Germ. klein, signify “little,” but primarily in the sense of “a 
child" as opposed to **a man;" and it may be a question whether 
the idea of derivation, which I have just indicated in the river as 
compared with the mountain, may not be at the basis of the 


$6.] THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 205 


ordinary meaning of klen or kleine. And thus whether the 
Etruscan clean signifies “young” generally, or simply “the 
child” in particular, in contrast with the parents, the Icelandic 
will help the explanation. This result is supported, not only, as 
I have already mentioned, by the order in which etera and clen 
appear, but also by the occurrence of clen in conjunction with 
the adjunct er or era, which, if there is any truth in the Scandi- 
navian hypothesis, must be compared with the Old Norse ers or 
ert, “janior” (Egilsson, Lexicon, p. 131). In the Perugian in- 
scription (1. 6) we have ara$ peras, which may be the genitive 
cases of a substantive and adjective denoting “younger child" 
(compare pera with the root bar, and the words baro, barn, 
* bairn," &c.). And that clan means “son” in particular rests 
to a certain extent on positive evidence. For the only bilin- 
gual inscription, in which I have found clans, seems to imply 
that, unless otherwise expressed, this word merely denotes son- 
ship. It is (Dennis, 11. p. 426): 


V. Casa C. clans 
C. Cassius C. F. Saturninus. 


Where C. Clans=C. F., the cognomen Saturninus being an 
addition in the Latin version. This view is confirmed by the fact 
that clan sometimes oecurs in the same inscription with the 
matronymie in -a/, as in the inscription quoted above; and while 
in the bilingual inscriptions this matronymic is rendered by 
natus, clans, as we have seen, is translated filius, and sometimes 
filius is added without any corresponding clan in the Etruscan 
inscriptions. The following examples will show all the different 
usages of this adjunct: 
A. Clan or clen used with a genitive case and without any 
patronymic. 
a. Phastt Ruphrua Turce clen ceca. (Gori, Mus. 
Etrusc. 1. pl. 32, ie. in the inscription under 
consideration.) 


b. V. Caszi C. clans. (Dennis, 11. p. 426.) 
C. Cassius C. F. Saturninus. 


B. Clan, with ἃ patronymic, and without a genitive: 


206 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v. 


Laris Pumpus Arnthal clan cechase. (Dennis, 1. 
p. 313). 
And so in the second inscription quoted above. 


C. Patronymic without clan, but with natus in the Latin 
translation. 


(a). Vl. Alphni nuvi. cainal 

C. Alfius A. F. Cainnia natus. (Dennis, 11. p. 354.) 
(b). Vel. Venzileal Phnalisle 

C. Vensius C. F. Cesia natus. (Id. 11. p. 371.) 


(c). Cuint. Sent. Arntnal 
Q. Sentius L. F. Arria natus. (Id. τι. p. 412.) 
(d). Pup. Velumna Au. Caphatial 
P. Volumnius A. F. Violens Cafatia natus. (Id. 
II. p. 475.) 


From this it appears that clan represents the son or daughter 
as opposed to the father, the mother's name being given in the 
matronymic. 

The other of the two words in this inscription, to which I 
have adverted, is pAleres, which clearly means donartum, or 
something of the kind. This word, as we shall see directly, 
occurs on a number of small Etruscan objects, which are of the 
nature of supplicatory gifts. And it would be only fair to con- 
clude that the word denotes ** vow " or “ prayer," as included in 
the donation. Now we know from Festus (p. 230, cf.-77, 109) 
that ploro and imploro or endoploro in old Latin signified tn- 
clamo without any notion of lamentation or weeping. If, then, 
we compare the Icelandic flerrt, Suio-Gothic flere with the Latin 
plures = ple-ores, we shall easily see how phleres may contain the 
same root as ploro = ple-oro (below, Ch. xit. ὃ 2), especially since 
the Latin language recognizes a similar change in fleo compared 
with pluo. The word is then in effect equivalent to the Greek 
ἀνάθημα, as in Cicero (ad Attic. 1. 1): ** Hermathena tua valde 
me delectat, et posita ita belle est ut totum gymnasium ἡλίου 
ἀνάθημα esse videatur." Thus it means a votive offering, like 
the votiva tabella of the ancient temples, or the voto of the 
modern churches in Italy; and it is easy to see how the ideas 


§ 6.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 207 


of “ vow," ‘‘prayer,’”’ “ invocation,” “ offering," may be repre- 
sented by such an object. Accordingly the inscription of the 
laurel-crowned Apollo will signify: Sum vottvum donarium 
Apollini atque Artemidi; Fastia Rufria, Tusci filta, faciundum 
curavit. For if we compare ceca with cechaze or cechase, we 
may render it with reference to the Icelandic kasa, Danish 
kokase, “to heap up” or "build." The same word cecha im- 
mediately follows clen in an inscription running down the right 
leg of the statue of a boy in the Museum at Leyden, which 
is as follows (Lanzi, 11. 533; Micali, Anticht Monumenti, pl. 
49; Müller, Denkmáler, No. 291) : Velas Phanacnal Thuphlthas 
Alpan Aenache clen cecha tuthines tlenacheis. Steub renders 
this: * Velius Fanacnal [vovit] sgri pueri causa sanata segri- 
tudine." The latter part of this inscription must of course 
be compared with that on the statue of Metellus, commonly 
called the arringatore, in the gallery at Florence (Dempster, 
Etruria Regalis, T. 1. pl. 40; Müller, Denkmdler, No. 289; 
Vermiglioli, pp. 35 sqq.; Micali, Anticht Monumenti, pl. 44, n. 2), 
which is as follows: Aulest Metelis Ve. Vestal clenst cen phleres 
tece sansl tenine tuthines chisflics. Steub’s rendering is: * Auli 
Metelli V. V. filii causa donum dedit Sans] Tenine sanato vul- 
nere." In both cases his conjectures seem to have little probabi- 
lity. If Steub is right in his analysis of cealchs (above, p. 129), 
chisflics ought also to be a numeral, and if so, there would be 
a similar presumption respecting ¢lenachets in the other inscrip- 
tion. But it is idle to indulge in such conjectures. All that 
can be said with any confidence is that in each of the inscriptions 
the last two words are parallel expressions in an absolute case, 
probably the genitive singular, explaining the cause or motive 
of the offering, and that with the exception of the verb cecha in 
the Leyden inscription, and the words cen phleres tece in that on 
the statue of Metellus, the remaining words are proper names or 
personal designations. That tece is a verb (we may compare the 
Old Norse taka, which has several applicable meanings), and 
that cen pAleres tece Sansl Tenine probably means “ hoc donarium 
obtulit Sansilius Tenina," may be inferred from the fact that these 
words nearly constitute the whole inscription on the right thigh 
of a bullata statua, formerly in the Museo Graziani, which differs 
from that at Leyden only in the fact that the boy is sitting instead 


208 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. v. 


of standing (Dempster, Etruria Regalis, plate XLv.; Vermiglioli, 
p.42). Here the words are: phleres tec Sansl cver. The last 
word is discussed in § 8. And whatever it means, the other 
three words must surely mean: “ donarium obtulit Sansilius.” 
On the Leyden bullata statua we have the word alpan, which © 
occurs in several inscriptions, and which Fabretti (s. v. p. 79) 
renders by /ubens. But it appears to me from the position to be 
in every case the proper name Alpanus, 4.e. Albanus (above, 
p. 6), Alpinus, Alponus, or some other name derived from Alpes. 
We have seen above in a bilingual inscription that Alphne is 
rendered Alfius. 


§ 7. Inscriptions containing the words ΘΌΤΗΙ and THRCE. 


Jt has been mentioned that the word phleres appears on a 
number of smaller or moveable objects. In one of these it has 
appended to it the word three. Thus we have 


eca ersce nac achrum phler-three. (Dennis, x. p. xc.) 


This inscription is found on an amphora from Vulci, and in con- 
nexion with a picture representing the farewell embrace of 
Admetus and Alcestis. It may be assumed, therefore, that the 
amphora was a farewell offering from a husband to his deceased 
wife, and that the monument to which it belonged was sepul- 
chral or funereal. If then phleres signifies a votive offering, the 
additional word thrce must indicate * mourning" or “ sorrow." 
And here the northern languages at once come to our aid; for 
in Suio-Gothic trega — dolere and trage-dolor ; and in Icelandic 
at trega — angere or dolere, and tregt — dolor; and to the same 
root we may refer the Icelandic threk = gravis labor or molestia ; 
for tregí also means impedimentum. See Specimen Glossarti ad 
Edd. Semund. Vol. τι. p. 818: “ (at) Trega (A) *angere,' “ ἀο- 
lorem causare, B. 1. 29: tregr mk that, ‘id mihi egre est,’ 
G. I. 3: tregrath ydr, * molestum non est vobis, GH. 2. 
(B) *dolere, "lugere. Hinc treginn ‘deploratus’ |. *deplorandus' 
unde foem. pl. tregnar. Priore sensu A. S. tregian. Tregt ‘ moeror, 
dolor’ (passim), Germ. trauer. Trage, trege * vexatio, ‘ indigna- 
tio. Originitus forsan verbotenus: ‘onus,’ ‘moles.’ Germ. 
tracht, Dan. draght, Angl. draught. Cf. tregr ‘ invitus,’ ‘ segnis,’ 
Germ. trig, Al. treger. Forsan a droga ‘trahere,’ ‘portare.’ 


§7] | THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 200 


Treg-rof ‘\actuum,’ |. * calamitatum series vel etiam discussio.' ”’ 
The connexion of this word with traho brings it into still greater 
affinity with the old languages of Italy, and the evidence from 
the context is conclusive for the meaning. Many Etruscan in- 
scriptions like those quoted above (pp. 207, 208), introduce eca, 
cen, or cehen, which are obviously pronouns or adverbs signifying 
‘this,’ or ‘here’ in accordance with the root &- which appears in 
all the Indo-Germanic languages. The Cervetri inscription has 
taught us (above, p. 200) that era signifies ‘earth’ (N. H. G. 
erde, Goth. airtha, Altfr. irthe, Gr. gpa). Consequently, ersce 
would naturally denote an earthenware vessel, for -ka is a very 
common termination in Icelandic names, as bern-ska “ childish- 
ness," «/l-ska, * malice," ἄς. And as cen or cehen is found in 
similar connexions, eca must be the feminine of the pronominal 
adjective ecus, eca, ecum, agreeing with ersce. We have in 
Etruscan inscriptions not only eca but ca, anken and acil as 
pronouns corresponding to the Umbrian eso (see Fabretti, & vv.). , 
As achrum is clearly the locative of acher which occurs in the 
great Perugian inscription, and which at once suggests the Ice- 
landic akr, Germ, acker, ager, we may fairly conclude that nac 
is the preposition which, under the form na, nahe, nach, is found 
in all the Teutonic and Sclavonian languages: and thus the 
Vulci inscription will mean: “ ‘this earthen vessel in the ground 
is a votive offering of sorrow.’ | 
By the side of cen na we have, on larger monuments, 

eca or cehen suthi or suthinesl. Thus we find: 

eco, authi Larthial Cinta (Dennis, 1. p. 500). 

cehen suthi hinthiu thues (V ermiglioli, r. p. 118, ed. 2). 

eca suthinesl Titnie (Dennis, 1. 242, 443). 

eca suthi Amcie Titial (Vermigholi, 1. p. 131, ed. 2). 

Here again the Icelandic comes to our aid, for sut is dolor, 

meestitia, luctus, and is so completely a synonym of tregi that we 
have tregnar and sutir in the same stanza of Hamdts-Mal (Edd. 
Bemund. τι. p. 488); and nesla or hnesla = funis, laqueus: 80 
that we may translate eca suthi, "this is the mourning," and 
éca suthinesl, “ this is the sorrowful inscription’.”” Comparisons 


ΟΠ ἋΣ Steub renders neal by noviter 
D. V, 14 


210 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v. 


. of individual words in languages not known to be the same are 
of course eminently precarious. But it is impossible to resist 
the evidence of affinity furnished by the fact that the words thrce 
and suthi, constantly occurring on Etruscan monuments of ἃ 
funereal character, are translated at once by the Icelandic syno- 
nyms tregi and sut, both signifying “ grief” or *sorrow." If 
we had only this fact we should be induced by it to seek for 
further resemblances between the old languages of Northern 
Europe and the obscure fragments of the old Etruscan. 


§ 8. Inferences derivable from the words Sven, CVER, and 
THUR or THAUR. 


It has been already mentioned that the inscription on the 
right leg of the sitting figure of the boy of the Museo Graziani 
ended with the word cver. There is another sitting figure of 
the same kind, which was found at Tarquinii in the year 1770, 
and which had an inscription on the left arm (Amaduzzi, Alpha- 
betum veter. Etruscorum. p. LX11.). Of this arm unfortunately 
only the shoulder remains, but the mutilated fragment of the 
inscription contains this same word cver. As the word occurs in 
both cases on the statues of boys, the Italian scholars not unna- 
turally compare it with the Greek κόρος (Vermiglioli, p. 45, 
ed. 2). And as the female figure belonging to the Marchese 
Obizo is supposed to represent Proserpine, it is proposed to read 
cure, 1. e. κόρη for sver, which is found in the following inscrip- 
tion, engraved on the robe of the figure (Vermiglioli, p. 44, ed. 
2); phleres tlenasws sver'. But this same form 9067. is found 
also on a monument beginning with (e)ca seuthi (Vermiglioli, 
p. 131, 1. 6, ed. 2), which is therefore of a funereal character, 
and there is no reason to doubt that the budlate statue were 
memorials of deceased children. Without therefore thinking it 
necessary to alter the texts of the inscriptions, I should be 
inclined to suppose that cver and sver are either synonymous 
adjectives or participles expressive of sorrow, or that they are 
slightly different forms of the same word. In either case the 
old Teutonic comes to our assistance. On the supposition of two 


1 Steub renders this, donum languidi vel agri. 


$ 8. THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE. 211 


synonymous words we have the Teutonic root quar, quer (Lat. 
queri), “to groan or grieve " (Graff, Sprech. Iv. 679), by the 
side of sueran = dolere, suero = dolor (Graff, v1.), Old Engl. sor, 
New Engl. sorrow, Old Norse sver. Or if, instead of this, which 
appears to me the most naturel supposition, we endeavour to 
unite the two words in one form, we must have recourse to the 
idea of prostration and lying in the grave; and here the Icelandic 
gives us the verb thkverra τὸ minui, disparere, the adjective 
thverr = transversus, and ita adverb thverz —-transversim (vid. Edd. 
Semund, Vol. 11. Spec. Gloss. pp. 859, 860). And in the cognate 
languages we find the same change in this word as might be 
assumed in the cver and sver of the Etruscans: for while the 
Icelandic thverr, Engl. thwart, Dan. tver, Germ. zwerch, exhibit 
the dental more or less assibilated as in sver, the German quer 
and English queer give us a guttural instead of a sibilant as in 
ever. The forms of thverra, when passive, are ek thverr, thvarr, 
thorinn; when active, ek thverra, thverda: and thurr, thurt, 
thyrrinn, signify "aridus," “siccus,” like the German durr, 
Without stopping to ask whether these latter forms are derived 
in any way from the verb thverr, which is quite possible, it is 
worthy of remark that in those sepulchral inscriptions, in which 
the word cver or sver does not occur, we have, in corresponding 
places, the word thaure, thurasi (Vermigl. p. 118, ed. 2), thuras, 
thaura, thurunt (Inscr. Per. ll. 6, 20, 41). And in one old 
epitaph (Lanzi, Saggio, τι. p. 97, no. 12) we find: mt suthé L. 
Felthuri, thura, where the position of the last word almost leads 
us to render it: “I am the lamentation for L. Felthurius 
deceased." The inference derivable from the appearance of these 
forms is that either synonymous words expressive of grief and 
sorrow or connected words significant of decay, prostration, and 
death, and liable to the same modification, probably existed both 
in Old Norse and in Etruscan. The amount of probability 
depends upon the cumulative effect of the other evidence’. But 


1 I may mention in passing that suer actually occurs in Runic inscrip- 
tions in the sense “father-in-law ;” thus: iftir Kuthrikr suer sin (Die- 
terich, Runen-Sprech, p. 265); and that I do not regard this as more than 
an accidental coincidence with the expressions under consideration. For 
suer i$ the corrupted form of the Goth. swaihro, Germ. schwieger, Lat. 
socer, Gr. éxupos, Banscr. gvacura. 


14—2 


212 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cHapP. v. 


in any case the effect must be a strong presumption in favour of 
the Teutonic analogies of one element at least in the Old Etrus- 
can language. Our object is, not to interpret the monuments, 
for that is probably an unattainable result, but to determine the 
character of the language, and this problem receives an approxi- 
mate solution in every case of successful comparison with one 
and the same class of idioms, even though the comparison 
should present itself in the form of an alternative. 


§ 9. Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse 
an the wse of the auxiliary verb LATA. 


— Whatever may be thought of the verbal resemblances be- 
tween the Old Norse and the language of the Etruscan frag- 
ments, it must be admitted by all sound philologers that we have 
an indisputable proof of the affinity of these idioms in the gram- 
matical identity which I communicated to the British Associa- 
tion!, Every reader of the Runic inscriptions must have noticed 
the constant occurrence of the auxiliary or causative verb lata = 
facere 4n causa esse, of which the Eddas give us the forms ek 
leet, lat, látit (see Egilsson, Ler. Poet, Ant. Ling. Sept. p. 495). 
Thus we find: Lnthsmother lit hakva stein aufti Julibirn fath, 
i.e. * Lithsmother let engrave a stone after (in memory of) his 
father Julibirn.”  Thorstin lit gera merkt stir Suin fathur sin, 
i. e. “ Thorstin let carve marks in memory of his father Sweyn." 
Ulfktil uk Ku uk Uni thir litu raisa stin iftir Ulf fathur sin, 
i.e. “ Ulfktil and Ku and Uni, they /et raise a stone in memory 
of their father Ulf" (vide Dieterich, Runen-Sprach-Schatz, p. 
372). Now we have here, as part of a constantly-recurring 
phraseology, an auxiliary verb, signifying “to let" or “cause” 
followed by an infinitive in -a. On reading the first line of the 
longest Etruscan inscription, that of Perugia, we seem to stum- 
ble at once upon this identical phraseology, for we find: ew lat 
tanna ‘La Rezul amev achr lautn Velthinas. If we had no other 
reason for supposing that there was some connexion between. the 
Scandinavians and Etruscans, we could not avoid being struck 
by this apparent identity of construction. As, however, we have 


| Report, 1851, p. 158, 


§ 9.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, 213 


every reason to expect resemblances between the two languages, 
it becomes a matter of importance to inquire whether the gram- 
matical identity can be established; and this amounts to the 
proof that /at and tanna are both verbs. Of course there is no 
primé facie reason to conclude that tanna is a verb. On the 
contrary, Niebuhr (Kleine Schriften, τι. p. 40) thinks that thana 
is a noun signifying *a lady," and that Tunaquil is only a 
diminutive of it; and Passeri, whom he quotes, suggests that 
_ Thana is a title of honour, nearly equivalent in meaning, though 
not of course in origin, to the modern Italian .Donna (from 
domina). Even on the supposition that we have here the same 
language as that of the Runic monuments, it might have occur- 
red to any one to compare (anna with the accusative pronoun 
thana, as in stin thana (Dieterich, p. 79). Fortunately, how- 
ever, about the time when this comparison between the Runic 
and Etruscan phraseology first occurred to me, my friend, Mr. J. 
H. Porteus Oakes, returned from a tour in Italy, and presented 
ἰο the Museum at Bury St. Edmund's ἃ small patera or saucer, 
which he had obtained at Chiusi, and which exhibits the follow- 
ing legend: stem tentlaeth nfatia. This at once furnished me 
with the means of proving that lat tanna in the Perugian In- 
scription were two verbs, the latter being an infinitive and the 
former an auxiliary on which it depends. For it is obvious that 
tenilaeth is the third person of a transitive verb, the nominative 
being Nfatia, probably the name of a woman (cf. Caphatial = 
Cafatia natus in Dennis's bilingual inscription, 11. p. 475), and 
the accusative being stem for stam, Umbr. est- (cf. mi with 
e-mi, &c.). The verb tentlaeth manifestly belongs to the same 
class of forms as the agglutinate or weak-perfects in Gothic, 
which are formed by the affix of the causative da, as soki-da, 
«I did seek" (Gabelentz u. Lóbe, Goth. Gramm. ὃ 127). We 
have this Gothic formation in the Latin ven-do, pen-do, &c.; and 
I have discussed in a subsequent chapter the remarkable causa- 
fives in -so, -stvt, as arces-s0, capes-so, que-so, ἄς. It is clear 
then that lat tanna represents as separate words what tentlaeth 
exhibits in an agglutinate form. In the latter case the auxiliary 
is in the present tense, which in Gothic is formed in th; and 
lat is a strong perfect. There is no difficulty about the meaning 
of tanna, tent, which are clearly identical with the Icelandic 


214 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v. 


thenia = tendere, O. H. G. danjan, denjan, A. B. dkenjan, N. H. 
G. dehnen, Gr. τείνω, Tavvo, Sanscr. tan-, and therefore signify 
* to offer," like the Latin porrigo or porricio. “Giving,” says 
Grimm (“ über schenken u. geben,” Berl. Abhandl. 1848) '* pre- 
sumes ἃ taking, and the outstretched hand is the sign of both" 
(see Pott, Zihklmeth. p. 272). If this is the true explanation of 
the root when it occurs ΔΒ & verb, we may reasonably apply the 
same interpretation to its use as a noun. In this it appears 
under all the different forms thana, thania, thasna, tanta, 
tannia, dana, and tha (Müller, Eírusk. τι. 308, 315). From 

the collocation it is clear that the word is equivalent to phleres, 
or rather it signifies “an offering" generally, without the impli- 
cation of ἃ vow or prayer. Thus, while we have in the only urn 
with an inscription among the Etruscan specimens in the rooms 
adjoining the Egyptian collection in the British Museum: thana- 
celia cumniza, we find on one of Lanzi's (Saggio, 11. 506, no. 15): 
mt thana Árntha, which is quite analogous to mt pAleres or mt 
sutht. Itis worthy of remark that ten-do, which is an aggluti- 
nate form like tenilata, is synonymous with porrigo; thus we 
have in Cicero (de Oratore, 1. 40, § 184): “ presidium clientibus 
atque opem amicis ef prope cunctis civibus lucem ingenii et con- 
silii sui porrigentem atque tendentem ;" and we may compare 
such phrases as duplices tendens ad sidera. palmas with porrigt 
exta manus, and the like. Even the Umbrian has pur-tin-eus 
por-rexerts (Eug. Tab. 1. b, 83). In ritual phraseology therefore 
the Latin language comes sufficiently near the language of this 
patera, and stem tentlaeth Nfatva bears as close a resemblance to 
tstam tendit (vel porrigit) Nefatia, as we have any right to 
expect. The Perugian inscription, however, is even nearer to 
the Runic than this patera legend is to the Latin: and the evi- 
dence furnished by the two, taken together, seems to be quite 
conclusive in proof of the affinity between the Etruscan and Old 
Norse lauguages. As dautn and lautnescle occur together on 
another Etruscan sepulchre, there can be no objection to. connect 
them with the Icelandic laut κα lacuna, locus depressus et defossus, 
from uta = faclinare ee’; and eu from (s is strictly analogous to 
the Latin ceu from ce, cts; accordingly, comparing amev with 


1 Leué also signifies generally terra; see Egilason, p. 500. 


§ 10.] THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE, 215 


the Icelandic ama τὸ ango, molestiam facio, the beginning of the 
Perugian Inscription will be rendered as naturally and easily as 
one of the Runes: * Here Lartius the son of Reesia let offer or - 
give a field of mourning as or for the grave of Velthina." To 

return to the patera, its companion, now in the possession of 
Mr. Beckford Bevan, bears a legend which is also capable of 
translation, by the help of the Old Norse. The words are: 

flenun theleinthl thntflaneth. It is obvious that we have here the 

name of & man, a transitive verb, and the accusative of the 
object, which is an open patera or saucer. As therefore in Ice- 

landic flenna = hiatus, chasma, we may explain fentm by an im- 

mediate reference to the proper meaning of patera from pateo: 

cf. patulus (see above, § 8, s. v. Falandum) ; and as in Icelandio 

tham  egelida obscuritas aeris; tef=moraré ; and lana = mutuum 

dare, credere, commodare, Engl. “lend,” the compound verb 

tham-tef-lan-eth will mean “he lendeth for a dark dwelling," 

and the whole inscription will run thus: Thekinthl dat pateram 

ad commorandum in tenebris. The name Thekinthl has at any 

rate a very Scandinavian sound. The name Thurtel, anciently 

Thorketl, is & precisely analogous designation. Verbs com- 

pounded of nouns and verbs are not uncommon in Icelandie; 

thus we have halshoggra, “to behead,” brennimerlyé, “to brand,” 

&e. It only remains to remark, that as the Gothie auxiliary -do 

is found in Latin, so the Norse data must be recognized in a 

fainter form in some Latin verbs in -/o, as well as in the Scla- 

vonic formations in -/, and in the Old Norse diminutives or fre- 

quentatives in «ἴα, such as rug-la, “‘to turn upside down," from 

rugga, “to remove," tog-la, “to let chew," or “chew over 

again," from tygqja, &c. 


§ 10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined— 
tts Runic affinitres. 


"The facility with which the philologist dissects the Etruscan 
words which have been transmitted to us, either with an inter- 
pretation, or in such collocation as to render their meaning nearly 
certain, and the striking and unmistakable coincidences between 
the most difficult fragments and the remains of the Old Norse 
language, might well occasion some surprise to those who are 


216 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [ CHAP. v. 


told that there exists a large collection of Etruscan inscriptions 
which cannot be satisfactorily explained. One cause of the un- 
profitableness of Tuscan inscriptions is to be attributed to the 
fact, that these inscriptions, being mostly of a sepulchral or dedi- 
catorial character, are generally made up of proper names and 
conventional expressions. Consequently they contribute very 
little to our knowledge of the Tuscan syntax, and furnish us 
with very few forms of inflexion. So far as I have heard, we 
have no historical or legal inscriptions. Those which I have 
inspected for myself are only monumental epitaphs and the dedi- 
cations of offerings. 

These observations might be justified by an examination of 
all the inscriptions which have been hitherto published. It will 
be sufficient, however, in this place to show how much or how 
little can be done by an analysis of the great inscription which 
was discovered in the neighbourhood of Perugia in the year 
1822. This inscription is engraved on two sides of a block of 
stone, and consists of forty-five lines in the whole; being by far 
the most copious of all the extant monuments of the Tuscan lan- 
guage. The writing is singularly legible, and the letters were 
coloured with red paint. 

The following is an accurate transcript of the facsimiles given 
by Micali (Tav. cxx. no. 80) and Vermiglioli (Anttche Iseri- 
ztont Perugine, ed 2, p. 85). 

25. velthinas. 1, ew. lat . tanna. la. rezul . 

26. atena . zuk- 2. amev . achr . lautn . velthinas . e- 
27. ἃ. eneski . «p- 8. -δὲ. ἴα. afunas. slel . eth . karu- 
28. a.spelane. 4, tezan . fuslerc . tesns . ters . 

29. this . fulumch- 5. rasnes . 4pa . ama . hen . naper . 
30. ua. spel. thi- 6.. x11. velthina . thuras . aras ..pe- 
31. rene. thi. est . 7. ras . kemulmleskul . zuki . en- 
32. ak . velthina 8. eskt.epl.tularu. — | 
33. ak . «lune . 9. aulest . velthina’ . arznal . kl- 


94, turunesk . 10. ens . ther . thls . kuna . kenu . e- 
35. unezea .2uk- 11. plk .felhk . larthals . afunes . 
96. 2. eneskt . ath- 19. klen . thunchulthe . 


37. umics.afu- 13. falas. chiem . fuále . velthina . 


$10] THE ETRUSUAN LANGUAGE. 217 


38. nas. penthn- 14. hintha . kape . muniklet . masu .- 
39. a . ama . velth- 15. naper . árankz . thit . faliti 
40. ina .afun. 16. elthina. hut . naper . penezá . 
41. thurum . en- 17. masu . aknina . klel . afuna .vel- 
42. zeriunak . ch- 18. thinam . lerzinia, . intemam ..e- 
48. a.thil.thunch- 19. 7 . knl . velthina . σαὶ . atene - 
44. ulthl ach . ka . 20. tesne . eka . velthina . thuras . th- 
45. kechazi. chuch- 21. aura . helu . tesne . rasne . ker. . 
46. e. ... 22. tesns . ters . ra&nes . chamth . sp . 
23. el . thutas . kuna. afunam . ena. 
24. hen. naper . kt . knl . hereutude 
Now, if we go through this inscription,. and compare the 
words of which it is composed, we shall find that out of more 
than eighty different words there are very few which are not 
obviously proper names, and some of these occur very frequently; 
so that this monument, comparatively copious as it is, furnishes, 
after all, only slender materials for a study of the Tuscan lan- 
guage. According to the most probable division of the words, 
the contents of the inscription may be considered as given in the 
following vocabulary: ,; 


Achr (2) [ager, acker]. Aulesi (9) [gen. of Aulus]. 

Afun (40) [Aponius] Cha (49). 

Áfuna (17). Chiem (13). 

Afunam (23). Chimt (22). 

Afunas (3, 37). Chuche (45). 

Afunes (11). Einzeriunak (42). 

Ak (32, 33) [c£ auk, *and"] . | Eka (20) [“ this,” Fabretti, s. v. 

Aknina (1T). p. 954] 

Ama (δ, 39) [* mourning"]. Ena (23) [4 one” 1]. 

Amev (2) [id.]. Eneski, always with zukt (7, 27, 

Araá (6) [O. N. ert or eri, “junior,” 36) [We may compare either 
araá peras, “of a younger the O. N. eski=aski, "ashes," 
child”). or eski = pyxis, cistella]. 

Arznal (9). Epl (11) [c£ O. N. epi, “ pro- 

Atena (26) [Asinius]. genies"] 

Átene (19). Epl (8). 


Athumicé (36) or athumics [Mül- | Er (18). 
ler, Etr. 1. 61, not. 135]. 


218 


Est (2, 81) [iste ? cf. stem on the 
patera, p. 213]. 

Eth (3) [elsewhere eit ; used both 
as a demonstrative pronoun, 
and as a demonstrative affix : 
cf, the old Norse idioms ; and 
see Fabretti, s. v. p. 340. Here 
probably an affix to alel, as in 
municl-et, &c.] 

Eu (1). 

Fala’, faléti (13, 15). 

Felik (11) [Velcius or Volcius, 
Fabretti, p. 460] 

Fulwmchva (29). 

F'usle, fusleri (13, 4). 

Hareutuze (24) [a verb ; cf. karu- 
teegn and the Oscan form in 
tuset]. 

Hel (21). 

Hen (5, 24) [probably a pronoun} 

Hintha (14) [cf “hind,” Umbr. 
hont, hondra]. 

Hut (16) [we have Aué in the 
Runic inscriptions, as: thir 
huaru hut til Grika, i. e. deti 
profectisunt inGreciam,Hickes, 
P. 2]. 

Ich (44) [c£ tkke, ** not]. 

Ilune (33). 

Intemam (18). 

Ipa (b, 27) [probably a preposi- 
tion]. 

Ka (44). 

Kape (14). 

Karutezan (4) [a verb]. 

Kechazi (45), 

Kei (21) [“ and” }. 

Kemulmleskul (T) [kumb, “a mo- 
numental stone,” or tomb]. 

Kenu (10). 

Ki (24). 


THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 


— 


[cHap. v. 


Klel (17). 

Klen, klensi (9, 12) [above, p. 203. ] 

Knl (19, 24). 

Kuna (10, 23) (“a wife,” Diete- 
rich, Runen-Sprach, p. 117.] 

La (1, 3) [Lars]. 

Larthals (11) [gen. of Lart^ial] 

Lat (1) [O. N. le]. 

Lautn (2) [* grave," O. N. C laut} 

Lerzinia (18). 

Masu (14, 17). 

Muniklet (14) [munusculum, with 
definite affix]. 

Naper (5, 15, 16, 24) [This word 
is probably the O. N. knapr, 
“a son," as we have in Icel. 
napa for gnapa, &c.] 

Penezd (16). 

Penthna (38) [We may compare 
the Lith. pantas, “a pledge,” 
O. N. panir, O. H. G. phant, 
phunt] 

Peraé (6) [** of a ohild"]. 

Rasne, Rasnes (b, 21, 22). 

Rezul (1) [Resta natus]. 

Slel (3) [O.N. aula, O. H. G. edi, 
sili, *a column"] or [with a defi- 
nite affix] slel-eth, or A funaéelel, 
[see\Fabretti, s.v. Alfanisle, of. 

. below, p. 223]. 

“Spel, spelane (22, 28, 30). 

‘Sranka (15) [for the form of 
Icel. exi = tuber]. 

Tanna (1). 

Teiá (4, 22) [“ two"1]. 

Tesne, Tesné (5, 20, 21, 22) 
[* ten" 1]. 

Thaura (20). 

Tht, this, that, Owl, thilé (29, 91, 
10, 43). 

Thuraé, thirens, turum (6, 30, 41). 


§ 10.] THB ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE, 219 


Thunchulthe (12). 25, 17). 

Thunchulthl (43). Unezea (35). 

Thutas (23). Ζιαε (19) [Zia “ gn aunt" in Mo- 
Tulare (8). dern Tuscan]. 
T'urunesk (34). Zuki, always with eneski (7, 26, 


Velthina, Velthinaé, Velthinam | — 36) [O. N. sik, “causa,” dat. pl. 
(6, 13, 15, 19, 20, 32, 39, 2, 9, | — sékwm, "propter," Eng. *sake"]. 


The first remark to be made respecting this inscription is, 
that if we abstract the forms which are obviously proper names, 
the remaining words present very striking resemblances to sig- 
nificant terms in the oldest Teutonic languages, and that the 
meanings thus assigned are supported by the groups into which 
the words naturally fall. Thus we cannot help noticing the 
following groups or short clauses which sometimes partially 
recur. I. (a) teens teis rasnes. (b) atene tesne. (c) tesne rasne 
ket tesns tei$ rasnes. II. (a) fusleri tesns tes rasne&. (Ὁ) fuéla 
Velthina, III. (a) amev achr. (b) ama. (c) penthna ama Vel- 
thina. (d) ρα ama xii naper Veltkina. (e) ipa spelane. IV. 
(a) masu naper $rankzl. (b) hut naper penezs masu. (c) hen 
naper ki knl. (d) er knl Velthina. V. (a) thé thils kuna kenu, 
(b) spel thuta$ kuna. Some of these collocations suggest imme- 
diately a plausible interpretation. For example, as desen is 
“ten” and desen-duf “eleven” in Umbrian (Fabretti, p. 305), 
and as deiu is duo in Oscan (Huschke, die osk. τ, Tab. Spr. 
p- 70), and dvor is duobus in Umbrian (Fabretti, p. 323), it is 
extremely probable that tesne is ten" (Stickel, das Htruskische, 
p. 30), and if so, tesné teié will be “twelve,” and we shall have 
both numbers together in ll. 23, 24. The probability of finding 
numerals in the inscription is supported by the phrase XII 
naper, which- may mean "twelve sons." This being the case, 

fusleri, which stands by the side of teóns tei$ rasnes (4, 5) will 
be plural, and fusle by the side of Velthina (13) will be singular, 
whether the word is or is not to be understood as meaning “ de- 
sired" or *' lamented," after the analogy of the O. N. fuss, fysinn, 
" cupidus," “eagerly desirous,” or as denoting pity for the dead 
after the analogy of O. N. vesal, usel, “ miser," "infelix." But 
although no certain results can be expected from a comparison 
between syllables occurring in this inscription and others of 
similar sound, which are found in the Old Norse and other 


220 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP: v. 


Teutonic languages, something might be done if we had a large 
number of smaller inscriptions, written in the same language, 
derived from the same neighbourhood, and treating in different 
ways on the same or kindred subjects. To show this I will 
quote another Perugian inscription, and place side by side in 
à parallel column the words or phrases of the great inscription 
which seem to correspond. The text which I have adopted is 
that of Vermiglioli, (p. 118, ed. 2). The inscription was first 
eopied by Bonarota in his supplement to Dempster (p. 98)'. It 
was also quoted many years ago, with great inaccuracy, by 
Amaduzzi (Alphabetum Veterum Etruscorum, Rom. 1775, p. 1xi.): 


l. 1. 
cohen . suthà . hinthiu.thues. | hintha (14) 
sains . Etve . thaure . 
lautnescle*. caresri . Aules . | lautn (2) 


Larthial . precu-thuras. thuras (6) 
l. 2. 

Larthialisvle . Cestnal . 

clenerasi . eth . phanu . eth (3) 

lautn. precus . pa. murzua, | lautn (2) wpa (5, 27) 

cerurum . ein . ein [zeriunak] (41) 
1,8. 

heczri . tunur . clutiva 


telur. ......... T. 


In another inscription quoted by Vermiglioli (p. 131) we 
have caratsle by the side of carutezan (4), which must be com- 
pared with hareutuse (24). The starting-point for a profitable 
comparison between the Perugian Inscription and that just quoted 
is furnished by an examination of caratsle, carutezan, hareutuze, 
and the word caresri in the document before us. We have seen 


1 Bonarota describes the inscription as adhue extans in antiquo cdi- 
fcio ad modum turris. lapidibus grandioribus exstructo et vocatur. “8. 
Manno.” Amaduzzi says it comes ez hypogoo Perusino. 


δ 10.} ἢ THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 221 


above (p. 150) that in the Oscan language -tuset or -tuzet occurs 
as an auxiliary affix to verbs, in the same way as -do and -so — 
-sino are used in Latin, -do in Gothic, and data in Old Norse 
and Etruscan. There is every reason, then, to suppose that the 
forms cara-tsle, caru-tezan, hareu-tuze, involve the root of tuzet, or 
that the Etruscan agrees with the Latin, Gothic, and Oscan, in 
the use of the auxiliary -do. As the Etruscan also agrees with 
the Old Norse in the use of the auxiliary data, which probably 
occurs also in Sclavonian and Latin forms, we may be led to 
expect a similar coincidence in regard to the auxiliary so = sino. 
Now it will be shown in the proper place that the isolated form 
sero, sevi, is only a by-form of sino, sivi, the primary meaning 
of both being “to put" or “lay down," i.e. as seed in the ground. 
In Old Norse sero, in the sense “1 sow," is represented by sóa, 
which has a peculiar aorist sera, 3 pers. seri. These Old Norse 
aorists, such as gróa, “to grow;”’ aorist sing. 1. gréra, 2. grérir, 
8. gréri; pl 1. grérum, 2. grérut, 8. gréru, &c., have been 
made the subject of special commentaries by Aufrecht and Knob- 
lauch (Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1851, pp. 471, 573), who agree 
in identifying the r with the s of ἔτυψα and scrips?, and this 
again with the substantive verb. Whatever opinion may be 
formed respecting the origin of this r (and the verb pt-rui from 
pt= fio, shows that it cannot be derived from the contrasted 
68-86), it is impossible to overlook the fact that sert is, in Old 
Norse, a past tense of a verb really identical with that which 
constitutes the causative auxiliary in so many Latin forms. So 
that care-ert would be quite equivalent to care-tuzet. The root 
is found under the form kar, kra, gra, mostly with a labial 
auslaut (as in scrib-o, ypad-w), but sometimes without (as in 
7271, above, p. 175, and χαρ-άσσω), and sometimes either with 
or without, as in the Icelandic kira, gera, kiera, kiara, kara, 
kerva (Dieterich, Runen-Sprsch. p. 134), N. H. G. kerben, 
A. S. ceorfan, Engl. “carve,” to signify any impression made 
upon a surface by notching, scratching, indenting, painting, or 
pointing. We may well conclude therefore that care-srt means, 
* he caused to write or inscribe." And as thyr in Icelandic is 
= serv-us, Greek Ons, A. S. theov, M. G. this, and thues is 
obviously the gen. of a word thu — theov, the beginning of the 
inscription runs as if it were pure Low-German or some dialect 


222 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cnar. v. 


of the Scandinavian. “Here Aulus the son of Lartia let en- 
grave mourning in honour of" (lit. ‘after,’ Atnthiu=henter, cf. 
the Runic auf&t, A. 8. aft, with Goth. aftaro, Engl. after, Umbr. 
hont, hondra), “his servant Etfus on the sepulchra] excavation a 
prayer for the dead,” i.e. “hier sut hinter theovs seins Etfa 
thaure lautnescle lat kara Aules Larthial frigu thverrasi.”” We 
should oome, however, to a similar conclusion if thu-es were 
compared with the Pelasgo-Hellenic θεῖος, “an uncle," rather 
than with θής, “4 servant." In fact, the two words fall into a 
remarkable agreement with one another and with the Pelasgic 
and German words denoting divinity; cf. (a) thyr, theov, dio, &c. 
*& servant,” (b) θεῖος, modern Tuscan σίο, (Perug. Inscr. sta) 
“an uncle," (c) Tyr, Tév, Zio, “God,” (Grimm. D. M. p. 175, 
and above, p. 180, a. v. Kamel). To say nothing of the possible 
interchange in the ideas of relationship and servitude which 
might bring back θεῖος and θής to a common origin: in the San- 
acrit dhava — eir, marttus, pater-familias, the form of the word 
θεῖος in its other meaning sufficiently shows that a labial is ab- 
sorbed, and this would account for the identity of 8ei-os = BéFos, 
and the Etruscan thu. For the gen. here, cf. Tues in our Tuesday 
with its original form 7¥v=Div-us. The name of a relation, how- 
ever, is more to be expected here than that of a servant. The pre- 
position Ainthiu, with the gen. may be compared with the Gothie 
use of hindana, e.g. Ulph. Mc. 111. 8. That this root occurred in 
the Umbrian we have already seen (above, p. 10). It is not at all 
necessary that the preposition should bear the comparative form. 
On the Runic inscriptions we have not only the comparatives 
eftir, efr and the like, but also the positive forms aufti, at, &c. 
With regard to the form of the pronoun san, as compared with 
sein or sin, it may be remarked that in the Ranic inscriptions we 
have sain, san, stan, as well as sin, (Dieterich, p. 289), and that 
we have statn, as well as sten, stein, stin, (Dieterich, p. 308). 
1 recognize a form like caresri in heczri, the other verb in this 
inscription, which may obviously be connected with the Runic 
haka or hakva, "to hew or carve,” (above, p. 212), and this 
being so, it would be a surprising coincidence, if it were only a 
coincidence, that these three lines should contain two of the 
verbs which appear in the same way in the Runic inscriptions; 
as Lithemother lit hakva stein; and Thorstin lit gera merka stir 


$19] . THE ETRUSOAN LANGUAGE, 223 


Suin fathur sin; or both together, as, Inkuth lat landtbro kiara 
ante stain hakva. The last part of the inscription is mutilated! 
at the end, and the divisions of the words are occasionally un- 
certain; but it seems plain that Larthtalievle must be com- 
pared with the patronymic Phnalisle (above, p. 206); that we 
ought to divide clen-era-s$ and understand “ of the younger son" 
(above, p. 205); that £pa is a preposition corresponding to our 
up, Sanscrit «pa, Icelandic uppd, Gothic uf, &c.; and as mursva 
seems to refer to murus, Icel. mur, a term well applicable to the 
‘tower “ grandioribus lapidibus exstructa," on which this inscrip- 
tion was found, we may render hecert ipa murzva, “he let carve 
upon the building." And it is difficult to resist the impression 
that cerurum is connected with the Old Norse ker = vas, which 
is used in the Edda in the sense of vasarium (Semund. ΤΙ, 
p. 528): ** Gudrum hvarf til skemmo, kumbl konunga or kerom 
valdi,” i.e. “ Gudruna contulit se ad promptuarium, cristas re- 
gias e vasarits delegit." If this comparison is valid, cerurum is 
& genitive plural. In some Runic inscriptions ein, which imme- 
diately follows, is used as a definite article before an epithet, as 
Sandulf ein suarti, “Sandulf the swarthy" (Worsase, Danes 
and Norwegians in England, &c. p. 281). But ein here is pro- 
bably part of the verb heczrt, which follows, and may thus be 
compared with etnzertunak in the Perugian inscription. The last 
word telur, whether or not related to tularu on the Perugian 
cippus (1. 8), seems to be a verb, not unconnected with the Ice- 
landic a£ teltd, Swed. taclj4, Dutch tellen, Eng. tell, the inflexion 
being that of the Icelandic 3 pers. sing., as in brennr, “he 
burns," from brenna. On an urn in the British Museum, in the 
game room with the Nineveh sculptures, we find tulati on a 
mutilated inscription; and rts-t¢ or rais-&, “he erected," on the 
Runic stones, might justify the assumption that it is a verb; but 
it is impossible to form any plausible conjecture as to its sig- 
nification. We may, however, render the second part of the 
inscription approximately as follows: “ΤΌΠΟΣ Clutiva let carve 


1 Steub renders tho first part of the second line: Larthialise et 
Cestnali juvenibus id (hoc) fanum posuit. And he cites from the Bullet. 
Arch. 1853, p. 55, another inscription in which phanu occurs. (above, 
p. 199 note). 


224 HE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cgar- v. 


this sacred funereal prayer of Larthialisulus, the younger son of 
::Cestna, upon the building where the cinerary urns are deposited.” 
. If we now turn back from the inscription, which has thus 
,been examined, to the great Perugian cippus, we shall see that 
‘some definite conclusions result from the comparison. First of 
‘all, as they are obviously written in the same language, the 
-strong resemblances between the phraseology of the shorter 
legend and that of the Icelandic Runes must confirm our pre- 
.vious conviction respecting the Old Norse affinities of the longer 
inscription. Again, as hinthiu and tpa are manifestly prepo- 

sitions in the former, we may give a similar value to hintha and 

tpa in the latter. And as tpa is used with the name of a build- 

ing in the shorter-epitaph, ama which follows it on the ctppus, 

and which seems in the first line to refer to mourning or sorrow, 

must signify an erection for such a purpose, and therefore the 

.amev achr of the first line must mean a field for the erection of a 

tomb. The word ama also occurs in a very imperfect inscription 

quoted by Dennis (I. p.342). Lastly, as we have both ldautn 

and lautnescle in the shorter inscription by the side of lautn in 

the larger, we may infer that /autnescle is a diminutive form like 

munusculum, and therefore we may compare kemul-mleskul in 

the Perugian inscription with kuml, the regular Runic name for 

ἃ monumental stone (Dieterich, Runen-Sprach-Schatz, p. 124; 

Egilsson, Lexicon, p. 479). 

With regard to the general interpretation of the Perugian 
inscription, it seems idle to follow in the steps of the Italian 
scholars, Vermiglioli, Orioli, and Campanari, the last of whom 
has given us 8 Latin translation of the whole inscription. Nor 
can I sympathize in the regret of Dr. C. Von Schmitz, when 
he complains that he cannot find a publisher for the grammar 
and dictionary of the Etruscan, which are to explain his forced 
ond unnatural version of this document (Zettschr. f. d. Alter- 
thumsw. 1846, Septemb. Beilage'). It would, indeed, be easy to 
found a number of conjectures on the Old Norse assonances 
which may be detected in almost every line, and which I have 


"^ © It is right to mention that Schmitz's interpretation rests on the 
‘upposition that the language is Teutonic. 


§ 10. THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 225 


noticed in the vocabulary of the inscription; but until a com- 
plete collection of all the genuine Etruscan inscriptions shall 
have furnished us with a sufficiently wide field for our re- 
searches, — until every extant Tuscan word has been brought 
within the reach of a philological comparison, —above all, until we 
get some sufficiently extensive bilingual monument—we must be 
content to say of this great Perugian inscription, that it appears 
to be a cippus conveying some land for funereal purposes, and 
commemorating the family connexions of certain persons bearing 
the names of Resius, Apontus, Atinius, and Velthina!, The 
donor is Larthius, a member of the family of the Reza (Resi), 
who were distinguished people in the neighbourhood of Perusia 
(see Vermiglioli, Iscrtz. Perug. p. 273), and Rasne, which occurs 
thrice in the inscription, seems to be a patronymic of the same 
family. The relative position of the word, no less than the 
locality of the inscription, shows that Velthina is the person in 
whose honour this cippus was erected, and that the word does 
not refer to Felsina, the old name of Bononia (Plin. H. N. rt. 
20, xxxii. 37, xxxvil. 57, Serv. ad 4m. x. 198). The other 
personal name, which occurs most frequently in, the inscription is 
Afuna, probably .Apon?a (Vermiglioli, p. 233, Migliarino, Zibal- 
done, pp. 28, 30)*; and it is worthy of remark, that we have the 
nom., gen., and accus. of these two proper hames in accordance 
with the regular forms of the first Latin declension,—namely,— 
Afuna, Afunas, Afunam, and Velthina, Velthinas, Velthinam. 
The name Velthina may be compared with the well-known name 
Cecina. From the prenomen Axlest in v. 9 it is probably a 
man's name®, The word Atena, Atene (26, 19) probably repre- 


1 See the commentators on Hor. 1. Serm. vin. 13; and the bon mot 
of Augustus on Vettius quum monumentum patris ezarasset (Macrob. 1r. 
Sat. c. 4: p. 282). 

3 We have a derivative of this name on the lid of ἃ cinerary urn: 
ath cupena afunal, i.e. Attius Cuprennius Aponia natus (Fabretti, s. v.). 

3 We have seen above that the termination -1 indicates a matrenymic; 
and I conclude that the Etruscan patronymic ended in -na; compare in 
this inscription, Rezul with Raena, and Caci-lia, which was the Roman 
equivalent to the mythical Tanaquil, with the undoubtedly Tuscan form 
Caci-na. Ido not agree with Müller (Etr. 1. p. 453) that the forms in 
-si, as Aulesi, clensi, are datives. From its connexion with Velthinas (9) 


D. V. 15 


226 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cua?. v. 


sents the female name .Aténia (Fabretti, 8. vv. Atnet, Atnial, 
p. 204). On a bell-shaped cinerary urn, brought to England 
from Chiusi in Nov. 1846 by Mr. Beckford Bevan, we have the 
inscription Lth: Vete: Atenatial, which exhibits a matronymic 
form of the same name. 

If I do not undertake to interpret 811 [δὲ Lartius, the son of 
Resia, has thought fit to inscribe on this cippus for the gratifi- 
cation of his own immediate relatives, it must not be supposed 
that this in any way affecta the results at which I have arrived 
respecting the ethnography of the Etruscans. That an inability 
to interpret ancient monuments may be perfectly consistent with 
a knowledge of the class of languages to which they belong, is 
shown, not merely by the known relationship between the lan- 
guage of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and the Coptic dialects 
more recently spoken in that country, but still more strikingly 
by the fact, that, although we have no doubt as to any of the 
idioms spoken in ancient Britain, no one has been able as yet 
to give a certain interpretation of the Runic inscriptions on the 
pillar at Bewcastle and on the font at Bridekirk, which are both 
in Cumberland, and which both belong to the same dialect of 
the Low-German languages, (see Palgrave, History of the Anglo- 
Saxons, Lond. 1850, pp. 146 sq.). The really important point is 
to determine the origin of the ancient Etruscans; and the Peru- 
gian inscription, so far from throwing any difficulties in the way 
of the conclusion at which I have arrived, has furnished some of 
the strongest and most satisfactory confirmations of the Old 
Norse affinity of the Rasena. 


8 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethnographic 
tradition tn regard to the ancient Etruscans. 


This survey of the Etruscan language, brief and circumscribed 
as it necessarily is, has enabled us to perceive that there is a 
perfect harmony and agreement between the results of our lin- 
guistic researches, so far as the scanty materials have allowed 
us to earry them, and the ethnographic and historic traditions 
respecting the ancient Etruscans. We have seen that in the 


and with Metelis in the statue of the Arringatore, I have no doubt that 
Aulesi is the genitive. 


S 11.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 227 


character of their writing, in most of their mythology, in by far 
the greatest number of those words which have been transmitted 
tous with an interpretation, and in the oldest inscriptions, espe- 
cially in those from Care, there are decisive evidences of an 
affinity between the inhabitants of Etruria and those Pelasgians 
who peopled Greece in the earliest times, and who constituted an 
important element in the inhabitants of Latium. For the residue 
of the language, and especially in the case of those inscriptions 
which are found near Clusium and Perugia, we are enabled to 
recognize an ingredient unmistakably identical with that Scan- 
dinavian dialect, which Norwegian emigrants conveyed in an 
ancient form to the inaccessible regions of ulitma Thule, where 
it remained for centuries safe from all risk of corruption or im- 
provement by an infusion of foreign words or constructions. Now 
these phenomena, as we have seen, are necessary to reconcile, and 
do in fact reconcile, all the traditions about the inhabitants of 
Etruria. The Pelasgian affinities of the old Tyrrhenians are 
attested by the concurring voice of all antiquity; and as in Argo- 
lis, 80 in Italy, we shall best understand the statement that a 
more complete civilisation was imported directly from Lydia, if 
we bear in mind that the Lydians referred to in the tradition 
were Pelasgians, who had appropriated the arta and social culture 
of their Asiatic neighbours, and with whom the Tyrrhenians of 
Italy came into contact as navigators of the Mediterranean. And 
we shall be able to adopt this universal belief of an early con- 
nexion or intercourse between the western coasts of Asia Minor 
and Italy, without disturbing the well-grounded statement that 
the Rasena and Reti were one and the same race, if we infer 
that these Rasena were a much later ingredient, and one which 
only established an aristocracy of conquest in the cities of 
Etruria, without permanently or extensively affecting the great 
mass of the population. It will be observed that the main 
obstacle to a general reception of the statement that the Rasena 
were Restians has consisted in the apparent inconsistency between 
this and the Lydian tradition, a tradition which, as we have seen 
(above, p. 20), has no historical basis, and only a certain admix- 
ture of ethnical truth. The usual inversion, by which Livy 
makes the Retians the fugitive offshoot of a nation which really 
descended from their own mountains, has not occasioned any 
15—2 


228 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [cuaP. v. 


difficulty (above, p. 23). It would be admitted at once that, if the 
Reetians and Rasena were one and the same people, some foreign 
interference must have disturbed the continuity of their area in 
the valley of the Po, and if there was once an unbroken stream 
of population from the Lech to the Tiber, no ethnographer will 
doubt that its source must have been in the mainland rather than 
in the peninsula. But it has not been sufficiently considered, that 
the bulk of the Pelasgian nation, already settled in Umbria and 
Etruria, would not lose their original type, merely because they 
were invaded and conquered by a band of warriors from the 
north, any more than Anglo-Saxon England was entirely de- 
prived of its former characteristics by the Norman inroad. The 
civilisation of the Tyrrhenians, their connexion with the commer- 
cial activity of the Mediterranean!, and the advantages which 
they derived from the arts and social culture of their brethren in 
Asia Minor (above, p. 39), were circumstances long anterior to 
the invasion from the north; and as the Rasena would adopt the 
refinements which they found among the Tyrrhenians, we may 
make ingenious comparisons between the tombs of Porsena and 
Alyattes?, without refusing our assent to the well-attested fact 
that the warriors and city-nobles of historical Etruria derived 
their origin from the Retian Alps. With regard to the argument 
from the remains of the Etruscan language, the philologer will 
at once admit that, as far as it goes, the evidences of affinity, 
which have been adduced, are neither precarious nor doubtful. 
Instead of conjectures founded on a casual agreement of syllables, 
we have seen that the meaning, which we were led to expect, 
was at once supplied by the language, which collateral circum- 
stances had indicated as the proper source of information; and 
not only were ethnical names and common words simply and 


1 It is to this that I would attribute the continuance of Hellenic 
influences, on which Miller insists (Etrusb. rt. 292). 

3 See Quatremére de Quincy, Monumens et Ouvrages d'Art an- 
diques restitués 1. pp. 127 sqq. It is worthy of remark, that a distin- 
guishing feature in the monument of Porsena, as described by Varro 
(apud Plin. xxxiv. 13), namely, the bells on the cupolas, is expreesly 
compared with a similar contrivance at the Pelasgian Dodona: “ tin- 
tinnabula, qut» vento agitata longe sonitus referant, uf Dodone olim 
actum." 


S 12.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 229 


consistently explained in this way, but we found that some pecu- 
liarities of etymology and syntax were at once illustrated by a 
reference to the same standard of comparison. So that, on the 
whole, every available resource of grammar and philology tends 
to confirm and reconcile the otherwise divergent and contra- 
dictory statements of ancient history; and the Etruscans may 
now without any inconsistency claim both the Tyrrheno-Pelas- 
gian and Reetian affinities, which the classical writers have attri- 
buted to them. | 


§ 12. General remarks on the absorption or evanescence of 
the old Etruscan Language. 


It only remains that I should make a few remarks on the 
absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language. When 
we see so much that is easily explained; when, in fact, there is 
no great difficulty in dealing with any Etruscan word which has 
come down to us with an interpretation or clue to its meaning; 
and when we are puzzled only by inscriptions, which are in 
themselves mere fragments, made up in a great measure of 
proper names, deformed by a rude, precarious, and often incon- 
sistent orthography, and mutilated by, we know not how many, 
conventional abbreviations, it is sufficiently evident that the 
striking differences between the Etruscan and the other ancient 
dialects of the peninsula were not such as to take the language 
out of the Indo-Germanic family, and that while these differences 
affected only an inconsiderable ingredient in the old Etruscan, 
the main portion of the language must have approximated very 
closely to the-contiguous and surrounding idioms. Otherwise, 
we should be obliged to ask, where is the bulk of that language 
which was spoken by the ancestors of Mecenas? We talk of 
dead languages; but this variety of human speech should seem 
to be not only dead, but buried, and not only buried, but sunk 
beneath the earth in some necropolis, into which no Galassi or 
Campanari can dig his way. The standard Italian of the 
present day is the offspring of that Latinity which was spoken 
by the Etrusco-Romans; but we find no trace of ancient bar- 
barism in any Tuscan writer. Surely it is a fair inference, that 
while the Retian element, introduced into the northern cities 


290 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. v. 


by an aristocracy of conquest, was not permanently influential, 
but was absorbed, like the Norman French in this country, by 
the Pelasgo-Umbrian language of the bulk of the population, the 
latter, which may be termed “the common Etruscan,” like the 
Sabello-Oscan and other dialects, merged in the old Latin, not 
because the languages were unlike, but because they were sister 
idioms, and embraced one another as soon as they had discovered 
their relationship’. The only way to escape from all the diffi- 
culties of this subject 1s to suppose that the city on the Tiber 
served as a centre and rallying point for the languages of Italy 
as well as for the different tribes who spoke them, and that 
Rome admitted within her walls, with an inferior franchise, which 
in time completed itself, both the citizens and the vocabularies 
of the conquered Italian states. If this absorbing centralisation 
could so thoroughly Latinize the Celtic inhabitants of Lombardy, 
and even the transalpine branch of the Gallic race, much more 
would it be likely to affect the Etruscans, who extended to the 
Tiber, and whose language, in its predominant or Pelasgian 
character, approximated so closely to the cognate idiom of the 
old Latin tribes. 


1 Among many instances of the possibility at least of such a transition, 
not the least interesting is the derivation of Populonia from Phupluns, 
the Etruscan Bacchus; so that this city, the Etruscan name of which was 
Popluna, is the Dionysopolis of Etruria (see Gerhard in the Rhein. Mus. 
for 1838, p. 135). Now it is clear that as Nethuns = Nethu-nus, is the 
god of nethu, 80 Phupluns= Poplu-nus is the god of poplu. It seems that 
the ancients planted the poplar chiefly on account of their vines, and the 
poplar was sacred to Hercules, who has so many points of contact with 
Bacchus. Have we not, then, in the word phupluns the root of pépulus, a 
word quite inexplicable from the Latin language alone? A sort of. 
young, effeminate Herculcs, who appears on the coins of Populonia (see 
Müller, Etrusk. 1. p.331), is probably this Poplunus. The difference 
in the quantity of the first syllables of Pépulus and Populonia is not 
surprising, as the latter is an exotic proper name, and the former a na- 
turalized common term. 


CHAPTER VI. 
THE OLD ROMAN OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 


Ld 


$ 1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous, § 3. Arvalian Litany. § 3. 
Chants preserved by Cato. § 4. Fragments of Salian hymns. ὃ 5. Old 
regal laws. § 6. Remains of the XII. Tables. § 7. Tab. I. § 8. Tab. II. 
$ 9. Tab. IlI. § το. Tab. IV. 8 1r. Tab. V. 8:12. Tab. VI. 8$ 12. Tab. 
VII § r4. Tab. VILE. § 15. Tab. IX. 8 16. Tab. X. § 17. Tab. XI. 
$18. Tab. XII. § 19. The Tiburtine Inscription. $ 20. The epitaphs of the 
Scipios. § 3t. The Columna Rostrata. § 33. The Bilian and Papirian Laws 
and the edict of the Curule Adiles. 8 23. The Senatus-Consultum de Baccha- 
"alibus, § 24. The old Roman Law on the Bantine Table. § 25. The 
Agrarian Law of Sp. Thorius. 


§ 1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous. 


N the preceding chapters I have given specimens of the lan- 
guages spoken by those nations which contributed in dif- 
ferent proportions to the formation of the Roman people, and the 
next step will be to collect the most interesting remains of the 
old Roman language,—considered as the offspring of the Um- 
brian, Oscan, and Tuscan,—such as it was before the predomi- 
nance of Greek cultivation had begun to work on this rude 
composite structure. The total loss of the genuine Roman 
literature! will, of course, leave us but ἃ scanty collection of such 
documents. Indeed, for the earlier centuries we have only a few 
brief fragments of religious and legal import. As we approach 
the Punic wars, the inscriptions become more numerous and com- 
plete; but then we are drawing near to & period when the 
Roman language began to lose its leading characteristics under 
the pressure of foreign influences, and when it differed little or 
nothing from that idiom which has become familiar to us from 
the so-called classical writings of the Augustan age.  * 
Polybius, speaking of the ancient treaty between Rome and 
Carthage (111. 22), remarks that the old Latin language differed 
so much from that which was spoken in his own time, that the 
best-informed Romans could not make out some expressions 


1 See Macaulay, Lays of Ancient Rome, pp. 15, sqq. 


292 THE OLD ROMAN [oHAP. VI. 


without difficulty, even when they paid the greatest attention : 
τηλικαύτη yap ἡ διαφορὰ γόγονε τῆς διαλέκτου, καὶ παρὰ 
Ῥωμαίοις, τῆς νῦν πρὸς τὴν ἀρχαίαν, ὥστε τοὺς συνετωτάτους 
ἔνια μόλις ἐξ ἐπιστάσεως διευκρινεῖν. The great mass of words 
must, however, have been susceptible of interpretation; for he 
does not shrink from translating into Greek the substance at 
least of that very ancient treaty. 


8 2. Arvalian Litany. 


Accordingly, we find that the most primitive specimens of 
Latinity may now-a-days be understood by the scholar, who, 
after all, possesses greater advantages than Polybius and his con- 
temporary Romans. This will appear if we examine the song 
of the Fratres Arvales, which is one of the most important and 
ancient specimens of the genuine Roman language. The inscrip- 
tion, in which it is preserved, and which was discovered in the 
year 1777, is probably not older than A.D. 218; but there is 
every reason to believe that the cantslena itself was the same 
which was sung in the earliest ages of Rome,—for these litanies 
very often survive their own significance. -The monks read the 
Latin of their missals without understanding it, and the Parsees 
of Gujerat cannot interpret their sacred Zend. It appears from 
the introductory remarks, that this song was confined to the 
priests, the Publici being excluded: *'Deinde subselliis mar- 
moreis consederunt ; et panes laureatos per Publicos partiti sunt; 
ibi omnes lumemulia cum rapinis acceperunt, et Deas unguenta- 
verunt, et /Edes clusa est, omnes foris exierunt: ibi Sacerdotes 
clusi succincti, libellis acceptis, carmen descindentes tripodaverunt 
in verba hec: | 
Enos Lases juvate (ter), 

Neve luaerve Marmar sins incurrere tn pleoris (ter) 

Satur furere (vel fufere) Mars limen salista berber (ter) 
Semunis aliernet (vel alternas ?) advocaptt conctos (ter) 

Enos Marmor (vel Mamor) juvato (ter) 

Triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, triumpe. 

Post tripodationem, deinde signo dato Publici introiere, et libel- 
los receperunt." (See Orelli, Inscript. Lat. 1. p. 391, no. 2271.) 

There can be little doubt as to the meaning of any single 
word in this old hymn, which seems to be written in very rude 


$9» Soe c I 5 


§ 2.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 299 


Saturnian verse, the first half of the verse being alone preserved 
in some cases; as in Ends Lasts juvdte— πόθ Mamór juvdto. 
The last line is a series of trochees cwm anacrust, or a still 
shorter form of the first half of the Saturnian verse. 

1. mos is a form of the first person plural, analogous to 
the German uns.  Lases is the old form of Lares (Quintil. 
Institut. Orat. 1. 4, ὃ 13; see Müller ad Fest. p. 15). 

2. .Luaerve for luerve-m, according to a custom of dropping 
the final m, which lasted till Cato's time (see next S). This 
form bears the same relation to luem that Minerva does to 
mens. Caterva from catus=acutus (above, p. 128), and its 
synonym acervus from acus, are derivatives of the same kind’. 
We may also compare bovem, suem, &c. with their older forms, 
boverem, suerem, &c.  Marmar, Marmor, or Mamor, is the 
Oscan and Tuscan Mamers, i.e. Mars (above, p. 175). That 
Mars, or Mars pater, was addressed as the averter of diseases, 
bad weather, &c. is clear from Cato, E. E. 141. Sins is sinas; 
so Tab. Bantin. 1. 19: Banténs for Bantinus, ἄς. Ple-ores is 
the genuine comparative of ple-nus which bears the same re- 
lation to πλεῖος that unus does to οἷος. The fullest form would 
be ple-tores = mhe-loves. 

3. *O Mars, having raged to your satisfaction (comp. 
Hor. 1. Carm. τι. 37: "longo satiate ludo’’), grant that the 
Sun's light may be warm."  Lémen for lumen may be com- 


1 Mr. F. W. Newman (Regal Rome, p. 61) derives caterva from the 
Welch cad-torva, * battle-troop." I do not know whether this etymology 
was suggested by the well-known statements in Vegetius, 1. 2: “ Galli 
Celtiberique pluresque barbaries nationes catervis utebantur in preeliis.” 
Isidor. Orig. 1x. 33: “ preprie Macedonum phalanx, Gallorum caterva, 
nostra legio dicitur." Dóderlein, who proposes (Lat. Syn. u. Et v. 861) 
to connect eaterva with quattuor, properly remarks that these passages 
do not show that caterva was considered a Gallic word, but only that, 
as distinguished from the phalanz and legio, it denoted a less com- 
pletely disciplined body of men. The natural idea of a “heap” of sepa- 
rable objects is that of a mass piled up to a point, and this is indicated 
by the roots of ac-er-vus and cat-er-va. The latter therefore as denoting 


& body of men, suggests the same arrangement as the cuneus, which is. 


mentioned along with $t by Tacitus, Hist. u. 42: ' comminus eminus 
eatervis et cuneis concurrebant." On the form of cat-er-va, seo below, 
Ch. xu. $ 5. 


294 ᾿ THE OLD ROMAN [ CHAP. VI. 


pared with plistma for plurima (Fest. p. 205), scripulum for 
scrupulum, &e. (see below, ὃ 5). Salis is the original form of 
solis: comp. σέλας, ἥλιέος, Au-selius, &c. The Oscan and Etrus- 
can usage of the auxiliary £a or tu, “to cause” (above, pp. 150, 
154, 221), shows that Déderlein is right in reading ta — da in- 
stead of sta (Lat. Syn. u. Et. v1. 330). He quotes Hor. 1. Ep. 
16, 60: “da mihi fallere, da justo sanctumque videri," though 
he perceives that (a is connected with τίθημι rather than with 
δίδωμι. Berber is another form of fervere. 

4. Semuneis is semones, i.e. semthemones. Advocapit is a 
contraction for ad vos capite—the e being omitted, as in duc, fac, 
fer, &c.—and it is probable that the phrase is equivalent to 
adhibete in auxilium, “call to your aid." Hermann (Elem. Doct. 
Metr. p. 612 sq.) supposes advocaptt to be jam duo capit. 


8 3. Chants preserved by Cato. 


The other extant religious compositions, though few and 
scanty, contribute to the same conclusion—that the oldest Latin 
"was not so unlike the language with which we are familiar as 
to defy interpretation. Two relics of the same kind as the last 
have been preserved by Cato (A. R. 160), who writes thus: 
*Tuxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem 
prende tibi viridem P. Iv. aut v. longam. Mediam diffinde, et 
duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantere in alio: 
S[anum] F[iet]. In mota et soluta (vulg. mota veta): daries 
dardaries astataries, dic sempiterno (vulg. dissunapiter or dic 
una pariter) usquedum coeant....Ad luxum aut ad fracturam 
alliga, sanum fiet, et tamen quotidie cantato in alio: S. F. vel 
luxato: vel hoc modo: havat, havat, havat: ista pista sista: 
domabo damnaustra et luxato,' i.e. haveat, haveat, haveat: 
istam pestem sistam: domabo damna vestra et luxatum (see 
Grotefend, Rud. L. Umbr. tv. 18). With regard to the second 
excantatio, which is simple enough, it is only necessary to ob- 
serve, that the final m is omitted both in the accusatives luxato, 
pista, &c. and in the future sista; and we are especially told 
that it was the custom with Cato the Censor to drop the m at 
the termination of the futures of verbs in -o and -io0: thus he 
wrote dice, facie, for dicam, faciam (see Quintil. Inst. Or. 1. 7, 
§ 23, and cf. rx. 4, § 39; Fest. p. 72, Mull), rectpie for rect- 


S 4.} OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 99b 


giam (Fest. p. 286), attinge for attingam (id. p. 26), ostende 
for ostendam (id. p. 201), which are all quoted as common ex- 
amples (for further instances, see Corssen, Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet. 
d. Lat. Spr. 1. pp. 109 sqq.). He also omitted the -s of the 
nominative, as in prefamino for prefaminus (used for prafato : 
see R. R. 141: * Janum Jovemque vino prefamino, sic dicito :" 
cf. 134; and see Fest. p. 87). The words daries, dar-dar-tes, 
as-ta-tar-ies, seem to be a jingling alliteration, the meaning of 
which must not be pressed too far; Pliny (H. N. xvi. 28) does 
not think them worthy of serious attention; though Grotefend 
would compare them with dertier dtertr in the spurious Umbrian 
inscription (see Leps. p. 52). 


δ 4. Fragments of the Salian Hymns. 


The Salian songs, if any considerable fragments of them had _ 


come down to our times, would have furnished us with very 
interesting specimens of ancient Latinity. Unfortunately they 
are all lost, with the exception of a few lines and detached 
words; and with them we have been deprived of the learned 
commentaries of ZElius Stilo, who was not, however, able to 
explain them throughout. Varro, vit. ὃ 2: “ JElii, hominis in 
primo in litteris Latinis exercitati, interpretationem carminum 
Saliorum videbis et exili littera expeditam et preterita obscura 
multa!" Of the explanations of /Elius the following have been 
preserved. Festus, s. v. Manuos, p. 146: “ Manuos in carmi- 
nibus Saliaribus /Elius Stilo [et Aurelius, v. Paul. p. 147] sig- 
nificare ait bonos: unde Inferi Di manes pro boni dicantur a 
suppliciter eos venerantibus propter metum mortis, ut tmmanes 
quoque pro valde [non bonis] dicuntur." Id. 5, v. Molucrum, 
p. 141: “ Molucrum non solum quo mole vertuntur dicitur, id 
quod Greci μυληκόρον appellant, sed etiam tumor ventris, qui 
etiam virginibus incidere solet...Cloatius etiam [et lus] in 
libris sacrorum molucrum esse aiunt lignum quoddam quad- 
ratum ubi immolatur. Idem /Elius in explanatione carminum 


1 Horace, too, alludes to the difficulty of the Salian songs (u. Epist. 
1. 86): 
Jam ssliare Num carmen qui laudat, et illud, 
Quod mecum ignorat, solus vult scire videri, &c.* 


290 THE OLD ROMAN [cuar. vi. 


Saliarium eodem nomine appellari ait, quod sub mola supponatur. 
Aurelius Opilius appellat ubi molatur.” Id. 5. v. Pescta, p. 210: 
* Pescia in Saliari carmine ZElius Stilo dici ait capita ex pellibus 
agninis facta, quod Greci pelles vocent πέσκη [πεσκέων, δερ- 
μάτων, Hesych.] neutro genere pluraliter." Id. s. v. Salas 
virgines, p. 329: ''Salias virgines Cincius ait esse conducticias, 
quz; ad Salios adhibeantur cum apicibus paludatas, quas 7Elius 
Stilo scripsit sacrificium facere in Regia cum pontifice paludatas 
cum apicibus in modum Saliorum." There are other references 
in Festus to the philological interpretations of /Elius; but as the 
Salian songs are not mentioned in them, we have no right to 
assume that this particular commentary is quoted: see Festus, 
s. v. Mantas, p. 129; s. v. Monstrum, p. 138; s. v. Nebulo, 
p. 165; s. v. Naucum, p. 166; s. v. Nuscictosum, p. 173; s. v. 
Novalem agrum, p. 174; s. v. Ordinarium hominem, p. 185; 
B. Y. Obstitum, p. 193 (cf. pp. 248, 249); s. v. Puticulos, p. 217; 
8. v. Portisculus, p. 234; s. v. Sonticum, p. 290; s. v. Subu- 
culam, p. 309; s. v. Tongere, p. 356; s. v. Tamne (— eo usque), 
p. 359; s.v. Victimam, p. 371. 

The following are the remaining fragments of the Salian 
hymns. 

Varro, L. L. vir. § 26: “In multis verbis, in quo antiqui 
dicebant 8, postea dictum R; ut in carmine Saliorum sunt hxc: 

OOZEULODOIZESO [vel coreulodorieso|; owrwA [enim] VERO ap 
PATULA COEMISSE [vel oremésse] JAMCUSIANES; DUONUSCERUBES 
DUNZIANUS VEVET." 

This may be written as follows, in the Saturnian metre: 
Chératiloidor éso: | émina énim véro 
"Ad pdtula 6se' mísse | Jani cüriónes. 
Dàónus Cérus ésit, | dínque Jánus vévet. 
i.e. chofauledos sum (=esum); omina enimvero ad patulam 
aurem miserunt Jani curtones. Bonus Cerus (i.e. Cerus ma- 
nus — creator bonus, Fest. p. 122) erit donec Janus vivet (vide 
Grotefend, Rud. L. Umbr. 11. p. 16). 

With regard to the apparently Greek word cho oauleedos, 
it may be sufficient to quote an observation of Varges (Rhein. 
Mus. for 1835, p. 69), who, speaking of his derivation of am- 
pirvo (see below) from ἄμπειρα, says: “ Vix est quod moneam 


§ 4.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 237 


in Saliari carmine alia quoque vocabula inveniri, que originem 
Grecam manifesto pre se ferant, ut pescta, de quo vocabulo 
vide Fest. et Gutberl. [de Salis], p. 146, et tripudium, quod 
propius esse Grecorum πόδα quam Latinorum pedem patet, et 
recte interpretatur Auson. Popma de Differ. Verbor. 8. Saltare. 
Item cosauli, apud Varronem de L. L. vix. c. 8, Grecorum 
χόραυλοι esae videntur, quod verbum Pollux servavit." In this 
word, as in curiones, I have ventured to insert the letter καὶ 
(above, p. 99). 

Varro, L. L. vit. § 27: “ Cantte, pro quo in Saliari versu 
Scriptum est cante, hoc versu: 


DIVUM ÉMPTA CANTE, DÍVUM|DÉO SUPPLICANTE.” 


i.e. Deorum impetu cantte, deorum deum suppliciter canite. Cf. 
Macrob. Sat. 1. 9: **Saliorum carminibus deorum deus canitur 
[Janus ]." 

Festus, s. v. Mamuri Veturt, p. 181: “ Probatum opus est 
maxime Mamuri Veturi, qui premii loco petiit, ut suum nomen 
inter carmina Salii canerent.”’ 

Id. s. v. Negumate, p. 168: “ Negumate in carmine Cn. 
Marci vatis significat negate, cum ait: quàmvís movénttüm 
[molimentum Herm. El. D. M. p. 614] du-ónum négumdte.” 

Id. 8. v. Obstinet, p. 197: ** Obstinet dicebant antiqui, quod 
nunc est ostendit; ut in veteribus carminibus: sód jdm se calo 
cédens [Aurora] óbstinét suum pdtrem.” Here it will be ob- 
served that se colo cedens =celo secedens, and that suwm is a 
monosyllable (see Fest. p. 301). 

Id. s. v. Preceptat, p. 205: “ Preceptat in Saliari carmine 
est sspe precipit. a pro patre, et po pro potissimum, positum 
est in Saliari carmine.  Promenervat item pro monet. Predo- 
pini, preoptant, ἄς.  Pilumno pople in carmine Saliari, Ro- 
mani, velut pilis assueti: vel quia precipue pellant hostes." 

Id. s. v. Redantruare, p. 270: “ Redantruare dicitur in 
Saliorum exsultationibus, quod cum presul amptruavit, quod est 
motus edidit, ei referuntur invicem idem motus. Lucilius: 
Presul ut amptruat/ inde; ta volgw redamptruat ollim. Pa- 
cuvius: 

Promerenda gratia 
Simul cum videam Graios nihil mediocriter 
Redampiruare, opibusque summis persequi." 


240 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI. 


Dufimviri perduélliónem jádicánto. 

Si a duümvirís provoefeit | provocátióne certáto. 
Si vincent, cáput obnübito in|félici árbore réate 
Suspéndito, vérberáto | intra vel éxtra pómcerum. 


I have here written judicanto for judtcent, because the final 
thesis cannot be suppressed (below, § 20). The e or 5 is slur- 
red over in pro'castt, pro’catione, and obnw'to, according to the 
common Roman pronunciation. Each trochaic tripodia in |. 2 
begins with an anacrusis. According to Livy (1. 26), the law 
belongs to the time of Tullus Hostilius; Cicero, on the other 
hand (pro Rabir. c. 4, S 13), refers it to the legislation of 
Tarquinius. 

Id. s. v. Pellices, p. 222: “Cui generi mulierum pcena con- 
stituta est a Numa Pompilio hac lege: Pellex aram Junonis ne 
tangito ; si tanget, Junoni crintbus demissis agnum famtnam 
cedito,” i.e. Pelecs asam Junonis net tancitud ; set tancet, 
Junones crinebos demiseis acnom feminam ceditud. 

Id. s. v. Optima spolia, p. 189: “ Esse etiam Pompili regis 
legem opimorum spoliorum talem: Cujus auspicio classe pro- 
cincta opima spolia. capiuntur, Jovi Feretrio bovem cadito ; 
qui cepit [ei] eris ccc darier oportet: [cujus auspicio capiun- 
tur] secunda spolia, in Martis aram in Campo solttaurilia 
utra voluerit. (i. e. ‘vel majora vel lactentia, ScaL.) cedtto; 
[qui cepit, ei seris CC dato]: [cujus auspicio capiuntur] fertta 
spolia Janut Quirino agnum marem ceedito, C qui ceperit ex 
ere dato; cujus auspicio capta, dis piaculum dato," Niebuhr 
(H. R. τι. note 972) explains these gradations of reward by a 
reference to the scale of pay in the Roman army. The supple- 
ments in this passage rest principally on Plutarch, Vit. Marc. 
6. 8: kal λαμβάνειν γέρας, ἀσσάρια τριακόσια τὸν πρῶτον, τὸν 
δὲ δεύτερον διακόσια, τὸν δὲ τρίτον ἑκατόν. 

Plin. H. N. xxxi. 2, 10, § 20: * Piscets quet squamoses 
nec sunt, nei polucetod ; squamosos omneis preter scarom polu- 
cetod." Cf. Fest. s. v. Pollucere, p. 253: ''Pollucere merces 
[quas cuivis deo liceat], sunt far, polenta, vinum, panis fer- 
mentalis, ficus passa, suilla, bubula, agnina, casei, ovilla, alica, 
sesama, et oleum, pisces quibus est squama, preter scarum: 
Herculi autem omnia esculenta, poculenta.”’ 

Id. s. v. Termino, p. 368: * Denique Numa Pompilius sta- 


§ 6.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 241 


tuit, Hum qui terminum exarasset et ipsum et boves sacros esse.” 
le. Qui terminom ecsaraset, tpsus et boveis sacrei sunto (see 
Dirksen, Versuche, p. 334). 

Id. s. v. Aluta, p. 6: “ Aliuta antiqui dicebant pro aliter, 
. ... hine est illud in legibus Num» Pompili: Siguisquam altuta 
J'acsit ipsos Jovei sacer estod." 


86. Remains of the XII. Tables. 


But of all the legal fragments which exhibit the prisca 
vetustas verborum (Cic. de Oratore, 1. c. 43), the most copious, as 
well as the most important, are the remains of the Twelve 
Tables, of which Cicero speaks in such enthusiastic, if not 
hyperbolical language. These fragments have been more than 
once collected and explained. In the following extracts I have 
followed the text of Dirkeen (Uebersicht der bisherigen Versuche 
zur Kritik und Herstellung des Textes der Zwilf- Tafel-Fragmente). 
The object, however, of Dirksen's elaborate work is juristic! 
rather than philological; whereas I have only wished to present 
these fragments as interesting specimens of old Latinity. 

It was probably the intention of the decemvirs to comprise 
their system in six double Tables; for each successive pair of 
Tables seems to refer to matters which are naturally classed 
together. Thus Tab. I. and 11, relate to the legis actiones; Tab. 
III. and Iv. to the mancipium, potestas, and manus, or the rights 
which might be acquired over insolvent debtors, the right of a 
father over his son, and of a husband over his wife; Tab. v. and 
vi. to the laws of guardianship, inheritance affd property; Tab. 
vir. and VIII. to obligationes, delicta, and crimina; Tab. ΙΧ. and 
x. to the jus publicum and jus sacrum ; Tab. xi. and xir. were 
supplementary to the ten former Tables, both in subject and in 
date. 


87. Tub. I. 


Fr. 1. (1. 1, 2, Gothofredi): 81 . IN. JUS. VOCAT . NI. IT . AN- 
TESTATOR.IGITUR.EM.CAPITO. (Porphyrio ad Hor. 1. Serm. 
9, 65: “ Adversarius molesti illius Horatium consulit, an per- 


1 The student will find a general sketch of the old Roman law in 
Arrold’s Rome, 1. pp. 256 sqq. 


D. V. 16 


949 THE OLD ROMAN [omap. VI. 


mittat se antestari, injecta manu extracturus ad Pretorem, quod 
vadimonio non paruerit. De hac autem Lege x11. Tabularum his 
verbis cautum est: δὲ eis vocationi testamini, igitur en capito 
antestari. Est ergo.antestari, scilicet antequam manum injiciat.”’ 
Cf. Cic. Legg. τι. c. 4; Aul. Gell. N. 4. xx. 1; Auctor ad He- 
renn. II. c. 13; Non. Marcell. de Propr. Serm. c. 1, § 20, s. v. 
calvitur. Lucilius, Lib. xvi. : “ Si non it, capito, inquit, eum et, 
st calvitur ergo, Ferto manum"). It seems probable that the 
original form of the law was st quis in jus vocatus nec tt, ante- 
stamino, igitur (i.e. inde, postea, tum, Fest. p. 105) em (= eum) 
capito. Cf. Gronov. Lect. Plautin. p. 95. That igitur means 
* thereupon " is shown by the context, and that it denotes tum 
as to the antecedent to quando appears from Plautus, M«/. GU. 111. 
1. 177: quando habebo, igttur rationem mearum fabricarum dabo. 

Fr. 2 (1. 3): 81. CALVITUR. PEDEMVE . STRUIT, . MANUM.. 
ENDO. JACITO. (Festus, p. 313). The word calvitur is explained 
by Gaius, L. 233, pr. D. de Verb. Sign.: * Si calvitur et moretur 
et frustretur. Inde et calumniatores appellati sunt, quia per 
fraudem et frustrationem alios vexarent litibus." — Pedem struere 
is explained by Festus, l.1.: * Alii putant significare retrorsum 
ire; alii, in aliam partem : alii fugere: alii gradum augere: alii 
minuere, cum quis vix pedem pedi preefert, otiose it, remoratur :" 
and p. 210: ** pedem struit. m. ΧΙ. significat fugit, ut ait Ser. 
Sulpicius." This fragment seems to have followed close upon 
the previous one: see the passage of Lucilius, quoted above. 

Fr. 8 (1. 4): SI. MORBUS . AEVITASVE . VITIUM . ESCIT, . QUI. 
IN . JUS . VOCABIT . JUMENTUM . DATO; . SI. NOLET . ARCERAM. 
NE.STERNITO. (Aul. Gell. N. 4. xx. 1). Vitium esctt means 
impedimento erit. Arcera is explained by Nonius Marcellus, de 
Propr. Serm. 1. § 270: “ Arcera plaustrum est rusticum, tectum 
undique quasi arca. Hoc vocabulum et apud Varronem et apud 
M. Tullium invenitur. Hoc autem vehiculi genere senes et agrott 
vectari solent. Varro γεροντιδιδασκάλῳ: vehebatur cum uxore 
vehiculo semel aut bis anno cum arcera: st non vellet non ster- 
neret." 

Fr. 4 (1. 6): ASSIDUO . VINDEX . ASSIDUUS. ESTO, . PROLETA- 
RIO . QUOI. QUIS. VOLET. VINDEX. ESTO. (Aul. Gell. N. A. xvi. 
c. 10; cf. Cicero, Top. c. 2, who explains assiduus as a synonym 
of locuples, and derives it, with Alius, ab asse dando; Nonius, 


$7] | OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 948 


Propr. Serm. c. 1, S antepen., who explains proletarius as equi- 
valent to plebeius—'' qui tantum prolem sufficiat." See Niebuhr, 
Hist. Hom. 1. p. 445, note 1041). 

Fr. 5 (1x. 2). Festus, p. 848: ** Sanates dicti sunt, qui supra 
infraque Romam habitaverunt. Quod nomen his fuit, quia cum 
defecissent a Romanis, brevi post redierunt in amicitiam, quasi 
sanata mente. ltaque in XII. cautum est, ut ‘idem juris esset 
Sanatibus quod Forctibus,’ id est bonis (cf. pp. 84, 102), et qui 
nunquam defecerant a P. ." Whence we may supply, p. 321: 
* [Hinc] in x11.: ‘ NEx[i solutique, ac] FoRCTI SANATI(sque idem 
jus estod'], id est, bonor[um et qui defecerant sociorum]." 
Where also sanas is explained from Cincius, “(quod Priscus] 
preter opinio[nem eos debellavis|set, sanavisse[tque ac cum iis 
ps]cisei potuisset." Dirksen (p. 164) is wrong in referring these 
extracts to the epitome of Paulus. 

Fr. 6 (1. 17): REM . UBI . PAGUNT, . ORATO . (Auctor ad He- 
renn. II. c. 13). 

Fr. 7 (1. 8): NI. PAGUNT . IN. COMITIO. AUT. IN. FORO. 
ANTE . MERIDIEM . CAUSAM . CONJICITO, . QUOM . PERORANT . 
AMBO . PRAESENTES . (id. ibid. and Aul. Gell. xvir. 2). The 
word pagunt is explained by Priscian (x. 5, ὃ 32) as a synonym 
of paciscor; the common Latin form is pa-n-go, but the medial 
and tenuis of the gutturals were constantly interchanged after 
the distinction between them was introduced by Sp. Carvilius 
(Terent. Scaur. p. 2253, Putsch). 

Fr. 8 (1. 9): POST . MERIDIEM . PRAESENTI . STLITEM . ADDI- 
crTO , (Aul. Gell. χυτι. 2). 

Fr. 9 (1. 10): SOL . OCCASUS . SUPREMA . TEMPESTAS . ESTO. 
(id. ibid). The word tempestas is here used for tempus; the 
whole afternoon was called tempus occyduum, and the sunset was 
suprema tempestas (Macrob. Saturn. 1. c. 3). Gellius, to whom 
we owe these fragments, considers the correct reading to be sol, 
not solís occasus. ‘‘ Sole occaso,” he says, “non insuavi venus- 
tate (vetustate?) est, si quis aurem habeat non sordidam nec 
proculeatam." But Festus (p. 305), Varro (L. L. v. c..2), and 
others, consider the phrase to have been solis occasus. There is 
more probability in the reading of Gellius. 

Fr. 10 (rr. 1. Aul. Gell. N. A. xvi. c. 10: “Sed enim 
quum proletari?, et assidut, et sanates, et vades, et subvades,— 

16—2 


244 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI. 


evanuerint, omnisque illa xir. Tabularum antiquitas—consopita 
sit, &c." 


§ 8. Ταῦ. II. 


Fr. 1. Gaius, Inst. tv. S 14: “ Poena autem Sacramenti aut 
quingenaria erat, aut quinquagenaria; nam de rebus mille seris 
plurisve quingentis assibus, de minoris vero quinquaginta assibus 
sacramento contendebatur; nam ita lege x11. Tabularum cautum 
erat. Sed si de libertate hominis controversia erat, etsi pre- 
tiosissimus homo esset, tamen ut L. assibus sacramento conten- 
deretur eadem lege cautum est favoris causa ne satisdatione 
onerarentur adsertores."' 

Fr. 2 (11. 2): (a) MORBUS . SONTICUS—(b) STATUS . DIES. 
CUM . HOSTE—(c) SI . QUID. HORUM . FUAT . UNUM, . JUDICI, . 
ARBITROVE . REOVE, . DIES . DIFFENSUS . ESTO . (a) Aul. Gell. 
XX. c. 1: “ Morbum vehementiorem, vim graviter nocendi haben- 
tem, Leg. istar. i.e. x11. Tab. scriptores alio in loco non per se 
morbum, sed morbum sonticum appellant." Fest. p. 290: ** Son- 
ticum morbum in XII. significare ait /Elius Stilo certum cum 
justa causa, quem non nulli putant esse, qui noceat, quod’ sontes 
Bigniflcat mocentes. Nevius ait: sonticam esse oportet causam, 
quam ob rem perdas mulierem." (b) Cic. de Off. x. c. 12: “ Hostis 
enim majores nostros is dicebatur, quem nunc peregrinum dicimus. 
Indicant x11. Tabule ut: status dies cum hoste; itemque: adver- 
sus hostem eterna auctoritas." Fest. p. 314: ““ Status dies [cum 
' hoste] vocatur qui judici causa est constitutus cum peregrino. 
Ejus enim generis ab antiquis hostes appellabantur, quod erant 
pari jure cum populo Β., atque hostire ponebatur pro equare. 
Plautus in Curculione [1. 1, 5]: &é status condictus cum hoste 
intercedit dies, tamen est eyndum, quo tmperant ingratis." This 
passage is neglected by Dirksen, but not by Gronovius, Lectiones 
Plautine, p. 81. With regard to the original signification of 
hostis, it is very worthy of remark that the Latin hostis and the 
Greek ξένος, starting from opposite points, have interchanged 
their significations. Hos-tis originally signified “a person enter- 
tained by another," “one who has food given to him” (comp. 
hos-pi-[t-]s, ** the master of the feast," hostia, gasts, &c. N. Crat. 
§ 474); but at last it came to mean “a stranger,” “a foreigner,” 
and even “an enemy " (see Varro, L. L. p. 2, Müller). Whereas 


8 9.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 245 


ξένος, originally denoting “a stranger" (extraneus), i.e. '* one 
without " ({é]£évos), came in the end to signify “an entertainer " 
and “a friend.” I cannot accept Müller's derivation of ξένος 
(ad Fest. p. 102). (c) Festus, p. 273: ‘ Heus nunc dicitur, qui 
causam dicit; et item qui quid promisit spoponditve, ac debet. 
At Gallus Alius libro 11. Sign. Verb. qu. ad Jus pertinent, ait: 
Reus est, qui cum altero litem contestatam habet, sive is egit, sive 
cum eo actum est. Reus stipulando est idem qui stipulator dici- 
tur, quive suo nomine ab altero quid stipulatus est, non ts qus 
alteri adstipulatus est. Reus promittendo est qui suo nomine alteri 
quid promisit, non qus pro altero quid promisit. At Capito Ateius 
in eadem quidem opinione est: sed exemplo adjuvat interpreta- 
tionem, Nam in secunda Tabula secunda lege in qua scriptum 
est: δὲ quid horum fuat unum judici arbitrove reove, eo die diffen- 
eus esto, hic uterque, actor reusque, in judicio rei vocantur, item- 
que accusator de via citur more vetere et consuetudine antiqua." 
Ulpian, L. txxtv. ad Edict. : “Si quis judicio se sisti promise- 
rit, et valetudine vel tempestate vel vi fluminis prohibitus se 
sistere non possit, exceptione adjuvatur; nec immerito: cum 
enim in tali permissione presentia opus sit, quemadmodum potuit 
se sistere qui adversa valetudine impeditus est? Et ideo etiam 
Lex xir. Tab.: δὲ judex vel alteruter ex litigatoribus morbo son- 
tico impediatur, jubet diem judicit esse diffensum.” I have restored 
difensus both in Festus and Ulpian on the authority of Müller, 
who has shown (Suppl. Annot. ad Fest. p. 401) that fendo must 
have been anciently a synonym of ferio and trudo, and conse- 
quently that diffensus esto = differatur. 

Fr. 3 (11. 3): CUI . TESTIMONIUM . DEFUERIT, . I8. TERTIIS . 
DIEBUS . OB. PORTUM . OBVAGULATUM . 1TO . (Fest. p. 233: ** Por- 
tum in XII. pro domo positum omnes fere consentiunt: si," &c. 
Id. p. 875: “ Vagulatio in lege x11. [Tab.] significat questionem 
cum convicto : st,” &c.). | 

Fr. 4 (11. 12). * Nam et de furto pacisci lex permittit" 
(L. 7, § 14 p, de Pactis, Ulp. 1v. ad Edictum). 


89. Tub. III. 


Fr. 1 (in. 4): AERIS . CONFESSI . REBUSQUE . JURE . JUDI- 
CATIS . TRIGINTA . DIES . JUSTI. SUNTO . (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1: 
* Eosque dies Decemviri justos appellaverunt, velut quoddam 


246 THE OLD ROMAN [cuar. vr. 


justitium, id est juris inter eos quasi interstitionem quandam et 
cessationem, quibus diebus nihil cum his agi jure posset." xv. 
c. 18; cf. Gaius, Znst. 111. S 78, &c.). 

Fr. 2 (111. 5): POST . DEINDE . MANUS . INJECTIO . ESTO; . 
IN . JU8 . DUCITO. (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1; cf. Gaius, Inst. tv. § 21). 

Fr. 3 (1. 6): NI. JUDICATUM . FACIT (l. fazsit), . AUT. 
QUIPS . ENDO. EM . JURE . VINDICIT, . SECUM . DUCITO; . VINCITO, . 
AUT. NERVO . AUT . COMPEDIBUS, . QUINDECIM . PONDO. NE. MA- 
JORE,. AUT. SI. VOLET . MINORE. VINCITO . (Aul. Gell. xx. 
c. 1) We should perhaps read fazxsit for facit on account of 
vindicit, for which see Müller, Suppl. Ann. ad Fest. p. 393. For 
the form quips see Gronovius ad Gell. 1.; the proper reading is 
ques; see below, ὃ 28. For the meaning of nervus here, comp. 
Fest. a. v. p. 765. 

Fr. 4 (111. 7): 8r. VOLET, . SUO. VIVITO; . NI. SUO. VIVIT,. 
QUI. ΕΜ. VINCTUM . HABEBIT, . LIBRAS . FARRIS . ENDO . DIES. 
DATO; . SI. VOLET . PLUS. DATO. (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1; and for 
the meaning of vivere compare L. 234, § 2 p, de Verb. Sign.; 
Gaius, L. 11. ad Leg. xi. Tab.; Donat. ad Terent. Phorm. 11. 
1, 20). The student will observe that endo dies = indies. 

Fr. 5 (ur. 8). Aul. Gell. N. A. xx. 1: * Erat autem jus 
interea paciscendi; ac nisi pacti forent, habebantur in vinculis, 
dies LX.; inter eos dies trinis nundinis continuis ad Preetorem in 
comitium producebantur, quanteque pecunis judicati essent pre- 
dicabatur." From which Ursinus conjectures: Endoderatim 
[rather énferatiém. Festus, p. 111] pactio estod. Net cum eo pacit, 
LX. dies vinctom habetod. In eis diebus tertrets nondinets con- 
tinuets indu comitum endo joure im procitato, quanteique stlis 
estumata siet predicato. 

Fr. 6 (111. 9). Aul. Gell. xx. 1: “ Tertiis autem nundinis 
capite poenas dabant, aut trans Tiberim peregre venum ibant— 
Bi plures forent, quibus reus esset judicatus, secare si vellent 
atque partiri corpus addicti sibi hominis permiserunt —verba ipsa 
Legis dicam :—TERTIIS, inquit, NUNDINIS PARTIS SECANTO, SI 
PLUS MINUSVE SECUERUNT, SE FRAUDE ESTO." Cf. Quintil. 7nst, 
Or. 111. c. 6; Tertullian, Apol, c. 4. The student will remark 
that we have here se for sine, as in the compounds se-dulo (= sine 
dolo), se-paro, se-cludo, se-motus, se-gregatus, &c. (See Festus, 
p.386). Se-sedisan ablative form which in later Latin appears 


S 10.] | OR LATIN LANGUAGE. - 247 


only in composition; sine accords in form with the Sanscrit 
instrumental, and was used as a preposition to the latest period 
of the language. Accordingly these two forms may be compared 
with the Greek κα and κατά; the former being used only as the 
particle of apodosts or in composition (as κάπετον Pind. O. ὙΠ. 
38), while the latter retains to the end its regular prepositional 
functions. 

Fr. 7 (111. 8): ADVERSUS . HOSTEM . AETERNA . AUCTORITAS . 
(Cic. de Off. 1. c. 12). 


§ 10. Tob. IV. 


Fr. 1 (1v. 1). Cic. de Legg. ut. c. 8: “ Deinde quum (Trib. 
pot. ortus] esset cito legatus [leto datus, Orelli], tamquam ex xut. 
Tabulis insignis ad deformitatem puer." From whence we infer 
that the x11. Tables authorized the exposure of deformed 
children. 

Fr. 2 (1v. 2). From the statement of Dionysius (11. 26, 27), 
that the decemvirs in their fourth Table continued the jus ven- 
dendorum liberorum established in the time of the kings, Ursinus 
imagines some such passage as this: PATREI.ENDO.FIDIO. 
VITAE. NECISQUE . POTESTAS . ESTOD, . TERQUE . IN. VENOM. 
DARIER . J6US . ESTOD; to which he appends the next fragment. 

Fr. 3 (iv. 3): SL. PATER. FILIUM . TER. VENUM . DUIT, . 
FILIUS. A. PATRE . LIBER . ESTO. (Ulpian, Fr. Tit. x. $1; Gaius, 
Inst. 1. S 182; 1v. § 79). 

Fr. 4 (iv. 4J. Aul. Gell. rrr. 16:... * Quoniam Decemviri in 
decem mensibus gigni hominem, non in undecimo scripsissent ; ”’ 
whence Gothofredus would restore: δὲ gut δὲ wn X. mensibus 
procimis postumus natus escit, justus esto. 


8 11. Tab. V. 


Fr. 1. Gaius, Znst. 1. 8 145: “ Loquimur autem exceptis 
Virginibus Vestalibus, quas etiam veteres in honorem sacerdotii 
liberas esse voluerunt; itaque etiam lege x11. Tabularum cautum 
est." Cf Plutarch, Vit. Num. c. 10. 

Fr.2. Id. τι. 8 47: “ (Item olim) mulieres que in agnato- 
rum tutela erant, res mancipi usucapi non poterant, preterquam 
si ab ipso tutore (auctore) tradite essent: id ita lege x11. Tabu- 
larum cautum erat." 


248 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI. 


Fr. 3 (v. 1): [PATERFAMILIAS] . UTI . LEGASSIT. SUPER . 
PECUNIA . TUTELAVE . 8UAE . REI,. ITA. JUS. ESTO . (Ulpian, Fr. 
Tt. xi. $ 14; Gaius, Inst. 11. S 224; Cic. de Invent. Rhet. 11. 
c. 50; Novell. Justin. xx1I. c. 2, &c.). 

Fr. 4 (v. 2): 81. INTESTATO. MORITUR. CUI. SUUS. HERES. 
NEC . SIT, . ADGNATUS . PROXIMUB . FAMILIAM. HABETO . (Ulpian, 
Fr. Tit. xxvi. ὃ 1; cf. Gaius, Inst. 111. § 9, &c.). 

Fr. 5 (v. 3): S1. ADGNATUS . NEC. ESCIT, . GENTILIS . FAMI- 
LIAM . NANXITOR. (Collatio Legg. Mosaic. et Rom. ΤΊ. xvi. S 4; 
cf. Gaius, Inst. 111. 8 17). I have written nanaitor for nancitor 
on the authority of Müfler, ad Fest. p. 166: “ nanzstor in XII., 
nactus erit, prehenderit;" where he remarks: “ nancitor quo- 
modo futurum exactum esse possit, non intelligo, nisi correcta 
una littera. Ab antiquo verbo nancio fut. ex. fit nanzo, sicut a 
capio capso ; idque translatum in pass. form. efficit nanzstur vel 
nanantor, ut a turbasso fit turbassitur." We have another instance 
of this form in the pontifical law about the ver sacrum, quoted 
by Livy (xxi. 10, § 6): δὲ antidea senatus populusque jussertt 
fieri ac faxitur, eo populus solutus liber esto (see also Corssen, 
Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet. d. lat. Spr. τι. pp. 38 sqq.). 

Fr. 6 (v. 7). Gaius, Jnst. τ. § 155: “ Quibus testamento 
quidem tutor datus non sit, iis ex lege x1I. agnati sent tutores; 
qui vocantur legitimi." Cf. S 157, where he says that this 
applied to women also. 

Fr. 7 (v. 8): SI. FURIOSUS . AUT . PRODIGUS . ESCIT, . AST. 
EI. CUSTOS. NEC. ESCIT, . ADGNATORUM . GENTILIUMQUE . IN. 
EO . PEQVUNIAQUE . EJUS . POTESTAS . ESTO. (Cicer. de Invent. 
Rhet. τι. c. 50, gives the bulk of this passage; aut prodigus is 
inserted on the authority of Ulpian, ὃ 3, 1. de Curattontbus ; and 
ast et custos nec eacit is derived from Festus, p. 162: ** Nec con- 
junctionem grammatici fere dicunt esse disjunctivam, ut mec 
legt nec scribit, cum si diligentius inspiciatur, ut fecit. Sinnius 
Capito, intelligi possit eam positam esse ab antiquis pro son, ut 
et in XII. est: ast ev custos nec escit’’). For nec see above, Ch. 
III. § 9, and below, Ch. vn. § 5. 

Fr. 8 (v. 4. Ulpian, Frag. Tit. xxix. § 1; L. 195, 8 1 p, 
de Verb. Sign.: * Civis Romani liberti hereditatem lex x11. Tab. 
patrono defert, si intestato sine suo herede libertus decesserit— 
Lex: EX EA FAMILIA, inquit, IN EAM FAMILIAM."  Gothofredus 


$12.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 249 


proposes the following restoration of the law: δὲ libertus tntes- 
tato moritur cut suus heres nec esctt, ast patronus. patrontve liberi 
escint, ex ea familia in eam familiam proximo pecunia adduttor. 

Fr. 9 (v. 5) and 10 (v. 6). From the numerous passages 
which refer the law de ercti-ctscunda (as the word must have 
been originally written) familia to the x11. Tables (see Hugo, 
Gesch. d. Róm. H. 1. p. 229), we may perhaps suppose the law 
to have been: δὲ heredes partem quisque suam habere malint, 
familia ercti-ciscunde tris arbitros sumunto. . 


8. 12. Ταῦ. VI. 


Fr. 1 (σι. 1): CUM. NEXUM . FACIET . MANCIPIUMQUE, . UTI. 
LINGUA . NUNCUPASSIT, . ITA . JUS. ESTO. (Festus, p. 173; Cic. 
de Off. 111. 16, de Orator. 1. 57). Nuncupare - nominare : Fe&tüs, 
1.1.; Varro, L. L. vr. S 60, p. 95, Müller. . 

Fr. 2 (vr. 2). Cic. de Offic. 111. 16: “Nam cum ex ΧΙ]. 
Tabulis satis esset ea prestart que essent lingua nuncupata, que 
qui infittatus esset. dupli panam subiret; a jureconsultis etiam 
reticentie poena est constituta." 

Fr. 8 (vi. 5). Cic. Topic. c. 4: “Quod in re pari valet, 
valeat in hac, quee par est; ut: Quoniam usus auctoritas fundi 
biennium est, sit etiam edium: at in lege. edes non appellantur, 
et sunt ceterarum rerum omnium, quarum annuus est usus." 
Cf. Cic. pro Cecina, c. 19; Gaius, Jnstit. τι. § 42: and Boe- 
thius ad Top. |. c. p. 509, Orelli. 

Fr. 4 (vr. 6). Gaius, Znst. 1. § 111: “ Usu in manum con- 
veniebat, que anno continuo nupta perseverabat :—itaque lege 
x11. Tab. cautum [erat], st qua nollet eo modo in manum mariti 
conve[nire, ut quotannis trinoctio abesset, atque [ita usum] cujus- 
que anni interrumperet." Cf. Aul. Gell. 111. 2; Macrob. Saturn. 
I. ὃ. 

Fr. 5 (vi. 7): S1. QUI. IN. JURE. MANUM . CONSERUNT . 
(Aul. Gell. xx. c. 10). 

Fr. 6 (vri. 8. From Liv. ur. 44, Dionys. Hal. x1. c. 30, 
&c., we may infer a law: prator secundum libertatem vindicias 
dato. | 
Fr. 7 (σι. 9: TIGNUM . JUNCTUM . AEDIBUS . VINEAEVE, . E. 
CONCAPITE . NE. SOLVITO . (Fest. p. 364). A great number of 
emendations of this passage have been proposed. The reading 


- -— —~ ow — --- 


250 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI. 


which I have adopted is the same as Müllers, except that I 
prefer concapite to his concape: compare procapts = progentes, 
“que ab uno capite procedit" (Feat. p. 225). In the same way 
as we have capes, capitis m. = miles; caput, capttis n. = verter; 
80 we have concapis, concapttis Í. — continua capitum junctura 
(comp. Madvig, Beilage zu zeiner Latein. Sprachl. p. 33). 

Fr. 8 (vi. 10). L. 1. pr. D. de tigno juncto, Ulpian, L. 
XxXxVII. ad Edictum : “Quod providenter lex [xrr. Tab.] effe- 
cit, ne vel edificia sub hoc pretextu diruantur, vel vinearum 
cultura turbetur; sed in eum qui convictus est junxisse, in 
duplum dat actionem." Where tignum is defined as signifying 
in the xir. Tables: omnis materta ex qua cdificium constet, 
vinecque necessaria. | 

Fr. 9 (vr. 11): QUANDOQUE . SARPTA, . DONEC . DEMPTA . 
ERUNT . (Fest. p. 348). The word sarpta (which Müller under- 
stands of the ipsa sarpta, i.e. sarmenta putata) is explained by 
Festus, |. 1.: “sarpiuntur vines, i.e. putantur," &c. p. 322: 
* [sarpta vinea putata, i.] e. pura [facta—] inde etiam [sarmenta 
scriptores dici pu[tant; sarpere enim a]ntiqui pro pur[gare 
dicebant]." The sentence in the fragment probably ended with 
vindicare jus esto. 


8 18. Tab. VII. 


Fr. 1 (vir. 1). Varro, L. L. v. § 22, p. 9: * Ambttus eat 
quod cireumeundo teritur, nam ambitus circumitus, ab eoque 
x11. Tabularum interpretes ambitum parietis circumitum esse 
describunt." Volusius Mecianus, apud Gronov. de Sesterito, 
p. 398: “ Sesterttus duos asses et semissem. Lex etiam x11. Ta- 
bularum argumento est, in qua duo pedes et semis sestertius pes 
vocatur." Festus, p. 16 (cf. p. 5): *.Ambitus proprie dicitur 
inter vicinorum edificia locus duorum pedum et semipedis ad 
circumeundi facultatem relictus." The law itself, therefore, pro- 
bably ran thus: inter vicinorum edificia ambitus parietum. ses- 
tertius pes esto. 

Fr. 2 (virt. 3). Gaius (lib. rv. ad Leg. xit. Tab. L. fin. D. 
finium regundorum) refers to a law of Solon, which he quotes 
in Greek, and describes as in some measure the type of the 
corresponding law of the xir. Tables, which regulates digging, 
fencing, and building near the borders of a piece of ground. 


ἢ 18. OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 251 


Fr. 3 (vill. 6): HORTUS— HEREDIUM — TUGURIUM . (Plin. 
H. Ν. xix. 4, 81: “In xir. Tab. leg. nostrar. nusquam nomi- 
natur villa; semper in significatione ea Aortus, in horti vero 
heredium." Festus, p. 355: "[Tugu-|]ria a tecto appellantur 
[domicilia rusticorum] sordida—quo nomine [Messalla in ex- 
plana]|tione XII. ait etiam . ...siguificari"). Properly speaking, 
the vicus (signifying “several houses joined together’’) included 
the villa (— vicula, Dóderl. Syn. u. Et. x11. 5), which was the 
residence of the proprietor, and the adjoining tugurta, in which 
the colon? partiari$ lived. All persons living in the same vicus 
were called vicint ; and the first fragment in this table refers to 
the ambttus between the houses of those who lived on the same 
estate. The pasture-land left common to the vicine was called 
compascuus ager (Festus, p. 40). It is not improbable that the 
words compescere and impescere occurred in the x11. Tables. See, 
however, Dirksen, p. 584. Ager is defined as: “locus qui sine 
villa est" (Ulpian, L. 27, Pr. D. de V. 8.). But in a remark- 
able passage in Festus (p. 371), the vicus is similarly described 
in its opposition to the villa or predium. The passage is as 
follows (see Müller, Suppl. Ann. p. 413): * Vici appellari inci- 
piunt ab agris, [et sunt eorum hominum,] qui ibi villas non 
habent, ut Marsi aut Peligni, sed ex vicis partim habent rempub- 
licam, [ubi] et jus dicitur, partim nihil eorum, et tamen ibi nun- 
dinz aguntur negotii gerendi causa, et magistri vici, item magistri 
pagi, [in iis] quotannis fiunt. Altero, cum id genus officiorum 
[significatur], quse continentia sunt in oppidis, queve itineribus 


regionibusve distributa inter se distant, nominibusque dissimilibus . 


discriminis causa sunt dispartita. "Tertio, cum id genus edifi- 
ciorum definitur, qui in oppido prive, id est in suo quisque loco 
proprio ita edificat, ut in eo sedificio pervium sit, quo itinere 
habitatores ad suam quisque habitationem habeat accessum : qui 
non dicuntur vicani, sicut ii, qui aut in oppidi vicis, aut ii, qui in 
agris sunt, vicani appellantur." Festus here describes (1) the 
vicus rusticus, (2) a street in a town, as the vicus Cyprius, and 
(3) a particular kind of insulated house (insu/a) in the city. 

Fr. 4 and 5 (vir. 4, 5). Cicero de Legg. 1. c. 21: “ Usu- 
capionem XII. Tabule intra quinque pedes esse noluerunt." Non. 
Marcell. de Propr. Serm. c. 5, ὃ 34, quotes, as the words of the 
law: 81 JURGANT. “δὲ Jurgant, inquit. Benevolorum concer- 


252 | THE OLD ROMAN [onap. VI. 


tatio non Xs, ut inimicorum, sed jurgium dicitur." Ursinus 
supposes the law to have been: δὲ wicint inter se jurgassint, 
intra v. pedes usucapio me esto. Jur-gium is from jure agere. 
.. Fr. 6 (vir. 10). L. 8, p, de Servit. Pred. Rustic. : “ Vim 
latitudo ex lege x11. Tab. in porrectum octo pedes habet; in 
anfractum, id est, ubi flexum est, sedecim." Varro, L. L. vu. 
§ 15, p. 124: “ Anfractum est flexum, ab origine duplici dictum, 
ab ambitu et frangendo; ab eo leges jubent, in directo pedum 
VIII. esse, in anfracto XVI., id est in flexu." 

Fr. 7 (vir. 11). Cicero pro Caecina, c. 19: “Si via sit im- 
munita, jubet (lex), qua velit agere jumentum." Cf. Festus, p. 
21, 8. v. Amsegetes. Müller and Huschke express their surprise 
that Dirksen and other learned jurists should have overlooked 
the passage in Festus, which contains the best materials for the 
restoration of this law. Festus (s. v. Vie, p. 371) says: '* Vie 
sunt et publice, per [quas ire, agere, veher]e omnibus licet: 
private quibus [vehiculum immittere non licet] prseter eorum, 
quorum sunt private. [In xir. est: AMSEGETES] VIAS MUNIUNTO 
DONICUM LAPIDES ESCUNT: [NI MUNIERINT,] QUA YOLET JUMENTA 
AGrro." See Müller, Suppl. .Annot. p. 414. 

Fr. 8 (vir. 8). L. 5, D, ne quid in |. publ. Paulus, Lib. 
xvi. ad Sabinum : “Si per publicum locum rivus aqueductus 
privato nocebit, erit actio privato ex lege x1. Tab. ut noxe 
domino caveatur." L. 21, p, de Statuliber. Pompon. L. vir. 
ex Plautio: 81. AQUA. PLUVIA . NOCET. 

Fr 9 (vir. 7). L. 1, 8 8, p, de Arboribus cedend. Ulp. 
L. Lxxr. ad Edict.: *Lex xir. Tab. efficere voluit, ut xv. 
pedes altius rami arboris circumcidantur." From which, and 
Festus, p. 348, it is proposed to restore the law: δὲ arbor in 
vicint agrum impendet, altius a terra pedes XY. sublucator. 

Fr. 10 (vir. 8. Plin. H. N. xvi. c. 5: “Cautum est 
preterea lege x11. Tab., ut glandem in alienum fundum proci- 
dentem liceret colligere." The English law makes a similar 
provision respecting rabbit-burrows. s 

Fr. 11 (vi. 4. 8 1, 41, 1. de Rer. Divis. : “ Vendite vero 
res et tradite non aliter emptori adquiruntur, quam si is venditori 
pretium solverit, vel alio modo satisfecerit, veluti expromissore, 
aut pignore dato. Quod cavetur quidem et lege x11. Tab., tamen 
recte dicitur et jure gentium, i. e. jure naturali, effici.” 


814.) ὁ OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 258 


Fr. 12 (v1. 3). Ulpian, Fr. tit. 2, § 4: “Sub hac condi- 
tione liber esse jussus, si decem millia heredi dederit, etsi ab 
herede abalienatus sit, emptori dando pecuniam, ad libertatem 
perveniet: idque lex x11. Tab. jubet." Cf. Fest. a. v. Statulsber, 
p. 314. 


814. Tab. VIII. 


Fr. 1 (vir. 8). Cic. de Republ. tv. 10: ** Nostre x11. Ta- 
bule, quum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque 
sanciendam putaverunt: st quis occentavisset, sive carmen con- 
didisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri." Festus, 
p. 181: * Occentassint antiqui dicebant quod nunc convitium 
fecerint dicimus, quod id clare, et cum quodam canore fit, ut 
procul exaudiri possit. Quod turpe habetur, quia non sine causa 
fieri putatur. Inde cantilenam dici querellam, non cantus jucun- 
ditatem puto." Plautus, Curcul. 1. 2, 57; Horat. rt. Serm. 1, 
80; 11. Epist. 1, 152. Gothofredus would restore the law thus: 
st quis pipulo (=ploratu, Fest. p. 253; cf. p. 212, s. v. pipatio, 
above, p. 136), occentassit, carmenve condidisset, &c. fuste ferito. 

Fr. 2 (vii. 9): 81 MEMBRUM . RUPIT . NI. CUM. EO . PACIT, . 
TALIO . ESTO . (Fest. p. 363: ‘‘ Permittit lex parem vindictam." 
Aul. Gell. xx. 1; Gaius, Znst. 111. S 223). 

Fr. 3 (vir. 10). Gaius, Inst. 111. ὃ 223: “ Propter os vero 
fractum aut conlisum CCC. assium poena erat (ex lege xir. Tab. 
velut si libero os fractum erat; at si servo, CL." Cf. Aul. 
Gell. xx. 1. 

Fr. 4 (vri. 7): SI. INJURIAM . FAXIT . ALTERI, . VIGINTI . 
QUINQUE . AERIS . POENAE . SUNTO . (Aul. Gell. xx. 1; cf. 
Gaius, Inst. 111. ὃ 228). Fest. p. 371: “ Viginti quinque pomas 
in Xil. significat viginti quinque asses." Here panas = poinaes 
is the old form of the genitive singular and nominative plural. 

Fr. 5 (vir. 2): BUPITIAS . [QUI . FAXIT] . SARCITO . (Fest. 
8. vv. pp. 265, 322), 1. e. qui damnum dederit prastato. 

Fr. 6 (vir. 5). L. 1, pr. p, s¢ Quadrup. Paup. fec. dic. 
Ulp. xvur. ad Edict.; *Si quadrupes pauperiem fecisse dice- 
tur, actio ex lege x11. Tab. descendit; qus lex voluit aut dani id 
quod nocuit, id est, id animal, quod noxiam commisit, aut eesti- 
mationem noxise offerre." 


Fr.7 (vu. δ). L.14, $8, p, de Prascr. Verb.; “Si glans - 


re a τ ττὧὔ΄ὖῷὖῷ — —— —— — —— ———— —M — —————— M er rrr ———— ——— —— ———— —À “- τ 


254 THE OLD ROMAN [cuaP. vr. 


ex arbore tua in meum fundum cadat' eamque ego immisso pecore 
depascam, Aristo scribit non sibi occurrere legitimam actionem, 
qua experiri possim, nam neque ex lege xir. Tab. de pastu 
pecoris, quia non in tuo pascitur, neque de pauperie neque de 
damni injurie agi posse" (cf. Tab. vri. Fr. 10). 

Fr. 8 (vii. 3): QUI . FRUGES . EXCANTASSIT . (Plin. H. N. 
XXVIII. €. 2). NEVE. ALIENAM . SEGETEM . PELLEXERIS . (Serv. 
ad Verg. Ecl. vixt. 99). Cf. Seneca, Nat. Quost. 1v. 7, &c. 

Fr. 9 (vir. 4. Plin. H. N. xvin. c. 3: * Frugem quidem 
aratro quesitam furtim noctu pavisse ac secuisse, puberi XII. 
Tabulis capitale erat, suspensumque Cereri necari jubebant; 
gravius quam in homicidio convictum : impubem pretoris arbi- 
tratu verberari, noxiamque duplione decerni." 


Fr. 10 (vu. 6). L. 9, p, de Incend. Ruina Naufr. Gaius, 


- IV. ad x1I. Tab. : “Qui edes acervumve frumenti juxta domum 


positum combussertt, vinctus verberatus tnt necari jubetur, si 
modo sciens prudensque id commiserit: si vero casu, id est, 
negligentia, aut noxtam sarctre, jubetur, aut si minus idoneus 
sit, levius castigatur: appellatione autem «dtum omnes species 
sedificii continentur." 

Fr. 11 (π. 11). Plin. Z. N. xvii. 1: * Fuit et arborum 
cura legibus priscis; cautumque est ΧΙ. Tabulis, ut qui injuria 
cecidisset alienas, lueret in singulas eris Xxv." 

Fr. 12 (11. 4): 81. NOX . FURTUM . FACTUM . SIT, . SI . IM. 
OCCISIT, . JURE . CAESUS . ESTO . (Macrob. Saturn.1. c. 4). Here 
noz Ξε noctu; Aul. Gell. vri. c. 1. 

Fr. 13 (11. 8). L. 54, § 2, p, de furt. Gaius, Lib. xri. ad 
Edict. Province. : “ Furem interdiu deprehensum non aliter occi- 
dere lex xir. Tab. permisit, quam si telo se defendat." 

Fr. 14 (11. 5—7). Aul. Gell. xr. c. 18: “Ex ceteris autem 
manifestis furibus liberos verberari addicique jusserunt (decem- 
viri) ei, cui factum furtum esset, si modo id luci fecissent, neque 
se telo defendissent: servos item furti manifesti prensos verberi- 
bus affici et e saxo precipitari; sed pueros impuberes preetoris 
arbitratu verberari voluerunt, noxamque ab his factam sarciri." 
Cf. Gaius, r1. ὃ 189. For the last part, cf. Fr. 9. - 

Fr. 15 (π. 9). Gaius, Jnsé. 111. ὃ 191, 192: ““ Concepti et 
oblati (furti) poena ex lege x11. Tab. tripli est,—precipit (lex) 


* ut qui querere velit, nudus querat linteo cinctus, lancem ha- 


— —— HR ——ÓcM MÀ ——— 7 ——M———— —-  —— 070 — -— ———ÁÓA-——À ———— Le σ΄ CU — - 7 σ 


8 14. ] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 255 


bens; qui si quid invenerit, jubet id lex furtum manifestum 
esse,” Cf. Aul. Gell. xr. 18, xvr. 10. 

Fr. 16 (11. 10): 81. ADORAT . FURTO . QUOD . NEC . MANI- 
FESTUM . ESCIT . (Fest. p. 162. Gaius, Znst. 111. ὃ 190: “Nec 
manifesti furti per leg. x11. Tab. dupli irrogatur"). For the use 
of adoro, see Fest. p. 19: ** Adorare apud antiquos significabat 
agere, unde et legati oratores dicuntur, quia mandata populi 
agunt:" add, Fest. 8. v. oratores, p. 182: Varro, L. L. γι. ὃ 76, 
vit. § 41, &c. 

Fr. 17 (11. 18). Gaius, Znst. 11. § 45: “ Furtivam (rem) lex 
XII. Tab. usucapi prohibet." 

Fr. 18 (111. 2). Cato, E. R. prowm.: ‘ Majores nostri sic 
habuerunt, itaque in legibus posuerunt, furem dupli damnari, 
foeneratorem quadrupli.” Tacit. Annal. v1. 16: “Nam primo 
xu. Tabulis sanctum, ne quis unciario foenere amplius exerce- 
ret." See Niebuhr, H. 2. 111. 50 sqq., who has proved that the 
fenus unciarium was τ of the principal, i.e. 84 per cent for the 
old year of ten months, and therefore 10 per cent for the civil year. - 

Fr. 19 (nux. 1) Paulus, Rec. Sent. τι. tit. 12, § 11: “Ex 
causa depositi lege x11. Tab. in duplum actio datur." 

Fr. 20 (vu. 16). L. 1. 8 2, p, de suspect. Tutoribus : ** Sci- 
endum est suspecti crimen e lege xit. Tab. descendere." L. 55, 
§ 1, D, de Admin. et Peric. Tutor. : “ Sed si ipsi tutores rem pupilli 
furati sunt, videamus, an ea actione, que proponitur ex lege 
XII. Tab. adversus tutorem in duplum, singuli in solidum tene- 
antur." 

Fr. 21 (v1.17): PATRONUS . SI. CLIENTI . FRAUDEM . FECE- 
RIT . SACER . ESTO . (Servius, on Virgil's words, ZEne:d. v1. 609: 
*pulsatusve parens, et fraus innexa clienti"). I can suppose 
that the original had fraudem frausus siet: see Festus, p. 91, 
and Gronov. Lect. Plaut. p. 33, ad Asin. 11. 2, 20. 

Fr. 22 (vir. 11): QUI . ΒΒ. SIERIT . TESTARIER, . LIBRI- 
PENSVE . FUERIT, . NI. TESTIMONIUM . FARIATUR(?), . IMPROBUS . 
INTESTABILISQUE . ESTO . (Aul. Gell. xv. 13). 

Fr. 28 (vir. 12). Aul. Gell. xx. 1: “An putas, si non illa 
ex XII. Tab. de testimoniis falsis poena abolevisset, et 81 nunc 
quoque, ut antea, qui falsum testimonium dixisse convictus esset, 
e saxo Tarpeio dejiceretur, mentituros fuisse pro testimonio tam 
multos quam videmus ?"' 


7 — M ——— "s — —— M — —— M — 9 —À  — ————— : —— — ———— —— — -ἕ .. -- 


256 THE OLD ROMAN [onap. vr. 


Fr. 24 (vir. 18). Pliny, in the passage quoted in Fr. 9, im- 
plies that involuntary homicide was but slightly punished. The 
fine in such a case seems to have been a ram (Serv. ad Verg. 
Ecl. 1v. 43); and the law has been restored thus (with the help 
of Cic. de Orat. 111. 39, Top. 17): δὲ quis hominem liberum dolo 
sciens morti dedit, parricida esto: at si telum manu fugit, pro 
capite occist et natis ejus arietem subjtctto. 

Fr. 25 (vri. 14). .From Plin. H. N. xxvii. 2, and L. 236, 
pr. D, de Verb. Sign., the following law has been restored: QUI . 
MALUM . CARMEN . INCANTASSIT . [CERERI . SACER . ESTO]. 
[QUI] . MALUM . VENENUM . [FAXIT . DUITVE . PARRICIDA . ESTO]. 

Fr. 26 (1x. 6). Porcius Latro, Declam. ἐπ Catilin. c. 19: 
* Primum x1. Tabulis cautum esse cognoscimus, ne quis in urbe 
coctus nocturnos agitare." Which Ursinus restores thus: qui 
calim endo urbe nox coit, coiverit, capital estod. 

Fr. 27 (vu. 2). L. 4, p, de Colleg. et Corporibus : ““ Sodales 
sunt, qui ejusdem collegii sunt; quam Grseci ἑταιρίαν vocant. 
His autem potestatem facit lex, pactionem quam velint sibi ferre, 
dum ne quid ex publica lege corrumpant.” ] 


$15. Tob. IX. 


Fr. 1 (1x. 1). Cicero pro Domo, c. 17: “ Vetant xu. Ta- 
bule leges privis hominibus irrogari." | 

Fr. 2 (1x. 4). Cicero de Legibus, 111. 19: “Tum leges pre- 
clarissime de xit. Tabulis translate due: quarum . . . altera de 
capite civis rogari, nisi maximo comitatu, vetat." Cf. Cicero 
pro Sextio, c. 80. 

Fr. 3 (1x. 8). Aul. Gell. xx. 1: “Dure autem scriptum 
esse in istis legibus (sc. xu. Tab.) quid existimari potest? nisi 
duram esse legem putas, que judicem arbitrumve jure datum, 
qui ob rem dicendam pecuniam accepisse convictus est, capite 
peenitur.”” Cf. Cicero, Verr. Act. 11. Lib. r1. c. 32. 

Fr. 4 (ΙΧ. 5). L. 2, 8 23, p, de Orig. Jur. : “ Queestores 
constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus preessent: hi 
appellabantur Questores parrictdit ; quorum etiam meminit lex 
XII. Tabularum." Cicero de Hepubl. 11. 31. ““ Provocationem 
autem etiam ἃ regibus fuisse declarant pontificii libri, significant 
nostri etiam augurales; itemque ab omni judicio posnaque pro- 


§ 16.] - OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 257 


vocari licere, indicant xir. Tabule compluribus legibus." See 
&bove, p. 239. 

Fr. 5 (ix. 7 L.8, pr. n. ad Leg. Jul. Majestot.: “ Lex 
XII. Tab. jubet eum qui hostem concitaverit, quive bosti civem 
tradiderit, capite puniri." 


8 16. Ταῦ. X. 


Fr. 1 (x. 2): HOMINEM . MORTUUM . IN. URBE . NE . SEPE- 
LITO . NEVE . URITO . (Cicero de Legibus, 11. 23). 

Fr. 2 (x. 4, δ): HOC. PLUS . NE. FACITO . — BOGUM . ASCIA . 
NE . POLITO . (id. ibid.). 

Fr. 3 and 4 (x. 6, 7): “Extenuato igitur sumtu, tribus 
riciniis, et vinclis purpure, et decem tibicinibus tollit (lex x11. 
Tab.) etiam lamentationem: MULIERES . GENA8 . NE. RADUNTO; . 
NEVE . LESSUM FUNERIS. ERGO . HABENTO." (id. ibid.) For 
ricintum (= vestimentum quadratum) see Fest. s. v. p. 274, and 
for radere genas (— unguibus lacerare malas) id. p. 273. From 
Servius ad Ain. xit. 606, it would appear that the full frag- 
ment would be: mulieres genas ne radunto, faciem ne car- 
punto, &c. 

Fr. 5 (x. 8): ‘Cetera item funebria, quibus luctus augetur, 
XII. sustulerunt: HOMINI, . inquit, MORTUO . NE O88A . LEGITO, . 
QUO . POST . FUNUB . FACIAT , Excipit bellicam peregrinamque 
mortem" (Cic. de Leg. τι. 24). 

Fr. 6 (x. 9, 10): * Hec preterea sunt in legibus de unctura, 
quibus SERVILIS . UNCTURA . tollitur, omnisque CIRCUMPOTATIO: 
quz et recte tolluntur, neque tollerentur misi fuissent. NE. 
SUMTUOSA . RESPERSIO; . NE. LONGAE . CORONAE, . NEC . ACER- 
RAE . pretereantur" (Cic de Legibus, 11. 24). For acerra, see 
Fest. p. 18: * Acerra ara que ante mortuum poni solebat, in 
qua odores incendebant. Alii dicunt arculam esse thurariam, 
scilicet ubi thus reponebant." Festus, s. v. Murrata potione 
(p. 158), seems also to refer to this law, which, according to 
Gothofredus ran thus: Servilis unctura omnisque circumpotatio 
auferitor. Murrata potio mortuo ne tnditor. Ne longa corone, 
neve acerre praferuntor. 

Fr. 7 (x. 11): QUI: CORONAM . PARIT . IPSE, . PECUNIAVE . 
EJUS, . VIRTUTIS . ERGO. DUITOR . EI. (Plin. H. N. xxi. 8; cf. 
Cic. de Leg. 11. 24). . 

D. V. 17 


258 THE OLD ROMAN ^ — [enar. VI. 


Fr. 8 (x. 12). Cic. de Leg. 11. 24: * Ut uni plura (funera) 
fierent, lectique plures sternerentur, id quoque ne fieret lege 
sancitum est.” 

Fr. 9 (x. 18): NEVE. AURUM. ADDITO . QUOI. AURO . DENTES . 
VINCTI . ESCUNT,. AST . IM.CUM . ILLO . SEPELIBE . UREREVE . 
8E. FRAUDE. ESTO. (Cic. de Leg. 11. 24). For se=sine, see 
above, Tab. 111. fr. 6. This fragment is interesting, because it 
shows the antiquity of the dentist's art. Cicero (N. D. 111. 22, 
S 57) raises the first dentist to the rank of an ZEsculapius: 
** /JEsculapiorum—tertius, Arsippi et Arsinos, qui primus purga- 
tionem alvi dentisque evulsionem, ut ferunt, invenit." 

Fr. 10 (x. 14). Id. ibid.: ‘‘ Rogum bustumve novum vetat 
(lex xri. Tab.) propius Lx. pedes adici sedeis alienas, invito 
domino." 

Fr. 11 (x. 15). Id. ibid.: “ Quod autem roRuM, id est 
vestibulum sepulcri, BUSTUMVE . USUCAPI . vetat (lex xit. Tab.) 
tuetur jus sepulchrorum." Comp. Festus, s. v. Forum, p. 84. 


§ 17. Tab. XI. 


Fr. 1 (xr. 2). Liv. 1v. c. 4: “Hoc ipsum, ne connubium 
patribus cum plebe esset, non Decemviri tulerunt?" Cf. Dion. 
Hal. x. c. 60, x1. c. 28. 


§ 18. Tab. XII. 


Fr.1 (xit. 1). Gaius, Inst. 1v. § 28: * Lege autem intro- 
ducta est pignoris capio, velut lege x11. Tab. adversus eum, qui 
hostiam emisset, nec pretium redderet; item adversus eum, qui 
mercedem non redderet pro eo jumento, quod quis ideo locasset, 
ut inde pecuniam acceptam in dapem, id est in sacrificium, 
inpenderet." 

Fr. 2 (xir. 4): *In lege antiqua, si servus sciente domino 
furtum fecit, vel aliam noxiam commisit, servi nomine actio est 
noxalis, nec dominus suo nomine tenetur. SI. SERVUS. FURTUM. 
FAXIT, . NOXIAMVE . NOCUIT."  (L. τ΄. $ 1D. de .Nozal. Actio- 
ntbus). 

Fr. 3 (xir. 8): 81. VINDICIAM . FALSAM . TULIT, . STLITIS . 
[ET . VINDICIARUM . PRAE|TOR . ARBITROS . TRES . DATO, . EO- 
RUM . ARBITRIO . [POSSESSOR sive REUS] . FRUCTUS . DUPLIONE. 
DAMNUM . DECIDITO . (Festus, s. v. Vindicia, p. 876. I have 


§ 19.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 259 


introduced the corrections and additions of Müller). Cf. Theodos. 
Cod. 1v. 18, 1. 

Fr. 4 (xir. 2). L. 8 p, de Litigios.: “Rem, de qua con- 
troversia est, prohibemur in sacrum dedicare; alioquin dupli 
poenam patimur." 

Fr. 5 (xr. 1). Liv. vri. 17: “In xir. Tabulis legem esse, 
ut, quodcunque postremum populus jussisset, id jus ratumque 
esset." 


§ 19. The Tiburtine Inscription. 


These remains of the x11. Tables, though referring to an 
early period of Roman history, are merely quotations, and as 
such less satisfactory to the philological antiquary than monu- 
mental relics even of a later date. The oldest, however, of these 
authentic documents is not earlier than the second Samnite war. 
It 18 a senatus-consultum, '* which gives to the Tiburtines the 
assurance that the senate would receive as true and valid their 
justification in reply to the charges against their fidelity, and 
that it had given no credit, even before, to these charges " 
(Niebuhr, H. R. 111. p. 310, orig. p. 264, tr.)). The inscription 
was engraved on a bronze table, which was found at Tivoli in 
the sixteenth century, near the site of the Temple of Hercules. 
About a hundred years ago it was in the possession o? the Bar- 
berini family, but is now lost; at least, Niebuhr was unable to 
discover it, though he sought for it in all the Italian collections, 
into which the lost treasures of the house of Barberini were 
likely to have found their way. Niebuhr’s transcript (from 
Gruter, p. 499), compared with Haubold’s (Monumenta Legalia, 
p. 81), is as follows. 


1. JZ. Cornelius Cn. F. Praetor Senatum consuluié a. d. y. Nonae 
Maras sub aede Kastorue: 
2. sor. adf.' A. Manlius A. F., Sex. Julius, L. Postumius S.* F. 


1 Visconti supposed that this inscription was not older than the Mar- 
sian war, and Haubold (Mon. Legal. p. 81) places the date at A.v.c. 
664 or 665; but there can be little doubt that Niebuhr's view is correct; 
see Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, 1. pp. 125, 659. 

2 Scribundo adfuerunt. 8 Niebuhr prefers L. 

17—2 


960 THE OLD ROMAN [ CHAP. VI. 


3. Quod Teiburtes verba fecerunt, quibusque de rebus vos purgavis- 
tis, ea Senatus 
4. animum advortit, ita utet aequom fuit: nosque ea sta. audi- 
veramus 
D. «t vos deizsistis vobeis nontiata esse: ea nos animum nostrum 
6. non indoucebamus sta facta esse, propter ea quod scibamus 
7. ea vos merito nostro facere non potuisse; neque vos dignos esse, 
8. quei ea faceretis, neque id vobeis neque τοὶ poplicae vostrae 
9. oitie esse facere: et postquam vostra verba Senatus audivit, 
10. tanto magis animum nostrum indoucimus, ita utei ante 
ll. arbitrabamur, de eveis rebus af vobeis peccatum non esse. 
12. Quonque de eieis rebus Senatuer purgatei estis, credimus, vosque 
13. animum vostrum indoucere oportet, tem vos populo 
14. Romano purgatos fore. 


With the exception of a few peculiarities of spelling, as af 
for ab, quonque for cumque (comp. -cunque), detxsistis for dixistis, 
&c., there is nothing in the phraseology of this inscription which 
is unclassical or obscure. The expressions anémum advertere, 
* to observe," animum inducere, “to think," seem to belong to 
the conventional terminology of those days. After fecerunt in 
], 8 we ought perhaps to add D. E. R. 1. C. ὦ e. “de ea re (patres) 
ita censuerunt" (cf. Cic. ad Fam. virt. 8). 


§ 20. The Epitaphs of the Sctpios. 


The L. Cornelius, the son of Cnzeus, who is mentioned as 
preetor in the inscription quoted above, is the same L. Cornelius 
Seipio Barbatus, whose sarcophagus is one of the most interest- 
ing monuments at Rome. The inscription upon that monument 
expressly states that he had been preetor. All the extant epitaphs 
of the Ncipios have been given by Bunsen (Beschreibung der 
Stadt Rom, 111. pp. 616 sqq.), who does not, however, enter upon 
any criticism of the text. They are as follows. 

(a) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, who was consul in 
A. U. C. 456. 


Cornelio’ Cn. F. Scipio 
Cornélids Lücius | Scípió Barbátus 
Gnatvod pátre prognátus | fortis vir sapiénsque, 
Quotus forma víirbu|tet paríauma fait. 


§ 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 261 


Cénsil censór Aidílis | quí fait apdd vos, 
Tarrdsid Cisaáno! | Sámnió cépit, 
Sabigit ó6mne Loácana | ópsidésque abdoiicit'. 


(6) Epitaph on the son of the above, who was sedile in 
A. U. C. 466; consul, 494: 


L. Cornelio’ L. F. Scio 

Atdiles . Cosol . Cesor . 
Hone otno’ plotrumé co|séntiónt R[omán] 
Duónóro' 6ptwmó' | físe vtro 
Láciom Scípióne. | Ftliés Barbát 
Cóns6l, Censór, Aidtles | htc fiet alpdd vos]. 
Hee cépit Córsicá | 'Alerif que drbe', 
Dadét tempéstátebus | aidé’ meréto*. 


(c) Epitaph on the Flamen Dialis P. Scipio, son of the 
elder Africanus, and adoptive father of the younger’. . 


1 See Arnold, History of Rome, τι. p. 326. 

3 Bunsen, 1.1. : “In return for the delivery of his fleet in a storm off 
Corsica he built a temple of which Ovid speaks (Fast. 1v. 193): 

Te quoque, Tempestas, meritam delubra fatemur, 
Quum pene est Corsis diruta classis aquis." 
The same passage is quoted by Funccius, de Origine et Pueritia L. L. 
p. 326. 

3 As this epitaph seems to deserve 8 translation, and as no one, so 
far as I know, has exhibited it in an English dress, the following attempt 
may be accepted in the want of a better: 

The priestly symbol deckt thy brow: 
But oh! how brief a share hadst thou 
Of all this world can give,— 

Honour and fame, and noble birth, 
High intellect and moral worth :— 
Had it been thine to live 

A lengthened span, endowed with these, 
Not all the stately memories 

Of thy time-honoured knightly line 
Had left a glory like to thine. 

Hail! Publius, Publius Scipio’s son! 
Thy brief but happy course is run. 
Child of the great Cornelian race,— 
The grave is now thy dwelling-place : 
And mother earth upon her breast 
Has lulled thee lovingly to rest. 


202 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI. 


Quet dpice’, insigne didlis | fláminis geststei, 

Mors pérfectt tua ut éssent | dmnid brévia, 

Honos Jéma vírtásque | glória átque ingénewm. 
Quibus sei tn longá licukset | tíbe titier vita, 
Facile fácteis sáperáses | glóriám majórum. 

Quà ré lubéns te in grémiu’, | Sctpio, récipu térra, 
Publi, prógnátum | Páblió, Cornéli*. 


(d) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Cn. Hispallus, 
grandson of Calvus, the conqueror of Spain, and nephew of 
Scipio Nasica: 

L. Cornelius Cn. f. Cn. n. Scipio. Magna sapientia 
Multasque virtutes etate quom parva 
Posidet hoc saxsum, quoiei vita defecit non 
Honos. Honore is hio situs que nunquam 
* — Victus est virtute : annos gnatus XX : ὦ 


(e) Epitaph on Cn. Cornelius Scipio, brother of the pre- 
ceding: 
Cn. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio Hiepanus 
Pr. Aed. Cur. Q. Tr. mil. II. Xvir al. judi. 
Avir sacr. fac. 
Virtutes generis mieis moribus accumulavi, 
Progeniem genut, facta patris petiet : 
Majorum obtenus laudem ut sibei me esse creatum 
Letentur ; stirpem nobilitaeit honor. 


' (f) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Asiaticus, who 
was questor in 588: 
L. Corneli L. f. P. n. Scipto quaist. 
T'r. mil. annos gnatus XXIII 
Mortuos. Pater regem Antioco’ subegit. 


1 Bunsen, ]. 1. : “Cicero bears testimony to the truth of these noble 
words in his Cato Maj. ὃ 11: Quam fuit imbecillus Africani filius, is qui 
ie adoptavit? Quam tenui aut nulla potius valetudine? Quod ni ita 
fuisset, altera ille exstitisset lumen civitatis; ad paternam enim mag- 
nitudinem animi doctrina uberior accesserat." 


§ 20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 209 


(g) Epitaph on a son of the preceding, who died young: 
Cornelius L. f. L. n. Scipio Asiagenus 
Comatus annoru’ gnatus XVI. 


(A) Epitaph of uncertain date, but written in very antique 
characters ; 


Aulla [sic] Cornelia. Cn. f. Hispalli. 


It will be observed, that in these interesting monumenta we 
have both that anusvárah, or dropping of the final m, which led 
to ecthlipsis (e. g. duonoro' for bonorum), and also the visarga, or 
evanescence of the nominative s (as in Cornelio for Corneltus). 
The diphthong az is not always changed into ae, and gnatus has 
not lost its initial g. We may remark, too, that n seems not to 
have been pronounced before s: thus we have cosol, cesor, for 
consul, censor, according to the practice of writing cos. for consul 
(Diomed. p. 428, Putsch). Epitaph (e) has Xvir sl. judik., i. e. 
decemvir slitibus judikandis, where we not only observe the ini- 
tial s of s[t]h[t]s — strett, but also the & before a in jud?candis. 
The phraseology, however, does not differ in any important par- 
ticulars from the Latin language with which we are familiar. 

The metre, in which the three oldest of these inscriptions are 
composed, is deserving of notice. That they are written in 
Saturnian verse has long been perceived ; Niebuhr, indeed, thinks 
that they *' are nothing else than either complete nenias, or the 
beginnings of them” (H. R. 1. p. 253). It is not, however, so 
generally agreed how we ought to read and divide the verses. 
For instance, Niebuhr maintains that patre, in a. 2, is * beyond 
doubt an interpolation;"' to me it appears necessary to the verse 
He thinks that there is no ecthlipsis in aptce’, c. 1; I cannot 
scan the line without it. These are only samples of the many 
differences of opinion, which might arise upon these short inscrip- 
tions: it will therefore, perhaps, be desirable, that a few general 
remarks should be made on the Saturnian metre itself, and 
that these remarks should be applied to the epitaphs before us, 
Which may be placed among the oldest Latin specimens of the 
Saturnian lay!. 


] ! Livy's transcript of the inscription of T. Quinctius is confessedly 
imperfect; the historian says: “his ferme incita litteris fuit" (vr. 29). 


204 THE OLD ROMAN [cuAP. vr. 


That the Saturnian metre was either a native of Italy, or 
naturalized there at a very early period, has been sufficiently 
shown by Lord Macaulay (Lays of Anctent Rome, p. 23). It is, 
perhaps, not too much to say, that this metre,—which may be 
defined in its pure form as a brace of trochaic tripodie, preceded 
by an anacrusis,—is the most natural and obvious of all rhyth- 
mical intonations. There is no language which is altogether 
without it; though, of course, it varies in elegance and harmony 
with the particular languages in which it is found, and with the 
degree of literary advancement possessed by the poets who have 
written in it. 'lhe Umbrians had this verse as well as the 
Latins; at least there can be no doubt that the beginning of the 
γι. Eugubine Table is pervaded by ἃ Saturnian rhythm, though 
the laws of quantity, which the Latins borrowed from the 
Greeks, are altogether neglected in it. The following may serve 
as ἃ sample: 


‘Esté persklé avets a |sériáter enétu. 

Parfé kurndse dérsva | peíqu petca mérstu, 

Poei ángla dseridto est | éso trémnu séree. 

. These verses are, in fact, more regular than many of the Latin 
specimens. The only rule which can be laid down for the 
genuine Latin Saturnian is, that the ictus must occur three times 
in each member of the verse}, and that any thesis, except the 
Jast, may be omitted (see Miiller, Suppl. Annot. ad Fest. p. 396). 
The anacrusis, at the beginning of the line, is often necessary in 
languages which, like the Latin and our own, have but a few 
words beginning with an ictus. When the Greek metres be- 
came established among the Romans, it would seem that the con- 
ventional pronunciation of many words was changed to suit the 
exigencies of the new versification, and no line began with an 
anacrusis, unless it had that commencement in the Greek model: 
but this appears not to have been the case in the genuine Roman 
verses, which begin with an unemphatic thesis whenever the 


1 To this necessity for a triple recurrence of the ictus in the genuine 
Italian metre I would refer the word tripudium=tripler pulsatio. Pudio 
meant “to strike with the foot,” “to spurn” (comp. re-pudio). The fact 
is alluded to by Horace, 3. Carm. xvin. 15: “ gaudet invisam pepulisse 
fossor ter pede terram." 


E LIBRA, 
Qe sun AM 


«ἢ 
UNIV I Ti 
o. ἄρα ον 
fpr τὐὐ΄ν! 
convenience of the writer demands such a prefix. We Βδδ seen ~ 
above (§ 2), that the first trochaic tripodia of the Saturnius cum 
anacrust, and even an amphibrachys (= trocheus cum anacrusi!), 


S 20. ] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 


1 In the common books on metres this would be called a single foot, 
i.e. an amphibrachys. It appears to me that many of the difficulties, 
which the student has felt in his first attempts to understand the rules 
of metre, have been occasioned by the practice of inventing names for 
the residuary forms of common rhythms. Thus, the last state of the 
logacedic verse is called a choriambus; and the student falls into inex- 
tricable confusion when he endeavours to explain to himself the con- 
currence of choriambi and dactvls in the commonest measures of Horace’s 
odes. Some commentators would persuade us that we are to scan thus: 
Mece|nas atavis | edite veg'ibus; and Sic te | diva potens | Cypri. But 
how can we connect the rhythm of the choriambus with such a termi- 
nation? If we examine any of the Glyconics of Sophocles, who was con- 
sidered a master in this species of verse, we shall observe that his cho- 
riambi appear in contact with dactyls and trochees, and not with iambi. 
Take, for instance, CEd. Col. 510, sqq. : 


δεινὸν | μὲν τὸ πάϊλαι || κείμενον | ἤ δὴ κακὸν | ὦ || ξεῖν᾽ ἐπεἰγείρειν || 
δίμως δ᾽ ἔραμαι πυϊθέσθαι 
τί | τοῦτο | τᾶς δειλίαί( ας ἀπόρου φαϊ]νείσας || 
ἀλ] γηδόνος | ᾧ ξυν]έστας || 
μὴ | πρὸς ξενίας ἀνοίξῃς ll 
τᾶς | σᾶς, πέπον, | ἔργ᾽ ἀν]αιδῆ || 
τό | τοι πολὺ | καὶ || μηδαμὰ | λῆγον || 
χρήϊζω, ξέν᾽, | ὀρθὸν ἄκ]ουσμ᾽ ἀκοῦσαι. || 
Here we see that the rhythm is dactylic or trochaic—these two being 
considered identical in some metrical systems—and that the long syl- 
lable after the dactyl is occasionally equivalent to the ictus of the 
trochee. We may apply the same principle to the choriambic metres in 
Horace, which differ only in the number of imperfect trochees which 
follow the dactyls iu this logacedic rhythm. Thus we have nothing but 
dactyls in 
Sio te | diva polténs Cypri: || 
we have one imperfect trochee or dactyl in 
Sic fra|trés Hele|naé || lácida | sídera; || 
and two imperfect feet of the same kind in 
Tu ne | quaésiejrís || scire ne|fás || quém mihi | quém tibi. || 
The cretic bears the same relation to the trochaic dipodia that the cho- 
riambus does to the dactylic dipodia, or logacedic verse; and it was in 
consequence of this reduction of the trochaic dipodia to the cretic that 
the ancient writers on music were enabled to find a rhythmical identity 
between the dactyl and the trochaic dipodia (see Müller, Liter. of Greece, 


266 THE OLD ROMAN  - [ CHAP. VI. 


could form a verse. And conversely, if the anacrusis was want- 
ing, the Saturnius could extend itself to a triplet of tripodis. 
We have instances of both practices in the old Latin translation 
of an epigram, which was written, probably by Leonidas of 
Tarentum, at the dedication of the spoils taken in the battles of 
Heraclea and Asculum (B.c. 280, 279), and which should be 
scanned as follows: 
Qui dntedhác invicti | fávére viri | páter 6ptime Olympi || 
Hos ἔσο in págna vict || 
Victásque stim ab tsdem||’. 


I. p. 228 (302)). It appears to me that this view of the question is calcu- 
lated to settle the dispute between those who reject and those who maintain 
the termination of a line in the middle of a word. If every compound 
foot is ἃ sort of conclusion to the rhythm, many rhythms must end in 
the middle of a word; and therefore such a cssura cannot bo in itself 
objectionable. We can hardly take any strophe in Pindar without find- 
ing some illustration of this. ΑΒ & specimen, I will subjoin the first 
strophe of the 1x. Olympian ode, with its divisions according to the 
rhythm: 

τὸ μὲν | ᾿ΑρχιλόΪϊχον nélXos || 

φωϊνᾶεν "OXvusi]a || καλλίνικος ὁ | τριπλό᾽ος xelyAaders || 

ἄρκεϊσε Κρόνιον παρ᾽ || ὄχθον | ἁγεμοϊνεῦσαι || 

κωμάϊζοντι dildos ᾿ΕΪ φαρμόσ᾽τῳ σὺν élralposs ll 

ἀλλὰ | viv éxa|raBé| Ao» Μοισᾶν ἀπὸ | τόξων || 

Διά re | φοινἀκοστερόϊπαν σεμ͵νόν τ᾽ ἐπίϊνειμαι || 

ἀκρωτήριον | Ἄλιδος 

τοιἰοίσδε βέϊλεσσιν || 

τὸ | δή ποτε | Λυδὸς | ἥρως Ππέϊλοψ || 

ἐϊξάρατο | κάλι]λιστον ἔδνον || Ἱπποδαϊμείας. || 
In general, it seems unreasonable to call a number of syllables in which 
the ictus occurs more than once by the name of “foot” (pes); for the 
foot, so called, is defined by the stamp of the foot which marks the ictus, 
and therefore, as above suggested, the half-Saturnius would be called 
tri-pudium, because it consisted of three feet. For instance, if Ἀρχιλόχου 
μέλος had no ictus except on the first and fourth syllables of Ἀρχιλόχον 
we might scan it as two dactyls; but if, as the analogy of -vaev ᾿ολυμπίᾳ 
would seem to indicate, it had an ictus on the last syllable of μέλος, 
we must scan the words as a dactyl + trochee + ictus. This method of 
considering the Greek metres is exemplified in the Prosody of the Com- 
plete Greek Grammar, 2nd Ed. Cambridge, 1859. 

1 The lost original may bave been as follows: 
τοὺς πρὶν ἀνικήτους, πάτερ αἰγλήεντος ᾽Ολύμπου, 
μαρνάμενός τ᾽ ἐκράτουν, ot τ᾽ ἐκράτησαν ἐμέ. 


§ 40.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 267 


Niebuhr suggests (111. note 841) that the first line is an attempt 
at an hexameter, and the last two an imitation of the shorter 
verse; and this remark shows the discernment which is always 
so remarkable in that great scholar. The author of this trans- 
lation, which was probably made soon after the original, could 
not write in hexameter verse, but he represented the hex- 
ameter of the original by a lengthened form of the Saturnius, 
and indicated the two penthemimers of the pentameter by writing 
their meaning in two truncated Saturnians, taking care to indi- 
cate by the anacrusts that there was really a break in the 
rhythm of the original pentameter, although it might be called 
a single line according to the Greek system of metres. 

To return, however, to the epitaphs of the Scipios. The 
scansion of the lines, which I have adopted, is sufficiently indi- 
cated by the metrical marks placed over the words, [Ὁ is only 
necessary to add a few explanatory observations. With the ex- 
ception of a. 2, 8, b. 3, and c. 7, every line begins with an ana- 
crusis, or unaccentuated thesis; and it seems to be a matter of 
indifference whether this is one long or two short syllables. 
The vowel ¢ is often pronounced like y before a vowel, as in 
Lácyus (a. 1), Lricyom (b. 3), dydlis (c. 1), brévya (c. 2), tngé- 
nyum (c. 9), átyer (c. 4), grémyu (c. 6), Sctpyo (ibid.). And ὦ 
is pronounced like w in c. 2. The rules of synalopha and 
ecthlipsis are sometimes attended to (as in a. 6), and sometimes 
neglected (as in b. 5, c. 4). The quantity of fiitsse and víro' in 
b. 2, may be justified on genera] principles; for futsse is properly 
fuvisse, and vitro is written vetro in Umbrian. But there is no 
consistency in the syllabic measurement of the words in these 
rude lines. Facile, in c. 5, makes a thesis in consequence of 
that short pronunciation which is indicated by the old form 
facul (Fest. p. 87, Müller). As all the other verbs in epitaph a. 
are in the perfect tense, it seems that subigtt and abdoucit in the 
last line, must be perfect also. Jndouctmus is perhaps a perfect 
in the Tiburtine inscription (1. 10): * postquam senatus audivit, 
tanto magis—(éndoucimus ;" and subigit was probably pro- 
nounced sibígit. The beginning of b. seems to have been the 
conventional phraseology in these monumental nenias. The 
sepulchre of A. Attilius Calatinus, which stood near those of the 


208 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI. 


Scipios at the Porta Capena (Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 7, § 13), bore 
an inscription beginning in much the same way: 

Hone ono plotrumé co|séntiónt géntes. 

Popult primáriám | fütese vírum. 
(Comp. Cic. de Finibus, 11. 35, § 116; Cato M. 17, 61). 


§ 21. The Columna Rostrata. 


The Columna Rostrata, as it is called, was found at the 
foot of the Capitol in the year 1565. Its partial destruction by 
lightning is mentioned by Livy (xLrt 20); and it was still 
standing, probably in the existing copy, when Servius wrote 
(ad Vergil. Georg. 111. 29). It refers to the well-known ex- 
ploits of C. Duilius, who was consul B.c. 260, A. v.c. 494. This 
inscription, with the supplements of Ciacconi, and a commentary, 
was published by Funck, in his treatise de Orig. et Puer. L. L. 
pp. 302, sqq. It is here given with the restorations of Grotefend 
(Orelli, no. 549). 

[C. Duilios, M. F. M. N. Consol advorsum Poenos en 
Siceliad Sicest]ano|s socios Rom. obsidioned crave|d exemet 
leciones rlefecet dumque Poenei m]azimosque! macistratos 
Tectonumque duceis ex njovem castreis exfociunt Macel[am 
opidom opp|wcnandod cepet enque eodem maciistratod bene 
rlm navebos marid consol primos c|eset socios] clasesque 
navales primos ornavet pa|ravetque] cwnque eis navebos cla- 
seis Poenicas om[neis οὐ maz]|sumas copias Cartaciniensis 
praesente|d sumod | Dictatored ol|orjom in altod marid pucn- 
[ad vicet] xxx que navi[s cepe cum soctets septem [milibos 
quinresm osque triresmosque naveis [x1v. merset. tonc aurjom 
captom numei Ὁ Ὁ Φ DC....[pondod arcen}tom captom 
preda nume ccclooo [pondod crave] captom aes occIooo 
ccclooo cecclooo coclooo coclooo ocolooo ccclooo ccclooo 
ecolooo ccclooo coclooo coclooo ccclooo ccclooo coclIooo 
ccclooo ccclooo coclooo ccclooo .... [te qu]eque navaled 
praedad poplom [Rom. deitavet atque] Cartacintiens]s [tnce]- 
nuos d|uxet triumpod cum xxx rostr]eis [clasis] Carta[cini- 
ensis captai quorum erco S. P. Q. E. hanc colomnam eei P.] 


! As it is said that mazumus was the prevalent form before Ceear's 
time, this more recent spelling may indicate that the inscription is not in 
its original condition. 


§ 22.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 209 


§ 22. The Silian and Papirian Laws, and the Edict of 
the Curule ZEdiles. 


Festus has preserved two interesting fragments of laws, 
which are nearly contemporary with the Columna Rostrata. 
T he first of these is the Lex Silia de publicis ponderibus, which 
was passed in the year B.C. 244, A.U.C. 010. Festus s. v. Pub- 
lica pondera, p. 246: ** Publica pondera [ad legitimam normam 
exacta fuisse] ex ea causa Junius....[collegi]t quod duo Silii 
P. et M. Trib. pleb. rogarint his verbis: 

Ex ponderibus publicis, quibus hac tempestate populus 
oetier solet, uti coaequetur™ sedulum"™, uti quadrantal vini 
octoginta pondo sie! ; congius vini decem [dequim 7] p. siet ; sex 
sextari congius siet vini; duo de quinquaginta sextari quad- 
vrantal siet vini; sextarius aequus aequo cwm librario siet? ; 
sex dequingue™ [ibrari in modio sient. 

St quis magistratus adversus hac d. m. pondera modiosque 
vasaque publica modica, majora, minorave facit, Jusseritoe ! 
fieri, dolumve addutt quo ea fiant, eum quis volet magistra- 
tus multare, dum minore parti familias taxat", liceto; sive 
quis im") sacrum judicare voluertt, liceto.” 

The Latinity of this fragment requires a few remarks. 
(1) coaequetur. In the Pompeian Inscription (Orelli, no. 4348) 
we have: mensuras exequandas. (2) Sedulum. Scaliger sug- 
gests se dolo m. i.e. sine dolo malo. But sedulo or sedulum 
itself signifies "sine fraude indiligentieve culpa" (Müller ad /.), 
and the law refers to the care and honesty of those who were to 
test the weights and measures. For sedulus, see Dóderl. Syn. v. 
Et. τ. p. 118. (8) “ Nihil intelligo nisi /ibrarius qui hic sig- 
nificatur sextartus frumenit erat." Müller. (4) Sex dequinque 
=sex decimque, the qu being written instead of c. (5) The 
editions have jussit ve re, for which Müller writes jussitve ; 
Haubold (Monumenta Legalia) proposes jusseritve, ** propter se- 
quens ve,” and I have adopted this reading on account of the 
word fazit, which precedes. (6) Qw:s volet magistratus. Cf. 
Tab. Bantin. Ose. 12. Lat. 7. (7) Dum minore parti fami- 
lias taxat. Compare the Latin Bantine Inscription, l. 10: [dum 
minoris] partus familias taxsat. Cato, apud. Aul. Gell. vi1. 8: 
'' Que lex est tam acerba que dicat, si quis illud facere voluerit, 


270 THX OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI. 


mille nummi dimidium familie multa esto?" The abl parti 
(which occurs in Lucretius) and the genitive partus (comp. Cas- 
torus in the Bantine Inscription, ejus, cujus, &c.) depend on 
multare and multam, which are implied in the sentence. For 
taxat, see Fest. p. 356. These passages show the origin of the 
particle dumtaxat, which is used by the classical writers to sig- 
nify “provided one estimates it," “estimating it accurately," 
“only,” “at least,” “so far as that goes," &c.' (8) Jm=eum. 
Fest. p. 103. 

The Lex Papiria de Sacramento, which is to be referred to 
the year B.C. 248, A.U.C. 511, is thus cited by Festus s. v. Sa- 
cramentum, p. 344: "Sacramentum ss significat, quod pene 
nomine penditur, sive eo quis interrogatur, sive contenditur. Id 
in aliis rebus quinquaginta assium est, in aliis rebus quingen- 
torum inter eos, qui judicio inter 86 contenderent. Qua de re 
lege L. Papiri Tr. pl. sanctum est his verbis: 

Quicunque Praetor post hac factus erit qui inter cives jus 
dicet, tres viros Capitalis populum rogato, hique tres viri 
[capitales], quicunque [posthac falcti erunt, sacramenta ez- 
[tgunto], jwdicantoque, eodemque jure sunto, uti ex legibus 
plebeique scitis exigere, Judicareque esseque oportet." 

To these may be added the old Ldtctum edilium curulium 
de Mancipiis Vendundis, quoted by Gellius, N. A. Iv. 2: 

Titulus servorum singulorum utei scriptus sit, cerato ita, 
utei intellegi recte possit, quid morbi vitiive quoique sit, quis 
fugitivus errove sit, noxave solutus non sit. 


8 28. The Senatus- Consultum de Bacchanalibus. 


| The Senatus- Consultum de Bacchanalibus, which is referred 

to by Livy (xxxix. 14), and which belongs to the year B.c. 
186, a.u.c. 568, was found at Terra de Teriolo in Calabria, in 
1640, and is now at Vienna. A facsimile of the inscription, with 
the commentary of Mattheus ZEgyptius, will be found in Dra- 
kenborch's Livy, Vol. vit. pp. 197, sqq. 


1 It is scarcely necessary to point out the absuardity of the derivation 
proposed by A. Grotefend (Ausf. Gramm. d. Lat. Spr. § 124, : “dun- 
tazat aus dum taceo (cetera) sat (est hoc) !” 


§ 23, | OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 271 


1. 


2. 


3. 


4. 


5. 


[Q.] Marcius L. F. S. Postumius L. F. Cos. Senatum consolueruni 
NV.’ Octob. apud aedem 

Duelonai sc! arf M. Claudi M. F. L. Valeri P. FP. Q. Minuet 
C. F. De Bacanalibus, quei foideratet 

esent, ita exdeicendum censuere. Neiquis eorum Saoanal* habuise 
velet; sei ques | 

esent, quei siber deicerent necesus® ese Bacanal habere, eeis utei ad 
pr. urbanum 

Romam venirent, deque ecis rebus, ubei eorum vir αὖ audita esent, 
utei senatus 


. noster decerneret, dum ne minus senatoribus c. adesent [quom ela 


res cosoleretwr. 


. Bacas® vir ne quis adiese" velet ceivis Romanus, neve nominus 


Latin{t], neve soctum 
quisquam, misei pr. urbanum adiesent, isque de senatuos sen- 
tentiad, dum ne 


. minus senatoribus C. adesent, quom, ea res cosoleretur, tousisent, — 


cenauere. 


. Sacerdos ne quis vir eset, magister neque vir neque mulier quis- 


quam, eset, 


. Neve pecuntam quisquam, eorum comoinem abuise'® volet, neve ma- 


gistratum 


. neve promagistratud, neque virum neque mulierem quaquam" fecise 


velet, 


. neve post hac inter sed '* conjowrase neve comvovise neve con- 


spondise 


. neve conpromesise velet, neve quisquam fidem inter sed dedise 


velet, 


. sacra in oquoltod" ne quisquam fecise velet neve tn poplicod 


neve in 


. preivatod, neve exstrad urbem sacra quisquam fecise velet, nisei 
. pr. urbanum adieset, isque de senatuos sentenitad, dum ne minus 
. senatoribus 0. adesent quom ea res cosoleretur, tousisent, censuere. 


1 Nonis. 3 scribundo. 8 adfuerunt. 4 Bacchanal. 
5 ques=quei. See Klenze, Legis Servilio Fr. p. 12, not. 2; Fest. 


p. 261. 


6 mecessum. 71. verba. 8 1e. Bacchas. 9 adiisse. 


10 habutsse. The omission of the À is common in old Latin. See 
Fabretti, 8. v. 1) quisquam. 


12 i.e. se as in ]. 14. 18 occulto. 


272 THE OLD ROMAN [cHaP. VI. 


19. Homines plous v. oinvorsei', vire$ atque multeres, sacra ne quis- 
quam 

20. fecise velet, neve inter ibei* viret plous duobus, mulieribus plous 
tribus, 

21. arfuise velent, nisei de pr. urbani senatuosque sententiad utei 
suprad 

22. scriptum est. Hatce utei in coventionid" exdeicatis ne minus tri 
num 

23. noundinum, senatuosque sententiam wei scientes esetis, eorum 

24. sententia ita fuit. Set ques* esent quei arvorsum ead fecisent quam 
suprad 

25. seriptum est, eeis rem caputalem faciendam censuere atque utei 

26. hoce in tabolam ahenam incevderetis. Ita senatus. aiquom 
censutt. 

27. Uteique eam fier joubeatis «bei facilumed" gnoscier potistt’, 
atque 

28. utei ea Bacanalia, sei qua sunt exstrad quam sei quid thei sacri 
est, 

29. tta utei suprad scriptum est, tn diebus x quibus vobeis tabelat’ 
datai 

90. erunt, faciatis utei dismota stent. In agro Tewrano*. 


§ 24. The Old Roman Law on the Bantine Table. 


The Roman law on the Bantine Table is probably not older 
than the middle of the seventh century u.c. The chief reason 
for introducing it here, is its connexion in locality, if not in im- 
port, with the most important fragment of the Oscan language 
(above, pp. 139, sqq.). It is, however, very interesting in itself 
from the orthography, and also from the archaistic style of the 
document. Mommsen divides it into six, Klenze into four sec- 
tions. His transcription and supplements (Rhein. Mus. for 1828, 
pp. 28, sqq.; PAi. Abhandl. pp. 7, sqq.) compared with those of 
Mommsen (Unterttal. Dialekte, pp. 140, sqq.), give the following 
results : 


1 universi. 3 = interes. 3 contione. 4 ques = quei. 

5 facillime. 6 — potis-sit — possit. 7 = tabelle. 

8 in agro Teurano. Strabo, p. 254 c: ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν Θουρίων xal ἡ Tav- 
ριάνη χώρα λεγομένη ἵδρυται. 


§ 24.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 2/9 


Car. 1. On the degradation of offenders. 
l. [n]eque prov[inciam] 
2. tn sena[tu seiv]e in poplico joudicio ne sen{tenttam rogato tabel- 
lamve nei dato] 


5 deicit] 0, neive quis mag. testumonium poplice eid|em de- 
ferri neive denjontiari 
4, osse [sinito neive joudicem eum neive arbitrum neive recipe]- 


ratorem dato, neive is in poplico luuct praetextam newe soleas 
: habeto neive quis 
5. [mag. prove. mag. prove quo imperio potestateve erit qu|eiquomque 
comitia, conciliwmve habebit, eum sufragium ferre net swnito 
6. [neive eum censor in senatum legito newe in senatu] relinquito. 


L. 3. See Quintil. v. 7, § 9: “Duo sunt genera testium, aut 
voluntariorum aut quibus in judiciis publicis lege denuntiatur."" 

L. 4. luuci, “by day." Plaut. Cas. 1v. 2, 7: “Tandem ut 
veniamus luci." Cic. Phil. xir. 10, 8 25: “Quis audeat luct— 
illustrem aggredi ?"' 


Car. 2. On the punishment of judges and senators who violate 
the law. 

7. [Seiquis joudez queiquomque ex hace lege] plebeive scito factus erit 
senatorve fecerit gesseritve quo ex hace lege 

8. [minus fiamt quae fieri oportet, quaeve fieri oportu| erit oportebitve 
non fecerit sciena d. m., seive advorsus hance legem fecerat 

9. [gesseritve sciens d. m.; e multa tanta esto HS.... eamque pe- 
quniam) quei volet magistratus exsigito. Set postulabit. quei 
petet pr. recuperatores 

10. [quos, quotque dari oporteat dato, jwbetoque ewm, sei ia. pariat, 
condumnari populo, facitoque joudicetur. Set condemnatus 

ll. [erit, quanti condemnatus, erit predes| ad gq. urb. det aut bona 

. ejus poplice possideantur facito. Seiquis mag. multam tnro- 
gare volet, 

12. [ei multam inrogare liceto, dum minoris] partus familias taxsat 
liceto ; eiq. omnium rerum siremps lex esto, quaser ser ἐδ haace 
lege 

13. [multam HS.... exegisset. | 


12 dum minoris partus familias taxsat. See above, S 22, 
on the Lex Silia. Partus is the genitive case, like Castorus, cap. 
3, l. 17. Stremps is explained by Festus, p. 344: “ Stremps 

D. V. 18 


274 THE OLD ROMAN [cHAP. VI. 


ponitur pro eadem, vel, proinde ac ea, quasi similis res tpsa. 
Cato in dissuadendo legem...relicta est: Et pteterea rogas, 
quemquam adversus ea si populus condempnaverit, uti siremps 
lex siet, quasi adversus leges fecisset." The form stremps 
occurs in the Thorian Law (below, p. 281); we have sireps 
in Cato ap. Charis. pp. 78, 116; and strempse in Plautus, Am- 
phitryo, Prol. 73: sirempse legem jussit esse Jupiter. 


Cap. 3. On binding the judges and magistrates by an oath to 
observe the law. 


14. [Cos. pr. aid. tr. pl. g. Wivir. cap. mvir. a. d. a. qu]ei nunc est, is 
tn diebus Y proxsumeis, quibus queique eorum, sciet. À. l. popo- 
lum plebemve 

15. [joussisse jowranto ulet infra scriptwm est. Ttem dic. cos. pr. mag. 
eq. cens. asd. tr. pl. q. Wivir cap. 1nvir a. d. a. joudex ex h. l. 
plebive scito 

16. [factus queiquomque eorum p]osthac factus erit, eis in diebus 
V proxswumeis quibus quisque eorum mag. inperiwmve inierit, 
jouranto 

17. [utet infra scriptwm est. Hidem consistunto in ae|de Castorus 
palam luci in forum vorsus, et eidem in diebus v apud q. 
Jowranto per Jovem deosque 

18. [penateis, sese quae ex h. l. facere oport]ebit facturum, neque sese 
advorsum h. l. facturum scientem d. m. neque seese facturum 
neque intercesurum 

19. [quo que ex h.l. oportet minus fiant. Qu]ei ex À. 1. non jourave- 
ru, 18 magistratum inperiumve nei petito newe gerito netve 
habeto, neive in senatu 

20. [si adfuerit sententiam dicere ejum quis sinito neive eum censor 
in senatum legito. — Quei ex h. |. joudicaverit, is facio apud 
φ. urb. 

21. [nomen ejus quei jowraverit sclriptum siet, quaestorque ea nomina 
accipito ef eos quei ex ἢ. l. apud sed jowrarint facito in 

taboleis 

22. [popliceis scriptos habeat]. 


L. 15. i.e. Dictator, consul, pretor, magister. equitum, cen- 
sor, edilis, tribunus plebei, quaestor, triumvir capitalis, triumvir 
agris dandis adsignandis. 

L. 17. palam luc in forum versus. See Cic. de Offs. 
Ir. 24. 


§ 25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 270 


Cap. 4. On the oath of the senators. 
23. [Quei senator est inve senatu sententi]am deixer[in Y post hance 
legem rogatam, eis in diebus x proxsumeis, quibus quisque 
[corum sciet ἢ. 1. 


24. [populum plebemve joussiase, juranto apud quaestorem ad 
aerarium palam luci per Jovem ddosqu]e penatelis sese que 


ez h.l] 
25. [facere oportebit facturum, neque see]se advorsum hance legem 
Jactwrum esse, neque seese . 
26. — — se hoice leegei fi — — 
27. — — anodni uraver. 
L. 28. eis-— is. 


L. 24. ad erarium. See Liv. xxix. 37. Per Jovem deos- 
que penateis, Comp. Cic. Acad. 1v. 20. 


Car. 5. 
28. — — e quis magistratus, p. 
29. — — — | 
Cap. 6. 
80. — — [v]& $n taboleis popl[iceis] 


31. — — [tr num. nondin[um] 


32. — — is erttun. 


8 25. The Agrarian Law of Sp. Thorsus. 


This selection from the remains of the old Roman language 
may be properly concluded by the celebrated fragment of the 
Thorian Law, which is engraved on the rough back of the 
bronze tablet occupied on its smooth side by the Servilian Law 
de pecuniis repetundis. Although the relative position of the 
documents on the tablet shows that the Servilian Law was en- 
graved earlier than the document, which is crowded on the back 


1 Mr. Long makes a serious blunder in Latin acholarshfp both in his 
article Repetunde in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, and in his essay 
with this heading in the first volume of his edition of Cicero's orations, 
when he speaks of “the word repetunde." There is no such word in the 
Latin language, and we have only the gerundive phrases repetundarum, 
i.e. pecuniarum, or de pecuntis repetundis. 

18—2 


276 THE OLD ROMAN . [cHAP. VI. 


of the same bronze plate, it is known that the Thorian law was 
the older enactment. For the Servilian law was probably passed 
A.U.C. 654, B.c. 100, i.e. in the year of Julius Cresar's birth and 
of the sixth consulship of Marius; whereas it is concluded by 
Rudorff that the Thorian law was passed A.U.c. 643, B.c. 111, 
ie. when the Jugurthine war commenced. But besides being 
older by more than a decad of years, the Thorian law contains 
some curious and instructive orthographies and forms of words, 
such as eibei for sibi, ceivis for civis, cavitus for cautus, oetor for 
utor, viasius for viarius, Jugra for jugera, compasco for compesco, 
the full phrase ante eidus Martias primas, deicio for dejicto, 
proxsumeis for proximis, sed for sine, prevides for predes, pe- 
qunia for pecunta, gnatus for natus, quanset for quasi, motni- 
cipium for munictpium, tablets for tabuleis, ἄς. I think it use- 
ful, therefore, that the student of Latin philology should have 
before him this specimen of the language as it was actually writ- 
ten in formal documents in the age immediately preceding that 
of Cicero. I have taken the inscription with the supplements 
of Sigonius from Haubold's Monumenta Legalia, pp. 13—21. 


Legis Thoriae Fragmentum, cum supplementis C. Sigonii. 


SP. THORIUS......F. TR. PL. PLEBEM. JURE. ROG. PLEBESQUE. JURE. 
SCIVIT. TRIBUS...... PRINCIPIUM. FUIT. PRO. TRIBU. Q. Fanivs, Q. F. 
PRIMUS, SCIVIT. QUEL AGER. POPLICUS. POPULI. ROMANEL IN. TERRAM. 
IrALiaAx. P. Mucio. L. CALPURNIO. coss. fuil. extra. ewm. agrum. 
locum. quei. ex. lege. plebeive. sc. à. vetere. possessore. possessus. sit. 

De. eo. agro. loco. quem. quis. sibi. AGRUM. LOCUM. SUMPSIT. RELI- 
QUITVE. QUOD. NON. MODUS. MAJOR. SIET. QUAM. QUANTUM. UNUM. 
HOMINEM. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. 8C. SIBEL. SUMERE. relinquereve. oporteat. 
quod. QUOI. EIQUE. DE. EO. AGRO. LOCO. EX. L. PLEBEIVE. SC. UL 
VIR. SORTITO. CEIVI. ROMANO. DEDIT. ADSIGNAVIT. QUOD. NON. IN. 
EO. AGRO. LOCO. EST. QUOD. ultra. fines. ejus. agri. locet. est. 

redditus. EST. QUEI. AGER. PVPLICVS. POPVLI RoMANEI IN. TERRA. 
ITALIA, P. Mucio. L. CanPuRNiIOo. Cos. FUIT. EXTRA. EUM. AGRUM. 
QUEL AGER, EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. SC. à. vetere. possessore. posses- 
ager. locus. aedificium. omnis. qui. suprascriptus. est. quodvE. AGRI. 
LOCEI PUBLICEL IN. TERRA, ITALIA. QUOD. EJUS. EXTRA. URBEM. 
RoMAM. EST. QUOD. EJVS. IN. URBE. OPPIDO. VICO. EST. QUOD. EJVS. 


S 25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 277 


XII. VIR. DEDIT. ASSIGNAVIT. QUOD. ejus. agret. locet. neque. possessor. 
$pse. abalienavié. abalienaweritwe. 

extra. eum, agrum. loowm. quei. ager. locus. ex, LEGE. PLEBKIVE. 
SOITO. QUOD. C. Sempronu. Tr. Fin TR PL. ROG. EXCEPTUM. CA- 
VITUMVE. EST. NEI. DIVIDERETUR. QUOD. QUOL EIQUE. DE. EO. AGRO. 
LOCO. AGRI. LOCEI. AEDIFICIL datum. assignatwm. est. 

quod. ejus. agri. locet. extra. eum. agrum. locum. quem. locum. agrum. 
IN. TERRA. ITALIA. IIL VIR. DEDIT. ASSIGNAVIT. RELIQUIT. INVE. 
FORMAS. TABULASVE. RETULIT. REFKRRIVE. JUSSIT. AGER, LOCUS. AE- 
DIFICIUM. OMNIS. QUEI. SVPRA. SCRIPTUS 68. 

O. ITA. UTEL CETERORUM. LOCORUM. AGRORVM. AEDIFICIORVM. PRIVA- 
TORVM. EST. ESTO. CENSORQUE. QUEL QUOMQUE. ERIT. FACITO. UTEI. 
IS. AGER. LOCVS. AEDIFICIUM. QUEI. supra. scriptus. est. ejus. att. 
cujus. ex. lege. plebewwe. scito. esse. oportet. 

Quei. ager. locus. aedificium. datus. assignatus. EST. NEIVE. QUIS. 
FACITO. QUO. QUOIUS. EVM. AGRUM. LOCUM. AEDIFICIUM. POSSESSIO- 
NEM. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. SCITO. ESSE, OPORTET. OPORTEBITVE. EUM. 
AGRUM. locum. aedificium. alvus. habeat. possideat. utatur. fruatur. 

vive. queis. de. ea. ve. ad. senatwm. referto. senator. judexve. 
NEIVE. SENTENTIA. DEICITO. NEIVE. FERTO. QUO. QUIS. EORVM. QUOIUM. 
EUM. AGRVM. LOCVM. AEDIFICIUM. POSSESSIONEM. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. 


SCITO. ESSE. OPORTET. oportebiive. eo. agro. loco. aedificio. possessione. 
apolvetur. 

Quem. agrum. locum. tn. viasieis. VICANEIS. QUEI. IN. TERRA. ITA- 
LIA. SVNT. DEDERVNT. ADSIGNAVERVNT. RELIQUERUNT. NEI. QUIS. FA- 
CITO. QUO. MINUS. OETANTVR. FRUANTVR. HABEANT. possideant. 
ewnque. non. aber. vendere. dare. reddereve. jus. esto. ATQVE. EVM. 
AGRVM. QVEM. EX. H. L. VENIRE. DARI. REDDIVE. OPORTEBIT. QVEI. 
AGER. LOCVS. AEDIFICIVM. EI. QVEM. IN. VIASIEIS. VICANEISVE. EX. 
8. C. ESSE. OPORTET. OPORTEBIT. venditus. eri. 

Quo. minus. quod. in. hoc. capite, scriptum. est. ita. VTEL EST. BIET. 
EX..H. L. N. R. QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. PVBLICVS. POPVLI. ROMANEL IN. 
TERRA. lTALIiA. P. Mucio. L. CALPURNIO. COS. FUIT. EXTRA. EVM. 
AGRVM. QVEL AGER, EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. scito. ἃ, vetere. posees- 
sore. possessus. sit. 

cujus. Tet. causa. IN. EVM. AGRVM. AGRI. JVGRA. NON. AMPLIVS. XXX. 
POSSIDEBIT. HABEBITVE. 8. AGER. PRIVATVS. ESTO. QVEI. IN. AGRVM. 
COMPASCVOM, PECVDES. MAJORES. NON. PLVS. X. PASCET. QUAI. ex. 
eia. minus. annum. gnatae. erunt. posteaquam. gnatae. erunt. 

nihil. populo. newe. publicano. newe. DATO. NEIVE. SOLVITO. AGER, 
PYBLICVS, POPVLI. ROoMxANEL QVEXI IN. ITALIA. P. Moo. L. Car- 


278 THE OLD ROMAN [CHAP. VI. 


PURNIO, COBS. FUIT. QUOD. EJVS. AGRI. IIL VIR. A. D. A. EX. LEGE. 
PLEBEIVE. SCITO. SORTITO. QUOL CEIVL Romano. dedit. assignavit. 
ejus. sit. cujus. em. hac. lege. plebeive. scito. esse. oportet. 

Pr. Consulve. quo. de. ea. re. ex. h. Ll in. jus. aditum. erit. tous. 
dicio. DECERNITOQUE. UTEI. POSSESSIONEM. SECUNDO. EUM. HEREDEMVE. 
EJUS. DET. QUOI SORTI. IS. AGER. DATUS. ADSIGNATUSVE. FUERIT. 
QUOD. EJUS. AGRI. NON. ABALIENATUM. ERIT. ITA. UTEI. 8. 8. EST. esto, 
Quei. à. possessoribus. QUEIVE. AB. EORUM. QUEL. EMIT. QUEL EO- 
RVM. DE. EA. RE. ANTE. EIDUS. MARTIAS. PRIMAS. IN. IOU8. ADIERIT. 
AD. EUM. QUEM. EX. H. L. DE. EO. AGRO. JUS. DEICERE. OPORTE- 
BIT, 18. DE EA. RE. ITA. JUS. DEICITO. decernitoque. wei. jus. 
suum. consequatur. quiquomque. ex. 60. agro. quet. ager. S. 8. EX. 
POSSESSIONE. VI. EJECTUS. EST. QUOD. EJUS. QUEI. EJECTUS. EST. 
POSSEDERIT. QUOD. NEQUE. VI. NEQVE. CLAM. NEQVE. PRECARIO. POS- 
.SSEDERIT. AB. EO. QUEI. EUM. EA. POSSESSIONE. VI. EJECERIT. jus. 
quod. agri. locet. aedificii. ex. plebiscito. EXVE. H. L. PRIVATYM. 
FACTVM. EST. ERITVE. PRO. EO. AGRO. LOCO. AEDIFICIO. PROQUE. 
SCRIPTURA. PECORIS. QUOD. IN. EO. AGRO. PASCITUR. POSTQUAM. VEC- 
TIGALIA. CONSTITERINT. QVAE. POST. H. L. fog. primum. constüerint. 
nei quis. facito. quo. 

quid. ob. eam. rem. populo. Romamo. debeatur. QVOVE. QVID. OB. 
EAM, REM. POPVLO. AYVT. PVBLICANO. DETVR. EXIGATVRVE. NEIVE. 
QVIS. QVID. POSTEA. QUAM. VECTIGALIA. CONSISTENT. QVAE. POST. 
H. L. Roa. PRIMVM. CONSTITERINT. OB. E08. AGROS. locos, aedtfcia. 
nomine. populi. aut. publicant. exigat. 

E. A. D. xri K. Ocrosris. QvOM. AGRVM. QVEL TRANS. CVRIONE 
EST. LOCAVERINT. QVEI. IN. EO. AGRO. LOCO. CEIVIS. ROMANVS. 80- 
CIVMVE. NOMINISVE. LATINL QVIBVS. EX. FORMVLA. TOGATORVM. tei. 
esse. licet. sunt. nei. quis. eo. agro. loco. moveat. 

Quod OPPIDVM. COLONIAMVE. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. SCITO. CONSTITVIT. 
DEDVXITQVE. CONLOCAVITVE. QVEM. AGRVM. LOCVMVE. PRO. EO. AGRO. 
LOCOVE. DE. EO. AGRO. LOCO. QVEL PYBLICVS. POPVLI. ROMANEL fui. 
QVOIVE. AB. EO. HEREDE, EJVS. 18. AGER. LOCVS. TESTAMENTO. HERE- 
DITATI. DEDITIONIVE. OBVENIT. OBVENERITVE. EMIT. EMERITVE. QVRIVE. 
AB. EMPTORE. EJVS. EMIT. EMERITVE. 8. AGER. PRIVATVS. ESTO. QVAM. 
set. 18. ager. P. Mucio. L. Calpurnio. cos. fuit. pr. consulve. quo. ex. 
λ. 1. in. jous. } 
aditwm. erit. jus. dicito. facitoque. utei. possessionem. secundum. eum. 
HEREDVMYN. EJVS. DET. QVOL Ill. VIR. EVM. AGRVM. LOCYM,. PRO. EO. 


S 25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE, 279 


AGRO. LOOO. QVO. COLONIAM. DEDVIIT. DEDIT. REDDIDIT. ADSIGNAVITVE. 
FACITOQVE. IS. PR. CONSOL. VE. QVO. DE. EA. RE. IN. IOVS. ADITVM. 
ERIT. «ei. jus. suum. consequantur. 

NEIVE. 18. AGER. COMPASCVOS, ESTO. NEIVE. QVIS. IN. EO. AGRO. AGRVM. 
OCCVPATVM. HABETO. NEIVE. DEFENDITO. QVO. MINV8. QVEI. VELIT. COM- 
PASCERE. LICEAT. SEI. QVIS. FAXIT. QVOTIENS. FAXIT. IN AGRI. JYGRA. 
SINGVLA......H. pendat. - 

NVMERVS. PECVDVM. IN. H. L. SCRIPTVS. EST. LICETO. NEIVE. QVIS. 
QVOL OB. EAM. REM. VECTIGAL. NEIVE. SCRIPTVRAM. dare. DEBETO. QVOT. 
QVISQVE. PECVDES. IN. CALLEIS. VIASVE. PVBLICAS. ITINERIS. CAVSA. 
INDVXERIT. nei. quid. populo. neive. publicano. pecuniam. scripturam. 
Qvem. agrum. ex. publico. in. privatum. COMMYTAVIT. QVO. PRO. AGRO. 
LOCO. EX. PRIVATO. IN PYBLICVM. TANTVM. MODVM. AGREI. LOCEI. COM- 
MVTAVIT. ts. ager. locus. OMNEIS. PRIVATVS. ITA. VTEI. QVEI. OPTIMA. 
LEGE. PRIVATVS. EST. ESTO. QVEI. AGER. EX. PRIVATO. in. publicum. 
commutatus. erit. 

quem. alu. à. CENS. REDEMPTVM. HABENT. CENSORES. QVEICVMQVE. POST. 
HAC. FACTEI. ERVNT. ΕἸ. FACIVNTO. VTEL QVEI. VOLENT. TANTIDEM. PRO. 
PATRITO. REDEMTVM. HABEANT. P. P. SVBSIGNENT. IL VIRVM. QV...... 
quod. EX. H. L. rTA. VTEI. S. 8. EST. IN. AGBEIS. QVEL IN. ITALIA. 
SVNT. QVEI. P. Muvcio. L. CALPURNIO. COS. PVBLICEI. POPVLI. ROMANEI. 
FVERVNT. CEIVI. ROMANO. FACERE. LICEBIT. ITEM. LATINO. PERE- 
GRINOQVE. M. Livio. L. CaLPurnio. cos. consultum. est. facere. liceto. 
QVISQVIS. QVOD. EVM. EX. H. L. FACERE. OPORTVERIT. NON. FECEBIT. 
QVODVE. Qvi&. EoRVM. EX. H. L. omisenrr. Maa. prove. Maa. Qvo. 
DE. EA. RE. IN. IOVS. ADITVM. ERIT. QVOD. EX. H. L. PETETVR. ITEM. 
JVDICIVM. JVDICEM. recuperatoresve. dato. I. V. E. E. R. P. F. V. 8. V. E. 
SEIVE. QVEI. PRO. MOINICIPIEIS. COLONEIS. SOCIISVE. NOMINISVE. LATINI. 
POPLICE. DEVE. SENATI. SENTENTIA. AGER. FRVENDVS. DATVS. EST. 

quowe. ab. eo. heredeve. ejus. is. ager. locus. testamento. hereditate. 
deditioneve. OBVENIT. OBVENERITVE. QVIBVS. ANTE. H. L. RoG. REDEMP- 
TVM. CONDVCTVM. HABERE. FRVI. POSSIDERE. DEFENDERE. LICVIT. EXTRA. 
EVM. AGRVM. LOCVM. aedificium. quem. agrwm. locum...... 

QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. PVBLICVS. POPVLI. ROMANEIL IN. TERRA. ITALIA. 
P. Mouvcio. L. CaLPumNi1o0. Cos. FVIT. QVOD. EJVS. AGRI. LOCL EX. 
LEGE. plebeive. sc. 

de. eo. agro. loco. nei. tous. dicito. newe. decernito. NEIVE. JVDICIVM. 
NEIVE. JVDICEM. NEIVE. RECVPERATORES. DATO. NISEI. OOS. PR. VE. 
QVOD. VADIMONIVM. EJV8. RE...... 


280 THE OLD ROMAN [ CHAP. vi. 


SEI. QVID. DE. EO. AGRO. LOCO. AMBIGETVR. COS. PR. CENS. QVEI. 
QVOMVE. ERIT. DE. EA. RE. IVRIS, DICTIO. JVDICI. JYDICIB. RECVPERA- 
TORVM. DATIO. ESTO. L V. E. E. R. P. F. 8. V. E. Jus. dicito. decernto- 
que. ESSE, VIDEBITVR. QVO. MINVS. HVIC. L. INTERCEDAT. E. H. L. N. R. 
QVOL PYBLICANO. E. H. L. PEQVNIA. DEBEBITVR. 

solvi. DARIVE. OPORTERE. DECRETVM. ERIT. COS. PR. PROVE. PR. QVO. 
IN. IOVS. ADIERINT. IN DIEBVS. X. PROXSVMEIS. QVEIBVS. haec. res. 
delata. erit. decretum. judicatum. habeto. 

QVAE. RES. SOLVTA. NON. ERIT. EA. DECRETA. NON. SIET. JVDICATAVE. 
NON. BIET. QVOD. EJVS. PRAEVARICATIONIS...... 

SENTENTIA...... REI JVDICANDAE. MAXSVME. VERVM. ESSE. COMMPERBIT. 
FACITOQVE ttet...... 

HABERE. POSSIDERE. FRVI. VETET. QVASVE. IN. LEGES. PL. VE. BC. DE. 
EA. RE. relatum. erii. 

net. magistrum. QVEM. MINVS. PETERE. CAPERE. GERERE. HABEREQVE. 
LICETO. NEIVE. quid. 

quod. ei. facere. ex. lege. PL. SC. EXQVE. FOEDERE. LICVIT. SED. FRAVDE. 
SVA. FACERE. E. LICETO. IN. QVE. EAS. LEGES. PL, 8C. DE. EA. ΒΕ. 
QVOD. EX...... 

V8. EST. DEDIT. ADSIGNAVITVE. QVEMVE. AGRVM. LOCVM. DE. EO. AGRO. 
LOCO. quei. publicus. populer. Romane ...... 

ADSIGNATYM. ESSE. FVISSEVE. JOVDICAVERIT. VTEI. IN. H. L. sc. EST. 
QVEI. L...... 

 AGRVM LOCVM. QVEM. EX. H. L. COLONEL. EIVE. QVEI. IN. COLONEL. 
NVMERO. 8unl...... . 

PRAEVIDES. PRAEDIAQVE. SOLVTI. SVNTO. EAQVE. NOMINA. MANCVPIS.... 
EMIT. IS. PRO. EO. AGRO. LOCO. PEQVNIA. NEIVE. PRAEVIDES. NEIVE. 
PRAEDIA...... ) 

MANCEPS. PRAESVE. FACTVS. EST. QVODQVE. PRAEDIVM. OB............ 
AGER. LOCVS. PRIVATVS. VECTIGALISQVE...... 

VECTIGALIA. IMPERARE. SOLENT. EIS. P....... 

QVEM. AGRVM. LOCVM. IN. 

quei. AGER. LOCVS. PVBLICVS. populi Romanet. erit. 


Legis Thoriae Fragmentum Alterum. 


quod. C. Sempront. Ti. f. tr. pl. rog. EXCEPTVM. CAVITVMVE. est. net. 
divideretur. 

.JYDICIO. EVM. QVOIVM. 

NEIVE. QVIS. DE. EA. RE. AD. SENATVM. referto...... 

habeat. POSSIDEATQVE. QVOVE. POSSESSIO. INVITO. MOR...... 

AGRVM. NON. ABALIENAVERIT, EXTRA. EVM. 


§ 25.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. . 281 


..... 14. AGER. LOCVS. AEDIFICIVM. PRIVATVS. SIET. QVOVE. MA...... 
EXTRAQVE. EVM. AGRVM. QVEM. VETVS. POSSESSOR. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. 
scito. haburt. possedit. usus. fructusque. est. 

PASCET. QVAEQVE. EX. IIS. MINVS. ANNVM. GNATAE. ERVNT. POST. EA. 
QVAM. 

neque. ipse. ABALIENAVIT. ABALIENAVERITVE. NEQVE. HERES. EJVS. 
ABALIENAVIT. ABALIENAVERITUÉ. 

ERET. POSSESSIONEM. DEDIT. ADSIGNAVIT. REDDIDIT. QVODQVE. EJVS. 
AGRI. III. vir. coloniae. deducendae. dedit. assignavit. 

QVOL IS. AGER. VETERE. PROVE. VETERE. POSSESSORE. DATVS. ASSIGNA- 
TVSVE. QVEIVE. 

ante, eidus. MARTIAS. QVAE. post. H. L. ROG. PRIMAE. ERVNT. FACITO. 
YTEL IS. QVEL ITA. VI. EJECTVS. ERIT. restituatur. 

neive. populo. neive, PYBLICANO. PEQVNIA. SCRIPTVRAM. VECTIGALVE. 
DET. DAREVE. DEBEAT. NEIVE. QVIS...... 

gut. PASCETVR. POPVLO. AVT. PVBLICANO. DARE. DEBEAT. AGER. LOCVS. 
PVBLICVS. POPVLI. Romanet. 

Ggrwum. LOCVM. PVBLICVM. POPVLI. ROMANEL DE. SVA. POSSESSIONE. 
VETVS. POSSESSOR. PROVE. VETERE. POSSESSORE. 

extra. ewm. AGRVM. LOCVM. QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. EX. LEGE. PLEBEIVE. 
gc. QvoD. C. Semproni. Tr F. TR. PL ROG. EXCEPTVM. cavitumque. 
est. mei. divideretwr. 

QVO. COLONIAM. DEDVXSIT. ITA. VTEI. 8. 8. EST. AGRVM. LOCVM. AEDI- 
FICIVM. DEDIT. REDDIDIT. ADSIGNAVIT. 

QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. QVEI. SVPRA. SCRIPTVS. EST. QVOD. EJV8. AGREL 
LocEI. POST. H. L. Rog. PVBLICVM. POPVLEI. ROMANEI. ERIT. EXTRA. 
EVM. AG...... 

nihi. DARE. DEBETO. EL QVEIQVOMQVE. ID. PVBLICVM. FRVENDVM, 
REDEMPTYM. CONDVCTVMVE. HABEBIT...... BOVES. EQVI. QVIBVS. VIEIS. 
LOCIS. PVBLICEIS. PASTVM. IMPVLSVM. ITINERIS. CAVSA. ERIT. NEIQVID. 
POPVLO. NEIVE. PVBLICANO. PEQVNIA. scripturam. vectigalre. det. dareve. 
debeat. . 

quei. ager. ex. PVBLICO. IN. PRIVATVM. COMMYVTATVS. EST. DE EO. 
AGRO. SIREMPS. LEX. ESTO. QVANSEI. 18. AGER. P. Mvvoro. L. 
CALPVRNIO. cos. 

PER. TERRAM. ITALIAM. P. Mvvcio. IL. CALPVRNIO. COS. FVERINT. EAS. 
FACIVNTO. PATEANT. VACVAEQVE. SIENT. 

ex. lege. PLEBEIVE. 8C. EXVE. FOEDERE. LICVIT. SED. FRAVDE. 8YA. FACERE. 
LICETO. QVOD. EX. H. L. ITA. VTEI. 8. 8. EST. IN AGREIS. QVEI. 

ET. IN. EVM. JVDICIVM. JYDICEM. RECVPERATORESVE. EX. H. L. DARE. 
OPORTERET. SEL QVIS. DE. EA. RE. JVDICIVM...... 


282 HE OLD ROMAN OR LATIN LANGUAGE. [CHAP. VL 


metve. PRO. COLONIA. MOINICIPIOVE. PROVE. MOINICIPIEIS. FRVENTVE 
QVEI. IN. TRIENTABVLEIS...... DARE. OPORTEBIT. ID. VTEL QVICQVID. 
QVOL EIQVE. ANTE. H. L. R. LiCVIT. ITA. EL HABERE. liceat. 

......80$. QVID. DE. EO. AGRO. LOCO. AMBIGETVR. COS. PR. QVEI- 
QVOMQVE. ERIT. DE. EA. RE. JVRISDICTIO. judici. judicis. recupera- 
L CAV8A. DECERNANT. EJvs. H. L. N. Ε΄. Qvop. JVDICIVM. JVDEX 
RECVPERATORVE. reddiderit. td. jus. ratumque. esto. 

Pr. consulve. net. de. BO. AGRO. LOCO. IOVS. DEICITO. NEIVE. DECERNITO. 
NEIVE. JVDICIVM. neive. Judicem. nee. recuperatores, dato.... 

EM. FACITO. QVO. QVIS. PRO. AGRO. MINVS, ALITERVE. BSCRIPTVRAM. 
VECTIGALVE. det. . 
CIVIBVS. L. QVEI. CLASSIS. PRIMAE. SIENT. XI. DATO. INDE. ALTEBRNOS. 


decretum. JVDICIVMVE. FACTVM. NON. SIET. SEL MAJOR. PARS. KORVM. 

RECVPERATORVM. on. consenserit, 

RIT. BEDVLO. MN. VTEL I&. QVEI. JVDICATVS. ERIT. DARE. OPORTRAT. 

alter. habebit. POSSIDEBIT. FRVETVR. QVAM. EX. H. L. LicEBIT. EVM. 

AGRVM. QVEM. 

SI. QVAE. LEX. PLEBEIVE. SC. EST. QVAE. MAS. QVEM, EX. H. LL. DECER- 

NERE. OPORTEBIT. SED. FRAVDE. 8VA. NEL JOVRATO. NEIVE. 

ex. PL. 8C. QvOD. M. BAEBIVS. TR. PL. III. VIR. COLONIAE. DEDVCENDAE. 

fecit. 

EXTRA. EVM. AGRVM. LOCVM. QVEI. AGER. LOCVS. IN. EA. CENTVBIA..... 
....0poriet. OPORTEBITVE. QVOD. EJVS. AGRI. LOCEL QVOIEIQVE. EMP- 

quaestor. QVEI. AERARIVM. PROVINCIAM. OBTINEBIT. IN TABLEIS. 

publiceis. referat. 

οὗ. eam, REM. QVOD. PRAES. FACTVS. EST. POPVLO. OBLIGATVS. EST...... 

QVEI. AGER. LOCVS, IN. AFRICA. EST. QVEL ROMAE. PVBLICE veni. 

datus. ADSIGNATVS. ERIT. QUOD. EJVS. AGRI. LOCEL. EXTRA. TERRAM. 

ITALIAM. EST.. 

VE AGRVM. LOCVM. QVRIQVOMQVE. HABEBIT. POSSIDEBIT...... 

quei. AGER. LOCVS. IN. AFRICA. EST. QUOD. EJVS. AGRI. loces...... diebus. 

proxewumis. quibus. FACTVS. CREATVSVE, EBIT. factto...... PROFITEBITVR. 

COGNITO. IQVE. IPSE. 


1 ejus hac lege nihil rogatur. Perperam vulgo formulam explicant: ex 
h.l. Vid. Ciceron. pro Caecina. c. 38.—Sp. 


CHAPTER VII. 
ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 


$1. Organic classification of the original Latin alphabet. 8 2. 'The labials. 
§ 3. The gutturals. § 4. The dentals. § 5. The vowels. ὃ 6. The Greek 
letters used by the Romans. § 7. The numeral signs. 


§ 1. Organic Classification of the Original Latin Alphabet. 


THE genuine Latin alphabet,—or that set of characters which 
expressed in writing the sounds of the Roman language 
before it had borrowed from the Greek & number of words, 
and the means of exhibiting them to the eye,—may be regarded 
as consisting of nineteen letters; that is, of the representatives of 
the original Cadmean syllabarium (which contained only sixteen 
letters), with an appendix comprising the secondary vowels, or 
vocalized consonants, I and v, and the secondary sibilant x — sh. 
The original alphabet of the Romans, as derived from the 
Greeks of Cuma (above, p. 96), had consisted of 21 letters, 
namely, these 19 and the letters Z and K, which occupied the 
seventh and tenth places respectively—thus: 


(1) A (8 H (15) P 
(2 B (9) I (160) Q 
(3) σ- (10 K (17) R 
(4) D (1) L (18) S 
(5) E (12) M (19 T 
(6) F (18 N (20) V 
(7) Z (14 O (21) X 


But Z fell out of general use, and in the first Punic war C was 
divided into C and G, and the latter was placed where Z had 
stood between F and H (Plut. Qu. Hom. c. 59; Corssen, I. 7). 
In Cicero's time the number of letters was 21 (de Natur. Deorum, 
11. 97, $ 93); but before his death v and £ were borrowed from 
the Greek and placed at the end of the Latin alphabet under 
the forms Y and Z, and thus the full number of 23 letters 
was attained. A further augmentation was introduced by the 


284 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


Emperor Claudius, who was a professed grammarian. He intro- 
duced three additional characters, namely, an inverted digamma 4 
to give the sound of v in servus and vulgus (Quintil. 1. 4, § 7), the 
antisigma 3 or IC to represent the Greek 4 or the combination 
bs, ps; and the Oscan I’, which resembled in form the Greek spt- 
ritus asper ἘΞ (above, p. 99), to represent the sound between ¢ and 
u (Quintil. 1. 4, 8 8: medius U et I littere sonus). But although 
the influence of the Emperor procured a partial adoption of these 
letters in his lifetime, they soon became obsolete (Tacit. Ann. XI. 
14), and are found on only a few monuments (Corssen, 1. pp. 13, 
14). In its latest form, as recognized by Priscian, the Latin 
alphabet consisted of the 23 letters, which it comprised when the 
Y and Z were added. 

If we omit the supernumeraries C, K, Y, Z, and distribute 
the nineteen genuine and necessary letters according to their 
natural or organic classification, we shall have the following 
arrangement :— : 


CONSONANTS. 

Labials. Gutturals. Dentals. 
Medials..../ B a D 
Aspirates ... F H R 
Tenues..... P Qv T 
Liquids .... M L, N 
Sibilants Sx 

VOWELS. 
Vowels of Ar-)| Heaviest. Lightest. Medium. 
ti¢ulation j A E Oo 


Vocalized Labial, | Voo*lzed Guttural, or 


U I 


Consonants 


Vocalized ᾿ 


$2.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 28b 


It will be most convenient, as well as most methodical, to 
consider these letters according to this olassification, which will 
be justified by the investigation itself, 


§ 2. The Labials. 


The labials consist of three mutes and the liquid M. The 
regular changes of the labial mutes, in the principal languages 
of the Indo-Germanic family, have been thus indicated by James 
Grimm, to whom we owe the discovery of a most important law 
(Deutsche Gramm. 1. p. 584"), which may ‘be stated thus in its 
application to all three orders of mutes: 


In G In Old High 
Latin, ΠΑΝ In Gothic. Germme 


Medial corresponds to Tenuis and to Aspirate. 
Aespirate ,, ,, Medal » Tenuis. 
Tenuis » »  Asptrate » Medial. 


This law, applied to the labials only, may be expressed in the 
following table: 


Latin (Greek, Sanscrit) . B F P 
Gothie. . . . .. P B F 
Old High German . . F P B (V) 


To take the instances given by Grimm himself —the first 
column 18 confirmed, as far as the Latin language is concerned, 
by the. following examples: cannabis (κάνναβις), Old Norse 
hanpr, Old High German hanaf ; turba (θορύβη), Goth. thadárp, 
Ὁ. H. G. dorof; stabulum, O. N. stópull, O. H. G. staphol. To 
which may be added, /ab?, Anglo-Saxon slipan, O. H. G. sh- 
uffan. These instances are confined to the occurrence of the 
labials in the middle of words; for there are no German words 
beginning with P, and no H. G. words beginning with r. 

The second column is supported as follows: Initials—fagus 
(φηγός), Ο. N. beykt, O. H. G. puocha; fero (φέρω), Goth. 
batra, O. FI. G. piru; fui (vo), Ang.-Sax. b£on, O. H. G. pim ; 
flare, Goth. blasan, O. H. G. plasan ; fra-n-gere (ῥήγνυμι), Goth. 


1 Dr. Guest maintains that this celebrated law is invalidated by very 
serious exceptions (Proceedings of the Philol. Soc. 111. pp. 179, 8qq.). 


280 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VIL 


brikan, O. H. G. préchan ; folium (φύλλον), O. N. blad, O. H. 6. 
plat ; frater (φρητήρ), Goth. brothar, O. H. G. pruoder. The 
Latin language furnishes no instances of this rule in its appli- 
cation to the middle sounds. In νεφέλη, κεφαλή, γράφειν and 
such like, the Latin equivalents present b or p; compare nebula, 
caput, s-cribere. The reason for this is to be sought in the 
aversion of the Roman ear from F as a middle sound. 

The third column resta on the following induction: Initials— 
pes (pedis), Goth. fótus, O. H. G. vuoz; piscis, Goth. fíaks, 
O. H. G. visc ; pater, Goth. fadrs, O. H. G. vatar ; plenus, Goth. 
full, O. H. G. vol; pecus, Goth. fathu, O. H. 6. vthu ; palma, 
Angl.-Sax. folma, O. H. G. volma; pellis, Goth. fll, O. H. G. 


val; pullus, Goth. fula, O. H. G. volo; primus, Goth. frumists, /^^** 


O. Η 6. vromist. Middle sounds—sopor, O. N. svefn, O. Sax. 
suélhan ; septem, Angl.-Sax. séfon, Goth. sibun; aper, Angl.- 
Sax. dofor, O. H. G. ébar; super, Goth. ufar, O. N. yfir, O. H. G. 
ubar; rdpwa, Angl.-Sax. redf; O. H. G. roub. 

These may be taken as proofs of the general application of 
Grimm's rule to the Latin labials. If, however, we examine the 
use of the separate letters more minutely, we shall find great 
vacillation even within the limits of the Latin language itself. 

The medial B seems to have approximated in many cases to 
the sound of v; at other times it came more nearly to P. We 
find in old Latin the forms Duillius, duonus!, duellum, &c. by 
the side of Pilltus, bonus, bellum, &c. Now, there is no doubt 
that the proper abbreviation of these forms would be e. g. donus 
or vonus, and so on. The labial representative bonus, therefore, | 
shows a sort of indifference between the occasional pronunciation 
of Β and v. This view is confirmed by a comparison of duis, 
which must have been the original form (Fest. p. 66), with δίς 
on the one hand, and bis, bes, vi-ginti on the other. The same 
appears particularly in the change from Latin to Italian or 
French, as in habere = avere = avoir, habebam = aveva = avots, 
Aballo = Avalon, Cabellio= Cavaillon, Eburovices = Evreux, &c., 
or conversely, as in Vesontto= Besangon. The commutation of 
b and v in the Spanish language gave occasion to Scaliger’s 


epigram; 


1 On the etymology of this word, see N. Creat. $ 262. 


$2. ] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 287 


Haud temere antiquas mutat Vasconia voces 
Cui nihil est aliud vivere quam bibere}, 

‘Similarly, we have averunco for ab-e-runco, i. e. ἐκβοτανίζω, 
as the old gloss renders it (see Weber, Zettsch. f. vergl. Spr. τι. 
80). Bibo for vivo is common in old monuments (Fabretti s. v. 
p.251). The interchange of B and P may be remarked in burrus, 
Tuppos; Balantium, Palatium; bitumen, pitumen (comp. pituita), 
ἄς. In many Latin words the B stands for ἃ $ (=P’H) in the 
Greek synonym: compare balena, albus, ambo, nebula, umbt- 
licus, &c., with φάλαινα, ἀλφός, ἄμφω, νεφέλη, ὀμφαλός, &c. 

The ancient Romans did not use B, as the Geeks did, to 
form a fulcrum between two liquids (comp. μεσημερία, μεσημ- 
Bpia ; μέλι, [μ]βλίττω ; &-uoXov, μέμβλωκα; μόρος, ἄμβροτος; 
&c.); but in the derivative idioms there are many instances of 


this insertion; compare numerus, nombre; camera, chambre, _ . 


&c.; and even when r is substituted for some other liquid, as in 
hominem, Sp. hombre; or when a third liquid is retained, as in 
cumulare, Fr. combler. 

In classical Latin B is often omitted when flanked by two 
vowels; this is particularly the case in the dative or ablative 
plural, as in queis by the side of quibus, filiis by the side of 
filiabus, &c.; indeed this omission is regular in the second 
declension. . 

It is hardly necessary to remark, that the genuine Etruscan 
element in the Latin language must have been altogether with- 
out the medial B. As a final, B is found only in the proclitic 
words ab, ob, sub. 

When B or Y is followed by the vocalized or palatal J, we 
sometimes remark that, in the derived languages, this palatal 
supersedes the labial, and is pronounced alone, or with an as- 
similation; so we have cavea (= cavja), cage; cambiare, chan- 
ger; debeo, diggio; Dibio, Dijon; objectum, oggetto; rabies, 
rage; rubere (= rubjere), rougir; subjectum, sujet, &c. We see 


1 Penny Cycl. iu. p. 220. See also Scaliger de Caus. L. L. 1. c. 14. 
p. 36. In older Latin we have Fovii by the side of Fabii (Fest. p. 87), 
Sevini by the side of Sabini (Plin. H. N. 1. 12), Stovenses by the side of 
Stobenses, and, in the flexion-forms of the verb, -bo, -bam, -bilis, -bundus, 
by the side of -vi, from fio and fui (see Corssen Zeitschr. f. vergl, Sprf. 
1852, p. 17). 


- 


288 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


the full development of this change in Buch words as nager 
from navigare, while the absolute omission of the labial is justi- 
fied by écrire from scribere, in Amiens from Ambiani, and in 
atmois, which comes from amabam through atmoy = amoue = 
amava (Lewis, On the Romance Languages, p. 199). 

The labial F and the guttural Q, are the most characteristic 
letters in the Latin alphabet. Of the latter I will speak in its 
place, merely remarking here that its resemblance to F consists 
in the fact that they are both compound letters, altbough used 
from the earliest period as exponents of simple sounds. 

In considering the Latin F, we must be careful not to confuse 
it with the Greek 4 on the one hand, or with the modern v on 
the other. It is true that F corresponds to $ in a number of 
words, such as fagus, fama, fero, fallo, fari, fascis, frater, fri- 
gus, fucus, fugio, fui, fulgeo, fur (Müller, Etrusk. 1. p. 20); 
but we must consider these words as an approach to a foreign 
articulation; for in a great number of words, in which the F has 
subsequently been commuted for H, we can find no trace of con- 
nexion with the Greek d$: such are fartolus, fasena, fedus, 
fircus, folus, fordeum, fostis, fostia, forctis, vefo, trafo (Müller, 
Htrusk. 1. p. 44). 

It is generally laid down that F and v are both labio-dental 
aspirates, and that they differ only as the tenuis differs from the 
medial ; and one philologer has distinctly asserted their identity, 
meaning perhaps that in Latin F =the English v, and v =the 
English w. If, however, we analyse some of the phenomena of 
comparative philology in which the Latin F appears, and then 
refer to Quintilian’s deseription of the sound of this letter, we 
may be disposed to believe that in many cases the English v 
formed only a part of the sound. Quintilian says (xir. 10, 
§ 27, 29) that the Roman language suffered in comparison with 
the Greek from having only v and r, instead of the Greek v and 
$, "quibus nulle apud eos (Gracos) dulcius spirant. Nam 
et tlla, que est sexta nostrarum, pane non humana voce vel 
omnino non voce potius inter discrimina dentium efflanda est: 
qua etiam, cum vocalem proxima, accipit, quassa quodammodo: 
utique, quoties aliquam consonantem frangit, ut in hoc tpso 
FRANGIT, mulio fit horridior." Not to repeat here what has 
been stated at length elsewhere (N. Crat. ὃ 111), it will be 


$2.]. ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 289 


sufficient to make the following observations: (a) the Latin F, 
though not — v, contained that letter, and was a cognate sound 
with it’: this is proved by a comparison of con-ferre, con- 
viva, &c. with com-bibere, (m-primis, &c. (Ὁ) It appears from 
Quintilian that m his time the Latin F contained, in addition to 
the labial v, some dental sibilant; and the sibilant is known to 
have been the condition in which the guttural passed into the 


mere aspirate. (c) A comparison of the Greek 605p with its [ 
Latin synonym fera would produce great difficulty, if we could ;* 


not suppose a coexistence of the sibilant with the labial in the | 
latter; such a concurrence we have in the Russian synonym 
svera, Lettislr svehrs, Old Prussian svirs. (d) The Sabine words 
mentioned above (such as fircus), the more modern representa- 
tives of which substitute an aspirate for the F, prove that the 
F must have contained a guttural aspirate; for no labial can 
pass into a guttural, though a compound of labial and guttural 
may be represented by the guttural only. (e) Those words in 
the Romance languages which present an aspirate for the F 
which their Latin synonyms retained to the last,—such as 
falco, “hawk;” foris, Fr. “hors;” facere, formosus, fumus, 
&c., Sp. “hacer,” “hermoso,” “humo,” &c. prove that, to 


the last, the Latin F contained some guttural element, in addition ( 
to the labial of which it was in part composed. It seems to me / 


that F must have been sv, or, ultimately, Hv, and that v must ': 


have corresponded to our English w. With regard to the Greek | . 
$, there can be no doubt that it was a distinct p'À, like the - 


middle sound in Aap-hazard, shep-herd; reduplications like 
πέφυκα (pe-p'huka), and contacts like Zarda (Sapp'ho), suffi- 
ciently prove this. The forms of Latin words which seem to 
substitute F for this $ must be referred to the Pelasgian element 
in the Latin language: the Tuscans, as we have seen, were by 
no means averse from this sound ; and the Romans were obliged 
to express it by the written representative of a very different 
articulation. 


3 In the same way as F seems to represent $ in the instances cited 
above, Y also appears as a substitute both for $ and s. Compare vulgus, 
vallus, veru, virgo, and vitricus, with φολκός, palus, πείρω, παρθένος, and 
pater (Buttmann, Lezil. s. v. φολκός). 


D. V. 19 


ls. 


l 


PE di 


290 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. vir. 


The derivation of Faleri$ and Falísei (cf. Etruria and 
Etrusci) from a founder Halesus, shows that even among the 
Tuscans there was an intimate affinity between F and H (see 
Muller, Hér. 11. p. 273). 

Of the tenuis P it is not necessary to say much. If we 
compare the Latin forms with their Greek equivalents, we 
observe that P or PP, is used as a substitute for the φ (Ρ Ἦ) of 
which I have just spoken. Thus puniceus, caput, &c. corre- 
spond to φοινίκεος, κεφαλή, &c., and cruppellarit, cippus, -lappa, 
stroppus, supparum, s-cloppus, topper, &c., answer to cexpudanos, 
κεφαλήτης, ἀκαλήφη, στρόφιον, ὑφασία, κόλαφος, σ-τυφρός, 
σ-τυφελός (tapfer), &c 

In the languages derived from the Latin, P very often passes 
into v. This is most regular in the French: comp. aperire, 
aprilis, capillus, capistrum, capra, episcopus, juniperus, lepus, 
nepos, opera, pauper, recipere, sepelire, sapere, &c., with ouvrir, 
avril, chevdu, chevétre, chevre, évéque, geniévre, livre, neveu, 
ceuvre, pauvre, regevoir, en-sevelir, savotr, &c.! 

P i8 often inserted as a fulcrum to the labial M when a liquid 
follows: thus we have sumo, sum-p-si, sumptus; promo, prom- 
p-st, promptus ; and the true spelling of Aiem-s (cf. χεῖμ-α) is 
hiem-p-s (Wagner, Orthog. Vergil. p. 442). 

Contact with the guttural 3 will convert P into CH —J or a 
soft G. Compare rupes, roche; sapiam, sache; sapiéns, sage 


ἄς. Here in effect the labial is assimilated or absorbed, as in © 


Rochester from Hrof-ceastre. 

The labial liquid M occasionally takes the place -of one or 
other of the labial mutes, even within the limits of the Latin 
language itself. It stands by the side of B in glomus, hiemps, 
tumeo, &c., compared with globus, hibernus, tuber, ἄς. We find 
a substitution of B for M in Bandela, the modern name of 


1 To avoid unnecessary trouble (for independent dictionary-hunting 
would have led, in most cases, to a repetition of the same results) I have 
taken several of the commonest comparisons of French and Latin 
synonyms from the articles on the separate consonants in the Penny 
Cyclopedia. It is scarcely worth while to make this reference, for no 
one acquainted with French and Latin need go to the Penny Cyclopedia, 
or any other compilation, in order to learn that ouvrir, avril, &c. are 
derived from aperire, aprilis, &c 


"n 
* 


§ 8.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 291 


Mandela (Orelli, ad Hor. 111. Carm. 18, 12), and in Lubedon 
for Laomedon (Scaliger, de Caussis, L. L.1. c. 22, p. 54). I 
am not aware that we have any example of the commutation 
of M with the labio-dental r. With v it is not uncommon: 
comp. Mulctber, Vulcanus; pro-mulgare, pro-vulgare (compare 
di-vulgare); &c. This is still more remarkable if we extend 
the comparison to cognate languages: thus Mars, mas (marre), 
may be compared with Fapys, Fappnv, (vir, virtus, * war! «ἱ 
wehren, “ warrior," 'Oapíev; and Minne, “ Minion,” &c., with "n S MT 

Venus, Winnes-jdfte, ἄς. (Abhandl. Berl. Ak. 1826, p. 58). 
So also ud-v-r« may be compared with vates; at least, Plautus 
writes mantiscinari for vaticinari. The changes of P into M 
are generally observable in assimilations such as summus for 
supimus, supremus: in Greek, and in the passage between Greek] 
and Latin, this change is common enough; thus we have pera 
by the side of πέδα, and μόλυβδος by the side of plumbum. In ^. 
fact, M and N are more nearly akin to the medials B and Ὁ than 
to the tenues, and a thick articulation will always give the 
medials for the liquids. 

_ "At theend of Latin words M is very often omitted in writing, 
and seems to have been still more frequently neglected in pro- 
nunciation. With regard to the written omissions, it was the 
rule to omit in the present tense of active verbs the important M | 
which characterizes the first person in many of the other tenses. 
In fact, the only verbs which retain it in the present tense are 
su-m and ingua-m: and it is mentioned as a custom of Cato the 
Censor, that he used also to elide the M at the termination of the 
futures of verbs in -o and -to (see Ch. vr. ὃ 3). The metrical 
ecthlipsis, which disregards the final -M when a vowel follows, 
may be ‘explained by supposing a sort of anusvérah in the Latin 
language. In the transition to the Romance languages, which 
make a new nominative of the Latin accusative, the final m is 
dropt in all but two instances—the Italian speme = spem, which 
extends it by a final vowel, and the French rien τε rem, which 
gubstitutes the nasal auslaut. 


§ 3. The Gutturals. 


The Roman gutturals are three,—the medial 6, the aspirate 
H, and the labio-guttural tenuis Qr. The regular changes of this 
19—4 


292 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [cHapP. VII. 


order of mutes, as far as the Latin language is concerned, are 
proved by the following examples; the law itself, as applied to 
the gutturals, being expressed thus: 


Latin, (Greek, Sanserit) . G H C 
Gothie . . . . . K G H, G. 
Old High German - . . CH K H, G. 

ἢ lst column. Initials: granum, O. N. korn, O. H. G. chorn; 


a" genus, kuni, chunni; gena, O. N. kinn, .O. H. G.. chinni ; genu, ,. 
v "Ine, chnio; gelu, gelidus, Gothic kalds, O. H. G. chalt; gustare, 
σ΄ ^ ωδαη, chiosan. Middle sounds; ego, tk, th (ich) ; ager, r, akrs, — 

it achar ; magnus, mikils, michil ; jugum, juk, Joch; mulgere, O. N. 

midlka, O. H. G. mzlchan. yu 
2d column. Initials: hanser, gans, kans; heri, hesternus, 
qa . gistra, késtar ; hortus, gards, “karte; “hostis, gasts, kast; homo, 
guma, komo. H i8 of rare occurrence as a a middle sound in Latin; 
we may, however, compare via, veha, with weg; veho with Goth. 

. aigan; traho with Anglo-Sax. dragan, &c. 


pert, 8d column (in which I have substituted C for Q,, because the 
M QC latter belongs to a different class of comparisons). Initials: 
“ xelaudue, halt, hals; caput, haubith, houbit; cor, haírto, hérza; 
TA » canis, hunths, hund. Middle sounds: luz, liukad, licht; tacere, 
"E thahan, dagen; decem, Goth. tathun, Lith. deszimts. 
co Originally the Romans made no distinction between the gut- 


m 12 A.V turals c and 8; the former was the only sign used; and although 
t V* — Ausonius says (Idyll. χτι. de litteris, v. 21): gamma vice functa 
Ἢ ἀν U prius C (see also Festus, s. vv. prodigia, orcum), thereby imply- 
ing that C expressed both the medial a and the tenuis K!, there 
is reason to believe that in the older times the Romans pronounced 
C as a medial, and used Q as their only tenuis guttural. This 
appears from the forms macestratus, lectiones, &c., on the Duilian 
monument, and still more strikingly from the fact that the pre- 
nomens Gatus, Gnaus (latos, l'evvatos), were to the last indicated 
by the initials C. and Cn.; for in the case of a proper name the 
old character would survive the change of application. When, 
however, the Romans began to distinguish between the pure 
tenuis K and the labial tenuis Q, they introduced a distinction 


1 On this confusion in other languages see New Crat. $ 100. 


88.]. ΑἀἊΑΝΑΙΙ͂ΒΙΒ OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 293 


between C and a, which was marked by the addition of a tail to 
the old character c, the letter thus modified being used to repre- 
sent the medial, and the old form being transferred from the 
medials to the tenues. The author of this change was Sp. Car- 
vilius, a freedman and namesake of the celebrated Sp. Carvilius 
Ruga, who, in A. U. C. 028, B. c. 231, furnished the first example 
of à divorce. See Plutarch, Quest. Rom. p. 277 Ὁ: τὸ K πρὸς 
τὸ I' συγγένειαν ἔχει παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς [the Romans], ὀψὲ γὰρ ἐχρή- 
σαντο τῷ γάμμα Καρβιλίου Σπορίου προσεξευρόντος. Id. p. 278 E: 
ὀψὲ ἤρξαντο μισθοῦ διδάσκειν, καὶ πρῶτος ἀνέῳξε γραμματοδιδα-- 
σκαλεῖον Σπόριος Καρβίλιος ἀπελεύθερος KapBidiov τοῦ πρώτου 
γαμετὴν ἐκβαλόντος. From the position in the alphabet assigned 
to this new character, —namely, the seventh place, corresponding 
to that of the Greek z,—there is reason to believe that the 
Roman C still retained the hard g-sound, while the new charac- 
ter represented the soft palatal pronunciation of the English J 
and the Greek z, which is also expressed by the modern Italian 
gt. It is clear that the Greek K was introduced long before the 
time of Carvilius, and therefore there could have been no need 
of an additional character except for the expression of an addi- . 
tional sound. And as K was used only in the syllable ka, the 
additional sound must have been that borne by C and G in 
modern Italian before the vowels E and 1. Before 0 and U, as 
we shall see directly, Q was in its original place. 

The Latin H was a strong guttural aspirate, corresponding 
in position and in power to the Greek xy. It is true that this 
character sometimes indicates ἃ mere spiritus asper; and in this 
use it 1s either dropt or prefixed, according to the articulation. 
In general, however, it was the strongest and purest of the 
Roman aspirated gutturals. Graff has remarked (Abhandl. 
Berl. Ak. 1839, p. 12) that there are three classes of aspirates— 
the guttural (1), .6. the spiritus; the labial (Ww), t.e. the flatus ; 
and the dental (8), 2. e. the sibilatus: and he says that the Latin 
language entirely wants the first, whereas it possesses the labial 
aspirate in its Q, and the dental perhaps in its x. This appears 
to me to be neither a clear nor a correct statement. With regard 
to H in particular, there can be no doubt that it is a strong gut- 
tural, quite as much so as the Greek y. This is established by 
the following comparison. The Latin H answers to x in the 


peo 


294 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. VII. 


words Aiemps (χείμων), hibernus (χειμέρενος), hio (χαίνω), hums 
(yapat), hortus (χόρτος), ἄς. It represents the guttural c in 
trah-o, trac-st, veh-o, vec-si, &c. In a word, it corresponds to the 
hard Sanscrit À, for which, in the cognate Gothic and Greek 
words, either g, k, or y, «, x, are substituted (comp. .N. Crat. 
8112). An initial H, or some other guttural, was often omitted 
in Latin as in other languages before another consonant; thus 
we have res for hres =hra-ts for hir, “ the hand;" rus for hrus 
or erus (karsh — aro), lena by the side of χλαῖνα; nidor by the 
side of κνίσσα; Roma by the side of gruma (above, p. 68), ἄς. 
And even before vowels we have frequent instances of extenua- 
tion and omission of an original H. Indeed it is sometimes 
a matter of doubt whether the H ought to be retained or dismissed 
in spelling; thus some would write Hannibal, others Annibal ; 
some Etruria, others, more correctly, as I think, but less in ac- 
cordance with authority, Hetruria; although aut and haud are 
the same word, and though old MSS. make no distinction 
between them (Lachmann ad Lucret. 111. 330, 632), the former 
generally omits, while the latter as generally retains the H; and 


. while Aereo is almost the universally received orthography, we 


have asit in Lucret. γι. 1016 (ub? v. Lachm.), in accordance with 
the Tyrrhenian at-esum, (above, Ch. v. § 3, p. 183). 

With regard to Q or Q», a character almost peculiar to the 
Latin alphabet, a longer investigation will be necessary. It has 
been ἃ common opinion with philologers that there were different 
classes of the tenuis guttural, varying with the vowel which 
articulated them; thus, κάππα, kaph, was.followed only by a; 
H (Aeth) only by e; yi only by 4; κόππα, koph, only by o; and 
Q only by w. Lepsius (Zwet Abhandl. pp. 18—31) has given a 
more rational and systematic form to this opinion, by supposing 
that there were three fundamental vowels, a, €, v; that ¢ was 
subsequently split up into $4, e, and u into o, v; that one of the 
three fundamental vowels was prefixed to each row of mutes in 
the old organic syllabarium, 80 that all the medials were articu- 
lated with a, all the aspirates with 4, and all the tenues with wu. 
This form of the opinion, however, ia by no means sufficient to 
explain the peculiarities of the Roman ον; and if it were, still 
it could not be adopted, as it runs counter to the results of a 
more scientific investigation into the origin of 4 and v. 


$$] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 295 


The difficulty which has been felt in dealing with the Latin © 
Q has proceeded chiefly from the supposition that the accompany- 
ing wor v must be either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant; 
for if it is a vowel, then either it ought to form a diphthong 
with the accompanying vowel, or a distinct syllable with the q; 
and neither of these cases ever happens: if, on the other hand, 
it is a consonant, the vowel preceding the Q ought to be long by 
position; and this is never the case even in the most ancient 
writers (see Graff, Abk. Berl. Ak. 1839: * über den Buchstaben 
Q (Q)”’). 

It appears to me unnecessary to assume that the accompany- 
ing wis either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant. And 
herein consists the peculiarity of the Roman Q: it cannot be 
articulated without the v, and yet the ὦ has no distinct existence. 
The true explanation, I conceive, is the following. No attentive 
student of the Latin authors can have failed to observe how 
great a tendency there is in this language to introduce sounds 
consisting of an union of the guttural and labial. Such a sound 
is the digamma, which may be considered to have been the lead- 
ing characteristic of the Pelasgian language both in Italy and in 
Greece. Now there are four states of this sound, besides its 
original condition, in which both guttural and labial have their 
full power: the first is when the labial predominates, and this is 
expressed by the letter F = sv (hv); the second is when the gut- 
tural predominates, and this is expressed by ον; the third is 
when the guttural alone is sounded, and in this state it becomes 
the strong guttural H or K; the fourth is when the labial alone 
is articulated, and from this we have the letter v. 

The great difference between F and Q consists in this, that 
in the latter it is necessary to express both the ingredients of the 
double sound, whereas they are both represented by one charac- 
ter in the former. Hence it has happened, that, while the gut- 
tural element of F has been overlooked by many philologers, 
they have over-estimated the independent value of the labial 
which accompanies Q. . 

A sound bearing the same relation to the medials that Q, does 
to the tenues is occasionally formed by the addition of v to a. 
This occurs only after n and σ᾿ thus we find ténguo, unguo, ur- 
gueo, by the side of tingo, ungo, urgeo. The former were probably 


296 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET.’ [CHAP. VII. 


the original words, the latter being subsequent modifications: 
compare guerra, ** war," guardire, * ward," &c. with the French 
pronunciation of guerre, guardir, &c. (New Crat. § 110). 

When the labial ingredient of 9. i3 actually vocalized into τ, 
the Q is expressed in classical Latin by the new tenuis C=K ; 
thus quojus, quot, the original gen. and dat. of guz, become cujus, 
cui; cui ret becomes cur; quom is turned into cum; sequundus, 
oquulus, torqular (comp. torqueo), quéris (cf. Quirinus), ἄς. are 
converted into secundus, oculus, torcular, curis, &c.! This is also 
the case when v is represented by the similar Roman sound of 
the o. Thus colo must have been originally quolo; for Q is the 
initial of quolonia on coins, and ?n-quilinus is obviously derived 
from in-colo, which has lost its v, just as quotidte is written cott- 
die (Schneider, Lat. Gr. 1. p. 335). It is known, too, that coquus 
must lave been pronounced guoguus even in Cicero’s time; for 
he made no difference in pronunciation between the particle 
quoque and the vocative of coguus: see Quintil. v1. 3, ὃ 47: 
* Quse Ciceroni aliquando...exeiderunt, ut dixit, quum is candi- 
datus, qui coqui filius habebatur, coram eo suffragium ab alio 
peteret: ego quoque tibi favebo*.” The change of qva into cu 
is particularly remarkable when a syllable is shortened, on ac- 
count of the heavier form in which it occurs; as when quatio 
in composition becomes con-cutio, per-cutio, &c. Perhaps we 
ought to write acüa in those cases in which aqua appears as a 
trisyllable (Lachmann ad Lucret. v1. 552). 

The two constituent parts of Q, often exist separately in 
different forms of the same root: thus we hgve conntveo, conntz ; 


Jfo ($vo), facto, factus ; fluo, fruit ; foveo, focus ; lavo, lacus; 


1 It is laid down by modern scholars that uw can never follow 
qu; thus we must not write quum, loquuntur, cequum, equus, &c., but 
cum, locuntur, ecum, ecus, &c. (Müller, ad Varron. p. 38; Lachmann, 
ad Lucret. pp. 172, 220, 398; Wagner, ad Verg. En. 1x. 299; Ritschl, 
Proleg. Plaut. p. 91; Sillig, Pref. Plin. p. 72). But I hope that this 
rule will not be adopted generally by editors, and that in writing modern 
Latin at all events we shall still be allowed to distinguish between quum 
the conjunction and cum the preposition, without resorting to the old- 
fashioned quom for the former. 

3 There are some remarks on this subject in Erasmus, Colloquia, 
p. 164, ed. Amstelod. 1651. 


§ 3.} ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 207 


nix, nivis; struo, struai; vivo, viz. The last is a double in- 
stance; for there can be no doubt of the connexion between 
" quick" and vivus (for qvigvus) (New Crat. S 112, note). 
Bopp's opinion, therefore (Vergleich. Gramm. pp. 18, 98), that 
there is some natural connexion between v and & in themselves, 
is altogether unfounded. 

In the comparison between Latin and Sanscrit we seldom 
find that Q is represented by a Sanscrit k, but that it usually 
stands in cognate words where the Sanscrit has a palatal or 
sibilant (New Crat. § 105, 216): compare quatuor, Sanscr. 
chatur; s-quama, Sanscr. chhad, “ tegere;” quumulus, Sanscr. 
chi, “ accumulare;" oc-cultus (ob-quultus), Sanscr. jal, **tegere ;”’ 
sequor, Sanscr. sajj ; pequus, Sanscr. pacu,; equus, Sanscr. agva, 
ἄς. When Q, stands by the side of a Sanscrit &, it is 
either when that letter is followed by e or &—in which case 
the guttural approximates to the palatal,—or when the & stands 
before «or v. There are some instances in which the Q, is re- 
presented by the labial P in Greek and Sanscrit; and this is 
particularly remarkable in cases where the Q, occurs twice in the 
Latin word: compare the Latin quinque, quoquo (coquo), aqua, 
loquor, &c., with the Sanscrit and Greek panchan, πέμπε, pach, 


πέπω, Gpah (pl.), lap, &c.; also equus, oquwlus, sequor, linquo, | 


&c., with isos, ὄμμα, ὅπομαι, λείπω, Ke. 

Quintilian says that the Latin Q is derived from the Greek 
korr ra, (1. 4, ὃ 9); and there can be no doubt that they have a 
common origin. Now this Greek κόππα, which is of rare oc- 
currence, is found, where it occurs im Greek inscriptions, only 
before o. Thus we have φορινθοθεν (Bóekh, C. I. no. 29), ópoov 
(n. 37), λυφοδορκας (n. 166); and on coins we have φορινθος, 
Συραφοσιων, &c. The explanation of this is simple: the letter 
o before a vowel expressed the sound of w, so far as the mouth 
of a Greek could convey this sound: compare olotpos, ῥοῖβδος, 
which imitate the whizzing noises of the wings of the gad-fly 
and the bird; da which represents the Persian lamentation wa / 
&c. (above, p. 58). Consequently, the syllable oo must be 
regarded as the residuum of a syllable pronounced kwa, which 
was probably the pronunciation of the Latin Q. At any rate, 
it is sufficiently evident from the single word λυφοδορκας that 
o and « could not have been identical at the time when the 


C" 


[ME 


298 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


inscription was carved; otherwise we should have had either 
λυκοδορκας or λυφοδορφας. In fact, the word λύκος must have 
been originally Xvooos (luqvus), otherwise the labial in the Latin 
lupus would. be inexplicable. Perhaps, too, as Graff suggests 
(u. s. p. 10, note 7), there are other Greek words containing 
the syllable xo or xv, which must have been written with o in 
the older state of the language. He selects the following, of 
which the Sanscrit equivalents have the palatals c, ch: κόσμος, 
Kóyyos, κόρση, κῶνος, κυανός, Sanserit gudh, “ purificari;” 
gankha, '* concha ;" ciras, “ caput;” có, *acuere," Lat. qvurvus ; 
chyáma, * violaceus." The passage from Q, into oo, xv, &c. 
may be illustrated also by the converse change from xv to qu in 
* Jiquorice," from γλυκυῤῥίζα, &c., while the English. articulation 

of “can” has entirely obliterated all traces of the αὶ in the Latin 


. queo, originally queno (cf. ne-qutnont for ne-queunt), though the 


German kénnen still preserves this sound by implication!. 

If we examine the changes which have taken place in the 
gutturals in their passage from the Roman to the Romance lan- 
guages, we are first struck by the general tendency to soften 
down or assibilate the tenuis c. The former process is effected 
by a change of c into cH: compare the Latin caballus, cadere, ' 


calidus, camera, cante, caput, carmen, carus, casa, castanea; ἢ 


castus, caulis, &c. with the French cheval, cheotr, chaud, cham- “ὦ 
bre, chef, charme, chien, cher, chez, c chátasgne, chaste, chouz, 
&c. Of the assibilation of c we have many instances: such 
are, facimus, Fr. faisons; licere, loisir ; placere, plaisir; &c. 
Scaliger says (prima Scaligerana, p. 114): “ mutam semper 
Galli tollunt inter duas vocales." This is very often justified 
by the transition from Latin to French in the case of gutturals 
and dentals. Between two vowels C is sometimes dropt; thus 
the Icauna becomes the Yonne, Tricasses becomes Troyes ; and 
similarly the Seguana is turned into the Setne. 

Another change in the Romance languages is the omission of 
c when it is followed by a T: comp. dictus, It. ditto, Fr. dit; 
pectus, It. petto, Fr. pottrine, &c. C also disappears in French 
when in the Latin form it was followed by R; compare lacrima, 


1 We may compare qui-squil-i with the Greek κο-σκύλλω, κο-σκυλ- 
μάτια, where the original qu = o is represented by «o or xv. 


ί 
eth 


4 


- 


§ 3.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 299 


sacramentum, &c. with larme, serment, &c. It is neglected in 
the same language when it stands between two vowels, especially 
when one or both are w (o) or $: compare aptcula, corbicula, 
) focus, Jjocus, locus, nocere, paucus, vices, &c. with abetlle, cor- 
nA ‘ beille, feu, jeu; lieuj nuire, peu, fois, &c. An omission of the ὑ ὁ "ἡ. 
hard c is sometimes strangely compensated by the introduction 
of o before ?; thus we have potx from pix, Poitiers from Pic- 
tones, &c. We must distinguish this from foyer by the side of 
focus which has an 0 already. 

In some cases the French converts the tenuis C into the 
medial a. Compare agre, aveugle, maigre, &c. with ager, ^ 4 δεν 
aboculus, macer, &c. 1 * * Y" 

Gis often omitted in the middle of French words: compare 

Augustus, Augustodunum, Brigantto, Lugdunum, legere, Lige- 
ris, magis, magister, niger, paganus, regina, &c. with Aott, 
Autun, Briangon, Lyon, and Laon, lire, Lotre, mats, mattre, noir, 
paien, reine, &c. Similarly, we have dats or dots (dastum) from 
dagus = dach, i.e. the canopy over the high table in the hall. 
Compare also our pronunciation of Augustin as Austin, and of 
Magdalen 23 Maudlin. The same omission took place in old 
Latin; thus we find ma-vis = magts-yis. 

The French and Italians generally neglect the guttural H. 
The old hard sound of this aspirate is quite unknown to them. 

Although the sibilant is in some cases akin to the dental 
class, the Latin sibilants x and 8 must be considered as belong- 
ing altogether to the gutturals. The Romans had a dental sibi- 
lant in their Β, of which I shall speak directly; but these two 
seem to have in themselves no connexion with the dentals, be- 
yond the circumstance that R is frequently derived from s by the 
substitution of a dental articulation, in the same way as @ stands 
for σ in θάλασσα for σάλασσα, &c., and as the lisping English- 
man says yeth for yes. 

If we consider X in its common acceptation, it is a direct 
combination of the guttural c or α with the sibilant s. This 
must, of course, be its power in reat, flexi, &c. But it was 
not always equivalent to this combination either in sound or in 
origin. Sometimes it stands for the dental £— dj, as in riza » * .- 
compared with ἔριδ-ς, ἐρίζω, &c. And even when it was derived 
immediately from a guttural and 8, the sibilant seems to have 


900 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. VII. 


overpowered the guttural, which was either lost altogether or 
pronounced only as an aspiration. We have traces of this in the 
modern Italian pronunciation of Alessandro, vissi, &c. The 
Greek £i derived its name from the Hebrew shin, and perhaps 
occasionally represented it in sound. A sibilant or aspirate often 
changes its place: thus the Gothic kv is in English wh, the 
Greek hr is the Latin rh, and the Greek £— «o- might occasion- 
ally be ox-: compare the transposition in the oriental words 
Iscander, Scanderoon, Candahar, all derived from the Greek” 
᾿Αλέ-ξανδρος. The last of these words is a mutilation which 
reminds us of the modern Scotch division of the name Alexander 
into the two abbreviations Alick and Saunders or Sandy. When 
the transposition was once effected, the softening of the guttural 
was obvious and easy: compare σχέτλιος, "scathe," schade; 
χάρμη, "s-kirmish," schirm, &c. 

The Latin 8 is principally remarkable as standing at the 
beginning of words, the Greek equivalents of which have only 
an aspirate: compare sal, sex, septem, sol, silva, simul, sedere, 
sequi, somnus, &c., with ars, ὅξ, émrá, ἥλιος, ὕλη, ἅμα, 
^. Sm ὅξεσθαι, ἕπομαι, ὕπνος, &c. Though in some cases even this 

aspirate has vanished: as in εἰ, éXXos, &c., compared with 
' gt, stleo, &c. It frequently happens that in the more modern 
forms of the Roman language an original s has been super- 
seded by the dental sibilant R. Thus Quintilian tells us (1. 4, 
§ 13) that Valesius, Fusius, arbos, labos, vapos, clamos, and 
‘lases (cf. Fest. s. v.), were the original forms of Valerius, Fu- 
rius, arbor, labor, vapor, clamor, and lares ; and it is clear that 
‘honor, honestus, are only different forms of onus, onustus. It 
is rather surprising that the Jurist Pomponius (Degg. 1. 2, 2, 
§ 36) should have attributed to Appius Claudius Cacus (consul I. 
"A.U.C. 447, B.C. 307; consul II. a.u.c. 458, B.c. 296) the inven- 
tion of a letter which is the initial of the names Roma and 
Romulus. He can only mean that Appius was the first to in- 
troduce the practice of substituting R for 8 in proper names, a 
change which he might have made in his censorship. It appears, 
from what Cicero says, that L. Papirius Crassus, who was consul 
in A.U.C. 418, 5.c. 336, was the first of his name who did not 
call himself Papisius (ad Famil. 1x. 21): * How came you to 
suppose," says Cicero, writing to L. Papirius Pectus, “that there 


MA Vd - 


- 


§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 901 


never was ἃ Papirius of patrician rank, when it is certain that 
they were patrici? minorum gentium? To begin with the first 
of these, I will instance L. Papirius Mugillanus, who, in the year 
of the. city 312, was censor with L. Sempronius Atratinus, who 
had previously (4.U.c. 310) been his colleague in the consulship. 
But your family-name at that time was Papisius. After him 
there were thirteen of your ancestors who were curule magis- 
trates before L. Papirius Crassus, the first of your family that 
disused the name Papisius. This Papirius was chosen dictator 
in A. U.C. 415, with L. Papirius Cursor for his magister equitum, 
and four years afterwards he was elected consul with K. Duilius."' 
We must conclude, therefore, that Appius Claudius used his cen- 
sorial authority to sanction a practice, which had already come 
into vogue, and which was intimately connected with the pecu- 
liarities of the Roman articulation. In fact, the Romans were to 
the last remarkable for the same tendency to rhotacism, which is 
characteristic of the Umbrian, Dorian, and Old Norse dialects. 


§ 4. The Denials. 


The Romans had five dentals or linguals: the mutes Ὁ and 
T, the liquids L and N, and the secondary letter R, which in 
most alphabets is considered a liquid, but in the Latin stands for 
an aspiration or assibilation of the medial "Ὁ. Grimm’s law, as 
applied to the dentals, stands thus: 


Latin, (Greek, RBanserit) « D T 
Gothic . . . T D Ζ, TH 
Old High German . 42 T D 


The following examples will serve to establish the rule. 

1st column. Initials: dingua, lingua, tuggo, zunga ; deus, 
O. N. tjr, O. H. G. ziu; dens, dentis, Goth.-tunthus, O. H. G. 
zand; domare, tamjan, zemen; dolus, O. N. tél, zála; ducere, 
Goth. tiuhan, O. H. G. ztohan; duo, tva, zuet; dextra, tathsvó, 
zisawa. Middle sounds: sedes, sedere, sitan, sizan; e-dere, 
ttan, ézan; videre, vitan, wizan; Odium, hatis, haz; w-n-da, 
vató, wazar; sudor, sveiti, sweiz ; pedes, fótjus, vuozt. 

9d Column. The Latin has no 0; and when the R stands 
for the D, there are generally other coexistent forms in which 
the medial is found. For the purpose of comparison Grimm has 


"4 
2 42 


802 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


selected some Latin words in which a Latin F stands by the side 
of the Greek 0. Initials: fores (θύρᾳ), dadr, tor; fera (895p), 
O. N. dgr, O. H. G. tior. Middle sounds: audere, ausus (θαῤῥεῖν), 
gadaáran, turran ; mathu, Tusc. (Gy. μέθυ), Anglo-Sax. médo, 
O. H. 6. métu. 

8d column. Initials: tu, Gothic thu; O. H. G. d@; tener, 
Ο. N. thunnr, O. H. G. dunni; tendere, Goth. thanjan, O. H. G. 
denen; tacere, thahan, dagen; tolerare, thulan, dolen ; tectum, 
thak, dach. Middle sounds: frater, bróthar, pruoder; rota, 
O. N. hradhr (“ celer"), O. H. G. Arad (* rota"); a-L-ter (Umbr. 
etre), anthar, andar; sterum, vithra, widar. 

Of the commutations of the dentals one with another in the 
Latin language alone, the most constant is the interchange of D 
with L or R. Thus D becomes L in deltcare (Fest. pp. 70, 73), 
impelimenta, levir, Melica (Fest. p. 124), olfacit for dedicare, 
impedimenta, δαήρ, Medica, odefactt; and is assimilated to L in 
such words as mala, ralla, scala, sella from ma-n-do, rado, 
sca-n-do, sedeo: the converse change is observable in Ὀδυσσεύς, 
Πολυδεύκης, δάκρυον (dacrima, Fest. p. 68), δαψιλής, dingua 
(Mar. Vict. p. 2547) (Ὁ. H. G. zunga), Capitodium, meditari, 
kadamitas, adauda, &c., the more genuine forms of which. are 
preserved in the Ulysses (ὀλύγος), Pol-luz: (comp. δευκές, Hesych. 
with lux), lacryma (liqueo), lapsilis (λάπτω), lingua (λείχειν), 
Capitohum, μελετᾶν, calamitas, alauda, &c.: δέω, on the con- 
trary, is a more ancient form than ligare (see N. Crat. § 155). 
This change takes place within the limits of the Greek language 
also: comp. δείδω with δειλός, δᾷς (δῷδος) with δαλός, &c., 
though in many of these cases there 1s the residue of an original 
assimilation, as in καλός, root καδ-, cf. κάζω, &c. The change 
is also observable in the passage from Latin to the Romance lan- 
guages; thus Digentia has become Licenza, the people of Madrid 
call themselves Madrilenos, and Egidius becomes Giles. The 
other dentals, T and N, are also sometimes converted into L: as 
in Thetts, Thels ; Nympha, Lympha, ἄς. (See Varro, L. L. 
vir. 8 87). In some cases there is a passage from ὃ to X in 
Greek, as in ἄδην, ἅλις (compare eatis); and the Greek @ in 
θώρηξ is represented by an / in lorica. "There is an inter- 
change of N and R in cereus, aeneus: in murus, munito; in δῶρον, 


donum; σλήρης, plenus; Londres, London; Havre, Hafen, &c. 


§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 303 


The ablative or adverbial D has become n in longénquue, pro- 
pinquus from longe[d], prope[d]; compare antiquus, posticus, 
from antea, postea, amicus from amo (amao), &c. In the cor- 
ruption Catamitus from Ganymedes, both N and D are changed 
into T, and in caduceus from κηρύκειον we have tlie converse 
change from R to D. Dis dropt when flanked by two vowels, 
as es for edis, est for ed, esse for edere, item for (tidem, &c. 
So also the dental liquids L and N are liable to excision; compare 
vis =volis, and the numberless omissions of the final -nt as in 
Suére — fuerunt, regna = regnont. 

The change from D to B has been often pointed out, in such 
common instances as au-ris compared with aud-o, apor for apud, 
meridie for media die, ar-vocat for ad-vocat, &c. The verb ar- 
cesso, which is also written accerso, furnishes a double example 
of the change: the original form was ad-ced-so = accedere sino: 
in arcesso the first d is changed into r, and the second assimi- 
lated to 8. in accerso the first d is assimilated to c, and the 
second changed to r. In the Romance language D is changed 
into R in the Spanish lampare from lampada, and conversely in 
the Italian rado from raro, fedire from ferire; compare the 
English paddock for parruc, A.-S. for park. 

As ἃ final letter, D became more and more liable to proscrip- 
tion, With the exception of the proclitics ad and apud, some- 
times written e£ or ut and aput, ar and apor; the conjunction 
sed, also written set; and the adverb haud also written haut and 
aut (cf. autem), we have no D in auslaut in classical Latinity. 
In the ablative, D was absorbed before the rise of Roman litera- 
ture, and -ad for -nd or -nt in the neuter plural was finally re- 
presented by -d only. 

N is principally remarkable in Latin from its use as a sort 
of anusvárah (see N. Crat. ὃ 223). In this use it is inserted, 
generally before the second consonant of the root, as in tu-n-do, 
root tud-; fi-n-do, root fid-, &c.; but sometimes after it, as in 
ster-n-o, root ster-, stra-; sper-n-o, root sper-, spre-; 8i-n-0, 
root st-, &c. This nasal insertion is found in modern transitions 
as when the chamedrys (yapaiépus), i.e. the quercula or “speed- . 
well" is called gamander or germander. 

Conversely, N becomes evanescent in certain cases, particu- 
larly before 8 and v. Thus consul is written cosol (abbreviated 


904 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


into cos), where the N is represented by a long pronunciation of 
the preceding vowel, as appears from the Greek transcription 
κῶνσουλ (Corssen, I. p. 101); and we find cesor, infas, victes, 
vicesimus for censor, infans, victens, vicensumus (see Corssen, I. 
p.30 b). Similarly k is elided, especially before 5. Thus we 
have in old Latin advosis for advorsus, prosus for prorsus (as in 
prosa oratio), rosus for rursus (Müller ad Fest. p. 25). We have 
even susum-jusum for sursum deorsum in later Latin (see Journal 
of Philology, March 1858, p. 200). This omission of N is regu- 
lar in the Greek particles in -εἰς, and in other words, e. g. ὀδούς ; 
it seems also to have been the rule in Umbrian. As the Greeks 
wrote -ἧς for the Latin ns, 80 conversely the Romans wrote then- 
saurus for the Greek θησαυρόςϊ (Munro, Journal of Philology, 
Feb. 1860, p. 283). This seems to show that n before s was 
merely a nasal sound, which lengthened the preceding vowel. 
In the Romance language the Latin termination -ensis generally 
loses its N (see Schneider, I. 2, p. 458). Thus we have Vaudois 
by the side of Waldenses, bourgeois for burgensis, courtois for cor- 
tensis, &c. In Italian we have Veronese for Veronensis, marchese 
for marchensis, paese for pagensis; and the last two pass into the 
French marguts and pays. The most important instance of the 
omission of N before Υ is furnished by the common word contio, 
derived from conventio through the form coventio?, which is 
found in old inscriptions (see Senat. Cons. de Bacc. 22). Simi- 
larly, convent becomes covent (‘‘ Covent-garden, &c."), Conflu- 


| entes is turned into Coblenz, and fünf into “five.” In English 


the prefix con is shortened into co- before all conaonants, in spite 
of the remonstrances of Bentley. On the contractions of con in 
Latin, see Lachmann on Lucret. 11. 1061. 


1 This word has nothing to do with aurum, but contains the root of 
τίθημι under the same extension and modification as the name Θησεύ-ς, 
which denotes “‘the arranger;" so that θησανυ-ρός = θησαξ -ρός is merely 
“a store-room or receptacle of things arranged and set in order." As 
a matter of usage θησαυρός is by no means confined to the signification, 
in which we use the word “ treasure," i.e. as a hoard of money or 
articles of specific value. 

2 Contio stands related to conventio as nundine to novendine, nuntius 
to novi-ven-tius, &c. For the latter, comp. nov-i-tius. Domitius, the pro- 
per name, seems to signify "the home-goer;” so propitius, as the ante- 
cedent of praesens, when said of a deity. Jlithyia (old fem. of εἰλειθώς) 
might be rendered Propitia. 


, 


"up 


§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 305 


With regard to the changes experienced by the dentals in 
the passage from Latin to the Romance dialects, the following 
instances may suffice. D and T are frequently dropt in the 
French forms of Latin words: (a) Ὁ: Andegavi, Fr. Anjou; Ca- 
durci, Fr. Cahors ; Mediomatrices, Fr. Metz ; Meduana, Fr. May- 
enne; Melodunum, Fr. Melun (cf. Mediolanum, It. Milano) ; 


— cauda (It. coda, Sp. cola), Fr. queue; fides, Fr. fot; media- 


nocte, Fr. mi-nuit; nudus, Fr. nu; Rhodanus, Fr. Rhone; va- 
dum, Fr. gué; videre, Fr. voir!. So also in the passage from 
verbs compounded with ad, we have aorer and aorner from ado- 
rare and adornare, and the English “ aim" from adestimare 
through the old French aesmer (Duchat, apud Menage Dict. 
Etymol, 1. p. 549, ed. 1750). (δ) T: acetum, Lomb. aseo; 
ad-satis, Fr. as-sez (originally assetz); Autura, Fr. Eure; 
amatus, Fr. aimé; Bituriges, Fr. Bourges; Matisco, Fr. Magon; 
Jhedones, Fr. Rennes; Rodumna, Fr. Rouanne; Catalaunt, Fr. 
Chálons; pater, Fr. pàre; Ruthent, Fr. Rodez; vita, Fr. vie. 
There is a double abbreviation in Arras from .Atrebates. So 


also we have Mayence from Moguntiacum, .page from .paedae . « 


gogium (N. Crat. § 225), and Rich-borough from Rutupium, 
where we have also the change from p: to ch (above, p. 290). 
In Grenoble from Gratianopolis the first three syllables are con- 
tracted, just as in grà from gratia, in malgré, &c. On the con- 
trary, D intrudes or is revived in certain prepositions when com- 
pounded with verbs beginning with a vowel; thus we have prod- 
est but pró-sunt, red-eo, but re-verto, and as we have re-cido, re- 
Jéro, re-pello, re-perio, it may be doubtful whether reccid?, rep- 
puli, repperi, rettuli are for red-cidt, red-puli, red-pert, red-tult, 
or for re-cecidi, re-pepult, re-pepert, re-tetuli.  Corssen supposes 
the latter change (Ausspr. Vok. u. Bet. τι. p. 46). — .Rellsgto, rel- 
liquie, &c. favour the former supposition. In the Romance lan- 

this letter is sometimes inserted as a fulerum between the 
liquids » and r, as in cendré, Dordogne, gendre, tendre, from 
ciner-is, Durantus, gener, tener; viendr-ai, tiendr-at for ventr-ai 
(venire habeo), tener-a4 (tenere habeo), &c.; vendredt for Veneris 


! The French sometimes drop the p before a guttural in words of 
German extraction, as in Huguenot for Bidg&rossen, or Fid-genoten, i i. e. 
“ conspirators,” 


D.V, 20 


306 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. vir. 


die, ἄς. This will remind the classical student of the similar 
insertion in the Greek ἀν-δ-ρός, ἄς. ; and both the Greeks and 
the Romans apply the same principle to the labials also. The 
combination TI is almost always represented by a soft α in 


French words derived from the Latin: as age, étage, mariage 


from etatium, statio, marttatto. In these cases it is matter of 
indifference whether we suppose a softening of the whole combi- 
nation (Δ΄, Crat. S 112) or an omission of the dental and sub- 
stitution of the ¢=7, as in the labial forms mentioned above 
(p. 290). 

The indistinctnegs with which the French pronounce N at 
the end of a word has given rise to some etymological, or rather 
orthographical, inconsistencies in that language. Not the least 
remarkable of these is the appearance of 8 instead of M or N in 
the first person of many verb-forms. If we compare suts with 
the Italian sono on the one hand, and the Spanish soy on the 
other, and remember that the first and third persons of the 
present tense in the Romance verbs do not exhibit & final 8 in 
the oldest examples of the language, we may conclude that the Β 
in this and other French forms is an arbitrary orthographic 


‘appendage. The termination -οὗ — enste shows that soy is not 


an inadequate representative of sono. 
There are some few instances of a metathesis of 1, in the ap- 
parent transition from Greek to Latin ; thus we have γλυκύς (from 


ὁλυκύς, Ahrens, d. dial. dol. p. 73), πνεύμων (from πλεύμων), 


γλάφω, γλύφω by the side of dulcis, pulmo, scalpo, sculpo (Cors- 
sen, I. p. 78). 10, N, B, are frequently interchanged as the Latin 
passes into the Romance idiom. 1% passes into ΕἸ in apótre, 
epttre, Orne, rossignol, titre, &c., from apostolus, epistola, Olina, 
luscintola, titulus, &c.;—N into L in alma, Barcelona, Bologna, 
Lebriza from anima, Barcino, Bononta, Nebrissa ;—N into R in 


1 Ad-dlare might bo regarded as an instance of the converse change 
from R to L: namely, as compounded of ad and wla=oipd, and as refer- 
ring, like the Greek σαίνειν (ΞΞ σείειν, “to shake or wag”), to the dog 
blandishing, fawning, and wagging his tail. But a more probable analysis 
would be to suppose a contracted reduplication from ad-ululo in the 
usual sense of ad and sfipá with verbs expressing a sound; compare 
ad-oro. 


2 


ΩΣ 
; 


, 
“ὁ 


Pd 


§ 5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 807 


diaore from diaconus, in sero, sevi by the side of sino, sivi, and 
in Langres from Lingones, Nevers from Noviodunum. In old 


Latin r passes into ἦ, as in Coles Vivenna from Ceres (above, . 


p. 33); but / passes into r in ceruleus from celuleus, We seem 
to have a change of 2 into r, or vice versa, in lis, litis from stlit, 
compared with the German sérett. 

Lisa represeptation of D in Giles from 4Egidius, in eller 
for edera, and in Versiglia for Vesidia. 

The Italians vocalize L into 1 when it follows certain conso- 
nants: compare clamare, clarus, clavis, flos, Florentia, fluctus, 
flumen, obliquus, Placentia, planus, plenus, &c., with chiamare, 


chiaro, chiave, fiore, Fiorenze (Firenze), otto, fiume, bteco (Fr. . 
e bias" "), Piacenza, piano, pieno, &c. _- 
he French vocalize the Latin D into L, which seems to 


have been in the first instance only an affection of the previous 
vowel, into which the L was subsequently absorbed. "Thus alter 
was first written aulire, and then autre. This affection of a 
preceding vowel by the liquid which follows is not uncommon in 
other languages. The Greeks in some of their dialects pro- 
nounced the vowel broad before or after p: comp. φρασί with 
φρεσί, &c.: and the common people in Dorsetshire pronounce.o 
like a when it is followed by r and another consonant; thus 
George is pronounced Gearge, storm, starm, &c. The French 
absorption of the L is almost universal: it is regular in the 
dative of the article au=a le, aux=2 les; in the plurals of 
nouns in 7, as animales, animaux ; canales, canauz, &c. But 
it is also found in a number of other words, in which the vowel 


‘preceding / is not a ; even when it is %- compare aliquis unve, 


altare, ἐλεημοσύνη, Bulgare, felix (like ὁ μακαρίτης, used in 
speaking of the dead), uina, &c., with the French aucun, autel, 
auméne, bougre, feu (anciently written feux and feula), aune, &c. 


§ 5. The Vowels. 


The philological student must always bear in mind that there 
are two distinct classes of vowels; the one containing the vowels 


1 It is probable that the word “bias” came from France with the 
game of bowls; and as denoting that one-sided weight which makes the 
sphere run obliquely, it is connected in meariing as well as origin with 
biais =bieco= obieco = obliquus. 

ee 20—2 


808 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


of articulation, A, E, O; the other comprising the vocalized conso- 
nants I and 1. In other words, there are only three distinct 
. vowels, A, I, U ; for E and o differ from A in weight only. 

The original alphabet is a syllabarium consisting of breathings 
and consonants, which are articulated by the sound A. Now the 
character A, in its original application, denotes the lightest of the 
breathings, the character E the heaviest of them, and the cha- 
racter O a breathing which is intermediate in weight. Conse- 
quently, on the principle that the lightest vowel always co-exists 
with the heaviest form (see .N. Crat. SS 101, 222, &c.), when 
these breathings were no longer indicated by distinct characters, 
. A would represent the heaviest articulation-vowel, £ the lightest, 
and o that which stands between them in point of weight. That 
this is actually the order of the articulation-vowels, considered in 
respect to the weight of the combinations in which they are 
found, is clearly established by an examination of the existing 
forms in the most perfect of the Indo-Germanic languages. 

The vowels I and wv result from the vocalisation, not of 
breathings,—as is the case with A, E, 0,—but of mutes. The 
former is the ultimate state of the softened or assibilated gut- 
turals and dentals, the latter is the residuum of the labials 
(N. Crat.§ 108). Even in cases, in which they are regularly 
used as vowels, I and U occasionally revert by synizesis to their 
consonantal use. Thus we have connubia (Lucret. 111. 741) and 
connubio (Verg. Ain. τ. 18); ebulliat (Pers. 11. 10), abiete (Verg. 
ZEn. τι. 16), principium (Horat. 3 Carm. vi. 6), as words of 
three syllables; and tenuis (Lucr. 1. 875), duarum (Ter. Heaut. 
II. 3, 85) as two syllables, duellica (Lucr. 11. 661) as three sylla- 
bles, tue (Ter. Andr. 1. 5, 61) as one syllable; in which 1 and u 
are pronounced like y or J and v or w (see Corssen, 11. 167 sqq). 
But, though they are of different origin from A and its subordi- 
nates, they must be considered, especially in the Latin language, 
as occasionally approximating in sound to the vowels derived 
from breathings, and as representing them in certain cases, where 
forms of an intermediate weight require an intermediate weight 
of vowels. This will be best shown by examples, from which it 
will appear that the vowels 1 and U have shades of value, or 
rather that they admit of subdivision into other vowels, differing 
from them in weight, as E and 0 differ from a, but not expressed 


$5.] ANALYBIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 309 


in different characters, at least in the existing written remains of 
the Latin language. 

It has been remarked that the a of the root-syllable is 
changed into ¢ or e in secondary formations according to a fixed 
rule: namely, that a becomes + when the root-syllable in the 
longer form. remains otherwise unchanged; but the α is turned 
into e when the root-syllable is followed immediately by an adsci- 
titious consonant, or when the consonant following the root-vowel 
is thrown back upon the vowel by some semi-consonant, like $, 
or ex:y (see Bopp, Vergleich. Gramm. p. 5; Rosen, Journal of 
Education, vitt. p. 844; N. Crat. ὃ 222"). The following ex- 
amples may suffice to establish this: 


A I E 
amicus . $n-imtcus . *enmity." 
arma . fn-ermis. 
ars . . ners. 
barba P . ém-berbis. 

oc-ciput bi-ceps. 
caput | prin-ctptum pra-ceps. 

8in-ciput /n-cepa. 

ce-cids 
cado {sell otdéum. 

cem . . con-centus. 
cano . ina ΛΩΝ 
facio .. puo profi . o-fectus. 
factum . . profecto. 
fallo fe felis. 
fastus . pro- festus. 
gradior TP" re-gredior. 
jacio abyicto . ab-jectus. 
taceo con-ticesco. 
tango . con-tingo. 


The cause of the change from 1 to E is farther shown by the 
change back again from x to I when the root is not followed by 


1 Similar to this is the case of gametz ‘hatuph in Hebrew, for here the 
long à becomes ó in consequence of the consonant in auslaut being 
thrown back on the vowel of articulation. 


810 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


two consonants: thus, bi-ceps, &c., become bi-cipitis, &c. in the 
genitive; and similarly tubi-cen[s] makes tubi-cinis. Another 
change from 1 to E is to be remarked in the transformation of 
the diphthongs aI, ΟἹ into AEand ΟΕ. It was also a peculiarity of 
the Latin writers from the earliest times to use E as a repre- 
sentative of EI, for which also they occasionally substituted 1. 
Thus, while Ἤπειρος becomes Epirus; Det, Di; Deis, Dis ; &c. ; 
we have naves by the side of navets=navis, and both tris and 
tres by the side of treis. Schwartze (alte /Egypten, 1. p. 605) 
distinguishes three main periods of Latin orthography in regard 
to the pronunciation of I and E. The peculiarity of the first 
and oldest period consisted in the employment of E with a dull 
I sound, which Schwartze terms the E pinguis. The second 
period, which immediately preceded the classical, wrote I instead 
of this E pinguts. The third or classical period in a considerable 
number of forms introdueed an E, which formally corresponded 
to the old E pinguis, but was materially different from it, and 
this, as it possessed the true sound of E, he calls the phonetic x. 

It is worthy of remark that as Ennius introduced the custom 
of doubling the mutes, semivowels, and liquids for the purpose 
of expressing the sharp sound which they sometimes threw back 
on the preceding vowel (Festus, p. 293), and as a substitute for 
the s?cilicus or inverted c, which was also used for the same pur- 
pose, as in sel’a, ser?a, as"eres (Mar. Victor. p. 2456), so also the 
tragedian Attius introduced double vowels for the purpose of in- 
dicating that the syllable was long by nature (Vel. Long. p. 2220), 
a practice which is observed in inscriptions from the time of 
the Gracchi up to Cicero's consulship (Ritschl, de Vocalibus 
Geminatis ab Atto Grammatico, cited by Corssen, I. p. 8). Thus 
they wrote Feelix, luuce, pequlatuu, juus, &c. In order, how- 
ever, to mark a double 1, they sometimes wrote EI as in wutet, 
and sometimes used a large single letter, as in felicl, flent, Alc, 
&c. 'The Romans seem to have had a special objection to the 
double 11, and used various substitutes for it. Sometimes we 
have IE where the form of the word ought to have given II, as in 
alt-enus for ali-inus, vart-egare for vari-igare or var-igare (cf. 
levigare, clamitare). Sometimes a simple long 1 is found instead 
of EI or I1; thus t7, tis, dii, deis, do not appear in the best ages 
of the language; but we have either et, eis, det, dets, or &, ie, di, 


§ 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 911 


dis. And the genitive in -4?, except in adjectives, is generally 
written -i in the best authors of the Augustan age. This rule is 
applied also to the concurrences of 7 and $, and we find in the 
best MSS. not adjicio, injicto, rejicio, projicto, &c., but adicio, . 
tnicto, reicto, proicio, &c. (Corssen, 1. p. 312). "The j is retained 
as a distinct consonant both before and after other vowels; thus 
we have adjungo, ejuro, ejectus, projectus, and it allows the pre- 
ceding vowel to remain short in bijugus, trijugus, quadrijugus, 
alttijugus. It is remarkable that the only ¢ verbs which regularly 
have ibam for tebam in the imperfect are those which change 
$$ into e or e in the present, namely, eo for ¢-to, queo for qui-to, 
ct-o or ci-eo for ci-t0. 

The vowel o has had a curious destiny in the growth and 
decline of the Latin language. Up to the time of the Syrian 
war it retained its place, like the Greek 0, as a formative letter. 
Thus we have Luciom, quom, tgnavom, avom, &c. in the earlier 
period; but Lucium, quum or cum, ignavum, avum, &c. during 
the literary epoch. Then again in the Italian these u's are 
turned into o's, as in Lucio, incognito, and the like (see Corssen, 
I. p. 208). Even the weaker vowels 1 and E have in many cases 
excluded an original o. Thus we have tlle, slim and «ilis for 
ollus, olim, and oloes; and voto, volim, vorro, vorto, voster, are 
regularly written veto, velim, verro, verto, vester. In secondary 
formations 0 retains its place to the end in contrast to A, E and 
1; thus we have (Corssen, I. pp. 234, 235): 

A E - I 


O 
pars portio 
martulus mamers mors 
fero fers 
cello collis 
gendo pondus 
tego toga 
mens memint moneo 
di-dict (dés-c0) | doceo 
= dio-sco 
nex noceo 
terra torreo 
ex-torres 


The appearance of 0 for A in the nominative of feminine nouns 


912 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [OHAP. VII. 


which have A in the inflexions (e.g. egmo, egmad, egmazum, 
above, pp. 144, 150), is peculiar to the Oscan; for the influence 
of the last m is sufficient to explain the usual first person in 0 by 
the side of inqguam and sum. 

The next comparison, in point of weight which suggests it- 
self, is that between the secondary vowels I and U; and ἴῃ order 
to make this comparison satisfactorily, it will be well to consider 
first their subdivisions. It appears, then, that there are three 
distinct uses of each of these vowels: I is (1) a very long vowel, 
the representative of the diphthong A1—AE; (2) a vowel of medium 
length, frequently as we have seen above, the representative of 
a, the first part of that diphthong; (3) a very short vowel ap- 
proximating to the sound of the shortest U, and used chiefly 
before R. Similarly, U is (1) a very long vowel, the represen- 
tative of the diphthong o1—0E; (2) a vowel of medium length, 
generally answering to 0, the first part of that diphthong; (3) a 
very short vowel, approximating to the sound of the shortest I, 
and used chiefly before 1. The old Italians had separate cha- 
racters for I, and U,, which differed from the other characters by 
the addition of certain marks: 1, was written f, like the Greek 
spiritus asper, and U, was written Y. It is remarkable that the 
emperor Claudius, when he introduced his new letters into the 
Roman alphabet to express the consonant v, the Greek q^, and 
the modification 1,, while he inverted the digamma (thus 4) to 
express the first, and joined two sigmas (thus )¢ ) to express the ' 
second, which was consequently called antisigma (Priscian, p. 
545, Putsch ; 1. p. 40, Krehl), was contented to borrow the third 
from the old alphabet of the Oscans. 

The following examples will justify the subdivision which I 
have made of the vowels 1 and v. 

I,.—In composition we find this long vowel in the root- 
syllable of words which contain the dipthong as=ae. Thus, 
from cs-témo we have ex-tstimo; from aequus we have tn-iquus ; 
from cedo, con-cido, oc-cido; from ledo, col-lido; from quero, 
in-quiro; &c. We may recognize the same substitution in vt-fs 
for via-is, &c. This long 1, as we have seen, also represents the 
diphthong EI, and it is used as a contraction for 11, especially in 
the genitives of nouns in -tus. It has been already mentioned that, 
when employed for either of these purposes, it is expressed in the 


' 85.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 313 


Inscriptions by an exaggeration of form; thus we have pIs, ALI, 
opt, for Deis, al, οὐδέ; and that, conversely, a doubled . 
vowel is written to represent one long vowel; thus we have 
(Orelli, no. 1287): LEEGEALBAANA for lege Albana. There 
are some cases in which a long 1 represents the diphthong o1=o¢, 
as tllis, priviculis or. privis, libertas, pylumni populi, fascini, &c. 
for oloes (Fest. p. 19), privicloes (id. p. 205), loebertas (id. p. 121), 
pilumne puple (id. p. 205), fescemno (id. p. 86) &c. 

I,.—This is the commonest power of the Roman 1. It is, 
however, 8 representative of A in other Cases besides those given 
above: thus, énter stands for the old antar, tlle represents the 
Sanscrit anya, old Latin ollus, &c. From the examples quoted 
by Schwartze, das alte /Egypten, 1. pp. 543, sqq., there need 
be no doubt that the older Romans used E as a representative 
of 1,. 

I,.—The sound of this letter is indicated by a passage in 
Velius Longus (p. 2235, Putsch): “Unde fit, ut sepe aliud 
scribamus, aliud enuntiemus, sicut supra (p. 2219) locutus sum 
de viro et virtute, ubi 1 scribitur et pene v enuntiatur; unde 
Ti. Claudius novam quandam litteram excogitavit, similem ei 
note, quam pro aspiratione Greci ponunt, per quam scriberentur 
es voces, que neque secundum exilitatem litterz I, neque secun~ 
dum pinguitudinem littere v sonant, ut in vtro et virtute, neque 
rursus secundum latum littere sonum enuntiarentur, ut in eo 
quod est legere, scribere." From this passage we learn that 1 
before R was pronounced somewhat like U, as in the case with 
us; and we also draw, the important inference that legere and 
scribere must have been pronounced lire and sorire. In augur 
and the proper name Spurius this pronunciation seems to be ex- 
pressed by the vowel vu. The latter is a derivation from super, 
and is equivalent in meaning to Superbus (above, p. 32); the | 
former is a derivative from avi-gero, as may be proved by a 
curious analogy between the derivatives of avi-s, ‘a bird," and 
@-s, “ἃ weight or burden." For as edt-tt-mus means a person 
who is conversant with a temple (Fest. p. 13 - edis tntimus), 
S0 avitimus would mean “conversant with birds," «cs-témus, 
‘conversant with weights';" hence, as augury and weighing 


1 4ZEs-timia or as-timium occurred in old Latin; see Fest. p. 26. 


na 


314 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


were the two most usual means of forming a judgment, both 
au-tumo and es-tumo signified “to judge.” Comp. the use of 
con-templor, con-sidero. Again, as @-ger signifies “ bearing a 
burden," or ‘“ burdened,” and ne-ger, “not able to bear,” or 
* weak" (Fest. p. 165, s. v. ne-gritu[do]), 80 augur would mean 
“bearing a bird," or “dealing with birds" (belli-ger, &c.) : 
comp. au-apex, &c. On the proper orthography of Virgilius or 
Vergilius the student will find the principal authorities in Wag- 
ner's Virgil, Vol. v. p. 479. 

The existence of such' a short vowel as 1, is necessary for the 
explanation of those forms in which 1 appears to be lighter than 
E. Thus, from lego, rego, teneo, we have col-ligo, di-rigo, 
re-tineo; and the 1 thus introduced is so short, that it is omitted 
altogether in some compounds of rego, as per[r]-go, sur[r]-go. 
In the rustic pronunciation of the Italians 1 was frequently drop- 
ped (as in ame, from animus), and the E, on the other hand, 
was lengthened improperly; see Cie. de Orat. 111. 12, ὃ 46: 
* Quare Cotta noster, eujus tu illa lata, Sulpici, nonnumquam 
imitaris, ut tota litteram tollas, et E plenissimum dicas, non mihi 
oratores antiquos, sed messores videtur imitari." 

U,.—The interchange of the diphthong οὗ τ οὐ with this 
value of U is of constant occurrence. Thus we have otnos, amus, 
unus; morus, morus, murus; similarly we have usus for otsus, 
oesus, cura for cotra’ and cera, plurimus for ploirumus and 
plorumus, ludus, for loidos and ledos, &c.; and in Bosotian Greek 
éuv for ἐμοέ (Apollon. de Pronom. p. 364). The observation 
of some of these changes leads to interesting etymologies; as, 
for instance, in the case of the word prelium, formerly written 
protlium (see Muretus, Var. Lect. v1. 4); cf. the proper name - 
Olelius for Clutliue. The Greeks, like the Highlanders of 
Scotland, placed their best-armed soldiers in the firat line, and by 
these the battle was begun and generally decided. Hence these 
ἥρωες or ὁπλῖται were called spvAées,—which is interpreted 
πρόμαχοι (see Hermann. Opusc. iv. p. 289; Müller, Dor. 111. 


1 This form of cura, which connects itself directly with the Goth. 
kara, O. H. G. chara, Anglo-Sax. caru, Engl. “care,” carries us back to 


. the word cver, which I have noticed in the Etruscan inscriptions above 


Chap. v. ᾧ 8. 


§ 5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 915 


12, $ 10), and is undoubtedly another form of προιλέες ; and 
hence the skirmish or battle between the van of the two armies 
was termed προ-έλεον or protium. This etymology is confirmed 
by the obvious derivation of milites. The Greek language ex- 
pressed large numbers in terms derived from common objects: 
thus, χέλιοι, “a thousand,” is connected with χιλός, “a heap of 
fodder,” from χέω, “ to scatter abroad ;" and μύριοι, “ ten thou- 
sand,” with μύρω, “to pour forth water.” Similarly, the Latin 
m-ile, ** & thousand," means only ** a large number," “a crowd" 
(op-tdéa) ; and m-tl-ttes are “ those who march in a large body" 
(compare part-etes, “ those which go round," scil. the house), t.e. 
‘the common soldiers" (cf. above, p. 30). So that we have three 
classes of warriors: (1) the «rpvAées, 4.e. mpo-chées or ἥρωες, 
“the choice troops, who fought in the van ;" (2) the [ha] m-ihttes, 
or, * common soldiers, who marched in a body ;" (8) the egv- 
ttes, or “cavalry, who went. on horseback,” ‘The rorar$ seem 
to have derived their name from the idea of spreading out or 
pouring forth, which is conveyed by χίλιοι and μύριοι, and not 
from the fanciful resemblance of slight drops before a heavy 
shower. 

In the same way as the diphthong ΑΙ becomes 1,, the diph- 
thong AU becomes U,: comp. causa, ac-cuso; claudo, $n-cludo ; 
&c. The same is the case with the Greek diphthong ov, @ov- 
κυδίδης, Thucydides, &c.; and even with its Latin equivalent 
ou,—thus we have indouco for tndiico on the bronze table of 
Tivoli (above, Chap. vr. ὃ 19). The diphthong AU is sometimes 
represented by ó- aw, as in Sanscrit: comp. plaudo, ex-plodo; 
Claudius, Clodius ; &c. So also we have suf-foc-are from faux, 
oratus for auratus (Fest. p. 182), osptcatur for auspicatur (Claud. 
Hist. lib. vi11; Diom. p. 878) ; Olus for Aulus (Gellius, N. A. xv11. 
21, $17); rodus for raudus (Fest. p. 265) ; horto for haurto (Cato, 
R. R. 66), ἄς. In ob-oedto, from audio (Cic. de legibus, 1v. 3, 86 ; 
Plaut. Att. Trag. rel. p. 164; Afran. Com. rel. p. 162, Ribbeck), 
AU is represented by the lighter diphthong o1'; and it is a 
further proof of the tendency to interchange U, and 1, *that the 


1 Corssen’s derivation of ob-ad-io from ob-aus-id-ire = ob-os-id-ire 
zz 6b-o-id-ire (1. p. 197) seems to me quite unnecessary, not to say 


-ς 


Pre 


916 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


diphthong o1=0E, which is so often represented by v, also appears 
as I: thus, otconomus is written tconomus, ὁδοιδόκος appears as 
hodidocus, Οἰνόμαος a8 Inomaus, κοιμητήριον 88 cimeterium, &c. 
Sometimes, on the contrary, OE is represented by the first vowel 
only, as in diocesis, poema, &c., from διοίκησις, ποίημα, &c. (see 
Gifanius, in Mureti Opp. 1. p. 550, Ruhnken.) With regard to 
ποιέω, the omission of the ὁ was common enough in Greek (see 
Porson, Tracts, p. 63; Dindorf, ad Arist. Nub. 1448, Acharn. 
410). The pronunciation of yéz w, as in Jlithyia = Εἰλείθυια, 
is best explained on the hypothesis that the y=v became eva- 
nescent, just as the a in az and aw is omitted in the derived 
᾿ς forms, for yi — ve is certainly pronounced with a single utterance. 
That u$ may be shortened to ¢ is clear from the forms posit for 
posuit. (Orelli, C. I. nos. 71, 1475, 1732, 3087, 4139), tis for 
tuis (Id. no. 4847), ss for suis (Lucr. 11. 1038; v. 1076. 
Fest. 8. v. 808). In the same way uw is shortened into u (Orelli, 
nos. 1108, 3488) and ἐΐ into ¢ (Gruter, p. DLXXIII., and cf. all 
the genitives of nouns in tus). 

U,.—This is the common short u of the Romans. Τί corre- 
sponds generally to the short 0 of the Greeks; and nouns of the 
o-declension always exhibit this U in Latin; comp. λύκος, lupus; 
ἵππος, equus; &c. It is probably a remnant of the Etruscan U. 
In the older Latin inscriptions we have seen o used for this 
value of uv. Thus we have consol for consul, Luctom for 
Lucium, &c. In Greek transcriptions of Latin words this U, 
although short, is represented by ov; thus we have Νουμάς, 
Κορβούλων, τούομ, κιρκονίτουμ, &c. for Niima, Corbiilo, tiium, 
circióttum, &c. (Corssen. 1. p. 150). 

U,.—This letter, like 1,, must be considered as a point of 
contact between I and v. Indeed, it may be doubtful in some 
cases whether U, has not been written for r. The passage of 
this U, into an approximate I is of the following nature :—First, 
a short O is changed into U,. The genitive of the Greek im- 
parisyllabic declension ends in -os: for this the oldest Latin 
substitutes -us, as in Castorus, nominus, partus, Venerus, honorus, 
ἄς. compared with Senatuos, magistratuos, domuos, &c. Some 
of these old genitives remained to the end of the language, as 
alius, ejus, hujus, illius, &c. Again, the 1st pers. plur. of the 
Greek verb ended in -ouev—-opes : for this the old Romans wrote 


ἢ 5.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 817 


-umus, & form still preserved in sumus and volumus. Again, in 
old Latin the vowel of the crude form is preserved in the inflex- 
ions, as in arcu-bus, optu-mus, pontu-fex, &c. But hn all three 
cases the later Latin exhibits an 1: thus we have Castoris, 
nominis, &c.; dicimus, scribimus, &c.; arcibus, optimus, ponti- 
fév, &c. In these cases we observe that U — O passes into a 
simple 1. But there are other instances in which the transition 
seems to go still farther. As the reduplication-syllable is gene- 
rally shorter than the root-syllable in the preterite of verbs, we 
should expect that the U or O in.the first syllable of cu-currt, 
mo-mordi, pu-pugi, tu-tudt, would be an approximation to U,.’ 
Then, again, in cultus, culmen, &c. from colo, columen, &c., and 
in tugurium, by the side of toga, the vu is clearly leas significant 
than o, though the u here may have been partly occasioned 
by that affinity between u« and / of which the French furnishes 
so many examples, and which we also see in the transition from 
the Greek ᾿Ασκλήπιος, Ἡρακλῆς, Πατροκλῆς to the Latin 
ZEsculapius, Hercules, Patricoles.. This light U or 0, however, 
is inserted before the consonants in the transcription from Greek 
to Latin; thus we have drachuma, Alcwmena, Alcumao, Tecu- 
messa. for δραχμή, ᾿Αλκμήνη, ᾿Αλκμαίων, Τέκμησσα (Corssen, I. 
p. 253). There are some cases in which we conclude that the v, 
which is written, has less weight even than 1. This might be 
inferred from con-culco, the secondary form of calco, which, ac- 
cording to the above table, should be either con-ctlco or con-celco; 
and also from difficultas, sepultus, derived from difficilis and 
sepelio. The fact seems to be, that what would be'1 before n, 
becomes U, before L; so that U,, r, are both ultimate forms of 
their respective vowels, and as such are in a state of converg- 
ence. 

Accordingly, if we should seek to arrange the Latin vowels 
in regard to their comparative weight, we should, as the result 
of this inquiry, have the following order: 

A (as in must, &c.);. U,, I; A; O U,, L; E; U, 1. 


1 The older writers wrote memordi, peposci, pepugi, spepondi, according 
to Gellius, N. A. vit. 9, who, however, says of the common spelling, * ita 
nunc omnes ferme doctiores bujusmodi verbis utuntur." 


918 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. vir. 


Corssen, who has examined the vowel-changes at some 
length, considers (1. p. 298) that contiguous consonants produce 
a regular séries of changes in the neighbouring vowels, which he 
represents jn the following table (p. 299): 


ἃ becomes o, 4, ^  @, t, 
» o becomes v, e, t, 
u becomes e, 1, 

e becomes 1, u, 

a becomes e. 


And he gives the following as the general result of his investi- 
gations (1. p. 323): 

A sinks into vu before the labials 5, p, v, m, before © simple ἶ, 
and before / and another consonant. 

A sinks infe e in a closed syllable before two or more conso- 
nants and before r. 

A is weakened into ¢ before all simple consonants,. except 
those already specified. 

E often sinks into 4. 

Ο generally remains unchanged. 

U is always immutable. 

I, as the thinnest and lightest. vowel, is not capable of any 
further extenuation. 


8 6. The Greek Letters used by the Romans. 


The Greek letters more rarely employed by the Romans 
were Z, K, and v. Two of these, Z and K, were, as we have seen 
(above, S 1), included in the oldest alphabet, derived by the 
Romans from the Greeks of Cuma. But when a was formed 
from c, Z resigned its place to the former letter, and C super- 
seded almost every use of K. On the other hand, z was re-intro- 
duced before the death of Cicero, and an attempt was made by a 
grammarian to re-habilitate K in general use. The letter y did 
not appear in the oldest Roman alphabet, and was borrowed 
during the literary epoch expressly for the purpose of writing an 
equivalent to T in words transcribed from the Greek. We must 
therefore remember with regard to these three letters that k, 
although rarely used, was always to be found in thé Roman 


§ 6.] ANALYSIB OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 319 


alphabet; that z was an original letter, which made way for a, 
but was afterwards replaced at the end of the alphabet ; and that 
Y never appeared until it accompanied z on the restoration of 
that consonant to the Roman franchise. 

Although z appears in the Umbrian and Oscan monuments, 
and though it occurred in the Salian songs (Velius Longus, 
p. 2217: ‘“ Mihi videtur nec aliena sermoni fuisse z littera, cum 
inveniatur in carmine Saliari"), we find that, even in words 
borrowed from the Greek, this letter is represented by di, as in 
Sabadius for Σέβαξος (Apuleius, Met. viri. 170), judatdiare for 
judaizare (Commodian, Instruct. adv. Gent. c. xxxvit. 684), 
trapedia for trapeza (Auctor. Ret. Agrar. p. 248), schidia for 
schiza, oridia for oriza, &c. (vide Schneid. Elementarl. 1. p. 886; 
and Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 296, note ἢ. The fact seems to be, 
that the Romans had two different characters to express the two 
different values of the Greek z, which was a dental, either assi- 
bilated (as do transposed in some dialects to a5), or softened (as 
Sy). Now, in its latter use it becomes equivalent to the softened 
guttural; for the dental and guttural, when combined with y, 
which is the ultimate vocalisation of the gutturals, converge in 
the sound of our or sh (New Crat. §§ 112, 216). When, there- 
fore, the Greek z more nearly approximates to the sound o6, 
either this is preserved in the Latin transcriptions, as in Mes- 
dentius, Sdepherus for Mezentius, Zephyrus (Max. Victor. p. 1945); 
or the ὃ is assimilated to the c, as in Messentius, massa, atticisso, 
comissor, badisso, malacisso, &c., by the side of Mezentius, μάζα, 
ἀττικίζω, κωμάζξω, βαδίζω, paraxifw, &c.; or else one or other 
of the two component parts is omitted, as in Saguntus for Za- 
kynthus, or Medentius for Mezentius. In this case, too, we may 
consider that the letter 2 occasionally steps in, as in rizàyby- 
the side of ἔὄρι[δ]ς. When, however, the Greek z is a softened 
6, and therefore equivalent to a softened guttural, we find that 
it is represented either by the full combination di, as in‘ the 
cases quoted above, or else by the vocalized guttural (7) only. 
Of this latter substitution there are numberless instances: such 
as Ju-piter, Ζεὺς πατήρ; jugum, ξεῦγος; &c. Of these the 
most important are the cases connected with the first-quoted 
example, Ju-piter = Dies-pater; and I must take this oppor- 
tunity of returning to one etymology belonging to this class, 


320 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. VII. 


which has always appeared to me to open the way to a chain 
of the most interesting associations. 

It has been shown elsewhere (N. Crat. S 116) how the 
Greek H, originally the mark of aspiration, came to be used as 
a sign for the long e. Out of that investigation it appeared— 
(1) that a short vowel aspirated may be equivalent to an un- 
aspirated long vowel; (2) that the vocalized consonants $ and τ 
may change their place; (3) that these vocalized consonants may 
be absorbed into or represented by the long vowel only. To 
the instances given there, I will now add the iota subscriptum 
of the Greek dative, and the Ionic Greek absorption of v after c, 
as in Odupa, ἑωυτοῦ, &c.! These principles explain the con- 
nexion between ἧπαρ, jecur (Sanscr. yakrit); ἥμισυ, διάμεσος, 
dimidius; and between ἡμέρα — διάμερος, and dies? (comp. diu- 
turnus, juturna; Diana, Janus, &c.). Now, besides ἡμέρα, we 
have an adjective ἥμερος, “civilized,” "cultivated," &c. the 
regular antithesis of ἄγριος; and it has been suggested (ibid. 
S 150), that this word was originally applied to a country 
through which there was a road or passage, a country divided 
by a road (διάμερος) ; just as ἄγριος was properly applied to a 
rude, open country, with nothing but ὥγροιδ. This is sufficiently 
proved by Atsch. Humen. 13, 14: κελευθόποιοι παῖδες “Hdalo- 
του, χθόνα ἀνήμερον τιθέντες ἡμερωμένην. Pind. Isthm. 111. 76 
(1v. 97): vavriXaw Te πορθμὸν ἀμερώσατο. Herod. 1. 126: 


! In many editions of Herodotus we have these words written θῶῦμα, 
ἑδωῦτοῦ, &c.; but the accentuation of θῶυμα sufficiently proves that it isa 
dissyllable ; and even if we had not this evidence, it would be contrary 
to all analogy to infer a resolution of a diphthong in a crasis, the sole 
object of which is to shorten the word. Why should ravró be written, 
if it were a word of as many syllables as τὸ avró? 

3 In the name of the city Ἱμέρα (another form of ἡμέρα, see Bóckh's 
note on Pindar, O. x11. 13-21, p. 210), the preposition διά is represented 
by the aspirated ε. In the words anti-quus, posti-cus, from antea, postea, 
we have i-:edzeas. 

8 Hence χῶρος with its old synonym χορός (New Crat. § 280), might 
be considered as an adjective agreeing with the suppressed word ἄγρος, 
just as χώρα might refer to the suppressed word γῆ: and thus χῶρος 
signifies “land not built on"—-either the open space in a town, or fields 
‘in the country (Herod. n. 154: δίδωσε χώρους évoujca),—&and χώρα 
rather signifies “a region," “a territory," in the wider sense. 


§ 6.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. ° 321 


ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Κῦρος (ἦν yap ὁ χώρος---ἀκανθώδης--- τοῦτόν σφι 
τὸν χῶρον προεῖπε ἐξημερῶσαι ἐν ἡμέρᾳ. Iv. 118: τοὺς αἰεὶ 
ἐμποδὼν γινομένους ἡμεροῦται πάντας. In all of these passages 
the verb ἡμερόω implies making a clear passage or rogd ; and in 
Plat. (Legg. p. 761°A) the adjective ἥμερος is used as a predi- 
.Cate of ὁδός: ὁδῶν τε ἐπιμελουμένους, ὅπως ὡς ἡμερώταται 
ὅκασται γύγνωνται!. That the Greeks connected road-making 
-with civilisation in general, and with the peaceful commerce of 
man with man, appeats from many passages (Aristotle, περὶ 
θαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτων, c. 85, p. 837, Bekk. ; Thucydides, I. 2, 
compared with τ. 18, &c.); and this is generally implied im all 
the legends relating to Hercules and Theseus. But it has not 
been sufficiently remarked that this road-making was also in- 
timately connected with the cultivation of land. It may, how- 
ever, be shown, that as the Greek ἄγρος becomes ἥμερος when 
divided by a road, by a similar process the Latin ager becomes 
jugerum = = di-ager-um. 

Whenever a piece of unemployed ground—of ager, so called 
—was to be taken into use, whether for cultivation, or for the 
site of a city or a camp, the rules of the ancient /émitatio were 
immediately applied. Now this very word itmitatio signifies, 
the dividing of a certain piece of ground into main-roads (vie) 
and cross-roads (limites); and the same primary notion is con- | 
veyed bytem-plum; so obviously derived from tem-no, Gr. τάμ- * 
vo, comp. τέμενος, &c. For in all lamttation the first thing done - 
was to observe the templum, i.e. as we should say, to take the 
bearing by the compass*. If we suppose the augur stood with 
his back to the north’, then the line from north to south would 


1 The word 7reípos — ἡ διαπέραν χώρα, furnishes another instance of 
the substitution of η for da: comp. the epithet διαπρύσιος, Pind. N. 1v. 
51, where see the note. 

3 Most ancient nations seem to have connected the regiones cals with 
tho regiones viarum. Thus in old English “the milky way” was called 
* Watling-street," which was the name of one of the four great roads in 
this country; see Grimm, Deutsche Myth. p. 330, 2d ed., and Drayton's 
Potyolbion, Song x11. p. 389, with the illustrations to Song xvi. p. 403. 

3 The point of view taken by tho augur seems to have depended 
on his own discretion; for it is stated that he looked eastward at the 
inauguration of a king, southward in certain cases, and westward in the 


D. V. 2] 


322 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP: VII. 


be called the cardo, as corresponding to the axis of the globe; 
and the limes from east to west, which cut the cardo at right 
angles, would be called the decumanus, or “tenth line" (Festus, 
p.71) For both these lines repeated themselves according to 
the number of separate allotments into which the land was 
divided, or the number of separate streets in the city or camp!. 
Now the Roman actus or fundus [= 120 feet] was the unit of sub- 
division ; two of these fundi made a jugerum = di-ager-um, and: 
two jugera constituted the heredium of a Roman patrician: con- 
sequently, 200 jugera made up the ager limsitatus of a century 
of the old Roman populus (Fest. 8. v. Centurtatus, p. 53). If 
this ager limitatus, then, were arranged as a square, we have, 
of course, for each side 20 x 120 feet. Supposing, then, a road 
between each two of the fundi, —which there must have been, 
as every two fundi made a di-ager-um,—the limes which passed 
between the tenth and eleventh fundus would be properly called 
the decumanus, and it would consequently be the main road. 
The point at which the decumanus crossed the cardo was called 
groma or gruma; and here, in a city or camp, the two cross- 


division of land (Niebuhr, m. p. 626). In laying out the camp he turned 
his back to the enemy, as though to bless what was before him: for the 
porta pratoria led to the opposing force, and the porta principalis dextra 
was to the left of the line of march. There can be no doubt, however, 
that the cardo corresponded to the axis of the earth, i. e, from north to 
south, and that the limes, which cuts it, is parallel to the equator (Pliny 
H. N. xvut. 83, $ 326). Hence the cardo is called sextaneus from the 
sixth hour of the Roman meridian (Feldmesser ed. Blume, Lachmann et 
Rudorff, Vol. 1. p. 324, 1. 12). "The meaning of the important adjective 
decumanus is fully discussed in Chapter xir. $ 8. 

1 It would seem that the word sicilicus (from seco) was properly and 
originally applied to this apportionment of land. In the Bantine Table 
(I. 25) we have nep him pruhipid mais zicolois x nesimois ; which I have 
translated above (p. 151): ne in hoc pre&hibeat (i.e. prebeat) plus sicilicis 
x contiguis. According to Klenze (Abhandl. p. 50) x nesimois = decimis ; 
but I cannot understand why we should have an ordinal here. The root 
of ne-simus appears in nahe, near, next, &c.; and I would understand it 
of ΒΟ many adjoining allotments. The sicilicus was 600 square feet, i. e. 
3 of the jugerum, or ἂς of the actus. Consequently, the 30 contiguous 
sicilict mentioned in |, 17 would be § of the jugerum, or } of the actus ; 
and the ten contiguous sicilici would, therefore, be τὸ of the former and 
τὰ of the latter. 


§ 6.] ANALYSI8 OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 323 


roads seem to have spread themselves out into a kind of forum. 
There is 88 much probability in the supposition that the immor- 
tal name of Rome was derived from this ancient word, as there 
is in any of the numerous etymologies suggested by Festus (p. 
266). From this it appears, that among the Romans it was the 
same thing to speak of a territory as divided by roads, and to 
call it cultivated, occupied, or built upon; and the jugerum, or 
divided ager, implied both. To the same principle we may refer 
the importance attached by the ancients to straight ploughing’; 
for the furrow was the first element of the road; and the urbs 
itself was only that space round which the plough had been for- 
mally and solemnly drawn. 

The Romans were very sparing in their use of the Greek 
letter K. It was occasionally employed to form the syllable ka, 
as in kalumnia, kandidatus, kaput, Karthago, Kastor, evoka- 
tus, judikandus, Parkarum ; but in these instances it was con- 
sidered quite superfluous; and Quintilian thinks (1. 4, 9, and 7, 
10) that its use ought to be restricted to those cases in which 
it serves as the conventional mark of an abbrevation, as in K. = 
Keso, and K. or Kal.=Kalende. Isidor (Origg. 1, 4) and 
Petrus Diaconus (p. 1582, Putach) tell us that the letter K was 
added to the Roman alphabet by the ludt-magister Sallustius, 
in order to mark a distinction between K and Q. But it has been 
already mentioned that K was always one of the Roman letters, 
and this must have been merely an attempt to bring it into 
more general use. 

The letter Y was never used by the Romans except as the 
transcription of v in words derived either from or through the 
Greek; and it seems to have been a representative of those 
sounds which have been designated above by the characters v, 
and v,, both of which involve an approximation to the sound of 1. 
Hence, in the French alphabet it is not improperly called “the 
Greek £" (( grec). In many words, rather connected with the 
Greek than derived from it, the v is represented by 1, as in 

1 See Hesiod. Op. et D. 443: 

ὅς κ᾿ ἔργου μελετῶν ἰθεῖαν αὔλακ᾽ ἐλαύνοι, 
μηκέτι παπταίνων μεθ᾽ ὁμήλικας. 
Luke ix. 62; and comp. the tropical use of delirare. 
21—2 


924 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [CHAP. ΥἹΙ. 


cliens, in-clitus (κλύω), clipeus (καλύπτω), Sila, silva (UXF9), &c.; 
while in others the v has become E, as in socer (éxvpós), remulco 
(ῥυμουλκέω), polenta (παλυντή), &c. The Roman v, sometimes 
represents the common v of the Greeks, as in lupus (λύκος), nunc 
(νῦν,), fut (φύω), &c.; sometimes the Greek o, as in all nouns 
of the o-declension. 


§ 7. The Numeral Signs. 


This examination of the Latin alphabet will not be complete 
without some remarks on the signs which were used by the 
Romans to denote the numeral adjectives. Priscian, in his 
usual school-boy way, has endeavoured to establish the connexion 
between the numeral signs as we have them, and the ordinary 
Roman capitals. Thus, quinque, he tells us, is represented by 
V, because this is the fifth vowel; quinquaginta is L, because, 
etymologically, L and N may be interchanged, and N is πεντή- 
κοντα in Greek; quingenti is D, because this is the next letter 
to C!—and so forth (Priscian, 11. p. 388, ed. Krehl). 

Now there can be no doubt that the Roman numeral signs 
are derived from the Tuscans: though in certain cases a Roman 
capital has been substituted for an Etruscan character which 
does not correspond to it in value, and though in these instances 
the figures are either inclined or reversed. The Etruscan cha- 
racters are as follows :— 

I, II, III, IIII, A, AI, AIT, AIII, IX, X, &c. 

1, 2, 8 4, 5,06, 7, 8, 9, 10. 

AX, XXX, XXXX,or XT T, TX, &. 
20, 80, 40, 50, 60, 


Φ. 8. D cy &e, 
100, 1000, 5000, 10000. 

It is sufficiently obvious that the first ten of these characters 
are identical with the Roman figures, the A, &c. being reversed ; 
and as 7) is often written T, and as «b LL, frequently occur on 
Roman family coins, we may recognize in this character the 
original of the Roman L, and therefore identify the Etruscan 
and Roman ciphers from 1 to 99. The Roman C and the 
Etruscan (Ὁ do not appear to be connected; but the Etruscan 8, 


er, 85 it is also written (D, is clearly the same as the Roman = ; 


PO ee δὰ. eee 79 — 


8 7.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 920 - 


Φ, and o[o, for which M was subsequently written; and the 
same remark applies to the still higher numbers. 

If, then, the Roman ciphers were derived from the 'T'uscans, 
it is obvious that we must seek in the Tuscan language for an 
interpretation. Now it cannot be doubted; that the Tuscan 
numeral signs are either letters of the alphabet slightly changed, 
or combinations of such characters made according to fixed rules. 
Thus, A is the inverted V — vw ; or T is an inverted W = ch! ; 
and 8 2f. Since, therefore, the position of these letters in the 
organic alphabet does not correspond to their value 88 numeral 
signs, we must conclude that they represent the initials of the 
numerals in the Etruscan, just as M afterwards denoted mille in 
the Latin language. We do not positively know any Etruscan 
numeral, and therefore cannot pretend to any certainty on this 
subject ; but this is the most probable inference. The manner in 
which the elementary signs are combined to form the intermediate 
numerals is more easily and safely investigated. The character 
denoting unity is perhaps selected from its simplicity; it is the 
natural and obvious score in every country. This character is 
combined with itself to form the next three digits, though four is 
sometimes expressed as 5 — 1, according to the principle of sub- 
traction so common among the Romans (comp. duodeviginti, &c.). 
The same plan is adopted to form the numerals between 5 and 
10. The number 10 is represented by a combination of two V's 
—thus, X; and this figure enclosed in a circle indicates the 
multiplication of 10 by itself, or 100. The letter 8, or (D, being 
assumed as the representative of 1000, its half, or D, would 
indicate 500; and as multiplication by ten was indicated by & 


circle in the case of 100, on the same principle ap would be 
10,000, and its half or ly would represent 5000. 


These rules for the formation of one numeral from another 
are more obvious than the origin of the elementary numeral 
signs. But where certainty is not within our reach, we must be 
contented with a solution of those difficulties which may be sub- 
mitted with safety to a philological analysis. 


1 It is possible that this character may be the half of that which 
denotes 100, according to the principle stated below. 


a 


CHAPTER VIII. 
THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 


$ 1. Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system. § 2. General scheme of 
the case-endings. $3. Differences of crude form. ὃ 4. Hypothetical forms 
of the nominative and accusative plural § 5. Existing forms—the genitive. 
§ 6. The dative and locative. 8 7. The accusative singular. $8. The abla- 
tive. 89. The neuter forms. § το. The vocative. § tr. Adverbe considered 
as cases of nouns. § 12. Adverbial expression for the day of the month. 


§ 1. Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system. 


HE system of cases, with which the Latin noun is furnished, 
presents a greater abundance and variety of forms than that 

of the Greek declension. 'The Greek noun has no distinct ablative 
case ; its accusative has frequently lost its characteristic termina- 
tion; the genitive includes the ablative meaning; and the loca- 
tive is almost obsolete. The greater number and variety of the 
Latin cases is due to the more ancient state or condition of the 
language, and perhaps also to its composite structure. As the 
language degenerates intp the so-called Romance idioms, we find 
that its cases are gradually lost, and their place taken by a 
number of prefixes, which add indeed to the syntactical distinct- 
ness of the language, but purchase this advantage by sacrificing 
the etymological development. The student of Latin, however, 
very soon discovers that the variety of case-forms is the very 
reverse of an advantage. For idiomatic usage has introduced so 
much confusion into the use of the genitive, dative, and ablative, 
that the two latter derive all their distinctions from the preposi- 
tions attached to the ablative, while the genitive, in many cases, 
differs from the ablative only as an arbitrary form, and without 
any reference to a distinction of meaning. If we revert to the 
Greek language, which still retains the more accurate distinctions 
of case, we shall see that the genitive, or case of ablation, denotes 
the origin of motion or action; the dative, or case of accession, 
denotes juxta-position, immediate proximity, rest and presence; 
the accusative, or case of transition, denotes the end of motion 


§ 1,7 THE LATIN OASE-SYSTEM. 927 


or action, —the object to which something is proceeding. Now 
the Latin, in most instances, is unable to express this simple 
relation of unde, ubt and quo by the mere case-endings. If we 
except certain adverbs derived from nouns, certain agglutinate 
forms, such as meridie, postridie, &c., some few nouns, as rus, 
domus, humus, bellum, militia, and the proper names of cities, 
we have no locative in Latin, and no case for the simple expres- 
Bion of departure or approach, and are obliged to use prepositions, 
such as in, ab, ad, to convey these meanings. And even with 
regard to the forms which are still used as locatives, differences 
of declension produce endless confusions, which all the old and 
some modern grammarians bave enhanced by making arbitrary 
rules for differences of case in the syntax of different declensions. 
Thus because nouns in -a, -us, of the first and second declen- 
sion, had a locative in -a-$— ὦ, and in -o- — ἢ, we are told that 
mile, Rome, domi, Cypri are genitive cases; whereas ruri, 
Carthagine, Athenis are ablatives, because the locative approxi- 
mates or corresponds to the mutilated ablative in the consonantal 
declension. These labourers in the work of making the Latin 
language unlearnable, except by the parrot use of the memory, 
could not perceive that as dies is masculine when it means “a 
day," Ad-die and postri-die must belong to the same forms, and 
that if the former is from ho-t-die, the latter must be from 
postero-t-die. The same remark applies to meridie for medi die, 
and independently of these quasi-compounds we have the phrases 
die septemt (Plautus, Men. 1156), dte nont in the Preetor’s words 
cited by Aul. Gellius (x. 24). Also die proximt (Cato), die 
crastini (Plautus, Mostell. 884), ἄς. The connexion of hd-dte 
for hi-dte or hot-die (cf. hic) with these locatives in -? supports 
the true etymology of md-dd -- mi-dato, to which we are led by 
the synonymous cé-do (see Philol. Society's Trans. 1854, pp. 97 
Bqq.). It seems, however, that even this form in ¢ or at does not 
give the complete affix of the locative. Originally it must have 
ended im -tn or -/m, and this was corrupted in every form with 
the exception of such words as partim, enim, &c.; hence, to 
restore the original ending, we must write, with different degrees 
of alteration or addition, mslitia-ém (-in), Roma-im (-in), domo-im 
(-én), Cypro-im (-in), rur-im (-in), Carthagin-im (-in), Athenis- 
tm (-tn). With this locative in -m the preposition cum is used 


328 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [CHAP. VILE. 


in inscriptions just as ξύν governs the dative-locative in Greek ; 
thus we have cum quem or cum quen (Corssen, 1. p. 268). 


§ 2. General scheme of the case-endings. 


In treating of the Latin cases, our attention is directed to 
three different aspects under which they may be considered. 
"We may regard them either according to a general scheme de- 
rived from all the declensions, or as modified by those varieties 
in the termination of the crude form which constitute differences 
of declension; or we may take both of these together, and add 
to them those additional phenomena which are furnished by the 
adverb. A supplementary source of information respecting the 
cases may be derived from those nouns, whether substantive or 
adjective, which are obviously formed from the oblique cases of 
other nouns. ‘Thus, we know that the original Greek genitive 
ended in -ovo (Sanscr. sya) from the form of the possessive ad- 
jective δημόσιος (Bopp, Vergl. Gramm. p. 294, note). Similarly, 
a case in -tne, analogous to the Sanscrit instrumental, may be 
inferred both from the particle sine and from the derivative forms 
urbinus (= urbdinus), &c., and officina (=offictina), &c. 

If we confine ourselves to the forms of the noun, we get the 
following general scheme of the case-endings. 


SING. PLUR. 
"Nom. oe i eee eh [ales (varionsly modified) 
Gen. — ds, jus, 878 (orignally -siom) [r]wm (originally siom-s) 
Dat. ἴον δὲ “he preserved only in [6009 = ts 
Accus. m [m]e (a sore e 
Abl. a[d] (the d is found only in old Latin) [b]us = ts 
Loc. ἐγ] or ?[n] 18- [$m] or ts-[1n.]. 


§ 3. Differences of crude form. 


By taking the different crude forms according to the usual 
classification, we shall at once see how this scheme is modified 
and applied. The declensions will be fully discussed in a sepa- 
rate chapter, and it will be sufficient in this place to show how 
the different cases attach themselves to the different charac- 
teristics. 


| 


§3.] . THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 329 


CONSONANT-NOUNS. 

SING. PLUE. 
Nom. lapi[d]s lapid-[s]-es (= és) 
Gen. - lapid-is lapid-e-rum* 
Dat.  lapid-i-[bi] (=4) lapid-1-bus 
Accus. lapid-e-m lapid-e[m]s (= és) 
Abl. lapid-e[d] lapid-i-bus 
Loc.  lapid-im? lapid-is-im? 

VOWEL-NOUNS. 
A 

SING. PLUuR. 
Nom. familid-[s] Samilia-[s&%] (= at, a) 
Gen. famila-is (= aes", ds, ài, v) familia-rum - 
Dat. famtlia-[b]¢ (= α) familia-bus (= £s)? 
Accus. familia-m familia-[m]s (= as) 
Abl.  familia-[d] (= 4) familia-i-bus 
Loc. familias (= @) familia-is-4m? 

E= A-I 

SING. ^ PLUR. 
Nom. dte-s = dia-is die-[se]e 
Gen.  die-i[5]* die-rum 
Dat. dte-[b]¢ die-bus 
Accus. die-m die-[m]s 
Abl dte-[d] die-bus 
Loc.  die-dta-A[ m] die-sim ? 

I 

SING. PLUR. 
Nom. avi-s avi-[s& ]s (= és) 
Gen.  avi-is (= avyts, avis) avt-|r]um 


Dat. αὐυΐ [δ]ὲ (= avt) avi-bus 


1 Charisius, 1. 40. 

3 Many examples of the gen. in -aes have been collected from in- 
scriptions; (see Corssen, 1. p. 183). The nom. pl. in -as — -aes is pre- 
served in ponas, Foat. p. 371, above, p. 253. 

3 For the form in -bus comp. Orelli, Znscr. nos. 1628, 1629, 4601, &oc.; 
and K. L. Schneider, Formenlehre, 1. pp. 25, 8qq. 

4 This genitive appears sometimes under the form -es, sometimes also 
under the form -i, as: pernicies, gen. pernicies, progenies, gen. progenii, 
See the passages quoted by Scehwartzo, das alte /Egypten, p. 565. 


990 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. ^  [CHAP. VIL 


Accus. avi-m (= em) avi-[m]s (= és) 

Abl.  avi-[d] avi-bus 

Loc. avi-[m]? avi-sim ? 

oO . 
SING. Prvm. 
Nom. avo-s avo-ses (= 0$ = — e$ τεῦ, 
as in gen. sing.) 
Gen.  avo-is (= sus or 8yo, — 10, — avo-erum 
= et, = ὃ 1 

Dat. | avo-[5]* (Ξ δ) avo-tbhus (= eis = s) 
Accus. avo-m avo-[m]s (= 6s) * 

Abl.  avo-[d] avo-thus (= és) 

Loc. avo-z-[m] Ξε αὐ  . avo-ts-[tm] 3 

U 

. SING. PLR. 

Nom. fructu-s fructu-ses (= s) 

Gen.  fructu-ts (= ds) fructu-e[r]um 

Dat. fructu-[6]¢ (= a) fructu-ibus 

Accus. fructu-m fructu-[m]s (= ds) 
Abl.  fructu-[d] Sructu-tbus 


Loc.  fructu-im? fructu-is-im? 


§ 4. Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusative 
plural. 


If now we compare these particular instances with the 
general scheme, we shall see that, taking all the varieties of 
the crude form, of which the above are specimens, there are 
only two assumptions in the general table,—namely, the original 
forms of the nominative and accusative plural. All the others 
are actually found, either in nouns or pronouns, at some epoch 


of the language. 


1 As δημόσιο, δήμοιο, δήμου, comp. the nom. plural. 

3 The dative or ablative in -bus is sometimes found in those nouns 
which have 6 or ¢ before the characteristic: thus we have diibus from deus 
(Gruter, u. 9; xxiv. 6; XLVI. 9); and füibus from flius (a. DLUI. 8; 
DLIV. 4). 


§ 4.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 331 


With regard to the nominative and accusative plural, the 
assumed original forms are derived from a sound induction ac- 
cording to the principles of comparative philology. 

And first with regard to the nominative plural. The sign of 
this case must have been originally -s throughout the declen- 
sions. Now it appears from general considerations, as well as 
from an induction of facts, that -s was also the sign of the 
nominative singular (New Cratylus, § 248). Therefore the -s of 
the nominative plural, if it was to distinguish the form from the 
same case in the singular, cannot have been appended to the 
mere crude form of the noun; for then the nominatives singular 
and plural would have been one and the same inflexion. It 
must have been formed by adding the -s (with, of course, an 
intervening short vowel, for the Latin language does not tolerate 
a double -s at the end of a word) to the full form of the nomi- 
native, and thus constituting, as the total addition to the crude 
form, or the real termination, the syllable -ses. If we compare 
lapid-és, patr-és, with ἐλπίδ-ες, πατέρ-ες, we shall see that the 
long ein the Latin words cannot be accounted for otherwise 
than by the absorption of an s, which has probably become 
vocalized ins. In the Greek forms this 8, like the ν of the 
accusative, has been dropt altogether. This view is supported, 
not only by the fact that the plurals vo-b1s, Xéryo-4-s, &c. actually 
stand in this relation to the singulars ἐΐ- δὲ, λόγῳ = Xóryo-4, ἄς. 
but even more so by the analogy of the genitive singular. For 
in many cases the genitive singular is identical, in its secondary 
form, with the nominative plural: thus familie, avt, are the 
common forms of both cases. But familia is actually written 
familias = familiaàs in compounds with pater, mater, filius, &c. 
Hence we may presume the same original form of the nomina- 
tive plural familia (cf. dies, &c.). Now the original form of the 
nom. singular must have been familid-s ; congfquently, if, when 
the nom. sing. was famslia, the nom. plur. was familia-d = fa- 
milie (as in ponas, Fest. p. 371), it follows that when the nom. 
sing. was famihd-s, the nom. plur. must have been famtla-sé&. 
The same follows from the form avt. The omission of s between 
two vowels is fully supported by Greek analogies: for if éXéyov 
is manifestly a corruption of éAéyeco, ἔχθυες may well be a simi- 
lar corruption of ἔχθυσες. I have preferred to treat the original 


392  - THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM.  — [CHaAP. viu. 


form of the nominative plural as an assumption, and to support 
it by the arguments which I have just adduced; but if we 
remember that the original 8 of many Homan words was not 
changed into R till about the 4th century A. v. C. (above, Ch. vir. 
$ 3), we might take the existence of such forms as spe-res (which 
occurs in fragments of Ennius), and gnaru-res (which is found 
in Plautus, Mostellaria, 1. 2,17; Penulus, prol. 47), as a distinct 
confirmation of the theory (compare also dies = dieres, or dieses, 
with such forms as dies-ptter, diur-nus, ho-dier-nus, &c.). And 
here again the analogy of the genitive becomes applicable, as 
will be seen below (8 5). The pronouns also supply a partial 
confirmation of the above induction; for though in common 
Latin we find a genitive singular in -s by the side of a nomina- 
tive plural in -7, we learn from old inscriptions that there was 
also a nominative plural in -s: see Senatus Cons. de Bacch. ll. 3, 
7; Lex Hom. Bant. Tab. 1. 21; Klenze ad Leg. Servil. p. 12. 
Again, in regard to the accusative plural, which in all the 
above instances ends in -s preceded by a long vowel, we must 
infer that -s is the termination of the plural as such, from con- 
siderations of the same nature with those which have just been 
brought forward. We should also have no difficulty in sup- 
posing that the long vowel indicates the absorption of some con- 
sonant. This consonant can only be the -m of the accusative 
singular; for not only is this most probable à priori, but it is 
the only supposition which explains all the phenomena. Let us 
take the Greek, Latin, Sanscrit, and Gothic forms in a particular 
word; and we shall see that, while the Gothic alone preserves 
the outward marks of such a derivation of the accusative plural 
from the accusative singular, the only possible explanation of the 
other forms is the supposition that they were originally identical 
with the Gothic. Thus, λύκο-ν, lupu-m, vrika-m, vulfa-n, are the 
accusative singular of synonymous words in these four languages. 
The plural of the Gothic vulfa-n is simply vulfa-n-s, whereas all 
the other forms strengthen the final ,vowel of the crude form, 
and drop one of the concluding consonants: λύκον becomes 
λύκους, lupum is converted into lupós, and urtkam into vrikán. 
The comparison of ὀδούς, &c. with dens, &c., shows us that λύκους 
may stand for λύκονς ; and the analogy of τύπτων -- τύπτον[ τῆς 
is sufficient to explain the change of vrikans into vríkán. The 


ὃ 5.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. . 883 


Umbrian also has shown us both the original formation and the 
corruption of the accusative plural: for while we have abron-s 
exactly corresponding to the Gothic vulfan-s, we have also abrof, 
which, as I have shown (above, p. 110), must have proceeded from 
abrom-h = abrom-s. If we add to this, that when the accusa- 
tive singular has lost its final consonant, the plural accusative | 
merely adds -s to the existing form of the singular (as in 
avSpa[v], τύπτοντα[ν], sing., avdpa-s, τὐπτοντἄ-ς, plural), we 
have, it should seem, the most satisfactory evidence which the 
subject admits, in support of the assumed original form of the 
accusative plural. 

Having thus justified the only hypothetical forms in the 
above scheme of cases, it will be desirable to make some remarks 
on the most striking peculiarities in the existing inflexions. 


§ 5. Existing forms—the Genitive. 


In the general scheme, the genitive singular is characterized 
by the terminations -?s, -s/s, or -7us; the gen. plural by the 
ending -rum, where the r is generally dropt, except in the a, e, 
and o declensions, which constantly retain it. The difficulty 
here felt is, to connect the plural form with the singuler. 
Struve's assertion (über die Lat. Decl. 8, 15) that the 7 is 
merely euphonic, would tend, if we assented to it, to complicate 
and increase this difficulty in no small degree. ‘The comparative 
philologer cannot doubt that the original form of the genitive 
plural in the Indo-Germanic languages was that which is pre- 
served in the Sanscrit -s&m τε ΣΩΜ (see Müller ad Varron. L. L. 
vill. § 74, p. 192). This form, after the fourth century A. U. C., 
would appear in Latin as RoM, which was afterwards softened into 
RUM. The Indians wrote -nám for -8&m in many of their words 
where the n represents the s, as in vrikán for vrikás = vriküm-s; 
but in the pronouns, which generally preserve the authentic forms 
longer than the nouns, we have tá-süm — istá-rum. The Greeks 
very often omitted an o- hetween two vowels in a case liké this ; 
and as they wrote éAéyou for ἐλέγεσο, ÜyÜv-es for ἔχθυσ-ες, 80 
they gave us δήμοιο, or ultimately δήμου, for the original ónuóato, 
and μουσά-ων, or ultimately μουσῶν, for nova da vv -- μουσα-σιον-ς. 
That -sum or -sium was the proper and genuine form of the Latin 
genitive appears from the genitives in -azum, which are found in 


994 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM.  — [cHAP. VIII. 


the Oscan monuments (e.g. egma-sum); and that r was the 
immediate representative of this s or 2 is proved not merely by 
the fact that the Romans actually wrote -um for -orum when 
it suited their convenience', thereby showing the reason for 
the omission of the r in the other declensions, but also by the 
fact that the r is found in the pronouns, the oldest and most 
immutable parts of speech, and that in the more ancient state 
of the language even nouns of the other declensions retained the 
r: thus we hear of such words as boverum, Joverum (Varro, 
L. L. viu. ὃ 74), lapiderum, nucerum, regerum (Cn. Gellius 
apud Charistum, 1. 40). This evidence receives very striking 
confirmation from the analogy of the genitive singular. The most 
common characteristic of the genitive singular 18 the termination 
-ts. There are reasons, however, which may induce us to doubt 
if this is the full and original form of the genitive-ending. The 
Sanscrit vrikdsya compared with λύκοιο, and the possessive δημό- 
σιος by the side of δημό-εο, might lead us to suspect that the ter- 
mination commenced with an s, which was subsequently absorbed ; 
and this suspicion is confirmed by the fact, that there are, in old 
Latin, genitives ending in -rts — -eis where the r = 8 is not part of 
the crude form. "Thus we have sue-ris for suts in the fragment 
of Plautus quoted by Festus, s v. Spetile, p. 330: '* Esto pet- 
nam, sumen sueris, Bpetile, callum, glandia." Compare Varro, 
L. L. v. § 110, p. 44. And from the extant forms of the nomi- 
native plural in -res we may fairly infer that the genitive in 
-ris = sis Was not uncommon. The Latin possessive adjectives end 
in -ius or -eus, e.g. pretor-tus from pretor, virgin-eus from 
virgo, (virgin-); and as the analogy of δημό-σιος, vrikü-sya, 
leads us to an assumption of an original -stws, we must insert s 
algo in the pronominal genitives in -jus, -4us, which, as we shall 
see in 8 subsequent chapter, are derived from the possessives of 
the pronouns. We cannot doubt that adjectives in -ἰος — -σίος 
are formed from the genitive in -4o — -σίο, and as these adjectives 
are only weaker forms of the quasi-comparatives in -cwy τε -σιον-ς, 
the original form of the genitive must have been -ovoy in Greek, 
which would amount to -sim in Latin; and the plural, originally 


! On this abbreviation, seo Cicero's remarks iu Orator. c. 46, $ 155. 


§ 6.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 990 


«σιωνΞε-σίον-ς, in the former language, would become si2m-s-— 
siQm in Latin, from which it is softened to -stim, just as the -ws 
of πόλεως falla into -ts in cu-jiis, &c. Compare also the Sanscrit 
dual -bAyám with the plural -bhyde or bAis, 


8 6. The Dative and Locative. 


In Greek, the dative, as the case denoting rest and proximity, 
indicates whatever is close at hand, and thus implies the in- 
strument or occasion, as well as that which is receptive of gain, 
or that which is the locality of the action. In other words, it 
includes the three Sanscrit cases, which are denoted as the in- 
strumental, the dative, and the locative. "These three cases end 
in -tna, -aya, and -¢. There is reason to believe that the first of 
these affixes is the original type. It is identical with the forms 
a-va, i-va, originally Fa-va, and it thus appears that it is only 
partially represented by -$«, -bó, -4, which are the usual termi- 
nations of the Greek and Latin dative and locative. The Greek 
pronouns, ἐμίν, telv, τίν, ἵν, σφίν, div, piv, contain the whole 
affix, and it always appears in the Greek dual, as in av-ró-w = 
αὐτό-φιν, where the characteristic of plurality is omitted, as in 
the Latin plural -sum =-rum. We may also conclude that the 
Latin -bés, in no-bis, vo-bis, has lost the n necessary to the full 
form, which is preserved in the particle s-tne, which is presumed 
in words like officina, and which appears slightly altered from 
the Sanscrit instrumental in words like partim, enim, olim, tstim. 
The termination -bi τὸ -φι is dative and instrumental in ἐΐ- δέ, 
vo-bis, but simply local in w-bt, $-b4, &e. Commonly the Latin 
locative ends in -4, agreeing in this with the Sanscrit. But when 
the characteristic of the noun is ἃ consonant, it is generally 
shortened into e, especially if the word is of more than two syl- 
lables. The locative of rus is ruri, In the plural the dative 
and locative are always confused with the ablative; and instances 
occur even in classical Latin where the dative of an ordinary 
noun, with the sense of limitation, appears in the form of the 
ablative in e. In some phrases this is rather the rule than the 
exception; such are pignore dare, for pignori; IlIvirt auro 
argente ere flando feriundo, for ert; jure dicundo for juri; 
qui dant quique acctpiunt fenore, for famori; &c. (se& Schneider, 
Lat. Gr. τι. pp. 200, sqq.; Müller, ad Varro. L. L. v. p. 16). 


990 THE LATIN CABE-SYSTEM, [CHAP. VIII. 


If there is any reason for using the term daftvus in reference 
to the case of & noun, it must surely be applicable to morte in the 
epitaph of Plautus, quoted by Gellius (N..4. 1. 84): ** Postquam 
est morte datus Plautus, Comedia luget,"—for here the form in 
-e actually follows a verb of giving. Thus we see that ore is not 
the ablative but the dative in (Virgil, Georg. τ. 430): 
si virgineum suffuderit ore ruborem; 
and that it is a locative in (Georg. 111. 489) : 
linguis micat ore trisulcis. 
This usage occurs in the following passages of Propertius 
(see Paley, ad v. 8, p. 311), namely, 1. 17, 22: 
molliter et tenera poneret ossa rosa. 
111, 26, 84: 
anseris indocto carmine cessit olor. 
IV. 6, 24: 
si placet insultet, Lygdame, morte mea. 
v. 8, 10: 


Cum temere anguino creditur ore manus. 


§ 7. The Accusative Singular. 


The m, which marks the accusative singular in Latin and 
Sanscrit, is only a weaker form of the dental ν, which appears 
in Greek. This dental is the residuum of the third pronominal 
element, and denotes distance and objectivity. We are not to 
suppose that partem and partim are the same word, or generally 
that the accusative and locative are the same form. The 7 
which appears in the latter, with or without the accusative 
affix, constitutes the essential difference between the two cases. 
Belonging to the second pronominal element, this 2 is in itself an 
expression of proximity; and thus, while parte-m denotes that 
“the part" is an object to be approached or acted on, part-t-m 
indicates that not only is the part an object, but also that it is 
close at hand for use or superposition. It is true that the tem- 
poral particles quum, tum, nun-c, jam, &c., are not less locative 
in meaning than olim, and that the causal nam, though accusative 
in form, coincides in signification with the locative enim. But 
we must remember that quod, quod sí, quippe -qui-pte, ὅτι, 
ὅτε, ἅτε, &c. are used as general expressions of objectivity ; and 


§ 8.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. | 937 


we must not allow syntactical equivalences to interfere with our 
etymological discrimination, 


8 8. The Ablative. 


In ordinary Latin the ablative is used as the case of instru- 
mentality in both numbers; and in the plural there is no dis- 
tinction between it and the dative. "The specimens of old Latin 
in Chapter vi. (cf. also the examples given by Corssen, Auspr. 
Vokal. u. Beton. 1. pp. 72, 334) have sufficiently shown that the 
termination of the ablative was -d, or, perhaps, at one period of 
the language, -&. The instrumental ending in Sanscrit is, as we 
have seen, -ina; and the Sanscrit ablative ended, like the Latin, 
in-d. The tendency of the instrumental and ablative—the case 
of proximity and the case of derivation,—to interchange their 
significations, is a phenomenon, in which the philosophical gram- 
marian finde no difficulty. The fact that ste and sed are so 
nearly synonymous is an obvious exemplificátion of this ten- 
dency. It is a more serious imperfection of the Latin case- 
system that the ablative, though distinguished in form from the 
genitive, should sometimes agree with it in meaning, and some- 
times coincide in sense with its direct opposite the dative. With 
regard to the singular number, which has an ablative properly 
so called, there can be no doubt that in Latin and Sanscrit, as 
well as in Greek, the genitive and ablative are traceable to a 
common origin. The full, original, and proper form of the geni- 
tive singular was -sion, and this in Greek often appeared as 
«θεν: cf. θεός τε σιός. In Sanscrit the ablative vríkát bears the 
same relation to the genitive vrikdsya that the genitive πόλεως 
does to a more ancient πολιόσιον, or the adverb καλῶς to an ori- 
ginal καλο-θεν, or the common τύπτεις to the inevitably assumed 
τύπτε-σι. Τὶ is well known that the Latin adverbs in -tus cor- 
respond to the Greek in -Oev; thus cali-tus τε οὐρανό-θεν ; and 
the Greek termination &- in -δης, &c. involves this ending -θεν 
(New Crat. S 263). There is therefore every reason to believe 
that the Latin ablative in -d or -¢ is an apocopated form of a 
case in -dus or -tus, which is resolvable to an ultimate identity 
with the genitive. 


998 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [ CHAP. VIII. 


§ 9. The Neuter Forms. 


The neuter accusative, which serves also as a nominative 
(see New Crat. S 236), ends, like the usual accusative, in -m in 
all nouns of the vowel-declensions. There is no doubt, however, 
that this m may be traced back through the dental liquid m, 
which represents it in Greek, to the dental mute -d or -t. Thus 
we have 7d, illu-d, quo-d, &c. to the latest period of the lan- 
guage; we have also met, tet, set, or med, ted, sed; ego-met, 
me-met, ted-ipsum, inter sed (Senat. Consult. de Bacch. M. 13, 
14); and we shall see in the next chapter that the final s or 
r, in nouns like corpu-s, robo-r, genu-s, &c., is a softening of an 
original ¢ or d. We must take care not to confuse this ἐ or d 
with the same letter appearing as the affix of the ablative. The 
long vowel, which precedes the dental in that case, shows that 
there is apocope or absorption of something more than a mere 
consonant, and abundant reason has been given for the inference 
that this d has passed through ¢h from an original sibilant repre- 
senting the second pronominal element. On the contrary, the 
accusative m, n, d or t is merely the residuum of the third pro- 
nominal element, denoting simple objectivity. The forms of the 
neuter plural show, à fortiori, that the dental affix in the singular 
was a mere letter, and not a syllable, as in the case of the 
ablative. For all neuter nouns, to whatever declension they 
belong, form their plural nominative-accusative in d in the Zend 
and in the old European languages of this family. Now the 
Greek language shows us that n, when it stands by itself at the 
end of a word, or precedes a dental mute, may be changed into 
' d, and this vowel may even represent the combination -vr. Thus 
we have πάτερἄᾶ for πάτερν, τετύφαται for τετύφνται, σωζοίατο 
for σώξοιντο, πάθος for πένθος, and even δέκα for δέκεντ, and 
σῶμα for σώμεντ. There is therefore no objection, à priori, 
to the hypothesis, but rather a presumption, that the plural -ἃ 
represents an original -yr; and it seems quite reasonable to 
assume that ξύλα — ξύλεν-τ; for if the objective v or τ of the 
singular had to be extended into a plural, we should not in this 
case append the personal or subjective s, as in the case of mas- 
culine and feminine nouns, but should rather repeat the objective 
affix. Now it is known that the neuter plural in Latin originally 


§ 10. | THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 939 


ended in -d; thus we find in the Senatus Consult. de Bacch. 
l. 24: quei advorsum ea-d fecisent. Again, we find in Sanscrit 
that neuter plurals end in -nt; thus madhu- μέθυ makes madha- 
ni= μέθυ-α; and the final 4 must be a vocalisation of a second ἢ, 
just as conversely nn is substituted for nt in £évvos = ξένιος — 
ξεῖνος. Lastly, while the Erse plural of the third personal pro- 
noun is siád for swiad, the Welsh form of the plural is heoynt 
for swynt. Putting all these facts together, we must come to the 
conclusion that the neuter accusative singular ended in -m — -n 
— -£ or -d, and that the plural & represents an original -nd = -nt 
=-nn or -mm. 

The pronominal neuters in ae, as que, hac, &c., are ex- 
plained in a subsequent chapter. 


S 10. The Vocateve. 


The vocative, i.e. the case of allocution, exhortation, or ex- 
clamation, is not distinguished from the nominative except in 
nouns of the second declension, and in certain Greek words 
adopted by the classical writers. When a noun in -us has to be 
used in the vocative, the crude form is employed with the lightest 
substitution for the characteristic vowel. Thus dominus makes 
domine. lf 4 precedes the characteristic, the vocative e is ab- 
sorbed, and fílius makes fii — fite. The same is the case with 
meus which has for its vocative m? - mee. As the regular nomi- 
native plural of deus is di, the Romans, to avoid confusion, did 
not use a vocative dee —- di. This rule does not apply to adjec- 
tives, as Cynthie from Cynthius, Sperchie from Sperchius. The 
vocative Gai exposes the common error of pronouncing the dac- 
tyl Gattis as a trochee; for if this had been true the vocative 
must have been Gai-e. In point of fact, Gatus is scanned regu- 
larly in three syllables; thus we have (Martial, 1x. Hp. 93): 


v. 4. Pervigil in pluma Gatis, ecce, jacet. 

v. 7. Quod debes, Gaz, redde, inquit Phoebus. 
v. 10. Gaiüs et mallet verbera mille pati. 

v. 12. Non mavis quam ter Gaiis esso tuus. 


Similarly (id. x1. 36): 


v.1l. Gatis hanc lucem gemma mihi Julius alba. 
v.8. Gdiíis ut fiat Julius et Proculus. 


22—2 


940 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [CHAP. VIII. 


The analogy of Gnaeus shows how it would have been written 
had it become a trochee ; the same is shown by the Greek accentu- 
ation, for we have I'dios not Γαῖος. The original form of the word 
was Gavius, probably signifying letificans; cf. güvisus (Aufrecht, 
Zeitschr. f. vergl. Spr. 1. 282). The C has been retained as the 
initial from the time when there was no distinction between C and 
G; but the word was always pronounced Gatus; and it seems 
that it should be so written, except when the initial only is used. 

Although the vocative, as a distinct case, is thus limited 
to a few forms in the language, the Latin writers give it occa- 
sionally a very remarkable extension of use. Thus it is made 
to agree with the nominative tu: as 

Stemmate quod Tusco ramum millesime ducis, 

Censorem fatuum vel quod trabeate salutas. 

(Pers. m1. 27, 28). 

This is regularly the case in the idiomatic use of macte = magis 
aucte (i.e. frugibus et mola); thus we have macte virtute. esto, 
* be increased in virtue" (Hor. 1. Serm. ri. 31); macte πουᾶ 
virtute puer, ** be increased in your young valour” (Virg. din. 
IX. 641). And even in an oblique sentence, as juberem [te] 
macte virtute esse (Liv. 11. 12). 


& 11. .Adverbs considered as Cases of Nouns. 


If now we add to the observations derived from the actual 
cases of nouns, the additional phenomena furnished by the ad- 
verbs, the subject of this chapter will have received all the 
examination of which it is capable. 

Adverbs are, properly speaking, certain cases of pronouns 
and nouns, and under particular circumstances they are deduced 
from the participles or supines of verbs. Their syntactical use is 
as secondary predicates, inasmuch as they convey predication 
only through the verb of the sentence. The Greeks employ their 
adjectives and participles for this purpose without any additional 
inflexion ; but the Roman adverbs are always cases, and some- 
times, if one may use the expression, double or superimposed 
cases of nominal or pronominal forms. 

Pronominal adverbs are secondary predicates either of place 
or of time, The former indicate—(a) “locality,” in which case 
they generally exhibit the locative endings -bi and -tm or the 


δ.11.] THE LATIN OASE-SYSTEM. 941 


accusative -m: thus, from the demonstrative 1s and the relative 
qui, we have i-bi and u-dt, originally cubi, comp. ali-cubt, &c.; 
from iste we have tstim, &c.; and the ending -m appears in 
us-quam or uspiam, &c.;—(b) “motion towards," in'which case 
they end in -o: as ul-tro, ‘to a place beyond" (see Déderlein, 
Syn. u. Etym. Yn. pp. 105 aqq.); quo, * whither;" eo, *thither," 
&c.; sometimes -c is appended: thus we have tlluc, istuc, by 
the side of «lo, tsto;—(c) “motion from," in which case the 
ending is -nde, or -nce, -nque: thus we have :-nde from ὦ, 
[c]u-nde from qui, aliu-nde from alius, hi-nc from hi-c, slli-nc 
from tlle, utri-nque from uter;—(d) “the way," in which case 
we have a feminine ablative in -@ agreeing with vid understood, 
as quá, ed, &c. The forms of class (c) deserve some special 
remark. The comparison of tum with tunc shows that the n 
would have been written m, if the c had not been appended. 
And the same remark applies to exin-de, hin-c, ?llin-c, tstin-c: 
for extm occurs in Lucretius [see Lachmann on III. 161), and 
Ritschl has claimed $m and ¢stim for the text of Plautus 
(Rhein. Mus. 1850, pp. 472 sqq.). But this does not interfere 
with the inference that the accusative and locative m is the re- 
presentative of an original dental. There can be no doubt that 
the termination -de is identical with that of the ablative, and, as 
we have seen, with the termination -tys. Bopp, who was aware 
of this (Vergl. Gramm. p. 610), proposes to consider the same 
letter as included in hine, illinc, tstinc, which he regards as cor- 
ruptions of hinde, sllinde, istinde. I should not desire any other 
proof of the importance of the distinction which I first introduced 
into the analysis of the pronominal elements (New Crat. ὃ 130). 
According to the principle which regulates all combinations of 
these elements, n-rc denotes motion “from the there to the 
here," and therefore expresses ablation or removal quite as natu- 
rally as the affix -de — -tus, which is in fact ultimately referable 
to the same source (N. Crat. § 262). | 

Pronominal adverbs of time generally end in -m, as tum, 
quum; in -nc, -nque, as tu-nc, cu-nque; or in -ndo, -nquam, as 
qua-ndo, nu-nquam. | 

Adverbs derived from nouns adjective and substantive either 
end in e, o, or ter; or else they are merely adjectives in the 
neuter objective case. 


842 THE LATIN CASE-SYBTEM. [CHAP. VIII. 


(2) Adverbs in e or o, anciently ending in -ed, or -od, are, 
in fact, ablative cases of adjectives: thus valde, originally vals- 
dod ; bene, originally bonod; cito, originally citod ; certe or certo, 
originally certod, &c., are the ablative cases of validus, bonus, 
citus, certus, &c. respectively. The Greeks had a large class of 
adverbs of the same kind; but in these the final -d of the abla- 
tive has been softened down, according to the laws of Hellenism, 
into an -s: thus, οὕτως, καλῶς, &c. represent the old forms of 
the ablative, οὕτοδ, καλοδ, &c. (see N. Crat. S 249). There are 
two cases where this 5- seems still to exist, ἔδ-ος and 'Adpoó-irg 
(Sanscr. AbÀrád-i4); and there is one instance in which the 
metre of Homer will not allow its modern representative to 
stand, namely, in those passages where ἕως is a trochee. The 
Sanserit ¢@-vat compared with réFes might justify the supposi- 
tion that the original form was &Fo9; while the analogy of XaFos, 
λέξως, vaos, νέως, should authorize us to insert, even in our Hel- 
lenic text of Homer, the emendation áFos for ἕως (comp. also 
"Hos, Atos," Eos), whenever this particle is a trochee!. 

(b) The termination -éer is appended to adjectives of the 


third declension in the same way as Mir is affixed to adjectives 


of the first and second declension. Thus, from /lents we have 
leni-ter; from gravis, gravi-ter ; from felix, felici-ter; from 
audax, audac-ter ; from diffcilis, difficul-ter ; and so on. To these 
must be added the isolated form igt-tur, which, according to 
Festus (p. 105, Miiller) is equivalent to inde, postea, tum (above, 
p. 242); and which is used by Plautus (Msles Glor. 111. 1, 177) 
as the antecedent to quando; for he says: ‘‘ quando habebo, 
igitur rationem mearum fabricarum dabo." The first two sylla- 
bles 4-g? must be taken to represent the composite form e-go, 
e-ho, €-ja, &c., of which the Oscan e-sa is a softer form: and as 


1 There can be little doubt that ἕως and τέως correspond to ydvat 
and távat respectively. Now as, by the side of λέως, we have AaFós and 
λᾶς, 60 by the side of ἕως we have ds (Pind. O. x1. 51; Aristoph. Lysistr. 
173), which was also written Fas (Tab. Heracl. 2, 52, p. 207); and we 
may therefore infer the intermediate form dFoc— dFo8 — yd-vat. A 
similar argument may be deduced from the gonitive in -εως -eFos or -nos 
(New Cratylus, $ 248). 


8.11.7 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 948 


the Umbrian es-te represents the Latin ἐπέα, so i-gi- may corre- 
spond to es-go = er-go, which is strictly a synonym of ¢-gi-tur. 
The termination -ter, -tur, is, in fact, the same as -tus, which is 
appended to substantives and adjectives of the second declension : 
thus we have celi-tus, fundi-tus, radtct-tus, antiqui-tus, divini- 
tus, humani-tus, &c. This last, which is obviously the older form, 
answers to the Sanscrit -tas, on the one hand, and to the Greek 
-Üev on the other (compare the Greek first person plural in -4ev 
with the Latin in -mus). There is yet a third form in which it 
appears, namely, -tim, which is the termination of a most interest- 
ing class of participial adverbs; for I cannot consent to consider 
any of them as strictly formed from nouns; and though the 
verbs in all cases are not forthcoming, the adverbs themselves 
prove that they must have existed in part at least. Instances of 
this class of adverbs are caterva-tim, carp-tim, grada-tim, priva- 
tim, punc-tim, separa-tim, vica-tim (other examples are cited by 
Corssen, I. p. 266). Compare with these the German participial © 
forms in -?ngen, and the Greek participial adverbs in -νδα, -νδην, 
-δην (N. Crat. ὃ 263). The most striking result from a proper 
appreciation of the origin of adverbs in -/óm, is the explanation 
which it supplies for those adverbs in -ter wbich are derived 
from active participles. The termination of the supine is already 
-tu; the adverb, therefore, is a locative case of the supine; for 
caterva-tim stands: to caterva-tus in precisely the same relation as 
par-tim to pars (par[t]s). Similarly, aman-ter, sapien-ter, &c. 
are cases of the participles amans, sapiens, &c.; for the crude 
forms of these participles already contain the t. Now, if I am 
right in concluding that these terminations, -θεν, -tas, -ter, -tus, 
-tim, &c. are lengthened forms of that dental affix which marks 
the ablative of the noun, most interesting conclusions may be 
drawn from this respecting the origin of the participle and of 
the passive person-endings of the Latin verb. ‘That there is no 
' essential distinction between the terminations -ttm and -ter, and 
that the former is not restricted to participles of the passive for- 
mation, is clear from such forms as -tentim, ἄς. In fact, 
while the -d or -t alone is sufficient to express the participial 
relation, we find also ἃ strengthened form which contains the 
liquid, as well as the mute dental; thus we have as syno- 
nyms not only cupi-dus but cuptén(t)s, not only φυγά(δ)ς but 


344 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [ CHAP. virt. 


φεύγοντ-ς -- φεύγων, not only τετυφό(τ)ς--- τετυφώς but τύπτοντ-ς-Ξ 
τύπτων; and in the fixed or adverbial forms not only the adverbs 
in -δα, «δον, -δην, but also those in -νδα, -νδον, -νδην. Now the 
obvious derivation of these latter adverbs entitles us to infer 
that the participle-ending in -»t is a secondary formation from 
a verbal noun, bearing the same relation to the simpler forms in 
-d, -5, that t-nde opposed to $-b6 does to αὐτό-θεν opposed to 
αὐτό-θι', Consequently, the adverbs in question are really fixed 
cases of participles, analogous to the forms which we call 
supines, gerunds, or infinitives. And the participle itself differs 
only from these adverbs, and from the persons of the verb, in the 
circumstance, that it is not an immovable form, but one which 
is capable of regular flexion through the whole system of cases 
(N. Crat. § 300, 415). With regard to the passive person- 
ending in -r the fact that it is a locative affix is proved to 
demonstration (1) by the analogy between these adverbs in -δὴν, 
«δον, -0a, and the Greek passive person-endings in -az, -ν (cf. 
δαί, δήν), “ον, -a, -o; (2) by the identity of meaning of these 
adverbs with the Latin in -ttm and -ter; and (3) by the locative 
value of igi-tur, which strictly corresponds in form to ama-tur 
(see New Cratylus, § 365; below, Chapter x1. S 2). 

Adverbs, used as conjunctions, are such as jam, nam, entm 
(Sanscr. éna), ideo, tamen, ἄς. These are, in fact, cases of 
different pronouns. Most of them are of obvious origin. Thus 
jam is merely the locative of the second pronominal element, 
in its weakest form. It appears as a dissyllable, especially in 


-— — rr MÀ P —aM— --.. 


! In the text I have merely put together some of the analogies 
suggested in my former work. The late Mr. Garnett, who was one of 
tho soundest, and, at the same time, most original philologers in this 
country, had arrived at some results which were calculated to confirm 
and extend these views, In a letter to me (dated 3d May, 1842) he said: 
“TI flatter myself that I can make it appear from a pretty copious induc- 
tion that the Indo.Germanic present participle is formed upon the abla- 
tive case of the verbal noun (Sanscrit tupat], in much the same way as 
the pronoun possessive in Latin, German, &c., is formed upon the geni- 
tive of the personal. If I am not mistaken, this is calculated to throw 
an important light upon the organisation of the Indo-Germanic and mauy 
other languages.” Although there is an important truth at the basis of 
this theory, it seems to me to involve in the application a fallacy which 
I have pointed out elsewhere (New Cratylus, p. 511, ed. 8). - 


$ 11.} THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 945 


et-iam, and bears the same relation to piam that ἰάλλω does to 
φιάλλω (New Cratylus, S 110). Nam, of which enim is merely a 
lengthened form, contains the same pronominal root as ὦ-νά, vai, 
ne, nunc, &c. Id-eo (comp. ad-eo) is equivalent to the Greek 
ἐπίτηδες (= ἐπὶ tadeow, Buttmann), and from it is derived 
tdoneus = ideoneus = Gr. ἐπιτήδειος. The form of tamen has 
created some difficulty. Max. Schmidt (de pronom. Gr. et Lat. 
p. 91) considers that tam-en is for tam-in; and Pott (Etym. 
Forsch. i. p. 136) regards the last syllable of tom-/n as a 
weakened form of an. As we have both tam-quam and quam- 
quam, and as tam-en is the correlative of the latter, it is most 
reasonable to suppose that the second syllable en is a locative 
of the pronoun 1s, like im in inter-tm. For tam, which appears 
both in tam-en and tan-dem, we find tame (Fest. p. 360), as we 
have cume for cum (Terent. Scaur. p. 226); and tam is substi- 
tuted for tamen in tam-etst. 

Some adverbs are merely cases of common nouns, which 
usage has made indeclinable. These appear sometimes as con- 
junctions, and sometimes as prepositions. Instar, gratia, and 
ergo, may be compared with δίκην, χάριν, and ἕνεκα (see New 
Crat. SS 271 sqq.). Prope[d] (cf. _propin-quus) is the ablative 
of an old adjective, and prop-ter is its case in -ter = tus = θεν. 
Penes and tenus are forms of the same kind as instar, and con- 
tain the roots of pen-dere, ten-dere. Clam and palam are loca- 

tives of the same nature as partim, &c. The former, which was 
- also written calim (Fest. p. 47), contains the root of celo, κλέπτω, 
καλύπτω, &c. Palam is the same case of an adjective connected 
with palatum, πύλη, &c. That it is a noun appears farther from 
the fact, that it is used also with the preposition ἐπ (in palam = 
aperte, Gloss. Isid.), like 4n-cassum; comp. pro-palam. The 
same is the case with coram =co’oram (xar ὄμμα); comp. 
co minus, eminus (ἐκ χειρός); tllico is in loco; and we have 
extemplo or extempulo from another form of tempus. Some- 
times the adverb is merely the crude form of the noun. We 
have examples of this in simul, procul (from similis, procilis) ; 
moz is supposed to be a corruption of movor; and the ancients 
wrote facul (Fest. p. 87) and perfacul (id. p. 214) for faculter 
or facile, and perfacile. Again, the full form of the noun is 
occasionally used as an adverb: in the x11. Tables we have 


346 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [ CHAP. VIII. 


nox for noctu (above, p. 254); and Virgil (din. 1. 215; vir. 624) 
and other writers used pars for partim. There is an approxima- 
tion to this usage in the indeclinable Greek θέμες (Buttmann, 
Ausf. Sprachl. 1. p. 227). 


§ 12. Adwerbial expression for the day of the month. 


To these instances of the adverbial use of nouns may, 
perhaps, be added the phrase by which the Romans designated 
the day of the month. Here a locative of the day is inserted 
between the preposition and the word which denotes the standard 
of reckoning. Thus, “on the fourth day before the Nones of 
April," is expressed by ante (die quarto) Nonas Apriles =quarto 
die ante Nonas Apriles. And this whole expression is regarded 
as one word, which may be dependent on a preposition: thus we 
may say, ex ante d. iii. Non. Jun. usque ad pridie Kal. Septem- 
bres, or differre aliquid in ante d. xv. Kal. Novembres. This idiom 
was carried so far that even when the Ides themselves were 
intended we have the phrase ante Idus instead of Idibus. Thus 
Liv. 111. 40: ante Idus Matas decemviros abísse magistratu. 

If the inserted date was ever written or pronouneed in the 
accusative case, according to the ordinary praetice &mong 
modern Latinists, it is obvious that this must have originated 
in an attraction, or in a mistaken usage. The well-known 
employment of the locative pridie to indicate the day imme- 
diately before the Calends, Nones, or Ides, shows that the other . 
days must have been expressed in the same case. 


CHAPTER IX. 
DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 


$ 1. The usual arrangement is erroneous. § 3. General rules for the classification 
of Latin nouns. § 3. First or -a declension. $4. Second or -o declension. 
$ 5. Third declension or consonantal nouns. $6. A. First class or purely 
consonantal nouns. § 7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal nouns. 


S 1. The usual arrangement is erroneous. 


HE arrangement of Latin nouns in different declensions («Ai- 

σεις) or forms of inflexion has been managed by grammarians 
without any regard either to the internal organisation of the 
word or to the real convenience of the learner. Among the 
ancient grammarians, Varro proposed a simple convention— 
namely, to distinguish the declensions of nouns according to the 
vowel of the ablative singular (L. L. x. 62, p. 257, Müller): 
“nam ejus cassuis literarum discriminibus facilius reliquorum 
varietatem discernere poterit, quod ei habent exitus, aut in A, ut 
hac'terrá : aut in. E, ut hac lance: aut in I, ut hac levi: aut in 
O, ut hoc colo: aut in U, ut hoc versu. Igitur ad demonstrandas 
declinationes vice prima hec." Diomedes distinguished seven 
declensions, dividing thé nouns in -tus, -tum from those in -us, 
-wm, and the neuters in -« from the feminines in -us (see Zeitschr. 
f. d. Wiss. d. Spr. ut. 315). The favourite and oldest method 
in this country has been to consider the noun according to five 
distinct declensions. The -a and -o declensions stand in their 
proper place at the head of the list. Then follow the conso- 
nantal and -ἰ declensions considered as one. And the nouns in 
-u and -e are treated as two distinct schemes of case-formations. 
One of the objects, which I proposed to myself in writing a new 
Latin Grammar’, was to correct this vicious and faulty exhibi- 
tion of the different forms of the noun; but as I could not 
attempt in a merely elementary treatise to explain and justify 


Y A complete Latin Grammar for the use of learners. Second Edition, 
much improved. London, 1860. 


948 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. 1x. 


every feature in the system which I have adopted, I have re- 
served for the present work a more complete discussion of the 
theory of the Latin declensions; and I shall now, proceed to 
show that the arrangement, which appears in the Latin Gram- 
mar, is the only classification which is consistent with the results 
of scientific philology ; while I know by experience that it is at 
least as easy to the learner. 


82. General rules for the classification of Latin Nouns. 


The true classification of the crude or uninflected forms of 
the Latin noun is obviously that of the letters which constitute 
the distinctive characteristics. And the crude-form may always 
be deduced from the genitive plural by omitting the final syl- 
lable whether it be -um or -rum'. Thus we know from the gen. 
pl. wrbi-wn, that the original form of urb-s must have been 
urbi-s, just as conversely we find orb-s, nub-s, by the side of the 
common orbi-s, nube-s. At first sight all these forms fall into 
two great divisions, according as they terminate in vowels or 
consonants. But while, on the one hand, the vowels themselves 
are distinguished by their structure and origin as vowels of 
articulation and vocalized consonants, so that the latter belong 
to the consonant class when considered according to the genesis 
of the crude-form,—on the other hand the consonants are not 
less distinguished among themselves, according to the organ by 
which they are uttered, and according to the difference between 
mutes and liquids, than they are discriminated from the pure 
vowels. The scientific or methodical order of the declensions 
must be one which enables us most easily to fall back on the 
root of the noun, and on the original form of those pronominal 
affixes by which it is extended or developed, before it becomes 
the vehicle of the case-endings. And if the vocalized consonants 


— LATA maa € »..... .--.. 


! [ believe I was the first to call attention to this simple method of 
ascertaining the declension.character of Latin nouns from their genitive 
plural. The grammarian is not supposed to be making his first ac- 
quaintance with the forms of Latin words, and therefore it is no true 
objection to say that he cannot know the declension-character till he has 
learned the inflexions of the particular noun. It is sufficient that he is 
able to make the classification intelligible. at first sight to the learner. 


$3.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 349 


$ and u may be traced to an ultimate identity with guttural or 
labial mutes, it'is clear that the nouns of which they are the 
characteristics ought to be ranged among the consonant declen- 
sions. In this way we shall have two main classes of nouns— 
those whose characteristic is one of the pure .vowels a or o, 
and these may be considered as subdivided into two declensions; 
—and those whose characteristic is a consonant, whether mute, 
or liquid, or one of the semi-consonants ¢ and u, considered as a 
representative of some mute, and these may be regarded as 
constituting one declension. While this scheme of the declensions 
is the only arrangement which can be justified on the grounds 
of scientific etymology, it is at least as convenient as any other 
to the mere learner: for we cannot give any practical rule to a 
beginner more simple than that which results from this arrange- 
ment—namely, that the vowel-nouns invariably form their geni- 
tive plural in -a-rum or -o-rwm, which is rarely contracted into 
-Am: that they form their dative and ablative plural in -zs, 
which rarely appears under the uncontracted form -dus-; that 
the accusative singular is always -am or -wm, the accusative 
plural -os or -as, and the ablative singular always - or -ó; and, 
on the other hand, that the consonant-nouns generally form their 
genitive plural in -um, which is rarely preceded by the character- 
istic r ; that, conversely, they form their dative and ablative plural 
in -bus, which rarely, if ever, loses its characteristic 6; that the 
ablative singular is always e or 7; and the accusative plural 
always -es, except when the characteristic is u. These general 
distinctions do not apply to the nominative-accusative plural.of 
neuter nouns, which are uniformly terminated by -@ in all declen- 
sions. If then the classification, which I am about to explain, is 
not only true, but most convenient to the student, there can be 
no reason why it should not supersede the old-fashioned method 
even in elementary grammars. 


§ 3. First or -a Declension. 


Gen. Pl. -A-rum. 


The Latin -a declension, as compared with the Greek, pre- 
sents one remarkable contrast. In pure Latin nouns, the termi- 
nation is invariably -ἄ, whereas in corresponding forms the Greek 


950 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX. 


declension exhibits -à, -d, -às, τη, της. Thus we have not only 
cellá by the side of dXX, but amicitid, scribd, ared, notá, ho- 
micidá, by the side of duXiía, ταμίᾷς, συκέᾶ, τρίβη, ἀνδρειφόντης. 
And even when Greek nouns are transplanted, the same shorten- 
ing of the last syllable may take place; thus πέτρᾶ, ζώνη and 
πύκτης become petrá, zoná and pyctá. The explanation of this 
phenomenon is to be sought in the general tendency to abbrevia- 
tion, which characterizes the Latin language, and which is perhaps 
connected with their habit of throwing the accent forward. In 
many cases the short d is not merely an extenuation of the syllable, 
but an abridgment involving the omission of one or, more forma- 
tive letters. Thus, as φιλία must be considered as a contraction 
of duXé-a-cá, the same omission must have taken place in amici- 
tia, and we shall see a further proof of this when we come to the 
nouns in és= -d-is. A comparison of κριτής, συκέα, -ἢ, and ταμίας, 
shows us that these words involve the second pronominal element 
under the form za = ya. And we must presume an addition of the 
same element in scrib-a = scrib-yas, not-d = not-yasa, homicid-a 
= homicid-yas, &c. The length of the à in familids = familiass, 
familia = familiad, filiabus = filta-tbus, filias = filiam-s, is of 
course due to the absorption, in each case, of some original letter, 

eo recently belonging to the inflexion that it could not be forgotten ; 
and with regard to the genitive in particular, we are able to sup- 
port this inference by an appeal to a considerable number of 
forms in -aes, which are still found in inscriptions (Corssen, 1. 
p. 103). That the nom. pl. corresponded in form to the gen. 

sing. is proved by the phrase vigints quinque ponas in the ΧΙ. 

Tables (above, p. 253). 


§ 4. Second or -o Declenston. 


Gen. Pl. -O-rum. 


As the nominative of this declension ends in -us or -er = -rus, 
and the accusative in -um, it is necessary to state to the beginner 
why the characteristic is said to be o and not v: but to any one 
who has made even a commencement in philology, it is obvious 
that while the forms in -ó, -órum, -és could not have sprung from 
an original «, the forms, in which a short i appears, would natu- 
rally result from a short ó (above, Ch. vir. ὃ 5). Besides, many 


§ 4,1 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 351 


of these nouns appear by the side of Greek nouns in -os, and in old 
Latin the o is still apparent, as in quom for quum, olves for ollis 
or tllts, ἄς. A comparison of ager with ὠγρός, Alexander with 
᾿Αλέξανδρος, and the like (see Corssen, II. p. 53), shows that the 
Latin forms have suffered an apocope not altogether unlike that 
of scriba from scribyas, &c., and certainly due to the same ten- 
dency to abbreviate and throw back the accent. We have nouns 
in -erus which are never shortened into -er, as humerus, numerus, 
vesperus, uterus; and some compounds with the verb-roots fer- 
and ger- present both the full form and the apocope; thus we 
have armiger by the side of morigerus. In these instances, of 
course, the er is retained throughout the declension. But in the 
oblique cases of ager and .Alexander, as in the corresponding 
Greek words, the e is dropt, as might have been expected from its 
obvious functions as a merely compensatory insertion. The same 
is the case with a great many words of this form, especially 
those which exhibit the termination signifying agency, which 
corresponds to the Greek -τῆς, -rgp, -rep, fem. -rpua, -τριδ-, 
such as magis-ter, mints-ter, arbi-ter, &c. There is also in 
Latin a longer form in -tor, -toris. Those which retain the e 
have generally some Greek affinity, which explains the importance 
of the letter. Thus puer must be compared with the Greek 
ποῖρ: liber, liberi — ἐλεύθερος or Διόνυσος ἐλευθέριος, is thus 
distinguished from (V-ber, li-bri; gener, gener? belongs to γένος, 
yeve[o]os, genus, generis, and socer to Exupos. It is to be 
observed that although ager always loses its e in the oblique 
cases, this unessential letter is constantly retained in the com- : 
pound jugerum — díagerum (above, p. 321). The pronouns «le, 
tpse, &c. for ollus, ipsus, &c., are singular instances of a form of 
the nominative corresponding to the mere crude-form as it ap- 
pears in the vocative of this declension. 

It is an interesting fact that the Romans substituted the 
second for the third declension in some of the inflexions of 
Greek nouns in -evs, -ews or -7e, -οῦς.. Thus they wrote 
Achillei and Uliei as the genitives of Achilles (Ay4XXevs) and 
Ulisses (Ὀδυσσεύς), and Pericls for the genitive of Pericles (Tlepi-~ 
κλέης). The latter change is partly supported by the Greek 
abbreviation of derivatives from κλέος, such as Πάτροκλος, 'Eré- 
oxros. That Hercules passed into Herculus or Herclus may be 


902 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX. 


inferred from the interjectional vocative Hercule or Hercle, used 
like the Greek vocative Ἡράκλεις !*. 


§ 5. Third Declension of consonantal Nouna. 


It has been already remarked, that nouns of the third declen- 
sion are arranged according to the nature of the characteristic 
consonant, which precedes the case-ending; and that they fall 
into two great classes according as they retain the consonant or 
vocalize it into ¢ or a. The characteristic is very often lost in 
the nominative singular, but it may always be recovered by ὃ 8, 
careful examination of the oblique cases. 


8 6. A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns 


Gen. Pl. -B-um, -P-um. 


(c) Labial nouns are limited to some few in 5, generally 
shortened from forms in -t, as plebs (also plebes), scobs (also 
scobis), scrobs (also scrobis), trabs, urbs (anciently urbis), and 
some few in p, as dape, stips (also stipes or stipis), stirps (an- 
ciently stirpis), to which must be added compounds in cip- from 
capio, as man-ceps, munt-ceps, parti-ceps, prin-ceps. To the 
same class of compounds we must refer for-cepe, δ a pur of pin- 
cers,” the first syllable referring to the “opening” or “door,” 
which this instrument makes in order to grasp the object. Simi- 
larly we have for-fex, “ἃ pair of scissors,” from facio, and for- 
pez, “a pair of curling-tongs," from pec-to. 


Gen. Pl. - G-um, - C-um. 


(b) Guttural nouns are a more numerous group, and the 
tenuis c is a more common characteristic than the medial g. Of 
the latter class we have only the primitive früz (früg-), grex 
(grég-), and strix (strig-): and the verbals lex (root leg-), rex 
(root reg-), with the compounds ¢-lex, énter-rez, con-jux (root 
jug-), remex (root ag-). | Supellez is an abridgment of the form 


1 Sir E. Bulwer Lytton gives an exemplification of his imperfect 
‘scholarship when in his Pompeii he makes a Roman swear per Hercle. 
In the passage of Gellius, π|. δ: per hercle rem mirandam dicit. Arie 
toteles, we havo the usual tmesis of the intensive per, as in Cicero de 
Oratore, 1. 49: per mihi mirum visum est. 


§ 6.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 353 
in -h- indicated by the genitive supellectilis, and the x does not 
represent a g but cts. The same is the case with senex, which 
conversely exhibits a shortened form in its genitive sents: cf., 
however, senectus, seneca, senecto, &c. The root of sen-ex is to 
be sought in the Sanscrit san-d, and the old Saxon and H. G. 
sin, “always,” found also in the Gothic stn-tetns; and we have 
the same root in sem-per, opposed to nu-per, as sen-ex to novus 
(below, Ch. x. § 6). The idea of sen-ex is that of advanced 
longevity rather than that of relative age, which is expressed by 
major, maximus, with or without natu ; and similarly mtnor, mini- 
mus, is used instead of junior. In Persius we find Aristophanes 
designated as pregrandis senex (1. 124), and as Cratinus is men- 
tioned in the same passage, the epithet cannot refer to the great 
. age of the other poet, but must mean that he was the most illus- 
trious representative of the old comedy (comedia prisca, Hor. 1. 
Serm. 1v. 2; comedia vetus, id. Are Poet. 281). The substantive 
senium i8 often used to denote antiquity in general, as in Statius 
Silv. 1. 8, 88: venerabile lucorum senium. I have intimated the 
possibility (above, p. 208) that in old Etruscan etere, which seems 
to denote “an elder son," may be connected with vetus. But there 
is no authority for this use of the word in Latin. With a geni- 
tive vetus may signify experienced (gnarus), as in Silius, Iv. - 
332: gnaros bells veteresque laborum, and this is common enough 
in Tacitus, as in Annal. v1.44: vetus regnandi. It might be 
supposed that this is the meaning of veterrimum liberorum in 
vi. 91, which cannot signify * the eldest of his sons." But the 
absence of the genitive, and the whole context, induce me 
to suppose that the text is corrupt, and that we ought to read 
telerrimum instead of veterrimum. The word veteres occurs im- 
mediately after; and the sevitia of the father would lead us to 
expect an epithet which would signify *' most tyrannical;" cf. 
Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 40; Vatin. 111. fin.; Hespubl. 11. 12. In πὲ 
the z represents gv or qv: cf. ninguo. The genitive nivis may 
be compared with vivo = qviqvo, struo = struquo, &c. The gen. 
plur. of πῶ», nivis, ntvIum, and merz, mercis, merclum, shows 
that these nouns really belong to the I declension. The tenuis 
c is the characteristic of a number of primitive nouns, such as 
fax (füc-), lux (lic-), codex (codic-), cornix (cornic-), &c. ; it also 
appears in nouns containing the root of c verbs, as dux (düc-), 
D. V. 23 


954 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX. 


ju-dex (dic-), and other nouns from dico; pol-lex (lic-), and other 
nouns from licio; arti-fex (fic-), and other nouns from facto ; 
and we find a great number of feminines in -triz corresponding 
to real or possible masculines in for, such as nutria (nutric-), 
obstetrix (obstetric-), &c. The last word deserves some special 
notice, as showing the true meaning of ob in composition. For 
ob-stetriz must mean “a woman who stands by to assist —a& 
Beisteherin—and παραστῆναι or συμπαραστῆναι is especially 
used to denote this by-standing or as-sistance in childbirth: so 
Pind. OL vi. 42: πραΐμητίν τ᾽ "EXev0À συμπαρέστασέν τε 
Μοίρας: cf. Ol. x1. 54. If then ob-sto may signify “ to assist," 
like παρίστημι, as well as “to oppose," it can only bear this 
meaning in consequence of the sense of extension, continuance, 
and perseverance borne by ob; and thus of-jictum may denote 
* beneficial aid," though of-fício signifies harm and hinderance. 
Compare the two applications of our word pre-vent, which means 
to go before, either for the purpose of clearing the way, or for 
the purpose of obstructing the passage. From this explanation 
of ob-stetr-iz, it is plain that Stator does not imply, actively, 
* one who causes to stand," but “one who stands by, ready to 
help "— qui stat opem laturus—of a prasens Divus, according to 
the proper meaning of that term, as in Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 12, 
§ 28: “ Hercules tantus et tam prasens habetur deus." 


Gen. Pl. -D-um, -T-um, -R-um. 


(c) The most numerous and important class of the purely 
consonantal nouns are those which have & dental mute for their 
characteristic; for while the labial and guttural nouns are limited 
to the masculine and feminine, these exhibit 4180 some neuter 
nouns of very common occurrence, 

. (a) Masculine and feminine nouns in -d are such as pes 
(péd-), frons (frond-), vas (vdd-)', and its derivatives pres 
Ξε pra-vad-), custos (custo-vad-), and mercés (merce-vad-) (above, 


1 This word is interesting from its connexion with the Low-German 
weed, or wad, “a pledge," found in wad-set, wed-ding, &c. Another form 
was bad, as in the old compact gif bad genumen sy on monnes orfe, * if & 
pledge be taken for a man’s chattels;” and from this comes our bet. 
From the Low Latin vad-iare comes the Romance guadiare, guaggiare, 
and our wager. (See Palgrave, History of the Anglo-Sazons, Pref. p. xxi.). 


§ 6.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 955 


p. 146); palus (palud-), &c. Masculine and feminines nouns in 
-£, are such as dens (dent-), frons (front-), pars (part-), comes 
(comit-), quies (queét-), nepos (nepot-) ; a very long list of abstract 
words in -éas (-tat-), as boni-tas, with a smaller number of supple- 
mentary forms in -tus (-tut-), as virtus: and active participles in 
-ns (-nt-), which are occasionally used as nouns, ‘as serpens (ser- 
pent-), ἄς. The genitive plural in -cwm proves that there must 
have been originally older forms in -ἐΐ of those nouns in - or 
-d, in which the characteristic is preceded by another consonant; 
cf. dens, gen. pl. dentium, with sementis. This remark applies 
also to many of the nouns in -G(tt)s, -e(ti)s, t(ti)s (see the exam- 
ples collected by Corssen, 11. pp. 57, 58). 

(8) Neuter nouns of this class originally and properly termi- 
nated in -& Although caput, gen. capttis (for which the oldest 
MSS. of Lucretius give capud), is the only word in which the 
characteristic is retained unaltered, Greek analogies and many 
collateral indications enable us to see at once what nouns belonged 
to this dental declension. Some Greeks nouns in -~a=pat-= 
μεντ- (New Crat. S 114) have been naturalized in Latin, such as 
poema, gen. poematis ; and lac, gen. lactis, retains more of the 
termination in the nominative than the corresponding γάλα, gen. 
γάλακτος. The τ, which is lost in κέαρ, cor, is represented 
by the medial in καρδία, cordis. Though carmen (cf. carmen- 
tis), agmen (cf. armentum), have omitted the characteristic ¢, not 
only in the nommative, but also in the oblique cases carmi- 
nis, agminis, &c., they at all events retain the preceding liquid, 
which is lost altogether in the Greek neuters in -μᾶ, -ματος. 
And while corpus, opus, &c. agree with τεῖχος in softening the τ 
into s, they retain some trace of it in the r of the oblique cases, 
where the Greek, according to the rule (New Crat. § 114), has 
dropt the ς between the two vowels. There is an assimilation 
of the t in the oblique cases of os, oss-?s (cf. Ga-r-eov)!, mel, mellis 
(cf. n&u-T), fel, fellis, and far, farris. The exceptional forms 
jecur (also jectinor), iter (also sténer), and jubar, probably ended 
originally in -rat, like the Greek ἧπαρ for ἧπρατ, gen. ἥπατος. 
The following table will show the gradual degeneration of the 
forms: 


1 The gen. pl. ossium shows that this word stood for osti and belonged 
to the «ὁ declension. 


23—2 


356 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX. 


a ; B, β, , β, "y 

caput — lacet] cor os|t| | carmen|t] corpus 

capit-is lact-ts cord-is 088-18 carmi-nis —corpor-is. 

Here it will be observed that in a the ¢ is preserved intact; 
that in 8, it is ost after another consonant in the nominative, 
and preserved in the oblique cases; that in 6, it is retained in the 
medial form which comes nearer to the preceding liquid 7 (above, 
p. 303); that in B, it is assimilated to s; that in B, it is altoge- 
ther dropt after n; and that in y it is softened into sandr. In 
comparing corpus, corpor-is, with τεῖχος, τείχε-ος, we observe 
that, although the latter has lost the c, according to the rule, 
because it is flanked by two vowels, it could retain the neuter 
characteristic before a consonant: thus we have ὀρέσβιος from 
ὄρος, σακεσ-πάλος from σάκος, &c. Similarly, that the r or s 
which takes the place of ¢ in the Latin nouns, is retained in de- 
rivatives, like gener-osus, from genus, generis, robus-tus from 
robur, and tempes-tas from tempus. 


Gen. Pl. -Z-um, -N-um, -E-um. 


(d) Liquid nouns are generally of dental ongin, and many 
of them recal to our recollection the neuter nouns, which have 
just been mentioned. The only noun in m is the word Atem-p-s, 
gen. hiemis, which is probably the corruption of a longer form 
in mn: cf. χεΐμων and χεῖμα = χείμεντ. There are a few nouns 
in J, as sol, sol-is, sal, siis (which is neuter, as well as mascu- 
line, and which, in that use, has lost a final £), nthil (for nihilum), 
which is neuter and undeclined, and some compounds derived 
from salto, as con-sul, pre-sul, ex-sul. The great majority of 
liquid nouns have crude forms in n or r=s. Of the former we 
have some in -o, -énts; many in -do, -édo, -ido, -t&do, of which 
the genitive is formed in -dínis, &c.; others in -go, -àgo, -igo, 
-àgo, which have their genitives in -gínis, &c.; others, again, in 
,70, -t0, -mo, -810, -tio, which form the genitive in -dnis, &c. It 
is superfluous to give examples of all these different classes. In 
comparing caro!, gen. carnis, with virgo, gen. virginis, we see 
that two liquids in the former have coalesced to the exclusion of 
the short $; and virgo — virgín-is differs from sermo = sermén-s, 


1 The original form of the nom. was carnis; seo Liv. xxxvi. 3. 


8 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 357 


just as δαίμων — δαίμον-ς differs from χείμων ΞΞ- χείμων-ς, or as 
ποίμην = trolpev-s differs from σπλήν-- σπλήν-ς. In some of the 
nouns in s=r this characteristic represents the neuter t; such 
are c8, gen. cris, rus, gen. rüris, 08, gen. oris, ver, gen. veris, 
ἄς. Other nouns in r really belong to the ¢ declension, as 
laquear, gen. laqueüris. But we have a large number of mas- 


culine and feminine nouns of which r is the genuine character- - 


istic. These are formed in -ér, or -es, or -us, -éris, as mulier, 
Ceres, Venus; in -ór or os, -oris, as labor, flos; in -ur, -üris, as 
augur; in -ür =-us, -uris, as tellus; in -or, -dris, as arbor: we 
have an important class of nouns denoting agency, and ending 
in -ter, -tris, a8 pa-ter, ma-ter, &c., to which must be added 
u-ter, u-tris, ven-ter, ven-tris, and the compound ac-cipi-ter (-tris) 
from accipio: cf. capys, the Etruscan word for a falcon (above, 
p. 184). The instrumental ending in -ter is extended, in a very 
numerous class of nouns, to -tor, -toris, assibilated to -sor, soris ; 
thus we have duc-tor from duc-o, ara-tor from aro, mont-tor 
from moneo, spon-sor from spondeo, &c. We have seen that the 
r often appears as s in the nominative; in two nouns an e 18 
changed into $ in this case;—thus we have cints, cinérts and 
pulvis, pulvéris, In consonantal derivatives from nouns in r, as 


in the corresponding neuter-forms, this characteristic is retained: 


as ἃ simple sibilant; thus, from Venus, Venéris, we have venus- 


tas; from honor, honoris, hones-tas; from arbor, arbóris, arbus- 


tum; &c. 


§ 7. B. Second class or semt-consonantal Nouns. 


Gen. Pl. Ium, E-rum τε a-I-rum. 


(a) Nouns in ¢ exhibit some phenomena of considerable 
linguistic importance, which have eluded the observation of all 
previous grammarians. It has been shown elsewhere that the 
termination 4, as a guttural residuum, is derived from the second 
pronominal element. But it appears as an extension not only 
of other pronominal affixes, but even of the second pronoun in 
many of its forms, and especially under the form c=k. Thus 
we have not only a large class of Greek adjectives in -κός, and 
nouns in -«-s, but we have also the extensions -«-cs, -&-eos, &c., 
in which that element is repeated under a softened or vocalized 
form. Similarly in Latin, although the substantives in 2 = c-e or 


908 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX. 


g-s form their genitive plural in -wm and are therefore independent 
of any additional elements, adjectives of the same form show by 
their ablative in -¢ and their genitive plural in -ἕωηι, that the 
full ending of their crude form is not e-, but c-. It has been 
already remarked that some nouns in 5-, c-, p-, or t- (d) either 
have by-forms in -bi-, -ci-, -pi-, or -ti-, or must have been origi- 
nally formed in Z. The shortened form is confined to the singular 
number, for the gen. pl. is invariably in -Jum. And it is to be 
observed that the syncope general takes place in nouns in 
which a mute is preceded either by the liquid » or r, or by a 
long vowel. Thus we have mens for mentis, fronds for frondis, 
urbs for urbis, pars for partis, merx for mercis, a number of 
nouns in -as, -es, -i8, for -atis, -etiís, -ttis, as cujas for cujatis, 
Cares for Coretis or Coritis, Samnis for Samnitis, the longer 
forms of the latter being still found in the older poets!, and a 
class of nouns in -αἷ and -ar for -ale and -are, as animal for ani- 
male, pulvinàr for pulvinüre. There are, however, not a few 
nouns which are liable to the same syncope, though the penul- 
tifha in the original form was short; thus we have scobs for scobis, 
faa for facis, caro(n) for carnis, par for paris, celer for celeris, adeps 
for adipis, sal (when masc.) for salis, &c. The appearance of 
~nti- instead of -nt-, as the characteristic formation of the parti- 
ciple, connects itself with a very interesting fact—namely, that 
forms in -nts in Greek and Latin stand beside forms in -ntus and 
-ndus. From the regular change of -vrs in Greek into -ntus in 
Latin—as when we have πᾶς — πάντ-ς by the side of quantus, or 
Τάρας — Tapavr-s by the side of Tarentum—no inference ean be 
drawn. But as -d- is generally, if not always, a shortened form 
of the articulation which appears as the second personal pronoun 
and the second numeral, and as we have verbal forms in -dus 
(as cupidus, &c.) by the side of verbals in -réos, -τύς, -τις, it is 
not unreasonable to conclude that if orten-t-s = oriu-n-dus, the 
former is an abridgment of orten-tis analogous to sementis, &c., 
and this explains the genitive plural in -twm. Although there 


1 The original form is also indicated by the accent; for, although 
Latin words are generally barytone, nouns in -d(¢)s have the accent on 
the last syllable just like those which bare an apocopated enolitic, as 
sllác', tantón', and the like. 


S 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 959 


are some nouns in -?- which retain their characteristic throughout 
the cases—as sitis, Tiberis, febris, puppis, &c.,— it not unfre- 
quently happens that the shorter vowel e is substituted in the 
nom., acc., and abl. sing., and this is always the rule in the nom. 
and acc. pl. So that, generally, the criterion of a noun in ¢ is 
furnished only by the form of the gen. pl. Thus, although we 
have nubes, nubem, nube, nubes, we have always nub-i-un. The 
peculiar nouns in -es=-a-ts, in which this characteristic ? is ap- 
pended to ἃ crude form in -d, sometimes appearing as a distinct 
noun of the first declension (cf. mat£er-ia, * the mother-stuff,” or 
“materials,” ὕλη, with materies = materia-is), always retain this 
é=at, and consequently exhibit the full or proper form of the 
gen. pl. in-rum. For, according to the rule, s —r is not usually 
elided except between two short vowels, and the contraction 
é=ai produces the same result as the contractions @=a-e and 
ὃ — 0-4 in the first and second declension, so that we have arum 
— a-érum, orum — o-frum and erum τε a-írum. As canis, juvenis 
and vates form the gen. pl. in -um, we infer from this simple fact 
that they are as improperly included in the -i- declension as 
other nouns are excluded from it. If we compare canis with 
κύων = κύον-ς, we shall see that the ζ is merely an unorganic in- 
sertion after the liquid, and the same is the case with juvenis; 
whereas vates must be explained on the same principle as the 
Greek compounds in -ἧς from neuter nouns in -os, which exhibit 
the lengthened form only in the nom. and accus. (New Orat. 
S 228). The neuter nouns in -e, which are shown by their abl. 
sing. in -t, their nom. accus. pl. in -4a, and their gen. pl. in -tum, 
to belong to the class of -¢ nouns, are really the neuter forms of 
adjectives in -ts. Compare, for example, menta with com-munts, 
mare and mille with acris, agilis, rete with restis and trretire, 
animal for animale with equalis, &c. One of the strongest 
proofs that the additional - is an indication of the adjectival in- 
flexion is furnished by the fact that while the immoveable vetus, 
veteris, forms its gen. pl. in -um, and while celer, denoting “a 
horseman,” has no gen. pl. but celerum, the regularly inflected 
adjective celer, celeris, celere, has a gen. pl. celer-éum. The same 
inference may be drawn from the relation between fraus & d vas, 
&e. (below Ch. xir. 8 12). With regard to the nouns in / and 
yr in particular, we must consider that the extensions in -/is and 


360 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX. 


-ris are the basis of further extensions in -leus and -rius, such 
as nuc-leus, preto-rius, &c., which in Greek would sometimes 
appear as -Al-xos, and for this there is an occasional parallel in 
Latin, as in fame-li-cus. The following classification will show 
how far the whole group of ¢ nouns has retained or lost the 
original characteristic. 


(2) The characteristic ¢ is retained in the singular, as in 
sitis, Tiberis, febris, puppis. 

(b) The characteristic t is omitted or changed into e in the 
nom. sing., but retained in the abL, as in mare, animal, pul- 
vinar, os (gen. ossis). 

(c) The characteristic ¢ is omitted or changed into e in the 
nom. sing., and e always appears in the abl. sing., as in urbs, 
nubes, merx, pars, Arpinas, Quiris. 

(d) The characteristic is absorbed by the contraction of a-t 
into 8, which becomes a new characteristic, and is retained 
throughout, as in dtes for déa-is. 


As this last class of nouns never exhibits the original form 
even in the gen. pl., and as it coincides in inflexions with the a 
declension, of which it is an extension, it might be convenient 
on some accounts to place it next to the nouns in a. We should 
then have representatives of the three primary vowels a, e, o, 
and as the original r of the genitive plural is not omitted except 
between two short vowels, these vowel-nouns would have this 
consistent distinction from all the others, while the dat. and abl. 
diebus would be paralleled by the occasional forms deabus, and 
the gen. diet, dies would stand by the side of occasional forms 
like aquas, familias. These resemblances between the first and 
fifth declensions of the ordinary grammars have induced Bopp 
( Vergl. Gramm. p. 141 sqq.) to identify these forms of the Latin 
noun, on the assumption that the ἄ of the first deelension was ori- 
ginally à, and that the difference, for example, between materiés 
and materi is simply that between the Ionic ἡ and the Doric a. 
To the obvious objection that the nom. sing. of the 2 nouns in- 
variably exhibits a fimal s, which is always wanting in the a 
nouns, not only in Latin, but in Sanserit, Zend, Greek, Gothic, 
and Lithuanian, Bopp replies by asserting that spectes and cant- 
ties are linguistic patriarchs, exhibiting a more original form of 


$7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN κου! V AN IWGIA SIT Y! 


the other declension! This is, to say the least, as 
tion from a comparative philologer ; for it substitutes an arbi 
conjecture, for an unexceptionable induction. If Bopp had been 
thoroughly acquainted with the structure of the Greek and Latin 
languages, he would have seen that the ultimate form of the 
feminine always terminates in a short a, and that the forms in a, 
ἡ, always involve some absorption of σ or «. That the nouns in 
-és are really nouns in -i- formed on the basis of nouns in -a, 
may be shown by a few simple considerations. It is admitted 
by all philologers that in Latin ὃ τ αὐ, Thus amémus=amaimus, 
and so forth (Bopp, Verg. Gram. p. 66). Therefore diés = dia-ts 
(cf. dianus, &c.), matertés = materia-ts (cf. materia), &c. With the 
exception of the gen. pl., which is found only in two nouns, dies 
and res, the e nouns are inflected throughout in accordance with 
the forms of the ἐ- declension, supposing the contraction αὖτ 8. 
For there is good authority for the gen. sing. in -és. Why the 
gen. pl. in -erwm is of such rare occurrence and whether the form 


in -tum was ever found, are questions which it is difficult to . 


answer. It is clear that Cicero objected to specterum (Topic. 7), 
Quintilian to sperum (1. 6, § 26); and thongh we have, in late or 
obsolete authors, such forms as facierum (Cato, ap. Prisc. p. 782) 
and glacierum (Sidon. Apollon. Epist. 4, 6 extr.), this proves 
no more than the occurrence of lapiderum and the like (above, 
p. 334). On the whole, there eannot be any doubt that the 
nouns in es = ais ought to be placed after the nouns in + of which 
they are a contracted declension. 


Gen. Pl. -U-um. 


(8) It may be inferred that. nouns in τὸ either ineluded or 
were ultimately identical with the nouns in -ὦ which have just 
been discussed. Thus in Greek -v-s was originally - Fes or -ws, 
and the Oscan Ke-us stands by the side of the Latin ci-vis 
(above, p. 149). In most existing instances, however, this 1 has 
been lost, and we have either ἃ noun in v, declined like the 
purely consonant-nouns, or a form in which the w is retained 
throughout, just as the ¢ alone keeps its place in the most regular 
of the ὁ nouns. Of the former class, we have only two remain- 
ing: bos for bov-s (Greek βοῦς), gen. bov-is, and Jus for Jov-s 
(Greek Ζεύς), gen. Jov-is, The nominative of this latter noun 


ea v5 wl 


302 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [CHAP. IX. 


is always connected with pater under the form of Jupiter, corre- 
sponding more nearly to the Greek vocative. Thus Catullus 
(uxiv. [Lxvi.], 48) translates the line of Callimachus word for 
word as follows: 

Ζεῦ πάτερ, ὡς Χαλύβων πᾶν ἀπόλοιτο γένοε. 

Ju-piter αἱ Chalybón omne genus pereat. 

The analogy between the nouns in 4 and wu will be seen from 

the following comparison : 


N. pupp-ts — trib-us N. A. ret[i-]e corn-u 
G. pupp-ts — trib-üs G. — ret-i corn-us 
D. = pupp-t tribu-i or tribd 10. — ret-i corn-u 
A. — pupp-im — trib-um N. pl. ret-ta — corn-ua 
Abl. pupp-i trib-u G. pl. ret-ium — corn-uum 


G. pl. pupp-tum — trib-uum 

There are two nouns of the τ declension, which deserve es- 
pecial consideration, not only on their own account, but also on 
account of some remarkable assonances in the cognate languages, 
which might lead to misconception or confusion :—these are res, 
*& thing or object," and mare, “the sea." I have shown, in 
another work, that res =h-ra-ts is a derivative from Air = χείρ 
(Varro, L. L. 1v. 26), and that it must therefore be compared 
with the Greek χρέος, χρεία, χρῆμα, to which it bears the same 
relation as lena, luridus, &c. do to χλαῖνα, «Xopós, ἄς. Con- 
sequently, res is “that which is handled," and means an object 
of thought in accordance with that practical tendency of the 
Roman mind which made them regard all realities as necessarily 
palpable!, whereas the Greeks were contented with the evidence 
of the eyes. "Thus, while ἃ Greek declared his certainty by the 
predicates ἐναργής", ἐμφανής, σαφής, &c., referring to light, 


1 Ariosto (Orlando Furioso, vu. 1) speaks of the vulgar belief as de- 
pendent on the sight and touch combined : 
Ché ἾἸ sciocco vulgo non gli vuol da fede, 
Se non le vede e tocca chiare e piane. 
᾿ 3 For this use of ἐναργῆς we may compare ZEschyl. Pers. 179: ἀλλ᾽ 
οὐδέπω τοίονδ᾽ ἐναργὲς εἰδόμην with Soph. Trach. 11: φοιτῶν ἐναργὴς rab- 
pos; which is opposed to ἀνδρείφ κύτει βούπρῳρος or the partial assumption 
of the bovine form. Just in tho same way we find in Shakspere 
(K. John, 1. 2): 
Mine eye hath well examined his parts, 
And finds them perfect Richard. ἡ 


§ 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 963 


the Roman brought every thing to the test of the touch, and / 
pronounced a thing “ manifest" (mant-festa res) when he could ^ | 
reach out his hand and feel it. With the Greeks the idea of .,^ | 
handling was connected with that of facility, rather than with 

that of evidence: thus εὐχερής, easy," is opposed to δυσχερής, 

* difficult:" and as μάρη in old Greek was a synonym of χείρ 

(and probably akin to manus), εὐμαρής is a common equivalent 

to εὐχερής (Schol. Ven. ad Iliad. xv. 37). Now this word μάρη. 

brings us to the first of those apparent resemblances between the : 
Greek and Latin, against which I would caution the student. 
For the Etymolog. Magn. directly connects uáp-rus “a witness" 
with μάρη “8 hand," and thus brings us back to the Roman 
manifesta res; the compiler says (p. 78, 11): μάρτυς ó μάρψας 
καὶ εἰδὼς τὸ ἀληθές. But, as I have shown elsewhere (New 
Crat. § 450), μάρτυς is not immediately connected with μάρη, 
but belongs to the same application of the root as me-mor, pép- 
ἐμνα, &c., so that it is expressive rather of the memory and 
spoken record than of the certainty of the thing declared. And 
here we have a remarkable difference between the Greek and We f 
Roman conceptions of “truth.” For while the Greek μάρτυς" (ent ef 
refers to memory, and the Greek ἀληθής to the absence of for- ἢ al’ PPM 
getfulness, the Latin testis refers us to testa a piece of earthen- .”... 
ware used as a proof, ticket, or symbolum (ef. tessera, which is for |," '.. 
testera, and not from the Greek τέσσαρες), und verus, like the, — - 
Teutonic wér and the Lithuanian geras, which mean both verus 

and bonus (Graff, Sprsch. 1. 913), indicates the certainty, good- 

ness, validity, and protection, on which we may rely with confi- 

dence. It is well known to Latin scholars that verus even in 

the classical writers not unfrequently recurs to its original mean- 

ing, and denotes rather that which is good, right, and proper, 

than that which is true as a matter of fact. Thus, in Livy, 11. 

48: verum ease habere eos quorum sanguine et sudore partum sit, 


And Milton says (Parad. Reg. 1. 82): 
| I saw 
A perfect dove descend ; 
i.e. évapy)s περιστερά. Aristotle (Eth. Nicom. 1. 1, 8) uses ἐναργής and 
φανερός as synonymous expressions for that which falls within the reach 
of our ordinary experience. ' 


964. DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [cHaP. IX. 


‘it was right and proper that those should have it by whose blood 
and labour it had been obtained." Cf. rrr. 40, xxxir. 33, xr. 
16; Cesar, B. G. 1v. 8; Virgil. Zn. x11. 696; Horace, 2 Serm. 
LI. 312; 1 Epist. vir. 98. This meaning is sometimes made 
more clear by the addition of equus, as in Horace, 1 Epist. x11. 
23: nil Grosphus nisi verum orabit et equum. And decens is 
similarly added, as in Horace, 1 Epist. 1. 11: quod verum atque 
decens curo et rogo et omnis in hoc sum (see Gronovius and Dra- 
kenborch on Liv. 11. 48). Again, μάρη bears an outward resem- 
blance to the Latin mare, the other word under discussion, and 
the syllabic correspondence is strengthened by our knowledge of 
the fact, that θέναρ, which denotes “the hollow of the hand,” is 
also used to signify “the surface of the sea" (see Pind. Jsthm. 
II. 74). But these are merely accidental coincidences: for, as 
we have seen above (p. 90), ma-re and the Sclavonian mo-re 
must be referred to thé Semitic D'D, the second syllable being 
that which appears in the Greek ῥέω, the Etruscan ril, &c. 
Besides, mare does not signify “the surfuce of the sea," but the 
mass of water, as opposed to dry-land. The surface of the 
water is denoted by pelagus, directly borrowed from the Greek 
πέλαγος, Which is connected with πλάξ, and means “an extended 
sheet of water;" hence πέλωγος signifies “the high-sea,” and 
πεέλάγιος means “out at sea" (New Crat. § 280). If a river 
had burst its banks and covered a large expanse of cquntry, it 
would be called a mare, or * flood,” and might in that case ex- 
hibit a pelagus or “wide surface of water." Thus Virgil says 
of the mouth of the Po (Ln. 1. 246): 


It mare proruptum, et pelago premit arva sonanti. 


* [t rushes forth in a flood, and covers the lands with a roaring 
sheet of water." ‘This view of the origin and signification of 
ma-re is important with reference to its form as a noun in 4. We 
see this 4 in other words involving the root re, as ri-vus, ri-l, 
&c.; and considering the general meaning of adjectives in -is, 
we must come to the conclusion that ma-r-e is the neuter of an 
adjective ma-re-is = ma-r-1s = vÓpoppóos. To return to res — hra- 
is, the termination seems to indicate it as a doing, rather than as 
a thing done—as a “hand-ling” (handlung) rather than as a 
work,—as a χρῆσις rather than as a χρῆμα. Practically, how- 


8 7.] DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. 365 


ever, res means ἃ mere object of thought, a thing which is or 
may be handled; and this appears still more clearly from the 
use of re-or, “I think," i.e. “I propose a res to my mind," and 
its derivative ra-tio (from ra-tus), which implies the action of 
the verb, and denotes the mode or act of thinking. Still, it may 
be seen, by a little care in the examination, that the fixed or 
passive meaning of res is quite consistent with its original use as 
a noun of action. As we shall see, when we come to the gerun- 
dia and gerundiva, the difference between active and passive 
becomes evanescent when we descend to the infinitive or abstract 
use of a word. When we are speaking of the “ winding-up of a 
business,” “the closing of a shop," &c., it is obvious that we 
direct attention to the thing done, rather than to the act of doing 
it. Just so with res as opposed to ratio. Between these two the 
substantive reus and the verb reor may be presumed to inter- 
vene, lf res means a "* handling," or ‘Caction,” reus will denote 
the person implicated in the action; and as res, in a legal sense, 
denotes the cause and object of the controversy, in the same 
technical application reus will denote a person accused or im- 
peached—cujus res agitur. And as ratio has no existence save 
through the verb reor, it must mean something more than the 
mere bodily handling implied by res. It must denote ἃ mental 
operation consequent upon this contact. And, in point of fact, 
ratio always implies some intellectual process, or the plan and 
System which emanate from it. While res or res familiaris is 
the property, ratto is the account kept; res publica is the state or 
object of government, ratio is the mode of governing; res is the 
outer world, as in natura rerum, &c., ratio is the inner reason, 
which deals with it theoretically. And this opposition is even 
carried so far that, while verborum ratio is the arrangement of 
words, or the style (Cic. de Oratore, 11. 15, § 64), we have 
rerum ratio (§ 63) for “history,” or the arrangement of facts 
and actions. 

The neuters in e of this declension are interesting as examples 
of the form which appears by the side of all masculine and 
feminine adjectives in -e, as tristis, neut. triste. Of course this 
theory assures us that the original ending of their neuter must 
have been -id, just as ante was originally antid. And this 
inference is confirmed by an obsolete neuter in -is, which bears 


360 DECLENSIONS OF THE LATIN NOUN. [cHAP. IX. 


the same relation to -?7 that corpus, opus, &c., do to the original 
corpud, opud, &c. ‘This neuter is found in potis, satis, by the 
side of pote and sat (for sate); thus, Lucret. 1. 452: 

Conjunctum est id, quod nunquam sine perniciali 

Discidio potis est sejungi seque gregari. 
v. 716: 

Corpus enim licet esse aliud, quod fertur et una 

Labitur omnimodis occursans efficiensque, 

Nec potis est cerni, quia cassum lumine fertur. 
Terent. Adelph. tv. 1, 5: “ita fiat et istoc, si quid potis est 
rectius." Catull. Lxxv. 24: “quod non potis est." LXXxI. 7: 
“qui potts est." Corn. Nep. Epam. 4: “ abstinentie erit hoc 
satis testimonium :" cf. Hannib. 6. These passages are quoted 
by Schwartze, das alte gypten, 1. p. 637. The same expla- 
nation applies to necessus for necessum or necesse, in the Senatus 
Consultum de Bacchanalibus. The neuter in -4s is sometimes a 
representative of -us for -ius, as in magts (by the side of mage), 
nimis, ultis (Zettechr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 111. p. 277 seq.); comp. 
aliquantis-per, paullis-per, tantis-per, &o. 


CHAPTER X. 
PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 


8 1. General definitions. 8 2. Personal Pronouns. § 3. Indicative Pronouns. 
$ 4. Distinctive Pronouns. § 5. Relative, interrogative, and indefinite Pro- 
nouns, § 6. Numerals and degrees of comparison. § 7. Prepositions. 
8 8. Negative Particles. 


§ 1. General Definitions. 


TAE term pronoun, in accordance with its original meaning 
( pronomen, ἀντωνυμία), ought to denote only those words 
which are used as substitutes for nouns. But according to that 
which appears to me to be the only scientific classification, all 
words fall into two great divisions,—pronouns, or words which 
indicate space or position; and words containing roots, which 
express the positional relations of general attributes. The former 
do not allow any admixture with the other element of language: 
the latter require the addition of at least one pronominal suffix 
to make them words. I have therefore proposed’ to call the 
pronouns, or posttional words, the organizing, constituent, or 
formative element of inflected language, and the roots I would 
designate as the material element of human speech. With this 
extension of meaning the term pronoun will include not only the 
personal, demonstrative, and relative words, which it generally 
denotes, but also the prepositions, the conjunctions, and those 
adverbs which are not merely cases of nouns. 


§ 2. Personal Pronouns, 


Although the verb has three persons, the Latin language 
does not use more than two personal pronouns or general indi- 
cations of the nominative case. For, although ego and tv may be 
used with the first and second persons of the verb, which, as we 
shall see, are not consistently expressed by the inflexions, with 
the third person, which always ends in -¢ or -tur, the nominative 
is either omitted or expressed by a noun substantive. When, 
however, in the objective construction it is necessary to introduce 


1 New Crat. § 128. 


368 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X. 


& pronoun referring to the nominative of the verb, we employ 
the reciprocal or reflexive se. Thus, although diceba-t is a suf- 
ficient expression of “ he said, or used to say,” we must introduce 
se before an infinitive expressing the assertion; a8: diceba-t 8E 
esse bonum virum, “he said that he (the person, in question, 
who said) was a good man;" and as we should write ego 
diceba-m ME esse, or tu diceba-s TE esse, we may infer an ori- 
ginal pronoun of the third person beginning with s- and corre- 
sponding to the Greek ὁ or ἴ, just as é corresponds to se. But 
this form occurs only in the oblique cases, δεῖ, stbt, se, and in the 
particles si-c, si-ne, st, and se-d. 

The original inflexions of the two personal pronouns were as 
follows : 


SING. 
N. e-go or ego-met tu or tu-te 
G. mis ti-s 
D.  mi-Ai (for mi-f or mi-bt) ti-bi 
A. me-he te-he 
Abl. me-d te-d. 


For the plural, or rather the collective form, of the personal 
pronouns, we have two different roots corresponding to νῶξ and 
σφῶϊ, which are used as the dual in Greek; and from these 
roots we have the nom., ac., voc. no-s, vo-s; dat., abl. no-bi-s, 
vo-bi-s. According to the analogy of νῶϊν, σφῶϊν, we ought also 
to have genitives no-um or no-sum, and vo-um or vo-sum. But 
these are not found. Indeed, although the singular genitives 
mis, tis, which may have been originally forms in -jus, like 
hu-jus, e-jus, &c., retained their use as late as Plautus, these also 
became obsolete in classical Latinity, and the genitive forms for 
the singular and plural were derived from the possessive adjec- 
tives meus, tuus, nos-ter, ves-ter. The connexion between the 
genitive and the epithet is well known (New Crat. § 298), 
and in all languages the possessive may take the place of the 
genitive of a pronoun. But in Latin and Greek we have not 
only a possessive in direct adjectival agreement with its noun, 
but, by a singular attraction, we have the genitive of the pos- 
sessive used as if it were the genitive of the pronoun itself. I 
call this an attraction, for I think it must be explained by a 
transition from those idiomatic collocations, in which a dependent 


$2.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 369 


genitive stands by the side of the possessive. Thus we may say 
not only mea scripta, * my writings,” for "the writings of me,” 
but even mea scripta recitare timentia (Hor. 1. Serm. 4, 23), 
*the writings of me fearing to recite;" and not only ἡμετέρα 
ἔρις, “our contention," for “the contention of us," but even 
ὠγαθῶν ὄρις ἡμετέρα (.ischyl, Hum. 975), “the contention of 
us good persons." We see then how easy the transition may be 
from such phrases as mea unius opera respublica est salva, or 
vesiris paucorum respondet laudtbus, to eam unius tut studio 
me assequi posse confido, or vestrum omnium voluntati paruit, 
Hence we find that ultimately met and tui were the only geni- 
tives of ego and tu, and nostri or nostrum, and vestri or vestrum, 
the only genitives of nos and vos. The same remark applies to 
the very defective pronoun of the third person, the reciprocal se, 
which has lost its nominative, and has only the genitive sut, the 
dative sibi, and the accusative or ablative se, for all genders and 
numbers. We must also consider the Greek ἐμοῦ, or μοῦ, 
anciently μεοῦ (N. Crat. S 134), and σοῦ, as properly belonging 
to the possessive. The hypothesis of an attraction, which I have 
proposed, is the only way of explaining the difference in the 
usage of nostri, nostrum, and of vestri, vestrum. That nostrum, 
vestrum are genitives plural, is clear from the fact that they were 
anciently used in the full forms nostrorwm, vestrorum; thus in 
Plautus (Mostell. 1. 8, 123) we have: verum tllud est, maximaque 
pars vostrorum intelligit. As genitives they can only be explained 
by an attraction into the case of some plural genitive expressed 
or understood. In general, we do not find the genitive except 
when the personality is emphatically expressed; 88 in Ovid, 
Heroid. xu. 166: δὲ tib cura «eV sit tib cura tut. Cic. 
Catil. Iv. 9: habetis ducem memorem | vestri, oblitum sut. 
And ‘here it may stand by the side of an inflected possessive, as 
in Cic. ad Fam. xu. 17: grata mtht vehementer est memoria 
nostri tua; or even be opposed to one, as in Ovid, Heroid. 
vil. 184: paraque tut lateat corpore clausa meo. But whereas 
nostri, vestri, are used only when we speak of the persons as a 
whole; a8: memoria nostri tua, “your recollection of us," as ἃ 
single object of thought; nostrüm, vestrüm are employed when 
we speak of the persons as a collection of separate or separable 
elements. Accordingly, the latter is the form adopted after such 
D. V. 24 


970 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.  [cHAP. x. 


& word as pars (in the passage quoted above from Plautus), and 
by the side of omntum, as in Cic. Cat. 1. 7: patria est com- 
munis omnium nostrüm parens, “our native land is the common 
parent of all of us," many and separable as we are, But that it 
is really in this case an attraction from the inflected possessive, 
is clear from such passages as Cic. Cat. 1v. 2: ht ad vestram 
omnium cedem Rome restiterunt. We have a genitive by the 
side of the possessive in the construction of the impersonal verbs, 


‘or rather phrases, ré-fert=ret fert, “it contributes to the in- 


terest," and interest, “it i8 concerned about the business," 
where ret is understood in the sense in which the Latin verb 
has become an English substantive!, In these phrases we have 
either a gen. of the person or persons interested, or the pos- 
gessive pronouns, med, tud, sud, nostra, vestrü, agreeing with 
the dative ret, expressed in ré-fert, and understood in fnterest. 
Thus we have: faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis, quam 
sua ré-tulisse videretur, he must do something which might 
seem to have been more for the interest of those others than 
for his own;" Casar dicere solebat non tam su@ quam retpub- 
licce interesse, ut salvus esset, “Cesar used to say that it was 
not so much for his interest as for that of the state that he 
should be safe." That re for ret is the dative, and consequently 
that mea, sud, &c., here stand for mec, suc, &c., is proved 
by the competent testimony of Verrius (Festus, p. 282, ed. 
Miller): re-fert quum dicimus, errare nos att Verrius. Esse 
entm rectum REI FERT, dativo scilicet, non ablativo casu. In 
Cato, 1. H. c. 3. we have: et ret et virtuti et. glorie erit. 
That fero may be used absolutely without any accusative is 
clear from such phrases as: dum tempus ad eam rem tulit 
(Ter. .Andr. 1. 2, 17), dum «ctas tulit (id. ibid. 11. 6, 12), nunc 
tia tempus fert, ut cupiam (Heaut. 1v. 1, 54), scilicet sta tempus 
fert (Adelph. v. 8, δ). And it is unnecessary to show that fero, 
like λυσιτεέλέω, may govern the dativus commodi. The change 
of ὦ into a is found also in post-hac, tnter-ea, &c., which will 
be explained immediately. 


1 For re- rei in this sense cf. Plaut. Zrinumm. 11. 2,9—635: ἐπα 
re consulere cupio. 


§ 3.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS, 371 


§ 3. Indicative Pronouns. 


The three pronouns, hic, iste, ille are called indicative, be- 
cause they indicate, as objects, the three personal distinctions, 
which, in the cases already considered, are expressed as subjects 
of the verb. Hic, *this," “the person or thing Aere," indicates 
the speaker and all close to him; 4ste, *that.of yours," indicates 
the person addressed and those in his proximity; ¢lle, "that 
other,” indicates all distant persons and objects. This distinction 
was well known to the oldest grammarians, and is fully borne 
out by the consistent usage of the best writers. Priscian’s defi- 
nition is rather vague: he says (xviI. 9. ὃ 58, Vol. 11. p. 89, 
Krehl): * Demonstrativa [sunt] hic, iste, et ille. Sed interest 
quod $e spatio longiore intelligitur, este vero propinquiore; hic 
autem non solum de presente, verum etiam de absente possumus 
dicere, ad intellectum referentes demonstrationem, ut, hoc regnum 
dea gentibus esse Vergilius ad absentem Carthaginem rettulit 
demonstrationem." But Laurentius Valla has given the personal 
reference of the three pronouns with the greatest accuracy 
(Elegant. 11. c. 1v. p. 39. ed. Aldina, 1536): "de me loquens 
dicere debeo hoc caput, hec manus, hac civitas. De te vero 
istud caput, ita manus, ista civitas. De tertia autem per- 
sona, tllud caput, illa manus, tlla. civitas. Cicero in Antonium 
(Phel. 11. 25): tu estes faucibus, &c., h.e. detis tuis faucibus, &c. 
Unde nascuntur adverbia istic, istine, istac, istuc, istorsum, isto. 
Ut idem ad Valerium juris consultum: qui istinc ventunt atunt 
te superbiorem esse factum, i.e. qui ab sta provincia in qua 
agis, huc in Italiam Romamque veniunt."  Practically we find 
that hic and iste are opposed as 7 and you, and Aic and tlle as 
near and distant. Thus we find (Cic. Acad. Iv. 33): “ iisdem 
hic sapiens, de quo loquor, oculis, quibus iste vester terram, mare, 
intuebitur;" and (pro Rabirio, 11.) : ‘si sllos, quos jam videre 
non possumus, negligis, ne his quidem, quos vides, consuli putas 
oportere." And thus in reference to circumstances previously 
mentioned, 2/le denotes the former or more distant, hic the latter 
or nearer particular; as in Propert. 111. 14, 17: 

Qualis et Eurot# Pollux et Castor arenis, . 
Hic victor pugnis, ille futurus equis. 
The same distinctions are observable in certain peculiar usages. 
24—2 


972 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.  [cHAP.x. 


Thus Terence has (Andr. 11. 1,10): “ tu si fic sis, aliter sentias," 
“if you were tn my place, you would think otherwise." In 
lawsuits iste, “the man before you,” i.e. the judices, is the 
opponent: hence, we find this pronoun used with a certain ex- 
pression of contempt to indicate a person who has been brought 
unfavourably before the notice of those whom we are addressing; 
whereas $//e, “that other," as indicating a person so striking as 
to attract our attention in spite of his remoteness, is often used 
to denote a well-known or eminent individual, as: “ magnus tlle 
Alexander," or ** Medea zlla.” In all these usages the triad hic, 
aste, tlle, correspond to the Greek ὅδε, οὗτος, ἐκεῖνος. This is 
especially seen in the employment of ὅδε and οὗτος to designate 
the first and second persons respectively. Thus CEdipus is made 
to say of himself: οὔτε μὴ λάχωσι τοῦδε συμμάχου (Hd. C. 
450): but he is addressed by the subterraneous voice (did. 
1627): ὦ οὗτος, οὗτος Οἰδίπους, τί μέλλομεν; The speaker 
in ἃ law-court generally designates himself, his client, and his 
affairs, by ὅδε; but the opponent is οὗτος = dete, “the man before 
you' (the judges). In continuous narrative τάδε are the things 
which I am about to say, which are before me, but not yet 
before my readers; whereas ταῦτα are the things just said, and 
which have been submitted to them. This shows that the true 
reading in /schylus, Suppl. 313, must be : 
XO. Βῆλον δίπαιδα πατέρα τοῦ δ᾽ ἐμοῦ πατρός. 
ΒΑ. τὸ πᾶν σαφῶς νυν ὄνομα τούτου μοι φράσον. 

For the Chorus having spoken of their father as present by 
them (τοῦδε), the King, in his reply, would designate him as by 
their side (rovrov). 

With regard to the etymology of the indicative pronouns, 
there can be no doubt that the first part of hi-c corresponds to 
the Greek 7, which appears as the nominative of the reflexive 
=o, ol, ὅ. It is therefore a subsidiary form of 6 = co, 'and 
while the ὦ is represented by a more original sibilant in st-c, se, 
&c., it has vanished altogether in t-s, t-terum, i-tem, &c. The 
most original form represented the 4n/aut as a strong combina- 
tion of the guttural and labial, which we call the digamma; and 
thus gut, si-c, hi-c, 4-s, will be four forms of the same pronominal 
root signifying proximity, in whieh the guttural element has 
successively degenerated. The sibilant form, which is regularly 


§ s.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 978 


found in the Sanscrit sa, sak, 88, and in the Umbrian eso, &c., 
where there is an initial vowel as in ἐμέ, compared with μέ, 
was still extant in the days of Ennius, who writes sa-m, sa-psa, 
su-m, 50-8. The guttural appears without any labial affection in 
the affix -c- or -ce, and in the forms cts, citra, ceters, &c. The 
forms tstict-ne, illci-ne, hict-ne, tunci-ne, show that ct is an 
older form of the affix than ce, and the inscription of Aquila has 
even the form heicet (Corssen, 1. p. 271). As there is reason to 
believe that the first syllable of the Umbrian e-so is ἃ residuum 
of the second prognominal element Fa, analogous to the ¢ in 1-s, 
&c., the form e-su-k (above, p. 102) is really a combination of 
three, as λύτο 18 of two similar elements. The Latin forms e-ho, 
e-ja, e-go (New Crat. § 134) might lead us to infer that h-ic may 
originally have been e-hi-c=e-su-c. ΑΒ the first element, in 
this repetition of cognate syllables, was generally omitted in 
Latin, 80 we find that the final -c was dropt in the usual form of 
the genitive hujus, though Aujus-ce occasionally appears, and 
was usually omitted in the plural, with the exception of the nom., 
accus., voc. neuter he-c=ha-ce, though good writers have occa- 
sionally hi-c for À$ (Varro, L..L. vi. 78), and ha-c for he (Plaut. 
Aulul, 111. 5, 59; Ter. Eun. rr. 5, 34; Phorm. v. 8, 28, &c.), 
in the nom. masc. and fem. The neuter ha-c furnishes us with 
the clue to some important analogies. 

If there is good reason to connect hi-c=e-hi-c with the 
Umbriam e-su-k, there is still more reason for seeking an affinity 
between the second indicative pronoun ¢s-te and the Umbrian 
es-tu. The latter combination will not allow us to doubt that 
the final syllable is identical with the second personal pronoun. 
Its adjectival inflexion in three genders is a subsequent result of 
its usage. But there is no reason to conclude that the forms 
-tius, tí (for -tibi), -tum, -to, are not as original as tis, tb$ and te. 
The identity of the first part of esu-k or e-ht-c and es-tu, as in- 
dicatives of the first and second pronouns, is supported by the 
Hebrew 'Aánóki, “I,” and 'han-tá -- 'hat-tá, **thou," which are 
similarly distinguished by the affix only. And such forms as 
e-go-met, é&-ya-vn, Sanscrit a-ha-m, show that the syllables e-go, 
a-ha, e-ho, &c., do not in themselves indicate the first person, 
though they strongly exhibit the idea of nearness as opposed to 
that of all other positions. But although -c is the distinction 


974 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.  [CHAP.X. 


between the first and second pronouns of indication, such is the 
general usefulness of this adjunct that it is occasionally, though 
rarely, appended even to certain forms of ¢ts-te, as 7s-tec, &c. 
And, what is still more singular, we find even ?/lec, &c. These 
are irregularities, and the general distinction of Aie and 18-te 
remains as I have described it; and thus their relative meanings 
of “here” and “near to the here" are fully supported by their 
etymology. 

An analysis of the third indicative pronoun tlle leads to 
results quite as interesting as that of the other two. There 
cannot be any doubt that ¢Z/e, ** that other," and alius, “another,” 
agreeing as they do in declension and primitive meaning, are 
only different forms of one and the same word: and thus the 
double 7 of ze will belong to the same form of assimilation as 
the Greek synonym ἄλλος (New Cratyl. ὃ 215). The other 
forms, under which the root of ¢lle or altus occurs, are ollus, 
which is a common archaism of tlle, and is found even in Virgil ; 
ol-im for oll-im (“antiqui enim litteram non geminabant,” Fest.) 
=tllo tempore; solus =se-olis= sine aliis; uls (opposed to cts, 
as ille 18 to hic) = tllo loco; al-ter and ul-tra, ul-terior, ul-timus, 
expressing relative degrees of distance and separation; and uLtro 
aignifying movement to a degree beyond expectation. Τὸ these 
must be added compounds beginning with aA-, as ali-quis, &c. 
The 7 is retained in the Goth. a/is, O. N. ella, A. S. ele, O. H. G. 
ali; but a comparison with the Sanscrit an-ya = altus, an-tara = 
alter, and the Goth. an-thar, O. N. an-nar, A. S. other, O. H. Gl. 
an-dar, &c., leads us to the conclusion that the original form must 
have involved an n, and thus we fall back on the Greek expres- 
sion for distant locality,—a-va, and ultimately arrive at κεῖνος = 
&-év-Los (cf. ἔνιος), the synonym of ¢/e in its regular use, and 
κα-τά, the correlative of ava, both as-a preposition and as a par- 
ticle (New Crat. §§ 135, 138). As it may be shown that dvd, 
in its most distinct significations, is represented by in (New Crat. 
$ 170), it will follow that lle =«tn-yus bears the same relation 
to in that ἄλλος does to ἀνά. And while the a in all these forms 
18 more original than the ¢ (above, p. 309), it is equally clear that 
the Latin o/- and ul- are successive extenuations of the original 
vowel, caused in part by the change of n into / (p. 317). The 
termination of oll-us, ali-us is softened into -e in tlle, just as we 


§ 3. ] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 376 


have spse and zs¢e for ?psus and tstus, and just as we have necesse 
by the side of necessus. Of all the words, in which this root 
enters, ultro alone obscures the original meaning of “ distance 
and separation." It seems to be used as a synonym of sponte, 
which signifies ‘of one’s own accord’’ or “free inclination." 
But an accurate examination of all the passages, in which it 
occurs, enables us to trace it back to its original meaning, “to a 
place beyond,” which is still found in such phrases as ultro 
tstum a me, “take him far from me" (Plaut. Capt. 111. 4, 19), 
ultro citroque, ‘‘ thither and hither,” his lacrymis vitam damus, 
et miserescimus ultro, “to these tears we grant his life, and 
pity him besides" (see Dóderlein, Syn. u. Etym. 111. 108, sqq.). 
Hence, while s-ponte, which is the abl. of s-pons or ex-pons, ἃ 
derivative of another form of pondus, means ** by its own weight 
or inclination," “ of its own accord," * unbidden" (Hor. t. Epist. 
Xi. 17: sponte sud, jussene), ultro means “ going still farther," 
* going beyond expectation," “showing an activity which ex- 
cites surprise," or the like. "Thus we find such phrases as 
(Plautus, M. Gl. τι. 1, 18) : ast sese ultro omnis mulieres secta- 
rier, * he says that all the women even go so far as to run after 
him;" (Tac. Ann. xiu. 23): commotis qui aderant, ultroque 
spiritus ejus mitigantibus, when those who stood by were affected, 
and, what is more, actively bestirred themselves to pacify her 
wrath ;" and (Hor. Carm. 1v. 4, 51): sectamur ultro quos opimus 
fallere et effugere est triumphus, ‘contrary to all expectation, we 
pursue those, whom we ought to be only too happy to escape." 
It is clear from this that no single English word is more nearly the 
equivalent of ultro in this secondery application than our com- 
mon particle “even.” The true force of ultro is also seen in the 
quasi-compound ultro tributum, which is the correlative of vectigal, 
and implies that as the farmers of the taxes (vectigalia) had to pay 
money into the treasury, the state had even to advance money to 
those who contracted for the public works (ultro tributa). Thus we 
read that the censors incurred odium when they diminished the 
payment on account of the latter, and increased the sums to be 
paid in on account of the taxes (Liv. xxxix. 44) : vectigalia sum- 
mis pretiis, ultro tributa infimis locaverunt, which Plutarch (v. Cat. 
p. 347), explains by: συστέλλων τοῖς μισθοῖς τὰς ἐργολαβίας, τὰ 
δὲ τέλη ταῖς πράσεσιν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐσχάτας ἐλαύνων τιμάς. This 


876 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.  [cHAP. x. 


explains the metaphor in Seneca, de Benefic. ΤΥ. 1: cum virtus 
nec lucrum tnvitet, nec absterreat damno, adeoque nemtnem spe ac 
pollicitatione corrumpat, ut contra in se impendere jubeat et satus 
in ultro tributis sit,—that is, virtue belongs to the class of those 
contracts which imply an initiatory expenditure on the part of 
those who let them out. To complete the analysis of the third 
indicative pronoun, it is worth while to notice that the affix 
hunt or hont, which marks this pronoun in Umbrian, is clearly 
connected with the English yon in yonder, be-yond, &c.; and this 
brings us at once, through the Goth. jatns, jaind, N. H. G. gener, 
&c., to the Greek κεῖνος, and the root of ¢lle. And thus we see 


- that the common Latin, like the Greek, has lost the three full 


forms of the distinctive pronouns, which are preserved in the 
Umbrian esu-k (= eh?c — hic), “the particular thing here," es-tu 
(2 $5te), “the particular thing where you are," and er-ont = es 
ont (= -κεῖνος — tlle), ‘“ the particular thing yonder.” The form 
ἐκεῖνος may be a residuum of ἐσκεῖνος = es-ont, and the same ex- 
planation may apply to é-yé, &c. Practically we find that lle 
= alius differs from al-ter as plurality differs from duality, that 
is aS ἄλλος = ἄλιος differs fronr ἕτερος; for al-tus, ἄλλος denote 
"that other person of many," and al-ter, Erepos “that other 
person of two." On the general differences in meaning and use 
between the comparative affixes in -?us or -ior and -ter-, the 
reader may consult the New Cratylus, § 165. 


8 4. Distinctive. Pronouns. 


The elements ts, e-Ào, 6-80, hi-, which, we have seen, con- 
stitute the initial syllable or syllables of the indicative pronouns, 
appear without any affix in the merely distinctive pronoun ὥ. 
In the older Latin Grammars it used to be the custom to exhibit 
the indicative hic as ἃ sort of prepositive article: but this func- 
tion, so far as the Latin language is capable of performing it at 
all, belongs rather to the weaker form ts, which distinguishes 
the particular person referred to, especially when the distinction 
is supported by a defining relative sentence. Thus, ts Piso in 
Sallust, Catil. c. 19, is as nearly as possible ὁ Πίσων. The 
functions of 1s, as a distinctive pronoun, are carried still farther 
by its association with two derivatives s-dem and t-pse (some- 


S 4.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 977 


times tpsus). If we except that meaning of ts, which has been 
already mentioned, and according to which it appears as the cor- 
relative and antécedent to gut,—so that ἐφ qui means “the parti- 
cular person who," and the relative sentence becomes equivalent 
to the Greek participle with the article,—we shall find that 4s 
and its two derivatives enable us to reproduce in Latin the dif- 
ferent usages of αὐτός. Thus, ἐθ is a mere pronoun of reference 
like the oblique cases of αὐτός: uxor ejus is the exact counter- 
part of ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ, “his wife" or *the wife of a person 
already mentioned and referred to;" and jungit eos renders Cevry- 
νυσιν αὐτούς, “he yokes them,” i.e. the cattle already mentioned. 
Idem means more emphatically “the very he," “the same man,” 
like 6 αὐτός, And ipse signifies “the man himself,” or “the 
man distinguished from others,” like αὐτός, when it is used as a 
secondary predicate in apposition without the artiele (Complete 
Greek Gramm. art. 444, d, aa). The deelension of 1s, namely, is, 
ea, td, gen. ejus, &c., 18 preserved in t-dem for ts-dem, ea-dem, 
%-dem for td-dem, gen. ejus-dem, &c., Bo that dem becomes a 
mere appendage like the Greek περ, δή, to both of which it 
partly corresponds in meaning, and to the latter of which it is 
directly related. In the classical use of $pse, on the contrary, 
the first part, or the 4s, remains uninflected, while the second 
syllable is regularly declined; thus: 2-pse(-ws), ¢-psa, +-psum, 
gen. t-pstus, &e. There are two ways of explaining this pheno- 
menon. We may suppose that the ps- represents an inversion of 
the reciprocal e$- analogous to the Doric ψέ, yi: and thus the 
inflexion of the second part only will correspond to the Greek 
forms ἐμαυτοῦ, ἑαυτοῦ, &c., where the first part is immoveable. 
This is Bopp's theory. But it may with justice be objected 
that tpse corresponds to αὐτός, and that we have the combina- 
tions me ipsum, se ipsum, &c. Besides, we find in the older 
writers that the included ὧς is regularly declined, while the affix 
-pse remains as an immutable appendage, just like the -dem of 

s-dem; thus we have eam-pse (Plaut. Cistell. 1. 8, 22; Aul. 
v. 7), ea-pse illa. (Curcul. 1v. 8, 2), eo-pse illo (ibid. 5): and 
especially in the combination re ea-pse, or reapse (Festus, p. 278, 
Müller) Since therefore we find another affix -pte also appended 
not only to the declined forms of 73, as in eo-pte (Festus, p. 110, 
οὗ, tpstppe = ipsipte, p. 105), but also to vos, miht, meo, suo, &c., 


978 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.  [cHAP.x. 


as vo-pte, mihi-pte, meo-pte, suo-pte, &c., as this cannot be re- 
ferred to an inversion of sv, but may bear the same relation to 
-pse that the original supines in -tum do to the secondary forms 
in -sum, I fall back on the other explanation, and consider -pte 
an indeclinable affix, analogous to ποτε, which has been softened 
into -pse, perhaps from an original assimilation in $s-pte (ef. 
δίσκος for δίκ-σκος, λέσχη from λέγ-σκη, &c.). 

The declension of 1s, ejus, reminds us at once οὗ Ai-c, hu- 
jus, and it is clear that the former is only a weaker modifica- 
tion of the latter, just as the Greek 7 is of the older ? (New 
Crat. § 139). The most striking differences in the inflexions of 
as and Ài-c are entirely due to the -c or -ce appended to the lat- 
ter, and there is reason to believe that this affix, which appears 
attached to all the indicative pronouns, was originally appended 
also to the distinctive 9 and the relative qui. Indeed, as qui, 
si-c, hi-c and ts are successive degenerations of one and the 
same form, there is no reason to exclude from the first and last 
the strengthening appendage which so constantly appears with 
the two intermediate words. To say nothing of the alleged 
occurrence of such forms as ezs-ce (Plaut. Mercat. prol. 91), 
ejus-ce (Aul. Gell. lemm. c. xiv. 1. 111), cujus-ce (Cic. de In- 
vent, II. 45, § 134), &c., the original appendage of -ce to the 
neuter plurals at least of ἐξ and gui may be proved by the fol- 
lowing induction. Where the accus. neut. pl. of 4s becomes fixed 
in combination with certain prepositions, as in inter-ed, posi-eà, 
preter-ed, &c., the d is long. It is therefore fair to conclude 
that, when these compounds were formed, there was some reason 
for the length of the plural d, which, as a general rule, is short 
in all Greek and Latin words, Now we find in Latin post-hac — 
post-hec, qua-propter = que-propter, and mea refer — mea rei 
fert. Therefore ἃ may represent ae. And as post-hac, qua- 
propter are entirely analogous to postea, propterea, it follows 
that the neuter plural of 4s was anciently ew, just as the neuter 
plurals of hic and qui were he-c and que. But ae — at, therefore 
ew, and que stand for ed-i, gud-7; and as the neuter plural hac can. 
only be explained as a residuum of Aá-ce or Ad-cis, the final ¢ in 
the two other cases must represent a lost guttural fulcrum. This 
view is confirmed by the fact that the Oscan represents post-ea 
under the form post-esa-k (above, p. 145); and the same ex- 


§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. = 879 


planation applies to post-1llà = post-illa-c. ‘The strongest confirm- 
ation of this view is furnished by the fact that no other proba- 
ble explanation has been offered. For the only suggestion, which 
merits a moment's attention—namely, that the long 4 may be 
occasioned by the absorption of the d which is still seen in ar- 
vorsum ead, &c., falls to the ground when we consider that the 
neuter plural must always have terminated in a double dental, or 
the combination -nt, which is uniformly represented by a short 
d, so that the αἱ is elided and not absorbed (New Crat. § 239). 
The supposition (above, p. 145), that posted is for posteam, on 
the analogy of postquam, &c., is undeserving of any notice except 
as a specimen of philological imbecility. As I have elsewhere 
remarked (New Crat. ὃ 240, note): ‘every Latin scholar is 
aware that guam is not here a case after post, &c., but the par- 
ticle of comparison, so that the full form, is, in fact, post-ea-quam, 
&c.!" And the case of quá-si for guam-st (for we have quan-sei 
in the lex Thoria, above, p. 281, 1. 34) shows that guam would 
not be represented by qu^. 


§ 5. Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns. 


In its syntactical use, the relative connects with the indica- 
tive or distinctive pronouns, and especially with ἐσ, its regular 
antecedent or correlative, some fuller description of the person or 
thing indicated. And thus, whether the antecedent is definite or 
vague, the relative sentence exists only by virtue of its correla- 
tive; consequently, it is a syntactical contrivance which plays 
the same part as the adjective or genitive case. Etymology 
fully confirms this view of the matter, which is derived from the 
logic of the sentence, and without any reference to the forms of 
words: for we see that the correlative pronouns, 1s and qui, are 
manifestly identical with one another, and with the affix of the 
genitive case, which forms the basis of the possessive adjective 


1 When the author of this absurd etymology says that “the other 
word que owed its length possibly to the circumstance of its being a 
monosyllable, just as vis ‘force’ has a long i, navis, &c. ἃ short i,” I can 
only suppose that he does not know the difference between ἃ crude form 
in -r like vis =vir.s, pl. vir-es, vtr-ium, and one in «ὁ like navi-s, pl. naves, 
tavium. 


980 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.  [cHAP. x. 


(cf. New Crat. §§ 148, 243, 800). The common origin of all 
these forms and of the Greek definite article is, as might be 
expected, the second pronominal element, which indicates rela- 
tive proximity. The Anlaut or initial articulation of this pro- 
noun is the sound which we call digamma, and which represents 
some combination of the guttural with the labial. In the Greek 
forms ὅς, κοῦ, κέν, &c., in the Latin Ai-c, si-c, ὦ, &c., and in the 
Sanscrit yas, kas, &c., we have only a guttural residuum, and 
the j = τὸ is still farther degenerated in ris, re, ἄς. In ποῦ, and 
the old Italian pit, pe, &c., the labial alone remains. But in the 
Latin relative and indefinite gut and guts, and in the correspond- 
ing particles, we have the genuine and original combination of 
both elements, the labial however being vocalized into «, or 
rather represented by a silent v (above, p. 295). 

It is usual to distinguish guts from qu£ merely by the use of 
the former as interrogative and of the latter as relative, and no 
one has been found to recognize the inherent distinction of the 
two words. The fact is that quis, gue (or rather quá), quid, is 
the original form, corresponding to £s, ed, 4d; and as tlle has a 
secondary form ollus or alius, which is used as its adjective, 80 
qui, gue, quod represent an adjective, and this must have con- 
tained the additional vowel o—v, which appears in so many of its 
cases. It has long been observed that in all interrogative and 
indefinite pronouns the form quod is used as an adjective and the 
form quid as a substantive; thus, we say: aliquod monstrum, 
. *gome monster;" but aligutd monstri, “something of a monster." 
The same remark really applies to the differences between the 
simple qui and quis; and the two words may be arranged, as 
far as the forms exist, in different declensions, the adjective 
belonging to the vowel declensions, and the substantive to the 
consonantal formations of nouns, It is true that with regard to 
the oblique cases, subsequent usage and habitual corruption have 
introduced many interchanges and confusions of form, but the 
farther we go back, and the more careful we examine the 
derived and collateral words, the more reason do we find for the 
conclusion that quis is substantival and consonantal, and qui 
adjectival and belonging to the vowel declensions, 


§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 381 


CONSONANTAL-FORM. VOWEL-FORM. 
Singular. 
M. F. N. M. F. N. 
N. quis quid [Osc. pes, pit] qui qud quod 
(later qua) 
G. cu|1]-jus [Osc. preis] quo-jus 
D. φι[{]- δὲ or cut [Osc. pier] quo-i 
Ac, quem[quim?] quid [Osc. pim, pit] *quum quam quod 
Abl. quf quo qua quo 
Plural. 
M. F. N. M. F. N. 
N. Ac. ques "quia N. qui que qua=qud 
. (later que) 
— - G. quorum quarum quorum 
D. Abl. quibus queis 


A. quos | quas qua (que — qua) 

The forms marked * occur only as particles in ordinary 
Latin. Practically the feminine quá or quc is used either inter- 
rogatively or relatively, either substantively or adjectively ; but 
in the derived form quis-quam there is no feminine inflexion, 
though this form is sometimes used with feminine nouns, as in 
Plautus, Cistellaria, 1. 1, 68: quod neque habeo nec quisquam 
alta mulier, and in Plautus, Mil. Gl. 1v. 2, 68 — 1060, the best 
MSS. have: non hic suo seminio quenquam porcellam 4mperti- 
turust. With regard to those passages in which guts and quid 
are said to be used as adjectives, we must be careful to avoid 
the confusion which has led to this mode of interpreting them. 
Schmidt says (de Pronomine Gr. et Lat. p. 58): "inter quis 
et qui, quid et quod hoc plerumque intercedere discrimen tra- 
dunt quod alterum pronomen sit substantivum, alterum adjecti- 
vum. Sed guts quoque sepissime vim habet adjectivi." And he 
proceeds to quote, among other passages, Plaut. Men. 111. 2, 38 
2:498: responde adolescens, quid nomen tibist ? — Cic. pro Deiot. 
13, 87: que enim fortuna aut quis casus aut que tanta pos- 
sit injuria . . . decreta. delere? Yet the distinction which he 
immediately afterwards quotes from Kritz (ad Sallust. Catil. 
c. 44) ought to have taught him that the adjectival use of quis 
in these passages is merely apparent, especially as there is the 
same distinction between the German wer and was, which are 


982 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS.  [CHAP. x. 


substantival, and welcher, which is declined like a regular sub- 
stantive. As Kritz says, quis and quid merely ask for the 
name, but qui and quod inquire respecting the kind, condition, or 
quality of the person or thing. Thus, in the passages adduced 
by Grysar (Theorie des lat. Styls, p. 88) and in those quoted 
above, quis stands by itself, or in apposition to a noun, but qut, 
like an adjective, is a definite epithet, e.g. T. Quis futt 1gitur ? 
P. Iste Cherea. T. Qui Cherea (Ter. Eun. v. 1, 7), i.e. ** scho 
was it then? That Cherea of yours. Which Cherea?"— where 
the first question refers to the unknown name, and the second 
seeks a distinction between him and others who bore the same 
designation. Similarly, in the passages quoted above, when 
there is an opposition, quid tibi nomen est means “what is your 
name?" but quod nomen would mean “which name?" ques 
casus means “ what chance?" or “what for a chance?" as the 
Scotch say: but gut casus would mean “which chance?" or 
* what kind of ἃ chance?" Just the same is the distinction of 
wer or was and welcher given in the German dictionaries. For 
if the question is: wer hat dir es gegeben? '' who has given it 
to you?" and the answer is, mein Bruder, * my brother," we 
should add the further question, welcher?" * which brother?" if 
there were more than one. 

The adjectival character of qu? as distinguished from quis is 
common to the genitive of all the demonstrative and relative pro- 
nouns which end in -jus, as hu-jus, tst-ius, ill-ius; e-jus, ips-ius, 
cu-jus, quo-jus. We have seen that the personal pronouns use, 
instead of their proper genitive, the genitive of their possessives, 
meus, tuus, suus, and analogy would lead us to infer that some- 
thing similar is found in the other pronouns. Now cujus, -a, -um 
is a regular adjective, and its derivative cujas, cujátis must be 
compared with the Greek forms like πομήτης, Ἰταλιώτης, (N. 
Crat. ὃ 259). ΤῈ is clear that these last forms must be derived 
from the ablative-genitive of nouns in -. Such a case we have 
in the form «óA-eos from πόλις, prít-yás from prítis; and I 
suggested long ago that the Latin jus represents under a weaker 
form this genitive ending -yás or -eo$—yos for -w0ev (N. Crat. 
§ 248). The other explanations, which were proposed before or 
after mine, may be seen in a paper by Aufrecht (Zeitschrift f. 
Vergl. Sprachf. 1851, p. 282). The suggestion that the genitive 


§ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 383 


cujus is merely the adjective cujus, with a fixed inflexion like the 
-mint of the passive verb, is objectionable, as well on other ac- 
counts, as because it is contrary to the analogy of mez, tut, sut, 
which exhibit the genitives of the possessive pronoun. The long 
ὦ in -ius is of course due to the absorption of a previous vowel, 
and the same must be the case with the Sanscrit possessives in 
-tya. The short τὸ of the termination is illustrated by a very 
complete analogy. There can be no doubt that ἕως τε, ἔς τε and 
us-que spring from a.common origin; and thus.we see at once 
that the terminations of cu-jus and πόλ-εως are identical. 

The guttural Anluut of the Latin relative and interrogative 
is lost in ubt, unde (cf. alt-cubi, ali-cunde), un-quam (cf. -cunque), 
uter (cf. kórepos), &c. 

Extensions of the relative or interrogative form indefinite or 
indefinite-relative pronouns, which are accurately distinguished 
by the best writers. Thus ali-quis = alius-quis or tlle-quis, and 
qui-dam, denote “some one in particular," though the object is 
not named; quis-que means “every one;" quis-quis and qui- 
cunque “ whosoever;" qui-vis and qui-libet, * any you please ;" 
quis-quam and its adjective ullus = unulus any at all." Hence 
the words in the first group are obscurely definite; quisque, 
quisquis, and quicunque include all persons or things referred to ; 
^ quivis and quilibet allow an unlimited range of choice; and quis- 
quam, and ullus exclude all the objects specified. As a general 
rule, while guésque has never the relative-indefinite signification, 
but always, like the Greek ἕκαστος, πᾶς Tis, Kc. refers to the 
antecedent in the sense of * every " “each,” quisquis is synony- 
mous with quicunque, ὅστις, “ whoever," and is virtually used as 
a relative pronoun. There are however exceptions to this, and 
quisquis is used in the sense of quisque. Thus in Cicero (ad 
Famil. vt. 1, $8 1): quocunque in loco quisquis est, idem est ei 
sensus et eadem acerbitas ex $nteritu rerum publicarum et suarum, 
we have quisquis used in exactly the same sense as quisque in 
Epist. 4, $8 3 of the same book: ut ubi quisque sit, ἐδὲ mintme 
esse velit. And we have the two forms together in the same 
sense in the Lex Thoria (above, p. 282): tta ute$ quecquid 
quoieique ante hanc legem rogatam licuit. In the neuter modern 
scholars propose to distinguish the less common meaning of: 


quicquid —- quidque from the ordinary meaning of quidquid  quosi^ 


984 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x. 


cunque by writing the former with c and the latter with d, and 
they would also distinguish quidque — et quid from quicque = 
* every thing," and would also write quicquam (Lachmann, 
ad Lucret. v. 264, p. 286). Thus they would write quicquid 
in Ter. Adelph. 1v. 2, 51: atque unum quicquid, quod quidem 
erit bellissimum corpam; in Lucret. v. 304: et primum quicquid 
flammarum perdere semper (cf. v. 291: ef primum jactum ful- 
goris quemque perire) ; in Cicero Tuscul. v. 34, 899: ut quicquid 
objectum est: but quidquid in such passages as Virgil, ned, τι. 
49: quidquid td est, timeo Danaos et dona ferentes, where the pro- 
noun is manifestly relative. The first syllables of a&-quis have 
been discussed above, and there is no difficulty in understanding 
the compound as significant of separative uncertainty—“ that 
other some one." That quis-piam and quisquam very nearly 
correspond in meaning is clear from such passages as the fol- 
lowing: Terence, Andr. 11, 6, 7: num tlli moleste quidpsam 
sunt he nuptie. Justin, XXXVIII 7: neque Alexander nec 
quispiam. successorum gus. Cic. 2, Verr. 1. 10: nego esse 
quicquam, a testibus dictum, quod aut vestrum. cuiptam | esset 
obscurum, aut cujusquam oratoris eloquentiam quaereret. And 
there can be little doubt that etymologically they are ulti- 
mately identical The last two syllables of quispiam puzzled 
the Roman grammarians; for Festus says (p. 254): quispiam 
quin significet aliquis et quapiam aliqua, similiterque alta ejus- 
dem generis, ut dubium non est, ita unde sequens pars ejus coeperit 
tnvenirt non potest. Modern philologers, however, have no diffi- 
eulty in seeing that -piam is only the older or more Oscan 
form of -quam, to which it bears the same relation that -pe does 
to -que in nem-pe τὸ nam-que. It will be observed that Festus 
considers quis-piam as identical in meaning with aquis. But 
this is not the case; for we may always use the English “any” 
in translating quis-ptam, and must always introduce the English 
“some” in rendering ali-quis, ali-quot, ali-quando, &c. The idio- 
matic difference between quispiam and quisquam consists in this, 
that while the former means “any body," leaving the range 
of choice open, but without the selection implied in quivis and 
quilibet, quisquam must be rendered “any at all" and must 
be confined, like its adjective udlus, to those usages in which 
we imply that all are excluded. The opposition between ali- 


S 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 385 


quis, quis-piam, quis-que, qui-vis, and quis-quam, may be seen 
in the following passages; Afranius ap. Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1v. 25, 
§ 55: dummodo doleat aliquid, doleat quidlibet, * provided he 
only suffers some pain, let him suffer any pain you please." 
Publius Syrus ap. Senec. de Tranquill. x1. S 8: cutvis potest 
accidere quod cuiquam, potest, “what may happen to any one 
at all may happen to any one you please.” Cas. B. G. v. 84: 
quoties queque cohors procurreret ab ea parte magnus hostium 
numerus cadebat, ‘as often as every cohort advanced, a great 
number of the enemy fell" Id. £bd. 1. 85: quum quepam 
cohors ex orbe excesserat hostes fugtebant, ** when any cohort left 
the circle, the enemy fled." The difference between a/tquis and 
quispiam consists in the definiteness conveyed to the former by 
its prefix a/i-, so that while aliguis means ‘“ some one in par- 
ticular,” quispiam means generally * any one." "Thus in Cicero 
(de Orat. τι. c. 9, 8 38) we have : “si de rebus rusticis agri- 
cola quispiam, aut etiam, id quod multi, medicus de morbis, 
aut de pingendo pictor aliquis diserte dixerit atit scripserit, non 
idcirco artis illius putanda sit eloquentia." The addition of the 
td quod multi shows that quispiam is more general than αὖέ- 
quis: “if any person versed in agriculture shall have written 
or Spoken with eloquence on rural affairs, or even any phy- 
sician on diseases, as many have done, or some painter on paint- 
ing, ἄς." That there is much the same distinction between 
aliquis and quispiam as between aliquis and quis, ia proved by the 
existence and usage of the compound aliquispiam or aliquiptam 
(see Cic. Tusc. Disp. 111. 9; I. F. Gronovius, ad Liv. XL1. 6). In 
the case of aliquis itself a stronger signification of separation or 
definiteness may be conveyed by writing at length altus quis or 
quis alius (see the passages quoted by Drakenborch, ad Lav. v. 
18, $4, p. 59). With regard to the definite force of quidam, it is 
to be remarked that there is a close affinity between δή and the 
affix -dam or -dem. Thus qué-dam is exactly ὃς δή, and qwi- 
dem is ye 0j. To the same class belongs demum, which Ebel 
(Zettschr. f. Vergl. Sprachf. 1851, p. 808) would explain as a 
Buperlative from the preposition de, on the analogy of primum 
from pre. The forms tan-dem and pri-dem show that this 
explanation is untenable; and the latter at all events proves 
that dem and pri are not. contradictory designations of time. 


D. V. 25 


386 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X. 


The true explanation is suggested by deni-que and its by-forms 
dun-que (in the Salian hymn, above, p. 236), done-c, and dons- 
cum, Greek particles expressing time end either in xa = κεν, 
88 avTí-xa, πηνί-κα, τηνέ-κα, Hvl-Ka, or in Te, as ὅ-τε, τό-τε, πό-τε, 
εὖ-τε, ἑκάστο-τε, &c. It is clear that these endings are ulti- 
mately identical; but it may be concluded, that, while the latter 
gives rather a degree of precision to the term, the former, 
Which more immediately corresponds to the well-known particle 
of the apodosis, comes nearer in meaning to the Latin cun-que — 
-ro-re, and our -soever. The Latin -que corresponds in some 
cases to -κα or ἄν, in others to -re, Thus, while -cun-que is 
qro-re, there can be no doubt as to the equivalence of ubs-que and 
ὅπου ἄν, of τηνί-κα and deni-que (New Crat. ὃ 196). The sub- 
stitution of the tenuis for the medial in the Greek forms is 
not universal, for we have ὅτε δή by the side of quando, and 
when this apparent difference is removed, we have no difficulty 
in seeing the exact correspondence between τῆμος, as opposed 
to ἦμος, and démum, for which, according to Festus (p. 70, 
Müller), Livius Andronicus wrote demus. As the element dem 
is placed indifferently before or after the particle which it qua- 
lifies (cf. dent-que with tan-dem, pri-dem), we shall understand 
the correspondence between qui-dam, ὅστις δή, and the synony- 


1 German philologers show a very imperfect apprehension of the pro- 
nominal machinery of inflected language. I have elsewhere noticed the 
philological ὕστερον πρότερον involved in Hartung's connexion of δή with 
the Sanscrit dya, in Bopp's derivation of the ending -»-xa with nisham = 
wor, and in Pott's comparison of ya-di with dies (New Cratylus, § 200). 
A still greater absurdity is committed by the latest writer on Latin ety- 
mology, W. Corssen, who considers the prenominal affix -dem in pri-dem, 
tan-dem, qui-dem, and even i-dem, as simply the accusative diem / (* nichts 
anderes als der Accusativ diem," Ausspr. &c. d. Lat. Spr. τι. p. 148); and 
even goes 80 far as to analyze donicum, donec, into do-ni-cum, do being 
for dio, the abl. of dius (cf. nu-dius), which, he thinks, is found also in 
quan-do and ali-quando (1), and the whole being a phrase signifying “ on 
the day-not-when" (“an dem Tage nicht wann" = “ zur Zeit nicht wann," 
I. p. 55). Such an etymology in the case of a particle, which once 
existed in the form dun-que, and which bears the same relation to deni- 
que and τηνίκα, that the affix -do» does to -δην, is really a proof of philo- 
logical imbecility. It is worse even than Grotefend’s dum-tazat = dum- 
tac-eat (above, p. 270). 


δ 6] . PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 38" 


mous δή τις Ξ- nescio quis (Heindorf ad Plat. Phedon. p. 107 d). 
The parallelism between quippe = qui-pte (comp. tpsi-ppe = 
tpsipte, Festus, p. 105), and ἅτε entitles us to conclude that . 
ut-pote, which is all but s synonym of quippe, is merely a 
compound of μέ and a form equivalent to the termination -pte 
discussed above. And as it cannot be proved that ut pote Ξε 
ut potest in Varro (apud Non. c. 2, n. 876: viget, veget, ut pote 
plurimum), there is really no evidence to show that pote is a 
neuter adjective, and that ut pote means “as is possible." 
The suggestion of Déderlein that it stands for ut puta does 
not deserve a moment's consideration. 

That quilibet involves the impersonal libet is obvious on the 
slightest examination ; and notwithstanding the difficulty occa- 
sioned by the particle -ve, we must conclude that the 2nd pers. 
sing. of volo is the affix of guévis. This is not only deducible 
from the analogy of quilibet, but is shown by a passage in Cato 
(R. E. c. 52), where ἃ noun is interposed between qué and vis: 
* hoc modo quod genus vis propagabis." 

What has been already said of cun-que = cum-que = tro-re 
applies to other uses of the affix -que, as quisque, uter-que, 
undi-que, utrin-que, ubi-que, us-que, quo-que. There is much 
general truth in Schmidt's definition of quisque (de pronom. Gr. 
et Lat. p. 100): ‘ pronomen indefinitum rem mente conceptam 
et e rerum ejusdem generis cumulo ac serie exemptam significat. 
Que autem particula si ad pronomen additur, pronominis vis ex- 
tenditur, idque ad omnem rem, in quam cadere possit sententia, 
transferri significatur. Itaque quis, particula gue adjuncta, non 
hominum incertum quendam, sed omnem, ad quem pertinere pos- 
sit sententia, notat. Ab omnis igitur ita differt, ut hoc quidem 
cunctos simul significet, gutsque autem distributionem quandam 
exprimat." Referring to the comparison made above between 
the Roman affix, and the Greek, -xa, xev, or ἄν appended to re- 
latives in general expressions, it is clear that the only principle, 
which will explain all the facts, is that which lies at the basis 
of the true theory respecting these Greek particles. Now it 
appears that ἄν and κεν are connected with the second pronominal 
element, and therefore claim the same pedigree as the relative 
pronouns. But they are not only immediately attached to the 
relative word in the hypothesis or protasis, as in ὅταν, ἐάν, ὃς 

| 25—2 


988 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x. 


ἄν, &c., but also appear as antecedents or correlatives in the 
‘apodosis of a condition. In the latter case they can only be 
. considered as hints suggestive of the hypothetical or general 
nature of the whole sentence; for if I say λέγοιμ᾽ av, even with- 
out any condition expressed, the hearer feels that a condition is 
implied, which would not be the case if I had said λέξω. Such 
being the fact in regard to the apodosis, it is still more evident 
that the addition of a relative particle in the protasis, which is 
already ἃ relative sentence, must add to the generality or com- 
prehensiveness of the reference. And 80 we constantly find that 
the multiplication of relative or indefinite elements makes the 
range of supposition wider; and if guis means “any one,” gzts- 
que, quis-quis, qui-cun-que will mean “any any" or “every 
possible" individual. This view is confirmed by. the Semitic 
usages: for we not only find pronominal repetitions, such as 
roD - UID UD = quid et quid, but even repetitions of general 
terms, as E^» t= vir et vir — quis-que. In comparing quis- 
que with qui-cun-que we observe, besides the constant distinction 
between quis and qui, that the latter is strengthened by the in- 
sertion of the temporal particle cum; and it is worthy of notice 
that not only is cunque used by itself as an expression of time; 
as in Hor. 1 Carm. xxxi. 15: “ mihi cunque salve rite vo- 
canti," where cunque- quoque tempore; but we even find it 
after cum, as in Lucretius, 11. 113: * contemplator enim, cum 
solis lumina cunque inserti fundunt radii per opaca domorum." 
Us-que for cus-que (cf. wus-piam, us-quam) is only a different 
inflexion of the same elements as cun-que, for us-que and 
un-quam both refer to time, (see Schmidt, l. l p. 96); and 
quo-que, "too," "still," “continuing that state of things,” 
must also be regarded as a particle of time, like its synonym 
etiam - et jam!. 

As the latter part of the words quis-que, quis-quis, qui-cun- 
que is manifestly of relative import no less than the affix of 
quis-quam, it is clear that the absolute difference in meaning 
between these words; and between us-que and un-quam, us-quam, 


1 For the parallelism and difference of quoque and etiam see Plaut, 
Trin. 1v. 8, 42: “illis quoque abrogant etiam fidem." 


$ 5.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 989 


cannot depend upon the etymology of the suffix. If we compare 
tam, quam with tum, quum, we shall see that while the former 
pair refer to manner, the latter imply time. As dies signifying 
a particular day is always masculine, and as we have a number 
of adverbs counting time by days, as pridte, hodte, nudius tertius, 
diu, tnterdiu, &c., it is fair to conclude that tum, quum mean 
* on the particular day," “‘on which day ;" and the same expla- 
nation will apply to olóm, “on that day." Similarly, as the 
Greek adverbs in -y are properly explained by an ellipse of ὁδῷ 
signifying * way," '* process," “manner,” and as we have the 
adverbs obviam, perviam, signifying directions or modes of motion, 
it may be inferred that there is an ellipse of viam in tam, quam, 
which would at once explain their meaning. If we apply the 
same explanation to guis-quam, we shall see that it means “ any 
one in any way," :.e. "any one at all" (cf. per-quam, “in a 
very high way, manner, degree, or kind," me-quum, “in no 
manner or degree," neuti-quam = nullo-modo, and see Pott, Et. 
Forsch. p. 149. zw. Aufl). This is always the distinctive 
meaning of the pronoun; for quisquam can only be used in a 
negative or conditional sentence, where all are excluded, or 
where the range of choice is circumscribed between the nar- 
rowest possible limits. Hence in Terence (Hunuch. prol. 1) 
we have: “st quisquam est—in his poeta his nomen profitetur 
suum’’—‘‘if there is any person at all, if there is any one person 
in all the world"—where the number is especially limited. 
Hence unus is often appended to quisquam (cf. Liv. ΧΧΎΠΙ. 37, 
where quisquam unus is opposed to ali? omnes, and 11, 9, where 
quisquam unus i8 opposed to universus senatus). Hence also 
ullus = unulus, “a little one," “a mere one," serves as the 
adjective of qutsquam, which, as we have seen, has no femi- 
nine or plural forms, though it occurs occasionally with femi- 
nine nouns. The exclusive force of unus and ullus is well shown 
by the modern French aucun — aliquis unus, which performs all 
the functions of quispiam, although the first word belongs to the 
most definite of these general pronouns. Thus non vidi quenquam 
might be rendered je π᾿ αὐ vu personne, or aucune personne. 
And in English we sometimes use the word “single” for the 
purpose of excluding all of the kind—as, *I have not a single 
shilling.” Opposed as quisquam is to quis-quis, it is very strange 


ον... ΡΝ 


990 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x. 


that no editor should have observed its intrusion into the place 
of the latter in a passage of Ovid (Fast. v. 21): 
Seepe aliquis solio, quod tu, Saturne, tenebas, 
Ausus de media plebe sedere deus; 
Et latus Oceano quisquam deus advena junxit: 
Tethys et extremo sspe recepta loco est. 
It is obvious that quisquam is inadmissible, and that we must 
read quisquis, with the punctuation: e£ latus Oceano, quisquis 
deus advena, junxit, i.e. “whatever god happened to come 
up.” Cf. Plaut. Amph. 1. 1, 156: quisquis homo huc venerit, 


pugnos edet. 


§ 6. Numerals and Degrees of Comparison. 


In regard to the general discussion of this part of the subject, 
I have nothing to add to the full investigation which it has re- 
ceived in the New Crat. Book 11. ch. 2. For the sake of method, 
however, it will be desirable to mention ἃ few facts referring 
more particularly to the Latin language. While snus, more 
anciently @nus or oinos, corresponds in origin to the Greek ek, 
éy-, Goth. aina, Celtic aenn, the Sanscrit éka is represented only 
by the adjective equus. We have év-, with « instead of the 
aspirate, in sin-cerus (unam ceram habens, i.e. ἁπλοῦς, cf. sim- 
plex), sin-cinia (cantio solitaria, Festus, p. 887), stn-ciput (not 
for semi-caput, ἡμικεφάλαιον Gl. Labb, but for singulum caput, 
the head being regarded as double), and sin-gulus. It is gene- 
rally supposed that seme! and semper also contain this form, but 
there is nothing to account for the change from n to m in the 
former, as there is in stm-plex ; and it seems most natural to 
compare the word with ἅμα, for Hesychius gives us the gloss 
apaxus Graf Κρῆτες. And with regard to sem-per, although 
the m would be explained by the following p, the correlative 
nilper = novi-per would lead us to seek for the root in the San- 
scrit sand, "always," which is connected with sen-tor, sen-ex, 
Lith. sents, senas. Thus we have in the Teutonic languages, 
O. H. G. sin, “always,” also simbal, simbales, simplum (Graff, v1. 
p. 26), Goth. sintetns = sempiternus, &c. The true form of gutn- 
que and its connexion with decim are shown by the spelling de- 
qutm, which is found in the Silian law (above, p. 269). It is 
there written dequin-que, the m being changed into n before the 


$6.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 991 


que, 88 in -cun-que and dun-que (above, p. 236). But in deguim, 
as in the preposition cum, and the affix of the accusative and 
locative case, the final m is merely the representative of a more 
original n, and that gutnque really stands for qwinte is farther 
shown by the ordinal, which is quintus and not quémptus. The 
ordinal primus is derived from the preposition pre, just as the 
Greek πρῶτος comes from πρό. All the ordinals end in -mus 
(which is perhaps contained in octavus for octau-mus, nonus for 
noventmus), with the exception of secundus, “following,” which 
is merely the participle of seguor, and of tertius, quartus, quintus, 
sextus, which represent the Greek -ros. In tertéus this ending is 
lengthened by the qualitative or possessive -tus, so that ter-t-ius 
18 a derivative of ter-tus, and the same is the case in the Sanscrit 
dui-ityas, tri-ttyas, and in the Sclavonic trettót, fem. tretiza. The 
Sclavonic relative kotorota exhibits a similar extension of a form 
corresponding to xorepos. By the side of duo we have ambo, 
which is nearly synonymous with uterque. The distinction of 
these words is well known. While duo merely denotes an ag- 
gregate of two individuals—the number “ two’’—ambo signifies 
“both together," and uterque, “both the one and the other." 
Cf. the Greek ἀμφότερος and ἑκάτερος, Plat. Thectet. p. 185 5. 
This is clear from such passages as the following; Ter. Adelph. 
I. 2, 50: 
Curemus tequam uterque partem ; tu alterum, 


Ego alterum: nam ambos curare propemodum 
Reposcere illum est, quem dedisti. 


* Let both the one and the other of us look to lás own: for to 
concern yourself with both together is almost to demand back 
again the boy whom you gave me," Auson. Ep. 91: “vis ambas 
ut amem? si diligit uérague vellem." ‘Do you wish me to love 
both together? If both the one and the other loves me, I should 
be glad to do so." Hence it is clear that, as Déderlein says 
(Lat. Et. u. Syn. 1v. 849), ambo regards the two as two halves, 
but uterque as two tntegral unites: and the former corresponds 
to ἄμφω, the latter to ἑκάτερος, and both in different cases 
to ἀμφότερος. The separability of the two constituent units 
in uterque is farther shown by the fact that this word may have 
either a singular or plural verb, whereas ambo always takes the 
plural. It is worthy of remark, as the two words are often 


992 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x. 


confused by students, that b:-dens, “8 mattock," merely involves 
bis, but that be-dens, “a sheep," is for ambi-dens (Festus, p. 4: 
* ambidens sive bidens ovis appellabatur, que superioribus et 
inferioribus est dentibus"). 

The formation of the degrees of comparison in adjectives and 
adverbs is intimately connected with that of the numerals. For 
all ordinals are of the nature of superlatives, and the most ge- 
nuine form of the comparative in the Indo-Germanic languages 
is the combination of pronominal elements, which forms the 
third numeral, considered.as indicating something beyond two. 
Although the Latin language is almost the only idiom which 
exhibits the full development of the separate usage of the form 
ter =ta-ra (New Crat. § 157), for it has not only the numeral 
under the forms tres, ter, ter-nio, ter-tius, but also a noun ter- 
minus, and a regular preposition trans, it does not use -éer as a 
comparative suffix except in the case of pronominal forms. For 
all common words we have instead of -ter, -τερος, -taras, which 
are so usual in cognate languages, either the merely relative 
adjective in -ivs, corresponding to the Sanscrit -tyas, Greek -cos, 
or a derivative from this in -tor, corresponding to the Sanscrit - 
-tyan, Greek -ἰων =-iov-s; where we may compare the adverbs 
in -tens with their more recent forms in -tes. Thus we have 
both al-ter and al-tus, and from the same root ul-tra, ul-tro. 
Many prepositions have a fixed or adverbial form in -tra, which 
is extended by the addition of -tor into an inflected comparative. 
Thus we have ct-ira, ci-ter-tor, ex-tra, ez-ter-ior, tn-tra, tn-ter- 
tor, ul-tra, ul-ter-ior, &c. The forms an-ter-ior, de-ter-tor, pos- 
ter-ior, show that there must have been originally derivatives 
like an-tra, de-tra, pos-tra, as well as the existing an-te, de, 
post[e]; and we have seen that pos-tro is still extant in Umbrian. 
In some words the original affix was -ra only, as in infra, 
sup-ra, whence tnferior, superior. Some prepositions have no 
intermediate adverb in -tra or -ra, but merely add the termina- 
tion -tor, as prior from pre, propior from prope; and to this 
class we must add pejor for pes-tor, from per. This form, and 
its superlative pessimus, are assigned to malus. But, paradoxical 
as it may appear at first sight, there seems to be good reason for 
the belief that in point of regular derivation the true comparative 
of malus is mel-tor, which is assigned to the correlative bonus. 


δ 6] - PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 398 


Attempts have been made to derive melior from bonus, because 
we may have m by the side of 5 (above, p. 290), and because n 
appears by the side of / in βέλετιστος and Bev-ricros. The 
double change, however, from 5 to m and from n to / in the same 
syllable, can hardly be assumed in a case where there is no evi- 
. dence that the root ever exhibited either in its first or last letter 
the modification which is supposed. On the other hand, there 
are Greek analogies, which quite support the reference of melior 
to malus. For there can be no doubt that there is a real con- 
nexion between the ideas of excess and depravity, of magnitude 
and difficulty, as exhibited in the adverbs μάλα, μόλες, which 
give us the root of mal-us, and in μόγις, which gives us the 
root of péyas and μόχθος (N. Crat. §§ 167, 185). There is 
no reason therefore why malüs should not convey the secondary 
idea of difficulty and depravity, which is borne by μόλ-ἰς, while 
the primary notion of superior magnitude and higher degree, 
which is borne by μάλα, μᾶλλον, and μάλιστα, is retained by 
the comparative mel-ior. We have a remarkable trace of the 
original form of malus in the occasional use of male, as a syno- 
nym for the Greek μάλα, or the Latin valde; thus we find in 
Horace (1 Carm. xvii. 21) male dispart for nimium, valde, ad- 
modum dispari; (1 Epist. 111. 31) male laxus calceus for nimium 
laxus; in Catullus (x. 33) insulsa male et molesta, vivis for ad- 
modum insulsa; in Tibullus (4 Carm. x. 2) ne male inepta cadam 
for nimis inepta (see Hand, Tursell. 111. p. 584); in all of which 
passages we see the transition from the idea of excess to that of 
disapprobation. All regular adjectives form their comparative in 
this way—namely, by substituting -zor for the flexion-form of the 
positive, as dur-us, dur-tor, facil-is, facil-tor, or, if the adjective 
involves a verbal root, by adding -ior to the crude form of the 
participle; thus, the comparative of maledicus is not maledicior, 
but maledi-cent-ior. There is no doubt that al-cws and med-tus are 
comparative words. The regular comparative in -éor, gen. -iorts, 
is formed from the genitive of these forms, as appears from the 
Sanserit -fyán, Gr. -ἰῶν τ ἰον-ς (New Crat. ὃ 165). As the or- 
dinal admits of two forms in -tus and in -mus, and as the super- 
lative is of the nature of an ordinal, we should expect that it 
would be indicated by one or both of these terminations. And 
this is the case. We have -mus alone. in pri-mus, extre-mus, 


994 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X. 


postre-mus, infi-mus or imus, and sum-mus for supi-mus. We 
have -&-mus in ul-timus, in op-timus, “uppermost,” from ob, in 
tn-timus, ‘most inward," from in, in pes-simus (for pes-timus), 
* most down," from per (cf. pessum-do with per-do, and per-eo). 
The termination -&imus is universally assimilated in the superla- 
tives of ordinary adjectives. For these superlatives are formed, 
like the comparatives in -tra, -repos, from an adverbial form, 
and not from the crude form of the adjective, like the compara- 
tives in -tor (see New Crat. ὃ 165; Gr. Gr. Art. 269 sqq.). 
The adverb derived from the adjectives in -us or -er, which 
ended in e or o in ordinary Latin, originally terminated in -ed; 
and as the supines in -tum of dental verbs generally changed 
their ἐ into 8, or, in combination with the characteristic, into -es, 
we are not at a loss to account for the similar phenomenon in the 
superlatives: for ces-sum = ced-tum from cedo, and sessum = sed- 
tum from sedeo!, fully correspond to dur-i-ssimus from dured- 
timus, and moll-i-ssimus from mollid-temus. The change of e 
into ¢ in the former case is in accordance with the usual practice; 
ef. teneo, con-tineo, sedeo, asstdeo, &c. When the crude form of 
the adjective ends in / or r, the ¢ of -timus is assimilated to this 
letter: thus from celer we have celer-rimus for celer-timus, from 
facilis we have facil-limus for factltimus. The junction between 
the crude form of the adjective and an affix properly appended 
to a derived adverb is due to the fact that adjectives of this kind 
may use their neuter and even their crude form as adverbs ; thus 
we have not only faciliter, but facile, and even facul (Festus, p. 
87, Müller). 


§ 7. Prepositions. 

The most important of the pronominal adverbs, which are 
used as the basis of degrees of comparison, are the prepositions. 
One of these, trans, is merely an extension of the affix of the 
comparative, and they are all employed more or less in qualifying 
those expressions of case, on which the mutual relations of words 
so much depend. We have seen that, according to the proper 
and original distinctions of the oblique cases, the genitive or 


! Ad-gretus = ad-gred-tus actually occurs in Ennius (Ann. 574, Vahlen) 
for adgressus. Festus, p. 6. 


§7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 395 


ablative (for they were originally identical) denotes motion from 
8 place, or, generally, separation; the dative or locative implies 
rest ἐπ a place, or, generally, conjunction; and the accusative 
signifies motion to a place, or, generally, approach with a view 
to conjunction; but that these primitive uses of the oblique in- 
flexions have become obsolete in Latin, with the exception of a 
few general nouns and the proper names of cities. In other 
instances, motion from and to, and rest in a place, together with 
the other mutual relations of words, are expressed by some pre- 
position; and in this use of the prepositions, the genitive, as dis- 
tinct from the ablative, and the dative, whether identified with 
the locative or distinguished from it, are utterly excluded. The 
ablative alone is used with those prepositions which signify 
separation, and takes the place of the dative or locative with 
those which imply rest or conjunction, while the accusative pro- 
perly accompanies those which denote approach or motion. 

It will be convenient to class the Latin prepositions under 
three heads, corresponding to the three primitive distinctions of 
the oblique cases—namely, separation or motion from, rest in, 
and approach or motion to. To each of these may be appended 
the derived or compounded prepositions, which introduce some 
new modification of meaning. 

The three simplest auxiliaries of the primitive relations of 
case are ab (shortened in à, and extended into abs, absque) for 
the expression οἱ separation or motion from, with the ablative ; 
$n for the expression of rest in or on, with the ablative, as the 
usurper of the place of the dative or locative; and ad for the 
expression of approach or motion to with the accusative. 

There is no doubt as to the origin and linguistic affinities of 
these prepositions. .45 or abe corresponds in etymology and 
meaning to the Greek ἀπό or dy, which was originally ἀν-πός, 
or να-πός (New Crat. § 169), and, as such, denoted motion from 
a distant object to the subject, according to the principle which 
I have stated and elucidated elsewhere (New Crat. § 130, 169; 
Gr. Gr. Art. 77 sqq.). Practically ab and ἀπό denote motion from 
the surface of an object, and are go distinguished from ex» (e), ἐξ 
(dx), which imply that we pasa through intermediate proximity ; 
fn corresponds in use to the Greek ἐν and eis = ἐνς, and in origin 
not only to these prepositions, but also to ava. In with the 


996 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [cHAP. x. 


ablative and ἐν with the dative express the simplest and most 
elementary notion of locality—the being ἐπ a place. With 
the accusative, tn signifies ἐπίο or unto a place, deriving the 
expression of motion from the case with which it is connected. 
When ἐν is connected with the accusative in this sense, it is 
always expanded to εἰς = ἐνς, except in some of the lyric poets, 
such as Pindar, who, like the Romans, use ἐν to express both 
location with the dative and motion with the accusative. There 
is no doubt that ἐν, εἰν, εἰνί, ἀνά, ἵνα, are ultimately identical, 
the original form having been fa-va, which expresses motion 
through the nearer to the more distant object. Practically, ἐπ 
represents all the uses of ἐν, εἰς, ἀνά, and even of the negative 
prefix which corresponds to the last. Thus we have ἀνὰ μέ- 
pos τε in-vicem, ἐν τῇ πόλει — ἐπ urbe, eis THY πόλεν = tn urbem, 
ἀν-ήριθμος = innumerus. While tn thus corresponds to some 
of the applications of ἀνά, the other meanings of the Greek 
particle are represented by the inseparable prefix re- or red-, 
which, like the Greek fa, is ultimately traceable to an 
identity with va- (New Crat. §§ 266—270). This prefix, 
which properly signifies "up" as the correlative of “down,” 
is very often used, like ava, to give to a compound the converse 
meaning to that which is borne by the simple verb. The 
origin of this is to be sought in the opposition of ἀνά to κατά. 
Thus if κατακαλύπτω means “to cover down,” or “put down 
@ covering," ἀνακαλύπτω would mean “to up-cover," *un- 
cover," or “take up a covering." Hence we have the verb re- 
velo, **to unveil,’ re-cludo, **to unclose," re-sero, “to unlock,” 
re-tego, ‘‘to uncover.” At a later period, however, this prefix 
became merely emphatic, and as recondo meant “to lay up, 
or hoard up diligently," so recludo, instead of denoting “to 
open," meant “to close up with special care:" whence our 
sense of the word “recluse.”” This change in the application 
came into vogue in the silver age, and we find in Suetonius 
(Octav. 78) retectis pedibus in the sense “with his feet care- 
fully covered" (see the notes of Casaubon and Ernesti on this 
passage). Similarly, we find recerno for secerno, refirmare = oc- 
cludere (Fr. refermer, renfermer). It is an interesting circum- 
stance that whereas retego, detego, and revelo, develo, were used 
tropically as synonyms in classical Latin (compare Hor. 3 


§ 7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 397 


Carm. xxi. 16, with Liv. x. 4, and Ovid, Fast. v1. 619, with 
Metam. vi. 604), in English we have “detect” from the first 
pair, and “reveal” alone from the second pair of verbs. The 
French, however, retain develo in their dévoiler, as they also 
have découvrir. The preposition ad is obviously another form 
of the conjunctions at = “still,” and et — too,” “and.” The 
late Professor Hunter showed’ that there was the same relation 
between the Greek δέ, which signifies “too,” **in the second 
place," and the affix -8e, as in οἰκόν-δε, “ to-home,” implying 
motion to a place. We learn from the other form el-ra (New 
Crat. S 193) that ὄττι is compounded of the second element 
Fa, and the third; consequently it corresponds in etymology, 
as it does pretty nearly in meaning, to the Greek εἰς = évs, 
and to in-used with the accusative. 

In its use with the ablative of the agent, αὖ corresponds | 
rather to the Greek ὑπό than to d7ó.« Thus, mundus a deo 
creatus est would be rendered 6 κόσμος ὑπὸ (not ἀπὸ) τοῦ θεοῦ 
ἐκτίσθη. But we are not to conclude from this that ὑπό, 
ἀπό, are different forms of the same word. The w is found in 
all the cognate words ὑπό, sub, ὑπέρ, euper, subter, uf, ufar, 
upa, upari; and it is clear that while ἀ-πό = να-πό is com- 
pounded of the third and first, v-rro= Fa-7ro is made up of 
the second and first pronominal elements, and so denotes a 
passage to the subject from that which is proximate or under 
the feet. As the act of separation implies nearness at the 
moment of separation, we find that idiomatically αὖ is used to 
express relative positions, as a fronte, “in front," a tergo, “ be- 
hind," Abertus a manu, “a freedman at hand," i.e. an amanu- 
ensis, But this meaning is more fully expressed by ap-ud, 
compounded of αὖ and ad, and combining the meaning of these 
two prepositions; for apud signifies “being by the side of but 
not part of an object,” and this implies both juxtaposition and 
separation. It is used with the accusative, because this is the 
case of the latter preposition of the two, and because the passage 
from ab to ad implies motion. The Greek παρά, which answers 


1 4 Grammatical Essay on the nature, import, and effect, of certain 
Conjunctions; particularly the Greek δέ: read June 21, 1784. Trans. . of 
the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vol. 1. pp. 113— 84. ZEE 


998 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [ CHAP. Χ. 


exactly to apud, takes different cases according to the meaning 
implied by the special reference (Gr. Gr. Art. 485). In low 
Latin we have the compound ab-ante from which comes the 
French a-vant, and even de-ab-ante, from whence comes devant 
(see Pott, Zeitschr. f. d. Vergl. Sprf. 1. p. 311). 

The preposition tn has also the comparative forms £n-ter and 
tn-tra, or tn-fra, which imply motion, and are consequently 
joined to the accusative. The same is the case with an-te, 
which retains the a found in an-ter, Sanscr. an-tar, Gr. d-rep 
for dv-rep (New Crat. ὃ 204). In meaning an-te corresponds 
to the Greek dy-ri only so far as the latter signifies ‘“‘in front 
of,” which is the primitive signification of the Latin particle. 
The Greek πρό, from whence comes πρός, or Tpori, claims a 
common origin with pro; and there can be no doubt as to the 
connexion between παρά, whence παραί, and pre; but there are 
many shades of meaning in which the Latin and Greek terms by 
no means coincide. Pre-ter, which is a comparative of pre, and 
prop-ter, which is similarly formed from pro-pe, an extension of 
pro (above, § 5), express exactly certain meanings of παρά : thus 
παρὰ δόξαν — prater opinionem, and παρὰ ταῦτα — propter ista. 
Per exactly answers to παρά, in its negative or depreciating 
sense, in compounds such as pe-ero for per-juro = παρορκέω: cf. 
pejor for pertor. Although per and περί are identical words, 
there are only some few cases in which their significations 
strictly correspond (see New Crat. SS 177, 8). It is perhaps 
still more difficult to show the exact relation in meaning be- 
tween the Greek and Latin affix -7rep, -per: cf. &mep, ὅσαπερ, 
&c. with paullisper, nuper, &c. In many of its employments 
the Latin per coincides exactly with the Greek διά, which, with 
the genitive, and, in the older poets, with the accusative also, 
signifies “through,” and which, with the accusative in ordinary 
Greek, corresponds to the use of παρά, propter, to which I have 
just adverted. Etymologically there can be no doubt that da 
finds a representative in the Latin de, which implies descent 
and derivation, and is of course used with the ablative. In 
form dé corresponds to the old Latin sé for sine, and as the 
full form of this se was sed, or set, we find in Oscan (above, 
p. 144) that de originally appeared as dat. It has been remarked 
already, that αὖ differs from ex, the other preposition most di- 


8 7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 999 


rectly connected with the meaning of the ablative, by referring 
to the surface of the object from which the separation takes 
place, whereas ex denotes a removal from or out of the interior 
of the object or objects. Now de also presumes that the thing 
removed was a part of the object from which it is removed. 
Thus while we have no ab-imo from emo, we have both ex-imo, 
* to take out," and démo, “to take away a part" (as partem 
solido demere de die), to say nothing of sumo, "to take up," 
promo, “to take forth," which imply approximation to the same 
idea of partition. This signification of partition brings us back 
very closely to the primitive meaning of διά, δίς, δύο; and we 
have absolute division in such phrases as dedi de meo. From 
the same idea of partition we may get the sense of derivation 
and descent implied in these and other compounds of de. And 
here de comes into close contact with the affixes -Óev, -tus, which. 
undoubtedly belong to the same original element (see New Orat. 
§ 263); thus de celo is exactly equivalent to cals-tus. While 
dea corresponds to per in its sense of “ through," and to de in its 
meaning of division into parts, we find that de conversely coin- 
cides with περί in the sense of “about,” “concerning,” as de- 
noting the subject from which the action or writing is derived, 
4. e. the source of agency or the subject-matter (ὕλη). Thus 
scripsit de republica means “he took the subject of his writing 
from the general theme of the commonwealth;” for which a 
Greek would have said ἄγραψε περὶ τῆς ToMwreías, t.¢. “his 
writing was about or derived from the republic.” The con- 
nexion of de and διά is seen still more plainly in the form dé 
or dts which the former bears in composition. 

As de, though connected with διά, thus corresponds to one 
of the uses of περί, while dca in its general meaning coincides 
with per, so we find that οὗ, which is etymologically identical 
with ἀμφί, a synonym of περί, agrees in one of its uses with 
propter, and so with διά when used with the accusative. The 
fact, that ob may be traced to a common origin with ἐπί and 
ἀμφί, has been elsewhere established (New Crat. §§ 172, 3), by 
the following proofs. There can be no doubt as to the identity 
of ἐπί with the Sanscrit apt and abht. Now abhi is related to 
ἀμφί, as abhra is to ὄμβρος, ubhau to ἄμφω, ambo, &c. And 
the analogy of ἀπό for ἀν-πό, shows that ἐπί must originally 


400 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X. 


have been ἐν-πί or ἀν-πίτε ἀμφί. Moreover ἐπί and audi con- 
cur not only in their ordinary meanings, but especially in that 
sense of interchange or reciprocity which I have claimed for ἐπί 
(New Crat. 8 174). Now ob, which resembles the Sanscrit abhs 
in its Auslaut, shows by its vowel the last trace of a lost nasal ; 
comp. obba, umbo, duBiE!. And ita usage, in other senses than 
that of propter, indicates a close connexion in meaning with ἐπί 
and ἀμφί. Thus op-timus from ob manifestly denotes ** up-most" 
or *upper-most." So that ob must have denoted “ superposition" 
or * relative altitude" like ér/. And Festus (p. 178, Müller) has 
pointed out usages in which it concurs with the two Greek pre- 
positions: ‘“‘ob prepositio alias ponitur pro circum (i.e. appé), 
ut cum dicimus urbem ob-sidert, ob-vallari, ob-signari . . . alias 
pro ad (i.e. ἐπ) ponitur, ut Ennius: ob Romam noctu legiones 
ducere coptit, et alibi ob Trojam duxit. The relative altitude 
implied by ἐπί and ob is shown in such phrases as ob oculos, 
* before the eyes," i.e. on a level with them; and in Ennius' 
Telamo we have more generally ob os (Cic. Tusc. Disp. ru. 
18): hicine est tlle Telamo ... cujus ob os Gra ora obvertebant 
gua, Where the compound reminds us of Auschyl. Chotph. 350: 
ἐπι-στρεπτὸς αἰών. The frequentative sense of ἐπί is conveyed 
by obeo, ἐπιφοιτάω, “to go backwards and forwards," and the 
relative height of a table, or city built on the level surface of a 
hill, is signified by oppidum = ἐπίπεδον (Virg. Georg. 11. 156: 
tot congesta manu preruptis oppida saxis). The phrases quoted 
by Festus for the sense of circum remind us at once of ἐπί and 
περί or ἀμφί. Thus obsidere is either ἐφέζεσθαι or περικαθῆσθαι. 
If obscurus reminds us of ἐπίσκιος, we have ἀμφικαλύπτω in 
oc-culo; if ob-edto suggests érraxovw, ob-esus (bassus) refers us to 
ἀμφιλαφής, ob-erro to περιπλανῶμαι, and ob-liquus to ἀμφί- 
Aofos. The sense of perseverance or continuance conveyed by 
oc-cupo, ob-tineo, and obs-tinatus (see Ruhnken, Dictata in Teren- 
tium, p. 78), is also due to the meaning of surrounding or going 


1 It is a remarkable circumstance that we have in Fest. p. 26 tho 
Gloss. “abisse pro adisse dicebant." This clearly involves a confusion 
between amb or ob and ab, for the word intended is manifestly obisse. 
Pott, Etym. Forsch. τι. p. 635, supposes a chango from d to b, which is 
impossible. 


δ. 7.] PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 401 


backwards and forwards contained in ἐπί and ἀμφί (περί). For 
example, oc-cupo is either ἐπιλαμβάνω or περιλαμβάνω. The 
preposition circum (circa, circiter), which is limited to the local 
or temporal meaning of περί, is ἃ case of the substantive ctrcus, 
which may be connected with cis (cttra), a form of the prono- 
minal element -ce; and ci-tra, citro are opposed to ul-tra, ul-tro, 
as ce—'' here" is opposed to ul- (al-, an-, 4L, 4n-) =“ there," 
: and there is no doubt that the preposition tn is ultimately iden- 
tical with the pronoun wi-, al- (cf. Sanscr. anya, Greek κεῖνος, 
&c.). The pronominal root ce obtains another prepositional ex- 
‘tension in cum = ξύν, and this again has its comparative in con- 
tra, "against," implying extension from and in front of that 
which is here. .'l'he,first element po- combined with the second 
-s and the third -4 gives in po[s]ne a sense of extension “ back- 
wards" and “ behind," i. e, through all three positions; and this 
is alao the meaning of pos-t, which bears the same relation to 
po-ne that se-d or se-t does to st-ne. ‘The latter, which is really 
po-s-ne without the first syllable, expresses the idea of simple 
separation. The compound post, or even the syllable po alone, 
is used as a preposition almost equivalent to trans, as in 
mertum or post-moriwm, "the space beyond the wall," post- 
liminium, “the space beyond the threshold, within which a 
resumption of civic rights is possible.” Trans, involving the 
elements of the comparative suffix, with a new affix, differs little 
from wl-tra, for it includes nearly the same elements in a dif- 
ferent order. As cir-cus is probably connected with cts, so ter- 
minus undoubtedly contains the root of tr-ans. <A finis or ter-. 
minus strictly excludes the cira as well as the ultra, and the 
circus, as a line, is neither the space, which it encloses, nor that, 
which it shuts out. Erga, which bears the same relation to 
ergo that ultra does to ultro, must be explained by the corre- 
spondence of ergo and igitur. The latter, as we have seen, is 
an extension in -tur=-tus of t-gi=es-gi; and erg-a -—esg-a is 
only a different form of the same word; for the ending of <gi-tur 
is -iur =-tim, and while circa stands by circi-ter we shall see 
directly that juxta presumes a jucta-tim. | 

It has been shown (in Chapter ΥὙ111.} that clam, coram, penes 
and tenus are adverbs derived from nominal or verbal roots; 
and juxta =jug-sta is a compound of the root jug- in jungo 

D. V. 26 


402 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. x. 


jugum, jugts, and the crude form of sto. Like con-tinuo it ex- 
presses contiguity. Some consonantal affix, equivalent to a 
case-ending, is involved in the last syllable. The old gram- 
marians remark that “ statim pro firmtter primam producit; pro 
$lkco corripit;" and such forms as stdtio, &c., prove that the 
contraction is not always exhibited. But the analogy of a»a- 
μίγ-δην, ἀνα-μύγ-δα, ἀνά-μυγα, ἀνά-μιξ (Greek Grammar, Art. 
265), shows that some affix was to be expected, and that it 
might be extenuated into a mere vocal Auslaut. From the 
almost synonymous fenus and ἑξῆς, compared with the ablatives 
in ἃ for ad, and with erga(o) by the side of tgt-tur, we can easily 
infer the nature of the appendage which has been rubbed off 
from the prepositional adverb jugsta = jug-sta-tim. 

It may be worth while to add that prepositions compounded 
with verbs are liable to certain changes from assimilation or 
absorption, which perhaps typify a similar change in the separate 
use of these proclitic words. 


A, ab, abs may appear as au, and we have seen it assume the 
form af in old Latin (above, p. 260, 1. 11). 

Ad may change d into the first letter of the word with which it 
is compounded; thus it may become ac, af, ag, al, an, ap, ar, 
as, at; and we have seen that the last of these represents one 
of its separate usages; compare also e£, and the Greek ἔτι. 
This preposition is represented by a short d in d-perio — ad- 

.pario; d-mamus = ad-manus (cf. én-mants) ; d-deps = ad-deps ; 
d-trow = ad-truz, &c. 

Ante sometimes appears as antid, which may have been its 
original form (see above, p. 365). 

Circum may lose its final m or change it into n. 

Cum appears as com, co, col, con, or cor. 

De eithér remains unaltered, or assumes the form des before t; 
it is found also with a different, but cognate signification, as 
dis-, di-, dif- and dir-. 

E, ex, enters into compounds either i in its separate form, or assi- 
milated to f-, as in ef-fero. 

Jn is im before labials, $ before g, it and ὧν before the liquids 
| and v, but otherwise unchanged; in old writers or their 
Imitators we have endo or indu. 


ὃ 8.} PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 403 


Inter is not changed, except before ὦ, when it becomes tniel-. 

Ob becomes obs before dentals, it is assimilated to labials and 
gutturals, and is shortened into ὅ before m; sometimes it 
resumes its original m: thus we have amb, shortened into 
am, or an before c, as in an-ceps. 

Per is sometimes, but not always, assimilated to a following J. 

Post, or pone, becomes po, in pomerium, pomeridianus. 

Pro is written prod before a vowel, as in prod-est; it suffers 
metathesis in pol-liceo, por-rigo, where it approaches to the 
cognate per, if it is not identical with it. 

The inseparable re, really a form of ὑντε ἀνά, is written red before 
a vowel, or the dentals d, ¢ ; compare red-eo, red-do, ret-tult. 
Sine appears only as sé or sed-, the former with an occasional 

tmesis, as in Lucret. 1. 458: sejungi seque gregart. 

Sub may change ὁ to the following letter, and sometimes as- 
sumes s before /, as in subs-traho. 

Trans may be shortened into íra. 

Ve, or vehe, is not a preposition, but a particle containing the 
same root as via τε veha, veho, weg, &c. 


S 8. Negative Particles. 


Negative particles fall into two main classes essentially dif- 
ferent.in signification ; for they denote either dental, which is 
categorical negation, or prohibition, which is hypothetical nega- 
tion; in the former case, we negative an affirmation, i.e. affirm 
that the case is not so; in the latter, we negative a supposition, 
i.e. prohibit or forbid an assumed or possible event. As these 
differences are absolute in logic or syntax, it is necessary that 
they should be expressed by the forms of the words; and the 
three classical languages have sufficient, but by no means iden- 
tical, methods of conveying these distinctions. The Greek lan- 
guage expresses categorical negation by the particle οὐ ὋΣ ov-x, 
amounting to a-va-Fa-«x, which denotes distance and separation, 
but takes for the expression of a prohibition or negative hypo- 
thesis the particle μή, which is connected with the first personal 
pronoun, and is therefore opposed to οὐκ as subject is to object 
(New Crat. ὃ 189). ‘The Hebrew language has the same root 
b, which is ultimately identical with the Indo-Germanic na or 
a-na, to express both negation and prohibition ; but while the 

26—2 


e 


404 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [crHaP. x. 


categorical negative ND conveys this idea by a lengthened stress 
on the vowel which follows the liquid, the hypothetical 5x 
denotes the prohibition of an act present or intended by an 
initial breathing which throws the emphasis on the Anlaut 
(Maskil le-Sopher, p. 15). The Latin language, like the 
Hebrew, contents itself with one pronominal e‘ement, namely, π᾿, 
signifying “distance” and “separation,” for both negation and 
prohibition, but distinguishes these in form by adopting a com- 
pound or lengthened word for the categorical negative, while the 
hypothetical word appears without any such strengthening , 
addition. Thus, while the common expression for the cate- 
gorical negative 18 non for nenu, or nonu, which is obviously 
sie num or ne unum with the ecthlipsis of the final m, we find 
merely ne in the prohibitive sense, in ordinary Latin. There are 
traces in single words and in the older authors of ἃ strengthening 
affix c in this latter use (above, p. 118), corresponding to the 
affix which appears in oU-« or ov-y/. We must distinguish this 
affix from the conjunction -que, which appears in the disjunction 
ne-que (Muller, Suppl. Ann. ad Fest. p. 387). If, then, we 


compare οὐ-κ — d-va-Fa-x with ne-c, we shall see that they differ 


only in the inserted element Fa, arid there 18 no reason to suppose 
that the categorical n'on differs from the hypothetical ne, other- 
wise than by the strengthening word unum, which is also in- 
volved in nullus τὸ n'unu-lus. On the other hand, we see from 
the categorical use of m'unquam, n'usquam, ne-quidem and ne- 
que, that the negative ne may always be used in a denial of facts, 
if it is only sufficiently strengthened. The identity of a-va-[Fa]-« 
and ne-c is farther shown by the use of the negative as a prefix 
in Latin. Of this we have three forms; the simple ne or nf as 
in ne-fas, ne-scto, ni-hil, ni-st, &c.; the same with $-—Fa pre- 
fixed, as in én-iquus, tn-numerus, im-mensus, t-gnavus, &c.; 
with c affixed, as in nec-opinus, neg-otium, neg-ligo or nec-ligo. 
As it is quite clear that in these instances the element n is that 
which gives the negative force, and as this element is common to 
n'on and ne, it follows that the Romans did not distinguish 
between the form of the prohibition and categorical negation 
otherwise than by strengthening the latter. And this extenuation 
of the negative emphasis in subordinate expressions is also shown 
by the fact, that, in conditional and final sentences, the mere dimi- 


88.) .  PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. 405 


nution of assertion expressed by minus took the place of the 
shorter negative; thus we have δὲ minus for sin, and quominus 
for quin. It is a question whether the shorter form me can 
“appear without some strengthening affix, as -dum, -que, or 
-quidem, in the categorical negation. Of the passages quoted 
some are manifestly corrupt, and it seems that ne is not used 
categorically, except when it stands for ne-quidem, “not even” 
(see Drakenborch, ad Liv. vit. 4; xxxi. 49). It may be 
doubted in these cases whether there ig not a concealed prohi- 
bition, as in the Greek μὴ ὅτι. On the other hand, when non 
appears, as it occasionally does, in a final sentence, there is always 
some reason for the employment of this more emphatical par- 
ticle. Thus ne plura dicam, or ut ne plura dicam, means 
merely “not to say more,” but μέ plura non dicam neque alio- 
rum exemplis confirmem (Cic. pro lege Manil. 15, § 44) implies 
a more deliberate abstinence from irrelevant details. The dif- 
ference between ne-quidem and non-quidem or nec-quidem con- 
sists in the greater degree of emphasis conveyed by the former, 
which is much the more usual combination; for ne-quidem means 
“not even ;" but non (or nec) -quidem denotes merely a qualifi- 
cation of opposed terms, so that quidem is simply the Greek 
μέν : this appears from Quintilian’s rendering (1x. 8, § 55) of 
Demosthenes (de Coroná, p. 288): οὐκ εἶπον μὲν ταῦτα, οὐκ 
éypayra δέ" οὐδ᾽ ἔγραψα μέν, οὐκ ἐπρέσβευσα δέ" οὐδ᾽ ἐπρέσ- 
βευσα μέν, οὐκ ἔπεισα δὲ Θηβαίους ͵----““ non enim dixi quidem, 
Sed non scripsi; nec scripsi quidem, sed non obii legationem; 
nec obil quidem, sed non persuasi Thebanis" (see Wagner on 
Verg. Georg. 1. 126). 

This distinction in emphasis regulates the employment of the 
negative particles in interrogations, and we observe the same 
relation between the Greek and Latin particles in this use also— 
that is, we employ nonne in Latin, where we write dp' ov in 
Greek ; num, which bears the same relation to ne that tpsus does 
to tpse or necessum to necesse, corresponds to the Greek use of 
μή or μὴ οὖν = dv; and the enclitic -n& is used when no nega- 
tion appears in Greek; thus we have gp’ οὐκ ἔστιν ἀσθενής ; 
τε nonne Ggrotat ? when we expect an affirmative answer; dpa 
μή ἐστιν ἀσθενής ; or μῶν ἀσθενής ἐστι ; num egrotat ? when we 
expect a negative answer; and dpa ἀσθενής ἐστι; = egrotut-ne? 


406 PRONOUNS AND PRONOMINAL WORDS. [CHAP. X. 


when we merely ask for information. The employment of the 
negative in the final sentence really emanates from this use in 
interrogations, coupled with the prohibitive value of the shorter 
particle. The subordinate sentence, whether affirmative or negs- 
tive, is generally coupled with that on which it depends by some 
relative or interrogative particle. In Greek this particle cannot 
be dispensed with, except in those cases, when the thing feared, 
denied, or doubted, is expressed by & prohibitive sentence, and 
here the usual form of the final or illative sentence is relin- 
quished ; but the use of ὥστε μή (Gr. Gr. Art. 602) shows that 
this is merely an idiomatic omission, and δέδοικα μὴ θάψω might 
.have been written δέδοικα ὡς μὴ θάνω, or ὥστε μὴ θανεῖν, “1 
fear with a view to the result that I may not die." The examples 
collected by Mr. Allen (Analysis of Latin Verbs, pp. 337 sqq.) 
sufficiently show that in Latin the relative particle «t£ may be 
either inserted or omitted at pleasure, whether the subordinate 
sentence is affirmative or negative. 


CHAPTER ΧΙ. 
THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 


$ t. The Latin verb generally defective. § 2. The personal inflexions—their con- 
sistent anomalies. § 3. Doctrine of the Latin tenses. § 4. The subetan- 
tive verbe. ὃ 5. Paucity of organic formations in the regular Latin verb. 
86. General scheme of tenses in the Latin verb. § 7. Verbs which may be 
regarded as parathetic compounds. § 8. Tenses of the vowel-verbe which are 
combinations of the same kind. § 9. Organic derivation of the tenses in the 
consonant-yerb. § 10. Auxiliary tenses of the passive voice. § rr. The 
modal distinctions— their syntax. ὃ 13. Forms of the infinitive and partici- 
ple—how connected in derivation and meaning. § 13. The gerundiam and 
gerundivum shown to be active and present. §14. The participle in 
-turus. ὃ 15. The perfect subjunctive. § 16. The past tense of the infinitive 
active. § 17. The future of the infinitive passive. 


§ 1. The Latin Verb generally defective. 


HE* forms of the Latin verb are meagre and scanty in the 
game proportion as the cases of the nouns are multifarious 
and comprehensive. The deficiencies of the one are due to the 
same cause as the copiousness of the other. They both spring 
from the antiquated condition of the language. An idiom which 
has been long employed in literature will generally substitute 
prepositions for the inflexions of cases, and, by the employment 
of various syntactical devices, increase the expressiveness and 
significance of the verb. It is just in these particulars that the 
dialects formed from the Latin differ from their mother-speech, 
and in the same particulars they approximate to the syntactical 
distinctness of the Greek. 


82. The Personal Inflexions—their consistent Anomalies. 


The Latin person-endings are, however, on the whole, lesa 
mutilated than the corresponding inflexions in the Greek verb. 
This is because the person-endings are, in fact, case-endings of 
pronouns, by virtue of which every fort of the finite verb be- 
comes complete in itself (see New Crat. ὃ 347), and the case- 
endings, as haa been already observed, are more perfect in Latin 
than in Greek. 

The person-endings of the active verb, as they appear in 
classical Latin, are -m, -s, -(; -mus, -tis, -nt. But these forms 


408 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XL 


are not maintained throughout all the tenses. "The present 
indicative has dropt the characteristic -m, except in the two cases 
of sum and inquam. The sign of the first person singular is 
also wanting in the perfect indicative, and in the futures in -bo 
and -ro. The second person singular is represented by -s in 
every case but one—that of the perfect indicative, which substi- 
tutes -a&4, The third singular is always -¢; tbe first plural al- 
ways -mus; the second plural always -tte, except in the perfect 
indicative, when it is -sts, corresponding to the singular of the 
same person; and the third plural is always -nt, though this is 
occasionally dropt in the third person plural of the perfect indi- 
cative. The loss of the final ¢ in the third person singular is 
found both in the Umbrian forms habe, fuia, st, &c. for habet, 
fuot, sit, &c., and in the old Latin dede, dedro, dederi. We 
have also in Umbrian covortuso and benuso for converterunt and 
venerunt. lf we may judge from the -to, -tote of the imperative, 
these person-endings must have been originally ablative or causa- 
tive inflexions of the pronouns. ‘The original form of the im- 
perative suffix in the singular number was -tod or -tud, which is 
unequivocally an ablative inflexion (above, Chap. vit. ὃ 8). 
In common Latin the imperative not only lost its personal affix 
in the second singular, but even suffered an apocope of the crude 
form in certain verbs, as duc and fac. Yor da or dato we have 
dó in c&dd, “ give-here,” plural cette; and I have elsewhere 
endeavoured to prove that the nearly synonymous md-dd must 
be a similar form involving also the first personal pronoun (“On 
the Etymology of the Latin particle modo," Trans. of the Philol. 
Soc. 1854, pp. 97 sqq.). 

The person-endings of the passive verb present some difficul- 
ties to the inquiring philologist. In fact, only the third person, 
singular and plural, seems to have been preserved free from 
mutilation or suppression. The terminations of the passive 
should, according to the rules of sound philology, present them- 
selves as inflexions or cases of the active person-endings (see 
New Cratylus, § 348). If, then, we compare the active amat, 
amant, amare, with the corresponding passive forms, amatur, 
amantur, amarier, we must conclude that r, connected with the 
active form by a short vowel, e or w, is the sign of the passive 
voice, and that this amounts to an inflexion of the active form 


§2.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 409 


analogous to the adverbs in -ter (leni-ter, gnavi-ter, &c.), or -tén 
(grada-tim, &c.) (New Cratylus, ὃ 365, above, p. 343). In fact, 
the isolated particle ¢gi-tur supplies a perfect analogy for the 
passive person-endings -tur and -ntur. This particle, as we 
have seen (above, pp. 342, 401), is an extension in -tur from the 
composite form 2-94 (cf. e-go, er-ga(-o), e-ho, e-ja), and it has the 
locative meaning ** thereupon” in a Fragment of the x11. Tables 
(above, p. 242). We have also seen that the adverbs in -ter, 
-tim are used in a locative sense. And whether we conclude 
that -tur is ἃ locative like τόθι, or identical with -tus — -θεν, and 
therefore bearing a locative meaning only as the act of separation 
implies proximity at the moment of separation (above, p. 397), 
there can be no doubt that it does bear that locative sense, which. 
is required by the person-endings of the passive voice. The 
identity of -tur with -ter (-tim) is farther shown by the form 
amari-er, Which stands by the side of ama-tur, and the change 
from the short & to u, is found in other cases, e.g. in tubur-cino 
from tuber and in tacitur-nus and diutur-nus by the side of 
hester-nus. According to this, the first persons amor and ama- 
mur are contractions of amómér, amamiisér, according to the 
Sansorit analogy (comp. bharé with φέρομαι, &c. New Crat. 
§§ 352, 362). The second persons, amaris (amare) and ama- 
mint, are altogether different forms; ‘they seem to be two verbals, 
or participial nouns, of the same kind respectively as the Latin 
and Greek active infinitive, amare =amase (compare dic-sts-se, 
es-se, Gr. γέλαϊς, ὕψοῖϊς, &c.), and the passive participle τυπτό- 
pevos. The verbal, which stands for the second person singular 
of the passive verb, was probably, in the first instance, a verbal 
noun in -878; compare πρᾶξις, μέμη-σις, &c. That which re- 
presents the second person plural is the plural of a form which 


is of very frequent occurrence in the Latin language (New Crat. . 


§ 362). The earlier form ended in -minor, and is preserved in 
the imperative, which in old Latin had a corresponding second 
person singular in -mino: thus we have antestamino (Legg. X11. 
Tab. 1. Fr. 1, above, Ch. vi. § 7), famino (Fest. p. 87), pre- 
famino (Cat. R. RB. 135, 140), frutmino (Inscr. Grut.), for ante- 
stare, fare, prafare, fruere; as well as arbttraminor (Plaut. 
Epid. v. 2, 80) and progrediminor (id. Pseud. Yr. 2, 70) for 
arbitramini and progredimint. The use of these verbals, with a 


—LP m ——— Á——————— NR PP 


ee 


410 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. ΧΙ. 


fixed gender, and without any copula, to express passive predi- 
cations referring to the second person, is one of the most singular 
features in the Latin language, and the former can only be 
compared to the Greek use of the infinitive to express the 
second person imperative. 


§ 3. Doctrine of the Latin Tenses. 


There is, perhaps, no one department of classical philology, 
in which so little has been done as in the analysis and simplifica- 
tion of the Latin tenses. They are still arranged and designated 
as they were in the beginning; and no one seems to have dis- 
cerned the glaring errors inseparable from such a system. Even 
among the more enlightened, it is not yet agreed whether certain 
tenses are to be referred to the indicative or to the subjunctive 
mood, and forms of entirely different origin are placed together 
in the same category. 

Without anticipating the discussion of the difficulties which 
beset the doctrine of the Latin tenses, I will premise that, prac- 
tically, the regular verb has four moods and five tenses, which 
are known by the following names, and represented, in my 
Grammar, by the notation attached to the terminology; the tn- 
dicative (A), imperative (B), subjunctive (C), and tnfinttive (D) 
moods, and the present (I), *émperfect (II), perfect (IIT), pluper- 
fect (IV), and future (V) tenses. Thus, to avoid repeating the 
names, A. III. will represent the perfect tndtcative, C. II. the 
imperfect subjunctive, and so on. 

An accurate examination of all the forms in the Latin lan- 
guage will convince us that there are only two ways in which 
a tense can be formed organically from the root of a Latin verb. 
One is, by the addition of s-; the other, by the addition of ¢-. 
We find the same process in the Greek verb; but there it is 
regular and systematic, supplying us throughout with a complete 
series of primary and secondary, or definite and indefinite tenses’. 
In Greek, we say that the addition of σ- to the root forms the 
aorist and future, that the same adjunct in a more guttural form 


1 For the convenience of the reader, I will repeat here the distinc- 
tions which I have elsewhere quoted from J. L. Burnouf's Méthode pour 
étudier la Langue Grecque, pp. 215 8qq.: 


S 4.} THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 411 


makes the perfect, and that the insertion of ¢ indicates the 
conjunctive or optative mood. Moreover, we have in the Greek 
verb an augment, or syllable prefixed for the purpose of marking 
past time as such, and traces at least of the systematic employ- 
ment of reduplication to designate the continuance of an action. 
As the ancient epic poetry of the Greeks neglects the augment, 
we may understand how it fell into desuetude among the Romans. 
The reduplication too, though common to all the old Italian lan- 
guages, is of only partial application in the existing forms of 
the Latin verb. With regard to the value of the tenses in σ- 
and .- the same holds to a certain extent in Latin also; but 
while the principle is here susceptible of a double application, it 
is, on the other hand, interrupted by the operation of a system 
of composite tenses which is peculiar to the Latin language, and 
still more so by the regular use of the affix'-s to express derived 
or indefinite tenses. 


8 4. The Substantive Verbs. 


Before I proceed to examine the tense-system of the Romans, 
as it appears in all the complications of an ordinary verb, it will 
be as well to analyze, in the first instance, the substantive verb 
which enters so largely into all temporal relations. 

The Latin language has two verbs signifying “to be:” one 
contains the root es-, Sanscr. as-, Greek eo-, Lith. es-; the other, 
the root fu-, Sanscr. δλῶ-, Gr. φυ-, Lith. du-. 

The inflexions of es- are as follows: 


PRIMARY TENSES. 


The Present expreases —À with veferonce to | je lis 


The Future . . . posteriority . je lirai 
The Perfect . . . anteriority the present timo ja lu. 


SECONDARY TENSES. 
The Imperfect orpressos simultaneity 
The Aorist 


9 . . 1 
with reference to b nae 
The Pluperfect . . anteriority J 


some other time favais lu? 
1 pendant que vous écriviez. 3 aprés que vous eütes fini d'écrire. 
5 avant que vous eusaiez écrit. 


412 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. ΧΙ. 


INDICATIVE PRESENT, A. I. 

Actual form. Ancient form. Sanacrit. Lithuanian. 
"eum. . . esum'. . . asmi. . . esmt 
es. . . 088) . . . G8 . . . 688ὲ 
est . . . esti . . . ast . . . estt, est 


δ . . 68URUS . . 6ma8 . . esma 


es tts 9 Φ esttis e ' e P δία e e *. este 
"sunt . . esunt . . sant  . . [esant?] 


IMPERFECT, A. IIl. | 

Actual form. Ancient form. - Sanscrit. 
eram . . . . 6am ... . dsam 
eras . . . . ésas 0. 5. e. (sis 
erat . . . . ésat 00. 5. e. Bst 
eramus . . . ésamus . . . . desma 
eratis . . . ésads . . . . Gsta 
erant . . . . ésant . . . . dean 


FUTURE or SUBJUNCTIVE, A. V. or C. I., 
Formed by the insertion of the guttural element -$. 
Actual forms. Ancient form. Sanscrit. 

eró, "sim, ‘siém . . esyám . . syám 
eris, ‘sis, ‘siés . . esyás . . syds 
eri, ‘sit, ᾿εἷδὲ . . . esyát . . syát 
erimus, 'stmus, 'siémus . . esyümus . syáma 
eritis, ‘sttts, ‘siétis . . esyátis . syáta 
erunt, ‘sint, ‘siént . . esyánt . . syus 


. INDEFINITE or PAST TENSE, C. IT., 
Formed from the last by the addition of -δὰ. 


Actual form. Ancient form. 
es-sem |. ..  . .  e8-85a-yam 
08-868  . .. ..  .  68-8a-yas 


&c. &c. 


INFINITIVE, D, 
Or locative of a verbal in -sis, expressing the action of the verb’. 
68-86, 


1 Varro, L. L. 1x. 100, p. 231. ? New Crat. ὃ 410. 


$4] - THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 413 


PARTICIPLE, E. 
Nom. 'sen[t]s (in ab-sens, pra-sens, &c.) originally esen(t]s 


Gen. 'sentis esentis 
&c. ἄς. 
IMPERATIVE, B. 
es, X esto originally es,  estod 
esto . . . . estod 
este, estote . . .  . emite, esitote 
sunto . -. . esaunto. 


Throughout the Latin verb we may observe, as in the case 
of ero here, that the element ¢ has vanished from the first person 
of the future; for ero does not really differ from esum, the 
present indicative. The explanation of this may be derived from 
the fact, that in English the first and the other persons of the 
future belong to different forms: where an Englishman says, “I 
shall” of himself, hé addresses another with “you will;" and 
conversely, where he asserts of another that ** he shall," he tells 
him, “I will" The third person plural erunt is only another 
way of writing erint; u, being substituted, as it so frequently is, 
for ὦ, to which the qualifying ὁ had been ultimately reduced. 
But besides the form of the future in 4, we have in old Latin 
another expression of it in the inchoative form esco for es-sco: 
(Legg. xit. Tab. apud. Gell. xx. i. Tab. 1. fr. 8; Lucret. 1. 613; 
Festus, s. v. escit, p. 77 ; superescit, p 302; nec, p. 162; obescet, 
p. 188; and Müller, Suppl. Annot. p. 386). 

The verb fu-, which appears as a supplementary form or 
auxiliary tense of the substantive verb, is really a distinct verb, 
very complete in its inflexions, and connected by many interest- 
ing affinities with the other Indo-Germanic languages. It has 
been shown elsewhere that in these languages, the same root is 
used to express * light," or “ brightness," and “ speaking" (New 
Crat. § 460). Τὸ the idea of “light” belongs that of “ mani- 
festation," or *' bringing to light," and this is simply the idea of 
* making," or “causing to be." Now the full form of the root 
φα-, fa-, bá-, which, in Greek, Latin, and Sanscrit, conveys the 
cognate expressions of “light” and “speech,” involves what is 
called a digamma in Auslaut as well as in Z4nlaut; for we learn 
from the words favontus, vapor, &c. that the full forms must 
have been αβημι, paFos, ἄς. (New Crat. & 458). Now this 


414 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI. 


full form is much more obvious in φν-, fac-, signifying ‘“‘ to 
make," than in the roots which convey the other modifications 
of meaning; although faz, * a torch," and facies, * the counte- 
nance," contain the guttural at the end of the root, which ap- 
pears in facto, and which is ἃ residuum of the first constituent of 
the digamma, just as the v in $v- represents the ultimate form of 
the constituent labial. In the ordinary forms of the Greek verb, 
the transitive φύω, φύσω, ἔφυσα, do not seem to differ externally 
from the intransitive ἔφυν and πέφυκα. But we know from 
philological induction that the latter must have involved the ele- 
ment ἐτεψα (New Crat. § 380); and in old Greek we actually 
find the form $víw corresponding to the Pelasgian futus and the 
Greek υἱός (above, p. 202). The following table will show 
what remains of the Greek and Latin forms of φυ -- $aF (φνίω, 
ὁ-πυίω, ποι-έω; see Gr. Gr. 322), and fu=fac for faf, “to 
bring to light," or * cause to be." 


TRANSITIVE. 
Pres. φύ-ω = φάξα-μ A. I.  fuc-io 
Fut. φύ-σω A. V. fac-sim 
Aor. ἔ-φυ-σα A. V. [e]-fac-sim 
Perf. ..... A. IIL. fe-fact contr. fect. 
INTRANSITIVE WITH ADJUNCT f. 
Pres. ule A. 1. jfio=futo (-bo) 


TEMPE A. V. jforem — fu-sim. 
Aor. ἔὄφυν = ἔφυιαμ A. V. [e]Jforem (-ebam) 
Perf. πέφυκα — πεφυίακα A. III. für! or füvi = fufus, 


sometimes factus sum. 
PARTICIPLES, E. 
gus = $v-lavr-s fu-turus 
πεφυκὼς fetus = fui-tus 
facundus = fui-scundus 
υἱός = φυιβότς | Seminus = fut-minus (cf. 
Joemina) 


Suius = fi-lius. 
The omission of «= ya in ἔφῦν is shown by the quantity of 
v in the plural; comp. ἔφῦμεν with ededxvipev. It will be seen 


1 That the @ in fui is properly long is shown by many passages in 
Plautus (see Ritschl, Proleg. p. 171). 


§ 4.} THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 415 


at once that the Latin verb is much more complete than the 
Greek: and besides these forms, which admit of direct compa- 
rison, the Latin neuter verb has a present subjunctive fuam — 
fw-1am, a pluperfect indicative fu-eram = fuesam, a perfect sub- 
junctive fuerim (or fuero) = fuve-s$m, and a corresponding plu- 
perfect fuissem = fuve-se-sim. The s=r, which appears in the 
last three of these forms, is best explained by a comparative 
analysis of πέφυκα and fut=fufur. As ¢ is the regular ex- 
ponent of guttural vocalisation, as the guttural, before it subsides 
into 4, is generally softened into s and A, and as we find k, s, À 
in the perfect and aorist of Greek verbs, we see that πέφυκα 
compared with fufu: presumes an intermediate fufusa, and thus, 
by a transposition and substitution quite analogous to the French 
change of / through ul into v, we get the following explanation 
of the existing forms of the Latin perfect, in accordance with the 
assumption of an original inflexion in -sa. 


πέφυ-κα- [μ] fufu-ta-m = fufuia = fufui 
πέφυ-κα-ς (or “θα: cf. οἷσ- θα) fufu-sa-tha = fufui-s-ti 

φπέφυ-κε-ν (for -rt) Sufu-sa-t = fufui-s-E = fufuit 

πεφύ- κα-με-ν (for -pe-s) Sufwsa-mus = fufui-s-mus = fufuimus 
«εφύ-κα-τε (for -res) Sufu-sa-tis = fufui-s-tie 


πεφύ-κα-σι (for -yrt) — ^ — fufu-s-ant = fufue-snt = fufuerunt, 


The £, which appears before the r=< in the mutilated inflexions 
of the Latin perfect, assumes the weaker form of e in the pluper- 
fect, which must originally have correspended in termination to 
the perfect, though the loss of the distinguishing augment has 
obliged the Latin language to have recourse to a variation of the 
affixes in the secondary tenses. Thus, while we must have had 
originally e-fufusa by the side of fufusa, the former has become 
fueram, while the latter has shrunk into fut. We must take 
care not to confuse between the ?, which represents a lost sin | 
jut, and that which appears as the characteristic of the subjunc- 
tive mood in fu-am τὸ fu-iam and in fuerim = fue-sim ; for 
. although there is every reason to believe that the s=r of the 
fat. and perf. is really identical ultimately with the ¢ of the. 
subjunctive, the actual functions are different in the cases which 
require to be discriminated. Originally, no doubt, fac-s?m and 
ferem = fu-sim were futures indicative which had corresponding 
aorists; but like the Greek conjunctive, which was originally 


416 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI. 


future, they have been remanded to a subordinate position. 
The loss of the original reduplication might lead us to confuse 
between forem = fu-sim and fuerim = fufu-sim ; but the latter 
is really a subjunctive formation from the perfect indicative, 
entirely analogous to τετύφοιμε from Trérv$a. From fuerim we 
have fuissem = fufu-sa-sim by the same extension which con- 
verts sim - esim or esyam into essem = e8-sa-tm OT e8-8a-yam. 
This use of the affix s in successive accretions to form the 
‘secondary past tenses, although regular in its application to 
the Latin verb, is quite inconsistent with the use of the same 
affix in the Greek verb, where it seems to indicate proximate 
futurity. 

The association of the roots es- and fu-, as supplementary 
tenses of one substantive verb, and the use of the latter to form 
more or less of the subordinate inflexions of all other verbs, is 
best explained by the meaning of these two roots themselves. 
For while es- denotes * continuance of being," (i.e. “ existence," 
fu- expresses “ beginning of being," or “coming into being." 
The parallelism therefore between es- and fu- is the same as 
that between the Greek εἰμές ἐσ-μί, and γέγνομαι, which fur- 
nishes the materials for the opposition between the systems of 
Plato and Heracleitus. "There is the same association of resem- 
blance and contrast between the Hebrew root U^, which agrees 
with the Sanscrit as and our es-se, and FW3 or mm» which 
coincides in meaning, and ultimately in origin, "with the Sanser. 
bhá-, the Greek $v- and our fu-. And whatever may be the 
true view with regard to the explanation of the names f$ 
and buddhé, there cannot be the least doubt that the much 
more important name jYyP or ΓΤ has reference to the fact, 
that the God of Rev elation is the God who manifests himself 
historically, so that while oytx is the Beginning and the 
End, ΓΤ is the Middle, that is, God manifested in the world, 
and therefore always in process of being or becoming by his 
acts of redemption and creative power’. It is obvious that, 
with this difference of meaning, es- 18 adapted to express the 
continuous tenses of a verb of being, while fu- describes the 


1 This idea ia well developed by Delitzsch, Genesis, pp. 23, 389, 390. 


§ 5.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 417 


completion of single acts, coming into being and successively 
determined. "Thus es- will give us the present and imperfect, 
together with the vague future or potential sim — ero. The 
perfect and its derivatives will naturally be furnished by fui, 
*I have become," or *I have come into being." The form 
Jorem, which is used as a synonym for. essem, is probably an 
aorist, which, like the Greek optative, has lost its augment 
(New Crat. § 391). It is therefore, as it stands, externally 
identical with the original future, of which fuam = fu-yam is 
a mere mutilation. The future signification is retained by fo-re, 
* to become," which is really a present tense analogous to es-se; 
for fieri is a latter and irregular form. 


§ 5. Paucity of Organic Formations in the regular 
Latin Verb. 

The conjugations of these two verbs furnish us with speci- 
mens of organic inflexions for all the tenses, in other words, the 
tenses are formed without the aid of any foreign adjunct except 
those pronominal elements which contribute to the living ma- 
chinery of all inflected languages. But this is not the case with 
the great mass of verbs which constitute the staple of the Latin 
language. Although the flexion-forms in s- and #- appear in all 
these verbs, there is no one of them which is not indebted more 
or less to fu- for its active tenses; and all verbs form some 
tenses of their passive voice by calling in the aid of es-. 

According to the ordinary classification of Latin verbs, there 
are three conjugations of vowel-verbs, in a, e, and ὦ, and one 
conjugation of consonant-verbs, to which we must assign the 
verbs in wo and some of those in to. Now, as a general rule, 
we find that all vowel-verbs are secondary to nouns—in other 
words they are derived from the crude forms of nouns. But 
many nouns are demonstrably secondary to consonant-verbs. 
Therefore we might infer, as a general rule, that the consonant- 
verb belonged to a class of forms older or more original than 
the vowel-verbs. This view is supported by a comparison of 
the tenses of the two sets of verbs: for while we find that s- 
often effects a primary variation in the consonant-verb, we ob- 
serve that this insertion never takes place in the vowel-verb 
except in composite forms, or in those verbs which neglect the 

D. V. 21 


418 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI. 


vowel characteristic in the formation of their perfects. The only 
tense in the consonant-verb, which can be considered as a com- 
posite form, is the imperfect; but the future does not correspond 
to this, as is the case in the vowel-verbs. Verbs in -1o partially 
approximate to the consonant-verbs in this respect. 


§ 6. General Scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb. 


The following table will show the organic formations and 
egglutinate additions, by which the tenses of the Latin verb are 
constructed from the crude form. With regard to the perfect 
indicative, it is necessary to premise that, in addition to the 
parathetic or agglutinate combination with -fu£, which will be 
mentioned presently, there are two forms in common use: one 
. Which may be considered as a regular perfect, exactly corre- Ὁ 
sponding to fut = fufui, with a reduplication either expressed or 
implied, and with the -s or guttural of the affix represented, as 
in fut, by ¢ or 4s; and another, which may be regarded as an 
aorist in -δὲ, although the inflexions of the persons exhibit the 
same retention of $ or ts as the regular perfect, and therefore 
presume the addition of a repeated s or sa z:ra, which appears 
in the pluperfect. 


VOWEL-VERBS. CONSONANT-VERBS. 
Organic forms. Agglutinate forms. Organic forms. Aggintinate 
A. I. -o -0 
A. II -bam for e-fiam -bam for 
A. III. -ut for fui -4 Or -ϑὲ e-fiam 
A. IV. -ueram for fueram | -eram or -seram 
A. V -bo for fto - «ἴηι 
C. I. -im -im 
C. II. -rem —sem -rem --8em 
C. III. -uerim for fuerim — ^ -ertm or -serim 
C. IV. -uissem for fuissem  -tssem or -stesem. 
§ 7. Verbs which may be regarded as Parathetic Compounds. 


The fourteenth chapter will show that the most remarkable 
feature in the pathology of the Latin language is the prevalent 
tendency to abbreviation by which it is characterized. Among 
many instances of this, we may especially advert to the practice 


δ 1.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 410 


of prefixing the crude form of one verb to some complete in- 
flexion of another. Every one knows the meaning of such com- 
pounds as wide-licet (Ξε videre licet), sci-licet (= ectre licet), pate- 
facio (z patere facio), ven-eo (= venum eo, comp. venum-do, on 
the analogy of per-eo, per-do)', ἄς. There is a distinct class of 
verbs in -so, which are undoubtedly compounds of the same 
kind, as will appear from an examination of a few instances. 
The verb st-n-o has for its perfect sive; and it is obvious that the 
n in the present is only a fulcrum of the same nature as that in 
tem-no, root tem-; πίγνω, root πί-, ἄς. Now the verbs in -so, 
to which I refer, such as arceseo, capesso, incipesso, lacesso, 
petesso, quero, &c., all form their perfect in -sivi. We might 
therefore suppose a. priori, that the termination was nothing but 
the verb sino. But this is rendered almost certain by the 
meaning of arceeso or accerso, which is simply acoedere simo", 
"I cause to approach,” i.e. *Isend for." Similarly, copeseo 
e capere sino, I let myself take," i.e. “I undertake," facesso 
x facere sino, “I let myself make," i.e. *I set about,” laceseo 
= lacere sino, “I let myself touch," i.e. ^ I provoke or irritate,” 
&c. The infinitive of 4n-quam (above, p. 185) does not exist; 
but there can be little doubt that it is involved in que-ro or 
gue-so, which means “I cause to speak," i.e. “I inquire.” 
That quae-so was an actual fort of quae-ro may be seen from 
the passages of Ennius quoted by Festus (p. 258, Müller): 

Ostia munita est; idem loca navibu' pulchris 

Munda facit, nautisque mari quossentibu’ vitam (Annal. 11.). 

Ducit me uxorem liberorum sibi queeendum gratia (Cresphont.). 

Liberum quasendum causa familie matrem tus (Andromed.). 
These parathetic compounds with s$no, so, eiv?, are analogous to 


1 The true orthography, ven-dico for vindico, furnishes a third illus- 

tration of ven-do, i. e. 
ven-eo, “I go for sale" — I am, sold. 
ven-do, or venwm-do, “I give for sale" — I sell. 
ven-dico, “I declare for sale"— I claim. 

3 I am not aware that any other scholar has suggested this explana- 
tion. Müller (ad Fest. p. 820) thinks that arcesso is the inchoative of 
arceo = accieo: but, in the first place, the reading in Festus is by no means 
certain (Huschke's arce dantur being, I think, an almost necessary cot- 
rection); and secondly, this would leave accerso unexplained. 


27—2 


420 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [OHAP. XI. 


the Hebrew conjugations in Pi"hel and Hiph"hil. Sometimes 
the causative sense refers to the object, as in arcesso, “I cause 
him to come,” quae-ro, “1 cause him to speak.” Sometimes it 
is reflexive, as in the conjugation Hithpa"hel; thus, we have 
facesso, “1 let myself do it—I set about it," &c. Pi*hel and 
Hiph"hil only differ as ἐτύπην differs from ἐτύφθην, according 
to the explanation which I have given of these tenses (New 
Crat. § 382). We shall see below (§ 15), that the same ex- 
planation applies to the infinitives in -assere. 


§ 8. Tenses of the Vowel-verbs which are combinations 
of the same kind. 


Most of the tenses of the Latin vowel-verb seem to be com- 
posite forms of the same kind with those to which I have just 
referred; and the complete verbal inflexion, to which the crude 
form of the particular verb is prefixed, is no other than a tense 
of the verb of existence fu-, Lithuan. du-, Sanscrit δλῶ- (see 
Bopp, Vergl. Gram. vierte Abtheil. pp. iv. and 804). This verb, ἡ 
as we have seen, expresses * beginning of being," or “‘ coming 
into being," like the Greek γύγνομαι. It is therefore well cal- 
culated to perform the functions of an auxiliary in the relation of 
time. For ama-bam — ama-e-fíam — ** I became to love," “ I was 
loving ;" ama-bo = ama-fio = “1 am coming into love," = “I am 
&bout.to love;" ama-vt = ama-fui τε 1 have come into love,” 
= “TJ have loved," &c. 

The vowel-verb has a present tense which preserves through- 
out the vowel of the crude form. From this is derived, with 
the addition of the element £, the present subjunctive, as it is 
called; and from that, by the insertion of s-, the imperfect of the 
same mood. Thus we have amém=ama-im, amarem = amasem 
— Gma-sa-im; monem = mone-yam, monerem = monesem = mone- 
syam, &c. That 4 was the characteristic of the secondary or 
dependent mood is clear from the old forms du-im (dém), temper- 
am, ed-im, verber-im, car-tm, &c., which, however, are abbrevia- 
tions from du-yam,-ed-yam, &c. Comp. sim with the older 
form siem, and δίδοιμι, ἄς. with διδοίην, &c. The ὦ is absorbed 
or included in moneam = mone-yam, legam = leg-yam, &c.; just 
as we have nav-dlis for navi-alis, βη-ἅϊ9 for fint-alis, &c. 
(Benary, Rémische Lautlehre, p. 95.) These are the only 


ἢ s.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 421 


tenses which are formed by pronominal or organic additions to 
the root of the verb. Every other tense of the vowel-verb is ἃ 
compound of the crude form of the verb and some tense of fu- 
or bhé@-. 

The futures of the vowel-verbs end in -bo, -bis, -bit, &c., 
with which we may compare fio, fis, fit, &c. The imperfect, 
which must be considered as an indefinite tense corresponding to 
the future, ends in -ébam, -ébas, -ébat, &c., where the initial 
must be regarded as an augment; for as reg'-ébat is the imper- 
fect of the consonant-verb reg'o, not regébat, and as audt-éat is 
the imperfect of aud-io!, though audi-bit was the old future, it 
is clear that the suffix of the imperfect had something which did 
not belong to the crude form, but to the termination itself; 
it must therefore have been an augment, or the prefix which 
marks past time (see Benary, I. c. p. 29). 

The perfect of the vowel-verbs is terminated by -vi or -ut. 
If we had any doubt as to the origin of this suffix, it would be 
removed by the analogy of pot-ui for pot-fut = potis-fui. Ac- 
cordingly, ama-vi (=ama-ut), mon-ui, audt-vi (= audt-ut), are 
simply ama-fut = amare-fut, mon-fui = monere-fui, and audi- 
Sut = audire-fut. 

Similarly, with regard to the tenses derived from the per- 
fect, we find that the terminations repeat all the derivatives of 
fus; thus, ama-uero = ama-fuero; ama-utsses = ama-fursses, &c. 

It will be observed that the fof fio and fut never appears in 
these agglutinate combinations. The explanation of this involves 
some facts of considerable importance. 

We have seen above (p. 288) that the Latin f involves a 
gattural as well as a labial, and that the v, which formed a part 
of the sound, had a tendency to pass into ὁ (p. 286). If, then, 
which seems to be the case, the long vowel, which always forms 
the link of communication in this parathesis, absorbed and in- 
cluded the guttural part of the f (New Crat. § 116), the re- 
maining labial would necessarily appear as ὃ, except in the 
perfect, where it would subside into the w, just as fuvit itself 
became fuit. In general we observe that, with the exception of 


1 Virgil has lenibat (ZEn. vr. 468) and polibant (vir. 436); but these 
must be considered as poetical abbreviations. 


499 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. xr. 


the three or four words ending in the verbal stem fer ( furci- 
luei-fer, &c.), the letter f does not appear among Latin termi- 
nations; and as the terminations -ber, -bra, -brum, -bulum are 
manifestly equivalent in meaning to -cer, -crum, -culum, it is 
reasonable to conclude that these formations begin with letters 
which represent the divergent articulations of the compound f or 
F (see New Crat. § 267). 


§ 9. Organic Derivation of the Tenses in the Consonant-verb. 


The consonant-verb, on the other hand, forms all its tenses, 
except the imperfect’, by a regular deduction from its own root. 
Thus we have veg'o [old fut. reg-so], Ὁ aor. [e]-reg-et ; subjunct. 
pres. or precative, regam = regyam, vegas = regyas, or, in ἃ softer 
form, regés = rege-is, &c. ; subj. imperf. or optat. regerem = rege- 
syam ; subj. perf. reg-se-ro=reg-se-sim ; subj. plup. vegsissem = 
regusi-se-syam. If we might draw an inference from the forms 
facsit, &c., which we find in old Latin, and from fefakust, &c., 
which appear in Oscan, we should conelade that the Italian 
consonant-verb originally possessed a complete establishment of 
definite and indefinite tenses, formed from the root by pronominal 
or organic addition, or by prefixing augments and reduplieations 
after the manneg of the genuine Greek and Sanserit verbs. For 

example? sake, we may suppose the following scheme of tenses: 
root pag, pres. pa-n-go-m, impf. [e]-pangam, fat. pan-g-stm 
I aor. e-pangstm, perf. pe-pigi-m, phuperf. pe-pige-sam, subj. pres. 
pangyam, subj. imp. pangesyam, subjunct. perf. pepige-eim or 
pangee-stm, subj. pluperf. (derived from ee) pepigise-syam OF 
pang-st-se-syam 
S 10. Auanlary Tenses of the Passive Voice. 

In the passive voice, those tenses, which in the active depend 
upon fui and its derivatives, are expressed by the passive parti- 
ciple and the tenses of e-swm. The other tenses construct the 
passive by the addition of the letter r — 5 to the person-endings of 
the active forms, with the exceptions mentioned before. The 


1 The loss of the imperfect, and the substitution of ἃ componnd tense, 
is accounted for by the practice of omitting the augment. Without 
this prefix the regular imperfect does not differ from the present. 


S11] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 423 


second person plural of the passive is of such rare occurrenee, 
that we cannot draw any decided conclusions respecting it; but 
if such a form as audi-óbamini occurred, it would certainly 
occasion some difficulty; for one could scarcely understand how 
the é, which seems to be the augment of the auxiliary suffix, 
could appear in this apparently participial form.. Without 
stopping to inquire whether we have any instances of the kind, 
or whether ama-bam?n: might not be a participle as well as 
ama-bundus (compare ama-bilis, &c.), it is sufficient to remark 
that when the origin of a form is forgotten, a false analogy is 
often adopted and maintained. This secondary process is fully 
exemplified by the Greek ἐτίθεσαν, τυπτέτω-σαν, &c. (New 
Crat. S 363). 

Nor need we find any stumblingblock in the appendage of 
passive endings to this neuter auxiliary verb. For the construc- 
tion of neuter verbs with a passive affix is common enough in 
Latin (e.g. peccatur, ventum est, &c.); and the passive infinitive 
fieri, and the usual periphrasis of srt with the supine, for the 
future infinitive of a pessive verb, furnish us with indubitable 
instanees of a similar inflexion. We might suppose that the 
Latin future was occasionally formed periphrastically with eo 
as an auxiliary like the Greek ja λόγων, Fr. j'alloís dire, 
‘I was going to say.” If so, amatwm eo, amatum ire, would 
be the active futures of the indicative and infinitive, to which 
the passive forms amatum eor, amatum (ri, would correspond. 
The latter of these actually occurs, and, indeed, is the only. 
known form of the passive infinitive future. 


8 11. The Modal Distinctions—their Syntax. 


Properly speaking, there are only three main distinctions 
of mood in the forms of the Latin and Greek verb, namely, the 
indicative, the imperative, and the infinitive. 'The Greek gram- 
mars practically assign five distinct moods to the regular verb, 
namely, the indicative, imperative, conjunctive, optative, and 
infinitive. But it has been already proved (New Crat. § 388), 
that, considered in their relation to one another and to the other 
moods, the Greek conjunctive and optative must be regarded as 
differing in tense only. The Latin grammarians are contented 
with four moods, namely, the indicative, subjunctive, imperative, 


424 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI. 


and infinitive; and according to this arrangement, the present 
Bubjunctive Latin answers to the Greek conjunctive, while the 
imperfect subjunctive Latin finds its equivalent in the optative of 
the Greek verb: for instance, scribo, ut discas corresponds to 
γράφω, ἵνα μανθάνῃς, and -scripst, ut. disceres to ἔγραψα, tva 
μανθάνοις. If, however, we extend the syntactical comparison 8 
little farther, we shall perhaps be induced to conclude that there 
is not always the same modal distinction between the Latin in- 
dicative and subjunctive which we find in the opposition of the 
Greek indicative to the conjunctive + optative. Thus, to take 
one or two instances, among many which might be adduced, one 
of the first lessons which the Greek student has to learn is, 
to distinguish accurately between the four cases of protasis and 
apodosis, and, among these, more especially between the third, 
in which two optatives are used, and the fourth, in which two 
past tenses of the indicative are employed'!. Now the Latin 
syntax makes no such distinction between the third and fourth 
cases, only taking care in the fourth case to use past tenses, and 
in the third case, where the hypothesis is possible, to employ 
present tenses of the subjunctive mood. "Thus, e. g., in the third 
case: st hoc nunc vocifgrari velim, me dies, vor, latera de- 
féciant; where we should have in Greek: εἰ τοῦτο ἐν τῷ 
παραυτίκα γεγωνεῖν ἐθέλοιμι, ἡμέρας ἄν μοι καὶ φωνῆς καὶ 


_  l'This is, indeed, a very simple and obvious matter: but it may be 
convenient to some readers, if I subjoin a tabular comparison of the 
Greek and Latin usages in this respect. The classification is borrowed 
from Buttmann's Mittlere Grammatik, $ 109 (p. 394, Lachmann's edi- 
tion, 1833). | 
1. Possibility without the expression of uncertainty : 
εἴ τι ἔχει, δίδωσι (δός) — si quid habet, dat (da). 
2. Uncertainty with the prospect of decision : 
ἐάν τι ἔχωμεν, δώσομεν — si quid habeamus, dabimus. 
8. Uncertainty without any such subordinate idea : 
εἴ τι ἔχοις, διδοίης ἄν — si quid habeas, des. 
4. Impossibility, or when we wish to indicate that the thing is not so: 
(a) εἴ τι εἶχεν, ἐδίδου ἄν — si quid haberet, daret. 
(b) εἴ τι ἔσχεν, ἔδωκεν ἄν = si quid habuisset, dedisset. 
The distinction between cases (3) and (4) is also observed in the expres- 
sion of a wish: thus, utinam salvus sis! pronounces no opinion respect- 
ing the health of the party addressed ; but utinam salvus esses! implies 
that he is no longer in good health. 


§ u.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 425 


σθένους ἐνδεήσειεν. In the fourth case: (a) δὲ scirem, dicerem 
-- εἰ ἠπιστάμην, ἔλεγον ἄν. (Ὁ) si voluissen plura, non ne- 
gasses = εἰ πλεόνων ἐπεθύμησα, οὐκ ἂν npyvnow. And tlris 
confusion becomes greater still, when, by a rhetorical figure, the 
smpossible is supposed possible; as in Ter. Andr. 11. 1, 10: te 
δὲ hic sts, aliter sentias. For in this instance the only differ- 
ence between the two cases, which is one of tense, 18 overlooked. 
In the apodosis of case 4, b, the Romans sometimes used the 
plusquam-perfectum of the indicative, as in Seneca, de Jra, 1. 11: 
perierat. imperium, st Fabius tantum ausus. esset, quantum tra 
suadebat; and Horace, 11. Carm. 17, 27: me truncus illapsus 
cerebro sustulerat, nisi Faunus (ctum dextra levasset. Sometimes 
the perfect was used in this apodosis, as in Juvenal, x. 128: 
Antoni gladios potutt contemnere, st ‘sic omnia diaisset ; or 
even the imperfect, as in Tacitus, Annal. xit. 39: mec ideo 
fugam sistebat, ni legiones pugnam exceptssent. Again, particles 
of time, like donec, require the subjunctive when future time is 
spoken of; as in Hor. 1. Epist. 20, 10: carus eris Rome, donec 
te deserat etas. But this becomes a past tense of the indicative 
when past time is referred to; as in Hor. 1. Epist. 10, 86: 
cervus equum—pellebat—donec [equus] imploravit opes. hominis 
frenumque recepit. The confusion between the Latin indicative 
and subjunctive is also shown by the use of the subjunctive pre- 
gent as a future indicative (a phenomenon equally remarkable in 
Greek, New Crat. ὃ 393), and conversely by the employment 
of the periphrastic future (which is, after all, the same kind 
of form as the ordinary composite form of the future indicative) 
as an equivalent for a tense of the subjunctive mood. Thus 
Cicero uses dicam and dicere tnstituo in the same construction; 
Phil. 1. 1: antequam de republica dicam ea, que dicenda hoc 
tempore arbitror, exponam breviter consilium profectionis mes.” 
Pro Murena, 1: "antequam pro L. Murena dicere tnstituo, 
pro me ipso pauca dicam." And we have always the indica- 
tive in apodosis to the subjunctive when the future in -rus 
is used: e.g. Liv. ΧΧΧΥΤΙΙ. 47: “si tribuni prohiberent, testes 
citaturus fui" (for *citarem"); and Cic. Verr. 11r. 52: “illi 
ipsi aratores, qui remanserant, relicturi omnes agros erant" 
(for * reliquissent"), “nisi ad eos Metellus Roma literas mi- 
sisset." "The Romans also used the perfect subjunctive exactly 


426 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [cnar. ΧΙ. 


as the Greeks used their perfect indicative with xai δή in sup- 
positions. 

- On the whole, it must be confessed that the Latin sub- 
junctive, meaning by that term the set of tenses which are 
formed by the insertion of -4-, differs modally from the indicative 
only in this, that it is uniformly employed in dependent clauses 
where the idiom of the language repudiates the indicative; and 
it is not a little remarkable, that in almost all these cases—in 
all, except when final particles are used, or when an indirect 
question follows a past tense—the indicative is expressly required 
in Greek syntax. The title subjunctive, therefore, does but 
partially characterize the Latin tenses in -4-; and their nght to a 
separate modal classification is scarcely less doubtful than that of 
the Greek optative as distingnished from the conjunctive. 

The differences between the indicative, imperative, and infi- 
nitive equally exist between the two latter and the subjunctive. 
The indicative and subjunctive alone possess a complete appa- 
ratus of person-endings; the imperative being sometimes merely 
the crude form of the verb, and the infinitive being strictly 
impersonal. 


$12. Forms of the Infinitive and Participle—how connected . 


in derivation and meaning. 


He who would investigate accurately the forms of the Latin 
language must always regard the infinitive as standing in inti- 
mate connexion with the participles. There are, in fact, three 
distinct forms of the Latin infinitive: (a) the residuum of an 
abstractum verbale in -yis, which remains uninflected; (b) a 
similar verbal in -tus, of which two cases are employed; (e) the 
participial word in -ndus, which 1s used both as three cases of 
the infinitive governing the object of the verb, and also as am 
adjective in concord with the object. "There are also three forms 
of the partteiple: (a) one in -ns = -nés, sometimes lengthened into 
-ndus ; (8) another in «tus; and a third (y) in -té@rus. ‘The parti- 
. ciple ia -ns is always active; its by-form m -ndus is properly 
active, though it often seems to be passive. "The partieiple in 
-tus is always passive, except when derived from a deponent 
verb, in which case it eorresponds in meaning to the Greek 
aorist middle. The participle in -türws is always active and 


§ 12.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 427 


future. It is, in fact, an extension of the noun of agency in 
-lor; compare praetor, praetura; scriptor, scriptura, &c. with the 
corresponding future in -turus of preeo, scribo, ἄς. (see New 
Crat. § 261). The Greek future participle is sometimes used 
as a mere expression of agency; thus we have in Soph. Antig. 
261: οὐδ᾽ ὁ κωλύσων παρῆν. Aristot. Eth. Nic. τι. 1, § 7: 
οὐδὲν ἂν ἔδει τοῦ dSsdakorvros—where we should use the mere 
nouns of agency—“ the make-peace "—* the teacher." 

Now it is impossible to take an instructive view of these 
forms without eonsidering them together. The participle in 
-furus (y) is a derivative from the verbal m -tus (b); and it 
would be difficult to avoid identifying the participle in -ndus and 
the corresponding gerundial infinitive. In the following remarks, 
therefore, I shall presume, what has been proved elsewhere (New 
Crat. § 416), the original identity of the infinitive and the par- 
ticiple. 

That the verbal (a), which acts as the ordinary infinitive m 
ve — se, is dertved from the crude form of the verb by the addi- 
tion of ἃ pronominal ending δὲ- or sy-, 13 clear, no less from the 
analogy of the /jolic Greek forms in -ἰς, where the ¢ ts trans- 
posed (comp. N. Crat. § 410, (3)), than from the ortgmal form 
of the passive, which is -rier — syer, and not merely -rer. This 
 infinitive, therefore, is the indeclinable state of a derivative 
precisely similar to the Greek nouns im -σὶς (πρᾶξις, ῥῆ-σις, 
«&e.), which express the action of the verb. This Greek ending 
im -ots appears to have been the same in effect as another ending 
in -τύς, which, however, is of less frequent occurrence (ἐπη-τύς, 
ἐδη-τύς, ὀρχησ-τύς, &e.), bat which may be eompared with the 
Latin infinitive (5) m -tum, -tu, (the supine, as it is called), and 
with the Sanscrit gerund in -tvé. The verbal in -tus, which is 
assumed as the origin of these supines, must be carefully distin- 
guished from the passive partietple (8) in -tus. For it appears, 
from forms like venum, &c., and the Oscan infmitives moltaum, 
deicum, akum, &c., that the ¢ of the supine is not organic, but 
that the infinitive (5) is formed like the infinitive (a) by a suffix 
belonging to the second pronominal element, so that the labial 
(U = V) is an essential part of the ending. On the other hand, 
the participle (8) has merely a dental suffix derived from the 
third pronominal element, and corresponding to the Greek 


428 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP, XI. 


endings in -ros, -vos, and the Latin -tus- nus. In fact, the 
suffix of infinitive (5) is tv = Fa or va, while that of participle (8) 
is ¢- only. 


8 18. The GERUNDIUM and GERUNDIVUM shown to be 

active and present. 

The infinitive (c) and the participle (a) are, in fact, different, 
or apparently different, applications of one and the same form. 
In its infinitive use this verbal in -ndus is called by two names— 
the gerundium when it governs the object of the verb, and the 
gerundivum when it agrees with the object. Thus, in *'con- 
silium capiendt urbem," we have a gerundium; in “ consilium 
urbis captende,” a gerundivum. As participles, the ordinary 
grammatical nomenclature most incorrectly distinguishes the 
form in -ndus as “ἃ future passive," from the form -n[t]s con- 
sidered as “a present active." The form in -ndus is never ἃ 
future, and it bears no resemblance to the passive in form. The 
real difficulty is to explain to the student the seeming alternation 
of an active and passive meaning in these forms. Perhaps there 
is no better way of doing this than by directing attention to the 
fact, that the difference between active and passive really be- 
comes evanescent in the infinitive use of a verb. ‘‘ He is à man 
to love" = “he is a man to be loved ;" “I give you this to eat" 
= “T give you this to be eaten,” ἄς. The Greek active infini- 
tives in -evat, -vas, are really passive forms in their inflected 
use*; and that the Latin forms in -ndus, which seem to be 


1 We observe tho same fact in the uso of the participles in English and 
German. Thus, in Herefordshire, “a good-leapt horse” means “ a good- 
leaping-horse ;" and in German there is no perceptible difference between 
kam geritten and kam reitend. See Mr. Lewis's Glossary of Provincial 
Words used in Herefordshire, p. 58; and Grimm, D. Gr. rv. p. 129. 

3 Conversely, the forms in -»r-, which are always active when used 
in concord with a noun, are occasionally employed in that infinitive sense 
in which the differences of voice seem to be neglected. Thus we hare, 
Soph. Aj. 579: θρηνεῖν ἐπῳδὰς πρὸς τομῶντι πήματι (“ad vulnus quod 
secturam desideret" 8.  secandum sit”). CEd. Col. 1219: ὅταν ris es πλέον 
πέσῃ τοῦ θέλοντος (“ quando quis cupiendi satietatem expleverit” s. “id 
quod cupiebat plene consecutus fuerit). Thucyd. 1. 36: γνώτω τὸ μὲν 
δεδιὸς abroU—ro)s ἐναντίους μᾶλλον φοβῆσον (* sciat timere illud suum— 
majorem adversariis metum incussurum esse"). 


§ 13, | THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 429 


passive in their use as gerundiva, are really only secondary 
forms of the participle in -n[#]s, appears not only from etymo- 
logical considerations (New Crat. § 415), but also from their 
use both as active infinitives and active participles. When the 
gerundivum is apparently passive, it seems to attach to itself the 
sense of duty or obligation. Thus, we should translate delenda 
est Carthago, ** Carthage is to be destroyed”.=“‘we ought to 
destroy Cartliage;" and no one has taken the trouble to inquire 
whether this oportet is really contained in the gerundivum. If 
it is, all attempts at explanation must be unavailing. But since 
it is not necessary to seek in the participial form this notion, 
which may be conveyed by the substantive verb (e. g. sapientis 
est seipsum, nosse), it is surely better to connect the gerundivum 
with the gerundium, and to reconcile the use of the one with the 
ordinary force of the other. Supposing, therefore, that da-ndus 
is a secondary form of da-n[!]s, and synonymous with it, on the 
analogy of .4craga[nt]|s, .Agrige-ntum; orte-n[t]s, ortu-ndus ; 
&c.; how do we get the phrase da-nda est occasio, “an oppor- 
tunity is to be given," from da-ndus = dan[t]s, “ giving”? 
Simply from the gerundial or infinitive use of the participle. 
Thus, (A) da-ndus = da-n|t]|s signifies * giving;" (B) this, used 
a8 an infinitive, still retains its active signification, for ad 
dan-dum opes means “ for giving riches" = “to give riches ; " 
(c) when this is attracted into the case of the object, the sense 
is not altered, for ad opes dandas is precisely equivalent to ad 
dandum opes; (D) when, however, this attraction appears in the 
nominative case, the error at once takes root, and no one is 
willing to see that it is still merely an attraction from the in- 
finitive or indeclinable use of the participle. Even here, how- 
ever, the intransitive verb enables us to bring back the student 
to a consideration of the real principle. For one can hardly fail 
to see that vivendum est = vivere est 1. q. oportet vivere; and that 
there may be no doubt as to the identity of the uninflected with 
the inflected gerund in this case, Horace has put them together 
in the same sentence: “nunc est bibendum, nunc pede libero 
pulsanda tellus," where it is obvious that tellus pulsanda est is 
. mo less equivalent to ‘“‘oportet pulsare tellurem," than “ biben- 
dum est" is to oportet bibere." At all events, his Greek origi- 
nal expressed both notions by the infinitive with χρή : 


430 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI. 


νῦν χρὴ μεθύσθυν καί τινα πρὸς βίαν 
πίνην, ἐπειδὴ κάτθανε Μύρσιλος. 
(Alceous, Fr. 20, p. 575, Bergk.) 

The strongest proof, that the involved meaning of the gerun- 
divum is strictly that of the active verb, is furnished by the 
well-known fact that the attracted form is regularly preferred to 
the gerund in -di, -do, -dum governing the case, when the verb 
of the gerund requires an accusative case; thus we have: ad 
tolerandos rather than ad tolerandum, labores; consuetudo homt- 
num immolandorum rather than homines :mmolandi; triumviri 
retpublice constituendae rather than constituendo. rempublicam. 
Indeed, this is rarely departed from, except when two gerunds 
of a different construction occur in the same sentence, as in 
Sall. Cat. 4: "neque vero agrum. colendo aut venando, servi- 
libus officiis, intentum statem agere,'—because venando has 
nothing to do with agrum. The student might be led to suppose 
at first sight that the phrase: lea de pecuntts repetundis, “ἃ law 
about extortion,” literally denoted “a law concerning money to 
be refunded," and that therefore the gerundivum was passive in 
signification. But this gerundivum is used only in the genitive 
and ablative plural, to agree with pecuntarum and pecuniis, and 
we happen to have a passage of Tacitus (Annal. x111. 33) which 
proves that the verbal is transitive: for the words: a quo Lycit 
repetebant are immediately followed by: lege repetundarum dam- 
natus est; and thus we see that lex de pecuntie repetundis does 
not mean “a law concerning money to be refunded," but, “a law 
which provides for the redemanding of money illegally exacted.” 

This view of the case appears to me to remove most of the 
difficulties and confusions by which the subject of the gerund 
has hitherto been encumbered. There are three supplementary 
considerations which deserve to be adduced. The first is, that 
in the particular case where the gerundivum appears to be most 
emphatically passive—namely, when it implies that a thing is 
given out or commissioned to be done—it is found by the side of 
the active infinitive: thus, while we have such phrases as: “ An- 
tigonus Eumenem mortuum propinquis sepeliendum tradidit” 
(Corn. Nep. Zum. 13), we have by their side such as: “ tristi- 
tiam et metus tradam protervis in mare Creticum portare ventis" 
(Hor. 1. Carm. 26, 1). That the gerund in this case is really 


-- 


8.18.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 431 


present, as well as active, appears from its opposition to the use 
of the past participle; thus: hoc faciundum curabo means “1 
will provide for the doing of this:’’ hoc factum volo means “I 
wish it were already done." The second point to be noticed is 
that deponent verbs, which have no passive voice, employ the 
gerundicum in the attributive use, which, we are told, cannot 
easily be wrested to an active signification; as: prelia conju- 
gibus loquendo, “battles for wives to speak of." That these 
attributive usages really correspond to active infinitives even in 
those cases, in which the gerundive might be referred to ἃ 
passive verb, as in: vir minime contemnendus, &c., appears 
from Greek phrases like: oU πάνυ μοίρας εὐδαιμονίσαι πρώτης 
(Soph. Gd. Col. 142). And rez timendus might be rendered “a 
king to fear," just as Waverley declared (ch. XLI.) that the 
Young Pretender was ‘“‘a Prince to live and die under." The 
third case is this; that the supines, which are only different 
cases of one and the same verbal, appear as active infinitives 
when the accusative is used (-fwm), and as passive when the 
ablative is employed (-tu). Now, this seemingly passive: use of 
the supine in -tu arises from the fact, that it appears only by the 
side of adjectives, in which case the active and passive forms of 
the infinitive are often used indifferently, and some adjectives 
take the supine in -tw when they expressly require an active 
infinitive, as in: “ difficile est dictu (= dicere), quanto opere con- 
ciliet homines comitas affabilitasque sermonis" (Cic. Off. 11. 14). 
Now this supine, which is thus identical with the infinitive 
active frequently alternates with the gerund; compare, for in- 
stance: guid est tam jucundum auditu (Cic. de Or. 1. 8), with: 
verba ad audiendum jucunda (id. ibid. 1. 49). The active sense 
of the verbal in -£us — -sus is equally apparent in the dative case: 
thus we find such phrases as (Sallust, Jugurth. 24): "quoniam 
eo natus sum ut Jugurthe scelerum oatentut essem," i.e. “since 
I have been born to serve as an exhibition of (2 to exhibit) the 
wickedness of Jugurtha." 

But the form in -ndus is not only active in voice, but also, as 
has been mentioned, present in tense. Thus, if we take a depo- 
nent verb, we often find a form in -ndus acting as a collateral 
to the common form in -n[t]s, and opposed with it to the form 
in -tus. For instance, secundus and sequen[t]s both signify 


432 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [ CHAP. XI. 


* following," but secutus =“ having followed." The same is the 
distinction between morten|t]s, moriundus; orien|t]s, oriundus ; 
trascen[t]s, ira[s|cundus; &c., on the one hand, and mortuus, 
ortus, iratus, &c., on the other. This cannot be remarked in 
active verbs, because the Latin language has no active past par- 
ticiple!. If, however, we turn to the gerundial use of the form 
in -ndus, we may observe a distinction of tense between it and 
the participle in -/us even in the case of active verbs. Thus 
volvendus is really a present tense in Virgil, ned. 1x. 7: 
volvenda dies, en, attulit ultro; comp, Ennius (apud Varro, L. L. 
vir. ὃ 104, p. 160, Müller), and Lucretius, v. 1275; because, 
in its inflected form, it is equivalent in meaning to volvendo ; and 
the following passages show that the gerund is equivalent to the 
present participle: Virgil, Georg. τι. 225: * multa virum volvens 
durando ssecula vincit;" Lucret. 1. 203: "multaque vivendo 
vitalia vincere seecla;’’ and id. 111. 961: “omnia si pergas vi- 
vendo vincere sscla." And the words of Livy (pref. ad Hist.): 
“que ante conditam. condendamve urbem traduntur," can only 
mean “ traditions derived from a period when the city was nei- 
ther built nor building." 


8 14. The Participle in -térus. 


The participle (y) in -rus or -ürus, which always bears a 
future signification, is supported by an analogy in the Latin lan- 
guage which has no parallel either in Greek or Sanscrit. The 
Greek desiderative is formed from the ordinary future by the 
insertion of the element 7-: thus δρά-ω, fut. δρά-σω, desiderative 
Spa-ceiw. This desiderative is the common future in Sanscrit; 
though the Védas have a future, like the Greek, formed by the 
element s- only, without the addition of ἐ- (Rosen, on the Rig- 
Véda Sanhita, p. iv.) Now the regular future of scribo would be 
scrip-so, indicated by the aorist scripsi; but the desiderative is 
scripturio, We may infer, then, that in the loss of the regular 


1 Consideratus homo (Cic. Cacin. 1. $ 1) seems to be an example to 
the contrary, and the words cautus, circumspectus, exosus, falsus, tacitus, 
&c. have a quasi-active meaning, just as conversely true deponent parti- 
ciples are used as passives (see Lubker, de participiis, p. 29). 


§ 15. ] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 433 


future of the Latin verb, the desiderative and future participle 
have been formed by the addition of the future r=s and the 
desiderative γέ ξε st, not to the crude form of the verb, but to 
the verbal in -tus, so that the desiderative is deduced imme- 
diately from the future participle in -tur-us or from the noun 
of agency in -tor (above, p. 427). 


8 15. The Perfect Subjunctive. 


We have seen above (S 4) that the form fuerim = fuestm is 
really a subjunctive tense of the usual kind derived from the 
perfect indicative fui — fuesa. As, however, the first person is 
occasionally written fuero, just as sim=esim or erim is short- 
ened into ero, it has been common among grammarians to ima- 
gine two tenses as distinct as ero and stm. But this view is 
represented under two different forms; for while the older gram- 
mars make fuerim and fuero two tenses of the subjunctive mood, 
the former being perfect, and the latter future, the more modern 
writers on the subject increase the confusion by referring the 
latter, as ἃ futurum exactum, to the indicative mood, while the 
former retains its place as perfect subjunctive. Those, who have 
had any thing to do with the business of teaching the Latin 
language, need not be told that a young and thoughtful student 
will not derive much edification from the doctrine that fuerit is 
both indicative and subjunctive, both past and future. And those 
who are conversant with the higher kind of philology, know 
that, while fuero and fuerim are merely euphonic distinctions, all 
the other persons, having only one set of meanings, are neces- 
sarily inflexions of the same form. Even the quantity of the 
plural is a proof that the tense is subjunctive, For while we 
have invariably ertmus, erttis, we have no authority for a short 
penultima in the first and second persons plural of the perf. subj., 
and several instances of the 4 being long, as Catull. v. 10: fece- 
rimus; Ovid, Epist. Pont. 1v. D, 6: transieritis; Id. «bid. 1v. 5, 
16: contigeritis; Enn. Ann. v. 200; Ovid, Met. γι. 857; Plaut. 
Mil. Gl. 862: diweritts. With regard to the signification of 
this perfect subjunctive, it is clear that, as it is formed from 
the perfect indicative just as the present subjunctive is formed 
from the present indicative, it must exhibit the same modification 
of meaning. Now dicam -dic-yam means “there is a proba- 

D. V. 28 


® . 


| 434 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. ΧΙ. 


bility of my speaking;" consequently dixero — dic-se-rim must 
mean, “there is a probability of my having spoken;" and in 
proportion as the former approximates to the predication, “I 
shall speak," in the same proportion does the latter express, “I 
shall have spoken.” In strictness that which is called a futurum 
exactum, or paulo-post-futurum, can only exist in forms derived 
from the perfects of intransitive verbs. These forms exist in 
Greek both with the active and with the middle inflexions; thus 
from θνήσκω, *I am dying,” τέθνηκα, “1 am dead,” we have 
τεθνήξομαι or τεθνήξω, “1 shall have died,” i.e. “1 shall be 
found in the state of death;” from γράφω, “1 am writing,” we 
have γέγραφα, “I have written," yéypaupas, *Í have been 
written," i. e. *Istand or remain written," γεγράψομαε, “I shall 
have been written," i.e. *I shall stand and remain written." 
Now it has been observed even by the old grammarians, that 
the Romans did not use these futures of the intransitive or 
passive perfect. Thus Priscian says (Lib. virt. c. 8, p. 388, 
Krehl): *quamvis Greci futurum quoque diviserunt in quibus- 
dam verbis, in futurum infinitum, ut τύψομαι, et paulo-post- 
futurum ut τετύψομαι,---τ 6} 18 tamen Romani considerata futuri 
ratione, que omnino incerta est, simplici in eo voce utuntur, nec 
fintunt spatium futuri." But if the Romans had no futurum 
exactum of the passive form, still less would they have one with 
active inflexions. The question of moods, as we ‘have seen 
above, is not one of forms, but one of syntactical usage. And if 
we wish to inquire whether there is any justification for those 
who place fuero in the indicative mood, we have only to ascer- 
tain whether there is really any difference in syntactical usage 
between this form and fuertm, and generally, whether the tense, 
which we call perfect subjunctive, is ever used as an indicative, 
that is, as a categorical predication, without any reference to a 
protasis, expressed or plainly implied. The confusion, into 
which some modern grammarians have fallen in regard to this 
tense, has arisen entirely from the use of the Latin subjunctive 
in the apodosis, without a qualifying particle of reference like the 
Greek ἄν. Hence the imperfect grammarian is extremely liable 
to confuse between a categorical and a consequential assertion, 
where the protasis is omitted; and while the Greek optative, 
with dy, is rendered by the future indicative, without any risk 


§ 15.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 495 


of a misunderstanding as to the logical intention of the phrase, 
the perfect subjunctive in Latin has been supposed to be merely 
a future indicative referring to completed action. The following 
comparison will show that there is no use of the tense now under 
consideration, which may not be referred to some parallel em- 
ployment of the Greek conjunctive or optative aorist. 


habebis 
ἐάν τι σχῆς, δώσεις = 8i quid habueris, dabis. 
εἴ τι ὄχοις, διδοίης av = 8i quid habeas, des. 
εἴ τι σχοίης, Soins ἄν = si quid habueris, dederis. 


ἐάν τι ἔχῃς, δώσεις =si quid | habeas , dabis. 


APS R 


If in the second and fourth cases habueris and dederis are 
subjunctive or potential, the same explanation must apply to the 
following: 

a. 8t plane occidimus, ego omnibus meis exitio fuero, “if 
we have altogether fallen, I shall have been (i.e. I shall 
prove in the result, γενοίμην ἄν) a destruction to all my 
friends.” 

b. si pergis, abiero, “if you go on, I shall have departed 
(1. e. I shall go at once, ἀπέλθοιμ᾽ ἄν).᾽" 

c. tu invita mulieres; ego accivero pueros, “do you invite 
the ladies; after that, when you have done so, I shall be 
found to have sent for the boys (σὺ μὲν τὰς γυναῖκας 
Kane’ ἐγὼ δὲ τοὺς παῖδας àv μεταπεμψαίμην).᾽" 


That the difference between the subjunctive present (C. I.) 
and this subjunctive perfect (C. IIL) is one of tense only, might 
be shown by numberless examples; thus we have (Plaut. Trinum. 
11. 4, 187 — 588): magis apage dicas, sí omnia ex me audive- 
ris, and (irr. 1, 21 — 621): quot tuam quom rem credideris, sine 
omni cura dormias, where we have an apodosis corresponding 
to the Greek present optative with d», preceded by a protasis 
containing an equivalent to the optative aorist. It is a mere 
assumption on the part of some grammarians that there is any 
difference of usage between the forms of the first person in -ro 
or -rim. The choice of one form or the other is a mere matter 
of euphony, and they are both equally subjunctive or potential 
in their nature. Thus we find in a hortative or deliberative 
sense: Auc aliquantum abscessero (Trinum. 111. 1, 25 = 625), 

28—2 


486 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [6ΉΔΡ. ΣΙ. 


* let me stand aside here a little;" and we find this form after 
quum in precisely the same manner as the imperfect and pluper- 
fect subjunctive are used with that particle; thus quum extem- 
plo arcum et pharetram mi et sagittas sumpsero ( Trinum. 111. 2, 
99 — 725); or after ubi: extemplo ubi oppidum expugnavero 
(Bacch. 1v. 9, 52 — 977). So also Verg. Georg. 1. 441, 2. We 
have sometimes both forms in the same passage; thus omnia 
X ego tstec que tu dixti scio, vel exsignavero (comp. the common 
use of confirmaverim): ut rem patriam et gloriam majorum 
fedarim meum (Trinum. 11. 2, 209—655). And no one will 
maintain that credidero and crediderim might not change places 
in the following passages; Plaut. Zrin. 111. 1, 6 — 606: at tute 
edepol nullus creduas. St hoc non credis, ego credidero. Ver- 
gil. Georg. 11. 338: non alios prima crescentis origine mundi 
alluxisse dies, aliumve habuisse tenorem crediderim. And that 
the perfect subjunctive in -rém may come as near to a simply 
future signification as the corresponding form in -ro, is clear 
from Vergil. Georg. τι. 101: non ego te, Dis et mensis accepta 
secundis, transierim, Rhodia, compared with Hor. tv. Carm. 9, 
30: non ego te mets chartis inornatum silebo. ‘There is the same 
indifference as to the employment of a form in -o or one in -im 
in the old aorists; thus we have faxo in Plaut. Pon. 1. 1, 34, 
but faxim in the same play, v. 2, 131. If these forms in -ro or 
-rim were ever modifications of the future indicative, this would 
be observable in the case of verbs like memini, novi, odt, which 
are used as present perfects. But we never find the form in -ro 
or -rim used as a mere future to these virtually present verbs; 
on the contrary, while memtnerim and recorder stand in the same 
subjunctive sentence (Cic. pro Plancio, c. 28 fin.), we have recor- 
dabor as the only future indicative for the two verbs (id. tn Pison. 
c. 6). And so of the others. It has been supposed that certain 
forms in -assere, which occur in Plautus, and seem to have the 
meaning of a future infinitive (e.g. expugnassere, Amphttr. 1. 
1, 55; reconcilassere, Capt. 1. 2, 59; (mpetrassere, Aulul. rv. 
7, 6), are infinitives corresponding to this tense in -ro or -rim, 
as though formed, e. g., from expugnasso τὸ expugnavero'. Such 


! Madvig thinks that these forms result from a mistaken attempt to 
follow the Greek analogy of τύψειν from τύψω (Bemerkungen über Lat. 
Sprl. p. 41). 


§ 16.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 437 


a formation of an infinitive appears to me simply impossible ; 
and as all these infinitives are referred to verbs of the -a 
conjugation, I have no difficulty in explaining these words 
in the same way as I have explained the agglutinate forms 
in -esso, -essere (above, ὃ 7); and as capes-so — capere-sino, 
BO expugnas-so = expugnare-sino. With regard to the appa- 
rently future signification of the infinitives in -assere, it 18 
sufficient to remark that an auxiliary may give this meaning, 
as in the case of dtcere instituo = dicam, mentioned above 
(§ 9); and the future in the Romance languages is always 
formed by an agglutinate appendage of habeo, as in aur-at= 
aver-ai — habere habeo. As fuero= fueso and fuerim = fuestm 
oscillate between the forms ero = eso and sim — esim, the plural 
might exhibit & similar freedom of choice; and fuerimus — fu- 
erimus or fue-simus might represent either erímus, which is 
shortened in its penultima, or stmus, which has lost its initial 
syllable. But authority is in favour of the long % In the 
passive and deponent verbs the loss of the perfect subjunctive 
is supplied by a periphrastic tense made up of the future ero 
and the participle in -tus. It is a matter of indifference whether 
we refer this tense to a period when the future and present 
subjunctive of the substantive verb were stil identical, or 
whether we suppose that it is an approximation to the Greek 
paulo-post-futurum, adopted to meet a syntactical exigency. 


§ 16. The Past Tense of the Infinitive Active. 


The past tense of the infinitive active ends in -tsse, when 
it corresponds to the Greek first aorist, as scripsisse; when 
it is the regular perfect, as tettgisse; and when it is a com- 
posite form, as ama-visse = ama-fuisse. It is to be recollected 
that in all these cases the same tense inserts an s=r in the 
second person singular and second and third persons plural 
of the indicative mood. There can be little doubt that this 
doubling of the δ in the infinitive (-s-se) is to be explained from 
the-indicative mood. As we have fuz-s-tis instead of fufusa-tis, 
so we have fui-sse instead of fufusa-se ; and in both cases the 
additional s is analogous to that in futssem =fust-se-stm, from 


438 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [CHAP. XI. 


fuerim = fuesim. This view is in accordance with all the similar 
phenomena. The other explanations, which have been given, are 
very unscientific and not even very plausible. It has been sup- 
posed that the additional s is designed to represent the length- 
ening of the penultimate syllable; but why should the termi- 
nation se — re be appended by means of a long syllable to fui 
any more than to es- in es-se or to dico in dicére? Bopp is 
of course ready with his agglutination theory, and explains 
ama-vi-85e as a compound of amavi and esse (Vergl. Gramm. p. 
1227). But, as he must see, this presumes a derivation of fuisse 
from fui and esse, and of fueram from fut and eram, so that 
amaveram τε ama-fui-eram and amavisse= ama-fut-esse. It is 
only by remembering the great services, which Bopp has rendered 
to comparative philology, that we can reconcile such suggestions 
with any claim to a character for critical tact and acumen. The 
whole theory of inflected language would fall to pieces, if we 
could not explain even the future and aorist s without falling 
back upon the existing forms of the substantive verb. "There 
must be some formative machinery in the verb besides the 
person-endings; and if we cannot explain the inflexions of fui 
without calling in the aid of sum, how are we to inflect sum 
itself through its own moods and tenses? It seems to me falla- 
cious to suppose, as Bopp does (p. 1228), that the forms scrip- 
sé, consum-se, admis-se, divis-se, dic-se, produc-se, abstrac-se, 
advec-se, are aorists corresponding to the Greek and related to 
the forms scrip-so or scrip-sim as γράπ-σαι is to ἔ-γραπ-σα. 
The Latin infinitive is always formed by adding se=re to the 
tense represented by the infinitive, which is merely denuded of 
its person-endings in order to qualify it for becoming the vehicle 
of this new appendage. From scrip-so we could only have 
scrip-sere = scrip-sese, 88 we have scrib-ere from scribo. As we 
have diti for dtc-si-s-tt, extinzem for exting-sts-sem, viret for 
vice-sis-set, &c., why should not dixe = dic-se for dic-sis-se be 
an analogous abbreviation? Not to speak of the tendency to 
shorten the forms of words, which generally characterizes the 
Latin language, the omission of the syllable es or £s is invariable 
in the passive infinitive of all consonant-verbs ; for as amart or 
«marier 18 formed from amare = amase, we ought to have dicert 
or dicert-er = dic-es-ier from dicere = dicese, but, in point of fact, 


S 17.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 439 


we always find dicier or dict, which is related to dic-es-ver very 
much as dic-se is to dic-sis-se}. 


817. The Future of the Infinitive Passive. 


One of the most remarkable peculiarities of the Latin verb 
is the contrivance which is adopted to supply a future tense to 
the infinitive passive. That the verb eo, when used as an auxi- 
liary, should contribute to the formation of a periphrastic future, 
is a phenomenon, which should not surprise us ;. for. we find 
analogous idioms in a number of languages; the Greek has ja 
λέγων, “1 was about to say,” the French has je vais arriver, “ I 
am about to arrive," and we say, “1 am going to write a letter,” 
when we wish to intimate the intention of doing so. But the Latin 
future infinitive passive is formed by the passive infinitive of the 
neuter verb eo affixed to the supine or active infinitive of the 
verb which is to be expressed in the given tense. This idiomatic 
usage 18 not so singular as it seems. It is the regular prac- 
tice in Latin to make the auxiliary rather than the dependent 
infinitive liable to the modifications of tense. Thus when we 
say, “he ought not to have done it," the Latin idiom requires 
non oportebat facere, to which an English vulgarism supplies a 
sort of equivalent. The same principle is adopted to effect a 
modification of voice, when convenience requires it. Thus as 
ulcisct is deponent and cannot be used passively, Sallust writes 
(Jugurtha, XXX1.): quidquid. sine sanguine civium ulcisci nequt- 
tur, ^ whatever it is impossible to avenge without shedding the 
blood of citizens." Similarly in Cato, Orig. 1.: quod Termino 
fanum fuit, id nequitum exaugurart, and in Sanscrit we have 
(Nalas, xx. 5): na áhartun gak-ya-té, 1. e. afferre nequitur for 
afferri nequit (New Crat. § 447). In the same way, then, we 
write amatum iri, '*to be about to be loved ;" and the idiom is 
the more intelligible, because we have the impersonal passive 
ttur, ‘it is gone," i.e. “ people go." So that spero eum amatum 
ri ab omnibus, naturally means, ** I hope that it is gone by all 
to love him,” i.e. “ that all are going to love him." 


1 In this explanation I am followed by Corssen, rr. pp. 35, 36. 


CHAPTER XII. 
THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 


I. The conjugations are regulated by the same principle as the declensions. 
82. The first or -a conjugation. § 3. The second or-e conjugation. 84. The 
third or -¢ conjugation. § 5. The fourth or consonant conjugation. A. Mute 
verbs. $6. B. Liquid verbs. $7. C. Semi-consonantal verbe." $8. Irregu- 
lar verbe. Α. Additions to the present tense. 89. B. Abbreviated forms. 
$10. Defective verbs. 


§ 1. The Conjugations are regulated by the same princtple 
as the Declenstons. 


ERE is not much difficulty in seeing that the Latin conju- 
gations ought to be arranged on the same principle as the 
declensions— namely, according to the characteristic letters of the 
different verbs. This mode of classification will give us three 
conjugations of verbs in a, e, 4, which are regularly contracted ; 
and one conjugation of consonant verbs, which retain their 
inflexions uncontracted, whether the characteristic 15 mute, liquid, 
br semi-consonant. In the first three conjugations, which con- 
tain none but derivative verbs, the crude form of ἃ noun 18 made 
the vehicle of verbal inflexions by means of the formative affix ya, 
which belongs to the second pronominal element. We shall see 
that, while the a and ¢ conjugations append this formative syl- 
lable to crude forms terminating in these vowels respectively, the 
e conjugation represents the pronominal affix by this vowel alone, 
because it generally consists of verbs formed from consonantal 
nouns. In the semi-consonantal forms, there is no difficulty in 
seeing that the v verbs belong to the fourth and not to the vowel 
conjugations; but in order to know when a verb in -ὦ is to be 
considered as belonging to the vowel conjugation, and when, on 
the other hand, it is to be counted as a semi-consonantal verb, 
we must observe the evidences of contraction which are furnished 
in the former case by the second person singular of the present 
indicative, and by the present infinitive. Thus, while audt-o 
gives us audis = audi-is, audt-re = audi-ere, and audt-ri= 
audi-ert, cap-t-o gives us cap-ts, cap-ére, and capt. Besides 
this, as we have already seen (above, Ch. x1. § 8), the vowel- 
verb is generally confined to an agglutinate perfect in -vt. 


§ 2. | THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 441 


There are indeed irregularities, which must be learned by expe- 
rience, and which generally flow from the copartnership in dif- 
ferent tenses of two distinct verbs, as when peto, pétere have ἃ 
perfect and participle petivi and petitus, from a lost verb in -16, 
or when cupio, cupivi, cupitus, have an infinitive cupére, as 
though the 7 were a semi-consonantal adjunct. But the general 
distinctions of conjugations are those which dicriminate the 
declensions of nouns. | 


82. The fira or -a Conjugation. 


In laying down the general rules for the conjugation of 
a Latin verb, the grammarian has to consider, in the first 
instance, whether the perfect indicative (A. IIL), or the passive 
participle (E. IIL.), present any deviation from the form of the 
verb; and he must then inquire what is the cause of this 
irregularity. Now, as we have seen in the previous chapter, the 
Latin verb has three forms of A. IIL: (a) the proper or redupli- 
cated perfect; (8) the aorist perfect in -si ; (y) the composite, 
or agglutinate, perfect in -v? or -ut, from fur. According to the 
general rule already given, the vowel-verb is properly limited to 
the third form of the perfect active. In point of fact, there are 
only two exceptions to this rule in the case of the -a verb, and 
these two exceptions give us the regular or reduplicated perfect. 
But the two verbs, in which this form is found, are both of them 
irregular. For do, which makes A. III. dedi, D. I. dáre, and 
E. III. ditus, does not fully and properly belong to the vowel- 
verbs, but partly also to the same class as its compounds con-do, 
con-dis, con-didi, con-dére, con-ditus. ‘It is true that we have 
dés for the second person singular of A. I., and that the common 
form of C. I. is dem, des, det, &c.; but duim is the old form of 
the latter; and the quantity of a in ddbam, dárem, shows that 
we have not to do with a verb of which the characteristic is a, 
but with one which preserves this form of its root, or articulation, 
vowel. The old du-im, compared with the Umbrian, Oscan, and 
Tuscan tu-, the German thun, &c. would lead us to the con- 
clusion that « was the most ancient articulation-vowel of this root. 
And there are evidences of an original form ddéno. In its primi- 
tive meaning, do reverts to the same sense as our “do,” and the 


German thun. Like the Old Norse and Etruscan lata, and like 


442 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [ CHAP. xir. 


sino in Latin, and sri in Etrusean, do is used not only with pre- 
positions, but with other verbal roots, signifying "doing," or 
* causing," as opposed to eo, which denotes the passive result of 
the action: thus we have per-do, or pessum-do, opposed to per-eo, 
tnter-do to tnter-eo, ven-do to ven-eo, &c. As we have a @ in the 
corresponding Greek forms πέρ-θω, &c., we may be led to con- 
clude that the Latin do furnishes the link of connexion between 
δίδωμε, Sanscrit dadámi and τίθημι, Sanscrit dadhámi ; which 
are therefore only different forms of the same root. The idea 
of “giving” is partly represented by that of “ putting,” or 
* placing," for acceptance. In regard to the offering of prizes, 
or the placing of meat on the table, the ideas of placing and 
giving run into one another, and it is well known that pono 
and τέίθημε are regularly used in this sense (see my note on 
Pindar, O. x1. 63, and the commentators on Horace, 1. Serm. 
2, 106; 1r. 3, 23). But we may also represent the act of 
giving with reference to the donor as a liberal pouring forth of 
that which he has, and this is the primary sense of gef-an, 
gib-an, “give,” χέξ-ω, &c., as Grimm has shown in a special 
paper on the subject (45A. Ak. Berl. 1848: ** über schenken und 
geben"). The other verb, which appears to belong to the -a 
conjugation, but has & reduplicated perfect, is sto, whicb makes 
A. III. stéti. This verb does not give the same indications as do 
of a mere articulation-vowel; for even the compounds retain the 
long à, which appears in stabat, &c. But we have a by-form, 
&i-sto, to which steti may be referred, just as our transitive . 
“stay,” intransitive “stand,” are represented by the German 
present stehe, perf. stand, both of which are intransitive. And 
I am inclined to explain the long a in sto, as resulting from a 
contraction of staho = steyo, Germ. stehen, which is still found in 
the Umbrian stahkito= stato (above, p. 98). So that sto can- 
not be considered as a verb, of which the characteristic or for- 
mative adjunct is -a, but, like do, owes its contraction to the con- 
tact of the root-syllable with the termination. With these two 
exceptions, all -a verbs form their perfect in -u¢ or -vi. Although 
the Greek vowel-verbs particularly affect the aorist in -ca, and 
indeed have no other, we find that no vowel-verb in Latin has 
the aorist-perfect in -s?, unless it has dropt in this tense its 
characteristic vowel—in other words, we have no Latin perfect 


$2.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 443 


in -a-8i, -e-st, Or -t-st. We shall see that there are verbs in -eo 
and -io, which drop their characteristic, and have perfecta in -st 
immediately attached to the root; but though the characteristic 
is sometimes dropt in -a verbs, as in domo, A. III. dom-ui, 
E. III. domttus, and though, when the root ends in v, the u of 
the perfect is absorbed and represented only by a lengthening 
of the verb-syllable, as in jávo, A. III. 7πυ-ἴ, E. III. jü-tus, we 
never find an -a verb which exhibits the aorist-perfect in -s7. 
Why this tense has vanished in the first Latin conjugation it is 
difficult to say, unless we must conclude that it was not eupho- 
nious or convenient in the eleven short words, which elide the 
characteristic -a, and in which alone it was possible. These are 


crépo, citbo, dómo, frico, mico, néco, plico, s&co, sino, tino, veto. - 


If we compare these words with the Greek verbs in -aw, which 
have a short a before the -o of the future, we may be led to con- 
clude that in these instances also the a was originally followed 
by some consonant which has been absorbed, and the short 
vowel in the penultima favours the supposition that we have 
here the remnants of longer forms. Thus cubuz belongs to cumbo, 
which is strengthened by anusvára, as well as to ctiba-o, which, 
like «vro, may have had some consonantal formative: crépa-o, 
créput, may be compared with strépo, streput, which has alto- 
gether lost the pronominal adjunct of its present tense: dÓma-o 
stands by the side of Sau-vy-ue as well as δαμά-ζω. I have 
shown elsewhere (Journal of Philology, τι. p. 353) that véto, 
properly “to warn off,” is another form of vito = ve-ito, “to 
avoid." These verbs bear a relation the converse of cado, cedo, 
* fall," “fell,” but the distinction of meaning is equally effected 
by the vocalization, and they are both derived from ve- and the 
frequentatives of i-, “to go." The noun vitium bears the same 


enílinity to veto that pretium = per-itium, “that which changes | 


hands," bears to inter-pretart, “to be an interpres or go-between" 
(below, Ch. xirr. 8 10). The verb mico, considered as a deri- 
vative, has a special interest for the philologer. I have no hesi- 
tation in eonnecting this word with the root μαχ- found in 
Ad-payos, μάχεομαι, μάχ-αιρα, A. S. méce, O. B. make, O. N. 
maker, ** a sword" (Grimm, Deutsche Gramm. 11. 511; 111. 440), 
a root of such antiquity that it was imported into Palestine in the 
reign of David by his Carian mercenaries (Christian Orthodozy, 


444 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. XII. 


pp. 251 sqq.). The primary meaning of mico is therefore best 
preserved in the compound di-mico, “to fight hand to hand." 
But mico itself means “to strike or shoot out rapidly,” as in its 
application to the game called mora, in which the fingers were 
suddenly raised, and immediately afterwards compressed: and 
the same sense of rapid motion is implied in the secondary sig- 
nifications “to palpitate, twinkle, quiver,” &c. The primary 
meaning is also retained in emico, “to strike out with a sword, 
to make a blow or lunge,” as in Verg. ZEneid xi. 728 : 

Emicat hic impune putans, et corpore toto 

Alte sublatum Turnus consurgit in hastam 

Et ferit. 
And the same signification is conveyed when the verb 18 used 
of runners shooting out at once at the commencement of a foot- 
race (Verg. ZEn. v. 318; Ovid. Metam. x. 652), or of a sudden 
bound into the air (Verg. dim. τι. 174; xir. 327). Of the 
regular verbs of the first conjugation, the most troublesome in its 
etymology is ploro, which Déderlein once (Lat. Syn. u. Et. it. 
155) considered as an intensive form of pltco, and which he now 
(ibid. VI. p. 273) connects with pluo, fluo, and fleo. I cannot 
accept either of these etymologies. As far as the signification 1s 
concerned there is no reason to suppose that ploro ever meant 
* to shed tears," and such a meaning would be quite inconsistent 
with the ordinary use of the compound exploro. Festus tells us 
(p. 230, Müller, quoted above, p. 238), that the original meaning 
of ploro was inclamo or (nvoco ; and with regard to ploro he 
says (p. 79): * ezplorare antiquos pro exclamare usos, sed postea 
prospicere et certum cognoscere ccepit significare. Itaque spe- 
culator ab exploratore hoc distat, quod speculator hostilia silentio 
perspicit, ezplorator pacata clamore cognoscit ;" and the Glossar. 
Labb. explains endoplorato by ἐπικάλεσον, which is more accu-, 
᾿ rate than the account given by Festus (s. v. p. 77). In a frag- 
ment of Varro, quoted by Forcellini, who is unable to verify it, 
we have: "gemit, explorat, turbam omnem concitat," from which 
it appears that the original meaning of the word must have been 
*tocry aloud." Now we know that ad-oro, which does not sig- 
nify, as is generally supposed, to put the hands to the mouth, 
and then stretch them forth in honour of a superior being 
(προσκυνέω), but rather “to speak to” and “ address," is a com- 


§2.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 445 


pound of ad and oro, just as alloqui is a compound of ad and 
loqui; and we know (from Festus, pp. 19, 182), that orator was 
originally a name for an ambassador, and that adorare meant 
agere caussas. So that oro means to make an oratio or speech, 
and emphatically to use the os or mouth for the purpose of ob- 
taining something. Hence, it passes into its meaning “to ask" 
or “‘ pray for," and then becomes nearly synonymous with ploro 
and tmploro. But if oro comes from os, why should not pl-oro 
have the same origin? "There can be no difficulty about the first 
two letters, which contain the root of pl-us, pl-erique, πλ-έος, 
πολεύς, "full;' and the phrases pleno ore laudare (Cic. de 
Officiis, 1. 18), and. plena voce vocare (Verg. Georg. 1. 388), are 
sufficient to show how pl-oro got its original and proper meaning 
“to cry aloud." Now “to call aloud" for anything is to desire 
it earnestly and to demand it with importunity ; hence in Greek 
we have such phrases as βοᾷ λουγὸν ᾿Ερινύς (ZEsch. Choeph. 
396), which is equivalent to Shakspere's “ they say it well have 
blood.” And in general the idea of asking, which is involved 
in the etymological analysis of quero (above, p. 419), passes into 
that of seeking, which is so often and so regularly conveyed by 
that verb and its compounds. As then ezquéro has lost all 
trace of the original meaning of quceso-quero, “1 cause to 
speak," so ez-ploro has quite taken leave of the sense of “ calling 
aloud” originally borne by ploro, and means merely “to seek 
out," so that it is perfectly synonymous with exgutro. In a 
passage of Virgil (Georg. 1. 175) we find exploro used of the 
searching nature of smoke, which penetrates the smallest aper- 
tures, and insinuates itself into the tissue of a substance: “et 
suspensa focis explorat robora fumus." The force of the prepo- 
sition in ex-ploro is merely intensive, as in ez-quiro. It has not 
that sense of effecting and obtaining which we notice in exoro, as 
in Ter. Andr. 111. 4, 13: “ gnatam ut det oro, vixque id exoro:” 
and Hecyra, Prol. 2, v. 1: “ orator ad vos venio ornatu prologi: 
Sinite exorator sim." In deploro we sometimes have the same 
use of the preposition which we notice in de-sidero, and de-apero, 
and de expresses a feeling of loss or absence. With regard to 
de-sidero it may be remarked in passing, that, as con-templor and 
con-sidero are augurial terms derived from the observation of the 
heavenly templum and its stars, so de-sidero indicates the inter- 


rg rye errr ante = te -——— ————— ——- - 


---- ——— —— ee — 5 -- 


446 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHap. xi. 


ruption to the augurial process which was occasioned by a cloudy 
and starless night. As pl-oro, according to the etymology which 
is here suggested, must have been originally ple-oro, and as plu- 
res ig a corruption of the old comparative ple-ores (above, Ch. v1. 
§ 2), we see a perfect analogy between the Old Norse ffeir?, Suio- 
Gothic flere, compared with the latter, and the Etruscan phleres, 
which has been derived from the former (above, p. 206). And 
with respect to the meaning of pAleres, the connexion of votum, 
which expresses its application, with voco, which is 8 synonym 
of ploro, may be seen in such phrases as Virgil's “ votes ad- 
guesce vocari" (Georg. I. 42), and “ votis vocaveris imbrem" 
(ibid. 1. 157). That the composition with os may appear in a 
noun as well as in a verb, seems to be shown by three nouns in 
-or, -oris, which have corresponding adjectives in -orus, namely 
can-ór-us, dec-or-us, son-dr-us. As can-tus, decus (-dris), sdnus 
exist by the side of can-or, decor (-drts), sonor, it is to be inferred 
that the longer forms involve an additional element, namely or-, 
“the face" or * mouth." Thus we have in Verg. ZEn. 1v. 150: 
* tantum egregio decus enitet ore." Servius tells us that son-or- 
us differs from sonans as denoting “ quidquid sine intermissione 
Bonum servat," whereas sonans means “quod ad tempus au- 
ditur." The relation then between sonus and sonor is much the 
same as that between συγάω and σι-ωπάω ; sonus being mere 
sound, and sonor “ voice-sound.” Cf. Lucret. 1v. 570, v. 334. 
Similarly canor is musical sound, continuous like the utterance 
of the voice, and Ovid says (A. A. 111. 315): “res est blanda 
canor: discant cantare puelle," referring of course to the sound 
or melody of the human voice in singing. Another verb of the 
first conjugation which deserves some notice is futo found in its 
compounds con-futo and re-futo. According to Festus (p. 89), 
Cato used futo as a frequentative of fuo or fio. But this is not 
the origin of futo as found in these compounds and in the ad- 
jective futihs, &c. This verb is connected with futts (— vas 
aquarium, Varro, p. 47, Müller) and fundo; and con-futo, re-futo, 
which are frequentatives of fuo, whence fons and fundus (see 
below, Ch. x1rr. $ 9) are applied to the act of pouring in cold 
water with a ladle to prevent the kettle from boiling over; 
Titinn. ap. Non. c. 4, n. 47: **cocus magnum ahenum, quando 
fervit, paula confutat trua" (see Scaliger ad Fest. B. v. refuto; 


§ 3.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 447 


Ruhnken, Dict. tn Ter. p. 114). Hence we have such phrases 
as confutare dolores, *to repress or keep down sorrows’ (Cic. 
Tusc. Disp. v. 81). 


ὃ 3. The second or -e Conjugation. 


The first point, which strikes the philological student, when 
he turns his attention to the second conjugation, is the general 
tendency to drop the characteristic e in the perfect (A. ITI), and 
its participle (E. IIL.). This is necessarily the case in all verbs 
which take the proper perfect (a) by reduplication, as mordeo, 
momordt, morsus ; or the aorist in -δὲ, (8), a8 jubeo, jusst, jussus ; 
lugeo, lua, luctus; and when / or r precedes a guttural in these 
verbs, this guttural is omitted in the perfect, as in fulgeo, ful-st; 
torqueo, tor-st; and the same is the case with dentals, whether 
mute or liquid, as rideo, rist; hereo, hest; though maneo 
retains its n in the perfect manst. But even where the agglu- 
tinate perfect in -w? is used, we generally find that the charac- 
teristic e i8 dropt before it. Indeed there are only a few cases 
in which the perfect is formed after the analogy of ama-vi. 
These are deleo, delevi; fleo, flevi; neo, nevi; the compounds 
of oleo, as aboleo, abolevi; the compounds of pleo, as tmpleo, 
implevt; and the nearly obsolete vteo, vievi. The long e in 
these verbs is generally retained in E. IIL., as deletus, fletus, tm- 
pletus ; but adoleo has adultus, and aboleo makes abolitus. All 
other verbs of this conjugation, which take the agglutinate per- 
fect, omit before it the characteristic E, and either drop it also 
in the participle E. IIL, or shorten it mto 7. Thus we have 
moneo, monui, monitus; misceo, miscut, mistus and mictus. 
The deponent reor takes the stronger vowel a in its participle 
rütus, whence γἄξέο, but the ¢ is resumed in the compound 
irritus — non ratus. Verbs ending in v generally absorb the v 
of their agglutinate perfect like the corresponding a verbs juvo 
and lavo; thus we have caveo, cávi, cautus; faveo, favi, fautus ; 
foveo, fóvi, fotus; moveo, móvi, motus; paveo, pàvi; voveo, 
vovi, vOlus. If we compare mordeo, momordi, morsus with 
prondeo, prandt, pransus; sedeo, sédt, sessus; and video, vidi, 
visus; we shall probably conclude that the latter have merely 
lost their reduplication. The best explanation, which can be 
offered of the very general evanescence of the characteristic e 


448 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [ CHAP. XII. 


in the perfects of this conjugation, is to assume that in the ma- 
jority of instances it was merely one of those adjuncts, which are 
used for the purpose of strengthening the present and the tenses 
derived from it. Among these adjuncts not the least common is 
the second element under the form ya (see New Orat. §§ 426, 
432), and as this is clearly contained in many Greek verbs in 
-ew which are also written -&» (New Crat. ὃ 432, 7), so there 
are many special reasons for inferring the presence of this auxi- 
liary in the Latin verbs in -eo. Perhaps the most important of 
these special reasons is suggested by the phenomenon that many 
active verbs in Latin, either (a) uncontracted, or (δ) contracted 
in -a, have ἃ neuter or passive verb from the same root distin- 
guished by the formative characteristic e; thus we have (a) active 
jactre, passive jacere ; active pandére, passive patere; active pen- 
dére, passive pendére; active scandére, passive scatére; (b) active 
liquáre, passive liquere; active parüre, parére, passive parére ; 
active sedare, passive sedére. Now it is well known that the in- 
sertion of ya between the root and the ending forms the pas- 
Bive voice in Sanscrit in the conjug. tenses (New Crat. ὃ 379), and 
I have shown (ἰδία. $ 381) that a similar explanation is applicable 
to the Greek passive aorists in -θὴν and -gv; and as one of these 
aorists is éorny=éordyapt, we may conclude that the irre- 
gular stare, which is opposed to sistére, stands for sta-yere or 
steh-yere (above, p. 442), and in the same way we shall bring 
back to this conjugation fugére, which is similarly opposed to 
fugüre. The next section will point out the distinction between 
these verbs formed with the pronominal ya, and those which 
have the verb eo, as an auxiliary accretion. With regard to 
those now under consideration, as in the case of the subordinate 
verb-forms in Hebrew, it depends upon the nature of the primary 
element whether the verb is intransitive, as in the instances just 
adduced, or causative, intensive, or frequentative, as in others 
which might be cited. Thus mon-eo, which contains the root 
men- implying thought and recollection (me-min-t, &c.), bears a 
causative meaning. Her-eo, like the Greek afp-éw, is an in- 
tensive form of a root not unconnected with the Latin Aer, “a 
hand;" Umbrian here, “to take;" Sanscrit, hri=capere (see 
above, pp. 111, 118). . The substantive heres or heres (harzd- = 
her-vad, above, p. 146) is connected with this verb, in the 


§ s.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 449 


sense of *' property-dependent," just as in English law there is a 
distinction of immediate or intermediate derivation between a 
person who takes by imitation, and one who takes by purchase, 
i.e. from the person last seized. It may be doubted whether 
* hear," héren, and their unaspirated ‘derivatives ‘“‘ear,” ohr, 
may not be derived from this root, so that heren will signify 
*to catch," i.e. a sound. If so, heres, as implying dependence, 
will approximate in origin and meaning to cliens, “the hearer;" 
or heriger, according to Niebuhr's etymology (HH. E. 1. p. 823, 
note 823). In the verbs hab-eo and ten-eo the root-meaning is 
seriously modified by the affix. For Aab-eo must correspond in 
root to gib-a, gafa, "give, and these, as Grimm has shown 
(Abh. Ak. Berlin, 1848), fall back upon χέω = yéF o (cf. ὑφαίνω, 
5$» with O. H. G. wipu, wap; O. N. vef, vaf; Sanscr. vap ; 
Engl. “ weave"); and the form χιών, which shows a remnant of. 
the F in its ¢, is clearly connected with yéFe (see Hom. 17. xir. 
281: ὥστε νιφάδες χιόνος πίπτουσι ...... κοιμήσας δ᾽ ἀνέμους 
χέει ἔμπεδον) : similarly, we have χίλιοι from χιλός, “ἃ heap 
of fodder," also connected with χέω (New Crat. ὃ 163). Con- 
sequently, the root hab- must imply originally rather “to pour 
out and give," than “to have” or “ possess." Similarly, ten-eo, 
which contains the same root as τα-νύτ-ω, ' to stretch out," and 
ten-do, falls back upon the old epic imperative τῇ, ‘ take thou." 
Although the formative adjunct ya has inverted the ideas of 
giving and taking in hab-eo and ten-eo, we find that they are 
only partially kept distinct in the former. "Thus, while the root 
ten-, when strengthened by the adjunct -do, has quite a different 
meaning from ten-eo, we find that Aabeo, in its compounds per- 
hibeo, prabeo = pre-hibeo, quite reverts to the primitive meaning 
of the root, for both these words imply a holding forth and 
giving, as though prebere meant pre se habere like pra se ferre, 
or pretendere’. The same is the case with ὄχω (see Arnold on 
Thucyd. 1. 9), and still more with παρέχω, whence comes the tech- 
nical use of παροχή, “supplying,” "furnishing," and the later 


1 Corssen's derivation of jubeo from jus-hibeo (tt. p. 50) is precarious 
in itself, and seems to be partly overthrown by the departure of the 
perfect jussi from tho agglutinate form adopted by habeo and all its com- 
pounds. 


D. V. 20 


400 THE LATIN. CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. XII. 


parochus, ‘a purveyor” (Hor. 1. Serm. 5, 43), or “ entertainer” 
(id. ibid. 11. 8, 36). This technical sense of παρέχω has been 
overlooked in Thucyd. tv. 39: βρώματα ἐγκατέληφθη" ὁ γὰρ 
ἄρχων ᾿Ἐπιτάδας ἐνδεεστέρως παρεῖχεν ἢ πρὸς τὴν ἐξουσίαν. 
When habeo denotes a state or condition it generally takes the 
reflexive pronoun se, where the Greek uses ἔχω absolutely with 
an adverb in -ws; but Sallust (Cat. 6) has: “sicuti pleraque 
mortalium habentur" for se habent. Metaphysical considerations 
(New Crat. S 53) might lead us to infer that habeo not only 
includes the ideas of holding forth or giving, and of having or 
keeping, but also conveys the antecedent notion of desiring, 
under the form aveo or haveo, which falls back on the Semitic 
238 or MR. But whatever reason we may have for connecting 
habeo or haveo with this Hebrew root, there are two verbs in 
-co, Which strongly support the ethnographical theory respecting 
the Sclavonism of the old Italians, and their consequent Semitic 
affinities. These are deb-eo, of which I have spoken above 
(p. 91), and misc-eo. The latter, which appears with a medial 
auslaut in the Greek μέσγω, is represented under both forms by 
the Hebrew D and 212 (found in the noun 312 “mixed wine"); 
compare the Arabic ^, Sclav. mjeshu, Polish mieszam, Bohe- 
mian misyti, Russian s-mjeshat’, Persian eM, O. H. G. 
miscyan, Lith» maiszyti, Gael. measgaim, Sanscr. mig-ra, ἄς. 
From the extreme antiquity and universal prevalence of this 
compound root, and from the formative affix with which it 
appears as a verb in most of the Indo-Germanic languages, it is 
fair to conclude that its origin is to be sought in a pronominal 
combination analogous in meaning and form to the Irish measg, 
“among,” “between,” Welsh ym-musk, Greek με-τά, ué-ada, 
μέ-χρι, μέσσος, Lat. me-dius, Hebrew JT , which would 
serve as a sufficient basis for such a causative verb. It has been 
mentioned above (p. 91), in a general way, that deb-eo is con- 
nected with the important Semitic and Sclavonic root 3i5, 
dhób, and dob, signifying "good." But it will be necessary in 
this place to justify this comparison with special reference to 
the formative syllable of the conjugation. In its impersonal use, 
oportet corresponds to the personal and impersonal use of debeo, 
and as the former is clearly connected with opus, so the latter 


§ 4.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 451 


expresses, as Forcellini says, rationem officii, convenire, oportere, 
obstrictum esse ad aliquid faciendum. In both, the ideas of 
interest and duty are mixed up, and in general, when we say 
that $t 4s good for us to do any thing, we combine in one notion 
the thought of a moral fitness or propriety and that of an 
advantage to be gained. We feel that we owe it to ourselves, 
when we feel that we owe it to our principles or to our fellow- 
men. Hence, being in debt, which is the reverse of a good 
thing, i8 expressed by an application of the verb, which conveys 
the idea of justice or moral obligation, just as officium, “duty,” 
belongs to the same family with officit, or obest, “it harms.” 
In English we have only one word for what we “owe” and 
what we “ought to do;" and the German ao/len, “to be in 
duty bound" (connected with our “shall,” and “should”), be- 
longs to the same root as Schuld, “a debt." The Greek phrase 
δίκαιός εἰμι τοῦτο ποιεῖν, “1 am in justice bound to do this” = 
“7 ought to doit,” shows how the two ideas run into one another. 
But the most decisive illustration of the etymology of deb-eo is fur- 
nished by the affinity between the Greek ὀ-φέλλω, “ to increase," 
* enlarge," “benefit,” ''aggrandize," ó-$eXos, " advantage," 
* help," “profit,” ὡ-φελέω, “to be of service" (all from the root 
phel-, “ to swell," and all showing the ordinary meaning of 
350 and dob), and their derivatives ὀφλι-σκ-ά-νω, “to incur an 
obligation,” and ὀ-φείλω = ὀ-φέλ-ψω, “to owe," the impersonal ' 
use of which ὀφείλει, “it is fitting," reverts to the meaning 
of the other class of words and of the Latin oportet and opus est. 
As then ὀ-φείλω = ὀφέλ-γω, with the same pronominal adjunct 
ya, forms the expression of duty from that of advantage, so 
deb-eo by the same machinery passes to the same extension of 
the primitive dob, **a fitting time," dob-ro, “ góod, useful,” &c.' 


§ 4. The third or -ἰ Conjugation. 


The best general rule for distinguishing between the verbs 
in -to, which belong to the vowel-conjugation, and those which 


! As the form dehibeo actually occurs, and as debeo might bear the 
same relations to this, that prebeo and probeo do to preehibeo and pro- 
hibeo, there is no objection in point of form to the other derivation of 
debeo. But in that case the meaning of debet creates a difficulty. 


29—2 


452 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [ CHAP. XII. 


have for their characteristic the letter ¢ considered as a sem: 
consonant, or vocalization of & guttural, has been already given 
(81). With regard to their origin and analysis, we must con- 
sider the former as an extension of the -e conjugation, and while 
the vowel-verbs in -to will thus represent a set of derivatives 
in which a crude form in -i is strengthened by the affix -ya, 
in which case there will always be a contraction, the semi-conso- 
nantal verbs, which outwardly resemble them, merely strengthen 
the present and its immediate offspring with a vocalized guttural, 
to which the person-endings are attached without any inter- 
mediate agency. Thus, as we shall see in the next chapter, all 
verbs of the third conjugation are derived from nouns actually 
existing in -t, or which may be inferred from the inflexions of 
existing nouns, while the semi-consonant verbs have no such 
primitives. We see the manner in which the second conjugation 
is included in the third, from a verb of the second conjugation, of 
which the root happens to end in the vowel -£, and which, there- 
fore, is liable to the double contraction observable in all genuine 
4 verbs. From the root ci- (Greek xi-w) we have, with an 
entire correspondence of meaning, two forms ct-eo and ct-o, and 
as the perfect is always civi, we must consider the latter as 
a condensation of the former. The great peculiarity of this 
verb is that its participle (E. IIT.) is indifferently citus or citus, 
the latter being found not only in compounds like concitus, 
inclitus, percitus, but also in the simple form citus, both when it 
is used as a participle, as in Virgil (ZEnesd. viir. 642): 


Haud procul inde cite Mettum in diversa quadrigse 
Distulerant, 


where we must take cite with tn diversa, “chariots moved in dif- 
ferent directions ;" and also when it appears as a simple adjective 
signifying "swift." The short penultima is contrary to all rule; 
for the participle of ci-eo must be ci-itus- citus; and we can only 
explain it as the result of Roman abbreviation (cf. véto, vito). 
But the existence of the forms cieo and cio is quite sufficient to 
prove the fact, for which I contend, that true verbs in -$ include 
the formative in -e. And in the next chapter I shall show that, 
as I have mentioned above (S 1), the same remark applies also 
to the a verbs. To this rule, respecting the ¢ verbs, there are 


§ 4. ] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 453 


only two exceptions—the verb eo (root 7) and the verb queo 
(root quen- or kon-). These two verbs are distinguished from 
the regular verbs in ? by their omission of the e in the imperfect 
ibam, quibam, and by the adoption of the agglutinate form in 
the futures 1-bo, qui-bo. "With regard to the former point, 
although we have occasional exceptions in the poets, as lenibat, 
polibant, &c., we generally find that the imperfect of the ¢ verb 
ends in -tebam, as audi-e-bam ; and in this particular it is imi- 
tated by the semi-consonant verb in ὦ, which gives captebam, 
faciebam, fugiebam, &c. With regard to the future, we rarely, 
if ever, find an - verb which follows the analogy of tbo, quibo ; 
but in almost every case we have the subjunctive form in -am 
(-es, -et, &c.), which is invariably adopted by the consonant 
verbs. The substitution of e for ¢ in the verb eo, which does 
not involve the formative element of the second conjugation, 
leads to some momentary confusion with the e- verb, in those 
instances in which eo is used as an agglutinate auxiliary to 
expresa the passive of certain compounds of do and facto, just as 
the -eo verb stands as the corresponding intransitive to verbs 
merely differing from it in conjugation. ‘Thus we have tnter-eo, 
* [ go between," i.e. vanish, by the side of inter-ficto, ** I cause 
to go between," i.e. make away with; per-eo, *I go through," 
i. e. disappear, by the side of per-do, “1 put through," i.e. anni- — 
hilate; and similarly, pessum-do (cf. πέρθω) ; ven-eo (= venum 
eo), “I go for sale," i.e. “I am sold," by the side of ven-do 
(2 venum-do), “I put up for sale," and ven-dico or vin-dtco 
(= venum-dico), “I declare for sale." But the confusion is only 
momentary, for the first comparison shows that these verbs 
are distinguished from the neuter verbs mentioned above (as 
pateo, pendeo, sedeo) both by the conjugation of the present 
(in -eo, -es, -et, &c., not -eo, -ts, -tt, &c.) and by the form of the 
perfect (which is never in -ivt). On the other hand, we must 
distinguish the causative verbs in -do, Greek -θω, from the aorist 
formations in -θὴν -nv, which involve the element ya, and have 
precisely the converse meaning. Of these latter forms enough 
has been said elsewhere (New Crat. §§ 379, sqq.). I will only 
remark in passing, that the explanation of these forma will not 
justify the monstrosity ἐγρηγόρθασι, in which all the gram- 
marians have acquiesced. As this word rests only on a single 


454 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. — '[cHAP. xm. 


passage (Hom. 12. x. 419) and as the context shows (cf. J. 
vil. 971; xvin. 299) that the true reading is: 

of δ' ἐγρήγορθαί re φυλασσέμεναί τε κέλονται 

ἀλλήλοις, 
the portentous ἐγρηγόρθασι should be expunged from all dic- 
tionaries and grammars. The 2nd pers. plur. ἐγρήγορθε, and 
the infin. ἐγρήγορθαι are easily justifiable. But to return to 
the Latin verbs in -?, while we observe an obstinate retention 
of the characteristics in all other inflections, we not unfre- 
quently find that the perfect and its participle (E. IIT.) are 
formed as from the naked root. Thus from amic-to we have 
amiai, amic-tus, from aper-io, aper-ui, aper-tus, from haur-to, 
hau-si, haus-tus, from  sent-io, sen-si, sen-sus, from  ven-io, 
vén-i, ven-tus. In all these cases we may conclude that the 
sense of completion borne by the perfect has enabled it to dis- 
pense with the elongating appendage of the present and its sub- 
ordinate forms. 


§ 5. The fourth or Consonant Conjugation. 


A. Mute Verbs. 


Mute verbs, whether their characteristic be labial, guttural, 
or dental, do not exhibit any peculiarities’ of inflexion which call 
for detailed examination. The perfect is generally either the redu- 
plicative form (a) or the aorist in -s?; the reduplication is some- 
times represented merely by lengthening the root-syllable, as in 
δοᾶδο, scáb:, légo, legt ; sometimes the first syllable is omitted 
without compensation, as in fédi, scidt ; and this is always the 
case in compounds, as cddo, cecidi, but concido, concidt. Bibo, 
which is reduplicated in the present, can have no further redu- 
plication in its perfect, which is accordingly bibi. The few verbs 
which have an agglutinate perfect in -fu? must have borrowed this 
lost form of the vowel-conjugation. We are able to justify 
this surmise by comparing cumbo, cubui with cubo. And of 
course the same explanation must apply to strepo, -is, streput, 
compared with crepo, -as, crepui, frendo, -is, frendut, compared 
with strideo, &c. The verbs peto and rudo, which form their 
perfect and its participle as from a verb in -?,—namely, petivi, 
petitus; rudivi, ruditus;—are shown by this fact alone to be 


§ 5.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 455 


weakened forms of original verbs in which the vowel ¢ appeared; 
and this inference is confirmed by their etymology: for there 
can be no doubt that peto is identical with the Gothic did-jan, 
Greek πείθω = πίθ-γω, whence πτωχός and the Italian pit-occo. 
Now if the primary meaning of this root is “to fall down" 
and “ make an inclination," like the Hebrew 23, **to make a 
reaching towards another," so that the root will be contained in 
pe[d]-s, πίσπτ-ω, πέδ-ον, fotus, ‘foot,’ the present must have 
required the strengthening observed in πείθω -- πίθ-ψω, and 
presumed in peto τ pet-yo. It is also clear that rudo is only 
another form of rugio, which has passed into rudio; compare 
the Gothic rauAts — fremitus," with the Greek ῥόθος, ῥοθεῖν, 
ῥύξειν, γρύξειν, &c. Several of the consonant verbs strengthen 
the root in the present tense and its derivatives by a nasal 
insertion analogous to the Sanscrit anusvéra; but this insertion 
. is never retained in the perfect, if this tense is or was formed by 
reduplication; thus we have pu-n-go, pupiigt, ru-m-po, rüpi, 
fra-n-go, frégt, tu-n-do, tutüdi, sci-n-do, scidi, &c. The same 
rule applies to n, when it is appended to the root, for in this case 
also it appears to be inconsistent with reduplication, not only in 
the Greek and Latin, but also in their elder sister the Sanscrit, 
and in the Sclavonian, which furnished the Pelasgian element to 
both of them. Thus we have da-démt, but ép-nóm:i; δίδωμε, 
τέθημι, torn, but ζεύγ-νυμι, δάμ-νημι, ἱκ-νέομαι; πί-πτω 
for πι-πέτω, but ait-vw; bibo, but πένω; and, as we shall 
Bee, sper-no, but spre-vi, contem-no, but contemp-si. In Scla- 
vonian there is a particular class of verbs, which the grammarians 
call semel-factive, and in which this nu is the distinctive mark. 
As then the reduplication clearly denotes iterative or continuous 
action, we must conclude that n is in these cases the pronominal 
element denoting separation and distance, which is opposed to the 
idea of abiding presence connected with that of continuance. 
Whereas in those cases in which the perfect formation retains the 
τη, as in jungo, junat, fungor, functus sum, &c., we may infer 
that the n is merely euphonic, or intended to express, in con- 
junction with the guttural, the sound of the Semitic y (see 
Report of the British Association for 1851, p. 148). Most of 
the Greek verbs in -rw exhibit the το as a pronominal adjunct 
of the same kind with the -v- which has just been mentioned: 


456 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHaP. XII. 


compare τύπ-τω, τίκ-τω with τέμτνω, δάκ-νω, &c. We may 
come to the same conclusion with regard to the Latin verbs in 
-to, as flec-to from the root flac- in flaccidus, ἄς. ΑΒ nis 
opposed to the continuous or iterative meaning of the verb, 
it may seem surprising that the most common Latin frequenta- 
tives end in -?to ; but these, as we shall see in the next chapter, 
are derivatives of a very different kind. Of the Latin verbs m 
-to, -tis, &c., the most instructive is ver-to. The ideas of turning, 
changing, and beginning to be, have a common source, and refer 
themselves to one conception in the mind. It is difficult to say 
which is the primary modification of the thought. Perhaps the 
word vertumnus, which has long been recognized as a participial 
form from verto, will lead us most easily to the original meaning 
of the root. It is usual to consider the Etruscan deity Vertum- 
nus as the god of the autumn or of the ripe fruits (so Creuzer, 
Symb. 111. 665); but the co-existence of the word auctumnus 
shows that this cannot be the correct view of the matter. As 
the husband of Pomona, the summer-goddess, Vertumnus begets 
Ceculus, the darkening time of the year, and must therefore, in 
himself, be a personification of the spring, ver, which is actually 
included in his name. For ver = ver-t (Feap-r) is the period 
when the germs of the fruit first come into being (compare 
wes-en with wer-den), and this, as the beginning of new life, is a 
change from the previous state of decay and non-existence. We 
may say that Vertumnus (or Vertunnus, cf. Neptunus for Nep- 
tumnus) is the year when “it changes itself,” or puts on a new 
dress; and as the aura Favont, in the language of Lucretius, is 
not only reserata, or released from its former bondage in the 
dungeons of winter, but also genztadilis, or the cause of birth, 
we may see that Vertumnus, the god of change (Ovid. Fast. 
vi. 410; Prop. rv. 2,10; Horat. 11. Serm. 7, 14), is also the 
representative of the generation or birth of the fruits, which lie 
fecundating under the care of Pomona, until they spring up into 
the Auctumnus= Auctomenos or growing year. Thus the Hebrew 
"n, which denotes the autumn, is used as an expression for 
maturity, as in Job ΧΧΙΧ. 4; and if the same root indicates also 
a falling away, decadence, and consequent reproach, we only 
come to the idea suggested by Caculus, another expression for 
the Autumn, as the child of Vertumnus and Pomona. The 


§ 5.] THE LATIN OONJUGATIONS. 457 


Umbrian Propertius (Iv. 246) expressly tells us that the name 
of Vertumnus was explicable in the Etruscan language; for 
he says: 

Αὐ mihi, quod formas unus vertebar in omnes, 

Nomen ab eventu patria lingua dedit, — 

and that this patria lingua must be Etruscan (i.e. in this case 
Pelasgian) is clear from the beginning of the Elegy (v. 3): 

Tuscus ego, et Tuscis orior: nec poenitet inter 

Proelia Volsinios deseruisse focos. 

And Varro expressly tells us that he was a chief divinity with 
those Etruscans who came with Coles Vibenna (L. L. v. 46, 
p.18, Müller): “ab iis dictus Vicus Tuscus, et ideo ibi Ver- 
tumnum stare, quod is Deus Etrurie princeps." From this we 
learn that the Pelasgian religion was peculiarly distinguished by 
its elementary character (above, p. 44), and that ver-to, and 
consequently auc-to, were Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian words. In its 
middle sense, vertor often appears in the compound re-vertor, 
“IT turn myself back or return." The verb rego, which, as we 
have seen (above, p. 91), has important affinities with the Greek, 
Sclavonian, and even the Semitic languages, is never used as a 
deponent to signify motion in a straight line, like the Greek 
ὄτρχτομαι, nor is it used as a neuter verb like 7-péyo, and yet 
the term regio or regio viarum expressly denotes the straight 
course or direction, like the ἀνομένων βημάτων ὄ-ρεγμα of 
JEschylus (Choéph. 799). The omission of the vowel in the 
root-syllable of ἔ-ρχ-ομαε, is paralleled by the similar omission in 
su-rgo for sub-rigo, per-go and ex-per-giscor for per-rigo and 
ex-per-rig-iscor, por-go for por-rigo: cf. also surpio for sub-ripto. 
The uncompounded verb lego has the perfect /égt, which is un- 
doubtedly a remnant of reduplication ; but in the derivative forms, 
such as intel-ligo, “1 make a discrimination," i.e. I understand, 
diligo, “1 make a choice," i.e. I prefer or love, neg-ligo, “I 
make no option," i.e. I leave behind neglected, we have only 
the aorist in -st, as intellext, dilexi, negleat. But we have also 
intellégi, neglegi, and conversely collezi, in the older writers (see 
Lachmann, ad Lucret. v1.17). This aorist revives the lost gut- 
tural of the present tense in fluo, fluxt, in struo, struxt, in vivo, 
viri, and in fruor, fructus sum; and strengthens an ultimate 
guttural in traho, trazi, and veho, vext. 


458 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. ΧΗ. 


§ 6. B. Liquid Verbs. 


Some of the verbs, which have / for their characteristic, 
double this letter in the present tense, but not in the perfect, 
thus we have pello, pepuli, pulsus, &c. The analogy of tlle, 
altus, &c., would lead us to infer that these verbs belong strictly 
to the semi-consonant class, and the singular participle tlatus or 
latus from tollo, tetuli, coupled with the Greek form τλάω, 


: would almost suggest the idea that there was once a collateral 


verb in -a. There are only two n verbs, the reduplicated gigno, 
root gen-, perfect genu:, and cano, perfect cecini. But the 
known relationship between lle, alius and ava, together with the 
meanings of alo, al-mus, al-u-mnus, which imply ** bringing up,” 
suggest the possibility that this verb may have belonged ori- 
ginally to the same form of the liquid characteristic. We have 
seen above that / and ^ are both dentals, and that they are 
frequently interchanged. Although s is by its origin a result of 
the gutturals, it often passes into the dental r; and there can be 
little doubt that most of the verbs in r and s must be placed in 
the same category. Indeed it has been suggested that sero, 
serut is merely a reduplication for seso. While the other liquids 
are all capable of some connexion with the dental articulation, 
the labial m stands apart from any interchange with the other 
letters of this class, except in the case of an assimilation, as in 
pressi from premo (cf. jubeo, juss?). The most important and 
remarkable of the m verbs is emo, which is worthy of special 
examination, not only on its own account, but also on account of 
its numerous compounds. The primary meaning of emo is, “I 
take up or select," and thus it comes very near in signification to 
lego. This idea of selection lies at the root of the ordinary 
meaning of emo, “1 buy;" for this presumes a selection from a 
variety of objects offered for sale. In our own colloquial English, 


“T will take this," is the usual phrase for expressing an intention 


to purchase some particular article. The Greek πρέαμαε ap- 
pears as the middle of πεπράσκω, “I cause to pass over;" and 
the two together express the changing of hands (vépaàv») which 
always attends a sale. And as ἀποδίδομαι means, “1 give away 
for my own benefit," i.e. “1 part with a thing on advantageous 
terms," so ὠνέομαι (from the same root as óv-(vgpu ) declares the 


§ 6.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 459 


fact that the purchaser finds his benefit in the transaction. A 
recent theological writer has remarked that ‘“‘the verb emo, 
which signifies literally ‘to select for use’ (whence amor and its 
derivative am[a]o, cf. diligo), is employed in its compounds 
gromo and sumo to denote the use made of the selected articles, 
or of the money which is their representative; these must be zn 
promptu before they can be tn sumptu, they must be κτήματα 
before they can be χρήματα. Hence promptus is the primary 
as well as the secondary synonym of ἑτοῖμος. When we re- 
collect that the compounds ad-imo, ex-imo, inter-imo, give us 
the ¢’, which presumes an a in the weaker form (as in con-ficio, 
from facto, &c., above, p. 309), we are entitled to suppose that 
emo represents a primary amo, amts, and a secondaty em-to; 
(comp. £en-eo, con-tin-eo, with raw, ra-vvo, &c.). We shall see 
in the next chapter that amor presumes an original am-tor, and 
that am[a]o suggests a form am-a=am-ya which is included in 
amor =am-tor, formed from the genitive case of such a noun. 
It is usual to connect amor with the Sanscrit k&ma, which 
corresponds to it in meaning. But as the analysis now before us 
shows that “love’’ is a secondary meaning, derived from that of 
* gelection," we may leave out of the question any results arising 
from this immediate comparison ; and as the Greek api-apat, qe- 
πρά-σκω, are manifestly connected with the pronominal com- 
bination πέ-ρα-ν or πα-ρά, signifying a transit, we may compare 
a-ma with ἅμα, sa-ma, cu-m, which express union or conjunction, 
and hence appropriation (New Crat. § 181), and bring us ulti- 
mately to the most probable origin of the Sanscrit kKéma. It is 
worth noticing that the Greek ἀ-σπάξομαι, “1 draw to myself," 
and ἀ-σπα-λμεύς, an angler," (cf. the proper name ᾿Ασφα-λέων 
in "Theocritus xxI.), really include in this prefix this pronominal 
combination, and the same is the case with am-plector and com- 
plector. No difficulty will be created by the fact that we have 


1 It is to be remarked that the omission of the i in como, demo, promo, 
premium, sumo, is in accordance with the Latin analogy, which often 
requires the omission of the initial i in the second member of a com- 
pound, thus as como, &c. stand for co. imo, &e., so we have co-go, co-gito, 
de-go, indu-tic, jur-gium, nar-ro, pra&-tor, pur-go, for co-igo, co-igito, de-igo, 
indu-itia, jus-igium, gnar-igo (Fest. p. 95), pre-itor, pur-igo (Corssen, II. 
p. 49). 


460 . _ THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [CHAP. XII. 


& compound co-emo, in the secondary sense, “I buy up." It 
would be paying too great a compliment to the etymological 
knowledge of the Romans to suppose that they dreamt of an 
affinity between the preposition cum, and the root of emo; 
and even if this had been so, the repetition of the same elements 
under different forms would have been in accordance with the 
oldest examples of pronominal agglutination. The perfect of 
&mo, is émt, and this form is retained by the compounds, except 
when the prepositional prefix coalesces with the first syllable of 
the verb: thus we have adémt!, exémt, interémi, but démo τ 
de-emo makes dem-p-si, prómo — pro-emo makes prom-p-st, 
Simo =su-emo makes sum-p-si; and while co-emo, “I buy up," 
makes co-@mt, co-emptus, the same verb in the older sense, 
* I take and put together," i.e. the hair, makes como, com-p-st, 
com-p-tus. 


§ 7. C. BSemi-consonantal Verbs. 


It has been already mentioned that the vowel-verbs in -4 differ 
from the semi-consonantal forms, which they so nearly resemble, 
both in the origin and in the extent of the pronominal adjunct 
by which they are qualified. For while the vowel $- verb in- 
volves not only a crude form in -2, but a repetition of the same 
pronominal element, the semi-consonantal ἐ- verb uses this adjunct 
merely to strengthen the present tense and its immediate deriva- 
tives, and loses all traces of it in those formations in which a 
contraction i8 most conspicuous, namely, in the second person 
singular of A. I., and in the present infinitive. Thus, while we 
have, from the crude form of ves-tt-s, vesti-o= vesti-yo, vesti-s 
— vesti-is, and vestire = vesti-yere, the mere root fac- gives us 
fac-to = fac-yo, fac-is and fac-tre. As cupio has a perfect 
cupivi and derivatives like cupido, we may perhaps be inclined 
to consider cupére as a degenerate form, and to refer this verb 
to the vowel-conjugation; and this opinion might be confirmed by 
its relation to capio. : For, according to a principle pointed out 
elsewhere (New Crat. ὃ 53), capio and cupio are related by the 
association of contrast; and the shorter vowel u shows that the 


! By the side of adimo and seemingly with the same meaning the older 
Latin had 'abemo, Fest. P. 4, where Müller reads ambemito. 


§ 8.} THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 461 


latter is a longer form than capto ; but this implies that cupio 
Ξε οαρῖ-ψο, which is in accordance with the theory respecting the 
ἐ- verbs. In all other verbs, however, which form the present in 
-io and the infinitive in -ere, it is plain that there is only one 
affection of the root with a formative appendage, and the nature 
of this adjunct is clearly seen in the case of fug-io. For there 
can be no doubt that we have here the root fug-, and that 
the same root is found in φεύγω, aor. é-jwy-ov, where it is 
strengthened by guna (New Crat. ὃ 442), and in φυ-γ-γά-νω, 
where it is not only strengthened by anusvdra, but supported 
by an additional nasal (ibid. § 435). To the same class as φυγ- 
γάνω we must refer the deponent fu-n-gor, “I make myself 
quit of," “ get fairly away from," "discharge" or *''perform." 
And from a comparison of these cognate verbs with fug-io, we 
see that it is affected only with a single formative adjunct, which 
is the same as that which is assimilated in the Greek ψάλλω, 
and transferred to the root-syllable in φθείρω, root φθαρ-, 
$aívo, root $a-, κρίνω, root kpl- (New Crat. 8432). With re- 
gard to the u- verba, the known derivation of many of them, and 
the termination of the participle (E. III.) in -àtus or -uitus, shows 
that they are abridgments or degenerate forms of e- verbs. Thus it 
is clear that metu-o comes from metu-s, tribu-o from tribu-s, &c.; 
and as the verbs are thus connected with crude forms of the semi- 
consonantal declensions, they require in addition another pro- 
nominal adjunct, and thus stand in the same relation to the 
genuine semi-consonant verbs in -u, such as ruo, ruere, ritus, that 
the vowel 4- verbs bear to the semi-consonantal verbs in t. As the 
ὦ is after all a representative of some guttural, those apparently 
u- verbs, which exhibit their guttural characteristic in the perfect, 
as struo, struat, structus, do not essentially differ from those, 
which, like metuo, have absorbed the element ya. 


§ 8. rregular Verbs. A. Additions to the Present Tense. 


From the formations, which we have just discussed, and in 
which the second element, under the modification += ya, plays 
80 prominent a part, there is an immediate transition to the 
first class of the so-called irregular verbs, which strengthen the 
present by the addition of one or more actual consonants. As 
far as the epithet “ irregular’ is concerned, we have seen that 


462 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [CHAP. XII. 


there are deviations from perfect uniformity even in those con- 
jugations which we take as the type of the Latin verb; and 
it is only in consequence of an excess in the degree of deviation 
that we are induced to place the verbs with a consonantal ac- 
cretion in a class by themselves. The additions, by which the 
present is strengthened in these verbs, are the liquid Nn, which 
in a solitary instance appears also as R, and the combination sc. 
The former of these adjuncts may or may not be the same with 
the inserted anusvdra, which we find in jungo, root jug-, fungor 
root fug-. It is possible that such a nasal may have resulted 


from euphony; on the other hand, the manner, in which the 


adjuncts -νὸ, -vv are melted down so as to combine themselves 
with the root, e. g. in daivw = $a-vyo (root $a-), ἐλαύνω = ἐλα- 
vie, (root ἐλα-), renders it possible that the addition may be 
pronominal or formative. And this view is confirmed by the 
fact (noticed above, p. 455), that the inserted nasal seems, like 
the added n, to be inconsistent with reduplication (cf. ru-m-po, 
rüpi, &c.). We do not find, in Latin as in Greek, that the 
adjunct n coexists with the inserted n, as in Tv-y-ya-vo, λα-μ- 
βά-νω, &c., or with the appended sc, as in ὀφλι-σκ-ά-νω, ἄς. 
Many of the Latin forms in πὶ have corresponding verbs in Greek; 
thus we have cer-no by the side of κρίνω = κρίενψω, s-per-no 
(cf. as-per-nor) by the side of πέρ-νημει, ster-no by the side of 
στορέ-ννυμι, and tem-no by the side of réu-vo. With regard 
to tem-no and s-per-no, which are nearly synonymous in Latin, 
we know from the word temp-lum, referring to the actual di- 
visions of a field or the imaginary regions of the sky (τέμενος), 
and from temp-us referring to the divisions of time (cf. καιρός 
from κείρω, which is equivalent to μέτρον : see note on Pind. 
Ol. xx. 38"), that the primary meaning of the root tem- in Latin 


a Ó————áÓó! 


} To what is there said I may add that the Hebrew YD, which the 
LXX. translate καιρός, is derived from YX), ced-ere, **to cut;" that in 
English we speak of the “ nick" of time, i. e. ef a small portion cut off; 
that tempero means " to put in & proper proportion ;" and that Hesiod 
says (O. et D. 692): μέτρα φυλάσσεσθαι, καιρὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἄριστος. 
(See New Cratylus, $ 171.) It is to be observed that tempora “tho temples 
of the head," are so called from the separation of the zygomatic arch 
which connects the malar with the temporal bones at the ears. 


$88] . THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 463 


as in Greek must be **to cut off.” And as πέρ-νημε means “ to 
export," or “sell,” we see that s-per-no or as-per-nor only 
carries the idea of separation into that of rejection. With re- 
gard to cer-no and κρίνω it is worthy of remark, that while 
they agree in expressing their primary idea, “ separation,” or 
the sifting out of that which is mixed up in confusion, they 
fall back, by the association of contrast, to an agreement with 
κερά-ννυμε, “to mix," (see New Crat. § 53). From the primary 
meaning “‘to see or distinguish," that of ‘selection, choice, or 
judgment,” naturally flows; and we find that cer-no by itself, 
and in its compound de-cer-no, accords in this respect with the 
common use of κρίνω. This is particularly observable in the 
idiom cernere hereditatem, “to declare oneself (as distinguished 
from all others) lawful heir to an estate," as Varro says (L. L. 
vit. ὃ 98, p. 158, Müller): *apud Plautum (Cistell. x. 1, 1.): 
Quia ego antehac te amavi et mihi amicam esse crevi, 

erevt valet conetitui; itaque heres, quom constituit se heredem 
esse, dicitur cernere, et quom id fecit crevisse." How far cer-no 
is connected (as Varro thinks, Z. L. vi. § 81) with creo, Sanscr. 
kri-, is perhaps not easily determined. The most interesting of 
the verbs, in which n appears as an adjunct, are /i-no and si-no, 
for these two, as has been said more than once, play an impor- 
tant part as agglutinate auxiliaries. The common meaning of 
li-no is “to besmear," i.e. “to overlay with something adhesive.” 
This cannot, however, be the primary meaning of so simple a 
root. It is much more reasonable to conclude that the first sig- 
nification is simply to Jay down, and thus it will furnish us with 
the element of the O. N. data and its Etruscan correlative (above, 
p. 212). We shall also find in this an explanation of a number 
of Scandinavian and Sclavonian forms, into which ¢ enters aa a 
verbal adjunct, and, what is of more importance to our immediate 
object, we shall see in this the origin of the Latin verbs in -lo, as 
cavillor = caver[e]-lor, “1 let myself take care," i.e. “I raise 
cautious objections or special pleas. for myself," conscribillo = 
conscreber|e]-lo, “I let write," *I indulge in it at random,” 
sorbillo = sober[e|-lo, “1 let sip," “1 indulge in sipping,” &c. 
As all these verbs belong to the a- conjugation, we must recog- 
nize in them an extension by means of ¢-, and this is necessary 
to explain di-no, A. III. ἰξ-υΐ; si-no, A. III. si-vi; se-ro, A. IIL 


464 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [ CHAP. XII. 


s8-vt, A conclusive proof of the truth of this-theory is furnished 
by the adjective lentus, for it contains both the assumed primary 
meaning of li-no, and its common secondary signification. The 
form shows that it is an elongated participle, and while we have 
opu-lentus, vio-lentus, &c., we have also opu-lens, vto-lens, &c. 
And it is to be observed that, with the exception of mact-lentus, 
this class of adjectives has ὅ or u instead of the usual as the 
vowel of connexion; thus we have trucu-lentus, viru-lentus, &c. 
This peculiarity points to ‘the form of the involved derivative 
verb. For as violens, violentus stand by the side of violo, so 
opulens, opulentus, macilentus, &c., are in analogy with such 
verbs as pullu-lo, lutu-lo, postu-lo, venti-lo, &c. If these adjec- 
tives in -lentus are derived from verbs in -/o, we should infer 
from the case of violens that the meaning of the participle is 
active; but, standing by itself lentus seems to bear a passive 
signification. For its first meaning is “laid down" or “lying 
down," as lentus 4n umbra (Verg. Buc. 1. 4); hence it denotes 
“sluggish” or “heavy,” and this is its meaning in the com- 
pounds just mentioned; then it signifies adhesive; and finally 
it implies that which is pliant, ie. that which yields without 
breaking. Now all these meanings of the participle lens are 
implied or included in leo, lao, or l-no; and thus we can have 
no doubt as to the meaning of the verb. It has been mentioned 
already (p. 221), that the solitary form se-ro, A. ITI. 9ξ-υΐ, as 
distinguished from ser-o, ser-ui, is merely a modification of st-no, 
δέ υἱ, This is susceptible of a very easy proof. For the form 
of the perfect shows that r is an adjunct; and in the pronominal 
affixes r is only a form of n. Consequently there is only the 
same difference between si-no, si-vi; se-ro, sé-vi; as between 
temper-im and the later temper-em. The root of each is st- or 
se-, which bears the same relation to “set,” that “lay” does to 
* Jet," or the dao, leo, just examined, to the Scandinavian lata. 
Se-ro, O. N. $a or sóa, Goth. satan, O. H. G. saan, N. H. 6. 
sá-en, Eng. sow," merely means to set in the ground. And 
the more ‘original form sz-no denotes leaving or setting down 
in general. And the first application is in the sense of leaving a 
thing alone or letting it be, as in the German das Feuer ausgehen 
lassen, our *to let the fire go out." Hence comes the idea of 
allowing or suffering to be done—and finally the causative 


88.) THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 465 


meaning flows from that of leaving to be done by others: for 
the master or employer by leaving undone presumes the active 
employment of his substitute. A further modification is occa- 
sioned by a transference of person; and an action is predicated 
with reference to its object, as when a German says stch hiren 
lassen, of & man who makes a speech, and Jets others hear him, 
or when a Roman says que-so, “1 let another person speak,” 
meaning “1 put a question to him." The general signification 
of so for s#-no, in compounds like arcesso, “I let approach,” 
1.6. “I send for,” capesso, “I let myself take,” 1. 6. “I under- 
take," &c., has been shown in the last chapter, where it has 
been adduced as an illustration of the composite tenses of the 
regular verb. It is rather remarkable that Bopp, who first 
suggested the true explanation of the composite tenses, and 
whom I have had to censure on more than one occasion! for 
& theory of agglutinate forms carried beyond the reasonable 
limits of philological deduction, should still be among the num- 
ber of those who are unable to see that the verbs in -sso, -ss?vi 
involve the addition of st-no. He would compare these forms 
with the Sanscrit denominatives in sya, asyo, and with certain 
imitations of the Greek derivative verbs such as atticisso, pa- 
trisso, &c. (Vergleich. Gramm. §775, p. 1066). But in the latter 
case, the verb is always of the first conjugation in -a, and not 
only have we corresponding forms in -zo directly derived from 
the Greek (as patrizo for patrisso), but we know that ss gene- 
rally stands for a Greek [ (above, p. 97). Besides, we cannot 
explain any of the verbs under consideration as desiderative 
forms, and if the obvious analysis of arcesso with ite two ortho- 
graphies, and queso, with its included qua-ere from [in]-guam, 
were not sufficient to demonstrate that the -so, -siv: stands 
for sino, eivi, we could appeal to a case in which the verb 
sino, independently compounded with a preposition, has suf- 
fered a still more striking mutilation. There can hardly, I 
think, be a doubt that pó-no, (po-sut), stands for po-s-no; and 
as the perfect occurs under the form po-sívi, as in Plaut. T'i- 
numm. 1. 2, 108: 
‘Mihi quod credideris, sumes ubi posiverie, 


1 See New Crat. $$ 868, 379, above, Ch. xr. $ 16. 
D. V. 30 


Bhan δα δ. δ᾽ 


: 466 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. XII. 


and as in this and other passages po-sino, “1 lay down,” is 
opposed to sumo -- suemo, “I take up," it is clear that pono is 
merely a mutilated form of this verb sino compounded with the 
preposition po in po-ne, po-st, &c. But if we must recognize 
81no, 8ivi, in pono, ponis, po-sui, surely it is more clearly dis- 
cernible in capesso, capessis, capes-sivi. Bopp’s explanation is 
faulty on every account—the invariable ¢ before the termination, 
the a- form of the verb, the later or Greek origin of the in- 
flexion, the interchange of 88 and z in existing specimens—all 
contribute to show that atticisso, -as, &c., do not belong to the 
same class with capesso, -is, expugnassere, &c.; and the signi- 
fication of these latter verbs, their form, and the analogy of the 
old languages of Italy, all conspire to prove that the analysis 
which I have suggested is true. I must be permitted to add, 
that the value of the discovery is materially enhanced by the 
fact that it lies deep enough to have eluded the search of one of 
the first comparative philologers of the day, who has been unable 
to see the most important example of the accretion of verb- 
forms, although he has abused in other respects a similar theory 
of agglutination. The other affix, used for strengthening the 
present, namely sc, generally gives an inchoative meaning, and 
is therefore, by the nature of the case, as entirely excluded 
from the perfect as the affix N. In most instances the per- 
fect follows the model of a corresponding vowel-verb, whether 
real or possible; thus we have cre-sco, cre-vi, (to be distin- 
guished from the accidentally coincident perfect of cer-no), con- 
cupi-sco, concupivt (cf. cupto), contice-sco, con-ticut (cf. taceo), 
exarde-sco, exar-si (cf. ardeo), no-sco, no-vi, sct-sco, sci-vt, ἄς. 
But although we have pa-sco, pa-vt, the origin of the appendage 
seems to be forgotten in the compounds, and compesco, com- 
pescut, &c., treat the whole crude form as though it were an 
independent root. Bopp (Gloss. p. 225), who is followed by 
Benfey (Wurzellez. 1.), considers posco as a corruption of proc-sco 
from the root of precor, procus, &c. To this theory, however, 
there are some grave objections; (1) the verb has no trace of an 
inchostive sense; (2) as it has ἃ genuine or reduplicated perfect, 
the case of compesc-ut does not explain the form poposci or 
peposct (Valerius Antias, ap. Gell. vii. 9) ; (3) there is no reason 
for the permanent o, which is not found in precor, preces, &c.; 


8 8. | THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 


(4) the analogy of disco = dic-sco, di-dici and ἀοο-οδ γί 
us to expect prisco, if there were an inchoative from 
proc- or prec-; cf. the Sanser. prichch’hdmt; (5) there is nothing 
to account for the omission of the r, which holds its ground in 
other forms of the root, and even survives the initial p in rog-o; 
(6) the s being retained in pos-tu-lo must have belonged to the 
root of the verb, rather than to a formative affix. It seems 
more reasonable therefore to connect the word with the Teutonic 
Jorskon, forschen, on the analogy of pes, fotus; piscis, fish; 
pater, father ; and to suppose that the original form was porsco 
from porro or porso, and that the meaning was “to get farther 
forward, to advance or press on in question or intreaty:” The 
semi-consonantal facto retains the ¢ in its inchoative deponent 
pro-fic-t-scor, “1 cause myself to set forth," i.e. *I set out," 
and the perfect profectus sum falls back on the form of the 
primitive participle. Some consonantal verbs strengthen the 
present with 4 before they assume the inchoative affix; thus, 
from gemo, we have gem-t-sco, from tremo, trem-i-sco, from 
vivo, re-viv-t-sco (perf. revixt); from the root nac, na-n-c-tscor, 
nactus sum, from pa-n-go, pac-t-scor, pactus sum. The peculiar 
verb ob-liv-i-scor (from livor, liveo, livescor) meaning “I make 
a black mark for myself,” *I obliterate,” *I forget," has the 
perfect ob-lt-tus sum. The forms which I have mentioned have 
either simply verbal roots, or corresponding verbs without this 
affix. But there are some which are apparently derived from 
substaritives, as arbor-e-sco, tr-a-scor, puer-a-sco, tener-a-aco, &c. 
It must be clear, however, to any philologer, that we must in 
these cases assume an intermediate verb in -ya (=ao or eo). 
And while we find this supported in particular cases by sub- 
stantives and adjectives like arbor-e-tum, ?r-à-tus, &c., the fact, 
that there must have been many such vowel-verbs which are - 
now extinct, is shown by the appearance of many adjectives 
in -atus, ~ttus, -utus, derived from nouns, but with the meaning 
of passive participles; such as barbá-tus, *' bearded,” auri-tus, 
* Jong-eared," cornü-tus, “horned,” and many adverbs in -ttm, 
with an active participial meaning, as caterva-tim, “troopingly,” 
fur-tim, “stealingly,” &c. (above, p. 343, and below, Ch. xrir. 
§ 6). The passive form of these participial words implies that 
the vowel-verb, to which they are referred, is transitive, and in 
30—2 


408. THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. (CHAP. xir. 


point of fact we find that cre-sco, “1 am being made," stands in 
this relation to creo; see Verg. Georg. 11. 886: “ prima crescentts 
origine mundi." With singular inconsistency, Bopp, who cannot 
see any agglutinate form in the verbs in -so, -stvt, in the very 
next page assumes that these inchoatives include esco the ob- 
solete future of the substantive verb, quite overlooking the fact 
that this form also remains to be accounted for, and that it 
cannot be explained otherwise than by concluding that esco= 
es-sco 18 the inchoative of es-um, Sanscr. as-mi. For my own 
part, I have not the least doubt that sc in these Latin inchoa- 
tives, in the corresponding Greek verbs in -oxw, and in the 
iterative or inchoative tenses in -σκον, is ἃ pronominal affix, 
springing from a repetition of the idea of proximity (New Crat. 
§$ 386, 7). Whether we say at once that s+c is a junction of 
two forms of the same element, like the common endings n + t, 
t+n, or identify it with the affix sy found in the Sanscrit future, 
and in the Greek and Latin desideratives, the result will be the 
same, for s=:= come to an ultimate agreement as forms of the 
second pronominal element. As pronominal elements and their 
combinations appear also as verb-roots (as e.g. wer in μένω, 
θα- in τίθημι, &c.), we shall have no difficulty in recognizing 
the reduplication sc, with its inchoative and iterative meaning, 
in *a large class of words of which the general idea is that of 
the inequality of the limbs" (Kenrick, Herod. p. 24), or rather 
which denote progression by successive steps; such 88 σκέλος, 
sca-ndo, &c. 


89. B. Abbreviated forms. 


Most of the abbreviated forms, or the verbs which are liable 
to syncope in certain of their inflexions, have received sufficient 
notice already. Possum for potis-sum or pot'sum is merely an 
assimilation. The perfect pot-ui may be referred to the same 
class as the other agglutinate perfects. The omission of d in 
certain inflexions of edo belongs to an analogy which is parti- 
cularly observable in the Romance languages (above, pp. 303). 
The same may be said of vis for volts, malo for mage' volo, &c. 
There are, however, some etymological peculiarities about fero, 
which deserve a special examination, independently of the fact 
that it borrows its perfect tul? for tetul?, and its participle latus 


§ 9. ] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 469 


for tlatus or toltus, from the root of tollo, tolyo, or tlao. No 
difficulty is suggested by an immediate comparison of fer-o with 
the Greek dép-o, Sanser. dirt, O. H. G. bar, Engl. “ bear." 
But even without comparative philology it has been seen that 
fer-o must be connected with fer-io and fendo; thus Müller 
supports his reading, diffensus, in Festus, p. 272 (Suppl. Annot. 
p. 401, above, p. 245), by referring to the use of offendo, defendo, 
infensus, infestus, confestim, "quibus illud ostenditur synony- 
mum fuisse fertendo et trudendo," and he adds, “quod poste- 
riorum temporum usu diceretur: eam οὗ caussam dies differetur : 
majore cum vi, nec sine emphasi quadam sic pronunciabatur : 
EO DIES DIFFENSUS ESTO." But if diffendo = differo, of course 
féndo — fero. With regard to the adjectives ?nfensus and in- 
féstus, which are so often confused, while offensus, from offendo, 
shows that the former is connected with £n-fendo, a comparison 
of mani-festus, fest-ino, proves that in-festus is the old and 
genuine participle of in-fero. The meaning of these apparently 
synonymous words is quite in accordance with this etymology ; 
for while infensus denotes an unfriendly or angry disposition of 
the mind, and so corresponds to tratus, inimicus, on the other 
hand, infestus always signifies some outward opposition or attack, 
so that it answers to adversus, hostilis. Hence we find in the 
same passage of Livy (11.6): * concitat calcaribus equum, atque 
in ipsum ¢tnfestus consulem dingit....adeoque infensis animis 
concurrerunt, ut....duabus herentes hastis moribundi ex equis 
lapsi sint," where the ''énfensis animis" implies the animosity 
with which they were actuated; and the tnfestus the direct 
charge full tilt against the adversary; as in the parallel descrip- 
tion of the fight between the two brothers in Sophocles (Antig. 
145) they are described not only as στυγεροί, but also as καθ᾽ 
αὑτοῖν δικρατεῖς λόγχας στήσαντε. lf we admit the affinity of 
ferio and fero, we shall see at once that the former, which is the 
secondary form, merely exhibits the adjunct ya, and the idea of 
striking is intimately connected with that of lifting, bearing, 
carrying; for a blow is nothing more than a weight or momen- 
tum brought to bear on some object: hence, the earliest weapon 
of offence is naturally termed a ῥόπαλον from ῥέπω, just as 
the instrument of protection is called ὅπλον from ἕπω (New 
Crat. $259). The connexion between fendo and fero is not so 


470 THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. [cHAP. XII. 


obvious. When we recollect the affinity between Ar, hr£, χείρ, 
ἁρ-πάξω, κάρπος, aip-éw and γέν-το, hinthan, can-is, “hand,” 
“hound,” χανδάνω, pre-hendo (New Crat. § 162, 281), we see 
at once the possibility of a community of origin in fero and 
fendo. And as we cannot explain the 8 or ¢h in either case as 8 
mere adjunct to the root, we must not be led by the actual 
change of r into n, in some of these forms, to the conclusion that 
this change has taken place in hendo and fendo. As in the case 
of χα-ν-δά-νω, it is more in accordance with scientific reasoning 
to suppose that the π is here an anusvára or euphonic nasal; 
and the insertion of this sound would naturally introduce the 
medial d before r, as in av-5-pds, ven-d-re-di, &c. But, as we 
have seen, the Latin r has ἃ natural tendency to commutation 
with d. Consequently, its absorption or assimilation in -hend-o, 
fend-o, would follow as a matter of course. And thus fer-o, 
fen-d-o, and fer-io, establish their claim to be considered as 
members of the same fer-tile stock. 


§ 10. Defective Verbs. 


The epithet “ defective’ is applied to verbs with a very 
restricted signification. Properly speaking, all impersonal verbs 
are defective in the Ist and 2nd persons, and all neuter and de- 
ponent verbs are defective in voice, except when the former are 
defective in person. But it is customary to restrict the term 
defective to those verbs which are specially incomplete in the 
machinery of their conjugation. Some of these are really only 
irregular appendages of existing verbs. Thus cep: is the usual 
perfect of ἐπισίρίο, memini of reminiscor; ausim and faxim 
are obsolete tenses of audeo and facto, and the former of these, 
with gaudeo, fido, and. soleo, has no perfect of the active form . 
queso, quesumus are the original articulations of quero, quert- 
mus; forem and fore are used with sum and fui. Some few 
verbs are employed in a sort of interjectional sense in the impe- 
rative only, as apage, c&-do, &c.; others, as vale, which are thus 
used, appear also as regular verbs. Odi, ‘I hate,” “I have 
conceived a dislike," is the intransitive perfect of ἃ lost deponent, 
eorresponding to the Greek ὀδύσσομαι (cf. ὄλωλα from ὄλλυμαι, 
&c.); this deponent form exists in the compound participles 
ezosus and perosus. We can have no difficulty in understanding 


§ 10.] THE LATIN CONJUGATIONS. 471 


the parenthetical use which gradually reduced the oldest verbs of 
** gpeaking," ato, inquam, and fart, to a few of their commonest 
inflexions. We have the same result in the Greek # δ᾽ és, and in 
our * quoth," which, as has been remarked above (p. 135), exists 
as an independent verb only in the compound “ be-queath," and 
which contains the same root as in-guam. The forms of the im- 
perfect and future (in-quiebam, $n-quies), and the diphthong in 
the derivative gua-ro=quat-sino, show that the root tn-quam 
must have contained something more than a mere vowel of arti- 
culation, and that it was probably strengthened by the semi- 
vowel t. It therefore stands on a different footing from sum, the . 
only other verb which retains the first person-ending in the 
present; for here the % is a mere sh'va like that in Herciiles 
(above, p. 317): cf. as-mi and ἐσ-μέ, In the by-form in-ft we 
have f= qv, which is not uncommon. 


CHAPTER XIII. 
DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 


$ 1. A. Derivation. General Principles. $2. Derivation is merely extended or 
ulterior inflexion. § 3. (L) Derivative nouns. § 4. (a) Forms with the first 
pronominal element only. § 5. (6) Forms with the second pronominal ele- 
ment only. § 6. (c) Forms with the third pronominal element only. 
$ 7. (a) Terminations compounded of the first and other pronominal elementa. 
8.8. (8) Terminations compounded of the second and other pronominal ele- 
ments. $9. (y) The third pronominal element compounded with others and 
reduplicated. ὃ το. (II.) Derived verbe. 8 11. B. Discrimination of compound 
words. § 12. Classification of Latin compounds. 


§1. A. Derivation. General Principles. 


[45 term derivation was once used to denote the process of 
guess-work by which the etymology of ἃ word was ascer- 
tained, and it was formerly thought that the most satisfactory 
derivation of a Latin word was that which consisted in its direct 
deduction from some Greek word of similar sound'. The student 
of scientific or comparative philology does not need to be told that, 
although the Greek and Latin languages have a common element, 
or are traceable, in part at least, to a common source, their mutual 
relationship is collateral, and not in the direct line of descent, 
and that in these and other old languages of the Indo-Germanic 
family **derivation is, strictly speaking, inapplicable, farther than 
as pointing out the manner in which certain constant syllables, 
belonging to the pronominal or formative element of inflected 
languages, may be prefixed or subjoined to a given form for the 
expression of some secondary or dependent relation" (New Crat. 
Pref. 1st Ed.). According to this view, derivation includes a de- 
partment of what is called word-building (Wort-bildung), so far 
as this is distinguished from mere inflexion. The modifications 
of the noun and verb, by which inflected language is charac- 
terized, belong indifferently to all forms, whether primary or 
derived, whether simple or compound. And after considering 


1 Dóderlein is perhaps the last representative of this school, and 
some of his derivations (e.g. fraus from ψεῦδος) are equal to the 
worst attempts of his predecessors. 


§ 2.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 478 


these formations, the grammarian naturally passes on to an in- 
vestigation of the cognate but subsequent procedure, by virtue 
of which, (1) an existing noun or verb developes itself into & 
secondary form of the same kind, or (2) two or more distinct 
words are combined in one, and furnished with a single set of 
inflexions. "This procedure is called word-building, and might 
be designated as derivation in reference to the materials, and 
composition in reference to the machinery. Practically, however, 
we confine the term derivation to the former department; namely, 
to the development of secondary words containing only a simple 
root; while composition is used to denote the subordination of 
two or more crude forms under the influence of some set of for- 
mative appendages and inflexions. 


§ 2. Derivation ts merely extended or ulterior énflexion. 


In considering the distinction between derivation and in- 
flexion, we must bear in mind, that the former process is really 
nothing more than an extension of the latter. In forming a word, 
in the first instance, by the addition of cases or person-endings, 
we derive our formative materials from the same limited and 
classified stock of pronominal elements, which furnishes us with 
the machinery of derivation. Indeed, the new crude form, which 
becomes the vehicle of the inflexion, is very often neither more 
nor less than the oblique case of some existing word, and it is 
probable that this process has been repeated in successive de- 
rivations. This remark applies only to derivative nouns, for the 
new forms of verbs cannot rest upon the inflexions, i.e. person- 
endings, of their primitives. In general, we observe that there is 
much greater variety in the secondary formations of nouns than 
in those of verbs. For the person-endings of the latter antici- 
pate the distinctive use of the three pronominal elements in their 
most prominent and important application, whereas the cases of 
the noun are connected only with a special development of the 
second element, signifying proximity and transition of agency or 
the point of motion, and of the third, denoting position and dis- 
tance. In the derivative forms we find the converse phenomenon: 
for while the verbs are contented with extensions of their crude 
form, by pronominal additions limited to that special develop- 


474 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


ment of the second and third elements, which is found in the 
cases of the noun, and which does not exhibit any direct reference 
to the primary distinctions of position; in the nouns all three 
pronominal elements are used, in their distinctive senses and in 
combination with one another, to form nominal derivatives, which 
may be extended by successive accretions to a considerable 
length of after-growth. A verb in the finite moods must always 
be distinguished by person-endings, which cannot become the 
vehicle of ulterior formations; and, for the same reason, all pro- 
nominal elements, which might be mistaken for person-endings 
by retaining the original distinctions, are excluded, in the verb, 
from the function of extending the crude form, which they exer- 
cise in the derivative nouns, both when they are and when they 
are not identical with the case-affixes of the primitive words. 


83. (1) Derived Nouns. 


It is not always possible to assign a definite meaning to all 
the elements or combinations of elements, which contribute to 
the extension of the crude form in Latin nouns; but so far as we 
can arrive at the signification of the affix, we can see that the 
distinctive use of the pronouns is preserved in this application; 
namely, that the first pronominal element expresses that the 
thing proceeds from, or immediately belongs to, the subject; the 
gecond, that it has a relation to the subject; the third, that it 18 
a mere object, or something removed from the proximity of the 
subject. We also observe that the combinations of these ele- 
ments are regulated by the same principle as that which explains 
their use in prepositions and other independent words; namely, 
“that if any one of the elements of position is combined with 
-ra, an ultimate form of the third element, it indicates motion and 
continuation in a direction of which the element in question 
represents the point nearest to the subject; and that by sub- 
joining any one of the pronominal elements to any other of 
them, we denote a motion or continuation from the position 
signified by the first element towards that indicated by the 
second, and so on, if the combination involves more than two." 
(New Crat. S 169). 


$5.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 47b 


84. (a) Forms with the first Pronominal Element only. 


There are comparatively few Latin nouns in -ma or -mus, 
which *xpress an action as immediately proceeding from the 
subject: such are fa-ma, “a speaking" (root fa-), flam-ma, 
* & burning" (root ffag-), tra-ma, ‘“‘a drawing" (root trah-), 
ani-mus, “ἃ blowing," ar-mus, “a joining," re-mus (root ret- or 
rot-) “a turning round" (in the water), i.e. “a rowing thing," 
al-mus, '* a nourisher," pri-mus, “the first of a series beginning 
with the subject," &c. 


§ 5. (b) Forms with the second Pronominal Element only. 


The second element, under one or other of its various modi- 
fications, contributes most largely to the formation of derivative 
nouns. A great number of these are abstract or qualitative 
terms, and they differ from those in -ma and -mus by their 
more general and relative predication. For all those formed by 
the first element only may be translated as expressing the sub- 
ject of action, and some of them, as re-mus, al-mus, cannot be 
regarded as mere abstractions. Whereas the nouns, which 
exhibit the second element as their termination, always depart 
from the idea of a subject or agent, and express only an agency 
or quality, like the English words in -ness, -hood, -y, &c. Some- 
times the second element appears under a guttural form, as in 
v0-c-8 (vor), ‘‘a voice" or “ speaking" (Sanscr. Avé, cf. βοή, ἡ-χή, 
&c.); and to this class belongs the copious list of adjectives in 
-cus, -i-cus, ac-8 (— ax), &c., denoting quality or disposition, as 
civi-cus from civis, ami-cus from amo, logu-a-x from loquor, &c. 
But by far the most common form of the second element, in its 
use as an affix, is that in which the guttural is vocalized to ¢. 
Besides the numerous words in -ta, -tus, -ea, -eus, -tum, -1s, a8 
grat-ia from grat-us, mod-tus from mod-us, pic-ea from pic, 
Calc-eus from cale-s, consil-ium from consul, febr-is from ferv-eo, 
nubes —nube-is from nubo, materies τε mater-ia-is from mater, &c., 
it seems reasonable to infer that the masculine nouns in a, toge- 
ther with some feminines, involve vocalized gutturals; for we 
cannot otherwise account for the formation of such words as 
ecrib-d, notd, agri-col-d, &c., as compared with the Greek κριτής, 
τιμή, συκέα, and ταμίας, than by supposing an omission of the 


476 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. ΧΗΙ. 


extenuated ¢=y- thus scrib-a=scrib-yas wil be legitimately 
formed from scribo, nota=not-ya=no-tia, will properly corre- 
spond to τιμή, &c. in Greek, and to amici-tia, &c. in Latin. We 
may also compare ad-vena Ξε ad-ven-ya-s with ad-vento. That 
such an extenuation is possible is shown by the transference of 
ζώνη, &c. into zond, ἄς. (above, p. 850). We have also seen 
that the affix 7 lies more or less hid in some nouns of the third 
declension, and especially in participles and adjectives (above, 
p. 358). This is particularly the case with the forms in né-s or 
nti-s, and we may compare the affix -ts or -tus, in pes-tis, “a 
destroying," ves-tis, “ἃ covering," po-tus, “a drinking," spiri- 
tus, “‘a breathing," with the Greek nouns in -ots, -ris, and -τύς, 
as Tpüx-cis, “ἃ doing”’=mpax-tus, φά-τις, “ἃ speaking," &c. 
To the same class we must refer the participial adjectives in 
-dus, a8 cupi-dus=cupient-s, candi-dus-- candens, ἄς. (New Crat. 
§ 265). Nouns in -sa from a verbal-root, such as fos-sa, spon-sa, 
ton-sa, are really feminines of the passive participle, which pro- 
perly ended in -£vs. Perhaps the only nouns of this class which 
really correspond to Greek forms, like μοῦ-σα, δόξα = 80x-ca, are 
causa from cat-eo and noxa from moceo. The latter, which is 
synonymous with βλάβη, “ hurt, let, hindrance, damage, punish- 
ment," is opposed to noaxia, really an adjective agreeing with 
res, conditio, or culpa, and signifying “ guilt” or “crime.” 
Hence the distinction between in-nocens, i.e. re, and in-noxius, 


i.e. animo. Ob-noxius seems to mean “declared guilty and 


brought up for punishment." Idiomatically it is used in the 
sense “under obligation to, at the mercy of” (Sallust. Catil. xx. 
XLVI. Jugurth. XXX1.). The nouns in which the termination 
Fa assumes the form v, are much less numerous in Latin than in 
Greek. We have, however, the following: al-vus, ar-vum, cal- 
vus, cer-vus, ci-via, cla-vis, cla-vus, cor-vus, cur-vus, eq-vus, fla-vus, 
ful-vus, fur-vus, gna-vus, lae-vus, ner-vus, par-vus, pra-vus, sc- 
vus, sal-vus, ser-vus, tor-vus, vul-va. If we compare cer-vus, 
cla-vis, cur-vus, gna-vus, le-vus, with the Greek xé-pa-Fos, 
κλῆ- Fue, γῦρ- Fos, γεννα-ῖος, Xa-tos, we shall see that the v in the 
former cases corresponds to a digamma in the terminations of 
the latter ; ner-vus and par-vus compared with νεῦρον and παῦρος 
suggest the possibility of a metathesis in the latter analogous to 
that in ἐλαύνω for ἐλα-νύω ; ci-vis compared with the Oscan ce-us 


ae 


8.6. DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 477 


brings us back to the root κε (above, p. 149); tor-vus contains 
the same root as rop-ós, ταρ-βεῖν, ταῦρ-ος, trux, trucido, tru- 
cu-lentus, and we must assign d-troz to the same class, the initial 
being either one of those prefixes, which we find in d-vjp, 
ἀ-στήρ, &c., or a remnant ad, as in d-menus, d-deps, é-perio, &c.; 
and eg-vus compared with the Sanscrit ag-va refers us to the 
root Gg-u, “swift,” Greek ὠκύς, Latin acer. All the words in 
-vus, Which have been mentioned, join this termination immedi- 
ately to the root; but in some few, to which incidental allusion 
has been made above (pp. 174, 233), the v immediately follows 
an 7; thus from the roots ac- and cat-, both signifying “ sharp," 
we have the derivatives ac-er-vus, cat-er-va denoting a pointed, 
pyramidal heap, or a crowd following its leaders. Similarly, we 
have Min-er-va, from the root min-, “to think," and in. the 
Arvalian chant we find lu-er-ve[m] for luem. In these instances 
we may suppose that the affix -v- is attached to a lengthened 
crude form, just as hones-tas, onus-tus, tempes-tas, venus-tas, in- 
volve something more than the mere root of the word, and there 
need be no doubt that the r in the cases just cited is merely the 
usual substitute for an originale. The termination -wus is also 
appended to certain adjectives derived from and expressing the 
verbal abstraction; thus we have ac-ti-vus from the supine ac- 
tum (ac-teFos), by the side. of ac-tio, na-ti-vus from na-tum (na- 
teFos), by the side of na-tio, &c.; and we.know that the verb- 
forms in -se, -tum are the same in effect with the abstract nouns 
in -8i8- -tis, -TUg —-TéFos, &c. (New Crat. §§ 254, 410 (3)). 


S 6. (c) Forms with the third Pronominal Element only. 


The most common forms, under which the third element 
appears as an affix, are ¢ and πο. The former must be care- 
fully distinguished from the participial ending in -dus, and 
those nouns in -tus, -t@s, which, as has just been mentioned, 
belong to a formation connected with the second pronominal 
element: the latter must be identified with the endings in / 
and r including the diminutives in -lus, -leus (New Crat. S 266). 
For the original identity between ¢ and « it may be sufficient 
to refer to such forms as re-ple-tus compared with ple-nus, cas- 
tus compared with ci-nus, &c. The simple use of the third 
element, under the forms ¢ or n occasionally softened into 8 =r, 


478 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


is confined to those neuter nouns which express a mere object, 
as capu-t, cor-pu-s, and lac-te (which occurs in Plautus, Mercat. 
v. 9. 87); or to those nouns and participles which express 
a thing done, or the passive result of an action, as digi-fus, 
“that which is pointed," compared with dig-nus, “that which 
is shown," /tber-tus, ** he who is freed," compared with dé-num, 
“that which is given," lec-tus, “‘that which is gathered " (of 
leaves and the like), compared with kg-num, “that which is 
bound” (of a faggot), and the forms in -nus and -tvs mentioned 
above; to which may be added fa-num compared with fa-tum, 
and reg-num, pug-na, pen-na, po-na, va-nus and pa-nis, compared 
with rec-tum, cris-ta, lacer-ta, vi-ta, sagit-ta, &c. An interest- 
ing class of words ending in -tus, which has been mentioned 
already (above p. 467), deserve special notice. If we merely 
compare créni-tus or cornü-tus with ama-tus, we might be dis- 
posed to adopt the common opinion that the former are derived 
from the nouns crini-s and cornu, and the latter from the verb- 
root ama-. And this view is taken by the latest writer on the 
subject (Aufrecht, Zrans. of the Philol. Soc. 1856 pp. 54 sqq). 
But the meaning of crint-tus and cornu-tus is thoroughly parti- 
cipial; and the forms gratu-itus and fortu-itus show that they 
are derived from £- verbs with a causative meaning. Thus 
erini-3o meant “to make long-haired,” cornu-to, “to make 
horned,” fortu-to, **to make accidental" (for the form cf. for- 
tuna), &c. Verbs of this class seem to have been formed 
from the verbals of simpler verbs; thus from cinc-tus and ver- 
sus, the verbals of cingo and verto, we have the secondary forms 
cinc-tu-to and ver-su-to, presumed in ctnc-tu-tus and ver-su-tus; 
and the adverb ac-tu-tum, “forthwith, on the sudden,” seems 
to be the verbal of ac-tuo, which bears the same relation to 
ac-tus that eta-tuo does to status. The identity of the affixes 
-tum and -nwm with -rwm and -lum may be seen by comparing 
βέλο-ς = βέλο-τ, “a thing cast or thrown" (jac-tum), with jacu- 
lum, do-num with δῶ-ρον, sacrum with dy-vóv, and by com- 
paring tempu-e = tempu-t or tempu-lum (in ez-tempulo, extemplo) 
^& portion of time," (καιρός) with tem-p-lum and τέμε-νος, 
whether as the templum of the augur and the τέμενος αἰθέρος 
(ZEsch. Pers. 357), or as the portion of land eut off and set 
apart for divine uses. Many of the nouns in -lum are used 


§ 6.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 479 


as diminutives, formed from other nouns. Of those m -ellum, 
there are some which have assimilated the r of the included crude 
form, as lucel-lum from luer-um, castel-lum from castrum, &c. 
The word caelum “‘heaven’’ must be regarded as a secondary. 
and derivative word. That the word should be spelled with ae 
and not with oe is proved by the gloss in Hesychius; xa/Xovs* 
οὐρανούς. Ῥωμαῖοι, and this orthography is supported by the 
best authorities (Wagner, Orthogr. Vergil. p. 419). The other 
spelling coelwm was suggested by the belief that the word was 
merely the Greek κοῖλον. And though an immediate derivation 
from the Greek is fallacious in the case of such an ancient Latin 
word, it seems more than probable that the idea of the word 
leads us back to a very similar notion, that of emptiness and 
hollowness. For if we compare ca-scus with yaol (above p. 7), 
cohors with χορός, ca-reo with χα-τέω and ya-v-dave, carus with 
χαίρω and χάρις (see New Crat. §§ 287, 323), we may easily 
understand the connexion of ggelum with the root χα-, and we 
shall recognize another form in the obsolete cohum (Fest. p. 39: 
cohum poete caelum dixerunt a chao, ex quo putant celum esse 
formatum), which is also connected with the root of κοῖλος 
(Hesych. xóoi* τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς καὶ rà κοιλώματα). That the 
verb caelo is derived from the noun caelum, and not vice versa, 
as the older authors supposed (Varro LL. v. 3 [8]. Cicero, 
Verres, 11. 52,§ 129. Plin. H. N. 11. 4), must be regarded by 
every philologer as a self-evident proposition. The root of 
caelum is contained in another word of some interest and diff- 
culty. The connexion of ccluwm and celebs was recognized by 
the old grammarians, though their explanation of the etymology 
was very absurd. Festus says (p. 44): '*calibem dictum .ex- 
istimant, quod dignam celo vitam agat." If we fall back on 
the primary meaning of celum, which has just been indicated, 
we shall see that celebs finds a natural explanation as a synonym 
of viduus; compare the Greek χῆρος, which contains the same 
or a cognate root. The ὁ of the crude-form celib- is merely a 
pronominal affix, like that which is found in the endings -brum 
and -bulwn, and we have a further extension in the adjective 
celt-baris used as an epithet of hasta, the spear with a bent 
point, with which the hair of the bride was combed or parted, for 
one of the various reasons mentioned by Festus (s. u. calibari 


480 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


hasta), the most probable explanation being “quia matrone 
Junonis Curitis in tutela sint, que ita appellabatur a ferenda 
hasta, que lingua Sabinorum Cures dicitur." The practice is 
alluded to by Ovid, Fast. v1. 559: 
Nec tibi que cupides mhtura videbere matri, 
Comat virgineas hasta recurva comas. 

Plutarch (Qu. Eom. 87) implies in his mode of stating the 
question, that the hair of the bride was parted with the point 
of a little spear, probably a mere toy-model (dea ví τῶν γαμου- 
μένων αἰχμῇ Sopariov τὴν κόμην διακρίνουσιν ;). He also men- 
tions the reference of the marriage rites to Juno Curitis, who, 
no doubt, appropriated some of the functions of the Greek "Hpa 
τελεία (see New Cratylus, §§ 329, 330). 


§ 7. (a) Terminations compounded of the first and other 
Pronominal Elements. 

Many nouns exhibit in their affix a combination of the first 
element with the third, under the form m+ 2, which is often 
strengthened by a repetition of the objective affix under the 
form ¢, so that the whole affix i8 m+nt. Of nouns in -món 
corresponding to the Greek nouns in -4ov, we have only three, 
ser-mó(n], pul-mó[n], te-mó[n], which may be compared with 
γνω-μών, πλεύ-μων, &c.; we have also ἃ limited number of 
nouns in -maus, corresponding to the Greek passive participle 
in -Levos, such as auctu-mnus, da-mnum, vertu-mnus, alu-mnus, 
colu-mna, eru-mna, pilu-mnus (pilatus, Fest. p. 205), &c. and 
these are sometimes extended by a further formation, as in 
calu-mnta, Tolu-mnia, Volu-mnia. A comparison of alu-mnus, 
“the person nourished,’ with al-mus, “the nourisher," shows 
that the combination m+ n completes the agency and carries 
it on to the object acted on. As in Greek we have -povn =-po- 
y-a by the side of -μων, so in Latin we find an extended termi- 


,, nation -mónia, in such words as acri-min-ta, egri-mbdn-ta, ali- 
' φῃδηῃ-ἴα, cere-mon-ta, casti-min-ta, parsi-món-ia, sancti-mon-ta, 


all of which express ἃ quality or abstraction inferred from an 
act done. We have also neuter nouns in montium, which convey 
no very consistent signification. Thus while patri-nonium 
means “a paternal estate," matri-monium signifies “ lawful 
wedlock ;’’ and while testi-montum, and vadi-monium denote that 


§ 8.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 481 


which is given by a festis or vas, merci-monium 1s not distin- 
guishable in meaning from the simple word merxz. The force 
of the abstract words in -monta is best shown by a comparison 
between these and the nouns in 25 Ἐπί, which have a repeti- 
tion of the third element instead of an addition of the second. 
These words, which agree with the Greek neuters in -uar —-uevr, - 
either omit the final ¢, as in car3men, cri-men, legu-men, stra-men 
(above, p. 355), or, which is more common, exhibit the length- 
ened form -mentum, as in ali-inentum, ar-mentwn, arma-mentum, 
aug-mentum, orna-mentum, pul-mentum. Now all these words 
express an action proceeding from the subject (m), but become 
objective (n), and exhibited in its results (ἢ. Thus car-men|t] 


Ξε ποιή a, = Sanscrit kar-man, means “a thing made," with 


especial reference to the maker. But cere-monta, which contains 
the same root (cere-, cre-, kri-), calls attention by its affix to 
the doing or process. Similarly, al-mus is “a nourisher," alu- 
mnus, ‘‘a person nourished,” ali-mentum, “a thing for nourish- 
ing," but a/i-mon:a, “the process of nourishing.” 


δ᾽ 8. (8) Terminations compounded of the second and other 
Pronominal Elements. 


_ Of these combinations the most usual and important are the 
forms in which the second element, vocalized into ὦ, is prefixed 
to the third element with or without further extensions. A very 
large class of nouns end in -io[n], and express, if one may say 
so, a fixed or consolidated abstraction’, These nouns, which are 
always of verbal origin when the noun is feminine, are formed 
either by affixing -7o[n] to the simple stem, as in leg-io, optn-io, 
reg-to, rellig-io, and this is always the form in the masculine 
nouns, as cur-io, centur-to, scip-to, &c.: or by adopting the 


1 There is a little paper on the nouns in -o and -to by Volckmar 
(Zeitschr. f. d. Alterthumsw. 1850, pp. 184—144). He collects the facts, 
but does not throw much light upon them. For instance, he does not 
seem to be aware (p. 137) that suspicio, as he writes it, ought to be spelt 
suspitio, and that the quantity of the second syllable indicates that ft is 
a corruption for suspicitio; cf. sétius (commonly misspelt secius) for seci- 
tius (Journal of Philolegy, Feb. 1860, p. 284). 


p. V. 931 


NS 


482 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xm. 


ἐπε of the supine, as in man-sio, ses-sio, con-fu-sio, quces-tio, 
col-lec-tio, dié-trac-tio, dubita-tio, pulsa-tio, con-jura-tio, post- 
tio, ad-moni-tio, erudt-teo, &c. The masculine nouns generally 
denote a person or thing belonging to that from which the noun 
is derived; thus cur-to[n] is the man of the curia, centur-to[n] 
the man of the centur-ia, ἄς. And as the genitive ended origi- 
nally in -ión = -stdn, we must consider these nouns in -4ón = ton-s 
as extensions of the genitive case. The same explanation will 
apply to the nouns in -o[n], as epul-o[n] from epul-a; for there 
is reason to believe (above, p. 350) that these forms have lost or 
absorbed an 4. ΑΒ the termination -ia, -4s, -sis, -tts, is parti- 
cularly appropriated to verbal nouns expressing the action of 
the verb, we must conclude that the verbal nouns in -4o, -sio, 
-tto, are also derived from the genitive of nouns in -4a, -sis, &c. 
And this will lead us to the meaning already suggested, namely, 
that these words denote the result of an abstraction which has 
become fixed and objective. 

The important word rellgio will furnish a good exemplifi- 
cation of my meaning. "There have been two different opinions 
with regard to the etymology of this word. For while most 
modern scholars adopt the suggestion of Servius (ad Verg. ZEn. 
vill. 349), Lactantius (Iv. 28), and Augustin (Retract. 1. 13), 
namely, that the word comes from religare, supporting this 
view with the quotation from Lucretius (1. 931, Iv. 7): “relli- 
gionum nodis animos exsolvere;" Cicero makes religere the 
main verb, and gives the following explanation (de Nat. Deor. 
Ir. 28, fin.): "qui omnia, que ad cultum deorum pertinerent, 
diligenter retractarent et tamquam relegerent, sunt dicti religiosi 
ex relegendo, ut elegantes ex eligendo, tanquam a diligendo, 
diligentes, ex intelligendo, intelligentes: his enim in verbis 
omnibus vis legendé eadem, que in religioso;” and similarly, 
in another part of the same work, he says (tb:d. 11. 3, § 8): 
“relligio est quse superioris cujusdam nature (quam divinam 
vocant) curam cerimoniamque affert." This etymology is in 
accordance with the verse quoted by Aul. Gell. rv. 9: **rel- 
gentem esse oportet, relligiosum nefas." And there can be no 
doubt that it is perfectly true. It is clear from the use of the 
word that relligio is nqt derived from religare, “to bind back,” 
but from religere, *to gather over and over again," “ to think 


§ 8.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 488 


perpetually and carefully on the same subject," *to dwell with 
anxious thought on some idea or recollection :" so that re-ligens 
is nearly a synonym of di-ligens, and an opposite of neg-ligens. 
The word expressing the abstraction of the verb should end 
in -ta, but this, as in most of these words in -to[n], is lost, 
and we have only the derivative from the genitive case ex- 
pressing the result of the abstraction—the realized ideal. Hence, 
practically, relligio signifies, (1) “ religious worship,” considered 
as scrupulous obedience to the exactions of the conscience, and 
with especial reference to the act of worship; as (Cic. Verr. II. 
4, 849): “qui sacris anniversariis ac summa religione colere- 
tur;" or to the religious sanctity of an object; as (id. ἐδίά. 
§ 46): "fanum est*Junonis antiquum, quod tanta religione 
semper fuit, ut semper inviolatum sanctumque fuerit;" (2) *re- 
ligious scruple " or *superstitious fear," considered as something 
objective and real; as (Css. Bell. Civ. 111. 72, § 4):, non 
recordabantur quam parvulze sspe cause vel false suspitions 
vel terroris repentini vel object relligionis magna detrimenta 
intulissent ;" and especially in the plural, as (Lucret. I. 109) : 
“ἐ velligionibus atque mineis obsistere vatum ;" (3) by substi- 
tuting the cause for the effect, ‘‘ guilt causing religious scruple 
or fear," and “the divine curse and consequent remorse or 
oppression of the conscience caused by a sense of violated 
religious scruples." In the second and third sense it is used 
in a curious connexion with violare and eaxptare in three pas- 
sages of Cicero, which have never, 80 far as I know, been 
compared by any lexicographer or commentator: (a) ad Atticum, 
I. 17, § 16: *quare et illa, que violata, expiabuntur; et hsc 
nostra, quz sunt sanctissime conservata, suam religionem ob- 
tinebunt." Here, it should seem, reltgio means “ scrupulous 
observance ;’’ and the maintenance of uninterrupted intimacy 
between Cicero and Atticus is opposed to the atonement neces- 
sary to restore the violated harmony between Quintus and his 
brother-in-law. (Ὁ) Zusc. Disput. 1.12, 817: “id quum multis 
aliis rebus, tum e pontificio jure et cxremoniis sepulcrorum 
intelligi licet; quas maximis ingeniis prediti nec tantá cura 
coluissent nec violatas tam tnexpiabili religione sanatssent, nisi 
hzesisset in eorum mentibus mortem non interitum esse omnia 
tollentem atque delentem." It is clear from the collocation in 
31—2 


- 


484 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xmi. 


this passage, compared with that of the former, that religio 
means not only the scrupulous observance of religious obliga- 
tions, but the lasting curse or remorse, which, as a punishment, 
waits on those who violate the sanctity of divine worship. This 
feeling may, as the former passage shows, be expiated, atoned, 
or removed by the performance of suitable rites, or the guilt 
may be so heinous that no reconciliation can take place between 
the offender and his conscience; and thus we find—in the third 
passage ta which I have adverted, (c) Phtlipp. 1. 6, § 13: “an 
me censetis, P. C., decreturum fuisse, ut parentalia cum supplica. 
tionibus miscerentur ut inempiabiles" religiones in rempublicam 
inducerentur?'"—that a state would be involved in an ὥγος, or 
pollution, which no καθαρμοί could wash away, if funereal sacri- 
fices in honour of the departed were mixed up and confused with 
public thanksgivings to the immortal gods. 

From all this it appears that the formation in -o[n] brings 
the mere abstract noun, from which it is derived, into a more 
concrete reference, so that the meaning is rather the result of the 
verb’s action than the action itself. This is the signification also 
of Greek nouns in -o», -wvos, many of which, as λειμών, denote 
some object or thing. The most important, and perhaps the 
least understood of these Greek nouns is αἰών, which denotes not 
only an unlimited extension in time, which is one meaning of 
asi, but also present existence, or existence for the time being, 
as in ὁ κρατῶν del, * whoever happens to be in power” (Asch. 
Prom. 978); thus aidy may signify not only an age or eternity, 
but also the present life, as opposed to the future, which is 
sometimes its meaning in the New Testament, and the ‘existing 
generation of a family for the time being, as opposed to the 
series of yeveal, which make up the whole succession or con- 
tinuance of a race (see the note on the Antig. 580, p. 179). 

From religio we have the adjective religiosus; and the 
occurrence of the same form in derivatives from nouns in -4a 
as @rumn-osus from erumna, glori-osus from gloria, luxuriosus 
from luxuria, &c., tends to confirm the supposition that the 
noun in -io i8 an extension of the noun in -ἰα. We find adjec- 
tives in -osus from other crude forms, as dol-osus, libtdin-osus, 
and we may conclude that in these cases also the intermediate 
form is the genitive in -ton. The forms in -tivus, mentioned 


T 


ὃ 8.]} DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 485. 


above (p. 477), show that the origin of the abstract nouns in -is, 
-sia, -tis, &c., may be traced back to the supine in -twm and the 
infinitive in -se (cf. New Crat. § 410, (8)). 

That in all the nouns in -o[a] the ¢ of the genitive -ion is 
absorbed, may be proved by an examination of the abstract 
nouns in -or, such as amor, favor, honor, &c. For no one will 
doubt that the Latin comparative ending -tor=ton-s is equivalent 
to the Greek -vv—tov-s. Now the termination -or is inexplica- 
ble except as an abbreviation of -/or. Therefore, part ratione, 
-on must be an abbreviation of -ton. It is obvious that this 
view accords exactly with the meaning of such a noun as amor, 
which, as we shall see, results from a consonant verb amo- emo, 
and leads to the vowel-verb amo=amao. And thus amor= 
am-io-n-s means the act of choosing and selecting. Similarly, 
favor =fav-ion-s, which leads to the verb fav-eo, must have come 
from the root $aF-, and, like fe-lix, faus-tus, it conveys the 
ideas of light and happiness. The noun AÁon-or cannot be re- . 
ferred to any primary verb in Latin, but it is not at all difficult 
to discover its Indo-Germanic affinities. It may be referred at 
once to the Sanscrit root van, “to love and serve," Greek For», 
in ὁν-ίνημι, &c., German win (winnan, Graff, 1. 875). It thus 
denotes any kind of gain or profit, and the estimation of others, 
howeyer expressed, is conveyed in the meaning of the abstract 
honor. Another form, indicating the concrete result, is onus 
onu-t, and with all their differences of application hones-tus and 
onus-tus fall back to a common origin. This will not surprise 
any one who knows that the Hebrew 75 not only bears every 
signification of honour and dignity, but also denotes weight, with 
all its subordinate ideas of difficulty and trouble. We therefore 
see that as favor implies light and cheerfulness, as elements of 
happiness, honor expresses some more solid and weighty ad- 
juncts of prosperity-—advvarov yap ἢ οὐ ῥάδιον τὰ καλὰ πράτ- 
τειν ἀχορήγητον ὄντα (Arist. Eth. Nic. 1. 9, 15). Or if we pre- 
fer to connect it with the idea of estimation, we may remember 
that τι- μή signifies merely putting a price upon something, and 
that ces-timo denotes a valuation by the standard of weight (above, 
p. 818). And thus the Romans would reckon personal distinction 
by weight (honor), by space filling the eye (amplus), and by the 
voice of fame occupying the ear (clarus, gloria, κλέος, &c.). 


486 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


As the nouns in -tto[n] must be regarded as formed from 
the genitive of the abstract substantives in -fts=tevs, we may 
conclude from the similar signification of nouns in -éa[é]s and 
-tu[t]s, that they are formations from the ablatives of the same 
sort of nouns, and as pinguédo=pinguéd-in-s is an extension of 8 
noun formed from the ablative of pinguts, we may infer that 
nouns like forts-tu-do are similarly formed from nouns like 
vir-tus=vir-tu-[t]s=vir-tud-s. 

As nouns in -tis, &c. denote the action, so we find that, 
with the affix r, the same termination implies the agent. Thus, 
besides some abbreviated forms in which the ¢ appears unaffected 

| by any addition to distinguish it from the third pronominal ele- 
ment, as pa-ter, magis-ter, minis-ter, but which the Greek forms 
in -Tnp, as 7ra-T5p, show to have belonged to the same class 
with the abstract nouns in -tis =-tyas, we have a large class of 
words in -tor, fem. -#~is, denoting the agent. Thus, from 
pre-tre, “to go before," we have pretor=pre-t-tor, ** one who 
goes before," i.e. “a general” or “leader,” and from this again 
is formed pre-tura, denoting his agency, function, or office, and 
pre-torium, the place which is appropriated to him. The verbal 
nature of these adjuncts is shown by the fact that they are inti- 
mately connected with certain participial forms. Thus, from 
scribo, we have the supine or infinitive scrip-tum, “ to write,” 
and the participle scrip-turus, “ about to write," as well as the 
nouns scrip-tor, “a writer,” and scrip-tura, “a writing." And 
if we compare these with the participle (E. III.) scrip-tus, **writ- 
ten," we shall see the difference between the forms under dis- 
cussion and those which involve merely the dental affix of the 
third pronominal element. For the latter imply only an object 
—a thing done—while those before us denote that the agent is 
still at work, and refer to the act of doing. Extenuated forms, 
like magis-tér, &c., are sometimes lengthened in their deriva- 
tives, a8 magis-térium, &c., which revive the original type. But 
very often the r is immediately appended to the £ in the neuter 
derivatives, so that we seem to have nothing more than the 
combination which appears in the third numeral, the compara- 
tive suffix, and the preposition trans (above, p. 392). But the 
analogy of the other endings and the meaning of the words 
plead for the connexion of the objective nouns in -trum with the 


ὃ 8. DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 487 


words denoting agency, and thus bring these nouns to an agree- 
ment with the longer extensions in -éertum and -tortum. Writers 
on Latin etymology, who have not fully studied the subject, or 
are deficient in the tact which verbal criticism presumes and 
requires, have been in the habit of explaining nouns in -trum as 
denoting always the instrument or means of doing; and one of 
these incompetent philologists has actually ventured on the ab- 
surdity of proposing (Proc. of Philol. Soc. τι. p. 249) that as 
movere castra, ponere castra are common phrases, the castra 
must have been the axes which the soldiers carried with them 
for the purpose of felling trees to fence their encampment! To 
say nothing of the fact that cas-trum and cas-tellum both occur 
in the singular to denote an inclosed place of security, and that 
they may be explained with reference to the root of casa, **a 
house," cas-tus, ‘religiously pure and protected from external 
contact," κάσ-τωρ, **a mailed warrior," ἄς, (New Crat. ὃ 267)", 
it is not the fact that **the suffix -trum denotes always the in- 
strument." If, which is nearly certain, it is only a weaker form 
of -terium or -torium, we should infer from this analogy, that all 
these nouns denote a thing, whether place or object, considered 
with reference to a certain agency. We cannot always trace 
these secondary words to a noun signifying an agent, or to a 
verb from which such a noun might be derived: but it is clear 
in every case that this is the involved or implied meaning. 'The 
following are nearly all the nouns in trum: an-trum, “a place 
for going up" (cf. βάρα-θρον with dv-rpov, and, for the root, 
Fava, ven-to, &c.); ara-trum, “a thing for ploughing” (cf. ara- 
tor); cas-trum, '*a place for enclosing” (κάξω); claus-trum, “a 
thing for shutting" (claud-o); fenes-tra, “a thing for giving 
light;" fere-trum, “a thing for carrying" (fer-o); fulge-trum, 
* a thing for flashing" (i.q. fulgur); haus-trum, “a thing for 
drawing" (haur-io); mon-s-trum, “a thing for pointing at ;" mulc- 
trum, “a thing for milking” (mulg-eo); ras-trum, “a thing for 
scraping” (rad-o); ros-trum, “a thing for gnawing or cutting" 
(rod-o, cf. se-curts, 173, &c., above, p. 90); ru-trum, “a thing 


! Further analogies are suggested by the various uses of 12D; cf. 
cay-5j, and cax-os. 


488 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


for digging" (ruo); trans-trum, “a thihg for crossing" (transeo); 
vera-trum, ‘‘a thing for purifying” (vero, *to make verus, i. e. 
purus"); vere-trum, “a thing for causing shame" (αἐδοῖον). We 
should erroneously assign to this class astr-um, apiastr-um, cent- 
rum, flag-rum, &c., which are nouns in -um or -rum; but we 
occasionally find a genuine noun in -trum strengthened by -s, 
which is merely functional, as in the Greek forms κελευ-σ-τής 
from κελεύ-ω, &c. Such are caps-s-trum, “a thing for catching" 
(capto); lu-s-trum, “a thing for purifying” (lavo); mon-s-trum, 
“a thing for pointing at" (manus, μην-ύω). To this class I 
would refer plau-s-trum, which some have attempted to derive 
from plaudo, as claus-trum comes from claudo. It seems better 
to explain the word with reference to Virgil: “tarda Eleusing 
matris volventia plaustra" (Georg. 1. 163), which alludes to the 
slow and heavy waggon with its solid wheels, as it is still found 
in Lombardy. In this way we shall revert to the Greek πολεύω, 
πόλευ-σ-τρον; the analogy is supported by κέλευστρα ἢ xé- 
λευστα' ἅμαξα ἡμιονική (Hesych.); and the.meaning by a 
passage, which, however, introduces some subordinate ideas; 
Soph. Antig. 340: ἐλλομένων apórpow ἔτος εἰς Eros, ἱππείῳ γένει 
πολεύων. Whether the reference to the Eleusinian Ceres is or is 
not to be taken as an intimation that the plaustrum was of 
Greek origin, there can be no reason why, as in théatrum, scep- 
trum, sistrum, &c., & Greek name should not have been natura- 
lized in this instance. In general, then, we may say that nouns 
in -trum indicate the thing with reference to the doer, and so 
denote the means or opportunity of doing, whether considered as 
& place or as an instrument. 

The same is the signification of another set or rather double 
set of words in 6-r', b-l, c-r, c-L; thus we have voluta-brum, “a 
place for rolling," vena-bulum, “a thing for hunting," sepul- 
crum, “a place for burying,” vehi-culum, “ἃ thing for carrying;" 
and by the side of these we have nouns of agency in -ὃ, as volu- 
cris, the flyer," ἄς. When we compare l-ber with ἐλευ-θερός, 
ruber with épu-Opos, u-ber with οὖ-θαρ, &c., we see that these 
words, according to the principle of divergent articulations (above, 


1° Manubrium, which is probably for manu-Aibrium (Corssen, τι. 56), 
does not belong to this class. 


§ 8.} DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 489. 


p. 7), must find their common origin in some forms combining 6, 
as the representative of the sibilants, and through them of the 
gutturals, with some labial, just as fera, φήρ, and θήρ pre- 
sume the Russian svehrs; now this combination is neither more 
nor less than the F- which represents the second pronominal 
element; but the nouns of agency in -ier give us this second 
element in its dental degeneration, followed by the same r as a 
representative of the third element; therefore, the endings 


b+ f » c+ Az must be divergent representatives of the same 


original F +r=F -F a, to which in point of fact they come quite 
as near as ¢+ 7 (above, p. 422). 

The same analysis may be applied to the nouns in -e-tum, 
-t-le, and -a-riwm, as arbor-é-tum, ov-f-le, gran-á-rium; for if 
arbor-eus is formed by an adjunct of the second element under 
the form ya, arbor-é-tum must extend the same form by an 
addition of the third element, and & similar explanation will be 
required by the long ¢= (t and ἄ —ea of ov-i-le and gran-d-rium, 
to which the / and r terminations are appended. 

We see then that all nouns expressing agency, or the place, 
means, and occasion of agency, are formed by adding a combi- 
nation of the second and third pronominal elements—and this 
is what we should à priori expect—for the idea of agency is 
that something, i.e. a doing, proceeds from the subject, who 
by the nature of the case is presumed to be near, and passes 
on to an object, which by the nature of the case is presumed to 
be relatively more distant. But we observe that the same sort 
of endings are used to form ordinary adjectives derived from 
nouns and not from verbs; thus from rex we have reg-d-lis = 
reg-ya-lis, from Roma we have Rom-anus = = Homa-yd-nus, from 
consul we have consul-G-ris = consul-ya-ris, from civis we have 
civi-lis = civi-ya-lis, from asinus we have astn-i-nus = asin-ya- 
nus, &c., which fully correspond to the forms ov-i-le, gran-d-rium, 
&c.; and there is also a class of diminutives in -cu-lus, which 
exhibit the same termination as the verbal nouns veh-iculum, &c. 

It will be easy to show that the combination of elements 
in these cases is as consistent with their primitive signification 
as in the class previously examined. To begin with the dimi- 
nutives. ΑΒ there are objective nouns in -tum, -lum, -rum, as 


490 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xim. 


well as nouns combining this affix with one belonging to the 
second element, so there are diminutives in -ἶμϑ and -leus, as well 
as those exhibiting the compound termination now under consi- 
deration. Thus we have libel-lus = liber-u-lus, filio-lus, &c., as 
well as pisc-i-culus, homun-culus, &c. The origin of the dimi- 
nutive expression, or ὑποκόρισμα, i8 to be sought in the ten- 
dency to speak of a darling object, as, at the same time, little. 
Whether this has or has not any connexion with a mother's 
fondness for a child is doubtful. But it is a universal practice 
to speak of a petted object as a glycerium, γλυκέριον, or “ dear 
little thing." In classical Latin the diminutive puella — pueru-la 
is invariably used instead of the original word. Now in these 
terms the feeling of personality becomes evanescent, and that of 
mere objectivity takes its place. With a view to the expression 
of this ideg it seems to be a matter of indifference whether we 
merely append the objective ending -lus, Greek -v, or connect 
this with the main verb by some possesgive affix derived from 
the second element—in Latin -c, Greek -.. For example, we 
may form the secondary noun juven-cus from juven-ts without 
any change of meaning; and pul-lus, catu-lus, &c., will be just 
as good diminutives as juven-cu-lus. The other derivatives, 
mentioned above, must be regarded as extensions of the case in 
-i-na or i-n (p.328). Thus Romdn-us = Roma-tn-us is a man 
who lives “at Rome," Roma-t[n]. The most important forma- 
tion of this kind is the numeral adjective decumanus, which has 
been misunderstood even by the illustrious historian of Rome. 
In his admirable essay on the Limttatio (Vol. 11. p. 628), Niebuhr 
says that the line which cuts the cardo at right angles bore the 
name of decumanus, "probably from making the figure of a 
cross, which resembles the numeral X—like decussatus." This 
view, which is derived from Isidore (Origines, 15, 14), is also 
adopted by Muller (Htrusker, 11. p. 126). But it is philologi- 
cally untenable. Nor can any valid argument be adduced for 
Varro's derivation of decimanus as a corruption of duoctmanus 
from duo and cedere, quod terram in duas partes dividat (Hygi- 
nus, de Lémitibus Constituendis, p. 167, 6). The supposition of 
Góttling (Staatsverf. 209, 2) that decimanus comes from dicts or 
δίκη and mane is not only absurd philologically, but contrary to 
the fact, as clearly stated by Festus (p. 71). The only true 


S s.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 491 


explanation is that which applies to all meanings of the word; 
and the explanation which harmonizes with all of them springs 
at once from the philological analysis suggested by Romanus— 
namely, that decumanus or dectmanus must be formed from the 
locative feminine of decimus, “ the tenth," and must mean “ that 
which is in the tenth way or line"— decimas viat, or lineas, or 
some other feminine noun. This meaning lies at the bottom of 
all the applications of decumanus. For the decumant milites are 
the soldiers of the tenth legion (Suetonius, Cesar, 70), i.e. qui 
decimas legione erant. The decumanus ager was land that paid 
decime or the decima pars (Cic. Verr. v. 6), i.e. gut decimas 
parti vectigalis erat. The decumanus fluctus was the tenth wave, 
as Ovid distinctly informs us ( Tistio, 1. 2, 49, 50): 
Qui venit hic fluctus, fluctus supereminet omnes; 
Posterior nono est, undecimoque prior. 

And because this wave was supposed to be always the largest, 
and perhaps also because the decumanus limes was the widest 
of the cross-paths, decumanus came to signify “very large." 
Hence we have decumana scuta, “ very large shields" (Fest. s. v. - 
Albesia scuta, p. 4), and decumanus acipenser, ‘a very large 
sturgeon” (Lucilius, ap. Cic. Fin. 11. 8, § 24). That this ety- 
mology applies to the decumanus limes, namely, that it was de- 
rived a mensura denum actuum, as Siculus Flaccus distinctly 
states (de Condicionibus .Agrorum, p. 153, 11), is clear from the 
explanation of the measurement already given (above, p. 322). 
And it may easily be shown that the decwmana porta of the 
Roman camp derived its name from a similar numerical re- 
ference. For the four gates of the Roman camp were originally 
designated with reference at once to the augur's position in the 
centre of the camp, at the pretoriwm, which was his groma, and 
to the circumstance which distinguished the camp from the 
ager limstatus. Had the whole camp been occupied by the tents 
of the soldiers, the eia principalis, which crossed the camp at 
the pretortum, would have been the decumanus limes. But the 
part of the camp between the principia and the porta praetoria 
facing the enemy was occupied only by the extraordinarit and 
. the evocati (whence the porta pretoria is called the porta extra- 
ordinaria, Liv. XL. 27, unless the passage is corrupt), and the 
bulk of the encampment was in the half most distant from the 


492 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xit. 


enemy, i.e. to the rear of the pretorium. The augur then, 
standing with his back to the enemy, surveyed really the rear- 


half of the camp. Consequently the limes decumanus from him 


was the rear-wall, and as he counted the gate behind him as the 
pretoria with reference to the praetorium where he stood, and 
the porta principalis dextra and sinistra those to his own right 
and left, so he called the gate in front of him the decumana, 
because it stood in the tenth line of tents from his station, which 
was the decumana via, just as the road between the 5th and 6th 
lines of tents, where the questorium stood, was called the qutin- 
tana vta (Festus, p. 257 ; Liv. XL1. c.2, ad fin.). The reference to 
the locative in the nouns in -anus is shown still farther by the 
relation between these nouns and their extensions in -en-sts. 
These derivatives are either formed directly from their primi- 
tives, as praten-sis, “‘that which belongs to or grows in the 
meadow"' (prato-en = prat-in, in a heavier form prat-en), or else 
they involve some noun already formed upon the locative, as 
Roman-ien-sis from Romanus. ‘In genere," says Ruhnken (ad 
Suet. Cesar. ὃ 37, p. 58), “ adjectiva, que in -ensts exeunt, de- 
signant res hominesque, qui sunt in aliqua regione, sed aliunde 
originem habent. Romanus, qui Rome natus est; Homan|t ensis, 
qui Rome degit: Siculus, qui in Sicilia ortus est; Sicitensis 
qui incolit Siciliam, aliunde ortus: v. Fest. v. Corinthiensts et 
Intt. ad Vellei. Paterc. rr. 51. Idem discrimen apud Grecos 
in Ἰταλός et ᾿Ιταλιώτης, Σικελός et Σικελιώτης, &c.: v. Ammo- 
nium in his vocibus et ibi Cl. Valckenar." This is & correct 


, statement of the fact, but it does not explain the formation of 


| 


the secondary nouns in -ensts. As Ἰταλιώτης, &c., are formed 
from nouns in -ἰα (New Orat. § 259), 80 we always find that, if 
there are co-existing derivatives in -nus and -en-ets, there is an 
intervening form in -ἰὰ. Thus from Hispanus we have His- 
pania, and from this again Hispantensis as from the locative 
Hispania-in. Accordingly, we may infer that Romaniensis, 
which is the true form, comes from an intervening Romanta as 


1 The. decumana porta was also called the porta toria, because it 
was nearest to the quostorium (Liv. x. 32, xxxrv. 47). On tbe whole . 
subject, seo Klenze das rómische Του δ und die maion Phil. Abh. 


pp. 106 sqq. 


§ 8.] DERIVATION AND COMPOBITION. 493 


the country of the Romant. The permanence of this rule of 
secondary derivation is shown by the practice of our bishops, 
who call themselves Cantuariensis, Dunélmensis, &c., to show 
that they are temporary incumbents, rather than hereditary 
peers. e 
A comparison of these nouns with the equivalent Greek 
forms in -ἰω-τῆς, -ἰή-της, -t-Tys, teaches us that the termination 
-sis, attached to the locative -en and belonging to the second 
element, is identical with the similarly derived -rns. We shall 
therefore: not be surprised to find it also under the forms -ἐ 
and -ter. This is the fact when the locative, to which it is 
attached, is plural, as in the case of those nouns, which express 
an extended region rather than a definite locality. As we say, 
(n agris, in campis, in silvis, 4n. terris, rather than $n agro, in 
campo, &c., it is natural that we should find, as we do, agres- 
tis, campes-ter, sylves-ter, terres-ter, rather than agren-sis, &c., 
which do not occur. At first sight we might feel disposed to 
refer eques-ter and pedes-ter, rather to the substantives eques, 
pedes, than to the locatives equis, pedibus. But the omission of 
b in ques for quibus, &c., shows us how pedets might be a loca- 
tive, and we have a passage in Virgil, which actually places the 
locative equis on & parallel footing with the derived pedes — 
ped-tt-s; ZEneid. Vil. 624: 

Pars pedes [i. e. pedibus iens] ire parat campis: pars arduus altis 

Pulverulentus equis furit: omnes arma requirunt. 

The noun seques-ter does not belong to this class. As de- 
, noting a functionary, it connects itself at once with magts-ter 
and minis-ter, and as these involve adverbs, which are of the 
nature of locatives, we must derive seques-ter, not from sequor 
with the old grammarians (for then we ought to have secu-tor), 
but from secus = sequis (cf. sequtor) = ἕκας, and thus sequester, 
which means a mediator, umpire, or other indifferent party, will 
naturally imply one who stands apart from both the litigants; for 
quod secus est is opposed to quod interest (Plautus, Trin. 1. 2, 93). 

The patronymics in -i/íus must not be referred to the same 
class with the nouns in -z/e, -tnus, -arius, &c. As it is known 
that in this case (— d? (compare Actlius, Epilius, Hostilius, 
Petilius, Pompilius, Popilius, Venilius, with their original forms 
Acidius, Epidius, Hostidius, Petidius, Pompedius, Umbr. Pum- 


494 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIIL 


perius, Popidius, Venidius), we must refer these words to the 
same class with the Greek patronymics in -δης, where the second 
pronominal element appears under the form of an approximate 


dental sibilant (New Crat. § 262). 


§ 9. (y) The third Pronominal Element compounded with 
others and reduplicated. 


The most common extension of the third pronominal element 
is its reduplication under the forms ¢+ n or n+ t, the latter com- 
bination being by far the most usual. With regard to other 
forms into which the pronoun enters under the type t, it is not 
always easy to say whether this is a corruption of ty, or merely 
the expression of the objective word. Thus we have seen that 
in ¢+7 there i8 something more than the third element extended 
by the addition of r. It is probable, however, that in such affixes 
as -ti-mus and -ti-nus we have merely the third element in 
the first syllable; compare the Sanscrit punya-ta-mas, hyas-ta-nas 
and ná-tnas, in which the dental appears unaffected by any 
foreign element, with ex-t-mus, legi-ti-mus, cras-ti-nus, hes-te- 
r-nus; diu-r-nus (from dius), ho-die-r-nus (from ho-dius, cf. 
nu-dius) ; and taci-tu-r-nus with the passive participle tact-tus'. 
We come to a similar conclusion by comparing the older spell- 
ing of the affix, as in op-tumus, with the change in τύπτοο- 
pev = τύπτ-ο-μες, vol-u-mus, dic-t-mus, whence it appears that 


the ὦ is not a vocalized consonant, but a mere change of articu- . 


lation for an original o— a. .In this inversion, it really matters 
very little, so far as the meaning of the affix is concerned, 
whether the dental syllable is referred to the second element 
or the third. This has been shown in the analysis of the third 


numeral, which admits of a similar explanation, whether we 
consider it as made up of ta-- ra, or regard it as a corruption 


1 The derivation of hornus (—ipsius anni, Nonius, p. 83), is uncertain; 
Corssen suggests (11. p. 43), that it is for ho-jor-nus, and involves the 
Goth. jér, O.H.G. jar, Greek àpo-. I would rather suggest that it is merely 
formed from Aujus — hoius, as diur-nus is from dius. The adjectives bimus 
and trimus are for bi-hiems, tri-hiems. Eutyches, ap. Cassiodor. p. 2311. 
We have the same mode of counting in Goth. (Matt. 1x. 20, Ulph.), and 
Anglo-Saxon (Mati. 11. 16: fram tvivintran ealde and binnan than). 


§ 9.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 495 


of an original tva-ra (New Crat. ὃ 157). Be this as it may, 
there can be no doubt that the combination n+ t, which plays 
80 important a part in Latin derivatives, is a reduplicated form 
of the third pronominal element, expressing objectivity in its 
vaguest signification. Hence we find this combination (resolved 
into 4") as the neuter plural of all nouns; and either unresolved, 
or in various forms of assimilation, in the third person plural 
of verbs, in the active participles, and as a further affix to nouns 
corresponding in meaning and often in origin to the perfect 
passive participle of the Greek verb and to obsolete Latin 
participles. In all these usages it denotes collective or vague 
objectivity—in the neuter plural, a heap or mass of objects (like 
the Hebrew my, Maskil le-Sopher, p. 14); in the third person 
plural, an action performed by an indefinite number regarded as 
an aggregate; in the participles, a mere notion of doing or being 
done. In the present instance we are concerned only with the 
participial forms and the nouns connected with them; and here 
we find in Latin not only forms in -nt, as aman|t]s, or in m+n 
or m+ nt, a8 car-men, ver-tu-mnus, car-men(t]s, but also elonga- 
tions of both in -ntu-s, -ndu-s, and -mentu-s. Thus we have 
qua-nius by the side of πᾶ[ντ]-ς, ama-ndus by the side of 
ama-n[t]s, and the names of places, which, in Greek end in 
-εντ-ς = -εἰς, -OVT-S =-oUS, Or -avTs — -as, generally appear in 
Latin under the form -entum,; thus Acragas, Crumoeis, Maloets, 
Pyxus, Taras, become Agrigentum, Grumentum, Maleventum, 
Buxentum, Tarentum. Similarly, we have ar-mentum, orna- 
mentum, &c., by the side of σῶ-μα[τ] Ξε co-pevr, &c. These 
extensions have occasioned some difficulties in Latin etymology; 
it will be sufficient here to take the two interesting examples 
supplied by fundus and pondus. The former is obviously, on 
the principle just mentioned, an extension of fun[t]s or fon[t]s, 
the participle of fuo, “to pour out," which is involved in the 
agglutinate form fu-n-do (cf. per-do, cre-do, &c.), and in the 
frequentative fu-to. The nouns fon[t]s, “a fountain," i. e. “that 


1 A curious collateral proof of this resolution is furnished by Φλιάσιος 
for Φλιούσιος — Φλιούντιος from Φλιοῦ[ντ]ς : vide Steph. Byz.s. v.: and from 
this we may see that διπλάσιος is of participial origin. See Transact. of 
Philol. Soc. 1854, p. 286. 


496 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xim. 


which pours forth water,” and fundus, properly “the bottom of 
a vessel for pouring out,” hence the lowest part or basis of any 
thing, the solid part or foundation of a man’s property, his estate 
or τὸ ὕπαρχον, exhibit the formation under discussion, without 
any additional elements. But pondus, gen. ponder-is, leads us 
to the same class of words as opus, operis, and these, as we have 
seen (above, p. 355), are terminated by the softened dental, as 
an additional mark of objectivity. The ablative pondo, however, 
shows that there must have been a word pondus, pondt, corre- 
sponding to fundus, fundt, and the synonymous ablative sponte, 
* by the weight or inclination,” proves that the participial noun 
pons, pontis (in old Latin abbreviated into pos, Varro, L. L. v. 
I. p. 3, Müller) originally referred to a weight laid down, or 
poured forth, such, for example, as an embankment, a mass of 
earthwork, or separate stones thrown into the water (γέ-φυρα), 
which was the primary notion of ἃ bridge, as the means of 
crossing a stream: for we need not go far to prove the antiquity 
of stepping-stones. While we have the d in pendo, pendeo, &c., 
the t of sponte is retained in ponti-fex, as describing the func- 
tions of the priest, who settled the atonement for a specific fault 
by the imposition of a fine, on payment of which he pronounced 
the offender free from guilt, so that he stands opposed to the ~ 
carni-fex, who exacted satisfaction on the body of the delinquent, 
without incurring the guilt or the danger of Shylock. We have 
a similar idea in the Hebrew yp (see Pralect. Phil. in Debora 
Canticum, Cantabr. 1848, p. 10). The connexion of the root 
fo=svo=hvo — χεξ or «Fe with po or spo, is farther shown by 
the community of meaning between χῶμα and pons, between 
σπένδω and fundo. And we may also compare fons with pontus, 
which properly indicates the depth of the sea (whence ποντέζω, 
*to sink deep in the water"), and so corresponds to fundus, 
also predicated of the sea; cf. Verg. ZEn. τι. 419: 
imo Nereus ciet tequora fundo 
with 11. 577: 


Sundoque exeestuat imo, 
which is a metaphorical description of the eruption. 


§ 10.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 497 


§ 10. (IL) Derived Verbs. 


After what has been said on the subject of the conjugations, 
the derivative forms of verbs will not involve a lengthened 
discussion. We have seen that, in addition to the second pro- 
nominal element under the form 7=ya, which appears in the 
contracted verbs and in 80 many other derivatives, we have two 
varieties of consonantal addition, -» and -sc, which increase the 
verb-lists by many important predications. These have been 
discussed in their proper places, as examples of the different< 
conjugations. But although all these verbs are derivatives, 
there are some of them which may be considered as specially or 
doubly deserving of this title; namely, as derivatives from deri- 
vates. ‘Thus we have a large class of frequentatives in i-[a]o, 
shortened sometimes into -t[a]o, which must, upon a strict 
analysis, be regarded as derived from nouns which may have 
been themselves derived from verbs. We see this at once in 
milit-[a]o, “to play the soldier," from miles, crude form miltt-. 
For miles is derived, like pedes, &c., from a word compounded 
with 4-t-, from 7-re (above, p. 315); so that milio really in- 
volves a derivative from eo. In the same way, $nterpret[a]or 
comes from énterpre[t]|e, a word, which, like pretium, involves 
the preposition per and the verb 4-, *to go;" so that pretium 
means “that which changes hands" (cf. πέρ-νημι, πρ-ῶσις, πρ- 
dapat, &c.), and inter-pr-i-t-s is “one who goes between two 
parties in making a bargain, or serves as the medium of com- 
munication in any way” (cf. partes, New Crat.§ 178.) Although 
we have not the intervening noun in all or most of the other 
frequentatives, we may infer that it once existed, from these and 
other instances, because, as we have seen, any verb may have a 
noun of agency in -/-s or ¢+~7 formed from it. Accordingly, if 
mtlito comes from miles, and interpretor from interpres, ag-ito 
and its compound cég-ito = co-agito, must presume a noun ages = 
ag-its. As we have seen, the affix -t-s, denoting agency, may be 
represented by -dus ; thus we have rap-t-dus=rap-t-ens=rap-tor ; 
cup-t-dus = cup-t-ens, &c. Now we have pav-i-dus — pav-ens by 
the side of pav-t-to; and from this and other examples we may 
conclude that the iteratives in -to are derived from nouns of 
agency in -t-s or -dus, whether this noun of agency is interme- 

D. V. 32 


e 


498 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xum. 


diately formed from the root i-, **to go," as in the case of mili 
t-s, mtil-i-to, or is directly derived from some other verb, as in 
the case of pav-e-o, pav-i-dus, pav-i-to. That the shorter form 
in -to may be regarded as merely an abbreviation of that in -ito, 
may be inferred from the constant omission of i in such cases as 
cogo, como, pergo, &c. for co-igo, co-imo, per-rigo, ἄς. (above, 
p. 459 note), and this view is sustained by the interesting verb 
op-to, apparently a shortened form of ob-ito, “to go frequently 
about an object, to apply: oneself to it" (cf. capto). For the form 
we may compare op-timus from the preposition ob, and we have 
perhaps an analogous meaning in the Greek $íXo-s, fideo, 
which probably contain the root of πίλ-να-μαι, TreX-alo, πέλα- 
τις, &c., and imply the eager approach of interest and affection. 
The verbs in --r[a]o have also a frequentative meaning, as may 
be seen from éXer[a]o, ‘to go over and over again," which has 
furnished a name for the class just discussed. But it is not 
necessary to consider these verbs in -e-r[a]o as derived from 
other verbs, except 80 far as the nouns from which they spring 
are of verbal extraction. They are all built on the foundation 
of nouns in s—r, and perhaps they always presume that this 
letter represents an original dental, so that the noun is as regu- 
larly neuter as the noun which leads to the frequentative in 
-t([a]o is regularly masculine. Thus iter-o comes from ser; ag- 
ger-o comes from agger; temper-o comes from tempus, tempor-is; 
oner-o comes onus, oner-is, &c. When we cannot find a corre- 
sponding noun under this neuter form, we may infer it from col- 
lateral considerations. Thus moder-o, compared with medtt-or, 
μελε-τάω, &c. suggests an objective word corresponding to 
μέλος, as a correlative to the noun of agency modus. Then, 
again, toler-o, which has no corresponding noun, leads us natu- 
rally to a form analogous to τέλο-ς, dolu-e, and signifying “a 
thing taken up,” or “a load;" cf. onus and onero with se-dulo. 
We are confirmed in the belief that these verbs in -ro come from 
objective forms in r —s, by the fact that we have also derivatives 


: from the nouns of agency, which affix this letter to the t—d 


mentioned above; thus we find such verbs as pene-tro of the first 
conjugation, the termination of the future participle, which is 
originally identical with that of the nouns of agency in -tor 
(above, pp. 427, 486), being here shortened, as in minis-ter by 


§ 10.] ^ DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 499 


the side of pre-tor ; and pene-tro, compared with pent-tus, shows 
how this affix is related to the form of the second element which 
appears in ¢+r; for coli-tus =ovpavo-Oev, ἄς. We have the 
same derivative forms, strengthened: by the subjunctive or opta- 
tive ?, in the desiderative.verbs, which seem to be deduced im- 
mediately from the future participle; thus, from scrip-tor or 
scrip-tur-us, we have scrip-tur-to; from peti-tor or peti-tur-us, 
we have peti-tur-io; from esürus-ed-türus, we have e-sir-io, 
&c. The variation in quantity between the desiderative verb 
and the noun or participle, with which it is so intimately con- 
nected, may be explained by the lengthened form of the verb, 
and illustrated by minis-tr- compared with minis-ter-iwm, &c. 
The forms ligürio or ligurrio, scaturio or scaturrio, and the two 
glossarial words vagurrit (— per ottum vagatur) and flagurrit — 
(= φλέγει), are not to be regarded as desideratives. They seem 
to be derived from nouns of the form of tellus, tellüris; compare 
scaturigo with prurigo from prurio, which must be a derivative 
from a word like psora, prora, prura or porra (cf. porrigo), ana- 
logous to the Greek ψώρα. The few verbs in -utto, as cacutto, 
balbutio, seem to be derived from participial forms in ufus, like 
those mentioned above, p. 467. It is scarcely necessary to 
observe after what has been said, that the verbs of the first con- 
jugation in -tco must be referred to adjectives in -tcus, whether 
they still exist or are only contained in these verbs: thus, 
alb-i-co presumes an alb-icus as well as albus; compare ἀλφός 
with λευκός, &c. The same remark applies to the verbs in -wlo, 
which must have proceeded from nouns in -ulus; compare mo- 
dulo with modulus, &c. In speaking of the derivative verbs we 
must bear in mind that, although a verb may furnish the basis 
of a series of derivative nouns, it may still have some parent 
stock among the older names of things. For example, although 
rog-atiq, preca-tio, &c., are derivatives from rogo, precor, the fact 
that these verbs belong to the α conjugation shows that they are 
themselves derived from some primitive noun like p-rec-es. The 
following tables will help the’ student to determine when, in a 
given case, the substantive is formed from the verb, or vice versd. 
In general he will see that this depends on the appearance of ‘a 
derivative pronominal adjunct in either case. 


32—2 


500 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [cHAP. xim. 


I. NOUNS DERIVED FROM VERBS. 


Nouns in E — A-I are derived from consonant-verbe. 
faeere . - . 0 0. — fact-es 
Nouns in U or su from TU (compare ven-um with fal-sum 
and moni-tum) are derived from consonant-verbe. 


currere . . . . currus = cur-sus 

discedere . . . discessus . 
gradi (aggredére, &c.) . . gradus 

ludere. . . . lusus = lud-sus 

vertere . . . . versus 


Consonant-nouns are derived from consonant-verbs. 


ducere .. . . dux 
ἴσο  . . . . lex 
munus capere . . . munt-ceps 


regere ww OL 
Here the final -s of the noun must involve the syllable -us in the 
last-mentioned class. 
Il. VERBS DERIVED FROM NOUNS. 
Verbs in A — aya! are derived (a) from nouns in A= ya. 


curare . |. ..  . cura 
fugere . . . . fua 
morari . .  . .. mora 
predart . . - « — preda 

(b) from nouns in 1, in a causative sense. 
celebrare . . . . . celebris 
ditare . . . . ditis 
gravare . e. . gravis 
leare . . . « — lei. 


1 The fact that the a- verb really includes the element i— ya is con- 
clusively shown by the form nego —neg-[a]o —nec-aio, “I say no” (above, 
p. 118). It seems more than probable that the Greek ἐάω or «ide, “ to 


§ 10.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 501 


Here the 1 of the crude form coalesces with the A, as in funalis 


for funs-alis, navalis for navi-alis, &c. 


A noun of the 1 declension occasionally forms a verb in A 
without any absorption of the 1; thus we have ab-brevi-are from 
brevis, and al-levi-are, as well as levare, from levis. 

From nouns of the v declension we sometimes have a verb 
in A with an absorption of the characteristic. Thus from cursus 
we have cursare, and gradatim presumes a verb gradare. To 
this class we must refer peccare, **to act like a brute, to commit 
a stupid fault," which is not another form of pio, as Grimm sup- 
poses (Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1839, p. 751), but a derivative from 
pecu, pequu, Sanscrit pagu, Goth. faihu, O. H. G. ffhu. The 
strong guttural is expressed by the double cc, as in vacca, cf. 
veh-o=vequ-o (vext); equus, Greek ixxos, ἵππος; flaccus, cf. flach ; 
soccus, cf. σύκχος, Hesych.; siccus, cf. stech; succus, cf. sugo, 
Sclav. sok; bracce, O. H. G. bróch; lacus, Greek λάκκος, &c. 


(c) from nouns in o. 
bellare 
donare . 
numerare 
populare 
probare . 
regnare . 
sanare . 


(d) from consonant-nouns. 


fraudare . 


generare . 
laborare . 
laudare . 
nominare 
onerare 
orare 
vocare 


bellum 
donum 
numerus 
populus 
probus 
regnum 
sanus 


fraus 


genus 
labor 
laus 


nomen 


concede, say yes,” contains the same root as ato, namely, that which re- 
appears in yea, be-jaher, &c. It is clear that οὐκ éde often means to 
forbid: see e. g. Soph. Aj. 1131: εἰ τοὺς θανόντας οὐκ ἐᾷς θάπτειν παρών, 
* if you come here and forbid us to bury the dead.” 


502 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [cHaP.xu. — 


This is particularly the case in compounds, as in dellegerare 
from belliger, which is formed from bellum and gerere. And we 
must not overlook the fact, that nouns in A—ya are formed in the 
same manner from consonant-verbs, not only in compounds, like 
agri-cola, homi-cida, &c., from colere, cedo, &c., but also in 
simple forms, as ala, “that which raises," from alere; lingua, 
“that which licks,” from /íngu-ere; toga, ‘‘ that which covers," 
from tegere, &c.; so that we may always assume an intervening 
G- noun. 

Verbs in E are generally secondary extensions of simple 
roots. Some, like /ucere, are derived from consonant-nouns. 
Not a few, like ardere, favere, fulgere, pavere, coexist witb 
nouns in -or— yor. The same, however, may be remarked of 
verbs in A; compare amare by the side of amor — am-yor, or 
amaryon-s. For tn-dulg-eo we must go back to an assumed 
dulgus, cf. the Greek δολεχός, ἐν-δελεχής, ke. (above, p. 91). 
And fateo must be derived from fe-dus (originally fetus, “ by- 
gone = stale," cf. ef-fetus), which signifies ** nasty," referring, in 
the first instance, to the smell, and, by ἃ natural transition, to 
whatever is disagreeable: thus we speak of “ἃ nasty accident,” 
&c. The difference in meaning between the contracted verb in 
-eo and the simple verb in -o is shown in an interesting manner 
by the two classes of verbs which include the root sed-. For 
while stdo means “to settle down," resido, **to take a seat in a 
recumbent posture," consido, “to take a seat together," obsido, 
* to take a seat against," &c., the corresponding contracted verbs 
presume a continuance of the quiescence thus assumed ; for sedeo 
is “to sit,” resideo, “to continue in sitting posture, to reside," 
consideo, ““ἴο remain sitting together," obstdeo, ‘ to remain sitting 
before or against," especially of a blockading army. The latter 
class of verbs are of course derived from nouns of which obses = 
obsed-s is a type. It is true that obses, for instance, does not 
represent the common or applied meaning of obsideo. But both 
words fall back on the same primary signification; for “a 
hostage” is a person sent to take his place by the side of those 
who have the power «οὗ exacting such a security, and the word 
therefore corresponds to ἔφεδρος in the sense supposttictus (Mar- 
tial, v. Ep. 25), just as obsidere urbem answers to the Greek 
ἐφέξεσθαι or περικαθῆσθαι (New Crat. S 172). The difference 


§ 10.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 503 


between the two classes of verbs is well shown by the contrasted 
use of assido and asstdeo, the form of which denotes the mere 
act of taking a seat (Terent. Heaut. 1. 1, 72: asstdo: occurrunt 
servi: soccos detrahunt), while the latter implies the continuance 
of sitting, as of a mother-bird by its unfledged young (Hor. 
Epod. 1. 19: assidens implumibus pullis avis), or of the usual 
assessor on the seat of justice (Tacit. Ann. 1. 57). 

Verbs in I are derived from nouns of the 1 declension. Thus 


we have 
audre . . . . GUr18 = GUDIS 
fire .. . - «fines 
lemre . . . . lenis 
mollire. . . . mollis 
vestire . oe . vestis 


When we seem to have an exception to this rule, we can 
always find, on looking into the question, that the crude form of 
the noun, from which the verb in ὦ is derived, does involve this 
letter. Thus we have sepire from sepe, which is really an ¢ 
noun; punire is from pena, but the Greek ποινή = trot-vy-a, and 
the adjective émpunt-s, show that the form enda in $; moliri 
comes from moles = mole-is; sortiri from sors=sor-ti-s, gen. pl. 
sorti-um; and blandiri i8 referred to blandus, which is really 
the participle of b/[a]o τε f/[a]o, "to breathe or blow gently" 
(cf. μαλα-κός, μαλ-θα-κός, &c.); such phrases as blandus prece 
vel hostia, “soothing with prayer," or “‘sacrifice’’ (Hor. 2 Ep. 1. 
135. Carm. rr. 28, 18), whence we have blande preces (id. 
Carm. 1v. 1, 8. A. P. 395), still retain the participial meaning ; 
and this ts presumed in the adverb bdlanditer (Plaut. Astn. 1. 
8, 69), so that the true form is blan-ti-s, whence bland-t-rt. 

Verbs in vu, when this amounts to u-ya, are derived from 
nouns in U. Thus we have 


acuer e . *. e. . acu 
metuere . . . . metus  . 
tribuere . . . . tribus 


This may be regarded as a singular case; for no contraction is 
possible in a derivative verb of this kind. 
There are of course many verbs in -uo, which are not deriva- 
tive; thus gruo involved in con-gruo, “to dash or clash toge- 
e 


504 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


ther," and én-gruo, “to dash down upon," bears the same rela- 
tion to κρούω that Agrigentum, Gnossus, and Progne do to 
᾿Ακράγας, Κνωσσός, and Πρόκνη; and I detect the same verb m 
ar-guo =ad-gruo, which means **to knock against something," 
especially for the purpose of making it ring or testing its sound- 
ness; a meaning also seen in its participle argutus, which sig- 
nifies * made to ring," “making a distinct shrill noise,” ** loud,” 
“ clear-sounding," “significant,” “expressive, or, with reference 
to the secondary but most common meaning of arguo, the partici- 
ple denotes ** brought to the proof, thoroughly tested,” “ sound," 
“accurate ;" similarly argumentum means “that which makes a 
substance ring, which sounds, examines, tests, and proves it" 
(** On the origin and proper use of the word Argument,” Trans. 
of the Cambridge Philosoph. Soc. Vol. x. Part. 11.) 


$11. B. Composition. Discrimination of Compound Words. 


The proper distinction between ἃ compound word and the 
apparently compounded form consists in the fact, that the former 
is an union of two or more words, of which the last only is 
inflected, so that the preceding crude forms remain in a con- 
struct or subordinate state; whereas the mere juxta-position, or 
apparently compounded term, is made up of separable elements, 
the inflexions of which are retained. "Thus in such words ss 
magnanimus, edifico, we have entirely new compounds; for the 
former is an adjective made up from the ablative of quality, so 
that magnantmus τε δ qui magno animo est; and the latter is a 
derivative from a compound adjective edificus, which involves 
the whole predication edem facto. On the other hand, the com- 
position is only apparent in res-publica, “the commonwealth,” 
jus-jurandum, “an oath," Juris-peritus, “ἃ lawyer," animadverto — 
— animum, adverto, ‘to pay attention to," “to take strict notice 
of," “τὸ punish," ἄς. That these are not compounds, but 
merely juxta-positions of separable elements, is clear from the 
fact that, in those which are in direct agreement, both parts may 
be inflected throughout, as rei-publice, jure-jurando, and all may 
be separated by particles, as in res vero publica, juris legumque 
peritus. There is no doubt, however, that these parathetic 
structures may pass into regular compounds, in the course of 
long usage. Thus from the phrase sesque for as semtsque, “one 


§ 11.} DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 505 


and a half,” we have the compound sesquipes, “a foot and a 
half,” and ita derivative adjective sesqutpedalis. Again, when 
the first part of a real compound is an indeclinable word, it 
may be separated by a t¢mesis from the inflected part of the 
compound; thus we have inque salutatus for $nsalutatusque, 
and per mihé mirum videtur for permirum. In such forms as 
nthtlo-minus, dum-taxat, vide-sis, sodes = st-audes, scilicet, &c., 
the two words are merely written in continuity to show their 
hasty utterance in the flow of conversation. Sometimes it re- 
quires a careful analysis to prove that the word is really a com- 
pound. Thus annus or anus seems at first sight to be necessarily 
a simple word; but it is proved by philological dissection 
(p. 193) to be a shortened form of det-vos=del veouevos (cf. 
oUpa-vos and ὠκεα-νός, according to the old notion of a wide 
superincumbent firmament, and a swift stream flowing round the 
earth), and the idea attached to the word is that which is ex- 
pressed in Virgil’s lines (Georg. τι. 401): 
Redit agricolis labor actus in orbem, 
Atque in se sua per vestigia volvitur annus. 

Then again it is an etymological discovery that pres, custos, 
opu-lentus, vio-lentus, &c., are not merely derivative forms, but 
real compounds (above, pp. 146, 464); and the same remark 
applies to the yerbals in -btlis and -bundus, which involve the 
verb of becoming (fio), and are not to be explained, like the 
derivatives in -bulum, as vena-bulum, by a mere reference to 
the pronominal formations. The words in -cintum seem at first 
sight to express very feebly the meaning of the verb can-o, if 
we except the two words galli-cintum, ‘‘ the crowing of a cock," 
and vati-cintum, "the singing of the bard” (Nepos, xxv. 16 fin.: 
* Cicero cecintt ut vates"). It is quite possible however that 
cano may have denoted repetition, repeated action, the playing a 
particular part (compare the usage of ὑμνῶ, παίζω, ἀθύρω), and 
80 sermo-cinart and ratiocinari will mean to go over a topic of 
discourse, or to investigate ἃ process of arithmetic or reason, 
with an idea of repetition or habit implied; and similarly, latro- 
cintum, leno-cinium, patro-cintum, tiro-cintum will denote the 
habitual action or employ of a robber, a procurer, a patron, and 
a raw recruit. It is remarkable that all the words of this class 
with the exception of galli-cintum, vati-cintum, and the verb 


δ06 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. xui. 


tubur-cinari, *to devour greedily," omit a formative n; thus we 
have latro-cintum for latront-cintum, patro-cintum for patront- 
ctnium, &c.: cf. homi-cida for homini-cida, ἄρ. With regard to 
tubur-cinari, which is found only in Plaut. Pers. 1. 3, 41, though 
we have tuburcinatus (passive) in Appuleius, and tuburctnabundus 
is quoted from Cato by Quintilian (1. 6, ad fin.), it is difficult to 
say what may be the origin of the first part of the compound, or 
rather in what sense the implied tuber is to be understood. It 
seems, however, clear that this is the word in question, and that 
e becomes w according to the general principle (above, p. 317). 


§ 12. Classification of Latin Compounds. 

If we consider the Latin language only, we may conve- 
niently distribute all the compound words into four classes. 

(a) Determtnative compounds are when the first part of the 
word defines the second ; such are the prepositional compounds: 
cognomen, dedecus, interrex, semideus, injurta, nefas, consul, 
collega, pronepos, &c., where the prefix qualifies the meaning of 
the whole word. In some cases the meaning is defined by an 
involved epithet, as in: cav-edium, lati-clavis, lati-fundtum, 
quatri-duum, &c. 

(b)  Syntactical compounds are when the first word is 
governed by the second, whether the regimen is that of a noun 
dependent on another noun, as in galli-cinium, “ the crowing of 
a cock,” opu-lentus, “loaded with wealth," stilli-cidtum, “ a fall- 
ing of drops ;’’ or, what is much more common, that of an oblique 
case or adverb connected with a verb, as in: agrt-cola=qut agrum 
colit, brevi-loquens breviter loquens, male-dicus — qui maledicit, 
signi-fer —qui signum fert; and in the verbs derived from such 
compounds, whether the intervening noun is still extant or not; 
as: cGqui-paro--aquum paro, castigo - castum ago, purgo= 
purum ago, &c. To the same class belongs aurigo from auriga 
or aureax τε qui aureas agit, according to Festus (p. 8): “ au- 
reax, auriga. -Aureas enim dicebant frenum quod ad aures 
equorum religabatur; oreas quo ora coercebantur'" (cf. pp. 27, 4, 
182, 23). Τῇ this interpretation is not sufficient, we must con- 
sider the aures or ἄντυγες of the chariot as referred to in the 
compound ; for as this term is applied to the side-pieces of the 


§ 12.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 507 


plough, which Virgil terms a currus! (Georg. 1. 174), it may 
have been also a designation for something corresponding to 
these side-pieces in the wheeled vehicle. I may remark, in 
passing, that the ortel window, in Gothic architecture, was un- 
doubtedly so called from its projecting like the human ear from 
the side of a building. The old spelling shows this. Thus we 
find in an ancient MS.: “The Lords always eat in Gothick 
Halls, at the high table or oreille (which is a little room at the 
upper end of the hall where stands a table,) with the folks at the 
side tables;" in accordance with which we find in Matthew of 
Paris (ap. Ducang. s. v.): “wut non in infirmaria, sed seorsim in 
ortolo, monachi infirmi carnem comederent." Now it is well 
known that oreille is a representative of auriculus. So that the 
oriolum or ** oriel" is the *ear-window" or projecting chamber 
used for privacy and retirement. 

(c) Auastliary compounds are when two verbs come together, 
and the second helps the former either in a predication of time, 
or by introducing a modification of meaning or reference; thus 
we have: ama-vi=amare-fut, ven-do — venum do, ven-eo = ve- 
mum 60, arcesso = accedere sino, treme-factio = tremere facto, &c. ; 
and to the same class belong all the tenses in -bam and -bo, -υἱ 
and -veram. 

(d) Possessive compounds are when the first part denotes the 
manner, in which the thing, denoted by the last word, is pos- 
sessed by the subject, to which the whole compound is referred 
either as predicate or epithet; thus we have: aheno-barbus, 
alti-sonus, crassi-pes, magn-animus, in which the first part ig 
a declinable word; and affinis, concors, nefastus, beneficus, tner- 
mis, bimaris, elinguis, in which the first part is an uninflected 
particle: in both cases the possessive adjective, constituted by 
the whole compound, involves a determinative compound, which 
is made moveable, so as to agree with different substantives. 


1 Modern editors read cursus, but it is difficult to see why cursus 
should be applicable to a plough, when the same word with an assimi- 
Jation is considered inapplicable. It appears to mo that the secondary 
word is more suitable to the metaphor than the direct verbal. Besides, 
it is clear from the verb torqueo that the plough itself, not its motion, is 
here alluded to in *currus a tergo torqueat imos." — 


owe ee eee -- - 


508 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


Among these nouns, we must take care to distinguish between 
those in -ceps from caput, as bi-ceps, gen. bt-ctpit-is, and the 
syntactical compounds involving -ceps from capto, as munt-cep-s, 
gen. muni-cip-is, &c. 

Although this classification of the compounds is sufficient for 
all practical purposes, 80 far as the Latin language alone is con- 
cerned’, it is convenient, with a view to comparative philology, 
to inquire how far these composite formations admit of arrange- 
ment in accordance with the system of the Sanscrit grammarians. 
As I have compared the six classes of the samésa with the 
Greek compounds (New Crat. ὃ 809), and as Bopp has subse- 
quently adapted this arrangement to his more general purposes 
(Vergl. Gramm. pp. 1427, foll. yr. Abtheil. 1852), it may be as 
well to place the Latin formations under these heads. The six 
classes of the Sanscrit samása are designated by names, some of 
which describe and others exemplify the nature of their con- 
struction; and they are arranged by Vopadéva in the following 
order: (1) The first are described by the term dvandva, i.e. 
“two and two," “pair,” or “doubling,” and consist of mere 
aggregations of words which might be written separately and 
joined by a copulative conjunction, as agni-sómáu, “Agni and 
Soma,” in the dual; bréhmana-kshatriya-vit -cüdras, the four 
Indian castes, in the plural; &c.; (2) the second are exemplified 
and named by the compound bahu-vrtht, “ that which has much 
rice," and therefore consist of compound epithets; (8) the third 
are called karma-dhéraya, that which comprehends (dhérayatt) 
the object (karma)," and include such words as mahá-rájah, 
“a great king," where a substantive is defined by an uninflected 
epithet prefixed; (4) the fourth, exemplified by tat-purusha, 
* the man of him," comprises compounds formed of two or more 
nouns, the first set being in some oblique case governed by the 
last, which may be a substantive, adjective, or participle in -ta, 
as rája-purushah, * the king's man;" (5) the fifth, called dvigu 
from dvi, ** two," contains compounds of which the first part is & 
numeral and the second a noun, as chatur-yuga-m, “the four 
ages of the world;" (6) the last class is called avyayf-bAáva, or 


! Livy remarks incidentally (xxvn. 11) that the Latin languago was 
inferior to the Greek in the power of forming compound words. 


S 12.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 609 


* adverbial," and is made up of indeclinable words, the first part 
being some particle, and the last a noun in the neuter gender, as 
a-sancaya-m, “without doubt," at-mátra-m, “over the mea- 
sure." It appears from this enumeration that classes (3) and 
(5) are determinative, class (4) is syntactical, class (2) is pos- 
sessive, and class (1) is merely an aggregation of terms. The 
following. examples will suffice, so far as the Latin language - 
is concerned. | 

(1) There are no Latin dvandva, unless we recognize such a 
form in sw-ovi-taurilia = suile -- ovile - taurile. But the Latin 
language, especially in its oldest form, abounds in examples of 
nouns aggregated together so as to form one notion, and without 
any copulative conjunction; thus we have populus Romanus 
Quirites for the united people of Romans and Sabines (Niebuhr, 
H. RH. 1. p. 294); Patres Consoripti, for the combination of two 
elements, the original and the elected deputies, in the senate; 
sarta tecta for sarta et tecta, “sound in wall and roof” (Festus, 
p.322), &c. Notwithstanding this old Roman usage of com- 
bining related words by mere juxta-position, we find that in later 
times the language became pedantically accurate àn the employ- 
ment of copulative conjunctions; two epithets to the same word 
required the intervention of one of these particles; and the best 
writers made a consistent distinction between δέ Ξε ad — ὄτε the - 
particle of addition, -gue the particle of combination and paral- 
lelism, and at-que (shortened into ac), which is compounded of 
the other two, and implies that there is not only an addition, 
but also an intimate connexion between the things coupled 
together. 

(2) Of bahu-vrthi compounds there is a long list in Latin. 


- In addition to the possessives mentioned above, we have com- 


pounds made up of substantives and their epithets, as versi- 
color, multi-caulis, acu-pedius; of numerals and substantives, as 
quadru-pes, bi-dens, quinque-folius ; of prepositions and substan- 
tives, as com-modus, com-munis, ex-cors, &c.; of verb-roots pre- 
ceded by particles, as male-dicus, bene-ficus, &c. To this class 
belong the opposites, pro-sper or pro-sperus, “in accordance with 
our hopes” (Non. 171, 25: sperem veteres pro spem dicebant, 
unde et prospere dicimus, h.e. pro-spe) and a-sper, “ contrary 
to our hopes" (i.e. a spe), as in Sallust, Cat. c. 26: “ aspera 


τ 
ord. DE d 
^ e 


per tee 


Mr 


0 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


fodaque evenerant," compared with Jug. c. 63: "cuncta pro- 
spera eventura." It is more usual to compare prosper with 
πρόσφορος. 

(8) Karmadháraya compounds in Latin are such as pen- 
insula, neg-otium, pro-nepos, ab-avus, $n-émicus, &c. 

(4) "We have tat-purusha compounds in Latin words like 
tibi-cen, for tibit-cen, auri-fodina, opi-fex for. operi-fex, lapi- 
cidina for lapidi-cidina, mus-cipula, émbri-citor, &c. 

(5) The Latin determinatives include many dvigu com- 
pounds as a subordinate class; such are bt-noctuum, quinqu- 
ertium, bi-enntum, quadri-vium, &c. 

(6) Adverbial compounds or avyayt-bhéva are in fact cases 
of nouns with or without epithets or prepositions; as: obr?am, 
affatim, admodum, multi-modis, imprimis, &c. To this class 
we must refer the correlatives se-dulo = se-dolo, “ without feeling 
any weariness," and se-fraude, ‘“‘ without incurring any loss." 
The epithet malus, technically applied to dolus in the old laws, 
proves that it does not of itself imply “ deceit” or “ guile” (see 
Festus, p. 69), and the verbs do/[a]o, “to belabour," doleo, “ to 
labour," whence dolor, “labouring,” show that the primary 
meaning of the word is **pain" as connected with exertion. The 
root is that of tol-lo, tolero, τλάω, ἄτθλμος, &c., and Déderlein 


(Syn. u. Et. 1. p. 118) has well compared sedulo with ἀ-πόνως = 


haud gravate in Soph. Gd. C. 293. In the same way, it may 
be shown that frau[d]s signified deprivation as an effect, before 
it indicated dishonesty as the cause. For this word undoubtedly 
contains the root vad, which is found in pres, custos, merces, 
though its genitive plural fraudium (Cic. de Offic. 111. 18, § 75) 
shows that it is a feminine, and perhaps originally adjectival, 
extension in «is from some masculine noun in -d (above, p. 359). 
The first part of the compound is the root for- of foris, foras, 
forum, ἄς. And as custos means the man who keeps the vas 
inclosed im a safe place, fraus signifies the act of its removal 
from a place of deposit, and consequently its logs. In classical 
Latin sine fraude means without damage or prejudice, and the 
occasional addition of mala shows that it did not necessarily 
denote intentional or culpable detriment. Thus we have in 
Horace (2 Carm. xix. 20): modo coerces viperino Bistonidum 
sine früáude crines, “ without hurt or harm." . But he says 


Ἰδοῦ MÀ. 


S 12.] DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. 611 


(1 Carm. 111. 28): ignem fraude mala gentibus sntulit, when he 
is speaking of the κακὴ τέχνη of Prometheus. In the old fecial 
formulary preserved by Livy (1. 24), we see the word in its 
genuine and ancient signification: quod sine fraude mea populi- 
que R. Q. fiat, facio, “I appoint you, and may it be without 
any hurt to me or the Roman and Sabine people." 

All these examples refer only to nouns, whether substantives 
or adjectives, and adverbe, considered as cases of nouns. Strictly 
speaking there are no synthetic or organic compounds of verbs; 
those, which have a preposition or adverb by way of prefix, are 
merely parathetic combinations, and, with the exception of an 
occasional assimilation, the two parts of the word are not really 
fused into one, and a ¢mesis or separation is still possible. When 
a verb contains two or more distinct roots, so melted down into 
one whole as to be incapable of divulsion, we also find that the 
verb is a derivation from some compound noun. Thus while 
bene-facio, male-dico, com-pono, per-lego, and the like, are shown 
by the unaltered conjugation of the verb to be mere juxta- 
positions of separable elements, leti-fe[a]o, belli-ger[a]o are 
manifestly not merely parathetic combinations of letum facio 
and bellum gero, but verbs derived from the adjectives leti-ficus, 
belli-ger, probably through a noun of action in -a— ya. As 
verbala in -us, like beneficus, letificus, maledicus, &c. are equi- 
valent in meaning to the present participles of the parathetic 
verbs which they represent, and as their comparatives are ac- 
tually formed from the participles (e. g. maledicus, maledicentior), 
we may conclude that the termination is the mutilated form of 
some pronominal affix, like that of the Greek participles in -ὡς τ 
vas or vis (New Crat. § 414). 

As far as the form of the compound is concerned, it is only 
necessary to remark that when the second part begins, and the 
crude form of the preceding word ends, with a vowel, an elision 
takes place, as in magn’animus. If the second word begins with 
a consonant, and the first is an inflected word, the vowel of the 
crude form is regularly changed into ?; thus a becomes ¢ in 
causi-dicus, tubi-cen, stelli-ger ; o becomes 4 in ampli-ficus, auri- 
fex, fati-dicus; u becomes ὦ in arct-tenens, corni-ger, lucti-ficus ; 
¢ remains unchanged in artt-fex, morti-ferus, parti-ceps; and 
there is a contraction in ébt-cen for tibii-cen. There are some 


612 DERIVATION AND COMPOSITION. [CHAP. XIII. 


special exceptions, as when the ¢ is omitted in mus-ctpula for 
muri-ctpula, nau-fragus for navi-fragus, puer-pera for puert- 
pera, &c. ; or when we have 2 or dí for the connecting vowel, as 
in aheno-barbus, opu-lentus, quadru-pes, Troju-gena, turbu-lentus, 
vio-lentus. The omission of ὦ in manwu-s is observable in the 
forms man-do, man-ceps, man-suetus, man-tele, mal-luvium; but 
it is properly represented by 6 in mani-festus, mani-plus, &c. 
The adverbs bene, male retain the final e in bene-ficus, male-ficus, 
but change it into ¢ in beni-gnus, mali-gnus, where the last part 
of the compound contains the root gen-, as in privi-gnus, which 
means the child of one only of two married persons, and there- 
fore the step-child of the others (Zestschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. ul. 
pp. 283 sqq.). 

Sometimes a consonantal affix is dropt in the middle of the 
compound, as in Aomi-cida for homtni-cida, latro-cintum for 
latront-cinium. 


CHAPTER XIV. 


CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY OF THE 
LATIN LANGUAGE. 


8 1. Genius of the Latin language. § 2. Abbreviations observable in the written 
forms. § 3. Ancient testimonies to the differenoe between the spoken and the 
written language. § 4. The poetry of the Augustan age does not represent 
the genuine Latin pronunciation; $ 5. which is rather to be derived from 
an examination of the comic metres. § 6. The French language is the best 
modern representative of the spoken Latin. § 7. The modern Italian not 
equally so; and why. § 8. Different dialects of the French language. 
8 9. But all these dialects were closely related to the Latin. § 10. Leading 
distinctions between the Roman and Romance idioms. § 11. Importance and 
value of the Latin language. 


81. Genius of the Latin Language. 


IAM language may be considered as an organic body pos- 
sessing within itself a principle of vitality, but also capable 
of disintegration and decay. We may therefore, without strain- 
ing the metaphor, speak of its constitution, or power of con- 
tinuing in a healthy state; and also of its pathology’, or of the 
symptoms of that disease to which it is by its very nature more 
peculiarly liable. 

Accordingly, if it were necessary to describe in one sen- 
tence the genius and constitution of the Latin language, one 
could not do this better than by defining it as a language which 
is always yearning after contraction. Whether this tendency is 
indicated in the written remains by the usual processes of syni- 
zesis, assimilation, and apocope; whether it appears in the slur- 
ring-over of syllables, by which the scansion of the comic metres 
is effected; or whether we perceive it in the systematic abbre- 


1 Lobeck, who has called one of his works Pathologie Sermonis Graci 
Prolegomena, gives the following explanation of this term as applied to 
language: “Cui nomen Pathologie imponere non nefas duxi, fretus auc- 
toritate et exemplo Theodoreti, qui, similitudinem a re medica transferens, 
librorum suorum elegantissimos παθημάτων Ἑλληνικῶν θεραπευτικὴν in- 
scripsit, Videlicet, vocabula quoque affectiones suas habent, non homines 
solum, et eas similes humanis, —-pleonasmos, ellipses, tropasque varias, ad 
quas et cognoscendas diagnosi opus est et ad corrigendas therapia; nam 
et hoc nomen usu ceperunt grammatici." (Pref. pp. v. vi.). 


D. V. 33 


514 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


viations which mark the transition from the Roman to the Ro- 
mance languages, it is still one and the same,—it is the type 
of the language, in its infancy, its maturity, and its decay. 

The most distinct and vivid picture of the Latin language is, 
therefore, to be derived from a consideration of this peculiarity, 
as developed— 


I. In the written language of ancient Rome. 


II. In the spoken language of ancient Rome, so far as we 
can discern it in the remains of the comedians. 


III. In the modern languages (and particularly in the 
French) which are derived from the Latin. 


§ 2. Abbreviations observable in the written forms. 


I. With regard to the written forms in which the Latn 
language has been handed down to us, it would not, perhaps, be 
too large an assertion, if we said that every etymological diffi 
culty arises more or less from this systematic abbreviation. It 
is true that all languages are more or less liable to this dimi- 
nution of the forms of speech, and it is the more observable in 
proportion as the syntax militates against the permanence of the 
etymological structures. But the distinctive peculiarity of the 
Latin appears in the fact that this abridgment coexists with a 
perfect maintenance of the word-forms, as far as the inflexions 
are concerned, and does not spring from the superabundance of 
syntactical substitutes. It is in fact a result of the haste and 
impatience of the Roman lords of the world, and is quite inde- 
pendent of the inherent principles of the language. If we look 
to other idioms, we shall see that, although the Sanscrit ¢léka 
runs the words into one another, and so affects the terminations, 
there is no appearance of abbreviation in the middle of the 
words. ‘The Hebrew and other Semitic dialects have broken 
down all the formative machinery, but the triliteral root main- 
tains its consonants, except where assimilation becomes inevi- 
table. To the latest period of Hellenistic Greek the spoken and 
written language tolerated the syllabic articulation of the longest 
compounds. Iligh-German still revels in the manufacture of 
polysyllables. And even the Sclavonic idioms, which have so 
many points of contact with the Latin, are not led, even by the 


§ 2.] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 515 


concourse of consonants, to abridge their composite forms; and 
in the haste of polite conversation we may hear the most sesqui- 
pedalian utterances at St Petersburg!. It is only the Latin 
language and its daughters, in which we observe this systematic 
shortening, first of spoken, and afterwards of written words, and 
therefore we may both attribute it to the habits of the people, 
and describe it as the characteristic feature of the Roman and 
Romance form of speech. 

There are two ways in which this tendency manifests itself— 
in the loss of the termination, and in the coalition of syllables in 
the middle of the word. 

When clipt or mutilated words are common in any language, 
the cause is to be sought in the strength and prominence of the 
single accent*, which is generally thrown forward as far as pos- 
sible, and in the impatience with which practical and busy men 
hurry through that part of their work which consists in talking. 
The rules of the Latin metrical system might have prepared us 
for something of the kind. It has been shown in a former chap- 
ter (above, p. 264), that the triple recurrence of the ictus was 
the essential feature of the Saturnian verse, the thesis being ob- 
served or neglected at the pleasure of the composer. Similarly, 
— the accentuated syllable of a word, or that on which the em- 
phasis of pronunciation was allowed to fall, was supposed to 
represent the significance of the term, just as the weight of a 
body is considered to be collected at its centre of gravity ; and 
the other syllables were slurred over or cast aside as superfluous 
and unnecessary incumbrances. As instances of this, one might 
adduce a number of syncopized forms of common words. We 
have ac for atque, amavere for amaverunt, amare for amarte, cal 
for colo, do for domo, dein for deinde, gau for gaudio, nec for 
neque, neu for neve, nt for nisi, pa for parte, po for populo, seu 
for sive®, &c.; and, not to speak of the visarga, by which a 


1 E. g. the common Russian for “present my compliments to your 
father” is zasvidyetelstvuete moe pochtenie vashemu batyushkye, i. e. testi- 
fieaminor meam. venerationem vestro patri, where the conventional verb is 
as long as an Aristophanic compound. 

3 See Dietrich, Zur Gesch. d. Accents in Lateinischen, Zeitschr. f. d. 
Vergl. Sprf. 1. pp. 543, sqq. 

8 Seo other instances in Columna's Ennius, p, 137. 


33—2 


616 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [cnaP. xiv. 


final s, though written, was not pronounced (New Crat. ὃ 242), 
we have a number of words in which the termination -4s or -us 
was regularly abridged to -ὅ; such as tlle, ipse, mage, &c., for 
ollus, ipsus, magis, &c. The contemptuous familiarity with 
which the master addressed his slaves gave rise to ἃ number of 
abbreviations of the Greek names of the latter. Thus Artem:- 
dorus was called Artemas (Varro, L. L. viri. § 21), Epaphro- 
ditus became the Epaphras of St Paul, and Demodorus shrank 
into Demas or Dama (Hor. 2. Serm. v, 101; «bed. vi, 54). 

But the hasty pronunciation of the Romans, so far as it was 
exhibited in the written forms of the language, appears chiefly 
in the omission of letters or syllables in the middle of words. 
If the hurried talker has time to pronounce more than one sylla- 
ble, he would rather preserve the termination than any of the 
middle sounds. Indeed, the accent sometimes stands over the 
ruins of a number of syllables, which it has fused into one com- 
pound articulation. The following instances, selected from a 
very large number, may serve to illustrate this: Ala for Azilla 
(Cic. Orat. c. 45, ὃ 153), ape for abhibe (Fest. p. 22), aula (olla) 
for auzilla, brüma (scil. dies), “the shortest day,” from brevimus, 
carcer from co-arceo, contaminare, the derivative verb from con- 
tagimen, contto for conventio, convitium for convicttium, cunc for 
cubine, decuria for decemviria, dixtt for dixisti (see the nume- 
rous instances collected by Corssen, 11. 26—33), exilis for ext- 
gilis (from egeo, cf. exiguus), tmus for infimus, jusso for jussero, 
jucundus for juviscundus, lapicidine for lapidicidine, mala for 
maxilla, mollis for mobilis, omentum for opimentum, otium for 
opitium, Pollius for Publilius (Nieb. H. R. 1. n. 977), paullus 
for pauzillus, porcet for. porro arcet (Fest. s. v. arceo, p. 15, 
Muller) prudens for providens, puella for puerula, qualus for 
quasillus, sacellum for sacraculum (comp. sakaraklim Hereklets 
-— sacellum Herculis, in the Cippus Abellanus, 1. 11), solari for 
sublevart, stipendium for stipipendium, sublimis for sublevimis 
(cf. μετέωρος), subtilis, “fine-spun,” for subtexilis (comp. sub- 
temen, tela), summus for supremus, suspttio for suspicitio, tandem 
for tamendem, vánus for vacanus, velum for vexillum, victes for 
vicent-ies, ἄς. This is particularly remarkable in the flexion- 
forma of nouns and verbs; and, as we have seen above, the 
complete forms cannot be restored until we have made good the 


§ 2.] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 517 


losses occasioned by this systematic abbreviation. Thus we 
have regularly dict-er, or even dici, for dicerier; and less com- 
monly sumpse for sumpsisse, &c. In some cases this abbrevia- 
tion will appear in ἃ compound, though the full form 1s retained 
in the simple word. "Thus, we find agnitus and cognitus by the 
side of notus, pejfro and dejéro by the side of jaro, and the same 
difference of quantity may be effected without any change in 
the spelling, as in nihilum by the side of hilum. This influence 
of the accent is the more felt in proportion to the length of the 
form; and sometimes we find two or three abbreviations in the 
same compound. For example, although the gen. cujus retains 
the original. termination, this has been shortened into f.i the 
compound: cut-cut-modi for cujus-cujus-modt (Cic. ad Att. 111. 22). 

The Romans, however, were not satisfied with getting rapidly 
through their simple words and regular compounds. The same 
principle was applied to the parathetic formations: thus magts 
auctus was condensed into mactus', magts volo was written malo, 
non volo became nolo, and so forth; and not only so, but we 
also find that in the case of quasi-compounds, made up of two 
or more words, which are not amalgamated by the loss of in- 
flexions into one whole, some part of the termination of the 
first word is regularly omitted, and thus the group is subjected 
to the domination of a single accent. It may be sufficient to 
mention such words as audin=audisne, Ecere, Ecastor, Epol 
=[per] edem Cereris, Castoris, 8. Pollucis?, ho'die=hoc die, 


1 J. J. Scaliger says (Scal. Pr. p. 105): “ mactum veteres Romani 
vocant auctum.  Herbam adultam Cato vocavit mactam, nempe quod ita 
aucta esset. —Macta hostia cum frugibus et mola aucta erat; sic macta 
ara, quod verbenis aucta et cumulata. Postea mactare hostiam pro caedere 
dicebant, ne scilicet cedem nominarent, quia nunquam cedebatur nisi 
frugibus macta esset. Nunquam autem mactabant hostiam quin dicerent 
* macta esto hac mola salsa Sic cum Deo alicui vinum libabant macte 
hoc vino esto dicebant in vocandi casu, quod est τεχνικὸν grammaticorum, 
nam mactus esto dicendum erat. Sic Persius: stemmatequod Tusco ramum 


millesime ducis, pro millesimus.” This passage seems to have been taken © 


by the compiler of the Scaligerana from Scaliger's letter to Vertun, Mus. 
Crit. 11. p. 47. 

3 It has been shown above (p. 303) that the dentals, when preceded 
and followed by vowels, are frequently omitted in the French forms of 
Latin words; and similarly, p and T must have been dropt in the old 


518 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


meridie = medi die, multimodis = multis medis, nudiustertius = 
nunc dies tertius, omnimodis — omnibus modis, refert = retfert, 
sis — 81 vis, sodes — si audes, tectifractis — tectis. fractis, vasar- 
gentets = vasibus argenteis, &c. Then, again, we find a number 
of verbal juxta-positions, for we cannot term them compounds, 
belonging to the same class: such are pate-facio — patere-facto, 
aci-licet = scire licet, vide-licet = videre-licet, &c. It has been 
shown above, that many verbs in, -do, -eo, -lo, -so, may be ex- 
plained in the same manner; and that a similar analysis may be 
applied to the secondary tenses of every verb. 

It is not necessary to pursue this part of the subject any 
farther; for we can scarcely read a page of Latin without find- 
ing some proofs of the general rule!. 


§ 3. Ancient Testimonies to the difference between the 
spoken and the written Language. 


II. But although there is much abbreviation in the written 
forms of the Latin language, the orthography of the Romans 
expressed much more than their articulation. This is more con- 
spicuous in proportion as we take a more polished and advanced 
period of the language. Before proceeding to demonstrate this 
from the metres of the comedians’, it will be convenient to 


pronunciation of some Latin words, such as pater, modo, quidem. The 
words Epol and Ecastor, with es for edis, &c., exhibit the same fact in the 
written forms of the old Latin language, and therefore complete the 
induction. 

1 The reader might be referred for further instances to a paper on 
the “ Ausfall oder Verwandlung der Consonanten durch Zusammenzie- 
hung oder Assimilation in der Lateiuischen Sprache," in the AAeinisch. 
Museum for 1839 (pp. 42—-81); but, although most of the words there 
enumerated are cases of contraction, the author, Professor Schwenck, has 
not been happy in his restorations. In the same volume of the AÀein. 
Mus. p. 297, there is a criticism on Prof. Schwenck by Dr. Düntzer. 

3 The first attempt, so far as I know, to apply this very natural and 
obvious test of the old colloquial pronunciation of Latin, was made by 
Mr. Hallam in his View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, 
Vol. rr. p. 816, where he says: “a decisive proof in my opinion of the 
deviation which took place, through the rapidity of ordinary elocution, 
from the strict laws of enunciation, may be found in the metre of Terence. 
His verses, which are absolutely refractory to the common laws of pro- 
sody, may be readily scanned by the application of this principle." But 


S s.] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 519 


adduce some passages, in which the difference between the 
written and the spoken language of ancient Rome is expressly 
recognized. 

When Cicero's Crassus (de Oratore, 111. 11, § 41) is speak- 
ing of the true mode of pronouncing Latin, he says: “1 do not 
like the separate letters to be either pronounced with pedantic 
accuracy, or slurred over too carelessly." This shows that, 
though an uneducated countryman might represent by his arti- 
culation too little of the written word, it would be a fault, on the 
other hand, if the scholar recollected too much of his spelling. 
Again, Suetonius, who had seen the chirograph of Augustus 
(Vit. Octav. c. 87), writes thus about his method of spelling 
(c. 88): * He did not strictly attend to orthography,—that is, 
the method and laws of writing as taught by the grammarians ;— 
on the contrary, he seems rather to adopt the opinion of those 
who think that we should write just as we talk. For as to his 
often changing or omitting not letters only, but whole syllables, 
this is a common inaccuracy ; nor would I remark the fact, did it 
not appear strange to me that he should have superseded a con- 
sular legate as being illiterate, because he saw in his handwriting 
exit for psi." From this it is clear, that in the time of Augustus 
people did not pronounce as they wrote. Quintilian, too, ex- 
pressly tells us (Inst. Orat. xt. 8, § 33), that, “although it is 
necessary, on the one hand, to articulate every word, yet it is 
wearisome and disgusting to take account of every letter, and as. 
it were to reckon them up: for not only is the crasis of vowels 
very common, but even some of the consonants are disguised 
when a vowel follows;" and then he quotes the examples of 
both ecthlipsis and synalepha in Virgil’s multum ille et terris. 
Much to the same effect are Cicero's remarks about the conglu- 
tinatio verborum or avoidance of the hiatus by a kind of crasés 
or synizesis (Orator. c. XXIII. § 78), and he says expressly 
that the Latin language repudiates a concurrence of vowels 
(Orator. ce XLIV. S 150: “ quod quidem Latina lingua sic ob- 
servat, nemo ut tam rusticus sit, qui vocales nolit conjungere"). 
From these and other passages which might be quoted, we 


perhaps every observing reader of the Latin dramatists, especially since 
the time of Bentley, may have arrived at somoeimilar conclusion. 


520 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


conclude that the written language of Rome could not be taken 
as a standard of even the most exact and careful pronunciation 
of educated men living in the city itself, whose mode of pro- 
nouncing was strikingly different from that of the provincials 
(Cicero, de Oratore, 111. 11, § 43, οἵ, Brutus, c. LXXIV. § 259). 
Accordingly, the colloquialisms of the country people must have 
been still farther removed from the written language of the 
day, and are less to be inferred from it. 

The true way of considering the Latin language, if we wish 
to realize to ourselves its spoken form, is to regard it aa strug- 
gling with the fetters of the Greek metrical system. 


§ 4. The Poetry of the Augustan age does not represent 


the genuine Latin Pronunciation ; 


The poetry of the Augustan age shows us, that the Greek 
rules of metre are observed with greater strictness by the 
Romans, who adopted them, than by the Greeks themselves. 
With the Roman poets the trochaic dipodia, that important 
rhythm in lyric poetry, always appears under the form of 
trochee + spondee; whereas in the Greek system there was 
nothing to prevent the dipodia from being pure. Take, for 
instance, the Sapphic verse: Horace’s second foot is always 
a spondee, Sappho's as often a trochee. The same minute 
accuracy, or rather sameness, is observable in their anacrusis. 
_ In Horace’s Alcaics the anacrusis at the beginning of the first 
three lines is rarely a short syllable; but in his Greek models 
he would as often find a short syllable as a long one*. All this 


1 On the difference between the lingua urbana and the lingua rustica, 
see Adelung, Mithridat. ri. p. 464, and the works quoted by him (p. 467). 

3 The remarks in the text refer to a mode of scanning the Sapphic 
and Alcaic stanzas, which is not in accordance with the common doctrine, 
but which is, I think, demonstrably correct. The Sapphic and Alcaic 
stanzas differ only in a varied arrangement of the same elements; and 
the first three lines of the Alcaic stanza begin with an anacrusis, which 
the Sapphic rhythm excludes in this particular form of the verse, though 
the so-called dodecasyllabic Alcaic is a Sapphic with the anacrusis, as in 
δ Ἰόπλοκ᾽ | dyva | μείλιχο | μείδε | Σαπφοι || which is the ordinary Sapphic, if 
we omit the anacrusi:, and the ordinary Alcaic, if we lop off the last 
syllable. If we call the dactyl A, the trochee B, and the anacrusis c, the 
law of the verse appear$ in the following simple formuls : 


8 4.} OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 521 


leads to the inference, that the poetry of the Augustan age was 
recited with a pedantic accuracy at variance with the genius of 
the language; and as the German opera-singers at the present 
day soften down their gutturals in order to accommodate their 
language to the flowing rhythm of Italian music, so the Romans, 
in the days of Horace and Virgil, were proud of their foreign 
fetters, and were glad to display the ascendancy which van- 
quished Greece had gained over the minds of her rude con- 
querors!, 


(1) Sapphic stanza: 2B -- A 4-2B (ter) 
2A. 


(2) Alcaic stanza: #+2B+2A (bis) 
e+4B. 
2A + 2 B. 


Thus, for example, the Sapphic contains three lines like—Jém sal tts 
ter||rís nivis || átque | déra ||, and one like—térruit | Grbem || ; where, it will 
be observed, the second member of the trochaic as well as of the dactylic 
dipodia is always aspondee. The Alcaic.has two lines like—V2\dés ut | 
Alta || stét nive | cándidum ||, one like—St!vaé la|bóran|tés ge|lüque ||, and 
one like— Flámina | cónstite|| rínt a'ctto. With regard to the Sapphic verse, 
in particular, it will not perhaps be easy to correct errors which are 
sanctioned no less by the practice of schools than by the well-known 
jingle of the Anti-Jacobin ; but it is not to be borne that this ignorance 
should exalt itself to dogmatism. In the third number of the Classical 
Museum (pp. 338, 8qq.) there is an article in which we are told that the 
Sapphic verse, “recited with the true metrical quantity and the natural 
spoken accent,” will read thus: Jáwm sattees | taérees || nívis atitque | deéros, 
&c.; and that the following is a Sapphic of the same kind: che il gran 
sepolero libero di Christo! And this is delivered, not as a modest sugges- 
tion, but as a decree of oracular wisdom. 

1 The relations between the pronunciation and metre, the accent and 
quantity, of the Latin language have been discussed by my learned friend, 
Mr. H. A. J. Munro, of Trinity College, in an able and elaborate paper 
‘read before the Cambridge Philosophical Society on the 13th February, 
1860. In this paper Mr. Munro has shown at length that “before the 
third century Α. Ὁ. Latin verses of every kind, popular as well as learned, 
were written by quantity alone; that accent had no direct influence on 
the different kinds of metre, as long as the rules of quantity were 
observed; but that, in the course of the third century, accent so entirely 
superseded quantity, that the latter ceased to exist, except when, as in 
the case of Claudian for instance, it was kept up by artificial training.” 
This is exemplified in a striking manner by the Algerian inscription which 
is the immediate subject of Mr. Munro's paper. It is thus given and 
translated by Mr. Blakesley (Four Months in Algeria, p. 285): 


522 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. xiv. 


ὃ 5. which is rather to be derived from an Examination 
of the Comic Metres. 


This refined and mincing pronunciation was, of course, less 
compatible with the colloquialisms of comedy than with the 


HICEGOQVITACEOVERSIBVSMEA: "TADEMONSTROLVOCEMCLA RAFRVI 
TVBETTEMPORASVMMAPRAECILIVSCIRTENSILAREARGENTARI 
AXEXIBVIARTEMFYDESINMEMIRAFPVITBEMPERETVERITABOMNISOM 
NISBVSCOMMVNISEGOCVINONMISERTVSVBIQVERISVSLVX VRIASEMPERFRVITVBCVN 
CARIBAXICISTALEMPOSTOBITV MDOMINAEVALERIAENONINVENIPVDICAEVITAMCVM POTVI 
GRATAMHABVICVNCONIVGESANCTAMNATALESHONESTEMEOSCENTV MCELEBRA VIFELICBS 
ATVENITPOSTREM ADIESVTBPIRITVBINANIAMEMPRA RBLINQVATTITTVLOSQVOSLEGTISVIVVBSMEE 
MORTIPARAVIVTVO-VEQREVNAMNO-AMEDEBERVITIPRASEQVIMINITALESRIICVOSEXORRECTOVEXITAE 
The old gentleman probably intended to write: Hic ego qui taceo 
versibus mea fata demonstro, lucem claram fruitus et tempora summa 
Precilius, Cirtensi Lare, argentariam exhibui artem. Fides in me mira 
fuit semper et veritas omnis omnibus communis. Ego cui non misertus 
ubique? Risus, luxuriam semper fruitus cum caris amicis, talem post 
obitum Domins Valeris non inveni Pudice vitam cum potui gratam 
habui cum conjuge sanctá. Natales honeste meos centum celebravi felices. 
At venit postrema dies ut spiritus inania membra relinquat. Titulos 
quos legis, vivus mese morti paravi ut voluit Fortuna. Nunquam me 
deseruit ipsa. Sequimini tales: hinc vos expecto. Venite. 
BLAKESLEY'S Four Months in Algeria, p. 285. 


And the accentual hexameters are arranged by Mr. Munro as follows: 


1. Hic égo quitáceo vérsibus méá vitá démónstro 

2. lücém clára früitüs ettémpora sámma. Praécil(iu)s 

ὃ. Cirténsi laré árgéntár(1a)m éxibul ártem. 

4. fydés inmé mira fuit sémper étvéritás ómnis 

5. ómnibüs commünis. égo cui nónmisértus ubique 

6. rísüs, lixdr(ia) sémper früitus cuncdris amícis, 

7. talém pós(óbit)üm d(ómin)se Valér(iae) néninvéni. pudícae 
8. vitam cám pótui grütám hab(ul) cüncónjuge sánctam 

9, natáles hónésté m(éo)s céntüm c(£le)brávI félices. 
10. át v(énit) póstréma d(fés) utsp(írit)us inánia mémpra relínquat. ἡ 
11. tttulds quoslégis vivus méé mérti parávi, 
12. utvóluit fortina : nünquam médéséruit ípsa. 
18. séquímini táles: hinc vós expéctó. venitae. 

v. 12. Perhaps utvolui: fortuna námnón, &c. 


Mr. Munro has remarked that these lines form an aerostio—the initial 
letters of the first three, H. L. C., standing for hoc loco cubat, hunc locum 
consecravit, hunc lapidem condidit, or some such formula, and the remain- 
ing initials making up the word fortunatus. From the mention of Cirta, 
Mr. Munro argues that the inscription cannot be later than the begin- 


e 


ἢ 5.] | OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 523 


elegant stiffness of copied heroic! or lyric poetry. Consequently, 
though the comedians borrowed their metres from the Greeks, 
they were content to pronounce the words as they were uttered 
by the common people; and as the busy talkers of the forum 
were wont to clip and contract their words, so the syllables 
usually omitted in speaking were not taken into account on the 
comic stage. When, therefore, we can recognize the law of the 
verse in a Latin comedy, but find that the syllables, as they 
stand written in many of the lines, are more numerous than 
is necessary for the feet of the verse according to the usual laws 
of quantity, we may safely conclude that the superfluous sylla- 
bles were omitted in the pronunciation of the actor; and if by 
him, à fortiori, that they were habitually slurred over by the 
majority of his audience. This opinion will be confirmed, if we 
discover, on further inquiry, that the syllables so dispensed with 
are not found in the corresponding forms exhibited by the 
modern idioms which derive their origin from the language of 
ancient Rome. 

The following instances, few out of many, may be sufficient 
to establish this?. Let us first take some of the short impera- 
tives, which are, by the nature of the case, especially liable to 
hurried pronunciation. As our look/ has degenerated into lo/, 


ning of the fourth century, as that town was rebuilt by Constantine and 
called by its present name Constantina. I am indebted to the kindness 
of Mr. Munro for the opportunity of referring to his paper, which has 
not yet appeared in the Transactions of the Philosophical Society. 

1 The Prenestine Sortes, written between 600 and 650 A.U.C., give us 
specimens of Latin Hexameters written according to the rules of quan- 
tity observed by the dramatic poets, e.g. we have 

Conrigi vix tandem quod cur non est factum crede. 
Where the i of the infin. pass. is made short, and factum pronounced 
fe ἐὅ. And 

Quod petis postempus consilium : quod rogas, non est. 
Where we have not only pet? but rog', and where consilium is pronounced 
consilyum or consiglum. 

3 The reader, who desires a more copious induction, may refer to the 
well-known essays of Bentley and Hermann; to some compilations, de- 
rived from these and other sources, in the Journal of Education (Vol. n. 
pp. $44, sqq.), and in the Penny Cyolopedia, s. v. Terentian Metres; and 
to Ritschl’s valuable Prolegomena to Plautus. 


524 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


and the Latin vide has become the Italian ve’, and the French 
vot’ or σ᾽ (in vot-ct, vla); so in Terent. Adelph. τι. 2, 31, it is 
clear that we must pronounce this line: 

Labáscit : tn’ hoc hábyo: v8’ si sát placet. 
Here, also, we have Italian abbio. Similarly, as Cicero tells us’ 
that cave ne eas was pronounced cauneas, we see that the follow- 
ing line (Phormio, v. 1, 37) must be pronounced : 

Sed pér debs atqu’ hómmes, meám's' hano, céu resciscat quísquam. 
This line also furnishes the French abbreviation hommes. A 
question might arise whether deos might not be a monosyllable 
=dyos, as in Plaut. Trin. 520, and homtines a dissyllable= 
hom'nés; but the commonest rules of emphasis plead for the 
arrangement which I have proposed. It is impossible that deos 
should be a mere ¢hests, and that an accent should fall on atque. 

Then, again, as the French say tat, it is clear that tace is a 
single long syllable in the following line (AdélpA. 11. 4. 16): 

At ut ómne réddat—ómne réddet—taí-mod', ác suire héc—sequor. 


Which line also furnishes us with the imperative suzre for se- 
quere, if we may in this case also follow the French analogy. 
In general there seems to have been a tendency towards soften- 
ing down the guttural into its ultimate form, the vowel «. This 
has obviously taken place in fatre and «il, derived from facere 
and oculus; and not only is the imperative tace a monosyllable, 
but also its indicative /acet, as in the following line (.4delpÀ. 1v. 
5, 5): 
Tait: car non lid’ hunc ál'quantísper mélyus est. 

Where for al'quantisper compare Italian alcuno, and the French 
aucun, from aliquis unus.: It can scarcely be doubted that 
Adelphi, 111. 2, 20, was pronounced as follows: 


Ad'lescént ips! brip’r’ αἰΐοδ : pósthac praécip'tém darém ; 
and that in 111. 2, 87, lacrymas is ἃ dissyllable after the ana- 
logy of larme, and of serment from sacramentum. Similarly, in 


Heaut. Y. 5, 16, quoted below, as the ictus falls on facile, we 


1 De Divin. π. 40, $ 84: * Quum M. Crassus exercitam Brundisii 
imponeret quidam in portu, caricas Cauno advectas vendens, Cawneat 
clamitabat. Dicamus, si placet, monitum ab eo Crassum, caveret ne iret." 


ἢ 5.] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 525 


may conclude that it was pronounced as a single long syllable. 
Festus tells us that there was a form facul, and facile appears as 
a mere anacrusis in the Scipio epitaph (c. 5); above, Ch. vr. 
§ 20. Perhaps the most singular instance of this omission of the 
guttural is furnished by the French faible from. flexibilis; for in 
this there is a double collapse. 

The imperatives abi, redi, are monosyllables with the omis- 
sion of the unnecessary b and d (Adelph. τι. 1, 13, and 36), 
and jube throws off its b (Adelph. v. 6, 1), as it does in the 
perfect, &c. 

The phrase bono antmo es is shortened for the game reason as 
the other imperatives. In Plautus (Rudens, 111. 3, 17) it forms 
a cretic: 

"O salátis meaé spés tac’ ác bón-ame és. 


We observe the same sort of abbreviation in a number of 
nouns of common occurrence; such, for instance, as express the 
nearest degrees of family relationship. The compound parricida 
indicates a contraction of pater analogous to the French pére, 

&nd the word was probably 80 pronounced in such lines as 
(Adelph. 1. 1, 51): 


Hoc pater ac dominus interest: hoc qui nequit; i.e. 
Hoc pére ac dónnus tnterést: hoc quí nequit. 
and (Adelph. 1. 2, 46): 
Natura tu illi pater es, consiliis ego; i.e. 
Natéra τώ gli pére es, cónsiglís ego. 
where the ictus falls upon it. In the latter line, as tu is em- 
phatic, an elision would be inadmissible; we must therefore pro- 
‘nounce tii either as the Italian gi? or as the French lus, and 
this gives us another modern analogy. In the former line dom«- 
nus is probably a dissyllable following the analogy of domna, 
which becomes donna in Italian, and dame in French. Similarly, 
homines is ἃ monosyllable in the passage quoted above from the 
Phormio; animus becomes ame; femina, femme, &c. 

That puer was often ἃ monosyllable appears from the forms 
por, pora, which occur in inscriptions, from the compounds Luct- 
por, Marcipor, &c., and from the Spartan ποῖρ for παῖς. In 
Heaut. v. 5, 16, we should read or pronounce as follows: 


Gnáte m'yó pol tí do póllam [or pwéllam] lépidam quám tu fall amés. 


526 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


The mood of ames shows that the emphatic lam would be as 
out of place here, as it is appropriate in the following line. And 
do, which we should have expected in the first instance (cf. 
Andr. 1. 5, 60; 11. 2, 15) has been turned into dabo, partly 
from a confusion between the readings dopuellam and daboillam, 
and partly by an anticipation of dabo in v. 19. With regard to 
the monosyllabic ¢ for tib, the Romans frequently omitted 5 in 
the middle of a word: this is most common in the dat. and abl. 
pl. of the first declension, and is also observable in the French 
derivatives; such as ow and y from ub: and ἐδέ. For the change 
of puer into por, we may also compare the transformation of 
fuere and fuerent into fore, forent. 

Perhaps two of the most striking instances of this clipt pro- 
nunciation are afforded by the scansion of the particles quidem 
and modo, in both of which the d is omitted. With regard to 
the former even Bentley remarked that it must be frequently a 
monosyllable in Terence (ad Andr. τ. 8, 20), and Ritschl (Proleg. 
PP. CXL sqq. 01.111.) and Fleckeisen (N. Jahrb. Lx. 260) have 
shown that this was the case in Plautus. The following reasons 
have been adduced to prove that it was so in general. (1) The 
analogy of ttem, shortened from «tidem, will support the pronun- 
ciation of gu’-em for quidem. (2) As it is an enclitic, and is 
regularly attached to certain words, in the same way as περ, ‘ye, 
&c. in Greek, it seems reasonable to suppose that it would be 
peculiarly liable to curtailment. It is argued therefore, that if 
we retain the full form of quidem with some of these words, we 
alter their quantity, and so sacrifice the principal word in order 
to preserve a mere appendage. Thus ego-quidem, or eg-quidem, 
is marked éguidem in books on Latin prosody, and sigutdem, 
quandoquidem are marked siquidem, quanddquidem, although the 
true quantity of the separate words is δὲ, quando; and though in 
other compounds—quandoque, quandocunque—this quantity is 
invariably retained. Hence it is inferred that quandoguidem 
must have been pronounced quandoqu'em; siquidem, siqu'em ; 
and equidem, équ'em; and that me quidem must be scanned me 
quem in Pers. 1. 110, But although there is reason to believe 
that quidem was either a monosyllable or two very short syl- 
lables in the colloquial Latin of the comedians (see Corssen, 
II. p. 93), Mr Merivale has properly remarked (ad Sallust. Ca- 


§ 5.] OP THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 527 


tilin. 51, p. 86) that * it is not likely that this vulgar contraction 
would be admitted in heroic poetry ;" and with regard to equt- 
dem in particular, the instances which he has cited of its usage 
in the first person plural, and in the other persons, are sufficient 
to justify Priscian's repudiation of the common belief that it is a 
cerruption of ego quidem. It would be better, therefore, to sup- 
pose that 2guidem is related to quidem just as enim is to nam, 
and that the first two syllables were pronounced distinctly in 
Virgil, Georg. 1. 415: haud equidem credo quia s divinitus 
tls. Pers. 1. 110: littera—per me equidem sint. omnia pro- 
tinus alba. Lucan, VIII. 824: haud equidem immerito Cumanas 
carmine vatis. As to the argument from quandoquidem, there 
can be no doubt that quando may be & trochee (see the examples 
quoted by Corssen, 1. p. 343); the first three syllables of guan- 
doquidem necessarily constitute a dactyl in Lucretius 1, 587: 
quid porro nequeat, sancitum quandoquidem extat; and in what- 
ever manner we pronounce qutdem, the second syllable of guan- 
doquidem is certainly not long in Plautus, Trin. 352: qudndo- 
quidem nec tíbi bene esse póte pati nec dlteri. With regard to 
siquidem there is no doubt that the d is pronounced' in Ter. 
Heaut. τι. 8, 90: quid dliud tibi vis—stquidem hoc fit—stquidem 
when si retains its proper quantity and is pronounced separately. 
And though siquidem may be a dissyllable in these passages in 
the comedians where it cannot be a cretic, it is not likely that it 
was 80 pronounced in hexameter verse, especially when there is 
an ecthlipsts, as in Juvenal vi. 621: boletus—siquidem untus 
praecordia pressit, which would reduce the particle to estque. 
And on the whole we may follow the analogy of quandoquidem, 
and consider the first syllable of siquidem as shortened in those 
cases in which the two words formed a single particle, just as 
Horace writes (1 Serm. 1x. 43) 


Mecenas quomodd tecum, 
where he uses quomodo as a mere particle; though in the same 
satire (v. 48) he writes: 
non isto vivimus illic, 
Quo tw rere, modo, 
where he uses quo and modo as two distinct words. 
It is manifest that modo must often have been pronounced 


pu p D Aun. GN 


628 CONSTRUCTION AND PATHOLOGY ([CHAP. XIV. 


as a monosyllable: see e.g. Ter. Andr. 11.1, 2, and rr. 4, 6. 
In the languages derived from the Latin the compound quomodo 
is represented by como Sp., come It., and comme Fr.; in which 
the d is omitted, and in the last, as in the old French cum (be- 
low, § 9), the syllable is dropt altogether. The knowledge of 
this abbreviated pronunciation enables us sometimes to correet 
a faulty reading. But although Ritschl was well aware that 
modo was monosyllabic, and though one of his best MSS. in 
Plautus, Trin. τι. 4, 179 —580, gives the reading si for st, he has 
allowed actwmst to stand when actum sit would improve both 
the metre and the syntax: 
L. Set, Stasime, abi huc ad meam sororem ad Calliclem : 
Die, hoc negoti quomodo actum sit. 
St. Ibitur. - 

The scanning is obviously quóm'do actum sit. It is to be re- 
marked, however, that the d of modo, quomodo is never omitted 
in writing, and there is, therefore, no justification for the absurd 
proposal that 4mmo or $mo, which is obviously the adverb of 
emus, should be regarded as a mutilation of tn modo’. 


& 6. The French Language is the best modern representative 
of the spoken Latin. 


III. We may now pass, by a natural transition, to our 
third source of information respecting the constitution of the 
Latin language—that which exhibits it pathologically, or in its 
state of disorganisation or decay. 

It will not be expected that I should here show at length 
how the Romance languages were formed from the Latin. It 
will be sufficient to point out some of the reasons for believing 
that the French language is a better living representative of the 
pronunciation of the ancient Italians than the language which is 
now spoken in the peninsula itself; and, in conclusior, to state 
briefly what was the process of the disintegration, and in what 
degree the modern differed from the ancient form. 


1 Classical Museum, 1t. pp. 201—297. The author of this suggestion 
must have learned in his younger days that an ablative of manner repu- 
diates any preposition, and modus, of all Latin words, would be the 
least likely to violate this general rule. 


$6.] . ' OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. ' 529: 


As the Romans successively conquered the different nations 
which formed the population of Italy, they gradually included 
within the limits of ἃ single empire a number of different tribes, 
who spoke idioms, or dialects, differing but little from the lan- 
guage of the Romans themselves. It is not, therefore, surprising 
that a gradual amalgamation should have taken place, and that: 
every Italian should have spoken, with only slight variations of 
accent, one and the same Latin language. The language οὗ 
Rome itself—the language of government, of literature, and of 
.law—would, of course, be independent of these minor differences, 
Every educated man and every public functionary would refer 
to this unvarying standard, and would speak or write, in some 
cases with pedantic accuracy, the language of the senate-house 
and the forum!. Accordingly, the inhabitants of the provinces, 
4. 6. the foreign subjects of the Empire, would hear nothing but 
pure Roman Latin; and, if they learned the language of their 
rulers at all, they would at least learn it in the best form.. 
Their position in this respect differed materially from that of 
colonists, even in ancient times. The colonists of our day, and. 
especially the English emigrants, present a material contrast to. 
the case of the Roman provincials. For, while the colonists who- 
sailed from Corinth or Athens were of all classes—o: rvyóvres— 
our modern colonists are generally those who are either not able 
to live at home, or, at all events, who practise trades inconsistent 
with a high amount of educational polish. We find, therefore, . 
that colonial English represents only the vulgar colloquial lan- 
guage of the mother-country; whereas the Roman provincials 
spoke a language derived—imperfectly, it might be, but still 
derived—from the polished and elegant diction of proconsuls, 
jurisconsults, negotiatores, and publicani. — 

The Gauls, in particular, were remarkable for their tendency 
to assimilate themselves, in their language and usages, to .the 
Romans. In an inconceivably short space of time the province: 
Gallia was completely Romanized?. Their own language was 


1 Scaliger partly saw this; he says (Prima Scaligerana, p. 99): 

* Lingure nostre Gallicte potior pars ex publicis instrumentis que Latine 
seribebantur conflata est." 

- & How completely this was the case even in Cicero's time may be 

inferred from what he says in hia Orat. pro Fonteio, 1, § 1: “ Reforta. 


D, V. 94 


-- em ee πὰ ταν ee — ἡπηησασε τῶν πΠππ πτισν- — REC ἀπ πισπαπ ὦν τὸ απ 1 


530. CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY ([CHAP. xiv. 


out of the pale of civilisation: in fact, they had. no mother- 
tongue to struggle for. A language is only dear to us, when we 
know its capabilities, and when it is hallowed by a thousand. 
connexions with our civilisation, our literature, and our comforts. 
So long as it merely lisps the inarticulate utterances of half- 
educated men, it has no hold upon the hearta of those who 
speak it, and it is readily neglected or thrown aside in favour of 
the more cultivated idiom, which, while it finds names for luxu- 
rjes of civilisation before unknown, algo opens a communication 
with those who appear as the heralds of moral and intellectual 
regeneration. 'The Greeks and the Jews had good reasons for 
loving the language of their ancestors, and could never be jn- 
duced to forget or relinquish the flowing rhythms of their poets 
or the noble energy of their prose-writers. The case was not 80 
with the provincials of Gaul. Without any anterior predilec- 
tions, and with a mobility of character which still distinguishes 
their modern representatives, they speedily &dopted the manners 
and the words of the Romans; and it is probable that in the 
time of the Empire there was no more difference between the 
grammatical Latin of Lyons.and Rome, than there is now be- 
tween. the grammatical French of St Petersburg and Paris. 


& 7... The modern Italian not equally so: and why. 


From what I have just said, it should appear thaf the Latin 
spoken in Gaul was upon the whole better and purer than the 
Latin spoken in the municipal districts of Italy during the time 
of the. Empire. Let us, however, suppose that they were only 
equally good. Then, if it can be shown that the disturbing 
causes were greater and more efficacious in Italy than in Gaul, 
we shall still have a greater surplus of good Latinity in the 
latter. 


Gallia negotiatorum est, plena civium Romanorum. Nemo Gallorum sine 
cive Romano quidquam negotii gerit; nummus in Gallia nullus sine 
civium Romanorum tabulis commovetur, &c.” For the literary culture of 
Gaul some hundred years later, the reader may consult the commentators 
on Juvenal, 1. 44; vir. 147, 8; xv. 111. Gibbon, who perceived that 
the language of Virgil and Cicero completely superseded the Celtic idiom 
in Gaul (Vol. r. p. 64, Milman), extends the same remark to other 
provinces to which it is not equally applicable, . 207 


-w- ^ . * 


$7.] - * OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE, . 531 


Before the Italian language revived as a vehicle of literary 
communication, the peninsula had been subjected to a series of 
invasions, which had modified and corrupted in no slight degree 
the speech of the country people. This was effected not only by 
the influence of the conquerors, but also by the infusion of a con- 
siderable amount of foreign population. In Lombardy and other 
parts, where the invaders formed a permanent settlement, the 
change was most sensibly and durably felt; whereas Tuscany, 
which had been screened by its position from any permanent or 
extensive occupation by the northern tribes, was not exposed to 
this corruption of its familiar language, and its greater wealth, 
its commerce, and its independence, preserved among its inha- 
bitants a residuum of the old Latin literature and civilisation. 

When, therefore, vernacular composition revived in Italy, 
it was emphatically Tuscan. It is true that the new literary 
language spread itself over the whole of Italy, and that there 
were varieties of accent in the different districts’. Still, how- 
ever, a purity of Tuscan phraseology is essential to literary cor- 
rectness: and whatever a man’s native accent may be, he must 
accommodate it to this court-language. It follows, therefore, 
that the pronunciation of modern Italian must be syllabic. In 
other words, it must be more akin to the studied accuracy with 
which the Romans of the Augustan age pronounced their Gra- 
cized poetry, than to the natural articulation of the ancient 
Italians. It has been truly said, that the Italian language can- 
not be pronounced both well and quickly. This is only another 
expression of the fact, that a literary language, which is not 
natural, can only be articulated syllabically. The qualification 
of lingua Toscana in bocca Romana is another illustration of the 
same fact; for here we have a recognition of the truth, that the 

modern Italian is a written language to be pronounced according 


1 On these differences of Italian articulation Matthseus ZEgyptius writes 
as follows (ad S. C. de Bacch. p. 145): “ Quosdam audias ore adstricto, et 
inter dentes, dimidiata verba tanquam invitos, et cum quadam parsimonia 
efferre, ut Ligures: quosdam ore patulo et laxo, claraque et sonera voce, 
animi sensus effundere, ut Neapolitani faciunt: medios inter hos Senenses, 
queis Musa dedit ore rotundo loqui. Adderem Florentinos nisi ex imo 
gutture prouuntiantes originem adhuc ostenderont Pheeniciam.” - 


"094—282 


532 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


to its syllables, and that of the accents, in which it can be pro- 
nounced, the best and sweetest is that of a well-educated inha- 
bitant of the pontifical metropolis. 


§ 8. Different Dialects of the French Language. 


Very different was the case of the Gauls. After living for 
several hundred years under the dominion and influence of the 
Romans, and having lost their Celtic language and in a great 
measure their Celtic character, they were invaded and partially 
conquered by a confederation of German warriors, who called 
themselves Franks, a name indicating their bold and martial 
character’, The domination of these rude conquerors did not 


1 It has usually been supposed that the word Frank denotes “ free- 
man,” so that “French” and “ Latin” would, when referred to their ety- 
mology, appear as synonymous terms. This is not, however, the original 
meaning of the word Frank: though, in a secondary sense, the word has 
borne this signification. In the Teutonic languages, to which it belongs, 
the word fra-n-k, or /rak, is equivalent to ferow, and signifies “bold,” 
“warlike,” “intrepid” (see Thierry, Lettres sur UHistoire de France, 
Lettr. vr. p. 436, Bruxelles ed.). The namo, therefore, according to its 
original signification, refers to the martial qualities, just as the name of 
the Rasena (which may also be compared with the Hebrew 3) expresses 
the rapid movements of warlike hordes (cf. Joel m. 4). Some nations 
have derived their name from their physical characteristics. Thus, as we 
have seen (p.37), the Pelopes and Pelasgians of Greece got this appellation 
from the sun-burnt complexion of the colonists from Lydia. And there 
can be little doubt that the ivory shoulder of the mythical Pelops was 
suggested by the white necks of those Asiatics, who wore high dresses 
(Thucyd. 1. 6), and consequently did not expose the whole of their 
person to the sun, "That men and women differed in complexion in 
Greece, and that a sedentary in-door's occupation might produce a dif- 
ference of colour, is clear from the remark in Aristophanes (Zcelesiaz. 
885) that the parliament of women looked like an assembly of cobblers: 
ov yàp ἀλλ᾽ ὑπερφνῶς de λευκοπληθὴς ἦν ἰδεῖν ὁμιλία. I remember that 
on one occasion, when & highland regiment landed in kilts from the 
West Indies, where they had worn trousers, it was remarked that their 
faces and legs did not match. Ethnical names in addition to their primi- 
tive meaning, are often used as expressive of certain qualities, whether 
the use is complimentary or not. Assassin, Gascon, Vandal, and Goth, 
are attributive words in our own language; the word Slave has been 
derived from the low estate of the Sclavonians; and even in ancient 


times, Káp, Κρής, Παφλάγων, Muods, Συβαρίτης, Σκύθης, &c., were terms 


8 s.] . OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE, ; 533 


destroy the Roman texture of the language which was spoken 
by the inhabitants of Gaul. At first both the conquerors and the 
conquered retained their own idioms; and the lingua Francisca, 
or Francica, of the German invaders, flourished by the side of 
the lingua Gallica, or Gallicana, of the conquered provincials. 
In time, however, as there was much more literary culture 
among the latter, and as the priests and scholars of the age were 
all furnished by the district in which the Franks had settled, 
the standard of diction would be sought in the language of the 
more educated class, and the Roman language, more or less cor- 
rupted, would gradually become the medium of communication 
between the conquerors and the conquered. 

As might have been expected, this gradual adoption of the 
Roman language by the Teutonic invaders gave rise to a number 
of dialects. Of these the most refined and polished was that 
which was spoken by the inhabitants of the south-eastern dis- 
trict of France, Many causes conspired to give this idiom an 
earlier development. The south-eastern provincials were more 
completely Romanized in the first instance’; they were less sub- 
jected to foreign invasion than the other inhabitants of France; 
the Burgundians and Visigoths, who settled among them, were 
more adapted for social life than their German brethren, and more 
readily assimilated their language and customs to those of their 
subjects; and when at length Provence became a part of the 
Frankish dominions, the conquerors were no longer unruly 
German barbarians, but the civilized and Romanized subjects of 
a regular monarchy. . The happy climate of Provence, and the 
wealth and commerce of the people, contributed to foster and en- 
courage those arts which can only flourish in a genial soil; and 
we are not to wonder if the provincials outstript the northern 
Gauls in intellectual tastes as well as in physical comforts. 

The connexion between Provence and Catalonia tended to 


significant of qualities. The German confederacy of the Franks seems 
to have corresponded to that of the Iscesvones; those of the Sarons and 
Thuringians to the Ingevones and Herminones respectively. (See above, 
Ῥ. 78). 

1 It is right, perhaps, to say, that Marseilles in particular was rather 
Grecized than Romanized: sec Cic. pro Flacco, 26, § 36. 


534 CONSTITUTION ASD PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


increase the civilisation of the latter. But, in reference to the 
present object, to discover a Romance language which shall most 
accurately represent the spoken language of the Romans, we may 
safely dismiss the Spaniards; whose language, already corrupted 
by the invasions of the Suevians and Visigoths, has been still 
farther disorganized by the pervading and durable influence of 
the highly civilized Arabians. 

The people of Provence were keenly sensible of the difference 
between their own language and that of their Franco-Gallic 
rulers. The names, by which they distinguished their own 
country and that of the French, referred to the differences of the 
idioms spoken in them. It is singular that this difference should 
have been expressed in terms of the affirmative particle, which 
they had respectively adopted. Drawing 4 line through Dau- 
phiné, Lyonnais, Auvergne, Limousin, Perigord, and. Saintonge, 
the country to the south of this was called Langue d'oc, the dis- 
trict to the north of the line was termed Langue d'oyl. Now, 
although the differences between the Langue d'oc and the 
‘Langue d'oyl consisted mainly in the greater or less development 
of the Latin element in each, it is to be remembered that these 
affirmative particles are both due to their Teutonic affinities’. 
And here is the inconsistency; the words oc and oyl are equally 
Frankish or German, and yet the people of the Langue d'oc dis- 
tinguished their language from that of the Langue d'oyl by 
calling it Roman, lemozi, provensalesc; and they termed them- 
selves Provinciales, i.e. Romane Provincia inquilini, as distin- 
guished from the Francigene of the north. 


89. But all these Dialects were closely related to the Latin. 


But whatever were the distinctions between the languages 
of the northern and southern inhabitants of the province of 


, Ὁ According to Grimm (D. Gramm. m1. p. 768), oyl is ja il, and oc is 
ja ich; the only difference between them being, that the affirmative is 
combined with the first person in the one case, and with the third person 
in the other. To me it appears that oyl is simply the affirmitive wel or 
wohl (for this power of the initial o see above, p. 58), and that oc is the 
German auch — etiam (Phil. Mus. τι. p.845) . 


$9] ^ OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE, ' 533 


Gaul,-it is clear that the language of the whole country was to 
the middle of the ninth century A. D. a very near approximation 
to the Latin. We have the original of an oath which was sworn 
at Strasburg in 842 a. p., by Lodewig, king of Germany. This 
interesting document, which is expressly stated to have been in 
. the Romana lingua, is in the following words’: **Pro Dew 
amor et pro Christian poblo et nostro commun salvament, dist 
di en avant, in quant Deus savir et podir me dunat, st salvarat 
to cist meon fradre Karle, et in adjuda et in cadhuna cosa, st 
cum om per dreit son fradre salvar dist, in o quid il mi altresi 
fazet: et ab Ludher nul plaid numquam prindrai, qui, meon 
vol, citat meon. fradre Karle in damno sit." It appears from 
the context of the history, that the oath was couched in this 
language in order that it might be understood by the French 
subjects of Karl le Chauve. It was, therefore, the common 
language of the country ; and as it is free from Germanisms, and 
exhibits only those corruptions of the Latin for which it is easy 
to account, it furnishes us with a distinct confirmation of the 
opinion, that we ought to seek in the language of France for the 
best modern representative of the language of ancient Italy. 


! Nithardi Hist. ap. Ser. Rer. Francic. vit. p. 26, quoted by Thierry, 
Lettres sur U Histoire de France (Lettr. x1). Substituting the Latin 
words which come nearest in etymology to the words of this fragment, 
we bave: Pro Dei amore et pro Christiano populo et nostro comnuni 
salvamento, de isto die in ab-ante, in quantum Deus sapere δὲ posse mihi 
donabit, sic salvare habeo ego ecc! istum. meum fratrem Carolum, et in ad- 
jutu εἰ in quaque una causa, sic quomodo homo per directum (Fr. droit) suum 
Jratrem salvare debitus est, in eo quod ille mih alterum sic faciet: et ab Lo- 
thario nullum placitum numquam prendere habeo, quod, mea voluntate, ece” 
isti meo fratri Carolo in damno sit. It is not necessary to enter upon 
any lengthened discussion of the corrupt Latinity of these words. That 
salvar-ai, &c., are salvare-habeo, &c., is well known. It appears from the 
oldest forms of the words that the French cel, cest. (cist), Italian quello, 
questo, are the compounds ecc! ille and ecc! iste respectively. For, as in 
Provencal we have aisso, in old French aezo, into which co enters, 80 we 
have icel and icest, anterior to cel and cest. Similarly ici is ecc' hi. Of 
altrest, which is common in Italian, Varchi says: “ Altres’ ἃ Provenzale, 
non Ispagniuolo, e gli antichi nostri scrivevano alireste, e non altresi.” 
Comp. altrettale, altrettanto. The French aussi represents aliresi with the 
usual change of / into wu. 


536 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [cmar. xiv. 


. Among the political or official terms, which the Franks 
adopted from the Latinized inhabitants of Gaul, and which show 
the extent of the influence to which I am referring, not the least 
interesting are the titles matre and bails, which designated the 
primary and secondary offices in a municipality or district. The 
former name is a corruption of the Latin adjective major, and it 
was originally used as an epithet to the term prepositus, which 
has left its traces in the French prévéé and our provost. Hence, 
it happens that mayor in England and provost in Scotland are 
synonymous designations for the chief of a municipal body. On 
the other hand, the word balls, It. balio or bailo, is derived 
from the Latin bajulus, sometimes corrupted into basllivus, and 
denoted the secondary officer or depnty. According to its ety- 
mology bajulus for bar-tolus (cf. pejor for per-ior) denoted a 
bearer of burdens, and so the word is connected with φερ-, $op-, 
bhri, fer, bar-dus, bar-o, βασ-τάζω, &c. (Dóderl. Syn. u. Ex. τ. 
151). In his official duties, therefore, the bajulus or baillivus 
was & chargé d'affatres, one who bore the weight of office on 
behalf of others. And not to speak of the profound and solemn 
meaning of the phrase in Jsatah 1x. 5: Ἰοϑ TWAT YA, 


“and the government shall be upon his shoulder,” we may re- 


member that the Arabic” 3j , 


cipis," is derived from the verb ^ js , vazara, which means *'sus- 


tinuit onus grave." The relation between the Scottish baillies 
and their provost is precisely that which subsisted between the 
baillivt and their major, or prepositus, or prepositus major, 
namely, the latter was the chief, and the former his vicars or 
deputies, Thus we find the major or prepositus in a cathedral, 
by the side of the 5ajuli or baillivi conventuales or confratrie; 
we have major domus in the royal palace, by the side of the 
bajuli de palatio; and in general, wherever there was a term of 
authority, the baslli represented -the vice-comes, vice-gerent, de- 
puty, or régent. The military use of the term major belongs to 
the same application of the Latin word. While the lieutenant- 
general, or Zteutenant-colonel is the deputy of the full general or 
colonel, the major-general or major is so called in referenee to 
the rank immediately below him; thus the major-general is the 


- Veztr, which signifies '* vicarius prin- 


$10] ^| . OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 537 


propositus or maire of the colonels in his division, and the major 
is the prepositus of the captains in the regiment, just as the 
serjeant-major is the chief of the serjeants, and the drum-major 
of the drummers, In its lowest application the term 5asllte or 
* bailiff" still signifies a deputy, and the mere *tipstaff" or 
“ὁ catchpole” is called by this name because he is the sheriff's 
officer, or the deputy pro re nata of that prepositus of the county 
or district. 

The difference between the modern Italian, considered as the 
offspring of the new Tuscan literature, and the old French, 
regarded as a scion of the Roman language, which was spoken in 
the province of Gaul, consists in the fact to which I have already 
adverted—namely, that the former would reproduce the mincing 
and pedantic pronunciation of the literary Romans, while the 
latter would retain the genuine colloquial utterance of the free 
colonists of the empire. It is worthy of observation that the 
French language itself enables us to illustrate this difference. If 
we examine the French language as it is, we shall often find 
double forms of derivatives from the Latin. Now in every one 
of these cases it is remarkable that the older word—that which 
belongs to the oldest and most genuine vocabulary—differs most 
Írom the written form or syllabic pronunciation of the Latin 
original, Thus chanotne, chétf, chez, chose, hótel, naif, Noel, 
pitt pousser, from canonicus, captivus, casa, causa, hospes, na- 
tivus, natalis, pietas, expulsare, are older forms than canontque, 
captif, case, cause, hópital, native, natal, piété, expulser. (See 
A. W. Schlegel, Observations sur la Langue et la Lattérature 
Prov. p. 44). The fact is, that the latter were derived from the 
written, the former from the spoken language. 


S 10. Leading Distinctions between the Roman and 
Romance Idioms. 


The manner in which the transition from the Latin language 
to the French may be supposed to have taken place is well 
known, and very easily described. In this place we must be : 
contented with a few brief remarks; for it would be an idle 
attempt to discuss as a secondary matter the details of a subject 
which admits of such ample illustration, and which has already 


538 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


been treated at great length, though with various degrees of 
success, by Raynouard, Schlegel, Diez, Amptre, Fuchs, and 
Lewis. 

The tendency of the spoken Latin language to clip and 
mutilate itself began at an early period to militate against the 
regularity of the grammatical forms. With regard to the verbs, 
it has been shown above that the organic inflexions had been 
in a great measure superseded by secondary or compound tenses 
before the commencement of the classical age; and that the 
person-endings are obliterated, or deformed by inconsistencies, in 
the oldest specimens of the written language. In regard to the 
verbs, then, the change from the Roman to the Romance is 
merely a further development of that which was already in 
operation. The Roman case-system was in itself more complete 
than the conjugation of the verb; and therefore we may expect 
to find greater changes in the French noun as compared with 
the- Latin. In general it may be remarked, that when the 
tendency to.abbreviation has commenced its action on the flex- 
ional forms of a language, certain devices are at once adopted 
for the purpose of preventing any syntactical obscurity. Indeed, 
the logical or syntactical development of a language is generally 
benefited by the change; and where the etymological organisa- 
tion becomes imperfect, the literary capabilities of the particular 
idiom are extended and confirmed. 

There is good reason for believing, that in the spoken 
language of the ancient Italians the difference between the sub- 
jective and objective cases of the noun was at an early period 
neglected or overlooked (see Lepsius, ad Inscrtpt. p. 120). At 
any rate, it is clear that this was the first step towards the 
breaking up of the Roman case-system. The accusative case 
was substituted for the nominative, and all the subordinate 
relations were expressed by prefixing prepositions to the new 
crude form of the noun. We observe a tendency of the same 
kind in vulgar English; and perhaps this passage from the sub- 
ject to the object may be explained on general principles, with- 
out any reference to the want of grammatical education on the 
part of those in whom it is most observable. Connected with 
this employment of prepositions, to give definiteness to the crude 
forms of nouns, is the use of the old Roman demonstratives ille 


§ 10.] ^ OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. ^  - 539 


and tpse to mark a definite object, as contrasted with unus and 
aliquis-unus, which denote indifference. This is, of course, 
‘identical with the use of the definitive article in the Greek and 
other languages ; and the Romance languages owe much of their 
acknowledged perspicuity to this adaptation. It is true that the 
artifice is not applied with the logical subtilty by which the 
employment of the Greek article is distinguished; bnt any 
deficiency in this respect is amply compensated by the strictly 
-logical order of the sentences in which the words are arranged. 

. It 1s not necessary in this place to say much on the subject 
of the Romance verb. Where the tenses have preserved the 
forms of the Latin verb, we observe a systematic abbreviation. 
-Labials are absorbed, according to the practice so remarkable in 
Latin: final syllables are dropt, and the accent is thrown for- 
ward. We sometimes find that what appears to be an arbitrary 
corruption is really only an attempt to represent in writing some 
: genuine articulation of the old Latin; thus we have seen above 
(p. 290) that a palatal may take the place of a labial in French, 
. when the latter is followed by 2, as in sapiam = sayjam, Fr. 
.sache (cf. ravir and arracher from rapto and arripio). We see 
the process of this change in the Provengal Thus, we have 
in the celebrated prison-sang of Richard Coeur-de-Lion: 


* Or sapchon ben miei hom e miei baron 
Englés, Norman, Peytavin, e Gascon, 
Qu' ieu non ai ja ei paubré companhon, . 
Que per aver lo laissés en prison." 


Where sap-ch-on = sap-i-ant = sachent: 


* Know all my lieges and my barons true 
From England, Normandy, Guienne, Poitou,— 
I would not leave tho poorest of my train. 
In dreary dungeon for the love of gain." 


The e, which represents the Latin «ἐδ in the second person 
plural of all present tenses of French verbs, except in the cases of 
étes and faites for estis and facitis, is not equivalent to ts, 
as some have supposed, but stands for the dental sibilant, which 
followed the ¢ in the older Romance languages; thus we have 
. avetz τα habetis before we find avez, and even etz for estis before 
étes, That z is merely an s, so written after -¢, is clear from its 


540 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [cHar. xiv. 


similar appearance as a plural affix to nouns and participles, as in 
gentz »-gentes—gens, toutz=tous, escriptz=écris, &c. Generally, 
the number of compound or auxiliary tenses is very much in- 
‘creased in the Romance as compared with the Latin verb. In 
addition to the verbs sum and fut, we find that habeo and sto 
are regularly pressed into the service. Verbs in their first for- 
mation construct their perfect and future tenses with the aid of 
"habeo; for the past participle with habeo makes up the former 
(as j'ai aimé — ego habeo amatum), and the regular future con- 
sists of a combination of the same verb with the infinitive (as 
j aimer-ai = ego habeo amare). This analysis of the Romance 
future was probably known to Sainte Palaye, who cites the main 
proof of it, namely, the fact that the infinitive was sometimes 
-separated from its auxiliary by the interposition of another word 
‘(see Bopp, Annals of Oriental Literature, p. 45). But the 
formal enunciation of this view was first made by Raynouard 
(see Grammaire Romane, p. 221; Lewis On the Romance 
Languages, p. 194); and there cannot be the least doubt of its 
ruth. This is shown not only by the tmests, to which I have 
referred, but also by the varying forms of the future in the dif- 
ferent Romance languages, which correspond to the varieties 
in the form of the present of habere. Thus, on the one hand, 
we find : * et quant cobrat l'auran, tornar lan e so poder per fe 
e senes engan" = “et quand recouvré l'auront, éourner l'ont en 
son pouvoir par foi et sans trómperie." 
* E pos mou cor non aus dir & rescos, 
Pregar vos ai, s'en aus, en ma chansos.” 

= et puisque mon désir je n'ose dire à cachette, prier vous ai, si 
en ose, en ma chanson." On the other hand, we see that the 
present of the verb, corresponding to Aabeo in each of the 
Romance languages, is duly represented by the corresponding 
-affix of the future. Thus we have: 


ITAL. SPAN, Prov. FRENCH. 
ho he at at 
amer-d, amar-é, amar-at, aimer-at ; 


-and similarly of the other persons. In Italian the future also ex- 
‘hibits the longer forms in aggio or qbbo, as in dtr-aggto, “1 shall 


$ 10.] ᾿ OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. ' 641 


say," far-abbo, “I shall make" (cf. far-ebbe, &c.). It is obvious 
that the same explanation must apply to the secondary tenses. 
For if the future aur-at,-aur-as, aur-a, aur-em, aur-etz, aur-an, 
is compounded of the infinitive aver and the present at, as, a, 
avem, avetz, an, it is clear that the conditional aur-ta, aur-ias, 
aur-{a, aur-iam, aur-iatz, aur-ian must be made up of the same 
infinitive and the subjunctive present a-1a, a-ias, a-ia, a-tam, 
a-iatz, a-van. And thus amar-ta will not represent amarem, as 
some writers have supposed, but will exhibit the same agency of 
the auxiliary verb as the future amar-at. ΕΝ 


"The indeclinable words in the Romance languages are parti- 


eularly interesting, as examples of the manner in which frequent _ 


use contributed to the abbreviation of phraseology in these 
idioms. In some shorter words the alterations are very slight, 
as in @ for ab!, donc for tunc, avant for ab-ante, av-ec from 
ab-esc for ab-usque (cf. the Provengal duesc for de-usque, Ray- 
nouard, Gramm. Hom. p. 318), ailleurs for aliorsum, doréna- 
vant for de hora in ab-ante, mats for magis, jamais for jam 
magis, ensemble for insimul, de-main for de mane, moins for 
minus, quand for quando, car for quare, derriere for de retro, 
assez for ad satis, st for sic, whence ain-st for 4n-sic, souvent 
for subinde, dont for de unde, maintenant for manu tenens, or 
for hora, désormais for de $sta hora magts, trop for the Low 
Latin troppus, “a large number" (as “si en troppo de ju- 
mentis." Lex Al. ap. Raynouard, Gr. Rom. p. 317), prét, Ital. 
presto for presto, &c. Other particles are much more. cor- 
rupted: per becomes pour; post 18 changed into puis; prope 
into prés, whence au-pràs, a-pràs, &c.; secundum passes through 
segont into selon; méme, from medesimo, brings ug back to the 
corrupt form met-ipstssimus; sine is shortened into sans or 
lengthened into senza; while aut appears as ou, ubi and ἐδὲ 
are turned into oà and y; paucies, which was pauc in the 
Romance languages, becomes peu in French, &e. I should be 


inclined to place ἐδέ, Rom. tost, Ital. tosto, in the former class, 


2 In the Provencal language, as in modern French and Italian, a or 


ab bore the sense of apud —ab-ad, and signified location in all ita forms: 


ay-ant=ab-anie, devant = de-ab- ante, ae-ec — ab-usque, &o. 


542 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [CHAP. XIV. 


but Sir G. C. Lewis says (Rom. Lang. p. 248) that * no probable 
explanation of its origin has hitherto been given." I am not 
aware what interpretations have been proposed, but it seems to 
me obvious that tosto is merely the adverb of the corresponding 
adjective, derived from the Latin tostus, and signifying * swift,” 
“sudden,” “all in a heat," “hot with haste,” so that it is syno- 
nymous with ardens, © 


§ 11. importance and value of the Latin Language. 


- In the preceding pages I have endeavoured to write the 
history of the Latin language, and to characterize its peculian- 
ties, from the earliest period of its existence down to the present 
time, when it is represented by a number of daughters, all re- 
sembling their mother more or less, and all possessing m some 
degree her beauties and defects. Of these, it can hardly be 
doubted that the French has the best claim to the primogeniture 
and inheritance. The Latin and French languages stand related 
to one another, not only in the connexion of affinity, but still more 
so in the important position which they have occupied as poli- 
tical and literary organs of communication. They have both 
striven to become the common language of civilized and educated 
men; and they have had singular recommendations for the 
office which they partially assumed. For power of condensation, 
for lucid perspicuity, and for the practical exposition of common 
matters, there are few idioms which can compete with the Latin 
or the French. In many particulats they fall far behind the 
Greek and the German; in many more they are surpassed by 
the English ;, and it seems now to be determined that neither 
Cesar nor Napoleon was destined to reverse the decree of 
Providence, that man, though the one reasoning and speaking 
creature, should, in different parts of the world, express his 
thoughts in different languages. If there is one idiom which 
seems both worthy and likely to include within it the articulate 
utterances of all the world, it is our own,—for we, too, “are 
sprung of earth's first blood," and the sun never sets upon our 
Saxondom. But the dignity of our English speech, and its wide 
diffusion by means of our commercial enterprise and missionary 


δ11.} — OF THE LATIN LAXGUAGE. : 543 


zeal, do not suggest any argument or motive, which should in- 
duce us to neglect or discourage the study of the old Roman 
literature, Though the Latin tongue will never again become 
the spoken language of Europe, there is no reason why it should 
not resume its place as the organ of literary communication, — 
why, with its powers of conciseness and abbreviation, and with 
its appropriation of all the conventional terms of science and art, 
it should not still flow from the pens of those who have truths 
and facts to communicate, and who are not careful to invest or 
disguise them in the embellishments of some modern and fashion- 
able style. . This at least is certain, that the Latin language has 
struck its roots so deeply and so permanently in our own lan- 
guage, that we cannot extirpate it, if we would; for we must 
know Latin, if we would thoroughly understand our own mother- 
tongue; and even those who are least learned, and most dis- 
posed to undervalue classical attainments, are very liable to 
further what others would call the corruption of our language, 
by the introduction of new terms erroneously formed after a 
Latin model’. It is, therefore, not unreasonable to expect that, 
whatever changes may take place in the professional edu- 
cation of Englishmen—though the Universities may cease to 
bestow the highest degrees in their faculties upon those who 
have passed through the Latin exercises of their schools—though 
the meeting of Convocation may never again be inaugurated 
with a Latin sermon at St. Paul’s—though a study of Justinian 
and Gaius may be pronounced of no use to the lawyer—though 
even Roman history may lose its general interest—though phy- 
sicians may decline to prescribe and apothecaries to dispense ac- 
cording to the phraseology of a Latin materia medica—though 
the House of Commons may no longer bestow the sanction of 


1 It would be easy to cite a long list of words in -ation, which are not 
formed from Latin roots, and are certainly not due to the Latin scholar- 
ship of those who first used them. The verb “to base” for “to cause to 
rest on a base or foundation” is a modern corruption so common that I 


cannot hope to have avoided it in my own writings, though I am quite. 


aware that according to all analogy “to base” or “ abase” must mean 
“to depress” or “lay low”, not “to build up.” 


Jw 


D44  constiTuTion AND PATHOLOGY, &c. [cHAP. xiv. 


parliamentary applause on well applied quotations from the clas- 
sical authors—still, a competent acquaintance with the language 
and literature of ancient Rome will be, as it is now, indis- 
pensable to every one, who lays claim to a complete cultivation 
of his reason and taste, and who wishes either to understand 
and enjoy the writings of our best authors, or to enrich the 
English language with new examples of its capacity for terse 
arguments, happy expressions, and harmonious periods. 


INDICES. 


I. 


ETHNICAL NAMES, AND NAMES OF PLACES OR COUNTRIES. 


Abella, 138, 151 
Achivus, 148 
ZEnus, 9 

ZEqui, 4 
Agathyrsi, 49 
Αἰθίοψ, 37 

Alba, 6 

Ambrones, 71 
Angli, 86 

Anio, 9 

Apulus, 5 

Argos, 15 

"Apux, 48 

Asia, 36 

Atella, 15r 
Auruncus, Αὕσων, 4 
Cere, 198 

Cascus, 6 
Courland, 68 
Cumberland, 72” 
Daci, Danes, 51 
Dorian, 50 
Etruria, 18, 83, 294 
Etruscus, 18, 83 
Falerii, 290 ' 
Frank, 532 

Gets», Goths, 47 
Herminones, 50, 78 
Hirpini, 6, 132 
Humber, 72 


aba, 62 
Apia, 57 
ara, 63 
araxa, 63 
Araxes, 56 
D. V. 


i Iguvium, 94 
Ingevones, 78 © 
Isceevones, 78 

; Ἴων, Javan, 36 

Iran, 48 

, Languedoc, 534 

| Larissa, 15 

Latinus, 7, 70 

' Lavinium, 7 

' Leleges, 73 

, Ligyes, 71 

| Lithuanian, 8, 7o 

᾿ Μαιδοί, 47 

| Massagetm, 49 

 Mysi, 47 

: Northumberland, 72 
(Enotrians, 12 

| Opicus, Oscus, 4, 5 

, Pahlavi, 49 

| Πάρθος, 47 

' Πελασγός, 36 

| Πέλοψ, 37 

; Piceni, 6, 10 
Pomeranians, 84 

, Prussians, 84 

! Rasena, 84, 532 
Reetians, 22 

| Roma, 68 


11. 


SCYTHIAN WORDS. 


Arimaspi, 60 
Artemis, 59, 63 
Artimpasa, 59 
Borysthenes, 55 
brix-aba, 62 


Romanus, 492 

| Ros, 84 

' Sabinus, 107 
Sacs, 49 

. Sacrani, 6 

, Samnium, 10 

! Samo-Getes, 51, 68 

Sauromate, 48, 74 

| Saxon, 49 
Sclavonian, 70, 75 
Scolote, 51, 66 
Servians, 75 
Sila, 324 

, Bintians, 47 

| Σκύθαι, 47 8qq. 

| Thames, 54 
Thracians, 46, 50 
Thuringians, 50 

. Thyrea, Thyrwon, 16 

 Thyseagete, 49 

| Tiryns, 15, 16 


. Toltecs, 16 


| Τυῤῥηνός, 14 

"Tuscus, 18 

 Umbri, 71 

| Veneti, 77 

' Vindelici, 76 

" Volscus, 5 note 
Wineds, 76 


Carcine, 55 
Dan-ubius, 54 
Dnieper, 55 
Dniester, 54 
dun, 54 


35 


546 INDICES. 
enarees, 63 Octa-masadas, 59 Rho-danus, 56 
Eri-danus, 56 oior, 62 Sparga-pises, Spargapithes, 
Exam-peeus, 63 oior-pata, 62 60 
Ger-rus, 55 Oito-surus, 58 Tabiti, 56 
Grau-casis, 62 Panticapes, 55 Tami-masadas, 59 
halinda, 62 Papeus, 57 Tana-is, 56 
Hypa-caris, 55 pata, 62 Temarunda, 60 
Hypan-ia, 55 phru, 63 | Timavus, 60 
Is-ter, 53 phry-xa, 63 Tyres, 54 
Msotis, 60 Porata, 54 xa, 63 
masadas, 59 Rha, 56 

III. 


UMBRIAN WORDS. 
The Alphabetical List in pp. 120—125, and the following. 


abrof, abrons, 110, 333 festira, 99 pefaem, r20 
aferum, 102 Fisius, 112 peraknis, 119 
abaltru, 123 fos, 116 pernaies, 106 
ahtrepuraum, 120 fri, 116 perom, 120 

aiu, 119 frite, 116 persei, 116 
anstiplatu, 114 frosetom, 102 persklum, 107 
anzeriates, 107 furenr, 99 peskler, 102 
ape, 103 futu, fututo, 103 pesetom, 102 
&fepes, 113 habe, &c. 103 pesnimumu, 105 
arsie, 102 heris, rt: peturpursus, 120 
arsmo, I17 heritu, 111, 118 piaz 149 * 
arveitu, 99 hont, hondra, huntra, hon- | pihatu, 104 
arves, 113 . domu, 101 pihu, 103 

arvia, 111 .| kapife, 99, 120 pir, 117 

buf, 110 karetu, 102 poe, ror 
dersecus, 117. Krapuvius, 109 poplus or puphus, 101 
dersva, 99 kumate, 120 portatu, 115 
dupursus, 120 kupifiatu, 102 pre, 108 

ekvine, 120 kurnase, 114 prumum, 120 
emantur, 105 kutef, 113 prusesetu, 98 
enetu, 107 mers, 115 pufe, 102 
enumek, 114 nep, 117 pune, pus, pusnaies, 102 
erar, erer, 116 nerf, 116 punus, 123 

erek, eront, ΟΣ nume, IOI puplus, 1o: 
erus, 103 okris, 101 purtinsus, 102 
680, IOI orer, 117 pusei, puze, 102 
este, 107 ose, 117 pusnares, 107 
esuk, rot ostendu, 113 pustru, 102 

etre, 120 paker, 116 restatu, 119 
fasiu, 120 parfa, 114 sakre, 119 

feitu, 111 peica, peiqu, 115 seritu, 107 
ferine, 111 pepe, 124 sevakni, 113 note 


INDICES. 
Bevum, IO, 113 tela, 99, 102 vatuva,*r 11 
skrehto, akreihtor, 102 tesenakes, 109 vehiies, 109 
stahito, 98 tesva, 114 veres, 108 
steplatu, 114 titis, 124 virseto, 102 
subator, 117 tota, tuta, 107, 113 vitlup, 100 
subokau, suboko, 116 tover, 102 ucris, TOT 
sue-pis, 115 treia, 120 ulo, 115 
suru, ΒΟΙΒΟ, 120 treplanes, 109 ura, 115 
tases, 113 tuplak, tupler, twves, 120 | ustentu, 103 
tertie, 120 vas, vasetom, 102 
IV. 
OSCAN WORDS. 

. The Alphabetical List in pp. 128—139, and the following. 
teteiB, 147 etanto, 147 likitud, 146 
aisken, 150 Evklus, 156 loufir, 146 
akenus, 156 famelo, 151 maimas, 143 
aktud, 148 fefakust, 146 mais, 143 
akum, 151 feihos, 154 mallum, malud, 150 
allo, 151 fiisna, 154 manimaserum, [51 
amirikatud, 151 flusare, 10g meddisud (pru-), 148 
amma, 156 fortis, 147 meddix, 147 
amnud, 144 fuid, fust, 151 medikatud, 151 
ampert, 147 Futris, 156 meseng, 109 
ancensto, I51 Herekleis, 435 minstreis, 147 ' 
angit, anget, 142 herest, 147 molta, 143 
angetuzet, 150 hipid, 144 moltaum, 147 
anter, 142 him, 151 neip, nep, t5T 
araget, aragetud, 143 ΒΟΥ͂Σ, 149 nesimois, 151, 322 
Ausil, 136 iok, ionk, 144 op, 148, 151 
auti, 151 kadeis, 144 pae, 151 
Bang», 149 karneis, 143 | pam, 149 
Bantins, 149 kastris, 145 Patana, r56 
Casnar, 128, 163 kebnust, 150 Perna, 156 
dat, 144 kensam, kensaum, 149 pertemust, 143 
Degetasius, 133, 142 kensazet, 149 perum, 144 
deivaid, deivast, 143 kenstom, 150 petiropert, 147, 148 
dikust, 148 kenstur, 149 piei, 144 
diumpais, 156 kerus, 156 pis, 135 
dolum, 144, 148, 149 keus, 149 pistia, 156 
egmo, egmazum, 144 kom, 148 pod, 144 
eituam, eituas, 145, 147 komenei, 144 poizad, 150 
eizazunk, 151 komono, 144 pokapit, 145 
embratur, 107 kontrud, 146 pomtis, 148 
estud, 151 kvaísstur, 83 pon, 149 
esuf, 150 lamatir, 151 post-edak, 145 
edak, 145 ligis, ligud, 150 prefukus, 151 


. 35—2 


547 


- ΝΕ 


548 


przesentid, 555 e 
preivatad, 148 
prof-tuset, 154 

pru= pre, 144 
pruhipid, 144 
prumedikatud, 148, 151 
pruter, 149 

puf, 150 

Q(uzstor], 142 

regator, 156 
sakaraklum, 516 


INDICES. 
senateis, 343 


| set, ISI 


siom, 144 
sipus, 148 
sivom, 149, 151 
skriftas, 151 
slagis, 154 
suad, 143 

| sum, 143 
tadait, 146 

| tanginud, 143 


V. 


ETRUSCAN WORDS. 


tedur, 154 
tefurom, 57, 156 
ioutiko, 151 
tribarakat, 154 
tuset, 150 
valemem, 146 
verehasius, 156 


Ι Vinkter, 151 
, umbrateis, 144 


urust, 148 


| sikolom, 148 


Tbe Alphabetical Lists in pp. 190—196, 217—119, and the following. 


Schnaz, 149 

achr, 209 

Afuna, 225 

Ama, 214, 224 
Ancaria, 178 
Apulu, Aplu, 176 
aras, 205 

Aril, 194 
Aritimis, 45, 59, 203 
Aruns, 125, 189 
atesum, 294 


.Atena, 225 


Ausil, 136 

Cecina and Cecilia, 225 

Caphatial, 313 

Capys, 184, 357 

caratse, caresri, carutezan, 
220 

cealchs, 192 . 

ceca, cecha, 207 

cechaze, 207 

cehen, cen, 209 

Ceres, 178 

cerurum, 223 

chfinchfe, 193 

chi, 193 

chisflics, 207 

clan, clen, 204 

over, 210, 314 

eca, 208 

ein, 323 

Elchsntre, 170 


epana, 100 
Epure, 202 
erai, 200, 208 
ersce, 208 
etera, 203 
ethe, 200 

eu, 314 
Feronia, 176 
flenim, 315 
fuius, 202 
fulle, 219 
hareutuse, 150 


.| heczri, 222 


helefu, 200 

hintha, hinthiu, 222 
ipa, 213 

ir, 201% 

Janus, 171 

Juno, 173 
Jupetrul, 202 
Kalairu, 202 
kemulmleskul, 224 
kethuma, ΟἹ, 199 
Kupra, 173 

lar, 179 
Larthialisvle, 223 
lat, 212 

lauchme, 124, 189 
lautn, lantnescle, 214, 224 
ligiai, 200 

Mantus, 177 
maram, 200 


Mars, 175 
mathu, 200 
Matuta, 176 
Menerfa, 174 
Merqurius, 179 
mi, 199 
Mulve, 201 
murzva, 223 
nac, 200 
nastav, 200 
neke, 201 
nesla, 209 
nethu, 200 


Nethuns, 177, 200 


Nfatia, 213 
ni, 199 
Nortia, 179 
perad, 205 
phleres, 206 
phruntac, 191 
Phupluns, 230 
Porsena, 19 
Pupliana, 201 
Raáne, 225 
ril, 305 

gains, 222 
Saturnus, 175 
Secstinal, 170 
Bethlans, 174 
sie, 200 
Soranus, 176 
Sothina, 176 


stem, 213 
sver, 210 
Summanus, 173 
suthi, 209 
Tanaquil, 86 
tanna, 213 
tece, 207 
tei$, 219 
telur, 223 
tenilaeth, 213 
tephral, 57 
tesne, 219 


ἄγαλμα, 181 
ἄγριος, 310 


αἰθή, αἰθός, 58 
αἱρέω, 111 

αἷσα, 58, 181 
αἰών, 484 
ἀληθής, 363 
dus, 302 

ἄλλος, 374 
ἄμπειρα, 238 
ἀμφί, 399 

ἀνά, 374, 396 
ἀνακαλύπτω, 396 
ἄναξ, 179 
ἀπήνη, 186 
᾿Απία, 4, 57 
ἀπό, 395 
ἀποδίδομαι, 458 
ἄργος, 15 
᾿Αρέθουσα, 63 
“Apns, 63, 176 
ἀριστερός, 176 
ἁρπάζω, 470 
ἄρσην, 63 
ΚΆρτεμις, 63, 203 
ds, 342 
ἀσπάζομαι, ἀσπαλιεύς, 459 
ἀσύφηλος, 195 
"ATpo'ros, 179 


INDICES. 


Thalna, 174 
thana, 121 
thaura, 211 
Thekinthul, 215 
thipurenai, 182, 200 
thmtflaneth, 215 - 
three, 208 

thues, 221 

thura, 211 
Tiberis, 204. 
Tina, 172 
tlenacheis, 207 


VI. 
GREEK WORDS. 


αὐτός, 377 
᾿Αφροδίτη, 343 
ay, 395 


βαστάζω, 536 
Βερενίκη, 55 
βλίττω, 487 
Βόσπορος, 55 
βοῦς, 184 
βοῶπις, 45 
βύργος, 55 
γελόοντες, 180 
γέφυρα, 496 
γηρύων, 177 
γλυκύῤῥιξζα, 298 
TIrágwv, 163 
γοάω; βοάω, 184 
δαήρ, 302 
δάκρυον, 301 
δαλίς, 174 
δαλός, 302 
δαπάνη, 200 
δαψιλής, 302 
B6, 307 
δεικηλίκτης, 188 
δειλός, 302 
δεινός, 130 
δημόσιος, 330, 334 
διά, 399 
διπλάσιος, 405 
δίς, 7 

δίσκος, 5 
διχομηνία, 188 


549 


trutnft, 187 
tulati, 223 
Turce, 203 
Turms, 179 
tuthines, 207 
Vedius, 173 
Velthina, 225 
Velthu, 201 
Vertumnus, 175 
vorsus, 195 
Usil, 136 
Utuze, 170 


δρῶ, 92 

δῶρον, 302 
tap, 456 

édw, 501 
ἐγρήγορθαι, 453 
ἔζεσθαι, 300 

el, 300 

εἰκών, 188 

εἰμὶ and γέγνομαι, 416 
εἶτα, 397  — 
ἐλεύθερος, 7 
᾿Ἑλίσυκοξ, 5 note. 
ἑλλός, 300 

ἐμέ, 376 

ἐν, els, 396 
ἐναργής, 362 
évéykew, 177 
ἐπί, 399 
ἐπιτήδειος, 344 
ἕπομαι, 300 
Epis, 299 
ἐρυθρός, 7 
ἔρχομαι, 91 
ἔστε, 383 
ἕτερος, 376 

ἔτι, 396 
ἑτοῖμος, 459 
εὐμαρής, 363 
εὐχερής, 363 
ἔχω, 449 

ἕως, 341 
ἑωυτοῦ, 320 


δδ0 


Ζεύς, 171, 361 
ἥλιος, σελήνη, 174 
ἡμέρα, ἱμέρα, 320 
ἥμερος, 310 
Treipos, 321 
ἥρως, 31 
θάλασσα, 299 
θαῤῥεῖν, 302 
θεῖος, 232 

θέμις, indecl. 346 
θέναρ, 364 

64, 289 

0$s, 212 
θησαυρός, 304 
θῆτες, 149 

θύρα, 302 
θώρηξ, 302 
θῶυμα, 320 
ἴδιος, 343 
Ἱμέρα, 320 
καιρός, 462, 478 
καλός, 303 
κεῖνος, 372, 374 
κέραννυμι, 463 
κλύω, 7O 
κοσκύλλω, 298 
κόσμος, 398 
κούρητες, 30 
kpayaós, 132 
κρίνω, 461 
κρύσταλλος, 62 
Λαιστρυγών, 180 
Adpos, &c. 181 
λέχριος, 189 
λέως, 342 

Alrpa, 7 
AolSopos, 190 
λοξίας, 30 
μάλα, μόλις, 303 
μάντις, 178, 201 
μάρη, 363 
μάρτυς, 363 
μαστός, 69 
μάτην, 191 
μέθυ, 200 
μέλαθρον, 183 
μέλας, 37 
μελετάω, 498 
μέμβλωκα, 387 
μεός, 369 


INDICES. 


μεσημβρία, 287 
μετόπη, 42 
μέχρι, 450 

μή, 403 

μηνύω, 175 
μίσγω, 450 
μύριοι, 315 
vabpsbs, 300 
γάνος, 191 
véw, 176 

ξένος, 244 
bafos, 58 
᾿Θαρίων, 244. 
ὅασις, 58 ° 
ὅδε, 372 

ὁδούς, 304 
᾿Οδυσσεύς, 170 
ὀδύσσομαι, 470 
olorpos, 58 
ὅλος, 137 
ὄμπη, 5 
ὄμφαλος, 287 
ὁπώρα, § 

οὐ, 118, 403 
οὐρανός, 415 
οὗτος, 372 
ὀφείλω, 451 
παρά, 308 
παραστάς, παστάς, 41 


| παραστῆναι, συμταραστῆναι, 


354 
παρέχω, 449 
παρθένος, 280 
πασάσθαι, 124 
πατήρ, 57 
πείθω, 455 
πέλαγος, πελάγιος, 364 
πελαργός, 37 
πέλιος, πελιδνός, 37 
πέρνημι, 462 
πιπράσκω, πρίαμαι, 458 
πίπτω, 455 
πίνω, 124 
πλήρης, 302 
ποίημα, 481 
ποινή, 503 
ποῖρ, $25 
πόλις, 111 
πρύλεες, 314 
ῥεῖθρον, 193 


ῥόθος, 4&5 
ῥοῖβδος, 297 
σαίνω, 306 
σελήνη, 174, 186 
σίφων, 195 
Σοωδίνα, 176 
στορῶνυμι, 462 
στυφελός, 290 
σχέτλιος, 300 
τάλις, 174 
τανύω, τείνω, 214, 449 
ταυροπόλος, 45 
τέμενος, 321, 462, 478 
repuls, 323 
τέως, 342 

τῆμος, 386 
τηνίκα, 386 

τίς, 173 

Tipos, 56 

τρέχω, 91, 457 
τρίγλνφος, 43 
τύραννος, 15 
τύρσιβ, 15 


| υἱός, 202 


ὕπνος, 300 

ὑπό, 307 

ὑφαίνω, 449 
φάλαι, 185 
φίλος, φιλέω, 498 
Φλιάσιος, 405 
φολκός, 180 
φυγγάνω, 461 
φύω, 202, 414 
xapual, 199 
χαμαίδρυς, 303 
χανδάνω, 470 
xaol, 7 

χάρμη, 300 
χεῖλος, 200 

χέω, 442 

χήν, 184 

χῆρος, 479 
χθαμαλός, 91, 199 
χίλιοι, 315, 449 
χιών, 449 
x^wpós, 188 
χῶρος, χορός, χώρα, 320 
ὠκεανός, 505 
ὠνέομαι, 458 
ὠφελῶ, 451 


INDICES. 551 


VII. 
LATIN WORDS. 
a, ab, abe, 395 amplector, 459 bimus, 494. 
abemo, 460 amsegetes, 251 bis, 286 
ac, atque, 509 ancilla, 178 bitumen, 287 
accerso, 302, 419 anfractus, 251 blandus, 503 
accipiter, 184, 357 anguis, 186 bonus, 286 
&ocuso, &c. 315 animum advertere, indu- | bos, 361 
acer, 477 cere, 260 bruma, 576 
acerra, 257 annus, 193, 508 Bucco, 163 
acervus, 233, 477 ante, 398 caduceus, 303 
activus, 477 antid, 365 ceeculus, 456 
actus, 149, 322 antiquus, 320 ceedo, go 
actutum, 478 antrum, 487 celebs, 479 
acua, 296 anus, 193 celibaris haste, 479 
. ad, 396 aperio, 402 calum, 479 
"adeps, III, 402 apud, 397 ceruleus, 307 
adheeum, 183 aqua, 296 Cesar, 128 
adoro, 255, 444 arboresco, arboretum, 467 | Caius, 339 
adulo, 306 arbustum, 357» calvitur, calumnia, 243, 
advena, 475 arcera, 242 480 
sedes, 254 Arcesso, 302, 419, 465 canis, 359 
seditimus, 313 arguo, argutus, argumen- | cano, 458, 505 
seger, 314 tum, 504 | canorus,: 446 
aeneus, ahenus, 98 armus, 475 cantilena, 253 
sereus, sneus, 302 asper, 509 canus, candidus, 128 
srumna, 480 aspernor, 462 capesso, 419, 465 
testimo, 314 assido, assideo, 503 capio, 460 
weternus, 175 assiduus, 242 caput, 62 
af=ab, 260 atrox, 402, 477 caput, capud, 355 
ager, 251 auctumnus, 5, 456 carcer, $16 
agito, 497 audeo, 470 . cardo, 322, 490 
ala, 502 augur, 313 carmen, 355, 481. * 
albico, 499 aula, 516 carnifex, 496 
alimentum, alimonis, 481  |suriga, 506 caro, 356 
aliquis, 383 auritus, 467 castrum, 487 
aliquispiam, 385 auris, 302 castus, 146, 239 
alius, 374 aurum, 128, 137 | catamitus, 303 
aliuta, 241 autumo, 314 caterva, 233, 477 
almus, alo, 458, 475 avena, 186 catervatim, 343 
alumnus, 117, 480 aveo, 00, 450 catus, 128, 233 
amanuensis, 397 averrunco, 287 cauneas, 524 
ambidens, 393 bajulus, $36 eausa, 476 
ambitus, 250 bellum, 286 cavitus, 376 
ambo, 391 berber, 234 cavillor, 463 
amicus, 303 berbex, 63 cedo, 408 
amo, amor, 62, 459, 485 bea, 286 oeler, 30, 359 
amcenus, 101, 403 bibo, 287 celeres, 29 


ampirvo, 338 bidens, 392 celsus, collis, &c. 204 


552 


centurio, 483 
ceremonia, 487 
cerno, 463 

cerus manus, 236 
cervus, 476 

ceu, 214 

ceva, 184 
choraulcdos, 236 
cieo, cio, 211, 452 
cimeterium, 316 
cinctutus, 478 
cippus, 290 

circa, circum, circiter, 401 
citra, 401 

citus, 452 

civis, 149, 276, 477 
clam, calim, 345 
claustrum, 487 
cliens, 73, 334 
clipeus, 324 
cocles, 30 

cogo, 459, 498 
coemo, 460 

coona, 128 

copi, 470 . 
cohors, 98 

cohum, 479 
colonia, 296 
cominus, eminus, 345 
comissari, 97, 319 
como, 460 
compascuus, 251 
compesco, 466 
concÁpes, 250 
confuto, 446 
congruo, 504 
conniveo, 296 
conscripti, 29 
consideratus, 432 
considero, 445 
contaminare, 516 
contemplor, 545 
contio, 304, 516 
contra, 401 
convitium, 516 
coquus, 296 

cor, 355 

coram, 345 
cornutus, 467, 478 
corvus, 184 


INDICES. 


cosol, 304 

creo, cresco, 466, 468 
crepo, 443 
crinitus, 478 
crus, 19I 

cubo, 443 
cuicuimodi, 518 
cujus, &c. 382 
culmen, 317 
cum, 401 
cumera, 138 
cung, 516 
cuncti, 31 
cuneus, 233 
cunque, 388 - 
cupidus, 476 
cupio, 460 

cur, 296 

cura, 314 

curia, curiatius, curtius, 29 
curio, 482 
custos, 146 
dano, 441 

de, 399 

debeo, ΟἹ, 450 
debilig, 91 
decorus, 446 
decumanus, 322, 490 
decuria, 121, 516 
deliro, 323 
dehibeo, 451 
demo, 399 
demum, 385 
denique, 386 
denuntio, 273 
deploro, 445 
dequim, 269, 390 
desidero, 445 
detego, 396 
develo, 396 
dextra, 174 

di, 339 

dice, 233 
diffensus, 245 
difficultas, 317 
Digentia, 302 
digitus, dignus, 478 
diligo, 457, 459 
dimico, 444 
diocesis, 316 


dissicentes, 117 
divido, 188 
diurnus, 494 

do, 441 

dolus, 510 
Domitius, 304 
domo, 443 
donec, 386 
donum, 302 
duco, 267 
Duillius, 286 
dulcis, 306 
dumtaxat, 370, 273 
dunque, 235 

€, ex, 395 

eapse, &c. 377 
Ecaator, &c. 517. 
effostus, 502 
Egerius, 9 


eho, ego, eja, &c. 376 


elementum, 169 
emico, 444 

emo, 458 

enim, 150, 344 
enos, 233 

eo, 391 
equester, 493 
equidem, 526 
equus, 477 
ercticisco, 249 
erga, 401 

ergo, 342 
eruditus, 169 
eacit, 239, 413, 468 
esum, 412 

et, 397, 509 
etiam, 388 
exiguus, 516 
exilis, 516 
exim, 341 
existimo, 312 
expergiscor, 457 
explodo, 315 
exploro, 444 
extemplo, 345, 478 
facesso, 419 
facie, 234 

facio, 296 

facul, 267, 525 
fagus, 288 


fama, 475 
famelicus, 360 
familias, 331 
fanum, fatum, 478 
Fatua, 186 
fatuus, 111 
favor, 485 
febris, 475 
fendo, 469 
fenestra, 487 
fera, 289 
ferio, 469 
fero, 370, 469 
filius, 102 
finalis, 419 
findo, 188, 303 
fio, 296, 414 
flamma, 475 
flecto, 456 
fluo, 116 
fecundus, 348 
foedus, 502 
᾿ foemina, 414 
foetus, 414 
folium, 386 
fone, 495 
forceps, forfex, forpex, 353 
forem, 415 
fortuitus, 478 
forum- vestibulum sepul- 
cri, 258 
fossa, 476 
fovea, foveo, 186 
frango, 116 
fraus, 510 
frausus, 255 
frustra, 191 
fugio, fugo, 448 
fui, 415 
folgetrum, 487 
fundus, 322, 495 
fungor, 461 
Gaius, 339 
gallicinium, 505 
gelu, 62 
gena, 292 
generosus, 356 
genus, 293 
gigno, 458 
glacies, 62 


INDICES. 


glisco, 204 
globus, 290 
Gnaeus, 293 
gnarures, 332 
granum, 292 
gratuitus, 478 
gruma, 68, 322 
gruo, 504 

grus, 187 
habena, 187 
habeo, 450 
heereo, 294. 
baruspéxz, 186 
haustrum, 487 
heluo, 200 
Herclaneus, 170 
heredium, 251 
heres, 448 

heri, 91 
Herminius, 31, 170 
herus, 3t: 
hibernus, 290, 294 
hic, 371 864. 
hiemps, 290, 294 
hinc, 341 

hio, 294 

hir, 111 

Hirtius, 29 
hodie, 327 
hodiernus, 494 
homicida, 431 
homo, 3t 
honestus, 300, 485 
honor, 300, 485 
hora, 148 
Horatius, 29 
hornus, 494 
hortus, 251, 294 
hospes, 244 
hostis, 244 
humus, 91, 199, 294 
iconomus, 316 
idem, 376 

ideo, idoneus, 344 
idus, 188 


igitur, 242, 342, 401, 409 


llithyia, 316 

ille, 311, 372 8qq. 
illioo, 345 

im, 270 


553 


imitor, 188 

immo, imo, 538 

imperator, 134 

imus, 516 

in, 396 

inclitus, 324 

inde, 341 

indies, 246 

induco, 267 

indulgeo, 90, 502 

indutim, 459 

infensus, infestus, 469 

infit, 470 

infra, inferior, 393 

ingruo, 504 

iniquus, 312 

innocens, innoxius, 476 

inquam, 135, 291, 419, 471 

inquilinus, 296 

inquiro, 312 

instar, 345 

insula, 251 

intelligo, 457 

inter, 311 

interatim, 246 

interea, 378 

intereo, interficio, 453 

interpres, interpretor, 443; 
497 

invitus, 112 

ipse, 376 

ipsippe, 387 

iracundus, 433 

is, 376 

iste, 371 sqq. 

item, 525 

itero, 498 

iterum, 303 


| jacere, 448 


jam, 344 

jubeo, 449 
jucundus, 516 
judaidiare, 319 
jugerum, 149, 312 
jugum, 319 
Jupiter, 361 
jurgium, 251, 459 
juvenis, 359 
juvo, 443 

juxta, 402 


lapicidins, 516 

lapiderum, 334 

lappa, 290 

largus, 180 

larva, 180 

lentus, 464 

levir, 302 

liber, lceber, 146, 351 

librarius, 269 

ligare, 301 

lignum, 478 

ligurio, 499 

limes, 321 

lingua, 302, 502 

lino, 463 

lira, 189 

, lis, 263, 307 

lituus, 189 

longinquus, 303 

lorica, 302 

Lubedon, 201 

luci, 273 

Judus, 169, 189 

luervem, 174, 238 

lupus, 298 

luridus, 188 

luscus, 30 

luuci, ?73 

lympha, 156 

macte, 340, 517 

magister populi, 2, 29 

magister, minister, 147 

mala, 178, 516 

malus, 393 

mando, 178 

manifestus, 363, 469 

mantiscinari, 291 

manubrium, 488 

manus, 173, 100 

Marcipor, &c. 525 

mare, 90, 364 

Mars, Mavors, &c. 175, 
179, 201 

Massa, 97, 3:9 

materia, -e8, 359 


INDICES. 


matrimonium, 480 

mea, &c. 378 

meditor, 498 

mehe, 98 

mel, 355 

melior, 393 

mens and animus, 175 

mentum, 178 

mercimonium, 48r 

mergus, 117 

meridie, 302, 327, 517 

merx, 353 

mico, 443 

mile, miles, 30, 315 

Minerva, 174, 233, 477 

minieter, 147 

minus for non, 405 

mis, 368 

misceo, 450 

modero, 498 

modo, 217, 408, 517 

molior, 503 

mollis, 516 

moneo, 175 

monstrare, 176 

1nonstrum, 487 

mox, 345 

multimodis, 518 

muscipula, 512 

musso, 97 

nam, 344 

namque, 384 

nanxitor, 248 

narro, $9, 459 

nativus, 477 

naufragus, 512 

navalis, 419 

ne, neo, and non -quidem, 
495 

neo, 117, 248, 404 

necesse, 366 

neget, 314 

negligo, 117, 457 

nego, 118, $00 

negotium, 117 

negritu[do], 118, 314 

negumo, 237 

nequam, 389 

nequinont, 298 

Nero, 63 


nervus, 247, 476 
nihilum, 517 

nir, 297, 353 

non, 405 

nonus, 391 

norma, 69 

nostri, nostrum, 369 
nox- noctu, 254, 346 
noxa, noxia, 476 
nubes, 475 
nudiustertius, 494, 518 
num, 405 

nuncupo, 249 
nuntius, 304 

ob, 399 

obba, 400 

obedio; 315 

obesus, 400 
obliquus, 189 
obliviscor, 467 
obnoxius, 476 
obrussa, 97 

obses, 502 
obsidere, 400, 502 
obstetrix, 354 
obstinere, 237, 400 
obsto, 354 

obsum, 450 
occentare, 253 
occultus, 207 
octavns, 391 

odi, 470 

oetor, 276 

offendo, 469 
officina, 328 
officium, 354, 451 
oleaster, 188 
olfacit, 302 

olim, 239, 374 
ollus, 374 
omentum, 516 
omnimodis, 518 
omnis, 3t 

onus, 300 

onustus, 300, 485 
opima spolia, 240 
oportet, ΟἹ, 450 
oppidum, oppido, 112, 400 
ope, 4 

opto, 498 


optimus, 400 
opulentus, 464 
Oro, 444 

08, 355 

ogcines, 174 
osem, 236 

otium, 516 
paciscor, 243 
pagunt, 243 
palam, 345 
pando, pateo, 448 
paries, 315 

pario, pareo, 448 
parochus, 450 
pars, 345 

partim, 327. 
parvus, 476 
pasco, 466 
patefacio, 419 
patres, conscripti, 29 
patrimonium, 480 
paullus, 516 
pecoo, 501 
pectuscum, 27 
pecus, 297 
pedester, 493 
pejor, 392, 536 
pejero, 398, 517 
pelagus, 364 
pendo, pendeo, 448 
penes, 345 . 
penetro, 499 

per, 398 


perdo, pereo, 4!9, 453 


perennis, 194 
pergo, 314, 459, 498 
pestis, 475 

peto, 455 

pigeo, 146 
pilumnus, 237, 480 


pipatio, pipulo, 136, 253 


plaustrum, 488 
pleorea, 233 
plorare, 238, 444 
plumbum, 291 
poema, 316 


ponas, nom. pl. 253, 329 


polenta, 324 
pollex, 354 
polliceo, 403 


INDICES. 


Pollius, 516 

pomoerium, 401 

pondus, 496 

pone, post, 401 

pono, 465 

pontifex, 496 

pópulus, 230 

porcet, 516 

porrigo, 102, 214, 403, 457 

portus, 245 

posco, 466 

posit = posuit, 316 

possum, 468 

postea, 378 

posthao, &c. 145, 378 

posticus, 320 

postliminium, 401 

postridie, 327 

pote, potis, 366 

potus, 476 

pre, preter, pro, propter, 
398 

predium, 146 

prefamino, 235 

pres, 354 

preterea, 378 

praetor, preetura, 486 

pretor, &c. 437 

preevides, 146, 276, 280 

pratensis, 492 

pravus, 62 

precor, ΟἹ, 470 

prehendo, 98 

pretium, 443, 497 

primus, 391 

priscus, 18 . 

privignus, $12 

pro, 398 

proceres, 31 

procul, 345 

prelium, 315 

proficiscor, 466 

proletarius, 242 

promenervat, 174 

promo, promptus, 459 

promulgare, 290 

propinquus, 303 

propitius, 304 

propter, 345 

propterea, 378 


prosa, 179, 304 
prosper, 509 
prudens, 516 
prurigo, 499 . 
puella, 490 

puer, 525 

pulmo, 480 
puniceus, 290 
punio, 503 
purgo, 107, 459 
pytisso, 97 
quero, 419 
qussetor, 256 
qualus, 516 
quando, 386 
quandoquidem, 527 
quansei, 276 
"quantus, 358 
quapropter, 145, 378 
quasi, 379 

queo, queno, 298, 311, 453 
ques, 246, 381 
qui and quis, 381 
quia, 381 
quicquid, 384 
quidam, 383 
quidem, 385 
quilibet, . 383 
quinaria, 148 
quippe, 387 
quispiam, 384 
quisquam, 383 
quisque, 383, 387 
quisquis, 383 
quivis, 384, 387 
quomodo, 527 
quoque, 388 
quoquus, 296 
quorsus, 179 
radere genas, 257 
rastrum, 487 
ratio, 365 
ratiocinor, 505 
re= ἀνά, 403 
re=rei, 370 
reapse, 377 
recludo, 396 
redantruo, 337 
refert, 370 
refirmo, 396 


556 
refuto, 446 
regio, 91 


regiones viarum, 321 


rego, 457 
religio, 482 
remulco, 324 
remus, 475 
reor, 365 
repetundarum, 275 
repudio, 364 
res, 294, 362 
retego, 396 
rettuli, 305 
revelo, 396 
revertor, 457 
reus, 245 
ricinium, 257 
rixa, 299, 319 
robustus, 356 
rorarius, 315 
rostrum, 487 
rota, 302 
ruber, 7 
rudimenta, 169 
rudo, 455 
ruma, 68 
rupitia, 253 
rursus, 179 
rus, 294 
rutrum, 487 
sacellum, $t6 
Sacramentum, 270 
seoculum, 175 
sagitta, 9o 
Saguntus, 97 
sal, 356, 358 
sanates, 243 
sarpo, sarpta, 250 
satis, 302, 366 
scando, 448 


&cateo, scaturio, 499 


Scilicet, 419, 518 
scribere, 286 


scriptor, scriptura, 427, 486 


se, 368 
ge clo cedens, 237 


se, sed, sine, 246, 256, 337 
gecundus, secutus, 301 


gecuris, gO 
gedeo, sido, 448 


INDICES. 


sedulo, 269 
semel, simplex, &c. 390 
Semones, 234 
semper, 390 
sempiternus, 175 
semuncia, 148 
senex, 353 
sepultus, 317 
sequester, 493 
sermo, 486 
sermocinor, 505 
sero, 463 
sesquipes,  sesquipedalis, 
505 
sestertius, 250 
setius, 481 
geverus, IO 
sibilo, r95 
sibus, 148 
sic, 372 
siccus, 501 
sicilicus, 148, 322 
sila, silva, 324 
simplex, 390 
simul, 341 
sincerus, 390 
sinciput, 390 
Bine, 401 
singulus, 390 
sinister, 147 
sino, 463 
sirempe, 273 
sis=8i vis, 518 
eis —suis, 316 
socer, 324 
sodes, 518 
solari, 516 
sollemnis, 137, 194 
sollers, 137 
solus, 374 
sonorus, 446 
sonticus, 244 
speres, 332 
sperno, 463 
gpiritus, 476 
sponte, 90, 375, 495 
Spurius, 32, 313 
Bquama, 297 
statim, 402 
stator, 354 


sterno, 303 
stipendium, 516 
stipulus, 114 
stlis, 263, 307 
βίο, 443 
strenuus, 137 
struo, 461 
suad, 143 
sublimis, 516 
subtilis, 516 
sueris, 334 
suffoco, 315 


sum and inquam, 291 
gum and fio, 411 844. 


sumo, 466 
summus, 516 
suovetaurilia, 509 
gupellex, 354 
supparum, 290 
suppositicius, 502 
suspitio, 481, 516 
ta=da, 234 
tabeo, 56 
taciturnus, 494 
tedet, tardus, 146 
tamen, 345 
tandem, 345, 516 
taxo, 270 
tectifractis, 518 
tellus, 112 
temno, 321, 462 
temo, 480 ° 
tempero, 462 
tempestas, 243 
tempestus, 239 


templum, 107, 173, 


462, 478 
tempus, 462, 478 
tendo, 214 
teneo, 449 
tenus, 345 
tepidus, 56 
terra, r 12 
tessera, 363 
testis, 363 
testimonium, 480 
thensaurus, 304 
Tiberis, 204 
tignum, 250 
tinguo, 295 


tis, 316 

Titus, 31 

tlatus, 458 

toga, 195, 502 

tolero, 498 

tonsa, 476 

topper, 290 

lorquular, 296 

torres, 200 

torvus, 477 

tot, 112 

totus, 32, 112 

traho, 288, 292, 394 

trama, 475 

trans, 401 

transtrum, 488 

trebla, 108 

trimus, 494 

tripudium, 264 

trucido, 477 

tuber, 390 

tuburcino, or tuburcinor, 
409, 506 

tugurium, 251, 317 

ubi, unde, unquam, usque, 
383, 387 

ullus, 389 

ultro, 341, 374 

ultro tributum, 375 

umbo, 400 


unguo, 295 


&, 475 

ago, 356 

alis, 489 

anus, 489 

ao (verb), 441, 500 
ar, 356 

aris, 489 

arium, 489 

ax, 475 

b, 351 


INDICER. 


universus, 32, 196 
unus, 315, 390 
urbe, 348 
urgueo, 295 
urvo, 148 
usque, 388 
uterque, 301 
utpote, 387 
VACCA, 5 
vagulatio, 245 
vanus, 516 
variegare, 310 
Varro, 63 

vas, r46 
vasargenteis, 518 
vales, 391, 359 
vaticinari, 101 
vaticinium, 505 
vehemens, 98 
Vejovis, 173 
vel, 111 

velum, 516 
veneo, venumdo, 419, 453 
venilia, 36 
ventus, 181 
venum, 427 
Venus, 201, 356 
venustas, 356 
ver, 451 

ver sacrum, 6 
veratrum, 488 


VIII. 


557 


verbustus, 239 
verecundus, 364 
versutus, 478 
verto, vertumnus, 456 
veru, 389 

verus, 363 

vestis, 476 

vestri, vestrum, 309 
veto, 443 

vetus, 353 

vicies, 516 

vious, vicinus, 251 
videlicet, 419, 518 
viduus, 148, 188 
viginti, 386 

villa, 350 

vindex, 134 
vindicit, 246 
vindico, 134, 453 
violentus, 464 
vir, 63 

virgineus, 334 
virgo, virago, 63 
vis, vires, 379 
vitricus, 389 

vito, 443 

vitta, 58 

vitulus, 5 

vivus, 117, 297 
VOX, 475 

320n8, 350, 476 


LATIN TERMINATIONS. 


ber, bra, brum, 488 
bilis, bundus, 91, 505 
bulum, 488 
€, 352, 475 

cer, cris, crum, 488 
culus, 489 

cus, 475 

d, 353 

din, 486 

dus, 476 


ea, 475 

edo, 356 

ensis, 492 

eo (verb), 447, 501 
er, 351, 3386. 
ero (verb), 498 

es, 357, 475 

ester, 493 

etum, 489 

eus, 475 


558 


i, 475 

ico (verb), 499 
icus, 475 

ido, 356 

idius, 493 
idus, 476 
iensis, 492 

les, 475 

igo, 356 

ile, 489 

ilis, 489 

ilius, 493 

in, 356 

inus, 489 

io (verb), 451, 503 
io, 481 

ior, 485 

is, 367, 475 
isso (verb), 465 
ito (verb), 497 
it-s, 30, 315, 498 
ius, 475 

1, 356 

lebe, 479 
lentus, 464 


a, 54! 
abeille, 200 
aesmer, 305 
age, 306 
aigre, 299 
ailleurs, 541 
aimé, 305 
aimerai, 540 
aimois, 388 
ainsi, 541 
ame, 525 
Amiens, 288 
Anjou, 305 
&orer, aorner, 305 
Aott, 299 
apótre, 306 . 


arracher, $39 


INDICES. 


lum, lus, leus, 478, 490 
men, mentum, 355, 481 
mnus, mna, mnum, 480 
mon, 480 

monia, 481 

mus, ma, 475 

n, 481 

ndus, 358 

no (verb) 455, 462 

nt, 495 

on, 482 

or, 357, 485 

osus, 484 

r, 357, 485 

rt, 358 

rum, 478, 488 

8, 478 

sco (verb), 466 

strum, 487 

t, 355, 481 

ta, 478 

tat-, tut-, 355, 486 

ter, tor, 357, 486, 493 
timus, tinus, 494 


IX. 


FRENCH WORDS. ’ 


Arras, 305 
assez, 305, 541 
aucun, 307 ᾿ 
aumóne, 307 
aune, 307 
&ussi, 535 
autel, 307 
autre, 307 
Autun, 299 
Avalon, 286 
avant, 398, 541 
avec, 541 
aveugle, 299 
avoir, 286 - 
avois, 286 
avril, 290 
bailli, 536 


tio, 482 

tis, 355, 476 
tivus, 477 
terium, torium, 486 
t+n, 494 

tor, 486 

tric, 354, 486 
tro (verb), 499 
trum, 487 

tudo, 486 
turio (verb), 499 
turnus, 494 
turus, tura, 486 
tus, ta, tum, 478 
tus, ths, 476 
tut, 355, 486 

ulo (verb), 499 
um, 488 

urio (verb), 499 
us, -i, 350 

us, -uris, 356 

v, 361 

vis, vus, 476 

X, 352, 475 


Besancon, 286 
biais, 307 
bougre, 307 
Bourges, 305 
Briangon, 299 
cage, 287 
Cahors, 305 
canonique, 536 
captif, 536 
Car, 541 

case, 536 
cause, 536 
Cavaillon, 286 
cel, cet, 535 
cendre, 305 
chacun, 451 
Chálons, 305 


chambre, 287, 298 
changer, 287 
chanoine, 537 
charme, 298 
chaste, 298 
chataigne, 398 
chaud, 298 
chef, 298 
cheoir, 298 
cher, 298 
chétif, 537 
cheval, 208 
chevétre, 290 
cheveu, 290 
chevre, 290 
chez, 298, 537 
chien, 298 
choux, 298 
chose, 537 
cochbre (porte), to9 
combler, 287 
comme, 528 
corbeille, 299 
courtois, 304 
dais, 299 
dame, 525 
découvrir, 397 
demain, 541 
derriere, 541 
desormais, 541 
devant, 398 
dévoiler, 397 
diacre, 307 
Dijon, 287 
dit, 298 

dono, 541 
dont, $41 
Dordogne, 305 
dorénavant, 541 
droit, 535 
écris, 539 
ensemble, 541 
ensevelir, 290 
écrire, 288 
epttre, 306 
esclave, 70 
étage, 306 
étes, 539 
évéque, 290 
Eure, 308 


INDICES. 


Evreux, 286 
expulser, 536 
faible, 525 
faire, 524 
faisons, 298 
faites, 539 
femme, 525 
feu (focus), 399 
feu (felix), 307 
foi, 304 

fois, 299 

foyer, 299 
gendre, 305 
gens, 539 
genitvre, 290 
gre, 305 
Grenoble, 305 
gud, 305 
guerre, 296 
Havre, 302 
hommes, 524 
hópital, 536 
hors, 289 
hétel, 536 
Huguenot, 305 
ici, 535 
jamais, 541 
jeu, 299 
Langres, 307 
Laon, 299 
larme, 298, 524 
lieu, 299 
libvre, 290 
liquorice, 298 
lire, 299 
Loire, 299 
loisir, 298 
Londres, 255 
Lyon, 299 
Mason, 305 


| maigre, 299 


maintenant, 541 
maire, 536 
mais, 200, 541 
maitre, 299 
mariage, 306 
marquis, 304 
Mayenoe, 305 
Mayenne, 305 
Melun, 305 


559 


méme, 541 
Metz, 305 
minuit, 143, 305 
moins, 541 
nager, 288 
naif, 536 
natal, 536 
natif, 536 
Nevers, 307 
neveu, 290 
noel, 536 
noir, 299 
nombre, 287 
nu, 304 
nuire, 299 

oc, 534 

coil, 524 
ouvre, 290 
or, 541 

Orne, 306 

oà and ou, 526, 541 
ouvrir, 290 
oyl, 534 
page, 305 
paien, 299 
pauvre, 290 
pays, 304 
pre, 305, 515 
persifier, 195 
peu, 299, 541 


|| piété, 536 


pirouetter, 238 
pitié, 536 - 
plaisir, 298 
poids, 150 
Poitiers, 299 
poitrine, 298 
poix, 299 
pour, 541 
pousser, 536 
prée, 541 . 
prót, 541 
prévót, 536 
puis, 541 
quand, 541 
queue, 305 
rage, 287 
ravir, 539 
recevoir, 290 
reine, 299 


Cf "hangs 


560 


renfermer, 396 
Rennes, 305 
rien, 291 
roche, 290 
Rodez, 305 
rossignol, 306 
Rouanne, 305 
rougir, 287 
sache, 290, 539 
sage, 190 
sans, £41 
savoir, 29Q 


INDICES. 


Seine, 108 
selon, 54! 
serment, 298 
Bi, 541 
siffler, 195 . 
souvent, 541 
suis, 306 
suivre, 441 
sujet, 387 
tai, tait, 524 
tendre, 305 
titre, 306 


Xx. 


tat, 541 

trop, 541 
tous, 539 
Troyes, 208 
Vaudois, 304 
vendredi, 305 
vie, 305 
viendrai, 305 
voici, voila, 524 
voir, 305 

y; 526, 541 
Yonne, 298 


MISCELLANEOUS MATTEBS. 


A. 

Abella, 151 

Accent in Latin, 358, 521 

ἄποδα, 8 

Hachylus, Agam. 42, 796; 
explained, 40 

— Choeph. 350; explained, 
400 

— ib. 779; explained, 457 

— Eum. 975; explained, 
369 

— Prom. 830; explained, 
61 

— Suppl. 313; explained, 
372 

ZEsculapius, 170 

᾿Αέτωμα or tympanum, 41 

Africanus, epitaph on his 
son translated, 261 

Agnone (tablet of), 154 

Agylla, 198 

“aim,” 305 

Alba, 6 

Alphabet, 95, 168, 283 

Amaduzzi (J. C.), 197 

Ambrones, 71 

Anchises, 9 

Apollo, 44 


Architecture, Pelasgian and 
Doric, 39 

Arethusa, 45, 63, 203 

Argos, arx, 15 

Arimaspian, 61 

Ariosto, 61 

Aristophanes as an autho- 
rity for the Scythian lan- 

* guage, 53 

Arminius, 31 

Arringatore, inscription on 
the statue of the, 207 

Artemas, 516 

Artemis, 45, 59, 63, 203 

Arthur (King), 46 


.| Arthur and his round table, 


46 

Article in Latin rather is 
than hic, 376 

Articles in Romance lan- 
guages, 538. 

Artimpasa, 59 

Arvalian chant, 232 

Aspirates, 83 

“4 Assassin,” 532 

Atella, 151, 160 

Atellans, 156 sqq 

Aufrecht, (Dr), 33, 165 


Avon, 54 
Azteca, 16, 65 


B. 

Bacchanalibus (Sen. Con- 
sult. de), 270 

** Bailiff,” 537 

** Baillie” (in Scotland), 536 

Bantine table, 139, 273 

** Base" (to), a corruption, 
543 

** Bet," 354 

Bellerophon, 41 

Betham (Sir W.), 105 

Bevan (Mr Beckford), 215 

Bewcastle and Bridekirk 
(runes at) 226 

“Beyond,” 376 

** Bias,” 307 

Bishops, their titles, 492 

Bonarota, 15, 87, 164 

Bopp (F.), strictures on, 
438, 465, 466 

βοῶπις, as an epithet of 
Juno, 45 

Borysthenes and Dnieper 
identified, 55 


Bulwer Lytéon (Bir E.), 197, 
352 

Bunsen (C. C. J.), 78 

Burgon’s Insoription, 169, 
199  . 

Burnouf (J. L.), 410 


C. 


Ceeles (Creres) Vivenna, 29, 


33 

Cere, 198 

Camers, 11 

Canticum in Roman plays, 
15] 

Carthage(old treaty between 
Rome and), 221 

Carvilius, 293 

Cases, their confusion in 
Latin, 326; in Romance, 
538 

Castrametation, Roman, 
491 

Cato, 234 

Celer, 30, 185 

Celta in Italy, 71 

Cerberus, 61 

Charon, 177 

Cicero, Orat. 11. 9; explain- 
ed, 385 

— ad Att. 1. 17 ; explained, 
483 

— Twsc. Disp. τι 12, Phil. 
I. 6; explained, 483, 4 

Claudius (the emperor), 99, 
284, 312 

Cocles, 30 

Columns Rostrata, 268 

Comedy (Roman), 158 

Complexion affected by the 
sun, 37; by sedentary ha- 
bita, §32 

Conditional propositions, 
435 

Copulative conjunctions, 
$09 

Corinth and Lycia, 41 

Corssen (W.), 386 

D. V. 


INDICES. 


Crown or scudo as a coin, 
184 

Cumber-land, 63 

Curiatius, 30 

Cyclops, 45 

Cyclopean architecture, 15, 
39 


D. 


Dacians and Danes, 51 

‘*Dais” in a Gothic Hall, 
299 

Danaé, 45 

Dante, 123 

Danubius, 53 

Darius and his horse, 61 

Daulis and Doris, 51 

Davus and Geta, 51, 75 

Demas, 516 

Dempeter (J.), 164 

Dentists, 258 

Dirksen (Dr.), 241 

Dnieper or Danaparis and 
Borysthenes, 55 

Dniester, 54 

Dodona, the doves at, 38 

Don, 56 

66 Donna,” 518 

Dorians and Thracians, 50 

Doric architecture, 40 

Doris and Daulis, 51 

Duilius (C.), his victory, 268 

Duumviri perduellionis, 239 

Dyoe (Rev. A.), 16a 


E. 
Ellis (Mr. R.), 71, 166 
'* English," 86 
Epaphras, 516 
Equus Tuticus, 138 
Ethnical inversions, 33 
Ethnical names, 448 
Etruscan alphabet, 168 
Etruscan inscriptions, 196 
8qq. 
Etruscan language, 1648qq. 
Etruscans, their physical 
characteristics, 80 


<n iu 
«1 


΄Ἃ 
TEZSITY] 


‘save 


country dialects differed, - 
25 
Etrusci or Hetrusci, 83 
Eugubine Tables, 94 
Euripides, ph. T. 113; ex- 
plained, 43 
Europa, 45, 63 
Exodium, 157 


F. 

F, it& compound structure, 
288 

Fabretti (A.), 196 

Falerii, Falisci, and Hale- 
sus, 290 

Fonus unciarium, 255 

Fortuna, 178 

Franks and Iscsevones, 533 

French and Latin, their 
olose affinity, 534; simi- 
lar destiny, 542 

Freund (Dr. W.), 79, 165 

Frieze, 42 

Future in Romanoe lan- 


guages, 540 


G. 


Garnett (Mr. R.), 5, 8, 344 

Garumna, 73 

** Gascon," 532 

Gauls, parallel between 
them and the Etruscans, 
24 

*' Germander," 303 

Gerunds, 428 

Geryon, 177 

Geta and Davus, 51, 75 

Get, Gotha, 47, 491; oon- 
trasted with Dacians, 51 

Giles, 307 

** Give," 449 

Gladiators, 81 

Gladiatorial schools, 169 

Gladstone (Mr. W. E.), 36 

** Goth," 533 

Graff (Dr), 203 

Grimm (J.) on the Rirus- ' 
cans, 165 

— his law, 285 


36 


562 INDICES. 


Gray (Mrs. Hamilton), 38, | Interest, rate of, 255 Livius Andronicus, 160 
| 8; *' Interest,” 370 Livy, his testimony to the 
Grotefend (Prof.), 105 Inversions in migrationary | Hetian origin of the E- 
Grotefend (Dr. A.), 270 traditions, 25 iruscans, 23; on the Α- 
γρῦπες, 61 Io, 23, 45 tellane, 157; explained, 
Guest (Dr. E.), 285 Irán, 48 431 
Irmansal, 31 Lobeck (Prof.), 173 
Isaiah, ix. 5; illustrated, | Lubedon for Laomedon, 291 
H. 536 Luceres, 26 aqq. 
Hallam (Mr H.), 518 Iscevones, 78, 533 Lucretius and the Luceres, 
Harlequin, 163 Ister, 53 . 32 8qq. 
Hebrew etymology, 57,88, | Italian (modern), 531: Lycophron, 86 
90, 175, 182, 184, 199, | Jupiter and Danae, 45 Lydiaps, 20, 38, 227 
204, 221, 364, 388, 403, | Jutes and Gotha, 51 Lytton (Sir E. Bulwer) 197, 
416, 450, 455, 462, 485, 351 
E 536 K. 
Herminius τ, Keightley (Mr.), 177 M. 
Herminones and Hermun- | Ée?rick (Mr. J.), 65, 171 | M omitted, 234 
duri, 50, 78, 533 Kephaloa, myth of, 61 Maccaroni, 163 
Herodotus, τ, 58 ; emended, | Xitchoff (Dr.), τού Medi in Thrace, 47 
14 note Klenze (Prof.), 127 M sotis, 60 
*: Hidalgo,” 32 Koch (M.), 23 Magister populi Dictator, 
Hirpinus, 6, 68, 133 κύκλωψ, 45, 61 and magister equitum — 
Holm-ganga, 81 tribunus celerum, 29 
Homer emended, 454 ** Major" in the army, ori- 
Horace explained, 76 L. gin of the name, 536 
Horatius, 30 Languedoc and Langue. | Mandela, its modern name, 
Horse and the Sun, 61 doyl 634 191 
Huguenot, 305 Larissa, 15 Mastarna, 29 
Human sacrifices, 81 Lartius, 30 ** Mayor," 536 
Humber, 72 Lassen (Prof), 106 Merivale (Mr C.), 526 
Huschke (E.), 106 Latin, its value, 542 Measapian language, 34, 69, 
Hyacinthia, 44 Latinus, Lavinus, Latvi-| 113 
nus, 7 Metopes, 41 
Laws of Rome (Regal), 238 ; | Metre, Saturnian, 264 ; true 
I, J. XII Tables, 241; Silian theory of ancient, 26s ; 
‘‘Jack the giant killer," 80 | and Papirian, 269, 270;| Sapphic and Alcaic, 521 
Janiculum, 44 Thorian, 276 Metzger (E.), 40 
Janus, 44 Leleges, 71 Meyer (Dr. C.), 201 
Iapygian language, 34, 69 | Leonidas of Tarentum, con- | Michalo Lituanus, 68 
Javan, 36 jecturally restored, 266 | Milton, 363 
Iceland, 78 Lepsius (Dr. R.), 8, 14, 106 | Mithra and Artemis, 59 
Jehóvá&h, 416 * Lieutenant General” and | Mithras, 46, 59 
Tguvium, 94 ** Major-General," 536 Mimus or Planipes, 159 
Incendiaries, their punish- | Ligurians, 71 Masia, Mysia, and Moeo- 
ment, 254 Liquids, how articulated, gotha, 47 
Ing, 86 169 Mommeen (Theodor), 33 


Ingevones, 78, 86; and | Lithuanians = Samo-Gete, | Monophthalmic deities, 45, 
Saxons, 633 at, 67, 74 61 


Mulvius (Pons), 201 

Munro (Mr. H. A. J.), 521 

Myocens, gate of the lions 
at, 39 3qq. 

Mysians, 47 


N. 
Newman (Mr. F. W.), 73, 
117, 333 
Niebuhr, 3, 5, 17, 33 
Numeral signs, 324 


O. 


Oakes (Mr. J. H. P.), 213 

oc and oyl, their etymology, 
534 

Οἰτόσυρος and olrécxvupos, 
-a, 58 

Oldest French, specimen of, 
535 

** Oriel" window, 507 

Ormuzd, 59 

Oscus, 4 

Ovid, Fast. V. 21; oorrect- 
ed, 390 

* Ox, "ita etymology, 5, note 


P. 

Papirius, 201 

Paris-danas and Borysthe- 
nes, 55 

“Park” and ‘ Paddock,” 
303 

Participle, 344 

Pathology of language, 513 

lleAao"yós, 37 

Pelasgian worship, 44 

Pelops and his ivory shoul- 
der, 533 

Peopling of the world, 65 

Persius explained, 339 

Perugian Inscriptious, 215 

Piceni, 10, note 

Pindar explained, 40 

Plautus emended, 528 

Pomorani, 84 

Populonia, 230 

Porsena (his monument), 
218 


INDICES. 


| ^ Prevent," two meanings 

of, 356 

Priests, as imposers of pe- 
cuniary fines, 496 

Priscian, 434 

Provence, 533 

Provoet, $36 

Prussian (origin of the 
name), 84, note 

Pruth river, $5 

Puncb or Polichinejlo, 163 


Q. 
Q, its conipound structure, 
293 
Quinna, 86 
Quintilian, 288 
Quirites, 129 


R. 
Reti, 22 
Rámáyana quoted, 49 
Rasena, 84 I 
Rawlinson (Mr. G.), 53, 167 
Raynouard (M.), 540 
Regal Laws, 138 
Richard Coeur-de-Lion, 539 
Richborough, 305 
Rick-burners, their punish- 
ment by the old Roman 
laws, 254, fr. 10 
Rivers and mountains, 55, 
204 
Road-making and civilisa- 
tion, 321 
Rochester (name of), 290 
Roma Quadrata, 109 
Romance languages, 452 
Ros, 84 
Rückert (Dr E.), 9 
Runes (Icelandic), 212 
Russian, long words in, 515 


8. 
Sabines, 9 
Sacs, 49 
Salian songs, 235 


563 


Sallust explained, 430, 431, 
450, 476 - 
Sarmate, Sauromate, Syr- 
mate, 49 
Saturnus, 81 
Saturnian verse, 264 sqq. 
Satyrical drama and the 
Atellana, 156 
Saxons, 49 
Shakspere, 362 
Scandinavian symbols of 
speed, 84 
Schmits (C. von), 224 
Schrieck (Adriaen), 105 
Schwartze (Dr.), 310 
Scipios, epitaphs of, 260 
Sclavonians, 70, 75 
Scolotse, 51, 66 
Scythians, 46 sqq.; their 
language, 52 8qq.; their 
rivers, 53 sqq.; their 
deities, 56 sqq. 
Secchi (G. P.), 179 
Semitic and Sclavonian, 88 
Semitic architecture, 43 
Senatus Consultum de Bac- 
chanalibus, 270 
Servians, 76 
Sibilants in Semitic and 
Sclavonian, 9o 
—— in old Italian, 97 
Bigynnse, 41 
** Slave" and “Serf,” 76 
Sophocles, Track. It, ex- 
plained, 362; Ajax, 579, 
Gd. C. 1219, 428 
Spain, corruption of Latin 
in, §34 
Sparga and Svarga, 62 
Spolia opima, 240 
Sporadic and central races, 
65 
Steub (Dr. L ), 166 
Stickel (Dr. J. G.), 165 
Strabo emended, 183 
Sulla, a writer of Atellana, 
162 
Sürya and σύριον ἅρμα, 
58 
Symeon Magister, 84 


564 


T. 
Tacitus emended, 353; ex- 
plained, 375, 430 
Talassus, 174 
Tanaquil, 86 
Tarquin, 86 
Tavpowéhos, as an epithet 
of Artemis, 45 
Temarunda, 60 
Tenses, 418 
Terence, Adédph. I. 2, 80; 
explained, 391; Heaut. 
V. 5, 16; emended, 525 
Terentian metres, 523 8qq. 
Teres, 50 
Thames, 54, 60 
Oapupacdsas, 59 
Thor, 85 
Thucydides explained, 438, 
450 
Thuringians and Hermun- 
duri, 50 
Thyrsagetz, 49 
Tiburtine inscription, 259 


INDICES. 


Tina and Janus, 86 
Titus, titis, titienses, 32 
Tor, 85 

Triglyphs, 42 

Trojans in Italy, 8 
“‘Tues”-day, 222 

Tyres and Dnies-ter, 54 


U, V. 


Ulysses, 170 
Umbria, ro, 71 
Umbro river, 11, 71 
Valls (L.), 371 
“Vandal,” 532 
Varges (Dr.), 236 
Varro, 63 

Veneti, 76 

Ver sacrum, 6, 247 
Vermiglioli (G. B.), 196 
Vertumnus, 456 
Vesta, 56 


Vezir, meaning of the title, 


536 


THE END. 


Vindelici, 76 - 

Vindobonum, γό 

Virgil explained, 181, 336, 
364, 432, 436, 445, 452, 
493, 505, 507 

Vites and Vithes-lath, 51 

V olsinii, 201 


W. 


“Wager,” 354 
Watling Street, 321 
** Wedding," 354 
“Wether,” 5, note 
Wends, 76 


X, Y, Z. 
Yagna quoted, 45, 61 
Y and X, 170 
** Y ooman," 32 


** Zany,” 163 


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