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IN repeating my dedication of this work to 
your Lordship, I may perhaps feel more confidence, than 
when I first inscribed it with your distinguished name, not 
only because it has, to a certain extent, obtained the approval 
of the public to which it appealed, but still more, because 
I am enabled to revise it with such additional knowledge as 
I have acquired in the interval since its first appearance. 
But the renewal of my labours in this field has increased 
my conviction of the difficulties, which attend a scientific 
examination of the Latin Language ; and I have introduced 
so much new matter, that I must feel anxious to know, 
whether the conclusions, at which I have arrived, are likely 
to be sanctioned by your Lordship and other competent 
judges. However this may be, the republication of this book 
has at least given me an opportunity of renewing the ex- 
pression of my respect and esteem for your Lordship, and of 
declaring my un diminished appreciation of the services, which 
you have rendered to the students of classical philology in 
this country. 

I have the honour to be, 
Your Lordship's faithful servant, 



work, as it originally appeared, was a first 
attempt to discuss the comparative philology of the 
Latin Language on the broad basis of general Ethnogra- 
phy, and to show historically how the classical idiom of 
ancient Rome resulted from the absorption or centrali- 
sation of the other dialects spoken in the Peninsula. 
My motto was: licet omnia Italicapro Romanis habeam; 
and I did not content myself with a survey of the Ita- 
lian races, but endeavoured to prove that the elements 
of this cisalpine population might be recognised in the 
Scythia of Herodotus, either in juxta-position or in some 
degree of fusion ; and thus, that they might be traced 
back to the primary settlements of the Indo-Germanic 

In maintaining the composite structure of the Latin 
language, I assert also that the different elements, of 
which it is made up, are to be found in the fragmentary 
languages which have come down to us. When Lepsius 
proposed (de Tabulis EuguUnis, pp. 102, 105) to defend 
the thesis : Latinam linguam non esse mixtam, he must 
have had in view, either an opposition to the doctrine 
that Latin may be divided into a Greek and non-Greek 
part, which Lassen calls one-sided and erroneous, for we 
might as well speak of the German and non-German, or 
the Indian and non-Indian parts of Latin (Rhein. Mus. 
1833, p. 361); or else a confutation of one of those 
untenable theories, which represent this language as an 



imperfectly combined assemblage of heterogeneous in- 
gredients. Admitting that in Italy, as in other penin- 
sulas and islands of Europe, there must have been a 
Celtic substratum, this book undertakes to prove that 
the old Italian tribes were either Sclavonians, Low- 
Germans, or that well-fused compound of these two, 
the Lithuanians. Thus all the elements were homo- 
geneous, and a perfect combination or absorption of 
idioms was a natural result of the political centrali- 
sation occasioned by the conquests of the Imperial City 
on the Tiber. 

In order to arrive at this conclusion, it was necessary 
to examine all the details of Italian ethnography ; and I 
am quite sure that, if Niebuhr thought a long series of 
essays on the old tribes of the Peninsula a proper intro- 
duction to his researches in Roman history, a similar 
investigation, supported by an analysis of the linguistic 
fragments, must be a still more indispensable preliminary 
to a treatise on Latin philology. 

To complete the ethnographical portion of this work, 
I have drawn up a map of ancient Italy, which may also 
serve as a specimen of the best method, as it appears 
to me, of representing in a geographical form the results 
of philological and historical researches respecting the 
origin and changes of population in a particular district. 
Maps like those of Berghaus do indeed exhibit the 
area and boundaries of a nation or language at a given 
time; but the only ethnographical map, which can 
really assist the student's memory, is one which shows 
to the eye the origin and affinities of the different ele- 
ments in the population of a country. To effect this, I 
have not only given, if I may say so, a section of the 


various strata, but I have so chosen the colours, as to 
indicate their structure and relationship. As I believe 
that the Greeks and Celts like the Teutones and Cim- 
bri of history were scions ultimately of the same stock, 
I have represented them by cognate colours red and 
pink ; and then, taking yellow to mark the Sclavonians 
and Hue to indicate the Gothic tribes, the fusion of these 
races in the Lithuanian or Latin is shown to the eye by 
a stratum of green, which is a mixture of blue and 

The former edition of this book, though complete 
with reference to its immediate object, was merely a 
review of existing knowledge, extended by suggestions 
and materials for further researches. The present repu- 
blication endeavours to fill up the outline, which was 
thus presented. It will be found, therefore, that there 
is much more of enlargement than of alteration in the 
book as it now appears. Scarcely any chapter is without 
considerable and important additions, and I have thought 
it right to insert four new chapters, containing a full 
discussion of some subjects, which received only an inci- 
dental notice in the former edition. In fact, I have not 
intentionally omitted an examination of any important 
or difficult question connected with the ethnography of 
ancient Italy, or with the higher departments of Latin 
etymology and grammar 1 . With regard to the great 

1 In regard to all discussions in the present Volume, which bear im- 
mediately on the practical study of the Latin language, I should wish this 
work to be considered as a sequel to the Latin Grammar and Exercises 
which were published a few months since. Teachers will, I hope, find 
that I have fully explained and justified my departure from the tra- 
ditionary, and, as it appears to me, erroneous method so long pursued in 
our classical schools. 


philological problem, the origin of the Etruscans and 
the nature of their language, I think that I have so far 
extended and confirmed the theory, which I laid before 
the British Association in 1851, that it may now claim 
formal recognition as a discovery resting firmj^ on in- 
ductive evidence. 

In reprinting this volume, I have felt much distrust 
of my ability to do all that I wished with the book ; but 
I have no want of confidence in the soundness of the 
principles, which support it, or in the certainty of the 
results, to which it leads ; and I believe that, whatever 
may be its defects, this work will contribute, in some 
degree, to facilitate and promote an important branch 
of those studies, to which I have devoted the best years 
of my life. 

J. W. D. 

November 6, 1852. 


NO person who is conversant with the subject will ven- 
ture to assert that Latin scholarship is at present 
flourishing in England 1 . On the contrary, it must be ad- 
mitted that, while we have lost that practical familiarity 
with the Latin language, which was possessed some forty 
years ago by every Englishman with any pretensions to 
scholarship, we have not supplied the deficiency by making 
ourselves acquainted with the results of modern philology, 
so far as they have been brought to bear upon the lan- 
guage and literature of ancient Home. The same impulse, 
which has increased and extended our knowledge of Greek, 
has checked and impoverished our Latinity. The dis- 
covery that the Greek is, after all, an easier language than 
the Latin, and that it may be learned without the aid of 
its sister idiom, while it has certainly enabled many to 
penetrate into the arcana of Greek criticism who must 
otherwise have stopt at the threshold, has at the same time 
prevented many from facing the difficulties which surround 
the less attractive literature of Eome, and, by removing 
one reason for learning Latin, has induced the student to 
overlook the other and higher considerations which must 
always confer upon this language its value, its importance, 
and its dignity. 

A return to the Latin scholarship of our ancestors can 
only be effected by a revival of certain old-fashioned 
methods and usages, which have been abandoned, perhaps 
more hastily than wisely, in favour of new habits and new 

1 See the Postscript at the end of this Preface. 



theories. No arguments can make it fashionable for 
scholars to clothe their thoughts in a classic garb : example 
will do more than precept ; and when some English phi- 
lologer of sufficient authority shall acquire and exert the 
faculty of writing Latin with terse and simple elegance, 
he will not want imitators and followers. With regard, 
however, to our ignorance of modern Latin philology, it 
must be owned that our younger students have at least 
one excuse namely, that they have no manual of instruc- 
tion ; no means of learning what has been done and is 
still doing in the higher departments of Italian philology ; 
and if we may judge from the want of information on 
these subjects which is so frequently conspicuous in the 
works of our learned authors, our literary travellers, and 
our classical commentators, this deficiency is deeply rooted, 
and has been long and sensibly felt. Even those among 
us who have access to the stores of German literature, 
would seek in vain for a single book which might serve as 
the groundwork of their studies in this department. The 
most comprehensive Roman histories, and the most elabo- 
rate Latin grammars, do not satisfy the curiosity of the 
inquisitive student; and though there is already before 
the world a great mass of materials, these are scattered 
through the voluminous works of German and Italian 
scholars, and are, therefore, of little use to him who is not 
prepared to select for himself what is really valuable, and 
to throw aside the crude speculations and vague conjec- 
tures by which such researches are too often encumbered 
and deformed. 

These considerations, and the advice of some friends, 
who have supposed that I might not be unprepared for 
such an office, have induced me to undertake the work 
which is now presented to the English student. How far 
I have accomplished my design must be left to the judg- 


ment of others. It has been my wish to produce, within 
as short a compass as possible, a complete and systematic 
treatise on the origin of the Romans, and the structure 
and affinities of their language, a work which, while it 
might be practically useful to the intelligent and educated 
traveller in Italy, no less than to the reader of Niebuhr 
and Arnold, might at the same time furnish a few specimens 
and samples of those deeper researches, the full prosecu- 
tion of which is reserved for a chosen few. 

The most cursory inspection of the table of contents 
will show what is the plan of the book, and what informa- 
tion it professes to give. Most earnestly do I hope that 
it may contribute in some degree to awaken among my 
countrymen a more thoughtful and manly spirit of Latin 
philology. In proportion as it effects this object, I shall 
feel myself excused in having thus ventured to commit to 
a distant press a work necessarily composed amid the dis- 
tractions and interruptions of a laborious and engrossing 

J. W. D. 

25th March, 1844. 


On the Causes and Remedies of the present neglect of Latin 
Scholarship in England. 

IN the first sentence of the preceding Preface, I have 
stated my belief that Latin Scholarship is not flourishing 
in England, and this statement was repeated in the pre- 
face to the Latin Grammar, which was published in January 
last. On each appearance of this assertion, I was obliged 
to defend it from direct attacks on the part of those who 
felt themselves aggrieved by it. My first assailant was 
the principal of an educational establishment connected 
with University College, London, who regarded himself as 
a champion of " crude-form" philology. My second op- 
ponent was the Master of an endowed Grammar School, 
who came forward as a vindicator of old-fashioned La- 
tinity. But they both agreed in the personality of their 
opposition to a censure of English Scholarship, which they 
conceived to be in some measure directed against them- 
selves. The former controversialist gave no indication of 
superior knowledge or ability, and as a clamosus mercium 
undique compilatarum venditator, his egotism and presump- 
tion would have been simply ridiculous, had not his dis- 
regard of those principles, which regulate the conduct of 
honourable men, suggested some considerations affecting 
himself of a graver and more painful nature. The second 
defender of English Latinity needs no testimony from me 
to his respectability and moral worth, and he is an excellent 
Greek scholar, if brilliant success at the University may 
be taken as a criterion ; but his pamphlet was chiefly re- 
markable as showing how unconsciously our best men can 


put forth and maintain obsolete and erroneous doctrines 
in Latin grammar and philology. Whatever other effect 
these discussions may have produced, they have at least 
failed to change my opinions respecting the Latin Scho- 
larship of this country. But when I adhere to and repeat 
those opinions, I do not wish to inquire whether any other 
persons are disposed to contradict or censure me ; I do 
not ask, with Macaulay's Horatius, 

"What noble Lucumo comes next 
To taste our Roman cheer?" 

Personal considerations do not enter into a general 
criticism which includes a whole department of classical 
learning. Even if 1 could, without presumption, enumerate 
those whom I consider as exceptions to the laxity of our 
Latin Scholarship, I should be deterred by the fear of 
omitting many whose attainments are unknown to me ; 
and I feel assured that, while there are always some who 
will defend the faults which they exemplify, all those, who 
are really good scholars, will readily admit the comparative 
neglect into which the study of the Latin language has 
fallen among us ; and with regard to those who are less 
conscious of it, I shall hope to point out some of the 
causes and remedies of our deficiency in this respect, 
without provoking a contest, which, like those already re- 
ferred to, might enable me to gain an easy triumph at the 
expense of some individual. 

Latin Scholarship is in a low state among us, because 
we have abandoned the old inducements to this study, 
without taking up the new applications which give it an 
increased interest and value. For the fact, it is sufficient 
to mention that, although our public schools impart a fa- 
cility in the composition of Latin verse, which is rarely 
attained on the continent, and though this is highly valu- 
able as a practical habit of skill and accuracy, examiners 



at the Universities and bishops at their ordinations have 
publicly complained that they very rarely meet with a 
young man who can write tolerably good Latin prose. 
And among our maturer scholars, while some cannot write 
a page without inaccuracy, there are certainly not many 
whose Latin style will bear a comparison with that of 
Ernesti, Kuhnken, Garatoni, F. A. Wolf, and Wyttenbach. 
Then again, although the present generation of our 
scholars can point to publications of the Greek authors 
and lexicographers, at least equal to the best specimens 
of the kind which have appeared on the continent, we have 
produced no edition of a Latin work, which can be men- 
tioned in the same breath with Orelli's Horace, Lachmann's 
Lucretius, Ritschl's Plautus, and the Varro and Festus of 
C. O. Miiller; still less can we claim to have done any 
thing for the classical study of the Koman law, which 
deserves to be placed beside the labours of Haubold, 
Dirksen, Hugo, and Savigny. 

There can be no doubt that the proper remedy for 
this comparative neglect of Latin Scholarship, is to in- 
crease or revive the demand for a knowledge of Latin, 
and to point out to amateur or dilettanti students the 
real interest and practical value of this branch of classical 
learning. This will amount to a resumption on the one 
hand, of "certain old-fashioned methods and usages" 
(above, p. ix.), and will involve, on the other hand, a 
proper cultivation of modern Latin philology in all its ap- 

An increased or revived demand for Latin Scholarship 
will be promoted, if the Universities allow it to be seen 
that the rewards and honours, which they have to bestow, 
are at least as attainable by this means, as by an accurate 
and critical acquaintance with Attic Greek. At present 
it is well known, that, although the examinations at Oxford 


and Cambridge presume an equal attention to Latin and 
Greek on the part of the candidates for classical honours, 
practically it is not expected or required that the former 
language should have been studied with the same minute 
and scrupulous regard to its texture and idioms. This is 
shown, in part, by the direct or presumed references to 
the works of those critics who have written on the Greek 
language, and by the absence of any similar appeal to the 
writings of the great Latin scholars. It is required, for 
example, that the competitor should be familiar with 
what Porson, Elmsley, and Hermann have written on the 
text of Euripides, but it is not implied that he must have 
studied the notes of Drakenborch on Livy, or the miscel- 
laneous observations of Gronovius. During my long resi- 
dence at one of the Universities, I knew more than one 
case in which a high place in the Tripos was perilled by 
an error in Greek syntax or metre, and I was informed 
of one instance in which the most distinguished classical 
honours were awarded to a youth, whose knowledge of 
Latin was so confused and uncertain that he had con- 
strued ventos as the passive participle of venio. When 
University students know that their examiners value and 
exact as scholarlike and critical an acquaintance with the 
best Latin, as with the best Greek authors, they will not 
fail to bring their industry and talents to bear on the neg- 
lected literature of Rome. It might be desirable that our 
Universities should require the use of the Latin language 
in all books of a strictly learned character, which are pub- 
lished at their expense. At any rate, great advantages 
would be gained if all theological works of a higher class 
were clothed in this classic garb. Religious newspapers 
and other periodicals conducted by unlearned and anony- 
mous writers, who are only anxious to fan the flame of 
one-sided prejudice, would lose much of their fuel, if 




original and well-informed divines, who are anxious to 
elicit the truth, which lies mid-way between the opinions 
of extreme parties, were content to write ad clerum in the 
first instance. And I should rejoice, if among the con- 
templated reforms of our Universities, we could revive the 
discipline of our divinity schools, strenuously refusing the 
honours of the highest faculty to all who cannot maintain 
a disputation in precise and accurate Latinity 1 . 

To increase a more general interest in the philological 
study of the Latin language, we must begin by engaging 
professed scholars in a proper regard for Roman literature. 
This will be best effected, if they can be induced to be- 
lieve that there is still the same room for the display of 
their abilities and learning in the revision and illustration 
of the Latin authors, as in their favourite field of Greek 
criticism. Not to speak of Cicero, many of whose works 
expect a competent editor acquainted with the highest 
philology of the day, there is ample opportunity for criti- 
cism of the best kind in the proper interpretation of 
Plautus, Lucretius, Propertius, Virgil, Livy, and Tacitus. 
Then again we may hope that the general ethnographer 
and philologer will be more and more persuaded that 
ancient Italy furnishes the most difficult as well as the 
most important subject for his speculations. If the new 
combinations in this work are as valid and conclusive as I 
believe them to be, a true explanation of even the com- 

1 As undergraduates were expected to hold Latin disputations in the 
schools, the Universities must have assumed that they would come up 
perfectly able to carry on a conversation in Latin. The Grammar schools 
were instituted expressly for this purpose (see New Crat. 83), and the 
old statutes of Bury School direct that "the scholars shall speak con- 
tinually Latin as well without the school as within." The presumption 
that Latin will be sufficiently learned before the commencement of a 
college career is farther indicated by the fact, that neither of our great 
Universities has a Professor of Humanity or Latin. ^ 


monest and most striking peculiarities of Latin word-forms 
was hitherto undiscovered. In those great seats of learn- 
ing, where the luxury of study may be enjoyed for its own 
sake, it is to be regretted that we have no lectures on 
the Romance languages, which are so deserving of the 
attention of all those whose ancestors, in part or wholly, 
adopted them, and which lend a new interest to the study 
of the Latin language, their immediate parent. Above all, 
the cultivation of Roman literature will never be restored 
to its proper place in the estimation of learned English- 
men, until we have revived the classical spirit, which for- 
merly prevailed in this country, and which, on the continent, 
still directs and influences the study of the civil law. On 
this subject, I shall take the liberty of quoting the words 
of a writer, with whom I do not often agree, and whose 
Latin scholarship is by no means an exception to the 
general rule of laxity and incompleteness, but who has 
enjoyed, as I have, the advantage of a regular and pro- 
longed course of legal study ; and I am the more induced 
to quote his words, because, as he has been a public 
teacher both of Latin and of law, his admissions may be 
received as partly affecting himself: " That in this country, 
where we profess to cultivate ancient learning, we should 
so long have neglected the study of the Roman law, the 
best and only original part of their literature, and should 
have gone on in the dark, admiring and thinking that we 
understood the writings of Cicero, our model of Latinity, 
is a proof, the strongest possible, of the degradation into 
which classical studies have sunk in our higher places of 
education. In one University, lectures on the civil law 
have ceased to be given, though there is still a Professor ; 
and in the other (Cambridge), though lectures are given, 
and degrees are taken in civil law, it is well known in 
how little estimation both the subject itself and the de- 



grees are held by those who follow what may be called 
the regular studies of the University. Instead of the 
lectures on civil law being considered as auxiliary to and 
part of the Latin studies of the University, which they 
ought to be and might be, an attendance on the course of 
civil law, and a residence in the Hall where the lectures 
are delivered, are generally viewed rather as a convenient 
means of obtaining a degree. Such being the case, it 
would not be an easy matter for the Professor to restore 
the study of the civil law to its proper dignity, and to 
make it an integral part of the University course 1 ." It 
cannot be denied that there is some general truth in these 
remarks; but the writer overestimates the difficulty of 
remedying the defects of which he complains. Whenever 
the subject of civil law shall be taken up by some genuine 
Latin scholar fully impressed with its dignity and impor- 
tance, he will form a school for himself; and to say 
nothing of my own University, I may be permitted to re- 
mark, that the fabric of juristic learning, which an eminent 
civilian at Oxford has built upon a solid foundation of 
classical scholarship, not unconnected with a careful study 
of Niebuhr, may lead us to believe that there are already 
some persons in England who can bring to the study of 
the Roman law the thoughtful erudition of Gibbon and 
the philological acuteness of Savigny. 

On the whole, though I feel myself obliged on this 
occasion to repeat the preface to Varronianus, as it origi- 
nally stood, I venture to indulge in the hope that, if I live 
long enough to write again on this subject, I shall be able 
to speak in more flattering terms of the Latin Scholarship 
of England. 

Central Society of Education. Third Publication, p. 220. 





1 Elements of the population of Rome .... 1 

2 The LATINS a composite tribe ..... 3 

3 The Oscans, &c. ....... 3 

4 Alba and Lavinium ...... 6 

5 Trojan colony in Latium ...... 6 

6 The SABINES how related to the Umbrians and Oscans . 7 

7 The Umbrians their ancient greatness .... 8 

8 Reduced to insignificance by successive contacts with the 

Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans ... 9 

9 The PELASGIANS the differences of their position in Italy 

and Greece respectively . . . . . .10 

10 They preserve their national integrity in Etruria . . 11 

11 Meaning and extent of the name "Tyrrhenian" . . 11 

12 The ETRUSCANS the author's theory respecting their origin 14 

13 The names ETRUSCUS and RASENA cannot be brought to an 

agreement with TTRSENUS . . . . . 16 

14 It is explicitly stated by ancient writers that the Etruscans 

came from Rsetia ....... 17 

16 This view of the case is after all the most reasonable . 18 

16 It is confirmed by all available evidence, and especially by 

the contrast between the town and country languages of 

Etruria 19 

17 Farther inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary his- 

tory of the Luceres ...... 21 

18 (6) Fragmentary records of the early constitution of Rome . 23 

19 (c) Etymology of some mythical proper names . . 24 

20 General conclusion as to the mutual relations of the old 

Italian tribes 26 



1 Etymology of the word IlfXaa-yos .... 

2 How tho Pelasgians came into Europe 




3 Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and Hel- 

lenic architecture . . . . . . 31 

4 Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology of 

the two races ....... 36 

6 Thracians, Getse, and Scythians ..... 3.9 

6 Scythians and Medes ...... 40 

7 Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Getse, may 

be shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the 
remains of the Scythian language .... 

8 Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this chain 

of nations ........ 

9 Peculiarities of the Scythian language suggested by Aristo- 

phanes ........ 

10 Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained 

11 Names of the Scythian divinities ..... 

12 Other Scythian words explained ..... 

13 Successive peopling of Asia and Europe : fate of the Mon- 

golian race ........ 55 

14 The Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin . 58 

15 Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, &c. .... 59 

16 Reasons for believing that they were the same race as the 

Lithuanians ....... 59 

17 Farther confirmation from etymology . . . .61 

18 Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and Lithuanians 

in Italy and elsewhere . . ... . 62 

19 The Sarmatse probably a branch of the Lithuanian family . 64 

20 Gothic or Low-German affinities of the ancient Etruscans 

shown by their ethnographic opposition to the Veneti . 66 

21 Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the Old Norse 68 

22 Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names . . * 69 

23 Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the Sclavonian . 72 

24 Predomina* & Sclavonism of the old Italian languages . 74 



1 The Eugubine Tables 78 

2 Peculiarities by which the old Italian alphabets were distin- 

guished ........ 79 

3 The Sibilants 80 

4 Some remarks on the other letters ... . . 82 

5 Umbrian grammatical forms ..... 83 

6 Selections from the Eugubine Tables, with explanations : Tab. 

I. a,JL. 86 

CONTENTS. xxiii 


7 Tab. I. a, 2-6 ... ... 89 

8 Tab. I. b, 13, sqq 94 

9 Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. a . 96 

10 Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin synonyms . 99 

11 The Todi Inscription contains four words of the same class . 101 



1 The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as 

Sabellian also . . . . - . . 104 

2 Alphabetical List of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpre- 

tation . . . . . . . . 105 

3 The Bantine Table . . . . -. . 116 

4 Commentary on the Bantine Table . .'. ' ., . . 119 

5 The Cippus Abellanus . .... . . 127 

6 The bronze tablet of Agnone . . ... . . .130 

7 TheAtellanse . . . . v. . , . ' . 132 



1 Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an inter- 

pretation of the Etruscan language . . . .139 

2 Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained . 143 

3 Alphabetical list of Etruscan words interpreted . . . 151 

4 Etruscan Inscriptions difficulties attending their interpre- 

tation ...... . . 165 

5 Inscriptions in which the Pelasgian element predominates . 166 

6 Transition to the inscriptions which contain Scandinavian 

words. The laurel-crowned Apollo. Explanation of the 
words CLAN and PHLERES . . . . . . 170 

7 Inscriptions containing the words SUTHI and TRCE . . 174 

8 Inferences derivable from the words SVER, CVER, and THUR 

or THAUR . . . . ' . ' . , . .170 

9 Striking coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse 

in the use of the auxiliary verb LATA . . . .177 

10 The great Perugian Inscription critically examined its Runic 

affinities .... ... 180 

11 Harmony between linguistic research and ethnographic tra- 

dition in regard to the ancient Etruscans . . .189 

12 General remarks on the absorption or evanescence of the 

old Etruscan language . . . . , 191 














Fragments of old Latin not very numerous 
Arvalian Litany ...... 

Chants preserved by Cato .... 

Fragments of Salian hymns .... 

Old regal laws ...... 

Remains of the XII. Tables .... 

Table I 

Table II 

Table III. 

Table IV 

Table V 

Table VI. ... . 

Table VII. 

Table VIII 

Table IX. 

Table X. 

Table XI. 

Table XII 

The Tiburtine Inscription .... 
The Epitaphs of the Scipios . 
The Columna Rostrata 


The Silian and Papirian laws, and the Edict of the curule ^Ediles 230 
The Senatus-Consultum de Bacchanalibus . . . 232 

The old Roman law on the Bantine Table . 234 








Organic classification of the original Latin Alphabet 
The labials ..... 

The gutturals ...... 

The dentals , 

The vowels ...... 

The Greek letters used by the Romans 
The numeral signs .... 





1 Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system . . 274 

2 General scheme of the case-endings .... 275 

3 Differences of crude-form ...... 276 

4 Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusative plural 278 

5 Existing forms the genitive ..... 280 

6 The dative and locative ...... 282 

7 The accusative singular ...... 28S 

8 The ablative 284 

9 The neuter forms ....... 284 

10 The vocative * T . 286 

11 Adverbs considered as cases of nouns .... 287 

12 Adverbial expression for the day of the month . 292 



1 The usual arrangement is erroneous .... 293 

2 General rules for the classification of Latin nouns . t 294 

3 First or -a Declension . . . . . 295 

4 Second or -o Declension . , . . . 296 

5 Third Declension or consonantal nouns .... 296 

6 A. First class or purely consonantal nouns . . . 297 

7 B. Second class or semi-consonantal nouns . 301 



1 General definitions ...... 307 

2 Personal Pronouns ....... 307 

3 Indicative Pronouns . ; - . . . 310 

4 Distinctive Pronouns . . . . . .315 

5 Relative, interrogative, and indefinite Pronouns . . 318 

6 Numerals and Degrees of Comparison . .. . . 327 

7 Prepositions ........ 329 

8 Negative parficles ........ 337 






1 The Latin verb generally defective .... 

2 The personal inflexions their consistent anomalies 

3 Doctrine of the Latin tenses ..... 

4 The substantive verbs ...... 

5 Paucity of organic formations in the regular Latin verb . 

6 General scheme of tenses in the Latin verb 

7 Verbs which may be regarded as parathetic compounds 

8 Tenses of the vowel-verbs which are combinations of the 

same kind ........ 

9 Organic derivation of the tenses in the consonant verb 

10 Auxiliary tenses of the passive voice .... 

11 The modal distinctions their syntax 

12 Forms of the infinitive and participle how connected in 

derivation and meaning . . . ' ,, 

13 The gerundium and gerundivum shown to be active and present 

14 The participle in -tdrus ...... 

15 The Perfect Subjunctive ...... 

16 The past tense of the infinitive active " . 




1 The conjugations are regulated by the same principles as 

the declensions ....... 372 

2 The first or -a conjugation . . . . . .373 

3 The second or -e conjugation ..... 377 

4 The third or -i conjugation ...... 382 

5 The fourth or consonant conjugation. A. Mute verbs . 384 

6 B. Liquid verbs . . . . . . . 388 

7 C. Semi-consonantal verbs ..... 390 

8 Irregular verbs. A. Additions to the present tense . . 391 

9 B. Abbreviated forms ...... 397 

10 Defective verbs ...... 399 


1 A. Derivation.- General principles 

2 Derivation is merely extended or ulterior inflexion 




3 I. Derived nouns ....... 402 

4 (a) Forms with the first Pronominal Element only . . 402 

5 (&) Forms with the second Pronominal Element only . 403 

6 (c) Forms with the third Pronominal Element only . . 405 

7 (a) Terminations compounded of the first and other Prono- 

minal Elements ....... 405 

8 (/3) Terminations compounded of the second and other 

Pronominal Elements ...... 406 

9 (?) The third Pronominal Element, compounded with 

others and reduplicated . . . . . 417 

10 II. Derived verbs . . . . . . .419 

11 B. Composition. Discrimination of compound words . 424 

12 Classification of Latin compounds .... 426 


1 Genius of the Latin Language . . . * 432 

2 Abbreviations observable in the written forms . . . 433 

3 Ancient testimonies to the difference between the spoken and 

the written language ...... 437 

4 The poetry of the Augustan age does not represent the ge- 

nuine Latin pronunciation ..... 439 

5 Which is rather to be derived from an examination of the 

comic metres ....... 440 

6 The French language is the best modern representative of 

the spoken Latin ....... 444 

7 The modern Italian not equally so ; and why . . 447 

8 Different dialects of the French language . . . 448 

9 But all these dialects were closely related to the Latin 451 

10 Leading distinctions between the Roman and Romance idioms 453 

11 Importance and value of the Latin Language . . 458 


Page 25, line 25, for suiters read suitors. 

75, ; , 34, for granst read graust. 

364, 7, Add " That these attributive usages really correspond to active infi- 
nitives even in those cases, in which the gerundive might be referred 
to a passive verb, as in : vir minime contemnendus, &c., appears 
from Greek phrases like : ov irdvv fioipas vdaifJLovi<rat irpvoTri? 
(Soph. (Ed. Col. 142)." 

382, penult, for Metium read Mettum. Those who look to such minutiae will 
observe an inconsistency in the spelling of verbs in -ise or -ize ; 
I write them uniformly with s ; the printer seems to prefer z, and 
I have not always insisted on my own orthography. 




1. Elements of the population of Rome. 2. The LATINS a composite tribe. 
3. The Oscans, &c. 4. Alba and Lavinium. 5. Trojan colony in Latium. 
6. The SABINES how related to the Umbrians and Oscans. 7- The Um- 
brians their ancient greatness. 8. Reduced to insignificance by successive 
contacts with the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans. 9. The PELASGIANS 
the differences of their position in Italy and Greece respectively. 10. They 
preserve their national integrity in Etruria. 11. Meaning and ethnical extent 
of the name "Tyrrhenian." 12. The ETRUSCANS the author's theory 
respecting their origin. 13. The names Etruscus and Rasena cannot be brought 
to an agreement with Tyrsenus. 14. It is explicitly stated by ancient writers 
that the Etruscans came from Rcetia. 1 5. This view of the case is after all 
the most reasonable. 16. It is confirmed by all available evidence, and espe- 
cially by the contrast between the town and country language of ancient Etruria. 
17. Further inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary history of the 
Luceres. 18. (b) Fragmentary records of the early constitution of Rome. 
19. (c) Etymology of some mythical proper names. 20. General conclusion as 
to the mutual relations of the old Italian tribes. 

1. Elements of the population of Rome. 

sum of all that is known of the earliest history of Rome 
_ is comprised in the following enumeration of particulars. A 
tribe of Latin origin, more or less connected with Alba, settled 
on the Palatine hill, and in the process of time united itself, by 
the right of intermarriage and other ties, with a band of Sabine 
warriors, who had taken up their abode on the Quirinal and 
Capitoline hills. These two towns admitted into fellowship with 
themselves a third community, established on the Cselian and 
Esquiline hills, which seems to have consisted of Pelasgians, 
either from the Solonian plain lying between Rome and Lavi- 
nium, or from the opposite side of the river near Caere ; and the 
whole body became one city, governed by a king, or magister 
populi, and a senate ; the latter being the representatives of the 


three original elements of the state, the Latin or Oscan Ramnes, 
the Sabine Titienses or Quirites, and the Pelasgian Luceres. It 
appears, moreover, that the Etruscans, on the other side of the 
Tiber, eventually influenced the destinies of Rome in no slight 
degree, and the last three kings mentioned in the legendary tra- 
ditions were of Etruscan origin. In other words, Rome was, 
during the period referred to by their reigns, subjected to a 
powerful Etruscan dynasty, from the tyranny of which it had, on 
two occasions, the good fortune to escape. What Servius planned 
was for the most part carried into effect by the consular constitu- 
tion, which followed the expulsion of the last Tarquinius. 

As these facts are established by satisfactory evidence, and 
as we have nothing else on which we can depend with certainty, 
it follows that in order to investigate the ethnical affinities of the 
Roman people, and the origin and growth of their language, we 
must in the first instance inquire who were the Latins, the Sa-- 
bines, the Pelasgians, and the Etruscans, and what were their 
relations one with another. After this we shall be able with 
greater accuracy to examine their respective connexions with the 
several elements in the original population of Europe. 

The general result will be this : that the Septimontium, or 
seven Hills of Rome, contained a miniature representation of the 
ethnography of the whole Peninsula. Leaving out of the ques- 
tion the Celtic substratum, which cannot be ascertained, but which 
was probably most pure in the mountaineers of the Apennines, 
the original population of Italy from the Po to the straits of 
Rhegium was, like that of ancient Greece, Pelasgo-Sclavonian. 
This population remained unadulterated up to the dawn of ancient 
history in the central plains to the West namely, in Etruria 
and Latium, but in the rest of Italy it was superseded or ab- 
sorbed or qualified in different degrees of fusion by a population 
of Gothic or Low-German origin, which, although undoubtedly of 
later introduction in the Peninsula, was so mixed up with the 
Celtic or primary tribes that it claimed to be aboriginal. When 
this Low-German race remained tolerably pure, or at least only 
infected with Celtic ingredients, it bore the names of Umbrians 
or Ombricans in the North, and of Opicans or Oscans in the 
South. When it was intermixed with Sclavonic elements to 
about the same extent as the Lithuanians or Old Prussians in 
the North of Europe, this Low-German population became 


known as Latins and Sabines. And the Etruscans or Rascna 
were a later and uninfected importation of Low Germans fresh 
from the North, who conquered and were partly absorbed into 
the pure Tyrrhenians, or Pelasgo-Sclavonians to the right of the 

2. The LATINS a composite tribe. 

The investigations of Niebuhr and others have made it 
sufficiently certain that the Pelasgians formed a very important 
element in the population of ancient Latium. This appears not 
merely from the primitive traditions, but also, and more strongly, 
from the mythology, language, and architecture of the country. 
It has likewise been proved that this Pelasgian population was 
at an early period partially conquered by a tribe of mountaineers, 
who are called Oscans, and who descended on Latium from the 
basins of the Nar and the Velinus. The influence of these 
foreign invaders was most sensibly and durably felt in the 
language of the country ; which in its earliest form presents 
phenomena not unlike those which have marked the idiom 
spoken in this island since the Norman conquest. The words 
relating to husbandry and peaceful life are Pelasgian, and the 
terms of war and the chase are Oscan 1 . 

As it is this foreign element which forms the distinction 
between the Latins and the Pelasgians, let us in the first place 
inquire into the origin and affinities of these Oscan conquerors, 
in order that we may more easily disentangle the complexities 
of the subject. 

3. The Oscans, #c. 

The Oscans were known at different times and in different 
places under the various names of Opicans, Opscans, Ausonians, 

1 Niebuhr, H. R. I. p. 82. Muller, Etrusker, I. p. 17. This observa- 
tion must not be pressed too far ; for it does not in fact amount to more 
than prima facie evidence. The Opican or Oscan language belongs to 
the Indo- Germanic family no less than the Pelasgian ; the latter, however, 
was one ingredient in the language of ancient Greece, and it does not 
appear that any Hellenic tribes were connected with the Oscans ; con- 
sequently it is fair to say that, as one element in the Latin language 
resembles the Greek, while the other does not, the Grsecising element is 



and Auruncans. The primary denomination was Op-icus or 
Oqu-icus, derived from Ops or Opis = Oqu-is, the Italian name 
of the goddess Earth ; and these people were therefore, in 
accordance with their name, the Autochthones, or aboriginal 
inhabitants of the district where they are first found. The 
other denominations are derived from the same word, Op-s= Oqu-is, 
by the addition of the endings -si-cus, -sunus, and -^sun-icus. 
The guttural is assimilated in Oscus, the labial is absorbed in 
Aucrwv, and the s has become r, according to the regular pro- 
cess, in Auruncus 1 . 

1 See Niebuhr, I. 69, note. Buttmann, Lexilogus, I. p. 68, note 
(p. 154, Fishlake). The investigation of these names leads to a variety 
of important and interesting results. It has been shown elsewhere that 
in the oldest languages of the Indo- Germanic family the names of the 
cow or ox and the earth are commutable (N. Crat. 470). Not to refer 
to the obvious but not so certain analogy between \TTLS, the ox-god, and 
the arrir] yata, it can be shown to demonstration that the steer or ox, which 
was to the last the symbol of the old Italians, as appears by their coins, 
entered into the meaning of their two national designations, Italus and 
Opicus. With regard to the former it is well known, that italos, or 
itulus, or with the digamma vitulus, meant an ox or steer (Niebuhr, I. 
18 sqq.)? and Vitellium appears on coins as a synonym for Italia. This 
takes us at once to the Gothic vithrus, O. N. vedr, O. S. withar, Anglo-S. 
vether, O. H. G. vidar, N. H. G. widder (properly the castrated animal), 
English wether ; and as these are referred to sheep rather than oxen, we 
must conclude that the name is an epithet which is applicable to either 
animal. With regard to the other root, qv in jEquus carries us back to 
the principle of combined but divergent articulations, to which I first called 
attention (N. Crat. 110), and on which the late Mr. Garnett wrote some 
valuable papers (Philol. Soc. II. p. 233, 257 al.) and we may infer that 
the roots ap- or op- present a labial only instead of an original com- 
bination of labial and guttural, while we find the opposite divergence in 
the guttural forms vac-ca, veh-o, Sanscr. vaha, Gr. o^oy, e^ta, Goth, auh-sa, 
O. N. ox, Anglo-S. oxa, O. H. G. ohso, N. H. G. ochs, Engl. ox. The 
labial form is sometimes strengthened by an inserted anusvdra, or homo- 
geneous liquid ; thus by the side of oTr-copa and op-s we have 6-[j.-<f)vvciv 
avgeiv. Hesych. Cf. 6ir-<opa, auc-tumnus (where the root av~, auc-, aug-eo 
contains the guttural form of this element) and 0-^-7777- evfyvia odev KOI 77 
ArjfjiTjTTjp 'O-p-irvia. With these remarks we shall have no difficulty in 
reducing to one origin and classifying the different Italian names into 
which the root oqu- enters. The qu- is found only in jEqu-us; the p 
appears in Op-icus, Ap-ulus; the guttural is assimilated in Oscus= Ok-scus 
(cf. bi-a-Kos for SIK-O-KOS, Xe'-ffxi? for Aey-o-icg &c. AT. Crat. 219); the labial 


These aboriginal tribes, having been in the first instance, 
like the Arcadians in the Peloponnese, driven by their invaders, 
the Pelasgians, into the mountain fastnesses of the Apennines, 
were at length reinforced by foreign elements, and descending 
from the interior on both sides, conquered the people of the 
plains and the coast. One tribe, the Ap-uli, subdued the 
Daunians and other tribes settled in the south-east, and gave 
their name to the country ; they also extended themselves to 
the west, and became masters of the country from the bay of 
Terracina upwards to the Tiber. In this district they bore the 
well-known names of Volsci and ^Equi^ names still connected 
with the primary designation of the aborigines. 

A more important invasion was that which was occasioned 
by the pressure of the Sabines on an Oscan people settled in 
the mountains between Reate and the Fucine lake. . These in* 
vaders came down the Anio, and conquered the Pelasgians of 
northern Latium. Their chief seat in the conquered country 
seems to have been Alba, the Alp-ins or mountain-city, where 
they dwelt under the name of Prisci Latini, "ancient Latins;" 
being also called Casci, a name which denotes "ancient" or 
" well-born," and which, like the connected Greek term 
implies that they were a nation of warriors (N. Crat. 322). 

4. Alba and Lavinium. 

The district of Latium, when history first speaks of it, was 
thus occupied by two races ; one a mixed people of Oscan con- 

is vocalized in Au-son; the s of the termination is changed into r, 
according to the old Italian practice, in Au-runcus = Au-sunicus; and 
the root-consonant is represented only by an initial v in Volscus Apu- 
lisicus, which has vanished, as usual, in the Hellenic articulation 'EXto-v/cos 
(Herod. VII. 165). It will be seen in the sequel that I seek a very differ- 
ent origin for the name Umbria, which Niebuhr apparently refers to 
this root : and it seems very strange to me that he should have under- 
stood the statement of Philistus quoted by Dionysius (I. 22) : eai/a<r- 
rjjvai 8e e< rrjs eavrStv TOVS Aiyvas VTTO re *Ofi/3ptKcoi> KOI IIeAa<ryei>i>, which 
refers to the dispossession of the Celtic inhabitants of Umbria and 
Etruria, as belonging to the same traditions which led Antiochus to write 
that the Sicilians were driven over into Sicily by the Opicans (H. R. I. 
p. 82) : for Antiochus is speaking exclusively of what took place in the 
southern extremity of Italy, and the Pelasgians and Ombrici mentioned 
by Philistus were the Tyrrhenians and Umbrians of the north. 


querors living in the midst of the Pelasgians whom they had 
subdued, the other a Pelasgian nation not yet conquered by the 
invaders. These two nations formed at first two distinct confe- 
deracies : of the former Alba was the head, while the place of 
congress for the latter was Lavinium. At the latter place, the 
Penates, or old Pelasgian Cabeiri, were worshipped ; and even 
after the Pelasgian league was broken up by the power of Alba, 
and when Alba became the capital of the united nation of the 
Latins and sent a colony to Lavinium, the religious sanctity 
of the place was still maintained, the Penates were still wor- 
shipped there, and deputies still met in the temple of Venus. 
The influence of Alba was, however, so great, that even after its 
fall, when the Pelasgian Latins partially recovered their inde- 
pendence, there remained a large admixture of foreign elements 
in the whole population of Latium, and that which was purely 
Pelasgian in their character and institutions became gradually 
less and less perceptible, till nothing remained on the south of 
the Tiber which could claim exemption from the predominating 
influence of the Oscans. 

That the name Lavinium is only a dialectical variety of 
Latinium has long been admitted. The original form of the 
name Latinus, which afterwards furnished a denomination for 
the language of the civilised world, was Latvinus; and while 
the Pelasgian Latins preserved the labial only, the mixed people 
retained only the dental 1 . 

5. Trojan Colony in Latium. 

The tradition speaks of the Pelasgian Latins as a colony of 
Trojans who settled on the coast under ^Eneas, the son of 
Ancliises. Without entering at length into an examination of 
this poetical legend, it may be mentioned here that the names 
sEneas and Anchises refer, wherever they are found, to the 
Pelasgian or Cabeiric worship of water in general, and of the 
flowing stream in particular, and therefore indicate the presence 
of a Pelasgian population. We have other reasons for inferring 
the existence of Pelasgians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Thes- 

1 The same has been the case in the Pelasgian forms, liber, libra, bis, 
ruber, &c., compared with their Hellenic equivalents, e-\ev0epos, \trpa, 

dis, e-pvdp6s, &C. 



saly, Bceotia, Arcadia, and the west of Italy. It is therefore 
quite natural that we should find in these localities the name of 
j^Eneas as that of a river or river-god. The word itself denotes 
"the ever-flowing" (oii/e/a? or cui/eas, aeyyaos, ctet or aid vewv, 
cf. ctfjivvias, dfjivvwi', N. Crat. 262), and in accordance with 
this we have the rivers Anias, ^Enios, ^Enus, and Anio. In the 
same way, because the stream is the child of its fountain, 
Anchises the father of ^Eneas, whose mother is Aphrodite, the 
goddess of the sea-foam, denotes the outpouring of water 
(cry^'o'tyS} ctyxvcris, a'y^eoyxo?, cryx o; 7> f rom ai/a^ecu), and cor- 
responds to Fontus, the Jupiter Egerius of the Romans 1 . 

6. The SABINES how related to the Umbrians and 


It has been mentioned that the Sabines dispossessed the 
Oscans, and compelled them to invade Latium. Our next point 
is, therefore, to consider the relation in which the Sabines stood 
to the circumjacent tribes. 

The original abode of these Sabines was, according to Cato 2 , 
about Amiternum, in the higher Apennines. Issuing from this 
lofty region, they drove the Umbrians before them on one side 
and the Oscans on the other, and so took possession of the dis- 
trict which for so many years was known by their name. 

It will not be necessary in this place to point out the suc- 
cessive steps by which the Sabine colonies made themselves 
masters of the whole south and east of Italy, nor to show how 
they settled on two of the hills of Rome. It is clear, on every 
account, that they were not Pelasgians ; and our principal object 
is to inquire how they stood related to the Umbrians and Oscans, 
on whom they more immediately pressed. 

Niebuhr thinks it not improbable that the Sabines and 
Oscans were only branches of one stock, and mentions many 
reasons for supposing so 3 . It appears, however, that there are 
still stronger reasons for concluding that the Sabines were an 

1 For these and many other ingenious combinations more or less 
tenable, see Troja's Ursprung, Bluthe, Untergang und Wiedergeburt in 
Latium, von Emil Riickert, Hamb. u. Gotha, 1846. 

2 Quoted by Dionys. I. 14, p. 40 ; II. 49, p. 338. Reiske. 

3 Hist. Rome, I. p. 103. 


offshoot of the Umbrian race. This is established not only by 
the testimony of Zenodotus of Troezen 1 , who wrote upon the 
Umbrians, but also by the resemblances of the Sabine and 
Umbrian languages 2 . It is true that this last remark may be 
made also with regard to the Sabine and Oscan idioms; for 
many words which are quoted as Sabine are likewise Oscan 3 . 
The most plausible theory is, that the Sabines were Umbrians, 
who were separated from the rest of their nation, and driven 
into the high Apennines, by the Pelasgians of the north-east; 
but that, after an interval, they in their turn assumed an 
offensive position, and descending from their highlands, under 
the name of Sabini, or "worshippers of Sabus the son of 
Sancus 4 ," attacked their Umbrian brethren on the one side, and 
the Oscan Latins on the other. At length, however, they sent 
out so many colonies to the south, among the Oscan nations, that 
their Umbrian affinities were almost forgotten ; and the Sabellian 
tribes, especially the Samnites, were regarded as members of the 
Oscan family, from having adopted to a considerable extent the 
language of the conquered tribes among whom they dwelt. 

7. The Umbrians their ancient greatness. 

The Umbrians are always mentioned as one of the most 
ancient nations of Italy 5 . Though restricted in the historical 
ages to the left bank of the Tiber, it is clear that in ancient 
times they occupied the entire northern half of the peninsula, 
from the Tiber to the Po. Their name, according to the Greek 
etymology, implied that they had existed before the great rain- 

i Apud Dionys. II. 49, p. 337. 2 Servius ad Virg. ^En. III. 235. 

3 Niebuhr, ubi supra. 

4 That this Sancus was an Umbrian deity is clear from the Eugubine 
Tables. Indeed, both sabus and sancus, in the old languages of Italy, 
signified " sacred " or " revered," and were probably epithets regularly 
applied to the deity. In the Eugubine Tables we have the word sev-um, 
meaning " reverently " (I. a. 5) ; and Sansius is an epithet of the god 
Fisus, or Fisovius (VI. 6. 3, 5). Comp. the Latin sev-erus (o-e/3-w) and 
sanctus. According to this, the name Sabini is nearly equivalent to 
Sacranl The tables also mention the picus Martins of the Sabines, 
from which the Piceni derived their name (piquier Martier, V. 6. 9, 14) ; 
comp. Strabo, V. p. 240. 

5 Niebuhr, I. note 430. 


floods which had destroyed many an earlier race of men 1 . This 
is about as valuable as other Greek etymologies. The ethno- 
graphical import of the name will be examined in the following 
chapter, and we certainly do not need a forced etymology to 
prove that the Umbrians must have been among the earliest 
inhabitants of Italy. Cato said that their city Ameria was 
founded 381 years before Rome 2 . All that we read about 
them implies that they were a great and an ancient nation 3 . 
There are distinct traditions to prove that the country, after- 
wards called Etruria, was originally in the occupation of the 
Umbrians. The name of the primitive occupants of that country 
was preserved by the Tuscan river Umbro, and the tract of 
land through which it flowed into the sea was to the last called 
Umbria*. It is expressly stated that Gortona was once Um- 
brian 5 ; and Gamers, the ancient name of Clusium 6 , points at 
once to the Camertes, a great Umbriam tribe *. It is certain 
also that the Umbrians occupied Picenum, till they were expelled 
from that region by their brethren the Sabines 8 . 

8. Reduced to insignificance by successive contacts with 
the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians and Etruscans. 

Since history, then, exhibits this once great nation expelled 
from the best part of its original possessions, driven beyond the 
Apennines, deprived of all natural barriers to the north, and 
reduced to insignificance, we are led at once to inquire into the 
cause of this phenomenon. Livy speaks of the Umbrians as 
dependent allies of the Tuscans 9 ; and Strabo tells us that the 
Etruscans and Umbrians maintained a stubborn contest for the 
possession of the district between the Apennines and the mouth 
of the Po 10 . The people which thus ruled them or strove with 
them in the latter period of their history, when they were 

1 See Plin. H. N. III. 19 : " Umbrorum gens antiquissima Italiao 
existimatur, ut quos Ombrios a Grsecis putent dictos, quod inundatione 
terrarum imbribus superfuissent." 

2 Pliny, III. 14, 19. 3 Floras, I. 17, Dionys. I. J9. 
4 Pliny, III. 5. (8). 6 Dionys. I. 20. 

6 Liy. X. 25. * LIT. IX. 36. 

8 Pliny, III. 13, 14. 9 In Books IX. and X. 
10 P. 216. 


living within the circumscribed limits of their ultimate posses- 
sions, was that which deprived them of a national existence 
within the fairest portion of their originally wide domains. 

It will be shown that the national integrity of the Umbrians 
was impaired by their successive contacts with the Tyrrheno- 
Pelasgians, and the Etruscans properly so called ; and it will be 
convenient to consider, as separate questions, these qualifying 
elements in the population of ancient Umbria. 

9. The PELASGIANS the differences of their position in 
Italy and Greece respectively. 

Without stopping to inquire at present who the Pelasgians 
were out of Italy, let us take them up where they first make 
their appearance at the mouth of the Po. We find that their 
area commences with this district, and that having crossed the 
Apennines, they wrested from the Umbrians the great city 
Gamers, from whence they carried on war all around. Continu- 
ally pressing towards the south, and as they advanced, conquering 
the indigenous tribes, or driving them up into the highlands, 
they eventually made themselves masters of all the level plains 
and of the coasts. Though afterwards, as we have seen, invaded 
in their turn, and in part conquered by the Oscan aborigines, 
they were for a long time in possession of Latium ; and, under 
the widely diffused name of GEnotrians, they held all the south 
of Italy, till they were conquered or dispossessed by the spread of 
the great Sabellian race. 

To these Pelasgians were due the most important elements 
in the ancient civilisation of Italy. It was not their destiny to 
be exposed throughout their settlements, like their brethren in 
IGrreece, to the overruling influence of ruder and more warlike 
tribes. This was to a certain extent the case in the south ; where 
they were not only overborne by the power of their Sabellian 
conquerors, but also Hellenised by the Greek colonies which 
were at an early period established among them. But in Etruria 
and Latium the Pelasgian nationality was never extinguished : 
even among the Latins it survived the severest shocks of Oscan 
invasion. In Etruria it remained to the end the one prevailing 
characteristic of the people ; and Rome herself, though she owed 
her military greatness to the Sabellian ingredient in her compo- 
sition, was, to the days of her decline, Pelasgian in all the essen- 
tials of her language, her religion, and her law. 


10. Preserve their national integrity in Etruria. 

It is easy to see why the Pelasgians retained their national 
integrity on the north-western coast so much more perfectly than 
in the south and east. It was because they entered Etruria in a 
body, and established there the bulk of their nation. All their 
other settlements were of the nature of colonies ; and the density 
of the population, and its proportion to the number of the con- 
quered mingled with it, varied, of course inversely, with the dis- 
tance from the main body of the people. In Etruria the Pelas- 
gians were most thickly settled, and next to Etruria in Latium. 
Consequently, while the Etruscans retained their conquest, and 
compelled the Sabines, the most vigorous of the dispossessed 
Umbrians, to direct their energies southwards, and while the 
Latins were only partially reconquered by the aboriginal tribes, 
the Pelasgians of the south resigned their national existence, 
and were merged in the concourse of Sabellian conquerors and 
Greek colonists. 

11. Meaning and extent of the name " TYRRHENIAN." 

From the time of Herodotus 1 there has been no doubt that 
the Pelasgians in Greece and Italy were the same race, and that 

1 I. 67. The following is the substance of what Herodotus has told 
us respecting the Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians; and his information, 
though much compressed, is still very valuable. He seems tacitly to draw 
a distinction between the Pelasgians and the Tyrrhenians, whom he 
really identifies with one another. With regard to the latter he relates 
the Lydian story (I. 94 : <f>aal Se avrol AuSoi), that Atys, son of Manes 
king of the Mseonians, had two sons, Lydus and Tyrrhenus. Lydus 
remained at home, and gave to the Mseonians the name of Lydians ; 
whereas Tyrrhenus sailed to Umbria with a part of the population, and 
there founded the Tyrrhenian people. In general, Herodotus, when 
he speaks of the Tyrrhenians, is to be understood as referring to the 
Pelasgo-Etruscans. Of the Pelasgians he says (I. 56, sqq.), that they 
formed one of the original elements of the population of Greece, the 
division into Dorians and lonians corresponding to the opposition of 
Hellenes to Pelasgians. In the course of his travels he had met with 
pure Pelasgians in Placie and Scylace on the Hellespont, and also in 
Creston ; and their language differed so far from the Greek that he did 
not scruple to call it barbarian (c. 57). At the same time he seems to 
have been convinced that the Hellenes owed their greatness to their 
coalition with these barbarous Pelasgians (c. 58). The text of Herodotus 


the so-called Tyrrheni or Tyrseni were the most civilised branch 
of that family. Herodotus, the great traveller of his time, was 
more entitled than any of his contemporaries to form a judgment 
on the subject, and he obviously identifies the Pelasgians with the 
Tyrrhenians on the coast of Asia Minor, in Greece, and in Italy. 
It is perhaps one of the many indications of the literary inter- 
course between Herodotus and Sophocles, which I have else- 
where established 1 , that the latter, in a fragment of his Inachus, 
mentions the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians among the old inhabitants of 
Argos 2 . Lepsius 3 has fully shown that the name Tvpprjvos or 

is undoubtedly corrupt in this passage ; but the meaning is clear from 
the context. He says, that " the Hellenes having been separated from the 
Pelasgians, being weak and starting from small beginnings, have increased 
in population, principally in consequence of the accession of the Pelasgians 
and many other barbarous tribes." The reading avgrjrai cV ir\rj6os rS>v 
fdvea>v TroXXaw is manifestly wrong; not only because the position of the 
article is inadmissible, but also because aXXo>i> tQvlav Papfidpcov Q-VXV&V 
immediately follows. I cannot doubt that we ought to read avgrjrat es 
7r\rj0os, rav IIeXa<ry<3i> /LtaXtcrTa Trpoo-Kf^coprjKorcov avrw KOI aXXooj/ cQvewv /3ap- 
ftapav o-vxv&v. The epithet 7roXXa>z/ has crept into the text from a mar- 
ginal explanation of o-uxvav, and T>V I6vca>v 7roXX<3j> has consequently taken 
the place of the abbreviation r&v TIATwv [nAAwj/] for r&v neXa<ry<3j>. 

1 Proceed, of the Phil. Soc. I. p. 161, sqq. 

2 Apud Dion. Hal. I. 25 : 

"iva^e yevvarop irdt Kprjvav 
iraTpbs 'Sliceavov, peya Trpeo-Pcvcw 
Apyovs TC yvais, "Upas re ndyois 
KOL Tvp<rr)voL(ri IleXao-yois. 
See also Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 580. 

3 Ueber die Tyrrhenischen Pelasger in Etrurien. Leipsig, 1842. Dr. 
Lepsius maintains the identity of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians with the 
Etruscans ; and in the former edition I accepted his view, which was 
true as far as it went : but subsequent research has convinced me that 
we must recognise aRsetian element superinduced on the previously exist- 
ing combination of Tyrrheno-Pelasgian and Umbrian ingredients. We 
are indebted to this scholar for some of the most important contributions 
which Italian philology has ever received. In histreatise on the Eugubine 
Tables, which he published in the year 1833, as an exercise for his degree, 
he evinced an extent of knowledge, an accuracy of scholarship, and a 
maturity of judgment, such as we rarely meet with in so young a man. 
His collection of Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions (Lipsise, 1841) has sup- 
plied the greatest want felt by those who are interested in the old 
languages of Italy ; and some fruitful results have proceeded from those 


os signifies " tower-builder," and that this term has been 
properly explained even by Dionysius 1 , as referring to the 
T vpcreis or cyclopean fortifications which every where attest the 
presence of Pelasgian tower-builders. The word rvppis or 
Tvpats, which occurs in Pindar as the name of the great palace 
of the primeval god Saturn 2 , is identical with the Latin turris ; 
and the fact, that the Pelasgians derived their distinguishing 
epithet from this word, is remarkable, not only as showing the 
affinity between the Greek and Latin languages on the one hand, 
and the Pelasgian in Etruria on the other hand, but also because 
these colossal structures are always found wherever the Pelas- 
gians make their appearance in Greece. Fortresses in Pelasgian 
countries received their designation as often from these rvpcreis 
as from the name Larissa, which seems to signify the abode of 
the lars or prince. Thus the old Pelasgian Argos had two 
citadels or aKpoTroXcis, the one called the Larissa, the other 
TO apyos, i. e. the arx 3 . In the neighbourhood, however, was 
the city Tiryns, which is still remarkable for its gigantic 
cyclopean remains, and in the name of which we may recognise 
the word Tvppis* ; not much farther on the other side was Thy- 

inquiries into the Egyptian language and history in which he has long 
been engaged. Unless I am misinformed, Dr. Lepsius has to thank the 
Chevalier Bunsen for the advantages which he has enjoyed in Italy, in 
France, and in Egypt. 

1 I. 26 : dno TWV epvpaTav, a irpwTOi rotv Trjde OIKOVVTOHV Ka.T(TKevdo~avTO. 

yap KOI irapa Tvpprjvols al evrei^ioi KOI oreyavai olivjcreis ovopd- 
f a><nrep irap "EXkrjcriv. Tzetzes, ad Lycophr. 717: rvpa-ts TO 
, on Tvpo-ijvoi irpu>TOV ffpevpov rrjv Tfixonottav. Comp. Etym. M. 8. V. 

2 Ol. II. 70 : fTfiXav Atos 6Sbv Trapa Kpovov rvpa-iv. See also Orph. 
Argon. 151: rvpcriv epvp.vfjs MtA^roco. Suidas : rvpcros, TO Iv tty-et (OKO- 
dopr}fj.evov. The word Tvpawos contains the same root : comp. Koipavos 
with Kapa, and the other analogies pointed out in the New Cratylus, 336. 

3 Liv. XXXIV. 25 " Utrasque arces, nam duas habent Argi." 

4 According to Theophrastus (apud Plin. VII. 57), the inhabitants 
of Tiryns were the inventors of the Tvpo-eis. As early as Homer's time 
the town was called ret^toco-o-a (77. II. 559), and its walls are described 
by Euripides (Electr. 1158. Iph. in Aul. 152, 1501. Troad. 1088) as 
KVK\(o7rcia ovpdvia Teixrj. The mythological personage Tiryns is called 
"the son of Argos" (Paus. II. 25), who, according to Steph. Byz., 
derived his origin from Pelasgus, who civilized Arcadia (Pausan. VIII. 1), 


rea, which Pausanias connects with the fortified city Thyrceon 1 , 
in the middle of Pelasgian Arcadia ; and more to the south we 
have the Messenian Thuria, and Thyrides at the foot of 
Ta3naron. Then again, in the northern abodes of the Pelasgians, 
we find Tyrrheum, a fortified place not far from the Pelasgian 
Dodona, and also a Tirida in Thrace 2 . At no great distance 
from the Thessalian Larissa and Argissa lay the Macedonian 
Tyrissa, a name which reminds us of the Spanish Turissa in 
agro Tarraconensi 3 ; and the TyrrTienica Tarraco, with its 
massive walls 4 , fully establishes the connexion of this latter 
place with the Tyrrhenians 5 . 

12. The ETRUSCANS the author's theory respecting their 


The fact that the distinctive name Tvfipqvos admits of a 
Greek interpretation is sufficient to show that the Tyrrhenians 
were not exclusively Italian, and therefore were wrongly identi- 
fied by the ancient writers with the singular and unaffiliated 
nation of the Etruscans. To determine the origin of this people 
and the .nature of their language has been considered for many 
years as the most difficult problem in Philology. And while 

and was the father of Larissa (Id. VII. 17), and grandfather of Thessalus 
(Dionys. I. 17). 

1 It was built by Thyrceus the grandson of Pelasgus (Paus. VIII. 35). 

2 Plin. N. H. IV. 18 : " Oppidum quondam Diomedis equorum sta- 
bulis dirum." 

3 Anton. Itin. 

4 Miiller, Etrusker, I. p. 291. Auson. Ep. 24, 88. 

5 Lepsius suggests also, that the Turres on the coast near Csere and 
Alsium may have been a Roman translation of the name Tvppeis. With 
regard to the city of Tyrrha in Lydia, and the district of Torrhebia, to 
which the Tyrrhenians referred their origin, it is worthy of remark that 
the civilized Toltecs, who introduced architecture, agriculture, and the 
useful arts into Mexico, and whose capital was Tula, bore a name which 
passed into a synonym for architect. See Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, I. 
p. 12 ; Sahagun, Hist, de nueva Espana, lib. X. c. 29 ; Torquemado, 
Monarch. Ind. lib. I. c. 14. The Toltecs were in general very like the 
Tyrrhenians, and the Etruscans, by their gorgeous luxury and their 
skill in cookery, &c., remind one very much of the united race of Aztecs 
and Toltecs which Cortes found in Mexico. 


Bonarota, in his supplement to Dempster 1 , earnestly exhorts 
the learned, and especially orientalists, to labour at the discovery 
of this lost language, suggesting the hope of ultimate success, 
if a carefully edited collection of inscriptions can be procured to 
furnish materials for the work, Niebuhr remarks, in his lectures 
on Ancient Geography 2 : " People feel an extraordinary curiosity 
to discover the Etruscan language ; and who would not enter- 
tain this sentiment ? I would give a considerable part of my 
worldly means as a prize, if it were discovered ; for an entirely 
new light would then be spread over the ethnography of ancient 
Italy. But however desirable it may be, it does not follow 
that the thing is attainable." And he proceeds to point out the 
inherent faultiness of some previous investigations. Whatever 
may be the value of the discovery, I cannot allow myself to 
doubt that the true theory is that which I have had the honour 
of submitting to the British Association 3 . It has always ap- 
peared to me a very great reproach to modern philology that 
while we can read the hieroglyphic literature of Egypt, and 
interpret the cuneiform inscriptions of Persia and Assyria, we 
should profess ourselves unable to deal scientifically with the 
remains of a language which flourished in the midst of Roman 
civilization. So far from regarding the problem as involved in 
hopeless difficulty, I have always felt that its solution was, 
sooner or later, inevitable; and as the present state of our 
ethnographic knowledge enables us to classify and discriminate 
all the different elements in the population of Europe, the 
identification of the ancient Etruscans must reduce itself to the 
alternative of exclusion, from which there is no escape. Sir 
Thomas More came to the conviction that his unknown visitor 

1 p. 106 : " hortari postremo fas mihi sit, doctos prsecipue linguis 
Orientalibus viros, ut animi vires intendant, ad illustrandam veterem 
Etruscam linguam, tot jam seculis deperditam. Et quis vetat sperare, 
quod temporum decursu emergat aliquis, qui difficilem et inaccessam 
viam aperiat : et penetralia linguse hujus reseret ; si prsecipue cives 
et incolse urbium et locorum ubi inscriptiones Etruscse reperiuntur sedulo 
et diligenter excipi et delineari curent monumenta, &c." 

2 Vortrdge iiber alte Lander und Volkerkunde. Berl. 1851. p. 531. 

3 " On two unsolved problems in Indo-German Philology," in the 
Report of the Brit. Assoc. for the Advancement of Science for 1851, pp. 
138 159. 


was aut Erasmus, aut Diabolus, and we may now say in the 
same manner, that unless the Etruscans were old Low Germans 
of the purest Gothic stock, there is no family of men to whom 
they could have belonged. The demonstration of this, however, 
belongs to a later part of the subject. At present we have only 
to consider the Etruscans as they appear in the peninsula of 

13. The names ETRUSCUS and RASENA cannot be brought 
to an agreement with TYRSENUS. 

We have already seen that the Tyrseni or Tyrrheni in 
Greece and Italy were a branch of the great Pelasgian race, 
and that although the ancients considered them identical with 
the Etruscans, the Greek explanation of which their name so 
readily admits is a proof that they could not have been the 
exclusively Italian tribe of the Etruscans. Modern scholars, 
who have adopted the ancient hypothesis of the identity of the 
Tyrrheni and Etrusci, have endeavoured by a Procrustean 
method of etymology to overcome the difficulties caused by the 
discrepancies of name. Thus the distinctive designation Etruscus 
or Hetruscus is dipt and transposed until it becomes identical 
with the Latin Tuscus for Tursicus, and synonymous with the 
Greek Tvpa-rji>os l . On the other hand, the 'PacreVa of Dionysius 
is pronounced a false reading and a mutilated representative of 
Tapacreva. or Tapcreva, which bears the same relation to Tvpcrrjvos 
ih&t Porsena does to Hoparivos or Hopcrijvas 2 . There is an allur- 
ing facility about this emendation, but it is a shock to the most 
credulous etymologist, when we prefix a syllable to one word 
and decapitate another in order to bring them both to an agree- 
ment with a third designation. In philology, as in other 
departments of human science, we perceive resemblances before 
we can be persuaded that they are connected with irreconcilable 
discrepancies. This we may see in the identification of the 
word Tvpprjvos with another name peculiar to the Etruscans of 

1 Muller, Etrusk. I. 71, 72. 

2 This view has been successively adopted by Lanzi (Saggio, I. p. 
189) ; Gell (Rome and its vicinity, I. p. 364, 5) ; Cramer (Ancient Italy, 
I. p. 161); and Lepsius (u. s. p. 23); and formerly approved itself to 
my judgment. 



Italy, which appears under the form Tap-^wviov, Tarkynia, 
Tarquinii. It is perfectly consistent with sound philology to 
say that Tvpcr- may be a softer form of Ta/3^-, Tark-, or 
Tarq-. But, as I have elsewhere shown, if rap^- or f rpa^- 
and Tupa- belonged to the same root, the latter must be a 
secondary or assibilated form of the other. Now to say nothing 
of the fact that the cr- of rvp-crrjvos and Tvp-cri? belongs to the 
termination, and is not found in Tup-avvos, Tip-vvs, Qup-ea, Qvp- 
aiov, &c., it is clear that the form Tvp-crtjvos is the only one 
which was ever known to the Pelasgians in Greece, while the 
harder form belongs to the later or mixed race in Italy. They 
must therefore be considered as different words. There is no 
reason why the names Et-ruria Et-rusia (cf. Apulus, Apulia), 
Et-rus-ci, and Eas-ena should not contain the same root : and 
we shall see that there are good grounds for retaining these 
words as the primitive and distinctive designation of a people 
who invaded and conquered the mixed Tyrrhenians and Um- 
brians of northern Italy. 

14. It is explicitly stated by ancient writers that the 
Etruscans came from Rcetia. 

Livy, who, as a native of Padua, was likely to be well- 
informed on the subject, has left us a statement respecting the 
Etruscans, which, so far from being hypothetical, is one of the 
most definite expressions of ethnological facts to be met with in 
ancient history. Speaking of the Gallic invasion and the attack 
upon Clusium, he says (V. 33) : " nor were the people of Clusium 
the first of the Etruscans with whom armies of the Gauls fought ; 
but long before this they frequently fought with the Etruscans 
who dwelt between the Apennines and the Alps. Before the 
Roman empire was established the power of the Etruscans 
extended far by land and sea. This is shown by the names 
of the upper and lower seas by which Italy is girt like an 
island : for while the Italian nations have called the former the 
Tuscan sea by the general appellation of the people, they have 
designated the latter the Hadriatic, from Hadria a colony of the 
Tuscans. The Greeks call these same seas the Tyrrhenian 
and the Hadriatic. This people inhabited the country extending 
to both seas in confederacies of twelve cities each, first, twelve 
cities on this side of the Apennines towards the lower sea, 



afterwards, having sent across the Apennines as many colonies 
as there were capital cities in the mother-country ; and these 
occupied the whole territory beyond the Po, as far as the Alps 1 , 
except the corner of the Veneti, who dwell round the extreme 
point of the Hadriatic. There is no doubt that the Alpine 
nations, especially the Raeti, have the same origin, but these 
have lost their civilization from their climate and locality, so as 
to retain nothing of their original type except their spoken 
language, and not even that without corruption." This distinct 
and positive statement is repeated by Pliny (H. N. V. 20, 133) 
and Justin (XX. 5), and is confirmed by relics of art, names of 
places, and peculiarities of language in the Tyrol, to which the 
Rsetians of Lombardy were driven by the Gauls, and from which 
they descended in the first instance. Moreover, Stephanus of 
Byzantium defines the Rceti as a Tyrrhenian, that is, in his 
sense, as an Etruscan race (Patrol, Tvpprjvucov eQvos), and 
it is quite in accordance with the laws of language to suppose that 
'Patrol and 'Paoreva are only modifications of the same word 2 . 
It is scarcely necessary to remark that Livy, like all the ancient 
writers, inverts the relation between the powerful colonists and 
their uncivilized mother-country. 

15. This view of the case is after all the most reasonable. 

Now if we are to adopt the old statement that the Etruscans, 
properly so called, were the same stock with the Raetians and 
if we reject it there is nothing in ancient history or geography 
which we can with confidence accept 3 there will be no difficulty 
in understanding the relation between the Etruscans and the 
other Italian tribes. Long after the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians had 
established their civilisation on both sides of the Tiber, and had 
conquered the Umbrian mountaineers in the north^ but yielded to 
the Oscan or Sabine highlanders in the south, long after this time 
a Rsetian tribe sallied forth from the plains of Lombardy, where 

1 Among other places Mantua is expressly mentioned as a Tuscan 
city; Virgil, ^En. X. 198 200. 

2 Compare, for example, the cognate German words reiten and reisen. 

3 Abeken says (Mlttel-Italien, p. 21) : " diese Meinung, von Niebuhr 
zuerst entschieden ausgesprochen, wird auch die herrschende bleiben." 
This view was first maintained by Freret (Acad. d. Inscr. t. XVIII). 


it was settled in unbroken connexion with sister tribes in the 
Tyrol and south-western Germany, and not only effected a per- 
manent conquest of Umbria, but also settled itself as a military 
aristocracy among the civilized Tyrrhenians on the right of 
the Tiber. These conquerors included in their progress the 
Tyrrheno-Latin city, Rome, which had just shaken off the in- 
fluence of the Tarquinii, but they lost this and their other acqui- 
sitions beyond the Tiber, in consequence of a defeat which the 
dominant Clusians sustained at Aricia. In every feature of this 
Etruscan invasion we may observe an analogy to the similar pro- 
ceedings of the Gallic tribes, who at a still later period descended 
into Lombardy from the west. They succeeded in breaking 
through the continuity of the Raetian settlement by establishing 
themselves in the territory afterwards called Cisalpine Gaul. 
They also invaded Umbria and Etruria, besieged the imperial 
city of Clusium, and even sacked Rome. But they were borne 
back again, not without a severe struggle, to the region from which 
the Etruscans started, and the city of the Seven Hills was to 
each of these northern invaders the limit of their progress to 
the south. 

16. It is confirmed by all available evidence, and especially 
by the contrast between the town and country languages of 
ancient Etruria. 

This view with respect to the Rsetian invasion of a country 
previously occupied by Tyrrheno-Umbrians is fully supported by 
all the remains of their language, and by all that we know about 
this idiom. The details of this subject belong to a future chap- 
ter. It is sufficient to mention in this place that the Etruscan 
language, as exhibited in the fragments which have come down to 
us, consists of three separate or separable elements. We have 
either words which admit of a direct comparison with Greek and 
Latin, and these we will call the Tyrrheno-Pelasgian element of 
the language ; or words which present affinities to the Umbrian 
and Oscan dialects; or words which resemble neither of the 
other, but may be explained by the Gothic affinities, which, for 
other reasons, we should be led to seek in the language of the 
Raetians. The first element appears most in the words quoted 
with an explanation by Roman writers, that is, in words of the 
southern Etruscans, who were to the last the purest representa- 



tives of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians. We find the same kind of 
words in inscriptions from the same district. On the other hand, 
in the great cities of northern Etruria, and especially in the high- 
lands of Umbria, we either find a mixed idiom, or must seek our 
explanations from the Gothic idioms to which I have referred. 
If the Etruscans, properly so called, did not establish themselves 
permanently or in very great numbers much to the south of 
Yolsinii, and if in all their conquests to the south-west of their 
territory they rather occupied the cities than peopled the fields, 
and both these appear on the face of their history, it will fol- 
low that the TrepioiKoi in South Etruria, as in Laconia after the 
Dorian invasion, and in England after the Norman conquest, 
would retain their original, that is, their Tyrrheno-Pelasgian 
dialect. This fact is illustrated by two incidents to which Lepsius 
has referred with a somewhat different object 1 . Livy tells us 
(X. 4,) that in the year 301 B.C. the legate Cn. Fulvius, serving 
in Etruria, escaped an ambush and detected some pretended 
shepherds who would have led him into it, by learning from the 
men of Caere who acted as his interpreters, that the shepherds 
spoke the town language, not that of the country, and that their 
outward appearance did not correspond to that of rustics. The 
same author informs us (IX. 36,) that in the year 308 B. c. a 
Roman nobleman and his slave, who had learned Etruscan at Caere, 
travelled through the Ciminian forest and as far as the Camertes 
who lived around . Clusium, and that they escaped detection on 
this journey which carried them through the whole extent of 
southern Etruria. From these two incidents we infer that the 
town dialects of the Etruscans differed more or less from those of 
the country people, and that the country dialect about Caere, 
which must have been Tyrrheno-Pelasgian, was intelligible to the 
country people as far north as Clusium. This is quite in accord- 
ance with the parallel cases of the Saxons as subjected to the 
Normans, and the Achaeans as reduced to vassalage by the Do- 
rians ; and the agrestes Etruscorum cohortes mentioned by Livy 
(IX. 36,) and the bands of Trevearm or feudal retainers, whom 
the Etruscan nobles (oi SuvarajraTot) took with them to battle, 
(Dionysius, IX. 5,) indicate the same distinction which is always 
observable in an aristocracy of conquest. 

i IT. s. p. 32. 


17. Further inferences derivable from (a) the tradi- 
tionary history of the LUCERES. 

To return to the Seven Hills of Home, we shall find, as was 
stated at the beginning of this investigation, that the relations in 
which the inhabitants of the city stood to one another are the 
same, on a smaller scale, with those which connected or distin- 
guished the inhabitants of the whole peninsula of Italy. And 
here scientific etymology throws a wonderful light on the appa- 
rently discordant facts preserved by an undiscriminating tra- 

It appears that the Oscan or Alban Ramnes on the Palatine 1 
had reduced the Pelasgians on the Caelian to a state of de- 
pendence or vassalage ; what took place in Latium generally 
was also enacted on the Septimontium. These two commu- 
nities one of which we may call Roma, and the other Luce- 
rum constituted the original city of Rome, which contended on 
a footing of equality with the Quirites : hence the legend calls 
Roma the daughter of Italus and Leucaria 2 , of the aboriginal 
Oscans, and the foreign or Pelasgian Luceres. When Roma 
admitted Quirium to the privileges of citizenship, the Quirites 
naturally took rank above the subject Luceres, and the celsi 
Ramnes still remained at the head of the populus. According 
to one story, they compelled the Luceres to leave their strong- 
hold and descend to the plain 3 . It appears, too, that, together 
with the Ca3lian town, the Palatine Romans ruled over the 
possessions of the Luceres in the Solonian plain, which were 
called the Pectuscum Palati, or " breast-work of the Palatine 4 ." 
Now, it is distinctly said, that the Luceres were first raised 
to the full privileges of the other burgesses by the first Tarqui- 
nius, who both introduced them into the senate, and also gave 

1 The "Palatini aborigines ex agro Reatino," as Varro calls them 
(L. L. V. 53). 

2 Plutarch. Romul. II., where we must read AevKaptas. 

3 Varro, L. L. V. 46. 

4 Festus, p. 213, Miiller : " Pectuscum Palati dicta est ea regio Urbis, 
quam Romulus obversam posuit, ea parte in qua plurimum erat agri 
Romani ad mare versus et qua mollissime adibatur urbs, cum Etrus- 
corum agrum a Romano Tiberis discluderet, ceterse vicinse civitates 
colles aliquos haberent oppositos." 


them representatives among the ministers of religion 1 . And who 
was this Lucius Tarquinius but a Lucumo or grandee from 
the Tuscan city Tarquinii, who settled at Rome, and was raised 
to the throne ? Indeed, there seems to be but little reason to 
doubt that he was the Cseles Vivenna 2 , whose friend and suc- 
cessor Mastarna appears under the name of Servius Tullius 3 . 
The difference in the policy of the first and second of these 
Tuscan kings of Rome need not surprise us. Every scattered 
hint referring to this Tullius, or Mastarna, represents him as 
connected with that Pelasgian branch of the Roman population 
which eventually furnished the greater part of the plebs 4 ; 
whereas Vivenna, or Tarquinius, was a patrician or Lucumo of 
the Tuscan city Tarquinii, and his prejudices were of course aris- 
tocratic, or rather, as was more fully developed in the case of the 
second Tarquinius, tyrannical ; for only the absolute sovereign 
of a great nation could have accomplished the wonderful works 
which were achieved by this Tarquinian Lucumo. There is 
sufficient reason to believe that Rome stood high as a Tuscan 
town during the last years of its monarchal history. The Sep- 
timontium, if not the capital of southern Etruria 5 , was at least 
the southern bulwark of the twelve cities, and extended its domi- 
nion over a large part of the Sabine territory. The fall of the 
regal power of Rome has been well ascribed to the decline of 
Tarquinii and the rising predominance of Clusium. If Lars 
Porsena, when he conquered Rome, had really been anxious for 
the restoration of Superbus, he might easily have replaced him 
on the throne ; but he was so far from doing this, that he did 
not even grant him an exsilium in his own dominions. The 

i See Niebuhr, I. p. 296 ; III. p. 350. 

2 Niebuhr, I. p. 375, note 922 ; andKleine Schriften, II. p. 26, sqq. 

3 See the celebrated Lugdunensian Table, Lipsius, Excurs. ad Tac. 
Ann. XI. 24. Miiller (Etrusker, I. 118 123) ingeniously conjectures 
that the reigns of the Tarquins mythically represent the predominance 
of the city Tarquinii, which was for a time interfered with by Mastarna, 
the representative of the rival city Volsinii. Tarquinii, however, for 
a while resumed her influence ; but at last was obliged to succumb, like 
the other Tuscan cities, to Clusium. 

4 See, for instance, Livy, I. 30, where both Tullius and Servilius 
(Niebuhr, I. note 920) are mentioned as Latin family names. 

5 Niebuhr, I. p. 373. 


vanquished Lucumo of Rome took refuge, not at Clusium, but at 
Cumse 1 , with Porsena's great enemy Aristodemus 2 , whom he 
made his heir, and who subsequently defeated and slew Aruns 
Porsena, when, with a Clusian army, he made war on Aricia, 
and endeavoured to found a Tuscan empire in Latium. 

18. (6) Fragmentary records of the early Constitution of 


The inferences derivable from these traditions are materially 
confirmed by some fragmentary records of the constitutional 
history of early Rome. The revolutionary movement, by which 
the second Tarquinius was expelled, is always connected with the 
influence and agency of Junius Brutus, who then held the office 
of Tribunus Celerum. The result of this revolution was to sub- 
stitute two consules or colleagues for the old kingly government. 
But whenever it was thought advisable, on great emergencies, to 
revert to the authority of a single chief, we find that this Dic- 
tator, as he was called, appeared as a Magister Populi, or head 
of the old patrician tribes, and that he was invariably associated 
with a Magister Equitum, or head of the plebeian knights, whom 
the elder Tarquin admitted to the full franchise, and so made his 
senate to consist of Patres, or original deputies, and Conscripti, 
or additional counsellors. The Duumviri Perduellionis and 
other ancient dualisms pointed out by Niebuhr are additional 
indications of a two-fold division of the Roman people long before 
the growth of the later plebs. Wow if the second order corre- 
sponded to the Luceres, as opposed to the combined populus of 
Ramnes and Titles, we can easily see that the Tarquinian 
influence, as exercised by Cseles Vivenna and Mastarna, was 
favourable not only to the Celeres or richer class among the 

1 Cramer's Italy, II. p. 160. 

2 There are many traces of the connexion of the Roman Tuscans with 
the Greeks. The first Tarquin himself is represented as half a- Greek ; 
and Macaulay has pointed out very clearly the Greek features of the 
second Tarquinian legend (Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 80). The equestrian 
games of the Tarquins, and their reverence for the Delphfc oracle, also 
imply frequent intercourse with Greece, of which we read still more dis- 
tinctly in the case of Pyrgi, the renowned port of Agylla, or Csere, another 
Etruscan town, which, like Tarquinii, was intimately connected with 


Luceres, but also to the Proletarians, and generally to the whole 
population ; whereas the second Tarquinius is indicated by his 
whole history as having endeavoured to reduce and degrade 
the inferior order of his subjects, until some final outrage roused 
the whole city to vengeance, the Luceres however taking the 
lead under the guidance of their legitimate leader the Tribunus 
Celerum. The result of this revolution was to reduce the 
populus, or two elder tribes, to a footing of tolerable equality 
with the Luceres ; and the lays or legends represent the latter 
as having purchased their position by a pre-eminence of suffer- 
ings and of services, both in the expulsion of the Tarquinian 
dynasty and in the subsequent resistance to the foreign domina- 
tion of the Clusians. 

19. (c) Etymology of some mythical proper names. 

A great deal of new light may be derived from a careful 
examination of the proper names Horatius and Lucretius, the 
former representing the inferior position of the populace, the 
latter the local designation of the Luceres. The word Hor-atius 
is derived from the old Latin word Mr, " a hand," and is there- 
fore a longer form of Hir-tius, just as Curiatius is of Cur-tius. 
The fight between the Horatii and Curiatii probably refers to 
a contest between the Curiatii (Kovprjres), " men of the curia, 
and wielders of the spear, or wearers of the helmet," and the 
Horatii (^e^res), " handicraftsmen," i. e. the lower order, in 
which contest, as usual, the latter succeeded in maintaining their 
just rights. In the old tradition it is uncertain which of the 
two fought for Alba (Liv. I. 24), i. e. whether the Latin or 
Sabine interest was at that time predominant at Rome. The 
story about Horatius Codes admits of a similar interpretation. 
The Tuscans were repelled at the bridge-head by the three 
Roman tribes Lartius (Larth, Lars, " prince" or " king") re- 
presenting the head-tribe, Herminius the second, and Horatius 
the third. The surname Codes still farther explains the name 
Horatius in its opposition to Curiatius. The ancients knew 
that this word meant one-eyed (Plin. H. N. XXXVII. 55), and I 
have elsewhere suggested that it may be derived from cceculus 
(N. Crat. 154). The last part is undoubtedly that derivative 
from i-re, which is found in mil-it-es, ped-it-es, equ-it-es, &c. 
With the Romans, as with other nations, the ideas of being and 


going are interchangeable (N. Crat. 269), and therefore we 
should not press the meaning of this termination farther than 
by saying that codes is a form analogous to miles, &c. Now 
the other term for one-eyed is luscus, which is to be compared 
with Xof 09, Xom9. This last word, as the name of the archer- 
god, Apollo, refers unquestionably to the oblique or side-long 
position of the bowman in the act of shooting ; and there is 
no reason why the same explanation should not apply to the 
cocl-it-es, who will thus represent the \|/tXo< or light-armed troops 
of the commonalty. As in the case of David and Goliath, 
the triumph is greater when there is an inequality in the arms ; 
and this no doubt was felt to enhance the Horatian victory and 
the successful defence of the Pons Sublidus. Considered as 
an army, the Romans fell into the following subdivisions the 
populus or patrician oVXircK, the celeres or plebeian knights, 
and the plebs, i. e. 7rXj0os, or multitudo, who were the milites, 
properly so called, " the common soldiers who marched in a 
body," and who were by virtue of their armour merely coclites, 
or "shooters." And thus the magister populi and magister 
equitum, or tribunus celerum, will stand in a military opposition 
to the tribuni plebis. The separation between the populus and 
plebs, which is most strongly indicated by the refusal of the con- 
nubium, or right of intermarriage, to the latter, renders it possi- 
ble that the patricians were called proceres, " wooers," or prod 
patricii, " patrician suiters" (Festus, p. 249, Miiller), with par- 
ticular reference to this crowning mark of political equality. 
And a comparison of proceres with celeres might lead us to infer, 
that, while the original patres were termed prod, the celeres or 
conscripti were designated as proceres, the termination indicating 
the later acquisition of the connubium. The meaning of the 
name Herminius is not obvious at first sight ; it does not sound 
like a Latin name. When however we call to mind that the 
most ancient name for a noble warrior in Greek was rjpw<s, 
which may be proved to be equal to yp-Faor-s = *ip-<pwT-<$, " the 
lord-warrior" (N. Crat. 329), and when we recollect that herus 
is a good Latin word, and that min is found in ho-min-, ne-min-, 
&c., we may well suppose that Her-minius represents a form 
analogous to fjpws, and therefore that, as Lartius typifies the 
nobles, and Horatius the common people, so Herminius personi- 
fies the warriors of Rome. And this explanation of the name is 
quite in accordance with the meaning of the word Hermann or 


Hirmin (the Arminius of Tacitus) in those Low- German lan- 
guages with which the Sabine and other Italian idioms were so 
intimately connected. Grimm says (Deutsche Mythol. p. 328, 
2d edit.) : "die Sachsen scheinen in Hirmin einen kriegerisch 
dargestellten Wodan verehrt zu haben." We find a further 
confirmation in the fact, that his name was Titus Herminius ; 
for not only does Titus signify " warrior" (Fest. p. 366, Muller : 
"Tituli milites appellantur quasi tutuli, quod patriam tuerentur, 
unde et Titi praenomen ortum est"), but the Titienses, or Titles, 
were actually " the Sabine quirites (spearmen)," the second tribe 
at Rome. By a similar personification, the senior consul, Vale- 
rius, who as poplicola represents the populus, has under his 
orders Titus Herminius, the " warriors," and Spurius Lartius 
the " young nobles J ;" while the other consul, Lucretius, repre- 
sents the Luceres, or third class of citizens (Liv. II. 11). Even 
Lucretia may be nothing more than a symbol of the third order 
of the populus ; so that her ill-treatment by Sextus will be an 
allegory referring to the oppression of the Luceres, who often 
approximated to the plebs, by the tyrannical Etruscan dynasty. 
It is also singular that Lucretius and Horatius, both repre- 
sentatives of the third class, succeed one another in the first con- 
sulship. The praenomen of Spurius Lartius does not appear 
to be the Latin spurius, " illegitimate," but a Tuscan derivative 
from super, the first vowel being omitted, according to the 
Tuscan custom, and the second softened into u, as in augur (also 
perhaps a Tuscan word) for aviger. That Spurius was a Tuscan 
name appears from the derivative Spurinna. 

If, as seems probable, Cceles is only a modification of Cceres, 
the name of Cceles Vivenna will indicate him as one of the 
Ccerites, that is as belonging to the most purely Pelasgian part 
of South Etruria. And then we have an additional confirmation 
of our belief that the Tarquinian dynasty was in the first instance 
at least Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian, rather than Rasenic or llaotian. 

$ 20. General Conclusion as to the mutual Relations of the 

old Italian Tribes, 

These traditionary facts and philological deductions enable us 
to come to a fixed conclusion on the subject of the old population 

1 At a later period these two are combined in the one designation 
Lars Herminius (Lir. III. 65). 


of Italy, and the relations of the different tribes to one another. 
How they stood related to the Transpadane members of the 
great European family is a subsequent inquiry ; but within the 
limits of Italy proper, we may now say, there were originally 
two branches of one great family, the Umbrians, extending from 
the Po to the Tiber ; and the Oscans, occupying the southern 
half of the peninsula. These nations were combined, in different 
degrees, with Pelasgians from the north-east. The main body 
of these Pelasgians assumed a distinct nationality in Etruria, 
and established a permanent empire there, which the Umbrians 
could never throw off. Another great horde of Pelasgians was 
settled in Latium, where they were afterwards partially con- 
quered by the Oscans ; and a mixed population of Pelasgians 
and Oscans extended to the very south of Italy. The Sabines, 
however, who were members of the Umbrian family, returned 
from the hills, to which the Pelasgians had driven them, and 
pressed upon the other Umbrians, upon the Oscans, and upon 
those Latins who were a mixture of conquered Pelasgians and 
Oscan conquerors. The combination of a branch of these Sabines 
with a branch of the Latins settled on the Tiber constituted 
the first beginnings of that Koman people which, standing in 
the midst of these Pelasgian and Oscan races, eventually became 
a point of centralisation for them all. Not to speak of any 
Celtic substratum, which we have many reasons for assuming, 
we may feel assured that up to the commencement of history 
the population of ancient Italy consisted entirely of this admix- 
ture or juxta-position of Umbro-Oscan and Tyrrheno-Pelasgian 
tribes. But about the time when the ancient annalists begin to 
speak definitely, the south of the peninsula became studded with 
Greek colonies, and the north was conquered by a Raetian tribe, 
the Rasena or Etruscans properly so called; and while the 
Greeks never spread themselves in the northern provinces, the 
surging tide of the Etruscan invasion was beaten back from 
the walls of Rome ; and the Gauls, who at a later period endea- 
voured to extend their settlements to the south of the Tiber, were 
obliged to content themselves with the still remoter districts be- 
yond the Rubicon. 



1. Etymology of the word IleXao-yos. 2. How the Pelasgians came into Eu- 
rope. 3. Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and Hellenic 
architecture. 4. Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology of 
the two races. -5. Thracians, Getae, and Scythians. 6. Scythians and Medes. 
7. Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Getae, may be shown 
(1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the remains of the Scythian lan- 
guage. 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this chain of 
nations. 9. Peculiarities of the Scythian language suggested by Aristophanes. 
10. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained. 11. Names of the 
Scythian divinities. 12. Other Scythian words explained. 13. Successive 
peopling of Asia and Europe : fate of the Mongolian race. 14. The Pelas- 
gians were of Sclavonian origin. 15. Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, &c. 
16. Reasons for believing that they were the same race as the Lithuanians. 
17. Further confirmation from etymology. 18. Celtic tribes intermixed with 
the Sclavonians and Lithuanians in Italy and elsewhere. 19. The Sarmata 
probably a branch of the Lithuanian family. 20. Gothic or Low-German affi- 
nities of the ancient Etruscans shown by their ethnographic opposition to the 
Veneti. 21. Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the old Norse. 
22. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names. 23. Contacts and 
contrasts of the Semitic and the Sclavonian. 24. Predominant Sclavonism of 
the old Italian languages. 

1. Etymology of the word 

SINCE the Umbrians, Oscans, c. must be regarded in the. 
first instance as the aboriginal inhabitants, the inquirer, who 
would pass the limits of Italy and investigate the foreign affinities 
of the Italians, is first attracted by the Pelasgians. The seats 
of this race in Greece and elsewhere are well known ; but there 
is no satisfactory record as to the region from which they started 
on their wide-spread migrations, or the countries which they 
traversed on their route. According to some they were Cretans, 
others make them Philistines, others again Egyptians; in fact, 
there is hardly one ancient nation which has not been indicated 
in its turn as their parent stock. Even their name has received 
almost every possible etymology. The older scholars derived the 
word IleXao-7os from Peleg 1 ; Sturz connects it with 

Salmasius de Hellenlstica, p. 342- 2 De Dialect. Macedon. p. 9. 


Hermann finds the root in TreXayos, from TreXa^co 1 ; Wachs- 
muth 2 and Muller 3 , considering neXapyos to be the original 
form of the word, give as its etymology TreXw, " to till," and 
aypos, " the field," looking upon the nation as originally de- 
voted to husbandry. The most common derivation is that which 
writes YleXapyoi, and interprets it " the storks," either from 
the wandering habits of this race 4 , or from their linen dress 5 , or 
from their barbarous speech 6 . Every one of these etymologies 
admits of an easy confutation. The best answer to them all is to 
point out a better analysis of the word. Buttmann" 7 suggested 
long ago that the last two syllables were an ethnical designation, 
connected with the name Asca-nius, common in Phrygia, Lydia, 
and Bithynia, and with the name of Asia itself. He also cor- 
rectly pointed to the relationship between Ashkenax, the son 
of Gomer, and Javan, the biblical progenitor of the lonians 
(laFoves) (Gen. x. 3). Now the first syllable of the word Pel- 
asgus is clearly the same as that of Pel-ops. There are two 
Niobes in Greek mythology, daughters, the one of Phoroneus, 
the other of Tantalus the latter is the sister of Pelops, the 
former the mother of Pelasgus. The syllable HeX- stands in 
the same relation to /ueX- that ire^a does to /uera. The original 
form of the root signifying "blackness" was KyxeX- 8 ; but the 
labial generally predominated over the guttural element. Of the 
labial forms, that with the tenuis more usually came to signify 
" livid " than " black ;" as we see in the words TreXios, TreXt^i/o?, 
&c. Apollodorus expressly says 9 that FleXms was so called be- 
cause his face was rendered livid (-n-eXtos) by a kick from a 
horse ; and it is obvious that DeX-ov//, which signifies " dark- 

1 Opusc. II. p. 174: "irc\ayos enim, a verbo TreXd&iv dictum, ut ab 
Latinis Venilia, mare notat : a qua origine etiam TreXao-yot, advence." 

2 Hellenische Alterihumsk. I. p. 29, Trans, p. 39. He also, half in jest, 
refers to 7rXai>, "to lead astray," p. 36. 

3 "Von TreXw (TroXty, 7roXea>, der Sparte IleXwp, und HeXcopta, das Fest 
der Bewohnung) und apyos" Orchom. p. 125. 

4 Strabo, V. p. 221 ; VIII. p. 397. 

6 Bekker, Anecd. p. 229 : 8ia ras o-ivdovas as <popovv. So also Etymol. 

6 Philol. Mus. I. p. 615. 1 Lexilogus, I. p. 68, note 1. 

8 Neiv Cratylus, 121. Buttmann's Lexil. II. p. 265. 

I. 9, 8. 


faced " or " swarthy," is an ethnical designation which differs 
from the well-known name AiOio\^ only in the degree of black- 
ness which is implied. The AiOiowes were the " burntfaced 
people " (quos India torret, as Tibullus says of them, II. 3, 59), 
and are described as perfectly black (Jeremiah xiii. 23 ; tcvdveoi, 
Hes. Op. et Dies, 525) ; whereas the neXoTres were only dark 
in comparison with the Hellenes 1 . On the whole, it can hardly 
be doubted that the He\a(ryoi were, according to the name 
given them by the old inhabitants of Greece, "the swarthy 
Asiatics," who were called by the latter part of their name 
along the coasts of Asia Minor ; and thus the cognate terms 
rieX-oTre? and HeX-aayoi point to an emigration from Asia 
Minor to Argolis indisputably connected with the progress of 
Phoenician civilization. The former part of the name was not 
necessary in the mother-country, where all were dark complex- 
ioned ; and the latter part of the word, which denoted the Asiatic 
origin of the HeX-acryoi, was dropt in the synonym IIeX-o>/', 
which signifies merely " swarthy of face 2 ." 

2. How the Pelasgians came into Europe. 

Tradition and etymology agree, therefore, in tracing the 
Pelasgians, so called, to the western and northern coast of Asia 
Minor. There is, however, little or no reason to doubt that the 

1 Asius makes Pelasgus spring from the "black earth (ap. Pausan. 
VIII. 1,4): 

dvrideov de He\a(Tyov ev v^nKopoKTiv ope<r<n 
yaia peXaiv* dvedoxev, Iva BvrjToiv yevos e'lrj. 
But here the adjective is nothing but an epitheton constans. 

2 For further arguments in support of this etymology, which is also 
applicable to the word TrcXapyos, as the stork, or "black but whitened 
bird," the reader is referred to the N. Cratyl. 95. Mr Paley has 
suggested a similar explanation of the doves of Dodona, who bring the 
Phoenicians, Pelasgians, and Egyptians, into a sort of confusion with one 
another (Herod. II. 54, sqq.). He says (jEsch. Suppl. Ed. 2. p. xiv.), 
referring to my view of the matter : " obiter moneo nigras hasce colum- 
bas (7Tf\fia$as), qusc humana voce locutse traduntur, non alias fuisse videri 
quam TreXas- quasdam, sc. furvas mulieres, ex Oriente profectas." It is 
curious that Mrs Hamilton Gray (Hist, of Etrur. I. p. 89) should have 
quoted the epithet "pale-face," applied to Europeans by the American 
Indians, in the same page with her derivation of TrcXao-yoy from 

which is simply irreconcilable with the laws of the Greek language. 


bulk of the race, to which these " swarthy Asiatics " belonged, 
entered Europe in the first instance through the wide district of 
Thrace, which is always mentioned as the most ancient European 
settlement of this tribe. For although the legends about Pelops 
and Lydia make it probable that they subsequently crossed over 
the ^Egean, leaving settlements as they sailed along in the islands 
of the Archipelago, and bringing with them perhaps some of that 
Semitic civilization which the Phoenicians and Egyptians had dif- 
fused over the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, and though the 
etymology of their name refers to some such migration from the 
sunny coasts of Asia, it is nearly certain that the main body 
entered both Greece and Italy from the north-east. The course 
of their wanderings seems to have been as follows. They passed 
into this continent from the western side of the Euxine, and 
spread themselves over Thrace, Macedonia, and Epirus; then, 
while some of them forced their way into Greece, others, again 
moving on to the north-west, eventually entered Italy near the 
mouth of the Po. At some time, however, during the period of 
their settlement in Thrace, and before they had penetrated to 
the south of Greece, or had wandered to Italy, they appear to 
have crossed the Hellespont and peopled the western coast of 
Asia Minor, where they founded the city of Troy, and established 
the kingdom of Lydia names to which the Pelasgians in Italy 
and Argos looked back with mysterious reverence. It might be 
curious to inquire how the traditionary quarrels between the 
families of Dardanus and Tantalus contributed to produce the im- 
portant Lydian migration into Greece ; but such an investigation 
scarcely belongs to our subject. There seems to be good reason 
for believing that the Pelasgians acquired their distinctive cha- 
racter, that of agriculturists and architects, in the fertile plains of 
Asia Minor, and under that climate which was afterwards so pro- 
lific in works of art and genius. Those only of the Pelasgians 
who claimed a Lydian origin, namely those in Etruria and Argos, 
were celebrated as artisans and tower-builders. 

$ 3. Inferences derivable from the contrast of Pelasgian and 

Hellenic Architecture. 

The immediate derivation of even the later Greek architec- 
ture from Asia Minor may be proved by some combinations which 


throw an important light not only on the history of ancient art, 
but on the ethnical affinities of the old inhabitants of southern and 
eastern Europe. It is well known that the Greeks or Hellenes 
descended from the north of Thessaly and conquered or incorpo- 
rated themselves with the Pelasgo-Acha3ans, whom they found in 
the south of Greece. Now these Pelasgians, especially those who 
called themselves Tyrrhenians or " tower-builders," have left 
behind them numerous remains of their architecture, which are 
distinguished by immense blocks of solid stone built into rude 
masses of walls, towers, and treasuries, and are commonly called 
Cyclopian. It was of course this architecture which the Hellenes 
found in southern Greece, and as they were a warrior-tribe and 
less cultivated in every respect than their vassals, they must have 
adopted the same style of building. What origin then must we 
seek for the characteristic architecture of the Doro-Ionians that 
which we commonly call Grecian architecture ? The clue to the 
whole is furnished by that singular monument, the gate of the lions 
of Mycena3, probably the oldest memorial of the primitive Acha3ans. 
We have here, at the entrance of a Cyclopian treasure-house, two 
lions trampling on an inverted column of Dorian architecture. 
With regard to the lions I feel no hesitation in rejecting Creuzer's 
supposition that we have here a Mithraic symbol 1 . This suppo- 
sition springs from a total misconception of the object which 
stands between the lions, and affords no explanation of their 
duality. It can be shown, on the contrary, that it must be in- 
tended to indicate that the two lords of Mycenae, some twin- 
power or duumvirate there, had conquered some place distin- 
guished by the architecture of which the inverted column is a 
specimen. Whether the circumstance thus commemorated be a 
fact or a legend, we can hardly doubt that the two lions repre- 
sent the two Atreidce or sons of Atreus, the Pelopid or Lydo- 
Pelasgian prince of Myeena3 2 , and that the city captured and 
overthrown, the plunder of which they had stored up in their 
treasure-house, was the far-famed Troy. Both the duality of 
the conquerors of Troy, and the symbol of the lions as applied 

1 Symbolik und Mythologie (3rd Edit.) I. p. 267. 

2 The lion was a holy symbol of the Lydian kings ; see Herod. I. 50 ; 
and Creuzer, Symbol. II. p. 633. 


to them, are distinctly recorded in the Agamemnon of JEschylus 1 . 
If this explanation is correct, the inverted column represents 
Asiatic architecture, as opposed to the style of building then 
common in Greece and Italy, and which we call Cyclopian. 
From this inverted fragment we can restore the whole faade 2 , 
and we see that it contains the elements of what was afterwards 
the Doro-Ionian architecture. We also see that it has many 
points of contact with the Lycian monuments. Now Pindar says 
that the Corinthians, among other useful arts, introduced the 
double tympanum or gable of the Dorian temple 3 . As therefore 
the Corinthians were the great traders and colonisers, it is suf- 
ficiently obvious that they must have derived this improvement 
in architecture from abroad, just as the introduction of the bridle- 
rein points to their mythical connexion, and commercial dealings 
with Lycia 4 : and since we see from the gate of the lions that the 

1 Cf. 42, sqq. : 

Mei/eXaos ai/a 178' ' 

dtOpovov Aiodfv Kai dicrKijTrrpov 

with 796, 7 : 

VTTtpQopwv de Trvpyov cD/i^or^y Xeeoi/ 
abrjv c\eicv atjuaros rvpavviKov. 

2 This has been done by Metzger, in Thiersch's tract, ilber das 

3 Olymp. XIII. 21, sqq. : 

atrav 8' evpovros epyov' 
rai Aifovvtrou irodev ee(pavev 
(TVV fiorjKaTq ^aptres didvpdfji^co ; 
ris yap iTrrreiois ev evreo-criv perpa 
it) 6(>v vadi<rw olavav /3a(riXe'a di 

That the aeroy, or dcrco/ia, meant the tympanum, or gable, and not any 
figures within or upon it, has been fully shown by Brondsted, Voyages et 
Recherches en Grece,ll. p. 154 ; and by Welcker, Alte Denkrnaler, I. p. 3, sqq. 
The pediment was originally open ; the deep relief, or rather complete 
figures, which appear in it, indicate the original practice, when it might 
be said in the language of Euripides (Fr. Hypsip.) : 
Idov irpbs aldep 1 (afu\\wvrai Kopai 
ypcnrrovs [ev aiejrouri TrpoafiXeTreiv rvirovs. 

And the ground was subsequently painted blue to recal the darkness of 
the space under the roof. 

4 The commercial dealings were a fact ; the mythology of Bellerophon 
was a poetical record of it. 



Dorian fagade existed in Asia Minor long before the Dorian and 
Ionian colonies were established there, it is a fair conclusion that 
the Dorian and Ionian architecture, like the distinctions of dialect, 
was due to the reaction of the Dorian and Ionian colonies on the 
mother-land. And thus we see that all the architecture of 
Greece, the more refined porch as well as the ruder masses of 
Cyclopian masonry, was imported from the sunny land to which 
we trace the name of the Pelasgians. We may go a step farther, 
and say that the more recent architecture of Asia Minor, which 
was afterwards naturalized in Greece, was due to the Semitic 
tribes which extended inland from Lydia to Assyria and Egypt, 
whereas the Cyclopian architecture was strictly Indo- Germanic. 
The primary distinction between the Pelasgo- Achaean and the 
Doro-Ionian architecture consisted in the materials which they 
respectively adopted, the former being the adaptation of huge 
masses of uncemented stone, the latter the result of the best 
arrangement of beams and joists. The materials of the Cyclopian 
walls require no comment, but a few remarks may be necessary 
to show that the Doro-Ionian architecture originated in wood- 
carpentry. The simplest form of this architecture is the apteral 
temple in antis. This has no column or portico, the porch being 
supported by 7rapavTa.$es or antce, i. e. projections of the side 
walls 1 . We then come to the prostyle, with a vestibule sup- 
ported by columns beyond the antce ; then to the amphiprostyle, 
with such a termination at each end ; and finally to the peripteral 
temple, surrounded by columns, like the Parthenon. The com- 
plete form is the best exemplification of the tectonics or carpentry 
in which the architecture originated. If we compare the Doric 
building, as restored from the inverted column on the gate of the 
lions, with the remains of Lycian architecture 2 , we shall see that 
the foundation consisted of trunks of trees, laid level and crossed 
at right angles by the trunks of other trees. On these last, 
as we see in the gate of the lions, the plinth of the column 
rested, and on this the torus. The shaft of the column was 
the trunk of a tree, and its capital originally nothing more than 
a plinth. On the top of the column was placed the architrave 

1 On the sense of irapaa-ras, or Traoras, I may refer to my note on the 
Antigone, 1173, p. 225, where I have collected all the authorities. 
2 See Thiersch, iiber das Erechtheum, p. 149, sqq. 


or main beam of the entablature, and on this rested the frieze 
with holes immediately above the columns for the reception of 
the upper joists of the building. When these joists were in- 
serted, , their ends, ornamented by channels cut in the wood, 
were termed triglyphs, and the spaces between the triglyphs, 
which were flat wood, and upon which it was customary to nail 
up spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and sculptures, were called 
metopes, or intervals between the holes 1 . The frieze was sur- 
mounted by the cornice, which originated in transverse beams 
supporting the a(jn\\rjTrjpe<s of the sloping roof, and the fagade 
was finished off by the pediment, tympanum, or aerojet, which 
was originally an open gable formed by the sloping rafters. 
Now every detail in this form of edifice points to wood-work or 
carpentry, which always constituted the material of pure Semitic 
architecture. The complete details which have been preserved 
of the temple of Solomon, which was a masterpiece of Phce- 

1 It has been the opinion of many learned architects that the metopes, 
or spaces between the beam-ends, were originally hollow. This is an 
opinion contrary to the evidences furnished by the Greek language and 
by the Greek authors, and is plainly overthrown by the Mycenaean monu- 
ment, which shows us that the frieze was originally a solid piece with 
holes for the beam-ends. The word OTTT) means " an opening or hole," i. e. 
the bed of a beam; hence the Rom an architects called the triglyphs cava 
columbaria, or "pigeon-holes." The word /ZCTOTTT; must signify "a space 
between on-at," as TO /zerai^/Liioi/ means " a space between two armies ;" 
consequently the metope could not have been itself a cavity. Besides, 
spoils taken in the chase, garlands, and sculptures, were nailed up to the 
frieze, which must therefore have been solid. The triglyphs were the 
ornamented ends of the beams, cut short on a line with the frieze : but 
these beams could not have projected in the same plane in the sides and 
at the ends of the building. Supposing then that those which ran the 
whole length of the building terminated in the frieze of the portico, the 
cross-beams must have rested upon them and served as supports to the 
end of the roof. Consequently the frieze on the sides of the building 
must either have had hollow spaces instead of beams, which was of course 
the original form, or they were filled by imaginary beam- ends, i. e. mere 
triglyphs. When the fa9ade of a temple was imitated on the Greek stage, 
it seems that the OTTO! or beds of the beams were left open, i. e. there 
were large holes through which a man might crawl. This enables us to 
understand such passages as the following: Euripid. Tph. T. 113: <Zpa 
de y i<rco Tpiy\v<pcov OTTOI Kevov depos fifde'ivcu. Aristoph. Vesp. 126: 
6 8' efdi8pao-Ke did re T$>V vdpoppo&v Kai TO>V 


nician workmanship, show how the most costly and elaborate 
building could be erected without the assistance of the stonemason 1 , 
and the ivory palaces of Solomon 2 were also specimens of the 
same application of art with that which appeared in the chrysele- 
phantine statues of Phidias. The very fact that the Doro-Ionian 
architecture, in its original and oldest type, not only admitted 
but required polychrome decorations, indicates that the materials 
employed must have been wood and metal, not stone, in the first 
instance. And the result of the whole discussion is to confirm our 
previous inference, that the Pelasgians were an Indo-Germanic 
tribe, who passed by the north of the Euxine into Europe, and re- 
crossed into Asia Minor by the Hellespont, where they came into 
direct contact with Semitic art and civilization. All tradition con- 
firms this, and the ready adoption by the Hellenes of the Asiatic, 
as opposed to the Cyclopian architecture, cannot be regarded as 
altogether unconnected with the ethnographical fact that the 
Dorians or Hellenes were a tribe which passed through Asia 
Minor in a strong but narrow stream on their way from the 
mountains of Caramania to the highlands of western Germany 
and northern Greece 3 . 

4. Supported by deductions from the contrasted mythology 

of the two races. 

These views of the Cyclopian architecture, as distinctively 
characterizing the Pelasgians, are confirmed by all that we know 
of their religious system. The worship of the Pelasgians was 
not only elementary ; it not only consisted in an adoration of 
the great objects of nature for this was common to it with other 
primitive tribes ; .but it was especially a sun-worship, like that 
of the Medes, from whom, as we shall see, they trace their legi- 
timate descent. Thus, while the so-called aborigines of Italy 
worshipped Saturnus-Ops, the divinity of the earth 4 , the Pelasgo- 
Tyrrhenians who dwelt beside them worshipped Tina or Janus, 
the God of light. The two tribes, who constituted the original 
populuS) being especially warriors, worshipped the God of war ; 

1 For the details of Solomon's Temple, see Thenius, uber die Bucher 
der Konige, Anhang. p. 25, sqq. 

2 Psalm xlv. 8; cf. 1 Kings xxii. 39; Amos iii. 15. 

3 New Crat. 92. * g ee Zumpt's Essay on this subject. 


as Komulus was mythically the son of Mars, we may conclude 
that Mars or Mamers was the God of the Kamnes ; and then 
Quirinus 1 would be the spear-god of the Titles. Just in the 
same way, the Hellenes, who, as I have shown in another place, 
were a warlike tribe of high German character 2 , brought into 
Greece their war-god Apollo 3 , a sort of refined Woden ; but 
eventually allowed some of his attributes to be absorbed by the 
God of light, who was worshipped by the Pelasgians 4 . The 
Hyacinthia, which were retained by the Dorians in Laconia and 
applied to the worship of their own Apollo, were a festival of 
Achaean or Pelasgian origin, and symbolically expressed the 
triumph of the sun's disk over the rainy months of winter 5 . All 
the Pelasgian religion, wherever it can be discerned under the 
incrustations of later Hellenism, points to the same worship of the 
sun. Jupiter and Danae, of whose union the Argive Perseus 
was the fruit, represent the golden showers of the fructifying 
sky descending on the dry earth (Savatj yfj) 6 . The Argive 
goddess Juno is called flownis, as being a representative of the 
moon-goddess, who bore her disk between two horns, and who is 
thus identified with lo, " the earth," the daughter of Inachus 7 . 
In the same way Europa, the " broad-faced" moon, is borne 
across the sea from east to west by Jupiter in the form of a 
bull, that is, the sun in Taurus in conjunction with the moon 
rises from the eastern waves. Here she assumes the functions of 
''Ajore/uus TavpoTroXos, and as we shall see, Artemis, which, in 
the Pelasgian language, was Ari-timis, and means " the virgin 
of the sea," becomes identical with 'Ape-Oovaa, " the virgin 
swiftly moving 8 ," for the idea of time finds one of its natural 

1 As the Quirinal was the first seat of the Sabines coming from the 
north, it may be inferred that Janicuhim across the river indicated the 
first approximation of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgian worshippers of Tina or 
Janus, who formed a new element in the state under Vivenna of Caere. 
See Chapter I. 18. 

2 New Crat. 92. 

3 *E\\T)ves " the warriors ;" 'A.7r&\a>v, " the fighter." Miiller, Dor. II. 
6. 6. 

4 Theatre of the Greeks, (Ed. 6), p. [20]. 5 New Crat. 464. 

6 See Mailer's Myihol. p. 252, Engl. Tr. 

7 See Paley, Prcef. ad Prom. p. xx. ad Suppl. p. vii. 

8 Below, 12; and Chapter V. 6; see also Yapna, p. 349. Burnouf. 


expressions in that of flowing water 1 . Even the name KVK\(D\IS, 
which has furnished a designation for the peculiar architecture of 
the Pelasgians, must refer to figures adorned with the sun's 
disk, rather than to any monophthalmic symbols ; and we shall 
see the same transition in the earliest seats of the Pelasgic 
race 2 . The connexion of the Pelasgi with the Sclavonians, 
which will clearly appear in the sequel, brings them into close 
contact also with the early Celtic tribes, Now there can be 
hardly any doubt that the circular and megalithic structures, 
which are found in Britain and elsewhere, belong to the ele- 
mentary worship of the early Celts. These buildings, whether 
grown in trees, as a grove, or built up in massive stones, repre- 
sented the world ; and this is the true interpretation of Arthur's 
Round Table. It was " made by Merlin for a type of the 
Round World, and was given by Pendragon to Gogyrvan 
father of Gwenhwyvar, who brought it to Arthur as her dowry 
(Morte Arthur, XIV. c. 2 ; IV. c. 1). From which we may 
collect that the true round table was the circular sanctuary 
erected by Merlin. The lake or pool under the Dinas Emmrys 
was likewise declared by Merlin to be Jigura hujus mundi, a 
type of this world (Nennius, c. 43 3 )." And Arthur himself 4 " was 
the sun, honoured as a deity but figured as a warrior, i. e. as 
Mithras. His father's name, Uthyr, the Portent, is supernatural, 
and not really a name ; least of all the name of a Roman, bro- 
ther to Aurelius Ambrosius, and son to Constantinus. And the 
said Uthyr signifies in his Dirge, that he is the Azure Firma- 
ment (id sublime candens quern invocant omnes Jovem), and that 
the rainbow is his belt in battle. It follows of course, that the 
son or eisillydd (offspring) of Uthyr Gorlassar, who fills the 
place of Ormuzd, should be Mithras. And his twelve battles, in 
all imaginable parts of the island, correspond to the twelve Her- 
culean labours." It is not unreasonable to conclude that the 
Celts, who carried to the uttermost parts of the West this purely 
Median worship of the God of Light, must have derived it from 
the Pelasgo- Sclavonians, who came most directly from the north 
of Media, who first touched upon and became mingled with the 

i New Crat. 270. 2 Below, 12. 

3 Cyclops Christianus, G. A. Herbert. Lond. 1849, p. 191. 

4 Herbert, 1. c. p. 213. 


sporadic tribes of Cel to- Turanians, and who in their original 
settlements, as Hyperboreans, and also as southern Pelasgians, 
were perseveringly devoted to this distinctive form of worship. 

5. Thracians, Getce, and Scythians. 

Beyond these particulars we have no satisfactory data for the 
migrations of the great Pelasgian people ; and if we wish to 
know their original point of departure in Asia, we must turn to 
comparative philology and to ethnographical traditions of a dif- 
ferent kind. 

Our point of departure, in these further researches into the 
original abode and ethnical affinities of the Pelasgians, is the 
great country of Thrace, their first European settlement. The 
Thracians, according to Herodotus, were, next to the Indians, 
the greatest people in the world 1 ; and Scylax tells us that their 
territory extended from the Strymon to the Ister 2 . Now, among 
these Thracians we find the two important tribes of Getae and 
Mysians, or Mossians. Of these the geographer Strabo speaks 
as follows 3 : " The Greeks considered the GetaB to be Thracians. 
There dwelt, however, on both sides of the Ister as well these 
Geta3 as the Mysi, who are likewise Thracians, and are now 
called Mcesi, from whom also the Mysi now dwelling among the 
Lydians, Phrygians, and Trojans, derived their origin." Again, 

i V. 2. 

2 Geogr. Vet., Script. Min. I. p. 27. It is singular that the name 
of the Thracians should seem to bear the same relation to Tiras, one of 
the sons of Japheth, that the ethnical names of the Medes and lonians do 
to the names of two of his other sons, Madai and Javan (Gen. x. 2). If 
it were necessary to seek a connexion between the word Tvpo-rjvos and the 
Goth. Thatirsos, Old Norse Thurs, O. H. G. Durs, according to Grimm's 
suggestion (Deutsche Myth. pp. 23, 489, 2d ed.), we might with still greater 
safety bring the Thracians and the Aga-thyrsi into the same etymology. 
The Bithynians were Thracians ; and there were Medo-Bithynians (Maidol 
Wvos Qpaicr)?, Steph. Byz. p. 527) as well as Parthians (01 SuvBai TOVS 
(pvydSa* HdpOovs KaXovon, Steph. Byz. p. 628) in Thrace. It is curious 
that the Sintians and Mcedi, whom Thucydides mentions (II. 98) as 
contiguous Thracian tribes, should represent a similar juxta-position in 
Iran, where those to the West and North were called Medes and Sauro- 
Matce, while those to the South and East were termed Sindians or Indi. 

3 p. 295. He says also (p. 302), that the Getse spoke the same lan- 
guage as the Thracians. 


Seylax informs us that the Scythians bordered on the Thracians 1 ; 
and Stephanus of Byzantium says expressly 2 , that the Scythians 
were of Thracian extraction. The same is implied in what 
Strabo says on the subject : and it has long been admitted that 
'S.KvOat and Terai are the same ethnical name. We thus at 
once obtain new data, reaching far beyond the limits of Hellenic 
tradition. For if the Pelasgians can fairly be traced to Thrace 
as their first traditionary settlement in Europe, and if we can 
pass from the Thracians to the GetaB, and from the Getse to the 
Scythians, we are carried into a new field, in which our specu- 
lations immediately receive the support of comparative philology. 

6. Scythians and Medes. 

The Scythians of Herodotus are represented as occupying 
the wide tract of country which lies to the north of the Euxine. 
Though there are some alleged differences, we can collect that 
the whole country between Media and the Danube was occupied 
by a series of cognate tribes. The earliest traditions represent 
these Scythians as in continual contact and collision with the 
Medes; and we receive many significant hints that the Scythians 
and Medes were ultimately connected with one another as 
kindred races. If we pursue this subject in its details, especially 
as illustrated by the fragments of the Scythian language which 
Herodotus and others have preserved, we shall see that the 
Pelasgians may be traced step by step to a primary settlement 
in Media or northern Iran. 

7. Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Getce, 
may be shown (1) generally, and (2) by an examination 
of the remains of the Scythian language. 

The general proof that Iran, or the country lying between 
the Caspian, the Euphrates, the Indian Ocean, and the Indus, 
was the original abode of the Indo- Germanic race, has been 
given elsewhere 3 . It has also been shown, that within these 
limits were spoken two great branches of the one Indo-Ger- 

1 Geogr. Vet., S. M. I. p. 29. 

2 De Urbibus, p. 674. Berkel : 2/cv&u e6vos 

3 N. Crat. 80, sqq. 


manic language, which stood related to one another in much the 
same way as the Low and High German ; the former being the 
older, and spoken by the inhabitants of Media, the northern 
half of this district. To these Medes, or, as they may be called, 
the Northern and Low Iranians, we refer, on the one hand, 
the Hindus, who call themselves Arians (dryas, " well-born"), 
for this was also the ancient name of the Medes ; and, on the 
other hand, the following members of the Sclavonian and Low- 
German families : (a) the Sarmatce or Sauromatce, an old 
Sclavonian tribe, who are expressly called " descendants of the 
Medes" both by Diodorus 1 and by Pliny 2 , whose name, in the 
cognate Lithuanian language, signifies " the northern Medes or 
Matieni 3 ," and who, under the slightly modified name of Syr- 
matce, dwelt near the Indus 4 ; (b) the Sigynnce, or Sclavonian 
Wends, to whom Herodotus ascribes a Median parentage 5 ; (c) 
the Saxons, Sacassani, or Saca-sunu, i. e. " sons of the Sacae," 
who once occupied Bactriana, as well as the most fertile part of 
Armenia, and from thence forced their way into Europe 6 ; and, 
above all, (d) the Goths, who, under the different local names of 
Fercu, ^Z-KuOai, i. e. Asa-goths, Gi/crcra-'yerac, or TVjOi-'yeVcu, 
i.e. Tyras-getce, or Goths dwelling by the Dniester 7 , and Mvaol t 

i II. 43, p. 195. Bind. 2 H. N. VI. 7. 

a Gatterer ap. Bockh, C. I. II. p. 83. 4 Plin. H. N. VI. 18. 

6 V. 9. Strabo, p. 520. 

* Plin. H. N. VI. 11. Strabo, pp. 73, 507, 509, 511, 513. Among those 
who fought with Visvdmitra are mentioned (Ramdyana, I. c. 54, 9!. 18), 
first, the Pahlavi, i. e. the Persians, for they were called Palilavi by the 
Indians ; and then a mixed army of Sacce and Yavani, who covered the 
whole earth (fair dsit sanvrtd bhdmih Cakair-Yavanam-ipritaih). The 
Persians called the Scythians in general Sacce (Herod. VII. 64 : ol yap 
Hepvai irdvras TOVS "SuvQas KaXeovai 2a/tas). A. W. von Schlegel (ad loc. 
Ramdy. II. 2, p. 169) thinks that the name 'idFuv, the original form of 
'Iaa>i>, *la>v, was not brought from Greece, but was learned by the settlers 
in Asia from the Lydians ; and that the Yavani here mentioned by the 
Indian poet were the Greeks in general, who were always so called by 
the Indians, Persians, and Jews (Schol. ad Arist, Acharn. 106 : iravras 
TOVS *E\\r)vas 'idovas ol ftdpftapoi eieaXovv). 

7 If we wished to bring the Thyssa-getce or Thyrsa-getce into connexion 
with the Aga-thyrsi, and into closer contact with the Asa-getce or S-cythce, 
we might suppose that Asa-getce and Thyrsa-getce were other forms of Asa- 
jotun and Thursa-jotun, in which As " deus " and Thurs " gigas " would 
stand in the usual opposition. (See Edd. Scemund. II. Spec. Gloss, p. 861). 


Moiaoi, or McKrea-yeraL, i.e. Mwso-goths 1 , occupied the whole 
of the districts which extend from the north-east of Iran to the 
borders of Thrace 2 . 

Although these general results are already established, the 
details of the subject have not yet been sufficiently examined, 
especially as regards the fragments of the language spoken by 
these northern and western scions of the great Median stock. It 
is in accordance with the main object of this treatise, that 
these details should be followed as far as they will lead us ; and 
it is hoped that, by an analysis of all the Scythian words and 
names which Herodotus and others have preserved, the affinity 
of the Scythians to the Medes will be confirmed by the most 
decisive proofs, and that it will appear that the Pelasgians, 
whom tradition traces to the same regions, were members of the 
Sclav onian race. 

J 8. Mode of discriminating the ethnical elements in this 

chain of nations. 

One caution must be given at the very beginning of all 
these inquiries concerning the chain of tribes which link together 
the extreme points of Indo-Germamc migration. As I have 
remarked before, it is always easier to perceive resemblances than 
to recognise distinctions ; and the ancient writers speak of Thra- 
cians, Getae, and Scythians as identical, because they have points 
of contact and common ingredients. The results of researches, 
which have been indicated elsewhere, tend to show that although 
the bulk and substratum of the ancient population of Thrace was 
Pelasgian, and this again Sclavonian, the warlike tribes, which 
gave a name to the nation, were identical in origin and title 
with the Dorians, who were the distinctive Hellenes, and with 
the Hermun-duri or Thuringians, who were the High- Germans 
or Herminones properly so called 3 . Teres or Tereus is a local 

1 Zeuss (die Deutschen, p. 280) is induced by some misspelling in the 
text of. Ptolemy (III. 5, 10) to write Tyrag-etce, Massag-etce, thus repu- 
diating all connexion with the Getce. 

2 The traditions of the Goths referred not merely to Asia in general, 
but in particular to their Midum-heime, or " Median home," as the point 
of their departure (Ritter, VorTialle, p. 473). 

3 New Crat. 92. 


name in Doris or Daulis as well as in Thrace 1 ; and the latter 
country must at least have retained some fragments or droppings 
by the road-side of that united band of warriors who forced their 
way in one unbroken stream from the highlands of Kurdistan across 
the north of Asia Minor, and so through Thrace, sending forth 
conquering offshoots into Greece to the left and into Eastern Ger- 
many on their more direct route 2 . The Getce, on the other hand, 
wherever they were pure from any Sclavonic admixture, stand 
as Low-Germans in direct opposition to the Sclavonians. As 
Massa-Getce or Mceso- Goths they were mixed up with Mysians, 
who were Pelasgo- Sclavonians ; and there was the same mingling 
of the Sclavonian and Low-German elements in the Lithuanians 
or Samo- Getce. As Dad or Danes the pure Low-Germans 
stand opposed and related 3 , both in the north and south, to the 
Getce, whether called by this name, or designated as Goths, 
Guddas, Jutes, and Vites : and there is every reason to believe 
that the latter in this opposition represent some admixture of 
the Sclavonic and pure Gothic elements analogous to that which 
is presented by the Lithuanians or Samo- Getce. In the Greek 
comedies Davus = Dacvus, and Geta, stand on a parallel footing 
as the names of slaves ; but the countries from which these slaves 
came were distinguished as Dacia and Mcesia, and the latter 
was, at least to a considerable extent, Sclavonic. In the north, 
according to the legend 4 , the Dani or Dacini 5 were settled in 
the islands as opposed to Jutland, or, as it is called, Vithes-lceth ; 
and in the peninsula itself the stratification of Sclavonians in 
Schleswig, Angles or pure Low Germans in Jutland, and High 
Germans in Holstein, is still very distinct. In the immense area 
to which the ancients gave the name of Scythia, we must dis- 
tinguish between the Sarmatce or Sauromatce, who were mainly 
or to a large extent Sclavonian, the Scythce or Asa- Goths, who 
were mainly or to a large extent Low-German, the Sacce or 

1 Thucyd. II. 29. 

2 The derivation of Greek poetry from Thrace, and the Pierian resting- 
places at the foot of Olympus in the North, and at the foot of Parnassus 
and Helicon in the south of Thessaly, point to the route of these Thraco- 
Hellenic emigrants. 

3 They both spoke dialects of the Thracian language; Strabo, 
pp. 303, 305. 

4 Zeuss, die Deutschen, p. 503, sqq. 

5 Grimm, Gesch. der deutschen Sprache, p. 192. 


Saxons, who were purely Low German, and therefore identical 
ultimately with the Dad or Danes, and the S-colotce or Asa- 
Galatce, also called Cimmerii, who were mainly Celtic. And 
besides all these, we must allow a substratum or fringe of Mon- 
gols or Turano- Scythians. Nevertheless, the Sclavonian is the 
prevalent or qualifying element throughout, and from Thrace to 
Media we identify this with the Pelasgian. For the old state- 
ments, which class together the Thracians, Getae, Mysians, and 
Scythians, can only be understood as asserting their ethnical 
affinity : that is, the Greeks saw that they had something in 
common. Now if the Dorians are to be derived from the Tfira- 
cians so called, if Massa-geta or Mceso-Goth presumes a combi- 
nation of different ingredients, the Mysian and Gothic, and if, 
which every thing conspires to show, the non-Hellenic element 
in Greece is also to be sought in Thrace ; it follows that this 
element, or the Pelasgi, must be referred to the Mysians, who 
appear as the Pelasgian inhabitants of Asia Minor. The same 
must also be the link of connexion between the Thracians and 
the Scythians or Asa-Goths. But the Goths, when qualified by 
admixture in their primary settlements, are always blended with 
Sclavonian elements. Therefore the Mysians or Pelasgians were 
Sclavonian also. The Rhoxolani and Sarmata3, who occupied 
the province of Dacia after the time of Aurelian, belonged to the 
same Gothic and Sclavonian races respectively as the original 
inhabitants ; and though historically a change must be indicated, 
an ethnographical identity with the original population is still 
maintained by the Walachians, who had adopted a corruption of 
the Latin tongue before they received this addition of homoge- 
neous ingredients 1 . 

9. Peculiarities of the Scythian Language suggested by 


The Scythian words, which have been preserved by the 
ancients, are names of rivers, places, and persons ; designations of 
deities ; and common terms. Before we consider these separately, 
it will be as well to inquire if there are not some general principles 
by which the characteristics of the language may be ascertained. 

Some of these general conclusions may be derived from 
Aristophanes. It is well known that the police of Athens con- 

1 Zeuss, p. 263. 


sisted of Scythian bowmen. Accordingly, when the great come- 
dian introduces one of these public servants on the stage, we 
might expect that, as he imitates the broad dialects of the Boeo- 
tians and Megarians, and the pure Doric of the Spartans, he 
would also give an accurate representation of the broken Greek 
of these barbarian functionaries 1 . When we mimic the provin- 
cialisms of the Highlanders or the Welsh, we are careful to 
substitute tenues for medials ; and in the same way, we may 
suppose, Aristophanes would represent the leading peculiarities 
of the Scythian pronunciation of Greek. Now we find that his 
Scythian bowman in the Thesmophoriazusce consistently omits 
the final -s or -v of Greek words, substitutes the lenis for the 
aspirate, and once puts for sigma. We should expect, there- 
fore, that the Scythian language would present us with Visar- 
gah and Anuswarah, would repudiate aspirated consonants, and 
employ f -sh instead of the ordinary sibilant. While this is 
the case with the fragments of the Scythian language which still 
remain, it is even more remarkable in the old idioms of Italy. 
In fact, these peculiarities constitute, as we shall see in the sequel, 
some of the leading features by which the Italian languages are 
distinguished from the dialects of ancient Greek. 

10. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained. 

The names of the Scythian rivers, which Herodotus enu- 
merates, will first engage our attention. These names are mate- 
rially corrupted by the Greek transcription ; but with the help 
of the general principles which have just been stated, we shall 
be able to analyse them without much difficulty. 

Beginning from the European side, the first of these rivers 
is the Is-ter, or, as it is now called, the Don-au or Dan-ube. If 
we follow the analogy of our own and other countries, we shall 
observe that local names very often consist of synonymous 
elements ; from which we may infer that the earlier parts of the 
word have successively lost their significance. Thus, the words 
wick, ham, and town, are synonymous, though belonging to 
different ages of our language ; and yet we have compounds 
such as Wick-ham and Ham[p~\- ton-wick. The words wan, 

1 See Nicbuhr, Kleine Schriften, II. p. 200 (ub&r das jEgyptisch- 



beck, and water, are synonymous ; and yet we find a stream in 
the north of England called Wans-beck-water. The words nagara 
and pura in Sanscrit both signify " city ;" but we find in India 
a city called Nag-poor. In the same way, we believe that both 
parts of the word Is-ter denote " water" or " river." The first 
part of the word is contained in the name of our own river 
Thames, or Tam-isis, the upper part of which is still called the 
Is-is : the second part we shall discuss directly, in speaking of 
the third Scythian river, The other and more recent name, 
Dan-ub-ius, also contains two elements, each signifying " water" 
or " river." The latter part is found in the Gaelic ap, and 
in our Avon, &c. ; the former in most of the Scythian rivers, 
as will presently appear. 

The next river is the Por-ata or Pruth, which obviously 
contains the same root as the Greek word TTO'^OS and the Scy- 
thian paris. 

The third river is called by Herodotus the Tup-rjs, and is 
now known as the Dnies-ter or Danas-ter. The latter part of 
this name is the same as the latter part of Is-ter. The first 
part of the compound is the commencement of the other name of 
the Is-ter. In the transcription of Herodotiis, either this word 
is omitted, and the Danas-ter is mentioned merely as the Ter, 
or the last syllable of Tvp-rjs represents the first syllable of the 
Is-ter ; so that the Danube was called the Is-ter, and the Dnies- 
ter the Ter-is. It is singular that the syllables Dan-, Don-, or 
Dun-, and Ter- or Tur- 9 are used in the Celtic and Pelasgian 
languages respectively to signify " height," or " hill," or " hill- 
tower ;" and it is to be supposed that this was the origin of their 
application to the river, which flows rapidly down from its birth- 
place in the mountains 1 . 

The river Hypan-is is called, according to the Greek tran- 
scription, by a name compounded of the Celtic Apan (Avon} and 
the word is-, which we have just examined. The first part of 
the word occurs also in the name of the river Hypa-caris, which 
means the water of Caris. The root of the second part of this 
name appears in the names of the city Car-cine, and the river 
Ger-rus, which flowed into the Car-cinitis sinus by the same 

1 Coleridge has, with much poetical truth, designated a cataract as 
"the son of the rock" (Poems, Vol. II. p. 131). 


mouth as the Hypan-is and Hypa-caris. It would also seem that 
the exceedingly corrupted name Pan-ticapes began originally 
with the same word : the meaning of the last three syllables is 
absolutely lost, and they will scarcely be sought in the modern 
name Ingul-etz, of which we can only say that the last syllable 
represents the root is- ; comp. Tana-is, Tana-etz 1 . 

The Greeks who dwelt near the mouth of the great river 
Borysthenes naturally pronounced the native name of the river 
in the manner most convenient to their own articulation ; and 
the name, as it stands, is to all outward appearance a Greek 
word. This circumstance has deceived the ablest of modern 
geographers, who derives the first part of the word from Bo/ofis 
or Boreas- There is little difficulty, however, in showing that the 
name is identical with that by which the river is known at the 
present time, the Dnie-per or Dana-paris, with the last part 
of which we may compare the name Porata or Pruth. It is well 
known that the northern Greeks were in the habit of substituting 
the medial, not only for the tenuis, but even for the aspirate ; 
thus we have fivpyov for Trvpyos, ISepeviicrj for QepeviKtj, oaveiv 
for Qaveiv, and B6cr-Tropos for <&wcr-<popos. Accordingly, their 
pronunciation of the word Dana-paris (=Paris-danas) would be 
Dana-baris, or, by an interchange of the two synonymous 
elements, Baris-danas 2 . But the Greek ear was so familiar 
with the sequence aO-, that the sd- would inevitably fall into this 
collocation ; and, with a change of vowels, for the same purpose 
of giving the barbarous name a Greek sound, the compound 
would become the Hellenic form BopvaOevrj?, a word which has 
hitherto eluded etymological analysis. 

The Tana-is was the most easterly of Scythian, and indeed 
of European rivers. The explanation of the name is implied in 
what has been already stated. No difficulty can arise from the 
appearance of a tenuis instead of the medial, which generally 

1 The identification of the Ingul-etz with the Pan-ticapes depends 
upon the position of the Hylcea, or " woodland " district, which must 
have been on the right bank of the Borysthenes, for the other side of 
the river is both woodless and waterless (see Lindner Skythien, Stuttgart, 
1841, p. 40, sqq.). The name Ingul is borne by another river, which may 
be identified with the Hypa-caris. 

2 A similar change has taken place in the name Berezina. 


appears in the first part of this name ; for the Danube, which is 
most consistently spelt with the medial, is called the Tun-owe in the 
Niebelungen-lied (v. 6116). The Tanais seems to have been the 
same river which the Cossacks still call the Donaetz or Tanaetz. 

We find the word Dana-s in composition not only with the 
synonyms Is-, Ap-, Paris, and Ter, but also with Rha-, which 
occurs in the names of the Asiatic A-ra-xes, and in that of the 
Rha-, or Wolga. Thus, we have the E-ri-danus in Italy, the 
Rha-danau in Prussia, the Rho-danus in France, and the name 
'PoD-^ot/, quoted by Ptolemy. In England the name Dana 
occurs by itself as " the Don" 

11. Names of the Scythian divinities. 

Let us now pass to the names of the Scythian gods, whic 
may be referred without any difficulty to the roots of the Indo- 
Germanic family of languages. Herodotus informs us (iv. 59), 
that the names by which the Scythians designated the Greek 
divinities, 'Lyr/^, ZeJ?, Yrj 9 'ATroAXwj/, Qupavir) 'A<ppodiTr), and 
IIocrefoecDj/, were Ta/3tri, FlaTraTo?, 'A-TT/a, Oiroavpos, 'AprifL- 
Trctffa, and a^i^ao-a'ctacs ; and it is clear, from his manner of 
speaking of these and the Medo-Persian divinities (1. 131), that 
he is describing one and the same elementary worship. 

'ICTT/J;, or Vesta, was the goddess of fire, as Ovid tells us 
(Fast. VI. 291) : " nee tu aliud Vestam quam vivam intellige 
flammam" There can be no doubt why the Medo-Scythians 
called her Tahiti, when we know that in the Zend and Sanscrit 
languages the root tab- or tap- signifies " to burn." Compare 
also the Latin tab-eo, tepidus, the Greek rlc^-os, the German 
thau-en, the new Persian tebiden, Sclavonian teplye, whence 
Tceplitz, " the hot baths," and the river Tepel at Karlsbad, 
the Oscan teforom (Tab. Agnon. vv. 17, 20), Etrusc. tephral 
(Orelli, 1384), &c. The same root may also appear in the Per- 
sian local names cited by Zeuss (die Deutschen, p. 286), namely 
Taftirivri between Caramania and Parthia, Ta/3mz/a an island on 
the coast of Persia, Tdwrj a city in Hyrcania, Tcwovpoi or 
Tatrovpeoi, people in Media and on the Imaus. 

ZeJs, or Zei)? Trartjp (Ju-piter), was called DaTraTo? or 
" the Father," 'a name by which he was known to the Latins 
also. The primary labial sounds are appropriated in all lan- 
guages to express the primary relation of parent and child. The 


children on whom Psammitichus tried his experiment (Herod. 
II. 2) first uttered the articulate sound fie-Kos, apparently the 
first labial followed by the first guttural ; and in some articu- 
lations, as well as in the order of our alphabet, this is the natural 
sequence. To this spontaneous utterance of the first labials to 
designate the parental relation and the primary necessities of 
infancy, I have referred elsewhere (A 7 . Crat. 262) ; and it 
seems to have struck Delitsch also (Isagoge, p. 131), when he 
speaks of those nouns " qus8 aboriginum instar sine verbi semine 
sponte provenerunt, velut 2N, DN, primi labiales balbutientis 
pueri, Sanscr. pi-tri, ma-tri, &c." The word 7ra.7raio<$ shows us 
very clearly the connexion between the Persian and Sarmatian 
languages ; for while in the Pehlevi, as Richardson tells us, (s. v. 
bub) " the name bdbd or bdb is given by way of excellence to 
express fire, which they worship as the father and principle of all 
things," we find Babai in Jornandes (cc. 54, 55) as the name of 
a Sarmatian king. According to Xenophon (Cyrop. VIII. 8, $ 24) 
the Persians distinguished between Jupiter and the Sun, and he 
also speaks of separate sacrifices to Vesta and Jupiter (Cyrop. I. 
6, $ 1, VII. 5, 57). But he may very well have confused be- 
tween the different ingredients in this worship of fire. 

The Scythian name for the goddess of the Earth is 'Airia. 
This word actually occurs in Greek, as the name of the country 
where the Pelasgians ruled : and the root Ap- or Op- is of fre- 
quent occurrence both in Greece and in Italy (Buttmann's 
Lexil. s. v., and above, Ch. I. 3). 

As the Scythian religion appears to have exhibited an ele- 
mentary character, we should expect that their Apollo would be 
" the god of the sun." And this seems to be the meaning of 
his name, as cited by Herodotus. Oiro-crvpos should signify 
" the light or life of the sun." The second part of the word 
at once refers us to the Sanscrit surya, which is also implied in 
the avpiov ap^a of JEschylus (Pers. 86. N. Crat. 473). The 
first two syllables may be explained as follows. After the loss 
of the digamma, the sound of w at the beginning of a word was 
often expressed by o : thus we have ''Oaos = Faf os ; "Caen?, 
with its modern equivalent el Wah ; the Persian interjection oa 
(^Eschyl. Pers. 116), which is doubtless the Greek representa- 
tive of the oriental exclamation wah ; the N. Test, ovai = iveh ; 
and the word oicrrpos, referring to the whizzing noise of the 




[On. II. 

gad-fly. Accordingly, OiTo-crvpos, pronounced Wito-suros, sig- 
nifies the Uita, Giro?, ATo-a, or life of the sun: comp. the 
Russian Vite, signifying " a portion ;" or if we prefer the 
cognate idea of light, we may compare the oiro- with alOtj, 
aiOos, uitta, weiss, "white," Egypt, wit, Copt, oeit, "to be white 
or brilliant," &c. As the aupiov ap^a seems to show that the 
Persian sun-god was sometimes known by a part of this 
Scythian name, we might be led to ask whether the Persian 
Mithras had not a representative in Scythia. Now we read not 
only that the Persians called the " Sun" Mithras (Strabo, p. 752: 
TifLuxji ce Toi>'HAtoi>, ov KoXov&L MiOpav), but also that the 
Persians gave the name of Mitra to the heavenly Venus (Herod. 
I. 131 : 67ri/*6/ua07/cacrf ce /cat TY\ Ovpavirj 0Jeti/, Trapd re 
'Acrcrvpiwv iiaOovTes /cat 'Apafiiwv. KCI\ overt ce 'Aaorvpioi 
'A(ppociTr]i> Mi/Atrra, 'Apdflioi ce 'AXtrra, Democrat $e 
From this it appears that the Persians had a pair of deities 
called Mithras and Mithra, and that the latter corresponded to 
the heavenly Venus. But the very dualism itself shows that she 
must have been a form of Artemis, the sister-goddess of Apollo, 
and therefore represented the moon. Thus Jul. Firmicus says (de 
Err. Prof. Relig. I. c. 5) : " hi itaque [Magi et Persse] Jovem in 
duas dividunt potestates, naturam ejus ad utriusque sexus trans- 
ferentes, et viri et feminse simulacra ignis substantiam deputan- 
tes." This pair of deities seems to be implied in the dual forms 
ahuraeibya mithraeibya in the Ya$na, which Burnouf translates 
(p. 351): "les deux seigneurs Mithras." But the most important 
authority for the present purpose is the inscription quoted by 
Zeuss (p. 289), from Gudii Inscr. Antiques, p. 56, 2, which 
should be read: 9EAI . 2EAHNHI . OITO2KYPAI . KAI. 
HAO RAMOS . NEQKOPO2 . A NEB. This shows that the 
epithet of the "sun" quoted as Scythian by Herodotus (with 
the mere change of ovc for cr to represent the sound sh : see 
Maskil le-Sopher, p. 8) is applicable to the moon as well as to 
the sun, and that Apollo- Oitosyrus was also Mithras. Now we 
know that ''A^re/zis was specially worshipped by the Persians; for 
Plutarch says (Vit. Lucull. c. 24): Il^oo-m ''Apre/jus yv ^oXiara 
Qeiov o\ Trepav ^v(pparov (3dp/3apoi -n/joJcrt, and her Persian 
name Zaprjns (Hesych.) was probably connected with Surya; 
but if she was, as this investigation has shown, also identical with 


the heavenly Venus or Mithra, we find her Greek name in ' 
TTorcra, the Scythian Venus : for, as we shall see, 'Ap-ri/u. is best 
explained out of the Scythian glosses, as "the virgin of the 
sea," and Tracra signifies " the queen." The noun was probably 
Persian also, for Artim-pasa occurs on two inscriptions found 
near Tusculum and probably of Persian origin (Zeuss, p. 290). 
It is by no means clear what were the attributes of the celestial 
Venus of the Scythians ; but her name thus explained corresponds 
exactly to the functions of JEuropa, the broad-faced moon, and to 
those of the 'A^re/uu? Tai/|007roX^. 

The Scythian name for Neptune may be explained with 
almost demonstrable certainty. The general observations on the 
Scythian language have shown that they preferred the tenuis to 
the aspirate. The word QanwacraSas must therefore have been 
pronounced Tami-masadas. Now, if we compare this word 
with the Scythian proper name Octa-masadas (Herod. IV. 80), 
we shall see that masadas must be the termination. In the 
Zend, or old Median language, Mazdas (connected with maz, 
" great "), signifies " a god," or " object of worship." So Or- 
muzd is called Ahura-mazdas, and a worshipper is termed 
Mazdayasna. Accordingly, Tami-masadas must mean " a god, 
or object of worship, with regard to Tami" When, therefore, 
we learn from Pliny, that Temarunda is equivalent to mater 
marts, we cannot doubt that Teme, or Tami, means " the sea," 
and that Tami-masadas^ or " Neptune," is, by interpretation, 
" the god of the sea." It does not appear that the second part 
of the name Temarunda is a distinct word in itself. It seems 
more probable that it is a feminine termination, analogous to that 
of Larunda. For Pliny says (VI. 7) ; "Scyth9e...vocant...Ma30- 
tim Temarundam, quo significant matrem maris." And as 
Mai$ri9, which seems to be another form of the Zend mate 
=matis, is stated by Herodotus (IV. 86) to mean jm^rtjp rov 
HOVTOV, it is more than probable that Temarunda is a qualifying 
epithet of Mceotis, and that it denotes maritima. The word 
Tama perhaps signifies "broad water;" for the river which 
is called the Is-is while it is narrow, becomes the Tam-is-is, or 
" Thames," when it begins to widen. That the name of a man, 
like Octa-masadas, should be significant of veneration will not 
surprise those who recollect the Scythian name Sparga-pises (the 
son of Tomyris, Herod. I. 211), or Sparga-pithes (a king of the 

4 2 


Agathyrsi, id. IV. 78), which seems to be equivalent to the 
Sanscrit Svarga-pati, " lord of heaven " sparga bearing the 
same relation to svarga that the Persian a$pa does to the 
Sanscrit a$ va ; and the Zend $pan, old Persian $paka, Sclavonian 
sabaka, to the Sanscrit $va ($vari), Greek 

12. Other Scythian Words explained. 

Leaving the names of divinities, we may turn to the scarcely 
less mythological Arimaspi. Herodotus says that they were a 
one-eyed people (ij.ouv6(f>0a\!JLoi), and that their name indicates 
as much api/ma yap ev KaXeovori ^KV0ai 9 CTTTOV $e TOV 6<p- 
9a\fji6v. Eustathitis (ad Dionys. 31) gives a different division 
of the compound, which Hartung would transfer to the text of 
Herodotus: apt /uey yap TO eu ^KvOiGTi, /uacrTro? oe o o0- 
9a\tJi6s. It appears to me that Herodotus is in error respecting 
the meaning of the word, and that the true explanation is to be 
sought in the epithet 'nnroftafjLwv, which ^Eschylus (Prom. 830) 
applies to this people : 

o^uoro/xous yap Zrjvbs aKpayets Kvvas 
TpvTras <pv\aai, TOV re fjiovvwTr 
'Apip-cHnrbv i7r7ro/3a/ioi/', 01 xpvcroppvTov 
oiKovcrw ap,<pl vap.a TlXovTcHvos Tropov. 

The position of the article before uouvco-rra shows that the words 
'Apifjiacnrov 'nnroflafjLova are to be taken in close connexion, and 
apart from the epithet jmovvwTra ; and I see in this fragment of 
symbolical mythology a trace of that Hyperborean sun-worship, 
which the Pelasgians brought from Media into Greece and Italy. 
For Arim-aspas is most naturally explained as Ahurim-a$pa, or 
Orim-a^pa, the " horse " or " horseman of light," thus explain- 
ing the term ITTTTO fidjucov, and the epithet /JLOVVU>\^ will refer to 
the circular disk which surmounted the head of the Sun-god, and 
so gave rise to a belief in Cyclopian or monophthalmic deities. 
With this view, the meaning of the fable is clear. The one-eyed, 
equestrian people dwelling in the Hyperborean regions, which are 
regarded as the inaccessible and ever-guarded sanctuary of the 
Sun, can only represent the Sun-god himself mounted on his 
heavenly courser (the aurvat a$pa t " cheval rapide," of the 
Ya$na: Burnouf, pp. cxxxiv. 371); and the.Gryfin, which 


Pursues the Arimaspian, who by stealth 
Had from his wakeful custody purloined 
The guarded gold 

is the Kf)/3-epo$ or 1TD, which vainly seeks to prevent the 
golden light of day from being borne to the southern regions by 
the horseman of light 1 . In a communication read before the 
Royal Asiatic Society in January 1851, I have pointed out a 
similar error of Herodotus respecting the horse of Darius and his 
groom Oibares ; and I have shown that, while this last name 
refers to the verb vyabara, or the noun asbara, which must 
have occurred in the original inscription, Darius, as in his other 
inscriptions, must have referred his power not to the ingenuity of 
a servant, but to the gracious help of Ahura-mazda, " the lord 
of light," and his celestial steed the Sun. 

Another compound, which may with equal facility be referred 
to the Indo-Germanic family of languages, is the name by which 
the Scythians designated the Amazons. OlopwaTa, according to 
Herodotus, is equivalent to avSpoKrovos oiop yap KaXe overt 
TOV avopa, TO ce ward, Kreiveiv. Now o'lop is clearly the 
Sanscrit vira, the Zend vairya, vira (Burnouf, Ya$na, p. 236), 
the Latin vir, Gothic vair-s, Welsh givyr, and the Lithuanian 
vyras. The root pat in Sanscrit does not signify primarily " to 
kill," but " to fall ;" though the causative form pdtyati constantly 
means " he kills ;" i. e. " causes to fall." It seems more pro- 
bable, however, that the Scythian articulation has substituted a 
tenuis for the v-sound, as in the case of sparga for svarga, men- 
tioned above, and that the verb is to be sought in the common 
Sanscrit root vadha, " to strike," " to kill," " to destroy." 

Pliny (Hist. Nat. VI. 17) tells us that the Scythian name 
for Mount Caucasus was Grau-casis, i. e. nive candidus. The 
first part of this word is clearly connected with gelu, glades, 
Kpuo?, K^oJ-crraXXos, kalt, cold, grau, and grey; and casis, 
" white," may be compared with cas-tus, cas-nar (senex Osco- 
rum lingua, Fest. ; cornp. Varro, L. L. VII. 29), canus, &c. 

1 Ariosto mixes up the horse of the Arimaspian with the Gryfin which 
pursued him, and in his joking way speaks of the composite animal as 
still extant in the northern regions : Orlando Fur. IV. 18 : 

chiamasi Ippogrifo, 
Che ne i monti Rifei vengon, ma rari. 


[On. II. 

In the tract about rivers, printed among Plutarch's Frag- 
ments, we have the following Scythian words, with interpreta- 
tions annexed. He does not translate dXivSa, which he describes 
as a sort of cabbage growing near the Tanais (c. XIV. 2) : we 
may compare the word with Temarunda. He tells us, however, 
that /3pi%d/3a means Kpiov /merwrrov (c. XIV. 4), that (j)pva 
is equivalent to /uiaoTrovripos (c. XIV. 5), and that dpd^a sig- 
nifies fjLiaoTrdpOevo? (c. XXIII. 2). Of these, /3pi% , " a ram," 
seems connected with berbex, verbix, or vervex. "A/3a is probably 
akin to caput, kapala, haupt, &c., the initial guttural having 
been lost, as in amo 9 Sanscr. kama-. We may compare a, 
4t to hate," with the German scheu, and the syllable <ppv (phru) 
in (ppv-^a probably contains the element of prav-us (comp. the 
German frevel). If this analysis of <f>pv-%a is right, and if 
dpa-^a really means fiicro-TrdpOevos, it follows that dpa means 
" a virgin." This leads us to some interesting deductions. In the 
first place, the Pelasgian goddess ''A/o-re/tus, Etrusc. Aritimis, 
Scyth. Ar-tim-pasa, receives an appropriate explanation from the 
Scythian language. For, as we have seen, temi or tami means 
" the sea," and thus'^-re/cus, as " the virgin of the sea," connects 
herself with Europa, the broad-faced moon-goddess, who crossed 
the sea on the back of a bull (see Kenrick on Herodotus, II. 44, 
p. 71), and so "A^o-re/cus ravpoTroXos becomes identical with 
'Ape-9ovcra, " the virgin swiftly moving," who passes under 
water from Elis to Syracuse. Again, the root of apa, " a virgin," 
seems unmistakeably connected with that of dp-rj$ 9 dpe-rri, dp- 
crrjv, denoting distinctive manliness. It may be doubtful whether 
the Scythian word evapees, " the unmanly," (Herod. I. 105) 
is compounded of a and nri, or of an- and ar. But it is clear that 
the root ar in the Indo- Germanic language was originally var, 
and the Scythian oiop, as we have just seen, is the Sanscrit vira. 
It is not at all improbable that the anlaut may have been dropt 
in the other word dpa, just as in ''Apr]?, "Ap-Te^K. At any rate 
there is no doubt as to the connexion between vir and virgo or 
virago : compare the synonyms Varro and Nero, wehren and 
nehrung ; &c. The mythology of Minerva and the etymology 
of castus may suffice to tell us how the ideas of protection, re- 
sistance, and virginity, are combined: and it is clear that the 
two former constitute the fundamental meaning of vir and d 
(N. Crat. 285). 


Herodotus (IV. 52) mentions a fountain the name of which 
was ^KvOia-Ti pelt 'Ea/u7ra7o9, Kara $e Ttjv'EXXrivwv yKwacrav, 
'Ipal o$oi. Hitter ( Vorhalle, p. 345) conjectures that the ori- 
ginal form of 'Eayu-7ral-os must have been Hexen-Pfad, i. e. 
Asen-Pfad, which he compares with Siri-pad, and which de- 
notes, he thinks, the sacred ominous road by which the Cim- 
merian Buddhists travelled towards the west. Bockh (Corpus 
Inscript. II. p. HI) supposes the right interpretation to be eiWa 
o$oi, so that efai> is "nine." The numeral "nine" is pre- 
served in a very mutilated state in all languages, both Semitic 
and Indo- Germanic, and it would not be difficult to point out a 
possible explanation of the word efaV, if the reading evvea 6$oi 
were really certain. But there is more reason to suppose that 
the other interpretation is correct, and that e^av corresponds to 
the Zend asja, aschavan, ashaun, ashaon, "holy," so that the 
termination will be the Persian pai, Zend pate, " a path," and 
the compound will correspond to the Persian Mah-pai, Satter- 
pai, and will denote " Holy-road" or Hali-dom : cf. the Persian 
names Berya-Tralos and Ba^a-TrctT^ (Zeuss, p. 295). 

This examination includes all the Scythian words which have 
come down to us with an interpretation ; and in all of them it 
has been shown that they are connected, in the signification 
assigned to them, with the roots or elements which we find in 
the Indo- Germanic languages generally, and especially in the 
Medo-Persian idioms. If we add this result of philology to the 
traditionary facts which have been recorded of the international 
relations of the Getse, Scytha3, Sauromatae, and Medes, we must 
conclude that the inhabitants of the northern side of the Euxine, 
who were known to the Greeks under the general name of Scy- 
thians, were members of the Indo- Germanic family, and not 
Mongolians, as Niebuhr has supposed 1 . 

13. Successive peopling of Asia and Europe : fate of the 

Mongolian race. 

The true theory with regard to the successive peopling of 
Asia and Europe seems to be the following 2 . Believing that 

1 Klelne Schriften, I. p. 361. 

2 The author's views are given in the New Cratylus (2nd Ed.) $ 64, sqq. 
and in the Transactions of the British Association for 1851, p. 138, sqq. 


[On. II. 

the human race originated in the table-land of Armenia 1 , I give 
the name of Central to the two sister-races, the Semitic and 

See also Winning's Manual, p. 124, sqq. Rask, uber das Alter und die 
Echtheit der Zend-Spraclie, p. 69, sqq., Hageu's Tr. And, for the affinity 
of the inhabitants of Northern Asia in particular, see Prichard on the 
Ethnography of High Asia (Journal of R. G. S. IX. 2, p. 192, sqq.). 

1 The general reasons for this opinion are given in the New Cratylus, 
64. But I am inclined to attach much more importance than some 
other ethnographers to the geography of Eden, as given in the book 
of Genesis ; and I believe that the first seats of the human race are 
strictly denned by the four rivers there mentioned. Delitsch, in his 
recent Commentary on Genesis (p. 101, sqq.)> has given a summary of all 
the leading views on the subject of these four rivers. In my opinion, the 
sacred writer wishes to indicate the immediate neighbourhood of the 
Caspian sea, a part of whose area may have corresponded originally to 
the once happy home of the family of man. At any rate, it is clear that 
physical changes hare taken place in this region, and the book of Genesis 
implies that Eden no longer exists. Be this as it may, there can be no 
doubt that the sacred writer directs our view to a district from which 
there is a divergence of four great rivers. It does not follow that they 
all rose in this country, but this is true of the two which we have no 
difficulty in identifying, namely, the .THE) or Euphrates, and the 7pin 

T : 'v v 

or Tigris. The sources of these rivers point to the south of Armenia, and 
as no other rivers of great consequence, or answering to the definitions of 
the book of Genesis, take their rise in this district, we are naturally led 
to seek the other two D s ttfJOj or main branches, in the two great rivers, 


the Oxus, and the Rlia or Wolga, which terminate in the Caspian sea, and 
by this enormous confluence form the boundary of Armenia on the side 
opposite to the sources of the other rivers. It is worthy of remark that 
Pliny (VI. 18) makes the Oxus rise in the lake or sea in which it now 
terminates ; and the same mode of speaking may be conceded to the sacred 
writer. Now it can be shown that the Oxus and the Wolga, which are the 
two greatest rivers in the district, the only two, in fact, which can be 
compared with the Tigris and Euphrates, answer exactly to the descrip- 
tion given of the pn 1 ^ and the jl'l^S}. With regard to the former, 

not only does the river Oxus bear the name of Jihon as well as Amoo, 

but the description tf}^ VIN^S .HK IIIDH can only apply to this 

v v T ..... 

river which ran from the mountains of India (Strabo, p. 510) through 
the lake of Aral into the Caspian, and so furnished a northern boundary 
to the whole of the country which the Hebrews called Gush. The name of 
the jitt^g), which signifies " water poured forth," or " over-flowing," corre- 
sponds to the meaning of Rha (peo>, &c.), and to the character of the Volga 
as described by its Tartar name Ethel, "the bountiful." The reasons. 


the Indo-Germanic, which formed themselves in Mesopotamia 
and Iran, and became the twin-mothers of human population, 
and the joint source and home of intellectual culture. To this 
central group, I oppose the Sporadic, as including all those 
nations and languages which were scattered over the globe by 
the first and farthest wanderers from the birth-place of our 
race. The process of successive peopling may be thus described. 
While the Indo-Germanic or Japhetic race was developing itself 
within the limits of Iran, and while the Semitic family was 
spreading from Mesopotamia to Arabia and Egypt, a great popu- 
lation of Tchudes, or Mongolians, Celts and Turanians, had ex- 
tended its migrations from the Arctic to the Indian Ocean, and 
from Greenland over the whole north of America, Asia, and 
Europe, even as far as Britain, France, and Spain. In propor- 
tion, however, as these Celto-Turanians were widely spread, so 
in proportion were they thinly scattered ; their habits were 
nomadic, and they never formed themselves into large or power- 
ful communities. Consequently, when the Iranians broke forth 
from their narrow limits, in compacter bodies, and with superior 
physical and intellectual organisation, they easily mastered or 
drove before them these rude barbarians of the old world ; and 
in the great breadth of territory which they occupied, the Tu- 
ranians have formed only four great and independent states 
the Mantchus in China, the Turks in Europe, and the Aztecs 
and the Peruvians in America. 

The student of ethnography must bear in mind some essential 
differences between the spread of those Sporadic tribes, which 
derived their origin from Iran, and to which the aboriginal popu- 
lation of Europe, Asia, and America is due, and those which 
emigrated from Mesopotamia and Arabia, and furnished a sub- 
stratum of dispersed inhabitants for Africa. For while the 

which led Reland, Rosemmiiller, and Raumer, to identify this river with 
the Phasis, apply with still greater force, if we go farther north, and seek 
their justification in the great stream which skirts the Ural mountains. 
The mineral wealth of this district is well known, and the fact, that the 
land of Chawildh is found also in Arabia, does not prevent us from 
identifying this name with that of the Chwalissi who dwelt on the west 
of the Ural by the Volga, and to whom the Caspian owes its modern 
Russian name of Chwalinskoye More. 




Sporadic Syro- Arabians in Africa exhibit, as we go farther from 
the center of their dispersion, a successive degeneration in the 
passage of the Aramaic languages from the Abyssinian to the 
Galla and Berber, from this again to the Caffre, from the Caffre 
to the Hottentot, and from the Hottentot to the clucking of the 
savage Bushman, and while there is no later infusion of civilized 
Semitic elements until the conquest of North Africa by the Arabs ; 
on the other hand, the Celto-Turanian tribes were overrun or 
absorbed at a very early period by successive or parallel streams 
of Sclavonians, Lithuanians, and Saxo-Goths, flowing freely and 
freshly from the north of Iran ; and the latest of these emigrants, 
the High-Germans, found many traces of similarity in the Celtic 
tribes with which they ultimately came in contact. Whatever 
might have been the degradation of the Ugro-Turanian races in 
those regions where they were most thinly scattered, it is obvious 
that the Scythia of Herodotus, which was the highway of the 
earliest march of Indo-Germanic migration into Europe, could 
not have been, as Niebuhr supposed, mainly peopled by a 
Tchudic or Mongolian stock. And though the name of S-colotce 
or Asa-Galatce, by which some of the Scythae called themselves, 
may be regarded as pointing to a Celtic or Turanian intermixture, 
the great mass of the hordes which dwelt to the north of the 
Euxine must have consisted of Indo-Germanic tribes who con- 
quered or ejected the Turanians; and I have no hesitation in 
referring these invaders, together with the Pelasgians of Greece 
and Italy, to different branches of the Sclavonian, Lithuanian, 
Saxo-Gothic, or generally Low Iranian stock. 

14. The Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin. 

It has been proved that the Sarmatians belonged to the parent 
stock of the Sclavonians ; and we find in the Sclavonian dialects 
ample illustrations of those general principles by which the Scy- 
thian languages seem to have been characterised. Making, then, 
a fresh start from this point, we shall find an amazing number of 
coincidences between the Sclavonian languages and the Pelas- 
gian element of Greek and Latin : most of these have been 
pointed out elsewhere l ; at present it is only necessary to call 

1 New Crat. 88. 


attention to the fact. So that, whichever way we look at it, we 
shall find new reasons for considering the Pelasgians as a branch 
of the great Sarmatian or Sclavonian race. The Thracians, Geta?, 
Scythaa, and Sauromataa, were so many links in a long chain 
connecting the Pelasgians with Media ; the SauromataB were at 
least in part Sclavonians ; and the Pelasgian language, as it 
appears in the oldest forms of Latin, and in certain Greek 
archaisms, was unquestionably most nearly allied to the Sclavo- 
nian : we cannot, therefore, doubt that this was the origin of the 
Pelasgian people, especially as there is no evidence or argument 
to the contrary. 

15. Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, fyc. 

But, to return to Italy, who were the old inhabitants of that 
peninsula? Whom did the Pelasgians in the first instance con- 
quer or drive to the mountains ? What was the origin of that 
hardy race, which, descending once more to the plain, subjugated 
Latium, founded Rome, and fixed the destiny of the world ? 

The Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, or Sabines for, in their 
historical appearances, we must consider them as only different 
members of the same family are never mentioned as foreigners. 
We know, however, that they must have had their Transpadane 
affinities as well as their Pelasgian rivals. It is only because 
their Celtic substratum was in Italy before the Pelasgians 
arrived there, that they are called aborigines. The difference 
between them and the Pelasgians is in effect this : in examining 
the ethnical affinities of the latter we have tradition as well 
as comparative grammar to aid us ; whereas the establishment 
of the Umbrian pedigree depends upon philology alone. 

16. Reasons for believing that they were the same race as 

the Lithuanians. 

Among the oldest languages of the Indo-Germanic family 
not the least remarkable is the Lithuanian, which stands first 
among the Sclavonian dialects 1 , and bears a nearer resemblance 
to Sanscrit than any European idiom. It is spoken, in different 

1 See Pott, Et. Forsch. I. p. xxxiii. and his Commentatio de Borusso- 
Liihuanicce tarn in Slavicis quam Letticis llnguis principatu. Halis Saxonum, 
1837 1841. 


dialects, by people who live around the south-east corner of the 
Baltic. One branch of this language is the old Prussian, which 
used to be indigenous in the Sam-land or " Fen-country" be- 
tween the Meinel and the Pregel, along the shore of the Curische 
Haf, and the Lithuanians are often called Samo-Getce or " Fen- 
Goths." Other writers have pointed out the numerous and strik- 
ing coincidences between the people who spoke this language and 
the Italian aborigines 1 . Thus the connexion between the Sabine 
Cures, Quirinus, Quirites, &c. and the old Prussian names Cures, 
Cour-land, Curische Haf, &c. has been remarked ; it has been 
shown that the wolf (hirpus), which was an object of mystic 
reverence among the Sabines, and was connected with many of 
their ceremonies and some of their legends, is also regarded 
as ominous of good luck among the Lettons and Courlanders ; the 
Sabine legend of the rape of the virgins, in the early history of 
Rome, was invented to explain their marriage ceremonies, which 
are still preserved among the Courlanders and Lithuanians, where 
the bride is carried off from her father's house with an appear- 
ance of force ; even the immortal name of Rome is found in the 
Prussian Romowo ; and the connexion of the words Roma, 
Romulus, ruma lupce, and ruminalis ficus, is explained by the 
Lithuanian raumu, gen. raumens, signifying "a dug" or "udder 2 ." 

1 Perhaps the oldest observation of this affinity is that which is 
quoted by Pott (Commentatio, I. p. 6), from a work published at Leyden 
in 1642 by Michalo Lituanus (in rep. Pol, &c. p. 246) : " nos Lithuani 
ex Italico sanguine oriundi sumus, quod ita esse liquet ex nostro sermone 
semi-latino et ex ritibus Romanorum vetustis, qui non ita pridem apud 
nos desiere, &c. Etenim et ignis (Lith. ugnis f.) et unda (wandu m.), 
aer (uras), sol (sdule) . . . unus (widnas) . . . et pleraque alia, idem significant 
Lithuano sermone quod et Latino." 

2 See Festus, pp. 266-8, Muller ; and Pott, Etymol. Forsch. II. p. 283. 
According to this etymology, the name Romanus ultimately identifies it- 
self with the ethnical denomination Hirpinus. The derivation of the word 
Roma is, after all, very uncertain ; and there are many who might prefer 
to connect it with Q-roma, the name given to the forum, or point of inter- 
section of the main streets in the original Roma quadrata, which was also, 
by a very significant augury, called mundus (see Festus, p. 266 ; Dionys. 

I. 88 ; Bunsen, Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom, III. p. 81 ; and below, Ch. VII. 6). 
The word groma or gruma, however, is not without its Lithuanian affini- 
ties. I cannot agree with Muller (Etrusk. II. p. 152), Pott (Etym. Forsch. 

II. 101), and Benfey (Wurzel-Lexikon, II. p. 143), who follow the old 


Besides these, a great number of words and forms of words in the 
Sabine language are explicable most readily from a comparison 
with the Lithuanian ; and the general impression which these 
arguments leave upon our mind is, that the Latins and Sabines 
were of the same race as the Lithuanians or old Prussians. 

$ 17. Further confirmation from etymology. 

Let us add to this comparison one feature which has not yet 
been observed. The Lithuanians were not only called by this 
name 1 , which involves both the aspirated dental th and the vo- 
calised labial u, but also by the names Livonian and Lettonian^ 
which omit respectively one or other of these articulations. Now 
it has been mentioned before, that the name of the Latins ex- 
hibits the same phenomenon ; for as they were called both Latins 
and Lavines, it follows that their original name must have been 
Latuinians, which is only another way of spelling and pro- 
nouncing Lithuanians. If, therefore, the warrior-tribe, which 
descended upon Latium from Reate and conquered the Pelasgians, 
gave their name to the country, we see that these aborigines were 
actually called Lithuanians ; and it has been shown that they and 
the Sabines were virtually the same stock. Consequently, the 
old Prussians brought even their name into Italy. And what 
does this name signify? Simply, "freemen 2 ;" for the root 

grammarians, and connect this word with the Greek yi/cS/za, 71/0^77, 
it is much more reasonable to suppose, with Klenze (Abhandl. p. 135, 
note), that it is a genuine Latin term; and I would suggest that it may 
be connected with grumus, Lithuan. kruwa, Lettish kraut : comp. Kpoapa^ t 
K\(, globus, gleba, &c. The name may hare been given to the point 
of intersection of the main via and limes, because a heap of stories was 
there erected as a mark (cf. Charis. I. p. 19). Even in our day it is 
common to mark the junction of several roads by a cross, an obelisk, or 
some other erection ; to which the grumus, or " barrow," was the first 
rude approximation. If so, it may still be connected with ruma ; just as 
/zoo-Toy signifies both "a hillock" and "a breast;" and the omission of the 
initial g before a liquid is very common in Latin, comp. narro with yvupifa, 
nosco with yiyveoo-Ko), and norma with yvcfyipor* 

1 The known forms of the name are Litwa, Lietuwa, Litauen, Lietu- 
wininkas, Air/Sot, Lethowini, Lituini, Letwini, Lethuini, Lettowii, Litwani, 
Letthones, and Letthi. 

2 By a singular change, the name of the kindred Sclavonians, which 
in the oldest remains of the language signifies either " celebrated," " illus- 



[On. II. 

signifying " free," in all the European languages consisted of I- 
and a combination of dental and labial, with, of course, a vowel 
interposed. In most languages the labial is vocalised into u, and 
prefixed to the dental ; as in Greek e-XevQe-pos, Lithuan. liau- 
Germ, leute, &C. 1 In the Latin liber the labial alone re- 

Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and 
Lithuanians in Italy and elsewhere. 



The name of the Umbrians, the most northerly of the indi- 
genous Italians, leads to some other considerations of great im- 
portance. It can scarcely be doubted that in their northern as 
well as their southern settlements the Lithuanians were a good 
deal intermixed with Celto-Finnish tribes in the first instance, 
and subjected to Sclavonian influences afterwards. That this was 
the case with the Lithuanians, we learn from their authentic and 
comparatively modern history. The proper names cited by Zeuss 
(p. 229) show that there was a Celtic ingredient in the popula- 
tion of Raetia and Noricum. It appears, too, that in Italy there 
was a substratum of Celts before the Lithuanians arrived there ; 
this is expressly recorded of the Umbrians by M. Antonius and 
Bocchus (apud Solin. c. 2.) and by Servius (ad Virg. ^Eneid. XII. 
753), and the fact is clearly indicated by the name of the country, 
Umbria, and its principal river Umbro. If the oldest inhabit- 
ants of this country were Celtic, they must have been an offshoot 
of the Celtic race which occupied the contiguous district of Ligu- 

trious" (from $lava, "glory," root pfot, Sanscr. prw, Gr. K\V-I see 'Safafik, 
and Palacky's ^Eltest. Denkm. der B'dhm. Spr. pp. 63, 140), or " intelligibly 
speaking," as opposed to barbarian (from slovo, " a word "), has furnished 
the modern designation of "a slave," esclave, schiavo. The Bulgarians, 
whom Gibbon classes with the Sclavonians (VII. p. 279, ed. Milman), 
have been still more unfortunate in the secondary application of their 
name (Gibbon, X. p. 177). 

1 Dr Latham says (Germania of Tacitus, Epilegom. p. cxi.) : " the root 
L-t = people is German (Leute), yet no one argues that the Lat-ins, Lith- 
uanians, and a host of other populations, must, for that reason, be German." 
If the people called themselves by this name, it may be fairly inferred 
that it was to them a significant term, and may therefore be taken 
as a mark of affinity : no Indo-Germanic philologer will deny that the 
Lithuanians and Germans were cognate races. 


ria. Now not only are the Ambrones said to have been a Celtic 
race (Ambrones, says Festus, fuerunt gens qumdam Gallica), 
but this was also the generic name of the Ligurians (cr<a9 yap 
avrovs OVTWS ovo/ma^ovcn Kara yet/os Aiyves, Plut. Vit. Marii, 
c. XIX.). Whatever weight we may attach to the statement in 
Festus, that they were driven from their original settlements by 
an inundation of the sea, we cannot fail to see the resemblance 
between the name of the Ambrones and that of the river Umbro ; 
and no Englishman is ignorant that the North-umbrians are so 
called with reference to an Ymbra-land through which the river 
Humber flowed. Dr Latham ( Tac. German. Epilegoin. p. ex.) has 
suggested a connexion between a number of different tribes which 
bore names more or less resembling this, and he thinks that there 
is some reference in this name to the settlement of the race 
bearing it near the lower part of some river. Thus the Am- 
brones seem to have been on the Lower Rhine, the Umbri on the 
Lower Po, the Cumbrians of Cumberland on the Solway, and 
the Gambrivii and Si-gambri on the Lower Rhine. Dr Latham 
also conjectures that Humber may be the Gallic and East British 
form of the Welsh Aber and the Gaelic Inver=" mouth of a 
river." It appears to me that the Sigambri and Gambrivii 
belonged to a German, not to a Celtic stock, and I am disposed 
to refer the name of Cumber-land to the form Cymmry. Nor 
do I think it reasonable to suppose that Umber or Ambro is a 
dialectical variety of Aber or Inver. But whether we are or are 
not to connect the word with amhainn or amhna, " a river," 
found in Gar-umna, it cannot be doubted that the name of Um- 
bria points to a continuous population of Ligurians or Ambrones 
extending from the Cottian Alps to the Tiber ; and there is every 
reason to believe that this was only part of a Celtic population 
which occupied originally the three peninsulas of Greece, Italy, 
and Spain, together with the great islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and 
Corsica. The first inhabitants of Spain and Sicily are called 
Iberians by every ancient writer, and they are identified with 
the Sicanians ; and Philistus must have referred to these when 
he said that the Sicilians were Ligurians who had been driven 
southwards by the Umbrians and Pelasgians (Dionys. Hal. I. 22), 
meaning of course the Low-German and Sclavonian tribes, who 
subsequently occupied north Italy. With regard to Greece, there 
is no reason why the Leleges, whom we have other grounds for 


[Cn. II. 

considering as Celtic, should not be regarded as exhibiting the 
name of the Ligyes with that reduplication of the initial I- which 
is so universal in Welsh 1 . 

19. The Sarmatce probably a branch of the Lithuanian 


If it is necessary to go one step farther, and identify this 
Lithuanian race with some one of the tribes which form so many 

1 Professor F. W. Newman, in his little work entitled Regal Rome, 
maintains that the old languages of Italy, especially the Umbrian and 
Sabine, contained a striking predominance of Celtic ingredients, and he 
wishes to show that this is still evident even in the Latin of Cicero. 
His proof rests on vocabularies (pp. 19 26), especially in regard to the 
military, political, and religious words, which he supposes that the Romans 
derived from the Sabines (p. 61). With regard to these lists I have to 
observe, that while all that is valid in the comparison merely gives the 
Indo-Germanic affinities of the Celtic languages a fact beyond dispute 
Mr. Newman has taken no pains to discriminate between the marks of 
an original identity of root, and those words which the Celts of Britain 
derived from their Roman conquerors. In general, Mr. Newman's 
philology is neither solid nor scientific. It is not at all creditable to a 
professed student of languages to compare the participial word cliens 
(die-nt-s) with the Gaelic clann, cloinne, "children." If anything is certain 
about the former, it is clear that it contains the verb-root cli- or clu- with a 
merely formative termination in nt, which does not belong to the root. 
Again, when every one knows the Latin meaning of tripudiiim, referring 
to the triple ictus, what is the use of deriving it from the Gaelic tir 
" earth," and put " to push ?" If quir-i[t]-s with a regular Indo-Germanic 
ending, is naturally derived from quiris "a spear," what miserable ety- 
mology it is to compare the former with curaidh " a champion," from cur 
"power," and the latter with coir "just, honourable, noble." And all 
regard for simple reasoning is neglected by a writer, who analyses augur = 
avi-ger into the Gaulish auca " a bird," and the Welsh cur " care." I am 
influenced only by a regard for the interests of sound learning when I 
express the strong feelings of dissatisfaction with which I have read most 
of Mr. F. W. Newman's books. With great natural abilities and the 
power of giving a specious and plausible representation of the views which 
he adopts, his self-reliance has led him to attempt a wide and very 
important range of subjects, with very inadequate preparation for their 
proper discussion ; and thus in history, philology, biblical criticism, and 
political economy, he has contrived to exhibit himself as a rash and 
mischievous writer, and has done considerable damage to the good cause 
of independent thought and original investigation. 


links of the chain between Media and Thrace, it would be only ^ 
reasonable to select the Sauromatce, whose name receives its in- 
terpretation from the Lithuanian language (Szaure-Mateni, i. e. 
"Northern Medes"). The SauromataB and the ScythaB were 
undoubtedly kindred tribes; but still there were some marked 
differences between them, insomuch that Herodotus reckons the 
Sarmatse as a separate nation. Between the Pelasgians and the 
Umbrians, &c., there existed the same affinities, with similar dif- 
ferences ; and the fairest conclusion seems to be this, that as the 
Latins or Lithuanians were a combination of Gothic and Sclavo- 
nian ingredients, so were the Sauromatse ; that as the indigenous 
tribes of Italy were pure Gothic, mixed with Celtic, so were the 
ScythaB or Asa-Goths. At the same time it must be remarked, 
that the term Sarmatian has a wider as well as a narrower signi- 
fication. In its more extended meaning it is synonymous with 
Sclavonian, and therefore includes the Pelasgians. In its nar- 
rower use, it is expressive of that admixture of Sclavonian and 
Low-German elements which characterizes the Lithuanian or 
Samo-Getic languages, and in which the Sclavonian is so predo- 
minant that the Gothic element is almost overpowered. Revert- 
ing to the Asiatic settlements of these races, we may say, as 
we pass from West to East across the northern frontiers of the 
plateau of Iran, that the true Sclavonians extended from the 
borders of Assyria to those of Hyrcania and Parthia ; that they 
there abutted on the debateable land or oscillating boundary-line 
between the Sclavonian and Gothic races, and so became Massa- 
Getas or Lithuanians ; and that the Sacse, Saxons, or genuine 
Gothic and Low-German tribes, the Daci, Danes, and Northmen 
of Europe, occupied Sogdiana to the banks of the laxartes. If 
we suppose, what we have a right to suppose, that this line was 
preserved as the march of emigration wheeled round the north of 
the Caspian the Sclavonians to the left, the Lithuanians in the 
centre, and the pure Goths to the right, we shall have a simple 
explanation of all the facts in the ethnography of Eastern Europe. 
For these are still the relative positions of the different races. 
The right wing becomes in the course of this geographical evolu- 
tion the most northerly or the most westerly, while the left wing 
or pivot of the movement becomes most southerly or most easterly, 
and the centre remains between the two. Thus the pure Low- 
Germans and the Lithuanians never come into Greece, which 




[On. II. 

is peopled by the Sclavonians. Lithuanian and Sclavonian are 
mingled in Italy. But although, as we shall see, a branch of the 
pure Gothic invaded that peninsula, it felt, to the end of its early 
history, that it had approached a distinct line of demarcation 
wherever it touched, without Lithuanian intervention, on the 
borders of pure Sclavonism. 

20. Gothic or Low-German affinities of the ancient 
Etruscans shown by their ethnographic opposition to the 

This brings us to the crowning problem in Italian ethnogra- 
phy, the establishment of the foreign affinities of the ancient 
Etruscans. Wherever the advancing tide of Sclavonian emigra- 
tion came to a check before the established settlements of a 
purely Gothic or Low-German tribe, wherever, consequently, 
the Sclavonians felt a need for a distinctive appellation, we find 
that they called themselves Serbs, Sorbs, or Servians, a name 
apparently denoting their agricultural habits, or else Slow-jane, 
Slow-jene, or Sclavonian, a name implying, according to the 
most recent interpretation, that they opposed their own language 
as intelligible to the foreign jargon of their neighbours. By 
these names they were known in the distant lands to which the 
wars of the ninth and tenth centuries transported them as cap- 
tives ; and as a foreign and barbarous slave was a Scythian in the 
older days of Athens, a Davus or Dacian and a Geta or Goth 
in the later comedies, so all prisoners were called indifferently 
Slave or Syrf, a circumstance which proves the identity and 
prevalence of these national designations. But while these were 
the names which the Sclavonians assumed on their own western 
boundary-lines, and by which they were known in foreign coun- 
tries, they received the name of Wends, Winiden, O. H. G. 
Winidd, A. S. Veonodas, from the Gothic tribes on whom they 
immediately abutted. By this name, or that of Finns, which is 
merely a different pronunciation, the Goths of the north desig- 
nated their eastern neighbours, whether of Sclavonian or Turanian 
race. By this name the Saxons distinguished the Sclavonians in 
Lusatia. The traveller's song in the Codex Exoniensis expressly 
opposes the Goths to the Wineds wherever found; "I was," 
says the author (vv. 113, sqq.) "with Huns and with Hreth- 
Goths, with Swedes and with South-Danes, with Wends I was 


and with Wserns, and with Wikings, with Gefths I was and with 
Wineds" Although the strong but narrow stream of High- Ger- 
man conquest disturbed the continuous frontier of the Sclavonian 
and Low-German tribes, we find, as late as Charlemagne's time, 
that Sclavonians were recognized in central Germany under the 
designations of Moinu-winidi and Ratanz-winidi, from the names 
of the rivers which formed their geographical limits. The same 
denomination was applied in much earlier times to the Sclavo- 
nians settled in Bavaria, who were called the Vinde-lici, or 
Wineds settled on the Licus or Lech. Farther east on the 
Danube the March-field furnished another boundary to the Scla- 
vonians, whose city there was called Vind-o-bonum. We must of 
course admit the same term in the name of the Veneti at the 
head of the Adriatic. And thus we trace this distinctive appel- 
lation from Scandinavia to the north of Italy, in a line nearly 
corresponding to the parallel of longitude. The ethnographic 
importance of the name Wined can scarcely be overrated : for it 
not only tells us that the tribes to the east of the line upon 
which it is found were generally pure Sclavonian, but it tells us 
as plainly that the tribes to the west, who imposed the name, were 
equally pure branches of the Gothic, Saxon, or Low-German 
race. Indeed, the latter fact is more certain than the former. 
For if, as I believe, the term Wined merely indicates, in the 
mouth of a Low-German, the end or wend-ipoint of his distinctive 
territory, our inference must be that whatever the Wineds were, 
they indicated the boundary-line of some branch of the Gothic 
race. Now we have such a boundary line in Bavaria ; therefore 
the Rcetians who faced the Vindelici or Lech - Wineds were 
Low-Germans. We have a similar line in the north of Italy ; 
therefore there must have been Low-Germans in opposition and 
contiguity at the western frontier of the Veneti or Wineds on the 
Po. But we have seen that the Etruscans, properly so called, 
were Rcetians, who at one time occupied a continuous area 
stretching from western Germany across the Tyrol into the plains 
of Lombardy. It follows therefore, as an ethnographical fact, 
that the Etruscans must have been a Low- German, Gothic, or 
Saxon tribe. 



[On. II. 

21. Reasons for comparing the old Etruscan with the 

Old Norse. 

These combinations would be sufficient, if we had nothing 
else, to establish primd facie the Gothic affinities of the old 
Etruscans. But they are only the first step in a cumulative 
argument, which, when complete, raises our conclusion to the 
rank of a philological demonstration. Some of the details must 
be reserved for the chapter on the Etruscan language ; but the 
general effect of the reasoning shall be given here. 

If the ancient Etruscans were Low-Germans, they must 
present the most striking marks of resemblance when they are 
compared with the oldest and least alloyed branches of that 
family. In the center of Europe the Low-German element was 
absorbed by the High-German, and the latter became a qualifying 
ingredient in all the Teutonic tribes of the mainland, who were 
not similarly affected by Sclavonism. As I have elsewhere sug- 
gested (New Crat. 78), the Lithuanians were Low-Germans 
thoroughly Sclavonized ; the Saxons or Ingcevones were Low- 
Germans untainted by Sclavonism, and but slightly influenced by 
High- Germanism ; the Franks or Isccevones were Low-Germans 
over whom the High-Germans had exercised considerable control ; 
and the Thuringians or Herminones were pure High-Germans, in 
the full vigour of their active opposition to the tribes among 
which they had settled. For Low-German unaffected by any 
qualifying element we must go to the Scandinavian or Norse 
branch of the race, which contains the Danish, Swedish, Nor- 
wegian, Faroic, and Icelandic tribes. The oldest or standard 
form of the languages spoken by these tribes is the Old Norse or 
Icelandic, which not only exists as a spoken tongue, but is also 
found in a very flourishing and ancient literature. The present 
inhabitants of Iceland trace their descent from emigrants who 
settled there in the ninth century ; and from circumstances con- 
nected with their isolated position the language has remained the 
unaltered representative of the oldest known form of Scandinavian 
or pure Gothic. It is therefore with this Old Norse or Icelandic, 
the language of the Sagas and Runes, that we must compare 
the old Etruscan, if we wish to approximate to the common 
mother of both, on the hypothesis that they are both traceable to 
the same stock. But the reader must from the first be guarded 


against the ridiculous idea that I identify the Etruscan with 
the Icelandic. The proposition which I maintain is this : that 
the Icelandic in the uncultivated north represents in the ninth 
century of our a?ra the language of a race of men, who might 
have claimed a common pedigree with those Raeto-Etruscans of the 
south, who became partakers in the Pelasgian civilization about 
1600 years before that epoch. Moreover the Icelandic or Old 
Norse remains pure to the last, whereas the Etruscan is from the 
first alloyed by an interpenetration of Umbrian and Pelasgian 
ingredients. Consequently, it will justify all our reasonable 
expectations, if we find clear traces of the Old Norse in the dis- 
tinctive designations of the Etruscans, that is, in those names 
which they imported into Italy, and if we can make the Scandi- 
navian languages directly available for the explanation of such of 
their words and phrases as are clearly alien from the other old 
idioms of Italy. This, and more than this, I shall be able to do. 

22. Old Norse explanations of Etruscan proper names. 

It has been shown in the preceding chapter that the con- 
querors of the Umbrians and Tyrrheno-Pelasgians in Northern 
Italy called themselves Ras-ena. Niebuhr has suggested that 
this word contains the root ras- with the termination -ena 
found mJPors-ena, &c., and I have hinted that the same root 
is found in the distinctive designation of this race, Et-rus-ci or 
Het-rus-ci, which presumes an original Het-rusi, whence Het- 
rur-ia for Het-rusia. The old Norse will tell us the meaning 
both of the root and of the prefix : for in Icelandic hetia is " a 
warrior, hero, or soldier," and in the same language ras implies 
rapidity of motion, as at rasa, " to run." So that Ras-ena and 
Het-rusi imply a warrior-tribe, distinguished by their sudden 
onset and rapid career. Thus a warrior is Trovers co/cJs, predaceous 
animals are Owes, and the old Scandinavian pirates have left the 
eagle or the war-galley on the armorial bearings of those families 
which claim a descent from them, as an indication of the same 
characteristic. This would be admitted as a reasonable con- 
jecture even if it had nothing else to recommend it. However, 
it does so happen that we have a distinct record of a migratory 
conquest by the Scandinavians in the heart of Europe rather 
before the colonization of Iceland, in which they called themselves 
by the same name as these Rasena or Het-rus-i. It has been 



[On. II. 

shown by Zeuss (die Deutschen, pp. 547, sqq.) that the language 
of these conquerors, who descended the Dnieper, the Volga, and 
the Don, was old Norse, and that their leader Chacan bears the 
Norse name Hakon ; and Symeon Magister, who wrote A. D. 
1140, has given the same Scandinavian explanation of their name 
Has, which I have suggested for Ras-ena ; for he says (Scriptor. 
post Theophan. ed Paris, p. 490): o\ Pois ol Kal Apofurcu 
XeyofjLevoi, " the Ros who are called the racers or runners ;" 
and (p. 465) : Po5s oe ol AJOO/JUTCU fyepwvvnoi opofuTai $e diro 
TOV o^ecos Tpe^eiv avrois Trpoaey, " the Ros are called 
the runners, and they are so called from the rapidity of their 
motion 1 ." Here the conjecture, which I proposed to the British 
Association, is confirmed by an authority subsequently observed: 
and no one will deny the obvious value of this corroboration. 
It may therefore be laid down as a matter of fact that the 
distinctive ethnical designation of the old Etruscans is Scandina- 
vian ; and we shall see that their mythological or heroic names 
are explicable in the same way. Niebuhr remarked, without 
attaching any importance to the observation, that there was a 
singular resemblance between the Scandinavian mythology and 
that of the Etruscans : " according to their religion, as in that 
of the Scandinavians, a limit and end was fixed to the life even 
of the highest gods" (H. R. I. note 421). Now in the Scan- 
dinavian mythology there is no name more prominent than that 
of Thor or Tor, and this prefix is a certain indication of the 
presence of the Northmen in any country in which it is found. 
Hickes says : " Prsep. Thor vel Tor in compositis denotat diffi- 
cultatem, arduitatem, et quid efficiendi molestiam, pessumdans 
significationem vocis cui prseponitur, ut in Tor-cere ' annonsa 
difficultas et caritas,' Tor-fcera, ' iter difficile et impeditum,' Tor- 
feiginn, ( acquisitu difficilis,' Tor-gcetu, ' rarus nactu,' &c. Ex 
quibus constat, ut nomen deastri Tyr veterum septentrionalium 

1 Zeuss suggests that the original old Norse form was Rcesar from 
the sing. Rcesir = dpopirijs = cursor. He asks : " gehort hieher auch Rcesir 
in den Liedern haiifiges Synonymum fur Kontingr, etwa der Schnelle, 
Edle f" and quotes Skaldskaparm. p. 191, for Rcesir as a man's name. The 
name Ros or Rus, as applied to the Scandinavians, is presumed in the 
designation P-rusi po-Rus-i "adjoining the Ros:" cf. Po-morani, "the 
dwellers on the sea" (po-more). 


Mercurii in compositione gloriam, laudem, et excellentiam 
denotet : sic nomen idoli T/wr euphonice Tor eorum Jovis et 
fferculis, qui cum malleo suo omnia domuit et superavit, in com- 
positione significat et insinuat difficultatem quasi Herculeam vel 
rem adeo arduam et difficilem, ut Thori opem posceret, qua 
superari quiret." The lexicographer has here confused between 
the name of the god Thor (Grimm, D. M. p. 146, et passim) 
and a prefix equivalent to the Sanscrit dur- Greek Sucr- (N. Crat. 
180). But whatever may be the true explanation of this 
initial syllable, there can be no doubt that it belongs to the 
oldest and most genuine forms of the Low- German languages ; 
and when we find the name Tar-chon or Tar-quin among the 
mythical and local terms of the ancient Etruscans, we cannot 
but be struck by the old Norse character impressed upon them. 
We at once recognise the Scandinavian origin of the town of 
Thor-igny in the north-west of Normandy, where the termina- 
tion is the same as that of many towns in the same district, as 
Formigny, Juvigny, &c., and corresponds to the Danish ter- 
mination -inge, as Bellinge, Helsinge, &c. (Etienne Borring, 
sur la limite meridionale de la Monarchic Danoise. Paris, 
1849, p. 9). It is worthy of remark that the word ing-, which 
is appropriated by the Ing-cevones, Ang-li, Engl-lish y and other 
Low-German tribes, seems to signify "a man" or "a warrior" 
(Grimm, D. M. I, p. 320), and as quinna is the Icelandic for 
mulier, Tor-ing and Tar-quin might be antithetical terms ; and 
the latter would find a Low-German representative in Tor-quil. 
The other mythical name of the old Etruscans, which comes in 
close connexion with Tar-quin, is Tana-quil; and Tar-quin 
or Tor-quil and Tana-quil might represent a pair of deities 
worshipped at Tarquinii, the plural name of which indicates, 
like Athence and Thebce, the union of two communities and two 
worships, the Pelasgian Tina or Tana, i. e. Janus, being placed 
on an equal footing with the Scandinavian Thor. This is in- 
verted in the tradition which weds the Greek Demaratus to the 
indigenous Tana-quiL At any rate, we cannot but be struck 
with the Scandinavian sound of Tana-quil, which reminds us of 
Tana-quisl, the old Norse name of the Tanais, which, although 
the name of a river, is feminine (Grimm, D. Gr. III. p. 385). 

These coincidences become the more striking, when we re- 
member that we are comparing the old Norse, of which we know 


[Cii. II. 

nothing before the eighth century of our sera, with the old 
Etruscan, which flourished nearly as many centuries before the 
birth of Christ. And when we add to all these evidences of 
direct history, ethnography, and mythology, the fact, which will 
be exhibited in a subsequent Chapter, that the Scandinavian 
languages supply an immediate and consistent interpretation of 
those parts of the Etruscan inscriptions which are otherwise 
inexplicable, no reasonable man will refuse to admit that the 
linguistic and ethnological problem suggested by the old inha- 
bitants of Etruria has at length received the only solution, which 
is in accordance with all the data, and in harmony with the 
nature and extent of the materials and with the other conditions 
of the case. 

$ 23. Contacts and contrasts of the Semitic and the 


It appears that the original settlements of the Sclavonian 
race were in that part of Northern Media which immediately 
abuts on Assyria, and therefore on the cradle of the Semitic 
family 1 . From this we should expect that the Sclavonian dia- 

1 It can scarcely be necessary to point out the difference between the 
ethnological argument by which I have traced the Pelasgo-Sclavonians to 
an original settlement in the immediate vicinity of upper Mesopotamia, 
and Mrs. Hamilton Gray's conjectural derivation of the JKasena from. Resen 
on the Tigris (History of Etruria, I. pp. 21, sqq.). To say nothing of the 
fact that I do not regard the Rasena as Pelasgian, I must observe that it 
is one thing to indicate a chain of ethnical affinities which extended itself 
link by link through many centuries, and another thing to assume a direct 
emigration from Resen to Egypt, and from Egypt to Etruria. The hypo- 
thesis of an Egyptian origin of the Etruscans is as old as the time of Bo- 
narota, but we know enough of the Semitic languages to be perfectly aware 
that the Rasena did not come immediately from Assyria or Egypt. Be- 
sides, if this had been the case, they would have retained the name of 
their native Resen until they reached Italy. In tracking the High- Germans 
and Hellenes from Caramania to Greece and central Europe, we find in 
the dry-bed of history continuous indications of their starting-point and 
route (New Cratylus, 92). And the Sauro-matce preserve in all their 
settlements a name referring to their "Median home." But Mrs. Gray's 
Rasena forget their native Resen in the alluvial plains of Egypt, and mi- 
raculously recover this ethnographical recollection in Umbria and among 
the Apennines. This is not in accordance with observed facts. Wan- 
dering tribes call themselves by the name of their tutelary hero, or by 


lects would furnish us with the point of transition from the Indo- 
Germanic to the Semitic languages ; and an accurate examination 
of the question tends to show that this expectation is well founded. 
But etymological affinities may exist by the side of the greatest 
contrast in regard to the state or condition of two languages ; 
and thus we find that, while the Semitic and Sclavonian come 
very close in etymology, they are unlike in syntactical develop- 
ment in those points which most distinguish the Sclavonian from 
other Indo-Germanic idioms. As I have elsewhere discussed 
this subject at sufficient length 1 , I shall here only recapitulate 
the general results of the inquiry. (1) The salient points of 
resemblance between the etymological structure of the Semitic 
and Sclavonian languages are (a) a number of common words 

which are more or less peculiar to both: as 2iZD dhob, jiJ 
debr, " good," compared with the Russian dob-ro ; ":J*VT derek, 
~ j derej, "a road," compared with the Russian doroga, 
biT"]! gd'dol, "great," compared with the Russian dolgie, &c. ; 
(6) a tendency to the agglutination of concrete structures in 
both. If roots were originally monosyllabic, the triliteral roots 
of the Semitic languages cannot be otherwise accounted for than 
by supposing that they are pollarded forms of words consisting 
of monosyllabic roots combined with a prefix, affix, or both. As 
then the Sclavonian languages exhibit words in this state of 
accretion, and as the Semitic petrefactions would most naturally 
emanate from this state, we must reckon this among the proofs 
of their etymological affinity ; (c) the correspondences furnished 
by the comparative anatomy of the Semitic and Sclavonian verb. 

some significant epithet applicable either to themselves or to their original 
country, and they keep this throughout their progress. There is no 
parallel to Mrs. Gray's assumed fact, that a body of men set forth from a 
great city, lost their name on the route, and resumed it in their ulterior 
settlements. On the whole, I must designate the conjecture about Resen 
as a lady-like surmise ; very imaginative and poetical ; but representing 
rather the conversational ingenuity of the drawing-room than the well- 
considered criticism of the library. On the contacts between the Semitic 
and Sclavonian tribes in their original settlements, the reader may consult 
the authorities quoted by Prichard, Natural History of Man, p. 142, and 
Mill, Myth. Interpr. of Luke, p. 66, note. 

1 Report of the British Association for 1851, pp. 146, sqq. 


[On. II. 

We find in both a parsimony of tense forms by the side of a 
lavish abundance of derived or conjugational forms; (d) the 
complete coincidence of the Semitic and Sclavonian languages in 
regard to their unimpaired development of the original sibilants ; 
for it is only in these languages that we find the three sounds 
of gain and zemlja, of tsade and tsi, of $amech and slovo : and 
while the formation of palatals has proceeded to its full extent 
in Sclavonian and Arabic, the permanence of the pure sibilant 
in Hebrew is shown by the fact, that, with a full array of 
breathings, there is no diminution in the use of the sibilants in 
anlaut or as initials. (2) The most striking difference between 
the Semitic and Sclavonian languages and it is one which marks 
the earliest of the former no less than the most modern repre- 
sentatives of the latter consists in the fact, that while the Semitic 
languages are all in a syntactical condition, having lost most of 
their inflexions, and exhibiting all the machinery of definite 
articles, prepositional determinatives of the oblique cases, and 
other uses of particles to compensate defects of etymological 
structure, the Sclavonic languages have never arrived at this 
syntactical or logical distinctness, and have never abandoned their 
formative appendages and the other symptoms of etymological 
life and activity. These differences are due to the fact that 
while the Sclavonic tribes have remained pure up to the present 
time, and have been remarkable for their slow adoption of the 
art of writing and their inferior literary cultivation, the Semitic 
nations were from the earliest times exposed to the frequent 
intermixture of cognate races, and were the first possessors of 
an alphabet and of written records. We have therefore, in the 
antithesis or contrast of the Sclavonic and Semitic, a proof of the 
effects which external circumstances may produce on the state or 
condition of a language ; and the resemblances, to which I have 
called attention, must be taken as an indication of the perma- 
nence of that affinity which results from the geographical contact 
and intermixture of two races at a very early period. 

24. Predominant Sclavonism of the old Italian 


As the result of the ethnological speculations of this Chapter 
has been to show that the Pelasgian or Sclavonian was one of the 
earliest and certainly the most permanently influential element 


in the old languages of Italy, we should expect to find in these 
languages those characteristics of Sclavonism which evince the 
primitive contact and actual contrast of the Semitic and Sclavo- 
nian idioms. And this expectation is amply justified by the facts 
of the case. For while, on the one hand, we observe in the old 
Latin, Umbrian, and Oscan, verbal resemblances to the Semitic, 
which cannot be accidental, because they belong to some of the 
oldest forms in the respective languages ; and while both the 
Semitic and the old Italian are remarkable, like the Sclavonian, 
for their superabundance of sibilants, we observe that in spite of 
the cultivation of Greek literature by the Romans, and in spite 
of the adoption of the Greek ritual by the Sclavonians, these lan- 
guages have never attained to the use of a definite article, which 
is the key-stone of Greek syntax, and without which the Semitic 
languages could not construct a single sentence. The prepon- 
derance of the sibilants in the old Italian languages will be dis- 
cussed in the next Chapter, and we shall see in the proper place 
that in anlaut, or as an initial, the s always appears in Latin 
where it is omitted altogether, or represented only by an aspi- 
rate in Greek. Of the coincidences between the pure Latin 
and genuine Semitic words, it will be sufficient to give a few 
examples out of many which might be adduced, (a) The verb 
aveo or haveo is at least as closely connected with 1HN or mN 

- T TT 

as with any Indo-Germame synonym, (b) The words se-curis 
and sa-gitla have occasioned great difficulty to philologers. The 
former, according to Bopp, (Vergl. Gr. p. 1097) is a participial 
noun from seco, and sec-tiris=se-cusis must be compared with the 
Sanscrit forms in -usJu=Grr. -u?. This however is hardly more 
than a conjecture, for we have no other Latin noun to support 
the analogy. It is more probable that the initial syllable in 
both words is one of those prepositional affixes which we find in 
cr-K67rapvov compared with KOTTTCO, s-ponte compared with pondus, 
&c,, and then we shall be able to see the resemblance between se- 
curis and the Hebrew jn|, Lett, granst " to hack or gnaw," and 
between sa-gitta and the Hebrew yn from \^n, which again is 
not unconnected with ^"ZpD, and the Latin ccedo. (c) It has 
been proposed to derive mare, Sclav, more, from the Sanscr. maru, 
" the waste " (Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. I. p. 33) ; but it appears 
much more reasonable to compare these words with the Hebrew 
in which case the affix re will be connected with a word 


denoting "flowing:" cf. teme with tema-runda (above 11). 
(d) The Hebrew y~T3. gives us the root reg-, " to reach out,'* 
with the prepositional affix ba, from abhi, as fully as the Latin 
p-recor, posco=p-roc-sco, Sanscrit p-rach-chdmi, &c. (e) It is 
only in the Pelasgian ^oXx^ the Sclavonic dolgye, and the 
Latin in-dulgeo, that we find a complete reproduction of the 
Semitic ^VTH. (f) As the impersonal use of debeo nearly accords 
with that of oportet, and as the latter is manifestly connected 
with opus (Doderlein, Lat. Syn. u. Et. V. 324), it may be after 
all more reasonable to connect deb-eo with the important root 
dob, "a suitable time" (Polish), dob-ro, "good" (Polish and 
Russian), which furnishes us with one of the most remarkable 
instances of a connexion between the Sclavonian and Semitic Ian- 

guages (cf. the Hebrew ife dhob, and the Arabic ^j, debr), 
than to fall back upon either of the favourite derivations from 
SevecrOai or dehibeo. The adjective debilis differs so entirely in 
meaning and application from the verb debeo, to which it is re- 
ferred, that I cannot concede the identity of origin. As there is 
reason to believe that the termination -bills is connected with the 
substantive verb fio (written bo in the agglutinate forms), a refer- 
ence to the usage of de-sum and de-fio would best explain the origin 
and meaning of de-bi-lis. How the sense of " owing " or " obliga- 
tion" borne by deb-eo is connected with that of " fitness," " good- 
ness," and " propriety," may be seen at once by an examination 
of such idioms, as Sacatos ei/u TOVTO TroteTi', " I am bound to do 
this," ei jmfj aSiKio, " I ought," &c. (g) A comparison of heri and 
X#es enables us to see that the Latin humus and the Greek 
^a/nal must meet in the root of V^ajoa-Xos. This combined 
form is therefore the Pelasgo-Sclavonic original, and as such we 
recognise it in the kethuma of the Cervetri inscription. Now 
this again is a near approximation to the Hebrew J"TD"Itf . (A) The 
Roman use of regio, dirigo, &c., in reference to road-making, is 
the best explanation of the obvious connexion between the Rus- 
sian doroga and the Hebrew "rfVr, in which the initial dental must 
be explained in the same way as that in Spio = /3AeVo>, d-9pea), 
&c., compared with o-paa) and the Hebrew ilJO (Maskil le- 
Sopher, p. 38) : for we have in Greek T-pe'^to and S-pafca 
(Spa-ir-erris) by the side of o-peyco, and e-^o-juat. These ex- 
amples might be extended to any limit : but they are sufficient to 


show how permanently the stamp of a Sclavonian origin and 
consequent Semitic affinity was impressed even on the composite 
Latin language. And this will enhance the interest with which 
the philosophical ethnographer must always regard the desperate 
struggle for empire between the Romans, as the ultimate repre- 
sentatives of Pelasgian Italy, and that great Punic colony, which 
maintained a Semitic language and Semitic civilization on the south 
coast of the Mediterranean. 



1. The Eugubine Tables. 2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian alphabets 
were distinguished. 3. The sibilants. 4. Some remarks on the other letters. 
5. Umbrian grammatical forms. 6. Selections from the Eugubine Tables, 
with explanations: Tab. I. a, 1. 7. Tab. I. a, 2-6. 8. Tab. I. b. 13, sqq. 
9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. a. 10. Umbrian words which ap- 
proximate to their Latin synonyms. 11. The Todi inscription contains four 
words of the same class. 

1. The Eugubine Tables. 

FROM the preceding investigations it appears that the original 
inhabitants of ancient Italy may be divided into three classes. 
It is not necessary to speak here of the Celts, who formed the 
substratum in all the insular and peninsular districts of Europe, 
or of the Greeks, who colonized part of the country ; but con- 
fining our attention to the more important ingredients of the 
population, we find only three Sclavonians, Lithuanians or Scla- 
vonized Goths, and pure Goths or Low-Germans. To the first 
belonged the various ramifications of the Pelasgian race ; to the 
second, the Umbrians, Oscans, and, the connecting link between 
them, the Sabines ; to the third, the Etruscans or Rasena, as dis- 
tinguished from the Tyrrhenians. 

The next step will be to examine in detail some of the frag- 
mentary remains of the languages spoken by these ancient tribes. 
The Umbrian claims the precedence, not only on account of the 
copiousness and importance of the relics of the language, but also 
because the Umbrians must be considered as the most important 
and original of all those ancient Italian tribes with whom the 
Pelasgians became intermixed either as conquerors or as vassals. 
The Eugubine Tables, which contain a living specimen of the 
Umbrian language, were discovered in the year 1444 in a sub- 
terraneous chamber at La Schieggia, in the neighbourhood of the 
ancient city of Iguvium (now Gubbio or Ugubio), which lay at 
the foot of the Apennines, near the via Flaminia (Plin. H. N. 
XXIII. 49). On the mountain, which commanded the city, stood 
the temple of Jupiter Apenninus ; and from its connexion with the 


worship of this deity the city derived its name: Iguvium, Umbr. 
liovium, i. e. lovium, A?OJ', Ato? 71-0X19. The Tablets, which are 
seven in number, and are in perfect preservation, relate chiefly to 
matters of religion. From the change of s in those of the Tables 
which are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian character, into r 
in those which are engraved in Roman letters, Lepsius infers (de 
Tabb. Eugub. p. 86, sqq.) that the former were written not 
later than A.U.C. 400 ; for it appears that even in proper names 
the original s began to be changed into r about A.U.O. 400 
(see Cic. ad Famil. IX. 21. comp. Liv. III. cap. 4, 8. Pompon. 
in Digg. I. 2, 2, 36. Schneider, Lat. Gr. I. 1, p. 341, note); 
and it is reasonable to suppose that the same change tooft place 
at a still earlier period in common words. By a similar argu- 
ment, derived chiefly from the insertion of h between two vowels 
in the Tabulae, Latino, scriptce, Lepsius infers (p. 93) that these 
were written about the middle of the sixth century A.U.C., i. e. 
at least two centuries after the Tabulce Umbrice scriptce. But 
here I think he is mistaken : for the etymology of the words 
shows that the longer forms must have been more ancient than 
their abbreviations. And, in general, it is not very consistent 
with scientific philology to speak of an arbitrary distractio voca- 
lium, when we are surprised by the appearance of an elongated 

2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian Alphabets were 


Before, however, we turn our attention to these Tables and 
the forms of words which are found in them, it will be advisable 
to make a few remarks on the alphabet which was used in ancient 

The general facts with regard to the adaptation of the 
Semitic alphabet to express the sounds of the Pelasgian language 
have been discussed elsewhere 1 . It has there been shown that 
the original sixteen characters of the Semitic syllabarium were 
the following twelve : 

1 N. Crat. $ 100. 



[On. III. 











w 1 







with the addition of the three liquids, b, D, 3, and the sibilant 
O ; and it has been proved that these sixteen were the first 
characters known to the Greeks. They were not, however, 
sufficient to express the sounds of the old languages of Italy 
even in the earliest form in which they present themselves to 
us. The Umbrian alphabet contains twenty letters ; the Oscan 
as many ; the Etruscan and the oldest Latin alphabets nineteen. 
In these Italian alphabets some of the original Semitic letters 
are omitted, while there is a great increase in the sibilants ; for 
whereas the original sixteen characters furnish only the sibilants 
s and TH, the old Italian alphabets exhibit not only these, but SH 
or x, z, R, and R. Of these additional sibilants, x is the Hebrew 
shin, z is tsade, R represents resh, and 11 is an approximation to 
the sound of 0. This preponderance of sibilants is, as we have 
seen, a peculiarity of Sclavonian or Pelasgic articulation. 

3. The Sibilants. 

As these sibilants constitute the distinguishing feature in the 
old Italian languages, it will be useful to speak more particularly 
of them, before we turn to the other letters. 

(a) The primary sibilant s, as used by the Umbrians 
and Oscans, does not appear to have differed, either in sound 
or form, from its representative in the Greek alphabet. 

(6) The secondary sibilant z, in the Umbrian and Etruscan 
alphabets, appears to have corresponded to only one of the two 
values of the Greek . The latter, as I have proved elsewhere, 
was not only the soft g or /, or ultimately the sound sh, but also, 
in its original use, equivalent to the combination ds, transposed 
in some dialects to sd, and ultimately assimilated to ss. Now 
the Romans expressed the first sound of the Greek either by 
di or by j, and its ultimate articulation (sh) by x ; whereas, on 


the other hand, they represented < = &r either by a simple 5, 
or by its Greek assimilation ss. Thus the Etruscan Kanzna, 
Venzi, Kazi, Veliza, are written in Latin Ccesius, Vensius, 
Cassius, Vilisa, and ZaicvvOos becomes Saguntus ; while the 
Greek jua'^a, |uiya>, ofipvfyv, TTVTI^CIV, avayKafyiv, KW/JLO^CIV, 
may be compared with massa, musso, obrussa, pytissare, necesse, 
comissari. In the Eugubine Tables, words, which in the Um- 
brian characters exhibit a z, give us a corresponding s in those 
which are written with Latin letters. Thus, for the proper 
name lapuzkum, as it is written in Umbrian characters, we 
have in the Latin letters labuske, labusker, &c. 

(c) The aspirated Umbrian sibilant s, for which the Oscans 
wrote x, expressed the sound sh (Germ, sch, Fr. ch), which was 
the ultimate articulation of the other sound of the Greek . We 
may compare it with the Sanscrit ^f (f) ; and, like that Sanscrit 
sibilant and the Greek , it often appears as a softened guttural. 
Thus we find prusesetu for prusekatu, Lat. pro-secato ; and the 
termination -kla, -kle, -klu (Lat. -culum), often appears as -sla, 
-sle, -slu. As in our own and other languages the gutturals are 
softened before the vowels e and i t so in Umbrian the guttural 
k generally becomes s before the same vowels. The sibilant s 
occurs only in contact with vowels, liquids, and h; and the 
prefix an-, which drops the n before consonants, retains it before 
vowels and s. 

(d) The letter R is always to be regarded as a secondary or 
derived character. In Umbrian it generally represents, at the 
end of a word, the original sibilant s. When the Eugubine Tables 
are written in Etruscan characters, we have such forms as, veres 
treplanes, tutas Ikuvinas ; but in those which give us Latin 
letters, we read verir treplanir, totar Ijovinar. This change is 
particularly observable in the inflexions of the Latin passive 
verb ; and the Latin language, in other forms, uses the letter R 
in the same way as the Umbrian. In fact, the most striking 
characteristic of the Umbrian language is its continual employ- 
ment of the secondary letters R and H, both of which are ulti- 
mately derived from sibilants, or stronger gutturals. The former 
is used in Umbrian, not only in the verb-forms, as in Latin, 
but also in the declensions, in the Latin forms of which it only 
occurs in the gen. plural. The letter H is often interposed 
between vowels both in Umbrian and in Latin. Thus we have 



in Umbrian the forms stahito, pihatu, for stato, piato, and 
Naliarcum derived from Nar ; and in Latin, ahenus, prehendo, 
vehemens, cohors, mehe (Quinctil. I. 5, 2), by the side of aeneus, 
prendo, vemens (compare ve-cors, cle-mens), cors, me; and 
even Deheberis for Tiberis : this, as has been mentioned 
above, has been referred to a later epoch both in Umbrian 
and Latin (see Lepsius, de Tabb. Eug. p. 92, and Schneid. 
Lat. Gr. I. 1, p. 118, not. 187). There can be no doubt, 
however, that the longer forms are the older. Thus stahito 
contains the h of stehen, and pre-hendo gives us the true root 
of hand and hinthian; vehe- exhibits the guttural auslaut of 
weg, and in the same way me-he revives a relationship with 

(e) The sibilant R is peculiar to the Umbrians. In the Latin 
transcription it is often represented by the combination rs. 
Sometimes, however, it seems to stand for si, as in f estiva - ves- 
tisia ; and it also serves as the ultimate assibilation of a dental 
or guttural, for tera = dersa and tesva = dersva are connected 
with deda and dextra. Its real pronunciation was probably 
similar to that of 9, which last occurs only twice in the Eugubine 
Tables. The frequent substitution of r for d in Latin indicates 
a change to that letter through the softened dental 0, and we often 

o o 

find R where we should expect a dental, as in furenr =furent, 
kapire = capide, arveitu = advehito, &c. Although R is some- 
times represented by rs, we also occasionally find this letter fol- 
lowed by s, as in the words esturstamu, mers, which in the 
Latin character are written eturstahmu, mers. 

4. Some remarks on the other letters. 

Of the other letters it will not be necessary to say much. 
The most remarkable is the Oscan vowel i, which in the inscrip- 
tions appears as a mutilated F; thus, r. The same figure was 
adopted by the emperor Claudius to express the middle sound 
between i and u with which the Romans pronounced such words 
as virtus, vigere, and scribere. In Oscan it appears to have 
been either a very light i (and so distinguished from the vowel i, 
which generally represents the long i of the Romans), or else a 
very short u. In the Oscan inscriptions { is of more frequent 
occurrence than i. Whenever these vowels come together, i 
always precedes, i is almost invariably used to form the diph- 


thongs ui, ai, ei, answering to the Greek ot (<w), cu (a), and et ; 
and i very rarely appears before two consonants. 

The Oscan letter u' stands to u in the same relation as this i 
to the Oscan i. The former seems to be a sort of very light o, 
which is substituted for it in those inscriptions which are written 
in the Latin character ; whereas the letter u seems to represent 
the long o of the Latins, as in -um (Gr. -o)i>) for orum 9 liki-tucl 
for lice-to, kvaisstur for qucestor, &c. 

The Umbrians and Oscans distinguished between u and v. 
The latter was a consonant, and was probably pronounced like our 
w. It was written as a consonant after K ; but the vowel u 
was preferred, as in Latin, after Q. 

The letters L and B were of rare occurrence in the Umbrian 
language. The former never stands at the beginning of a word, 
the latter never at the end of one. In the Oscan language we 
meet with L more frequently. 

As the Etruscan alphabet had no medials, those of the Eugu- 
bine Tables which are written in Etruscan characters substitute 
K for G, e. g. Krapuvi for Grabove. But the Oscan and Um- 
brian inscriptions when written in Latin characters distinguish 
between the tenuis and medial gutturals, according to the marks 
introduced by Sp. Carvilius, viz. c, G. 

In the Oscan alphabet D is represented as an inverted R ; 
and the affinity between these letters in the Latin language is 
well known. 

The labial P, which never terminates a word in Latin, stands 
at the end of many mutilated forms both in Umbrian and Oscan, 
as in the Umbrian vitlup for vitulibus (vitulis), and the Oscan 
nep for neque. In general, it is to be remarked that the letters 
p, F, R, s, D, and T, all occur as terminations of Umbrian or 
Oscan words. 

5. Umbrian Grammatical Forms. 

The grammatical forms of the Umbrian language are very 
instructive. In Umbrian we see the secondary letter r, that im- 
portant element in the formation of Latin words, not only regu- 
larly used in the formation of the cases and numbers of nouns 
which in Latin retain their original s, but also appearing in 
plural verb-forms by the side of the primitive s, which is retained 
in the singular, though the Latin has substituted the r in both 

6 2 


[On. III. 

numbers. The following are the three declensions of Umbrian 
nouns, according to the scheme given by Aufrecht and Kirchhoff 
(Umbr. Sprachdenkm. pp. 115, sqq. ; see also Miiller, Gotting. 
Gel. Anz. 1838, p. 58) : 


Sing. Norn. 

1. Locat. 

2. Locat. 

3. Locat. 
Plur. Norn. 


1. Locat. 

2. Locat. 

Tuta, a city. 

tuta, tutu. 

tuta-s, tutar. 







tutas, tutar. 






II. DECL. Puplus, a people. 

puple-s, pupler. 







Sing. Norn. 





Plur. Norn. 





Ucri-s, a mountain. 








ucrium ? 



Locat. ucref em ? 

Nume, a name. 







numena ? 



numenem ? 

The Umbrian pronouns are the demonstratives eso, or ero, 
and esto, corresponding to the Latin is and iste, and the relative 
or interrogative poe, corresponding to the labial element in qui 
and quis. The demonstratives are generally construed as adjec- 
tives ; but, with the affix -hunt or -k, ero may become substantive. 


Thus we have er-ont, or ere-k, as an indicative pronoun. The 
affix -k is that which plays so important a part in Latin. The 
affix -hunt or -hont (Goth, hindana, Etrusc. hinthiu or hintha) 
appears in the comparative and superlative adverbs hunt-ra or 
hond-ra, (Goth, hindar, 0. N. hindra), and hond-omu, Goth. 
hindumist, signifying "farther," "lower," or "farthest," "lowest;" 
so that hond may correspond to our yon or yonder : and as k 
expresses proximity, ere-k and er-ont will gain the meaning of 
" here " and " there," from their terminations respectively ; so 
that esu-k, es-tu, and er-ont, may have corresponded in distinctive 
meaning to the Latin hie, iste, Hie, the first part being the same 
in each, and identical with the initial syllable of is-te. 

The verbs generally occur in the imperative mood, as might 
be expected, since the Tables contain chiefly prayers and injunc- 
tions about praying. In these imperatives we mostly recognise a 
singular in -tu, and a plural in -tutu; SLsfu-tu (VI. a, 30, &c.), 
andfu-tutu (VI. b, 61), corresponding to es-to, es-tote. Verbs 
of the -a conjugation seem occasionally to make their imperative 
in -a, like the Latin. See I. b, 33 : pune purtinsus, karetu ; 
pufe apruf fakurent, puze erus tera; ape erus terust, pustru 
kupifiatu : where, though the meaning of particular words may 
be doubtful, the construction is plain enough : postquam por- 
rexeris, calato ; ubi apros fecerint, uti preces det ; quando 
preces dederit, poster -o (= retro) conspicito. We often have the 
perf. subj. both singular and plural, as may be seen in the ex- 
ample just quoted. The pres. subj. too occasionally appears, the 
person-ending in the singular being generally omitted, as in arsie 
for arsies = ad-sies, and habia for habeas. The Oscan infinitive 
in urn, as a-ferum = circum-ferre, is also used in Umbrian ; and 
we often find the auxiliary perfect both in the singular and in the 
plural. See VI. b, 30 : perse touer peskier vasetom est, pese- 
tom est, peretum est, frosetom est, daetom est, touer peskier 
virseto avirseto vas est : i. e. quod tui sacrificii vacatum est, 
peccatum est, neglectum est, rejectum est, projectum est, tui 
sacrificii visa invisa vacatio est *. And we have not. only slcrehto 

1 It seems that vas must be the root of vas-etom, and probably both 
refer to the evacuation or nullification of the sacrifice; cf. vas-tus, &c. 
with the Greek CK-KCVOO>: virseto avirseto is compared with Cato's "ut tu 
morbos visos invisosque prohibessis" (R. R. 141). 



[On. III. 

est, but also skreifitor sent (VI. a, 15). The active participle 
seems to end both in -ens, like the Latin, and also in -is, like 
that of the Greek verbs in -/xi. The following are the forms of 
sum, fui, and habeo which are found in the Tables . 

SUM (root ES). Fu-. 

3. sing. est. 
3. plur. sent. 


2. sing, sir, si, sei, sie. 

3. sing. si. 

3. plur. sins. fuia. 


3. sing, fuiest, fust. 
3. plur. furent. 

IMPER. (B. I.) 

2, 3. sing. futu. 
2. plur. fututo. 

INFIN. (D.) 
eru or erom, (V. 26, 29, VII. b, 2.) 


3. sing. habe[t] (I. b, 18 ; VI. b, 54). 

PRES. SUBJ. (C. I.) 
2. sing. habia[s] (V. a, 17). 


2. sing, habiest (VI. b, 50) ; habus (habueris) (VI. b, 40). 

3. plur. haburent (VII. a, 52). 


2. sing, habitu (VI. a, 19) ; or habetu (II. a, 23). 
2. plur. habituto (VI. b, 51); or habetutu (I. b, 15). 

6. Selections from the Eugubine Tables, with explanations. 

In interpreting the remains of the Umbrian language, it 
seems advisable, in the present state of our knowledge, that we 
should confine our attention to those passages which fall within 


the reach of a scientific philological examination. Grotefend 1 , 
indeed, has frankly and boldly presented us with a Latin version 
of all the Eugubine Tables ; but although he has here and there 
fallen upon some happy conjectures, his performance is for the 
most part mere guesswork of the vaguest kind, and therefore, 
for all purposes of scholarship, uninstructive and unsatisfactory. 
Lassen, by attempting less, has really effected more 2 . There is, 
however, no one who has done more to prepare the way for a 
scientific examination of these Umbrian documents than Lepsius, 
who examined all the preliminary questions connected with the 
subject in an inaugural dissertation published in 1833, 3 and who 
has subsequently edited a most accurate collection of facsimiles, 
which appeared in 1841. 4 The materials furnished by Lepsius 
have been elaborately discussed in a special work by Aufrecht 
and Kirchhoff, published in 1849 ; 5 and though this treatise is 
defective in arrangement and inconvenient for purposes of re- 
ference, it deserves the praise of never attempting too much, 
and it is generally distinguished by a careful regard for the 
principles of sound philology. 

The following extracts are selected from the admirable 
transcripts of Lepsius 6 , and the arrangement of the Tables is 
that which he has adopted. The first four Tables, and part of 

1 Rudimenta Linguae Umbricce, Particulse VIII. Hannov. 1835-1839. 

2 Beitr'dge zur Deutung der Eugubinischen Tafeln, in the Rhein. Mus. 
for 1833, 4. Of earlier interpretations it is scarcely necessary to speak. 
It may, however, amuse the reader to know that the recent attempt of a 
worthy herald, in the sister-island, to prove that Irish of a certain kind was 
spoken by the ancient Umbrians and Tuscans, has its parallel in a book 
published at Ypres in 1614, by Adriaen Schrieck, who finds the ancient 
language of his own country in the seventh Eugubine Table! (Van 't 
Begliin der eerster Volcken van Europen, t'Ypre, 1614). The Irish book, 
however, is the more elaborately ridiculous of the two. It has been 
exposed, with considerable ability and humour, in the Quarterly Review, 
Vol. LXXVI. pp. 45, sqq. 

3 De Tdbulis Eugubinis. Berolini, 1833. 

4 Jnscriptiones Umbricce et Oscce. Lips. 1841. 

5 Die Umbrischen Sprachdenkmdler ; ein Versuch zur Deutung derselben. 
Berlin, 1849. 

6 In citing the edition of Lepsius as now constituting the standard 
text, we must not forget the excellence of Bonarota's transcriptions, to 
which Lepsius himself has borne testimony. De Tabb. Eug. p. 14. 



[On. III. 

the fifth, are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian character. 
The others are in Latin letters. 

Tab. I. a, 1. This Table and its reverse contain the rules 
for twelve sacrifices to be performed by the Fratres Atiersii in 
honour of the twelve gods. The same rules are given in Tables 
VI. and VII. and in nearly the same words, the differences being 
merely dialectical ; but the latter Tables add the liturgy to be 
used on the occasion, and also dwell at greater length on the 
auguries to be employed, &c. The first Table begins as follows: 

Este persklum aves anzeriates enetu, 2. pernaies 

And in VI. a, 11, we have : 

Este persklo aveis aseriater enetu. 

There can be little doubt as to the meaning of these words. 
Este, which is of constant recurrence in the Tables, is the 
Umbrian adverb corresponding to ita, which is only a weaker 
form of it. If we may infer that persklum or persklo =pre$- 
culum, we may render this word "a prayer." Grotefend de- 
rives the noun from purgo, and translates it by " lustrum" 
But pur-go is a compound of purus and ago (comp. castigo, &c.), 
whereas the root pers-, signifying " pray," is of constant occur- 
rence in Umbrian ; and every one, however slightly conversant 
with etymology, understands the metathesis in a case of this 
kind. It is the same root as prec- or proc- in Lat., pere$- in 
Zend, practi- in Sanscr., frag-en or forsch-en in Germ., &c. 

It is clear that aves anzeriates or aveis aseriater are ab- 
latives absolute. As we have avif seritu or aseriatu (VI. b, 48, 
49. I. b, 11, &c.) by the side of salvam seritu (VI. a, 51, &c.), 
and as this last is manifestly salvam servato, it is pretty clear 
that aves anzeriates must be equivalent to avibus observatis 
(= in-servatis}. 

Enetu is clearly the imperative of ineo, for in-ito ; the pre- 
position had the form en = in in old Latin ; thus we find in the 
Columna Rostrata : enque eodem macistratod : and the same 
was the case in Oscan, which gives us em-bratur for im-perator. 

The adjectives per-naies, pus-naes, are derived from per-ne, 
post-ne, which are locative forms of the prepositions prce. and 
post, and signify "at the southern and northern side of the 
temple." The birds are so defined with reference to the practice 


of the augurs in such cases. See Varro, L. L. VII. 7, p. 119, 
Muller : " quocirca coelum, qua attuimur, dictum templum. . . . 
Ejus templi partes iv. dicuntur, sinistra ab oriente, dextra ab 
occasu, antica ad meridiem, postica ad septentrionem." 

The meaning of the whole passage will therefore be: Ita 
litationem avibus observatis inito anticis, posticis ; i.e. "Thus 
enter upon the supplication, the birds having been observed, 
those in the south, as well as those in the north." 

7. Tab. L a, 26, 
Tab. I. a, 2. 

Pre-veres treplanes, 3. luxe Krapum tre[f] buf 
fetu, arvia ustentu, 4. vatuva ferine feitu, heris 
vinu, heri[s] puni, 5. ukriper Fisiu, tutaper 
Ikuvina, feitu sevum, 6. kutef pesnimu ; arepes 
arves. Comp. VI. a, 22. Pre-vereir treblaneir 
luue Grabovei buf treiffetu. VI. b, 1. Arviofetu, 
uatuo ferine fetu, poni fetu, 3. okriper Fisiu, 
totaper liovina. 

The words pre-veres (vereir) treplanes (treblaneir) are easily 
explained in connexion with (7) pus-veres treplanes, (11) pre- 
veres tesenakes, (14) pus-veres tesenakes, (20) pre-veres vehiies^ 
(24) pus-veres vehiies. It is obvious that these passages begin 
with the prepositions pre, " before," and pus -post, " behind," 
and that they fix a locality. The prepositions per, signifying 
"for," and co or ku, signifying "with" or "at," are placed 
after the word which they govern : thus we have tuta-per 
Ikuvina "pro urbe Iguvina," vocu-com loviu = "cwm" or 
"infoco Jovio? But the prepositions pre and pus precede, and 
it seems that they both govern the ablative, contrary to the 
Latin usage, which places an accus. after ante and post. The 
word veres (vereir) is the abl. plur. of a noun verus (cf. I. b, 
9), corresponding in root and signification to the Latin fores. 
Compare also porta with the German Pforte. The v answers 
to the/, as vocus, vas, &c. for focus, fas, &c. Lassen (Rhein. 
Mus. 1833, pp. 380, sqq.) refers treplanes, tesenakes, vehiies, to 
the numerals tres, decem, and viginti. Grotefend, more pro- 
bably, understands the adjectives as describing the carriages 


used at the particular feasts. Cato (R. R. c. 135) mentions tl 
trebla as a rustic carriage. Tensa is the well-known name of 
the sumptuous processional chariot in which the images of the 
gods were carried to the pulvinar at the ludi Circenses (Festus, 
p. 364, Miiller) 1 ; and veia was the Oscan synonym for plan- 
strum (Festus, p. 368, Miiller). It is, therefore, not unreason- 
able to suppose, that the fores treblance furnished an entrance to 
the Ocris or citadel for treblce ; that through the fores tesenakes 
the statues of the gods were conveyed to their pulvinar in 
tensce ; and that the fores vehice allowed the larger chariots to 
enter in triumphal or festive procession. In the Latin Table 
the adj. derived from tesnaor tensa ends in -ox, -ocis, like velox; 
in the Umbrian it ends in -ax, -acis, like capax. Aufrecht and 
Kirchhoff, to whom the true explanation of verus is due, sup- 
pose a quadrangular citadel with one side closed, and the other 
three opening with gates called by the names of the cities to 
which they led. But this mode of designation is not borne out 
by the names of the three gates, if there were only three, in the 
Roma Quadrata on the Palatine. These gates were called the 
Porta Romanula, Janualis, and Mucionis, and lay to the W., 
N.W., and N. (Miiller, Etrusk. II. p. 147). Whatever the names 
meant, it is clear that they are not designations of towns to which 
the gates led. As there were no cities called Trebla and Tesena, 
and as Veil was too far off to give a name to one of the gates 
of Iguvium, it is much more reasonable to suppose that the 
entrances refer to the names of carriages with which they are 
so easily identified. To say nothing of the analogy of the French 
porte cochere, which actually denotes une porte assez grande 
pour donner entree aux coclies ou voitures, it is well known that 
the ancients measured road-ways by the kind of carriages which 
traversed them, or by the number of such carriages which could 
pass abreast. Thus we have 6$os d/ua^ros for a wide road 
(Find. N. VI. 56) ; aVros alone is used in the same sense 
(id. P. IV. 247) ; and Thucydides defines the breadth of a wall 
by saying that : duo a/ma^ai evavTiat cJAX^Aais roi)s \iOovs 
(I. 93). 

1 For the metathesis tesna or tesena for tensa we may compare mesene 
flusare in an inscription found near Amiternum (Leps. Tab. XXVII. 4 6 
with mense flusare in the Latin inscription quoted by Muratori (p. 587). 


The epithet Krapuvius^ or in the Latin Table Gra-bovius, 
according to Lassen signifies " nourisher or feeder of cattle." The 
first syllable, he supposes, contains the root gra-, implying growth 
and nourishment, and found in the Sanscr. grd-ma (signifying 
either "a herd of feeding cattle" grex orvicus inter pascua), 
in the Lat. grd-men, in the Goth, gras, and in the Old Norse 
groa = virescere. Lassen, too, suggests that Gradivus contains 
the same root. This comparison ought perhaps to have led him 
to the true explanation of both words. For it is manifest that 
Gra-divus = gravis or grandis Divus ; and it is equally certain 
that no genuine Latin compound begins with a verbal root. If, 
therefore, Gra-bovius contains the root of bos, bovis, the first 
syllable must be the element of the adjective gravis or grandis ; 
so that Grabovius will be a compound of the same kind as /ca\- 
\iirapQevos (see Lobeck, Paralip. p. 372). Pott, however, 
(JEt. Forsch. II. p. 201) considers Grab-ovius as another form 
of Gravi-Jovius, 

Tre or treif buf is either boves tres or bobus tribus. If we 
have here the accus. plural, we must conclude that this case in 
the Umbrian language ends in -of, -of, -uf, -ef, -if, -eif, according 
to the stem ; and the labial termination has been compared with 
the Sanscrit and Zend change of s into u at the end of a word 
(Wilkins, 51. Bopp, 76). This is the opinion of Lassen 
(Rhein. Mus. 1833, p. 377). According to Lepsius and Grote- 
fend, on the other hand, all these words are ablatives, because 
the termination is more easily explained on this hypothesis, and 
because verbs signifying " to sacrifice " are construed with the 
ablative in good Latin (Virg. Eclog. III. 77. Hor. Carm. I. 4, 
11). The latter reason is confuted by the tables themselves ; 
for it is quite clear that abrons is an accusative, like the Gothic 
vulfans, and yet we have both abrons fakurent (VII. a, 43) and 
abroffetu (VII. a, 3). See also Pott, Et. Forsch. II. p. 202. 
With regard to the form, it is not explained by the Sanscrit ana- 
logies cited by Lassen, for these spring from the visargdh after a, 
as in Ramah, Ramau, Ramo. There is a much simpler way of 
bringing abrof and abrons into harmony. For the plural is 
formed from the singular by adding s to the latter. If then the 
accusative singular assumed the form n from wi, this would be 
retained before s, as in abron-s ; but if abrom-s passed by visar- 
into abrom-h, this, according to the Celtic articulation, would 


regularly become abrof; for in Celtic mh and bh are regularly 
changed into v-f. And we have seen above (p. 63) very good 
.reasons for recognising Celtic influences in Umbria. 

Feitu (fetu) is simply facito, the guttural being softened 
down, as in ditu for dicito (VI. b, 10, &C.) 1 . 

Arvia seems to be the same as the Latin arvina, i. e. " the 
hard fat which lies between the skin and the flesh " (Servius ad 
Virg. ^En. VII. 627); and ustentu is probably obstineto, which 
was the old Latin for ostendito (Festus, p. 197, Miill.). 

Vatuva ferine feitu must mean "offer up unsalted meal" 
(fatuam farinam or fatud farina), according to Nonius Mar- 
cellus, IV. 291 (quoting Varro, de Vit. Pop. Rom. Lib. I.): 
quod calend. Jun. et publice et privatim fatuam pultem diis 
tnactat. Grotefend supposes that ferine must mean raw flesh, 
and not farina, because "bread" (puni) is mentioned in the pas- 
sage. But in minute directions like these, a difference would be 
marked between the meal (aXcvpct) and the bread (a^ros); just 
as the hard fat (arvina) is distinguished from the soft fat (adi- 
pes), if the interpretation suggested below is to be admitted. 

Heris vinu, heris puni, " either with bread or wine." 
Heris, as a particle of choice, is derived from the Sanscr. root 
hri, " to take ;" Lat. hir, "a hand," &c. ; and may be compared 
with vel, which is connected with the root of volo, as this is 
with the root of aipew. In fact, heris appears to be the parti- 
ciple of the verb, of which the imperative is heritu (VI. a, 27, 
&c.). This verb occurs in the Oscan also ( Tab. Bantin. 12, &c.). 

That ocriper (ucriper) Fisiu means " for the Fisian mount" 
may be demonstrated from Festus, p. 181, Miiller : " Ocrem 
antiqui, ut Ateius philologus in libro Glossematorum refert, 
montem confragosum vocabant, ut aput Livium : Sed qui sunt 
hi, qui ascendunt altum ocrim ? et : celsosque ocris, arvaque 
putria et mare magnum, et : namque Tcenari celsos ocris. et : 
haut ut quern Chiro in Pelio docuit ocri. Unde fortasse etiam 
ocreae sint dictaB insequaliter tuberatse." From this word are 
derived the names of some Umbrian towns, e. g. Ocriculum and 
Inter ocrea (cf. Inter amna). The epithet Fisius indicates that 
the mountain was dedicated to the god Fisius or Fisovius 
Sansius (Fidius Sancus), a name under which the old Italians 

According to Pott and Lepsius this imperative stands foYfito =fiat t 


worshipped Jupiter in their mountain-temples. Lassen (p. 388) 
refers to this temple the following lines of Claudian (de VI. Cons. 
Honor. 503, 4) : 

Exsuperans delubra lovis, saxoque minantes 
Apenninigenis cultas pastoribus aras. 

He also quotes from the Peutinger inscription : " Jovis Penninus, 
idem Agubio," where Iguvium is obviously referred to. Lepsius 
thinks that ocris Fisius was the citadel of Iguvium. 

Tota-per (tuta-per) Ikuvina, " for the city of Iguvium." 
It was always understood by previous interpreters that tuta or 
tota was nothing more than the fern, of the Lat. totus. But 
Lepsius has clearly proved that it is both an Oscan and an 
Umbrian substantive, signifying " city," from which the adj. 
tuti-cus is derived, as in the name of the magistrate meddix 
tuticuSy i. e. consul urbanus : consequently tuta-per Ikuvina is 
simply " pro urbe Iguvina" This substantive, tota or tuta, is, 
no doubt, derived from the adject, totus ; for the idea of a city 
is that of "fulness," "collection," "entirety." Similarly, the 
Greek TroXts must contain the root TTO\- (TTO\-V$) or vrXe- 
(TrXeos), signifying the aggregation of the inhabitants in one 
spot. The derivation of the adjective to-tus is by no means 
easy ; but if we compare it with in-vi-tus (from vel-le), we may 
be disposed to connect it with the root of the words tel-lus, 
tol-lo, ter-ra, ter-minus (reX-os, T6p-/u.a), &c. l Op-pidum, an- 
other name for "city," is only "a plain" (ob-ped-um eiri- 
vrcSov) ; and oppido, " entirely" = in toto,i& synonymous with 
plane. The student will take care not to confuse between this 
to-tus and the reduplicated form to-tus (comp. to-t-, quo-tus, &c.), 
which is sufficiently distinguished from it in the line of Lucretius 
(VI. 652) : 

Nee tota. pars homo terra'i quota tdtius unus. 

Sevum and kutef are two adverbs. The former signifies 
" with reverence," and contains the root sev- (sev-erus) or cre/3- 
(o-e/3ft>) 2 . The latter is derived from cav-eo, cautus t with the 
affix -f= <pi, and means " cautiously." 

1 According to Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, (p. 420) tota or touta is the 
passive participle of tuv- = cresco. 

2 According to Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, (p. 418) sevum is the samo 


[On. III. 

The words arepes arves or ariper arvis, "which conclude 
almost every prescription in the first Table, are not very easy. 
That Grotefend's translation pro ardore s. ustione arvigce is 
inadmissible, every sound philologer must at once concede. The 
following suggests itself as the most probable solution. It 
appears that the Umbrian participle generally ended in -es, -ez, 
or -eis, like the old Greek participle of verbs in -fjn. Thus we 
have tases, tasis, and tasez, for tacens. Vesteis, too, is obviously 
a participle (VI. a, 22). As, then, we constantly find the im- 
perative arveitu for advehito, we may surmise that arves, arvis, 
is the participle for advehens ; and arepes, ariper, on the same 
principle, will be adipes ; so that the phrase will signify adipes 
advehens s. porrigens, i. e. " offering up the soft fat." 

Accordingly, the translation of the whole passage should run 
thus : Ante portam Treblanam Jovi Grabovio tres boves facito, 
arvind ostendito, fatud ferind facito, vel vino vel pane, pro 
monte Fisio, pro civitate Iguvind, facito severe, caute precator, 
adipes advehens 9 i. e. " Before the gate, by which the treblce 
enter, sacrifice three oxen to Jupiter Grabovius, offer up the hard 
fat, sacrifice with unsalted meal, either with wine or bread, for 
the Fisian mount, for the city of Iguvium, sacrifice reverently, 
pray cautiously, holding forth the soft fat of the victims." 

8. Tab. I. b, 13, sqq. 

The next passage, which deserves notice and admits of a 
reasonable interpretation, is the following. Many of the inter- 
vening sentences, however, are so like that which has just been 
examined, that they can cause no real difficulty to the student. 
In I. b, 13, we have 

enumek steplatu par/am tesvam tefe, Tute Ikuvine. 

The first word is a particle of connexion signifying inde, dein, 
"then," "in the next place." It is also written inumek, and 
seems to be compounded of inum (the Lat. enim) and ek ; com- 
pare the Gothic inuhthis, &c. 

Steplatu, stiplatu, and an-stiplatu, are the imperatives of 

adjective as that which furnishes the initial syllable to sev-akni = sollennis 
from akno = annus ; and is therefore to be compared with the Latin sollus 
from solvus, Gr. 6'XFoy, Sanscrit sdrva. 


a verb stiplo or anstiplo, which seems to be of proper applica- 
tion in matters of augury. In old Latin stipulus was synony- 
mous with stabilis (Forcell. s. v. stipulatio) : consequently this 
verb must signify something like stabilio or firmo, which last 
word is used in speaking of omens (Virgil. Georg. IV. 386). 

Parfd) which occurs frequently in the Tables, is the augurial 
parra, a kind of owl, which the Italians in general call civetta, 
and the Venetians parruzza ; and tesva means on the right : as 
will appear from the following considerations. At the beginning 
of the sixth Table we have, among the auspices, par/a kurnase 
dersua, peiqu peica merstu ; which should seem to mean, par- 
ram, cornicem, dextras ; picum, picam sinistros. The Roman 
augurs used to turn their faces to the south ; consequently the 
east was on their left, and the west on their right. The east was 
in general the seat of good omens ; but in certain cases, and with 
certain birds, the bad omen of the west, or right hand, might be 
converted into good. They made a distinction between the birds 
which gave the omen by their note, and those which gave the 
omen by their flight ; the former were called oscines, the latter 
alites. The parra and the picus were reckoned in both classes, 
according to Festus (p. 197, Mutter). Indeed there must have 
been some confusion among the augurs themselves, as Cicero 
seems to admit (de Divin. II. 39) : " Haud ignore, quas bona 
sint, sinistra nos dicere, etiamsi dextra sint; sed certe nostri 
sinistrum nominaverunt, externique dextrum, quia plerumque me- 
lius id videbatur." Lutatius says, that the masculine gender 
indicates the propitious bird, and the feminine the unpropitious ; 
yet the Umbrians seem to have held the picus and the pica in 
equal estimation. In constituting a good omen, the Umbrians 
placed the picus on the left, and the comix on the right ; while 
Plautus places them both on the left, but the parra on the right, 
as did the Umbrians (Asin. II. 1, 11) : 

Impetritum, inauguratum 'st: quovis admittunt aves, 
Picus, cornix est ab Iseva; coryus, parra ab.dextera. 

Prudentius, though not an Umbrian like Plautus, preserves the 
Umbrian order (Symmach. II. 570) : 

Cur Cremerse in campis, cornice vel oscine parra, 
Nemo deum monuit perituros Marte sinistra 
Ter centum Fabios, yix stirpe superstite in uno? 

Comp. also Horat. III. Carm. XXVII. 1, &c. 



[On. III. 

Tesva in the Table means " the right," and may be compared 
with the Gothic tathsvo. In the Latin Table it is written der- 
sua, which is nearer to the Lat. dextra. That merstus must 
mean " propitious " or " salutary j^ is clear from the passages in 
which it occurs, as well as from the use of mers. A few lines 
lower we have (I. b, 18) : sve-pis habe purtatutu pue mers est, 
feitu uru pere mers est. Comp. VI. b, 54 : so-pir habe esme 
pople portatu ulo pue mers est, fetu uru pirse mers est. The 
meaning seems to be : si quis habet portatum aliquid ubi 
salutare est,facito ustionem prout salutare est. The etymology 
of mers is quite uncertain. Grotefend connects it with medicus, 
Lassen with merx. The passage before us will mean : Inde 
stipulator parram dextram, tibi, civitati Iguvince, i. e. " There- 
upon make good the propitious owl for thee and the city of 

9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. a. 

A complete examination of the whole of the Eugubine Tables 
does not fall within the limits of this work, and I will only add 
a few extracts from the Litany in the sixth Table. 

VI. a : 22. Teio subokau suboko, 23. Dei Grabovi, 
okri-per Fisiu, tota-per liovina, erer nomne-per, 
erar nomne-per ; fos sei, poker sei, okre Fisei, 
24. Tote liovine, erer nomne, erar nomne : 

i. e. te invoco invocationem, Jupiter Grabovi, pro monte Fisio t 
pro urbe Iguvina, pro illius nomine, pro hujus nomine ; bonus 
sis, propitius sis, monti Fisio, urbi Iguvince, illius nomini, 
hujus nomini. 

VI. a: 24. Arsie, tio subokau suboko, Dei Gr above: 

i. e. adsis, te invoco invocationem, J. Gr. 

In both these passages sub-okau is the verb for sub-vocam, 
and sub-oco is a noun, so that the construction is like Cato's : te 
bonas preces precor (R. E. 134, 139). 

Arsier.frite tio subokau 25. suboko D. Gr. 

Here f-rite is written for rite, just as we have f-rango by the 
side of wjLr, f-ragen, f-luo, as well as rogo, luo 


f-ragum, pa.% ; f-renum, " rein ;" f-rigere, rigere, &c. ; and in 
these tables probably f-ri for rus, f-rosetom for rogatum, &c. 

VI. a : 26. D. Gr., orer ose, persei okreFisie pir 
orto est, toteme lovine arsmor dersekor subator 
sent, pusei nep heritu. 

This passage is somewhat more difficult. It appears to me that 
the particles per-sei, pu-sei, mark the opposition of the protasis 
to the apodosis, " as" " so," prout ita. The chief difficulty 
here is in the word arsmo-r, which, however, occurs very fre- 
quently in the Tables. It is clearly the plural of arsmo. If we 
examine one of the numerous passages in which the word is 
found, we may be inclined to conjecture that it means a man or 
functionary of some sort. Thus in VI. a, 32, we have : D. Gr. 
salvo seritu okrer Fisier, totar Hovinar nome; nerf, arsmo, 
veiro, pequo, kastruo,fri, salva seritu; which must surely mean: 
J. Gr. saluum servato nomen ocris Fisii, urbis Iguvince, salvos 
servato principes (i. e. neriones), arsmos, viros, pecua, prcedia, 
segetes. Now Lassen has shown (Rhein. Mus. 1834, p. 151) 
that dersecor must be a derivative from disseco, and that, like 
mergus, vivus, from mergere, vivere, it must have an active 
signification. We have the verb der-seco dis-seco in the form 
dersikust, dersikurent (dis-secassit, dis-secaverint). Conse- 
quently, arsmor dersecor must mean arsmi dissecantes, or dissi- 
centes (for dissico, 4. conj., see Gronov. Lect. Plautin. p. 87). 
jSubator sent is either subacti sunt or subjecti sunt, i. e. sub- 
missi sunt. On the whole, it is most probable that arsmus 
means a priest ; and the following seems to be the true analysis 
of the word. If we compare al-mus, " the nourisher," with 
alu-mnus, " the nourished," and other forms in -mnus (New 
Crat. 410), we may conclude that ars-mus has an active signi- 
fication in reference to its first syllable. Now we have the root 
ars- in the Etruscan harus-pex, and probably in dra = dsa = ars-a. 
And whatever is the meaning of the root of these two words, it 
is clear that it is not inconsistent with that which we should 
expect in ars-mus. Accordingly, it is a reasonable conjecture 
that ars-mus = harus-mus means a sacrificial priest, or altar- 
man. If this supposition be correct, we shall have no great 
difficulty in translating the passage before us. Pir occurs so 
often in connexion with vuku = focus, asa = ara, uretu = urito, 




[On. III. 

&c. that it must mean " fire," cf. Gr. 7rvp, 0. H. G. fiur, N. II. 
G. feuer, 0. N. fyr, Engl. fire. Orer is a deponent form of oro, 
after the analogy of precor, ei^o/xcu. Ose is probably ore. 
Nep stands for nee, as in Oscan, but does not imply any. dis- 
junction : nor did nee or neg in old Latin ; compare nee-lego, 
nec-qnidquam, &c., and see Festus, p. 162, sub vv. neclegens 
and nee. Muller (SuppL Annot. p. 387) supposes that the 
disjunctive nee or neque, and the negative nee or neg, were two 
distinct particles. To me it appears that nee or neg is never 
used for non except either as qualifying a single word neg- 
ligo 1 , nec-opinans, neg-otium, in a conditional clause, as in the 
passages quoted by Festus, and Cato R. R. 141, or in a pro- 
hibition, as here ; in all which cases the Greeks used ^ and not 
oi/, and the Romans generally ne and not non. Nego is a 
peculiar case; the Greeks said ov (ptjfju OVTWS e-^etv for (praml 
juuj OVTCOS eyeiv : and the same principle may be applied to 
explain ov% ^Kiara, ov yap a^eivovy &c. In a case like this the 
Romans seem to have used nee as qualifying and converting the 
whole word, in preference to non. Muller supposes that negritu, 
quoted by Festus (p. 165) as signifying cegritudo in augurial 
language, stands for nec-ritu. I think it must be a corruption 
for ne-gritu[do~] : see below, Ch. VII. 5. Heritu is the imper. 
of hri, " to take away," Sanscrit hfi = caper e, toller e, demere, 
auferre, rapere, abripere, Welsh hwra. The whole passage then 
may be rendered : J. Gr. precor precatione, quoniam in ocri 
Fisio ignis ortus est, in urbe Iguvina sacerdotes dissecantes 
submissi sunt, ita ne tu adimas. 

1 Prof. Newman {Regal Rome, p. 26) says that neg-ligo is to be com- 
pared with nach-lassen, and exhibits the German nach "after " a particle 
unknown to Latin. I believe he is not responsible for this puerile deri- 
vation, which evinces a complete ignorance of the part which nee or neg 
plays in Latin words, and of the connexion of this particle with nach. 
We shall see when we come to the Etruscan language that nak occurs in 
an inscription with the sense " in " or " down in ;" and in this or a similar 
sense na or nach is used in all the Sclavoniaii and German dialects to 
say nothing of po-ne, si-ne, &c. in Latin. The guttural at the end of 
oii-F, ov-xi, does not differ from that in ne-c, ne-que; and as the Sanscrit 
ava-k, which is obviously connected with the Greek ov-< = va-Pa-K (New 
Crat. 189) signifies deorsum, we can easily reconcile the different signi- 
fications of these particles. 




10. Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin 


This may suffice as far as the direct interpretation of the 
Tables is concerned. In conclusion, it may be well to give a 
list of those words in the Umbrian language which approach 
most closely to their Latin equivalents. And first, with respect 
to the numerals, which are the least mutable elements in every 
language, it is clear that tuves (duves), tuva (duvd), and tris, 
treia, correspond to duo and tres, tria. Similarly tupler 
(dupler) and tripler represent duplus and triplus, and tuplak 
(III. 14) is duplice. It is obvious, too, that petur is " four," 
as in Oscan ; see VI. b, 10 : du-pursus, petur-pursus, i. e. 
bifariam, quadrifariam. As to the ordinals, prumum is pri- 
mum, etre (etrama) is alter, and tertie (tertiama) is tertius. 

The other words may be given in alphabetical order : 

A brof (apruf) (VII. a, 3) = apros. 
Ager (Tab. XXVII. 21). 
Ahes-no (III. 8, 19) = ahenus. 
Alfu (I. b, 29) =albus (a\0o). 
Amb-, prefix. 
Ander (anter) (VI. b, 47- I. b, 8) 

= inter (sim. in Oscan). 
Angla or ankla (VI. a, Y)aquila 

(comp. anguis with e^i?, undo, 

with v%(ap, &c., see New Crat., 

p. 303). 

Anglome (VI. a, 9) = angulus. 
An-tentu (passim) = in-tendito. 
Ar-fertur (VI. a, 3) = affertor. 
Arputrati (V. a, 12) = arbitratu. 
Ar-veitu (I. b, 6) = advehito (cf. 

arms and arves). 
Asa (VI. a, 9, et passim) = ara. 
Aslane (I. a, 25) = Asiano. 
Atru (I. b, 29)=ter. 
Aveis (VI. a, 1) = avilus, &c. 
Benes (I. b, 50) = venies. 
Bue (VI. a, 26, et passim) = bove. 
Oesna (V. b, 9) = coena. 

Der-sikurent (VI. b, 62) = disse- 

Der or ter, later ders or dirs, from 
deda^ a reduplicated form of da = 
dare. It is sometimes found 
under the forms duve or tuve, 
especially in composition with 
pur, as in pur-tum-tu =pro-dito 
or por-ricito (II. a, 24). 

Dekuria or tekuria (II. b, 1) = 
decuria^ i. e. decu-viria. 

Destru or testru (I. a, 29) = dexter. 

Dife or ft'f^ (II. a, 17) = decere. 

Ditu (VI. b, 10) = 

J9^(VI. b, 50) 

Dupla (VI. b, 18), so also numer 
tupler (V. a, 19) comp. numer 
prever (V. a, 18) and numer 
tripler (V. a, 21). 

(VII. b, 2) = eum. 

Fakust (IV. 31)=fecerit. 
Famerias Pumperias (VIII. a, 2) 
= families Pompilice. 




[Cu. III. 

Far (V. b, 10) =far. 

Fato (VI. b, l\)=fatum. 

Feraklu (Miiller, Etrusk. I. p. 57, 
note) ferculum. 

Ferehtru (III. 16) =feretrum. 

Ferine (I. a, 4) = farina. 

Fertu (VI. b, 50) =ferto. 

Frater (V. b, 11). 

Fos (VI. a, 23) = bonus. 

Funtlere (I. b, 24) =fontulo. 

Habetu (II. a, 23) = habeto. 

Here^velle, connected with Mr, 
" the hand," /?r0-HEND-o, alpew, 
&c. (,Afe? Oaf, 162) ; hence 
fieri vel (I. a, 22) ; also in 
the sense of taking away, &c. 
like the Sanscr. hri, Welsh 
hwra (above p. 98). 

Homonus (V. b, \fy = homines. 

Jfe(ll. b, 12) = ibi. 

Jvenka (I. b, 40) =juvenca. 

Kanetu (IV. 29) = canito. 

Kapire (I. a, 29) = capide, " with 
a sacrificial jug." 

Kaprum (II. a, 1). 

Karetu (I. b, 33) = calato. 

Karne (II. a, 1). 

Kastruo (VI. a, 30, et passim) = 

(II. a, 38) = catulus. 
Komohota (VI. a, 
Kuratu (V. a, 24) : 

ratu si = si rede curatum sit. 
Kurnak (VI. a, 2) = cornix. 
Kvestur (V. a, 23) = qucestor. 
Maletu (II. a, 18) = molito. 
Manu (II. a, 32) = manus. 
Mehe (VI. a, 5) = mihi. 
Mestru (V. a, 24) = magister v. 


Mugatu (VI. a, 6) = mugito. 
Muneklu (V. a, l*J)=munusculum. 
Muta (V. b, 2) = multa. 

Naratu (II. a, 8) -narrato (Varro 

wrote narare). 

Ner (VI. a, 30, &c.) =princeps. 
Nome (passim) = nomen. 
No-sve (VI. b, 54) = nisi. 
Numer (V. a, lj) = numerus. 
Numo (V. a, 17) = numus. 
Orer (VI. a, 26) = oro, ev-^o^a 
Orto (VI. a, 26) = ortus. 
Ose (VI. a, 26) = ore. 
Ostendu (VI. a, 20) = ostendo. 
Oui (VI. b, 43), fern (II. 6, 10) = 


Pase (VI. a, 30) =pace. 
Pater (II. a, 24). 
Peiko (VI. a, 3) =picus. 
Peku (VI. a, 30) =pecus. 
Pelsana (I. a, 26) = balsamon. 
Persnimu (I. b, 7) = precator. 
Pihakler (V. a, 8) =piaculum. 
Pihatu (VI. a, 9) =piato. 
Pir (I, b, 12) = 7rvp,Jire. 
Plenasio (V. a, 2) = plenarius. 
Poplo (passim) = populus. 
Porka (VII. a, 6) = porca. 
Post ; postro (VI. b, 5) = postero, 

i. e. retro. 
Prokanurent (VI. a, 16) = pro- 


Proseseto (VI. a, 56) = prosecato. 
Puemune (III. 26) =pomona. 
Puprike (III. 27) =publice. 
Pur-tin-sus (I. b, 33) =pro-ten- 


Pustertiu (I. b, 40) = post-tertio. 
Rehte (V. a, 24) = recte. 
JRi (V. a, 6) = res. 
Ruphra (I. b, 27) = rubra. 
Sakra (I. b, 29). 
Salvo, salva, &c. (passim). 
Seritu (passim) = servato (Miiller, 

Etrusk, I. p. 55). 

a = 




Skrehto (VII. b, 3) = scriptus. 
Sopo (VI. b, 5) = sapone. 
Stahitu (VI. b, 56) = state. 
Strusla (VI. a, 59) = stru-cula, 

climin. of strues. ^ 

Sulator (VI. a, 27, &c.) = sulacti. 
Suloko (VI. a, 22, &c.) = sub-voco. 
Subra (V. a, 20) = supra. 
Sve (V. a, 24) = Osc. suas, Lat. si. 
Seritu (II. b, 24), vide seritu. 
Sesna (V. b, 9) = cesna, coena. 
TafleQI. a, 12) = tabula. 
Tases (VI. a, 55) = tacens. 
Tekuries (II. a, 1) = decurice. 
Termnu-ko (VI. b, 53) = 

(passim) = te. 
Uretu (III. 12) = urito. 
Urnasier (V. a, 2) = urnarlus. 
Umkum (III. 28) = cwra 000. 
Fas (VI. a, 28) = vas-tus. 
Vatuva (I. a, 4) =fatua. 
Veiro (VI. a, 30) = viros. 
Veru (passim) fores. 
Vestra (V. b, 61). 
Vinu (passim) = vinum. 
Virseto (VI. a, 28) visus. 
Vitlu (II. a, 21) = mtulus. 
Voku-kom (VI. b, 43) = cum vel 

Vutu (II. b, 39) = vultus. 

11. The Todi Inscription contains four words of the 

same class. 

In the year 1835 a bronze figure of a man in armour was 
discovered near Todi ( Tuder], on the borders of Umbria. The 
inscription, which was detected on the girdle of the breast-plate, 
has been interpreted from the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew lan- 
guages by a number of different scholars. It appears to me to 
contain four words, which may be added to the above list, as 
they are all explicable from the roots of the Latin language. 
The inscription runs thus : 


The word titis occurs in the Eugubine Tables (I. b, 45), and 
punum is obviously the accusative of punus, another form of 
pune, punes, puni, which are known to be Uinbrian words. It is 
true that the Latin synonym panis and the Eugubine words 
belong to the i- declension ; but that is no reason why we should 
not have a by-form of the o- declension, and that this form 
actually existed in Messapia is well known (Athen. III. p. Ill c.: 
iravos apro? Meo-craVioi)' These two words being removed 
from the middle, the extremities remain, namely, ahaltru and 
pepe. With regard to the first it is to be observed that the 
lengthening of a syllable, by doubling the vowel and inserting 
the letter h, is common in Umbrian (see Leps. de Tabb. Eugub. 
pp. 92, sqq.), and the same practice is often remarked in Latin. 



[Cn. III. 

Indeed, as we have seen above (p. 82), the elongated form is the 
more ancient and original. Ahaltru, then, bears the same 
relation to the Latin alter that ahala bears to ala, nihil to 
nil, vehemens to vemens, &c. It is true that in the Eugu- 
bine Tables etre seems to represent the meaning, if not the 
form of alter; but this is no reason why there should not 
be the other equally genuine and ancient form alter or ahalter, 
which is probably the more emphatic word in that language, 
and corresponds, perhaps, in meaning to the adjective alienus. 
The signification of the word pepe suggests itself from the 
context, and is also supported by analogy. It seems to be 
a reduplication of the root pa (pd-nis, pa-sco, TracrdcrOai, 
Tret-reopen, &c.), analogous to the reduplication of the root 
bi (or pi, TTL-VO), &c.) in bi-bo. If the Sabines were a warrior 
tribe of Umbrians, it is reasonable to conclude that their name 
for " a warrior" would be Umbrian also ; now we know that 
the Sabine name for " a warrior" was titus (Fest. p. 366, and 
above, p. 26), and the warrior tribe at Rome was called the 
Titienses (Liv. I. 13); accordingly, as the Umbrian Propertius 
calls these the Titles (El. IV. 1, 31 : Hinc Titles Ramnesque 
viri Luceresque coloni 1 ), it is not an unfair assumption that titis, 
pi. titles, was the Umbrian word for " a warrior." We have the 
same word on an Etruscan monument from Volterra, which re- 
presents a warrior with sword and spear, and bears the following 
legend : mi afiles Tltes (Inghirami Mon. Etr. ser. VI. tav. A. 
Micali Ant. Mon. tav. 51. Miiller, Denkmaler, LXII. n. 312). 
The inscription, then, will run thus : " the warrior eats another's 
bread ;" the position of ahaltru being justified by the emphasis 
which naturally falls upon it. Compare Dante, Paradiso, XVII. 

58-60 : 

Tu proverai si come sa di sale 

Lo pane altrui, et com* e duro calle 

Lo scendere e '1 salir per T altrui scale. 

This motto, then, either refers to the practice of serving as 
mercenaries, so common among the Italians, or expresses the 
prouder feeling of superiority to the mere agriculturist, which 
was equally characteristic of the oldest Greek warriors. Compare 
the scolion of Hybrias the Cretan (ap. Athen. XV. 695 F.) : 

Lucmo in V. 29 is an accurate transcription of the Etruscan Lauchme. 


<TTl fJLOl TT\OVTOS [ifydS 86pv KOI l<f)Og 

KOI TO KciXov \aKTrfiov 7rp6(3\r]p.a xpcoroV 

TOVTM fjiev apc3, TOVTW Qfpifa, 

TOVTO) Trareo) TOV a8i>v oivov an a/i7reXo>, 

TOVTO) 8f(rrr6ras>ias Ke/cX^/zat. 

rot fie z> roXia)j^r' efti' Sov at l<>of, K. r. X. 

It is also to be remarked that the Lucumones, or " illustrious 
nobles," among the Tuscans, seem to have distinguished their 
plebeians as Aruntes (apovvres), i. e. mere ploughmen and agri- 
cultural labourers (Klenze, Phil. Abhandlung. p. 39, note). In 
general the prsenomen Aruns seems to be used in the old mythi- 
cal history to designate an inferior person (Miiller, Etrusk. I. 
p. 405). 


1. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as Sabellian also. 2. 
Alphabetical list of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpretation. 3. The 
Bantine Table. 4. Commentary on the Bantine Table. 5. The Cippus 
Abellanus. 6. The bronze tablet of Agnone. 7. The " Atellanae." 

1. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered 

as. Sabellian also. 

THE Oscan language is more interesting even than the Um- 
brian, and the remains which have come down to us are 
much more easily interpreted than the Eugubine Tables. Indeed, 
as Niebuhr has remarked (I. ad not. 212), " some of the inscrip- 
tions may be explained word for word, others in part at least, 
and that too with perfect certainty, and without any violence." 
This language had a literature of its own, and survived the 
Roman conquest of southern Italy. It was spoken in Samnium 
in the year 459 ; l it was one of the languages of Bruttium in 
the days of Ennius 2 ; the greatest relic of Oscan is the Bantine 
Table, which was probably engraved about the middle of the 
seventh century ; and the Oscan was the common idiom at Her- 
culaneum and Pompeii, when the volcano at once destroyed and 
preserved those cities. 

Although, as it has been shown in a previous chapter, the 
Sabines must be regarded as a branch of the Umbrian stock, who 
conquered all the Ausonian nations, and though Varro 3 speaks of 
the Sabine language as different from the Oscan, yet, as all the 
remains of the Sabine and Oscan languages belong to a period 
when the Sabellian conquerors had mixed themselves up with the 
conquered Ausonians and had learned their language, it seems 
reasonable that we should not attempt, at this distance of time, 

1 Liv. X. 20 : " gnaros linguce Oscce exploratum mittit." 

2 Festus, s. v. bilingues, p. 35 : " bilingues Bruttates Ennius dixit, quod 
Brutti et Osce et Greece loqui solid sint." 

3 L. L. VII. 3, p. 130, Muller. Varro was born at Reate (see 
p. 301 of Mailer's edition), and therefore, perhaps, attached peculiar 
importance to the provincialisms of the ager SaUnus. 


to discriminate between them, but that, recognising generally the 
original affinity of the Urnbrian and Oscan nations, we should 
consider the Sabine words which have been transmitted to us, as 
belonging, not so much to the Umbrian idiom, as to the complex 
Sabello- Oscan language, which prevailed throughout the whole of 
southern Italy. And this view of the matter is farther justified 
by the fact, that a great many of these words are quoted, not 
only as Sabine, but also as Oscan. It is true that some parti- 
cular words are quoted as Sabine, which are not found in Oscan 
inscriptions, and not known to be Oscan also; but we cannot 
form any general conclusions from such isolated phenomena, espe- 
cially as a great many of these words are Latin as well. All 
that it proves is simply this, that there were provincialisms in 
the Sabine territory properly so called. Still less can we think 
with Miiller (Etrusk. I. p. 42), that the Sabine language is the 
un-Greek element in the Oscan ; for many of these words have 
direct connexions with Greek synonyms, as Miiller himself has 
admitted. There are no Sabine inscriptions as such. The Mar- 
sian inscription, quoted by Lanzi, and which Niebuhr thought 
unintelligible (I. 105, ad not. 333), is Oscan, if it ought not 
rather to be called old Latin. 

In the following observations, then, for the materials of which 
I am largely indebted to the writings of Professor Klenze (Phi- 
lologische Abhandlungen, Berlin, 1839,) and of Theodor Momm- 
sen (Unteritalischen Dialekte, Leipsig, 1850), the Sabine and 
Oscan will be treated in conjunction with one another. Before 
proceeding to consider the Oscan inscriptions, it may be as well 
to give an alphabetical list of those words which are cited by old 
writers as Sabine, Oscan, or both. 

2. Alphabetical list of Sabello- Oscan words, with their 


y Sab. Fest. p. 4, Miiller : " Album, quod nos dicimus, a 

Graeco, quod est d\<p6v, est appellatum. Sabini tamen alpum 

Anxur. Plin. H. N. Ill, 5 : " flumen Ufens lingua Volscorum 

Anxur dictum." 
Aurelius. Vide s. v. Sol. 
Aurum, Sab. Fest. p. 9: " Aurum alii a Sabinis trans latum 

putant, quod illi ausum dicebant." 



[On. IV. 

Brutus, Osc. " A runaway slave," " a maroon." Strabo, VI. 
p. 255: Diod. XVI. 15. 

Cascus, Casinus, Casnar, Sab. Osc. Varro, L. L. VII. $ 28 : 
" Cascum significat vetus ; ejus origo Sabina, quse usque radices 
in Oscam linguam egit." 29 : " Item ostendit quod oppidum 
vocatur Casinum; hoc enim ab Sabinis orti Samnites tenue- 
runt, et nunc nostri etiam nunc Casinum forum vetus appellant. 
Item significant in Atellanis aliquot Pappum senem, quod 
Osci Casnar appellant."" These words probably contain the 
Sanscrr root cas-, " white," which also appears in KaOapos, 
cas-tus, &c. Cdnus is also to be referred to this class (comp. 
co-esna, ccena, &c.), and stands related to candidus, as plenus 
does to s-plendidus. According to Pott (Etym. Forsch. II. 
109), cas-nar is a compound word, containing the roots cas-, 
" old," and nri, " man." Lobeck thinks (Paralip. p. 22 n.) 
that Casnar is for canus, as Ccesar and Cceso for Ccesus. 

Catus, Sab. Varro, L. L. VII. ^ 46 : " Cata acuta ; hoc enim 
verbo dicunt Sabini." 

Crepusculum, Sab. Varro, L. L. VI. $ 5 : " Secundum hoc dicitur 
crepusculum a crepero. Id vocabulum sumpserunt a Sabinis, 
unde veniunt Crepusci nominati Amiterno, qui eo tempore 
erant nati, ut Lucii prima luce. In Reatino crepusculum sig- 
nificat dubium ; ab eo res dictae dubiae creperce, quod crepus- 
culum dies etiam nunc sit an jam nox, multis dubium." VII. 
$ 77 : " Crepusculum ab Sabinis, quod id dubium tempus 
noctis an diei sit." Comp. Festus, s. v. Decrepitus, p. 71, 
Muller. The root of this word seems to be contained in the 
Sanscr. kshapas, Greek /c^e0a? (see New Crat. 160). 

Cumba, Sab. Festus, p. 64 : " Cumbam Sabini vocant earn, 
quam militares lecticam, unde videtur derivatum esse cubicu- 
lum" Comp. Varro, L. L.V. 166, and Gloss. MS. Camberon. 
(Voss. Vit. Serm. p. 419) : " Cumba dicitur lectica a cubando" 

Cupencus, Sab. Serv. ad ^En. XII. 538 : " Sane sciendum, 
cupencum Sabinorum lingua sacerdotem vocari : sunt autem 
cupenci Herculis saeerdotes." 

Curis, Quiris, Sab. Ovid. Fast. II. 475 : " Sive quod hasta 
curis priscis est dicta Sabinis." Varro (ap. Dion. Hal. II. p. 
109, Huds.) : Kvpets yap o\ 2a/3Ti/o ra9 ar^as KaXovffC 
TavTa /mev ovv TepevTios Ovdppcw ypa<pei. Macrob. Sat. I. 
9 : " Quirinum quasi bellorum potentem, ab hasta, quam Sa- 


bini curim vocant." Festus, p. 49 : " Curis est Sabine hasta. 
Unde Romulus Quirinus, quia earn ferebat, est dictus." Ibid : 
" Curitim Junonem appellabant, quia eandem ferre hastam 
putabant." p. 63 : " Quia matrons Junonis Curitis in tutela 
sint, quae ita appellabatur a ferenda hasta, quse lingua Sabi- 
norum Curis dicebatur." (Comp. Muller, Etrusk. II. p. 45, 
and Festus, p. 254.) Servius, ^n. I. 296 : " Romulus au- 
tem Quirinus ideo dictus est, vel quod hasta utebatur, quse 
Sabinorum lingua Curis dicitur : hasta enim, i. e. curis, telum 
longum est, unde et securis, quasi semi-curis" Isidor. IX. 
2, 84 : "Hi et Quirites dicti, quia Quirinus dictus est Romu- 
lus ; quod semper hasta utebatur, quse Sabinorum lingua quiris 
dicitur." Cf. Plutarch. Vit. Romul. 29. If curis meant " a 
lance," as these authorities indicate, its meaning was derived 
from the definition of a lance as " a headed or pointed staff." 
The analogies suggested by Pott (Et. Forsch. I. 263, II. 533) 
do not lead to any satisfactory result. Some confusion arises 
in the mind from a comparison of Quirites, (curia), curiatii, 
" the full citizens or hoplites," with Kovprjre?, Kvpioi, Koipavoi 
Kovpoi, KovpiSios words denoting " headship " or " personal 
rank." Comp. New Cratylus, 330 ; Welcker, Theognis, p. 
xxxiii. ; Lobeck, AglaopJiam. p. 1144, not. c., and ad Soph. 
Aj. 374, 2d edit. ; and above p. 24. 

Cyprus, Sab. Yarro, L. L. V. 159 : " Vicus Cyprius (Liv. I. 
48) a cypro, quod ibi Sabini cives additi consederunt, qui a 
bono omine id appellarunt ; nam cyprum Sabine bonum." 
The word probably contains the same element as the Persian 
khub (<-r*j^), "good" or "fair." As Kupra was the Etruscan 
Juno, (Strabo, p. 241), this word must have belonged to the 
Umbrian element common to both languages. 

Dalivus, Osc. Fest. p. 68 : " Dalivum supinum ait esse Aure- 
lius, JSlius stultum. Oscorum quoque lingua significat insa- 
num. Santra vero dici putat ipsum, quern Graeci ei\aiov, i. e. 
propter cujus fatuitatem quis misereri debeat." Comp. Hesych., 
AaAfc, fjiwpos ; and see Blomf. ad ^Esch. Eumen. 318. Labb. 
Gloss, daunum, a(f>pova, where Scaliger reads dalivum. 

Diana, Sab. Vide sub v. Feronia. 

Dims, Umbr. et Sab. Serv. ad ^n. III. 235 : " Sabini et 
Umbri, quse nos mala dira appellant." This word seems to 
be the same in effect as the Gr. 



[On. IV. 

Falacer (cf. alacer). Varro, L. L. V. 84, (cf. VII. $ 45) : 
" flamen Falacer a divo patre Falacre" It is supposed 
by Mommsen that this word was Sabine, because Vespasian's 
Sabine birth-place was Falacrine or Falacrinum. If so the 
word must have belonged to the Umbrian element common 
to the Sabine and Etruscan : for Varro tells us here that 
Falacer was divus pater, or Jupiter, and we learn ex- 
pressly th&tfalandum was the Etruscan equivalent to ccelum 
(Fest. p. 88). 

Famel, Osc. Fest. p. 87 : " Famuli origo ab Oscis dependet, 
apud quosserv us famel nominabatur, unde ekfamilia vocata." 
Comp. Miiller, Etrusker, I. p. 38. Benfey ( Wurzel-Lex. II. 
20) would connect fa-mel for fag-mel with the Sanscrit root 
bhag', "to honour;" Sclav, bog, "god;" Russ. bog-itj, "to 

Fasena, Sab. Varro (ap. Vet. OrtJwgr. p. 2230 P.) : " Siqui- 
dem, ut testis est Varro, a Sabinis fasena dicitur." p. 2238 : 
" Itaque Tiarenam justius quis dixerit, quoniam apud antiquos 
fasena erat, et hordeum, quia fordeum, et, si cut supra diximus, 
hircos, quoniam firci erant, et hcedi, quoniam fcedi." The 
ancients, however, often omitted the aspirate in those words 
which originally had f. Quinctil. Inst. Orat. I. 5. 20 : 
" Parcissime ea (aspiratione) veteres usi sunt etiam in vocalibus, 
cum azdos ircosque dicebant." The f is changed into h in 
the proper name Halesus the hero eponymus of the Fale- 
rians, and founder of Falisci : see Turneb. Adv. XXI. 3. 
Below, Fedus. For the similar change from f to h in the 
Romance languages, see New Cratylus, J 111. 

Februum, Sab. Varro, L. L. VI. $ 13: " Februum Sabini 
purgamentum, et id in sacris nostris verbum." Ovid. Fast. 
II. 19 : " Februa Romani dixere piamina Patres." Fest. 
p. 85. Also Tuscan ; see J. Lyd. de Mens. p. 170. 

Fedus, Fcedus, Sab. Varro, L. L. V. 97 : " Ircus, quod Sa- 
bini fircus ; quod illic fedus, in Latio rure edus ; qui in urbe, 
lit in multis A addito, aedus." Apul. de Not. Adspir. p. 94 
(Osann.) : " M. Terentius scribit hedum lingua Sabinorum 
fedum vocatum, Romanesque corrupte Jiedus pro eo quod est 
fedus habuisse, sicut hircus pro fircus, et trahere pro trafere" 
p. 125 : " Sabini enirn fircus, Romani hircus; illi vefere, Ro- 
mani vehere protulerunt." Fest. p. 84: " Fcedum antiqui 


dicebant pro hcedo, folus pro olere, fostem pro hoste, fostem 
pro hostia." Above, Fasena. 

Feronia, Sab. Varro. L. L. V. J 74 : " Feronia, Minerva, 
Novensides a Sabinis. Paulo aliter ab eisdem dicimus Her- 
culem, Vestam, Salutem, Fortunam, For tern, Fidem. Et 
arsB Sabinam linguam olent quaa Tati regis voto sunt Romae 
dedicate; nam ut Annales dicunt, vovit (1) Opi, (2) Florae, 
(3) Vediovi Saturnoque, (4) Soli, (5) Lunce, (6) Fbfcawo et 
Summano, itemque (7) Larundce, (8) Termino, (9) Qm"- 
Hno, (10) Vortumno, (11) Laribus, (12) Diancc, Lucinceque. 
[The figures refer to the XII. altars, according to Muller's 
view, Festus, p. xliv : comp. Etrusk. II. p. 64.] " E quis 
nonnulla nomina in utraque lingua habent radices, ut arbores, 
qufe in confinio natse in utroque agro serpunt : potest enim 
Saturnus hie de alia causa esse dictus atque in Sabinis, et sic 
Diana, et de quibus supra dictum est." 

Fides, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia. 

Fircus, Sab. Above, s. v. Fedus. 

Flora, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia. 

Fors, Fortuna. Ibid. 

Gela, Osc. Steph. Byzan, voc. Te'Xa : o $e Trora/jio? (Fe'Aa) 
OTI 7ro\\r]V Trayvriv yevvq.' Tavrrjv yap Trj OTTIHWV (pcovrj 
Kal St/ceXet)i' ye\av \eyea9at. 

Hercules, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia. 

Herna, Sab. et Marsic. " A rock." Serv. ad Virg. JEn. VII. 
684. Compare Kpav-aos) K(ipa.v-ov ; Gael, earn ; Irish, cair- 
neach; Sclav, kremeni. 

Idus, Sab. Yarro, L. L. VI. 28: " Idus ab eo quod Tusci 
itus, vel potius quod Sabini idus dicunt." 

Irpus, Sab. et Samn. Serv. ad ^En. XL 785 : "Nam lupi Sa- 
binorum lingua hirpi vocantur." Fest. p. 106 : "Irpini 
appellati nomine lupi, quern irpum dicunt Samnites; eum 
enim ducem secuti agros occupavere." Strabo, V. p. 250 : 

6^*7? O 1(711' IpTTlVOl, KCtVTOl ^aVVlTCll' TOVVO/JLa $ GCJ^OI/ O.7TO 

TOV rjyrj(rafJivou \VKOV ri/s ajroiKias' 'ipirov yap KaXovaiv oi 
2ai/!/Ircu TOV \VKOV. Compare the Sanscrit vrtkas ; and see 
New Cratyl 269. 

Jupiter, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Lares, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Larunda, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 


Lebasius, Sab. Serv. ad Virg. Georg. I. 7 : " Quamvis Sabini 
Cererem Panem appellant, Liberum Lebasium" It is pro- 
bable that the root-syllable should be written lceb-=lub- (see 
Fest. p. 121, Miiller). For the termination we may compare 
the Sabine name Vesp-asia. 

Lepestce, Sab. Varro, L. L. V. 123 : " Dictse lepestce, quse 
etiam nunc in diebus sacris Sabinis vasa vinaria in mensa 
deorum sunt posita; apud antiques scriptores inveni appel- 
lari poculi genus Xeiravrav, quare vel inde radices in agrum 
Sabinum et Romanum sunt profectse." 

Lixula, Sab. Varro, L. L. V. 107 : " Circuli, quod mixta 
farina et caseo et aqua circuitum aequabiliter fundebant. Hoc 
quidem qui magis incondite faciebant, vocabant lixulas et 
semilixulas vocabulo Sabino, itaque frequentati a Sabinis." 

Lucetius, Osc. Serv. ad ^En. IX. 570 : " Lingua Osca Luce- 
tins est Jupiter dictus, a luce quam prsestare dicitur homi- 

Lucina, Luna. s. v. Feronia. 

Mcesius, Osc. Fest. p. 136 : " Mcesius lingua Osca mensis 

Mamers, Osc. et Sab. Fest. p. 131 : " Mamers, Mamertis 
facit, i. e. lingua Osca Mars, Mortis, unde et Mamertini in 
Sicilia dicti, qui Messanse habitant." Id. p. 158 : " Et no- 
men acceperunt unum, ut dicerentur Mamertini, quod conjectis 
in sortem duodecim deorum nominibus, Mamers forte exierat ; 
qui lingua Oscorum Mars significatur." Id. p. 131: " Ma- 
mercus prsenomen Oscum est ab eo, quod hi Martem Ma- 
mertem appellant." Varro, L. L. V. $ 73 : " Mars ab eo, 
quod maribus in bello priest, aut quod ab Sabinis acceptus, 
ibi (ubi ?) est Mamers.^ This word and its analogies are 
explained in the next chapter, ^ 2. The whole subject has 
been lately reviewed by Corssen, iiber die For men u. Beden- 
tungen des Namen Mars in den ital. Dialekten (Zeitschr. f. 
Vergl. Sprf. 1852, pp. 1 35), who proposes to consider 
Mavors as a contraction of Mar-mar with a formative t, 
which is also found in Mars (Mar-t-). 

Meddix, Osc. Liv. XXVI. 6 : " Medix tuticus summus apud 
Campanos magistratus." Comp. XXIV. 19. (The old reading 
was mediastaticus.) Fest. p. 123 : " Meddix apud Oscos no- 
men magistratus est." Ennius : " Summus ibi capitur Med- 


dix, occiditur alter" (Annal VIII. 73). In this passage from 
Ennius, Dacier reads unus for summus. This appears unne- 
cessary : Meddix occurs in the Oscan inscriptions with the 
epithets degetasius^ fortis, and tuticus ; summus may be 
another epithet of the same kind. The word Meddix appears 
to be connected in origin with the Greek peStav. The proper 
name Mettius (Fest. p. 158), or Mettus (Liv. I. 23), seems to 
have been this word Meddix. At least Livy says that Met- 
tus Fuffetius was made dictator of Alba ; and Festus speaks 
of Sthennius Mettius as princeps of the Samnites. So, also, 
we have MEAAEIS OT*ENS (Meddix Ufens) in the inscription 
given by Castelli di Torremuzza, Sicil. vet. Liscr. V. 45, p. 55 : 
see M.u\ler,Jtrusk. II. p. 69, note. Knotel proposes (Zeitschr. 
f.d. Alterthumsw. 1850, p. 420) to consider Med-dix -medium- 
dicens as a compound analogous to ju-dex=jus-dicens t vin- 
dex vim-dicens 9 &c. The last word is more truly explained 
with reference to ven-eo, ven-do, and ven-dico ; and as media 
is properly spelt with one d (see Schomann's Greifswald Pro- 
gram fur 1840), it would be better to consider med- as the 
root and x = c-s as a mere formative ending: cf. medicus. In 
somewhat later times the Sabello-Oscans called their dictator 
by the name embratur } which is evidently a shortened form of 
the Latin im-perator, or indu-perator. Liv. VIII. 39 ; IX. 1 ; 
X. 29. Oros. V. 15 : " Postquam sibi Samnites Papium Mu- 
tilum imperatorem prsefecerant." Similarly we have coins 
with the Oscan inscription, G. Paapi G. Mutil Embratur ; 
which refer to the time of the Social War, when the forces of 
the confederacy were divided into two armies, each under its 
own imperator, the Marsi being under the orders of Q. Popce- 
dius Silo, the Samnites having for their leader this Gains 
Papius Mutilus, the son of Gains. Of tuticus, see below. 
Minerva, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Multa, Osc. et Sab. Fest. p. 142: "Multam Osce dici putant 
poenam quidam. M. Varro ait pcenam esse, sed pecuniariam, 
de qua subtiliter in Lib. I. qujestionum Epist. I. refert." Cf. 
p. 144. s. v. Maximam multam. Varro, apud Gell. XI. 1 : 
" Vocabulum autem ipsum multce idem M. Varro uno et vice- 
simo rerum humanarum non Latinum sed Sabinum esse dicit, 
idque ad suam memoriam mansisse ait in lingua Samnitium, 
qui sunt a Sabinis orti." 



[On. IV. 

Nar, Sab. Virg. JSn. VII. 517 : " Sulfurea Nar albus aqua." 
Ubi Serv. : " Sabini lingua sua nar dicunt sulfur." 

Ner, nerio, Sab. Suet. Vit. Tiber. I. : " Inter cognomina autem 
et Neronis adsumpsit, quo significatur lingua Sabina fortis ac 
strenuus." Gell. XIII. 22 : " Nerio a veteribus sic declina- 
tur, quasi Anio ; nam proinde ut Anienem, sic Nerienem dix- 
erunt, tertia syllaba producta ; id autem, sive Nerio sive Ne- 
rienes est, Sabinum verbum est, eoque significatur virtus et 
fortitude. Itaque ex Claudiis, quos a Sabinis oriundos acce- 
pimus, qui erat egregia atque praestanti fortitudine Nero appel- 
latus est. Sed id Sabini accepisse a Grsecis videntur, qui vin- 
cula et firmamenta membrorum vevpa dicunt, unde nos quoque 
nervos appellamus." Lydus, de Mens. IV. 42. Id. de Ma- 
gistr. I. 23. Compare the Sanscr. nri ; and see above, p. 106, 
s. v. Cas-nar : cf. p. 97. 

Novensides, Ops. Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Panis= Ceres, Sab. s. v. Lebasius. 

Panos, Messap. Athen. III. p. Ill c.: Travos apros Me<rcra- 
TTLOI. This is a confirmation of punus for panis in the Um- 
brian inscription (p. 101). 

Petora, petorritum, Osc. Test. p. 206 : " Petoritum et Gallicum 
vehiculum est, et nomen ejus dictum esse existimant a numero 
mi. rotarum ; alii Osce, quod hi quoque petora quattuor vo- 
cent ; alii Grsece, sed aioXiKws dictum." Comp. Quinctil. lust. 
Or at. I. 5, 57. The ^Eolic Greek wrote Trecrcrvpcs, wea-- 
crapa, or Tricrvpa, or Trero^e?, ireropa. In Gaelic we have 
peder. The Doric Gr. was Terojoe?. In general we have r 
in Gr. where we have qv in Latin, and in these cases we have 
p in Oscan : e. g. Osc. pis, Lat. qvis, Gr. T/'S ; and the Oscans 
wrote Tarpinius, Ampus, for the Lat. Tarquinius, Ancus. 
But qv was so agreeable to the Roman articulation, that we 
find qv in Latin words where we have not r but TT in Greek. 
Comp. 7rrj 9 TreVre (7rqu.7re), '/TTTTOS, eTTOjucu, Ae/7ro>, XITTCL (Xf- 
Tra/oos), o7TTt\o9, eveTrei, Traracrcra), TrewTco, rjTrap, with qua, 
quinque, equus, sequor, linquo, liqueo, oquulus, in-quit (quoth 
Angl, quethan Anglo-Sax., gwedyd Welsh 1 ), quatio, quoquo, 

1 See below, Chap. XI. 7. We have the present tense of quoth in 
the English word be-queath; cf. be-speak. 


jecur. For petor-ritum (petor, " four," rad, Sanscrit ratha, 
" a wheel") see Heindorf on Hor. Sat. I. 6, 104. 

Picus, Sab. Strabo, V. $ 2 : TTIKOV yap Trp opviv TOVTOV ovo- 
/md^ovcrL KCU vo/AtCpvaiv Apews \6pov. 

Pipatio, Osc. Fest. p. 212 : " Pipatio clamor plorantis lingua 

Pitpit, Osc. Fest. p. 212 : " Pitpit Osce quidquid." Above, 
s. v. Petora. 

Porcus, Sab. Varro, L. L. V. $ 97 : " Porcus quod Sabinis dic- 
tum Aprimo Porco-por, inde porcus ; nisi si a Graecis, quod 
Athenis in libris sacrorum scripta KciTrpit) /cat TropKip." 

Quirinus, Salus, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Sancus, Sab. Varro, L. L. V. 66 : " Julius Dium Fidium di- 
cebat Diovis filium, ut Graeci AtoV Kopov Castorem, et puta- 
bat hunc esse Sancum ab Sabina lingua, et Herculem a Graeca." 
Lyd. de Mens. 58 : TO eayKos ovo^a ovpavov cr^/ua/ret TY\ 

Saturnus, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Scensa, Sab. Fest, p. 339 : " Scensas [Sabini dicebant, quas] 
nunc cenas, quae autem nunc prandia, cenas habebant, et pro 
ceni[s vespernas antiqui]." Comp. Paul. Diac. in p. 338. 

Sol, Sab. s. v. Feronia ; see also Varro, L. L. V. 27, 68 ; but 
Festus says (p. 20) : " Aureliam familiam, ex Sabinis oriun- 
dain, a Sole dictum putant, quod ei publice a populo Romano 
datus sit locus, in quo sacra faceret Soli, qui ex hoc Auseli di- 
cebantur, ut Valesii, Papisii, pro eo quod est Valerii, Papirii." 
And on an Etruscan mirror Usil appears as the name of a 
figure armed with a bow, which probably represents Apollo, 
(Bullett. 1840, p. 11); and this would seem to confirm Miiller's 
suggestion (see Berlin. Jahrbucher, August 1841, p. 222, note) 
that the whole word Ausil was the name of the Sun-god, both 
in the Sabine and in the Etruscan language. The word Au- 
relius, however, brings us much nearer to Aurora, and while 
we have the word Usil on Etruscan monuments in connexion 
with the figure of Aurora (Gerhard, Arch. Zeitung, 1847, 
Anh. no. 1. p. 9), we find from the obvious reading in a gloss of 
Hesychius that the Etruscan word really meant " the morn- 
ing" rather than "the sun:" avKJXcos I. avvrj\[(*)s], <fa>? 
VTTO Tvpprjvwv. And as the Sabines said ausum from aurum, 
we may probably refer both words to the Sanscrit root ush = 
were, and explain the name of the metal from the red glare of 



[Cn. IV. 

light, which is common to it and to the sun-rise : whence Varro 
says (L. L. V. 83) : " aurora dicitur ante solis ortum, ab eo 
quod ab igni solis turn aureo aer aurescat" The slight con- 
fusion between the sun and his early light is easily accounted 
for, and excused : and on the whole it seems better to sup- 
pose that sol, from the Sanscrit root swar - ccelum (Pott, 
Etym. Forsch. I. p. 131), and ausel, from ush = urere, were 
independent, but partly commutable Sabine and Etruscan 

Sollo, Osc, Fest. p. 298 : " Sollo Osce dicitur id quod nos 
totum vocamus. Lucilius : vasa quoque omnino redimit, non 
sollo dupundi, i. e. non tota. Idem Livius. Sollicuria, in 
omni re curiosa. Et solliferreum genus teli, totum ferreum. 
Sellers etiam in omni re prudens [comp. Sanscr. sarvdrtha] ; 
et sollemne, quod omnibus annis prsestari debet." 

Strebula, Umbr. Fest. p. 313 : " Strebula Umbrico nomine 
Plautus appellat coxendices quas G[rseci juqpia dicunt, qune] 
in altaria in[poni solebant, ut Plau]tus ait in Fri[volaria]." 
Varro, L. L. VII. 67 : " Stribula, ut Opilius scribit, cir- 
cum coxendices sunt bo vis ; id GraDcum est ab ejus loci ver- 
sura." Arnob. adv. Gent. VII. 24 : " Non enim placet carnem 
strebulam nominari quae taurorum e coxendicibus demitur." 

Strena, Sab. Elpidian. ap. Lyd. de Mens. IV. 4 : o $e ' EX?rt- 
ciavos kv rw Trepl eoprwv GTprjvav TY\V vyieiav Trj ^afiivcov 
(picvri XeyeffOai <J)rjaiv. Comp. Symmach. Ep. X. 35 ; Fes- 
tus, p. 313; and the Germ, strenge, Engl. strong, Lat. stre- 
nuus, Gr. aTprjvris, (TTprjvos, &c. For another sense of strena, 
see Fest. p. 313. 

Summanus, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Supparus t Osc. Varro, L. L. V. 131 : " Indutui alterum quod 
subtus, a quo subucula ; alterum quod supra, a quo supparus, 
nisi id, quod item dicunt Osci." 

Tebce, Sab. Varro, JR. R. III. 1, 16: "Nam lingua prisca et 
in Grsecia ^Eoleis Bceotii sine afflatu vocant collis tebas ; et in 
Sabinis, quo e Gra3cia venerunt Pelasgi, etiamnunc ita dicunt ; 
cujus vestigium in agro Sabino via Salaria non longe a Reate 
milliarius clivus appellatur Thebce." The word therefore, 
according to Varro, was Pelasgian as well as Sabine. 

Terenum, Sab. Macrob. Sat. II. 14 : " A tereno, quod est 
Sabinorum lingua molle, unde Terentios quoque dictos putat 
Varro ad Libonem primo." Comp. the Gr. 


Terminus, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

Tesqua, Sab. Schol. Hor. Epist. I. 14, 19: "Lingua Sabino- 

rum loca difficilia et repleta sentibus sic (tesqua) nominantur." 

Testis, Sab. Labb. Gloss. Norn. p. 32 : "Testis fLaprvs TY\ 

Touticus, Osc. Liv. XXVI. 6 : " Medix tuticus." The Itine- 
rarium Hierosolym. explains the name of the city Equus- 
Tuticus, which Horace could not fit to his verse (I. Sat. 5, 87), 
by equus magnus. Though it is possible, however, that tuti* 
cus might in a secondary application bear this signification, 
it is more probable that it is the adj. from tuta - civitas, and 
that it means publicus or civicus. Abeken thinks (Mittel- 
italien, p. 100) that the word equus in this compound is the 
ethnical name <&quus ; but the version of the Itinerarium is 
confirmed by the inscription of Nuceria, published by Pelli- 
cano in 1840 : " M. Virtio . M. T. Men. Cerauno . uEdili . II 
Vir . Jure . dicundo . pr^fecto . fabrum . V. Vir . cui . decu- 
riones . ob . munificentiam . ejus . quod . equum . magnum . 
posuerat . et . denarios . populo . dedicatione . ejus . deder^t . 
duumviratum . gratuitum . dederunt . JSTuceriae." So that the 
city may have derived its name from some such symbolical 
steed erected in the market-place, which was at once "great" 
and " public." Cf. Abella = Aperula = Boartown or Borton. 

Trabea, Sab. Lydus de Mens. I. 19. 

Trafere, Sab. Above, s. v. Fedus. 

Trimodia, Sab. Schol. Hor. Serm. 1. 1, 53 : " CumersB dicuntur 
vasa minora quse capiunt quinque sive sex modios, qus8 lingua 
Sabinorum trimodice dicuntur." 

Ungulus, Osc. Test. p. 375 : " Ungulus Oscorum lingua anu- 
lus." Comp. Plin. H. N. XXXIII. 1. 

Vacuna, Sab. Horat. I. Epist. X. 49 : " Post fanum putre 
Vacunce." Porphyr. ad 1. : " Vacuna apud Sabinos pluri- 
mum colitur...Varro...Victoriam ait et ea maximehi gaudent 
qui sapientia vincunt." She seems to have been the goddess 
of Victory, whether she approximated in this capacity to 
Bellona, to Minerva, to Diana, or to Ceres; and the old 
temple, mentioned by Horace, was restored under this name 
by the Sabine Emperor Vespasian: vide Orelli, Corp. In- 
script, no. 1868. 

Vedius, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 



Vefere, Sab. s. v. Fedus. 

Veia, Osc. Fest. p. 368: " Vela apud Oscos dicebatur plaustrum." 

Vesperna, Sab. s. v. Scensa. 

Vesta, VolcanuSy Vertumnus, Sab. s. v. Feronia. 

3. The Bantine Table. 

The most important fragment of the Oscan language is carved 
on a bronze tablet, which was found in the year 1793 at Oppido, 
on the borders of Lucania, and which is called the Tabula Ban- 
tina on account of the name Bansce occurring in the inscription, 
which seems to refer to the neighbouring city of Bantia in 
Apulia 1 . On the other side is a Latin inscription, which will be 
considered in its proper place. 

The Oscan Bantine inscription contains thirty-eight lines or 
fragments of lines. Of these lines four to twenty-six are com- 
plete at the beginning ; and lines eleven to thirty-three have 
preserved the ends entire : consequently there are some six- 
teen lines which may be read throughout. Of course, the 
certainty and facility of the interpretation vary materially with 
the completeness of the fragment ; and while many passages in 
the intermediate lines may be made out almost word for word, 
we are left to mere conjecture for the broken words and sen- 
tences at the beginning and end. The following is a copy of 
the Table. 

1. . . . s . nom \_f~\ust, izic ru 

2. ... sues l(e) l(e)p(tif}us . q . moltam . angit . 

u . amnur . . . 

3. . . . deivast . maimas . carneis . senateis . 

tanginud . am . . . 

4. XL. . osii . . . . ioc . egmo . comparascuster . suae . 

pis . pertemust . pruter . pan . . . . 

5. deivatud . sipus . komonei . perum . dolom . mal- 

lom . siom . ioc . comono . mais . egm . 

6. cas . amnud . pan . pieis . umbrateis . auti . 

cadeis . amnud . inim . idic . siom . dat . 
senat . . . 

It was bought for the Museo Borbonico for 400 scudi. 


7. tanginud . maimas . carneis . pertumum . piei . 

ex . comono . pertemest . izic . eizeic . zicel . 

8. comono . ni . hipid pis . pocapit . post . post . 

eocac . comono . hafiert . meddis . dat . cas- 
trid . louft\_rud~\ . \_auti~\ . .. ' ,r 

9. en . eituas . factud . pous . touto . deivatuns . tan- 

ginom . deicans . siom . dat . eizasc . idic . 
tangineis ... 

10. deicum . pod . valaemom . touticom . tadait . ezum . 

nep .fe[f]acid.pod . pis . dat . eizac . egmod . 
min . . . 

11. deivaid .dolud . malud . suae . pis . contrud . exeic . 

fefacust . auti . comono . hipust . molto . etan . 

12. to . estud . n . 00 . in . suae . pis . ionc . fortis . 

meddis . moltaum . herest . ampert .minstrels . 
aeteis . 

13. eituas . moltas . moltaum . licitud . suae . pis . 

prumeddixud . altrei . castrous . auti . eituas 

14. zicolom . dicust . izic . comono . ni . hipid . ne . 

pan . op . toutad . petirupert . urust . sipus , 
perum . dolom , 

15. mallom . in . trutum . zico . touto . peremust . petiro- 

pert . neip . mais . pomtis . com . preivatud, 
actud . 

16. pruter . pom . medicat . inom . didist . in . pon . 

posmom . con . preivatud . urust . eisucen . 
ziculud . 

17. zicolom . xxx . nesimum . comonom . ni . hipid . 

suae . pis . contrud . exeic . fefacust . ionc . 
suae . pis . 

18. herest . meddis . moltaum . licitud . ampert . mistreis . 

aeteis . eituas . licitud . pon . censtur. 

19. \\B]ansae . tautam . censazet . pis . ceus . Bantins 

fust . censamur . esuf. in . eituam . poizad . 
ligud . 


20. aisc (f ) censtur . censaum . anget . uzet . aut . suae . 

pis . censtomen . nei . cebnust . dolud . mallud . 

21. in . eizeik . vincter . esuf . comenei . lamatir. prmed- 

dlxud . toutad . praesentid . perum . dolum . 

22. mallom . in . amiricatud . olio .famelo . in . ei . siuom . 

paei . eizeis .fust .pa . ancensto .fust . 

23. toutico . estud . pr . suae . praefucus . pod . post . 

exac . Bansae .fust . suae . pis . op . eizois . 
com . 

24. a\T\trud . ligud . acum . herest . auti . prumedicatud . 

manimaserum . eizazunc . egmazum . 

25. pas . ex . aiscen . ligis . scriftas . set . nep . him . pru- 

Mpid . mais . sicolois . x . nesimois . suae . 
pis . contrud. 

26. exeic . pruhipust . molto . etanto . estud . n . . in . 

suae . pis . ionk . meddis . moltaum . herest . 
licitud . 

27. \amperf] minstrels . aeteis . eituas . moltas . mol- 

taum . licitud pr . censtur . Bansae . 

28. [ni.pis .fu\id . nei . suae . q . fust . nep . censtur . 

fuid . nei . suae . pr . fust . in . suae . pis . 

pr . in . suae . 
29 uii . q . pis . tacus . im . nerum .fust . izic . 

post . eizuc . tr . pi . ni .fuid . suae .pis . 
3Q....[p~\ocapid.Bansa[e'] . [f]ust . izik .amprufid.facus 

. estud . idic . medicim . eizuk . 

31. m z . . m . nerum . medicim .... sinum 

. vi . nesimum . 

32. . om [j]udex . iicfep .... mum . pod . 

33. . m . luii . suce . . eizs . s medicim . 

34. . . nistreis a\e~\teis i 

35. . . est licitud tr. 

36. . . comipid irucis . . . 

37. . . tr[p~]l estud . . . 

38. . . timom 


4. Commentary on the Bantine Table. 

In the first line we have only the words fust = fuerit and 
ixic = is, which are of frequent occurrence. 

In 1. 2 we read : Q. moltam angit . u. Q. is the common 
abbreviation for qucestor, whose business it was to collect such 
fines : compare Mus. Ver, p. 469 : QVAISTORES .;. , . . AIRB . 
MVLTATICOD . DEDERONT. We have seen above that multa 
s. molta is recognised as a Sabello-Oscan word ; and it is of 
course equivalent to the Latin multa. As anter is the Oscan 
form of inter, we might suppose that an-git.u was for in-igit 
.o. But a comparison of the Oscan inscriptions XXIV. 18 (p. 71 
Leps.): meddiss degetasius araget, and XXVII. 38 (p. 86 Leps.) : 
meddis degetasis aragetud multas (which are obviously, with the 
common change of d to r, meddix degetasius adiget and meddix 
degetasius adigito multas}, would rather show that angit. u[d~\ 
is an abbreviation of adigito, the dental liquid representing the 
dental mute. 

L. 3 : deivast maimas karneis * senateis tanginud. The 
first word is the conjunctive of divavit, which occurs in the in- 
scription quoted by Lanzi (Saggio, III. p. 533), and we have 
the imperative deivatud in 1. 5, deivatuns in 1. 9, and deivaid in 
1. 11. Deivo must be identical with divo in Lanzi's inscription, 
which runs thus : v. ATU DIVAVIT TUNII IRINII n. T. IRINII 
PATRII DONO MIIIL I. LIB ... T. We have also deivames 
on the Crecchio Inscription, and Knotel would connect the verb 
with devoveo, (Zeitschr.f. d. Alterihumsw. 1850, p. 419). Ety- 
mologically this is obviously wrong : but if we adopt Mommsen's 
derivation from divus, so that divare means consecrare or divi- 
num facere, the meaning will come to this. Maimas karneis 
must mean maximi (in old Latin maximae) cardinis. So mais 
in 11. 15, 25, signifies magis ; comp. the French mais : and d is 
often omitted in derivatives from the Latin, as in mi-nuit for 
media nocte. The cardo maximus refers to the main line in the 
templum in Roman land-surveying, and thus in 1. 7, we have 
maimas karneis pertumum. As deivo and pertemo are mani- 
festly transitive verbs (cf. comono pertemest, 1. 7), the gen. maimas 

1 In the second transcription I have substituted k for c, for the reasons 
given by Lepsius (ad Inscr. p. 150). 


karneis must be explained as an expression of measurement or 
value. Tanginud, which occurs elsewhere, was probably an 
ablative case, corresponding to the accus. tanginom (1. 9). We 
have the same phrase, senateis tanginud, in the Cippus Abella- 
nus, I. 8 ; and it is probably equivalent to the de senatuos sen- 
tentiad of the senatus-consultum de Bacchanalibus. If so, the 
root tag- (with nasal insertion ta-n-g-) occurred in Oscan as well 
as in Greek. 

L. 4 : suce pis pertemust. The first two words, suce pis, 
i. e. si quis, are of constant occurrence in this Table. For the 
form of suce = si, see Neiu Cratylus, 205. So suad = sic 
(Miiller, SuppL Ann. in Fest. p. 411). Pertemust is the perf. 
subjunctive of a verb pertimere, which seems to mean " to portion 
off" or " divide:" comp. pertica, templum, re/u^os-, re/ui/w, 
con-temno, &c. 

L. 5 : fcomonei seems to be the locative of a word com-unus, 
synonymous with corn-munis, and designating the ager publicus, 
i. e. TO KOIVOV. Perum dolum mallom siom =per dolum malurti 
suum. The preposition per-um seems to be a compound like its 
synonym am-pert (12, &c.). lok komo-[no~\ is perhaps hoc 
com-unum : ionc stands in this inscription for hunc or eum-ce. 

L. 6 : -kas amnud. In Lepsius' transcript this is written as 
one word ; but in the original there is a vacant space between 
the two, and -kas is clearly the end of some mutilated word, the 
beginning of which was broken off from the end of the preceding 
line. Amnud occurs again in this line, and also in the Cip- 
pus Abellanus, 1. 17. It seems to be the abl. of some noun. 
Mommsen translates it causa, and some such meaning is re- 
quired. At any rate, it governs a genitive in both clauses of 
this comparative sentence. For egmo is a feminine noun, as ap- 
pears from its ablative egmad, 1. 10 ; gen. pi. egmazum, 1. 24. 
Consequently -kas must represent the gen. sing, of some adjec- 
tive agreeing with eg-mas. Mommsen derives eg-mo from 
egere, so that it means " need or business." As umbrateis is 
clearly imperati (cf. embratur with imperator\ and as kadeis 
may be the genitive of some noun signifying " permission " (cf. 
cadum, ^a-v-^avoo, ^arew, careo, &c.), the whole passage will 
mean : magis negotii proprii causa, quam alicujus imperati 
aut permissi causa. Pieis and piei in this line and the next are 
the gen. and dat. of pis = quis. 


L. 8 : ni hipid, i. e. ne habeat : conf. 11. 11, 14, 17 ; also 
pru-hipid (25) = prcehibeat, and pru-hipust (26) = prcehibuerit. 
Post post is probably an error of the engraver for pod post 9 
for pod - quod signifies quando in 1. 23 ; or we must omit the 
former post as an unmeaning interpolation. Post-esak = post- 
-hac or post-eak : esak is the accus. neut. pi. of the pronoun 
esus, which we have also in the Eugubine Tables, the -k, -ke 9 
being subjoined, as in the Latin hie hi-ce. This is a most 
instructive form, as bearing immediately on a difficulty which 
has long been felt in Latin etymology. The quantity of the 
last syllables of antea, intered, posted, propterea, seems at first 
sight irreconcilable with the supposition that these words are the 
prepositions ante, inter, &c., followed by the neut. accus. ea. 
And a comparison with post-hac, adversus hac (Fest. p. 246, 1. 
8, &c.), might lead to the supposition that they are ablatives 
feminine, the regimen of the prepositions being changed, as is 
certainly the case in Umbrian. This is, at any rate, the opinion 
of Klenze (Phil. Abhandl. p. 45) and Miiller (ad Fest. p. 247). 
Another philologer supposes that they may be deduced from the 
accus. earn, on the analogy of post-quam, ante-quam, &c. 
(Journal of Education, i. 106). But this opinion has nothing 
to support it. It is much more reasonable to suppose that the 
demonstrative pronoun, in Latin as in Oscan, being generally 
followed by the termination -ce, made its neut. pi. in -a-ce or 
-me : we have an instance of this in the demonstrative hi-c, the 
neut. pi. of which is hcec, not ha-ce or ha. Now as this form 
has become ha-c in posthac, and as qua-ce has become quce, 
we may understand that, as quce-propter becomes qud-propter, 
so ante-ea-ce, or ante-ecec, might become ant'ea; and so of the 
others. At least, there is no other way of explaining the neuter 
forms quce and hcec. Post-esa-k is therefore a synonym for 
post-hcec = post-hac. See below, Ch. X. 4. 

Pokapit (in the Cippus Abell. 1. 52, pukkapid) may be 
rendered quandocunque, and compared with the obsolete concapit, 
if this is equivalent to quocunque in Festus (p. 364, Miiller) : 
tignum junctum cedibus vineave, et concapit, ne solvito ; where 
however a different interpretation may be given: see below, Ch. VI. 
$12. Fr. 7. The ablatives kastrid loufirud must mean prcedio 
liber o. In 1. 13 we have kastrous also contrasted to eituas, which 
must = pecunia, and so we have an opposition of land to money 


in each case. Of the difference of form between kastrld and 
kastrous there is no explanation on the hypothesis that they are 
cases of the same noun. The former may be the ablative of a 
word analogous to campes-ter, seges-ter. The latter must be 
the accusative plural of a derivative from this under the form -v<$ 
or Fi? (New Crat. 257). The forms ya^r^ws, wrpvids, -nd- 
Tpws, TraTiowo?, sufficiently vindicate the addition of R? to the 
affix t + r (New Crat. 414), and the Umbrian kastruvuf, 
the accus. pi. of an adjective kastruvus, proves the existence of 
such an extension in the old Italian languages. With an ellipsis 
of ager the new adjective would become substantival, and this is 
apparently the case with Jcastrov-s, the accus. pi. of the apoco- 
pized kastrov. The root cas-, which occurs in the Latin cas-tus, 
casa, cas-trum, conveys the idea of in closure, purity, and protec- 
tion (New Crat. 267). Consequently castris or castrous ager 
is an inclosed field like the old English " town." There is an un- 
observed connexion between castrum and prcedium. The latter 
is derived from prces (prced prce-vad), " a surety in money- 
matters," and this noun includes vas, (vad-, " wad") the more 
general name for " a bail/' The same term is also included in 
custos (custod- = cast-vad-) ; and while this word combines 
the idea of surety with that of protection, prces combines the 
idea of surety with that of substitution ; there is the same op- 
position between castrum or custodium the place of security, 
and prcedium the property which represents a man's person. 
The form loufir for liber is justified by the old form Iceber = 
luber (Fest. p. 121) ; which is farther supported by the Greek 
eXevOepos ; cf. epvOpos with ruber, &c. 

L. 10 : pod valcemom toutikom tadait ezum nep fepakid 
pod pis dat, i. e. [si quis fecit} quod salutem publicam tardet 
ex Us, neque fecit, quod quis dat [faciendum]. Tadait ap- 
pears to contain the root of tcedet, which is connected in sense 
and etymology with tardus ; the r is only an assimilation to the 
d. Similarly we have : " pigere interdum pro tardari," Festus, 
p. 213, Miiller. Fepakid is only an error for fefakid, like 
docud for dolud in the next line. We see from this and the 
conjunctive fefakust, which follows, that the Oscans formed the 
preterite of facio by reduplication, and not by lengthening the 
root-syllable (New Crat. 377). 

The passage from 1. 1 1 to the end of the paragraph may bo 


supplied and explained as follows : suce pis contrud eseik fefa- 
kust, auti komono hip[ust], [molto] [etan]to estud n. Q., in 
suce pis ionk fortis meddis mollaum herest ampert mi[nstreis 
ae]teis eituas moltas moltaum likitud : i. e. si quis adversus 
hcec fecerit, aut com-unum (i. e. ay rum publicum) habuerit 
(i. e. possederit), multa tanta esto numi cio.cio, inde si quis 
eum validus magistratus multare voluerit usque ad minores 
partes pecunice multas multare liceto. It is easy to restore 
molto etanto from 1. 26 infra. Multa tanta refers to what has 
preceded, like the siremps lex esto of the Roman laws. The 
sum is denoted by the numeral sign, which was subsequently 
represented by cio, just as n.s. became H. s. Fortis meddix = 
validus magistratus (see Festus, p. 84, s. v. forctes), in other 
words, " a magistrate of sufficient authority." Molta-um is the 
old infinitive of multo. Herest is the perf. subj. of a verb hero, 
"to choose" or "take" (root Mr, "a hand," Sanscr. hri), which 
occurs in the Umbrian Tables with a slight variety of meaning. 
In the Latin Bantine Table (1. 7) we have quei volet magis- 
tratus in a parallel clause. That ampert is a preposition is 
clear, and it is also obvious that it denotes extension ; but that 
it is to be referred to d/mfpl ire pi, as Grotefend proposes, is 
not so manifest. I should rather think that pert is a termi- 
nation here, as in petiro-pert (1. 15) ; and if so, it qualifies the 
prepos. am, corresponding to the German tern, which is also 
used with qualifying terminations, whether prepositional or 
otherwise : compare the Latin ad-versus, in-usque, &c. ; and as 
petiropert signifies usque ad quatuor and pert viam (Cipp. 
Abellan. 1. 33) = usque ad viam, we may render am-pert by in- 
usque or usque ad. Minstreis ceteis is supplied from 11. 18, 27. 
The word minis-ter is the correlative of magis-ter ; and as 
magistri or magistratus were the higher public functionaries, so 
ministri were those who did the state service in a subordinate 
capacity lictores^ viatores^ and such like. Here minister is a 
general adjective corresponding to minor. The phrase ampert 
minstreis aeteis eituas occurs again in 1. 18, and may be ex- 
plained by the Latin inscription on this table, where we find 1. 10: 
dum minoris partis familias taxat. If this is the true interpre- 
tation, aetis signifies " a part," and is connected with the root 
vid- in vidua, di-vido, with the Etruscan itus, Sabine idus 
(Varro, L. L. VI. 28), just as Achivus is related to 'Avaio'?, 


cequus to in-iquus 9 &c. For the relation between v?d- and id- 
see New Crat. 116, where the principle was first indicated. 
Klenze takes eituas for istas; and Grotefend translates it cerarii. 
It is nearly certain that eitua pecunia ; if so, the word may be 
derived from ces ; in which case we shall have ce[s]tuus by the 
side of ces-timus (preserved in ces-timo : see below, Ch. VII. 5), 
just as we have both cedi-tuus and cedi-timus (Festus, p. 13). 

L. 13 : suce pis pru-meddisud altrei castrous auti eituas zi- 
kolom dicust, izik komono ni hipid : i. e. si quis pro magis- 
tratu alii prcediaria aut pecunias in sicilicum (i. e. portionem) 
dicaverit, is comunum ne habeat. Prumeddisud seems to be much 
the same as prumedikatud, 1. 24. Pru stands for prce or pro : 
so we have pruter (1. 16), pruhipid (I. 25), forprceter, prcehibeat. 
The ziculus, mentioned in this and other passages of the Table, 
seems to be the sicilicus (from seco\ which was, in land-measur- 
ing, T ! T of the juger, or six hundred square feet (Columella, Y. 1. 
9) : in general it expressed subdivision, and was - B of the as, 
or -i- of the semuncia in money-reckoning (Fest. p. 366 : Sici- 
licum dictum quod semunciam secet ; Labb. Gloss. : Sicilicum, 
Teraprov ovyxtas ', Bockh, Metrolog. Untersuchung. j5! 160), 
and also T ! T of the quinaria (Frontin. de Aquced. c. 28), and of 
the hora (Plin. XVIII. 32). 

L. 14 : ne pon op toutad petirupert urust sipus p. d. 
m. The first words here are very obscure. Klenze joins optou- 
tad, which he translates propterea. Mommsen translates op 
toutad " a populo." Petirupert seems to coincide with the Um- 
brian petur-pursus (Eug. Tab. VI. b. 11), i. e. usque ad qua- 
tuor : see on 1. 12. Urust is the perf. subj. of urvo s. urbo = 
aratro definio, circumdo (Fest. p. 375 ; Pomponius, L. 239, 
6, de Verb. Signif.), whence urbs, and perhaps or bis. Sipus p. 
d. m., " knowingly and with evil design." Sipus = sibus, for 
which see Fest. p. 336. 

L. 15 : petiro-pert neip mais pomtis = usque ad quatuor 
neque plus quinque. It is known that the Sainnite proper 
name Pontius corresponds to the Latin Quintius (see New Crat. 
161). Ibid.: kom preivatud aktud = cum privato actu. Fest. 
p. 17 : " Actus in geometria minorem partem jugeri, id est cen- 
tumviginti pedum." Niebuhr, Hist, of Rom. II. append, i. ad 
not. 29 : " The jugerum, as the very name implies, was a 
double measure ; and the real unit in the Roman land-measure 


was the actus, containing 14,400 square feet, that is, a square of 
which each side was 120 feet." 

L. 16 : pruter pam = prceter-quam. 

LL. 18, sqq. : pon kenstur Bansce tautam kensazet pis 
keus Bantins fust kensamur esuf in eituam poizad ligud aisk 
kenstur kensaum anget uzet aut suce pis kenstomen nei kebnust 
dolud mallud in eizeik vinkter esuf comenei lamatir prmed- 
dixud toutad prcesentid perum dolum mallum in amirikatud 
allo famelo in ei sivom paei eizeis fust pae ancensto fust 
toutiko estud. The first words are tolerably clear: Quum 
censor (here censitor) Bantice civitatem censassit, quis civis 
Bantinus fuerit. The letter z represents the combination ss, as 
has been shown above by a comparison of ofipvfy, obrussa, 
&c. The form keus for civis is etymologically interesting. It 
proves that -vis is the termination of the Latin word: conse- 
quently ke-us, ci-vis, is composed of the root ke (/ce7-/Ka, &c.), 
and the pronominal affix -vi-s, -u-s (see New Cratylus, 257), 
and the word means " a squatter," or generally " an inhabitant ;" 
compare flares, insassen, &c. (Buttmann, Lexil. II. Ill, note). 
The word kensamur, if it is one word, is hardly intelligible. 
Grotefend understands it as the passive participle kensamus for 
kensamnus or censendus ; but although the participial termi- 
nation mn is often reduced to n, I know no instance in which it 
is represented by m only. As we must expect here a passive 
imperative, it seems most reasonable to conclude that kensamur 
is a corruption for kensatur = censetor. A different explanation, 
but to the same effect, has been proposed by Curtius (Zeitschr. 
f. d. Alterthw. 1849, p. 346). It is remarkable that the verb 
is conjugated in -ao, and not like its Latin equivalent in -eo. 
The conjugation seems to be censo, -as, -ui, -dum, -itus, like 
veto. In the next words we have a form uzet, which seems 
to be a parallel to anget; and this, as is shown above, means 
adiget. But it would be difficult to explain such a form as uxo. 
Aufrecht {Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1. 189), reads angetuzet&s one 
word, which, however, he does not explain. Now -tuset occurs 
in the Cippus Abellanus, 11. 16 39, as an affix to verb-forms: 
pruf- tuset, tribarakat-tuset ; and even in Etruscan : hareu-tuse 
(Cipp. Perus. 24); and I should explain these agglutinate words 
as parallel to the Latin venum-do, cre-do 9 considering tu- as 


identical with do. If so, angetuzet will mean adactum dabit or 
adigesset. Esu-f seems to correspond exactly to i-bi, just as 
pu-f (Tab. Pomp. XX1Y. 4, 3) answers to u-bi. For poizad 
Aufrecht (u. s.) suggests pam ei%ad. If poi%ad is to stand, it 
must be a subjunctive corresponding to penset, a form of pendo. 
The analogy is supported by the French poids for pondus, &c. 
Ligud aiske = lege hac, just as below, 1. 25. es aisken ligis must 
mean ex hisce legibus. It is hardly possible to understand ken- 
stom . en . except as an abbreviation of the two words censtom 
enom, the latter being the same pronoun which appears in Latin, 
in the locative case, as the conjunction enim, Sanscrit ena (New 
Crat. 170). Grotef end's supposition that it is a noun in -men, 
like the Umbrian esunumen, is inadmissible, because in that case 
the word must have been censamen. Mommsen (p. 269) sug- 
gests an affixed particle = in, so that Kenstom-en = in censum. 
This, to say the least, requires to be supported by examples. 
The verb ftebnust kebnuerit is a very difficult word. Mommsen 
(p. 269) proposes to connect it with the Gothic quiman "to 
come," so that kebnust cbenust. Aufrecht, who justly objects 
to this etymology (u. s. p. 190), suggests a connexion with the 
Sanscrit $ap=jurare. It appears to me that the first syllable is 
the root of cap-ut, Kecft-dXr], haupt, &c. ; so that keb-nuo would be 
equivalent to Karave VCD, " to assent to," or, if this is required, " to 
affirm" on oath. This interpretation of kebnust is of course con- 
jectural only ; and in a matter of so much uncertainty it is better 
to leave it as it is. Of the next words we cannot make much. 
Toutad prcesentid=populo prcesente ? Amirikatud = immercato 
(Kirchhoff, Zeitschr.f. Vergl. Sprf. I. 37). We know from 
Festus that famel was an Oscan word, and famelo appears by 
the context to be a feminine derivative from it, signifying familia 
(cf. egmo, abl. egmad). Allo can only be a demonstrative adjec- 
tive containing the same root as al-ter, al-ius, ollus, &c. And 
thus the main predication will be amiricatud allo famelo tontiko 
estud, i. e. immercato q. d. sine emptione, ilia familia publica 
esto. The intervening words are not easily dealt with, and 
ineisiuom can only be rendered conjecturrlly : but the general 
meaning of 11. 21 23, clearly is: aut si quis censum nonjura- 
verit dolo malo et illud convincitur, ibi in publico queratur 
promagistratu populo prcesente propter dolum malum ; et sine 


emptione ilia familia (perinde atque ejus fuerit qua incensa 
fuerit) publica esto. 

L. 23 : Pr suce prcefukus pod post esak Bansce fust : 
i. e. prcetor sive prcefectus, quando post-hac Bantice fuerit. 
Prcefucus is formed from prceficio, in the same way as the 
Umbrian der-secus from dis-seco. LL. 23, sqq. : suce pis op- 
eizois kom altrud ligud akum herest, auti prumedikatud manim- 
aserum eisazunk egmaxum pas es aisken ligis skriftas set 
ne pldm pruhipid mais zikolois x nesimois, &c. : i. e. si quis 
ob hcec cum altero lege agere voluerit, aut pro magistratu 
manum conserere propter eas res, quas ex hisce legibus scriptas 
sciet, ne in hoc prcehibeat plus sicilicis decem contiguis (below, 
Chap. VII. 6), &c. The Table has ne . pJiim ; I would rather 
read nep him : nep occurs for neque in the Cippus Abellanus, 
11. 46, 47, and is used in an absolute prohibition in Umbrian 
( Tab. Eug. VI. a, 27) ; and him appears to be the locative of 
the pronoun hi (see New Crat. 139). The rest of the para- 
graph has been explained before. 

There is nothing in the last paragraph which seems to re- 
quire any observation, except that in 1. 29 tribunes of the plebs 
seem to be mentioned : tr. pi. ni fuid = nisi fuit tribunus 

J 5. The Cippus Abellanus. 

Next to the Tabula Bantina the most important monument 
of the Oscan language is a stone tablet called the Cippus Abella- 
nus, which was moved from Avella Vecchia 1 to the modern 
village of that name in 1685, and there employed as a door-step, 
until in 1745 it was remarked by Remondini, then professor in 
the Episcopal Seminary at Nola, and by him removed to the 
Museum in that seminary about 1750. The subject of the in- 
scription is an agreement between the neighbouring Campanian 
cities, Abella and Nola. It will be sufficient to give the inscrip- 
tion with an approximate and in part conjectural translation, 
which is in great measure due to Theodore Mommsen. 

1 The old Abella, or Avella, was probably Aberla = aperula = Eberstadt ; 
cf. Atella = aderla = aterula = Schwarzburg (Corssen, Zeitschr. f. Vergl. 
Sprf. 1852, p. 17). 



[Cn. IV. 

Maiioi . vestirikjioi . mai sir 
prupukid . sverrunei . kvaist[if| 
rei . abellanoi . inim . maiiop] 
jovkiioi . mai . pukalatoi 
5. medikei . deketasioi . novla 
[jioi i]nim . ligatois . abellan 


inim ligatois novlanois 
pos senateQ]s tanginod 
suveis potorospid ligatos] 

10. fufans . ekss . kombened 
sakaraklom . herekleis 
slaagid . pod . ist . inim teer[pm] 
pod . op . eisod . sakaraklodpst] 
pod . anter . teremniss.ehQtrad.] 

15. ist . pai . teremennio . moQini- 


tanginod . prof . tuset . r[ehtod.] 
amnod . puv . idik . sakara- 


inim . idik . terom . moiniptom] 
moinikei . terei . fusid 

20. eiseis . sakarakleis . i 
tereis . fruktatiuf . frQukta] 
[tios] . moiniko . poturufm- 

Qfus^id . aut . novlanu 
...] herekleis . fi[] 
25. ...] iispid . novlanj^ 


triibaraka .... 

30. herekleis . fiisnu . mefe . 
ist . ehtrad . feihoss . pu[[s 
herekleis . fiisnam . amfr 

Magio Yestricieio Magii fil. 
. . . Serroni queesto- 
ri Abellano, et Magio 
Jovicieio Magii fil. Pucalato 
magistratui dictario Nola- 
no et legatis Abellanis 

et legatis Nolanis, 

qui senatus jussu 

sui utrique legati 

fuerunt, hoc convenit. 

Sacellum Herculis 

in agro quod est et terra 

qiias apud id sacellum est, 

quas inter terminos extra 

est, qua3 terminatio com muni 

jussu probabitur justa 
causa aliqua, id sacellum 

et ea terra communis 

in communi terra erit. At 

ejus sacelli et 

terras in messe mes- 

sio communis utrorumque 

erit. At Nolanorum 
...Herculis fanum 
que Nolans 
ibi est 

Item Qsi volent agrum 

parti[j:i qui ager] 

limitatus [[post]] term^inos, ubi] 

Herculis fanum medium 

est, extra antefixa, quse 

Herculis fanum amb- 




et . pert . viam . posstit 
pai . ip . ist . postin. slagim. 

35. senateis . suveis . tangi 
nod . tribarakavum . li 
kitud . inim . iok . triba 
rakkiuf . pam . novlanos . 
tribarakattuset . inim 

40. oittiuf . novlanum . estud 
ekkum . svai . pid . abellanos 
tribarakattuset . iok . tri 
barakkiuf . inim . oittiuf . 
abellanum . estud . aut 

45. post . feihois . pos . fisnam . am 
fret . eisei . terei . nep . abel- 
lanos . nep . novlanos . pidum 
tribarakattins . aut . the 
saurom . pod . esei . terei . ist 

50. pon . patensins . moinikad . 

ginod . patensins . inim pid 


thesaurei . pukkapid . eb^trad] 
Qo]]ittiom . alttram . alttr 
^errins . aut . anter slag^im] 

55. fa]bellanam . inim . novlanam 
p]ollad . vio . uruvo . ist . tedur 
[Y]isai . viai . mefiai . tereme[ji]] 
[]n]iu staiet . 

iunt, ad viam usque positus est, 
qui ibi est positus, agrum 
senatus sui jus- 
su partiri li- 
ceto ; et is partiti- 
one quam Nolanus (senatus) 
partietur et 
usui Nolanorum esto. 
Item si quid Abellanus (senatus) 
partietur, is (ager) par- 
titione et usu 
Abellanorum esto. At 
post antefixa quse fanum am- 
biunt, in ea terra neque Abel- 
lanus neque Nolanus quidquam 
partiantur. At the- 
saurum qui in ea terra est 
quum aperiunt, communi jus 

su aperiant, et quidquid in eo 

thesauro quandocunque extra 
usum alterum-alterius 
habeant. At inter agrum 
Abellanum et Nolanum 
quacunque via curva est, ibi 
in ea via media termina- 
tio stet. 

On the forms which occur in this inscription it is not necessary to 
say much. Slagis, which occurs in the accus. and abl. sing., 
seems to contain the root of locus (stlocus), lac-una, loch, &c. 
Prof-tuset, tribaraJcat-tuset, tribarakat-tins,2iTQ agglutinate forms 
like venum-do, cre-do, &c. The adjunct tu- is probably equiva- 
lent to do, signifying " to make, or put." Thus prof-tuset = 
probatum dabit - probabitur (see above, on Tab. Bant. 1. 20). 
Fiisna comes from fes- or fas-, as in fes-cenninus, fas-cinum. 
Feihos contains the root of figo. And tedur is a pronominal 
adverb corresponding in form and meaning to the old use of 



[On. IV. 

6. The Bronze Tablet of Agnone. 

The most recent contribution to our knowledge of the Oscan 
language is furnished by a small bronze tablet, which was dis- 
covered at Fonte di Romito, between Capracotta and Agnone, in 
the year 1848. As the place of discovery is near the river 
Sagrus or Sangro, this inscription may be regarded as exhibiting 
the most northerly as the Bantine table exhibits the most southerly 
dialect of the Samnite language. It is obvious, on the slightest 
inspection, that the table speaks of a series of dedications to dif- 
ferent deities or heroes, who are enumerated in the dative case. 
Accordingly, it is not likely to add much to the general vocabu- 
lary of the Sabello-Oscan idioms. Its interpretation has been 
attempted by Henzen (Annali dell' Institute Archeol. 1848, 
pp. 382 414), Mommsen (ibid. pp. 414 429. unterital. Dia- 
lekte, pp.128, sqq.), Aufrecht (Zeitschrift f. VergL Sprf. I. pp. 8(3, 
sqq.), and Knotel (Zeitschr.f. d. Alterthumsw. 1850. no. 52, 53. 
1852. no. 16, 17), who are by no means in agreement respecting 
the proper names or ordinary words which it includes. The in- 
terpretation, which I have placed by the side of the text, is in- 
debted in most points to some or other of my predecessors. 


status . pus . set . hortin . 

kerriiin : vezkei . statif . 

evkloi . statif . kerri . statif . 

futrei . kerriiai . statif . 
5. anter . statoi . statif . 

ammal . kerriiai . statif . 

diumpais . kerriiais . statif . 

liganakdikei . entrai . statif . 

anafriss . kerriiois . statif . 
10. maatois . kerriiois . statif . 

diovei . verehasioi . statif . 

diovei . regaturei . statif. 

hereklof . kerriioi . statff . 

patanai . pifstiai statif . 
15. defvaf . genetaf . statff . 

aasaf . purasiaf . 

saahtom . teforom . alltrei . 

poterefpfd . akenei . 

Consecratio quae sit horto 
geniali. Yesco stative, 
Libero st., Cero st., 
Cereri geniali st., 
Interstitae st., 
Matri geniali st., 
Lymphis genialibus st., 
Leganecdici immotse st., 
Ambarvalibus genialibus st., 
Matutis genialibus st., 
Jovi almo st., 
Jovi pluvio st., 
Herculi geniali st., 
Pandas pistrici st., 
Divas genetae st., 
Arae puras ; 
sacrum tepidum alter- 
utro anno 




sakahfter . 
20. fluusasiais . az . hortom 


pernaf . kerriiaf . statff . 

ammaf . kerrfiaf . statff . 

flussaf . kerrfiai . statff . 
25. evkloi . pateref . statff . 


aasas . ekask . eestfnt 



5. fuutref 

anter . stataf . 



10. liganakdikei . entrai . 

kerriiai . 

anafriss . 

maatois . 

diovei . verehasio 
15. diovei . piihioi . regaturei . 

herekloi . kerriioi . 

patanai piistiai . 

deivai . genetai . 

aasai . purasiai . 
20. saahtom . teforom . 

alttrei potereipid 

akenei . 

horz . dekmanniois stait . 


Floralibus ad hortum 

sacrificatur ; 

Pali geniali stative, 

Matri geniali st., 

Florae geniali st., 

Libero patri st.. 

Araa has exstent 

horto : 








Leganecdici immotas 




Jovi almo, 

Jovi pio pluvio, 

Herculi geniali, 

Pandas pistrici, 

Divas genetae, 

Araa puras ; 

sacrum tepidum 


anno ; 

hortus in decumanis stet. 

The substantive kerus and its possessive kereias must be explained 
with reference to the root cer-, ere- (creare), Sanscr. kri, " to 
make," which we find in Ceres and Cerus = creator, Festus, 
p. 122. To the same class of deities belongs Futris (root <pv-, 
fu), and it is a matter of indifference whether Venus or Ceres 
comes nearest to the goddess intended. Knotel identifies Evklus 
with IphicluS) and of course this is possible ; but the adjunct 
patri in 1. 25, seems to denote a deity analogous to Liber 
Pater (cf. Evius). Amma corresponds, as Aufrecht suggests, to 
the Germ, amme, Sanscr. ambd, " mother." Verehasius, as an 



epithet of Jupiter, is explained by the Sanscr. vfi, " to grow," 
whence the Latin virga ; and regator must be rigator, \. e. plu- 
vius. Patana is Panda or Patella (Gell. XIII. 22. Arnob. IY. 7), 
who opens the husk of the grain. Teforom answers to the Latin 
tepidus, and still more nearly to the Etruscan tephral (see above, 
Chap. II. 11). Akenus is =annus, as in Umbrian (see Au- 
frecht u. Kirchhoff, Umbr. Sprd. p. 401). Perna is Pales 
Pares (v. Festus, p. 222, Miiller; and cf. vetus, veter-nus, lux, 
luci-na, dies, dia-nus, jov-is^ ju-no, See.), We may compare 
pistia with pistor, pistum, pisum, &c. 

$ 7. The Atellance. 

It seems scarcely worth while to enumerate the grammatical 
forms which may be collected from these inscriptions, as they 
are virtually the same with those which occur in the oldest spe- 
cimens of Latin, the only important differences being that we 
have -azum for -arum in the gen. pi. of the 1st decl., that the* 
3rd declension sometimes preserves the original -ss of the nom. pi., 
and that this reduplication represents the absorbed m in the 
ace. pi. of the 2nd and 3rd declensions. It may be desirable, 
however, before concluding this part of the subject, to make a 
few remarks on the Fabulce Atellance, the only branch of Oscan 
literature of which we know any thing. 

The most important passage respecting the Fabulce Atel- 
lance, that in which Livy is speaking (VII. 2) of the introduc- 
tion of the Tuscan ludiones at Rome in the year A.U.C. 390, 
has often been misunderstood ; and the same has been the fate 
of a passage in Tacitus (IV. 14), in which the historian mentions 
the expulsion of the actors from Italy in the year A. u. c. 776. 
With regard to the latter, Tacitus has caused some confusion by 
his inaccurate use of the word histrio; but Suetonius has the 
phrase Atellanarum histrio (Nero, c. 39) ; and the word had 
either lost its earlier and more limited signification, or the Atel- 
lanse were then performed by regular histriones. 

Livy says that, among other means of appeasing the anger of 
the gods in the pestilence of 390 A. u. c., scenic games were for 
the first time introduced at Rome. Hitherto the Romans had 
had no public sports except those of the circus namely, races 
and wrestling ; but now this trivial and foreign amusement was 
introduced. Etruscan ludiones danced gracefully to the sound 
of the flute without any accompaniment of words, and without 


any professed mimic action. Afterwards, the Roman youth 
began to imitate these dances, and accompanied them with unpre- 
meditated jests, after the manner of the Fescennine verses ; these 
effusions gave way to the satura, written in verse and set to the 
flute, which was acted by professed histriones with suitable songs 
and gestures ; and then, after a lapse of several years, Livius 
Andronicus ventured to convert the satura into a regular poem, 
and to make a distinction between the singing (canticum) and 
the dialogue (diverbia) ; the latter alone being reserved to the 
histriones, and the former being a monologue, by way of inter- 
lude with a flute accompaniment 1 . Upon this, the Roman youth, 
leaving the regular play to the professed actors, revived the old 
farces, and acted them as interludes or afterpieces (exodia 2 ) to 
the regular drama. These farces, he expressly says, were of 
Oscan origin, and akin to the Fabulce Atellance ; and they had 
the peculiar advantage of not affecting the civic rights of the actors. 
In order to understand the ancient respectability of the 
Atellance, we must bear in mind the opposition which is always 
recognized between them and the Mime. Hermann has pro- 
posed the following parallel classification of the Greek and 
Roman plays (Opusc. V. p. 260, cf. Diomedes, III. p. 480, Putsch) : 


Crepidata (rpayySia). Prcetextata. 

Palliata (KW^W^IO). Togata, vel trabeata vel taber- 


Satyrica (adrvpoi). Atellana. 

Mimus (yu<M09). Planipes. 

1 Diomed. III. p. 4S9 : " in canticis una tantum debet esse persona, 
aut, si duse fuerint, ita debent esse, ut ex occulte una audiat, nee collo- 
quatur, sed secum, si opus fuerit, yerba faciat." On the canticum see 
Hermann, Opusc. I. pp. 290, sqq., who has clearly shown that it was not 
merely a flute voluntary between the acts. 

2 As the practice of the Greek and Roman stage involved the per- 
formance of several dramas on the same day, it matters little whether we 
render exodium by " interlude " or " afterpiece." According to the defi- 
nitions given by Suidas and Hesychius, an exodium was that which 
followed an exeunt omnes, whether, which was more common, at the end 
of a play, or at the end of an act. See the examples given by Meineke 
on Cratinus, Fr. Incert. CLX^. p. 230, and compare Baumstark's article 
in Pauly's Real-Encycl. III. p. 360. 


Adopting this classification, which has at least much to recom- 
mend it, we shall see that as the Greek satyrical drama was 
the original form of the entertainment, and, though jocose, was 
not without its elevating and religious element, so the Atel- 
lana, as a national drama, was immediately connected with 
the festive worship of the people in which it took its rise, and 
therefore retained a respectability which could not be conceded 
to the performances of foreign histriones. These artists were 
not allowed to pollute 1 the domestic drama; and, being free 
from all contact with the professional actor, the young Roman 
could. appear in the Atellan play without any forfeiture of his 
social position. Whereas, even in the corrupt days of the later 
empire, Juvenal saw something especially monstrous in the fact 
that a noble could appear as a mimus or planipes 2 , With 
particular reference to the contrast between the mimus and the 
Atellana, Cicero says to Papirius Pa3tus, who had introduced 
some vulgar jokes after a quotation from the CEnomaus of Accius, 
that he had followed the modern custom of giving a mime for 
afterpiece instead of adopting the old practice of introducing the 
Atellan farce after the tragedy 3 . In the same way he says 4 
that superfluous imitation, such as obscene gestures, belongs to 
the domain of those mimi, who caricatured the manners of 
men. And while Macrobius considers it as an exceptional merit to 
have introduced mimi without lasciviousness 5 , Valerius Maximus 

1 Liv. VII. 2 : " nee ab histrionibus pollui passa est." 

2 VIII. 189, sqq. : 

"populi frons durior hujus, 
Qui sedet, et spectat triscurria patriciorum, 
Planipedes audit Fabios, ridere potest qui 
Mamercorum alapas." 

3 Cic. ad Div. IX. 16, 2 : " nunc venio ad jocationes tuas, quum tu 
secundum QEnomaum Accii, non, ut olim solebat, Atellanam, sed, ut nunc 
fit, mimum introduxisti." 

4 de Oratore, II. 59 : " mimorum est enim etliologorum, si nimia est imi- 
tatio, sicut obsccenitas." Of. c. 60, 244. 

5 Saturn. II. 7 : " videbimur et adhibendo conyivio mimos vitasse 
lasciviam." This is the passage referred to by Manutius in his note on 
Cicero ad Div. IX. 16, 2, where he says in a parenthesis : " itaque Macro- 
bius Lib. III. Saturn, mimis lasciviam tribuit." In Smith's Diet, of Anti- 
quities, Art. Atellanas fabulce, Ed. I., this note of Manutius is paraded 
at full length as a quotation from "Macrobius Satur. Lib. III.," and even 


attributes the social respectability of those who performed in the 
Atellan farces to the old Italian gravity which tempered this 
entertainment 1 . 

But besides the moral decency by which the Atellana was 
distinguished from the mime, it is manifest from the passage in 
Livy that it derived additional recommendation from the fact 
that this was a national amusement and was connected with the 
usages of the country population, who always contributed a 
varying proportion to the inhabitants of ancient Rome. We infer 
from the words of the historian that the Roman youth were not 
satisfied with either the Tuscan or the Greek importations, and 
that it was their wish to revive something that was not foreign, 
but national. Of course Livy cannot mean to say that the Oscan 
farce was not introduced at Rome till after the time of Livius 
Andronicus Muso, and that it was then imported from Atella. 
For whereas Muso did not perform at Rome till the second 
Punic war 2 , Atella shared in the fate of Capua ten years before 
the battle of Zama, and the inhabitants were compelled to migrate 

the ut arbitror of the commentator is made to express the opinions of the 
author quoted. It is evident that the compiler of this Article made no 
attempt to verify the reference to Macrobius, which he has used without 
stating that he was indebted for it to Manutius, and which he has care- 
fully placed at a distance from his reference to Cicero. His blunder is 
the just Nemesis of his dishonesty. As he quotes from Valerius Maximus, 
" II. 1," instead of " II. 4," we may presume that in this case also he is 
using the learning of some commentator. In the new edition of Smith's 
Dictionary the article Atellance Fdbulce is suppressed, and a short account 
of the subject is included in the article Comoedia, written by another 
person. The same Nemesis still tracks the dishonest quotation, for there 
" Macrobius, Satur. III." is quoted for Manutius' statement that the 
Atellana was divided into five acts. All this may be taken as an example 
of the false affectation of learning on the part of the compilers, and 
general incompetence on the part of the editor, which is so frequently 
conspicuous in Smith's dictionaries. 

1 II. 4 : " Atellani autem ab Oscis acciti sunt ; quod genus delecta- 
tionis Italica severitate temperatum, ideoque vacuum nota est ; nam neque 
tribu movetur, neque a militaribus stipendiis repellitur." 

2 Porcius Licinius, apud Aul. Gell. XVII. 21 : 

Poenico bello secundo Muso pinnato gradu 
Intulit se bellicosam in Romuli gentem feram. 
See also Hor. II. Epist. I. 162, 


to Calatia 1 . Now it appears from the coins of this place that its 
Oscan name was Aderla 2 ; and the Romans always pronounced 
this as Atella, by a change of the medial into a tenuis, as in 
Mettus for Meddix, imperator for embmtur, fait for fuid, &c. 
This shows that the name was in early use at Rome ; and we 
may suppose that, as an essential element in the population of 
Rome was Oscan, the Romans had their Oscan farces from a 
very early period, and that these farces received a great im- 
provement from the then celebrated city of Aderla in Campania. 
It is also more than probable that these Oscan farces were 
common in the country life of the old Romans, both before they 
were introduced into the city 3 , and after the expulsion of the 
histr tones by Tiberius 4 . For the mask was the peculiar charac- 
teristic of the Atellana} 5 , and these country farces are always 
spoken of with especial reference to the masks of the actors. 

We may be sure that the Oscan language was not used in 
these farces when that language ceased to be intelligible to the 
Romans. The language of the fragments which have come down to 
us is pure Latin 6 , and Tacitus describes the Atellana as " Oscuin 
quondam ludicrum 7 ." Probably, till a comparatively late period, 

i Livy, XXVI. 16, XXII. 61, XXVII. 3. 

2 Lepsius ad Inscriptiones, p. 111. For the meaning of the word, see 
above, 5, note. 

3 Virgil. Georg. II. 385, sqq. : 

Nee non Ausonii, Troja gens missa, coloni 
Versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto, 
Oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis. 
Comp. Horat. II. Epist. I. 139, sqq. 

4 Juvenal, Sat. III. 172, sqq. : 

Ipsa diemm 

Festoruui herboso colitur si quando theatro 
Majestas, tandemque redit ad pulpita notum 
Exodium, quum personaB pallentis hiatum 
In gremio matris formidat rusticus infans. 

That the exodium here refers to the Atellana appears from Juv. VI. 71 : 
" Urbicus exodio risum movet Atellance 
Gestibus Autonoes." 

5 Festus, s. v. personata fabula, p. 217: "per Atellanos qui proprie 
vocantur personati." The modern representatives of the Atelian charac- 
ters are still called maschere, and our harlequin always appears with a 
black mask on the upper part of his face. 

6 See Diomed. III. pp. 487, 488, Putsch. V Ann. IV. 149. 


the Atellana abounded in provincial and rustic expressions 1 ; but 
at last it retained no trace of its primitive simplicity, for the 
gross coarseness and obscenity 2 , which seem to have superseded 
the old-fashioned elegance of the original farce 3 , and brought 
it into a close resemblance to the mimus, from which it was 
originally distinguished, must be attributed to the general cor- 
ruption of manners under the emperors, and perhaps also to the 
fact that from the time of Sulla downwards the Oscan farce was 
gradually passing from its original form into that of a regular 
play on the Greek model, so that all the faults of Greek comedy 
would eventually find a place in the entertainment. The prin- 
cipal writers of the Latin Atellana3, after Sulla, who is said to 
have used his own, that is, the Campanian dialect 4 , were Q. 
Npvius 5 , L. Pomponius Bononiensis 6 , L, Afranius 7 , and C. Mem- 
mius 8 . The political allusions with which they occasionally 
abounded, and which in the opinion of Tiberius called for the 
interference of the senate 9 , were a feature borrowed from the 
licence of the old Greek comedy ; and to the same source we 
must refer the names of the personages 10 , which are known to 
have been adopted by Novius, Afranius, and Pomponius, and which 

1 Varro, L. L. VII. 84, p. 152. 

2 Terent. Maur. p. 2436, Putsch ; Quintil. Inst. Or. VI. 3 ; Tertull. 
De Spectaculis, 18; Schober, iiber die Atellan. Schauspiele, pp. 28, sqq. 

3 Donat. de Trag. et Com. " Atellanse salibus et jocis composite, quse 
in se non habent nisi vetustam elegantiam." 

4 Athenseus, IV. p. 261, C. : p<paviov<ri &' avrov TO Trepl ravra l\apbv 
al VTT* avrov ypa(pe?<rai 2arv/Jt/cai Koopcpdiai rfj 7rarpia> (povfj. That the 
satyric comedies here referred to must have been Atellance may be in- 
ferred from Diomedes, III. p. 487, Putsch : " tertia species est fabularum 
Latinarum, quse . . . Atellance dictse sunt, argumentis dictisque jocularibus 
similes satyricis fabulis Grsecis." The reference to the Simus in the 
Atellance (Sueton. Galb. 15) points to a contact with the satyrs. Macro- 
bius, Saturn. II. 1. 

6 Aulus Gellius, N. A. XVII. 2. 

6 Macrob. Saturn. VII. 9 ; Fronto ad M. Cses. IV. 3, p. 95, Mai ; Vel- 
leius, II. 9, 6. 

1 Nonius, s. v. ientare. 8 Macrobius, Saturn. I. 10. 

9 Tacitus, Annal. IV. 14 : " Oscum quondam ludicrum, levissimse apud 
vulgus delectationis, eo flagitiorum et virium venisse, ut auctoritate patrum 
coercendum sit." Cf. Sueton. Nero, c. 39 ; Galba, c. 13 ; Calig. c. 27; where 
we have special instances of the political allusions in the later Atellance. 

1 See Miiller, Hist. Lit. Gr. ch. XXIX. 5. Vol. II. p. 43, note. 



[On. IV. 

are either Greek in themselves or translations of Greek words. 
The old gentleman or pantaloon was called Pappus or Casnar : 
the former was the Greek HCLTTTTOS, the latter, as we have seen, 
was an Oscan term = vetus. The clown or chatterbox was called 
Bucco, from bucca, and was thus a representative of the Greek 
TvdOwv. The glutton Macco, Greek MaWw, has left a trace 
of his name in the Neapolitan Maccaroni ; and Punch or Poli- 
chinello is derived from the endearing diminutive Pulcliellus, 
which, like the Greek KaXX/as, was used to denote apes and 
puppets 1 . The Sannio is the adwa's of Cratinus (Fr. Incert. 
XXXIII. a. p. 187, Meineke) ; and this buffoon with his patch- 
work dress is represented by the modern Harlequin, one of 
whose names is still zanni, Angl. "zany." The modern word 
harlequin is merely the Italian allecchinOj i. e. " gourmand." 
Menage's dream about the comedian, who was so called in the 
reign of Henry III. because he frequented the house of M. de 
Harlai, is only an amusing example of that which was called 
etymology not many years ago. 

On the whole we must conclude, that the Atellan farces 
were ultimately Grecized, like all the literature of ancient Italy, 
and as the language of the Doric chorus grew more and more 
identical with that of the Attic dialogue, to which it served as 
an interlude, so this once Oscan exodium was assimilated in 
language and character to the histrionic plays, to which it served 
as an afterpiece, and so gradually lost its national character and 
social respectability. Thus we find in the destiny of this branch 
of Oscan literature an example of the absorbing centralization of 
Home, which, spreading its metropolitan Latinity over the pro- 
vinces, eventually annihilated, or incorporated and blended with 
its civic elements, all the distinctive peculiarities of the allied or 
subject population. 

1 Theatre of the Greeks, Ed. 6, p. [160]. 


1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an interpretation of the Etruscan 
language. 2. Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained. 3. Al- 
phabetical list of Etruscan words interpreted. 4. Etruscan inscriptions 
difficulties attending their interpretation. 5. Inscriptions in which the Pelas- 
gian element predominates. 6. Transition to the inscriptions which contain 
Scandinavian words The laurel-crowned Apollo Explanation of the words clan 
and phleres. 7- Inscriptions containing the words suthi and tree. 8. In- 
ferences derivable from the words sver, ever, and thur or thaur. 9. Striking 
coincidence between the Etruscan and Old Norse in the use of the auxiliary 
verb lata. 10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined. Its Runic 
affinities. 11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethnographic tradition 
in regard to the ancient Etruscans. 12. General remarks on the absorption or 
evanescence of the old Etruscan language. 

1. Transcriptions of proper names the first clue to an 
interpretation of the Etruscan language. 

IT will not be possible to investigate the remains of the Etrus- 
can language with any reasonable prospect of complete suc- 
cess, until some scholar shall have furnished us with a body of 
inscriptions resting on a critical examination of the originals 1 ; 
and even then it is doubtful if we should have a sufficiently co- 
pious collection of materials. The theory, however, that the 
Etruscan language, as we have it, is in part a Pelasgian idiom, 
more or less corrupted and deformed by contact with the Um- 
brian, and in part a relic of the oldest Low-German or Scandi- 
navian dialects, is amply confirmed by an inspection of those 
remains which admit of approximate interpretation. 

The first clue to the understanding of this mysterious lan- 
guage is furnished by the Etruscan transcriptions of well-known 
Greek proper names, and by the Etruscan forms of those names 
which were afterwards adopted by the Romans. This comparison 
may at least supply some prima-facie evidence of the peculiari- 

1 The first impulse to the study of Etruscan antiquities was given by 
the posthumous publication of Dempster's work de Etruria Regali, which 
was finished in 1619, and edited by Coke in 1723 4. Bonarota, who 
furnished the accurate illustrations of this work, insists upon the import- 
ance of a correct transcription of the existing linguistic materials. 


ties of Tuscan articulation, and of the manner in which the lan- 
guage tended to corrupt itself. 

It is well known that the "Etruscan alphabet possessed no 
medice, as they are called. We are not, therefore, surprised to 
find, that in their transcriptions of Greek proper names the Etrus- 
cans have substituted tenues 1 . Thus, the Greek names, '^A^ct- 
(jTos, TvSev?, 'O^fcrcreJ?, MeXecfy/oo?, and TIoXvSevKtjs, are 
written Atresthe, Tute, Utuze, Melakre, and Pultuke. But the 
change in the transcription goes a step farther than this ; for, 
though they actually possessed the tenues, they often convert 
them into aspiratce. Thus, 'Ayaimeimvcov, "ASpacrTos, 6ert9, 
Ylepvevs, YIo\vviKti<? 9 T>/Xe0os, become Achmiem, Atresthe, 
Thethis, Pherse, Phulnike t ThelapJie. In some cases the Greek 
tenues remain unaltered in the transcription, as in 
Pele; YlapOevoTraios, Parthanapce ; Kderwp, Kastur ; ' 
/fXJjs, Herkle : and the Greek aspiratce are also transferred, as 
in 'An<piapaos, Amphiare. These transcriptions of Greek names 
supply us also with a very important fact in regard to the Etrus- 
can syllabarium : namely, that their liquids were really semi- 
vowels ; in other words, that these letters did not require the 
expression of an articulation-vowel. It has been shown else- 
where 2 that the semi- vocal nature of the liquid is indicated in 

1 With regard to the Etruscan alphabet in general, it may be said that 
it did not come directly from the East, but from the intermediate 
settlements of the Pelasgian race. When Miiller says (Etrusk. II. 290) 
that it was derived from Greece, he cannot mean that it passed over into 
Italy subsequently to the commencement of Hellenic civilization. The 
mere fact that the writing was from right to left, shows that the Etruscans 
derived their letters from the other peninsula, while its inhabitants were 
still Pelasgian ; for there are very few, even of the earliest Greek inscrip- 
tions which retain the original direction of the writing (see New Crat. 
101; Miiller, Etrusk. II. p. 309). At the same time, the existence of 
hexameter verse in Etruria and other circumstances show that there was 
a continued intercourse between the Pelasgo-Etruscans and the Greeks 
(Miiller, ibid. p. 292). On the Pelasgic origin of the Etruscan alphabet, 
the reader may consult the authorities quoted by Lepsius, de Tabb. Eug. 
p. 29. 

2 New Crat. 107. The word el-em-en-tum, according to the ety- 
mology which has received the sanction of Heindorf (adHor. I. Sat. I. 26), 
would furnish an additional confirmation of these views. But this ety- 
mology cannot be admitted ; and the word must be considered as con- 
taining the root ol- (in olere, adolescens, indoles, soboles, proles, &c.), so that 


most languages by the etymological fact, that it may be articu- 
lated by a vowel either preceding or following it. For example : 
mute -f- liquid + vowel = mute + vowel + liquid, is an equation 
which holds good in every etymological problem. Applying this 
principle to the Etruscan transcriptions, we see that the Etrus- 
can Ap[u]lu, Ach[i]le, At[a]laent, -EVc[tl]fe, El[e\chs(_a~\ntre, 
Men\_e\le, M[e]n[e]rva, Phul[u]nices, Ur[e]ste, &c. are repre- 
sentatives of the Greek 'A-TroXXwy, 'Ap/XXeJ9, 'AraXcti'Ti;, 'H|oa- 
K\rjs, 'AXe^ai^jOos 1 , Mei/eXea;?, IloXtwe//^?, 'Opea-rrjs, and of the 
Latin Minerva, only because the Etruscans did not find it neces- 
sary to express in writing the articulation- vowels of the liquids. It 
is interesting to remark that the old poetic dialect of the Icelandic, 
as distinguished from the modern tongue, exhibits the same pecu- 
liarity ; thus r is always written for ur, as in northr, vethr, akr, 
vetr, vitr. There are a few instances of the same brachygraphy 
in the oldest Greek inscriptions : thus, on Mr. Burgon's vase we 
have A0HNH9N for 'AOfaOev. BSckh (C.I. No. 33) has 
wrongly read this inscription, which forms three cretics : TWP 
'AOqlvrjQev a\9\a)v ejuii. With regard to the form Ercle, for 
which we have Her cole in Dempster, T. I. tab. VI. ; Lanzi, II. 
p. 205. tab. XL n. 1, it is to be remarked that the short u =o 
before I appears to be a natural stop-gap in old Italian articula- 
tion. Thus we have j?Esculapius for Atcr/cX^Tnos. When we 
remember that 'HpctK\rjs was the tutelary god of the Dorians 
or Her-mun-duri, who conquered the Peloponnese, we can hardly 
avoid identifying him with Her-minius. 

If we pass to the consideration of those proper names which 
are found in the Latin language, we shall observe peculiarities 
of precisely the same kind. For instance, the medials in Idus, 
Tlabonius, Vibius, &c. are represented in Etruscan by the tenues 
in Itus, Tlapuni, Fipi, &c. ; the tenues in Turius, Velcia, &c. 
stand for the aspirates in Thura, Felche, &c. ; and the articula- 

ele-mentum = olementum. See Benaryin the Berl. Jahrb. for August 1841, 
p. 240. As the ludus, or gladiatorial school was the earliest specimen of 
a distinct training establishment, and as it has consequently furnished a 
name to all schools, so its two functions have similarly descended into 
the vocabulary of education : for rudi-menta, properly the " foil exercises," 
and ele-menta, properly the "training-food," have become synonymous 
expressions for early education, just as e-rud-itus, "out of foils," has be- 
come the term for a completely learned man. 


tion-vowels in Licinius, Tanaquil, &c. are omitted before or 
after the liquids in Lecne, Thanchfil, &c. 

The transcription Utuze, for 'QSuaaevS) suggests a remark 
which has been in part anticipated in a former chapter. We 
see that in this case the Etruscan z corresponds to the Greek 
-c7cr, just as conversely, in the cases there cited, the Greek - is 
represented by -ss in Latin. It was formerly supposed that 
this Etruscan z was equivalent to x = KS, and this supposition 
was based on a comparison of Utuze with Ulyxes. To say no- 
thing, however, of the mistake, which was made in assuming that 
Utuze represented Ulyxes and not 'O^ucra-evs, it has been shown 
by Lepsius (De Tabb. Eug. pp. 59, sqq. ; Annali dell' Institute, 
VIII. p. 168) both that the Etruscans added this z to the guttural 
K, as in srankzl, &c. and also that, when it was necessary to ex- 
press the Greek f , they did not use the letter z, but formed a 
representative for it by a combination of K or CH with s, as in 
Secstinal = Sextinia natus, and ElcJisntre = 'A\el*av$po$. Pa- 
laeographical considerations also indicate that the letter corre- 
sponded in form, not to or x, but to the Greek z. We ought, 
however, to go a step farther than Lepsius has done, and say 
that the Latin x was, after all, in one of its values, a represen- 
tative of this Etruscan letter. It is true, indeed, that x does 
represent also the combination of a guttural and sibilant; but 
there are cases, on the other hand, in which at is found in Latin 
words containing roots into which no guttural enters : comp. rixa 
with eps (e^o?), ep/yw, &c. In these cases it must be supposed 
to stand as a representative of the Greek in its sound sh, and 
also of the Hebrew shin, from which T has derived its name 
(see New Crat. 115). With regard to the name Ulysses, 
Ulyxes, 'O^i/a-creJs, etymology would rather show that the 
ultimate form of the x, ss, or z, was a softened dental. The 
Tuscan name of this hero was Nanus, i. e. " the pygmy" (Miiller, 
Etrusk. II. p. 269); and, according to Eustathius (p. 289, 38), 
'OXw7crei;s or 'OXtcrcreJ? was the original form of the Greek 
name. From these data it has been happily conjectured (by 
Kenrick, Herod, p. 281) that the name means o-Xt^os*, o-Xtcrcros, 
yEol. for o-\iyos (Eustath. 1160, 16), of which the simplest form 
is Xiros, little : so that Ulysses, in the primitive conception, 
was a god represented in a diminutive form. 



2. Names of Etruscan divinities derived and explained. 

The materials, which are at present available for an approxi- 
mate philological interpretation of the Tuscan language, may be 
divided into three classes : (1) the names of deities, &c., whose 
titles and attributes are familiar to us from the mythology of 
Greece and Rome ; (2) the Tuscan words which have descended 
to us with an interpretation ; and (3) the inscriptions, sepulchral 
or otherwise, of which we possess accurate transcripts. Let us 
consider these three in their order. 

The Tuscans seem to have worshipped three gods especially 
as rulers of the sky, Janus, god of the sky in general; Jupiter -, 
whom they called Tina, god of the day ; and Summanus, god 
of the night. Of these, Janus and Tina are virtually the same 
designation. The root dyd seems to be appropriated in a great 
many languages to signify "day" or "daylight." See Grimm, 
Deut. Mythol. 2d ed. p. 177. Sometimes it stands absolutely, 
as in dies - dia-is ; sometimes it involves u, as in the Sanscr. dyu, 
Gr. ZeJs, Lat. dens ; sometimes it appears in a secondary form, 
as in the Hebr. yom, Gr. rjfjiepa ; and sometimes it has a dental 
affix, as in the Gr. Ztjv, Lat. or Tusc. Janus. It is sufficiently 
established that dj, j, y, are different forms of the same articula- 
tion, which is also expressed by the Greek . The fern, of 
Janus was Diana : Jupiter and Diespiter were the same word. 
The Greeks had lost their /-sound, except so far as it was 
implied in ; but I have proved elsewhere that the rj also con- 
tained its ultimate resolution 1 . That Tina contains the same 
root as Z^ = Dyan may be proved by an important Greek 
analogy. If we compare the Greek interrogative T/S with its 
Latin equivalent quis, admitting, as we must, that they had a 
common origin, we at once perceive that the Greek form has lost 
every trace of the labial element of the Latin qu, while the 
guttural is preserved in the softened form TL */. Supposing 
that kas was the proper form of the interrogative after the 
omission of the labial, then, when k was softened into j di, as 
qu-o-jus became cu-jus, &c., in the same way /c-a-s would become 
*'S, the tenuis being preferred to the medial 2 . Just so in the 

1 New Crat. 112. 

2 The crude form of m is n-v- (TI-VOS, &c.); in other words, it is a 
compound of two pronominal elements, like els (= ev-s), /cei-j/oy, TTJ-VOS, 


Etruscan language, which had no medials, Zt/v - dian-us would 
become Tina-[s] or Tinia-\js\. This Tina or Jupiter of the 
Tuscans was emphatically the god of light and lightning, and 
with Juno and Minerva formed a group who were joined toge- 
ther in the special worship of the old Italians. As the Etruscans 
had no consonant /, the name of Janus must have been pro- 
nounced by them as Zanus. This god, whose four-faced statue 
was brought from Falerii to Rome, indicated the sky, or templum, 
with its four regions. When he appeared as biceps, he repre- 
sented the main regions of the templum the decumanus and 
the cardo. And as this augurial reference was intimately con- 
nected with the arrangement of the gates in a city or in a camp 1 , 
he became also the god of gates, and his name ultimately signi- 
fied "a gate" or "archway." Summanus, or Submanus, was 
the god of nightly thunders. The usual etymology is summus 
manium; but there is little reason for supposing that it is an 
ordinary Latin word. As Arnobius considers him identical with 
Pluto 2 , it seems reasonable to conclude that he was simply the 

d-vd, e-nim, &-na, &c. Lobeck asserts (Paralipom. p. 121, note) that the 
v in TI-V-OS is repugnant to all analogy, the literce cliticce of the Greeks 
being dentals only,-' as if v were not a dental! The absurdity of 
Lobeck's remarks here, and in many other passages of his later writings, 
will serve to show how necessary it is that an etymologer should be 
acquainted with the principles of comparative philology. There are some 
observations on this subject in the New Crat. 38, which more particularly 
refer to Lobeck (Aglaopliam. p. 478, note i.)j and to a very inferior man, 
his pupil Ellendt (Lex. Sophocl. prsefat. p. iii.). From what Lobeck said 
in his Paralipomena (p. 226, note), one felt disposed to hope that his old- 
fashioned prejudices were beginning to yield to conviction. In a later 
work, however (Pathologia, prsef. pp. vii. sqq.), he reappears in his original 
character. The caution on which he plumes himself (" ego quoque ssepe 
vel invitus et ingratis eo adactus sum ut vocabulorum origines abditas 
conjectura qusererem, cautior fortasse Cratylis nostris, quorum curiositati 
nihil clausum, nihil impervium est,") is only another name for one-sided 
obstinacy ; and whatever value we may set upon Lobeck's actual per- 
formances in his own field, wo cannot concede to him the right of con- 
fining all other scholars to the narrow limits of his Hemsterhusian phi- 

1 See below, Ch. VII. 6. 

2 The Glossar. Labbsei has Summanus, npofirjOevs ; and perhaps Pro- 
metheus, as the stealer of fire from heaven, may have been identified 
with the god of nightly thunders in some forms of mythology. At Co- 


Jupiter Infernus ; and as the Dispater of the Tuscans was called 
Mantus, and his wife Mania, we may conjecture that Sub-manus 
was perhaps in Tuscan Zuv-manus or Jupiter-bonus, which is 
the common euphemism in speaking of the infernal deities. The 
connexion between the nightly thunders, which the ancients so 
greatly feared, and the -^Ooviai fipovrai, is obvious. Another 
gloomy form of the supreme god was Ve-djus or Ve-jovis, who 
seems to have represented Apollo in his character of the causer 
of sudden death. The prefix Ve- is a disqualifying negative 
the name signifies " the bad Jupiter." He was represented as a 
young man armed with arrows ; his feast was on the nones of 
March, when an atoning sacrifice was offered up to him ; and he 
was considered, like Summanus, as another form of Pluto. 

The second of the great Tuscan deities was Juno (Jovino or 
Dyuno), who was called Kupra and Thalna in the Etrurian 
language. Now Kupra signifies "good," as has been shown 
above ; and therefore Dea kupra is Dea bona, the common 
euphemism for Proserpine. The name Thalna may be analysed 
with the aid of the principles developed above. The Etruscans 
had a tendency to employ the aspirates for the tenues, where 
in other forms, and in Greek especially, the tenues were used. 
Accordingly, if we articulate between the liquids In, and substi- 
tute t for th, we shall have, as the name of Juno, the goddess of 
marriage, the form Tal[a]na, which at once suggests the root of 
Talassus, the Koman Hymen, and the Greek raXts, (Soph. 
Antig. 629. raXis' r\ vvfji(f)tj, Zonar. p. 1711. raXts-* 17 jueX- 
Xo < ya / uo5 irapQevos KOL Kara)vofj.aa'/uLvrj TIV'I' o\ oe yuvaiKa 
ya/xeTjyi/* oi oe vv/j.(f)r]v 9 Hesych. TijXiSa' OVTCO T^V crvvrjp- 
jmoarju.evr]v 9 id. oaX/oas* ras ju.6fjLvr/(TTev/uLeva<;) id. raXi^' pco$ 9 
id.) : comp. also ya^oio reXos, Horn. Od. XX. 74, and the 
epithet tf Hpa reXe/a. The AramaBan ra\i6d (fV^fl, Mark v. 
41) is not to be referred to this class. 

The deity Vulcanus, who in the Etruscan mythology was 
one of the chief gods, being one of the nine thundering gods, and 
who in other mythologies appears in the first rank of divinities, 
always stands in a near relationship to Juno. In the Greek 
theogony he appears as her son and defender ; he is sometimes 

lonus, where the infernal deities were especially worshipped, the 
IIpop.T)dfvs, 6 irup(f)6pos 6e6s, was reckoned among them ((Ed. Col. 65). 



the rival, and sometimes the duplicate, of his brother Mars ; and 
it is possible that in the Egyptian calendar he may have been a 
kind of Jupiter. Here we are only concerned with the form of 
his Etruscan name, which was Sethlans. Applying the same 
principles as before, we collect that it is only Se-tal[a]nus, a 
masculine form of Tal[a~\na (-Juno) with the prefix Se- : comp. 
the Greek $-Xios, ae-\yvtj, with the Latin Sol, Luna, where the 
feminine, like Tal[a]na, has lost the prefix. 

To the two deities Tina and Talna, whose names, with their 
adjuncts, I have just examined, the Etruscans added a third, 
Minerva, or, as they called her, Menerfa, Menrfa, who was 
so closely connected with them in the reverence of this people, 
that they did not consider a city complete if it had not three 
gates and three temples dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. 
She was the goddess of the storms prevalent about the time of 
the vernal equinox ; and her feast, the quinquatrus, was held, as 
that word implied in the Tuscan language, on the fifth day after 
the ides of March. The name seems to have been synonymous 
with the Greek /xjjri? ; and bears the same relation to mens that 
luerves (in the Arval hymn) does to lues : this appears from the 
use of the verb promenervat (pro monet, Fest. p. 205). 

With regard to the legend that Minerva sprang from the head 
of Jupiter, it is to be remarked that the head was considered to 
be the seat of the mens, as the heart was of the animus ; 
whereas the anima, (Lucret. III. 354) permixta corpore toto, is 
diffused all over the frame, and has no special seat assigned to it. 
With regard then to the opposition of mens and animus, the 
English antithesis of "head" and "heart" sufficiently expresses 
it. See Ter. Andr. I. 1, 137. 

It is easy to explain the names Sdturnus, Vertumnus, Mars, 
and Feronia, from the elements of the Latin language. Sdtur- 
nus = K|0oi>os is connected with sce-culum, as ce-ternus with cevum 
(the full form being cevi-ternus, Yarro, L. L. VI. 4 H), sempi- 
ternus with semper, and taci-turnus with taceo. Vertumnus is 
the old participle of vertor, 4i I turn or change myself." (See 
Ch. XII. 5). Mars is simply " the male" or " manly god." 
Thus Mas-piter is " the male or generating father." The forms 
Mar-mar, Ma-murius exhibit the root with an intensive redu- 
plication ; the root is strengthened by t, denoting personality, in 
Mar[f\s ; and the words Ma-vor[t]s, Ma-mer[f]s give us both 


the intensive reduplication and the strengthening affix (Cors- 
sen, Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, p. 32). In this word the idea 
of virility is connected with that of protection, and the root is 
identical with the Greek Fap-, Sanscr. vrt, Latin vir, &c. (New 
Crat. 285). It has been proposed by Pott (Etym. Forsch. 
II. 206) to connect mas with the Sanscrit root man " to think," 
from whence comes manas " the mind," manusya "man;" and 
we know that this root with these connected meanings runs 
through a great number of languages : thus we have the Egyp- 
tian men " to construct or establish," month " a man," the 
Greek ^eVoi/a, /jLrjvvco, &c., the Latin mon-eo, me-mini, mens, 
ho-min, the German meinen, mund, &c. ; and this brings us 
back to the goddess Minerva, and other mythological beings, as 
Menu, Menes, Minos, Minyas, and Mannus (Q.JK. CLY. p. 149). 
We may also remark that the Hebrew "12T mas, is immediately 
connected with "Of meminit. But here the idea is somewhat 


different. For the verb "O"t contains the root kar which is found 

- r 

in the Chald. ^D"" 1 ! and "Q, and signifies infigere, insculpere, 
hence tropically memoriae infigere, imprimere, (Furst, Concord. 
p. 352). And as "Of is opposed to rQE from 3g3 perforavit 
(a membri genitalis forma distinctionis causa sic dicta, Fiirst, 
Concord, p. 727), we may conclude that it signifies : o rpviruv, 
(cf. JEsch. Fragm. Dan. 38 : e^oa nev ayvos ovpavos Tpaxrai 
X#oVa.). Be this as it may, it is clear that the root Pap- is not 
identical with the root man ; and it is quite possible that man 
should appear distinctively as " the protector," as well as gene- 
rally in the character of " thinker" and " indicator." There is 
the same opposition with the same parallelism in manus, the 
hand, generally, and specially the right hand, as pointing out 
and indicating (cf. ^v-via 9 mon-strare, $6%- la, jeuc-iw/u, &c.), 
and dptcFTepos, the left hand, as carrying the weapon of defence 
(New Crat. 162, note). The attributes of the goddess Feronia 
are by no means accurately known : there seems, however, to 
be little doubt that she was an elementary goddess, and as such 
perhaps also a subterraneous deity, so that her name will be 
connected with feralis, <f)9eipiv, (pepcrecftovrj, &c. 

AevKoOea-, "the white goddess," had a Tuscan representative 
in the Mater matuta, " mother of the morning," whose attribute 
is referred to in the Greek name, which designates the pale 



[Cn. V. 

silvery light of the early dawn. Both goddesses were probably 
also identical with Ei\iOuia, Lucina, the divinity who brought 
children from the darkness of the womb into the light of life. 
Sothina, a name which occurs in Etruscan monuments (Lanzi, II. 
p. 494), is probably the Etruscan transcription of the Greek 
2oo>$tW ("saving from child-bed pains"), which was an epithet 
of Artemis (see Bockh, Corp. Inscr. no. 1595). 

Apollo was an adopted Greek name, the Tuscan form being 
Apulu, Aplu, Epul, or Epure. If the " custos Soractis Apollo," 
to whom the learned Virgil (JEn. XI. 786) makes a Tuscan 
pray, was a native Etruscan god, then his name Soranus, and 
the name of the mountain Soracte, must be Tuscan words, and 
contain the Latin sol, with the change from I to r observable in 
the form Epure for Epul : compare also the Sanscr. Surya. 

Although Neptunus was an important god in the Tuscan 
pantheon, it is by no means certain that this was the Tuscan 
form of his name : if it was, then we have another Tuscan word 
easily explicable from the roots of the Indo- Germanic language ; 
for Nep-tunus is clearly connected with i/e'a>, N^eJs, P/TTTCO, &c. 
The form Neptumnus (ap. Grut. p. 460) is simply the participle 
viTTTOfjievos. If the word Nethuns, which is found on a Tuscan 
mirror over a figure manifestly intended for Neptune (Berlin. 
Jahrb. for August 1841, p. 221), is to be considered as the 
genuine form of the sea-god's name, there will of course be no 
difficulty in referring it to the same root (see below, 5). 

The Tuscan Pluto, as is well known, was called Mantus, and 
from him the city Mantua derived its name. The etymology of 
this word is somewhat confused by its contact with the terms 
manes and mania. That the latter are connected with the old 
word manus = bonus can hardly be doubted 1 ; and the depre- 
catory euphemism of such a designation is quite in accordance 
with the ancient mode of addressing these mysterious func- 
tionaries of the lower world. But then it is difficult to explain 
Mantus as a derivative from this manus. Now, as he is repre- 
sented in all the Tuscan monuments as a huge wide-mouthed 
monster with a personce pallentis hiatus, it seems better to 
understand his name as signifying " the devourer ;" in which 

1 Varro seems to connect the word Manius with mane, " morning " (L. L. 

IX. 60). 


sense he may be compared with the yawning and roaring Cha- 
ron l . This, at any rate, was the idea conveyed by the manducus, 
another form of mantus ; for this was an image " magnis mails 
ac late dehiscens et ingentem dentibus sonitum faciens" (Fest. 
p. 128). The two words may be connected with ma-n-dere, 
juLacraeOai, the n, which is necessary in manus, manes, being 
here only euphonical : similarly, we have masurium, edacem a 
mandendo scilicet (Fest. p. 139), and me-n-tum by the side of 
fjLOTvai (= yvaOot, Hesych.). Compare also mala, maxilla, 
&c. It is not improbable that the Greek, or perhaps Pelasgic, 
/(iai/Tis contains this root. The mysterious art of divination was 
connected, in one at least of its branches, with the rites of the 
infernal gods. Teiresias, the blind prophet, was especially the 
prophet of the dark regions. Now Mantua, according to Virgil, 
was founded by Ocnus, " the bird of omen," who was the son of 
Manto, and through her the grandson of Teiresias. This at 
least is legendary evidence of a connexion between mantus and 
/maim?. The same root is contained in the mythical mundus 
(Miiller, Etrusk. II. p. 96). 

The name Ceres is connected with creare, Sanscr. krt. The 
Tuscan name Ancaria may be explained by a comparison of 
ancilla, anclare, oncare, eveyKeiv, a^y/cas, &c. 

According to Servius, Ceres, Pales, and Fortuna, were the 
three Penates of the Etruscans (see Micali, Storia, II. p. 117). 
The last of these three was one of the most important divinities 
in Etruria, and especially at Yolsinii, where she bore the name 
Nortia, Norsia, or Nursia, and was the goddess of the calendar 
or year (Cincius, ap. Liv. VII. 3). The nails, by which the 
calendar was marked there, pointed to the fixed and unalterable 

1 See New Crat. 283. Another personage of the same kind is 
" the caller." As Charon is attended by the three-headed Kepftepos, so 
the three-bodied Geryon has a two-headed dog, "Op0pos, who is brother 
to Cerberus (Hesiod. Theog. 308, sqq.); that is "the morning" (opdpos) 
is brother to " the darkness " (iccpfifpos : vide Schol. Od. A, 14, and Person 
ad L ; Kcppepos- a^Xvs-, Hesych. ; and Lobeck, Paralipom. p. 32). By 
a similar identity, Geryon lives in the distant west, in Erythia, the land 
of darkness, just as Charon is placed in Hades ; and these two beings, 
with their respective dogs, both figure in the mythology of Hercules, who 
appears as the enemy of Pluto, and of his type, Eurystheus. It may be 
remarked, too, that Pluto is described as an owner of flocks and herds, 
which is the chief feature in the representations of Geryon. 


character of the decrees of fate. The Fortuna of Antiurn had 
the nail as her attribute, and the clavi trabales and other imple- 
ments for fastening marked her partner Necessitous (Hor. I. 
Carm. XXXV. 17, sqq.) ; under the Greek name of "ArpoTros 
(Athrpa) she is represented on a Tuscan patera as fixing the 
destiny of MeAe'c^o? (Meliacr) by driving in a nail ; though 
it is clear from the wings that the name only is Greek, while the 
figure of the deity is genuine Etruscan (Miiller, Etrusk. II. 
p. 331). From these considerations it seems a safe inference 
that Nortia, or Nursia, is simply ne-vortia, ne-vertia, the 
"A-rpoTros, or " unturning, unchanging goddess," according to 
the consistent analogy of rursus = re-versus, quorsus = quo-ver- 
sus, introrsus = intra-versus, &c. : and this supposition receives 
additional confirmation from the statement mentioned below ( J 3), 
that versus was actually a Tuscan word. 

The god Merquurius appears on the Tuscan monuments as 
Turms = Turmus. This Etruscan name has been well explained 
by the Jesuit G. P. Secchi (Annali dell' Institute, VIII. pp. 94, 
sqq.). It appears that Lycophron, who elsewhere uses genuine 
Italian names of deities and heroes (as Ma/xejoro? for ''A/;s, vv. 
938, 1410 ; Nai/o 9 for 'OcWoW?, v. 1244), calls the x 0oW 
'Ep/uLtjs by the name Tepfjuevs (Alex. 705, sqq.) : 

\ifivijv T "Aopvov a^iTOpvrjrbv /3po^< 
Koi xevfJLO, 'K.axvTo'io Xa/3po)$ev <rKora> 
Sruyos KeXaivrjs vao-fiov, ZvQa Tcppicvs 

6pK03fJLOTOVS fTfvt-fV d(p6lTOVS cSpdS 

fjieXXav yiyavras Kanl Tirrjvas irepav. 

Now Turmus certainly does not differ more from this Te/o/uevs 
than Euturpe and Achle from their Greek representatives (Bun- 
sen, ibid. p. 175). It might seem, then, that Turmus is not the 
Latin Terminus, but rather the Greek 'Epfjirjs ; for the Hellenic 
aspirate being represented in the Pelasgian language, according 
to rule, by the sibilant, this might pass into T, as in rjftepa, 
arinepov, Ttjuepov ; eVra, regret, Hesych. ; epfifat rep/A?, id. &c. 
The name Lar, Las, when it signifies " lord" or " noble," 
has the addition of a pronominal affix ~t ; when it signifies " god," 
it is the simple root : the former is Lars (Lartli), gen. Lartis ; 
the latter Lar, gen. Laris. Precisely the same difference is 
observable in a comparison between "'A^a/ces/'Ai/a/cot, "the Dios- 
curi," and avaK-TGS, " kings" or " nobles/' Similarly the ori- 
ginal Mar-s seen in the forms Mar-mar, Ma-murius, &c. is 


lengthened into Mar-t-, and from names of towns we have deri- 
vatives with the same insertion of a formative t : e. g. Tuder-t-es, 
Tibur-t-es, Picen-t-es, Fiden-t-es, Fucen-t-es, Nar-t-es (Corssen, 
Zeitschr. f. Vergl. Sprf. 1852, pp. 6, 13). Some suppose that 
the English Lor-d is connected with the same root*; see, how- 
ever, New Crat. 338 : and as the Lares were connected with 
the Cabiriac and Curetic worship of the more eastern Pelas- 
gians, I would rather seek the etymology in the root Xa-, Xci9-, 
Act*?-, so frequently occurring in the names of places and persons 
connected with that worship 1 , and expressing the devouring 
nature of fire. It appears from the word Lar-va that the Lar 
was represented as a wide-mouthed figure. There are two 
feminine forms of the name, Lar-unda and Lar-entia. 

This enumeration of the names of Tuscan divinities shows 
that, as far as the terms of mythology are concerned (and there 
are few terms less mutable), the Tuscan language does not abso- 
lutely escape from the grasp of etymology. If the suggestion 
thrown out above (Ch. II. 22) respecting the parallelism be- 
tween Tina and Tor is to be received, the easy analysis of these 
mythical names is to be explained by the fact that they belonged 
to the religion of southern Etruria, which was Pelasgian rather 
than Scandinavian. Many of the common words which have 
been handed down to us present similar traces of affinity to 
the languages of the Indo-Germanic family. I will examine 
them in alphabetical order ; though, unfortunately, they are not 
so numerous as to assume the form of a comprehensive voca- 
bulary of the language. 

3. Alphabetical List of Etruscan Words interpreted. 

Msar, " God." Sueton. Octav. c. 97 : " Responsum est centum 
solos dies posthac victurum, quern numerum c littera notaret ; 
futurumque ut inter deos referretur, quod ^SAR, id est, reliqua 
pars e CaBsaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur." Conf. 
Dio. Cass. LVI. 29; Hesych. alaoi' Oeoi, vwo Tvpprjvwv. 
See Ritter, Vorhalle, pp. 300, 471, who compares the Cabiriac 
names ^Es-mun, ^s-clef, the proper name ^dEsyetes, asa the 

1 The following are some of the most obvious appearances of this 
root: Sanscrit, las, "to wish;" Latin, lar-gus ; Greek, Xa-/zuz, 
Xdpuy, Xatr/ta, &c. A^/ui/os 1 , AJ/TW. 


old form of ara, and a great many other words implying 
"holiness" or "sanctity:" and Grimm, Deutsche Mythol. 
2d edit. p. 22. Comp. also dlaa. The most important fact 
is that as or ass, pi. aesir, meaning deus, numen, is " nomen 
nusquam non occurrens" (Edda Scemund. Vol. I. p. 472) in 
the old Icelandic. 

Agalletor, "son." Hesych. aya\\rjTopa' Tratoa, TvppqvoL This 
is pure Pelasgian, if not Greek. Thus Sophocles, Antig. 1115, 
calls Bacchus : KctS/uet'as vv/u.(pas cryaX/ua. 

Aifil, " age." This word frequently occurs in sepulchral inscrip- 
tions with a numeral attached. In one of these we have, 
Cf[e\cilfiilf . Papa aif . xxn., with the Latin translation, 
Guegilii Papii cetatis xxn. It is obvious, then, that this 
word contains the same root as cev-um, ce-tas, aiFcov, aiFe/, 
&c. The Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian language always inserts the 
digamma in these cases : compare A'/as, written Aifas on the 
Tuscan monuments. 

Antar, " eagle." Hesych. avrap' aero? vwo Tupprjvwv. See 
below, under Fentha. 

Antes, " wind." Hesych. avTaC ave/moi and avSas' Boreas, VTTO 
Tvpprjvwv. This is neither more nor less than the Latin 
ventus, which is ultimately identical with the Greek Fai/e/uoy. 

Apluda, " bran." Fest. p. 10. Aul. Gell. XI. 7 : " Hie inquit, 
eques Romanus apludam edit, et floces bibit. Aspexerunt 
omnes qui aderant alius alium, primo tristiores turbato et 
requirente vultu, quidnam illud utriusque verbi foret ; post 
inde, quasi nescio quid Tusce aut Gallice dixisset, universi 
riserunt. Legerat autem ille apludam veteres rusticos fru- 
menti furfurem dixisse." The passage does not prove that 
apluda was Tuscan. The word was probably derived from 
abludo : cf. Virg. Georg. I. 368, 9 : 

Ssepe levem paleam et frondes volitare caducas, 
Aut summa nantes in aqua conludere plumas. 

Aquilex, "a collector of springs for aqueducts." Varro ap. 

Nonn. Marc. 2, 8 : " at hoc pacto, utihor te Tuscus aquilex" 
Aracos, "a hawk.'* Hesych. ''Apcucos' iepa%, Tupprjvoi. See 


Arimus, " ape." Strabo, XIII. p. 626 D. : KCU rot)? wtQtjKovs 
\ Trapa rols Tvpprjvois apifj-ovs Ka\e7a9ai. Hesych. : 


. There is no certainty about this word. 
There is some confusion of ideas between the place called 
Arimi on the coast of Cilicia, and the island Pithecusa on the 
coast of Campania. The commentators would connect it with 
the Hebrew D'nn (charum), Levit. xxi. 18, which signifies 
" snub-nosed," simus ; if this can be admitted, the only way 
of explaining the Semitic etymology will be by reading irapa 
Tols Tvpiois in the passage of Strabo. 

Arse-verse. Test. p. 18 : " Arseverse averte ignem significat. 
Tuscorum enim lingua arse averte, verse ignem constat appel- 
lari. Unde Afranius ait : Inscribat aliquis in ostio arseverse." 
An inscription found at Cortona contains the following words : 
Arses vurses Sethlanl tephral ape termnu pisest estu (Orelli, 
no. 1384). Muller considers this genuine (quern quominus 
genuinum habeamus nihil vetat) ; Lepsius will not allow its 
authenticity, but thinks it is made up of words borrowed 
from other sources. Be this as it may, the words arse verse 
must be admitted as genuine Etruscan ; and they are also 
cited by Placidus (Gloss, apud Maium, p. 434). It seems 
probable that arse is merely the Latin arce with the usual 
softening of the guttural ; and verse contains the root of Trup, 
pir,feuer, ber, &c. Pott (Et. Forsch. I. p. 101) seems to 
prefer taking verse as the verb, Lat. verte, and arse as the 
noun, comp. ardere. Tephral must be compared with tepidus 
and the other analogies pointed out above (Ch. II. 11) ; it 
comes very near to the Oscan teforom (Tab. Agn. 11. 17, 20), 
and to the form thipurenai in the Cervetri inscription 
(below, 5). From all these reasons we may conclude that 
it belongs to the Pelasgian element in the language. If the 
Cortona inscription is genuine, we must divide pis-est = qui 
est, and then the meaning must be, " Avert the fire, O con- 
suming Vulcan, from the boundary which is here." 

Atcesum, " a vine that grows up trees." Hesych. araio-ov ava- 
SevSpas, Tvpprjvoi Can this be the Latin word adhcesum ? 
Lucret. IV. 1243 : " tenve locis quia non potis est adfigere 

Atrium, "the cavcedium" or common hall in a Roman house. 
Varro, L. L. V. $ 161 : " Cavum cedium dictum, qui locus 
tectus intra parietes relinquebatur patulus, qui esset ad com- 
munem omnium usum . . . Tuscanicum dictum a Tuscis, postea- 



[Cn. V. 

quam illorum cavum aedium simulare coeperunt. Atrium 
appellatum ab Atriatibus Tuscis ; illinc enim exemplum sump- 
turn." Muller (Etrusk. I. p. 256) adopts this etymology 
(which is also suggested by Festus, p. 13), with the explana- 
tion, that the name is not derived from Atrias because the 
people of that place invented it, but from a reference to the 
geographical position of Atrias, which, standing at the con- 
fluence of many rivers, might be supposed to represent the 
compluvium of the atrium. This geographical etymology 
appears to me very far-fetched and improbable; nor, indeed, 
do I see the possibility of deriving atrium from atrias ; the 
converse would be the natural process. There does not appear 
to be any objection to the etymology suggested by Servius 
(ad ^En. III. 353) : " ab atro, propter fumum qui esse sole- 
bat in atriis :" and we may compare the corresponding Greek 
term ^XaOpov. If atrium, then, was a Tuscan word, the 
Latin ater also was of Pelasgian origin. The connexion of 
atrium with aiOpiov, ct'iOovcra, &c., suggested by Scaliger and 
others, may be adopted, if we derive the word from the 
Tuscan atrus, which signifies " a day." 

Balteus, "the military girdle," is stated by Varro (Antiq. R. 
Hum. 18. ap. Sosip. I. p. 51) to have been a Tuscan word. 
It also occurs, with the same meaning, in all the languages of 
the German family ; and we have it still in our word " belt," 
which bears a close resemblance to the Icelandic noun belti = 
zona and the corresponding verb belta-cingere. 

Burrus " a beetle," Hesych. Bvppos' KavQapoS) Tupprjvoi Is this 
the Latin word burrus ? Festus, p. 31 : " burrum dicebant 
antiqui, quod nunc dicimus rufum. Unde rustici burram ap- 
pellant buculam, quaa rostrum habet rufum. Pari modo rubens 
cibo ac potione ex prandio burrus appellatur." 

Bygois, a nymph, who taught the Etruscans the art of inter- 
preting lightning. Serv. ad ^Eneid. VI. Vide Dempster, 
Etrur. Reg. III. 3. 

Camillus, " Mercury" Macrob. Saturn. III. 8 : " Tuscos Ca- 
millum appellare Mercurium." This is the Cabiriac or Pelas- 
gian Kaa-fuXos. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 915. 

Capra, "a she-goat." Hesych. Kairpa' ai, Tupprjvoi. 

Capys, " a falcon." Servius (ad ^En. X. 145) : " Constat earn 
(capuam) a Tuscis conditam de viso falconis augurio, qui 


Tusca lingua capys dicitur." Fest. p. 43 : " Capuam in 
Campania quidam a Capye appellatam fcrunt, quern a pede 
introrsus curvato nominatum antiqui nostri Falconem vocant." 
For the meaning of the word falcones, see Fest. s. v. p. 88. 
If capys falco, it should seem that cap-ys contains the root 
of cap-ere ; for this would be the natural derivation of the 
name : cf. ac-cip-iter. The word cape which appears in the 
great Perugian Inscription (1. 14) is probably to be referred to 
a very different root 1 . 

Cassis, "a helmet" (more anciently cass-ila, Fest p. 48). 
Isidor. Origg. XVIII. 14 : " Cassidem autem a Tuscis nomi- 
natam dicunt." The proper form was capsis, as the same 
writer tells us; but the assimilation hardly disguises the 
obvious connexion of the word with cap-ut, haup-t, &c. 
Comp. KOTTiKai' ai 7repiKe(pa.\aiat, with T^? ACOTT/$OS* AOJ- 

ptlS TYIV K6(f)a\riv OUTO) KoXoVCFlV- J. Pollux, II. 29. 

" Celer, si Tzetzi fides praebeatur, vox Latina fuit ex Etrusco 

nomine usque a Romuli aetate." Amaduzzi, Alphab. Vet. 

Etrusc. p. Ixix. 
Cyrniatce, Tyrrhenian settlers in Corsica. Hesych. KiymaTajV 

ot] 67Ti Kvpvov ipKrjcrav Tvpprjvoc, according to Is. Voss's 

emendation for Ki^i/mra a. 
Damnus, " a horse," Hesych. : Salvos' '/TTTTOJ, Tvpprjvoi This 

seems to be an Etruscan, not a Pelasgian word, and suggests 

at once the 0. N. tamr = domitus, assuetus, cicur ; N. H. G. 


1 See New Cratylus, 455. To the instances there cited the follow- 
ing may be added: (a) 1^3, "a dog," i.e. "the yelp-er." (b) l^jf , 

"a raven" (corv-us, Sanscr. kdrav-'), i. e. "a cawing bird." (c) /3o{5y, 
Sanscr. gaus, " the bellowing or lowing animal :" comp. /3oao> with yoda>, 
and the latter with the Hebrew nVH , mugire, "to low like an ox" 

^ T 

(1 Sam. vi. 12, Job vi. 5), and the Latin ceva, which, according to Colu- 
mella (VI. 24), was the name of the cow at Altinum on the Adriatic. 

(d) xn v * " ^e goose," i. e. " the gaping bird" (xfiv Kfxrjvus, Athen. p. 519. A). 

( e ) 3W "the tawny wolf," may be connected with 2Hf "yellow" like 
gold. Perhaps the most remarkable instance of selecting for the name 
of an object some single attribute, is furnished by the words scudo and 
" crown," both denoting a large silver coin, and both deriving their origin 
from a part of the design on the reverse the former from the shield, 
or coat of arms, the latter from the crown, by which it was surmounted. 


Dea, i.e. bona Dea, "Cybele." Hesych. Sea' 'Pea, VTTO 

Druna, " sovranty." Hesych. cpovva' t] ap^rj^ viro Typpqvwv. 
It is clear that this word can have nothing to do with the 
Low-Greek Spouyyos, " a body of men," cpovyydpios, " a 
captain," which are fully explained by Du Cange, Gloss. 
Med. et Inf. Grcecit. I. pp. 333, 4. We must refer it to the 
O. Norse, drott = dominus, at drottna = imperare, the dental 
mutes being absorbed before the n as in ^et-roe for SetS-vo's, 
&c. And thus we get another trace of Gothic affinity for the 

Falandum, "the sky." Fest. p. 88: " Falce [0a'Xcu' opYj, 
(TKOTnai, Hesych.] dictse ab altitudine, a falando, quod apud 
Etruscos significat ccelum." This is generally connected with 
<pa\av9ov, blond, &c. Or we might go a step farther, and 
refer it to (pd\\w, 0aXo's, &c., which are obviously derived 
from 0o5 : see Lobeck, Pathol. p. 87. 

Favissa, " an excavation." Fest. p. 88 : " Favissce locum sic 
appellabant, in quo erat aqua inclusa circa templa. Sunt 
autem, qui putant, favissas esse in Capitolio cellis cisternisque 
similes, ubi reponi erant solita ea, qus3 in templo vetustate 
erant facta inutilia." From the analogy of favissa, mantissa, 
and from the circumstance that the Romans seem to have 
learned to make favissce from the Etruscans, it is inferred 
that favissa was a Tuscan word : see M tiller, ad Festi locum, 
and Etrusk. II. p. 239. The word is probably connected 
with fovea, bauen, &c. We shall see below that lautn was 
the Rasenic synonym. 

Februum, " a purification." Angrius, ap. J. Lyd. de Mens. 
p. 70 : " Februum inferum esse Thuscorum lingua." Also 
Sabine : see Yarro, L. L. VI. 13. If we compare febris, 
&c., we shall perhaps connect the root with foveo=torreo, 
whence favilla, &c., and understand the " torrida cum mica 
farra," which, according to Ovid (Fast. II. 24), were called 
by this name. 

Fentha, according to Lactantius (de Fals. Relig. I. c. 22, $ 9), 
was the old Italian name of Fatua^ the feminine form of 
Faunus, " quod mulieribus fata canere consuevisset, ut Faunus 
viris." The form Finthia seems to occur on an old Tuscan 
monument (Ann. dell' Instit. VIII. p. 76), and is therefore 
perhaps a Tuscan word. The analogy of Fentha to Fatua 


is the same as that which has been pointed out above in the 
case of Mantus. The n is a kind of anuswdrah very common 
in Latin : comp. e^ts, anguis ; Xe/Trw, linquo ; Xe/^to, lingo ; 
Sanscr. tuddmi, tundo ; v^ap, unda ; &c. 

Floces, "dregs of wine," Aul. Gell. XL 7; " floces audierat 
prisca voce significare vini faecem e vinaceis expressam, sicuti 
fraces ex oleis." Above s. v. Apluda. 

Fruntac ; see Haruspex, and Phruntao. 

Gapus, " a chariot." Hesych. : ya7ro9 * o^/ua, Tupprjvoi. We 
have here FaVos, a short Pelasgian form of a.Trr\vr\. Comp. 
habena with ^a/3os (Hesych.), o-eX^j'*? with <re'Xas, avena with 
avos, &c. 

Ginis, "a crane." Hesych.: 'y[i]yts yepavos, Tvpprjvoi This 
is probably some shortened form like the Latin grus. 

Haruspex is generally considered to have been an Etruscan 
word. Strabo, XVI. p. 762, renders it by \epoa KOTTOS : asa 
or ara certainly implied " holiness" in the Tuscan language ; 
and Hesychius has the gloss, apaKos' 'iepa%, TvppijWh which 
shows the same change from lep- to har- (see above, p. 152). 
If these analogies are not overthrown by the Inscriptio bilin- 
guis of Pisaurum (Fabrett. Inscr. c. X. n. 171, p. 646 ; Oliv. 
Marm. Pisaur. n. 27, p. 11 ; Lanzi, II. p. 652, n. S, where 
\_Caf~\atius L. f. Ste. haruspex fulguriator is translated by 
Caphates Ls. Ls. Netmfis Trutnft Phruntac], we may 
perhaps conclude that haruspex was the genuine Pelasgian 
form, trutnft being the Rasenic or Etruscan synonym. For 
the word harus or ars- see the Umbrian ars-mo (above, 
p. 97). On the supposition that trutnft corresponds to 
haruspex, it furnishes an important confirmation of the general 
theory respecting the Low German origin of the Rasena. For 
the oldest forms of Scandinavian divination exhibit to us the 
haruspex furnished with a wand which he waves about, and 
the Northmen no less than the Greeks regarded an oracular 
communication as emphatically the truth : see note on Pind. 
Ol. VIII. 2, and compare Hymis-Quida I. Edd. Scemund, I. 
p. 118 : 

'Athr sathir yrthi 
Hristo teina 
Ok a hlaut sa. 

which is rendered : " antequam verum deprehenderent, con- 



[On. V. 

cusserunt bacillos (divinatorios) et sanguinem sacrum in- 
spexerunt." With this view of divination the lituus of the 
Etruscan augur entirely corresponds : and as tru in Icelandic 
signifies fides or religio, and fit-la = leviter digitos movere, I 
recognise teinn = bacillus in the middle of tru-tn-ft, and refer 
the whole to the use of the lituus by the Etruscan haruspex. 

Hister, " an actor." Liv. VII. 2 : " Sine carmine ullo, sine 
imitandorum carminum actu, ludiones ex Etruria adciti, ad 
tibicinis modes saltantes, haud indecoros motus more Tusco 
dabant. Imitari deinde eos juventus, simul inconditis inter se 
jocularia fundentes versibus, ccepere ; nee absoni a voce motus 
erant. Accepta itaque res saspiusque usurpando excitata. 
Vernaculis artificibus, quia hister Tusco verbo ludio vocabatur, 
nomen histrionibus inditum : qui non, sicut ante, Fescennino 
versu similem incompositum teinere ac rudem alternis jacie- 
bant ; sed impletas modis saturas, descripto jam ad tibicinem 
cantu, motuque congruenti peragebant." (See above, p. 132). 
It appears from this, and from all we read of the hister, that 
he was a mimic actor ; his dance is compared by Dionysius to 
the Sicinnis ; so that the word seems to be synonymous 
with SeiKtjXiKrris, and the root is the pronoun i- or hi- (N. 
Crat. 139), which also enters into the cognate words i-mitor, 
'i-j-09, eiK-wv, &c., and appears in the termination of oleaster, 
&c. (Lobeck, Pathol p. 79). 

Itus, " the division of the month." Varro, L. L. VI. 28 : 
" Idus ab eo quod Tusci itus." Cf. Macrob. Sat. I. 15. As 
itus was the Si^ofitjvia of the Tuscan lunar month, its con- 
nexion with the root id- or fid- is obvious : comp. di-vido, 
vid-uus, &c. So Horat. IV. Carm. XI. 14 : 

idus tibi sunt agendse, 
Qui dies mensem Veneris marinee 
Findit Aprilem. 

Lcena, "a double cloak." Fest. p. 117 : " Quidam appellatam 
existimant Tusce, quidam Graece, quam y\avi$a dicunt." If 
it be a Tuscan word, it is very like the Greek : compare 
luridus, lac, \iapos, &c., with xXwpos, yd-\a, -%-Xiapos, &c. 
Varro (L. L. V. 133) derives it from lana. 

Lanista, "a keeper of gladiators." Isidor. Origg. X. p. 247: 
" Lanista gladiator, i. e. carnifex Tusca lingua appellatus." 
Comp. lanius, &c., from the root lac-. Gladiatorial games are 


expressly stated to have been derived by the Romans from 
the Etruscans : see Nicolaus Damasc. apud Athen. IV. 153. F. 
and below s. v. Ludus. 

Lar, " a lord." Explained above, p. 150. 

Lituus, " an augur's staff, curved at the end ;" also " a curved 
trumpet:" see Cic. Divin. II. 18; Liv. 1.18. It constantly 
occurs on Etruscan monuments (see Inghirami, VI. tav. P. 5, 1). 
Miiller justly considers this word an adjective signifying 
"crooked" (Etrusk. II. p. 212). It contains the root li- 9 
found in li-quis, ob-liquus, li-ra, li-tus (TrXtrytos), Xe^tos, 
\id<eiv t &c. 

LucumOy whence the Roman praenomen Lucius (Valer. Max. de 
Nomin. 18), "a noble." The Tuscan form was Lauchme, 
which the Umbrian Propertius has preserved in his transcrip- 
tion Lucmo (JEl. IV. 1, 29) : prima galeritus posuit prcetoria 
Lucmo. The word contains the root luc-, and may therefore 
be compared with the Greek FeXeoi/res, designating, like the 
Tuscan term, a noble and priestly tribe (N. Crat. 459). The 
epydSeis correspond to the Aruntes, who are regularly con- 
trasted with the Lucumones (above, p. 103). 

Ludus. The ancients derived this word from the Lydian origin 
of the Etruscans, from whom the Romans first borrowed their 
dancers and players. Dionys. Antiqu. II. 71 : KaXovpevoi TT/OO? 
e-Trt Ttys Tratcias TJ;? VTTO AvSwv e^evprjeOai SoKovcrrjs 
ef/coye?, cos e/uot $o/ce7, T&V SaXfW. Appian, VIII. 
de Reb. Pun. c. 66 : ^o/oos- KiOapiffTwv TG KOI TiTvpicrTwv els 
fj.ijjLrjfj.aTa Tvpp^viKrj^ 7ro/x7rijs ... Avoovs avrovs Ka\ovcriv 9 on 
(o!fj,ai) Tvpprjvol AvSwv airoiKoi. Isidor. p. 1274: "Inde Ro- 
inani accersitos artifices mutuati sunt, et inde ludi a Lydiis 
vocati sunt." Hesych. II. p. 506 : AvSol ovrot ra? 9eas 
evpeiv \eyovrai, oQev Kai 'Ptofj-aioi Xof^ov? (pacrt. Comp. 
also Valer. Max. II. 4, 4 ; Tertull. de Spect. V. The deriva- 
tion from the ethnic name Lydius is of course a mere fancy. It 
does not, however, seem improbable that, as the armed dances 
as well as the clownish buffooneries of the Romans were 
derived from Etruria, so the name, which designated these as 
jokers and players (ludiones), was Etruscan also, like the other 
name hister, which denoted the imitative actor. If so, the 
word ludus was also of Tuscan or Pelasgian origin. Now this 
word ludus is admirably adapted to express all the functions 



[On. V. 

of the Tuscan ludio. It is connected with the roots of Icedo 
(comp. cudo, ccedo), \oi$opos,\t^(t}, Xa<70o>, (=7ra/^a), Hesych.). 
Consequently, it expresses on the one hand the amusement 
afforded by the gesticulations of the ludio (cr^rj/uLari^eTai 
Trot/aXeo? is yeXcora, Appian, u. s.), and on the other hand 
indicates the innocent brandishing of weapons by the armed 
ludio as compared with the use of arms in actual warfare. 
This latter sense was preserved by Indus to the last, as it sig- 
nified the school in which the gladiators played or fenced with 
wooden foils (rudes) preparatory to the bloody encounters of 
the arena. That the ludiones were Tuscans even in the clas- 
sical age, is clear from Plautus, Curculio, I. 2, 60, sqq. : 
" ptssuli, heus, pessuli, vos salutd lubens fite causa mea 
ludii barbari ; subsilite, dbsecro, et mittite istanc foras," pun- 
ning on the resemblance of pessuli to the prcesules of these 
Tuscan dancers (see JSTon. Marc. c. XII. de Doctorum Inda- 
gine, p. 783, Gottofr.). 

Luna, the Tuscan port, probably got its name from the half- 
moon shape of the harbour. See Pers. VI. 7, 8 ; Strabo, V. 
p. 222 ; Martial, XIII. 30. The Tuscan spelling was perhaps 
Losna (= Lus-nd), which is found on a patera (see Miiller, 
EtrusJc. I. p. 294). 

Manus or Manis, " good." Apparently a Tuscan word ; at 
any rate, the manes were Tuscan divinities. Fest. p. 146, 
s. v. Manuos ; Serv. ad ^n. I. 139, III. 63. So cerus 
manus, in the Salian song, was creator bonus. Fest. p. 1 22, 
s. v. Matrem matutam ; comp. Varro, L. L. VII. 26. We 
may perhaps recognise the same root in a-mcenus, Lithuan. 

Mantisa, " weighing-meat." Fest. p. 132 : " Mantisa addita- 
mentum dicitur lingua Tusca, quod ponderi adicitur, sed dete- 
rius et quod sine ullo usu est. Lucilius : mantisa obsonia 
vincit" Scaliger and Voss derive it from manu-tensa, " eo 
quod manu porrigitur." It is more probably connected, like 
me-n-da, with the root of fjidrrjv ; compare frustum with 

Nanus, "the pygmy." Lycophr. Alex. 1244: NaVo? TrXaualai 
TTCLVT epevvrjvas f^v^ov. Ubi Tzetzes : o 'OSvacrevs Trapa ro?s 
s vavos fcaXelrm, CYI\OVVTO<$ TOV oyo/uaros TOV 7T\a- 
This interpretation seems to be only a guess based 


on the TrXavaiffi of Lycophron. The considerations mentioned 
above ( 1) leave it scarcely doubtful that the Tuscan word, 
like the Latin nanus, refers to the diminutive stature of the 
hero, which is also implied in his common name Ulysses. The 
Greek words VOLVO'S, vdvvos, VCLVKIKOS, vavdfyt), vaviov, &c. have 
the same meaning. The word, therefore, being common to 
the Tuscans, Greeks, and Romans, is indubitably of Pelasgic 

Nepos, "a profligate." Fest. p. 165: " Nepos luxuriosus a 
Tuscis dicitur." Probably, as Miiller suggests (EtrusJc. I. p. 
277), the word which bears this meaning is not from the same 
root as the Siculian nepos, " a grandson" (Gr. VCTTOVS, d-ve\]/ios, 
Germ, neffe). Many etymologies have been proposed ; but I 
am not satisfied with any one of them. Might we connect 
the word with ne-potis, Gr. drKpaT^, d/coXacrros ? 

Phruntao = fulguriator. See the Inscriptio bilinguis quoted 
above s. v. Haruspex. We must consider this Tuscan word 
as standing either for Furn-tacius or for fulntacius : in the 
former case it is connected with the Latin furnus, fornax, 
Greek Trvp, Germ, feur, &c., Old Norse fur or fyr ; in the 
latter it may be compared with ful-geo, ful-men, (p\e-y-eiv, 
<p\o-%, &c. It is not impossible that both roots may be ulti- 
mately identical : compare creber, celeber ; cresco, glisco ; 
Kpavpo\ls 9 Ka\avpo\l/ ; cms, er-Ke'Xos 1 ; culmen, celsus, KO\O- 
<f)cov, Kpdviov, Kopv<pij, &c. ; but the r brings the word nearer 
to the Old Norse, which the theory would lead us to expect ; 
and as tak-na in Icelandic signifies ominari, we could not 
have a nearer translation of haruspex fulguriator than tru- 
ten-fit furn-tak = veri-bacillum-contrectans igne-ominans = 

Quinquatrus. Varro, L. L. VI. 14 : " Quinquatrus ; hie dies 
unus ab nominis errore observatur, proinde ut sint quinque. 
Dictus, ut ab Tusculanis post diem sextum idus similiter voca- 
tur Sexatrus, et post diem septimum Septimatrus, sic hie, 
quod erat post diem quintum idus, Quinquatrus" Festus, p. 
254 : " Quinquatrus appellari quidam putant a numero dierum 
qui feriis iis celebrantur : qui scilicet errant tarn hercule, quam 
qui triduo Saturnalia et totidem diebus Competalia : nam om- 
nibus his singulis diebus fiunt sacra. Forma autem vocabuli 
ejus, exemplo multorum populorum Italicorum enuntiata est, 




[On. V. 

quod post diem quintum iduum est is dies festus, ut aput Tus- 
culanos Triatrus et Sexatrus et Septimatrus et Faliscos 
Decimatrus.^ See also Gell. N. A. II. 21. From this we 
infer that in the Tuscan language the numeral quinque, or, as 
they probably wrote it, chfinchfe, signified "five," and that 
atrus meant " a day." With this latter word, perhaps con- 
nected with aWpiov, we may compare the Tuscan atrium, 
according to the second of the etymologies proposed above. 

Ramnenses, Titles, Luceres. Varro, L. L. V. 55 : " Omnia 
ha3c vocabula Tusca, ut Volnius, qui tragcedias Tuscas scripsit, 
dicebat." See Miiller, JEtrusL I. p. 380. 

Hil, " a year." This word frequently occurs before numerals in 
sepulchral inscriptions ; and, as the word aifil - cetatis gene- 
rally precedes, ril is supposed with reason to mean annum or 
annos. It is true that this word does not resemble any 
synonym in the Indo-Germanic languages ; but then, as has 
been justly observed by Lepsius, there is no connexion be- 
tween annus, eros, and idr, and yet the connexion between 
Greek, Latin, and German is universally admitted 1 . The word 
ril appears to me to contain the root ra or re, implying " flux" 
and " motion," which occurs in every language of the family, 
and which in the Pelasgian dialects sometimes furnished a name 
for great rivers (above, p. 48). Thus Tibe-ris, the Tuscan 
river, is probably " the mountain-stream ;" see below, 6. 
The termination -I also marks the Tuscan patronymics, and, in 
the lengthened form -lius, serves the same office in Latin (e. g. 
Servi-lius from Servius). The Greek patronymic in -Sqs ex- 
presses derivation or extraction, and is akin to the genitive- 
ending. This termination appears in pei-Tov, pel-9-pov, &c., 
which may therefore be compared with ri-l. If the I repre- 
sents a more original n, ril comes into immediate contact with 
the Icelandic renna "to run" or " flow," whence retnandi 
vatn aqua-fluens, and the river Rhine probably received 
its name from this source, for renna, A. S. rin-cursus aquce. 
How well suited this connexion is for the expression of time 
need not be pointed out to the intelligent reader. The fol- 
lowing examples from the Latin language will show that the 

1 See the other instances of the same kind quoted by Dr. Prichard, 
Journal of R. G. S. IX. 2, p. 209. 


etymology is at least not inconsistent with the forms of speech 
adopted by the ancient Italians. The Latin name for the 
year annus, more anciently anus of which annulus or 
anulus (Schneider, Lat. Gr. I. p. 422) is a diminutive denotes 
a circle or cycle a period a curve returning to itself; and 
the same is the origin of the other meaning of anus, i. e. ab 
orbiculari figurd. Now as the year was regarded as a number 
of months, and as the moon-goddess was generally the femi- 
nine form of the sun-god *, we recognise Annus as the god of 
the sun, and Anna as the goddess of the moon ; and as she 
recurred throughout the period of the sun's course, she was 
further designated by the epithet perenna. To this Anna 
perenna, " the ever-circling moon," the ancients dedicated the 
ides of March, the first full moon of the primitive year, and, 
as Macrobius tells us (Saturn. I. 12), " eodem quoque mense 
et publice et privatim ad Annam Perennam sacrificatum itur 
ut annare perennareque commode liceat." The idea, therefore, 
attached to her name was that of a regular flowing, of a con- 
stant recurrence ; and a-nus denotes at once " the ever-flowing" 
(ae-yaos) and " the ever-recurring" (del i/eo/xe^os) : see N. 
Crat. 270. Now this is precisely the meaning of the com- 
mon Latin adjective perennis ; and sollennis (= quod omnibus 
annis prcestari debet, Festus, p. 298) has acquired the similar 
signification of " regular," " customary," and " indispensable." 
It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that in a Tuscan monument 
(Micali, Storia, pi. 36) Atlas supporting the world is called 
A-ril. If Atlas was the god of the Tuscan year, this may 

1 In the Penny Cyclopedia, s. v. Demeter, I remarked, as I had pre- 
viously done in the Theatre of the Greeks, "that in the Roman mythology 
as well as in the Greek, we continually find duplicate divinities male and 
female, and sometimes deities of a doubtful sex (Niebuhr's Rome, Vol. II. 
pp. 100, 101,Eng. Tr. ; and Philolog. Mus. I. pp. 116, 117). Thus the sun- 
god and the moon-goddess are always paired together." From this the 
writer of the article Roman Calendar in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, 
borrowed his statement, that " the tendency among the Romans to have 
the same word repeated first as a male and then as a female deity, has 
been noticed by Niebuhr," &c. ; and because I took the liberty of repeat- 
ing myself, in the former edition of the present work, this compiler has 
assumed, with amusing effrontery, that I was copying the trifling appro- 
priation of which he had probably forgotten the source. 


[Cn. V. 

serve to confirm the common interpretation of ril; and a-nus 
ja-nus will thus correspond to d-ril both in origin and signifi- 
cation ; for it is certain that vew and peco spring from a com- 
mon source (N. Crat. u. s.). 

Stroppus, " a fillet," Fest. p. 313 : " Stroppus est, ut Ateius 
philologus existimat, quod Graace crrpcupiov vocatur, et quod 
sacerdotes pro insigni habent in capite. Quidam coronam esse 
dicunt, aut quod pro corona insigne in caput imponatur, quale 
sit strophium. Itaque apud Faliscos diem festum esse, qui 
vocetur struppearia, quia coronati ambulent. Et a Tuscu- 
lanis" [for another instance of the similarity of language be- 
tween the people of Falerii and Tusculum, see under Quinqua- 
trus], "quod in pulvinari imponatur, Castoris struppum vocari.*" 
Idem, p. 347 : " Struppi vocantur in pulvinaribus fasciculi de 
verbenis facti, qui pro deorum capitibus ponuntur." 

Subulo, " a flute-player." Varro, L. L. VII. 35 : " Subulo 
dictus quod ita dicunt tibicines Tusci: quocirca radices ejus in 
Etruria non Latio quaerundsD." Fest. p. 309 : " Subulo Tusce 
tibicen dicitur ; itaque Ennius : subulo quondam marinas 
adstabat plagas" Compare sibilo, o-tcfxav, si-lenus, aKpXoco, 
d-<rv<pri\o<!, &c. Fr. siffler, persifler, Sic. 

Toy a. If toga was the name by which the Tuscans called their 
outer garment, the verb tego must have existed in the Tuscan 
language ; for this is obviously the derivation. That the 
Tuscans wore togas, and that the Romans borrowed this dress 
from them, is more than probable (Miiller, Etrusker, p. 262). 
If not, they must, from the expression used by Photius (Lex. 
s. v.), have called it rrifievva, which was its name in Argos 
and Arcadia. 

Trutnft=tru-ten-fit : see s.v. Haruspex. 

Versus, " one hundred feet square," is quoted as both Tuscan and 
Umbrian. Fragm. de Limit, ed. Goes. p. 216: "Primum 
agri modulum fecerunt quattuor limitibus clausum figurse, 
quadrata? similem, plerumque centum pedum in utraque parte, 
quod Graeci 7r\e9pov appellant, Tusci et Umbri vorsum" For 
the use of ir\eOpoy t see Eurip. Ion. 1137. The fact that 
vorsus is a Tuscan word confirms the etymologies of Vertum- 
nus and Nortia. 


4. Etruscan Inscriptions-*- Difficulties attending their 


In passing to our third source of information respecting the 
Tuscan language the inscriptions which have been preserved 
we are at once thrown upon difficulties, which at present, per- 
haps, are not within the reach of a complete solution. We may, 
indeed, derive from them some fixed results with regard to the 
structure of the language, and here and there we may find it 
possible to offer an explanation of a few words of more frequent 
occurrence. In general, however, we want a more complete 
collection of these documents ; one, too, in deciphering which the 
resources of palaeography have been carefully and critically ap- 
plied. When we shall have obtained this, we shall at least 
know how far we can hope to penetrate into the hitherto unex- 
plored arcana of the mysterious Etruscan language. 

Referring to the theory, that the Etruscan nation consisted 
of two main ingredients namely, Tyrrheno-Pelasgians, more 
or less intermixed with Umbrians, and Rcetians or Low Ger- 
mans 1 , ^-the former prevailing in the South, the latter in the 

1 The idea that one ingredient, at least, in the old Etruscan language 
was allied to the most ancient type of the Low German, as preserved in 
the Icelandic inscriptions, occurred to me when I was reading the Runic 
fragments with a different object in 1846. A long series of independent 
combinations was required before I could bring myself to attach any im- 
portance to the primd facie resemblances which struck me on the most 
superficial comparison of documents, apparently so far removed from the 
possibility of any mutual relations. But 1 have quite lately discovered 
that the same first impressions were produced and recorded just one hun- 
dred years before I communicated my views to the British Association. 
A folio tract has come into my hands with the following title : Alphabetum 
veterum Etruscorum secundis curia inlustratum et auctum a Joh. Chrst 
Amadutio [Amaduzzi], Rom. 1775, and I find the following statement in 
p. XLI.: "nemo melius hujusmodi cerebrosa tentamina ridenda suscepit 
quam anonymus quidam scriptor (qui Hieronymus Zanettius Venetus a 
quibusdam habitus est) qui anno 1751 opusculum (Nuova trasfigurazione 
delle lettere Etrusche) edidit lepidum et festivum satis, in quo .... literas 
quibus [monumenta Etrusca] instructa sunt Geticas ac Runicas potius . . . 
Btatuendas comminiscitur .... Id etiam nonnullis Runicis sive Geticis 
adductis monumentis et cum iis, quac Etrusca censentur, facta comparatione 
evincere nititur." With more etymological knowledge, but with the 
same inability to appreciate the importance of the evidence which he 



north-western part of Etruria, it is obvious that we cannot 
expect to find one uniform language in the inscriptions, which 
belong to different epochs and are scattered over the territory- 
occupied in different proportions by branches of cognate tribes. 
Accordingly, we must, if possible, discriminate between those 
fragments which represent the language in its oldest or un-Rasenic 
form, and those which exhibit scarcely any traces of a Pelasgic 

5. Inscriptions in which the Pelasgian element pre- 

Of all the Etruscan cities the least Rasenic perhaps is 
Caere 1 or Agylla^ which stands in so many important connexions 
with Rome. Its foundation by the Pelasgians is attested by a 
great number of authorities (Serv. ad ^En. VIII. 478 ; Strabo, 
V. p. 220 ; Dionys. Hal. III. 58 ; Plin. H. N. III. 8) : its port, 
Hvpyoi, had a purely Pelasgian or even Greek name, and the 
Pelasgians had founded there a temple in honour of EiXqOuia 
(Strabo, V. 226; Diod. XV. 14). In the year 534, B.C., the 
people of Agylla consulted the oracle at Delphi respecting the 
removal of a curse ; and they observed, in the days of Hero- 
dotus, the gymnic and equestrian games which the Pythoness 
prescribed (Herod. I. 167) : moreover, they kept up a con- 
nexion with Delphi, in the same manner as the cities of Greece, 
and had a deposit in the bank of the temple (Strabo, Y. p. 220). 
As the Agyllasans, then, maintained so long a distinct Pe- 

was adducing, the reviewer of Jakel's superficial book in the Quarterly 
Review (Vol. XL VI. p. 347) remarks : " It is strange but true that some 
of the most striking coincidences are between the Latin and the Teutonic 
dialects of Scandinavia and Friezeland regions which Roman foot never 
touched. Here are a few of the Scandinavian ones : abstergo, affstryka ; 
abstraho, affdraga; carus, Tcaer ; candela, kindel; clivus, kleif (cliiff) ; &c. 
In all these cases the word has disappeared, or at least become unusual, 
in the German. In Friezeland hospes is osb, macula is magi, rete is rhwyd, 
turtus is turtur, &c." 

1 Lepsius (die Tyrrh. Pelasger, p. 28) considers Ccere an Umbrian and 
not a Pelasgian word, -re being a common ending of the names of Um- 
brian towns; thus we have Tute-re on coins for Tuder* The original 
name was perhaps Kaiere, which contains a root expressive of antiquity 
and nobility (above, p. 6). 


lasgian character, we might expect to find some characteristics 
in the inscriptions of Caere, or Cervetri, by which they might 
be distinguished from the monuments of northern and eastern 
Etruria. There is at least one very striking justification of this 
supposition. On an ancient vase, dug up by General Galassi at 
Cervetri, the following inscription is traced in very clear and 
legible characters : 

Mi ni keQum<fmi maQu maram lisiai Oipurenai ; 
E9e erai sie epana, mi neOu nastav hele<f>u. 

It is obvious that there is an heroic rhythm in these lines ; the 
punctuation and division into words are of course conjectural. 
This inscription differs from those which are found in the Umbro- 
Etruscan or Rasem'c districts, and especially from the Perusian 
cippus, in the much larger proportion of vowels, which are here 
expressed even before and after liquids, and in the absence of 
the mutilated terminations in c, I, r, which are so common in the 
other monuments. The meaning of this couplet seems to be as 
follows : "I am not dust ; I am ruddy wine on burnt ashes : 
when" (or "if") "there is burning-heat under ground I am 
water for thirsty lips." Mi is clearly the mutilated e-/ue<r-/uu. 
That the substantive verb may be reduced to e-^', with the first 
syllable short, is clear from the inscription on the Burgon vase, 
which Bockh has so strangely misunderstood, (C. I. n. 33), and 
which obviously consists of three cretics: TWV 'A6q\-vr]0v a- | 
OXwv eju/. ||. Ni is the original negative, which in Latin always 
appears in a reduplicated or compounded form. The same form 
appears in Icelandic. KeOuma is the primitive form of yQu>v, 
20ayuct-Xo9, "\a^a.i 9 humus, &c. ; and may not ^-$a/xa- be an off- 
shoot of the Hebrew HDI^, in which the aleph, as in many other 
cases, represents a stronger guttural ? (see above, p. 76). The 
difference of quantity in the second mi will not prevent us from 
identifying it with the first, which is lengthened by the ictus. 
MaQu is the Greek <ue0y, Sanscr. madhu. Maram is the epithet 
agreeing with mathu : it contains the root mar-, found in Mctpwv 
(the grandson of Bacchus), and in "Lcr-juiapos, the site of his 
vineyards (see Od. IX. 196, sqq.), and probably signifying 
"ruddy" (/maipa}, /uaipa, &c.). The fact that Maro was an agri- 
cultural cognomen at Mantua is an argument in favour of the 
Etruscan use of the root. Lisiai is the locative of lisis, an 
old word corresponding to lix, "ashes mingled with water." 


Qipurenai is an adjective in concord with lisiai, and probably 
containing the same root as tepidus, tephral, teforom, &c. (above, 
pp. 48, 132). EOe is some particle of condition or time. JErai 
is the locative of epa, "earth." The idea of this second line 
is conveyed by the sneer of Lucretius, (III. 916, sq. Lachmann): 

" Tanquam in morte mail cum primis hoc sit eorum, 
Quod sitis exurat miseros atque arida torres." 

where Lachmann quotes Cyrill. airoKav^a ustilacio, torres ; and 
it is probable that epana is synonymous with torres, and that it 
may be connected with SdirTo), &c., as epulce is with $a7rai/>/, 
daps, Seiirvov, &c., or ignis with the root dah, " to burn." 
Sie (pronounced sye) is siet-sit (so ar-sie= ad-sis and si = sit in 
the Eug. Tables). There can be little doubt that neOu means 
" water" in the Tuscan language. There is an Etruscan mirror 
in which the figure of Neptune has superscribed the word 
NethunsNethu-n-[u\s. The root is ne-, and appears under a 
slightly different development in the next word, nastav (comp. 
vavfj.o<s, va6nos, 0. H. G. naz), which is probably a locative in 
-(f>t, agreeing with hele(pu, and this may be referred to ^eTAos, 
JEolice ^eXXos, Latin heluo, &c. 

There is another inscription in the Museum at Naples which 
also begins with mi ni, and presents in a shorter compass the 
same features with that which has just been quoted. It runs 
thus in one Hexameter line : 

Mi nl mulve neke velQu ir pupliana, 

and seems to mean : " I am not of Mulva nor Yolsinii, but 
Populonia." For neJca-neque see N. Crat. 147. Ir is the 
conjunction a'XAa="but" (compare the O. N. an-nar with our 
other, or) ; and as Velsa or Velthu signifies the city Volsinii (Muller, 
Etr. I. p. 334), and as pupliana obviously refers to Puplana 
= Populonia (Muller, I. p. 331), I would suppose a place Mulva, 
whence the pons Mulv-ius, two miles from Rome, (Tacitus, 
Annal XIII. 47. Hist. I. 87. II. 89. III. 82), and the proper 
name Mulvius (Horace, I. Serm. VII. 36) 1 . 

1 Dr. Karl Meyer (in the Gelehrter Anzeigen of the Royal Academy at 
Munich, for 1843, pp. 698 735) has endeavoured to explain the two 
Pelasgian inscriptions on the supposition that the Pelasgians, though 
Caucasian, belonged to the JEgypto-(Chaldeo)-Celtic group of people, 
who inhabited the Caucasian regions in the most primitive times, and 


Besides these, we have a great number of inscriptions be- 
ginning -with the syllable mi, mostly from Orvieto (i. e. urbs 
vetusy Volsinii?} ; and an inspection of those among them which 
are most easily interpreted leaves us little reason to doubt that 
this syllable represents the verb ci/mi, which has suffered decapi- 
tation in the same manner as the modern Greek va for 'Iva. 
A collection of these inscriptions has been made by Lanzi (Saggio, 
II. p. 319, Epitafi scelti fra' piu antichi, no. 1 88-200) ! ; and 
Mliller thinks (Etrusk. I. p. 451) that they are all pure Pelas- 
gian. Some of them, indeed, seem to be almost Greek ^-at least, 
they are more nearly akin to Greek than to Latin. Take, for 
instance, no. 191, which has been adduced both by Miiller and 
by Lepsius, and which runs thus : 

Mi kalairu fuius. 

Surely this is little else than archaic Greek : eiju.1 KaXatpov 
Ft/to?. In regard to the last word at any rate, even modern 
Latin approaches more nearly to the Etruscan type. It is well 
known that the termination -al, -ul in Etruscan indicates a 
patronymic. Thus a figure of Apollo, found in Picenum, is in- 

were therefore pre-Sanscritic in the formation of their languages (p. 728). 
He thus borrows his suggestions from the fragmentary and half-under- 
stood remains of ancient Egyptian on the one hand, and from modern 
Irish and Welsh on the other a mode of proceeding which to myself 
appears not likely to lead to any safe results. His interpretation of the 
Cervetri Inscription is as follows : "ich (mini, as in 2 p. pi. pass.! !) sage 
(Eg. ct- Champ, p. 378; Gaelic, cet-aim; Goth, quithan, &c.), dass ich 
riihme (Irish, muidhim) die Huld (mdri O. H. D. fama) des Lisias Purenas 
(Thipurenas) und die seiner Frau Gemahlin (herae, and Irish, bean 
woman!) singe (Irish, nasaim), preise (same with t inserted, as in gusto, 
from yfvo> !) und verkiindige ich (Cymr. hlavara)." The following is 
Meyer's explanation of the Naples inscription: "Ich salbe mich mit 
populonischem Oele. d. i. Oel der stadt Populonia," i. e. mulvene is from 
the Irish morfas, '* train oil," comp. po\vveiv, (!) ; cevelthu, Irish, bealadh, 
" to anoint," from cXaiov with the digamma, cf. ftdXavos, &c., ir from the 
Egypto-Celtic r, ir, to make, as an affix to the passive voice in Latin, &c.(!) 
But even supposing these comparisons were as safe, as they seem to me 
far-fetched and improbable, why is such an inscription, applicable only 
to a man, found on a vessel ? 

1 There is also an old inscription in the Vatican Library which belongs 
to the same class : mi Venerus finucenas, which Mommsen would render 
(Unterital. Dialekte,ip. 18): sum Veneris Erycince. He has mentioned some 
others of the game kind. 


scribed, Jupetrul Epure, i. e. "Jupiter's son, Apollo." The 
syllable -al corresponds to the Latin form -alis, but in its sig- 
nificance as a patronymic it is represented rather by -i-lius, as 
in Servius, Servilius ; Lucius, Lucilius ; &c. According to 
this analogy, fi-lius, from fio, is nearer to the Etruscan than 
o's, from the JEolic (pviw (Et. M. p. 254, 16). 

6. Transition to the Inscriptions which contain Scandi- 
navian words. The laurel-crowned Apollo. Explanation 
of the words CLAN and PHLERES. 

There is another inscription of this class which deserves 
particular notice, because, though it is singularly like Greek, it 
contains two words which are of constant occurrence in the least 
Pelasgian of the Etruscan monuments, and furnish us with the 
strongest evidence of the Low-German or Scandinavian affinities 
of a portion at least of the Etruscan language. A bronze figure, 
representing Apollo crowned with laurel (Gori, Mus. Etrusc. I. 
pi. 32), has the following inscription : 

Mi phleres epul aplie aritimi 
phasti ruphrua turce den ceca. 

The first sentence must mean : sum donarium Apollini et 
temidi. The form Ari-timi-, as from Ar-timi-s, instead of the 
Greek "AjO-TeMi[^]?, is instructive. We might suppose from this 
that Ari-timi-S) the " virgin of the sea," and 'Ape-Oovaa, " the 
virgin swiftly flowing," were different types of one and the same 
goddess (see above, pp. 37, 54). 'A^re/u^s appears to me to be 
a derivative from "A precis. The next words probably contain 
the name and description of the person who made the offering. 
The name seems to have been Fastia Rufrunia or Rufria. 
Lanzi and Muller recognise a verb in turce, which is of frequent 
occurrence on the Etruscan monuments, and translate it by 
67TO/6C, dedit, aveOtjKe, or the like. Lanzi goes so far as to 
suggest the etymology [$-~\SupriK6. And perhaps we might 
make a verb of it, were it not for the context. Its position, 
however, between the proper name and the word clen, which in 
all other inscriptions is immediately appended to the name and 
description of a person, would induce me to seek the verb in 
ceca (probably a reduplication, like pepe on the Todi statue: 
compare chu-che, cechase in the Perugian inscription, and cechase 
on the Bomarzo sarcophagus, Dennis, I. p. 313), and to suppose 


that Turce is the genitive of the proper name Tuscus. The 
word den, one of the two to which I have referred, is explained 
by its contrast to eter, etera, a word clearly expressing the 
Greek ere^os, Latin alter (iterum), and Umbrian etre. Thus 
we have on the same monument ; 

La . Fenete La . Lethial etera 
Se . Fenete La . Lethial clan: 

in which, if etera means, as is most probable, the second in the 
family, clan must mean the first or head of the family. I would 
not on this account infer that clan was the ordinal corresponding 
in every case to primus ; but there will be little difficulty in 
showing etymologically its appropriateness as the designation of 
the first of a family. The root, which in the Greek and Latin 
languages signifies head, summit, top, is eel-, cul-, cli-, KO\-, 
Kop-, or Kpa-. These are in effect the same root, compare 
glisco, cresco, &c. ; and it is well known, that words denoting 
height and elevation or head-ship, in fact are employed to 
signify rank. Now the transition from this to primogeniture 
the being first in a family is easy and natural : compare the 
" patrio princeps donarat nomine regem" of Lucretius (I. 88). 
Therefore, if den or dens (in Latin danis or clanius) is con- 
nected with the root of celsus, cul-men, collis, clivus, Ko\o<pwv, 

KOpV(pq, KVplOS, KOlpaVOS) KOVpOS, KOpOS, KVp/3a$, KpdviOV, &C., it 

may well be used to signify the first in a family. Cf. the Hebrew 

UJtih) " de cujuscunque rei initio, principle, origine (velut flumi- 

nis), summitate, velut de montium verticibus, &c." (Furst, Cone. 

s. v.). This etymological analysis will perhaps be complete, if I 

add that there were two rivers in Italy which bore the name of 

Clanis or Clanius ; the one running into the Tiber between 

Tuder and Volsinii, the other joining the sea near the Tuscan 

colony of Vulturnum. Now the names of rivers in the Pelasgian 

language seem to have some connexion with roots signifying 

"height," "hill," or "hill-tower." This has been indicated 

above in what has been said of the names of the Scythian rivers 

(Chap. II. $ 10). The Tibe-ris the " Tuscan river," as the 

Latin poets call it seems to have derived its name from the 

Pelasgian Teba, " a hill," and the root ri, " to flow" (see above, 

Chap. IV. 2). And the Clan-is and Clan-ius, which flow 

down from the Apennines, may well have gained a name of 



[Cn. V. 

similar import. If we now pass on to the northern languages, 
we shall find some curious extensions of these results. For 
while the root kl- in klif, Jcliffe, kleyf, signifies altitude and 
climbing, and while klackr in Icelandic denotes "a rock/' we 
find that, with the affix n, klen or klien in Icelandic, and in 
Germ, klein, signify " little," but primarily in the sense of " a 
child" as opposed to "a man;" and it may be a question whether 
the idea of derivation, which I have just indicated in the river 
as compared with the mountain, may be at the basis of the 
ordinary meaning of klen or kleine. And thus whether the 
Etruscan den signifies " the eldest child," or simply " the child," 
with an implication of primogeniture, as indicating the first 
contrast with the parents, the Icelandic will help the explanation. 
The only bilingual inscription, in which I have found clans, 
seems to imply that, unless otherwise expressed, this word merely 
denotes sonship. It is (Dennis, II. p* 426) : 

V. Caszi C. clans 

C. Cassius C. F. Saturninus. 

Where C. Clans C. F., the cognomen Saturninus being an 
addition in the Latin version. This view is confirmed by the fact 
that clan sometimes occurs in the same inscription with the 
matronymic in -al, as in the inscription quoted above ; and while 
in the bilingual inscriptions this matronymic is rendered by 
natus, clans, as we have seen, is translated filius, and sometimes 
filius is added without any corresponding clan in the Etruscan 
inscriptions. The following examples will show all the different 
usages of this adjunct : 

A. Clan or clen used with a genitive case and without any 


a. Phasti Ruphrua Turce clen ceca. (Gori, Mus. 

Etrusc. I. pi. 32). 

b. V. Caszi C. Clans. (Dennis, II. p. 426). 
C. Cassius C. F. Saturninus. 

B. Clan, with a patronymic, and without a genitive : 

Laris Pumpus Arnthal clan cechase. (Dennis, I. 
p. 313). 

And so in the second inscription quoted above. 


C. Patronymic without clan, but with filius in the Latin 

(a). VI. Alphni num. cainal 

C. AlfiusA.F. Cainnia natus. (Dennis, II. p. 354). 
(b). VeL Venzileal Phnalisle 

C. Vensius C. F. Ccesia natus. (Id. II. p. 371). 
(c). Cuint. Sent. Arntnal 

Q. Sentius L. F. Arria natus. (Id. II. p. 412). 
(d). Pup. Velimna Au. Caphatial 

P. Volumnius A. F. Violens Cafatia natus. (Id. 
II. p. 475). 

From this it appears that clan represents the son or daughter 
as opposed to \hQ father, the mother's name being given in the 

The other of the two words in this inscription, to which I 
have adverted, is phleres, which clearly means donarium, or 
something of the kind. This word, as we shall see directly, 
occurs on a number of small Etruscan objects, which are of the 
nature of supplicatory gifts. And it would be only fair to con- 
clude that the word denotes " vow " or " prayer," as included in 
the donation. Now we know from Festus (p. 230, cf. 77, 109) 
that ploro and imploro or endoploro in old Latin signified 
inclamo without any notion of lamentation or weeping. If, 
then, we compare the Icelandic fleiri, S uio- Gothic flere with the 
Latin plures pie- ores, we shall easily see how phleres may con- 
tain the same root as ploro=ple-oro (below, Ch. XII. ^ 2), espe- 
cially since the Latin language recognises a similar change in 
fleo compared with pluo. The word is then in effect equivalent 
to the Greek dvaOrj/ma, as in Cicero (ad Attic. I. 1) : " Her- 
mathena tua valde me delectat, et posita ita belle est ut totum 
gymnasium qXiov avaOrjua esse videatur." Thus it means a 
votive offering, like the votiva tabella of the ancient temples, or 
the voto of the modern churches in Italy ; and it is easy to see 
how the ideas of " vow," " prayer," " invocation," " offering," 
may be represented by such an object. Accordingly the in- 
scription of the laurel-crowned Apollo will signify : Sum votivum 
donarium Apollini atque Artemidi; Fastia Rufria, Tusci 
filia, faciimdum curavit. For if we compare ceca with cechaze 


or cechase, we may render it with reference to the Icelandic 
kasa, Danish kokase, "to heap up" or "build." 

7. Inscriptions containing the words SUTHI and TRCE. 

It has been mentioned that the word phleres appears on a 
number of smaller or moveable objects. In some of these it has 
appended to it the word tree or three. Thus we have 

cen phleres tree sansl tenine. (Vermiglioli, p. 31). 
cen phleres tree. (Micali, AnticM Monumenti, pi. 44. 

n. 2). 
eca ersce nac achrum phler-thrce. (Dennis, I. p. xc.) 

The second of these inscriptions is found on the toga of the 
statue of Aulus Metellus ; the third appears on an amphora 
found at Vulci, and in connexion with a picture representing the 
farewell embrace of Admetus and Alcestis. It may be assumed 
then that the amphora was a farewell offering from a husband to 
his deceased wife, and that the monument of Metellus was sepul- 
chral or funereal. If then phleres signifies a votive offering, the 
additional word tree or three must indicate " mourning" or " sor- 
row." And here the northern languages at once come to our 
aid; for in Suio-Gothic trcega = dolere and trcege = dolor ; and 
in Icelandic at trega = angere or dolere, and tregi = dolor ; and 
to the same root we may refer the Icelandic threk = gravis labor 
or molestia ; for tregi also means impedimentum. See /Specimen 
Glossarii ad Edd. Scemund. Vol. II. p. 818 : " (at) Trega (A) 

* angere/ ' dolorem causare,' B. I. 29 : tregr mik that, * id mihi 
aegre est,' Gr. III. 3 : tregrath ydr ' molestum non est vobis/ 
GH. 2. (B) ' dolere 1 ' lugere.' Hinc treginn ' deploratus' 1. 

* deplorandus' unde fcem. pi. tregnar. Priori sensu A. S. tregian. 
Tregi ' rnoeror, dolor' (passim), Germ, trauer. Trcege, trege 
' vexatio/ ' indignatio/ Originitus forsan verbotenus : ' onus,' 
'moles.' Germ, tracht, Dan. draght, Angl. draught. Cf. tregr 
' invitus/ ' segnis/ Germ, trdg, Al. treger. Forsan a draga 
' trahere/ ' portare.' Treg-rof ' luctuum,' 1. ' calamitatum series 
vel etiam discussio.'" The connexion of this word with traho 
brings it into still greater affinity with the old languages of Italy, 
and the evidence from the context is conclusive for the meaning. 
Many Etruscan inscriptions begin like the three quoted above 


with eca, cen, or cehen, which are obviously pronouns or adverbs 
signifying ' here' or * this,' in accordance with the root k- which 
appears in all the Indo-Germanic languages. The Cervetri in- 
scription has taught us (above p. 168) that era signifies * earth' 
(N. H. G. erde, Goth, airtha, Altfr. irthe, Gr. epa). Conse- 
quently, ersce would naturally denote an earthenware vessel, for 
-ska is a very common termination in Icelandic names, as bern- 
ska " childishness," ill-ska " malice," &c. And as cen or cehen 
is probably an adverb, eca must be the feminine of the prono- 
minal adjective ecus, eca, ecum, agreeing with ersce. As achrum 
is clearly the locative of acher which occurs in the great Peru- 
gian inscription, and which at once suggests the Icelandic akr, 
Germ, acker, ager, we may fairly conclude that nac is the pre- 
position which, under the form na, nahe, nacli is found in all the 
Teutonic and Sclavonian languages : and thus the Vulci inscrip- 
tion will mean : <c this earthen vessel in the ground is a votive 
offering of sorrow." 

By the side of cen phleres we have, on larger monuments, 
eca or cehen suthi or suthinesl. Thus we find : 

eca suthi Larthial Cilnia (Dennis, I. p. 500.) 
cehen suthi hinthiu thues (Vermiglioli, I. p. 64.) 
eca suthinesl Titnie (Dennis, I. 242, 443.) 
eca suthi Amcie Titial (Vermiglioli, I. p. 73.) 

Here again the Icelandic comes to our aid, for sut is dolor, 
mcestitia, luctus, so completely a synonym of tregi that we have 
tregnar and sutir in the same stanza of Hamdis-Mal (JEdd. 
Scemund. II. p. 488); and nesla or hnesla=funis, laqueus : so 
that we may translate eca-suthi, " this is the mourning," and 
eca suthinesl "this is the sorrowful inscription." Comparisons 
of individual words in languages not known to be the same are 
of course eminently precarious. But it is impossible to resist the 
evidence of affinity furnished by the fact that the words tree and 
suthi, constantly occurring on Etruscan monuments of a funereal 
character, are translated at once by the Icelandic synonyms tregi 
and sut, both signifying " grief" or " sorrow." If we had only 
this fact we should be induced by it to seek for further resem- 
blances between the old languages of Northern Europe and the 
obscure fragments of the old Etruscan. 


fi 8. Inferences derivable from, the words SVER, OVER, and 


In comparing an unknown with a known language, we 
derive much help from the collocation of the same or similar 
words, especially in short sentences. Thus when we find such 
collocations as the following: 

phleres zek-sansl ever (Vermiglioli, p. 36), 
phleres tlen-asies sver (id. p. 39), 

we can hardly avoid supposing that ever and sver are slightly 
different forms of the same word. Now in Icelandic we find 
the verb tliverra = minui, disparere and the adjective tliverr = 
tranversus with its adverb ihverz = transversim (vid. Edd. 
Scemund. Vol. II. Spec. Gloss, pp. 859, 860). In the cognate 
languages we find the same change in this word as in the ever 
and sver of the Etruscans : for while the Icelandic tliverr, Engl. 
thwart, Dan. tver, Germ, zwerch, exhibit the dental more or less 
assibilated as in sver, the German quer and English queer give 
us a guttural instead of a sibilant as in ever. The appearance 
of ever or sver in sepulchral inscriptions (for we have sver in one 
beginning with eca suthi, Vermiglioli, p. 73), would lead us to 
suppose that this word or these words must refer to death or 
prostration, and this is a meaning included in the Icelandic word, 
whether or not connected with var, " male," " parum." The 
forms of thverra, when passive, are ek tliverr, ihvarr, thorinn; 
when active, ek thverra, thverda : and thurr, thurt, thyrrinn, 
signify " aridus," " siccus," like the German durr. Without 
stopping to ask whether these latter forms are derived in any 
way from the verb thverr, which is quite possible, it is worthy 
of remark that in those sepulchral inscriptions, in which the word 
ever or sver does not occur, we have in corresponding places 
the word thaure, thurasi (Vermigl. p. 64), thuras, thaura, 
thuruni (Inscr. Per. 11. 6, 20, 41). And in one old epitaph 
(Lanzi, Saggio, II. p. 97, no. 12) we find : mi suthi L. Felthuri 
thura, where the position of the last word almost leads us to 
render it : "I am the lamentation for L. Felthurius deceased" 
The inferences derivable from the appearance of these forms is 
that connected words significant of decay, prostration, and death, 
and liable to the same modification, probably existed both in Old 


Norse and in Etruscan. The amount of probability depends 
upon the cumulative effect of the other evidence 1 . 

9. Striking coincidence between Etruscan and Old Norse 
in the use of the auxiliary verb LATA. 

Whatever may be thought of the verbal resemblances be- 
tween the Old Norse and the language of the Etruscan fragments, 
it must be admitted by all sound philologers that we have an 
indisputable proof of the affinity of these idioms in the gram- 
matical identity which I communicated to the British Association 2 . 
Every reader of the Runic inscriptions must have noticed the 
constant occurrence of the auxiliary or causative verb lata = 
facer e in causa esse^ of which the Eddas give us the forms ek 
Icet, let, latinn. Thus we find : Lithsmother lit hakva stein 
aufti Julibirn fath, i. e. " Lithsmother let engrave a stone after 
(in memory of) his father Julibirn." Thorstin lit gera merki 
stir Suin fathur sin, i. e. " Thorstin let carve marks in memory 
of his father Sweyn." Ulfktil uk Ku uk Uni thir litu raisa 
stin iftir Ulf fathur sin, i. e. " Ulfktil and Ku and Uni, they 
let raise a stone in memory of their father Ulf" (vide Dieterich, 
Runen-Sprach-Schatz, p. 372). Now we have here, as part of 
a constantly-recurring phraseology, an auxiliary verb, signifying 
" to let" or " cause" followed by an infinitive in -a. On reading 
the first line of the longest Etruscan inscription, that of Perugia, 
we seem to stumble at once upon this identical phraseology, for 
we find : eu lat tanna La Rezul amev achr lautn Velthinas. 
If we had no other reason for supposing that there was some 
connexion between the Scandinavians and Etruscans, we could 
not avoid being struck by this apparent identity of construction. 
As, however, we have every reason to expect resemblances 
between the two languages, it becomes a matter of importance 
to inquire whether the grammatical identity can be established, 
and this amounts to the proof that lat and tanna are both verbs. 

1 I may mention in passing that suer actually occurs in Runic inscrip- 
tions in the sense " father-in-law ;" thus : iftir Kuthrikr suer sin (Die- 
terich, Rumn-Sprsch. p. 265) ; but that I do not regard this as more than 
an accidental coincidence with the expressions under consideration. 

2 Report, 1851, p. 158. 



Of course there is no primd facie reason to conclude that tanna 
is a verb. On the contrary, Niebuhr (Kleine Schriften, II. 
p. 40) thinks that thana is a noun signifying " a lady," and 
that Tanaquil is only a diminutive of it ; and Passeri, whom he 
quotes, suggests that Thana is a title of honour, nearly equi- 
valent in meaning, though not of course in origin, to the modern 
Italian Donna (from domino). Fortunately, however, about the 
time when this comparison between the Runic and Etruscan 
phraseology first occurred to me, Mr J. H. Porteus Oakes re- 
turned from a tour in Italy, and presented to the Museum at 
Bury St Edmund's a small patera or saucer, which he had 
obtained at Chiusi, and which exhibits the following legend : 
stem tenilaeth nfatia. This at once furnished me with the 
means of proving that lat tanna in the Perugian Inscription 
were two verbs, the latter being an infinitive and the former an 
auxiliary on which it depends. For it is obvious that tenilaeth 
is the third person of a transitive verb, the nominative being 
Nfatia, probably the name of a woman (cf. Caphatial - 
Cafatia natus in Dennis's bilingual inscription, II. p. 475), and 
the accusative being stem for istam, Umbr. est- (cf. mi with 
e-mi, &c.). The verb tenilaeth manifestly belongs to the same 
class of forms as the agglutinate or weak-perfects in Gothic, 
which are formed by the affix of the causative da, as soki-da, 
"I did seek" (Gabelentz u. Lobe, Goth. Gramm. 127). We 
have this Gothic formation in the Latin ven-do, pen-do, &c. ; and 
I have discussed in a subsequent chapter the remarkable causa- 
tives in -so, -sivi, as arces-so, capes-so, quce-so, &c. It is clear 
then that lat tanna represents as separate words what tenilaeth 
exhibits in an agglutinate form. In the latter case the auxiliary 
is in the present tense, which in Gothic is formed in th ; and 
lat is a strong perfect. There is no difficulty about the meaning 
of tanna, teni, which are clearly identical with the Icelandic 
thenia = tendere, 0. H. G. danjan, denjan, A. S. dhenjan, N. H. 
G. dehnen, Gr. Teivw, ravvw, Sanscr. tan-, and therefore signify 
" to offer," like the Latin porriyo or porricio. If this is the 
true explanation of the root when it occurs as a verb, we may 
reasonably apply the same interpretation to its use as a noun. 
In this use it appears under all the different forms Thana, 
Thania, Thasna, Tania, Tannia, Dana, and Tha (Miiller, 
Etrusk. II. 303, 315). From the collocation it is clear that the 


word is equivalent to phleres, or rather it signifies "an offering" 
generally, without the implication of a vow or prayer. Thus, 
while we have in the only urn with an inscription among the 
Etruscan specimens in the rooms adjoining the Egyptian collec- 
tion in the British Museum : thana celia cumniza, we find on 
one of Lanzi's (Saggio, II. 506. no. 15) : mi thana Arntha, 
which is quite analogous to mi phleres or mi suthi. It is worthy 
of remark that ten-do, which is an agglutinate form like teni- 
lata, is synonymous with porrigo ; thus we have in Cicero (de 
Oratore t I. 40. fi 184) : " praesidium clientibus atque opem amicis 
et prope cunctis civibus lucem ingenii et consilii sui porrigentem 
atque tendentem;" and we may compare such phrases as duplices 
tendens ad sidera palmas with porrigit exia manus, and the 
like. Even the Umbrian has pur-tin-sus = por-rexeris (Eug. 
Tab. I. b, 33). In ritual phraseology therefore the Latin lan- 
guage comes sufficiently near the language of this patera, and 
stem tenilaeth Nfatia bears as close a resemblance to istam 
tendit (vel porrigit) Nefatia, as we have any right to expect. 
The Perugian inscription, however, is even nearer to the Runic 
than this patera legend is to the Latin ; and the evidence fur- 
nished by the two, taken together, seems to be quite conclusive 
in proof of the affinity between the Etruscan and Old Norse 
languages. As lautn and lautnescle occur together on another 
Etruscan sepulchre, there can be no objection to connect them 
with the Icelandic laut = lacuna, locus depressus et defossus ; 
and eu from is is strictly analogous to the Latin ceu from ce, cis ; 
accordingly, comparing amev with the Icelandic ama = ango, 
the beginning of the Perugian Inscription will be rendered as 
naturally and easily as one of the Runes : " Here Lartius the 
son of Raesia let offer or give a field of mourning as or for the 
grave of Velthina." To return to the patera, its companion, 
now in the ppssession of Mr Beckford Bevan, bears a legend 
which is also capable of translation by the help of the Old Norse. 
The words are : flenim thekinthl thmtflaneth. It is obvious 
that we have here the name of a man, a transitive verb, and the 
accusative of the object, which is an open patera or saucer. As 
therefore in Icelandic flenna = hiatus, chasma, we may explain 
flenim by an immediate reference to the proper meaning of 
patera from pateo : cf. patulus; and as in Icelandic tham*= 
egelida obscuritas aeris ; tef = morari ; and lana = mutuum 



dare, credere, commodare, Engl. " lend," the compound verb 
tham-tef-lan-eth will mean " he lendeth for a dark dwelling," 
and the whole inscription will run thus : Thekinthul dat 
pateram ad commorandum in tenebris. Verbs compounded of 
nouns and verbs are not uncommon in Icelandic ; thus we have 
halshoggra, " to behead," brennimerkja, " to brand," &c. It 
only remains to remark, that as the Gothic auxiliary -do is 
found in Latin, so the Norse lata must be recognised in a fainter 
form in some Latin verbs in -lo, as well as in the Sclavonic 
formations in -I, and in the Old Norse diminutives or frequenta- 
tives in -la, such as rug-la, " to turn upside down," from rugga, 
" to remove," tog-la, " to let chew," or "chew over again," from 

10. The great Perugian Inscription critically examined 

its Runic affinities. 

The facility with which the philologist dissects the Etruscan 
words which have been transmitted to us, either with an inter- 
pretation, or in such collocation as to render their meaning nearly 
certain, and the striking and unmistakable coincidences between 

* o 

the most difficult fragments and the remains of the Old Norse 
language, might well occasion some surprise to those who are 
told that there exists a large collection of Etruscan inscriptions 
which cannot be satisfactorily explained. One cause of the un- 
profitableness of Tuscan inscriptions is to be attributed to the 
fact, that these inscriptions, being mostly of a sepulchral or dedi- 
catorial character, are generally made up of proper names and 
conventional expressions. Consequently they contribute very 
little to our knowledge of the Tuscan syntax, and furnish us with 
very few forms of inflexion. So far as I have heard, we have 
no historical or legal inscriptions. Those which I have in- 
spected for myself are only monumental epitaphs and the dedica- 
tions of offerings. 

These observations might be justified by an examination of 
all the inscriptions which have been hitherto published. It will 
be sufficient, however, in this place to show how much or how 
little can be done by an analysis of the great inscription which 
was -discovered in the neighbourhood of Perugia in the year 
1822. This inscription is engraved on two sides of a block of 


stone, and consists of forty-five lines in the whole ; being by far 
the most copious of all the extant monuments of the Tuscan lan- 
guage. The writing is singularly legible, and the letters were 
coloured with red paint. 

The following is an accurate transcript of the facsimiles given 
by Micali (Tav. CXX. no. 80) and Vermiglioli (Antiche Iscri- 
zioni Perugine, ed. 2, p. 85). 

25. velthinas. 1. eu . lat . tanna . la . rezul . 

26. atena . zuk- 2. amev . achr . lautn . velthinas . e- 

27. i . eneski . ip- 3. -st . la . afunas . ski . eth . karu- 

28. a . spelane . 4. tezan .fusleri . tesns . teis . 

29. this .fulumch- 5. rasnes . ipa . ama . hen . naper . 

30. va . spel . thi- 6. xu . velthina . thuras . aras . pe- 

31. rene. thi. est. 7. ras . kemulmleskul . zuki . en- 

32. ok . velthina 8. eski . epl . tularu . 

33. ak . ilune . 9. aulesi . velthinas . arznal . kl- 

34. turunesk . 10. ensi . thii . thils . kuna . kenu . e- 

35. unezea . zuk- 11. plk .felik . larthals . afunes . 

36. i. eneski . ath- 12. Men . thunchulthe . 

37. umics . afu- 13. falas . chiem .fusle . velthina . 

38. nas . penthn- 14. hintha . kape . muniklet . masu . 

39. a . ama.velth- 15. naper . srankzl . thii .falsti . v- 

40. ina . afun . 16. elthina . hut . naper . penezs . 

41. thuruni . ein . 17. masu . aknina . klel . afuna . vel- 

42. zeriunak .ch- 18. thinam . lerzinia . intemam . e- 

43. a. thii. thunch- 19. r . knl . velthina . zias . atene. 

44. ulthl . ich .ka. 20. tesne . eka . velthina . thuras . th- 

45. kechazi .chuch- 21. aura . helu. tesne. rasne . kei . 

46. e . 22. tesns . teis . rasnes . chimth . sp . 

23. el . thutas . kuna . afunam . ena . 

24. hen . naper . ki . knl . hareutuse . 

Now, if we go through this inscription, and compare the 
words of which it is composed, we shall find that out of more 
than eighty different words there are very few which are not 



[Cn. V. 

obviously proper names, and some of these occur very frequently ; 
so that this monument, comparatively copious as it is, furnishes, 
after all, only slender materials for a study of the Tuscan lan- 
guage. According to the most probable division of the words, 
the contents of the inscription may be considered as given in the 
following vocabulary : 

Achr (2). 

Afun (40). 

Afuna (17). 

Afunam (23). 

Afunas (3, 37). 

Afunes (11). 

Ak (32, 33). 

Aknina (17)- 

Ama (5, 39). 

A mev (2). 

Aras (6). 

Arznal (9). 

Atena (26). 

Atene (19). 

Athumics (36). 

Aulesi (9). 

Cha (42). 

Chiem (13). 

Chimth (22). 

Chuche (45). 

Einzeriunak (42). 

Eka (20). 

Ena (23). 

Eneski (7, 27). 

Epl (11). 

Eplt (8). 

Er (18). 

jEfc (2, 31). 

Eth (3). 

^w (1). 

Falas, falsti (13, 15). 

jFWt* (11). 

Fulumchva (29). 

Fusle, fusleri (13, 4). 

Hareutuze (24). 

(5, 24). 
Hintha (14). 
TM< (16). 
7cA (44). 
Ilune (33). 
Intemam (18). 
(5, 27). 

Karutezan (4). 
Kechazi (45). 
jfoi (21). 
Kemulmleskul (7). 



, klensi (9, 12). 

Kuna (10, 23) [" a wife," Diete- 

rich, Runen-Sprsch. p. 11 7-] 
La (1, 3). 
Larthals (11). 
Lautn (2). 
Lerzmia (18). 
^sw (14, 17). 
Muniklet (14). 
JVa/wr (5, 15, 16, 24). 
Penezs (16). 
Penthna (38). 
Peras (6). 
Rasne, Rasnes (5, 21, 22). 




Thunchulthe (12). 
Thunchulthl (43). 
* (23). 

Turunesk (34). 

Velthma^ Velthinas, Velthmam 
(6, 13, 15, 19, 20, 32, 39, 2, 9, 
25, 17). 
Unezea (35). 

(19) [Zia " an aunt" in Mo- 
dern Tuscan.] 
(7, 26, 35). 

Rezul (1). 

Slel (3). 

'Spel, spelane (22, 28, 30). 

'Srankzl (15). 

Tanna (1). 

Teis (4, 22). 

Tesne, tern's (5, 20, 21, 22). 

Thaura (20). 

7%*, this, thii, thil, thils (29, 

31, 10,43). 
Thuras, tkirene, thuruni (6, 


The first remark to be made respecting this inscription is, 
that though we have here obviously a different language from 
that in which the Eugubine Tables are written, still there are 
many words which in outward form at least resemble the Um- 
brian phrases. Thus we have eu (v. 1), velthina (passim), est 
(2), karu- (3), tesns (4), kape (14), muniklet (14), turu- (24), 
einzeriu- (41), &c., which may be compared with eu, veltu, est, 
karu, tesenakes, kapi, munefclu, tures, anzeriatu, &c., in the 
Eugubine Tables, though it does not at all follow that there is 
any similarity of meaning in addition to the mere assonance. 
The word naper (5, 15, 16, 24) seems to have the termination 
-per, so common in Umbrian : we may compare it with the Latin 
nu-per (pro novo). But although no profitable results can be 
expected from a comparison between syllables occurring in this 
inscription and others of similar sound picked at random from 
the Eugubine Tables, something might be done if we had a large 
number of smaller inscriptions, written in the same language, 
derived from the same neighbourhood, and treating in different 
ways on the same or kindred subjects. To show this I will 
quote another Perugian inscription, and place side by side in 
a parallel column the words or phrases of the great inscription 
which seem to correspond. The text which I have adopted is 
that of Vermiglioli, (p. 64). The inscription was first copied 
by Bonarota in his supplement to Dempster, (p. 98) ! . It was 

1 Bonarota describes the inscription as adhuc exstans in antique cedi- 
ficio ad modum turris lapidibus grandioribus exstructo et vocatur " S. 
Manno." Amaduzzi says it comes ex hypogceo Perusino. 



[Cn. V. 

hintha (14) 
lautn (2) 

also quoted many years ago, with great inaccuracy, by Arnaduzzi 
(Alphabetum Veterum Etruscorum, Rom. 1775. :p. Ixi.) : 


cehen.suthi . hinthiu. times, 
sains : Etve : thaure . 
lautnescle . caresri . Aules . 
Larthia . precu-thurasi. 


Lartkial . svle . Cestnal . 
den . erasi . eth, . Phanl . 
lautn .precus.ipa . murzua 

cerurum . em 

thuras (6) 

aras (6) eth (3) 
lautn (2) ipa (5, 27) 
ena (23) 


heczri . tunur . d . utiva 

In another inscription quoted by Vermiglioli (p. 73) we 
have caratse by the side of carutezan (4), which must be com- 
pared with hareutuse (24). The starting-point for a profitable 
comparison between the Perugian Inscription and that just quoted 
is furnished by an examination of caratse, carutezan, hareutuze, 
and the word caresri in the document before us. We have seen 
above (p. 125) that in the Oscan language -tuset or -tuzet occurs 
as an auxiliary affix to verbs, in the same way as -do and -so = 
-sino are used in Latin, -do in Gothic, and lata in Old Norse 
and Etruscan. There is every reason, then, to suppose that the 
forms cara-tse, caru-tezan, hareu-tuze, involve the affix tuzet, or 
that the Etruscan agrees with the Latin, Gothic, and Oscan, in 
the use of the auxiliary -do. As the Etruscan also agrees with 
the Old Norse in the use of the auxiliary lata, which probably 
occurs also in Sclavonian and Latin forms, we may be led to 
expect a similar coincidence in regard to the auxiliary so = sino. 
Now it will be shown in the proper place that the isolated form 
sero, sevi, is only a by-form of sino, sivi, the primary meaning 
of both being " to put" or "lay down," i.e. as seed in the ground. 
In Old Norse sero, in the sense " I sow," is represented by soa, 
which has a peculiar aorist sera, 3 pers. seri. These Old Norse 
aorists, such as groa " to grow ;" aorist sing. 1. grera, 2. 


3. greri ; pi. 1. grcrum, 2. grerut, 3. greru, &c., have been 
made the subject of special commentaries by Aufrecht and Knob- 
lauch (Zeitschr.f. Vergl Sprf. 1851, pp. 471,573), who agree 
in identifying the r with the s of eri/>//a and scripsi, and this 
again with the substantive verb. Whatever opinion may be 
formed respecting the origin of this r (and the verb pi- rut from 
pi=fio, shows that it cannot be derived from the contrasted 
es-se), it is impossible to overlook the fact that seri is, in Old 
Norse, a past tense of a verb really identical with that which 
constitutes the causative auxiliary in so many Latin forms. So 
that care-sri would be quite equivalent to care-tuzet. The root 
is found under the form kar, kra, gra, mostly with a labial 
auslaut (as in scrib-o, rypd<p-u>), but sometimes without (as in 
"O't, above, p. 147, ^a/o-aaa-u)), and sometimes either with or 
without, as in the Icelandic kira, gera, kiera, kiara, kara, 
kerva (Dieterich, Runen-Sprsch. p. 134), N. H. G. kerben, 
A. S. ceorfan, Engl. " carve," to signify any impression made 
upon a surface by notching, scratching, indenting, painting, or 
pointing. We may well conclude therefore that care-sri means, 
" he caused to write or inscribed And as thyr in Icelandic is 
= serv-us, Greek Ojs, A. S. theov, M. G. thius, and thues is 
obviously the gen. of a word thu = theov, the beginning of the 
inscription runs as if it were pure Low- German or some dialect 
of the Scandinavian. " Here Aulus Lartius let engrave mourning 
in honour of " (lit. ' after,' hinthiu = hinter, cf. aufti in the 
Runic Inscription quoted above, p. 177) "his servant Etfus on the 
sepulchral tomb," i. e. " hier sut hinter theovs seins Etfa thaure 
lautnescle lat kara Aules Larthia." We should come, however, to 
a similar conclusion if thu-es were compared with the Pelasgo- 
Hellenic 0e7os, " an uncle," rather than with 0fa, " a servant." 
In fact, the two words fall into a remarkable agreement with one 
another and with the Pelasgic and German words denoting 
divinity ; cf. (a) thyr, theov, dio, &c. " a servant," (b) Oelos, 
modern Tuscan zio, (Perug. Inscr. zia) " an uncle," (c) Tyr, 
Tiv, Zio, " God," (Grimm. D. M. p. 175, and above, p. 108, 
s. v. Famel). To say nothing of the possible interchange in the 
ideas of relationship and servitude which might bring back Oclos 
and Qri<s, to a common origin in the Sanscrit dhava=vir, maritus, 
pater-familias, the form of the word Oeios in its other mean- 
ing sufficiently shows that a labial is absorbed, and this would 


account for the identity of 0e7-os - OeFos, and the Etruscan thu. 
For the gen. here, cf. Tues in our Tues-day with its original 
form Tiv Div-us. The name of a relation is more to be 
expected here than that of a servant. The preposition hinthiu, 
with the gen. may be compared with the Gothic use of hindana, 
e. g. Ulph. Me. III. 8. That this root occurred in the Um- 
brian we have already seen (above, p. 85). As I and u are con- 
stantly confused in the transcripts of Tuscan inscriptions, it might 
be better to write hinthil for hinthiu, and this would come nearer 
to hinter, hindan, &c. With regard to the form of the pronoun 
sain, as compared with sein or sin, it may be remarked that in 
the Runic inscriptions we have sain, san, sian, as well as sin, 
(Dieterich, p. 289), and that we have stain, as well as sten, 
stein, stin, (Dieterich, p. 308). I recognise a form like caresri 
in heczri, the other verb in this inscription, which may obviously 
be connected with the Runic haka or hakva, " to hew or carve," 
(above, p. 177), and this being so, it would be a surprising coin- 
cidence, if it were only a coincidence, that these three lines 
should contain two of the verbs which appear in the same way in 
the Runic inscriptions ; as Lithsmother lit hakva stein ; and 
Thorstin lit gera merki stir Suin fathur sin ; or both together, 
as, Inkuth lat landtbro kiara ante stain hakva. The last 
part of the inscription is mutilated : but it seems plain that ipa is 
a preposition corresponding to our up, Sanscrit upa, Icelandic 
uppd, Gothic uf, &c. ; and as murzva seems to refer to murus, Icel. 
mur, a term well applicable to the tower " grandioribus lapidibus 
exstructa" on which this inscription was found, we may render 
heczri ipa murzva, " he let carve upon the building.' 7 And it is 
difficult to resist the impression that centrum is connected with 
the Old Norse ker=vas, which is used in the Edda in the sense 
of vasarium (Scemund. II. p. 528) : " Gudruin hvarf til skemmo, 
kumbl konunga or kerom valdi," i. e. " Gudruna contulit se ad 
promptuarium, cristas regias e vasariis delegit." If this com- 
parison is valid, cerurum is a genitive plural. In some Runic 
inscriptions ein, which immediately follows, is used as a definite 
article before an epithet ; as : Sandulf ein juarti, " Sandulf the 
swarthy" (Worsaae, Danes and Norwegians in England, &c. 
p. 281). The last word telur, whether or not related to tularu 
or the Perugian cippus (1. 8), seems to be a verb, not unconnected 
with the Icelandic at telid, Swed. taeljd, Dutch tellen, Engl. tell, 


the inflexion being that of the Icelandic 3 pers. sing., as in brennr, 
" he burns," from brenna. On an urn in the British Museum, in 
the same room with the Nineveh sculptures, we find tulati on a 
mutilated inscription ; and ris-ti or rais-ti, "he erected," on the 
Runic stones, might justify the assumption that it is a verb ; but it 
is impossible to form any plausible conjecture as to its signification. 

If we now turn back from the inscription, which has thus 
been examined, to the great Perugian cippus, we shall see that 
some definite conclusions result from the comparison. First of. 
all, as they are obviously written in the same language, the 
strong resemblances between the phraseology of the shorter 
legend and that of the Icelandic Runes must confirm our previous 
conviction respecting the Old Norse affinities of the longer in- 
scription. Again, as hinthiu and ipa are manifestly prepositions 
in the former, we may give a similar value to hintha and ipa in 
the latter. And as ipa is used with the name of a building in the 
shorter epitaph, ama which follows it on the cippus, and which 
seems in the first line to refer to mourning or sorrow, must sig- 
nify an erection for such a purpose, and therefore the amev aclir 
of the first line must mean a field for the erection of a tomb. The 
word ama also occurs in a very imperfect inscription quoted by 
Dennis (I. p. 342). Lastly, as we have both lautn and lautnescle 
in the shorter inscription by the side of lautn in the larger, we 
may infer that lautnescle is a diminutive form like munusculum, 
and therefore we may compare kemul-mleskul in the Perugian 
inscription with kuml, the regular Runic name for a monumental 
stone (Dieterich, Runen-Sprach-Schatz, p. 124). 

With regard to the general interpretation of the Perugian 
inscription, it seems idle to follow in die steps of the Italian 
scholars, Vermiglioli, Orioli, and Campanari, the last of whom 
has given us a Latin translation of the whole inscription. Nor 
can I sympathise in the regret of Dr. C. Yon Schmitz, when 
he complains that he cannot find a publisher for the grammar 
and dictionary of the Etruscan, which are to explain his forced 
and unnatural version of this document (Zeitschr. f. d. Alter- 
thumsw. 1846, Septemb. Beilage). It would, indeed, be easy to 
found a number of conjectures on the assonances which may be 
detected in almost every line ; but until a complete collection of 
all the genuine Etruscan inscriptions shall have furnished us 
with a sufficiently wide field for our researches, until every 
extant Tuscan word has been brought within the reach of a 

V*M^ -^ tJ*"fl(W 

"Jk U M o^ ( ^*..v.ttfcr"rifc 

' ' 



[On. V. 

philological comparison, we must be content to say of this 
great Perugian inscription, that it appears to be a cippus con- 
vey ing some land for funereal purposes 1 . The donor is Larthius, 
a member of the family of the Reza (Rcesii), who were dis- 
tinguished people in the neighbourhood of Perusia (see Vermi- 
glioli, Iscriz. Perug. p. 273), and Rasne, which occurs thrice 
in the inscription, seems to be a patronymic of the same family. 
The relative position of the word, no less than the locality 
of the inscription, shows that VelMna is the person in whose 
honour this cippus was erected, and that the word does not re- 
fer to Felsina, the old name of Bononia (Plin. H. N. Ill, 20. 
XXXIII, 37. XXXVII. 57. Serv. ad ^n. X. 198). The other 
personal name, which occurs most frequently in the inscription is 
Afuna, probably Aponia (Vermiglioli, p. 233) ; and it is worthy 
of remark, that we have the nom., gen., and accus. of these two 
proper names in accordance with the regular forms of the first 
Latin declension, namely, Afuna, A/unas, Afunam, and Vel~ 
thina, Velthinas, Velthinam. The name Velthina may be 
compared with the well-known name Ccecina. From the prse- 
nomen Aulesi in v. 9. it is probably a man^s name 2 . If I do 
not undertake to interpret all that Lartius, the son of Rsesia, has 
thought fit to inscribe on this cippus, it must not be supposed 
that this in any way affects the results at which I have arrived 
respecting the ethnography of the Etruscans. That-an inability 
to interpret Runic monuments may be perfectly consistent with 
a knowledge of the class of languages to which they belong, is 
shown, not merely by the known relationship between the lan- 
guage of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and the Coptic dialects 
more recently spoken in that country, but still more strikingly 
by the fact, that, although we have no doubt as to any of the 
idioms spoken in ancient Britain, no one has been able as yet 
to give a certain interpretation of the Runic inscriptions on the 

1 See the commentators on Hor. I. Serm. VIII. 13; and the bon mot 
of Augustus on Vettius quum monumentum patris exarasset (Macrob. II. 
Sat. c. 4. p. 232). 

2 We have seen above that the termination -I indicates a matronymic ; 
and I conclude that the Etruscan patronymic ended in -na ; compare in 
this inscription, Rezul with Rasna, and Cceci-lia, which was the Roman 
equivalent to the mythical Tanaquil, with the undoubtedly Tuscan form 
Cceci-na. 1 do not agree with Muller (Etr. I. p. 453) that the forms in 
-si, as Aulesi, Clensi, arc datives. 


pillar at Bewcastle and on the font at Bridekirk, which are both 
in Cumberland, and which both belong to the same dialect of the 
Low- German languages, (see Palgrave, History of the Anglo- 
Saxons, Lond. 1850, pp. 146. sq.). The really important point is 
to determine the origin of the ancient Etruscans ; and the Peru- 
gian inscription, so far from throwing any difficulties in the way 
of the conclusion at which I have arrived, has furnished some of 
the strongest and most satisfactory confirmations of the Old 
Norse affinity of the Rasena. 

11. Harmony between linguistic research and ethnographic 
tradition in regard to the ancient Etruscans. 

This survey of the Etruscan language, brief and circumscribed 
as it necessarily is, has enabled us to perceive that there is a 
perfect harmony and agreement between the results of our lin- 
guistic researches, so far as the scanty materials have allowed us 
to carry them, and the ethnographic and historic traditions 
respecting the ancient Etruscans. We have seen that in the 
character of their writing, in most of their mythology, in by far 
the greatest number of those words which have been transmitted 
to us with an interpretation, and in the oldest inscriptions, espe- 
cially in those from Caere, there are decisive evidences of an 
affinity between the inhabitants of Etruria and those Pelasgians 
who peopled Greece in the earliest times, and who constituted an 
important element in the inhabitants of Latium. For the residue 
of the language, and especially in the case of those inscriptions 
which are found near Clusium and Perugia, we are enabled to 
recognise an ingredient unmistakably identical with that Scan- 
dinavian dialect, which Norwegian emigrants conveyed in an 
ancient form to the inaccessible regions of ultima Thule, where 
it remained for centuries safe from all risk of corruption or im- 
provement by an infusion of foreign words or constructions. Now 
these phenomena, as we have seen, are necessary to reconcile, and 
do in fact reconcile, all the traditions about the inhabitants of 
Etruria. The Pelasgian affinities of the old Tyrrhenians are 
attested by the concurring voice of all antiquity ; and as in Argo- 
lis, so in Italy, we shall best understand the statement that a 
more complete civilization was imported directly from Lydia, if 
we bear in mind that the Lydians referred to in the tradition 
were Pelasgians, who had appropriated the arts and social culture 



[Cfl. V. 

of their Asiatic neighbours. And we shall be able to adopt this 
universal belief of a connexion between the western coasts of 
Asia Minor and Italy, without disturbing the well-grounded 
statement that the Rasena and Raeti were one and the same race, 
if we infer that these Rasena were a much later ingredient, and 
one which only established an aristocracy of conquest in the cities 
of Etruria, without permanently or extensively affecting the great 
mass of the population. It will be observed that the main 
obstacle to a general reception of the statement that the Rasena 
were Rsetians has consisted in the apparent inconsistency between 
this and the Lydian tradition. The ethnographical inversion, by 
which Livy makes the Rsetians the fugitive offshoot of a nation 
which really descended from their own mountains, has not occa- 
sioned any difficulty. It would be admitted at once that, if the 
Rastians and Rasena were one and the same people, some foreign 
interference must have disturbed the continuity of their area in 
the valley of the Po, and if there was once an unbroken stream 
of population from the Lech to the Tiber, no ethnographer will 
doubt that its source must have been in the mainland rather than 
in the peninsula. But it has not been sufficiently considered, that 
the bulk of the Pelasgian nation, already settled in Umbria and 
Etruria, would not lose their original type, merely because they 
were invaded and conquered by a band of warriors from the 
north, any more than Anglo-Saxon England was entirely de- 
prived of its former characteristics by the Norman inroad. The 
civilization of the Tyrrhenians, their connexion with the commer- 
cial activity of the Mediterranean 1 , and the advantages which 
they derived from the arts and social culture of their brethren in 
Asia Minor, were circumstances long anterior to the invasion 
from the north ; and as the Rasena would adopt the refinements 
which they found among the Tyrrhenians, we may make inge- 
nious comparisons between the tombs of Porsena 2 and Alyattes, 
without refusing our assent to the well- attested fact that the 


1 It is to this that I would attribute the continuance of Hellenic 
influences, on which Miiller insists (Etrusk. II. 292). 

2 It is worthy of remark, that a distinguishing feature in the monu- 
ment of Porsena, as described by Varro (apudPlin. XXXIV. 13), namely, 
the bells on the cupolas, is expressly compared with a similar contrivance 
at the Pelasgian Dodona : " tintinnabula, quse vento agitata lorige sonitus 
referant, ut Dodonce olimfactum." 


warriors and city-nobles of historical Etruria derived their origin 
from the Raatian Alps. With regard to the argument from the 
remains of the Etruscan language, the philologer will at once 
admit that, as far as it goes, the evidences of affinity, which have 
been adduced, are neither precarious nor doubtful. Instead of 
conjectures founded on a casual agreement of syllables, we have 
seen that the meaning, which we were led to expect, was at once 
supplied by the language, which collateral circumstances had in- 
dicated as the proper source of information ; and not only were 
ethnical names and common words simply and consistently 
explained in this way, but we found that some peculiarities of 
etymology and syntax were at once illustrated by a reference to 
the same standard of comparison. So that, on the whole, every 
available resource of grammar and philology tends to confirm and 
reconcile the otherwise divergent and contradictory statements of 
ancient history ; and the Etruscans may now without any incon- 
sistency claim both the Tyrrheno-Lydian and Raetian affinities, 
which the classical writers have attributed to them. 

12. General remarks on the absorption or evanescence of 
the old Etruscan Language. 

It only remains that I should make a few remarks on the 
absorption or evanescence of the old Etruscan language. When 
we see so much that is easily explained ; when, in fact, there is 
no great difficulty in dealing with any Etruscan word which has 
come down to us with an interpretation or clue to its meaning ; 
and when we are puzzled only by inscriptions, which are in 
themselves mere fragments, made up in a great measure of 
proper names, and mutilated by, we know not how many, con- 
ventional abbreviations, it is sufficiently evident that the strik- 
ing differences between the Etruscan and the other ancient 
dialects of the peninsula were not such as to take the language 
out of the Indo- Germanic family, and that while these differences 
affected only an inconsiderable ingredient in the old Etruscan, 
the main portion of the language must have approximated very 
closely to the contiguous and surrounding idioms. Otherwise, 
we should be obliged to ask, where is the bulk of that language 
which was spoken by the ancestors of Maecenas ? We talk of 
dead languages ; but this variety of human speech should seem 
to be not only dead, but buried, and not only buried, but sunk 


beneath the earth in some necropolis, into which no Galassi or 
Campanari can dig his way. The standard Italian of the 
present day is the offspring of that Latinity which was spoken 
by the Etrusco-Romaris ; but we find no trace of ancient bar- 
barism in any Tuscan writer. Surely it is a fair inference, that 
while the Raetian element, introduced into the northern cities 
by an aristocracy of conquest, was not permanently influential, 
but was absorbed, like the Norman French in this country, by 
the Pelasgo-Umbrian language of the bulk of the population, the 
latter, which may be termed " the common Etruscan," like the 
Sabello-Oscan and other dialects, merged in the old Latin, not 
because the languages were unlike, but because they were sister 
idioms, and embraced one another as soon as they had discovered 
their relationship 1 . The only way to escape from all the diffi- 
culties of this subject is to suppose that the city on the Tiber 
served as a centre and rallying point for the languages of Italy 
as well as for the different tribes who spoke them, and that 
Rome admitted within her walls, with an inferior franchise, which 
in time completed itself, both the citizens and the vocabularies 
of the conquered Italian states. If this absorbing centralization 
could so thoroughly Latinize the Celtic inhabitants of Lombardy, 
and even the transalpine branch of the Gallic race, much more 
would it be likely to affect the Etruscans, who extended to the 
Tiber, and whose language, in its predominant or Pelasgian 
character, approximated so closely to the cognate idiom of the 
old Latin tribes. 

1 Among many instances of the possibility at least of such a transition, 
not the least interesting is the derivation of Populonia from Phupluns, 
the Etruscan Bacchus ; so that this city, the Etruscan name of which was 
Popluna, is the Dionysopolis of Etruria (see Gerhard in the Rhein. Mus. 
for 1833, p. 135). Now it is clear that as Nethuns = Nethu-nus, is the 
god of nethu, so Phupluns = Poplu-nus is the god of poplu. It seems that 
the ancients planted the poplar chiefly on account of their vines, and the 
poplar was sacred to Hercules, who has so many points of contact with 
Bacchus. Have we not, then, in the word phupluns the root of populus, a 
word quite inexplicable from the Latin language alone? A sort of 
young, effeminate Hercules, who appears on the coins of Populonia (see 
Miiller, Etrusk. I. p. 331), is probably this Poplunus. The difference 
in the quantity of the first syllables of Populus and Populonia is not 
surprising, as the latter is an exotic proper name, and the former a na- 
turalized common term. 


1. Fragments of old Latin not very numerous. 2. Arvalian Litany. 3. Chants 
preserved by Cato. 4. Fragments of Salian hymns. 5. Old regal laws. 
6. Remains of the XII. Tables. 7- Table I. 8. Table II. 9. Table III. 
10. Table IV. 11. Table V. % 12. Table VI. 13. Table VII. 14. 
Table VIII. 15. Table IX. 16. Table X. 17. Table XL 18. Table 
XII. 19. The Tiburtine Inscription. 20. The epitaphs of the Scipios. 
21. The Columna Rostrata. 22. The Silian and Papirian Laws and the 
edict of the Curule jEdiles. 23. The Senatus-Consultum de Bacchanalibus. 
24. The old Roman law on the Bantine Table. 

1. Fragments of Old Latin not very numerous. 

HAVING in the preceding chapters given specimens of the 
languages spoken by those nations which contributed in 
different proportions to the formation of the Roman people, the 
next step will be to collect the most interesting remains of the 
old Roman language, considered as the offspring of the Um- 
brian, Oscan, and Tuscan, such as it was before the predomi- 
nance of Greek cultivation had begun to work on this rude 
composite structure. The total loss of the genuine Roman 
literature * will, of course, leave us but a scanty collection of such 
documents. Indeed, for the earlier centuries we have only a few 
brief fragments of religious and legal import. As we approach 
the Punic wars, the inscriptions become more numerous and com- 
plete ; but then we are drawing near to a period when the 
Roman language began to lose its leading characteristics under 
the pressure of foreign influences, and when it differed little or 
nothing from that idiom which has become familiar to us from 
the so-called classical writings of the Augustan age. 

Polybius, speaking of the ancient treaty between Rome and 
Carthage (III. 22), remarks that the old Latin language differed 
so much from that which was spoken in his own time, that the 
best-informed Romans could not make out some expressions 
without difficulty, even when they paid the greatest attention : 
TrjXiKavrrj yap YI cia<f)opa yeyove r^s omAe/cTov, KCLI irapa 
Pwfj.aiois 9 r/s vvv Trpo? TY\V dpaiav, ware TOVS 

1 See Macaulay, Lays of Ancient Rome, pp. 15, sqq. 




[On. VI. 


e e?n err a crews cievKpiveiv. The great mass of words 
must, however, have been susceptible of interpretation ; for he 
does not shrink from translating into Greek the substance at 
least of that very ancient treaty. 

$ 2. Arvalian Litany. 

Accordingly, we find that the most primitive specimens of 
Latinity may now-a-days be understood by the scholar, who, 
after all, possesses greater advantages than Polybius and his con- 
temporary Romans. This will appear if we examine the song 
of the Fratres Arvales, which is one of the most important and 
ancient specimens of the genuine Roman language. The inscrip- 
tion, in which it is preserved, and which was discovered in the 
year 1777, is probably not older than A. D. 218; but there is 
every reason to believe that the cantilena itself was the same 
which was sung in the earliest ages of Rome, for these litanies 
very often survive their own significance. The monks read the 
Latin of their missals without understanding it, and the Parsees 
of Gujerat cannot interpret their sacred Zend. It appears from 
the introductory remarks, that this song was confined to the 
priests, the Publici being excluded : " Deinde subselliis mar- 
moreis consederunt ; et panes laureates perPublicos parti ti sunt; 
ibi omnes lumemulia cum rapinis acceperunt, et Deas unguenta- 
verunt, et ^Edes clusa est, omnes foris exierunt : ibi Sacerdotes 
clusi succincti, libellis acceptis, carmen descindentes tripodaverunt 
in verba haec : 

1. Enos Lases juvate (ter), 

2. Neve luaerve Marmar sins incurrere in pleoris 


3. Satur furere (vel fufere) Mars limen salista 

Berber (ter) 

4. Semunis alter nei (vel alternis f) adwcapit cone- 

tos (ter) 

5. Enos Marmor (vel Mamor)juvato (ter) 

6. Tnumpe, triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, triumpe. 

Post tripodationem, deinde signo dato Publici introiere, et libel- 
los receperunt." (See Orelli, Inscript. Lat. I. p. 391, no. 2271.) 


There can be little doubt as to the meaning of any single 
word in this old hymn, which seems to be written in very rude 
Saturnian verse, the first half of the verse being alone preserved 
in some cases ; as in En6s Loses juvate Enos Mam6r juvato. 
The last line is a series of trochees cum anacrusi, or a still 
shorter form of the first half of the Saturnian verse. 

1. Enos is a form of the first person plural, analogous to 
the German uns. Lases is the old form of Lares (Quinctil. 
Institut. Orat. I. 4. J 13 ; see Muller ad Fest. p. 15). 

2. Lucerve for luerve-m, according to a custom of dropping 
the final M, which lasted till Gate's time (see next ). This 
form bears the same relation to luem that Minerva does to 
mens. Caterva from catus = acutus (above, p. 106), and its 
synonym acervus from acus, are derivatives of the same kind 1 . 
We may also compare bovem, suem, &c. with their older forms, 
boverem, suerem, &c. Marmar y Marmor, or Mamor, is the 
Oscan and Tuscan Mamers, i. e. Mars (above p. 146). That 
Mars, or Mars pater, was addressed as the averter of diseases, 
bad weather, &c. is clear from Cato, R. R. 141. Sins is sinas: 
so Tab. Bantin. 1. 19 : Bantins for Bantinus, &c. Pie-ores is 
the genuine comparative of ple-nus, which bears the same re- 
lation to TrXeTos that unus does to olos- The fullest form would 
be ple-iores = TrXc-iove?. 

3. " O Mars, having raged to your satisfaction (comp. 
Hor. I. Carm. II. 37 : " longo satiate ludo"), grant that the 
Sun's light may be warm." Limen for lumen may be com- 

1 Mr. F. W. Newman {Regal Rome, p. 61) derives caterva from the 
Welch cad-torva, " battle-troop." I do not know whether this etymology 
was suggested by the well-known statements in Vegetius, II. 2 : " Galli 
Celtiberique pluresque barbaricse nationes catervis utebantur in prseliis." 
Isidor. Orig. IX. 33 : " proprie Macedonum phalanx, Gallorum caterva, 
nostra legio dicitur." Doderlein, who proposes (Lat. Syn. u. Et. V. 361) 
to connect caterva with quattuor, properly remarks that these passages 
do not show that caterva was considered a Gallic word, but only that, 
as distinguished from the phalanx and legio, it denoted a less com- 
pletely disciplined body of men. The natural idea of a " heap " of sepa- 
rable objects is that of a mass piled up to a point, and this is indicated 
by the roots of ac-er-vus and cat-er-va. The latter therefore, as denoting 
a body of men, suggests the same arrangement as the cuneus, which is 
mentioned along with it by Tacitus, Hist. II. 42 : " comminus eminus catervis 
et cuneis concurrebant." On the form of cat-er-va, see below, Ch. XIII. 5. 



pared with pllslma for plurima (Fest. p. 205), scripulum for 
scrupulum, &c. (see below, 5). Sails is the original form of 
soils : comp. cre\as, ijXios, Au-sellus, &c. The Oscan and Etrus- 
can usage of the auxiliary ta or tu " to cause" (above pp. 125, 
129, 184), shows that Doderleinis right in reading ta-da instead 
of sta (Lat. Syn. u. Et. VI. 330). He quotes Hor. I. Ep. 16, 
60 : " da mihi fallere, da justo sanctumque videri," though he 
perceives that ta is connected with TiQ^i rather than with 
SiSwjui. Berber is another form of fervere. 

4. Semunels is semones, i. e. semihemones. Advocaplt is 
a contraction for ad vos caplte the e being omitted, as in 
due, fac, fer, &c and it is probable that the phrase is equi- 
valent to adhlbete In auxilium, " call to your aid." 

3. Chants preserved by Cato. 

The other extant religious compositions, though few and 
scanty, contribute to the same conclusion that the oldest Latin 
was not so unlike the language with which we are familiar as 
to defy interpretation. Two relics of the same kind as the last 
have been preserved by Cato (R. R. 160), who writes thus : 
" Luxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem 
prende tibi viridem p. iv. aut v. longam. Mediam diffinde, et 
duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantare in alio : 
S[anum] F[iet]. In mota et soluta (vulg. mota vceta) : darles 
dardarles astatarles, die sempiterno (vulg. dlssunaplter or die 
una pariter), usquedum coeant .... Ad luxum aut ad fracturam 
alliga, sanum net, et tamen quotidie cantato in alio : S. F. vel 
luxato : vel hoc modo : havat, havat, havat : ista plsta slsta : 
domabo damnaustra et luxato" i. e. haveat, haveat, haveat : 
istam pestem slstam : domabo damna vestra et luxatum (see 
Grotefend, Rud. L. Umbr. IV. 13). With regard to the second 
excantatlo, which is simple enough, it is only necessary to ob- 
serve, that the final m is omitted both in the accusatives luxato, 
plsta, &c. and in the future slsta; and we are especially told 
that it was the custom with Cato the Censor to drop the m at 
the termination of the futures of verbs in -o and -io : thus he 
wrote dice, facie, for dicam, faclam (see Quinctil. Inst. Or. I. 7, 
23, and cf. IX. 4, $ 39 ; Fest. p. 72. Mull.), recipie for red- 
plam (Fest. p. 286), attlnge for attingam (id. p. 26), ostende 
for ostendam (id. p. 201), which are all quoted as common ex- 


amples. He also omitted the -s of the nominative, as in prce- 
famino for prcefaminus (used for prcefato : see R. R. 141: 
" Janum Jovemque vino prcefamino, sic dicito." cf. 134 ; and see 
Test. p. 87). The words daries, dar-dar-ies, as-ta-tar-ies, seem 
to be a jingling alliteration, the meaning of which must not be 
pressed too far ; Pliny, at least (//. ^V. XVII. 28), does not 
think them worthy of serious attention ; though Grotefend would 
compare them with dertier dierir in the spurious Umbrian in* 
scription (see Leps. p. 52). 

4. Fragments of the Salian Hymns. 

The Salian songs, if any considerable fragments of them had 
come down to our times, would have furnished us with very 
interesting specimens of ancient Latinity. Unfortunately they 
are all lost, with the exception of a few lines and detached 
words; and with them we have been deprived of the learned 
commentaries of Julius Stilo, who was not, however, able to 
explain them throughout. Varro, VII. $ 2 : " ^Elii, hominis in 
primo in litteris Latinis exercitati, interpretationem carminum 
Saliorum videbis et exili littera expeditam et prseterita obscura 
multa 1 ." Of the explanations of ^Elius the following have been 
preserved. Festus, s. v. Manuos, p. 146 : " Manuos in car- 
minibus Saliaribus JElius Stilo [et Aurelius, v. Paul. p. 147] 
significare ait bonos : unde Inferi Di manes pro boni dicantur a 
suppliciter eos venerantibus propter meturn mortis, ut immanes 
quoque pro valde [non bonis] dicuntur." Id. s. v. Molucrum, 
p. 141: "Molucrum non solum quo molse vertuntur dicitur, id 
quod Graeci [jivXrjKopov appellant, sed etiam tumor ventris, qui 
etiam virginibus incidere solet....Cloatius etiam [et ^Elius] in 
libris sacrorum molucrum esse aiunt lignum quoddam quadratum 
ubi immolatur. Idem JElius in explanatione carminum Sali- 
arium eodem nomine appellari ait, quod sub mola supponatur. 
Aurelius Opilius appellat ubi molatur." Id. s. v. Pescia, p. 210 : 
"Pescia in Saliari carmine jElius Stilo dici ait capitia ex pellibus 
agninis facta, quod Grseci pelles vocent weo-Krj [irea-Kewv, 

1 Horace, too, alludes to the difficulty of the Salian songs (II. Epist. 
I. 86) : 

Jam saliare Numse carmen qui laudat, et illud, 
Quod mecum ignorat, solus vult scire videri, &c. 


, Hesych.] neutro genere pluraliter." Id. s. v. Salias 
virgines, p. 329 : " Salias virgines Cincius ait esse conducticias, 
qu03 ad Salios adhibeantur cum apicibus paludatas, quas JElius 
Stilo scripsit sacrificium facere in Regia cum pontifice paludatas 
cum apicibus in modum Saliorum." There are other references 
in Festus to the philological interpretations of JElius ; but as the 
Salian songs are not mentioned in them, we have no right to 
assume that this particular commentary is quoted : see Festus, 
s. v. Manias, p. 129 ; s. v. Monstrum, p. 138 ; s. v. Nebula, 
p. 165 ; s. v. Naucum, p. 166 ; s. v. Nusciciosum, p. 173 ; s. v. 
Novalem agrum, p. 174 ; s. v. Ordinarium hominem, p. 185 ; 
s. v. Obstitum, p. 193 (cf. pp. 248, 249) ; s. v. Puticulos, p. 217; 
s. v. Portisculus, p. 234 ; s. v. Sonticum, p. 290 ; s. v. Subu- 
culam, p. 309 ; s. v. Tongere, p. 356 ; s. v. Tamne (= eo usque), 
p. 359 ; s. v. Victimam, p. 371. 

The following are the remaining fragments of the Salian 

Varro, L. L. VII. J 26 : " In multis verbis, in quo antiqui 
dicebant s, postea dictum R ;* ut in carmine Saliorum sunt hsec : 

COZEULODOIZESO [vel coreulodorieso] ; OMINA [enim] VERO 


This may be written as follows, in the Saturnian metre : 

Chorauloidor eso : \ omina enim vero 
*Ad patulcC 6se* misse \ Jdni curiones. 
Duonus Cerus esit, | dunque Janus vevet. 

i. e. chorauloedos sum (= esum) ; omina enimvero ad patulam 
aurem miserunt Jani curiones. Bonus Cerus (i. e. Cerus 
manus creator bonus, Fest. p. 122) erit donee Janus vivet 
(vide Grotefend, Hud. L. Umbr. II. p. 16). 

With regard to the apparently Greek word choroaulcedos, 
it may be sufficient to quote an observation of Varges (Rhein. 
Mus. for 1835, p. 69), who, speaking of his derivation of am- 
pirvo (see below) from ajmireipa, says : " Vix est quod moneam 
in Saliari carmine alia quoque vocabula inveniri, quse originem 
Grsecam manifesto prae se ferant, ut pescia, de quo vocabulo 
vide Fest. et Gutberl. [de gains'], p. 146, et tripudium, quod 
propius esse Graecorum 7ro$a quam Latinorum pedem patet, et 
recte interpretatur Auson. Popma de Differ. Verbor. s. Saltare. 


Item cosauli, apud Varronem de L. L. vii. c. 3, Graacorum 
XopavXoi esse videntur, quod verbum Pollux servavit." In this 
word, as in curiones, I have ventured to insert the letter R 
(above, p. 82). 

Varro, L. L. VII. 27 : " Canite, pro quo in Saliari versu 
scriptum est cante, hoc versu: 


i. e. Deorum impetu canite, deorum deum suppliciter canite. Cf. 
Macrob. Sat. i. 9 : " Saliorum carminibus deorum deus canitur 

Festus, s. v. Mamuri Veturi, p. 131 : " Probatum opus est 
maxime Mamuri Veturi, qui praemii loco petiit, ut suum nomen 
inter carmina Salii canerent." 

Id. s. v. Negumate, p. 168 : " Negumate in carmina Cn. 
Marci vatis significat negate, cum ait: quamvis movntium 
[molimentum Herm. El. D. M. p. 614] du-6num negumate." 

Id. s. v. Obstinet, p. 197 : " Obstinet dicebant antiqui, quod 
nunc est ostendit ; ut in veteribus carminibus : sed jam se coelo 
cedens [Aurora] obstinet suum patrem." Here it will be ob- 
served that se coelo cedens coelo secedens, and that suum is* a 
monosyllable (see Fest, p. 301). 

Id. s. v. Prceceptat, p. 205 : " Prceceptat in Saliari carmine 
est saepe praecipit. Pa pro patre, et po pro potissimum, positum 
est in Saliari carmine. Promenervat item pro monet. Prcedo- 
piont, praeoptant, &c. Pilumnoe poploe, in carmine Saliari, Ro- 
mani, velut pilis assueti : vel quia praBcipue pellant hostes." 

Id. s. v. Redantruare t p. 270 : " Redantruare dicitur in 
Saliorum exsultationibus, quod cum prsesul amptruavit, quod est 
motus edidit, ei referuntur invicem idem motus. Lucilius : 
Prcesul ut amptruat inde; ita volgu' redamptruat ollim. 
Pacuvius : 

Promerenda gratia 

Simul cum videam Graios nihil mediocriter 
Redamptruare, opibusgue summis persequi." 

According to Varges (Rhein. Mus. for 1835, pp. 62, sqq.) the 
fragment of Lucilius ought to be read thus : Prcesul ut ampirvat, 
sic vulgu* redantruat inde. He derives ampirvo from the 
Greek a/jiTrcipa, which, according to Hesychius (s. v. avdireipa), 
was pvOfj.6? rt? avXrjriKos ; for Dionysius tells us (Antiq. II. 70) 




that the Salii danced to the flute. The same name was given to 
the second part of the Pythian nome (Timosthenes, ap. Strab. 
IX. 3) ; and Argolus (Grsev. Thesaur. IX. p. 342) explains the 
passage in Claudian (VI. Cons. Hon. 626-30) by a reference to 
the Pythian nome. Turnebus (Advers. XVII. 8, Vol. II. p. 145) 
connects am-pirvo with the French pirouetter ; comp. the Oscan 
am-pert ~ per ; above, Ch. V. $ 4. 

Id. p. 290 (ex Suppl. Ursin.) : " Sesopia in augurali et 
Saliari carmine appellantur, quse alias esopia pro sedilibus dicere 
habemus mine adhuc in consuetudine." 

Id. s. v. Sonivio, ibid. : " Sonivio significat in carmine 
[Saliari et a]ugurali sonanti." 

Id. p. 360 : " Tame in carmine positum est pro tarn." So 
also cume for cum, Terent. Scaur, p. 2661 p., who quotes from 
the Salian songs. 

5. Old Regal Laws. . 

The fragments of the oldest Roman laws, though undoubtedly 
genuine in substance, must be considered as having undergone 
considerable alteration in the orthography at all events. They 
ate precious memorials of primeval Latinity ; but, like the 
Homeric poems, they not unfrequently exhibit the deformity of 
an ancient statue, which the false taste of a later age may have 
daubed over with a coat of coloured plaster. 

One of these fragments professes to be as old as the time of 
Romulus and Tatius. Festus, s. v. Plorare, p. 230 : *' Plorare, 
flere nunc significat, et cum pra3positione implorare, i. e. invo- 
care ; sed apud antiques plane inclamare. In regis Romuli et 
Tatii legibus : Si nurus . . . sacra divis parentum estod. In 
Servi Tulli ha3C est : Si parentum puer verberit, ast olle plo- 
r asset, puer divis parentum sacer esto; \. e. inclamarit, dix\_erit 
diem~\" The restoration of the laws quoted in this passage may 
be given thus : (1) Sei nuros \jparentem verbesit, ast ole plo- 
rasit], sacra diveis parentom estod. (2) Sei parentem puer 
verbesit, ast ole plorasit, puer diveis parentom sacer estod. 

In these fragments two forms deserve to be noticed. If 
verberit, as it is quoted in Festus, were a syncope for verberarit, 
the old form would be verberasit. It seems, however, that there 
was an older form of verbero, inflected according to the third 
conjugation, like carint (Plautus, Mostell IV. 1, 1) and tern- 


perint (Trucul. I. 1, 41). The three participles, verbustus, 
castus, tempestus (Fest. p. 362), are further indications of such 
original forms. Accordingly verberit is the modern orthography, 
not of verberarit, but of verbesit or verbussit (Muller, Suppl. 
Annot. in Fest. p. 393). We should write ole-olle with one I. 
That this was the primitive orthography is proved, not only by 
the express testimony of Festus (s. v. Solitaurilia, p. 293 ; id. 
s. v. Torum, p. 355 ; id. s. v. ab oloes, p. 19 : " ab oloes dice- 
bant pro ab illis ; antiqui enim litteram non geminabant"), but 
still more strikingly by the locative olim, which retained its 
orthography long after its derivation had been forgotten. 

There are several fragments of the laws of Numa Pompilius. 
Festus, s. v. Occisum, p. 178 : " Occisum a necato distingui 
quidam, quod alterum a caedendo atque ictu fieri dicunt, alterum 
sine ictu. Itaque in Numae Pompili regis legibus scriptum esse : 
Si hominem fulmen Jovis occisit, ne supra genua tollitor. Et 
alibi : Homo sifulmine occisus est, ei justa nulla fieri oportet." 
In the old orthography these fragments would run thus : Sei 
hemonem fulmin Jobis ocisit, nei supra cenua tolitor. Hemo 
sei fulmined ocisus escit, eiei jousta nula fieri oportet. For the 
form hemo, see Muller ad Fest. p. 100. Escit, an inchoative of 
est, has a future signification : see Muller ad Fest. p. 77 ; and 
Suppl. Annot. p. 386. 

Festus (s. v. Parrici[di] Quoestores, p. 221) quotes a short 
fragment from another law of Numa, which defines the word 
parricida : " Si qui hominem liberum dolo sciens morti duit, 
parricidas esto ;" i. e. in the old orthography : Sei qui hemonem 
Icebesum (Fest. p. 121) dolo sciens mortei duit, pariceidas estod. 
The Parricidi Qucestores seem to have been the same as the 
Perduellionis Duumviri. The law respecting the punishment of 
the criminal and his right of appeal, which both Livy and Cicero 
call a carmen, has been thus preserved in Saturnian verse : 

Duumviri perduelli[onem judicanto. 
Si a duumviris provocasit j provocatione certato. 
Si vincent, caput obnubito injfelici arbore reste 
Suspendito, verberato | intra vel extra pomcerurn. 

I have here written judicanto for judicent, because the final 
thesis cannot be suppressed (below, $ 20). The v or b is slurred 
over in pro'casit, pro'catione, and obnu'to, according to the 
common Roman pronunciation. Each trochaic tripodia in 1. 2 



[On. VI. 

begins with an anacrusis. According to Livy (I. 26), the law 
belongs to the time of Tullus Hostilius ; Cicero, on the other 
hand (pro Rabir. c. 4, 13), refers it to the legislation of 

Id. s. v. Pellices, p. 222 : " Cui generi mulierum poena con- 
stituta est a Numa Pompilio hac lege : Pellex aram Junonis ne 
tangito ; si tanget, Junoni crinibus demissis agnum fceminam 
ccedito" i. e. Pelecs asam Junonis nei tancitud ; sei lancet, 
Junonei crinebos demiseis acnom feminam ceditud. 

Id. s. v. Opima spolia, p. 189 : "Esse etiam Pompili regis 
legem opimorum spoliorum talem : Cujus auspicio classe pro- 
cincta opima spolia capiuntur, Jovi Feretrio bovem ccedito ; 
qui cepit [ei] ceris ccc darier oportet : [cujus auspicio capiun- 
tur] secunda spolia, in Martis aram in Campo solitaurilia 
utra voluerit (i. e. t vel majora vel lactentia,' SCAL.) ccedito ; 
[qui cepit, ei aeris cc dato] : [cujus auspicio capiuntur] tertia 
spolia Janui Quirino agnum marem ccedito, c qui ceperit ex 
cere dato ; cujus auspicio capta, dis piaculum dato" Niebuhr 
(H. R. II. note 972) explains these gradations of reward by a 
reference to the scale of pay in the Roman army. The supple- 
ments in this passage rest principally on Plutarch, Vit. Marc. 
c. 8 : KCU \afjLJ3aveiv yepas, aaadpia TpiaKoata TOV irpwrov, TOV 

<M$/ ^ ' * S< ' ' ' 

c)e oevTepov cmfcocna, TOV oe TpiTov eKarov. 

Plin. H.N. XXXII. 2, 10, 20 : " Pisceis quei squamosei 
nee sunt, nei polucetod ; squamosos omneis prceter scarom polu- 
cetod." Cf. Fest. s. v. Pollucere, p. 253 : " Pollucere merces 
[quas cuivis deo liceat], sunt far, polenta, vinum, pania fermen- 
talis, ficus passa, suilla, bubula, agnina, casei, o villa, alica, sesama, 
et oleum, pisces quibus est squama, prater scaruin : Herculi 
autem omnia esculenta, poculenta." 

Id. s. v. Termino, p. 368 : " Denique Numa Pompilius 
statuit, Eum qui terminum exarasset et ipsum et boves sacros 
esse" i. e. Qui terminom ecsaraset, ipsus et boveis sacrei 
sunto (See Dirksen, Versuche, p. 334). 

Id. s. v. Aliuta, p. 6 : " Aliuta antiqui dicebant pro aliter, 
.... hinc est illud in legibus Numae Pompili : Siquisquam aliuta 
facsit ipsos Jovei sacer estod." 


6. Remains of the XII. Tables. 

But of all the legal fragments which exhibit the prisca 
vetustas verborum (Cic. de Oratore, I. c. 43), the most copious, as 
well as the most important, are the remains of the Twelve Tables, 
of which Cicero speaks in such enthusiastic, if not hyperbolical 
language. These fragments have been more than once collected 
and explained. In the following extracts I have followed the 
text of Dirksen ( Uebersicht der bisherigen Versuche zur Kritik 
und Herstellung des Textes der Zwblf-Tafel-Fragmente). The 
object, however, of Dirksen's elaborate work is juristic 1 rather 
than philological ; whereas I have only wished to present these 
fragments as interesting specimens of old Latinity. 

It was probably the intention of the decemvirs to comprise 
their system in six double Tables ; for each successive pair of 
Tables seems to refer to matters which are naturally classed 
together. Thus Tab. I. and II. relate to the legis actiones ; Tab. 
III. and IV. to the mancipium, potestas, and manus, or the rights 
which might be acquired over insolvent debtors, the right of a 
father over his son, and of a husband over his wife ; Tab. V. and 

VI. to the laws of guardianship, inheritance and property ; Tab. 

VII. and VIII. to obligationes, delicta, and crimina; Tab. IX. 
and X. to the jus publicam and jus sacrum ; Tab. XL and XII. 
were supplementary to the ten former Tables, both in subject 
and in date. 

7. Tab. I. 

Fr. 1. (I. 1, 2, Gothofredi) : si . IN . jus . VOCAT . NI . IT . AN- 
TESTATOR . iGiTUR . EM . CAPiTO . (Porphyrio ad HOT. I. Serm. 
9, 65 : " Adversarius molesti illius Horatium consulit, an per- 
mittat se antestari, injecta manu extracturus ad Praetorem, quod 
vadimonio non paruerit. De hac autem Lege XII. Tabularum 
his verbis cautum est : si vis vocationi testamini, igitur en capita 
antestari. Est ergo antestari, scilicet antequam manum injiciat." 
Cf. Cic. Legg. II. c. 4 ; Aul. Gell. N. A. XX. 1 ; Auctor ad 
Herenn. II. c. 13 ; Non. Marcell. de Propr. Serm. c. 1, ^ 20, 
s. v. calvitur. Lucilius, Lib. XVII. : " Si non it, capita, inquit, 
eum et t si calvitur ergo, Ferto manum"). It seems probable 

1 The student will find a general sketch of the old Roman law in 
Arnold's Rome, I. pp. 256, sqq. 


that the original form of the law was, si quis in jus vocatus 
nee it, antestamino, igitur (i. e. inde, postea, turn, Fest. p. 105) 
em ( = eum) capita. Cf. Gronov. Lect. Plautin. p. 95. 

Fr. 2 (I. 3) : si . CALVITUR . PEDEMVE . STRUIT, . MANUM . 
ENDO . JACITO . (Festus, p. 313). The word calvitur is ex- 
plained by Gaius, L. 233, pr. D. de Verb. Sign.: " Si calvitur 
et moretur et frustretur. Inde et calumniatores appellati sunt, 
quia per fraudem et frustrationem alios vexarent litibus." Pe- 
dem struere is explained by Festus, 1.1.: "Alii putant signi- 
ficare retrorsum ire : alii, in aliam partem : alii fugere : alii 
gradum augere : alii minuere, cum quis vix pedem pedi prsefert, 
otiose it, remoratur :" and p. 210 : "pedem struit in xn. signi- 
ficat fugit, ut ait. Ser. Sulpicius." This fragment seems to have 
followed close upon the previous one : see the passage of Lucilius, 
quoted above. 

Fr. 3 (I. 4) : si . MORBUS . AEVITASVE . VITIUM . ESCIT, . QUI . 


NE . STERNITO . (Aul. Gell. N. A. XX. 1). Vitium escit means 
impedimenta erit. Arcera is explained by Nonius Marcellus, 
de Propr. Serm. I. 270 : "Arcera plaustrum est rusticum, 
tectum undique quasi area. Hoc vocabulum et apud Varronem 
et apud M. Tullium invenitur. Hoc autem vehiculi genere senes 
et cegroti vectari solent. Varro yepovTi^i&a.aKaXipi vehebatur 
cum uxore vehiculo semel aut bis anno cum arcera : si non 
vellet non sterneret." 



XVI. c. 10 ; cf. Cicero, Top. c. 2, who explains assiduus as a 
synonym of locuples, and derives it, with Julius, ab asse dando ; 
Nonius, Propr. Serm. c. 1, antepen., who explains proletarius 
as equivalent to plebeius " qui tantum prolem sufficiat." See 
Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. I. p. 445, note 1041). 

Fr. 5 (IX. 2). Festus, p. 348 : " Sanates dicti sunt, qui supra 
infraque Romam habitaverunt. Quod nomen his fuit, quia cum 
defecissent a Romanis, brevi post redierunt in amicitiam, quasi 
sanata mente. Itaque in xn. cautum est, ut ' idem juris esset 
Sanatibus quod Forctibus? id est bonis (cf. pp. 84, 102), et qui 
nunquam defecerant a p. R." Whence we may supply, p. 321 : 
" [Hinc] in xn.: 'NEX[I solutique, ac] FORCTI SANATi[sque idem 
jus estod'], id est, bonor[um et qui defecerant sociorum]." 


Where also sanas is explained from Cincius, " [quod Priscus] 
praeter opinio[nem eos debellavis]set, sanavisse[tque ac cum iis 
pa]cisci potuisset." Dirksen (p. 164) is wrong in referring these 
extracts to the epitome of Paulus. 

Fr. 6 (I. 17) : REM . UBI . PAGUNT, . ORATO . (Auctor ad 
Herenn. II. c. 13). 

Fr. 7 (I. 8) : NI . PAGUNT . IN . COMITIO . AUT . IN . FORO . 


AMBO . PRAESENTES . (id. ibid, and Aul. Gell. XVII. 2). The 
word pagunt is explained by Priscian (X. 5, 32) as a synonym 
of paciscor ; the common Latin form is pa-n-go, but the medial 
and tenuis of the gutturals were constantly interchanged after 
the distinction between them was introduced by Sp. Carvilius 
(Terent. Scaur, p. 2253, Putsch). 

CITO . (Aul. Gell. XVII. 2). 

(id. ibid). The word tempestas is here used for tempus ; the 
whole afternoon was called tempus occiduum, and the sunset was 
suprema tempestas (Macrob. Saturn. I. c. 3). Gellius, to whom 
we owe these fragments, considers the correct reading to be sol, 
not solis occasus. " Sole occaso" he says, " non insuavi venus- 
tate (vetustate ;) est, si quis aurem habeat non sordidam nee 
proculcatam." But Festus (p. 305), Varro (L. L. V. c. 2), and 
others, consider the phrase to have been solis occasus. There 
is more probability in the reading of Gellius. 

Fr. 10 (II. 1). Aul, Gell. N. A. XVI. c. 10: " Sed enim 
quum proletarii, et assidui, et sanates, et vades, et subvades, 
evanuerint, omnisque ilia xn. Tabularum antiquitas consopita 
sit," &c. 

8. Tab. II. 

Fr. 1. Gaius, List. IV. $ 14 : " Pcena autem sacramenti aut 
quingenaria erat, aut quinquagenaria ; nam de rebus mille seris 
plurisve quingentis assibus, de minoris vero quinquaginta assibus 
Sacramento contendebatur ; nam ita lege xn. Tabularum cautum 
erat. Sed si de libertate hominis controversia erat, etsi pretiosis- 
simus homo esset, tamen ut L. assibus sacramento contenderetur 
eadem lege cautum est favoris causa ne satisdatione onerarentur 


Fr. 2 (II. 2) : (a) MORBUS . SONTICUS (b) STATUS . DIES . 



XX. c. 1 : " Morbum vehementiorem, vim graviter nocendi haben- 
tem, Leg. istar. i. e. xn. Tab. scriptores alio in loco non per se 
morbum, sed morbum sonticum appellant." Fest. p. 290 : " Son- 
ticum morbum in xn. significare ait ^Elius Stilo certum cum 
justa causa, quern non nulli putant esse, qui noceat, quod sontes 
significat nocentes. Nsevius ait: sonticam esse oportet causam, 
quam ob rem perdas mulierem." (b) Cic. de Off. I. c. 12 : 
" Hostis enim majores nostros is dicebatur, quern nunc peregri- 
num dicimus. Indicant xn. TabulsB ut : status dies cum hoste ; 
itemque : adversus hostem ceterna auctoritas" Fest. p. 314 : 
" Status dies [cum hoste] vocatur qui judici causa est constitutus 
cum peregrino. Ejus enim generis ab antiquis hostes appella- 
bantur, quod erant pari jure cum populo R., atque hostire pone- 
batur pro cequare. Plautus in Curculione [I. 1, 5] : si status 
condictus cum hoste inter cedit dies, tamen est eundum, quo im- 
perant ingratis." This passage is neglected by Dirksen, but not 
by Gronovius, Lectiones Plautince, p. 81. With regard to the 
original signification of hostis, it is very worthy of remark that 
the Latin hostis and the Greek e'yo?, starting from opposite 
points, have interchanged their significations. Hos-tis originally 
signified " a person entertained by another," " one who has food 
given to him" (comp. hos~pi-[t^\s, " the master of the feast," 
hostia, gasts, &c. N. Crat. 474); but at last it came to mean 
" a stranger, 1 ' " a foreigner/' and even *' an enemy"" (see Varro, 
L. L. p. 2, Muller). Whereas f eVos, originally denoting " a 
stranger" (extraneus), i. e. " one without 1 ' ([e] eVos), came in the 
end to signify "an entertainer" and " a friend." I cannot accept 
Muller's derivation of eW (ad Fest. p. 102). (c) Festus, 
p. 273 ; " Reus nunc dicitur, qui causam dicit ; et item qui quid 
promisit spoponditve, ac debet. At Gallus ^Elius libro II. Sign. 
Verb. qu. ad Jus pertinent, ait : Reus est, qui cum altero 
litem contestatam habet, sive is egit, sive cum eo actum est. 
Reus stipulando est idem qui stipulator dicitur, quive suo 
nomine ab altero quid stipulatus est, non is qui alteri adstipu- 
latus est. Reus promittendo est qui suo nomine alteri quid 
promisit, non qui pro altero quid promisit. At Capito Ateius 
in eadem quidem opinione est : scd exemplo adjuvat interpreta- 


iionem. Nam in secunda Tabula secunda lege in qua scriptum 
est : si quid horum fuat unum judici arbitrove reove, eo die 
diffensus esto, hie uterque, actor reusque, in judicio rei vocantur, 
itemque accusator de via citur more vetere et consuetudine anti- 
qua." Ulpian. L. LXXIV. ad Edict. : " Si quis judicio se sisti 
promiserit, et valetudine vel tempestate vel vi fluminis prohibitus 
se sistere non possit, exceptione adjuvatur ; nee immerito : cum 
enim in tali permissione prsBsentia opus sit, quemadmodum potuit 
se sistere qui adversa valetudine impeditus est ? Et ideo etiam 
Lex xn. Tab. : si judex vel alteruter ex litigatoribus morbo 
sontico impediatur, jubet diem judicii esse diffensum" I have 
restored diffensus both in Festus and Ulpian on the authority of 
Muller, who has shown (Suppl. Annot. ad Fest. p. 401) that 
fendo must have been anciently a synonym of ferio and trudo, 
and consequently that diffensus esto differatur. 

Fr. 3 (II. 3) : cui . TESTIMONIUM . DEFUERIT, . is . TERTIIS . 

DIEBUS . OB . PORTUM . OBVAGULATUM . ITO . (Fest. p. 233 : 

" Portum in xn. pro domo positum omnes fere consentiunt : si," 
&c. Id. p. 375 : " Vagulatio in lege xn. [Tab.] significat quces- 
tionem cum convicio : 5?,'' &c.). 

Fr. 4 (II. 12). " Nam et de furto pacisci lex permittit" 
(L. 7. $14. D. de Pactis, Ulp. IV. ad E dictum). 

9. Tab. III. 

CATIS . TRIGINTA . DIES . JUSTI . SUNTO . (Aul. Gell. XX. C. 1 : 

" Eosque dies Decemviri justos appellaverunt, velut quoddam 
justitium, id est juris inter eos quasi interstitionem quandam et 
cessationem, quibus diebus nihil cum his agi jure posset."" XV. c. 
13 ; cf. Gaius, Inst. III. 78, &c.). 

IN . jus . DUCITO . (Aul. Gell. XX. c. 1 ; cf. Gaius, Inst. IV. 

Fr. 3 (III. 6) : NI . JUDICATUM . FACIT (1. faxsit), . AUT . 


XX. c. 1). We should perhaps read faxsit forfacit on account 
of vindicit, for which see Muller, Suppl. Ann. ad Fest. p. 393. 
For the form quips see Gronovius ad Gell. I. ; the proper read- 



[On. VI. 

ing is ques ; see below, ^ 23. For the meaning of nervus here, 
comp. Fest. s. v. p. 765. 

Fr. 4 (III. 7) : si . VOLET, . suo . VIVITO ; . NI . suo . VIVIT, . 


DATO ; . si . VOLET . PLUS . DATo . (Aul. Gell. XX. c. 1; and for 
the meaning of vivere compare L. 234, 2. D. de Verb. Sign. ; 
Gaius, L. II. ad Leg. xn. Tab. ; Donat. ad Terent. Phorm. II. 
1, 20). The student will observe that endo dies = indies. 

Fr. 5 (III. 8). Aul. Gell. N. A. XX. 1 : " Erat autem jus 
inter ea paciscendi ; ac nisi pacti forent, habebantur in vinculis, 
dies LX. ; inter eos dies trinis nundinis continuis ad Prajtorem in 
comitium producebantur, quantseque pecunia} judicati essent prae- 
dicabatur." From which Ursinus conjectures : Endoderatim 
[rather inter atim. Festus, p. Ill] pacio estod. Nei cum eo 
parity LX. dies vinctom habetod. In ieis diebus tertieis nondi- 
neis continueis indu comitium endo joure im procitato, quan- 
teique stlis cestumata siet prcedicato. 

Fr. 6 (III. 9). Aul. Gell. XX. 1 : " Tertiis autem nundinis 
capite poenas dabant, aut trans Tiberim peregre venum ibant 
si plures forent, quibus reus esset judicatus, secare si vellent 
atque partiri corpus addicti sibi hominis permiserunt verba ipsa 


III. c. 6 ; Tertullian. Apol. c. 4. The student will remark that 
we have here se for sine, as in the compounds se-dulo ( sine 
dolo), se-paro, se-cludo, se-motus, se-gregatus, &c. (See Festus, 
p. 336). Se - sed is an ablative form which in later Latin appears 
only in composition; sine accords in form with the Sanscrit 
instrumental, and was used as a preposition to the latest period 
of the language. Accordingly these two forms may be compared 
with the Greek /ca and Kara ; the former being used only as 
the particle of apodosis or in composition (as KCLTTCTOV Find. O. 
VIII. 38), while the latter retains to the end its regular preposi- 
tional functions. 

(Cic. de Off. I. c. 12). 

10. Tab. IV. 

Fr. 1 (IV. 1). Cic. de Legg. III. c. 8: "Deinde quum 
[Trib. pot. ortus] esset cito legatus [leto datus, Orelli], tarn- 


quam ex xn. Tabulis insignis ad deformitatem puer" From 
whence we infer that the xu. Tables authorised the exposure of 
deformed children. 

Fr. 2 (IV. 2). From the statement of Dionysius (II. 26, 
27), that the decemvirs in their fourth Table continued the jus 
vendendorum liberorum established in the time of the kings, 
Ursinus imagines some such passage as this : PATRET . BNDO . 


VENOM . DARIER . jous . ESTOD ; to which he appends the next 

Fr. 3 (IV. 3) : si . PATER . FILIUM . TER . VENUM . DUIT, . 
FILIUS . A . PATRE . LIBER . ESTo. (Ulpian, Fr. Tit. X. 1 ; 
Gaius, Inst. I. 132 ; IV. 79). 

Fr. 4 (IV. 4). Aul. Gell. III. 16 : ... " Quoniam Decemviri 
in decem mensibus gigni hominem, non in undecimo scripsissent ;" 
whence Gothofredus would restore : si qui ei in x. mensibus 
proximis postumus natus escit, Justus esto. 

11. Tab. V. 

Fr. 1 . Gaius, Inst. I. J 145 : " Loquimur autem exceptis 
Virginibus Vestalibus, quas etiam veteres in honorem sacerdotii 
liberas esse voluerunt ; itaque etiam lege xn. Tabularum cautum 
est." Cf. Plutarch, Vit. Num. c. 10. 

Fr. 2. Id. II. 47 : " (Item olim) mulieris qusa in agnato- 
rum tutela erat, res mancipi usucapi non poterant, prseterquam 
si ab ipso tutore (auctore) tradits9 essent : id ita lege xn. Tabu- 
larum cautum erat." 



Fr. Tit. XL J 14; Gaius, Inst. II. 224; Cic. de Invent. 
Rhet. II. c. 50 ; Novell. Justin. XXII. c. 2, c.). 

Fr. 4 (V. 2) : si . INTESTATO . MORITUR . cui . suus . HERBS . 


Fr. Tit. XXVI. 1 ; cf. Gaius, Inst. III. 9, &c.). 

Fr. 5 (V. 3) : si . ADGNATUS . NEC . ESCIT, . GENTILIS . FAMI- 
LIAM . NANXITOR. (Collatio Legg. Mosaic, et Rom. Tit. XVI. 
$ 4 ; cf. Gaius, Inst. III. 17). I have written nanxitor for 
nancitor on the authority of M tiller, ad Fest. p. 166 : " nanxitor 
in XIL, nactus erit, prsehenderit ;" where he remarks : " nancitor 
quomodo futurum exactum esse possit, non intelligo, nisi correcta 




[Cn. VI. 

una littera. Ab antique verbo nancio fut. ex. fit nanxo, sicut a 
capio capso ; idque translatum in pass. form, efficit nanxitur vel 
nanxitor, ut a turbasso fit turbassitur." 

Fr. 6 (V. 7). Gaius, Inst. I. $ 155 : " Quibus testamento 
quidem tutor datus non sit, iis ex lege xn. agnati sunt tutores ; 
qui vocantur legitimi." Cf. $ 157, where he says that this 
applied to women also. 

Fr. 7 (V. 8) : si . FURTOSUS . AUT . PRODIGUS . ESCIT, . AST . 


EO . PEQVUNIAQUE . Ejus . POTESTAS . ESTO. (Cicer. de Invent. 
Rhet. II. c. 50, gives the bulk of this passage ; aut prodigus is 
inserted on the authority of Ulpian, fi 3, i. de Curationibus ; 
and ast ei custos nee escit is derived from Festus, p. 162 : "Nee 
conjunctionem grammatici fere dicunt esse disjunct! vam, ut nee 
legit nee scribit, cum si diligentius inspiciatur, ut fecit Sinnius 
Capito, intelligi possit earn positam esse ab antiquis pro non, ut 
et in xn. est : ast ei custos nee escit"). For nee see above, Ch. 
III. 9, and below, Ch. VII. 5. 

Fr. 8 (V. 4). Ulpian, Frag. Tit. XXIX. 1 ; L. 195, 1. D. 
de Verb. Sign. : " Civis Romani liberti hereditatem lex xn. Tab. 
patrono defert, si intestato sine suo herede libertus decesserit 
Lex: EX EA FAMILIA, inquit, IN EAM FAMILIAM." Gothofredus 
proposes the following restoration of the law : si libertus intestato 
moritur cui suus heres nee escit, ast patronus patronive liberi 
escint, ex ea familia in earn familiam proximo pecunia 

Fr. 9 (V. 5) and 10 (V. 6). From the numerous passages 
which refer the law de ercti-ciscunda (as the word must have 
been originally written) familia to the xn. Tables (see Hugo, 
Gesch. d. Rom. R. I. p. 229), we may perhaps suppose the law 
to have been : si heredes partem quisque suam habere malint, 
familiar ercti-ciscundce tris arbitros sumunto. 

12. Tab. VI. 

UTI . LINGUA . NUNCUPASSIT, . ITA . JUS . ESTO. (FestUS, p. 173 ; 

Cic. de Off. III. 16, de Orator, i. 57). Nuncupare = nominare : 
Festus, L 1. ; Varro, L. L. VI. 60, p. 95, Muller. 

Fr. 2 (VI. 2). Cic. de Offic. III. 16 : " Nam cum ex xn. 
Tabulis satis esset ea prcestari quce essent lingua nuncupata, 


quce qui infitiatus esset dupli pcenam subiret ; a jureconsultis 
etiam reticentise poena est const! tuta." 

Fr. 3 (VI. 5). Cic. Topic, c. 4 : " Quod in re pari valet, 
valeat in hac, quae par est ; ut : Quoniam usus auctoritas fundi 
biennium est, sit etiam cedium : at in lege sedes non appellantur, 
et sunt ceterarum rerum omnium, quarum annuus est usus" 
Cf. Cic. pro Ccecina, c. 19 ; Gaius, Instit. II. 42 ; and Boe- 
thius ad Top. 1. c. p. 509, Orelli. 

Fr. 4 (VI. 6). Gaius, Inst. I. 111: " Usu in manum 
conveniebat, quse anno continue nupta perseverabat : itaque 
lege xii. Tab. cautum [erat], si qua nollet eo modo in manum 
mariti conve[mre, ut quotanjms trinoctio abesset, atque [ita 
usum] cujusque anni interrumperet" Cf. Aul. Gell. III. 2 ; 
Macrob. Saturn. I. 3. 

Fr. 5 (VI. 7) : si . QUI . IN . JURE . MANUM . CONSERUNT . 
(Aul. Gell. XX. c. 10). 

Fr. 6 (VI. 8). From Liv. III. 44, Dionys. Hal. XI. c. 30, 
&c., we may infer a law : prcetor secundum libertatem vindicias 

CONCAPITE . NE . soLviTO . (Fest. p. 364). A great number of 
emendations of this passage have been proposed. The reading 
which I have adopted is the same as Muller's, except that I 
prefer concapite to his concape : compare procapis progenies, 
" qus9 ab uno capite procedit" (Fest. p. 225). In the same way 
as we have capes, capitis m. ^ miles ; caput, capitis n. 
vertex ; so we have concapis, concapitis f. = continua capitum 
junctura (comp. Madvig, Beilage zu seiner Latein. Sprachl. 
p. 33). 

Fr. 8 (VI. 10). L. 1. pr. D. de tigno juncto, Ulpian, L. 
XXXVII. ad Edictum : " Quod providenter lex [xii. Tab.] 
effecit, ne vel sedificia sub hoc praetextu diruantur, vel vinearum 
cultura turbetur ; sed in eum qui convictus est junxisse, in 
duplum dat actionem." Where tignum is defined as signifying 
in the xii. Tables : omnis materia ex qua cedificium constet, 
vineceque necessaria. 

ERUNT . (Fest. p. 384). The word sarpta (which Muller under- 
stands of the ipsa sarpta, i. e. sarmenta putata) is explained by 
Festus, 1. 1. : " sarpiuntur vinese, i. e. putantur," &c. p. 322 : 



" [sarpta vinea putata, i.] e. pura [facta ] inde etiam [sarmenta 
script]ores dici pu[tant ; sarpere enim a]ntiqui pro pur[gare 
dicebant]." The sentence in the fragment probably ended with 
vindicarejus esto. 

13. Tab. VII. 

Fr. 1 (VIII. 1). Varro, L. L. V. 22, p. 9 : " Ambitus 
est quod circumeundo teritur, nam ambitus circumitus, ab eoque 
xii. Tabularum interpretes ambitum parietis circumitum esse de- 
scribunt." Volusius Msecianus, apud Gronov. de Sestertio, p. 398 : 
" Sestertius duos asses et semissem. Lex etiam xii. Tabularum 
argumento est, in qua duo pedes et semis sestertius pes vocatur." 
Festus, p. 16 (cf. p. 5) : " Ambitus proprie dicitur inter vici- 
norum aedificia locus duorum pedum et semipedis ad circumeundi 
facultatem relictus." The law itself, therefore, probably ran thus : 
inter vicinorum cedificia ambitus parietum sestertius pes esto. 

Fr. 2 (VIII. 3). Gaius (lib. IV. ad Leg. xn. Tab. L. fin. 
D. finium regundorum) refers to a law of Solon, which he quotes 
in Greek, and describes as in some measure the type of the 
corresponding law of the xn. Tables, which regulates digging, 
fencing, and building near the borders of a piece of ground. 

H. N. XIX. 4, 1 : "In xn. Tab. leg. nostrar. nusquam nomi- 
natur villa ; semper in signification ea hortus, in horti vero 
heredium? Festus, p. 355 : " [ Tugu-~\ria a tecto appellantur 
[domicilia rusticorum] sordida quo nomine [Messalla in ex- 
plana]tione xn. ait etiam .... significari"). Properly speaking, 
the vicus (signifying " several houses joined together") included 
the villa (= vicula, Doderl. Syn. u. Et. III. 5), which was the 
residence of the proprietor, and the adjoining tuguria, in which 
the coloni partiarii lived. All persons living in the same vicus 
were called vicini ; and the first fragment in this table refers to 
the ambitus between the houses of those who lived on the same 
estate. The pasture-land left common to the vicini was called 
compascuus ager (Festus, p. 40). It is not improbable that the 
words compescere and impescere occurred in the xn. Tables. See, 
however, Dirksen, p. 534. Ager is defined as : " locus qui sine 
villa est" (Ulpian, L. 27. Pr. D. de V. S.). But in a remark- 
able passage in Festus (p. 371), the vicus is similarly described 
in its opposition to the villa or prcedium. The passage is as 


follows (see Muller, Suppl. Ann. p. 413) : " Vici appellari inci- 
piunt ab agris, [et sunt eorum hominum,] qui ibi villas non 
habent, ut Marsi aut Peligni, sed ex vicis partim habent rempub- 
licam, [ubi] et jus dicitur, partim nihil eorum, et tamen ibi nun- 
dinae aguntur negotii gerendi causa, et magistri vici, item magistri 
pagi, [in iis] quotannis fiunt. Altero, cum id genus officiorum 
[significatur], quas continentia sunt in oppidis, quaave itineribus 
regionibusve distributa inter se distant, nominibusque dissimilibus 
discriminis causa sunt dispartita. Tertio, cum id genus sedifi- 
ciorum definitur, quae in oppido prive, id est in suo quisque loco 
proprio ita aedificat, ut in eo aedificio pervium sit, quo itinere 
habitatores ad suam quisque habitationem habeat accessum : qui 
non dicuntur vicani, sicut ii, qui aut in oppidi vicis, aut ii, qui in 
agris sunt, vicani appellantur." Festus here describes (1) the 
vicus rusticus, (2) a street in a town, as the vicus Cyprius, and 
(3) a particular kind of insulated house (insula) in the city. 

Fr. 4 and 5 (VIII. 4, 5). Cicero de Legg. I. c. 21: " Usu- 
capionem xn. Tabulae intra quinque pedes esse noluerunt." Non. 
Marcell. de Propr. Serm. c. 5, 34, quotes, as the words of the 
law : si JURGANT. '* Si jurgant, inquit. Benevolorum concer- 
tatio non lis, ut inimicorum, sed jurgium dicitur." Ursinus 
supposes the law to have been : si vicini inter se jurgassint, 
intra v. pedes usucapio ne esto. 

Fr. 6 (VIII. 10). L. 8. D. de Servit. Freed. Rustic. : " Vias 
latitudo ex lege xn. Tab. in porrectum octo pedes habet ; in an- 
fractum, id est, ubi flexum est, sedecim." Varro, L. L. VII. 
15, p. 124 : " Anfractum est flexum, ab origine duplici dictum, 
ab ambitu et frangendo; ab eo leges jubent, in directo pedum 
vin. esse, in anfracto xvi., id est in flexu." 

Fr. 7 (VIII. 11). Cicero pro Ccecina, c. 19 : " Si via sit 
immunita, jubet (lex), qua velit agere jumentum." Cf. Festus, p. 
21, s. v. Amsegetes. Muller and Huschke express their surprise 
that Dirksen and other learned jurists should have overlooked 
the passage in Festus, which contains the best materials for the 
restoration of this law. Festus (s. v. Vice, p. 371) says : " Vise 
sunt et publicae, per [quas ire, agere, veher]e omnibus licet : 
privatae quibus [vehiculum immittere non licet] praeter eorum, 
quorum sunt privatae. [In xn. est : AMSEGETES] VIAS MUNIUNTO, 


AGITO." See Muller, Suppl. Annot. p. 414. 


Fr. 8 (VIII. 9). L. 5. D. ne quid in I. publ Paulus, Lib. 
xvi. ad Sdbinum : " Si per publicum locum rivus aquasductus 
private nocebit, erit actio private ex lege xu. Tab. ut noxae 
domino caveatur." L. 21. D. de Statuliber. Pompon. L. VII. 
ex Plautio : si . AQUA . PLUVIA . NOCET. 

Fr. 9 (VIII. 7). L. 1, 8. D. de Arboribus ccedend. Ulp. 
L. LXXI. ad Edict. : " Lex xu. Tab. efficere voluit, ut xv. 
pedes altius rami arboris circumcidantur." From which, and 
Festus, p. 348, it is proposed to restore the law : si arbor in 
vicini agrum impendet, altius a terra pedes xv. sublucator. 

Fr. 10 (VIII. 8). Plin. H. N. XVI. c. 5 : " Cautum est 
praeterea lege xu. Tab., ut glandem in alienum fundum prociden- 
tem liceret colligere." The English law makes a similar provi- 
sion respecting rabbit-burrows. 

Fr. 11 (VI. 4). 1 1, 41, L de Rer. Divis. : " Venditse vero 
res et traditae non aliter emptori adquiruntur, quam si is venditori 
pretium solverit, vel alio modo satisfecerit, veluti expromissore, 
aut pignore dato. Quod cavetur quidem et lege xn. Tab., tamen 
recte dicitur et jure gentium, i. e. jure naturali, effici." 

Fr. 12 (VI. 3). Ulpian, Fr. tit. 2, $ 4 : " Sub hac condi- 
tione liber esse jussus, si decem millia heredi dederit, etsi ab 
herede abalienatus sit, emptori dando pecuniam, ad libertatem 
perveniet : idque lex xu. Tab. jubet." Cf. Fest. s. v. Statuliber, 
p. 314. 

14. Tab. VIII. 

Fr. 1 (VIII. 8). Cic. de Republ. IV. 10 : " Nostras xu. 
Tabulae, quum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque 
sanciendam putaverunt : si quis occentavisset, sive carmen con- 
didisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri" Festus, 
p. 181 : " Occentassint antiqui dicebant quod nunc convitium 
fecerint dicimus, quod id clare, et cum quodam canore fit, ut 
procul exaudiri possit. Quod turpe habetur, quia non sine causa 
fieri putatur. Inde cantilenam dici querellam, non cantus jucun- 
ditatem puto." Plautus, Curcul. I. 2, 57 ; Horat. II. Serm. 1, 
80 ; II. Epist. 1, 152. Gothofredus would restore the law 
thus: si quis pipulo (= ploratu, Fest. p. 253 ; cf. p. 212, s. v. 
pipatio) occentassit, carmenve condidisset f &c. fuste ferito. 

Fr. 2 (VII. 9) : si MEMBRUM . RUPIT . NI . CUM . EO . PACIT, . 
TALIO . ESTO . (Fest. p. 363 : " Permittit lex parem vindictam." 
Aul. Gell. XX. 1 ; Gaius, Inst. III. 223). 


Fr. 3 (VII. 10). Gaius, Inst. III. 223 : " Propter os vero 
fractum aut conlisum ccc. assium poena erat (ex lege xn. Tab.), 
velut si libero os fractum erat; at si servo, CL." Cf. AuL 
Gell. xx. 1. 

Fr. 4 (VII. 7) : si . INJURIAM . FAXIT . ALTERI, . VIGINTI . 

QUINQUE . ABRIS . POENAB . SUNTO . (Aul. Gell. XX. 1 J cf. 

Gaius, Inst. III. 223). Fest. p. 371 : " Viginti quinque poenas 
in xn. significat viginti quinque asses." Here pcenas = poinas 
is the old form of the genitive singular and nominative plural. 

Fr. 5 (VII. 2) : RUPITIAS . [QUI . FAXIT] . SARCITO . (Fest. 
s. vv. pp. 265, 322) i. e. qui damnum dederit prcestato. 

Fr. 6 (VII. 5). L. 1, pr. D. si Quadrup. Paup. fee. die. 
Ulp. XVIII. ad Edict. : " Si quadrupes pauperiem fecisse dice- 
tur, actio ex lege xn. Tab. descendit ; quaB lex voluit aut dari id 
quod nocuit, id est, id animal, quod noxiam commisit, aut aesti- 
mationem noxias offerre." 

Fr. 7 (VII. 5). L. 14, 3. D. de Prcescr. Verb. : " Si glans 
ex arbore tua in meum fundum cadat, eamque ego immisso pecore 
depascam, Aristo scribit non sibi occurrere legitimam actionem, 
qua experiri possira, nam neque ex lege xn. Tab. de pastu 
pecoris, quia non in tuo pascitur, neque de pauperie neque de 
damni injuriaa agi posse" (cf. Tab. VII. Fr. 10). 

Fr. 8 (VII. 3) : QUI . FRUGES . EXCANTASSIT . (Plin. H. N. 


ad Virg. Eel. VIII. 99). Cf. Seneca, Nat. Qucest. IV. 7, &c. 

Fr. 9 (VII. 4). Plin. H. N. XVIII. c. 3 : " Frugem quidem 
aratro quaesitam furtim noctu pavisse ac secuisse, puberi xn. 
Tabulis capitale erat, suspensumque Cereri necari jubebant ; 
gravius quam in homicidio convictum : impubem prsetoris arbi- 
tratu verberari, noxiamque duplione decerni." 

Fr. 10 (VII. 6). L. 9. D. de Incend. Ruina Naufr. Gaius, 
IV. ad XH. Tab. : " Qui cedes acervumve frumenti juxta domum 
positum combusserit, vinctus verberatus igni necari jubetur, si 
modo sciens prudensque id commiserit : si vero casu, id est, 
negligentia, aut noxiam sarcire jubetur, aut si minus idoneus 
sit, levius castigatur: appellatione autem cedium omnes species 
aedificii continentur." 

Fr. 11 (II. 11). Plin. H. N. XVII. 1 : Fuit et arborum 
cura legibus priscis ; cautumque est xn. Tabulis, ut qui injuria 
cecidisset alienas, lueret in singulas seris xxv." 


Fr. 12 (II. 4) : si . NOX . FURTUM . FACTUM . SIT, . si . 
IM . OCCISIT, . JURE . CAESUS . KSTO . (Macrob. Saturn. I. c. 4). 
Here nox = noctu ; Aul. Gell. VIII. c. 1. 

Fr. 13 (II. 8). L. 54, 2. D. de furt. Gaius, Lib. XIII. 
ad Edict. Provinc. : " Furem interdiu deprehensum non aliter 
occidere lex xn. Tab. permisit, quam si telo se defendat." 

Fr. 14 (II. 5 7). Aul. Gell. XL c. 18 : " Ex ceteris autem 
manifestos furibus liberos verberari addicique jusserunt (decemviri) 
ei, cui factum furtum esset, si modo id luci fecissent, neque se 
telo defendissent : servos item furti manifest! prensos verberibus 
affici et e saxo praecipitari ; sed pueros impuberes prsetoris 
arbitratu verberari voluerunt, noxamque ab his factam sarciri." 
Cf. Gaius, III. 189. For the last part, cf. Fr. 9. 

Fr. 15 (II. 9). Gaius, Inst. III. 191, 192: "Concept! 
et oblati (furti) poena ex lege xn. Tab. tripli est, praecipit (lex) 
ut qui quaarere velit, nudus quserat linteo cinctus, lancem habens; 
qui si quid invenerit, jubet id lex furtum manifestum esse." Cf. 
Aul. Gell. XL 18, XVI. 10. 

Fr. 16 (II. 10) : si . ADORAT . FURTO . QUOD . NEC . MANI- 
FESTUM . ESCIT . (Fest. p. 162. Gaius, Inst. III. 190 : " Nee 
manifest! furti per leg. xn. Tab. dupli irrogatur"). For the use 
of adoro, see Fest. p. 19 : " Adorare apud antiques significabat 
agere, unde et legati orator es dicuntur, quia man data populi 
agunt:" add, Fest. s. v. oratores, p. 182; Varro, L. L. VI. 
76, VII. 41, &c. 

Fr. 17 (II. 13). Gaius, Inst. II. 45 : " Furtivam (rem) 
lex xii. Tab. usucapi prohibet." 

Fr. 18 (III. 2). Cato, R. R. procem. : " Majores nostri sic 
habuerunt, itaque in legibus posuerunt, furem dupli damnari, 
foeneratorem quadrupli." Tacit. Annal. VI. 16 : " Nam primo 
xn. Tabulis sanctum, ne quis unciario foenere amplius exerceret." 
See Niebuhr, H. R. III. 50, sqq., who has proved that the 
foenus unciarium was y 1 ^ of the principal, i. e. 8J per cent for 
the old year of ten months, and therefore 10 per cent for the 
civil year. 

Fr. 19 (III. 1). Paulus, Rec. Sent. II. tit. 12, 11: "Ex 
causa deposit! lege xn. Tab. in duplum actio datur." 

Fr. 20 (VII. 16). L. I. $ 2. D. de suspect. Tutoribus : 
" Sciendum est suspecti crimen e lege xir. Tab. descendere." 
L. 55, $ 1. D. de Admin, et Peric. Tutor. : " Sed si ipsi tutores 


rem pupilli furati sunt, videamus, an ea actione, quse proponitur 
ex lege xn. Tab. adversus tutorem in duplum, singuli in solidum 

Fr. 21 (VII. 17) : PATRONUS . si . CLIENTI . FRAUDEM . 
FECERIT . SACER . ESTO . (Servius, on Virgil's words, j?Eneid. VI. 
609 : " pulsatusve parens, et fraus innexa clienti"). I can sup- 
pose that the original had fraudem frausus siet : see Festus, 
p. 91, and Gronov. Lect. Plant, p. 33, ad Asin. II. 2, 20. 


INTESTABILISQUE . ESTO . (Aul. Gell. XV. 13). 

Fr. 23 (VII. 12). Aul. Gell. XX. 1 : "An putas, si non 
ilia ex xn. Tab. de testimoniis falsis pcena abolevisset, et si nunc 
quoque, ut antea, qui falsum testimonium dixisse convictus esset, 
e saxo Tarpeio dejiceretur, mentituros fuisse pro testimonio tarn 
multos quam videmus?" 

Fr. 24 (VII. 13). Pliny, in the passage quoted in Fr. 9, im- 
plies that involuntary homicide was but slightly punished. The 
fine in such a case seems to have been a ram (Serv. ad Virg. 
Eel. IV. 43) ; and the law has been restored thus (with the help 
of Cic. de Orat. III. 39, Top. 17) : si quis hominem liberum 
dolo sciens morti dedit, parricida esto : at si telum manufugit, 
pro capite occisi et nails ejus arietem subjicito. 

Fr. 25 (VII. 14). From Plin. H. N. XXVIII. 2, and 
L. 236, pr. D. de Verb. Sign., the following law has been restored: 


Fr. 26 (IX. 6). Porcius Latro, Declam. in Catilin. c. 19 : 
" Priinum xn. Tabulis cautuin esse cognoscimus, ne quis in urbe 
ccetus nocturnos agitaret." Which Ursinus restores thus : qui 
calim endo urbe nox coit, coiverit, capital estod. 

Fr. 27 (VIII. 2). L. 4. D. de Colleg. et Corporibus : " So- 
dales sunt, qui ejusdem collegii sunt; quam Graeci eTatpiav 
vocant. His autem potestatem facit lex, pactionem quam velint 
sibi ferre, dum ne quid ex publica lege corrumpant." 

15. Tab. IX. 

Fr. 1 (IX. 1). Cicero pro Domo, c. 17 : " Vetant xn. Ta- 
bulae leges privis hominibus irrogari." 

Fr. 2 (IX. 4). Cicero de Legibus, III. 19: "Turn leges 


praeclarissimae de xn. Tabulis translates duae : quarum . . . altera 
de capite civis rogari, nisi maximo comitatu, vetat." Cf. Cicero 
pro Sextio, c. 30. 

Fr. 3 (IX. 3). Aul. Gell. XX. 1: " Dure autem scriptum 
esse in istis legibus (sc. xn. Tab.) quid existimari potest ? nisi 
duram esse legem putas, quse judicem arbitrumve jure datum, 
qui ob rem dicendam pecuniam accepisse convictus est, capite 
pcenitur." Cf. Cicero, Verr. Act. II. Lib. II. c. 32. 

Fr. 4 (IX. 5). L. 2, $ 23. D. de Orig. Jur. : " Quaestores 
constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus prseessent : hi 
appellabantur Qucestores parricidii ; quorum etiam meminit lex 
xn. Tabularum." Cicero de Republ. II. 31 : " Provocationem 
autem etiam a regibus fuisse declarant pontificii libri, significant 
nostri etiam augurales ; itemque ab omni judieio pcenaque pro- 
vocari licere, indicant xn. Tabulaa compluribus legibus." See 
above, p. 201. 

Fr. 5 (IX. 7). L. 3, pr. D. ad Leg. Jul. Majestat. : " Lex 
xn. Tab. jubet eum qui hostem concitaverit, quive hosti civeni 
tradiderit, capite puniri." 

I 16. Tab. X. 

Fr. 1 (X. 2) : HOMINEM . MORTUUM . IN . URBE . NE . SEPE- 
LITO . NEVE . URITO . (Cicero de Legibus, II. 23). 

Fr. 2 (X. 4, 5) : HOC . PLUS . NE . FACITO . ROGUM . 
ASCIA . NE . POLITO . (id. ibid.). 

Fr. 3 and 4 (X. 6, 7) : " Extenuato igitur sumtu, tribus 
riciniis, et vinclis purpuraB, et decem tibicinibus tollit (lex xn. 
Tab.) etiam lamentationem : MULIERES . GENAS . NE . RADUNTO ; . 

NEVE . LESSUM . FUNERIS . ERGO . HABENTO." (id. ibid.). For 

ricinium (=vestimentum quadratum) see Fest. s. v. p. 274, and 
for radere genas (=unguibus lacerare malas) id. p. 273. From 
Servius ad ^iEn. XII. 606, it would appear that the full frag- 
ment would be : mulieres genas ne radunto, faciem ne car- 
punto, &c. 

Fr. 5 (X. 8) : " Cetera item funebria, quibus luctus augetur, 
xn. sustulerunt : HOMINI, . inquit, MORTUO . NE . OSSA . LEGITO, . 
QUO . POST . FUNUS . FAOiAT . Excipit bellicam peregrinamque 
mortem" (Cic. de Leg. II. 24). 

Fr. 6 (X. 9, 10) : " Haec prseterea sunt in legibus de unctura, 
quibus SERVILIS . UNCTURA . tollitur, omnisque CIRCUMPOTATIO : 

$ 16.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 219 

qu89 et recte tolluntur, neque tollerentur nisi fuissent. NE . 


RAE . praBtereantur " (Cic. de Legibus, II. 24). For acerra 
see Fest. p. 18 : "Acerra ara quse ante mortuum poni solebat, 
in qua odores incendebant. Alii dicunt arculam esse thurariam, 
scilicet ubi thus reponebant." Festus, s. v. Murrata potione 
(p. 158), seems also to refer to this law, which, according to 
Gothofredus ran thus : Servilis unctura omnisque circumpotatio 
auferitor. Murrata potio mortuo ne inditor. Ne longce coronce, 
neve acerrce prceferuntor. 

Fr. 7 (X. 11) : QUI . CORONAM . PARIT . IPSE, . PECUNIAVE . 

EJUS, . VIRTUTIS . ERGO . DUITOR . El. (Plhl. H. N. XXI. 3 J 

cf. Cic. de Leg. II. 24). 

Fr. 8 (X. 12). Cic. de Leg. II. 24 : " Ut uni plura (funera) 
fierent, lectique plures sternerentur, id quoque ne fieret lege 
sancitum est." 

Fr. 9 (X. 13) : NEVE . AURUM . ADDITO . QUOI . AURO . 


URBREVE . SE . FRAUDE . ESTO . (Cic. de Leg. II. 24). For se = 
sine, see above, Tab. III. fr. 6. This fragment is interesting, 
because it shows the antiquity of the dentist's art. Cicero (N. D. 
III. 22, J 57) raises the first dentist to the rank of an JEscu- 
lapius : "^Esculapiorum tertius, Arsippi et ArsinoaB, qui primus 
purgationem alvi dentisque evulsionem, ut ferunt, invenit." 

Fr. 10 (X. 14). Id. ibid. : " Rogum bustumve novum vetat 
(lex xn. Tab.) propius LX. pedes adici sedeis alienas, invito 

Fr. 11 (X. 15). Id. ibid. : " Quod autem FORUM, id est 
vestibulurn sepulchri, BUSTUMVE . USUCAPI . vetat (lex xii. Tab.) 
tuetur jus sepulchrorum." Comp. Festus, s. v. Forum, p. 84. 

17. Tab. XL 

Fr. 1 (XL 2). Liv. IV. c. 4 : " Hoc ipsum, ne connubium 
patribus cum plebe esset, non Decemviri tulerunt ?" Cf. Dion. 
Hal. X. c. 60, XI. c. 28. 

18. Tab. XII. 

Fr. 1 (XII. 1). Gaius, Inst. IV. 28 : " Lege autem in- 
troducta est pignoris capio, velut lege xn. Tab. adversus eum, 
qui hostiain emisset, nee pretium redderet ; item adversus eum, 


qui mercedem non redderet pro eo jumento, quod quis ideo 
locasset, ut inde pecuniam acceptam in dapem, id est in sacri- 
ficium, inpenderet." 

Fr. 2 (XII. 4) : "In lege antiqua, si servus sciente domino 
furtum fecit, vel aliam noxiam commisit, servi nomine actio est 
noxalis, nee dorninus suo nomine tenetur. si . SERVUS . FURTUM . 
FAXIT, . NOXIAMVE . NocuiT." (L. II. ^ 1. D. de Noxal. Actio- 

Fr. 3 (XII. 3) : si . VINDICIAM . FALSAM . TULIT, . STLITIS . 


DAMNUM . DECIDITO . (Festus, s. v. Vindicice, p. 376. I have 
introduced the corrections and additions of Miiller). Cf. Theodos. 
Cod. IV. 18, 1. 

Fr. 4 (XII. 2). L. 3. D. de Litigios. : " Rem, de qua con- 
troversia est, prohibemur in sacrum dedicare ; alioquin dupli 
poenam patimur." 

Fr. 5 (XI. 1 ). Liv. VII. 17 : " In xn. Tabulis legem esse, ut, 
quodcunque postremum populus jussisset, id jus ratumque esset." 

J 19. The Tiburtine Inscription. 

These remains of the xn. Tables, though referring to an 
early period of Roman history, are merely quotations, and as 
such less satisfactory to the philological antiquary than monu- 
mental relics even of a later date. The oldest, however, of these 
authentic documents is not earlier than the second Samnite war. 
It is a senatus-consultum, " which gives to the Tibur tines the 
assurance that the senate would receive as true and valid their 
justification in reply to the charges against their fidelity, and 
that it had given no credit, even before, to these charges " 
(Niebuhr, H. R. III. p. 310, orig. p. 264, tr.) 1 . The inscription 
was engraved on a bronze table, which was found at Tivoli in 
the sixteenth century, near the site of the Temple of Hercules. 
About a hundred years ago it was in the possession of the Barbe- 
rini family, but is now lost ; at least, Niebuhr was unable to dis- 
cover it, though he sought for it in all the Italian collections, 

1 Visconti supposed that this inscription was not older than the Mar- 
sian war ; but there can be little doubt that Niebuhr's view is correct ; 
see Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, III. pp. 125, 659. 


into which the lost treasures of the house of Barberini were 
likely to have found their way. Niebuhr's transcript (from 
Gruter, p. 499), compared with Haubold's (Monumenta Legalia, 
p. 81), is as follows. 

1. L. Cornelius Cn. F. Praetor Senatum consuluit 

a. d. in. Nonas Maias sub aede Kastorus : 

2. scr. adf. 1 A. Manlius A. F. Sex. Julius, L. Postu- 

mius S?F. 

3. Quod Teiburtes verba fecerunt, quibusque de rebus 

ws purgavistis, ea Senatus 

4. animum advortit, ita utei aequom fuit : nosque ea 

ita audiveramus 

5. ut ws deixsistis wbeis nontiata esse: ea nos ani- 

mum nostrum 

6. non indoucebamus ita facta esse, propter ea quod 


7. ea vos merito nostrofacere non potuisse ; neque ws 

dignos esse, 

8. quei ea faceretis, neque id vobeis neque rei popli- 

cae vostrae 

9. oitile essefacere : et postquam vostra verba Senatus 


10. tanto magis animum nostrum indoucimus, ita utei 


11. arbitrabamur, de eieis rebus af vobeis peccatum non 


12. Quonque de eieis rebus Senatuei purgatei estis, 

credimus, vosque 

13. animum vostrum indoucere oportet, item ws populo 

14. Romano pur gatos fore. 

With the exception of a few peculiarities of spelling, as af 
for ab, quonque for cumque (comp. -cunque), deixsistis for dix- 
istis, &c., there is nothing in the phraseology of this inscription 

1 Scribundo adfuerunt. 2 Niebuhr prefers L. 


which is unclassical or obscure. The expressions animum adver- 
tere, " to observe," animum inducere, " to think," seem to 
belong to the conventional terminology of those days. After 
fecerunt in 1. 3 we ought perhaps to add D. E. R. i. c. i. e. " de ea 
re (patres) ita censuerunt" (cf. Cic. ad Fam. VIII. 8). 

20. The Epitaphs of the Scipios. 

The L. Cornelius, the son of Cna3us, who is mentioned as 
prsetor in the inscription quoted above, is the same L. Cornelius 
Scipio Barbatus, whose sarcophagus is one of the most interesting 
monuments at Rome. The inscription upon that monument ex- 
pressly states that he had been praator. All the extant epitaphs of 
the Scipios have been given by Bunsen (BescJireibung der Stadt 
Rom, III. pp. 616, sqq.), who does not, however, enter upon ariy 
criticism of the text. They are as follows. 

(a) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, who was consul in 
A. u. c. 456. 

Cornelitf Cn. F. Scipio 
Cornelius Lucius | Scipio Barbatus 
Gnaivod patre prognatus \ fortis vir sapiensque, 
Quoms forma virtu \ tei parisuma fuit. 
Consul censor Aidilis \ qui fuit apud vos, 
Taurasid' Cisauna' \ Samnio' cepit, 
Subigit omne Loucana* \ opsidesque abdoucit 1 . 

(b) Epitaph on the son of the above, who was sedile in 
A. u. c. 466 ; consul, 494. 

L. Cornelio^ L. F. Scipio 

Aidiles . Cosol . Cesor . 
Hone oino* ploirume co sentiont R[omani] 
Duonoro" 1 optumo' \ fuise viro* 
Luciom Scipiontf. \ FUios Barbati 
Cdnsol, Censor, Aidiles \ hicfuet a\jpud vos]. 
Hec cepit Corsica 'Aleria'que urbe\ 
Dedet tempestatebus \ aide' mereto 2 . 

1 See Arnold, History of Rome, II. p. 326. 

2 Bunsen, 1. 1. : "In return for the delivery of his fleet in a storm off 
Corsica he built a temple of which Ovid speaks (Fast. IV. 193) : 
Te quoque, Tempestas, meritam delubra fatemur, 
Quum pene est Corsis diruta classis aquis." 


(c) Epitaph on the Flamen Dialis P. Scipio, son of the 
elder Africanus, and adoptive father of the younger 1 . 

Quei apice\ insigne dialis \ flaminfs gesistei, 
Mors perfecit tua ut essent \ 6mnia brevia, 
Honos fama virtusque \ gloria atque ingenium. 
Quibus sei in longa licuiset \ tibe utier vita, 
Facile facteis supervises \ gloriam majorum. 
Qua re lubens te in gremiu 1 , | Scipio, recipit terra, 
Publi, prognatum \ Publio, Cornell*. 

(d) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Cn. Hispallus, 
grandson of Calvus, the conqueror of Spain, and nephew of 
Scipio Nasica : 

L. Cornelius Cn.f. Cn. n. Scipio. Magna sapientia 
Multasque virtutes estate quom parva 
Posidet hoc saxsum, quoiei vita defecit non 

The same passage is quoted by Funccius, de Origine et Pueritia L. L. 
p. 326. 

1 As this epitaph seems to deserve a translation, and as no one, so 
far as I know, has exhibited it in an English dress, the following attempt 
may be accepted in the want of a better : 

The priestly symbol deckt thy brow: 
But oh ! how brief a share hadst thou 
Of all this world can give. 
Honour, and fame, and noble birth, 
High intellect, and moral worth: 
Had it been thine to lire 
A lengthened span, endowed with these, 
Not all the stately memories 
Of thy time-honoured knightly line 
Had left a glory like to thine. 
Hail ! Publius, Publius Scipio's son ! 
Thy brief but happy course is run. 
Child of the great Cornelian race, 
The grave is now thy dwelling-place: 
And mother earth upon her breast 
Has lulled thee lovingly to rest. 

2 Bunsen, 1. 1. : " Cicero bears testimony to the truth of these noble 
words in his Cato Mag. 11 : Quam fuit imbecillus Africani films, is qui 
te adoptavit ? Quam tenui aut nulla potius valetudine ? Quod ni ita 
fuisset, altera ille exstitisset lumen civitatis ; ad paternam enim mag- 
nitudinem animi doctrina uberior accesserat." 


[Cn. VI. 

Honos. Honore is hie situs quei nunquam 
Victus est virtutei : annos gnatus XX : is 
L[aursis~\ .... datus, ne quairatis honore 
Quei minus sit mand . . . . 

(e) Epitaph on Cn. Cornelius Scipio, brother of the preceding : 
Cn. Cornelius Cn.f. Scipio Hispanus 
Pr. Aed. Cur. Q. Tr. mil. II. Xvir si. judik. 
Xvir sacr. fac. 
Virtutes generis mieis moribus accumulavi, 

Progeniem gemii, facta patris petiei : 
Majorum obtenui laudem ut sibei me esse creatum 

Lcetentur ; stirpem nobilitavit honor. 

(/) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, son of Asiaticus, who 
was quaBstor in 588 : 

L. Cornell L.f. P. n. Scipio quaist. 
Tr. mil. annos gnatus XXIII 
Mortuos. Pater regem Antioco' subegit. 

(g) Epitaph on a son of the preceding, who died young : 
Cornelius L.f. L. n. Scipio Asiagenus 
Comatus annoru 1 gnatus XVI. 

(h) Epitaph of uncertain date, but written in very antique 
characters : 

Aulla [sic] Cornelia. Cn. f. Hispalli. 

It will be observed, that in these interesting monuments we 
have both that anusvdrah, or dropping of the final m, which led 
to ecthlipsis (e. g. duonoro* for bonorum), and also the visarga, 
or evanescence of the nominative s (as in Cornelio for Cornelius). 
The dipththong ai is not always changed into ae, and gnatus has 
not lost its initial g. We may remark, too, that n seems not to 
have been pronounced before s : thus we have cosol, cesor, for 
consul, censor, according to the practice of writing cos. for consul 
(Diomed. p. 428, Putsch). Epitaph (e) has Xvir si. judik,, i. e. 
decemvir slitibus judifcandis, where we not only observe the 
initial s of s[#]&[]s = streit, but also the k before a in judikan- 
dis. The phraseology, however, does not differ in any important 
particulars from the Latin language with which we are familiar. 

The metre in which the three oldest of these inscriptions are 
composed is deserving of notice. That they are written in 


Saturnian verse has long been perceived ; Niebuhr, indeed, thinks 
that they " are nothing else than either complete nenias, or the 
beginnings of them" (H. R. I. p. 253). It is not, however, so 
generally agreed how we ought to read and divide the verses. 
For instance, Niebuhr maintains that patre, in a. 2, is " beyond 
doubt an interpolation ;" to me it appears necessary to the verse. 
He thinks that there is no ecthlipsis in apice', c. 1; I cannot 
scan the line without it. These are only samples of the many 
differences of opinion, which might arise upon these short inscrip- 
tions : it will therefore, perhaps, be desirable, that a few general 
remarks should be made on the Saturnian metre itself, and 
that these remarks should be applied to the epitaphs before us, 
which may be placed among the oldest Latin specimens of the 
Saturnian lay 1 . 

That the Saturnian metre was either a native of Italy, or 
naturalised there at a very early period, has been sufficiently 
shown by Mr. Macaulay (Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 23). It is, 
perhaps, not too much to say, that this metre, which may be 
defined in its pure form as a brace of trochaic tripodisB, preceded 
by an anacrusis, is the most natural and obvious of all rhyth- 
mical intonations. There is no language which is altogether 
without it ; though, of course, it varies in elegance and harmony 
with the particular languages in which it is found, and with the 
degree of literary advancement possessed by the poets who have 
written in it. The Umbrians had this verse as well as the 
Latins ; at least there can be no doubt that the beginning of the 
vi. Eugubine Table is pervaded by a Saturnian rhythm, though the 
laws of quantity, which the Latins borrowed from the Greeks, are 
altogether neglected in it. The following may serve as a sample : 

^Este persklo aveis a\seriater enetu. 

Parfd kurnase dersva \ peiqu pewa merstu, 

/ s 

Poei dngla dseridto est | so tremnu serse. 
These verses are, in fact, more regular than many of the Latin 
specimens. The only rule which can be laid down for the 
genuine Latin Saturnian is, that the ictus must occur three times 
in each member of the verse 2 , and that any thesis, except the 

1 Livy's transcript of the inscription of T. Quinctius is confessedly 
imperfect; the historian says: "lalsferme incisa litteris fuit" (VI. 29). 

2 To this necessity for a triple recurrence of the ictus in the genuine 




[On. VI. 

last, may be omitted (see Mliller, Suppl. Annot. ad Fest. p. 396). 
The anacrusis, at the beginning of the line, is often necessary in 
languages which, like the Latin and our own, have but a few 
words which begin with an ictus. When the Greek metres be- 
came established among the Romans, it would seem that the con- 
ventional pronunciation of many words was changed to suit the 
exigencies of the new versification, and no line began with an 
anacrusis, unless it had that commencement in the Greek model : 
but this appears not to have been the case in the genuine Roman 
verses, which begin with an unemphatic thesis whenever the 
convenience of the writer demands such a prefix. We have seen 
above ( 2), that the first trochaic tripodia of the Saturnius cum 
anacrusi, and even an amphibrachys (= trochceus cum anacrusi 1 ), 

Italian metre I would refer the word tripudium = triplex pulsatio. Pudio 
meant "to strike with the foot," "to spurn" (comp. re-pudid). The fact 
is alluded to by Horace, III. Carm. 18, 15: "gaudet invisam pepulisse 
fossor ter pede terrain." 

1 In the common books on metres this would be called a single foot, 
i. e. an amphibrachys. It appears to me that many of the difficulties, 
which the student has felt in his first attempts to understand the rules 
of metre, have been occasioned by the practice of inventing names for 
the residuary forms of common rhythms. Thus, the last state of the 
logaoadic verse is called a choriambus ; and the student falls into inex- 
tricable confusion when he endeavours to explain to himself the con 
currence of choriambi and dactyls in the commonest measures of Horace's 
odes. Some commentators would persuade us that we are to scan thus : 
Mcece\nas atavis | edite reg\ibus ; and Sic te diva potens j Cypri. But 
how can we connect the rhythm of the choriambus with such a termi- 
nation ? If we examine any of the Glyconics of Sophocles, who was con- 
sidered a master in this species of verse, we shall observe that his cho- 
riambi appear in contact with dactyls and trochees, and not with iambi. 
Take, for instance, (Ed. Col. 510, sqq.: 

TO 7ra 








TO.S SetXlaiJ as dno^pov <pa\veio~as 
a vy[7Tptt JJ 
as av\otr)s 


> I -v I *- II 

(ras, TTCTTOV, | epy av\MOi) || 
TOI TroXii KOI || pTjbafjM I \fjyov jj 

opdbv O.K ovo-p aKJoCcrai. jj 
Here we see that the rhythm is dactylic or trochaic these two being 
considered identical in some metrical systems and that the long syllable 
after the dactyl is occasionally equivalent to the ictus of the trochee. 


could form a verse. And conversely, if the anacrusis was want- 
ing, the Saturnius could extend itself to a triplet of tripodiae. We 

We may apply the same principle to the choriambic metres in Horace, 
which differ only in the number of imperfect trochees which follow the 
dactyls in this logaoedic rhythm. Thus we have nothing but dactyls in 

Sic te | diva pojtens Cypri: | 
we have one imperfect trochee or dactyl in 

Sic frajtres Helejnae Jf lucida | sidera; | 
and two imperfect feet of the same kind in 

Tu ne | quaesiejris |j scire nejfas || quern mihi | quern tibi. [| 
The ere tic bears the same relation to the trochaic dipodia that the cho- 
riambus does to the dactylic dipodia, or logaoedic verse ; and it was in 
consequence of this reduction of the trochaic dipodia to the cretic that 
the ancient writers on music were enabled to find a rhythmical identity 
between the dactyl and the trochaic dipodia (see Miiller, Liter, of Greece, 
I. p. 228). It appears to me that this view of the question is calculated 
to settle the dispute between those who reject and those who maintain 
the termination of a line in the middle of a word. If every compound 
foot is a sort of conclusion to the rhythm, many rhythms must end in 
the middle of a word ; and therefore such a caesura cannot be in itself 
objectionable. We can hardly take any strophe in Pindar without finding 
some illustration of this. As a specimen, I will subjoin the first strophe 
of the IX. Olympian ode, with its divisions according to the rhythm : 

TO p,ev Ap^iXdn^ou p.c\\os 

dxovaev t O\vp.Tria na\\i\viKos 6 Tpnr\6\os K 

tf / * ii # /i i I** II 

apKe are Kpovi ov Trap || o%6ov | aye/uoji/evacu j| 

jca)/id KOITI (pL\ois *E \\<papp,6o" ITCO o~vv eraipois 
dXXa j vvv fKa\Taf36\\\<i>v Motja-av OTTO TO^OOI/ j 
Aid T6 | (poivi\KocrTfp6 { 7rav (Tp\v6v T' eVi'j; 

OKpO) TTjplOV 

/3ejXeo-crti> [| 


In general, it seems unreasonable to call a number of syllables in which 
the ictus occurs more than once by the name of " foot " (pes) ; for the 
foot, so called, is defined by the stamp of the foot which marks the ictus, 
and therefore, as above suggested, the half-Saturnius would be called 
tri-pudium, because it consisted of three feet. For instance, if ' 
/ueXos had no ictus except on the first and fourth syllables of ' 
we might scan it as two dactyls ; but if, as the analogy of -vaev ' 
would seem to indicate, it had an ictus on the last syllable of 
we must scan the words as a dactyl + trochee + ictus. This method of 
considering the Greek metres is exemplified in the Prosody of the CW- 
plete Greek Grammar. Lond. 1848. 



have instances of both practices in the old Latin translation of an 
epigram, which was written, probably by Leonidas of Tarentum, 
at the dedication of the spoils taken in the battles of Heraclea 
and Asculum (B, c. 280, 279), and which should be scanned as 

Qui antedhac invicti | fuvere viri | pater optime Olympi 1 1 
Hos ego in pugna vici \ \ 
V\ctusque sum ab isdem\\ l . 

Niebuhr suggests (III. note 841) that the first line is an 
attempt at an hexameter, and the last two an imitation of the 
shorter verse ; and this remark shows the discernment which is 
always so remarkable in that great scholar. The author of this 
translation, which was probably made soon after the original, 
could not write in hexameter verse, but he represented the hex- 
ameter of the original by a lengthened form of the Saturnius, 
and indicated the two penthemimers of the pentameter by writing 
their meaning in two truncated Saturnians, taking care to indicate 
by the anacrusis that there was really a break in the rhythm 
of the original pentameter, although it might be called a single 
line according to the Greek system of metres. 

To return, however, to the epitaphs of the Scipios. The 
scansion of the lines, which I have adopted, is sufficiently indicated 
by the metrical marks placed over the words. It is only neces- 
sary to add a few explanatory observations. With the exception 
of a. 2, 3, b. 3, and c. 7, every line begins with an anacrusis, or 
unaccentuated thesis ; and it seems to be a matter of indifference 
whether this is one long or two short syllables. The vowel % is 
often pronounced like y before a vowel, as in Lucy us (a. 1), 
Lucyom (b. 3), dyalis (c. 1), brevya (c. 2), ingenyum (c. 3), 
utyer (c. 4), gremyu (c. 6), Scipyo (ibid.). And u is pronounced 
like w in c. 2. The rules of synaloapha and ecthlipsis are some- 
times attended to (as in a. 6), and sometimes neglected (as in b. 
5, c. 4). The quantity of fuisse and viro* in b. 2, may be 
justified on general principles; for fuisse is properly fuvisse, 
and viro is written veiro in Umbrian. But there is no consis- 
tency in the syllabic measurement of the words in these rude 

The lost original may have been as follows : 


fj.apvap.fv6f T fKpdrovv, 01 r' cKparrjcrav e/ie. 


lines. Facile, in c. 5, makes a thesis in consequence of that 
short pronunciation which is indicated by the old form facul 
(Fest. p. 87, Miiller). As all the other verbs in epitaph a. are 
in the perfect tense, it seems that subigit and abdoucit, in the 
last line, must be perfect also. Indoucimus is perhaps a perfect 
in the Tiburtine inscription (1. 10) : " postquam senatus audivit, 
tanto magis indoucimus ;" and subigit was probably pro- 
nounced subigit. The beginning of b. seems to have been the 
conventional phraseology in these monumental nenias. The 
sepulchre of A. Attilius Calatinus, which stood near those of the 
Scipios at the Porta Capena (Cic. Tusc. Disp. I. 7, 13), bore 
an inscription beginning in much the same way : 

Hone omo ploirume co\sentiont gentes. 
Populi primarium \fuisse vtrum. 
(Comp. Cic. de Finibus, II. 35, 116 ; Cato M. 17, 61). 

$ 21. The Columna Rostrata. 

The Columna Rostrata, as it is called, was found at the 
foot of the Capitol in the year 1565. Its partial destruction by 
lightning is mentioned by Livy (XLII. 20) ; and it was still 
standing, probably in the existing copy, when Servius wrote 
(ad Virgil. Georg. III. 29). It refers to the well-known ex- 
ploits of C. Duilius, who was consul B.C. 260, A.U.C. 494. This 
inscription, with the supplements of Ciacconi, and a commentary, 
was published by Funck, in his treatise de Orig. et Puer. L. L. 
pp. 302, sqq. It is here given with the restorations of Grotefend 
(Orelli, no. 549). 

\C. Duilios, M. F. M. N. Consol adwrsum 
Poenos en Siceliad Sicesf\ano[_s sotios Rom. obsi- 
dioned crave]d eocemet leciones r[efecet dumque 
Poenei m~]aximosque l macistratos l[ecionumque 
duceis ex ri]ovem castreis exfociunt Macel[am 
opidom opp]mnandod cepet enque eodem mac 

1 As it is said that maxumus was the prevalent form before Caesar's 
time, this more recent spelling may indicate that the inscription is not in 
its original condition. 


[istratod bene r~\em navebos marid consol primos 
c[eset socios] clasesque navales primos ornavet 
pa[ravetque] cumque els navebos claseis Poenicas 
om[neis et max]sumas copias Cartaciniensis 
praesente\d sum,od] Dictatored ol[or]om in altod 
marid pucn[ad meet] xxxque navi[s cepe]t cum 
socieis septem\milibos quinresm~\osque triresmos- 
que naveis[xiv. merset. tone aur\om captom numei 
000 DC .... Ipondod arceri]tom captom 
prceda numei ccclooo \_pondod crave] captom aes 
ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo 
ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo 
ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo 
ccclooo. . . . [is qu]oque navaled praedad poplom 
[Rom. deitavet atque] Cartacini[ens]is [ince]nuos 
d\uxet triumpod cum xxx rostr~\eis [clasis] Carta 
[ciniensis captai quorum erco S. P.Q.R. hanc 
colomnam eel P.~\. 

22. The Silian and Papirian Laws, and the Edict of 
the Curule 

Festus has preserved two interesting fragments of laws, which 
are nearly contemporary with the Columna Rostrata. The first 
of these is the Lex Silia de publicis ponderibus, which was 
passed in the year B. c. 244, A.U.C. 510. Festus s. v. Publica 
pondera, p. 246 : " Publica pondera [ad legitimam normam ex- 
acta fuisse] ex ea causa Junius .... [collegi]t quod duo Silii 
P. et M. Trib. pleb. rogarint his verbis : 

Ex ponderibus publicis, quibus hac tempestate 
populus oetier solet, uti coaequetur sedulum ( *\ 
uti quadrantal mni octoginta pondo siet; con- 
gius mni decem p. siet ; sex sextari congius siet 
mni; duo de quinquaginta sextari quadranta 
siet mni; sextarius aequus aequo cum librario 
siet ; sex dequimque w librari in modio sient. 


Si quis magistratus adversus hac d. m. pon- 
der a modiosque vasaque puUica modica, major a, 
minorave faxit, jusseritve (6} fieri, dolumve adduit 
quo eafiant, eum quis volet magistratus^ multare, 
dum minore parti familias taxat (1 \ liceto ; sive 
quis im (6) sacrum judicare valuer it, liceto. 9 ' 

The Latinity of this fragment requires a few remarks. 
(1) cocequetur. In the Pompeian Inscription (Orelli, no. 4348) 
we have : mensuras excequandas. (2) Sedulum. Scaliger sug- 
gests se dolo m. i. e. sine dolo malo. But sedulo or sedulum 
itself signifies " sine fraude indiligentiaeve culpa" (Miiller ad L), 
and the law refers to the care and honesty of those who were to 
test the weights and measures. For sedulus, see Doderl. Syn. 
u. JEt. I. p. 118. (3) "Nihil intelligo nisi librarius qui hie 
significatur sextarius frumenti erat." Miiller. (4) Sex de- 
quimque = sex decimque, the qu being written instead of c. (5) 
The editions have jussit ve re, for which Miiller writes jussitve ; 
Haubold (Monumenta Legalia) proposes jusseritve, " propter 
sequens re ;" and I have adopted this reading on account of the 
word faxit, which precedes. (6) Quis volet magistratus. Cf. 
Tab. Bantin. Osc. 12. Lat. 7. (7) Dum minore parti fami- 
lias taxat. Compare the Latin Bantine Inscription, 1. 10 : [dum 
minoris] partus familias taxsat. Cato, apud Aul. Gell. VII. 3 : 
" QuaB lex est tarn acerba quae dicat, si quis illud facere voluerit, 
mille nummi dimidium families multa esto ?" The abl. parti 
(which occurs in Lucretius) and the genitive partus (comp. Gas- 
torus in the Bantine Inscription, ejus, cujus, &c.) depend on 
multare and multam, which are implied in the sentence. For 
taxat, see Fest. p. 356. These passages show the origin of the 
particle dumtaxat, which is used by the classical writers to sig- 
nify " provided one estimates it," " estimating it accurately," 
" only," " at least," " so far as that goes," &C. 1 (8) Im = eum. 
Fest. p. 103. 

The Lex Papiria de Sacramento, which is to be referred to 
the year B.C. 243, A.U.C. 511, is thus cited by Festus s. v. Sacra- 

1 It is scarcely necessary to point out the absurdity of the derivation 
proposed by A. Grotefend (Ausf. Gramm. d. Lat. Spr. 124) : " dun- 
taxat aus dum taceo (cetera) sat (est hoc) !" 


mentum, p. 344 : " Sacramentum sd& significat, quod pcense no- 
mine penditur, sive eo quis interrogator, sive contenditur. Id in 
aliis rebus quinquaginta assium est, in aliis rebus quingentorum 
inter eos, qui judicio inter se contenderent. Qua de re lege L. 
Papiri Tr. pi. sanctum est his verbis : 

Quicunque Praetor post hac factus erit qui 
inter elves jus dicet, tres viros Capitales populum 
rogato, hique tres mri [capitales~], quicunque 
[posthac fa\cti erunt, sacramenta ex\igunto\ 
judicantoque, eodemque jure sunto, uti ex legi- 
bus plebeique scitis exigere, judicareque, esseque 

To these may be added the old Edictum ccdilium curulium 
de Mancipiis Vendundis, quoted by Gellius, N. A. IV. 2 : 

Titulus serwrum singulorum utei scriptus sit, 
ccerato ita, utei intellegi recte possit, quid morbi 
vitiive quoique sit, quis fugitivus errove sit, nox- solutus non sit. 

23. The Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus. 

The Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus, which is referred 
to by Livy (XXXIX. 14), and which belongs to the year B.C. 
186, A.U.C. 568, was found at Terra de Teriolo in Calabria, in 
1640, and is now at Vienna. A facsimile of the inscription, with 
the commentary of Matthseus JEgyptius, will be found in Dra- 
kenborch's Livy, Vol. VII. pp. 197, sqq. 

1. \_Q.~] Marcius L. F, S. Postumius L. F. Cos. Sena- 

turn consoluerunt N. 1 Octob. apud aedem 

2. Duelonai sc* arf. 3 M. Claudi M.F. L. Valeri P. F. Q. 

Minuci C. F. De Bacanalibus, quei foideratei 

3. Esent, ita exdeicendum censuere. Neiquis eorum Sa- 

canal* habuise velet; sei ques 5 

1 Nonis. 2 scribundo. 3 adfuerunt. 4 Bacchanal. 

6 ques = quei. See Klenze, Legis Servilice Fr. p. 12, not.2; Fest. p. 261, 


4. esent, quei sibei deicerent necesus 1 ese Bacanal habere, 

eels utei ad pr. urbanum 

5. Romam venirent, deque eels rebus, ubei eorum vtr a 2 

audita esent, utei senatus 

6. noster decerneret, dum ne minus senatoribus c. ade- 

sent [quom e~]a res cosoleretur. 

7. Bacas 3 vir ne quis adiese* velet ceivis Romanus, neve 

nominus Latin[i~\, neve socium 

8. quisquam, nisei pr. urbanum adiesent, isque de sena- 

tuos sententiad, dum ne 

9. minus senatoribus c. adesent, quom ea res cosoleretur, 

iousisent, censuere. 

10. Sacerdos ne quis vir eset, magister neque vir neque 

mulier quisquam eset, 

11. neve pecuniam quisquam eorum comoinem habuise 

velet, neve magistratum 

12. neve promagistratud, neque virum neque mulier em 

quiquam* fecise velet, 

13. neve post hac inter sed* conjourase neve comvovise 

neve conspondise 

14. neve conpromesise velet, neve quisquam fidem inter 

sed dedise velet, 

15. sacra in oquoltod 1 ne quisquam fecise velet neve in 

poplicod neve in 

16. preivatod, neve exstrad urbem sacra quisquam fecise 

velet, nisei 

17. pr. urbanum adieset, isque de senatuos sententiad, 

dum ne minus 

18. senatoribus c. adesent quom ea res cosoleretur, iousi- 

sent, censuere. 

19. Homines pious v. oinvorsei s , virei atque mulier es, 

sacra ne quisquam 

1 necessum. 2 1. utra verba. 8 j. e . Bacchas. * adiisse. 

5 quisquam. 6 i. e. se as in 1. 14. ? occulto. B universi. 


20. fecise velet, neve inter ibei 1 virei pious duolus, mu- 

lieribus pious tribus, 

21. arfuise velent, nisei de pr. urbani senatuosque sen- 

tentiad utei suprad 

22. scriptum est. Haice utei in coventionid 2 exdeicatis ne 

minus trinum 

23. noundinum, senatuosque sententiam utei scientes ese- 

tis, eorum 

24. sententia itafuit. Sei ques* esent quei arwrsum ead 

fecisent quam suprad 

25. scriptum est, eeis rem caputalemfaciendam censuere 9 

atque utei 

26. hoce in tabolam ahenam inceideretis. Ita senatus 

aiquom censuit. 

27. Uteique earn figier joubeatis ubeifacilumed* gnoscier 

potisit*, atque 

28. utei ea Bacanalia, sei qua sunt exstrad quam sei 

quid ibei sacri est, 

29. ita utei suprad scriptum est, in diebus x quibus wbeis 

tabelai 6 datai 

30. erunt,faciatis utei dismota sient. In agro Teurano 1 - 

24. The Old Roman Law on the Bantine Table. 

The Roman law on the Bantine Table is probably not older 
than the middle of the seventh century. The chief reason for 
introducing it here, is its connexion in locality, if not in import, 
with the most important fragment of the Oscan language (above, 
p. 116). Mommsen divides it into six, Klenze into four sections. 
His transcription and supplements (Rhein. Mus. for 1828, pp. 28, 
sqq. ; Phil. Abhandl. pp. 7, sqq.), compared with those of Momm- 
sen (Untevital. Dialekte, pp. 140, sqq.), give the following 
results : 

1 = interea. 2 contione. 3 ques = quei. 

4 facillime. 6 = potis-sit possit. 6 =tabellce. 

t in agro Teurano. Strabo, p. 254 c : wrcp Sc TG>V Govplmv Kai 17 Tav- 
piainj \rnpa XfyopevT) iSpvrai. 

f 24.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 235 

CAP. 1. On the degradation of offenders. 

1. [ri\eque prov[inciam] 

2. in sena[tu seiv]e in poplico joudicio ne sen[tentiam 

rogato tabellamve nei dato] 

3. ... deicit]o, neive quis mag. testumonium pop- 

lice eid[_em deferri neive deri]ontiari 

4. ... [sinito neive joudicem eum neive arbitrum 

neive recipe~\ratorem dato, neive is in poplico 
luuci praetextam neive soleas habeto neive quis 

5. [mag. prove, mag. prove quo imperio potestateve erit 

qu]eiquomque comitia conciliumve habebit eum 
sufragiumferre nei sinito 

6. [neive eum censor in senatum legito neive in senatu] 


L. 3. See Quinctil. V. 7, $ 9 : "Duo sunt genera testium, aut 
voluntariorum aut quibus in judiciis publicis lege denuntiatur" 

L. 4. luuci, " by day." Plaut. Cas. IV. 2, 7 : " Tandem 
ut veniamus luci" Cic. Phil. XII. 10, $ 25 : " Quis audeat 
luci illustrem aggredi ?" 

CAP. 2. On the punishment of judges and senators who violate 

the law. 

7. \_Seiquisjoudex queiquomque ex hace lege\ plebeive 

scitofactus erit senator ve fecerit gesseritve quo ex 
hace lege 

8. [minus fiant quae fieri oportet quaeve fieri oportu] 

erit oportebitve non fecerit sciens d. m., seive 
advorsus hance legem fecerit 

9. [gesseritve sciens d. m.; ei multa tanta esto HS. . . 

eamque pequniam] quei volet magistratus exsi- 
gito. Sei postulabit quei petet pr. recuperatores 

10. [quos, quotque dari opor]teat dato jubetoque eum 

sei ita pariat, condumnari populo, facitoque jou- 
dicetur. Sei condemnatus 

11. [erit, quanti condemnatus erit, prcedes'] ad q. urb. 


det aut "bona ejus poplice possideantur facito. 
Seiquis mag. multam inrogare volet, 

12. [ei multam inrogare liceto, dum minoris] partus 

familias taxsat liceto; eiq. omnium rerum si- 
remps lex esto, quasei sei is haace lege 

1 3. [multam HS. . . . exegisset . ] 

12. dum minoris partus familias taxsat. See above, 
$ 22, on the Lex Silia. Partus is the genitive case, like Cas- 
torus, cap. 3, 1. 17. Siremps is explained by Festus, p. 344 : 
" Siremps ponitur pro eadem, vel, proinde ac ea, quasi similis 
res ipsa. Cato in dissuadendo legem . . . relicta est : Et prseterea 
rogas, quemquam adversus ea si populus condempnaverit, uti 
siremps lex siet, quasi adversus leges fecisset." 

CAP. 3. On binding the judges and magistrates by an oath to 

observe the law. 

14. [Cos. pr. aid. tr. pi. q. mvir. cap. uivir. a. d. a. qu] 

ei nunc est, is in diebus v proxsumeis, quibus 
queique eorum sciet k. 1. popolum plebemve 

15. \_joussisse jouranto utei infra scriptum est. Item 

die. cos. pr. mag. eq. cens. aid. tr. pi. q. uivir 
cap. uivir a. d. a. joudex exh. I. plebive scito 

16. [factus queiquomque eorum p^ostkac factus erit, eis 

in diebus v proxsumeis quibus quisque eorum 
mag. inperiumve inierit, jouranto 

17. utei infra scriptum est. Eidem consistunto in ae~\ 

de Castorus palam luci in forum vorsus, et eidem 
in diebus v apud q. jouranto per Jovem deosque 

18. [penateis, sese quae ex h. 1. facer e oporf]ebit factu- 

rum, neque sese advorsum h. I. facturum scien- 
tern d. m. neque seese facturum neque interce- 

19. [quo quce ex h. I. oportet minus fiant. Qu]ei ex h. L 

non jouraverit, is magistratum inperiumve nei 
petito neive gerito neive habeto, neive in senatu 


20. [si adfuerit sententiam dicer e e]um quis sinito 

neive eum censor in senatum legito. Quei ex h.l. 
joudicarerit, isfacito apud q. urb. 

21. [nomen ejus quei jour aver it sc\riptum siet, quaes- 

torque ea nomina accipito et eos quei ex h. 1. apud 
sed jourarint facito in taboleis 

22. [popliceis scriptos habeaf\. 

L. 15. i. e. Dictator, consul, praetor, magister equitum, cen- 
sor, cedilis, tribunus plebei, quaestor ', triumvir capitalis, triumvir 
agris dandis adsignandis. 

L. 17. palam luci in forum versus. See Cic. de Offic. 
III. 24. 

CAP. 4. On the oath of the senators. 

23. [Quei senator est inve senatu sententi\am deixer\_in~\t 

post hance leg em rogatam, eis in diebus x prox- 
sumeis, quibus quisque [eorum sciet Ji. /.] 

24. [populum plebemve joussisse, j^ouranto apud quaes- 

tor em ad aerarium palam luci per Jovem de 
[psqu]e penate\_is sese quce ex h. L 

25. \_facere oporteUt facturum, neque see~\se advorsum 

hance legem facturum esse, neque seese 

26. se hoice leegeifi 

27. anodni uraver. 

L. 23. eis - is. 

L. 24. ad cerarium. See Liv. XXIX. 37. Per Jovem 
deosque penateis. Comp. Cic. Acad. IV. 20. 

CAP. 5. 

28. e quis magistratus, p. 


CAP. 6. 

30. \u~\ti in taboleis popl[iceis] 

31. \tr\inum nondin\uiii\ 

32. is eritun. 


1. Organic classification of the original Latin alphabet. 2. The labials. 3. The 
gutturals. 4. The dentals. 5. The vowels. 6. The Greek letters used by 
the Romans. 7. The numeral signs. 

1. Organic Classification of the Original Latin Alphabet. 

fTlHE genuine Latin alphabet, or that set of characters which 
JL expressed in writing the sounds of the Roman language be- 
fore it had borrowed from the Greek a number of words, and 
the means of exhibiting them to the eye, may be considered 
as consisting of nineteen letters ; that is, of the representatives 
of the original Cadmean syllabarium (which consisted of sixteen 
letters), with an appendix comprising the secondary vowels, or 
vocalised consonants, i and u, and the secondary sibilant x = sh. 
If we distribute these nineteen letters according to their 
natural or organic classification, we shall have the following 
arrangement : 





Medials . . . 




Aspirates . . 




Tenues . . . 




Liquids . . . 


L, N. 

Sibilants . . 

S, X 


Vowels of Ar-1 




ticulations J 



Vocalised 1 

Vocalised LabiaL 

Vocalised Guttural, or 

Consonants j 




It will be most convenient, as well as most methodical, to 
consider these letters according to this classification, which will 
be justified by the investigation itself. 

2. T/ie Labials. 

The labials consist of three mutes and the liquid M. The 
regular changes of the labial mutes, in the principal languages 
of the Indo-Germanic family, have been thus indicated by James 
Grimm, to whom we owe the discovery of a most important law 
(Deutsche Gramm. I. p. 584 ] ), which may be stated thus in its 
application to all three orders of mutes : 

In Greek, TT , r, -t- In Old High 

Latin, Sanscrit. 11C> German. 

Medial corresponds to Tennis and to Aspirate. 
Aspirate Medial Tennis. 

Tennis Aspirate Medial. 

This law, applied to the labials only, may be expressed in the 
following table : 

Latin, (Greek, Sanscrit) . B F P 

Gothic ...... P B F 

Old High German . . . F P B (V) 

To take the instances given by Grimm himself, the first 
column is confirmed, as far as the Latin language is concerned, 
by the following examples : cannabis (/cawa/3ts), Old Norse 
hanpr, Old High German hanaf; turba (Oopvfirj), Goth, thaurp, 
0. H. G. dorof; stabulum, 0. N. stopull, O. H. G. staphol. To 
which may be added, labi, Anglo-Saxon slipan, 0. H. G. slinffan. 
These instances are confined to the occurrence of the labials in 
the middle of words ; for there are no German words beginning 
with P, and no H. G. words beginning with F. 

The second column is supported as follows : Initials -fagus 
(0?7os), O. N. beyki, 0. H. D. puocha ; fero (<j>epw), Goth. 
baira, O. H. G. pirn; fui (<f)vto), Ang.-Sax. beon, 0. H. G. pirn ; 
flare, Goth, blasan, O. H. G. plasan ; fra-n-gere (priyvv/uu), Goth. 
brikan, 0. H. G. prechan; folium ((f>v\\ov), 0. N. blad, 0. H. 
G. plat; frater (0/o^r^), Goth, brothar, O. H. G. pruoder. 

Mr Guest maintains that this celebrated law is invalidated by very 
serious exceptions (Proceedings of the Philol. Soc. III. pp. 179, sqq.) 


The Latin language furnishes no instances of this rule in its 
application to the middle sounds. In ve<pe\rj, K6(pa\ij, ypdfaiv 
and such like, the Latin equivalents present b or p ; compare 
nebula, caput, s-cribere. The reason for this is to be sought in 
the aversion of the Roman ear from F as a middle sound. 

The third column rests on the following induction : Initials 
pes (pedis), Goth, fotus, 0. H. G. vuoz ; piscis, Goth, fisks, O. 
H. G. vise; pater, Goih.fadrs, 0. H. G. vatar ; plenus, Goth, 
fulls, 0. H. G. vol ; pecus, Goth, faihu, 0. H. G. vihu ; palma, 
Angl.-Sax. folma, O. H. G. volma; pellis, Goth. Jill, O. H. G. 
vel ; pullus, Goth, fula, 0. H. G. volo ; primus, Goth, frumists, 
0. H. G. vromist. Middle sounds sopor, O. N. svefn, 0. Sax. 
suelhan ; septem, Angl.-Sax. sefon, Goth, sibun; afer, Angl.- 
Sax. e'ofor, 0. H. G. ebar ; super, Goth, ufar, 0. N. yfir, O. H. 
G. ubar ; rapina, Angl.-Sax. reaf, 0. H. G. roub. 

These may be taken as proofs of the general application of 
Grimm's rule to the Latin labials. If, however, we examine the 
use of the separate letters more minutely, we shall find great 
vacillation even within the limits of the Latin language itself. 

The medial B seems to have approximated in many cases to 
the sound of v ; at other times it came more nearly to p. We 
find in old Latin the forms Duillius, duonus, duellum, &c. by 
the side of Billius, bonus, bellum, &c. Now, there is no doubt 
that the proper abbreviation of these forms would be e. g. donus 
or vonus, and so on, The labial representative bonus, therefore, 
shows a sort of indifference between the occasional pronunciation 
of B and v. This view is confirmed by a comparison of duis, 
which must have been the original form, with 5/s on the one hand, 
and bis, bes, vi-ginti on the other. The same appears parti- 
cularly in the change from Latin to Italian or French, as in 
haber e = aver e- avoir, habebam=aveva-avois, Aballo-Avalon, 
CabellioCavaillon, Eburovices=Evreux, &c., or conversely, 
as in Vesontio = Besan$on. The commutation of b and v in 
the Spanish language gave occasion to Scaliger's epigram : 

Haud temere antiguas mutat Vasconia voces 
Cui nihil est aliud vivere quam bibere 1 . 

1 Penny Cycl. III. p. 220. See also Scaliger de Cans. L. L. I. c. 14. 
p. 36. In older Latin we have Fovii by the side of Fabii (Fest. p. 87), 
Sevini by the side of Sabini (Plin. H. N. III. 12), Stovenses by the side of 


The interchange of B and P may be remarked in burrus, irvp- 
po$ ; Balantium, Palatium ; bitumen, pitumen (comp. pituita) ; 
&c. In many Latin words the B stands for a <p (=P'H) in the 
Greek synonym : compare balcena, albus, ambo, nebula, umbi- 
licus, &c., with (pa\aiva 9 a\<pos, a[M(j)w 9 ve(f>e\r], o/z<a\os, &C. 

The ancient Romans did not use B, as the Greeks did, to 
form a fulcrum between two liquids (comp. 
/3pia ; fjLe\i, [ju]/3X/TTO) ; e-/moAoi>, /ue/ujSAowa 
&c.) : but in the derivative idioms there are many instances of 
this insertion ; compare numerus, nombre ; camera, chambre ; 
&c. ; and even when r is substituted for some other liquid, as in 
hominem, Sp. hombre ; or when a third liquid is retained, as in 
cumulare, Fr. combler. 

In classical Latin B is often omitted when flanked by two 
vowels; this is particularly the case in the dative or ablative 
plural, as in queis by the side of quibus, filiis by the side of 
filiabus, &c. ; indeed this omission is regular in the second 

It is hardly necessary to remark, that the genuine Etruscan 
element in the Latin language must have been altogether with- 
out the medial B. As a final, B is found only in the proclitic 
words ab, ob, sub. 

When B or v is followed by the vocalised guttural J, we 
sometimes remark that, in the derived languages, this guttural 
supersedes the labial, and is pronounced alone, or with an as- 
similation; so we have cavea (= cavja), cage; cambiare, 
changer ; debeo, deggio ; Dibio, Dijon ; objectum, oggetto ; 
rabies, rage; rubere (=rubjere), rougir ; subjectum, sujet ; &c. 
We see the full development of this change in such words as 
nager from navigare, while the absolute omission of the labial is 
justified by ecrire from scribere, in Amiens from Ambiani, and 
in aimois, which comes from amabam through aimoy=*amoue= 
amava, (Lewis, On the Romance Languages, p. 199). 

The labial F and the guttural Q V are the most characteristic 
letters in the Latin alphabet. Of the latter I will speak in its 
place, merely remarking here that its resemblance to F consists in 

Stobenses, and in the flexion-forms of the verb -bo, -bam, -bills, -bundus, by 
the side of -vi, from/o and/wi (see Corssen, Zeitschr. /. Vergl. Sprf. 1852. 
p. 17). 



the fact that they are both compound letters, although used from 
the earliest period as exponents of simple sounds. 

In considering the Latin F, we must be careful not to confuse 
it with the Greek <p on the one hand, or with the modern v on 
the other. It is true that F corresponds to (p in a number of 
words, such as fagus, fama, fero, fallo, fari, fastis, frater, 
frigus, fucus, fugio, fui, fulgeo, fur ( M tiller, Etrusk. I. p. 20); 
but we must consider these words as an approach to a foreign 
articulation ; for in a great number of words, in which the F has 
subsequently been commuted for H, we can find no trace of con- 
nexion with the Greek : such are fariolus, fasena, fedus, 
fircus, folus, fordeum, fostis, fostia, forctis, vefo, trafo (Muller, 
Etrusk. I. p. 44). 

It is generally laid down that F and v are both labio-dental 
aspirates, and that they differ only as the tenuis differs from the 
medial ; and one philologer has distinctly asserted their identity, 
meaning perhaps that in Latin F=the English v, and u=the 
English w. If, however, we analyse some of the phenomena of 
comparative philology in which the Latin F appears, and then 
refer to Quintilian's description of the sound of this letter, we 
may be disposed to believe that in many cases the English v 
formed only a part of the sound. Quintilian says (XII. 10, 
27, 29) that the Roman language suffered in comparison with 
the Greek from having only v and F, instead of the Greek v and 
0, " quibus nulloz apud eos (Grcecos) dulcius spirant. Nam 
et ilia, quce est sexta nostrarum, pcene non humana voce vel 
omnino non voce potius inter discrimina dentium efflanda est : 
quce etiam, cum vocalemproxima accipit, quassa quodammodo : 
utique, quoties aliquam consonantem frangit, ut in hoc ipso 
FRANGIT, multo fit horridior" JSTot to repeat here what has 
been stated at length elsewhere (N. Crat. 111), it will be 
sufficient to make the following observations : (a) the Latin F, 
though not =v, contained that letter, and was a cognate sound 
with it. 1 : this is proved by a comparison of con-ferre, con-viva, 
&c. with com-bibere, im-primis, &c. (6) It appears from 

1 In the same way as p seems to represent $ in the instances cited 
above, v also appears as a substitute both for <f> and TT. Compare valgus, 
vatlus, veru, virgo, and vitricws, with <f>o\Kos, palus, Tre/pco, Trapde'vos, and 
pater (Buttman, Lexil. s. v. 


Quintilian that in his time the Latin F contained, in addition to 
the labial v, some dental sibilant ; and the sibilant is known to 
have been the condition in which the guttural passed into the 
mere aspirate, (c) A comparison of the Greek Otjp with its 
Latin synonym fera would produce great difficulty, if we could 
not suppose a coexistence of the sibilant with the labial in the 
latter ; such a concurrence we have in the Russian synonym 
svera, Lettish svehrs, Old Prussian svirs. (d) The Sabine 
words mentioned above (such asjircus), the more modern repre- 
sentatives of which substitute an aspirate for the F, prove that 
the F must have contained a guttural aspirate ; for no labial can 
pass into a guttural, though a compound of labial and guttural 
may be represented by the guttural only, (e) Those words in 
the Romance languages which present an aspirate for the F, 
which their Latin synonyms retained to the last, such as 
falco, " hawk ;" foris, Fr. " hors ;" facer e, formosus, fumus, 
&c., Sp. " hacer," " hermoso," " humo," &c., prove that, to 
the last, the Latin F contained some guttural element, in addition 
to the labial of which it was in part composed. It seems to me 
that F must have been sv, or, ultimately, HV, and that v must 
have corresponded to our English w. With regard to the Greek 
0, there can be no doubt that it was a distinct p'h, like the 
middle sound in hap-hazard, shep-herd; reduplications like 
7re(puKa (pe-p'huka), and contacts like 2ct7r0w (Sapp'ho), suffi- 
ciently prove this. The forms of Latin words which seem to 
substitute F for this must be referred to the Pelasgian element 
in the Latin language : the Tuscans, as we have seen, were by 
no means averse from this sound ; and the Romans were obliged 
to express it by the written representative of a very different 

The derivation of Falerii and Falis-ci (cf. Etruria and 
Etrusci) from a founder Halesus, shows that even among the 
Tuscans there was an intimate affinity between F and H (see 
Muller, Etr. II. p. 273). 

Of the tenuis p it is not necessary to say much. If we 
compare the Latin forms with their Greek equivalents, we observe 
that P, or PP, is used as a substitute for the (P^H) of which I 
have just spoken. Thus puniceus, caput, prosper, &c., correspond 
to (poiviKeos, K<f>a\rj, irpotKpopos, &c., and cruppellarii, cippus, 
-lappa, stroppus, supparum, s-cloppus, topper, &c., answer to 



, K6(f)a\ov 9 a/caX>707, vrpo(piov, ixpaaia, Ko\a(po$, 
v<f>e\os (tapfer), &c. 

In the languages derived from the Latin, p very often passes 
into v. This is most regular in the French : comp. aperire, 
aprilis, capillus, capistrum, capra, episcopus, habere, juni- 
perus, lepus, nepos, opera, pauper, recipere, sepelire, sapere, &c., 
with ouvrir, avril, cheveu, chevetre, chevre, eveque, avoir, 
genievre, lievre, neveu, ozuvre, pauvre, recevoir, en-sevelir, sa- 
voir, &C. 1 

p is often inserted as a fulcrum to the labial M when a liquid 
follows : thus we have sumo, sum-p-si, sumptus ; promo, prom- 
p-si, promptus. 

Contact with the guttural j will convert P into CH=J or a 
soft G. Compare rupes, roche ; sapiam, sache ; sapiens, sage, 
&c. Here in effect the labial is assimilated or absorbed, as in 
Rochester from Hrof-ceastre. 

The labial liquid M occasionally takes the place of one or 
other of the labial mutes, even within the limits of the Latin 
language itself. It stands by the side of B in glomus, hiems, 
melior, tumeo, &c., compared with globus, hibernus, bonus 
(benus, bene, bellus, &c., /BeXriW, /SeVrtcrros, &c.), tuber, &c. 
We find a substitution of B for M in Bandela, the modern name 
of Mandela (Orelli ad HOT. III. Carm. 18, 12), and in Lubedon 
for Laomedon (Scaliger, de Caussis L. L. I. c. 22, p. 54). 
I am not aware that we have any example of the commutation 
of M with the labio-dental F. With v it is not uncommon : 
comp. Mulciber, Vulcanus ; pro-mulgare, pro-vulgare, (compare 
di-vulgare) ; &c. This is still more remarkable if we extend 
the comparison to cognate languages : thus Mars, mas (maris), 
may be compared with Fapys, Fcippqv, vir, virtus, " war," 
wehren, " warrior," 'Oapitov ; and Minne, " Minion," &c., with 
Venus, Winnes-jtifte, &c. (Abhandl. Berl. Ak. 1826, p. 58). 

1 To avoid unnecessary trouble (for independent dictionary-hunting 
would have led, in most cases, to a repetition of the same results) I have 
taken several of the commonest comparisons of French and Latin 
synonyms from the articles on the separate consonants in the Penny 
Cyclopaedia. It is scarcely worth while to make this reference, for no 
one acquainted with French and Latin need go to the Penny Cyclopaedia, 
or any other compilation, in order to learn that ouvrir, avril, &c. are 
derived from aperire, aprilis, &c. 


So also yua-i/-ri9 may be compared with vates ; at least, Plautus 
writes mantiscinari for vaticinari. The changes of p into M 
are generally observable in assimilations such as summus for 
supimus, supremus : in Greek, and in the passage between 
Greek and Latin, this change is common enough ; thus we have 
yuera by the side of 7re$a, and /uo\i/3os by the side of plumbum. 
In fact, M and N are more nearly akin to the medials B and D 
than to the tenues, and a thick articulation will always give the 
medials for the liquids. 

At the end of Latin words M is very often omitted in writing, 
and seems to have been still more frequently neglected in pro- 
nunciation. With regard to the written omissions, it was the 
rule to omit in the present tense of active verbs the important M 
which characterises the first person in many of the other tenses. 
In fact, the only verbs which retain it in the present tense are 
su-m and inqua-m : and it is mentioned as a custom of Cato the 
Censor, that he used also to elide the M at the termination of the 
futures of verbs in -o and -io (see Ch. VI. $ 3). The metrical 
ecthlipsis, which disregards the final -M when a vowel follows, 
may be explained by supposing a sort of anusvdrah in the Latin 
language. In the transition to the Romance languages, which 
make a new nominative of the Latin accusative, the final m is 
dropt in all but two instances the Italian speme = spem, which 
extends it by a final vowel, and the French rien = rem, which 
substitutes the nasal auslaut. 

3. The Gutturals. 

The Roman gutturals are three, the medial G, the aspirate 
H, and the labio-guttural tenuis Q V . The regular changes of this 
order of mutes, as far as the Latin language is concerned, are 
proved by the following examples ; the law itself, as applied to 
the gutturals, being expressed thus : 

Latin, (Greek, Sanscrit) . G H C 

Gothic ... ; ... K G H, G 

Old High German . . . CH K H, G 

1st column. Initials : granum, O. N. korn, O. H. G. cJwrn; 
genus, kuni, chunni ; gena, O. N. kinn, O. H. G. chinni ; genu, 
kne, chnio ; gelu, gelidus, Gothic kalds, O. H. G. chalt ; gustare, 
/ciusan, chiosan. Middle sounds ; ego, ik, ih (ich) ; ager, akrs, 


achar ; magnus, mikils> michil ; jugum, juk, joch ; mulgere, 
0. N. miolka, 0. H. G. melchan. 

2d column. Initials : hanser, gans, kans ; heri, hesternus, 
gistra, kestar ; hortus, gards, karto ; hostis, gasts, kast ; homo, 
guma, komo. H is of rare occurrence as a middle sound in 
Latin ; we may, however, compare via, veha, with weg ; veho 
with Goth, aigan ; traho with Anglo-Sax, dragan, &c. 

3d column (in which I have substituted c for Q V , because the 
latter belongs to a different class of comparisons). Initials : 
claudus, halt, hah ; caput, haubith, houbit ; cor, hairto, herza ; 
caniS) hunt/is, hund. Middle sounds : lux, liuhad, licht ; tacere, 
thahan, dag en ; decem, Goth, taihun, Lith. deszimts. 

Originally the Romans made no distinction between the gut- 
turals c and G ; the former was the only sign used ; and although 
Ausonius says (Idyll. XII. de litteris, v. 21) : gammce vice 
functa prim c (see also Festus, s. vv. prodigia, orcum), thereby 
implying that c expressed both the medial G and the tenuis K 1 , 
there is reason to believe that in the older times the Romans 
pronounced c as a medial, and used Q as their only tenuis gut- 
tural. This appears from the forms macestratus, leciones, &c., 
on the Duillian monument, and still more strikingly from the 
fact that the praDnomens Gains, Gnceus (Taias, Fej/vcuos), were 
to the last indicated by the initials C. and On. ; for in the case 
of a proper name the old character would survive the change of 
application. When, however, the Romans began to distinguish 
between the pure tenuis K and the labial tenuis Q, they intro- 
duced a distinction between c and G, which was marked by the 
addition of a tail to the old character c, the letter thus modified 
being used to represent the medial, and the old form being trans- 
ferred from the medials to the tenues. The author of this 
change was Sp. Carvilius, a freedman and namesake of the cele- 
brated Sp. Carvilius Ruga, who, in A. u. c. 523, B.C. 231, fur- 
nished the first example of a divorce. See Plutarch, Qucest. 
Rom. p. 277 D. : TO K Trpos TO F avyyeveiav e^et Trap' avrois 
[the Romans], o\|/e yap \prjcravTo TW ya^ia Kapj3i\iou 
Trpoae^eupovTos. Id. p. 278 E. I o\|/e rjp^avTo jun&Oov 
KOI TT/HOTOS at/ew^e ypafJLjmaTocioaGKaXeiov ^Tropios 
KajO/3t'Xtos ciTreXevOepov Kap(3t\iou TOV TrpooTov 'yaju.cTrjv ej@a- 

1 On this confusion in other languages see New Crat. 100. 


Xoi>ro5. From tho position in the alphabet assigned to this new 
character, namely, the seventh place, corresponding to that of 
the Greek z, there is reason to believe that the Roman c still 
retained the hard #-sound, while the new character represented 
the soft sibilant pronunciation of the English J and the Greek z, 
which is also expressed by the modern Italian gi. It is clear 
that the Greek K was introduced long before the time of Carvi- 
lius, and therefore there could have been no need of an additional 
character except for the expression of an additional sound. And 
as K was used only in the syllable ka, the additional sound must 
have been that borne by c and G in modern Italian before the 
vowels E and i. Before o and u, as we shall see directly, Q was 
in its original place. 

The Latin H was a strong guttural aspirate, corresponding in 
position and in power to the Greek ^. It is true that this cha- 
racter sometimes indicates a mere spiritus asper ; and in this 
use it is either dropt or prefixed, according to the articulation. 
In general, however, it was the strongest and purest of the 
Roman aspirated gutturals. Graff has remarked (Abhandl. Berl. 
Ak. 1839, p. 12) that there are three classes of aspirates the 
guttural (H), i. e. the spiritus ; the labial (w) i. e. the flatus ; 
and the dental (s), i. e. the sibilatus : and he says that the 
Latin language entirely wants the first, whereas it possesses the 
labial aspirate in its Q, and the dental perhaps in its x. This 
appears to me to be neither a clear nor a correct statement. With 
regard to H in particular, there can be no doubt that it is a 
strong guttural, quite as much so as the Greek ^. This is esta- 
blished by the following comparison. The Latin H answers to ^ 
in the words hiems (^ei/now), hibernus (^eifjiepivos), hio (^amo), 
humi (^ajuat), hortus (^Ojoro?), &c. It represents the guttural 
c in trah-o, trac-si, veh-o, vec-si, &c. In a word, it corresponds 
to the hard Sanscrit A, for which, in the cognate Gothic and 
Greek words, either g, k, or y, /c, ^, are substituted (comp. N. 
Crat. 112). An initial H, or some other guttural, was often 
omitted in Latin, as in other languages, before another consonant ; 
thus we have res for hres=hra-is from hir " the hand ;" rus 
for hrus or cms (karsh = aro), Icena by the side of x\aiva ; 
ruo by the side of con-gruo, Roma by the side of gruma (above, 
p. 60), &c. And even before vowels we have frequent instances 
of the extenuation and omission of an original H. Indeed it is 


sometimes a matter of doubt whether the H ought to be retained 
or dismissed in spelling ; thus some would write Hannibal, others 
Annibal ; some JEtruria, others, more correctly as I think, but 
less in accordance with authority, Hetruria ; although aut and 
hand are the same word, and though old MSS. make no distinc- 
tion between them (Lachmann ad Lucret. III. 330, 632), the 
former generally omits, while the latter as generally retains the H ; 
and while hcereo is almost the universally received orthography, 
we have cesit in Lucret. VI. 1016 (ubi v. Lachm.}, in accord- 
ance with the Tyrrhenian at-cesum, (above, Ch, V. 3. p. 153). 

With regard to Q or Q V , a character almost peculiar to the 
Latin alphabet, a longer investigation will be necessary. It has 
been a common opinion with philologers that there were different 
classes of the tenuis guttural, varying with the vowel which arti- 
culated them ; thus, KaTnra, kaph, was followed only by a ; H 
(heth) only by e ; ^7 only by i ; KOTnra, koph, only by o ; and 
Q only by u. Lepsius (Zwei Abhandl. pp. 18-31) has given a 
more rational and systematic form to this opinion, by supposing 
that there were three fundamental vowels, a, i 9 u ; that i was 
subsequently split up into i, e, and u into o, u ; that one of the 
three fundamental vowels was prefixed to each row of mutes in 
the old organic syllabarium, so that all the medials were articu- 
lated with a } all the aspirates with i, and all the tenues with u. 
This form of the opinion, however, is by no means sufficient to 
explain the peculiarities of the Roman QV ; and if it were, still 
it^could not be adopted, as it runs counter to the results of a 
more scientific investigation into the origin of i and u. 

The difficulty, which has been felt in dealing with the Latin 
Q, has proceeded chiefly from the supposition that the accompany- 
ing u or v must be either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant ; 
for if it is a vowel, then either it ought to form a diphthong with 
the accompanying vowel, or a distinct syllable with the Q ; and 
neither of these cases ever happens : if, on the other hand, it is 
a consonant, the vowel preceding the Q ought to be long by 
position ; and this is never the case even in the most ancient 
writers (see Graff, Abh. Berl. Ak. 1839 : " iiber den Buchsta- 
ben Q (QV)"). 

It appears to me unnecessary to assume that the accompany- 
ing u is either a distinct vowel or a distinct consonant. And 
herein consists the peculiarity of the Roman Q : it cannot be 


articulated without the u, and yet the u has no distinct exist- 
ence. The true explanation, I conceive, is the following. No 
attentive student of the Latin authors can have failed to observe 
how great a tendency there is in this language to introduce 
sounds consisting of an union of the guttural and labial. Such 
a sound is the digamma, which may be considered to have been 
the leading characteristic of the Pelasgian language both in Italy 
and in Greece. Now there are four states of this sound, besides 
its original condition, in which both guttural and labial have 
their full power : the first is when the labial predominates, and 
this is expressed by the letter F = sv (hv) ; the second is when 
the guttural predominates, and this is expressed by Q V ; the third 
is when the guttural alone is sounded, and in this state it becomes 
the strong guttural H or K ; the fourth is when the labial alone 
is articulated, and from this we have the letter v. 

The great difference between F and QV consists in this, that 
in the latter it is necessary to express both the ingredients of the 
double sound, whereas they are both represented by one charac- 
ter in the former. Hence it has happened, that, while the 
guttural element of F has been overlooked by many philologers, 
they have over-estimated the independent value of the labial 
which accompanies Q. 

A sound, bearing the same relation to the medials that QV does 
to the tenues, is occasionally formed by the addition of v to G. 
This occurs only after n and r : thus we find tinguo, unguo, 
urgueo, by the side of tingo, ungo, urgeo. The former were 
probably the original words, the latter being subsequent modi- 
fications : compare guerra, " war," guardire, " ward," &c. with 
the French pronunciation of guerre, guardir, &c. (New Crat. 

When the labial ingredient of QV is actually vocalised into u, 
the Q is expressed in classical Latin by the new tenuis c = K ; 
thus quojus, quoi, the original gen. and dat. of qui, become 
cujus, cui ; cui rei becomes cur ; quom is turned into cum ; 
sequundus, oquulus. torquular (comp. torqueo), quiris (cf. Qui- 
rinus), &c., are converted into secundus, oculus, torcular, curls, 
&c. This is also the case when u is represented by the similar 
Roman sound of the o. Thus colo must have been originally 
quolo ; for Q is the initial of quolonia on coins, and in-quilinus 
is obviously derived from in-colo, which has lost its u, just as 


quotidie is written cotidie (Schneider, Lat. Gr. I. p. 335). It 
is known, too, that coquus must have been pronounced quoquus 
even in Cicero's time ; for he made no difference in pronunciation 
between the particle quoque and the vocative of coquus : see 
Quintil. VI. 3, $ 47 : " Quae Ciceroni aliquando . . . . exciderunt, 
ut dixit, quum is candidatus, qui coqui films habebatur, coram eo 
suffragium ab alio peteret : ego quoque tibi favebo." The change 
of qva into cu is particularly remarkable when a syllable is 
shortened, on account of the heavier form in which it occurs ; as 
when quatio in composition becomes con-cutio, per-cutio, &c. 
Perhaps we ought to write aciia in those cases in which aqua 
appears as a trisyllable (Lachmann ad Lucret. VI. 552). 

The two constituent parts of Q V often exist separately in 
different forms of the same root : thus we have conniveo, connixi; 
fio (0Jo>), facio, factus ; fluo, fluxi ; foveo, focus ; juvo, jucun- 
dus ; lavo, lacus ; nix, nivis ; struo, struxi ; vivo, vixi. The 
last is a double instance ; for there can be no doubt of the con- 
nexion between " quick" and vivus (for qviqvus) (New Crat. 
112, note). Bopp's opinion, therefore (Vergleich. Gramm. 
pp. 18, 98), that there is some natural connexion between v and 
k in themselves, is altogether unfounded. 

In the comparison between Latin and Sanscrit we seldom 
find that QV is represented by a Sanscrit K, but that it usually 
stands in cognate words where the Sanscrit has a palatal guttural 
or sibilant (New Crat. 105, 216) : compare quatuor, Sanscr. 
chatur ; s-quama, Sanscr. chad, " tegere ;" quumulus, Sanscr. 
chi, "accumularef oc-cultus (ob-quultus), Sanscr. jal, "tegere;" 
sequor, Sanscr. sajj ; pequus, Sanscr. pa$u ; equus, Sanscr. a$va; 
&c. When QV stands by the side of a Sanscrit AT, it is either 
when that letter is followed by e or i in which case the gut- 
tural approximates to the palatal, or when the k stands before 
u or v. There are some instances in which the QV is represented 
by the labial p in Greek and Sanscrit ; and this is particularly 
remarkable in cases where the QV occurs twice in the Latin word : 
compare the Latin quinque, quoquo (coquo), aqua, loquor, &c., 
with the Sanscrit and Greek panchan, TTC/ULTTC, pach, Treiroo, dp, 
lap, &c. ; also equus, oquulus, sequor, linquo, &c., with 'ITTWOS, 
ofjifia, eTTOfJiat, XetTra), &c. 

Quintilian says that the Latin Q is derived from the Greek 
Koinra. (I. 4, 9) ; and there can be no doubt that they have a 


common origin. Now this Greek KOTTTTO, which is of rare oc- 
currence, is found, where it occurs in Greek inscriptions, only 
before o. Thus we have popivOoOev (Bockh, C. /. no. 29), 
o^ov (n. 37), XuQoSopKas (n. 166); and on coins we have 
<popiv0o? 9 2i//oa9oo-ift>i>, &c. The explanation of this is simple : 
the letter o before a vowel expressed the sound of w, so far as 
the mouth of a Greek could convey this sound : compare oterpos, 
ooT/3$os, which imitate the whizzing noises of the wings of the 
gad-fly and the bird ; oa, which represents the Persian lamenta- 
tion wa ! &c. (above, p. 49). Consequently, the syllable 90 
must be regarded as the residuum of a syllable pronounced kwa, 
which was probably the pronunciation of the Latin QV. At any 
rate, it is sufficiently evident from the single word XvQoSopKas 
that 9 and /c could not have been identical at the time when the 
inscription was carved ; otherwise we should have had either 
XvKoSopKas or XvQoSoppas. In fact, the word AI//COS must have 
been originally Xu9oos (luqvus), otherwise the labial in the Latin 
lupus would be inexplicable. Perhaps, too, as Graff suggests 
(u. s. p. 10, note 7), there are other Greek words containing the 
syllable KO or KV, which must have been written with 9 in the 
older state of the language. He selects the following, of which 
the Sanscrit equivalents have the palatals f, ch : /cocr/uos, Koy^o^, 
Koparj, KO>I>OS, KVCLVOS, Sanscrit fudh, " purificari ;" $ankha 9 
" concha ;" cirsha, " caput ;" fo, " acuere," Lat. qvurvus ; 
chydma, " violaceus." The passage from QV into 90, KV, &c. 
may be illustrated also by the converse change from KV to qu in 
"liquorice," from yXvKvppi^a, &c., while the English articulation 
of " can" has entirely obliterated all traces of the Q in the Latin 
queo, originally queno (cf. ne-quinont for ne-queunt), though the 
German konnen still preserves this sound by implication. 

If we examine the changes which have taken place in the 
gutturals in their passage from the Roman to the Romance lan- 
guages, we are first struck by the general tendency to soften 
down or assibilate the tenuis c. The former process is effected 
by a change of c into CH : compare the Latin caballus, cadere, 
calidus, camera, canis, caput, carmen, carus, casa, castanea, 
castus, cauliSy &c., with the French cheval, cheoir, chaud, cham- 
bre, chien, chef, charme, cher, chez> chataigne, chaste, choux, 
&c. Of the assibilation of c we have many instances : such are, 
facimus, Fr. faisons ; licere, loisir ; placere, plaisir, &c. 


Scaliger says (prima Scaligerana, p. 114) : " mutam semper 
Galli tollunt inter duas vocales." This is very often justified by 
the transition from Latin to French in the case of gutturals and 
dentals. Between two vowels c is sometimes dropt ; thus the 
Icauna becomes the Yonne^ Tricasses becomes Troyes ; and 
similarly the Sequana is turned into the Seine. 

Another change in the Romance languages is the omission of 
c when it is followed by a T : comp. dictus, It. ditto, Fr. dit ; 
pectus, It. petto, Fr. poitrine, &c. c also disappears in French 
when in the Latin form it was followed by R. Compare lacrima, 
sacramentum, &c., with larme, serment, &c. It is neglected in 
the same language when it stands between two vowels, especially 
when one or both are u (o) or i: compare apicula, corbicula, 
focus, jocus, locus, nocere, paucus, vices, &c., with abeille, cor- 
beille, feu, jeu, lieu, nuire, peu, fois, &c. An omission of the 
hard c is sometimes strangely compensated by the introduction 
of o before i ; thus we have poiat from pix, Poitiers from Pic- 
tones, &c. We must distinguish this from foyer by the side of 
focus which has an o already. 

In some cases the French converts the tenuis c into the 
medial G. Compare aigre, aveugle, maigre, &c. with acer, 
aboculus, macer, &c. 

G is often omitted in the middle of French words : compare 
Augustus, Augustodunum, JBrigantio, Lugdunum, legere, Lige- 
ris, mais, maistre, noir, paien, reine, &c., with Aout, Autun, 
Brian$on, Lyon, lire, Loire, magis, magister, niger, paganus, 
regina, &c. Similarly, we have dais or dois (dasium) from 
dagus = dach, i. e. the canopy over the high table in the hall. 
Compare also our pronunciation of Augustin as Austin, and of 
Magdalen as Maudlin. The same omission took place in old 
Latin ; thus we find ma-vis = magis-vis. 

The French and Italians generally neglect the guttural H. 
The old hard sound of this aspirate is quite unknown to them. 

Although the sibilant is in some cases akin to the dental class, 
the Latin sibilants x and s must be considered as belonging alto- 
gether to the gutturals. The Romans had a dental sibilant in 
their R, of which I shall speak directly ; but these two seem to 
have in themselves no connexion with the dentals, beyond the 
circumstance that R is frequently derived from s by the substitu- 
tion of a dental articulation, in the same way as stands for a- 


in OaXacrcra for <rd\aaa-a, &c., and as the lisping Englishman 
says yeth for yes. 

If we consider x in its common acceptation, it is a direct 
combination of the guttural c or G with the sibilant s. This 
must, of course, be its power in rexi, flexi, &c. But it was not 
always equivalent to this combination either in sound or in origin. 
Sometimes it stands for the dental = dj, as in rixa compared 
with epi<$-$, epi<ct), &c. And even when it was derived imme- 
diately from a guttural and s, the sibilant seems to have over- 
powered the guttural, which was either lost altogether or pro- 
nounced only as an aspiration. We have traces of this in the 
modern Italian pronunciation of Alessandro, vissi, &c. The 
Greek ft derived its name from the Hebrew shin, and perhaps 
occasionally represented it in sound. A sibilant or aspirate often 
changes its place : thus the Gothic hv is in English wh, the 
Greek hr is the Latin rh, and the Greek = K<T- might occasion- 
ally be ovc-: compare the transposition in the oriental words 
Iscander, Scanderoon, Candahar, all derived from the Greek 
'AXe-fai;fy>os. The last of these words is a mutilation which 
reminds us of the modern Scotch division of the name Alexander 
into the two abbreviations Alick and Saunders or Sandy. When 
the transposition was once effected, the softening of the guttural 
was obvious and easy : compare cr^erXtos, " scathe," schade ; 
Xapfjirj, " s-kirmish," schirm, &c. 

The Latin s is principally remarkable as standing at the 
beginning of words, the Greek equivalents of which have only an 
aspirate : compare sal, sex, septem, sol, sylva, simul, sedere, 
sequi, somnus, &c., with aXs, ef, eTrra, ^'Xios, v\Frj, a/xa, 
^6<r0ac, eVo^ucu, VTTVOS, &c. Though in some cases even this 
aspirate has vanished : as in ai/af , ei, eXXo's, &c., compared with 
senex, si, sileo, &c. It frequently happens that in the more 
modern forms of the Roman language an original s has been 
superseded by the dental sibilant R. Thus Quintilian tells us 
(I. 4, 13) that Valesius, Fusius, arbos, labos, vapos, clamos, 
and lases (cf. Fest. s. v.), were the original forms of Valerius, 
Furius, arbor , labor, vapor, clamor, and lares ; and it is clear 
that honor, honestus, are only different forms of onus, onustus. 
It is rather surprising that the Jurist Pomponius (Digy. I. 2, 2, 
$ 36) should have attributed to Appius Claudius Csecus (consul I. 
A.U.C. 447, B.C. 307; consul II. A.U.C. 458, B.C. 296) the inven- 


tion of a letter which is the initial of the names Roma and 
Romulus. He can only mean that Appius was the first to in- 
troduce the practice of substituting R for s in proper names, a 
change which he might have made in his censorship. It appears, 
from what Cicero says, that L, Papirius Crassus, who was consul 
in A.U.C. 418, B.C. 336, was the first of his name who did not 
call himself Papisius (ad Famil. IX. 21) : " How came you to 
suppose," says Cicero, writing to L. Papirius Paetus, " that there 
never was a Papirius of patrician rank, when it is certain that 
they were patricii minorum gentium ? To begin with the first 
of these, I will instance L. Papirius Mugillanus, who, in the year 
of the city 312, was censor with L. Sempronius Atratinus, who 
had previously (A.U.C. 310) been his colleague in the consulship. 
But your family-name at that time was Papisius. After him 
there were thirteen of your ancestors who were curule magis- 
trates before L. Papirius Crassus, the first of your family that 
disused the name Papisius. This Papirius was chosen dictator 
in A.U.C. 415, with L. Papirius Cursor for his magister equitum, 
and four years afterwards he was elected consul with K. Duilius." 
We must conclude, therefore, that Appius Claudius used his cen- 
sorial authority to sanction a practice, which had already come 
into vogue, and which was intimately connected with the pecu- 
liarities of the Roman articulation. In fact, the Romans were to 
the last remarkable for the same tendency to rhotacism, which is 
characteristic of the Umbrian, Dorian, and Old Norse dialects. 

$ 4. The Dentals. 

The Romans had five dentals or linguals : the mutes D and 
T, the liquids L and N, and the secondary letter R, which in 
most alphabets is considered a liquid, but in the Latin stands for 
an aspiration or assibilation of the medial D. Grimm's law, as 
applied to the dentals, stands thus : 

Latin, (Greek, Sanscrit) . D T 

Gothic T D Z, TH 

Old High German . . Z T D 

The following examples will serve to establish the rule. 

1st column. Initials: dingua t lingua, tuggo, zunga ; deus, 
O. N. iyr, 0. H. G. ziu ; dens, dentis, Goth, tunthus, O. H. G. 
zand ; domare, tamjan, zemen ; dolus, 0. N. tdl, %dla ; ducere, 


Goth, tiuhan, O. H. G. ziohan ; duo, tva, suei ; dextra, taihsvo, 
%esawa. Midlde sounds : sedes, sedere, sitan, sizan ; edere, 
itan, ezan ; videre, vitan, wixan ; odium, hatis, ha% ; u-n-da, 
vato, wazar ; sudor, sveiti, sweiz ; pedes, fitjus, vuozi. 

2d column. The Latin has no 0; and when the R stands 
for the D, there are generally other coexistent forms in which 
the medial is found. For the purpose of comparison Grimm has 
selected some Latin words in which a Latin F stands by the side 
of the Greek 9. Initials : fores (9vpa), daur, tor ; /era (9r]p), 
O. N. dyr, O.H.G. tior. Middle sounds : audere, ausus (9appelv), 
gadauran, turran ; mathu, Tusc. (Gr. ^9v), Anglo-Sax, medo, 
O. H. G. metu. 

3d column. Initials : tu, Gothic thu ; O. H. G. du ; tener, 
O. N. thunnr, 0. H. G. dunni ; tendere, Goth, thanjan, O. H. G. 
denen ; tacere, thahan, dagen ; tolerare, thulan, dolen ;*tectum, 
thak, dach. Middle sounds : frater, brothar, pruoder ; rota, 
O. N. hradhr (" celer"), O. H. G. hrad (" rota") ; a-l-ter (Umbr. 
Tusc. etre), anthar, andar ; iterum, vithra, widar. 

Of the commutations of the dentals one with another in the 
Latin language alone, the most constant is the interchange of D 
with L or R. D becomes L in delicare (Fest. pp. 70, 73), impe- 
limenta, levir, Melica, (Fest. p. 124), olfacit, for dedicare, 
impedimenta, Sajp, Medica, odefacit ; and is assimilated to L 
in such words as mala, ralla, scala, sella, from ma-n-do, rado, 
sca-n-do, sedeo : the converse change is observable in 'O^i/cro-eJs, 
TloXvSevKrjs, SctKpvov (dacrima, Fest. p. 68), $a\j/i\ijsi dingua 
(Mar. Viet. p. 2547) (0. H. G. zunga), Capitodium, meditari, 
kadamitas, adauda, &c., the more genuine forms of which are 
preserved in Ulysses (6\iyos), Pol-lux (comp. $ewce's, Hesych. 
with lux), lacryma (liqueo) 9 lapsilis (Xavrro)), lingua (Xe/^eti/), 
Capitolium, /ueXerav, calamitas, alauda, &c. : ^ew, on the con- 
trary, is a more ancient form than ligare, (see N. Crat. 155). 
This change takes place within the limits of the Greek language 
also : comp. ^e^w with ^etXos, $99 ($&>$) with &xXo's, &c., 
though in many of these cases there is the residue of an original 
assimilation, as in /caXos, root KctS-, cf. *a'a>, &c. The change 
is also observable in the passage from Latin to the Romance lan- 
guages ; thus Digentia has become Licenza, the people of Madrid 
call themselves Madrilenos, and Egidius becomes Giles. The 
other dentals, T and N, are also sometimes converted into L : as 


in Thetis, Thelis ; Nympha, Lympha, &c. (See Varro, L. L. 
VII. 87). In some cases there is a passage from to X in 
Greek, as in ae^i/, a\ts (compare satis) ; and the Greek 9 in 
Owprf is represented by an in lorica. There is an inter- 
change of N and R in cereus, ceneus ; in murus, munio ; in 
donwn ; Tr\r'ip^,plenus; Londres, London; Havre, Hafen; &c. 
The ablative or adverbial D has become n in longinquus, pro- 
pinquus, from longe[d], prope\_d~\ ; compare antiquus, posticus, 
from antea, postea, amicus from amo (amao), &c. In the cor- 
ruption Catamitus from Ganymedes, both N and D are changed 
into T, and in caduceus from Ktjpweiov we have the converse 
change from R to D. D is dropt when flanked by two vowels, 
as es for edis, est for edit, esse for edere, item for itidem, &c. 
So also the dental liquids L and N are liable to excision ; compare 
vis volis, and the numberless omissions of the final -nt as in 
fuere =fuerunt, regna = regnont. 

The change from D to R has been often pointed out, in such 
common instances as au-ris compared with aud-io, apor for apud, 
meridie for medii die, ar-vocat for ad-vocat, &c. The verb 
arcesso, which is also written accerso, furnishes a double example 
of the change : the original form was ad-ced-so accedere sino ; 
in arcesso the first d is changed into r, and the second assimi- 
lated to s : in accerso the first d is assimilated to c, and the 
second changed to r. In the Romance language D is changed 
into R in the Spanish lampare from lampada, arid conversely in 
the Italian rado from raro, fedire from ferire ; compare the 
English paddock for parruc, A. S. for park. 

As a final letter, D became more and more liable to proscrip- 
tion. With the exception of the proclitics ad and apud, some- 
times written et or at and aput, ar and apor ; the conjunction 
sed, also written set ; and the adverb hand, also written haut and 
aut (cf. autem) ; we have no D in auslaut in classical Latinity. 
In the ablative, D was absorbed before the rise of Roman litera- 
ture, and -ad for -nd or -nt in the neuter plural was finally repre- 
sented by -d only. 

N is principally remarkable in Latin from its use as a sort of 
anusvarah (see N. Crat. p. 303). In this use it is inserted, gene- 
rally before the second consonant of the root, as in tu-n-do, root 
tud- ; fi-n-do, root fid-, &c. ; but sometimes after it, as in ster-n-o, 
root ster- t stra- ; sper-n-o, root sper-, spre- ; si-n-o, root si- 9 &c. 


Conversely, N becomes evanescent in certain cases, particu- 
larly before s and v. Thus consul is written cosol (abbreviated 
into cos) ; and we find cesor, infas, vicies, vicesimus, for censor, 
infans, viciens, vicensumus. This omission of N is regular in 
the Greek participles in -ets, and in other words, e. g. ocWs ; it 
seems also to have been the rule in Umbrian. In the Romance 
language the Latin termination -ensis generally loses its N. Thus 
we have Vaudois by the side of Waldenses, bourgeois im bur- 
gensis, courtois for cortensis, &c. In Italian we have Veronese 
for Veronensis, marchese for marchensis, paese for pagensis ; 
and the two last pass into the French marquis and pays. 
The most important instance of the omission of N before v is 
furnished by the common word contio, derived from conventio 
through the form coventio 1 , which is found in old inscriptions. 
Similarly, convent becomes covent ("Covens-garden, &c."), Conflu- 
entes is turned into Coblenx, andfunf into " five." In English 
the prefix con is shortened into co- before all consonants, in spite 
of the remonstrances of Bentley. On the contractions of con in 
Latin, see Lachmann on Lucret. II. 1061. The original preposi- 
tion is especially disguised in ccelebs co-i-lebs coitum linquens. 

With regard to the changes experienced by the dentals in 
the passage from Latin to the Romance dialects, the following 
instances may suffice. D and T are frequently dropt in the 
French forms of Latin words: (a) D: Andegavi, Fr. Anjou; Ca- 
durci, Fr. Cahors ; Mediomatrices, Fr. Metz ; Meduana, Fr. 
Mayenne ; Mediolanum, It. Milano ; Melodunum, Fr. Melun ; 
cauda (It. coda, Sp. cola), Fr. queue; fides, Fr. foi; media- 
node, Fr. mi-nuit ; nudus, Fr. nu ; Rhodanus, Fr. Rhone ; 
vadum, Fr. gue ; videre, Fr. voir 2 . (b) T : acetum, Lomb. aseo ; 
ad-satis, Fr. as-sez (originally assetz) ; Autura, Fr. Eure ; 
amatus, Fr. aime ; Bituriges, Fr. Bourges ; Matisco, Fr. Md$on; 
Rhedones, Fr. Rennes; Rodumna t Fr. Rouanne; Catalauni, Fr. 

1 Contio stands related to coventio as nuntius to novi-ven-tius ; comp. 
nov-i'tius. Domitius, the proper name, seems to signify "the home- 
goer ;" so propitius, as the antecedent of praesens, when said of a deity. 
Iliihyia (old fern, of fl\i0us) might be rendered Propitia. 

2 The French sometimes drop the D before a guttural in words of 
German extraction, as in Huguenot for Eidgenossen, or Eid-genoten, i. e. 
" conspirators." 



Chalons ; pater, Fr. pere ; Rutheni, Fr. Rodez ; vita, Fr. vie. 
There is a double abbreviation in Arras from Atrebates. So 
also we have, Mayence from Moguntiacum, page from paeda- 
gogium (N. Crat. 225), and Rich-borough from Rutupium, 
where we have also the change from pi to ch (above, p. 244). 
In Grenoble from Gratianopolis the first three syllables are 
contracted, just as in gre from gratia, in malgre, e. On the con- 
trary, D intrudes or is revived in certain prepositions when com- 
pounded with verbs beginning with a vowel ; thus we have prod- 
est but pro-sunt, red-eo, but re-verto, and as we have re-fero, it 
may be doubtful whether re-tuli or ret-tuli is for red-tuli or 
re-tetuli. Relligio, relliquice, &c. favour the former supposition. 
In the Romance languages this letter is sometimes inserted as a 
fulcrum between the liquids n and r, as in cendre, Dordogne, 
gendre, tendre, from ciner-is, Duranius, gener, tener ; viendr-ai, 
tiendr-ai, for venir-ai (venire habeo), tener-ai (tenere habeo), &c. ; 
vendredi for Veneris die, &c. This will remind the classical student 
of the similar insertion in the Greek av-S-pos, &c. ; and both 
the Greeks and the Romans apply the same principle to the 
labials also. The combination TI is almost always represented 
by a soft G in French words derived from the Latin ; as age, 
etage, mariage from cetatium, statio, maritatio. In these cases 
it is matter of indifference whether we suppose a softening of 
the whole combination (AT. Crat. 112) or an omission of the 
dental and substitution of the i j, as in the labial forms men- 
tioned above (p. 244). 

The indistinctness with which the French pronounce N at 
the end of a word has given rise to some etymological, or rather 
orthographical, inconsistencies in that language. Not the least 
remarkable of these is the appearance of s instead of M or N in 
the first person of many verb-forms. If we compare suis with 
the Italian sono on the one hand, and the Spanish soy on the 
other, and remember that the first and third persons of the 
present tense in the Romance verbs do not exhibit a final s in 
the oldest examples of the language, we may conclude that the s 
in this and other French forms is an arbitrary orthographic 
appendage. The termination -ois-ensis shows that soy is not an 
inadequate representative of sono. 

L, N, R, are frequently interchanged as the Latin passes into 


the Komance idiom. L passes into R 1 in apotre, epitre, Orne, 
rossignol, titre, &c., from apostolus, epistola, Olina, lusciniola, 
titulus, &c. ; N into L in alma, Barcelona, Bologna, Lebrixa, 
from anima, Barcino, Bononia, Nebrissa ; N into R in diacre 
from diaconus, in sero, sevi by the side of sino, sivi, and in 
Langres from Lingones, Never from Noviodunum. In Old 
Latin r passes into I, as in Cedes Vivenna from Cceres (above, 
p. 26) ; but / passes into r in cceruleus from cceluleus. We seem 
to have a change of I into r, or vice versa, in Us, litis, from stlit, 
compared with the German streit. 

L is a representation of D in Giles from <&gidius, in ellera 
for edera, and in Versiglia for Vesidia. 

The Italians vocalise L into i when it follows certain conso- 
nants : compare clamare, clarus, clavis, flos, Florentia, fluctus, 
flumen, obliquus, Placentia, planus, plenus, &c., with chiamare, 
chiaro, chiave, fiore, Fiorenze (Firenze), fiotto, fiume, biecQ (Fr. 
biais, Engl. "bias 2 "), Piacenza, piano, pieno, &c. 

The French vocalise the Latin L into u, which seems to 
have been in the first instance only an affection of the previous 
vowel, into which the L was subsequently absorbed. Thus alter 
was first written aultre, and then autre. This affection of a 
preceding vowel by the liquid which follows is not uncommon in 
other languages. The Greeks in some of their dialects pro- 
nounced the vowel broad before or after p : comp. (f>paai with 
<f>peai, &c. : and the common people in Dorsetshire pronounce o 
like a when it is followed by r and another consonant ; thus 
George is pronounced Gearge, storm, starm*, &c. The French 
absorption of the L is almost universal : it is regular in the 
dative of the article au=a le, auxa les ; in the plurals of 
nouns in I, as animates, animaux ; canales, canaux, &c. But 
it is also found in a number of other words, in which the vowel 

1 Ad-ulare seems to be an instance of the converse change from R to 
L: for this compound is from ad and ula = ovpa, and refers, like the 
Greek craiveiv (= aeiciv, " to shake or wag "), to the dog blandishing, 
fawning, and wagging his tail. The older- etymologers connect it with 
ad-oro ; but this admits of a different interpretation. 

2 It is probable that the word " bias " came from France with the 
game of bowls, and as denoting that one-sided weight which makes the 
sphere run obliquely, it is connected in meaning as well as origin with 
biais = bieco = obieco = obliquus. 



preceding I is not a ; even when it is u : compare aliquis unus, 
altare, eXerifjLOffvvri, Bulgare, felix (like o /uctKaptr^s, used in 
speaking of the dead), ulna, &c., with the French aucun, autel, 
aumone, bougre, feu (anciently written feux &ndfetilx), aune, &c. 

5. The Vowels. 

The philological student must always bear in mind that there 
are two distinct classes of vowels ; the one containing the vowels 
of articulation, A, E, o ; the other comprising the vocalised conso- 
nants i and u. In other words, there are only three distinct 
vowels, A, i, u ; for E and o differ from A in weight only. 

The original alphabet is a syllabarium consisting of breathings 
and consonants, which are articulated by the sound A. Now the 
character A, in its original application, denotes the lightest of the 
breathings, the character E the heaviest of them, and the cha- 
racter o a breathing which is intermediate in weight. Conse- 
quently, on the principle that the lightest vowel always co-exists 
with the heaviest form (see N. Crat. 101, 222, &c.), when 
these breathings were no longer indicated by distinct characters, 
A would represent the heaviest articulation-vowel, E the lightest, 
and o that which stands between them in point of weight. That 
this is actually the order of the articulation-vowels, considered in 
respect to the weight of the combinations in which they are 
found, is clearly established by an examination of the existing 
forms in the most perfect of the Indo-Germanic languages. 

The vowels i and u result from the vocalisation, not of 
breathings, as is the case with A, E, o, but of mutes. The 
former is the ultimate state of the softened or assibilated gut- 
turals and dentals, the latter is the residuum of the labials 
(N. Crat. 108). But, though they are of different origin 
from A and its subordinates, they must be considered, especially 
in the Latin language, as occasionally approximating in sound to 
the vowels derived from breathings, and as representing them in 
certain cases, where forms of an intermediate weight require an 
intermediate weight of vowels. This will be best shown by 
examples, from which it will appear that the vowels i and u 
have shades of value, or rather that they admit of subdivision 
into other vowels, differing from them in weight, as E and o 
differ from A, but not expressed in different characters, at least 
in the existing written remains of the Latin language. 


It has been remarked that the a of the root-syllable is 
changed into i or e in secondary formations according to a fixed 
rule: namely, the a becomes i when the root-syllable in the 
longer form remains otherwise unchanged ; but the a is turned 
into e when the root-syllable is followed immediately by an adsci- 
titious consonant, or when the consonant following the root-vowel 
is thrown back upon the vowel by some consonantal vowel, like i, 
or e-y (see Bopp, Vergleich. Gramm. p. 5 ; Rosen, Journal of 
Education, VIII. p. 344; N. Crat. 222 '). The following 
examples may suffice to establish this : 

A I E 

amicus . . . in-imieus . . . "enmity." 

arma . . . . in-ermis. 

ars in-ers. 

barba im-berbis. 

(oc-ciput . . . (bi-ceps. 
caput . . . < prin-cipium . < prce-ceps. 

[sin-ciput . . [prin-ceps. 

, (ee-cidi. 

caao . . . \ ^.j,. .,. 


(ce-cini . . . (con-centus. 
cano <, 7 . . . {, ,. 

[tuoi-cims . . (tubi-cen. 

/. . (con-ficio . . (con-fectus. 

facio. . . . { J ,. . is 

\pro-ficiscor . . [pro-fectus. 

factum pro-fectv. 

fallo . . . . fe-felli. 

fastus ......... pro-festus. 

gradior re-gredior. 

jacio . . . ab-jicio . . . ab-jectus. 

taceo . . . con-ticesco. 

tango . . . con-ting o. 

The cause of the change from i to E is farther shown by the 
change back again from E to i when the root is not followed by 
two consonants: thus, bi-ceps, &c., become bi-cipitis, &c. in the 
genitive ; and similarly tubi-cen[s] makes tubi-cinis. Another 
change from i to E is to be remarked in the transformation of 

1 Similar to this is the case of qametz c hatuph in Hebrew, for here the 
long d becomes 8 in consequence of the consonant in auslaut being thrown 
back on the vowel of articulation. 



the diphthongs AI, 01 into AE and OE. It was also a peculiarity of 
the Latin writers from the earliest times to use E as a repre- 
sentative of EI, for which also they occasionally substituted i. 
Thus, while "Hireipos becomes Epirus; Dei, Di; Deis, Dis; &c.; 
we have naves by the side of naveis=navis, and both tris and 
tres by the side of treis. Schwartze (alte j^Egypten, I. p. 605) 
distinguishes .three main periods of Latin orthography in regard 
to the pronunciation of i and E. The peculiarity of the first 
and oldest period consisted in the employment of E with a dull 
i sound, which Schwartze terms the E pinguis. The second 
period, which immediately preceded the classical, wrote i instead 
of this E pinguis. The third or classical period in a considerable 
number of forms introduced an E, which formally corresponded 
to the old E pinguis, but was materially different from it, and 
this, as it possessed the true sound of E, he calls the phonetic E. 

The next comparison, in point of weight, which suggests it- 
self, is that between the secondary vowels i and u ; and in order 
to make this comparison satisfactorily, it will be well to consider 
first their subdivisions. It appears, then, that there are three 
distinct uses of each of these vowels : i is (1) a very long vowel, 
the representative of the diphthong AI=AE ; (2) a vowel of medium 
length, frequently, as we have seen above, the representative of 
a, the first part of that diphthong ; (3) a very short vowel ap- 
proximating to the sound of the shortest u, and used chiefly 
before R. Similarly, u is (1) a very long vowel, the represen- 
tative of the diphthong OI=OE ; (2) a vowel of medium length, 
generally answering to o, the first part of that diphthong ; (3) 
a very short vowel, approximating to the sound of the shortest 
i, and used chiefly before L. The old Italians had separate cha- 
racters for I 3 and u s , which differed from the other characters by 
the addition of certain marks : 1 3 was written F, like a mutilated 
F, and u 3 was written T. It is remarkable that the emperor 
Claudius, when he introduced his new letters into the Roman 
alphabet to express the consonant v, the Greek >j>, and the modi- 
fication i 3 , while he inverted the digamma (thus d) to express 
the first, and joined two sigmas (thus X ) to express the second, 
which was consequently called antisigma (Priscian, p. 545, 
Putsch; I. p. 40, Krehl), was contented to borrow the third 
from the old alphabet of the Oscans. 

The following examples will justify the subdivision which I 
have made of the vowels i and u. 


Ii. In composition we find this long vowel in the root- 
syllable of words which contain the diphthong ai = ae. Thus, 
from ces-timo we have ex-istimo ; from cequus we have in-iquus; 
from ccedo, con-cido, oc-cido ; from queer -0, in-quiro ; &c. This 
long i, as we have seen, also represents the diphthong Ei, and it 
is used as a contraction for 11, especially in the genitives of nouns 
in -ius. When employed for either of these purposes, it is 
expressed in the inscriptions by an exaggeration of form ; thus 
we have D!S, AL!, OB!T, for Deis, alii, obiit. Conversely, we 
sometimes find that a doubled vowel is written to represent one 
long vowel ; thus we have (Orelli, no. 1287): LEEGEALBAANA 
for lege Albana. 

I 2 . This is the commonest power of the Roman I. It is, 
however, a representative of A in other cases besides those given 
above : thus, inter stands for the old antar, ille represents the 
Sanscrit anya, old Latin ollus, &c. From the examples quoted 
by Schwartze, das alte JEgypten, I. pp. 543, sqq., there need 
be no doubt that the older Romans used E as a representative 
of i 2 . 

I 3 . The sound of this letter is indicated by a passage in 
Velius Longus (p. 2235, Putsch) : " Unde fit, ut ssepe aliud 
scribamus, aliud enuntiemus, sicut supra (p. 2219) locutus sum 
de viro et virtute, ubi i scribitur et psene v enuntiatur ; unde 
Ti. Claudius novam quandam litteram excogitavit, similem ei 
notse, quam pro aspiratione Graeci ponunt, per quam scriberentur 
eaB voces, quas neque secundum exilitatem litteraB i, neque secun- 
dum pinguitudinem litteras v sonant, ut in viro et virtute, neque 
rursus secundum latum litterse sonum enuntiarentur, ut in eo 
quod est legere, scribere." From this passage we learn that i 
before R was pronounced somewhat like u, as is the case with 
us ; and we also draw the important inference that legere and 
scribere must have been pronounced lire and scrire. In augur 
and the proper name Spurius this pronunciation seems to be ex- 
pressed by the vowel u. The latter is a derivative from super, 
and is equivalent in meaning to Superbus (above, p. 26) ; the 
former is a derivative from avi-gero, as may be proved by a 
curious analogy between the derivatives of avis, " a bird," and 
ce-s, " a weight or burden." For as cedi-ti-mus means a person 
who is conversant with a temple (Fest. p. 13 = cedis intimus), 
so avitimus would mean " conversant with birds," ces-timus, 



" conversant with weights ;" hence, as augury and weighing 
were the two most usual means of forming a judgment, both 
au-tumo and ces-tumo signified " to judge." Comp. the use of 
con-templor, con-sidero. Again, as ce-ger signifies " bearing a 
burden," or " burdened," and ne-ger, " not able to bear," or 
" weak" (Fest. p. 165, s. v. ne-gritu[do]\ so augur would mean 
"bearing a bird," or "dealing with birds" (belli-ger, &c.) : 
comp. au-spex, &c. On the proper orthography of Virgilius or 
Vergilius the student will find the principal authorities in Wag- 
ner's Virgil, Vol. V. p. 479. 

The existence of such a short vowel as I 3 is necessary for the 
explanation of those forms in which i appears to be lighter than 
E. Thus, from lego, rego, teneo, we have col-ligOj di-rigo, 
re-tineo ; and the i thus introduced is so short, that it is omitted 
altogether in some compounds of rego, as per\r\-go, sur[r~\-go. 
In the rustic pronunciation of the Italians i was frequently drop- 
ped (as in ame, from animus), and the E, on the other hand, 
was lengthened improperly ; see Cic. de Orat. III. 12, 46 : 
" Quare Cotta noster, cujus tu ilia lata, Sulpici, nonnumquam 
imitaris, ut iota litteram tollas, et E plenissimum dicas, non mihi 
oratores antiques, sed messores videtur imitari." 

U r The interchange of the diphthong oi = oe with this 
value of u is of constant occurrence. Thus we have oinos, unus; 
moenus, munus ; &c. ; and in Boeotian Greek 6fj.v for e/uo/ (Apol- 
lon. de Pronom. p. 364). The observation of some of these 
changes leads to interesting etymologies ; as, for instance, in the 
case of the word prcelium, formerly written proilium (see Mure- 
tus, Far. Lect. VI. 4). The Greeks, like the Highlanders of 
Scotland, placed their best-armed soldiers in the first line, and by 
these the battle was begun and generally decided. Hence these 
rjpwes or oVXtTcu were called 7r/>iAe'es, which is interpreted 
irpo/ma^oi (see Hermann, Opusc. IV. p. 289 ; Miiller, Dor. III. 
12, fi 10), and is undoubtedly another form of TrpoiXees ; and 
hence the skirmish or battle between the van of the two armies 
was termed irpo-iXiov or prcelium. This etymology is confirmed 
by the obvious derivation of milites. The Greek language ex- 
pressed large numbers in terms derived from common objects : 
thus, xiXioi, " a thousand," is connected with ^tXos, " a heap of 
fodder," from ^/ew, "to scatter abroad;" and /mvpioi, "ten thou- 
sand," with fjivpwy " to pour forth water." Similarly, the Latin 


m-ile, " a thousand," means only " a large number," " a crowd" 
(ofjL-i\ia) ; and m-il-ites are " those who march in a large body" 
(compare pari-etes, " those which go round," scil. the house), i. e. 
" the common soldiers" (cf. above, p. 25). So that we have three 
classes of warriors : (1) the irpvXecs, i. e. Tiyjo-tXees or ijpwcs, 
"the choice troops, who fought in the van ;" (2) the \ha\m-ilites ', 
or, " common soldiers, who marched in a body ;" (3) the equ-ites, 
or " cavalry, who went on horseback." The rorarii seem to have 
derived their name from the idea of spreading out or pouring 
forth, which is conveyed by ^iXioi and /mvpioi, and not from the 
fanciful resemblance of slight drops before a heavy shower. 

In the same way as the diphthong AI becomes i t , the diph- 
thong AU becomes Uj : comp. causa, ac-cuso ; claudo, in-cludo ; 
&c. The same is the case with the Greek diphthong ov, Qov- 
KvSiStftt Thucydides, &c. ; and even with its Latin equivalent 
ou, thus we have indouco for induco on the bronze table of 
Tivoli (above, Chap. VI. 19). The diphthong AU is sometimes 
represented by 6 au, as in Sanscrit : comp. plaudo, ex-plodo ; 
Claudius, Clodius ; &c. In ob-oedio, from audio, AU is repre- 
sented by the lighter diphthong 01 ; and it is a further proof of 
the tendency to interchange Uj and i t , that the diphthong 01 = OE, 
which is so often represented by DJ, also appears as i t : thus, 
oiconomus is written iconomus, o$oiSo:os appears as hodido- 
cus, Oivofjiaos as Ihomaus, Kot^rjTripiov as cimeterium, &c. 
Sometimes, on the contrary, OE is represented by the first vowel 
only, as in diocesis, poema, &c., from &0!mf0ff, Troika, &c. (see 
Gifanius, in Mureti Opp. I. p. 550, Ruhnken.). With regard to 
Troieu), the omission of the t was common enough in Greek (see 
Porson, Tracts, p. 63 ; Dindorf, ad Arist. Nub. 1448, Acharn. 
410). The pronunciation of yi = w, as in Ilithyia = EiXei9uia, 
is best explained on the hypothesis that the y - v became eva- 
nescent, just as the a in ai and au is omitted in the derived 
forms, for yi = vi is certainly pronounced with a single utterance. 
That ui may be shortened to i is clear from the forms posit for 
posuit (Orelli, C /. nos. 71, 1732, 1475, 3087, 4139), tis for 
tuis (Id. no. 4847), sis for suis (Lucr. III. 1038 ; V. 1076. 
Fest. s. v. sos). In the same way uu is shortened into u (Orelli, 
nos. 1108, 3488) and ii into i (Gruter, p. DLXXIIL, and cf. all 
the genitives of nouns in ius). 

U 2 . This is the common short u of the Romans. It corre- 



spends generally to the short o of the Greeks ; and nouns of the 
o-declension always exhibit this u in Latin: comp. XJ/cos, lupus; 
'/TTTTOS, equus ; &c. It is probably a remnant of the Etruscan u. 
In the older Latin inscriptions we have seen o used for this 
value of u. Thus we have consol for consul, Luciom for 
Lucium, &c. 

U 3 . This letter, like I 3 , must be considered as a point of 
contact between i and u. Indeed, it may be doubtful in some 
cases whether u 3 has not been written for i 3 . The passage of 
this U 3 into an approximate i is of the following nature : First, 
a short o is changed into u 2 . The genitive of the Greek im- 
parisyllabic declension ends in -os : for this the oldest Latin 
substitutes -us, as in Castorus, nominus, &c. compared with 
Senatuos, &c. Some of these old genitives remained to the end 
of the language, as alms, ejus, hujus, illius, &c. Again, the 1st 
pers. plur. of the Greek verb ended in -o^ev = -ojues : for this the 
old Romans wrote -umus, a form still preserved in sumus and 
volumus. Again, in old Latin the vowel of the crude form 
is preserved in the inflexions, as in arcu-bus, optu-mus, pontu- 
fex, &c. But in all three cases the later Latin exhibits an i : 
thus we have Castoris, nominis, &c. ; dicimus, scribimus, &c. ; 
arcibus, optimus, pontifex, &c. In these cases we observe that 
u = o passes into a simple i. But there are other instances in 
which the transition seems to go still farther. As the reduplica- 
tion-syllable is generally shorter than the root-syllable in the 
preterite of verbs, we should expect that the u or o in the first 
syllable of cu-curri, mo-mordi, pu-pugi, tu-tudi, would be an 
approximation to Ug. 1 Then, again, in cultus, culmen, &c. from 
colo, columen, &c., the u is clearly less significant than o, though 
the u here may have been partly occasioned by that affinity 
between u and I of which the French furnishes so many ex- 
amples, and which we also see in the transition from the Greek 
'Ao-KX^TTtos 1 , 'H^oa/cXiys to the Latin ^sculapius, Hercules. But 
there are some cases in which we conclude that the u, which is 
written, has less weight even than i. This might be inferred 
from con-culco, the secondary form of calco, which, according to 

1 The older writers wrote memordi, peposci, pepugi, spepondi, according 
to Gellius, N. A. VII. 9, who, however, says of the common spelling, 
" ita nunc omnes ferme doctiores hujusmodi verbis utuntur." 


the above table, should be either con-cilco or con-celco ; and 
also from difficultas, sepultus, derived from difficilis and sepelio. 
The fact seems to be, that what would be i before R, becomes u 3 
before L; so that u 3 , I 3 , are both ultimate forms of their re- 
spective vowels, and as such are in a state of convergence. 

Accordingly, if we should seek to arrange the Latin vowels 
in regard to their comparative weight, we should, as the result 
of this inquiry, have the following order : 

A (as in musd, &c.) ; U n I t ; A; O, U 2 , I 2 ; E ; U 3 , I 3 . 

6. The Greek Letters used by the Romans. 

The Greek letters subsequently employed by the Romans 
were z, K, and Y. The period at which the first of these was 
introduced is doubtful ; for while, on the one hand, we are told 
that z is found in the Salian songs (Velius Longus, p. 2217 : 
" Mihi videtur nee aliena sermoni fuisse z littera, cum inveniatur 
in carmine Saliari"), on the other hand, we find that, even in 
words borrowed from the Greek, this letter is represented by di, 
as in Sabadius for 2e'/3aos (Apulei Met. VIII. 170), judai- 
diare forjudaizare (Commodian, Instruct, adv. Gent. c. XXXVII. 
634), trapedia for trapeza (Auctor. Rei. Agrar. p. 248), schidia 
for schiza, oridia for oriza, &c. (vide Schneid. Elementarl. I. 
p. 386 ; and Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 296, note I.) The fact seems 
to be, that the Romans had two different characters to express 
the two different values of the Greek z, which was a dental, 
either assibilated (as 0-$), or softened (as $y). Now, in its latter 
use it becomes equivalent to the softened guttural ; for the dental 
and guttural, when combined with y, which is the ultimate 
vocalisation of the gutturals, converge in the sound of our j or 
sh (New Crat. Jf 112, 216). When, therefore, the Greek z 
more nearly approximates to the sound cr, either this is pre- 
served in the Latin transcriptions, as in Mesdentius, Sdepherus, 
for Mezentius, Zephyrus (Max. Victor, p. 1945) ; or the S is 
assimilated to the o-, as in Messentius, massa, Atticisso, comissor, 
badisso, malacisso, &c., by the side of Mezentius, na(a 9 'Arrt- 
Kifyo* Kcojud^a), fla&ify), /uaXa/ci^w, &c. ; or else one or other of 
the two component parts is omitted, as in Saguntus for Zakyn- 
thus, or Medentius for Mezentius. In this case, too, we may 
consider that the letter x occasionally steps in, as in rixa by 
the side of e^t[5]s. When, however, the Greek z is a softened 



, and therefore equivalent to a softened guttural, we find that 
it is represented either by the full combination di 9 as in the 
cases quoted above, or else by the vocalised guttural (j) only. 
Of this latter substitution there are numberless instances : such 
as, Ju-piter, Zei)? irarrip ; jugum, ^e^yot ; &c. Of these the 
most important are the cases connected with the first-quoted 
example, Ju-piter - Dies-pater ; and I must take this oppor- 
tunity of returning to one etymology belonging to this class, 
which has always appeared to me to open the way to a chain of 
the most interesting associations. 

It has been shown elsewhere (N. Grot. 116) how the 
Greek H, originally the mark of aspiration, came to be used as 
a sign for the -long e. Out of that investigation it appeared 
(1) that a short vowel aspirated may be equivalent to an un- 
aspirated long vowel ; (2) that the vocalised consonants i and u 
may change their place ; (3) that these vocalised consonants may 
be absorbed into or represented by the long vowel only. To 
the instances given there, I will now add the iota subscriptum 
of the Greek dative, and the Ionic Greek absorption of v after w, 
as in 9<ovjULa 9 ewvrov, &C. 1 These principles explain the con- 
nexion between rjirap, jecur (Sanscr. yakrit) ; JJ/JLIGV, cictij.ea'os, 
dimidius ; and between qpepa = ^ta/ue^o?, and dies* (comp. diu- 
turnus, juturna ; Diana, Janus, &c.). Now, besides q/mepa, we 
have an adjective ^fppjoor* " civilised/' " cultivated," &c., the re- 
gular antithesis of aypios ; and it has been suggested (ibid. 
150), that this word was originally applied to a country 
through which there was a road or passage, a country divided 
by a road (Sid/mepos) ; just as aypios was properly applied to a 
rude, open country, with nothing but ay pot*. This is sufficiently 

1 In many editions of Herodotus we have these words written 
faiJTov, &c. ; but the accentuation of 6<nvfj.a sufficiently proves that it is a 
dissyllable ; and even if we had not this evidence, it would be contrary to 
all analogy to infer a resolution of a diphthong in a crasis, the sole object 
of which is to shorten the word. Why should TWUTO be written, if it 
were a word of as many syllables as TO avro ? 

2 In the name of the city 'ipepa (another form of ?V 6 'P a > see Bb'ckh's 
note on Pindar, O. XII. 13-21, p. 210), the preposition did is represented 
by the aspirated i. In the words anti-quus, posti-cus, from antea, postea, 
we have 2 = e& = eai. 

3 Hence xapos with its old synonym xPs (New Crat. 280), may be 
considered as an adjective agreeing with the suppressed word aypos, just 


proved by JEsch. Eumen. 13, 14 : KeXevOo-rroioi Trainee ' 
TOV, yQova avrm-epov TtOevres tf^epcofJLevrjv. Find. Isthm. III. 76 
(IV. 97) : vavTiXiatcri re TropOnov a/mepaxraTo. Herod. I. 126 : 
evOavra o Kvpos (rjv yap o \(*>po$ aKavOwoiis ) TOVTOV a<pi 
TOV ^wpov TrpoeiTTG ^rj/ ev rjfjLepq.. IV. 118 : TOUS aict 
e/uLTroSwv yivofjiet'ovs Yi/mepovTcu Trai/Ta?. In all of these passages 
the verb rj/Aepow implies making a clear passage or road ; and in 
Plato (Legg. p. 761 A.) the adjective j/Ve/oo? i s use d as a predi- 

/. t n / ' t A ^ N f t t ' 

cate 01 0009 : ootav T eTTi^eXov^jievov^, OTTW? ws r)/u.epa)Ta.Tai 
eKacTTai yiyvwvTcti 1 . That the Greeks connected road-making 
with civilisation in general, and with the peaceful commerce of 
man with man, appears from many passages (Aristotle, Trepl 
0au/maaiwv aKovff^drwv, c. 85, p. 837, Bekk.; Thucydides, I. 2, 
compared with I. 13, &c.) ; and this is generally implied in all 
the legends relating to Hercules and Theseus. But it has not 
been sufficiently remarked that this road-making was also in- 
timately connected with the cultivation of land. It may, how- 
ever, be shown, that as the Greek aypos becomes ri/u.6po$ when 
divided by a road, by a similar process the Latin ager becomes 
jugerum = di-ager-um. 

Whenever a piece of unemployed ground of ager, so 
called was to be taken into use, whether for cultivation, or 
for the site of a city or a camp, the rules of the ancient limi- 
tatio were immediately applied. Now this very word limi- 
tatio signifies, the dividing of a certain piece of ground into 
main-roads (vice) and cross-roads (limites); and the same pri- 
mary notion is conveyed by tern-plum, so obviously derived from 
tern-no, Gr. TO./JL-VO), comp. Teftevos, &c. For in all limitation 
the first thing done was to observe the templum, i. e. as we 
should say, to take the bearing by the compass 2 . Suppose the 

as x^P a refers to the suppressed word yij : and thus ^wpoy signifies tt land 
not built on" either the open space in a town, or fields in the country 
(Herod. II. 154: S/Saxrt ^wpovy cvoiiefjo-ai), and x^P a ra ther signifies "a 
region," " a territory," in the wider sense. 

1 The word Tj7rfipos = j biairfpav x<*p<*> furnishes another instance of 
the substitution of 17 for did: comp. the epithet Biajrpvvios, Find. N. 
IV. 51, where see the note. 

2 Most ancient nations seem to have connected the regiones cceli with 
the regiones viarum. Thus in old English " the milky way n was called 
" Watling-street," which was the name of one of the four great roads in 
this country ; see Grimm, Deutsche Myth. p. 330, 2d ed. 


augur stood with his back to the north, then the line from north 
to south would be called the cardo, as corresponding to the axis 
of the globe; and that from east to west, which cut the cardo 
at right angles, would be called the decumanus, or " tenth line." 
For both these lines repeated themselves according to the 
number of separate allotments into which the land was divided, 
or the number of separate streets in the city or camp 1 . Now 
the Roman actus or fundus = [120 feet] was the unit of sub- 
division; two of these fundi made a jugerum = di-ager-um, and 
two jugera constituted the heredium of a Roman patrician : con- 
sequently, 200 jugera made up the ager limitatus of a century 
of the old Roman populus (Fest. s. v. Centuriatus, p. 53). If 
this ager limitatus, then, were arranged as a square, we have, 
of course, for each side 20 x 120 feet. Supposing, then, a road 
between each two of the fundi, which there must have been, 
as every two fundi made a di-ager-um, the cardo which passed 
between the tenth and eleventh fundus would be properly 
called the decumanus, and it would consequently be the main 
road, and would be terminated by the main gate (porta decu- 
mana). The point at which the decumanus crossed the cardo 
was called groma or gruma ; and here, in a city or camp, the 
two cross-roads seem to have spread themselves out into a kind 
of forum. There is as much probability in the supposition that 
the immortal name of Rome was derived from this ancient word, 
as there is in any of the numerous etymologies suggested by 
Festus (p. 266). From this it appears, that among the Romans 
it was the same thing to speak of a territory as divided by 
roads, and to call it cultivated, occupied, or built upon ; and the 
jugerum, or divided ager, implied both. To the same principle 

1 It would seem that the word sicilicus (from seed) was properly and 
originally applied to this apportionment of land. In the Bantine Table 
(1. 25) we have nep him pruhipid mais zicolois x nesimois ; which I have 
translated (above, p. 127) : ne in hoc prcehibeat (i.e. prcebeat) plus sicilicis 
x contiguis. According to Klenze (Abhandl. p. 60) x nesimois = decimis; 
but I cannot understand why we should have an ordinal here. The root 
of ne-simus appears in nahe, near, next, &c. ; and I would understand it 
of so many adjoining allotments. The sicilicus was 600 square feet, i. e. 
E of the jugerum, or ^ of the actus. Consequently, the 30 contiguous 
sicilici mentioned in 1. 17 would be |- of the jugerum, or f of the actus; 
and the ten contiguous sicilici would, therefore be ji of the former and 
T5 of the latter. 


we may refer the importance attached by the ancients to straight 
ploughing 1 ; for the furrow was the first element of the road; 
and the urbs itself was only that space round which the plough 
had been formally and solemnly drawn. 

The Romans were very sparing in their use of the Greek 
letter K. It was occasionally employed to form the syllable ka, 
as in Jcalumnia, kandidatus, kaput, Karthago, Kastor, evoka- 
tus, judikandus, Parkarum ; but in these instances it was con- 
sidered quite superfluous ; and Quintilian thinks (I. 4, 9, and 7, 
10) that its use ought to be restricted to those cases in which 
it serves as the conventional mark of an abbrevation, as in K. = 
Kceso, and K. or Kal. = Kalendce. Isidor (flrigg. 1, 4) and 
Petrus Diaconus (p. 1582, Putsch) tell us that the letter K was 
added to the Roman alphabet by the ludi-magister Sallustius, 
in order to mark a distinction between K and Q. It occurs in the 
oldest Latin inscription which has come down to us (above, p. 220) 
in the Greek word Kastorus, and was probably suggested by an 
increased intercourse with the Greek colonies of southern Italy 
long before Sp. Carvilius introduced the distinction between c 
and G. 

The letter Y was never used by the Romans except as the 
transcription of v in words derived either from or through the 
Greek ; and it seems to have been a representative of those 
sounds which have been designated above by the characters Uj 
and u 3 , both of which involve an approximation to the sound of i. 
Hence, in the French alphabet it is not improperly called " the 
Greek i" (i grec). In many words, rather connected with the 
Greek than derived from it, the v is represented by i, as in 
cliens, in-clitus (K\VW), clipeus (KPVTTTW), silva (vXFrj), &c. ; 
while in others the v has become E, as in socer (eKvpos), remulco 
(jO>vp0vX*e), polenta (TraXwrri), &c. The Roman u 2 sometimes 
represents the common v of the Greeks, as in lupus (Xv/co?), nunc 
(yvv) t fui (<pvw), &/c. ; sometimes the Greek o, as in all nouns 
of the o-declension. 

1 See Hesiod. Op. et D. 443 : 

05 K cpyov fj.\rS)v Welav av\a.K c\avvoi, 
prjKeTi irairraivuv peff ofMqXiKas. 
Luke ix. 62 ; and comp. the tropical use of delirare. 



7. The Numeral Signs. 

This examination of the Latin alphabet will not be complete 
without some remarks on the signs which were used by the 
Romans to denote the numeral adjectives. Priscian, in his 
usual school-boy way, has endeavoured to establish the connexion 
between the numeral signs as we have them, and the ordinary 
Roman capitals. Thus, quinque, he tells us, is represented by 
V, because this is the fifth vowel ; quinquayinta is L, because, 
etymologically, L and N may be interchanged, and N is TTCVT^ 
Kovra in Greek ; quingenti is D, because this is the next letter 
to C ! and so forth (Priscian, II. p. 388, ed. Krehl). 

Now there can be no doubt that the Roman numeral signs 
are derived from the Tuscans ; though in certain cases a Roman 
capital has been substituted for an Etruscan character which 
does not cor respond -to it in value, and though in these instances 
the figures are either inclined or reversed. The Etruscan cha- 
racters are as follows: 

I, II, III, IlII, A, AI, All, AIII, IX, X, &c. 
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. 

XX, XXX, XXXX, or XT T, TX, &c, 

20, 30, 40, 50, 60, 

, 8, >, &c. 

100, 1000, 5000, 10000. 

It is sufficiently obvious that the first ten of these characters 
are identical with the Roman figures, the A, &c. being reversed ; 
and as T> is often written T, and as <!/ X, frequently occur on 
Roman family coins, we may recognise in this character the 
original of the Roman L, and therefore identify the Etruscan 
and Roman ciphers from 1 to 99. The Roman C and the 
Etruscan do not appear to be connected ; but the Etruscan 8, 
or, as it is also written 0, is clearly the same as the Roman HH, 
0, and do, for which M was subsequently written ; and the 
same remark applies to the still higher numbers. 

If, then, the Roman ciphers were derived from the Tuscans. 
it is obvious that we must seek in the Tuscan language for an 
interpretation. Now it cannot be doubted that the Tuscan 
numeral signs are either letters of the alphabet slightly changed, 


or combinations of such characters made according to fixed rules. 
Thus, A is the inverted V = u; T* or T is an inverted ^ = ch l ; 
and 8 =/ Since, therefore, the position of these letters in the 
organic alphabet does not correspond to their value as numeral 
signs, we must conclude that they represent the initials of the 
numerals in the Etruscan, just as M afterwards denoted mille in 
the Latin language. We do not know any Etruscan numeral, 
and therefore cannot pretend to any certainty on this subject ; 
but this is the most probable inference. The manner in which 
the elementary signs are combined to form the intermediate 
numerals is more easily and safely investigated. The character 
denoting unity is perhaps selected from its simplicity ; it is the 
natural and obvious score in every country. This character is 
combined with itself to form the next three digits, though four is 
sometimes expressed as 5 1, according to the principle of sub- 
traction so common among the Romans (comp. duodeviginti, &c.). 
The same plan is adopted to form the numerals between 5 and 
10. The number 10 is represented by a combination of two V's 
thus, X ; and this figure enclosed in a circle indicates the 
multiplication of 10 by itself, or 100. The letter 8, or Q, being 
assumed as the representative of 1000, its half, or D, would 
indicate 500 ; and as multiplication by ten was indicated by a 
circle in the case of 100, on the same principle (fTj) would be 
10,000, and its half or T\ would represent 5000. 

These rules for the formation of one numeral from another 
are more obvious than the origin of the elementary numeral 
signs. But where certainty is not within our reach, we must be 
contented with a solution of those difficulties which may be sub- 
mitted with safety to a philological analysis. 

1 It is possible that this character may be the half of that which 
denotes 100, according to the principle stated below. 



1. Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case-system. 2. General scheme of the 
case-endings. 3. Differences of crude form. 4. Hypothetical forms of the 
nominative and accusative plural. 5. Existing forms the genitive. 6. The 
dative and locative. 7. The accusative singular. 8. The ablative. 9. 
The neuter forms. 10. The vocative. 11. Adverbs considered as cases of 
nouns. 12. Adverbial expression for the day of the month. 

1. Fulness and deficiencies of the Latin case- system. 

THE system of cases, with which the Latin noun is furnished, 
presents a greater abundance and variety of forms than that 
of the Greek declension. The Greek noun has no distinct ablative 
case ; its accusative has frequently lost its characteristic termina- 
tion ; the genitive includes the ablative meaning ; and the loca- 
tive is almost obsolete. The greater number and variety of the 
Latin cases is due to the more ancient state or condition of the 
language, and perhaps also to its composite structure. As the 
language degenerates into the so-called Romance idioms, we find 
that its cases are gradually lost, and their place taken by a 
number of prefixes, which add indeed to the syntactical distinct- 
ness of the language, but purchase this advantage by sacrificing 
the etymological development. The student of Latin, however, 
very soon discovers that the variety of case-forms is the very 
reverse of an advantage. For idiomatic usage has introduced so 
much confusion into the use of the genitive, dative, and ablative, 
that the two latter derive all their distinctions from the preposi- 
tions attached to the ablative, while the genitive, in many cases, 
differs from the ablative only as an arbitrary form, and without 
any reference to a distinction of meaning. If we revert to the 
Greek language, which still retains the more accurate distinctions 
of case, we shall see that the genitive, or case of ablation, denotes 
the origin of motion or action ; the dative, or case of accession, 
denotes juxta-position, immediate proximity, rest and presence ; 
the accusative, or case of transition, denotes the end of motion 
or action, the object to which something is proceeding. Now 
the Latin, in most instances, is unable to express this simple 
relation of unde, ubi, and quo by the mere case-endings. If we 
except certain adverbs derived from nouns, certain agglutinate 


forms, such as meridie, postridie, &c., some few nouns, as rus, 
domus, humus, bellum, militia, and the proper names of cities, 
we have no locative in Latin, and no case for the simple expres- 
sion of departure or approach, and are obliged to use prepositions, 
such as in, ab, ad, to convey these meanings. And even with 
regard to the forms which are still used as locatives, differences 
of declension produce endless confusions, which all the old and 
some modern grammarians have enhanced by making arbitrary 
rules for differences of case in the syntax of different declensions. 
Thus because nouns in -a, -us, of the first and second declension, 
had a locative in -a-i = ce, and in -o-i = i, we are told that mili- 
tice, Romce, domi, Cypri are genitive cases ; whereas ruri, 
Carthagine, Athenis are ablatives, because the locative approxi- 
mates or corresponds to the mutilated ablative in the consonantal 
declension. These labourers in the work of making the Latin 
language unlearnable, except by the parrot use of the memory, 
could not perceive that as dies is masculine when it means " a 
day/' ho-die and postri-die must belong to the same forms, and 
that if the former is from ho-i-die, the latter must be from 
postero-i-die. The fact is that the locative originally ended in 
'in or -im, and this was corrupted in every form with the ex- 
ception of such words as partim, enim, &c. ; hence, to restore 
the original ending, we must write, with different amounts of 
alteration or addition, militia-im (-in), Roma-im (-in), domo-im 
(-in), Cypro-im (-in), rur-im (-in), Carthagin-im (-in), Athenis- 
im (-in). 

2. General scheme of the case-endings. 

In treating of the Latin cases, our attention is directed to 
three different aspects under which they may be considered. 
We may regard them either according to a general scheme de- 
rived from all the declensions, or as modified by those varieties 
in the termination of the crude form which constitute differences 
of declension ; or we may take both of these together, and add 
to them those additional phenomena which are furnished by the 
adverb. A supplementary source of information respecting the 
cases may be derived from those nouns, whether substantive or 
adjective, which are obviously formed from the oblique cases of 
other nouns. Thus, we know that the original Greek genitive 
ended in -cno (Sanscr. sya) from the form of the possessive ad- 

18 .2 



[On. VIII. 

jective Sri/moa-io? (Bopp, Vergl. Gramm. p. 294, note). Simi- 
larly, a case in -ine, analogous to the Sanscrit instrumental, may 
be inferred both from the particle sine and from the derivative 
forms urbdnus (= urbainus), &c., and officma (= officftnd), &c. 

If we confine ourselves to the forms of the noun, we get the 
following general scheme of the case-endings. 








(sometimes absorbed, assimilated, 
or dropt by visargdh) 

is, JUS, sis (originally -siom) 

7 (the b is preserved only in 
the pronouns) 


d[d 1 (the d is found only in old Latin) 

i[m] or i\n\ 


[Vj&S (variously modified) 
|_?"JWWl (originally siom-s) 

\b~\US = IS 

E-i (the singular m con- 
J* stantly absorbed) 

PT -i ^ 

10 IWo ^ = IS 

is- [im~\ or is- [in]. 

3. Differences of crude form. 

By taking the different crude forms according to the usual 
classification, we shall at once see how this scheme is modified 
and applied. The declensions will be fully discussed in a sepa- 
rate chapter, and it will be sufficient in this place to show how the 
different cases attach themselves to the different characteristics. 


Norn. lapi[d]s 

Gen. lapid-is 

Dat. lapid-i-\bf\ (= i) 

Accus. lapid-e-m 

Abl. lapid-e[cT\ 

Loc. lapid-im ? 


lapid-[s~]-es (= es) 
lapid-e-rum l 
lapid-e[m]s (- es). 






familia-\_ses] (- ai, ce) 

familia-is (- as, ai, ce) familia-rum 
familia-\b]i (= ce) familia-bus (= is) 2 

1 Charisius, I. 40. 

2 For the form in -bus comp. Orelli, Inscr. nos. 1628, 1629, 4G01, &c.; 
and K. L. Schneider, Formenlehre, I. pp. 25, sqq. 




Accus. familia-m 

Abl. familia-\cT\ (= a) 

Loc. familia-i (= ce) 

familia-[m~\s (= as) 
familia-is-im ? 







die-s = dia-is 





Nora, avi-s 

Gen. avi-is ( = avyis, avis) 

Dat. avi-\b\i ( = avi) 

Accus. avi-m ( = em) 

Abl. <m'-[cf] 

Loc. avi-[m]? 


avo-is (or sus or 


Dat. avo-\b~\i ( = o) 

Accus. avo-m 

Abl. avo[d] 

Loc. avo-i-[ni\ = av 







die-sim ? 


*^] ( = es) 

avi-[m\s ( = es) 


CLVO-SeS ( = CLVl, as in gen. sing.) 


avo-ibus ( = ?) 
avo-[m]s (6s) 3 
avo-ibus ( is) 
avo-is-[im~\ ? 

1 This genitive appeal's sometimes under the form -es, sometimes 
also under the form -, as : pernides, gen. pernicies, progenies, gen. pro- 
genii. See the passages quoted by Schwartze, das alte ^Egypten, p. 665. 

2 As &7/xoVio, dr>fjLoio, Sj;/iov, comp. the nom. plural. 

3 The dative or ablative in -bus is sometimes found in those nouns 
which have e or i before the characteristic : thus we have diibus from 
deus (Gruter, IT. 9 ; XXIV. 6 ; XLVI. 9) ; and flibus from Jllius (id. 
DLIII. 8 ; DLIV. 4). 



[Cn. VIII. 



Nom. fructu-s 
Gen. fructu-is (= us) 
Dat. fructu-\b\i (= u) 
Accus. fructu-m 
Abl. fructu-[d] 
Loc. fructu-im ? 


fructu-ses (- us) 



fructu-[m\s (= us) 



4. Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusative 


If now we compare these particular instances with the 
general scheme, we shall see that, taking all the varieties of the 
crude form, of which the above are specimens, there are only 
two assumptions in the general table, namely, the original 
forms of the nominative and accusative plural. All the others 
are actually found, either in nouns or pronouns, at some epoch 
of the language. 

With regard to the nominative and accusative plural, the 
assumed original forms are derived from a sound induction ac- 
cording to the principles of comparative philology. 

And first with regard to the nominative plural. The sign 
of this case must have been originally -s throughout the de- 
clensions. Now it appears from general considerations, as well as 
from an induction of facts, that -s was also the sign of the no- 
minative singular (New Cratylus, 243). Therefore the -s of 
the nominative plural, if it was to distinguish the form from the 
same case in the singular, cannot have been appended to the 
mere crude form of the noun ; for then the nominatives singular 

7 O 

and plural would have been one and the same inflexion. It must 
have been formed by adding the -s (with, of course, an inter- 
vening short vowel, for the Latin language does not tolerate a 
double -s at the end of a word) to the full form of the nomina- 
tive, and thus constituting, as the total addition to the crude form, 
or the real termination, the syllable -ses. If we compare lapid-es, 
patr-es, with e\7n-es, Trare/3-es, we shall see that the long e in 
the Latin words cannot be accounted for otherwise than by the 
absorption of an s, which has probably become vocalized in i. 
In the Greek forms this s, like the v of the accusative, has been 


dropt altogether. This view is supported, not only by the fact 
that the plurals vo-bis, Xoyo-i-s, &c., actually stand in this re- 
lation to the singulars ti-bi, Xoyw = Xoyo-i, &c., but even more 
so by the analogy of the genitive singular. For in many cases 
the genitive singular is identical, in its ^secondary form, with the 
nominative plural : thus familice, avi, are the common forms of 
both cases. But familice is actually written familids familiars 
in compounds with pater, mater, filius, &c. Hence we may 
presume the same original form of the nominative plural familice 
(compare dies, &c). Now the original form of the nom. singular 
must have been familia-s ; consequently, if, when the nom. sing, 
was familia, the nom. plur. was familia-es = familice, it follows 
that when the nom. sing, was familia-s, the nom. plur. must 
have been familia-ses. The same follows from the form avi. 
The omission-of s between two vowels is fully supported by Greek 
analogies : for if eXeyov is manifestly a corruption of eXcyecro, 
'i^Oves niay well be a similar corruption of '{-^Ovcres. I have pre- 
ferred to treat the original form of the nominative plural as an 
assumption, and to support it by the arguments which I have just 
adduced ; but if we remember that the original s of many Roman 
words was not changed into R till about the 4th century A.U.C. 
(above, Ch. VII. fi 3), we might take the existence of such 
forms as spe res (which occurs in fragments of Ennius), and 
gnaru-res (which is found in Plautus, Mostellaria, I. 2, 17; 
Pcenulus, prol. 47), as a distinct confirmation of the theory. And 
here again the analogy of the genitive becomes applicable, as will 
be seen below ($ 5). The pronouns also supply a partial confir- 
mation of the above induction ; for though in common Latin we 
find a genitive singular in -s by the side of a nominative plural 
in -i, we learn from old inscriptions that there was also a nomi- 
native plural in -s : see Senatus Cons, de Bacch. 11. 3, 7 ; Lex 
Rom. Bant. Tab. 1. 21; Klenze ad Leg. Servil. p. 12. 

Again, in regard to the accusative plural, which in all the 
above instances ends in -s preceded by a long vowel, we must 
infer that -s is the termination of the plural as such, from con- 
siderations of the same nature with those which have just been 
brought forward. We should also have no difficulty in sup- 
posing that the long vowel indicates the absorption of some con- 
sonant. This consonant can only be the -m of the accusative 
singular ; for not only is this most probable a priori, but it is 


the only supposition which explains all the phenomena. Let us 
take the Greek, Latin, Sanscrit, and Gothic forms in a particular 
word ; and we shall see that, while the Gothic alone preserves 
the outward marks of such a derivation of the accusative plural 
from the accusative singular, the only possible explanation of the 
other forms is the supposition that they were originally identical 
with the Gothic. Thus, XVKO-V, lupu-m, vrika-m, vulfa-n, are the 
accusative singular of synonymous words in these four languages. 
The plural of the Gothic vulfa-n is simply vulfa-n-s, whereas all 
the other forms strengthen the final vowel of the crude form, 
and drop one of the concluding consonants : XUKOV becomes 
XJ/covs, lupum is converted into lupos, and vrikam into vrikan. 
The comparison of oSovs, &c., with dens, &c., shows us that XVKOVS 
may stand for XVKOVS ; and the analogy of TVTTTWV = TVTTTOV[T~]S 
is sufficient to explain the change of vrikans into vrikan. The 
Umbrian also has shown us both the original formation and the 
corruption of the accusative plural : for while we have abron-s 
exactly corresponding to the Gothic vulfan-s, we have also abrof t 
which, as I have shown (above, p. 91), must have proceeded from 
abrom-h = abrom-s. If we add to this, that when the accusa- 
tive singular has lost its final consonant, the plural accusative 
merely adds -s to the existing form of the singular (as in 
avopa[y~\, f rvirTovTa.\_v\< > sing., avopa-$i TVTTTOVTO.-<S, plural), we 
have, it should seem, the most satisfactory evidence which the 
subject admits, in support of the assumed original form of the 
accusative plural. 

Having thus justified the only hypothetical forms in the 
above scheme of cases, it will be desirable to make some remarks 
on the most striking peculiarities in the existing inflexions. 

5. Existing forms the Genitive. 

In the general scheme, the genitive singular is characterised 
by the terminations -is, -sis, or -jus ; the gen. plural by the 
ending -rum, where the r is generally dropt, except in the a, e, 
and o declensions, which constantly retain it. The difficulty 
here felt is, to connect the plural form with the singular. 
Struve's assertion (iiber die Lat. Decl. 3, 15), that the r is 
merely euphonic, would tend, if we assented to it, to complicate 
and increase this difficulty in no small degree. The comparative 
philologer cannot doubt that the original form of the genitive 


plural in the Indo- Germanic languages was that which is pre- 
served in the Sanscrit -sdm=2QM (see Miiller ad Varron. L. L. 
VIII. 74, p. 192). This form, after the fourth century A. u. c., 
would appear in Latin as ROM, which was afterwards softened into 
RUM. The Indians wrote -nam for -sam in many of their words 
where the n represents the s, as in vrikdn forvrtkds=vrikam-s; 
but in the pronouns, which generally preserve the authentic forms 
longer than the nouns, we have ta-sdm=istd-rum. The Greeks 
very often omitted an a- between two vowels in a case like this ; 
and as they wrote eXeyou for eXeye&o, 'i-^Ou-e^ for 'i-^Ouar-e^, so- 
they gave us &j/uo<o or ultimately Srj/iAov, for the original 
and /jLovord-wv, or ultimately JULOVCTCOV, for novadcrcov = iiovc 
That -rum is the proper and genuine form of the Latin genitive 
is proved not merely by the fact that the Romans actually wrote 
-wn for -orum when it suited their convenience *, thereby showing 
the reason for the omission of the r in the other declensions, but 
also by the fact that the r is found in the pronouns, the oldest and 
most immutable parts of speech, and that in the more ancient state 
of the language even nouns of the other declensions retained the 
r: thus we hear of such words as boverum, Joverum (Varro, 
L. L. VIII. 74), lapiderum, nucerum, regerum (Cn. Gellius 
apud Charisium, I. 40), This evidence receives very striking 
confirmation from the analogy of the genitive singular. The most 
common characteristic of the genitive singular is the termination 
-is. There are reasons, however, which may induce us to doubt 
if this is the full and original form of the genitive- ending. The 
Sanscrit vrikasya compared with AJ/coto, and the possessive Srnu.o- 
crtos by the side of Stymo-io, might lead us to suspect that the ter- 
mination commenced with an s, which was subsequently absorbed ; 
and this suspicion is confirmed by the fact, that there are, in old 
Latin, genitives ending in ~ris = -sis where the r=s is not part of 
the crude form. Thus we have sue-ris for suis in the fragment 
of Plautus quoted by Festus, s. v. Spetile, p. 330 : " Esto per- 
nam, sumen sueris, spetile, callum, glandia." Compare Varro, 
L. L. V. $ 110, p. 44. And from the extant forms of the nomi- 
native plural in -res we may fairly infer that the genitive in 
-ris=sis was not uncommon. The Latin possessive adjectives end 
in -ius or -eus, e. g. prcetor-ius from prcetor, virgin-eus from 

On this abbreviation, sec Cicero's remarks in Orator, c. 46, 155. 


virgo, (virgin-} ; and as the analogy of d^juio-cnos, vrtka-sya, 
leads us to an assumption of an original -sius, we must insert s 
also in the pronominal genitives in -jus^ -ius, which, as we shall 
see in a subsequent chapter, are derived from the possessives of 
the pronouns. We cannot doubt that adjectives in -tos = -o-ios 
are formed from the genitive in -to = -crio, and as these adjectives 
are only weaker forms of the quasi-comparatives in -ia)v= -onov-s, 
the original form of the genitive must have been -a-tov in Greek, 
which would amount to -siom in Latin ; and the plural, originally 
-cri(Dv=(rtov-?, in the former language, would become siom-s=sium 
in Latin, from which it is softened to -sum, just as the -w$ of 
TToXeo)? falls into -us in cu-jus, &c. Compare also the Sanscrit 
dual -bhydm with the plural -bhyas or bhis. 

6. The Dative and Locative. 

In Greek, the dative, as the case denoting rest and proximity, 
indicates whatever is close at hand, and thus implies the in- 
strument or occasion, as well as that which is receptive of gain, 
or that which is the locality of the action. In other words, it 
includes the three Sanscrit cases, which are denoted as the in- 
strumental, the dative, and the locative. These three cases end 
in -ina, -aya, and -i. There is reason to believe that the first of 
these affixes is the original type. It is identical with the forms 
d-j>a, f /-i/ot, originally f-a-va, and it thus appears that it is only 
partially represented by -<pi, -bi, -i, which are the usual termi- 
nations of the Greek and Latin dative and locative. The Greek 
pronouns, e/u/i/, re'/V, rtV, >, (j<j)iv, (f>lv, v|/fi>, contain the whole 
affix, and it always appears in the Greek dual, as in Q.V-TO-LV = 
avro-ipiv, where the characteristic of plurality is omitted, as in 
the Latin plural -sum = -rum. We may also conclude that the 
Latin -bis, in no-bis, vo-bis, has lost the n necessary to the full 
form, which is preserved in the particle s-ine, which is presumed 
in words like officina, and which appears slightly altered from 
the Sanscrit instrumental in words like partim, enim, olim, istim. 
The termination -bi -<f>i is dative and instrumental in ti-bi, 
vo-bis, but simply local in u-bi, i-bi, &c. Commonly the Latin 
locative ends in -i, agreeing in this with the Sanscrit. But when 
the characteristic of the noun is a consonant, it is generally 
shortened into e, especially if the word is of more than two syl- 
lables. The locative of rus is ruri. In the plural the dative 


and locative are always confused with the ablative ; and instances 
occur even in classical Latin where the dative of an ordinary 
noun, with the sense of limitation, appears in the form of the 
ablative in e. In some phrases this is rather the rule than the 
exception; such are pignore dare, for pignori; lllviri auro 
argento cere flando feriundo, for ceri; jure dicundo for juri ; 
qui dant quique accipiuntfcenore, forfoenori ; &c. (see Schneider, 
Lat. Gr. II. pp. 200, sqq. ; Muller, ad Varro. L. L. V. p. 16). 
If there is any reason for using the term dativus in reference 
to the case of a noun, it must surely be applicable to morte in the 
epitaph of Plautus, quoted by Gellius (N. A. I. 84) : Postquam 
est morte datus Plautus, Comosdia luget, for here the form in 
-e actually follows a verb of giving. Thus we see that ore is not 
the ablative but the dative in (Virgil, Georg. I. 430) : 

si virgineum suffuderit ore ruborem; 
and that it is a locative in (Georg. III. 439) : 
linguis micat ore trisulcis. 

7, The Accusative Singular. 

The m, which marks the accusative singular in Latin and 
Sanscrit, is only a weaker form of the dental v, which appears 
in Greek. This dental is the residuum of the third pronominal 
element, and denotes distance and objectivity. We are not to 
suppose that partem and partim are the same word, or generally 
that the accusative and locative are the same form. The i which 
appears in the latter, with or without the accusative affix, con- 
stitutes the essential difference between the two cases. Belonging 
to the second pronominal element, this i is in itself an expression 
of proximity ; and thus, while parte-m denotes that " the part" 
is an object to be approached or acted on, part-i-m indicates 
that not only is the part an object, but also that it is close at 
hand for use or superposition. It is true that the temporal 
particles quum, turn, nun-c, jam, &c., are not less locative in 
meaning than olim, and that the causal nam, though accusative 
in form, coincides in signification with the locative enim. But 
we must remember that quod, quod si, quippe = quia-pe, on, 
ore, are, SEC. are used as general expressions of objectivity ; and 
we must not allow syntactical equivalences to interfere with our 
etymological discrimination. 


$ 8. The Ablative. 

In ordinary Latin the ablative is used as the case of instru- 
mentality in both numbers; and in the plural there is no dis- 
tinction between it and the dative. The specimens of old Latin 
in Chapter VI. have sufficiently shown that the termination of 
the ablative was d, or, perhaps, at one period of the language, t. 
The instrumental ending in Sanscrit is, as we have seen, -ina ; and 
the Sanscrit ablative ended, like the Latin, in -d. The tendency 
of the instrumental and ablative the case of proximity and the 
case of derivation,- to interchange their significations, is a phe- 
nomenon, in which the philosophical grammarian finds no difficulty. 
The fact that sine and sed are so nearly synonymous is an 
obvious exemplification of this tendency. It is a more serious 
imperfection of the Latin case-system that the ablative, though 
distinguished in form from the genitive, should sometimes agree 
with it in meaning, and sometimes coincide in sense with it& 
direct opposite the dative. With regard to the singular number, 
which has an ablative properly so called, there can be no doubt 
that in Latin and Sanscrit, as well as in Greek, the genitive and 
ablative are traceable to a common origin. The full, original, 
and proper form of the genitive singular was -sion, and this in 
Greek often appeared as -Oev: cf. #eos = <rioV In Sanscrit the 
ablative vrik&t bears the same relation to the genitive vrikasya 
that the genitive TroXecos does to a more ancient TroXtoVtoi/, or 
the adverb /caXws to an original Ka\o-0ev, or the common rvTrrft? 
to the inevitably assumed Tvirre-cri. It is well known that the 
Latin adverbs in -tus correspond to the Greek in -Oev; thus 
cceli-tus = ovpavo-Oev ; and the Greek termination 5- in -&jf , &c. 
involves this ending -Oev (Neiv Crat. 263). There is there- 
fore every reason to believe that the Latin ablative in -d or -t is 
an apocopated form of a case in -dus or -tus, which is resolvable 
to an ultimate identity with the genitive. 

9. The Neuter Forms. 

The neuter accusative, which serves also as a nominative 
(see New Crat. 236), ends, like the usual accusative, in -m in 
all nouns of the vowel-declensions. There is no doubt, however, 
that this m may be traced back through the dental liquid n, 
which represents it in Greek, to the dental mute -d or -t. Thus 


we have i-d, illu-d, quo-d, &c. to the latest period of the lan- 
guage; we have also met, tet, set, or med, ted, sed ; ego-met, 
me-met, ted-ipsum, inter sed (Senat. Consult, de Bacch. 11. 
13, 14) ; and we shall see in the next chapter that the final s or 
r, in nouns like corpu-s, robo-r, genu-s, &c., is a softening of an 
original t or d. We must take care not to confuse this t or d 
with the same letter appearing as the affix of the ablative. The 
long vowel, which precedes the dental in that case, shows that 
there is apocope or absorption of something more than a mere 
consonant, and abundant reason has been given for the inference 
that this d has passed through th from an original sibilant repre- 
senting the second pronominal element. On the contrary, the 
accusative m, n, d or t is merely the residuum of the third pro- 
nominal element, denoting simple objectivity. The forms of the 
neuter-plural show, a fortiori, that the dental affix in the singular 
was a mere letter, and not a syllable, as in the case of the 
ablative. For all neuter nouns, to whatever declension they 
belong, form their plural nominative-accusative in a in the Zend 
and in the old European languages of this family. Now the 
Greek language shows us that n, when it stands by itself at the 
end of a word, or precedes a dental mute, may be changed into 
a, and this vowel may even represent the combination -VT. Thus 
we have Trdrepa for Trdrepv, TTv(parai for TTv<pvTai, crw- 
'(oiaro for o-w^oivro, TrdOos for TrevOos, and even c)e/ca for ^e/cei/r, 
and o-ft^ua for a-w/uetrr. There is therefore no objection, d priori, 
to the hypothesis, but rather a presumption, that the plural -d 
represents an original -VT ; and it seems quite reasonable to 
assume that f v\a - %V\CV-T ; for if the objective v or T of the 
singular had to be extended into a plural, we should not in this 
case append the personal or subjective s, as in the case of mas- 
culine and feminine nouns, but should rather repeat the objective 
affix. Now it is known that the neuter plural in Latin originally 
ended in -d; thus we find in the Senatus Consult, de Bacch. 
1. 24 : quei advorsum ea-d fecisent. Again, we find in Sanscrit 
that neuter plurals end in -ni ; thus madhu = fj.e9v makes mad- 
hti-ni=/me0v-a; and the final i must be a vocalization of a second w, 
just as conversely nn is substituted for ni in %evvos - f eVto? = 
^e?i^o9. Lastly, while the Erse plural of the third personal 
pronoun is sidd for swiad, the Welsh form of the plural is 
hwynt for swynt. Putting all these facts together, we must 


come to the conclusion that the neuter accusative singular ended 
in -m =-w = - or -d, and that the plural a represents an original 
-nd -nt = -nn or -mm. 

The pronominal neuters in ae, as quce, hcec, &c., are ex- 
plained in a subsequent chapter. 

I 10. The Vocative. 

The vocative, i. e. the case of allocution, exhortation, or ex- 
clamation, is not distinguished from the nominative except in 
nouns of the second declension, and in certain Greek words 
adopted by the classical writers. When a noun in -us has to be 
used in the vocative, the crude form is employed with the lightest 
substitution for the characteristic vowel. Thus dominus makes 
domine. If i precedes the characteristic, the vocative e is ab- 
sorbed, and filius makes fill - filie. The same is the case with 
meus which has for its vocative mi = mee. As the regular nomina- 
tive plural of deus is di, the Romans, to avoid confusion, did not 
use a vocative dee = di. This rule does not apply to adjectives, 
as Cyntliie from Cyntliius, Sperch'ie from SpercTiius. The vo- 
cative Cat exposes the common erj*or of pronouncing the dactyl 
Cams as a trochee ; for if this had been true the vocative must 
have been Cai-e. In point of fact, Caius is scanned regularly 
in three syllables ; thus we have (Martial, IX. Ep. 93) : 

v. 4. Pervigil in pluma Caius, ecce, jacet. 

v. 7. Quod debes, Cai, redde, inquit Phoebus. 

v. 10. Caius et mallet verbera mille pati. 

v. 12. Non mavis quam ter Caius esse tuus. 

Although the vocative, as a distinct case, is thus limited 
to a few forms in the language, the Latin writers give it occa- 
sionally a very remarkable extension of use. Thus it is made 
to agree with the nominative tu: as 

Stemmate quod Tusco ramum millesime ducis, 
Censoremne tuum vel quod trabeate salutas. 

(Pers. III. 27, 28). 

This is regularly the case in the idiomatic use of macte = magis 
aucte (i. e. frugibus et mold) ; thus we have : macte virtute esto, 
"be increased in virtue" (Hor. I. Serm. II. 31); macte nova 
virtute puer, " be increased in your young valour" (Virg. ^En. 
IX. 641). And even in an oblique sentence, as : juberem [te~\ 
macte virtute esse (Liv. II. 12). 


11. Adverbs considered as Cases of Nouns. 

If now we add to the observations derived from the actual 
cases of nouns, the additional phenomena furnished by the ad- 
verbs, the subject of this chapter will have received all the 
examination of which it is capable. 

Adverbs are, properly speaking, certain cases of pronouns 
and nouns, and under particular circumstances they are deduced 
from the participles or supines of verbs. Their syntactical use is 
as secondary predicates, inasmuch as they convey predication 
only through the verb of the sentence. The Greeks employ their 
adjectives and participles for this purpose without any additional 
inflexion ; but the Roman adverbs are always cases, and some- 
times, if one may use the expression, double or superimposed 
cases of nominal or pronominal forms. 

Pronominal adverbs are secondary predicates either of place 
or of time. The former indicate (a) " locality," in which case 
they generally exhibit the locative endings -bi and -im or the 
accusative -m : thus, from the demonstrative is and the relative 
qui, we have i-bi and u-bi, originally cubi, comp. ali-cubi, &c. ; 
from iste we have istim, &c. ; and the ending -m appears in 
us-quam or uspiam, &c. ; (b) " motion towards," in which case 
they end in -o : as ul-tro, " to a place beyond" (see Doderlein, 
Syn. u. Etym. III. pp. 105, sqq.); quo, "whither ;" eo, "thither;" 
&c. ; sometimes -c is appended : thus we have illuc, istuc, by 
the side of illo, isto ; (c) " motion from," in which case the 
ending is -nde, or -nee, -nque : thus we have i-nde from is 9 
\_c\u-nde from qui, aliu-nde from alius, hi-nc from hi-c, illi-nc 
from ille, utri-nque from uter ; (d) " the way," in which case 
we have a feminine ablative in -d agreeing with via understood, 
as qua, ed, &c. The forms of class (c) deserve some special 
remark. The comparison of turn with tune shows that the n 
would have been written m, if the c had not been appended. 
And the same remark applies to exin-de, hin-c, illin-c, istin-c : 
for exim occurs in Lucretius, (see Lachmann on III. 161), and 
Ritschl has claimed illim and istim for the text of Plautus 
(Rhein. Mus. 1850. pp. 472, sqq.). But this does not interfere 
with the inference that the accusative and locative m is the re- 
presentative of an original dental. There can be no doubt that 
the termination -de is identical with that of the ablative, and, as 
we have seen, with the termination -tus. Bopp, who was aware 


of this ( Vergl. Gramm. p. 610), proposes to consider the same 
letter as included in hinc, illinc, istinc, which he regards as cor- 
ruptions of hindc, illindc, istindc. I should not desire any 
other proof of the importance of the distinction which I first in- 
troduced into the analysis of the pronominal elements {New Crat. 
130). According to the principle which regulates all combi- 
nations of these elements, n -f c denotes motion " from the there 
to the here" and therefore expresses ablation or removal quite 
as naturally as the affix -de = -tus, which is in fact ultimately 
referable to the same source (N. Crat. 262). 

Pronominal adverbs of time generally end in -m, as turn, 
quum ; in -nc, -nque, as tu-nc, cu-nque ; or in -ndo, -nquam, as 
qua-ndo, nu-nquam. 

Adverbs derived from nouns adjective and substantive either 
end in e, o, or ter ; or else they are merely adjectives in the 
neuter objective case. 

(a) Adverbs in e or o, anciently ending in -ed, or -od, are, 
in fact, ablative cases of adjectives : thus valde, originally vali- 
dod ; bene, originally bonod ; cito, originally citod ; certe or 
certo, originally certod, &c., are the ablative cases of validus, 
bonus, citus, certus, &c. respectively. The Greeks had a large 
class of adverbs of the same kind ; but in these the final -d of 
the ablative has been softened down, according to the laws of 
Hellenism, into an -5 : thus, ovrw<$, KO\WS, &c. represent the old 
forms of the ablative, ovroS, Ka\6<$, &c. (see N. Crat. 249). 
There are two cases where this 5- seems still to exist, '/<5-to? and 
'Acf)poS-iTri (Sanscr. Abhrdd-ita) ; and there is one instance in 
which the metre of Homer will not allow its modern represen- 
tative to stand, namely, in those passages where ew? is a trochee. 
The Sanscrit td-vat compared with re'R^s might justify the supposi- 
tion that the original form was aFo<5 ; while the analogy of XaFo?, 
XeFws, FOOS, i/ews, should authorise us to insert, even in our Hel- 
lenic text of Homer, the emendation aFos for la>s (comp. also 
, Avw<s, ''Ecus), whenever this particle is a trochee 1 . 

1 There can be little doubt that W and revs correspond to ydvat 
and tdvat respectively. Now as, by the side of Aeo>p, we have XaFos and 
A5s,. so by the side of cW we have as (Find. O. XI. 61 ; Aristoph. 
Lysistr. 173), which was also written Fay (Tab. Heracl. 2, 52, p. 207); 
and we may therefore infer the intermediate form aFos= aob=yd-vat. 


(6) The termination -ter is appended to adjectives of the 
third declension in the same way as -}[d] is affixed to adjectives 

of the first and second declension. Thus, from lenis we have 
leni-ter ; from gravis, gravi-ter ; from felix, felici-ter ; from 
audax, audac-ter ; from difficilis, difficul-ter ; and so on. To 
these must be added the isolated form igi-tur, which, according 
to Festus, (p. 105, Miiller) is equivalent to inde, postea, turn 
(above, p. 204). The first two syllables i-gi must be taken to 
represent the composite forms e-go, e~ho, e-ja, &c. : and as the 
Umbrian es-te represents the Latin i-ta, so i-gi- may correspond 
to es-ga=er-ga, which is strictly a synonym of i-gi-tur. The ter- 
mination -ter, -tur, is, in fact, the same as -tus, which is appended 
to substantives and adjectives of the second declension : thus we 
have cceli-tus, fundi-tus, radici-tus, antiqui-tus, divini-tus, 
humani-tus, &c. This last, which is obviously the older form, 
answers to the Sanscrit ~tas, -thas, -das, -dhas, on the one hand, 
and to the Greek -Qev on the other (compare the Greek first 
person plural in -juei> with the Latin in -mus). There is yet a 
third form in which it appears, namely, -tim, which is the termi- 
nation of a most interesting class of participial adverbs ; for 
I cannot consent to consider any of them as strictly formed 
from nouns ; and though the verbs in all cases are not forth- 
coming, the adverbs themselves prove that they must have 
existed in part at least. Instances of this class of adverbs are 
caterva-tim, carp-tim, grada-tim, priva-tim, punc-tim, separa- 
tim, vica-tim. Compare with these the German participial 
forms in -ingen, and the Greek participial adverbs in -j/a, -PIJ?J 
-Sriv (N. Crat. 263). The most striking result from a proper 
appreciation of the origin of adverbs in -tim, is the explanation 
which it supplies for those adverbs in -ter which are derived 
from active participles. The termination of the supine is already 
-tu ; the adverb, therefore, is a locative case of the supine ; for 
caterva-tim stands to caterva-tus in precisely the same relation 
as par-tim to pars (par[t]s). Similarly, aman-ter, sapien-ter, 
&c. are cases of the participles amans, sapiens, &c. ; for the 
crude forms of these participles already contain the t. Now, if 
I am right in concluding that these terminations, -Oev, -dhas, 
-ter, -tus, -tim, &c. are lengthened forms of that dental affix 
which marks the ablative of the noun, most interesting conclusions 



may be drawn from this respecting the origin of the participle and 
of the passive person-endings of the Latin verb : for if the dental, 
which must be added to the noun to form the ablative case or 
adverb, is already included in the participle, it follows that the 
crude form of the participle is already an ablative formation. That 
there is no essential distinction between the terminations -tim and 
-ter, and that the former is not restricted to participles of the 
passive formation, is clear from such forms as pede-tentim, &c. 
In fact, while the -d or -t alone are sufficient to express the 
ablative and participial relation (as in cupi-dus^cupiens ; the 
terminations -$ov, -^rjv, by the side of -vov, -v$qv ; the participle 
TCTV 0or[-o>s] by the side of TVTTTOVT- ; and the adverbs in -tus 
by the side of those in -nde, both signifying "motion from"= 
" ablation "), yet we must admit that the strengthened form of 
the active participle, which contains the liquid as well as the 
mute dental, is no less ablative than those forms in which the 
mute appears alone ; for there is no less opposition between i-bi 
and i-nde from i-s 9 than between avro-Ot and avro-Oev from 
ai/To-s 1 . The participle, therefore, is an ablative or adverbial 
formation from a verbal root, expressing that which comes out of 
the action of a verb, i. e. the manner of it ; and differs only from 
these adverbs, and from the persons of the verb, in the circum- 
stance, that it is not an immoveable form, but one which is 
capable of regular flexion through the whole system of cases 
(N. Crat. 300, 415). 

Adverbs, used as conjunctions, are such as jam (from is), 
enim (Sanscr. ena), idea, tamen, igitur, &c. These are, in fact, 
cases of different pronouns. Most of them are of obvious origin : 

1 la the text I have merely put together some of the analogies 
suggested in my former work. The late Mr. Garnett, who was one of 
the soundest, and, at the same time, most original philologers in this 
country, had arrived at some results which were calculated to confirm 
and extend these views. In a letter to me (dated 3d May, 1842) he said : 
" I flatter myself that I can make it appear from a pretty copious induc- 
tion that the Indo-Germanic present participle is formed upon the abla- 
tive case of the verbal noun [Sanscrit tupat], in much the same way as 
the pronoun possessive in Latin, German, &c , is formed upon the geni- 
tive of the personal. If I am nofc mistaken, this is calculated to throw 
an important light upon the organization of the Indo-Germanic and many 
other languages." 


ideo (comp. adeo) is equivalent to the Greek entries (= 
ra^eo-u', Buttmann), and from it is derived idoneus = ideoneus 
Gr. eTrtr^etos. Igitur is either the case in -tur (= tus, -Oev) 
from a pronoun which is found in Oscan, under the form of esa, 
the soft Latin g representing the sound of s or #, or it is the 
locative of the third pronoun strengthened by a prefix equivalent 
to the combination e-ho 9 e-go, which is found with similar adjuncts, 
especially in the case of i-s-te, the first syllable of which includes 
the same elements as i-gi, and e-ho. In old Latin its signification 
was i-nde, " out of that" (Festus, p. 105 ; above, Chapter. VI. 
$ 7), which is the usual force of the termination -tus = Qev, or 
" thereupon," which agrees with the other analysis of igitur, 
with the use of -tur in the third person passive, and with the 
obvious meaning of e-s-te in Umbrian. 

Some adverbs are merely cases of common nouns, which 
usage has made indeclinable. These appear sometimes as con- 
junctions, and sometimes as prepositions. Instar, gratia, and 
ergo, may be compared with %'IKYIV, X<*fH9* and eveKa (see New 
Crat. 271, sqq.). Prope\d\ (cf. propin-quus) is the ablative 
of an old adjective, and prop-ter is its case in -ter = tus Qev. 
Penes and tenus are forms of the same kind as instar, and 
contain the roots of pen-dere, ten-dere. Clam and palam are 
locatives of the same nature as partim, &c. The former, which 
was also written calim (Fest. p. 47), contains the root of celo, 
/rXeTTTo;, KaXvTTTto, &c. Palam is the same case of an adjective 
connected with palatum, vrvXrj, &c. That it is a noun appears 
farther from the fact, that it is used also with the preposition in 
(in palam = aperte, Gloss. Isid.), like in-cassum ; comp. pro- 
palam. The same is the case with cor am = 00"* or am (/car* o/z/xa); 
comp. cd'minuS) e 'minus (e/c X 1 P$* Sometimes the adverb is 
merely the crude form of the noun. We have examples of this 
in simul, procul (from similis, procilis) ; and the ancients wrote 
facul (Fest. p. 87) and perfacul (id. p. 214) for faculter or 
facile, and perfacile. Again, the full form of the noun is occa- 
sionally used as an adverb : in the xn. Tables we have nox for 
noctu (above, p. 216); and Virgil (^n. I. 215; VII. 624) and 
other writers use pars for partim. There is an approximation 
to this usage in the indeclinable Greek Oefjus (Buttmann, Ausf. 
Sprachl I. p. 227). 




[Cn. VIII. 

12. Adverbial expression for the day of the month. 

To these instances of the adverbial use of nouns may, perhaps, 
be added the phrase by which the Romans designated the day 
of the month. Here a locative of the day is inserted between 
the preposition and the word which denotes the standard of 
reckoning. Thus, "on the fourth day before the Nones of 
April," is expressed by, ante (die quarto) Nonas Apriles = 
quarto die ante Nonas Apriles. And this whole expression is 
regarded as one word, which may be dependent on a preposition: 
thus we may say, eoo ante die iii. Non. Jun. usque ad pridie 
Kal. Septembres, or differre aliquid in ante xv. Kal. Novembres. 

If the inserted date was ever written or pronounced in the 
accusative case, according to the ordinary practice among modern 
Latinists, it is obvious that this must have originated in an 
attraction, or in a mistaken usage. The well-known employ- 
ment of the locative pridie to indicate the day immediately 
before the Calends, Nones, or Ides, shows that the other days 
must have been expressed in the same case. 


1. The usual arrangement is erroneous. 2. General rules for the classification 
of Latin nouns. 3. First or -a declension. 4. Second or -o declension. 
5. Third declension or consonantal nouns. 6. A. First class or purely 
consonantal nouns. 7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal nouns. 

1. The usual Arrangement is erroneous. 

arrangemeot of Latin nouns in different declensions (K\I- 
ere*?) or forms of inflexion has been managed by grammarians 
without any regard either to the internal organization of the 
word or to the real convenience of the learner. Among the 
ancient grammarians, Varro proposed a simple convention- 
namely, to distinguish the declensions of nouns according to the 
vowel of the ablative singular (L. L. X. 62, p. 257, Muller) : 
"nam ejus cassuis literarum discriminibus facilius reliquorum 
varietatem discernere poterit, quod ei habent exitus, aut in A, ut 
hac terra ; aut in E ut hac lance ; aut in I, ut hac levi ; aut in 
O, ut hoc coelo ; aut in U, ut hoc versu. Igitur ad demonstrandas 
declinationes vice prima haec." Diomedes distinguished seven 
declensions, dividing the nouns in -ius, -ium from those in -us, 
-um, and the neuters in -u from the feminines in -us (see Zeitschr. 
f. d. Wiss. d. Spr. III. 315). The favourite and oldest method 
in this country has been to consider the noun according to five 
distinct declensions. The a and o declensions stand in their 
proper place at the head of the list. Then follows the conso- 
nantal declension considered as one. And the nouns in -u and -e 
are treated as two distinct schemes of case-formations. One of the 
objects, which I proposed to myself in writing a new Latin 
Grammar, was to correct this vicious and faulty exhibition of the 
different forms of the noun ; but I was unable in that elementary 
treatise 1 to explain and justify every feature in the new systein 
which I adopted. That and other developments were reserved 
for the present work ; and I shall now proceed to show that the 
arrangement, which appears in the Latin Grammar, is the only 
classification which is consistent with the results of scientific phi- 

A complete Latin Grammar for the use of learners. London, 1852. 


lology ; while I know by experience that it is at least as easy 
to the learner. 

2. General rules for the classification of Latin Nouns. 

The true classification of the crude or uninflected forms of 
the Latin noun is obviously that of the letters which constitute 
the distinctive characteristics. At first sight, all these forms fall 
into two great divisions, according as they terminate in vowels 
or consonants. But while, on the one hand, the vowels them- 
selves are distinguished by their structure and origin as vowels 
of articulation and vocalised consonants, so that the latter belong 
to the consonant class when considered according to the genesis 
of the crude form, on the other hand, the consonants are not 
less distinguished among themselves, according to the organ by 
which they are uttered, and according to the difference between 
mutes and liquids, than they are discriminated from the pure 
vowels. The scientific or methodical order of the declensions 
must be one which enables us most easily to fall back on the 
root of the noun, and on the original form of those pronominal 
affixes by which it is extended or developed, before it becomes 
the vehicle of the case-endings. And if the vocalized consonants 
i and u may be traced to an ultimate identity with guttural or 
labial mutes, it is clear that the nouns of which they are the 
characteristics ought to be ranged among the consonant declen- 
sions. In this way, we shall have two main classes of nouns 
those whose characteristic is one of the pure vowels a or o, 
and these may be considered as subdivided into two declensions; 
and those whose characteristic is a consonant, whether mute, 
or liquid, or one of the semi-consonants i and u } considered as a 
representative of some mute, and these may be regarded as 
constituting one declension. While this scheme of the declensions 
is the only arrangement, which can be justified on the grounds 
of scientific etymology, it is at least as convenient as any other 
to the mere learner : for we cannot give any practical rule to a 
beginner more simple than that which results from this arrange- 
ment namely, that the vowel-nouns invariably form their geni- 
tive plural in -a-rum or -o-rwm, which is rarely contracted into 
-um; that they form their dative and ablative plural in -is, 
which rarely appears under the uncontracted form -bus; that 
the accusative singular is always -am or -um, the accusative 


plural ~os or -as, and the ablative singular always -d or -o ; and, 
on the other hand, that the consonant nouns generally form their 
genitive plural in -urn, which is rarely preceded by the characte- 
ristic r; that, conversely, they form their dative and ablative plural 
in -bus, which rarely, if ever, loses its characteristic 6 ; that the 
ablative singular is always e or i; and the accusative plural 
always -es, except when the characteristic is u. These general 
distinctions do not apply to the nominative-accusative plural of 
neuter nouns, which are uniformly terminated by -a in all declen- 
sions. If then the classification, which I am about to explain, is 
not only true, but most convenient to the student, there can be 
no reason why it should not supersede the old-fashioned method 
even in elementary grammars. 

3. First or -a Declension. 

The Latin -a declension, as compared with the Greek, pre- 
sents one remarkable contrast. In pure Latin nouns, the termi- 
nation is invariably -a, whereas in corresponding forms the Greek 
declension exhibits -a, -a, -as, -rj, -rj?. Thus we have not only 
cella by the side of aVtXXa, but amicitia, scriba, area, nota, ho- 
micida, by the side of <j)i\id, Ta/tu'as a^/ced", Tpifirj, dvopeKfiovrrjs. 
And even when Greek nouns are transplanted, the same shorten- 
ing of the last syllable may take place ; thus Trerpd. and tyvrj 
become petra and zoria. The explanation of this phenomenon 
is to be sought in the general tendency to abbreviation, which 
characterizes the Latin language, and which is perhaps connected 
with their habit of throwing the accent forward. In many cases 
the short a is not merely an extenuation of the syllable, but an 
abridgment involving the omission of one or more formative 
letters. Thus, as <f>t\id must be considered as a contraction of 
<f)i\i-a-(Ta, the same omission must have taken place in amicitia, 
and we shall see a farther proof of this when we come to the 
nouns in -es = -a-zs. A comparison of KptTrjs, crvKea, -rj, and rctfjiias, 
shows us that these words involve the second pronominal element 
under the form ia = ya. And we must presume an addition of the 
same element in scrib-a scrib-yas, not-a = not-yasa, homicid-a 
= homicid-yas, &c. The length of the d \nfamilias = familiais, 
familid = familiad, filidbus Jilia-ibus, filidsfiliam-s is of 
course due to the absorption, in each case, of some original letter, 
so recently belonging to the inflexion that it could not be forgotten. 


4. Second or -o Declension. 
As the nominative of this declension ends in -us or -er -rus, 
and the accusative in -urn, it is necessary to state to the beginner 
why the characteristic is said to be o and not u : but to any one 
who has made even a commencement in philology, it is obvious 
that while the forms in -o, -drum, -6s could not have sprung from 
an original u, the forms, in which a short u appears, would natu- 
rally result from a short o (above, Ch. VII. 5). Besides, many of 
these nouns appear by the side of Greek nouns in -os, and in old 
Latin the o is still apparent, as in quom for quum, oloes for ollis 
or illis, &c. A comparison of ager with aypos, Alexander with 
'AXefay^oos, and the like, shows that the Latin forms have 
suffered an apocope not altogether unlike that of scriba from 
scribyas, &c., and certainly due to the same tendency to abbre- 
viate and throw back the accent. We have nouns in -erus which 
are never shortened into -er, as humerus, numerus, vesperus, 
uterus ; and some compounds with the verb-roots fer- and ger- 
present both the full form and the apocope ; thus we have ar- 
miger by the side of morigerus. In these instances, of course, the 
er is retained throughout the declension. But in the oblique 
cases of ager and Alexander, as in the corresponding Greek 
words, the e is dropt, as might have been expected from its 
obvious functions as a merely compensatory insertion. The same 
is the case with a great many words of this form, especially 
those which exhibit the termination signifying agency, which 
corresponds to the Greek -rr]s, -rrjp, -Twp, from -rpia, -Tpi^-, 
such as magis-ter, minis-ter, arbi-ter, &c. There is also in 
Latin a longer form in -tor, -toris. Those which retain the e 
have generally some Greek affinity, which explains the importance 
of the letter. Thus puer must be compared with the Greek 
TTo'ip : liber, liberi = \evOepo<$ or Aio'i/i/cros eXevOepios, is thus 
distinguished from U-ber, li-bri ; gener, generi belongs to yevos, 
yeve[cr^o$, genus, generis, and socer to etcvpos. It is to be 
observed that although ager always loses its e in the oblique 
cases, this unessential letter is constantly retained in the com- 
pound jugerum - diagerum (above, p. 269). 

5. Third Declension or consonantal Nouns. 

It has been already remarked, that nouns of the third declen- 
sion are arranged according to the nature of the characteristic 


consonant, which precedes the case-ending ; and that they fall 
into two great classes according as they retain the consonant or 
vocalize it into i or a. The characteristic is very often lost in 
the nominative singular, but it may always be recovered by a 
careful examination of the oblique cases. 

6. A. First class or purely consonantal Nouns. 

(a) Labial nouns are limited to some few in b, as plebs (also 
plebes), scobs (also scobis), scrobs (also scrobis), trabs, urbs 
(anciently urbis ?), and some few in p, as daps, slips, stirps 
(anciently stirpis ?), to which must be added compounds in cip- 
from capio, as man-ceps, muni-ceps, parti-ceps, prin-ceps. To 
the same class of compounds we must refer for-ceps, " a pair of 
pincers," the first syllable referring to the "opening" or " door," 
which this instrument makes in order to grasp the object. Simi- 
larly we have for-fex, " a pair of scissors," from facio, and for- 
pex, " a pair of curling-tongs," from pee-to. 

(b) Guttural nouns are a more numerous group, and the 
tenuis c is a more common characteristic than the medial g. Of 
the latter class we have only the primitive frux (frug-), grex 
(greg-), and strix (strig-) : and the verbals lex (root leg-), rex 
(root reg-), with the compounds it-lex, inter-rex, con-jux (root 
jug-), remex (root ag-). Supelleos is an abridgment of the 
form in -li- indicated by the genitive supellectilis, and the x 
does not represent a g but cts. The same is the case with senex 
(= avaQ, which conversely exhibits a shortened form in its 
genitive senis : cf., however, senectus, seneca, senecio, &c. In 
nix the x represents gv or gv : cf. ninguo. The genitive nzvis 
may be compared with vivo = qviqvo, struo = struquo, See. The 
tenuis c is the characteristic of a number of primitive nouns, 
such as fax (fac-), lux (luc-), codex (codic-), comix (comic-), &c. ; 
it also appears in nouns containing the root of c verbs, as dux 
(due-), ju-dex (die-), and other nouns from dico ; pol-lex (lie-), 
and other nouns from lido; arti-fex (fie-), and other nouns 
from facio ; and we find a great number of feminines in -trix 
corresponding to real or possible masculines in tor, such as 
nutrix (nutrlc-), obstetrix (obstetric-), &c. The last word de- 
serves some special notice, as showing the true meaning of ob in 
composition. For ob-stetrix must mean " a woman who stands 
by to assist" a Beisteherin and TrapavTYJvai or 


ffrrjvai is especially used to denote this by-standing or as-sistance 
in childbirth: so Find. Ol. VI. 42: TrpavfjLrjTiv T 'EXevOw o-v/u- 
irapeGTCKrev TG Moijoas. cf. O XL 54. If then ob-sto may 
signify " to assist," like irapivrriiu, as well as " to oppose," it 
can only bear this meaning in consequence of the sense of exten- 
sion, continuance, and perseverance borne by ob ; and thus 
of-ficium may denote " beneficial aid," though of-faio signifies 
harm and hinderance. Compare the two applications of our word 
pre-vent, which means to go before, either for the purpose of 
clearing the way, or for the purpose of obstructing the passage. 
From this explanation of ob-stetr-ix, it is plain that Stator does 
not imply, actively, " one who causes to stand," but " one who 
stands by, ready to help" -qui stat opem laturus of a prce- 
sens Divus, according to the proper meaning of that term, as in 
Cic. Tusc. Disp. I. 1 2. 28 : " Hercules tantus et tarn prcesens 
habetur deus." 

(c) The most numerous and important class of the purely 
consonantal nouns are those which have a dental mute for their 
characteristic ; for while the labial and guttural nouns are limited 
to the masculine and feminine, these exhibit also some neuter 
nouns of very common occurrence, (a) Masculine and feminine 
nouns in -d are such as pes (ped-), frons (frond-), vas (vad-) 1 , 
and its derivatives prces (= prce-vad-), custos (custo-vad-), and 
merces (merce-vad-) ; palm (palud-), &c. Masculine and femi- 
nine nouns in -t, are such as dens (dent-), frons (front-), pars 
(part-), comes (comit-), quies (quiet-), nepos (nepot-) ; a very 
long list of abstract words in -tas (-tat-), as boni-tas, with a 
smaller number of supplementary forms in -tus (-tut-), as vir-tus; 
and active participles in -ns (-nt-), which are occasionally used 
as nouns, as serpens (serpent-), &c. The genitive plural in 
-ium would lead us to infer that these must have been originally 
older forms in -tis of those nouns in -t, in which the characteristic 
is preceded by another consonant; cf. scobs with scobis, and 
dens, gen. pi. dentium, with sementis. 

1 This word is interesting from its connexion with the Low- German 
weed, or wad, " a pledge," found in wad-set, wed-ding, tyc. Another form 
was bad, as in the old compact gif bad genumen sy on monnes orfe, " if a 
pledge be taken from a man's chattels ;" and from this comes out bet. 
From the Low Latin vad-iare comes the Komance guadiare, guaggiare, and 
our wager. (See Palgrare, History of the Anglo-Saxons, Pref. p. xxi.) 


Neuter nouns of this class originally and properly ter- 
minated in -t. Although caput, gen. capitis (for which the 
oldest MSS. of Lucretius give capud), is the only word in which 
the characteristic is retained unaltered, Greek analogies and 
many collateral indications enable us to see at once what nouns 
belonged to this dental declension. Some Greek nouns in -yua= 
/uar- = /mevr- {New Crat. 114) have been naturalized in Latin, 
such as poema, gen. poematis ; and lac, gen. lactis, retains more 
of the termination in the nominative than the corresponding 
^/a'Act, gen. 'yaXa/cro?. The T, which is lost in Keap, cor, is 
represented by the medial in KapSia, cordis. And though car- 
men (cf. carmentis), agmen (cf. armentum), have omitted the 
characteristic t, not only in the nominative, but also in the oblique 
cases carminis, agminis, &c., they at all events retain the pre- 
ceding liquid, which is lost altogether in the Greek neuters in 
-fj.a, -yuaros. And while corpus, opus, &c. agree with rel^os 
in softening the T into j, they retain some trace of it in the r of 
the oblique cases, where the Greek, according to the rule (New 
Crat. 114), has dropt the 5 between the two vowels. . There is 
an assimilation of the t in the oblique cases of os, oss-is (cf. ocrr- 
eov), mel, mellis (cf. /xeXt-r), fel, fellis, and/ar, f arris. The 
singular forms jecur (also jecinor), iter (also itiner), and jubar, 
probably ended originally in -rat, like the Greek ^irap for 
rjirpaT, gen. tjwctTos. The following table will show the gra- 
dual degeneration of the forms : 

A A )3 ? ft 7 

caput lac[f] cor os[t] carmen\t~\ corpus 

capit-is lact-is cord-is oss-is carmin-is corpor-is. 

Here it will be observed that in a the t is preserved intact ; 
that in ft it is lost after another consonant in the nominative, 
and preserved in the oblique cases ; that in ft it is retained 
in the medial form which comes nearer to the preceding liquid r 
(above, p. 256) ; that in ft it is assimilated to s ; that in ft it 
is altogether dropt after n ; and that in <y it is softened into 
s and r. In comparing corpus, corpor-is^ with reT^o?, re/^e-os, 
we observe that although the latter has lost the or, according to 
the rule, because it is flanked by two vowels, it could retain the 
neuter characteristic before a consonant: thus we have ooeV- 
/3tos from opos, aaKea-7ra\os from era/cos, &c. Similarly, that 


the r or s which takes the place of t in the Latin nouns, is 
retained in derivatives, like gener-osus, from genus, generis, 
robus-tus from robur, and tempes-tas from tempus. 

(d) Liquid nouns are generally of dental origin, and many 
of them recal to our recollection the neuter nouns, which have 
just been mentioned. The only noun in m is the word hiem-s, 
gen. hiemis, which is probably the corruption of a longer form 
in mn : cf. ^ei/jicov and ^ii^.a'^eifjievT. There are a few nouns 
in I, as sol, sol-is, sal, sdlis (which is neuter, as well as masculine, 
and which, in that use, has lost a final t), nihil (for nihilum), 
which is neuter and undeclined, and some compounds derived from 
salio, as con-sul, prce-sul, ex-sul. The great majority of liquid 
nouns have crude forms in n or r=s. Of the former we have 
some in -o, -mis ; many in -do, -edo, -1do 9 -tudo, of which the 
genitive is formed in -dims, &c. ; others in -go, -ago, -igo, -ft go, 
which have their genitives in -gmis, &c. ; others, again, in -o, -io, 
-mo, -sio, -tio, which form the genitive in -onis, &c. It is super- 
fluous to give examples of all these different classes. In com- 
paring caro, gen. carnis, with virgo, gen. virgmis, we see that 
two liquids in the former have coalesced to the exclusion of the 
short ?,- and virgo-virgin-s differs from sermo=sermon-s, just as 
SaifJLtav^iaiftov^ differs from ^e//xwi/=^f/Vwi;-s, or as 7roi/u^i/== 
?ro//xei/-s differs from <nr\riv=G7r\r)v-<$. In some of the nouns in 
s=r this characteristic represents the neuter t ; such are ces, gen. 
ceris, rus, gen. rUris, os, gen. oris, ver, gen. veris, &e. Other 
nouns in r really belong to the i declension, as laquear, gen. 
laquearis. But we have a large number of masculine and femi- 
nine nouns of which r is the genuine characteristic. These are 
formed in -er, or -es, or -us, -eris, as mulier, Ceres, Venus ; in 
-or or -os, -oris, as labor, flos ; in -ur, -uris, as augur ; in 
-ur -us, -uris, as tellus ; in -or, -oris, as arbor : we have an 
important class of nouns denoting agency, and ending in -ter, -tris, 
as pa-ter 9 ma-ter, &c., to which must be added u-ter, u-tris, 
ven-ter, ven-tris, and the compound ac-cipi-ter (-tris) from acci- 
pio : cf. capys, the Etruscan word for a falcon (above, p. 155). 
The instrumental ending in -ter is extended, in a very numerous 
class of nouns, to -tor, -toris, assibilated to -sor, -soris ; thus we 
have due-tor from duc-o, ara-tor from aro, moni-tor from moneo, 
spon-sor from spondeo, &c. We have seen that the r often 
appears as s in the nominative ; in two nouns an e is changed 


into i in this case ; thus we have cinis, cinZris and pulvis, 
pulvVris. In consonantal derivatives from nouns in r, as in the 
corresponding neuter-forms, this characteristic is retained as a 
simple sibilant ; thus, from Venus, VenVris we have venus-tas ; 
from honor, honoris, hones-tas ; from arbor, arboris, arbus- 
turn ; &c. 

7. B. Second class or semi-consonantal Nouns. 

(a) Nouns in i exhibit some phenomena of considerable 
linguistic importance, which have eluded the observation of all 
previous grammarians. It has been shown elsewhere that the 
termination i, as a guttural residuum, is derived from the second 
pronominal element. But it appears as an extension not only 
of other pronominal affixes, but even of the second pronoun in 
many of its forms, and especially under the form c=k. Thus 
we have not only a large class of Greek adjectives in -/co?, and 
nouns in -/c-s, but we have also the extensions -K-IS, -/c-eos, &c., 
in which that element is repeated under a softened or vocalized 
form. Similarly in Latin, although the nouns in x = c-s or g-s 
form their genitive plural in -urn and are therefore independent 
of any additional elements, adjectives of the same form show by 
their ablative in -i and their genitive plural in -ium, that the 
full ending of the crude form is not c-, but c-i. It has been 
already remarked that some nouns in b- or p- have by-forms in 
-bi- or -pi-, and that nouns in -nt- must have been originally 
formed in -nti-. The last phenomenon connects itself with a very 
interesting fact namely, that forms in -nts in Greek and Latin 
stand beside forms in -ntus and -ndus. From the regular change 
of -VTS in Greek into -ntus in Latin as when we have ?ras = 
7rai>T-9 by the side of quantus, or Ta'^oas = Ta'joaj/r-s by the 
side of Tarentum no inference can be drawn. But as -d- is 
generally, if not always, a shortened form of the articulation which 
appears as the second personal pronoun and the second numeral, 
and as we have verbal forms in -dus (as cupidus, &c.) by the side 
of verbals in -re'os, -TVS, -rt?, it is not unreasonable to conclude 
that if orien-t-s = oriu-n-dus, the former is an abridgment of 
orien-tis analogous to sementis, &c., and this explains the genitive 
plural in -ium. Although there are some nouns in -i- which re- 
tain their characteristic throughout the cases as sitis, Tiberis, 
febris, puppis^ &c., it not unfrequently happens that the shorter 


vowel e is substituted in the nom., ace. and abl. sing., and this is 
always the rule in the nom. and ace. pi. So that, generally, the 
criterion of a noun in i is furnished by the form of the gen. pi. 
Thus, although we have nubes, nubem 9 nube, nubes, we have 
always nub-i-um. The peculiar nouns in -es = -a-is, in which this 
characteristic i is appended to a crude form in -a, sometimes ap- 
pearing as a distinct noun of the first declension (cf. mater-ia, 
" the mother-stuff," or " materials," v\rj, with materies = mate- 
ria-is), always retain this e = ai, and consequently exhibit the full 
or proper form of the gen. pi. in -rum. For, according to the rule, 
5='r is not usually elided except between two short vowels, and 
the contraction e=ai produces the same result as the contractions 
a = a-e and 6 = o-e in the first and second declension, so that we 
have arum a-erum, orum = o-erum and erum = a-irum. As 
canis, juvenis and vates form the gen. pi. in -urn, we infer from 
this simple fact that they are as improperly included in the -i- 
declension as other nouns are excluded from it. If we compare 
canis with KVCOV = KVOV-S, we shall see that the i is merely an 
unorganic insertion after the liquid, and the same is the case with 
juvenis ; whereas vates must be explained on the same principle 
as the Greek compounds in -tj$ from neuter nouns in -os, which 
exhibit the lengthened form only in the nom. and accus. (New 
Crat. 228). The neuter nouns in -e, which are shown by 
their abl. sing, in -i, their nom. accus. pi. in -ia, and their gen. 
pi. in -ium, to belong to the class of -i nouns, are really the 
neuter forms of adjectives in -is. Compare, for example, mcenia 
with corn-munis, mare and mille with acris, agilis, rete with 
restis and irretire, animal, for animale, with cequalis, &c. One 
of the strongest proofs that the additional -i is an indication of 
the adjectival inflexion is furnished by the fact that while the 
immoveable vetus, veteris, forms its gen. pi. in -urn, and while 
celer 9 denoting " a horseman," has no gen. pi. but celerum, the 
regularly inflected adjective celer, celeris, celer e, has a gen. pi. 
celer-ium. With regard to the nouns in I and r in particular, 
we must consider that the extensions in -Us and -ris are the basis 
of further extension in -leus and -rius, such as nuc-leus, prceto- 
rius, &c., which in Greek would sometimes appear as -At-/co9, and 
for this there is an occasional parallel in Latin, as in fame-li-cus. 
The following classification will show how far the whole group 
of i nouns has retained or lost the original characteristic. 


N. pupp-is nube\_=i]s urb[i~]s 8erpen[ti]s di$[=a-i]s mar\*=]e animal[t] 

G. pupp-is .... .... .... .... mar-is animal-is 

D.AbLpupp-i .... .... mar-i animal-i 

A. pupp-im} fN.A. . 7 

V .... . . . . { , mar-ia ammal-ia 

or em J | pi. 

G. pi. pupp-ium nub-ium urb-ium serpen-t-ium di[=a-i]-r-um mar-ium animal-ium 

(/3) There can be little doubt that nouns in u either included 
or were ultimately identical with the nouns in -i, which have just 
been discussed. Thus in Greek -v-s was originally -Fxs or -ws, 
and the Oscan Ke-us stands by the side of the Latin ci-vis 
(above, p. 125). In most existing instances, however, this i has 
been lost, and we have either a noun in v, declined like the 
purely consonant nouns, or a form in which the u is retained 
throughout, just as the i alone keeps its place in the most regular 
of the i nouns. Of the former class, we have only two remaining : 
bos, for bov-s (Greek /3o?s), gen. bov-is, and Jus for Jov-s (Greek 
Zei/s), gen. Jov-is. The nominative of this latter noun is always 
connected with pater under the form Ju-piter, corresponding more 
nearly to the Greek vocative. Thus Catullus (LXIV. [LX VI.], 
48) translates the line of Callimachus word for word as follows : 

Zeu TrciTfp coy XaXv/3<Bi> TTCLV OTroXoiro yevos. 
Ju-piter ut Chalybon omne genus pereat. 

The analogy between the nouns in i and u will be seen from 
the following comparison. 

N. pupp-is trib-us N. A. ret[i =~]e corn-u 

G. pupp-is trib-us G. ret-is corn-us 

D. pupp-i tribu-i or tribu D. ret-i corn-u 

A. pupp-im trib-um N. pi. ret-ia corn-ua 

Abl. pupp-i trib-u G. pi. ret-ium corn-uum pupp-ium tribu-um 

There are two nouns of the i declension, which deserve es- 
pecial consideration, not only on their own account, but also on 
account of some remarkable assonances in the cognate languages, 
which might lead to misconception or confusion : these are res, 
" a thing or object," and mare, "the sea." I have shown, in 
another work, that res = h-ra-is is a derivative from Mr ^eip 
(Varro, L. L. IV. 26), and that it must therefore be compared 
with the Greek ^/oeo?, x/jem, ^prj/jia, to which it bears the same 
relation as Icena, luridus, &c. do to ^Xaiva, ^Aoyjos, c. Con- 
sequently, res is " that which is handled," and means an object 
of thought in accordance with that practical tendency of the 


Roman mind which made them regard all realities as necessarily 
palpable 1 , whereas the Greeks were contented with the evidence 
of the eyes. Thus while a Greek declared his certainty by the 
predicates evapyw**, e/u^ai/^s, (ra<ptis, &c., referring to light, 
the Roman brought every thing to the test of the touch, and 
pronounced a thing " manifest" (mani-festa res)) when he could 
reach out his hand and feel it. With the Greeks the idea of 
handling was connected with that of facility, rather than with 
that of evidence : thus ev^ep^, " easy," is opposed to ^ucr^ 
" difficult :" and as ndprj in old Greek was a synonym of 
(and probably akin to manus), ev/map^ is a common equivalent 
to ev^ep^ (Schol. Ven. ad Iliad. XV. 37). Now this word fjidprj 
brings us to the first of those apparent resemblances between the 
Greek and Latin, against which I would caution the student. For 
the Etymolog. Magn. directly connects fiap-rus "a witness" 
with ndpri " a hand," and thus brings us back to the Roman 
manifesto, res ; the compiler says (p. 78, 11): ndpTv<$ o /mdp\l/as 
/ecu e^oJs TO d\tjOe$. But, as I have shown elsewhere (New Crat. 
450), fjidprvs is not immediately connected with judpri, but be- 
longs to the same application of the root as me-mor, pep-ifjiva, &c., 
so that it is expressive rather of the memory and spoken record 
than of the certainty of the thing declared. Again, ndprj bears an 
outward resemblance to the Latin mare, the other word under dis- 
cussion, and the syllabic correspondence is strengthened by our 
knowledge of the fact, that Qevap, which denotes " the hollow of 

1 Ariosto (Orlando Furioso, VII. 1) speaks of the vulgar belief as de- 
pendent on the sight and touch combined : 

Che '1 sciocco vulgo non gli vuol da fede, 
Se non le vede e tocca chiare e piane. 

2 For this use of fvapyrjs we may compare ./Eschyl. Pers. 179 : aXX' 
ov8eVa> roioj/8' evapyes fldofirjv with Soph. Track. 11 : (poirwv fvapyrfs ravpos; 
which is opposed to dvdpeicp Kvrei /SovTrpwpos or the partial assumption of the 
bovine form. Just in the same way we find in Shakspere (K. John, I. 2) : 

Mine eye hath well examined his parts, 
And finds them perfect Richard. 
And Milton says (Farad. Reg. I. 82) : 

I saw 

A perfect dove descend ; 

i.e. evapyris TTfpiorepa. Aristotle (Eth. Nicom. I. 1, 3) uses evapyrjs and 
<pavepbs as synonymous expressions for that which falls within the reach 
of our ordinary experience. 


the hand," is also used to signify " the surface of the sea" (see 
Find. Isthm. III. 74). But these are merely accidental coincidences: 
for, as we have seen above (p. 75), ma-re and the Sclavonian 
mo-re must be referred to the Semitic D^D, the second syllable 
being that which appears in the Greek pew, the Etruscan ril, &c. 
Besides, mare does not signify " the surface of the sea," but the 
mass of water, as opposed to dry-land. The surface of the 
water is denoted by pelagus, directly borrowed from the Greek 
TreXayos, which is connected with 7rXa, and means " an extended 
sheet of water;" hence ireXayos signifies "the high-sea," and 
TreAcryco? means " out at sea" (New Crat. 280). If a river 
had burst its banks and covered a large expanse of country, it 
would be called a mare, or " flood," and might in that case ex- 
hibit a pdagus or " wide surface of water." Thus Virgil says 
of the mouth of the Po (JEn. I. 246) : 

It mare proruptum, et pelago premit arva sonanti. 
" It rushes forth in a flood, and covers the lands with a roaring 
sheet of water" This view of the origin and signification of ma-re 
is important with reference to its form as a noun in i. We see this 
i in other words involving the root re, as ri-vus, ri-l, &c. ; and 
considering the general meaning of adjectives in -is, we must 
come to the conclusion that ma-r-e is the neuter of an adjective 
ma-re-is -ma-r-is= v$ pop poos. To return to res = hra-is, the ter- 
mination seems to indicate it as a doing, rather than as a thing 
done as a " hand-ling" (handlung) rather than as a work, 
as a 'xprjcris rather than as a ^prj^a. Practically, however, res 
means a mere object of thought, a thing which is or may be 
handled ; and this appears still more clearly from the use of re-or, 
" I think," i. e. " I propose a res to my mind," and its derivative 
ra-tio (from ra-tus) 9 which implies the action of the verb, and 
denotes the mode or act of thinking. Still, it may be seen, by 
a little care in the examination, that the fixed or passive meaning 
of res is quite consistent with its original use as a noun of action. 
As we shall see, when we come to the gerundia and gerundiva, 
the difference between active and passive becomes evanescent 
when we descend to the infinitive or abstract use of a word. 
When we are speaking of the " winding-up of a business," " the 
closing of a shop," &c., it is obvious that we direct attention to the 
thing done, rather than to the act of doing it. Just so with res 
as opposed to ratio. Between these two the substantive reus 



and the verb rear may be presumed to intervene. If res means 
a " handling," or " action," reus will denote the person impli- 
cated in the action; and as res, in a legal sense, denotes the 
cause and object of the controversy, in the same technical appli- 
cation reus will denote a person accused or impeached cujus 
res agitur. And as ratio has no existence save through the 
verb reor, it must mean something more than the mere bodily 
handling implied by res. It must denote a mental operation 
consequent upon this contact. And, in point of fact, ratio always 
implies some intellectual process, or the plan and system which 
emanate from it. While res or res familiaris is the property, 
ratio is the account kept ; res publica is the state or object 
of government, ratio is the mode of governing ; res is the outer 
world, as in natura rerum, &c., ratio is the inner reason, which 
deals with it theoretically. And this opposition is even carried so 
far that, while verborum ratio is the arrangement of words, or 
the style (Cic. de Oratore, II. 15, $ 64), we have rerum ratio 
( 63) for " history," or the arrangement of facts and actions. 

The neuters in e of this declension are interesting as examples 
of the form which appears by the side of all masculine and 
feminine adjectives in -is, as tristis, neut. triste. Of course this 
theory assures us that the original ending of their neuter must 
have been -id, just as ante was originally antid. And this 
inference is confirmed by an obsolete neuter in -is, which bears 
the same relation to -id that corpus, opus, &c., do to the original 
corpud, opud, &c. This neuter is found in potis, satis, by the 
side of pote and sat (for sate) ; thus, Lucret. I. 452 : 

Conjunctum est id, quod nunquam sine perniciali 
Discidio potis est sejungi seque gregari. 

V. 716 : 

Corpus enim licet esse aliud, quod fertur, et una 

Labitur omnimodis occursans efficiensque, 

Nee potis est cerni, quia cassum lumine fertur. 

Terent. Adelpli. IV. 1, 5 : " ita fiat et istoc, si quid potis est 
rectius." Catull. LXX V. 24 : " quod non potis est." LXXI. 7 : 
" qui potis est." Corn. Nep. JEpam. 4 : " abstinent!^ erit hoc 
satis testimonium : " cf. Hannib. 6. These passages are quoted 
by Schwartze, das alte j^Egypten, I. p. 637. The same expla- 
nation applies to necessus for necessum or necesse, in the Senatus 
Consultum de Bacchanalibus. 


1. General definitions. 2. Personal Pronouns. 3. Indicative Pronouns. 4. 
Distinctive Pronouns. 5. Relative, interrogative, and indefinite Pronouns. 
6. Numerals and degrees of comparison. 7. Prepositions. 8. Negative 

1. General Definitions. 

THE term pronoun, in accordance with its original meaning, 
(pronomen, avTcovumid), ought to denote only those words 
which are used as substitutes for nouns. But according to that 
which appears to me to be the only scientific classification, all 
words fall into two great divisions, pronouns, or words which 
indicate space or position ; and words containing roots, which 
express the positional relations of general attributes. The former 
do not allow any admixture with the other element of language : 
the latter require the addition of at least one pronominal suffix 
to make them words. I have therefore proposed 1 to call the 
pronouns, or positional words, the organizing, constituent, or 
formative element of inflected language, and the roots I would 
designate as the material element of human speech. With this 
extension of meaning the term pronoun will include not only the 
personal, demonstrative, and relative words, which it generally 
denotes, but also the prepositions, the conjunctions, and those 
adverbs which are not merely cases of nouns. 

2. Personal Pronouns. 

Although the verb has three persons, the Latin language 
does not use more than two personal pronouns or general indi- 
cations of the nominative case. For although ego and tu may be 
used with the first and second persons of the verb, which, as we 
shall see, are not consistently expressed by the inflexions; with 
the third person, which always ends in -t or -tur, the nominative 
is either omitted or expressed by a noun substantive. When, 
however, in the objective construction it is necessary to introduce 
a pronoun referring to the nominative of the verb, we employ 
the reciprocal or reflexive se. Thus, although diceba-t is a suf- 

1 New Crat. 128. 




ficient expression of " he said, or used to say," we must introduce 
se before an infinitive expressing the assertion ; as : diceba-t SE 
esse bonum virum, " he said that he (the person, in question, 
who said) was a good man;" and as we should write ego 
diceba-m ME esse, or tu diceba-s TE esse, we may infer an ori- 
ginal pronoun of the third person beginning with s- and corre- 
sponding to the Greek o or i, just as e corresponds to se. But this 
form occurs only in the oblique cases, sui, sibi, se, and in the 
particles si-c, si-ne, si, and se-d. 

The original inflexions of the two personal pronouns were as 
follows : 


N. e-go or ego-met tu or tu-te 

G. mis ti-s 

D. mi-hi (for mi-fi or mi-bi) ti-bi 

A. me-he te-Jie 

Abl. me-d. te-d. 

For the plural, or rather the collective form, of the personal 
pronouns, we have two different roots corresponding to vwi and 
a(pa}i, which are used as the dual in Greek; and from these 
roots we have the nom., ac., voc. no-s, vo-s; dat., abl. no-bi-s, 
vo-bi-s. According to the analogy of vmv, cr0ouV, we ought also 
to have genitives no-urn or no-sum, and vo-um or vo-sum. But 
these are not found. Indeed, although the singular genitives 
mis, tis, which may have been originally forms in -jus, like 
hu-jusy e-jus, &c., retained their use as late as Plautus, these also 
became obsolete in classical Latinity, and the genitive forms for 
the singular and plural were derived from the possessive adjec- 
tives meus, tuus, nos-ter, ves-ter. The connexion between the 
genitive and the epithet is well known (New Crat. 298), 
and in all languages the possessive may take the place of the 
genitive of a pronoun. But in Latin and Greek we have not 
only a possessive in direct adjectival agreement with its noun, 
but, by a singular attraction, we have the genitive of the pos- 
sessive used as if it were the genitive of the pronoun itself. I 
call this an attraction, for I think it oust be explained by a 
transition from those idiomatic collocations, in which a dependent 
genitive stands by the side of the possessive. Thus we may say 
not only mea scripta, " my writings," for " the writings of me," 
but even mea scripta recitare timentis (Hor. I. Serm. 4, 23), 


" the writings of me fearing to recite ;" and not only jnerepct 
epis, " our contention/' for " the contention of us," but even 
ayaOwv e/ois rj/mercpa ( JSschyl. Eum. 975), " the contention of 
us good persons." We see then how easy the transition may be 
from such phrases as mea unius opera respublica est salva, or 
vestris paucorum respondet laudibus, to earn unius tui studio 
me assequi posse confido, or vestrum omnium voluntati paruit. 
Hence we find that ultimately mei and tui were the only geni- 
tives of ego and tu, and nostri or nostrum, and vestri or vestrum, 
the only genitives of nos and vos. The same applies to the 
very defective pronoun of the third person, the reciprocal se t 
which has lost its nominative, and has only the genitive sui, the 
dative sibi, and the accusative or ablative se, for all genders and 
numbers. We must also consider the Greek e^ov, or /moD, 
anciently /xeoy (N. Crat. 134), and crow, as properly belonging 
to the possessive. The hypothesis of an attraction, which I have 
proposed, is the only way of explaining the difference in the 
usage of nostri, nostrum, and of vestri, vestrum. That nostrum, 
vestrum are genitives plural, is clear from the fact that they were 
anciently used in the full forms nostrorum, vestrorum; thus in 
Plautus (Mbstell.I..3 t 1.23) we have : verum illud est., maximaque 
pars vostrorum intelligit. As genitives they can only be explained 
by an attraction into the case of some plural genitive expressed 
or understood. In general, we do not find the genitive except 
when the personality is emphatically expressed ; as in Ovid, 
Heroid. XIII. 166 : Si tibi cura mei, sit tibi cura tui. Cic. 
CatiL IV. 9 : habetis ducem memorem vestri, oblitum sui. 
And here it may stand by the side of an inflected possessive, as 
in Cic. ad Fam. XII. 17 : grata mihi vehementer est memoria 
nostri tua; or even be opposed to one, as in Ovid, Heroid. 
VII. 134 : parsque tui lateat corpore clausa meo. But whereas 
nostri, vestri, are used only when we speak of the persons as a 
whole ; as : memoria nostri tua, " your recollection of us," as a 
single object of thought ; nostrum, vestrum are employed when 
we speak of the persons as a collection of separate or separable 
elements. Accordingly, the latter is the form adopted after such a 
word as pars (in the passage quoted above from Plautus), and 
by the side of omnium, as in Cic. Cat. I. 7 : patria est com- 
munis omnium nostrum par ens, " our native land is the common 
parent of all of us," many and separable as we are. But that it 
is really in this case an attraction from the inflected possessive, is 



clear from such passages as Cic. Cat. IV. 2 : hi ad vestram 
omnium ccedem Romce restiterunt. We have a genitive by the 
side of the possessive in the construction of the impersonal verbs, 
or rather phrases, re-fert =rei fert, "it contributes to the in- 
terest," and interest, "it is concerned about the business," 
where rei is understood in the sense in which the Latin verb 
has become an English substantive 1 . In these phrases we have 
either a gen. of the person or persons interested, or the pos- 
sessive pronouns, mea, tud, sud, nostrd, vestrd, agreeing with 
the dative rei, expressed in re-fert, and understood in interest. 
Thus we have : faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis, quam 
sua re-tulisse videretur, " he must do something which might 
seem to have been more for the interest of those others than 
for his own;" Ccesar dicere solebat non tarn sud quam reipub- 
licce inter esse, ut salvus esset, " Ca3sar used to say that it was 
not so much for his interest as for that of the state that he 
should be safe." That re for rei is the dative, and consequently 
that mea, sud, &c., here stand for mece, suce, &c., is proved 
by the competent testimony of Verrius (Festus, p. 282, ed. 
Miiller): re-fert quum dicimus, errare nos ait Verrius. Esse 
enim rectum REI FERT, dativo scilicet, non ablativo casu. In 
Cato, R. R. c. 3, we have : et rei et virtuti et glorice erit. 
That fero may be used absolutely without any accusative is 
clear from such phrases as : dum tempus ad earn rem tulit 
(Ter. Andr. I. 2, 17), dum cetas tulit (id. ibid. II. 6, 12), nunc 
ita tempus fert, ut cupiam (Heaut. IV. 1, 54), scilicet ita 
tempus fert (Adelph. V. 3, 5). And it is unnecessary to show 
that fero, like Xyo-ireXew, may govern the dativus commodi, 
The change of ce into a is found also in post-hac, inter-ea, &c., 
which will be explained immediately. 

J 3. Indicative Pronouns. 

The three pronouns, hie, iste, ille are called indicative, be- 
cause they indicate, as objects, the three personal pronouns, which, 
in the cases already considered, are expressed as subjects of the 
verb. Hie, "this," "the person or thing here," indicates the 
speaker and all close to him ; iste, " that of yours," indicates 
the person addressed and those in his proximity ; ille, " that 

1 For re rei in this sense cf. Plaut. Trinumm. III. 2, 9 = 635 : t UOB 

re consulere cupio. 


other," indicates all distant persons and objects. This distinction 
was well known to the oldest grammarians, and is fully borne 
out by the consistent usage of the best writers. Priscian's dis- 
tinction is rather vague: he says (XVII. 9. 58, Vol. II. p. 39, 
Krehl) : " Demonstrativa [sunt] hie, iste, et ille. Sed interest 
quod ille spatio longiore intelligitur, iste vero propinquiore ; hie 
autem non solum de prsesente, verum etiam de absente possumus 
dicere, ad intellectum referentes demonstrationem, ut, hoc regnum 
dea gentibus esse Virgilius ad absentem Carthaginem retulit 
demonstrationem." But Laurentius Valla has given the personal 
reference of the three pronouns with the greatest accuracy 
(Elegant. II. c. iv. p. 39. ed. Aldina 1536): " de me loquens 
dicere debeo hoc caput, hcec manus, hcec civitas. De te vero 
istud caput) ista manus, ista civitas. De tertia autem per- 
sona illud caput, ilia manus, ilia civitas. Cicero in Antonium 
(Phil. II. 25) : tu istis faucibus, &c., h. e. istis tuis faucibus, &c. 
Unde nascuntur adverbia istic, istinc, istac, istuc, istorsum, isto. 
Ut idem ad Valerium juris consul turn : qui istinc veniunt aiunt 
te superbiorem esse factum, i. e. qui ab ista provincia in qua 
agis, hue in Italiam Romamque veniunt." Practically we find 
that hie and iste are opposed as / and you, and hie and ille as 
near and distant. Thus we find (Cic. Acad. IV. 33) : " iisdem 
hie sapiens, de quo loquor, oculis, quibus iste vester terram, mare, 
intuebitur ;" and (pro Rabirio II.) : " si illos, quos jam videre 
non possumus, negligis, ne his quidem, quos vides, consuli putas 
oportere." And thus in reference to circumstances previously 
mentioned, ille denotes the former or more distant, hie the latter 
or nearer particular ; as in Propert. III. 14, 17 : 

Qualis et Eurotse Pollux et Castor arenis, 
Hie victor pugnis, ille futums equis. 

The same distinctions are observable in certain peculiar usages. 
Thus Terence has (Andr. II. 1, 10): " tu si hie sis, aliter sentias," 
" if you were in my place, you would think otherwise." In 
lawsuits iste, " the man before you" i. e. the judices, is the 
defendant : hence, we find this pronoun used with a certain ex- 
pression of contempt to indicate a person who has been brought 
unfavourably before the notice of those whom we are addressing ; 
whereas ille, " that other," as indicating a person so striking as 
to attract our attention in spite of his remoteness, is often used 
to denote a well-known or eminent individual, as : " magnus ille 


Alexander," or " Medea ilia" In all these usages the triad hie, 
iste, Hie, correspond to the Greek o$e, o^ro?, e-eti/os. This is 
especially seen in the employment of o$e and ovros to designate 
the first and second persons respectively. Thus CEdipus is made 
to say of himself: OVTL ju.rj Xd^wcri TOVOC o't/jujua^ov ((Ed. C. 
450) ; but he is addressed by the subterraneous voice (ibid. 
1627): W OUTOS, OVTOS Oio/7roi>s, ri /ueXXo/uei; ; The speaker 
in a law-court designates himself, his client, and his affairs, by 6'$e; 
but the defendant is ouro? = iste, " the man before you" (the 
judges). In continuous narrative ra$e are the things which I 
am about to say, which are before me, but not yet before my 
readers ; whereas Tavra are the things just said, and which have 
been submitted to them. This shows that the true reading in 
JEschylus, Suppl. 313, must be : 

XO. T&rfKov fttiraida Trarepa TO OS' e/zoO irarpos. 
BA. TO Trav aafpas vvv ovopa TOVTOV pot (ppacrov. 

For the Chorus having spoken of their father as present by 
them (rovde), the King, in his reply, would designate him as by 
their side (TOVTOV). 

With regard to the etymology of the indicative pronouns, 
there can be no doubt that the first part of hi~c corresponds to 
the Greek which appears as the nominative of the reflexive 
eo = ov, of, S. It is therefore a subsidiary form of o = cro, and 
while the h is represented by a more original sibilant in si-c, se, 
&c., it has vanished altogether in i-s, i-terum, i-tem, &c. The 
most original form represented the anlaut as a strong combina- 
tion of the guttural and labial, which we call the digamma, and 
thus qui, si-c, hi-c, i-s, will be four forms of the same pronominal 
root signifying proximity, in which the guttural element has 
successively degenerated. The sibilant form, which is regularly 
found in the Sanscrit sa, sak, so, and in the Umbrian eso, &c., 
where there is an initial vowel as in e'/ue, compared with yue, 
was still extant in the days of Ennius, who writes sa-m, sa-psa, 
su-m, so-s. The guttural appears without any labial affection in 
the affix -c- or -ce, and in the forms cis, citra, ceteri, &c. As 
there is reason to believe that the first syllable of the Umbrian 
e-so is a residuum of the second pronominal element Fa, analo- 
gous to the i in i-s, &c., the form e-su-k (above, p. 85) is really 
a combination of three, as hi-c is of two similar elements. The 
Latin forms e-ho, e-ja, e-go (New Crat. 134) might lead us 


to infer that hi-c may originally have been e-hi-c - e-su-c. As 
the first element, in this repetition of cognate syllables, was 
generally omitted in Latin, so we find that the final -c was dropt 
in the usual form of the genitive hujus, though hujus-ce occasion- 
ally appears, and was usually omitted in the plural, with the 
exception of the nom., accus., voc. neuter hce-c = ha-ce, though 
good writers have occasionally hi-c for hi (Varro, L. L. VI. 73), 
and hce-c for hce (Plaut. Aulul. III. 5, 59 ; Ter. Eun. III. 5, 34 ; 
Phorm. V. 8, 23, &c.), in the nom. masc. and fern. The neuter 
hce-c furnishes us with the clue to some important analogies. 

If there is good reason to connect hi-c = e-hi-c with the 
Umbrian e-su-k, there is still more reason for seeking an affinity 
between the second indicative pronoun is-te and the Umbrian 
es-tu. The latter combination will not allow us to doubt that 
the final syllable is identical with the second personal pronoun. 
Its adjectival inflexion in three genders is a subsequent result of 
its usage. But there is no reason to conclude that the forms 
-tins, ti (for -tibi), -turn, -to, are not as original as tis, tibi and te. 
The identity of the first part of esu-k or e-hi-c and es-tu, as in- 
dicatives of the first and second pronouns, is supported by the 
Hebrew 'han-o-ki, " I," and 'han-td = 'hat-td, " thou," which are 
similarly distinguished by the affix only. And such forms as 
e-go-met, e-yw-vrj, Sanscrit a-ha-m, show that the syllables e-go, 
a-ha, e-ho, &c., do not in themselves indicate the first person, 
though they strongly exhibit the idea of nearness as opposed to 
that of all other positions. But although -c is the distinction be- 
tween the first and second pronouns of indication, such is the 
general usefulness of this adjunct that it is occasionally, though 
rarely, appended even to certain forms of is-te, as is-tcec, &c. 
And, what is still more singular, we find even illcec, &c. These 
are irregularities, and the general distinction of hi-c and is-te 
remains as I have described it ; and thus their relative meanings 
of " here" and " near to the here" are fully supported by their 

An analysis of the third indicative pronoun ille leads to 
results quite as interesting as that of the other two. There 
cannot be any doubt that ille, " that other," and alius, " another," 
agreeing as they do in declension and primitive meaning, are 
only different forms of one and the same word : and thus the 
double I of ille will belong to the same form of assimilation as 


the Greek synonym a\Xos (New Cratyl. 215). The other 
forms, under which the root of ille or alius occurs, are ollus, 
which is a common archaism of ille, and is found even in Virgil ; 
ol-im for oll-im (" antiqui enim litteram non geminabant," Fest.) 
= illo tempore ; solus = se-olis = sine aliis ; uls (opposed to cis, 
as ille is to hie) = illo loco ; al-ter and ul-tra, ul-terior, ul-timus, 
expressing relative degrees of distance and separation ; and ul-tro 
signifying movement to a degree beyond expectation. To these 
must be added compounds beginning with ali- t as ali-quis, &c. 
The I is retained in the Goth, alls, O. N. ella, A. S. ele, 0. H. G. 
ali ; but a comparison with the Sanscrit an-ya = alius, an-tara = 
alter, and the Goth, an-thar, O. N. an-nar, A. S. other, O. H. G. 
an-dar, &c., leads us to the conclusion that the original form must 
have involved an n, and thus we fall back on the Greek expres- 
sion for distant locality, d-i/a, and ultimately arrive at /cellos = 
K-eVtos (cf. ewos), the synonym of ille in its regular use, and 
Ka-Tdf the correlative of ava, both as a preposition and as a par- 
ticle (New Crat. 135, 138). As it may be shown that ava, 
in its most distinct significations, is represented by in (New Crat. 
170), it will follow that ille = in-yus bears the same relation 
to in that aXXo? does to ova. And while the a in all these forms 
is more original than the i (above, p. 261), it is equally clear that 
the Latin ol- and ul- are successive extenuations of the original 
vowel, caused in part by the change of n into I (p. 259). Of all 
the words, into which this root enters, ultro alone obscures the 
original meaning of " distance and separation." It seems to be 
used as a synonym of sponte, which signifies " of one's own accord" 
or " free inclination." But an accurate examination of all the 
passages in which it occurs, enables us to trace it back to its 
original meaning, " to a place beyond," which is still found in 
such phrases as ultro istum a me, "take him far from me" 
(Plaut. Capt. III. 4, 19), ultro citroque, " thither and hither," 
his lacrymis vitam damns, et miser escimus ultro, " to these 
tears we grant his life, and pity him besides" (see Doderlein, 
Syn. u. Etym. III. 103, sqq.). Hence, while s-ponte, which is the 
abl. of s-pons or ex-pons, a derivative of another form ofpondus, 
means " by its own weight or inclination," " of its own accord," 
"unbidden" (Hor. I. Epist. XII. 17: sponte sud, jusscene) ; ul-tro 
means " going still farther," " going beyond expectation," " show- 
ing an activity which excites surprise," or the like. Thus we 


find such phrases as (Tac. Ann. XIII. 23) : commotis qui aderant, 
ultroque spiritus ejus mitigantibus, " when those who stood by 
were affected, and, what is more, actively bestirred themselves to 
pacify her wrath," and (Hor. Carm. IV. 4, 51) : sectamur ultra 
quos opimus fallere et effugere est triumphus, " contrary to all 
expectation, we pursue when we ought to be only too happy 
to escape." To complete the analysis of the third indicative 
pronoun, it is worth while to notice that the affix hunt or hont, 
which marks this pronoun in Umbrian, is clearly connected with 
the English yon in yonder, be-yond, &c. ; and this brings us at 
once, through the Goth, joins, jaind, N. H. G. jener, &c. to the 
Greek /ce7i>o9, and the root of ille. And thus we see that the 
common Latin, like the Greek, has lost the three full forms of the 
distinctive pronouns, which are preserved in the Umbrian esu-k 
(=ehic = hic), "the particular thing here," es-tu (= is-te), "the 
particular thing where you are," and er-ont = es-ont (= -/ceTt/o? 
= ille), " the particular thing yonder." The form e-/ce7i>os may 
be a residuum of ea-Keivos = es-ont, and the same explanation 
may apply to e-/txe, &c. Practically we find that ille = al-ius 
differs from al-ter as plurality differs from duality, that is, as 
aXXo? = aX-fos- differs from e-re^oos ; for al-ius, aXXos denote 
" that other person of many," and al-ter, e-repos " that other 
person of two." On the general differences in meaning and use 
between the comparative affixes in -ius or -ior and -ter-, the 
reader may consult the New Cratylus, fi 165. 

4. Distinctive Pronouns. 

The elements is-, e-ho, e-so,hi~, which, we have seen, con- 
stitute the initial syllable or syllables of the indicative pronouns, 
appear without any affix in the merely distinctive pronoun is. 
In the older Latin Grammars it used to be the custom to exhibit 
the indicative hie as a sort of prepositive article : but this func- 
tion, so far as the Latin language is capable of performing it at 
all, belongs rather to the weaker form is, which distinguishes 
the particular person referred to, especially when the distinction 
is supported by a defining relative sentence. Thus, is Piso in 
Sallust, Catil c. 19, is as nearly as possible o Hlawv. The func- 
tions of is, as a distinctive pronoun, are carried still farther 
by its association with two derivatives i-dem and i-pse (sometimes 
ipsus). If we except that meaning of is, which has been already 


mentioned, and according to which it appears as the correlative 
and antecedent to qui, so that is qui means " the particular 
person who," and the relative sentence becomes equivalent to the 
Greek participle with the article; we shall find that is and its 
two derivatives enable us to reproduce in Latin the different 
usages of avros. Thus, is is a mere pronoun of reference like 
the oblique cases of avro<s ; uxor ejus is the exact counterpart of 
77 yvvq avrov, " his wife" or " the wife of a person already men- 
tioned and referred to ;" jungit eos renders ^evyvvaiv aJroJ?, 
" he yokes them," i. e. the cattle already mentioned. Idem 
means more emphatically " the very he," " the same man," like 
o auros. And ipse signifies " the man himself," or " the man 
distinguished from others," like auras, when it is used as a 
secondary predicate in apposition without the article (Complete 
Greek Gramm. art. 445, a). The declension of is, namely, is, 
ea, id, gen. ejus, &c., is preserved in i-dem for is-dem, ea-dem, 
2-dem for id-dem, gen. ejus-dem, &c., so that dem becomes a 
mere appendage like the Greek Tre^o, SJ, to both of which it partly 
corresponds in meaning, and to the latter of which it is directly 
related. In the classical use of ipse, on the contrary, the first 
part, or the is, remains uninflected, while the second syllable is 
regularly declined ; thus : i-psus, i-psa, i-psum, gen. i-psius, &c. 
There are two ways of explaining this phenomenon. We may 
either suppose that the ps- represents an inversion of the reci- 
procal ff<p- analogous to the Doric \|/e, \l/iv: and thus the in- 
flexion of the second part only will correspond to the Greek 
forms 6/uLctvrov, eavrov, &c., where the first part is immoveable. 
This is Bopp's theory. But it may with justice be objected 
that ipse corresponds to euro's, and that we have the combina- 
tions me ipsum, se ipsum, &c. Besides, we find in the older 
writers that the included is is regularly declined, while the affix 
-pse remains as an immutable appendage, just like the -dem of 
i-dem ; thus we have eam-pse (Plaut. Cistell. I. 3, 22 ; Aul. 
V. 7), ea-pse ilia (Curcul. IV. 3, 2), eo-pse illo (ibid. 5) : and 
especially in the combination re ea-pse, or reapse (Festus, p. 278, 
Miiller). Since therefore we find another affix -pte also appended 
not only to the declined forms of is, as in eo-pte (Festus, p. 110, 
cf. ipsippe = ipsipte, p. 105), but also to vos, mihi, mea, suo, &c. 
as vo-pte, mihi-pte, meo-pte, suo-pte, &c., as this cannot be re- 
ferred to an inversion of sv, but may bear the same relation to 


-pse that the original supines in -turn do to the secondary forms 
in -sum, I fall back on the other explanation, and consider -pte 
an indeclinable affix analogous to TTOTC, which has been softened 
into -pse, perhaps from an original assimilation in is-pte (cf. 
$t(7/cos for 0or-<rjCQfj Xea^ from \ey-aKrj, &c.). 

The declension of is, ejus, reminds us at once of hi-c, 
hu-jus, and it is clear that the former is only a weaker modifica- 
tion of the latter, just as the Greek i is of the older (New 
Crat. 139). The most striking differences in the inflexions of 
is and hi-c are entirely due to the -c or -ce appended to the 
latter, and there is reason to believe that this affix, which appears 
attached to all the indicative pronouns, was originally appended 
also to the distinctive is and the relative qui. Indeed, as qui, 
si-c, hi-c and is are successive degenerations of one and the 
same form, there is no reason to exclude from the first and last 
the strengthening appendage which so constantly appears with 
the two intermediate words. To say nothing of the alleged 
occurrence of such forms as eis-ce (Plaut. Mercat. prol. 91), 
ejus-ce (Aul. Gell. lemm. c. XIV. 1. Ill), cujus-ce (Cic. de 
Invent. II. 45. J 134), &c., the original appendage of -ce to the 
neuter plurals at least of is and qui may be proved by the fol- 
lowing induction. Where the accus. neut. pi. of is becomes fixed 
in combination with certain prepositions, as in inter-ed, post-ed, 
prceter-ed, &c., the d is long. It is therefore fair to conclude 
that, when these compounds were formed, there was some reason 
for the length of the plural a, which as a general rule is short 
in all Greek and Latin words. Now we find in Latin post-hac = 
post-hcec, qua-propter quce-propter, and med refert mece rei 
fert. Therefore d may represent ae. And as post-hdc, qud- 
propter are entirely analogous to posted, proptered, it follows 
that the neuter plural of is was anciently ece, just as the neuter 
plurals of hie and qui were hce-c and quce. But ae = ai, therefore 
ece, quce stand for ea-i, qua-i ; and as the neuter plural hcec can 
only be explained as a residuum of ha-ce or ha-cis, the final i in 
the two other cases must represent a lost guttural fulcrum. This 
view is confirmed by the fact that the Oscan represents post-ed 
under the form post-esa-k (above, p. 121) ; and the same ex- 
planation applies to post-ilia =post-illa-c. The strongest confir- 
mation of this view is furnished by the fact that no other probable 
explanation has been offered. For the only suggestion, which 


merits a moment's attention namely, that the long a may be 
occasioned by the absorption of the d which is still seen in ar- 
vorsum ead, &c., falls to the ground when we consider that the 
neuter plural must always have terminated in a double dental, or 
the combination -nt, which is uniformly represented by a short 
a, so that the d is elided and not absorbed (New Crat. 239). 
The other supposition, that posted is for posteam, on the analogy 
of postquam, &c., is undeserving of any notice except as a spe- 
cimen of philological imbecility. As I have elsewhere remarked 
(New Crat. 240, note) : " every Latin scholar is aware that 
quam is not here a case after post, &c., but the particle of com- 
parison, so that the full form is, in fact, post-ed-quam, &C. 1 " 

$ 5. Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns. 

In its syntactical use, the relative connects with the indicative 
or distinctive pronouns, and especially with is, its regular ante- 
cedent or correlative, some fuller description of the person or 
thing indicated. And thus, whether the antecedent is definite or 
vague, the relative sentence exists only by virtue of its correlative; 
consequently, it is a syntactical contrivance which plays the same 
part as the adjective or genitive case. Etymology fully confirms 
this view of the matter, which is derived from the logic of the 
sentence, and without any reference to the forms of words : for 
we see that the correlative pronouns, is and qui, are manifestly 
identical with one another, and with the affix of the genitive 
case, which forms the basis of the possessive adjective (cf. New 
Crat. 148, 243, 300). The common origin of all these forms 
and of the Greek definite article is, as might be expected, the 
second pronominal element, which indicates relative proximity. 
The anlaut or initial articulation of this pronoun is the sound 
which we call digamma, and which represents some combination 
of the guttural with the labial. In the Greek forms 05, /coy, 
V, &c., in the Latin hi-c, si-c, is, &c., and in the Sanscrit yas, 

i When the author of this precious etymology says that " the other 
word quce owed its length possibly to the circumstance of its being a 
monosyllable, just as vis ' force ' has a long i, navis, &c. a short i" I can 
only suppose that he does not know the difference between a crude form 
in -r like vis = vir-s, pi. vir-es, vtr'ium, and one in -i like navi-s, pi. 
naves, navium. 


kas, &c., we have only a guttural residuum, and the j = TL is 
still farther degenerated in rt?, re, &c. In TTOU, and the old 
Italian pit, pe, &c., the labial alone remains. But in the Latin 
relative and indefinite qui and quis, and in the corresponding 
particles, we have the genuine and original combination of both 
elements, the labial however being vocalized into u, or rather 
represented by a mute v (above, p. 248). 

It is usual to distinguish quis from qui merely by the use of 
the former as interrogative and of the latter as relative, and no 
one has been found to recognise the inherent distinction of the 
two words. The fact is that quis, quce (or rather qua), quid, is 
the original form, corresponding to is, ed, id ; and as Hie has a 
secondary form ollus or alius, which is used as its adjective, so 
qui, quce, quod represent an adjective, and this must have con- 
tained the additional vowel o-u 9 which appears in so many of its 
cases. It has long been observed that in all interrogative and 
indefinite pronouns the form quod is used as an adjective and the 
form quid as a substantive ; thus, we say : aliquod monstrum, 
" some monster ;" but aliquid monstri, " something of a monster." 
The same remark really applies to the differences between the 
simple qui and quis; and the two words may be arranged, as 
far as the forms exist, in different declensions, the adjective 
belonging to the vowel declensions, and the substantive to the 
consonantal formations of nouns. It is true that with regard to 


the oblique cases, subsequent usage and habitual corruption have 
introduced many interchanges and confusions of form, but the 
farther we go back, and the more carefully we examine the 
derived and collateral words, the more reason do we find for the 
conclusion that quis is substantival and consonantal, and qui 
adjectival and belonging to the vowel declensions. 



M. F. N. M. F. N. 

N. quis quid qui qua quod 

(later quce) 

G. cu-jus quo-jus 

T>. *cu-bi or cui quo-i 

Ac. quern quid *quum quam quod 

Abl. qui quid quo qua quo 







ques qua 



M. F. 

qui quce 

qua qua 

(later quce) 

quorum quarum quorum 
D. Abl. quibus queis 

A. quos quas qua (quce=qua) 

The forms marked * occur only as particles in ordinary 
Latin. Practically the feminine qua or quce is used either inter- 
rogatively or relatively, either substantively or adjectively ; but 
in the derived form quis-quam there is no feminine inflexion, 
though this form is sometimes used with feminine nouns, as in 
Plautus, Cistellaria, I. 1, 68 : quod neque habeo nee quisquam 
alia mulier, and in Plautus, Mil. Gl. IV. 2, 68=1060, the best 
MSS. have : non hie suo seminio quenquam porcellam inperti- 
turust. With regard to those passages in which quis and quid 
are said to be used as adjectives, we must be careful to avoid 
the confusion which has led to this mode of interpreting them. 
Schmidt says (de Pronomine Gr. et Lat. p. 53) : " inter quis 
et qui, quid et quod hoc plerumque intercedere discrimen tra- 
dunt quod alterum pronomen sit substantivum, alterum adjecti- 
vum. Sed quis quoque ssepissime vim habet adjectivi." And he 
proceeds to quote, among other passages, Plaut. Men. III. 2, 33 
=498: responde adolescens, quid nomen tibist ? Cic. pro 
Deiot. 13, 37 : quce enimfortuna aut quis casus aut quce tanta 
possit injuria . . . decreta delere ? Yet the distinction which he 
immediately afterwards quotes from Kritz (ad Sallust. Catil, 
c. 44) ought to have taught him that the adjectival use of quis 
in these passages is merely apparent, especially as there is the 
same distinction between the German wer and was, which are 
substantival, and welcher, which is declined like a regular sub- 
stantive. As Kritz says, quis and quid merely ask for the 
name, but qui and quod inquire respecting the kind, condition, or 
quality of the person or thing. Thus, in the passages adduced 
by Grysar (Theorie des lat. Sty Is, p. 88) and in those quoted 
above, quis stands by itself, or in apposition to a noun, but qui, 
like an adjective, is a definitive epithet, e. g. T. Quisfuit igitur ? 
P. Iste Chcerea. T. Qui Chcerea (Ter. Eun. V. 1, 7), i. e. " who 
was it then ? That Chaerea of yours. Which Chaerea ?" where 
the first question refers to the unknown name, and the second 


seeks a distinction between him and others who bore the same 
designation. Similarly, in the passages quoted above, when there 
is an opposition, quid tibi nomen est means " what is your 
name ?" but quod nomen would mean " which name ?" quis 
casus means " what chance?" or "what for a chance?" as the 
Scotch say : but qui casus would mean " which chance ?" or 
" what kind of a chance ?" Just the same is the distinction of wer 
or was and welcher given in the German dictionaries. For if the 
question is : wer hat dir es gegeben ? " who has given it to you?" 
and the answer is, mein Bruder, " my brother," we should add 
the further question, welcher ? " which brother ?" if there were 
more than one. 

The adjectival character of qui as distinguished from quis is 
common to the genitive of all the demonstrative and relative pro- 
nouns which end in -jus, as hu-jus, ist-ius, ill-ius, e-jus^ ips-ius, 
cu-jus, quo-jus. We have seen that the personal pronouns use, in- 
stead of their proper genitive, the genitive of their possessives, 
meus, tuus,suus, and analogy would lead us to infer that something 
similar is found in the other pronouns. Now cujus, -a, -urn is a 
regular adjective, and its derivative cujas, cujdtis must be com- 
pared with Greek forms like iroKirjTw, 'IraXiwr^?, (N. Crat. 
259). It is clear that these last forms must be derived from 
the ablative-genitive of nouns in -i. Such a case we have in- the 
form TToA-ew? from TTO\IS, prit-yas from pritis ; and I suggested 
long ago that the Latin jus represents under a weaker form this 
genitive ending -yds or -ecos^yws for -toOev (N. Crat. J 248). 
The other explanations, which were proposed before or after 
mine, may be seen in a paper by Aufrecht (Zeitschrift f. Vergl. 
Sprachf. 1851, p. 232). The suggestion that the genitive cujus 
is merely the adjective cujus, with a fixed inflexion like the -mini 
of the passive verb, is objectionable, as well on other accounts, 
as because it is contrary to the analogy of mei, tui, sui, which 
exhibit the genitives of the possessive pronoun. The long i in 
-ms is of course due to the absorption of a previous vowel, and 
the same must be the case with the Sanscrit possessives in -tya. 
The short u of the termination is illustrated by a very complete 
analogy. There can be no doubt that e'o>s re, es re and us-que 
spring from a common origin ; and thus we see at once that the 
terminations of cu-jus and TroX-eojs are identical. 

The guttural anlaut of the Latin relative and interrogative 




is lost in ubi, unde (cf. ali-cubi, ali-cunde), un-quam (cf. -cunque), 
uter (cf. KOTGpos), &c. 

Extensions of the relative or interrogative form indefinite or 
indefinite-relative pronouns, which are accurately distinguished 
by the best writers. Thus ali-quis = alius-quis or ille-quis, 
quis-piam, and qui-dam, denote " some one in particular," though 
the object is not named; quis-que means "every one;" quis- 
quis and qui-cunque "whosoever;" qui-vis and qui-libet, "any 
you please ; " quis-quam and its adjective ullus = unulus, " any 
at all." Hence the words in the first group are obscurely defi- 
nite ; quisque, quisquis, and quicunque include all persons or 
things referred to ; quivis and quilibet allow an unlimited range 
of choice ; and quisquam and ullus exclude all the objects speci- 
fied. The first syllables of ali-quis have been discussed above, 
and there is no difficulty in understanding the compound as sig- 
nificant of separative uncertainty " that other some one." As 
quis-piam and qui-dam very nearly correspond in meaning, their 
etymological analysis ought to lead to similar results. With regard 
to the former there can be no doubt that quis-piam = quis-pe-iam. 
Now pe is obviously equivalent to que and re : cf. nem-pe, nam- 
que. Consequently quis-pe-iam - quis^que-jam = osris re 5>/, 
" some one whoever it may be." The correspondence of pe and 
re in this case is confirmed by the exact agreement of quippe = 
quia pe and are (to which ^ is sometimes added) in the sense 
" inasmuch as : " for quia is the old neuter plural of quis. In 
many of its usages jam corresponds in meaning to the Greek $*/, 
as in the cases just now compared. But in form there is a much 
closer affinity between $rj and the affix -dam or -dem. Thus 
qui-dam is exactly oj Siy, and qui-dem is -ye Sfj. To the same 
class belongs demum, which Ebel (ZeitscJir. f. Vergl. Sprachf. 
1851, p. 308,) would explain as a superlative from the preposition 
de, on the analogy of primum from prce. The forms tan-dem 
and pri-dem show that this explanation is untenable ; and the 
latter at all events proves that dem and pri are not contradictory 
designations of time. The true explanation is suggested by 
deni-que and its by-forms done-c and doni-cum. Greek particles 
expressing time end either in /cot = KGV* as avri-Ka, Trtjvi-Kci, 

A O * 

r / f/ / / ? 

Trjvi-Ka, rjvi-Kcty or in re, as O-TG, TO-TG, TTO-TG, GV-TG, e/cacrro- 
TF, &c. It is clear that these endings are ultimately identical ; 
but it may be concluded, that, while the latter gives rather a 


degree of precision to the term, the former, which more immediately 
corresponds to the well-known particle of the apodosis, comes 
nearer in meaning to the Latin cun-que -Tro--re, and our -soever. 
The Latin -que corresponds in some cases to -KO. or av, in others 
to -re. Thus, while -cun-que is Tro-re, there can be no doubt as 
to the equivalence of ubi-que and OTTOV av, of rtjvi-Ka and deni- 
que (New Crat. 196). 

The substitution of the tenuis for the medial in the Greek 
forms is not universal, for we have ore $>} by the side of quan- 
do, and when this apparent difference is removed, we have no 
difficulty in seeing the exact correspondence between rij^o?, as 
opposed to 7/uos, and demum, for which, according to Festus 
(p. 70, Miiller), Livius Andronicus wrote demus. As the element 
dem is placed indifferently before or after the particle which it 
qualifies (cf. deni-que with tan-dem, pri-dem) we shall understand 
the correspondence between qui-dam, osrt? &}, and the synony- 
mous Sij Tt? = nescio quis (Heindorf ad Plat. Phcedon. p. 107 d). 
Jam is related to dam, Stjv, as Janus to Dianus, &c., and thus 
quispiam = 6's rts re Sij or 09 TI? S>J Trore falls into a near re- 
semblance to qui-dam = 09 fy or Stj T/?. The difference between 
aliquis and quispiam consists in the shade of definiteness con- 
veyed to the former by its prefix ali-, so that while aliquis 
means " some one in particular," quispiam means generally 
" some one*" or " any one." Thus in Cicero (de Orat. II. c. 9. 
J 38), we have : " si de rebus rusticis agricola quispiam, aut 
etiam, id quod multi, medicus de morbis, aut de pingendo pictor 
aliquis diserte dixerit aut scripserit, non idcirco artis illius pu- 
tanda sit eloquentia." The addition of the id quod multi shows 
that quispiam is more general than aliquis : " if any person 
versed in agriculture shall have written or spoken with eloquence 
on rural affairs, or even any physician on diseases, as many have 
done, or some painter on painting, &c." That there is much 
the same distinction between aliquis and quispiam as between 
aliquis and quis, is proved by the existence and usage of the 
compound aliquispiam or aliquipiam (see Cic. Tusc. Disp. III. 
9). In the case of aliquis itself a stronger signification of se- 
paration or definiteness may be conveyed by writing at length 
alius quis or quis alius (see the passages quoted by Draken- 
borch, ad Liv. V. 13. ^ 4. p. 59). The parallelism between 
quippe = quia-pe and are might lead us to conclude that ut-pote, 



which is all but a synonym of quippe, is merely a compound of 
ut and a form involving -pe and equivalent to the termination 
-pte discussed above. As however there is no Latin word -pote 
equivalent to the Greek Trore, and as the phrase ut pote = ut 
potest actually occurs in Yarro (apud Non. c. 2. n. 876 : viget, 
veget, ut pote, plurimum), we may fairly conclude that we have 
here a phrase like scilicet, duntaxat, and not a mere combina- 
tion of pronominal elements, so that ut pote means " as is pos- 
sible." The suggestion of Doderlein that it stands for ut puta 
does not deserve a moment's consideration. 

That quilibet involves the impersonal libet is obvious on the 
slightest examination; and notwithstanding the difficulty occasioned 
by the particle -ve, we must conclude that the 2nd pers. sing, of 
volo is the affix of quivis. This is not only deducible from the 
analogy of quilibet, but is shown by a passage in Cato (R. R. 
c. 52) where a noun is interposed between qui and vis : " hoc 
modo quod genus vis propagabis." 

What has been already said of cun-que = cum-que = Tro-re 
applies to other uses of the affix -que, as quis-que, uter-que, 
undi-que, utrin-que, ubi-que, us-que, quo-que. There is much 
general truth in Schmidt's definition of quisque (de pronom. Gr. 
et Lat. p. 100) : " pronomen indefinitum rem mente conceptam 
et e rerum ejusdem generis cumulo ac serie exemtam significat. 
Que autem particula si ad pronomen additur, pronominis vis ex- 
tenditur, idque ad omnem rem, in quam cadere possit sententia, 
transferri significatur. Itaque quis, particula que adjuncta, non 
bominum incertum quendam, sed omnem, ad quern pertinere pos- 
sit sententia, notat. Ab omnis igitur ita differt, ut hoc quidem 
cunctos simul significet, quisque autem distributionem quandam 
exprimat." Referring to the comparison made above between 
the Roman affix, and the Greek -KC*, KCV, or av appended to re- 
latives in general expressions, it is clear that the only principle, 
which will explain all the facts, is that which lies at the basis 
of the true theory respecting these Greek particles. Now it 
appears that av and KGV are connected with the second pronominal 
element, and therefore claim the same pedigree as the relative 
pronouns. But they are not only immediately attached to the 
relative word in the hypothesis or protasis, as in orav, edv, 09 
Av 9 &c., but also appear as antecedents or correlatives in the 
apodosis of a condition. In the latter case they can only be 


considered as hints suggestive of the hypothetical or general 
nature of the whole sentence ; for if I say Ae'^ot/u.' av, even with- 
out any condition expressed, the hearer feels that a condition is 
implied, which would not be the case if I had said Ac^w. Such 
being the fact in regard to the apodosis, it is still more evident 
that the addition of a relative particle in the protasis, which is 
already a relative sentence, must add to the generality or com- 
prehensiveness of the reference. And so we constantly find that 
the multiplication of relative or indefinite elements makes the 
range of supposition wider ; and if quis means " any one," quis- 
que, quis-quis, qui-cun-que will mean '* any any" or " every 
possible" individual. This view is confirmed by the Semitic 
usages : for we not only find pronominal repetitions, such as 
HDINE = HD*! HD = quid et quid, but even repetitions of general 
terms, as l^W ttPN = vir et vir = quis-que. In comparing quis- 
que with qui-cun-que we observe, besides the constant distinction 
between quis and qui, that the latter is strengthened by the in- 
sertion of the temporal particle cum ; and it is worthy of notice 
that not only is cunque used by itself as an expression of time ; 
as in Hor. I. Carm. 32, 15 : " mihi cunque salve rite vocanti," 
where cunque = quoque tempore ; but we even find it after cum, 
as in Lucretius, II. 113: " contemplator enim, cum solis lumina 
cunque inserti fundunt radii per opaca domorum." Us-que for 
cus-que (cf. us-piam, us-quam) is only a different inflexion of the 
same elements as cun-que, for us-que and un-quam both refer to 
time, (see Schmidt, 1. 1. p. 96) ; and quo-que " too," " still," " con- 
tinuing that state of things," must also be regarded as a particle 
of time, like its synonym etiam et jam 1 . 

As the latter part of the words quis-que, quis-quis, qui-cun- 
que is manifestly of relative import no less than the affix of 
quis-quam, it is clear that the absolute difference in meaning 
between these words, and between us-que and un-quam, us-quam, 
cannot depend upon the etymology of the suffix. If we compare 
tam, quam with turn, quum, we shall see that while the former 
pair refer to manner, the latter imply time. As dies signifying 
a particular day is always masculine, and as we have a number 
of adverbs counting time by days, as pridie, hodie, nudius tertius, 

1 For the parallelism and difference of quoque and etiam see Plaut. 
Trin. IV. 3, 42 : "illis quoque abrogant etiam fidem." 



diu, interdiu, &c., it is fair to conclude that turn, quum mean 
" on the particular day," " on which day ;" and the same expla- 
nation will apply to olim, " on that day." Similarly, as the 
Greek adverbs in -rj are properly explained by an ellipse of o&5 
signifying " way," " process," " manner," and as we have the 
adverbs obviam, perviam signifying directions or modes of motion, 
it may be inferred that there is an ellipse of viam in tarn, quam, 
which would at once explain their meaning. If we apply the 
same explanation to quis-quam, we shall see that it means " any 
one in any way," *. e. " any one at all," which is always its 
distinctive meaning ; for quisquam can only be used in a negative 
or conditional sentence, where all are excluded, or where the range 
of choice is circumscribed between the narrowest possible limits. 
Hence in Terence (Eunuch, prol. 1) we have : " si quisquam 
est in his poeta his nomen profitetur suum" " if there is any 
person at all, if there is any one person in all the world" where 
the number is especially limited. Hence unus is often appended 
to quisquam (cf. Liv. XXVIII. 37, where quisquam unus is 
opposed to alii omnes, and II. 9, where quisquam unus is opposed 
to universus senatus). Hence also ullus-unulus, "a little one," 
" a mere one," serves as the adjective of quisquam, which, as we 
have seen, has no feminine or plural forms, though it occurs 
occasionally with feminine nouns. The exclusive force of unus 
and ullus is well shown by the modern French aucun = aliquis 
unus, which performs all the functions of quispiam, although the 
first word belongs to the most definite of these general pronouns. 
Thus non vidi quenquam might be rendered je n'ai vu personne, 
or aucune personne. And in English we sometimes use the word 
"single" for the purpose of excluding all of the kind as, " I 
have not a single shilling." Opposed as quisquam is to quis- 
quis, it is very strange that no editor should have observed 
its intrusion into the place of the latter in a passage of Ovid 
(Fast. V. 21) : 

Ssepe aliquis solio, quod tu, Saturne, tenebas, 

Ausus de media plebe sedere deus; 
Et latus Oceano quisquam deus advena junxit: 

Tethys et extreme ssepe recepta loco est. 

It is obvious that quisquam is inadmissible, and that we must 
read quisquis, with the punctuation : et latus Oceano, quisquis 
deus advena, junxit, i. e. " whatever god happened to come 


up." Cf. Plaut. Amph. I. 1, 156 : quisquis homo hue venerit, 
pugnos edet. 

6. Numerals and Degrees of Comparison. 

In regard to the general discussion of this part of the subject, 
I have nothing to add to the full investigation which it has re- 
ceived in the New Crat. Book II. ch. 2. For the sake of method, 
however, it will be desirable to mention a few facts referring 
more particularly to the Latin language. While unus, more 
anciently osnus or oinos, corresponds in origin to the Greek efs, 
ev-, Goth, aina, Celtic aenn, the Sanscrit eka is represented only 
by the adjective cequus. We have eV, with s instead of tho 
aspirate, in sem-el, sim-plex, sem-per, and sin-gulus. The ordinal 
primus is derived from the preposition prce, just as the Greek 
TrpwTos comes from irpo. All the ordinals end in -mus (which is 
perhaps contained in octavus for octau-mus, nonus for novimus), 
with the exception of secundus, "following," which is merely 
the participle of sequor, and of tertius, quartus, quintus, sextus, 
which represent the Greek -ros. In tertius this ending is length- 
ened by the qualitative or possessive -ius, so that ter-t-ius is a 
derivative of ter-tus, and the same is the case in the Sanscrit 
dvi-tiyas, tritiyas, and in the Sclavonic tretii, fern, tretiza. The 
Sclavonic relative kotoroia exhibits a similar extension of a form 
corresponding to Korepos. By the side of duo we have ambo, 
which is nearly synonymous with uterque. The distinction of 
these words is well known. While duo merely denotes an ag- 
gregate of two individuals the number " two" ambo signifies 
" both together" and uterque, "both the one and the other." This 
is clear from such passages as the following ; Ter. AdelpJi. I. 2, 

Curemus sequam uterque partem; tu alterum, 
Ego alterum: nam ambos curare propemodum 
Reposcere ilium est, quern dedisti. 

" Let both the one and the other of us look to his own : for to 
concern yourself with both together is almost to demand back 
again the boy whom you gave me." Auson. JEp. 91 : " vis ambas 
ut amem ? si diligit utraque vellem." " Do you wish me to love 
both together ? If both the one and the other loves me, I should 
be glad to do so." Hence it is clear that, as Doderlein says 
(Lat. Et. u. Syn. IV. 349), ambo regards the two as two halves, 



but uterque as two integral unities : and the former corresponds 
to ajuL<pw t the latter to e/carepos, and both in different cases 
to atKporepos. The separability of the two constituent units 
in uterque is farther shown by the fact that this word may have 
either a singular or plural verb, whereas ambo always takes the 

The formation of the degrees of comparison in adjectives and 
adverbs is intimately connected with that of the numerals. For 
all ordinals are of the nature of superlatives, and the most 
genuine form of the comparative in the Indo-Germanic languages 
is the combination of pronominal elements, which forms the 
third numeral, considered as indicating something beyond two. 
Although the Latin language is almost the only idiom which 
exhibits the full development of the separate usage of the form 
ter=ta-ra (New Crat. 157), for it has not only the numeral 
under the forms tres, ter, ter-nio, ter-tius, but also a noun ter- 
minus, and a regular preposition trans, it does not use -ter as a 
comparative suffix except in the case of pronominal forms. For 
all common words we have instead of -ter, -repos, -taras, which 
are so common in cognate languages, either the merely relative 
adjective in -ius, corresponding to the Sanscrit -iyas, Greek -109, 
or a derivative from this in -ior, corresponding to the Sanscrit 
-iyans, Greek -twv = -10^-9. Thus we have both al-ter and 
al-ius, and from the same root ul-tra, ul-tro. Many prepositions 
have a fixed or adverbial form in -tra, which is extended by the 
addition of -ior into an inflected comparative. Thus we have 
ci-tra, ci-ter-ior, ex-tra, ex-ter-ior, in-tra, in-ter-ior, ul-tra, 
ul-ter-ior, &c. The forms an-ter-ior, de-ter-ior, pos-ter-ior, 
show that there must have been originally derivatives like an- 
tra, de-tra, pos-tra> as well as the existing an-te, de,pos-t[e\; and 
we have seen that pos-tro is still extant in Umbrian. In some 
words the original affix was -ra only, as in inf-ra, sup-ra, 
whence inferior, superior. Some prepositions have no interme- 
diate adverb in -tra or -ra, but merely add the termination -ior, 
as prior from prce, propior from prope; and to this class we 
must add pejor for pes-ior, from per. All regular adjectives 
form their comparative in this way namely, by adding -ior 
to the crude form of the positive, as dur-us, dur-ior, facil-is, 
facil-ior, or, if the adjective involves a verbal root, from the 
crude form of the participle ; thus, the comparative of maledicus 


is not maledicior, but maledicent-ior. There is no doubt that 
al-ius and med-ius are comparative words. The regular com- 
parative in -ior, gen. -ioris, is formed from the genitive of these 
forms, as appears from the Sanscrit -iyans, Gr. -iwi/=-toi/-s (New 
Crat. 165). As the ordinal admits of two forms in -tus and in 
-mus, and as the superlative is of the nature of an ordinal, we 
should expect that it would be indicated by one or both of 
these terminations. And this is the case. We have -mus alone in 
pri-mus, extre-mus 9 postre-mus, infi-mus or imus, and sum-mus 
for supi-mus. We have -ti-mus in ul-timus, in op-timus, 
" uppermost," from ob, in in-timus, " most inward," from in, in 
pes-simus (for pes-timus) "most down," from per (cf. pessum- 
do with per-do, and per-eo). The termination - timus is univer- 
sally assimilated in the superlatives of ordinary adjectives. For 
these superlatives are formed, like the comparatives in -tra, 
-T6|009, from an adverbial form, and not from the crude form of 
the adjective, like the comparatives in -ior (see New Crat. 
165 ; Gr. Gr. Art. 269, sqq.). The adverb derived from the 
adjectives in -us or -er, which ended in e or o in ordinary 
Latin, originally terminated in -ed; and as the supines in -turn 
of dental verbs generally changed their t into s, or, in combi- 
nation with the characteristic, into -ss, we are not at a loss to 
account for the similar phenomenon in the superlatives : for ces- 
sum-ced-tum from cedo, and sessum=sed~tum from sedeo, fully 
correspond to dur-i-ssimus from dured-timus, and moll-i-ssimus 
from mollid-timus. The change of e into i in the former case 
is in accordance with the usual practice ; cf. teneo, con-tineo, 
sedeo, assideo, &c. When the crude form of the adjective ends 
in I or r, the t of -timus is assimilated to this letter : thus from 
celer we have celer-rimus for celer-timus, from facilis we have 
facil-limus for facil-timus. The junction between the crude 
form of the adjective and an affix properly appended to a derived 
adverb is due to the fact that adjectives of this kind may use 
their neuter and even their crude form as adverbs ; thus we have 
not only faciliter, but facile, and even facul (Fes tus, p. 87, 

$ 7. Prepositions. 

The most important of the pronominal adverbs, which are 
used as the basis of degrees of comparison, are the prepositions. 



One of these, trans, is merely an extension of the affix of the 
comparative, and they are all employed more or less in qualifying 
those expressions of ease, on which the mutual relations of words 
so much depend. We have seen that, according to the proper 
and original distinctions of the oblique cases, the genitive or 
ablative (for they were originally identical) denotes motion from 
a place, or, generally, separation ; the dative or locative implies 
rest in a place, or, generally, conjunction ; and the accusative 
signifies motion to a place, or, generally, approach with a view 
to conjunction ; but that these primitive uses of the oblique inflex- 
ions have become obsolete in Latin, with the exception of a few 
general nouns and the proper names of cities. In other instances, 
motion from and to, and rest in a place, together with the other 
mutual relations of words, are expressed by some preposition ; 
and in this use of the prepositions, the genitive, as distinct from 
the ablative, and the dative, whether identified with the locative 
or distinguished from it, are utterly excluded. The ablative 
alone is used with those prepositions which signify separation, 
and takes the place of the dative or locative with those which 
imply rest or conjunction, while the accusative properly accom- 
panies those which denote approach or motion. 

It will be convenient to class the Latin prepositions under 
three heads, corresponding to the three primitive distinctions of 
the oblique cases namely, separation or motion from, rest in, 
and approach or motion to. To each of these may be appended 
the derived or compounded prepositions, which introduce some 
new modification of meaning. 

The three simplest auxiliaries of the primitive relations of 
case are ab (shortened in a, and extended into abs, absque) for 
the expression of separation or motion from, with the ablative ; 
in for the expression of rest in or on, with the ablative, as the 
usurper of the place of the dative or locative ; and ad for the 
expression of approach or motion to with the accusative. 

There is no doubt as to the origin and linguistic affinities of 
these prepositions. Ab or abs corresponds in etymology and 
meaning to the Greek, awo or a\//, which was originally CLV-TTOS, 
or va-7ros (New Crat. 169), and, as such, denoted motion from 
a distant object to the subject, according to the principle which 
I have stated and elucidated elsewhere (New Crat. f J 130, 169; 
Gr. Gr. Art. 77). Practically ab and CLTTO denote motion from the 


surface of an object, and are so distinguished from ex (e), ef (e/c), 
which imply that we pass through intermediate proximity ; in 
corresponds in use to the Greek e v and ei? = ew, and in origin 
not only to these prepositions, but also to dvd* In with the abla- 
tive and kv with the dative express the simplest and most 
elementary notion of locality the being in a place. With the 
accusative, in signifies into or unto a place, deriving the expres- 
sion of motion from the case with which it is connected. When 
ev is connected with the accusative in this sense, it is always ex- 
panded to ets = ei/s, except in some of the lyric poets, such as 
Pindar, who, like the Romans, use ey to express both location with 
the dative and motion with the accusative. There is no doubt 
that ei>, et;>, \vi, dvd, iva, are ultimately identical, the original 
form having been Fa-va, which expresses motion through the 
nearer to the more distant object. Practically, in represents all 
the uses of ev, el?, dvd, and even of the negative prefix which 
corresponds to the last. Thus we have dvd pepos = in-vicem, ev 
T>7 TroXeiin urbe, ets r}r> 7ro\iv = in urbem, dv-*jpi0/u.os = in- 
numerus. The preposition ad is obviously another form of the 
conjunctions at = " still," and et = "too," "and." The late Pro- 
fessor Hunter showed 1 that there was the same relation between 
the Greek Se, which signifies " too," " in the second place," and 
the affix -$e, as in OIKOV-$, "to-home," implying motion to a place. 
We learn from the other form el-ra (New Crat. 193) that e-rt 
is compounded of the second element Fa, and the third ; conse- 
quently it corresponds in etymology, as it does pretty nearly in 
meaning, to the Greek ets = evs, and to in used with the accusative. 
In its use with the ablative of the agent, ab corresponds 
rather to the Greek viro 9 than to cnro. Thus : mundus a deo 
creatus est would be rendered o JCOOYAOS VTTO (not OTTO) TOV Ocov 
eKTiaOrj. But we are not to conclude from this that VTTO, 
OTTO, are different forms of the same word. The u is found in 
all the cognate words JTTO, sub, vTrep, super, subter, uf, ufar, 
upa t upari; and it is clear that while d-tro = VCL-ITO, is com- 
pounded of the third and first, V-TTO = Fa-?ro is made up of the 
second and first pronominal elements, and so denotes a passage 

1 A Grammatical Essay on the nature, import, and effect, of certain Con" 
junctions ; particularly the Greek 8e : read June 21, 1784. Trans, of the 
Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vol. I. pp. 113 34. 



to the subject from that which is proximate or under the feet. 
As the act of separation implies nearness at the moment of sepa- 
ration, we find that idiomatically ab is used to express relative 
positions, as : a fronte, " in front," a tergo, " behind," libertus a 
manUf " a freedrnan at hand," i. e. an amanuensis. But this 
meaning is more fully expressed by ap-ud, compounded of ab 
and ad, and combining the meaning of these two prepositions ; 
for apud signifies " being by the side of but not part of an 
object," and this implies both juxta-position and separation. It 
is used with the accusative, because this is the case of the latter 
preposition of the two, and because the passage from ab to ad 
implies motion. The Greek Trapd, which answers exactly to 
apud, takes different cases according to the meaning implied by 
the special reference (Gr. Gr. Art. 485). In low Latin we have 
the compound ab-ante from which comes the French a-vant, and 
even de-ab-ante from whence comes devant (see Pott, Zeitschr. 
/. d. Vergl. Sprf. I. p. 311). 

The preposition in has also the comparative forms in-ter arid 
in-tra, or in-fra, which imply motion, and are consequently 
joined to the accusative. The same is the case with an-te, which 
retains the a found in an-ter, Sanscr. an-tar, Gr. a-rep for 
civ-rep (New Crat. 204). In meaning an-te corresponds to 
the Greek CLV-TI only so far as the latter signifies " in front of," 
which is the primitive signification of the Latin particle. The 
Greek Trpo, from whence comes TTJOOS, or trpoTi, claims a com- 
mon origin with pro ; and there can be no doubt as to the 
connexion between irapd, whence Trapai, and prce ; but there are 
many shades of meaning in which the Latin and Greek terms by 
no means coincide. Prce-ter, which is a comparative of prce, and 
prop-ter, which is similarly formed from pro-pe, an extension of 
pro (above, 5), express exactly certain meanings of Trapd : thus 
Trapd ^o^av - prceter opinionem, and Trapd ravra propter ista. 
Per exactly answers to Trapd, in its negative or depreciating 
sense, in compounds such as pe-jero forper-juro = TrapopKeto : cf. 
pejor for perior. Although per and irepl are identical words, 
there are only some few cases in which their significations strictly 
correspond (see New Crat. 177, 8). It is perhaps still more 
difficult to show the exact relation in meaning between the 
Greek and Latin affix -irep, -per : cf. airep, oaaTrep, &c. with 
paullwpw, nuper, &c. In many of its employments the Latin 


per coincides exactly with tho Greek Sicf, which, with the geni- 
tive, and, in the older poets, with the accusative also, signifies 
" through," and which, with the accusative in ordinary Greek, 
corresponds to the use of irapd, propter, to which I have just 
adverted. Etymologically there can be no doubt that Sid finds 
a representative in the Latin de, which implies descent and 
derivation, and is of course used with the ablative. It has been 
remarked already, that ab differs from ex, the other preposition 
most directly connected with the meaning of the ablative, by refer- 
ring to the surface of the object from which the separation takes 
place, whereas ex denotes a removal from or out of the interior 
of the object or objects. Now de also presumes that the thing 
removed was a part of the object from which it is removed. 
Thus while we have no ab-imo from emo, we have both ex-imo, 
" to take out," and demo, " to take away a part " (as partem 
solido demere de die), to say nothing of sumo, " to take up," 
promo, " to take forth," which imply approximation to the same 
idea of partition. This signification of partition brings us back 
very closely to the primitive meaning of Sid, $/?, Suo ; and we 
have absolute division in such phrases as dedi de meo. From the 
same idea of partition we may get the sense of derivation and 
descent implied in these and other compounds of de. And here 
de comes into close contact with the affixes -6ev, -tus, which un- 
doubtedly belong to the same original element (see New Crat. 
263) ; thus de ccelo is exactly equivalent to ccdi-tus. While 
Sid corresponds to per in its sense of " through," and to de in its 
meaning of division into parts, we find that de conversely coincides 
with irepl in the sense of " about," " concerning," as denoting the 
subject from which the action or writing is derived, i. e. the 
source of agency or the subject-matter (v\rj). Thus scripsit de 
republica means " he took the subject of his writing from the 
general theme of the commonwealth ;" for which a Greek would 
have said : eypatye irepl rrjs TroXirems, i.e. "his writing was 
about or derived from the republic/' The connexion of de and 
Sid is seen still more plainly in the form di or dis which the 
former bears in composition. 

As de, though connected with Sid, thus corresponds to one 
of the uses of irepi, while Sid in its general meaning coincides 
with per, so we find that ob, which is etymologically identical 
with d/m(f)i s a synonym of Trepi, agrees in one of its uses with 



propter, and so with &d when used with the accusative. The 
fact, that ob may be traced to a common origin with CTTI and 
d[jL(pi, has been elsewhere established (New Crat. 172, 3), by 
the following proofs. There can be no doubt as to the identity 
of eTri with the Sanscrit api and abhi. Now abhi is related to 
afji<pi, as abhra is to oju-ppos, abhau to aficfta), ambo, &c. And 
the analogy of GLTTO for CLV-TTO, shows that CTTI must originally 
have been ev-irl or dv-iri dfjL-(pt. Moreover CTTI and dfjL(pi con- 
cur not only in their ordinary meanings, but especially in that 
sense of interchange or reciprocity which I have claimed for eiri 
(New Crat. 174). Now 06, which resembles the Sanscrit abhi 
in its auslaut, shows by its vowel the last trace of a lost nasal ; 
comp. obba, umbo, a/*/3ff . And its usage, in other senses than 
that of propter, indicates a close connexion in meaning with CTTI 
and djuL<pi Thus cp-timus from ob manifestly denotes " up-most" 
or " upper-most." So that ob must have denoted "superposition" 
or " relative altitude" like eV/. And Festus (p. 178, Miiller) has 
pointed out usages in which it concurs with the two Greek pre- 
positions : " ob prsepositio alias ponitur pro circum (i. e. dfji<pi) t 
ut cum dicimus urbem ob-sideri, ob-vallari, ob-signari . . . alias 
pro ad (i. e. eiri) ponitur, ut Ennius : ob Romam noctu legiones 
ducere cospit, et alibi ob Trojam duxit" The relative altitude 
implied by eiri and ob is shown in such phrases as ob oculos, 
" before the eyes," i. e. on a level with them ; and in Ennius 1 
Telamo we have more generally ob os (Cic. Tusc. Disp. III. 
18) : hicine est ille Telamo . . . cujus ob os Graii or a obvertebant 
sua, where the compound reminds us of JEschyl. Choeph. 350 : 
eTrt-o-TjOeTTTo? a\wv. The frequentative sense of CTTI is conveyed 
by obeo, eTrKpoirdw, " to go backwards and forward?," and the 
relative height of a table, or city built on the level surface of a 
hill, is signified by oppidum = eir'iTre^ov (Virg. Georg. II. 156 : 
tot congesta manu prccruptis oppida saxis). The phrases 
quoted by Festus for the sense of circum remind us at once of 
and Trepl or djUL(f)i. Thus obsidere is either <f0eecr0ai or 
If obscurus reminds us of eTa'tr/ao?, we have 
in oc-culo ; if ob-edio suggests e Tret/coy o>, ob-esus 
(bassus) refers us to d[i(pt\a(pi<]$, ob-erro to TrepnrXavwfJLai, and 
ob-liquus to a.^<pi\o^o^. The sense of perseverance or continu- 
ance conveyed by oc-cupo, ob-tineo, and obs-tinatus (see Ruhn- 
ken, Dictata in Terentium, p. 78), is also due to the meaning of 


surrounding or going backwards and forwards contained in 
and apfpi (Trepi). For example, oc-cupo is either e7nXa/A/3 
or TrepiXa/mfldvu). The preposition circum (circa, circiter), which 
is limited to the local or temporal meaning of Trepi, is a case of 
the substantive circus, which may be connected with cis (citra), 
a form of the pronominal element -ce ; and ci-tra, citro are 
opposed to ul-tra, ul-tro, as ce = " here" is opposed to ul- (a/-, 
an-, il-, in-) =" there," and there is no doubt that the preposition 
in is ultimately identical with the pronoun ul~, al- (cf. Sanscr. 
any a, Greek /celi>o9, &c.). The pronominal root ce obtains another 
prepositional extension in cum fyv, and this again has its 
comparative in con-tra, " against," implying extension from and 
in front of that which is here. The first element po- combined 
with the second -s and the third -n gives in po[s]ne a sense of 
extension "backwards" and "behind," i.e. through all three posi- 
tions ; and this is also the meaning of pos-t, which bears the same 
relation to po-ne that se-d or se-t does to si-ne. The latter, 
which is really po-s-ne without the first syllable, expresses the 
idea of simple separation. The compound post, or even the syllable 
po alone, is used as a preposition almost equivalent to trans, as 
in po-mcerum or post-mcerium, " the space beyond the wall," 
post-liminium, " the space beyond the threshhold, within which 
a resumption of civic rights is possible. 1 ' Trans, involving the 
elements of the comparative suffix, with a new affix, differs little 
from ul-tra, for it includes nearly the same elements in a dif- 
ferent order. As cir-cus is probably connected with cis, so ter- 
minus undoubtedly contains the root of tr-ans. A finis or ter- 
minus strictly excludes the citra as well as the ultra, and the 
circus, as a line, is neither the space, which it encloses, nor that, 
which it shuts out. Erga, which bears the same relation to 
ergo that ultra does to ultro, must be explained by the corre- 
spondence of ergo and igitur. The latter, as we have seen, is 
an extension in -tur = -tus of i-gi es-gi ; and erg-a = esg-a is 
only a different form of the same word ; for the ending of igi-tur 
is -tur = -tim, and while circa stands by circi-ter we shall see 
directly that juxta presumes a juxtatim. 

It has been shown (in Chapter VIII.) that clam, coram, 
penes and tenus are adverbs derived from nominal or verbal 
roots; and juxta=jug-sta is a compound of the root jug- in 
jungo, jugum, jugis, and the crude form of sto. . Like con-tinuo 



it expresses contiguity. Some consonantal affix, equivalent to a 
case-ending, is involved in the last syllable. The old gram- 
marians remark that " statim pro firmiter primam producit ; 
pro illico corripit ;" and such forms as statio, &c., prove that the 
contraction is not always exhibited. But the analogy of ai/a- 
fj,iy-criv, dva-fJii'y-Sa, avd-piya, dva-jmi^ (Greek Grammar, 
Art. 265), shows that some affix was to be expected, and that it 
might be extenuated into a mere vocal auslaut. From the 
almost synonymous tenus and e%fjs, compared with the ablatives 
in a for ad, and with ergd by the side of igi-tur, we can easily 
infer the nature of the appendage which has been rubbed off 
from the prepositional adverb jug-sta = jug-sta-tim. 

It may be worth while to add that prepositions compounded 
with verbs are liable to certain changes from assimilation or 
absorption, which perhaps typify a similar change in the separate 
use of these proclitic words. 
A, ab, abs may appear as au, and we have seen it assume the 

form of in old Latin (above, p. 221). 

Ad may change d into the first letter of the word with which it 

is compounded ; thus it may become ac, of, ag, al, an, ap, ar, 

as, at; and we have seen that the last of these represents one 

of its separate usages ; compare also et, and the Greek ert. 

Ante sometimes appears as antid, which may have been its 

original form (see above, p. 306). 
Circum may lose its final m or change it into n. 
Cum appears as com, co, col, con, or cor. 
De either remains unaltered, or assumes the form des before t ; 
it is found also with a different, but cognate signification, as 
dis-y di-, dif- and dir-. 

E, ex, enters into compounds either in its separate form, or assi- 
milated to /-, as in ef-fero. 

In is im before labials, i before g, il and ir before the liquids 
I and r, but otherwise unchanged; in old writers or their 
imitators we have endo or indu. 

Inter is not changed, except before I, when it becomes Intel-. 
Ob becomes obs before dentals, it is assimilated to labials and 
gutturals, and is shortened into o before m; sometimes it 
resumes its original m : thus we have amb, shortened into 
am, or an before c, as in an-ceps. 
Per is sometimes, but not always, assimilated to I. 


Post, or pone, becomes po, in pomcerium, pomeridianus. 

Pro is written prod before a vowel, as in prod-est ; it suffers 

metathesis in pol-liceo, por-rigo, where it approaches to the 

cognate per, if it is not identical with it. 
The inseparable re, really a form of in=dvd, is written red be- 

fore a vowel, or the dentals d, t ; compare red-eo, red-do, 


Sine, or sed, appears only as se. 
Sub may change b to the following letter, and sometimes as- 

sumes s before t, as in subs-traho. 
Trans may be shortened into tra. 
Ve, or vehe, is not a preposition, but a particle containing the 

same root as via=veha, veho, weg, &c. 

8. Negative Particles. 

Negative particles fall into two main classes essentially dif- 
ferent in signification ; for they denote either denial, which is 
categorical negation, or prohibition, which is hypothetical nega- 
tion ; in the former case, we negative an affirmation, i. e. affirm 
that the case is not so ; in the latter, we negative a supposition, 
i. e. prohibit or forbid an assumed or possible event. As these 
differences are absolute in logic or syntax, it is necessary that 
they should be expressed by the forms of the words ; and the 
three classical languages have sufficient, but by no means iden- 
tical, methods of conveying these distinctions. The Greek lan- 
guage expresses categorical negation by the particle ou or OV-K, 
amounting to d-ya-Fa-K, which denotes distance and separation, 
but takes for the expression of a prohibition or negative hypo- 
thesis the particle /juj, which is connected with the first personal 
pronoun, and is therefore opposed to OVK as subject is to object 
(New Crat. 189). The Hebrew language has the same root 
^>, which is ultimately identical with the Indo-Germanic na or 
a-na, to express both negation and prohibition ; but while the 
categorical negative yh conveys this idea by a lengthened stress 
on the vowel which follows the liquid, the hypothetical btf 
denotes the prohibition of an act present or intended by an 
initial breathing which throws the emphasis on the anlaut 
(Maskil le-Sopher, p. 15). The Latin language, like the 
Hebrew, contents itself with one pronominal element, namely, n\ 
signifying " distance " and " separation," for both negation and 




prohibition, but distinguishes these in form by adopting a com- 
pound or lengthened word for the categorical negative, while the 
hypothetical word appears without any such strengthening 
addition. Thus, while the common expression for the cate- 
gorical negative is non for nenu or noenu, which is obviously 
ne cenum or ne unum with the ecthlipsis of the final m, we find 
merely ne in the prohibitive sense, in ordinary Latin. There are 
traces in single words and in the older authors of a strengthening 
affix c in this latter use (above, p. 98), corresponding to the 
affix which appears in OV-K or ov-^i. We must distinguish this 
affix from the conjunction -que, which appears in the disjunction 
ne-que (Muller, Suppl. Ann. ad Fest. p. 387). If, then, we 
compare ov-K=d-va-Fa-K with ne-c, we shall see that they differ 
only in the inserted element Fa, and there is no reason to suppose 
that the categorical rion differs from the hypothetical ne, other- 
wise than by the strengthening word unum, which is also in- 
volved in nullus n'unu-lus. On the other hand, we see from 
the categorical use of n'unquam, n'usquam, ne-quidem and ne- 
que, that the negative ne may always be used in a denial of facts, 
if it is only sufficiently strengthened. The identity of d-i'a-[Fa]-/c 
and ne-c is farther shown by the use of the negative as a prefix 
in Latin. Of this we have three forms ; the simple ne or rii as 
in ne-fas, ne-scio, ni-hil, ni-si, &c. ; the same with i = Fa pre- 
fixed, as in in-iquus, in-numerus, im-mensus, i-gnavus, &c. ; 
with c affixed, as in nec-opinus, neg-otium, neg-ligo or nec-ligo. 
As it is quite clear that in these instances the element n is that 
which gives the negative force, and as this element is common to 
n'on and ne, it follows that the Romans did not distinguish 
between the form of the prohibition and categorical negation 
otherwise than by strengthening the latter. And this extenuation 
of the negative emphasis in subordinate expressions is also shown 
by the fact, that, in conditional and final sentences, the mere dimi- 
nution of assertion expressed by minus took the place of the 
shorter negative; thus we have si minus for sin, and quominus 
for quin. It is a question whether the shorter form ne can 
appear without some strengthening affix, as -dum, -que, or 
quidem, in the categorical negation. Of the passages quoted 
some are manifestly corrupt, and it seems that ne is not used 
categorically, except when it stands for ne-quidem, " not even " 
(see Drakenborch, ad Liv. VIII. 4 ; XXXIII. 49). It may be 


doubted in these cases whether there is not a concealed prohi- 
bition, as in the Greek ^ on. On the other hand, when non 
appears, as it occasionally does, in a final sentence, there is always 
some reason for the employment of this more emphatical par- 
ticle. Thus ne plura dicam, or ut ne plura dicam, means 
merely " not to say more," but ut plura non dicam neque alio- 
rum exemplis confirmem (Cic. pro lege Manil. 15, $ 44) implies 
a more deliberate abstinence from irrelevant details. The dif- 
ference between ne-quidem and non-quidem or nec-quidem con- 
sists in the greater degree of emphasis conveyed by the former, 
which is much the more usual combination ; for ne-quidem means 
" not even ;" but non (or nee) -quidem denotes merely a qualifi- 
cation of opposed terms, so that quidem is simply the Greek 
imev : this appears from Qumtilian's rendering (IX. 3, J 55) of 
Demosthenes (de Corona, p. 288) : OVK CITTOV juei> TCLVTO., OVK 

/ f ft f R/ | \ 'ft & ' ft> f 

eypaya ce' ovo e'ypa.'ya |uei>, OVK eTrpeapevcra ce* ovo 7rpe(r- 
fievaa ^ev, OVK eVewa e 0>//3a/ois, " non enim dixi quidem, 
sed non scripsi ; nee scrips! quidem, sed non obii legationem ; 
nee obii quidem, sed non persuasi Thebanis :" (see Wagner on 
Virg. Georg. I. 126). 

This distinction in emphasis regulates the employment of the 
negative particles in interrogations, and we observe the same 
relation between the Greek and Latin particles in this use also 
that is, we employ nonne in Latin, where we write ap' ov in 
Greek ; num, which bears the same relation to ne that ipsus does 
to ipse or necessum to necesse, corresponds to the Greek use of 
/ULIJ or /my OVV-IULWV ; and the enclitic -ne is used when no nega- 
tion appears in Greek ; thus we have : ap OVK ccrnv ao-Oevys ; 
=nonne aegrotat? when we expect an affirmative answer; apa 
ILY\ ecTTiv acrOeviis ; or /uwf dcrOevrjs etjTi\=num cegrotat ? when 
we expect a negative answer ; and apa ao-6evrj$ GCTTL ; -cegrotat- 
ne ? when we merely ask for information. The employment of the 
negative in the final sentence really emanates from this use in 
interrogations, coupled with the prohibitive value of the shorter 
particle. (See Complete Greek Grammar, Art. 538.) The 
subordinate sentence, whether affirmative or negative, is generally 
coupled with that on which it depends by some relative or inter- 
rogative particle. In Greek this particle cannot be dispensed 
with, except in those cases, when the thing feared, denied, or 
doubted, is expressed by a prohibitive sentence, and here the 




usual form of the final or illative sentence is relinquished ; but 
the use of were /mtj (Gr. Gr. Art. 602) shows that this is 

Odvco might have 
y Qaveiv, " I fear 

merely an idiomatic omission, and S 

been written decora, MS JULIJ Odvu), or WCTTC 

with a view to the result that I may not die." The examples 
collected by Mr. Allen (Analysis of Latin Verbs, pp. 337, sqq.) 
sufficiently show that in Latin the relative particle ut may be 
either inserted or omitted at pleasure, whether the subordinate 

sentence is affirmative or negative. 


1 . The Latin verb generally defective. 2. The personal inflexions their con- 
sistent anomalies. 3. Doctrine of the Latin tenses. 4. The substantive 
verbs. 5. Paucity of organic formations in the regular Latin verb. 6. General 
scheme of tenses in the Latin verb. 7. Verbs which may be regarded as para- 
thetic compounds. 8. Tenses of the vowel-verbs which are combinations of 
the same kind. 9. Organic derivation of the tenses in the consonant-verb. 
10. Auxiliary tenses of the passive voice. 11. The modal distinctions their 
syntax. 12. Forms of the infinitive and participle how connected in deri- 
vation and meaning. 13. The gerundium and gerundivum shown to be active 
and present. 14. The participle in -turns. 15. The perfect subjunctive. 
16. The past tense of the infinitive active. 

1. The Latin Verb generally defective. 

THE forms of the Latin verb are meagre and scanty in the 
same proportion as the cases of the nouns are multifarious 
and comprehensive. The deficiencies of the one are due to the 
same cause as the copiousness of the other. They both spring 
from the antiquated condition of the language. An idiom which 
has been long employed in literature will generally substitute 
prepositions for the inflexions of cases, and, by the employment 
of various syntactical devices, increase the expressiveness and 
significance of the verb. It is just in these particulars that the 
dialects formed from the Latin differ from their mother-speech, 
and in the same particulars they approximate to the syntactical 
distinctness of the Greek. 

2. The Personal Inflexions their consistent Anomalies. 

The Latin person-endings are, however, on the whole, less 
mutilated than the corresponding inflexions in the Greek verb. 
This is because the person-endings are, in fact, case-endings of 
pronouns, by virtue of which every form of the finite verb be- 
comes complete in itself (see New Crat. 347), and the case- 
endings, as has been already observed, are more perfect in Latin 
than in Greek. 

The person-endings of the active verb, as they appear in 
classical Latin, are -m, -s t -t ; -mus, -tis y -nt. But these forms 
are not maintained throughout all the tenses. The present 
indicative has dropt the characteristic -m, except in the two cases 



of sum and inquam. The sign of the first person singular is 
also wanting in the perfect indicative, and in the futures in -bo 
and -ro. The second person singular is represented by -s in 
every case but one that of the perfect indicative, which substi- 
tutes -sti. The third singular is always -t ; the first plural always 
-mus ; the second plural always -tis, except in the perfect indi- 
cative, when it is -stis, to correspond with the singular of the 
same person ; and the third plural is always -nt, though this is 
occasionally dropt in the third person plural of the perfect indi- 
cative. If we may judge from the -to, -tote of the imperative, 
these person-endings must have been originally ablative or causa- 
tive inflexions of the pronouns. The original form of the im- 
perative suffix in the singular number was -tod or -tud, which is 
unequivocally an ablative inflexion (above, Chap. VIII. 8). 

The person-endings of the passive verb present some difficul- 
ties to the inquiring philologist. In fact, only the third person, 
singular and plural, seems to have been preserved free from 
mutilation or suppression. The terminations of the passive 
should, according to the rules of sound philology, present them- 
selves as inflexions or cases of the active person- endings. If, 
then, we compare the active amat, amant, amare, with the cor- 
responding passive forms, amatur, amantur, amarier, we must 
conclude that r, connected with the active form by a short vowel, 
e or u, is the sign of the passive voice, and that this amounts to 
an inflexion of the active form analogous to the adverbs in -ter 
(leni-ter, gnavi-ter, &c.), -tus (cceli-tus, &c.), or -tim (grada- 
tim, &c.). In fact, the isolated particle igi-tur supplies a perfect 
analogy for the passive person-endings -tur and -ntur. This par- 
ticle, as we have seen (above, pp. 289, 335), is an extension in -tur 
from the composite form i-gi (cf. e-go, er-ga, e-ho, e-ja\ and it 
has the locative meaning " thereupon" in a Fragment of the xu. 
Tables (above, p. 204). We have also seen that the adverbs in 
~ter, -tim are used in a locative sense. And whether we conclude 
that -tur is a locative like roOi, or identical with -tus = -0ev, and 
therefore bearing a locative meaning only as the act of separation 
implies proximity at the moment of separation (above, p. 330), 
there can be no doubt that it does bear that locative sense, which 
is required by the person-endings of the passive voice. The 
identity of -tur with -ter (-tim) is farther shown by the form 
amari-er, which stands by the side of ama-tur. According to 


this, the first persons amor and amamur are contractions of 
amomer, amdm&sVr, according to the Sanscrit analogy (comp. 
bhare with ^cpo^at, &c. New Crat. 352, 362). The second 
persons, amaris (amare) and amamini, are altogether different 
forms ; they seem to be two verbals, or participial nouns, of the 
same kind respectively as the Latin and Greek active infinitive, 
amare = amase (compare dic-sis-se, es-se, Gr. 'yeXcu's, i/\f/oi's, &c.), 
and the passive participle rvTrro-pevos. The verbal, which 
stands for the second person singular of the passive verb, was 
probably, in the first instance, a verbal noun in -sis ; compare 
TTjoa^is, n'l/my-cris, &c. That which represents the second person 
plural is the plural of a form which is of very frequent occur- 
rence in the Latin language (New Crat. 362). The older 
form ended in -minor, and is preserved in the imperative, which 
in old Latin had a corresponding second person singular in -mino : 
thus we have antestamino (Legg. xn. Tab. I. Fr. 1, above, Ch. 
VI. 7), famino (Fest. p. 87), prafamino (Cat. R. R. 135, 140), 
fruimino (Inscr. Grut.), for antestare, fare, prof are, fruere ; 
as well as arbitraminor (Plaut. Epid. V. 2, 30) and progre- 
diminor (id. Pseud. III. 2, 70) for arbitramini and progredi- 
mini. The use of these verbals, with a fixed gender, and 
without any copula, to express passive predications referring to 
the second person, is one of the most singular features in the 
Latin language, and the former can only be compared to the 
Greek use of the infinitive to express the second person im- 

fi 3. Doctrine of the Latin Tenses. 

There is, perhaps, no one department of classical philology, 
in which so little has been done as in the analysis and simplifica- 
tion of the Latin tenses. They are still arranged and designated 
as they were in the beginning ; and no one seems to have dis- 
cerned the glaring errors inseparable from such a system. Even 
among the more enlightened, it is not yet agreed whether certain 
tenses are to be referred to the indicative or to the subjunctive 
mood, and forms of entirely different origin are placed together 
in the same category. 

Without anticipating the discussion of the difficulties which 
beset the doctrine of the Latin tenses, I will premise that, prac- 
tically, the regular verb has four moods and five tenses, which 
are known by the following names, and represented, in my 





Grammar, by the notation attached to the terminology : the in- 
dicative (A), imperative (B), subjunctive (C), and infinitive (D) 
moods, and the present (I), imperfect (II), perfect (III), pluper- 
fect (IV), and future (V) tenses. Thus, to avoid repeating the 
names, A. III. will represent the present indicative, C. II. the 
imperfect subjunctive, and so on. 

An accurate examination of all the forms in the Latin lan- 
guage will convince us that there are only two ways in which 
a tense can be formed organically from the root of a Latin verb. 
One is, by the addition of s- ; the other, by the addition of i-. 
We find the same process in the Greek verb ; but there it is 
regular and systematic, supplying us throughout with a complete 
series of primary and secondary, or definite and indefinite tenses *. 
In Greek, we say that the addition of a- to the root forms the 
aorist and future, that the same adjunct in a more guttural form 
makes the perfect, and that the insertion of i- indicates the 
conjunctive or optative mood. Moreover, we have in the Greek 
verb an augment, or syllable prefixed for the purpose of marking 
past time as such, and traces at least of the systematic employ- 
ment of reduplication to designate the continuance of an action. 
As the ancient epic poetry of the Greeks neglects the augment, 
we may understand how it fell into desuetude among the Romans. 
The reduplication too, though common to all the old Italian lan- 
guages, is of only partial application in the existing forms of 
the Latin verb. With regard to the value of the tenses in cr- 
and L-, the same holds to a certain extent in Latin also ; but 
while the principle is here susceptible of a double application, it 
is, on the other hand, interrupted by the operation of a system 

1 For the convenience of the reader, I will repeat here the distinc- 
tions which I have elsewhere quoted from J. L. Burnouf's Meihode pour 
btudier la Langue Grecgue, pp. 215, sqq. 


The Present expresses simultaneity } . A , ,. f je lis 

,, . ... I W1 th reference to K 7 . . 

. posteriority r ., ,. \ je lirai 

. .f the present time % . 7 

sv/Vfr/)/v*i r\n*n rni * I ft y / I ft I 

anteriority ) 


, j'ai lu. 

The Imperfect expresses simultaneity } . ,, f je lisais l 

. r . . ... I with reference to I * 7 

The Aorist . . . .posteriority > ,, ,. \jelus* 

mi_ m e . some other time K, . 7 _ 

The Pluperfect , . . anteriority ) \ j avais lu 3 . 

pendant que vous dcriviez. 

3 avant que vous eussiez 6crit. 

2 apres que vous eutes fini d'e'crire. 




of composite tenses which is peculiar to the Latin language, and 
still more so by the irregular use of the affix -s to express derived 
or indefinite tenses. 

J 4. The Substantive Verbs. 

Before I proceed to examine the tense-system of the Romans, 
as it appears in all the complications of an ordinary verb, it will 
be as well to analyse, in the first instance, the substantive verb 
which enters so largely into all temporal relations. 

The Latin language has two verbs signifying " to be :" one 
contains the root es-, Sanscr. as-, Greek ecr-, Lith. es- ; the other, 
the Tootfu-, Saner, bhu-, Gr. <pv-, Lith. bu-. 

The inflexions of es- are as follows : . 


Actual form. 

'sum . 

Ancient form. 

esum 1 . 


asmi . 

es' . . 
es't . . 


asi . 
asti . 

'sumus . 




esitis . 
. esunt 


Actual form. 








Ancient form. 

esam . -. *: 
esas TV;? ...V'. 
esat . ^ -: . 
esamus . 
. esatis 



esti, est 
[esant , ? 



A A 


A A. 



Formed by the insertion of the guttural element -i. 

Actual forms. 

Ancient form. 


ero, ''sim, 'siem 

esydm . -, 

V sydm 

eris, ''sis, 'sies 

esyds . . 


erit, 'sit, 'siet . 

esydt ..' . 

. sydt 

erimus, 'simus, ''siemus . 


. ; sydma 

eritis, ""sitis, 'sietis 



erunty 'sint, 'sient 

esydnt . 


Varro, L. L. IX. 100, p. 231. 



Formed from the last by the addition of -sa. 
Actual form. Ancient form. 

es-sem .... es-sa-yam 
es-ses .... es-sa-yas 
&c. &c. 


Or locative of a verbal in -sis, expressing the action of the verb 



^lOm. 56/l[_jS O n Q-b-sens, prce-sens, &c.) originally 65671N 

Gen. Mentis esentis 

&c. &c. 

S, estO originally S, estod 

esto .... estod 

este, estate .... esite, esitote 
sunto .... esunto. 

Throughout the Latin verb we may observe, as in the case 
of era here, that the element i has vanished from the first person 
of the future ; for era does not really differ from esum, the 
present indicative. The explanation of this may be derived from 
the fact, that in English the first and the other persons of the 
future belong to different forms : where an Englishman says, " I 
shall " of himself, he addresses another with " you will ;" and 
conversely, where he asserts of another that " he shall," he tells 
him, " I will." The third person plural erunt is only another 
way of writing erint ; u% being substituted, as it so frequently is, 
for 2*3, to which the qualifying i had been ultimately reduced. 
But besides the form of the future in i, we have in old Latin 
another expression of it in the inchoative form esco for es-sco 
(Legg. xn. Tab. apud Gell XX. i. Tab. i. fr. 3: Lucret. I. 613 : 
Festus, s. v. escit, p. 77 ; superescit, p. 302 ; nee, p. 162 ; 
obescet, p. 188 : and Muller, SuppL Annot. p. 386). 

The verb fu-, which appears as a supplementary form or 
auxiliary tense of the substantive verb, is really a distinct verb, 

New Crat. 410. 




very complete in its inflexions, and connected by many interest- 
ing affinities with the other Indo-Germamc languages. It has 
been shown elsewhere that in these languages, the same root is 
used to express " light," or " brightness," and " speaking" (New 
Crat. 460). To the idea of " light " belongs that of " mani- 
festation," or " bringing to light," and this is simply the idea of 
" making," or " causing to be." Now the full form of the root 
<f>a-, fa-, bha-, which, in Greek, Latin, and Sanscrit, conveys the 
cognate expressions of "light" and "speech," involves what is 
called a digamma in auslaut as well as in anlaut ; for we learn 
from the words favonius, vapor, &c. that the full forms must 
have been FaF^t, 0aFo?, &c. (New Crat. 458). Now this 
full form is much more obvious in <j)v-,fac-, signifying "to make," 
than in the roots which convey the other modifications of mean- 
ing; although fax, "a torch," and fades, "the countenance," 
contain the guttural at the end of the root, which appears in 
facio, and which is a residuum of the first constituent of the 
digamma, just as the v in (f>u- represents the ultimate form of 
the constituent labial. In the ordinary forms of the Greek, the 
transitive <pva), (ftvaw, e<pua-a, does not seem to differ externally 
from the intransitive e(f>vv and 7re<pvKa. But we know from 
philological induction that the latter must have involved the ele- 
ment i = ya (New Crat. 380) ; and in old Greek we actually 
find the form (frvia) corresponding to the Pelasgian fuius and the 
Greek i/to's (above, p. 169). The following table will show 
what remains of the Greek and Latin forms of <f>v = 0aF, and 
fu fac for /a/, " to bring to light," or " cause to be." 

Pres. <pv-w = 

Fut. <pv-cr(0 

Aor. e-<f)u-cra 

Perf. .... 


A. I. 
A. V. 

A.V 2 . 



A. III. fe-faci contr.feci. 


Pres. (fiuiw A. I. fio =fuio (-bo) 

Fut ..... A. V. for em =fu-sim. 

Aor. <f>u v - c(f)viafjL A. V 2 . [e]-forem (-ebam) 

Perf. 7re(f)VKa = 7re(f)uiaKct A. III. fui or fuvi = fufui, 

sometimes factus sum. 




? fu-turus 

foetus = fui-tus 
foecundus = fui-scundus 
foeminus = fui-mmus (cf. 

fuius Ji-lius. 

The omission of iya in e0w is shown by the quantity of 
w in the plural; comp. effivjuev with eoe'tKvvjuLev. It will be seen 
at once that the Latin verb is much more complete than the 
Greek : and besides these forms, which admit of direct compa- 
rison, the Latin neuter verb has a present subjunctive fuam 
fu-iam, a pluperfect indicative fu-eram =^fuesam } a perfect sub- 
junctive fuerim (or fuero) =fuve-sim, and a corresponding plu- 
perfect fuissem = fuve-se-sim. The s = r, which appears in the 
last three of these forms, is best explained by a comparative 
analysis of 7re(f>vKa and fui fufui. As i is the regular ex- 
ponent of guttural vocalization, as the guttural, before it subsides 
into i, is generally softened into s and h, and as we find &, s, h 
in the perfect and aorist of Greek verbs, we see that 7re<pvKa 
compared with fufui presumes an intermediate fufusa, and thus, 
by a transposition and substitution quite analogous to the French 
change of I through ul into u, we get the following explanation 
of the existing forms of the Latin perfect, in accordance with the 
assumption of an original inflexion in -sa. 

fufu-sa-m =fufuis = fufui 
fufu-sa-tha fufui- s-ti 
fufa-sa-t =fufui-s-t =fufuit 
fufu-sd-mus =fufui-s-imus =fufuimus 
fufu-sa-tis =fufui-s-tis 

The i f which appears before the r = s in the mutilated inflexions 
of the Latin perfect, assumes the weaker form of e in the pluper- 
fect, which must originally have corresponded in termination to 
the perfect, though the loss of the distinguishing augment has 
obliged the Latin language to have recourse to a variation of the 
affixes in the secondary tenses. Thus, while we must have had 
originally e-fufusa by the side of fufusa, the former has become 
fueram, while the latter has shrunk into fui. We must take 
care not to confuse between the i, which represents a lost s in 

7re<pv-Ka-s (or -6a: cf. oi(r-0a) 
ire(f>v-K-v (for -TI) 
7T<j)v-Ka-iJ,-v (for -fj.-s) 
7re(f)v-Ka-T (for -res) 
7re(f)v-Ka-(ri (for -VTI) 


fui, and that which appears as the characteristic of the subjunc- 
tive mood in fu-am = fu-iam and in fuerim fae-sim ; for 
although there is every reason to believe that the s = r of the fut. 
and perf. is really identical ultimately with the i of the subjunc- 
tive, the actual functions are different in the cases which require 
to be discriminated. Originally, no doubt, fac-sim and forem = 
fu-sim were futures indicative which had corresponding aorists, 
but, like the Greek conjunctive, which was originally future, they 
have been remanded to a subordinate position. The loss of the 
original reduplication might lead us to confuse between forem - 
fu-sim and fuerim ^fufu-sim ; but the latter is really a sub- 
junctive formation from the perfect indicative, entirely analogous 
to TCTvipoijui from reru0a. From fuerim we have fuissem = 
fufu-sa-sim by the same extension which converts sim = esim 
or esyam into essem = es-sa-im or es-sa-yam. This use of the 
affix s in successive accretions to form the secondary past tenses, 
although regular in its application to the Latin verb, is quite 
inconsistent with the use of the same affix in the Greek verb, 
where it seems to indicate proximate futurity. 

The association of the roots es- and fu-, as supplementary 
tenses of one substantive verb, and the use of the latter to form 
more or less of the subordinate inflexions of all other verbs, is 
best explained by the meaning of these two roots themselves. 
For while es- denotes " continuance of being," i. e. " existence," 
fu- expresses " beginning of being," or " coming into being." 
The parallelism therefore between es- and fu- is the same as 
that between the Greek etui = ea-fii, and yiyvojuai, which fur- 
nishes the materials for the opposition between the systems of 
Plato and Heracleitus. . There is the same association of resem- 
blance and contrast between the Hebrew roots W\ which agrees 
with the Sanscrit as and our es-se, and mn or nVT, which 


coincides in meaning, and ultimately in origin, with the Sanscr. 
bhu, the Greek ya = yen, and our fu. And whatever may be 
the true view with regard to the explanation of the names 
fo and buddhd, there cannot be the least doubt that the much 
more important name miT or miT has reference to the fact, 

v-.i- T-:I- 

that the God of Revelation is the God who manifests himself his- 
torically, so that while DTT^ is the Beginning and the End, 
miT is the Middle, that is, God manifested in the world, and 
therefore always in process of being or becoming by his acts of 



redemption and creative power 1 . It is obvious that, with this 
difference of meaning, es- is adapted to express the continuous 
tenses of a verb of being, while fu- describes the completion of 
single acts, coming into being and successively determined. Thus 
es- will give us the present and imperfect, together with the 
vague future or potential aim = ero. The perfect and its deriva- 
tives will naturally be furnished by fui, " I have become," or 
" I have come into being." The form forem, which is used as 
a synonym for essem, is probably an aorist, which, like the 
Greek optative, has lost its augment {New Crat. 391). It is 
therefore, as it stands, externally identical with the original 
future, of which fuam=fu-yam is a mere mutilation. The 
future signification is retained by fo-re, " to become," which is 
really a present tense analogous to es-se ; for fieri is a later and 
irregular form. 

5. Paucity of Organic Formations in the regular 

Latin Verb. 

The conjugations of these two verbs furnish us with speci- 
mens of organic inflexions for all the tenses, in other words, the 
tenses are formed without the aid of any foreign adjunct except 
those pronominal elements which contribute to the living ma- 
chinery of all inflected languages. But this is not the case with 
the great mass of verbs which constitute the staple of the Latin 
language. Although the flexion-forms in s- and i- appear in all 
these verbs, there is no one of them which is not indebted more 
or less to fu- for its active tenses ; and all verbs form some 
tenses of their passive voice by calling in the aid of es-. 

According to the ordinary classification of Latin verbs, there 
are three conjugations of vowel-verbs, in a, e, and i, and one 
conjugation of consonant-verbs, to which we must assign the verbs 
in uo and some of those in io. Now, as a general rule, we find 
that all vowel-verbs are secondary to nouns in other words, 
they are derived from the crude forms of nouns. But many 
nouns are demonstrably secondary to consonant-verbs. There- 
fore we might infer, as a general rule, that the consonant-verb 
belonged to a class of forms older or more original than the 
vowel-verbs. This view is supported by a comparison of the 

1 This idea is well developed by Delitzsch, Genesis, pp. 23, 389, 390. 



tenses of the two sets of verbs : for while we find that s- often 
effects a primary variation in the consonant- verb, we observe that 
this insertion never takes place in the vowel- verb except in com- 
posite forms, or in those verbs which neglect the vowel charac- 
teristic in the formation of their perfects. The only tense in the 
consonant-verb, which can be considered as a composite form, is 
the imperfect ; but the future does not correspond to this, as is 
the case in the vowel- verbs. Verbs in io partially approximate 
to the consonant-verbs in this respect. 

6. General scheme of Tenses in the Latin Verb. 

The following table will show the organic formations and 
agglutinate additions, by which the tenses of the Latin verb are 
constructed from the crude form. With regard to the perfect 
indicative, it is necessary to premise that, in addition to the 
parathetic or agglutinate combination with -fui, which will be 
mentioned presently, there are two forms in common use : one 
which may be considered as a regular perfect, exactly corre- 
sponding to fui fufuij with a reduplication either expressed or 
implied, and with the -s or guttural of the affix represented, as 
in fui, by i or is ; and another, which may be regarded as an 
aorist in -si, although the inflexions of the persons exhibit the 
same retention of i or is as the regular perfect, and therefore 
presume the addition of a repeated s or sa ra, which appears 
in the pluperfect. 

Organic forms. 

A.I. -o 

A. II. 

A. III. 

A. IV. 


C. I. -im 

C. II. -rem=sem 

C. III. 

C. IV. 


Agglutinate forms. 


Organic forms. 



-6am for e-fiam -bam for 

-ui for fui -i or -si e-fiam 

-ueram forfueram -eram or -seram 
-bo for fio -im 


-rem - -sem 

-uerim forfuerim -ero or -sero 
-uissem forfuissem -issem or -sissem. 



7. Verbs which may be regarded as Parathetic Compounds. 

The fourteenth chapter will show that the most remarkable 
feature in the pathology of the Latin language is the prevalent ten- 
dency to abbreviation by which it is characterised. Among many 
i nstances of this, we may especially advert to the practice of pre- 
fixing the crude form of one verb to some complete inflexion of 
another. Every one knows the meaning of such compounds as 
vide-licet (= videre licet,) sci-licet (= scire licet), pate-facio 
(= patere facio), ven-eo (= venum eo, comp. venum-do, on the 
analogy of per-eo, per-do) 1 , &c. There is a distinct class of 
verbs in -so, which are undoubtedly compounds of the same kind, 
as will appear from an examination of a few instances. The 
verb si-n-o has for its perfect sivi ; and it is obvious that the n 
in the present is only a fulcrum of the same nature as that in 
tem-no, root tern- ; Tri-vco, root TTI-, &c. Now the verbs in -so, 
to which I refer, such as arcesso, capesso, incipesso, lacesso, 
petesso, qucero, &c., all form their perfect in -sivi. We might 
therefore suppose a priori, that the termination was nothing but 
the verb sino. But this is rendered almost certain by the 
meaning of arcesso or accerso, which is simply accedere sino 2 , 
" I cause to approach," i. e. " I send for." Similarly, capesso 
= capere sino, " I let myself take," i. e. " I undertake," facesso 
=facere sino, " I let myself make," i.e. "I set about," lacesso 
= lacere sino, " I let myself touch," i. e. " I provoke or irritate," 
&c. The infinitive of in-quam (above, p. 112) does not exist ; but 
there can be little doubt that it is involved in quce-ro or quce-so, 
which means " I cause to speak," i. e. " I inquire." That quae-so 
was an actual form of quae-ro may be seen from the passages 
of Ennius quoted by Festus (p. 258, Miiller) : 

1 The true orthography, ven-dico for vindico, furnishes a third illus- 
tration of ven-do, i. e. 

ven-eo, " I go for sale " = I am sold. 

ven-do, or venum-do, " I give for sale " = I sell. 

ven-dico, " I declare for sale " = I claim. 

2 I am not aware that any other scholar has suggested this explana- 
tion. Miiller (ad Fest. p. 320) thinks that arcesso is the inchoative of 
arceo = accieo : but, in the first place, the reading in Festus is by no means 
certain (Huschke's arce dantur being, I think, an almost necessary cor- 
rection); and secondly, this would leave accerso unexplained. 


Ostia munita cst; idem loca navibu* pulchris 
Munda facit, nautisquo mari qucesentibu' vitam (AnnaL II.). 
Ducit me uxorem liberorum sibi qucesendwm gratia (Cresphont.). 
Liborum qucesendum causa families matrem tusc (Andromed.). 

These parathetic compounds with sino, so, sivi, are analogous to 
the Hebrew conjugations in Pi"hel and Hiph n hil. Sometimes the 
causative sense refers to the object, as in arcesso, " I cause him to 
come," quae-ro, " I cause him to speak." Sometimes it is reflexive, 
as in the conjugation Hithpcfhel; thus, we have facesso, " I let 
myself do it I set about it," &c. Pi n hel and Hiph n hil only 
differ as eTvtrrjv differs from ervfpOtjv, according to the explana- 
tion which I have given of these tenses (New Crat. 382). We 
shall see below ( 15), that the same explanation applies to the 
infinitives in -assere. 

fi 8. Tenses of the Vowel-verbs which are combinations 

of the same kind. 

Most of the tenses of the Latin vowel-verb seem to be com- 
posite forms of the same kind with those to which I have just 
referred ; and the complete verbal inflexion, to which the crude 
form of the particular verb is prefixed, is no other than a tense 
of the verb of existence fa-, Lithuan. bu-, Sanscrit bhti- (see 
Bopp, Vergl. Gram, vierte Abtheil. pp. iv. and 804). This verb, 
as we have seen, expresses " beginning of being," or " coming 
into being," like the Greek yiyvo/ It is therefore well cal- 
culated to perform the functions of an auxiliary in the relation of 
time. For ama-bam - ama-e-fiam " I became to love," " I was 
loving ;" ama-bo - ama-fio - " I am coming into love," = " I am 
about to love ;" ama-vi = ama-fui = " I have come into love," 
= " I have loved," &c. 

The vowel- verb has a present tense which preserves through- 
out the vowel of the crude form. From this is derived, with 
the addition of the element i, the present subjunctive, as it is 
called ; and from that, by the insertion of s-, the imperfect of the 
same mood. Thus we have amcm=ama-im, amarem=amasem 
= ama-sa-im ; monedm = mone-yam, monerem = monesem = mone- 
syam, &c. That i was the characteristic of the secondary or 
dependent mood is clear from the old forms du-im (dem), temper- 
im, ed-im, verber-im, car-im, &c., which, however, are abbrevia- 
tions from du-yam, ed-yam, &c. Comp. sim with the older 




form siem, and ^ot/ut, &c. with $t$olr}r, &c. The i is absorbed 
or included in moneam=mone-yam, legam- leg-yam, &c. ; just 
as we have nav-dlis for navi-alis, fin-dlis for ftni-alis, &c. 
(Denary, Romische Lautlehre, p. 95.) These are the only 
tenses which are formed by pronominal or organic additions to 
the root of the verb. Every other tense of the vowel-verb is a 
compound of the crude form of the verb and some tense of fu- 
or bhu-. 

The futures of the vowel-verbs end in -bo, -bis, -bit, &c., 
with which we may compare fio, fis, fit, &c. The imperfect, 
which must be considered as an indefinite tense corresponding to 
the future, ends in -ebam, -ebas, -ebat, &c., where the initial 
must be regarded as an augment ; for as reg'-ebat is the imper- 
fect of the consonant-verb reg'o, not regebat, and as audi-ebat is 
the imperfect of aud-io 1 , though audi-bit was the old future, it 
is clear that the suffix of the imperfect had something which did 
not belong to the crude form, but to the termination itself; 
it must therefore have been an augment, or the prefix which 
marks past time (see Benary, 1. c. p. 29). 

The perfect of the vowel-verbs is terminated by -vi or -ui. 
If we had any doubt as to the origin of this suffix, it would be 
removed by the analogy of pot-ui for pot-fui-potis-fui. Ac- 
cordingly, ama-vi (=ama-ui), mon-ui, audi-vi (<=audi-ui), are 
simply ama-fui amare-fui, mon-fui = monere-fui, and audi- 
fui - audire-fui. 

Similarly, with regard to the tenses derived from the per- 
fect, we find that the terminations repeat all the derivatives of 
fui: thus, ama-uero=ama-fuero ; ama-uisses=ama-fuisses, &c. 
It will be observed that the /"of jfto andjfm never appears in 
these agglutinate combinations. The explanation of this involves 
some facts of considerable importance. 

We have seen above (p. 242) that the Latin f involves a 
guttural as well as a labial, and that the v, which formed a part 
of the sound, had a tendency to pass into b (p. 240). If, then, 
which seems to be the case, the long vowel, which always forms 
the link of communication in this parathesis, absorbed and in- 
cluded the guttural part of the f (New Crat. 116), the re- 

Virgil has lenibat (^En. VI. 468) and polibant (VIII. 436); but these 
must be considered as poetical abbreviations. 


maining labial would necessarily appear as 6, except in the 
perfect, where it would subside into the u, just as fuvit itself 
became fait. In general we observe that, with the exception of 
the three or four words ending in the verbal stem fer (furci-fer, 
luci-fer, &c.), the letter f does not appear among Latin termi- 
nations ; and as the terminations -ber, -bra, -brum, -bulum are 
manifestly equivalent in meaning to -cer, -crum, -culum, it is 
reasonable to conclude that these formations begin with letters 
which represent the divergent articulations of the compound / or 
F (see New Crat. 267). 

9. Organic Derivation of the Tenses in the Consonant-verb. 

The consonant verb, on the other hand, forms all its tenses, 
except the imperfect *, by a regular deduction from its own root. 
Thus we have re^o [old fut. reg-so~], 1 aor. \e\-reg-si ; subjunct. 
pres. or precative, regamregyam, regasregyas, or, in a softer 
form, reges=rege-is, &c. ; subj. imperf. or optat. regerem=rege- 
syam ; subj. perf. reg-se-ro=reg-se-sim ; subj. plup. regsissem 
reg-si-se-syam. If we might draw an inference from the forms 
facsit, &c., which we find in old Latin, and from fefakust, &c., 
which appear in Oscan, we should conclude that the Italian 
consonant-verb originally possessed a complete establishment of 
definite and indefinite tenses, formed from the root by pronominal 
or organic addition, or by prefixing augments and reduplications 
after the manner of the genuine Greek and Sanscrit verbs. For 
example's sake, we may suppose the following scheme of tenses : 
root pag, pres. pa-n-go-m, impf. [e\-pangam, fut. pan-g-sim, 
1 aor. e-pangsim, perf. pe-pigi-m, pluperf. pe-pige-sam, subj. pres. 
pangyam, subj. imp. pangesyam, subjunct. perf. pepige-sim or 
pangse-sim, subj. pluperf. (derived from this) pepigise-syam or 

10. Auxiliary Tenses of the Passive Voice. 

In the passive voice/those tenses, which in the active depend 
upon /in and its derivatives, are expressed by the passive parti- 
ciple and the tenses of e-sum. The other tenses construct the 

1 The loss of the imperfect, and the substitution of a compound 
tense, is accounted for by the practice of omitting the augment. With- 
out this prefix the regular imperfect does not differ from the present. 



passive by the addition of the letter r=s to the person-endings of 
the active forms, with the exceptions mentioned before. The 
second person plural of the passive is of such rare occurrence, 
that we cannot draw any decided conclusions respecting it ; but 
if such a form as audi-ebamini occurred, it would certainly 
occasion some difficulty ; for one could scarcely understand how 
the e, which seems to be the augment of the auxiliary suffix, 
could appear in this apparently participial form. Without 
stopping to inquire whether we have any instances of the kind, 
or whether ama-bamini might not be a participle as well as 
ama-bundus (compare ama-bilis, &c.), it is sufficient to remark 
that when the origin of a form is forgotten, a false analogy is 
often adopted and maintained. This secondary process is fully 
exemplified by the Greek eriOe-crav, Tv-n-Terco-craif, &c. (New 
Crat. 363). 

Nor need we find any stumblingblock in the appendage of 
passive endings to this neuter auxiliary verb. For the construc- 
tion of neuter verbs with a passive affix is common enough in 
Latin (e. g. peccatur, ventum est, &c.) ; and the passive infinitive 
fieri, and the usual periphrasis of iri with the supine, for the 
future infinitive of a passive verb, furnish us with indubitable 
instances of a similar inflexion. We might suppose that the 
Latin future was occasionally formed periphrastically with eo 
as an auxiliary like the Greek rja Xeywv, Fr. fallois dire, 
" I was going to say." If so, amatum eo, amatum ire, would 
be the active futures of the indicative and infinitive, to which 
the passive forms amatum eor, amatum iri, would correspond. 
The latter of these actually occurs, and, indeed, is the only 
known form of the passive infinitive future. 

11. The Modal Distinctions their Syntax. 

Properly speaking, there are only three main distinctions 
of mood in the forms of the Latin and Greek verb, namely, the 
indicative, the imperative, and the infinitive. The Greek gram- 
mars practically assign five distinct moods to the regular verb, 
namely, the indicative, imperative, conjunctive, optative, and 
infinitive. But it has been already proved (New Crat. 388), 
that, considered in their relation to one another and to the other 
moods, the Greek conjunctive and optative must be regarded as 
differing in tense only. The Latin grammarians are contented 


with four moods, namely, the indicative, subjunctive, imperative, 
and infinitive ; and according to this arrangement, the present 
subjunctive Latin answers to the Greek conjunctive, while the 
imperfect subjunctive Latin finds its equivalent in the optative of 
the Greek verb : for instance, scribo, ut discas corresponds to 
ypd(pw, 'iva navQavris, and scripsi, ut disceres to eypa^fa, 'iva 
nav6dvois. If, however, we extend the syntactical comparison a 
little farther, we shall perhaps be induced to conclude that there 
is not always the same modal distinction between the Latin in- 
dicative and subjunctive which we find in the opposition of the 
Greek indicative to the conjunctive + optative. Thus, to take 
one or two instances, among many which might be adduced, one 
of the first lessons which the Greek student has to learn is, 
to distinguish accurately between the four cases of protasis and 
apodosis, and, among these, more especially between the third, 
in which two optatives are used, and the fourth, in which two 
past tenses of the indicative are employed 1 . Now the Latin 
syntax makes no such distinction between the third and fourth 
cases, only taking care in the fourth case to use past tenses, and 
in the third case, where the hypothesis is possible, to employ 
present tenses of the subjunctive mood. Thus, e.g., in the third 

1 This is, indeed, a very simple and obvious matter : but it may bo 
convenient to some readers, if I subjoin a tabular comparison of the 
Greek and Latin usages in this respect. The classification is borrowed 
from Buttmann's Mittlere Grammatik, 139 (p. 394, Lachmann's edi- 
tion, 1833). 

1. Possibility without the expression of uncertainty : 

et n e^ei, didaxri (Sos) = si quid habet, dat (da). 

2. Uncertainty with the prospect of decision : 

tav ri f\o)p.ev, Boacrop-ev = si quid habeamus, dabimus. 

3. Uncertainty without any such subordinate idea : 

ft rt ex ols > $ 1 & 01 V & v = si quid habeas, des. 

4. Impossibility, or when we wish to indicate that the thing is not so : 

(a) i rt tlx fv * cSt'Sov av = si quid haberet, daret. 

(6) ft TI f<T\cv, c8a>Kfv av = si quid habuisset, dedisset. 

The distinction between cases (3) and (4) is also observed in the expres-' 
sion of a wish : thus, utinam salvus sis ! pronounces no opinion respect- 
ing the health of the party addressed ; but utinam salvus esses ! implies 
that he is no longer in good health. 


case: si hoc nunc vociferari velim, me dies, vox, latera 
deficiant ; where we should have in Greek : et rouro ev no 
TrapavriKct yeywveiv eOeXoi/ui, rjiuepas CLV H.QI KOI (pwvrjs /cat 
crQevov? evSerjeeiev. In the fourth case : (a) si scirem, dicerem 
= et riTrKTTafjLrjv, eXeyov av. (6) si voluissem plura, non ne- 
gasses = el TrXeovwv eTrcOvju.rja'a, OVK a.v rjpvqcra). And this 
confusion becomes greater still, when, by a rhetorical figure, the 
impossible is supposed possible ; as in Ter. Andf. II. 1, 10 : tu 
si hie sis, aliter sentias. For in this instance the only differ- 
ence between the two cases, which is one of tense, is overlooked. 
In the apodosis of case 4, b, the Romans sometimes used the 
plusquam-perfectum of the indicative, as in Seneca, de Ira, I. 11 : 
perierat imperium, si Fdbius tantum ausus esset, quantum ira 
suadebat; and Horace, II. Carm. 17, 27: me truncus illapsus 
cerebro sustulerat, nisi Faunus ictum dextra levasset. Some- 
times the perfect was used in this apodosis, as in Juvenal, X. 123 : 
Antoni gladios potuit contemnere, si sic omnia dixisset ; or 
even the imperfect, as in Tacitus, Annal. XII. 39 : nee ideo 
fugam sistebat, ni legiones pugnam excepissent. Again, particles 
of time, like donee, require the subjunctive when future time is 
spoken of; as in Hor. I. Epist. 20, 10 : earns eris Romce, donee 
te deserat cetas. But this becomes a past tense of the indicative 
when past time is referred to ; as in Hor. I. Epist. 10, 36 : 
cervus equum pellebat donee [equus~] imploravit opes hominis 
frcenumque recepit. The confusion between the Latin indicative 
and subjunctive is also shown by the use of the subjunctive pre- 
sent as a future indicative (a phenomenon equally remarkable in 
Greek, New Crat. 393), and conversely by the employment 
of the periphrastic future (which is, after all, the same kind 
of form as the ordinary composite form of the future indicative) 
as an equivalent for a tense of the subjunctive mood. Thus 
Cicero uses dicam and dicere instituo in the same construction ; 
Phil. I. 1 : " antequam de republica dicam ea, quae dicenda hoc 
tempore arbitror, exponam breviter consilium profectionis meaQ." 
Pro Murena, 1 : "antequam pro L. Murena dicere instituo, 
pro me ipso pauca dicam." And we have always the indica- 
tive in apodosis to the subjunctive when the future in -rus 
is used : e. g. Liv. XXXVIII. 47 : " si tribuni prohiberent, testes 
citaturus fui" (for " citarem") ; and Cic. Verr. III. 52: "illi 
ipsi aratores, qui remanserant, relicturi omnes agros erant" 


(for "reliquissent"), "nisi ad eos Metellus Roma literas mi- 
sisset." The Romans also used the perfect subjunctive exactly 
as the Greeks used their perfect indicative with KQ.\ Stj in sup- 

On the whole, it must be confessed that the Latin sub- 
junctive, meaning by that term the set of tenses which are 
formed by the insertion of -i-, differs modally from the indicative 
only in this, that it is uniformly employed in dependent clauses 
where the idiom of the language repudiates the indicative ; and 
it is not a little remarkable, that in almost all these cases in 
all, except when final particles are used, or when an indirect 
question follows a past tense the indicative is expressly required 
in Greek syntax. The title subjunctive, therefore, does but 
partially characterise the Latin tenses in -i-; and their right to a 
separate modal classification is scarcely less doubtful than that of 
the Greek optative as distinguished from the conjunctive. 

The differences between the indicative, imperative, and infi- 
nitive equally exist between the two latter and the subjunctive. 
The indicative and subjunctive alone possess a complete appa- 
ratus of person-endings ; the imperative being sometimes merely 
the crude form of the verb, and the infinitive being strictly 

12. Forms of the Infinitive and Participle how con- 
nected in derivation and meaning. 

He who would investigate accurately the forms of the Latin 
language must always regard the infinitive as standing in intimate 
connexion with the participles. There are, in fact, three distinct 
forms of the Latin infinitive : (a) the residuum of an abstractum 
verbale in -sis, which remains uninflected ; (6) a similar verbal 
in -tus, of which two cases are employed; (c) the participial 
word in -ndus, which is used both as three cases of the infinitive 
governing the object of the verb, and also as an adjective in 
concord with the object. There are also three forms of the 
participle : (a) one in -ns= -nts, sometimes lengthened into -ndus; 
(/3) another in -tus ; and a third (y) in -turns. The participle 
in -ns is always active ; its by-form in -ndus is properly active, 
though it often seems to be passive. The participle in -tus 
is always passive, except when derived from a deponent verb, 


in which case it corresponds in meaning to the Greek aorist 
middle. The participle in -turns is always active and future. 
It is, in fact, an extension of the noun of agency in -tor ; com- 
pare praetor, prcetura ; scriptor, scriptura, &c. with the corre- 
sponding future in -turns of prceo, scribo, &c. (see New Crat. 
j 267). The Greek future participle is sometimes used as a 
mere expression of agency ; thus we have in Soph. Antig. 261 : 
oi>$' o KwXvatov Traprfv. Aristot. JEth. NIC. II. 1, ^ 7 : ovcev 
av eSet rou SiSd^ovros where we should use the mere nouns of 
agency " the make-peace " " the teacher." 

Now it is impossible to take an instructive view of these 
forms without considering them together. The participle in 
-turns (7) is a derivative from the verbal in -tus (b) ; and it 
would be difficult to avoid identifying the participle in -ndus and 
the corresponding gerundial infinitive. In the following remarks, 
therefore, I shall presume, what has been proved elsewhere (New 
Crat. 416), the original identity of the infinitive and the par- 

That the verbal (a), which acts as the ordinary infinitive in 
re=se, is derived from the crude form of the verb by the addi- 
tion of a pronominal ending si- or sy- t is clear, no less from the 
analogy of the ^Eolic Greek forms in -t?, where the i is trans- 
posed (comp. N. Crat. 410, (3)), than from the original form 
of the passive, which is -rier=:-syer, and not merely -rer. This 
infinitive, therefore, is the indeclinable state of a derivative 
precisely similar to the Greek nouns in -cri? (Tr/oafi?, pvj-arts, 
&c.), which express the action of the verb. This Greek ending 
in -<ns appears to have been the same in effect as another ending 
in -TI/S, which, however, is of less frequent occurrence (eV^-rJe, 
$rj-Tvs, opx?]<j-Tv$, &c.), but which may be compared with the 
Latin infinitive (6) in -turn, -tu, (the supine, as it is called), and 
with the Sanscrit gerund in -tva. The verbal in -tus, which is 
assumed as the origin of these supines, must be carefully distin- 
guished from the passive participle (/3) in -tus. For it appears, 
from forms like venum, &c., and the Oscan infinitives moltaum, 
&c., that the t of the supine is not organic, but that the infinitive 
(b) is formed like the infinitive (a) by a suffix belonging to the 
second pronominal element, so that the labial (u = v) is an 
essential part of the ending. On the other hand, the participle 
(/3) has merely a dental suffix derived from the third pronomi- 


nal clement, and corresponding to the Greek endings in -TOS, -vo<s, 
and the Latin -tus--nus. In fact, the suffix of infinitive (b) is 
tv = Fa or va, while that of participle (/3) is t- only. 

$13. The GERUNDIUM and GERUNDIVUM shown to be 
active and present. 

The infinitive (c) and the participle (a) are, in fact, different, 
or apparently different, applications of one and the same form. 
In its infinitive use this verbal in -ndus is called by two names 
the gerundium when it governs the object of the verb, and the 
gerundivum when it agrees with the object. Thus, in " con- 
silium capiendi urbem," we have a gerundium ; in " consilium 
urbis capiendce" a gerundivum. As participles, the ordinary 
grammatical nomenclature most incorrectly distinguishes the 
form in -ndus as " a future passive," from the form -n[tf]s con- 
sidered as " a present active." The form in -ndus is never a 
future, and it bears no resemblance to the passive in form. The 
real difficulty is to explain to the student the seeming alternation 
of an active and passive meaning in these forms. Perhaps there 
is no better way of doing this than by directing attention to the 
fact, that the difference between active and passive really be- 
comes evanescent in the infinitive use of a verb. " He is a man 
to love"="he is a man to be loved ;" " I give you this to eat" 
= "I give you this to be eaten," &C. 1 The Greek active infini- 
tives in -fjLevtu, -vai, are really passive forms in their inflected 
use 2 ; and that the Latin forms in -ndus, which seem to be 

1 We observe the same fact in the use of the participles in English and 
German. Thus, in Herefordshire, " a good-leapt horse " means " a good- 
leaping horse ;" and in German there is no perceptible difference between 
kam geritten and kam reitend. See Mr. Lewis's Glossary of Provincial 
Words used in Herefordshire, p. 58; and Grimm, D. Or. IV. p. 129. 

2 Conversely, the forms in -VT-, which are always active when used 
in concord with a noun, are occasionally employed in that infinitive sense 
in which the differences of voice seem to be neglected. Thus we have, 
Soph. Aj. 579 : Bprjvelv eVwfiay irpos To/i<5vrt Tr^fiart (" ad vulnus quod 
secturam desideret" s. " secandum sit"). (Ed. Col. 1219 : orav ns ey TrXeoi/ 
irecrrj TOV QeXovros (" quando quis cupiendi satietatem expleverit" s. "id 
quod cupiebat plene consecutus fuerit ") Thucyd. I. 36 : yva>Ta> TO pev 
deftibs avTov TOVS evavrtovs /ixaXXoi/ (poj3fj<rov (" sciat timere illud SUUm 
majorem adversaries metum incussurum esse"). 


passive in their use as gerundiva, are really only secondary 
forms of the participle in -n[t]s, appears not only from etymo- 
logical considerations (New Crat. 415), but also from their 
use both as active infinitives and active participles. When the 
gerundivum is apparently passive, it seems to attach to itself the 
sense of duty or obligation. Thus, we should translate delenda 
est Carthago, " Carthage is to be destroyed" =" we ought to 
destroy Carthage ;" and no one has taken the trouble to inquire 
whether this oportet is really contained in the gerundivum. If 
it is, all attempts at explanation must be unavailing.* But since 
it is not necessary to seek in the participial form this notion, 
which may be conveyed by the substantive verb (e. g. sapientis 
est seipsum nosse), it is surely better to connect the gerundivum 
with the gerundium, and to reconcile the use of the one with the 
ordinary force of the other. Supposing, therefore, that da-ndus 
is a secondary form of da-n[t]s, and synonymous with it, on the 
analogy of Acraga[nt]s, Agrige-ntum ; orie-n[t~]s, oriu-ndus; 
&c. ; how do we get the phrase da-nda est occasio, " an oppor- 
tunity is to be given," from d-a-ndus=dan\f\s, " giving ?" 
Simply from the gerundial or infinitive use of the participle. 
Thus, (A) da-ndus =da-n[f\s signifies "giving;" (B) this, used 
as an infinitive, still retains its active signification, for ad dandum 
opes means "for giving riches"="to give riches;" (c) when 
this is attracted into the case of the object, the sense is not 
altered, for ad opes dandas is precisely equivalent to ad dandum 
opes ; (D) when, however, this attraction appears in the nomi- 
native case, the error at once takes root, and no one is willing to 
see that it is still merely an attraction from the infinitive or 
indeclinable use of the participle. Even here, however, the 
intransitive verb enables us to bring back the student to a con- 
sideration of the real principle. For one can hardly fail to see 
that vivendum est=vivere est i. q. oportet vivere ; and that there 
may be no doubt as to the identity of the uninflected with the 
inflected gerund in this case, Horace has put them together in 
the same sentence : " mine est bibendum, nunc pede libero pul- 
sanda tellus," where it is obvious that tellus pulsanda est is no 
less equivalent to " oportet pulsare tellurem," than " bibendum 
est " is to " oportet bibere." At all events, his Greek original 
expressed both notions by the infinitive with 


v\)V XP*I Iif6va-6r)v KCLI nva irpbs fiiav 
TTIVIJV, eireid?) Kardave Mupo-tAos. 

(Alcseus, Fr. 20. p. 575, Bergk.) 

The strongest proof, that the involved meaning of the gerun- 
divum is strictly that of the active verb, is furnished by the 
well-known fact that the attracted form is regularly preferred to 
the gerund in -di, -do, -dum governing the case, when the verb 
of the gerund requires an accusative case ; thus we have : ad 
tolerandos rather than ad tolerandum, labor es; consuetude homi- 
num immolandorum rather than homines immolandi; triumviri 
reipublicce constituendce rather than constituendo rempublicam. 
Indeed this is rarely departed from, except when two gerunds 
of a different construction occur in the same sentence, as in 
Sail. Cat. 4 : " neque vero agrum colendo aut venando, servi- 
libus officiis, intentum sBtatem agere," because venando has 
nothing to do with agrum. The student might be led to suppose 
at first sight that the phrase: lex depecuniis repetundis, "a law 
about extortion," literally denoted " a law concerning money to 
be refunded," and that therefore the gerundivum was passive in 
signification. But this gerundivum is used only in the genitive 
and ablative plural, to agree with pecuniarum and pecuniis, and 
we happen to have a passage of Tacitus (Annal. XIII. 33) which 
proves that the verbal is transitive : for the words : a quo Lycii 
repetebant are immediately followed by : lege repetundarum dam- 
natus est ; and thus we see that lex de pecuniis repetundis does 
not mean "a law concerning money to be refunded," but, "a law 
which provides for the redemanding of money illegally exacted." 

This view of the case appears to me to remove most of the 
difficulties and confusions by which the subject of the gerund 
has hitherto been encumbered. There are three supplementary 
considerations which deserve to be adduced. The first is, that in 
the particular case where the gerundivum appears to be most 
emphatically passive namely, when it implies that a thing is 
given out or commissioned to be done it is found by the side of 
the active infinitive : thus, while we have such phrases as: " Anti- 
gonus Eumenem mortuum propinquis sepeliendum tradidit" 
(Corn. Nep. Eum. 13), we have by their side such as: "tristi- 
tiam et metus tradam protervis in mare Creticum portare ventis" 
(Hor. I. Carm. 26, 1). That the gerund in this case is really 
present, as well as active, appears from its opposition to the use 


of the past participle ; thus : hoc faciundum curabo means " I 
will provide for the doing of this:" hocfactum volo means "I 
wish it were already done." The second point to be noticed is 
that deponent verbs, which have no passive voice, employ the 
gerundivum in the attributive use, which, we are told, cannot 
easily be wrested to an active signification ; as : prcelia conju- 
gibus loquenda, " battles for wives to speak of." The third 
case is this ; that the supines, which are only different cases of 
one and the same verbal, appear as active infinitives when the 
accusative is used (-turn), and as passive when the ablative is em- 
ployed (-tu). Now, this seemingly passive use of the supine in -tu 
arises from the fact, that it appears only by the side of adjectives, 
in which case the active and passive forms of the infinitive are 
often used indifferently, and some adjectives take the supine in -tu 
when they expressly require an active infinitive, as in : " difficile 
est dictu (-dicere), quanto opere conciliet homines comitas affa- 
bilitasque sermonis " (Cic. Off. II. 14). Now this supine, which is 
thus identical with the infinitive active, frequently alternates with 
the gerund ; compare, for instance: quid est tamjucundum auditu 
(Cic. de Or. I. 8), with: verba ad audiendum jucunda (id. ibid. 
I. 49). The active sense of the verbal in -tus = -sus is equally 
apparent in the dative case : thus we find such phrases as (Sal- 
lust, Jugurth. 24) : " quoniam eo natus sum ut Jugurtha3 sce- 
lerum ostentui essem," i. e. " since I have been born to serve as 
an exhibition of (=to exhibit) the wickedness of Jugurtha." 

But the form in -ndus is not only active in voice, but also, as 
has been mentioned, present in tense. Thus, if we take a depo- 
nent verb, we often find a form in -ndus acting as a collateral to 
the common form in -w[<]$, and opposed with it to the form in 
-tus. For instance, secundus and sequen[f]s both signify " fol- 
lowing," but secutus = " having followed." The same is the 
distinction between morien[t]s, moriundus ; orien[t]s 9 oriundus; 
irascen[t]s, ira[s]cundus ; &c., on the one hand, and mortuus, 
ortus, iratus, &c., on the other. This cannot be remarked in 
active verbs, because the Latin language has no active past par- 
ticiple. If, however, we turn to the gerundial use of the form 
in -ndus, we may observe a distinction of tense between it and 
the participle in -tus even in the case of active verbs. Thus 
volvendus is really a present tense in Virgil, ^Eneid. IX. 7 : 
volvenda dies, en, attulit ultro ; comp. Ennius (apud Varro. L. L. 


VII. 104, p. 160, Muller), and Lucretius, V. 1275 ; because, 
in its inflected form, it is equivalent in meaning to volvendo; and 
the following passages show that the gerund is equivalent to the 
present participle : Virgil, Georg. II. 225 : "multa virum volvens 
durando saecula vincit ;" Lucret. I. 203 : " multaque vivendo 
vitalia vincere saecla;" and id. III. 961: "omnia si pergas vi- 
vendo vincere ssBcla." And the words of Livy (prcef. ad Hist.) : 
" quae ante conditam condendamve urbem traduntur," can only- 
mean " traditions derived from a period when the city was nei- 
ther built nor building" 

$14. The Participle in -turns. 

The participle (7) in -rus or -urus, which always bears a 
future signification, is supported by an analogy in the Latin lan- 
guage which has no parallel either in Greek or Sanscrit. The 
Greek desiderative is formed from the ordinary future by tho 
insertion of the element i- : thus Spa-ao, fut. Spa-crco, desiderative 
Spa-eeico. This desiderative is the common future in Sanscrit; 
though the Vedas have a future, like the Greek, formed by the 
element s- only, without the addition of i- 1 . Now the regular 
future of scribo would be scrip-so, indicated by the aorist scripsi; 
but the desiderative is scripturio. We may infer, then, that in 
the loss of the regular future of the Latin verb, the desiderative 
and future participle have been formed by the addition of the 
future r = s and the desiderative ri = si, not to the crude form 
of the verb, but to the verbal in -tus, so that the desiderative is 
deduced immediately from the future participle in -tur-us or from 
the noun of agency in -tor (above, p. 360). 

15. The Perfect Subjunctive. 

We have seen above ( 4) that the form fuerim =fuesim is 
really a subjunctive tense of the usual kind derived from the 
perfect indicative fui =fuesa. As, however, the first person is 
occasionally written fuero, just as sim = esim or erim is short- 
ened into ero, it has been common among grammarians to ima- 
gine two tenses as distinct as ero and sim. But this view is 
represented under two different forms : for while the older gram- 

See Rosen, on the Rig-Vda Sanhita, p. iv. 



mars make fuerim &ndfuero two tenses of the subjunctive mood, 
the former being perfect, and the latter future, the more modern 
writers on the subject increase the confusion by referring the 
latter, as a futurum exactum, to the indicative mood, while the 
former retains its place as perfect subjunctive. Those, who have 
had any thing to do with the business of teaching the Latin 
language, need not be told that a young and thoughtful student 
will not derive much edification from the doctrine that fuerit is 
both indicative and subjunctive) both past and. future. And those 
who are conversant with the higher kind of philology, know that, 
while fuero and fuerim are merely euphonic distinctions, all the 
other persons, having only one set of meanings, are necessarily 
inflexions of the same form. With regard to the signification 
of this perfect subjunctive, it is clear that, as it is formed from 
the perfect indicative just as the present subjunctive is formed 
from the present indicative, it must exhibit the same modification 
of meaning. Now dicam die-yam means "there is a proba- 
bility of my speaking;" consequently dixero = dic-se-rim must 
mean, "there is a probability of my having spoken;" and in 
proportion as the former approximates to the predication, " I 
shall speak," in the same proportion does the latter express, " I 
shall have spoken." In strictness that which is called & futurum 
exactum, or paulo-post-futurum, can only exist in forms derived 
from the perfects of intransitive verbs. These forms exist in 
Greek both with the active and with the middle inflexions ; thus 
from QVY\GKU>, " I am dying," TeOvqica, " I am dead," we have 

or reO^co, " I shall have died," i. e. " I shall be 
found in the state of death ;" from ypd<pa), " I am writing," we 
have yeypa<f>a, " I have written," yeypa/mfjiai, " I have been 
written," i.e. " I stand or remain written," yeypd^oimai, " I shall 
have been written," i. e. "I shall stand and remain written." 
Now it has been observed even by the old grammarians, that 
the Romans did not use these futures of the intransitive or 
passive perfect. Thus Priscian says (Let. VIII. c. 8. p. 388, 
Krehl) : " quamvis Graoci futurum quoque diviserunt in quibusdam 
verbis, in futurum infinitum, ut rvvj/ojuai, et paulo post futurum t 
ut rerJ\|/oyuat, melius tamen Romani considerata futuri ratione, 
quaB omnino incerta est, simplici in eo voce utuntur, nee finiunt 
spatium futuri." But if the Romans had no futurum exactum 
of the passive form, still less would they have one with active 


inflexions. The question of moods, as we have seen above, is 
not one of forms, but one of syntactical usage. And if we wish 
to inquire whether there is any justification for those who place 
fuero in the indicative mood, we have only to ascertain whether 
there is really any difference in syntactical usage between this 
form and fuerim, and generally, whether the tense, which we 
call perfect subjunctive, is ever used as an indicative, that is, as 
a categorical predication, without any reference to a protasis, 
expressed or plainly implied. The confusion, into which some 
modern grammarians have fallen in regard to this tense, has 
arisen entirely from the use of the Latin subjunctive in the 
apodosis, without a qualifying particle of reference like the 
Greek av. Hence the imperfect grammarian is extremely liable 
to confuse between a categorical and a consequential assertion, 
where the protasis is omitted; and while the Greek optative, 
with av 9 is rendered by the future- indicative, without any risk 
of a misunderstanding as to the logical intention of the phrase, 
the perfect subjunctive in Latin has been supposed to be merely 
a future indicative referring to completed action. The following 
comparison will show that there is no use of the tense now under 
consideration, which may not be referred to some parallel em- 
ployment of the Greek conjunctive or optative aorist. 

., (habeas 1 , , . 
= si quid | habebis | , dab* 

b. edv TI <7^>5s, Swcrets = si quid habueris, dabis. 

c. ei rt e^ots, SiSoiw av - si quid habeas, des. 

d. ei TI axoiw, Soiw av = si quid habueris, dederis. 

If in the second and fourth cases habueris and dederis are 
subjunctive or potential, the same explanation must apply to the 
following : 

a. si plane occidimus, ego omnibus meis exitio fuero, " if 

we have altogether fallen, I shall have been (i. e. I shall 
prove in the result, yevoqujv av) a destruction to all my 

b. si pergiSy abler o, " if you go on, I shall have departed 

(i. e. I shall go at once, aVe'Xfloiyu' av)" 

c. tu invita mulieres ; ego accivero pueros, " do you invite 

the ladies ; after that, when you have done so, I shall be 
found to have sent for the boys (av JULGV ra? 
AcaXet* eyco ce rous Traidas av 

a. eav TI 


That the difference between the subjunctive present (C. I.) 
and this subjunctive perfect (C. III.) is one of tense only, might 
be shown by numberless examples ; thus we have (Plaut. Trinum 
II. 4, 137 = 538) : magis apage dicas, si omnia ex me audive- 
ris, and (III. 1, 21 = 621) : quoi tuam quom rem credideris, 
sine omni cura dormias, where we have an apodosis correspond- 
ing to the Greek present optative with av, preceded by a protasis 
containing an equivalent to the optative aorist. It is a mere 
assumption on the part of some grammarians that there is any 
difference of usage between the forms of the first person in -ro 
or -rim. The choice of one form or the other is a mere matter 
of euphony, and they are both equally subjunctive or potential 
in their nature. Thus we find in a hortative or deliberative sense : 
hue aliquantum abscessero ( Trinum. III. 1, 25 = 625), " let me 
stand aside here a little;" and we find this form after quum in 
precisely the same manner as the imperfect and pluperfect sub- 
junctive are used with that particle ; thus : quum extemplo arcum 
et pharetram mi et sagittas sumpsero ( Trinum. III. 2, 99 = 
725) ; or after ubi : extemplo ubi oppidum expugnavero (Baccli. 
IV. 9, 52 = 977). So also Virg. Georg. I. 441, 2. We have 
sometimes both forms in the same passage; thus: omnia ego 
istcec qucv tu dixti scio, vel exsignavero (comp. the common 
use of confirmaverim) : ut rem patriam et gloriam majorum 
fcedarim meum (Trinum. III. 2, 29 = 655). And no one will 
maintain that credidero and crediderim might not change places 
in the following passages ; Plaut. Trin. III. 1, 6 = 606 : at tute 
cedepol nullus creduas. Si hoc non credis, ego credidero. 
Virgil, Georg. II. 338 : non alios prima crescentis origine 
mundi illuxisse dies, aliumve habuisse tenorem crediderim. 
And that the perfect subjunctive in -rim may come as near to a 
simply future signification as the corresponding form in -ro, is 
clear from Virgil, Georg. II. 101 : non ego te, Dis et mensis 
accepta secundis, transierim, Rhodia, compared with Hor. IV. 
Carm. 9, 30 : non ego te meis chartis inornatum silebo. There 
is the same indifference as to the employment of a form in -o or 
one in -im in the old aorists ; thus we have/a^o in Plaut. Pcen. 
I. 1, 34, butjftmra in the same play, V. 2, 131. If these forms 
in -ro or -rim were ever modifications of the future indicative, 
this would be observable in the case of verbs like memini, novi, 
odi, which are used as present perfects. But we never find the 


form in -ro or -rim used as a mere future to these virtually present 
verbs; on the contrary, while meminerim and recorder stand in 
the same subjunctive sentence (Cic. pro Plancio, c. 28 fin.), we have 
recordabor as the only future for the two verbs (id. in Pison. 
c. 6). And so of the others. It has been supposed that certain 
forms in -assere, which occur in Plautus, and seem to have the 
meaning of a future infinitive (e. g. expugnassere, Amphitr. I. 
1, 55 ; reconciliassere, Capt. I. 2, 59 ; impetrassere, AuluL IV. 
7, 6), are infinitives corresponding to this tense in -ro or -rim, 
as though formed, e. g., from expugnasso = expugnavero l . Such 
a formation of an infinitive appears to me simply impossible ; 
and as all these infinitives are referred to verbs of the -a 
conjugation, I have no difficulty in explaining these words in 
the same way as I have explained the agglutinate forms in 
-esso, -essere (above, $ 7) ; and as capes-so = caper e-sino, so 
expugnas-so = expugnar e-sino. With regard to the apparently 
future signification of the infinitives in -assere, it is sufficient to 
remark that an auxiliary may give this meaning, as in the case 
of dicer e instituo = dicam, mentioned above (^ 9) ; and the 
future in the Romance languages is always formed by an agglu- 
tinate appendage of habeo, as in aur-ai = aver-ai = habere habeo. 
As fuero = fueso and fuerim = fuesim oscillate between the forms 
ero = eso and sim esim, so we find that the plural exhibits a 
similar freedom of choice; iorfuerimus-fu-erimus orfue-simus 
represents either erimus, which is shortened in its penultima, or 
slmus, which has lost its initial syllable. In the passive and 
deponent verbs the loss of the perfect subjunctive is supplied by 
a periphrastic tense made up of the future ero and the participle 
in -tus. It is a matter of indifference whether we refer this 
tense to a period when the future and present subjunctive of the 
substantive verb were still identical, or whether we suppose that 
it is an approximation to the Greek paulo postfuturum, adopted 
to meet a syntactical exigency. 

16. The Past Tense of the Infinitive Active. 

The past tense of the infinitive active ends in -isse, when 
it corresponds to the Greek first aorist, as scripsisse; when 

1 Madvig thinks that these forms result from a mistaken attempt to 
follow the Greek analogy of rv-^etv from TV^Q> (Bemerkungen uber Lat. 
Sprl. p. 41). 




it is the regular perfect, as tetigisse ; and when it is a com- 
posite form, as ama-visse = ama-fuisse. It is to be recollected 
that in all these cases the same tense inserts an s = r in the 
second person singular and second and third persons plural 
of the indicative mood. There can be little doubt that this 
doubling of the s in the infinitive (-s-se) is to be explained from 
the indicative mood. As we have fui-s-tis instead of fufusa-tis, 
so we have fui-sse instead of fufusa-se ; and in both cases the 
additional ,9 is analogous to that in fuissem = fui-se-sim, from 
fuerim ^fuesim. This view is in accordance with all the similar 
phenomena. The other explanations, which have been given, are 
very unscientific and not even very plausible. It has been sup- 
posed that the additional s is designed to represent the length- 
ening of the penultimate syllable ; but why should the termi- 
nation se re be appended by means of a long syllable to fui 
any more than to es- in es-se or to dico in dice-re? Bopp is 
of course ready with his agglutination theory, and explains 
ama-vi-sse as a compound of amavi and esse (Vergl. Gramm. p. 
1227). But, as he must see, this presumes a derivation offuisse 
from fui and esse, and of fueram from fui and eram, so that 
amaveram = ama-fui-eram and amavisse = ama-fui-esse. It is 
only by remembering the great services, which Bopp has rendered 
to comparative philology, that we can reconcile such suggestions 
with any claim to a character for critical tact and acumen. The 
whole theory of inflected language would fall to pieces, if we 
could not explain even the future and aorist s without falling 
back upon the existing forms of the substantive verb. There 
must be some formative machinery in the verb besides the 
person-endings ; and if we cannot explain the inflexions of fui 
without calling in the aid of sum, how are we to inflect sum 
itself through its own moods and tenses ? It seems to me falla- 
cious to suppose, as Bopp does (p. 1228), that the forms scrip- 
se, consum-se, admis-se, divis-se, dic-se, produc-se, abstrac-se, 
advec-se, are aorists corresponding to the Greek and related to 
the forms scrip-so or scrip-sim as ypaTr-crai is to e-ypair-va. 
The Latin infinitive is always formed by adding se = re to the 
tense represented by the infinitive, which is merely denuded of 
its person-endings in order to qualify it for becoming the vehicle 
of this new appendage. From scrip-so we could only have 
scrip-sere = scrip-sese, as we have scrib-ere from scribo. As we 


have dixti for dic-si-s-ti, extinxem for exting-sis-sent, vixet for 
vic-sis-set, &c., why should not dixe dic-se for dic-sis-se be 
an analogous abbreviation? Not to speak of the tendency to 
shorten the forms of words, which generally characterizes the 
Latin language, the omission of the syllable es or is is invariable 
in the passive infinitive of all consonant-verbs ; for as amari or 
amarier is formed from amare = amase, we ought to have diceri 
or diceri-er - dic-es-ier from dicere - dicese, but, in point of fact, 
we always find dicier or did, which is related to dic-es-ier very 
much as dic-se is to dic-sis-se. 



1. The conjugations are regulated by the same principle as the declensions. 
2. The first or -a conjugation. 3. The second or -e conjugation. 4. The 
third or -i conjugation. 5. The fourth or consonant conjugation. A. Mute 
verbs. 6. B. Liquid verbs. 7. C, Semi-consonantal verbs. 8. Irregular 
verbs. A. Additions to the present tense. 9. B. Abbreviated forms. 10. 
Defective verbs. 

1. The Conjugations are regulated by the same principle 

as the Declensions. 

is not much difficulty in seeing that the Latin conju- 
JL gations ought to be arranged on the same principle as the 
declensions namely, according to the characteristic letters of the 
different verbs. This mode of classification will give us three 
conjugations of verbs in a, e, i, which are regularly contracted ; 
and one conjugation of consonant verbs, which retain their 
inflexions uncontracted, whether the characteristic is mute, liquid, 
or semi-consonant. In the first three conjugations, which con- 
tain none but derivative verbs, the crude form of a noun is made 
the vehicle of verbal inflexions by means of the formative affix ya, 
which belongs to the second pronominal element. We shall see 
that, while the a and i conjugations append this formative syl- 
lable to crude forms terminating in these vowels respectively, the 
e conjugation represents the pronominal affix by this vowel alone, 
because it generally consists of verbs formed from consonantal 
nouns. In the semi-consonantal forms, there is no difficulty in 
seeing that the u verbs belong to the fourth and not to the vowel 
conjugations ; but in order to know when a verb in -i is to bo 
considered as belonging to the vowel conjugation, and when, on 
the other hand, it is to be counted as a semi-consonantal verb, 
we must observe the evidences of contraction which are furnished 
in the former case by the second person singular of the present 
indicative, and by the present infinitive. Thus, while audi-o 
gives us audis = audi-is, audi-re = audi-ere, and audi-ri = 
audi-eri, cap-i-o gives us cap-is, cap-ere, and capi. Besides 
this, as we have already seen (above, Ch. XL 8), the vowel- 
verb is generally confined to an agglutinate perfect in -vi. 
There are indeed irregularities, which must be learned by expe- 


rience, and which generally flow from the copartnership in dif- 
ferent tenses of two distinct verbs, as when peto, petere have a 
perfect and participle petlvi and petttus, from a lost verb in -io, 
or when cupio, cupivi, cupitus, have an infinitive cupZre, as 
though the i were a semi-consonantal adjunct. But the general 
distinctions of conjugations are those which discriminate the 
declensions of nouns. 

2. The first or -a Conjugation. 

In laying down the general rules for the conjugation of 
a Latin verb, the grammarian has to consider, in the first 
instance, whether the perfect indicative (A. III.), or the passive 
participle (E. III.), present any deviation from the form of the 
verb ; and he must then inquire what is the cause of this 
irregularity. Now, as we have seen in the previous chapter, the 
Latin verb has three forms of A. III.: (a) the proper or redupli- 
cated perfect ; (/3) the aorist perfect in -si ; (y) the composite, 
or agglutinate, perfect in -vi or -ui, from fui. According to the 
general rule already given, the vowel-verb is properly limited to 
the third form of the perfect active. In point of fact, there are 
only two exceptions to this rule in the case of the -a verb, and 
these two exceptions give us the regular or reduplicated perfect. 
But the two verbs, in which this form is found, are both of them 
irregular. For do, which makes A. III. dedi, D. I. dare, and 
E. III. datus, does not fully and properly belong to the vowel- 
verbs, but partly also to the same class as its compounds con-do, 
con-dis, con-didi, con-dere, con-ditus. It is true that we have 
das for the second person singular of A. I., and that the common 
form of C. I. is dem, des, det, &c. ; but duim is the old form of 
the latter ; and the quantity of a in dabam, darem, shows that 
we have not to do with a verb of which the characteristic is a, 
but with one which preserves this form of its root or articulation 
vowel. The old du-im, compared with the Umbrian, Oscan, 
and Tuscan tu- (above, pp. 125, 129, 184), the German thun, 
&c., would lead us to the conclusion that u was the most ancient 
articulation-vowel of this root. In its primitive meaning, do 
reverts to the same sense as our " do," and the German thun. 
Like the Old Norse and Etruscan lata, and like sino in Latin, 
and sri in Etruscan, do is used not only with prepositions, but 
with other verbal roots, signifying " doing," or " causing," as 


opposed to eo, which denotes the passive result of the action: 
thus we have per-do, or pessum-do, opposed to per-eo, inter-do 
to inter- eo, ven-do to ven-eo, &c. As we have a in the 
corresponding Greek forms 7rep-0a), &c., we may be led to con- 
clude that the Latin do furnishes the link of connexion between 
St&u/ii, Sanscrit daddmi and TiOrjiu, Sanscrit dadhdmi ; which 
are therefore only different forms of the same root. The idea 
of " giving " is partly represented by that of " putting," or 
" placing," for acceptance. In regard to the offering of prizes, 
or the placing of meat on the table, the ideas of placing and 
giving run into one another, and it is well known that pono 
and TiOtjfjLi are regularly used in this sense (see my note on 
Pindar, O. XI. 63, and the commentators on Horace, I. Serm. 
2, 106 ; II. 3, 23). But we may also represent the act of 
giving with reference to the donor as a liberal pouring forth of 
that which he has, and this is the primary sense of gef-an, 
gib-an, "give," %eF-o), &c., as Grimm has shown in a recent 
paper on the subject (Abh. Ak. Berl. 1848 : " iiber schenken und 
geben "). The other verb, which appears to belong to the -a 
conjugation, but has a reduplicated perfect, is sto, which makes 
A. III. steti. This verb does not give the same indications as do 
of a mere articulation-vowel ; for even the compounds retain the 
long d, which appears in stabat, &c. But we have a by-form, 
si-sto, to which steti may be referred, just as our transitive 
" stay," intransitive " stand," are represented by the German 
present stehe, perf. stand, both of which are intransitive. And 
I am inclined to explain the long a in sto, as resulting from a 
contraction of staho steyo, Germ, stehen, which is still found in 
the Umbrian stahito = stato (above, p, 82). So that sto can- 
not be considered as a verb, of which the characteristic or for- 
mative adjunct is -a, but, like do, owes its contraction to the con- 
tact of the root-syllable with the termination. With these two ex- 
ceptions, all -a verbs form their perfect in -ui or -vi. Although 
the Greek vowel-verbs particularly affect the aorist in -era, and 
indeed have no other, we find that no vowel-verb in Latin has the 
aorist perfect in -si, unless it has dropt in this tense its characteristic 
vowel in other words, we have no Latin perfect in -a-si, -e-si, or 
i-si. We shall see that there are verbs in -eo and -io, which drop 
their characteristic, and have perfects in -si immediately attached 
to the root ; but though the characteristic is sometimes dropt in -a 


verbs, as in domo, A. III. dom-ui, E. III. dom-itus, and though, 
when the root ends in v, the u of the perfect is absorbed and 
represented only by a lengthening of the verb-syllable, as in 
fav-o, A. III. juv-i, E. III. ju'tus, we never find an -a verb which 
exhibits the aorist-perfect in -si. Why this tense has vanished 
in the first Latin conjugation it is difficult to say, unless we must 
conclude that it was not euphonious or convenient in the eleven 
short words, which elide the characteristic -a, and in which alone 
it was possible. These are crepo, cubo, domo, frtco, mico^ neco, 
pit co, sZco, sono, tono, v%to. If we compare these words with 
the Greek verbs in -aw, which have a short a before the -a of the 
future, we may be led to conclude that in these instances also 
the a was originally followed by some consonant which has been 
absorbed, and the short vowel in the penultima favours the 
supposition that we have here the remnants of longer forms. 
Thus cubui belongs to cumbo, which is strengthened by anus- 
vdra t as well as to cuba-o, which, like KVTTTCO, may have had 
some consonantal formative : crepa-o, crepui, may be compared 
with strepo, strepui, which has altogether lost the pronominal 
adjunct of its present tense : doma-o stands by the side of oaV- 
vrj-fjii as well as $a/tm-o>. Whether veto is to be derived from 
vetus (cf. for the form vetulus, and for the sense antiquo), or should 
be compared with vitium, it obviously involves some semi-con- 
sonantal strengthening of the present tense. Of the regular verbs 
of the first conjugation, the most troublesome in its etymology is 
ploro, which Doderlein once (Lat. Syn. u. JEt. III. 155) con- 
sidered as an intensive form of plico, and which he now (ibid. 
VI. p. 273) connects with pluo, fluo and fleo. I cannot accept 
either of these etymologies. As far as the signification is con- 
cerned there is no reason to suppose that ploro ever meant " to 
shed tears," and such a meaning would bo quite inconsistent 
with the ordinary use of the compound explore. Festus tells us 
(p. 230, Miiller, quoted above, p. 200), that the original meaning 
of ploro was inclamo or invoco ; and with regard to ploro he 
says (p. 79) : " explorare antiques pro exclamare usos, sed postea 
prospicere et certum cognoscere ccepit significare. Itaque spe- 
culator ab exploratore hoc distat, quod speculator hostilia silentio 
perspicit, explorator pacata clamore cognoscit;" and the Glossar. 
Labb. explains endoplorato by eTr^aXecroi/, which is more accu- 
rate than the account given by Festus (s. v. p. 77). In a frag- 



[CH. XII. 

merit of Varro, quoted by Forcellini, who is unable to verify it, 
we have : " gemit, eaplorat, turbam omnem concitat," from which 
it appears that the original meaning of the word must have been 
" to cry aloud." Now we know that ad-oro> which does not sig- 
nify, as is generally supposed, to put the hands to the mouth, 
and then stretch them forth in honour of a superior being 
(7rpo(TKvvco), but rather " to speak to" and " address," is a com- 
pound of ad and oro, just as alloqui is a compound of ad and 
loqui; and we know (from Festus, pp. 19, 182), that orator was 
originally a name for an ambassador, and that adorare meant 
agere caussas. So that oro means to make an oratio or speech, 
and emphatically to use the os or mouth for the purpose of ob- 
taining something. Hence, it passes into its meaning " to ask" 
or " pray for," and then becomes nearly synonymous with ploro 
and imploro. But if oro comes from os, why should not pl-oro 
have the same origin? There can be no difficulty about the first 
two letters, which contain the root of pl-us, pl-erique, TrX-e'os, 
7roX-i/s, "full;" and the phrases pleno ore laudare (Cic. de 
Officiis, I. 18), and plena voce vocare (Virg. Georg. I. 388), are 
sufficient to show how pl-oro got its original and proper meaning 
" to cry aloud." Now "to call aloud" for anything is to desire 
it earnestly and to demand it with importunity ; hence in Greek 
we have such phrases as : /3o \oiyov ' Epwv? (^Esch. Choeph. 
396), which is equivalent to Shakspere's : " they say it will have 
blood." A.nd in general the idea of asking, which is involved 
in the etymological analysis of qucero (above, p. 352), passes into 
that of seeking, which is so often and so regularly conveyed by 
that verb and its compounds. As then exquiro has lost all 
trace of the original meaning of quce-so = quce-ro, " I cause to 
speak," so ex-ploro has quite taken leave of the sense of " calling 
aloud" originally borne by ploro, and means merely " to seek 
out," so that it is perfectly synonymous with exqidro. In a 
passage of Virgil (Georg. I. 175) we find exploro used of the 
searching nature of smoke, which penetrates the smallest aper- 
tures, and insinuates itself into the tissue of a substance : " et 
suspensa focis explorat robora fumus." The force of the prepo- 
sition in esc-ploro is merely intensive, as in eoc-quiro. It has not 
that sense of effecting and obtaining which we notice in exoro, as 
in Ter. Andr. III. 4, 13 : " gnatam ut det oro, vixque id exoro:" 
and Hecyra, Prol. 2, v. 1 : " orator ad vos venio ornatu prologi : 


sinite exorator sim." In deploro we sometimes have the same 
use of the preposition which we notice in de-sidero, and de-spero, 
and de expresses a feeling of loss or absence. With regard to 
de-sidero it may be remarked in passing, that, as con-templor and 
con-sidero are augurial terms derived from the observation of the 
heavenly templum and its stars, so de-sidero indicates the inter- 
ruption to the augurial process which was occasioned by a cloudy 
and starless night. As pl-oro, according to the etymology which 
is here suggested, must have been originally ple-oro, and as phi- 
res is a corruption of the old comparative pie-ores (above, Ch. VI. 
2), we see a perfect analogy between the old Norse fleiri, Suio- 
Gothic flere, compared with the latter, and the Etruscan phleres, 
which has been derived from the former (above, p. 173). And 
with respect to the meaning of phleres, the connexion of votum, 
which expresses its application, with voco, which is a synonym 
of ploro, may be seen in such phrases as Virgil's: "votis ad- 
suesce vocari" (Georg. I. 42), and: "votis vocaveris imbrem" 
(ibid. I. 157). Another verb of the first conjugation which 
deserves some notice is futo found in its compounds con-futo 
and re-futo. According to Festus (p. 89), Cato used futo as a 
frequentative of fuo or fio. But this is not the origin of futo 
as found in these compounds and in the adjective futilis, &c. 
This verb is connected with futis ( = vas aquarium, Varro, p. 
47, Muller), and fundo ; and con-futo, re-futo, which are fre- 
quentatives of fuo, whence fons and fundus (see below, Ch. XIII. 
9), are applied to the act of pouring in cold water with a ladle 
to prevent the kettle from boiling over ; Titinn. ap. Non. c. 4. n. 
47 : " cocus magnum ahenum, quando fervit, paula confutat trua," 
(see Scaliger ad Fest. s. v. refuto ; Ruhnken, Diet, in Ter. 
p. 174). Hence we have such phrases as : confutare dolor es, 
" to repress or keep down sorrows" (Cic. Tusc. Disp. V. 31). 

3. The second or -e Conjugation. 

The first point, which strikes the philological student, when 
he turns his attention to the second conjugation, is the general 
tendency to drop the characteristic e in the perfect (A. III.), and 
its participle (E. III.). This is necessarily the case in all verbs 
which take the proper perfect (a) by reduplication, as mordeo, 
momordi, morsus; or the aoristin-s, (/3), &sjubeo,jussi,jussus; 
lugeo, luxi, luctus; and when I or r precedes a guttural in these 



[On. XII. 

verbs, this guttural is omitted in the perfect, as in fulgeo, ful-si ; 
torqueo, tor-si; and the same is the case with dentals, whether 
mute or liquid, as rideo, risi ; hcereo, hcesi ; though maneo 
retains its n in the perfect mansi. But even where the agglu- 
tinate perfect in -ui is used, we generally find that the charac- 
teristic e, is dropt before it. Indeed there are only a few cases 
in which the perfect is formed after the analogy of ama-vi. 
These are deleo, delevi ; fleo, flevi; neo, nevi; the compounds 
of oleo, as aboleo^ dbolevi ; the compounds of pleo, as impleo, 
implevi ; and the nearly obsolete vieo, vievi. The long e in 
these verbs is generally retained in E. III., as deletus, fletus, im- 
pletus ; but adoleo has adultus, and aboleo makes abolitus. All 
other verbs of this conjugation, which take the agglutinate per- 
fect, omit before it the characteristic E, and either drop it also 
in the participle E. III., or shorten it into i. Thus we have 
moneo, monui, momtus ; misceo, miscui, mistus and mixtus. 
The deponent reor takes the stronger vowel a in its participle 
ratus, whence ratio, but the i is resumed in the compound 
irritus = non ratus. Verbs ending in v generally absorb the v 
of their agglutinate perfect like the corresponding a verbs juvo 
and lavo ; thus we have caveo, cdvi, cautus ; faveo, favi, fautus ; 
foveo, fovi, fotus; moveo, movi, motus ; paveo, pavi ; voveo, 
vovi, votus. If we compare mordeo, momordi, morsus with 
prandeo, prandi, pransus ; sedeo, sedi, sessus ; and video, vidi, 
visus ; we shall probably conclude that the latter have merely 
lost their reduplication. The best explanation, which can be 
offered of the very general evanescence of the characteristic e 
in the perfects of this conjugation, is to assume that in the ma- 
jority of instances it was merely one of those adjuncts, which are 
used for the purpose of strengthening the present and the tenses 
derived from it. Among these adjuncts not the least common is 
the second element under the form ya (see New Crat. 426, 
432), and as this is clearly contained in many Greek verbs in 
-eo) which are also written -uo (New Crat. 432, y), so there 
are many special reasons for inferring the presence of this auxi- 
liary in the Latin verbs in -eo. Perhaps the most important of 
these special reasons is suggested by the phenomenon that many 
active verbs in Latin, either (a) uncontracted, or (6) contracted 
in -a, have a neuter or passive verb from the same root distin- 
guished by the formative characteristic e; thus we have (a) 


active jacZre, passive jacere; active pandZre, passive patere; 
active pend&re, passive pendcre ; active scandere, passive scatcre; 
(b) active liqudre, passive liquere ; active pardre, parZre, pas- 
sive parere; active sedare, passive sedcre. Now it is well 
known that the insertion of ya between the root and the ending 
forms the passive voice in Sanscrit {New Crat. 379), and I 
have shown (ibid. 381) that a similar explanation is applicable 
to the Greek passive aorists in -Orjv and -Y\V\ and as one of these 
aorists is eerrjv = ec-raycr/cu, we may conclude that the irre- 
gular stare, which is opposed to sister e, stands for sta-yere or 
steh-yere (above, p. 373), and in the same way we shall bring 
back to this conjugation fugZre, which is similarly opposed to 
fugdre. The next section will point out the distinction between 
these verbs formed with the pronominal ya, and those which 
have the verb eo, as an auxiliary accretion. With regard to 
those now under consideration, as in the case of the subordinate 
verb-forms in Hebrew, it depends upon the nature of the primary 
element whether the verb is intransitive, as in the instances just 
adduced, or causative, intensive, or frequentative, as in others 
which might be cited. Thus mon-eo, which contains the root 
men- implying thought and recollection (me-min-i, &c.), bears a 
causative meaning. Hcer-eo, like the Greek aip-eco, is an in- 
tensive form of a root not unconnected with the Latin hir, "a 
hand;" Umbrian here, " to take ;" Sanscrit, hary, " to love" (see 
above, pp. 92, 98). The substantive hceres or heres (hcered- = 
hcer-vad, above, p. 122) is connected with this verb, in the 
sense of " property-dependent," just as in English law there is a 
distinction of immediate or intermediate derivation between a 
person who takes by limitation, and one who takes by purchase, 
i. e. from the person last seized. It may be doubted whether 
"hear," koren, and their unaspirated derivatives "ear," ohr, 
may not be derived from this root, so that hceren will signify 
" to catch," i. e. a sound. If so, hceres, as implying dependence, 
will approximate in origin and meaning to cliens, " the hearer," 
or hceriger, according to Niebuhr's etymology (H. R. I. p. 323, 
note 823). In the verbs hab-eo and ten-eo the root-meaning is 
seriously modified by the affix. For hab-eo must correspond in 
root to gib-a, gafa, " give," and these, as Grimm has shown 
(Abh. Ak. Berlin, 1848), fall back upon ^ew = ^eFo) (cf. ixfiaivw, 
v<pn with 0. H. G. w ipu, wap ; 0. JST. vef, vaf; Sanscr. vap ; 



[On. XII. 

Engl. "weave") ; and the form \iu)v, which shows a remnant of 
the F in its /, is clearly connected with %eFa> (see Horn. II. XII. 
281: UK7T6 vifyaces ^toi'os 1 7r/7TToiATt....../cof/>i77crct? o dveimovs 

^eci efjiTreSov) : similarly, we have -^iXiot from ^iXo?, " a heap 
of fodder," also connected with ^ew (New Crat. 163). Con- 
sequently, the root hob- must imply originally rather " to pour 
out and give," than "to have" or "possess." Similarly, ten-eo, 
which contains the same root as Ta-vv-co, " to stretch out," and 
ten-do, falls back upon the old epic imperative TJ/, "take thou." 
Although the formative adjunct ya has inverted the ideas of 
giving and taking in hab-eo and ten-eo, we find that they are 
only partially kept distinct in the former. Thus, while the root 
ten-, when strengthened by the adjunct -do, has quite a different 
meaning from ten-eo, we find that habeo, in its compounds per- 
hibeo, prcebeo =prce-hibeo, quite reverts to the primitive meaning 
of the root, for both these words imply a holding forth and 
giving, as though prcebere meant prce se habere like prce se ferre, 
or prcetendere. The same is the case with e^cu (see Arnold on 
Thucyd. I. 9) and still more with Trape^a), whence comes the tech- 
nical use of Trapo-^t), " supplying," " furnishing," and the later 
parochus, "a purveyor" (Hor. I. Serm. 5, 43), or "entertainer" 
(id. ibid. II. 8, 36). This technical sense of Trape^co has been 
overlooked in Thucyd. IV. 39 : fipionara eyKare\r)<j)Qr)' o yap 
ap^wv'RTTiraca^ ei>$ee<7Tepa)S Trape^^ev rj Trpos TJ}V e^ovuiav. 
When habeo denotes a state or condition it generally takes the 
reflexive pronoun se, where the Greek uses e^w absolutely with 
an adverb in -a>s : but Sallust (Cat. 6) has: "sicuti pleraque 
mortalium habentur" for se habent. Metaphysical considerations 
(New Crat. 53) might lead us to infer that habeo not only 
includes the ideas of holding forth or giving, and of having or 
keeping, but also conveys the antecedent notion of desiring, 
under the form aveo or haveo, which falls back on the Semitic 
3HN or nitf. But whatever reason we may have for connecting 
habeo or haveo with this Hebrew root, there are two verbs in 
~eo, which strongly support the ethnographical theory respecting 
the Sclavonism of the old Italians, and their consequent Semitic 
affinities. These are deb-eo, of which I have spoken above 
(p. 76), and misc-eo. The latter, which appears with a medial 
auslaut in the Greek jmia-yio, is represented under both forms by 
the Hebrew ^DD and :irD (found in the noun Jf D " mixed wine") ; 


compare the Arabic I ^^o , Sclav, mjeshu, Polish mieszam, Bohe- 

(L -*j 

mian misyti, Russian s-mjeshaf*, Persian J^r^*> 0. H. G. 

misc-jan, Lith. maiszyti, Gael, measgaim, Sanscr. mif-ra, &c. 
From the extreme antiquity and universal prevalence of this 
compound root, and from the formative affix with which it 
appears as a verb in most of the Indo- Germanic languages, it is 
fair to conclude that its origin is to be sought in a pronominal 
combination analogous in meaning and form to the Irish measg t 
" among," " between," Welsh ym-musk, Greek /ue-ra, /me-crcpa, 
jme-^pi, fjLccrcros, Lat. me-dius, Hebrew "-p/TIL, which would 
serve as a sufficient basis for such a causative verb. It has been 
mentioned above (p. 76), in a general way, that deb-eo is con- 
nected with the important Semitic and Sclavonian root lilD, 
dhob, and dob, signifying " good." But it will be necessary in 
this place to justify this comparison with especial reference to 
the formative syllable of the conjugation. In its impersonal use, 
oportet corresponds to the personal and impersonal use of debeo, 
and as the former is clearly connected with opus, so the latter 
expresses, as Forcellini says, rationem officii, convenire, oportere, 
obstrictum esse ad aliquid faciendum. In both, the ideas of 
interest and duty are mixed up, and in general, when we say 
that it is good for us to do anything, we combine in one notion 
the thought of a moral fitness or propriety and that of an 
advantage to be gained. We feel that we owe it to ourselves, 
when we feel that we owe it to our principles or to our fellow- 
men. Hence, being in debt, which is the reverse of a good 
thing, is expressed by an application of the verb, which conveys 
the idea of justice or moral obligation, just as officium, " duty," 
belongs to the same family with officit, or obest, "it harms." 
In English we have only one word for what we " owe" and 
what we " ought to do ;" and the German sollen, " to be in 
duty bound" (connected with our "shall," and "should"), be- 
longs to the same root as schuld, "a debt." The Greek phrase 
$//ccuos el/mi TOVTO iroislv, " I am in justice bound to do this"= 
" I ought to do it," shows how the two ideas run into one another. 
But the most decisive illustration of the etymology of deb-eo is fur- 
nished by the affinity between the Greek o-0e'XXo), " to increase," 
" enlarge," " benefit," " aggrandize," o-<J6eXo?, " advantage," 
" help," "profit," o)-0eXe'a>, " to be of service" (all from the root 



[Cn. XII. 

phel-, "to swell," and all showing the ordinary meaning of 
liD and dob), and their derivatives o0Xt-o-/c-d-yo>, " to incur an 
obligation," and o-0efXa>=o-0e'X-?/&>, "to owe," the impersonal 
use of which o<pei\i, " it is fitting," reverts to the meaning 
of the other class of words and of the Latin oportet and opus est. 
As then o-0e/'Xa>=o0e'X-2/ft), with the same pronominal adjunct 
ya, forms the expression of duty from that of advantage, so 
deb-eo by the same machinery passes to the same extension of 
the primitive dob, " a fitting time/' dob-ro, "good, useful," &c. 

4. The third or -i Conjugation. 

The best general rule for distinguishing between the verbs 
in -io, which belong to the vowel-conjugation, and those which 
have for their characteristic the letter i considered as a semi- 
consonant, or vocalization of a guttural, has been already given 
( 1). With regard to their origin and analysis, we must con- 
sider the former as an extension of the -e conjugation, and while 
the vowel-verbs in -io will thus represent a set of derivatives 
in which a crude form in ~i is strengthened by the affix -?/, 
in which case there will always be a contraction, the semi-conso- 
nantal verbs, which outwardly resemble them, merely strengthen 
the present and its immediate offspring with a vocalized guttural, 
to which the person-endings are attached without any inter- 
mediate agency. Thus, as we shall see in the next chapter, all 
verbs of the third conjugation are derived from nouns actually 
existing in -i, or which may be inferred from the inflexions of 
existing nouns, while the semi-consonant verbs have no such 
primitives. We see the manner in which the second conjugation 
is included in the third, from a verb of the second conjugation, of 
which the root happens to end in the vowel -i, and which, there- 
fore, is liable to the double contraction observable in all genuine 
i verbs. From the root ci- (Greek KI-CO) we have, with an 
entire correspondence of meaning, two forms ci-eo and ci~o, and 
as the perfect is always civi, we must consider the latter as 
a condensation of the former. The great peculiarity of this 
verb is that its participle (E. III.) is indifferently citus or cttus, 
the latter being found not only in compounds like concitus, 
incitus, percituS) but also in the simple form citus, both when it 
is used as a participle, as in Virgil (^Eneid. VIII. 642) : 

Hand procul inde citce Metium in divdrsa quadrigee 


where we must take dice with in diversa, " chariots moved in 
different directions;" and also when it appears as a simple 
adjective signifying "swift." The short penultima is contrary 
to all rule; for the participle of ci-eo must be ci-itus=cltus ; 
and we can only explain it as a result of Roman abbreviation. 
But the existence of the forms cieo and do is quite sufficient to 
prove the fact, for which I contend, that true verbs in -i include 
the formative in -e. And in the next chapter I shall show that, 
as I have mentioned above (J 1), the same remark applies also 
to the a verbs. To this rule, respecting the i verbs, there are 
only two exceptions the verb eo (root i) and the verb queo 
(root quen- or Icon-). These two verbs are distinguished from 
the regular verbs in i by their omission of the e in the imperfect 
ibam, quibam, and by the adoption of the agglutinate form in 
the futures i-bo, qui-bo. With regard to the former point, 
although we have occasional exceptions in the poets, as lenibat, 
polibant, &c., we generally find that the imperfect of the i verb 
ends in -iebam, as audi-e-bam ; and in this particular it is imi- 
tated by the semi-consonant verb in z, which gives capiebam, 
faciebam, fugiebam, &c. With regard to the future, we rarely, 
if ever, find an -i verb which follows the analogy of ibo, quibo ; 
but in almost every case we have the subjunctive form in -am 
(-es, -et, &c.), which is invariably adopted by the consonant 
verbs. The substitution of e for i in the verb eo, which does 
not involve the formative element of the second conjugation, 
leads to some momentary confusion with the e- verb, in those 
instances in which eo is used as an agglutinate auxiliary to 
express the passive of certain compounds of do and facio, just as 
the -eo verb stands as the corresponding intransitive to verbs 
merely differing from it in conjugation. Thus we have inter-eo, 
" I go between," i. e. vanish, by the side of inter-ficio, " I cause 
to go between," i. e. make away with ; per-eo, " I go through," 
i. e. disappear, by the side of per-do, " I put through," i. e. anni- 
hilate ; and similarly, pessum-do (cf. TrepOw); ven-eo (=venum 
eo\ " I go for sale," i. e. " I am sold," by the side of ven-do 
(-venum-do), " I put up for sale," and ven-dico or vin-dico 
(=venum-dico), " I declare for sale." But the confusion is only 
instantaneous, for the first comparison shows that these verbs 
are distinguished from the neuter verbs mentioned above (as 
pateo, pendeo, sedeo) both by the conjugation of the present 



[On. XII. 

(in -eo, -es, -et, &c., not -eo, -is, -it, &c.) and by the form of the 
perfect (which is never in -ivi). On the other hand, we must 
distinguish the causative verbs in -do, Greek -9co, from the aorist 
formations in -6rjv 9 -YJV, which involve'the element ya, and have 
precisely the converse meaning. Of these latter forms enough 
has been said elsewhere (New Crat. 379, sqq.). I will only- 
remark in passing, that the explanation of these forms will not 
justify the monstrosity, in which all the gram- 
marians have acquiesced. As this word rests only on a single 
passage (Horn. 77. X. 419) and as the context shows (cf. II. 
VII. 371 ; XVIII. 299) that the true reading is: 

01 ' fyp-qyopOai re 


the portentous eyptjyopOaa-i should be expunged from all dic- 
tionaries and grammars. The 2nd pers. plur. eypyyopOe, and 
the infin. eyptjyopOai are easily justifiable. But to return to 
the Latin verbs in -i, while we observe an obstinate retention 
of the characteristics in all other inflexions, we not unfre- 
quently find that the perfect and its participle (E. III.) are 
formed as from the naked root. Thus from amic-io we have 
amixi, amic-tus, from aper-io, aper-ui, aper-tus, from haur-io, 
hau-si, haus-tus, from sent-io, sen-si, sen-sus, from ven-io, 
ven-i, ven-tus. In all these cases we may conclude that the 
sense of completion borne by the perfect has enabled it to dis- 
pense with the elongating appendage of the present and its sub- 
ordinate forms. 

5. The fourth or Consonant Conjugation, 
A. Mute Verbs. 

Mute verbs, whether their characteristic be labial, guttural, 
or dental, do not exhibit any peculiarities of inflexion, which call 
for detailed examination. The perfect is generally either the redu- 
plicative form (a) or the aorist in -si ; the reduplication is some- 
times represented merely by lengthening the root-syllable, as in 
scabo, scdbi, lego, legi ; sometimes the first syllable is omitted 
without compensation, as is fidi, scidi ; and this is always the 
case in compounds, as cado, cectdi, but concido, concidi. Bibo 9 
which is reduplicated in the present, can have no further redu- 
plication in its perfect, which is accordingly bibi. The few verbs 
which have an agglutinate perfect in -fui must have borrowed this 


lost form of the vowel-conjugation. We are able to justify 
this surmise by comparing cumbo, cubui with cubo. And of 
course the same explanation must apply to strepo, -is, strepui, 
compared with crepo, -as, crepui, frendo, -is,frendui, compared 
with strideo, &c. The verbs peto and rudo, which form their 
perfect and its participle as from a verb in -i, namely, petivi, 
pet'itus ; rudivi, ruditus ; are shown by this fact alone to be 
weakened forms of original verbs, in which the vowel i appeared ; 
and this inference is confirmed by their etymology : for there 
can be no doubt that peto is identical with the Gothic bid-jan, 
Greek TrciOco^TriO-yw, whence TTT-W^OS and the Italian pit-occo. 
Now if the primary meaning of this root is " to fall down " and 
"make an inclination," like the Hebrew T?2, "to make a 
reaching towards another,' 7 so that the root will be contained in 
pe[d]-s, TTt-TTT-to, 7re$-ov,fotus, "foot," the present must have 
required the strengthening observed in TreiOw = TriO-yw, and 
presumed in peto-pet-yo. It is also clear that rudo is only 
another form of rugio, which has passed into rudio ; compare 
the Gothic rauhts - " fremitus," with the Greek pdOos, po9eiv, 
pvfyiv, ypv'CeiV) &c. Several of the consonant verbs strengthen 
the root in the present tense and its derivatives by a nasal 
insertion analogous to the Sanscrit anusvdra : but this insertion 


is never retained in the perfect, if this tense is or was formed by 
reduplication ; thus we have pu-n-go, pupugi, ru-m-po, rupi, 
fra-n-go, fregi, tu-n-do, tutudi, sci-n-do, scidl, &c. The same 
rule applies to n, when it is appended to the root, for in this case 
also it appears to be inconsistent with reduplication, not only in 
the Greek and Latin, but also in their elder sister the Sanscrit, 
and in the Sclavonian, which furnished the Pelasgian element to 
both of them. Thus we have da-ddmi, but ap-nomi ; SiSwfju, 
TiOrjfjiiy iffrrj/jii, but fyuy-vv/Jii, $a'/x-J'w> i/c-i/eo/ucu ; Tri-TTTO) 
for Trt-TreVeo, but TTIT-VW ; bibo, but Tri-vw ; and, as we shall 
see, sper-no, but spre-vi, contem-no, but contemp-si. In Scla- 
vonian there is a particular class of verbs, which the grammarians 
call semel-factive, and in which this nu is the distinctive mark. 
As then the reduplication clearly denotes iterative or continuous 
action, we must conclude that n is in these cases the pronominal 
element denoting separation and distance, which is opposed to the 
idea of abiding presence connected with that of continuance. 
Whereas in those cases in which the perfect formation retains the 




[On. XII. 

-n, as in jungo, junxi, fungor, functus sum, &c., we may infer 
that the n is merely euphonic, or intended to express, in con- 
junction with the guttural, the sound of the Semitic y (See 
Report of the British Association for 1851, p. 148). Most of 
the Greek verbs in -rco exhibit the r- as a pronominal adjunct 
of the same kind with the -v- which has just been mentioned : 
compare TVTT-TO), T/K-TOJ with re/ix-i/to, ^CLK-VM, &c. We may 
come to the same conclusion with regard to the Latin verbs in 
-to, as flee-to from the root flac- in flaccidus, &c. As n is 
opposed to the continuous or iterative meaning of the verb, 
it may seem surprising that the most common Latin frequen- 
tatives end in -ito ; but these, as we shall see in the next chapter, 
are derivatives of a very different kind. Of the Latin verbs in 
-to, -tis, &c., the most instructive is ver-to. The ideas of turning, 
changing, and beginning to be, have a common source, and refer 
themselves to one conception in the mind. It is difficult to say 
which is the primary modification of the thought. Perhaps the 
word vertumnus, which has long been recognised as a participial 
form from verto, will lead us most easily to the primary meaning 
of the root. It is usual to consider the Etruscan deity Vertum- 
nus as the god of the autumn or of the ripe fruits (so Creuzer, 
Symb. III. 665) ; but the co-existence of the word auctumnus 
shows that this cannot be the correct view of the matter. As 
the husband of Pomona, the summer-goddess, Vertumnus begets 
Cceculus, the darkening time of the year, and must therefore, in 
himself, be a personification of the spring, ver, which is actually 
included in his name. For ver=ver-t (feap-r) is the period 
when the germs of the fruits first come into being (compare 
wes-en with wer-deri), and this, as the beginning of new life, is a 
change from the previous state of decay and non-existence. We 
may say that Vertumnus (or Vertunnus, cf. Neptunus for Nep- 
tumnus) is the year when "it changes itself," or puts on a new 
dress ; and as the aura Favoni, in the language of Lucretius, is 
not only reserata, or released from its former bondage in the 
dungeons of winter, but also genitabilis, or the cause of birth, 
we may see that Vertumnus, the god cf change (Ovid. Fast. 
VI. 410 ; Prop. IV. 2, 10 ; Horat II. Serm. 7, 14), is also the 
representative of the generation or birth of the fruits, which lie 
fecundating under the care of Pomona, until they spring up into 
the Auctumnus =Auctomenos or growing year. Thus the Hebrew 


t)*]h, which denotes the autumn, is used as an expression for 
maturity, as in Job XXIX. 4 ; and if the same root indicates also 
a falling away, decadence, and consequent reproach, we only 
come to the idea suggested by Cceculus, another expression for 
the Autumn, as the child of Vertumnus and Pomona. The 
Umbrian Propertius (IV. 2, 46) expressly tells us that the 
name of Vertumnus was explicable in the Etruscan language ; 
for he says : 

At mihi, quod formas unus vertebar in omnes, 
Nomen ab eventu patria lingua dedit, 

and that this patria lingua must be Etruscan (i. e. in this case 
Pelasgian) is clear from the beginning of the Elegy (v. 3) : 

Tuscus ego, et Tuscis orior: nee pcenitet inter 
Prcelia Volsinios deseruisse focos. 

And Varro expressly tells us that he was a chief divinity with 
those Etruscans who came with Coelius Vibenna (L. L. V. 46, 
p. 18, Muller) : " ab iis dictus Views Tuscus, et ideo ibi Ver- 
tumnum stare, quod is Deus EtruriaB princeps." From this we 
learn that the Pelasgian religion was peculiarly distinguished by 
its elementary character (above, p. 36), and that ver-to, and 
consequently auc-to, were Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian words. In its 
middle sense, vertor often appears in the compound re-vertor, 
" I turn myself back or return.'* The verb rego, which, as we 
have seen (above, p. 76), has important affinities with the Greek, 
Sclavonian, and even the Semitic languages, is never used as a 
deponent to signify motion in a straight line, like the Greek 
e-px-ofjicn, nor is it used as a neuter verb like r-pe^w, and yet 
the term regio or regio viarum expressly denotes the straight 
course or direction, like the dvo^evtav ftrj^drwv o-peyima of 
jEschylus (C/weph. 799). The uncompounded verb lego has the 
perfect legi, which is undoubtedly a remnant of reduplication ; 
but in the derivative forms, such as intel-ligo, " I make a dis- 
crimination," i. e. I understand, diligo, " I make a choice," i. e. I 
prefer or love, neg-ligo, " I make no option," i. e. I leave behind 
neglected, we have only the aorist in -si, as intellexi, dilexi, 
neglexi. But we have also wtellegi, neglegi, and conversely 
collexi, in the older writers (see Lachmann, ad Lucret. VI. 17). 
This aorist revives the lost guttural of the present tense in fluo, 
fluxi, in struo, struxi, in vivo, vixi, and mfruor,fructus sum; and 
strengthens an ultimate guttural in traho, traxi, and velio, vexi. 




[On. XII. 

6. B. Liquid Verbs. 

Some of the verbs, which have I for their characteristic, 
double this letter in the present tense, but not in the perfect, 
thus we have pello, pepuli, pulsus, &c. The analogy of ille, 
alius, &c., would lead us to infer that these verbs belong strictly 
to the semi-consonant class, and the singular participle tlatus or 
lotus from tollo, tetuli, coupled with the Greek form rXaw, 
would almost suggest the idea that there was once a collateral 
verb in -a. There are only two n verbs, the reduplicated gigno, 
root gen-, perfect genui, and cano, perfect cecini. But the 
known relationship between ille, alius and avd, together with the 
meanings of alo, al-mus, al-u-mnus, which imply " bringing up? 
suggest the possibility that this verb may have belonged ori- 
ginally to the same form of the liquid characteristic. We have 
seen above that I and n are both dentals, and that they are 
frequently interchanged. Although s is by its origin a result of 
the gutturals, it often passes into the dental r ; and there can be 
little doubt that most of the verbs in r and s must be placed in 
the same category. Indeed it has been suggested that sero, 
serui is merely a reduplication for seso. While the other liquids 
are all capable of some connexion with the dental articulation, 
the labial in stands apart from any interchange with the other 
letters of this class, except in the case of an assimilation, as in 
pressi from premo (cf. jubeo, jussi). The most important and 
remarkable of the m verbs is emo, which is worthy of special 
examination, not only on its own account, but also on account of 
its numerous compounds. The primary meaning of emo is, " I 
take up or select," and thus it comes very near in signification to 
lego. This idea of selection lies at the root of the ordinary 
meaning of emo, " I buy ;" for this presumes a selection from a 
variety of objects offered for sale. In our own colloquial English, 
" I will take this," is the usual phrase for expressing an intention 
to purchase some particular article. The Greek Trpiafiai ap- 
pears as the middle of irnrpaGKw, " I cause to pass over ;" and 
the two together express the changing of hands (irepav) which 
always attends a sale. And as aTro^cio/ua* means, " I give away 
for my own benefit," i. e. " I part with a thing on advantageous 
terms," so toveopai (from the same root as ov-ivrj^i} declares the 
fact that the purchaser finds his benefit in the transaction. A 


recent theological writer has remarked that "the verb emo, 
which signifies literally 'to select for use' (whence amor and its 
derivative aw[a]o, cf. diligo), is employed in its compounds 
promo and sumo to denote the use made of the selected articles, 
or of the money which is their representative ; these must be in 
promptu before they can be in sumptu, they must be Acr^/uara 
before they can be ^py^ara. Hence promptus is the primary 
as well as the secondary synonym of erol/uos." When we re- 
collect that the compounds ad-imo, ex-imo, inter-imo 9 give us 
the i t which presumes an a in the weaker form (as in con-faio, 
fromfacio, &c., above, p. 261), we are entitled to suppose that 
emo represents a primary amo, amis, and a secondary em-io ; 
(comp. ten-eo, con-tin-eo, with Tcto>, ro-viw, &c.). We shall see 
in the next chapter that amor presumes an original am-ior, and 
that am[d]o suggests a form a.m-a = am-ya which is included in 
amor=am-ior t formed from the genitive case of such a noun. 
It is usual to connect amor with the Sanscrit kdma, which 
corresponds to it in meaning. But as the analysis now before us 
shows that " love " is a secondary meaning, derived from that of 
" selection," we' may leave out of the question any results arising 
from this immediate comparison ; and as the Greek 7rpi-apiai 9 TTL- 
Trpd-<TK<t), are manifestly connected with the pronominal combi- 
nation irG-pa~v or 7ra-pd, signifying a transit, we may compare 
a-ma with a-/ua, sa-ma, cu-m, which express union or conjunction, 
and hence appropriation (New Crat. 181), and bring us 
ultimately to the most probable origin of the Sanscrit kdma. It 
is worth noticing that the Greek d-cnrd^ofmi, " I draw to myself," 
really includes in its prefix this pronominal combination (New 
Crat. 213), and the same is the case with am-plector and 
com-plector. No difficulty will be created by the fact that we have 
a compound co-emo, in the secondary sense, " I buy up." It 
would be paying too great a compliment to the etymological 
knowledge of the Romans to suppose that they dreamt of an 
affinity between the preposition cum, and the root of emo; 
and even if this had been so, the repetition of the same elements 
under different forms would have been in accordance with the 
oldest examples of pronominal agglutination. The perfect of 
emo, is emi, and this form is retained by the compounds, except 
when the prepositional prefix coalesces with the first syllable of 
the verb: thus we have ademi, exemi, interemi, but demo- 



[On. XII. 

de-emo makes dem-p-si, promo -pro-emo makes prom-p-si, 
sumo-su-emo makes sum-p-si ; and while co-emo, "I buy up," 
makes co-emi, co-emptus, the same verb in the older sense, 
" I take and put together," i. e. the hair, makes cdmo, com-p-si, 

fi 7. C. Semi-consonantal Verbs. 

It has been already mentioned that the vowel-verbs in -i differ 
from the semi-consonantal forms, which they so nearly resemble, 
both in the origin and in the extent of the pronominal adjunct 
by which they are qualified. For while the vowel i- verb in- 
volves not only a crude form in -i, but a repetition of the same 
pronominal element, the semi-consonantal i- verb uses this adjunct 
merely to strengthen the present tense and its immediate deriva- 
tives, and loses all traces of it in those formations in which a 
contraction is most conspicuous, namely, in the second person 
singular of A. I., and in the present infinitive. Thus, while we 
have, from the crude form of ves-ti-s, vesti-o vesti-yo, vest'i-s 
vesti-is, and vestire = vesti-yere, the mere root fac- gives us 
fac-io fac-yo, fac-is and fac-ere. As cupio has a perfect 
cuplvi and derivatives like cupido, we may perhaps be inclined 
to consider cupere as a degenerate form, and to refer this verb 
to the vowel-conjugation; and this opinion might be confirmed by 
its relation to capio. For, according to a principle pointed out 
elsewhere (New Crat. 53), capio and cupio are related by the 
association of contrast ; and the shorter vowel u shows that the 
latter is a longer form than capio ; but this implies that cupio 
= capi-yo, which is in accordance with the theory respecting the 
i- verbs. In all other verbs, however, which form the present in 
-io and the infinitive in -ere, it is plain that there is only one 
affection of the root with a formative appendage, and the nature 
of this adjunct is clearly seen in the case of fug-io. For there 
can be no doubt that we have here the root fug-, and that 
the same root is found in (pevyw, aor. e-tywy-ov, where it is 
strengthened by guna (New Crat. 442), and in <pu-y-ya-vio, 
where it is not only strengthened by anusvdra, but supported 
by an additional nasal (ibid. 435). To the same class as (pvy- 
ydvco we must refer the deponent fu-n-gor, " I make myself 
quit of," " get fairly away from," " discharge" or " perform." 
And from a comparison of these cognate verbs with fug-io, we 


see that it is affected only -with a single formative adjunct, which 
is the same as that which is assimilated in the Greek \//aXXft>, 
and transferred to the root-syllable in ipOeipa), root <pOap-, 
(f)aiv(t), root <f)a-, Kplvw root Kpi- (New Crat. 432). With re- 
gard to the u- verbs, the known derivation of many of them, and 
the termination of the participle (E. III.) in -utus or -uitus, shows 
that they are abridgments or degenerate forms of e- verbs. Thus it 
is clear that metu-o comes from metu-s, tribu-o from tribu-s, &c. ; 
and as the verbs are thus connected with crude forms of the semi- 
consonantal declensions, they require in addition another pro- 
nominal adjunct, and thus stand in the same relation to the 
genuine semi-consonant verbs in -u y such as ruo, rvere, rutus, that 
the vowel i- verbs bear to the semi-consonantal verbs in i. As the 
i is after all a representative of some guttural, those apparently 
u- verbs, which exhibit their guttural characteristic in the perfect, 
as struo, struxi, structus, do not essentially differ from those, 
which, like metuo, have absorbed the element ya. 

8. Irregular Verbs. A. Additions to the Present Tense. 

From the formations, which we have just discussed, and in 
which the second element, under the modification i = ya, plays so 
prominent a part, there is an immediate transition to the first class 
of the so-called irregular verbs, which strengthen the present 
by the addition of one or more actual consonants. As far as the 
epithet " irregular" is concerned, we have seen that there are 
deviations from perfect uniformity even in those conjugations 
which we take as the type of the Latin verb ; and it is only in 
consequence of an excess in the degree of deviation that we are 
induced to place the verbs with a consonantal accretion in a class 
by themselves. The additions, by which the present is strength- 
ened in these verbs, are the liquid N, which in a solitary instance 
appears also as R, and the combination sc. The former of 
these adjuncts may or may not be the same with the inserted 
anusvdra, which we find mjungo, root jug-, fungor root fug-. 
It is possible that such a nasal may have resulted from euphony ; 
on the other hand, the manner, in which the adjuncts -vi, -vv 
are melted down so as to combine themselves with the root, 
e. g. in (f>aivu) = (pd-vyo* (root 0a-), eXaJi/w = eXa-vuco, (root 
eXa-), renders it possible that the addition may be pronominal 
or formative. And this view is confirmed by the fact (noticed 



[Cn. XII. 

above, p. 385), that the inserted nasal seems, like the added n, to 
be inconsistent with reduplication (cf. ru-m-po, rupi, &c.). We 
do not find, in Latin as in Greek, that the adjunct n coexists 
with the inserted n, as in Tv-y-^a-vw, Xa-ju-/3a-i/o>, &c., or with 
the appended sc, as in o^Xi-o-K-a-jw, &c. Many of the Latin 
forms in n have corresponding verbs in Greek ; thus we have 
cer-no by the side of Kpivw = tcpi-vym, s-per-no (cf. as-per-nor) 
by the side of TT^O-I/^/UU, ster-no by the side of Grope-vvv/ju, and 
tem-no by the side of Te/u.-va). With regard to tern-no and 
s-per-no, which are nearly synonymous in Latin, we know from 
the word temp-lum, referring to the actual divisions of a field or 
the imaginary regions of the sky (reVei/os), and from temp-us 
referring to the divisions of time (cf. Kaipos from Kelpw, which is 
equivalent to ^Tpov : see note on Find. Ol. IX. 38 1 ), that the 
primary meaning of the root tern- in Latin as in Greek must be 
" to cut off." And as Trep-vrjfju means " to export," or " sell," we 
see that s-per-no or as-per-nor only carries the idea of separation 
into that of rejection. With regard to cer-no and Kpi-vco it is 
worthy of remark, that while they agree in expressing their 
primary idea, " separation," or the sifting out of that which is 
mixed up in confusion, they fall back, by the association of con- 
trast, to an agreement with Kepa-vvv/jn^ " to mix," (see New 
Crat. 53). From the primary meaning " to see or distinguish," 
that of " selection, choice, or judgment," naturally flows ; and we 
find that cer-no by itself, and in its compound de-cer-no, accords 
in this respect with the common use of Kpivta. This is particu- 
larly observable in the idiom cernere hcereditatem, " to declare 
oneself (as distinguished from all others) lawful heir to an estate," 
as Varro says (L. L. VII. 98, p. 158, Miiller) : " apud Plautum 
(Cistell. I. 1, 1): 

Quia ego antehac te amavi et mihi amicam esse crevi, 

crevi valet constitui ; itaque heres, quom constituit se heredem 
esse, dicitur cernere, et quom id fecit crevisse." How far cer-no 
is connected (as Varro thinks, L. L. VI. 81) with creo, Sanscr. 

1 To what is there said I may add that the Hebrew f , which the 
LXX. translate Katpos, is derived from \^p, cced-ere, " to cut ;" that in 
English we speak of the "nick" of time, i. e. of a small portion cut off; 
that tempero means " to put in a proper proportion ;" and that Hcsiod 
says (0. et D. 692) : /ne'rpa </>vXao-o-eo-$at, Kaipos &' eVi naa-iv apia-ros. 


kri-, is perhaps not easily determined. The most interesting of 
the verbs, in which n appears as an adjunct, are li-no and si-no, 
for these two, as has been said more than once, play an impor- 
tant part as agglutinate auxiliaries. The common meaning of 
li-no is "to besmear," i. e. " to overlay with something adhesive." 
This cannot, however, be the primary meaning of so simple a 
root. It is much more reasonable to conclude that the first sig- 
nification is simply to lay down, and thus it will furnish us with 
the element of the 0. N. lata and its Etruscan correlative (above, 
p. 178). We shall also find in this an explanation of a number 
of Scandinavian and Sclavonian forms, into which Z- enters as a 
verbal adjunct, and, what is of more importance to our immediate 
object, we shall see in this the origin of the Latin verbs in -lo, as 
cavillor = caver[e~\-lor, " I let myself take care," i. e. " I raise 
cautious objections or special pleas for myself," conscribillo con- 
scriber[e]-lo, " I let write," " I indulge in it at random," sor- 
billo - sorber[e~]-lo, " I let sip," " I indulge in sipping," &c. As 
all these verbs belong to the a- conjugation, we must recognise 
in them an extension by means of i-, and this is necessary to ex- 
plain li-no, A. III. le-vi, si-no, A. III. si-vi, se-ro, A. III. se-vi. 
A conclusive proof of the truth of this theory is furnished by the 
adjective lentus, for it contains both the assumed primary mean- 
ing of li-no, and its common secondary signification. The form 
shows that it is an elongated participle, and while we have 
opu-lentus, vio-lentus, &c., we have also opu-lens, vio-lens, &c. 
Now the first meaning of this participle is " laid down" or 
" lying down," as lentus in umbra (Virg. BUG. I. 4) ; hence it 
denotes "sluggish" or "heavy," and this is its meaning in the 
compounds just mentioned ; then it signifies adhesive ; and finally 
it implies that which is pliant, i. e. that which yields without 
breaking. Now all these meanings of the participle lens are im- 
plied or included in leo, lao, or li-no ; and thus we can have no 
doubt as to the meaning of the verb. It has been mentioned 
already (p. 184), that the solitary form se-ro, A. III. se-vi, as 
distinguished from ser-o, ser-ui, is merely a modification of si-no, 
si-vi. This is susceptible of a very easy proof. For the form of 
the perfect shows that r is an adjunct; and in the pronominal 
affixes r is only a form of n. Consequently there is only the 
same difference between si-no, si-vi; se-ro, se-vi; as between 
temper-im and the later temper-em. The root of each is si- or 



[On. XII. 

se-, which bears the same relation to "set," that "lay" does to 
" let," or the lao, leo, just examined, to the Scandinavian lata. 
Se-ro, O. N. sa or soa, Goth, saian, 0. H. G. saan, JN". H. G. 
sden, Engl. " sow," merely means to set in the ground. And the 
more original form si-no denotes leaving or setting down in 
general. Hence comes the idea of allowing or suffering to be 
done and finally, the causative meaning flows from that of 
leaving to be done by others : for the master or employer by 
leaving undone presumes the active employment of his substitute. 
A further modification is occasioned by a transference of person : 
and an action is predicated with reference to its object, as when 
a German says sich horen lassen, of a man who makes a speech, 
and lets others hear him, or when a Roman says quce-so, "I let 
another person speak," meaning " I put a question to him." The 
general signification of so for si-no, in compounds like ar-cesso, 
" I let approach," i. e. " I send for," capesso, " I let myself 
take," i. e. " I undertake," &c., has been shown in the last 
chapter, where it has been adduced as an illustration of the com- 
posite tenses of the regular verb. It is rather remarkable that 
Bopp, who first suggested the true explanation of the composite 
tenses, and whom I have had to censure on more than one occa- 
sion 1 for a theory of agglutinate forms carried beyond the 
reasonable limits of philological deduction, should still be among 
the number of those who are unable to see that the verbs in 
-sso, -ssivi make the addition of si-no. He would compare these 
forms with the Sanscrit denominatives in sya, asya, and with 
certain imitations of the Greek derivative verbs such as atticisso, 
patrisso, &c. (Vergleich. Gramm. 775, p. 1066). But in the 
latter case, the verb is always of the first conjugation in -a, and 
not only have we corresponding forms in -zo directly derived from 
the Greek (as patrizo for patrisso), but we know that ss gene- 
rally stands for a Greek (above, p. 81). Besides, we cannot 
explain any of the verbs under consideration as desiderative 
forms, and if the obvious analysis of arcesso with its two ortho- 
graphies, and quceso, with its included qua-ere from [in\-quam, 
were not sufficient to demonstrate that the -so, -sivi stand for 
sino, sivi, we could appeal to a case in which the verb sino, in- 
dependently compounded with a preposition, has suffered a still 

1 See New Crat. 368, 379, above, Ch. XI. 16. 


more striking mutilation. There can hardly, 1 think, be a douht 
that po-no, (po-sui), stands for po-s-no ; and as the perfect occurs 
under the form po-sivi, as in Plaut. Trinumm. I. 2, 108 : 

Mihi quod credideris, sumes ubi posiveris, 

and as in this and other passages po-sino, " I lay down," is 
opposed to sumo-suemo, "I take up," it is clear that pono is 
merely a mutilated form of this verb sino compounded with the 
preposition po in po-ne, po-st, &c. But if we must recognise 
sino, sivi, in pono, ponis, po-sui, surely it is more clearly dis- 
cernible in capesso, capessis, capes-sivi. Bopp's explanation is 
faulty on every account the invariable i before the termination, 
the a- form of the verb, the later or Greek origin of the in- 
flexion, the interchange of ss and z in existing specimens all 
contribute to show that atticisso, -as, &c., do not belong to the 
same class with capesso, -is, expugnassere, &c. ; and the signifi- 
cation of these latter verbs, their form, and the analogy of the 
old languages of Italy, all conspire to prove that the analysis 
which I have suggested is true. I must be permitted to add, 
that the value of the discovery is materially enhanced by the 
fact that it lies deep enough to have eluded the search of one of 
the first comparative philologers of the day, who has been unable 
to see the most important example of the accretion of verb- 
forms, although he has abused in other respects a similar theory 
of agglutination. The other affix, used for strengthening the 
present, namely sc, generally gives an inchoative meaning, and 
is therefore, by the nature of the case, as entirely excluded 
from the perfect as the affix N. In most instances the per- 
fect follows the model of a corresponding vowel-verb, whether 
real or possible ; thus we have cre-sco, cre-vi, (to be distin- 
guished from the accidentally coincident perfect of cer-no), con- 
cupi-sco, concupivi (cf. cupio), contice-sco, con-ticui (cf. taceo), 
exar de-sco, exar-si (cf. ardeo), no-sco, no-vi, sci-sco, sci-vi, &c. 
But although we have pa-sco, pa-vi, the origin of the appendage 
seems to be forgotten in the compounds, and compesco, compesc- 
ui 9 &c., treat the whole crude form as though it were an inde- 
pendent root. The same is also the case with posco, poposci, 
where the original proc-sco is quite assimilated and forgotten. 
Otherwise we must have had in the reduplication a regular 
form of the simple root as in di-dic-i from disco =dic-sco. The 
semi-consonantal facio retains the i in its inchoative deponent 



[Cu. XII. 

pro-fic-i-scor, " I cause myself to set forth," i. e. " I set out," 
and the perfect profectus sum falls back on the form of the 
primitive participle. Some consonantal verbs strengthen the 
present with i before they assume the inchoative affix ; thus, 
from gemo, we have gem-i-sco, from tremo, trem-i-sco, from 
vivo, re-viv-i-sco (perf. revixi) ; from the root nac, na-n-c-iscor, 
nactus sum, from pa-n-go, pac-i-scor, pactus sum. The peculiar 
verb ob-liv-i-scor (from livor, liveo, livescor) meaning " I make 
a black mark for myself," "I obliterate," "I forget," has the 
perfect ob-li-tus sum. The forms which I have mentioned have 
either simply verbal roots, or corresponding verbs without this 
affix. But there are some which are apparently derived from 
substantives, as arbor -e-sco, ir-a-scor, puer-a-sco, tener-a-sco, 
&c. It must be clear, however, to any philologer, that we must 
in these cases assume an intermediate verb in -ya (-ao or eo). 
And while we find this supported in particular cases by sub- 
stantives and adjectives like arbor-e-tum, i-r-a-tus, &c., the fact, 
that there must have been many such vowel- verbs which are 
now extinct, is shown by the appearance of many adjectives in 
-atus, -itus, -utus, derived from nouns, but with the meaning of 
passive participles ; such as barbd~tus, " bearded," aurl-tus, 
" long-eared," cornu-tus, " horned," and many adverbs in -tim, 
with an active participial meaning, as caterva-tim, " troopingly," 
furtim, " stealingly," &c. (above, p. 289). The passive form 
of these participial words implies that the vowel-verb, to which 
they are referred, is transitive, and in point of fact we find that 
cre-sco, " I am being made," stands in this relation to creo ; see 
Virg. Georg. II. 336 : " prima crescentis origine mundi." With 
singular inconsistency, Bopp, who cannot see any agglutinate 
form in the verbs in -so, -sivi, in the very next page assumes 
that these inchoatives include esco the obsolete future of the 
substantive verb, quite overlooking the fact that this form also 
remains to be accounted for, and that it cannot be explained 
otherwise than by concluding that esco=es-sco is the inchoative 
of es-um, Sanscr. as-mi. For my own part, I have not the least 
doubt that sc in these Latin inchoatives, in. the corresponding 
Greek verbs in -anew, and in the iterative or inchoative tenses in 
-CTKOV, is a pronominal affix, springing from a repetition of the 
idea of proximity {New Crat. J J 386, 7). Whether we say at 
once that s+c is a junction of two forms of the same element, 


like the common endings n + t, t + n, or identify it with the 
affix sy found in the Sanscrit future, and in the Greek and Latin 
desideratives, the result will be the same, for s=i=k come to an 
ultimate agreement as forms of the second pronominal element. 
As pronominal elements and their combinations appear also as 
verb-roots (as e. g. /txei;- in /mevio, 6a- in TiQrjuu, &c.), we shall 
have no difficulty in recognising the reduplication sc, with its 
inchoative and iterative meaning, in " a large class of words of 
which the general idea is that of the inequality of the limbs" 
(Kenrick, Herod, p. 24), or rather which denote progression by 
successive steps ; such as o-Ke'Ao?, sca-ndo, &c. 

9. B. Abbreviated forms. 

Most of the abbreviated forms, or the verbs which are liable to 
syncope in certain of their inflexions, have received sufficient notice 
already. Possum for potis-sum or pot' sum is merely an assimila- 
tion. The perfect pot-ui may be referred to the same class as the 
other agglutinate perfects. The omission of d in certain inflexions 
of edo belongs to an analogy which is particularly observable in 
the Romance languages (above, pp. 256,7). The same may be said 
of vis for volis, malo for mage'volo, &c. There are, however, some 
etymological peculiarities about fero, which deserve a special 
examination, independently of the fact that it borrows its perfect 
tuli for tetuli, and its participle latus for tlatus or toltus, from 
the root of tollo, tolyo or tlao. JSTo difficulty is suggested by an 
immediate comparison of fer-o with the Greek (pep-co, Sanscr. 
bhrt, 0. H. G. bar, Engl. " bear." But even without comparative 
philology it has been seen thatjfer-o must be connected vrithfer-io 
and fendo ; thus Miiller supports his reading, diffensus, in Festus, 
p. 272 (Suppl. Annot. p. 401, above, p. 207), by referring to 
the use of offendo, defendo, infensus, infestus, confestim, " qui- 
bus illud ostenditur synonymum fuisse feriendo et trudendo" 
and he adds, " quod posteriorum temporum usu diceretur : earn 
ob caussam dies differetur : majore cum vi, nee sine emphasi 
quadam sic pronunciabatur : EO DIES DIFFENSUS ESTO." But if 
diffendo=differo, of course fendo =fero. With regard to the 
adjectives infensus and infestus, which are so often confused, 
while offensus, from offendo t shows that the former is connected 
with in-fendo, a comparison of^mani-festus,fest-ino, proves that 
in-festus is the old and genuine participle of in-fero. The 



[Cn. XII. 

meaning of these apparently synonymous words is quite in 
accordance with this etymology ; for while infensus denotes an 
unfriendly or angry disposition of the mind, and so corresponds 
to iratus, inimicus, on the other hand, infestus always signifies 
some outward opposition or attack, so that it answers to adversus, 
hostilis. Hence we find in the same passage of Livy (II. 6) : 
" concitat calcaribus equum, atque in ipsum infestus consulem 

dirigit adeoque infensis animis concurrerunt, ut duabus 

hserentes hastis moribundi ex equis lapsi sint," where the " in- 
fensis animis" implies the animosity with which they were actuated; 
and the infestus the direct charge full tilt against the adversary ; 
as in the parallel description of the fight between the two 
brothers in Sophocles (Antig. 145) they are described not only 
as crrvyepoi, but also as KaO' avrolv ciKpctTeis Xoy^ns OTT^- 
cravre. If we admit the affinity of ferio and fero, we shall see 
at once that the former, which is the secondary form, merely 
exhibits the adjunct ya, and the idea of striking is intimately 
connected with that of lifting, bearing, carrying ; for a blow is 
nothing more than a weight or momentum brought to bear 
on some object : hence, the earliest weapon of offence is naturally 
termed a ponoXov from PGTTW, just as the instrument of pro- 
tection is called OTT\OV from eVa> (New Crat. 259). The con- 
nexion between fendo and fero is not so obvious. When we 
recollect the affinity between hir, hri, ^ip,dp-7ra^w, 
a'ip-ecio, and yev-ro, hinthan, can-is, "hand," "hound, 
pre-hendo (New Crat. JJ 162, 281), we see at once the pos- 
sibility of a community of origin in fero and fendo. And as we 
cannot explain the or th in either case as a mere adjunct to the 
root, we must not be led by the actual change of r into n, in 
some of these forms, to the conclusion that this change has taken 
place in hendo and fendo. As in the case of ^a-^a-vw } it 
is more in accordance with scientific reasoning to suppose that 
the n is here an anusvara or euphonic nasal ; and the insertion 
of this sound would naturally introduce the medial d before 
r, as in dv--pos 9 ven-d-re-di, &c. But, as we have seen, the 
Latin r has a natural tendency to commutation with d. Conse- 
quently, its absorption or assimilation in -hend-o, fend-o, would 
follow as a matter of course. And thu$fer-o, fen-d-o, andj^r-zo, 
establish their claim to be considered as members of the same 
fer-ti\Q stock. 


10. Defective Verbs. 

The epithet " defective" is applied to verbs with a very 
restricted signification. Properly speaking, all impersonal verbs 
are defective in the 1st and 2nd persons, and all neuter and de- 
ponent verbs are defective in voice, except when the former are 
defective in person. But it is customary to restrict the term 
defective to those verbs which are specially incomplete in the 
machinery of their conjugation. Some of these are really only 
irregular appendages of existing verbs. Thus ccepi is the usual 
perfect of in-cipio, memini of reminiscor ; ausim and faxim 
are obsolete tenses of audeo and/acio, and the former of these, 
with gaudeo, fido, and soleo, has no perfect of the active form ; 
quceso, qucesumus are the original articulations of qucero, quceri- 
mus ; for em and fore are used with sum and/m". Some few verbs 
are employed in a sort of interjectional sense in the imperative 
only, as apage, cedo, &c. ; others, as vale, which are thus used, 
appear also as regular verbs. Odi, " I hate," " I have conceived 
a dislike," is the intransitive perfect of a lost deponent, corre- 
sponding to the Greek o^Jcrcrojum (cf. oXcoXa from oXXvpat, &c.) ; 
this deponent form exists in the compound participles exosus 
and perosus. We can have no difficulty in understanding the 
parenthetical use which gradually reduced the oldest verbs of 
"speaking," aio, inquam, a,ndfari, to a few of their commonest 
inflexions. We have the same result in the Greek ^ $' 09, and in 
our " quoth," which, as has been remarked above (p. 112), exists 
as an independent verb only in the compound " be-queath," and 
which contains the same root as in-quam. The forms of the im- 
perfect and future (in-quiebam, in-quies), and the diphthong in the 
derivative quce-ro = quai-sino, show that the root in-quam must 
have contained something more than a mere vowel of articulation, 
and that it was probably strengthened by the semi-vowel i. 
It therefore stands on a different footing from sum, the only 
other verb which retains the first person-ending in the present ; 
for here the u is a mere sh'va like that in Hercules (above, p. 
266) : cf. as-mi and ea-fii In the by-form in-fit we have/= qv, 
which is not uncommon. 


1. A. Derivation. General principles. 2. Derivation is merely extended, or 
ulterior inflexion. 3. (I.) Derivative nouns. 4. (a) Forms with the first pro- 
nominal element only. 5. (b) Forms with the second pronominal element only. 
6. (c) Forms with the third pronominal element only. 7- () Terminations 
compounded of the first and other pronominal elements. 8. (/3) Terminations 
compounded of the second and other pronominal elements. 9. (7) The third 
pronominal element compounded with others and reduplicated. 10. (II.) 
Derived verbs. 11. B. Discrimination of compound words. 12. Classifi- 
cation of Latin compounds. 

1. A. Derivation. General principles. 

rpHE term derivation was once used to denote the process of 
I guess-work by which the etymology of a word was ascer- 
tained, and it was formerly thought that the most satisfactory 
derivation of a Latin word was that which consisted in its direct 
deduction from some Greek word of similar sound 1 . The student 
of scientific or comparative philology does not need to be told that, 
although the Greek and Latin languages have a common element, 
or are traceable, in part at least, to a common source, their mutual 
relationship is collateral, and not in the direct line of descent, and 
that in these and other old languages of the Indo-Germanic 
family " derivation is, strictly speaking, inapplicable, farther than 
as pointing out the manner in which certain constant syllables, 
belonging to the pronominal or formative element of inflected 
languages, may be prefixed or subjoined to a given form for the 
expression of some secondary or dependent relation" (New Crat. 
Pref. 1st Ed.). According to this view, derivation includes a de- 
partment of what is called word-building ( Wort-bildung), so far 
as this is distinguished from mere inflexion. The modifications 
of the noun and verb, by which inflected language is characterised, 
belong indifferently to all forms, whether primary or derived, 
whether simple or compound. And after considering these for- 
mations, the grammarian naturally passes on to an investigation 

1 Doderlein is perhaps the last representative of this school, and 
some of his derivations (e. g, fraus from tyevdos !) are equal to the 
worst attempts of his predecessors. 


of the cognate but subsequent procedure by virtue of which, 
(1) an existing noun or verb developes itself into a secondary 
form of the same kind, or (2) two or more distinct words are 
combined in one, and furnished with a single set of inflexions. 
This procedure is called word-building, and might be designated 
as derivation in reference to the materials, and composition in 
reference to the machinery. Practically, however, we confine the 
term derivation to the former department ; namely, to the deve- 
lopement of secondary words containing only a simple root ; while 
composition is used to denote the subordination of two or more 
crude forms under the influence of some set of formative appen- 
dages and inflexions. 

2. Derivation is merely extended or ulterior inflexion. 

In considering the distinction between derivation and in- 
flexion, we must bear in mind, that the former process is really 
nothing more than an extension of the latter. In forming a word, 
in the first instance, by the addition of cases or person-endings, 
we derive our formative materials from the same limited and 
classified stock of pronominal elements, which furnishes us with 
the machinery of derivation. Indeed, the new crude form, which 
becomes the vehicle of the inflexion, is very often neither more 
nor less than the oblique case of some existing word, and it is 
probable that this process has been repeated in successive de- 
rivations. This remark applies only to derivative nouns, for the 
new forms of verbs cannot rest upon the inflexions, i.e. person- 
endings, of their primitives. In general, we observe that there is 
much greater variety in the secondary formations of nouns than 
in those of verbs. For the person-endings of the latter antici- 
pate the distinctive use of the three pronominal elements in their 
most prominent and important application, whereas the cases of 
the noun are connected only with a special developement of the 
second element, signifying proximity, and transition of agency or 
the point of motion, and of the third, denoting position and dis- 
tance. In the derivative forms we find the converse phenomenon : 
for while the verbs are contented with extensions of their crude 
form, by pronominal additions limited to that special develope- 
ment of the second and third elements, which is found in the cases 
of the noun, and which does not exhibit any direct reference to 
the primary distinctions of position ; in the nouns all three prono- 



initial elements are used, in their distinctive senses and in combi- 
nation with one another, to form nominal derivatives, which may- 
be extended by successive accretions to a considerable length of 
after-growth. A verb in the finite moods must always be distin- 
guished by person-endings, which cannot become the vehicle of 
ulterior formations ; and, for the same reason, all pronominal 
elements, which might be mistaken for person-endings by re- 
taining the original distinctions, are excluded, in the verb, from 
the function of extending the crude form, which they exercise in 
the derivative nouns, both when they are and when they are not 
identical with the case-affixes of the primitive words. 

3. (I.) Derived Nouns. 

It is not always possible to assign a definite meaning to all 
the elements or combinations of elements, which contribute to 
the extension of the crude form in Latin nouns ; but so far as we 
can arrive at the signification of the affix, we can see that the 
distinctive use of the pronouns is preserved in this application ; 
namely, that the first pronominal element expresses that the 
thing proceeds from, or immediately belongs to, the subject ; the 
second^ that it has a relation to the subject ; the third, that it is 
a mere object, or something removed from the proximity of the 
subject. We also observe that the combinations of these elements 
are regulated by the same principle as that which explains their 
use in prepositions and other independent words; namely, "that 
if any one of the elements of position is combined with -ra, 
an ultimate form of the third element, it indicates motion and 
continuation in a direction of which the element in question 
represents the point nearest to the subject ; and that by sub- 
joining any one of the pronominal elements to any other of 
them, we denote a motion or continuation from the position 
signified by the first element towards that indicated by the 
second, and so on, if the combination involves more than two." 
(New Crat. 169). 

4. (a) Forms with the first Pronominal Element only. 

There are comparatively few Latin nouns in -ma or -mus t 
which express an action as immediately proceeding from the 
subject : such are fa-ma, " a speaking " (root fa-), flam-ma, 
11 a burning" (root flay-), tra-ma, "a drawing" (root trah-), 


ani-mus, " a blowing," ar-mus, " a joining," re-mus (root ret- or 
rot-) " a turning round " (in the water), i. e. " a rowing thing," 
al-mus, " a nourisher," pri-mus, " the first of a series beginning 
with the subject," &c. 

5. (b) Forms with the second Pronominal Element only. 

The second element, under one or other of its various modi- 
fications, contributes most largely to the formation of derivative 
nouns. A great number of these are abstract or qualitative 
terms, and they differ from those in -ma and -mus by their 
more general and relative predication. For all those formed by 
the first element only may be translated as expressing the sub- 
ject of action, and some of them, as re-mus, al-mus, cannot be 
regarded as mere abstractions. Whereas the nouns, which 
exhibit the second element as their termination, always depart 
from the idea of a subject or agent, and express only an agency 
or quality, like the English words in -ness, -hood, -y, &c. Some- 
times the second element appears under a guttural form, as in 
vo-c-s (vox), " a voice" or " speaking" (Sanscr. hve, cf. fioij, ri-^rj, 
&c.); and to this class belongs the copious list of adjectives in 
-cus, -i-cus, ac-s (=ax), &c., denoting quality or disposition, as 
civi-cus from civis, ami-cus from amo, loqu-a-x from loquor, &c. 
But by far the most common form of the second element, in its 
use as an affix, is that in which the guttural is vocalized to i. 
Besides the numerous words in -ia, -ius, -ea, -eus, -ium, -is, as 
grat-ia from grat-us, mod-ius from mod-us, pic-ea from pix, 
calc-eus from calc-s, consil-ium from consul, febr-is from ferv-eo, 
nubes=nube-is from nubo, mater ies=mater-ia-is from mater, &c., 
it seems reasonable to infer that the masculine nouns in a, together 
with some feminines, involve vocalized gutturals ; for we cannot 
otherwise account for the formation of such words as scrib-a, nota, 
agri-cola, &c., as compared with the Greek KpiTrjs, n^, vvKea, 
and rayutcts, than by supposing an omission of the extenuated 
i-y : thus scrib-a =scrib-y as will be legitimately formed from 
scribo, nota=not-ya=no-tia, will properly correspond to TI/ULIJ, 
&c. in Greek, and to amici-tia, &c. in Latin. We may also 
compare ad-vena- ad-ven-ya-s with ad-venio. That such an 
extenuation is possible is shown by the transference of '(wvrj, &c. 
into zona, &c. (above, p. 295). We have also seen that the 
affix i lies more or less hid in some nouns of the third declension, 



and especially in participles and adjectives (above, p. 301). 
This is particularly the case with the forms in nt-s or nti-s, and 
we may compare the affix -tis or -tus, in pes-tis, " a destroying," 
ves-tis, " a covering," po-tus, "a drinking," spiri-tus, "a 
breathing," with the Greek nouns in -0-1$, -rt?, and -TUS, as 
TTjoa/c-cm, "a doing " = TrpaK-rvs, 0a-ri?, "a speaking," &c. To 
the same class we must refer the participial adjectives in -dus, as 
cupi-dus-cupient-s, candi-dus=candens,8tc. (New Crat. 265). 
The nouns in which the termination fa assumes the form v, are 
much less numerous in Latin than in Greek. We have, however, 
the following : al-vus, ar-vum, cal-vus, cer-vus, ci-vis> da-vis, 
da-vus, cor-vus, cur-vus, eq-vus, fla-vus, ful-vus, fur-vus, gna- 
vus, lae-vus, ner-vus, par-vus, pra-vus, sce-vus, sal-vus, ser-vus, 
tor-vus, vul-va. If we compare cer-vus, da-vis, cur-vus, gna- 
vus, Ice-vus, with the Greek /ce-^a-Fos, /cXiJFt?, yvp-Fos, yevva- 
To9, Xa-?os, we shall see that the v in the former cases corre- 
sponds to a digamma in the terminations of the latter ; ner-vus 
and par-vus compared with veupov and Travpos suggest the 
possibility of a metathesis in the latter analogous to that in 
e\avv(0 for eXa-vvco ; ci-vis compared with the Oscan ce-us 
brings us back to the root KG (above, p. 125) ; tor-vus contains 
the same root as TOJO-OS, Tap-/3elv, Ta.vp-o<$, trux, trucido, tru- 
cu-lentus, and we must assign a-trox to the same class, the initial 
being one of those prefixes, which we find in a-vrjp, a-cmip, &c. ; 
and eq-vus compared with the Sanscrit a$-va refers us to the 
root a$-u, " swift," Greek w/cJs, Latin acer. All the words in 
-vus, which have been mentioned, join this termination immedi- 
ately to the root ; but in some few, to which incidental allusion 
has been made above (pp. 146, 195), the v immediately follows 
an r ; thus from the roots ac- and cat-, both signifying " sharp," 
we have the derivatives ac-er-vus, cat-er-va denoting a pointed, 
pyramidal heap, or a crowd following its leaders. Similarly, we 
have Min-er-va, from the root min-, " to think," and in the 
Arvalian chant we find lu-er-ve\m\ for luem. In these instances 
we may suppose that the affix -v- is attached to a lengthened 
crude form, just as hones-tas, onus-tus, tempes-tas, venus-tas, 
involve something more than