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XV '$,■5 1^.0 























Chronological Table . . . ■ . . . . . vii 

Addenda and Corrigenda ....... XXXV i 

LiST OF Abbreviations. ....... xxxvii 



NoTES to Bede's Lives of the Abbots .... 355 

NoTEs To the Anonymous Lives of the Abbots . . . 371 

NoTES to Bede's Epistle to Egbert 378 

Appendix I. — On the Oldest Life of Gbegory the Great . 389 

Appendix II.— On Bede's Biblical Quotations . .' . 392 

Index 395 




The following symbols are used in this table : — 
c. = circa. 

> means not earlier than. 
< means not later than. 

X means that an event took place between two dates. 
— means that an event lasted from the first date to the second. 
Where the date given in this table differs from that given by Bede, the 
latter date is generally added in square brackets. 


B. c. 



A. D. 









395 [394] 


c. 403 


Foreign Affdirs, Popes, &c. {including 

Lex Vatinia. 


Caesar's first invasion of Britaiu. 
Caesar's second invasion of Britain. 

Claudius' invasion of Britain. 

Accession of M. Aurelius. 
Death of Verus. 
Accession of Eleutherus. 
Accession of Severus. 
Accession of Diocletian. 
Death of Constantius. 
Council of Nicaea. 
Death of Valens. 
Council of Constantinople. 
Accession of Arcadius. 
Death of St. Martin of Tours. 
Birth of Prosper of Aquitaine. 

407. Grratianus and 
Constantinus emperors iu 

Chronologlcal Table. 





410 [411] 


4 -'3 


430, Easter 


444 [445] 



c. 449 

450 [449] 


c. 454 


c. 463 

c. 493 

c. 537 

Foreign Affairs, Popps, dc. {inclnding 

First siege of Rome by Alaric, 

Second siege of Rome by Alaric. 

Third siege and capture of Rome 
by Alaric. 

Julianiis of Eclanum and other 
bishops deposed by Pope Zosimiis. 
Germanus becomes bishop of Aux- 

Death of Honorius. 

Lupus becomes bishop of Troyes. 


First mission of Grermanus to Britain. 

Hallelajah victory. 

Council of Ephesus. Mission of 
Palladius to the Irish. 
Death of Pope Celestine. 

Death of Bleda, king of the Huns. 

?432, Sept. i6. Death 
of Nynias. 

Third Consulship of Aetius. Embassy of the Britons to him. 
Famine at Constantinople. | 


Second mission of Grermanvis to Britain. 

July 31. Death of Germanus. 
Nov. Synod of Constantinople. 
Eobber Sjiiod of Ephesus. 

Accession of Marcian. 

Assassination of Aetius. 

Death of Julianus of Eclanum. 

Death of Severus of Tr6ves. 

March 16. Assassination of Valen- 

Death of Prosper of Aquitaine. 

Fall of Romulus Augustulus, and 
end of the Western Empire. 

Death of Lupus of Troyes. 

Council of Agde. 

c. 449. Settlement of 
the Saxons. 

Battle of Mons Badoni- 
cus. Birtli of Gildas. 

Settlement of the Scotti 
in Alba. 

Q-ildas writes the De 
Excidio Brittaniae. 

Ghronological Table. 


538, Feb. 15 

540, June 20 




559 X 560 
c. 560 



573 X 574 



585 X 588 

585 X 590 

590 [591] 

592 X 593 


> 596, July 




Dec. 25 


Foreign Affairs, Popes, dc. 
{including Ireland). 

Solar eclipse. 

5) 5) 

Council of Constanti- 

Nov. Accession of Jus- 
tinus Minor. 

Accession of Benedict I. 

Convention of Druim 

Death of Benedict I. 
Accession of Pelagius II. 

Aug. 13. Accession of 
the Emperor Maurice. 

Gregory sees the An- 
glian boys in the Eoman 

Columban goes to Gaul. 
Death of Pelagius II. 
Sept. Accession of Gre- 
gory I. 

Kent {including Sussex) and 
Ecclesiastical Affairs. 

Accession of Ethelbert. 

Ethelbert defeated by 

Gregory sends Augustine to Britain. 
Augustine leaves Eome the second time. 

597. Arrival of Augus- 

June 2. Baptism of 

? Jan. I. 

Consecration of Augustine. 
Letter of Gregory to Augustine on his 

Chronological Table. 



568. Ceawlin 
defeats Ethel- 

East Anglia. 

Northumhria and Noi-thern 

547. Accession of Ida. 
Foundation of Bamborough. 

557. Accession of Brude, 
king of the Picts. 

c. 560. Defeat of the Dal- 
riadic Scots by the Picts. 

565. Coroing of Columba 
to Britain. 

565 X 566. Foundation of 

573 X 574- Death of Conall 
mac Comgaill, king of the 
DaLriadic Scots. 

574. Accession of Aedan 
mao Grabrain. 

579. Aedan attacks the 

582. Aedan attacks the 
Isle of Man. 

585. Birth of Edwin. 

588. Death of M\le of Deira. 
590. Battle of Leithrig. 

592 X 593. Accessionof Ethel- 

597, June 9. Death of Co- 


Chronological Tahle. 


Foreign Affairs, Popes, &c. 
{including Ireland). 

Kent {including Sussex) and 
Ecclesiastical Affairs. 


6oi, June 22 

601, July 18 

601, Nov. 2 

602 X603 


604 [605] 

604 X 605, 
May 26 




610, Feh. 27 

610, Oct. 5 




613 X614 






c. 617 

618, Nov. 
619, Feb. 2 

619, Dec. 

Gregory sends letters to Ethelbert, &c., by Mellitus. 
June 22 X July 18. Mission of Meliitus, &c. 

Letter of Gregory to Mellitus. 

Accession of Phocas. 
Synod in Gaul on the 
Easter question. 

Conferences of Augus- 
tine with the British 

Consecration of Christ 
Church, Canterbury. 

604. Justus bishop of 

Death of Augustine ; 
succession of Laurentius. 
Death of Abbot Peter. 

Death of Gregory I. 

Accession of Boniface IV. 

Mellitus present at 
Council of Rome. 

Accession of Heraclius. 

Columban expelled 
from Gaul. 

Death of Brunhild. 

Deaths of Boniface IV, 
and of Columban. 

Foundation of Fare- 

Death of Deusdedit. 

Accession of Boniface V 

bishop of the 
East Saxons. 

? 608. Mellitus leaves Britain. 

616. Death of Ethel- 
bert. Succession of Ead- 

Death of Laurentius. 
Succession of Mellitus. 

Death of 
Ssebert. Apo- 
stasy of the 
East Saxons. 

Chronologicdl Tahle. 




6ii. Acces- 
sion of Cyne- 

East Anglia. 

Northumhria and Northern 

603. Battle of Degsastan. 

604 X 605. Birth of Oswald. 

<6i2. Birth of Osfrid. 

613 X 614. Birth of Oswy. 
614. Birth of HUd. 

? 616. Battle of Chester. 

Vision of Ed- 
win at the 
conrt of Eed- 

616x617. Battle of the Idle ; death of Ethel- 
frid and accession of Edwin. 


Chronological Tahle. 


619 X 624 



April 24 

625, JvQy 21 

625, Oct- 







> 630 X 631 



630 X 633 


633, Oct. 12 

629 X 634 ? 

634, June I ] 


Foreign Affairs, Popes, &c. 
{including Ireland). 

Kent {including Sussex) and 
Ecclesiastical Affairs. 

Letters of Boniface V to MeUitus and Justus. 

DeathofMellitus. Suc- 
cession of Justus. 

Justus consecrates 

Death. of Boniface V ; 
accession of Honorius I. 

Faro becomes bishop of 

Asterius becomes Arch- 
bishop of Milan. 

First South Irish Synod. 

Irish delegates at Eome. 
Heracleonas made Caesar. 

Second South Irish 

Southern Irish adopt 
the Eoman Easter. 

Letter of Honorius to 
the Irish. 

Letters of Honorius to 
Edwin and Honorius. 
Pallium sent to Paulinus. 

Death of Kufinianus. 

Death of Justus. 

Ch ruxoloijind Toble. 




? 626 Accession 
of Penda. 

Eaat Anglia. 

Northumbria and Northem 

635. Baptism 
of Cynegils. 

627 X 628. 
and death of 

Accession of 
Sigbert and 
coming of 


> 630x631. 
Coming of 

623. Soghine abbot of lona. 

625. Paulinus sent to North- 

626, April 20. Attempted 
murder of Edwin ; birth of 

626, June 7. Baptism of 

627, April II. Baptism of 

628. Birth of Benedict Bis- 

9632. Edwin 

besieges Cad- 

< 633. Birth of Yffi. 
633, bct. 12. Battle of Hat- 
fleld. Death of Edwin. 





Summer. Death 


end. Death of Ean- 
Battle of Hefenfelth, 
and accession of Oswald. 

635. Mission of Aidan, and 
ound ation of Lindisfarne. 

> 67,s. Birth of Ethelwald 
of Deira. 


Chronological Table. 


Foreign Affairs. Popes, &c. 
(including Ireland). 

Kent (including Sussex) and 
Ecclesiastical Affairs. 




Aecession of Clovis 11. 
Death of Honorius I. 

c. 639 



Ercinwald Neustrian 
mayorofthepalace, Death 
of Asterius of Milan. Ac- 
cession and death of Pope 
Severinus. LetterofJohn 
IV as Pope Elect to North- 
em Irish. Consecration 
of John IV. 

Accession of Hera- 

Death of Eadbald. Ac- 
cession of Earconbert. 

> 642 
641 X 643 


Fursa goes to Gaul. 


Death of Panlinus (Oct. 
10). Consecrationof Itha- 
mar to Eochester. 










First Lateran Council. 


636. Baptism 
of Cwiclielm. 

639. Baptism 
<>f Cuthred. 

c. 639. Birth 
<.f Aldhelm. 

Death of Cyne- 
g^ils. Building 
of the old 
Minster at 



645 X 646. 



B^storation of 

648. Con- 
secration of 
at Winchester. 


Chronological Tahle. 



East Anglia. 

< 644. Ac- 
cession of 


> 647. Here- 
swith takes the 

Death of Felix ; 
consecration of 

Nortlntmhria nnd Northern 

638. War of Oswald, ? again st 

642.BirthofCeolfrid. Battle 
of Maserfelth (Ang. 5). Death 
of Oswald ; accession of Oswy. 

> 642. Marriage of Eanfled 
and Oswy. 


Accession of Oswin of 

<646, May 21. Birth of 

< 647. Foundation of 

647. Hild takes the veil. 

648. Wilfrid enters Lindis- 


Chronological Tahle. 


Foreign Affairs, Popes, &c. 
{including Ireland). 

Kent (including Stissex) and 
Ecclesiastical Affairs. 


648 X 650 

Death of Fursa. FoiUan 
and Ultan go to Graul. 

649 X 650 





Wilfrid arrives in Kent. 

652 X 653 


bert Paruus ; 
accession of 
Sigbert Bonus. 


Martin I sent to Con- 
Wilfrid and Benedict Bis 

cop leave Kent for Eome. 
Sept. 30. Honorius dies. 

of East Saxons. 


Eugenius I consecrated 
(Aug. 10). Wilfrid leaves 

654, ? Dec. 12. Election 
of Deusdedit. 



Wilfrid at Lyons. 

Foillan martyred. 
Death of Martin I (Sept. 

March26. Consecration 
of Deusdedit. 

?655. Death of Ithamar, 
and consecration of Da- 


Death of Clovis II. 



657 X 658 

Accession of Vitahan. 
Death of Ercinwald. Suc- 
cession of Ebroin. 
Murder of Annemundus. 


Accession of John,arch- 
bishop of Arles, and of 
Emmo, bishop of Sens. 

Chro n ologica l Tahle. 



048 X 650. 
Death of Biri- 

649 X 650. 
Ag^lbert bishop 
of the West 


653. Conversion 
of Peada and the 
Middle Angles. 

655, Nov. 15. 
waed. Death of 

656, Spring. 
Murder of Peada. 

? 656. Diuma 
bishop of the Mer- 

658. Rebellion 
of Mercia against 
Oswy. Wulfhere 

East Anglia. 

6=; 2. Marriage 
of Ethelthryth 
and Tondbert. 

652 X 653. 
Death of 
Thomas ; con- 
secration of 

654. Death of 
Anna. Founda- 
tion of Ican- 
hoe by Botulf. 

655. Death of 

Northumhria and NortJiern 

650. Birth of Eosterwine. 

6-) I . Murder of Os win ( Aug. 
20). Death of Aidan (Aug. 31). 
Cuthbert enters Melrose. 

652. Death of Seghine of 

654 X 6ss- Birth of Elfied. 
655- Battle of the Winwaed. 

657. Foundation of Whitby 
Cuimine Ailbe abbot of lona. 

657 X 658. 

Birth of WiK 

b 2 


Chronological Tahle. 


Foreign Affairs, Popes, d-c. 
{including Ireland). 

Kent (including Sussex) and 
Ecclesiastical Affairs. 




Baldhild makes St.Leger 
bishop of Autun. 


658 X 661 



Eestoration of Chelles 
by Baldhild. 







EcHpse, May 1 [May 3]. 
Sigebrand, bishop of 
Paris, killed. Baldhild 
enters a convent. 

July 14. Deaths of Ear- 
conbert and Deusdedit. 
Accession of Egbert. 

664. Death 
of Cedd. 







Death of St. Burgundo- 
fara. Secondvisitof Bene- 
dict Biscop to Eome. 

Agilbert bishopof Paris. 

Benedict Biscop at L6- 

Benedict Biscop's third 
visit to Eome. 

Nov. Theodore ordained 

?664. Death of Damian. 

?664. Death 
of Ethelberg. 


Wighard sent to Eom 

e by Egbert and Oswy. 

Chroiwluglcal Tahle. 



? 663. Wine 
made bishop. 
Agilbert leaves 


?658. Ceollach 
bishop of the Mer- 

? 659. Trumhere 
bishop of the Mer- 

?66i. Wiilfhere 
conquers Wight. 

662. Death of 
Trumhere. Suc- 
cession of Jaru- 

East Anglia. 

663 X 664. 
Accession of 

Nurtliuuibria and Northem 

? 658. Alchfrid sends for 

660. Marriage of Egfrid 
and Ethelthryth. 

658x661. Grant of Stam- 
ford to Wilfrid. 

661. Death of Finan. 

? 661. Expulsion of Eata 
and Cuthbert from Ripon. 
Grant of Ripon to Wilfrid. 
Ceolfrid goes to Ripon. Death 
of Boisil. 

Wilfrid ordained priest. 


?666. Expul- 
sion of Wine. 

?667. Death of 
Jaruman. , 

664. Synod of Whitljy. 
Colman leaves Lindisfarna 
Cuthbert provost of Lindis- 
farne. Death of Tuda. Elec- 
tion and consecration of 

?664. KebellionofAlchfrid. 

666. Wilfrid returns to 

667. Colman's settlement 
at Inisboffin. 


Ckronological Tahle. 




669 X 670 

c, 670 

669 X 671 

> 671 



669 X 673 

672 X 673 



671 X 675 


675 X 6j6 

Foreign Affairs, Popes, 
&c. {including Ireland). 

Kent {including Sussex) 
dcEcclesiastical Affairs. 

March 26. Theodore consecrated. 
May 27. Sets out for Britain. 

Fonndation of Re- 

May 27. Tlieodore 
reaclies Canterbury. 

< 670. Arrival of 
Abbot Hadrian. 

Arcnlfus' pilgrim- 

Benedict Biscop's 
fourth visit to Eome. 

Deaths of Vitalian, 
and of Faro bishop of 

Death of Colman at 

Deaths of John 
bishop of Arles, and 
Emmo bishop of Sens. 

Benedict Biscop 
goes to Gaul. 

>67i Hadrian abbot 
of SS. Peter and Paul, 



July. Death of Eg- 
bert. Accession of 

Sept. 24. Theodore 
holds the Council of 


672. Death 

of London. 
? 675 Death 
of Ethel- 

767$. Ald- 
helm abbot 
of Malmes- 

Ghronological Tahle. 


NortJiumbria and Northern 

Uistory of Wear- 


Kast Anijlia. 


mouth and Jarroiv. 

666 669. Wilfrid in retire- 

ment at Ripon. 

669. Ceadda 

669. Ceolfrid ordained 

bishop of the 

priest by Wilfrid. Wilfrid 


66g X 670. 
Death of Boni- 

restored by Theodore. Death 
of Cuimine Ailbe of lona. 

669 X 671. Oswy wishes Wil- 
frid to accompany him to 

671, Feb. 15 [670]. Death of 
Oswy ; accession of Egfrid. 

672. Death 

672. Retum of Benedict 

of Ceadda 

Biscop. Separation of Egfrid 

(March 2). 

and Ethelthryth. 




?672. Ethelthryth receives 
the veil from Wilfrid. 

of Bisi. 

672 X 673. Birth 

673. Founda- 

of Bede. 

tion of Ely. 

?673. Division 

of the East An- 

glian see. 

671x675. Egfrid recovers 

674. Foundation 
of Wearmouth. 

< 67=;. Deposi- 


tion of Wyn- 

frid. Acces- 

sion of Sex- 


675. Death 

of Wulfhere. 

Accession of 



Chronological Tahle. 



c. 677 

671 X 678 

672 X 678 


? 679, Dec. 

679 X 680 

Nov. 679- 
March, 680 


c. 680 

Nov. 680- 

Sept. 681 


681 X682 



6-J5 X 685 



Foreign Affhirs, Popes, 
dx. {including Ireland). 



Pope Agatho couse- 
crated. Fifth visit of 
Benedict Biscop to 
Eome with Ceohfrid. 
Wilfrid winters in 

Wilfrid at Eome. 

Death of Dagobert 


Council of Eome. 
Trial of Wilfrid's 

Deaths of BaldhUd, 
Ebroin, and Agilbert. 

Death of Ultan. 
Council of Constan- 

Kent (including Sussex) 
& Ecclesiastical Affairs. 

Kent ravaged and 
Eochester sacked by 
Ethelred of Mercia. 

Drought in Sussex, 
foUowed by famine. 

Consecration of Geb- 

Council of Toledo, 

Benedict Biscop's 
sixth visit to Eome. 

Sept. 17, Theodore 
holds the Council of 

Feb. 6. Death of 




CJivunuloyical Tahle. 



676. Putta 
takes refuge 
with Sexwulf. 

679. Battle 
of the Treut. 
Lindsey be- 
comes Mer- 

67$ X 685. 
^tla bishop of 

FMst Anglia. 

Northuinbria and Northtrn 

676. Cuthbert retires to 

671 X678. Church at Eipon 

672 X 678. Church at Hex- 
ham built. 

678. Expulsion of Wilfrid. 
Division of his diocese. Con- 
secration of Bosa, Eata, and 

?678. Church at Lindis- 
farne consecrated by Theo- 

679. Adamnan abbot of 
lona. Death of jElfwine at 
the Trent. 

680. Wilfrid returns to 
Britain, and is thrown into 
prison. Death of Hild, Nov. 17. 

681. Brude, king of the 
Picts, attacks the Orkneys. 
Eelease of Wilfrid. Conse- 
cration of Tunbert and Trum- 

684. Synod of Twyford. 
Deposition of Tunbert. Elec- 
tion of Cuthbert. Berfs ex- 
pedition to Ireland. 

6?>Si March 26. Consecra- 
tion of Cuthbert. 

May 21. Death of Eg- 
frid at Nechtansmere. Suc- 
cession of Aldfrid. 

Hintorff of Wear- 
month and Jarrow. 

6-j(). Eosterwine 
ordained priest. 

679 X 680. Eeturn 
of Benedict Biscop 
with John the 
Bede enters Wear- 

681 X682. Jarrow 

682. Eosterwine 

?685, April 23. 
Consecration of 
Jarrow church. 


Chronological Tahle. 


681 X 686 



686 X 687 



688 X 689 

689, April 

689 X 690 


691 X 692 


? 692 


692 X 693 


Foreign Jffairs, Popes, 
dx. {inclucUng Ireland). 

Kent {including Sussex) 
d- Ecclesiastical Affairs. 


Battle of Testry. 
Accession of Sergiias I. 

Baptisra and death 
of Caedwalla at Rome. 

Abortive attempt of 
Egbert to evangelise 

Wilbrord's mission 
to Frisia. 

Second voyage of 
Adamnan to Ireland. 

First visit of Wil- 
brord to Rome. 

Swidbert consecrated 
by Wilfrid as bishop of 
the Frisians. 

Plague at Selsey 


681-686. Wilfrid in 

?686, Aug. Deathof 

690, Sept. 19. Death 

Oct. Accession of 

692, July I. Election 
of Bertwald. 

June 29. Consecra- 
tion of Bertwald. 

Chronological Tahle. 



688. Death of 
Putta, bisliop 
of Hereford, 

East Anglia. 

691 X 693. Con- 
secration of 
Oftfor, bishop 
of the Hwiccas. 

Northumhria and Northern 

ITistory of Wear- 
moufJi and Jarroir. 

686, First visit of Adam- 
nan to Northumbria, and 
voyage to Ireland with the 
released prisoners. Last in- 
terview of Cuthbert and Her- 

? 686. Death of Eata. 

686 X 687. Restoration of 
Wilfrid. He administers the 
see of Hexham for a year. 

687 < March. Cuthbert re- 
signs his see. 

March 20. Deaths of Cuth- 
bert and Herbert. 

Aug. Consecrationof John 
of Hexham. 

687-688. Wilfrid adminis- 
ters Lindisfarne. 

688. Second visit of Adam- 
nan to Northumbria, 

686. Death of 
Eosterwine. Elec- 
tion of SigfrirL 

691 X 692. Second expulsion 
of Wnfrid. 

692. Death of Brude mac 
Bili, king of the Picts. 

688 X 689, Ceol- 
frid abbot of Wear- 
mouth and Jarrow 
(May 13). Death of 
Sigfrid (Aug. 22). 

689x690. Death 
of Benedict Biscop 
(Jan. 12). 

Bede ordained 


Chronologlcal Tahle. 


Foreign Affairs, Popes, 
&c. {including Ireland). 

Kent {including Sussex) 
& Ecclesiastical Affairs. 




692 X 694 

Peace betweenKent 
and Wessex. 

Death of 
wald. Re- 
and death 
of Sebbi ; 
accession of 
and Swe- 

695 [696] 
'^ 695 

Wilbrord's second 
visit to Eome, and 


Witenagemot of 
Bersted; Witred's 

675 X 697 

696 X 697 


Third voyage of 
Adamnan to Ireland. 





Death of Sergius I. 
Ceolfrid's monks, in- 
cluding Hwsetbert, at 

702 X 703 

703 X 704 


Wilfrid and Acca 
with Wilbrord in 

Wilfrid at Eome. 
Second appeal. 



Death of John VI 

letter to 
Death of 

Chronolo(ji(((l Tohlc 



>693. Deatli 
of Ofttor. 

Ea8t Anglia. 


nmhria and Northern niHtxyry of Wear- 


louth and Jarroiv. 

?6q5. Trans- 
lation of 

675 X 697. 
Translation of 
Oswald to 

697. Murder 
of Osthryth. 

704. Ethel- 
red becomes a 
monk. Succes- 
sion of Cen- 

698, March 30. Translation 
of Cuthbert. 

May «;. Death of Eadbert. 

699. ^Death of Ethelwald 
of Fame. 

702 X 703. Great Council. 

703 X 704. Death of Adam- 

705. Death of Bosa. Ee- 
tum of Wilfrid. Death of 
Aldfrid. Accession (after two 
months) of Osred. 

691 X 703. Bede 
writes De Arte 
Metr., De Sche- 
matibus, and prob. 
De Orthographia. 

Bede ordained 

704. Hwsetbert 
ordained priest. 

< 705. Bede's 
Metrical Life of 



Chronological Tahh 


Foreign Affairs, Popes, 

Kent (including Sussex) 


&c. {including Ireland). 

& Ecclesiastical Affairs. 



Wilfrid ni at Meaux. 

Division of 

the Wessex 




bishop of 


Accession of Con- 


stantine I. 

<709. Ac- 
cession of 


Cenred and Ofifa go 

709. Ee- 

May 25. 

to Eome. 

c. 709. Eadbert, bp. 

signation of 

Death of 

c. 709 

of Selsey (Sussex). 





709 X 710 

Death of Abbot 

Death of 




690 X 714 

Mission of tlie He- 


Death of Pippin of 



713 X 715 

Death of Swidbert. 


Death of Constan- 
tine I; accession of 
Gregory II. 

715. Battle 
Ini and 

696 X7I6 

Witenagem6t of 

709 X 716 

< 716 


Council of Clovesho. 

> 716 



Boniface goes to 


Death of Kadbod of 


c. 720 

Chronological Tahle. 



709. Resig- 
nation of Cen- 
red ; accession 
of Ceolred. 


716. Deatli 
of Ceolred ; ac- 
cession of 

717, Dec. 30. 
Death of Eg- 
win of the 

713. Death 
of Aldwulf. 

Northumhria and Northern 

705. Synod on the Nidd. 
Wilfrid restored to Hexbam 
and Ripon. 

706. Death of Brude mac 
Derili, king of the Picts ; 
accession of Nechtan. 


Death of Wilfrid. 

713 X 714. Death of Elfled. 

JJixtor^) of Wenr- 
mouth and Jarniw. 

716. Death of Osred ; ac- 
cession of Cenred. Change 
of Easter at lona. 

717. Expulsion of Colum- 
bite clergy from the Picts. 

718. Death of Cenred ; ac- 
cession of Osric. 

708. Bede'sletter 
toPlegwin, De Sex 

709 X 716. Bede 
writes In Acta, 
In Lti6am, ? In 
Epp. Catholicas. 

< 716. Bede writes 
In Apocalypsin. 

Resignation and 
death of Ceolfrid. 
Election of Hwset- 
bert. Translation 
of Eosterwine and 

Bede writes In 
Samuelem, De 

Mansionibus fil. 
Israel, De eo quod 
ait Isaias, &c. 

>7i6. Bedewrites 
Hist. Abb., In 

c. 720. Bede 
writes In Gene- 


Chronological Tahle. 


Foreign Affairs, Popes, 
dc. (including Ireland). 

Kent (inchtding Smsex) 
d- Ecclesiastical Affairs. 








Visit of Daniel to 
Eome. Defeat of the 

Grant of Utrecht to 
Wilbrord by Charles 


Defeat of the Sara- 

April 23. Death of 




Death of Tobias. 
Consecration of Ald- 

^726. Ab- 
dication of 




7^5 X 731 
725 X 731 

Visit of Nothelm to 



accession of G-regory 

Jan. DeathofBert- 


Battle of Tours. 



731 X 734 

Aug. Solar eclipse. 

? 732. Death of Al- 

733. Sigfrid bishop 
of Selsey (Sussex). 

733. War 


Jan. Lunar eclipse. 

734. Deaths of Ald- 
wulf and Tatwin. 

734 X 735 


C]ironoloc]'iC(d Tnhle. 



? j2i. Acces- 
ion of Ald- 
vine (Worr), 
)ishop of Lich- 


East Anglia. 

Northumbria and Northem 

721. Death of Bishop John 
(May 7). Accession of Ethel- 
wald, bishop of Lindisfarne. 

■j2\. Nechtan tonsured. 

726. Nechtan imprisoned. 

728. Nechtan restored. 
Miracle at Lindisfarne. 

729. Death of Egbert at 
lona (April 24). Death of 
Osric : accession of Ceolwulf. 

History of Wea^r- 
mouth and Jarrov 

? 731. Deposition of Ceol- 
Avulf. Expulsion of Acca. 

732. Death of Nechtan. 
Resignation of Wilfrid II. 
Election of Egbert of York. 

734. ConsecrationofEgbert. 

< 725. Bede 
writes De Ration»! 

725, Bede writes 
De Temporum Ra- 
tione, De Natuni 

734 X 735. 

Consecration of 

<729. Bedewrites 
De Tabernaculo. 

725x731. Bede 
writes In Ezram 
et Nehemiam. 

729 X 73T. Bede 
■writes De Templo. 

731. Bede writes 
the Eccl. Hist. and 
Ep. to Albinus. 

of Bede which can 
only be dated < 731, 
V. Int. pp. cli-clv.J 

733. Bede visits 
Egbert at York. 

731 X 734. Bedf 
writes Retracta- 
tiones in Acta. 

734, Nov. Bede's 
letter to Egbert. 



Chronological Tahle, 




•38 X 739 


743 < 745 

744 > 745 




760 < 764 

Foreign Affairs, Popes,. 
dx. {including Ireland). 

Forthere goes to 

Death of Wilbrord. 

Kent (inchtding Sussex) 
& Ecclesiastical Affairs. 

Nothelm archbishop 
of Canterbury. 

Death of Nothelm. 


Conncil of Clovesho. 

745. Death 
of Ingwald, 
bishop of 

746. Selred 


744- Re- 
of Daniel. 

Death of 

Chrunoloyirdi Tahlc 



j3,j. Deatli 
>t Aldwine. 

Kast Anqlia. 

743 X 745. 
Dcuth of Wil- 
triil of the 

757- Ethel- 
bald slain. 

Northumbria and Northcrn 

7?,^,. Death of Pehthelm. 
Pallium sent to Egbert. 

737. Ceolwulf becomes a 
moiik, Accession of Eadbert, 

740. Death of Ethelwald 
of Lindisfarne. ? Death of 

HiHtorji of 1' car- 
mouth and Jarrair. 

735. Death of 

744 X 745. Death of Wil- 
frid II. 

745. Death of Herebald. 

758. liesignatiou of Ead- 

760 X 764. Death of Ceol- 

C 2 


P. 18, 1. I, after 'pp, 15, 24,' add ' cf. Crawford Charters, p. 24.' 
P. 78, 1. 4 from bottom, after ' Opp. Min. p. 193 ' add ' and so the 

oldest Life of Gregory, App. I. § 11.' 
P. 79, 1. 10 from bottom, add ' cf. Crawford Charters, pp. 13, 93.' 
P. 88, 1. 3 from bottom. Other instances of these shortened names 
are * Tuma ' for Trumwine, p. 268 ; ' Sicgga ' for Sigfrid, Fh 
Wig. i. 234 ; cf. Stark, Die Kosenamen der Germanen. 
P. 95, 1. 24, add ' On the name Lilla, cf. Crawford Charters, p. 51.' 
P. 111, bottom line, add ^ The date a. d. is probably an addition of 

Bede's own to the letter ; cf. Crawford Charters, p. 45.' 
P. 136, 1. 4 from bottom, add 'This was also a trait in the practice 

of Sir W. W. Hunter's '• Old Missionary." ' 
P. 186, 1. 6, read ' She played an important part both in the second 

and in the final restoration,' &c. 
P. 219, 1. 15 from bottom, for ' the abbess ' read ' Eadburg abbess ' ; 
and this Eadburg is identical with the Bugga mentioned on 
p. 289, and also with the English abbess mentioned on pp. 282, 
P. 237, bottom line, after ' festival ' add ' and so in the Roman 

P. 270, 1. 10, add ' On the name Cudda, cf. Crawford Charters, p. 68.' 
P. 342, 1. 6 from bottom. In some MSS. the prologue of Felix^s 
Life of Gruthlac is addressed to Alfwold, in others to Ethelbald 
king of the East Angles. The former attribution is of course 
quite possible. But I have little doubt that the person really 
meant is Ethelbald of Mercia ; especially as, in the body of 
the work, the author makes the analogous mistake of calling 
Ethelred king of the East Angles, instead of king of the 
Mercians. With this agrees the tradition that Felix was him- 
self a monk of Croyland. To whom should a monk of Croyland 
dedicate the life of his patron saint rather than to the founder 
of his house ? 


AA. SS. = Acta Sanctorum. When cited simply tlms, the reference 
is to the great Bollandist collection ; when Mabillon or Mab. 
is prefixed, it refers to Mabillon's Acta Sanctorum Ordinis 
Benedictini ; and when Colgan is prefixed, Colgan's Lives of 
the Irish Saints are meant. 

Ad. Col. = Adamnan*s Life of St. Columba ; v. Rs. Ad. During the 
printing of the present work a very convenient edition has 
appeared, by Dr. J. T. Fowler, of Durham ; Clarendon Press. 

<i. l. =ad locum. 

Ang. Sac. = Anglia Sacra, ed. Wharton. 

Ann. Camb. =Annales Cambriae ; R. S., and (more correctly) iji 
Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix. 

Ann. Ult. = Annals of Ulster. R. S. 

Ann. Wig. =Annales Wigornienses. R. S. 

Ann. Wint. = Annales Wintonienses. R. S. 

App. Ff., V. Ltft. App. Ff. 

Art de Verif. = Art de Verifier les Dates, &c. 3 vols. fol. 1783-1787. 

AS. vers. = The Anglo-Saxon version of Bede's H. E., ed. Dr. T. 
Miller, E. E. T. S. 

Biogr. Misc. = Miscellanea Biographica (Lives of Oswin, Cuthbert, 

and Eata). S. S. 1838. 
Birch = Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum. 
Bouquet = Recvieil des Historiens de la Gaule et de la France. (The 

whole series is thus cited, although the later volumes are not 

edited by Dom Bouquet.) 
Bright = Dr. W. Brighfs Chapters of Early English Church His- 

tory. 1878. 

C. B., V. Rhys. 
Chron., v. Sax. Chron. 

Chron. -Bede's Chronicleat the end of the De Temporum Ratione. 
Chron. Scot. or C. S. =Chronicon Scotorum. R. S. 
Colgan, V. AA. SS. 

D. C. A. = Dictionary of Christian Antiquities. 

xxxviii Lld of Ahhreviations. 

D. C. B. = Dictionaiy of Christian Biography. 
Ducange=Ducange, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis. ^to. 

Dugdale, v. Mon. Angl. 
Dunstan, v. Stubbs. 

E. C, V. Palgrave. 

Eddius=^Vita Wilfrldi, auctore Eddio Stephano ; in Raine's His- 

torians of the Church of York, i. R. S. 
E. E. T. S. = Early English Text Society. , 
E. H. S. = English Historical Society. 
Elmham - Historia Monasterii S. Augustini Cantuariensis, by 

Thomas of Elmham, ed. Hardwick. R. S. 
Ep. Succ, V. Stubbs. 

E. T.=English Translation. 

Felire = The Eelire or Calendar of Oengus the Culdee ; ed. Dr. 

Whitley Stokes for the Royal Irish Academy. 
Fl. Wig. = Florence of Worcester, ed. Thorpe. E. H. S. (also in 

M. H. B.). 

F. M. = The Annals of the Four Masters, ed. 0'Donovan. 

F. N. C. = Freeman's History of the Norman Conquest. 

Gams^Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae, ed. P. B. Gams. 

Geof. Mon. = Geoffrey of Monmouth, ed. San-Marte. 1854. 

G. P. =William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, ed. Hamilton. 

R. S. 
G. R. = Gesta Regum, v. W. M. 
Green, M. E. = J. R. Green, The Making of England. 1882. 

Haa., Hab. ; in the indices, and occasionally in the notes, the 

Anonymous History of the Abbots and Bede's History of the 

Abbots are thus cited. 
Hardy, Cat. = Sir T. Duffus Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue of 

Materials relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland. 

R. S. 
H. E. = Historia Ecclesiastica ; generally Bede's, but occasionally 

Eusebius' is meant. 
Hexham -= The Priory of Hexham, its Chronicles . . . and Annals, 

ed. Raine. S. S. 
H. H. =Hen]y of Huntingdon, ed. T. Arnold. R. S. 
H. &S. =Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Docu- 

ments relating to Great Britain and Ireland. 
H. Y. — Historians of the Churcli of York, ed. Raine. R. S. 

Jaffe, V. R. P., Mon. Alc, Mon. Mog. 

Llst of Ahhrevlations. xxxix 

K. C. D. = Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus Aeui Saxonici. E. H. 8. 
Kemble, Saxons -= The Saxons in England, by J. M. Kemble. 1849. 

Lanigan = Lanigan's Ecclesiastical History of Iroland. 1829. 

Lib. Eli. = Liber Eliensis, ed. Stewart. Anglia Christiana Society. 

Lismore Lives = (Irish) Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore, 

ed. Dr. Whitley Stokes. Anecdota Oxoniensia. 
Ltft. App. Ff. =Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, two parts in five vols. 

(and ed. of Part ii). 
L. Br. ^Lebar Brec, 'The Speckled Book.' Published in Facsimile 

by the Royal Irish Academy. 
LL. = The Book of Leinster. Published in Facsimile by the Royal 

Irish Academy. 
LU. =Lebar na h-uidri, *The Book of the Dun Cow,' Published 

in Facsimile by the Royal Irish Academy. 

M. = Bede's H. E., &c., ed. G. Moberly. 

Mart. Don. ^-- Martyrology of Donegal, ed. 0'Donovan, Todd, and 

Reeves. Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society. 
M. E., V. Green. 
Mem. Hex., v. Hexham. 

M. H. B. =Monumenta Historica Britannica, vol. i. (all published). 
M. H. G., V. Pertz. 

Migne, Pat. Graec. = Migne, Patrologia Graeca. 
Migne, Pat. Lat. = Migne, Patrologia Latina. 
Misc. Biogr., v. Biogr. Misc. 
M. & L. =Bede's H. E., Books iii. and iv., ed. Mayor and Lumby. 

Mon. Alc. =Monumenta Alcuiniana, ed. Jaffe and Wattenbach. 
Mon. Angl. ^ Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. Caley, Ban- 

dinel, and Ellis. 1817-1830. 
Mon. Mog. =Monumenta Moguntina, ed. Jaffe. 
Muratori, v. SS. RR. II. 

N. & K. = Lives of St. Ninian and St. Kentigern, ed. Forbes. 1874. 

Opp. -=Venerabilis Bedae Opera, ed. Giles, 12 vols. 1843, 1844. 
Opp. Min. = Bedae Opera Historica Minora, ed. Stevenson. E. H. S. 

Orosius, AS. vers. E. E. T. S. 

Palgrave, E. C. =The Rise and Progress of the English Common- 

wealth, by Sir F. Palgrave. 
Pal. Soc. = Palaeographical Society. 
Pertz = Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum, folio series. 
Pertz 4to. = Monumenta Historiae Germaniae, ^to series. 
P. & S. = Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, ed. W. F. Skene. 

xl List of Ahhreviatlons. 

Rawl. = Eawlinson Collection of MSS. in Bodleian Library. 

Rhys, C. B. -Rliys, Celtic Britain. S. P. C. K. 

R. P. ^Regesta Pontificum, ed. Jaffe. 

Rs. Ad. =Adamnan's Life of St. Columba, ed. Reeves. Irish 

Archaeological and Celtic Society. 
R. W. = Roger of Wendover, ed. Coxe. E. H. S. 

s.a. = sub anno. 

Sax. Chron. = Saxon Chronicle. Owing to variations of reading it is 

often necessary to cite the six MSS. A. B. C. D. E. F. separately. 
S. C. H. = Stubbs, Constitutional History. Cabinet edition. 1874- 

S. C. S. =Skene, Celtic Scotland, 1876-1880. 
S. D. =Simeon of Durham, ed. T. Arnold. R. S. 
Sig. Gembl. = Sigebertus Gemblacensis ; in Pertz, vi. 
S. S, = Surtees Society. 

SS. RR. II. = Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, ed. Muratori. 
Stubbs, Dunstan = Memorials of St. Dunstan, ed. Stubbs. R. S. 
Stubbs, Ep. Succ. = Registrum Sacrum, . . . Episcopal Succession in 

England, by W. Stubbs. 1858. 
s. V. = sub voce. 

Thorne = Chronica Gulielmi Thorne, monachi S. Augustini Can- 

tuar., in Twysden, Decem Scriptores. 
Three Fragments = Three Fragments of Irish Annals, ed. 0'Dono- 

van. Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society. 
Tigh. =The Annals of Tighernach. Printed (very incorrectly) in 

0'Connor, Scriptores Rerum Hibernicarum ; and (imperfectly) 

in P. & S. I have generally used the Bodleian MS. Rawl. 

B. 488. 

Vit. Cudb. =Bede's Prose Life of Cuthbert, in Opp. Min. 
Vit. Metr. Cudb. = Bede's Metrical Life of Cuthbert, ib. 
Vit. Anon. Cudb. = Tlie Anonymous Life of Cuthbert, ib. 

Wattenbach, v. Mon. Alc. 

Werner ^ Beda der EhrwUrdige und seine Zeit, von Dr. Karl 

Werner. 1875. 
W. M. = William of Malmesbury's Gesta Regum, ed. Stubbs. R. S. 
Wiilker, Grundriss = Grundriss der angelsachsischen Litteratur, 

von R. Wiilker. 1885. 

Z. K. B. --Zimmer, Keltische Beitrage, in Zeitschr. fur deutsches 




P. 5. Historiam . . . edideram] i.e. in the case ofthis as of most Bede's 
books, the preface was the last thing to be written. W6 get from {^^f ^ • i 
tliis address to Ceolwulf an insight into Bede's manner of working. composi- 
He first sends to his correspondent a rough draft of the work for *i^^- 
criticism ; and then lends the completed work for transcription. 
In this lending of copies for purposes of transcription consisced the 
mediaeval process of publication ; 'edideram.* Cf. the letter to 
Albinus printed above. And hence, too, the existence of what 
may be called quite truly diflferent editions of mediaeval works ; 
for it is evident that copies might be multiplied at different stages 
in the process of revision. A striking instance of this phenomenon 
exists in the case of Mahnesbury's Gesta Eegum. See Dr. Stubbs' 
Preface, I. xliii-xc. On the editions of the present work see 
Introduction, §§ 27-28. Bede's mode of working comes out still 
more clearly in the preface to the prose life of St. Cuthbert. He says : 
' nec sine certissima exquisitione rerum gestarum aliquid de tanto 
uiro scribere, nec . . . ea, quae scripseram, sine subtilissima examina- 
tione testium indubiorum passim transcribenda quibusdam dare 
praesumpsi. Quin potius primo diligonter . . . progressum . . . uitae 
illius ab his, qui nouerant, inuestigans, quorum etiam nomina . . . 
ob indicium certum cognitae ueritatis apponenda iudicaui, sic 
demum ad scheduhis manum mittere incipio. At, digesto opusculo, 
sed adhuc retento in schedulis, frequenter et . . . Horefrido et aliis, 
qui . , . uitam illius optime nouerant, quae scripsi legenda atque 
. . . retractanda praestiti, ac nonnuUa ad arbitrium eorum . . . sedu- 


The Ecclesiastical History. 






lus emendaui ; sicque . . . certam ueritatis indaginem . . . com- 
mendare membranulis . . . curaui . . . Quod cum . . . patrarem, et 
coram senioribus . . . uestrae congregationis [i.e. Lindisfarne] 
libellus biduo legeretur, . . . cuncta . . . decernebantur absque ulla 
dubietate legenda, et . . . ad transscribendum esse tradenda/ Opp. 
Min. pp. 45-47. On Ceolwulf, see v. 23 note. 

ex tempore] 'at leisure,' and so ii. 9 aclfin. ; Opp. v. 306 ; Introd. 
Part I. App. 2, p, clxiii, 

siue enim, &c.] On Bede's desire to benefit his readers see tlie 
Introduction, § 7, and cf. R. W. i. 4. 

p, 6. ut autem . . . curabo] Cf. the passage given above from the 
Vita Cudb, : ' quorum etiam nomina,' &c., and Werner, pp. 211, 212. 

Albinus] He succeeded Hadrian as abbot of the monastery of 
SS. Peter and Paul at Canterbury in 709 or 710, see v. 20, p. 331. 
Elmham says : ' successit uenerabilis pater Albinus natione Angli- 
cus, primus qui de gente nostra ad regimen istius monasterii est 
electus,' p. 294. He says that he died in 732 aftei- an abbacy of 
twenty-four years, p. 301. But as he places his succession in 708, 
which is certainly a year too early at the least, it is possible that 
he did not die till 733 or 734. Anyhow, his death falls just out- 
side the limits of Bede's work. The letter in which Bede thanks 
him for his help, and sends him copies of the Ecclesiastical History 
and of the De Templo for transcription is given above, I. p. 3. Elm- 
ham quotes his epitaph, p. 301. The Saxon version adds : 'sewaes 
wide gefaren 7 gelaered,' ' he was far travelled and learned.' 

monimentis litterarum] This is interesting as showing that Albi- 
nus was in possession of documentary evidence connected with the 
mission of Augustine, We cannot tell how farthe documents con- 
nected with that mission which Bede gives came from Canterbury, 
and how far from Rome through Nothelm. See on i, 27. 

Wothelmum] He was, as Bede says here, a priest of the church 
of London. Bede's ' Quaestiones in Libros Regum ' were wi*itten 
in answer to inquiries from him ; and are prefaced by a letter in 
which Bede addresses him as ' frater dilectissime,' Opp. viii, 232, 
233 ; see also Introd. p. xlix, note 2. His visit to Rome and liis 
researches in the papal archives must be placed 715 x 731, during the 
pontificate of Gregory II, who is obviously the pope referred to below 
as ' Gregorius qui nunc praeest.' (If the letters in i. 29 and ii, 19 
came from the papal archives, and the latter at any rate probably 
did, even if Ewald's view be adopted that Bede obtained the letters 
of Gregory I, not from Rome, but from the originals at Canterbury, 
Neues Archiv, III. 542 ff., Nothelm's visit to Rome must be earlier 
than 725, as Bede certainly seems to allude to these letters in his 

pref.] JS^otes. 3 

Chron., 0})p. Min. pp 194-196). Grcgory II diod in Fob. 731. Ikdc 
finished liis history in that year, but inwhat montli isnot cloar ; with 
the exception of the allusion to the defeat of the Saracens in 732, v. 23, 
p. 349, wliich may have been added later (v. note a. L), tho last event 
mentioned appears to be the consecrationof Tatwin, June io,73i,ib. 
p. 350. The news of the Pope*s death would tako some time to reach 
Britain. As Gi-egory II had before his elevation beon librarian of 
the Cliureli of Eome (^Stevenson), he would be eminently qualified 
to direet Notliehn's researches. Obviously Gregory III cannot be 
meant, foi- he was not consecrated till March 731, and there would 
be no time for Nothehn to mako researches at Rome undcr him and 
communicate them to Bede before the latter finished his work. 
It is also clear from this passage, and from the letter to Albinus 
given above, that Nothelm had at some time after his Roman 
journey visited Bede. Unfortunately we have no means of fixing 
the date of tliat visit. In 735 Nothelm became Archbishop of 
Canterbury ; in 736 he received the pallium ; Chron. ; S. D. ii. 31, 
32 ; Fl. Wig. He died in 739 according to Cont. Baed., infr. p. 362 ; 
S. D. ii. 32 ,so H. & S. iii. 335) ; in 740, Chron. F ; Elmham, p. 312 ; 
on Oct. 17, 741, Fl. Wig. The other MSS. of the Chron. do not 
mention his dejith ; A. B. place the accession of Cuthbert in 741, 
C. D. E. in 740. Elmham, u. s., gives Nothelm's epitapli, and 
etymologises his name into ' Notus almus.' Cf. Werner, p. 87. 

Aprincipio . . . didicimus] Here Bede,though hegivesno names, 
does acknowledge generally his obligations in the earlier chapters of 
this work. Cf. Introduction, p. xxiv note ; and notes to i. i, p. 8. 

p. 7. hortatu . . . Albini] Cf. the letter printed I. p. 3. 

Danihel] See on v. 18, p. 320. 

Ceddi et Ceadda] In iii. 21, 23, Bede does not associate Ceadda • 
(Chad) with Cedd in the evangelisation of Mercia, the re-conversion 
of Essex, or the foundation of Lastingham. 

Lsestingaeu] See on iii. 23. 

Esi] Nothing appears to be known of him. 

successio sacerdotalis] ^ episcopal succession.' See noto on i. 28. 

Cynibercti] See on iv. 12. 

aliorura . . . uirorum] One of these is mentioned l)y name in 
ii. 16 ; Deda, a monk of Partenay. 

partim ex eis . . . adsumpsi] This is a reference to the Anony- 
mous Life of Cutlibert printed by the Bollandists, and by Stevonson, 
Opp. Min. pp. 259-284. 

p. 8. quod uera lex . . . studuimus] So commenting on Luke ii. Tlie law of 
33, Bede says : 'neque enim oblitus euangelista quod eam de Spiritu History. 
Sancto concepisse . . . narrarit, sed opinionem uulgi exprimens, 

B 2 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. 1. 

quae uera historiae lex est, patrem loseph nuncupat Christi/ Opp. x. 
333. Bede, however, is nearly always careful to mark where he 
is writing only ' fama uulgante ' by using sueh words as ' fertur/ 
* perhibetur,' &c. See Introduction, p. xlv note. 

Praeterea omnes] On the position of this paragraph in the 
various MSS., see the critical notes here and at p. 360 : and on the 
importance of this as a test of the different recensions of Bede's 
work, see tlie Introduction, § 27. 

interuenire meminerint] On Bede's desire for the prayers of 
his readers, see Introduction. pp. Ixv, Ixvi. 

tory Chap- 

to aut;iu- 


The first twenty-two chapters of this first book are in the nature of 
an introduction to Bede's main subject, which is ' the ecclesiastical 
history of the people of theEnglish.' As preliminary to this he gives, 
chiefly from second-hand authorities, (i) a description of Britain, c. r ; 
(2^ an account of the Roman conquest and government of Britain, 
cc. 2, 3, 5, 6, 9, II ; (3) of the abandonment of Britain by the 
Romans, and of the state of the island after their departure, cc. 
12-14 ; (4") such particulars as he was able to glean as to the con- 
dition of British Christianity up to the time of the conquest of 
Britain by the Saxons, cc. 4, 7, 8, 10, 17-21 ; (5) the coming of the 
Saxons and the struggles of the Britons against them, cc. 15, 16, 22. 
With the coming of Augustine in c. 23, Bede reaches his proper 

p. 9. Brittania] The marginal references and notes will show that 
Bede derived a large part of this chapter from earlier writers. We 
can hardly therefore agree with Sim. Dun. when he says : ' terrarum 
regionumque diuersarum situs, naturas, qualitates, subtiliter acsi 
cuncta ipse peragrasset, plerumque describit,' i. 41. We could 
indeed heartily wish that Bede had given us more of his own 
observation and less of ancient writers. But it is a good ilhistra- 
tion of the way in which authority dominated the mediaeval mind. 
Bede in turn hecame an authority. William of Tyre (xiii. 18) dis- 
cussing the question of the sources of the Jordan, a question which 
he could easily have solved by a visit to the spot, after quoting 
various opinions, says : ' Beda tamen et quidam alii nostri doctores, 
auctoritatis praecipuae, utrunque fontem iuxta Caesaream Philippi 
. . . originem dicunt habere,' &c. , and so leaves the matter. I owe 
this interesting illustration to my friend Mr. T. A. Archer. For 
the extracts from classical authors printed in the notes to this 
chapter I am very largely indebted to the collection of passages 

Chap. I.] Notes. 5 

at the beginning of the M. H. B. This ehapter is much abbroviated 
in the A8. version. It is sometimes fonnd separately with tlie 
title ' Do .•<itu Brittaniae,' e.g. MS. Rouen, No. 1398. 

Oceani insula] So at the end of book i. of the Cant. Cant. Bedo Britaiu an 
^peaks of himself and his countrymen as 'longius extra orbem, ' "^'ter 
hoc est in insula maris oceani nati et nutriti,' Opp. ix. 200. For 
Britain as the end of the world, as in some sort an ' alter orbis,' see 
the passages in H. & S. i. 3-5, 10, 11, 13 ; ii. xxi ; cf. infr. c. 8, and 
the passages cited on c. 2 ad init. This first sentence is from Pliny Plinj-. 
whom Bede cites largely in his scientific works : Opp. vi. 106, 198, 
' in opere pulcherrimo naturalis historiae ' ; 204, 208, 209, 211, 214, 
216, ' solertissimus natui^alium inquisitor'; and also in his theo- 
logical works, vii. 45; ix. 310; xii. 142, 149; cf. Introduction, 
pp. xxxvii f., lii f. For the way in which Bede in these early Bede's au- 
chapters ignores the authorities he follows, see Introduction, p. xxiv tliorities. 

Hispaniae] This implies that Sj)ain projects very much further Spain. 
to the west than is really the case ; a mistake very common in 
ancient wi'iters, e.g. Tac. Agr. c. 10, ' Britannia . . . in occidentem 
Hispaniae obtenditur,' and see the maps of the world according to 
Strabo and Ptolemy. Cf. Orosius, i. 2, ed. Zangemeister, pp. 11, 12. 

milia passuum DCCC] The references to Gildas are to the 
edition of Stevenson. 

habet a meridie] Orosius, i. 2 ; almost verbally identical with 
the Orbis Descriptio given M. H. B. p. xix'S 

Kutubi portus] Richborough, near Sandwich, in Kent ; now Eich- 
silted up, but in Roman times one of the chief ports of embarkation borough. 
for the Continent ; Guest, Orig. Celt. ii. 396, 397 ; Scarth, Roman 
Britain, pp. 154 ff. 

Gessoriaco] Gessoriacum is Boulogne, cf. Scarth, ii.s. p. 36, and Boulogne. 
for the Morini and their nearness to Britain, c. 2 ad init. 

ut quidam . . . CCCCIj] This is the estimate of Dio Cassius, 
M. H. B. p. li% and of the Itinerarium Antonini, ib. xx^, to which 
Bede possibly alludes. M. B. N. read CCCL. 

Orcadas] See on c. 3. 

p. 10. mneas] The culture of the vine was more extensive in Culture of 
England formerly than now, especially in some of the monasteries. ^^^7"^^/^ 
Henry VI used to stay at Bury St. Eclmund's ' propter . . . uineae 
odorem delectabilem,' Lappenberg-Pauli, Gesch. EngL v. 281. *The 
Vineyard ' may still be seen as the name of streets in old English 
towns. Malmesbury says of the Vale of Gloucester : ' Regio plus 
quam aliae Angliae prouintiae uinearum frequentia densior, pro- 
uentu uberior, sapore iocundior. Vina enim ij^^sa bibentnm ora 


The Ecdesiasticcd History. 

[Bk. I. 

' Issicius ' 
and ' esox.' 

Pearls iii 

St. BasiFs 



tristi non torquent acredine, quippe quae parum debeant Gallicis 
dulcedine/ G. P. p. 292. When Fortescue says of wine ' that com- 
modite we have not,' he only means that the manufacture of wine 
was not sufficiently extensive to make the taxation of it a source of 
revenue ; Governance of England, pp. 132, 268. Cf. H. H. : 'Brit- 
tania uineae . . . fertilis est, sed raro.' He gives Winchester the 
palm for its wine. On vineyards and wine-making in England, 
and on recent attempts to revive the industry, see Spectator, 
Sept. 22, 1894. Tacitus, however, says : ' solum praeter oleam 
uitemque et cetera calidioribus terris oriri sueta, patiens frugum, 
fecundum,' Agr. c. 12. 

issicio] * Isicius ' is a derivative of ' isix ' (Ducange), which is 
a collateral form of ' esox,' from which also we get the derivative 
'esocius.' 'Esox' and its derivatives are often taken to mean 
' pike.' But in mediaeval Latin at any rate they mean ' salmon.' 
In the Celtic languages ' esox ' becomes Irish eo, O. Welsh ehawc, 
Mod. Welsh eog, Cornish eJioc, all of which mean 'salmon' ; e.g. 
' isicius uel salmo, ehoc,' Zeuss, G. C. p. 1074. More to the point are 
the Anglo-Saxon vocabularies : 'mc, laex' (=^Germ. lachs, salmon), 
Wiilker, col. 28 ; ^ esocius uel salmo, lex,' ib. col. 180 ; ^esox, leax,' ib. 
col. 394. In uElfric's coUoquy, in a list of sea fishes, we find ' alleces 
et isicios, delfinos et sturias ' glossed ' hserincgas 7 leaxas, mere- 
swyn (lit. sea-swine) 7 stirian,' ib. col. 94. Cf. Rs. Ad. p. 129 note. 

uituli marini] 'seals,' cf. iv. 13 ad fin. 

exceptis] ' besides, in addition to.' 

margaritam] On the pearls of Britain, see the extracts in M. H. B. 
viii** (Pliny), x'' (Solinus), xliii* (Tacitus"», xciv^ (Aelian). Suetonius 
mentions a tradition that Julius Caesar invaded Britain ' spe marga- 
ritarum,' ib. xlix**, and Pliny, copied by Solinus, (ii. s.) says that he 
dedicated, in the temple of Venus Genitrix, a breastplate set with 
British pearls. Most of these authors, however, do not agree with 
Bede in praising the colour of the British pearls. Pliny calls them 
' decolores,' Tacitus, ' subfusca et liuentia,' u.s. They are commonly 
found still at Whitstable in mussels. 

Basilius] The Hexameron of St. Basil the Great ' is the most 
celebrated of all his works,* D. C. B, i. 296. It is a treatise on the 
six days' work of creation, Gen. i. ' It was translated into Latin 
by Eustathius Afer,' c. 440, ib. and ii. 391. Cf. Aldhelm, Opp. ed. 

Giles, p. 32. ' [Basilii] 

epya rd e^a/.Upojv, id est, opera sex 

dierum . . . in Latinum translata leguntur.' This translation was 
used by Bede, and the present passage is taken from it, v. Migne, 
Pat. Lat. liii. 907. Cf. ' Basilius Caesariensis quem Eustathius in- 
terpres de Graeco fecit esse Latinum,' Opp. vii. i. Bede also quotes 

Chap. I.] Notes. 7 

the Hexamoron, Opp. vi. 151, 200, 208 ; vii. 7. Origen, Ambrose, and 
Hippolytus wrote works with tlie same title ; Ltft., App. Ff. I. ii. 327, 
331, 413. Bede, in Iiis own Hexameron on Gon. i. 2, says : ' ignem 
ardentom terrae interioribus insitum, calidi aquarum fontes pro- 
dunt, quae cum per certa quaedam metalla in profundo aquarum 
transcurrunt, non solum calidae sed et feruentes insuper faciem 
telluris emanant,' Opp. vii. 5. There is an Anglo-Saxon Hexameron 
attributed to ^lfric, based partly on Basil and partly on Bede, ed. 
H. W. Norman, Lond. 1849. Cf. Wiilker, Grundriss, p. 466. 

argenti] ' Fert Britannia aurum et argentum, et alia metalla, Silver and 
pretium uictoriae,' Tac. Agr. c. 12. Cicero, on the other hand, ^^^ V^ 
writing c. B.c. 55, says : ' In Britannia nihil esse audio neque auri 
neque argenti.' And again : ' Etiam illud iam cognitum est, neque 
argenti scripulum esse ullum in illa insula, neque ullam spem 
praedae, nisi ex mancipiis,' v. M. H.B. Ixxxvii f. The Life of St. 
Cainnech speaks of Britain as the source whence the Irish obtained 
their gold ; Cod. Salmant, ed. de Smedt and de Backer, col. 388, 
cited by Zimmer. 

firmissimis] ' butan o6rum laessan unrim ceastra,' ' besides in- 
numerable other lesser towns,* adds the AS. version. Cf. the 
Panegyrist in M. H. B. p. Ixvii* : * Britannia . . . tanto frugum ubere, 
tanto laeta munere pastionum, tot metallorum fluens riuis, tot uecti- 
galibus quaestuosa, tot accincta portubus, tanto immensa circuitu.' 

lucidas . . . noctes habet] ' Dierum spatia ultra nostri orbis Length of 

mensui-am ; nox clara, et extrema Britanniae parte breuis, ut finem ^^.f "^ 
' ^ ' Britam. 

atque initium lucis exiguo discrimine internoscas,' Tac. Agr. c. 12. 

On the midnight sun in yet more northern countries, * in insula 

Thyle, quae ultra Britanniam est, uel in finibus Scytharum,' see 

Bede, Opp. viii. 255, 256. Cf. vi. 159. 

p. 11. iuxta numerum librorum] On the symbolism of the num- 
ber five, see Introduction, p. Ix. 

quinque gentium linguis] Bede is speaking of the existence in Five lan- 

Britain of five hmguages, rather than of five nations ; and more ^^^^^^ ^^^ 

° ® ' Britam. 

particularly of languages employed in the service of religion, as 

Professor Earle has rightly remarked, Sax. Chron. p. 279. Hence 

Bede was obliged to^nclude Latin, the most important of them all 

from this point of view. He does not mean that in his day there 

were descendants of the Roman legionaries existing in such dis- 

tinctness in Britain as to form a separate ' gens.' H. H., copying 

Bede, says distinctly : 'quinque linguis utitur Brittania/ and 

adds : ' quamuis Picti iam uideantur deleti, et lingua eorum ita 

omnino destructa, ut iam fabula uideatur quod in ueterum scriptis 

eorum mentio inuenitur,' p. 12. Nennius, § 7, speakiug of nations 

Tlie Ecclesiastical History, 

[Bk. I. 

only, rightly omits ' Latini ' : ' in ea habitant quattuor gentes, 
Scotti, Picti, Saxones, atque Brittones.' MSS. D, E, F, of the Sax. 
Chron. have, ad init., a short summary of this chapter of Bede. Of 
these, D translates the present passage correctly : ' there are in 
the island five languages, English, Brit-Welsh, Scottish, Pictish, 
and Latin.' F tm-ns the languages (gej^^eodu) into 'peoples' (9e6da), 
omits Latin, and redresses the balance by breaking up ' Brit-Welsh ' 
into ' British and Welsh ' ; a mode of action for which MS. E had 
prepared the way. Geoffrey of Monmouth gives ' Komani ' as the 
first of the five ' populi ' ; i. 2, but his Welsh translator turns these 
* Komans' into 'Normans,' Welsh Bruts, ed. Evans & Khys, p. 41. 
Where Bede treats of the languages of Britain without any ecclesi- 
astical reference he speaks of them as four, iii. 6. 

Armorica. de tractu Armoricano] The name ' Armorica ' ( = the district by 
the sea, cf. Caesar, B. Gr. vii. 57, ' uniuersae ciuitates quae oceanum 
attingunt . . . Armoricae appellantur ') was originally applied to 
nearly the whole of the northern seaboard of Gaul. But in Gaul, 
as in Britain, the Celtic inhabitants were driven further and further 
towards the west, and the name Armorica retreated with them 
into the north-western angle of the country, the modern Brittany, 
cf. H. & S. ii. 70-73. It was this close connexion of the popula- 
tions on the two sides of the Channel which obliged the Komans to 
attack Britain. Mommsen, The Provinces, E. T. i. 173. Note that 
Bede knows nothing of the Brutus legend, which appears in 
Nennius, § 7, and reaches its most developed form in Geof. Mon. 
lib. i. The Chron. D, E, F, turns ' Armorica ' into ' Armenia.' 

Picts and Pictorum de Scythia] ' Scythia citerior siue Scandia,' Smith. 

Scots, ^nd in a passage cited above, p. 7, Bede evidently uses ' Scythae ' 

for the inhabitants of the Scandinavian peninsula. Note that Bede 
only gives this as a tradition : 'ut perhibent.' Nennius, §§ 13-15, 
drawingfrom Irish sources,' sic mihi peritissimi Scottorumnunciaue- 
runt,' brings the Scotti to Ireland from Scythia by way of Spain ; and 
this is the ordinary Irish account ; cf. e.g. the poem of Maelmura, 
Irish Nennius, pp. 221 ff. It is based on a wild identification of 
' Scotti ' and ' Scythae.' Bede does not profess to know anything 
of the Scotti prior to their settlement in Ireland. For an account 
of the early legends, &c., of the Picts and Scots, cf. S. C. S. i. 123- 
144, 192 ff. ; iii. ch. 3. As to the Picts, the most probable view ia 
that they were a pre-Aryan race, like the Basques. The name has 
nothing to do with the Latin ' pictus,' ' painted,' v. Khys, Khind 
Lectures, pp. 51-55, 95-98, 102 106 ; Proceedings, Antiquaries of 
Scotland, pp. 305, 306. In the hittor monograph Professor Khys has 
made an attempt to solve the vexed question of the Pictish language. 

Chap. 1 .] Notes. 9 

Hiberniani] ' Scotland,' AS. vers, Cf. Orosius, AS. vers. ' Ig- 
bernia ]wt we Sootlaiul huta&,' ' Ilibernia which we call Scotland,' 
p. 24. 

contra Hispaniae] Cf. Orosius, i. 2, pp. 11, 12. Ilis phraso tliat 
Ireland and Spain front one another at a great distance, ' procul 
^pcctant,' was improved by Irish legend into the statement that 
Ireland is visible from Spain ; and hence the migration of the 
'Scots' or ' Gaels' from Spain to Ireland,Irish Nennius, pp. 238 fF. 
and notes. 

p. 12. de feminea regum prosapia] This is the famous law of Law of 
Pictish succession, whereby brothers, sons of the same mother, suc- guccg^ggion. 
ceeded one another, and on thcir failure the succession passed to 
tlie children of their sisters or the nearest male kinsman whose re- 
lationship was traced through a female. This law has its origin in 
tribal customs prior to the institution of monogamy ; but when its 
origin was forgotten, legends were invented to account for it. Cf. 
P. & S., pp. xcviii &., 122, 123, 199, 319, 329, 381 ; S. C. S. i. 177, 
232 ff. ; iii. 96, 97. Zimmer, Friiheste Beriihrungen, p. 286, refers 
to Zeitschr. fiir franz. Sprache u. Litteratur, xiii. loi. 

quod . , , seruatum] ' })8et get to dseg is mid Peohtum healden,' Its dura- 
' which is still to-day observed among the Picts,' AS. vers, It ^^*^"' 
certainly lasted until the union of the Pictish and Scottish lines of 
kings in the person of Kenneth Mac Alpin, in the middle of the 
ninth century ; and attempts were made to revive it subsequently. 
P, & S, pp, cxxxiii ff, The Sax, Chron. says : * f>8et hy heoldon swa 
lange sy})])an,' ' that they so observed for a long time afterwards.' 

Scottorum nationem . . . recepit, &c.] The northern part of the Settlemenfc 
modern county of Antrim was called Dai Eiada, and traced its g^,?^**^ ^^ 
origin to an eponymous hero Cairbre Kiada, son of Conaire, whose 
(Conaire's) death is placed in 165 a,d. From this Irish district 
a settlement was made on the west coast of the modern Scotland ; 
and tlms the name Dal Riada was transplanted from Irisli to 
British soil. According towhat seems the most historical account, 
this settlement was made about 500 a. d. under the sons of Erc. 
But another form of the legend, followed apparently by Bede here, 
makes Cairbre Riada himself lead a colony to Britain contempora- 
neously, or nearly so, with the settlement in Ulster ; i.e. c. 200 a.d. 
This is probably an attempt to account for the name Dal Riada on 
British soil without reference to the Irish district. Certainly the 
first permanent settlement of the Irish Scots in Britain was 
c, 500. Earlier (^like the Saxons and Danes) they appear as marau- 
ders. Ammianus Marcellinus shows us Picts, Saxons, and Scots 
all fighting against the Romans in Britain about the year 363, 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

tion of 

M. H. B. p. Ixxii. Stiliclio towards the end of the century repulsed 
them for a time : 

* Maduerunt Saxone fuso 
Orcades, incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule ; 
Scotorum cumulos fleuit glacialis lerne.' 
Claudian, in M. H. B. xcviii (cf. the other extracts there given). 
But they soon resumed their ravages ; and first the Saxons and 
then the Scots effected permanent lodgements. Cf. Rhys, Rhind 
Lectures, pp. 87, 88 ; C. B. pp. 91, 244, 272. But for the comingof 
the Saxons the Scots might have had a wider dominion in Britain ; 
their advance southward was finally checked by Ethelfrid in the 
battle of Dsegsastan, 603 a. d., c. 34 ; but they ultimately gave their 
name to the northern kingdom, while the Picts were absorbed 
leaving hardly any trace behind them. Cf. S. C. S. i. 137 ff . ; P. & S. 
pp. cix-cxi ; Rs. Ad. pp. 184, 433 ff. ; Zimmer, Kelt. Beitr. iii. 6. On 
the spread of the Gaelic language in Scotland, see some very inter- 
esting remarks in Rh^s' Rhind Lectures, pp. 81-98. 

Hibernia] ' Hibernia, Scotta ealond,' 'Ireland, the ishind of the 
Scots,' AS. vers., and so very frequently. 

usque hodie . . . uocantur] ' Jjset cynn nu geond to daeg Dal- 
readingas waeron gehatene,' ' up to this day that race were called 
Dalreadings,' where the translator has combined the Irish 'Dal' 
with the Saxon patronymic in ' -ing.' 

daal] ' dal,' ' a division,' oecurs frequently in Irish names of 
districts : see e.g. the indices to the Four Masters, to the Irish 
Nennius, &c. 

Hibernia . . . praestat, «&c.] Cf. Solinus : ' Hibernia . . . ita pabu- 
losa, ut pecua ibi nisi interdum a pascuis arceantur, in periculum 
agat satias. Illic nullus anguis . . . Adtanatos insula (Thanet) . . . 
quum nullo serpatur angue, asportata inde terra quoquo gentium 
inuecta sit, angues necat/ M. H. B. p. x*. Isidore, who copies 
Solinus, actually derives the name Thanet from OdvaTos, ib. cii*'. 
Irish legend attributes this immunity of Ireland to St. Patrick. 
St. Columba obtained a similar blessing for lona. There is a basis 
of fact for these legends. Very few reptiles and batrachians are 
native to Ireland, v. M. C. Cooke, OurReptilesand Batrachians, pp. 
23,40, 47, 67, 91, 113, 156; and Fowler's Adamnan, pp. xxxii, 97 ; 
Rs. Ad. p. 142. There is a very interesting notice of Irehind in Taci- 
tus, Agr. c. 24 : ' Spativim eius, si Britanniae comparetur, angustius, 
nostri maris insulas superat. Solum, caelumque, et ingenia cultus- 
que hominum haud multum a Britannia differunt. Melius aditus 
portusque per commercia et negotiatores cogniti. Agricola expul- 
sum seditione domestica unum ex regulis gentis exceperat, ac specie 

Chap. I.] Notes. 11 

amicitiae in occasionem retinebat. Saepe ex eo audiui legione una 
et modicis auxiliis debellari obtinerique Hiberniam posse ; idque 
etiam aduersus Britanniam profuturum, si Romana ubique arma, et 
uelut e conspectu libertas tolleretur.' We see here the saiiie causes 
which led the Komans from Gaul to Britain, drawing them from 
Britain to Irehind. That Ireland was never conquered by tlie 
Romans is one of the reasons why she has always higged behind tho 
sister ishmd. We see here also tlie chronic tendency of Irehind to 
discord and the invocation of the foreigner, which culminated in 
the application of Dermot Mac Murrough (' Diarmait na n-Gall,' 
' Dermot of the Strangery,' as the Irish call him) to Henry II in the 
twelfth century. 

p. 13. denique mdimus] ' sume men gesawon,' 'some men saw/ 
AS. vers. 

rasuram aquae inmissam] For similar modes of treatment, cf. 
iii. 2, 9, 13 ad fin., 17 ; iv. 3 ad fin. ; v. 18, pp. 129, 145, 153, 161, 
212, 218, 320 ; Vit. Cuthb. c. 41. 

haec autem proprie patria Sccttorum est] Cf. ii. 4, p. 87 : Ireland the 
'Scotti qui Hiberniam . . . incolunt . . . inpraefata ipsorum patria.' homeofthe 
It cannot be too clearly realised that at the time when Bede wrote, 
and for more than two centuries after, the term ' Scottia ' refers to 
Ireland, and Ireland alone. It was only towards the end of the 
tenth century that it began to be used of any part of Britain ; and 
even then it was applied to a very limited district, and only gradu- 
ally during two more centuries was the application extended to the 
whole of the northern kingdom. Thus in ii. 4, p, 87, the letter of 
Laurentius, &c., is addressed ' episcopis uel abbatibus per uniuersam 
Scottiam,' whom earlier in the chapter Bede had spoken of as 
' Scotti qui Hiberniam . . . incolunt.* So in iv. 26, p. 266, Bede 
says that Egfrid ' Hiberniam . . . uastauit,' and then a little lower 
down tells how Egbert exhorted him ' ne Scottiam . . . inpugnaret,' 
p. 267. Cf. P. & S. p. 197 : ' Scotois . . . lour propre pays est Ireland, 
lour coustom et patoys acordaunt, qi puis furount mellez od Pices/ 
' Tlie Scots . . . their proper country is Ireland, their customs and 
language agreeing thereto, though they afterwards became mingled 
with the Picts.' Cf. ib. 380 : ' Yat cuntre, yat now is callit Irhind 
. . . [Iber] callit it . . . Scotia ; ye quhilk it in ald cronyclis . . . is 
calHt Scotia Maior, to ye tymme yat sum part of ws comme out of 
it in oure Scotland, . . . and it was callyt Scotia Minor.' I know 
no authority for this latter statement, and believe it to be a mere 
bookman's analogy from the use of Britannia Minor for Brittany 
as opposed to Britain. It illustrates the point in question that 
when Bede uses the term ' Hibernia ' the AS. translator nearly 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

always adds the explanation ' Scotta ealond,' Hhe island of the 
Scots.' Of course the tribe name ' Scotti ' would apply to any 
members of the Irish race, whether living in Ireland or in Britain, 
and where Bede is speaking of matters common to both branches, 
such as their paschal customs, it is often to be understood as 
inchiding both. Still, as Ealph, Archbishop of Canterbury, says, 
writing to Calixtus II in 1119: ' saepenumero [Beda] in eodem 
uolumine euidenter distinguit inter Sootos qui Britanniam, et illos 
qui incohmt Hiberniam,' H. & S. ii. 194. For the latter, cf. (^in 
addition to the passages already quoted) i. 13; ii. 19; iii. 3, 26 
(Scotti austrini) ; v. 15. For the former, cf. i. 34 ; ii. 5 ; iv. 26 ; v. 
23 adfin. Bede also distinguishes the Scots in Britain by coupling 
them with the Picts : ' Scotti siue [ = et] Picti,' iii. i, 2^ adfln. 
On the difference of usage between Bede and Adamnan as to the 
inclusion of lona in the term Scottia, see iii. 24 note. Cf. on the 
whole subject, S. C. S. i. 1-7, 398 ; P. & S. pp, Ixxv ff., and note on 
iii. 19, p. 167. 

Alcluith] See on c. 12 infra. 




It is no part of my plan to discuss the history of Koman Britain ; 
especially as Bede's account of it is based ahnost entirely on 
second-hand authorities. I must confine myself as a rule to 
pointing out Bede's sources, and the slight additions which he haa 
made to them. This chapter is very briefly summarised in the 
AS. vers., MS. B of that version omitting it altogether. It is 
almost wholly taken from Orosius. Cf. Werner, pp. 23, 31. 

inaccessa atque incognita] Cf. the extracts in M. H. B, pp. xxxv, 
xlix'', Ixxii'' ; Bede, Opp. vi. 299 (from Eutropius). On the invasion 
of Julius Caesar there is an interesting article by Dr. Guest in the 
Archaeological Journal, xxi. 220; reprinted in Origines Celticae, ii. 

qui anno, &e.] The year a. u. c, 693 is taken from Orosius, who 
gives it as the year of the passing of the Lex Vatinia, whereby the 
command in Gaul was conferred on Caesar for a period of five years. 
The year corresponding to a. u, c. 693 is b. c. 61, not 60 as Bede gives 
it. But the date is wrong. The year of the consulship of Caesar 
and Bibulus and of the Lex Vatinia was a.u.c. 695 or b.c. 59. The 
expeditions to Britain were in a. u. c. 699 and 700 ; b. c. 55 and 54. 

p. 14 in hiberna] Both here and at the end of the chapter there 
is a various reading ' hibernia.' See critical notes. This has misled 

Chap. 3.1 Kotes. 13 

tlie epitomator of the Sax. Cliron. MSS. D, E, F, wlio writes : ' J^a 
lio forlet his liere gebidan mid Scottum,' ' then he left his army 
to remain among the Scots ' ( = Irish). The same variety occurs 
in the MSS. of H. H. p. i8. 

quarum . . . infixae] This sentence is Bede's own. There is no 
reason to bolieve that Bede had ever been in the south of England. 
He may have received the information from some of his south- 
countiy friends, such as Albinus or Nothelm. Dr. Guest, Orig. 
Celt. ii. 281, decides in favour of the hitter. The siteof the ford he 
places at Halliford, at the Coway Stakes, ib. 388. So Smith ad loc. 
Bede has omitted an erroneous statement of Orosius, that the 
Thames is fordable only at one point. 


P. 15. Anno, &c.] The date of Claudius's invasion of Britain is Invasion of 
A. u. c. 796, A. D. 43. The reason why he reaped his laurels so easily Clauclius. 
was that the way had been prepared for him by Aulus PLmtius, on 
whose campaign see Guest, u.s. ii. 381 ff. Cf. the extracts in 
M. H. B. pp. xliii% xlix'', Ixxii"'. It was while celebrating games 
in honour of Claudius' return from Britain, that Agrippa I was 
stricken down in the manner narrated in the Acts, c. 12, v. Schiirer, 
Gesch. d. jiidischen Volkes, i. 469 f. It is interesting to find the 
history of our own island thus brought into direct connexion with 
that of the early Church. For inscriptions relating to Claudius' 
conquest of Britain, cf. Scarth, u.s. pp. 241, 242; and compare 
with this chapter Bede's Chron. Opp. Min. pp. 170, 171. 

paucissimos diesj sixteen. Dio Cassius, Ix. 23, in Clinton. 

plurimam insulae partem] The Sax. Chron. D. E. suh ann. 47 
interprets this by ' ealle Pihtas 7 Walas.' ' all the Picts and Welsh.' 

Orcadas . . . adiecit imperio] He may have nominally annexed The 
them ; there was no real conquest. Tacitus expressly says of Orkneys. 
Agricola, c. 10 : ' incognitas ad id tempus insulas, quas Orcadas 
uocant, inuenit domuitque.' The Orkneys were constantly a 
rendezvous and basis for attacks on Britain from the north. Hence 
the need for reducing them. Nennius represents the Picts as thus 
using them : ' Picti uenerunt, et occupauerunt insulas, quae uocantur 
Orcades, et postea ex insulis uastauerunt regiones multas,' § 12. 
Claudian, in a line already quoted, represents the Saxons as defeated 
there : 

* maduerunt Saxone fuso 
Aedan mac Gabrain (c. 34), King of the Scots of Dalriada, attacked 


The Ecclesiastical History, 

[Bk. I. 

them in 579; Brude, King of the Picts, in 681. Ann. Ult. In the 
ninth centuiy they played an important part in the Seandinavian 
inroads and became the seat of a Scandinavian power. Cf. Adam 
of Bremen : ' Orchades insulae, quas barbari uocant Organas/ Pertz, 
vii. 384. 
Vespasian. Uespasianus] ^ quod initium uenturae mox fortunae fuit ; do- 
mitae gentes, capti reges, et monstratus fatis Vespasianus,' Tac. 
Agr. c. 13. ' Duas ualidissimas gentes, superque xx oppida et 
insulam Uectem Britanniae proximam in ditionem redegit,' Suet. 
Vesp. c. 4; M. H. B. pp. xliii, 1. 
Uectam] On Wight, cf. iv. 13, 16. 


of King 


P. 16. Anno, «&c.] Orosius gives a. u. c. 811 as the date of Marcus 
Antoninus (better known as Marcus Aurelius). This would be 
A.D. 158. The real date is a.d. i6r. Lucius Verus (here called 
Aurelius Commodus) died in 169. Eleutherus did not succeed till 
171 at the earliest, possibly not till 177. The alleged event cannot 
therefore strictly have taken place * horum temporibus.' Bede, in 
his Chronicon, places it under the year 180, Opp. Min. pp. 173, 
174 ; the Saxon Chron. under 167. 

Lucius] The earliest authority for this story is the recension of 
the Liber Pontificalis known as the ' Catalogus Felicianus,' attri- 
buted to the year 530. Thence Bede probably got it, either through 
his friend Nothelm, or through his brother monks who visited Rome 
in 701 (Opp. vi. 242, Introduction, p.xvii ; Liber Pont. ed. Duchesne, 
I. ccxxii f.), or in 716, Haa. §§ 37, 38. Gildas knows nothing 
of it. It may safely be pronounced fabulous. Liber Pont. u. s. 
I. cii ; H. & S. i. 25, 26. Cf. Wharton, Ang. Sac. i. 180 : ' nobis 
tanti non sunt fabulae utcumque splendidae, ut earum gratia in 
Cimmeriis tenebris luctemur.' Nennius, § 22, makes the Pope 
' Eucharistus,' an obviously fictitious name. The fable was largely 
developed in later times ; W. M. makes Eleutherus' missionaries 
found a church at Glastonbury, i. 23, 24 ; while Rudborne makes 
Lucius endow the bishop and monks of Winchester with various 
lands, &c. ; Ang. Sac. i. 182, cf. N. & K. pp. 183, 208 ; D. C. B. 
article ' Eleutherus ' ; Bright, pp. 3-5, who is inclined to think 
that the tale may have some foundation ; so Lappenberg, i. 46, 47 ; 
E. T. i. 48, 49 ; Werner, pp. 208-210. In v. 24, p. 352, Bede gives 
the length of Eleutherus' reign as fifteon years. 

Diocletiani] ' J)£es yfelan Caseres,' Hhe bad emperor,' adds AS. 

Chap. 5.] Notes. 15 


Anno, &c.] Orosius gives a.u. c. 944 as tho dato of Severus's 
accossion ( = a.d. 191). The real clate is 193. 

non muro, \\t quidam] I do not know to whom Bede is alluding Roman 
here. Of the authors cited in M. H. B. Eutropius, p. Ixxii", Orosius, ^'^1^^/" 
p, Ixxix'', Eusebius's Lat. Chron. p. Ixxxi'', Cassiodorus, p. Ixxxii'', 
all use uallum. Aelianus Spartianus once uses murus, in another 
passage he speaks of ' murus aut uallum,' p. Ixv^ In the text of 
Sextus Aurelius Victor the word is nmnis, p. lxxi% but in the 
epitome it is uallum, p. Ixxi''. The explanation of the difference 
between a udlhim and a ' murus ' is Bede's own. The AS. vers. 
merely says ' mid dice 7 mid eorSwalle,' 'with a ditch and earth- 
wall.' On the Roman fortifications in Britain I have received the 
following interesting note from Mr. Haverfield, of Christ Cliurch. 
I print it here as a valuable contribution by one who lias niade an 
independent study of the original authorities, which I cannot 
pretend to have done. 

' The northern frontier of Roman Britain was defended by two 
fortified lines, one joining the Solway and the Tyne, the other 
the Clyde and the Firth of Forth. The southern line consists 
of two parts. The most striking part is a stone wall, with a ditch, 
large and small forts, and a connecting road, which is plainly 
meant to repel northern attack and stretches for a distance of 
about 85 miles from Bowness-on-Solway to Wallsend-on-Tyne. 
South of this, and separated from it by an interval which varies from 
30 to 1300 yards, is the so-called Vallum, an earthwork comprising 
a ditch and three ramparts of upcast earth. It appears to have no 
military object, but runs parallel to the Wall for its whole length 
with the exception of five or six miles at each extremity. The 
origin of the Wall is known. The Life of Hadrian, attributed to 
Spartianus, says that Hadrian built a wall for 80,000 paces to divide 
Romans and barbarians (c. 11, 2\ and the inscriptions of tlie Wall 
show that it, with its forts, dates mainly, if not wholl}^, from 
Hadrian's reign (Proceedings of the London Society of Antiquaries, 
xiv. (1892) 44-55). The origin and object of the Vallum are dis- 
puted, and our evidence is purely apriori. Presumahly it was either 
built in connexion with the Wall (Mommsen, Westdeutsche Zeit- 
schrift, xiii. 134) or formed an earlier frontier, afterwards superseded 
by a fortified wall. The lines between the Clyde and the Forth are 
simpler. They consist of an earthen rampart built of regularly laid 
sods, with a foss, Lnrge forts, and a connecting road, the whole being 

16 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. i. 

about 35 miles in length. The origin of the work is known ; the 
life of Pius attributed to Capitolinus (c. 5, 4) and the inscriptions 
agree in referring it to Pius. It was apparently intended not to 
supersede Hadrian's Wall, but to act as a breakwater and relieve 
the pressure upon it, Its subsequent history is unknown ; no 
inscription or liistorical reference occurs except in relation to its 
building, and it is a fair inference that it was speedily abandoned. 
The wall of Hadrian, on the other hand, was certainly held till the 
middle of the fourth century ; in the first half of the third century 
the Komans also held several fortresses to the north of it. 

' So far we have a consistent, intelligible, and well-supported 
account of the Roman frontier lines. Unfortunately the harmony 
is disturbed by certain historians who credit Septimius Severus 
with the erection of a wall from sea to sea. According to Eutropius, 
who wrote about a.d. 370, he built a vallum across Britain for 
a length of 132 miles, or, as some MSS. read, of 32 miles (viii. 19), 
and the statement is repeated almost verbally by Aurelius Victor 
(Epit. 20), Jerome (Chron. a. Abr. 2221), Orosius (vii. 17), Cassio- 
dorus (Chron. a. 207), the author of the Historia Brittonum, usually 
called Nennius (c. 23, Mommsen, p. 165 \ and Bede (Chron.). An 
almost identical statement, with omission of the walFs length, 
appears in the life of Severus ascribed to Sj)artianus (c. 18), the 
Caesares of Victor (20, 18;, and Bede's history (i. 5». These accounts 
havebeen referred by English antiquaries to a building or rebuilding 
of the southern wall, by Mommsen to a reconstruction of the Wall 
of Pius, but both explanations are open to serious objections. The 
inscriptions of Hadrian's Wall indicate that Severus was not active 
in this region, while the very existence of the other wall in the 
reign of that emperor is unproven, and perhaps improbable. So far 
as we can judge from the epitome of Xiphilinus, the narrative of 
Cassius Dio contained no reference to any wall erected by Severus, 
though it did mention some earlier fortification (76, 12). It seems 
possible that the fourth-century story which begins with Eutropius 
and the life of Severus — the date of which is uncertain — may be 
wholly false ; it may be a mistaken inference from some passage in 
Dio where Hadrian's wall was mentioned. If the story be true, 
we must say that, at present, we have not sufficient knowledge to 
reconcile it with our other and better attested evidence as to the 
history of the frontier lines. 

'Bede's own references to the walls (i. 5 ; i. 12) in the historia are 
based partly on Orosius and Gildas, partly on local knowledge, and 
testify to an effort to explain the difficulties relating to the origin 
of the works, as he saw them and read about them. He supposes 

Chap. 7.] Notes. 17 

tliat Sevorus built tho oarthwork of tho lincs betwcon Tyne nnd 
Solway, and thus interprets the text of Orosius. He thon borrows 
from Gildas references to walls built after 400 a.d. and supposes 
that the Roman aid sent to Britain was directly or indirectly 
responsiblo for the stone wall which we now believe to be Hadrian's, 
and for tho earthen wall of Pius. His views are intcrcsting as the 
earliest conjecturcs on the subjcct, but they are plainly conjecturcs.' 
Cf. C. J. Bates, History of Northumberland, chs. i, 2. 

p. 17. Eboracum] On Roman York, cf. H. Y. I. xi ff. Alcuin, York. 
De Sanctis Ebor. vv. 19, 20, says of it : 

' Hanc Romana manus muris et turribus altam 
Fundauit primo.' 

Geta hostis puplicus] Inscriptions exist from which the name of 
Geta has been erased. Scarth, u. s. pp. 245, 246 ; Bates, u. s. p. 33. 


Anno, &c.] Orosius gives a.u.c. 1041 ( = a.d. 288) as the date of 
Diocletian's accession. The real date is 284. Cf. with this chapter 
Bede's Chron. Opp. Min. pp. 179, 180. 

socium . . . imperii] ' gesealde him west dsel middan eardes,' Eoman 

'gave him the western part of the world.' AS. vers. ; which then Britain 

omits from ' quorum tempore ' down to ' iussus occidi ' ; thus making r^^iT^ig^to 

' purpuram sumpsit,' &c. refer to Maximianus instead of to Ca- the with- 

rausius. For a sketch of the Roman occupation of Britain from drawal of 

tne legions. 
the revolt of Carausius to the final withdrawal of the legions 

V. S. C. S. i. 91-113 ; cf. especially the table of events in parallel 

columns on p. 113 derived (a) from Greek and Roman authors ; 

(6) from Gildas (who is largely embodied by Bede). This sketch 

covers cc. 6, 8-9, 11-14 of Bede's narrative. 


It is tolerably certain that this chapter of Bede is based on some Lives of 
earlier acts of St. Alban, but so far these have not been discovered. ^t. Alban. 
Various lives of St. Alban are catalogued by Hardy, Cat. i. 3-34, 
but they are all later than Bede. Many of these lives aro mixed 
up with the acts and miracles of St. Amphibalus, the cleric who 
converted St. Alban. This name first occurs in Geoffrey of Mon- 
mouth, V. 5. Cf. Hardy, n. s. p. 5 ; Ang. Sac. i. 183-185, and is 
probably created out of St. Albau's ' amphibalus' or cloak, Bright, 
p. 6 ; Rs. Ad. p. 114 ; Hardy, u.s. It is curious how many of the 
lives call Alban ' Protomartyr Anglorum,' ib. 6-12, 14-16, 27, 30 ; 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

tian's per- 



cf. pp. 24, 25 ; so Misc. Biogr. S. S. pp. 15, 24. One writer, Hardy, 
p. 22, says : ' confidenter dico nostrum [Albanum], calumnias 
( = claims) Britonum non formidans.' Elmham, on the other hand, 
says very justly : * quod autem sanctus Albanus protomartyr 
Anglorum notatur . . . hoc omnino dici oportet . . . per anticipa- 
tionem, quia necdum Angli in Britanniam uenerant,' p. 182. (By 
the same sort of ' anticipation ' Vortigern is called ' Dux Anglorum ' 
in some curious verses printed in Muratori, SS. RK. II. vii. 469 &.). 
About 983-991, the Empress Theophanu translated the body of 
a certain martyr, Albinus, to St. Pantaleon's in Cologne. As 
nothing was known of this saint, the acts of the British St, Alban 
were transferred to him, Pei-tz, xv. 686 ff. Hence the heading of 
one of the lives : ' Albani, quem in Germania et Gallia Albinum 
uocant, passio,' &c. Hardy, p. 30. And MS. N here spells the 
name Albinus, at least four times, v. critical notes. Some of the 
lives belong to a certain St. Alban of Mainz in the ninth century, 
ib. 31, 32. We may hope that the following hagiological Oedipus is 
not ' noster Albanus ' ; ' Vita . . . Sancti Albani ; qui natus fuit ex 
patre et filia, postea accepit matrem in uxorem, post haec occidit 
patrem et matrem, demum sanctus,' ib. 33 ; cf. pp. 31, 32. This 
may actually be a transference of the Oedipus myth, cf. Introduc- 
tion, § 16. ^lfric's homily on St. Alban is wholly taken from Bede, 
Lives of Saints, pp. 414 ff. 

p. 18. Siquidem in ea] H. & S. i. 6 deny that the persecution 
of Diocletian extended to Britain, and show that the earliest trace 
of the story of St. Alban is c. 429 ; while for Aaron and Julius 
{infr. p. 22), the evidence is still more doubtful. Cf. ib. 35 ; D. C. B. 
i. 69. 

Fortunatus] Carm. VIII. iii. 155, 156. 

' Egregium Albanum fecunda Britannia profert, 
Massilia Victor martyr ab urbe uenit.' 
Fortunatus was ' the last representative of Latin poetry in Gaul.' 
D. C. B. He was born c. 530 at Ceneda, and died bishop of Poitiers 
at the beginning of the seventh century. Bede quotes him ; Opp. vi. 
39, 45, 61, 67-69 ; xii. 348 ; cf. Manitius, Aldhelm, und Baeda, p. 92. 

perfidorum principum] ' Perfidus,' 'perfidia' are constantly 
used in Bede and other ecclesiastical writers in the sense of 
* heathen,' ' heathenism,' ' unbelieving,* 'unbelief,' as opposed to 
' fides,' ' fidelis,' which mean ' belief,' and ' believing ' or ' believer.* 
So ii. 5 of Eadbald ; iii. i of Osric and Eanfrid ; iii. 7 ad fin. of 
Cenwalh ; iii. 24 of Penda ; iii. 30 ad fin. of the relapse of the East 
Saxons into Paganism ; v. 23 of the Saracens, pp. 90, 128, 141, 
177, 179, 200, 349. Bede applies the term also to various forms of 

Cmap. 7.] Xotes. 10 

lieresy. Thus in ii. 2, p. 84, it is applied to tho Britons bocause of 
their pasclial and othcr horesies ; in i. 8 to Arianism ; in i. 10, 17 
ad fin. to Pehigianism ; in v. 21, p. 344, to simony. It is often 
xised in this sense of tho Jews ; thus in tho great passago of 
Jerome on tlie ruin of Jerusalem and the Jews, Comm. in Zoph. 
i. 15 ; Opp. vi. 692, ed. Vallarsi : ' usque ad praesentem diem 
perfidi coloni . . . prohibentur ingredi lerusalem.' So too 
in the Roman Liturgy for Good Friday : ' Orcmus et pro per- 
fidis ludaeis.' It is extraordinary that a man of Dr. Dollingers 
vast learning should misinterpret this as implying that they were 
regarded as 'deserving neither of truth nor trust.' Akadem. 
Vortriige i. 216 ; E. T. p. 217 ; cf. Pseudo-Ign. ad Philad. c. 6, 
6 roiovTOS Tipvr)Tai rr]v mariv ovx ^rrov rcbv xptcrrocpuvcov 'lovdaiojv. 
principis] ' eaklormannes/ ' alderman,' AS. vers. 
milites] * jiegnas,' ' thanes,' AS. vers. 

caracalla] 'Vestis clericorum talaris.' Ducange, ' munuc-gegyre- 
hm,' ' monk's habit,' AS. vers. 

p. 19. cuius familiae . . . es?] ' hTv^lcere maeg?5e eart J)U?' 
^lfric, K.s. p. 416, ' hwylces hiredes 7 h^vylces cynnes,' AS. vers. 

p. 20. ad flumen . . . diuidebatur] This passage seems corrupt ; 
but there is no variation in the MSS. It would mend matters 
slightly to read, ' quo murus ab harena.* The AS. vers. has : 'to 
swiSstremre ea, seo flowe(5 neah Saere ceastre wealle,' ' to a swift 
river which floweth near the city walh' 

ad obsequium . . . sine obsequio] ' to ])enunge . . . butan ' Obse- ^ 
Senunge,' AS. vers. The word 'obsequium' has here a concrete 
meaning, ' escort,' Hrain.' ' Obsequium, famulorum et amicorum 
comitatus, pompa,' Ducange. Cf. ' perlatus obsequentum manibus 
episcopus,' ii. 7, p. 94. So : * regum non est esse sine comitum 
obsequio,' Opp. x. 270 ; * uidebat [Lazarus] procedentem diuitem 
obsequentibus cuneis fulciri,' xi. 232. Cf. the use of 'ministerium ' 
in iii. 14, p. 156, note. 

ut . . . transire uix posset] J^llfric states this as a fact, ii.s. 
p. 418. 

sine obsequio] iElfric laysstress on the fact that hewasdinner- 
less : * ungereordod S8et,'r(.s., p. 420. 

uidit undam . . . uestigiis] See next note. 

p. 21. in huius ergo . . . reuersus est ad naturam] It is evident Emenaa- 
that in this passage, which has to do with the second miracle 
worked V)y St. Alban, viz. the producing of a spring on the summit 
of the hill, some phrases have been incorporated which rcally 
belong to the previous miracle, the arresting of the river ; viz. 
* incluso meatu,' * ut omnes . . . detulisse,' * qui uidelicet . . . ad 
naturam.' We might remove these, and insert them in the former 

C 2 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

passage thus : ' uidit undam, incluso meatu, suis . . . uestigiis ; ut 
omnes . . . detulisse. Qui uidelicet . . . ad naturam. Quod cum,' 
&c. Both passages will then gain very much in clearness. 

intulit manus] ' 7 his heafod of asloh,' ' and smote off his head,' 
adds AS. vers. 

gaudere . . . non est permissus] Cf. Bede on Prov. xxi. 18 : ' pro 
iusto datur impius, cum pro martyre persecutor, qui eum morti 
dedit, punitur,' Opp. ix. 134. 

die X. Kal. lul.] June 22. So Bede, Mart. Opp. iv. 83, 84. Note 
that Bede does not attempt to fix the year. 

Uerolamium] Cf. Scarth, u. s. pp. 26, 28. 

Ueeelingaceestir] This name was no doubt given to the town 
from its position on the ' Watling Street,' which runs from London 
to Wroxeter. The name ' Wsetlinga ceaster ' occurs in a charter of 
Etheh'ed's of the year 996, in which also St. Alban figures as 'proto- 
martyr Anglorum,' K. C. D. No. 696 ; Guest, Orig. Celt. ii. 235. 

ecclesia] On the alleged foundation of the monastery of St. Alban's 
by Offa, V. H. & S. iii. 469, 470 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 27 ; W. M. i. 85 ; 
K. W. i. 252 ff. 

Legionum urbis] Caerleon-on-Usk. The story of Aaron and 
Julius must be considered extremely doubtful ; v. H. & S. i. 6 ; cf. 
Bede's Chron. Opp. Min. p. 180. 




P. 22. renouant ecclesias] Eudborne places here the second 
building of the Cliurch of Winchester ; the first having been under 
Lucius. Ang. Sac. i. 185 ; cf. on c. 4, sup. 

Arrianae uesaniae] ' It is evident . . . that Gildas and Bede 
following him have greatly exaggerated the influence of Arianism 
in Britain/ Bright, pp, 11-13 ; cf. H. & S. i. 8. Bede sees the progress 
of Arianism foreshadowed in the pale horse of Eev. vi. 7 : ' Ecco 
Arrii uesania de Alexandria nascens, ad Gallicum usque peruenit 
oceanum, non fame tantum uerbi Dei, sed et gUidio corporali 
bestialiter pios insequens,' Opp. xii. 363. The passage ' quae cor- 
rupto . . . infudit ' is omitted by the AS. vers. 

noui semper aliquid] This seems to hint at the existence of 
various heresies in Britain. 

uir summae mansuetudinis] diooKOfievojv yap tujv dva Tr]v dWrjv 
OiKOVixivrjV e/CK\7]aiu)v, fxuvos KwvcrTavTios u KojvaTavTivov vaTT)p dSecDs 
6prjGK(v€iv ovvfxwprjGi Tois XpiaTiavois. Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. i. 6, in 
H. & S. i. 4. 

in Brittania . . . obiit] At York in 306 a. d. ; cf. Opp. Min. p. 180. 

Chap. lo.] Nutet'. 21 

Constantinum filium] ' J'tim gotlaii casero,' * tho goocl cmjtoror,' Constan- 
insorts AS. vors. This is Constantine the Great. Great^'^ 

in Brittania creatus imperator] The AS. translator misundor- 
standinghoro and elsewhorotho word 'creatus,' makesConstantine 
horn in Britain : ' on Breotone acenned.' He was really born at 
Nissa in Upper Moesia, Chiflflet, by an analogous error, reads ' pro- 

in Nicena synodo] a. r>. 325. 

sed et insularum] ' eac swylce on J)is ealond,' ' likowise in this 
island,' A8. vers. 


P. 23. This chaptor is not in the AS. vers. ; but the heading is 
in the capitula, where 'creatus' is again mistrnnslated 'acenned,' 
' born.' The Sax. Chron. ad ann. 381 has the same mistake. 

Anno, &c.] Orosius gives a. u. c. i 132 ( ^ a. d. 379) as the date of 
tho death of Valens. The real date is 378. 

Maximus] Cf. Opp. Min. p. 184 ; Rhys, C. B. p. 104 ; and on the Maximus. 
legends which have gathered round his name, see the article in 

uir . . . probus] Gildas, as Smith remarks, gives him a very 
different character, § 13. 


This chapter is not in the AS. vers. ; though the heading is in 
the ca^jitula. 

Anno . . . CCCXCIIII] The true year is 395. 

Pelagius Bretto] On Pelagius and Pelagianism, and the efforts Pelagius. 
of Augustine against tliem, see Dr. Ince's article on Pehigius in 
D. C. B. ; Mihnan, Lat. Christ., Bk. ii. c. 2. On Bede s own attitude 
towards Pehigianism, cf. Introduction, pp. Ixii f. 

p. 24. luliano de Campania] This is the person against whom .Tulianus, 
the first or introductory book of Bede's Commentary on the Song of !l'®, "^ *^^ 
Songs is directed. Opp. ix. 186 ff. ; cf. ib. 310, x. 140, xii. 292. He 
was bishop of Echmum near Beneventum, and was one of eighteen 
Italian bishops deposed by Pope Zosimus in 418, for refusing to 
sign the circular letter in which the Pope condemned the doctrines 
of Pelagius. He himself wrote on the Song of Songs, wliich is the 
reason why Bede thinks it nocessary to refute him : ' ne per copiam 
eloquentiae blandientis, [lector] in foueam incidat doctrinae no- 
centis . . . Est enim . . . rhetor peritissimus,' ix. 186. Besides his 
writings on the Song of Songs, Bede mentions among his works 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

Prosper of 


a ' Libellus de Amore/ ' De Bono Constantiae/ ' Dialogus Attici et 
Critobuli/ ib. i86, 194, 195. He also ascribes to him 'Liber ad 
Demetriadem de Institutione Virginis/ which however, in spite of 
Bede's vehement denial, seems really to be by Jerome ; ib. 195-197. 
Bede (ib. 186) calls him ' lulianus Celanensis episcopus de Cam- 
pania ' ; where ' Celanensis ' is a mistake for ' Eclanensis.' Julian 
was a man of high chai-acter, learned and pious ; superior in 
temper and judgement to many of his opponents. He occupied an 
intermediate position between Augustine and Pelagius, and is 
regarded by Milman as the founder of Semi-Pelagianism. He died 
c. 454, the teacher of a school in a small town in Sicily. v. In ce 
and Milman, u. s., and article Julianus, D. C. B. 

uersibus heroicis] See v. 8, p. 295, note. 

Prosper rethor] Commonly called Prosper of Aquitaine ; born 
c. 403, and died after 463. He was a strong partisan of Augustine 
against the Pelagians. Besides shorter poems like the one in the 
text, he wrote a long poem against them entitled ' De Ingratis/ 
meaning by ingrati 'opponents of the grace of God.' He is best 
known as the author of the longer chronicle which bears the name 
of Prosper, from which some of the statements in the text are 
taken ; ed. 171 1, col. 740, 747. The shorter chronicle which 
bears the name of Prosper Tiro, is probably by a different hand. 
V. D. C. B., s. V. Prosper. Bede cites the Epigrammata of Prosper 
in his de Arte Metrica, Opp. vi. 46-48, 56, 60, 62-66, 75. Cf. 
Manitius, Aldhelm, und Baeda, pp. 83, 89, 97. 

aequorei . . . Britanni] Mr. Stevenson, a. ?,, ingeniously suggests 
that this is an allusion to the name of Pelagius ; ' aequoreus ' = 
' TreAd^tos.' 


This chapter is in the AS. vers., but very much abbreviated. 
In the heading ' creati ' is again mistranslated ' acende,' ' born.' 

Anno . . . CCCCVII] The date is correct. 

minoris] So the MSS., but the reading required is 'minore.' 
Honorius was the second son of Theodosius I. O9 reads ' maioris,' 
a less probable correction. 

ante biennium] The first siege of Kome was in 408, the second 
in 409 ; the third siege and capture in 410. Bede probably refers 
to the first ; dating it, as he does the tliird, a year too late. 
ImpoUcy of in Gallias transiit] Mr. Skene (S. C. i. 104) has remarked that 
ar u lu , j^^^ these local emperors, Carausius, &c., been content to maintain 
themselves in Britain, they might not impossibly have been 
successful, and the subsequent history of the island might have 

Chap. 12.] Notes. 23 

been very differcnt. But their attempts to seizo the whole of tho 
wosteru part of the Empire not only led to their own failure, but 
stripped Britain of troops, and left it open to the attacks of the 
barbarians. Cf. c. 12, ad init. 

p. 25. Gerontius] He was a Briton, one of Constantine's ablest Gerontius. 
generals ; but turned against him, inviting the Germans to invade 
Gaul and Britain ; thus ijhiying in real history the part which 
legend assigns to Vortigern. The name, in the form Geraint, is 
known to all readers of Tennyson. See Khys, C. B. pix 96, 97, 

anno . . . CLXIIII] The real date is a. u. c. 1163 = ^. d. 410. 
On this event, cf. Milman, u. s., Book ii. c. i. 

habitabant] The AS. vers. entirely perverts the meaning by 
transh\ting *eardaedon Bryttas,' 'Britons dwelt,' &c. 

farus] Originally ' light-house,' from the famous one on the ' Farus.' 
ishind of Pharos. Here it i^erhaps means ' watch-towers ' (' torras,' 
'towers,' AS. vers.). Cf. Chron. Watinense, in Pertz, xiv. 164: 
' Pharus altissima, quae domus olim specuhitoria in hiberna Ko- 
manorum dicebatur, Bononiae muro contigua, . . . Britanniam 
Deirorum insulam prospectans.' There are, however, remains of 
Koman lighthouses in Britain. Cf. Scarth, u.s., pp. 156, 213. 

usque hodie testantur] ' ]ja we to daeg sceawian magon,' ' which 
we may see to this day,' AS. vers. 


Exin Brittania] Cf. Opp. Min. p. 184. 

tyrannorum] Gildas says ' tyranni ' in the singular, meaning 
Maximus. But Bede is quite justified in generalising the remark. 

transmarinas . . . dicimus, &c.] This is Bede's own gloss on the Bede's gloss 
words of Gildas, and it seems a very forced one, It is true that ^^ Crildas. 
according to the tradition probably followed by Bede the settle- 
ment of the Dalriadic Scots in Alba had already taken place (see on 
c. i), and therefore he is not inconsistent in making the iiivading 
Scotti come from thence. But Gildas in using the term meant not 
only to imply that the invading Scotti came from Ireland, but also 
that the Picts now {i.e. after the death of Maximus, v. s.) first 
settled in Britain from beyond sea. Bede, as we have seen (c. i, 
note), brings the Picts from Scythia to Britain ; but he makes no 
attempt to fix the date of their settlement. In c. 14, p. 29, he 
uuconsciously slips into the other view both as to the Scots and 
Picts ; for, following what is the reading of some MSS. of Gildas, 
he calls the former ' grassatores Hiberni,' and ' Hibernus ' is never 


Tlie Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 



used of the Scots in Britain ; while of the Picts, also following 
Gildas, he says : ' Picti in extrema parte insulae tunc primum et 
deinceps quieuerunt.' If the Dalfiadic settlement had taken place 
at this time, its members may have co-operated with their kinsmen 
from Ireland in attacking the Britons. Nennius says : ' Scotti ab 
occidente, et Picti ab aquilone unanimiter pugnabant contra 
Brittones, nam et ipsi pacem inter se habebant,' § 23. Cf. Ethel- 
werd, M. H. B. p. 501. 

urbem Giudi] Commonly said to be Inchkeith in the Forth. 
That Giudi was an important name in that region is proved by 
a passage in the Book of Lecan given by Reeves, Culdees, p. 124, in 
which the Forth is called * muir n-Giudan/ ' the sea of Giude/ 
Cf. Rhys, C. B. p. 151. Professor Rhys hesitates as to the common 
identification of Bede's Giudi with Nennius' ludeu ; ib. and Rhind 
Lectures, pp. 99-102. See iii. 24, notes. 

p. 26. Alcluith . . . petram Cluith] From Celtic ' ail,' a rock. 
In the Wiirzburg MS. f. 1 1", the ' spiritalis petra ' of i Cor. x. 4 is 

'fort of the (Strathclyde) Britons.' 
Dale of the legatos . . . mittentes] From the fact that Bede in his 





Opp. vi. 316, 317 ; Opp. Min. pp. 186, 187 {q. v.) places the two em- 
bassies of the Britons between the discovery of St. Stephen's relics 
and the death of Jerome, Smith, on that passage, p. 26, argues that 
they must fall between those two events, i. e. 415 and 420. But 
this is a rather hazardous argument. 

inter duo freta] i. e. the line of the northern wall. See on c. i. 

Aebbercurnig] Abercorn on the Forth. It was in this monas- 
tery that Bishop Trumwine had his see. v. iv. 12, 26 ; pp. 
229, 267. 

Peanfahel] Professor Rhys sees in this word evidence of a Bry- 
thonic language affected by Pictish influence. It is clearly not 
pure Pictish. Rhind Lectures, p. 82 ; C. B. pp. 152, 153, 197. 

p. 27. tempore autumni] Gildas has : ' casibus foliorum tempore 
certo assimulandam . . . peragunt stragem,' a metaphor which Bede 
has understood as a fact. So Moberly on Bede, and Stevenson 
on Gildas. 

inter urbes] i. e. the line of the southern wall. 

usque hodie . . . clarum est] * 0one man nu to daeg sceawian 
mocg,' ' which may still be seen at the present day,' AS. vers. 

reuersuri] * 7 hi sigefseste ofer sae ferdon,' ' and they victoriously 
fared over sea,' adds AS. vers. 

p. 28. a feris] 'from wulfum 7 wildeorum,' ' by wolves and 
wild beasts,' AS. vers. 

Chap. 13.] Notes. 25 


ab Aetio consule] 'fram Ettio ])am cyningo,' 'from Klng Ettius,' 
AS. vers. Cf^ "svith this clmpter Opp. Min. pp. 187, 188. 

Anno . . . ccccxxiii] Tliis is right for tho cleatli of Honorius. 

Palladius . , . episcopus] This notice of Palhidius is taken from Palladius 
the chronicle of Prosper of Aquitaine, ann. 431, v. s. i. 10 note. ^^ . 
It is to be noted that the Irish to wliom Palladius is sent are already 
Christians : ' in Christum credentes.' This at once cuts the ground 
from under all later developments of the story of PaUadius, which 
represent hira as an unsuccessful forerunner of St. Patrick in the 
work of christianising Ireland. The way for this idea was perhaps 
prepared by a very rhetorical passage of Prosper, Contra Collatorem, 
c. 21, in which he says of Celestine : 'ordinato Scotis episcopo . . . 
fecit . . . barbaram [insulamj Christianam.' In the so-called 
collections of Tirechan in the Book of Armagh, which profess to 
rest on seventh century evidence, but which Zimmer, Kelt. Beitr. 
iii. 77, 78, has shown to be not earlier than the first half of the 
ninth century, it is said : ' a Celestino . . . papa . . . Patricius 
episcopus ad doctrinam Scottorum mittitur. . . . Paladius episcopus 
primo mittitur, qui Patricius alio nomine appelabatur, qui marty- 
rium passus est apud Scottos, ut tradunt sancti antiqui. Deinde 
Patricius secundus . . . mittitur, cui Hibernia tota credidit, qui 
eam pene totam babtizauit,' Stokes, Vita Tripartita, p. 332. The 
notes of Muirchu Maccu-Machtheni, also in the Book of Armagh, 
of which the real and pretended dates are about the snme as in tlie 
case of Tirechan, represent Palhidius as sent to convert Ireland, but 
failing even to land he returns Romewards, and dies ' in Britonum 
finibus,' ib. 272. Nennius, §§ 50, 51, gives much the same account, 
hut makes him die ' in terra Pictorum.' The annals of Ulster place 
the mission of Palladius correctly in 431, and they place that of 
Patrick in 432. If Patrick, as Tirechan and Nennius represent, 
was sent by Pope Celestine, his mission cannot be later than 432, 
as Celestine died in that year. But if Prosper and Bede knew of 
the unsuccessful mission of Palladius, is it conceivable that they 
should have been unaware, or, if aware, should have made no 
mention of the triumphant mission of Patrick ? On the whole 
I am inclined to agree with those who, beginning with Ledwich, 
Antiquities of Ireland (1790), cited Vita Trip. p. cxiv, have doubted 
the very existence of St. Patrick. It is true that Patrick is men- 
tioned in the so-called Martyrology of Bede at March 17. But this 
Martyrology has been so largely interpolated by later writers, that it 
is unsafe to argue from it. He is mentioned in the second preface 

26 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. i. 

to Adamnan's Life of St. Columba ; and earlier still in Cummian's 
letter on the Easter question. But even this is two hundred years 
later than his supposed mission. It is possible that the statement 
of Tirechan, ' Pahidius . . . qui Patricius alio nomine appelabatur/ 
may ultimatcly rest on some confused reminiscence of the present 
chapter of Bede, and that the words ' qui et patricius fuit/ which 
belong to Aetius, have got attached to Palladius, and this may be 
the starting-point of later developments. Saints have been created 
out of less. We have seen the origin of St. Amphibalus from St. 
Alban's cloak (c. 7) ; and a St. Pontiolus has been evolved from 
a false reading of -novTioXo) for ttotioXwv ( = Puteoli) in the Antio- 
chene Acts of St. Ignatius ; Ltf. App. Ff. 11. ii. 488. It is worthy of 
note that the earlier MSS. of the Sax. Chron. A.B. C. (D. is defective) 
have the right version : ' Here PallacUus . . . was sent to the Irish 
by Pope Celestine to confirm theii- faith ' ; i. e. they were already 
Christian ; whereas E. has : ' Here Patricius was sent by Pope 
Celestine to preach baptism to the Irish' ; i.e. they were heathen. 
Ethelwerd (M. H. B. p. 503) is midway between the two ; retaining 
Palladius, but representing him as * Christi nuneians euangelium.' 
Of the origin of Irish Christianity we know absolutely nothing. 
Zimmer, u. s., has shown that the documents in the Book of Armagh 
which have been relied on as the earliest authorities for the history 
of Patrick are forgeries. In later times the ' Scoti ' to whom 
Palladius was sent were taken to be Scots in the modern sense ; 
so N. & K. p. 246. Cf. : ' 433. Haly Palladius prechit ye fayth to 
Scoitis men. . . . 434. Sanct Patrice prechit ye faith to Irlandis menn.' 
P. & S. p. 387. Cf. ib. 200, where he is joined with St. Columba 
(whose mission was more than a century and a half later !) in the 
conversion of the Pictish king. 

anno . . . XXIII] The twenty-third year from 423 would be 
446, and this is the date of the third Consulship of Aetius. 

patricius] ' heah ealdorman/ ' high alderman,' AS. vers. 

gessit consulatum] ' wees . . . consul 7 cyning,' ' was consul and 
king,' AS, vers. 
Marcelli- p. 29. Blaedla et Attila] These notices of the invasion of the 

iius Comes. Huns, the famine and pestilence at Constantinople, &c., are taken 
from the chronicle of Marcellinus Comes, which extends from 379 to 
534. From its cessation at 534 it is inferred that Marcellinus died 
soon after, but nothing is known of him. Bede cites Marcellinus 
in his Commentary on St. Mark, Opp. x. 95 ; and in tliat on 
St. James, xii. 184. 

anno . . . proximo] It was i'eally two years previous ; 444 a. d. 

hisdem temporibus] 446 a. d. 

Chap. 15.] Kotes. 27 

plurimi . . . conruerunt] This was owing to an tartliquake, 
447 A. D. 


confidentes . . . auxilium] Gildas, § 20, says : ' secunduni illud 
exenipluni Philonis, " Necesse est adesse diuinum, ubi humanum 
cessat auxilium." ' It is quoted also as from Philo in Eginhard's 
letters, Bouquet, vi. 375. (Eginhard died in 839.) 

reuertuntur . . . quieuerunt] See on c. 12. 

cessante . . . hostili] ' a^fter Jjyssum com god gear,' ' after this 
came a good year,' AS. vers. 

p. 30. grex Domini] Cf. Gildas' rebukes to the British clergy 
in his so-called Epistle, §§66ff. 

initum . . . consilium] ' ))a gesomnedon hi gemot, 7 Jjeahtedon 
7 rajddon,' 'then they assembled a moot, and deliberated and 
advised,' AS. vers. Nennius has a totally different tradition : 
' ueneruut tres ciulae a Germania expulsae in exilio, &c. . . . Guorthi- 
girnus suscepit eos benigne, &c.' § 31. 

Anno . . . CCCCXLVIIII] The true date of Marcian's accession is Date of the 
450. That the following tun& is not to be taken (as is commonly done ^^^galons. 
by historians) as fixing the settlement of the Saxons to the definite 
year 449 or 450 is shown by the chronological summary, v. 24, p. 352, 
where, placing, as here, the beginning of Marcianus' association 
with Valentinianus in the empire in the year 449 (459, Opp. Min. 
pp. 188, 189, q. V.), Bede adds : ^quoruni tempore Angli . . . Brittaniam 
adierunt.' (Marcian died in 457.) So the Sax. Chron. 449 : 'Onheora 
dagum,' 'in their days ' : ' quorum tempore,' Ethelw. M. H. B. p. 503. 
Bede never professes to know the exact year of the first settlement of 
the Saxons. He always uses the word ' circiter ' in reference to it. 
Thus in i. 23, p. 42, and v. 23, adfin. he places it 'about ' 446 ; in ii. 
14, acl init. 'about ' 447 (so S. D. i. 19). Cf. also i. 16. Lappenberg 
thinks that this fluctuation is due to the use of a double source, 
Kentish and Northumbrian, by Bede, i. 74, 120 ; E. T. i. 76, 118 ; so 
Werner, p. 207. But in view of the use of the word ' circiter ' this 
must be regarded as very doubtful. Bede's reason for placing the 
coming of the Saxons 'about' this time, 446 X457, is that copying 
Gildas he makes it follow the mission of the Britons to Aetius in 
the latter's third consulship, 446. M. de la Borderie has shown in 
his monograph on Nennius, pp. 52-65, 79, that if the confused and 
interpohited chronology of that work be rightly interpreted, it is 
in favour of tlie date 449 ; but that work can add nothing to nor 

28 The Ecclesiastical History, [Bk. i. 

detract anything from the authority of Gildas and Bede, whose 
credibility must be judgcd on other grounds. Prosper Tiro places 
the reduction of Britain by the Saxons in 441 : ' Britanniae usque 
ad hoc tempus uariis cladibus . . . laceratae, in ditionem Saxonum 
rediguntur.' Bouquet, i. 639. Where Bede writes independently 
of Gildas he is no doubt embodying the Kentish traditions which 
he would learn from his friends Albinus and Nothehn, (See Notes 
on Bede's Preface and on c. 2 supra.) 

Of the leaders of the invaders Bede says below (p. 31), 'fuisse 
perhibentur . . . Hengist et Horsa.' And though it is going too far 
to say that this phrase implies critical doubts (in the modern sense) 
on the part of Bede, yet it does undoubtedly imply that he gives 
that part of the story as a tradition and nothing more. (Hengist 
is called 'Anschis' by the Kavenna geographer. M. H. B. p. xxiv.) 
It is curious that the words of the Sax. Chron. with reference to 
the first coming of the Danes have been misinterpreted exactly in 
the same way as Bede's words about the Saxons here. See notes 
to the year 787, or the Preface to my smaller edition, p. xii. Of 
course Bede is speaking here of the first settlement of the Saxons. 
He fully recognises the fact of earlier attacks by them (on which 
cf. S. C. S. i. 92, 99, loi, 106, iii). See on cc. i, 6. Sidonius 
Apollinaris ^431-489) gives a vivid picture of the Saxon ravages on 
the coast of Gaul in this century. Ep. viii. 6 (translated in Green, 
M. E. pp. 16-19). Cf- Ethelwerd : 'agilem audierunt esse piratico 
in opere gentem Saxonum in tota maritima a Rheno fluuio usque in 
Doniam urbem, quae nunc uulgo Danmarc nuncupatur.' M. H. B. 
p. 501. The question whether there were earlier Saxon settlements 
in Britain turns largely on the interpretation to be given to the 
phrase ' Comes Limitis {or Littoris) Saxonici.' The majority of 
recent critics, Guest, Stubbs, Freeman, Green (Skene is an excep- 
tion) are in favour of explaining it as the shore exposed to Saxon 
attacks, rather than the shore occupied by Saxon settlers. The 
subject of the Saxon Conquest of Britain cannot be dealt with here. 
I may refer to, without professing wholly to endorse, the papers of 
Dr. Guest republished in Origines Celticae, vol. ii, and the early 
chapters of Mr. Green's Making of England. I confess to doubting 
whether the foundation is strong enough to bear the elaborate 
superstructure which has been reared upon it. Mr. Green indeed 
writes as if he had been present at the landing of the Saxons, and 
had watched every step of their subsequent progress. This cer- 
tainty is very favourable to picturesque writing. I wish I could 
feel equally sure that it was justified by tlie quality of tlie evidence. 
In the Translatio S. Alexandri, Pertz, ii. 674, tliere is a Quriously 

Chap. 15.] Kotes. 29 

invertotl forni of tho logond, according to wliich tho Continontal 
Saxons came from Britain. 

p. 31. segnitia Brettonum] ' Brytwahina nahtscipe/ ' the British 
nnughtnoss 6f the Brit-Welsh.' Sax. Chron. E. This pliraso is resiatance. 
perhaps the basis of tho ordinary viow tliat the Britons were easily 
vanquished by the Saxons, e.g. Lappenberg, i. 63, 64, 103 ; E. T. i. 
66. 100. That the contest really was long and obstinate, see Green, 
M. E. p. 133 ; Scarth, u. s., pp. 224-229. 

Germaniae] 'Terra quae . . . sub septentrionali axe iacet, quia Mediaeval 

tantuni hominum germinat, non iniuria Germania uocatur.' W. M. etymolo- 

i. 8. This, like many mediaeval etymologies, comes from Isidore, 

Origines, xiv. 4. The Clironicon Holzatiae, Pertz, xxi. 276, antici- 

pating the Anglo-Israelite craze, derives the 'lutae* from 'ludei,' 

and the ' Dani ' from the tribe of Dan. But even these feats are 

outdone by Mr. Skene, who derives 'lutae' from 'Teutones.' C. S. 

i. 190. 

lutis, &c.] ' of Geatum,' AS. vers. Elmham in borrowing this The Jutes. 
passage (p. 138) writes throughout ' Wictis,' ' Wictarum ' for ' lutis,' 
&c., perhaps with the idea of bringing it nearer in form to ' Vic- 
tuarii,' ' Vecta'; cf. a citation in Lappenberg, i. loi. 

Uictuarii] ' Wihtsaetan,' 'settlers in Wight.' AS. vers., which 
omits the words 'et ea quae . . . Uectam.' 

lutarum natio] * lutna cynn.' Sax. Chron. E. Fh Wig., speak- 
ing of the doath of William II, says that it occurred ' in prouincia 
lutarum, in Noua Foresta,'i. 276. And again (ii. 44, 45), 'in Noua 
Foresta, quae lingua Anglorum Ytene [i. e. lutena cynn or land] 

Orientales Saxones] See article in D. C. B. ii. 20, 21. 

Angulus] On the mediaeval derivation of 'Anglia' from 'an- 'Angulus' 
gulus,' cf. my notes to Fortesciie, p. 287. F. N. C. i. 348, 772 ; f^^ , 
H. & S. iii. 12, 447. A curious polemical use is made of this deriva- 
tion by a Scottish Chronicler : ' Sed ueritas non quaerit angulos iuxta 
ueritatem euangelii, thirfor thai may nevir be trew that comme fra 
Angulo.' P. & S. p. 385. 

Orientales Angli] See D. C. B. ii. 19-20. 

Humbri fluminis] For the Humber as the boundary between The Hum- 
the Northern and Soutliern English, cf. i. 25, ad init. ; ii. 3, ad init. ; * 
5, ad init. ; 9, ad init. ; 16, ad init. ; v. 23, suh fin. Eddius usos the 
terms ' Ultra-Umbrenses,' ' Citra-Umbrenses,' H. Y. i. 63, 64, 67, 87, 
103. Cf. M. & L. p. 213. In Hist. Abb. § 4, p. 367,Bede uses the term 
' Transhumbrana regio ' of the Northumbrian kingdom. So ' Trans- 
humbrana gens,' iii. 14, p. 155 ; H. & S. iii. 459. 'Hymbronensis' and 
' Umbrensis ' are also used in the sense of Northumbrian. See on 

30 Thc Ecclesiastical Ilistory. [Bk. i. 

iv. 77, p. 239. Tlif! tiirms Northnmbria, Nortliumbrian, are of 
courno common cnough. In the Snx. Chron. we havo uIho * SuSan- 
liymbro,' 'SouthumbrianH.* In 449 this seems to bo UHcd in 
a goncral HcnHO ; in 697, 702, it mf^ans Hpccifically tho M(!rcians ; 
cf. ' Mcrcii qui dicuntur Suthumbri,* R. W. i. 189. (Tho suggoHtion, 
1). C. B. ii. 590, tliat it m<!anH tl»o LindiHliiri, Jian notliing to re- 
comm<!nd it.) S. I). lian jiIho tho torm ' Sutliymbria, ' in a gcneral 
Honso, ii. 189, 267. (Cr. Sutlianglia, ib. 298, 309 ; Sutangli, K. C. D. 
NoH. 80, 83. Cf. NoH. 80, 89 ; r.irch, Noh. 154, 157, 163, 164.) In ono 
WelHh autyiority tb<! niiiMhcris called the Sea of Humbor, ' mor 
Humyr.' V. k, S. p. 121. A mcdiaeval ctymologiHt derives the 
namo from tho IIuuh ! ib. 222. Ansor Hpeaks of York as 'in aqui- 
lonari rijia lIumbn^nsiH fiuminiH nita.' M. H. B. p. 474. In that 
cjiHo th(! namo <!xtondod much furthor than it doos n(m. 
TToatbnn p. 32. do cuius stirpo . . . duxit ] Daniol, Binbop of WiiiclK^Htor, 

{,'ciicalo- j„ ji,[visiiig St. P.onifiic(^ how to arguo witb tbo ]ioatli<!n, sayH, 
among othor thingn: ' noc . . . contraria ein de ipsorum, quamuis 
falHorum doorum gonoalogia aHtruero dcbes.' H. & S. iii. 304 ; Mon. 
Mog. p. 72. Cf. N. & K. p. 217. 
Allianco of inito . . . foedere cum Pictis] Constnntius also, as cited by Bodo, 
c. 20, acl init., reproHonts tho S.ixons as combining with tho Picts. 
Lapponborg n^M^db^ssly <pi(!HtionH tbis Ht;itomont, i. 70; E. T. i. 72. 

p. 33. suspecta . . . mentej 'witli anxious mind.' So c. 32, 
p. 69. 


'Hcrn'an(l hostilis exercitus] ' So hore,' AS. vers., which in tho term 
•^'' • alwiiys us(!d in tlu^ S;ix. Cbron. of the nrmy of tho invading Danes 

as opposcd to tb(! niitiori;il forc(>, tho 'fyrd.' 

domum reuersus est] ' Doinum,' jipparontly rcfcrs to thoir sottlo- 

ment in Thanot ; for what follows sooms inconsistont with tho idea 

that the Saxons quittod Britain even tomporarily at this timo. R.W. 

makes them retire first to Thanet, and then to Germany, i. 15. 

AmbroRiua Ambrosio Aureliano] Cf. Opp. Min. pp. 190, 191. Pidgrave 

Aurobanus. ^^^,^^ i witboui V(!nturing to maintain, tho opinion of Baronius, that 

AmbrosiuH contitnuxl tho logitimato succcssion of tho Empiro of 

tho W(!st.' E. C. p. 397. P(!rhjips a bottor mod<^ of stjiting this vi<iw 

would b<! to Hjiy tliJit h(! wan tho Ijist of thoso so-callod lyrants or 

usurpors, who, from Miiximus <lownwiir<Is, att<'m]>t<Ml to oxcrcise 

Ivomiin authority in P.iitjiin. Cf Ivhys, C. B. ])p. 104, 105, 107. 

Duto of tb(! ad annum . . . Brittaniam] Tiiking 449, not as tho oxiict but 

l.Mithi <.( ^^ jIj^ approximate date nssignod by Bode to tho settlomont of 

(]<>ni( iKs.' tb(! Saxons, wo got 493 as his approximato dato for tho battle of 


Snxons 1111(1 

Chap. 17.] Notes. 31 

tho * Mnns "Bndouions.' Tlio Annalos Cambrino plaoo it in 516. 
Gildas tells ns that the year of that battlo was also tho yoar of liis 
own birth ; §26: * nsqno ad annnm obsossionis Badonici montis, 
qni propo Sabrinnm ostinm liabotnr, . . . qniqno quadragosimus 
qnartus, ut noui, oritnr annus monso iam prinio emcnso, qui iam 
et [?etiam] moao natiuitatis est.' Thore has bcon much contro- 
versy as to which of theso dates, 493 or 516, should bo adopted for 
the battlo, and the birth of Gildas. Tyiere is an article by M. do 
la Bordorie on this quostion in Rev. Celt. vi. 1-13. I agreo with 
him, (i) that the date 493 accords much better than 516 with what 
we know of tlio chronology of Gildas' life ; (ii) that Bedo's authority 
is much liigher tlian that of the Ann. C.amb. ; (iii) that it is un- 
likely that Bode's date is dne to a mere misundorstanding of 
Gildas' words, as has beon commonly asserted from tho timo of 
Ussher onwards. I cannot however agree with him in liis very 
forced explanation of the passage of Gildas, which makes Gildas' 
forty-four years, like Bede's, date from the coming of the Saxons, 
and necessitates the insertion in Gildas of words for which thoro 
is no MS. authority. The present tense, ' oritur,' shows that 
Gildas refers to the time at which he was writing, and ho says 
that it was ' at the end of the first month of the forty-fourth 
year [from the year of that event], which is also the yoar of my 
birth.' fSo I would constrno the passage.) Henco Gihlas wroto 
the 'De Excidio,' c. 537, which is a perfectly possiblo dato. lionco 
if Bede's date is neither due to a misunderstanding of Gildas 
(Ussher\ nor taken from him (de la Borderie), it must be based 
on independent data ; and the occurrence of the same number, 44, 
in both cases is a mere coincidence. Is there any reason why two 
events should not be, one of them forty-four yoars bofore, and the 
other forty-four years after a third event ? Mr. Anscombe (in his 
monograph on St. Gildas of Ruys, pp. 58 ff.) tliinks tliat ho has dis- 
covered internal evidenco that the Epifith of Gildas was compilod 
' within . . . three years . . . from Nov. 22, 498.' If so, it must bo 
by a different author from the De Excidio ; possibly 'by some 
one else of the same name,' 


Chapters 17-22 are not in the text of tho AS. vorsion, thougli LifoofSt. 
the headings aro in the Capitula. Chapters 17-21 are, with tbo (^tjrrnanus 
exception of the beginning of c. 17, taken almost verbatim from gtantius. 
Constantius' Life of St. Germanus, printed by Surius and tho 
Bollandists at July 31. Constantius was a presbyter of Lyons, 

32 The Ecclesiasticcd History. [Bk. i. 

a friend and correspondent of Sidonius Apollinaris, wliom he 
induced to eollect and publish his correspondence, thus doing 
a great service to historical literature. His own life of Germanus 
is addressed to Patiens, Bishop of Lyons (451-491% and Censorius, 
Bishop of Auxerre (472-502), and therefore must have been written 
472x491. The date given in Gallia Christiana, xii. 265 is c. 488. 
The extracts given by Bede are sufificient to show how largely 
the miraculous element enters into Constantius' composition, and 
there are many more miracles which Bede has omitted. On this 
and other lives of St. Germanus, v. Hardy, Cat. i. 47-57. 
Date of the Ante paucos . . . annos] Cf. Opp. Min. p, 189. Here Bede, fol- 
mission of lo^ing Gildas, has brought the history of the contest between the 
Britonsand the Saxonsto the battle of tlie ' Mons Badonicus,' c. 493. 
He now reverts to 'a few years before their [the Saxons] coming'; 
viz. to 429 according to Prosper Aquit., from whose chronicle the 
opening words of this chapter are taken. I cannot therefore see 
on what grounds Dr. Bright (following Smith) says : ' this mission 
is wrongly placed by Bede at a.d. 446 ' (p. 16). The phrase ' ante 
paucos annos ' may well cover a period of twenty years, 429-449. 
(In iv. 18, p. 242, the phrase 'non multo ante' indicates an interval 
of almost thirty years ; cf. c. 21, ad init. note.) Prosper's words are 
as follows : ' Agricola Pelagianus, Seueriani Pelagiani ej^iscopi filius, 
ecclesias Britanniae dogmatis sui insinuatione corrupit. Sed ad 
actionem Palladii diaconi, Papa Caelestinus Germanum Antisio- 
dorensem episcopum uice sua mittit, et, deturbatis haereticis, 
Britannos ad catholicam fidem dirigit.' I have not been able to 
discover anything about Severianus and his son Agricola. PaUadius 
is very likely the same wliose mission to the Irish Prosper relates 
two years later. It will be noted that Prosper represents Germanus 
as sent by the Pope, whereas Constantius follovved by Bede, infra, 
states that he and Lupus were sent by a Gallican Synod at the 
request of the Britons. On the various suggestions which have 
been made with a view to reconciling these statements, see Bright, 
p. 16. Prosper is the earlier authority, and as he was in Kome 
about 431, he had means of knowing ; cf. what he says Contra 
Collatorem, c. 21 (also in M. H. B. p. ci), 

p. 34. sacerdotes] ' bishops,' as often. See note on c. 28. 
Germanus Germanus . . . Lupus . . . episcopi] Germanus, Bishop of 
andLupus. Auxerre, 418-448; Lupus, Bishop of Troyes, 427-479, Four of 
Sidonius Apollinaris' letters are addressed to Lupus (vi. i, 4, 9 ; 
ix, 11). In a letter to Sulpicius (vii. 13) he speaks of Lupus as 
' facile principem pontificum Gallicanorum ' ; while in a letter to 
Prosper, bishop of Orleans, he couples Germanus and Lupus to- 

Chap. 20.] Notes. 33 

getlior as modols of oxcellencc, si^oaking of anothcr prelato as 
'Liipo parom, Germanoque non imparem,' viii. 15. On lives of 
Lupus, V. Hardy, Cat. i. 60, 61. Ilis day is July 29 ; cf. Bede's 
Martyrology at that day : ' Depositio S. Lupi . . . qui cum Germano 
uenit Britanniam, et lii. annos sacerdotio [ = cpiscopate] functus 
est ; qui tempore Attilae, qui Galliam uastabat, sicut in hymno 
eius canitur, 

Dum bella cuncta perderent, 
Orando Trecas muniit.' (Cf. AA. SS., ut infra.) 
Thore are two churches in Ghimorganshire dedicated to Lupus 
undor the Wels^h name of Bleiddian ( = wolf-cub) ; H. & S. i. 21. 
Churches dedicated to St. Germanus are in Wales and Cornwall, 
ib. The abbey of Selby was also dedicated to him, and claimed 
to possess one of his fingers ; Hardy, Cat. ii. 446, 447 ; cf. 
Introduction, p. cxxi. Both Lupus and Germanus were disciples 
of the school of Lerins ; Werner, pp. 25, 26. On Lerins, cf. 
infra, Hab. § 2, p. 365, note. 

inimica uis daemonum] This incident is cited by Adamnan in 
his life of Columba, ii. 34. If, as the ancient life of Lupus states, 
AA. SS. Jul. vii. 69, the two prelates left Gaul 'temporibus 
hibernis,' this is probably sufficient to account for the storms 
without any further hypothesis. 


Pp. 36, 37. massam pulueris] For the wearing of relics on the Wearing of 
person, cf. D. C. A. i. 611, ii. 1774, 1779. Contrast Alcuin to Ethel- ^^ ^^' 
hard, archbishop of Canterbury : ' melius est in corde sanctorum 
imitari exempla, quam in sacculis portare ossa.' Mon. Alc. p. 719. 
Germanus seems to have built a church at Auxerre in honour of 
St. Alban. Cf. Bouquet, x. 172, a.d. 1025 : 'ciuitas Autissiodorum 
exitialiter igne cremata est, et res humanae in fauillas redactae 
praeter ecclesiam B. Albani martyris a B. Germano constructam.' 


Compare with this chapter the story told of Mellitus in ii. 7. 
P. 37. quae . . . tegebantur] See note on ii. 14, p. 114. 


P. 38. Saxones Pictique] As Bede distinctly says, c. 17, that the Alliance of 
mission of Germanus was prior to the permanent settlement of the ^^^^^^ ^^^ 
Saxons in Britain, this junction of the Saxons and Picts must be 


Tlie Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

anterior to that mentioned by Bede in c. 15, and corresponds very 

niuch to the yet earlier state of things described as existing 360-370 

A. D. by Ammianus Marcellinus, and 398-402 by Claudian ; when 

Saxons, Picts, and Scots were all attacking Britain ; M. H. B. pp. 

Ixxiiif., xcviii. The legend of the Hallelujah victory (for it can 

hardly be regarded as more than a legend) refers consequently to 

an earlier period than that to which the victories of c. 16 belong. 

Date and ad gratiam baptismatis] On baptisms at Easter, v. ii. 9, p. 99, 

HaUeluah^ note. If Germanus and Lupus left Gaul in the winter 0^429 (see 

victory. on c. 17) this must be Easter 430. 

ecclesia . . . frondibus contexta] See on ii. 14, p. 1 14. 
p. 39. mediis montibus] If Bede really wrote ' mediis,' he has 
altered his author for the worse ; for it is hard to see how a valley 
can be surrounded with mountains in the middle ; whereas Con- 
stantius' ' editis ' gives a good sense. ' The scene . . . is laid by 
Welsh tradition at Maes-Garmon, "Germanus' Field," a mile from 
Mold in riintshire ; ' Bright, p. 19. If there is any truth in this, 
the Saxons must have sailed round to the west of Britain, as they 
can hardly have fought their way right across the island. 


mission of 

and the 

TJTee multo . . . tempore] About seventeen years. This second 
mission of Germanus is fixed to the year 447, if Constantiusis right 
in making his journey to Italy and his death there in 448 follow 
immediately on his second return from Britain. 

p. 40. Seuero] The date of his accession to the See of Tr^ves 
does not seem to be known. He is said to have died in 455. 

primae Germaniae] ^ Germania prima,' or ' Superior,' is the dis- 
trict immediately to the west of the Rliine from about Neuwied to 

p. 41. pro pace Armoricanae gentis] Aetius had ordered 
Eocharich, chief of the Alani, whom he had settled at Orleans, to 
attack the revolted Armoricans. Germanus, according to Constan- 
tius, overawed Eocharich, and forced him to retire ; and then set off 
topleadthe causeofthe Armoricansattheimperial court atRavenna. 
His efforts were frustrated by their renewed revolt ; cf. Martin, 
Hist. de France, i. 362, 363. He died at Ravenna, July 31, 448; 
though Bede in his Martyrology gives his day as Aug. i, where he 
says of him : ' Britonum lidem per duas uices a Pelagiana haeresi 
defendit.' Other martyrok^gies give his dayas Oct. 1, and Wandal- 
bertus Prumiensis, at that date, says of him : 

Chap. 22.] Notes. 35 

' Ocenno fulci rofiigas et dogma nofandum 

Roppulit, et signis te picta Britannia toxit.' 

cuius corpus,&c.] Germanus himself dcsired that his Ijody sliouhl Burial and 

be carried baok to Gaul, though Placidia was anxious to retain it in t^l^^} ^^'^'^ 

oi Gror- 
Italy. Sho horsolf vested the sainfs dead body, according to Con- manus. 

stantius. And so when his successor Heribald translated his 

romains inS^i : 'corpus . . . ita intogrum repperit . . . ut quondam 

fuoi-at a uenorabili . . . Ph\cidia . . . compositum ; ' Pertz, xiii. 397. 

Othor transhitions took place later in the same century ; AA. SS. 

Jul. vii. 275-278. 

nec multo post, &c.] Aetius was assassinated in 454, and Valenti- Deaths oi" 
nianus March 16, 455. The sixth year of Marcian began on Aug. 25, Aetius and 
455, so that Valentinian's death belongs strictly to his fifth year. jjjj^j^ 

Hesperium concidit regnum] The end of the western empire is 
commonly dated at the overthrow of Eomulus Augustulus by Odoacer 
in 476. 


exteris, ciuilibus . . . bellis] ' utgefeohte, ingefeohtum,' ' out-fight 
and in-fights,' AS. vers, 

Interea, &c.] It is not quite clear where Bede places this period Cessation 
of immunity from foreign war. Possibly between the Hallelujah of loreign 
victory in 430 and the permanent settlement of the Saxons, c. 449. 
In Gildas' narrative this passage comes after the mention of the 
battle of the Mons Badonicus, c. 493. But the Sax. Chron. assuredly 
gives no countenance to the view that there was any cessation in 
the attacks of the Saxons after 493. It records their unresting 
advance during the sixth century. 

p. 42. Gildus] On the lives of Gildas v. Hardy, Cat. i. 151-156 ; Gildas. 
S. C. S. i. 116-118. They are all several centuries later than Gildas' 
time, and it may be doubted whether we know any fact with refer- 
ence to him beyond what he has told us, viz. that he was born in 
the yoar of the battle of Mons Badonicus, and wrote the De Excidio 
in tlie fgrty-fourth year after that event ; v. s. c. 16, note. W. M. says 
of him : ' cui Britanni debent si quid notitiae inter ceteras gentes 
habent,* i. 24. It is a pity that he could not write a little more 

flebili sermone] The work is entitled ' liber querulus.' Gildas' 
denunciations of the Britons are quoted in Wulfstan's homilies (ed. 
Napier, p. t66 as a warning to the English of that time : 'an 
))eodwita waes on Brytta tidum, Gildas hatte ; se awrat be heora 
misdaedum, hu hi . . . swa . . . God gegraemedon, ])set he let ffit 

D 2 

36 Tlie Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. i. 

nyhstan Engla here heora eard gewinnan, and Brytta duge^e fordon 
mid ealle. And ])8et waes geworden J>urh gelaeredra regolbryce, and 
J)urh Isewedra lahbryce . . . Ac utan . . . warnian us be swilcan ; 
and soS is faet ic secge, wyrsan daeda we witan mid Englum sume 
gewordene, J^onne we mid Bryttan ahwar gehyrdan.' ' There was 
a prophet of the people in the time of the Britons called Gildas. 
He wrote about their misdeeds, how they so angered God, that at 
the last He caused the army of the English to conquer their land, 
and utterly destroy the strength of the Britons. And that came 
about through the irregularity of the clergy, and the lawlessness of 
the laity. Come then, let us take warning by such, and sooth is it 
that I say ; we know of worse deeds done among the English than 
we ever heard of among the Britons.' Alcuin uses Gildas similarly 
in writing to Archbishop Ethelhard in 793. H. & S. iii. 476 ; Mon. 
Alc. p. 206. 

hoc addebant] Tliis is a constant charge against the Britons. 
Cf. ii. 2, V. 22. 

sed non tamen . . . destinauit] With these words Bede leads up 
to his proper subject. 


With this chapter begins the real subject of Bede's work, Historia 
ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, to which the preceding chapters 
have been introductory. 

XX et 1] So Bede, Chron. Opp. Min. p. 193. It was really only 
a little over twenty years, Aug. 582 to Nov. 602 ; Gibbon. 
Chronology anno ... X] Gibbon gives Aug. 13, 582, as the date of Maurice's 
of Gregory accession. His tenth year would be from Aug. 13, 591, to Aug. 12, 
the Firsfs ^, ^■. , r^ j-i-^ 

reign. 592- Bede says that Gregory died in 605 ; 11. i, p. 73 ; v. 24, p. 353. 

He was buried on March 12 ; ii. i, p. 79. At this time burial on the 
day of death was the rule (see on iv. 14, 19), and therefore Fl. Wig. 
i. 12 is right in treating this as the date of Gregory's death ; cf. App. 
i. § 32. Both here and in ii. i, p. 73, Bede gives the length of Gregory's 
reign as thirteen years, six months, ten days. This would give 
Sept. 3, 591, for his accession, which agrees with the statement here, 
that it was in the tenth year of the Emperor Maurice. But it 
appears that Bede is a year wrong in both dates, and that Gregory 
really ruled from 590 to 604. The latter date agrees with Bede's 
statement, ii. i, p. 79, and in his Chron. Opp. Min. p. 194, that 
Gregory died in the second year of Phocas. See Bright, p. 36, 
and reff. 

anno XIIII] Aug. 13, 595, to Aug. 12, 596, r. s. On Gregory's life 

Chap. 23.] Notes. 37 

aud mjiny-sidod activity seo tlic uotes to ii. i, Nvlicic the wcll- 
known story of the origin of the niission to Britain is givon. 
Gregory's first idea for the conversion of the Teutonic tribes in Gro(?ory's 
Britain was to purchase and educate Angle slave boys for tho pur- earher 
pose. In a letter to Candidus, 'eixnti ad patrimonium Galliae,' the conver- 
Gregory directs him, ' quatenus solidi Galliarum in terra nostra sion of tho 
expendi non possunt,' to devote any money which he may have in ^^^ ^^ ^' 
hand to purchasing 'pueros Anglos. qui sunt ab annis detem et 
septem, uel decom et octo, ut in monasteriis dati Deo proficiant.' 
He is to send a priest with them, to l)aptize any of them who 
might fall ill on the way. H. & S. iii. 4-5 date this letter 590 x 595. 
Jafle. R. P. p. 115, fixes it to Sept. 595. Bede himself notices how 
'gentiles ab errore conuersi, atque ad ueritatem euangelii transfor- 
mati, melius ipsos gentium errores nouerant, et, quo certius 
nouerant, eo artificiosius hos expugnare atque euacuare didicerunt.' 
Opp. viii. 267, 268. Aidan adopted the same plan, iii. 5, p. 136, and 
Wilbrord ; see on v. 11 ; and it has played agreat part in the work 
cf the Central African mission. 

circiter] See on c. 15, 

Augustinum] 'Augustinus minor, qui et apostolus Anglorum.' Augtistine 

Ethelwerd, p. S20. Cf. the short account of the mission in Bede's ^ 

■ ^ ^ com- 

Chron. Opp. Min. p. 193. On the later lives of Augustine, which add panions 

nothing but legendary matter to Bede, see Hardy, Cat. i. 192-202. 

alios . . . monachos] One of these was a certain John, Bede, 
Chron. u.s. (following Lib. Pontif. i. 312), who according to the 
Canterbury tradition, afterwards became abbot of St. Augustine's ; 
Elmham, pp. 127, 147. Oa tlie impulse given by Gregory to mon- 
asticism, cf. Werner, p. 27. 

praedicare . . . genti Anglorum] On the effect of Christianity 
on the Anglo-Saxons, cf. Lappenberg, i. 132, 140, 141 ; E. T. i. 130. 

aliquantulum] He got at any rate far enough to hear news of, 
perhaps to have interviews with Stephon, Abbot of Lerins, Prota- 
sius, Bishop of Aix, and Arigius, Patricius of Burgundy, whose seat 
was either at Marseilles or Arles. For in the letters to those per- 
sons which Gregory sent by Augustine on his second departure 
from Rome, he speaks of the good report which A. had made to 
him of them ; Opp. Min. pp. 231, 232 ; H. & S. iii. 8, 9. That there 
is nothing simihir in the other commendatory letters sent at the 
same time (v. infra, p. 39) would seem to show that A. did not get 
much beyond Aix, or Arles at the furthest. 

barbaram . . . gentem] Much the same complaint was made 
by the fir.-st missionary sent from lona to Northumbria, iii. 5, 
P- 137. 


Tlie Ecciesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

' Seruus 



' Praeposi- 

Systems of 


p. 43. Gregorius] The AS. version, which usually omits all 
documents, gives a short summary of this letter in oratio obliqua. 

seruus seruorum Dei] Gregory was the first Pope to assume this 
style, which he did as a rebuke to the pride of the Patriarch of 
Constantinople, who had assumed the title of Universal Bishop. 
Cf. R. W. i. io8. Gregory did not use the title by any means uni- 
formly, as may be seen by a reference to his letters. Cf. also my 
notes to Fortescue, pp. 252, 253. The style was not at first peculiar 
to Popes ; cf. e. g. the letter of Laurentius, Mellitus, and Justus 
in ii. 4. Other instances are given by M. & L. p. 287. An abbot 
uses it in relation to his own monks : ' Frater R. seruus seruorum 
Dei apud Melros seruiencium,' N. & K. p. 308. 

praeposito] On the monastic sense of this title, v. Introduction, 
pp. xxviii f. It is used here in a more general sense. It is used simi- 
larly of an abbot in Hist. Abb. Anon. § i, infr. p. 388. Augustine had, 
however, been ' praepositus ' of the monastery of St. Andrew at 
Eome, which Gregory had founded * in cliuo Scauri,' loann. Diac. 
i. 6, from which also his companions were mainly, if not wholly, 
taken, ib. ii. 30 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 13. A doubtful letter of Pope 
Vitalian to Archbishop Theodore, G. P. p. 51, speaks of Augustine 
as Gregory's sincelhis, i. e. ' eiusdem cellae socius ' (gloss ad loc). 

die Xkal. Aug. . . . anno XIIII] i.e. July 23, 596, v. s. The indic- 
tion is also right for 596. Therefore Augustine must have left 
Rome the second time not earlier than July 23, 596. The mode of 
dating by imperial regnal years was introduced into papal docu- 
ments by Pope Vigilius (537-555 a. d.) ; Jaffe, R. P. p. 76. 

post consulatum] See the critical notes at the end of cc. 28, 30, 
32 ; cf. Opp. vi. I. ' P. C. patres conscripti, siue post consulatum.' 
The phrase is due to the fact that from the beginning of the fourth 
century the yearly appointment of consuls became irregular, and 
trom time to time the designation of the year, instead of ' Coss. 
M. et N.' became 'post consulatum M. et N.' ; D. C. A. i. 833. 

indictione XIIII] The indictions are cycles of fifteen years ; the 
origin of the system is not known. It has been traced to the quin- 
quennial revisions of the Roman census (cf. Opp. vi. 244 ; Schiirer, 
Gesch. d. jiidischen Volkes, i. 431, ed. 2). Tliere are thj-ee kinds 
of indictions which come into consideration here : i. The Con- 
stantinopolit;in,which began on Sept.i; 2. the imperial or Caesarean, 
which began on Sept. 24 ; 3. the Roman or pontifical, which 
began with the commencement of the year, whether Dcc. 25 or 
Jan. I. We must keep apart two questions which are sometimes 
confused, viz. the question as to thc indiction used by Bede him- 
self, and the question of that used in any document quoted by him. 

Chap. 24.] Notes. 39 

As to tho formor, KemblX) (C. D. I. Ixxxi, followed by H. & S. iii. 14) 
asserts tliat Bede used the pontifical indiction, but ho is cloarly 
wrong. (a) It is doubtful if that system had boon introducod in 
Bede's time ; cf. Bright, p. 42 ; Nicolas, Chron. Hist. p. 7. (&) The 
author of tho Hist. Anon. Abb. § 35 certainly uses the Caesarean 
indiction, ' viii kal. Oct. (Sept. 24) incipiente indidione xv ' ; and 
it is unlikoly that two systems would be in use in tho same 
monastory. (c) Bede's own words are decisive : * Incipiunt indic- 
tiones ab viii kal. Oct. ibidemque terminantur,' Opp. vi. 244. Bede 
therefore used the Caesarean indiction. But this proves nothing 
as to Gregory's usage. He was the first pope to reckon by indic- 
tions, and he used the Constantinopolitan system (Bright, p. 42, 
following Bened. Edd. in Greg. Ep. i. i ; so JafPe, R. P. pp. 93 ff.\ 
The question does not affect the date of the j)resent document, as 
on any system July, 596, is in the fourteenth indiction. In Opp. 
vi. 130 Bede gives the rule for finding the indiction : 'Si uis scire 
quota sit indictio, sume anuos Domini, et adiice tria, partire per 
XV, et quod remanserit, ipsa est indictio anni praesentis.' Cf. 
Ducange, s. v, ' indictio,' D. C. A. i. 832-834. 


The whole of this chapter is omitted in the AS. vers. ; and the 
heading is not even in the Capitula. 

Etherium Arelatensem archiepiscopum] Etherius was bishop Etherius. 
of Lyons, c. 586-602 ; Gams ; Bouquet, iii. iio; cf. ib. 325 ; D. C. B. 
ii. 231. Vergilius was archbishop of Arles. This is however the 
letter to Etherius ; the mistake is in the title, not in the name. 
The letter to Vergilius is given from Greg. Epp. vi. 53 by Steven- 
son, Opp. Min. p. 230 ; H. & S. iii. 7. Letters almost identical with Commen- 
this to Etherius were sent at the same time to Palladius, Bishop of datory 
Saintes, Pehigius of Tours, and Serenus of Marseilles ; H. & S. iii. 6. 
Other commendatory letters to Desiderius, Bishop of Vienne, 
Syagrius of Autun, Protasius of Aix in Provence, Stephen, Abbot of 
Lei'ins, Arigius, Patrician of Burgundy, Theoderic and Theodebert, 
Kings respectively of Burgundy with Orleans, and of Austrasia ; 
and to Brunhild, their grandmother, are in Opp. Min. pp. 231-235 ; 
H. & S. iii. 7-1 1 ; cf. Bright, p. 43. When the second mission 
started under Mellitus in 601, Gregory furnished them with 
commendatory letters to Theoderic, Theodebert, Brunhild, and Clo- 
thaire, King of Soissons, who had also helped Augustinc, Menna, 
Bishop of Toulon, Seremis 0/ Marsdlles, Lupus of Chalons-sur-Saone, 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

oi tlie 

Aigulfus of Metz, Simplicius of Paris, Melantius of Eouen, Licinius 
of Angers, Desiderius o/ Vienne, VergiHns of Arles, Etherius of Lijons, 
Arigius of Gap. H. & S. iii. 33-37 ; Opp. Min. pp. 236-238. 
(Names of persons and places which occur in the earlier list are 
given in Italics.) These letters, except that to the Bishop of Gap, 
which is rather far to the East, and Saintes, which is a great 
deal too far to the West, seem intended to provide for the reception 
of the missionaries along the various routes open to them, the 
final choice being left to be determined by circumstances. For 
Theodore's route in 668, 669, v. iv. i, p. 203. 

p. 44. sacerdotes] Probably here, as often, means ' bishops,' 
V. note, c. 28. So ^sacerdotali,' ' episcopal,' a little lower down. 

Candidum] This is the same to whom the directions were sent 
about purchasing Angle slave boys ; v. s. p. 37, and cf. D. C. B. 

ad gubernationem patrimonioli eccl.] For these posts Gregory 
preferred to employ ecclesiastics ; cf. Ep. ix. 65 : ' Cauendum ne 
secularibus uiris . . res ecclesiasticae committantur, sed probatis 
de uestro officio clericis.' On the property of the Roman Church 
and Gregory's administration of it, cf. Milman, Lat. Christ., bk. iii. 
c. 7 ; Church, Miscellaneous Essays, pp. 228-238. 


Coming of peruenit Brittaniam] In 597 ; v, 24, p. 353. The coming of 
Augustme. Augustine ' was in one sense a return of the Roman legions,* Green, 
M.E. p. 221. 

Aedilberct . . . potentissimus] On Ethelberfs reign and power, 
V. notes to ii. 5, p. 89. 

p. 45. Humbrae . . . dirimuntur] v. note on i. 15, p. 31. 
The Hide. familiarum] 'hida,' AS. vers. If, as both the Latin and Saxon 
names suggest (for hid is probably connected with hiwan, hicjan, 
* members of a family '), the hide was originally as much land as 
would support a family, the extent of it would necessarily vary in 
different parts with tbe quality of the land, with the 'standard of 
comfort,' to use a modern term, of the different tribes, and with 
the varying circumstances of the conquests of the different dis- 
tricts. Hence there is a strong antecedent presumption against 
all attempts to find a uniform measurement for the hide throughout 
England. Kemble, Saxons, i. 101-104, 117, 118, has compared the 
hidage of some of the districts given by Bede here and in iv. 13, 
:6. pp. 231, 237. He puts aside as irrelevant the measurements for 
Anglesey and Man given in ii. 9, p. 97 ; where the former is said 

Chap. 25.] Notes. 41 

to contain 960 'faniilics,' tlio latter something ovcr 300; tliough 
the acreage of tlic two is ncarly equal ; Anglesey, 193,453 acres ; 
Man, 180,000 (Keitli Johnston's Gazetteer). The greater fertility 
of Anglesey, whicli owing to its comparatively level character 
was the granary of North Wales, will go far to account for 
this discrepancy. lona again Bede estimates at five 'families,' 
iii. 4, p. 133, the acreage being about 1630. Tlie hidage of the 
North and South Mercians given in iii. 24, p. 180, can hardly be 
utilised without more knowledge than we possess as to the exact 
limits of the districts occupied by them. 

Tanatos] Isidore's etymology of the name has been given above Thanet. 
on c. I. It must be borne in mind that Thanet at that time was 
reall}- an island, entirely separated from the mainland. Cf. Stanley, 
Memorials of Canterbury, pp. 28-30, and the map, ib. p. 55. See 
also the curiou.s old map of Thanet prefixed to Ehnham. In the 
life of St. Mildred, Thanet is called ' flos et thalamus . . . regni.' 
Hardy, Cat. i. 377, 380. 

adplicuit] Probably at Ebbsfleet, the traditional landing-place The land- 
of Hengist and Horsa . Sax. Chron., 449 a.d. ; v. Bright, p. 45, mg-place. 
and Stanley, u. s. 

ferme XL.] Whetherthese forty represent the original comrades 
of Augustine only, or include the ' interpretes de gente Francorum,' 
is not quite clear. Probably the former. 

acceperunt . . . Gregorio . . . interpretes] The prima facie Frankish 
meaning of this passage seems to be that at this time the Frankish ^^ ^^h 
speech and the Kentish dialect were still so near akin that they 
were mutually intelligible. Fifty years later in Wessex this was 
not the case. Cenwalh got rid of the Frankish bishop Agilbert, 
'pertaesus barbarae loquellae/ iii. 7, p. 140 — a good instance of the 
common tendency to regard all foreign speech as barbarous. W. M. 
says : ' naturalis . . . lingua Francorum communicat cum Anglis, 
quod de Germania gentes ambae germinauerint.' This passage of 
Bede has however been understood as meaning only that these 
missionaries took with them some persons who, through trade or 
otherwise, had acquired some knowledge of the dialect of Kent. So 
Green, M. E. p. 112 ; Werner, p. 40. In his letter to Theoderic and Neglcct 
Theodebert {u. s. p. 39) Gregory says that he had given directions pj„^^^^iglj 
to Augustine and his fellows ' ut aliquos secum e uicino debeant bishops. 
presbyteros ducere.' In the same letter, and in that to Brunhild, 
Gregory says that the Angles had shown a desire for Christianity, 
' sed sacerdotes {i. e. bishops) e uicino negligere.' It is therefore 
the Frankish and not the British bishops who are aimed at in this 
reproach ; and it would seem that no attempt had been made by 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

them to utilise the marriage of Ethelbert with Bertha as an 
opening for missionary eifort. 

acceperunt . . . et mittens] A very loose construction. 
antea fama . . . peruenerat] v. last note but one. 

Bertha. Bercta] daughter of Charibert, King of Paris. Cf. Greg. Tur. iv. 

26 : ' Charibertus rex Ingobergam accepit uxorem, de qua fiiiam 
habuit, quae postea in Ganthia uirum accipiens est deducta ; ' ib. ix. 
26 : ' Anno xiiii Childeberti regis Ingoberga regina, Chariberthi 
quondam relicta, migrauit saeculo, . . . relinquens filiam unicam 
quam in Canthia regis cuiusdam filius matrimonio copulauit.' 
A note on the former passage in the ed. of G. T. in the M. H. G. 
(4to series) says that she was also called Ethelberg. No authority 
is given, but if it is true, it looks as if it were a name taken to 
indicate her adoption into her husband's family. On the signifi- 
cance of the marriage, cf. Green, M. E. pp. 210, 211 ; LapiDenberg, 
i. 118 ; E.T. i. 115, 116. 

Liudhard. Liudhardoj The later legendary lives call him 'praecursor et 
ianitor uenturi Augustini,' Hardy, Cat. i. 175, 176. Rudboi*ne 
says : ' et haec erat causa quare tam cito Rex Etlielbyrtus paruit 
praedicationi S. Augustini.' Ang. Sac. i. 251, cf. Elmham, p. 109 ; 
W. M. i. 13: ' uita . . . regem ad Christi cognitionem inuitabat.' 
In other respects W. M., perhaps from the analogy of his own day, 
absurdly overestimates the Erankish influence. Liudhard does not 
seem really to have effected much ; v. s. In the additions to Bede's 
martyrology he is mentioned at Feb. 4 : ' Passio S. Liphardi [i.e. 
Liwhardi] martyris Cantorbeiae archiepiscopi.' Opp. iv. 33. But 
the story of his death as given in the lives, and implied in this 
entry, is clearly mythical and chronologically impossible. Nor can 
he ever have been archbishop of Canterbury. He was merely 
private chaplain to the queen. According to Canterbury tradition 
Laurentius removed his body into the church of the monastery of 
SS. Peter and Paul, where it was placed with that of Bertha in the 
' porticus ' of St. Martin. Elmham, p. 132 ; Thorn, ii. 2 ; cf Stanley, 
u. s. p. 45. 

malificae artis] See notes on c. 30, for Anglo-Saxon heathenism. 
p. 46. laetaniasque canentes] ' 7 wseron haligra naman rimende, 
7 gebedo siiigende,' 'and they were telling the names of saints and 
singing prayers.' AS. version. 

uerbum . . . uitae] According to ^lfric, Hom. ii. 128, the sub- 
stance of Augustine's preaching to Ethelbert was : ' hu se mild- 
heorta Haelend, mid his agenre Srowunge, J)ysne scyldigan middan- 
eard alysde, 7 geleaftullum mannum heofonan rices infaer geo- 
penode/ 'how the merciful Saviour by His own passion redeemed 

iiig of 
and his 

CiiAP. 26.] Notes. 43 

this guilty worlcl, and opoiicd tlxe kingdom of Ile.iven to all 
boliovers.' (Cited II. & S. iii. 11.) 

cum omni Anglorumgente] Tliis niust not be taken as implying 
any feeling of national unity, wliicli was a much later growth 
(cf, ' Anglorum jwpuH,' at beginning of this chapter\ but only as 
referring to the common heathenism of the Teutonic tribes settled 
in Britain. 

mansionem] ' in parochia S. Aelphegi ex opposito regiae stratae Their resi- 
uersus aquilonem ; ' Thorn, col. 1759. 'Mansio signatur quae ^®'^*^®- 
Stabelgate notatur ; ' Ehuham, p. 91. 

imperii sui] i. e. of liis overlordship which extended to the Ethelberf s 
Humber ; not merely of his regnum of Kent ; v. ii. 5 note. So in i™perium. 
c. 32, Gregory addresses Ethelbert as ' Rex Anglorum/ and speaks 
of ' regibus ac populis sibimet subjectis.' 

hanc laetaniam] * feosne letaniam 7 ontemn,' 'this litany and 
antiphon (anthem),' AS. version. On the antiphon itself, which 
is founded on Daniel ix. 16, aud belongs to the Rogation Days, 
V. Bright, p. 48. It will be found in Martene, De Antiquis Ritibus 
(1788', iii. 189 ; and it, with several other of these antiphons, is 
embodied in the Latin hymn or prayer ascribed to St. Mugint. 
Liber Hymnorum, ed. Todd, i, 94 ff. 

Alleluia] Omitted in AS. version. 


datam . . . mansionem] See note to last chapter. 

p. 47. secundum ea, quae docebant . . . uiuendo] On this see 
Introduction, p. xxxvi. 

sancti Martini] Cf. Stanley, u. s. pp. 31, 32, 53, 54 ; Bright, St. Martin. 
p. 48. St. Martin died 397x401 (cf. Introduction, p. c, which 
would give 399, so that the dedication of this . church must 
be later than 400 ; H. & S. i. 15, 37. There is no real authority 
for the statement often made that this church was the seat of 
a separate bishopric; H. & S. iii. 658. A document printed 
Ang. Sac. i. 150, boldly asserts that this see survived to the time of 
Lanfranc. To the popularity of the cultus of St. Martin in Britain 
Venantius Fortunatus (see on i. 7, p. 18) bears striking testimony, 
saying of him : * Quem Hispanus, Maurus, Persa, Britannus amat ; ' 
cited H. & S. i. 13, where see note for references illustrating the 
connexion of St. Martin with the British Isles. Cf. Ven. Fort, 
Vita S. Martini, Lib. iv. vv. 621 ff. (M. H. G. ^to). For the 
legend of a church at Ely foimded by St. Augustine, see Lib. 
Eliensis, p. 48 ; and cf. Elmham, p. loo. 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 





Baptism of 




and com- 


ence of th( 

missas facere] ' maessesong don,' AS. vers. On the Latin plirase 
cf. Bright, p. 50 ; according towhomit appears first in St. Ambrose, 
Ep. XX. 4, ' ego tamen mansi in munere, missam facere coepi.' 

miraculorum . . . ostensione] On Augustine's miracles cf. infra, 
i. 31, ii. I, 3, pp. 66-67, 78, 86. One definite instance, the healing 
of a blind man, is given in ii. 2, p. 82. 

baptizatus est] Traditionally on Whitsunday, June 2, 597 ; 
Elmham, pp. 78, 137. As to the place, Stanley, u. s. p. 36, con- 
jectures St. Martin's ; Elmham, p. 84, says Christchurch, which at 
that time was not built. On Whitsuntide and Easter as the regular 
times for baptisms v. note on ii. 9, p. 99. There is an AS. tract on 
Ethelberfs baptism in MS. C.C.C.C. 201, on which see Hardy, Cat. 
i. 176. 

plures . . . confluere] In a letterto Eulogius, Bp. of Alexandria, 
written June, 598, Gregory says that the preceding Cliristmas 
Augustine, 'coepiscopus noster,' had baptized more than 10,000 
Angli ; H. & S. iii. 12, cf. ib. 4, note c. On the value and effects 
of such wholesale conversions, see notes to c. 30 ; ii. 14, 20. 

nuUum . . . cogeret ad Christianismum] So Bede on Ezra vii. 13 
says : ' Omnibus qui uelint ire Hierosolymam licentiam tribuit, 
nullum ire compellit ; et Christiani principes nullum cogentes, ne 
sit incerta aut dubia uoluntas fidei, uniuersis quibus placuerit de 
suo regno Christum colere permittunt ; ' Opp. viii. 436. Yet infra, 
ii. 5, p. 90, he admits that some in Kent may have conformed ' uel 
fauore uel timore regio.' Eddius, sj^eaking of Wilfrid's conversion 
of the South Saxons, says that the pagans deserted idolatry ' quidam 
uoluntarie, alii uero coacti regis imperio ' ; Vita Wilf. c. 41. He 
breathes no hint of disapproval. 

in Doruuerni metropoli sua] The story that Ethelbert trans- 
ferred his capital to Eeculver, leaving Canterbury entirely to 
Augustine, Ang. Sac. i. i, seems to me an obvious myth, based on 
that greatest of ecclesiastical myths, the Donation of Constantine ; 
cf. the words of Gocelin's life of Augustine : ' baptizat nouum 
Constantinum Siluester nouus;' ib. ii. 61. Bede's words ' in D. 
metropoli sua ' are distinctly against the idea tliat the capital was 


Augus- P. 48. Interea] It must have been before Christmas 597, as at 

tine's con- ^^at date Gregory speaks of him as 'co-episcopus noster ' ; v. s. c. 26 

note. According to Thorn, col. 1760, Augustine was consecrated on 

Nov. 16, but this was not a Sunday in 597. 

Chap. 27.] Notes. 45 

ab . . . Aetherio] A convcrse mistako to that notod ahovo, 
e. 24. Ilero tho offico is riglit, tlio name wrong ; it should 1)6 
Vcrgilius. At the boginning of c. 28 Bede tries to solve the 
dif!ic-ulty created by his own mistake by making Vergilius succeed 
Ethorius as archbishop of Arles ; cf. on Vergilius, Briglit, p. 53. 
Gregory (in H. & S. iii. 12) speaks of Augustine as 'data a mo 
licentiaa Gormaniarum episcopis episcopus factus ; ' cf. App. I. § 11, 
whicli speaks as if Gregory had consecrated Augustine. 

Laurentium . . . et Petrum] Ou the former v. ii. 4, p. 86 ; on Laurentius 
the latter, i. 33, p. 70. Both are mentioned in the letter of Gregory ^^^ Peter. 
to Bertha which was sent at the same time as the responsa ; 
H. & S. iii. 17 ; Opp. Min. p. 251. As Laurentius is styled ^ pres- 
byter' while Peter is called ' monachus,' it is probable that the 
former was not a monk ; D. C. B. iii. 631. 

nec mora . . . recepit] If Augustine sent off Laurentius and Date of the 
Peter ' continuo * after his own consecration, it is certainly not true csponsa. 
that the answers to his questions were received ' without delay ' ; 
as the letters which accompanied them are dated June 22, 601. 
The Preface to the responsa, which is not in Bede (see it in H. & S. 
iii. 18), attempts to account for this delay by saying that at the 
time of the arrival of Laurentius and Peter Gregory was ill of the 
gout (cf. Jafife, E. P. pp. 137, 142.. 150), and could not compose the 
responsa in time for their departure, as they were anxious to set out 
at once ; and he had no opportunity of sending them till the 
mission under Mellitus started in 601. As however four of the 
nineletters sent with Mellitus speak of Laurentius as accompanying 
him, H. & S. iii. 33 36 ; and as Bede, c. 29 acl init., clearly implies 
that Laurentius and Peter accompanied Mellitus and brought the 
responsa. I am strongly of opinion that the Preface is a forgery. 

In 736, St.Boniface applied to Nothelm, then Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, for a copy of the responsa, as none could be found in the 
Eoman archives ; H. & S. iii. 336. The document may have been 
re-discovered at Rome after 736 ; and it does not therefore follow 
that this was not one of the documents copied by Nothelm for 
Bede at Rome ; Pref. p. 6^ sup. On the otlier hand, the original 
or a copy may have been preserved at Canterbury, and Nothelm or 
Albinus may have transcribed this. Anyhow, Bede's copy is the 
most ancient and authentic in existence, and the additions to it in 
other MSS. and editions are of no authority, and some of them 
are palpable and clumsy forgeries ; H. & S. iii. 32, 33. A little 
later, 744 x 747, Boniface sends to Egbert of York some letters of 
Gregory which he believed to be unknown in Britain ; ib. 359. 
Similaranswers of Gregory II andGregory III to questions addressed 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. t. 


of Eitual. 

to them by St. Boniface are in Mon. Mog. pp. 88-94. We are 
reminded of the questions addressed to the Koman Emperors by the 
governors of provinces, and the imperial rescripts founded thereon ; 
e. g. the famous rescript of Trajan in answer to Pliny's questions as 
to the treatment of the Christians. It is curious that all MSS. of 
the AS. version place these responsa at the end of Book iii. I have 
found no Latin MS. which favours this arrangement, so that it must 
be due to the translators own fancy ; who also abridges considerably. 

mos . . . sedis apostolicae] This was the case as early as 
Gelasius I (492-496 a. d.) ; in Mansi, viii. 45. For this and for the 
decrees of various councils on the subject, v. Bright, p. 56. 

quia tua fraternitas . . . suis] And therefore the separate pro- 
vision for the bishop would not be necessary in Augustine's case. 
This part of Gregory's answer is cited by Bede in the prose life of 
Cutlibert, c. 16 ; Opp. Min. p. 80. Gregory himself when at Con- 
stantinople organised his household on the monastic pattern ; v. ii. 
I) P- 75? and note. 

p. 49. clerici extra sacros ordines constituti] ' preostas 7 Godes 
]:eowas butan halgum hadum gesette,' 'priests and servants of God 
appointed outside of holy orders,' AS. version. It really means 
those in minor orders below the subdiaconate ; v. Bright, p. 56. For 
another instance of the AS. 'preostas' meaning persons in minor 
orders, cf. Birch, i. 520. 

canendis psalmis] On the importance of the psalter at this time 
see note on iii. 5, p. 136. 

quod superest] Gregory treats the 'quod superest' ofthe Vulgate, 
which is really an adverbial phrase translating the TrX.rjv of the 
original, as if it meant 'what remains,' ' the surplus.' (Cf. the 
AS. vers. : ']?aette ofer seo 7 to lafe, sellaS selmesse,' * what is over 
and remains, give as alms.') Bede in his commentary on the 
passage does the same : ' quod necessario uictui et uestimento 
superest, date pauperibus.' Opp. xi. 150. The interpretation 
became traditional in the English Church, and is found in the AS. 
version of the Gospels : '^aet to lafe is, syllaj) sehTiessan,' ' what is 
over, give as alms ' ; also in Wycliffe : ' that thing that is ouer, 
gyue ye almes.' 

diuersae consuetudines] On the differonces of ritual which 
Augustine might have observed on his journeys through Gaul, v. 
Bright, p. 57; D. C.A. ii. 962. With Gregory's answer here cf. 
Ep. i. 43 ; where, speaking of the question of single or trine 
immersion in baptism, he says : ' quia in una fide nihil officit 
sanctae ecclesiae consuetudo diuersa.' With reference to this answer 
Gocelin, Ang. Sac. ii. 63, very beautifully paraphrases this 

CnAP. 27.] JS^otes. 47 

principlo of variety in unity : * Sic regina sponsa Domini uarietate 

circumamicta tam multimoda quam multifaria triumphat ingloria. 

Sic et una corona multicoloribus texitur floribus, et unum monilo 

aureum uariis gemmarum illustratur splcndoribus, et diuersia 

uocum discriminibus unum concentum reddimus.' On the other 

side, cf. Landulphus Senior (eleventh century) in his history of 

Milan, SS. RR. II. iv. 71 d: 'Papa Gregorius . . . omnes latinae 

linguae ecclesias per diuorsa oflficia multum discrepantes uidit. Qui 

tantum . . . ad unitatem Romanae ecclesiae reuocauit, dicens . . . 

unum mysterium totius linguae esse debere hitinae.' The idea of 

a unity of the Latin-speaking races is noteworthy. On Gregory's 

liturgical reforms, cf. D.C.B. ii. 788-790 ; D.C.A.s. v. Sacramentary. 

de ecclesia furtu] This was one of the subjects of Ethelberfs Thefts 

lcgislation ; ii. 5, p. 90, and note a. l. According to Theodore's ^,^"^ , 
^ 7 v.^7 i ^ 7 c Cnurches. 

Penitential, iii. 2, restitution was to be made fourfold ; H.& S. iii. 
179. In Egberfs Penitential penance only is enjoined (three 
years in the case of a layman). 

p. 50. damnis] 'Fines.' Cf. Cic. de Ofif. iii. 5, ' eos morte, exsilio, 
uinclis, fJamyio coercent.' So ' magnae pecuniae dampno obnoxius 
erit' ; Raine's Hexham, i. 20. 

quaerere] We should expect quaerat, and so the AS. version 
translates ; but there is no variation in the MSS. The Benedictine 
Editors read : ' lucrum de damnis quaerat.' 

frater et soror] We should certainly read ' fratris et sororis.' Prohibited 
But here again there is no variation in the MSS. The AS. version degrees. 
is ambiguous, as broSor, sweostor, may be either nom. or gen. The 
civil law, 'terrena lex in Romana repuplica,' varied at different 
times as to the legality of marriages between first cousins. On the 
stepsby which they were forbidden in the Church, v. Bright, p. 58. 
The ' quaedam terrena lex ' alluded to by Gregory is a Constitution 
of Arcadiusand Honorius passed in 405, and permanently embodied 
in Justinian's Code, legalisingthese marriages, D.C.A. i. 486 ; and on 
this and the whole subject of prohibited degrees cf. ib. ii. 1725 ff. 

p. 51. tertia uel quarta generatio] i. e. second and third cousins. 
It was especially as to the authenticity of this permission of 
Gregory that St. Boniface desired to be informed by Nothelm ; v. s. 
p. 45. There is a letter of Felix, Bishop of Messana, to Gregory himself 
on the subject, and Gregory in his answer explains away his permis- 
sion as being a concession to a newly converted race. After they 
are firmly established in the faith they are to be forbidden to marry 
up to the seventh generation H. & S. iii, 32, 33 ; Opp. Min. pp. 239- 
248. The authenticity of Gregory's letter is however somowhat 
doubtful (H. & S. u. s.), and it was a subject on which tlie tcmpta- 

48 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. i. 

tion to forgery was very strong after the views on consanguinity 
had become stricter, and Gregory's permission was felt to be 
a stumbling-block. In favour of the view that the permission was 
temporary is the fact that the English Church did not continue to 
make use of it. Boniface, writing in 742, says that a Synod of 
London had condemned marriage within the third degree as incest ; 
H. & S. iii. 51. Theodore's Penitential says that the Greeks allowed 
marriage within the third degree, the Komans within the fifth, 
though they do not dissolve marriages when made within the fourth 
degree : ' ergo in quinta generatione coniungantur ; in quarta, si 
inuenti fuerint, non separentur;' H. & S. iii. 201. (It should be 
noted that this tells equally against Gregory's alleged prohibition of 
marriages within the seventh degree, as does the fact that Gre- 
gory II, writing to St. Boniface in 726, says : ' post quartam genera- 
tionem iungantur ; ' Mon. Mog, p. 89.) On the other hand, as late as 
1015 A. D. this permission of Gregory was quoted with effect against 
Gei-ard, Bishop of Cambrai, who wished to prevent the marriage of 
Kainer II, Count of Hainault, with the daughter of Hermann, 
Count of Verdun ; Pertz, vi. 469. It would be interesting to 
know what was the ' inlicitum coniugium ' of one of the ' gesiSs ' of 
Sigbert of Essex, which Bishop Cedd visited with excommunication ; 
iii. 22, p. 173. 

eum nouerca] It seems strange that Augustine should have 
thought it necessary to ask the question in view not only of the 0. T. 
passages which Gregory cites, but of i Cor. v. i. But the question 
caused trouble elsewhere (cf. D.C.A. ii. 1727, 1728^, and perhaps 
difficulties like that with Eadbald, ii. 5, p. 90, may have already 
arisen ; and Augustine may have wished to have the weight of 
Gregory's authority to back him ; cf. the final words of the eighth 
question, and the first words of the answer to it. 
Cognatus.' cognata] ' Sister-in-law,' bro^Sor wiif, AS. vers., as is plain 
from the context, and the reference to John the Baptist ; so in the 
interrogatio above cognatis means brothers- and sisters-in-law. Cf. 
Italian ' cognato,' ' cognata.' Another clear instance of this sense 
is in iii. 21, p. 170. In iii. 18, p. 162, the meaning is doubtful. 
In ii. 12, p. 109, it is used in its ordinary sense of 'relation.' It 
might be suggested that the clause above, ' et sacra lex . . . reue- 
lare ' should come in here after ' fuerat facta.' Then ' cognatio ' 
would be the abstract of ' cognatus ' in this specific sense (it is so 
used in ii. 9, p. 97), and the reference would be to Levit. xviii. 16. 
But there is no MS. authority for the alteration. Cf. lohannes 
lanuensis, cited by Ducange, ' et est Leuir Cognatus, scilicet 
frater mariti uel uxoris.' 

Chap. 27.] Notes. 49 

lohannes Baptista] Cf. Eoclo liimsolf, Opp. xi. 327 : * loliannes Jobn Bui)- 
Baptista, qui non pro Christi confessione, sod pro dofcnsione uori- ^^ ^ mar- 
tatis occubuit, ideo tamcn pro Christo, quia pro ueritate martyrium 
suseoijit.' So of Abel ; Opp. v. 128. See on iii. 14, p. 157. 

in hoc enim tempore, &c.] If Gregory had intended tho regu- 
hition as to prohibited dogrees to be only temporary, would he 
not have added some words like these ? 

p. 52. an debeat . . . episcopus ordinari] Consocration by a single Consecni- 
bishop soems to have been common in the Ccltic Churches. H. & S. sin„ij. 
i. 155 ; Rs, Ad. p. 349. That it was not universal, see on iii. 22, bishop. 
p. 173. St. Kentigern is said to have beenconsecrated by a single 
bishop from Ireland ' more Britonum et Scottorum tunc temporis.' 
And the decision of his biographer is, ' licet consecratio Britonibus 
assueta sacris canonibus minus consona uideatur, non tamen uim 
aut efifectum diuini misterii, aut episcopalis ministerii amittere 
comprobatur.' N. & K. p. 182 ; cf. ib. 335-340. This is evi- 
dently Gregory's view ; he regards it as valid but irregular ; 
Bright, pp. 58, 59, who gives the decisions of various councils on 
the point. Honorius was consecrated by Paulinus alone, Deusdedit 
by Ithamar alone, ii. 16, p. 117 ; iii. 20. 

et quidem . . . debeant conuenire] The text is certainly corrupt. 
The readings of A^ and O3 (see additional critical notes) improve 
the sense somewhat, but these and other readings are probably 
only the expedients of scribes and editors to emend a text which 
they found unintelligible. If conjectures be admitted we might 
put a comma after ' potes,' and a full stop after ' adsistant,' reading 
* nisi ' for ' nam,' and omitting the words * nulla sit necessitas ut ' 
altogether. The AS. version reads : ' ne meaht J)U on o5re wisan 
biscop halgian buton oSrum biscopum. Ac ])e sculon of Gallia rice 
biscopas cuman,' i. e. * thou canst not consecrate a bishop otherwise 
(than) without other bishops. But bishops ought to come to thee 
from Gaul.' The rest of the answer is much abbreviated. 

pallium] This word has various usages in ecclesiastical Latin ; History of 
the only one with which we are concerned is that which denotes ;. ' 

a vestment bestowed by the pope on archbishops as a special mark 
of their rank, indicating that they represent the Roman See. 
The form of it varied at different times. Ultimately it became 
fixed to the form in which it appears in the arms of several archi- 
episcopal sees ; a circular band passing over the shoulders, with 
pendents hanging down behind and before, so that the front and 
back views of it present the appearance of the letter Y. It was 
ornamented with a varying number of purple crosses, now fixed 
to four. It was and is composed of the wool of lambs reared in the 


50 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. i. 

convent of St. Agnes at Rome, and after it is made, it is placed 
for a night on the tomb of St. Peter, and then kept until required. 
Originally the bestowal of the pallium had no legal significance, 
but was merely a general mark of honour and favour conferred 
at first by the emperor, then by the pope in the emperor's name, 
at his desire, or at least with his consent, on certain distin- 
guished prelates. Nor was the right to bestow it confined at 
first to the popes, nor its reception to metropolitans. Other 
patriarchs conferred it upon their metropolitans ; and there are 
instances of its reception by simple bishops, Ultimately it 
became one of the chief instruments whereby the popes built up 
the fabric of their power, They gradually established the prin- 
ciples \a) that the pallium could only be bestowed by themselves ; 
{h) that its possession was necessary to the exercise of metro- 
politan functions, and that till it was received none of those 
functions could be legally performed. Hence they acquired the 
power of confirming the appointment of all metropolitans, and of 
exacting submission from them as the price of confirmation. The 
pallium was sometimes refused to an unworthy prelate, Thus 
Mauger of Eouen ' tota uita pallii usu caruit, quod negaret sedes 
apostolica honoris huiusce priuilegium homini qui sacratum negli- 
gebat ofiicium ; ' W. M. ii, 327. It was not, however, without a 
struggle that these results were achieved, John VIII in 878 com- 
plains : ' cum in Galliae partibus essemus . . . unum ualde pro- 
hibendum inuenimus ; metropolitae, antequam pallium a sede 
apostolica suscipiant, consecrationem facere praesumunt, quod ante- 
cessores et nos canonico decreto ne fieret interdiximus ; ' Bouquet, 
IX. 162. (John VIII had in the previous year, 877, in the synod 
of Ravenna, ordered that all metropolitans must, under pain of 
deprivation, apply for the pallium within three months from their 
consecration.) There are not many known instances of the be- 
stowal of the pallium by popes prior to Gregory the Great. Most 
of the earliest cases are in connexion with the see of Arles, which 
bears out Gregory's words here : ' In Galliarum episcopis nullam 
tibi auctoritatem tribuimus ; quia ab antiquis praedecessorum 
meorum temporibus pallium Arelatensis episcopus accepit, quem 
nos priuare auctoritate percepta minime debemus.' Here the 
bestowal of the pallium certainly involves such an increase of 
authority, as would make it impossible to place the recipient under 
the jurisdiction of another prehite ; and tlie archbishop of Arles 
was in some sense primate of Gaul at this time ; cf. D. C. B. iv. 
1160. In i, 29, p. 63, Gregory soems certainly to treat the recep- 
tion of thc pallium as necessary to enable Augustine to consecrate 

Chap. 27.] Notes. 51 

bibhops. Pope Honorius sent pallia to Honorius of CanterVmry 
and Paulinus of York, to cnable the survivor of tliem to consecrate 
the other's successor ; ii. 17, 18. Alcuin in 797 begs Leo III to 
send the pallium to Eanbald II of York : ' quia ualde illis in par- 
tibus sacri pallii auctoritas necessaria est ad opprimendam impro- 
borum peruersitatem, et sanctae ecclesiae auctoritatem conser- 
uandam.' Mon. Alc. p. 359. At certain periods, especially in the 
eleventh century, the popes attempted to enforce the rule that 
archbishops must come to Kome to rcceive the pallium in person ; 
and it is noteworthy that the author of tlie Anglo-Saxon homily 
on St. Gregory represents him as commanding Augustine, * paet 
his ajftergengas symle J)aet pallium 7 J)one ereehade a3t ))am apos- 
tolican setle Romaniscre gelaSunge feccan sceoldon,' ' that his 
successors should always fetch the pall and archiepiscopal autho- 
rity from the apostolic see of the Roman Church ; ' ed. Elstob, 
p. 34. As early as 805 the English bishops remonstrated against 
this claim ; which certainly had no basis in the history of Canter- 
bury and York up to that time, and they hint pretty phxinly that 
pecuniary exaction was tho papal motive ; H. & S. iii. 559-561. 
(Gregory I, in a synod of 595, had forbidden any paynient to be 
made for the pallium ; R. P. p. 114.) From the end of the tenth 
century we find many archbishops of Canterbury and York going 
to Rome fo'r the pallium — ^lfric, ^lfheah (Alphege), Ethelnoth, 
Robert, Lanfranc, of Canterbury (Sax. Chr. s. a. 997, 1007, 1022, 
1050, 1072) ; ^lfric, Kinsy, Ealdred, of York (ib. 1026, 1055, 1061). 
So of Dunstan : ' suscepto sacerdotio, prolixa itinera (j[uae summis 
sunt sacerdotihus solita, Romanam . . . tetendit ad urbem ; ' Stubbs' 
Dunstan, p. 38. Gregory VII refused to grant thc pallium to Lan- 
franc and to Bruno of Verona unless they came for it ; Baronius, 
ad ann. 1070 ; R. P. p. 407. In March, 1095, Urban II writes to Guy 
of Vienne : ' contra ecclesiae moiem abscnti tibi pallium contribui- 
mus;' ib. 462. In the next century there was a great contest 
between Honorius II (1124-1130) andAnselmV,Archbishopof Milan 
(1126-1135^, on this point. ' Papa. . . dixit . . . : si \iis frui auctori- 
tate archiepiscopi, . . . necesse est ut stolam suscipias a manibus 
meis ad altare Sancti Petri.' Anselm consulted Robaldo, the admi- 
nistrator of the see of Alba, who replied : ' quod prius sustineret 
nasum suum scindi usque ad oculos, quam daret sibi consilium, 
ut susciperet Romae stolam, et ecclesiae Mediolanensi praepararet 
hanc nouam et grauissimam . . . mensuram ; ' SS. RR. II. v. 510. 
The popes ultimately abandoned this pretension, and the pallium 
is usually sent by a papal Nuncio. There was a tendency also on 
the part of the popes to restrict the use of the pallium to certaiu 

£ 2 


The Ecclesiastical History, 

[Bk. I. 

Bishops of 
subject to 

of the 

special oceasions. Thus Gregory I grants it to Augustine 'ad 
sola missarum solemnia agenda,' i. 29. So to Vergilius of Arles ; 
Bouquet, iv, 14. So Boniface V to Justus, ii. 8. Honorius I (625- 
638) decreed that metropolitans who wear their pallium 'per 
plateas uel in litaniis ' [i. e. in processions], shall be deprived of it ; 
R. P. p. 158. Nicolas I in 866 rebukes Hincmar, Archbishop of 
Rheims, for the too indiscriminate use of his pallium ; ib. 249, 
250. John XII in 960 grants the pallium to Dunstan to be used 
only on certain great festivals and other high occasions, and asserts 
that this had been the custom of his predecessors ; Stubbs' Dunstan, 
p. 297. See on the whole subject Ducange, s.v. Pallium ; D. C. A. 
s. vv. Metropolitan, Omophorion, Pallium, Pope ; Bright, pp. 60, 
61, 67. See also the index to vol. ii. of the Benedictine edition of 
Gregory the Greafs Works, wbere many references will be found 
to letters of his, in which the pallium is mentioned. Very strict 
rules about the pallium are found in the Pontificale Romanum, 
ed. Venice, 1572, ff. 36, 37. 

p. 53. epistulas] This is the letter given in c. 28. 

Brittaniarum . . . omnes episcopos] The reference to the need for 
instruction and correction shows that Gregory is thinking mainly 
of the bishops of the Celtic Churches in Britain, the British, and 
perhaps the Irish Church at lona. But the phrase does not refer 
to them exclusively ; it would include all bishops consecrated by 
Augustine and his future colleague of York (cf. the expression in 
c. 29, p. 64). This concession, like that of c. 29, giving Augustine 
authority over the oceupant of the see of York, was a purely 
personal coneession to Augustine in consideration of his great 
services ; the ultimate arrangement was to be equal division of 
authority between London (eventually Canterbury) and York. Of 
course the partisans of the claims of Canterbury tried to interpret 
both as permanent eoncessions to that see. London and York, 
with their history dating from Roman times, would naturally be 
the cities best known to Gregory ; ef. Elmham, p. 95: 'eo quod 
ad illud tempus alterius obseurae urbis notitia Romanos non atti- 
gisset.' Cf. H. Y. I. xxii. It was largely owing to the apostasy 
of Essex, ii. 5, 6, that this plan was not earried out. By the time 
Essex was reeonverted, iii. 22, the primaey was too firmly estab- 
lished at Canterbury to be removed. H. & S. iii. 67 ; cf. ib. 51. 
With the substitution of Canterbury for London this arrangement, 
itself jjrobably based on Severus' division of the isLand into the 
provinces of Upper and Lower Britain (cf. Bates' Northumberland, 
p. 30), was carried out in tlie case of Honorius and Paulinus, ii. 
17, 18. Then camc the flight of Paulinus from Northumbria, and 

chap. 27.] Notes. 53 

110 northern prolate i^eceived the pallium till Egbert in 735, ivfra, 
p. 361, Eo. § I, note. Hence from 633 to 735, a date beyond tlie 
limits of Bedu's history, tho qiiestion of the relation betweon the 
two moti*opolitans could not ariso; Tlieodore quiotly steppcd into 
the vacant ph\ce, and freely exorcised mctropolitan jurisdiction 
over tlie whole of that part of Britain occupied by the Teutonic 
settlers: ' Isque primus erat in archiepiscopis, cui omnis An- 
glorum ecclesia manus dare consentiret ;' iv. 2, p. 204 ; cf. iv. 5, 17. 
Cenulf, Kiug of Mercia, writing to Leo III in 798, speaks as if tlie 
primacy liad been fixed at Canterbury by some formal decree : 
* uisum est cunctis gentis nostrae sapiontibus quatenus in illa ciui- 
tate metropolitanus honor haberetur, ubi corpore pausat, qui his 
partibus fidei ueritatem inseruit,' i.e. Augustine; H. & S. iii. 522. 
But it was circumstances, not any formal resolution, which fixed 
the primacy at Canterbury. 

How far the Celtic churches at this time admitted the juris- 
diction of Rome is a very obscure point. Cf. Bright, pp. 61-63, 83. 
The British Church emphatically rejected Augustine's autliority at 
Augustine's Oak ; ii. 2, and notes ; and as long as the Celtic Churches 
retained their separate Easter they were treated by Rome as 
schismatical. See Excursus on Easter question. 

p. 54. prohibere] ' bewered beon ' ; i.e. prohiberi, AS. vers. ; a better 
reading, found in some MSS. 

si douum . . . uideatur] 'paette scyle J)8ere godcundan gife wiS- 
cwedon beon,' ib., which points to a reading ' si dono . . . contradici,' 
&c., which certainly yields a better sense. It is difiicult to get much 
meaning out of the text as it stands. 

nullo peccati pondere grauatur] Theodore's penitential, how- 
ever, forbids a woman to enter a church for forty days after child- 
birth ; H. & S. iii. 189. 

p. 55. quoadusque . . . ablactatur] The time fixed in Egberfs 
penitential is forty days ; H. & S. iii. 423. 

prchiberi ecclesiam intrare non debet] Here again Theodoi'e's 
rule is stricter : ' Mulieres menstruo tempore non intrent in 
aecclesiam neque commonicent, nec sanctimoniales, nec laicae ; ' 
H. & S. iii. 188, 189. 

p. 56. sanctae . . . communionis] See last note. 

religiosae uitae] This would seem to show that Gregory is 
thinking mainly of nuns ; cf. hast note but one. 

p. 57. nec . , . culpam deputamus esse coniugium] Cf. Theodoro, Marriage 
u. s., where marl-iage seems to be distinctly treated as sinful, and ^^*^, ^i^- 
penance is enjoined for it. Bode's own view is that of Gregory. ^^"^ ^ 
The command ' be fruitful and multiply' was given by God, 'ne 

54 The Ecclesiastical History, [Bk. i. 

quis honorabili connubio inesse peccatum . . . putaret,' Opp. vii. 22 ; 
cf. X. 116. Those who forbid marriage are ' maledictione digni/ 
vii. 26. Yet he regards continence {i. e. the abstinence of widowed 
persons from further marriage\ and still more virginity, as a higher 
estate than marriage. ' In infimo habitat pudicitia coniugalis, 
supra uidualis, atque hac superior uirginalis,' vii. 102 ; cf. ib. 26, 
208, 254, 255 ; ix. 107, 133 ; xi. 189 ; xii. 224, 225, 368. Yet virginity 
is not to be regarded as the whole of virtue : ' quia nil castimoniae 
custodia absque aliorum augmento bonorum ualeat,' vii. 346 ; viii. 
282 ; X. 324. (Aldhelm's views are very similar, though more 
rhetorically expressed ; Opp., ed. Giles, pp. 10, 14, 15, 20.) It is 
hard to see how any one can condemn Bede's views on this subject 
without also condemning St. Paul, i Cor. vii. 25-40. The only 
point in which Bede differs from St. Paul is where, as in iv. 19, he 
commends the withdrawal of one party from the marriage bond 
loithout the consent of the other. This is in flat contradiction of 
I Cor. vii. 1-7, and is clearly unscriptural ; cf. M. & L. on iv. 19. It 
is noteworthy that Bede, following Jerome (Aduersus Heluidium, 
mhfin.), maintains the perpetual virginity not merely of Mary, but 
also of Joseph : ' nos . . . absque ullius scrupulo quaestionis scire 
et confiteri oportet, non tantum beatam Dei genitricem, sed et 
beatissimum castitatis eius testem atque custodem loseph ab omni 
prorsus actione coniugali mansisse semper immunem ; ' Opp. v. 
405 ; cf. ib, 385 ; x. 54, 83. 

p. 58. ecce enim, &c.] Bede quotes this verse in the same form, 
Opp. vii. 388 ; X. 291. The text as commonly printed alters ' delictis 
peperit ' into ' peccatis concepit ' in conformity with the Vulgate. 
The reading of the text is that of the Koman Psalter ; see on v. 19. 

portat] ' portat arbor,' several MSS. 

oportet . . . copulam] A verb seems wanting after ' ojjortet.' 

p. 59. abstinere] The AS. version inserts from the Bible nar- 
rative : ' pset heo heora hr£egl woosce 7 claensode,' 'that they should 
wash and cleanse their garments, and abstain, &c.' 

per sacerdotem dicitur] Cf. Bede on this passage, Opp. viii. 144, 


post inlusionem] Cf. Opp. viii. 134 ; Egberfs Penitential, ix. 
6ff. ; H. & S. iii. 425, 426 ; Vita Fursei, i. 17 ; Cod. Salmant., col. 91. 
lotum . . . ei] Anacoluthic. Perhaps he had sinit or some similar 
word in his mind in beginning the sentence. 

p. 60. nescientem pertulisse . . . quam fecisse] So Bede, of Lot : 
' tale scelus . . . nesciens pertulit, magis quam fecit,' Opp. vii. 211. 
Three p. 51. tribus . . . modis] Bede, on Jamesi. 15, 16, follows Gregory 

<)f"^sin^ very closely. ' Tribus modis tentatio agitur ; suggestione, delecta- 

Chap. 38.] Notes. 55 

tione, consensu. Suggcstiono hostis, dolectatione <autem, uel etiam 
consensu nostrae frngilitatis. Quod si, hosto suggerente, delectari 
aut consentire peccato nolumus, tentatio ipsa nobis ad uictoriam 
prouenit . . . Si uero . . . hostis suggestione . . . in uitio incipimus 
illicite delectari, delectando quidem offendimus, sed necdum lapsum 
mortis incurrimus. At si delectationem concepti cordo facinoris 
etiam partus praiuie sequitur actionis, nobis iam mortis reis uictor 
hostis abscedit,' Opp. xii. 164, 165 ; cf. x. 81, 82 ^in Marc. ; repeated 
xi. 87, 88 in Luc). In the Moralia, iv. 49, Gregory adds a fourtli 
mode of sin : ' defensionis audacia.' I owe the reference to 

semen] This correction (v. critical notes) is strongly supported 
by Bede, Oj)p. vii. 60, ' semen [diaboli] est peruersa suggestio.' It 
was also suggested by Stevenson. 


This chapter is not in the AS. vers., nor is the heading in the 

P. 62. commemorat] i. 27, p. 53. 

Uergilium . . . successorem] v. note on i. 27, p. 48. 

sacerdotum] A comparison with c. 27, pp. 52, 53, shows that ' Sacerdos. 
here as often * sacerdos ' means bishop ; as its derivatives ' sacer- 
dotalis,' ' sacerdotium ' often mean 'episcopal,' 'episcopal ofiice.' 
This is certainly the case, i. 24 ; i. 29, p. 64 ; ii. 2, p. 82 (' biscopum,' 
AS. vers.) ; ii. 4, p. 88 ; ii. 17, p. 119; ii. 18, p. 120 ; iii. 5, p. 137 
('biscope') ; iii. 27, p. 193 (' biscophad,' cf. v. 22, p. 346) ; iv. 17, 
p. 238 ('biscopa'). So iii. 27, p. 140, ' sacerdotali iure' i^'on bis- 
coplicum onwealde'); * sacerdotalis cura,' ii. 10, p. loi, of the pope. 
In many cases the AS. vers. retains the Latin word ' sacerd,' which 
is of course ambiguous like the original. It means, however, bishoj) 
in the following cases : iii. 17, p. 161 ; iii. 21, p. 171 (though just 
before, p. 170, ' sacerdotes,' ' sacerdotibus * occur, meaning pres- 
byters) ; iv. 5, p. 215, ' consacerdos,' of various bishops. In iii. 23, 
p. 176, four brothers are mentioned who were prieats, 'sacerdotes' 
('sacerdas'), two of whom became bishops, 'summi sacerdotii 
gradu functi ' (' biscopas'). [In a passage cited above, p. 51, ' summi 
sacerdotes ' are archbishops.] On the other hand 'sacerdos' clearly 
means presbyter in the following cases : i. 27, pp. 59, 60 (' sacerd') ; 
iv. 25, p. 263 ; V. 6, p. 291 ; v. 10, p. 300 ; v. 19, p. 325 (' maesse 
preost') ; iv. 14, p. 233 ; v. 21, p. 344 (not translated in AS. vers.). 
In iv. 27, p. 269, ' sacerdos,' as applied to Boisil, is translated 
' maesse preost ' by the AS. vers. ^lfric, however, understood it 

56 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. i. 

the other way ; see note on iv. 28, p. 272. The mcaning is doubtful 
in ii. 9, p. 98 (not translated) ; iii. 3, p. 132 ; iii. 19, p. 166 (^sacerd- 
had '). In iii. 30 adfin. it seems to inchide both bishops and priests. 
Inii. 2, p. 84, 'sacerdotes' is expanded in the AS. vers. into 
'sacerdas, 7 biscopas, 7 munecas,' 'priests, and bishops, and monks.' 
At the Council of Estrefeld in 702 x 703, Wilfrid's enemies en- 
deavoured to induce him to promise that he would retire to Eipon, 
'nec aliquid sacerdotalis officii attingeret,' i.e. 'and not attempt to 
discharge any episcopal function,' H. Y. i. 68 ; a passage which 
Canon Raine has misunderstood. A good instance of this meaning 
is Vita Fursei, i. 19; Cod. Salmant., col. 92: ' Populus contra 
regentem erigitur, clerus contra sacerdotem, monachi contra 

die X . . . XIX] i. e. June 22, 601. 


P. 63. cum praefatis legatariis] i.e. Laurentius and Peter, v. i. 
27, p. 48, note. 
Rufinia- primi et praecipui] Of all these except Rufinianus we shall hear 

iius. again in Bede. Elmham wi'ongly speaks of Rufinianus as accom- 

panying Augustine and the first mission to Britain. He afterwards 
became abbot of SS. Peter and PauVs (or St. Augustine's) mona- 
stery, ib. 148, 150. He is said to have died 626, ib. 153, and his 
epitaph is given ib. 154. 
MSS. sent uniuersa . . . codices plurimosj A list of these gifts is in Elm- 
byGregory, j^^j-,^^ pp_ g6 102 ; but ' is too late in date to be of any authority,' 
H. & S. iii. 60. On the strength of this list two MSS., Bodl. Auct. 
D. ii. 14, and C.C.C.C. 286, both copies of the Gospels, have been 
thought to belong to Gregory'sbenefaction ; Elmham, pp.xxv-xxvii ; 
Bosworth, Anglo-Saxon Gospels, p. x ; H. & S. m. s. But the former 
was pronounced by Mr. Coxe to be not earlier than 650, Bright, 
p. 68. These 'codices plurimi ' Elmham speaks of as 'primitiae 
librorum totius ecclesiae Anglicanae'; an interesting remark, which 
cannot, however, be literally true. Augustine must have brought 
some books with him, one of which, according to King Alfred, was 
Gregory's Pastoral Care, see on ii. i ; and Egbert in his Dialogue 
says that the English Church kept the first Ember Fast, ' ut noster 
didascalus beatus Gregorius in suo Antiphonario et Missali Libro, 
per pedagogum nostrum beatum Augustinum transmisit ordinatum 
et rescriptum ; ' H. & S. iii. 411 ; cf. ib. 412. Aj^tassage in a spurious 
charter of Ethelbert speaks of Augustine having deposited some at 

chap. 30.] Notes. 57 

least of Gregory's gifts in the monnstery of SS. Peter and Paul 
(St. Augustine's). Tlie tradition may be true, though thc charter 
is spurious ; K. C. D. No. 4 ; Birch, No. 6 ; H.. & S. iii. 55. 

sacerdotalia] 'episcopal/ v. c. 28, note. 

quarum litterarum] This letter is cited by Bede, Ee. § 9, pp. 412, 
413 ; it is omittod in the AS. vers. 

pallii] See note on c 27, p. 52. 

p. 64. quem tamen . . . subiacere] This, however, as the next PriTuacy, 
words show, was a purely personal grant to Augustine. On this 
and on the primacy question generally v. note on c. 27, p. 53. 

die X . . . anno XVIIII] Cf. the reference to this letter in Bede, Date. 
Chron. Opp. vi. 323, Opp. Min. p. 194 : 'Gregorius xviii anno 
Mauricii indictione iiii scribens Augustino, Londini quoque et 
Eboraci episcopos, accepto a sede apostolica pallio metropolitanos 
esse debere decernit.' The eighteenth year of Maurice would give 
600 A.D.^ which is clearly wrong, and inconsistent with the in- 
diction ; Stevenson reads ' decimo nono.' Cenulf,, King of Mercia, 
cites this letter, when writing to Leo III in 798 with reference to 
the attempts of Offa to diminish the rights of Canterbury by con- 
verting Lichfield into a metropolitan see for Mercia. 


This chapter is not in the AS. vers., nor is the heading in 
the Capitula. 

quam studiose . . . inuigilauerit] Cf. ii. i , p. 79 : ' tam sedulam 
erga salutem nostrae gentis curam gesserit ; ' cf. App. I. § 9. 

p. 65. quid diu mecum . . . tractaui] There is an interesting Treatment 
letter of Daniel, Bishop of Winchester, to St. Boniface, advising ^f ^^f^*^^"' 
him how to argue with his Gentile hearers, ' non insultando uel christian 
'inritando eos, sed placide et magna moderatione ;' Mon. Mog. pp. mission- 
71-74 ; H. & S. iii. 304-306. Bede himself, in his Exposition of the ^"^^' 
Acts, has some excellent remarks on the treatment of heathenism 
by Christian preachers. Commenting on St. PauFs speech at 
Athens (Acts xvii. 16 ff.), he points out how wisely he sets out from 
tlie unity and omnipotence of the Creator, and thenco deduces the 
unreasonableness of idolatry, instead of attacking itdirectly : ' ham 
si primo destruere uoluisset ceremonias idolorum, aures gentium 
respuissent.' He shows with what tact St. Paul adduces the autho- 
rity of Aratus, an authority which his hearers recognised, * de 
falsis ipsorum, quibus contradicere non poterant, sua uera con- 
firmans,' instead of arguing from the prophets to those, ' qui pz'o- 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

nation of 
anity by 

phetarum fidem non recipiebant.' 'Magnae quippe scientiae est, 
dare in tempore cibaria conseruis, et audientium considerare per- 
sonas ; ' Opp. xii. 70-72. (The letter of Boniface V to Edwin, ii. 10, 
violates this wise rule in the most fatuous manner.) At the same 
time Bede, speaking of the circumcision of Timothy by St. Paul, 
Acts xvi. I ff., remarks truly tliat, though the Apostles often con- 
formed to the ' umbrae legales, quasi a Domino aliquando consti- 
tutae,' yet ' gentilis institutio, ut uere a Satana reperta, nunquam 
a sanctis est attacta ' ; ib. 67. The difficulty is one of the most 
serious that Christian missionaries have to solve. It is probable 
that they have erred more often on the side of compromise than of 
iconoclasm. The way in which heathen practices and modes of 
thought continue to subsist alongside of, and enter into composition 
with popular Christianity, is a most fruitful subject for study ; cf, 
D. C. A. ii. 1542, and an interesting note in N. & K. pp. 315-318). 
The degree to which this is the case will depend very much on the 
period at which a people is converted, on the question whether 
their conversion is the result of individual conviction or of mere 
wholesale conformity, on the strength of the popular heathenism 
at the time, on the tact and courage of their teachers. Sometimes 
the heathen nature of these practices is dimly realised, and they 
are carefully kept out of view. Sometimes they are done openly, 
their real meaning having been utterly forgotten, or being veiled 
under a thin disguise of Christianity. (^Thus the Council of 
Ratisbon in 742 complains of various ceremonies : ' quas stulti 
homines iuxta ecclesias ritu pagano faciunt, svib nomine sanctorum 
martyrum uel, confessorum ; ' H. & S. iii. 385 ; v. next note, and 
note on ii. 15.) It is usually assumed that this letter, sent after 
Mellitus had started, indicates that Gregory had radically changed 
his view since writing the letter to Ethelbert in c. 32, which 
Mellitus took with him. I do not think that this is certain. 
Gregory might well urge on Ethelbert the desirability of destruc- 
tion, and on Augustine the need for caution and compromise. In 
Kent the final steps were taken by Ethelberfs grandson, Erconbert, 
iii. 8. On the need of royal assistance to put down idolatry, cf. 
St. Boniface to Daniel, bishop of Winchester : ' sine patrocinio prin- 
cipis Francorum nec . . . presbiteros . . . defendere possum, nec 
ipsos paganorum ritus et sacrilegia idolorum . . . sine illius mandato 
et timore prohibere ualeo ; ' H. & S. iii. 344 ; Mon. Mog. p. 159 ; cf. 
the procedure of Wilbrord, v. 11, note. In Nortliumbria the 
temples were destroyed, if we may judge from ii. 13, p. 113. A con- 
trary instance, and one in conformity with Gregory's principles as 
stated here, would be the case of Ethelberfs idol fane outside the 

Chap. 30.] Notes. 59 

walls of Cantorbury, convGrtcd by Augustine into tho Churcli of 
St. Pancras, if the Canterbury tradition may be trustod ; Thorn, 
col. 1760; Ehnham, pp. 79-81 ; Stanley, Memorials of Canterbury, 
pp. 37, 38. In this poliey of compromiso, papal Rome perhaps in- 
herited something from lieathen Rome, whicli readily equated the 
gods of other peoples with members of her own pantheon ; cf. Scarth, 
u. s. p. 233. 

fana idolorum] Nothing in the religious observances of the Jews Anglo- 
struck the classical world with greater astonishment than the Saxon 
absence of any sculpturcd representation of the Deity (see Schurer, ^^j^ 
Gesch. d. jiidischen Volkes, ii. 551 if.). Tacitus in a well-known 
passage, Germ. c. 9, attributes tho same peculiarity to the Germans : 
' ceterum nec cohibere parietibus deos, neque in ullam humani oris 
speciem assimulare ex magnitudine caelestium arbitrantur ; . . . 
deorumque nominibus appellant secretum illud quod sola reuerentia 
uident.' (Cf. Hdt. i. 131, of the Persians.) Whatever may have been 
the case in Tacitus' time, this had eertainly ceased to be true of our 
Saxon forefathers in the sixth century. We constantly hear of idols 
and idolatry in all the Saxon kingdoms — Kent, i. 30, 32 ; ii. 6 ; Essex, 
ii. 5 ; iii. 22, 30 ; Northumbria, ii. 10, 11, 13 ; iii. i ; East Anglia, 
ii. 15 ; Mercia, ii. 20 ; Sussex, iv. 13 ; v. 19 ; of the Saxons generally, 
ii. I. We could have wished that Bede had told us more about these 
Saxon deities ; but doubtless he would have thought it worse than 
idle to do so. In the De Temp. Ratione, c. 15, he does tell us of 
two Saxon goddesses, Rheda and Eostre, who gave their names to 
the months of March and April. Kent, as it was the first kingdom 
to be converted, so it was the first in which idolatry was forbidden 
by law under Ereonbert, iii. 8. We hear of 'fana' or heathen 
temples, i. 30, 32; ii. 10, 11, 13, 15 ; iii. 30; of heathen sacrifices, 
i. 30 ; ii. 15. Ethelbert will not meet Augustine in a house for fear 
of magic arts, i. 25 ; the practice of augury is mentioned in ii. 10, 
II, and charms and incantations in iv. 22, 27. Cf. the striking 
scene in Eddius, c. 13, where Wilfrid returning from Gaul after his 
consecration, is driven on to the coast of Sussex, and assailed by 
the heathen inhabitants : ' stans quoque princeps sacerdotum 
idolatriae . . . in tumulo excelso . . . maledicere populum Dei, et suis 
magicis artibus manus eorum alligare nitebatur.' The evidence of 
the Laws and Penitentials shows how hard these customs died ; some 
of them indeed have survived to our own day (see last note). The 
following references do not go beyond the eighth century, because 
later enactments may be concerned with heathen customs intro- 
duced by the Danes. Theodore's Penitential (668x690) forbids 
sacrifice to idols, and various forms of divination and augury ; 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 

' Altare ' 
and ' ara.' 





H. & S. iii. 188-190. The Council of Clovesho (747) forbids : ' pa- 
ganas obseruationes, id est diuinos, soi-tilegos, auguria, auspicia, 
fylacteria, incantationes, siue omnes spurcitias impiorum, genti- 
liumque errata,' ib. 364 ; cf. the very similar enactment of the 
Council of Ratisbon, held under St. Boniface in 742, ib. 385, cited 
above, p. 58. Among criminals who are never to be ordained, or 
if ordained are to be deposed^ the dialogue of Egbert (732 x 766) 
enumerates ' idola . . . adorantes, per aruspices et . . . incantatores 
captiuos se diabolo tradentes/ ib. 410. Egberfs Penitential, in 
addition to sacrifice to idols, augury and divination, condemns 
'emissorestempestatum,' ib. 420 ; and those 'qui . . . quarumcunque 
scripturarum inspectione futura promittunt, uel uotum uouerit in 
arbore, uel in qualibet re excepto ecclesiam ; . . . uel V. feriam in 
honore louis, uel kalendas lanuarias secundum paganam causam 
honora[uerit],' ib. 424. To much the same effect the legatine synod 
of 787,ib. 449, 458,459. Kemble, Saxons, i. 523 ff., has collected some 
of the provisions of the secular law on this subject, but the only 
ones which fall within the limits named above are those of Witred 
of Kent, 696, against sacrifice to idols. On Saxon heathenism, 
cf. Kemble, u. s. pp. 327-444 ; and on witchcraft, &c. generally, 
Sir A. Lyairs interesting essay in his Asiatic Studies. 

altaria] Christian altars, as opposed to the heathen ' arae.' Eede 
always observes this distinction ; thus 'arae' of heathen altars, 
i. 7, p. 19 ; ii. 13, ad fin. ; iii. 30, ad fin. ; ' altaria ' of Christian 
altars, i. 15, adfin. Only once is 'altaria' used of heathen altars, 
and then in the mouth of a heathen, ii. 13, subfin. Iii ii. 15, the 
two things are instructively contrasted : ' altare ad sacrificium 
Christi, et arulam ad uictimas daemoniorum.' 

reliquiae ponantur] On relics regarded as essential to the conse- 
cration of a church, cf. D. C. A. i. 431 ; ii. 1774, 1775. On relics 
generally, ib. 1768 ff. Relics were among the things sent by 
Gregory to Augustine by Mellitus, c. 29. Cf. the interesting 
2)arallel of Wilbrord in Frisia, v. 11, p. 301. 

natalicii] v. Introduction, pp. Ixvii, Ixviii, infr. v. 24, p. 359. 

solleranitatem celebrent] Cf. an interesting passage in the De 
Temp. Eat. c. 12 ; Opp. vi. 174, where Bede distinctly approves of 
the conversion of the lustrations of the Lupercalia into the 
Candlemas ceremonies of the same month of February. So in 
Syria the cultus of the sun-god "HAto? was transformed into that of 
the prophet 'HXlas ; Schiirer, u. s. ii. 20, 21 ; and Welsh saints named 
Mabon are possibly only tlie Celtic Apollo Maponos in a Christian 
garb ; Rhys, C. B. p. 302. On the transference of heathen myths 
and folk-tales to the ecclesiastical sphere, v. Introduction, p. Ixiv. 

Chap. 32.] Notes. 61 

gradibus . . . non . . . saltibus] This is a truth on which Bedo is 
very foncl of dwelling: 'paulatini deficere ad uitia, sicut et ad 
uirtutes proficere solot animus humanus/ Opp. viii. 133; * nemo 
repente fit summus/ vii. 315 ; xi. 241 ; cf. ib. 188, and fq. 

se quidem innotuit] 'siquidem' in H. H. p. 71. Tlie change 'Innotosco' 
was probablymado through notobscrving ih.ix,i innotesco is hore used transitive. 
transitively ; a sense noted by Sahnasius, as cited in Andrewes' 

solebatj /. e. ' populus/ though *eis ' has intorvenod. 

ipsa . . . ipsa] = the same. 

p. QQ. luliarum] This word is omitted ty two out of the four Bate. 
oldest MSS., M and N, and is clearly wrong, as it wouki mako this 
letter earlier, instead of later, than those which Mellitus took with 
him. Probably the scribe carelossly copied ' luliarum ' from the 
date of one of the othor letters, or ignorantly insorted it, finding 
the month omitted in his archotype. But unless we are proparod 
to give up the wholo date, it is not true that ' there are no means 
of corrocting it,' H. & S. iii. 38. The last day of the nineteenth 
year of Maurice was Aug. 12, 601. ' Augustarum ' therefore is the 
only possible correction, a correction actually made by O^, followod 
by Ojo ; the truo date is July 18, and the quostion of the indiction 
mercifully does not come in. 


This chapter is not in the AS. vors. nor in the Capitula. 

Q,uo in tempore misit] i. e. the letter was sent with Mellitus, Date and 

though it mayhave been wriiten earlier. The Benedictine editors f^^^^ents oi 

the letter. 
note that in some collections it is dated Jan. i, but without any 

year or indiction. Bede only givos extracts from the lottor. The 

whole is in H. & S. iii. 14-17. It bogins and ends with tho ' Gloria 

in excelsis,' and in the portions omitted by Bedo, Gregory warns 

Augustine, fi.rstly by the oxamplo of Mosos, secondly by tho fact 

that many who can say ' Domine . . . in tuo nomine multas uir- 

tutes fecimus,' will hear at the last day the sentence 'recodito a 

me ; ' cf. iii. 25, p. 187. The true ' sign ' is * si dilectionem habueritis 

ad inuicem,' John xiii. 35. On A?]gustine's miraclos, cf. su^J. c. 26, 

p. 47, noto ; H. & S. iii. 36. 


P. 67. Misit . . . eodem tempore] i. e. with Mellitus. 
exemplar] The letter is omitted in tho AS. vers. 


The Ecclesiastical History, 

[Bk. I. 

' Quisquis ' 
nnd ' quis- 
que. ' 

Belief in 
the ap- 
end of the 

sent by 

p. 68. fanorum aedificia euerte] v. note on c. 30. 

quaeque uos ammonet] ' Quisque ' for ' quisquis ' as commonly 
in the Latinity of this period ; e. g. ii. 4, p. 88 ; iii. 11, p. 150 ; iii. 19, 
aclfin. The confusion probably arose in the first instance from the 
similarity of the plurals ' quaequae ' and ' quaeque/ which in many 
MSS. would be indistinguishable, and then spread from the pkiral 
to the singular ; ' quisquis' is, however, used quite correctly, v. 21, 

P- 334- 

p. 69. adpropinq^ante . . . mundi termino] So Gregory in a 
letter to the clergy of Milan, dated April, 593 ; Jaffe, E. P. p, 103 ; 
and in one to Venantius, Aug. 599, ib. 135. So Bede himself : 
' huius mysteria lectionis et hodie . . . innumera per loca compleri 
uidemus et audimus ; sed appropinquante mundi termino, cres- 
centibus malorum cumulis, magis magisque complenda . . . tremula 
expectatione formidamus,' Opp. viii. 217 ; and on Luke xiv. 17, 
* quid hora coenae nisi finis est mundi ? in quo nimirum nos 
sumus,' xi. 199 ; cf. vii. 35 ; ix. 295 ; Mon. Mog. p. 307. Charters 
frequently begin with the words ' Appropinquante iam mundi ter- 
mino,' or similar phrases ; e. g. K. C. D. Nos. 11, 128, 672 ; Birch, 
Nos. 37, 205 ; spurious charters probably, but the phrase would 
not have been inserted had it not been characteristic of genuine 
documents. In the Formulae Marculfi, and in the Formulae 
Veteres Sirmondicae, the formula for the 'donatio ecclesiae ' begins : 
' mundi terminum adpropinquantem ruinis crebrescentibus iam 
certa signa manifestant. Idcirco, &c. '; Bouquet, iv. 487, 523 ; cf. 
H. H. p. xix. About the year 1000 a. d. the belief that the end of 
the world was near was very strong, it being thought that that year 
would mark the end of the thousand years of Kev. xx. 2, 3, 7 ; 
cf. Wulfstan's homilies, ed. Napier, pp. 18, 19, 25, 79, 91, 92, 95, 151, 
156, 189, 191,192, 202, 272, 297, and especially ib. 83, 243, where 
Rev. XX. 7 is expressly cited. For other references, cf. Napier's 
dissertation on Wulfstan, pp. 64, 65. 

immutationes aeris] Cf. Vit. Pros. Cudb. c. 27, ' nonne uidetis 
. . . quam mire mutatus ac turbatus sit aer,' Opp. Min. p. 102, and 
iv. 3, pp. 210, 211. 

de animabus . . . praeparati] How consonant this is to Bede's 
own cast of thought is shown in Introduction, pp. Ixvi, Ixvii. 

suspecti] 'alert,' 'expectant,' cf. i. 15. 

parua . . . exenia] The charter cited above, c. 29, professes to 
give a list of these presents, and says that Ethelbert gave them to 
the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul : ' missurium . . . argenteum, 
scapton aureum, . . . sellam cum fraeno, armilcaisia oloserica, 
camisiam ornatam, quod mihi xenium de domino papa Gregorio 

Chap. 33.] Kotes. 63 

. . . directum fueiat.' Hore again a true tradition inay be ombodicd, 
or it may be an invention based on c. 33 : 'diuersis donis ditauit,' 
p. 70. With the list of presents, cf. ii. 10, 11, adjin. pp. 104, 106. 
At the same time with this letter to Ethelbert, Gregory sent one 
to his wife Bertha, tlianking her for her kindness to Augustine, of 
which he had heard from Laurentius and Peter, and saying that 
her good deeds had reached not only to the ears of the Romans, but 
even to the Emperor at Constantinople; H. & S. iii. 17, 18; Opp. 
Min. p. 251. 


P. 70. ut praediximus] c. 26, adfin. 

in nomine . . . sacrauit] Tliis is Christ Church, Canterbury. Founda- 

According to MS. F of the Saxon Chr. s. a. 995, the dedication took ^^^^^^^ 

place on the mass-day of SS. Primus and Felicianus, -June 9, after church, 

the return of the emissaries who brought Grregory's responsa, c. 27. Canter- 

This MS. of the Chronicle is very late (twelfth century\ but being 

a Canterbury book it may preservo a true tradition as to tlie date. 

If so, the dedication cannot be earlier than 602, as the messengers 

did not leave Eome till after June 22, 601 : v. s. on c. 27. June 9 

was a Sunday in 603, which might point to that year. The further 

story that Ethelbert sent special mossengers of his own with those 

of Augustine, to consult Grcgory as to whether the new church 

should be filled with clorks or monks, and that the pope, to his 

great joy, decided in favour of monks, bears too obviously the mark 

of later controversies to be worth anything. The statement that 

the Church was dodicatod 'in the namo of Christ a^id St. Mary,' 

may also be a later development. Cf. my edition of the Chron. I. 

xii. 128, 129, 285, 286. On the original Christ Church, Canterbury, 

cf. Stanley, Memorials, pp. 39 ff. ; Bright, pp. 53, 54. 

monasterium] This is the monastery better known by its later St. Augus- 
name of St. Augustine's. As being intended for a burial place it ^g^^iyf "' 
had to be outside the city. Elmham's work so often cited is a history 
of this monastery, to which he belonged ; cf, especially pp. 77, 81, 
83, III, 115, 117, 118 ; Stanley, pp. 41-43 ; Bright, pp. 91, 92. 

poni corpora possent. Q,uam . . . eonsecrauit] v. inf. on ii. 3, 
p. 86 ; V. 8, p. 294. There is a spurious bull professing to be 
addressed by Boniface IV to Ethelbert in 611 on this subject ; 
H. & S. iii. 67-69 ; from Ehnham, pp. 129-131 ; cf. tho spurious 
charter, ib. p. 319, 

Petrus presbiter] He had been one of Augustine's messengers Abbot 
to Gregory ; c. 27, and notes. It was porhaps on some similar ® ^^- 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. I. 



errand that he met his death, which is said to have taken place in 
607 ; Elmham, p. 126, who also gives his epitaph. There is a life of 
him by Eadmer in MS. C, C. C. C 371, f. 416 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 206, 207. 
Elmham cites a life of Peter, probably Eadmer's, p. iii. His day 
is given as Jan. 6 in some authorities ; in others as Dec. 30. 
AA. SS. Jan. i. 334 ; Mab. AA. SS. ii. i. 

Amfleat] Ambleteuse, a little north of Boulogne. Here James II 
landed in 1689 on his fiight from England. 

p. 71. lux caelestis] Cf. the similar miracles in the case of 
Oswald, iii. 11, p. 148 ; and of the two Hewalds, v. 10, p. 300 ; cf. 
S. D. ii. 8. These legends are perhaps only an exaggeration of 
a natural phenomenon. Cf. Kaine's Hexham, i. 40. 

Bononia] Boulogne, in the Church of St. Mary ; Elmham, 
p. 126. 


This fragment of Northumbrian history comes in rather 
awkwardly in tlie midst of the account of the conversion of South- 
Eastern Britain. It would have come in better before ii. 9, in 
connexion with the mission to Northumbria. But Bede no doubt 
wished to prepare the way for the connexion of Ethelfrid with the 
fulfilment of Augustine's prophecy in ii. 2, pp. 83-85. 
Ethelfrid. Aedilfrid . . . Brettonum] This character of Ethelfrid as a cruel 
enemy of the Britons has survived in a curious way in Welsh tra- 
dition. The Triads represent him as a cannibal. Cf. Rhys, Arthurian 
Legend, pp. 73, 74 ; D. C B. ii. 222, 223. The pedigrees in Nennius, 
§ 57, call him iEdlfred Flesaur, an epithet the meaning of which is 
unknown. Henry of Huntingdon speaks as if ' ferus,' ' the fierce,' 
had become his standingepithet ; pp. 54, 78. Cf. W. M.'s rhetorical 
amplification of Bede, i. 46-48, and the character given of him in 
the twelfth-century life of St. Oswald ; S. D. i. 362, 363. Mr. Skene, 
C. S. i. 236, 237, gives the extent of his dominions ; but he cites 
no authority. 

tribunis] ' aldormonna,' 'aldermen,' AS. vers. 
Aedan mac Aedan . . . inhabitant] i.e. Aedan mac Gabrain, King of the 
Grabrain. Dalriadic colony of Scots or Irish, which settled in Alba c. 500 a.d. ; 
v.s. c. I, note. About 560 the Scottish (Irish) colonists under 
Gabran, the father of Aedan, seem to have experienced a severe 
check at the hands of the Picts, Gabran himself apparently being 
slain ; Tigh. sub anno. Aedan, who came to the throne in 574, 
re-established their power. He was the first of the Dalriadic 
princes of Alba who underwent a solemn ecclesiastical inaugura- 
tion. This he received at the hands of Columba, Abbot of lona ; 

Chap. 34.] Notes, 65 

a f;\ct whieh ilhistrates tlie conventiial and non-episcopal organisa- 
tion of tho Irish Church at this timc (see on iii. 3, 4). Cohmi})a, 
it is said, acted in obedience to a direct revelation, being himself 
in ftivour of Eogan, Aedan's brother, whose death is mentioned by 
Tighernach, suh anno 595 ; Rs. Ad. pp. 197-199. He was also the 
first prince wlio made liimself independent of the mother-countiy. 

According to the traditional account preserved in the preface to 
the Amra Coluimcille (elegy on Columba), by Dallan mac Forgaill 
(in LU. facs. pp. 5 ff. ; Rawl. B. 502, ff. 54^-56^, MSS. of the eleventh 
century, but made up of earlier materials), an arrangement was 
come to at the convention of Druim Cett in 574, partly through 
the mediation of Columba, by which the Dah-iads in Alba were 
freed from tribute to the king of Ireland, but continued liable 
to military service ; cf. Rs, Ad. pp. 37, 92. We find Aedan giving 
hostages to Baedan mac Carell, king of Ulster; P. & S. pp. 127- 
129. It is probably in consequence of these two facts, the eccle- 
siastical coronation and the emancipation from the mother- 
country, that some later authorities speak of Aedan as the first to 
establish a monarchy in Britain, e. g. Vita Tripart. p. 162 ; P. & S. 
p. cxii. He certainly is not the first who bears the title of king, as 
Dr. Reeves seems to imply ; Adamn. p. 436 ; cf. Tigh., sub ann. 505, 
538, 560, 574. Aedan was evidentlyan enterprising and aggressive 
prince. We find him making an expedition to the Orkneys in 579 
or 580, Ann. Ult. ; to Man in 582 or 583 ; Tigh., cf. P. & S. pp. 167, 
345, 401. He fought a battle at Leithrig in 590, Tigh., cf. P. & S. 
p. 345, the result of which is not stated, and the locality of which 
is not known ; and one in Circhend, in 596, in which four of his 
sons were slain, and he himself defeated according to Tigh.; though 
Adamnan says that he was victorious, ' quamlibet infelix ' ; ed. 
Reeves, pp. 33-36 and notes ; if the two accounts are rightly referred 
to the same event. On the importance of this struggle, v. Rhys, 
Rhind Lectures, pp. 62-64, 7^, 86, 90, 91 ; cf. also S. C. S. i. 143, 
160-163, 229, 239 ; P. & S. pp, cix-cxii ; Rhys, C. B. p. 170. It was 
inevitable that Aedan should be alarmed at the growing power of 
Elthelfrid, and try to check it. But the result was disastrous to 
himself. His death is placed in 605 by the Ann. Ult. ; in 606 by 
Tigh. and Chron. Scottorum ; in 607 by Ann. Camb. ; cf. Rhys, 
Rhind Lectures, pp. 84-87. 

Aedan figures largely in Irish tradition. There is a curious Irish 
tale about his birth in Rawh B. 502, f. 47 b, which exists, as far as 
I know, nowhere else. A lost tale called 'Echtra Aedain mic 
Gabrain,' 'The adventures of Aedan, son of Gabran,' is cited in an 
ancient list of tales printed by 0'Curry, MS. Materials, p. 589. In 


66 The Ecclesiastical History. [Ek. ii. 

Welsh tradition he is known as 'Aeddan Fradwr o'r Gogledd,' 
'Aedan the traitor of the North/ one of the three traitors (with 
Ethelfrid himself and the mythical Gwrgi) through whom the 
Cymry lost the crown of the Isle of Britain ; Triads, iii. 45. 
Battle of Degsastan] Probably Dawston, in Liddesdale ; S. C. S. i. 162, 163. 

egsas an. j^^jg^^Qjj ^ear Carlisle has also been suggested, but philology is 
against this. (Cf. the form * Daisastan' in some of the later MSS.) 
It is just possible that the name Degsastan may be due to the 
battle, and be a corruption of 'set JEgSanes stane,' 'at Aedan's 
stone ' ; cf. the form of the name in Chron. 603, MSS. B. C. ' set 
Egesan stane.' Pearson, Historical Maps, suggests Theekstone, 
north of Ripon ; and Mr. Bates, Dissington, north-west of New- 
castle ; History of Northumberland, p. 53 ; cf. Bright, p. 85. 

in . . . peremtus est] Tighernach's entry of the battle is as 
follows : ' Cath (praelium) Saxanum la (per) h- ^dan, ubi cecidit 
Eanfraich frater Etalfraich la Maeluma mac Baedain, in quo uictus 
erat' ; s.a. 600. He evidently confuses Theodbald, Ethelfrid's 
brother (slain, as Bede relates', with Eanfrid, his eldest son ; iii. i, 
p. 127. The presence of Maeluma, evidently a son of the Baedan, 
king of Ulster, mentioned above (cf. F. M. 606 ; Ann. Ult. 609 for 
Maeluma's death ; on his name cf. Rhys, Rhind Lectures, pp. 27, 
28), shows that Aedan had help from the mother-country ; and 
Degsastan was to some extent an anticipation of Brunanburh ; 
especially if there is any truth in the tradition preserved by 
Fordun, iii. 30, that Aedan was allied with the Britons under 
a king Malgo [Maelgwn]. And it may have been Aedan's loss of 
this battle which caused him to be regarded in Welsh tradition as 
one of ' the three base traitors of the Isle of Britain ' ; Triads, u. s. 
Sig. Gembl. confuses this battle with that of Chester, and places it 
in 615. His entry, 'Edilfridus . . . regem Scottorum Ean . . . in 
bello extinguit,' is interesting for the phonetic writing of Aedan's 
name ; Pertz, vi. 322, 
Chronology p. 72. quod . . . perfecit] If the battle took place in 603 in Ethel- 
of Ethel- frid's eleventh year, we must place his accession in 592 or 593, and his 
s eag . ^jg^^j^ jj^ gjg ^j. ^j^ . jj j^^ p^ J.J2, would place his death between 
April, 616, and April,6i7 ; ii. 20, ad init., taken strictly, would fix it to 
616; 593 and 617 are the datesgiven in the Sax. Chron. MS. E.,which 
makesa curious addition to Bede's account of the battle ; v.uotea.l. 
Focatis] Phocas succeeded Nov. 2, 601 ; Gibbon. 
regum Scottorum] This must be interpreted strictly of the kings 
of the Dalriadic colony ; v. c. i, note. It would not, of course, be 
true of the kings of the Picts ; v. infra, iv. 26. 

Divisions There does not seem any very natural reason for dividing the 

of Books. 

Chap. I.] Notes. 67 

books hero. But as Bode says, twice quoting St. Augustine : * Nescio 
quo enini modo, ut Augustinus ait, ita libri termino reficitur loc- 
toris intentio, sicut labor uiatoris hospitio,' Opp. x. 374 ; xii. 341 ; 
cf. xi. 52 : * Historia quae tcrtii nostri . . . caput est libri, etsi ob 
hiborem legentium minuondum a nouo inclioatur exordio, rerum 
tamen nectura socundi libri finem respicit' ; and Dante, Conv. iv. 4, 
ad fin. : * li lunglii capitoli sono nemici della memoria.* 


P. 73. His temporibus] On the date of Gregory's accession and Gregory's 
death see i. 23, p. 42, note. It is noteworthy that the Annales ^^^^' 
Laureshamenses and the Chronicon Moissiacense both make 
Gregory's death a date from which to reckon other dates ; at 785 
both have the entry : ' a transitu Gregorii Papae usqu^ praesentem 
fiunt clxxx,' Pertz, i. 32, 297, which gives 605. 

de quo nos conuenit] From here to ' grege numerari,' p. 78, is 
omitted by the AS. vers. 

nostrum . . . apostolum] The Church of England long retained Gregory 
a grateful sense of what she owed to Gregory. Bede speaks of him the apostle 
as * uigilantissimus, iuxta suum nomen, nostrae gentis apostolus.' English. 
Opp. X. 268. Aldhelm, Bede's contemporary, calls him * peruigil 
pastor et paedagogus noster ; noster inquam, qui nostris parentibus 
errorem tetrae gentilitatis abstulit, et regenerantis gratiae normam 
tradidit'; Opp. ed, Giles, pp. 74, 55, 160. In 747 the Council of 
Clovesho, repeating unconsciously a phrase of Bede's, Opp. ix. 388, 
ordered that the 'dies natalitius' of Gregory, 'Papa, et pater noster,' 
should be kept as a festival in the English Church ; H. & S. iii. 
368 ; cf. App. I. § 32. Archbishop Egbert, Bede's pupil, speaks of 
him in his dialogue as ' noster didascalus ' ; H. & S. iii. 411. Alcuin 
in a letter written 797-798 calls him * praedicator noster' ; H. & S. 
iii. 519 ; Mon. Alc. p. 367 ; and an episcopal profession of c. 800 
quotes him as 'pater noster in Deo' ; H. & S. iii. 530. Cf. Pertz, 
xii. 883, 911. And this personal gratitude of the English Church 
to Gregoiy resulted in a feeling of grateful devotion to the see over 
which he presided, which it took long years of oppression and 
plunder to obliterate from English minds. The author of the 
Gesta Abbatum Fontanellensium speaks of 'Angli, qui maxime 
familiares apostolicae sedis semper existunt'; Pertz, ii. 289. 
Thietmar in his Chronicle calls the English ' tributarii Sancti 
Petri . . . et Sancti Gregorii spirituales filii,' and resents on that 
ground their payment of tribute to the Danes ; Pertz, iii. 847, 848. 

F 2 

68 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. ii, 

Cf. Jaffe, R. P. p. 312. The Chronicle two centuries later, 785 D. E., 
speaks of ' the peace wliich St. Gregory sent us through Augustine.' 

primum . . . pontificatum] On Gregory's cares of office, cf. 
Gibbon, v. 355 ff. ; Church's Essay. Writing to John, patriarch 
of Constantinople, on his election, he says : 'uetustam nauim, 
uehementerque confractam suscepi ' ; Oct, 590 ; Jaffe, R. P. p. 92. 

erat autem, &c.] On the lives of Gregory v. Hardy, i. 202-206. 
His mother's name was Silvia, ib. 203; Sax. Chron. B.C. 606; 
App. I. § I. In the notes to the Felire of Aengus, ed. Stokes, p. 63, 
tliere seems to be an attempt to give Gregory an Irish pedigree. 

Felix] Felix III (or II), Bishop of Rome, 483-492. The term 
'atauus' is not, however, to be taken strictly ; Smith and Stev. 

p. 74. mortem . . . ingressum uitae] Cf. Introd. pp. Ixvii, Ixviii. 
Active and defectum . . . per curam pastoralem] Cf. the reluctance of Cuth- 
contempla- \)Qy;i to undertake the episcojDal office, iv. 28, p. 272. Aldhelm's 
biograplier Faricius says of liim : ' is sane impeditus rebus saeculari- 
bus, in episcopio, ut mos est omnium, uti de B. Martino Turonen- 
sium praesule legitur, liaud postea tantum ualuit in uirtutibus, 
quantum prius ualebat ; ' Opp. ed. Giles, p. 369 ; so St. Kentigern, 
N. & K. pp. 181, 182. There seems to us something unworthy in 
this tendency to depreciate and to decline the practical work of the 
Church ; and the words of Synesius (the hunting bishop of 
Kingsley's Hypatia) have to our ears a healthier ring about them : 
' Since God has laid upon me not what I sought, but what He 
willed, I pray that He . . . will guide me through the life He has 
assigned me. How shall I that have spent my youth in philo- 
sophical . . . contemplation . . . bear the continued pressure of 
anxiety ? . . . How shall I still turn my thoughts to those intel- 
lectual beauties . . . without which life is no life to me ? . . . I know 
not. But to God . . . all things are possible. . . . If He abandon me 
not, I shall realise that the episcopacy is not a descent from 
philosophy, but an ascent to a higher form of it' ; D. C. B. iv. 776. 
But tlie superiority of the contemplative life (uita contemplatiua, 
theorica, speculatiua) over the practical life (uita actiua, actualis) 
was an accepted doctrine all through tlie Middle Ages. Bede 
himself holds it, Opp. vii. 229, 421-424; viii. 206: ix. 241, 250; 
x. 329 ; xii. 127, 443 ; though with his usual good sense he maintains 
• that the two ought not to be dissevered. Commenting on Luke v. 

16, he says : ' quod in urbe miracula facit, in deserto . . . orando 
pernoctat, utriusque uitae nobis, et actiuae . . . et contemplatiuae, 
documenta praemonstrat ; ut nec contemplationis studio quis 
proximorum curam negligat, nec cura proximorum immoderatius 
obligatus, contemplationis studia derelinquat '; Opp. x. 398, cf. xi. 64, 

Chap. I.] ]\^otes. G9 

and what he says below of Gregory : 'sed nos credere decot,' &c. 
The two lives are commonly figured by the two sisters, Mary and 
Martha, Opp. xi. 129, 131 ; occasionally by SS. John and Petor, v. 
262, 263. The monastery offercd to some extent a sphere for the 
contemphxtive life, but its full realisation was only reached by 
the anchoritc, or the still more rigorous 'inclusus,' compared with 
whom the monk was regarded as belonging to the active life ; ' uita 
diuinae specuhitionis illos maxime recipit, qui post longa monasticae 
rudimenta uirtutis secreti ab hominibus degere norunt,' Opp. v. 263. 
And so when Cuthbert retired from the monastery of Lindisfarne 
to become an anchorite on Farne Island, Bede says that he rejoiced, 
' quia de longa perfectione conuersationis actiuae ad otium diuinae 
speculationis iam mereretur ascendere'; Vita Cudb. Pros. c 17 ; cf. 
Introduetion, p. xxx, and Morison's St. Bernard, pp. 192 ff. 

cum diacono suo Petro] Diah i. prologus ; cf. Ep. i. 6, ' Dum 
contemplationis dulcedinem alte describitis, ruinae meae mihi 
gemitum renouastis, quia audiui quid intus perdidi, dum foris ad 
culmen regiminis immeritus ascendi.' 

domum . . . curauit] i. e. he organised his pontifical household 
on the monastic model ; cf. this and what follows with his advice 
to Augustine, i. 27, p. 48. 

p. 75. apocrisiarius] ' nuntius, legatus . . . Nomen inditum legatis 'Apocrisi- 
quod aTTOKpiaeis seu responsa principum deferrent,' Ducange. The ^"'•^^- 
Latin name is ' responsalis,' which is found as a gloss here in some 
MSS. In the case of the Koman see it meant a standing ofiicial, 
like the hiter nuncio, who represented the see at the court of Con- 
stantinople. The post was usually held by a deacon. Gregory held 
it both under Benedict I and Pelagius II. In the letter to Leander, Leander, 
bishop of Seville, prefixed to the Moralia, Gregory says : ' cum me in ^^^ ^?P ^ 
urbe Constantinopolitana sedis apostolicae responsa constringerent.' 
On Gregory's sojourn at Constantinople, cf. the parallel passage, 
Opp. Min. pp. 192, 193. 

regularis] i.e. monastic. 

sicut ipse scribit] In the letter to Leander cited above. 

hortati sunt eum] ' Rogatus maxime a Leandro . . . Hispalensi 
episcopo, qui pro causis Wisigothorum . . . eo tempore Constantino- 
polim aduenerat,' PauL Diac. Vita Greg. c. 8. On Leander, cf. 
D. C. B. iii. 637 ff.; Werner, p. 17 ; Bede, Chron. Opp. Min. p. 193. 

librum . . . lob . . . mystica interpretatione] This is the famous Gregory's 
' Moralia * of Gregory. In Irish sources he is sometimes called J*toJ^^ha. 
'Grigoir moralium,' ' Gregory of the Moralia,' Lismore Lives of 
Saints, p. 299 ; Mart. Doneg. Nov. 12. He began it, as Bede says, at 
Constantinople, and finished it afterwards. For a curious legcnd 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 


' Cura 


' Synodicus 

a scribe. 

connected with tlie ' Moralia/ cf. D. C. A. ii. 986. On the allegorical 
interpretation of Scripture, v. Introd. § 14 ; Milman, Lat. Christ. 
Bk. iii. c. 7. 

Eutycius] This passage occurs in almost identical words in the 
commentary on Lk. xxiv. 39, which Bede quotes here ; Opp. xi. 384, 
385 ; cf. vi. 322 ; and Ignat. ad Smyrn. c. 3, with Lightfoofs notes. 

p. 76. Pastoralis] The ' Kegula curae Pastoralis.' This is one of 
the works which Bede urges Archbishop Egbert to study, infr. 
p. 406. Alcuin, writing in 796 to Eanbald II, one of Egberfs suc- 
cessors, says : 'quocunque uadas, liber Sancti Gregorii Pastoralis 
tecumpergat '; H. & S. iii. 505 ; Mon. AIc. p. 339. In 797 he urges 
its use on Hygbald, bp. of Lindisfarne, ib. 355. He recommends it 
to Arno of Salzburg, ib. 330, Calvinus, ib. 566, and an unnamed 
correspondent, ib. 882. Its study ' was enjoined upon all bishops 
at their ordination in France under Hincmar,' H. & S. u. s. Theganus 
in his 'Vita Hludowici Imp.' (i.e. Louis I, 'le Debonnaire,' t^^o), 
gives as one of the characteristics of bad prelates : ' librum Sancti 
Gregorii qui praetitulatur Pastoralis nolunt accipere'; Pertz, ii. 595. 
Alfred translated it into Anglo-Saxon ; and in the preface which he 
prefixed to it he breaks into something like verse in praise of 
Gregory. He says that Augustine brought the book with Iiim to 
Britain, which is likely enough ; ed. Sweet, pp. 8, 9. 

libros . . , Dialogorum] Just as the Irish called him ' Gregory 
of the Moralia,' so the Euchologium Graecum calls him 6 SovXos dov 
Tprjyopios Tov AiaXoyov : cited Ltft. App. Ff. II. i. 6 ; and in the 
' Liudprandi Legatio' he is quoted as 'Gregorius, qui a uobis appella- 
tus est Dialogus '; Pertz, iii. 351. On the character of this work and 
its vogue in the Middle Ages, see Milman, u. s. This also was trans- 
lated into Anglo-Saxon under Alfred, but the translation has not yet 
been printed ; Earle, Anglo-Saxon Literature, pp. 193 ff. ; Wiilker, 
Grundriss, pp. 437 ff. 

ad. exemplum uiuendi] Cf. Pref. p. i. 

excepto] i.e. 'besides,' 'not counting.' 

inserentes] i. 27. 

p. 77. libello . . . synodico] ' Synodica epistola, quam Pontifices 
recens electi ad alios Pontifices mittebant, in qua fidei suae ra- 
tionem exponebant,' Ducange ; cf. Greg. Epp. i. 4, 26. Gi-egory's 
synodical epistle is given at the beginning of the second book of his 
life by John the Deacon ; Opp. iv. 46, 47, Editio Benedictina. 

tanta condere uolumina] Gregory, among his other accomplish- 
ments, seems to have been a great scribe : ' Papa Innocentius 
[1203] . . . bibliotecam [ = bible] beati Gregorii manu scriptam epi- 
scopo Lyuoniensi mittit ' ; Pertz, xxiii. 247. 

Chap. 1.] Notes. 71 

crebris . . . doloribus] Cf. TnftV', R. P. pp. 137, 142 : 'mei molem His ill- 
corporis in tantam podagrae dolor ariditatem redegit ' ; ib. 150 : ' ego nesses. 
in tanto gemitu et occupationibus uiuo, ut ad dies quos ago me 
peruenissepoeniteat, solaque mihi consolatio sit mortis exspectatio.' 
See on i. 27, p. 48. 

scriptura teste] Cf. tlie aceount of Bede's own death, Introduc- 
tion, pp. Ixxv, clxii. 

dare pauperibus] On Gregory's charities, cf. Bright, pp. 35, 36 ; His 
Church, Misc. Essays ; Stanley, Memorials, p. 22 : ' The longmarble chanties. 
table is still shown at Rome where he used to feed twelve beggars 
eveiy day. There is a legend that on one occasion a thirteenth 
appeared among them, an unbidden guest, an angel whom he had 
thus entertained unawares.' 

p. 78. ipse dicit] Moralia, xxvii. 11. That this really refers to Allusionto 
Augustine's success, and not to tlie Hallelujah victory under Ger- Atigxistine s 
manus more than a century and a half previously, i. 20, as Ussher 
thougiit, is clear. Whatever may be the exact date at which 
Gregory finished the 'Moralia,' v.s.^ such a passage might easily 
have been added after the news of Augustine's success had reached 
Rome. It is quoted in this sense by both of Gregory's biographers, 
Paul. Diac. c, 21 ; lohan. Diac. ii. 39. So Aimon of Fleury, Bouquet, 
iii. 104 ; cf. ib. 253. And the words ' clarescentibus miraculis ' 
seem, as Bede remarks, to allude to Augustine's miracles, i. 26, 31 ; 
cf. Elmham, p. 107, who also notices the frequent references to the 
mission of Augustine in Gregory's letters. 

alleluia resonare] In fulfihnent of his own prophecy, infr. 
p. 80. 

tria uerba . . . superadiecit] This addition to the Canon of the Additiou 

Mass was part of Gregory^s revision of the Gelasian Sacramentary. ]!^ ^ ^. 

•^ ° -^ "^ Canon ot 

Greg. Opp. iii. 3, 285 ; Palmer, Orig. Liturg. c. i, § 6 ; cf. Sax. the Mass. 

Chron. E. 591 ; supr. i. 27, p. 49, note. 

p. 79. secretarium] This ' was a Roman law-term for the justice- ' Secreta- 

room of a magistrate. . . . Ecclesiastically, theword has two senses : '"^^^- 

(i) a room where bishops received the greetings of their people, 

transacted business, held meetings of clergy, or sat in synod.' 

(Wilfrid's first appeal to Rome was heard in the ' secretarium ' of 

St. John Lateran ; Eddius, c. 29 adfin.) (2) 'a vestry or sacristy ' ; 

Bright, p. 293, who gives many illustrations. It is in the latter 

sense that it is used here, and in iii. 14, 26, pp. 154, 190. Bede 

uses the word metaphorically in the former sense of the courts of 

heaven : * coelestium mansionum secretaria,' ' secretarium laudis 

aeternae ' ; Opp. ix. 327 ; xii. 363. The AS. vers. has here ' beforan 

J)am husul portice.' Cf. D. C. A. s. v. 

The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 



of the 
of tlae 




The Deiri. 

quarto Id. Mart.] March 12. 

epitaphium] 'byrgenleoS/ AS. vers., whicb, contrary to its usual 
practice, translates the epitaph. It is printed in the Appendix to 
Avitus' Works ; M. H. G. Auct. Ant, VI. ii. 190 ; cf. Gruteri 
Inscriptt. n. 1175 ; Liber Pontif. i. 313, 314 ; DeiEossi, Inscr. Christ. 
Urbis Eomae, ii. 52, 78, 79, 112, 209. Two small fragments of the 
epitaph have been discovered in recent times. Cf. ib. for the fate 
of Gregory's tomb. 

implebatque actu, &c.] Cf. Introduction, p. xxxvi. 

magistra] -ri ; Avitus, u. s. 

hisque Dei] H. H. p. 77, gives the last two lines thus : 
' Sic Consul Bomini factus, laetare, Gregori ; 
Namque triumphalis iam tibi laurus adest.' 

aduenientibus . . . mercatoribus, &c.] Cf. the quaint story in the 
Monk of St. Gallen's Gesta Caroli, i. i : ' contigit duos Scottos de 
Hibernia cum mercatoribus Brittannis ad litus Galliae deuenire, 
uiros et in saecularibus et in sacris scripturis incomparabiliter 
eruditos. Qui cum nihil ostenderent uenale, ad conuenientes 
emendi gratia turbas clamare solebant : si quis sapientiae cupidus 
est, ueniat ad nos et accipiat eam ; nam uenalis est apud nos.' 
Pertz, ii. 731 ; Mon. Carol. p. 631. 

pueros uenales] Canterbury tradition fixed the number to three ; 
Thorn, col. 1757. 'The date . . . is fixed to 585 X588 by the fact 
^hat after his long stay at Constantinople he returned to Eome in 
585 or 586. . . . On the other hand, ^lla, whom the slaves owned 
as their king, died in 588 ' ; Green, M. E. p. 216. Bede, in a rather 
condensed passage in his Chron., seems to speak as if ^Ue was still 
alive at the time of Augustine's mission ; Opp. Min. p. 193. Bede is 
the first to represent the fair-haired strangers as slaves. The old 
life, App. I. § 9, does not call them so. 

p. 80. candidi corporis] 'niger Aethiops et Saxo candidus.' 
Opp. viii. 29. 

angelicam . . . faciem] Thietmar Chron. 1016 a. d. : 'Angli, ab 
angelica facie, . . . siue quod in angulo istius terrae siti sunt, dicti ' ; 
Pertz, iii. 847, a passage copied by the Saxon Annalist, ib. vi. 669. 
Cf. sitp. note on i. 15, p. 31. 

Deiri] On the relations of Bernicia and Deira, v. iii. i, note. In 
the Chron. Monast. Watinensis (Watten between Calais and 
St. Omer) we find the phrase ' Britannia Deirorum insula ' ; Pertz, 
xiv. 164. It is curious to find this tribal name surviving in such 
prominence in an eleventh-century Chronicle. 

Aelli] V. notes on Sax. Chron. ad ann. 560. 

at ille adludens, &c.] The AS. vers. is here very quaint and 

Chap. 2.] JSTotes. 73 

beaiitiful : ' ond j^a plcgode he mid liis wordum to })a3m noman/ Anglo- 



' and then he phiyed with his words upon tlie name.' 

ad pontificem] Paul the Deacon says the pope was Pehigius II 
^578-590) ; John the Deacon (foUowing App. I. § 10) makes him 
Benediet I ^574-578). Of course, if the note cited above from Green 
is correet, it must be Pehigius. 

concedere . . . uoluit] The AS. vers. here distinctly perverts the 
meaning of the original : ' J)a ne wolde se papa Tpset J)afian, ne J)a 
burgware ])on ma, };aette swa aeSele wer, 7 swa ge})ungen, 7 swa 
geliered, swa feor fram liim gewite,' ' Then would not the pope 
permit that, much less the citizens, that so noble a man and so 
capable, and so learned, should depart so far from them.' Did the 
translator misread ' noluit ' for ' uoluit ' ? 

p. 81. adiuuans] ' to Godes willan 7 to rsede Ongolcynne,' 'to 
God's will and the profit of the English race/ adds the AS. vers. 


Interea] After and probably in consequence of the reception Date. 
of Gregory's ' responsa,' perhaps in 602 or 603. It is most unsafe 
to argue from the order of Bede's chapters that it must have 
been after the battle of Degsastan in 603 ; i. 34. The object of that 
chapter is to lead up, not to this conference, bvit to the battle of 
Chester. See note on i. 34, ad init. 

adiutorio . . . regis] So Ethelberfs supremacy would seem to Ethelbert's 
have extended not only over the Saxon kingdoms, but over the supremacy, 
Britons also. Palgrave remarked this long ago, E. C. p. 454. 
Mr. Green sees traces of a political revival of the Britons about 
this time ; M. E. pp. 229 ff. 

coUoquium . . . prouinciae] We must distinguish between this Con- 
preliminary conference at Augustine's Oak, at which only bishops '^^^^g^jj^*^* 
and teachers Csiue^et, as constantly in Bede ; v. note on c. 4) of the ^yith the 
' nearest province of the Britons ' were present, and the later con- British 
ference, p. 82, the place of which is not mentioned, at which a much 
greater portion of the British Church, including the northern 
monastery of Bangor, was represented. It is commonly assumed 
that by ' proxima prouincia ' is meant what we call South Wales, 
though up till a much later time than the present the whole of 
modern Wales was included in the territory of the North Welsh, 
the term South or West Welsh being applied to the Britons of 
Cornwall. It is a question whether the latter may not have been 
represented at one or both of these conferences, though the possi- 
bility does not seem to have occurred to those who have written 
on the subject, and it would much upset their learned speculations 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 

as to who the seven British bishops were who attended the second 
conference. The advance of the West Saxons had by this time 
broken the territorial continuity of the North and the West or 
South Welsh ; see map in F. N. C. i. 34. 
Position of in loco . . . appellatur] We have nothing to guide us to the 
Augustme s position of ' Augvistine's Oak/ except the vague statement of Bede 
that it was on the border of the West Saxons and the Hwiccas, 
as that border existed in his day. Aust, on the Severn, opposite 
Chepstow, has been most commonly suggested, and it suits Bede's 
description and the conditions of the case fairly well ; H. & S. iii. 
40, 41 : ' Aust itself probably derives its name from Traiectus 
Augusti.' It is, however, ' called set Austin in a charter of 691 
or 692 ; K. C. D. No. 32 ' (= Birch No. 75) ; H. & S. u. s. So that it 
is possible that two totally different series of events may have com- 
bined to preserve the name ; cf. D. C. A. i. 152. Mr. Green, however, 
would place it somewhere near Malmesbury ; M. E. pp. 224, 225 ; 
and Mr. Moberly kindly sends me the following note : ' Perhaps 
the spot called "The Oak " in Down Ampney, near Cricklade. This 
would be on the border-Iine between the Hwiccas and Wessex ; 
about a mile north of the Thames, at the south-east corner of the 
Hwiccas ; at their nearest point to Kent, from which Augustine 
came. Close by is a spring still thought to be curative of weak 
eyes (cf. Augustine's miracle in the text).' Smith, a. L, speaks 
of two letters on the subject as existing among Fulman's CoIIectanea, 
but I cannot find them. 

Huicciorum] On the Hwiccas see Green, M. E. pp. 129, 130 ; 
D. C. B. iii. 181, 182. 

paschae] On the Paschal question, v. Excursus. 

alia plurima] v. note infra. 

suas . . . uniuersis] This is a common form of argument on this 
question ; cf. c. 19, p. 122 ; iii. 25, pp. 181, 184, 188 ; v. 15, p. 315. 
But how would it have worked e. g. in the Arian controversy, when 
it was ' Athanasius contra mundum,' and * ingemuit totus orbis et 
Arianum se esse miratus est ' ? (Jerome). 

habitare . . . domu] This is a favourite text with Bede ; e. g. 

Opp. viii. 377. It is not the Vulgate version, which has *qui 

inhabitare facit unius moris in domo,' but it is that of the so-called 

Koman Psalter ; see on v. 19, p. 323. 

Place of P- 82. uenerunt] Some time would be required to make known 

the second j^i^e result of the tirst conference, and to arrange the second. 

on erence. ^^^^j^jj^g jg ggj^j ^g ^^^ ^j^g place of the latter. The impression is 

given that it was at the same place as the first, and this is com- 

monly assumed, e.g. D. C. A. i. 152. 


Chap. 2.] Notes. 75 

VII Brettonum episcopi] Much has been written on the ques- Seven 

tion who these seven bishops were, and what sees existed in Wales B"tish 

^ . , i ^ T «. bishops. 

at this time ; H. & S. i. 121-123, 142-149 ; Bnght, pp. 75, 76, and reff. 

But it is all in the highest degree uncertain, and rests largely 

upon the statements of lives of saints written in the eleventh 

and twelfth centuries, which are quite valueless as evidence for 

the state of things existing in the sixth and seventh centuries. 

Bede himself only gives the number seven as traditional, ' ut per- 

hibent.' We do not know the extent of the district from which 

they came ; whether e. g. it included the West Welsh {v. s.), and 

what was the eastern boundary of the North Welsh at this time. 

The statement of H. H. p. 78, and Sig. Gembl. s. a. 602, that 

Scots and Picts were present at the conference deserves no cre- 

dence. Bede would certainly have mentioned their presence 

had it been a fact, and he always carefully distinguishes them from 

the Britons, e. g. ii. 4, p. 87. The power of Ethelfrid of Northum- 

bria would have effectually barred their coming. Representatives 

of the Strathclyde Britons might be included under the term 

' Brettonum episcopi.' They were not at this time cut off from the 

North Welsh. That was the result of the battle of Chester and 

the events which followed it ; cf. Rhys, Celt. Britain, pp. 126 ff, On 

the whole, the conclusion of H. &S. iii. 41, is the only safe one : 

' there is no trustworthy evidence to show who these bishops were.' 

Bancornabxirg] This is perhaps a contraction of ' Bancorwarena- Bangor-is- 
burg,' i. e. the ' burg ' of the inhabitants of Bancor, v. infra, p. 84, ^^^'^- 
i. e. Bangor-is-coed in Flint, about twelve miles south of Chester. 
Nothing seems to be known of the subsequent history of the 
monastery ; Dugdale, Monast. vi. 1628. Possibly it never recovered 
from this blow. 

Dinoot] A document exists in Welsh which professes to contain Dinoot. 
the substance of his answer to Augustine, but it is clearly spurious, 
and posterior to the time of Geoffrey of Monmouth ; H. & S. i. 122, 
149. His name is the Latin Donatus ; Rhys, C. B. p. 304. 

anachoreticam . . . uitam] See on c. i, above p. 69. 

p. 83. in multis] Cf, ' alia plurima,' supra. Among these points Pecviliar- 
would be the tonsure, v. 22, p. 347 ; consecration of bishops by ^^^^.*^/^ *^^*^ 
a single bishop, and certain peculiarities of ritual in the Mass and Qiivirch. 
in the Ordinal which have been traced in the British Church ; 
H. & S.i. 102, 112, 113, 140, 141, 154,155. ButGregoiy's responsa, Nos. 
2 and 6, would warrant Augustine in treating these as unessential. 

conpleatis] What the defect of the British Church was in the Defectiv»^ 
matter of baptism has never been made out. The suggestions Baptism. 
made are : (i) Single instead of trine immersion. But Gregory him- 

76 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. ii. 

self leaves tliis an open question ; Epp. i. 43, cited above on. i. 27, 
p. 49. (2) The omission of chrism, or of confirmation. The argu- 
ment against this view from Patrick's Epistle to Coroticus in H. & S. 
i. 154 is of doubtful value, for that letter resembles closely some of 
the si^urious Patrician documents ; v. Zimmer, Kelt. Beitrage, iii. 
76 flf. ; Vita Tripartita, p. c. (3' The points suggested by Dr. Eock, 
cited H. & S. II. xxii, come so obviously under Gregory's permis- 
sible variations of ritual as not to be worth discussing. The use of 
the word ' conpleatis ' here, and the fact that confirmation was 
distinctly regarded as a completion of the rite of baptism (see note 
on Ep. ad Egb. § 8) inclines me to think that the omission of con- 
firmation is what is hinted at. 
Failure of genti Anglorum . . . praedicetis] This was of course a question 

e ±5ritons ^^^ ^^ ecclesiastical discipline, but of religious policy. Bede is very 

to convert 1 j a 1 j j 

the Eng- strong on this neglect of the British Church to convert her con- 

hsh. querors ; v. 22, p. 347. And ' it is remarkable that w^hile Scots 

(Irish) were the missionaries ixir excellence of nearly all Europe 

north of the AIps, and in particular of all Saxon England north of 

the Thames, not one Cumbrian, Welsh, or Cornish missionary to 

any non-Celtic nation is mentioned any where. . . . The same remark 

applies also to the Armorican Britons ' ; H. &S. i. 154. Nynias is, 

however, a notable exception, iii. 4, and some others are men- 

tioned ; Rhys, C. B. pp. 172, 173. For 'genti Anglorum,' Elmham 

has ' nationi A.' p. 105 ; so Bede below. 

Aiigustine neque illum . . . habituros] Bede does not record any formal 

rejected by ^iiscussion on this point, but it lay at the root of the whole situa- 

Chnrch. tion ; and these words show that Augustine's claim, whether 

formally or informally raised, was emphatically rejected, and with 

it the authority of the Roman see on which that claim rested. 

Atigustine's fertur . . . praedixisse] The fact that the battle of Chester took 

propnecy. pi^ce * multo tempore ' after Augustine's death is sufficient to 

refute the absurd charge that he had anything to do with the 

fulfilment of his own prophecy ; Milman, Bk. iv. ch. 3 ; Stanley, 

P- 53 > to say nothing of the fact that he could have had no rela- 

tions with the heathen Ethelfrid. It required no great gift of 

prophecy to perceive that the Saxons were gaining upon the Britons, 

and that the best chance of improving the relations between them 

lay in the conversion of the invaders. And as a fact the character 

of the conflict was greatly changed by the conversion of the Saxons, 

V. F. N. C. i. 32-34 ; though the exterminatory character of even the 

earlier contests has been very much exaggerated by Mr. Freeman 

and his school ; cf. Rhys, C. B. pp. iio, iii. 

post haec] Beyond this and the fact that it was ' multo tempore ' 

Chap. 2.] Notes. 77 

after Augustino's death, Betle gives us no mcans of dating the Duto ol' tli 
battle of Choster. Tho date 605 in Sax. Chron. E. is a mcro inforonce, ^^f^^^ "»*" 
and a wrong one, from the order of Bede's narrative. Tighernach 
and Ann. Camb. date it 613. The former says : ' Cath Cairo 
Legion ubi sancti occisi sunt, et cecidit Solon mac Conain Rex 
Bretannorum et Cetula rex cecidit. Etalfraid uictor erat, qui post 
statim obit.' The former prince appears in Ann. Camb. as ' Selim 
filius Cinan.* He was apparently king of North Wales. Who Cetula 
was I am unable to say. Now, as we have seen, p. 66, Tighernach 
antedates the battle of Degsastan by three years. It is probable 
that the same is the case here, and that the true date is 616. 
With tliis agrees his statement that Ethelfrid died immediately 
after the battle ; for, as we have seen from the data in i. 34, Ethel- 
frid's death must be placed in 616 or 617. And this will allow 
a sufficient interval from the death of Augustine, which probably 
occurred in 604 or 605. For the possible cause of the battle see 
notes to c. 9. The result of it was the separation of the North 
Welsh from the Britons of Strathclyde. H. H. has some reason to 
call it 'bellum bellorum maximum,' p. 55; Rhys, C. B. pp. 115, 
126-129 5 Grreen, M. E. pp. 204, 243. 

p. 84. ciuitatem Legionum] ' Legionum ciuitas, quae nunc sim- Chester. 
pliciter Cestra uocatur, . . . ad id temporis a Britannis possessa ' ; 
W. M. i. 47 (speakingof this battle). ' Cestra legionum ciuitas dicitur, 
quod ibi emeriti legionum luliarum resedere. Collimitatur aqui- 
lonalibus Britannis. Eegio farris et maxime tritici, ut pleraque 
Aquilonalium, ieiuna et inops, pecorum et piscium ferax. Incolae 
lac et butirum delitias habent ; qui ditiores sunt carnibus uiuunt, 
panem ordeitium et siligineum pro magno amplectuntur. Trans- 
mittitur a Cestra Hiberniam, reuehunturque ciuitati necessaria, ut, 
quod minus natura soli habet, labor negotiantium apportet ; ' G. P. 
p. 308. On the long desohition of Chester after this battle, cf. 
Green, M. E. p. 142 ; Sax. Chron. 894 adfin. 

perfidae] i.e. 'heretical,' see note on i. 7, p. 18; so 'perfidi' at 
end of the chapter. 

tantus . . . numerus monachorum] For the size of some of the Size ot 

Irish monasteries, cf. Rs. Ad. p. 336. Of the Bangor monks, W. M. Celtic 
/. V , r^ ■ T, .1 , . . n . Moiias- 

(i. 47) says : ' Quorum incredibilem nostra aetate numerum fuisse teries, 

indicio sunt in uicino coenobio tot semiruti parietes ecclesiarum, 

tot anfractus porticuum, tanta turba ruderum, quantum uix alibi 

cernas ; uocatur locus ille Bancor, tunc monachorum famosum 

receptaculum, nunc mutatus in episcopium ' (cf. G. P. p. 326) ; ' con- 

founding possibly the ruins of a Roman town, Bouium (Smith, ad 

loc), . . . and certainly Bangor near Chester, with the bishop's see. 


The Ecdesiastical Hlstory. 

[Bk. II. 

Three days 

Leland (Itin. v. 30, ed. 2) testifies that the ruins [rather, foimda- 
tions] of Bangor-is-coed were partially visible in his time ;' H. & S. 

i. 37, 38. 

de labore manuum] On manual labour in monasteries, v. Intro- 
duction, p. XXV. 

ieiunio triduano] From this comes the Irish expression tredenus 
for a three days' fast ; so it was evidently a well-known institution 
in the Celtic churches ; cf. iv. 14, 25. It was of Jewish origin ; 
Esther iv. 16. 
Brochvael. Brocmailum] The Saxon Chron. F. Lat. calls him Scrogmagil, 
a. Scrocmail, E. Scromail, s. a. 605. Professor Ehys tells me that 
he no longer holds the view which he put forward in Celtic Britain, 
p. 127, as to this Brocmail, or Brochvael. It is noteworthy that 
these passages which reflect so severely on Brochvael, ' Erant 
autem plurimi . . . protegeret,' 'Brocmail ad primum . . . reliquit,' 
are omitted in the AS. vers. Dr. T. Miller, the latest editor of that 
version, remarks (I. Ivii fl\) on the way in which the translator 
omits passages in the original which seem to reflect on the Irish 
missionaries from lona, while he preserves Bede's bitter language 
against the Britons ; and he says, ' we must look for the seat of 
such feelings, not in the royal court of Alfred, but in one of the 
Mercian monasteries.' The omissions in the present chapter con- 
firm the supposition. The monastery may have been near the 
Welsh border, and may have had various reasons for wishing to 
conciliate Brochvaers descendants. Tlie statement cited by 
Stevenson that a Cornish prince fought on the British side at 
Chester rests only on Geoftrey of Monmouth. 

nefandae militiae] ']jare manfullan J;eode,' AS. vers. It shows 
Bede's national and ecclesiastical prejudices that he should apply 
such an epithet to men who were only defending their own 
country against attack. 

quamuis . . . sublato] Omitted by AS. vers. but in all the Latin 
MSS. Some have tried to bolster up the charge against Augustine 
by representing these words on the authority of the AS. vers. as 
a later insertion. 



Mellitus. P- 85. Mellitum] He was not one of the original companions of 

Augustine, though Bede seems to say so, Opp. Min, p. 193 ; but, 
with Justus, formed part of the second mission sent by Gregory in 
601, i. 29. To him Gregory addressed the letter in i. 30. He 
became missionary bishop to the East Saxons in 604 ; joined with 

Chap. 3.] Notes. 79 

Laurentius and Justus in writing to tho prelates of Ireland about 
the Paschal controversy, ii. 4 ; went to Rome to consult Boniface IV 
on the affiiirs of the English Church, where he was present at 
a council hekl Feb. 27, 610, and brought back its decrees and letters 
of the pope to Britain, ib. ; was expelled from liis see on the death 
of Saebert, and retired with Justus to Gaul, ii. 5. They returned 
after a year, but Mellitus failed to obtain restitution of his see, ii. 6. 
He became archbishop of Canterbury in succession to Laurentius, 
Feb. 3, 619, and died April 24, 624 ; ii. 7. For the later lives of him, 
V. Hardy, Cat. i. 219, 220. Neither Laurentius nor Mellitus seem to 
have received the pallium, and perhaps for this reason they 
abstained from consecrating suffragans ; D. C. B. iii. 593. Bede, 
however, distinctly calls Mellitus and Laurentius * archiepiscopus,' 
c. 6 ad fin. ; c. 7 ad init., p. 93 ; while the pope hiniself addresses 
Laurentius as * dilectus archiepiscopus,' c. 4, p. 88. 

lustum] See last note. On his return from Gaul he was restored Justvis. 
to Eochester, ii. 6 ; succeeded Mellitus as archbishop of Canterbury, 
624, ii. 8 ; received the pallium, ib. ; consecrated Paulinus, 625, 
ii. 9 ; and died (probably in 627), ii. 18 ; cf. D. C. B. iii. 592, 593. He 
is not called a monk by Bede. On the later lives of him, cf. Hardy, 
u. s. pp. 222, 223. 

quorum metropolis Lundonia . . . est] So in iv. 6, p. 218, London. 
London belongs to the East Saxons. On the early history of London, 
cf. Green-, M. E. pp. 98-1 13. There is no record how or when it came 
into possession of the Saxons. Cf. Lappenberg, i. 114 ; E. T. i. 112. 

Saberct . . . Kicula] His father's name was Sledda according S^ebert. 
to the pedigrees in Fl. Wig. i. 250 ; H. H. p. 49. Cf. W. M. i. 98. 
There is no pedigree of the East Saxon kings in Sax. Chron. or in 
Nennius. Ethelwerd calls him ' Sigebyrht,' M. H. B. p. 505 ; and 
in V. 24, p. 353, several MSS. read 'Sigberchto' for 'Sabercto.' 
This is possibly due to a confusion with later East Saxon kings of 
that name, iii. 22. R. W. has the converse mistake, i. 203. 

sub potestate . . . Aedilbercti] Some of the old regnal lists 
actually make Ethelbert king of the East Saxons ; S. D. ii. 379, 380. 

Dorubreui] The foundation of a separate see at Rochester has Tlieory of 
been thought to point to a previously existing kingdom of the West ^^^ kmg. 
Kentings, for the boundaries of the earliest bishoprics were, as Kent. 
a rule, coincident with those of the kingdoms. See on iii. 21, and 
cf. V. 23, p. 350, where Bede speaks of Canterbury and Rochester 
jointly as 'ecclesiae Cantuariorum.' Kemble enumerates the later 
instances of divided sovereignty in Kent, Saxons, i. 148, 149 ; but it 
is hardly safe to argue from them to earlier times, and the theory 
must be pronounced to be very doubtful ; D. C. B. iii. 602. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 

St. An- 
drew's at 

Rocliester. Hrofsescsestrse] In iv. 5, p. 215, it is called *Castellum Cantua- 
riorum quod dicitur Hrofescaestir.' ' Rofa est oppidum situ nimium 
angustum, sed quia in edito locatum, fluuio uiolentissimo alluitur, 
hostibus sine periculo non accessibile/ G. P. p. 133. Yet it was 
sacked by Ethelred of Mercia in 676, iv. 12, p. 228 ; cf. the name 
of the place called ' Hrofesbreta,' also near the Medway, K. C. D. 
iii. 386 ; Birch, i. 364. 

beati Andreae] 'cuius honorem illa sedes adorat,' G. P. p. 134. 
' Perhaps after Gregory's monastery at Rome,' Stev. In the sacristy, 
' secretarium ' (v. s.) of this church Paulinus was buried, iii. 14, 

P. 154- 

territoria] ' bocland,' 'book-lands,' AS. version. The Textus 
Roffensis (^twelfth cent.) says : ' Anno . . . DC. rex Ethelbertus funda- 
uit ecclesiam S. Andreae Apostoli Rofi ; et dedit ei Prestefeld, et 
omnem terram quae est ad Meduwaie usque ad Orientalem portam 
ciuitatis in australi parte, et alias terras extra murum ciuitatis 
Tiersus partem aquilonalem ;' Ang. Sac. i. 333. The date is certainly 
wrong. Rochester tradition may have preserved the facts about 
the lands. There is a charter of Ethelberfs to Rochester, dated 
604, which Kemble believes to be genuine ; K. C. D. No. i ; Birch, 
No. 3. 

p. 86. cuius supra meminimus] i. 33, p. 70. 

dedicata] By Laurentius, ib. The translation took place on 
Sept. 13 ; Ang. Sac. i. 52. 

porticu] Here, as often, porticus means a side chapel. ' Haec 
porticus erat in ueteri ecclesia ubi nunc est capella beatae uirginis ; ' 
Thorn, col. 1765. Cf. Dunstan's buildings at Glastonbury: * ut lati- 
tudo longitudini conquadraret, alas uel porticus quas uocant 
adiecit;' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 271. 

in qua . . . tumulata] Cuthbert (740-758) was the first arch- 
bishop who was buried in Christ Church, Canterbury, and not at 
St. Augustine's ; and this, according to the angry Augustinians, was 
only effected by the device of concealing his death until after the 
interment had taken place ; Elmham, pp. 317, 318. Cf. Ang. Sac. i. 
3i 83, 85. Cuthbert had obtained a papal privilege to this effect ; 
Mon. Angl. i. 82, 128. 

habet haec] i. e. the 'porticus'; and so it is understood by 
Thorn, u.s., though the AS. vers. takes it of the 'ecclesia': 'in 
middre J^aere miclan cirican,' 'in the middle of the mickle church.' 

per omne sabbatum] ' aeghwylce Saeternes daege,' ' every Satur- 
day,' AS. vers. 
' Agendae.' agendae eorum . . . celebrantur] ' heora gemynde 7 forSfore mid 
maessesonge msersode syndon,' ' their commemoration and obits 


the first 
buried in 

Chap. 4.] ]\^otes. 81 

aro celobratcd witli mass'; 'oorum,' i. c. of tho archlnsliops. 
'Agenda,' from the phrase 'agere missas,' means a mass; •agonda 
mortuorum,' or, as hore, 'agenda' simply, signifios tho ' missa pro 
defunctis ; ' v. Ducange. 

VII Kal. lun.] i.e. May 26. Cf. Martyrology, Opp. iv. 72, at tliis Dateof Au- 
day : ' Depositio S. Augustini primi Anghjrum epis-copi.' Neither s:iistine's 
in tlie epitapli nor in the text of Bcde is the year given. It cannot 
be earlier tlian 604, nor later than 610 ; v. s. p. 85 ; inf. c. 4, p. 88. 
Tlie death of Augustine is not mentioned in theSax. Chron. except 
in F. .twelfth cent.), which puts it at the impossible date of 614, 
which may be a mistake for 604 (though Thorn, col. 1765, says that 
some placed A.'s death in 613), and would confirm that date, 
which is adopted by H. & S. iii. 4, and Wharton, Ang. Sac. i. 91, 
from Fh Wig. Other authorities give 605, which is adopted by 
Smith, ad loc, and Bright, p. 92. E. W. says 608 ; i. 109. In the 
Felire of Aengus his day is wrongly given as May 24. In the notes 
lie is called ' Augustinus librorum,' whicli is possibly due to a con- 
fusion with the great St. Augustine. The Council of Clovesho, 747, 
ordered that May 26th ' dies depositionis Sancti Augustini, . . . qui 
genti Anglorum . . . scientiam fidei . . . primus adtulit, . . . feriatus 
habeatur, nomenque eiusdem . . . doctoris nostri . . . in Laetaniae 
decantatione, post Sancti Gregorii uocationem semper dicatur;' 
H. & S. iii. 368. It was 'on Sce Agvistinus mnessedaeg' in 946 that 
King Edmund was murdered ; Sax. Chron. D. acl ann. and notes 
aclloc. On the translation of Augustine's relics in 1091, v. Hardy, 
Cat. i. 195-197. Gocelin wrote an account of it, which is cited by 
W. M. ii. 389. 


Laurentius] He was one of Augustine's original companions, Laurentius. 
and had carried his questions to Gregory, and brought back the 
responsa in 601 ; i, 27, and notes. His consecration as Augustine's 
successor, letters to the Celtic churches, mission of Mellitus to 
Eome, are related in the present chapter ; his intended flight from 
England on the death of Ethelbert and the outbreak of persecution 
under Eadbald, and his miraculous detention, in c. 6 ; his death in 
c. 7. On the later lives of him, v. Hardy, Cat. i. 217-219. One of 
these is by Gocelin, whose lives of Augustine, Laurentius, Mellitus, 
and Justus are alluded to by William of Mahnesbury ; G. P. p. 6. In 
G. K. ii, 389 he gives an account of him, and calls him, as a writer, 
'nulli post Bedam secundus,' a praise which is ill-deserved. 
Laurentius, Mellitus, and Justus are all named in the ' Commemo- 
ratio pro defunctis ' in the Stowe Missal, Justus being the Latest 



The Ecclesiastical History. 

[bk. ir. 

ical Con- 

St. Peter. 

The Scots 
of Ireland. 

' Vel ' and 
' siue.' 

saint there mentioned ; v. MacCarthy, Stowe Missal, pp. 165, 217. 
' The growth of the church under Laurentius seems to have been 
very slow, his aim, like that of Augustine, being probably to recon- 
cile the British Christians before attempting any great mission 
among the heathen kingdoms ; ' B. C. B. iii. 362. 

adhuc uiuens ordinauerat] Strictly speaking this was uncano- 
nical ; cf, Bright, pp. 92, 93. One of the acts of a synod held under 
Pope Hilarius in Nov. 465 was : ' interdicunt episcopis ne succes- 
sores suos designent;' Jaffe, K. P. p. 49. Pope Zacharias in 743 
refused, with some emphasis, a request of St. Boniface that he 
might be allowed to do this : ' Te autem ut tibi successorem con- 
stituere dixisti et te uiuente in tuo loco eligatur episcopus, hoc 
nulla ratione concedi patimur ; quia contra omnem aecclesiasticam 
regulam uel instituta patrum esse monstratur;' Mon. Mog. p. 119. 

exemplum . . . Petri] The tradition that St. Peter consecrated 
Clement as his successor during his own lifetime comes ultimately 
from the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions ; Ltft. App. 
Ff. I. i. 64, 158. As, however, in some of the early lists of Roman 
bishops, Clement appears in the fourth place, Linus and Cletus 
( = Anacletus) being interposed between him and St. Peter, a tradi- 
tion grew up, based on a suggestion of Epiphanius (ib. 169, 310, 
329) that St. Peter had consecrated Linus and Cletus to act as 
suffragans under him ; Clement being consecrated to succeed him 
at his death. This is the view of Rufinus, Praef. in Recognitiones, 
ib. 67, 175 ; and of the Liber Pontificalis, ib. 191, 192 (cf. ib. 76, 163). 
Just as here Bede quotes the ease of Clement to justify Augustine 
in consecrating Laurentius in his own lifetime ; so in Hist. Abb. 
§ 7 he quotes the case of Linus and Cletus to justify Benedict Biscop 
in appointing Eosterwine and Ceolfrid as abbots respectively of 
Wearmouth and Jarrow under himself. He probably took the story 
from Lib. Pont. {v. ed. Duchesne, L xxxiv f., cii, cxv) which he cer- 
tainly used both in his H.E. 1. 4 ; ii. i, 4 ; pp. 16, 73, 74, 78,79 ; and 
in his Chronicle ; andquotes, Opp. iv. 105 ( =Lib. Pont. i. 171% x. 251 
( = Lib. Pont. i. 155% under the title ' GestaPontificalia' ; v. s. on i. 4. 

p. 87. Scottorum qui Hiberniam . . . incolunt] As opposed to 
the Dalriadic colony in Alba, the ' Scotti qui Brittaniam inhabi- 
tant,' i. 34 ; ii. 5 ; iv. 26 ; pp, 70, 71^ 90, 267 ; cf. on i. i, p. 13. 

in . . . ipsorum patria] See on i. i, p. 13. 

cuius uidelicet] From here to ' satagit,' p. 88, is omitted in the 
AS. vers. 

fratribus episcopis uel abbatibus] ' Brethren whether bishops 
or abbots.' From use in such passages, ' uel ' and ' siue ' come prac- 
tically to mean ' and.' 

Chap. 4.] Notea. 83 

Scottiam] Irolnnd ; soo on i. r,p. 13 ; H. & S. tliink thiit lona is Scottia. 
inchulod in the term, ii. 108. Thin wouhl be quito in accordanco 
with IJode's usage. Soo on iii. 24, p. 179. It cortainly does not 
im ludo tlio Scots on the mainland of Britain. 

Dum nos, &c.] This passngo is wrongly punctuated in all tho 
editions, wliich put no stop after 'introisse,' and a colon after 
'cognoscoromus.' But the 'antequam cognosceremus * is clearly 
contrastod with * sed cognoscentes ' below. The general sense is 
this : * Being sent by the apostolic see, and having chanced to come 
to Britain ; before we had any experience, believing that both 
Britons an'd Scots walked canonically, we venerated them both 
equally ; but on coming to know the Britons, we concluded that 
tlio Scots wero better. However, we found the Scots very like the 
Britons.' Whetlier this exordium was likely to conciliate the per- 
sons to whom it was addressed may be doubted. 

p. 88. Daganum] He has been identified with bishop Dagan, Dagan. 
of Inbher Daeile (now Ennereilly), county Wicklow, whose death 
is given by the F. M. and Chron. Scot. under the year 639, and 
wdio is commemorated at Sept. 13 in the Felire and Martyrology 
of Donegal. He is also commemorated at March 12, which Colgan 
thought to be the day of his translation. The Bollandists mention 
him at March 12, AA.SS. Mart. ii. 104 ; cf. ib. 286, and note, 
where he is mentioned in the Life of St. Mochaemoc ; and a refer- 
ence given to Sept. 13. Wheti however they reached that date 
they decided to omit him, partly on account of the lincertainty in 
whioh his life is involved, partly on account of his paschal errors. 

Columbanum] The Apostleof Burgundy, the founder of Luxeuil, Cohimban. 
and afterwards of Bobbio, and of the monastic rule Which bears his 
name. He went to Gaul 585 X590. He was a strong upholder of 
the Celtic Easter, tonsure, &c., against the Gallican clergy. Mellitus 
and Justus may well have heard of the controvei^sy as they passed 
through Gaul in 601. In 602 a synod was held on this subject. 
lu 610 he was expellod from Burgundy, and ultimately settled at 
Bobbio, where he died in 615 ; v. Hardy, Cat. i. 210-214 ; Greith, 
Altirische Kirche, bk. iv ; D. C. B. ; Bright, pp. '96-98. His life by 
Jonas of Bobbio has been often printed. It is printed as if it were 
the production of Bede, in the Cologne edition of his works, iii. 

misit . . . sacerdotibus] Later logends represent Laurentius as Relations 
cultivating good rehitions with the Celtic churches, but this is ^^^^ ^^*^ 
diamotrically contrary to all that Bode tells us ; H. & S. iii. 61, 62. churcli, 

sed quantum . . . declarant] Thore is ' something of condensed 
bitteruess ' in this remark ; Bright, p. 98. On the relations between 

G 2 


The Ecdesiastical Ilistory. 

[Bk. tt. 

Date of 






tlie Englisli and Celtic churches, v. Excursus on the Easter and 
tonsure controversies. 

his temporibus] I can find nothing to fix the date of Mellitus 
leaving Britain ; Bright, p. 99, says 608, but he gives no authority. 
Elmham gives 611, which is impossible ; see beTow. He aTso says 
that the object of MeTiitus' going to Kome was to obtain papaT privi- 
Teges for St. Augustine's, pp. 128-131. 

Bonifatio] Boniface IV, 608-615. 

synodum] Jaffe, R. P. p. 155, seems to Tinow no otTier authority 
for tTiis CounciT beyond these words of Bede, 

de uita . . . ordinaturus] What purports to be tlie decree of the 
CounciT on this subject exists in two forms, but they are botli 
admittedly spurious ; H. & S. iii. 62-64. 

anno . . . Martiarum] Both the regnaT year and the indiction 
agree in giving the date Feb. 27, 610, 

subscribens confirmaret] 'mid Cristes rodetacne wrat 7 faest- 
node,' 'wrote and confirmed witTi the sign of CTirisfs rood,' AS. 

epistulis . . . direxit] TTie Tetter to Laurentius is Tost. What 
purports to be tTie Tetter to EtTieTbert is given in G. P. pp. 46, 47, 
with the wrong date of 615. It is the first of a series of documents 
given by MaTmesbury, which Tie under the gravest suspicion of 
Tiaving been forged in support of tTie cTaims of Canterbuiy to 
superiority over YorTi. They were first produced by Lanfranc at 
the CounciT of London in 1072. It is to be hoped that Tie had 
nothing to do with tTieir composition. Tlie arguments against tlieir 
autlienticity are welT stated, H. & S. iii. 65, 66. TTie concTusion there 
come to, that ' the genuineness of the MaTmesbury series ' is ' exceed- 
ingly queslionable,' errs, if at all, on the side of Teniency. The 
statement of Elmham, p. 134, that Mellitus went to Rome a second 
time in 615 is probably a mere inference from the erroneous date 
in G. P. After ' direxit ' the AS. vers. inserts ' to frofre 7 to trym- 
nisse rihtes Tifes,' ' to comfort them and confirm them in right 

Pantheon] To the same efifect in tlie Chron., Opp. Min. p. 194 : ' ut 
ubi quondam omnium non deorum, sed daemoniorum cuTtus age- 
batur, ibi deinceps omnium fieret memoria sanctorum.' This was 
a striliing instance of that policy whicli Gregory I recommended to 
Augustine, i. 30 ; cf. Gregorovius, Gesch. d. Stadt Rom, ii. 102-109. 
This passage is omitted by the AS. vers. The account is partly 
taken from Lib. Pontif. i. 317, and some of the words ougTit to have 
been printed in italics. See Corrigenda to vol. i. 

Chap. s.] Kotes. 85 


P. 89. annus XXI . , . missus est] Tliis is probablycorrect,especi- Chrono- 
ally if tlie first sending of Augustine, beforo he turned back to 1^&3'- 
Grogory, i. 23, p. 42, be meant ; but it is certainly incorrect when 
Bede below, p. 90, says that Ethelbert died : ' post XX et unum 
annos acceptae fidei,' for Augustine did n'ot reach Britain till 597. 

L et VI annis] This would place his accession early in 560 or 
even in 559. The Sax. Chron. E. ad ann. 616 copies Bede's state- 
ment. but yct places his accession in 565, and there says that he 
reigned fifty-three years. MS.F. ph^ces his accession and death in the 
same years as E., and says in both placcsthat he reigned fifty-three 
years. W. M. i. 13 notes this discrepancy between Bede and the 
Chron. We may adopt his conclusion : ' uiderit lector quomodo 
hanc dissonantiam componat ; nam nos eam, quia admonuisse 
suffecerit, in medio relinquimus.' It may be that VI has been mis- 
read into III. 

gaudia subiit] Ehnham gives his epitaph, p. 142. 

imperium huiusmodi] Tlie Sax. Chron. at 827 repeats this list The Bret- 
of seven kings, and adds to them another, Egbert ; ' and he was waldas. 
the eightli king that was Bretwalda.' The nature of the authority 
exercised by these kings has been much discussed. Palgrave saw 
in it a shadow of Eoman influence, an idea which Mr. Freeman 
vehemently contested. It is safe to say that it indicates no definite 
constitution, but only a defacto hegemony. See notes to Sax. Chron. 
ad loc. cit. ; Palgrave, E. C. i. 562-568 ; Kemble, Saxons, ii. 8-22 ; 
Lappenberg, i. 127-130 ; E. T. i. 125-128 ; F. N. C. i. 27,28, 134-139, 

Aelli] On him see Sax. Chron. ad ann. 477, 485, 491, 827, and notes. 

lingua ipsorum] Note that Bede here takes account of diffei-ences Dialects. 
of dialect. The Northumbrian form, Caelin, occurs twice in iii. 23, 
pp. 175, 176. 

Ceaulin] For him see Sax. Chron. ad ann. 556, 560, 568, 577, 584, 
592, 593, 827, and notes ; Green, M. E. pp. 202, 206-210. 

tertius . . . Cantuariorum] For the rise of Kent on the tempo- ijise of 
rary min of Wessex, cf. Green, M. E. pp. 211-214. Mr. Green's Kent. 
view, however, ib. pp. 214, 308, that Ethelberfs supremacy is to 
be limited to the Anglian as opposed to the Saxon tribes south 
of the Humber, seems to me quite untenable. The phrase ^gens 
Anglorum ' above is a general one, including, not exchiding, the 
Saxon (and Jutish) tribes. 

Beduald] On him, see c. 12, p. 107, 'Raduald . . . illam super Eedwald. 
Anglos i-egnandi potentiam quartus accepit, ut sul) nutu eius alii 


The Ecclesiastical History, 

[Bk. II. 



' Rex Chris- 




' Imperium' 


' Eegnum.' 

Anglorum reges regnarent/ Sig. Gembl. acl ann. 6i6 ; Pertz, vi. 

qui etiam . . . praebebat] ' Who even during Ethelberfs life was 
gaining the leadership for that same race of his/ viz. the East 
Angles. The decline in the power of Kent became still more 
obvious after Ethelberfs death, v. c. 6 ad fin. p. 93. Elmham, in 
connexion with this passage, gives a curious account of the 
strenuousness of the East Anglians in his own day, whicli won 
them the name of ' Stout-heris, quod lingua Germanica magni domini, 
sonat,' p. 140. ' Orientalis . . . insuLae pars, quae usque hodie lingua 
Anglorum Estangle dicitur ; ' Lib. Eli. p. 12. 

Aeduini] On the extent of his power, cf. c. 9, p. 97, and notes. 
' Eduinus post Kadoaldum potentius caeteris super Anglos princi- 
patur,' Sig. Gembl. u. s. ad ann. 628 ; Alcuin [eighth cent.] says of 
Edwin, De Sanctis Ebor. vv. 120-124 : 

' Imperioque suo gentes superaddidit omnes, 
Finibus atque plagis qua tenditur insula longe. 
lamque iugum regis prona ceruice subibant 
Saxonum populus, Pictus, Scotusque, Britannus.' 
And W. M. adds to Bede's list of his dominions, ' Scotti, Picti,, sed 
et insulae Orchadum,' i. 49, 50. Bede just below seems to assert that 
Oswy was the first to reduce the Picts and Scots, and thi.s is pro- 
bably correct ; v. S. C. S. i. 252. But in iii. 6, p. 138, he says of 
Oswald, ' omnes nationes . . . Brittaniae, . . . id est Brettonum, 
Pictorum, Scottorum, et Anglorum . . . in dicione accepit,' a state- 
ment which is copied by Sig. Gembl. u. s. ad ann. 635, p. 323 ; 
Adamnan calls Oswald ' totius Britanniae imperator,' Vit. Col. i. i. 

Osuald] See last note. 

rex Christianissimus] An interesting anticipation of what 
became, at any rate from the time of Charles V (1364-1380), a formal 
and hereditary title of the French kings, though much earlier 
instances of its use occur ; v. Ducange, s. v. ' Christianitas.' The title 
is used (also of Oswald) in iii. 9 ad init., while in Eddius, c. 17, it is 
applied to Egfrid and Elfwin, H. Y. i. 25 ; and in App. I, § 16, to 
Edwin. Isidore gives it to Sisebut, King of the Goths, D. C. B. iii. 3 10. 

Osuiu] See last note but two, and next note. 

Osuiu . . . regnum] Note that all through this passage Bede 
carefully distinguishes between the immediate dominions or 
• regnum ' of any king, and the ' imperium ' or overlordship which 
he might exercise over other Saxon kingdoms or Celtic tribes. 
Edwin, Oswald, and Oswy were equal in respect of their ' regnum.' 
Oswy had the widest ' imperium ' ; cf. iv. 3, p. 206, and see notes on 
iii. 24. 

Chap. 5.1 Notes. 87 

p. 90. iudiciorum] ' doma/ 'dooms/ AS. vers. whicli is the 'Dooms.' 
word whicli Bodo doubtless had in his mind. It is the genuine 
native name for * laws,' ' higu ' being due to Soandinavian influence. 
This is another indieation that in early times tlie distinction 
between general rules and individual decisions, between laws and 
judgments, was not felt (r. Maine's Ancient Law, c. i). Ethelberfs 
'Dooms' are printed in Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 2-25; Schmid, 
Gesetze, pp. 2-10 ; H. & S. iii. 42-50. 

iuxta exempla Romanorum] This shows that the reduction of Roman 
native custom to writing was, like so much else, the result of the influence. 
introduction of Christianity bringing Roman civilisation in its 
train. 'It was long befoi-e the rival states followed the example 
of Kent. There is nothing to warrant us in believing that 
written law reached Wessex before Ine, or Mercia before Oifa, or 
that it ever reached Northumbria at all.' Green, C. E. p. 20. 

cum consilio sapientium] The first recorded instance of the Witena- 
legislative action of the witenagemot ; cf. Kemble, ii. 205, 206, 241. gem6t. 
Yet the AS. vers. does not use the technical phrase * witan,' or 
• witenagemot,' but the vague ' mid snotera gej^eahte,' ' with the 
counsel of prudent men.' 

quae . . . hactenus . . . ab ea] ' J^a nu gena o'S ])is mid him haefde Ethelberfs 
7 haldne syndon,' ' which now still to this day are held and observed ^aws. 
among them,' AS. vers. As the translator nearly always alters 
anything in his original which he considers as applying only to 
Bede's own time, he apparently regards Ethelberfs lcgislation as 
still in force in his day. W. M. commends it as ' nihil super aliquo 
negotio in futurum relinquens ambiguum ' (!) ; i. 13. 

primitus posuit] This is the first of Ethelberfs dooms. It orders 
church property to be restored twelvefold, bishop's elevenfold, 
priesfs ninefold, deacon's sixfold, clerk's threefold. In this respect 
the priest is on a level with the king, No. 4 ; and the clerk with the 
freeman, No. 9, or theft from a dwelling, No. 28. Cf. on i. 27, 

PP- 49, 50. 

erat autem] For the Kentish pedigree, cf. Nenn. § 58 ; Fl. Wig. Ethelberfs 
i. 248 ; W. M. i. 12. The hist follows Bede ; the two first agree in descent. 
reversing the order of the two generations between Hengist and 
Eormenric. Eormenric was a name in the Gothic royal house : 
' Ermanrici regis Gothorum . . . occisio,' Ann. Quedlinburg. Pertz, 
iii. 31 ; cf. ib. v. 81. MS. F. of the Chron. places Ethelberfs birth 
in 552, which wouldmake him onlyeight years old at his accession 
in 560, which is hardly likely. In 568 he was defeated by Ceawlin 
of Wessex (Sax. Chron. ad ann.), which is probably the foundation 
of W. M.'s remark that in his early years as king : ' adeo uicinis 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 

in '-ing.' 

witli step- 

Uate of 

His heirs. 


regibus fuit ridiculo, ut uno et altero pulsus praelio uix suos ter- 
minos tutaretur/ i, 13. On the later lives of him, cf. Hardy, Cat. 
i. 214-216. 

Oiscingas] The Saxon termination -ing (pl. -ingas) indicates de- 
scent or derivation ; cf. ' Uuffingas,'c. 15, p, 116, of the East-Anglian 
kings. W. M. notes that this termination is common also to the 
Franks as shown e. g. by the name Merouingi, i, 70, 

supra] i. 15, pp. 31, 32, though Oisc is not mentioned there. 

recipere noluerat] It is common to speak of Eadbald ' apostati- 
sing/ ' relapsing,' &c., but this shows that he had never become 
Christian ; though like the sons of Saebert (infra) he may have con- 
formed more or less during his father's life. His conversion and 
baptism are related in c. 6. 

uxorem patris] Ethelberfs second wife, as Bertlia seems to have 
died before him, supra, though the Saxon life of St. Mildred makes 
' Byrhte ' the name of EadbakVs wife, Hardy, Cat. i. 382 ; Cott. 
Calig, A. xiv. After the dissolution of his incestuous marriage he 
married Emma, daughter of the king of the Franks, W. M. i. 15, 
whose name occurs in a spurious charter of Eadbald's, K. C. D. 
No. 6 ; Birch, i, 20 ; H. & S. iii. 70. It is certainly not true that 
marriage with a stepmother was ' inter gentes inaudita ' ; in some 
tribes it was the regular rule ; v. F. N. C. i. 558 ; cf. supra, i. 27, 
pp. 50, 51, note. At a later time it was one of the evil customs which 
St. Margaret put down in Scotland ; H, & S, ii, 158 ; Pinkerton, 
Lives of Scottish Saints, ii, 170, 

p. 91. mors Sabercti] The date may be fixed within a year or two. 
Mellitus became Archbishop of Canterbury in Feb. 619, c. 7 ; prior 
to this he had been a year in Gaul, c. 6. Therefore his expulsion 
cannot be later than Jan. 618. The death of Saebert must be earlier 
than that date, and Bede's words ' auxit procellam ' seem to imply 
that it was subsequent to the death of Ethelbert, Feb. 616. Therefore 
Ssebert died in 616 or 617. 

tres . . . filios . . . heredes] H. H. p, 57, says : ' duo filii eius 
successerunt in regnum,' and W. M. i. 98, and the pedigree in Fl. 
Wig. i, 250, 262, give their names as Sexred and Saeward, though 
in the text, i. 13, FI. follows Bede. 

celebratis , , , sollemniis] i. e. whenthe celebrant had communi- 
cated, and the distribution of the elements to the laity was com- 
mencing ; Bright, p. loi. 

Saba . . . consuerant] Cf. 'Edwine, qui et Eda dictus est.' S. D. 
ii, 65, There is a paper by Kemble on these shortened names, Pro- 
ceedings of the Archaeological Soc, 1845. 

p, 92, geutem Geuissorum] 'a West Saxonibus.' W. M. i. 98; 

Chap. 6.] Notes. 89 

' wic? Wost Seaxna ])Oodo,' ' against tho pooplo of tho Wost Saxons,' 
AS. vors., whicli novor usos tho torm 'Gowissas.' Nor doos it occur in 
any Saxon sourco. It seenis to havo boen antiquatocl ovon in Bode*s 
tinie ; cf. iii. 7 ad init. : ' Occidontalos Saxones, qui antifiuitus 
Geuissae uocabantur.' It survivos in Coltic sources both Wolsh 
and Irish, e. g. Ann. Camb. 900: 'Albrit (Alfrod) rex Giuoys 
moritur ' ; so Brut y Tywysogion : 'Alvryt bronhin Iwys ' ; Ann. Ult. 
1040 : ' Aralt ri Saxan Giuais moritur,' ' Harold (Harefoot) king 
of tho Gewis Saxons.' It is found in charters both spurious and 
genuine, K. C. D. Nos. 115, 1033, 1035 ; Birch, Nos. 200, 389, 390. 
It is probably connected with the ' visi- ' of ' Visigoths,' meaning 
' wost,' and hence would indicate the western confedoration of 
Saxon tribes. This derivation was suggested by Smith on iii. 7, 
and is confirmed by modern i^hilology ; cf. Kluge's Dictionary, s. v. 
'Wost.' Asser derives the name from a certain 'Gewis' (who 
occurs in the West-Saxon pedigrees, Sax. Chron. b. c. s. a. 552, and 
Preface to MS. A) ; ' Gewis a quo Britones totam illam gentem 
Gegwis nominant,' M. H. B. p. 468. (Note that this is regarded as 
a specially British appellation of the West Saxons, which illustrates 
the passagos given above from Celtic sources.) The two names are 
no doubt connected, but ' Gewis ' is probably an eponymous hero 
manufactured out of the tribe name. The West Saxons were at 
this time under Cynegils and Cwichehn ; ef. H. H. p. 57. The 
battle does not seem to be mentioned in the Sax. Chron. 


stratum parari] 'J)aet he hine gerestan meahte,' ' that he Legend 
might repose himself/ inserts AS. vers. This story is quoted in about 
the spurious charter cited above and below, and by Alcuin in his 
letter to Archbishop Ethelhard reproaching him for having 
deserted his see of Canterbury during the usurpation of Eadbert 
Praen ; H. &S. iii. 519 ; Mon. Alc. p. 367. Bede himself cites the 
case of Jerome being scourged in a vision for his devotion to 
classical literature, Opp. viii. 59 ; Bright, p. 104, quotes from 
Eusebius, v. 28, the story of Natalius, who ' having become a bishop 
among heretics was scourged all night long by angels, and showed 
his bruises next day to the orthodox Roman bishop and church,' 
This, as Bright remarks, may have helped to shape the tradition 
about Laurentius. Cf. the story of St. Columba being scourged by 
an angel, Rs. Ad. p. 198. Other instances, D. C. A. ii. 1774; 
Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 30, 31, 57, 97, 243 ; App. I, § 19. 

p. 93. ecclesiae rebus] W. M. i. 14 speaks of his benefactions to 


The Ecclesiastical Histor 


[Bk. II. 

Decline of 

Cliureh of 
the Vh^gin. 

St. Augustine's (SS. Peter and Paul), as does the spurious charter, 
K. C. D. JSTo. 6 ; Birch, i. 19, 20, cited above. 

post annum] On the date, cf. supra. 

non enim . . . reddere] On the decline of Kentish power already 
beginning under Ethelbert, v. s. c. 5,. p. 89, note. The AS. vers. 
renders very freely : ' Ond h«o Eadbaldes . . . worda ne gemdon, 
forSon his rice ne waes ofer heo swa swa his f^eder haefde,' ' but 
they paid no heed to Eadbald's words, for his power over them was 
not such as his father had.' W. M. represents this as the result of 
a regular rebellion against him : ' regulis quos pater sub iugum 
miserat rebellantibus, regni mutilatus dispendio,' i. 14. But this 
is merely ' his. own heightened and telling way of putting things.' 

ecclesiam . . . fecit] It was to the east of the church built by 
Ethelbert, the monastic cemetery coming in between. Subsequent 
oxtensions united the two churches, Elmham, p. 144. 




Nobility of 
hirth and 
nohility of 

P. 94. scripta exhortatoria] These have not been preserved ; see 
however note to c. 8. As Bede uses a similar term, ' exhortatorias 
litteras ' of the letter of Gregory encouraging the companions of 
Augustine to proceed^ i. 23, p. 43, it is probable that the object of 
these letters was to encourage Mellitus and Justus to persevere in 
the face of the difficulties that beset them, and that they had 
nothing to do with the question of the location of the primacy, as 
some havethought, H. & S. iii. 7i,,which indeed was not a practical 
question at this time, v. note to c. 8. It is not clear whether Bede 
means by 619 to indicate the date of the letters, or of Boniface V's 
accession. Anyhow the letters must be 619 X624, ib. 

Bonifatio . . . Deusdedit] Deusdedit died Nov. 618. Boniface V 
was not consecrated till Dec. 619 ; cf. R. P. pp. 155, 156 ; H. & S. 
iii. 71. 

Mellitus . . . podagra grauatus] And this is, no doubt, the reason 
why in Gocelin's life of him, the miracles wrought at his tomb are 
specially concerned with the cure of this disease ; Hardy, Cat. i. 

erat . . . nobilior] Bede is very fond of this contrast ; iii. 19, 
p. 164, of St. Fursa (though the words there are partly taken from 
the life of Fursa) ; iv. 9, p. 222, of a nun at Barking ; iv. 20, p. 248, of 
Ethelthryth ; iv. 23, p. 252, of Hild ; Hist. Abb. § i, of Benedict 
Biscop, p. 364 ; ib. § 8, of Eosterwine, p. 371 ; Vita Cudb. Pros. 
c. 23, of Elfled, 'regalis stemmata nobilitatis potiori nobilitate 
summae uirtutis accumulabat ; ' Opp. Min. p. 94. So of Joseph of 

Chap. s.] Xotes, 91 

Arimathea: 'magnae . , . dignitatis ad saecnlum, scd maioris apiid 

Deum meriti, Opp. x. 255; xi. 371. Contrast, 'Reduald iiatu 

nobilis, quamlibot actu ignobilis,' infra iL 15, p. 116. 

per culpara incuriae] Tho same phrase occurs iii, 17, p. 160, of Fircs mi- 

the royal vill in wliioh Aidan died ; iv. 25, p. 262, of tho dostruc- racnlously 

tion of CoKlingham. Similar stories are told of St. Cuthbert, Vit., 

Pros. c. 14; Vit. Anon. § 20; and of Alcuin, Vita Alc. in Mon. 

Alc. pp. 26, 27. On the frequency of fires in these times, see note 

on ii. 14, p. 114. 

confidens, «Stc.] Cf. on i. 14, p. 29. 

martyrium] ' Martyria uocabantur eoclesiae, quae in honore ' Mar- 
aliquorum Martyrum fiebant,' Walafridus Strabo in Ducange. tyrium/ 

* Martyria ' also means the tomb, relics, &c. of martyrs. In Irish 

* martra ' simply means relics generally ; e, g. 'martra na noem,' 

* relics of saints.' 

IIII Coronatorum] In the Martyrology at Nov. 8, we find : ' vi. ' Quatuor 
Idus. Romae sanetoium quatuor Coronatorum. Claudii, Nicostrati, Coronati. 
Symphoriani, Castorii, et Simplicii.' To this one MS. of Florus' 
additions to the martyrology adds : ' Quatuor Cor. nomina haec 
sunt : Seuerus,. Seuerianus, Uictorianus et Carpophorus ; quorum 
dies natalis per incuriam neglectus minime reperiri poterat ; ideo 
statutum est ut in eorum ecclesia horum quinque [i. e. Claudii, &c. 
u. s.] sanctorum qui in missa recitantur natalis celebretur, ut cum 
istis eorum quoque memoria pariter fiat,' Opp. iv. 250, 251 ; cf. Ltft. 
App. Ff. I. i. 251 ; H. Y. i. 463. Their church at Rome on the 
Caelian Hill is mentioned as early as the time of Gregory I, but 
was entirely rebuilt by Honorius I (625-638), Gregorovius, Gesch. 
d. Stadt Rom, ii. 120, 121. Another rebuilding of it is recorded 
under the year 847 ; Pertz, xxiv. 144 ; cf. ib. 117 ; D. C. A. i. 461, 462. 

tempestates . . . asriarum] ' stormas 7 hreonisse ];ara werigra 
gasta,' 'storms and tempests of the evil spirits,' AS. vers. ; cf. Eph. 
ii. 2. 

p. 95. die . . . Maiarum] April 24, 624. 


The AS, vers. appends the first words of this chaptor as far 
as ' Bonifatio ' to the preceding chapter, and omits the remaiuder 
here, and the heading from the capitula. 

ista est forma] In G.P. pp. 47-49, is a spurious letter of Boniface Parallel 
to Justus (the second of the Malmesbury series, v. s. on ii. 4, p. 88), spurious 
parallel to this genuine one given by Bede. That it is parallel, 
and not a later letter, genuine or spurious, is proved by the fact 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 

' Fasti 


Two letters 



that the former part of that letter is obviously modelled on the 
corresponding part of this. The latter part is totally diflCerent, and 
consists of a false assertion that Gregory had fixed the primacy at 
Canterbury : 'ubi caput totius gentis Anglorum a diebus paganorum 
habetur,' and decreeing that : ^ in Doribernia ciuitate semper in 
posterum metroijolitanus totius Britanniae locus habeatur, omnes- 
que prouintiae regni Anglorum prefati loci metropolitanae ecclesiae 
subitiantur.' Now apart from the fact that there was no ' regnum 
Anglorum' at this time, the lccation of the primacy was not 
a practical question. London had relapsed into Paganism, and 
Northumbria had not been attacked. Eoman Christianity in 
Britain was confined to Kent with its two sees of Canterbury and 

fastigiorum uestrorum] * Fastigium ' seems to be used here as 
a title, ' your sublimities.' This sense is not noted by Ducange. 
The Durham MS. reads ' uestigiorum ' (on an erasure) which is 
certainly a very ingenious emendation. 

dum . . . praeparauit] The sentence seems corrupt, and can hardly 
be construed as it stands. It would improve it somewhat to read 
' quod ei resignare ' for ' ei quod signare ' ; ' while by bestowing an 
abundant return on tlie exercise of your faithful trafficking with 
tlie talents committed to you, he prepared that which ye might 
render to him with multiplied interest'; cf. c. ii, p. io6: ' ut fructum 
. . . creditorum tibi beneficiorum Redemtori tuo multiplicem resig- 
nares.' It is noteworthy that the composer of the spurious letter 
seems to have found a diflficulty here ; for while he follows his 
original very closely as far as ' mysterium,' he omits ' magno . . . 
exspectastis/ and continues : ' Ut enim proficerent, uestris meritis 
est eorum saluatio procurata, Domino dicente, ' &c., after which he 
diverges entirely. 

p. 96. Adulualdi] This is meant for Eadbald. 

pallium] V. on i. 27, p. 52 ; ii. 3, p. 85. At this point in the 
letter there is a curious transition from the plural pronouns, ' uos,' 
' uester,' to the singular ' tu,' * tuus.' It may be that in the earlier 
part of the letter Romanus is intended to be included, whereas the 
part about the pallium would concern Justus exclusively. It may 
perhaps be allowable to make a bolder suggestion, viz. that parts of 
two diflferent letters have been conjoined, and that the former part 
is really the * scripta exhortatoria ' addressed to Mellitus and 
Justus, c. 7, p. 94. To this description it answers very well, and 
the congratulations on the conversion of Eadbald would certainly 
come more appropriately in 619 than in 624, some six years after the 
event. If the scribe who copied the letters from the papal or archi- 

Chap. 9.] Notes, 93 

opiscopal registors accidcntally turned ovor two loaves, lio miglit 
oasily join tlio boginniiig of ono lettor to tlio ond of anothor. Tho 
uriginal lioading niay liavo boon : ' diloctiss. fratr. Mollitoot lu.sto.' 


P. 07. Aeduino] Aollo of Drira, tlie father of Edwin, tlie king Edvvin. 
montionod in ii. i, p. 80, diod in 588, Sax. Chron. ; and Ethelric 
of Bernicia, the father of Etholfrid, annoxed liis kingdom. (The 
twolfth century life of Oswald says that Ethelric was the slayer 
of Aelle ; but I have found no earlier authority for this ; S. D. 1. 
363.) Edwin was then only three years old, haviug boen born in 
585 ; c. 20, p. 124. He took refuge subsequently, according to Wclsh 
tradition, with Cadvan, King of Gwynedd ; and it is possible that 
this was the cause of the battle of Chester. Cf. Lappenberg, i. 144 ; 
E. T. i. 145; Rh^s, C. B. p. 128. The life of Oswald has preserved 
this residonce of Edwin at the court of Cadvan, though it places 
it wrongly after the battle of Chester : ' Postea Cadwanus cis 
Humbram regnans, Edwinum . . . nutriuit cum Cadwallone filio 
suo,' S. D. i. 345. After that battle Edwin fled to Redwald king 
of tlie East Angles ; and, in conjunction with him, defeated and 
slew Ethelfrid on the Idle in 616 or 617, v. i. 34 ; ii. 20. He in 
his turn took possession of the whole of Northumbria, expelling 
Ethelfrid's sons ; v. infra, c. 12, note. 

Paulino, cuius supra meminimus] i. e. i. 29, p. 63, where he is Paulinus. 
mentioned as one of those sent by Gregory in 601 with the second 
mission. Since then we have heard nothing of him. But the 
story of Edwin's interview with the mysterious stranger at the 
court of Redwald, c. 12, pp. 108, 109 m/ra, is best explained by 
supposing that Paulinus had been sent on a mission to East 
Anglia. He may have gone thither with Redwald, after the 
Iatter's baptism in Kent, and left it again after he relapsed more 
or less into idolatry, ii. 15, p. 116; cf. App, I, § iSadfin., which 
strongly supports this view, Hence his knowledge of Edwin 
would be a reason for choosing him for the Northumbrian mission, 
and hence both he and Edwin would be interested in the conver- 
sion of East Anglia ; though ultimately it was due mainly to the 
Burgundian bishop, Felix, ib. Paulinus' work in Nortliumbria 
is narrated in cc. 9, 10, 12-14 j ^i^ preaching in Lindsey, c. 16 ; 
his reception of the pallium, c 17 ; his consecration of Honorius 
as Arclibishop of Canterbury, c. 18 ; his retirement to Rochester 
after the defeat and death of Edwin in c. 20 ; and his death 
there, Oct. 10, 644, iii. 14, p. 154, ' Huius Liudem somper hac- 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 

Extent of 





Spread of 
ity by 

tenus prae se tulit antiquitas, et in immensum extulit/ G. P. 
p. 134. On the later lives of Paulinus, i>. Hardy, Cat. i. 229, 230. 

quod nemo Anglorum ante eum] Cf. ttie prophecy of the 
stranger to the exiled Edwin, * ut . . . omnes, qui ante te reges in 
gente Anglorum fuerant, potestate transcendas ' ; e. 12, p. 109, 
Bede's Chron. Opp. Min. p. 195; and App. I, § !i2. 

omnes Brittaiiiae fines] 'praetel- Cantuariis tantuin/ e. 5 supra, 
p. 89. 

prouinciae habitabant] A curious phrase. 

Meuanias insulas] i. e. Man and Anglesey. It is commonly 
thonght that it Was from this conquest that the latter got its name. 
Above, c. 5, p. 89, they are called 'Brettonum insulae.' In the 
AS. version both here and c. 5, we have ' Monige Bretta ealond/ 
where 'Monige' as Well as ''ealond' is plural ( = 'Monae insulae'), 
a fact which has escaped the editor, Dr. Miller ; the singular would 
be ' Monig, Mona insula.' Curiously enough W. M. i. 50 gives the 
name Anglesey to both : ' Insulae Meuaniarum quas nunc Ang- 
lesei, id est, Anglorum insulas dicunt.' I have found no other 
authority for applying this name to Man. This passage of W. M. 
shows that the explanation of Anglesey as ' Anglorum insiila ' is 
very old, though Mr. Henry Bradley objects that in that case we 
ought to have ' Engla-ig,' Academy, June 2, 1894. The Icelandic 
iiame is ' Onguls^ey/ i.e. ' anguli insula,' Orkneyinga Saga, pp. 
70, 73. For Man, cf. M. H. B. p. xix. 

situ amplior] This is correct ; Anglesey is rather the larger of 
the two ; see above, pp. 40, 41. The AS. veysioh omits ''quarum 
prior . . . tenet.' 

familiarum] See on i. 25, p. 45. 

p. 98. examinata a prudentibus] Here again we seem to have 
a glimpse of the witenagemot ; and here the AS. version has ' wise 
Witan ' for ' prudentes.' The actual deliberation on the point is 
recorded in c. 13, wh«re see noteB. Cf. Bede on Ezra v. 5 : ' Dux 
iste Syriae, qui regem de opere domus Dei non accusando instigat, 
sed consulendo interrogat, eorum recte imaginem eicprimit, qui 
adhuc in gentilitate positi, fidem et opera mirantur ecclesiae ; nec 
se credituros abnegant, si hanc ueram esse ac iustam diuinitatis 
culturam intelligere possint'; Opp. ix. 414, 415. 

Paulinus, qui cum illa ueniret] His position would at first be 
like that of Liudhard at the court of Kent, i. 25, p. 45. Other 
instances of the spread of Christianity by royal marriages are : 
Peada and Alchfled, iii. 21, pp. 169, 170 ; andto some extent Ethel- 
bert and Bertha, i. 25, p. 45. 

die XII Kal. Aug.] July 21 ; this was a Sunday in 625. 

Chap. 9.] Notes, 95 

p. 99. Cuichelmo] In iii. 7 ad inil., we find Cynegils king of tlio Cwichelm 
West Saxons. He and Cwiehelm seem to have reignod conjointly, ^f^^ Cyiu;- 
and are mentioned together, Sax. Chron. s. a. 614, 628. W. M. aays : 
' regni infulas aequa lance induerunt,' i. 21. He makes them 
however brolhers, instead of father and soli, as do the Chron. 
A, B, C, 648, and Fl. Wig. i. 256. H. H. is inconsistent, pp. 55, 58. 
He associates Cyncgils with Cwichelm^s treachery, p. 57. Cwichehn 
probably wished to recover for his house the hegemony which 
Ceawlin had hekl. W. M. thinks that he might shield himself 
under Coroebus' maxim, Aen. ii. 390, ' Dohis an uirtus quis in 
hoste requirat,' i. 22. Cwichelm was baptized in 636, a year after 
Cynegils, and died the same year. Cynegils evidently survived 
liini some time, iii. 7 ad inii. Cwichelm's name still survives in 
Scutchamiiy Barrow, Berkshire ; the ' Cwichehneshlaew ' of the 
Chron. 1006. Westminster's statement (foUowing R. W. i. 126), 
that Edwin slew Cwichelm there is a mere inference from the 
name, and a wrong one, for Cwichelm ontlived Edwin. 

sicam] Miaud-seax,' AS. vers. 

primo die paschae] In 626 Easter-day fell oii April 20. 

uilla regalis] Various conjectures have been made as to its posi- 
tion ; but I do not see that there are any data for determining it. 

minister regi amicissimus] 'se cyninges ))egn him se holdesta,' Conaitatus. 
' the king's most loyal thane,' AS. vers. On the 'comitatus' and 
the devotion of its members to their lord, cf. iii. 14, p. 155, note. 

die sancto pentecostes] Whit Sunday in 626 was on June 8. 
Strictly speaking the baptism was on the eve : ' in sabbato pente- 
costes,' as Bede himself says, v. 24, p. 353 ; cf. Bright, p. 113. 

Easter and Pentecost were from early times regarded as specially Baptisni.s 
suitable seasons for the administration of baptism. Tertullian at ^* Easter 
the end of the second century mentions this custom, though he cost. 
adds that no time is unsuitable for baptism. And some of the 
early fathers urge their readers not to delay their baptism unne- 
cessarily under pretence of waiting for one of these seasons. In 
the East, and in churches of the West which came under 
Eastern influences, Epiphany was also a favourite time. i See note on 
iv. 19.) Christmas was also observed in some churches, including 
those of Scandinavia. It is with reference to baptisms at Christmas 
that an Icelandic proverb is quoted in Laxdsela Saga (p. 176, ed. 
1826): 'hatiair eru til heilla betztar,' 'high seasons are most 
auspicious.' The Roman Church from the fourth century onwards 
tried to limit theadministration of baptism to Easterand Pentecost. 
Siricius in 385 compLains that men rush to baptism at Christmas, 
Epiphany and other seasons. Except in the case of infants, or 

96 The Ecclesiasticcd History. [Bk. ii. 

when necessity is urgent, they are to be restricted to Easter and 
Pentecost, unless they give in their names forty days before ; 
Labbe, ii. 1018. And this gives us a clue to the motive of the 
restriction, viz. that regular courses of instruction might be pro- 
vided for adult catechumens cf. Gregory I in R. P. p. 124^ 
Wherever Christianity was a missionary religion, these would be 
the most numerous class. With the establishment of Christianity 
the necessity for the restrietion passed away, and it has been 
generally abandoned both in East and West. Leo I in 447 writes 
much to the same effect as Siricius, grounding the limitation to 
those festivals on the correspondence between the trine immersion 
in baptism, and the three days' burial in the tomb, and on the 
baptism of 3000 on the first Christian Pentecost, Acts ii. 41 ; 
Labbe, iii. 1297 ff. So, too, Gelasius I, 492-496 ; R. P. p. 60. Bede 
alludes to the custom ; Opp. v. 75, 281 ; vi. 257. In vi. 233, he 
quotes from Pachasinus, Bishop of Lilybaeum in the fifth century, 
a legend of a certain font which was miraculously filled with 
water every Easter Eve, and thus determined the true Easter. 
In ii. 14 we find Edwin, and in v. 7 Caedwalla, baj)tized at Easter. 
Many of the references given on the latter passage to illustrate the 
use of ' white weeds ' in baptism, illustrate this custom also. 
Eawin's P- 100. aduersus gentem Occidentalium Saxonum] The Sax. 

campaign Chron. E. says that Edwin slew five kings (cf. on iv. 12) and much 
^gg^ people. But whereas the Chron. makes the West Saxon campaign 

Saxons. precede the baptism of Eanfled, the latter being the result of 
it, Bede makes the baptism of Eanfled precede the campaign, 
Edwin's own cessation from idolatry being the result of his success, 
though he still hesitated some time before formally adopting 
Christianity. Apart from the earlier authority of Bede, there 
would hardly be time for a campaign to be undertaken and com- 
pleted between Easter and Pentecost 626. 


The AS. vers. gives the heading of this chapter among the 
capitula, but in the text only gives the first few words, omitting 
the letter ; c. 1 1 is omitted wholly ; c. 12 is given in the text ; but 
there is no fresh heading for it in the capitula, and it seems to be 
treated as part of c. 10. 
■Date. litteras] There is a difficulty about the date of this letter and 

the one to Ethelberg in the next chapter, which Dr. Bright has 
pointed out, p. 114. Paulinus was consecrated July 21, 625. 

Chap. II.] Kotes. 97 

Bouifaco V died October 25, 625. Yot in tho letter to Ethelborg 
the Popo spoaks of Edwin's delay, ' distulerit,' p. 105, to ol)ey the 
voice of tho proachors. Considoriug tho time roquired for Paulinus 
to reach Ni^rtliumbria, and for niesseugors to reach Rome, thoro 
is littlo mnrgin for 'dohiy'left out of three months. Dr. Bright 
suggosts that tliose lettors sliould be assignod to Honorius, tlie 
successor of Bonifaee. To this there is the objoetion that in c. ir, 
p. 104, the writer seems to speak of himself as tho Pope who 
had received the news of Eadbald's conversion. This might be 
Boniface V, who succeeded 619, but could hardly be Honorius. 
We might, however, take the 'no8'in that passage as meaning 
simply ' tho papal see.' 

quia . . . infundit] There seems some corruption here ; ' pro- Text 
fert' for 'proforetur* would be an improvement ; 'siftce His ^orrupt. 
humanity having opened, &c. . . . mercifully pours into the minds 
of men by secret inspiration the things which ii brings forth from 
itself,' or ' which it reveals concerning itself.' 

p. 101. inserentes . . . propinentur] An impossible construc- 
tion ; we should probably read ' propinemus.' For ' propino ' in 
this sense, ' to give or furnish,' cf. c. 8, p. 96 ; ' remedia ' = ' means.' 
The two words recur c. 1 1, ad init. 

eius . . . subdi] There is some corruption here, which I do not 
see how to mend. Mansi, x. 551, reads ' dilatandae subsidiis ' for 
' dilatandi subdi/ wliich is not mucli clearer. 

gentibus . . . subpositis] The sense requires ' gentium subposi- 
tarum,' and so Mansi, u. s., or 'gentis subpositae/ as in c. 11, 
p. 104. 

p. 102. eorum, quos colunt] ' eorum qui eam (pr eas) colunt ' 
would be rather better. 

p. 103. qui . . . inuidus] sc. ' Diabolus,' supplied from ' dia- 

habuit . . . potuit] The sense requires 'habuerunt,' 'potuerunt.' 

constructioni] seems corrupt ; ' constructione ' would yield a 
certain sense. So H^, and Mansi, x. 552. On the argument of tliis 
letter, see i. 30, note. 


P. 104. multae] 'multa' would be slightly prefemble. 
innotescens] ' making known ' ; cf. i. 30, p. 65. 
in uestri] 'uestra' seems required. The corruption may be due 
to ' uestri ' in the next line. 

p. 105. pars corporis uestri] Cf. c. 10, p. loi. 

98 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. ii. 

p. 106. conuersatione] * conuersione/ the reading of C, seems 
certainly preferable. 

releuetis] Here again the reading of C. 'reueletis' is preferable. 
Unfortunately it reads ' reueletur ' two lines below, where ' releue- 
tur' is certainly right. But the two words were very likely to be 


Bede's ex- P. 107. ut uerisimile uidetur] Note that Bede only puts this 

planation forward as his own way of accounting for the facts ; viz. that 
ot the facts. ^ *= ' 

Paulinus received a special revelation of the nature of the mysterious 

occurrence which befell Edwin in East Anglia. Perhaps the analogy 

of St. Paul and Ananias in Acts ix. lo if., may have been present to 

Bede's mind. A less miraculous theory is given above, c. 9, p. 97, 

note. According to a later tradition, the stranger who appeared to 

Edwin was St. Peter ; S. D. i. 206. Cf. on this chapter App. I. § 16. 

per diuersa . . . regna . . . uagaretur] See above on c. 9, and 

infra on c. 14. 

Construc- quae petebatur] ' The things which he was asked ; ' ' peto ' con- 

tion ot strued with double accusative, of which the accusative of the thing 

'peto.' ^ 

remains in the passive construction ; so iii. 5, ad fin. p. 137 ; v. 21 

ad init. : ' misit architectos, quos petebatur,' ' which he was asked 

for ; ' Opp. vi. 317: ' petiti auxilia Komani,' ' the Komans being 

asked for help.' In iii. 23, p. 176, the accusative of the thing is 

replaced by an infinitive : 'petiit . . . Cynibillum . . . conplere,' 

* he asked C. to complete.' 

p. 108. fidissimus . . . illius] ' Sum cyninges ])egn his freond se 
getreowesta,' ' a king's thane amost faithful friend of his,' AS. vers. 

ille . . . magis quam ignobilior quisque] Cf. c. 15, p. 116: 
' Reduald natu nobilis, quamlibet actu ignobilis.' ' Quisque ' for 

tot annorum] Since 588, v.s. If I am right in placing the battle 
of Chester in 616, this must have taken place in 616 or 617. Any- 
how it must be 613 x 617. 
I caeco . . . ignij ' Vulnus alit uenis, et caeco carpitur igni,' Verg. 
j Aen. iv. 2. 
I p. 109. omnes . . . transcendas] Cf. sup. on c. 9, p. 97. 

ut ferunt] Note how careful Bede is not to give this as more than 
a tradition. 

p. 110. nulla ratione . . . uendere] Cf. the stories in Eddius, 
cc. 27, 28. 
Tlie Idle. Idlee] The Idle is a tributary of the Trent. We have seen above, 

CiiAP. 13.] ^\)tes. 99 

on i. 34, tliat tliisbattlc was fouglit beforo April 12, 617, c. 14 ad init. 
H. H. p. 56, has preserved, as he often does, an English proverb Henry of 
with reforonce to this battle : 'Amnis Idle Anglorum sanguine ^"" "^" 
sorduit.' But wlien he professes to give an account of the 
nian<.vuvi-es by wliicli the battle was lost and won, he is simply 
drawing on his own imagination ; and such things should not be 
quoted as liistory. 

suecessit] Ile in liis turn expelled the sons of Ethelfrid. The Ethellrid' 
Sax. Chron. E. 617, gives their names, Eanfrid, Oswald, Oswiu, Oslac, ^^^s. 
Oswudu, Oshif, and Offa. Nennius, § 57, pedigrees, gives the same 
list, except that for Oslac he gives Osguid (^Oswith). They took 
refuge with the Picts and Scots, iii. i. Oswald certainly spent part 
of the time of his exile at lona, iii. 3 ; perhaps also in Ireland ; 
cf. Zimmer, Kelt. Beitriige, i. 207 ; iii. 13, Of him and Oswiu 
(^Oswy ' we shall hear more. For Eanfrid, v. iii. i. 


. . esse] 'Jaet he \ 
7 mid his wj^tum gesprec 7 gej^eaht habban,* ' that he would bave 

P. 111. cum amicis . . . esse] "laet he wolde mid his freondum Debate in 

the Wi- 

speech and counsel with his friends and wise men;' so below 
' habito . . . consilio,' '})a haefde he gesprec 7 gepeaht mid his 
witum,' AS. vers. 

primus pontificum] ' ealdorbisceop,' ' chief bishop,' AS. vers. 

nullus . . . tuorum] ' naenig ])inra pegna,' ' none of thy thanes,' Material- 
AS. vers. The gross materialism of Coifi's counsel should be noted istic argu- 
as throwing light on the subsequent apostasy after the defeat of 
Edwin at Hatfield, 633, rnfra c. 20, iii. i. Those who adopted 
a religion with the idea of gaining material advantages would 
naturally abandon it in the hour of adversity. Thus the coming 
of the plague caused part of Essex to apostatise, iii. 30 ; cf. iv. 27. 
It is disappointing to find Bede applying the term 'uerba pru- 
dentia ' to such a speech as Coifi's. Is it accidental that the AS. 
vers. omits the laudatory epithet ? In iii. 3 ad init. Bede seems to 
regard success in war as at any rate a witness to spiritual truth ; 
cf. iii. 7, p. 141. The same idea underlies the whole system of 
ordeals, trials ' by wager of battle,' &c. War is only an ordeal on 
a larger scale. 

p. 112, alius optimatum] ' o|jer cyninges wita 7 ealdormann,' Seeking 
' another royal counsellor (wise man) and alderman,' AS. vers. The ^^^^^ ^*^^^- 
spiritualism of this counsellor, his sense of the deep mystery of 
human existence, is in strong and dramatic contrast with the 
materialism of the last speaker. 

H 2 

100 Tlie Ecclesiasticcd History. [Bk. ii. 

talis . . . uita . . . praesens] ' Nota pulcram comparationem de 
breuitate uitae,'marginal note in O^. 

cum ducibus ac ministris tuis] 'mid ])inum ealdormannum 7 
])egnum/ 'with thy aldermen and thanes,' AS. vers. 

prorsus ignoramus] Cf. 'a philosophis . , . caeterisque gentium 
magistris, quia nil certae beatitudinis in futurum sciunt promittere, 
et hi quos habuere separantur, uidelicet conuersi ad fidem, spemque 
dominicae promissionis certissimam,' Opp. ix, 124. ' Populus 
gentium . . . habuit doctores, qui , . . huius solum uitae gaudia 
nouerant, de aeternis nihil certum dicebant,' ib. 435. 

merito esse sequenda] Cf, Bede on Cant, iii, 3 : ' Dixit gentilitas, 
quae in sponsam Christi erat . . . permutajida, num quem dilexit 
aninm mea uicUstis, cum uenientibus ad se doctoribus libentissime 
auditum accommodabat, et inhianter, an ueritatis esset uia quam 
praedicabant, dignoscere curabat,' Opp. ix. 254. 
Age and ceteri . . . consiliarii] ' oJ)re aldormen 7 j^ses cyninges ge})eahteras, * 

office. 'other aldermen and royal counsellors,' AS. vers. The idea of age 

as a necessary qualification for office and counsel comes out in both 
languages. Cf, such words as yfpovala, senatus, senator, sieur 
( = senipr), seigneur ( = seniorem), signore, senor, &c. ; cf, F. N. C. 
i. 582. 

diuinitus admoniti] Omitted AS. vers. 
altaria] See note on i, 30, p, 65. 
Destruc- p, 113. destruere . . . fanum] Cf. on i. 30, 32. 

tion of i Q nirQiuui tanti felix audacia facti ! ' 

fanes &c. exclaims Alcuin of Coifi's exploit, De Sanctis Ebor. v. 186. 
cum omnibus septis] The rljxivos or sacred enclosure, 
Godmunddingaham] Goodmanham, near Market Weighton ; cf. 
Greenwell, British Barrows, pp. 286-331. Dr. Greenwell says : 
* the whole district is replete with archaeological interest.' 
aras] ' Vidi Hecubam, . , . Priamumque per aras 

Sanguine foedantem, quos ipse sacrauerat ignes,' 

Verg, Aen. ii. 501, 502. 


nobilibus] 'aejjelingum,' 'ethelings,' AS. vers. 

p. 114. circiter] v. note on i, 15, p. 30. 

Baptism of baptizatus est] Cf. Bede, Chron.Opp.Min. p. 195. The Ann, Camb. 

Edwin. under 626 say : ' Etguin baptizatus est, et Eun filius Urbgen bap- 

tizauit eum,* The story is repeated in (an evident gloss in) Nenn, 

§ 63, * Si quis scire uoluerit quis eos [sc. Eadguin , . , et xii millia 

hominum cum eo] baptizauit, Rum map Urbgen baptizauit eos,' 

Chap. 14.] Notes. 101 

To wliich two MSS. add tlio furthor gloss ' sicut niilii Rrnchidus 
episcopus et Elbodus episcoporum spnctissimus tradidorunt, . . . 
i.e. Paulinus Eboraconsis archiopiscopus eos baptizauit,' ed. Stevon- 
son, p. 54 and note. This last idea is a desperate attempt to 
reconcile what the scribe rightly felt to be irreconcilcable, the 
account of Bede and tliat of Nennius. The whole story may be 
dismissod as a ftible intended to chiim for tho British Church 
a principal share in the evangelisation of Nortliumhria. Tlio Irish 
annals know nutliing of it ; and it is nogatived, not only by the narra- 
tive of Bcde, but by the whole attitude of the British Church towards 
tlio Saxons and Angles. I cannot agree with Skene, C. S. ii. 199, 
that 'the tradition seems to indicate that the Cumbrian Church 
did phiy a part in the conversion of their Anglic neighbours.' 
A very unhkely suggestion is made by Kaine, H. Y. I. xix, whose 
description of York at this time is, however, of great interest. 

die . . . paschae] Here again the evo is meant, Bright, p. 118 ; v.s. 
on c. 9, p. 99. 

de ligno . . . de lapide] Building in stone was largely duc, like Builrling 
so much else, to Eoman infiuence. Thus Naiton, King of the Picts, materials. 
• architectos sibi mitti petiit, qui iuxta morem Romanorum ecclesiam 
de hipide in gente ijDsius facerent/ v. 21, p. 333. So Benedict 
Biscop got from Gaul ' cementarios qui lapideam sibi aecclesiam 
[at Wearmouth] iuxta Romanorum, quem semper amabat, morem 
facerent,' Hist. Abb. § 5, p. 368. Candida Casa [Hwitern] got its 
name, 'eo quod ibi ecclesiam de lapide, insolito Brettonibus more, 
fecerit,' iii. 4, p. 133. We hear of stone churches at Lincoln, c. 17, 
p. 117 ; at Lastingham (replacing an earlier church of wood\ 
iii. 23, p. 176. That wood was the ordinary building material of 
the Saxons is shown by the fact that their word for ' to build ' ia 
'getimbrian ' ; cf. Anglo-Saxon Glossaries, ed. Wiilker, i. 126. Ald- 
helm died in a w^ooden church at Doulting, Somerset, which was 
aftervvards replaced by a stone one, G.P. p. 382; cf. ib. 153 ; a similar 
instance, W. M. i. 265. At Glastonbury, a stone church and 
a wooden church existed side by side, Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 271. 
A wooden church at Chester-le-Street continued to the eleverith 
century, S. D. i. 92 ; another at Wilton, F. N. C. ii. 509. One 
at Greenstead in Essex sui-vived to our own day, Lingard's 
Anglo-Saxon Church, ii. 338, cited by M. & L. p. 269. Wooden 
buildings were also characteristic of the Celts both British and 
Irish. Cf. the passage from iii. 4 cited above. So in the life of 
St. Kentigern : ' More Britonum ecclesiam . . . de hgnis leuigatis 
. . . edificare . . . inchoabant ; quum de lapide construere nondum 
poterant, nec usum habebant,' N. & K. p. 203. Thus Finan at 


The Ecclesiastical History 

[Bk. II. 

of fires. 

Cliurcli of 

Liiidisfarne 'fecit ecelesiam . , . more Scottorum, non de lapide, 
sed de rohore secto totam conposuit, atque harundine texit/ iii. 
25, p. 181 ; i. e. not only the roof but the walls were covered 
with a rush thatch. This is shown by what follows : ' Sed 
episcopus . . . Eadberct, ablata harundine, plumbi lamminis eam 
totam, hoc est, et tectum, et ipsos quoque parietes eius, cooperire 
curauit.' Skins were sometimes used for the same purpose, Vita 
Cudb. c. 46 ; Opp. Min. pp. 135, 136. 

The Welsh word for to build, ' adeiladu,' indicates a yet earlier 
stage of the art of construction, meaning literally ' to weave,' and 
referring originally to the primitive mode of constructing buildings 
by wattling. A temporary church of this kind seems mentioned 
in i. 20, p. 38 : ' ecclesia . . . frondibus contexta conponitur,' cf. 
H. & S. i. 37. So in 995 a temporary church of this kind was made 
at Durham to receive St. Cuthberfs relics : ' facta citissime de uirgis 
ecclesiola,' S. D. i. 179. For dwelling houses it continued to be used, 
iii. 10, 16 (where see the AS. vers. cited in the note). At the endof 
the eleventh century, Benedict Biscop's monastery of Wearmouth 
was so utterly ruined, that some monks whom Bishop Walcher 
settled there, are represented as ' de uirgis facientes habitacula.' 
On buildings of wood and wattle among the Celts, both British and 
Irish, see much curious information collected by Dr. Eeeves in his 
Adamnan, pp. 106, 177, 178 ; Petrie, Eound Towers, pp. 125-160. 
Duleek, in Ireland, obtained its name ' Daim-Iiag,' ' the house of 
stone,' from the fact that there, as at Candida Casa, this was a pre- 
viously unknown phenomenon. 

From this use of wood, &c., resulted the frequency of fires, e. g. 
i. 19; ii. 7; iii. 10, 17; iv. 25; Opp. Min. p. 75. The church at 
Campodonum, wfra, was evidently of wood. When burnt by the 
pagan Mercians after Hatfield : ' euasit . . . ignem altare, quia lapi- 
deum erat,'p. 115. After the flight of Paulinus in 633, and the 
location of the Northumbrian see at Lindisfarne, the church of 
York fell into decay. Wilfrid, on gaining possession of his see in 
669, restored it magnificently, Eddius, c. 16. Though of stone it 
was burnt down in 741, Sax. Chron. D. E. ad ann. S. D. ii. 38. It 
was rebuilt by Archbishop Ethelbert, 766 x 780, the works being 
superintended by Eanbald, who succeeded him, and Alcuin, On 
the site of Edwin's baptism an altar was erected, covered with 
silver, and adorned with gold an^ silver, and dedicated to St. Paul, 
' doctor Mundi'; De Sanctis Ebor. vv. 1487-1519. The cathedral 
was burnt again in 1069, restored by Archbishop Thomas I (1070- 
iioo) ; burnt once more in 1137, and rebuilt in its present form in 
the reign of Edward I, Smith, a. l. 

Chap. 14.] Nofes. 103 

impia nece] r. c. 20; ' impius ' as often ='pitiless.' 

in quibus . . . Merciorum] This implios that Edwin during his Edwin « 
exilo had rosidod at tho eourt of Mercia. As Osfrid, a son liy this ftjsidoiuc 
niarriago, had a son Yflfi, who was baptized before 633 iin/ra), tliough 
probably not much before, as he died ' in infantia ' after tlie battle 
of llatfudd, infia c. 20, Osfrid liimself can hardly have been born 
hitor than 612, whicli proves that Edwin's Mercian sojourn must 
liavo procodod the battk^ of Chester. Whether or not it preceded 
Edwin's sojourn at tlie court of Cadvan of Gwynedd, c. 9, note, 
I do not find anj- evidence to show. 

Considering the subsequent alliance of Penda and Caedwalla 
against Edwin, it is not impossible that the kings of Mercia and 
North Wales may have been allied in his favour. If so, it may be 
safely assumed that their object was less to help him, than to 
check the growing power of Northumbria under Ethelfrid. On 
tho subsequent fate of those sons, Osfrid and Eadfrid, v. c. 20, 
pp. 124, 125. 

Cearli regis Merciorum] He does not appear in the pedigrees, Cearl ot 
Sax. Chron. 626 (MSS. B. C) ; Fl. Wig. i. 251, 252, 264 ; S. D. ii. 369. Mercia. 
According to Fl. Wig. i. 268, Qwenburg was the daughter of Creoda, 
the grandfather of Penda, which would identify Cearl and Creoda. 
But considering that Penda was born about 575, ten years before 
Edwin, it is extremely unlikely that Edwin should liave married 
his aunt. Hen. Hunt. p. 54, makes * Cherlus,' the cousin and suc- 
cessor of Penda's fatlier, which is certainly more probable on genea- 
logical grounds ; and this interruption of the direct line of 
succession would account for the mature age of Penda at his acces- 
sion. Cf. on all this, c. 20, and notes. 

albati] ' under crisman,' ' under chrism,' AS. vers. So v. 7, 'Inalbis.' 
p. 292, for 'in albis adhuc po.situs,' where see note. 
Uuscfrea . . . YflBj 011 theirfate, v. c. 20, pp. 125, 126. 

alii . . . uiri] 'monige ae^^elingas J)8es cynecynnes,' 'many ethe- Ethelings 
lings of the royal race,' AS. vers. Among these was Edwin's baptized. 
cousin and successor in Deira, Osric. Bede does not mention him 
here, perhaps because of his subsequent apostasy ; iii. i, pp. 127, 128. 
in uillam regiam] ' in ])one cynelican tun,' ' to the royal town- 
ship,' AS. vers. Beh^w, of Campodonum, it transhites the same 
words by ' cyninges bold,' * king's residence.' 

p. 115. Adgefrin] Ad is the preposition, as is shown by the form Place- 
in the AS. vers., iEtgefrin. This practice of prefixing a local pre- namescom- 
position so that it becomes part of the place-name, is very common in .^vitii pre- 
Anglo-Saxon, and occurs constantly in the charters. Sometimes the positions. 
name thus formed is a descriptive phrase, as in Noke, which is for 

104 The Ecclesiastical History. [bk. ii. 

Attenoke, corrupted from ' aet J)am ace/ i. e. ' at the oak.' Atterbury 
probably is for ' set psere byrig,' i. e. ' at the borough ' (so that there 
was more than mere wit in Bishop Atterbury's remark, that if he 
went into the West country, he would be in danger of being called 
' To-therbury '). But the usage is by no means confined to these 
cases. In Bede we have ' locus . . . uocatur Ad Candidam Casam,' 
iii. 4, p. 133 (when it refers to the church itself, it is ' Ecclesia . . . 
quae Candida Casa uocatur,' v. 23, p. 351) ; ' monasterium quod 
uocatur Ad Caprae Caput,' ' JEt Rsegeheafde,' AS. vers., iii. 21, 
p. 170 ; 'in uico regis . . . qui uocatur Ad Murum,' '^t Walle,' ib. ; 
*locus qui dicitur Adbaruse, id est Ad Nemus,' '^t Bearwe,' iv.3, 
6, pp. 207, 218 ; ' locus qui uocatur Ad Lapidem,' ' ^Et Stane,' iv. 16, 
p. 237 ; ' locus qui dicitur Adtuifyrdi,' ' ^t Twyfyrde,' iv. 28, 
p. 272. Sometimes the preposition is ' in,' and in these cases the 
second part of the name seems to be either a district as ' monaste- 
rium quod uocatur Inderauuda, id est In silua Derorum,' 'In 
Dera Wuda,' AS. vers., v. 2, 6, pp. 283, 292 ; or a tribal name, as 
is suggested by the frequent occurrence of the patronymic termina- 
tion ' -ing' in these names ; ' locus qui dicitur Ingetlingum,' iii. 14, 
p. 155 ; soiii. 24, p. 179 (AS. vers. identical) ; ' inregione quae uocatur 
Infeppingum,' ' in Jjsem J^eodlande, ])e is nemned In Feppingum,' 
iii. 21, p. 171 ; 'in regione quae uocatur Incuneningum,' 'In Cunu- 
ningum,' AS. vers., v. 12, p. 304. Bede's own monastery seems to be 
another case of this kind ; it was ' in loco qui uocatur Ingyruum,' 
*on Gyrwum,' AS. vers., v. 21, 24, pp. 332, 357. There certainly 
was a tribe of Gyrwas in the fen country ; Bede's ' prouincia, regio 
Gyruiorum,' ' Gyrwa maegf^, lond,' AS. vers., iii. 20, iv. 6, pp. 169, 
218; cf. iv. 19, ' prinoeps . . . australium Gyruiorum,' ' SucNgyrwa 
aldormon,' AS. vers., p. 243. Here too may belong 'prouincia 
quae uocatur Inundalum, ' ' in prouincia Undalum,' ' on Undalana 
mseg^Se,' AS. vers., v. 19, pp. 322, 330. The ' locus qui uocatur In- 
hrypum,' iii. 25, p. 183 ; v. i. 19, pp. 281, 325 (AS. vers. identical', 
is probably not a tribal name, for when the AS. vers. wishes to 
express the people of the district, it suffixes the termination '-saetan,' 
' settlers,' translating ' Hryi^ensis ecclesia,' iv. 12 ad fin. by 
' Hrypsetna cirice.' Of names outside Bi-itain we have ' uicus . . . 
qui uocatur In Conpendio' (Compidgne), iii. 28, p. 194; ' insula 
. . . Hreni, quae lingua eorum uocatur In litore,' v. 11, p. 302. 
For other instances see the index, s.vv. ' ad' and ' in.' 
The phenomenon occurs in later Greek : Istamboul, or 'Stam- 
boul, the name of Constantinople, is a corruption of eh t^v ttuXiv ; 
Standia of ds t^v Aiav ; Stingo of ds ttjv Ko), &c. 
Yeverin. Adgefrin] Yeverin in Glendale, which thus preserves the 

Chap. 14.1 Notes. 105 

jineiont namo of the river, wliicli is now callod tho Bcauniont 
Wator, and is a tributary of the Till. 

confluentem . . . plebera] Tlioso wholosale conversions scom to Wholcsak- 
luive beon fullowod by no loss wholesalo apostasy, c. 20, and notes ; glois*^'^' 
cf. i. 26, note. On their effect in contaminating Cliristianity with 
lioathenism, v. i. 30, note ; D. C. A. ii. 121 1. They are porhaps con- 
nected, as Lappenberg suggests, with the fact that in primitive 
society the individual counts for little, the family, the triV)e for 
mucli, i. 182; ef. Maino, Ancient Law. It was Christianity which 
first fully reeognisod tlie truo individuality of man. 

Maelmiu] Smith, following Camdon, ii. 1097, od. 1753, says Mill- Maehuin. 
fioki, noar Woolor. Mr. Moborly in a private communication to me 
suggosts Mindrum higher up the glen, on the borders of Northum- 
berhand and Roxburgh ; while Mr. C. J. Bates thinks it was Kirk- 
newton, where a church dedicated to St. Gregory suggests a con- 
nexion with the early missions. Historj'" of Northumberland, 
p. 55. Cf. Murray's Durham and Northumberland (1873^ p. 313. 

Cataractam] ' bi Cetrehtune,' AS. vers., though in c. 20 adfin. it is Catterick. 
'neah Cotrohtan,' and in iii. 14, p. 155, 'from Cetrehtweor])ige.' Tlie 
pLace meant is Catterick, five miles S. E, of Richmond, Yorkshire. 

in prouincia Berniciorum] Yet in spite of these successes of Bernicia 
Christianity, no chureh, altar, or even cross was erected in Ber- ^^^ Beu-a. 
nicia till after the battle of Hefexifelth, 634, iii. 2, p. 130. And in 
Deira, with the exception of York, which was unfinislied at Edwin's 
death {v. s.), Campodonum, mentioned below, seems to be a soli- 
tary instance of a church built under Edwin. On the relations, 
political and geographical, of Bernicia and Deira, v. iii. i, note ; 
and on the names, the former of which is connected with the 
Brigantes, and the latter, probably, with the Welsli word ' deifr'^ 
waters, see Rhys, C. B. pp. 90, 113, 114, 291. 

Campodono] ' Donafeld,' AS. vers., where the latter part of the Campodo- 
Saxon name evidently translates the former part of the Latin name. '^^^^- 
Various identifications have been proposed for this name ; tliat most 
in favour is Slack near Huddersfield. 

fecit basilicamj The context seems to suggest Paulinus as the 
nominative to ' fecit.' The AS. vers. says, ' het Eadwine j^ger 
cirican getimbran,' ' Edwin commanded a church to be built there.* 

Loidis] Tlie district of Leeds. Tlie royal residence was at Oswin- Leeds. 
thorp, Thoresby's Leeds, p. 108, ed. 1816. 

euasit . . . Elmete] om. AS. vers. 

Elmete] Elmet Wood near Leeds, Pearson, Historical Maps. On Ehnet. 
tliis district and its incorporation in Northumbria, cf. Green, M. E. 
pp. 254-257. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 





and East 


Earpualdo filio Redualdi] There is no evidence to show 
vrhen Redwald died and Earpwald succeeded. The Sax. Chron. 
(A, B, C, E ; D is defeetive here^ places Eai-pwald^s conversion in 
632, and the mission of Felix in 636. But these dates are refuted 
by the following considerations. In iii. 20 Bede says that Felix 
was bishop for seventeen years, and Thomas his successor for five ; 
and that Boniface, who succeeded Thomas, was consecrated by 
Archbishop Honorius, who died Sept. 30, 653. Therefore the coming 
of Felix and the accession of Sigbert cannot be later than 631. 
Nor can they be placed earlier than 630 ; for prior to them come 
the three years of 'error,' p. 116, which followed the murder of 
Earpwald, which event cannot be later than 628, nor earlier than 
627 ; and his conversion, which was ' non multo tempore ' before 
his death, must be placed either in 628, or in 627. It cannot be 
earlier than Easter, 627, the date of Edwin's own baptism. Cf. 
H. & S. iii. 89 ; Bright, p. 123; and Wharton's excellent note in 
Ang. Sac. i. 403. 

sacramenta . . . sacramentis] 'gerynu,' 'mysteries,' AS. vers. 
V. Introduction, p. Ivii. 

p. 116. Reduald] v.s., cc. 9, 12. 

ab uxore sua] If she influenced him against Christianity, at least 
she kept him true to the dictates of faith and honour ; v. c. 12, p. iio. 

ita ut . . . seruiebat] Cf. Bede on Ezra iv. i, of the Samaritans 
' qui . . . accepta Dei lege, et hanc ex parte seruabant et nihilo- 
minus eisdem quibus antea simulacris sei-uiebant,' Opp. viii. 404. 
So Gregory of Tours represents the ambassador sent by Leuvichild, 
King of the Goths, to Chilperic I, King of the Franks, as saying : ' sic 
enim uulgato sermone dicimus non esse noxium, si inter gentilium 
aras et Dei eeclesiam quis transiens, utraque ueneretur.' Hist. 
Franc. v. 43. So Landnamabok, iii. 12 (Islendinga Sogur, i. 206, ed. 
1843 , 'Helgi var blandinn mjok i trii ; hann truSi a Krist, en het 
a p6r til sjofara ok harSrseSa,' ' Helgi was very mixed in his belief ; 
he believed on Christ, but made vows to Thor for sea-faring and 
doughty deeds.' Cf. on i. 30 for the contamination of Christianity 
with heathenism. 

Alduulf] His mother was Hereswith, the sister of St. Hild, iv. 23, 
p. 253. His father (though Bede does not mention the fact) was 
Ethelhere of East Anglia, who was killed on the Winwaed in 655, 
iii. 24, p. 178. He was succeeded by his brother Ethelwald, on 
whose death Aldwulf eame to the throne, to be succeeded in turn 
by his brother Alfwold, Fl. Wig. i. 249, 261 ; W. M. i. 97 ; S. D. ii. 

Chap. 15.] Notes. 107 

368. Alfwold died in 749, according to S. D. ii. 39. If so, ho nmst 
Ixave been over ninety at his death, his ftither liaving Ixitn slain in 
655. Also, he could not be the son of Hereswith (thougli Fl. Wig. 
i. 261, makes hiin so), as she seems to have taken tlie veil before 
647. See on iv. 23, p. 253. In that case he would only be half- 
brother to Aldwulf. Anyhow, both of them would be very young 
in 655, which accounts for their being passed over then. Aldwulf 
must have come to the throne in 663 or 664, as Bede says that the 
council of Hatfield, Sept. 680, was in the seventeenth year of his 
reign, iv. 17, p. 239 ; (Fl. Wig. i. 27 gives 664, but this may be only 
an inference from Bede). A group of foreign annals have preserved 
the date of his death, 713. Pertz, i. 7, 24, 25. Cf. Lappenberg, I. 
xlvi. 237 ; E. T., I. xxxvi. 243. None of these East Anglian kings 
after Ethelhere are mentioned in the Sax. Chron., probably owing 
to these chronological obscurities. 

Tytili . . . Uuflfa] R. W. places the accession of Wuffa in 571, of 
Tytilus in 578 ; i. 84, 86. 

frater . . . Sigberct] Cf. iii. 18 : * frater suus ex parte matris,' Successlou 
Fl. Wig. i. 260 ; ' frater eius ex matre,' W. M. i. 97. This succession ^brough 
through the mother, if a fact, is a very curious one. Perhaps there 
was some rehitionship between Redwald and his wife which, if 
kno-wn, would explain it. As Sigbert went into exile, 'inimicitias 
Redualdi fugiens,' iii. 18, he may have had claims which Redwald 
considered dangerous. 

in Gallia] W. M., u. s., says of him ^ omnem barbariem pro Franks 
Francorum nutritura exutus ' ; and in i. 70, he says : ' eos quos nos ^^^ ^^^^ ^' 
Francos putamus, Galwalas antiquo uocabulo quasi Gallos nuncu- 
pant.' This is of course an error ; the ' Galwealas ' are tlie Celtic 
populations of Gaul whom the Franks conquered ; though in the 
Sax. Chron. it is used as a synonym for the country, Gaul. 

Felix episcopus] The whole tenor of Bede's narrative, both here, Bishop 
and still more in iii. 18, seems to imply that the coming of Felix Fehx. 
-svas quite independent of Sigberfs accession. Fl. Wig. i. 17, fol- 
lowed almost verbally by G. P. p. 147, makes them become ac- 
quainted in Gaul (so H. & S. iii. 89), and come to Britain together (cf. 
Lib. Eliens. p. 13). The life of Felix, as cited by Hardy, Cat. i. 234, 
235? goes further, and represents Felix as baptizing Sigbert 
in Gaul (so Alford, cited, AA. SS. Mart. i. 781). It also represents 
him as consecrated bishop by Honorius, whereas Bedc's" words, 
'episcopus,' 'ordinatus,' clearly imply that he was consecrated in 
Burgundy. Felix' coming to East Anglia seems to have been 
posterior to Sigberfs accession ; cf. ' quem de Cantia acceperat,' 
iii. 18, q.v. 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 



de Burgtindiorum partibus] H. & S. suggest that he may have 
been connected with the Irish Burgundian mission of Columbanus. 

saeramentum] 'inner ormystic meaning ; ' v. Introduction, p. Ivii. 

p. 117. Domnoc] Dunwich, on the coast of Suffolk, now a mere 
village. After the council of Hertford in 673, Bisi, the fourth Bishop 
of East Anglia, resigned on the ground of ill-health, and Theodore 
divided the diocese into two, the see of the northern 'folk' being 
at Elmham, that of the southern remaining at Dunwich ; iv. 5 adfin. 
In the second half of the ninth century both sees became extinct 
owing to the Danish ravages, and from 870 to c. 956 there was no 
bishop of East Anglia. From 956 the seat of the East Anglian 
bishopric was at Elmham. In 1075 it was removed by Herfast to 
Thetford, and in 1094 by Herbert Losinga to Norwich. Stul)bs, 
Episc. Succ. pp. 21, 168, 169. 

Date of the 
raission to 




Praedicabat] There is nothing to show the date of this mission 
except that it must be 627 x 631. The Sax. Chron. E. places it in 627, 
R. W. in 628, i. 128, but these may be only inferences from Bede ; 
cf. c. 18 ad init., note. The imperfect tense seems to indicate either 
that Paulinus was there more than once, or that he stayed there 
some time. 

Lindissi] Lindsey is still the name of the largest and niost 
northerly of the three divisions of Lincolnshire, in which Lincoln 
itself is situated. The inhabitants are called ' Lindisfari,' iii. 24, 
p. 179; iv. 3, pp. 207, 212 ; iv. 12, p. 229; V. 23, p. 350. On the 
political oscillations of Lindsey between Northumbria and Mercia, 
see iii. 11, p. 148 note. At this time it was clearly Northumbrian. 

praefectum] 'gerefa,' 'reeve.' AS. vers. 

Lindocolinae ciuitatis] On Lincoln and Lindsey, see Freeman, 
English Towns and Districts, pp. 191-221 ; cf. H. H. pp. 86, 87 : 
'Urbs autem Lincoliae quae tunc Lindocolina uocabatur, et pro- 
uincia Lindisse ei adiacens, quae circumquaque clauditur uel fluuiis 
uel paludibus uel mari, ad Merce regnum pertinet. Urbs autem 
illa et situ splendida est, et prouincia rerum multarum locuples. 
Unde quidam : "Urbs in colle sita est, et collis uergit ad austrum." ' 
In a letter to the Academy of Oct. 21, 1893, Mr. H. Bradley en- 
deavoured to upset the old derivation of Lincoln from ' Lindum 
Colonia.' He cannot be said to have established his point. The 
correspondence on the subject lasted into December. 

cum domu sua] ' mid his heorode,' * with his household,' AS. 
vers. ; ' mid ealre his dugaSe,' * with all his chief meu/ Sax. Chron. E. 

Chap. i6.] Notes. 109 

cuius . . . uidentur] * ])a3re gon to da^go mnpg nmn gosoon J)a 
■weallas stondan/ 'tho walls of wlnch ono may still to-day see 
standing,' AS. vers. This implios that such was still the case in 
the translator's time ; v. s., c. 5 note. 

presbyter . . . Deda] One of tho 'uiri fideles' who suppllod Bodo Deda. 
with materials for tho liistory of Lindsoy, Pref. p. 7. 

abbas . , . Peartaneu] 'abbud of Peortanoa paem ham,' 'abbot Partney. 
of the houso of Partnoy,' AS. vers. Note how closely both tho 
Latin 'de' and tlie AS. 'of approach to their modern use in the 
Romance and English languagos respoctively, as mere signs of the 
genitive case. Partney in Lincolnshire, near Spilsby. Not to be con- 
founded with Bardney, of which at a later time it became a cell ; 
* Gilbertus dedit . . . in . . . Partenay, ecclesiam cum suis pertinen- 
tiis,' Charter of 1125 to Bardney, in Dugdale, Mon. Angl. i. 630. 

Treenta] The earliest form of the name is Trisantona ; v. Rhys, The Trent. 
C. B. p. 80. 

iuxta . . . Tiouulfingacaestir] 'bi Teolfinga ceastre,' AS. vers. Tiomil- 

I am sceptical as to the u.sual identification of this place with fingacse- 

Torksey. In Sax. Chron. A, B, C, D, E, Torksey is 'Turcesig,' at 

the year 873, a date earlier than that at which the AS. vers. of 

Bede was made. Southwell, Newark, and Fiskerton have also 

been suggested. Mr. Moberly, in a note which he kindly sent me, 

argues that the place must be sought on that part of the Trent 

which borders Lindsey ; that the termination 'Csestir' points to 

a Roman station on a Roman road ; consequently, that it must be 

identified with Littleborough, the ford where the Roman road 

from York to Lincoln crosses the Trent. 

lacobura . . . uirum . . . nobilem] His ' nobility ' consisted partly James the 
in the fact that he remained steadfast at his post during the 'in- Deacon. 
faustus annus ' which followed the death of Edwin ; infr. c. 20, 
iii. I, pp. 126-128. 

p. 118. sicut . . . dicitur] om. AS. vers. 

caucos] ' ceacas,' AS. vers., which is the same word ; Irish 
cuach ; Welsh, caivg. R. W. alters this into ' calamos,' i. 128. 

equitantem] On the progresses of the Saxon kings, v. Kemble, Progresses 

ii. 58-61. One reason for these tours was economic ; to consume ?. ^^^^^ 

on the spot the produce of the various royal estates. Palgrave, 

E. C. pp. 286, 287. Cf. Maine, Early Institutions, pp. 160, 161. 

inter . . . ministris] ' betweoh his hamum oJ)^e be tunum mid 

his J)egnum,' ' between his homesteads or by townships with his 

thanes,' AS. vers. (omitting * prouincias '). It also omits all about 

the ' tufa,' simply saying : ' him mon symle Jjaet tacn beforan baer/ 

' the ensign was always borne before him.' 


The Ecdesiastical Hidory. 

[Bk. II. 

The ' Tufa.' Bomani tufara . . . appellant] * Tufa, genus uexilli apud Romanos 
ex confertis plumarum globis/ Ducange. Tliis 'Roman standard 
borne before the sovereign ' was one of the facts on which Palgrave 
relied in support of his theory that the Bretwaldadom was an 
imitation of Roman imperial sovereignty ; E. C. i. 563, 564. !See 
above on c. 5 ad init. 


Honorius I, Quo tempore] Honorius I succeeded Oct. or Nov. 625, and was 
buried Oct. 12, 638 ; R. P. pp. 156, 159. He was implicated in the 
Monothelite heresy ; D. C. B. iii. 151-153. 

ubi . . . didicit . . . misit . . . litteras] The AS. vers. omits the 
Date. letter. The date of the letter is fixed by that of the one in c. 18 

to June II, 634. Edwin was killed Oct. 12, 633, but his death may 
easily have been unknown at Rome in June 634. 

p. 119. sacerdotibus] ' bishops ' ; v. i. 28, note. 

ordinanda] We might suggest ' ordinandis ' ; cf. c. 18, ' pro 
archiepiscopo ordinando.' 


P. 120. Haec inter] As in the case of Augustine, Bede gives the 
day but not the year of Justus' death. The Sax. Chron. E. places it 
in 627. If this be correct, and if Honorius succeeded without any 
interval as Bede seems to imply, then Paulinus' mission to Lindsey, 
c. 16, must be also fixed to 627, as it was that which caused him to be 
at Lincoln when Honorius came to be consecrated by him. And 
with this agrees the statement of G. P. p. 6, which gives three 
years to Justus, and twenty-six to Honorius ; for the former 
certainly succeeded in 624, c. 7, p. 95, and the latter certainly died 
in 653, iii. 20, p. 169. But all this may be only an inference from 
Bede. Anyhow Honorius was certainly archbishop when Felix 
came to Britain, which was 631 at latest, v. s. Smith places the 
death of Justus in 630, and the consecration of Honorius in 631. 
quarto Id. Nou.] Nov. 10. 

Archbishop Honorius] For later lives of him cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 251, 252. 

Honorms. jj^ ^^^ ' unus ex discipulis beati Papae Gregorii,' v. 19, p. 323; 
but whether one of the original companions of Augustine is not 
stated. We have seen his relation to the East-Anglian see, c. 15, 
note ; iii. 20. He received Paulinus on his flight from Northum- 
bria, assigned him to Rochester, c. 20, pp. 125, 126, and conse- 
crated his successor Ithamar in 644, iii. 14, p. 154. In his later 
years Wilfrid studied for a time under liim on his first journey 

Chap. i8.] Notes. 111 

to Romo, 652x653, for Ilonorius was ' iiir in rclnis ecclesiusticis 
sublimiter institutus,' v. 19, u.s. He died in 653, r. s. ; cf. D. C. B. 
iii. 153-155- 

ad Paulinum] Tliis * was in accordaiue witli tlie diroctions Conse- 
of Gregory, mpr. i. 29 [rather, perhaps, of Ilonorius, ii. 17, p. 119] crated by 
. . . but there was in fact no choice, . . . as. . . after the death of . . . 
Justus there was no other bisliop in Saxon Enghind [?Britain] than 
Paulinus, . . . Romanus of Rochester having been drowned before 
Justus diod' : c. 20, p. 126 ; H. & S. iii. 82. 
sacerdotem] ' biscop,' AS. vers. 

textum litterarum] Parallel to tliis genuine letter comes the Spurious 
tliird of the Mahnesbury series, G. P. pp. 49-51 ; H. & S. iii. 85, ^ocument 
86. Of tlie genuine letter it embodies from 'uestra adquisitio ' to 
' te constituam,' and four words ' gratuito animo ' *ulla dilatione ' 
from the letter to Edwin, c. 17. It confirms the primacy to Canter- 
bury, and subjects to it ' omnes Angliae ecclesias et regiones.* The 
nse of this one word ' Anglia ' is enough to stamp the document for 
what it is, an impudent forgery. See note on iii. 8, p. 142. 

illud . . . repraesentat] An obscure and possibly corrupt sen- Text cor- 
tence ; ' quod ' answering to 'illud' instead of 'quoties' would be ^^P^- 
an improvement. ' This also the graciously conferred richness of 
his mercy has bestowed, that by means of fraternal addresses {i. e. 
letters) he presents to their alternate view in a kind of contempla- 
tion their concordant love.' 

p. 121. filiorum . . . regum] The plural shows that here, as in Co-opera- 
the case of the appointment of Wighard, iii. 29; iv. i, pp. 195, 201, tioii o* 
the kings of Northumbria and Kent combined to approach the Pope Northum- 
on the afFairs of the English Church. The mission of Romanus to bria in 
Rome by Justus, c. 20, p. 126, may have had reference to the same f^^ esias- 
question. affairs. 

ut nuUa possit . . . iactura . . . prouenire ; sed potius . . . deuo- 
tionem . . . propagare] A very loose constmction, but not perhaps 
corrupt ; ' deuotio . . . propagari ' would be better. 
p. 122. tertio Id. lun.] June 11. 

anno XX" 1111«] Heraclius' succession was Oct. 5, 610 ; Gibbon, Heraclius. 
V. 389. His twenty-fourth year was from Oct. 5, 633 to Oct. 4. 634. 
This agrees both with the indiction and with the year a. d. 

Heraclio . . . Caesare] This is Heracleonas, the younger son of Heracleo- 
Heraclius and half-brother of Constantine, who is mentioned above, ^^^' 
and whom he sueceeded as Emperor, May 641 ; Gibbon, vi. 72, 73. 
He had been made Caesar in 631 (Moberly). Hence Honorius 
speaks of 634 as his third year. Mansi reads ' tertio ' for ' quarto,' 
X. 581. 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. II. 


John IV. 

Tomene of 

Colman of 

Cronan of 

Dima of 

Baeithin of 
Bangor (?). 

This chapter is not in the AS. vers., nor in the Capitula. 

paschae] On the Paschal question, v. Excursus. 

paucitatem suam] v. s, on c. 2, p. 81. 

in extremis . . . finibus] The Irish themselves frequently speak 
of Ireland as ' iarthar domain/ ' the west or hinderpart of the 

synodalium . . . pontificum] I am not sure of the meaning of 
this expression. Perhaps it means pontiffs in synod. 

lohannes . . . successit] Honorius I was buried on Oct. 12, 638. 
Severinus was consecrated May 28, 640, and buried on Aug. 2, 640. 
John IV was consecrated on Dec. 25, 640. This letter must there- 
fore have been written between Aug. and Dec. 640. It is cited 
Opp. Min. -p\x 195, 196 ; v. s. p. 2. John was a staunch opponent 
of the Monothelites. Cf. D. C. B. iii. 391, 392. 

in Nicena synodo] Cf. iii. 25, p. 186. 

Pelagiana heresi] v. i. 17, notes. According to Lanigan, ii. 410, 
it had only made its appearance in Ireland a short time before the 
date of this letter. 

p. 123. Tomiano] Tomene mac Ronain, Abbot and Bishop of 
Armagh. His death is placed in 660 by Ann. Ult. and F. M., in 
661 by Tigh. This passage of Bede shows that he must have become 
bishop at least as early as 640. His day is Jan. 10 ; Mart. Don. p. 12. 
Cf. Colgan, AA. SS. pp. 53, 54- 

Columbano] Colman mac Ui Telduib, Abbot of Clonard, and 
a bishop. His death is placed by the F. M. in 652, by Ann. Ult. in 
653, by Tigh. in 654. His day is Feb. 8 ; Mart. Don, p. 42 ; Felire, 
note. Cf. Colgan, u. s. p. 17. 

Cromano] (Cronano C, here and below.) Cronan Bec, Hhe 
little,' Bishop of Nendrum or Inishmahee, in Strangford Lough, 
co. Down. He died Jan. 7, 642, F. M., Mart. Don. p. 8, Ann. Ult. ; 
643, Tigh. Cf. Colgan, u. s. p. 17. 

Dinnao] Probably Dima Dubh, ' the black,' Bishop of Connor, 
who died Jan. 6, 658, F. M., Mart. Don. p. 6., Ann. Ult. ; 659, Tigh. 
Cf. Colgan, u. s. pp. 16-18. There is another bishop Dima or 
Dimna, of unnamed locality, who died in 662, F. M., Ann. Ult. ; 
663, Tigh. 

Baithano] Colgan, u. s. p. 17, identifies this person with Baeithin 
Mor, 'the great,' Bishop of Tibohine (Tech-Baeithin) in Eos- 
common. This however is unlikely. Baeithin Mor was a con- 
temporary of St. Columba, and attended the Convention of Druim 

Chap. 19.] Notes. 113 

Cett in 574, Rs. Ad. pp. 37, 318. It is unlikcly, tliough not im- 
possible, thnt he survived till 640. Bnoitliin, Abljot of Bangor, who 
died 665, F. M., mny be mennt ; and, like Colmnn above, lie may 
have been a bishop as well as abbot. 

Cromano] Probnbly St. Cronnn of Movilla (Magh Bile', co. Cronun <>i' 
Down, who died Aug. 7, 649; F. M. ; Ann. Ult. ; Mnrt. Don. p. 212 ; Movilla. 
Colgnn, u. s. ; 650, Tigh. A laterhand in Mart. Don. pp. 298, 396, 
identifies him with a certain Cronan, Abbot of Bnngor, whose dnte 
I have been unable to discover. 

Erniano] Probably St. Ernan, Abbot of Tory Island. Rs. Ad. Ernan of 
pp. 238, 279 ; 'floruit circn annum 650.' Colgan, u. s. ^^^J^^ 

Laistrano] Commonly identified with Laisren, Abbot of Leighlin. Laisren. 
He died in 638 or 639 ; but his death might easily be unknown at 
Rome in 640. It is, however, against the identification that 
Leighlin is in Carlow, and all the other ecclesiastics to whom this 
letter is addressed belong to the North of Ireland ; cf. Rs. Ad. p. 27. 
The South, largely owing to Laisren of Leighlin, adopted the Roman 
Easter, 630 x 633.' Colgan, u. s. suggests Laisren Mac Nasca, Abbot of 
Ard mic Nasca (Holywood on Belfast Lough\ whose day is Oct. 25 ; 
Felire ; Mart. Don. Colgan says : ' floruitc. 650 ' ; cf. Lanigan, ii. 363. 

Scellano] Commonly identified with Sillan, Bishop of Devenish Scellan. 
(Daminis), in Lough Erne. He died 658, F. M. ; his day is May 17, 
Mnrt. Don. Lanigan, ii. 415, suggests Scellan the Leper, of Armagh ; 
Mnrt. Don. Sept. 1; Colgan, u.s., suggests Stellanus, Abbot of Inis 

Segeno] Seghine, Abbot of lona, 623-652 ; Rs. Ad. pp. 373, 374. Seghine, 
Adamnan cites him more than once as his authority for statements r^^'^^* **^ 
in the life of Columba, ib. 16, 26, iii. It was to him that Cum- 
mian addressed his letter on the Paschal question, ib. 260 ; Migne, 
Pat. Lat. Ixxxvii. 969. It was during his abbacy that Aidan was 
sent to Northumbria, iii. 5, ad init. Colgan however, u. s., followed 
by Lanigan, u. s., prefers Seghine Mac Ua Cuinn, who died Sept. 10, 
662 or 663. Three Fragments, p. 62 ; Mart. Don. p. 242. 

Sarano] Saran Ua Critain, who died 661 ; F. M. ; Ann. Ult. ; 662, Saran 1'm 
Tigh. HisdayisgivendoubtfullyasJan.2o. Mart.Don. ; Co]gau,u.s. Cntam. 
• seruans loeum sanctae sedis] During a vncnncy, or in the 
absence of the Pope, the arch-presbyter, the arclideacon, and the 
' primicerius notariorum ' acted as vicegerents of the Roman see ; v. 
Liber Diurnus, Migne, Pat. Lat. cv. 27 and note ; cf. ib. 36-38. 
Two of these join in writing the present letter. I owe the reference 
to Mr. R. L. Poole. 

primicerius] ' primus in ceram seu tabulam relatus.* Hence the ' Primico- 
first of any order : ' primicerius martyrum beatus Stephanus,' ""^" 

114 The Ecclesiastical Hittory. [Bk. ii. 

K. C. D. No. 141 ; Biich, No. 239. Here it is the ' primicerius 
notariorum/ v. s. In cathedral churches and monasteries it was the 
name of an oflEicer whose duty it wasto instruct the cleriis or monks 
especially in matters connected with the performance of divine 
service. Ducange, s. v. 

scripta . . . siluerunt] A very loose construction. Perhaps some 

words have been lost. 

Kome cou- ea quae postulata fuerant] Hence it would appear that these 

th Tx ^^ ecclesiastics, possibly assembled in synod, had consulted the Roman 

chal ques- See on the Easter question. This was certainly the case in the 

^i*^^- South of Ireland. Lanigan, ii. 389 ; v. note on iii. 3, infra. 

The Celts XIIII'^ luna] i. e. the writers charge the Irish with being quarto- 

not quarto- (jggjj^^j^jjg^ Hence ' nouam ex ueteri heresim renouare'; though 

the words 'cum Hebreis,' &c. might refer only to the fact that the 

Celts included instead of excluding the fourteenth of the moon as 

a possible day for Easter. And so Smith, a.l. : ' uetus haei esis fuit 

Pascha cum Hebreis semper celebrare ; noua, aliquando tantum.' 

But I doubt this explanation. Aldhelm distinctly charges the 

Cornish Celts with being quartodecimans ; Opp. p. 86 ; H. & S. 

iii. 271. Bede, better informed, or less prejudiced, expressly says 

that the Irish were not quartodecimans, iii. 4, p. 135. But even 

he in his Chron. sub ann. 640, allows himself to speak of Honorius 

as refuting 'errorem quartodecimanorum,' Opp. Min. p. 195 ; and 

the statement is copied by Marianus Scotus, who as an Irishman 

might have known better ; in Fl. Wig. i. 15 ; cf. G. P. p. 211. But 

the name ' quartodeciman ' was always a handy stick with which to 

beat the Celtic dog. 

manifeste declaratur] Both these inferences seem to me very 
hazardous. The former, as Ussher points out, Brit. Eccl. Ant. 
p. 486, is due to the fact that Bede takes 'nouam' absolutely, 
whereas ' nouam ex ueteri ' should be taken closely together. 

p. 124. ecce enim] This form of the textismidway between that 
on p. 66 and the Vulgate. 

X et VII] If this is to be taken strictly, it would fix Edwin's 
accession and the battle of the Idle definitely to 616 ; v. i. 34, note. 
Christi regno militauit] See on iv. 11, p. 225. 
Caclwallon i-ebellauit . . . Caedualla . . . Penda] Caedwalla is the Cadwallon 
uedd^^'^" ^^ Welsh authorities, King of Gwynedd, the son of Edwin's 
harbourer Cadvan, with whom Edwin had been brought up accord- 
ing to a tradition already quoted, c. 14, note. He was the leader of 
the Welsh in their final struggle against the Angles, the most 

Chap. 20.] Notes. 115 

dangcrous rival of his formcr coLurado. Edwin had reduced him 
to submission, obliging him, according to Wolsh tradition, to tako 
refugo in Irchmd, perhaps at the timo when Anglesey was con- 
quered, Rhys, C. B, p. 131, which is probably also the timo when 
Edwin bcsiegcd him ' in insuhi GUmnauc/t. e. Priestholmo or Puffin 
Ishind oflf tho coast of Anglesey ; Ann. Camb. 629 ; cf. Rh^s, 
Arthurian Legend, p. 325 ; infr. iii. 9, p. 145, note. (Tho real year 
is probably 632, as Ann. Camb. puts the battle of Hatfiohi in 630.) 
We here find him ' rebelling/ and making a fierce effort to throw 
off the yoke, contemphiting nothing less than a reversal of the 
Anglian conquest : ' totum genus Anglorum Brittaniae finibus era- 
surum se csse deliberans.' (Cf. W. M. i. 51, 'uir, ut ipse dictitabat, 
in exterminium Anglorum natus.) It should be noted that Penda, 
who to English eyes, and with our knowledge of the event, seems 
the hirger figure of the two, is here spoken of merely as Cadwallon's 
assistant. And the life of St. Oswald, already cited, actually repre- 
sents him as compelled to join Cadwallon by force : ' Deinde cum uter- 
que regnaret uicit rex Adwinus Cadwallonem, et fugauit in Armoni- 
cam [i. e. Arvon], Cadwallo tandem cum multis copiis reuertens uicit 
prius Pendam . . . et sibi uniuit,' S. D. i. 345 ; cf. Geof. Mon. xii. 8 ; 
though W. M. says : ' uelut coruus ad nidorem cadaueris . . . ultro 
Chedwallae in auxilium occurrit,' i. 77. For other forms of Cad- 
wallon's name, cf. Rhys, in Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot. 1892, p. 330. 

Penda . . . praefuit] The omission of ' ex ' in MS. M, and edd. Penda. 
has made it appear as if Bede regarded the whole of Penda's reign 
as only twenty-two years. Twenty-two years from this battle is 
correct, as Penda fell in 655 ; v. 24, p. 354. Bede does not give the 
date of his accession ; the Sax. Chron. places it in 626, Fl. Wig. in 
627, and both (inconsistently) give him a reign of thirty years, 
putting his death rightly in 655. According to MSS. A, B, C, of the 
Chron. he was fifty years old at his accession. See on c. 14, p. 114. Of 
Penda, Mr. Freeman says : ' he came nearer to achieving the union 
of the whole English nation under one sceptre than any prince 
before the West-Saxon Egbert ' ; N. C. i. 36 ; cf. W. M. i. 96. 

uaria sorte] As far as Bede's own narrative goes, Penda's career 
up to the last fatal battle of the Winwaed, would seem to have been 
one of uninterrupted success. It cannot refer to Penda's early 
struggles, as Bede expressly dates the 'uaria sors' from the battle 
of Hatfield, ' ex eo tempore.' 

Haethfelth] Supposed to be Hatfield Chase, to the NE. of Hatfield. 
Doncaster. Robert Talbot, the sixteenth-century annotator of MS. 
C. of the Chron., says, ' in y® forest off Shyrwcde.' Sherwood Forest 
is now to the south of Doncaster, but may formerly have extended 

I 2 

±im Uj LL 0(^(5 LLlSlCvaV IIOHLUILJ. 

LtJK. 11. 

Edwin a 

of Oswald's 
in Ead- 





further north. Both Nenn. § 6i, and Ann. Camb. 630, call this 
battle the battle of Meicen, and make both Edwin's sons fall in it. 
Tighernach 631 (?) says : 'Cath itir [praelium inter] Etuin mac 
Ailli regis Saxonum, qui totam Britanniam regnauit, in quo uictus 
est a Chon rege Britonum et Panta Saxono.' Ann. Ult. place the 
battle in 630. It will be seen that here again the Welsh and Irish 
authorities are two to three years behind in their chronology. 

oceisus est ^duini] Cf. Alc. De Sanctis Ebor. w. 232, 233 : 
'Edwinus occvibuit regum clarissimus ille, 
Post quem non habuit praeclara Britannia talem.' 

die IIII Id. Oct.] Oct. 12, 633. As having fallen against the 
heathen, he was in later times regarded as a martyr ; 'martyrio 
coronatus,' Vita Osw. in S. & D. i. 341 ; cf. ib. 340 ; and Capgrave's 
life, Hardy, Cat. i. 225. His day in the Calendar is Oct. 4, a mis- 
take perhaps due to the omission of 'id.' (iduum). 

XL et VIII] ' seofon 7 feowertig,' AS. vers. 

Osfrid . . . Eadfrid] Edwin's sons by his first wife ; v.s. e. 14, 
p. 114. The statement that a king of the Orkneys was present in 
the battle rests only on Geoffrey of Monmouth, xii. 8. 

p. 125. regnante Osualdo] Had Oswald anything to do with it ? 
It is significant that Ethelberg, Edwin's widow, did not feel that 
his son and grandson were safe from Oswald, even at the court of 
her own brother Eadbald, v. inf. We know how Oswy treated 
Oswin, though Oswy was in other respects an admirable monarch. 
Mr. Green boldly says, ' at the pressure of Oswald he murdered 
Eadfrid,' and cites this passage as his authority, M. E. p. 291. But 
here as freqiiently Mr. Green goes beyond what his texts warrant. 

Caedualla . . . Christiani . . . barbarus] ' baptismo quidem rege- 
neratus, sed male uiuendo paganissimus,' Lectiones de Sancto 
Oswino ; MS. CCC Oxon. 134, f. 80. The life of Oswald in S. D. 
i. 346 says boldly, ' Cedwalla rex paganus fuit.' 

usque hodie . . . Brettonum] ' swa gen to daege Bretta J)eaw is,' 
' as yet at this day is the custom of Britons,' AS. vers. So that it 
seems to have continued to the translator's time. R. W. speaks 
of it as being still the case in his day ; i. 94. On the ecclesi- 
astical relations of the Saxons and Britons, v. Excursus on the 
Easter and Tonsure controversies. 

caput Aeduini] From this it would seem that his enemies had 
decapitated his body. Cf. the stories of the treatment of Oswald's 
remains, infra, iii. 12. During the reign of Ethelred of Mercia, i. e. 
before 704, and while Elfled was abbess of Whitby, i. e. after 680, 
Edwin's body was translated thither ; iii. 24, p. 179 ; App. I. § 18. 

uenit autsm] At some time after her arrival in Kent she founded 

Chap. 2 0.1 Xotes. 117 

the monastery of Liming in Kent : ' Ethelburga . . , monasterium Ethelberg, 
<ie Limniuge fundauit, in uilla eodem nomine uocitata, quam Ead- fo^^der of 
baldus frator eius, postquam . . . Cantiam est reuersa, eidem asse- monastery. 
ritur contulisse,' Elmham, p. 176 ; cf. Mon. Angl. i. 452, 453. 

milite] 'eyninges J^egn,' ' king's thegn,' AS. vers. 

p. 126. metu . . . regum] It would seem from this that the alliance Alliance of 
of the royal families of Kent and Northumbria continued, though there ^ent and 
was not any relationship between the kings as in the reign of Edwin. bria. 

Daegberecto . . . illius] He was her second cousin. Her maternal Dagobert. 
grandfather, Charibert, and his paternal gz-andfather, Chilperic, 
were brothers. See Table I in Kitchin's France, vol. i. It is pos- Tic of 
sible that 'amicus,' 'freond,' AS. vers., may imply this, friendly ^inship. 
rehitions in primitive times resting on kinship (Maine, Early 
Institutions, c. 3) or on fosterage. The Welsh forfriend is 'cyfaill,' 
= Irish 'comalta,' ' a foster-brother/ while Icelandic 'frsendi' 
means ' relative,' and nothing else. This use survives in Lowland 
Scotch : ' Ye'll no be onjfreen' to John Heron ?' 'I am his son' ; 
S. R. Crockett, 'The Raiders,' p. 186. 

calicem . . . consecratum] Cf. the prayer 'ad calicem benedi- 
cendum ' in the Gregorian Sacramentary ; Bright, p. 129. 

quae hactenus, &c.] '])a nu gen oS J)is maeg mon sceawigan,' 
' which may still to this day be seen,' AS. vers. 

Eomanus . . . maris] On the possible object of this mission, v. s. Mission of 
c. 18, p. 121, note ; cf.thefate of AbbotPeter, i. 33. ' Italici ' (whichthe EoDianas. 
AS. vers. omits) shows that he must have gone by sea from Provence. 
His episcopate must have been very short. Cf. D. C. B. iv. 553. 

pallium] This, of course, being only sent in June, 634, v. s. c. 17, Thearchi- 
p. 118, note, would not reach him till after he had left Northumbria. episcopate 
He was therefore never defacto archbishop of York. Egbert, Bede's abeyance 
pupil, was the first archbishop of York ' de facto et de iure.' He 
received the pallium in 735, infra p. 361 : 'primus post Paulinum 
in archiepiscopatum confirmatus est ' ; though Wilfrid loosely, and 
still more loosely John of Beverley, are often spoken of as arch- 
bishops ; Bright, p. 129 ; cf. additional critical note on p. 282, 
Eddius, c 10, by a still more extraordinary abuse of terms, calls 
Colman, the Scotic bishop of Lindisfarne, ' Eboracae ciuitatis 
episcopus metropolitanus.' The Hist. Anon. says quite correctly : 
'caeteri episcopi inter Paulinum et Egbertum nihil altius quam 
simplicis episcopi uocabulo anhelarunt ' ; Ang. Sac, i. 66. 

reliquerat . . . lacobum diaconum] Paulinus' conduct in flying James the 
has been criticised, Bright, pp, 128, 129, though Bede gives no hint Deacon. 
of blame. But there can be no question that James the Deacon was 
' a really noble instance . . . of courageous stedfastness under excep- 

118 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. ii. Ch. 20. 

tional trial,' ib. 130. On flight from persecution cf. Ltft. App. Ff. 
II. iii. 370. 

cuius nomine . . . cognomlnatur] ' Jjone tun . . . geen to daege 
mon his noman cneodetJ,' 'that village men still to-day call by his 
name,' AS. vers. The proposed identifications of this place are not 
satisfactory. In the Philli;jp.-; MS. 9428, the passage reads : ' uicus 
. . . habitare seynt lemestret usque hodie cognominatur.' The 
scribe probably had local knowledge. 

recuperata . . . pace, &c.] He continued to observe the Roman 

Easter, but he seems to have lived on good terms with those who 

followed the Irish use ; iii. 25, p. 181. 

Gregorian cantionis . . . Cantuariorum] One very important matter which 

chanting. engaged the many-sided activity of Gregory tlie Great was the 

reform of the music of the Church, which had become much cor- 

ruptod since the days of St. Ambrose, who may be regarded as in 

some sense the founder of Church music. lohannes Diac. says of 

Gregory : * scholas cantorum . . . in Romana ecclesia . . . constituit ' ; 

Opp. Greg. iv. 47, 197 ; on which cf. D. C. A. ii. 1844, 1845. The 

' Cantus Romanus,' ' Cantus Gregorianus ' gradually superseded the 

' Cantus Ambrosianus ' in all parts of western Europe except the 

Milanese. Radulphus Tungrensis, cited by Ducange, s. t;. * cantus,' 

characterises the Ambrosian chanting as ' solennis et fortis,' the 

Gregorian as 'dulcoratus et ordinatus '; cf. S. D.ii. 8 : 'non hymnorum 

pulcherrimus Ambrosianus titulus, nec Gregorianum . . . dulcis 

armoniae organum.' Into the technical differences between them 

it is impossible to enter here ; cf. Ducange, s. v. ' cantus ' ; D. C. A. 

s.vv. 'Ambrosian Music,' ' Music' Pipin and his son Charles the 

Great did much to extend the Gregorian use in Europe. In Ademari 

Historiae, Pertz, iv. 117, 118, thereis an interesting account of an 

argument held before Charles on this subject in the year 787 ; cf. 

the Geata Caroli, Pertz, ii. 735 ; Mon. Car. pp. 639-641. When 

Gregory's missionaries came to Britain they naturally brought with 

them his mode of chanting ; and this system would be adoj^ted by 

those churches in Britain which were under the influence of Canter- 

bury. Putta, Bishop of Rochester, after his expulsion from his see 

was instrumental in teaching this system in other parts of Britain ; 

iv. 2, 12. Here we see Paulinus' deacon James practising it in 

Northumbria. But the reconversion of Northumbria by Irish mis- 

sionaries seems to have introduced a different mode of chanting ; and 

we are told that with the exception of James the Deacon, Wilfrid's 

chanter and biographer Eddius was the first to teach the Roman 

method in Northumbria ; iv. 2 ; cf. Eddius, c. 47, where Wilfrid 

enumerates among his services the efforts he had made to promote 

Bk. III. Ch. I.] 



Church music ; jind we find a mention of Grogorian music at Ripon 
in 790, S. D. ii. 52. Bonedict Biscop brought John tho arcli-cl)anter 
of St. Peter's. at Rome, to teach this method in his monastery of 
Wearmouth, whence the knowledgo spread to other parts of 
Nortlnimbria ; iv. 18 ; Hist. Abb. § 6 ; Hist. Anon. Abb. § 10. Acca, 
when he became bishop of Hexham, brought in Maban, who had 
been trained in Kent, for tho same purpose, v. 20. WJiat the Irisli 
system of chanting was, is unfortunately lanknown. St. Columban 
wrote a work * De Cantu,' but it is lost ; Greith, Altirische Kirehe, 
p. 252. Later Irish music is based on the Gregorian scales, but of 
their earlier music nothing is known. See an interesting essay on 
Mediaeval Music with special reference to Ireland in SuIIivan's 
Introduction to 0'Curry's Lectures on the Manners and Customs of 
the Ancient Irish ; i. 541-636 ; cf. Smith's Bede, pp. 719, 720. 


P. 127. in has duas prouincias . . . erat] It may be convenient Relations 

to state brieflY here the relations existing between Bernicia and ^^^\ ^o^"" 

- - _ - , daries ot 

Deira during the period covered by Bede s narrative. Bernicia 

The pedigrees (Sax. Chron. s. aa. 547, 560 ; FI. Wig. i. 5, 6, 253- and Dfeira 
255, 267-271 ; S. D. ii. 14, 15, 374, 375) deduce the royal houses of 
Deira and Bernicia from two sons of Woden, Wsegda^g, and Baeldaeg. 
The pedigrees differ somewhat among themselves ; but we may 
begin in the former line with Yffi the father of -^lle, the first King of 
Deira, the king who is mentioned in the story of St. Gregory and the 
slave-boys ; in the other line with Ida, the first King of Bernicia. 

Starting from these, we have the foUowing table : 


Yffi Ida 


d. 634. 

^lle d. 588. 


d. 633. 

Acha =;= 

Ethelric d. 593. 
d. 616 X617. 

d. 651. 

Eanfled — (3) Oswy 
d. 671. 

d. 664 X672. 

(i' Eanfrid 
d. 634. 


d. 679. 

d. 705- 

(2) Oswald 
d. 642. 

d. >655. 

120 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. iii. 

On the death of ^Ue, in 588, Ethelric of Bernicia seized his 
kingdom ; and he and his son Ethelfrid retained both until the 
latter's death in 616 or 617 ; v. ii. 9, note ; Fl. Wig. i. 6, 8. After 
this Edwin in his turn kept possession of both realms till his death 
in 633 ; V. ii. 12, note ; after which they were for a short time 
separated, Deira going to Edwin's cousin Osric, Bernicia to Ethel- 
frid's son Eanfrid ; iii. i. Oswald in 634 re-united them till his 
death in 642 ; iii. 6 ; but Oswy, his brother and successor, was not 
at first strong enough to retain possession of Deira ; and we find 
first Oswin, the son of Osric, 644-651, iii. 14 ; and then Oidiluald, or 
Ethelwald, the son of Oswald, ruling in Deira, iii. 23, until Oswy's 
triumph over Penda in the battle of the Winwsed in 655. After the 
death of Oswin no one of the male line of Yffi reigned in either 
Deira or Bernicia ; so that Ida is rightly made the progenitor of 
the Northumbrian kings ; v. 24, p. 353 ; Sax, Chron. s. a. 547 ; S. D. 
ii. 374 ; Fl. Wig. i. 5 ; cf. Nenn. § 61 : ' de origine illius [iEdguiin] 
nunquam iteratum est regnum.' Oswy seems to have governed 
Deira through his son Alchfrid as under-king, till the latter's 
rebellion in 664 X672 ; iii. 28, p. 194, note. If the Liber Eliensis 
may be trusted, he was succeeded in this position by his brother 
Egfrid : ' ^gfridum uero iuniorem, quem intimo dilexerat affectu, 
sibi consortem regni super prouintiam Eboracam adhibuit [Oswius], 
quoniam corporis grauitate depressus, regni iura difiicile protege- 
bat ' ; pp. 27, 28. Under Egfrid we find his brother ^lfwine beariiig 
the title of king, so that he probably occupied a similar position ; 
iv. 22, note. After his death in 679 we do not hear of any under- 
kings of Deira. Cf. on the relations of Bernicia and Deira, H. Y. I. 
XXV f. As to their boundaries, the twelfth-century life of Oswald 
says : ' Regnum Deirorum antiquitus erat de flumine Humbre 
usque Tinae principii alueum ; Berniciorum . . . de Tinae exordio 
usque in Scotwad, quod in Scottorum lingua Forth nominatur, 
dilatabat simul terminum et ambitum. Quicquid uero inter Tine 
uel Tesam fiumina exstitit, sola heremi uastitudo tunc temporis 
fuit, et idcirco nullius ditioni seruiuit ' ; S. D. i. 339. This explains 
the fact that some authorities place the northern frontier of Deira 
at the Tees, others at the Tyne ; v. Bright, p. 25, note. 

The sons of siquidem . . . exulabantj On the sons of Ethelfrid, v. s. ii. 12, note. 

Ethelfrid. jf Skene, P. & S. pp. cii, cxviii f., is right in identifying Eanfrid 
with the father of Talorg mac Anfrith, one of the Pictish kings, he 
must during his exile have married a Pictish princess, the son 
succeeding in right of his mother according to the Pictish custom ; 
V. s. i. I, notes. 

p. 128. proxima aestate] Summer of 634. 

Chap. I.] JS^otes, 121 

in oppido municipio] * in Municop l^a^re byrig,' ' in tho town Yoik in 
Municep'; AS. vers. treating ' nuinicipium ' as a proper name. ^^adwa- 
York is meant. It shows the extent of Caclwallon*s vi<tory that huiuls. 
the capital of Deira should be in his hands. 

anno integro] To be reckoned from the death of Edwin, not Date. 
from that of Osric ; i. e. the death of Eanfrid is to be placed towards 
the end of 634 ; otherwise the 'infaustus annus' would be nearly 
two years long, viz. Oct. 633 to summer 635. This is further con- 
tirmed by the chronology of Aidan's life, whose mission cannot be 
placed later than June, 635 ; v. notes to c. 5. 

Eanfridum . . . damnauit] Tigernach speaks as if there was Death lA 
a regular battle between them : 'Cath la [praelium per] Cathlon Eanfrid. 
7 Anfraith qui decollatus est ' ; cf. Ann. Ult. This may be true, 
and Eanfrid may have gone after the battle without adequate 
security to ask for terms, and been put to death in the way de- 
scribed : ' Quo [Eanfrido] . . . occiso, tam procerum quam episco- 
porum electione et auctoritate Sanctus Osw'aldus in regem eligitur ' ; 
Vita Osw. in S. D. i. 365, 366. 

cum XII lectis militibus] 'his weotena twelfa sum,' 'twelve 
of his witan or counsellors,' AS. vers. 

unde cunctis, &c.] These words, and still more those used with Keeping ot 
reference to the same matter in c. 9, ' neque aliquis regno eorum J^ecords. 
annus adnotari,' seem certainly to point to some system of keeping 
regnal and annalistic records prior to the time of Bede. See 
Introduction to Sax. Chron. So Elmham would include the time 
of the 'reges dubii et externi' in Kent (iv. 26 adfin.) within the 
reign of Witred, the next legitimate king ; pp. 287, 288. 

quo . . . uocatur] It would seem from Bede's words that the Battle of 
battle took place very soon after Eanfrid's murder, and before the Denises- 
end of 634. Owing to the 'annus infaustus' being reckoned as 
part of Oswald's reign, Bede has nowhei'e told us the exact date of 
his clefacto accession, tlie ' mox ubi regnum suscepit' of iii. 3, ad init. 
The Sax. Chron. E. places it in 634 ; but it also places that of Osric 
and Eanfrid in the same year ; cf. Bright, p. 131. The name of 
the battle both in Ann. Camb. 631 and in Nenn. § 63 is 'bellum 
Catscaul ' ( = cath-is-gwaul, ' the battle within the wall '). In 
Adamnan's life of Columba, i. i (ed. Keeves, pp. 15, 16), the battle 
is thus described : ' Ossualdus rex, . . . de castris ad bellimi cum 
admodum pauciore exercitu contra millia numerosa progreditur ; 
cui a Domino . . . felix et facilis est concessa uictoria, et rege 
trucidato Catlone, uictor post bellum reuersus, postea totius Bri- 
tanniae imperator a Deo ordinatus est.' According to a story which 
Adamnan's predecessor Failbe heard Oswald himself tell to Seghine, 

122 The Ecclesiastical Elstory. [Bk. iii. 

Abbot of lona 623-652 (thoiigh the account is certainly partly based 
on the earlier life by Cuimene, c. 25 ; Pinkerton, i. 67, 68), Oswald 
the night before the battle had a dream, in which St. Columba 
appeared to him and promised him victory : ' Experrectus rex 
senatui congregato [=witan] hanc enarrat uisionem ; qua con- 
fortati omnes, totus populus promittit se post reuersionem de bello 
crediturum et bajjtismum suscepturum ; namque usque id temporis 
tota illa Saxonia gentilitatis . . . tenebris obscurata erat, excepto 
ipso rege Ossualdo, cum xii uiris ' ; ib. The last sentence contains 
an exaggeration, and seems inconsistent with Bede's words * exercitu 
lide Christi munito.* But in the story of the vision regarded as 
a dream there is nothing unlikely. In view of the obvious sense 
of Bede, and the agreement of all authorities, it seems idle on the 
strength of a confused entry in Tighernach, and a vague Welsh 
tradition, due merely to a confusion of Cadwallon with Caedwalla 
of Wessex (^see on v. 7), that Cadwallon survived till some years 
later (the life of Oswald, u.s., S. D. i. 345 gives him a reign of 
forty-eight years), to suggest, as Skene does, that the ' Brettonum 
dux' (on the possible significance of which title v. Rhys, Celtic 
Britain, p. 136) slain by Oswald was a different person ; P. & S. 
pp. xcii. f. ; C. S. i. 245, 246, The death of their champion was 
a deadly blow to the Britons : ' Ut recte dictum sit, illum diem 
fuisse quo nunquam Britones tristior, nunquam Anglos afflasset 
hilarior' ; W. M. i. 51. Hen. Hunt. here gives us one of his pro- 
verbs : * Unde dicitur : Caedes Cedwalensium Denisi cursus co- 
ercuit.' On Cadwallon, cf. Rh5's, C. B. pp. 129-132, 134-139, 143. 
On the topography see the notes to the next chapter. 


Ostenditur . . . locus ille] There is an admirable account 
of the site of this struggle in Canon Eaine's Hexham, I. xi, ff. 
'Oswald . . . drew up his forces in a position of great natural 
strength some seven or eight miles to the north of Hexham, Here 
there is a plateau . . . which . . . presents the appearance of a vast 
fortified camp. . . . The place, which . . . has for centuries been 
called St. Oswald's, bore . . . the name of Heavenfield. . . . Across 
the upper end of this great natural fortification ran the Roman 
wall, but between it and the northern side of the plateau there is 
a space left on which a small army might be drawn up. . . . Oswald 
therefore . . . took up a position at the north-west corner of the 
plateau, behind the wall. In that angle, . . . probably on the mound 

Chap. 2.] Notes, 123 

wliich tlio chapol iiow oecupios, Oswahl sot up tlio fanious woodon 
cross to ho tho standard of liis mon. . . . Tho troops of CadwaUa 
woukl hreak liko a wave against tho rock-hound cornor in wliicli 
the cross was standing ; . . . and tho fight . . . wouhl go roaring 
eastwnrds. "Thore is a fame," as Lohand tolls us, "that Oswahl 
won tlio batolle at Ilalydene, a two mik^s est from St. Oswalde's 
asche" [Itin. od. 2, vii. 58]. There is a phaco caHed Ilallington in 
the diroction mcntionod, and it was here probably that tho battle 
was fully won. CadwaHa . . . hastened towards tho south . . . 
through theTyne, . . . and at a distance of oight or nine miles from 
the battk-field he was caught and killod at a little beck called 
Denisesburn, a tributary of tho Rowley-water.' That 'Denisosburna ' 
is not a corruption for * Douilosburna ' or 'Deuisosburna,' as Cam- 
den (ii. 1084, ed. 1753» and Skene (C. S. i. 244, 245^ thought, iden- 
tifying it with the DeviUs water, is clear from a charter citcd by 
Raine, ?/. s., Appendix, p. iv, in which the two are expressly dis- 
tinguished : ' Dedit . . . archiepiscopus . . . xx acras terrae . . . in 
Kuleystal . . . inter Denisesburn, et Diuelis.' . . . *In the fork 
between Rowley water and DeviFs water is a place called the 
Steel. The name of Denisesburn is lost, but it is almost certain 
. . . that it is identical with Rowley water,' or a tributary of it, as 
Canon Raine suggests above. This chapter is cited in Amalarius 
Mettensis (ninth cent.) ; Migne, Pat. Lat. cv, 1029, 1030, quoted by 
M. & L. o. l. 

usque hodie] ' gen to daege,' * still to day,' AS. vers. So infra, 
p. 129, 1. 24. 

p. 129. citato opere] So of Edwin's wooden church at York ; Qswakrs 
ii. 14, p. 114. Lappenberg says : 'OswaId's cross decided for ever cross. 
the fate of Britain ' ; i. 153 ; E. T. i. 157. 

astulas] ' splinters.' 

praesagio] Another instance of a name with a ' sacramentum/ 
or mystic meaning ; cf. Introd. p. Ivii, and note. 

est autem . . . statueret] om. AS. vers. 

Hagustaldeusis ecclesiae] Hexham ; on the various forms of Hexham. 
the name, cf. Raine, u. s. pp. ix, f., 8. There is a ' Haegstaldescumb ' 
in Somerset ; Birch, i. 97. 

psalmorum] v. note on c. 5, p. 136. 

p. 130. nuUum . . . statueret] v. note on ii. 14, p. 114. We can Chiirch 
trace the progress of church building in Northumbria, c. 3 p. 132 : huilding. 
' construebantur . . . ecclesiae per loca'; and in Mercia, c. 22, 
p. 173 : 'fecit [Cedd] per loca ecclesias' ; cf. the passage from the 
life of Wilbrord, cited on v. 11, p. 301. 

qui . . . superest] om. AS. vers. It is quite possible that this Bothelm. 

124 The Bcclesiastical History. [Bk.iii. 

Bothelm is the same as the one who was the hero of a story told 

in Ecldius, Vita Wilfridi, c. 23. 
Moss. ueteri musco] M. & L. a. l. refer to Cockayne, Saxon Leechdoms, 

ii. 344, wliere one of the ingredients of a prescription against 

' elf-disease ' is : ' gehalgodes Cristes maeles ragu,' ' moss from a hal- 

lowed cross.' 

misit] ' put ' ; cf. French ' mettre.' 

et dum . . . permanere] This shows that the monks slept in 

their habits ; cf. Introduction, p, xxvi. 
Infinitive admota . . . requirere] Note the use of the infinitive to express 

of purpose. g purpose after a verb of motion ; cf. c. 9, p, 143 ; c. 22, p. 172 ; iv. 9 

ad fin. ; iv. 22, p. 250. M. & L. a. l. give other instances ; but omit 

to notice that in all cases the infinitive foUows a verb of motion. 

Later scribes not understanding the construction have altered it. 

See critical notes. 


P. 131. cuius . . . ceperat] v. note on ii. 13, p. iii. 
maiores natuj ' aldormannum/ 'aldermen/ AS. vers. ; v. noteon 
ii. 13, p. 112. 

Conversion baptismatis sacramenta] ' Sed progenitoribus fidei Christianis 

f ■J'^ ' penitus ignaris, ille ut rosa de spinis effloruit, salutari . . . fonte 
Christo regeneratus,' S. D. i. 18 ; cf. ib. 344. The life of Oswald, 
however, represents his mother Acha as a Christian, and the sojourn 
among the Irish missionaries as only completing the good work 
which she had begun : ' occiso Ethelfrido filii ipsius una cum matre 
fugam inierunt, et apud Scotiam . . . latuerunt. Ubi Oswaldus . . . 
piae matris doctrinam suscepit . . . Ibi ergo peregrinationis tempore 
. . . fidei documenta, quae prius a matre Christiana perceperat, gentis 
illius credulae eruditione solidauit'; S. D. i. 341; cf. ib. 385. If 
Acha survived Ethelfrid and fled with her sons as here described, she 
may, like them, have been converted in exile ; but as far as we can 
see, she had had no previous opportunity of becoming acquainted 
with Christianity. 

Aidan. Aedanum] For the later lives of him, which are merely taken 

from Bede, v. Hardy, Cat. i. 246, 247. 

habentemq.ue zelum Dei] '7 he haefde Godes ellenwodnisse, 7 his 
lufan micle,' ' and he had zeal for God and love to Him in large 
measure,' AS. vers. ; which then, with equal good taste and feeling, 
omits the controversial passage wliich follows down to ' didicerunt ' ; 
cf. on c. 17, infra, p. 161. On the Paschal question, v. Excur.sus. 

North and septentrionalis Scottorum prouincia . . . gentes Scottorum . . . 

j ^j , in australibus Hiberniae , . , partibus] The Irish themselves always 

Chap. 3.] Xotes. 125 

mako a strong distinction botwcen tlio North and Soiitli of Iroland ; 
tlie formor, Ulstor, Connauglit, and Meath, is namod LtithCuinn, i.e. 
Conn's Half, and was cohmisod, according to tlio kigond, hy Erem, 
the youngor son of Milod, while the hatter, Loinster and Munster, 
is namod Loth Moglia, Mogh's half, and was colonisod })y Eber, tho 
elder son. This distiiiction was to somo extont oblitoratod by tho 
Scandinavian invasions, which brought North and South nearer 
togother ; r. Z. K. B. iii. 36, 37 ; Rhys, Rhind Lectures, pp. 39, 40. 

Anatolii] See on c. 25, pp. 186, 187. 

iamdudum . . . didicerunt] In 631 dclogates from a Soutli-Irish The Soutl 

synod woro at Rome, having beon sent to consult the Roman Church *^"^ irish 
•^ ' ^ adopt tliii 

on the Eastor quostion. Whik^ there, thoy had an opportunity of Roman 

seeing with their own eyes how widely tlieir own use might diverge Easter. 

from that of the rest of the Western Church, for in that yoar there 

was a difference of a month between the Roman and Celtic Easters 

(see Excursus on Paschal controversy). On their return another 

synod was apparently held, and the Roman Easter adopted. The 

first synod, therefore, was probably held in 630, the second in 632 

or 633. It has been commonly assumed that the letter of Pope 

Honorius mentioned in ii. 19, was connected with these South-Irish 

synods. This is possible, though Bede does not say that the 

recipients of that letter were different from those to whom the 

letter of Pope John in the same chapter was addressed ; and these 

certainly belonged to the North of Ireland. If Honorius' letter was 

addressedto the Southern Irish it may have preceded and occasioned 

the former synod, in which case its date would be c. 629 ; or it may 

have been sent by the Irish delegates in 631 or 632. Jaffe dates it 

c. 634, apparently assuming that it was sent with the letters to 

Edwin and Archbishop Honorius. But this, on the theory that it 

was addressed to the Southern Irish, is less likely. It ilhistrates 

this point that Tuda, bishop of Lindisfarne, who was brought up 

among the Southern Scoti, observed the Roman Easter and tonsure ; 

iii. 26, p. 189. 

p. 132. rex locum . . . tribuit] 'Oswaldus . . . fundator ecclesiae Lindis- 
Lindisfarnensis, ex qua omnium eiusdem prouinciae ecclesiarum *^^^®- 
manarunt primordia ' ; S. D. i. 20 ; cf. ib. 57 : ' illam nobilem 
et primam in gente Berniciorum ecclesiam, in qua plurimorum 
fuerat conuersatio sanctorum . . . barbaros fugiendo relinquunt ' 

in insula Lindisfarnensi] ' Lindisfarne est insula exigua, quae 
nunc a prouincialibus Hali-eland uocatur, quam sanctissimus 
Aidanus, appetitor silentii et sanctae paupertatis in sedem episco- 
patus, sprota iHa Eboracensis frequentiae pomi^a, elegit ' ; G. P. 


Love of the 
Irish mis- 
for remote 

farne a 

Royal in- 

Irish mis- 


p. 266. Elsewhere Malmesbury is rather contemptuous of this fond- 
ness of the Irish missionaries for out-of-the-way sites : ' Scotti . . . 
magis in paludibus inglorii delitescere, quam in excelsis urbibus 
consuerant habitare/ p. 135. ' Scotti, Aidanus, Finanus, Colmanus, 
nec pallio nec urbis nobilitate uoluerunt attoUi, in insula Lindis- 
farnensi delitescentes,' p. 211 ; cf. ib. 307, quoted below on iv. 3. 
* Uocatur autem Lindisfarne a fluuiolo, scilicet Lindis, excurrente 
in mare, qui duorum pedum habens latitudinem non nisi cum 
recesserit mare uideri potest' ; S. D. 1. 51 ; cf. ii. 54. It is the asso- 
ciation with Cuthbert, not with Aidan, which has given to Lindis- 
farne the name of Holy Island : ' locus cunctis in Britannia 
uenerabilior,' Alcuin to Ethelred of Northumbria, Mon. Alc. p. 181 ; 
H. & S. iii. 493. The Welsh name of Lindisfarne is Medcaut, the 
Irish Medgoet ; S. D. places the foundation of Lindisfarne in 635. 

qui uidelicet . . . redditur] Omit. AS. vers. Cf. a very similar 
passage in Vit. Cudb. Pros. e. 17 ; Opp. Min. p. 83. On the tide, 
'quod Graeci rheuma uocant,' v. De Temp. Rat. c. 29 ; Opp. vi. 201. 
The Vit. Anon. Cudb. §§ 44, 46, shows that carts passed freely 
from the mainland to the island : ' in plaustro ad insulam nostram 
uehebat,' ' in plaustro deductus ad medicos . . . coenobii nostri ' ; 
Opp. Min. pp. 282, 283. 

pulcherrimo . . . spectaculo] Bright, p. 141, cites the similar 
case of Gottschalk, King of the Wends in the eleventh century. 
This is what W. M., i, 51, 52, makes of Bede's simple and beautiful 
words : ' Si quando antistes Aidanus Scottice auditoribus facienda 
proponeret, et interpres deesset, confestim rex ipse, quamuis indutus 
chlamydem, uel auro rigentem, uel Tyrios murices aestuantem, id 
munus dignanter corripiens, barbari sermonis inuolucrum patria 
lingua expediret.' 

ducibus ac ministris] ' aldormonnum 7 Jjegnum,' ' aldermen and 
thanes,' AS. vers. 

linguam . . . didicerat] So his brother Oswy was * Scottorum 
lingua optime inbutus ' ; c. 25, p. 182. 

de Scottorum regione uenire Brittaniam] This need not imply 
that missionaries came direct from Ireland as well as from lona ; for 
though lona ' ad ius . . . Brittaniae pertinet ' (infra), it formed a sort 
of stepping stone between the Scots of Ireland and Britain ; and 
Bede often uses language which shows that he included it in Scotia ; 
V. iii. 24, note. 

quibus regnauit] 'Regnare ' like ^imperare' with a dative ; so 
c. 4, p. 133 : ' regnante Pictis Bridio.' 

sacerdotali] Probably ' episcopal ' ; v. s. i. 28, note. The Irish 
system of non-diocesan bishops attached to monasteries, would 

Chap. 4.] Nutes. 127 

enable tliem to soiul a nuniber ni' tlirso ; and in tliis rcspect the 
Irisli missiunaries may havr lia«l an advantagi' o\or thf Koman. 

ecclesiae] r. s. 

confluebant] Cf. iv. 27, pp. 269, 270 ; and tlio comtsponding: 
passage, c. 9, in tho Lifo of Cuthbort. 

regularis] 'remndar,' i.e. monastic. 

Hii] lona. This lattor namo arose, as Dr. Reoves has shown, Origin ot 
Ad. pp. 258-262, 313, 314, from a misreading of the form emph>yed *^® name 
by Adamnan, loua insula, where ioua is an adjectival form (liko 
Bede's Hiensis, v. 15, 22, pp. 316, 347) agreeing with insula, and 
formed froni the Irish name of the ishxnd which appears in the 
forms /, li, la, Eo, h being often prefixed, as is common in Irish 
under certain circumstances. Tho adjectives eoa, euca, are also found. 
A passago in the eleventh-century life of St. Cadroe niarks the 
transition from the adjectival to the substantival use oiloua : ' Euea 
insuhi, quae nunc loua dicitur,' P. & S. p. 108. When the mistake 
of lona for loua was once made, it was stereotyped by the fancy 
which saw in lona the Hebrew equivalent for the name Columba : 
' quod Hebraice dicitur lona, Graecitas uero nEPI2TEPA uocitat, et 
Latina lingua Cohimba,' Rs. Ad. p. 5 ; ' sic beatus Petrus propter 
eiusdem Spiritus gratiam Bar-Iona, id est, filius cohimbae uocatur'; 
Opp. xii. 28. So Columbanus of himself: 'mihi lonae Hebraice, 
Peristerae Graece, Columbae Latine ' ; Migne, Pat. Lat. Ixxx. 282. 

destinatus] The old edd. joined this on to the preceding word 
making ' Hydestinatus ' the name of the island. Bede uses this 
same word ' destinatus * of the other bishops sent from lona, Finan 
and Colman ; iii. 17 ; iv. 4, pp. 160, 213 ; Rs. Ad. p. 259. 

cuius monasterium . . . praeerat] v. c. 4, note. 

septentrionalium Scottorum] i. e. the Scoti of the l^ovih.oi Ireland', Northern 
the ' septentrionalis Scottorum prouincia ' of the earlier part of the "^^"- 

ad. ius . . . discreta, sed] om. AS. vers. 

donatione Pictorum] on this, v. inf. on c. 4. 


This chapter is not in the AS. vers., nor in the Capitula. 

P. 133. lustinus minor accepit] Nov. 565, Gibbon. 

horrentibus montium iugis] The mountain range often called The 
the Mounth, which runs across Scothmd from West to East, fz-om ■'^^^ • 
Fort William ahnost to Aberdeen. In v. 9, p. 297, Bede calls these 
Northern Picts ' transmontani Picti.' 

i4o The J^cciesiasucaL nistory. [Bk. in. 

Nynias or ipsi australes Pieti, &c.] It is to be noted that Bede does not 
iman. profess to give the account of St. Ninian as more than a tradition, 
'ut perhibent ' ; and as Ninian lived more than three centurien 
earlier than Bede, this would necessarily be the case, unless he had 
access to documentary evidence, The date of Ninian cannot be 
fixed exactly. The dedication of his church at Whitern must be 
subsequent tothe death of St. Martin of Tours, 397 X400 ; cf. N. & K. 
pp. xxvii, xxxviii, ff. 256, 266, 271-273. A later legend represents 
him as hearing of the death of St. Martin while the church was in 
progress. According to Aih-ed he obtained from St. Martin the 
masons who built the church ; ib. 143, 144 ; cf. Hab. § 5, Haa. §7, 
pp. 368, 390, and notes. He himself is said to have died Sept. 16, 
432 ; Ussher, Brit. Eccl. p. 351, citing Bale, Cent. i. 43 ; but 
nothing that can be called authority has been produced for this 
date. From the location of his church in Galloway there is a 
tendency to think and speak of him as if he were only the apostle 
of the Galwegian or Niduari Picts (' Pictorum patria, que modo 
Galwiethia dicitur'; N. & K. p. 220; cf. Vit. Cudb. c. 11 ; Opp. 
Min. p. 71 ; Rhys, C. B. pp. 113, 150, 221). But Bede says dis- 
tinctly that he preached to the Picts within, i. e. to the South of the 
Mounth, If, as seems probable, he was a Strathclyde Briton, he 
would have facilities of access to both ; for the invading Brythons 
seem to have forced themselves in like a wedge between the Picts, 
much as the Anglo-Saxon conquest broke up the Britons them- 
selves into three isolated divisions, or as the Magyar inroads cut 
off the Northern from the Southern Slavs. (See Map in Rhys, 
C. B., S. C. S. i. 228.) 

Irish tradition or invention takes Nynias to Ireland towards the 
end of his life to found the church of Cluain Conaire in Leinster, 
and die there. And he is commemorated in the Irish calendars at 
Sept, 16, as Moinenn ; i.e. 'my Nynias,' (or rather, 'my Nennius/ 
Nennius and Nynias being probably the same name) ; Felire ; 
Mart, Don. ; Martyrology of Tamlaght ; Irish life of Nynias cited by 
Ussher; u. s. p. 506, But as Bede distinctly says that his body was 
at Whitern, this tradition is probably quite baseless, and due to 
a confusion of two distinct persons. On the fate of his relics, cf. 
N. & K, pp. xvii, f. On the later lives of him, of which the 
principal is by Ailred of Rievaulx, see Hardy, Cat, i, 44-46. They 
add nothing of value to the tradition recorded by Bede. 

Ailred's life was edited by Bishop Forbes in Lives of S. Ninian and 
S, Kentigern, and his notes and introduction are a great storehouse 
of learning on the subject. Ailred's life is said to have been based 
on an English original ; N. & K. p. 255. On dedications to St. Ninian 

Chap. 4.] • Notes. 1 29 

in Scotland, v. ib. xiii-xvii. His name is fonnd corniptod into 
'Ringan,' 'Trinyon,' ' Triman,' 'Trnyon.s;' ib. 256, 304. The 
form 'Trinian' occurs also in the Isle of Man, whore too there is 
a ' Kill Lingan,' probably derivod from tlie same source ; Rhys, 
Outlinos of Manx Phonology, p. 135. 

Bomae] Aih-ed reprosonts him as remaining at Romo ' pluribus 
annis ; ' N. & K. p. 142. 

ipse . . . requiescit] Alcuin in a letter to the monks of Candida His tfmih. 
Casa, 782 X 804, says : ' Deprecor . . . ut intercedere pro mea paruitate 
dignemini in ecclesia sanctissimi patris nostri Nynia Episcopi, qui 
multis claruit uirtutibus, sicut mihi nuper delatum est per carmina, 
. . . quae nobis per fideles nostros discipulos Eboracensis ecclesiae 
schoh^xsticos directa sunt . . . Direxi ad sancti . . . Nyniga corpus 
sagum olosericum ob memoriam nostri nominis ; ' Mon. Alc. pp. 
838, 839, H. & S. ii. 8. Cited also G. P. pp. 256, 257. These 
poems on Nynias by the York scholars do not exist to my 

ecclesia] On the site of the original church, v. N. & K. pp. 268- 

Anglorum gens obtinet] Probably they were among the Picts Galloway 
reduced by Os^vy ; ii. 5 ; iii. 24 ; iv. 3, pp. 89, 180, 206. From the ^ ^ 
present tense used by Bede it appears that Northumbria still brian rule. 
retained its hold on this district ; which was more than could be 
said of many of the conquests of Oswy ; cf. v. 23, p. 351, where 
the bishopric of Whitern is said to form part of 'prouincia 
Nordanhymbroram.' As Bede there expressly contrasts this 
district with the ' natio Pictorum,' and nowhere (except in the 
Vita Cudb. u. s.) speaks of this district as Pictish, it had probably 
been a good deal anglicised by his time. On the Anglian bishopric 
of Whitern, v. wfra on v. 23, and cf. H. & S. i. 150 ; ii. 7 ; and on the 
subsequent history of Whitern, see N. & K. pp. xli-lxii. It 
remained a favourite place of pilgrimage down to the Reformation ; 
ib. 295 ff. ; cf. Redgauntlet, ch. 9. 

Ad Candidam Casam] On the form of tho name v. s. ii. 14, Wliitern. 
note ; cf. the numerous places in England called Whitchurch : 
' Ecclesia . . . quae candida Ecclesia dicitur ; ' ' Ecclesia . . . quae alba 
ecclesia . . . nominatur,' of the church founded on the field of 
Maserfeld where Oswald fell ; Vit. Osw. in S. D. i. 350, 352 ; cf. 
Leland, Itin. v. 37, ed. 2. In the lives of Irish saints of the second 
order Candida Casa is called 'Rosnat/and ' Magnum Monasterium,' 
and is represented as a great centre of monastic discipline and 
learning where several of these saints receive their training ; N. & K. 
pp. xlii, f . ; S. C. S. ii. 46-48, 419; H. & S. i. 116, 120, 121. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. III. 




Ptolemy's ' Leucopibia ' is probably Whitern ; and if the form is 
correct, itlooks as if the whitenesswere anterior to Nynias' ' Candida 
Casa.' Miiller, however, in his edition of Ptolemy reads AovKomPia. 

de lapide . . . more] r. s. ii. 14, p. 114 ; ' nomen loco ex opere 
inditum quod ecclesiam ibi ex lapide polito Britonibus miraculo 
fecerit ; ' G. P. p. 256 ; ' ante quam nullam in Britannia de lapide 
dicunt esse constructam ;' N. & K. p. 144. 

uenit . . . Brittaniam . . . nono anno, &c.] The chronology of the 
Pictish kings may derive liglit from this passage. It is too dark to 
throw any light upon it. Bede says distinctly above that Columba 
came to Britain in 565, that it was in the year of the accession of 
lustinus minor, which also gives 565. He says infra that the 
faulty Paschal cycle was observed in lona for 150 years. The 
ehange was adopted in 715 or 716. The former is the date given 
here, the latter in v. 22, 24. See note on v. 22. This therefore gives 
565 or 566 for the foundation of lona. In v. 24, Bede gives 565 as 
the date both of the coming of Columba, and of the foundation of 
lona. The Ann. Camb. and Ann. XJlt. place the coming of Columba 
to lona in 562, Tigh. in 563 ; and from these and other data 
furnished by the Irish chronicles and the Chron. Pict. (P. & S. 
p. 7) Dr. Eeeves (Ad. pp. 150, 151) and Mr. Skene (C. S. ii. 105) 
place the coming of Columba to lona in 563. But we have so often 
seen that these authorities are two or three years behind in their 
chronology as compared with Bede, that it seems rash on such 
grounds to set aside the explicit statements of the latter. 

Columba] The great store-house of learning on the subject of 
St. Columba is Dr. Eeeves' monumental edition of his life by 
Adamnan, Abbot of lona 679-704, the third book of which, and 
some chapters in the other two, are based on an earlier life by 
Cuimene Ailbe, Abbot of lona 657-669 ; Pinkerton, i. 51-69, ed. 
1889, where references are given to the corresponding chapters of 
Adamnan ; cf. also Eeeves, p. vi. Thus the earliest record of him is 
sixty years posterior to his death and is already fuU of legendary 
matter. (Hardy, Cat. i. 167, thinks that Cuimine abridged 
Adamnan ; but Adamnan cites Cuimine, iii. 5, and an author would 
hardly cite an abridgement of himself. ) The later lives, both Latin 
and Irish, simply run riot in the marvellous. For the various lives 
and MSS. of Lives of St. Columba, see Eeeves, Ad. pp. v-xxxvi, which 
is both fuller and more correct than the account in Hardy, Cat. i. 
166-174. The Irish life (Es. pp. xxxii. f.^ has been twice printed by 
Mr.Whitley Stokes, from the Lebar Brecc (pp. 29, 30 of the facsimile) 
in Three Middle Irish Homilies ; from the Book of Lismore, in 
Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore. To these may be added 

Chap. 4-] Notes. 131 

the Pieface to Cohimba's Hymn, 'Altus Prosator,' printod by 
Dr. Todd in his ;unfinislied) edition of tlie Liber Hymnorum, pp. 
201-251, and by Stokes, Goidelica, pp. 100-103 ; and the preftice to 
the Amra Cohiim Cille, wlnch exists in three recensions : (a) In the 
Liber Hymnomnn, printed by Stokes, u. s. pp. 156-158 ; {b) In the 
Lebar na h-Uidri, facs. pp. 5, 6, printed by J. 0'Beirne Crowe ; 
and ^c^ in R;iwl. B. 502, ff. 54-56 ; the first being the shortest and 
the last nnich the longcst of the three. These two prefaces are the 
tarliest authorities in Irish for Columba. There are two fragments 
of Latin lives of Columba in Codex Salmant. col. 221 ff. 845 ff. It 
is not true that the latter * differs little from that by Adamnan ; ' 
Hardy, u. s. p. 172. 

It is curious that Bede does not seem to have known either 
Cuimene's or Adamnan's life of Columba ; cf. inf. p. 134: 'de 
cuius uita . . . nonnulla . . . feruntur scripta haberi' ; though he 
liad probably as a lad conversed with Adamnan, v. 15, notes ; and 
he certainly was acquainted with his work de Locis Sanctis, ib. 
For some account of Columba, r. Reeves, w.s. pp. Ixviii-lxxx ; S. C. S. 
ii. 51-54, 79-84, 85 ff. ; Greith, Altirische Kirche, bk. iii. ch. 1-3. 
They all rely perhaps too much on uncritical statements of the later 
lives. That Columba's was not the only attempt to christianise 
northern Britain fiom Ireland, v. H. & S. i. 116, 121; Reeves, u. s. 
pp. Ixxiv, f. 

Bridio filio Meilochon, rege potentissimo] Cf. Rhys, Rhind Bruide, 
Lectures, pp. 31, 74, 75 ; Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot. 1892, p. 344 ; C. B. Maelchon. 
p. 201. His power had been shown only a few years previously by 
the severe check which he had given to the Dalriadic Scots, v. s. 
According to Chron. Pictorum, P. & S. p. 7, copied mechanically 
by all later authorities, he reigned thirty years. Marcellinus Comes 
(on whom v. s. i. 13, p. 29, note) gives the date of his accession as 
557 : * In Britannia Bridus Rex Pictorum efl&citur ; ' Bouquet, ii. 

unde . . . insulam ab eis . . . accepit] Bede distinctly says that Who gavc 
Columba received the island from the Picts ; and the Liber Q^o^jj^^a ? 
Hymnorum (ninth or tenth century), p. 204, says : ' Bruidi . . . filius 
Melchon . . . immolauit Columbo Hi.' Tighernach, however, and 
Ann. Ult. in recording the death of Conall Mac Comgaill, King of 
the Dalriadic Scots in 574 and 573, respectively, say that he was the 
donor of lona; and H. & S. ii. 107, say 'in any case the Christian 
king, i.e. Conall, must have been the original donor.' But Bede 
represents the donation as the result of Columba's success among 
the Picts : ' gentem . . . conuertit, unde . . . accepit,' &c. ; cf. c. 3, ad 
fin. : ' eo quod illis praedicantibus fidem Christi perceperint/ so 

K 2 


132 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk.iii. 

that tliis argument falls to the ground. There was an obvious 
motive why Irish writers should wish to represent lona as the 
gift of an Irish prince to the great Irish saint ; the fact that in 
spite of this the earliest Irish authority agrees with Bede is decisive 
in his favour (so Reeves, Ad. pp. 434, 435). As the island lay 
close to the dominions of both monarchs, Columba may have 
obtained a eonfirmation of his possession from both ; ib. Ixxvi, 151. 
Skene (G. S. ii. 34, 88), thinks that this was not the first 
establishment of Christianity in lona ; but the authorities for this 
opinion, a doubtful passage in the Felire of Oengus, and a passage 
in one of the Irish lives, are too late to be of much value. On this 
mission of Columba and the conversion of Northumbria under 
Aidan, &c., which sprang from it, some curious arguments were 
based in the conti-oversy about the Scotch claims of Edward I ; 
P. & S. pp. 249, 250, 273, 274 ; cf. ib. 200, 201. 

Cohimba's ubi et ipse sepultus est] Cf. infr. 'in quo ipse requiescit corpore.' 
On the fate of St. CoIumba's relics, which is very obscure, see Rs. Ad. 
pp. 312-318. It seems cei"tain that, like those of so many other 
saints, they were removed from fear of the Scandinavian invasions. 
Many places were anxious to claim the honour of possessing them, 
and more than one place may have obtained a share of them. 
Dunkeld, which became the head of the Columbite monasteries in 
Scotland, had an obvious motive for making tlie claim ; cf. Rs. Ad. 
p. 297. It may be noted that the passage from the Book of Armagh, 
which Dr. Reeves cites, p. 313, and justly calls enigmatical, ' in 
aecclesia iuxta mare pro undecima,' has been definitely cleared up 
by the late Mr. Bradshaw's palmary emendation of 'proxima' for 
' pro undecima.' Tlie scribe mistook the letters ' xima ' for the 
numeral xi with the adjective termination. 

The obit of P- 134. post annos circiter XXX et duos] Note that Bede does 
not profess to give the date of CoIumba's death exactly, and there- 
fore we cannot argue confidently from his words. They are quite 
consistent with the date June 9, 597, for wliich Dr. Reeves decides, 
mainly on the evidence of Adamnan ; Rs. Ad. pp. 309-312, 227 ff. 
There was a long correspondence in the Academy, Sept.-Dec. 1892, 
between Mr. Anscombe and Dr. MacCarthy, arising out of an 
article by the former in the Engl. Hist. Review for July, 1892. 
Mr. Anscombe has summed uj) his own case in a monograph, ' The 
Obit of St. Columba.' He decides for 580 ; but this seems to me 
utterly inconsistent with the plainest statements of Bede. If 597 
is correct, then Columba died in the very year in which Augustine 
set foot in Britain ; cf. D. C. B. i. 604. 

priusquam . . . ueniret] From an incidental remark of Adamnan, 


Chap. 4.] JVotes. 133 

Dr. Reeves argues that Durrow was fuundcd aftcr, not beforc, Dato of the 
Cohimba scttled at lona ; Rs. Ad. pp. 23, 24. The Irish Annals ^undation 
agree that the Prince of Tethba (Tefl&a\ who granted Durrow to 
Cohimba, was Aed son of Brendan. (F. M. 585, is only an apparent 
exception, as the text thcre is ck^arly corrupt.) But there is some 
doubt as to wlien he succceded. If in 553, as Dr. Reeves thinks, 
his father bcing passed over (nnd F. M. 573 is the only Irish 
authority wliicli calls Brendan Prince of Tethba) then there is 
notliing in the Irish Annals in^consistent with Bcde's statemcnt, to 
whicli I fcel disposed to adhere. 

Dearmach . . . hoc est campus roborum] Adamnan calls it in Durrow. 
nne phice by its Irish name, Dairmagh, p. 23 ; elsewhere he latinises 
it ' Roboreti Campus' ; pp. 58, 95, 215 ; ' Roboreus Campus,' p. 163 ; 
• Roboris Campus,' p. 105. Now Durrow in King's County. For 
a list of monasteries and churches founded by or dedicated to 
St. Cohmiba, r. ib. 289 fF. 

ex quo . . . esse subiecti] The organisation of the Irish Chui-ch Organisa- 
was not at this time based on diocesan episcopacy, but the ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction was in the hands of the abbots of the church 
great monasteries who administered the districts (' prouincia,' monastic, 
Bede; 'dioecesis,' Rs. Ad. p. 65; ' parochia,' ib. 336) subject to ^q^^^ 
them, the bishops being merely members of the monastic bodies, 
and as such subject, even as regards the exercise of their epi- 
scopal functions, to the authority of the abbot, in virtue of the vow 
of monastic obedience. Of course this authority of the abbot 
extended only over bishops within the ' prouincia' of his own monas- 
tery ; and Bede so limits it here. The Sax. Chron. 565 E, very 
absurdly misinterprets his -svords as meaning that all Irish bishops 
were subject to the Abbot of lona. This did not imply any 
confusion between the spiritual functions of bishop and presby- 
ter, or any claim on the side of the abbot-presbyter to discharge 
any part of the episcopal oflfice. Ordinations, &c. were performed 
by the bishops, but under the direction of the abbot and convent ; 
and the bishoj), as such, had no voice in the affairs of the monastery, 
or the administration of the district ; and when a bishop was sent 
forth to other parts it was by the authority of the convent ; iii. 5, 
17, 25; iv. 4. The episcopal function was often combined with 
very inferior monastic offices ; S. C. S. ii. 44 ; Rs. Ad. p. 365. In 
some instances the abbot might be a bishop, and where this was 
the case the way would be paved for the introduction of diocesan 
episcopacy. Still he exercised his jurisdiction not as bishop but as 
abbot. (In the case of Cedd, c. 23, we have a bishop acting as 
abbot of a monastery not in his own diocese.) Bede speaks of this 

134 Tlte Ecclesiastlcal History. [Bk. iii. 

system as an ' ordo inusitatus '; and so to liim it was. But it was 
tlie ordinary system of the Irish Church. It seems never to have 
existed among the British Celts ; H. & S. i. 143. In later times 
this state of things was forgotten even in Ireland, and legends were 
invented to account for tlie fact that leading Irish saints, like 
Columba, were not in episcojDal orders ; e.g. Felire, p. 51, and the 
passage cited below from Misc. Biogr. But that the system, though 
forgotten, was thoroughly ingrained in Irish thought and speech is 
shown by the fact that 'abb,' 'abdaine,* ' abbot,' ' abbacy,' are the 
regular words to express the highest ecclesiastical authority. The 
Popes are constantly called ' abbots of Kome ' ; and we find even 
' abdaine 7 rige na catlirach nemda,' 'the abbacy and kingship of 
the heavenly city ' ascribed to Christ ; Lebar Brec, facs. p. i35b, 
43. Lindisfarne in its ecclesiastical constitution, as in its physical 
conformation (Bright, p. 137), closely resembled lona. Cf. Vit. 
Cudb. Pros. c. 16 : ' Neque aliquis miretur, quod in eadem insula 
Lindisfarnea cum permodica sit, et supra episcopi, et nunc abbatis 
ac monachorum esse locum dixerimus ; reuera enim ita est. Nam- 
que una eademque seruorum Dei habitatio utrosque simul tenet, 
iuio omnes monachos tenet. Aidanus quippe, qui priinus eiusdem 
loci episcopus fuit, monachus erat, et monachicam cum suis omni- 
bus uitam semper agere solebat. Unde ab illo omnes loci ipsius 
antistites usque hodie sic episcopale exercent officium, ut regente 
monasterium abbate, quem ipsi cum consilio fratrum elegerint, 
omnes presbyteri. diaconi, cantores, lectores, ceterique gradus 
ecclesiastici, monachicam per omnia cum ipso episcopo regulam 
seruent.' Here, however, the bishop has acquired a higher position 
than in the Irish system, as he seems to have a prerogative voice in 
the election of the abbot. Bede is wrong {ad loc.) in comparing 
this to the plan recommended to Augustine by Gregory (i. 27, 
p. 48), as in that the offices of abbot and bisliop are conjoined, 
which was not the case at Lindisfarne. Thus Eata was abbot of 
Lindisfarne sometime before he became bishop ; iii. 20. (On the 
w^holesubject, v. Es. Ad. pp. 65, 69, 70, 86, 87, 198, 199, 335, 339-341, 
393 ; S. C. S. ii. 42-44, 94, 95, 158. Skene's account is mainly based 
on Keeves, but is well and clearly stated. The monastic bishop is 
found in exempt monasteries on the Continent ; D. C. A, ii. 1271 ; 
cf. N. & K. p. 282. But here the institution is later than diocesan 
episcopacy, the object being to enable the monasteries to ordain 
their own members without invoking the aid of the diocesan. ) 
Tlie ' Muin- The monasteries which in Ireland or in Britain owed their origin 
ter Coluim- immediately or mediately to St. Columba formed a federation of 
which lona was the head : ' arcem, principatum tenebat ; ' cf. c. 3, 

Chap. 4.] Kotes. 135 

p. 132 : 'Ilii ubi plurimoriim caput ot arccm Scotti habuere 
coenobiorum/ c. 21, p. 171 ; ' insula primaria,' Rs. Ad. p. 12 ; 
' Hii . . . cum his, quae sibi erant svibdita monasteriis' ; v. 22, 
p. 346; cf. V. 15, p. 315. These are the ' Columbae monasteria,' 
V. 9, p. 297, tho 'muintor Cohiimcillo, or ' familia Cohuubao' of 
which we hear so froquently in Irish authorities ; cf. Rs. Ad. p. 162 ; 
Vita Tripart. p. 314. They wouki bo inchidod in tlie 'provinco ' or 
' diocese ' (r. s."! of which lona was tho head. Those in Ireland wlio 
were not incKuiod in the Cohimbite system are spoken of as ' ab 
Hiensium dominio liberi ;' v. 15, p. 316. Tlie position of lona must 
have been much enlianced by the fact of Columba inaugurating 
Aodan mac («abrain as Dah-iadic monarch ; Rs. Ad. p. 198. No 
later instance is quoted, but the ceremony was probably continued 
as an honorary function of the abbot ; ib. 342, 198. The Scan- 
dinavian invaders at the beginning of the ninth century ravaged 
lona and massacred most of the community. The headship of tlie 
Columbite monasteries in Ireland was transferred to Kells, of those 
in Britain to Dunkeld ; S. C. S. ii. 304, 305. Hence the ' Libellus 
de Ortu St. Cuthb.' bravely by a doubie anachronism speaks of 
St. Columba as ' primus episcopus in Bunkel ' ; Biogr. Misc. , Surtees 
Soc. p. 78. Thus both ecclesiastically and politically the Scandina- 
vian invasions tended to cut off the Scoti of Britain from those of 
Ireland, and so helped to constitute Scotland in the modern sense. 
That Bede in all the passages quoted above speaks of the supremacy 
of lona in the past tense, seems to show that it had already declined 
in his day ; H. & S. ii. 115. lona was restored by Queen Margai-et 
the saintly wife of Malcolm Cennmor : ' Huense coenobium . . . 
tempestate praeliorum cum longa uetustate dirutum . . . fidelis 
regina reaedificauit, datisque sumptibus idoneis reparauit ' ; 
Ordericus Vital. iii. 398, 399, ed. Prevost. 

qualiscumque fuerit ipse] Dr. Reeves (Ad. pp. Ixxvii ff.) tliinks Character 
that Bede may have in his mind some of the stories current about of Columba. 
Columba, which, if true, would imply the existence in the saint of 
a somewhat hasty and undisciplined temper. Bede may how^ever 
only be alluding to the fact implied in the previous sentence, that 
he had no materials for his life before him. 

successores] One of these, Adamnan, Bede probably had seen ; v. s. 

permansit, &c.] v. s. 

Ecgbercto] On him, v. c. 27, pp. 192, 193. 

exulauerat pro Cliristo] On this practice, ct. c. 19, p. 163, and 

p. 135. correcti sunt] v. on v. 22. 

ut quidam rebantur] See above on ii. 19, p. 123. 


irie n^cccestascicao xitaiory. 

L15K. 111. 


Date of 

walks, and 
does not 

missus est Aedan] Aidan died Aug. 31, 651 ; iii. 14 ad fin., 
in the seventeenth year of his episcopate, c. 17. The synod of 
Whitby, which was held before July 664, H. & S. iii. 106, was 
in the thirtieth year of the ' episcopatus Scottorum,' c. 26 ad init. 
Therefore Aidan must have been consecrated before July 635. We 
have seen that Oswald's de fado accession cannot be placed much 
before the end of 634, c. i, notes; and to allow time ('aliquandiu 
. . . praedicans') for the unsuccessful mi|sion of Aidan's prede- 
cessor, infra, p. 137, we can hardly place his own mission earlier 
than April or May 635 ^though Eichard of Hexham places it in 
634 ; Hexham, i. 10). Hence, when Bede says (c. 26) that Aidan 
was bishop for seventeen years, he is speaking inexactly. In c. 17 ad 
mit, 'completis annis episcopatus sui XVII ' (B. C.) 'XVI ' (M. N.) the 
reading is unfortunately doubtful. The argument is hardly affected 
if the mission of Aidan's predecessor be included in the ' episco- 
patus Scottorum.' But I do not think it is so included by Bede. 
Segeni] On him see note to ii. 19, p. 123. 

unde, &c.] Cf. the character given of him, c. 17 adfin., pp. 161, 162. 
non aliter . . . docebat] v. Introd. § 10. 

cuncta . . . gaudebat] Cf. the story of the horse given him by 
Oswin ; c. 14, pp. 156, 157. 

per . . . urbana et rustica loca] ' ge J)urh mynsterstowe, ge J)urh 
folcstowe,' AS. vers. 

non equorum dorso] Cf. c. 14 u. s. So his disciple Ceadda, 
c. 28 ad fin. ' non equitando, sed apostolorum more pedibus ince- 
dendo ; ' until Theodore with kindly compulsion placed him on 
horseback ; iv. 3, p. 206. (We find however Ceadda's brother 
Cedd riding ; c. 22, p. 174.) Cuthbert more often walked than rode 
onhis preaching tours ; iv. 27, pp. 269, 270. For an instance of his 
riding, cf. Vit. Anon. § 22 ; Opp. Min. p. 271. Some canons 
ascribed to Gildas inveigh against those ' qui carnem non edunt, 
. . . neque uehiculis equisque uechuntur, et pro his quasi superiores 
ceteris se putant.' The Irish character of these canons, if they are 
due to Gildas, would illustrate his connexion with Ireland ; H. & S. 
i, 108, 109. So in the spurious life of Polycarp : avTovpydt expVTo 
TcL TtKiTaTa bhoiiropia ; App. Ff. II. iii. 458. So of St. Kentigern ; 
N. & K. pp. 192, 193. 

p. 136. a nostri temporis segnitia] Cf. Introd. p. xxxv. 
meditari] to study. So iv. 8 ad init. of a little child learning its 

Chap. 5.] Xotes. 137 

psalmis discendis] The Psulttr lieUl a very largo placo in the Use ot the 

(Uvotiuns and studies ot tlie naed.aeval church ; cf. D. C. A. ii. "*"*^^' 

1922. ' Canendis psahnis inuigihxre,' is oiie of tlie duties prescribed 

by Gregory for the ' t-lerici extra sacros ordines constituti ;' i. 27, 

1). 49. Tlie Psaltor was amoug tlio first things learnt by Wilfrid; 

V. 19, p. 323. Adamnan of Cokhngliam was *occupatus noctu 

uigiliis et psahnis,' when he received the revehition of the doom 

which was to overtake his monastery ; iv. 25, p. 264. The two 

Hewalds att-racted the notice of the Saxons, because ' psahnis 

semper atque orationibus uacabant;' v. 10, p. 300, Ceolfrid for 

niany years recited the v^hole Psalter twice daily, and thrice 

(hiring the hundred and fourteen days of liis journey to Langres ; 

Haa. § 33. (Bede's account, Hab. § 22, is somewhat different.) 

For the use of the Psalter at the canonical hours in the services at the 

of tlie Monnstery, cf. Introd. §§ 2, 8. In the revived monastic life Canonical 

•^ ' * * * hours ; 

at Little Gidding ' the Psalter was in every four and twenty hours 

sung and read over from the first to the last verse ; ' Walton's Life 

of George Herbert, p. 336, ed, 1825. 

In the Irish Church the recitation of the Psalter had a pro- in the Irisii 
minent place. From the niunber of the Psalms it was called * the Church ; 
three fifties,' ' na tri coicat ' ; on the symbolism of which number, 
see Opp. vii. iii. Among the Psalms the ii8th (iigth), called the 
' biait,' from its first words ' Beati inmaculati,' held a prerogative 
position ; cf. MS. Rawlinson, B. 502, f. 44 a ; Lismore Lives, 
pp. X, xii, 32, 144 ; and a story (not Irish) in H. Y. i. 442. It was 
one of the marks of Patrick's saintship : ' na tri coicat noscanad,' 
' the three fifties he would sing ; ' Fiacc's Hymn ; cf. Lismore Lives, 
PP» 32, 316. Fintan, another Irish saint, was nicknamed ' bel na 
psalm,' i. e. ' psalm-mouth.' 

The recitation of the whole or a part of the Psalter, especially asapeni- 
the seven Penitential Psahns, was frequently imposed or undertaken ^sntiai dis- 
as a penance. Dante, Letter v, speaks of ' il saltero della peni- 
tenza.' Thus Egbert vowed ' quia praeter sollemnem canonici 
temporis psalmodiam, . . . cotidie psalterium totum . . . decantarert,' 
c. 27, p. 193 (cf. the case of Adamnan of Coldingham, iv. 25, p. 263 : 
'ieiuniis et psalmis, .. . quantum uales, insiste'). And this is 
constantly found in the Penitentials, English, Irish, and Con- 
tinental ; cf. H. & S. iii. 333, 334, 425-429 ; Wasserschleben, Buss- 
ordnungen, pp. 372, 395, 428, &c. A penitential in Irish, which 
occurs in MS. Rawl.B 512 ff. 420-44^, is full of instances of this usage. 

The Psalter or particular Psalms wei-e also said, like masses, witli a 

with a special ' intention,' as a form of intercession for the living special 

' . 'mtention; 

or the dead. Thus Berengar, King of Italy in 898, makes certain 


grants to the Chiu-ch of St. Martin at Tours * ea conditione quod in 
feriis ad Matutinas, " Domine, ne in furore" (Ps. vi or xxxvii) ; ad 
Vesperas, "De Profundis" (Ps. cxxix); ad Completorium, "Domine, 
exaudi" ^Ps. ci or cxlii), pro se et pro suis successoribus dicerentur ;' 
Chron. Taron. Bouquet. ix. 49. Charles the Simple in 901 makes 
grants to the same church ' ita quod pro eo, &c. . . . dicerent in feriis 
"Ad Bominum cum tribularer" (Ps. cxix) et '• De Profundis"' 
(Ps. cxxix) ; ib. So in the letters of Frothar, Bishop of Toul, ^846 : 
' Sciatis . . . pro uita et sanitate uestra Missas tantas et Psalteria 
tanta fratres nostros decantasse ; ' Bouquet, vi. 386 ; cf. ib. 388, 389 ; 
Morison's St. Bernard, p. 285; Hexham, I. cxxxviii : 'a priore et 
conuentu Augustaldensi CCC missas, et CCC psalteria.' Hence in 
Irish ' salm ' comes to have almost the meaning of * an intercessory 
prayer'; cf. MacCarthy, Stowe Missal, p. 163. Of the recitation 
of Psalms for the dead, we have had an instance in the case of 
Oswald, supra, c. 2. p. 129. So when the death of St. Hilda was 
revealed at Hackness, the nuns were bidden ' orationibus ac 
psahnis pro anima matris operam dare ; ' iv. 23, p. 257 ; cf. Hist. 
Abb. § 23. Of the reprobate brotlier whose death is told in v. 14, 
p. 314, Bede says : 'neque aliquis pro eo uel niissas facere uel 
psalmos cantare . . . praesumebat.' 

In the ' ludicia ciuitatis Lundoniae ' when any gild brother died, 
each surviving member is to sing or have sung for his soul ' one 
fifty ' : ' gesinge an fiftig,' ' cantet unum quinquagenarium psal- 
morum ; ' Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 236 ; ii. 499. On Lanfranc's 
obit, every priest belonging to the mona&tery of Christ Church, 
Canterbury, was to sing a mass for him, ' et qui missam non 
cantat, l psalmos cantet ; ' Ang. Sac. i. 56. So for another Canter- 
bury benefactor : ' seghwilc msessepriost gesinge fore his sawle twa 
messan, ... 7 seghwilc diacon arede twa iMssione fore his sawle . . . 
7 aeghwilc Godes Siow gesinge twa fiftig fore his sawle ; ' K. C. D. 
No. 226 ; Birch, No. 330. (The reading of a Passion with an 
intention I have not met with elsewhere.) But the most striking 
instance of this use of the Psalter is in the beautiful story of 
Beornstan, Bishop of Winchester 931-934, told in G. P. p. 163 : 
' IUum purissimae sanctitatis fuisse accepimus; cotidie . . . missam 
pro defunctorum requie cantitasse, noctibus, depulsa formidine, 
solum cimiteria circuire solitum, pro animarum salute psalmos 
frequentasse. Hoc cum quadam uice faceret, expletisque omnibus 
subiungeret : "Eequiescant in pace"; uoces quasi exercitus in- 
finiti e sepulcris audiuit respondentium : " Amen." ' (A similar 
but inferior legend is given in M. & L. p. 2-^7, from Haureau.) 
The Council of Clovesho (a. d. 747) c. 27, regulates both the peni- 

Chap. 5.1 Xotes. 139 

tential and the intereessory use of the Psahiis whith wero : 'Sancto 

Spiritu iam olim ad solacium generi humano per os Prophetae 

prohiti ; ' H. & S. iii. 372-374. 

In the twelfth ccntury the Psalter was tho main stapU^ ofasancdu- 

education for hi2;h-born maidens ; cf. Ann. Stadenscs : 'cum tamen cationul 
® manual. 

nihil unquam didicerit, nisi solum psalterium, more nobilium 

puelhirum ;' Pertz, xvi. 330 (of St. Hildegard . It was also one of 

tlie chief tliings which Alfrcd the Great had his children tauglit ; 

Asser, M. H. B. p. 485. 

operam dare] After this the AS. vers. insorts : ' oCSo J)riddc on 
halgum gebedum standan,' *or, thirdly, stand at holy prayers.' 

religiosi] ' religious ' in the technical sense of being under 
monastic rule. 

remissione . . . paschalis] The period from Easter to Pentecost, The Pas- 

the most festal season of the year. The keeping this as a con- ^^^^^ Qiun- 

•^ -T' o quagesi- 

tinuous festival goes baek as far as Tertullian (early third ccntury) ; ^^r^^^ 

cf. Epiphanius, De Fide, c. 22 : S/xa p.uvris ttjs IlfvTeKuaTTJs u\r]s tSjv 

nevTrjKOVTa Tjfi(pojv, kv ah ovtc yovvK^iaiai ylvovTai, ovTe vrjaTiia irpoaTe- 

TaKTai ; Migne, Pat. Graeca, xlii. 828, cited by M. & L. a. l. It was 

to prevent the interruption of this joyful season that St. Cohmiba 

acquiesced in the prolongation of his life to Pentecost ; Es. Ad. pp. 

229, 347. 

IIII* . . . sabbati] The very name of Wednesday in Irish bears Two weekl.y 
witness to this custom, being ' cetain,' i. e. ' the first fast.' It was ^^ ^* 
kept as a fast in memory of our Lord's betrayah ('Cetain in 
braitli,' ' Wednesday of the betrayal,' is the Irish name for 
Wednesday in Holy week ; F. M. ii. 1014.) The Wednesday fast 
is also found in Tertullian. As to the Friday fast the same ex- 
pression as that used here is found in Vit. Cudb. c. 5 : 'sexta 
sabbati . . . plerique fidelium ob reuerentiam dominicae passionis 
usque ad nonam horam solent protelare ieiunium ; ' Opp. Min. 
p. 57. This fasting to the ninth hour is also ancient. ' The ninth 
hour proved ultimately too rigorous a limit, and noon was moved 
backward till it meant mid-day ; ' M. & L. a. l. On the asceticism 
of the Irish Church, see Introd. § 9. 

iniuste . . . uenditi] This seems to point to the existence of Slave-tradc, 
something like that slave-trade which St. Wulfstan in Later times 
laboured to suppress. On the use to which Aidan put tliese 
ransomed slaves, v. note on i. 23, p. 42. 

de prouincia Scottorum] ' of Scotta ealonde,' ' from the island lona. 
of the Scots,' AS. vers. ; by which is usually meant IreLand. Bede 
of course means lona ; and in the original text of c. 17 Infm, p. 160, 
lona is spoken of as ' Hii, Scottorum insula.' 

±iit Ji/cvit(5LUji<L'icao rLtaiury. 

liSK. 111, 

tion of 


p. 137. in conuentu seniorum] ' in gemote heora weotena,' *in 
an assembly of their wise men or eounsellors/ AS. vers. 

homines . . . mentis] On the same ground Augustine and his 
companions had wished to give up the mission to Britain ; i. 23, 
p. 42. 

genti quam petebantur, saluti esse] ' to afford the nation the 
salvation for which they were asked,' On this construction of 
'petor/ V. ii. 12, p. 107, note. 

ad . . . sacerdotem] ' to J)am biscope/ AS. vers. 

gratia . . . mater est] Cf. on Luke xxii. 35 sqq. ' Quam iuste 
discretionem mati-em cunctarum nutricemque uirtutum patrum 
sententia definiat, et ex hoc Domini sermone probatur, qui non 
eadem uiuendi regula persecutionis, qua pacis temjDore discipulos 
informat ; ' Opp. xi. 339 ; cf. Introd. § 18. So, conversely, Nicolas, 
Prior of Worcester, writing to Eadmer about the rights of the see 
of York in Scotland, says of Aidan's unsuccessful predecessor : 
' unus . . . ex eis propter suam indiscretionem inutilis . . . iudicatus, 
ab ipsis Scottis depositus est ; ' H , & S. ii. 203. 

ordinantes . . . miserunt] ' to biscope gehalgedon, 7 Oswalde 
])am cyninge heora freonde to lareowe onsendan,' ' hallowed him as 
bishop, and sent him as teacher to King Oswald their friend,' 
AS. vers. ; cf. c. 25 : ' ordinatus et missus.' 


of Britain. 

of Oswald. 

P. 138. incognita progenitoribus suis] v. c. 3 ad init, note. 
So S. D. i. 20 calls Inm * primus in tota Berniciorum gente signifer 
fidei Christianae.' 

omnes nationes, &c.] v. ii. 5, notes. 

IIII linguas] In i. i, p. 11, Bede speaks of five languages in 
Britain ; but there he includes Latin as the ecclesiastical language, 
' quae meditatione scripturarum caeteris omnibus est facta com- 
munis ; ' v. note a. I. 

largus] Cf. Alc. de Sanctis Ebor. vv. 275 ff. 

' Extruit ecclesias, donisque exornat opimis, 
Vasa ministeriis j)raestans pretiosa sacratis,' &,c. 
— a point not specially noticed by Bede. 

ministrum . . . delegata] The later king's almoner. 

adprehendit dextram eius] ' 7 cyste,' ' and kissed it,' adds 
AS. vers. A simihir, but very inferior, story is told of St. Dunstan 
and St. Edith, the daughter of King Edgar ; G. P. p. 189 ; Stubbs' 
Dunstan, p. 310 (Malmesbury's Life of Dunstan". Contrast Rs. 
Ad. p. 70 : ' IUa manus . . . quam Findchanus contra fas et ius 

Chap. 7.] Notes. 141 

ecclesiasticum siipor caput filii i^cnlitionis iinposuit, inox conipu- 
trescet, et ii^suni . . . in terram sepelienda praecedet . . . Quae . . . 
prophetia . . . adinipleta est.' Many parallels are given in Dr. 
Reeves' note. Elmham has ' putrescat ' for * inueterascat,' to make 
thc prophoey correspond more literally with the fulfilment; p. 179. 

hactenua incorruptae perdurent] * nu gena ungebrosnade OswuM'*^ 
wuniaO,' * now still remain uneorrupted,' AS. vers. S. D.. i. 20, 21, ^^ ^^^- 
speaks as if it was only the right hand whieh remained uncor- 
rupted ; no doubt in order to makethe fulfihnent of Aidan's pro- 
phocy soem moi-e exact. On the fate of Oswald's relics generally, 
?•. c. 12, p. 152, note. 

inurberegia. . . cognominatur] Be1)banburli, nowBamborough. Bam- 
Other forms are Bebburgh, S. D. i. 373, 374 ; Babbanburch, ib. ii. l^^rough. 
191 ; Babhanburch, ib. 287 ; Bamburth, ib. i. 334 ; Bambrught, ib. 
339. Cf. ib. ii. 45 : ' Bebba . . . ciuitas urbs est munitissima, non 
admodum magna, sed quasi duorum uel trium agrorum spatium, 
habens unum introitum cauatum et gradibus miro modo exaltatum. 
Habet in summitate montis ecclesiam, . . . in qua est scrinium, 
in quo inuoluta pallio iacet doxtera manus sancti Oswaldi regis 
incorrupta.' R. W. says : *urbs Bebbam, quae nunc ''Baamburc" 
GcCUce appellatur.' Bamborough was founded by Ida ; Chron. Sax. E. 
547 A.D. Neither Bede nor the Chron. tells us whose queen 
Bebba was. Nennius', § 63, makes her the wife of Ethelfrid. If 
so, he must have been married twice, as he certainly married 
Acha, Edwin's sister ; see below and c. 1, note. The life of St. 
Oswald makes Bebba contemporary with Oswy (!) ; S. D. i. 373. 
Lappenberg makes her the wife of Ida ; i. 121 ; E. T. i. 119. 

argenteo] ' et deaurato ' adds R. W. i. 139, copying this passage. 

Derorum et Berniciorum prouinciae] On their relations, v. Union of 
note to c. I ; cf. Biog. Misc. p. 7 : * Oswaldus . . . Berniciorum Deyro- j^^^Jj^pp^r.^ 
rumque nationes et populis et moribus distinctas . . . de duobus 
unum fecerat regnum.' 

p. 139. nepos] 'nephew,' a very late use ; v. Ltft. App. Ff. I. i. 
44, note ; cf. on iv. 23 ; and Opp. Min. p. 191 : ' lustinianus lustini 
ex sorore nepos.' 


Eo tempore] The Sax. Chron. places the mission of Birinus Date of 
in 634. If this is correct, his coming preceded by a few months ^^^^^^ 
that of Aidan. Rudborne says 635 ; Ang. Sac. i. 190. Bede 
givos no dates. It is plain that he could obtain no reliable 
details as to the conversion of the West Saxons ; cf. Bright, p. 149. 

iiid jjjccLtisiatLtcai xitsLOiy. 

LBK. 111. 

Reign of 



Baptism of 


Grant con- 
lirmed. by 


Drogo's life of Oswald exaggerates the part played by Oswald in 
the eonversion of Wessex ; AA. SS. Aug. ii. 98. 

regnante Cynigilso] According to the Chron. he reigned from 
611 to 643 (MS. A.) ; to 641 B. C. E. F. Under 611 he is said 
(A. B. C. E.) to have reigned thirty-one years, which would bring 
his death to 642, the same year as that of Oswald. 

Birino] For the later lives of him, which add nothing but idle 
legends to Bede's aceount, see Hardy, Cat. i. 235-239. From the 
first of these lives is taken the story about him in G. P. p. 157. 

per Asterium. . . episcopum] Asterius was archbishop of Milan, 
though he resided at Genoa ; Bright, p. 146. Gams dates his 
episcopate 630-640 ; Bright, 628-638. 

in episcopatus . . . gradum] ' Birinus was thus made a "region- 
ary" or missionary bishop, and left free to choose his own centre of 
operations' ; Bright, u.s. 

rex ipse . . . ablueretur] 'An event hardly second in interest,when 
one considers the destinies of Wessex, to the baptism of Ethelbert 
himself ' ; Bright, p. 148. The Sax. Chron. places this event in 635. 

eum . . . suscepisse] This was the function of the sponsor ; cf. 
c. 22 ad fn. iv. 13, and see the note in Bright, u. s. A spurious 
charter of Ethehvuif (H. & S. iii. 646 ; K. C. D. No. 1057 ; Birch, 
ii. g6^ wronglj^ makes Birinus himself godfather (* fulluht faeder,' 
' baptism-father ') to Cynegils. Birinus did both baptize and act 
as godfather to Cuthred, son of Cwichelm, son of Cynegils, in 639 ; 
Sax. Chron. ad ann. On Cwichelm, see ii. 9, p. 99, notes. On 
sponsors at baptism and confirmation, cf. H. & S. iii. 193 ; Wulf- 
stan's Homilies, pp. 39, 67, 120, 300-302. 

filiam] The twelfth-century life of St. Oswald says that her 
name was Cyneburga ; and that after Oswald's death she was 
persuaded by his niece Osthryth, c. 11, p. 148; iv. 21, p. 249; 
v. 24, p. 355, to take the veil ; S. D. i. 349. It is possible to 
suspect a confusion with Cyneburga, daughter of Penda, wife of 
Alchfrid, the son of Oswy, c. 21, p. 170 ; but on the other hand, 
Cynegils may well have had a daughter named Cyneburga. 

ambo reges] It may have been tliouglit well to have the con- 
firmation of Oswald as Bretwalda. ' Kynegilsus Eex donauit, et 
Oswaldus confirmauit donum ; ' Eudborne in Ang, Sac. i. 190 ; cf. 
Elmham, p. 226. 

Dorcic] ' on Doi-cot ceastre,' AS. vers. Dorchester near Oxford. 
Now a mere village ; and such it had already become in the 
twelfth century. ' Eeges . . . ambo dederunt [Birino] . . . Dorces- 
tram, tunc urbem, modo uillam ; ' G. P. p, 158. On the history of 
Dorchester as a Mercian see, v. note.5 on iv. 23, p, 254. 

Chap. ;.] Xotes. 143 

p. 140. migrauit ad Dominum] Dvv. 3, 648, accortling to Eud- Thitv oi 
borne, Ang. Sac. i. 191, where see note ; 650, Stubbs, Ep, Succ. ■^'fiV"^ 
p. 161, following Sax. Chron. F. The MSS. of tho Sax. Chron. 
place the accession of his successor in 649 or 650 ; sec below. He 
is commoniorated at Dec. 3 in Mart. Doneg. p. 324 ; cf. ib. p. 366. 
Here a hiter liand in MS. C. has inserted on tlie margin tho dato 
Non. Doc, wliich wouUi bo Dee. 5. 

Haedde . . . agente] According to the Sax. Chron. Ha?dde became Haitlde. 
bisliop in 676, and died in 703. Bede, however, v. 18, ad init., says 
tliat lio diod at the beginning of Osred's reign, i. e. in 705. Fl. 
Wig. foHows Bode and not the Sax. Chron. 

translatus] ' Ha}dde biscop heht his lichoman upadon,' 'Bishop Transhition 
H. ordered his body to be taken up,' AS. vers. This translation of Birinus. 
is alhided to in a pretended decree of Archbishop Theodore's, 
wliicli will be discussed lower down in connexion with the history 
of the West-Saxon see. Hen. Hunt., p. xxvi., enumerating the 
glories of Winchester, says : ' ibi etiam Birini praesulis . . . mira- 
cuhi magna uidebis.' Anotlier translation took place in 1150 ; Ann. 
Wint. p. 54 ; Ann. Wig. p. 379. 

in ecclesia . . . Pauli] Built by Cenwalh, the son and successor Win- 
of Cynegils; v. Sax. Chron. 643, A. 642, B. C; 641 E. Consecrated ^^^i^^g^^j,,^! 
648 ; ib. F. Lat. This is the ' old Church,' as opposed to the 'new 
Mynster,' or Hyde Abbey, consecrated in 903 ; ib. F. See notes 
acl II. 

defuncto . . . successit] On the date, v. s. On Cenwalh, cf. Cenwalh. 
D. C. B. i. 592, 593. 

suscipere rennuit] W. M. says that he renounced Christianity ; 
i. 23. But this is against Bede's words, and is due to the wish to 
make a rhetorical point. 

aliam . . . uxorem] Probably Sexburgh, who survived him ; Lap- 
penberg, i. 246. The E. T. i. 252, states this as a fact, tampering, 
as it frequently does, with the text which it professes to translate. 
Cf. notes on iv. 12. 

regno priuatus] 645, Sax. Chron. A. F. ; 644, B. C. E. 

fidem . . . suscepit] 646, Sax. Chrou. A. F. ; 645, B. C. E. 
According to Fl. Wig. he was baptized by Felix, i. 20. The Lib. 
Eli. p. 23, says that Anna acted as his godfather, and helped to 
restore him to his kingdom ; and that this was what drew on him 
the wrath of Penda ; c. 18, adfin. This is probable enough, but 
it may be only an inference from Bede. Cenwalh was also a great 
friend of Benedict Biscop, Hab. § 4, p. 367 ; and of Alchfrid of 
Deira ; Eddius, c 7. Cenwalh's alleged brother Eielwine (i e. 
Ethelwine), venerated as a saint at Athehiey, is probably u myth 

jt/ie; jjjVVLenia^LicaL niaiur 


LBK. 111. 

dants of 
Anna of 


History of 
the West- 
Saxon see. 

created by an attempt to explain that name as ' jEf^elwines-ei,' 
' Ethelwine's island/ G. P. p 199. 

uir . . . felix] Cf. c. 18 ; acl fln. Among his 'sancta soboles ' are 
his daughter Ethelburga, his step-daughter Saethryth, and his 
grand-daughter Earcongota (by the marriage of his daughter Sex- 
burgh to Earconbert of Kent), all of whom became abbesses of 
Brie in Gaul, inf. c. 8 ; his daught6r Ethelthryth (ii. 19, 20) abbess 
of Ely, in which office she was succeeded by her sister Sexburgh, 
the mother of Earcongota, who was in turn succeeded by another 
daughter Ermingild, who had been married to Wulfhere of Mercia, 
to whom she bore St. Wereburg, Fl. Wig. i. 32 ; Bright, p. 152. 
A fourth daughter became a nun at Ely ; Fl. Wig. i. 261 ; and 
afterwards a recluse at Dereham ; Bright, p. 151 ; cf. Hardy, Cat. 
i. 264, 265, 469, 470 ; but the accounts of her seem rather mythical. 
Still more mythical seems a son, St. Germinus, mentioned G. P, 
I>. 156 ; Lib. Eli. pp. 15, 23. The editor of G. P. identifies him 
with St. Germanus of Auxerre, who lived about two centuries 

restitutus] As Bede says that he was in exile three years, this 
would fix his return to 647 or 648, according to the Chron. 

uenit in prouinciam, &c.] Tlie history of the West-Saxon see, 
from Birinus to the death of Haedde, is as follows. After the death 
of Birinus Agilbert became bishop of the West Saxons with his see 
at Dorchester. During his tenancy of the see Cenwalh attempted 
to divide the diocese, making Wine bishop of the Western part 
with his see at Winchester. Agilbert, offended at this, retired from 
Wessex, leavingthe see of Dorchester vacant. Dorchesterultimately 
passed under Mercian dominion, and became the seat of a Mercian 
bishopric. Winchester thus remained the only Wessex see, under 
W^ine, and his successor Leutherius or Hlothhere ; Hsedde, 
Hlothhere's successor, recognising accomplished facts, translated 
the body of Birinus to Winchester ; while on Haedde's death the 
diocese was divided, Daniel being located at Winchester, and 
Aldhelm at Sherborne ; v. 18, p. 320. Thus, strictly speaking, there 
was no translation of the see of Dorchester to Winchester ; but, 
after an abortive attempt to divide the diocese of Wessex between 
them, the former eeased to exist as a West-Saxon see. The decree 
of Theodore, however, already alluded to, ascribes such a translation 
to Haedde : ' Nolimius, . . . immo nobis non congruit, ipso . . . 
Hedda superstite, qui ecclesiam Wentanam tam insigniter nobili- 
tauit,authoritate summi pontificis Agathonis transferendo corpus , . . 
Birini . . . a uilla Dorkecestrensi . . . una cum sede in Wentanam 
ciuitatem, cuius etiam . . . apostolico . . . mandato extunc primo 

Chap. 7.] Kotes. 145 

confirmata ost in ipsa ciuitate sodes opiscopalisdignitatis, paiocliiam 
suam in aliquo laodore diminuendo.' H. & S. iii. 126, 127, from 
Ang. Sac. i. 193. Now it is true that the Wessox diooese was not 
divided till after Haedde's death. (For the reason, see on iv. 12.) 
It is iwssihle that Hfledde may have sought some papal sanction to 
accomplishod facts in the mattor of tho location of tlie see. But it 
is not triie in any sonse that lio first transferred the see to Win- 
chester. The dechiration against division is so contrary to 
Theodore's genoral occlosiastical policy as to bo very improbable ; 
not less improbable is it that he who resisted an express decision of 
the Pope as to tlie division of tlie Northumbrian diocese, should. 
eflfusively invoke papal authority for a much less important change. 
On the whole, this decree seems to me decidedly spurious. The 
Anv . hreves Winton. say with more explicit falsehood : * sedes West- 
Saxonum in ecclesia de Dorcestria mansit . . . usque ad tempora 
Heddao ; . . . qui sedem transtulit . . . una cum corpore . . . Birini in 
ecclesiam summae Trinitatis, modo apostolorum Petri et Pauli 
Wintoniae ; ' Ang. Sac. u. s. The statement as to the original 
dedication of the ehurch also flatly contradicts botli Bede and the 
Chronicle. Yot tho same annals, as cited Ang. Sac, i. 191, seem 
to assign the translation of the see to Agilbert. 

Agilberetus] ^golbert or ^thelbert ; the difference in writing Agilbert. 
is due to tJie fact that both S and g between vowels became a mere 
' breath,' and ultimately disappeared, leaving us the name Albert. 
(Cf. ' Aelbert,' Haa. § 29, and ib., § 11 note ; ' Eielred,' G. P. p. 30 ; 
' Eielwini,' ib. 199.) The title 'pontifex' shows that he was already in 
episcopal orders before he came to Britain. Dr. Bright thinks that 
*he had been consecrated . . . in Gaul as a vacant bishop, (rxoAa{"cui/ ' ; 
i. €. a bishop without a diocese. Cf. D. C. A. ii. 1041. The Sax. 
Chron. F. 605, incorroctly says of him, ' was gehadod,' ' ordinatur ' ; 
the other MSS. more correctly, ' onfeng bisceopdomes,' ' received 
the bishopric' Tlie view that he was consecrated in Gaul is con- 
firmed by what Bede says below of Wine : ' et ipsum in Gallia 

Gallus] ' Gallia cynnes,' ' of Gaul-kin,' AS. vers. ; 'se Frencisca,' 
' Francigena,' Sax. Chron. F. 650 a. d. 

legendarum . . . demoratus] On tlie noble liberality with which 
the Irish Church about tbis time welcomed foreign studonts, seo 
c. 27, p. 192. 

in Hibernia] ' Scotta ealonde,' 'the island of the Scots,' adds 
AS. vers. 

adnuens] 650, Sax. Chron. A. F. ; 649, B. C. E. By F. only is 
Birinus' death placed in the same year as Agilberfs acceptance of 


the see ; and this is probably a mere inference. The other MSS. 
only say that A. succeeded B.: 'sefter Byrine fam Romaniscean 

sacerdotali] ' episcopal,' v. i. 28, note. 

barbarae loquellae] v. note on i. 25, p. 45 ; a different, and 
doubtful explanation in Freeman's Life and Letters, ii. 229. 

subintroduxit] This word, taken from the Vulgate version of 
Gal. ii. 4, where St. Paul denounces the false brethren, stamps the 
proceeding with Bede's condemnation. 

parrochias] v. iv. i, 5, notes. 

p. 141. ageret rex] ' gewat ]>& of Breotone,' ' departed then from 
Britain,' adds AS. vers. 

rediit Galliam] Agilbert was certainly in Northumbria before 
and during the Synod of Whitby ; iii. 25, v. 19, pp. 183, 325 ; 
Eddius, cc. 9, 10. No less certainly he did not become bishop of 
Paris before 666, as his predecessor Importunus signs a document 
in that year. Gallia Christ. vii. 26, 27 ; Bright, p. 182 ; Gams, 
p. 596. Here Bede is evidently speaking summarily and inexactly. 
In V. 19, p. 325, however, he distinctly says that Agilbert was 
bishop of Paris at the time of Wilfrid's consecration in 664. The 
Sax. Chron. places Agilberfs retirement from Wessex (' from 
Cenwale ') and Wine's accession in 660, and says that the latter 
held the see three years, This period agrees well enough with 
Bede's expression below, 'non multis . . . annis' ; but, combinedwith 
the date given for Wine's accession, it would bring his expulsion 
to 663. This is impossible, as Wine was certainly still bishop in 
Wessex when Ceadda sought consecration of him in 664 ; iii. 28. 
Fl. Wig. places Wine's expulsion in 666 (on what authority I know 
not ; but the date is accepted by H. & S. iii. 118). Then his 
accession and Agilberfs retirement would fall into 663. Tliis would 
fit in excellently with the other events recorded. Agilbert, leaving 
Wessex in 663, retires to Northumbria and remains there ' ali- 
quandiu,' c. 25, p. 183, i. e. till after the Synod of Whitby (early in 
664^ He then returns to Gaul, and assists in the consecration of 
Wilfj-id later in the same year. Cf. Ang. Sac. i. 191 ; Bright, 
p. 182 n. Florence places Wine's accession in 660 ; but as hegives no 
period of his tenure of the see, he is not inconsistent with himself. 

obiit] Oct. II, 680, Gams. 

pulsus est et Uini] The reason for his expulsion is not known. 

Wiilfliere. Uulfheri] It illustrates the ascendency which Wulfhere had 

acquired over Essex, that he was able to dispose of the East Saxon 

bishopric. Cf. D. C. B. ii. 20 ; iv. 666. The idea of Lappenberg 

that he was Bretwalda is very problematical ; i. 165, 171 ; E.T. 

Chap. 7.] Notes. 147 

i. 171, 178. ' Haec . . . eius [Wulferi] bona . . . deprimit grauis 
simoniae nota, quod primus regum Anglorum sacinim episcopatum 
. . . uenditarit,' W. M. i. 78. 

erait pretio] * Sceuo exemplo posteris, ut non facile discernas nia- Winc. 
iore peccato et infamia an illiusqui rem sacrani uenum proposucrit, 
an illius qui emerit,' G. P. p. 159; ^unde post mortem in scric 
episcoporum Londinensium non meruit recenseri,' Matth. Paris, 
Chron. Maiora, i. 294, from R. W. i. 160 ; copied in turn by West- 
minster ad axin. 666. He is liowever in Fl. Wig.'s list, i. 232. Tliero is 
a tradition preserved by Rudborne, Ang. Sac. i. 192, that three years 
before his death he retired as apenitent toWincliester, continually 
repeating the saying of Jerome (adu. Rufinum, lib. iii, Opp. IV. ii. 
445, ed. Bened.) ' errauimus iuuenes, emendemus senes.' Cf. the 
similar story told of Herl^ert Losinga, Bishop of Norwich, Ehnham, 
pp. 167, 168. It is certain that Wine was not present at the 
Council of Hertford, 673 ; inf. iv. 5 ; v. H. & S. iii. 121. Bede 
however says distinctly here that he remained bishop till his 

tempore non paucoj Seven years according to the Sax. Chron. 
See next note. 

quo . . . tempore . . . adflictus] The Sax. Chron. does not mention Wars of 
any wars of Cenwalh between 663, the date which it gives by ^^^^ ^- 
implication to the expulsion of Wine, and 670, that assigned to 
Hlothhere's (Leutherius') accession. Bede mentions, iv. 13, p. 230, 
the conquest by Wulfhere of Wight, and the district of the Mean- 
ware ; the Chronicle phices the former with other battles in 661, 
which was in any case prior to Wine's expulsion. That entry is 
however certainly wrong in some respects, and may be wrong in 
this also ; v. note a. l. Besides his rivalry with Mercia, Cenwalli 
had trouble also with the Welsh ; Sax. Chron. 652, 658. 

perfidia . . . reuocauerit] On the tendency to make success a test 
of truth, see on ii. 13, p. iii ; ' perfidia,' 'unbelief,' ' heathenism;' 
V. i. 7, p. 18, note. 

Leutherium"! 'uir demirandae sanctitatis et doctrinae,' Rud- Hlothhere, 
borne in Ang. Sac. i. 192. 

honorifice . . . suscepto] Perhaps in a fornial synod, the holding 
of which in connexion with Leutherius' appointment is implied in 
the words ' ex synodica sanctione,' below. 

in ipsa ciuitate] Winchester. 

multis annis] The Chron. places his accession in 670, that of 
Haedde in 676. Under 670 however it gives Hlothhere a tenure of 
seven years. Malmesbury copies this, and is childishly elated at 
being able to supply an omission of Bede's : 'de annis episcopatus 

L 2 

J-ltV JLL/VtUt^filtlOVOLiXl/ J.J.COHJI 



eius Beda nichil . . . reliquit, michi ex cronicis cognitum dissimulare 
silentio praeter religionem uidebatur,' G.P. p. 159. 

solus] i. e. the project of division was abandoned for the present. 


His legisla- 

Fara or 






teries prior 

to 640 A.D. 


P. 142. filio] By his wife Emma ; v. note on ii. 5, p. 90. 

quae . . . tenuit] He died July 14, 664, iv. i, p. 201, therefore his 
accession must be placed earlyind^o. Withthis agrees anentryinthe 
Annales luuanenses Maiores, ad ann. 640 : ' Eodbald filius Edilberti 
depositus xiii Kal. Feb. feria vi,' Pertz, i. 87, i.e. Jan. 20; which 
however seems to have been a Thursday, and not a Friday in 640. 

hic . . . destrui] On the question of the destruction of idols, 
Anglo-Saxon heathenism, &c. , v. notes on i. 30 ; cf . Childeberfs 
constitution abolishing idolatry, c. 554 a. d., in Bouquet, iv. 113, 
114. For the legend of Earconberfs brother Ermenred and his 
two martyred sons, v. Sax. Chron. A. 640 and notes. 

ieiunium . . . praecepit] 'ut gentem suam, uentri tantum 
indulgentem, parcitati gulae doceret insuescere,* adds W. M. i. 15. 

quae . . . proposuit] For the whole of this sentence the AS. vers. 
simply has 'bi wite rsedenne,' 'under penalty.' Earconberfs laws 
have not been preserved. 

Earcongotae] Surius, July 7, and Mabillon, Ann. Bened. i. 378, 
435, add nothing to Bede. 

Fara] or Burgundofara. She was said to have been blessed and 
dedicated to God in her childhood by St. Columban ; Mabillon, 
Ann. Bened. i. 293, 434 ; AA. SS. ii. 25, 117, 439. Mabillon thinks 
that she died c. 665 ; cf. Gallia Christ. viii. 1701, 1702. An account 
of various miracles which happened during her abbacy, by Jonas 
of Bobbio, is printed in AA. SS. u. s. pp. 439 ff., and a life of her 
is printed in vol. iii. of the Basle and Cologne editions of Bede's 
works. Needless to say, it is not by Bede. 

in Brige] Faremoutier-en-Brie, i.e. Farae Monasterium in Brige ; 
called also Eboriacum. Founded c. 617. It was a double monastery 
for men and women. Bathildis, wife of Clovis II, herself of English 
race, v. on v. 19, p. 335, was a gi-eat benefactress of it ; Gallia Christ. 
viii. 1700, 1701 ; Mabillon, AA. SS. ii. 780. There are documents 
relating to this monastery in Bouquet, viii. 377, 431. 

necdiim multis . . . constructis] Of monasteries 'in regione 
Anglorum' of which the foundation is mentioned by Bede, the 
only ones which are certainly earlier than 640 are Christ Church 
and St. Augustine's, CanterVmry ; Lindi.sfarne ; Botrichsworth or 
Bury St. Edmund's, iii. 18 and note ; and Cnobheresburg or 
Burgh Castle, iii. 19. To these may probably be added Melrose ; 

Chap. 8.] Nuies. 149 

Cutlibert entored Melrose in 651, and it had evidently beon 

established somo little time previously. * Hartlopool (Heruteu) 

was founded ' non multo anto ' 647, iv. 23. Gateshead ^Ad Caj^rae 

Caput) is mentioned in 653, iii. 21, Ythanceaster and Tilbury 

about the same tinie, iii, 22. Mahnesbury may possibly be earlier 

than 640. Tliere are other phices, like Coldingham and Ptegna- 

laocli, of ■\vliich the time of foundation is not mentioned ; but tlie 

date at Avhich they first appear is too late to afford any strong 

presumption that they go back further than 640. 

in regione Anglorum] L e. the parts of Britain occupied by the No Teu- 

Teutonic tribes. No name derived from them was as yet applied ^""'^ ^f^^^ 

^^ for Britam. 

to the whole country ; this is always in Bede Brittania or Brit- 

taniae ; just as the opposite continent of Europe, though largely 

occupied by the Franks, is still Gallia or Galliae. So ' in regione 

Francorum ' just above ; cf. Hab. § 19, note. At a later time ' Bri- 

tannia ' gets confined to the Celtic parts of the ishmd, and is practi- 

cally equivalent to Wales ; H. & S. iii. 477 ; M. H. B. p. 471 ; cf. R. W. 

i. 93: 'unde communiter statuerunt [reges Anglorum siue Saxonum] 

(luatenus insula, non a Bruto Britannia, sed Anglia uocaretur.' 

multi de Brittania] Cf. Hist. Abb. Anon. § 7 ; S. D. ii. 12. 

mittebant] The AS. vers. supplies the nominative : ' cyningas 
7 rice men,' 'kings and powerful men.' 

in Cale] Chelles, near Paris. The monastery, dedicated to Chelles. 
St. George, was founded by Clotilde, wife of Clovis I, and restored 
by Bathildis on a much larger scale, 662 ; Mab. Ann. Bened. i. iii, 
444; Mab. AA. SS. ii. 779, 780; Gallia Christ. vii. 558. Gisla, 
sister of Charles the Great, was abbess of Chelles at the end of the 
eighth and beginning of the ninth cent. Several of AIcuin's letters 
are addressed to her. 

inAndilegum] Andeley-sur-Seine, foundedin honourof theVirgin Andeley. 
Mary by Clotilde, wife of Clovis I. It was standing in 884, but was 
probably destroyed by the Northmen, c. 900 ; Gallia Christ. xi. 131. 

filia naturalis] i. e. his own daughter as opposed to his step- 
daughter; not 'illegitimate,' though it has this sense as early as 
Ulpian ; cited in Andrewes' Dictionary. 

AedilbergJ For a life of her, almost wholly taken from Bede, Ethelberg. 
V. Hardy, Cat, i. 265 ; cf. ib. 385, w^here she is confused with Ethel- 
berg, sister of Bishop Earconwald of London ; iv, 6-10. Mabillon 
says that there was a priory dedicated to her, the prioress of which 
was bound annually to attend the chapter of the monastery of 
Faremoutier-en-Brie ; Ann. Bened. i. 434. He also prints a twelfth- 
century hymn in her honour ; ib. 692. 

Sexburg] Saeburg, AS. vers. See on iv. 19. 

ll^t^VC^O V\AjOVV\^\^U 

p. 143. solent . . . narrari] Bede may have obtained the follow- 
ing account from oral tradition ; or he may have had some life of her 
before him, at the existence of which the words below, ' suis narrare 
permittimus,' seem to hint. But no life of her earlier than Bede 
is known to exist, 
Grold aureum illud nomisma] 'This does not prove that gold coins 

coinage. ^i^ere current in Kent,' Lingard, Angl. Sax. Church, ii. 401, cited 
by M. & L. a. l. Two Frankish gold coins of this period are figured 
in Ducange, vol. v. plate i. Nos. 15, 19. A certain king of the Huns 
was offered 'solidonmi aureorum modius plenus' to betray Berht- 
here (Perctarit), King of the Lombards, to his enemies ; Eddius, c. 28. 
Double mo- multi de fratribus] This shows that Brie (and probably also 
nasteries. Chelles and Andeley) was a double monastery both of nuns and 
monks. From Gaul the institution was transplanted to Britain. 
We find that Bardney (iii. 11), Barking (iv. 7), Ely (iv. 19), Whitby 
(iv. 23), Coldingham (iv. 25) were double monasteries. Wenlock 
was another ; Mon. Mog. pp. 53 ff. Eangyth, an abbess of an un- 
named monastery, in writing to St. Boniface 719 x 722, enumerates 
among her various cares : ' recordatio . . . uniuersarum commis- 
sarum animarum promiscui sexus et aetatis,' ib. 67. Lingard 
(Anglo-Saxon Church, ch. 5) adds to these instances Eepton and 
Wimborne, of the latter of which an interesting account is given 
from the life of St. Lioba. ' In quo duo monasteria . . . constructa 
sunt, . . . unum scilicet clericorum, et alterum feminarum ; quo- 
rum , . . utrumque ea lege disciplinae ordinatum est, ut neutrum 
eorum dispar sexus ingrederetur. Numquam enim uirorum con- 
gregationem femina, aut uirginum contubernia quisquam uirorum 
intrare permittebatur, exceptis solummodo presbyteris, qui in 
ecclesias earum ad agenda missarum officia tantum ingredi sole- 
bant, et consummata sollemniter oratione statim ad sua redire. 
Feminarum uero quaecumque saeculo renuntians earum coUegio 
sociari uoluerat, numquam exitura intrabat, nisi causa rationa- 
bilis . . . eam cum consilio emitteret. Porro ipsa congregationis 
mater, quando aliquid exteriorum pro utilitate monasterii ordi- 
nare . . . necesse erat, per fenestram loquebatur, et inde decernebat, 
quaecumque ordinanda . . . utilitatis ratio exigebat,' Mabillon, 
AA. SS. iv. 246, 247. Niridanum (iv. i) may also liave been 
a double monastery. It is no argument against this that Bede 
calls it ' uirginum monasterium,' for he applies the same term to 
Ely and Coldingham, u. s. For other in.stances, see an interesting 
note in M. & L. pp. 316, 317. The feminine element seems indeed 
to have been predominant in all these cases, and the abbess was 
always the head of both communities. The case of Coldingham 

Chap. s.] Notes. 151 

sliows that, iii s))itc of iule& like tliose of Wimborne, the systom 
might lead to serious abuses. Theodore tried to discourage it. In 
liis Penitential, II. vi. 8 (H. & S. iii. 195', he says, 'non licet uiris 
feminas habere monachas, neque feminis uiros; tamen nos non 
destruamus quod consuetudo est in hac terra.' Cf. D. C. A. ii. 1414. 
Ultimately tlie system died out in tliis country; very likely, as 
Lingard suggosts, owing to the destruction of many of these 
monasteries by the Danes. 

egressi diguoscere] 'going out to ascertain.' N^., not under- 
standing this unclassical construction, adds * uolentes ' ; v. c. 2, 
p. 130, note. 

p. 144. flagrantia] For fragrantia, and so constantly ; Opp. Min. 'Flagran- 
P- 333- So Opp. Min. p. 14, ' flagrant ' for ' fragrant.' In Opp. vi. 126, *^''^-' 
conversely,we have * calore fragrantior ' for ' flagrantior.' A further 
variety is 'fraglantia,' 'fraglans'; Pertz, xi. 313, 314; Stubbs' 
Dunstan, p. 363. For this ' odour of sanctity ' many references are 
collected l)y M. & L. a. l. ; and on iv. 10. 

cunctls . . . fratribus ac sororibus] 'eallum Jjam higum,' 'to all 
the members of the family or household,' AS. vers. 

quasi opobalsami cellaria] See the critical notes. The AS. vers. Balsam and 
expands veiy luxuriantly : ' Swa swa hordaern . . . balsami 7 ];ara **^® chrism. 
deorwyi-Sestena wyrta, 7 J)ara swetestena pe in middangearde 
waeron,' ' like a treasury of balsam and of the costliest and sweetest 
spices in the world.' Cf. Bede in Cant. Cant. i. 14 : 'In urbe . . . 
Engaddi nobiliores caeteris uineae nascuntur, utpote de quibus 
liquor non uini, sed opobalsami defluit ; . . . quod [balsamum] in 
ehrismatis confectione liquori oliuae admisceri, ac pontificali bene- 
dictione solet consecrari, quatenus fideles omnes cum impositione 
manus sacerdotalis, qua Spiritus Sanctus accipitur, hac unctione 
signentur. Qua etiam altare dominicum, cum dedicatur, et caetera 
quae sacrosancta esse debent, perunguntur. . . . Sed . . . uirgulta 
earum acutis lapidibus, siue osseis solent incidere cultellis ; nam 
ferri tactus laedit. Per quas incisiones emanat succus odoris 
eximii. . . . Quod quia per cauernam profluat corticis, saepius 
oiiobalsamum nominatur ; opi {6nr}) enim Graece cauerna nuncu- 
patur,' Opp. ix. 226, 227 ; to iv. 424. (It is, of course, really from 
oTToj, juice, ' succus.') 

intemeratum . . . inmune] On incorruption after death as a sign BoJily iu- 
of chastity during life, cf. iv. 19, p. 243, of St. Ethelthryth. Cf. «orruptiou 

R SlgH OT 

Bede in Cant. Cant. iv. 14 : ' Myrrha et aloe continentiam carnis chastity. 
exprimunt ; quia . . . horum natura est aromatum, ut uncta ex 
eis eorpora defunctorum minime putrescant. . . . Quomodo enim 
corruj^tio mortuae carnis putredinem luxuriae, ita conditura eius 

±Oii^ J. /te^ JJJLL(,VC:)Ct(^iiLOLU(/ X± LOVU I y . LDK. 111. 

. . . uirtutem continentiae et castitatem . . . demonstrat,' Opp. ix. 
290, 291. 

ibi solet] 'o3 I^as ticl,' 'up to the present time/ adds AS. vers. 

die Non. lul.] July ^th. 


paralitica] ' lama/ AS. vers. 

christianissimus] v. ii. 5, note. 

VIIII annos . . . fecerat] As Edwin fell Oet. 12, 633, ii. 20, 
p. 124, this fixes the fall of Oswald to 642 ; so c. 9, v. 24, p. 354. 

p. 145. siquidem . . . adnotari] v. s. c. i, p, 128, and notes. 
Battle of commisso graui proelio] There seems to have been an earlier 

Maserfelth. battle which Bede has not mentioned, as four years before the fall 
of Oswald Tighernach has the entry : ' congregatio Saxonum contra 
Osualt.' The twelfth-century life of Oswald, S. D. i. 350, 
352, says that he had previously conquered Mercia, defeating 
Penda and driving him into Wales ; tliat tlien, feeling himself 
secure, he had dismissed the bulk of his forces, when he was 
suddenly surprised and surrounded by Penda with a new army. 
Whether this has any foundation beyond the writer's imagination 
I cannot say. (It looks like a doublet of his own account of 
Edwin's fall, p. 345. See on ii. 20.) He professes to write from 
earlier sources, • diuersarum textus historiarum percurrendo trans- 
legimus,' p. 329 ; cf. ib. 343, 346, 349, 367 (from Adamnan's life of 
St. Columba, ed, Eeeves, pp. 13-16), 372, 378, 379. But tliere is so 
much confusion and repetition in his account that it is difficult 
to criticise his statements. In Nennius, § 65, and Ann. Camb. ad 
ann. 644, the battle is called ' Bellum Cocboy,' and a brother of 
Penda, Eowa or Eoba, ' rex Merciorum,' is said to liave fallen in it. 
He may have been under-king of a part of Mercia. Nennius says, 
'Penda uictor fuit per diabolicam artem.' Hen. Hunt has here 
again preserved a proverb : ' unde dicitur, '- Campus Masefeld sanc- 
torum canduit ossibus",' p. 95-. That Penda here, as before and 
after, was acting in concert with the Britons under Cadwakder, son 
of Cadwallon or Caedwalla, is likely enough. Cf. c. 14, notes ; Rh5's, 
C. B. p. 132. 

Maserfelth] Identified with Oswestry in Shropshire ( =^ ' Os- 
waldes-treo,' Oswald's tree). The life of Oswald, u. s., says, * Est . . . 
locus iste conterminus finibus Armonicae Waliae, quod Waliae 
quondam pars maxima dicta est Armonica (i. e. Arvon ; whence 
Carnarvon, i. e. Caer-yn-Arvon, ' the city in Arvon ') . . . Distatque 
locus iste a fossa regis Olfae, quae Angliam et Waliam borealem 

Chap. 9.] Nutes. 153 

«liuidit, miliario non formo dimidio, et Scropcsbyri miliario 
intogre septimo, ab abbatia uero Waneloc (Mucli Wenlock) . . , 
miliario circiter sexto decimo;' pp. 350, 353. Tl»e distances 
are understated. Here was ft cliurch called ' Candida * or 
' Alba Ecclesia' (Wliite Minster, Leland, Itin. v. 37) and a sacred 
fountain, both dedicatcd to St. Oswald, pp. 350, 352, 357, 358. 
Here too was the miraculous tree from which the phice was said 
to derive its name, pp. 355-357. But the Welsh form of the name, 
Croes Oswallt, ' Oswald's Cross' {e.g. Red Book of Hergest, vol. ii. 
*The Bruts,' pp. 316, 324, makes it probable that the name came 
from a wooden cross set up to mark the site of the battle (cf. c. 2, 
ad init.), and tliat the legend of the tree arose from a later misunder- 
standing of the name. Lehind, 11. s., calls the phice Oswestre ; but 
also. p. 36, ' Croix-Oswalde.' 

anno . . . XXXVIII] This would put his birth eithor iu 604 or QswhMs 
605. His life, w. s. p. 364, placos it in 604 ; which may be only an ^eatli. 
inference from this passage, and the same may be said of W. M.'s 
statement, i. 48, that he was twelve years old at the time of his 
father's death in 616. ' Haefde he . . . lichomlicre yldo seofon 7 
[n-itig wintra,' 'he had thirty-seven years of bodily age,' AS. vers. ; 
i. e. he had completed thirty-seven years, and was in his thirty- 
eighth year, as Bede says. 

die quinto] Bede usually dates by Calends, Ides, and Nones. Modes of 
Here however, and in iii. 27, ad init. ; v. 8, p. 295 ; v. 23, p. 350 tlatinj^. 
cf. also iv. 5, p. 2i5\ the modern system is used. This was first 
introduced by Gregory I, but did not become common till the 
general adoption of the vernacular languages in writing. Ideler, 
ii. 191. 

miraculis claruit] ' Fuit igitur Oswaldus qui genti suae primitias Miracles. 
sanctitatis dederit, quippe nuUus ante illum Anglus miraculis, 
quod sciam, uiguerit,' W. M. i. 54, Elmham makes Oswald the 
first English martyr (as against Alban, see on i. 7, : ' Huic primitiae 
martyrum conferuntur Anglorum,' pp. 181, 182. 

usque hodie] ' o5 feosne ondweardan daeg,' ' to this present day," 
AS. vers. 

in aquam mittentes] cf. on i. i, p. 13. 

ablata . . . reddiderit] So of Bishop Haedde's death-place, v. 18, 
p. 320. 

duo tantum] Unless the healing of the horse and of the paralytic 

girl are to be reckoned as a single miracle, we have three miracles 

recorded ; and c. 10 would seem to be a later addition, though it 

ppears in all MSS. The translator has been struck with the 

inconsistency for he says, ' tu an o31)e preo,' ' two only, or three.' 

The miracles in cc. 11-13, were not ^in loco illo, uel de puluere loci 
illius facta ' ; and therefore do not affect the question. 

stramine subtracto] The oldest MSS. all support this reading, 
with the doubtful exception of C. ; and even in the case of C. the 
AS. vers., which was certainly made from a MS. of the C. type, 
see Introduction, p, cxxix., favours ' subtracto.' Later MSS. 
and edd. read ' substrato ' (see critical notes). I believe the ex- 
planation to be that 'stramen ' is used incorrectly for ' stragulus ' in 
the sense of ' saddle ' or ' horse-cloth.' ' Sternere equum ' is to saddle 
a horse (cf. inf. c. 14, p. 156 : ' stratus regaliter ' ; ' distratus equus,' 
an unsaddled horse, Opp. Min. p. 263. Ducange has ' stramenium, 
insellatura equi '). The later scribes, not imderstanding this use, 
altered ' subtracto ' into 'substrato.' 

p. 146. familiares domus illius] '])a higan,' ' the members of 
the household,' the *' paterfamilias ' being their chief, ' J)aes higna 
ealdres,' AS. vers. 

et cum his . . . reuersa est] Cf. iv. 10, ad fin. ; Vit. Cudb. Pros. 
c. 32, adfin. 


P. 147. uicani] ' j^aet ham eall/ ' the whole village,' AS. vers. 

in una posta] Note how near the first numeral is approaching to 
the sense of an indefinite article. 

uirgis . . . tectum] For this mode of construction, and consequent 
frequency of fires, cf. ii. 14, p. 114, note ; for the thatched roof, 
cf, Vita Cudb. cc. 5, 14, 20. 

posta . . . remansit] A similar miracle in Rs. Ad. p. 114. 


P. 148. nune seruantur] ' nugehealdene syndon,' AS. vers. 
Translation Osthrydae] Wife of Ethelred, King of Mercia ; iv. 21. She 
of Oswald, y^^^ murdered in 697 ; v. 24, p. 355. There is a spurious charter in 
which Ethelred grants land to Oftfor, Bishop of Woreester, ' pro 
absolutione criminum uel meorum, uel coniugis quondam meae 
Osthrythae ' ; K. C. D. No. 33 ; Birch, No. 76. Ethelred succecded 
his brother Wulfhere in 675 ; v. 24, p. 354. In 704 he became 
a monk, ib. pp. 355, 356, and ultimately abbot, v. 19, p. 329, of this 
very monastery of Bardney, W, M. i. 54, 78, where also he was 
buried, Sax. Chron. 716. AsOsthryth is spoken of as queen at this 
time, the translation must have taken place 675 x 697, probably 
after 679 ; v. next note. Where the body of Oswald was buried 
prior to this translation, I find nowhere expressly stated ; 

Chap. II.] Notes. 155 

probably at Maserfolth. Tlio Sax. Chron. E. 641 sccms to place tlie 
burial at Bardney imniediately after the slaughter of OswahJ. 

in prouincia Lindissi] Lindsey seoms to havo followed the Lindsev. 
alternations of succoss )>otwoon Northumbria and Morcia. Under 
Edwin it bolongod to the former ; ii. 16. It probably passed from 
him to Ponda in 633. Oswald rocovered it (cf. inf. ' super eos 
regnum accoperat,' to whichW. M. i. 53 adds, * ))ollico iure '). On 
his fall in 642 it would pass to Ponda again, until his defeat by 
Oswy in 655. Wulfhero of Mercia, on his successful rel^ollion 
against Oswy three years later, c. 24, adfin. or at some subsoquent 
time, recovered it ; for Egfrid had to reconquer it, 671 x 675 ; iv. 
12, p. 229 ; Eddius, cc. 19, 20 ; H. Y. 1. 30, 31 ; S, D. i. 200. Ethel- 
red regained it once more, iv. 12, adfin. ; probably in consequence 
of the battle of the Trent in 679, iv. 21 ; to which year Fl. Wig. i. 
243 exprossly assigns the recovery. The translation of Oswald's 
body would probably be subsequent to this. 

Beardaneu] Bardney in Lincolnshire. It is commonly said to Bardney. 
have been founded by Ethelred himself (e.g. Fl. Wig. i. 46, note ; 
G. P. p. 312, note), but Bede would hardly have omitted this, had it 
been the fact. ' The ruines of Bardney Abbey are yet to be seen ; ' 
Enderbie, Cambria Triumphans, p. 213 (1661). 'Now nothing 
remains but the moatedsite;' Murray's Lincolnshire (1890), p. 140. 

tamen, quia . . . acceperat] Whether the people of Lindsey Strength of 

considered themselves to belong more properly to Mercia, or local feel- 

whether their local feeling resented incorporation in any larger 

unity, is uncertain. The words ' de alia proviincia ' rather favour 

the latter view. And they once had princes of their own ; Fl. Wig. 

i. 253. Anyhow the incident shows how far the Teutonic tribes in 

Britain were from any community of sentiment. 

columna lucis] cf. i. 33, p. 71, note. 

uexillum] cf. Edwin's banner, ii. 16, adfin. 

tumbam] Offa of Mercia afterwards adorned it magnificently ; OswaWs 
cf. Alc. de Sanctis Ebor. vv. 388 sqq. : ^o"^^- 

' Postea rex felix ornauerat Offa sepulchiaim, 
Ut decus et specimen tumbae per saecla maneret, 
Praemia pro modico sumpturus magna labore.' 
Alcuin is of course a strictly contemporary witness for the reign of 

in angulo sacrarii] ' sacrarium ' means (i.) the sanctuary, the ' Sacra- 
part of a church where the altar stands ; (ii.) the sacristy ; (iii. "^^"^' 
the cemetery ; Ducange. It is probably used in the third sense here 

ipsa terra . . . effectum] The same is told of Oswin, Biogr. Demoniacs 
Misc. p. 14, and of Arnulf, Bishop of Soissons (1081-82), 'uidimus healed. 

■i-^jyj JLJLO J-JVL(.VOttlOV0VU0 JJ.tOVUIU. LDK, 111. 

euergumenum . . . cui cum puluis ille nolenti in os fuit iniectus, 
mox mentem recepit ; ' Pertz, xv. 900. With the story which 
follows cf. one in Vita Cudb. c. 41, which is a good deal lieightened 
from the earlier version in Vita Anon. § 44. 

Aediluini] v. c. 27, iv. 12, pp. 192, 229. 

Peartaneu] v. ii. 16, p. 117. 

grauissime uexari] One of the sections of Theodore's Penitential, 
II. X, is • De uexatis a diabulo ' ; H. & S. iii. 197. 

a nuUo . . . ligari] cf. Alcuin's account, u. s. vv. 405, 406 : 
* Et cum nullus eum potuit constringere uinclis, 
Vel miseri saeuos flagris compescere m-otus ; ' 
which throws light on the treatment of these unhappy beings. 

pulsans ad ostium] ' 7 sloh tacen aet geate,' ' and gave a signal 
by knocking at the gate,' AS. vers. 

ad locum uirorum] t'. on c. 8. 
Exorcism. p. 150. dicebat . . . exoreismos] ' song he . . . 7 rsedde orationem 
pa 8e wiS j^sere aSle awritene waeron,' ' he sang and read the prayers 
that were prescribed against that disease,' AS. vers. ; cf. Vit. Cudb. 
u. s. There were two kinds of exorcism ' in euergumenis siue 
cathecumenis ' ; Isidore, in Ducange. This is an instance of the 
former kind. In the latter, the evil spirit was expelled from per- 
sons, especially converts from heathenism, who were about to be 
baptized ; i. D. C. A. Unction also formed part of the ceremony of 
exorcism ; cf. Tlieodore's Penitential, II. iii. 8 : ' Secundum Grecos 
presbytero licet facere oleum exorcisatum, et infirmis crismam, si 
necesse est. Secundum Romanos . . . non licet nisi Episcopis solis ;' 
H. & S. iii. 193. Cf. Bede, Opp. x. 88 : ' Unde [t. e. from James v. 14] 
patet ab ipsis apostolis hunc sanctae ecclesiae morem esse traditum, 
ut euergumini, uel alii quilibet aegroti, ungantur oleo x>ontificali bene- 
dictione consecrato' (~ xi. 92). So on Luke viii. 30 : ' Sed et nostri 
temporis sacerdotes, qui per exorcismi gratiam daemones eiicere 
norunt, solent dicere, patientes non aliter ualere curari, nisi . . . 
omne, quod ab immundis spiritibus . . . pertulerint, . . . confitendo 
. . . exponant . . . Ut quidam uicinus mihi presbyter retulerit, se 
quandam sanctimonialem feminam a daemonio curare coepisse, sed 
quamdiu res latebat, nihil apud eam proficere potuisse. Confesso 
autem quo molestabatur phantasmate, mox et ipsum orationibus 
caeteiisqiie quae oportebat purificationum generibus effugasse, et eiusdem 
. . . corpus ab ulceribus, quae daemonis tactu contraxerat, medicinali 
studio adiuncio sale benedicto curasse.' One ulcer remained obstinate. 
The mode of cure was suggested by the patient herself : ' Si . . . 
deum pro infirmis consecratum eidem medicamento asperseris, sicque 
me 25erunxeris, statim sanitati restituar. Nam uidi quoiidam per 

Chap. 12.] Notes. 157 

spiritum, in quadam . . . ciuitatc, qunm nunquam coiiioralihus 
oculis uidi, puollam quandam . . . talitor a sacerdoto curatam.' 
The result was satisfactory ; Opp. xi. 76, 77. In tlio parallol 
l>assage of the lator commontary on Mark, Opp. x. 71, 72, Bodo 
omits this curious personal rominisconco, which indeod is a raro 
phenomenon in his thoological works ; cf. alsoon t^xorcism, x. 261. 
On exorcists as a special order in thc early Cluirch, cf. Ltft. App. 
Ff. II. iii. 240. 24T. A spurious chartor ' K. C. D. No. 34 ; Birdi, 
No. 77^ is signed by ' Pinowald, oxorcista ' ; cf. Cockayne, Anglo- 
Saxon Leechdoms, I. xxxix, cited by M. & L. 


P. 151. infirmitas . . . contingere] Note how the fever is per- ikt- 
sonified ; cf. Luke iv. 39, probably conceived of vaguely as an evil sonifio<l. 
spirit ; cf, Tylor, Anthropology, pp. 353-355 ; Im Thurn, Among 
the Indians of Guiana, c. 16. 

a tempore . . . persteterit] v. Introduction, p. xxvi. 

dixit Osuald] ' se halga Oswald,' ^ Saint Oswald,' AS. vers. 

p. 152. quo post annum deueniens, &c.] It is noteworthy that Oswalfrs 
Oswy should be strong enough to do this at the beginning of his ^®^^<^"^- 
reign ; cf. on c. 24, pp. 177, 178. For the legendary development 
of this story, see the life in S. D. i. 354-358. The history of Oswald's 
relics falls into three divisions, viz. that of the liead, the arms, and 
the body. A. The head, as Bede narrates, was buried at Lindisfarne. 
In 875 the monks, in fear of tlie Danes, determined to quit Lindis- 
farne and take with them the body of St. Cuthbert, 'et una cum 
eo in eiusdem thecae loculo, ut in ueteribus libris inuenitur, . . . 
caput . . . Oswaldi, antea in . . . ecclesiae coemiterio sepultum ' ; 
S. D. i. 57. Hence it shared the wanderings of St. Cuthberfs 
body. ib. 61-68 ; to Chester-le-Street, ib. 69 ; to Kipon, ib. 78, 79 ; 
and finally to Durham, ib. 79; cf. ib. 221 : 'Is in "Sere byri eac 
. . . Ses clene cyninges heofud, Oswaldes,' 'There is in that city 
too the head of the pure king Oswald ; ' cf. ib. 252, 255. ' Caput 
. . . nunc Dunelmi interbrachiabeatissimi Cuthberti teneri aiunt' ; 
W. M. i. 53. The life of Oswald, S. D. i. 351, 375-378, has a 
foolish and legendary tale, quite inconsistent with the above 
historical facts, that the head was removed first to Bamborough, 
whence it was stolen by a stratagem by a monk of Durham ; cf. 
Hardy, Cat. i. 631. The monastery of Epternach also chiimed to 
possess the head of Oswald ; AA. SS. Aug. ii. 90. B. The arms, 
as Bede says, both here and in c. 6, were deposited at Bamborough ; 
by queen Bebba(!) adds the life ; u.s. p. 373. The right arm, 

158 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. iii. 

according to the life, was stolen by a monk of Peterborough ; ib. 
374j 375- The left arm was at Gloucester, ib. 370 ; and yet there 
was an arm at Durham, ib. 381. (This is a diflficulty which often 
confronts the investigator of the history of relics. Thus at Eome 
there were two bodies of St. Hippolytus ; Ltft. App. Ff. I. ii. 459, 
460 ; cf. W. M. II. Ixiv.) The Peterborough arm was afterwards 
translated to Ely ; AA. SS. u. s. p. 88. W. M. i. 53 throws doubt 
on the existence of these relics in his day ; but in G. P. pp. 293, 
3^1) 318, he to some extent revoked his doubts. Swartebrand, an 
old monk of Durham, told Simeon that he had often seen the 
uncorrupted right hand ; but whether at Bamborough or at Durham 
is not clearly stated. It is quite possible that it may really have 
been removed to Durham. Nic. Harpsfeld (sixteenth century) says 
that ' testes dignissimi omnique exceptione maiores ' had seen it in 
his day, but he does not say where ; Hist. Eccl. Angl. Saec. vii. c. 26. 
C. The body was probably buried first at Oswestry ; thence it was 
translated to Bardney, v. s. ; cf. Life, u. s. p. 368. Thence for fear 
of the Danes it was removed in 909 by Ethelflred, lady of the 
Mercians, and her husband Ethelred to the monastery which they 
had built in his honour at Gloucester ; Sax. Chron. acl ann. ; W. M. 
i. 54, 136 ; G. P. p. 293. A retranslation of these relics to a new 
shrine took place 1108 x 1114, at which the author of the life was 
present, u. s. pp. 369, 370. This is hardly consistent with his state- 
ment, pp. 368, 369, that owing to the carelessness of the monks of 
Bardney ' uicissim succedentes barbari partem de ossibus illius 
pietatis furto abstulerunt, et per regiones innumeras tam nationum 
transmarinarum quam Anglicanarum disperserunt ' ; until only 
three small bones were left at Bardney. Judith, the wife of Tostig, 
was said to have taken relics of Oswald with her when she left 
England; Pertz, xv. 922, 923 ; cf. inf. on c. 14. We shall see in the 
notes to the next chapter how many places on the Continent 
claimed to possess relics of St. Oswald. The monastery of St. 
Winnoc's at Bergues in Erench Flanders professed to have obtained 
his whole body from Harold Harefoot or Edward the Confessor. 
This pretended body was said to have been burnt by Ihe Frencli 
Protestants in 1558 ; AA. SS. u. s. pp. 88, 89. Alfred, sacrist of 
Durham in the eleventh century, made a deliberate attempt to 
concentrate the relics of all northern saints at Durham ; Raine'8 
Hexham, I. liii. ff. Canon Raine remarks justly : ' There are few 
things more discreditable in mediaeval history than this hungry 
and jealous relic-mongering ; ' H. Y. I. xlviii ; cf. note on Sax, 
Chron. 1013. 

Chap. 13.] ]S\)tes. 159 

CUAPTErt 13. 

a mortis articulo reuocatus] Tlie AS. vers. very litorally, 
' iram deaffos liiSe wies gehroled,' ' was liealod from tho joiiit of 

Brittaniae fines] We find churches dedicated to St. Oswald at Declica- 
CTloucester, r. c. 12, note ; Carlisle, P. & S. p. 192; Oswestry, S, D. l!""^/". 
i. 350 ; Hexliam, and Bardney in Lincolnshire, ib. ii. 52 ; Paddles- Britain. 
wortli in Kent, Bright, p. 155 ; St. Oswald's in Elvet, Durham, cf. 
Hoveden, iv. 69; Nostell Priory, ib. i. 186; Raine's Hexham, I. 
clxiii ; Winwick, Lancs., -where also are still some verses to him 
' in an old barbarous character,' Camden, ii. 968; while Makorlleld 
near Winwiek is one of the claimants for the honour of being Bede's 
Maserfelth. There are Kirkoswalds in Cumberland and Ayrshire. 
A church dedicated to him and St. Cuthbert jointly was founded at 
' Scy thlescester iuxta murum,' the scene of the murder of Alfwold, 
King of Nortliumbria, in 788 (perhaps Chesters near Chollerton) ; 
S. D. ii. 52. 

trans oceanum . . . attigit] Of the veneration felt for Oswald in Cult of 
Ireland we have a record in the mention of his name at his day, Oswald m 
Aug. 5, in the Felire of Oengus the Culdee ; the gloss on which ^^^(1 o^ the 
passage confuses him with another Northumbrian king who like Continent. 
Oswald had been an exile among the Scoti — Aldfrid ; on whom see 
tn/. iv. 26, p. 268 ; Introduction, § 10. The Irish also claimed to 
possess relics of Oswald ; Alford, Ann. Eccl. ii. 265. 

Of the cult of Oswald on the Continent I have found tlie following 
traces (of course the later the date, the greater the testimony to 
Oswald's popularity) :— A. Relics. (On Epternach and St. Winnoc's, 
see notes to c. 12.) (a) Evidently from Bede's words here, Wilbrord 
took relics of Oswald with him to Frisia, These would probably 
be at Utrecht or Epternach. (6) Treves, fifteenth century, churches 
of S. Maria ad Martyres and of St. Eucharius ; Pertz, xv. 1275, 
1279. (c) Tegernsee, Bavaria, eleventh century (a tooth) ; ib. 1067. 
(d) Priifening orPriifling, thirteenthcentury ; ib. 1078. (e) Rams- 
hofen, diocese of Passau, thirteenth century ; ib. 1107. (/) Wet- 
tingen, in the Aargau, thirteenth century ; ib. 1286. (g) Sauris 
and Tai, two villages in the Venetian Alps, disputed the possession 
of a finger of St. Oswald ; AA. SS. Aug. ii, 90 ; Italian Life, pp. 
59 ff. ; cf. Baedeker, Eastern Alps, p. 371. (h) In the eighteenth 
century, the abbey of our Lady at Soissons claimed to possess relics 
of St. Oswald, as did ^i) Weingarten, Swabia, {k) Herford, West- 
phalia, (Z) and Lisbon ; AA. SS. Aug. ii. 89, 90. B. Dedications. 
(a) Bamberg, twelfth century, a chapel in the monastery of St. 

160 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. tii. 

Michael ; Mon. Bamberg. p. 603. (6^ Prague, thirteenth century, 
an altar ; Pertz, ix. 177. (c) Altenmiinster, Bavaria (thirteenth- 
century life of an eleventh-century saint), altar ; ib. xv. 847. 
{d' St. Emmeran, Ratisbon, thirteenth century, a church and 
chapel containing relics, the dedication festival held on the 
Sunday foUowing his day, Aug. 5 ; ib. 1097, (e) Oberlonon near 
Meran, Tyrol, thirteenth century, chapel and altar ; ib. 11 12. (/) 
Weingarten, Swabia, thirteenth century, church ; AA. SS. Aug. ii. 
92. (g) Hollenthal, Schwarzwald, chapel ; v. Meyer's Schwarzwald, 
p. 167. C. Festivals, &c. (a) His day observed at Epternach, 
end of twelfth century ; Pertz, xxiii. 72. {h) The Annales Hamburg. 
date the solar eclipse of 1263 quite correctly by St. Oswald's day ; 
ib. xvi. 385. (c) The author of the Italian life says that he had 
evidence in his own day (1769) of the cult of St. Oswald at Cologne, 
Constance, Mainz, Miinster, Salzburg, Udine (his own city), 
Venice, Vicenza, and in Bohemia, p. 77. This is taken from 
AA. SS. Aug. ii. 91, very largely, from which may be added 
Bamberg and Spires. D. Places called St. Oswald. In Styria 
and Carniola alone I have found four : (i) Close to Gratz ; Baedeker, 
M. .s. p. 343. (ii) near Judenburg ; ib. 361. (iii) On the Drave 
between Saldenhofen and Marburg. (iv) On the borders of 
Styria and Carniola, about twenty miles NE. of Laybach. 
E. Miscellaneous. (a) The ' Hrotsuithae Gesta Oddonis,' speaking 
of the marriage of Otho, afterwards the Emperor Otho I, with 
Edith, Athelstan's sister, calls her 

' natam de stirpe beata 
Oswaldi regis, laudem cuius canit orbis, 
Se quia subdiderat morti pro nomine Christi.' 

Pertz, iv. 320, 321. 
That this is not genealogically correct only makes the testimony the 
more striking. {h) The Italian life cited above is itself a curious 
testimony to the popularity of St. Oswald. It is by a certain Giam 
Pietro della Stua, and dedicated to Gian Girolamo Gradenigo, Arch- 
bishop of Udine ; printed at Udine in 1769. (c) I have also before 
me ' Sermone al popolo in onore di S. Oswaldo . . . recitato . . . nella 
chiesetta campestre della nob. famiglia Caimo-Dragoni dall' Abate 
Giuseppe Onorio Marzuttini,' Udine, 1827. From the sermon 
Itself it appears that this ' chiesetta ' was dedicated to St. Oswald, 
and that he was the patron saint of the place. {d) The mention of 
St. Oswald in foreign missals and breviaries printed in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries is also evidence of his continued popularity ; 
AA. SS. u. s. p. 91. Smith, on c. 12, says ' infinita sunt loca in 
Anglia, in Belgio, et Hibernia quae reliquias S. Osualdi uendicant.' 

Chap. 14.1 Notes. IGl 

Hardy's Cataloguo omits all notico of any lives of St. Oswald. Lives of 
I thoreforo givo a sliort list of such as have conie under my notice. t)swald. 
(i^ Tho life printod by Surius at Aug. 5 is a mere cento of passages 
fiom Bode. (ii^ Life by Drogo, a monk of the monastory of St. 
\Vinnoc's at Bergues, in tlie eleventh century. Printed in AA.SS. 
Aug. ii. 94-103. (iii) Life by Reginald of Durham. Printed (in- 
completely) in Arnold's edition of Sim. Dun. i. 326 ff. (iv) Life 
in Capgrave's * Noua Legonda Angliae.' (v) Osvald's Saga. Printed 
in * Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed,' 1854 ; a perfectly fabulous 
and worthless saga of the fifteenth century. 

Acca] On him, seo v, 20 and notes. 

Romam uadens] With Wilfrid in 703, 704. Soe on v. 19, 

P- 327. 

presbyter adhuc] Della Stua, u. s. p. 69, and M. & L. a. l. under- 
stand this of Acca. But it almost certainly refers to Wilbrord, 
who was in Ireland c. 677 ; Mon. Alc. pp. 42, 43 ; Briglit, pp. 
154, 484. 

scolasticus quidam] ' sum leorning mon,' 'a student,' AS. ' Scholas- 
vers. ; the Irish themselves would call him ' mac legind,' ' a son of ^^^' 
reading.' ^ Scholasticus ' also means 'professor,' what the Irish 
call ' fer legind,' 'a man of reading,' a regular officer in the Irish 
monasteries; cf. Rs. Ad. p. 196. In a letter of Alcuin cited on 
c. 4, p. 133, the ' scholastici ' are certainly the pupils of the monastic 

timere coepit] Cf. Bede on i John iv. 17 : *Quid est habere ' A looking 

fiduciam in die iudicii ? Non timere ne ueniat dies iudicii. Cum lorof judge- 

enim quis primo poenitendo se de malis actis conuerterit, incipit 

timere diem iudicii, ne uidelicet apparente iusto ludice ipse dam- 

netur iniustus. Processu uero bonae conuersationis animatus 

discet non timere quod timebat,' &c. ; Opp. xii. 307, 308. 

p. 153. pietas] 'pity ;' and so often. 


P. 154. frater eius Osuiu] 'frater eius nothus,' Biogr. Misc. Oswy. 
p. 3. So Vit. Oswaldi : ' septem . . . filios habuit [Ethelfridus] 
Eanfridum, Oswaldum, Oswium, &c. . . . quorum duo primi . . . de 
regis Elle filia fuerunt ; caeteri uero de concubinis procedebant,' 
S. D. i. 340 ; cf. ib. 363. W. M, however, i. 48, says distinctly that 
Oswy was a son of Acha, and Smith declares the opposite view to 
be 'contra omnem historicorum fide dignorum auctoritatem.' 

XXX circiter annorum] According to iv. 5, ad init., he died 
Feb. 15, 670, in his fifty-eighth year. That would fix his birth to 


The Ecclesiastical Hidory. 

[Bk. III. 

Feb. 612 X Feb. 613. But I have shown there that the true date of 
his death is probably 671. Possibly therefore his birth also should 
be placed a year later. This would not much conflict with Bede's 
statement that he was about thirty at his accession in 642. W. M.'s 
statement, i. 48, that he was four years old at his father's death is 
probably a mere inference from Bede. 

inpugnatus] On Oswy's early difficulties, see on c. 24, acl init. 

Alchfrido] He fought however on his father's side at the battle 
of the Winwsed, c. 24, p. 178. See notes on c. 28. 

Oidilualdo] v. inf. cc. 23, 24. 
Paulinus. anno secundo . . . sexto Id. Oct.] This date, Oct. 10, 644, falls 

in Oswy's third year ; for Oswald died Aug. 5, 642. 

qui X et VIIII . . . dies XXI.] He was consecrated July2i, 625, 
ii. 9, p. 98 ; which seems to give 19. 2. 20, as the length of his 
episcopate. Note the curious legend of his death in App. I. § 17. 

secretario] v. ii. i, p. 79, note. 

Andreae] v. ii. 3, p. 85. Lanfranc destroyed the old church and 
rebuilt it, translating Paulinus' bones. Smith. 
Ithamar. Ithamar . . . aequandum] Malmesbury more suo paraphrases 

Bede's words about Ithamar, noting his importance as the first 
native bishop : ' ita primus in patriam pontificalis honoris in 
Angli persona ferens gratiam, prouincialibus suis nonnullam dig- 
nitatem adiecit ; ' G. P. p. 135. For later lives of him, v. Hardy, 
Cat. i. 252, 253, 
Oswine. Osuini] There is a twelfth-century life of him printed in Biog. 

Misc, from MS. Cotton, Jul. A. x ; cf. AA.SS. Aug. iv. 57-66. 
This MS. is incomplete ; the lacuna can be supplied from MS. 
C.C.C. Oxon. 134, which contains further two homilies, and other 
liturgical matter relating to Oswin. I shall occasionally refer to 
this MS., the account of which in Hardy, Cat. i. 248 250, is 
incomplete, and in points inaccurate. Cf. also R. W. i. 145-148. 

de stirpe . . . Aeduini] This is inexact. He was no descendant 
of Edwin, but his first cousin once removed. See the pedigrees in 
note to c. I. 

Osrici] According to his life, Oswin, on the death of Osric, was 
carried by hisfriends into Wessex ; Biog. Misc. p. 3 ; cf. MS. C.C.C. 
ff. 80, 91. 
Etymolo- Osuini . . . Aeduini . . . Osrici] ' Que tria uocabula . . . non 

^^^^' casu fortuito . . . sed Dei dispositione . . . si iuxta ethimologiam 

patrie lingue diligenter interpretentur, fuisse probantur imposita ; * 
MS. C.C.C. f. 27. This homily is fuU of the wildest etymologising 
of proper names. Oswy and Oswin, like Ceadda and Cedd, are often 
inextricably confused by later writers ; e. g. Elmham, p. 226. 

Chap. i^.] Notes. 163 

supra] e. I. 

p. 155. septem annis] Oswin was murdcrod on Aug. 20, 
651 (^infra). Tlieri-foro if he reigned for seven years his aceession 
must be j^hiced in 644 ; and tliis is tho year given by tho 8ax. 
Cliron. E. 

causis dissensionum] W. M. i. 55 says that the division of the Relations 
kingdoms liad beon peaeeably arranged, and that the subsequent ^^^^?^^^ 
dissensions were caused by the machinations of evil men ; but this 
is probably only his own fertile imagination. On the relations of 
Bernicia and Deira, v. c. i. 

Uilfar<esdun] Possibly Gariston. Mr. Haigh, cited by Stepliens, 
nf infra, says Wilbarston, Northants, which is impossible. 

a uico Cataractone] ' from Catreht weor])ige,' AS. vers. ; v. ii. 14, 
p. 115. 

contra solstitialem oecasum] 'westrihte,' 'due west,' AS. vers. 

milite . . . comitis] ' J^egne,' ' gesiSes,' AS. vers. 

Tondheri] ' Tylsii filio,' Biog. Misc. p. 9. 

proditum] Treason to a lord was of special heinousness in Treason to 
Anglo-Saxon hiw. It was ' botleas,' i. e. it admitted of no compensa- ^ ^^^ * 
tion. Cnufs laws, ii. 64 ; Schmid, Gesetze, p. 304 ; Thorpe, 
Ancient Laws, i. 410; cf. ib. 408. 'Quod si communis proditio 
talis est, domini proditio qualis est ; ' Biog. Misc. p. 10. So of the 
faithful Tondheri it is said, ' fecit quod potuit, et mortem suam 
eius morti adiimxit' MS. C.C.C. f. 18 b. (The printed life is defective 
here.) So on f. 83 b he is represented as saying, ' Cur mihi, quod 
omnibus licet strenuis, pro domino meo mori non liceat ? ' Tliis 
preserves a genuine trace of the ancient feeling, that it was dis- 
graceful for the members of a ^ comitatus ' to survive their lord ; 
V. .Sax. Chron. s. a. 755, notes. Cf. the devotion of Edwin's thane 
Lilla, ii. g, p. 99. 

praefectum] ' gerefan,' ' reeve,' AS. vers. 

interfecit] W. M. conceives that Oswy did all he could by Murder of 
subsequent good conduct to atone for his erime. ' Guin Oissin mic Oswm. 
Oiseirg,' Tigh ; ' Jugulatio Oisseni mic Oissirgg,' Ann. Ult. These 
entries illustrate the way in which the Saxon name ' Oswine ' 
passed into Irish and became ' Oissene ' or ' Oisin,' the name of the 
son of the famous Finn mac Cumail, better known in the Scotch 
form of Ossian ; v. Zimmer, ' Friiheste Beriihrungen,' &c. p. 302 ; 
though Professor Khys would give to this, as to so much else, 
a Pictish origin ; Proc. Soc. Ant. of Scothmd, 1892, pp. 329 S. 
There are several Oisins and Oissenes in the Indices to Mart. Don. 
andF. M. A latinised form Oisseneus is found in Rs. Ad. p. 22 
(i. 2, adfin.). 

M % 


Tlie Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. III. 

Burial and 

' Minis- 

Oswin and 

die XIIF Kal. Sept. . . . nono] Aug. 20. In v. 24, p. 354, Bede 
says distinctly that Oswin and Aidan died in 651. But as Oswald 
died Aug. 5, 642, Aug, 20, 651, strictly falls in the tenth year from 
that date. Bede has made a similar mistake as to Oswy's regnal 
years above ; ' regni eius ' must refer to Oswy, as Oswin only 
reigned seven years, v. s. Oswin's cross still exists at Collingham, 
Yorks., according to Stephens, Runic Monuments, i. 390. 

Ingetlingum] This was Ceolfrid's first monastery, Tunbert, 
afterwards bishop of Hexham, being abbot of it ; Haa. §§ 2, 3, 
pp. 388, 389. Usually identified with Gilling, near Richmond. 
Mr. Haigh, cited by Stephens,*^. s., suggests Collingham, but this is 
unlikely. For the form, see on ii. 14. 

Oswin was buried at Tynemouth : ' in oratorio . . . Virginis 
• [Mariae] . . . ad aquilonem fluminis ; ' Biog. Misc. p. 11. In process 
of time his tomb was neglected and forgotten ; but was revealed in 
1065, when the body was solemnly translated by Bishop ^gelwin 
of Durham. To the neglect of Earl Tostig to be present at this trans- 
lation the biographer attributes his expulsion that same year. His 
wife Judith however took great interest in the matter, and received 
some of the sainfs hair as a reward ; cf. sup. on c. 12. The body was 
retranslated early in the twelfth century ; Biog. Misc.pp. 11-15, 24 ; 
Matth. Paris, Chron. Maiora, ii. 138. Tlie writer of the former of 
thetwohomiliesin MS. C.C.C. discusses, f. 25, thequestion whether 
Oswin was a martyr. After citing the cases of Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
and St. John the Baptist (cf i. 27, p. 51^ he concludes, f. 26: 
' Igitur beatus Oswinus non pro fide Christi sed pro iusticia Christi 
morti addictus, . . . morti sue martyrii nomen indidit.' Cf. 
St. Augustine's saying : ' martyrem non facit poena sed causa ; ' Opp. 
ed. Bened, ii. 220, 311, 765, and fq, ; v. Index, His festival was kept 
asa ' festum duplex* ; Biog, Misc, p. 24 {v. Ducange, s, v. ^ festum '). 
monasterium constructum est] By Eanfled, Oswy's wife, c. 24, 
p. 179, 

aspectu uenustus] 'aspectu angelicus,' R. W, i. 141. 
p. 156. ad eius ministerium] 'to his foIgaSe 7 his ])egnunge,* 
' to his retinue and sei-\'ice,' AS, vers, ' Ministerium ' is here the 
abstract or collective of 'minister' in the sense of 'thane,' and is 
nearly equivalent to 'comitatus' ; cf. ' obsequium,' i, 7, p. 20, note. 
humilitas] ' quae custos uirtutum dicitur,' R. W. u.s. 
ambulare solitus] See on c, 5, p. 135. On this incident the 
author of the homily, n. s., remarks : ' Nec .«. , de doni quantitate 
sed de donantis indiscretione iusta fuisse cuipiam poterit uideri 
regis conquestio. . , , Quid si alter egenus occurrisset, iam equo regio 
ab altero suscepto, pontifex quid dedisset ? ' fF. 22 b, 23 a. 

Chap. 15.] Notes. 165 

p. 157. proraittens] * professing,' 'assuring liim.' 

multum . . . placatum] ' Juet he him switVe bliffe waBre,' ' that 
iie was very friendly to him,' AS. vers. Cf. Hist. Abb. § 17 : 
'Omnes . . . sibi phicatos existere . . . obseerat,' p. 382 ; cf. also iv. 
24, pp. 261, 262 (Ciedmon's death), and the AS. vers. thore quuted. 

quam rex . . . non nouerant] Contrast Oswald, c. 3, p. 132 ; 
and Oswy, c. 25, p. 182. 

numquam . . . humilem regem] Cf. the story of St. Oswald of Edgar aiid 
York and King Edgar : 'ipse autem nequaquam potuit se propter Oswald of 
. . . regis humilitatem abstinere a fletu, quia intellexit quod gens 
ista non meruisset tam humilem, tamque sapientem habere ; ' 
H. Y. i. 437- 

pridie Kal. Sept.] Aug. 31. See the Mart. Don. for that day ; Decline of 
tlie Felire of Oengus, with the gloss. It shows the later decline of ^^<i^^'s 
Aidan's fame that in the life of Oswin, ti. s. p. 46, a priest, on 
hearing of a vision in which Aidan had appeared, is represented as 
saying, ' De . . . Oswino nonnulla . . . audieram, sed . . . Aydani 
. . . nec nomen ad me peruenerat.' It was by a vision of Aidan's 
soul being taken up to heaven that St. Cuthbert was led to ernbrace 
the monastic life ; Baedae Vit. Cudb. c. 4 ; Vita Anon. § 8. 


This incident is given by Bede in his metrical life of Cuthbert, 
c. 5, but not in the prose life. 

internus arbiter] 'sehnihtig God,' adds AS. vers. 

Utta] Afterwards abbot of Gateshead ; c. 21, p. 170. 

Eanfledam] Seeii. 9, 20; iii. 24, 25 ; v. 19, pp. 99, 126, 179, 181, Eanfled. 
323. As Oswy is spoken of as king, this mission must have been 
after 642, and probably soon after ; for Ecgfrid, the son of this 
marriage, fell on May 21, 685, in his fortieth year. He must there- 
fore have been born before May 21, 646 ; iv. 26, p. 267. The 
political object of this marriage, as of that of Ethelfrid with Acha, 
was no doiibt to conciliate the loyalty of Deira ; see the pedigree 
in the notes to c. i, and cf. Green, M. E. p. 296. 

p. 158. tantum iter] This shows tlie diflficulty of communi- Diificulty 

cation between the different parts of Britain at this time. of commu- 

misit de oleo] v. i. 17, p. 34, note ; cf. Bede on Gen. i. 3: ' nec ^., 

, . ,. Oil calms 

mirandum nobis diuina operatione lucem in aquis posse resplendere, the sea. 

cum et hominum operatione constet eas saepius illustrari, nau- 

tarum uidelicet, qui in profundo maris demersi, emisso ex ore 

oleo, perspicuum sibi hoc ac lucidum reddunt ; ' Opp. vii. 8. To 

the same eflfect, Opp. vi. 152. Note the partitive use of the pre- 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. III. 

position 'de' as in modern Frencli ; ' il mettait de rhuile;' and 

for the meaning of ' mittere ' cf. p. 124, above. 
Gift of per prophetiae spiritum] Cf. Bede on John xvi. 13 : ' Constat 

prophecy. innumeros fidelium per donum Sancti Spiritus praenosse ac prae- 

dixisse uentura ; ' Opp. v. 12. 
Cynimund. nostrae ecclesiae] i, e. the joint monastery of Wearmouth and 

Jarrow. A Cynimund, monk and priest of Lindisfarne, is Bede's 

authority for an incident in Cuthberfs life, c. 36 ; and the simi- 

larity of the terms in which he is spoken of makes it probable that 

he is the same as the Cynimund here. 






This incident is alluded to by Alcuin in his poem, ' De Clade 
Lindisfarnensis Monasterii,' 793 ; v. Sax. Chron. acl ann. Diimmler, 
Poetae Latini Aeui Carolini, i. 233 : 

* Praesulis egregii precibus se flamma retorsit 
Aedani quondam Bebban ab urbe procul.' 

quae . . . cognominatur] ' seo is nemned Bebbanburg,' ' which 
is called Bamborough/ AS. vers. The church of Bamborough is 
appropriately dedicated to St. Aidan. 

p. 159. neque . . . capere poterat] No doubt because of the wall 
mentioned Sax. Chron. 547 E. a. 

uiculis] ' tunas,' ' townships,' AS. vers. 

trabium, &c.] v. ii. 14, note. ' on beamum, 7 on raeftrum, 7 on 
wagum, 7 on watelum, 7 on f>eacon,' ' consisting of beams, rafters, 
partition walls, wattles, and thatch,' AS. vers. 

Farne] v. iv. 27, f>. 268. The distance seems to be about four or 
five miles. 

procul abest] ' ut on sae,' • out at sea,' adds AS. vers. Another 
MS. adds : 'eac swylce on 5?am ylcan ealonde symble o]) Sisne and- 
weardan deeg Godes Jjeowa sum on ancer setle wunode, ' ' likewise 
on the same island continually to the present day some servant of 
God lived as an anchorite ; ' Smith, p. 542. 

denique . . . solent] ' ond mon maeg gen to daege J)a stowe his 
seSIes . . . sceawian,' ' and one may still at this day view the place 
of his seat/ AS. vers. 


Death of Hunc cum dies, &c.] ' Da 6aet gen wses . . . ])aet he J)is deaSlice 

Aidan. ijf forlaetan sceolde, 7 he untrum waes, J^a waes he 70,' 'When 

the time came that he should quit this deathly life, and he was 

sick, then was he, &c.,' AS. vers. 

Chap. 17.] Kotes. 167 

XVII] The four MSS. are equally divided betwecn XVII 
and XVI. The latter a^n-ees better with ' septimo decimo anno ' 
below. See on c. 5. 

p. 160. et adiacentibus agellis] */ Jiserto feower aeceras/ 'and 
thereto foiir fiolds.' A8. vers. (some MSS."! ; cf. the ' adiacentes 
possessiuufulao ' of tho monastery of Selsey, iv. 14, p. 234. 

septimo decimo . . . anno] ' Ymb feowertyno ger Jjaes ]>e he 
biscop wa3s,' 'about fourteon years from the time that he became 
bishop/ AS. vers. Tlie translator mistook XUII for XIIII. 

corpus . . . sepultum est] Part of his relics were carried away His relics. 
by Colman after the Synod of Whitby in 664 ; c. 26, p. 190. The 
remainder shared the wanderings of Cuthberfs body ; S. D. i. 57 
fif. ; V. on c. 12. The assertion that the relics of Aidan, Ceolfrid, and 
Hilda were translated to Glastonbury, W. M. i 56 ; G. P. p. 198, 
is simply an instance of that huge system of monastic lying, in 
whicli Glastonbury had a bad pre-eminence. A simih\r Glaston- 
bury lie with reference to Dunstan called forth an indignant 
protest from Eadmer ; Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 412-422. Whether 
Eadmer would have been as zealous for the truth, if he had not 
been a Canterbury man, is another question. 

basilica maior] v. c. 25, ad init. 

Finan] See on c, 25, ad init. 

destina] A prop or buttress, 'studu,' AS. vers., glossed ' stipere,' 
Anglo-Saxon Glossaries, i. 126. 

ipsa . . . perederet] ' se leg J^urhaet J)a nseglas in ])aem Jjyrelum 
))e heo mid Jjaem to timbre gefsestnad waes,' ' the flame ate through 
the nails in the holes with which it was fastened to the timber,' 
AS. vers. Cf. Lismore Lives of Saints, p. 323, for a similar tale. 

p. 161. scripsi autem] In two of the MSS. of the AS. vers. this 
paragraph to the end of the chapter is omitted ; possibly because 
it repeats to a large extent what has already been said in c. 5 ; 
possibly because of the censure of Aidan which it contains. Cf. on 
c. 3 ; inf. cc. 25, 26. 

in libro . . . de temporibus] There is a short chapter (xv) in ' De Tem- 
the De Temporibus entitled 'De Sacramento Temporis Paschalis,' Pp^u'^ I^*- 
Opp. vi. 131 ; but unquestionably Bede refers to the larger work, 
the De Temporum Katione, which he himself, v. 24, p. 359, calls, 
De Temporibus Librum Maiorem. See especially cc, 6, 30, 51, 
59-65. See on these works, Introduction, § 11. 

in euangelicis . . . litteris] ' on halgum bocum,' ' in sacred books,' 
AS. vers. 

p, 162. ut quidam] v. on c, 4, p, 135. 

eadem una sabbati] On this belief, v. Bright, p. 143. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. III. 




of East 


His temporibus] This is a very vague expression. Aidan died 
in 651; and we have seen on ii. 15 that the accession of Sigbert 
and the mission of Felix cannot be placed later than 631. Sigbert 
and his successor Egric are not mentioned in the Sax. Chron., 
perhaps because the compilers could not place them chrono- 

scolam] This has been claimed as the origin of the University 
of Cambridge. See additional critical note, and cf. Stev. a. l. and 
Bright, p. 125. On the Frankish schools, cf. ib. 124. W. M. i. 
97 improves on Bede : ' scholasque etiam litterarum per loca 
instituit ; quod pro magno certe debet praedicari, ut litterarum 
dulcedinem per eum experirentur homines agrestes antea et 
fanatici.' Pits, p. 108, cites an alleged correspondence between 
Sigbert and Desiderius, Bishop of Cahors (637-660). These letters 
are printed in Canisius, Antiquae Lectiones, v. 527, 528, 548, 549. 
Their genuineness is very doubtful. But even if they are authentic, 
the Sigbert in question is not Sigbert of East Anglia, but Sigbert III, 
King of Austrasia, 632-656 ; cf. Scherer, Verzeichniss der Hss. der 
Stiftsbibliotek zu St. Gallen, p. 68 (Halle, 1875). 

quem . . . acceperat] In what sense Sigbert received Felix from 
Kent may be seen from ii. 15. Originally he came from Burgundy. 
See a life of Felix with notes in AA.SS. March, i. 779 £f. 

iuxta morem Cantuariorum] This seems to imply that Felix 
had spent some little time in Kent. For the later schools at 
Canterbury, founded by Theodore and Hadrian, v. iv. 2. These 
earlier schools were probably due to Augustine. 

cognato] Perhaps brother-in-Iaw ; v. i. 27, pp. 50, 51, note. If so, 
we have again in this kingdom an instance of succession through 
females. See on ii. 15 ; and the words which follow, ' qui . . . 
tenebat,' omitted by the AS. vers., seem to point to a division of 
the kingdom, perhaps into the two 'folks,' North and South, 
whose names still survive in the counties of Norfolk and Sufifolk. 
The division of the diocese points the same way ; iv. 5, aclfin. ; cf. 
on ii. 3, 15. 

monasterium . . . fecerat] ' in Betricheswrde,' i. e. Bury St. 
Edmund's ; Lib. Eli. pp. 14, 23. 

pro aeterno . . . militare] v. c. 23, p. 176, note. 

p. 163. successor . . . Anna . . . occisus est] The Sax. Chron. 
A. B, C. place Anna's death in 654, E. F. in 653 ; all however agreeing 
in placing it one year before the battle of the Winwaed, which they 
date 655 and 654 respectively. The date of Egric's fall and Anna's 

chap. 19.] Notes. 169 

accession is nowhero given. Anna was coitainly king whon 
Cenwalli of Wessex took refuge with hiin in 644 or 645 ; seo on c. 7, 
p. 140. The Lib. Eli. phices his accession in 637, p. 14 ; ancl at 
p. 37 says tliat lie died in the nineteenth year of liis reign, which 
would throw back his accession to 635 or 636. The latteristhe' 
date adopted by Dr. Stubbs, D. C. B. iv. 302 ; but is difficult to 
i'econcile witli Bede's words, p. 162, supra, tliat Sigbert was monk 
(and consequently Egric king\ 'multo tempore'; as in that case 
the joint reigns of Sigbert and Egric would only occupy five or six 
years ; for Sigberfs accession must be placed 630x631; ii. 15, 

The events narrated here, and the fact that Ethelhere, Anna's 
successor, fought on Penda's side at the Winwsed, c, 24, p. 178, 
show how completely East Anglia was dominated by Mercia ; 
cf. Green, M. E. p. 274. According to Lib. Eli. u. s. Anna was 
buried at Blythburgh in Suffolk. 

filius Eni] 'fratris Redwaldi,' W. M. i. 97 ; so the pedigrees in 
Fh Wig. i. 249, 261. 

optimae . . . sobolis] See on c. 7, p. 140. 


The bulk of this chapter is taken from a Latin life of St. Fursa Earlier life 
which exists in many MSS. {v. Hardy, Cat. i. 239), and has been ofSt.Fursa. 
printed by Surius, the Bollandists, Mabillon, and Colgan. To 
the MSS. given by Hardy should be added the Codex Salmanticensis 
i^so called because it once belonged to the Irish College at Sala- 
manca), now in the Royal (Burgundian) Library at Brussels. 
This MS. has been edited by the Jesuits De Smedt and De Baeker, 
Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae e cod. Salm. (4to, Edinb. and Lond. 
1888). The life of Fursa occupies cols. 77-102 ; it is followed by 
a second book, of miracles, cols. 102-111, which Bede does not use. 
I have made this edition the basis of my collation with the text of 
Bede, and I indicate its readings in the critical notes by the symbol 
Sl. ; and references to its sections are placed in the margin. Bede 
acknowledges his obligations to this life, inf. pp. 164, 165, 168. 
For other lives of Fursa, see Hardy, Cat. i. 241-246. The story of 
Fursa is incorporated into an Anglo-Saxon homily by .^lfric, 
Thorpe, ii. 332 ff., but it is taken not from Bede, but direct from 
the life of Fursa. 

superuenit de Hibernia] A glance at the marginal references Bede's ar- 
will show that Bede has transposed a good deal the order of his rangement 
original, with the result that he has greatly obscured the course 

170 Tlt.e Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. iti. 

of his own narrative. To avoid confusion it should be noted that 

from the beginning of the chapter to 'adornarunt' on p. 164, Bede 

gives sunimarily an accovmt of Fursa*s coming to Britain, and of his 

working in East Anglia. Then with the words 'erat autem/ &c., 

he reverts to his early life in Irehmd, and foUows it up to p. 167, 

when the journey to Britain occurs in its due order, foUowed by 

his migration to Gaul and death. Hence the 'infirmitas,' 'uisio,' 

and * monasterium ' of p. 164, lines 3, 4, 10, belong to the sojourn 

in East Anglia, and are quite distinct from the 'monasterium/ 

' infirmitas,' and ' rapture ' of p. 164, lines 25, 26, 27 ff., which 

belong to the earlier life in Ireland. 

Irish love peregrinam ducere uitam] This is a very prominent trait in the 

piigrim- i^T^arkedly ascetic character of the Irish Church ; cf. Stokes, Lismore 

Lives, pp. cviii. 21. It began as early as the sixth centurj'-, and 

lasted at least till the ninth. Cf. the well-known passage in the 

ninth-century life of St. Gall : ' natio Scotorum, quibus consuetudo 

peregrinandi iam paene in naturam conuersa est;'Pertz, ii. 30. 

So of the Irish pilgrims at Glastonbury, Osbern says : ' quod aliis 

bona uoluntas in consuetudinem, hoc illis [sc. Hibernis] consuetudo 

uertit in naturam ;' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 74. So Hericus to Charles 

the Bald, a. d. 876 : ' Quid Hiberniam memorem, contempto pelagi 

discrimine, pene totam cum grcge philosophorum ad litora nostra 

migrantem? quorum quisquis j)eritior est, ulti'o sibi indicit 

exilium, ut Salomoni sapientissimo famuletur ad uotum ;' Bouquet, 

vii. 563. (Cf. with this last the quaint passage from the monk 

of St. Gallen's Gesta Caroli, cited on ii. i.) In c. 25 we find an 

Irishman, Ronan, who had travelled in Gaul and Italy. Adamnan 

tells us how Irish saints set out ' eremum in oceano quaesituri ; ' 

Rs. Ad. pp. 30, 49, 50, 166-171 (ed. Fowler, pp. 22, 33, 115). Often 

they would commit themselves to the deep in a slender coracle 

without oarage or steerage, and trust their fate and the direction of 

their course to the winds and waters. (For a striking instance 

of this, V. Sax. Chron. s. a. 891, and notes, a.L). Often pilgrimage 

or exile was imposed or voluntarily undertaken as a penance. 

(Cf. the case of Egbert, c. 27, pp. 193, 194 ; Opp. Min. p. 203 ; H. & S. 

i. 117, 118 ; iii. 179, 336 ; Rs. Ad. pp. 52, 157. Legend assigned this 

motive to St. Columba himself, ib. Ixxiv f., 247 ff.) Besides the love 

of wandering, the desire for self-mortification. and for gaining and 

imparting knowledge, there was above all the missionary zeal. 

which was the real motive of St. Columba ; and to which was due 

the fiict that so large a portion of the Continent owed their first 

knowledge of the glad tidings to Irishmen. Cf. on the whole 

subject, Zimmer, in GOtt. Gel. Anz. 1891, pp. 181, 182 ; Sitzungsb. 

Chap. 19.] Nutes. 171 

d. Kon. prcus-s. Akad. d. Wissonsch. 1891, pp. 282 ff., 317 ; Prouss. 
Jalub. lix. 31 fF. ; Groith, Irische Kirche, Books iii-v. 

p. 164. Cnobheresburg] Tliis has been idontified witli Burgh 
Castlo, ncar Yarnioutli ; Camden, ii. 157. 

de nobilissirao genere] The Irish authorities diffor widoly as Fur8a's 
to Fursa's podigreo ; v. Lisniore Lives, p. 294 ; Mart. Don. p. 18 ; pedif»reo 
cf. Portz, vi. 320 ; * ex Hibornia regio stemmato orti ' (of Fursa and 
Iiis hrothers FoiUan and Ultan), Vita S. Amati, Episc. Senon. in 
Bouquct, iii. 608, which also makes Fursa and FoiUan bisliops. 
As to Foillan, see below. Neitlier the life nor Bede say anything 
as to Fursa's ecclesiastical rank. An old German version of tliis 
chapter is entitled : Von eim Biscoff Forsee genannt (printed 
1473 and 1476, fol.). So De Furseo episc^o, in MS. Add. 14,251, 
f. 199, where this chapter occurs separately. 

raptus . . . e corpore] On visionsof theotherworld, see v. 12, note. The vision. 
meruit audire] ' hu heo God lofodon 7 heredon,' ' how they 
praiscd and glorificd God,' adds AS. vers.. 

ibunt sancti, &c.] This is a very favourite toxt with Bede him- 
self, who frequently cites it in his works ; e. g. Opp. Min. p. 83 ; 
Opp. vii. 229 ; viii. 327 ; ix. 12, 274, 340 ; xii. 268. In all these 
places Bede has ' ambulabunt ' for ' ibunt.' ' Ibunt ' is the reading 
of the so-called Gallican Psalter, now embodied in the Vulgate ; 
'ambuhabunt' of the Roman Psalter, On these two Psalters, see 
v. 19, note. 

in Sion] The AS. vers, after giving the Latin, glosses these 
words ' in wlite scea^vunge,' 'in beauty of vision.' 

reductus in corpore] We should expect ' in corpus.' For other 
instances, see M. & L. a. l. 

p. 165. respicere in mundum] cf. Apocalypsis Pauli, § 13 ; 
Tischendorf, Apocal. Apocr. p 41 : ' Kal umv irpos /^e 6 ayyeXos, 
fi\(\f/ov fls T^v yrjv Koi iP\e\pa, Kal iSov o\ov rbv KoopLov uis ovSev 
kvwmuv fxov eK^f^onroTa ;' cf. Dante, Parad. xxii. 133-135 ; Rossetti's 
Blessed Damozel, stanza 6. 

impietatis] i. e. pitilessness. See on ii. 14, p. 114. 
p. 166. uirorum de sua natione] 'quorum altor Beanvis, alter 
uocabatur Meldanus. Hos prosules cunctorum memoria dignos 
usque ad nostra tempora celebrat;' Vita, § 13. According to the 
Miracles, § 10, Fursa translated their bodies to Poronne. 

p. 167. hoc arsit in te] ' In quocunque membro quis amplius 
peccauerit, in eo ampliora . . . patietur tormenta. . . . Quod accidisse 
constat diuiti illi. . . . Nam qui . . . in epulando defluxerat, in 
lingua amplius ardebat ;' Opp. ix. 130. 

illis solummodo] So Drythelm, v. 12, p. 309. 


The Ecdesiastlcal History. 

[Bk. III. 

narrare solet] 'cwaeS se J»e ^ias booc wrat/ 'says he who wrote 
this look/ adds AS. vers. 

multis annis, «&c.] ' Completis uero annis X omnibus &c. . . . 
irruentium populorum multitudinesnon ferens, aliquantorum etiam 
animos inuidia stimulante contra se commotos esse deprehendens, 
relictis &c. ... ad insulam quandam paruulam in mari profectus 
est ; atque exinde non multo post de Hybernia insula, peregrina 

' Saxonia.' litora petens, per Britanniam in Saxoniam transuectus est ; ' Vita, 
§ 26. These last words are specially interesting as showing that 
the Celts applied the term Saxonia to any part of Britain occupied 
by the Teutonic tribes. 

'Scotland.' i^ Scottia] ' geond eal Yerland 7 Scotland,' * throughout all 
Ireland and Scotland,' ^lfric, ii. 346. This illustrates the change 
of meaning in the word 'Scotland.' See on i. i, p. 13. 

Foillanand Fullano] Foillan, Faelan in Irish. He was a bishop ; as is 


and Diciil. 



implied here by the distinction between him and the ' presbyteri,* 
Gobban and Dicul. Similarly in the life, § 28, where he is called 
' sacerdos.' He and Ultan were evidently among the ' pauci fratres ' 
who . accompanied Fursa to ' Saxonia.' After his death they 
followed his example and migrated to Gaul ; AA.SS. Oct. xiii. 387 ; 
Mab. AA.SS. ii. 785 ; Ann. Bened. i. 420 ; Capgrave, cited by 
Hardy, Cat. i. 254. See also below. They founded a monastery at 
Fosse, in the diocese of Litjge, on land given them by St. Gertrude, 
Mab. Ann. Bened. i. 420, whose death Ultan foretold. See her life 
in SS. Kerum Merouingicarum, ii. 462, 463. This monastery was 
burnt and rebuilt more than once in the twelfth century ; Pertz, 
xxiv. 270 ; XXV. loi ; Bouquet, xiii. 605. There was another 
monastery of FoiIlan's at Roeulx near Mons ; Pertz, xxi. 551. 
He is said to have been martyred in 655 and buried at Fosse ; 
ib. iv. II. His day is Oct. 31 ; Felire, and Mart. Don. The 
various lives of him, with a long preliminary dissertation, are in 
AA.SS. Oct. xiii. 370-445. 

p. 168. Gobbano et Dicullo] ' Galbano et TibuIIa,' SI. corruptly. 
For the name Dicul, Dicuil, v, iv. 13, note. There are no less than 
eight Gobbans commemorated in Mart. Don. 

Ultanum] See above. He became abbot of Fosse, and afterwards 
ruled the community of Irish monks at Peronne, where Fursa was 
buried ; Mab. AA.SS. ii. 755-758. He died c. 680, ib. ; cf. Gallia 
Christ., iii. 933; ix. 1036. His day is May i; AA SS. Maii, i. 
118, 119. 

annum . . . cum . . . eo . . . uixit] On hermits living in pairs, 
cf. Raine's Hexham, i. Appendix, p. xxxii. 

gentilium] i.e. the Mercians under Penda, v. c. 18, notes. 

Chap. 19.] Notes, 173 

Hloduio] Clovis or Illodowig II, who succoodod as king of Clovis IT 
Noustria iu 638, at tho ago of four, and died in 656. IIo was the 
husl)aud of BathiUlis, on wlioui soe c. 8, notes ; v. 19, noto. 

Ercunualdo] This is Ercinwakl, Neustrian Mayor of the ErcinwaM. 
Pahice, 640-657. 

construxit] 'suis manibus/ Mirac. § 6; according to which Laprny. 
Ercinwald gave Fursa his choice of various places, out of which he 
chose Latinoacum, Lagny, on tlie Marne near Piiris ; Gallia Christ., 
vii. 490 ; cf Bouquot, iv. 664, ix. 531. 

diem chiusit ultiraum] Just before his death he had set out Death of 
from Lagny to visit his brotliers FoiHan and Ultan, whom he had *'^^''sa. 
h^ft in ' Siixonia ; ' but on the way he fell ill and died at Maceriae 
(Mazeroeles, in Ponthieu on tlie Authie, on which place see a very 
interesting note in Mab. AA.SS. ii. 310). He died Jan. 16 ; Vita, 
§ 29 ; Mirac. § 7 ; and this is his day in the calendars ; Opp. iv. 
23 ; Felire ; Mart. Don. According to Mirac. §§9, 10, a contest for 
his body took place between Ercinwald and two other magnates. 
The first was victorious. 

The chronology of Fursa's life can only be fixed within rather Chrono- 
vague limits. His coming to Britain must be after the accession ^"^' 
of Sigbert, 630x631; notes on ii. 15, iii. 18. Penda's great 
attack on East Anglia, in which Sigbert and his successor Egric 
were slain, cannot be later than 644, ib. Therefore Fursa's 
departure to Gaul was probably not later than 644 ; and cannot be 
earlier than 640, the date of Ercinwald's election to the mayoralty. 
The Ann. Ult. enter his death under three years, 647, 648, 660. 
The last is certainly too late, as it is after the death of Ercinwald. 
The Ann. Laubienses say, ' 649, Sanctus Furseus . . . ad Gallias 
usque peregrinatur, quem . . . sequuntur fratres sui Foillanus et 
Ultanus;' Pertz, iv. 11; cf. ib, xiv. 515; Bouquet, iii. 40, 171, 
172, 304. As regards FoiHan and Ultan, this is very possibly 
correct ; but as regards Fursa, the date of his migration to Gaul 
is evidently confused with that of his death, which occasioned his 
brothers' migration, The Ann. Ult. place his vision in 626, and 
according to the life, §§ 25, 26, he remained in Ireland ten or 
eleven years aftcr that ; this would bring his arrival in Britain 
to 636 or 637, which is possible ; Fl. Wig. places it vaguely, ' eo 
tempore,' undor 636. It would be interesting to know whether 
any other Irish missionaries besides Fursa and his company camo 
to East Anglia, and how far the evangelisation of the province was 
due to Irish influences. Bede only lays stress on the Burgundian 

Perrona] Peronne, on the Somme. After St. Fursa's death His rdics. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IIl. 

a monastery was founded there in connexion %vith the church 
which contained his body, and seems to have attracted many Irish 
thither. From the seventh to the tenth centuries we find it called 
' Perrona Scotorum ; ' Pertz, i. 319 ; xiii. 626 ; cf. Lanigan, ii. 465. 

receptui eorporis] In later times Canterbury claimed to possess 
the head of St. Fursa ; H. Y. I. xlvi. Smith says, ' His relics are in 
the collegiate church at Peronne dedicated to him, except the 
skull which is at Lagny.' 


Deatli of 





P. 169. defuncto Felice] For the bearings of this chapter on 
East Anglian chronology, see notes to ii. 15. From the calculations 
there made Felix must have died in 647 (so FI. Wig. i. 20) or 648 
(Peter of Blois, cited by Stev. from Gale, i. 109, says 646) ; and his 
successor Thomas in 652 or 653. The latter year is given in the 
Latin of Sax. Chron. F., but may be only an inference from this 
passage. Capgrave (cited Ang. Sac. i. 403) says that Felix died on 
March 8. He was buried first at Dunwich, thence translated to 
Seham, near Ely, and thence to Ramsey Abbey ; G. P. pp. 147, 318; 
Lib. Eli. pp. 21, 22. 

post . . . annos accepti episcopatus] The same phrase, v. 19, 
ad init. p. 322, M. & L. 

Thomam] The second native bishop ; Ithamar being the first ; 
c. 14, p. 154. 

prouincia Gyruiorum] ' Gyi-wa maeg??,' ' the kindred of Gyrwas,' 
AS. vers. Not Jarrow, as Mr. Hamilton makes it, G. P. p. 147. 
'Giruii sunt omnes australes Angli in magna palude babitantes in 
qua est Insula de Ely ' ; Lib. Eli. p. 4 ; ' extending from South 
Lincolnshire to South Cambridgeshire'; D. C. B. ii. 19. 

Berctgilsum . . . Bonifatium] So the great St. Boniface origi- 
nally bore the native name of Winfrid ; Cont. Baedae, p. 362. 

Honorius . . . migrauit] Elmham gives his epitaph, p. 183 ; cf. 
AA.SS. Sept. viii. 698-711. 

cessante . . . menses] The reason for this interregnum is not 
mentioned. It may have been due to the troubles caused by Penda. 

Deusdedit] The first native archbishop. According to Elmham, 
who gives his epitaph, his native name was Frithonas, pp. 192, 193. 
For later lives of him, cf Hardy, Cat. i. 261, 262. We have had 
a Pope called Deusdedit, ii. 7. For names of this kind, cf. Milman, 
Lat. Christ. i. 243; Bright, p. 174. In D. C. B. there are several 
prelates called ' Quoduultdeus.' 

Chap. 21,] Notes. 175 

rexit . . . dies] If Bede is right in saying, ii. 7, that Deusdedit 
died July 14, 664, then liis archiepiscopate reckoned froni his con- 
secration histed less, not more, than nine years and four nionths. 
Possibly Bede reckons from liis election ; in which case the date of 
his election would be Dec. 12, 654. 

defuncto Ithamar] From Bede's anguage liere, it has been Death ot 
inferred that Ithamar died very soon after Deusdedifs consecra- Ithamar. 
tion, probably in the same year, 655 ; H. & S. iii. 100 ; Ang. Sac. 
i. 320. But considering Bede's way of grouping his facts accord- 
ing to subject rather tlian date, this must be regarded as very 

Damjanum] ' It marks tho great spread of Christianity that Native 
the four bishops whose consecration is recorded in this chapter bishops. 
were all of native origin'; M. & L. 


His temporibus] 653, v. 24, p. 354. 

Middilangli] ' Middelengle,' AS. vers. and Sax. Chron. B. C. E. ; The Middle 
'Middelseaxe,' A., wrongly. They occupied roughly the modern ^ es. 
Leicestershire. They are mentioned in i. 15 as one of the tribes 
of Anglian origin. R. W. identifies ' Middelanglia ' M'ith Mercia, 
i. 89. 

principe] om. AS. vers.; 'ealdormenn,' Sax. Chron. Bede seems 
to imply that he had the title of king, 'regis nomine . . . dig- 

Peada] By a confusion very common in Saxon names, W. M. i. Peada. 
77 calls him Weda ; so Elmham, p. 184. 

persona] 'hada,' 'orders,' AS. vers. 

filiam . . . coniugem] Who was said to have betrayed him to 
his death, c. 24, ad fin. In AA,SS. Feb. ii. 180, it is suggested 
that she may have been illegitimate, like Aldfrid. 

p. 170. cognatus] A clear instance of the meaning ' brother- 'Cognatus.' 
in-law'; r. on i. 27, pp. 50, 51. 

Cyniburgam] On her and her sister Cyneswith, cf. Hardy, Cat. Cyneburg. 
i. 370, 371. On the death of her husband, Alchfrid, Cyneburg is 
said to have entered the monastery of Castor in Northamptonshire, 
where Cyneswith also took the veil ; Hardy, u. s. There they 
were buried, and thence translated to Peterborough, according to 
Sax. Chron. E. ad ann. 963 ; cf. Fl. Wig, i. 265 ; H. H. p. xxvii ; 
G. P. p. 317. The Sax. Chron. E. brings them into connexion 
with the alleged endowment of Peterborough by Wulfliere and 
Oswy, ad ann. 656. Both they and their brother Wulfhere are 


The Ecclesiastlcal Histovy. 

[Bk. IIT. 



mentioned on Alchfrid's mGmorial cross at Bewcastle ; Stephens, 
Runic Monuments, i. 398 ff. 

comitibus ac militibus] 'geferum 7 cyninges |;egnum/ 'com- 
panions and king's thanes,' AS. vers. 

Ad Murum] ' aet Walle,' AS. vers. Walton, eight miles from 
Newcastle ; Camden, ii. 1054, 1055, 1087, ed. 1753. Walbottle ; 

Cedd] See next chapter. Not to be confounded with his brother 
Ceadda, as is often done ; a practice against which Fuller quaintly 
protests : ' though it is pleasant for brethren to live together in 
unity, yet it is not fit by errour that they should be jumbled 
together in confusion.' See Eaine's Hexham, i. 21, 22. 

Diuma] Mentioned again, c. 24, p. 179; of the other two, Adda 

and Betti, we hear nothing more. 

Uttan] The weak Saxon genitive from Utta, v. c. 15. 
Gratesliead. Ad Caprae Caput] Gateshead, on the Tyne, opposite Newcastle ; 
* 8et Reege heafde,' AS. vers., from ' rsege, a roe.' 

nobilium et infirmorum] 'ge aeSele geunseSele,' 'both noble and 
non-noble,' AS. vers. 

nec prohibuit Penda] The baptism of his own son Peada is 
a strong instance of this. 

p. 171. duobus populis] Note that the bishops are bishops of 
the tribes, not of the cities as on the Continent ; cf. S. C. H. i. 224- 
226. Hence the early dioceses are conterminous with the kingdoms ; 
cf. svp. on ii.3 ; Ang. Sac. i. 423. Note thatthe Middilangli, though 
in subjection to Mercia, still retain their separate existence. 

Infeppingum] Not identified ; cf. ' Faerpinga J)reo hund hyda 
is in Middel Englum ;' Birch, i. 413-415. 

Hii, ubi . . . coenobiorum] v. s. on c. 4. 

temporibus Uulfheri regisj 658-675. For the chronology of these 
Mercian bishops, see notes to c. 24, p. 179. 

and king 


sion of the 




Eo tempore etiam] These words imply that the reconversion 
of the East Saxons was strictly contemporary with the conversion 
of the Middle Angles in the preceding chapter, i. e. 653. 

abiecerant] In 616 or 617 ; v. on ii. 5, p. 91. 

rex eiusdem gentis] Of the kings of the East Saxons subsequent 
to Saebert, Bede mentions Sigbert ' paruus,' Sigbert (sometimes 
called ' bonus ' or ' sanctus '), and Swidhehn, son of Sexbald, here ; 
Sighere and Sebbi, who ruled jointly, c. 30, iv. 6 ; Sighard and 
Swefred, sons of Sebbi, who also ruled jointly, iv. 11, adfin. Bede 

Chap. 2 2.] Notes. 177 

givos us littlc help towards constructing thoir podigroo or dotor- 
mining their chronology ; hence probably their omission in tho 
Sax. Chron., except tluit Sighore and Sebbi are reprosented as 
signing the spurioiis charter to Potorborough in 656 E., u date pro- 
bably anterior to their accession. The way in which tho podigree 
was constructed by the antiquarians of the twelfth century may be 
seen in Fl. Wig. i. 250, 262-264 ; W. M. i. 99. They diflfer in some 
points from one anothor, and from the natural meaning of Bede's 
words. On the whole I place little roliance on thom. As to 
chronology : — Sigbert ' the Little ' must have been dead before the 
date of the events of this chapter, viz. 653. Sigbert 'the Good' 
lived 'tempore non pauco,' p. 173, after that date. But both he 
and his succossor Swidhelm were dead before the ph\gue of 664, as 
at that time we find Sighere and Sebbi reigning ; c. 30. Swidhehn's 
reign must therefore have been a short one. Sighere and Sebbi 
were also reigning when Earconwald became bishop of London, 
probably in 675 ; iv. 6. In iv. 11 Sebbi is spoken of as sole king : 
' socio ante se defuncto,' says W, M. i, 99 ; probably rightly, but 
probably also only drawing an inference, as we do, from Bede's 
words ; K. W. places the doath of Sighere in 683. Sebbi reigned 
thirty years ; iv. 11. Hence his resignation and death cannot 
be kter than 694, though Stubbs, D. C. B. iv. 594, places it in 
695 ; nor earlier tlian 692, as Earconwald, who predeceased him, 
ib., certainly lived till 692, if not 693. (See K. C. D. No. 35 ; 
Birch, i. 115. A grant pui-porting to be made by Earconwald in 
695 is clearly spurious ; K. C. D. No. 38 ; Birch, i. 123.) Sebbi was 
succoeded by his sons Sighard and Swefred, t. s. He seems to have 
joined them with himself in the sovereignty before, and perhaps in 
preparation for, his actual resignation, as in the above charter they 
sign after him with the title ' Eex.' Swefred makes a gi-ant to 
Waldhere, Bishop of London in 704 ; K. C. D. No. 52 ; Birch, No. iii. 
An attempt has been made to identify him with Bede's Swsebhard 
of Kent ; v. 8, ad fin^ But the fact that Bede gives the two names 
in such distinct forms, without any hint of identificationj is, to my 
mind, conclusivo against the theory. See however D. C. B. iv. 
666, 744, 745, for a tradition that kings of Essex did bear rule in 
Kent ; and E. W. does call Swaebhard, Sifred ; i. 185. 

recisurae] *■ chips,' ' parings.' It is not in any dictionary that 
I have consulted ; for form and sense cf. ' rasura,' i. i, p. 13. 

habita . . . conculcata] We should certainly expect ' habitae,' 
' conculcatae ' ; for it is the 'recisurae,' not the 'uasa* that are 
meant. It is probably the occurrence of the latter word that has 
caused the mistake. 



The Ecdesiastical Hlstory. 

[Bk. iii. 

Date of 


tion of 
bishops in 
the Celtic 

Title of 


The Pant. 


Death of 

p. 172. baptizatus est] The ideiitity of place and of the officiating 
prelate makes it probable that Sigberfs baptism took place at the 
same time as Peada's ; c. 21. This confirms what was said above 
as to the date of the reconversion of the East Saxons. 

uocatis . . . aliis duobus episcopis] Not, I think, British bishops, 
as D. C. B. i. 430 ; but bishops of the Irish Church in Britain, 
the head of which was at lona. Hence even in the Celtic Churches 
consecration by more than one bishop was preferred when attainable. 
Much as Bede ' detested ' their paschal errors, he clearly did not 
regard their orders as invalid, as did Theodore and Wilfrid ; iv. 2 ; 
H. & S. iii. 197 ; Eddius, c. 12 ; Bright, pp. 170, 171, 227, 228. 

Note also that though London still belonged to the East Saxons, 
iv. 6, Cedd is never called bishop of London by Bede, but always 
bishop of the East Saxons. Mellitus (ii. 4, p. 88) is called bishop 
of London ; Earconwald (iv. 6) bishop in the city of London ; 
Waldhere (iv. 11) bishop of the city of London ; Ingwald (v. 23, 
p. 350) Lundoniensis antistes. What Wharton, Ang. Sac. i. 424, 
says of the earliest Mercian bishops would probably apply to Cedd 
also : ^ nullam . . . cathedram siue certam sedem sibi positam 
habuerunt, in monasteriis uitam agere contenti.' 

p. 173. fecit per loca ecclesias] So of Bernicia, above, c. 3, 
p. 132 : • construebantur . . . ecclesiae per loca.' 

Ythancaestir] Identified with Othona, one of the military 
stations under the Count of the Saxon Shore ; M. H. B. p. xxiv. It 
was at the NE. corner of the tongue of land between the Black- 
water and Crouch rivers, Essex ; Camden, i. 411; Pearson, Hist. 
Maps. ' Anglice : St. Peter s on the Wall/ Smith. 

Tilaburg] Tilbury ; famous in connexion with the history of the 

Pentae] The Pant river or Blackwater, Essex : ' hodie et amnis 
et ciuitas absorptae sunt,' Smith. 
examine] So iv. 4, ad fin. 

disciplinam uitae regularis] No doubt, as in the case of Lasting- 
ham, c. 23, p, 176, ' iuxta ritus Lindisfarnensium ubi educatus erat.' 
in quantum . , . poterant] On theasceticism of thelrish Church, 
V. Introd. j). xxx. On Cedd's own asceticism, see c. 23. 

tempore non pauco] This is all that Bede tells us as to the date 
of Sigberfs murder, that it was ' some time after ' the reconversion 
of the East Saxons. 

unus ex his . , , comitibus] ' o]7er J)ara gesiSa,' ' one of the 
gesiths,' AS. vers. 

inlicitum coniugium] Possibly a marriage within the prohibited 
degrees ; v. s. on i. 27. 

Chap. 23.] Notes. 179 

excommunicauit eum] Tliis is the only mention of tlio cxerciso 
of tliis power in Bede. 

p. 174. sederat . . . in equo] v.s. on c. 5. 

Eendleesham] Rendlesham in Suffolk. 

suscepit , . . sancto) ' hine onfeng net fulwihte haSo him to god- Raptism of 
suna,' ' receiyed liim at the bath of baptism as Ixis godson,' AS. vers. ; Swidhelm. 
i\s. on c. 7, p. 139. 

Aediluald] * Homo bonus ac uerus Dei cultor ; ' Lib. Eli. p. 25. Ethelwald 
He sueceedcd his brother Ethelhere ; see on ii. 15, p. 116. He must of East 
not be confounded with theEthelwald or 'Oidiluald,' King of Deira, ^^ ^'^' 
mentioned in the next chapter. 


Oidiluald . . . habebat] He is mentioned as one of Oswy's Oidilwald 
oppononts in c. 14. He would seem to have got possession '^^ ^^^^^' 
of Deira at some time after the murder of Oswin, possibly Deira. 
through Penda, who was at this time decidedly superior to Oswy 
in power, c. 24, and whose interest it was to keep the northern 
realm divided. (Fl. Wig. says, *cui [Oswino] successit in 
regnum Oithelwald regis Oswaldi filius ; ' i. 21 ; cf. ib. 269.) 
Green, M. E. p. 300, says that Ethelwald was appointed by Oswy, 
and gives Bede as his authority. This seems to me impossible. 
Thus, even from the worldly point of view, Oswy's crime appears 
to have brought him no profit. At the time of Oswald's death 
Ethelwald cannot, as the author of the life of Oswald points 
out, S. D. i. 359, have been more than seven years old, and was 
therefore naturally passod over. At the time of Oswin's murder 
he would be fifteen or sixteen, and at the time of the battle of the 
Winwaed he would bo nineteen or twenty. It is hardly surprising 
that ho should have taken part against Osw% to whom he certainly 
owed no gratitude, whereas he may have had obligations to Penda ; 
cf. Vita Osw. u. s. : * nec mirum , . . si filius sancti Oswaldi, dum 
aetatis incremento robustius uiguit, contra patruum pro regno 
reluctari contenderit.' But on any view the part he played in 
the actual battlo was an unworthy one ; c. 24, p. 178. But he 
may not have been altogether a free agent. Ho is not hoard of 
again after the battle of tho Winwsed ; and ho is not montioned 
at all in the Sax. Chron. 

p. 175. nam . . . credidit] ^ond cwseS J)aet he . . . golyfdo,' 'and 
he said that he bolieved,' AS. vers. 

qui ipsi . , . solebat] A sort of royal chaplain, tho 'cynges 
N 2 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[bk. iir. 


of Lindis- 


The ' pro- 

The plagiie. 

Monks at 
the tomb of 
their abbot. 


preost ' of Sax. Chron. E. 1032; where F. Lat. lias 'capellanus 

famillae ipsius] ' his hiwum,' AS. vers. 

a quibus . . . dldicerat] i. e. the monks of Lindisfarne, see 
below ; but the discipline of Lindisfarne was of course Scotic at 
this time. 

p. 176. petiit . . . conplere] For the construction, see on ii. 12. 

Laestingaeu] 'Leastingaig,' FL Wig. i. 22. Lastingham, near 
Whitby. For its subsequent history, cf. Hardy, Cat. ii. 50 ; Mon. 
AngL 1. 342. 

statutis propositis] '7 ])8er prafost 7 ealdormon gesette,' 'and 
there appointed a provost and alderman,' AS. vers. The plural 
need not however mean that more than one ' propositus ' was 
appointed at one time ; but that Cedd, who was abbot of the 
monastery, carried on the management of it when absent in his 
diocese, by appointing 'propositi' from time to time. For the 
office of the 'propositus,' who answers to the later prior, v. In- 
troduction, pp. xxviii, xxix, as also for the form of the word. It 
illustrates the non-diocesan character of Scotic episcopacy that 
Cedd should act as abbot of a monastery which was not in his 
own diocese ; see on c. 4. 

tempore mortalitatis] ' in J)a tlde ])8ere miclan deaSIicnesse 
7 wooles J)e ofer moncyn cumen waes,' ' in the time of the great 
mortality and plague which came upon the race of man,' AS. vers. 
This was the plague of 664. On the visitations of the plague, 
V. on c. 27. 

adueniens] After the Synod of Whitby ; v. c. 26. 

de lapide facta] i. e. the earlier church had been of wood ; 
V. on ii. 14. 

in monasterio . . . Saxonum] i.e. either Tilbury orYthancaestir. 

aut uiuere . . . sepellri] So some of those who had followed 
Ceolfrid to Langres chose 'ad tumbam defuncti inter eos, quorum 
nec linguam nouerant, pro inextinguibili patris affectu residere ; ' 
Hab. § 21, p. 386 ; Haa. §§ 37, 38, pp. 402, 403. So Alcuin to the 
monks of Wearmouth : ' Patribus oboedite uestris, . . . adolescentulos 
bene docete, ut habeatis qui super sepulcra uestra stare possint, 
et intercedere pro animabus uestris ; ' Mon. AIc. p. 843 ; H. & S. 
iii. 471 ; cf. Tennyson, In Memoriam, viii. : 

' I go to plant it on his tomb, 
That if it can it there may bloom, 
Or dying, there at least may die.' 

conmilitonibus] So c. 18 : ' ut . . . intraret monasterium, . . . 
atque . . . pro aeterno magis regno militare curaret' (of Sigbert 

chap. 24.] Notes. 181 

i»f Esscx^) ; c. 24, p. 178: 'ad exerceiulam militiam caelostem ' 
,of the fouiulation of monasteries by Oswy) ; Hist. Abb. §§ i, 8; 
cf. Rs. Ad. p. 339. 

p. 177. intercessionibus . . . patris] Bode believes in the inter- 
cession of dopartLd saints for us ; on John xvi. 26 he says, 'ubi sion of 
ueraciter in nomine lesu petunt elocti, dum pro nostra fragilitate 
intercodunt, quatonus ad suae saluaiionis sortom pertingamus, a qua 
adhuc intcr insidias hostium peregrinamur in torris ; . . . in die otenim 
l>etunt, quia non in tenobris pressurarum, ut nostra in praesenti, sed 
in luce sempitornae pacis ot gloriae, beatorum spirituum pro nobis 
intercessio funditur;' Opp. v. 18, 19. Bede also belioves in our 
asking for that intercession. In the homily for St. John Baptisfs 
Day he says, ' Ipsum itaque intercedendo rogemus impetrare, ut ad 
oum cui testimonium perhibuit, . . . peruenire mereamur ; ' ib. 243. 
So on Cant. v. 12 : ' Cauernam maceriae cito uolatu petamus, id est, 
sanctorum . . . crobras pro nobis intercessiones . . . quaoramus. . . . 
Haec sunt etenim firmissima . . . ecclesiae praesidia ;' Opp. ix. 313 ; 
cf. also V. 246, viii. 210, xi. 40. But he says no less distinctly, 
' etsi sancti . . . nobis . . . possunt . . . intercessionis suae apud 
Dominum suffragia ferre ; nemini tamen eorum, sed soli dilecto 
Saluatori nostro dicere debemus, " Filii autem hominum sub 
protoctione alarum tuarum sperabunt";' Opp. ix. 234. 

mortem . . . aeternam] On the fate of the unbaptized, cf. Opp. Fate of the 
ix. 199 : ' Catholica fides . . . etiam paruulos esse. iudicandos y^.^^ap- 
confitetur eos, qui, . . . priusquam aliquid boni maliue . . . nosse 
poterant, sinc baptismo rapti sunt. . . . Quamuis, ut sanctus Au- 
gustinus ait, mitissima . . . damnatio erit omnium, qui praeter 
peccatum . . . originale . . . nullum insuper addiderunt.' 


inruptiones] We have had instances of these ' inruptiones ' in Struggles 
cc. 16, 17. The former, in which the royal city of Bamborough ^J^J^^^r^j,. 
itself was only savod by what was thought to have been a ximbria. 
miracle, must have hai:>pened before, the latter after the death of 
Aidan in 651. That in these irruptions the Britons, as earlier 
and later, wore in alliance with Morcia seems plain, as botli Tigher- 
nach and Ann. Ult. have an entry three years after the death of 
Oswald: 'bellum Ossu contra Britones.' It would certainly seem 
that what Bede has said above, ii. 5, p. 89, as to the power of Oswy 
as * Bretwalda,' can only be understood of the time posterior to the 
battle of the Winwsed ; and Bede may mean to hint as much by 


The Ecclesiasticcd History. 

[Bk. III. 


Egfrid a 

of Deira. 

the words 'nonnullo tempore' in that passage. See also on p. i8o 
below. Up to that date, with a partisan of Penda on the throne 
of Deira, Avith Bernicia open to invasion up to the very gates of 
the capital, and his son a hostage in the hands of his enemy (see 
below\ his power must have been small. 

necessitate cogente promisit] These words have been brought 
into connexion with a parenthetical remark which occurs in 
Nennius' account of the battle in which Penda fell, §§ 64, 65. 
After mentioning ' reges Brittonum . . . qui exierant cum . . . 
Pantha in expeditione usque ad urbem quae uocatur ludeu/ he 
adds : 'tunc \i.e. on the occasion of this '"expeditio "] reddidit 
Osguid omnes diuitias quae erant cum eo in urbe usque in manu 
Pendae, et Penda distribuit eas regibus Brittonum, id est, Atbret 
ludeu ' [the restoration of ludeu]. Mr. Skene would identify 
'urbs ludeu' with the 'urbs Giudi,' which Bede, i. 12, p. 25, says 
was in the Firth of Forth ; C. S. i. 254. See however note on i. 12. 
Professor Khys would read ' luden,' understanding it of Edinburgh ; 
C. B. pp. 132, 133. Jedburgh and Jedworth have also been suggested 
by Mr. Nash ; Cambrian Journal, 1861, p. 15. In any case, if the 
statement is worth anything, it points to Oswy's being driven to 
the northern part of his kingdom. In Nennius, however, the 
treasure is extorted by Penda ; in Bede it is offered to him by 
Oswy and declined. 

rex perfidus] For the meaning of 'perfidus,' see on i. 7, p. 18. 
That Penda was 'perfidus' also in the ordinary sense, appears from 
ii. 20 ; and W. M. calls him ' hominem . . . ad furta belli peri- 
doneum,' i. 21. 

XII . . . praediorum] 'twelf boclanda sehte,' 'twelve estates of 
booklands,' AS. vers. 

p. 178. siquidem . . . habuere] Om. AS. vers. 

obses tenebatur] A striking proof of the depression of Oswy's 
power. It may have been in the 'expeditio ludeu' that Oswy 
had to surrender him. He was the younger son and Oswy's 
favourite, according to Lib. Eli. pp. 24, 27, 28 ; see on c. i. 

Cynuise] ' Cynwisse,' AS. vers. W. M. calls her Kyneswitha, 
i. 77, which was the name of one of Penda's daughters ; see 
on c. 21. 

Oidiluald] See on c. 23. 

eisdemque . . . exspectabat] For this pas^^age the AS. vers. has 
'7 feaht 7 wonn wiS his eSle 7 wiS his faedran,' ' and he fought 
and contended against his country and against his uncle ' ; which 
gives a very dififerent complexion to the affair. It is hard to 
say whether this version is due to a mere misunderstanding, or 

Chap. 24.] Notes. 183 

whether it was made deliberately ; and if tlie latter, witli what 

authority aud niotive. 

duces] ' akiernionna 7 horetogena,' ' aldermen and dukes,' AS. Prinoes 

vers. ; ' cynebearna,' Sax. Chron. E. F. ; 'regulos,' F. Lat. Among slainon th( 

Wi n wflftd 
these were no doubt the British princes mentioned by Nennius. 

Botli Tigli. and Ann. Ult. mention the shiughter of tliirty kings, 

• reges ; ' and both enter the battle twice, at an interval of six 


auctor ipse belli] Bede nowhere tells us how this was. The Ethelhon' 

Liber Eliensis, after mentioning Anna's death, says, ' cui frater ^^ ^^^ 

Edilherus successit in regnum. Hic Pendae regi amicus factus, sub 

60 regnaturus, deinde suscepit imperium,' p. 23. 

prope fluuium Uinuaed] ' noah Winwede streame,' AS. vers. Battle of 

Nennius, u. s., says, ' Osguid . . . occidit Pantha in campo Gai, et Winwaerl. 

nunc facta est strages Gai Campi, et reges Brittonum interfecti 

sunt, &c. {ut supra) . . . Solus autem Catgabail, rex Guenedotae 

regionis, cum exercitu suo euasit de nocte consurgens, quapropter 

uocatus est Catgabail Catguommed [i. e. "■ tho battle-seizer who 

battle avoids," or "the fighter who fights shy "].' The site of the 

battle is very uncertain. Much depends on what is meant by the 

' regio Loidis ' below. Most commentators understand the district 

round Leeds to be meant ; Camdon ; Smith ; Thorosby, Ducatus 

Leodiensis, ed. Whittaker, pp. 143, 144 ; Whitaker, Elmete and 

Loidis, p. 3 ; Pearson, Historical Maps ; Kaine, D. C. B. iv. 166, 

who identifies the Winw«d with the Went, a tributary of the 

Don. Others, e. g. Skene, C. S. i. 254, 255 ; Nash, u. s. pp. 1-16, 

understand it of the Lotliians. Mr. Skene's earlier viow, P. & S., 

pp. cxvi. f., does not soem to have much to recommend it. As Leeds 

is in Deira, Etlielwald's territory, a battle there would imply a for- 

ward movement on the part of Oswy. Thei-o is nothing in Bode's 

narrative inconsistent with this. The words ' confisus occurrit,' 

supra, may be thought to favour it. The other view suits bettor 

with the situation as deduced from Nennius' account, if any value 

can be attached to that. Moroover, Fl. Wig., speaking of Ponda's 

march to the Winwaed, says distinctly : ' in Berniciam ad debellan- 

dum regeni Oswium ascendit,' i. 23. The second part of the name 

Winwaed is the Saxon wae^, ' a ford.' The first part may be con- 

nected with ' winnan,' to fight. It is impossible not to be romindod 

of the battle of Brunanburh, which in the Egils Saga, c. 52, is 

called ' VinheiSi/ ' Winheath,' and in S. D. ' Wendune,' or ' Weon- 

dune,' i. 76 ; ii. 93. Unhappily the sito of Brunanburh is as un- 

certain as that of the Wmwa^d. Hon. Hunt. hero again has 

a proverb : 

184 The Ecclesiastical Hlstory. [Bk. iii. 

' unde dicitur 
In Winwed amne uindicata est caedes Annae 
Caedes regum Sigbert et Ecgrice 
Caedes regum Oswald et Edwine ' ; p. 60. 
Cf. W. M. i. 76, On p. 97 Hen. Hunt.'s imagination conceives of 
Penda as visited by a sort of lieaven-sent confusion in the battle. 
W. M., i. 55, exults in the downfall of 'illud uicinorum excidium, 
illud perduellionum seminarium.' Professor Khys thinks that 
Celts from Cornwallj Ireland, and Scotland were present in Penda's 
army ; C. B. p. 140. If so, this is another point of resemblance 
with Brunanburh. The battle was decisive as to the religious 
destiny of the English : ' with it all active resistance on the part 
of the older heathendom came to an end ' ; Green, M. E. p. 310. 

dedit filiam suam] She is called Ethelfleda by W. M. i. 56. On 
the dedication of infants to the religious life by their parents, cf. 
Introduction, p. ix. 

XII . . . terrarum] ' pa twelf boelond,' 'the twelve booklands,' 
AS. vers. 

in prouincia Derorum] This shows that Oswy now for the first 
time got possession of the whole of Northumbria. We hear 
nothing as to the fate of Ethelwald. 
Hartlepool. p. 179. Heruteu] ' Heorotea,' AS. vers. ; ^ Heortesig,' FI. Wig. i. 
23, V. critical note. Now Hartlepool. The cemetery of this monas- 
tery was discovered in 1838, and some remarkable slabs were 
found ; Eaine in D. C. B. iv. 879. 

insula cerui] Cf, ^ Insula que Cerui dicitur, que est inter Plum- 
binum [Piombino] et Elbam [Elba] ' ; Pertz, xviii. 302. The island 
of Capraja is probably meant. 
Hild] On her v. iv. 23. 
Foxmda- post biennium] 657 a.d. ; v. inf. 

lon o 2j: familiarum] i.e. it was one of the twelve monasteries founded 

by Oswy in fulfilment of his vow. 
Whitby. Streanseshalch] ' Quorum praecipuum monasterium, tunc foe- 

minarum, nunc uirorum, . . . antiquo uocabulo Streneshalh, modo 
Witebi nuncupatur. . . . Illud coenobium, sicut et omnia eiusdem 
regionis, tempore Danicae uastationis . . . deletum ; . . . nunc 
mutato nomine, paululum pro tempore restaviratum, antiquae 
opulentiae uix tenue praesentat uestigium ; ' W. M. i. 56. For its 
restoration in the eleventh century, v. S, D. i. iii ; ii. 202. W. M. 
is wrong in saying that it was a 'monasterium foeminarum ' under 
Hild. It was a mixed monastery ; iv. 23. 
Elfled. discipula . . . magistra] ' discipula 7 leornung mon . . . magister 

7 lareow,' AS. vers., retaining tlie Latin words together with the 

chap. 24.] Notes. 185 

translations. By * niagistra ' Bede means abbess (which office she 
Jicld in conjunction witli lier mother Eanfled, iv. 26, p. 267, cf. 
App. I. § 18, wlio secms to have retirod thitlior aftor tho douth of 
()swy\ As abbess, ElHed was a great friend of St. Cutlibort, and 
inore tlian one of his miracles are connected with lier ; Baed. Vit. 
Cudb, cc. 23, 34 ; Vit. Anon. §§ 28, 39. She played an important part 
in the final rostoration of Wilfrid ; Eddius, cc. 43, 59, 60, who calls 
her 'sapientissima uirgo, semper totius prouinciae consolatrix opti- 
maque consiliatrix,' c. 60. There is a commendatory letter from 
lier to Adolana, Abbess of Palatiolum [Palentz], near Treves, in 
Mon. Mog. p. 49. 

conpleto . . . numero] She was barely a year okl at tho time of 
tlie battle of tlie Winwa^d, Nov. 15, 655. Thercfore slie must have 
been born at the end of 654 or the beginning 0^655, and must have 
<liod at the end of 713 or in 714. Her death is mentioned in the 
Irish Annals. ' Filia Ossu in monasterio Ild moritur ; ' Ann. Ult. 
712 ; Tigh. 713. 

Aeduini] For Edwin's translation, cf. on ii. 20, p. 125. The Transla- 
others were probably buried there in the first instance. The 1^-^^,/*^ 
Glastonbury myth translates Eanfled to Glastonbury ; W. M. i. 25^ 

tertio decimo . . . Decembrium] This would be Nov. 15, 654, as Date of the 

Oswy's thirteenth year extended from Aug. 5, 654, to Aug. 4, 655. battleof the 

' ^ / ^ Wmwaea 

But in V. 24, p. 354, Bede distinctly says that Penda fell in 655. 
The three oldest MSS. of the Sax. Chron. (A. B.C.) say the same, 
This date agrees with the statement above, c. 21, p, 170., thatit was 
twQ years after the conversion of the Middilangli, and with the 
(hronology of Wulfhere's reign ; see below. It may therefore 
.safely be adopted, We have had other instances, c. 14, pp. 154, 155, 
notes, in which Bede is one in arrear with Oswy's regnal years. 
This mistake may be connected with the mistake into which Bede 
lias probably fallen as to the date of Oswy's death, See on iv. 5, 

Lindisfarorum] On the oscillations of Lindsey between Mercia Lindsey. 
and Northumbria, v.s. on c, 11. Here, even after Oswy's victory, 
it so far remains Mercian as to be included in Diuma's diocese. 
But it does not follow from this that it was part of the district 
entrusted to Peada, any more than that he received the whole of 
Mercia. See below, 

Diuma] The history and chronologj'' of the Mercian episcopate Mercian 
are very obseure : ' Nusquam crassiores tenebrae, nusquam plures ^^ '^^V^- 
nodi quam in successione episcoporum Merciensium,* says 
Wharton, Ang. Sac, i. 423. Something may however be niade out. 
Diuma was appointed after Penda's death, Nov. 15, 655, c. 21, 
pp. 170, 171 ; and most likely before Peada's murder, spring, 656. 


The Ecclesiastical Hlstory. 

[Bk. III. 

lona as 
part of 
' Scottia.' 





The retirement of Ceollach is probably to be connected with the 
successful rebellion of Wulfhere against Oswy in 658, which put an 
end to Northumbrian influence in Mercia. Diuma must therefore 
have died in or before 658, and Bede, u. s., says that he only laboured 
in his episcopate ' tempore sub pauco.' He also says that Ceollach's 
retirement was 'non multo post' his appointment, and that 
Trumhere was appointed, 'temporibus Uulfheri regis,' ib. There 
is therefore nothing in Bede inconsistent with the dates given by 
Thomas Chesterfield, Canon of Lichfield, in the fourteentli century, 
in liis history of that see ; Diuma, 656 ; Ceollach, 658 ; Trumhere, 
659 ; Ang. Sac. i. 423-425, with Wharton's notes. 

ad Scottiam rediitj ' to Scottum hwearf,' 'returned to the 
Scots,' AS. vers. Above, c. 21, p. 171, Bedehad said, 'reuersusest 
ad insulam Hii.' We have therefore clear proof that according to 
Bede's usage lona is in 'Scottia,' i.e. in Ireland. (It does not 
imply that he ever uses * Scottia ' in the modern sense of Scotland. 
See on i. I ; Rs. Ad. pp. 184, 341.) So again Colman ' missus a 
Scottia,' c. 25, p. 182, ' in Scottiam regressus est,' c. 26, p. 189 ; 
while in iv. 4 it is said that he ' relinquens Brittaniam . . . 
primo uenit ad insulam Hii,' p. 213. Lastly, in c. 27, p, 193, 
Egbert vows that he will never return to Britain, while in v. 9 he 
is divinely commanded to go to lona. Adamnan, on the contrary, 
always includes lona in Britain, and opposes it to ' Scottia ' ; e. g. 
in i. 13 he speaks of Columba as ' in Britannia peregrinantem ; ' 
cf. iii. 22. Persons leaving lona for Ireland are spoken of as going 
'ad Scotiam,' i. 17, 18, 22 ; and persons coming to lona from Ire- 
land come ' de Scotia ad Britanniam,' ii. 39 ; cf. iii. 23. 

Ingetlingum] v. s. c. 14. 

propin(iua] Second cousin ; she being a daughter of Edwin, who 
was nephew of ^lfric, Oswin's grandfather ; c. i. 

p. 180. propinquus . . . regis] On the evils which sometimes re- 
sulted from the appointment of high-born abbots, v. Introduction, 

p. XXXV. 

ceteris . . . praefuit] * in aldordome ofer wses,' 'was over them 
in authority,' AS. vers. ; i. e. as Bretwalda. So ii. 5 : ' cunctis 
australibus . . . prouinciis . . . imperauit ; ' where the Bretwalda- 
dom is spoken of. Of course the nature of Oswy's authority over 
these other southern provinces was different in kind from that 
which he exercised over Mercia, which he held for a time by 
right of conquest. Cf. c. i : • cum Osuiu . . . regnum eius [sc. 
Pendan] acciperet ; ' ' quod sibi ' (adds W. M. i. 77) 'et uictoriae in 
patrem, et affinitatis iure in filium competere uidebatur.' He also 
says of Oswy : 'ex (jiio iempore omnibus pene Anglis uel ipse 

Chap. 24.] Notes. 187 

praesedit, ucl praesidentibus imperauit/ The words of Bede and 
Malmesbury entii'ely bear out what was said above as to tho date 
of the commencement of Oswy's overlordship. On the diflferenco 
betweon ' rognum ' and 'impcrium/ see on ii. 5, p. 89. 

gentem Pictorura . . . subiecit] This too seems to have beon He rechu-os 
subsoquont to tlie defeat of Penda. This ascendoncy Nortliumlnia *'*^ Pif^ts. 
maintainod under Oswy, iv. 3, ad init. ; and uiidor Egfrid, iv. 12, 
ad fin. ; until the dofeat and death of the hitter in 685, whon the 
Picts recoverod their independence, iv. 26, p. 267. If Skene's 
sugge^ition citod on c. i is correct, Oswy was uncle to Talorg, 
King of the Picts at this time. Note that the Picts aro said to 
have been subjected not ' imperio ' but 'regno Anglorum'; cf. i. 
25, ii. 5, notes. 

quo terapore . . . Merciorum] If the ' South Mercians ' may Peada. 
be identified with the ' Middihmgli ' of c. 21, Oswy in tliis grant 
was merely confirming what Penda had ah-eady givon. Tlie Sax. 
Chron. is wrong : (i) in making Peada succeed to the whole of 
Mercia on Penda's death ; i^ii ' in placing Peada's deatli two years 
after Penda's ; (iii) in making Wulf here succeed to the whole of 
Mercia immediately on Peada's death. 

qui sunt . . , VII railium] '])a seondon, ])8es J)e men cwetJa^, 
fif J)usendo folces, . . . )?ara londes is seofon J)usendo,' AS. vers. 

proximo uere . . . paschalis] In 656 the Eoman Easter was on 
April 17. 

tribus annis] i. e. in 658. Wulfhere reigned seventeen years Chrono- 
(below\ which brings his death to 675, the date given, v. 24, p. 354. l^gy. 
This confirms 655 as the date for the battle of the Winwaed. 

duces] ' heretogan 7 aldormen,' AS. vers. ; cf. sup. on p. 178. 
The former word indicates military, the latter civil authority ; 
cf. S, C. H. i, 112, 113, 158-160; Kemble, Saxons, ii, 125-150. 

leuato] This phrase is probably a relic of the time when a newly 
elected king was raised aloft on a shield and presented to the 
multitude ; Kemble, i. 154 ; Bright, p. 180, and reff. 

ITulfhere] 'Suscitauit . . . Dominus sibi hunc mitissimum,' Wulfhero. 
says Eddius, c. 14, of Wulfhere's elevation. He was a supporter 
of Eddius' hero, Wilfrid. (Yet cf. ib, c. 20.) On Wulfhere, cf, 
D. C. B. iv. 1194, 1195; Green, M. E. pp. 306-308, 328-330. 

occultum seruauerant] Cf. the case of Joasli, 2 Kings xi. 

principibus] ' ealdormen,' AS, vers, It would seem that after Eevolt of 
Peada's death Oswy administered the whole of Mercia by his own ^^rcia. 
officials. Bede has been much commended for his evident sympathy 
with this movement for independence in Mercia, though himself 
a Northumbrian ; Bright, pp. 179, 180. 


The Ecclesiastical Hlstory. 

[Bk. 111. 


Omission of 

the Synod 

of Whitby 





farne an 
offshoot of 

Church of 





JJate of 

Trumheri . . . Uynfridum] Trumhere, 659-662 ; Jaruman. 662- 
667 ; Ceadda, 669-672 ; Wynfrid, 672-675 (?; ; Stubbs, Episc. Succ. 
p. 164. 


P. 181] Tliis chapter and the next are not in the AS. vers. nor 
in the Capitula. It is very noteworthy that the Sax. Chron. also 
omits all notice of the Synod of Whitby. In the case of MSS. 
A. B. C. this may be due to the fact that in their text the notices 
of events are taken not from the main narrative of Bede, but from 
the chronological summary, v. 24,. p. 354. But this explanation 
will not apply to MS. E., which (following in the steps of D., 
which is here defective) draws directly from the body of Bede's 
work, and from the Latin original. 

Finan] Cf. AA.SS. Feb. iii. 21-23. 

a Scottis . . . missus] Cf. the similar plirase, c. 5, ad fin. ; in/. 
' qui ipsum miserant,' 'missus a Scottia,' p. 182 ; ' qui me huc epi- 
scopum miserunt,' p. 184^ We note how entirely the church of 
Lindisfarne formed part of the ' prouincia ' of lona. 

ecclesiam . . . congruam] Cf. notes to c. 17, supra. 

more Scottorum] See above on ii. 14. 

Theodorus . . . dedicauit] Possibly in 678^ when he went 
northwai-ds on the occasion of Wilfrid's deposition ; iv. 12 ; cf. 
D. C. B. iv. 928. 

plumbi lamminis] So W^ilfrid at York : ' culmina corrupta 
tecti renouans, artificiose plumbo puro detegens ; ' Eddius, c. 15. 

quaestio . . . magna] On the paschal question, v. Excursus. 

Ronan] Nothing seems to be known about this person. There 
are several Eonans in the Irish Calendar (see Mart. Don. Index) 
and two in the Scotch Calendar ; Keeves, Ad. p. 416. Mabillon's 
proposed identification of him (Ann. Bened. i. 474) must be 
regarded as highly uncertain. 

quod esset . . . animi] Does this refer to Eonan or Finan ? 
The word 'acerrimus' above might point to the former. If it 
refers to the latter we are reminded of Aidan's unsuccessful 
predecessor, ' austerioris animi uir ; ' c. 5, p. 137. Anyhow, as 
usual, bitterness begot bitterness. 

p. 182. nonnumquam] According to Stevenson this difference 
of a week would have occurred in 665. If so, there was an obvious 
motive for holding the Synod in 664. 

defuncto . . . succederet] Colman, when he retired, had bcen 
bishop three years ; c. 26, p. 189. Finan would seem therefore 
to have died in 661. The Ann. Lindisf place his deatli in 660, 

Chap. 25.] Notes. 189 

thoiigh tliey givo Colman an episcopate of three years, and phice 
the Synod of Wliitby in 664 ; Pertz, xlx. 504. Tighernach also places 
Finan's death in 660, while Ann. Ult. and Mart. Don. p. 10, place 
it in 659, all threo calling him ' mac Rimedo/ ' son of Rimid ;* 
and a groiip of foreign ehronicles phice it in 658 ; Pertz, i. 87 ; 
ii. 237; iii. 2, iio. On tlie title wrongly given by Eddius to 
Cohnan, seo on ii. 20. No doubt Aidan, Finan, and Colman did 
act as bisliops for the whole of Northumbria ; but tliey nevor 
received the palliimi, nor were there any other bishops over whom 
they could exercise metropolitan authority ; see on c. 3. 

illorum . . . inbutus] Cf. Oswald, c. 3, p. 132 ; and contrast 
Oswin, c. 14, p. 157. 

Uilfridum] See v. 19, and notes. Alchfrid was also influenced Wilfrid. 
by Cenwalh of Wessex ; Eddius, c. 7. 

multum temporis] Three years ; v. 19, p. 324. 

p. 183. XL familiarum] ' XXX familiarum,' v. 19, p. 325 ; and 
so Eddius, c. 8 : ' terra XXX mansionum.' 

Inhrypum] Ripon. For the form of the name, see on ii. 14, p. 115. 

qui Scottos sequebantur] Including Cuthbert and Eata ; v. notes 
on c. 26, V. 19. 

Agilberctus] v. s. c. 7, p. 140, and notes. 

quod interpretatur] This etymology is very obscure ; I have Synod of 
found nothing either in the dictionaries or glossaries which throws ^ ^' 
any light upon it, though ' farus' and ' sinus' are both frequently 
glossed. My friend Mr. Mayhew tells me that this is an old crux. 
He says, ' The obvious translation of streones heaUi is the Rock of Gain.' 

synodus fleri] It must have been held somewhat early in the 
year 664 ; for at the time when Ceadda set out for Kent, which 
must have been some little time after the Synod, the news of Arch- 
bishop Deusdedifs death (ob. July 14, 664) had not reached North- 
umbria, c. 28 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 106. 

reges ambo] Oswy and Alchfrid. In c. 28, ad init. and in v. 19, Alchfrid. 
p. 325, Alchfrid is also called ' rex.' So : ' Alchfrithus qui cum 
Oswiu patre suo regnabat,' Eddius, c. 7 ; 'regnantibus Oswiu et 
Alchfritho filio eius,' ib. c. 10. He was under-king of Deira : ' Alh- 
frid . . . qui regi Oithelwaldo, regis Oswaldi filio, in regnum succes- 
sit'; Fl. Wig. i. 25 ; probably after the Winwsed ; cf. on cc. i, 23. 
For his subsequent fate, see on c. 28, acl init. 

Hild] ' Colmannus . . . Hildem . . . sectae suae fautricem . . . Oppositio: 

secum . . . duxit ;' Eadmer, Vita Wilf. c. 10 (H. Y. i. 171). She ?1S^.^ **' 

probably accepted the decision of the council on the paschal con- 

troversy. But she continued her opposition to Wilfrid ; for Pope 

John VI, in 704, referring to Wilfrid's earlier appeal of 679, speaks 

190 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. iit. 

of ' contrarii eius qui a Theodoro . . . et Hylda . . . ad eum aceusan- 

dum huc . . . aduenerant ' ; Eddius, c. 54 ; H. & S. iii. 262. This 

was only a year before Hild's own death, and when she had 

already been five years 'tested' (examinari) by the 'long disease' 

of which she died ; iv. 23, p. 256. In forming an estimate of Wil- 

frid's conduct, this is a consideration which cannot be omitted. 

Cedd acts Cedd . . . interpres] His brother Ceadda had, as a young man, 

pretei^^' lived some time in Ireland ; iv. 3, p. 211. Whether Cedd had ever 

done the same, we are not told, But in any case he must have 

had ample opportunity of learning Irish from the Irish monks at 


p. 184. quam ego per interpretem] Note that Agilbert, afterall 

the years spent in Wessex, could not speak English ; cf. c. 7, p. 140: 

'pertaesus barbarae loquellae,' and note. 

Pictos . . . Brettones] Cf. Fridegoda's contemptuous enumeration : 

' Scottica plebs, et Picta cohors, uulgusque Britannum.' 

Vita Metr. Wilf. v. 248 ; H. Y. i. 116. 

Jiidaism of p. 185. iudaizante . . . ecclesia] There can be no doubt that in 

tlie early ^j^-^ rjccount of the conference Bede states the arguments of the 
Church. ^ 

two parties in his own way, and in his own words. The accoimt 

in Eddius, c. 10, is very much shorter. The points which the two 

accounts have in common are the appeal of Colman to the prac- 

tice of St. John, the appeal of Wilfrid to the Council of Nicaea, and 

the determination of Oswy not to risk offending St. Peter. This 

particular argument as to the very gradual way in which Judaic 

observances were eliminated from the early Church, which shows 

a genuine historical sense, appears constantly in Bede's works : 

'Primitiua in Hierosylmis ecclesia multas legis cerimonias etiam 

iuxta litteram obseruabat, iudaizantibus quoque eis qui ex gentibus 

uocati . . . fuerant. . . . Neque enim ualebant ea, quae a Deo esse 

constituta nouerant, repente quasi noxia repellere'; Opp. vii. 222, 

223. 'Mota persecutione . . . retrahebant se . . . apostoli . . . ab ipsa 

iudaizandi consuetudine, quam ob deuitandum . . . scandalum . . . 

tenuerant'; viii. 136; cf. ib. 130, 185, 210; x. 2; xii. 66, 83, In 

Opp. X. 198 ( = xi. 314) Bede rightly fixes on the destruction of 

the Temple as the great turning-point in the history of the Church 

with reference to this matter. 

quomodo . . . ludaeis] This passage is wrongly punctuated by 

the editors, who put a full stop after abdicare, thus destroying the 

sense ; for the sentence ' quomodo . . . est ' is parenthetical, and 

the words 'ne scandalumfacerent,'&c., are explanatory of *nec . . . 

ualentibus . . . abdicare.' The sense is : ' they could not for fear 

of offence suddenly give up the law, in the same way as it is neces- 

Chap. 25.] J^otes, 191 

sary for converts to abandon idolatry.' On tho distinction hore 
drawn, cf, tho passage quoted above, on i. 30, from Opp. xii. 67, 
whidi lias referenco to one of the exanii:>los given below, tho circum- 
cision of Timotliy by St. Paul. 

quod . . . totondit] ' Haec fecit Paulus, non . . . oblitus quid de 
abolitione legis . . . statuerat, sed ne scandalizarentur qui ex ludaeis 
crediderant. . . . Quidam codices plurali numero habent totonderunt 
. . . id est Priscilhi et Aquila. Sed . . . Hieronymus et Augustinus 
. . . et singuhari numero ponunt, et de Paulo interpretantur ' ; Opp. 
xii. 73. Here Bede by adding 'cum Priscilla' scems to adopt the 
plural, and to undei-stand it of all three. The singular is of course 
correct {Keipdfxevos:), but commentators are not yet agreed whether 
it refers to Paul or Aquila ; see Meyor, Comm. ad loc, Acts xviii, 18. 

ad uesperam incipiebat] Cf. De Temp. Kat, c. 5 : ' populus Israel Festivals 

. . . festa omnia sua, sicut et nos hodie facimus, uespere consumma- ^^^^ '^^ 
' ' ^ evening. 

bat, dicente legislatore : " a uespera usque ad uesperam celebrabitis 
sabbata uestra " '; Opp. vi. 153. 

p. 186. curabat ; quod uos non faeitis] Here Bede makes Wilfrid The Celts 
admit that the Celts were not strictly speaking quartodecimans. ^^ quarto- 
In Eddius he roundly asserts this, c. 12 ; cf. cc. 14, 15 ; see on ii. 
19, p. 123. 

Anatolius] Above, c. 3, p. 131, Bede has alluded to the appeal Anato- 
of the Celts to the authority of Anatolius, and indicated his opinion ^^^* 
of its worthlessness. In his ' Epistola ad Wicredam . . . de aequi- 
noctio uernali iuxta Anatolium,' Bede hints that the Latin text of 
Anatolius had been deliberately corrupted by the opposite party : 
* uerisimile uidetur . . . libellum Anatolii . . . in aliquibus Lati- 
norum exemplaribus esse corruptum, eorum . . . fraude, quipaschae 
uerum tempus ignorantes, errorem suum tanti patris auctoritate 
defendere gestii-ent.' Then after mentioning other hypotheses, he 
concludes : ' quid sane horum sit uerius, illi potius, qui Anatolium 
Graecum legunt, uideant ' ; Opp. i. 161. That the Anatolian Canon 
on which the Celts relied really was a forgery, see D. C. A. i. 593, 
594 ; Bright, pp. 79. 198 ; M. & L. p. 220 ; Ideler, ii. 229, 230, 297, 298. 

p. 187. patrem nostrum Columbam] Yet Columba himself was Columba. 
said to have foretold the paschal controversy ; Ad.Vit. Coh i. 3 adfin. 

n4racula] For the miracles of St. Columba, see especially Adam- 
nan's life, which was written almost wholly from this point of 
view, Rs. Ad. p. 7. 

possem respondere] For the argument, cf. the passage from Insolenco 
Gregory's letter to Augustine, quoted on i. 31. If Wilfrid did use Wilirid. 
any argument of the kind, we cannot wonder that he should have 
provoked bitter hostility. 

192 Tlte Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. iii. 

p. 188. simplicitate rusticaj Cf. c. 4 ad fin> : ' ut barbari et 

rustici ' ; cf. Sig. Gembl. ad ann. 598. ' Columba . . . rustica sim- 

plicitate pascha dominico die celebrari neque didicit neque docuit ;' 

Pertz, vi. 320. It is curious that having taken his phraseology 

from Bede, he should have departed so far from his facts, and 

made Columba a quartodeciman in the strict sense. 

calculator] Cf. v, 21, p. 341. 

uno de anguloj For the later derivation of Anglia from angulus, 

see on i. 15 ; ii. i. 

'Etiam'= etiam] =*yes.* Cf. inf. v» 2: 'dicito Gae [yea]) quod est lingua 

yes. Anglorum uerbum aflRrmandi, . . . id est, etiam ' ; p. 284 ; v. 6, 

p. 291 ; V. 9, p. 297. So H. Y. i. 441. 

St. Peter, p. 189. ne forte . . . probatur] So Aldhelm to Gerontius, King 

gate-ward ^£ Cornwall, on this same question : ' Si ergo Petro claues coelestis 
ofheaven. ' ^ ^ 

regni a Christo conlatae sunt, . . . quis, ecclesiae eius statuta . . . 

spernens, , . . per coelestis paradisi portam . . . ingreditur?' Aldh. 

Opp. p. 88 ; H. & S. iii. 272 ; Mon. Mog. p. 30. 


domum rediit] It is clear therefore that Bede regards Agilbert 
as having come from Gaul to Northumbria on this occasion ; 
V. s. on c. 7. 

sectam] So in v. 19, p. 325, vdth reference to this same event : 
' eliminata . . . Scottorum secta.' 
lona part Scottiam regressus est] 'primo uenit ad insulam Hii'; iv. 4. 

**• So that here again we see that Bede considers lona as part of 
' Scottia ' ; see on c. 24. Under 664 the Ann. breves Fuldenses 
have ' Colmani obitus ' ; Pertz, ii. 237. The compiler, or the 
authority which he copied, mistook the ' Colman abiit ' of other 
chronicles, Pertz, iii. 2; iv. 2, for 'Colman obiit,' which latter is 
found in Ann. Fuld. ; Pertz, iii. iio*. 

tractaturus cum suis] i.e^ withthe ecclesiastical authorities atlona. 

Cedd] V. s. cc. 22, 23, 25. 

annus . . . XXII"^] Oswy's twenty-second year was from Aug. 5, 
663, to Aug. 4, 664. 

episcopatus . . . Scottorum] v. s. on c. 5. 

Scottos austrinos] v. s. on c. 3. 

permodico tempore] He died the same year, of the plague, c. 27. 

p. 190. fratribus . . . maluerunt] Even these submitted with 
an ill grace to the new rules ; see on iv. 27. 
Kata. Eata] He was abbot when Cuthbert entered Melrose in 651 ; 

Vit. Cudb. c. 6. He brought Cuthbert with him when he came 

CnAP. 26.] Notes. 193 

at Alc'hfrid'3 roquest to organiso liis iiow inonastory at Rij)<>n, 
ib. c. 7 ; sliortly before ' paulo ante ' Alchfritl transferred it to 
Wilfrid in 661, supra, c. 25, p. 183 ; v. 19, p. 325. Florence in fact 
calls hira * Ilrypensis monasterii fundator/ i. 25 ; so in the same 
sense Ceolfrid is called founder of Jairow; Hab. § 7, p. 370, notc. 
Both Eata and Cutlibert quitted Ripon ratlier than conform to tlie 
Roman Easter and tonsure ; c. 25, p. 182, note ; Vit. Cudb. c. 8, 
' Had they been permitted to remain, . . . it may . . . be tliat the 
church of Durham would never liave bcen founded ;' Raine's Hex- 
ham, i. 26. It was perhaps to take their place that Tunbert and Ceol- 
frid were invitcd from Gilling to Ripon by Wilfrid ; Haa. § 3. They 
returned to Melrose, of which Eata had probably never resigned the 
abbacy. They must however, like Cedd, have aecepted the decision 
of the synod on these points ; and thus Colman, who could not bring 
himself to conform, was able to leave the monastery of Lindisfarne 
in the hands of one who had been trained in the school of Aidan. 
He seems to have retained the abbacy of Melrose along with that 
of Lindisfarne ; Raine's Hexham, i. 26 ; S. C. S. ii. 209 ; D. C. B. 
ii. 21. In 678 he was consecrated bishop of Bernicia, with his See 
at Lindisfarne or Hexham, iv. 12, 27 ; v. 24, pp. 229, 269, 355. In 
681 his diocese was divided, Tunbert being consecrated to Hexham, 
and Eata remaining at Lindisfarne, iv. 12 ad fin. and note. On 
Tunberfs deposition, 684, Cuthbert was elected to succeed him, 
and consecrated, Easter 685 ; and as he preferred to remain at 
Lindisfarne, Eata was transferred to Hexham, iv. 28, p. 273. As 
to the date of his death, see on v. 2 ad init. Tlie life of him printed 
by tlie Surtees Soc. Misc. Biog. pp. 121-125, and again in Raine's 
Hexham, i. 211-215, is little more than a cento of passages taken 
from Bede. There is a church dedicated to Eata at Attingham or 
Atcham on the Severn (the birthplace of Ordericus Vitalis) ; the 
name of the place being no doubt also derived from him ; cf. 
D. C. B. ii. 21. 

Mailros] On its later history, cf. H. & S. ii. 28, 161. 

unus de . . . pueris] One of the ' paruuli Anglorum * who ' in- Aidan's 
buebantur praecei:>toribus Scottis,' c. 3, p. 132 ; possibly redeemed t!^'®^^'' 
by Aidan from slavery, c. 5, p. 136. The number twelve is of ijovs. 
course an imitation of the number of the Apostles. For other 
instances of its occurrence, v. Rs. Ad. pp. 299-303 ; Morison's St. 
Bei-nard, p. 25. 

non multo post] Fourteen years, 678, v. s. 

ecclesiae Lindisfarnensi] Strictly of all Bernicia, with option 
of fixing his See at Hexham or Lindisfarne, v. s. In iv. 28, p. 273, 
Bede has committed the converse inaccuracy. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. III. 

of the 
Scotic mis- 

domum] i. e. to lona. 
secretario] v.s. ii. i^ p. 79. 

quantae autem, &c.] In the whole of this paragraph Bede is 
obliquely glancing at the ecclesiastical evils of liis own time ; 
V. Introd. j). xxxv. The glow of the description shows how warmly 
Bede sympathised with the Scotic missionaries in spite of their 
paschal heresies. 

nil . . . habebant] Cf. Ann. Stadenses, a. d. 1179 : 'erat [in 
concilio Lateranensi] episcopus Hibernensis qui Henrico scholastico 
Bremensi retulit, se non habere alios reditus praeter tres uaccas 
lactantes, quas in defectu lactis parochiani sui per alias inno- 
uabant ; ' Pertz, xvi, 349. 

potentium saeculi] So of Citeaux under Stephen Harding ; cf. 
Morison's St. Bernard, p, 16. 

p. 191. unde . , . habitus] A story however in the early life of 
Cuthbert seems to show that even then monks were not always 
popular in Northumbria. A crowd of people, seeing some monks 
in jeopardy, ' coepit irridere uitam conuersationis eorum, quasi 
merito talia paterentur, qui communia mortalium iura spernentes 
noua et ignota darent statuta uiuendi ; ' Vit. Cudb. Pros. c. 3. 

ubicumque clericus, &c.] Cf. inf. iv. 27, p. 269, which is itself 
taken from Vit. Cvidb. c. 9. 

nam neque alia, &c.] Contrast the Ep. ad Egb. §§ 7, 8, pp. 410- 
412, notes. 



of the 

eclipsis solis] The AS. vers. retains the Latin woids and adds 
a gloss : ' \2et is sunnan asprungennis f set heo sciman ne liaefde, 
7 wses eatolice on to seonne,' ' that is a failing of the sun, so 
that it had no light, and was dreadful to look on.' The regular 
word in the chronicles for the eclipsing of the sun or moon is 
'a^iystrian,' lit. 'to grow dark.' 

die tertio] It was really on the first. Bede makes the same 
mistake in the Chron. ' sequente anno facta est eclipsis solis, quam 
nostra aetas meminit, quasi decima hora diei, quinto nonas Maias ' ; 
Opp. Min. p. 197. For the reasons which made it memorable, see 
next note. Smith, a. L, traces Bede's error to the incorrectness of 
the dates of the new moons in the Dionysian cycle of nineteen 

pestilentiae lues] There is a short chapter on the causes of 
pestilences in Bede's De Nat. Eer. c. 37 ; Opp. vi. 115 ; cf. Werner, 
pp. 118, 119. There were several visitations of the plague in the 

Chap. 27.] Notes. 195 

seveuth centuiy iii Britaiii aiul Ireland. Tliis 0^664 scenis to havc 
been the must noted of theni. The coinciden(!e with the eclipse, 
the Iiighly draniatic incident of the deaths on the same day (July 
14) of the king of Kent and the archbishop of Canterbury, iv. i, 
would tend to impress it 011 men's minds. It carried off Tuda in 
the lirst year of his opiscopate, and Bishop Cedd at Lastingham, 
c. 23. The death of Bishop Damian of Rochester, iv. 2 ad fin., may 
have been due to the same scourge. It caused the partial apostasy 
of the East Saxons, c. 30. The incident of Egbert and Edilhun 
narrated here is to be assigned to this same visitation. Many, 
following Florence of Worcester, i. 27, e. g. Bright, pp. 207, 208, 
Stubbs and Raine in D. C. B. i. 323, 725, further assign to this the 
death of Boisil, Provost or Prior of Melrose, and the sickness and 
recovery of Cuthbert, who succeeded him in that office ; Vit. Cudb. 
c. 8 ; cf. inf. iv. 27. But that must certainly be placed earlier ; for 
Cuthbert was provost of Melrose 'aliquot annos'; ib. c. 9 ; and in 
664 he was transferred to Lindisfarne. On the other hand it was 
subsequent to the expulsion of Eata and himself from Ripon in 
661, and may probably be assigned to that year. So Raine, 
Hexham, L xxi f. ; and Smith and Stevenson on Vit. Cudb. c. 8. 
According to the life of Oswald the plague visited Northumbria in 
his reign, 634 x 642 ; S. D. i. 347-349. There were also outbreaks 
after 664. Ceadda died of tlie plague, March 2, 672 ; Fl. Wig. i. 30 ; 
Ang. Sac. i. 426 ; while during Cuthberfs residence on Farne, 
676x684, nearly the whole of the Lindisfarne brethren were 
swept off by it ; Introd. p. xxxii. It carried off St. Ethelthryth in 
679 or 680, iv. 19, p. 244 ; and Cadwalader in 682 ; see on v. 7. 
The story told, Vit. Cudb. c. 33 ; Vit. Anon. § 35, implies a visita- 
tion in Cuthberfs episcopate, 685 x 687 ; probably the same during 
which Abbot Eosterwine died, and the incident of Ceolfrid and the 
little boy reciting the offices occurred ; Introd. p. xii. According to 
Adamnan, Vit. Col. ii. 46, the plague was raging in Northumbria 
at the time of his two visits. These were probably in 686 and 688 ; 
see on v. 15. The story of the miracle at Barking implies a 
visitation subsequent to the foundation of that monastery, iv. 7 ; 
while that at Selsey, iv. 14, must be 681 x 686 ; see on v. 19. 

p. 192, Tuda] ' Se waes aefter Colmane Norjjanhymbra biscop,' Tuda. 
' who was bishop of the Northumbrians after Colman,' adds AS. 
vers. ; an addition necessitated by the omission of cc. 25, 26. 

Peegnalaech] There is an extraordinary variation in the later Paegna- 
authorities as to the name of Tuda's burial-place. The Sax. l^^^h. 
Chron. ad. ann. 664, E. has 'on Wagele' ; Gaimar ^M. H. B. p. 781) 
has ' Paggle/ with the ordinary confusion of W and P ; H. H. 

O 2 

196 The Ecclesiabtical History. [Bk. iii. 

p. loo, has Wemalet, witli a v. l. Weinalet, wliich last may easily 
be a miswriting of Peinalec, which is not so far from Bede's form. 
Wagele has been identified with W^halley on the borders of Lan- 
cashire and Cheshire, v. Earle, Sax. Chron. a. Z. ; H. & S. iii. 444. 
Smith would identify Paegnalaech with S. D.'s Wincanheal, or 
Pincahala, ii. 43, 51, 376; and both with the modern Finchale, 
near Durham. But the whole matter is very uncertain. 
Tlie plague Hiberniam quoque] The Ann. Ult. notice outbreaks of the 
in Ireland. ^1^^^^ j^ 553^ 66^^ 666, 667, 682, 683, 699-702 ; Tigh. 664, 665, 667, 
683, 684 ; F. M. 664, 666, 684. Cynifrid, formerly abbot of Gilling, 
died of the plague in Ireland ; Haa. § 3. This was probably in 
661, as it is mentioned in connexion with the migration of 
Tunbert and Ceolfrid to Ripon about that time. See on c. 26. The 
story of Wilbrord and the Irish scholar in c. 13, implies a visitation 
ahout 677, V. notes a. l. The Irishcalled it 'buide chonaill,' ' cron 
chonaill,' ' buidechair ' ; Lib. Hymn. pp, 123, 124 ; Ann. Ult. 555 ; 
F. M. 548, 664, and notes ; the British called it ' y fall {or yfad) 
felen,' Rhys, C. B. p. 68 ; all names derived from the yellow colour 
of its victims. So ' flaua pestis,' Giraldus Cambr. Opp. iii. 57, 
151. My friend and former good physician Dr. Tuckwell thinks 
that it was probably a malignant form of typhus. 

nobilium . . . mediocrium] ' ge se^elinga ge o?5erra,' both 
ethelings and others,' AS. vers. 
Resort of qui . . . secesserant] Of this resort from Britain to Ireland 

students to f^j, purposes of study or devotion Bede himself gives several 
instances. Besides the three mentioned in this chapter we have 
the cases of Wilbrord, c. 13 ; v. 10, acl init. ; Tuda, c. 26 ; Ceadda, 
iv. 3, p. 211 ; Eddius, c. 14 ; Higbald, iv. 3, p. 211 ; Witbert, v. 9, 
ad fin. ; the two Hewalds, v. 10 ; Haemgils, v. 12, p. 309. The case of 
Cynifrid from Haa. § 3, has been cited above. So the Frankish 
Agilbert, iii. 7, p. 140 ; cf Bright, pp. 159, 160. The lives of the 
Cambro-British saints (ed. Rees) which are highly mythical, show 
that it was considered the correct thing for a British saint to have 
studied in Ireland, e.g. St. Cadoc, pp. 35, 36, cf. p, 59 ; St. Kebi, 
ib. pp. 184-186; cf. P. & S. pp. 112, 113. There is a letter from 
Aldhelm to a friend named Eahfrid who had spent six years in 
Ireland, ' uber sophiae sugens.' He says that the number of those 
who resorted to Ireland resembled a swarm of bees. He mentions 
as their subjects of study : grammar, geometry, physics, and the 
allegorical and tropological interpretation of scripture {v. Introd. 
§ 14). He is however somewhat piqued that Britain, whicli has 
inherited the learning of Theodore and Hadrian, should have to 
resort to Ireland for instruction : ' ac si istic fecundo Britanniae in 

Chap. 27.] Notes. 107 

cespite didascali . . . reperiri minimo queant ; ' Opp. pp. 91-95. 
The letter would be very interesting if it wero not almost un- 
intelligible through the writer's puerile pomposity. In some cases 
the exile was not wholly voluntary, but was duo partly to political 
causes. We find also exile in Gaul, iii. 8 ; iv. 23 ; Hist. Abb. 
§§ 2, 3; and in Italy, Hist. Abb. Anon. § 27. 

magistrorum] In all the Irisli monasteries there was a regular 
officer called the * fer legind,' lit. ' man of reading,' lector, or 
professor ; r. s. on c. 13. 

sine pretio] That the Irish sometimes offered their learning for 
<ale is shown by the story given above, on ii. i, from the monk of 
St. Gallen. 

duo iuuenes . . . de nobilibus] ' twegen geonge aeSelingas,' ' two 
young ethelings,' AS. vers. 

Ecgberctj See v. 9, and notes ; cf. Opp. Min. p. 203. 

Ediluini] v.s. c. 11, p. 149 ; inf. iv. 12, p. 229. 

Rathmelsigi] Colman of Kath Maelsighe is commemorated in the Rathmfl- 
Mart. Don. at Dec. 14. ' Colgan places it in Connaught, but the ^^^^- 
exact situation remains to be identified ; ' Ks. Ad. p. 379. Steven- 
son and M. & L. say Melfont or Mellifont, Co. Louth ; but I find 
no real authority for this. 

adflicti] '7 him mon feores ne wende,' ' and their lives were 
despaired of,' AS. vers. adds. 

p. 193. cubiculo . . . quiescebant] The infirmary of the monas- 
tery, the ' seocra manna inn ' of the Sax. Chron. 1070 E., r. Introd. 
}). xxvii. 

adeo] 'for Gode,' 'for God,' AS. vers. ; so that the translator Eeligious 
must either have read 'Deo' or misunderstood his text. The ^^^ ®- 
misunderstanding would be helped by passages like c. 4, p. 134, 
'exulare pro Christo' ; c. 19, acl init. 'pro Domino . . . peregrinam 
ducere uitam ' ; iv. 3, 23, pp. 211, 253, 'peregrinus pro Domino ' ; 
Hist. Abb. § 3, ' peregrinatio pro Christo.' 

Brittaniam] As Egbert ended his days in lona, this is another lona not in 
proof that lona was not considered part of Britain, v. s. on cc. 24, Britam. 
26 ; thougli 'ad ius quidem Brittaniae pertinet,' c. 3, p. 132. 

psalmodiam] v. s. on c. 5. 

sacerdotii gradvim] ' biscophade,' 'episcopal orders,' AS. vers. 
The evidence that Egbert was a bishop is collected in a note to 
V. 9, ad init. 

nuper . . . DCCXXVIIH"] Om. AS. vers. This agrees witJi the 
date 731 for the writing of the Hist. Eccl. 

p. 194. cuius . . . curabat] cf. iv. 30, p. 276 ; D. C. B. iii. 367- Threetokl 
This threefold ' Lent,' if so it may be called, occurs frequently in Lent. 


Tlie Ecclesiastical Hlstory, 

[Bk. III. 

Irish sources. Thus we have 'corgus [ = quadragesima] erraig,' or 
' Spring-Lent,' Fel. p. xl. ; ' samchorgus 7 gemchorgus,' i. e. ^ Sum- 
mer-Lent and Winter-Lent,' L. Br. 261 b, 74. The last, or forty 
days before Christmas, is also called ' corgus Moysi,' ' Moses' Lent,' 
Fel. p, clxvi, from the idea that it commemorated Moses' forty- 
days' sojourn in the mount. The Spring-Lent is also called ' in 
corgus mor,' ' the Great Lent,' L. Br. 9 b, 7. 


Causes of 






Uilfridum] See v. 19, and notes. 

regem Galliarum] Clothaire III, King of Neustria. 

suisque] '7 his hiwum,' 'and his household,' AS. vers. 

plurimis] Eleven, besides Agilbert, v. 19, p. 325 ; Eddius, c. 12 ; 
and note on iii. 7 sup. 

In Conpendio] Compiegne. 

propter ordinationem] Below v. 19, p. 326, Bede omits these 
words ; and Eddius, c. 12 says that Wilfrid remained abroad 
' spatium temporis' after his consecration. Any delay prior to 
the consecration, which cannot however be later than 664 (see on 
V. 19), may have been the result of the very unnecessary number 
of consecrators employed, which looks like a touch of vanity on 
Wilfrid's part. Anyhow the delay was very prejudicial to his 
cause ; cf. G. P, 'quo ultra mare moras nectente,' p. 211. 

imitatus industriam fllii] AIchfrid's sending of Wilfrid was 
'cum consilio atque consensu patris sui,' v. 19, p. 325. It is 
diffieult to account for OsAvy's change of front. Eddius and 
Eadmer both attribute it to the influence of the ' quartodeciman ' 
party, H. Y. i. 21, 174, whom the latter represents as using the 
(surely not unreasonable) plea 'ne, ecclesia diutius carente pastore, 
fides Christi . . . iacturam incurrat ; ' cf. Raine's Hexham, i. 25. 
It is possibly connected with the fate of Alchfrid who had been 
the leader of the Roman party, c. 25, v. 19, pp. 182, 325. It is 
certain that at this point he disappears from history ; and probable 
that that disappearance, whether by death or exile, was due to 
his rebellion against his father which Bede has incidentally 
mentioned in c. 14 ad init. ; cf. D. C. B. i. 72 ; iv. 167. The date 
on AIchfrid's cross at Bewcastle is ' fruman gear . . . Ecgfrij^u,' 
' the first year of Egfrid ' ; Stephen's Runic Monuments, i. 398 ff. ; 
Sweet, Oldest English Texts, p. 124 ; but whether this refers to the 
date of Alchfrid's death, or to that of the erection of the cross, 
I do not know. If his rebellion is rightly placed here, it would 
account for the triumph of Wilfrid's opponents, bringing Deira 

Chap. 2S.I Notes. 199 

niorc diroctly iiiidor 0.swy's govornniont, <and inoroasing tho pro- 
pondoranco of Bornicia, which was more undor Celtic and lesa 
open to Southern influonce tlian Doira ; cf. H. Y. I, xxvi. For 
the grounds on whicli Oswy had decided the issuo of tho Synod 
of Whitby were not those of an ecclesiastical enthusiast. There is 
however no reason to suppose that Ceadda, any more than his 
hrotlier Cedd, refused to accept the decisions of the Synod as to 
Eastor and tonsure. 

uirum sanctum, &c.] Cf. the boautiful charactor of him in iv. 3. Hla fliarac- 
Even Eddius, who regards him as a usurper, calls him 'seruum ^^^- 
Doi roligiosissimum ot admirabilem doctorem'; c. 14. For later 
livos of him ovhich add nothing to Bede\ r, Hardy, Cat. i. 275- 


p. 195. Eadhaedum . . . Hrypensis ecclesiae] He was in the 
first instance consecrated bishop of Lindsey, and was transferred 
to Ripon when Lindsey beeame Mercian again, probably in 679 ; 
V. on c. II. 

consecratus] 664 ; v. on v. 19. 

adsumtis . . . episcopis] Probably Cornish ; H. & S. i. 124. Com- 

Tliis instance of communion and co-operation between the Churches "^,"""'" , 

01 tiie vV est 
of tlieWest Saxons and Britons is of great interest ; but it probably Saxon with 

formed one of the grounds on which Ceadda's consecration was the British 

objected to by Theodore ; see on iv. 2. It may be added that "'^^' ^" 

Wine's own ecclesiastical position was not above criticism in point 

of regularity ; he having been * sub-introduced ' into the diocese 

of Wessox while Agilbert still held it ; c. 7, p. 140. » 

secus morem] ' secus ' as an adverb means ' otherwise ' ; when 
used as a preposition it is a vulgarism for ' secundum.' Bede here 
combines the adverbial se».se with the prepositional use, giving it 
the foi*ce of ' contra.' Mr. Gidley was the first to call attention to 
this point ; M. & L. 

non enim . . . episcopus] It has been pointed out that this is an 
exaggoration. Even if Damian of Rochester was dead by this time, 
there was Boniface of East Anglia ; H. & S. iii. 106 ; Bright, p. 212. 

castitati] Here, as often, 'castitas,' ' castus,' refer to purity from ' Castitas ' 
heresy ; cf. v. 18, p. 321 : ' Brettones . . . pascha non suo tempore = orth..- 
celebrant, . . . alia . . . ecclesiasticae castitati . . . contraria 
geinint'; iv. 18, p. 242: 'ab hereticorum contagiis castus'; v. 20 
ad fin.: ' in catholicae fidei confessione castissimus ' ; so Opp. ix. 
220, 233. 

oppida . . . castella] ' byrig 7 lond 7 ceastre 7 tunas 7 hus,' AS. vers. 

Aidani] ' fses godan biscopes,' ' the good bishop's,' inserts en- 
thusiastically the AS. translator. 

200 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. iii. 

ueniens . . . factus] See on v. 19, p. 326. 

Aiiglo- q.ui . . . patriam] ' ])a 0e betweohn Ongle eardodon, 7 j^aere riht 

Saxon gelefdan lare wiSerwearde waeron, ge in gehaelde rihtra Eastrena, ge 

in monegum oSrum wisum, o5})e heora treowa sealdon, Jjset heo riht 

mid healdan woldon, o])Se ham to heora eSIe hwurfen/ ' who lived 

among the English, and were opposed to the orthodox doctrine as 

to tlie holding the correct Easter, and in many other ways, either 

•pledged their troth that they would join in holding the right, or 

returned home to their own country/ AS. vers. The additions were 

rendered necessary by the omission of cc. 25, 26. 

manus darent] 'submitted,' ' surrendered.' The AS. translator 
has interpreted it on the analogy of the native phrase * on hand 
syllan,' Ho bargain, promise, handsel ' ; cf. Icelandic 'handsala.' 
To surrender in Anglo-Saxon is ' on hand gan ' ; cf. iv. 2, where 
the translator has rendered it correctly. 


P. 196. His temporibus] 667. Sax. Chron. E. 665 ; Jaffe R. P. 

p. 165. 

Beginnings reges . . . agendum] This joint deliberation between Oswy and 

of English Egbert ' on the state of the Church of the English,' and the fact that 

their line of action was taken ' with the choice and consent of the 

holy Church of the race of the English,' mark an important stage 

in the development of a sense of unity among the English tribes in 

^ Britain, and show that the first impulse to such unity came from 

the ecclesiastical and not from the secular side ; cf. iv. i. In Hist. 

Abb. § 3 the sending of Wighard is ascribed to Egbert alone. He 

had of course a special interest in the matter, Canterbury being in 

his kingdom. W. M. i. 55. 56, recognises this w^hile ascribing the 

principal credit to Oswy, ' de cuius [Theodori] in Angliam aduentu 

piinceps Oswio debetur gratia, licet Egbertus . . . pro iure pro- 

uinciae multum illius delibet gloriae.' 

aptum episcopatu] An unusual construction, probably due to 
the analogy of ' dignus,' &c. 

presbyterum] Apparently not a monk ; cf. D. C. B. iv, 11 76. 

morte] By the plague, iv. i. 

litterae] Briefly epitomised in the AS. vers. 

Uitalianus] 657-672 ; v. D. C. B. iv. 1161-1163. 

conuersus] This alludes to Oswy's conversion to tlie Roman 
Easter, &c., at Whitby. 

p. 197. celebrandum] ' celebrando ' would be better ; and so 
some later MSS. 

Chap. 29.] Notes. 201 

et post nonnulla] Here, as in ii. 19, Bede omits the passage on Pjusdml 

tlie Paschal question. Perhaps he felt that in c. 25 and v. 21, lie contro- 

liad given his readers as mucli as they could stomach on that 

<luestion, and that ho could state the arguments himself better 

fhan tliey coukl be stated by the Papal See. Ussher recovered 

from a MS. which he believed to have belonged to Whitby, a portion 

of the missingpassage: 'nunquam enim celebrare debemus sanctum 

pascha nisi secundum apostolicam et catholicam fidem, ut in toto 

«irbe celebratur a Christiana plebe, id est secundum apostolicam 

reguUim cccxviii sanctorum patrum, et computum sanctorum 

Cyrilli et Dionysii. Nam in toto terrarum orbe sic Christi una 

columba, hoc est ecclesia immaculata, sanctum paschae resurrec- 

tionis diem celebrat. Nam Victoris llege Victorii] regulam paschae 

.sedes apostolica non adprobauit, ideo nec sequitur dispositionem 

eius pro pascha ' ; Ussher, Vet. Epp. Hibern. Sylloge, No. 9, p. 126. 

By the '318 fathers ' is meant the council of Nicaea ; cf. iv. 17, 

p. 240. And for the appeal to Nicaea in the paschal controversy, 

cf. ii. 19; iii. 25, p. 186. We must undoubtedly read 'Victorii' 

for ' Victoris ' with H. & S. iii. 112. Victor, Bishop of Capua in the 

sixth century, was the orthodox champion who answered Victorius ; 

V. De Temp. Rat. c. 51, ' uerum ne nos amatores Victorii temere 

illum aggressos esse lacerent, legant librum doctissimi et sanctis- 

simi uiri, Vidoris . . . Capuani episcopi de pascha, . . . et quanti 

a . . . catholicis ecclesiae doctoribus aestimatus sit suus magister 

inuenient' ; Opp. vi. 248. The whole chapter is a vigorous polemic 

against Victorius. 

hominem . . . tenorem] Above, Bede speaks of the two kings as Question of 

having raerely sent Wighard to Rome to be consecrated ; here the -l^ieolores 

® ^' ^' . appomt- 

Pope treats Wighard as merely the bringer of Oswy's gifts ' qui ment. 

liaiec obtulit munera ' (cf. iv. i, p. 201, on these gifts") ; and assumes 

that he has been asked to provide an arehbishop. This is commonly 

treated as a mere instance of papal usurpation. But below, iv. i, 

p. 203, Theodore is distinctly spoken of as ' episcopum quem 

petierant a Romano antistite'; so that probably some discretion 

was left to the Pope in the matter. Otherwise Wighard, like 

Wilfrid, might have been consecrated in Gaul ; cf. ib. p. 211, 

i 'petmiihus hunc [Vighardum] . . . arcliiepiscopum ordinari'; cf. 

Kemble, Saxons, ii. 365, 366. 

p. 198. de sacratissimis uinculis] Cf. D. C. A. i. 611 ; ii. 177 1. 

totam suam insularaj Note the position assigned to Oswy, 

202 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. iv. 


P. 199. Orientalium Saxonum . . . reges] See on c. 22. 

apostasiam] The plague had something of the same effect in 
Northumbria, though not to the same extent, iv. 27 ; Vit. Cudb. 
Pros. c. 9. On the general tendency to regard prosperity as the 
test of religious truth, cf. on ii. 13. 

dicemus] iv. 11. 

fidelem] ' believing,' in contrast with the apostasy of his 
colleague ; cf. note on i. 7 ; and contrast ' perfidia ' below. 

laruman] v. c. 24, ad fin. ; iv. 3. He succeeded Trumhere and 
was succeeded by Ceadda. 

p. 200. uiam iustitiae] Cf. 2 Pet. ii. 21 ; M. & L. 

destructis . . . aris] v. notes on i. 30. 

ipsi sacerdotes . . . eorum] ' se biscop 7 heora hireowas,' ' the 
bishop and their teachers,' AS. vers. 


P. 201. Deusdedit] See above, iii. 20, note. 

pridie Iduum lul.] July 14. 

eodem . . . die] v.s. on iii. 27. 

non pauco tempore] Theodore was consecrated March 26, 668 ; 
and reached Canterbury May 27, 669, infr. ; and c. 2. Bede, c. 2, 
dates Theodore's tenancy of the see from the latter date. He 
would therefore consider the vacancy as lasting till the same time. 
R. W. says : 'cessauit sedes IIII annis,' i. 159. 

diximus] iii. 29, 

praeerat] ' waes aldorbiscop,' ' was chief-bishop,' AS. vers. 

Xirida- p. 202. Niridano] This is the right reading ; v. critical note : 

num. 'Locusest iuxta Montem Cassinum,' Smith ; N and H are very 

easily confused in MSS. ' Nisidano ' in HoIder's text is a pure eon- 

jecture, and has no MS. authority ; Elmham has ' Hiridano.' 

p. 202. 

Hadrianus] On the latter lives and miracles of Hadrian, v. Hardy, 
Cat. i. 403, 404 ; cf. AA.SS. lan. i. 595, 597. 

ex tempore] 'sefter faece,' ' after a time,' AS. vers. ; 'at 
leisure,' ' in tinie ' ; cf. Pref p. 5, note. 
Theodore. Theodorus] Cf Bede Chron. ' Theodorus . . , et Hadrianus, . . . 

uir aeque doctissimus, a Vitaliano missi Britanniam, plurimas 
ecclesias Anglorum doctrinae ecclesiasticae fruge foecundauerunt ; ' 
Opp. Min. p. 197. Pope Zacharias, writing to St. Boniface in 748, 

Chap. I.] Notes. 203 

says : ' Theodorus Greco-Latinus ante philosophus et Athenis 
eruditus, Romae ordinatus, pallio sublimatus ad . . . Britanniam 
transmissus iudicabat et gubernabat; ' cf. the passage given from 
Aldhehn on iii. 27, p. 192, above. On the later lives of Theodoro 
r. Hardy, Cat. i. 362, 363. There is an admirable account of 
Thoodore in D. C. B. iv. 926, ff., by Dr. Stubbs. 

suflaciensque . . . propriorum] '7 eac swylcc ))aot he waes in 
liis agnum geferscipo wel gemonnad,' ' and also tiiat ho was well 
manned in respect of his own company ; ' AS. vers. 

p. 203. Grecorum more] This has been thought to refer to the Monothc- 
Monothelito controversy, Bright, pp. 220, 221. If so, the Pope's htisin. 
suspicions proved groundless, as the council of Hutfield showed 
that Theodore and the English clmrch were quito sound on this 
point ; see cc. 17, 18, and notes. 

tonsuram] See Excursus on the Easter and Tonsure contro- 

die VII. Kal. Apr.] March 26 ; this was a Sunday in 668. His 
ordination as subdeacon four months previously must have been in 
Nov. 667. 

VI Kal. lun.] May 27. 

lohanni . . . illius] John, Archbishop of Arles, 658-675 ; Gallia 
Christ. i. 542, 

scripta commendaticia] 'gewrit. . . Jjaet heo mon mid are on- 
fenge,' ' writings (to the efifect) that they should be received with 
honour,' AS. vers. 

Ebrinus . . . regiae] Mayor of the palace to Clothaire III. He Ebroiii. 
succeeded Ercinwald, iii. 19. p. 168, about 657, and was murdered 
680 ; V. Martin, Hist. de France, ii. 151- 162. In iii. 19, Bede, 
following the life of St. Fursa, calls his predecessor 'patricius.' 
Here he gives Ebroin the title 'maior domus regiae ' ('se eaLdor- 
man,' 'the alderman ' ; AS. vers.). 

Agilberctum . . . diximus] v. iii. 7, 25, 26, 28; pp. 140, 183, 189, Agilbert. 
194. He was a partisan of Ebroin, and his accomplice in some of 
his worst acts. Yet he ranks as a saint ; Martin, u. s. pp. 159, 16 1. 

Emme] or Emmo ; Bp. of Sens 658-675 ; Gams, p. 629. Emme. 

Faronem] Bp. of Meaux 626-672 ; Gams, p. 575. His lifo, by Faro. 
Hildegar his successor in the nintli century, isin Mabillon, AA.SS. 
ii. 606-625. 

quem petierant] r. s. on iii. 29. 

Kaedfridum . . . suum] ' ReSfriS his gerefan,' ' his reeve,' AS. High-reevp. 
vers. ; 'high-reeve,' D. C. B. iv. 927. 

Quentauic] Etaples. The name means ' uicus ad Quantiam ' ; Qiaentawic. 
i. e. on the Canche; cf. Bouquet, iii. 580. 


The Ecdesiastlcal History. 

[Bk. IV. 



J )ioecesis. 

legationem imperatoris . . . gerebat] Dr. Stubbs says : ' Ebroin 
suspected that Hadrian was acting in the interests of Constans, 
who was now dying at Syracuse, but whose residence in the West 
had fluttered the Frank kingdom ; it was possible that an alliance 
was in contemplation between the English kings and the Emperor '; 
D. C, B. iv. 927 (cf. Lappenberg, i. 118; E. T. i. 115, 116). ' It is 
not impossible that Theodore had foUowed the Emperor Constans 
on his journey to the West ; ' ib. 926 ; cf. ib. 1162. 

p. 204. regnum] * Froncna rice,' 'the kingdom of the Franks,' 
AS. vers. 

uenit] For the date of his arrival in Britain v. on v. 20, ad init. 

statim . . . dedit] This can hardly be correct. In Hist. Abb. 
§§ 3, 4, infr. pp. 366, 367, Bede says that on Theodore's arrival in 
Britain, Benedict Biscop, who had accompanied him from Rome at 
the Pope's request, received the monastery of St. Peter, and ruled it 
for two years. Therefore Hadrian cannot have been abbot until 
67 1 ; and his arrival in Britain can hardly be later than 670 ; cf. 
Fl. Wig. i. 28, 29, and notes, Elmham boldly argues from the present 
passage that Biscop never was abbot of St. Augustine's at all, 
p. 204. There are three charters extant in which grants are made 
to Hadrian as abbot of St. Peter's ; the first genuine, the other two 
spurious ; K.C. D. Nos. 27, 30, 41 ; Birch, Nos.67, 73, 90. 

praefatus sum] i. 33 ; ii. 3. 

praeceperat, &c.] Hence, in a privilege granted by Pope Adeo- 
datus to Hadrian for his monastery, he is spoken of as * abbas ab 
apostolica sede ordinatus atque destinatus'; H. & S. iii. 123. 
Elmham, as a true Augustinian, insists that Hadrian received the 
abbacy from Theodore, ' non . . . ut ab archiepiscopo, sed ut ab 
apostolicae sedis legato,' p. 204. 

diocesi] A diocese, in the political terminology of the later 
Roman empire, was the union of several provinces. Hence, when 
the word was transferred to the ecclesiastical sphere it indicated, 
not a diocese in the modern sense, for which the original term was 
■napoLKLa, parochia, (see on c. 5), but the union of several (ecclesias- 
tical) provinces under a patriarch, or of several dioceses (in the 
modern sense) under an archbishop ; i. e. an (^ecclesiastical) 
province. On the other hand, it was also used to denote * baptismalis 
ecclesiae territorium ' ; i. e. the modern parish. See Ducange ; 
D. C. A. s.v. It is probable that Bede uses it here of Theodore's 
province. We have seen i^iii. 4, notes) that Adamnan uses the 
term of the district subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the 
monastery of lona, a use based on a correct analogy, since lona was 
the head of a fedefation of monasteries, v. s. on iii. 4. 

Chap. 2.] Notes. 205 

prouideret] A word of evil oiiien lii eonncxiou with papal Pajml pi' 
influenco on ecclesiastical appointmonta. visious. 


secundo . . . dominica] i.e. May 27, 669, tho anniversary of tlio 
(hiy on which lie had set out, c. i. This was a Sunday in 669. 

manus dare] r. iii. 28, ad fln. * him eall Ongolcyn hyrnesse Positioii 
ge])afode,' * thewliole English race yielded him obedience,' AS. vers. ; aud policy 
cf Ehnham, p. 206. 'Theodore seems steadily to have ignored St. dore. 
Gregory's plan for creating two provinces,' D.C.B.iv. 929. He 
was the first of the archbishops whom all the nations recognised, 
and in their recognition of him was contained the germ of the 
unity which was not realised in secular matters for nearly three 
centuries to come,' ib. 930. In G. P. pp. 51, 52, there is an alleged 
letter of Vitalian's to Theodore which says : 'nobis uisum est . . . 
commendare tuae sagacissimae sanctitati omnes ecclesias in insula 
Britanniae positas.' It is the fourth of the Malmesbury series of 
letters connected with the primacy of Canterbury. It is not such 
a glaring forgery as some of the others ; but it is not genuine. By 
a further growth of legend, Thorn, c. 1769, gives Theodore 
legatine authority over England, Scotland, and Ireland ; cited 
M. & L. 

discipulorum caterua] Among the pupils of Theodore and Ha- Schoolsanil 
drian Bede mentions Albinus ; Pref. p.6, v.20, ad init. ; Tobias, Bp. scholars. 
of Rochester, v. 23, p. 348. Aldhehn was also a pupil of Hadrian. 
In Aldh. Opp. ed. Giles, p. 330, is a fragment of a letter addressed 
by Aldhehn : ' reuerendissimo patri meaeque rudis infantiae 
uenerando praeceptori Adriano.' For earlier schools at Canterbury, 
cf. on iii. 18 ; W. M. i. 16, says that Theodore and Hadrian 
' insulam, tyrannorum quondam nutriculam, familiare philoso- 
phiae domicilium effecerint.' 

metrieae . . . arithimeticae] *in metercr£eft 7 in tungolcraeft Subjects of 
7 in grammaticcraeft,' ' in metre-craft, and in star-craft, and in s^^^^^^'- 
grammar-craft,' AS. vers. ; substituting 'grammar' for the 'eccle- 
siastical arithmetic' of the original. By this last is meant those 
studies connected with the calendar, in which Bede himself was 
so great a proficient; Introduction, § 11 ;cf. D. C. A. s. v. 'Calen- 
dar'). Astronomy or 'star-craft' would be studied hirgely with 
a view to this. Bede himself also wrote on ' metre-craft ' ; he was 
in fact indirectly, through Benedict Biscop, largely indebted to 


The Ecclesiastical Hidory. 

[Bk. tv. 

The Picts. 

Aeddi or 


Iiicrease of 
the episco- 

<M )nsecra- 
tion irregu- 

this Canterbury school. For these subjects of study, cf. the 
passage quoted from Aldhehn on iii. 27. 

p. 205. barbaris nationibus] Bede is probably thinking of the 
Picts, who were such a serious danger to Northumbria in his own 
time ; v. Introd. p. xxxiv. He would not speak of the Scots, either 
of Ireland or Britain, as barbarians ; the former of whom he calls 
' gens innoxia et nationi Anglorum semper amicissima,' c. 26. 

sonos cantandi] v. on ii. 20. 

Aeddi] This is the biographer of Wilfrid. He mentions himself 
once in the course of his work, c. 14, where he tells how Wilfrid 
' episcopalia officia per plura spatia agens, cum canioribns -^dde et 
Eonan, et caementariis, omnisque paene artis institoribus, . . . in- 
stituta ecclesiarum Dei bene meliorabat.' 

primus . . . didicit] This is an extraordinary statement. Wilfrid 
was consecrated in 664. Prior to that date the following five 
bishops of English birth were consecrated, of whose orthodoxy 
there does not seem to be the slightest suspicion : Ithamar, 644 ; 
Thomas, 647 or 648; Boniface, 6520^653 ; Deusdedit, 655 ; Damian, 
(?) 655. Cf. the somewhat similar exaggeration about Wine above, 
iii. 28, p. 195. 

ordinabat . . . episcopos] Bisi for East Anglia, c. 5 ; Chad, 
reconsecrated and transferred to Mercia, cc. 2, 3 ; Putta at 
Kochester, infra ; Leutherius for Wessex, iii. 7 ; Wynfrid in 
succession to Chad, c. 3, ad fin. Wilfrid, though consecrated in 
Gaul, was established as bishop of Northumbria by Theodore, c. 3 ; 
V. H. & S. iii. 18. On Theodore's arrival, 'Theodore, with Wilfrid, 
Chad, and Wine formedthe whole episcopate of theEnglish Church. 
As Wilfrid and Chad were . . . claimants of the same see, and Wine 
a simoniac, Theodore had before him a fair field for reform, organi- 
sation, and administration ' ; D. C. B. iv. 927. 

non . . . rite . . . consecratum] Chad's consecration might be con- 
sidered irregular on two grounds : i . that he had been consecrated 
to a see already occupied ; 2. that he had been consecrated by two 
schismatical British bishops. Eddius bases Chad's deposition on 
both grounds, making him confess ' peccatum ordinandi [i. e. the 
sin of heiyig ordained] a Quatuordecimanis in sedem alterius,' c. 15. 
Eadmer makes Chad resign on the former ground alone ; H. Y. i. 
179 ; so R. W. i. 159. In Bede Chad does not admit any wrong in 
himself ; he merely yields to Theodore's judgement : ' si . . . nosti/ 
&c. ; cf. Bright, pp. 227, 228. 

episcopatum dimittere] Not 'to resignthe bishopric' (asBright, 
p. 228) but ' to give up the episcopal office.' Above, Dr. Bright has 
construed ' episcopatum . . . suscepisse ' quite rightly. 

Chap. 3.] Notes, 207 

ipse . . . denuo . . . consummauit] Bede connects this recon- Keconso- 
secration of Cluul (for sucli tlie woi-d denuo implies) with liis ^'""^tion of 
resiguation or deposition ; Eddius -vvith liis transfereuce to Mercia. 
Eddius rei>resents this as the work, not of Tiieodore, but of Wilfrid, 
and makes it follow immediately on tlie deposition ; whereas Bede, 
c. 3, V. 19, p. 326, represonts Chad as retiring for a time to Lasting- 
ham. If the events took phice as Bede represents, Theodore must 
\\A\i} consecrated Chad as a bishop without a see. Moreover, Eddius 
says tliat the bishops 'Ceaddan . . . per omnes gradus ecclesiasticos 
ad sedem praedictam plene . . . ordinauerunt,* c. 15, whicli if taken 
literally would imply that not only liis consecration but his orders 
were treated as invalid. Cf. Bright, pp. 228, 229, and Note C. So 
St. Kentigern, who had been consecrated in the Celtic raanner by 
a single bishop {v. s. on i. 27 ; iii. 22), is said to have intreated 
St. Gregory to confirm his election, 'que deerant consecrationi eius 
supplens' ; N. & K. p. 210. 

p. 206. rediit] On returning from Gaul Wilfrid was attacked by Wilfrid. 
tlie heathen South Saxons, and ultimately landed at Sandwich ; 
Eddius, c. 13. Hence he was naturally asked to perform episcopal 
functions in Kent. 

at ipse] i. e. Theodore, not Wilfrid : and so it is distinctly 
understood by FI. Wig. i. 28, 29, and G. P. p. 216. Eddius says 
tliat Wilfrid had ordained Putta priest, implying that he did not 
consecrate him bisliop, c. 14. On Putta, see c. 12, infra, p. 228. 

defuncto Damiano] He probably died before Deusdedit, other- Damian. 
wise the latter would have consecrated a successor ; and almost 
certainly before Ceadda reached Kent in 664, otherwise the latter 
would have been consecrated by him and not by Wine. He may 
have been one of the victims of the plague of 664 ; hence the 
* iamdiu cessauerat ' of Bede ; cf. H. & S. iii. 100. 


mortuo larumanno] The death of Jaruman (Gearomonn, AS. Date of 
vers.) is often placed in 669 (e. g. Hardy's Le Neve, i. 538 ; cf. Jiii"DaHn's 
FI. Wig. sub ann.) by a false inference from this passage. The 
Mercian see had certainly been vacant some time before Chad's 
transference to it. Eddius says distinctly that Wilfrid, during his 
three years' retirement at Kipon, 666-669, ' frequenter a Wlfario 
rege Merciorum ad officia . . . episcopalia in regione sua . . . inui- 
tatus est,' c. 14 ; and Fridegoda, in his life of Wilfrid, speaks of 


The Ecclesiasticcd History. 

[Bk. IV. 




Chad as appointed 'sedi longum pastore uacanti/ H. Y. i. 123. 
Chesterfield places Jaruman's death in 667, and this date is 
accepted by Wharton, acl loc. ; Ang. Sac. i. 425 ; and Stubhs, Ep. 
Succ. p. 164. 

postulauit a rege Osuio] His consent was required as Chad was 
a Northumbrian. 

omnium Nordanhymbrorum] See note on v. 19, p. 326. 

sed et Pictorum . . . poterat] So a little later Eddius says : 
' sicut . . . Ecgfritho . . , regnum ad Aquilonem et Austrum . . . 
augebatur, ita Wilfritho . . . ad Austrum super Saxones, et ad 
Aquilonem super Brittones et Scottos, Pictosque, regnum ecclesi- 
arum multiplicabatur/ c. 21. For the extent of Oswy's dominions, 
r. on ii. 5, iii. 24. 

ambulando] See on iii. 5. 

p. 207. Lindisfarorum] See on iii. 11. 

Adbaruae] ' aet Bearwe,' AS. vers., from ' bearw, a wood or 
grove.' Barton-on-Humber ; Smith. Barrow, near Goxhill, Lincs. ; 
Stev. The form of the name is decidedly in favour of the latter 

Ijyceidfelth] Lichfield. ' Licitfeld est uilla exigua in pago 
Statfordensi longe a frequentia urbium . . . Ecclesia angusto situ 
erat, antiquorum uirorum mediocritatem et abstinentiam prae- 
ferens. Locus pudendus nostri aeui episcopis, in quo ejsiscopalis 
dignitas diuersari deberet ; ' G. P. p. 307 ; v. s. on iii. 3. 

mansionem] ^ sundor wic,' ' separate dwelling,' AS. vers. 

duobus annis ac dimidio] If Chad was transferred to Mercia in 
the latter part of 669, as would appear from Bede's narrative, his 
death is rightly placed by Fl. Wig. in 672 ; and, as he died on 

' Liviuor 

Chesterfield (Ang. Sac. i. 426) places his death in 670 ; but this is 
due to the erroneous assumption that he succeeded immediately on 
the death of Jaruman. 

mittendi] ' spargendi,' Vulgate. This is from the old Latin, 
Sabatier Latinae Versiones Antiquae, ii. 358 ; cf. some verses oix 
this subject attributed to Bede in S. D. ii. 23. 

clades] v. on iii. 27. 

uiuos . . . lapides . . . transferret] This metaphor ^derived fi-oni 
I Pet. ii. 5) occurs more than once in Bede's work De Templo 
Salomonis. Thus on i Kings, vi. 7, he says : 'hic tundimur 
aduersitatibus, . . . ut illic locis . . . congruis disponamur, et, casti- 
gatione cessante, solo amoris glutino . . . adinuicem copulemur.' 
Opp. viii. 284. Elsewhere in the same work (ib. 270, 274) he treats 
the transference of the stone from the quarry to the building as 

Chap. 3.] Notes. 209 

a typo of tlio translation of tlio soul froni a stato of naturo to a state 
of graoo. 

p. 208. Aedilthryde] r. c. 19. 

eratque . . . eius] ' ond lio waos hire ];ogna 7 huses 7 hire Owine. 
goforsiipos ofer all aldormon,' * and he was chiof of her thanes and 
house, and her company genorally/ AS. vers. The Liber Elionsis 
calls him 'maior familiae eius,' * paedagogus et princeps domus 
illius,' pp. 36, 62. His day is March 4 according to AA.8S. Mart. 
i. 313 ; ^vhioh also states that there was a church at Gloucester 
dedicated to liim. 

ut quidam] Cf. Introd. p. xxxv. 

quo minus . . . inpendebatl On manual labour in monasteries, 
V. Introd. p. xxv. On Bede's reverence for God's unlearned saints, 
•ib. pp. xxi. xxii. 

p. 209. ne hoc . . . dicas] This is a frequent injunction in'Tellthe 
mediaoval miracles. It is of course modelled on the command of vision to 
Christ to tlie three apostles wlio were witnesses of the Transfigura- 
tion. Cf. Bede, Vit. Cudb. c. 10, where this command is expressly 
quoted ; ib. c. 24=Vit. Anon. § 28 ; iitfra, v. 19, p. 329 ; Vita Metr. 
Cudb. c. 45 ; cf. H. Y. i. 217, 258. 

p. 210. ab ergastulo corporis] v. Introd. pp. Ixvii, Ixviii. 

frater quidam . . . Trumberct] This is the only place, as far as Trumbert. 
I know, in wliich Bede mentions any of his teachers by name. 

si forte, &c.] How much in accord with Bede's own mode of Warnings 
thought this is appears from his comment on Ezra x. 9: 'cum ^* *^^ 
pluuias . . . ultra solitum cadere cernerent . . . intellexerunt hoc ob 
sua scelera factum, iramque . . . coelestem ex ipsa aeris perturba- 
tione admoniti timuerunt. Ideoque . . . in platea domus Domini, 
assumpto poenitentiae . . . habitu consederunt. Hoc propter eos, 
qui, turbatis licet elementis, . . . atque ipso iudice per aperta indicia 
uim suae irae minitante, nihil omnino de correctione morum, qua 
iudicem placent, plagamque irapendentem euadant, inquirunt ; 
sed tantum seduli pertractant qua arte aduersa, quae exterius 
propter peccata desaeuiunt, aut euitent, aut superent ; ' Opp. viii. 
456, 457. For prayers against lightning, cf. D. C. A. ii. 992. 

p. 211. Ecgbercti] v. on v. 9. 

Ceadda . . . in Hibernia] v. on iii. 27. 

Hygbald] ' There can be little doubt that he is identical with Hygbald. 
the Hygbald whose name occurs in the Liber Vitae Dunelm. p. 9. 
His monastery seems to have been Bardney ;' D. C. B. iii. 183. 

p. 212. utrum de se . . . incertura] Fl. Wig. however states it 
as a fact ; i. 30. 

sexto die] March 2, 672, v. s. 


The Ecclesiasticcd History. 

[Bk. IV. 

Civil and 
tical boun- 

qui . . . praeesset . . . tenebat] Here again we note tlie coinci- 
dence of the boundaries of ecclesiastical and temporal autliority. 


P. 213. primo uenit . . . Hii] v. on iii. 26, ad init. 

Inisboffin. uitulae albae] Rather ' uaccae albae,' as in Tigh. and Ann. Ult. 
^'ealond hwitre heahfore/ 'the islaud of the white heifer/ AS. 
vers.). The Ann. Ult. and the F. M. place Colman's settlement at 
Inisboffin in 667. He went there * cum reliquiis sanctorum,' ' with 
relics of saints,' according to the oldest annals printed in Stokes* 
Tripartite life of Patrick, p. 518. This in Tigh. and Ann. Ult. is 
contracted into ' cum reliquis sanctorum,' which the F. M. have 
translated ' go naomaib oile imaille fris,' i.e. ' cum reliquis sanctis 
secum.' Colman may well have taken to Irehmd some of the 
relics which he carried away from Lindisfarne ; iii. 26, p. 190. 
The Inisboffin meant is the one off the coast of Mayo. Here he 
died on Aug. 8, 674 ; F. M. Ann. Ult. ad ann. Aug. 8 is his day 
in the Felire of Oengus, and in the Martyrology of Donegal, where 
he is called Cohnan of Inisboffin. The gloss on the former calls 
him Colman of lona and Inisboffin. None of the Irish authorities 
seem to mention his connexion with Mayo. The Edinburgh MS. of 
the Irish life of Cohimba absurdly represents Colman as sent to 
Northumbria by St. Columba ; Lism. Lives of Saints, p. 315 ; v. 
F. M. u. s. notes ; 0'FhHherty's lar-Connacht, ed. Hardiman, 
pp. 115, 294, 295. 

Mayo. Mag6o] Mayo. This monastery continued to be recruited from 

England. The F. M. ad ann. 768 mention a Bishop Aedan, of 
Mayo, under which Irish disguise Sim. Dun., ii. 44, ad ann. 768, 
773, shows that an English Eadwine really lurks ; cf. ib. 51 ; H. & S. 
iii. 460, 462. Alcuin writes to the English monks of Mayo : *pro 
Christi nomine patriam relinquentes, peregrinari uoluistis, et tribu- 
lationibus opprimi nefandorum non renuistis hominum. . . . Lec- 
tionis studium . . . exercete. Magnum enim lumen scientiae a uobis 
per diuersa patriae nostrae processit loca. Sine reprehensione estote 
omnibus, et luceat hix uestra in medio nationis perbarbarae, quasi 
. . . stella in occidua caeli parte. . . . Et domnum Episcopum habete 
quasi patrem ' ; Mon. Alc. pp. 847, 848. We may notice here : 
i. The change of feeling towards the Irish ; cf. on c. 2. ii. That 
whereas the Irish had formerly taught the English, now the 
positions are reversed. Up to a much later period Mayo was still 
called ' Magheo na Saxan,' 'Mayo of the Saxons ; ' v. F. M. ad ann. 
1169, II 76, 1209, 1236, 1478. 

Chap. 5.] Notes. 211 

quod uidelicet . . . incolis] ' |)ivt mynster oiN gen to daego Englisce 
nien J)»r in elj-eodignesse habba©,* Uhat monastery Englishmen 
to tliis day occupy there in exile or pilgrimage,' AS. vers. See 
preceding note. 

p. 214. conuersis . . . ad meliora] This refers to the ndoption 
of the Koman Easter by tho Northern Irish. See on v. 15. 

examen] The same word is used of Cedd's monasteries of Ythan- 
caestir and Tilbury, iii. 22, p. 173. 


Anno . . . secundus] Feb. 15, 670, is within the first year of Date ot 
Theodore's arrival, seeing that he did not reach England till V^^T^ i 
May, 669, Again, below, cf. v. 24, p. 354, Bede says distinctly Egfrid's 
that the Council of Hertford was held on Sept. 24, 673, in the third accession. 
year of Egfrid. But if Egfrid's accession was in Feb. 670, this 
would be his fourth year. In c. 12 Bede says that the comet of 
Aug. 678 was in Egfrid's eighth year ; but Aug. 678 is in the 
ninth year from Feb. 670. It may have been the perception of this 
which led the AS. translator to substitute ' ninth ' for ' eighth.' In 
c. 17 Bede says that the Council of Hatfield, which was held Sept. 
1 7, 680, was in the tenth year of Egfrid ; but Sept. 680 is in the 
eleventh year from Feb. 670. Cf. also note on c. 21, and Hist. Abb. 
§§ 4, 7, Again, in c. 26 Bede says that Egfrid was slain in May, 
685. in the fifteenth year of his reign ; but if he came to the throne 
in Feb. 670, this would be his sixteenth year. Further, in iii. 14, 
ad init. Bede says that Oswy coming to the throne in Aug. 642 
held it ^per annos uiginti octo.' But if he died in Feb. 670 he 
only reigned twenty-seven years and a half. AU these independent 
indications seem to show that here and in v. 24, p. 354, Bede or his 
copyists have written 670 for 671 ; and that Oswy's death and 
Egfrid's accession ought to be placed in 671 ; and so the latter is 
placed by two (not independent) foreign chronicles ; Pertz, ii. 237, 
iii. 116* ; though the English authorities naturally follow the direct 
words of Bede and give 670. \- 

Osuiu rex] ' Kex maximus,' H. H. p. 61 ; 'his successors sank Osvry. 
into merely local sovereigns,' Green, M. E. p. 306. He was 
interred at Whitby, see on ii. 20, p. 125 ; iii, 24, p. 179. 

synodicae actionis . . . textus] On the canons of this council, Council ot 
and the earlier sources from wliich they are taken or modified, ®^^^ • 
V. Bright, pp. 240-249, 441-444 ; H. & S. iii. 1 18-122. 'This act . . . 
is of the highest liistorical importance as the fir.^st constitutional 
measure of the coUective Englith race ; ' D. C. B. iv. 928, 

P 2 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV 



and Plebs. 

p. 215. indictione prima] If Theodore (like Bede himself) used 
the Caesarean indiction, this day, Sept. 24, 673, was the very first 
day of the first indiction. If he used the pontifical indiction 
the date here is not affected, as that indiction commenced with 
the beginning of the year. But it must again be repeated that 
the usage of Theodore proves nothing as to that of Bede ; v. on 
i. 23. 

quaeque] = quaequae, as often in this document and elsewhere. 
See on i. 32. 

librum canonum] ' collectionem canonum ecclesiae in concilio 
Calchedonensi approbatam, et a Dionysio Exiguo non diu antea in 
Latinum sermonem traductam et in ecclesiam occidentalem re- 
ceptam ; ' Smith ; cf. D. C. A. i. 399. 

notaueram] 'awrat/ ' wrote/ AS. vers. 

p. 216. parrochiam] We have seen above on c. i, ad fin., that 
the word ' dioecesis ' in its ecclesiastical application ranges from 
a patriarchate to a parish in the modern sense. The word irapoiKia, 
' parochia,' is the collective of irdpoiKos, and is applied to the body 
of Christians living as ' strangers and pilgrims,' irdpoiKoi Kal irap- 
cirihrjjxoL, in any place ; Lightfoot, App. Ff. I. ii. 6. More speci- 
fically it meant the body of Christians living under one bishop ; 
but it soon came to mean the area in which they dwelt, i. e. the 
modern diocese ; in which sense it is used throughout this docu- 
ment. 'Parochia' however, in the modern sense of ' parish,' 
occurs as early as the Council of Agde, 506 a. d. ; Bright, pp. 243, 
244 ; D. C. A. ii. 1554, ff. Closely connected with this is the 
history of another word, which also occurs in this canon : ' plebs ' 
or 'plebes' (' pJehs, hominum ; plebes, ecclesiarum ; ' Hugucio, cited 
by Ducange, s. v.). This means (i) the laity living under a single 
bishop, or (ii) under a single priest, i. e. the inhabitants of either 
a diocese or a parish ; and, by an easy transference, (iii) the diocese 
or (iv) the parish itself. In the first sense it is used here, and in 
a sense closely allied if not identical in c. 28, p. 273 : ' commissam 
sibi plebem ; ' Epist. ad Ecgb. § 2, p. 406 : 'subditam sibi plebem.' 
So Gelasius (492 x 496) writes ' clero et plebi Tarentino ; ' Jaffe, 
R. P. p. 60, and so fq. ; cf. the councils of Carthage and Hippo 
(fourth century), cited by M. & L. a. L: ' ne quisquam episcoporum 
alterius plebes uel dioecesim . . . pulsare debeat ; ' ' a nullo usur- 
pontur plebes alienae.' On the other hand, Nicolas I (858 x 867), 
writes to Ado, Archbishop of Vienne : ' de plebibus uel baptismalibus 
ecclesiis in dioecesibus . . . constituendis ' ; ib. 250 (cf. H. & S. i. 
329: 'quinque plebes adiudicatae sunt Urbano Episcopo Landa- 
uiensi). In these passages it clearly means parishes. In this 

Chap. 5.] Notes, 213 

sense it hns given us the moclern Italiun 'pieve' and tlie modern 
Welsli ' plwyf.' But in mediaeval Welsh ' plwyf means ' diocese ' ; 
cf. H. & S. i. 359 : 'rhan fiiwr o blwyf Teilo/ * a great part of the 
plimjf of Teilo,' i. e. of the diocose of Lhindaff. Seo Ducange, s. v. 
* plebs,' where however the passages are not chissified with suf- 
ficient distinctness ; and D. C. A. ii. 1645, 1646. The first two 
senses seem combined in Opp. viii. 400, wliere Bede says, 'episcopi 
ac presbyteri . . . plebem fidelium . . . debent aedificaro.' 

ut . . . mcnasteria, «&c.] This eanon, which goes beyond the cor- Monastic 
responding one of the Council of Chalcedon, marks a stago in the exemp- 
development of monastic exemptions from episcopal jurisdiction, ^^^^' 
which eventually had such disastrous effects on the monasteries 
tliemselves ; cf. St. Bernard, cited by Morison, p. 426. The bishops 
liowever in the later Middle Ages were very remiss in the use of 
such powers as they had ; v. Raine's Hexham, I. cii. ; D. C. A. i. 

ipsi monachi] Some editions, ' mira ignorantia dicam an osci- Mis-read- 
tantia ' i^Smith), read ' episcopi.' This is impossible, though Todd ^^S- 
defends it, Life of St. Patrick, p. 49. Monastic episcojjacy, such 
as we have traced in the Irish Church, never existed in the English 
Church. ' Ipsi ' is the reading of all the MSS. which I have 
examined. The 'oscitantia' is the result of the ease with which 
in some MSS. the abbreviations epi (episcopi) and ipl (ipsi) may 
be confounded. Lightfoot, App. Ff. II. iii. 9, gives no less than 
four instances of the converse mistake from the MS. of the Latin 
version of the Ignatian epistles. For the canon itself, cf. the 
Dialogue of Egbert, H. & S. iii. 406. 

per dimissionem . . . abbatis] Signified no doubt by ' litterae Letters 
dimissoriae,' kmcrToXat dnoKvTtKai These letters allowinga monk to dimissory. 
settle in another monastery, or a clerk to settle in anotlier diocese, 
or (which is the sense which has survived to modern times) to 
be ordained by a bishop of another diocese, are different from the 
' litterae commendaticiae ' mentioned below, given to a clerk who 
had permis.<ion to travel ; v. Briglit, p. 245 ; Ducange, s. v. ' dimis- 
soriae litterae.' 

ut nullTis clericorum, &c.] For this canon, cf. Egberfs 
Dialogue, u. s. ; and the legatine synod of 786 or 787, H. & S. iii. 

commendaticiis litteris] Cf. 2 Cor. iii. i, avaraTiKal lincrToXai, Letters 
' commendatitiae epistolae ' (Vulgate), whence these terms passed commenda- 
into the technical language of the Church. In the Dialogue of ^^' 
Egbert, u. s., such documents are called 'literae pacificae.' 

excommunicationi] ' biscopes dome,' ' the bishop's doom,' AS. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV 



Division of 

riage after 






vers. The only instance which Bede gives of the exercise of this 
power is by Cedd, iii. 22, p. 173. 

ut episcopi atque clerici, &c.] Cf. Dialogue of Egbert, u.s. p. 407. 

Clofeshoch] This place has never been successfully identified. 
It was ahnost certainly in Mercia, and probably near London. 
' It is singular that no recorded Council of Clovesho occurs until 
. . . seventy years subsequent/ i. e. the famous council of 747 ; 
H. & S. iii. 122. But, as M. & L. point out, a council at Clovesho 
in 716 is given in H. & S. iii. 300, 301. 

consecrationis] Here some of the best MSS. and editions (in- 
ckiding that of Smith) ' mira oscitantia ' read ' congregationis.' 

sed de hac re . . . siluimus] A sentence ominous of the troubles 
which resulted from the attempt to carry out this resolution. In 
the letter to Archbishop Egbert, §§ 8, 9, inf., pp. 41 1-4 13, written 
towards the end of 734, Bede gives us his view of what the limit 
of a diocese should be, and of the need for further division still 
existing. The process has gone on continuously to our own days, 
and is not completed yet. This clause 'sed . . . siluimus' is 
omitted in the AS. vers., probably because this need for 'silence' 
had passed away. 

p. 217. quod si quisquam . . . coniugi] This canon, which, in 
the case of a dissolution of marriage on the one ground allowed by 
Christ, forbids the remarriage even of the innocent party, went 
beyond the actual law of the Church, which discouraged, but did 
not prohibit, such marriages. In his Penitential (if liis views are 
accurately represented there) Theodore is much less strict on this 
point ; H. & S. iii. 199; v. Bright, pp. 247, 248 Bede however 
himself takes the stricter view. See the passage cited on c, 19. 

his itaque . . . incolumes] om. AS. vers. 

mense lulio obierat] The Ann. Lindisf. et Cantuar., which are 
of ancient English origin, give the exact day : IV Non. lul., i.e. 
July 4th ; Pertz, iv. 2. 

tenuit] He died Feb. 6, 685 ; c. 26, p. 268, where he is said (less 
exactly than here) to have reigned twelve years. On Hlothhere, 
cf. D. C. B. iii. 112. 113. 

Bonifatio . . . defuncto] He was consecrated, as we have seen, in 
652 or 653 (v. notes on ii. 15, iii. 20). Therefore his death must 
be placed in 669 or 670 ; and the consecration of Bisi must fall 
669 X673. From the position of Bisi's name in the list of prelates 
attending the Council of Hertford it has been argued that he was 
the first bishop consecrated by Theodore. 

duo . . . episcopi] ^cce to Dunwich in Suffolk, the original East 
Anglian see, and Badwine to Elmham, the new see for Norfolk ; 

Chap. 6.] Notes. 215 

r. Bright, p. 250, aml cf. on iii. 18. p. 163. It is commonly stated 
that this division took phice in 673. This, as far as I can see, is 
a niere inforence from tho fact that Bedo mentions it here immodi- 
atoly after tho Council of Hertford. But whon we remember Bede's 
mannor of grouping his facts by subjects rather than chronology 
suoh an inferonce seems highly precarious. R. W. phices it in 674, 
i. 163. 


P. 218. Non multo . .. tempore] Tho (twelftli centuiy) Peter- DatcofdH- 
Iwrough additions to the Sax. Chron. E. suh ann. 656, ad fin., Pr.^'*^5*^ "^ 
represent Wynfrid as deposed in 673 by the Council of Hertford. 
Tliis at any rate is contrary to Bed©'s narrative. Flor. Wig. places 
the deposition of Wynfrid in 675, and this has been generally 
accepted ; though it may be doubted whether it represents more 
than his own estimate of the value to be assigned to Bede's ' non 
multo . . . tempore.' If, as Bede implies, c. 12, p. 229, the district 
of Lindsey was separated from Sexwulf 's diocese in consequence of 
Egfrid's conquest of Wulf here, then Sexwulf 's accession cannot be 
later than 675, as Wulf here died in that year. This would dispose 
of the assortion in G. P. p. 221, that Wynfrid was expelled by 
Ethelred, Wulfhere's successor, because he favoured his enemy, 
Egfrid of Northumbria. The charter of Osric of 676, signed by 
Sexwulf as bishop (K. C. D. i. 17 ; Birch, i. 69, 70), is open to 
suspicion ; v. H. & S. iii. 129 ; and should not be cited as evidence. 
But Sex\\mlf was certainly bishop of Mercia in 676, when Putta of 
Eochester took refuge with him ; c. 12, p. 228. Eddius, c. 25, seems 
to represent the expulsion of Wynfrid as contemporary with that 
of Wilfrid in 678: 'eo tempore . . . Winfrithus . . . expulsiis,' &c. 
On crossing to the Continent he fell into the hands of the agents of 
Ebroin and Theodoric, who had been bribed by the enemies of 
Wilfrid to lay hands on the latter, but were deceived by the 
similarity of name ; 'bono errore,' says Eddius, though it may be 
doubted if Wynfrid thought it so. If we could accept the state- 
ment of G. P. (v. s. \ this would fit in very well wath the date 678, 
as Ethelred's hostility to Egfrid culminated in the battle on the 
Trent in 679, whereas up to 676 his arms were directed principally 
against Kent ; c. 12. But in face of Bede's narrative it seems 
impossible to place Wynfrid's deposition so late as 678. We must 
either suppose Eddius to be mistaken, or understand 'expulsus' to 
mean 'having been (previously) expelled.' 

permeritum . . . inoboedientiae] It has been commonly sujjposed Cause ot it. 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

aiid tlie 
of Peter- 

journey to 
the Conti- 

that Wynfrid's clisobedience consisted in resisting (like Wilfrid) 
the division of his diocese in accordance with the decree of the 
Council of Hertford ; and this is confirmed by the tradition that 
some division of the diocese did take place under his successor 
Sexwulf ; Fl. Wig. i. 36, 239, 240, 243. But the subject is beset with 
extraordinary difificulties ; v. H. & S. iii. 127-130 ; D. C. B. iv. 929. 
We are again reminded of Wharton's words, Ang. Sac. i. 423 : 
' nusquam crassiores tenebrae . . . quam in successione Episcoporum 
Merciensium.' If the division took place as Fl. Wig. says in 679 
or 680, it seems strange that Theodore should have waited so long 
after Wynfrid's deposition ; and this might furnish an argument 
for a later date for that event. 

Sexuulfum . . . Medeshamstedi] The legends connected with 
the foundation of Medeshamstead (Peterborough) are given in the 
Peterborough additions to the Sax. Chron. E. See under the years 
654, 656, 675, and notes. According to the same authority Sexwulf 
was succeeded as abbot by Cuthbald. This, as a Peterborough fact, 
may probably be accepted ; see my edition, pp. 33, 36, 37. Cuth- 
bald has been identified with the abbot of Oundle mentioned in 
V. 19, ad fin. ; D. C. B. iv. 590, 591. The Sax. Chron. A. B. C. 
place Sexwulf 's death in 705, but wrongly ; he must have died before 
692, as in that year, at latest, Wilfrid, on his second expulsion, 
succeeded to his functions ; v. v, 19, notes ; H. & S. iii. 129. 
Gyruiorum] See on iii. 20, acl init. 

rediit . . . flniuit] The story quoted above from Eddius shows 
that in 678 Wynfrid attempted to make a journey to the Continent. 
Eddius seems to imply that this was immediately after his 
deposition ; but we have seen that Bede's narrative is opijosed to 
this. Wharton, Ang. Sac. i. 426, makes the very natural suggestion 
that Wynfrid, like Wilfrid, may have intended to appeal to Kome. 
If so, it seems again strange that he should have waited three 
years before doing so. Eadmer however, Vita Wilfridi, c. 29 ; 
H. Y. i. 190, speaks of him as 'tunc in peregrinationem pro Dei 
amore euntem.' He also speaks of him as 'nuper depositum,' but 
this only shows that he derived the same impression that we do 
from Eddius' narrative. It may have been in consequence of his 
misadventure that Wynfrid returned to his monastery and died 
there, as Bede relates. Bede says nothing of his journey to the 
Continent, though he certainly had Eddius' life before him. 

tum etiam] i. e. c. 675, according to Bede's narrative ; cf. Fl. 
Wig. i. 33 ; R. W. i. 164. ' It may denote the recovery of some 
independent power for the East Saxons after the death of Wulf- 
here;' D. C. B. ii. 178. 

chap. 6.] Notes. 217 

raeminimus] iii. 30. 

Earconualdum] lui of Wessex, in his laws 690x693), spoaks oi Kaicon- 
KaivonwaUl us 'my bishop/ which seems to show that at that time ^*^'*'- 
Essox must have been under the hegemony of Wessex ; H. & S. iii. 
214, 218, 219 ; cf. ib. 350. For the hiter lives of liim, v. Hardy, 
Cat. i. 293-295 ; AA.SS. Apr. iii. 780-787 ; R. W. i. 164, 165. For 
the date of his death, see on c. 11. He was a witness of the 
reconciliation of Theodore and Wilfrid in 686 or 687 ; Eddius, 
0. 43. He signs two charters, one genuine, the other spurious ; 
K. C. D. Nos. 35, 38 ; Birch, Nos. 81, 87. The genuine one belongs 
to 692 or 693. There is a letter from one Sigebakl, perhaps Abbot 
of Chertsey, to Boniftice, 732 x 745, saying that if he survives 
Boniface he will pray for his soul as he does for that of Earconwald ; 
Mon. Mog. p. 167 ; H. & S. iii. 350. 

sorori suae Aedilburgae] Capgrave's life, AA.SS. Oct. v. 648 ff., Ethelberg. 
makes her a daugliter of Offa of Lindsey, of wliom nothing is 
known. The statement that her father was (a non-existent) Offa, 
King of the East Angles, is not in Capgrave, but in the BoUandists' 
notes. This has misled Sir T. Hardy, Cat. i. 385. The mistake is 
perhaps due to a confusion witli the Ethelberg of iii. 8, who was a 
daughter of Anna of East Anglia. For another suggestion, see D. C. B. 
iv. 68 ; and the confusion between East Anglia and Essex runs 
through many writers, mediaeval and modern. See on v. 19, aclinit. 

regione Sudergeona] 'SuSrigna lande,' AS. vers., which shows Svirroy. 
that -geona is the AS. gen. plural. For the various forms in which 
the name occurs in the AS. Chron., see the index of phice-names. 

p. 219. Cerotaesei] ' Ceorteseig,' AS. vers. Chertsey. Both Fl. Cliertsey. 
Wig. i. 33, and G. P. p. 143, say that Earconwald founded Chertsey, 
' adminiculo Frithewoldi subreguli.' And in K. C. D. Nos. 986- 
988; Birch. i. 55-59, 64, 65, are grants and confirmations by 
Wulfhere, Frithewald and Earconwald, and in H. & S. iii. 161-164 
is a privilege of Pope Agatho to the monastery of Chertsey. They Forgery of 
are all from the same MS., Cotton, Vit. A. xiii, and they are charters. 
all forgeries. Moreover we can point with tolerable certainty to 
the exact period at which they were forged. In G. P. u.s. we 
i"ead : ' splenduit ibi religio, usque ad Danos, qui . . . locum illum 
pessundedere. . . . At rex Edgarus . . . illud [monasterium] 
refecit in solidum, undique ueteribus cartis conquisitis, quarum testi- 
monio praedia reuocaret ad locum, quae quidam ex magnatibua seu 
ui, seu uetustatis auctoritate occuparent ad ius suum.' A demand 
of this kind never failed to create a supply. Of course in many 
cases the land may have been justly claimed, though the docu- 
ments by which the claim was supported were forged. 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

Barking. In Berecingum] Barking in Essex. The Bollandists place the 

foundation of Chertsey and Barking about 666; AA.SS. Oct. v. 648 ; 
cf. Mon. Angl. i. 436 ; bvit this is very uncertain. 


Earlier life descripta habentur] These chapters, 7-1 t, are evidently taken 
ot Ethel- from some earlier authority which in cc. 10, 11, pp. 224, 225, 
Bede speaks of as a 'liber' or ' libellus,' probably some life of 
St. Ethelberg, as he uses the &ame term 'libellus' of the life of 
St. Fursa, from which iii. 19 is taken ; cf. pp. 165, 168. This life, 
if extant, has not been identified. The style however of these 
chapters is very like Bede's, so that he has probably worked up 
his materials in his own way. 

saepe dictae cladis] The only visitation of the plague which 
Bede has ' often ' mentioned is that of 664. If that is the one 
meant here, the foundation of Barking must be placed a good 
deal earlier than is commonly done ; see on cc. 6, 9, 10. 

expletis . . . psalmodiis] The picturesque effect of the following 
story is much heightened if it be remembered that matins were 
said before daybreak ; v. Introd. p. xxvi. For psalms and prayers 
at the graves of the departed, v. note on iii. 5. 


Thne of 


Meditari.' p. 220. meditari] ' to learn his lessons ; ' v. on iii. 5, and critical 
note here. M. & L. aptly compare Chaucer's 'litel clergeoun' in 
the ' Prioress' Tale,' who says : 

* Now certes I wol do my diligence 
To conne it al, er Cristemasse is wente ' (vv. 87, 88). 
tertio] = ter. 



Date of ^- 221. Cum autem . . . mundo] Fl. Wig. i. 26 says that Ethel- 

Ethelbergs berg died on Oct. 11, 664. The knowledge of the day of her death 
may have been kept alive by annual commemorations ; the year 
may be only the result of two inferences drawn from Bede's 
narrative by Florence, neither of which can be regarded as certain : 
(i) that Ethelberg died of the plague ; (ii) that the phigue was that 
of 664. See notes on c. 10. 

p. 222. cuius ut uirtus, &c.] Cf. the cases of Hild, c. 23, p. 256 ; 

Chap. io, II.] Notes. 219 

juul of Ilorbort, c. 29, p. 275. Cf. on Cant. v. 22 : ' Est ct tortia ' I stjind 
Doniini ad ostiiim nostrum ])ulsatio, cum nos de hac uita rapi- ""'' '^"'•'"'^ 
endos, praemissis infirmitatihus, admonet. . . . Confe.stim autem 
Domino sie pulsanti aperimus, si mortem laeti excipimus, neque 
ad iudicium eius induci formidamus ; ' Opp. ix. 299, 300. And on 
Luke xii. 36: 'uenit quippe cum ad iudicium properat ; 
uero cum iam per aegritudinis molestias esso mortem uicinam 
designat, Cui confestim aperimus, si hunc cum amore suscipimus ; 
aperire . . . non uult, qui exire de corpore trepidat ' ; Opp. xi. 70. 

in qua . . . pausare] ' ])e 5a sweostor in reston,' 'wherein the I)f>rniit<)i\ 
sisters rested,' AS. vers. ; cf. c. 23, p. 257 : ' in dormitorio . . . 
pausans.' So here the dormitory is meant. Hussey and Moberly 
take it of the death-chamber ; cf. c. 24. But though 'pausare' 
might be used of resting in the grave, it cannot mean the act 
of dying. 

p. 223. infirmitate decocta] So 'infirmitate decoquitur'; c. 29, 
P- 275. 

bene uenisti] ' You are welcome ' ; cf. French * bien-venir,' ' Bene 
' bien-venu * ; e.g. ^ partout sont ils bien-venus,' Froissart, II. ^^^""'^- 
iii. 25. Cf. ' Wilcoma [Abbess of Chelles] ; quod "Bene uenias " 
resonat Anglica lingua,' Hardy, Cat. i. 377. 

p. 224. nuntiare uenisset] For the construction cf. iii. 2, adfin. 


Hildilid] To her, in conjunction with others, Aldhelm dedicated Hildiliii. 
his work De Virginitate ; Opp. ed. Giles, p. i. She is mentioned 
in a letter of St. Boniface to the abbess of St. Mildred's, Thanet, 
in a way which shows that slie was a friend of his, and that she 
did not die before 709 ; Mon. Mog. pp. 53, ff. If Ethelberg died in 
664, Hildilid must have been abbess at least forty-five years ; and 
Bede says that she was abbess ' multis annis . . . usque ad ultimam 
senectutem.' Fl. Wig. mentions her succession in 664, v. s. ; and 
again in 675, which is perhaps a more likely date. 

libro . . . libellus] v. on c. 7. 

quiscLue] = ' quisquis.' 

p. 225. quae famularum . . . reuersa est] Cf. iii. 9, adfin. 


Sebbi] r. notes on iii. 22. 

in regno . . . exegisset] Therefore Bede does not regard the Soculai 
government of an earthly kingdom as incompatible with the ^.^^".^ 
service of the heavenly kingdom ; cf. ii. 20. But lie thinks that 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 




' Doctoris 

public and even domestic affairs can hardly be administered 
without some defilement : ' publicani . . . uocantur, qui . . . pub- 
licis implicantur negotiis, quae sine peccato aut uix, aut nullatenus 
ualent administrari ' ; Opp. v. 222 ; cf. x. 54 : ' cura rei familiaris, 
quae uix sine culpa . . . agitur.' Bede would have all men like 
Abraham, sitting in the tent door (Gen. xviii. i), ready to depart 
at any moment, not immersed in business in the midst of the 
tent ; Opp. vii. 194. 

Ualdheri] There is a letter from him to Archbishop Bertwald, 
H. & S. iii. 274. He receives a grant from Swefred in 704; K. C T>. 
No. 52 ; Birch, No. 11 1 ; and signs a grant of Ethelbald of Mercia ; 
K. C. D. No. 79; Birch, No. 153. 

p. 226. Erconualdo successerat] Earconwald must have died 
692 X694. See on iii. 22 ; ' about 693,' Stubbs, in D. C. B. ii. 178. 
He was buried in St. Paurs ; but the resting-pUice of his successors 
was involved in obscurity ; G. P. p. 144 ; Elmham, p. 271 ; AA.SS. 
Apr. iii. 782-784. 

p. 227. Sighardo . . . Suefredo] v. notes on iii. 22. 

inuentum est, &c.] Similar mu-acles are related in connexion 
with the burial of Wilbrord ; Alcuin's Prose Life, c. 25 ; Metrical 
Life, c. 25 ; Mon. Alc. pp. 57, 74 ; and of Anselm, G. P. p. 123. In 
the latter case the idea of bending the body was rejected : ' quia 
[nollent] corpus curuando iniuriam . . . Sancti Spiritus facere 

doctoris gentium] St. Paul ; who so entitles himself ; i Tim. 
ii. 7. Bede, however, applies the phrase also to St. Matthew ; Opp. 
V. 222. Sebbi's tomb in St. Paurs was shown until the great fire 
of 1666. 


Quartus . . . TJini] On the early history of the West-Saxon 

bishopric, v. iii. 7, and notes. 
West mortuus . . . Coinualch] His death is placed in 672 by the Sax. 

Saxon His- Chron, ; it was contemporary with Benedict Biscop's return from 
Cenwalh, ^^^^ fourth visit to Rome ; Hist. Abb. § 4, where Bede speaks of 

Cenwalh as 'inmatura morte praereptus,' and says that he had 

been a great friend and benefactor to Benedict. 

acceperunt ... X] The Sax. Chron. says that Sexburgh, Cen- 

walh's queen, reigned for a year after him, that ^scwine, son 

of Cenfus, succeeded in 674 (R. W. regards him as king in 673 ; 

i. i62\ that he died in 676, and was succeeded by Centwine, that 

in 685 Caedwalla ' began to strive for the kingdom.' Eddius, c. 40, 

Chap. 12.] Xotes, 221 

distinctly says thnt Cetitwino M-as kincj of Wossox whon WilfVi<! 
took refugo thoro in 68i. Fl. Wig. notes the divergonco betweoi» 
Bede and tho Chron. In i. 272, lio cites a third authority, th<* 
Dicta regis ^Elfrodi, according to which it was not ^scwine but 
his fatlior Confus who succoeded Sexburgh. He placos Centwino's 
death in 685, wliich is probably only an inferenco from th(i Chron. 
Aldhohn, in a poem written under Ini, distinctly says that Cent- 
wine entered a monastery before his death ; Opp. pp. 115, 116; 
possibly compelled to do so by Caedwalla. W. M. of course buries 
him at GLi.stonburj', i. 25. Later writers draw on their imagination ; 
cf. W. M. i. 32 ; G. P. p. 352 ; Wendover ad ann. 672 (followed by 
Matth. Paris and Westminster) ; cf. Eudborne in Ang. Sac. i. 194. 
We might reconcile Bede and the Chron. by supposing that among 
the contending aldermen (AS. vers for ' subreguli '), ^scwine and 
Centwine attained suflficient predominance to take tlie title of 
king. until Ci^dw^alla once more united the kingdom in his strong 
hand ; cf. W. M. i. 32. On this temporary reversion to a form of 
government anterior to the institution of royalty, see Allen, 
Prerogative, p. 165 ; F. N. C. i. 580, 581 ; S. C. H. i. 171. For an 
earlier instance in Wessex, cf. Sax. Chron. E. 626 ; sup. ii. 9, last 
note ; Palgrave, Engl. Com. p. 405 ; F. N. C. i. 26, 27. This con- 
fusion in the kingdom of Wessex justified the abandonment for 
a time of the plan of dividing the diocese. ' It was . . . clear that 
if the West Saxons were to remain one kingdom, they must 
remain one diocese.' On Haedde^s death these reasons no longer 
existed ; D. C. B. ii. 874. 

Haeddi] See notes to iii. 7, and v. 18, ad init. He signs two Hseddfi. 
grants of Ethelred of Mercia, both attributed to 691x692; the 
former genuine, the latter spurious ; K. C. D. Nos. 32, 33 ; Birch, 
Nos. 75, 76. 

p. 228. duobus annis] Bede places Caedwalla's abdication in Date of 
688, V. 7, 24, pp. 290, 355. Therefore he must date his accession Csedwalla. 
686. This is not inconsistent with the Chron., which merely says 
that in 685 he ' began to strive for the kingdom,' ^ winnan aefter 

Aedilred . . . fedaret] This ravager of monasteries afterwards Ethelred 
became himself a monk and abbot of Bardney ; see on iii. 11, and of Mercia. 
V. 19. Theodore in 686 addresses him as ' tua miranda Sanctitas ' ; 
Eddius, c. 43 ; H. & S. iii. 171 ; Fl. Wig. i. 264, calls him ' sanctus 
iEthelredus ' ; cf. D. C. B. ii. 227 ; while W. M. i. 78 says that he 
was ' animi religione quam pugnandi exercitatione celebrior.' In 
G. P. p. 135, it is stated that he invaded Kent, 'nescio quo inso- 
lenti Cantuaritae regis responso incensus.' But this is imagination. 


Tlie Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. VI. 

See of 

Bishops of 


'The expecUtion was probably connected witli the internal divi- 
sions in the Kentish kingdom. where the Mercian influence seems to 
have alternated with the West Saxon' ; D. C. B.iv.226. In a spurious 
charter of Swaebhard of Kent, Ethelred is represented as signing 
it while on this expedition ; K. C. D. No. 14 ; Birch, No. 42. In 
another spurious charter he is called ' rex Christianissimus Mer- 
ciorum, immo . . , totius . . . Britanniae ' ; K. C. D. No. 40 ; Birch, 
No. 89. ' Under Ji^thelred, Mercian history is all but a blank,' 
Green, M. E. p. 387. 

accepta . . . non grandis] This has sometimes been taken as 
marking the foundation of the see of Hereford ; H. & S.iii. 126, 130 ; 
Stubbs, Ep. Succ. pp. 3, 171 ; Hardy's Le Neve, i. 454 ; cf. Bright, 
p. 264. But the whole tenor of Bede's narrative is against the idea 
that Putta discharged episcopal functions after the loss of Eochester. 
He lived as a simple priest to the end of his life. The ' agellus 
non grandis ' cannot refer to the extent of a diocese, but indicates 
the plot of land with which his church was endowed ; cf. iii. 17, 
p. 160, of Aidan : ' utpote nil propriae possessionis, excepta ecclesia 
sua et adiacentibus agellis habens.' Fl. Wig. mentions the death of 
a Putta, Bishop of Hereford, under 688 (cf. ib. 238 ; G. P. p. 298}, but 
he says no word to identify him with Putta, ex-Bishop of Rochester. 
Yet this identification is the sole ground for the above statement. 
It is true that the see of Hereford must have been founded about 
this time if its fii-st bishop died in 688. Bede, however, says nothing 
on the subject. Nor does it appear in Fl. Wig.'s list of sees created 
out of Mercia in 679, i. 240. 

Cuichelmum . . . Gebmundum] Bede gives no materials for 
fixing the dates of these two bishops, and (perhaps for that 
reason) they are not mentioned in the Sax. Cliron. Fl. Wig. 
places all these transactions under 676, but no argument can be 
drawn from this (with Le Neve, ii. 555), as he has simply trans- 
ferred this paragraph of Bede, almost unaltered, to his own pages. 
Stubbs, Ep. Succession, p. 4 (on what authority I know not), places 
tlie consecration of Gebmund in 678. For the date of his death, 
see on v. 8, adfin. 

q.ui est annus . . . VIII] See note on c. 5. 

cometa] Cf. Bede, De Natura Rerum, c. 24 : ' Cometae sunt 
stellae flammis crinitae, repente nascentes, regni mutationem, aut 
pestilentiam, aut bella, uel uentos, aestusue portendentes . . . 
Breuissimum quo cernerentur spatium septem dierum annotatum 
est, longissimum LXXX;' Opp. vi. iii. This therefore was a comet 
of the longest duration ; cf. v. 23, p. 349. There was a comet in 
April 1066 which was widely regarded as portentous. This how- 

Chap. 12.] Notes. 223 

ever was of the shortost duration, '7 swa sccan . . . soofan niht,* 
' and so shono soven nights ' ; Sax. Chron. ad ann. with notes. 
' Baltliasar Bokker . . . and Pierre Bayle . . . overthrew the super- 
stition,' M. & L. 

p. 229. orta . . . dissensioue, &c.] v. v. 19, p. 326, and notes. 

Bosa] Alcuin, in liis poeni De Sanctis Ebor. vv. 846-874, gives Bosa. 
a vory favourable character of Bosa, ' uir sino fraude bonus.' He 
is mentioned in tlie so-called poetical Martyrology of Bede ; Opp. 
i. 53 ; cf. AA.SS. Mart. ii. io*-i2*. 

Eata] V. on iii. 26, p. 190. 

Eadhaed] He had been sent witli Ceadda in 664, wlien he went Eadhed. 
to bo consocratod first to Kent, and then to Wessex, iii. 28. 

Lindisfarorum] v. on iii. 11. 

nuperrime] It cannot have been later than 675, as Wulfhere 
died in that year, possibly in consequence of this defeat. 

superato . . . UulfherG] On this Eddius, c. 20, says : ' Wlfharius Wulfliere. 
. . . superbo animo . . . omnes Australes populos aduersum regnum 
nostrum concitans, non tam ad bellandum quam ad redigendum 
sub tributo . . . proponebat. Ecgfrithus uero . . . in Deum confisus 
. . . hostem superbum . . . cum paruo exercitu prostrauit ; . . . reg- 
nunique eius sub tributo distribuit, et eo postea quacunque ex 
causa moriente . . . aliquod spatium pacifice imperauit.' In G. P. 
pp. 218, 219, Wulfhere's motive is said to have been revenge for 
the death of his father Penda (twenty years previously) ! But 
• terga turpiter nudatus, inglorius effugit, nec multis post diehus 
superstes partem prouinciarum [i.e. Lindissi] Northanimbrorum 
regi cessit.' The Hist. de S. Cuthberto, S, D. i. 200, says that he 
fled ' uno tantum comitante puerulo.' ' Et hoc obtinuit [Egfrid] 
per auxilium sancti Wilfrithi qui cum eo fuit, maxime u^ro per 
orationes sancti Cuthberti qui absens erat.' Eddius, c. 19, natu- 
rally ascribes all Egfrid's successes to Wilfrid, and all his subse- 
quent disasters to his quarrel with him. So G-. P. p. 219. 

Ediluini . . . Cyniberctum] There are no means of dating the Bishops of 
accessions of these bishops. Edgar signs a charter of 706; K, C. D. Lindsey. 
No. 56 ; Birch, No. 116, and the Council of Clovesho in 716 ; H. & S. 
iii. 300. Cynibert supplied Bede with materials for his history ; 
Pref. p. 7. He died in 732 ; S. D. ii. 30. For Ethelwine, cf, iii. 
II, 27, pp. 149, 192, 

habebat . . . Sexuulfum] i. e. Lindsey being then subject to 
Mercia, Sexwulf, as bishop of Mercia, acted as bishop in Lindsey. 

post tres . . . annos] i. e. 68 1. 

Tunberctura] Hc had been abbot of Gilling ; Hist. Anon. Abb. Tunbert. 
§ 2, On Gilling, v. iii. 24, p. 179. 

224 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. iv, 

Eata's see. remanente Eata, &c.] This seems to show that Eata had chosen 
Lindisfarne, and not Hexham, as the seat of his bishopric (see on 
iii. 26) ; cf. Eaine's Hexham, I. xviii, xxiii ; while the phrase of 
iv. 28, p. 273, 'Eata reuerso ad sedem ecclesiae Hagustaldensis/ 
points the opposite way. For the boundaries of Hexham diocese, 
cf. Raine, u. s. pp. xix. 20. 

Bishopric Pietorum] The seat of this bishopric seems to have been in the 

ofthePicts. monastery of Abercorn on the Forth, c. 26. The Picts meant are 
of course those Picts north of the Forth who were subject to 
Northumbrian rule, v. s. on c. 3, and references there given. After 
the defeat of Egfrid in 685, the Picts emancipated themselves from 
that rule, and Trumwine had to retire to Whitby, c. 26. In later 
times, when the existence of the Pictish kingdom north of the 
Forth had been forgotten, the name of Scots having supplanted 
that of Picts in those regions, and the only Picts then known 
being those of Galloway, the mistake was made of supposing that 
Trumwine's see was Whitern or Candida Casa (so the lists of 
bishops in Fl. Wig. i. 246 ; Eichard of Hexham, c. 6, and many later 
writers ; cf. G, P. p. 254, margin) ; whereas Pehthehn was really 
the first Anglian bishop of Candida Casa, v. 23, p. 351. Nicolas, 
prior of Worcester, writing to Eadmer in 1120 on the primacy of 
the see of York in Scotland, avoids this error, but says : 'Pictorum 
uero episcopi sedes, cuius mentionem sanctus Beda facit, ubi 
fuerit, penitus ignoro ' ; H. & S. ii. 204 ; cf. ib. 6, 7 ; S. C. S. i. 262, 
268, ii. 170, 273. That Bede is not thinking of those Picts who 
may have spread to the south of the Forth (as Bright supposes, 
p. 324), is shown by c. 26, p. 267, where he distinctly says that 
the Forth ' Anglorum terras Pictorumque disterminat.' 
recepisset] On the date, v. s. on iii. 11. 

Kipon. Hrypensi eeclesiae praefeeit] Cf. iii. 28 : ' Eadhaedus . . . 

postea . . . Hrypensis ecclesiae praesul factus est.' These phrases 
are commonly taken to indicate the establishment for a time of an 
episcopal see at Eipon ; and so the AS. vers. takes it in both cases : 
' EadhaeS he gesette to biscope Hrypsetna cirican ' ; ' Eadaeth . . . 
aefter J)on . . . in Hrypum waes biscop geworden.' The Latin 
phrases are not however in themselves conclusive, for even 
' praesul ' is sometimes used of abbots, v. Ducange, s. v., and cf. 
H. & S. ii. 6 : ' the possible see of Eipon,' ib. iii. 130. Eddius, 
however, distinctly makes this attempt to convert Wilfrid's 
monastery of Eipon into a bishop's see one of Wilfrid's grounds of 
complaint, c. 45. It probably represents an attempt to divide the 
Deiran diocese, as the Bernician was divided between Lindisfarne 
and Hexham ; Eaine*s Hexham, I. xviii. ; cf. Bede's policy of 

Chap. 13.] Notes. 225 

locating new bishoprics in existing monastcries, Ep, ad Egb. § 10, 
pp. 413-414- 


P. 230. On tho arrangement of this and the two following 
chapters, see the critical notes to the headings of this and the next 

Uilfrid] See on v. 19. Wilfrid. 

patria] Wilfrid's 'patria' is Northumbria, coincident in extent 
with his 'parrochia' or diocese. See on iii. 11, for the absence of 
unity among the Teutonic tribes in Britain at this time ; though 
we trace a rudimentary feeling for it ; c. 14, note. 

diuertens] For the date, see on v. 19. For Wilfrid's earlier Sussex. 
adventures with the South Saxons, ih. and Eddius, c. 13. On the 
condition of Sussex at this time, cf. Bright, pp. 183, 302 ; ' pro- 
uincia gentilis usque ad illud tempus perseuerans uixit, quae pro 
i-upium multitudine et siluarum densitate, aliis prouinciis inexpug- 
nabilis restitit' ; Eddius, c. 41. 

Aedilualch] 'iEfyelwalh,' AS. vers. ; * ^J)elwald,' Sax. Chron. A.; Ethehvalh 
<^>elwold/ B. E. ; ' Aj^elwold,' C. «f Sussex. 

non multo ante] Twenty years, if the Sax. Chron. be correct in 
placing Wulfhere's war with Wessex, the conquest and donation 
of Wight in 661 ; but the entry is not wholly reliable, see note, a. l. 
and on iii. 7. It was evidently Wulfhere's policy to curtail the 
power of Wessex, and to add to that of Sussex, which was too 
small to become dangerous ; cf. D. C. B. ii. 228. Eddius, u. s. 
seems to speak as if Ethelwalh and his queen had still been heathen 
at the time of Wilfrid's arrival. 

loco filii] V. s. on iii. 7, 22. 

Meanuarorum] The name of this tribe of ' Mean-dwellers ' The Mchu- 
survives in the hundreds of East and West Meon, and of Meonstoke ware. 
in Hampshire ; cf. Birch, i. 548. 

Eappa] On the misunderstanding of this passage by the com- Eappa. 
pilers of the Sax. Chron., see notes to p. 32 of my ^dition. 

Huicciorum] For the Hwiccas, see on ii. 2, and inf. c. 23, p. The 
2ce, Hwiccas. 

Eanfridi . . . fuere] It looks as if the two brothers were joint 
i-ulers of the Hwiccas. Bede does not give them the title of king, 
though he does to Osric, c. 23, p. 255. 

p. :i31. erat . . . monachus . . . Dicul] With the exception of Dicuil, 
Maeldub's settlement at Malmesbury, this seems to be a solitary 
instance of Irish missionary effort in the South of England ; and 



The Eccledastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

it does not appear to have had much success. (In the East of 
England we have the case of St. Fursa and his companions, iii. 19.) 
The name Dicul or Dicuil, though not one of the commoner 
Irish names, occurs occasionally ; cf. iii. 19, p. 168 ; F. M. 871, 889 ; 
Vita Tripart. p. 248 ; geyi. Dicollo, ib. ; cf. F. M. 680, 793. It 
was an Irish monk of this name who in the ninth century wrote 
the well-known mediaeval geography, De Mensura orbis terrae ; 
V. Dict. Nat. Biog. ; cf. Poetae Lat. Aeui Carol. ii. 666-668 ; Neues 
Archiv d. Gesellsch. fiir altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, iv. 256- 
Boshatn. Bosanhamm] Bosham near Chichester. For its connexion with 

the story of the Norman Conquest, v. F. N. C. iii. 222. 

tribus annis] i. e. c. 678. 

impia] ^ pitiless.' This incident is not in Eddius. Bede pro- 
bably got it from Acca. 

denique ferunt, &c.] E. W. tells a similar tale of the plague in 
665, i. 159. 

exsufflata idolatria] ' alluding to the old custom of spitting as if 
in abhorence of the Evil one at the time of renovmcing him and his 
works ' ; Bright, p. 306, and refiF. ad loc, inf. v. 6 ; Ducange, s. v. 
' exsufflatio ; ' cf. Eddius, c. 41, 'paganorum . . . quidam uoluntarie, 
alii uero coacti regis imperio, idolatriam deserentes . . . in una die 
multa millia baptizati sunt ' ; see on i. 26, ad fin. 

p. 232. quo beneficio . . . sumserunt] Cf. Opp. ix. 272 : ' Domi- 
nus [primis ecclesiae magistris] . . . etiam faciendorum signorum 
dona contulit, ut, . . . sanatis morbis corporalibus, ad salutem animae 
facilius, quos erudiebant, attraherent ' ; cf. ib. 301 ; and Opp. v. 
189 : * Nam et terrena subsidia necesse est ut subditis rector ne 
desint dihgenter praeuideat ; . . . et si quos aut spiritualibus aut 
etiam communibus eorum commodis aduersantes deprehenderit, 
horum uiolentiae quantum ualet obsistat.' According to Eddius, 
c. 26, Wilfrid's earlier work in Frisia had been much helped by 
the fact that the time of his preaching there was one of great 
Selsey. terram LXXXVII familiarum] 'uillam suam propriam, in 

qua manebat, ad episcopalem sedem, cum territoriis postea 
additis LXXXVII mansionum in Seolesiae . . . nouo euan- 
gelistae . . . concedit'; Eddius, c. 41. A spurious grant of 
Selsey to Wilfrid by Ccedwalla is in K. C. D. No. 992 ; Birch, No. 64. 
The forger betrays his hand by calling Wilfrid arc/ibishop. See 
on ii. 20. 

monasterium] With Eappa as abbot. See next chapter. 

annos V] For the date, see on v. 19. 

' Exsuf- 

Union of 
and teni- 
poral bene- 

Chap. 14.] 



libertate donando] We shouhl expeet ' libertatem.' On tho part TlieChimli 

taken by the mediaeval chnrcli in abolishing shivery and serfdom, "^^*^ ^"'^' 

see M. Yanoski's monograph, De Tabolition de rEschivage au 

Moyen Age (1860). 


On the siguificance of the absence of this chapter from a cer- 
tain class of MSS. see Introduction, § 27. The information on 
which tliis chapter is based was no doubt derived by Bede from 

p. 233. mortalitas saeua] See on iii. 27. 

sacerdos] In c. 13, and lower in this chapter he is called 
'presbyter,' v. on i. 28. 

triduanum ieiunium] Cf. on ii. 2, p. 84. 

p. 234. uerbis piissimis] ' most pitying, or kindly words.* 

hac etenim die] Aug. 5 ; iii. 9, p. 145. 

codicibus . . . depositio] Calendars in which the obits of saints ' Annale. 
and others were noted. Lower in this chapter such a book is called 
an ' annale ' ; (a sense of the word ' annale ' not noted by Ducange). 
Also called a ' Kalendarium defunctorum.' Pertz, xxv. 629. The 
object of such records was to show on what days commemorative 
masses had to be said. The present story would.seem to show that 
they were not always very carefully consulted. Such records often 
formed valuable materials for history. Thus in composing the 
Historia Cremifanensis, the author, ' sicut potuit, ex priuilegiis 
et ex cronicis ac ex defunctorum kalendariis colligere annotauit ' ; 
Pertz, u. s. Such books must be distinguished from the Liber 
Vitae which was simply a list of names without any dates ; see 
e. g. the Liber Vitae ecclesiae Dunelm., published by the Surtees 
Society 1841, and by Mr. Sweet in his Earliest English Texts ; 
cf. Introduction, pp. xxvii, xxviii. The term ' album ' is applied to 



defunctorum,' Pertz, x. 581, seems to apply to the former kind of 
document. The use of the word ' depositio ' in this connexion 
implies the custom of burying on the day of death. See on i. 23, 
iv. 19, 30. 

p. 235. ipsorum genti] Note the beginnings of a sense of unity. 

aduenis] This seems to be used in an ecclesiastical sense, 
' converts.' 

praeclari, &c.] On the representation of SS. Peter and Paul in art, 
cf. D. C. A. ii. 1621-1623. 

Q 2 


Ihe J^cdesiasticaC liistory. 

[Bk. IV. 

tion of 

simul et . . . mandauit] Cf, c. 24, acl fin., p. 261, for the admini- 
stration of the reserved sacrament to a dying member of the 
monastery (Caedmon). 

p. 236. in plerisque locis] On the extent of the cult of St. 
Oswald, V. iii. 13, notes. 

natalicius dies] Cf. Introd. pp. Ixvii, Ixviii. 


Ceedwalla, Interea . . . Caedualla, &c.] It would appear that in the strife 
for power, which, as we have seen, was going on at this time in 
Wessex, Caedwalla had for a time been worsted and driven into 
exile ; ' per factionem principum a West Saxonia expulsus,' G. P. 
p. 233 ; ' factione conspiratorum in exilium actus,' W. M. i. 33. 
He took refuge in 'desertis Ciltine et Ondred,' Eddius, c. 42; i.e. 
the forests of Chiltern and Andred (cf. K. C. D, No. 1289). Here he 
gathered found him, like David, a band of hardy men, ' namque, 

pubes exulem secuta ' ; W. M. u. s. Thus he began ' winnan sefter 
rice, ' to strive for the kingdom ' ; Sax. Chron. He first fell upon 
Ethelwalh, ' improuise ' adds Fl. Wig. i. 39, whom he doubtless 
regarded as occupying districts belonging to Wessex, and slew him. 
He was however driven out by the king'8 ' aldermen' (AS. vers. ; 
not ' earls,' as Bright, p. 349, a title which does not come into use 
in this sense till centuries later), Berthun and Andhun (^thelhun, 
Fl. Wig,), whom he in turn defeated, having in the meantime 
gained possession of the throne of Wessex. W. M. u. s. speaks of 
Edric as the successor of Ethelwalh ; but this is probably due to 
a misunderstanding of c. 26, adfin. ; from which passage he hastily 
inferred that Edric was a South Saxon, whereas he really was 
a Kentish prince. 

Ini] V. V. 7, adfin. 

toto . . . nequiret] We see by this how political and ecclesiastical 
independence went together, The first Bishop of Selsey after 
Wilfrid's retirement was Eadbert, c, 709, a, d., v. v. 18, adfin. 

and eccle- 


Conquestof regno potitus] In 686, v. on c. 12, The conquest of Wight 

r^^?^^* ^7 ^^*"*^ place the same year, Sax. Chron. W. M. i. 33 says that 

Wight held out against Caedwalla, relying upon Mercia, 'fiducia 

Merciorum,' which is very likely, It would seem that Ethelwalh 

at the time of his death had not made any attempt to christianise 

Chap. i6.] Notes. 229 

his new possession of Wiglit. The Sax. Chron. s. a. 686 joins Mul 
with his brother CaHlwalhi in tlio conquest of Wight. 

p. 237. stragica caede] This secms certainly to be the reading 'Stragiciis. 
required by the testimony of tlie MSS. ; confirmed by Elmliam, 
p. 253, and Rudborne in Ang. Sac. i. 253, who botli quote this 
passage with the reading 'stragica;' though I can find no other 
instance of the adjective * sti-agicus.' Ducange however cites 

* stragiciosus ' from Muratori, SS. xii. 563. The AS. translator 
must have read or misread 'troica,' which is so far in favour of 

* tragica.' In iii. i, ' tragica caede ' is the best attested reading ; 
though a few MSS. have 'stragica.' 

necdum regeneratus] In a spurious charter of Ini, other grants 
are alleged to have been made by Caedwalla 'licet paganus ;' K. C. D. 
No. 73 ; Birch, No. 142. 

quartam partem] W. M. u. s. turns this into a tithe of all spoils 
taken by Cnedwalla 'ut omnes manubias . . . Deo decimaret,' for 
which there is no authority, ib. II. xxv. 

forte . . . superueniens] According to Eddius, c. 42, his coming Wilfrid 
was by no means fortuitous. * Nam sanctus antistes . . . saepe ^^^f, Csed- 
anxiatum exulem adiuuauit, . . . usquedum . . . regnum adeptus 
est. . . . Caedwalla, Occidentalium Saxonum . . . monarchiam 
tenens, statim . . . Wilfridum . . . ad se . . . accersiuit. . . . [Quo] 
ueniente, rex . . . in omni regno suo excelsum consiliarium mox 
illum composuit.' Wilfrid cannot however have stayed very long 
in Wessex, as in this very year 686, or early in the next, he was 
recalled to Northumbria. If however Bede's words ' de gente sua ' 
are to be taken strictly, he must have regarded Wilfrid's visit to 
Wessex as posterior to his restoration. According to G. P. p. 233, 
Wilfrid gave to Caedwalla in his exile not only good counsel but 
*tum equitaturas, tum pecunias.' For his motive see on v. 19. 
We may wonder (with Bright, p. 349) what Wilfrid felt when 
Caedwalla turned upon and slew the bishop's own patron and 
benefactor Ethelwalh. It is perhaps to gloss over this difficulty 
that G. P. u.s. represents the collision as taking place 'aliquo 
infortunio.' On the chronology, see notes to v. 19. 

Arualdi regis insulae] This isolated notice of a kingdom of A king ot 
Wight shows us that there may have been many petty kingdoms »^^S"t- 
in various parts of the country of which we hear nothing. R. W. 
says : ' de duobus filiis Aj*waldi Vectae insulae subreguli,' i. 182. 

lutorum prouinciam] 'Eota lond,' AS. vers. ; cf. on i. 15. 

Ad Lapidem] Stoneham on the Itchen, above Southampton. Stoneham. 

Hreutford] Redbridge, Hants ; a bridge in later times having Redbridge. 
taken the place of the older ford. 


The Ecclesiastlcal Histo')^. 

[Bk. IV. 

p. 238 Danihelem] v. inf. v. i8. 
Soluente] The Solent. 
Homelea] The Hamble ; the words 
omitted by the AS. vers. 

ultra , . . pertinent ' are 


The Coiui- 
cil of Hat- 

The Mono- 
jind Mono- 

His temporibus] A somewhat vague expression, for we now 
revert from the year 686 to 68o. On tlie Council of Hatfield and 
the theological points with which it dealt, cf. Bright, pp. 316-322. 

per heresim Eutychetis] The heresy of Eutyches was Mono- 
physite— the denial of the co-existence of the two natures, the 
Divine and human, in the person of our Lord after the Incarnation. 
It was a reaction against Nestorianism which tended to deny the 
unity of Person in the Incarnate Word, and was itself a reaction 
against Apollinarianism. See D. C. B. under these words, and 
under 'Person of Christ.' Eutyches was condemned by a Synod 
of Constantinople in 448, acquitted by the Robber Synod of Ephesus 
in 449, and finally condcmned by the General Council of Chalcedon 
iu 451. The heresy however which troubled the Church at this 
time was not Monophysitism in its original Eutj-chian form, but 
a further development of it, viz. Monothelitism, /. e. the denial of 
the existence and operation of two wills, the human and the Divine, 
in the person of Christ. This controversy (for the importance of 
which cf. Bright, p. 220 and reff. ; Gore, Bampton Lectures, 
pp. 92 ff.), filled nearly the whole of the seventh century ; it 
prepared the way for the iconoclastic controversy of the eighth 
century, and for the separation of East and West ; the East being 
largely Monothelite. Monothelitism was finally condemned in the 
Sixth General Council, that of Constantinople. which sat from 
Nov. 680 to Sept. 681. In preparation for this council Pope Agatho 
held a sj-nod of the Western Church at Rome, March 680, at 
wliich Theodore himself was expected. In his absence Wilfrid. 
who was at Rome on his own affairs, answered for the orthodoxy 
of the North of Britain and Ireland, and of the Islands ; Eddius. 
c. 53 ; H. & S. iii. 140, 141 ; inf. v. 19, p. 327 ; and Theodore and 
other Metropolitans held synods of their provinces with reference 
to the same subject. For passages in Bede's own works on the 
subject of Eutychianism, v. Introd. p. Ixii, note. 

sacerdotum] 'biscoxm,' 'bishops,' AS. vers., v. on i. 28. 

p. 239. Hymbronensium] NorcJanhymbra, AS. vers. ' Um- 
brensis' is used in the same sense in thc 
Penitential ; H. & S. iii. 173. See on i. 15. 

Chap. 1 7.] Notei<. 231 

indictione VIII"] *Tho ycar of tlic cighth iudictioii was cithcr Chrnno- 
from Sopt, 24, 679 to Scpt. 24, 680 (Caesarean), or from Dec. 25, ^°^- 
679 to Dcc. 25, 680 (pontifical), and in both cases includcs Scpt. 17, 
680. Baronius bcginning tlio indiction Sopt. i, actually datcs the 
council in 679;' H. & S. iii. 144 (against Kcmble, C. D. I. Ixxx). 
Bede, in v. 24, p. 355, distinctly datcs tliis council 680. This 
agrees best with thc regnal years of tho kings mcntioned. On 
Egfrid's rcgnal ycar, v. s. c. 5, note. Ethclrcd of Mcrcia succccdcd 
in 675 ; V. 24, p. 354 ; cf. iii. 24, notcs, His sixth yoar cannot 
thereforo bo oarlier than 680. As to Aldwulf of East Anglia, see 
on ii. 15. Hlothhere of Kent is the only difficulty ; for his seventh 
year runs from July 679 to July 680. However most of tho data 
favoui* Sopt. 17, 680 as the date of tho Council of Hatfiold. The 
absence of auy mention of Wessox should be noted. It 'was 
at this time (a.d. 676-685 ") divided among its undor kings (c. 12), 
or at the best in a vory disturbed state ;' H. & S. u.s. 

ciuitatis Doruuernis] We havo ' in Doruuerni metropoli, ciui- 
tate,' i. 26, V. 23, pp. 47, 350. The nominativo does not occur. 
Later writers uso the form Dorobornia or Dorubernia. 

praepositis . . . euangeliis] v. D. C. A. i. 478 a ; citod by M. & L. 

symbolum] 'herebeacen id est Credo,' 'the war-standard, i.e. the 'Symho- 
Creed,' AS. vers. This seems to show that the use of the word l'!"^'^ 

* symbolum ' in tho sense of ' standard ' was common in the trans- 
lator's time. Ducange however only gives one instanco from 
Kicher, iii. 69 : ' exercitus . . . ibat . . . por cunoos simbolo dis- 
tinctos.' It has this meaning occasionally in Greok ; see Liddell 
and Scott. Not this howover, but another military use of the 
word is the origin of its application to tho Christian Creed, which 
is thus regarded as the watchword or sign by which the soldiers 
of the Cliristian army recogniso one another. It is first used in 
the sense of * creed ' by St. Cyprian (third century) ; D. C. A. s. v. 
' creed.' Later writers wrongly oxplained this meaning of the word 
as resting on the supposed fact that each of the Apostles had 
contributod {av^i^akXfaOai) an article to the Apostles' Croed. To 
this was due the translation of the Greek term by the Latin 

* collatio,' which is as early as St. Augustine : ' Quod Graece 
symbolum dicitur, Latine coUatio nominatur, . . . quia in unum 
collata catholicae legis fides. . . . Petrus dixit ; Credo in Deum 
Patrem, &c.' Serm. 115 de Tempore (cited by Ducange). But 
apart from the mythical character of the supposed fact, (TvfJL0o\ov 
never means ' contribution.' It may be noted that ' symbolum ' 
is here nominative to ' tradidit ' and not accusative after it as the 
AS. translator takes it. 


The Eccledastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

in tribus subsistentiis, uel personis] The word vnoffTaais has 
two different applications in Greek theology. In its earlier meaning 
it signifies the real nature, the underlying essence of a thing, and 
is equivalent to ovaia. Cf. Socrat. H. E. iii. 7: ol vewTepoi tSjv <pi\o- 
au(pcov dvTi TTJs ovaias ttj Xc^ei tt]s VTToaTaaeajs ixprjo^avTO (cited by 
Liddell and Scott). In this sense it is used in the Nicene Creed. 
But in later theology it means the special or characteristic nature 
of a person or thing, and is directly opposed to ovaia. In this sense 
it is nearly equivalent to the earlier use of the word irpoaojirov. 
Hence as applied to the doctrine of the Trinity viroaTaais has 
two diametrically opposite meanings. In the earlier sense there 
is but one viroaTaais in the blessed Trinity, in the later, there 
are three vTToaTaaeis. To deny the former statement is to ' divide 
the substance,' to deny the latter is to 'confound the Persons.' 
In the earlier sense the Latin equivalent is ' substantia ' (so 
in the Athanasian Creed) ; in the later the Latin equivalent 
is generally ' persona,' but sometimes * subsistentia,' as here, 
and also in the acts of the Constantinopolitan Council of 680, 
where we have in the Greek : Tpiuv vTroaTaa^ajv piiav ovaiav, and 
in the Latin : 'trium Subsistentiarum unam Substantiam ;' Mansi, 
xi. 290. 

p. 240. in Nicaea] The First General Council, a.d. 325. Cf. on 
these councils the parallel passage in Bede's Chron. Opp. Min. 
pp. 197-199. 

in Constantinopoli] The Second General Council, a.d. 381, 382. 
Eudoxius, eighth Bishop of Constantinople, a.d. 360-370, was an 
extreme Arian. Macedonius, his predecessor, was a Semi-Arian, 
who also elaborated a heresy of his own on the nature of the Holy 

in Efeso] The Third General Council, a.d. 431. On JSTestorian- 
ism, V. s. 

in Calcedone] The Fourth General Council, a.d. 451, v. s. 

in Constantinopoli] The Fifth General Council, a.d. 553. To 
Theodore, Bishop of Mopsuestia, 392-428, though he himself died ' in 
the peace of the Church,' the real origin of Nestorianism is to be 
traced. Theodoret, Bisliop of Cyrus, c. 423-457, and Ibas, Bishop of 
Edessa, '435-457, were two of his most distinguished disciples, and 
both of them strong opponents of Cyril of Alexandria, who in his zeal 
against Nestorianism came very near to, if he did not actually fall 
into ApoUinarianism. The condemnation of the council embraced 
(i) the works of Theodore, (ii) the letter of Ibas to Maris, Bishop of 
Hardascir, in praise of Theodore, (iii) the refutation (^dvarpojrrj) 
of the Anathematisms of Cyril with the prefatory letter addressed 

Chap. i8.] Notes. 233 

to John, Bishop of Antioch, at whose request it was written, by 
Theodoret. Tho moaning of the sentence would be clearer if we 
might read 'contra Theodorum, et Theodoreti et Iba ej^i.stuhis 
c8ntra Cyrillum, et eorum dogmata.' But there is no manuscript 
authority for tlie cluinge. 

synodum . . . Koma] The First Lateran Council, 649 a.d. It 
was anti-monothelite : ' contra eos maxime qui unam in Christo 
operationem et uoluntatem praedicabant,' c. 18, p. 242 ; cf. Opp. 
vi. 325. The canons of this council are given in H. & S. iii. 145- 


Constantino] * corrige, Constante,' Hussey. But Constans II, in Constans 
whose reign this Lateran Council was held, is also known as Con- ^^- 
stantinus IV (D. C. B.), so that there is no need for any cor- 

ex Patre et Filio inenarrabiliter] On this express confession of The double 
the doctrine of the double procession of the Holy Spirit, v. Bright, procession. 
pp. 319, 320, who attributes its insertion to the iniiuence of Abbot 
Hadrian. Some spurious documents purporting to be connected 
with the Council of Hatfield are in H. & S. iii. 153-160. 


archicantator] So H. & S. iii. 134. In Hist. Abb. § 6, Arch- 
' archicantor,' p. 369, and so Fl. Wig. i. 34 ; ' archicantor, Primi- chanter. 
cerius scholae cantorum,' Ducange. On * Primicerius,' v. ii. 19, 

p. 241. per iussionera papae] According to a document printed Mission ot 
in H. & S. iii. 131-136, he was sent by a council held at Rome in 'l^^V^ *^^ 
679. The character of this document is somewhat doubtful ; see chanter. 
on V. 19. The sending of John by the council may nevertheless be 
a fact. It is true tliat Eddius does not mention it, but then it did 
not specially concern his hero Wilfrid. In Hist. Abb. § 6, Bede, 
writing from a different point of view, speaks as if the sending of 
John had been merely due to the request of Benedict Biscop for 
some one to teach ecclesiastical music at Wearmouth. 

Biscopo . . . Benedicto] On him cf. Hab. §§ 1-7, 9-14 ; Haa. Benedict 
§§ 5-18; Introd. §§ 2, 3, and notes ad II. On this visit of his to Biscop. 
Rome, see Hab. § 6, and notes. He returned witli John in 679, or 
early in 680. 

cuius supra meminimus] Benedict Biscop has not been pre- 
viously mentioned. Either therefore this is a mere slij), or Bede is 
referring to the Hist. Abb. I only know however four MSS. which 
contain both works, D. P. Ho. Buo. and in all these the Hist. Abb. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

of Wear- 



The Mono- 

MSS. lent 
for tran- 

Tlie Mono- 

follows, and does not precede the H. E. In many MSS. these 
words are wanting ; and the presence or absence of them is an 
important test of the character of any MS. See Introd. § 27. 

monasterium Brittaniae] ' A monastery in Britain,' Bede oft#n 
uses the names of countries, as if they were names of towns, with- 
out prepositions, ' Brittaniae ' is a locative, 

iuxta ostium . . . Uiuri] ' in fsere stowe Ipe mon hateS JEt 
Wiramu])an/ ' in the place which they call at Wearmouth.' AS. 

Ceolfrido] Onhim, see Hab. §§ 7, 13, 15-19, 21-23 > Haa. §§ i-ii, 
14, 16-37 '} Introd. §§ 2, 3, and notes ad II. 

cursum canendi] On the Roman mode of chanting, v. ii. 20, note. 

quae hactenus , ., seruata] 'seo . . . oS J)is is gehealden,' 
' which is maintained to the present time.' AS. vers, 

transscripta] See next note but three. 

excepto , . , munere] i. e. besides or in addition to the duty, &c. 

p. 242, synodum . . . Martini] See notes on last chapter. *Non 
multo ante,' therefore means a period of about thirty years. 

qui unam . . . praedicabant] cf, the very similar phrase, v. 19, 
p. 326. 

transscribendam commodauit] This transcript Bede had no 
doubt often seen and used. It was at this very time, 679 or 680, 
that he entered Benedicfs monastery at the age of seven. On the 
system of lending MSS. for transcription, &c., v. Introduction, 
p. xix ; cf. svp. p. 241. The phrases ' synodum adferre, transcribere ' 
show that ' synodus ' is here used loosely for ' synodica or synodalis 
epistola ' ; i. e. the formal document containing the record of the 
resolutions of the council ; so ' lectio synodi,' * cum . . . synodus 
. . . legeretur,' v. 19, p. 327 ; cf. ' synodi gesta,' ib. p. 326. 

uicti sunt] i.e. in the Council of Constantinople, 680, 681, 

unde uolens, &c.] So the Council of Toledo held a little later, 
684, on the same subject : 'placuit , , . satisfacientes Romano 
Pontifici . . . nostrae fidei sensum . , . depromere . . . de , . . gemina 
uoluntate et operatione lesu Christi,' &c. ; cited by M. & L, 

castus] V. s. on iii. 28. 

sancti Martini . . . Turonis] This was the monastery over which 
Alcuin afterwards presided. 


St. Ethel- 
thryth, or 

P. 243. Accepit, &c.] Fl. Wig. i. 24 places the marriage of 
Egfrid and Ethelthryth in 660 ; if this is correct, her retirement 
to Coldingham must be placed in 672, as Bede says that she 

Chap. 19.] Notes. 235 

lived with Egfrid for twelve years ; cf. also Opp. vi. 327 ; Opj». 
Min. p. 199. She must have left him therefore soon after liis 
accession. And as Egfrid died in 685 aged forty, c. 26, he can 
only have been fifteen at the time of his marriage ; and Ethel- 
thryth, who had then been five years a widow (see next note 
but one), must have been much older than he. When Bede 
in the next chapter says of her, * bis sex regnauerat annis' he is 
speaking very inexactly, as Egfrid did not come to the throne till 
670 or, more probably, 671 ; see on c. 5. Even if he was before 
that sub-king of Deira (see on iii. i), this would still be inexact, as 
he cannot have held that position till 664. For hiter lives of her, 
cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 278-284 ; ii. 104-106, 553. iElfric's homily (in 
verse) is whoUy taken from Bede, as he himself confesses. Lives 
of Saints, pp. 432 ff. Of the Later lives the most important is that 
in the Historia Eliensis of Thomas of Ely, printed in an abridged 
form in Ang. Sac. i. 593 ff. ; and in extenso by the Anglia Christiana 
Society, ed. D. J. Stewart (cited as Liber Eliensis). According to 
this she w^as born at Exning in Suffolk, p. 16. Her name has come 
down to us in the corrupted form of Audrey, from which (by 
adhesion of the final t of ' Saint ') comes our word 'tawdry.' This 
tirst occurs in the phrase 'a tawdry lace,' i. e. necklace ; which is 
commonly explained as meaning a necklace bought at St. Audrey's 
fair held on Oct. i^th, the day of her translation. Nares however 
very ingeniously connects the phrase witli the narrative of Bede, 
and supposes it to be a reminiscence of the ' superuacua moniliorum 
pondera ' which the Saint had worn in the days of her frivolous 
youth, w/. p. 246 ; v. Skeat, EtymoL EngL Dict. s. v. 
Anna] On him and his saintly progeny, r. iii. 7, notes. 
princeps . . . Gyruiorum] ' SuSgyrwa aldormon,' 'alderman of Her 
the South-Gyrwas,' AS. vers. ; cf. on iii. 20. The Liber Eiiensis ^'^f^^,^^^^^^/ 
says that she was married to him two years before the death of 
her father ; i. e. in 652, that he died within three years, i. e. in 655, 
and that from him she received the Isle of Ely as a dowry, pp. 5, 
18, 19. For the SuSgyrwas, cf. Birch, i. 414, which gives them 
a territory of 600 Hides. 

cuius eonsortio . . . gloriosa] Alcuin, De Sanctis Ebor, v. 759, and Esrtrn 
says: 'Virginis alma fides, regis patientia mira.' Cf. S. D. 
i. 223 : ' Ecgfridus . . . Etheldridam . . . nomine tenus coniugem 
duxerat.' On Bede's views as to marriage, which in this point 
alone seem unscriptural, v.s. on i. 27. 

mihi . . . Uilfrid . . . referebat] It would be interesting to know Wilfri.l 
on what occasions Bede and Wilfrid met. For Bede's view of ^^^ ^^"^^- 
Wilfrid, see on v. 19. This matter may have had much to do with 


236 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. iv. 

alienating Egfrid from Wilfrid. If the Lib. Eli. p. 33 may be 
trusted Wilfrid was guilty of gross dissimulation. 
nec difladendum] Cf. Lib. Eli. pp. 19-21. 

signura diuini miraculi] v. on iii. 8, ad fin. So Eddius, c. 19, 
of Ethelthryth : ' cuius corpus uiuens ante impollutum post mortem 
incorruptum manens.* 

ubi . . . inpetrauit] Separation without the consent of both parties 
was unlawful, cf. sup. c. 11 ; e.g. Theodore's Penitential, II. xii. 7, 
8, 12 (H. & S. iii. 199, 200). Cf. Bede on Mark x. 9-12 : 'Una ergo 
solummodo causa est [sc. uxoris dimittendae] carnalis, fornicatio ; 
una spiritualis, timor Dei, ut uxor dimittatur, sicut multi religionis 
causa fecisse leguntur. Nulla autem causa est Dei lege perscripta 
[? prae-] ut, uiuente ea quae relicta est, alia ducatur ;' Opp. x. 153. 
As to remarriage in the case of divorce for 'causa carnalis,' v.s. on 
c. 5. As regards the 'causa spiritualis,' Egfrid certainly married 
again before Ethelthryth's death. This occurred 679 or 680 (see 
below) ; and Egfrid was certainly married to his second wife 
Eormenburg at the time of Wilfrid's expulsion in 678, which is 
ascribed largely to her influence ; Eddius, c. 24. Eadmer indeed 
writes as if Egfrid had married again immediately on Ethelthi-yth^s 
withdrawal to Coldingham ; H. Y. i. 186. Stevenson on Bede's 
Vita Cudb. c. 27, makea the serious mistake of supposing that 
Ethelthryth was still Egfrid's wife at the time of bis death in 685, 
five or six years after her death, and thirteen years after she had 
taken the veil. Mr. Arnold makes the same mistake ; S. D. i. 32. 
Smith might have kept them right. 

Ebba. Aebbee . . . Ecgfridi] ' Soror uterina regis Osuiu ; ' Bede, Vit. 

Cudb. c. 10. If Oswy was the son of Ethelfrid and Acha (see on 
iii. 14, ad init.), and Ebba was only his uterine sister, it follows 
that she cannot have been the daughter of Ethelfrid, and that 
Acha must have married again after Ethelfrid's death, or have been 
married previously. Besides the monastery at Coldingham she 
also founded one at a place called from her Ebchester on the 
Derwent ; cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 288-290, She was a great friend of 
St. Cuthberfs, Bede, Vita Cudb. c. 10 ; Vita Anon. § 13, who visited 
her at Coldingham. She had much to do with the release of Wilfrid 
in 681 ; Eddius, c. 39. She is commemorated as St. Ebbe at Aug. 25. 
Her relics were translated from Coldingham to Durham in the 
eleventh century ; Eaine's Hexham, I. liii. St. Abb's Head is 
called from her ; cf. c. 25, m/. 

Colding- Coludi urbem] 'Coludesbyrig,' AS, vers. and Vita Anon. Cudb. 

§ 13 ; Eddius, c. 39. Coldingham near Berwick, and so it is called 
by S. D. i. 59 ; see on c. 25. The legend of her wanderings from 


CiiAP. 19.] Notes. 237 

Coldingliaiu to Ely is given in Lib. Eli. pp. 36-44, on (ho autliority 
of Coldingham tradition, It seems quito mythical. 

p. 244. post annum] i. e. in 673, according to what was said Ely. 
above ; and this is the date which the Sax. Chron. gives for tlio 
fouudation of Ely. 

lineis . . . laneis] This is a recognised featuro of the ascetic life. ' To go 
M. & L. cito Fope Zacluirias, 741-752: 'Monachi . . . lanca indu- woolwunl.' 
menta . . . sino intermissione utantur ; . . . apostolis quippe diuinum 
datum est mandatum duas tunicas non habendi ; tunicas dixit 
Christus, utiquo laneas, non lineas;' Migne, Pat. Lat. Ixxxix. 932. 
The practice gave rise to the curious English phrase, 'to go 
woolward/ of which M. & L. have also collected many interesting 

raro . . . in . . . balneis] ' Quae enim lota erat corde, non necesse Abstineuce 
erat ut lauaretur corpore ;' Lib. Eli. p. 50. Cf. St. Jerome ad from the 
Heliodorum : ' qui in Christo semel lotus est, non illi necesse est 
iterum lauare ; ' Opp. IV. ii. 11 (ed. Bened.) ; and other reff. 
collected by M. & L, This too is a regular feature of the ascetic 
life. Of Sexburgh, Ethelthryth's sister and successor, Thomas of 
Elysays: ' balnearum usus tanquam seminaria uenenata refugit ;' 
Ang. Sac. i. 596. Of St. James the Just, Bede following Hegesippus 
in Euseb. H. E. ii. 23, says : * neque unctus est unguento, neque 
usus est balneo;'Opp. xi. 13. Cf. Aldhelm, Opp. p. 124 (of the 
same) : ' Thermarum penitus neglexit pectore pompam ; ' cf. 
Morison's St. Bernard, p. 144 (of the Templars) ; D. C. A. ii. 1318. 

epifaniae] ' ]?y twelftan dege ofer Geochol,' ' the twelfth day Epiphftuy. 
after Yule,' AS. vers. Cf. Sax. Chron. 1065, C. D. ' sacratissima 
Dominicae Apparitionis dies ;' Bede, Vit. Cudb. c. 10. 'It is 
curious to find the Epiphany taking the place of Christmas;' 
Bright, p. 253 ; cf. Ep. ad Egb. § 15, p. 419. There may however 
be special reasons for this here. The primafy idea of the festival 
in the Eastern Church was the manifestation of the Trinity at the 
Baptism of Christ, and though in the Western Church this idea 
was subordinate to that of the manifestation of Christ to the Magi, 
it was not lost sight of. Thus in the Koman Missal the Gospel 
for the Octave of the Epiphany is John i. 29-34, and there is 
a homily of Bede on this gospel ; Opp. v. 271-278. And in our 
own Church St. Luke's account of the Baptism has always been 
the Second Lesson at Matins on the Epiphany itself. A third 
manifestation, that at Cana, is commemorated in the Gospel for 
the Second Sunday after the Epiphany, while in the Gallican 
Liturgy all three references are combined in the services for the 
festivaL Owing to this association of Epiphany with the Baptism 

238 The Ecdesiastical History, [bk. iv. 

of Christ, it was in early times, with Easter and Pentecost, one 
of the great seasons for admiiiistering baptism. This was after- 
wards discouraged, and the administration of baptism restricted 
as a rule to Easter and Pentecost ; D. C. A. s.v. ' Epiphany.' But 
the idea of the season as appropriate for a solemn washing may 
have continued. For that a religious significance was attached 
to the use of the bath seems clear. Just as the wearing of their 
crown by the English kings at the three great festivals (Sax. Chron. 
1086 ; my edition, p. 219), was a memorial of their coronation, 
so the bath was a memorial of baptism. 

lotis prius . . . famulis Christi] Cf. what is said of Matilda, 
daughter of Otho II : ' Nullius unquam septimanae sabbatum, 
quo tantmn balneo uti liceret, praeteriit, quin aliquem de turba 
inopum . . . abkieret ;* Pertz, xi. 400. 
Obse- obsequio] That the word * mandatum ' is used in a technical 

luium.' sense (based on John xiii. 14, 15, 34), to signify the solemn 
washing of the feet of others in imitation of Chrisfs example, 
and in literal obedience to His command, is well known, v. 
Ducange, s. v. And this use has given us our word ' Maundy.' But 
that the correlative word ' obsequium ' is used in an equally 
technical sense to signify that literal obedience, has not been 
recognised. Yet that is almost certainly the meaning here ; it 
is so still more clearly in G. P. p. 163 : ' Birnstanus . . . dominici 
exempli ardentissimus exsecutor, pedes egenis omni die . . . 
lauabat. . . . Ohseqtiio consummato,' &c. Bede uses it of the 
anointing of oiir Lord's feet : ' qui diligentius inuestigant, in- 
ueniunt eandem mulierem . . . bis eodem functam fuisse obseqido;' 
Opp. xi. 53. In this sense the word passed into Irish in the 
form osaic (with prosthetic f, fosaic) ; and by a curious prolepsis 
it is constantly applied to Chrisfs own washing of the disciples 
feet. So entirely was the feeling for the origin of the word lost, 
that it comes to be applied to feet washings in which there is no 
ceremonial or charitable purpose ; e. g. Battle of Magh Kath, p. 10 ; 
Aislinge Meic Conglinne, p. 47. Another Irish word used in the 
same technical sense is umaloit, which is the Latin ' humilitas ' ; 
cf. Lismore Lives of Saints, pp. 43, 48 ; Aislinge, &c., p. 13 (though 
the editors have failed to see this). I cannot at present point to 
any passage in which ' humilitas ' is used in this special sense. 
On the foot-washing as a religious and charitable act, cf. Opp. v. 
463 ; Opp. Min. pp. 85, 86, 106, 265, 276 ; D. C. A. ii. 164 ; Introd. 
p. xxvi. 

semper . . . persteterit] r. Introd. p. xxvi. 
Synaxis. matutinae syna^seos] /. e. Matins. ' Synaxis * is used : (i) of 

chap. 19.] Notes. 239 

nny Christian as.sembly ; the term being perhaps clioson by way 
of distinetion from tho Jewisli avvaycuyrj ; (ii) specially of the 
celebration of the Eucharist, v. Suicer, Tliosaurus, s. v. ; (iii) of 
the whole course of offices for the cauonical hours ; (iv) as hore, 
of the colebration of any one of the offices. 

pestilentiam] See on iii. 27. 

rapta est . . . susceperat] June 23 ; cf. Opp. iv. 84. If sho lJ»ito <>i 
became abbess of Ely in 673, v. s. this would bring hor death to thrvtlVs 
680. The Sax. Chron. pLaces it in 679 (so R. W. i, 170), perhaps deatli. 
calculating the seven years from her taking of the veil. So Lib. 
Eli. p. 58, and see bolow. 

ligneo . . . locello] We more often hear of stone coffins ; cf. ' Loculus ' 
p.245, injra, c. 11. pp. 226, 227. The choice of a wooden coffin seems ^^,*; ,^' 
to be a mark of Ethelthryth's humility. As to the form of the 
word we find both ' loculus ' and ' locoUus ' in this very chapter. 
The former is the classical form, the latter survives in the Welsh 
' llogoll,' which moans ' a pocket.' We find a sarcophagus given 
to Cuthbort as a present ; Vita, c. 37 ; Opp. Min. p. 118 ; cf. in/. 
V. 5 and Lib. Eli. p. 26. 

Sexburg] See above iii. 8, p. 142. For later lives of her, cf. Sexburg. 
Hardy, Cat. i. 265, 360-362. The Lib. Eli. cites a book of her 
' Gesta,' and says : ' in Anglico . . . legimus' that she received the 
veil at the hands of Archbishop Theodore in Sheppoy Church, 
pp. 76, 77 ; cf. ib. 52, 53 ; AA.SS. lul. ii. 346. 

sedecim annis] i. e. in 695 or 696. The day of her translation Transla- 
is Oct. 17 ; Lib. Eli. p. 70. The fact that Oct. 17 fell on a Sunday ^^^^jf 
in 695 is in favour of that year, which is given also by Mon. Angl. thryth. 
i. 457 ; and this would fix her doath to 679. See above. 

quosdam e fratribus] i. e. Ely was a double monastery ; cf. Lib. 
Eli. p. 46, and note on iii. 8. 

ad ciuitatulam . . . desolatam] This illustrates the way in Eoman 
which Roman sites served as quarries for later generations. Thus in ^^^ 
the ninth century the monks of Auxerre sent some of their body 
to Marseillos to soek for marbles for building their church : ' eru- 
deratis itaque aedificiorum ueterum circumquaque ruinis, ingentem 
marmorum pretiosorum copiam . . . congregarunt ;' Portz, xiii. 403. 
To provont this in the caso of the Colosseum, Bonedict XIV, in 
the last contury, hit upon the plan of consecrating it. 

p. 245. Grantacaestir] Grantchester, outsido Cambridge. 

inuenerunt . . . tectum] For anothor case of a Roman sarco- 

phagus used for a later burial, cf. H. & S. II. xxii ; and the famous 

instance of the Graeco-Roman sarcophagus, sculptured ' con bellis- 

sima maniera ' (cf. Bode's ' pulcherrime factum '), in which was 

240 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. iv. 

deposited the body of the mother of the great countess Matilda ; 
and which, coming under the notice of Niccola Pisano, occasioned, 
according to Vasari's life of him, the renaissance of sculpture 
in Italy. 
Bodily in- incorruptum] W. M. i. 260, enumerates five English saints in 
corriiption. ^^om this miracle was shown ; Ethelthryth, Wiburg, Edmund of 
East Anglia, Alphege, Cuthbert ; cf. m/. c. 30. 

defuncta, siue . . . condita] i. e. they buried on the day of death 
as a rule ; and hence the festival of a saint is often called his 
'depositio.' Cf. Bede's Martyrology, Opp. iv. 72, 92, 100, 131, &c. ; 
cf. on c. 14. 

leuius habere] Cf. John iv. 52 : ' hora . . . in qua melius habuerit.' 

tertia . . . die] ' Plerumque dies tertia grauior esse uulneratis, 
et prolixiorem molestiam generare afflictis ; ' Lib. Eli. p. 57. 

extento . . . papilione] So at the funeral of Wilfrid : ' extento 
foris tentorio, sanctum corpus balneauerunt ; * Eddius, c. 65. So 
when Herebald fell from his horse : ' tetenderunt papilionem in 
quo iacerem,' v. 6, p. 290. So when Aidan fell sick, ' tetenderunt 
. . . ei . . . tentorium,' iii. 17, p. 160. Tents were also used by 
Cuthbert on his preaching tours, Opp. Min. pp. 109, 277 ; * taber- 
naculo solemus in itinere uel in bello uti,' Opp. xii. 249 ; cf. 
viii. 390. 

p. 246. superuacua moniliorum pondera] Cf. Bede on i Pet. 
iii. 3 : ^ auro et margaritis et monilibus adornatae, ornamenta 
cordis ac pectoris perdideinint ; ' Opp. xii. 224 ; cf. on c. 23. The 
form ' moniliorum ' is attested by four out of the five most ancient 
MSS. ; M. B. C^ Hi. 

usque hodie] ' oS Jiisne ondweardan dseg,' 'to this present day,' 
AS. vers. 

ita aptum] Cf. Lib. Eli. pp. 69-71. 

est . . . Elge] On the topography of the Isle of Ely, ib. 1-8, 81 ; 
on the liberties of Ely, ib. 48, 49, 55. 

unde . . . accepit] i. e. Bede derives the name Elig from sel, an 
eel, and ig, an island. A Hebrew (!) etymology is suggested, Lib, 
Eli. pp. 347. On the subsequent history of Ely, cf. G. P. pp. 322 ff. 


P. 247. hymnum . . . inserere] Alcuin alludes to this hymn ; 
De Sanctis Ebor. vv. 780, 781. It is found separately in a St. Omer 
MS. No. 115. Also in a MS. CologJie Cathedral, No. 106, originally 
sent by Alcuin to Arno, Archbishop, of Salzburg, Mon. Alc. pp. 
748, 749- 

CnAP. 20.] Kotes. 241 

elegiaco metro] Cf. Bode, De Arto Motrica, c. 10: 'hoc . . . metrum ' Echoinp:,' 
. . . elegiacum . . . uocatur. Eleos namque miseros appollant philo- pf"*Pf'"" 
sophi, et huius modulatio carminis miserorum quorimoniae con- 'reciprocar 
gruit . . . Quo genere metri femnt canticum Deuteronomii apud elogiufs. 
Hobraeos ot Psalmos cxviii (cxix) et cxliv (cxlv) esse deseriptos' ; 
Opp. vi. 59. Elogiac verses of this kind, in which the last quarter 
of tlio distich ropeats tlie first, are called echoici or serpentini ; L. & M. 
P- 353- Tliey are also called reciproci. Cf. a poem by Sedulius 
Soottus, in tliis metre, in Poetae Latini Aeui Carolini. i. 216, 
' Incipiunt uorsus reciproci.' There is a long poem in this metre in 
Paul. Diac. Hist, Lang. i. 26. Sporadic instances of this form of 
verse occur in classic poets, e. g. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 365, 366 ; Martial, 
VIII. xxi. I, 2, and especially IX. xcviii.,where the whole epigram 
is based on the 'echo' of a single phrase, 'rumpitur inuidia.* 
These instances suggested the systematic adoption of the form by 
mediaoval writers, just as the occasional occurrence of rhyme in 
classical poetry suggested the rhyming Latin verses of the Middle 
Ages ; cf. Trench, Sacred Latin Poetry, c. 2. But Bede's hymn, 
besides being 'reciprocal' or ' echoing,' is also alphabetic. For this, 
too, Bede might find a parallelin Scripture in the Book of Lamenta- 
tions, and some of the Psalms, e. g. xxv, xxxiv, xxxvii, cxi, cxii, 
cxix, cxlv. Alphabetic and acrostic verses were a favourite exercise 
of ingenuity in the Middle Ages, especially in the Carolingian time ; 
cf. Poetae Latini, u. s. i. 17, 24-26, 81, 82, 85, 86, 90, 91, 142-144, 
147. 148, i53-i59> 225-227, 416-423, 482, 620-622 ; ii. 4, 135, 136, 
138, 139, 152, 153, 165-167, 255-257, 316-319, 421, 422,479, 651, 652. 
A fine alphabetic hymn on the Day of Judgement is given by Trench, 
u. s. pp. 296-298 ; and is cited by Bede himself, De Arte Metrica, 
as * ad formam metri trochaici . . . hymnum de die iudicii per alpha- 
betum' ; Opp. vi. 77. 

imitari . . . scripturae] Cf. the conclusion of the De Arte Poetry of 
Metrica : ' haec . . . tibi collecta obtuli, ut, quemadmodum in '='cripture. 
diuinis literis . . . imbuere studui, ita etiam metrica arte, quae 
diuinis non est incognita libris, te solerter instruerem ' ; Opp. 
vi. 78, 79. 

femina . . . gladios] The virgins enumerated here are all, with Virgius 
the exception of Euphemia, commemorated by Aldhelm in his commemo- 
prose and metrical works de Virginitate : the Virgin Mary, Aldh. 
Opp. pp. 54, 181 ; Agatha, ib. 55, 183 ; Eulalia, ib. 61, 190; Tecla, 
ib. 61, 189 ; Agnes, ib. 60, 188 ; Caecilia, ib. 54, 182. It would 
improve the metre if for Euphemia we might read Eugenia, who 
is mentioned by Aldh. pp. 58, 187. Both occur in some lines of 
Fortunatus on the same subject (De Virgin. viii. 41 : — 



The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

' Illic Euphemia, pariter quoque plaudit Agatha, 
Et lustina simul, consociante Thecla, 
Et Paulina, Agnes, Basilissa, Eugenia regnant, 
Et quascunque sacer uexit ad astra pudor.' 
Here, too, the metre would be improved if Eugenia and Euphemia 
changed places. 

p. 248. bis octo Nouembres] A curious way of saying that she 
was buried sixteen years. The reason, probably, is that her trans- 
lation took place on the i6th of the Calends of November, Oct. 17. 


Date of tlie 
battleof the 



P. 249. Anno . . . nono] There can be no doubt that this battle 
took place in 679 ; for it was fought a year after the expulsion of 
Wilfrid, who, according to the story, had foretold that in a year's 
time *''qui nunc ridetis, . . . amare fliebitis." Et sic . . . euenit. 
Nam eo die anniuersario, ^lfwini regis occisi cadauer in Eboracam 
delatum est, omnes populi amare lacrymantes uestimenta et capitis 
comam lacerabant, et frater superstes usque ad mortem sine uic- 
toria regnabat ' ; Eddius, c. 24 ; cf. also c. 23, ad init., where 680 
is spoken of as *anno sequente.' Now if Egfrid succeeded Feb. 15, 
670, the battle, to fall in his ninth year, must liave been fought 
before Feb. 15, 679, and this, though possible, is unlikely. So that 
this on the whole confirms what was said on c. 5 as to the date of 
Egfrid's accession. This battle is mentioned in the Irish Annals, 
e. g. Ann. Ult. 679 : ' Bellum Saxonum ubi cecidit Ailmine filius 
Ossu.' Elford, north of Tamworth (? ^lfwine's ford), has been 
suggested as the site of the battle. 

sororem] It was owing to this connexion that Wilfrid, on his 
release in 681, was unable to remain in Mercia ; see on v. 19. 

Osthryd] Cf. on iii. 11. W. M. makes this marriage part of the 
pacification after the battle of the Trent, G. P. p. 232. But Bede 
clearly implies that it had taken place previously. 

multa] i. e. the Wergeld, on which see S. C. H. i. r6i, 162. Cf. 
Sax. Chron. 694 for another instance of peace made between two 
kingdoms by payment of a wergeld. 


^lfwine rex Aelfuini] He is called ' rex ' by Eddius, in a passage quoted 

on the last chapter, and also in an earlier passage, c. 16, where 

Chap. 2 2.] Xotes. 243 

he is joiiied with hisbruthur: Mnuitatis ngibus Cliristiaiiissimis 
Ecgfritho et iElwino.' Ho must, tlierefore, have roigned jointly 
Avith Egfrid, probably as sub-king of Deira, like Alchfrid under 
Oswy. The following story is embodied in a homily by ^lfric, 
ed. Thorpo, ii. 356-358- 

de militia eius iuueiiis] ' Sum geong cyninges K'»'^/ ' '^ young Royal 
king's thane,' AS. vers. So ' milos ' and 'ministcr regis ' bolow -'^"^^®- 
are botli translated 'cyninges pegn,' which shows tluit the two 
terms are identical. 

p. 250. comitem] 'gesiiS,' AS. vers. 

uincula soluta] Cf. Life of St. Cadoc, § 39 : * tres peregrini cir- Bonds mi- 
culis ferreis ligati . . . ad praefati Sancti monasterium in die raculously 
&olempnitatis eiusdem uenenint. Dumque missa celebraretur illa 
ita ligamina ferrea . . . ruperunt ' ; Camb. Brit. Saints, p. 7,8 ; cf. 
H. Y. i. 54, 308 ; Pertz, vii. 300,301. Other instances are collected 
by M. & L. 

Tunnacaestir] Uniden.tified. Towcester lias been suggested, Tunna- 
but the suggestion has little to recommend it. Other suggestions caestir. 
are Doncaster, and Littleborough on the Trent, D. C. B. iv. 1056 ; 
but if Mr. Moberly's note on ii. 16 is correct, Littleborough must 
be appropriated to * Tiowulfingacaestir.' 

litteras solutorias] This passage of Bede is the only instance of 'Litterae 
this phrase given by Ducange. It indicates charms or incantations *"* ^^**^^^^^- 
written down and worn as amulets ; cf. on c. 27. ^lfric traaslates 
it: ' Surh drycraeft o3Se 6urh runstafum,' ' by witchcraft or by 
runes ' ; u. s. ip. 358. 

p. 251. dignus . . . es morte] From this it would appear that Joint re- 
any niember of an army, if captured, might be held liable by the ^?*^V^^|^ \7 
relations of any man on the other side who had fallen in the 

cognati] Possibly ' brothers-in-law ' ; r. on i. 27, p. 50. 

uendidit eum] On the slave-trade in England, cf. on iii. 5. 

sororis Aedilthrydae] i. e. Sexburgh ; cf. iii. 8 ; iv. 19, pp. 142, 

eiusdem reginae minister] ^ fseve cwene J^egn,' Hhe queen's 
thane,' AS. vers. 

p. 252. uel . . . uel] ' ge . . . ge,' ' both . . . and,' AS. vers. 

quia sacrificium . . . sempiternam] * sunt qui de leuioribus pec- Puxgatory. 
catis, quibus obligati defuncti sunt, post mortem possunt absolui ; 
uel poenis . . . castigati, uel suorum precibus, eleemosynis, missarum 
celebrationibus absoluti,' Opp. ix. 96 ; Introd. p. Ixvi. 

R 2 


The Ecdesiastical Hibtory. 

[Bk. IV. 


' Nepos ' - 


Her sister 

Sojourn m 




Strenaeshalc] v. on iii, 24. 

XV. Kal. Dec.] Nov. 17 ; and this is her day in the calendar. 

nepotis] Nephew, not grandson ; cf. on iii. 6. As Hild was 
sixty-six in 680, she would he thirteen in 627. Edwin was forty- 
two at that time. So that if 'nepos' meant grandson, Hild would 
only be twenty-nine years yoi^nger than her great-grandfather. 
Fl. Wig. has however fallen into this mistake, i. 254, 268, making 
Hereric son of Edwin's son Eadfrid, ii. 14, 20. On the true view 
we must confess that we do not know the name of Hereric's 
father ; cf. Green, M. E. pp. 247, 248 ; Wiilker, Glossaries, i. 173 : 
' Nepos, suna sune, uel broSer sune, uel suster sune, ])set is nefa,' 
' nepos, son's son, or brother's son, or sister's son, that is, nej)hew.' 

p. 253. relicto habitu saeculari] In 647. 

propinqua regis illius] Because her sister Hereswith had 
married Ethelhere, brother and successor of Anna, who (Anna) at 
this time, 647, was king of the East Angles. Therefore Hereswith 
must have left her husband for the monastic life before his acces- 
sion to the throne ; and he seems to have married again ; v. on ii. 
15, iii. 18. The Lib. Eli. wrongly makes her wife of Anna, pp. 
15, 25, 26, which has misled Smith on c. 19. 

Cale] V. on iii. 8. 

peregrinam . . . uitam] v. on iii. 19. 

praefata prouincia] This refers to East Anglia, not to Gaul ; for 
the phrase ' proposito peregrinandi ' implies that the design was 
not carried out. It has, however, been understood the other way ; 
V. Hardy, Cat. i. 285 ; by Lib. Eli. pp. 23, 24 ; and by Menard and 
Harpsfeld, cited by Mabillon, Ann. Bened. i. 444, who rightly 
understands it as meaning that she did not actually go to GauL 
So Smith and Stevenson. 

unius familiae] Contrary to its usual practice, the AS. vers. does 
not translate familia by ' hid,' ' hide ; ' but by another derivative 
of the same root, viz : ' hiwscipe.' 

Heruteu] See on iii. 24. 

Heiu] Cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 284, 285. 

propositum] Cf. c. 24, p. 260, 
positum ' ; M. 

Kselcacaestir] Tadcaster. ' The 
three miles north of Tadcaster, is 
St. Heiu's foundation, and possibly preserves her name ' ; Murray's 
Yorkshire, p. 486, cited by M. ' In tlie cemetery of that place 

' monachicum suscipere pro- 

village of Heahiugh, about 
believed to mark the site of 

Chap. 23.] Xotes. 245 

Mr. D. II. ll;iii;li il«ti'ctcd :ui am-ient gravcsionc Ijcaring lleiirs 
namo ' ; T>. C. IJ. iv. 879, and references there givon. 

p. 254. aliquot annos] Eight ; from 649 to 657, when Whitby 
was founded, two years after tlie battle of the Winwted ; v. iii. 24, 

omnibus . . . communia] Bodo is fond of «luotiiig this comComnmn- 
munism uf tho Early Jorusalem Church ; mf. c. 27, ad fin. ; Opp. vii. '^°^- 
371 ; viii. 34, 377, 427 ; ix. 54, 249, 280. As to the rigour with 
which tliis rule was carried out in monasteries, see some curious 
roferences collected by M. & L., and Ep. ad Egb. §§ 16, 17, notes. 

tantae autem . . . inuenirent] For women as tcachers in the Women as 

church, cf. Bede on Ezra, ii. 65 : ' bene autem cantoribus etiam l^^achers 

m the 
cantatrices iunguntur propter sexum uidehcet foemineum, in quo Church. 

plurimae reperiuntur personae, quae non solum uiuendo, uerum 

otiam praodicando, corda proximorum ad laudem sui Creatoris 

accendant. et quasi suauitate sanctae uocis aedificantium tempkim 

Domini adiuuent laborem ; ' Opp. viii. 378. Certainly ' the labour 

of those who built the temple of the Lord ' in Britain was greatly 

lielped by the work of women. Many of them, like Hild, were of 

royal or noble race, though none of them seem to have equalled her 

in influence outside their own monasteries. Such were Ebba, 

cc. 19, 25 ; Elfled, iii. 24, iv. 26 ; Ethelthryth, c. 19 ; Eanfled, iii. 

24 ; and notes ad II. Lappenberg sees in this position allowed to 

women a survival of the old Germanic feeling : ^ inesse [feminis] 

sanctum aliquid et prouidum putant'; Tac. Geinn. c.8; Laj^p. i. 188. 

de primo supra diximus] v. on c. 12, p. 229. 

de secundo . . . Doreiceaestrse] This appointment of JEtla to See of Dor- 
Dorchester is brought by Fl. Wig. i. 239, 240, into connexion with <^liester. 
his theory of a general division of the Mercian diocese in 679, which, 
as we have seen, on c. 6, is beset with such great difficulties. The 
special difficulties here are : (i) that ' besidesthis [passage of Bede] 
there is no evidence of a see at Dorchester from the time when the 
West Saxon see was extinguished, to the time when that of Lei- 
cester was transferred ; ' (ii) That there is no direct evidence that 
Dorchester was Mercian before tlie battle of Bensington, 777 a. d., 
permanently transferrcd that district to Mercia ; H, & S. iii. 130. 
The solution favoured by H. »fe S. /. c, that ^tla is to be identified 
with H»ddo, the Bishop of Wessex, who, according to popular 
views, transferred the West Saxon see from Dorcliester, has little 
to recommend it : (i) Bede nowhere gives any hint of the identity. 
(ii) We have seen (on iii. 7), that the alleged transference of the 
West Saxon see from Dorchester to Winchester by Haedde is 
a myth. Dorchester ceased to exist as a bishop's see on the retire- 


The Ecclesiattical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

ment of Agilbert. Thus Hsedde could not be spoken of as ' con- 
secrated to the bishopric of Dorcliester.' I am inclined to think 
(i) that Dorchester really was Mercian about 679. Ethelred, who 
attacked Kent and Northumbria so vigorously, iv. 12, 21, may 
well have continued Wulfhere's policy of curtailing Wessex (see 
on c. 13), and gained possession of Dorchester (cf. R. W. i. 140 : 
' processu tem.poris subacta ciuitate illa a regibus Merciorum '). (ii) 
That he did set up ^tla as Mercian bishop of Dorchester, 675 X685. 
(iii) That Caedwalla, after his accession in 686, recovered this and 
other districts belonging to Wessex (see on cc. 15, i6\ (iv) That, 
consequently,theMercian bishopric of Dorchester disappeared after a 
very few years of existence. This would account (i) for the non-ap- 
pearance of ^tla's name in any of the lists of bishops, which H. & S., 
u. s , regard as 'a circumstance extremely difiicult to dispose of ; ' (ii) 
the want of evidence for any see at Dorchester between the dates 
named above. If this view is correct, the case (as H. & S, remark) is 
not unlike that of Lindsey ; cf. on iii. 11 ; iv. 12 ; Green, M.E. p.343. 

primus Hagustaldensis] See v. 2-6. 

secundus] This is Wilfrid II ; cf.v. 6, adfin. 

in utroque . . . monasterio] Therefore Hartlepool as well as 
Whitby must have been a double monastery, for men and women ; 
see on iii. 8. 

p. 255. Romam . . . aestimabatur] See on v. 7. 

prouinciam Huicciorum] On the Hwiccas, cf. ii. 2, ad init. The 
foundation of their bishopric (with the bishop's seat at Worcester) 
is also brought by FL Wig. into connexion with the alleged 
division of Mercia into five dioceses in 679 ; i. 239, 240. That the 
diocese of the Hwiccas was founded about this time is certain, but 
it seems impossible to fix the dates exactly. Oftfor was conse- 
crated after Wilfrid's second expulsion, and during the vacancy in 
the see of Canterbury after Theodore's death, /. e. between 691 or 
692 (see on v. 19), and Aug. 693 ; Fl. Wig. fixes it to 691 ; i. 42 ; 
and says that he died in 692 ; ib. 43. This is, however, very doubt- 
ful ; D. C. B. iv. 71. He certainly signs a genuine charter which 
cannot be earlier than 693 ; K. C. D. No. 36 ; Birch, i. 121 ; H. & S. 
iii. 232. He was succeeded by St. Egwin : ' de quo quid miraculi 
sit quod Beda tacuerit, nondum per me potui aduertere uel per 
alios addiscere ; ' G. P. p. 296 ; Bright, p. 381. 

Florence also seems to place BoseFs consecration in 680. This 
is difiicult to reconcile with Bede's statement that Tatfrid's 
election (and therefore a fortiori BoseFs consecration) took place 
' shortly before' (paulo ante) the election of Oftfor. A charter of 
Osric's, K. C. D. No. 12 ; Birch, i. 69, would, if genuine, throw 

Chap. 23.] Notes. 247 

the date still further back, as it speaks of the see as already consti- 
tuted in Nov. 676. But tlie chartcr, tliough not inarked as spurious 
l)y Kembk^, is suspicious, H. & S. iii. 129, and this line of 
argument throws yet further doubt on it. I am inclined to think 
that the charter was raade up from this passage in Bede by some- 
one who underetood it to imply that Osric was sub-king of the 
Hwiccas when the see was constituted. Bede says nothing of tho 
kind, but merely that Osric was reigning when Oftfor came to the 
Hwiccas, and as he remained there ' multo tempore,' there is 
nothing in Bede inconsistent with Florence's account, i. 239, that 
Oshere was the sub-king under wliom the see was founded. 
Florence, in his Chronicle, i. 37, places a grant by Oshere under the 
year 680, but this entry seems taken from the spurious charter, 
K.C. D. No. 17, Birch, i. 84 ; the forger may however have known 
the date of Oshere. There is a genuine charter of Oshere's (cited 
above) not earlier than 693 ; and a son of Oshere is mentioned in 
a oharter, K. C. D. No. 83 ; Birch, No. 157, of the date, 723 x 737. 

I cannot believeinthe identification of Osrie of the Hwiccas with Osric. 
Osric of Northumbria, v, 23. Dr. Stubbs seems inclined to accept it, 
D. C. B. i. 72 ; iv. 161-2, though it is inconsistent with his own more 
probable suggestion, ib. ii. 16, that Osric of the Hwiccas was a son 
of the Eanfrid of the Hwiccas, mentioned in iv. 13 ; see on v. 23. 

tJilfridum] v. on v. 19. * 

Cerdice] Perhaps the Ceretic whose death is mentioned in the Cerdic. 
Ann. Camb. at 616. As Hild was born in 614, the date would 
suit very well ; cf. on ii. 14. 

p. 256. monile] Cf. Bede on Cant. i. 9 : ' in collo ecclesiae, « Monile.' 
doctorum persona designatur . . . Monilia autem sunt ornamenta, 
quae uirginum solent coUo pendere. Quamuis et monilium uocabulo 
plerumque omnium matronarum ornamenta designentur ; ' Opp. 
ix. 222, 223 ; A similar legend is told of the mother of St. Brendan ; 
Lism. Lives, pp. 349, 350. 

pio] 'pitiful.' Hild's sick- 

uirtus . . . perflceretur] Cf. suijra, on c. 10. ness, 

numquam . . . praetermittebat] Cf. Benedict Biscop, Hist. Abb. 
§ II, p. 374 ; and Bede himself, Introd. § 19. 

communionis] ' ])8ere , . . gemaensumnesse Cristes lichoman 7 his 
blode,' 'the communion of Chrisfs body and of his blood,' AS. 
vers. 'That . . . the laity received under both kinds from the 
foundation of the Church . . . to the twelfth century is admitted 
on all hands;' D. C. A. i. 416. 

mortem uidit] That her remains were translated to Glaston- and death. 
bury by King Edmund, G. P. p. 198; cf. W. M. i. 36, is only 


Ihe Ecclesiashcal History. 

[Bk. IV. 

part of the great Glastonbury mytli ; cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, p. cxvi. 
Rudborne has another story, that Edmund brought them to 
Gloucester ; Ang. Sac. i. 214. 

p. 257. Hacanos] Hackness, thirteen miles from Whitby, as Bede 
himself says below ; cf. Murray's Yorkshire, p. 179. 

Begu] She is not to be confounded, as is often done, with Heiu 
(supra), or with the very mythical Irish saint Bega, whose name is 
preserved in St. Bees ; see additional critical notes. 

pausans] See on c. 9. 

notum campanae sonum] Cf. Introd. p. xxvii. For the use of 
bells in monasteries, see the references coUected by M. & L. 

aspexit . . . lucem] See on iii. 8. 

quae tunc . . . praefuit] ' waes Hilde gingre,' • was Hild's junior, 
or deputy,' AS. vers. ; i. e. prioress. Thus in Alfred's Laws, 38, § 2, 
' cyninges ealdormannes gingra,' ' the king's alderman's deputy.' 

psalmis] See on iii. 5. 

p. 258. priusquam . . . cognouisset] This, as Bright, p. 323, 
remarks, seems hardly consistent with the account of Hild's last 
communion ; ' arcessitis . . . monasterio ; ' supra. Bede only 
introduces the story with ' ferunt.' The whole paragraph is 
omitted by the AS. vers. 

ubi nuper, &c.] i. e. the cell of the novices ; Introd. p, xxvi. 

conuersationem] ' Conuersatio ' must here be used in the 
technical sense of the monastic life ; cf. ' monachica conuersatio * 
a little above, p. 257. Ducange gives no instance of this meaning. 
'Conuersio' is often used of entry into a monastery ; cf. c. 5, 
p. 216 : 'monachi , . . tempore suae conuersionis.' We have even 
such phrasesas ' conuersionem intrare ; ' Ducange, s.v. We might be 
inclined to suggest ' conuersionem ' here ; and so several later MSS, 


I confine the notes on this chapter to the illustration of Bede's 
text. Some account of the critical questions which centre round 
the name of Caedmon will be given in a separate note. 

pietati] ' Pietas,' is here of course ' piety,' not ' pity ' as so often 
in Bede. 

p. 259. cantare], ' be hearpan singan,' ' to sing to the harp.' 
AS. vers, This was the national instrument of our forefathers. 
Harpers however seem sometimes to have been imported from the 
Continent. Cuthbert, Abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow, writes to 
Lullus, Archbishop of Mainz : ' delectat me quoque citharistam 
habere, qui possit citharizare in cithara, quam nos appellamus 

Chap. 24.] Notes. 249 

rottae [v. Ducange, s. v. rocta] quia citliaram liabeo, et artiliceni 
non habeo ; ' Mon. Mog. p. 302. Alcuin would not have approved 
<tf this introduetion of the harper into the cloister. He writes in 
797 to Higbald, Bisliop of Lindisfarne : 'uerba Dei legantur in sacer- 
dotali conuiuio. Ibi decet k^ctorem audiri, non citluuistam ; 
sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid Hiuieldus [r. 
Haupt, Zeitschr. fur deutsclies Alterthum, xv. 314] cum Christo? 
. . . Non uult rex coelestis cum paganis et perditis nomine tenus 
regibus communionem habere ; ' Mon. Alc. p. 357. It was to 
gratify the national love for poetry and song that poets like 
Caedmon and his successors wrote poems on Christian subjects ; Cajtlnion. 
while by other hands materials, originally mythical and heathen, 
were worked up, as in the Beowulf, into a form not inconsistent 
with Christianity. Of the former mode of procedure an interesting 
instance is that of the monk Otfried of Weissenburg, who, in the Qtfricd. 
ninth century, translated the Gospels into German verse ; cf. his 
letter to Liutbert, Archbishop of Mainz : ' Dum rerum . . . sonus 
inutilium pulsaret aures quorundam . . . uirorum, eorumque 
sanctitatem laicorum cantus inquietaret obscenus, a quibusdam . . . 
fratribus rogatus [sum], maximeque cuiusdam uenerandae matronae 
uerbis nimium flagitantis, nomine ludith, [ut] partem euangeliorum 
eis Theotisce conscriberem [cf. ' Franzisce compositam,' later in 
the letter ; ' in frenkisga zungun ' in the poem itself] ; ut aliquan- 
tulum huius cantus lectionis ludum secularium uocum deleret, et 
in euangeliorum propria lingua occupati dulcedine, sonum inuti- 
lium rerum nouerint declinare ' ; Mon. Mog. p. 328 (the whole 
letter is most interesting), The ' matrona Judith,' has been Judith. 
identified by some with the daughter of Charles the Bald, who in 
856 married Ethelwulf of England and afterwards his son Ethel- 
bald. For the same princess Professor Cook supposes that the 
Anglo-Saxon poem of Judith was coraposed (see his edition, pp. 
xviii. ff.). Both theories must be regarded as very uncertain ; but 
both are very suggestive, and of great interest to English readers. 

nomine Caedmon] The name has been explained to mean ' boat- The name 
man' from 'ca^d,' 'a boat ' ; and in a seaside place like Whitby Csedmon. 
this may well have been a common appellation. This is at any 
rate a more probable etymology than the Chaldaean one which 
Palgrave proposes, Archaeologia, xxiv. 342 ; cf. Wiilker, Grundriss, 
p. 117. 

nunc laudare . . . creauit] On the Saxon verses corresponding 
to this Latin, which are found in some MSS., see the separate note A. 

p. 260. non autem ordo] Each language has of course its own tions of 
peculiarities in the arrangement of words in a sentence ; liere, poems. 


Tlte Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

however, there are special causes of divergence due to the trans- 
positions of words necessitated by the laws of alliterative poetry. 

neq.ue enim possunt , . . transferri] Dante, in his own positive 
way, has said the same : ' nulla cosa per legame musaico armo- 
nizzata si puo della sua loquela in altra trasmutare, senza rom- 
pere tutta sua dolcezza e armonia/ 'nothing that is harmonised 
by poeti-cal connexion can be changed from its own language 
to another, without destroying all its harmony and sweetness ; ' 
Convito, i. 7. 

ad uilicum . . . praeerat] ' to ^sem tungerefan J)e his ealdormon 
waes/ 'to the townreeve who was his superior,' AS. vers. 

propositum] v. c. 23, p. 253. 

quasi . . . ruminando] This metaphor, based on Lev. xi. 3, Deut. 
xiv. 6, is a very favourite one with Bede : e.g. ' haec [mysteria] 
quasi munda animalia nunc oris locutione ruminanda, nunc eoiHiis 
penetralibus retractanda seruemus ;' Opp. v. 31 ; cf. ib. 13 ; vii. 35, 
354 ; viii. 32, 340 ; ix. E09, 348, 358.; x. 340 ; xii. 47. 

p. 261. genesis] ' Jjset is seo aereste Moyses booc,' ' that is the 
tirst book of Moses,* inserts AS. vers. 

sacrae scripturae] '])8es halgan gewrites canones boca,' 'ofthe 
books of the canon of holy writ,' AS. vers. 

erat enim . . . accensus] Cf. the character of Lazarus in Brown- 
ing's,Karshish : 

' Thus is the man as harmless as a lamb ; 
Only impatient, let him do his best, 
At ignorance and carelessness and sin — 
An indignation which is promptly curbed.' 

casa. in qua . . . solebant] v. Introd. p. xxvii ; ' untrumra monna 
hus,' 'a house for the sick,' AS. vers. 

si eucharistiam . , . haberent] 'husl,' 'housel,' AS. vers. The 
practice of the early Church seems to have been somewhat lax in 
regard to the reservation of the Sacrament ; and in times of 
persecution greater liberty was necessary, in order that in sudden 
emergencies the faithful might be able to communicate. The 
abuses which grew out of this liberty led to its restriction. 
Exception w^s always made in favour of the sick, and this 
exception was retained in our own Church in the first prayer- 
book of Edward VI (1549), though it was abolished by the second 
(1552). Here it would seem that the reserved Sacrament was kept 
in the infirmaiy of the monastery, so as to be ready in case of any 
of the inmates becoming suddenly worse ; cf. svp. c. 14, p. 235 ; 
Bright, pp. 278, 279, 344. 

p. 262. placidam ego . . . gero] The AS. vers. is very simple 

Chap. 24.] Kotes. 251 

and beautiful hero : 'mine brof^or mino J^a leofan, ic oom swii^e Anglo- 

bliSemod to eow 7 to eallum Godes monnuni,' * my brothers, mv*^"^^'.*" 

' _ •> ' - version. 

dear ones, I am in very friondly mood towards you and towards 

all God's men.' 

laudes nocturnas] r. Introd. p. xxvi. 'uhtsong,' AS. vors. 

signans se, &c.] On tho vii'tvio of the uae of the sign of the cross, Sign <>f th»i 
cf. Ep. ad Ecgb. § 15, p. 419. St. Bernard's mother died in the cross. 
very act of signing horself : ' Cum . . . chorus .. . . iam peruonisset 
ad illam litaniae supplicationem, "Perpassionem et crucem tuam 
libera eam Domine," necdum cessans a supplicatione . . . eleuata 
manu, signans se signaculo sanctae crucis, in pace reddidit spiritum. 
. . . Manus, sicut erat erecta ad indicandum signvun crucis, sic 
remansit ; ' S. Bern. Opp. ii. 1283; Morison's St. Bernard, p. 7. 
On the antiquity of this use of the sign of the cross, see D. C. A. 
i. 815. 

reclinauit . . . flniuit] Cf. the beautiful and most touching Death of 
account of Bishop Tliorlak's death ; Orig. Island. i. 498. Cf. also Caedmon. 
the account of Wilfrid's death ; Eddius, c. 64..; 

uitam finiuit] The death of Caedmon is often placed in 680 (e. g. Date. 
by Thorpe, Csedmon, p. xxix ; Bouterwelc, p. ccxxvi ; Wiilker, 
Grundriss, p. 116), hut for this there is absolutely no evidence, 
except the fact that the narrative of his death in Bede follows on 
that of Hild, which does belong to that year ; hnt this, in the case 
of a writer like Bede, is a most unsafe ground to argue upon. Tho 
all-devouring Glastoribury bas annexod the bones of Caedmon also ; 
G. P. p. 254. 

CHAPTEH 24. Note A. 

At the end of the Moore MS., in a hand different from, bitt^ Cfedmons 
nearly contemporary with, -the hand Avhich wrote the bulk of the' |?7"^^' 
MS., occurs the following: brian ver- 

' Nu scylun hergen hebaen ricaes uard ^^*^^- 

metudaes maecti end his modgidanc 

uerc uuldur fadur sue he uundra gihuaes 

eci drictin ^ or astelid«e 

he aerist scop aelda barnum 

heben til hrofe haleg scepen. 

tha middun^ geard moncynnaes uard 

eci dryctin sefter tiadse 

firum fold'u' frea allmectig.' 

^ The scribe at first wrote n for c, dryctin M.*. 
2 The scribe at first wrote min-. 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 


This version is Noi-thumbrian. The hvmn occurs on the margin 
of iv. 24, in other MSS., in a West-Saxon form. The oldest of 
these MSS. that I have examined is W., where it runs : 
' Nu we 1 sculon - herian ^ heofonrices we[ard] * 

metoddes* mihte® 7 hi[s] modgeJ>anc 

weorc'' wu[l]dor^ fseder swa he wu[n]dra gehwilc^ 

ece^" drih[ten] word^^ astealde 

he ^^ [8e]rest ^^ gescop ^* ylda ^^ [bear]num 

heofen to rofe ^® [halig] scippend ''' 

middan ear[de]^^ mann cynnes^^ weard 

ece^" drihten aefter tid^a]^*' 

fyrmn^^ on'"^^ foldum^^ frea ealmihti^*.' 
It also occurs in a closely-allied form in the Anglo-Saxon version 
of Bede. The variations are given below in the critical notes, 
with the signature ^lf. (for ^lfred). The close connexion of ^lf. 
and O3 should be noted. Evidently the scribe or corrector of 
Oo simply copied from a MS. of the AS. vers. 

There can be no doubt : (i) that the Northumbrian and West- 
Saxon versions are too much alike to be independent of one 
another. (ii' That the Northumbrian version is very much older than 
any of the West-Saxon versions. .iii) That being Isortlmmbrian it 
is more likely to represent what Caedmon actually sang than any 
of the others. (The transference of poems from one dialect to 
another is a common feature of AS. literature ; cf. Wiilker, 
Grundriss, p. 115.) (iv) That being extant in a MS. not much later 
than the date of Bede's death, the Northumbrian version must 
represent what was believed in his time to be a genuine work of 
Csedmon. The greater number of critics have accepted it as 
genuine, though some few have regarded it as a mere retranslation 

between this hymn and the opening lines of the biblical poems 
which commonly go by the name of Caedmon, is too vague and 
general to form an argument either for the genuineness of the 
hymn, or for tlie authorship of the poems. See the following note. 

1 we om. JElf. ^ sceolon O3, sculun 0^. ^ heri- repeated and 

underlined MS. ; herigean ^lf. ' MS. defective here and elsewliere. 

-^ metudesOi, O.., 0,1, O17. •> mj-hte O^, micbte O14, meahte ^lf. ' wurc 
0„ 0.7. " wulder O^. •' gebwas O3, ^lf. ; gehwylc Ou. ^^ eche 

Oh. ^^ ord O,, 0,1, 0.7; 6r yElf. ; word astealde om. O^; astalde O17. 

1- pa he O3. ^2 aerust 0^. ^* gesceop Oj ; sceop O.,, ^lf. ^^ eorOe 

O3. eorc5an ^lf. '^ hrofe Oi, O3, Ou, ^lf. ^' seyppend 0„ O3, 

O^i, 0(7, ^lf. ; O3 puts these two words at the end after 'frea sehnihtig.' 
1* -gearde 0,7 ; J>a middangeard O3, ^■Elf. ^^ man- Oi, O17 ; mon- O3 ; 

-kynnes 0^. '"^" teode O., ^li'. -' tirum 0., 0,4, 0^7. -~- on 

om. -Elf. -• folden Oo ; foldan .Elf. -* selmihtig Oi, O,. 0,i, O.7, ^lf. 

Chap. 24.] Notes. 253 

CllArTER 24. NoTE B. 

In tho Eodlfian Library at Oxford tliorc exists a uniquo MS. Tlio poemn 
(Junius xi) which contains four poems, or parts of poems, on biblictal Z . „^ 
subjects. Of these tho first thrce are based on Old Testamont 
themes, Genesis, Exodus, Daniel ; while the fourth is founded on 
the apocryphal gospel of Nicodemvis. This last is however in 
a dififeront hand from the rcst, and is generally admitted to stand 
on a different footing ; it may thoreforc be left out of the discus- 
sion. Junius, who rcceived this MS. as a present from Ai'chbisliop 
Ussher, first publishcd thoso pooms in 1655, Othcr cditions are : 
Thorpe, 1832; Bouterwek. 1851-1854; and Grein,in his Bibliothek, 
1857 (now in course of ropublication by Wiilkcr'. Junius attributed Attributed 
these poems to Csedmon, mainly on the ground of thc similarity toCsedmon. 
of their subjects to those on which Caedmon is said by Bede to 
have writton. And this attribution. though not uncontested, was 
on the whole accepted until comparativcly recent times. That 
the dialect of the poems is not Northumbrian is not in itself 
suflficient to di.sprove the authorship of Casdmon ; for we have seen 
that the transfercnce of poems from one dialect to another was not 
uncommon. But it must be confesscd that there is no evidence, The attri- 
beyond the similarity of subject, to connect these poems with ^^*^,"w. 
Caedmon ; nor is there any evidence, beyond their occurrence in 
the same volume, to connect them with one another as the work 
of the same poet. It is possible, if not probable, that all the three 
poems are by different authors. Nor can we exclude the possibility 
of modifications and additions by later hands as the poems passed 
from mouth to raouth, and from dialect to dialect. The individual 
poet counted for little in those days. He was, as Ten Brink has 
finely said, only a ripple on the stream of the popular poetry (in 
Wiilker, p. 114). Hence the number of anonymous early poems. 
The attempt however to separate these later additions, though one 
to which German critics are extremely partial, is as a rule a hope- 
less one, and rests on grounds too subjective and arbitrary to carry 
assurance to any except the particular critic himself, who has 
often assvirance enough and to sparc. One such addition however 
has becn proved to exist by argumcnts which rest on strong Eelatiun 
objectivc grounds. Sievers has shown conclusively in his mono- j? i- ^ 1 
graph. Der Heliand und die angelsiichsische Genesis (1875% that 
tho aceount of the fall of the angels and of the fall of man Genosis, 
vv. 246-851) is based on an Old-Saxon original, now lost, nearly 
related to, or (as Sievers maintains) by the actual author of the 


Tlte Ecclesiastical History, 

[Bk. IV. 

Old-Saxon poem known as the Heliand. If tlie second part of 
Sievers' theory were as certain as the first, this would give us 
a tenninus a quo for dating the Anglo-Saxon Genesis, for Windisch 
has shown incontestably tliat the Heliand is under large obligations 
to Khabanus Maurus' commentary on St. Matthew, which was 
written in the year 820 or Sar. But the weak point about this 
second part of Sievers' theory is that we have no remains of Old- 
Saxon poetry except the Heliand, and therefore we cannot certainly 
tell how far the points in which the Genesis resembles the Heliand 
were peculiar to the author of the latter, or were common charac- 
teristics of Old-Saxon poetry ; cf. Wiilker, pp. 127-, 128. And 
whatever the obligations of the Anglo-Saxon poem to the poetry 
of the old country, the possibility is not excluded that both may 
be products of the impulse given by the cowherd bard of Whitby 
in earlier days ; especially if we remember the ecclesiastical inter- 
course between the two countries from the days of St. Boniface 
onwards, and the sense of their common origin which sur^ived in 
the insular and continental Saxons ; see on v. 9. On tlie other 
hand similar needs and circumstances call forth similar efifects ; 
and the Old-Saxon bard may have been led quite independently to 
use his gift of song to bring nearer to the hearts of hi^ own people 
the knowledge of that Saviour, Whom it was his mission to preach 
(cf. the case of Otfried, cited above\ Whether, in the one point 
at which the two cycles of poetry touch, the contact was due to an 
Anglo-Saxon bard translating from the Old-Saxon, as Sievers 
thinks, or to an Old-Saxon who settled in BHtain, as Ten Brink 
opines, can never be known.. On the whole then we must con- 
clude that, with the exception of the hymn given above, there is 
nothing that we can, with any degree of certainty, suppose to be 
the actual work of Cjedmon liimself.. On the other liand, the 
poems which we do possess, may well enough be due to the im- 
pulse which he first gave, and be the work of disciples like 
those who, as Bede testifies, imitated, without attaining, the 
master's skill. 

CHAPTER 24. Note C. 

The story of poets receiving poetical inspiration supernaturally 
in a dream or vision is a very ancient one. It is told e.g. of Hesiod ; 
Tzetzes' account is as follows : avve&aivc rdv 'Haiodov tovtov dpvas kv 
To) ^EXiKwvi TTOifMiveiv. cpaal 5« dis evvea Ttves (\6ovaai yvvaiKfs, Kai 
Zpe^pafiivai K\u>vas baipvrjs k\iKa>viTi5os avrw linaiTiaav, Kal ovtw ao<pias 

Chap. 24.] Notcs. 255 

voirjTiKTJs (iT(fnpupT]To [? tvfTrec/xipT^To]. Tzetzffc! then goes 011 to expliiin 

the occurrence as a dream, and to give it an allegorical interpreta- 

tion. Bouterwek, p. ccxxvii citos the Icelandic pnrallel of Hallbj<')rn Hullbjun 

the shepherd-bard of pingvollr. See Flateyjarbok, 1. 214, 215 ; or 

Fornmanna Sogur, iii. 102-104. But tho closest parallel, if only it 

were an independent one, would be the following ' Praefatio in 

librum antiquum lingua Saxonica conscriptum..' 

'Cum plurimas reipublicae utilitates Ludouicus piissimus Au- Thcautli 
gustus summo atque pracclaro ingenio prudenter statuere atque *^ V*^_,i 
ordinare contendat ; maxime tamen quod ad. sacrosanctam reli- 
gionem aeternamque animarum salubritatem attinet, studiosus ac 
deuotus esse comprobatur. Hoc quotidie solicite tractans, ut 
populum sibi a Deo subiectum sapienter instruendo ad potiora 
atque excellentiora semper accendat', et nociua quaeque atque 
superstitiosa comprimendo compescat. In talibus ergo studiis suus 
iugiter beneuolus uersatur animus, talibus delectamentis pascitur, 
ut meliora semper augendo multiplicet, et deteriora uetando ex- 
tinguat. Verum, sicut in aliis innumerabilibus infirmioribusque 
rebus, eius comprobari potest affectus, ita quoque in hoc magno 
opusculo sua non mediocriter commendatur beneuolentia. Nam 
cum diuinorum librorum solummodo literati atque eruditi prius 
notitiam liaberent, eius studio [atque imperii tempore, sed Dei 
omnipotentia atque inchoantia mii-abiliter] actum est nuper, ut 
cunctus populus suae ditioni subditus, [Theudisca loquens lingua,] 
eiusdem diuinae lectionis nihilominus notionem acceperit. Prae- 
cepit namque cuidam uiro de gente Saxonum, qui apud suos non 
ignobilis Vates habebatur, ut uetus ac nouum Testamentum in 
Germanicam linguam poetice transferre ^ studeret, [quatenus non 
solum literatis, uerum etiam illiteratis sacra diuinorum praecep- 
torum lectio panderetur.] Qui iussis imperialibus libenter obtem- 
perans [nimirum eo facilius, quo desuper admonitus est prius], ad 
tam difficile tamque arduum se statim contulit opus: [potius tamen 
confidens de adiutorio obtemperantiae, quam de suae ingenio 

' Igitur a mundi creatione ^ initium capiens, iuxta historiae 
ueritatem quaeque excellentiora summatim decerpens, et interdum 
quaedam, ubi commodum duxit, mystico sensu depingens, ad finem 
totius ueteris ac noui Testamenti interpretando more poetico satis 
faceta eloquentia perduxit. [Quod opus tam lucide tamque ele- 
ganter iuxta idioma illius linguae composuit, ut audientibus ac 

' Cf. Bede : ' ad . . . appetitum sunt uitae caelestis accensi,' p. 259. 
^ Cf. Bede : ' in modulationem carminis transferre,' p. 260. 
^ Cf. Bede : ' canebat . . . de creatione mundi,' ib. 

256 Tlie Ecdesiadical History. [Bk. iv. 

intelligentibus non minimam sui decoris* dulcedinem praestet.] 
luxta morem uero illius poematis omne opus per uitteas distinxit, 
quas nos lectiones uel sententias possumus appellare. 

'Ferunt eundem Vatem dum adhuc artis huius peuitus esset 
ignarus ^, in somnis esse admonitum ^, ut sacrae legis praecepta ad 
cantilenam propriae linguae congma modulatione coaptaret*. Quam 
admonitionem nemo ueram esse ambigit, qui huius carminis no- 
titiam, studiuraque eius compositoris atque desiderii anhelationem 
habuerit. Tanta namque copia uerborum, tantaque excellentia 
sensuum resplendet, ut cuncta Theudisca poemata suo uincat 
decore ^ Clare quidem pronunciatione sed clarius intellectu lucet. 
Sic nimirum omnis diuina agit scriptura. Vt quanto quis eam 
ardentius appetat, tanto magis eor inquirentis quadam dulcedinis 
suauitate demulceat^. Vt uero studiosi lectoris intentio facilius 
quaeque, ut gesta sunt, possit inuenire, singulis sententiis iuxta 
quod ratio huius operis postularat, capitula annotata sunt.' 

This 'praefatio' is followed by certain 'Versus de poeta,' of 
which the following are the most important ; 

' iuuencos ... 
Laetus et attonitus larga pascebat in herba, 
Cumque fatigatus patulo sub tegmine, fessa 
Conuictus somno tradidisset membra quieto^: 
Mox diuina polo resonans uox labitur alto, 
O quid agis, Vates, cur cantus tempora perdis ? 
Incipe diuinas recitare ex ordine leges, 
Transferre in propriam clarissima dogmata linguam. 
Nec mora post tanti fuerat miracula dicti 
Qui prius agricola, mox et fuit ille poeta. 

No MS. authority for these pieces has ever been discovered. 
They were printed first by Flacius Illyricus in 1562 in the second 
edition of his Catalogus testium ueritatis, pp. 93, 94 ; p. 1035 of 
the ed. of 1608 ; and have been reprinted frequently since, e. g. in 
Bouquet, vi. 256, and in Sievers' Heliand, pp. 3-6. That they are not 
sixteenth-century forgeries (as J. W. Schulte maintained, Zeitschr. 
f. deutsche Phil. iv. 49 ff.), is shown in the case of tlie prose. 

^ Cf. Bede : ' carmina . . . decoris ac dignitatis,' p. 260. 
2 Cf. Bede : ' nil carminum aliquando didicerat,' p. 259. 

* Cf. Bede : ' adstitit ei quidam per somnium,' ib. 

* Cf. Bede : ' in sua, id est, Anglorum lingua proferret ' ; ib. and v. s. 
p. 255, note ^. 

5 Cf. Bede : ' nullus eum aequiparare potuit ' ; ib. and v. s. note \ 
® Cf. Bede : 'uerbis poetieis maxima suauitate,' p. 258. 
' Cf. Bede : ' membra dedisset sopori,' p. 259. 

Chap. 24.] Notes. 257 

as Sievers points out, Heliand, p. xxv, by the use of the word 
uittea =, fitt, M.E. ,fifte, a song or poem ; which no renaissance 
scholar could have hit upon ; while had any such written the 
verses, they would have been more classical. 

These pieces have always been understood as referring to the 
Old-Saxon poem of the Heliand, to which allusion has already been 
made. How far they give a true account of its origin need not be 
discussed here. I would however say that I cannot see that strong 
contradiction which Sievers and others find between the first and 
second parts of the ' praefatio.' The subject suggested by the 
incident, whatever it was, which first revealed to the Heliand 
bard his poetic powers, may have been afterwards executed under 
imperial orders ; just as Csedmon is represented as using the 
materials supplied him by his teachers for the execution of the 
task which was laid upon him in his dream ; and the foot-notes 
will show that points of contact with Bede's narrative occur in the 
earlier part of the Preface, as well as in the later. This view of 
Sievers' necessitates the further assumption of interpolations in 
the earlier part of the Preface. I have indicated by brackets the 
portions which Sievers and others believe to be interpolated. It is 
possible that this may be so in some cases ; but I have no great 
faith in these arbitrary excisions, based on no external authority 
or evidence. It is true that some of the sentences are clumsy ; 
that others exhibit traces of repetition ; but these are phenomena 
which occur even in the writings of German critics. One sentence 
('nimirum . . . prius') implies the view taken above that there is 
no necessary inconsistency between the first and second part of 
the preface, and therefore must of course be excised. It should be 
noted that the statement that the Heliand bard was originally 
a herdsman occurs only in the verses and not in the prose preface. 
Clearly the verses have been much more influenced by the Caedmon 
story than the prose ; though the possibility that the latter has 
also been influenced by it to some extent cannot be excluded. 
And this possibility diminishes somowhat the interest of the 
parallel, which if it were wholly independent would be extremely 
great. The statement that the poet began his work ' a mundi 
creatione,' lends some slight support to Sievers' view that he was 
the actual author of the Old-Saxon poem on which is based the 
interpolated passage in the Anglo-Saxon Genesis. 

The story of Caedmon and others like it rest on two truths ; 
the first, that poetry, like 'every good and perfect gift,' is 'from 
above ' ; the second, that in moments of heighterlf^d feeling, when 
*We feel that we are greater than we know,' 



The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

nien acquire, or at any rate first become conscious of, the possession 
of powers previously dormant or non-existent. That some such 
moment occurred in the life of Caedmon we need not hesitate to 
believe ; though the record of it may have taken on some legendary 
features. At any rate we shall not seek with Palgrave to get rid 
of his personality altogether by means of a Chaldaean etymology. 


ham a 

hy flre. 

< >f Colding- 

and Thurs- 
<lay festal 


P. 262. monasterium uirginum] It is, however, evident from 
what follows that it was a double monastery of monks and nuns ; 
and so it is expressly described by S. D. i. 59 : * erant siquidem 
in eodem loco, diuersis tamen separatae mansionibus, monachorum 
sanctimonialiumque congregationes, qui paulatim a regularis dis- 
ciplinae statu defluentes inhonesta inuicem familiaritate decipiendi 
occasionem inimico praebuerant.' To these disorders S. D. traces 
the exclusion of women from Cuthbertine churches. Other and 
still more mythical explanatious are given in the so-called Irish 
Life of St. Cuthbert ; Misc. Biogr. pp. 83 &., on which life, v.s. The 
fact is that the rule is Columbite, and not specially Cuthbertine. 

Coludi TJrbem] Coldingham. See on c. 19. 

per culpam incuriae] Cf. Sax. Chron. E. 679 : ' Her . . . Coludes 
burh forbarn mid godcundum fyre,' ' Here Coldingham was burnt 
with heaven-sent fire.' This is improving a little on Bede; 
though the whole course of his narrative implies that the fire, if 
caused proximately by human carelessness, was a divine punish- 
ment for guilt. On the frequency of fires, cf. on ii. 14. This very 
jDhrase occurs ii. 7, p. 94 ; Yit. Cudb. c. 14. The date given in the 
Sax. Chron. must be wrong, as Bede clearly implies that the 
disaster did not take place till after Ebba's death, and we have 
seen that she was alive in 681. See on c. 19. 

p. 263. Adamnanus] The four Masters, sub. ann. 703, confuse this 
Adamnan with the abbot of lona, who was the biographer of 
St. Columba. 

die dominica et quinta] Sunday was of course a festal day 
because of the Resurreetion, Thursday because of the Ascension. 
Cf. AA. SS. Hib. ex Cod. Salm. col. 408 : ' angelus Domini ad 
sanctum Fintanum salutandum duobus in ebdomade diebus semper 
ueniebat, scilicet die dominica et quinta.' 

triduanum] v.s. on ii. 2. 

p. 264. Aebbse] v. s. on c. 19. 

uidi adstantem mihi, &c.] A somewhat similar story is told of 
Alcuin'3 monastery at Tours : ' In dormitorio beati Martini duo 

Chap. 25.] Notes. 259 

Angeli ingressi sunt, unus extondebat indicem ; alter monachum, 

quem ille ostendebat, percutiebat. Unus solus uigilans euasit. . . . 

Monachi illi . . . nimis deliciosi uiuebant, et sericis induebantur 

uestibus ; calciamenta erant uitrei coloris ; ' Bouquet, v. 380. 

p. 265. domunculae] The monastery would seem to have boen Structure 

builtin tlie Irisli fasliion ; an enclosure with the church and other ? ^^onas- 

public buildings standing up (' sublimiter erecta/ sup. p. 264) in the 

centre, and round about them the lodgings of the community, de- 

tached huts, probably of wattle or wood. And these Irish monasteries 

seem to have been built very much on the model of the Eastern 

Lauras — clusters or avenues of cells round the conventual build- 

ings ; cf. Rs. Ad. p. 360 ; D. C. A. i. 329 ; ii. 1239, 1240. 

comessationum, &c.] ' Quicunque abrenunciato uinculo coniu- Disorders 
gali uirginitatem suam Domino consecrauerint, mores simul oportot Y^ p^^nas- 
uirginitati condignos ostendere. Abstineant ab otiosis eloquiis, 
ira, rixa, detractione, habitu impudico, comessationibus, potatio- 
nibus, contentione, et aemulatione ; et e contrario uigiliis sanctis, 
orationibus, lectionibus diuinis, et psalmis, doctrinae et eleemosynis, 
caeterisque Spiritus fructibus operam impendant, ut qui futurae 
statum uitae in professione tenent, in qua non nubent, neque 
nubentur, sed sunt sicut angeli Dei in coelo ;' Opp. viii. 282. The 
language of the Council of Clovesho, 747 a.d., is strikingly ]ike 
Bede's : ' non sint sanctimonialium domicilia turpium confabu- 
lationum, commessationum, ebrietatum, luxuriantiumque cubilia ; 
. . . magisque . . . canendis psalmis, quam texendis et plectendis 
uario colore inanis gloriae uestibus studeant operam dare,' c. 20 ; 
H. & S, iii. 369 ; cf. ib. 374. Cf. also D. C. A.ii. 1413, and Alcuin's 
exhortations to the monks of Jarrow and Weaijmouth, of Lindis- 
farne, and of Hexham ; Mon. Alc. pp. 190-193, 197 £f, 374, 375. 

subtilioribus indumentis] Cf. Bede on Luke vii. 25 : ' nemo Luxury in 
, . . existimet in luxu atque studio uestium peccatum deesse, qui 
si hoc culpa non esset, nullo modo loannem Dominus de uesti- 
menti sui asperitate laudasset ; ' Opp. xi. 47. (This comes ulti- 
mately from St. Gregory, and is quoted also by Aldhelm, Opp. 
p. 74). So Bede on i Pet. iii. 3 : * quia, sicut Cyprianus ait, sericum 
et purpuram indutae Christum induere non possunt;' Opp. xii. 224 ; 
cf. xi. 166. The complaints as to excess of apparel in monasteries 
are extraordinarily frequent. Compare, besides the passages ah-eady 
quoted, Mon. Alc. pp. 180-184, 331-336, 366-369, 616-618 =-H. & S. 
iii. 494, 502, 520, 532. Aldhelm, Opp. p. 77, gives a most curicus 
account of the extravagances of dress in his time. 

p. 266. conpresbyterj So 'conleuita,' ' fellow-deacon ' ; Opp. vi. 78. 

ob desolationem] l. e. after the fire. 
S 2 


Tlie Fcdesiastical Historij. 

[Bk. IV. 


Egfrid's Ecgfrid rex . . . Hiberniam . . . uastauit] The motive of this 

invasion of invasion is not clear. It may have been mere ambition, the desire 
of Egfrid to extend his overlordship over the Scots of Ireland, 
as well as over their kinsmen in Britain. Skene thinks that he 
wished to prevent the former from helplng the latter to throw off 
the Northumbrian yoke, C. S. i. 265 ; so, practically, Green, M.E. 
p. 378 ; while Rhys suggests that he suspected the Irish of helping 
the Picts, C.B. pp. 171, 172. Moberly, following Stevenson, thinks 
that it was connected with the harbouring of Aldfrid among the 
Irish. But though Aldfrid may have been in Ireland during part 
of his exile, he was certainly at this time in lona ; see below. 
Whatever the motive, Bede clearly regards it as an unjust aggres- 
sion. The Irish Annals naturally mention this invasion ; e.g. Ann. 
Ult. 684 : ' Saxones campum Breg uastant, et ecclesias plurimas in 
mense luni.' ' Campus Breg,' in Irish Magh Bregh, was ' in the 
east portion of ancient Meath. In after times the name was applied 
to the extensive tract of country reaching from Dublin northwards 
to near Dundalk, and north-westwards to the Fews Mountains;' 
Ks. Ad. p. 74. 

pietatis] 'pity,' so that 'impietatis' below probably means 
'cruelty,' though the sense of ' impiety ' would also suit well. 

inprecationibus] Drs. Reeves (Ad. p. Ixxvii) and Bright (p. 330) 
have both called attention to the fondness of the Irish saints for 
this weapon. It would be easy to add largely to the references 
which they have given. The frequency with which Irish saints 
distribute curses both temjDoral and eternal, is indeed remarkable 
in persons with a reputation for holiness. There is a regular 
technical name in Irish, fdcbala (lit. ' leavings'), for the blessings 
or curses left by Irisli saints to particular families or territories ; 
Three Fragments, p. 186. For alleged fulfilments of these par- 
ticular curses see H. H. p. 109 ; R. W. i. 196 ; and Notes to Sax. 
Chron. 699 E. 

Pictorum prouinciam] On the probable course taken by Egfrid's 
invasion see S. C. S. i. 266. At the beginning of Egfrid's reign, 
before his separation from Ethelthryth, the Picts, ' populi bestiales 
Pictorum,' had tried to throw off the ' Saxon ' yoke, but unsuccess- 
fully : ' et in seruitutem redacti populi usque ad diem occisionis 
regis captiuitatis iugo subiecti iacebant ; ' Eddius, c. 19 ; cf. Ead- 
mer's Life of Wilfrid, cc. 20, 21. But after his quarrel with 
Wilfrid all went wrong with Egfrid, Eddius, c. 24 ; cf. on c. 12. 
Cudbercto] On him v. cc. 27-32. A year before he was said to 

tions of 

Egfrid and 
the Picts. 

Chap. 26.] Notes. 261 

have prophesiod the deatli of Egfrid to his sister Elflod ; Baed. Vit. Lfgir<I- 

Cudb. c. 24 ; Vit. Anon. § 28. At tho time of Egfrid's dcath he 5^'"J.j!?;j,^ 

was vvith the queen Eormenburg at Carlisle, and received a revtda- death. 

tion of the issue of the fray ; Baed. Vit. Cudb. c. 27 ; Vit. Anon. 

§ 37. Eormenburg, after the death of Egfrid, took the veil, 

' de hipa post occisionem regis, agna Doi, et perfecta abbatissa, 

materque .familias optima commutata;' Eddius, c. 24. Thore is 

an extraordinary story in Eadmer's life of Wilfrid, c. 43, how that 

Wilfrid, while celebrating mass in Sussex, not merely saw the 

death of Egfrid, but saw his soul carried off to hell by two evil spirits. 

In c. 57 he adds this : * ilhid quod dixi de damnatione regis Ecfridi 

fateor nusquam k^gi ; sed tot talesque uiri id ita se habuissc con- 

firmant, ut eis nolle credere magnae impudentiae esse crediderim.' 

The Irisli annals mention this battle also ; e.g. Ann. Ult. 685, Battle «^f 

'Bellum Duin Nechtain xx"»» die mensi Maii, sabbati die factum ^echtans- 

est, in quo Etfrith [Ecfrith] mac Ossu rex Saxonum, xv"» anno 

regni sui consummato, magna cum caterua mih'tum suorum inter- 

fectus est ; ' Tigh. adds, 'la [per] Bruidi mac Bili regis Fortrenn.' 

May 20 was a Saturday in 685. S. D. i. 32 says : ' Rex Egfridus 

. . . extinctus est apud Nechtanesmere, quod est stagnum Nechtani, 

die xiii. Kal. luniarum, anno regni sui xv, cuius corpus in Hii, 

insula Cohimbae, sepultum est ' ' Dun Nechtain,' 'Nechtan's 

fort' is Dunnichen near Forfar, called Dunnechtyn in a charter of 

William the Lion. ' Nechtan's Mere ' is Dunnichen Moss ; Es. 

Ad. pp. 186, 187. The Sax. Chron. E. 685 says that Egfrid fell ' be 

norSan sse,' 'to the North of the Sea,' i.e. of the Forth. Nennius, 

§ 57, calls the battle : 'Gueith Linn Garan,' i.e. ' Fight of the pool 

of Garan.' He also says : ' Eclifrid . . . fecit bellum contra fra- 

truelem suum, qui erat rex Pictorum, nomine Birdei [ = Brude mac 

Bili], et ibi corruit cum omni robore exercitus sui.' The relation- 

ship indicated by 'fratruelis' (itself a vague word, v. Ducange) is 

here very vague. Brude mac Bili seems to have succeeded aceording 

to the Pictish law of suecession in right of his mother, a daughter 

of Talorg, son of Eanfrid, Oswy's eldest brother ; see on iii. i ; 

P. & S. p. cxxi. Thus he was Egfrid's first cousin twice removed. 

He died in 692 ; Ann. Ult. 

p. 267. regni . . . XV.] See on c. 5. 

Scottiam] Ireland, as always in Bede. 

nam et Picti, &c.] Nennius u. s. says : ' et nunquam addiderunt Inroads of 
Saxones ambronum [? Humbronum = Hymbronensium ; c. i^j^siipra; ^ ® "icts. 
cf. Nenn. § 63, where this also yields a good sense, and where one 
MS. gives the absuixl gloss : id est, Ald Saxonum] ut a Pictis 
uectigal exigerent.' Caj)grave, in his life of Wilfrid, H. Y. i. 503, 

262 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. iv. 

says : 'expulsi . . . sunt Angli de prouincia illa, et pars regni Ber- 
niciorum a mari Scotorum (tlie Forth) usque Twedam, usque tunc 
regibus Northanhumbrorum subiecta, omnino ablata est, nec usque 
ad nostram aetatem in statum pristinum et subiectionem, occulto 
Dei aduersante iudicio, redigi potuit.' But this is a transference to 
685 of a later state of things. The frontier probably remained at 
the Forth, but much exposed to inroads of the Picts, so that Bishop 
Trumwine had to fly, and a small body of nuns, ' timore barbarici 
exercitus,' took refuge in Cuthberfs diocese ; Vit. Cudb. c. 30. 
Sig. Gembl. sums up the situation thus : ' Picti, Scotti, et Brit- 
tones Anglos nimis premunt, et libertate . . . recepta, multam 
Angliae partem inuadunt ; ' Pertz, vi. 327. 

per annos . . . XLVI] i.e. Bede wrote about 731. 
Aebbercurnig] See on i. 12. H. H. calls Trumwine * abbas 
Ebercurni,' p. 106. 
Boundaries Anglorum terras Pictorumque] This refers to the limits of the 
^^ V A^ Pic*s territories (terras) of the two powers, and does not exclude the 
' possibility that elements of both populations may have coexisted 
on either side of the Forth ; cf. P. & S. p. cvii ; S. C. S. i. 133 ; Rhys, 
C. B. p. 112. 
Dispersion eosque . . . commendans] So in later times, owing to the incur- 
of religious gio^s of the Scots, the archbishop of York had frequently to beg 
shelter for the Augustinian canons of Hexliam in other religious 
houses ; Raine's Hexham, I. Ixxxvi, xcii f. 

conditus est] His remains also were absorbed by Glastonbury ; 
G. P. p. 254. 
Hereditary Aelbfled, una cum matre Eanflede] In many Irish monasteries 
succession ^ svstem of clanship prevailed, and the abbacy and other chief 
teries. ' offices were as a rule in the hands of members of the founder's 
clan. In some cases this clan system developed into strict 
hereditary succession ; the result of which was the practical 
alienation of the endowments from ecclesiastical uses ; Rs. Ad. 
pp. Ixxiii. 84, 113, 335, 336, 342; cf. Maine, Early Institutions, 
p. 238. Nothing answering to the Irish clan system ever prevailed 
in English monasteries ; but there are indications of a tendency to 
something like hereditary succession. Benedict Biscop cautions 
the monks of Wearmouth against electing an abbot ' secundum 
genus ;' Hist. Abb. § n ; ' iuxta successionem generis ;' Hist. Anon. 
Abb. § 16. Here we have Eanfled and her daughter Elfled ruling 
Whitby (cf. App. I. § 18, and a similar case in Mon. Mog. pp. 66 ff.); 
in V. 3 we are told of Cwenburg, daughter of Hereburg, Abbess of 
Vetadun (Watton), that the latter 'abbatissam eam pro se facere dis- 
posuerat.' Moreover the letter to Egbert, § 12, complains that men 

Chap. 26.] Notes. 263 

'emunt sibi sub praetextu construendorum monasterionim terri- 
toria, . . . et haec . . . in ius sibi haereditarium rogalibus edictis 
faciunt asscribi.' An instanco of ono of these heroditary mona- 
steries occurs in a charter given in H. & S. iii. 337, 338 ; K. C. D. 
No. 82 ; Birch,i. 225, 226. Other cases aro quoted S. C. II. i. 223- 
225 ; cf. also II, & S. iii. 408. We luive brothers succeoding one 
another, S. D. i. 281, 282. 

quarum . . . mentionem] iii. 24, p. 179, q.v. 

p. 268. Aldfrid] In Vit. Cudb. c. 24, Bede speaks much as here Aldfriil. 
* qui ferebatur filius fuisse [Osuiu] ; ' but lower in the same chapter, 
and in Vita Metr. c. 21, he calls him Egfrid's * frater nothus ; ' cf. 
.^lfric, Hom. ed. Thorpe, ii. 148: 'cyfesboren.* A year before, 
Cuthbert had foretold his succession : ' et tunc in insulis Scottorum 
ob studium literarum exsulabat.' Vita Cudb. u. s. The Vita Anon. 
§ 28, says more definitely : ' tunc erat in insula quam Hy nomi- 
nant.' He had been for some time an exile : * non paucis antea 
temporibus in regionibus Scottorum lectioni operam dabat, ipse ob 
amorem sapientiae spontaneum passus exsilium ; ' Vita Cudb. c. 
24 ; Vita Metr. c. 21. The 'regiones Scottorum,' may well include 
Ireland, and so W. M. : ' in Hiberniam . . . secesserat,' i. 57. 
Egfrid had wished to make him a bishop, perhaps with the idea of 
excluding him from the succession to the crown, but he declined on 
the ground of his unworthiness ; Vita Anon., and Vita Cudb. u. s. 
Hence we may doubt if his exile was wholly voluntary ; and so 
W. M. u. s. : ' seu ui seu indignatione secesserat.' He was known 
as Fland Fina among the Irish ; Fina, according to the Irish 
authorities, being the name of his mother ; Rs. Ad. p. 185. Irish 
poems attributed to him are still extant. Cf. LL. 31-38 ; ib. 
Introd. p. 20 ; L. Br. 12 b-29 ; Rs. Ad. pp. xliv. f. 185, 186, 376 ; 
Three Fragments, p. m ; Hardiman's Irish Minstrelsy, ii. 372. 
If he was half Irish by birth, his Irish predilections are accounted 
for. All authorities agree as to his great learning. Bede calls him 
here 'uir . . . doctissiraus,' below, v. 12, p. 309 : ' uir undecumque 
doctissimus ; ' Eddius, cc. 44, 49, calls him ' rex sapientissimus.' 
Alcuin says of him : 

'Qui sacris faerat studiis imbutus ab annis 
Aetatis primae, ualido sermone sophista, 
Acer et ingenio, idem rex simul atque magister.' 
De Sanctis Ebor. w. 843 ff. ; cf. W. M. u. s. : * omni philosophia 
composuerat animum.' He was, in fact, the philosopher-king ; cf. 
Hardy, Cat. i. 384. The Irish call him, ' in t-ecnaid amra, dalta 
Adamnain,' ' the wondrous sage, Adamnan's pupil ; ' Three Frag- 
ments, p. iii ; ' ardsui Erenn eolusa,' ' Erin's chief sage of 


ine Jiicciesiasiicai niswry. 

[tJK. IV. 

learning ; ' Rs, Ad. p. i86. We find him giving eight hides of 
land for a MS, of the cosmographers ' mirandi operis ; ' Hab. § 15. 
For his relations with the learned Aldhelm, see on v. i8. An 
ancient ritual in the library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham 
is said to have belonged to him, but is not really older than the 
ninth century ; v. Rituale Eccles. Dunelm. p. x, Surtees Society, 
1840. He is said to have married Cuthburga, a sister of Ini of 
Wessex, v^ho left him to become a nun at Barking under Hildilid 
(see on iv. 10), and ultimately became foundress and abbess of 
Wimborne ; W. M. i. 35 ; Hardy, Cat. u. s. ; Mab. AA. SS. III. i. 
299 ff. ; D. C. B. i. 730. 

nobiliter recuperauit] The Vit. Anon. Cudb. § 28, speaks of 
him as : ' Alfridus qui nunc regnat pacifice.' In the Vit. Metr. 
c. 21, Bede says : 

' Utque nouus losia, fideque animoque magis quam 
Annis maturus, nostrum regit inclitus orbem.' 
This seems distinctly against the assertion of W. M. u. s. accepted 
by Smith, that he was older than Egfrid, as in that case he would 
be more than forty at the time of his accession. W. M. adds : 
• summa pace et gaudio prouinciae praefuit ; nihil unquam, praeter 
in persecutione magni Wilfridi, quod liuor edax digne carpere 
possit admittens.' 

VIII. Id. Febr.] i.e. Feb. 6, 685. In c. 5. adjin. Bede says that 
he reigned eleven years and seven months, which is more correct, 
seeing that he succeeded in July, 673, ib. 

Edric . . . regnauit] ' sine amore et reuerentia Centensium,' 
adds H. H. p. 106. In the Ann. Lindisfarn. et Cantuar., Pertz, 
iv. 2, his ' depositio ' is noted at Aug. 31, 687. Bede's statement 
that he reigned a year and a half, would place his death in 
Aug. 686. Prior to his exile he seems to have reigned in con- 
junction with his imcle Hlothhere. There is a short Kentish Code 
which bears their joint names. Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 26 flf. 
Schmid, Gesetze, pp. 10 flf. 

aliquod . . . spatium] If Edric died Aug. 686, and Witred 
succeeded, Oct. 690 (see on v. 8, 23), the ' aliquod spatium ' would 
be rather over four years. Elmham makes it six years, p. 253 ; 
but then he includes the reign of Edric ' infra perturbatae regiae 
successionis . . . limites,' p. 287 ; cf. next note. 

reges . . . externi] Sig. Gembl. seems to understand this as 
a regular foreign invasion of ' England,' 687 ; ' Edrich Anglcyrum 
rege mortuo, externi reges regnum Angliae disperdunt et discindunt 
annis IV.' 691 : 'Wichtred . . . gentem Anglorum ab oppressione 
exterorum liberat ; ' Pertz, vi. 327, 328. The sense given to the 

Chap. 27.] J^^otes. 265 

plirase by H. H. p. 106: 'extraneus a regali prosapia,' is doul)tles8 
the right one, thougli lie wrongly makes Edric himself one of these 
' reges extranei.' Tliis disturbance of the Kentish succession was 
due to the encroachments of Wessex under Cajdwalla and his 
brother Mul ; v. Sax. Chron. 685-687, 694 ; Mul being apparently 
set up for a short time as king. Elmham, pp. 237, 252, 253 ; ' iste 
uero Mulo in catalogo regum Cantiae annotari non debet.' 
Uictred] See on v. 8, adfin. 


Cudberctum] ' No saint has loft so deep an impression on the St. Cutli 
niemory of the Anglo-Saxon nation as Cuthbert ; ' Werner, p. 66. ^®^*'- 
For later lives of him, see Hardy, Cat. i. 296-317, ii. 256; and add 
to the list there given, the Metrical life in Northern English, 
recently edited for the Surtees Society by the Kev. J. T. Fowler, 
of Durham, from a MS. at Castle Howard ; cf. also Opp. Min. 
pp. 200, 201. For the alleged Irish origin of St. Cuthbert, see 
the Libellus de Ortu printed in Biogr. Misc. pp. 63-87, of which 
an analysis may be found in Hardy, i. 310-313. The whole com- 
position is of the most worthless character, in the most abject style 
of hagiology. It is extraordinary that Dr. Reeves (Adamn. pp. 
ix-xi, 296, 297). should have attached any value to its statements. 
Mr. Skene (C. S. ii. 205), goes so far as to suggest that Bede sup- 
lyressed the Irish origin of St. Cuthbert in deference to criticisms. 
' The Irish life ' (i. e. the Libellus\ he says, was ' recognised by the 
monks of Durham as earhj (!) as the fourteenth century/ i. e. seven 
hundred years after the sainfs death. When we remember that 
an Irish pedigree lias been made out for St. Gregory {v. s. on ii. i\ 
we shall know how to estimate these statements. The editors of 
the AA. SS. Mart. iii. 95, 96, have spent more labour on the 
criticism of this composition than it is worth. There is an excel- 
lent article on the same question by the Rev. George Phillips in 
the Ushaw Magazine for June, 1892, for a copy of which I am in- 
debted to the author's kindness. There is a good sketch of Cuthbert 
by Canon Raine in D. C. B. ; cf. his Hexham, i. 26. 

Farne] For his life on Farne, cf. the next chapter, and cc 17- 
22, of Bede's Prose life, with the corresponding §§ 20, 23-27, of the 
Vita Anon. 

pueritiae] For a story of his childhood, v. Bede, Vita Cudb. c. i ; 
Vita Anon. §§ 4, 5. 

p. 269. Mailros] Melrose. His entry into the monastic life was 


Tlie Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

He enters 


His deatli. 


ICarly zeal. 

occasioned by a vision which he had on the banks of the Leader 
of the soul of Aidan being taken up to heaven ; Vita Pros. c. 4 ; 
Vita Anon. § 8. It must therefore have been in 651 ; and so Ann. 
Lindisf., Pertz, xix. 504. 

propositus] 'profost 7 regolweard/ ' provost and guardian of 
the rule/ AS. vers. For the latter word, cf. K. C. D. No. 226 ; 
Birch, No. 330. 

Boisil] For his reception of St. Cuthbert, see Vita Pros. c. 6 ; 
which rests on the evidence of the eye-witness who was still 
alive when Bede wrote. There is nothing corresponding to this 
in the Vita Anon. His name is perpetuated in the little town of 
St. Boswells on the Tweed, east of Melrose, famous for its sheep 
fair, and in the dedication of the church at Tweedmouth ; Bright, 
p. 186 ; Bates, On the Names . . . in the early lives of St. Cuthbert, 
p. 8 ; cf. the name of Bosel, Bishop of the Hwiccas, c. 23, p. 255, 
and the family name Boswell. 

postCLuam migrauit ad Dominum] See the beautiful account of 
his death, so like Bede's own, in Vit. Pros. c. 8. On the date, cf. 
on iii. 27. Durham claimed to possess his relics, obtained by the 
great relic hunter Alfred the sacrist ; S. D. i. 88, 221. 

fylacteria] * amulets.' The word in the Vita Cudb. is * liga- 
turas ' ; v. Ducange under both words. St. Boniface in 742 com- 
plains to Pope Zacharias that these things were said to be not 
unknown in Rome itself : * dicunt . . . se uidisse ibi mulieres 
pagano ritu filacteria et ligaturas et in brachiis et cruris [sic) ligatas 
habere, et publice ad uendendum uenales ad comparandum aliis 
ofiferre ;' Mon. Mog. p. 115. Zacharias, in 743, dechires that he 
has suppressed these practices, ib. 120-121. Alcuin complains of 
the same thing to Ethelhard, Archbishop of Canterbury (793- 
805) : ' Multas uidebam consuetudines que fieri non debebant . . . 
Nam ligaturas portant quasi sanctum quid estimantes ; ' Mon. 
Alc. p. 719 ; cf. ib. 886 ; D.C.A. i. 78, 79, ii. 990-992. The word is 
used, without any bad significance, of a cross containing relics ; 
Raine's Hexham, i. 55 ; cf. Ltft., App. Ff. IL ii. 534. On magic, &c., 
cf. Cockayne, Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms, I. xxix. ff., cited by M. & L. 

P- 351- 

erat quippe moris, &c.] Cf. sup. iii. 26, ad fin. ; Ep. ad Egb. 
§ 4, ad fin. See also Bede on Mark iii. 20 : ' utinam, Domine 
lesu, et in nostri temporibus aeui tantum gratiae tuis fidelibus 
largiaris, qui doctores suos assiduitate discendi . . . ab ipsa quoque 
panis quotidiani perceptione praepediant ; ' and on vi. 31 : ' ubi 
magna temporis illius felicitas de labore docentium simul et discen- 
tium studio demonstratur, quae utinam nostro in aeuo rediret, ut 

Chap. 28.] Xotes. ^67 

tanta ministris iierbi froquentia fidelium insistat autlitorum, quao 
nec liberum ois curandi corporis spatium conccdat ; ' Opp. x. 49. 
93 ; cf. Introduction, p. xxxv. 

p. 270. in Mailronensi monasterio] ' in Moegilros^Soem mynstre,* 
AS. vers. 

Eata] Cf. on iii. 26. He liad originally admitted Cutlibert as Eata. 
monk ; Vita Pros. c. 8. For the date of Cuthberfs transference to 
Lindisfarne, see on iii. 27 and next note. 

auctoritate propositi] Cf. Ann. Lindisf. 664: 'Committitur . . . Cuthhoit 
ecclesia Lindisfarnensis Eatano abbati, ubi Sanctus Cuthbertus prior r.f 
constituitur prior;' Pertz, xix. 504; cf. Fl. Wig. ad ann. 664. ^^j^^p ' 
Part of the 'regularis disciplina' which Cuthbert would have to 
teach at Lindisfarne would be the observance of the Roman 
Easter, &c. in accordance with the decision of the Synod of 
Whitby. He had much opposition to endure from those, *qui priscae 
suae consuetudini, quam regulari mallent obtemperare custodiae ; 
quos tamen ille modesta patientiae suae uirtute sup.erabat,' &c. ; 
Vita Cudb. c. 16. The whole passage is yery beautiful. 

familiariter] i. e. ' in the manner of a familia, as his household,' 
' heowesclice,' AS. vers. 

Aidan qui primus, &c.] See note on iii. 4. 

p. 271. omnia communia] See on c 23, p. 254. After this in 
Vita Pros. c. 16, comes a most beautiful sketch of Cuthberfs 
character ; cf. ib. c. 22. For traditional accounts of his personal 
appearance, cf. S. D. i. 204, 231, 232. 


peruenit] In 676. Ann. Lindisf. ' Cuthbertus intrat Farne, ubi Cuthbert 
ix annos terit ; ' Pertz, xix. 504. So Fl. Wig. i. 34 ; cf. Ang. Sac. ^^ ^'^™''- 
i. 155 ; S. D. i. 30. 

de uita illius . . . conscripsimus] On Bede's two lives of Cuth- 
bert and the dates at which they were written, r. Introduction, 
pp. xlvi, cxlvi, cxlviii ; infra, p. 297. 

spirituum . . . accommodus] Cf. Rs. Ad. p. 206 ; Camb. Brit. 
Saints, p. 8 : ' Sanctus Bernacus . . , locum illum a spiritibus im- 
mundis liberauit, quem ipsi omni nocte oberrantes . . . usque ad 
illum diem inhabitabilem reddiderunt.' 

circumuallante aggere] ' mid dice 7 mid eorSwealle utan ymb- 
sealde,' ' surrounded it outside with a ditch and earth-wall,' 
AS. vers. 

p. 272. multis . . . annis] Over eight, v. s. note r ; for the Synod 
of Twyford was in 684, * inminente hieme,' p. 273 ; and Cuthbert 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 

was consecrated at tlie foUowing Easter of 685 ; iyifra, and cf. c. 27, 
ad inii. ; H. & S. iii. 166 ; Fl.Wig. i. 38. Twyford has been identified 
wlth Alnmouth ; Bright, p. 331. A spurious grant by Egfrid to 
Cuthbei-t is represented as made in this synod ; K. C. D. No. 25 ; 
Birch, No. 66. 

omnium consensu] ' eah'a J^ara weotena/ * of all the wise men, 
or counsellors,' AS. vers. 

eligeretur] ' ab Egfrido rege et episcopis Saxonum ; ' Vita Anon. 


Trumuine] It may have been on this occasion that Cuthbert 
told him the story of his childhood, Vit. Pros. c. i, whicli Bede 
introduces with the words : ' sicut . . . Trumuine episcopus ab ipso 
Cudbercto sibi dictum perhibebat ;' cf. Vita Anon. § 4, where, and 
in § 30, Trumwine is called Tuma. 

multum renitens] Cf. ii. i, p. 74 note. 

Boisil] ' l^ses maeran biscopes Boisiles,' ' the glorious bishop 
Boisil ;' -^lfric, Hom. ed. Thorpe, ii. 148. This is an inference 
i probably a wrong one) from the term ' sacerdos,' aj)plied to Boisil 
in c. 27 ; see on i. 28. 

p. 273. in ipsa . . . paschali] EasterDay in685 was on March 26. 

primatum] ' ealdordom,' AS. vers. 

depositus] ' post triennium pro culpa cuiusdam inobedientiae ; ' 
Vita Eatae in Biogr. Misc. p, 123. As Tunbert was consecrated in 
681 this date is correct. The cause assigned for his deposition is 
identical with that which Bede gives in the case of Wynfrid ; 
c. 6. 

cui . . . ordinatus] This is not quite accurate ; see notes on iii. 
26 ; iv. 12, 

profusis . . . lacrimis] Cf. Bede on Exod. xxx. 18 : ' labrum hoc 
ablutionem nobis compunctionis et lachrymarum commendat, qua 
semper opus habemus, maxime autem cum mysteriis coelestibus 
ministraturi appropiemus ; ' Opp. vii. 364. So of Dunstan it is 
recorded : ' quoties aliquod . . . opus . . . exerceret . . . in quibus- 
libet rerum diuinarum institutionibus, hoc semper nimio rore 
lacrymarum peregit, quas inuisibilis habitator, Sanctus quoque 
Spiritus . . . ex oculorum riuulis potenter elicuit ;' Stubbs' Dunstan, 
p. 50 ; cf. ib. 379. Dr. Stubbs, in his Preface, speaks of ' that gift 
of tears which is so curiously unintelligible at the present day ; ' 
ib. lix. Of Alcuin, on the other hand, it is said : ' orationem . . . 
multis cum gemitibus, nam lacrimas perraro habere poterat, funde- 
bat ; ' Mon. Alc. p. 20. 

Chap. 29.] Notes. 269 


P. 274. Duobus . . . peractis] Therefore in 687. 
repetiit insulam] Smith suggcsts that Cuthbcrt may have 
retirod in ordcr to avoid a conflict with Wilfrid on his restoration; 

P- 754- 

uel uitae magis] r. Introd. p. Ixvii. 

in insula stagni illius, «&c.] St. Herberfs Isle in Derwentwater. Herbert of 
Smith has printed in his Bede, App. xxiii, an insti-ument ^f ^^J^^^^*' 
Thomas Appleby, Bishop of Carlisle 1374, addressed to the Vicar of 
Crosthwaite, saying that he had been recently reading Bede's 
account of Herbert and St. Cuthbert, ' et quia hoc sanctum factum 
plurimis ac fere omnibus credimus esse incognitum, . . . tibi man- 
damus . . . quatenus . . . XIIP die Apriuium ad . . . insulam Her- 
berti accedens, . . . missam de Sancto Cuthberto etiam cum nota 
facias celebrari, . . . adiiciens ad hoc quod omnibus . . . dicto die ad 
locum praedictum causa deuotionis et in honorem Sancti Cuthberti 
et ad memoriam dicti Herberti accedentibus XL dies Indulgentiae 
concedimus per praesentes ; ' where ' Kal.' has been omitted before 
' Apr.' See below. The Vita Anon. § 38, speaks of Herbert as 
coming to Cuthbert ' ab insulis occidentalis maris ' ; where ' mare ' 
corresponds with the English * mere ' ; and the ' occidentale mare ' 
is the * west mere,' which we get corrupted in the name Westmore- 
land. So of the marshes round Ely : ' pisces capiuntur in aquis 
quae maria uocantur ; ' Lib. Eli. p. 4. One of these, the ' Mare de 
Straham,' is mentioned by name, ib. 

Deruuentionis flluuii] ' Deorwentan streames,' AS. vers. The 

hic cura . . . deuenisse] As he used to visit St. Cuthbert 
annually, this last visit must have been in 686, the year before 
Cuthberfs death ; and the Vita Pros. c. 28 places it ' non multo 
post ' the death of Egfrid in 685. 

qui dum, &c.] The AS. vers. inserts : 'hie ... sprascon be 
haligra fsedera life,' ' they spoke about the life of holy fathers ; ' cf. 
e. 3, siipra, p. 211 : ' cum . . . de uita priorum patrum sermonem 
facerent ; ' where the AS. vers. has the same words. 

p. 275. incubuit precibus antistes] ' J^a ajjenede se biscop hine m ' Cross- 
cruce 7 hine gebaed,' ' then the bishop extended himself in a cross ^^S^^- 
and prayed,' AS. vers. Sowhen Cuthbert saw the vision of Aidan's 
soul taken to heaven (v.s.), the later life, printed in S. D. i. 196 ff., 
says : ' cum dormientibus sociis suis super pecora uigilaret, et in 
modum crucis positus oraret, uidit animam,' &c. Alcuin, on the 
outbreak of a fire in his monastery going to the tomb of St. Martin 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. IV. 


and burial. 

' extendit se super terram in cruce/ and the fire was stayed ; Mon. 
Alc. p. 26 ; cf. ib. 20 : ' orationem cum manuum diutina crucis 
extensione . . . fundebat.' So in Poetae Lat. Aeui Carol. ii. 269 : 
' in ipsa . . . inmensitate timoris anxius proruit in terram . . . 
distenso omni corpore in crucis modum ;' cf. ib. 313 ; Pertz, xxvi. 
216. Tlie Irish called it ' crosfigil ' ; see 0'Clery's Glossary, s. v. 
It was a recognised form of penance, especially in monasteries, 
V. Ducange, s. v. crux under the heading ' Ad Crucem extensis 
Brachiis stare.' Ducange gives only instances of the penitential 
use, which was often combined with the recitation of penitential 
and other psalms ; cf. D. C. A. ii. 1320. It occurs frequently in the 
Irish Penitential previously cited from MS. Rawl. B 512 &. 42-44. 

XIIlo Kal. Apr.] March 20, a Wednesday in 687. 

diutina] Smith followed by M. H. B., Stevenson, Hussey, and 
Moberly has the absurd reading ' diuina,' against all MSS., and 
against the Vita Pros. and the AS. vers. 

obiit autem, &c.] See the account of his last sufiferings and death, 
derived from an eye-witness, in Vita Pros. cc. 37-40 : 'cuius obitum 
. . . relatione didici . . . Herefridi, . . . deuotae religionis presbyteri, 
qui etiam tunc Lindisfarnensi monasterio abbatis iure praefuit ;' 
ib. c. 37. His death was signalled to Lindisfarne where the monks 
were celebrating 'nocturnae psalmodiae sollemnia ' (Matins). As 
the messenger entered the church they were singing Ps, lix (Ix) 
' Deus repulisti nos,' which forms part of the offlce for Matins on 
Wednesday both in the Roman and Benedictine Breviaries. This 
coincidence was regarded as ijrophetic of the troubles which fell 
upon the monks between the death of Cuthbert and the election of 
Eadbert, the nature of which is not explained. 

multum deprecatus] The reason which he gave was the trouble 
which would be brought upon the monastery by criminals and 
other fugitives taking refuge at his tomb ; Vita Cudb. c. 37 ; Opp. 
Min. p. 121. 

deponeretur] He was buried in a sarcophagus which had 
been given him by Abbot Cudda as a present, Vita Pros. c. 37 ; 
' capite sudario circumdato, oblatis super sanctvmi pectus positis, 
uestimenta sacerdotalia indutus, in obuiam Christi calceamentis 
suis praeparatis, in sindone cerata curatus ; ' Vit. Anon. § 42. 
For the ' oblata ' ('hostia nondum consecrata') and the custom of 
placing such oblatae on the breast of the dead, v. Ducange, s. v., who 
only gives one other instance of the custom besides the present 
passage. The ' calceamenta,' though a Christian significance is given 
to them, ' in obuiam Christi,' are probably derived from the ' hell- 
slioon ' with which it was the custom in heathen times to bind the 

Chap. 30.1 Notes. 271 

feet of a corpse ; cf. Gisla Saga, Orig. Isl. ii. 208 : ' {lat cr tizka . . . 
at binda nioiuuim hcl-skua, pa er J^eir sskulu ganga a til Valliallar,' 
'that is customary, to bind hellslioon on men on which they may 
walk to ValhaUa,' cf. Dasent, Oisli tho Outlaw, pp. xxiv, 44, 45. 

Eadberct] Ho has been mentioned at tho beginning of iii. 25. Eadbert. 
Alcuin, De Clade Lindisf. Monast. vv. 169, 170, attributes a miracle 
to him which is not related by Bede : 

^Conposuit precibus Eadbert minitantia mortem 
Flabra, pius praesul uester et ijDse pater.' 

elimosynarum] r. Introd. § 17, ad fin. 


P. 276. annis XI] i. e. 698. 

qtiod . . . placuisse] ' Jjaet him Saet licede 7 leof waere gif hit his 
willa waere/ ' that they were minded and desirous if it were his 
will,' AS. vers. 

antistiti suo] * medio ferme quadragesimae tempore,' Vit. Pros. 

die depositionis eius] 'quae est XIIP Kal. Apr.,' ib. ; which Translation 
shows that he was buried on the day of his death ; cf. snpra, cc. 14, ^ }" *^^^"^" 
19. 't?y daege \e his gemynddaeg waere, 7 his for^Sfor,' 'on the day 
which Avas his anniversary and his obit,' AS. vers. 

inuenerunt corpus, &c.] The same was found to be the case in 
1104 when the body was transferred to the new cathedral at 
Durham ; S. D. i. 247-261. Simeon himself took part in the 
translation : illi gratias referamus, quibus incorruptum corpus eius 
CCCC'^ et XVIII" dormitionis eius anno, quamuis indignis diuina 
gratia uidere et manibus quoque contrectare donauit,' ib. 34, 35 ; 
cf. Eeginaldi Dunelm. Libellus de Beati Cuthb. Virtutibus, c. 40 
(Surtees Soc). See for the history of St. Cuthberfs relics, Eaine, 
St. Cuthbert, 1828. Dunstan enforced the truth of the incorruption 
of the remains of St. Edmund by asserting to Abbo of Fleury : 
' quia sanctus . . . Cuthbertus . . . non solum adhuc exspectat diem 
primae resurrectionis incorrupto corpore sed etiam perfusus quo- 
dam blando tepore ; ' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 379. 

in hoc . . . agere] So of St. Kentigern : ' omni quadrigesimali 
tempore ad deserta loca secedebat ; ' N. & K. p. 188. 

p. 277. pridie Non. Maias] May 6. 

migrauit ad Dominum] ' impetrato ab Eo munere, quod dili- Death of 
gentissime petierat, uidelicet, ut non repentina morte, sed longa ■•^a^bert. 
excoctus aegritudine, transiret e corpore ; ' Vita Pros. 

cuius corpus, &c.] Cf. Hist. Abb. § 20. His relics shared the 

272 The Ecclesimtical History. [Bk. v. 

wanderings of those of Cuthbert, and ultimately rested with them 
at Durham ; D. C. B. ii. 3. 

quae nos nuper audisse contigit] When Bede wrote the preface 
to the Prose Life of Cuthbert he was already in possession of 
additional materials which he did not care to use ; Opp. Min. p. 47. 
In MS. Fairfax 6 the two following chapters are added to Bede's 
Prose Life of St. Cuthbert, in order to make it more complete. 


P. 278. hospitum . . . deseruiens] Cf. Introd. p. xxviii. 

hospitale] 'cumenabur,' 'guesfs bower/ AS. vers. Cf. ^cumena 
hus/ ^lfric, Hom. ed. Thorpe, ii. 136, 

paralysis langore] ' mid ])a aSle . . . I^e Grecas nemna^ i^ara/ysis 
7 we cweSaS lyft adl,' ' with that disease which the Greeks name 
paralysis and we call " lyft-adl," ' AS. vers. So Bede, Vita Cudb. 
c. 45 : ' ea quam Graeci paralysin uocant infirmitas ; ' Opp. Min. 

P- 133- 

p. 279. Domino . . . referens] '7 })8em halgan were his ful- 
tomes gyfe,' ' and to the saint for the gift of his help,' adds 
AS. vers. 


ante triennium] i. e. in 728. 

Dacore] A small stream which gives its name to the parish and 
Castle of Dacre near Penrith ; cf. W. M. i. 147. 

pigmentorum] ' pigmentum, potio ex melle et uino et diuersis 
speciebus confecta ; ' Ducange. 

p. 280. qui nunc . . . est] ' se aefter waes/ ' who afterwardswas,' 
AS. vers. 


Ethelwald, p. 281, Oidiluald] In the metrical life of Cuthbert, c. 45, Bede 
anchorite narrates an anecdote of him which he has not reproduced in any 
of his prose works. Fl. Wig. says of him : ' cuius meritum et uita 
qualis fuerat, innumera declarant ab eo patrata miracula ; ' i. 40. 
His relics shared the wanderings of St. Cuthberfs body till both 
reposed at Durham ; cf. AA. SS. Mart. iii. 463-465. 
(Tuthfrid. Gudfrid] At the time when Bede visited Lindisfarne in order to 

read to that community liis prose life of Cuthbert, Guthfrid was 
' mansionarius ' of the monastery, an officer defined by Ducange as 
' custos et conservator aedis sacrae, aedituus ; ' cf. D. C. A. s. t. 
From the same passage, Opp. Min. p. 47, it appears that one of the 

Chap. 2.] Notes, 273 

(hities of this officer was to enter the names of porsons to l»e prayed 
for in the ' alhum congregationis ' ; v. Iiitrod. p. xxvii, and soo on 
iv 14. From Bede's language liere, 'praofuit, ' it would secm that 
in 731 Gutljfrid was d»>ad. 

p. 282. XII annis . . . defunctus] He succeedod Cuthhorton his Doatli ..t 
doatli, Marc-li 687. lio wouhl soom, tliorofore, to havo died in 699. I^t'"*'^^''^'''- 
Ilis day is variously given in tho Martyrohtgies ; the BoHandists, 
11. s. decide in favour of March 23. Ho was in turn succeeded by an 
anchorito namod Felgold, wlio at the time whon Bede wrote the 
Prose Life of Cutlibert was still alive, thougli more thnn seventy 
yoars old ; Vita Pros. c. 46. The life of a twelfth-century successor 
of St. Cuthbert as anchorite of Farne, namod Bartholomew, is given 
in S. D. i. 295 ff. On pp. 312, 313, there is an interesting descrip- 
tion of Farue. Varioiis grants to the monks of Farne are in Raine's 
Nortli Durham, App. dcxcvi. ff. On the history of Farne ; ib. 339- 

Aldfridi regis] He roigned not quite twenty years, from 685 to Aldfrid. 
705 ; r, e. 18 ad init. Therefore the years of Ethelwald's sojourn on 
Farne, 687 699. fall well witliin his reign. 


Coius regni principio] The Sax. Chron. E. places the con- Consecra- 
secration of Bishop John to Hexham under 685 ; but the passage tionot.Toliu 
is a confused one, and may not be intended to be strictly chrono- 
logical ; at the best it is probably only an inference from this 
passage, and the same may be said of the passage in Raine's Hex- 
ham, i. 27, 28 ; cf. ib. xxvi, which places both the death of Eata 
and the succession of John in 685, and ofR. W.'s date, 686 ; i. 178. 
They are inconsistent with the veryprecise statement of Sax. Chron, 
D. E. that Bishop John died in 721 after an episcopate of thirty- 
three years, eight months, and thirteen days (so H. Y. i. 525). He 
died, according to Fl. Wig. i. 50, on May 7 (so H. Y. i. 526, and 
this was the day observed at Beverley as the festival of his deposi- 
tion ; ib. 314 ; it is his day also in the York Missal). Hence his 
consecration would fall in August, 687. Bede at the end of c. 6 
says that he died in 721 after an episcopate of thirty-three years ; 
but he may either be speaking roughly, or lie may be allowing 
something for the fact that before his death he gave up active 
episcopal work, and retired to Beverley. But he seems to imply 
that his retirement did not long precede his death, and Florence, 
U.S., places both in the same year, 721. 



The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

Death of 


St. John's 


defuncto Eata] If, as Bede seems to imply, Bishop John suc- 
ceeded him at once, his death would have to be placed in 687. But 
according to H. & S. iii. 171, quoted below on c. 19, Eata died in 686, 
and Wilfrid (on his restoration) administered the see for a year, 
■infra, p. 326. I do not know what the authority for this statement 
is. According to his life in Misc. Biogr. (pp. 124, 125) he died of 
a dysentery. He was buried at first to the south of the sacristy, 
whence he was translated to a shrine inside the church (cf. Kaine's 
Hexham, i. 49). In 11 13 Archbishop Thomas II of York attempted 
to remove his relics to York, but was prevented by an angry vision 
of the saint himself. A further translation of his relics took place 
in 1154 ; Raine, u.s. Ixxii. f. 200. On translation of relics, cf. 
D. C. A. ii. 1773. Early Christian feeling was strongly opposed 
to it. 

lohannes] This is the bishop who ordained Bede both deacon 
and priest ; v. c. 24, p. 357. After the death of Bosa he was trans- 
lated to York in 705 (he is wrongly called arcAbishop in H. Y. i. 254 ; 
cf. sup. on ii. 20), Wilfrid, on his return from his second exile, 
being appointed to Hexham ; cc. 3, 19. For hiter lives of him cf. 
Hardy, Cat. i. 423-430. Most of these have been printed in H. Y. 
i. 239-347, 511-541. He had been a pupil of Archbp. Theodore, 
and an inmate of Whitby under Abbess Elfled ; ib, 244. His con- 
nexion with Theodore is alluded to in the next chapter ; his con- 
nexion with Whitby in iv. 23, p. 254 ; cf. Bright, pp. 355, 356 ; 
D. C. B. iii. 377, 378. 

p. 283. Bercthun] In H. Y. i. 325, he and Bishop John are 
spoken of as joint founders of Beverley. 

Inderauuda] Afterwards Beverley. 

est mansio] This is called Herneshaw by Folcard, H. Y. i. 246 ; 
and by Richard of Hexham ; Raine's Hexham, I. viii. xxv. f. 15-18. 
It has been identified with St. John's Lee, near Hexham, the name 
of the saint having superseded the older name ; see notes on the 
passages cited. 

clymeterium] ' gebsed hus 7 ciricean,' ' oratory and Church,' AS. 

p. 284. gae . . . etiam] 'yea ; ' cf. sup. iii. 25, p. 188. On English 
y from AS. ge- v. Skeat, English Etymology, i. 363, 375. 

diu claudi] ' ])e lange halt waes, 7 swa geboren of his modorhrife, 
])8et hiene his eldran beran scolden, 7 he gan ne meahte,' 'who 
was long halt, and so born from his mother's womb, that his 
parents had to carry him, and he could not walk,' AS. vers. 

acciperet] * gif him Jjcet leofre waere,' ' if he preferred it,' 
inserts AS. vers. 

Chap. 4.] Notes. 275 


P. 285. Uilfrid] %\ on c. 19, p. 329. 

defuiicto Bosa] Fl. Wig. placos tlio death of Bosa and the trans- Death of 
Intion of Jolui to York under 686; but this is simply due to tho ^^^^- 
fact that ho supposed tho roturn of Wilfrid, which Bede alkides to 
liere, to be that of 686 instead of tho second return in 705. 
(Wharton, Ang. Sac. i. 695, says 687.) John was certainly bishop 
of Hexham when he ordained Bedo priest in 702 x 703 ; c. 24, p. 357 ; 
Bosa was certainly believed to be still alive in 704 when John VI 
wrote to Etholred of Mercia and Aldfrid communicating the docision 
of the Roman Council of 704 in the matter of Wilfrid. Bosa must 
thoreforo havo diod 704 x 705. Raine says 705, v. Hexham, i. 28, 29. 
So Stubbs, Ep, Succ. 

Uetadun] This phace was identified by Smith with Watton in Watton. 
tho East Riding of Yorkshire, which is nearly half-way bctwoen 
Driffield and Beverley. In Folcard's Life of Bishop John it aiDpears 
as Betendune, with a v. l. Yatadini ; H. Y. i. 247. 

in studio] 'Under treatment.' I cannot recollect any other ' Studium ' 
instance of this meaning of ' studium' ; but in Wrighfs AS. Glos- =i^edical 
saries, ed Wiilker, coh 216, I find : ' cura, i. studium uel medicina, 
curatio uel lacnung ' (healing). The AS. vers. translatos : ' in Jjsere 
blodlaeswe,' ' during the blood-letting.' 

memini enim, &c.] For Bishop John's connexion with Archbishop Theodore's 
Theodore, seo notes on c. 2. Thero is among Bedo's scientific works ^^edical 
a little tract of doubtful authenticity : ' De minutiono sanguinis 
siue do plobotomia ; ' Opp. vi. 349-352. Tho precepts there given 
do not agree with this of Theodore. As to the proper parts of the 
body for blood-letting, it says : ' de brachio tres, . . . capitanea 
linea, matricia, capsale ; ' ib. 350. In tho De Temp. Rat. c. 28, 
there are some curious precepts taken from SS. Ambrose and Basil 
as to tho proper days of tho moon for doing cortain things : * nam 
et defectui eius compatiuntur elementa, et processu eius . . . cumu- 
lantur ;' Opp. vi. 199-201. As to the special sympathy of the moon 
and the tide, 'quod Graeci rheuma uocant,' ib. c. 29 (cf. Vita Pros. 
Cudb. c. 17). 

nam et abbatissam, &c.] On tho hereditary tendoncy in monas- 
teries v. note on iv. 26. 


r. 286. comitis] gosiSmannes, AS. vers. i. e. a thane. 
Aliud quoquej Very similar stories are told of Cuthbort ; Vita 
Pros. cc. 25, 29 ; Vita Anon. §§ 36, 32. 

T 2 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

South Bur- 

tion of 





uilla] 'uilla quae Australis Burtun dicitur;' Folcai-cVs Life, 
H. Y. i, 249 : ' South Burton, now called Bishop Burton, is distant 
between two and three miles from Beverley. North Burton is now 
called Cherry Burton ' ; note a.l. 

p. 287. daturum] '/his fsesten aliesan,' 'and redeem his fast.' 
AS. vers. On the commutation of fasting for other penances and 
for alms, cf. H. & S. iii. 333, 334, 429, 431. 

de . . . quam , . . consecrauerat] For the use of holy water 
in the dedication of a church, cf. Egberfs Pontifical, pp. 34-39; 
York Pontifical, pp. 53, 55, 62-67, l^j 75- (Surtees Soc. 1853, 1873.) 
On the use of holy water, and miracles alleged to have been wrought 
thereby, see D. C. A. i. 777-779. 

socrum beati Petri] cf. Bede on Mark i. 31, Lk. iv. 39 : 
' naturale est febricitantibus incipiente sanitate lassescere, et aegro- 
tationis sentire molestiam. Verum sanitas quae Domini confertur 
imperio, simul tota redit. Nec solum ipsa redit, sed et tanto 
robore comitante, ut eis continuo, qui se adiuuerant, ministrare 
sufficiat ' ; Opp. x. i8, 388, 389. 


P. 288. puerum comitis] ' gesi5mannes cniht,' AS. vers. 
Addi of Addi] ' Earl (i.e. thane) of North Burton gave that manor with 

NorthBur- ^j^^ advowson of the church to Beverley;' Mon. Angl. ii. 127. 

bene . .. cito] 'truma ])ec hrae^e 7 wel,' ' strengthen thyself 
quickly and well,' AS. vers. 



Valiaity of 

P. 289. Heribald . . . Tini . . . praeest] Cf. Folcard, H. Y. i. 
25 15 253. His death is mentioned by S. D. ii. 39, under the year 


p. 290. casu . . . uel potius] The AS. vers. omits these three 

hora . . . septima] ' Saet is an tid ofer midne daeg,' ' that is one 
hour past mid-day,' explains AS. vers, 

p. 291. non es perfecte baptizatus] The view which ultimately 
prevailed in the Western Cliurch was that baptism, even by here- 
tics, if in the three-fold name, was valid. Bede himself is emphatic 
on this point. On John iii, 4, he says : ' siue enim haereticus, 
siue schismaticus, siue facinorosus quisque in confessione sancta»' 
Trinitatis baptizet, non ualet ille qui ita baptizatus est, a bonis 
catholicis rebaptizari, ne confessio uel inuocatio tanti nominis 

Chap. 6.] Xotefi. 277 

uideatur ann\illari,' Opp. v. iio. He docides in tlio opposite way 
whore tlie baptizor lias not bcon himsolf baptized ; on Acts xix. 5 : 
'quaestio crebro uentilatur, utrum illi qui per ignorantiam forte 
a non baptizatis sed tamen rectae lidei aliquibus baptizati sunt, 
iterum baptizari debeant ; quam lioc capitulo expositam reor,' 
Opp. xii. 74, 75. So Theodore Penitential, II. ii. 13: 'Si quis 
presbyter . . . deprehendit .se non esse baptizatum . . . (»mnes, c^uos 
prius baptizauit, baptizentur ; ' cf. I. ix 12. In other points 
Tlieodore difters fi*om the Western view ; e.<j. ib. 12: ' rresbyter 
fornieans si. postquam compertum fuerit, baptizauerit, iterum bap- 
tizentur illi quos baptizauit ; ' I. v. 6 : ' Si quis baptizatur ab 
heretico, qui recte Trinitatem non crediderit, iterum bajitizetur.' 
Tlus may perhaps be due to Theodore's Eastern training, for the 
Eastern Church was much less decided in its views on re-baptism 
than the Western ; v. D. C. A. i. 172, 173. Theodore, however, says : 
* qui bis ignorantes baptizati sunt. . . . non possunt ordinari ; ' 
I. X. I. (H. & S. iii. 181, 185, 192 ; cf. ib. 405, 406.) An almost exact 
parallel to the case in the text is contained in a letter of Pope 
Zacharias to St. Boniface in 746, rebuking him for re-baptizing 
eertain persons because an ignorant priest had baptized thom with 
the formula : '"Baptizo te in nomine patria et filia et Spiritus 
Sancti." . . . Sed . . . non possumus consentire, ut denuo bap- 
tizentur. Quia . . . quicunque baptizatus fuerit ab hereticis in 
nomine Patris, &c. . . . nullo modo rebaptizari debeat, sed per 
solam manus inpositionem purgari ; ' Mon. Mog. pp. 167, 168. 
Apart from this question one might think that Bishoi) John would 
have done better to refuse this man priesfs orders, than to confer 
them and then inhibit him from the exercise of priestly functions. 

exsuffiante illo] Cf. Opp. viii. 106 : ' Eecti ordinis est, ut doctores Exsuffla- 
Tieritatis prius ab auditorum praecordiis omnem spiritum immun- tion. 
<lum exsufiiando et catecliizando abigant, et sic eos . . . societati 
. . . sanctorum mysteriis salutaribus imbuendo aggregent.' This 
' is a reference to the . . . custom of breathing on the catechumen's 
face at the first exorcism ; ' Bright, p. 306. There is a reference to 
this in Wulfstan's Homilies, ed. Napier, p. 29. We have had 
a reference to a difterent kind of ' exsufiiation ' above, iv. 13, 
p. 231. 

uocauit . . . medicum] In tlie story as told by Bede there is Heighten- 

nothing distinctly miraculous. It is much heightened bv Folcard, ^"? ^^ ^"*^ 

,,,,... A i- x I miracu- 

aad tlie physician is supj)ressed : ' imponit praesul . . . manus i^,^^g_ 

confracto capiti, . . . cruce signat, et siibitam medelam Deus prae- 

stat ; ' H. Y. i. 253. A very instructive instance of the gradual 

heightening of a story may be found in an incident ofWilfrid's 

278 Tlie Ecclesiasticcd History. [Bk. v. 

life as told first by Eddius, then by Fridegoda, and lastly by 
Eadmer ; H. Y. i. 33, 129, 185. On Bede's own tendency to do this, 
V. Introduction, pp. xlvi, Ixiv. 

mansit autem, &c.] See on c. 2, ad init. 
Wilfridll. p. 292. Uilfrido] This is Wilfrid II, 'Wilfer?5 se iunga' of the 
Sax. Cliron. 744. In 732 he resigned and was succeeded by Egbert, 
the prelate to whom Bede addressed his famous letter. See on Ep. 
ad Egb. § T, ad init. Wilfiud died in 745, Cont. Baed. inf. p. 362 ; 
S. D. ii.38, 39; or 744, Sax. Chron. ; Ann. Lindisf. ; having been 
thirty years bishop, says Sax. Chron., which would throw back his 
consecration to 714, which is obviously too early. Stubbs, Ep. 
Succ. pp. 5, 180, says that he died in 732. But Alcuin, De Sanctis 
Ebor. vv, 1235 ff. distinctly refers to his retirement : 

'At sua facta bonus postquam compleuerat ille 
Pastor in ecclesiis, specialia septa petiuit, 
Quo seruire Deo tota iam mente uacaret ; ' &c. 
He gives him a very high character, ib. 12 15, flf. He had been 
'uicedomnus et abbas' of York ; ib. 1217 ; G. P. p. 245. (For 
' uicedomnus ' v. Ducange, s. v.) Fl. Wig. makes the converse mis- 
take of dehiying Egberfs accession till after W"ilfrid's death in 744 ; 
i. 55- 


Anno . . . praeesset] v. iv. 12, notes. 
C8edwalla's relicto imperio propter Dominum] Note that (like Aldhelm 
resigna- below) Bede says 'imperio,' not ^regno.' He therefore regards 
Caedwalla as bearing sway beyond the limits of liis own kingdom, 
though he does not include him among the so-called Bretwaldas. 
Dr. Bright lectures Caedwalla in a very edifying manner for 
deserting his duty, and Bede for not condemning him sufiiciently 
(p. 360 ; cf. p. 431, and Fuller, cited by M. & L. p. 310). But to 
give up earthly power and position for what is believed (even if 
mistakenly) to be the cause of Christ, is not such a common error 
that we need to be seriously cautioned against it. 
and jour- uenit Roraam] Aldhelm, in a poem written under his successor 

ney to j^-^j ^^jj^ ^f Ca3dwalla's pilgrimage and death (Opp. Aldh. ed. 

Giles, i^p. 115, n6) : 

' Post hunc [Centwine] successit bello famosus et armis 
Rex Cadwalla potens regni possessor et haeres. 
Sed mox imperium fnundi sceptrumque reliquit. 

Cuius in aduentu gaudet clementia Romae, 

Chap. 7.] Notes. 279 

Dum niorgi meruit liaptismi gurgito fclix. 

Post albas igitur morbo correptus ogrcscit, 

Donec mortalis clausit spiracula uitae. 
On his way to Rome he is said to have given thirty solidi to 
St. Vulmar for the construction of his church, ' in uilla Sihiiaco,' 
now Samer in the Pas-de-Calais, a corruption of St. Vulmar. 
Bouquet iii. 626: 'ExuitaS. Vulmari abb. Sihxiacensis,' printed 
in Mab. AA. SS. iii. 234-238 ; AA. SS. luh v. 84-89. This life is 
ancient, but its date cannot be fixed ; ib. 83. He was well received 
In' Cunibort, King of the Lombards : ' Cedoal rex Anglorum Saxo- 
num, qui multa in sua patria bella gosserat, ad Christum conuersus 
Romam properauit. Qui per Cunincpertum regem ueniens ab eo 
mirifice susceptus est ; ' Paul. Diac. Hist. Langob. vi. 15 (who 
borrows the rest of his account from Bede). Cunibert (whose name 
is identical with the Anglo-Saxon Cyniberht) had married an 
English wife : ' Cunincpert rex Hermelindam ex Saxonum Ang- 
lorum genere duxit uxorem ; ' ib. v. 37. His father Perctarit (the 
Berhthere of Eddius, c. 28' was nearly flying for refuge ' ad Brit- 
taniam insulam Saxonumque regem,' when he heard that his enemy 
Grimwald, Duke of Beneventum, was dead ; (671) ib. v. 32, 33 ; cf. 
Art de Verif. i. 418, 419. The resemblance of CsedwalLVs name to 
those of certain "VVelsh kings has not only caused a legendary pro- Confusion 
longation of the reign of Cadwallon, son of Cadvan, beyond all '^^X^^^^' 
possible bounds (f. on iii. i) ; but also given rise to a legend that 
Cadwalader, son of Cadwallon, died at Eome ; cf. additional critical 
note to p. 292, and Brut y Ty wyssogion, a. d. 680 : ' ac yn y vlwydyn 
honno y bu uarw Kadwaladyr uendigeit, uab Kadwallawn, uab 
Catuan, brenhin y Brytanyeit, yn Rufein y deudecuet dyd o 
Vei. Megys y proff.vydassei Vyrdin kyn no hynny wrth Wrtheyrn 
gwrtheneu. Ac o hj^nny allan y colles y Brytanyeit goron y teyr- 
nas. Ac yd ennillawd y Saeson hi,' ' In this year died Cadwahider 
the blessed, son of Cadwallon, son of Cadvan, King of the Britons, 
in Rome, the twelfth day of May, as Myrddin (Merlin) had prophe- 
sied to Gwrtheyrn Gwrtheneu (Vortigern). And from that time 
forth the Britons lost the crown of empire and the Saxons gained 
it.' The epithet 'blessed' is probably due to the confusion with 
the West-Saxon pilgrim ; the date, May 12, is certainly taken from 
Bede's 'xii^ Kal. Mai. die.' According to the oldest MS, of Ann. 
Camb., Cadwah^der died of the plague in 682, though later MSS. 
make him fly to Armorica (Brittany) to avoid tlie plague (possibly 
a confusion with ' Armonica,' ' Arvon'; see on iii. 9). Nenn. § 64, 
places his death under Oswy ; which arises from the assumption 
that the pLigue in which he died was the great plague of 664 (see 

280 The Ecclesiastical History. [bk. v. 

on iii. 27) ; cf. H. & S. i. 202, For an instance of hopeless confusion 
of Caedwalla and Cadwalader, cf. Elmliam, pp. 254 ff. 268 ff. ; E. W. 
i. 181 ; Introduction, p. exvi. 

pontifieatum agente Sergio] Sergius I, 687-701 a.d. 

die . . . sabbati paschalis] This was the proper day for bap- 
tisms ; v. s. ii. 9, 14. In 689 it fell on April 10. 
•In albis.' in albis adhuc positus] 'under Cristes claSum,' * under Chrisfs 
clothes ; ' Sax. Chron. E. 688. It was a very ancient custom for the 
newly-baptized to be clad in white garments (la^^j (pwTioTiK-q, alba) 
to symbolise their purification. In these garments and with lighted 
tapers they appeared daily for a week with their sponsors in the 
church, finally laying them aside on the octave of the baptism-day ; 
cf. Alcuin to Charles the Great, Febr. 798 : 'Clausum paschae quo 
die alba toUuntur uestimenta a nuper baptizatis ; ' Mon, Alc. p. 399. 
The term ' exalbari ' is also foimd : ' pueris nondum exalbatis ' ; 
Pertz, XX. 738, answering to ' in albis adhuc positus ' here ; cf. S. D. 
i. 278. Hence also the Sunday after Easter is called ' Dominica in 
albis depositis.' In the Ordo Romanus for the Saturday after 
Easter there is a form for ' Benedictio aquae ad albas deponendas." 
With the deposition of the ' alb ' was associated the ' chrisom- 
loosing,' the undoing of the ' chrismale ' or linen fillet ('pannus 
crisniatis/ Theod. Penit. II. iv. 7 ; H. & S. iii. 193^ which was 
bound round the head of the newly baptized to keep the chrism or 
unction on the head during the week in albis ; cf. Wulfstan's 
Homilies, pp. 31, 36; H. & S. iii. 192, 428; Earle's Chronicle, 
pp. 307, 308. The ' crism-lising' of Guthrum at Wedmore is men- 
tioned in Sax. Chron. ad. 878. Hence the AS. vers. translates ' in 
albis adhuc positus' by 'under crisman,' 'under chrism' ; so above, 
ii. 14, ' albati ' is translated in the same way ; cf. Bosworth-Toller, 
s.v. In Icelandic the ' alb ' is called ' hvit-va6ir,' ' white-weeds, " 
and 'hvit-va8ungr,' ' white-weedling,' is a regular name for a neo- 
phyte, or newly baptized person (cf. Mrs. Quickly's ' Christom- 
child,' Hen. V, ii. 3. 12); see Vigfusson, Icel. Dici. s.v. hvitr,vf\io 
gives several instances from the Sagas of persons who died, like 
Ciedwalla, 'i hvita-vaSum.' 'White weeds' seem also to have 
been worn at confirmation ; cf. Viga-Glums Saga, ad fin. Orig. 
Island, ii. 466 : ' en ^a er Cristni kom ut liingat, tok Gliimr skirn, 
ok lif8i t)rja vetr si6an, ok var biskupaSr i bana-sott af Kol biskupi, 
ok andaSiz i hvita-vaSum,' ' and when Christianity came outhither 
[to Iceland], Glum received baptism, and lived three years after- 
wards, and was bishopped [t. e. confirmed] in his last illness by 
Bishop Kol, and died in his white weeds.' Newly consecrated 
churches were also hung with white ; cf. Laxdsela Saga, ed. 1826, 

Chap. 7.] jS\)tes. 281 

)). 230; ed. 1867, p. 152 : ' v;lr Kjai-tnn at Borg grafinn ; {)ii var 
kirkju nyvigft ok i hvita-viiaum,' * K jartan was Imricd at Jiorg. 
where the cliurch was nowly consecrated, and in whilo wecds.' 
1 cannot quoto any non-Icelandic parallels to these two hist pas- 
sages (see also Ducange s. vv. Alba, Chrismale ; D. C. A. s. vv. 
Kaptism, Chrism,Chrismak^, Octauao Infanlium, Pascliae Clausum). 
JStrictly si^oaking, Ca»dwalha's death on April 20, tho Tuesday after 
Low Sunday, foll outside the octave * in albis.' But lie may well 
liavo beon too ill to go through the ceremony on tho Saturday. 
Aldhehn, ?<. .s\ says ' post albas ; ' cf. Bright, p. 360. 

cui etiam . . . inposuerat] The Sax. Chron. says that tho Pope Cfedwallas 
baptized him. In the epitaph the Pope is caUed 'pater Fonte ^eath, 
renascentis,' i. e. godfather. So Birinus both baptized and stood 
sponsor for Cuthred ; Sax. Chron. 639 ; cited above on iii. 7. 

p. 293. epitaphium . . , scriptum] The epitaph was composed and epi- 
by Benedictus Crispus, Archbishop of Mihin (f 725), Grogorovius, ^^P"- 
Gesch. der Stadt Rom (3*" Auflago), ii. 180, 391. Tho AS. vers. 
omits the epitaph both verse and prose. It may be found in Dei 
Rossi, Inscr. Christ. Urbis Romae, ii. 70, 79, iri. 

indictione II] This is right for 689. 

p. 294. XXXVII annis] This would place Ini's abdieation in Ini, 
725 or possibly 726. The Sax, Chron. MSS. A. B. place it in 728, 
MSS, C. D. E. in 726 ; R. W. in 727, i. 205. He is said to have 
founded the school of the Anglo-Saxons in Rome, and to have 
established tho 'Romescot,' or ' Peter's Pence,' for its maintenance. 
But there is no authority for the former statement older than 
R. W. i. 215, 216; though the latter is confirmed by the tract, 
'De Saxonum Aduentu,' in S. D. ii 371. For the curious legend 
as to the means by which his wife {' dux foemina facti') induced 
liim to abdicate, see W. M. i. 35, 36, 39. He was a great friend of 
Aldhelm, G. P. p. 354, who mentions him ; Opp. p. 116. The 
date of his death is unknown. W. M. says : 'ut solius Dei oculis 
placeret, amictu plebeio tectus, clam consenuit cum uxore ;' i. 39. 
Chron. F. by a misunderstanding gives 726 as the date of his death 
instead of his resignation. Cf. Stubbs in D. C. B. and Freeman in 
Proceedings Somerset Archaeol. Soc, voh xx. 

Gregorio] Gregory II, 715-731. See on Preface. Gibbon Gregory IJ. 
<k'tectod an allusion to the pilgrimage of Ini in a letter of this 
pope to Leo the Iconoclast, ed. Smitli, vi. 148. 

quod . . . plures . . . facere consuerunt] Gregorovius, ti. s. ii. Pllgrim- 
178 ff., has an eloquent passage on these numberless pilgi-ims to «^gts to 
Rome : ' the magnets which drew them were dead men's bones, 
their goal a grave, their reward a prayer before it.' He cites the 

282 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. v. 

■\vonderful passage of Seneca, Ad Heluiam Matrem de Consolatione, 
c. 6, on the rush of men to Eome. The moral results were often 
disastrous enough. St. Boniface writing to Cuthbert, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, in 748, says : ' bonum esset . . . si prohiberet 
synodus et principes uestri mulieribus et uehitis feminis illud iter 
et frequcntiam, quam ad Komariam ciuitatem ueniendo et redeundo 
faciunt. Quia magna ex parte pereunt, paucis remanentibus in- 
tegris. Perpaucae enim sunt ciuitates in Longobardia, uel in 
Francia, aut in Gallia, in qua non sit . . . meretrix generis 
Anglorum ;' H. & S. iii. 381 ; Mon. Mog. p. 208. To an English 
abbess who consulted him as to visiting ' dominam quondam orbis 
Eomam, . . . sicut alii multi fecerunt et adhuc fac unt,' ib. 69, 70 ; 
he rej^lies : ' nec interdicere . . . nec . . . suadere praesumo.' If 
she cannot find peace at home she may seek it in j^ilgrimage : 
' quemadmodum soror nostra Wiethburga faciebat. Quae mihi 
. . . intimauit quod talem uitae quietem inuenisset iuxta limina 
S. Petri, qualem longum tempus desiderando quaesiuit.' Only she 
had better wait, ' donec . . . minae Sarracenorum, quae apud 
Romanos nuper emerserunt conquieuerint ; ' ib. 236. Both letters 
are most interesting. Cf. the epigram of Theodulf, Bishop of 
Orleans 788-821 : 

'Non tantum isse iuuat Romam bene uiuere quantum 

Vel Romae, uel ubi uita agitur hominis. 
Non uia, credo, pedum, sed morum ducit ad astra, 

Quis quid ubique gerit, spectat ab arce Deus.' 
Poetae Latini Aeui Carolini, i. 557. Cf. sup. iv. 23, p. 255 ; m/., 
c. 19, ad init. ; and the case of Ceolfrid, Introduction, § 3, and reff. ; 
to which Bede expressly refers in the parallel passage in his 
Chron. ; Opp. Min. p. 203 ; D. C. A. i. 774-777, ii. 1635-1642 ; 
M. & L. p. 309. 


Death of annis XXII] If this is reckoned from his consecration, March 26, 

Theodore. ^gg^ j^ jg j^j^ understatement ; if from his arrival at Canterburj^ 

May 27, 669, it is an overstatement. See on iv. 2. 
ecclesia . . . Petri] See on i. 33, ii. 3, pp. 70, 86. 
His epi- p. 295. uersibus heroicis] Here and in i. 10 Bede seems to 

taph. include elegiacs under the term 'heroic verses'; in his Ars 

Metrica, c. 10, he confines the latter term, as is usual, to pure 

hexameters. Ehnham quotes these two quatrains, and in the MS. 

a large space is left between them, apparently in tlie hope that the 

missing verses might be recovered, p. 283. 

Chap. s.] Notes. 283 

Pelasga] i.e. rjreok. Cf. Vorg. Aon. ix. 154: *ciim pubo Pelasga.' 

diem uonamdecimam] So, Ann. Lindisf. ot Cantuar. 690, 
'Theodorus opiscopus doponitur XIII. kal. Octob. feria ii ;' Portz, 
iv. 2. Sept. 19 was a Monday in 690. 

Berctuald] W. M. i. 29 idontifies liim witb Bertwald, Abbot Bortwald. 
of Glastonbury, wliom lio reprcsentfe as translatod against liis will 
to Reculver, and thence to Canterbury. The refutation of this 
(probably deliberate) attempt to claim for Glastonbury the honour 
of the archbishop's monastic training is easy, as there is extant 
a letter from Bertwald of Canterbury to Forthere, Bisliop of 
Sherborno, asking him to intcrcede with 'Beor[t]wald' of Glaston- 
bury for the release of a slave girl belonging to Kent. The lotter 
gives a favourable impression of the archbishop, and an unfavour- 
ablo one of liis namesake ; Mon. Mog. pp. 48, 49 ; cf. Stubbs, 
Dunstan, p. Ixxxii. There is a letter also of Waldhere, Bishop 
of London, to him about the political state of Britain in 705 ; 
H. & S. iii. 274, 275. The letters of Pope Sergius I on his behalf, 
given in G. P. pp. 52-55, bclong to the suspicious series connected 
with the primacy of Canterbury ; and though not such glaring 
forgeries as some others of the series, are very unlikely to be 
genuine, Bertwald died .Tan. 731, the very year in which Bede 
finished his history ; cc. 23, 24, pp. 349, 356. According to G. P. 
p. 376, he was a friend and fellow-student of Aldhelm. 

Genladae] Now the Yenlade or Inlade. It occurs frequently in 
charters as a boundary, K. C. D. Nos. 135, 157, 194, 224 ; Birch, 
Nos. 228, 257, 326, 396 ; cf. Hasted's Kent, iv. 288 ff. 

Racuulfe] Eeculver, on the north coast of Kent. Birchington Eeculver. 
says : ' qui erat abbas de Genlade tunc, et nunc Recolure dicitur ;' 
Ang. Sac. i. 3. There is a charter of Hlothhere, King of Kent, 
dated Reculver, May, 679, granting land in Thanet to Abbot 
Bercuald and his monastery ; K. C. D. No. 16 ; Birch, i. 70. This 
charter is the oldest extant native charter of which we possess the 
absolute original ; Earle, Handbook of Charters, p. 8. The grant 
of Reculver by Egbert to * Bass the mass priest to build a minster 
(monastery) on' is noted in the Sax. Chron. under 669. For 
Christian antiquities at Reculver, cf. C. Roach Smith, Antiquities of 
Richborough, Reculver, and Lymne (1850) ; cited by H. & S. i. 38. 

electus est, &c.] No reason is given for the long delay, nearly Delayin 
two years, in filling up the see, nor for the long delay of a year hiselection 
.Ti.-, ,. A, and conse- 

in consecrating the elected prelate, nor for his consecration in cration. 

Gaul instead of by the English bishops. The dissensions between 
Kent and Wessex, which were not settled till 694, may have had 
something to do with tlie matter. 

284 Tlte Ecdesiastlcal Hlstory. [Bk. v. 

Witred Ilictredo et Sueebliardo] 'Wihtred 7 Swefheard,' AS. vers. 

aiid SwEeb- witred has been mentioned above. iv. 26, aclfin. The Sax. Chron. 

E. F., following Bede, speaks of Wihtred (Nihtred E) and Webheard 

■ySic) as joint kings in 692. But in 694 all tlie MSS. speak of 

Witred's accession as if it were a new fact : ' her . . . Wihtred 

feng to Cantwara rice/ perhaps meaning his accession as sole king. 

In c. 23, Bede says that he died on April 23, 725, after a reign of 

thirty-four years and a half; which would place his accession in 

October, 690. Fh Wig. places his accession under 691, and says: 

' cum quo rex Sueabheardus partem regni tenuit ; ' but he is 

j)robably only drawing his own inferences from Bede's language 

here and in iv. 26. In the latter passage Bede speaks specially of 

Witred's ' religio ' ; where he is probably thinking of the ecclesias- 

tical laws passed in the ^vitenagemot of Berghamstyde (Bersted 

near Maidstone) in 696, Thorpe, Early Laws, &c., i. 36 ff.; Schmid, 

Gesetze, pp. 14 ff. ; H. & S. iii. 233-238 ; and of the ecclesiastical 

privileges granted in the witenagemot of Bapchild, 696x716, on 

which see H. & S. iii. 238-246, 300-302, 340-342 ; Bright, pp. 382- 

385 ; D. C. B. iv. 1177, 1178. In a spurioiis charter Swaebhard is 

described as 'regii status lectissimus flos;' K. C. I). No. 40; Birch, 

No. 89. I have already, on iii. 22, expressed my scepticism as to 

the proposed identification of him with Swefred of Essex. 

tertio die Kal. lul. . . . prid. Kal. Sept.] These were Sundays 

in 693 ; the former is also St. Peter's day. 

(Todwin. Goduine] Archbishop of Lyons, 693-713. ^He certainly occupied 

the see during these years, but the exact dates of his accession and 
death are unknown ; Gallia Christ. iv. 50.) 

Gcbnnind, Gebmundo . . . defuncto] The Sax. Chron. places his death in 
693, but this is a mere inference froni the fact that Bede mentions 
it immediately after the consecration of Bertwald in that year. 
And it is a wrong inference, for Gebmund was present at the 
witenagemot of Bersted in 696 ; see reff. given above. At that of 
Bapchild his successor Tobias was present, and therefore this must 
be later than 696. The Sax. Chron. F. seeyns to place it under 694, 
but the reference is vague, and not strictly chronological : ' sona 
©as fe he cing was,' ' soon after he became king ;' v. H. & S. iii. 
232, 241. 

p. 296. Saxonica lingua] ' in Englisc,' ' in English,' AS. vers. 

chap. 9.] Notes. 285 

(•11APTE1{ 9. 

sacerdosl It is prolmlilo that ' sacerdos ' lierc, as often, nwans K}?Iht». 
• hishop.' 800 011 i. 28. Ahove, iii. 27, snb. foi., where Bi'de **■ ^'^ •'■ 
speaks of Egherfs 'acceptuni sacerdotii gradum,' the AS. vers. says 
' hiscophado onfong,* ' he received thc episcopate.' Alcuin. in his 
proso lifo of Wilhrord, c. 4, calls hiin ' beatissimus pater et epi- 
soopus Eeghortus qui cognomento Sanctus uocahatur;' Mon. Alc. 
p. 43. And Ethehvord enters him in his chronicle as ' opi.scopus.' 
M. H. B. p. 507. Ethehvulf, in his poem, de Abbatibus, written 
early in tlie nintli century, distinctly calls him * pontifex,' and 
says that he consecrated and sent an altar for Ethelwulfs own 
monastery, which Mr. T. Arnold thinks was Crayke, S. D. i. 270- 
272. The life of St. Adalhort calls him : 'Egbertus Northum- 
brorum episcopus;* Pertz, xv. 700; cf. also the Saxon Version, 
cited on c. 22. Moreover he is called ' Ichtbricht epscop,' 'Egbert 
bisliop,' in an Irish document containing an account of a synod at 
Birra (Parsonstown) in which the so-called ' Cain Adomnain,' 
*Law of Adamnan' was promulgated. Of this document there is 
a copy in MS. Rawl. B. 512, f. 48 ff. Egberfs name occurs on f. 
49 d. Of the ecclesiastics attending this synod, I have identified 
ahout a dozen. Their obits in the F. M. range from 696 to 785, 
The synodcannot therefore be later than the former year,inwhich 
the Ann. Ult. place it. and at which time Egbert was in Ireland. 
Dr. Reeves had a copy of this document taken from a Brussels MS. 
2324 ; Es. Ad. p. 179 ; though he himself speaks of Egbert as only 
a priest ; ib. 379. It illustrates the nature of Irish episcopacy that 
with few exceptions the abbots in this document take precedence 
of the bishops ; v. s. on iii. 4. Egbert has been already mentioned 
iii. 4, 27. 

nationes, a quibus, &c.] That the common origin of the con- ComnK.n 

tinental and insular Saxons was distinctly recognised as a ground originotall 

the Saxons. 
for the evangelisation of the former by the latter, is shown by 

a letter of a certain priest named Wigbert, who writes from Britain 

to Lullus, Archbishop of Mainz (755-786): 'si in regione gentis 

nostrae, id est Saxanorum, aliqua ianua diuinae misericordiae aperta 

sit, remandare nobis id ipsum curate. Quia multi cum Dei 

adiutorio in eorum auxilium festinare cupiunt ;' Mon. Mog. p. 304 ; 

cf. H. H. p. 126. 

unde . . . nuncupantur] Bede seems to mean that in his day Celtic 

the British population called their Teutonic neighbours * Garmani.' ^^'^^'^ 

' Saxon' is however in all Celtic languages the name given to tlie English. 

English and their speech. ' Eingl ' = Angli, and 'Elhnyn' = 


The Ecdesiastical History, 

[Bk. V. 


Alemanni, are oceasionally found, but Prof. Rhys tell me that he 
has never met with any word answering to ' Garmani ' ; cf. his 
Celtic Britain, p. 139. The whole sentence is omitted by the AS. 
translator ; perhaps because it was no longer true. 

Fresones] Cf. Zeuss, Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstamme, 
PP- 136, 397-400- 

Rugini] Probably the Rugii of Tacitus, Germ. c. 43. Their 
original seat was on the Baltic, where they have left their name in 
the Island of Riigen, and in Rligenwalde. They played a promi- 
nent part in the wars of Attila, 433-453, after which they appear 
on the north side of the Danube, in Austria, and Upper Hungary ; 
Dict. Class. Geogr. ; cf. Zeuss, u. s. pp. 154, 484-486. 

Danai] * Daene ' ' the Danes,' AS. vers. ; cf. Zeuss, u. s. pp. 

Hunni] The invasion of Europe by the Huns under Attila fills 
a large space in the history of the fifth century. But they made 
no lasting settlements. It is possible that Bede includes under 
the name the Avars, who formed a large kingdom to the north. 
of the Danube, and in the seventh century were the most 
dangerous invaders of the Roman territory ; Freeman, Hist. Geog. 
pp. 90, 96, 117 ; cf. Zeuss, u. s. pp. 706-710. 

Antiqui Saxones] ' Ald-Seaxan,' AS. vers. ; cf. Zeuss, u. s. 
pp. 150-152, 380-3B8, 490-495. 

Boructuari] 'The Bructeri in Westphalia ; ' H. & S. iii. 225; 
between the Ems and the Lippe ; Dict, Chiss. Geogr. s. v. Bruc- 
teri ; cf. Zeuss, u. s. pp. 92-94, 350-353. The Bructeri are men- 
tioned by Apollonaris Sidonius, Carm. vii. 324 ; cf. AA. SS. 
Mart. i. 70. 

Christi miles] The Ann. Ult. adopt this phrase when speaking 
of Egberfs death under the year 728, and Tighernach translates it, 
calling him 'ridire Crist,' ' Chrisfs knight.' 

p. 297. Boisili] v. s. iv. 27, 28, pp. 269, 272. 

expletis . . . matutinalibus] v. Introd. p. xxvi. 

etiam] ' gea,' ' yea,' AS. vers. ; v. s. c. 2, p. 284. 

Columbae monasteria] i. e. the ' muinter Coluim Cille,' ' the 
family of Columba ; ' v. s. on iii. 4. 

transmontanis Pictis ad aquilonem] ' in paem morlandum Sa 
Se siondan to norSdaele Peohta rices,' 'in the mountain-distriets 
which belong to the north part of the kingdom of the Picts,* AS. vers. 

nunc . . . uocatur] ' ])e Scottas siSSan Columcille nemdon,' 
' whom the Irish afterwards called Columcille,' AS. vers. ; 
(omitting the clause 'composito . . . nomine'\ This is the regular 
name of St. Columba in Irish sources ; generally abbreviated to 

Chap. lo.] Kotes. 287 

C.C. Jocflino, Lifo of St. Kontigern, strangoly says : 'Columba 
Abbas, quoni Angli uoeant Cohun-killum ; ' N. & K. p. 229. 

aratra . . , incedunt] Cf. Bodo, Opp. i. 214 : * otsi [lectorom] in Heresy 
sanctuarium prophotici sonsus introducere nesciui, ab aratro tamen ^'J''"' ^-^ 
liaoreticaedecoptionislongiusabduxi.' In thelrish livos of St. Brigit, 
from tho Lebar Brecc and Book of Lismoro, Stokos, Three Irish 
Homilios, p. 68 ; Lismoro Livos, p. 45, and in ono of the Latin Lives', 
printod in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, Vita IV. ii. 27, pp. 553, 554, 
thore is a curious vision in which tho progress of the gospol under 
Patrick and Brigit is roprosented by four ploughs which plough the 
wholo of Irehmd, while the work of the false teachers is figured by 
four othor ploughs wliich plougli across the furrows of the first. 

p. 298, remanere domi passus est] 'unrot ham forde,' 'went 
home sad,' AS. vers. 

TJictberct] He also is mentioned in Alcuin's life of Wilbrord, Witbert. 
u. s., in connexion with the latter and Egbert as ' uenerabilis . . , 
sacordos Dei.' There are no criteria for dating these abortive 
attempts of Egbert and Witbert, except that they must be prior to 
690, as that is the date of Wilbrord's mission ; v. c. 10. 

Rathbedo] On him, see c, 10, 


p. 299. TJilbrord] At his consecration by Pope Sergius, he was Wilbrord. 
given the name of Clement ; c. 11, p, 303 ; but the Roman name 
never became in his case the accepted name, as in the case of 
Wynfrid-Boniface. His life was written in Prose and Verse by Lives by 
Alcuin at the request of Beornred, Archbishop of Sens, and abbot -^^cum. 
of Wilbrord's monastery of Epternach (777-797) ; the former for 
public use in the church, the other for the private instruction of 
the pupils in the monastic school ; Mon. Alc. p. 39. Both are printed 
in Mon. Alc. pp. 39-79 ; the metrical life also in Poetae Lat. Aeui 
Carol, i. 237 ff. For earlier editions, see Hardy, Cat. i. 465-467. 
Alcuin's work was based on an earlier life by an Irishman : ' Nam 
primo quidam linguae ac gentis Scotticae aggressus tanti uiri gesta 
describere, rustico stilo detriuit dignitatem hystoriae, dein . . , 
Alcwinus de Britannia, uir urbanae elegantiae, utpote magni Karoli 
yperasspistes, . . . conatus est in urbanum lepido seponere dicto et 
incompta comere;' Thiofridi Vita Willibr. c. 24, cited in Pertz, 
xxiii. II, This earlier life is not known to exist, Wattenbach is 
therefore wrong in saying of Alcuin : ' Willibrordi uitam ante eum 
nomo scripserat,' Mon. Alc, p. 35, But when Wattenbach wrote, 
these extracts from the life by Theofrid, Abbot of Epternach 


The Ecdesiastical Hibtoiy. 

[Bk. V 

of saints' 

Historv of 

His com- 

Pil)pin of 

(t iiio), had not been published. Wattenbach also complains 
that the lives contain so few historical facts and so many miracles ; 
but it is idle to find fault with any class of literature because it 
does not furnish what it never professed to give ; cf. M. Fustel de 
Coulanges : ' il est bien certain que ces biographies n'etaient pas 
redigees en \aie de faire oeuvre historique. . . . La biographie etait 
comme la legende explicative des reliques que le couvent possedait, 
et qui faisaient sa fortune. Aussi . . . s'allongeait-elle de tous les 
miracles que le saint avait faits pendant sa vie, et de tous ceux 
qu'il produisait apres sa mort ;' La Monarchie Franque, pp. 9-12 
(cited by Dr. Stokes, Lismore Lives, pp. xci. f.). The whole pas- 
sage is admirable. The following facts however can be made out. 
Wilbrord was a Northumbrian, born in 657 or 658. His father, 
Wilgils, after the birth of his son, became an anchorite on a pro- 
montory at the mouth of the Humber cc. i, 2). His day was 
observed as a festival in the monastery of his son (c. 31), and 
Alcuin himself ruled the cell where his body reposed Pref. and 
c. i). As soon as the child was weaned, he was entrusted to the 
monks of Eipon ^c. 3) ; cf. Eddius, c. 26, cited on next chapter, lu 
his twentieth year {i. e. c. 677), he went to Ireland, where he 
jemained twelve years with Egbert and Wigbert or Witbert (c. 4}. 
In 690 (cf. ib. p. 46, note cited on c. 11, inf.) he set out for the Con- 
tinent, landing at the mouth of the Ehine, and proceding thence to 
Traiectum (Utrecht). Finding Eadbod and his Frisians wholly 
heathen he retired to Pippin (c. 5), and this is the point where 
Bede's account begins. The sequel will be given in the notes to 
c. II. A clei'ic belonging to his householdwas cured at Lindisfarneat 
the tomb of St. Cuthbert ; Bede, Vita Cudb. c. 44 ; Vita Anon. § 45. 
The chief modern authority for Wilbrord is Thijm, ' Willibrord. 
der Apostel der Niederlande' (German translation fi'om the Dutcir. 

numero XII] One of liis companions was named Adalbert 
{i. e. ^Selberht), and settled at Egmond in North Holland ; Ann. 
Xantenses, 690, 694 a d. ; Pertz, ii. 220. The list given in the life 
of Swidbert by Marcellinus is, like the rest of that life, quite 
spurious ^Surius, March i, v. H. & S. iii. 225). On the frequency 
of the number twelve, cf. on iii. 26. 

ad Pippinum ducem Francorum] This is Pippin of Heristal, 
the Austrasian Mayor of the Palace, and real ruler of the Franks. 
The battle of Testry, 687, had established the ascendency of 
Austrasia over Neutria, and that of his family over both. The 
shadow of Merovingian royalty continued till 752, when his grand- 
son Pippin set the crown of the Franks upon his head (cf. 
Kitchin^s France, i. 94 ff. . This later Pippin was baptized by 

Chap. io.] Notes. 289 

Wilbrord, wlio is said to hnve foretold his futuro grcatness : 
' seitote quod iste infans ... erit ... omniuni praocodentium 
Francorum ducibus maior ; ' Mon. Alc. p. 56; cf. Pertz, x. 557. 
Pippin of Horistal died in 714, and was succeeded by his son 
Charles Martel ( + 741), the father of Pippin the Short, and grand- 
father of Charlos tlio Great. 

citeriorem Fresiam] i.e. thepart of Fresia noarest to tho Franks : 
in other wonls, tlio soutli-wostern portion. 

Rathbedo rege] Ah'uin (Vita Willbr. Pros. c. 5^- also calls liim Rathl^xl. 
'king.' Ho was continually at war with the Franks undor Pippin 
and Charlos Martel. Ho diod in 719, having in the preceding year 
withdrawn from the very odgo of the baptismal font on being told 
by the oflficiating prelate, St. Wulframn, Archbishop of Sens, that 
his heathen ancestors were * in tartarea damnatione.' * Qui statim 
podem a fonte retraxit, dicens se non posse carere consortio prae- 
decGssorum suorum, et cum paruo numero sedero in caelesti regno ; ' 
Ann. Xant. Pertz, ii. 221 ; Vita Wulframni, AA.SS. Ord. Bened. 
iii. 361 ; H. & S. iii. 225 ; Martin, Hist. do France, ii. 170-183. 
St. Boniface hoard of his death as he was returning from Kome ; 
Mon. Mog. p. 446 ; and there is a letter from Bugga to St. Boniface 
congratulating him on the fall of Rathbod, ' inimicus cathohcae 
ecclesiae.' After his death Boniface assisted Wilbrord for three 
yoars. Wilbrord wished to consecrate him bishop, but he re- 
fused to be consecrated without the licence of the Pope ; Mon. 
Mog. pp. 446-451 ; cf. Pertz, xiv. 100. 

Heuuald] Alcuin, De Sanctis Ebor. v. 1045, gives their name The two 
as Herwaldus. Their mission must be later than 690, and before Hewalds. 
the death of Pippin in 714 {v. inf.) ; but there are no data for 
fixing it more exactly ; R. W. places it in 695, i. 188 ; cf. D. C. B. 
iii. 14, and reff. 

hospitium . . . uilici] ' sumes tungerefan giaestern,' 'the guest- 
house of some township reeve,' AS. vers. 

eatrapam . . . satrapas] 'aldorman, aldormenn,' AS. vers. For Constitu- 

the constitutional importance of this notice see S. C. H. i. 41, 42 ; *^^,^ *^^ ^ "^" 
^ ^ ' ^ ' old Saxons 

cf. on IV. 12. 

p. 300. tabulam . . . dedieatam] In the York Pontifical Portable 

(Sui-tees Soc. 1873^, pp. 124-132, there is a form for 'Benedictio ^^^^^- 

lapidis portabilis siue lapidis itinerarii ; ' but in the rubrics the 

word ' tabula ' constantly occurs as an alternative to ' lapis,' pp. 126, 

127, 131, 132, and of course a wooden altar would be much moie 

portable. A portable wooden altar belonging to St. Cuthbert was 

found in his tomb, and is now in the Chapter Library at Durham ; 

I). C. A. i. 69 ; cf. ib. ii. 1560. 



Tlie Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

Idle rage of iii Kheno proiecerunt] Cf. Bede on Luke xii. 4 : ' si persecutores, 

persecu- sanctorum occisis corporibus, noti habent amplius quicl contra illos 

agant, ergo superuacua furiunt insania, qui mortua martyrum 

membra . . . uel in auras extenuari, uel in undas solui, uel . . . in 

cinerem faciunt redigi ;' Opp. xi. 157. 

uicanos . . . uicum] 'tunscipe . . . tun,' AS. vers. 

Vo. Non. Oct.J October 3. 

radius lucis] Cf. i. 33. 

p. 301. milite] ' cyninges Ipsegn,' ' king's thegn/ AS. vers. 

in ecclesia Coloniae ciuitatis] The Gallican martyrology cited 
by Smith says ' in collegiata S. Cuniberti.' Hanno II, Archbishop 
of Cologne, in 1074 translated their bodies and placed them one on 
each side of the patron saint, Cunibert ; Pertz, xi. 482, and note, 
500, 506. Frederick, Archbishop of Cologne, in 1121 gave aportion 
of their relics to Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg ; Pertz, xii. 862. 
The church of St. Victor at Xanten, Pertz, xiii. 44, and the abbey 
of Gorze, near Metz, ib. xv. 976, also claimed to possess jDortions of 
their relics. 

Church of 
St. Cuni- 
bert, Co- 

at Rome. 

tion of 

(xrowth of 
the ])aro- 
chial sys- 


accelerauit uenire K.omam] Wilbrord went twice to Kome ; 
once to obtain the papal sanction to his mission (probably in 
692, Mon. Alc. p. 45, note), the second time to receive consecration 
at tlie hands of the Pope in 695. The first visit is mentioned here, 
the second further on in this chapter. Alcuin only mentions one 
visit ; cc. 6, 7. 

destructis idolis] Wilbrord showed heroic courage in this work ; 
witness his attack on the heathen sanctuary of the god Fosite in 
Heligoland, Alcuin, cc. 10, ii (on this deity, who was a son of 
Balder, see Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, i. 188 £f., ed. 1875) ; and his 
breaking down of the idol at Walcheren ; Alc. c. 14 ; cf. the letter 
of Boniface cited below. He extended his missionary labours ' ad 
ferocissimos Danos,' and their king, Ongendus (who has been 
identified with the Ongentheow of the Beowulf) ; but finding 
them obdurate, he brought away thirty Dauish boys, baptizing 
them lest any of them should perish on the journey, ib. c. 9 (cf. 
St. Gregory's earlier idea of converting the Angles by similar 
means, sup. i. 23, note). 

reliquias . . . introduceret] Cf. si(p. on i. 30. 

singula quaeque loca dedicaret] Cf. Alc. c. 12 : ' dum per dies 
singulos numerus crescebat fidelium, . . . caeperunt plurimi, fidei 
feruore incitati, patrimonia sua uiro Dei oflferre. Quibus ille accep- 
tis, mox ecclesias in eis aedificare iusscrat, statuitque per eas 

Chap. II.] Xotes. 291 

singulas ]M-osbitoros, ot iiorlii Doi sibi oooporatorrs, quiitfmi.s nouus 
Doi })o})ulus haboret quo se . . . congrogarot, . . . uol a quibus 
sacri bai)tisniatismunoraaccepisset, et cliristianao roloyionis rogulas 
odisoerot.' Tliis is an intcrosting passage for the growth of tlie 
parocliial systcm ; cf. Lappenborg, i. 190; E. T. i. 197 ; iii. 2, 
]). 130, noto. 

p.302. Suidberctum] Alcuin, Do Sanctis Ebor. v. 1073, joins with Swidbert. 
liiin a cortain ' Wyra sacerdos,' on whom see Jaffe^s note ad loc. ] 
oitod also II. Y. i. 381. We have already seen that the life of Swid- 
bort by Marcellinus in Surius, March i, is a gross forgery. 

qui eis . . . antistes] His see whilc bishop in Frisia was at His see. 
Dorostadium or Dorostat, now Wijk-bij-Duurstede on tlie Rhino. 
Tbis appears from an entry at the end of the Vienna fifth-century 
Livy (^Hofbibliothek, Cod. Lat. 15) : ' Sutbertus episcopus do Doro- 
stat ; ' Palaeographical Soc, plate 183. It would seem that amid liis 
missionary hibours ho kept up a taste for classical learning. 

Uilfrid] V. on c. 19. 

non enim . . . reuerso] This must have been after Bertwald's 

election, but before his return from Gaul ; i. e. between July i, 692, 

and Aug. 31, 693 ; ?;. c. 8 adfin. 

Blithtlirydae] This is the name commonly written Plectrudis. Plectrude, 

wifG of 
After Pippin's death she tried to grasp his power, but very soon p-ppjj^_ 

had to give way before Charles Martel, the son of Pippin by a con- 

cubine. The date of her death seems to be unknown. 

In litore] Now Kaiserswerth on the Rhine, about seven miles Kaisers- 
north of Dusseldorf. In a silver shrine in the old ' Stiftskirche ' ^^^^ • 
are still preserved what are believed to be the relics of St. Swid- 
bert. Both church and shrine are of the thirteentli century ; 
Baedeker's Rheinlande (1886), p. 412. 

heredes . . . eius] 'his erfeweardas,' AS. vers. So Sax. Chron. 
565 E, of Columba, translating Bede's ' successores,' iii. 4, p. 134 ; 
cf. the Irish 'comarba,' ' coarb,' literally * heir,' constantly used 
of the successor of a founder. 

diem . . . ultimum] 713. ' Depositio Suitberthi Episcopi ;' Ann. Dcath of 
Francorum (eighth century) ; Bouquet, ii. 641. A corrupt entry Swidbert. 
in an early ninth-century chronicle, under the same year, probably 
refers to the same event ; ib. 644. His day is March i. The date 
of his death hasalso been given as 714, Hardy, Cat. i. 411, and 715, 
Smith, a. l. A homily and some verses on him by St. Radbod, 
bishopof Utrecht (901-918 , are printed in AA. SS. Marcli, i. 84, 85 ; 
with a long preliminary dissertation, ib. 67 ff. 

p.303. anno. . . DCXCVI] This isWilbrord'ssecondvisit toRome. 
It is probable that Bede has placed it a year too late ; for an entry ^^^^^^j^^'^'^ 

U 2 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

His coiise- 

and Wil- 

account of 

made in the year 728 in an old calendar belonging to the monas- 
tery of Epternach says : ' Clemens Willibrordus anno DCXC . . . 
ueniebat . . . in Francia, et . . . anno DCXCV, . . . quamuis indignus, 
fuit ordinatus in Roma episcopus a . . . Sergio Papa.' The words 
'quamuis indignus' make it almost certain that this entry is 
genuine and by Wilbrord himself. No later writer, especially in 
his own monastery, would have dreamed of inserting them. The 
entry was discovered by Bolland ; AA. SS. lan. I. xlvi ; cited Mon. 
Alc. p. 46, note. 

ordinatus . . . eius] Alcuin, c. 7, says that he was consecrated 
in St. Peter's ; but this is a very natural substitution of the better 
for the less known church. A difficulty has been made because 
neither in 695 nor in 696 did St. Cecilia's day (Nov. 22) fall on 
a Sunday, the usual day for consecrating bishops. But it was 
a festival, and in her own church would be a high festival. The 
church meant is Santa Cecilia in Trastevere ; said to have been 
founded by Urban I (223-230 ?) and rebuilt by Paschal I (817-824) ; 
Gregorovius, Gesch. d. Stadt Rom, i. 80, 251 ; iii. 48 ff. 

quod . . . uocatur] ' sio alde worde pere ])iode is nemned Wilta- 
burg, Galleas nemnaS Traiectum, we cweSatJ ^t Treocum,' ' which 
by an ancient name of that people is called Wiltaburg, the Gauls 
call it Traiectum, we say ^t Treocum,' AS. vers. ' Monet Chi- 
uerius distinguendum locum Wiltaburg, qui hodie quoque dicitur 
Wiltenburg, a Traiecto, Utrecht ; ' note in Bouquet, iii. 642. And 
Zedler's Universal-Lexicon says that Wiltenburg is the name of 
a small village a mile from Utrecht, where remains are still to be 
seen of the city which was the seat of the bishops of Utrecht. But 
the two names seem to be used quite indiscriminately ; e. g. Liudger 
(who had seen St. Boniface) writes : ' in loco qui nuncupatur 
Traiectum, et alio nomine Wiltaburg ; ' Pertz, xv, 75; cf. ii. 361. 
Charles Martel in 722 made a formal grant of Utrecht to Wilbrord 
(see the document in Bouquet, iv. 699), But in this he was 
probably only confirming what his father had already done. 

ecclesia] St. Saviour's ; cf. the interesting notice of Wilbrord in 
St. Boniface's letter of 755 to Pope Stephen III : ' tempore Sergii 
. . . pontificis uenit ad limina . . • apostolorum presbiter quidam 
mirae abstinentiae et sanctitatis, generis Saxonum, nomine Wil- 
brord, et alio nomine Clemens uocatus; quem praefatus papa 
episcopum ordinauit, et ad praedicandum paganam gentem Fre- 
sorum transmisit in littoribus oceani occidui. Qui per 1. annos 
praedicans, praefatam gentem Fresorum maxima ex parte conuertit 
ad fidem Christi, fana et dilubra destruxit, et ecclesias construxit, 
et sedem episcopalem et ecclesiam in honore sancti Salvatoris 

Chap. II.] ^'otes. 293 

oonstituens in . . . castello quod dicitnr Traiectum. Et in illa sode 
et ecclesia . . . praedicans usquo ad debih'm senectutem permansit. 
Et sibi corepiscopum ad ministerium implendum substituit ; et 
finitis longeuae uitae diebus, in pace migrauit ad Dominum.' 
Boniface also speaks of * fundamenta cuiusdam destructae a paganis 
ecclesiolae, quam Wilbrordus . . . in castollo Traiecto rcppcrit, et 
eam proprio labore a fundamento construxit et in honore S Martini 
consecrauit ; ' Mon. Mog. pp. 259, 260. Cf. Alcnin's description of 
liis person and character : ' statura decens, . . . facie uenustus, corde 
hictus, consilio sapiens, ore iucundus, moribus compositus, in omni 
opero Dei strennus ; ' c. 24. 

monasteria] Among these the principal wonld be Epternach, Wilbrords 
where he died and was buried. Many grants to him for this J^onas- 
nionastery are in Pertz, xxiii. 50-64. 

ipse autem . . . superest] Cf. what Bede says of him in the Dateofhis 
Chron. : ' idem Papa Sergius ordinauit . . . Willibrordum cogno- ®** " 
mine Clementem Fresonum genti episcopum, in qua usque hodie 
pro aeterna patria peregrinus, est enim de Britannia gcntis An- 
glorum, innumera quotidie diabolo detrimenta et Christianae fidei 
facit aiigmenta ; ' Opp. vi. 328 ; Opp. Min. p. 200, So Eddius says 
of Wilfrid's work in Frisia : ' primum ibi . . . fundamentum fidei 
posuit, quod adhuc superaedificat filius eins in Hripis nutritus, 
gratia Dei Wilbrordus episcopus, multo labore desudans, cuius 
merces manet in aeternum.' As to the date of his death, Alcuin, 
Vita Metr. c. 24, says : 

*Bis octona pius conpleuit lustra sacerdos, 
Ter quater et menses, mensis iam iamque Nouembri 
Idibus octonis, caeli migrauit ad aulam.' 
i. e. he was eighty-one when he died. He was in his thirty third 
year in 690 (u. s ) ; therefore he must have died in 738 or 739. The 
latter is the year given in Theofrid's life of him, c. 24; Pertz, xxiii. 
25. When Boniface states {u. s.) that he preached for fifty years, 
he is obviously using a round number. It is not far wrong, how- 
ever. As to the day of his death, Alcuin (u. s.), and in the Prose 
Life, gives Nov. 6 : Theofrid gives Nov. 7, and this is his day in 
the Eoman Calendar. He was buried at Epternach, and his 
remains were translated in 103 1 ; Pertz, xv. 1307 ; xxiii. 27, 34. 
For various notices of his relics v. Pertz, xv. 967, 970, 971, 1095, 
1271, 1273, 1274, 1283. Less than fifty years after his death : 
' Widukind Dnx Saxonum . . . enertit Frisones a uia Dei . . . et . . . 
fecit [eos] Christi fidem relinquere;' Pertz, ii. 410. 

tricesimum et sextum . . . annum] If Wilbrord was consecrated 
on Nov. 22, 695, the thirty-sixth year of his episcopate would be 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

from Nov. 22, 730, to Nov. 21, 731. As Bede wrote tlie Hist. Eccl. 
in 731, tliis confirms what was said above as to tlie year of Wil- 
brord's conseeration. At the same time it is not quite incompatible 
with his having been consecrated in 696, as Bede may have written 
this part of his history after Nov. 21, 731. 


His temporibus] It is impossible to say what date Bede means 
to indicate by this vague reference. The dates mentioned or 
implied in the last chapter range from 692 to 696. The Sax. 
Chron. D. E. place Dryhthelm's vision under 693. 'Her. . . 
Dryhthelm [Brihthelm E.] waes of life gelaed,' 'Here Drythelm 
was led forth from life ' [not ' died ' as I have wrongly taken it 
in my glossary to the Sax. Chron. ; and as it is taken also by the 
writer of the article Drycthelm in the D. C. B.]. The Ann. Xantenses 
place it under 671, which is certainly too early ; Pertz, ii. 220. It 
must be some little time before the death of Aldfrid 705, as he used 
to come ' saepissime ' to hear Drythelm at Melrose, infm. R. W. 
places it under 699 ; i. 190. 

antiquorum simile] Two of the earliest instances of visions of 
this kind which have come down to us, are contained in the Apo- 
cryphal Acts of Thomas (Salmon, Introduction N. T. ^rd ed. 1888, 
pp. 358 ff.) and the Apocalypse of Peter, of which about half has 
recently been recovered, both being at least as early as the second 
century. The latter, through the medium of the Apocalypse of 
Paul, which is of the end of the fourth century, has influenced 
ahnost the whole of this branch of mediaeval literature, which is 
very extensive, and reaclies its culminating point in the Divina 
Commedia ; cf Robinson and James on the Gospel and Revelation 
of Peter, pp. 39 ff. A list of this class of literature will be found in 
Mr, Ward's Catalogue of Romances, ii. 396 ff. ^lfric, Hom., ed. 
Thorpe, ii. 332, is indignant that any one should read * the lying 
work called PauFs vision,' w^hen St. Paul himself declared that it 
was not lawful to utter the things which he heard. In Mon. Mog. 
pp. 53-61, there is a very curious vision of a monk of Much Wenlock 
narrated by St. Boniface in a letter written 717 X718. The vision 
itself cannot be later than 716, as Ceolred of Mercia (709-716) was 
then alive, though in the vision he appears in torment (cf. Dante's 
Frate Alberigo and Branca d' Oria, Inf. xxxiii. 1 18-147). This 
vision presents several points of contact witli Drythelm's. Another 
vision of the eighth century is in Ethelwulf de Abbatibus, c. 11; 
in S. D. i. 277-279. In 824 Hetto, Bishop of Ba^Ie, wrote the vision 

Chap. 12.] Notes. 295 

of Wetinus, tho monk of Roielienau, in which Charles the Great 
appears suflfering punishment ; Poetae Lat. aeui Carol, ii. 269 fF. 
This was afterwards versified by Wahifridus Strabo ; ib. 301 flf. 
Tliis vision was very famous ; v. Bouquet, vi. 225. Cf. the vision 
of the Emperor Cliark^s Illgivenfrom Hariulf, by W. M. i. 112-116. 
TlieChron. of Verdun 934, lias a vision of a deacon named Adelmar, 
who having died and received sentence of condemnation, was re- 
stored to life by the prayers of the Virgin and St. Martin ; Bouquet, 
viii. 290 ; cf. the vision of Eadulf, 1075 x 1080, in S. D. i. 114-116, 
who expressly refers to the parallel of Drythelm. An Irish i^arallel 
which has interest for readers of Bede is the vision of Adamnan, 
* Fis Adamnain,' of which the oldest copy is in the Lebar na h-Uidre, 
a MS. of c. iioo, printed in Windisch, Ir. Texte, i. 169 flf., from two 
MSS. Though ascribed to the biographer of St. Cokimba, it must 
be hiter than his time ; Reeves, Ad. p. lii. The Visio Tnugdali 
Ced. Wagner, 1882) and St. Patrick's Purgatory, both of Irish origin, 
and botli of the twelfth century, were very popuh\r in the Middle 
Ages ; cf. Wagner, u.s. pp. v flf. ; Wright, St. Patrick's Purgatory, 
pp. 32, 60 £f. The former vision is placed under 1149 by Alberic of 
Trois Fontaines ; Pertz, xxiii. 840, who also gives a very interesting 
account of the latter ; ib. 834-836. ' Tnugdalus ' represents the Irish 
name Dungal (Dubgal, in Icelandic Annal. 1149; Sturlunga Saga, 
ii. 358), and an Icelandic version under the name * Duggals leiSsla ' 
is printed in HeiUigra Manna Sogur, i. 329 flf. i^' leiSsla,' lit. ' leading,' 
is the regular name in Icehmdic for these visions of the other 
world ; cf. ' of life gelaed,' quoted above). There is an Anglo-Saxon 
Homily on Drythelm in yElfric, ed. Thorpe, ii. 348 flf. The popu- 
Karity of the story is shown by the fact that this chapter often 
occurs separately in MSS. : e. g. Troyes, No. 1876 ; Bourges, No. 97 ; 
Basle, University Library, A. v. 39 ; Bibliotheque Mazarine, Cata- 
logue, p. 144. 

p. 304. Incuneningum] Generally identified with Cunning- 
ham, just within the Seotch border. Mr. Moberly in a private 
communication suggests Chester-le-Street, of whichthe Saxon name 
was Cunungaceaster. 

ad uillulae oratorium] * to ^eere ciricean J^aes tunes,' ' to the 
church of the township,' AS. vers. 

peruenit] ' 7 wear3 . . . Cam abbude ^])elwolde under])eod,' 'and 
became subject to Abbot Etlielwald;' ^lfric, u. s. ^on Ethelwald, 
see below). 

contra . . . solstitialem] ' ongen norSeast rodor, swa sunnan 
upgong bi^ aet middum sumere,' 'towards the north-east quarter, 
where sunrise is at midsummer,' AS. vers. 

296 The Ecclesiastical Hlstory. [Bk. v. 

Coiieeption p. 305. unum latus . . . alterum] Cf. Bede's De Die ludicii. 

'Ignibus aeternae nigris loca plena gehennae, 
Frigora mixta simul feruentibus algida flammis. 
Nunc oculos nimio flentes ardore camini, 
His miseris uicibus miseri uoluuntur in aeuum. 

Non sentitur ibi quidquam nisi frigora, flammae, 
Foetor et ingenti complet putredine nares.' 
For the origin of this conception of the place of future punishment 
as consisting of extremes of alternate heat and cold, cf. Bede on 
Luke xiii. 28 : ' ihi erit Jletus et stridor deniium ; ' ' Fletus de ardore, 
strMor dentium solet excitari de frigore. Ubi duplex ostenditur 
gehenna ; id est nimii frigoris, et intolerabilis esse feruoris. Cui 
beati lob sententia consentit dicentis [xxiv. 19] : ^ Ad calorem nimium 
transibunt ab aquis niuium ;' Opp. xi, 191. So, almost in the same 
words, ix. 179; cf. xii. 21 ; Wulfstan's Homilies, ed. Napier, p. 138 : 
' hwylon ])aer eagan ungemetum wepaS for Jiaes ofnes bryne, hwylon 
eac J)a teS for mycclum cyle manna Jjser gnyrraS,' * There some- 
times eyes weep immoderately by reason of the heat of the furnace, 
sometimes teeth chatter for the greatness of the cold.' So Claudio 
in ' Measvire for Measure,' III. i. 122, 123 : 

' To bathe in fiery floods, or to reside 
In thrilling regions of thick-ribbed ice.' 
sola . . . umbras] Verg. Aen. vi. 268 : 

' Ibant obscuri sola sub nocte per umbram.' 
In Opp. viii. 215, Bede quotes the whole line with ' uadunt,' instead 
of ' ibant.' 

p. 308. sed et fetor] Cf. Apoc. Pauli, § 41. Tischendorf, Apoca- 
lypses Apocryphae, ed. 1866, pp. 61, 62 : Kal . . . 6 dyyeXos . . . 
eoTqaev fj.e l7rdi/cu (ppearos . . . Koi avoi^avTos axjTov e^fj\9ev dvawSia ■qv 
ovK ^v eneveyKeiv. Kal . . . 'idov to (pplap . . . gkotovs Kal ^6(povs irenXT]poj- 
fievov, Kal iroWrjv CTevoxojpiav ev avTw. 

sonum . . . promiscuum] Cf. Dante, Inf. iii. 22-30 : 

' Diverse lingue, orribili favelle,' &c. 
quasi fulgor stellae micantis, &c.] See the critical note ; and 
cf. Dante, Purg. xii. 88-90 : 

'A noi venia la creatura bella 

Bianco vestita, e nella faccia quale 
Par tremolando mattutina stella.' 
Cf. ib. ii. 13 ff. and Alcuin, De Sanctis Ebor. vv. 953-955, versifying 
this tale of Drythelm : 

Chap. 12.] Kotes. 297 

'Tuiic mihi post tergum fulsit quasi stella por uiubras, 
Quao magis accrescens properansque fugauorat hostes ; 
Dux erat illo nious uoniens cum hice reponte.' 

p. 307. contra ortum . . . brumalem] 'suv^Soaston Con roSorswa 
■>wa on wintro sunno upp gongoiS,' ' soutli-east to tho quartcr whcro 
tlio sun risos iu wintor,' AS. vers. 

et ecce ibi campus, &c.] Tliis is the passagc which comes closest to 
tlio Apocalypso of Poter ; v. Kobinson and Janios, u. .<;. pp. 49, 90, § 5. 

p. 308. locus, in quo examinandae, &c.] For Bedo's own view Purgator\ 
of Purgatory, v. Introduction, p. Ixvi, note. 

qui dififerentes confiteri] The fate of these souls in Danto is 
much loss toi-riblo ; Cf. Purg. iii. 

multos . . . adiuuant] Cf. Dante, Purg. iii. 140, 141 : 
' Se tal decreto 
Piii corto per buon jjrieghi non diventa.' 

p. 309. multum detestatus sum] This is a common feature in 
tliese stories ; cf. Lismore Lives, p. xii. 

non omnibus . . . desidiosis, &c.] Cf. iii. 19, p. 167. 

Aldfrido] v. on iv. 26 ; Inti'oduction, p. xxxiii. 

p. 310. monasterio supra memorato] i. e. Meh-ose. 

Ediluald] He had been a servant ' minister ' of St. Cuthbert ; Ethehvalc 
Vita Anon. § 23 ; Vita Pros. c. 30. When the former life was 
w^ritten he was ' Praepositus ' or ' Prior ' of Meh-ose, when the latter 
was written he was abbot ; Opp. Min. pp. 277, 107. If the date of his 
abbacy could be fixed, it would lielp to fix the date of this vision of 
Drythehn, and of Bede's life of Cuthbert. He became bishop of 
Lindisfarne after Eadfrid, who died 721. The date of Ethelwald's 
consecration is generally given as 724. This is an inference from the 
fact tliat S. D. ii. 32 says that he died in 740 ^so Cont. Baedae, infr. 
Y). 362 ; 739, Fl. Wig. ; 737, Sax. Chron. D. E.), while in i. 39 he says 
that he was bishop sixteen years. But this seems, insufficient 
ground on which to traverse the statement of Fl. Wig. that ho 
8ucceeded in 721 ; which is also tlie more probable date, as no 
vacancy of the see is anywhere hinted at. He caused a beautiful 
stone cross to be erected with his name at Lindisfarne, which 
shaied the wanderings of St. Cuthberfs body till it reposed at 
Durham ; S. D. i. 39. He also caused a cover of gold and jewels to 
be made for the copy of the Gospels which his predecessor Eadfrid 
had written in honour of St. Cuthbert ; S. D. i. 64-68 (where the 
adventures of this book are narrated. In visions of St. Cuthbert, 
the saint appears holding this book ; ib. 204, 232). It is now in the 
Brit. Mus., Cott. Nero D. iv., but EthelwakVs cover had been re- 
moved before it came into the possession of Sir Robert Cotton ; 


The Ecciesiastkal History. 

[Bk. V. 

and the existing cover is modern, the gift of Bishop Maltby, There 
is an interesting account of the MS. by Sir E. Maunde Thompson 
in Bibliographica, Part ii. pp. 129-138. He seesno reason to doubt 
the local tradition recorded in the coloplion appended by the Priest 
Aldred who, in the tenth century, added the Northumbrian gloss 
to the MS. He thinks the illuminations were done by special 
artists under Eadfrid's directions. There are facsimiles also in 
the series issued by the Palaeographical Society, plates 3-6, 22 ; 
but no facsimile can give any idea of the exquisite beauty of the 
original. It is tlie fairest MS. that has ever come under my notice ; 
cf.D.C. B. ii. 7 ; and Dom Germain Morin, in the RevueBenedictine, 
1891, pp. 481, 529, cited by Sir E. M. Thompson. 
Asceticism. solebat . . . insistere] So Kentigern : ' nudum . . . se reddens, 
aquis uehementibus et frigidis se inmergebat ; . . . ibique in frigore 
et nuditate . . . totum ex integro decantabat psalterium ; ' N. & K. 
p. 185 ; ' hyemali tempore, bruma . . . cuncta . . . congelante, iuxta 
morem in frigidissimis aquis nudus persoluit psalterium ;' ib. 205 ; 
cf. Introduction, § 9. 


Cenred of 

'lie vision. 


P. 311. temporibus Coenredi] He reigned from 704 to 709, v. infr. 
c. 24, pp. 355, 356 ; therefore this incident must be placed between 
those years ; R.W. places it under 707, i. 200. The Sax. Chron.MSS. 
D. E. record his accession both at 702 and at 704. The former entry 
is probably due to the uncritical copying of some authority of 
Avhich the chronology is antedated by two years. 

officio militari positus] 'cyninges J>eng,' ' a king's thane ; ' AS. 

tempore sequente] '])onne he eldra waere,' ' when he should be 
older,' inserts AS. vers. ; which inserts the same phrase again lower 
down, before the words ' cum . . . resurgeret.' 

p. 312. codieem horrendae uisionis] Cf. Apoc. Pauli, § 10 ; 
Tischendorf, w. s., pp. 39, 40 : -^i/uiTf, vlot tuiv avdpunrojv, otl TravTa to. 
TrpaTTofxeva rrap' vfJLWV Kad' rjixipav dyyeXot dnoypdcpovTai (v ovpauois. 
Ib. § 16, pp, 45, 46: rrpoeTpex^^ avTrj [sc. ipvxfj dae^H^ 6 avvTjOTjs 
dyyfXos A€7tt;i/ . . . TaXai-nojp^ ^^XV ^^u Trop(vei ; €70; dfxi o KaO' kKd(JTT]v 
■qpLipav dTroypa(p6/ji(vos rds dpiapTias oov. § 17, p. 47 : Kal rjKovaa tov 
Kpnov XiyovTOS' (dv (XOtj dyyeXos (ttI x^^P^^ '(X<^^ "^o x^^poypo.(p^v tojv 
dfwpTTjpidTaiv aov. 

inueni omnia scelera, &c.] Cf. Bede on Prov. v. 14 : 'Quod ergo 
sero poenitens ait contemptor sapientiae : paene fui in omni malo 
in medio ecdesiae et synagogae; uidetur misero magnitudinem suae 

Chap. 14.] Kotes. 299 

dainuationis perpondonti, quia nihil paono fuorit scoloris, quo non 
sit irretitus, qui tantu meruit tormenta subire ;' Opp. ix. 79. 

desperans] In a Christmns honiily, commenting on tlie Magni- 
fioat, Bedo says : ' Nunquam de impetranda admissorum uenia 
desperemus, quia mistricordia eiiis a progenie in progenies timcntihus eum. 
Nulli inter mahi quao fecit grauior impoenitendi culpa surripiat, 
quia Deus superbis resistit, eosquo a beatorum sortc Kocornens, per 
uaria poenarum loca pro poccatorum uarietato dispergit ; ' Opp. v. 
306. For other passages in Bede against spiritual desperation, cf. 
il>- 3. 155, 357, 433; ix. 122; X. 258. 

p. 313. ne . . . praeuenti] Cf. the Ash Wednesday antiphon in 
the Roman Missal : * Emondemus in melius quae ignoranter pecca- 
uimus : ne subito praeoccupati die mortis, quaeramus spatium 
poenitentiae, et inuenire non possimus.' 

psalraus] 'se seahnscop,' ' the Psalmist,' AS. vers. 

siue audientium] Bede evidently contemplates the possibility Lections. 
of liis work being read aloud for purposes of edification, as was in 
fact done. See the additional critical notes for evidence as to the 
way in which passages of the H. E. w-ere used as lections in Church 
and Refectory. This very chapter occurs separately in a MS. of the 
Basle University Library, A. v. 39. 


TyToui autem, &c.] R. W. places this incident in 728 ; but there 
are no means of determining the date. He speaks very dishonestly, 
as if he were concealing the name of the culprit which he kuew : 
'quem nominare supersedeo ; ' i. 217. 

maioribus] ' ealdormannum,' 'aldermen,' AS. vers. 

p. 314. fabrili arte singularis] For another monastic smith, but 
of a very dififerent character, cf. Ethelwulf de Abbatibus, c. 10 ; 
S. D. i. 276, 277 : 

'Mirificis fratrem liceat memorare loquelis, 
Ferrea qui domitans potuit formare metana, 
Diuersisque modis sapiens incude subactum 
Malleus in ferrum peditat stridente camino.' 

q.uod solent dicere] ' dictuni crudelissimum.' 0/y. 

quia uideret, &c.] The words are obviously chosen with a view The visidu. 
to bringing out the contrast between this vision and that of St. 
Stephen, cited below. 

Satanan] 'pone ealdan feond moncynnes,' ' the ancient enomy 
of nuinkind/ inserts AS. vers. 

Caiphanque] 'jjone ealdorman J)ara sacerda,' 'the aldorman or 
chief of tlie priests,' inserts AS. vers. Cf. Dante, Inf. xxiii. 115 ff. 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

Prayers for 

desperans] See note on last chapter. 

neque aliquis pro eo] Bede himself, on i John v. i6, discussing 

tent ™^'T^' ^^® ^^^ ^^^^^ death, for which St. John dares not bid us pray, says : 
^ peccatum quod in hac uita non corrigitur, eius uenia frustra post 
mortem postulatur;' Opp. xii. 318. Cf. Theodore's Penitential, I. 
V. 11: 'Siepiscopus aut abbas iusserit monacho suo pro hereticis 
mortuis missam cantare, non licet et non expedit oboedire ei.' 
Legatine Synod of 787, § 20 : ' Si quis . . . sine poenitentia aut 
confessione de hac luce discessit, pro eo minime orandum est ; * 
H. & S. iii. 181, 459. Cf. ib. 227. Yet prayers for the heathen 
dead were allowed in the early Church. Cf. Eamsay, Church in 
the Roman Empire, p. 421. 

uel psalmos cantare] On psalms for the dead, v. s. on iii. 5, 
p. 136. 

uidit caelos apertos] Commenting on this passage of the Acts, 
Bede says : ' Ad confortandam . . . beati martyris patientiam coe- 
lestis regni ianua panditur, et ne innoxius homo lapidatus titubet 
in terra, Deus homo crucifixus apparet coronatus in coelo. Unde 
quia stare pugnantis uel adiuuantis est, recte a dextris Dei stantem 
uidit, quem inter homines persequentes adiutorem habuit. . . . 
Marcus eum . . . sedere describit, qui situs iudicantis est, quia et 
nunc inuisibiliter omnia iudicat, et ad extremum ludex omnium 
uisibilis adueniet ;' Opp. xii. 37. Cf. x. 262 (on Mark xvi. 19,. 




The north- 
ern Irish 
adopt the 


The AS. vers. omits cc. 15-17, and gives as capitulum xv : ' Daet 
monega cyricean . . . eall geleaflican Eastran onfengon ; 7 be 
Ealdelme, se Sa boc de uirginitate 7 eac oSra manega geworhte ; ge 
eac ])ast SuSseaxan 7C.' (as in capitulum xviii. inf., p. 320^ 'That 
many churches . . . received the Catholic Easter ; and of Aldhelm, 
who composed the book De Virginitate, and many others also ; and, 
further, how the South Saxons, &c.' 

P. 315. Q,uo tempore] H. & S. ii. 6, 7, take this tomean the year 
of Adamnan's death ^703 or 704, v. infr.), but it can hardly be fixed 
so precisely. The change might be spread over several years, as 
were the labours of Adamnan in Ireland, to which the change was 
mainly due. See below. 

plurima . . . Hibernia] i. e. the northern Irish ; the southern 
Irish had conformed long before this. See on iii. 3. It was, 
however, only those * qui ab Hiensium dominio erant liberi ' who 
yielded to Adamnan's arguments (infra), and this limits the 
* plurima pars ' considerably. 

Chap. 15.] Kutes. 301 

nonnuUa . . . de Brettouibus] Probably tlie Strathclyde Britons ; as do som 
H. & S. t(. ,<?. Tho chronological reference is not, however, so precise C. . ^ 
as to excludo tlie possibility that Bede is thinking also of the 
Cornish Britons ;CornwoaLas% some of wliom wore converted V>y 
Aldheld, vi/r, c. 18, pp. 320, 321, whose letter to Gerontins (Geraint), 
King of Damnonia, on the Paschal question, was written in 705 ; 
H. & S. iii. 268. I do not think that Bede's words imply that 
Adamnan had anything to do with the conversion of the Britons ; 
ib. ii. 7. If he had, it would only be the Strathclyde Britons tliat 
he could be brought into contact with. The Britons of Wales did 
not begin to conform till after the middle of the eighth eentury, 
and the controversy lasted on into the ninth century ; ib. i. 203, 
204, Cf. /»/. c. 23 acl fin. 

Adamnan . . . Hii] This is the biographer of St. Columba, and Adamnai 
ninth abbot of lona, 679-704. Much material rehiting to him is j ^ 
collected by Dr. Reeves in the Introduction to his monumental 
edition of Adamnan*s Life of Columba, but the material requires 
rather more critical sifting than Dr. Reeves has given it. Cf. also 
S. C. S. ii. 170-175. On the churches dedicated to Adamnan in 
Irehmd and Scotland, and the various transformations undergone 
by his name, v. Rs. Ad. pp. Ixi-lxviii, 256-258. 

cum legationis gratia . . . uenisset] He is described in the same His mis- 
way, c. 21, p. 344 : ' legatus suae gentis ad Aldfridum regem.' ^ions to 
Adamnan tells us himself that he paid two visits to the Northum- 
brian court : 'i-egem Aldfridum uisitantes amicum, . . . et in prima 
post bellum Ecfridi uisitatione, et in secunda interiectis duobus 
annis;' Rs. Ad. pp. 185, 186. The ' bellum Ecfridi' is, of course, 
Nechtansmere, 685. The object of the first visit was to obtain 
from Aldfrid, whose friendship he had no doubt acquired during 
the latter's exile ('regem . . . amicum,' cf. Fragments of Irish Ann. 
p. iio, cited on iv. 26), the release of the prisoners brought from 
Ireland by Egfrid's general, Bert, in 684 ; iv. 26. In this he was 
successful : ' Adomnanus captiuos reduxit ad Hiberniam Ix ; ' Tigh. 
687 ; Ann. Ult. 686. The latter is probably the right date ; cf. F. M. 
684. (For a later mythical account of this mission, v. Rs. Ad, 
pp. xlv f.) The second visit woukl then fall in 688. The conference 
with Ceolfrid, c. 21, is generally connected with this second visit ; 
Reeves, Skene ; 0'Donovan, ad F. M. 684, connects it with the first ; 
and the similarity of the words in which Adamnan is described 
here and in c. 21, v.s., makes this the more probable view. 
Reeves, u. s. p. 187, following Westminster, as he says, places 
the mission mentioned by Bede in 701 ; H. & S. ii. 109 place it as 
late as 703. This is impossible. The language of Bede, 'cum . . . 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

He is con- 
verted to 
the Eoman 

Visits of 
t<) Ireland. 

on tlie 

uenisset/ does not exclude, and the probabilities of the case require 
an interval of some time between Adamnan's ow^n conversion and 
his suceess in bringing over the Northern Irish. Keeves himself, 
p. liii, says that Adamnan was in Ireland in 701, which makes it 
the more strange that he should have been misled by Westminster, 
The latter is here simply copying Matth. Paris, Chron. Mai. i. 318, 
who in turn is copying E. W. i. 196. None of these have, of course, 
any value for this early period ; but in fact the entry implies nothing 
as to the date of Adamnan's mission. The date 701 is merely given 
as that of Adamnan's ' floruit/ and then the fact of his mission is 
narrated in language taken from Bede. Smith's reliance on West- 
minster is as pathetic as it is unfounded : ' in re tam obsciira eius 
auctoritatem tutus sequor.' 

a pluribus . . . admonitus] By Ceolfrid, c. 21, p. 344. Bede 
himself, then about fourteen, probably saw Adamnan on this 
occasion. Yet Mr. Macpherson, in the Preface to his translation 
of Arculfus (see below), says : ' It is useless to ask whether there 
can have been any connexion at all between him [Bede] and 
Adamnan ; ' p. xvii. 

cura suis . . . positis] On this form of argument cf. ii. 19, ad init. 

uir bonus, &c.] Compare the character given of him in c. 21, 

P. 344. 

p. 316. nauigauit Hiberniam] Besides the voyage with the re- 
leased prisoners in 686, v. s., the Irish Annals record two journeys of 
Adamnan to Ireland ; one in 691, Ann. Ult. ; 692, Tigh. ; tlie other 
in 696, Ann. Ult. ; 697, Tigh. (on the latter visit, cf. Es. Ad. 
pp. 1, li\ Eeeves, p. liii, thinks that he remained there from that 
time until he returned to lona shortly before his death, as men- 
tioned by Bede. This is possible, though it does not seem capable 
of proof. The Fragments of Irish Annals, which give a very 
mythical and confused account of these events, pp. 110-114, speak 
of Adamnan as expelled from lona. This is no doubt an exaggera- 
tion, But the picture they give of the dissensions caused in 
Ireland by the Paschal question is probably founded on fact : ' is 
amlaid tictis na cleirig isna senadaib, 7 a tuata leo, combitis com- 
raicthe catha 7 marbtha imda etorro,' 'it is thus that the clergy 
would go to the synods ; with their lay-folk about them, so 
that there were conflicts, and many mutual slaughters.' The 
scribe of the MS. writes ' calumnia ' in the margin ; but we can 
prove in many instances that later comj^^ilers, like the Four 
Masters, deliberately omitted accounts of ecclesiastical dissensions 
recorded in their authorities for the sake of avoiding scandal ; Ks. 

Chap. 15.] Kofct^. 303 

Ad. p. 255. To thoso trouble.s iii connoxion witli tlu- Eastor 
<Xuostion Adamnan is thouglit to allude at tho ond of liis work 
De Locis Sanctis, where ho spoaks of himself as * inter hiboriosas 
ot prope insustontabiles tota die undique conglobatas ecclosiasticae 
sollicitudinis occupationos constitutus.' And ho says that Colunilja 
foretold them ; Reovos, p. 26. 

p. 316. qui ab Hiensium . . . liberi] On tho fedoration of 
Cohnnbite monastorios, soo notes to iii. 4. Thus both in Irohmd 
and Britain it was precisely among his own flock that Adamnan 
had the least success. 

migrasse de saeculo] 703, Ann. Ult. ; 704, Tigh. and Ann. Camb. 
His day is Sept. 23 ; Felire ; Mart. Doneg, Bede seems to imply 
that the following year was one in which the two Easters would 
liavo differed. If the eighty-four years' cycle given by Ideler was 
the one used by the Celts, then it would seem that this was the 
case both in 704 and 705. 

scripsit . . .librum] Of Arculfus, from whose dictation Adamnan Arcultus 

wrote this book on the holy phices, nothing is known oxcept what ^^^^ Adam 

•^ ^ ' o ^ nan De 

Adamnan and Bede have told us, viz. that he was a bishop from Locis 
Gaul who travellod in tho East, and on his return was driven by Sanctis. 
stress of weather on to the western coast of Britain. Even the 
name of his see, if he held one, is unknown, though Perigueux has 
been suggested ; Vicomte Alexis de Gourgues, Le saint Suaire, 
cited by Tobler, %it infra, p. xxx. Adamnan thus describes the 
mode of composition : ' Arculfus . . . in Hierosolymitana ciuitate 
per menses IX hospitatus, . . . mihi Adamnano haec . . . primo in 
tabulas describenti . . . dictauit, quae nunc in membranis . . . 
scribuntur ' (Prologus). Adamnan however does not merely re- 
produce Arculfus' narrative. He compares his words ' cum aliorum 
scriptis ' ; i. 23 ; ii. 29. He cites St. Jerome, ii. 7, 10, 28 ; Josephus, 
de Bello lud. ii. 19 ; cf. Tobler, p. xxxi. Arculfus' pilgrimage has 
been dated c. 670 ; ib. xxx. He sufifered, as other travellers have 
suffered, from the impatience of his guide : * diutius hospitari non 
poterat, quia ipsum cogebat locorum peritus Christi miles festinare. 
de Burgundia ortus, uitam ducens solitariam, Petrus nomine ;' 
ii. 25 ; cf. ib. 26. Besides the Holy Land, he visited Damascus, 
Tyre, Alexandria, Crete, Constantinople, whero he saw the ex- 
position of the relics of the true Cross in Holy Week, and Sicily, 
whero he saw Aetna ; ii. 27-iii. 6. 

The work of Adamnan has been often printed, by Gretser, 
Ingolstadt, 1619, ^to, reprinted in his collected works ; by 
Mabillon, AA. SS. iv. 502 (1672) ; by Migne, Pat. Lat. vol. 83, 
1850 ; by Delpit at the end of his Essai sur les anciens polorinages 

304 The Ecdesiastical History. [Bk. v. 

a Jerasalem, 1870 ; by Tobler in Itinera et Descriptiones Terrae 
Sanctae . . . saec. iv-xi, i. 139 ; edited for the Societe de TOrient 
Latine, 1877. An English translation with notes by the Rev. J R. 
Macpherson was issued by the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society in 
1889. It is on this work of Adamnan's that Bede mainly based 
Bede's De his own book De Locis Sanctis ; Opp. iv. 402-442 ; cf. what he 
Locis Sanc- gays himself at the end of that book : ' Haec de locis sanctis, prout 
potui, fidem historiae secutus exposui, et maxime Arculphi dictatus 
Galliarum episcopi, quos eruditissimus in scripturis presbyter 
Adamnanus lacinioso sermone describens, tribus libellis compre- 
hendit. Siquidem memoratus antistes, desiderio locorum sanc- 
torum patriam deserens, terram repromissionis adiit, aliquot 
mensibus Hierosolymis demoratus, ueteranoque monacho nomine 
Petro duce pariter atque interprete usus, cuncta in circuitu, 
quae desiderauerat, uiuida intentione histrauit ; necnon Alexan- 
driam, Damascum, Constantinopolim, Siciliamque percurrit. Sed 
cum patriam reuisere uellet, nauis, qua uehebatur, post multos 
anfractus uento contrario in nostram, id est, Brittanorum insulam 
perlata est ; tandemque ipse post nonnulla pericula ad praefatum 
uirum uenerabilem Adamnanum ueniens, iter pariter suum, et ea, 
quae uiderat explicando, pulcherrimae illum historiae doeuit esse 
scriptorem. Ex qua nos aliqua decerpentes, ueterumque libris 
comparantes, tibi legenda transmittimus, obsecrantes per omnia, 
ut praesentis seculi laborem, non otio lasciui corporis, sed lectionis 
orationisque studio tibi temperare satagas.' 

From this it will be seen that Bede did not confine himself to 
merely reproducing Adamnan (cf. Tobler, pref., who shows that he 
used also Josephus, de Bello lud., and either Eucherius, or some 
predecessor of Eucherius). The word 'tibi' shows that the work 
was addressed to some individual ; but the dedication, if there ever 
was one, seems to have been lost. This work also is printed by 
Tobler, and translated by Macpherson. From what Bede says at 
the end of this present chapter, and at the end of c. 17, it might be 
supposed that the extracts which he gives here were taken direct 
from Adamn^n. That however is not the case. They are all, with 
the exception of a few words, taken from his own book, as was 
rightly seen by Mr. Macpherson, p. xviii. I have printed in 
smaller type the parts which Bede has borrowed from his own 
work. The italics, whether in the small or larger type, indicate 
what he derived from Adamnan. There is an abbreviated Irish 
translation of Bede's work in L. Br. p. 157 b; Laud Misc. 610 
f. 27 c. On Holy Places, Pilgrimages, &c., see D. C. A. i. 774 fi". ; 
ii. 1635 ff. 

Chap. iS.] Notes. 305 

et maxime . . . norunt] Cf. Bedo, In Cant., Lib. i, ad fn. : Be(le's de- 
'ne me superfluum iudicet [lector], qui de natura arborum, . . . «ire to in- 
iuxta quod in libris antiquorum didici, latius explanaro uoluerim. readers. 
Foci namquo hoc non arrogantiae studendo, sed meae meorumque 
imperitiae consulendo, qui longius extra orbem, hoc est in insula 
maris oceani nati et nutriti, ea quae in primis orbis partibus, 
Arabia dico et India, ludaea et Aegypto geruntur, non per 
oorura, qui his intorfuere, scripta nosse ualemus ; ' Opp. ix. 200. 


P. 317. I cannot pretend to discuss the subject of the mediaeval 
topography of Jerusalem, and must content myself with indicating 
in tlie margin the sources from which Bede drew. 

ecclesiam Constantinianam] Cf. ' Constantinu=? fecit Romae, ubi 
baptizatus est, basilicam . . . , quae appellata est Constantiniana ; ' 
Chron. Opp. Min. p. 181. 

Anastasis] v. D. C. A. i. 80, 81, 

p. 318. huius in medio] This j^assage, to tho end of tho chapter, 
is given in a somewhat abbreviated form in Bede's Commentary on 
Mark xv. 46 ; Opp. x. 251, 252. Compare also Opp. xi. 284, 358 
with Opp. iv. 418, 410 ; Opp. vii. 167 with Opp. iv. 420. 


brucosa] This word is not in any of the dictionaries. It may 
be connected with the Low Latin ' bruscus/ ' brushwood.' 

p. 319. Chebron] Of Hebron, see an interesting account in 
Stanley, Jewish Church, vol. i, App. ii. 

memoriae] ' Memoiia, monumentum, sepulcrum, fivrjixeiov ; ' 

uel in eo . . . excerpsimus] i. e. tho De Locis Sanctis of Bede, on Bede's De 
which see notes to c. 15, si<p. It is curious that Bede does not .*^^^^ ^^^' 
mention this in the list of his works in c. 24. 


P. 320. Anno . . . inpleto] For Aldfrid, see notes on iv. 26. His Date of 

death is recorded in most of the Irish authorities and in Ann. Aldfrid's 

Camb. imder the year 703 or 704. The Saxon Chron. follows Bede 

and gives 705. MSS. D. and E. of the Chron,, followed by Fl. Wig., 

say that he died at Driflfield, which is said to be a corruption of 

Deira-feld, Murray's Yorkshiro (1867), p. 119, in the East Riding 


306 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. v. 

of Yorkshire, on the i^th of the Calends of January, i. e Dec. 14. 
(According to Smith on iv. 26, his monument was still shown at 
Little Driflfield. It has now disappeared ; cf. Murray. u. s. pp. 120, 
145.) As he succeeded May 21, 685; this would give him a reign of 
more than twenty years, instead of less, as Bede here affirms, while 
in c. I, adfin., he gives him only nineteen years. Mr. Stevenson 
proposed to read lun. for lanr. in the Chron, and Florence. 
Unluckily there are not nineteen days of the Calends of June, as in 
May the Ides are on the i^th. Eddius, c. 59, regards the illness and 
death of Aldfrid as a judgement on him for his treatment of Wilfrid. 
He afiirms, on the authority of eye-witnesses, that he repented on 
his death-bed and charged his heir, ' quicunque mihi . . . successerit,' 
to make peace with Wilfrid. The words cited show that tlie suc- 
cession was known to be douhtful. For two months Eadwulf. whose 
relationship, if any, to the royal house is not known, usurped the 
crown. Osred, with Bertfrith, his chief supporter, who is described 
as ' secuiidus a rege princeps,' was besieged at Bamborough ; but 
on their vowing obedience to the papal commnnds about Wilfrid, 
Eadwulfs partisans deserted him, and Osred obtained the throne ; 
ib. c. 60 ; cf. G. P. p. 242. Now if the two months of Eadwoilf s 
reign, and the synod on the Nidd have to be brought into 705, as 
would appear from c. 19, p. 329, then clearly Aldfrid's death 
cannot have taken place in Dec. 705. On the other hand it must 
be subsequent to Wilfrid's arrival in Britain, and he was not at 
Meaux till 705. See notes on c. 19. 
Character Osred . . . XI] The death of Aldfrid and the accession of Osred 
ofOsred. mark the end of Northumbrian greatness ; v. Introduction, § 10. 
Osred seems to have been a youth of precocious viciousness. 
St. Boniface in his letter to Ethelbald (744 x 747) says : ' priuilegia 
ecclesiarum in regno Anglorum . . . inuiolata permanserunt usque 
ad tempora Ceolredi Regis Mercionum et Osredi Regis Derorum et 
Berniciorum. Hi duo reges . . . commorantes . . . in stupratione . . . 
nonnarum et fractura monasteriorum, . . . immatura . . . morte 
praeuenti, . . . in profundum inferni . . . demersi sunt,' &c. And 
again : ' Osredum quoque spiritus luxoriae . . . agitauit ; usque quod 
ipse gloriosum regnum et iuuenilem uitam, et ipsam luxoriosam 
animam contemptibili et despecta morte perdidit ;' Mon. Mog. pp. 
174,175 ; H. & S. iii. 355 ; cf. W. M. i. 58. Ethelwulf also gives him 
a very bad character : 

* Hic igitur multos [sc. proceres] miseranda morte peremit, 
Ast alios cogit summo seruire parenti, 
Inque monasterii attonsos consistere saeptis, . . . 
Anglorum proceres nimium trucidante tyranno ; * 

Chap. i8.] Kotes. 307 

Po Abbntibus, c. 3, in S. D. i. 268, 269. Yot Folcard in hi.s liA- of 
John of IJoverloy calls luni * uir roligioiii.s »t fidoi ; ' II. Y. i. 254. 

Haeddi] On Hjvdde and tlio lii.story of tlio Wost-Saxon HiPfMo. 
bisliopric, soo notos to iii. 7 ; iv. 12. 

migrauit] Of courso lio was buriod at (ilastonliury acconlins to 
W. M. i. 25, 26. 

episcopalem . . . exercebat] Malmesbury, G. P. p. 159, citos tliis 
judgoment of Bodo's, and adds : ' unde non paruo moueor scrupulo, 
quippe qui logerim eius formales epistolas non nimis indocte com- 
positas, et Aldolmi ad eum scripta, maximam uim eloquentiae et 
scientiae redolentia.* Of H{¥dde's * formales opistolae ' none, as far 
as I know, exist. There is a letter of Aldlielm'8 to liim excusing 
]iim?olf for boing unable to spend Christmas with liim on the 
ground of his many studies and occupations ; Aldh. Opp. ed. Giles, 
pp. 96, 97 ; Mon. Mog. pp. 32-34 ; G. P. pp. 341-343. Some lines 
addressed to him by Theodoi-e are in H. & S. iii. 203 ; and Hardy, 
Cat. i. 388. They are better evidence of Theodore's regard for him 
than the spurious decree cited on iii. 7. 

Pecthelm] See on c. 23, p. 351. 

propter quod . , . non minima] Cf. iii. 9, p. 145. 

episcopatus . . . diuisus est] The limits of the two dioceses are Division of 
thus given in G. P. p. 175 : ' In diuisione West Saxonici episco- ^^^ ^^ 
patus hoc obseruatum palam est, ut, qui Wintoniae sederet haberet diocese. 
duos pagos Amptunensem et Sudreiensem ; alter qui Scireburniae, 
habeiet Wiltunensem. Dorsatensem, Berruchensem, Sumersetensem, 
Domnoniensem [Devon], Cornubiensem ; ' cf. ib. 375: 'Iniqua et 
impar fuit ea diuisio, ut unus duos tantum pagos. altor totum 
regeret, quicquid West Saxonici tractvis immensitas continet.' The 
division was effected in a regular eouncil ; H. & S. iii. 275, 276 ; 
Aldh. Opp.p. 368 ; cf. also F. N. C. ii. 589, 590 ; Green, M. E. p. 392. 
Of Shorborne it.self Malmesbury saj-s: ' Scireburnia est uiculus, 
nec habitantium frequentia nec positionis gratia suauis, in quo 
mirandum et pene pudendum sedem episcopalem per tot durasse 
saecula ; ' G. P. p. 175. 

Daniheli] He furnished Bede with materials for the eccle- Bisliop 
siastical history of Wessex, Sussex, and Wight ; Pref. p. 7 ; ^"^® 
which last he was the first to bring under regular episcopal juris- 
diction, iv. 16, p. 238. In these two passages he is called ' Occi- 
dentalium Saxonum episcopus,' in spite of the faet that in the 
division of the see of Wessex he had much the smaller share." In 
c. 23, p. 350, he is called * Uontanus antistes,' • episcopus Uentae 
ciuitatis ;' cf. the present chapter, ad fin. Malmesbury calls him : 
* eiusdem regionis oriundus, et literarum non egenus ; ' G. P. p. 

X 2 

308 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. v. 

375 ; and gives some examples of his ascetic practices ; ib. 357, 
358. Cynehard. Bishop of Winchester, writing to Lullus, calls him 
' Danihel doctissimus Dei plebis famulus ; ' H. & S. iii. 432 ; Mon. 
Mog. p. 269. There is a commendatory letter of his for Wynfrid 
;St. Boniface) on his final departure for Frisia, 718, in Mon. Mog. 
pp. 61, 62 ; H. & S. iii. 302. His letter to Boniface on the best way 
of dealing with the heathen, Mon. Mog. pp. 71-74 ; H. & S. iii. 
304-306, has been alluded to above on i. 30. A later letter of 
Boniface to Daniel asking his advice, with Daniel's reply (732 x 
746) is in Mon. Mog. pp. 157-166 ; H. & S. iii. 343-349. From these 
letters it appears that Daniel in his later years was blind. In 721, 
he made a journey to Rome ; Sax. Chron. ; FI. Wig. In 744 he 
resigned his see, and in 745 he died, ib. These authorities give 
him an episcopate of forty-three years, which, as they place Haedde^s 
death in 703, is not so far wrong. In G. P. p. 160, he is said to 
have retired to Malmesbury, and died, and been buried there, but 
this seems inconsistent witli the statements of the Chron, and 
Fl. Wig. In Mon. Mog. No. 112, there is a curious vision of the 
other world, in which among the occupants of the lower regions 
appear : ' infantium numerosa multitudo, sub Danielo episcopo 
maxime sine baptismo morientium ; ' p. 276. Whether tliere is any 
foundation for this charge, I do not know. Tlie vision cannot be 
earlier than 757. It is just possible that Bede, by applying the 
term ' strenuissime ' to Aldhelm's government, means to hint that 
Daniel was somewhat wanting in that quality ; cf. on Daniel, 
Bright, pp. 424, 425. 
Aldhelm. Aldhelmo] There are two principal lives of Aldhelm extant, 

V. Hardy, Cat. i. 389-396; one by Faricius, a Tuscan, physician to 
Henry I, who was first a monk at Malmesbury, and afterwards 
abbot of Abingdon ( x 11 17). This is printed in AA. SS. (May 25) 
in Aldh. Opp. ed Giles, pp. 354-382, and in Migne, Pat. Lat. 
vol. 89. The more ancient lives have perished. Faricius had 
earlier materials written ' barbarice atque Latine,' ?. e. in English 
and Latin (contrast G. P. p. 230 : * prefectus, in alios barbarus et 
immanis, in istum Anglus et lenis '). The former he could only 
read ' ex interprete ' ; mueh had however been destroyed by the 
Danes, pp. 354-356 ; G. P. p. 390. The other life is by Malmesbuiy, 
and forms Lib. v. of the Gesta Pontificum (ed. Hamilton, R. S. 
pp. 332-443). He uses the life by Faricius, though he makes 
merry over his blunders ; he also cites Manualem librum regis 
Elfredi, pp. 332, 333 (cf. W. M i. 132 'liber proprius quem 
patria lingua Handboc, id est, Manualem librum, appellauit '). 
On the authority of this lost work ho gives the beautiful tradition 

Chap. iS.] JVotes. 309 

liow AUlholm used his skill as a niinstrel (cf. Fl. Wig. i. 237 : Aldhelm as 

'cith;uaodus optimus ') to collect the people round him aftor nuiss, "" '"^"Strel. 

and, liaving done so, gradually won tliem to liston to sacred thomes. 

Lays attributed to him were still sung in Alfrod's tiuie ; and 

Alfred, no mean judge, considorod tliom superior to all other 

English pootry ; p. 336. How willingly would we surrender the 

whole of Aldhelm's stiltod Latin to recover one of his native 

poems ! The rest of Malmesbury's work is largely made up of 

extracts from Aldhelm's letters, and Malmesbury charters, most of 

the latter being of very doubtful authenticity. Malmesbury says 

that Aldhelm was not less than seventy when he died, 709; this 

would placo his birth about 639. He was connected with the royal 

family of Wessox ; G. P. p. 332 ; cf. W, M. i. 35. He became 

a monk at Malmesbury under Maelduib (v. infra], wliere he was 

afterwards abbot. He also studied under Abbot Hadrian, the com- 

panion of Theodore, as is proved by his own letter to Hadrian ; ib. 

333-335 ; Opp. p. 330 ; and we have seen (on iii. 27) that in spite 

of his own connoxion with Maelduib, he thought it derogatory to 

the school of Canterbury that Englishmen should resort to Ireland 

for instruction ; Opp. p. 94. At some period of his life he visited 

Eomo. Tliis rests not only on the statements of his biographers, 

Opp. pp. 360, 361 ; G. P. pp. 363 ff., but on a contemporary letter 

addressed to him, Opp. p. 98 : ' tu Romae aduena fuisti.' 

Among other foundations he built an ' ecclesiola' to St. Lawrence 

at Bradford-on-Avon, which escaped the ravages of the Danes, and 

was standing in Malmesbury's time, G. P. p. 346, and is 

probably the same ' little church ' which has been discovered 

in our own days. His appointment to Malmesbury must be 

placed, 670 X 676, if it was made, as stated, by Leutherius or 

Hlothhere, Bishop of Wessex, 670-676, Sax. Chron. Malmesbury 

places it in 675, G. P. p. 385 ; Fl. 666, i. 27 ; which is impos- 

sible. He became bishop in 705, and died, May 25, 709, at Doulting 

in Somerset, and was buried at Malmesbury, stones called 

Mjishop-stones ' being erected along the route ; Gr. P. pp. 381-386. 

He seems to have received almost at once a sort of informal 

canonisation ; cf. W. M. i. 144, 152. Lanfranc ' logem in totam 

promulgauit Angliam, qua eum . . . haberi et coli pro Sancto prae- 

ciperet ; ' G. P. p. 428. Faricius says that after he became bishop, 

' impeditus rebus saecularibus, in opiscopio, ut mos est omnium, 

. . . haud postea tantum ualuit in uirtutibus, quantum prius 

ualebat ; ' Opp. p. 369 ; cf. siiimt on ii. i. Both in the De Vir- 

ginitate, and in the Letter to Acircius, he speaks of being weighed 

down with ecclesiastical cares ; Opp. pp. 79, 327. But this must 

310 Tlte Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. v. 

refer to his cares as abbot. As abbot he signs a charter of 692 ; 
K. C. D. No. 995 ; Birch, No. 78 ; cf. 011 Aldhelm. Bp. Stubbs' 
article in D. C. B., and Bright, pp. 258 ff., 398 ff., 425 ff'. 
Origin of Maildufi urbem] We have here another instance, in addition to 

the founda- ^^j-^.-^^ ^f j)icul at Selsey, iv. 13, of Irish influence in the south of 
Britain. This ' Maildufus,' as Bede calls him, was the first founder 
of this settlement, and was Aldhehn's instructor and predecessor 
as abbot, A certain ' Scot ' appeals to Aldhelm to take him as 
a pupil on the ground that Aldhelm himself ' a quodam sancto 
uiro de nostro genere nutritus es ; ' Mon. Mog. j). 34 ; Opp. Aldh. 
p. 98. Bede's ' Maildufus' represents the Irish 'Maelduib ' (cf. the 
critical notes), a name which occurs, e. g. Mart. Duneg. jDp. 68, 264, 
278, 340, 346 ; F. M. acl ann. 622, 681, 695, 890. From this name 
come various forms of the plaee-name : ' Meldubesbui-g,' G. P. p. 390 ; 
' Maldubesburg,' ib. 380; 'Mailduberi' [^i. e. ' Mailduib-byrig'), ib. 
333? 395; ' Maldubia ciuitas,' Mon. Mog. p. 300; ' Maildubiensis 
ecclesia,' G. P. p. 396 ; cf. ib. 387 ; ' monasterium Maldubiense,' ib. 
388. The founder's name is however often found written, Meildulf, 
e.g. G. P. pp. 333, 345, 421. This has no Irish equivalent, and is 
probably a mere contamination with the common Anglo-Saxon 
termination, ^ wulf ' or ' ulf ' ; it gives rise to the form 'Maldulfes- 
birg ' for the place-name, ib. 334. ' Maldulfesburg,' AS. vers. 
a. h. l. Other forms of the place-name point to ' Maelduin ' as the 
name of the foundei'. This is a very common Irish name ; it 
occupies e. g. more than a column of the Index to the Four Masters. 
It is well known as the name of the hero of the famous Irish tale : 
' immram curaig Mailduin ' ' the Navigation of Maelduin"s Coracle,' 
which Tennyson has made known to English readers in his 
Voyage of Maeldune. Faricius in his life of Aldhelm calls 
the founder Meldun ; Giles, Opp. Aldh. p. 362 ; G. P. p. ix : ' Mel- 
dunensis . . . a quodam Meldone solitario, qui . . . locuni illum prius 
inhabitauit, cuius crux lapidea in medio claustri stetitad praedictam 
(? -ti) solitaiii memoriam.' Hence we get ' Meldunesburg ' as the 
place-name ; charters in Opp. Aldh. u. s. pp. 343, 344, (=K. C. D. 
Nos. 22, 23 ; Birch, Nos. 58, 59), while in Latin ' Meldunum ' and 
the adjective ' Meldunensis' (' Maldunensis,' G. P. p. 387) are 
among the commonest forms ; G. P. pp. ix, 160, 354, 378, 396, 397, 
403. ' Maelduin ' seems however to have been early misi-ead 
'Maeldum'; and hence we find the founder called ' Meldum,' 
G. P. pp. 333, 335 1 '^"d the place ' Meldumesburg,' ib. 335, 355 ; 
' Maldumesburg,' ib. 348, 352, 368, 395 ; and ' Mealdumesburg,' 
ib. 371 ; cf. ' set Meldum, })£et is of>rum naman Maldumesburuh 
geclypud,' ' at Meklum, otlicrwise called Maldumsl>orough,' ib. 

Chap. i8.] Notes. 311 

The greater famo of Aklhelm oclipsed that of tho original founder, 
and we tind tlio place called ' Eaklelmesburg,' ' Aldhehu'.s borough ' ; 
Sax. Chron. 1015, MSS. C. D. (cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 302). By 
a contamination of this with the older forms we get * Mealdelmes- 
burg'; ib. MSS. E. F., which became the prevailing form ; and 
through various gradations, ' Maldelmesburuli,' G. P. p. 410; 
'Mahnesburge' ; Aldh. Opp. p. 346 ( = K. C. D. No. 26 ; Birch, No. 
65^; 'Mealmesbyri,' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 378; 'MalmesUeri,' G. P. 
P- 333 (iii Latiu ' Malmesbiria ' : ' quod nunc corruptior aetas Mal- 
mesbiriam nuncupat;' G. P. p. 345; cf. W. M. i. 152), became 
the modern Malmesbury. The idea of Thorpe, that the initial m of 
' Meakiehnesburg ' represents the preposition ' in,' though advanced 
confidently (' no doubt') is quite impossible ; n could only become 
m before a labial ; Sax. Chrun. ed. Thorpe, i. 405. 

scripsit, iubente synodo, &c.] This was in 705, just before Aldliehn's 
Aldhelm's elevation to the episcopate ; H. & S. iii. 268 ; cf. G. P. l^^^^r to 
pp. 360, 361. Aldhelms letter to Gerontius [Geraint], King 
* occidentalis regni,' may be found, H. & S, iii. 268-273 ; Aldh. Opp. 
pp. 83-89 ; Mon. Mog. pp. 24-31. On the Paschal question 
generally, r. Excursus. 

p, 321. castitati] i.e. orthodoxy, cf. on iii. 28. 

multos . , . Brettones] Here, as often, political and ecclesiastical Britons 

intiuence go together. In c. 23, aclfin.. Bede distinguishes between P^-rtly subr 

ject to 
those Britons who were 'sui iuris,' and those who were 'Anglorum Wessex. 

seruitio niancipati.' The present passage seems to show that some 

even of the latter maintained, at any rate in ecclesiastical matters, 

an independent organisation under West-Saxon overlordship. 

de uirginitate . . . eximium] 'heah boc 7 weorSlice,' 'a high Aldhelm's 
book and a worthy one,* AS. vers. Aldhelm's De Virginitate, nitate" 
in prose and verse is in Giles, pp. 1-81, 135-202. It is dedicated 
to Hildilid, Abbess of Barking (supra, iv. 10), and her companions, 
p, I. Though Bede mentions the metrical version first, it was 
really composed later than the prose, as may be seen by referring 
to pp. 80, 136, 190, 195, On the sources of the work, see a 
monograph by Manitius, Aldhelm und Baeda (^Vienna, 1886), 
pp, 71-74- 

in exemplum Sedulii] The reference is to Sedulius' Carmen Sedulius. 
Paschale, which he afterwards translated into prose and called 
Opus Paschale. See Prof. Lock's article on Sedulius in D. C. B. 
This may be the reason why Bede places Aldhelm's metrical work 

scripsit et alia] Of these the most important is the Epistola ad Aldheld 
Acircium, siue liber de septenario, et de metris, aenigniatibus, ac ^^.'^ ^ 

312 The Ecclesiastical History, [Bk. v. 

pedum regulis; Aldh. Opp. pp. 219-329, called also Liber de 
Schematibus, G. P. p. 335. Acircius is Aldfrid of Northumbria, 
ib. 344. Aldhelm addresses him as 'aquilonalis imperii sceptra 
gubernans,' he says that twenty years previously he had taken him 
for his adopted son, p. 216 ; cf. p. 228. There is a probable allusion 
to Aldfrid's name in what he says of Solomon, p. 219 : 'Gloriosis- 
simus . . , regum, qui . . . ipso proprii nominis uocabulo piae 
[? priscae] pacis praesagia . . . figuraliter gestabat' ('eald-friS,' 
' ancient peace ' ; cf. Aldhehn's etymologising of his own name 
as 'prisca galea,' 'eald-helm,' in G. P. p. 332^. At the end of the 
work he exhorts him thus : 'commoneo ut . . . nullatenus . . . 
solertis ingenii gratiam prae caeteris contribulibus et coaetaneis 
tibi diuinitus collatam , . . segnitie squalescere patiaris. . . . Quamuis 
mundanae dispensationis curis uelut . . . undarum . . . uorticibus 
fatigatus, . . . nequaquam . . . diuinarum studia scripturarum 
negligenda . . . ducas ;' p. 328. This would seem to show that the 
work was composed during the early troubles of Aldfrid's reign. 
On the sources of the work, v. Manitius, u. s. pp. 57-71. On the 
order of Aldhelm's extant works, v. ib. 9-1 1. For the preservation 
of several letters and fragments of letters we are indebted to 
Malmesbury's life. He complains that many of them had been 
lost ; G. P. p. 344. He himself could obtain no copy of the letter 
to Geraint which we have ; ib. 343. He accuses the Britons of 
having destroyed it : ' debent usque hodie Britones correctionem 
suam Aldelmo ; quamuis, pro insita nequitia, et uirum non agnos- 
cant, et uolumen pessum dederint ;' ib. 361. 
Aldhelm's uir . . . doctissimus ; . . . eruditione mirandus] That Aldhelm's 
learnmg. erudition was really extensive is shown abundantly by Manitius, 
u. s., who not only traces the sources whence Aldhelm derived 
the materials of his works, and the numerous quotations with 
which they abound, but also shows how his reading has influenced 
his phraseology and vocabulary. Bede applies the same phrase 
'uir undecumque doctissimus' to Aldfrid in c. 12, p. 309. 
His style. sermone nitidus] No one would now repeat this judgement ; 

still less would any one agree with Malmesbury that Aldhelm 
'non nisi perraro et necessario uerba ponit exotica ;' G. P. p. 344. 
That his style is 'pompaticus' (ib. cf. W. M. i. 31) all would 
heartily agree, but tliey would not use the word as a term of 
praise. For, as Elmham, with excellent good sense, says : ' pompa- 
tice scribere est uoluntatem rationi praeferre ; ' p. 277. Much of 
Aldhelm's writing is quite unintelligible from its puerile pomposity 
and use of unusual and foreign words. That Ethelwerd, a feebler 
imitator of the same style, should admire Aldhelm's writings, 

Chap. i8.] Notes. 313 

* miro artificio edita opuscula,' M. H. B. p. 507, was natural 

enougli. A good specimen of this ' sermo nitidus' may bo found 

on p. 92 of his works. 

scripturarura] I cannot agroe with Manitius, \)\). 54, 55, in his Question <»f 

argument that because Aklhelm's biblical (ruotations are sometimes -^!* , . " ^* 

nearer to the Itahi and sometimes to the Vulgate, ho therefore had text. 

a text midway between tho two. We have seen, Introduction, 

pp. xix, liv-lvi, and App. II. infro, that Bede constantly uses both 

translations side by side ; and Aldhelm may have done the same. 

In one phice, Opp. p. 217, after quoting the Vulgate he distinctly 

refers to the Itala in the words: ' siue, ut altera continet translatio.' 

On p. 76 lie quotes tlie Septuagint. 

Fortheri] He went to Kome in 737 ; Sax. Chron. The date of Forthere. 
his death is not recorded. He signs a charter of 739, a grant 
of Ethelhard of Wessex to himself ; Crawford Charters, ed. Napier 
and Stevenson, pp. 1-3, and notes. He must therefore have re- 
turned to Britain. Dr. Stubbs first directed me to this charter. 
A letter of Archbishop Bertwald to him, alluded to above, on 
c. 8, is in Mon. Mog. pp. 48, 49 ; H. & S. iii. 284. 

usque hodie] ' cwaeS se writere/ 'said the author,' adds AS. vers., 
though above in the case of Daniel it has, contrary to custom, 
preserved the phrase unaltered. 

quibus . . . administrantibus] Who are meant by 'quibus'? Founda- 
Grammatically the easiest reference is to Aldhelm and Forthere ; c ^^^^j*^, ^ 
in which case it would imply that Bede was not sure whether the Saxon see. 
see of Sussex was constituted before or after Aldhelm's deatli in 
709. But I think that he is referring back to the notice of the 
partition of the West-Saxon diocese, and that 'quibus' means 
Aldhelm and Daniel, Elmham, p. 266, followed by H. & S. iii. 
296, takes ' quibus ' to mean Daniel and Fortliere. It is in favour 
of this that Westminster gives 711 as the date of this event. But 
the authority is too late to have much value. In the Episcopal 
Succession, pp. 5, 172, Stubbs gives 709 as the date of Eadberfs 

Eadberct] There is a grant to hini in K. C. D. No. 1000 ; Birch, 
No. 144. 

Eolla] He signs a charter, K. C. D. No. looi ; Birch, No. 145. 

episcopatus . . . cessauit] ' 7 se bysceophad J)aer syStJan fela geara Its tem- 
blon,' ' and the episcopal office ceased there for many years after- P^5^*'y ^^^" 
wards,' AS. vers. Bede lived however to see it restored. Two 
years after he wrote this Archbishop Tatwin consecrated Sigfrid 
or Sigga as bishop of Selsey ; Cont. Baed. infra, p. 361 ; S. D. ii. 30. 


The Ecclesiastical Histoi^y. 

[Bk. V. 


Cenred of 

Ceolred of 



Anno . . . 1111°] i. e. 709 a. d. 

Coinred] On him see c. 13 note. W. M. i. 79, attributes his 
resignation to the effect on his mind of the incident there related ; 
but this may be only his own inference. 

tempore aliquanto] About five years ; c. 13 note. 
p. 322. Constantino] Constantine I, 708-715. 
Ceolredo] From the reigns of Ceoh'ed and Osred, St. Boniface 
dates the gi-owth of sacrilegious attacks on the English Church ; see 
on c. 18. Ceolred died in 716 ; c. 24, p. 356, having fought against 
Ini of Wessex in 715 ; Sax, Chron. ; cf. W. M. : ' Chehedus, sicut 
uirtute contra Inam mirabilis, ita immatura morte miserabilis ; ' 
i. 79. Of his death Boniface says in the same letter : ' Ceohedum, 
. . . ut testati sunt qui praesentes fuerant, apud comites suos splen- 
dide epulantem, malignusspiritus. . .peccantem subito in insaniam 
mentis conuertit ; ut sine paenitentia et confessione . . . ad tormenta 
inferni migrauit ; ' H. & S. iii. 355 ; Mon. Mog. p. 175. (^The text 
of this given in W. M. i. 80-82, differs very materially from the 
genuine text both by way of omission and addition.) Even before 
Ceoh-ed's death, a monk of Much Wenlock had seen a vision of the 
other world, in which he appeared among the lost ; ' subsequens 
. . . et citus scelerati regis exitus, quae de illo uisa fuerunt, uera 
esse . . . probauit ; ' Mon. Mog. j^p. 59, 60. If Cenred knew anything 
of the character of his successor, he was certainly niuch to blame 
in resigning the crown to him, Ceoh*ed seems however to have 
been on good terms with Wilfrid, see notes below, p. 328 ; and 
H. H. says of him : ' patriae et auitae uirtutis haeres clarissime 
rexit ' (!) ; p. iio. There is a charter of his confirming a grant by 
his predecessor ; K. C.D, No. 52; Birch, No. iii. 

fllius Sigheri . . . Oflfa , . . exoptatissimus] On the royal family 
of Essex, see iii, 22 ; iv, 6 and notes, Bede's language here does 
not by itself imply that Offa was king, but only tliat his accession 
was looked forward to ; nor does he name kingdom or sceptre 
among the things which he gave up for Christ. The capitulum 
however distinctly calls him ' Kex.' Sighard and Swefi*ed had 
succeeded their father Sebbi ; circa 694, iv, 11; and W, M. says : 
' ilHs defunctis, pauco tempore regnum moderatus est Offa ; ' i. 99 ; 
so n. Wig, i. 46, 263 ; G, P. p. 317, If this is correct, Offa must 
have succeeded sliortly before 709. He was succeeded by Seh-ed, 
whose shiughter is recorded in the Sax. Chron. at 746 ; cf. W. M. ; Fi, 

Chap. 19.] Notei^. 315 

Wig. u. s. ; R. W. i. 203. Tho story that OfTa liad wished to marry 
a daughter of Penda is impossible on chronological grounds. See 
ytubbs' note on W. M. u. s. Egwin, liisho}) of tlio Hwiccas (see on 
iv. 23) is said to have accompanied liini and Cenred to Kome ; Fl. 
Wig. ; W. M. u. s. ; G. P. pp. 296, 297, 317, 386. There is nothing 
impossibk^ in the story, but the authorities are not good ; see 
H. & S. iii. 297, 298 ; and in some of them Offa is made king of the 
East Angles instead of the East Saxons ; G. P. u. s. ; K. C. D. No. 61 ; 
Birch, Nos. 125, 131. For this confusion, cf. on iv. 6 ; R. W. is 
inconsistont with Inmself ; i. 203, 205. 

reliquit uxorem, &c.] cf. liist. Abb. § i, itifra, p. 365. 

peruenit] Both are «aid to have died soon after their arrival : Arrival at 
' sub uek)citate ut obtabant defuncti sunt ; ' Pauli Diac. Hist. Romc 
Langob. vi. 28, -which is taken from the Liber Pontificalis, ed. 
Duchtsne, i. 391. 

Uilfrid] The typography and marginal notes of the present Sourcfs of 
chapter, and also of iii. 25, 28 ; iv. 2, 13, show clearly that Bede, in Bede^s ac- 
his account of Wilfrid, is largely indebted for his materials to the wilfrid. 
life of Wilfrid by Aeddi or Eddius, alias Stephanus, one of 
Wilfrid's chanters, who is mentioned above ; iv. 2, p. 205 ; cf. 
Eddius, c. 14. Owing to Bede's mode of using his materials (cf. 
Introduction, pp. xlvi, xlvii), iypography cannot give a measure of 
the extent of his obligations to liis predecessors. These obligations, 
in the case of Eddius, Bede nowhere acknowledges ; ib. p. xxiv. 
He is not however wliolly dependent upon Eddius, and tells of 
matters which the latter omits. He had heard from Wilfrid's own 
lips the account of his relations with Ethelthryth ; iv. 19, p. 243. 
He might remember his administration of the see of Lindisfarne, 
687-688 ; iv. 29, p. 275, or he may have heard of it during his own 
sojourn there ; r. Introduction, p. xvi. From Acca he heard of 
their sojourn with Wilbrord on the way to Rome in 703 or 704 ; 
iii. 13, p. 152. From him too he may have heard of the consecration 
of Swidbert as missionary bishop to Frisia ; v. 11, p. 302 ; and the 
beautiful story how Wilfrid relieved the famine in Sussex ; iv. 13, 
p. 231. Other events not mentioned by Eddius are tlie consecra- 
tion of Oftfor ; iv. 23, p. 255, and the desire of Oswy, frustrated by 
deatli, that Wilfrid should accompany him to Rome ; iv. 5, p. 214. 
On the other hand, Bede omits much that is told by Eddius, often 
with very bad results to the clearness of liis own narrative. Malmes- 
bury, whose own life of Wilfrid, G. P. pp. 210-245, is largely founded, 
as he admits, p. 210, on Eddius, comments upon Bede's omissions : 
* multa ex historia Bedae uacant;'ib. ; cf. pp. 238, 239. It is 
turious too that with the exception of the vision of St. Michael 

316 The Ecdesiastical Hlstory. [Bk. v. 

(below), Bede oniits all the miracles which Eddius eonnects with 
Wilfrid; cc. I, 5, 9, 13, 18, 23, 24, 37, 38, 39, 59, 66, 67. This 
cannot, as we have seen, be diie to any critical scruples of Bede on 
the subject of miracles ; Introduction, pp. xlvi, Ixiv. He has the 
warmest admiration for the kings who expelled Wilfrid ; Egfrid is 
' uenerabilis ac piissimus ; ' Hist. Abb. § i. Aldfrid, ' uir . . . doctis- 
simus,' restores the condition of Northumbria, 'nobiliter;' iv. 26, 
p. 268. There is no hint of blame for Oswy's substitution of Ceadda 
for Wilfrid ; iii. 28, ad inii.j for Theodore's division of his diocese, nor 
for the prelates who took his place ; iv. i2,suhfin. (contrast the ' subin- 
troduxit ' of Wine, iii. 7, p. 140 ; it is interesting to note that in G. P. 
p. 216, ' subintroductus ' is used of Ceadda's appointment\ More- 
over, on tlie Wilfridian view, two of Bede's chief heroes, Bishop 
John of Hexham, and Cuthbert (so far as he accepted in the first 
instance the see of Hexham ; iv. 28, p. 273) were mere usurpers ; 
H. Y. I. xxxiv ; yet Bede never hints a doubt as to their position. 
It is certain that Bede would disapprove Wilfrid's opposition to 
the division of his diocese ; cf. iv. 5, p. 216 ; Ep. ad Egb. § 8, and 
possible that he disliked his Romanising tendencies. In fact • it is 
evident that there was little sympathy between Wilfrid and Bede ; ' 
Raine, H. Y. u. s. (For Canon Raine's own view of Wilfrid, v. ib. 
xxvi-xxx.) On the lives of Wilfrid, see Hardy, Cat. i. 396-402. 
The best edition of all the Latin lives is that of Canon Eaine in 
vol. i. of ' Historians of the Church of York ; ' R. S. ; cf. also for 
Wilfrid, Bright, pp. 187-194, 209-214, 233-236, 280-308, 347-355^ 
367-372, 392-416, 428-434 ; Raine's Hexham, I. xxvii-xxxi. ; Raine 
inD. C. B. iv. 1179 ff. 
Chronology Uilfrid] It is desirable in the first phice to fix the chronology of 
of Wilfrid's \yiifric;'g jife. The present note was drawn up at first indepen- 
dently of Smith's excursus on the same subject. In almost all 
points our conclusions agree. The few divergences are noted. 
Eddius' Life is cited as E. 

634. Birth ; cf. H. Y. i. 163. (He was thirty years old when 
elected bishop in 664 ; E. c. 11 ; 'circiter triginta ;' infr., p. 325. 
He died 709, in his seventy-sixth year ; E. c. 65.) 

648. In his fourteenth year he enters Lindisfarne ; E. c. 2 ; infr., 
p. 322. 

? 652. ' Post circulum annorum ; ' E. c. 3, he goes to Kent. He 
stays there just a year ; ib. (He must have left Kent before the 
death of Honorius, Sept. 653 ; cf. m/r., p. 323.) 

653 (so Fl. Wig.). He sets out with Benedict Biscop. who leaves 
him at Lyons ; E. c. 3 ; m-/r,, pp; 323, 324. Dalfinus (really Anne- 
mundus), Archbishop of Lyons, wisiies to adopt him. He declines, 

Chap. 19.] Notes. 317 

nnd procoods io Komo, whore lio roinains 'multos monses;' E. co. 
4. 5; 'nionsos aliquot;' infr.j p. 324; l(;aving it probably after 
Aug. 10, 654 : soo bolow. 

654 X 655 [655 Smitb]. Ho r<'turiis to Lyons, wbore bo roinains 
three yoars witli Annomundus, till liis murdor; E. c. 6 ; ?>(/?•., 
pp. 324, 325 ; cf. iii. 25, p. 182. 

657 X 658 [658 Smitb I. Murdor of Annomundus. Wilfrid roturns 
to Britain. 

? 658. Ab-lifrid sonds for Wilfrid ; E. c. 7 ; infr.. p. 325 ; iii. 25, 
p. 182. 

? 658 X 661. Grant of Stanford ; E. c. 8 ; infr., p. 325. 

?66i. Grant ' post pauluhim ' of Eipon ; ib. ; cf. iii. 27, notes. 

663 or 664. Wilfrid ordainod priost by Agilbert ; E. c. 9 ; infr., 
p. 325. (Sbortly before tlie Synod of Whitby ; ib.) 

Early in 664 {v. notes to iii. 25% Synod of Whitby, ' non multo 
post ' Wilfrid's ordination as priest ; infr., p. 325 ; E. c. 10. 

664. Wilfrid elected bishop, aet. 30. Sets out for Gaul ; E. cc. 
II. 12 ; infr., p. 325. 

664. Consecration of Wilfrid by twelve Frankish bishops at 
Compiegne ; E. c. 12 ; infr., p. 325 ; iii. 28, p. 194. (Bede says 
that Wilfrid died in 709 ' post XL et V annos accepti episcopatus ; ' 
infr., p. 322 ; and with this agrees the epitaph; Eddius, c. 65, gives 
him an episcopate of forty-six years. G. P. p. 244 says : ' anno 
XLVI'' episcopatus.' This may be what E. means. Wilfrid's con- 
secration can hardly therefore be later than 664 ; and Bede dis- 
tinctly plftces it in that year in c. 24, p. 354. This seems fatal to 
Brighfs argument in favour 0^665 ; p. 210.) 

666. Wilfrid ' post spatium temporis* returns to Britain ; 
E. u. s. (The date is fixed by the fact that E. c. 14 says that Wilfrid 
was three years in retirement at Kipon prior to his installation in 
his see by Theodore in 669.) 

666-669. Wilfrid, on finding Ceadda in his see, retires to Ripon. 
where he remains three years, occasionally discharging episcopal 
functions in Mercia and Kent ; E. c. 14 ; infr., p. 326; cf. iii. 28, 
p. 195 ; iv. 2, pp. 205, 206. 

669. Wilfrid put in possession of his see by Theodore ; E. c. 15 ; 
sup., iv. 2, p. 205. 

669. Wilfrid ordains Ceolfrid priest ; Hist. Abb. Anon. § 3, 

P. 389- 

669x671. Oswy wishes Wilfrid to accompany him to Rome ; 
iv. 5, p. 214. 

? 672. Ethelthryth receives the veil from Wilfrid, v. iv. 19, 

818 The Ecdesiastical History. [bk. v. 

Sept. 673. Wilfrid sends representatives to the Couneil of Hert- 
ford ; iv. 5, p. 215. 

671x678. Church at Ripon built and dedicated ; E. c. 17. (It 
was after the accession of Egfrid, which I believe to have been in 
671, V. iv. 5, note, and before Wilfrid's expulsion in 678. I do not 
see that the date can be fixed more exactly. Smith says 670.) 

672 X 678. Churcli at Hexham built ; E. c. 22. The site was given 
by Ethelthryth ' Deo dieata ; ' therefore not earlier than 672. 
(Richard of Hexham says : ' circa DCLXXIV ; ' Raine's Hexham, 
i. 23. Smith says c. 675. On the grant of Hexham, and Wilfrid's 
buildings, cf. S. D. ii. 52 ; G. P. p. 255.) 

678. Wilfrid expelled, and his diocese divided. (Bede gives this 
date ; iv. 12, p. 229 ; infr., c. 24, p. 355. It was exactly a year 
before the death of ^lfwine ; E. c. 24, which was in 679 ; itifr., 
c. 24, u. s. ; iv. 21, note.') 

678. Wilfrid sets out for Rome ; preaches in Frisia, where he 
winters; E. c. 26; infr., p. 326. 

679. Wilfrid reaches Rome, staying on the way with Dagobert II, 
King of Austrasia, and Perctarit, King of the Lombards ; E. c. 28 ; 
infr., p. 326. 

679, Nov. to 680, March. Councils at Rome in connexion with 
Wilfrid's business ; E. cc. 29-32,53; infr., pp. 326, 327. (The 
councils lasted four months, till Easter week, 680 ; Easter being 
March 25 ; E. c. 53, p. 78.) 

680 (after Easter). Wilfrid leaves Rome ; passes through Gaul, 
where he finds Dagobert II ' nuper occisum,' and is in some danger 
of being put to death as an adherent of his ; E. c. 33. (Note that 
according to Martin, Hist. de France, ii. 160, Eddius is the only 
contemporai-y authority for Dagobert II : hence the date of the 
Iatter's death must be fixed with reference to Wilfrid's movements, 
not vice versa. L'Art de verifier les Dates gives Dec. 23, 679, as 
the day of Dagoberfs death ; which is quite possible, but I do not 
know on what authority it rests.") 

680-68 r. Wilfrid returns to Britain ; is thrown into prison by 
Egfrid and kept there nine months ; E. cc. 34-38. (The Peter- 
borough interpolator of the Sax. Chron. at 675, founding on 
a spurious Latin chai-ter, makes Wilfrid on his return from Rome 
attend the council of Hatfield, Sept. 680. But this is impossible. 
He was either not in Britain, or he was in prison ; v. H. & S. 
iii. 160.) 

68 r. Wilfrid is released ; he goes to Mercia, Wessex, and finally 
to Sussex, where he labours for five years ; E. cc, 39-4^ ; siip., iv. 13. 
(At the end of iv. 13, Bede says that Wilfrid laboured in Sussex for 

Chap. 19.] Notea. 319 

fivo yoars, and tl>a( lio was tlioro until tlio doatli of lCj^frid. Tliis 
would apparontl}- placo his arrival in 680 ; lait that doos not loave 
onout;;h tiiuo for liis journoy froni Romo and nino months' imprison- 
mont. Tliis last, Bedo wholly omits ; and this may he the cause 
of liis orror. Or tlio phrase 'ad mortem Ecgfridi' may he used 
loosely to indicato that it was that event which prepared the way 
fi>r Wilfrid's roturn. Eddius and Bede agroe in saying that it was 
not till the second year of Aldfrid, May 686 xMay 687, thatWilfrid 
was rocallod to Northumbria ; E. c. 44 ; infr., p. 327.) 

681-686. Wilfrid ovangolises Sussex and Wight ; E. cc. 41, 42 ; 
svp., iv. 13, 16 ; infr., p. 327. 

c. 686. Wilfrid in Wossox with CiTcdwalla ; siip., iv. 16, note ; 
E. c. 42. 

May 686 xMay 687. Wilfrid rostorod to York, Plexham, and the 
monastery of Ripon, r, s. (Some MSS. in c. 24, date this 686, 
r. critical note a. I., p. 355 ; Smith places the restoration of Hexham 
in 686, that of York and Ripon in 687 ; and E. says that there was 
an ' interuallum tomporis between them ' ; c. 44.) 

687-688. Wilfrid administers tlie bishopric of Lindisfarne ; sup., 
iv. 29, p. 275. 

May 691 X May 692. 'Post quinque annos' from his restoration, 
Wilfrid is again expelled ; infr., p. 327. He acts as bishop of the 
' Middle English' in succession to Sexwulf, and as sueh consecrates 
Oftfor as bishop of the Hwiccas ; E. c. 45 ; siip., iv. 23, p. 255. 
(Fl. Wig., Smith, and H. & S. iii. 220 place Wilfrid's second ex- 
pulsion and the consecration of Oftfor in 691. But there is 
nothing to prevent the former having taken place in the early part 
of 692 ; and the latter may be even later ; see on iv. 23. Several 
MSS. in c. 24 place the expulsion in 692 : v. p. 355, critical note. 
And Fl. Wig. has certainly placed the first expulsion too earlj^, in 
677 instoad 0^678.) 

July 692 X Aug. 693. Wilfrid consecrates Swidbert as missionary 
bishop for Frisia ; srip., c. 11, p. 302. (The date is fixed by the fact 
that this took place during the absence of Bertwald, who had gone 
to seek consecration in Gaul : i. e. between his election, July i, 692, 
and his return, Aug. 693 ; sup., c. 8, aclfin.) 

695 or 696. Wilfrid is present at the translation of St. Ethel- 
thryth ; iv. 19, p. 245. 

702x703 [703 Smith]. Great council in Northumbria under 
Aldfrid 'cum Berhtwaldoarchiepiscopo,et totius paene Brittanniae 
episcopis.' Wilfrid is condemned, excommunicated, and stripped 
of all his possessions except the monastery of Ripon. He appeals 
to Rome, and retires to Mercia ; E. cc. 46-49. (All this is omitted 

320 The Ecclesiastical Histoi^. [Bk. v. 

by Bede. The date is fixed by Wilfrid's words that his enemies 
had been resisting the apostolic see for twenty-two years, i. e. since 
680 ; and that he himself had been bishop for nearly forty years ; 
pp. 66,68.^ 

704. "Wilfrid at Kome ; E, cc. 50-54 ; infr., pp. 327, 328. (There 
seems no evidence to show when Wilfrid left Britain [end of 703, 
Smith, see below]. If it is literally true that he accomplished the 
land part of his journey ' pedestri gressu,' E. p. 71, it must have 
taken some time. In any case it was a wonderful achievement for 
an old man of seventy. Eddius speaks of him as ' honorabili senio 
confectus/ p. 76, and says that he had been bishop for forty years 
' et eo amplius/ p. 79: Bede, injr., p. 328, says nearly ['prope'] 
forty years. This is perhaps taken from E. c. 47, where it refers to 
the Northumbrian council, v. s. Anyhow E.'s authority is to be 
preferred. Hence the Roman council cannot be earlier than 704. 
Nor can it be later, for John VI. the Pope under whom it was held, 
died Jan. 705. The sittings of the council lasted 'multis mensibus ;' 
E. c. 55. ; 

704. Wilfrid leaves Eome ; E. c. 55. 

705. Wilfrid, on his return, falls ill at Meaux ; E. c. 56; infr., 
pp. 328, 329. (This was just four years before his death.) 

705. Wilfrid reaches Britain. Aldfrid refuses to receive him and 
'dies ; E. cc. 57-59 ; "l/"'"v P- 329- 

705. Synod on the Nidd ' in primo anno Osredi,' E. c. 60, at 
which Wilfrid recovers Hexham and the monastery of Eipon, ib. ; 
infr.. pp. 329, 330. 

709. Wilfrid survives four years, and dies at Oundle, and is 
buried at Kipon ; E. cc. 64, 65 ; infr., pp. 322, 330. 

loculo inditum] ' on cyste gedon,' 'placed in a chest,' AS. vers. 
Cf. the heading to Gen. 1. in A. V. 'Joseph. . . dieth. and is 
chested.' The text of the Vulgate is ' repositus est in loculo.' 

mater obierat] He had a cruel stepmother ; and this made him 

anxious to leave home ; E. c. 2, 

Wilfrid p. 323. uenit ergo, &c.] He first went to Eanfled, Oswy's queen, 

enters Lni- -^^o gen^ bim to Lindisfarne under the charge of Cudda, a king's 

gesid or thane ('sodalis regis'), who wished himsclf to become a 

monk, and who seems to have become abbot of Lindisfarne ; 

E. c. 2, and note a. J. 

Jerome"s didicit . . . psalmos] TMien Wilfrid reached Kent : ' psalmos, 

t\so ir^sai- ^ _ ^ quos primo secundum Hieronymi emendationem legerat more 

Romanorum iuxta quintam editionem memorialiter transmetuit ;' 

E. c. 3. The former is known as the Gallican Psalter, and is the 

version made by Jerome from the LXX, c. 389 ; now embodied in 

Chap. 19.] JS^otes, 321 

tho ordinary Latin Vulgato. The lattor, or Roman Psalter, is his 
cursory revision of tho old Italic version mado in 383 ; Bright, 
j). 188. (The Canticles, 'Venite,' &c., are still taken from this 
vorsion in tlie Roman Breviary ; D. C. A. ii. 1754.) The term 
'quinta editio' (rcproduced, G. P. p. 213) has not heen sati.sfiictorily 
exphiiued. It has heen suggested, H. Y. i. 5, note, that it repre- 
sents the Greek word koivt], 'Vetus Latina . . . quae Koivij olim, 
seu communis dicebatur ; ' Sabatier, ii, 8. Jerome's version of the 
Psalnis made from the Hebrew never obtained public recognition. 

necdum . . . adtonsus] ' laicus capite, corde uero a uitiis cir- 
cumcisus ; ' E. c. 2. 

uenire Bomam] ^adlmc inattritam uiam genti nostrae ;' E. c. 3. 

filius auunculi sui] Eanfled's mother, Ethelberg, was sister to Wilfrid in 
Eadbald, Earconberfs father. Elmham, misunderstanding this Kent, 
passage, makes Wilfrid cousin (consanguineus) of Earconbert, 
p. 198. 

aliquandiu] Just a year ; E. c. 3. 

Biscop . . . Benedictus] The founder of Wearmouth and Jarrow. 
See his life in Hist. Abb, Eddius, c. 3, calls him Biscop Baducing. 
Cf. Fridegoda, H. Y. i. iio : 'Barbaries Biscop Baducing quem 
ineulta uocabat.' 

p. 324. Lugdunum] Here Benedict left him : ' discedente ab eo at Lyons. 
austerae mentis duce ;' E. c. 3, who compares the separation of 
Paul and Barnabas ; so that there would seem to have been some 
disagreement between them. Cf. ' iratus praecesserat ' ; G. P. 
p. 213. 

Dalfino] Eddius has here led Bede into error. It seems to be Dalfinus 
made out that the archbishop of Lyons at this time was Anne- ^^^^ Anne- 
raundus, and that Dalfinus was his brother and Count of the City 
of Lyons. It was therefore Dalfinus' daughter who was oflFered to 
Wilfrid, and hence perhaps the confusion ; cf. Gallia Christ. iv. 43- 
47. Smith's suggestion that Dalfinus is a 'cognomen' of Anne- 
mundus is not likely. 

Bonifatii . . . archidiaconi] A few years ago there was ' found Arch- 
at Whitby . . . a leaden Bulla . . . bearingthe inscription + Boxifatii ^®^^.^^ 

+ + ARCEIDIAC + . It is now in the Whitby Museum ; ' 

H. Y. i. 8, note. It is quite possible that this is a relic of Wilfrid 
and his Roman friend. 

apostolici papae] Wilfrid probably arrived at Rome during Condition 
a practical vacancy in the papacy. In June, 653, Martin I was ^* ^^^ 
sent to Constantinople, whence he never returned ; being kept in 
prison by the Emperor, first in that city, and then in the Crimea, 
where he died Sept. 16, 655. Eugenius I was consecrated Aug. 10, 
voL. II. y 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

654 ; irregularly, Martin I being still alive. This explains the 
language of Eddius, who, after detailing Wilfrid's doings in Rome, 
'per multos menses,' says of Boniface : 'postremo praesentauit eum 
papae;' c. 5, p. 8. 

Baldhild. p. 325. Baldhild] She is said to have been an Anglo-Saxon 

slave originally. She married Clovis II, who died in 656. She 
was at this time regent for her son, Clothaire III. Here again it is 
probable that Eddius has misled Bede. Frankish history at this 
time is very obscure ; but it is unlikely that Baldhild had anything 
to do directly with the death of Annemundus, which in the legends 
is represented as the first act of Ebroin on his election to the 
mayoralty of the palace. A little later, 659, she was the means of 
securing the see of Autun for Leodegar (St. Leger), Ebroin's chief 
rival; while in 664, Sigebrand, Bishop of Paris, was put to death 
for being an adherent of Baldhild. In this sense, but probably 
only in this sense, she may have caused the death of Annemundus; 
cf. AA.SS. lan. ii. 737, 738. After Sigebrand's death she retired 
in 664 to the monastery of Chelles, of which she was the second 
foundress ; iii. 8, notes. Here she died, 680. She attained the 
honours of saintship, and though this is not conclusive as to her 
character, very curious people finding their way in those days into 
the ranks of the saints, yet there seems no evidence that she was 
the Jezebel that Eddius represents, and what evidence there is 
points the other way. It is possible that she has been confounded 
with the famous Brunhild ( x 613^, whose name occurs as a various 
reading both here (see additional critical notes), in E. c. 6, and in 
the parallel passage in Fridegoda's life ; H. Y. i. 114 ; see Martin, 
Hist. de France, ii. 150-152 ; Milman, Lat. Christ. Bk. iv. ch. 10 ; 
Hardy, Cat. i. 286, 287 ; see Lives printed in AA.SS. lan. ii. 739 ff. 
For her translation, v. Pertz, xv. 284, 285 ; Mabillon AA.SS. IV. 
i. 450-453. 

clericus illius] 'his preost 7 his hond]ieng,' 'his priest and 
attendant,' AS. vers. 

Wilfrid's pepercere illi] Eadmer in his life of Wilfrid, c. 7, H. Y. i. 169, 

escape. represents this as due to the terror of the English name : ' id ne 

fieret . . . , quae tunc temporis magno terrori quam plurimis erat, 
sua, scilicet Anglorum, natio interdixit.' 

Alchfrid. Alchfridi] v. iii. 14, ad init. ; 21, ad init. ; 24, 25. According to 

E. c. 7, it was from Cenwalh of Wessex that Alchfrid first imbibed 
his Roman preferences. 

Stamford. Stanford] Durham tradition in the fifteenth century certainly 
identified this with Stamford in Lincolnshire ; see Raine, Hexham, 
i. 14 ; D. C. B. iv, 1179. But Smith, a. l. (followed by Stevenson\ 

Chap. 19.] Kotes. 323 

ol)jects tliat AU'lifriiI can liavo Imd 110 autliority in Lincolnsliii-o nt 
this tinic. Ho suggosts Stamford on tlie Yorkshiro Derwont. 

Inhrypiim] On Wilfrid's buildings at TJipon, ?•. E. c. 17. None Ripon. 
of thoui n«)w romain excopt tho crypt popularly called St. Wilfrid's 
noedle ; cf. D,C. B. iv. 1180. Honco, prior to the synod ofWhitby, 
Alchfrid had heen pressing the adoption of tho Roman Eastor. 
Eata and Cuthbert wore among those who loft Ripon rathor thnn 
conform to it ; r. iii. 26, notes ; and Ceolfrid, afterwards Bedo's 
abbot, was probably among those who came to take their place ; 
r. iii. 27, notes. Eata and Cuthbert not only conformed after tho 
synod of Whitby ; but the latter, on his deathbed, chargod his 
monks : ' cum illis . . . qui ab \mitate catholicae pacis, uel Pasclia 
non suo tempore celebrando, uel peruerse uiuendo aberrant, uobis 
sit nulla communio;' Baed. Vit. Cudb. c. 39. It was whilo Cuth- 
bort was at Ripon that tlie miracle related, ib. c. 7, Vit. Anon. 
§ 12, is allogod to have taken plaee. 

sibi rogauit ordinari] So iii. 28, ad inif., Alclifrid asks for Position of 
Wilfrid ' sibi suisque consecrari.' Alchfrid was sub-king of g^, 
Deira. The idea therefore probably was that Wilfrid should be 
l)ishop of Deira, and Tuda (r. iii. 26) bishop of Bernicia ; thougli 
Bede, loc. cit, speaks of the latter as having 'pontificatum Nor- 
danhymbrorum.' Tuda how^ever died the same yoar, 664, and no 
sxiccessor was appointed. Hence Ceadda, 664-669, and Wilfrid, 
669-678, did administer the ^vhole of Northumhria. Cf. iv. 3 : 
' episcopatus . . . omnium Nordanhymbrorum,' p. 206 ; and inf. : 
'episcopatus totius Nordanhymbrorum prouinciae ;' p. 326. When 
therefore Theodore in 678 separated Bernicia from Deira, iv. 12, 
p. 229. he was probably only reverting to what had been intended 
in 664. This might a little modify the cliarges of arbitrariness so 
often brought against Theodore for his action on that occasion. 
Elmham rightly protests against these exaggerations. pp. 276, 277. 

Agilbereto . . . ciuitatis] For the mistake involved here, see note 
on iii. 7. For this mistake Eddius is not responsible. 

XI episcopi] ' qui omnes eum . . . publice ordinauerunt, et in Ceremony 
sella aurea sedentem, more eorum, sursum elouauerunt poi'tantes ,^1^^ 
manibus soli episcopi intra oratorium, nullo alio attingente, chair. 
hymnos canticaque in choro canentes;' E. c. 12. This passage, 
which is copied by Fridegoda, H. Y. i. 120, and G. P. p. 215, has 
been thought to be the only authority known for this curious 
ceremony ; which from the words ' more eorum ' seems to have 
been peculiar to the Gallican Church ; v. note, a. l. Bright how- 
ever refers to the Benedictine life of Gregory I, iii. 8, Opp. iv. 
256, where the following passage is cited : ' sedem Turonicam ita 

Y 2 


Tlte Ecdesiastlcal History. 

[Bk. V. 

Hiid the 


First ex- 
pulsion of 

Appeal to 

Sojourn in 

nobilitauit ut auream ei cathedram donaret, quae apud praefatam 
sedem in posterum seruaretur.' 

p. 326. quo . . . demorante] See note on iii. 28. On his return 
he was driven on the coast of Sussex, and nearly murdered by the 
still heathen inhabitants ; E. c. 13, For this he subsequently took 
the noblest revenge by converting them to Christianity. 

tribus annis] These three years are a difficulty. Bede, c. 24, 
p. 354, certainly says that Ceadda vras consecrated in 664. The 
narrative, iii. 28, gives the same impression. But he certainly 
was not deposed till 669, Probably Bede has transferred to the 
duration of Ceadda's episcopate the three years which E. c. 14 
rightly assigns to the retirement of Wilfrid at Ripon, forgetting 
tliat Wilfrid did not return to Britain for about two years after 
Ceadda's consecration. 

pulsus est] This was owing to the enmity of Eormenburg, 
Egfrid's second wife ; E. c. 24 ; S. D. i. 223 ; G. P. pp. 219, 213. 
According to Lib. Eli. p. 55, he went first to Ely ; and this (in 
spite of Smith, p. 753) is quite likely. His friend St. Ethelthryth 
did not die till 679 or 680 (see on iv. 19), and Ely would lie on his 
way from the North to the port of embarkation for Frisia ; cf. Mab. 
AA.SS. ii. 757, 758 ; Raine's Hexham, i. 23. 

alii pro illo] The two who were consecrated strictly 'pro illo ' 
were Bosa and Eata, iv. 12, p. 229. Eadhed's district, Lindsey, 
was not an integral part of Northumbria, iii. 11, note. Eddius 
makes additional charges against Theodore ; (a) that he acted as 
sole consecrator, ' inordinate sohis ordinauit'; (?>) that the new 
prelates did not belong to the diocese : ' episcopos aliunde inuentos 
et non de subiectis illius parochiae ;' c. 24. The former complaint, 
if true, is well grounded ; see on i. 27, p. 52 ; the latter has no 
foundation. Thus Deusdedit of Canterbury was a West-Saxon ; 
Damian of Rochester a South-Saxon, iii. 20, ad fin. ; Tatwin a 
Mercian, c. 23. Eddius also, l. c, accuses Theodore of being 
bribed ; and the charge is repeated, G. P. p. 220 ; but this is the 
mere reckless assertion of a partisan. 

Romam . . . iturus] According to E. c. 24, Wilfrid appealed to 
Rome, 'cum consilio co-episcoporum suorum.' It would be interest- 
ing to know who these were. Possibly other bishops may have felt 
themselves threatened by Theodore's proceedings. Cf. the case 
of Wynfrid, which occurred about the same time as, and was 
curiously involved with, that of Wilfrid ; iv. 6, ad init. and note. 
Wilfrid, in his petition to the Pope, says that Theodore acted 
'absque consensu cuiuslibet episcopi ;' E. c. 30. 

pulsus est Fresiam] Bede's language gives the impression that 

Chap. 19.] Notes. 325 

Wilfrid was drivon out ofhis coiirse by stress of wontiici- ; ainl so 
Fullor, § 97, citod by M. & L. p. 330, * It is an ill \s ind 
l)lowoth no man profit;* Raine in D. C. B. iv. 1181, iiiid Jjajtpcn- 
l)org, i. 174; E. T. i. 181. But Eddius, c. 26, is quite oxi)licit: 
• socunduni dosidorium oius, fiante Zophyro . . . tomperantor, . . . 
in Frois prosporo . . . poruonit ;' and so Smith, rightly, p. 752. 

Aldgilso] Ebroin tried to hribo him to kill or surrender Wilfrid, 
l)ut in vain ; E. c. 27. Ebroin's hostility to Wilfrid was due to the 
]atter's friondship witli Dagobert II ; Briglit, p. 288 ; Lapi»onberg, 
i. 173; E. T. i. 181 ; see below, 

praedicabat] His preaching was favoured by the fact that it was 
an oxcoptionally fruitful year ; E. c. 26. Wilfrid must thereforo 
havo reached Frisia before liarvest. 

hiemem . . . exigens] He left Frisia wlien ' iam sc uerna tem- 
porios aperiebat in flores,' as Malmesbiiry poetically says ; G. P. 
p. 221. He went first to Dagobert II, King of Austrasia, whomjie 
had assisted on his return to Gaul from his exile in Iroland, cf. E. 
c. 33, and who washed to make him bishop of Strasburg. On his 
refusal he sent him on to Eome, under the guidance of Deodatus, 
Bishop (of Toul 679-680 ; Gams, p. 635, which confirms the chro- 
nology of Wilfrid's movements ; cf. H. & S. iii. 131, 135). From 
Dagobert he went on to Perctarit, King of the Lombards, to whom 
Wilfrid's enemies had offered large bribes to induce him to arrest 
Wilfrid ; E. c. 28. 

causa . . . uentilata] On these Roman councils, cf. H. & S. iii. TheEoman 
131-141. I am inclined to think that the first document given by councils. 
them is only a different version of the second, which comes from 
Eddius, and that it does not represent a distinct council ; and so 
the editors themselves suggest ; cf. Bright, p. 292; v. E. cc. 29-32. 

aduersus eos . . . dogmatizabant] Cf. iv. 17, 18, and notes. 

iussit . . . dicere fidem suam, simul et prouinciae] These words 
are important, because they bring out tlie fact that bishops attonded 
councils, not as theologians, to decide what the faith of the Church 
ought to be, but as witnesses, to give evidence as to what the faith 
of their churches actually was. If this was remembered, we should 
be spared some rather choai) rhetoric. 

p. 327. reuersus Brittaniam] Here again Bode omits all refer- Wilfrid's 
once to Wilfrid's imprisonment ; E. cc. 34, 35 ; cf. iv. 13. He was ii^prison- 
committed to the custody first of Osfrith, ' praefectus . . . in Bromnis 
urbe regis,' and then of Tydlin, Prefect of Dynbaer (Dunbar) ; 
«c. 36-38. Bromnis has been identified by some with Brunan- 
burgh. Unhappilj^ this is ' ignotum per ignotius.' Canon Raine 
in D. C. B. says Bamborough ; but this is Bobbanburg in E. c. 60. 


The Ecclesiastical History, 

[Bk. V. 

)f Siissex, 



He was released at the intercession of Ebba^ Abbessof Coldingham, 
Egfrid's aunt, iv. 19, 25, pp. 243, 264, wbo persuaded him that 
an illness of the queen's was a punishment for his treatment of 
Wilfrid ; E. c. 39. He was expelled from Mercia, where the queen 
was Egfrid's sister (see iv. 21), and from Wessex, where Centwine's 
queen was Eormenburg's sister, and finally found a refuge in 
Sussex ; E. cc. 40, 41. The treatment which he received from Cent- 
wine may have made him not unwilling to help Caedwalla against 
him ; D. C. B. i. 372. 
Conversion Australium Saxonum] On the conversion of Sussex and Wight, 
V. iv. 13, 16 ; E. c. 41. The latter does not mention Wight, though 
it may be included in the ' innumeris terrarum partibus et mune- 
ribus donorum,' given by Caedwalla to Wilfrid ; c. 42. 

ipso rege inuitante] This restoration was due to Theodore, who, 
in view of his age and infirmities and the near prospect of death, 
reconciled himself to Wilfrid, and both wrote to Aldfrid himself, 
and induced Etheh-ed of Mercia and Elfled, Abbess of Whitby, 
Aldfrid's half-sister, to intercede on his behalf ; E. c. 43. 

sedem suam . . . recepit] Eddius says that Wilfrid was restored, 
first to the monastery of Hexham (where Eata was lately dead. 
sup. c. 2), tben, 'post interuallum temporis,' to York and the 
monastery of Ripon, ' expulsis . . . alienis episcopis ; ' i. e. Bosa and 
Eadhed. If Ripon had ever really been an episcopal see {v. s. on 
iv. 12), it now ceased to be so for over a thousand years (till 1836). 
I borrow the following note from H. & S. iii. 171, which puts 
clearly a very comj)licated business : — 'The bishopric of York 
which Wilfrid governed from a. d. 669 to 678, and that to which 
he was restored in a. d. 686, were by no means the same ; and in 
accepting the latter he gave up the whole question of the division 
of the bishopric, and accepted the limits laid down by Theodore 
in A. D. 678 and 681. (i) Lindsey had been cut o&, by the result 
cf its recovery by Mercia, as well as by the division of a. d. 678 ; 
and (2) Abercorn in the same way, by its reconquest by the 
Picts, as well as by the act of a. d. 681. (3) Lindisfarne remained 
in Cuthbert s hands, and was merely administered for a year by 
Wilfrid, on Cuthberfs death, until a successor was consecrated ; 
and (4) Hexham, to which Eata had been transferred from Lin- 
disfarne in a. d. 685, was, upon Eata's death in a. d. 686, held 
l)y Wilfrid for a year only (much as he just afterwards lield 
Lindisfarne), until John of Beverley was consecrated to it (B. iv. 2 
in A. D. 687 ^B. V. 7;.' 

pulsus est] This second exile seems to have been largely due to 
the fact tliat Wilfrid could not bring himself to acquiesce in this 

Second ex- 

Chap. 19.] Notes. 327 

changed position. Eddius onumerates tlirco causos of quarrel : 
(i) Spoliation of tlie Churcli of St. Peter of its lands (this might 
mean York, but probably means Kipon, wliich was also dedicated 
to St. Petor ; cf. tho opitaph at tlio cnd of this chaptor ; and so it 
is undei-stood by G. P. p. 235^ (2) Attempt to transfurm Ripon 
into an episcopal seo. (,3) Tho enforcement of Tlioodore's decrees 
of 678 for the division of tho dioceso ; E. c. 45, On the events 
omitted by Bede between this second expulsion and the journey 
to Rome, see above. Bosa seems to have been restored to York 
on Wilfrid's expulsion ; and Hexham and Lindisfarno had been 
already filled up. 

ueniensque Romam] See above. He must have gone through Appeal to 
Frisia on this occasion also, for to this journey must be referred R*^"'^^- 
the visit to Wilbrord mentioned in iii. 13 ; for at the time of his 
former journey, in 678, Wilbrord had not yet gone to Frisia. 
Perhaps, as before, he spent the winter there. If so, he must have 
left Britain in 703 ; cf. Bright, p. 403, and supra. Thez-e is a letter 
of Aldhelm to the clergy of Wilfrid, urging them to be true to him 
in exile ; but whether it refers to this exile, or to the former one 
of 678, is not clear ; Opp. ed. Giles, pp. 334, 335 ; G. P. pp. 338, 339 ; 
H. & S. iii. 254, 255. 

scriptumque] The letter is in E. c. 54; H. & S. iii. 262 264, 
G. P. pp. 240, 241 (abbreviated and remodelled . 

p. 328. Acca] See notes to next chapter. 

p. 329. quam te . . . tegere uolo] This trait is not given by 'Tellthe 
Eddius. Bede may well have had it from Acca himself. It is put vision to 
very strongly by Eadmer in his life of Wilfrid ; c. 49 ; H. Y. i. 
217 ; cf. iv. 3, note. 

Berctuald] Wilfrid landed in Kent, and was there reconciled to Bertwald. 
the archbishop; E. c. 57. 

tunc autem abbas] 'waes f>a Beardsaetna abbud,' 'was then Ethelred. 
abbot of Bardney,' says AS. vers. quite correctly ; cf. W. M. i. 78, 79 ; 
V. s. on iii. 11, iv. 12. As abbot of Bardney he is made to sign the 
spurious foundation charter of Croyland ; K. C. D., No. 66 ; Birch, 
No. 135. 

Aldfrid] On the circumstances of the death of Aldfrid, v. c. 18, 
ad init. notes. 

praesulatum . . . suae . . . ecclesiae] Not York, but Hexham ; Position of 
a fact which Bede's language here rather obscures, though he has ^ " ^^ 
stated it correctly, c. 3, ad init. This was the more marked, inas- 
much as Bosa's death just about this time would have made 
Wilfrid's restoration to York easy ; cf. G. P. p, 245. Instead of 
this, John of Beverley was transferred to York, and Wilfrid only 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 

received the see of Hexham thus vacated. He had gained less 
than nothing by his appeals to Rome, though his biographers 
carefully conceal this fact. He received also his monastery of 
Eipon, E. c. 60, the idea of founding a bishopric there being 
definitely abandoned. Wilfrid had, however, indicated to the 
pope a willingness to waive the question of York, if Hexham and 
Ripon were secured to him, E. c. 61, though this was practically 
giving up his case. On Wilfrid's buildings at Hexham, v. E. c. 22 ; 
G. P. p. 255 ; Eaine's Hexham, I. xiv ff. 10-16, 20, 175, 176. 

p. 330. defunctus est] He died while the monks of Oundle 
were chanting Ps. ciii. (civ.) 30, 'Emitte spiritum tuum, et crea- 
buntur, et renouabis faciem terrae.' Authorities differ as to the 
date ofWilfrid's death. Some give April 24. others Oct. 12. So 
York Missal, I. xxxix ; Surtees Soc. 1872. The former may be set 
aside as being the day, not of his death, but of his translation ; ib. 
xxxiii. E. c. 64 says that he died on a Thursday. Oct. 12 was 
a Saturday in 709 ; and it is worth noticing that Ps. ciii. (civ.) 
forms part of the office for matins on Saturday both in the Eoman 
and Benedictine breviaries. The obituary of the Church of Durham 
gives Oct. 3, which was a Thursday in 709 ; Eaine, Fasti Eborac. 
i. 81, cited by Bright, p. 433. 

in prouincia Undalum] 'on Undalana maegSe,' AS. vers. He 
was on his way to an interview with Ceolred of Mercia, who came 
to the throne in this very year, 709, and had sent for Wilfrid, 
promising 'omnem uitam suam meo [sc. Wilfridi] iudicio dis- 
ponere ; ' E. c. 63, 

Cudualdi] See on iv. 6. 

positus est] Odo, Archbishop of Canterbury 942-959, removed 
to Canterbury what he believed to be the body of Wilfidd, but this 
was stoutly denied by the Northerners, who maintained that it 
was only the body of Wilfrid II which Odo carried off ; and a very 
pretty quarrel arose ; cf. H. Y. I, xxxix, xliii-xlviii, 106, 223-226, 
462 ; G. P. pp. 22, 245 ; Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 271. There is a treatise 
on the subject in MS. C.C.C.C. No. 298 ; v. Hardy, Cat. ii. 22. These 
Canterbury relics were translated by Lanfranc on Oct. 12 (the 
year is not given ; H. Y. i. 226). The day was probably chosen 
because it was believed, rightly or wrongly, to be the anniversary 
of his death (cf. the case of Cuthbert, iv. 30, ad mit.). This Can- 
terbury translation of disputed relics is not likely to have caused 
the substitution of Oct. 12 as the day of his death in a northern 
source like the York Missal. 

epitaphium] The epitaph is not in Eddius. 

q.uattuor . . . thecam] On these gifts of Wilfrid, cf. E. c. 17, 

Chap. 20.] Notes. 329 

ad fin. The * theca ' or 'bibliotheca' is the case or binding of tlie 
book. On the sumptuous bindings of liturgical books, see D.C.A. ii. 
1014. ProfessorWattenbadi identifies thisGospcl-book ofWilfrid's 
with tlie Gosi^els of the llannltun Collection. See Sir E. Maundc 
Thonipson, Pahieography, pp. 41, 52. 


Auno . . . regis] Owing to the doubt which hangs over the Date <.f 
exact date of Aldfrid's death, c. 18, ad init. note, the regnal years ^^^^*^'! 
of Osred are not a very safe guide. Above, however, c. 19, p. 322, death. 
Bede says that Wilfrid's death was in the same year as Cenred's 
abdication, which below, c. 24, p, 356, he distinctly places in 709. 
Hence Hadrian's death ought, according to this, to be placed 
in 710. It seems, however, impossible to reconcile with this 
the chronological marks given just below. It is there said that 
Hadrian died in the forty-first year from his mission by the 
Pope, and in the thirty-ninth year from his arrival in Britain. 
Theodore and Hadrian certainly left Rome May, 668 ; iv. i, p. 203. 
Theodore arrived in Britain in May, 669; Hadrian was detained 
by Ebroin in Gaul, and this may have delayed his arrival till 670. 
But 668 + 41 or 670 + 39 only brings us to 709 as the year of Hadrian's 
death. Elmham, p. 8, places Hadrian's death in 708, which is 
certainly too early. On Hadrian, cf. iv. i. 

p. 331. Albinus] See Pref. p. 6. 

Grecam . . . linguam, &c.] Cf. iv. 2. 

uon miuus quam Auglorum] 'swa swa Englisc,' 'like English,' 
AS. vers. 

Acca] This is the prelate to whom Bede dedicated so many of Acca. 
his works ; v. Introd. p. xlix. Bede evidently cherished the warmest 
afifection for him. He addresses him as 'carissime,' Opp. i. 202; 
'dilectissime,' i. 204, viii. 265, x. 2; ' dilectissime antistitum/ i. 
198, viii. 78, 263 ; cf. vii. i, viii. 162 ; 'amantissime antistes,' vii. 2 ; 
' amantissime pontificum,' viii. 162 ; ' dilectissime ac desiderantis- 
sime omnium qui in terris morantur antistitum,' vii. 369 ; 'sancte 
antistes,' i. 214 ; ' reuerendissime antistes,' viii. 360; 'tua dulcis- 
sima sanctitas,' x. 268. He addresses his letters to him as : 'Domino 
in Christo dilectissimo,' i. 198 ; 'Domino . . . nimium desideran- 
tissimo,' X. 268; ' Domino beatissimo et intima semper caritate 
uenerando,' i. 203; 'Domino in Christo desideratissimo,' xii. i. 
Acca, in the one letter which has been preserved, addresses Bede 
as ' dilectissime,' x. 267. (These extracts illustrate the confusion 

330 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. v. 

existing in the Latin of this period between the active and passive 
participles. A yet clearer instance is seen in c. i, p. 282, ' aman- 
tissimum Deo patrem Oidilualdum.') Bede tells us {infj-a) that 
Acca had belonged originally to the household of Bosa when bishop 
of York. On his retirement to make way for Wilfrid in 686 X687, 
Acca would seem to have attached himself to the latter. He shared 
his expulsion in 691 X692, and accompanied him to Frisia, iii. 13 ; 
Rome, and back to Britain, c. 19, pp. 328, 329 ; and from him Bede 
received many details of the life of Wilfrid ; v. notes to c. 19. He 
confirmed Hwaetbert in the abbacy of Wearmouth and Jarrowafter 
Ceolfrid's retirement in 716; Hist. Abb. § 20, p. 384; Opp. viii. 
162. In the same year he attended a council at Clovesho ; H. & S. 
iii. 300-302. He was bishop when Bede finished his history in 
731, c. 23, p. 351 ; but was expelled that very year, Cont. Baed. 731, 
p. 361 ; no doubt in connexion with the deposition of Ceolwulf 
mentioned in the same annal. (See, however, H. & S. iii. 313 ; 
ii. 7). These two events are placed in 732 by S. D. ii. 30 ; in 733 
by Sax. Chron. D. E. F. ; Fl. Wig. The G. R, p. 225, say that Acca 
was expelled ' triennio post [? ante] obitum Bedae, incertum an 
regressum.' His death is placed in 740 by S. D. ii. 32 ; cf. Eaine's 
Hexham, i. 34, 194 ; in 737 by Sax. Chron. u. s. Frithbert was 
consecrated bishop of Hexham in 735, Cont. Baed. i7i/r. p. 361 ; in 
734, S, D. ii. 31 ; and died in 766, Cont. Baed. p. 363 ; Sax. Chron. 

D. E. ; Hexham, i. 199 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 335. Acca would seem 
therefore never to have recovered his see ; cf. S. C. S. ii. 273, 274. 
For his burial, translation, and the miracles wrought at his tomb, 
cf. S. D. ii. 33-38. One of the crosses placed on his original grave 
is supposed to be still in existence ; Raine's Hexham, I. xxxiv. On 
Acca's buildings, &c., at Hexham, on which Bede also lays great 
stress, cf. ib. 31-36 ; Eddius, c. 22 ; S. D. ii. 52. Wilfrid on his 
deathbed expressed the wish that Acca might succeed him in the 
monastery of Hexham ; E. c. 97. Acca was one of those who 
urged Eddius to write Wilfrid's life ; ib. Praef. For a sketch of 
Acca, cf. Eaine, u.s. pp. xxx-xxxv, 31-36. For the history of his 
relics, ib. Ixiii, Ixxiii, Ixxxii, 35, 36, 49, 50, 55, 194, 195, 200. For 
the reverence felt for him after his death, ib. 186, 189. For the 
later history of Hexham, ib. xl-cxxx ; App. cxxvi. 

reliquiis] His master Wilfrid was a great collector of relics ; 

E. cc. 5, 33, 34, 39, 55. 

porticibus] Side chapels. See on ii. 3. 
Saints' historias passionis eorum] See the passage cited on c. 10 from 

M. Fustel de Coulanges. These lives perished in the Danish inroads ; 
Eaine, u. s. p. 190. 


Chap. 21.] Notes. 331 

bibliothecam] * boogostreon,' 'book-treasure,' AS. vers. This Library. 
\v;is dostroyod by tlio Daiios iu 875 ; Raino, u. s. pp. xliii, 31, 32, 190. 

Maban] 'Mafan,' ib. p. 32. 'Mafa,' AS. vers. Tlio namo 
souiuls Britisli. On tho Roman ohanting, see ii. 20, noto. 

p. 332. castissimus] Soo on iii. 28 ad fin. 

usquedum . . . desistit] The AS. vors. puts all this in tho past 

obsequio] Soo on i. 7. 

didicit] '7 Ca wel heold 7 laeste o?J his lifes ende,' *and he kept 
and observed thom -well until his life's end,' adds AS. vers. 


Eo tempore] This is commonly taken to indicate the year 710 ; Date. 
but wo have seen that we cannot always interpret these time 
roferences in Bede so strictly. 

Naiton] This is Nechtan mac Derili, King of the Picts. His Naiton or 
brother Brude, whom he succeeded, died in 706 ; Tigh. Here, as Nechtan. 
elsewhere, the adoption of the reformed Eastor caused great pjctf 
divisions ; and under 717 we read in Tigh. : ' expulsio familiae 
le [of lona] trans dorsum Britanniae a Nectono rege ; ' i. e. the 
Columbite clergy within the Pictish kingdom were expelled, no 
doubt for refusing to conform. (That they were very numerous is 
shown by iii. 3 acl fin. : ' Hii . . . monasterium in . . . omnium 
Pictorum monasteriis . . . arcem tenebat ;' cf. Rs. Ad. pp. 276-298.) 
In 724 Nechtan was tonsured, probably involuntarily ; in 726 he 
was thrown into prison by his rival Drust. In 728 he recovered, 
at any rate, a portion of his kingdom ; in 729 he suffered a severe 
defeat at the hands of Angus, King of Fortrenn ; in 732 he died. 
The dates are froni Tighernach ; cf. S. C. S. i. 270-289 ; P. & S. 
pp. clvii-clxi ; Rhys, Rhind Lectures, pp. 26, 73, 92. 93 ; C. B. 
pp. 173-176. 

Ceolfridum] See Hab. §§ 7, 13-18, 21-23; Haa. §§ 1-14, 16-37 ; Ceolfrid. 
Introd. §§2, 3. 

monasterii] Note the singuhir. Though locally divided, jjart Wear- 
being at Wearmouth, and part at Jarrow, it formed only one niouthand 
monastery ; v. Hist. Abb. § 7 ; Introd. § 2. R. W. makes the mis- 
take of placing Jarrow at the mouth of the Wear ; i. 220. 

p. 333. architectos] ' sumne lieahcraeftigan stangeworces,' 
'some master-craftsman in stone-work,' AS. vei-s. 

ecclesiam de lapide] v. s. on ii. 14. On the probable site of this 
chureh, v. H. & S. ii. 116. 

quos petebatur] For the construction, see on ii. 12, p. 107. 


The Ecdesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 


Becle, the 
autlior of 
the letter. 

Rules for 

misit illi et litteras] Tlie AS. vers., which omits the letter, turns 
this sentence as follows : ' sende him eac stafas 7 gewrit be gehealde 
rihtra Eastrana, 7 be Godes jjeowa sceare, eac oSrum rihtum Godes 
cyricean,' ' he sent him also letters and a writing about tlie 
observance of the correct Easter, and about the tonsure of God's 
servants, together witli other rites of God's church.' 

Ceolfrid abbas . . . salutem] Though the letter runs in Ceolfrid's 
name, there can be little doubt that it is the composition of Bede 
himself. The likeness to his other works on similar subjects 
amounts in many cases to verbal identity, as will be shown in the 

quidam] Ph\to, Rep. 473, D. The dictum is also quoted by 
Hericus to Charles the Bald in 876; Bouquet, vii. 563 ; cf. G. P., 
p. 160, of Ethelwulf ; W. M. i. 137, of the children of Edward the 
Elder; S. D. ii. 64, H. W. i. 267, of Charlemagne ; Stubbs' Dunstan, 
p. 379, of St. Edmund of East Angiia. 

tres . . . regulas] Cf. De Temp. Rat. c. 61 : ' In ueteri testamento 
tribus argumentorum indiciis pa^chale tempus est obseruari 
praeceptum, uidelicet ut post aequinoctium, ut mense primo, 
ut tertia eius septimana, id est, a uespera XIIII"^^ lunae, quod 
est initium XV"^®, usque in uesperum, id est, terminum XXI»® 
celebretur. Quarta in eiusdem obseruatione regula est nobis a tem- 
pore dominicae resurrectionis imposita, ut cum, aequinoctio tran- 
scenso, lunam primi mensis Xlllln^na uespere ortum facere uideri- 
mus, non statim ad faciendum Pascha prosiliamus, sed dominicum 
diem quo ipse Pascha, id est transitum de morte ad uitam, de 
corruptione ad incorruptionem, de poena ad gloriam resurgendo 
facere dignatus est, expectantes, in ipso tandem congrua Paschae 
solennia celebremus ; ' Opp. vi. 259, 260. 

p. 337. si ergo fleri posset] ^ Si fieri posset, ut eadem omnibus 
annis sabbati die luna XIIIP contigisset, nil nostrae paschalis 
obseruantiae tempus a legali discreparet ; ' Opp. vi. 256. 

quanquam . . . discreto] ' Nil nostrum tempus paschale a legali 
dissonat, quamuis aliis sacramentorum generibus eiusdem paschae 
solennia colimus ; ' Opp. vi. 260. 

quia uero dies] ' quomodo lunae dies eadem diuersas septimanae 
deuoluitur in ferias ; ' Opp. vi. 257. 

per Marcum] Cf. Opp. vi. 235 ; x. 2. 

pascha nostrum] i. e. Easter week. 

nulla cogente necessitate] On the postponement of the passover 
for those who could not keep it in the first month, cf. Opp. vi. 261 ; 
viii. 276. 

cum enim a uespera] ' Qui a XIIP luna usque ad XX*^™ domi- 

Chap. 21.] Kote,s. 333 

iiicuni pascliae dieiu obsoruanduui docernunt, praeoccupunt saepius 
initium paschae legalis, dum quod ipsa in XIIIP luna fieri statuit, 
illi in XIII"» conuertunt ; et quod de XX* statuit, saiictain eam 
et celeberrimam consecrans, quasi haec ad pascha niiniiiic per- 
tineat, lunditus contoninunt ;' Opp. vi. 257, 258. 

p. 338. rursumque, qui a XVI" die] ' At contra hi, qui domini- 
cum paschae diem a XVP luna usque ad XXII'"» celebrandum 
aestimant, duplici miseria hiborant, quia et legitimum i^aschae 
principium nunquam liabent, et crebro euenit, ut nullum dierum, 
qui in lege praescrijjti sunt, in sua paschali obseruatione conse- 
quantur ; dum et uesperam XIIII'"' diei, quo pascha initiari 
statutum est, et mane XV'"', quo septem azymorum dierum solen- 
nitas inchoari praecepta, a sua prorsus festiuitate repudiant. Atque 
insuper in huius poenam peccati XXII"™ diem, qui in tota paschali 
institutione per Moysen nec semel appellatus inuenitur, frequenter 
in sui paschae principium sanciri praecipiunt. Sunt qui in alteram 
partem a uia ueritatis, sed non minore labantur errore, cum scrip- 
tura praecipiat uia regia gradiendum, et neque ad dexteram, neque 
ad sinisti-am ab ea diuertendum ;' Opp. vi. 257 ; cf. ib. 246, 247. 

poenam erroris] Both the Itala and Vulgate have ' mercedem ' 
in Rom. i. 27 ; the former has ' semetipsos ' as here, the latter 

p, 339. aequinoctium autem] ' Aequinoctium uernale XIP 
Kal. Apr. die cunctorum Orientalium sententiis, et maxime 
Aegyptiorum, quos calculandi esse peritissimos constat, specialiter 
adnotatur. . . . Item catholicae institutionis reguhi praecipit, ut 
ante uernalis aequinoctii transgressum Pascha non celebretur . . . 
et hoc aequinoctium XIlQ Kal. Apr. diei ueraciter adscribendum 
. . . non solum auctoritate paterna, sed et horologica consideratione 
docemur ;' Opp. vi. 206, 207. 'Quod esse uerissimum etiam 
horologica docet inspectio;' i. 157. 'Quod in conspectione horo- 
logica et aperta ratione probabitur,' &c. ; ib. 162. 

quaecumque ergo luna] ' Neque enim alia seruandae paschae 
regula est, quam ut aequinoctium uernale plenilunio succedente 
perficiatur ; at si uel uno die plenitudo lunae praecesserit aequi- 
noctium, iam non primi mensis, sed ultimi luna putetur,' &c. ; vi. 
154-156 ; cf. ib. 245, 246. 

alia . . . editio] The old Latin or Itala, quoted also Opp. i. 166 : The Itah 
' et fecit duo luminaria magna, et posuit ea in firmamento coeli, ut 
luceant super terram. Luminare niaius in inchoationem diei,' &c. 
Cf. vi. 245 : ' quando primum ortus est sol in inchoatione diei . . . , 
deinde orta est luna in inchoatione noctis.' On Bede's use of the 
Itala, see Introd. pp. xix, liv-lvi ; infra, App. II. 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Bk. V. 


The Can- 
ticle of 

Cj^cles and 

at si uno saltim die] See last note but one. 

p. 340. quia ante legem . . . Christus] ' Libet interea paucis 
intueri quam pulchre legalis umbra paschae nostro uero paschae, in 
quo immolatus est Christus, non tantum mysterii, sed et temporis 
ratione concordet ;' Opp. xi. 294. On Bede's use of the symbolism 
of numbers, v. Introd. pp. Ix, Ixi. 

eleuatus . . . suo] This is Hab. iii. 11, in the old Latin version. 
The song of Habakkuk (Hab. iii.) formed in Bede's time, Opp. ix. 405, 
as it does still, part of the office for matins on Friday. In his com- 
mentary on that song, Opp. ix. 405-426, Bede useg the old Latin 
version, no doubt because in his time it occurred in the office in that 
i'orm. In the modern Roman Breviary the Vulgate version has been 
substituted. This verse is commented on pp. 416, 417. Bede also 
quotes it on Cant. i. 5 : ' solis nomine aliquandoDominus ipse signa- 
tur, sicut de ascensione eius dictum est : Eleuatns est scl, et hina sfetit 
in orcline suo ; ' Opp.ix. 216. This is derived from St. Gregory's Homily 
on the Ascension : ' de hac Ascensionis eius gloria etiam Habacuc 
ait : Eleuatus est sol, luna sietit in ordine suo. Quis enim solis nomine 
nisi Dominus, et quae lunae nomine nisi ecclesia designatur?' 

eis qui . . . confidunt] i.e. the Pelagians, on whom see i. 17, note. 
Bede uses this symbolism against them in exactly the same way, 
Opp. vi. 155, 156. 

p. 341. decennouenali circulo] Bede gives much the same ac- 
count of this, De Temp. Rat. c. 44 ; Opp. vi. 234, 235. On Theophilus 
of Alexandria, v. Opp. i. 165-168 ; vi. 234, 235, 258, 260. On the 
Paschal epistles of the bishops of Alexandria fixing the time of 
Easter, see D. C. A. ii. 1562-1564. 

tanta . . . copia] The drawing up of these tables gave a great 
impulse to annalistic writing. Each year occupying a line of the 
MS., the custom grew up of entering on each line any notable 
event which happened to mark that year ; v. Pertz, i. 1,2, and the 
introduction to my edition of the Sax. Chron. For the word 
'calculator,' cf. iii. 25, p. 188. 

etiamsi . . . annos] i.e. the great or paschal cycle of 532 years, 
formed by multiplying together the lunar cycle of nineteen and the 
solar cycle of twenty-eight years ; on which cf. De Temp. Eat. 
c. 65 ; Opp. vi. 269, 270. 

p. 342. tonsuram] On this, r. Excursus on the Easter and 
tonsure controversies. 

Beruitvitis intonsis . . . crinibus] The converse of this is the 
rule both with Celts and Teutons ; long hair being the mark of 
the freeman, and the shorn or shaven head the mark of the slave ; 
for the Celts, cf. Rhys, Celtic Britain, pp. 73-75. 

Chap. 2 2.] Notes. 335 

p. 343. formam quoque coronae] The construction i.s : * oportet 
eos, qui, &c. . . . formam . . . praeferre.' Yet all the edd. put a full 
stop before 'formam,' and Gih^s and Hokler even begin a new 
paragrapli witli 'formam.* 

magum . . . Simonem] Cf. Ahihelm's h^tter to Gerontius ; Opj). 
rd. Giles, ]>. 85. It is curious that the qther side seems to liave 
inade no attempt to deny this assertion ; see Adamnan's words 
quoted below ; cf. Rs. Ad. pp. 350, 351. 

p. 344. est Adamnan] It must not be argued from the present Adarnnaii. 
tense that Adamnan was alive at this time. He died two years 
before the accession of Nechtan ; Tigh. On Adamnan and his visits 
to Northumbria, v. c. 15, notes. If, as is probable, the incident here 
rehited occurred on the former visit, the scene of it is probably Jar- 
row ; as till 688 Ceolfrid was only abbot of Jarrow. If it occurred on 
the second visit the scene might be either Jarrow or Wearmouth. 

nostrum . . . uoluisset] Evidently the fame of Benedicfs mona.s- 
tery was ah-eady great. 

p. 345. in linguam eius] What the Pictish language really was The Pictish 
is one of the most vexed questions in ethnology. Professor Rh^-s l^i^g^^&^- 
has recently made a fresh attempt to solve it ; see Proc. Soc. Antiq. 
Scot. 1892. 

de medio . . . suorum] ' of middum his ealdormannum 7 his 
witum,' * from the midst of his aldermen and counsellors,' AS. 

p. 346. regia auctoritate perfecit] See above ; note 2, on this 

patrocinio] 'mundbyrde,' AS. vers. That this really did Patron 
amount to a change in the patron saint of the Picts, v. S. C. S. i. ^.^^ ^ * ^^ 
270-289; H. & S. ii. 114. 


Hii . . . monasteriis] r. iii. 3, adfin.; iii. 4 and notes. 

anno . . . DCCXVI] In iii. 4, Bede dates the change of Easter at Change of 
lona in 715 : in this chapter and in c. 24 he dates it 716, The jjj^^^ 
discrepancy has been explained by supposing that the change was 
resolved on in 715 and came into operation at Easter 716. This 
does not solve the difficulty, for in the present passage Bede 
distinctly places Egberfs arrival in lona in 716. Lower down he 
says that Egbert died April 24, 729, after residing thirteen years 
in the island. This is consistent with his having arrived there 
any time later than April, 715. Egbert seems to have taken his 
time in executing the commission which he received ; c. 9. That 


The Ecclesiastical History. 

[Ek. V. 

Death of 

Cenred of 

Egbert a 

commission preceded the departure of Wilbrord for Frisia, which 
must be dated 690; v. s. cc. 10, 11, notes. Perhaps he had been 
attempting to convert the Columbite monasteries in Ireland, with 
whom, as we saw, c. 15, Adamnan failed. Bede Chron. says of 
him : 'plurimas Scoticae gentis prouincias ad canonicam . . . 
obseruantiam conuertit ;' Opp. Min. p. 203. 

Osredo occiso] On Osred's cliaracter and death, see c. 18, note. 
[716] ' Guin rig Saxan (' the slaying of the king of the Saxons') 
.i. Osrith mic Aldfrith nepotis Osu;' Tigh. [715] 'lugulatio rexis 
(sic) Saxonum,' &c., Ann. Ult. The Sax. Chron. 716 says, 'her Osred 
. . . wearS ofslsegen,' 'here Osred was slain ;' and MSS. D. E. add : 
' be suSan gemgere,' ' to the south of the border ' (not ' on the southern 
border,' as commonly translated). D. is the MS. which has 
additions from good northern sources. (See my introduction to 
Sax. Chron.) This does not say which border is meant ; if the 
southern, it would suggest a conflict with Mercia ; if the northern, 
with the Picts, with whom the Sax. Chron. and Ann. Ult., Tigh,, 
and Bede c. 24, p. 365, record a battle under 710 and 7 1 1 respectively. 
Wendover's ' Osredus iuxta mare . . . interemptus,' i. 211, would be 
decisive for the northern frontier, were it not probably traceable 
to a mere misunderstanding of the words of the Chron. : ' be . . . 
gemsere,' which H. H. represents by ' iuxta Mere,' j). iii ; which 
in turn has been interpreted of Windermere ; (!) Lingard, Hist. 
Engl. i. 71 ; Bright, p. 413 ; cf. Lappenberg, i. 206. W. M. however 
says : * tandem cognatorum insidiis caesus, eandem fortunam in 
ipsos refudit. Siquidem Kenred ii, et Osricus xi annis regnantes 
hoc tantum memorabile habuere, quod domini sui, licet merito, ut 
putabant, occisi, sanguinem luentes, foedo exitu auras polluere ; ' 
i. 58. This implies that Cenred and Osric were concerned in the 
slaying of Osred. It would be interesting to know Malmesbury's 
authority for this. We have seen that in default of authority he 
is not incapable of romancing. 

Coenred] He was a son of Cuthwine, a scion of a younger branch 
of the Northumbrian house. He reigned two years; Sax. Chron. 
716 ; S. D. ii. 390 ; cf. ib. 375 ; i. 201, 360 ; Fl. Wig. i. 48 ; and the 
Irish Annals enter his death two years after that of Osred : ' Mac 
Cuitin rex Saxonum moritur ;' Tigh. ' Filius Cuidine,' &c., Ann. 
Ult. The Sax. Chron. s. a. 731, makes Ceolwulf, Cenred's brother, 
c, 23, grandson, not son, of Cuthwine. If W. M. u. s. can be 
trusted, Cenred also came to a violent end. 

sacerdos] Probably ' bishop,' as often ; v. i. 28, note ; and for 
evidence that Egbert was a bishop, see on c. 9. The AS. vers. 
divides the&e two chapters, 22 and 23, into three ; and the heading 

Chap. 23.] Notes. 337 

of tlie middlo cliapter runs tlius : *Be forSfore . . . Eegbyrhtes pajs 
nrwur])aii biscopes,' ' Of the death of Egbert the venorable bishop.' 
Ilere tlie Latiii word 'sacerd' is retained. 

saepius] iii. 4 snb ^n, • 27 ; iv. 3, pp. 220, 221 ; v. 9 ; cf. Chron. 
Opp. ]\Iin. p. 203. 

doctor . . . exsecutor] r. Introd. p. xxxvi. 

p. 347. corouae perpetis] The Irish Annals placc the adoption Change ot 
of the coronal tonsure at lona two years after tlie change in the tonsure at 
obsei-vance of Easter. If this is correct it wouhl fall in the abbacy 
iiot of Dunchad but of his successor Faelchu. 

per gentem Anglorum] For other instances of men of Saxon 
race at lona, cf. Rs. Ad. pp. 208, 227. Aldfrid himself is anotlier 
case in point. 

Brettones] On the date at which the Britisli churches con- TheBrltons 
formod, r. c. 15, note. Tlie AS. translator retains this passage in «-nd the 
the present tense. Does this imply tliat the schism was not qiJJesJ^n 
wholly extinct even then ? On the refusal of the Britons to 
attempt the conversion of their conquerors, cf. ii. 2, p. 83. 

Hiienses monachi] 'Hiisetena munecas/ *the monks of the 
settlers in Hii or lona/ AS. vers. 

annos circiter LXXX] Eighty or eighty-one ; Aidan's mission 
was probably in 635 ; iii. 5, 17, 26. 

octauo Kal. Mai.] April 24. This was Easter Day in 729. 

immo . . . non desinit] Cf. Opp. v. 62 : ' annuis . . . festis . . . 
admonemur, desiderium nostrum ad obtinenda festa, quae non 
sunt annua sed continua, non tcrrena sed coelestia semper ac- 

p. 348. eo die . . . q.uo numquam, &c.] For the explanation of the 
meaning of this pas&age, see the Excursus on tlie Paschal Con- 
troversy ; inf. p. 352. 


Anno . . . Osrici regis] Therefore Osric must have succeeded Osric. 
in 718, which leaves two years from 716, the date of Osred's 
death, for the reign of Cenred, as stated in the notes to tlie last 
chapter. Lower down Osric's death is placed in 729, after a reign 
of eleven years, which yields the same result. In S. D. i. 39, 
Osric is called * filius regis Alfridi.' This relationship is not 
noticed in Bede, Sax. Chron., FL Wig., H. H., or W. M. But as 
S. D. is copying the words of Bede in this chapter, and deliberately 
inserts this addition, he must have had some authority which we 
have not. But who is meant by the ' rex Alfridus ' ? A list of kings 
VOL. U. Z 


The Ecclesiastical Hlstory. 

[Bk. V. 


of Eoches- 

printed in S. D. ii. 390, makes Osric ' filius Aldfridi,' i.e. son of 
Aldfrid who died in 705, and therefore brother or half-brother of 
Osred. Dr. Stubbs however makes Osric the son of Alchfrid the 
rebellious son of Oswy ; and further identifies him with Osric of 
the Hwiccas ; iv. 23, p. 255, note. I cannot believe any part of 
this theory. Is it likely that the Northumbrians, in 718, would 
seek as tlieir king a ruler of a distant province, the son of a man 
who had disappeared from history as far back as 664 ? Whereas 
there is nothing unlikely in the view that Osric was a son of 

TJictred . . . nono die . . . tenebat] April 23, 725. Therefore his 
accession must be placed in Oct. 690. 

flllios tres . . . heredes] Bede seems to implj' that they reigned 
jointly. This is confirmed, as far as regards the first two brothers. 
by a charter of 738, which Kemble accepts as genuine ; K. C. D. 
No. 85 ; Birch, No. 159. Canterbury insertions in MS. A of the 
Sax, Chron., and Fl. Wig. make Ethelbert (whom Bede names first ; 
succeed Eadbert on his death in 748 ; while all MSS. of the 
Chron. place the deatli of Ethelbert II in 760 ; though a charter of 
his, which Kemble considers genuine, is dated 762 ; K. C. D. No. 
108 ; Bireh, No. 191. Nothing is said about Alric, nor does he 
appear in any of the charters, genuine or spurious ; and Dr. Stubbs 
would ' set aside his reign altogether as resting on no authority 
earlier than W. M. ; ' D. C. B. ii. 3. The Chronology of Malmes- 
bm-y and Elmham, which prolongs the reigns of the three brothers 
to 793 and 795 respectively, is quite incredible ; and perhaps rests 
on a confusion of Alric son of Witred, with Alric son of Heard- 
bert, slain in 798 ; Sax. Chron. There is a letter of Ethelbert II, 
to St. Boniface, asking him to send him two falcons for hawking ; 
Mon. Mog. pp. 254-256. 

Tobias . . . neminimus] v. c. 8, adfin. 

p. 349. Alduulf] The death of Tobias, and the consecration of 
Aldwulf are placed in 727 by Sax. Chron. D. E. F. He acts as one 
of the consecrators of Archbishop Tatwin, infra, p. 350. His death 
is given by S. D. ii. 32, under 739 ; the accession of his successor 
Dun, is placed in 740 by Chron. C. D. E. F. ; in 741, by Chron. 
A. B. and Fl. Wig. There are grants to him in K. C. D. Nos. 78, 
85; Biich, Nos. 152, 159. 

cometae duae] ' twegen steorran . . . J)a syndon on bocum comefa 
nemde,' "two stars which are called cometa in books,' AS. vers. On 
the significance and duration of comets, v. iv. 12, note. 

Sarracenorum lues] The Saracens had conquered Spain in the 
years 710-713. Thence they spread beyond the Pyrenees and 

Chap. 23.] Isotes. 330 

ostablishod thomsolvos in Niirbonno, wlionce tlioy plundorod Gaul. 
The victory of Tours, won by Charlos Martel in 732, saved Gaul 
from the fate of Si>;iin : 'Sarraconi cum uxoribus ot paruulis 
uenientes, Aquitauiam quasi habitaturi ingressi sunt ; ' Paul. 
Diac. Hist. Langob. vi. 46 ; Sigb. Gembl. s. a. 730 [ = 732] ; Froonian, 
Conquests of the Saracons, Loct. V ; Webor, Woltgesch. v. 109-120 ; 
Kitchin, France, i. 102, 103. If by the 'dignae poenae' Bede 
means the battle of Tours, this .sentence must have been added 
after the completion of the H. E. in 731. He cannot, I think, refer 
to the defeats of 721 (^Toulouse) or 725 ; as then we should lose the 
connexion with the comets of 729, which is evidently uppermost 
in Bedo's mind. 

Bede froquently refers to the Saracens in his theological works. 
Following Isidove (Chron. Tertia Aetas, ad init. : 'Ismael a quo 
Ismaelitarum gens, qui postea Agareni, ad ultimum Saraceni sunt 
dicti'), he regards them as descendants of Ishmael ; Opp. viii. 185, 
Thus on Gen. xvi. 12, he says: ' significat semen eius habitaturum 
in heremo, id est, Sarracenos uagos, incertisque sedibus, qui 
uniuersas gentes, quibus desertum ex latere iungitur, incursant, et 
expugnantur ab omnibus ; sed haec antiquitus. Nunc autem in 
tantum manus eius contra omnes, et manus sunt omnium contra 
eum, ut Africam totam in longitudine sua ditione premant, sed 
et Asiae maximam partem, et Europae nonnullam omnibus exosi 
et contrarii tenent;' Opp. vii. 185 (this was probably written in 
720). So on I Sam. xxv. i, citing Ps. cxix. (cxx.) 5 : ' habitaui 
cum habitantibus Cedar ;' he says : ' [haec] Sarracenos specialiter 
aduersarios ecclesiae cunctos generaliter describunt;' viii. 185 
t^this was written in 716). On Cant. i. 4, citing Gen. u. s., he 
says : * cuius praesagii ueritatem exosa omnibus hodie Sarrace- 
norum, qui ab eo exorti sunt, natio probat;' ix. 215. So com- 
menting on the ' sidus Remphan ' of Acts vii. 43, he says : 
' Significat . . . Luciferum, cuius cultui Sarracenorum gens ob 
lionorem Veneris erat mancipata ; ' xii. 36; cf. vii. 214; ix. 413. 
St. Boniface, in a letter written 723 x 755, warns a corre.spondent 
not to go to Rome : ' donec . . . minae Sarracenorum, quae apud 
Romanos nuper emerserunt, conquieuerint ; * Mon. Mog. p. 236. 
In the letter to Ethelbald (744 x 747) cited above, he says : ' Gentes 
Hispaniae et Prouinciae et Burgundionum ... sic ... fornicatae 
sunt, donec ludex . . . talium criminum ultrices poenas . . . per 
Sai-racenos uenire . . . permisit ;' ib. 173 ; H. & S. iii. 354. 

perfidiae] ' heathenism,* 'unbelief*t\ on i. 7. 

VIP . . . die] May 9, 729. 

Osric . . . decessit] Under 729, MSS. D. E. F. of the Sax. Chron. 
Z 2 


The Ecclesiastical Hlstory. 

[Bk. V. 

Death of 


Uate of 



give the entry ' her . . . Osric forSferde.' ' here Osric died ; ' hut 
under 731, MS. T> (which frequcntly duplicates events owing to the 
compiler having a double source before him) has the further entry 
'her waes ofslsegaen Osric . . . cyning,' 'Here Osric king was 
slain ; ' cf. the passage from W. M. given in the notes to the 
last chapter. 

Ceoluulfum] W. M. (i. 58) picturesquely says : ' conscendit . . . 
tremulum regni culmen Chelwulfus.' Of the troubles of the begin- 
ning of his reign we have a specimen in the statement of the Cont. 
Baedae, inf. p. 361, that in 731 (732, S. D. ii. 30 ; 733, R. W. i. 219) he 
was forcibly tonsured but restored. (Under 730, Ann. Ult. 731, Tigh., 
there is the following entry : ' clericatus Echdach filii Cuidini [Cuth- 
wine, see on c. 22] rex Saxan, et constringitur.' This can hardly refer 
to anything but the tonsuring of Ceolwulf ; so that he, like Aldfrid, 
would seem to have had an Irish name, which was Eochaid.) In 
737 he voluntarily became a monk in Lindisfarne ; ib. ; Sax. Chron. ; 
Ann. Lindisf. s. a. ; S. D. ii. 32, 375 ; i. 47, 201 : 'barbam deposuit, 
coronam [i. e. tonsure] accepit.' ' Hoc rege monacho facto efficiente 
data est monachis Lindisfarnensis ecclesiae licentia bibendi uinum 
uel ceruisiam ; ante illud tempus non nisi lac uel aquam bibere 
solebant, secundum . . . traditionem sancti Aidani ; ' S. D. ii. 102 ; 
cf. i. 361. The Sax. Chron. and Ann. Lind. place his death in 760 ; 
S. D, ii. 42, followed by Hoveden, in 764. He was buried at 
Lindisfarne near St. Cuthbert, and miracles attested his sanctity ; 
W. M. i. 67 ; but in 830, Bishop Egred translated his body to his 
new church at Norham ; and his head was ultimately removed to 
Durham ; S. D. i. 47, 52, 201 ; Ann. Lind. s. a. 830. In the letter 
to Egbert written Nov. 734, Bede speaks in the highest terms of his 
zeal for religion : § 9, inf. p. 412. To him he dedicated his Eccl. 
Hist., Praef. p. 5. Tothe influence of this, H. H., pp. 114, 117, 118, 
ascribes Ceolwulfs resolve to embrace the monastic life, which 
H. H. higlily commends. To this commendation R W. seems to 
allude. * rex nobilissimus, ut quibusdam placet ; ' i. 226. 

die Iduum lan.] Jan. 13, 731. C, followed by AS. vers., and Sim. 
Dun. {V. critical note, and Introduction, pp. xciii, xciv), reads ' v, die 
Id.,' i.e. Jan, 9, and this is Bertwald's day in the Roman Calendar. 
So also Fl. Wig. i. 51 ; Elmham, p. 300 ; and the list in Ang. Sac. i. 
94, Other lists, ib, 52, 85, give ' vi. Id.,' i. e. Jan. 8. The Sax. 
Chron. MSS. D. E. F. follows the ordinary text of Bede. If the 
37 y. 6 m. 14 d. be reckoned from Bertwald's consecration, June 
29, 693 (c. 8, ad fin.), it brings us apparently to Jan. 12, 731; 
S, D. u. s. places Bertwald's death in 732 (cf. siip., where he is 
also one year in advance). 

Chap. 23.] Notes. 341 

p. 350. Tatuini] Ho died 734 ; Cont. Bed. inf. p. 361 ; Sax. Tatwiu. 
Chron. ; on July 30, S. D. ii. 31, liaving received tho pallium 
the previous year ; ib. 30 ; inf. p. 361. (A spurious letter of 
Grogory III makes him go to Rome to fetch the pallium ; G. P. 
p. 56 ; H. & S. iii. 31 1, 312.) Tatwin is the author of a collection of 
Latin riddles, printed in Wrighfs Anglo-Latin Poets of the twelfth 
century, vol. ii. Appendix i. On thcse, and the mediaeval riddle 
literature generally, r. Manitius, Aldhelm und Baeda, pp. 78-82. 

de prouincia Merciorum] His election was probably due to the 
influence of Ethelbakl ; D. C. B. ii. 212 ; iv. 804, 805. 

Briudun] Bredon iu Worcestershire ; Mon. Angl. i. 586, 587 ; Bredou. 
viii. 1625. It was founded by Eanvvulf, grandfather of Offa ; 
Bireh, i. 326 ; cf. ib. 297, 298, 329. 

Inguald»] He died in 745 ; inf. p. 362 ; S. D. ii. 39. He signs Ingwal.l. 
a charter, K. C. D. No. 95 ; Birch, No. 171. 

Alduino] He is otherwise called Worr, under which name he Aldwiu. 
signs charters ; K. C. D. Nos. 75, 79, 80, 83 ; Birch, Nos. 146, 153, 
154, 156 ; the dates given for his aecession and death are 721 and 
737 respectively, the hitter is given by S. D. ii. 32 ; the former is 
an inference from the fact that Hedda, who probably preceded him 
immediately, died in 721 ; D. C. B. i. 79. 

die decima lun.] This was a Sunday in 731. For the mode of 
dating, see on iii. 9, p. 145. 

ecclesiis Cantuariorum] v. ii. 3, note. 

Aldberct et Hadulac] Bishops of Dunwich and Ehnham re- East 
spectively. Nothing seems to be known about either of them ; and Angliau 
the name of the former varies greatly in the dififerent lists. 

Danihel et Fortheri] v. c. 18, notes. 

Ualchstod] Bishop of Hereford. His predecessor Torthere signs Walhstoa. 
as hite as 727 ; Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 171, and his successor Cuth- 
bert was consecrated in 736 ; S. D. ii. 32. Malmesbury has 
preserved some verses by Cuthbert inscribed on a cross, begun by 
Walhstod and finished by himself ; also an epitaph composed by 
him on Walhstod and others of his predecessors ; G. P. p. 229. 
' These . . . are two of the most interesting minor relics of eighth- 
century history in England ;' Stubbs in D. C. B. iv. 1170, 

Huicciorum Uilfrid] Egwin, whom, as we have seen, Bede does Wilfrid 
not mention, died Dec. 30, 717 ; and Wilfrid was appointed before «^f tlie 
his death ; Fl. Wig. i. 49. He died 743, ib. 54 ; 754, S. D. ii. 39. ■^^^'i^'-'^^- 
There is a grant by him in K. C. D. No. 91 ; Birch, No. 166. He 
must be carefully distinguished from his contemporary, Wilfrid II 
of York, V. inf. 

episcopatus Uectae] v. iv. 16, ad fin. 

342 The Ecclesiastical History. [Bk. v. 

r.vnibert. Cyniberct] He is mentioned above, iv. 12, p. 229, as fourth 

bishop of Lindsey. He gave Bede information as to the ecelesi- 
astical history of his diocese ; Praef. p. 7. He died 732 ; S. D. ii. 30. 
The date of his consecration does not seem to be known. 
Ethelbald Aedilbaldo] He succeeded Ceolred in 716 ; c. 24, p, 356. It was 
<>f Mercia. to him that St. Boniface addressed his famous letter of remon- 
strance, already cited. But he was a strong ruler. Bede repre- 
sents him here as having the hegemony of the whole of Britain 
south of the Humber, though he does not reckon him among the 
so-called Bretwaldas ; cf. H. H. p. 121, who calls him ' rex regum ' ; 
while Dr, Stubbs says that he was * no doubt the most powerful 
king since Ethelbert of Kent, not excepting the Northumbrian 
rulers ; ' D. C. B. ii. 213. And Boniface, while rebuking his flag- 
rant immorality and ecclesiastical oppressions, gives him credit for 
liberality and vigorous justice. (This letter, with accompanying 
letters to Archbishop Egbert of York, and Herefrid [inf. p. 362], 
begging tliem to enforce its lessons, is in Mon. Mog. pp. 168-180 ; 
H. & S. iii. 350-360). We find him making war on Wessex in 
733 and 740 ; Sax. Chron. ; overrunning Northumberland in 740 
[737) Sax. Chron.], while Eadbert, King of Northumbria, was 
engaged against the Picts, inf. p. 362 ; combining with Wessex 
against the Welsh ; Sax. Chron. s. a. 743 ; defeated by Wessex in 
752, ib. ; cf. Cont. Baed. 752. His murder is placedby Cont. Baed. 
{inf. p. 369^, in 757. So S. D. ii. 41. The Sax. Cliron., followed by 
FI. Wig., places it in 755, and says that it took place at Seckington 
(Secceswald, Fl.) in Warwickshire, and that he was buried at 
Kepton. Under 716, the Chron. says that he reigned forty-one 
years, which agrees with 757. W. M., i. 79, says that his murderer 
was Beornred, who succeeded him ; but was immediately displaced 
by Offa ; inf. ; Sax. Chron. u. s. Ethelbald appears as the traditional 
founder of Croyland Abbey, but the charter is a gross forgery ; H. & S. 
iii. 296-299 ; K. C. D. No. 66 ; Birch, No. 135. There is an interesting 
and genuine charter of 749, in which Ethelbald 'pro expiatione 
delictorum suorum ' frees ecclesiastical lands from all burdens, 
except the repair of bridges and defence of fortresses ; H. & S. iii. 
386, 387 ; K. C. D. No. 99 ; Birch, No. 178. Apparently this did not 
avail him, for in a vision (previously cited) he was seen among the 
lost ; Mon. Mog. p. 275. To him Felix dedicated his life of St. 
Guthlac, according to which Guthlac had foretold his accession, at 
a time when he was much persecuted by Ceolred ; Hardy, Cat. i. 
405, 406 ; cf. FI, Wig. i. 49. 

Uilfrid] Wilfrid II. See c. 6, aclfin., note. 
Ediluald] v. c. 12, adfn., note. 

Chap. 24.] Notes. 343 

p. 351. Acca] r. c. 20, notes. 

PeothelmJ In 8. D. ii. 29, by tlie common confusion of P and j) Pclitliclm. 
(see on iii. 21, ]i. 169), his name is written ' Woctliclnius.* Mr. 
Arnokl, H. H. p. liii, thinks this is riglit. But ' Pehthelm ' is 
elearly ' hehn of the Picts,' as 'Pelitwino,' the name of one of liis 
successors (whom H. H. pp. 125, 126, calls Witwine), is 'friend of 
the Picts.' Bede has cited him as his authority for the tale told in 
c. 13, ad fin. He had been deacon and monk under Aldhelm ; 
c. 18, p. 320. There is no clue to the date of his consecration 
beyond Bede's ' nuper ' Rere. There is a letter from St. Boniface 
to liim a.sking for information as to prohibited degrees of marriage ; 
Mon. Mog. pp. 94, 95; H. & S. iii. 310. He died in 735 ; Fl. Wig. 
He is the first bishop of the Anglian see of Whitern or Candida 
Casa, which lasted till the death of Badwulf or Baldwulf, who 
sui-vived at any rate to 803 ; Sax. Chron. s. a. ; compared with S. D. 
i. 52 ; cf. ib. ii. 53, 58 ; G. P. p. 257 ; H. & S. ii. 7, 8. On the see of 
Whitern under Ninian, v. iii. 4, notes. It would seem from 
Bede's words that the district had become heathen again since 
Ninian's time. 

Brettones] Cf. on ii. 4, p. 88. 

qua adridente pace] Bede must here be referring to freedom External 
from external attacks from Picts, Scots, and Britons ; for he has P^**'*^^. 
just told us that tlie internal condition of Northumbria at this 
time was deplorable. 

plures . . . accepta tonsura . . . uidebit] This shows that Bede Growth of 
by no means favours an indiscriminate adoption of the monastic '^^^^^ '" 
life ; especially as in many cases the adoption was not genuine ; 
cf. Ep. ad Egb. §§ 11-13, inf. pp. 414-417. 


P. 352. The way in which Bede wrote his history, by subjects, Thechrun' 
rather than by order of time, rendered a chronological summary logical 
very necessary ; and he might have made it fuller with advantage. 
This summary has a very important bearing on the history of 
annalistic writing, as I shall hope to show in my introduction to 
the Saxon Chronicle. The insertions made in it by the MSS. of the 
Winchester and Durham groups (see the critical notes, and Introd. 
pp. civ, cv) and the continuation of it, inf. pp. 361-363, show hovv 
easily it might become the starting-point of a regular chronicle. 
The references to the corresponding cliapters of Bede's text are 
phiced in the margin. Tliese will show how widely the narrative 


The Ecclesiastical Hlstory. 

[Bk. V. 

to tlie nar- 

of Mercia. 


departs from the chronological order. The AS. vers. omits the 
chronological summary, but gives the biographical notice which 
follows it. 

XV . . . rexit] This is an addition to Bede's narrative. The 
annals 538, 540, and 547 have nothing corresponding to them 
in Bede's narrative. The eclipse of 540 is dated correctly June 20 ; 
but that of 538, which Bede dates Feb. 16, was really on Feb. 15 ; 
Art de Verif. i, 62. On Ida see notes to Sax. Chron. 

p. 354. 658 [critical note] ; v. iii. 24, ad fin. 

pp. 354, 355. 667, 686, 687, 692 [critical notes]. For the bearing 
of these additions on the classification of the MSS., see Introd. 
pp. civ, cv. For the substance of the last three, v. c. 19 and notes. 

p. 354. 675. On the chronology of Wulfhere's reign, see on iii. 
24, adfin. His death is not mentioned in the text of Bede. Fl. 
Wig. in relating it adds : ' qui regum Merciorum primus fidem . . . 
accepit [this is true, for Peada was only king of the South Mer- 
cians], et in tota gente sua daemonioi-um culturam destruxit et 
penitus eradicauit;' i. 32. Cf. the case of Earconbert {sup. iii. 8), 
whose daughter St. Ermingild he married ; ib. 

p. 355. 704. XXXI annos] This is inconsistent with the date 
of his accession given above, viz. 675. The Sax. Chron. rightly 
gives twenty-nine years as the length of his reign. 

p. 356. Haec de historia, &c.] On Bede's history and on his life 
and works, see Introd. Part I. 

p. 357. monasterii] v. note on c. 21, ad init. 

dulce habui] This is a favourite phrase of Bede ; e.g. Vit. Cudb. 
c. 25 : ' Baldhelmus . . . uirtutes uiri Dei cunctis . . . referre melle 
dulcius habet ;' cf. Opp. viii. 288 ; ix. 109, 156, 237, 305 ; xii. 287. 

in principium Genesis] The references in the margin are to 
Giles' edition of Bede's works in 12 vols., 8vo, 1843-1844. 

ad mortem Saulis libros III] The death of Saul comes at the 
end of tlie fourth book of the commentary on Samuel. The reading 
of C. O2. D. AS., &c. is therefore right. Though there was an 
interval between the first three books and the fourth it was not so 
longas fifteen years (716-731) ; v. Introduction, pp. xv, xvi, cxlviii. 


P. 361. As the annals 731-734 (as far as ' reuersa') are found in The cou- 
MS. M., and annals 733 and 734 up to the same point are found tm^^ation. 
in C at tho end of Bede's chronological summary (y. cntical note, 
P- 356), it is quite possible that these entries were made by Bede 
himself after tlie completion of the work in 731, and before his 
death in 735. Of the later entries I shall only deal with those 
which are {i) connected with the narrative of Bedo ; (ii) not found 
in the Sax. Chron. 

731. For Ceolwulf, v. v. 23, p. 349 ; for Acca, v. 20, 

732. For Egbert, see the notes on Bede's letter to him ; »?/, 
pp. 405 ff, ; for Wilfrid, v. v. 6, ad fin. 

733. XVIIII Kal. Sep.] Aug. 14. This date is quite correct. 

734. There was a total eclipse of the moon on Jan. 24, 734, at 
3 a,m, The date in the text is therefore just a week too late. On 
Tatwin, v. v. 23, p. 350. 

735. On Nothelm, see Bede's Preface, p. 6, note ; for Frithbert, 
V. V. 20, notes ; for Frithwald, Bishop of Whitern, Sax, Chron. s, a. 
762, On the date of Bede's death, see Introduction, pp. Ixxi-lxxiii, 

p. 362. 740. On Ethelbald, v. v. 23, notes ; for Ethelwald, cf, v. 
12, notes. 

Arnuuini . . . interempti] ' 740. Arwine filius Eadulfi occisus est Arnwhi. 
die X Kal. lan. feria VII ;' S. D. ii. 38 {i. e. Dec, 23, this was not a 
Saturday in 740, but was in 741 ;, The Eadwulf meant is probably the 
one who succeeded Aldfrid for two months ; see on v, 18, ad init. 
It will be seen that S, D, says nothing about Eadbert ; and the 
insertion of his name is probably a mere slip, as Thorpe suggests, 
Lappenberg, E. T, i, 213. Anyhow it cannot refer to Eadbert, King 
of Northumbria, as he was king till 758. 

741. Carolus rex Francorum] This is Charles Martel the con- Charles 
queror of the Saracens. His sons, Carloman and Pippin the Short ^artel, 
(the father of Charlemagne^, for a time divided the Frankish 
power ; but in 747 Carloman resigned, and like Caedwalla of 

346 Baedae Contlnuatio. 

Wessex, went to Rome and became a monk, v. D. C. B. iii. 600, 
leaving the wliole power in the hands of Pippin. Pauli thinks 
that the title ' Rex Francorum ' shows that these annals in their 
present shape cannot be older than the tenth century ; For- 
schungen zur deutschen Gesch., xii. 157. 
745. On Ingwald, v. v. 23, note. 

Herrfrid. 747. This is probably the Herefrid to whom St. Boniface wrote 

the letter cited on v. 23. 

750. The ' insurrection ' of Cuthred against Ethelbald refers to 
the battle of Burford, which the Sax. Chron. places in 752, where 

The Picts. see notes. Oengus is apparently Oengus (or Unust) mac Fergusa, 
King of the Picts, who died in 761, inf. It is difficult to see how 
he can have come into contact with Wessex. S. D., who in- 
corporates this entry, omits the words 'et Oengusum ;' ii. 40. 
I am inclined to think that the text is corrupt, and that these 
words, and probably also Eadberfs annexation of Kyle, are 
connected with an event whicli S. D., u.s., places under 756, the 
successful joint expedition of Eadbert and Oengus against Alcluith 
or Dumbarton the capital of the Strathclyde Britons. We have 
seen Eadbert engaged against the Picts, 740, above. By 756 he 
would seem to have compelled them into alliance with him ; cf. 
S. D. i. 48 ; Sax. Chron. 737, note. By Tlieudor is meant 'Teudubr 
filius Beli,' King of the Strathclyde Britons, who died 750 ; Ann. 
Camb. ; in 752, Tigh. ; cf. Lappenberg, i. 208. Who Eanred was 
I do not know. * Campus Cyil ' is Kyle, a district of Ayrshire ; cf. 
Rhys, C. B. p. 118. On the relations between the Picts, the 
Dalriadic Scots, the Strathclyde Britons, and Northumbria at this 
time, see ib. 176-178 ; S. C. S. i. 290 ff. 

P>h'pses. 753' Tliis is certainly the right year ; though the editions give 

756. 753 is the only year between 734 and 865 in which there 
was a solar eclipse followed by a lunar eclipse in the month of 
January. The lunar eclipse (partial, hence 'scuto') was on the 
date given in the text, Jan. 24 ; the solar eclipse was ou Jan. 9, 
the fifth of the Ides. 753 was the sixteenth year of Eadbert ^not 
fifteenth as Hussey says, acl loc, who however was the first to 
suggest the right mode of emending the passage) ; we should 
therefore probably read : ^ Anno DCCLIII, anno regni Eadbercti 
XVI, quinto Id. lan.' 

Bf)nifafe. 754. Bonifacius] This is the great Apostle of Germany. It 

would be impossible to discuss here the stoiy of his eventful life. 
It is curious that Bede says nothing about him ; and this fact 
a little weakens my argument in the notes to i. 13 with reference 
to Patrick. Boniface's life by Willibald is in Mon. Mog. pp. 429 ff. ; 

^^otes. 347 

Pertz, ii. 331 fif. TIio fonmr volume also contains tlie best edition 
of his lettens. On tlie date of Iiis death, see Oelsner, Jahrbuch des 
frankischen Reiches uuter Konig Pippin, pp. 489 tl". Ile decides 
'■'•i' 754- 

Redgerus] This is a mistnke. Lullus or Lul, a Wost-Saxon. 
succeeded Boniface as archbisliop of Mainz. Pauli howevcr 
hUggests that IIret5gar may have been his oriyinal name and thnt 
Lul was a mere nickname ; u. s. pp. 157-159. 

757. On these events, r, v. 23, notes and Sax. Chron. s. a. 755. 
Tlie story of Cynewulfs death is placed by the Chron. under 755, 
but the formal entry of his slaying belongs to 784. The compiler of 
these annals must have misunderstood eitlier the Chronicle or some 
.onnnon source from which they both drew. 

p. 363. 758. See Sax. Chron. 757. 

coelestis patriae uiolentia] Cf. Matt. xi. 12 ; Thorpe, Lappen- 
birg, E. T. i. 214, w-rongly takes 'uiolentia' with 'accepta'; as 
if Eadbert had been forcibly tonsured. 


ness of the 

Points at 
issue be- 
tween the 
Eoman and 

Early con- 

Eadmer, in his life of Wilfrid, says that he had omitted his hero's 
arguments on the Paschal question, ' ne in re huic opusculo non 
necessaria aliquod fastidium legentibus inferremus ; ' c. lo. Most 
readers of Bede will be inclined to M^ish that he had taken a like 

It would be impossible to enter fully into this controversy, 
without a knowledge of astronomy and mathematics as a basis of 
scientific chronology, to which I can make no pretensions. But 
the main points of difference between the Roman and Celtic 
Cliurches can be apprehended without touching on these thorny 

In the letter of Ceolfrid in v. 21, four rules are laid down ; the 
first two derived from the law, the third from the Gospel, the 
fourth from considerations of religious symbolism '. 
(i) Easter must fall in the first month^. 

(2) In the tliird week of that month. 

(3) On a Sunday. 

(4) The paschal full moon must not fall before the vernal 

equinox ^ 
The earliest Paschal controversies had turned on No. 3. The 
Jewish Christians, with St. John at their head, observed the 
i^th of the month Nisan, the day of the Jewish Passover, 

^ Cf. cc. 6, 50, De Temp. Eat. In c. 61 Bede endeavours to ground the 
foui'th rule also on Scripture ; though he admits that the law 
' aequinoctium nominatim non exprimit.' ' The Jews apparently had 
no ru.le about not keeping the passover before the equinox ; ' the only 
point considered in determining the first month being whether in sixteen 
days from the commencement of the month 'the barley wou.ld be 
sufficiently ripe for tlie observance of the rite of the firstfruits ' ; if not, 
a month was intercalated ; D. C. A. i. 587. So Smith, y>- 697. This may be 
true of the early days of the Jewish Coromonwealth ; it is certainly not 
true of the later. Cf. the extract from Anatolius in Eusebius, H. E. vii. 

32 : fJiaOeli' 8' eajLi/ i< tooi' vtto ^tAtoi/os, 'lojcrTjTroiy, Movcraiov Xtyoixevoii', (cai . . . 
Ttoc eri na\aL07epioi/ . . . Seiu to. Sta/SaTi^pia 6veL'' . . . ju«Ta iarj/uepiai' eapLvr)r. 

I owe the reference to Schurer, Gesch. d. judischen Volkes, i. 629. 
- On tlie first month, cf. De Temp. Rat. cc. 11, 43, 51. 
•" On the four rules, cf. ib. ce. 61, 64. 

E.venrsus on PaticJnil Coviroversy, <ir. 349 

regardlcss of tlie day of the wotk on Avliich M nii-lit full. 'Vhv 
Gentile Christians, having no associations with tho Passover, 
naturally attached their annual commemoration of tho Resurrec- 
tion to tliat first day which already in each week was kept in 
memory of it. The former custom prevailed in Asia, the hitter 
in thc West. In the Council of Nicaea, thc Westcrn custom 
became the rule of thc Church, and those who adhcred to the 
other view were stampcd as heretics with the name of Quarto- 
decimans '. 

On tliis point there was no controversy l)etween the Roman and The CeUs 
Celtic Churches. Bede more than once '^ refutes the unfair insinua- ^ecimans^" 
tions of some of the Roman party ^ that tlie Celts were Quarto- 

It must be admitted that the Celts themselves gave some ground 
for the charge by claiming for their practice the sanction of 
St. John's authority, which, as Wilfrid showed, would only be in 
point if they w^ere Quartodecimans *. 

The Roman party, on their side, were equally unhistorical in Roman 
asserting that the system which they followed had been that of j^^ig^^^^jj^^^' 
the Church of Rome ever since the days of St. Peter ^ 

Though their adversaries had not the knowledge to refute them, 
tlie Church of Rome had more than once changed its paschal 
practice, and the rules which were ultimately adopted in the 
Western Church were mainly worked out at Alexandria ^. 

Nor in principlewas there any difference between the Celtic and 
Roman Churches as to the other three rules ; the differences arose 
as to the mode of carrying them out. Thus in regard to the second The third 
rule : what was to be considered the third week of the first month ? ^jj^g^^rst 
The Celts reckoned it from the i^th to the 2oth of the moon month, 
inclusive ^. The Latins had originally reckoned it from the ^^^ 
i6th to the 22nd^ The reason for this rule was to make it ' 

' D. C. A. ; Smith, pp. 696, 697. The Conncil of Nicaea did not, as is 
often asserted, lay down rules for the finding of Easter ; but it fixed the 
celebration to Sunday, and enjoined uniformity ; Ideler, ii. 206 if. 

^ H. E. iii. 4, 17, pp. 135, 162. 

^ e. g. Wilfrid, Eddius, cc. 12, 14, 15. Aldhelm, H. & S. iii. 271 ; and 
probably Pope John IV, H. E. ii. 19, and notes. 

* Eddius, c. 10; H. E. iii. 25, pp. 184-186. 

^ Ib. p. 185, v. 21, p. 337; cf. Smith, p. 693. 

6 Opp. vi. 181 : ' AegyjDtus mater artium docet.' ib. 206, ' Aegyptii quos 
calculandi esse peritissimos constat.' So H. E. v. 21, p. 339 : ' Aeo:.>Titii . . . 
prae ceteris doctoribus calculandi palmam tenent.' Opp. vi. 235 : ' apud 
Aegyptios huius supputationis antiquitus tradita uidebatur peritia.' 

7 "H. E. ii. 2 ; iii. 28 (British) ; iii. 3, 25 ; v. 21 (Irish and Pictish). 

" Ceolfrid, or Bede, refutes this view, H. E. v. 21, p. 338, but without 
specifying the persons aimed at. Conversely in the De Temp. Eat. c. 59. 

350 Fxcursus on Paschal Controversy 

possible for Good Friday^ to fall on the i^th of the moon, the 
day on which Christ was believed to have suffered ^. 

Ultimately the Alexandrian rule prevailed, which was to reckon 
it from the i5th to the aist. It is on this point that most of 
the argument is expended in iii. 25 and v. 21 ; the other points 
being treated as subordinate. 

It is plain that a divergence of a week would frequently be the 
result of this difference. For whenever the i^th of the moon 
fell on a Sunday, the Celts would celebrate Easter on that day, 
whereas the Komans would defer it to the following Sunday. This 
is preeisely the case which Bede represents as occurring in the 
household of Oswy of Northumbria, where the king, who followed 
the Celtic use, would sometimes be celebrating Easter, while the 
queen, in accordance with the Eoman rule, was still fasting in Holy 
Week \ 

Closel}^ connected with this was the question of the cycles * used 
for determining on what date the i^th of the moon would fall'". 
Ultimately the Alexandrian cycle of nineteen years, as finally 
amended by Dionysius Exiguus, was adopted by the Koman 
Church ; whereas the Celts continued to use an older cycle of 
eighty-four years*'. What amount of divergence might arise from 
this cause I do not know. Bede does not often refer to the 
question of cycles. In iii. 4, p. 134, he speaks of the community 
of lona as following 'dubii circuli;' and rightly attributes their 
error to the want of constant communication with the outer 
world^. Indeed, considering the difficulty of communication. 

Bede refutes the Latins by name, whereas the Celts, though refuted, are 
not mentioned expressly. 

^ The Trdaxo- aTavpa)<7tjw.oi', Easter being the Trdaxa arao-Tciai/j.oi' ; Ideler, ii. 

- Bede, u. «., says of this party : ' eligentes potius in hmam XXII"" diem 
testi paschalis extendi quam dominicam passionem ante kmam XIV""» 
uUatenus inchoari.' Bede himself strongly holds the view that the 
crucitixion took place on the i^th of Nisan ; u. s. cc. 47, 61 ; Opp. vi. 
242, 260-262 ; i. 167. This is the view which underlies the synoptie 
narrative, while the other seems imphed in that of the fourth gospel. 

'' H. E. iii. 25, p. 182. This occurred in the years 645, 647, 648, and 651. 
D. C. A. According to Stevenson, p. 221, it would have occurred again iu 
665. If this is correct, it would explain the holding of the synod in 664. 
The main reason for exchiding the i^th of the moon, was to prevent the 
possibihty of the Christian Easter falhng on the same day as the Jewish 
passover. And this principle was laid down by the Council of Nicaea ; 
Bright, p. 195. 

* On the cycles, cf. Bede, w. s. cc. 43, 44. 

^ ' Sextus [decennouenahs] circuU locus amplectitur lunas XIIII primi 
mensis,' u. s. c. 59. 

'"' Ideler, ii. 295. 

^ So Wilfrid in H. E. iii. 25, p. 188. 

and Tunsure. 351 

* tho womler is how . . . a unanimous Easter was olitainalile 
at alP.' 

WillVid allu(h>s to tlio cycU^ of nineteen yeais, wliicli hv. 
ascribes to Anatolius ^ Ceolfrid also cites it, aiid represents it 
as having come down from apostolic times . Bede mentions the 
cycle of eighty-four years, once in connexion with the British* 
and once in connexion with the Pictish Eastor •' ; and as the Picts 
were converted from lona, this is conclusive as to the Easter of 
the latter community ; and through them, as to that of the 
Northern Irish ^. 

The first and fourth rules are closely connected. What is (for The tirst 
Paschal purposes) to be considered the first month of the year ? month of 
The answer is — that in which the full moon falls on or after the • "'• 
vernal equinox. If the full moon falls before the vernal equinox 
then that month is the last of the old year and not the first of the 
new ^. 

' H. & S. ii. 90. 2 H. E. iii. 25, p. 187. ^ ii,, y. ^i, p. 341. 

* ib. ii. 2, p. 81. ^ ib. v. 21, p. 346. 

" Mr. Anscombe (Obit of St. Columba) alone of all the atithorities which 
I have consulted denies that the Irish church used a cycle of eighty-four 
years, on the ground (i) ' that the Irish church wovild not celebrate earlier 
than March 25,' [see below] ; (2) ' that the cycle of LXXXIV indicates 
celebrations on March 21, 22, 23, and 24,' p. 4. But it does not seem to me 
at all impossible that the Celts might follow a certain cycle generally, 
and yet desert it when it conflicted with their rule about the equinox. 
Thus Bede, De Temp. Rat. c. 51, taunts Victorius with the inconsistency 
of his paschal rules: ' si magis obseruandum quod Aegyptii docent autu- 
nias, quare non illorum jier omnia scientiam sectaris.' And as a matter 
of fact, in an eighty-four years' Easter cycle published by Muratori in 
vol. iii. of his Anecdota ex Ambrosiana BibHotheca, alternative dates 
for Easter are added by the compiler in several cases, because the dates 
given in the cycle sinned against the Easter rules which he observed; 
Ideler, ii. 244, 252, 253 ; but in any case arguments of this kind cannot over- 
ride the jolain words of Bede. On the passage in ii. 2, p. 8r, with reference 
to the British Easter ' quae computatio LXXXIIII annoi-um circulo con- 
tinetur,' Mr. Anscombe says : ' By this I understand . . . that the date in 
April [the 2ist], which restricted the celebration of the Latins who used 
tlie cvcle of LXXXIV, likewise restricted the celebration of tlie Irish 
and Britons,' pp. 8, 9. Even if this very forced interpretation could 
apply here, I do not see how it could apply to the similar phrase in v. 21, 
p. 341, where, speaking of the orthodox Easter, Ceolfrid says : 'hic . . . 
computus paschae decennouenali circulo continetur.' The meaning surely 
in both cases is : ' this mode of reckoning Easter is comprised in (which 
is nearly equivalent to saying " is regulated by") a cycle of so many 
years.' Least of all can any such explanation touch tlie statement of 
Bede in v. 21 ad fln., that after the reception of Ceolfiid's letter, the Picts 
universally adopted ' circuli paschae decennouenales, oblitteratis per 
omnia erroneis LXXX et IIII annorum circulis.' Moreover it must be 
remembered that Bede nowhere makes any distinction between the 
different branches of the Celts (in whom for this purpose the Picts may 
be included), but implies that they all laboured under the same errors ; 
cf. ii. 4 ; iii. 25 ; v. 22 ; pp. 87, 88, 184, 347. 

^ H. E. V. 21 ; pp. 338-341 ; De Temp. Rat. cc. 30, 51, 62. 

352 ExcuTsus on Paschal Controversy 

This leads however to the further question — when is the vernal 
equinox? The Eoman Church, again following the lead of 
Alexandria, placed it at March 21 ^ ; the Celts at March 25. 
This, it is plain, might cause a divergence of a lunar month. For if 
a fuU moon fell between those dates the Romans would consider 
that that was the Paschal moon ; whereas the Celts would wait 
for the next full moon. An instance of this occurred in the year 
631 when the Eoman Easter fell on March 24th, and the Irish on 
April 2ist ; and some Irish delegates who were at Rome on this 
very question, had ocular demonstration of the extent to which they 
differed from the rest of the Church ^. 

Another point of difference between the Churches was as to the 
limits between which Easter might fall. The anterior limits were 
the result of their respective views as to the equinox, combined 
with their modes of reckoning the third week of the first month. 

Tlius the Romans placing the equinox at March 21, the earliest 
possible paschal moon was that of which the i^th or full moon 
fell on that date. The i^th itself being excluded, March 22 was 
the earliest possible date for Easter Day. For the Celts who 
placed the equinox at March 25, and allowed the celebration of 
Easter on the i^th, March 25 itself was the earliest possible date^. 
As to the posterior limit, the Celts, keeping in this as in other 
points the old Latin rules, refused to celebrate later than April 21 ; 
while for the Romans, who allowed the i^th of the paschal moon 
to fall as late as April 18 *, April 25 was the latest date for Easter 
Day. This explains the passage in v. 22, pp. 347, 348, where Bede 
speaking of the death of Egbert at lona on Easter Day, which in 
that year (729) fell on April 24, according to the Roman use, to 
which Egbert had converted the lona monks, says : ' Mira autem 
diuinae dispensatio prouisionis erat, quod uenerabilis uir non 
solum in pascha transiuit de hoc mundo ad Patrem ; uerum etiam 
cum eo die pascha celebraretur, quo numquam prius in eis locis 
ceiebrari solebat.' 
Eitterness We have evidence of the bitterness of feeling which these con- 
voked by troversies evoked in the statement of Laurentius, Mellitus, and 
Justus, that the Irish bishop Dagan refused even to eat in the 
same inn with them ^ ; and in that of Aldhehn that the British 
priests beyond the Severn not only declined to join in any act of 

^ The Latins had originally placed the equinox at March 18 ; cf. De 
Temp. Rat. c 51 ; Opp. vi. 246. Hence the possibility of having Easter as 
early as March 21, as mentioned in the last note but one. 

2 S. C. S. ii. 160, 161. 3 Cf. De Temp. Eat. c. 30; Opp. vi. 206. 

* Cf. De Temp. Eat. cc. 51, 59; Opp. vi. 248, 256. 

5 H. E. ii. 4, p. 88. 

the ques 

and Tonsure. 353 

worslup or social liff witli tho Saxons, but would cast any frag- 
ments of food left by thom to do<;s and swine, and rofusod oven to 
uso tho samo dishos, &o., until they had been thoroughly sooured 
with sand or cinders*. On the other side the Penitential of 
Theodore treats all British and Irish bishops as excommunicate, 
and all their acts as invalid ^ 

The earlier Paschal controversies had sometimes, though not 
always, caused similar exasperation '. But in all these casos it is 
probablo that the controversy was only the occasion for the venting 
of a bittorness which had mucli deeper roots in racial and other 
antipathies *. 

Another point on which the Roman and Celtic Churches were at The ton- 
issue was the question of the tonsure ; ' nam et de hoc quaestio sure. 
non minima erat ; ' viz. at the synod of Whitby ^ It also formed 
a great subject of discussion between Ceolfrid and Adamnan, and 
between Ceolfrid and Naiton^. It was however less bitterly 
contested than the Easter question, and differences on this point 
were not regarded as a ground for refusing communion ''. 

There were three forms of tonsure known in the seventh and Three 
eighth centuries * : forms. 

(i) The Oriental ; which claimed the avithority of St. PauP, Eastern. 
and consisted in shaving the whole head. Hence Theodore, who 

^ H. & S. iii. 271 ; cf, ib. 254. 

2 II. ix ; H. & S. iii. 197. A much too rose-colotired view of these con- 
troversies is taken in a letter of Peter the Venerable to St. Bernard : 
' Nec apud antiqiios ipsius paschalis temporis dissonantia, nec apud 
modernos ipsius sacrificii Christiani inter Graecos et Latinos nota 
uarietas charitatem laedere uel schisma gignere potuerit. . . . Alio tem- 
pore Oriens, alio Occidens, alio in eadem Britanniae insula Angli, aho 
Scoti, Christiani scilicet antiquiores, PaschaDomini celebrabant ; ' Migne, 
Pat. Lat. clxxxii. 403 ; cited by M. & L. p. 277. The Irish seem to have 
come to blows over the question ; see on H. E. v. 13. 

3 D. C. A. i. 589. 

< Cf. Bede's statement in H. E. ii. 20, p. 125, that the Britons in his 
own day treated the English as heathen ; and the bitterness, so unlike 
his usual tone, with reference to Laurentius' attempt to convert the 
British bishops to the orthodox Easter, &c. : ' quantxTm haec agendo pro- 
fecerit, adhuc praesentia tempora declarant ; ' ii. 4, p. 88. 

On the Paschal question generally v. D. C. A. s. v. ' Easter' ; Smith, Ap- 
pendixIX; Ideler, ii. 191-298 ; Werner, pp. 127-142. For thehistory of the 
controversy in theBritish isles cf. Bright, pp. 76 ff., 96 ff., 166, 167, 194 ff., 
243, 419 ; Es. Ad. pp. 26-28, 347, 379, 380 ; H. & S. i. 112, 113, 152, 153, 202-204, 
673, 674; ii. 77,99; iii. 268-273; S. C. S. ii. 7-13, 148 ff, 159 ff., 171 ff-, 219, 
278 ff. ; Anscombe, u. s. From all these authorities I have learned much, 
but I have tried to work out the subject for myself, as far as my know- 
ledge would permit. 

^ H. E. iii. 26 ad init. ; cf. ib. 25.^ p. 183. 

6 Ib. V. 21, pp. 333, 341-346. 7 Hj, p, 344, 

^ Cf. M. & L. p, 295. ° An idea based on Acts xviii. 18. 

VOL. II. A a 

854 Excursus on Paschal Controversy and Tonsure. 

bore this tonsure, liad to let his hair grow for four months before 
he could be tonsured and ordained after the Roman fashion ^. 

Celtic. (2) The Celtic ; this consisted in shaving the whole front of 

the head from ear to ear, the hair being allowed to hang down 
behind. The Roman party attributed the origin of this tonsure to 
Simon Magus ^ ; though some traced it up to the swineherd of 
Loegaire, the Irish king who opposed St. Patrick '\ The fact that 
it was common to all the Celts, both insular * and continental ^ is 
a sufficient refutation of this view, if it needed refutation. Some 
of the Celts claimed for this, as for their Easter practices, the 
authority of St. John ^ 

Koman. (3) The Eoman ; this consisted in shaving only the top of the 

head, so as to allow the hair to grow in the form of a crown ''. The 
Eoman party traced the origin of this to St. Peter. 

It is needless to say that these pretended origins are quite 
unhistorical. The early history of the tonsure is naturally lost 
in obscurity. It is not improbably connected with the primitive 
idea that long hair is the mark of a freeman, while the shaven 
head marks the slave^ As to the particular form of it, it is 
possible that here, as in their Easter practices, the Celts were 
merely perpetuating an older system which had become obsolete 

1 H. E. iv. I, p. 203 ; cf. Cambro-Britisli Saints, p. 235. 

2 H. E. V. 21, pp. 342, 343, and notes ; Aldliehn in H. & S. iii. 270;