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VILLAGE - COMMUNITIE S

EAST AND WEST.

THE SAME
4

AUTHOR.

ANCIENT

LAW : ITS

CONNECTION WITH

THE EaeLY HiSTOBY OP SoCIKTY, AND ITS

Kelation

TO Modern

Ideas. Uh Edition,

8vo. 125.

VILLAGE-COMMUNITIES

IN THE

EAST AND WEST.

SIX LECTURES DELIVERED AT OXFORD

HENEY SUMNER MAINE,

CORPUS DIOFKSSOR OF JURISPRUDENCE IN THE UNIVERSITY,

FORMERLY LAW MEMBER OP THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT OK INDIA,

AUTHOR OP ' ANCIENT LAW.'

LONDON:
JOHN MUREAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.

1871.

The fight of translation is reserved,

tONDON: PKINTKD BY

SPOXTlS«.OOi,Z5 A^f, CO.. l.i,W-8THEKT 8QCAKK

AND PAttHAMiJWf BXUiiiiT

PEEFACE

The Six Lectures which follow were desio^ned as
an introduction to a considerably longer Course, of
which the object was to point out the importance,
in juridical enquiries, of increased attention to the
phenomena of usage and legal thought which are
observable in the East. The writer had not intended
to print these Lectures at present; but it appeared
to a part of his audience that their publication might
possibly help to connect two special sets of investi-

fc gations, each of which possesses great interest, but
is apparently conducted in ignorance of its bearing
on the other. The fragmentary character of the work
must be pleaded in excuse for the non-performance
of some promises which are given in the text, and
for some digressions which, with reference to the
main subject of discussion, may appear to be of un-
reasonable length.

Kv The eminent German writers whose conclusions

VI PREFACE.

are briefly summarised in the Third and Fifth
Lectures are comparatively little known in England,
and a list of their principal works is given in the
Second Appendix. For such knowledge of Indian
phenomena as he possesses the writer is much in-
debted to the conversation of Lord Lawrence, whose
capacity for the political direction of the natives of
India was acquired by patient study of their ideas
and usages during his early career. The principal
statements made in the text concerning the Indian
Village Communities, have been submitted to Mr.
George Campbell, now Lieut. -Governor of Bengal,
who has been good enough to say that they coincide
in the main with the results of his own experience
and observation, which have been very extensive.
No general assertions are likely to be true without
large qualification of a country so vast as India,
but every effort has been made to control the state-
nients of each informant by those of others.

Some matter has been introduced into the Lectures
which, for want of time, was omitted at their de-
livery.

February 1871.

CONTENTS^

LECTURE I.

THE EAST, AND THE STUDY OF JURISPRUDENCE.

Comparative Jurisprudence — Comparative and Historical Methods —
The Past and the Present — Limits of Comparative Jurisprudence —
Method of Comparison — Enquiries of Von Maurer — The Mark and
English Law — Eastern and Western Communities — Characteris-
tics of Indio-Modern Theories of Eace — The Patriarchal Family
—Barbarous Forms of the Family — Origin of Law in the Family —
Village Community — Law of Nature — Codified Brahminical Law —

I Feudal System — Conditions of Juridical Study— English Ignor-
ance of India — Disappearance of Indian Phenomena — Influence of
Western Ideas— Influence of Physical Science — Influence of British
• Empire page 1

LECTURE II.

THE SOURCES OF INDIAN LAW.

ndian Settlements — Settlement and Revenue Courts — The Civil
Courts— The Indian Judicial System — The Supreme Courts — English
Law in India — Indian Opinion on English Law— Locality of Custom
— The Will of Bengal — Wills and Collective Property — A Modern
Indian Will — The Sudder Court — Influence of Sudder Courts — De-
velopment of Hindoo Law — Effect of Juridical Commentaries — The
Bar and English Law — Mahometan Law — The Pundits — Codified
Hindoo Law — Varieties of Native Usage— The Written Law — Hindoo
Widow's Estate — Preservation of Customary Law — Caste in India —
Tradition— Diff'erent Forms of Tradition — Popular Ignorance of Law
in England — The Experts and English Law — Indian and Teutonic
Village Systems 29

Vlil CONTENTS.

LECTURE III.

THE WESTERN VILLAGE COMMUNITY.

Antiquity of Indian Customary Law — Traditional Law — Analysis of a
Law— Indian Conceptions of Law— English Influence on Legal Con-
ceptions— Unwilling Assumption of Sovereignty — Influence of Courts
of Justice — Change in Nature of Usage — Growth of Conception of
Right — Influence of English Law — Connection of Eastern and
Western Custom — Von Maurer — The Teutonic Village Community —
The Arable Mark — English Theories of Land- Law — The Arable
Mark in England — Shifting Severalties — The Common Fields — Their
Great Extent— Extract from Marshall — Scott on Udal Tenures —
Commonty of Lauder — Peculiarities of Scottish Example — Vestiges
of the Mark page 63

LECTURE IV.

THE EASTERN VILLAGE COMMUNITY.

The Indian Village Community — Mahometan Theory of Ownership —
Land Settlement of Bengal — The Indian Proprietary Unit — The
Indian Village — The Cultivated Land — The Growth of Custom —
Water Rules — The Sources of Primitive Law — Customs of Re-
partition— The Village — Secrecy of Family Life — Dislike of English
Criminal Law — Fictions Attending Legislation — Village Rules —
Origin of Indian Towns — Indian Capitals — The Village Waste —
The Indian Wastes — The Government and the Wastes — The Village
Council — Peaceful Character of Population — Hereditary Trades —
Remuneration of Village Traders— The Outsiders — Absorption of
Strangers by Community ........ 101

LECTURE V.

THE PROCESS OF FEUDALISATION.

Feudalism — The Beneflces — The Manor — The Manorial Group — New
Condition of the Waste — Changes in the Grass-lands — The Free
Tenants — Settlements of Villeins — The Manorial Courts — Encroach-
ments of the Lord — Roman and Feudal Law — Causes of Feudalisation
— Growth of Suzerainties — Leading Families — Elements of Feudal
System — Systematic Feudalism — Antiquarianism of Indian Politics —
Political Results of Settlements — Various Forms of Settlement —

CONTENTS. IX

Growth in Power of Official Holder — Mahometan Assumptions —
Indian Schools of Opinion — Indian Forms of Property — The Headman
— Property Eecognised by the English — Absolute Ownership — Nature
of Rights of Property — Development of Absolute Ownership —
Vested Rights in India — The Feudalisation of Europe — Cultivation of
Waste-land — Improvements in Tillage — Village Communities and
Customs — Customary Tillage — Servile Dependants of Villagers —
Villages cease to absorb Strangers — Nasse's Work — The Statute of
Devises — Rules for Construing Wills — Restraints on Testamentary
Power PAGE 129

LECTURE VI.

THE EARLY HISTORY OF PRICE AND RENT.

Structure of Village Communities — Divisions of the Community — Pro-
perty within the Community — Traditions as to Rights — Exactions
of Indian Sovereigns — Indian Rent — Difficulty of Question — Anglo-
Indian Ideas — Customary and Competition Rents — The Protected
Tenants — Indian and English Forms of Property — True Character of
Problem — The Irish Clan — Rack-Rent paid by Strangers — Primitive
Notions as to Price — Early Measure of Price — Basis of Political
Economy — The Market — Markets and Neutrality — Influence of Market
Law — Sentiments adverse to Political Economy — Primitive Com-
mercial Principles — Influence of Carrying Trade — Price and Rent —
Market for Land in England — New Information required — Village
Communities in America 173

Appendices . « . . 203

Index • • 217

J^ tL

,,.„^_ CcWC£^l/\JLt.oy^ ^ CVdOLd

Errata.

Page 7, line 15, /<?r it is removed from it read one is removed from
the other.

Page 61, line 16, for coincidence with the writers read coincidence
with the conclusions of the writers.

THE EAST, MD THE STUDY OP JUEISPKUDENCE,

-U <L

C c^\ ce^fAA. ccnt^ <rii m/vc^ o

■--p\A. ccr-^ ^f(

VILLAGE -COMMUNITIES

IN THE

EAST AND WEST.

LECTURE L

THE EAST, MD THE STUDY OF JUEISPEUDENCli.

CONTENTS.

Comparative Jurisprudence — Comparative and Historical Methods —
The Past and the Present — Limits of Comparative Jurisprudence — ■
Method of Comparison — Enquiries of Von Maurer— The Mark and
English Law — Eastern and Western Communities — Characteris-
tics of Indio-Modern Theories of Race — The Patriarchal Family
— Barbarous Forms of the Family — Origin of Law in the Family —
Village Community — Law of Nature — Codified Brahminical Law —
Feudal System — Conditions of Juridical Study — English Ignorance
of Lidia — Disappearance of Indian Phenomena — Influence of Western
Ideas — Influence of Physical Science — Influence of British Empire.

LECT. I. THE STUDY OF JURISPRUDENCE.

LECTURE I.

THE EAST, AND THE STUDY OF JURISPRUDENCE.

In the Academical Statute which defines the duties of
the Professor of Jurisprudence, the branches of en-
quiry to which he is directed to address himself are
described as the investigation of the history and
principles of law, and the comparison of the laws of
various communities. The lectures to which I am
about to ask your attention will deal in some detail
with the relation of the customary law of the East,
and more particularly of India, to the laws and usages,
past and present, of other societies ; but, as we are
employed upon a subject — and this is a warning which
cannot be too soon given — in which ambiguities of
expression are extraordinarily common and extremely
dangerous, I perhaps should state at once that the
comparison which we shall be making will not con-
stitute Comparative Jurisprudence in the sense in
which those words are understood by most modern
jurists, or in that which, I think, was intended by the
authors of the statute. Comparative Jurisprudence in
this last sense has not for its object to throw light upon

4 COMPARATIVE JURISPRUDENCE. lkct. i.

the history of law. Nor is it universally allowed that
it throws light upon its philosophy or principles.
What it does, is to take the legal systems of two dis-
tinct societies under some one head of law — as for
example some one kind of Contract, or the department
of Husband and Wife — and to compare these chapters
of the systems under consideration. It takes the
heads of law which it is examining at any point of
their historical development, and does not affect to
discuss their history, to which it is indifferent. What
is the relation of Comparative Jurisprudence, thus
understood, to the philosophy of law or the determi-
nation of legal principle, is a point on which there
may be much difference of opinion. There is not a
little in the writings of one of the greatest of modern
juridical thinkers, John Austin, which seems to imply
that the authors and expositors of civilised systems
of law are constrained, by a sort of external compul-
sion, to think in a particular way on legal principles,
and oh the modes of arriving at juridical results.
That is not my view; but it is a view which may de-
serve attentive consideration on some other occasion.
It would, however, be universally admitted by com-
petent jurists, that, if not the only function, the chief
function of Comparative Jurisprudence is to facihtate
legislation and the practical improvement of law. It
is found, as matter of fact, that when the legislators
(and I here use the term in its largest sense) of dif-

LECT. T. COMPARATIVE JUKISPRUDENCE. 5

ferent communities pursue, as they frequently do, the
same end, the mechanism by which the end is at*
tained is extremely dissimilar. In some systems of
law, the preliminary assumptions made are much
fewer and simpler than in others ; the general propo-
sitions which include subsidiary rules, are much
more concise and at the same time more comprehen-
sive, and the courses of legal reasoning are shorter
and more direct. Hence, by the examination and
comparison of laws, the most valua,ble materials are
obtained for legal improvement. There is no branch
of juridical enquiry more important than this, and
none from which I expect that the laws of our coun-
try will ultimately derive more advantage, when it
has thoroughly engrafted itself upon our legal educa-
tion. Without any disparagement of the many un-
questionable excellences of English law — the eminent
good sense frequently exhibited in the results which
it finally evolves, and the force and even the beauty
of the judicial reasoning by which in many cases they
are reached — it assuredly travels to its conclusions
by a path more tortuous and more interrupted by
fictions and unnecessary distinctions than any system
of jurisprudence in the world. But great as is the
influence which I expect to be exercised in this coun-
try by the study of Comparative Jurisprudence, it is
not that which we have now in hand ; and I think it
is best taken up at that stage of legal education at

6 COMPARATIVE AND HISTORICAL METHODS, lect. i.

whicli the learner has just mastered a very difficult
and complex body of positive law, like that of our
own country. The student who has completed his
professional studies is not unnaturally apt to believe
in the necessity, and even in the sacredness, of all
the technical rules which he has enabled himself to
command ; and just then, regard being had to the in-
fluence which every lawyer has over the development
of law, it is useful to show him what shorter routes
to his conclusions have been followed elsewhere as
a matter of fact, and how much labour he might
consequently have been spared.

The enquiry upon which we are engaged can only
be said to belong to Comparative Jurisprudence, if
the word ' comparative ^ be used as it is used in
such expressions as ' Comparative Philology ' and
' Comparative Mythology.' We shall examine a
number of parallel phenomena with the view of
establishing, if possible, that some of them are re-
lated to one another in the order of historical succes-
sion. I think I may venture to affirm that the Com-
parative Method, which has already been fruitful of
such wonderful results, is not distinguishable in some
of its applications from the Historical Method. We
take a number of contemporary facts, ideas, and
customs, and we infer the past form of those facts,
ideas, and customs not only from historical records
of that past form, but from examples of it which

LEcr. I. THE PAST AND THE PRESENT. 7

have not yet died out of tlie world,, and are still to
be found in it. When in truth we have to some ex-
tent succeeded in freeing ourselves from that limited
conception of the world and mankind, beyond which
the most civilised societies and (I will add) some
of the greatest thinkers do not always rise ; when
we gain something like an adequate idea of the vast-
ness and variety of the phenomena of human society;
when in particular we have learned not to exclude
from our view of earth and man those great and
unexplored regions which we vaguely term the East,
we find it to be not wholly a conceit or a para-
dox to say that the distinction between the Present
and the Past disappears. Sometimes the Past is the
Present; much more often it is removed from it
by varying distances, which, however, cannot be
estimated or expressed chronologically. Direct
observation comes thus to the aid of historical
enquiry, and historical enquiry to the help of direct
observation. The characteristic difficulty of the
historian is that recorded evidence, however saga-
ciously it may be examined and re-examined, can
very rarely be added to ; the characteristic error of
the direct observer of unfamiliar social or juridical
phenomena is to compare them too hastily with
familiar phenomena apparently of the same kind.
But the best contemporary historians, both of
England and of Germany, are evidently striving to

8 LIMITS OF COMPARATIVE JURISPRUDENCE, lect. i.

increase their resources through the agency of the
Comparative Method ; and nobody can have been
long in the East without perceiving and regretting
that a great many conclusions, founded on patient
personal study of Oriental usage and idea, are vitiated
through the observer's want of acquaintance with
some elementary facts of Western legal history.

I should, however, be making a very idle pre-
tension if I held out a prospect of obtaining, by
the application of the Comparative Method to juris-
prudence, any results which, in point of interest or
trustworthiness, are to be placed on a level with
those which, for example, have been accompHshed
in Comparative Philology. To give only one reason,
the phenomena of human society, laws and legal
ideas, opinions and usages, are vastly more affected
by external circumstances than language. They are
much more at the mercy of individual volition, and
consequently much more subject to change effected
deliberately from without. The sense of expediency
or convenience is not assuredly, as some great writers
have contended, the only source of modification in
law and usage; but still it undoubtedly is a cause of
change, and an effective and powerful cause. The
conditions of the convenient and expedient are,
however, practically infinite, and nobody can reduce
them to rule. And however mankind at certain
stages of development may dislike to have their

LECT. I. METHOD OF COMPAKISON.

usages changed, they always probably recognise
certain constraining: influences as suflicient reasons , .^
for submitting to new rules . There is no country, E <K,jr rJ^^
probably, in which Custom is so stable as it is in a<3'<^
India ; yet there, competing with the assumption
that Custom is sacred and perpetual, is the very
general admission that whatever the sovereign com-
mands is Custom. The greatest caution must there-
fore be observed in all speculations on the inferences
derivable from parallel usages. True, however, as
this is, there is much to encourage further attention
to the observed phenomena of custom and further
observation of customs not yet examined. To take
very recent instances, I know nothing more striking
among Mr. Freeman's many contributions to our
historical knowledge than his identification of the
fragments of Teutonic society, organised on its
primitive model, which are to be found in the Forest
Cantons of Switzerland. This, indeed, is an example
of an archaic political institution which has survived
to our day. The usages which it has preserved are
rather political than legal ; or, to put it in another
way, they belong to the domain of Public rather than
to that of Private law. But to usages of this last
class clearly belong those samples of ancient Teutonic
agricultural customs and ancient Teutonic forms of
property in land which Yon Maurer has found to
occur in the more backward parts of Germany. I

10 ENQUIRIES OF VON MAURER. lect. i.

shall have to ask a good deal of your attention here-
after to the results announced by the eminent writer
whom I have just named; at present I will confine
myself to a brief indication of his method and con-
clusions and of their bearing on the undertaking
we have in hand.

Yon Maurer has written largely on the Law of
the Mark or Township, and on the Law of the
KvyaUxV Manor. The Township (I state the matter in my

V*1> 'T- li**^'^ own way) was an organised, self-acting group of
^ittfuA*^ ieutonic lamilies, exercismg a common proprietor-
^/ fv5^**^ ship over a definite tract of land, its Mark, cultivat-
ing its domain on a common system, and sustaining
itself by the produce. It is described by Tacitus in
the ' Germany ' as the ' vicus ' ; it is well known to
have been the proprietary and even the political unit
of the earliest English society; it is allowed to have
existed among the Scandinavian races, and it sur-
vived to so late a date in the Orkney and Shetland
Islands as to have attracted the personal notice of
Walter Scott. In our own country it became ab-
sorbed in larger territorial aggregations, and, as the
movements of these larger aggregations constitute
the material of political history, the political histo-
rians have generally treated the Mark as having
greatly lost its interest. Mr. Freeman speaks of the
politics of the Mark as having become the politics
of the parish vestry. But is it true that it has lost

LECT. I. THE MAKE AND ENGLISH LAW. 11

its juridical, as it has lost its political importance ?
It cannot reasonably be doubted that the Family was q. i ^
the great source of personal law ; are there any {Jc^^^rv/a^'c, *
reasons for supposing that the larger groups, in^^^^'^c^ «^. f^J
which Families are found to have been primitively tofv w ^iyjn/wi
combined for the purposes of ownership over land, ^ '-^^^^<^^
were to anything like the same extent the sources of
proprietary law? So far as our own country is con-
cerned, the ordinary text-books of our law suggest
no such conclusion ; since they practically trace our
land-law to the customs of the Manor, and assume
the Manor to have been a complete novelty intro-
duced into the world during the process which is
called the feudalisation of Europe. But the writings
of Yon Maurer, and of another learned German who
has followed him, Nasse of Bonn, afford strong reason
for thinking that this account of our legal history
should be reviewed. The Mark has through a great
part of Germany stamped itself plainly on land-law,
on agricultural custom, and on the territorial distri-
bution of landed property. Nasse has called atten-
tion to the vestiges of it which are still discoverable
in England, and which, until recently, were to be
found on all sides of us ; and he seems to me to
have at least raised a presumption that the Mark is
the true source of some things which have never been
satisfactorily explained in English real-property law.
The work of Professor Nasse appears to me to

12 EASTERN AND WESTERN COMMUNITIES. lect. i.

require some revision from an English professional
lawyer; but, beyond attempting this, I should pro-
bably have left this subject in the hands of writers
who have made it their own, if it were not for one
circumstance. These writers are obviously unaware
of the way in which Eastern phenomena confirm
their account of the primitive Teutonic cultivating
group, and may be used to extend it. The Village
X. coYwnrv-wxvv^i Community of India exhibits resemblances to the
>j^M<^ f^'<Hwer6^tc>nic Township which are much too strong and
I^^^iiiii «^ ^cvr/r-vr^ to be accidental ; where it differs from the

ari^J^!r#r*^^ownship, the difference may be at least plausibly
I j explained. It has the same double aspect of a group
i~ I ! of families united by the assumption of common kin-

j ship, and of a company of persons exercising joint
' ownership over land. The domain which it occupies
is distributed, if not in the same manner, upon the
same principles; and the ideas which prevail within
the group of the relations and duties of its members
to one another appear to be substantially the same.
But the Indian Village Community is a living, and
not a dead, institution. The causes which trans-
formed the Mark into the Manor, though they may
be traced in India, have operated very feebly ; and
over the greatest part of the country the Village
Community has not been absorbed in any larger col-
lection of men or lost in a territorial area of wider
extent. For fiscal and legal purposes it is the pro-

LECT. I. CHARACTERISTICS OF INDIA. 13

prietary unit of large and populous provinces. It
is under constant and careful observation, and the
doubtful points which it exhibits are the subject of
the most earnest discussion and of the most vehe-
ment controversy. No better example could there-
fore be given of the new material which the East, and
especially India, furnishes to the juridical enquirer.

If an ancient society be conceived as a society in
which are found existing phenomena of usage and
legal thought which, if not identical with, wear a strong
resemblance to certain other phenomena of the same
kind which the Western world may be shown to have
exhibited at periods here belonging chronologically
to the Past, the East is certainly full of fragments
of ancient society. Of these, the most instructive,
because the most open to sustained observation, are
to be found in India. The country is an assemblage
of such fragments rather than an ancient society
complete in itself. The apparent uniformity and
even monotony which to the new comer are its most
impressive characteristics, prove, on larger experience,
to have been merely the cloudy outline produced by
mental distance ; and the observation of each succeed-
ing year discloses a greater variety in usages and
ideas which at first seemed everywhere identical.
Yet there is a sense in which the first impressions of
the Englishman in India are correct. Each indi-
vidual in India is a slave to the customs of the

J4 MODERN THEORIES OF RACE. lect. i.

group to which he belongs ; and the customs of the
several groups, various as they are, do not differ
from one another with that practically infinite
variety of difference which is found in the habits
and practices of the individual men and women who
make up the modern societies of the civilised West.
A great number of the bodies of custom observable
in India are strikingly alike in their most im-
portant features, and leave no room for doubt
that they have somehow been formed on some
common model and pattern. After all that has been
achieved in other departments of enquiry, there
would be no great presumption in laying down, at
least provisionally, that the tie which connects these
various systems of native usage is the bond of com-
mon race between the men whose life is regulated
by them. If I observe some caution in using that
language on the subject of common race which has
become almost popular among us, it is through con-
sciousness of the ignorance under which we labour
of the multitudinous and most interesting societies
which envelope India on the North and East.
Everybody who has a conception of the depth of
this ignorance will be on his guard against any
theory of the development or inter-connection of
usage and primitive idea which makes any preten-
sions to completeness before these societies have
been more accurately examined.

LECT. I. THE PATRIARCHAL FAMILY. 15

Let me at this point attempt to indicate to you
the sort of instruction which India may be expected
to yield to the student of historical jurisprudence.
There are in the history of law certain epochs which
appear to us, with such knowledge as we possess, to
mark the beginning of distinct trains of legal ideas /.
and distinct courses of practice. One of these is the 'V,ji^:aA.tk*
formation of the Patriarchal Family, a group of men ^<'^v^^
and women, children and slaves, of animate and in-
animate property, all connected together by common
subjection to the Paternal Power of the chief of the
household. I need not here repeat to you the proof
which I have attempted to give elsewhere, that a
great part of the legal ideas of civilised races may
be traced to this conception, and that the history
of their development is the history of its slow
unwinding. You may, however, be aware that
some enquirers have of late shown themselves
not satisfied to accept the Patriarchal Family as
a primary fact in the history of society. Such dis-
inclination is, I think, very far from unnatural. The
Patriarchal Family is not a simple but a highly
complex group, and there is nothing in the super-
ficial passions, habits, or tendencies of human nature
which at all sufficiently accounts for it. If it is
really to be accepted as a primary social fact, the
explanation assuredly lies among the secrets and
mysteries of our nature, not in any characteristics

16 BARBAROUS FORMS OF THE FAMILY. tEcx. i.

which are on its surface. Again, under its best
ascertained forms, the Family Group is in a high
degree artificially constituted, since it is freely re-
cruited by the adoption of strangers. All this justi-
fies the hesitation which leads to further enquiry ; and
it has been strongly contended of late, that by in-
vestigation of the pi*actices arid ideas of existing
savage races, at least two earlier stages of human
society disclose themselves through which it passed
before organising itself in Family Groups. In two
separate volumes, each of therii remarkably ingenious
and interesting, Sir John Lubbock and Mr. McLennan
conceive themselves to have shown that the first
steps of mankind towards civilisation were taken from
a condition in which assemblages of men followed
practices which are riot found to occur universally
even in animal nature. Here I have only to observe
that many of the phenomena of barbarism adverted
to by these Writers are found in India. The usages
appealed to are the usages of certain tribes or races,
sometimes called aboriginal, which have been driven
into the inaccessible recesses of the widely extending
mountain country on the north-east of India by the
double pressure of Indian and Chinese civilisation, or
which took refuge in the hilly regions of Central and
Southern India fi-om the conquest of Brahminical
invaders, whether or not of Aryan descent. Many
of these wild tribes have now for many years been

LECT. I. ORIGIN OF LAW IN THE FAMILY. 17

under British observation, and have indeed been
administered by British Officers. The evidence,
therefore, of their usages and ideas which is or
may be forthcoming, is very superior indeed to the
shppery testimony concerning savages which is
gathered from travellers' tales. It is not my inten-
tion in the present lectures to examine the Indian
evidence anew, but, now that w^e know what interest
attaches to it, I venture to suggest that this evidence
should be carefully re-examined on the spot. Much
which I have personally heard in India bears out the
caution which I gave as to the reserve with which
all speculations on the antiquity of human usage
should be received. Practices represented as of im-
memorial antiquity, and universally characteristic of
the infancy of mankind, have been described to me
as having been for the first time resorted to in our
own days through the mere pressure of external
circumstances or novel temptations.

Passing from these wild tribes to the more ad-
vanced assemblages of men to be found in India, it
may be stated without any hesitation that the rest
of the Indian evidence, whencesoever collected, gives
colour to the theory of the origin of a great part
of law in the Patriarchal Family. I may be able
hereafter to establish, or at all events to raise a
presumption, that many rules, of which nobody has
hitherto discerned the historical beginnings, had

18 VILLAGP: community. lect. t.

really their sources in certain incidents of the Patria
Potestas, if tlie Indian evidence may be trusted.
And upon that evidence many threads of connec-
tion between widely divided departments of law will
emerge from the obscurity in which they have
hitherto been hidden.
\KiXff^^/L ^^^^^^^ -^^^ ^YiQ Patriarchal Family, when occupied with
^ those agricultural pursuits which are the exclusive
employment of many millions of men in India, is
generally found as the unit of a larger natural group,
the Village Community. The Village Community
is in India itself the source of a land-law which, in
bulk at all events, may be not unfairly compared
with the real-property law of England. This law
defines the relations to one another of the various
sections of the group, and of the group itself to the
Government, to other village communities, and to
certain persons who claim rights over it. The corre-
sponding cultivating group of the Teutonic societies
has undergone a transformation which forbids us to
attribute to it, as a source of land 4a w, quite the same
importance which belongs to the Indian Village Com-
munity. But it is certainly possible to show that
the transformation was neither so thorough as has
been usually supposed, nor so utterly destructive of
the features of the group in its primitive shape.
When then the Teutonic group has been re-con-
structed by the help of observed Indian phenomena

LECT. T. LAW OF NATUEE. 19

a process which will not be completed until both

sets of facts have been more carefully examined
than heretofore by men who are conscious of their
bearing on one another — it is more than likely that
we may be able to correct and amplify the received
theories of the origin and significance of English real-
property law.

Let me pass to another epoch in legal history.
More than once, the jurisprudence of Western Europe
has reached a stage at which the ideas which presided
over the original body of rules are found to have been
driven out and replaced by a wholly new group of
notions, which have exercised a strong, and in some
cases an exclusively controlling influence on all the
subsequent modifications of the law. Such a period
^ was arrived at in Roman law, when the theory of
a Law of Nature substituted itself for the notions
which lawyers and politicians had formed for them-
selves concerning the origin and sanctions of the
rules which governed the ancient city. A similar
displacement of the newer legal theory took place
when the Roman law, long since affected in all its
parts by the doctrine of Natural Law, became, for
certain purposes and within certain limits, the Canon
law — a source of modern law which has not yet been
sufficiently explored. The more recent jurispru-
dence of the West has been too extensive to have
been penetrated throughout by any new theory, but

c 2

20 CODIFIED BIIAHMINICAL LAW. lect. i.

it will not be difficult to point out that particular
departments of law have come to be explained on
moral principles which originally had nothing what-
ever to do with them, and that, once so explained,
they have never shaken off the influence of these
principles. This phenomenon may be shown to have
occurred in India on a vast scale. The whole of
the codified law of the country — ^that is, the law con-
tained in the Code of Manu, and in the treatises
of the various schools of commentators who have
written on that code and greatly extended it — is
theoretically connected together by certain definite
ideas of a sacerdotal nature. But the most recent
observation goes to prove that the portion of the
law codified and the influence of this law are much
less than was once supposed, and that large bodies
of indigenous custom have grow up independently
of the codified law. But on comparing the written
and the unwritten law, it appears clearly that the
sacerdotal notions which permeate the first have
invaded it from without, and are of Brahminical
origin. I shall have to advert to the curious circum-
stance that the influence of these Brahminical theories
upon law has been rather increased than otherwise
by the British dominion.

The beginning of the vast body of legal rules which,
for want of a better name, we must call the feudal
system, constitutes, for the West, the greatest epoch in

LECT. I. FEUDAL SYSTEM. 21

its legal history. The question of its origin, difficult
enough in regard to those parts of Europe conquered
by barbarian invaders which were inhabited by
Komanised populations, seemed to be embarrassed
with much greater difficulty when it had to be
solved in respect of countries like England and
Germany Proper, where the population was mainly
of the same blood, and practised the same usages, as
the conquerors of the Empire. The school of German
writers, however, among whom Yon Maurer is the
most eminent, appears to me to have successfully
generalised and completed the explanation given in
respect of our country by Enghsh historical scholars,
by showing that the primitive Teutonic proprietary
system had everywhere a tendency, not produced from
without, to modify itself in the direction of feudalism ;
so that influences partly of administrative origin and
(so far as the Continent is concerned) partly traceable
to Roman law may, so to speak, have been met half-
way. It will be possible to strengthen these argu-
ments by pointing out that the Indian system of
property and tenure, closely resembling that which
Maurer believes to be the ancient proprietary system
of the Teutonic races, has occasionally, though not
universally, undergone changes which bring it into
something like harmony with European feudalism.

Such are a few of the topics of jurisprudence —
touched upon, I must warn you, so shghtly as to

22 CONDITIONS OF JURIDICAL STUDY. lect. i.

give a very imperfect idea of their importance and
instructiveness — upon which the observed phenomena
of India may be expected to throw light. I shall
make no apology for calling your attention to a line
of investigation which perhaps shares in the bad
reputation for dulness which attaches to all things
Indian. Unfortunately, among the greatest obsta-
cles to the study of jurisprudence from any point of
view except the purely technical, is the necessity for
preliminary attention to certain subjects which are
conventionally regarded as uninteresting. Every
man is under a temptation to overrate the importance
of the subjects which have more than others occupied
his own mind, but it certainly seems to me that two
kinds of knowledge are indispensable, if the study of
historical and philosophical jurisprudence is to be
carried very far in England, knowledge of India, and
knowledge of Roman law — of India, because it is the
great repository of verifiable phenomena of ancient
usage and ancient juridical thought — of Eoman law,
because, viewed in the whole course of its develop-
ment, it connects these ancient usages and this
ancient juridical thought with the legal ideas of our
own day. Roman law has not perhaps as evil a
reputation as it had ten or fifteen years ago, but
proof in abundance that India is regarded as su-
premely uninteresting is furnished by Parliament,
the press, and popular literature. Yet ignorance of

LECT. I. ENGLISH IGNORANCE OF INDIA. 23

India is more discreditable to Englishmen than
ignorance of Roman law, and it is at the same time
more unintelligible in them. It is more discreditable,
because it requires no very intimate acquaintance
with contemporary foreign opinion to recognise the
abiding truth of De Tocqueville's remark that the
conquest and government of India are really the
achievements which give England her place in the
opinion of the world. They are undeniably ro-
mantic achievements in the history of a people which
it is the fashion abroad to consider unromantic.
The ignorance is moreover unintelligible, because
knowledge on the subject is extremely plentiful and
extremely accessible, since English society is full of
men who have made it the study of a life pursued
with an ardour of public spirit which would be
exceptional even in the field of British domestic
pohtics. The explanation is not, however, I think,
far to seek. Indian knowledge and experience are
represented in this country by men who go to India
all but in boyhood, and return from it in the matu-
rity of years. The language of administration and
government in India is English, but through long
employment upon administrative subjects, a technical
language has been created, which contains far more
novel and special terms than those who use it are
commonly aware. Even, therefore, if the great
Indian authorities who live among us were in perfect

24 DISAPPEARANCE OF INDIAN PHENOMENA, lect. i.

mental contact with the rest of the community, they
could only communicate their ideas through an
imperfect medium. But it may be even doubted
whether this mental contact exists. The men of
whom I have spoken certainly underrate the ig-
norance of India which prevails in England on
elementary points. If I could suppose myself to
have an auditor of Indian experience, I should make
him no apology for speaking on matters which would
appear to him too elementary to deserve discussion;
since my conviction is that what is wanting to unveil
the stores of interest contained in India is, first, some
degree of sympathy with an ignorance which very few
felicitous efforts have yet been made to dispel, and,
next, the employment of phraseology not too highly
specialised.

If, however, there are reasons why the jurist
should apply himself to the study of Indian usage,
there are still more urgent reasons why he should
apply himself at once. Here, if anywhere, what
has to be done must be done quickly. For this
remarkable society, pregnant with interest at every
point, and for the moment easily open to our obser-
vation, is undoubtedly passing away. Just as ac-
cording to the Brahminical theory each of the Indian
sacred rivers loses in time its sanctity, so India itself
is gradually losing everything which is characteristic
of it. I may illustrate the completeness of the trans-

LECT. I. INFLUENCE OF WESTERN IDEAS. 25

formation wliich is proceeding by repeating what I
have learned, on excellent authority, to be the opinion
of the best native scholars : that in fifty years all
knowledge of Sanscrit will have departed from India,
or, if kept alive, wall be kept alive by the reactive
influence of Germany and England. Such assertions
as these are not inconsistent with other statements
which you are very likely to have heard from men
who have passed a life in Indian administration.
Native Indian society is doubtless as a whole very
ignorant, very superstitious, very tenacious of usages
which are not always wholesome. But no society in
the world is so much at the mercy of the classes
whom it regards as entitled by their intellectual or
religious cultivation to dictate their opinions to others,
and a contagion of ideas, spreading at a varying rate
of progress, is gradually bringing these classes under
the dominion of foreign modes of thought. Some of
them may at present have been very slightly affected
by the new influence ; but then a comparatively slight
infusion of foreign idea into indigenous notions is
often enough to spoil them for scientific observation.
I have had unusual opportunities of studying the
mental condition of the educated class in one Indian
province. Though it is so strongly Europeanised
as to be no fair sample of native society taken as a
whole, its peculiar stock of ideas is probably the
chief source from which the influences proceed which

26 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE. lect. i.

are more or less at work everywhere. Here there
has been a complete revolution of thought, in litera-
ture, in taste, in morals, and in law. I can only
compare it to the passion for the literature of Greece
and Rome which overtook the Western world at the
revival of letters ; and yet the comparison does not
altogether hold, since I must honestly admit that
much which had a grandeur of its own is being re-
placed by a great deal which is poor and ignoble.
But one special source of the power of Western ideas
in India I mention with emphasis, because it is not
l^Jih as often recognised as it should be, even by men of
>Ly^^ ^,,>:j:>^ndian experience. These ideas are making their
U^^^^^^ way into the East just at the period when they are

themselves strongly under the influence of physical
knowledge, and of the methods of physical science.
Now, not only is all Oriental thought and literature
embarrassed in all its walks by a weight of false
physics, which at once gives a great advantage to all
competing forms of knowledge, but it has a special
difficulty in retaining its old interest. It is elabo-
rately inaccurate, it is supremely and deliberately
careless of all precision in magnitude, number, and
time. But to a very quick and subtle -minded people,
which has hitherto been denied any mental food but
this, mere accuracy of thought is by itself an in-
tellectual luxury of the very highest order.

It would be absurd to deny that the disintegration

LECT. I. INFLUENCE OF THE BEITISH EMPIRE. 27

of Eastern usage and thought is attributable to British

dominion. Yet one account of the matter which is

very hkely to find favour with some EngHshmen and

many foreigners is certainly not true, or only true

with the largest qualifications. The interference of 'J ^^^^^v^^yw*^

the British Government has rarely taken the form of )^ c^h^^^^^

ment. The dominant theory has always been that
the country ought to be governed in conformity with
its own notions and customs; but the interpretation
of these notions and customs has given rise to the
widest differences of opinion, and it is the settled
habit of the partisans of each opinion to charge their
adversaries with disregard of native usage. The
Englishman not personally familiar with India
should always be on his guard against sweeping
accusations of this sort, which often amount in reality
to no more than the imputation of error on an
extremely vague and difficult question, and possibly
a question which is not to be solved by exclusively
Indian experience. If I were to describe the feeling
which is now strongest with some of the most ener-
getic Indian administrators, I should be inclined to
call it a fancy for reconstructing native Indian society
upon a purely native model ; a fancy which some
would apparently indulge, even to the abnegation of
all moral judgment. But the undertaking is not
practicable. It is by its indirect and for the most

23 INFLUENCE OF THE BEITISII EMFIRE. lect. i.

part unintended influence that tlie British power
metamorphoses and dissolves the ideas and social
forms underneath it; nor is there any expedient by
which it can escape the duty of rebuilding upon its
own principles that which it unwillingly destroys.

LECTURE IT.

THE SOURCES OF INDIAN LAW.

CONTENTS.

Indian Settlements — Settlement and Revenue Courts — The Civil
Courts — The Indian Judicial System — The Supreme Courts — English
Law in India — Indian Opinion on English Law — Locality of Custom
— The Will of Bengal— Wills and Collective Property— A Modern
Indian Will — The Sudder Court — Influence of Sudder Courts — De-
velopment of Hindoo Law — Effect of Juridical Commentaries — The
Bar and English Law — Mahometan Law — The Pundits — Codified
Hindoo Law — Varieties of Native Usage — The Written Law — Hindoo
Widow's Estate — Preservation of Customary Law — Caste in India —
Tradition — Different Forms of Tradition — Popular Ignorance of Law
in England — The Experts and English Law— Indian and Teutonic
Village Systems.

LECT. II. INDIAN QUASI-JUDICIAL AGENCIES. 31

LECTURE 11.

THE SOURCES OF INDIAN LAW.

The bodies of customary law which exist in India
have now and then been more or less popularly de-
scribed by acute observers who were led to examine
them by curiosity or official duty; but on the whole
the best information we possess concerning native
usage is that which has been obtained through
judicial or quasi-judicial agency. The agency which qiUj^y)c~iAo(
I have here called ' quasi -judicial ' belongs to a part
of Anglo -Indian administration which is very little
understood by Englishmen, but which is at the same
time extremely interesting and instructive. Its
origin and character may be described as follows —
inadequately no doubt, but still without substantial
inaccuracy.

The British Government, like all Eastern sovereigns,
claims a large share of the produce of the soil, most
of which, however, unlike other Eastern sovereigns,
it returns to its subjects through the judicial and
administrative services which it maintains, and

jji

82 , INDIAN SETTLEMENTS. lect. ii.

through the public works which it systematically
executes. Some person, or class of persons, must of
ouJ^«vv H l^ course be responsible to it for the due payment of
)J;^^^^tv^ rv^t^^^his ' land-revenue,' and this person or class must
to^AA) f^ ^ have the power of collecting it from the other
JULft<£r;^*[:i'^^H.owners and cultivators of the soil. This double
necessity, of determining the persons immediately
responsible for its share of the profits of cultivation
and of investing them with corresponding authority,
has involved the British Indian Government, ever
since the very infancy of its dominion, in what I
believe to be the most arduous task which a govern-
ment ever undertook. It has had not only to frame
an entire law of land for a strange country, but to
effect a complete register of the rights which the
law confers on individuals and definite classes.
When a province is first incorporated with the
Empire, the first step is to efi'ect a settlement or
adjustment of the amount of rent claimable by the
State. The functionaries charged with this duty
\ are known as the Settlement Ofiicers. They act
I under formal instructions from the provincial govern-
ment which has deputed them ; they communicate
freely with it during their enquiries ; and they wind
them up with a Settlement Eeport, which is often
a most comprehensive account of the new province,
its history, its natural products, and above all the
usages of its population. But the most important

LECT. II. SETTLEMENT AND BEVENUE COURTS. 38

object of the Settlement operations — not second even

to the adjustment of the Government revenues — is '^^^ (IL-,yiA'

to construct a ' Kecord of Rights/ which is a detailed

which they are believed to have existed on the eve

of the conquest or annexation. Here it is that the

duties of the Settlement Officers assume something

of a judicial character. The persons who complain

of any proposed entry on the register may insist on

a formal hearing before it is made.

When the Record of Rights has been completed
and the amount of Government revenue has been
adjusted, the functions of the Settlement Officers are
at an end, and do not revive until the period is closed
for which the Settlement has been made. But, during
the currency of this period, questions between the ^ . , ii^
State and the payer of land-tax still continue ^^ t^^ji \s.oS^ A,
arise in considerable number, and it is found practi- ^"-^""^^^^^ ^X^
cally impossible to decide on such questions without ^c^Cs^e^y*^^,^
occasionally adjudicating on private rights. Another '^'''''^''''**^
quasi-judicial agency is therefore that of the function-
aries who, individually or collectively, have jurisdic-
tion in such disputes, and who are variously known
as Revenue Officers, Revenue Courts, and Revenue
Boards — expressions extremely apt to mislead the
Englishman unused to Indian official documents. The
Circulars and Instructions issued by their superiors
to Settlement and Revenue officers, their Reports and

84 THE CIVIL COURTS. lect. ii.

decisions on disputed points, constitute a whole litera-
ture of very great extent and variety and of the
utmost value and instructiveness. I am afraid I
must add that the English reader, whose attention is
not called to it by official duty, not unusually finds
it very unattractive or even repulsive. But the
reason I believe to be that the elementary knowledge
which is the key to it has for the most part never
been reduced to writing at all.

So far as the functions of the Settlement and
j,^^ ,,-jt^c/^ Ee venue Officers constitute a judicial agency, the
ci/]lw</vv^ •^^jurisdiction exercised by them was at first estab-
lished by the British Government not in its character
of sovereign, but in its capacity of supreme land-
owner. It was merely intended to enforce the
claim of the State with some degree of regularity and
i C;ftA^«^'^''^^^^*caution. The strictly judicial agency of which I
; c«>«^ ^ spoke is that of the Civil Courts, which are very
much what we understand in this country by ordi-
nary Courts of Justice. Theoretically, whenever the
Settlement or Revenue Courts decide a question of
private right, there is almost always (I need not
state the exceptions) an appeal from their decision to
the Civil Courts. Yet, taking India as a whole,
these appeals are surprisingly few in comparison
with the cases decided. This is one of the reasons
w^hy the literature of Settlement and Eevenue opera-
tions is a fuller source of information concerning the

LECT. II. THE INDIAN JUDICIAL SYSTEM. 35

customs of ownership and tenure observed among
the natives of India than the recorded decisions of
the Civil Courts.

Yet, though the results of quasi-judicial agency in
India are, on the whole, more instructive than the
results of strictly judicial agency, the Indian Civil
Courts have nevertheless been largely instrumental
in bringing into light the juridical notions peculiar
to the country, in contrasting them with the legal
ideas of the Western World, and to a certain extent
in subjecting them to a process of transmutation.
For reasons which will appear as I proceed, it is
desirable that I should give you some account of
these .courts. I will endeavour to do it briefly and
only in outline.

All India at the present moment, with the excep-
tion of the most unsettled provinces, is under the
jurisdiction of five High or Chief Courts. The dif-
ference between a High and Chief Court is merely
technical, one being established by the Queen's
Letters Patent, under an Act of Parliament, the
other by an enactment of the Indian Legislature. Of
these courts, three are considerably older than the
rest, and are in fact almost as old as the British
dominion in India. When, however, the texture of
the jurisdiction of the High Courts which sit at
Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, is examined, it is
seen to consist of two parts, having a different

36 THE SUPREME COURTS. lect. ii.

history. An Indian lawyer expresses this by saying
that the three older High Courts were formed by
the fusion of the ' Supreme ' and * Sudder ' Courts,
words which have the same meaning but which
indicate very different tribunals.

The Supreme Courts, invested with special judicial
powers over a limited territory attached to the three
old fortified factories of the East India Company at
Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay — or, as they were
once called, and are still called officially. Fort William,
Fort St. George, and Bombay Castle — may be shortly
described as three offshoots from Westminster Hall
planted in India. They were 'Courts of Record,
exercising Civil, Criminal, Admiralty, and Ecclesiasti-
cal jurisdiction,' and their judges were barristers
taken straight from the English Bar. Although a
series of statutes and charters provided securities for
the application of native law and usage to the cases
of their native suitors, and though some of the
best treatises on Hindoo law which we possess were
written by Supreme Court judges, it would not be
incorrect to say that on the eve of the enactment
of the several Indian Codes, the bulk of the jurispru-
dence administered by the Supreme Courts consisted
of English law, administered under English pro-
cedure. Lord Macaulay, in the famous essay on
Warren Hastings, has vividly described the conster-
nation which the most important of these courts

LECT. ir. ENGLISH LAW IN INDIA. 37

caused in its early days among the natives subject to
its power ; and there is no doubt that the establish-
ment of a tribunal on similar principles would now-
a-days be regarded as a measure of the utmost
injustice and danger. Yet there is something to be
said in mitigation of the condemnation which the
Supreme Courts have received everywhere except in
India. The great quantity of English law which had
worked its way into their jurisprudence is doubtless i.
to be partially accounted for by the extravagant !
estimate universally set by English lawyers upon
their own system, until their complacency was rudely
disturbed by Bentham ; but at the same time the [ h^"^
apparently inevitable displacement of native law and 4"^^ jK
usage by English law, when the two sets of rules are/ ^

in contact, is a phenomenon which may be observed'
over a great part of India at the present moment.
The truth is that the written and customary law of
such a society as the English found in India is not of
a nature to bear the strict criteria applied by English
lawyers. The rule is so vague as to seem capable
of almost any interpretation, and the construction
which in those days an English lawyer would place
on it, would almost certainly be coloured by associa-
tions collected from English practice. The strong
statements, too, which have been made concerning
the unpopularity of these courts on their first
establishment must be received with some caution.

38 INDIAN OPINION ON ENGLISH LAW. lect. ii

Unquestionably great and general dismay was caused
by their civil procedure, conferring as it did powers
of compelling the attendance of witnesses, and of
arresting defendants both before and after judgment,
which were quite foreign to the ideas of the country.
There were constant complaints, too, of the applica-
tion of the English law of forgery to India. It is
true that, as regards the case which Lord Macaulay
has sketched with such dramatic force, Nuncomar
appears to me, upon the records of the proceedings,
to have had quite as fair a trial as any Englishman
of that day indicted for forgery would have had in
England, and to have been treated with even more
consideration by the Court. But the introduction of
the law under which he suffered was felt as a general
grievance, and there are many representations on
the subject in the archives of the Indian Government.
These archives, however, which have been recently
examined, and in part published, seem to me to prove
that the native citizens of Calcutta, so far from com-
plaining of the civil law imported by the Supreme
Court from Westminster Hall and of the bulk of the
criminal law, actually learned to echo the complacent
encomiums on its perfection which they heard from
English Judges. The fact appears to me so well
established that I venture to draw some inferences
from it. One is of a political nature, and need not
be dwelt on here. A nervous fear of altering native

LECT. II. LOCALITY OF CUSTOM. 39

custom lias, ever since the terrible events of 1857,
taken possession of Indian administrators; but the
truth is the natives of India are not so wedded to
their usages that they are not ready to surrender
them for any tangible advantage, and in this case
the even justice of these courts was evidently re-
garded as quite making up for the strangeness of
the principles upon which they acted. Another con-
clusion is of more direct importance to the jurist.
Complete and consistent in appearance as is the
codified law of India, the law enunciated by Manu
and by the Brahminical commentators on him, it
embraces a far smaller portion of the whole law of
India than was once supposed, and penetrates far
less deeply among the people. What an Oriental is
really attached to is his local custom, but that was
felt to have been renounced by persons taking refuge
at a distance from home, under the shelter of the
British fortresses.

The chief interest of these Supreme Courts to the
student of comparative jurisprudence arises from the
powerful indirect influence exerted by them on the
other courts which I mentioned, and with which
eight years ago they were combined — the Sudder ^^ lijAiMr^
Courts. Nevertheless, some of the questions which
have incidentally come before the Supreme Courts,
or before the branch of the High Court which con-
tinues their jurisdiction, have thrown a good deal of

4t) THE WILL OF BENGAL. lbct. ir.

light on tlie mutual play of Eastern and Western
legal tliouglit in the British Indian Empire. The
judges who presided over the most important of
these courts very early recognised the existence of
testamentary power among the Hindoos. It seems
_l'*H that, in the province of Lower Bengal, where the
ir^\jj^J%^^ village -system had been greatly broken up, the head

^^^ ^ ^f t^^ household had the power of disposing of his
Zp^'^^-'^ patrimony during life. Whether he could dispose of
^^\^h^ it at death, and thus execute a disposition in any
^J\or^ way resembling a will, has always been a much

disputed question — which, however, contemporary
opinion rather inclines towards answering in the
negative. However that may be, the power of
making a will was soon firmly established among the
Hindoos of Lower Bengal by, or through the influence
of, the English lawyers who first entered the country.
For a long time these wills, never very frequently
used, were employed, as the testaments of Roman
citizens can be shown to have been employed, merely
to supplement the arrangements which, without
them, would have been made by the law of intestate
succession. But the native lawyers who practise in
Calcutta live in an atmosphere strongly charged with
English law, and wills drafted by them or at their
instance, and exactly resembling the will of a great
English landed proprietor, were coming in increasing
numbers before the Courts, up to the time when the

LFCT. IT. WILLS AND COLLECTIVE rROPERTY. 41

law ol testamentary succession was finally simplified
and settled by a recent enactment of the Indian
Legislature. In such wills the testator claimed to
arrange a line of succession entirely for himself,
not only providing for the enjoyment of the property
by his descendants in such order as he pleased, but
even excluding them, if he liked, altogether from the
succession; and, in order to obtain his object, he also
necessarily claimed to have the benefit of a number
of fictions or artificial notions, which made their way
into English law from feudal and even from scho-
lastic sources. The most interesting of these wills
was executed by a Brahmin of high lineage who
made a fortune at the Calcutta Bar, and he aimed
at disinheriting or excluding from the main line of
succession a son who had embraced Christianity.
The validity and effect of the instrument have yet to
be declared by the Privy Council; and all I can say
without impropriety is that, in those parts of India
in which the collective holding of property has not
decayed as much as it has done in Lower Bengal,
the liberty of testation claimed would clearly be
foreign to the indigenous system of the country.
That system is one of common enjoyment by village -
communities, and, inside those communities, by
families. The individual here has almost ,no power
of disposing of his property ; even if he be chief of
his household, the utmost he can do, as a rule, is to

42 A MODERN INDIAN WILL. lect. ii.

regulate the disposition of his property among his
children within certain very narrow limits. But the
power of free testamentary disposition implies the
greatest latitude ever given in the history of the
world to the volition or caprice of the individual.
Independently, however, of all questions of substance,
nothing could be more remarkable than the form of
the will which I spoke of as having fallen under
the jurisdiction of the tribunal which now represents
the Supreme Court of Calcutta. Side by side by
recitals, apparently intended to conceal the breach
in the line of descent, by affirming that the tes-
tator had, while living, made suitable provision for
the disinherited son, were clauses settling certain
property in perpetuity on the idols of the family,
and possibly meant to propitiate them for the irregu-
larity in the performance of the sacra which the new
devolution of the inheritance inevitably entailed.
The testator formally stated that he and his brothers
had failed in business, that all the property they had
inherited had been lost in the disaster, and that the
fortune of which he was disposing was acquired by
piis individual exertions. This was meant to take the
funds with which the will dealt out of the Hindoo
family system and to rebut the presumption that the
gains of a brother belonged to the common stock
of the joint family. But these provisions referring
to Hindoo joint property were followed by others

LECT. IT. THE SUDDER COURT. 43

creating joint estates on the English model ; and here
the testator employed legal terms only capable of
being thoroughly understood by a person familiar
with that extraordinary technical dialect expressing
the incidents of joint-tenancy which the fathers of
English law may be seriously suspected of having
borrowed from the Di^dnity Schools of Oxford and
Cambridge.

The other court which has been recently com-
bined with the court I have been describing, re-
tained to the last its native name of Sudder Court.
It underwent some changes after its first establish-
ment, but it may be roughly said to date from the
assumption by the English of territorial sovereignty.
When finally organised, it became the highest court of
appellate jurisdiction fi'om all the courts established
in the territories dependent on the seat of govern-
ment, saving always the Supreme Court, which had
exclusive jurisdiction within the Presidency Town,
or (as it might be called) the English metropolis.
The nature of the local tribunals from which an
appeal lay to the Sudder Court is a study by itself;
and I must content myself with stating that the
Indian judicial system at present resembles not the
English but the French system; that a number of
local courts are spread over the country, from each
of which an appeal lies to some higher court, of
which the decisions are again appealable to the court,

44 INFLUENCE OF SUDDER COURTS. lect. ti.

whether called Sudder or High Court, which stands

,,jjBpU^/jjfj^ at the apex. The Sudder Courts therefore decided in

^ _^j2^ the last resort questions arising originally at some point

^^^ or other of a vast territory, a territory in some cases

containing a population equal to that of the largest

European States. Except the Indian Settlement

and Revenue Courts which I began this Lecture

by describing, no tribunal in the world has ever had

to consider a greater variety of law and usage.

What that law and usage was, the Sudder Court
used to ascertain with what some would call most
conscientious accuracy and others the most technical
narrowness. The judges of the Court were not
lawyers, but the most learned civilians in the service
of the East India Company, some of whom have left
names dear to Oriental learning. They were strongly
influenced by the Supreme Court which sat in their
neighbourhood; but it is curious to watch the dif-
ferent effect which the methods of English law had
'«4jj*^J;^^^^ the two tribunals. At the touch of the Judge of
^^J^ U ^ c the Supreme Court, who had been trained in the
<N>^ English school of special pleading, and had probably

come to the East in the maturity of life, the rule of
native law dissolved and, with or without his inten-
tion, was to a great extent replaced by rules having
their origin in English law-books. Under the hand
.rj^ \w^ joi the Judges of the Sudder Courts, who had lived
^^^\Xjif^^^P^. since their boyhood among the people of the country.

J.ECT. II. INFLUENCE OF SUDDER COURTS. 45

the native rules hardened, and contracted a rigidity
which they never had in real native practice. The
process was partly owing to their procedure, which
they seem to have borrowed from the procedure of the
English Court of Chancery, at that time a proverb at once
of complexity and technical strictness. It has been
said by an eminent Indian lawyer that, when the Judges
of the Sudder Courts were first set to administer native
law, they appear to have felt as if they had got into
fairyland, so strange and grotesque were the legal prin-
ciples on which they were called to act. But after
a while they became accustomed to the new region,
and began to behave themselves as if all were real
and substantial. As a matter of fact, they acted as
if they believed in it more than did its native inhabi-
tants. Among the older records of their proceedings
may be found injunctions, couched in the technical
language of English Chancery pleadings, which for-
bid the priests of a particular temple to injure a rival
fane by painting the face of their idol red instead of
yellow, and decrees allowing the complaint of other
priests that they were injured in property and repute
because their neighbours rang a bell at a particular
moment of their services. Much Brahminical ritual
and not a little doctrine became the subject of de-
cision. The Privy Council in London was once
called upon to decide in ultimate appeal on the claims
of rival hierophants to have their palanquin carried

46 DEVELOPMENT OF HINDOO LAW. lect. ir.

cross-wise instead of length-wise ; and it is said that
on another occasion the right to drive elephants
through the narrow and crowded streets of one of
the most sacred Indian cities, which was alleged to
vest in a certain religious order as being in possession
of a particular idol, was seriously disputed because
the idol was cracked.

There is in truth but little doubt that, until educa-
tion began to cause the natives of India to absorb
Western ideas for themselves, the influence of the
Enghsh rather retarded than hastened the mental
development of the race. There are several depart-
ments of thought in which a slow modification of
primitive notions and consequent alteration of prac-
tice may be seen to have been proceeding before we
entered the country ; but the signs of such change are
exceptionally clear in jurisprudence, so far, that is
to say, as Hindoo jurisprudence has been codified.
Hindoo law is theoretically contained in Manu, but
it is practically collected from the writings of the
jurists who have commented on him and on one
another. I need scarcely say that the mode of de-
veloping law which consists in the successive com-
ments of jurisconsult upon jurisconsult, has played
a very important part in legal history. The middle
and later Roman law owes to it much more than to
the imperial constitutions ; a great part of the Canon
law has been created by it ; and, though it has been

LECT. II. EFFECT OF JUDICIAL COMMENTARIES. 47

a good deal checked of late years by the increased
activity of formal legislatures, it is still the principal
agency in extending and modifying the law of con-
tinental countries. It is worth observing that it is
on the whole a liberalising process. Even so obsti-
nate a subject-matter as Hindoo law, was visibly
changed by it for the better. No doubt the dominant
object of each successive Hindoo commentator is so
to construe each rule of civil law as to make it
appear that there is some sacerdotal reason for it;
but, subject to this controlling aim, each of them
leaves in the law after he has explained it, a stronger
dose of common sense and a larger element of equity
and reasonableness than he found in it as it came
from the hands of his predecessors.

The methods of interpretation which the Sudder
Courts borrowed from the Supreme Courts and which
the Supreme Courts imported from Westminster Hall,
put a stop to any natural growth and improvement of
Hindoo law. As students of historical jurispudence,
we may be grateful to them for it; but I am clearly
persuaded that, except where the Indian Legislature
directly interfered — and of late it has interfered
rather freely, — the English dominion of India at first
placed the natives of the country under a less ad-
vanced regimen of civil law than they would have
had if they had been left to themselves. The pheno-
menon seems to me one of considerable interest to the

THE BAR AND ENGLISH LAW.

LECT. II.

jurist. Why is it that the English mode of develop-
ing law by decided cases tends less to improve and
liberalise it than the interpretation of written law by
successive commentators ? Of the fact there seems
no question. Even where the original written law is
historically as near to us as are the French Codes, its
development by text-writers is on the whole more
rapid than that of English law by decided cases.
The absence of any distinct check on the commen-
tator and the natural limitations on the precision of
language are among the causes of the liberty he
enjoys; so also is the power which he exercises of
dealing continuously with a whole branch of law;
and so too are the facilities for taking his own course
afforded him by inconsistencies between the dicta of
his predecessors — inconsistencies which are so glaring
in the case of the Hindoo lawyers, that they were
long ago distributed into separate schools of juridical
doctrine. The reason why a Bench of Judges, ap-
plying a set of principles and distinctions which are
still to a great extent at large, should be as slow as
English experience shows them to be in extension
V ^nd innovation, is not at first sight apparent. But
K V'U/* doubtless the secret lies in the control of the English
•^ ^-f' Bench by professional opinion — a control exerted all

the more stringently when the questions brought
before the courts are merely insulated fragments of
particular branches of law. English law is, in fact.

L£CT. II. MAHOMETAN LAW. 40

confided to the custody of a great corporation, of
which the Bar, not the Judges, are far the largest
and most influential part. The majority of the cor-
porators w^atch over every single change in the body
of principle deposited with them, and rebuke and
practically disallow it, unless the departure from
precedent is so slight as to be almost imperceptiblCi

Let us now consider what was the law which,
under the name of native custom, the courts which
I have been describing undertook to administer. I
shall at present attend exclusively to the system
which, as being the law of the enot-raous majority of
the population, has a claim to be deemed the common-
law of the country — Hindoo law. If I were techni*
cally describing the jurisdiction, I should have to
include Mahometan law, and the very interesting
customs of certain races who have stood apart from
the main currents of Oriental conquest and civili-
sation, and are neither Mahometan nor HindoOi
Mahometan law, theoretically founded on the Koran,
has really more interest for the jurist than has
sometimes been supposed, for it has absorbed a
number of foreign elements, which have been amal-
gamated by a very curious process with the mass oi
semi-religious rules ; but the consideration of this
may conveniently be postponed, as also the discussion
of the outlying bodies of non- Hindoo usage found in
various parts of the comitry.

60 THE PUNDITS. lect. ii.

The Hindoo law, then, to which the English in
India first substantially confined their attention, con-
sisted, first, of the Institutes of Manu, pretending to
a divine inspiration, of which it is not easy to define
the degree and quality, and, next, of the catena of
commentators belonging to the juridical school ad-
mitted to prevail in the province for which each par-
ticular court was established. The Court did not in
early times pretend to ascertain the law for itself, but
took the opinion of certain native lawyers ofiicially
attached to the tribunal. But from the first there
were some specially learned Englishmen on the bench
who preferred to go for themselves to the fountains
of law, and the practice of consulting the ' Pundits '
was gradually discontinued. These Pundits laboured
long under the suspicion, to a great degree unmerited,
of having trafficked mth their privilege, and having
often, from corrupt motives, coined the law which
they uttered as genuine. But the learned work of
Mr. West and Professor Biihler, following on other
enquiries, has gone far to exonerate them, as the
greater part of their more important opinions have
been traced to their source in recognised authorities.
That they were never corrupt it is unfortunately
never safe to affirm of Orientals of their time ; but
their opportunity was probably taken from the
vagueness of the texts which they had to interpret.
There are in fact certain dicta of Hindoo authorita-

LECT. IT.

CODIFIED HINDOO LAW.

UA<

tive commentators upon which almost any conclusion
could be based.

The codified or written law of the Hindoos, then J . ij

assumed to include their whole law, consisted of a <... .^ — j-r
large body of law regulating the relations of classes, ti^^ vvJt*/v*^<>'v^o-«
especially in the matter of intermarriage ; of a great I
body of family law, and a correspondingly extensive
law of succession ; and of a vast number of rules \
regulating the tenure of property by joint families, I
the effects on proprietary right of the division of ;
those families, and the power of holding property
independently of the family. There was some law
of Contract and some law of Crime ; but large
departments of law were scantily represented, or
not at all, and there was in particular a singular
scarcity of rules relating specially to the tenure of
land, and to the mutual rights of the various classes
engaged in its cultivation. This last peculiarity was
all the more striking because the real wealth of the
country is, and always has been, agricultural, and
the religious and social customs of the people, even
as recorded in the codified law, savour strongly of
agriculture as their principal occupation.

It would seem that doubts as to the relation of
the codified or written law to the totality of native
usage were entertained at a very early time, and
collections were made of local rules which applied to
the very points discussed by the Brahminical jurists,

E 2

52 VAEIETIES OF NATIVE USAGE. t.ect. ir.

and yet disposed of them in a very different manner.
These doubts have steadily gained strength. I
think I may venture to lay down generally, that the
more exclusively an Anglo-Indian functionary has
been employed in ' revenue ' administration, and the
further removed from great cities has been the scene
of his labours, the greater is his hesitation in admit-
ting that the law assumed to begin with Manu is, or
ever has been, of universal application. I have also
some reason to believe that the Judges of the newest
of the High Courts, that established a few years
ago for the provinces of the North- West in which
primitive usage was from the first most carefully
observed and most respected^ are of opinion that they
would do great injustice if they strictly and uniformly
administered the formal written law. The conclusion
arrived at by the persons who seem to me of highest
authority is^ fi^st^ that the codified law — Manu and
his glossators — embraced originally a much smaller
body of usage than had been imagined, and, next^
that the customary rules, reduced to writing, have
been very greatly altered by Brahminical expositors,
constantly in spirit, sometimes in tenor. Indian law
may be in fact affirmed to consist of a very great
number of local bodies of usage, and of one set of
customs, reduced to writing, pretending to a diviner
authority than the rest, exercising consequently a
great influence over them, and tending, if not checked,

LECT. II. THE WEITTEN LAW. 53

to absorb tliem. You must not understand that these
bodies of custom are fundamentally distinct. They
are all marked by the same general features, but
there are considerable differences of detail; and the
interest of these differences to the historical jurist is
very great, for it is by their help that he is able
chiefly to connect the customs of India with what
appear to have been some of the oldest customs of
Europe and the West.

As you would expect, the written law, having
been exclusively set forth and explained by Brahmins,
is principally distinguished from analogous local
usages by additions and omissions for which sacer-
dotal reasons may be assigned. For instance, I have
been assured from many quarters that one sweeping
theory, which dominates the whole codified lav/, can
barely be traced in the unwritten customs. It sounds
like a jest to say that, according to the principles of
Hindoo law, property is regarded as the means of/
paying a man's funeral expenses, but this is not so
very untrue of the written law, concerning which the
most dignified of the Indian Courts has recently laid
down, after an elaborate examination of all the
authorities, that ' the right of inheritance, according;
to Hindoo law, is wholly regulated with reference to,
the spiritual benefits to be conferred on the deceased!
proprietor.' There are also some remarkable dif-
iferences between the written and unwritten law in

54 HINDOO WIDOW S ESTATE. lect. ii.

their construction of tlie rights of widows. That
the oppressive disabilities of widows found in mo-
dern Hindoo law, and especially the prohibition of
re-marriage, have no authority from ancient records,
has often been noticed. The re-marriage of widows
is not a subject on which unwritten usage can be ex-
pected to throw much light, for the Brahminical law
has generally prevailed in respect of personal family
relations, but the unwritten law of property, which
][> 1 largely differs from the written law, undoubtedly
ir^ i(^ gives colour to the notion that the extraordinary

j^^^^% harshness of the Hindoo text-writer to widows is of
i^ sacerdotal origin. A custom, of which there are

many traces in the ancient law of the Aryan races,
but which is not by any means confined to them,
gives under various conditions the government of
the family, and, as a consequence of government,
the control of its property, to the wife after the
death of her husband, sometimes during the minority
of her male children, sometimes for her own life
upon failure of direct male descendants, sometimes
even, in this last contingency, absolutely. But the
same feeling, gradually increasing in strength, which
led them in their priestly capacity to preach to the
widow the duty of self-immolation at her husband's
funeral-pyre, appears to have made her proprietary
rights more and more distasteful to the Brahminical
texi -writers; and the Hindoo jurists of all schools,

LECT. II. PRESERVATION OF CUSTOMARY LAW. 55

though of some more than others, have striven
hard to maintain the principle that the life of the ^
widow is properly a life of self-denial and humilia- / 1
tion. Partly by calling in the distinction between
separate and undivided property, and partly by help
of the distinction between movable and immovable
property, they have greatly cut down the widow's
rights, not only reducing them for the most part
(where they arise) to a life-interest, but abridging this
interest by a variety of restrictions to little more
than a trusteeship. Here again I am assured that
any practice corresponding to this doctrine is very
rarely found in the unwritten usage, under which
not only does the widow tend to become a true pro-
prietress for life, but approaches here and there to
the condition of an absolute owner.

The preservation, during a number of centuries
which it would be vain to calculate, of this great ^o^y^^'^V^^^
of unwritten custom, differing locally in detail, but*^ 'Uso^Jcryji'
connected by common general features, is a pheno-^^'^''^'^ ^Ayj^
menon which the jurist must not pass over. Before
I say anything of the conclusions at which it points,
let me tell you what is known of the agencies by
which it has been preserved. The question has by
no means been fully investigated, but many of those
best entitled to have an opinion upon it have in-
formed me that one great instrumentality is the
perpetual discussion of customary law by the people

C6 CASTE IN INDIA. lect. ii.

''-£;;rlX4:^ ^^ ^^^1 perhaps, too apt to forget that

-""'^ in all stages of social development men are compara-

tively intelligent beings, who must have some sub-
jects of mental interest. The natives of India, for
poor and ignorant men, have more than might be
expected of intellectual quickness, and the necessities
of the climate and the simplicity of their habits make
the calls on their time less, and their leisure greater,
than would be supposed by persons acquainted only
with the labourers of colder climates. Those who
know most of them assert that their religious belief
is kept alive not by direct teaching, but by the con-
stant recitation in the vernacular of parts of their
sacred poems, and that the rest of their thought and
conversation is given to their usages. But this, doubt-
less, is not the whole explanation. I have been asked
— and I acknowledge the force of the question — how
traditions of immemorial custom could be preserved
by the agricultural labourers of England, even if
they had more leisure than they have? But the
answer is that the social constitution of India is of the
extreme ancient, that of England of the extreme
modern type. I am aware that the popular im-
pression here is that Indian society is divided, so to
speak, into a number of horizontal strata, each re-
presenting a caste. This is an entire mistake. It is
extremely doubtful whether the Brahminical theory
of caste upon caste was ever true except of the two

LECT. II. TRADITIOX. 57

highest castes ; and it is even likely that more impor-
tance has been attached to it in modern than ever
was in ancient times. The real India contains one
priestly caste, which in a certain, though a very
limited, sense is the highest of all, and there are,
besides, some princely houses and a certain number
of tribes, village cpmmunities, and guilds, which still
in our day advance a claim, considered by many
good authorities extremely doubtful, to belong to
the second or third of the castes recognised by the
Brahminical writers. But otherwise, caste is merely
a name for trade or occupation, and the sole tangible
effect of the Brahminical theory is that it creates a
religious sanction for what is really a primitive and
^.- natural distribution of classes. The true view of
~ India is that, as a whole, it is divided into a vast
number of independent, self-acting, organised social
groups — trading, manufacturing, cultivating. The
English agricultural labourers of whom we spoke,
are a too large, too indeterminate class, of which
the units are too loosely connected, and have too
few interests in common, to have any great power
of retaining tradition. But the smaller organic
groups of Indian society are very differently situated.

iThey are constantly dwelling on traditions of a cer-
tain sort, they are so constituted that one man's
interests and impressions correct those of another,

58 DIFFERENT FORMS OF TRADITION. li:ct. ii.

permanent machinery for declaring traditional usage,
and solving doubtful points. Tradition, I may ob-
serve, has been the subject of so much bitter polemi-
cal controversy that a whole group of most in-
teresting and important questions connected with it
have never been approached in the proper spirit.
Under what conditions it is accurate, and in respect
of what class of matters is accurate, are points with
which the historical jurist is intimately concerned.
I do not pretend to sum up the whole of the lessons
which observation of Indian society teaches on the
subject, but it is assuredly the belief of men who
were at once conscientious observers and had no
antecedent theory to sway them, that naturally
organised groups of men are obstinate conservators
of traditional law, but that the accuracy of the
tradition diminishes as the group becomes larger and
wider.

The knowledge that this great body of traditional
law existed, and that its varieties were just suffi-
ciently great for the traditions of one group to throw
light on those of another, will hereafter deeply affect
the British administration of India. But I shall have
to point out to you that there are signs of its being
somewhat abused. There has been a tendency to
leave out of sight the distinctions which render
different kinds of tradition of very different value;
the distinction, for example, between a mere tradition

LECT. II. POPULAR IGNORANCE OF LAW IN ENGLAND. 59

as to the rule to be followed in a given case and a
tradition which has caused a rule to be followed ; the
distinction, as it has been put, between customs
which do and customs which do not correspond to
practices. If a tradition is not kept steady by
corresponding practice, it may be warped by all
sorts of extraneous influences. The great value now
justly attached in India to traditional law has even
brought about the absurdity of asking it to solve
some of the most complicated problems of modern
society, problems produced by the collapse of the
very social system which is assumed to have in itself
their secret.

I have been conducted by this discussion to a
|topic on which a few words may not be thrown

Lway. Not only in connection with the preservation
fof customary law, but as a means of clearing the
imind before addressing oneself to a considerable

Lumber of juridical questions, I must ask you to
[believe that the very small place filled by our own cLo^ ^ ^a^^
English law in our thoughts and conversation is a^ <2^cum4^

menomenon absolutely confined to these islands. A

^ery simple experiment, a very few questions asked
after crossing the Channel, will convince you that
Frenchmen, Swiss, and Germans of a very humble
order have a fair practical knowledge of the law
which regulates their everyday life. We in Great
Britain and Ireland are altogether singular in our

60 THE EXPERTS AND ENGLISH LAW. lect. iu

tacit conviction that law belongs as much, to the
class of exclusively professional subjects as the
practice of anatomy. Ours is, in fact, under limita-
tions which it is not necessary now to specify, a
body of traditional customary law; no law is better
known by those who live under it in a certain stage
of social progress, none is known so little by those
who are in another stage. As social activity multi-
plies the questions requiring judicial solution, the
method of solving them which a system of customary
law is forced to follow is of such a nature as to add
enormously to its bulk. Such a system in the end
beats all but the experts ; and we, accordingly, have
turned our law^s over to experts, to attorneys and
solicitors, to barristers above them, and to judges in
the last resort. There is but one remedy for this —
the reduction of the law to continuous writing and
its inclusion within aptly-framed general propositions.
The facilitation of this process is the practical end of
scientific jurisprudence.

As in the lectures which follow I shall not often
appeal to what are ordinarily recognised as the foun-
tains of Hindoo law, it was necessary for me to
explain that the materials for the conclusions which
I shall state — un^vritten usages, probably older and
purer than the Brahminical written law — are now
having their authority acknowledged even by the
Indian Courts, once the jealous conservators of the

LECT. 11. INDIAN AND TEUTONIC VILLAGE SYSTEMS. 61

integrity of the sacerdotal system. These ma-
terials are partly to be found in that large and
miscellaneous official literature which I described as
having grown out of the labours of the functionaries
who adjust the share of the profits of cultivation
claimed by the British Government as supreme land-
lord; but much which is essential to a clear under-
standing can only be at present collected from the
oral conversation of experienced observers who have
passed their maturity in administrative office. The
inferences suggested by the written and oral testi-
mony would perhaps have had interest for few except
those who had passed, or intended to pass, a life in
Indian office; but their unexpected and (if I may
speak of the impression on myself) their most start-
ling coincidence with the writers who have recently
applied themselves to the study of early Teutonic
agricultural customs, gives them a wholly new value
and importance. It would seem that light is pouring
from many quarters at once on some of the darkest
passages in the history of law and of society. To
those who knew how strong a presumption already
existed that individual property came into existence
after a slow process- of change, by which it disengaged
itself from collective holdings by families or larger
assemblages, the evidence of a primitive village system
in the Teutonic and Scandinavian countries had very
great interest; this interest largely increased when

62 INDIAN AND TEUTONIC VILLAGE SYSTEMS. lect. ii.

England, long supposed to have had since the
Norman Conquest an exceptional system of property
in land, was shown to exhibit almost as many traces
of joint-ownership and common cultivation as the
countries of the North of the Continent ; but our
interest culminates, I think, when we find that these
primitive European tenures and this primitive Euro-
pean tillage constitute the actual working system of
the Indian village communities, and that they deter-
mine the whole course of Anglo-Indian administration.

LECTURE III.

THE AYESTERN TILLAGE COMMUNITY.

CONTENTS.

Antiquity of Indian Customary Law — Traditional Law — Analysis of a
Law — Indian Conceptions of Law — English Influence on Legal Con-
ceptions— Unwilling Assumption of Sovereignty — Influence of Courts
of Justice — Change in Nature of Usage — Growth of Conception of
Right — Influence of English Law — Connection of Eastern and
Western Custom — Von Maurer — The Teutonic Village Community —
The Arable Mark — English Theories of Land-Law — The Arable
Mark in England — Shifting Severalties — The Common Fields — Their
Great Extent — Extract from Marshall — Scott on Udal Tenures —
Commonty of Lauder — Peculiarities of Scottish Example — Vestiges
of the Mark.

LECT. III. ANTIQUITY OF CUSTOMARY LAW. 65

LECTURE III.

THE WESTERN VILLAGE COMMUNITY.

I HAVE AFFIRMED the fact to be established as well as
any fact of the kind can be, that there exist in India
several — and it may even be said, many — considerable
bodies of customary law, sufficiently alike to raise a
strong presumption that they either had a common
origin or sprang from a common social necessity, but
sufficiently unlike to show that each of them must
have followed its own course of development. There
exists a series of writings which pretend to be a
statement of these customs, but this series proves to
include a part only of the whole body of usage ; it
probably embodied from the first only one set of cus-
tomary rules, and its form shows clearly that it must
have had a separate and very distinct history of its
own. Few assertions respecting lapse of time and
the past can safely be made of anything Indian ; but
there can be no reasonable doubt that all this cus-
tomary law is of very great antiquity. I ne\3d scarcely
point out to you that such facts as these have a

G6 TRADITIONAL LAW. lect. hi.

bearing on more than one historical problem. If, for
example, I am asked whether it is possible that, when
the Roman empire had been overrun by the Northern
races, the Roman law could be preserved by mere
oral transmission in countries in which no breviaries
of that law were published by the invading chiefs to
keep it alive, I can only say that observation of
India shows such preservation to be abstractedly pos-
sible ; and shows it moreover to be possible in the face
of written records of a legal or legislative character
which contain no reference to the unwritten and
orally transmitted rules. But I should at the same
time have to point out that nothing in India tends to
prove that law may be orally handed down from one
generation to another of men who form an indeter-
minate class, or that it can be preserved by any
agency than that of organised, self-acting, social
groups. I should further have to observe that, unless
there have been habits and practices corresponding to
the traditional rules, those rules may be suspected
of having undergone considerable modification or
depravation.

I pass, however, to matters which have a closer
interest for the jurist, and which are, therefore, dis-
cussed with more propriety in this department of
study. So long as that remarkable analysis of legal
conceptions effected by Bentham and Austin is not
very widely known in this country (and I see no signs

LECT. III. THE ANALYSIS OF A LAW. 67

of its being known on the Continent at all), it is
perhaps premature to complain of certain errors into
which it is apt to lead us on points of historical juris-
prudence. If, then, I employ the Indian legal pheno-
mena to illustrate these errors, I must preface what
I have to say with the broad assertion that nobody
who has not mastered the elementary part of that
analysis can hope to have clear ideas either of law or
of jurisprudence. Some of you may be in a position to
call to mind the mode in which these English jurists
decompose the conception of a law, and the nature
arid order of the derivative conceptions which they
assert to be associated with the general conception.
A law, they say, is a command of a particular kind.
It is addressed by political superiors or sovereigns to ZlZ^f—j^^
political inferiors or subjects ; it imposes on those ,
subjects an obligation or duti/ and threatens a penalty '

(or sanction) in the event of disobedience. The
power vested in particular members of the community
of drawing down the sanction on neglects or breaches
of the duty is called a Right. Now, without the most
violent forcing of language, it is impossible to apply
these terms, command, sovereign, obligation, sanction,
rig] it, to the customary law under which the Indian
village communities have lived for centuries, practi-
cally knowing no other law civilly obligatory. It
would be altogether inappropriate to speak of a poli-
tical superior commanding a particular course of action

F 2

e^ INDIAN CONCEPTIONS OF A LAW. j.ect. hi.

to the villagers. The council of village elders does not
ax:aAv ^^W command anything, it merely declares what has
^t-^/^o^j^ always been. Nor does it generally declare that
which it believes some higher power to have com-
manded; those most entitled to speak on the subject
deny that the natives of India necessarily require
divine or political authority as the basis of their
usages ; their antiquity is by itself assumed to be a
sufficient reason for obeying them. Nor, in the
sense of the analytical jurists is there right or duty in
an Indian village community ; a person aggrieved
complains not of an individual wrong but of the dis-
. turbance of the order of the entire little society* More
[ a^l^tL^ lUj (^ than all, customary law is not enforced by a sanction.
In the almost inconceivable case of disobedience to
the award of the village council, the sole punishment,
or the sole certain punishment, would appear to be
universal disapprobation. And hence, under the
system of Bentham and Austin, the customary law of
India would have to be called morality — an inversion
of language which scarcely requires to be formally
protested against.

I shall have hereafter to tell you that in certain of
the Indian communities there are signs of one family
enjoying an hereditary pre-eminence over the others,
so that its head approaches in some degree to the
position of chief of a clan, and I shall have to explain
that this inherited authority is sometimes partially

LECT. iTi. ENGLISH INFLUENCE ON LEGAL CONCEPTIONS. GO

and sometimes'exclusively judicial, so that the chief be-
comes a sort of hereditary judge. Of communities thus
circumstanced the juristical analysis to which I have
been referring is more nearly true. So too the codi-
fied Brahminical law could be much more easily
resolved into the legal conceptions determined by
Bentham and Austin. It assumes that there is a
king to enforce the rules which it sets forth, and pro-
vides a procedure for him and his subordinates, and
penalties for them to inflict ; and moreover it becomes
true law in the juristical sense, through another
peculiarity which distinguishes it. Every offence
against this written law is also a sin ; to injure a
man^s property is for instance to diminish the power
of his sons to provide properly for expiatory funeral
rites, and such an injury is naturally supposed to
entail divine punishment on its perpetrator.

We may, however, confine our attention to the
unwritten usages declared from time to time by the
council of village elders. The fact which has
greatest interest for the jurist is one which has been
established by the British dominion of India, and
which could not probably have been established
without it. It may be described in this way.
Whenever you introduce any one of the legal concep-
tions determined by the analysis of Bentham and
Austin, you introduce all the others by a process
which is apparently inevitable. No better proof

70 UNWILLING ASSUMPTION OF SOVEREIGNTY, lect. in.

could be given that, though it be improper to employ
these terms sovereign^ subject^ command^ obligation^
right^ sanction^ of law in certain stages of human
thought, they nevertheless correspond to a stage to
which law is steadily tending and which it is sure
ultimately to reach.

Nothing is more certain than that the revolution
of legal ideas which the English have effected in
India was not effected by them intentionally. The
relation of sovereign to subject, for instance, which
is essential to the modern juridical conception of law,
was not only not established by them, but was for
long sedulously evaded. When they first committed
themselves to a course of territorial aggrandisement,
they adopted a number of curious fictions rather
than admit that they stood to the people of India as
political superior to political inferior. Nor had they
the slightest design of altering the customary law of
the country. They have been accused of interfer-
ing with native usages, but when the interference
(which has been on the whole very small) has taken
place, it has either arisen from ignorance of the exist-
ence of custom or has been forced on them, in very
recent times and in the shape of express legislation,
by necessities which I may be led hereafter to
explain.^ The English never therefore intended that

^ I have endeavoured to redeem this promise in part by printing
in an Appendix a Minute recorded in India on the subject of the
over-legislation not infrequently attributed to the British Govern-
ment.

LECT. III. INFLUENCE OF COURTS OF JUSTICE. 71

the laws of the country should rest on their com-
mands, or that these laws should shift in any way
their ancient basis of immemorial usage. One change
only they made, without much idea of its importance,
and thinking it probably the very minimum of conces-
sion to the exigencies of civilised government. They
established Courts of Justice in every administrative
district. Here I may observe that, though the
Brahminical written law assumes the existence of
king and judge, yet at the present moment in some
of the best governed semi-independent native States
there are no institutions corresponding to our Courts
of Justice. Disputes of a civil nature are adjusted
by the elders of each village community, or occasion-
ally, when they relate to land, by the functionaries
charged with the collection of the prince's revenue.
Such criminal jurisdiction as is found consists in the
interposition of the military power to punish breaches
of the peace of more than ordinary gravity. What
must be called criminal law is administered through
the arm of the soldier.

In a former lecture I spoke of the stiffness given
to native custom through the influence of English
law and English lawyers on the highest courts of
appeal. The changes which I am about to describe
arose from the mere establishment of local courts of
lowest jurisdiction ; and while they have effected a
revolution, it is a revolution which in the first

n CHANGE IN NATURE OP USAGE. lect. iir.

instance was conservative of the rigidity of native
usage. The customs at once altered their character.
They are generally collected from the testimony of
the village elders ; but when these elders are once
called upon to give their evidence, they necessarily
lose their old position. They are no longer a half-
judicial, half-legislative council. That which they
have affirmed to be the custom is henceforward to
be sought from the decisions of the Courts of Justice,
or from official documents which those courts receive
as evidence ; such, for example, as the document which,
under the name of the Record of Rights, I described
to you as a detailed statement of all rights in land
drawn up periodically by the functionaries employed
in settling the claim of the Government to its share
A o^oiz. r^ •'^^^ ^^ ^^^ rental. Usage, once recorded upon evidence
v,Atvw (u^^ given, immediately becomes written and fixed law.
vv-Cvo^ci 4 ^ ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^y longer obeyed as usage. It is hence -
^^'^^^^f^ forth obeyed as the law administered by a British

Court, and has thus really become a command of the
sovereign. The next thing is that the vague sanc-
tions of customary law disappear. The local courts
have of course power to order and guide the execu-
tion of their decrees, and thus we have at once the
sanction or penalty following disobedience of the
command. And, with the command and with the
sanction, come the conceptions of legal right and duty.
1 am not speaking of the logical but of the practical

LECT. III. GROWTH OF CONCEPTION OP HIGHT. 73

consequence. If I had to state what for the moment
is the grea,test change which has come over the
people of India and the change which has added most
seriously to the difficulty of governing them, I should ; '^^1^/^^^
say it was the growth on all sides of the sense ofi,^^^ ,-^AVM.'
individual legal right ; of a right not vested in the
total group but in the particular member of it
aggrieved, who has become conscious that he may
call in the arm of the State to force his neighbours to
obey the ascertained rule. The spread of this sense
of individual right would be an unqualified advantage
if it drew with it a corresponding improvement in
moral judgment. There would be little evil in the
British Government giving to native custom a con-
straining force which it never had in purely native
society, if popular opinion could be brought to approve
of the gradual amelioration of that custom. Unfor-
tunately for us, we have created the sense of legal
right before we have created a proportionate power
of distinguishing good from evil in the law upon
which the legal right depends.

You will see then that the English government
of India consciously introduced into India only oneQ^^^^j^-c^w rv
of the conceptions discriminated by the juridical l^^-^") *«.j/v^-
analysis of a law. This was the sanction or penalty ; ^j^ujiav^ c/\Mv
in establishing Courts of Justice they of course con- ^'^"''^ ^ v^
templated the compulsory execution of decrees. But
in introducing one of the terms of the series you will

74 INFLUENCE OP ENGLISH LAW. lect. hi.

observe they introduced all the others — the political
superior, the command, the legal right and the legal
duty. I have stated that the process is in itself one
conservative of native usage, and that the spirit in-
troduced from above into the administration of the
law by English lawyers was also one which tended
to stereotype custom. You may therefore perhaps
recall with some surprise the reason which I assigned
in my first liccture for making haste to read the
lessons which India furnishes to the juridical student.
Indian usage, with other things Indian, was, I told
you, passing away. The explanation is that you
have to allow for an influence, which I have merely
referred to as yet, in connection with the exceptional
English Courts at Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay.
Over the interior of India it has only begun to make
itself felt of late years, but its force is not yet nearly
spent. This is the influence of English law; not, I
mean, of the spirit which animates English lawyers
and which is eminently conservative, but the conta-
gion, so to speak, of the English system of law, — the
,^^_ efl*ect which the body of rules constituting it pro-
gj^vc/T/^ji^'.^^ duces by contact with native usage. Primitive cus-
\j^^'^r^ J tomary law has a double peculiarity : it is extremely
^ A^ scanty in some departments, it is extremely prodigal

of rules in others ; but the departments in which
rules are plentiful are exactly those which lose their
importance as the movements of society become

LECT. III. INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH LAW. 75

quicker and more various. The body of persons to
whose memory the customs are committed has pro-
bably always been a qaasi-legislative as well as a
quasi-judicial body, and has always added to the
stock of usage by tacitly inventing new rules to apply
to cases which are really new. When, however, the
customary law has once been reduced to writing and
recorded by the process w^hich I have described, it
does not supply express rules or principles in nearly
sufficient number to settle the disputes occasioned by
the increased activity of life and the multiplied wants
which result from the peace and plenty due to British
rule. The consequence is wholesale and indiscrimi-
nate borrowing from the English law — the most
copious system of express rules known to the world.
The Judge reads English law-books ; the young
native lawyers read them, for law is the study into
which the educated youth of the country are throw-
ing themselves, and for which they may even be said
to display something very like genius. You may
ask what authority have these borrowed rules in
India. Technically, they have none whatever ; yet,
though they are taken (and not always correctly
taken) from a law of entirely foreign origin, they are
adopted as if they naturally commended themselves
to the reason of mankind ; and all that can be said
of the process is that it is another example of the
influence, often felt in European legal history, which

7G CONNECTION OP EASTERN AND WESTERN JUSTICE, lect. iir.

express written law invariably exercises on unwritten
customary law when they are found side by side.
For myself, I cannot say that I regard this transmu-
tation of law as otherwise than lamentable. It is not
a correction of native usage where it is unwholesome.
It allows that usage to stand, and confirms it rather
than otherwise ; but it fills up its interstices with
unamalgamated masses of foreign law. And in a
very few years it will destroy its interest for the
historical jurist, by rendering it impossible to deter-
mine what parts of the structure are of native and
what of foreign origin. Nor will the remedial pro-
cess which it is absolutely necessary to apply for the
credit of the British name restore the integrity of the
native system. For the cure can only consist in the
enactment of uniform, simple, codified law, formed
for the most part upon the best European models.

It is most desirable that one great branch of native
Indian usage should be thoroughly examined before it
decays, inasmuch as it is through it that we are able
to connect Indian customary law with what appears
to have once been the customary law of the Western
World. I speak of the Indian customs of agricultural
tenure and of collective property in land.

For many years past there has been sufificient
evidence to warrant the assertion that the oldest dis-
coverable forms of property in land were forms of
collective property, and to justify the conjecture that

LECT. III. VON MAURER. 77

separate property had grown through a series (though
not always an identical series) of changes, out of col-
lective property or ownership in common. But the
testimony which was furnished by the Western World
had one peculiarity. The forms of collective property
which had survived and were open to actual observa-
tion were believed to be found exclusively in countries
peopled by the Sclavonic race. It is true that histo-
rical scholars who had made a special study of the
evidence concerning ancient Teutonic holdings, as, for
example, the early English holdings, might have been
able to assert of them that they pointed to the same
conclusions as the Sclavonic forms of village property ;
but the existing law of property in land, its actual
distribution and the modes of enjoying it, were sup-
posed to have been exclusively determined in Teutonic
countries by their later history. It was not until
Von Maurer published a series of works, in which his
conclusions were very gradually developed, that the
close correspondence between the early history of
Teutonic property and the facts of proprietary enjoy-
ment in the Germany of our own day was fully estab-
lished ; and not two years have elapsed since Nasse
called attention to the plain and abundant vestiges
of collective Teutonic property which are to be traced
in England.

I shall not attempt to do more than give you such
a summary of Yon Maurer's conclusions as may suffice

78 THE TEUTONIC VILLAGE COMMUNITIES, lect. hi.

to connect them with the results of official observation
and administrative enquiry in India. You will find
a somewhat fuller compendium of them in the paper
contributed by Mr. Morier to the volume recently
published, called ' Systems of Land Tenure in Various
Countries.' Mr. Morier is the English Charge d' Af-
faires at Darmstadt, and he assures me that his account
of the abundant vestiges of collective property which
are to be found in the more backward parts of
Germany may easily be verified by the eye. They
are extremely plain in some territorial maps with
which he has been good enough to supply me.

The ancient Teutonic cultivating community, as it
existed in Germany itself, appears to have been thus
organised. It consisted of a number of families
^fiSj^Y standing in a proprietary relation to a district divided
^ ' into three parts. These three portions were the Mark

^ lu^r<^AAAi of the Township or Village, the Common Mark or
waste, and the Arable Mark or cultivated area. The
community inhabited the village, held the common
mark in mixed ownership, and cultivated the arable
mark in lots appropriated to the several families.

Each family in the township was governed by its
own free head or paterfamilias. The precinct of the
family dwelling-house could be entered by nobody
but himself and those under his patria potestas, not
even by officers of the law, for he himself made law
within and enforced law made without.

LECT. III. THE TEUTONIC VILLAGE COMMUNITIES. 79

But, while he stood under no relations controllable
by others to the members of his family, he stood in a
number of very intricate relations to the other heads
of families. The sphere of usage or customary law
was not the family, but the connection of one family
with another and with the aggregate community.

Confining ourselves to proprietary relations, we
find that his rights or (what is the same thing) the
rights of his family over the Common Mark are con-
trolled or modified by the rights of every other
family. It is a strict ownership in common, both in
theory and in practice. When cattle grazed on the
common pasture, or when the householder felled wood
in the common forest, an elected or hereditary ofiicer
watched to see that the common domain was equitably
enjoyed.

But the proprietary relation of the householder
which has most interest for us is his relation to the
Arable Mark. It seems always in theory to have been
originally cut out of the common mark, which indeed
cat! only be described as the portion of the village
domain not appropriated to cultivation. In this uni-
versally recognised original severance of the arable
mark from the common mark we come very close upon
the beginning of separate or individual property.
The cultivated land of the Teutonic village community
appears almost invariably to have been divided into
three great fields. A rude rotation of crops was the

80 THE ARABLE MARK. lect. hi.

object of this threefold division, and it was intended
that each field should lie fallow once in three years.
, , The fields under tillas^e were not however culti-

J^a o-Lon^ i^ vated by labour in common. Each householder has
^\^G^U/r^ liis own family lot in each of the three fields, and
^^"^^^^ ^ ' this he tills by his own labour, and that of his sons
and his slaves. But he cannot cultivate as he
pleases. He must sow the same crop as the rest of
the community, and allow his lot in the uncultivated
field to lie fallow with the others. Nothing he does
must interfere with the right of other households to
have pasture for sheep and oxen in the fallow and
among the stubbles of the fields under tillage. The
rules regulating the modes of cultivating the various
lots seem to have been extremely careful and compli-
cated, and thus we may say without much rashness
that the earliest law of landed property arose at the
same time when the first traces of individual property
began to show themselves, and took the form of
usages intended to produce strict uniformity of culti-
vation in all the lots of ground for the first time
appropriated. That these rules should be intricate
is only what might be expected. The simplicity
of the earliest family law is not produced by any
original tendency of mankind, but is merely the
simplicity which goes always with pure despotism.
Ancient systems of law are in one sense scanty.
The number of subjects with which they deal is

LECT. III. THE ARABLE MARK. 81

small, and, from tlie modern jurist's point of view, jyw*-*^ ^^ ^

there are great gaps in them. But the number of'^^^'^^^j.^^^^ji^ *

minute rules which they accumulate between narrow

limits is very surprising. The most astonishing

example of this is to be found in the translation of

the Ancient Irish law now in course of publication

by the Irish Government. The. skeleton of this law

is meagre enough, but the quantity of detail is vast —

so vast that I cannot but believe that much of it is

attributable to the perverted ingenuity of a class of

hereditary lawyers.

The evidence appears to me to establish that the
Arable Mark of the Teutonic village community was ^V^"""^ ^^
occasionally shifted from one part of the general y^fW^
village domain to another. It seems also to show^y JUov^y <L.i^
that the original distribution of the arable area was '^^«^''*^ r'^
always into exactly equal portions, corresponding to \^,^.^ u^^^Jm
the number of free families in the township. Nor '^*^^*''^*^
can it be seriously doubted upon the evidence that"^) *^ 'T^T^ vT
the proprietary equality of the families composing jU^Jt t/wJfe^ cmJU.
the group was at first still further secured by % . TT^'^^t^ aa,jL
periodical redistribution of the several assignments. _i;;;^jU^t«C^ <i^v^jt
The point is one of some importance. One stage in
the transition from collective to individual property
was reached when the part of the domain under
cultivation was allotted among the Teutonic races to
the several families of the township ; another was
gained when the system of ' shifting severalties ' came

QMA>*^

82 THE ARABLE MARK. lect. hi.

to an end, and each family was confirmed for a
perpetuity in the enjoyment of its several lots of
land. But there appears to be no country inhabited
by an Aryan race in which traces do not remain of
the ancient periodical redistribution. It has con-
tinued to our own day in the Eussian villages.
Among the Hindoo villagers there are widely ex-
tending traditions of the practice ; and it was doubt-
less the source of certain usages, to be hereafter
described, which have survived to our day in Eng-
land and Germany.

I quote from Mr. Morier's paper the following ob-
'eJTtr^ H-ru^^^""'^^ servations. ' These two distinct aspects of the early
;«^"^*M^* Teutonic freeman as a "lord " and a " commoner"

united in the same person— one when within the pale
of his homestead, the other when standing outside
that pale in the economy of the mark — should not be
lost sight of In them are reflected the two salient
characteristics of the Teutonic race, the spirit of
individuality, and its spirit of association ; and as the
9;Ction and reaction of these two laws have deter-
mined the social and political history of the race, so
they have in an especial manner affected and deter-
mined its agricultural history.'

Those of you who are familiar with the works of
Palgrave, Kemble, and Freeman, are aware that the
most learned writers on the early English proprietary
system give an account of it not at variance in any

LECT. HI. ENGLISH THEORIES OF LAND-LAW. 83

material point with the description of the Teutonic
mark which I have repeated from Yon Maurer. The
question, then, which at once presses on us is whether
an ancient form of property, which has left on
Germany traces so deep and durable that (again to
quote Mr. Morier) they may always be followed
on ordinary territorial maps, must be believed to have
quite died out in England, leaving no sign of itself
behind? Unquestionably the answer furnished by
the received text-books of English real-property law
is affirmative. They either assume, or irresistibly
suggest, that the modern law is separated from the
ancient law by some great interruption ; and Nasse,
the object of whose work is to establish the survival
of the Mark in England, allows that German
enquirers had been generally under the impression
that the history of landed property in this country
was characterised by an exceptional discontinuity.
There is much in the technical theory of our real-
property law which explains these opinions ; and it
is less wonderful that lawyers should have been led
to them by study of the books, than that no doubt
of their soundness should have been created by facts
with which practitioners were occasionally well
acquainted. These facts, establishing the long con-
tinuance of joint cultivation by groups modelled on
the community of the Mark, were strongly pressed ^^_^U u^^i
upon the Select Committee of the House of Commons i™L

G 2 ^

84 ENGLISH THEORIES OF LAND-LAW. lect. hi.

which sat to consider the subject of inclosures in
1844 by a witness, Mr. Blamire, who was at once a
lawyer and an official unusually familiar with English
landed property in its less usual shapes. Yet Mr.
Blamire appears (^Evidence before Select Committee
,of 1844,' p. 32, q. 335) to have unreservedly adopted
the popular theory on the subject, which I believe to
be that at some period — sometimes vaguely associated
with the feudalisation of Europe, sometimes more
precisely with the Norman Conquest — the entire soil
of England was confiscated ; that the whole of each
manor became the lord's demesne; that the lord
divided certain parts of it among his free retainers,
but kept a part in his own hands to be tilled by his
villeins; that all which was not required for this
distribution was left as the lord's waste ; and that all
customs which cannot be traced to feudal principles
grew up insensibly, through the subsequent tolerance
of the feudal chief.

There has been growing attention for some years
past to a part of the observable phenomena which
prove the unsoundness of the popular impression.
Many have seen that the history of agriculture, of
land-law, and of the relations of classes cannot be
thoroughly constructed until the process has been
thoroughly deciphered by which the common or
waste -land was brought under cultivation either by
the lord of the manor or by the lord of the manor

LECT. 111. THE ARABLE MARK IN ENGLAND. 85

in connection with the commoners. The history of
Inclosures and of Inclosure Acts is now recognised as
of great importance to our general history. But
corresponding study has not, or not of late, been
bestowed on another set of traces left by the past.
The Arable Mark has survived among us as well as A^^-^^^^ ^»^^^
the Common Mark or waste, and it the more de-
serves our attention in this place because its interest
is not social or political but purely juridical.

The lands which represent the cultivated portion
of the domain of the ancient Teutonic village com-
munities are found more or less in all parts of England,
but more abundantly in some counties than in others. ^ ^^j^
They are known by various names. When the soil is c^ywwmjtk^ 4jms
arable, they are most usually called ' common,' 'corn- ^ c/^^t^w^«>^«^
monable,'or ' open ' fields, or sometimes simply ' inter- /"'^^"^/oyv^^yo^^^
mixed ' lands. When the lands are in grass, they are
sometimes known as ' lot meadows,' sometimes as
'lammas lands,' though the last expression is occa-
sionally used of arable soil. The * common fields ' are
almost invariably divided into three long strips, sepa- j»
rated by green baulks of turf. The several properties
consist in subdivisions of these strips, sometimes
exceedingly minute; and there is a great deal of
evidence that one several share in each of the strips
belonged originally to the same ownership, and that
all the several shares in any one strip were originally
equal or nearly equal, though in progress of time a

THE COMMON FIELDS.

LECT. III.

rr^J>t

good many have been accumulated in the same hands.
The agricultural customs which prevail in these
common fields are singularly ahke. Each strip bears
two crops of a dilFerent kind in turn and then lies
fallow. The better opinion seems to be that the
custom as to the succession of crops would not be
sustained at law ; but the right to feed sheep or cattle
on the whole of one strip during the fallow year, or
among the stubbles of the other two strips after the
crops have been got in, or on the green baulks which
divide the three fields, is generally treated as capable
j of being legally maintained. This right has in some
cases passed to the lord of the manor, but sometimes
it is vested in the body of persons who are owners of
the several shares in the common fields. The grass
lands bear even more distinct traces of primitive
usage. The several shares in the arable fields, some-
times, but very rarely, shift from one owner to
another in each successive year ; but this is frequently
the rule with the meadows, which, when they are
themselves in a state of severalty, are often distribu-
ted once a year by casting lots among the persons
entitled to appropriate and enclose them, or else
change from one possessor to another in the order of
the names of persons or tenements on a roll. As a
rule the inclosures are removed after the hay -harvest;
and there are manors in which they are taken down
by the villagers on Lammas Day (that is. Old

LECT. III. SHIFTING SEVERALTIES. 87

Lammas Day) in a sort of legalised tumultuary
assembly. The group of persons entitled to use the
meadows after they have been thrown open is often
larger than the number of persons entitled to en-
close them. All the householders in a parish, and
not merely the landowners, are found enjoying this
right. The same peculiarity occasionally, but much
more rarely, characterises the rights over common
arable fields; and it is a point of some interest, since
an epoch in the history of primitive groups occurs
Ip when they cease to become capable of absorbing
strangers. The English cultivating communities may
be supposed to have admitted new-comers to a limited
enjoyment of the meadows, up to a later date than
the period at which the arable land had become the
exclusive property of the older families of the group.
The statute 24 Geo. II. c. 23, which altered the
English Calendar, recites (s. 5) the frequency of
these ancient customs and forms of property, and
provides that the periods for commencing common
enjoyment shall be reckoned by the old account of
time. They have been frequently noticed by agri-
cultural writers, who have strongly and unanimously
condemned them. There is but one voice as to the ^^^.^jLiruni. 4^^
barbarousness of the agriculture perpetuated in the '^^ c<oa*via.^
common arable fields, and as to the quarrels and ^

heart-burning of which the 'shifting severalties' in
the meadow land have been the source. But both

88 GREAT EXTENT OP THE COMMON FIELDS, lect. hi.

common fields and common meadows are still plenti-
ful on all sides of us. Speaking for myself person-
ally, I have been greatly surprised at the number of
instances of abnormal proprietary rights, necessarily
implying the former existence of collective owner-
ship and joint cultivation, which comparatively brief
enquiry has brought to my notice ; nor can I doubt
that a hundred and fifty years ago instances of such
rights could have been produced in vastly greater
numbers, since Private Acts of Parliament for the
inclosure of commonable fields were constantly
passed in the latter part of the last and the earlier
part of the present century, and since 1836 they
have been extensively enclosed, agglomerated, and
exchanged under the Common Fields Inclosure Act
passed in that year, and under the general powers
more recently vested in the Inclosure Commissioners.
The breadth of land which was comparatively recently
in an open, waste, or commonable condition, and
which therefore bore the traces of the ancient Teu-
tonic cultivating system, may be gathered from a
passage in which Nasse sums up the statements made
in a number of works by a writer, Marshall, whom I
shall presently quote. ' In almost all parts of the
country, in the Midland and Eastern Counties par-
ticularly, but also in the West — in Wiltshire for ex-
ample— in the South, as in Surrey, in the North, as
in Yorkshire, there are extensive open and common

I.ECT. III. GREAT EXTENT OF THE COMMON FIELDS. 89

fields. Out of 316 parishes in Northamptonshire, 89
are in this condition; more than 100 in Oxfordshire ;
about 50,000 acres in Warwickshire ; in Berkshire,
half the county ; more than half of Wiltshire ; in
Huntingdonshire, out of a total area of 240,000 acres,
130,000 were commonable meadows, commons, and
common fields.' (Ueber die Mittelalterliche Feld-
gemeinschaft in England,' p. 4.) The extent of some
of the fields may be inferred from the fact, stated to
me on good authority, that the pasturage on the divid-
ing baulks of turf, which were not more than three
yards wide, was estimated in one case at eighty acres.
These footprints of the past were quite recently found
close to the capital and to the seats of both Uni-
versities. In Cambridgeshire they doubtless corre-
sponded to the isolated patches of dry soil which were
scattered through the fens, and in the metropolitan
county of Surrey, of which the sandy and barren soil
produced much the same isolation of tillage as did the
morasses of the fen country, they occurred so close to
London as to impede the extension of its suburbs,
through the inconvenient customs which they placed
in the way of building. One of the largest of the
common fields was found in the immediate neigh-
bourhood of Oxford; and the grassy baulks which
anciently separated the three fields are still conspi-
cuous from the branch of the Great Northern Kailway
which leads to Cambridge.

ga EXTRACT FROM MARSHALL. lect. hi.

The extract from Marshall's ' Elementary and Prac-
tical Treatise on Landed Property ' (London, 1804)
which I am about to read to you, is in some ways
very remarkable. Mr. William Marshall was a writer
on agriculture who published largely between 1770
and 1820, and he has left an account of the state of
cultivation in almost every English county. He had
been engaged for many years in ' studying the im-
provement and directing the management of several
large estates in England, Wales and Scotland,' and he
had taken a keen interest in what he terms ' provin-
cial practices.' The picture of the ancient state of
England which follows, was formed in his mind from
simple observation of the phenomena of custom,
tillage, and territorial arrangement which he saw
before his eyes. You will perceive that he had not
the true key in his possession, and that he figured to
himself the collective form of property as a sort of
common farm, cultivated by the tenantry of a single
landlord.

' In this place it is sufficient to premise that a very
few centuries ago, nearly the whole of the lands of
England lay in an open, and more or less in a com-
monable state, Each parish or township (at least
in the more central and northern districts), comprised
different descriptions of lands ; having been sub-
jected, during successive ages, to specified modes of
occupancy, under ancient and strict regulations.

I.ECT. III. EXTRACT FROM MARSHALL. 91

which time had converted to law. These parochial
arrangements, however, varied somewhat in different
districts ; but in the more central and greater part
of the kingdom, not widely; and the following state-
ment may serve to convey a general idea of the whole
of what may be termed Common-field Townships,
throughout England.

' Under this ingenious mode of organisation, each
parish or township was considered as one common
farm ; though the tenantry were numerous.

' Round the village, in which the tenants resided,
lay a few small inclosures, or grass yards ; for rear-
ing calves, and as baiting and nursery grounds for
other farm stock. This was the common farmstead,
or homestall, which was generally placed as near the
centre of the more culturable lands of the parish or
township as water and shelter would permit.

' Round the homestall, lay a suit of arable fields ;
including the deepest and soundest of the lower
grounds, situated out of water's way ; for raising
corn and pulse ; as well as to produce fodder and
litter for cattle and horses in the winter season.

'And, in the lowest situation, as in the water-
formed base of a river ed valley, or in swampy dips,
shooting up among the arable lands, lay an extent of
meadow grounds, or '' ings " ; to affbrd a supply of
hay, for cows and working stock, in the winter and
spring months.

92 EXTRACT FROM MARSHALL. lect. hi.

' On the outskirts of the arable lands, where the
soil is adapted to the pasturage of cattle, or on the
springy slope of hills, less adapted to cultivation, or
in the fenny bases of valleys, which were too wet, or
gravelly water formed lands which were too dry, to
produce an annual supply of hay with sufficient cer-
tainty, one or more stinted pastures, or hams, were
laid out for milking cows, working cattle, or other
stock which required superior pasturage in summer. '

' While the bleakest, worst-soiled, and most distant
lands of the township, were left in their native wild
state ; for timber and fuel ; and for a common pasture,
or suit of pastures, for the more ordinary stock of
the township ; whether horses, rearing cattle, sheep,
or swine ; without any other stint, or restriction, than
what the arable and meadow lands indirectly gave ;
every joint-tenant, or occupier of the township,
having the nominal privilege of keeping as much
live-stock on these common pastures, in summer, as
the appropriated lands he occupied would maintain,
in winter.

' The appropriated lands of each township were laid
out with equal good sense and propriety. That each
occupier might have his proportionate share of lands
of different qualities, and lying in different situations,
the arable lands, more particularly, were divided into
numerous parcels, of sizes, doubtless, according to the
size of the given township, and the number and rank
of the occupiers.

LECT. Ill- EXTEACT FROM MARSHALL. 93

* And, that the whole might be subjected to the same
plan of management, and be conducted as one common
farm, the arable lands were moreover divided into
compartments, or " fields," of nearly equal size, and
generally three in number, to receive, in constant
rotation, the triennial succession of fallow, wheat (or
rye) and spring crops (as barley, oats, beans, and
peas) : thus adopting and promoting a system of hus-
bandry, which, howsoever improper it is become, in
these more enlightened days, was well adapted to the
state of ignorance, and vassalage, of feudal times ;
when each parish or township had its sole proprietor ;
the occupiers being at once his tenants and his
soldiers, or meaner vassals. The lands were in course
liable to be more or less deserted by their occupiers,
and left to the feebleness of the young, the aged, and
the weaker sex. But the whole township being, in.
this manner, thrown into one system, the care and
management of the live-stock, at least, would be easier
and better than they would have been, under any
other arrangement. And, at all times, the manager
of the estate was better enabled to detect bad hus-
bandry, and enforce that which was more profitable
to the tenants and the estate, by having the whole
spread under the eye, at once, than he would have
been, had the lands been distributed in detached
inclosed farmlets ; besides avoiding the expense of
inclosure. And .another advantage arose from this

94 SCOTT ON UDAL TENURES. lect. in.

more social arrangement, in barbarous times : the
tenants, by being concentrated in villages, were not
only best situated to defend each other from predatory
attacks ; but were called out, by their lord, with
greater readiness, in cases of emergency.' (Marshall,
pp. 111-113.)

The readers of the ' Pirate ' are, I dare say, aware
that Sir Walter Scott had his attention strongly
attracted to the so-called Udal tenures of Orkney and
Shetland. The fact has more juridical interest than
it once had, now that recent writers have succeeded
in completely identifying the ancient Scandinavian
and ancient German proprietary usages. In the
diary which he wrote of his voyage with the Com-
missioners of Lighthouses round the coasts of Scot-
land, Scott observes : ' I cannot get a distinct account
of the nature of the land-rights. The Udal pro-
prietors have ceased to exist, yet proper feudal
tenures seem ill understood. Districts of ground are
in many instances understood to belong to townships
or communities, possessing what may be arable by
patches and what is moor as a commonty pro indi-
viso. But then individuals of such a township often
take it upon them to grant feus of particular parts of
the property thus possessed pro indiviso. The town
of Lerwick is built upon a part of the commonty of
Sound ; the proprietors of the houses having feu-rights
from different heritors of that township, but why

LECT. in. COMMONTY OF LAUDER. 93

from one rather than other .... seems altogether
uncertain' (Lockhart's 'Life of Scott,' iii. p. 145).
That these tenures survived till lately in the northern
islands has been long known, but there has been a
general impression that the strict and consistent
feudalism of Scotland had effaced the traces of older
Teutonic usage in the Lowlands. Yet a Eeturn
recently presented to Parliament suggests that a re-
examination of Scottish agricultural customs might
be usefully undertaken. ' There are,' it is stated,
' within the bounds of the royalty of the burgh of
Lauder 105 separate portions of land called Bur-
gess Acres. These vary in extent from one and a
half acre to three and a half acres. To each such
acre there is a separate progress of writs, and these
" Acres " are the private and absolute property of
individuals. . . . No one has hitherto been admitted a
burgess of the burgh who has not been an owner of
one of these Burgess Acres. The lands of the burgh
consist of ... . Lauder Common, extending to about
1,700 acres, which has, from all time of which there is
any record, been possessed thus. A portion of it has
been set off periodically, say once in ^ye or seven
years, to be broken up and ploughed during that time,
and at the end of that time fixed has been laid down
in grass, and grazed along with the other lands :
when another portion of the common was, in the same
way, broken up and ploughed, and again laid down in

M COMMOXTY OF LAUDER. lect. hi.

grass. The portion of the common so broken up and
ploughed at a time has, of recent years, been about
130 acres in extent. An allotment of this portion of
the common has been given to the owner of each of
the 105 burgess acres, whether he happened to be a
burgess or not, one allotment for each acre. The
portion laid off for cultivation is, in the first place,
cut into the number of allotments required, and the
share of each person is decided by lot. The condi-
tions attached to the taking of hill parts have been,
compliance with a system of cultivation prescribed by
the town council, and payment of a small assessment,
generally just sufficient to reimburse the burgh for
expenses laid out in making roads, drains, &c., to
enhance the value of the land for cultivation. These
allotments have been called "Hill parts," and the
average worth of each is 11. per annum. The whole
of the remainder of the common has been used for
grazing purposes, and has been occupied as follows :
Each burgess resident within the bounds of the burgh
has grazed on the common two cows, or an equivalent,
and a certain number of sheep — at present, and for
some years, fifteen ; and each widow of a burgess,
resident in the burgh, has grazed on the common one
cow, or an equivalent, and a certain number of sheep
— at present, and for many years, twelve ' ( ' Return
of Boroughs or Cities in the United Kingdom, pos-
sessing Common Land,' Appendix L, House of
Commons, August 10, 1870).

LECT. III. PECULIARITIES OF SCOTTISH EXAMPLE. 97

It may be doubted whether a more perfect example
of the primitive cultivating community is extant in
England or Germany. As compared with the English
instances, its form is extremely archaic. The arable
mark, cultivated under rules prescribed by the town
council, shifts periodically from one part of the domain
to another, and the assignment of parcels within the
cultivated area is by lot. It is interesting too to
observe that the right to land for purposes of tillage
is inseparably connected with the ownership of certain
plots of land within the township. A similar con-
nection between the shares in the common field and
certain ancient tenements in a village is sometimes
found in England and has been formally established
at law. (See the bitter complaints of Marshall,
' Rural Economy of Yorkshire,' i. 55.) On the other
hand, a group of persons more loosely defined has the
right to pasture on the part of the common in grass,
and this peculiarity occurs also in England. I am
informed that most of the Scottish burghs have
recently sold their ' commonties ; ' but it is to be
hoped that all traces of the ancient customs of en-
joyment have not been quite obliterated.

Upon the evidence collected by Nasse, supplied
by the works of Marshall, and furnished by the wit-
nesses examined before the Select Committee of 1844,
and upon such as I have myself been able to gather,
the vestiges of the Teutonic village community which

98 VESTIGES OF THE MARK. lect. hi.

remained before the inclosures of the last century

and the present may be thus compendiously described :

The arable part of the domain was indicated (1) by

simple intermixed fields, i,e. fields of nearly equal size

mingled together and belonging to an extraordinary

number of owners, so that, according to Mr. Blamire's

statement, in one parish containing 2,831 acres there

were (in 1844) 2,315 pieces of open land which

included 2,327 acres, giving an average size of one

acre (Evidence, Select Committee, p. 17, q. 185) ;

(2) by fields of nearly equal size arranged in three

long strips and subject to various customs of tillage,

the most universal being the fallow observed by

each of the strips in successive years ; (3) by

' shifting severalties ' of arable land, which were

not, however, of frequent occurrence ; (4) by the

existence of certain rights of pasture over the green

baulks which prevented their removal.

The portion of the domain kept in grass was
represented : ( 1 ) by ' shifting severalties ' of mea-
dow land, which were very frequent, the modes of
successive allotment being also very various ; (2) by
the removal of inclosures after hay -harvest ; (3) by
the exercise, on the part of a community generally
larger than the number of persons entitled to enclose,
of a right to pasture sheep and cattle on the meadow-
land during the period when the hay was not matur-
ing for harvest.

LECT. III. VESTIGES OF THE MARK. 99

The rights known to exist over Commons constitute
much too large a subject to be treated of here. But
two relics of the ancient collective cultivation may be
specially mentioned. The supervision of the commu-
nal officer who watched over the equitable enjoyment
of the pastures has become the custom of ' stint of
common,' by which the number of the beasts which
the commoner might turn out on the waste is limited
and regulated. There is also a good deal of evidence
that some commons, now entirely waste, bear the
traces of ancient tillage. The most probable explana-
tion is that in these cases the whole of the arable
mark had been removed from one part of the domain
to another, and that the traces of cultivation show the
place of common fields anciently deserted.

H 2

LECTURE IV.

THE EASTERN VILLAGE COMMUNITY,

CONTENTS.

The Indian Village Community — Mahometan Theory of Ownership —
Land Settlement of Bengal — The Indian Proprietary Unit — The
Indian Village — The Cultivated Land — The Growth of Custom —
Water Rules — The Sources of Primitive Law — Customs of Ke-
partition — The Village — Secrecy of Family Life — Dislike of English
Criminal Law — Fictions Attending Legislation — Village Rules —
Origin of Indian Towns — Indian Capitals — The Village Waste —
The Indian Wastes — The Government and the Wastes — The Village
Council — Peaceful Character of Population — Hereditary Trades —
Remuneration of Village Traders — The Outsiders — Absorption ot
Strangers by Community.

LECT. IV. THE INDIAN VILLAGE COMMUNITY. J 03

LECTURE lY.

THE EASTERN VILLAGE COMMUNITY.

I PROPOSE in tliis Lecture to describe summarily
and remark upon the Indian forms of property and
tenure corresponding to the ancient modes of holding
and cultivating land in Europe which I discussed at
some length last week. It does not appear to me a
hazardous proposition that the Indian and the ancient
European systems of enjoyment and tillage by men
grouped in village communities are in all essential
particulars identical. There are diiferences of detail
between them, and I think you will find the discus-
sion of these differences and of their apparent causes
not uninteresting nor barren of instruction to the
student of jurisprudence.

No Indian phenomenon has been more carefully
examined, and by men more thoroughly in earnest,
than the Village Community. For many years past
the discovery and recognition of its existence have
ranked among the greatest achievements of Anglo-
Indian administration. But the Village Community
did not emerge into clear light very early in the

104 MAHOMETAN THEORY OF OWNERSHIP. lect. iv.

history of our conquest and government. Although
this peculiar group is referred to in Manu, the English
found little to guide them to its great importance in
the Brahminical codified law of the Hindoos which
they first examined. Perhaps in the large space
assigned in that law to joint-property and partitions
they might have found a hint of the truth, if the
great province in which they were first called upon
to practise administration on a large scale, Lower
Bengal or Bengal Proper, had not happened to be the
exact part of India in which, from causes not yet
fully determined, the village system had fallen into
great decay. The assumption which the English
first made was one which they inherited from their
Mahometan predecessors. It was, that all the soil
belonged in absolute property to the sovereign, and
that all private property in land existed by his
suff*erance. The Mahometan theory and the corre-
sponding Mahometan practice had put out of sight the
ancient view of the sovereign's rights, which, though
it assigned to him a far larger share of the produce of
the land than any western ruler has ever claimed, yet
in nowise denied the existence of private property in
land. The English began to act in perfect good faith
on the ideas which they found universally prevailing
among the functionaries whom they had taken over
from the Mahometan semi-independent viceroys de-
throned by their arms. Their earliest experiments,

LECT. IV. LAND SETTLEMENT OF BENGAL. 105

tried in the belief that the soil was theirs and that
any land-law would be of their exclusive creation, have
now passed into proverbs of maladroit management.
The most famous of them was the settlement of
Lower Bengal by Lord Cornwallis. It was an at-
tempt to create a landed-proprietary like that of this
country. The policy of conferring estates in fee
simple on the natural aristocracy of certain parts of
India (and I mean by a ' natural aristocracy ' an
aristocracy formed under purely native conditions of
society by what amounts to the sternest process of
natural selection) has had many fervent advocates
among Indian functionaries, and has very lately been
carried out on a considerable scale in the newly-
conquered province of Oudh. But the great pro-
prietors established by Lord Cornwallis were un-
doubtedly, with few exceptions, the tax-gatherers of
the former Mahometan viceroy. The recoil from what
was soon recognised as a mistake, brought a system
into fashion which had been tried on a small scale
at an earlier date, and which was in fact the reverse
of Lord Cornwallis's experiment. In the southern
provinces of the peninsula, the English Government
began to recognise nothing between itself and the
immediate cultivators of the soil; and from them it
took directly its share of the produce. The effect
was to create a peasant-proprietary. This system, of
which the chief seat was the province of Madras, has, in

106 THE INDIAN PROPRIETARY UNIT. lect. iv.

my opinion, been somewhat unjustly decried. Now that
it has been modified in some details, and that some
mistakes first committed have been corrected, there
is no more prosperous population in India than that
which has been placed under it; but undoubtedly it
is not the ancient system of the country. It was not
till English conquest was extending far to the north-
west, and till warlike populations were subjugated
whose tastes and peculiarities it was urgently neces-
sary to study, that the true proprietary unit of India
^j;^„^^ ( xA f^^^ "was discovered. It has ever since been most carefully
Z wv^^tc -| ^^^ continuously observed. There have been many

vehement and even violent disputes about some of
its characteristics; but these disputes will always, I
think, be found to arise, or at least to derive their
point, from an attempt to make it fit in with some
theory of English origin. There is no substantial
difference of opinion about its great features. I
regret exceedingly that I cannot refer you to any
book in which there is a clear or compendious account
of it. Perhaps the best and most intelligible is that
given by a distinguished Indian functionary, Mr.
George Campbell, in that same volume on ' Systems of
Land Tenure ' to which I referred you for Mr. Morier's
summary of Von Maurer's conclusions. But the de-
scription is necessarily much too brief for a subject of
such extent, and full information must be obtained from
the extensive literature of Revenue and Settlement

LKCT. IV. THE IjS^DIAN VILLAGE. 107

which I spoke of some time since as having had its
materials collected by quasi -judicial agencies. But
the student who attempts to consult it should be
warned that much of the elementary knowledge
which has to be acquired before its value and interest
can be completely understood is only at present to be
gathered from the oral statements of experienced
Indian functionaries. In the account of the Indian
cultivating group which follows you will understand
that I confine myself to fundamental points, and
further that I am attempting to describe a typical form
to which the village communities appear to me upon
the evidence I have seen to approximate, rather than
a model to which all existing groups called by the
name can be exactly fitted.

If very general language were employed, the
description of the Teutonic or Scandinavian village
communities might actually serve as a description of
the same institution in India.' There is the arable
mark, divided into separate lots but cultivated
according to minute customary rules binding on all.
I Wherever the climate admits of the finer grass crops,
there are the reserved meadows, lying generally on
the verge of the arable mark. There is the waste or
common land, out of which the arable mark has been
cut, enjoyed as pasture by all the community pro
indiviso. There is the village, consisting of habita-
tions each ruled by a despotic pater -familias. And

108 THE CULTIVATED LAND. lect. iv.

there is constantly a council of government to deter-
mine disputes as to custom. But there are some
characteristics of the institution of which no traces,
or very faint traces, remain in Europe, though they
probably once existed, and there are some differences
between the European and Indian examples. Iden-
tity in the main being assumed, a good deal of
instruction may be obtained from these distinctions
of detail.

First as to the arable mark, or cultivated portion of
the village domain. Here you will naturally expect
the resemblances to be general rather than specific.
The official publications on Indian Settlement law
contain evidence that in some parts of the country
the division into three common fields is to be found;
but I do not attach any importance to the fact, which
is probably quite accidental. The conditions of
agriculture in a tropical coimtry are so widely
different from those which can at any period be
supposed to have determined cultivation in Northern
and Central Europe as to forbid us to look for any
resemblances in India, at once widely extended and
exact, to the Teutonic three-field system. Indeed,
as the great agent of production in a tropical country
is water, very great dissimilarities in modes of
cultivation are produced within India itself by
relative proximity to running streams and relative
exposure to the periodical rain-fall. The true

{

LECT. IV. GROWTH OF CUSTOM. 109

analogy between the existing Indian and the ancient
European systems of tillage must be sought in the
minute but multifarious rules governing the pro-
ceedings of the cultivators ; rules which in both
cases have the same object — to reconcile a common
plan and order of cultivation on the part of the
whole brotherhood with the holding of distinct lots
in the arable land by separate families. The
common life of the group or community has been so
far broken up as to admit of private property
in cultivated land, but not so far as to allow
departure from a joint system of cultivating that
land. There have been functionaries serving the
British Government of India who have had the
opportunity of actually observing the mode in which
rules of this kind grow up. Wherever the great
canals of irrigation which it has constructed pass
through provinces in w^hich the system of village
communities survives in any completeness, the ^^^^^^*^^ °^
Government does not undertake — or perhaps I should^ ^^ Wc/\v, i
rather say it has not hitherto undertaken — the')^'^^!"^ ^' ^
detailed distribution of water to the peasants inha-
biting the village. It bargains with them to take a
certain quantity of water in return for a certain
addition to the revenue assessed upon them, and
leaves them, when the water has once been conducted
to the arable mark, to divide it between themselves
as they please. A number of minute rules for regu-

110 WATER RULES. lect. iv.

lating each man's share of the water and mode of
using it are then imposed on the village, by the
council of elders, by the elective or hereditary func-
tionary who sometimes takes its place, or by the
person who represents the community in its con-
tracts with Government for payment of land-rent.
I have been told, however, by some of those who
have observed the formation of these rules, that
they do not purport to emanate from the personal
authority of their author or authors ; nor do they
assume to be dictated by a sense of equity ; there is
always, I am assured, a sort of fiction, under which
some customs as to the distribution of water are
supposed to have existed from all antiquity, although
in fact no artificial supply had been even so much as
thought of. It is further stated that, though it is
extremely common among English functionaries to
speak of the distribution of water as regulated by the
agreement of the villagers, yet no such idea really
enters the mind of the community or of its represen-
tatives as that there can be or ought to be an express
or implied contract among the cultivators respecting
their several shares. And it is added that, rather
than have a contract or agreement, it would appear
to them a much more natural and reasonable arrange-
ment that the distribution should be determined by
casting lots. Authority, Custom, or Chance are in
fact the great sources of law in primitive communi-

LECT. IV. THE SOURCES OF PRIMITIVE LAW. Ill

ties as we know them, not Contract. Not that in the
minds of men who are at this stage of thought the
acknowledged sources of law are clearly discrimi-
nated. There are many customary duties of which
the most plausible account that can be given is that
they were at the outset obligations of kinship,
sanctioned by patriarchal authority ; yet childish
stories attributing their origin to mere accident are
often current among the Indian villagers, or they are
said to be observed in obedience to the order of some
comparatively modern king. I have already said
that the power of the sovereign to create custom is
WL_ very generally recognised in India ; and it might
^ even be said that such ideas of the obligatory force
of agreement as exist are nowadays greatly mixed
up with the notion of obedience to government. It
is often stated that an agreement written on the
stamped paper of the State acquires in the native
view a quality which is quite independent of the
legal operation of the stamp ; and there is reason to
believe that the practice, which prevails through
whole provinces, of never performing an agreement
till performance has been decreed by a Court, is to a
very great extent accounted for by an impression
that contracts are not completely binding till the
State has directed them to be executed.
k Among the non- Aryan peasantry who form a con-
V siderable proportion of the population in the still

112 CUSTOMS OF RE-PARTITION. lect. iv.

thinly peopled territory called the Central Provinces,
the former highroad of Mahratta brigandage, there
are examples of the occasional removal of the entire
arable mark from one part of the village domain to
another, and of the periodical redistribution of lots
within the cultivated area. But I have not obtained
information of any systematic removal, and still less
of any periodical re -partition of the cultivated lands,
when the cultivators are of Aryan origin. But ex-
perienced Indian officials have told me that though
the practice of redistribution may be extinct, the
tradition of such a practice often remains, and the
disuse of it is sometimes complained of as a grievance.
If English influence has had anything to do with
arresting customs of re-partition, which are, no doubt,
quite alien to English administrative ideas, it is a
fresh example of destructive influence, unwillingly
and unconsciously exercised. For the separate, un-
changeable, and irremovable family lot in the culti-
vated area, if it be a step forwards in the history of
property, is also the point at which the Indian village
community is breaking to pieces. The ^probability,
however, is that the causes have had their operation
much hastened by the English, but have not been
created by them. The sense of personal right grow-
ing everywhere into greater strength, and the ambi-
tion which points to wider spheres of action than can
be found within the Community, are both destructive

LECT. IV. THE VILLAGE. 113

of the authority of its internal rules. Even more

fatal is the increasing feeling of the sacredness of p - . ■ y^

personal obligation arising out of contract. The par- ■> i lo^^w t.^ ^ ^'^''

tition of inheritances and execution for debt levied

on land are destroying the communities — this is the

formula heard nowadays everywhere in India. The

brotherhood of the larger group may still cohere, but

the brethren of some one family are always wishing

to have their shares separately; and creditors who

would have feared to intrude on the village domain

now break the net of custom by stepping without

ceremony into the lot of a defaulting debtor.

I now pass to the village itself, the cluster of home-
steads inhabited by the members of the community.
The description given by Maurer of the Teutonic Mark
of the Township, as his researches have shown it to
him, might here again pass for an account, so far as
it goes, of an Indian village. The separate households,
each despotically governed by its family chief, and
never trespassed upon by the footstep of any person
of different blood, are all to be found there in practice;
although the theory of the absolute rights of heads of
families has never, from the nature of the case, been
acknowledged by the British Government. But the
Indian villages have one characteristic which could
only have been gathered from observation of a living
society. The German writers have been struck with
that complete immunity of the Teutonic homestead

114 SECRECY OF FAMILY LIFE. lect. iv.

from all external interference, which in this country
found a later expression in the long-descended
common -place that an Englishman's house is his
castle. But a characteristic which in India goes
along with this immunity, and to a great extent
»c.TLK.^p L explains it, is the extraordinary secrecy of family
sTuir^nvMJ^ '^ life; a secrecy maintained, I am told, in very humble
'"^''^^^^ ^iouseholds and under difficulties which at first sight
^i^w*^ would seem insurmountable. There can be no ques-

tion that, if the isolation of households in ancient
societies was always accompanied by this secrecy of
their interior life, much which is not quite intelli-
gible in early legal history would be explained. It
is not, for example, easy to understand the tardiness
with which, in Eoman society, the relations of Pater-
familias and Filius-familias became the subject of
moral judgment, determining the interference of the
Prastor ; or, again, taking the form of public opinion,
and so ultimately issuing in legislation. But this
would be much more comprehensible if the secrets
of family life were nearly as carefully guarded as
they are at this moment, even in those parts of
India where the peculiar Mahometan jealousy, which
has sometimes been erroneously thought a uni-
* versal Eastern feeling, has never yet penetrated.

So, again, it is only a conjectural explanation of the
scantiness of ancient systems of law as they appear
in the monuments in which an attempt was made
to set them formally forth, that the lawgiver

LECT. IV. DISLIKE OF ENGLISH CRIMINAL LAW. 115

merely attempted to fill, so to speak, the inter-
stices between the families, of which the aggrega-
tion formed the society. To the extent to which
existing Indian society is a type of a primitive society,
there is no doubt that any attempt of the public law-
giver to intrude on the domain reserved to the legis-
lative and judicial power of the pater-familias causes
the extremest scandal and disgust. Of all branches of
law, criminal law is that which one would suppose to
excite least resentment by trespassing on the for-
bidden limits. Yet, while many ignorant statements
are constantly made about the rash disturbance of
native Indian ideas by British law and administration,
there is really reason to believe that a grievance most
genuinely felt is the impartiality of that admirable
Penal Code which was not the least achievement of
Lord Macaulay's genius, and which is undoubtedly
destined to serve some day as a model for the crimi-
nal law of England. I have had described to me a
collection of street-songs, sung in the streets of the
city which is commonly supposed to be most impa-
tient of British rule by persons who never so much as
dreamed of having their words repeated to an English-
man. They were not altogether friendly to the
foreign rulers of the country, but it may be broadly
laid down that they complained of nothing which
might naturally have been expected to be the theme
of complaint. And, without exception, they declared

I 2

116 FICTIONS ATTENDING LEGISLATURE. lect. iv.

that life in India had become intolerable since the
English criminal laws had begun to treat women
and children as if they were men.

I read to you from Mr. Morier's compendium of
Von Maurer's results, a passage pointedly con-
trasting the independence of the Teutonic freeman in
his homestead and its appurtenances with his com-
plete subjection to customary rule when he cultivated
the arable mark, or pastured his sheep and cattle in
the common mark. I trust there is no presumption
in my. saying that in some of the most learned writers
on the Mark, there seems to me too great a tendency
to speak of the relations of the free chiefs of Teutonic
households to one another as determined by what, for
want of a more appropriate term, must be called spon-
taneous legislation. It is no doubt very difficult, in
observing an Indian village community, to get rid of
the impression that the council of elders, which is the
only Indian counterpart of the collective assembly of
Teutonic villagers, occasionally legislates; and, if very
strict language be employed, legislation is the only
term properly expressing the invention of customary
rules to meet cases which are really new. Yet, if I
may trust the statements of several eminent Indian
authorities, it is always the fact or the fiction that
this council merely declares customary law. And
indeed, while it is quite true of India that the head
of the family is supposed to be chief of the household,

LECT. IV. VILLAGE RULES. 117

the families within the village or township would i
seem to be bound together through their representa-
tive heads by just as intricate a body of customary ;
rules as they are in respect of those parts of the 1
village domain which answer to the Teutonic common
mark and arable mark. The truth is, that nothing
can be more complex than the customs of an Indian
village, though in a sense they are only binding on
chiefs of families. The examination of these customs,
which have for their object to secure a self-acting or-
ganisation not only for the community as a whole, but
for the various trades and callings which fractions of
it pursue, does not fall within the scope of the present
Lectures, but it is a subject full of interest. I ob-
serve that recent writers are dissatisfied with the his-
torical theory which attributes the municipal institu-
tions of mediaeval Europe to an exclusively Roman
origin, and that they are seeking to take into account
the usages inherited from the conquerors of the
Empire. From this point of view, the customary
rules securing the interdependence and mutual re-
sponsibility of the members of an Indian village
community, or of the various subordinate groups
which it may be shown to include, and the modes of
speech in use among them, which are said to fluctuate
between language implying an hereditary brotherhood
and language implying a voluntary association, appear
to be worthy of careful examination. There is reason

118 ORIGIN OF INDIAN TOWNS. lect. iv.

to believe that some European cities were originally
nothing more than the township-mark of a Teu-
tonic village community which has subsequently
grown to greatness. It is quite certain that this was
the origin of the large majority of the towns which
you see marked on the map of India. The village, in
becoming more populous from some cause or other,
has got separated from its cultivated or common do-
main ; or the domain has been swallowed up in it ; or a
number of diiFerent villages have been founded close
together on what was perhaps at one time unprofit-
able waste land, but which has become exceptionally
valuable through advantages of situation. This last
was the origin of the great Anglo-Indian city of Cal-
cutta, which is really a collection of villages of very
modern foundation. Here, however, it may be
proper that I should state that the very greatest
Indian cities had a beginning of another kind.
Doubtless most of the Indian towns grew out of vil-
lages, or were originally clusters of villages, but the
most famous of all grew out of camps. The Mogul
Emperors and the Kings of the more powerful Hindoo
dynasties differed from all known sovereigns of the
Western world, not only in the singular indefiniteness
of the boundaries of their dominions and in the per-
petual belligerency which w^as its consequence, but in
the vast onerousness of their claims on the industry
of their subjects. From the people of a country of

LECT. IV. INDIAN CAPITALS. 119

which the wealth was almost exclusively agricultural,
they took so large a share of the produce as to leave
nothing practically to the cultivating groups except
the bare means of tillage and subsistence. Nearly all
the movable capital of the empire or kingdom was
at once swept away to its temporary centre, which
became the exclusive seat of skilled manufacture and
decorative art. Every man who claimed to belong to
the higher class of artificers took his loom or his
tools and followed in the train of the King. This
diversion of the forms of industry which depend on^
movable wealth to the seat of the court had its first
result in the splendour of Oriental capitals. But at
the same time it made it easier to change their site,
regarded as they continued to be in the light of the
encampment of the sovereign for the time being.
Great deserted cities, often in close proximity to one
another, are among the most striking and at first
sight the most inexplicable of Indian spectacles.
Indian cities were not, however, always destroyed by
the caprice of the monarch who deserted them to
found another capital. Some peculiar manufacture
had sometimes so firmly established itself as to
survive the desertion, and these manufacturing towns
sometimes threw out colonies. Capitals, ex-capitals
retaining some special art or manufacture, the
colonies of such capitals or ex-capitals, villages grown
to exceptional greatness, and a certain number of

120 THE VILLAGE WASTE. lect. iv.

towns which have sprung up round the temples built
on sites of extraordinary sacredness, would go far to
complete the list of Indian cities.

The Waste or common land of the Village Com-
munity has still to be considered. One point of
difference between the view taken of it in the East
and that which seems at all times to have been taken
in Europe, deserves to be specially noted. The
tji ifA/^A members of the Teutonic community appear to have
y^ f^- valued the village waste chiefly as pasture for their
^JT^C, cattle, and possibly may have found it so profitable
tM^t^ uv for this purpose as to have deliberately refrained from
^^^^ "^ ^ increasing; that cultivated portion of it which had been
^AtrJ^tj (^ turned into the arable mark. These rights of pasture
vwv-^vc y^^ vested in the commoners are those, I need scarcely
tell you, which have descended but little modified to
our own day in our own country; and it is only the
modern improvements in the methods of agriculture
which have disturbed the balance between pasture
and tillage, and have thus tended to multiply Inclosure
Acts. But the vast bulk of the natives of India are
a grain and not a flesh-eating people. Cattle are
mostly regarded by them as auxiliary to tillage. The
view therefore generally taken (as I am told) of the
common-land by the community is that it is that part
of the village -domain which is temporarily unculti-
vated, but which will some time or other be cultivated
and merge in the arable mark. Doubtless it is valued

LECT. TV. THE INDIAN WASTES. 121

for pasture, but it is more especially valued as po-
tentially capable of tillage. The effect is to produce
in the community a much stronger sense of property
in common-land than at all reflects the vaguer feeling
of right which, in England at all events, characterises
the commoners. In the later days of the East India
Company, when all its acts and omissions w^ere very
bitterly criticised, and amid the general re-opening of
Indian questions after the military insurrection of
1857, much stress was laid on the great amount of
waste land which official returns showed to exist in
India, and it was more than hinted that better
government would bring these wastes under cultivation,
possibly under cotton cultivation, and even plant them
with English colonists. The answer of experienced
Indian functionaries was that there was no waste land
at all in India. If you except certain territories
which stand to India Proper much as the tracts of
land at the base of the Rocky Mountains stand to the
United States — as, for example, the Indo-Chinese
province of Assam — the reply is substantially correct.
The so-called waste lands are part of the domain of
the various communities which the villagers, theoreti-
cally, are only wanting opportunity to bring under
cultivation. Yet this controversy elicited an admis-
sion which is of some historical interest. It did appear
that, though the native Indian Government had for
the most part left the village communities entirely to

122 THE GOVERNMENT AND THE WASTES. lect. iv.

themselves on condition of their paying the revenue as-
sessed upon them, they nevertheless sometimes claimed
(though in a vague and occasional way) some ex-
ceptional authority over the wastes ; and, acting on
this precedent, the British Government, at the various
settlements of Land Revenue, has not seldom inter-
fered to reduce excessive wastes and to re -apportion
uncultivated land among the various communities of
a district. In connection vdth this claim and exercise
of right you will call to mind the power vested in the
early English Kings to make grants of waste to in-
dividuals in severalty, first with and afterwards without
the consent of the Witan ; and we shall see that the
much more extensive rights acquired by the lord over
the waste than over any other portion of the village-
domain, constitute a point of capital importance in the
process known as the feudalisation of Europe.

India has nothing answering to the assembly of
adult males which is so remarkable a feature of the
ancient Teutonic groups, except the Council of Village
Elders. It is not universally fovmd. Tillages fre-
quently occur in which the affairs of the community
are managed, its customs interpreted, and the disputes
of its members decided by a single Headman, whose
office is sometimes admittedly hereditary but is some-
times described as elective ; the choice being generally,
however, in the last case confined in practice to the
members of one particular family, with a strong pre-

LECT. IV. THE VILLAGE COUNCIL. 123

ference for the eldest male of the kindred, if he be not
specially disqualified. But I have good authority for
saying that, in those parts of India in which the
village community is most perfect and in which
there are the clearest signs of an original pro-
prietary equality between all the families composing the a j,
group, the authority exercised elsewhere by the Head- ^SZ3Z^ —
man is lodged with the Village Council. It is always '^ 5 (^ V
viewed as a representative body, and not as a body y^'Y^'^^^*^^
possessing inherent authority, and, whatever be its (yjx(^ . L
real number, it always bears a name which recalls its '^^ - ^<,^/</>k/v
ancient constitution of Five persons.

I shall have hereafter to explain that, though there
are strong general resemblances between the Indian
village communities wherever they are found in any-
thing like completeness, they prove on close inspection
to be not simple but composite bodies, including a
number of classes with very various rights and claims.
One singular proof of this variety of interests, and at
the same time of the essentially representative charac-
ter of the village council, is constantly furnished, I am
told, by a peculiar difficulty of the Anglo-Indian
functionary when engaged in ' settling ^ a province
in which the native condition of society has been but
little broken up. The village council, if too numerous,
is sure to be unmanageable ; but there is great pressure
from all sections of the community to be represented
in it, and it is practically hard to keep its numbers

124 PEACEFUL CHARACTER OF POPULATION. lect. iv.

down. The evidence of the cultivators as to custom
does not point, I am told, to any uniform mode of
representation ; but there appears to be a general
admission that the members of the council should

• j^ <vvo«A^ be elderly men. No example of village or of
\j^ \j.o^^^ district government recalling the Teutonic assembly

jwjvx c^f^ of free adult males has been brought to my notice.
While I do not affect to give any complete explana-
tion of this, it may be proper to remember that,
though no country was so perpetuall}^ scourged with
war as India before the establishment of the Pax
Britannica, the people of India were never a military
people. Nothing is told of them resembling that
arming of an entire society which was the earliest, as
it is the latest, phase of Teutonic history. No rule
can be laid down of so vast a population without ex-
ceptions. The Mahratta brigands when they first rose
against the Mahometans were a Hindoo Hill-tribe
armed to a man ; and before the province of Oudh
was annexed, extreme oppression had given an
universally military character to a naturally peaceful
population. But, for the most part, the Indian village
communities have always submitted without resistance
to oppression by monarchs surrounded by mercenary
armies. The causes, therefore, which in primitive
societies give importance to young men in the village
assembly were wanting. The soldiers of the com-
munity had gone abroad for mercenary service, and

lECT. IV. HEREDITARY TRADES. 125

nothing was required of the council but experience
and civil wisdom.

There is yet another feature of the Indian cultiva-
ting groups which connects them with primitive
Western communities of the same kind. I have
several times spoken of them as organised and self-
acting. They, in fact, include a nearly complete '^ \, ^ «
establishment of occupations and trades for enabling [^ ^ ^^
them to continue their collective life without assist- J

ance from any person or body external to them.
Besides the Headman or Council exercising quasi-
judicial, quasi-legislative, power, they contain a vil-
lage police, now recognised and paid in certain
provinces by the British Government. They in-
clude several families of hereditary traders ; the
Blacksmith, the Harness-maker, the Shoemaker.
The Brahmin is also found for the performance of
ceremonies, and even the Dancing-Girl for attend-
ance at festivities. There is invariably a Village-
Accountant, an important personage among an
unlettered population, so important, indeed, and so
conspicuous that, according to reports current in
India, the earliest English functionaries engaged in
settlements of land were occasionally led by their
assumption that there must be a single proprietor
somewhere, to mistake the Accountant for the owner
of the village, and to record him as such in the
I official register. But the person practising any one

126 REMUNERATION OF VILLAGE TRADERS. lect. iv.

ous^ Vj>j^(^ ^^ these hereditary employments is really a servant
oov'V^^aJ^ h of the community as well as one of its component
^-^^ ^ members. He is sometimes paid by an allowance in

grain, more generally by the allotment to his family
of a piece of cultivated land in hereditary possession.
Whatever else he may demand for the wares he
produces, is limited by a customary standard of
price, very rarely departed from. It is the assign-
ment of a definite lot in the cultivated area to
particular trades, which allows us to suspect that the
early Teutonic groups were similarly self-sufficing.
There are several English parishes in which certain
pieces of land in the common field have from time
^J>^^ immemorial been known by the nameof ajarticular

' .trade ; and there is often a popular belief that nobody,

not following the trade, can legally be owner of the
lot associated with it. And it is possible that we
here have a key to the plentifulness and persistence
of certain names of trades as surnames among us.
B o.. ^5^^^ It is a remarkable fact that certain callings, ex-
I ^ - A tremely respectable and lucrative, do not appear in
)^ ^^ India to constitute those who follow them mem-
,fM^ ^ bers of the village community. Eminent officials
have assured me that, so far as their experience ex-
tends, the Grain-dealer is never a hereditary trader
incorporated with the . village group, nor is he a
member of the municipality in towns which have
grown out of one or more villages. The trades thus

LECT. IV. THE OUTSIDERS. 127

remaining outside the organic group are those which
bring their goods from distant markets; and I shall
try to show the significance of this fact hereafter.

There are in Central and Southern India certain cWWv^^
villages to which a class of persons is hereditarily at-^^-^^''^^'^^
tached in such a manner as to show most unmistakeably."^^ ^
that they form no part of the natural and organic^J^/?^^
aggregate to which the bulk of the villagers belong.
These persons are looked upon as essentially impure ;
they never enter the village, or only enter reserved
portions of it; and their touch is avoided as con-
taminating. It is difficult to read or listen to the
accounts given of them without having the mind
carried to those singular races or classes which, in
certain European countries, were supposed almost to
our own day to transmit from father to son the taint
of a mysterious uncleanness. Yet these Indian
' outsiders,' as they have been called (by Sir H. B.
Frere in ' The Church and the Age,' p. 357), to avoid
using the word ' outcast,' which has a different
meaning, bear extremely plain marks of their origin.
Though they are not included in the village, they
are an appendage solidly connected with it ; they
have definite village duties, one of which is the
settlement of boundaries, on which their authority
is allowed to be conclusive. They evidently repre-
sent a population of alien blood, whose lands have
been occupied by the colonists or invaders forming

128 ABSORPTION OF STRANGERS BY COMMUNITY. lect. iv.

the community. Everybody who has used his eyes
in India will be on his guard against certain ex-
travagances of the modern theory of Race, and will
be slow to believe that identity of language and
identity of religion necessarily imply identity of eth-
nical origin. The wonderful differences of external
aspect which are readily perceived between natives
of Indian provinces speaking the same language, and
the great 'deviation from what is regarded as the
Aryan type of form and feature observable among
populations whose speech is a near derivative from
Sanscrit, have their most reasonable explanation in
the power of absorption which the village group
may from many indications be inferred to have
possessed in the earlier stages of development. But
the faculty of taking in strangers from without is
one which it loses in time, and there were always
probably some materials too obstinately and obtru-
sively foreign to be completely absorbed. Under
this last head, the ' outsiders ' of the Southern villages
apparently fall.

LECTURE V.

THE PEOCESS OF FEUDALISATION.

CONTENTS.

Feudalism — Tlie Benefices — The Manor — The Manorial Group — New
Condition of the Waste — Changes in the Grass-lands — The Free
Tenants — Settlements of Villeins— The Manorial Courts — Encroach-
ments of the Lord — Roman and Feudal Law — Causes of Feudalisation
— Growth of Suzerainties — Leading Families — Elements of Feudal
System — Systematic Feudalism — Antiquarianism of Indian Politics —
Political Results of Settlements — Various Forms of Settlement —
Growth in Power of Official Holder — Mahometan Assumptions —
Indian Schools of Opinion — Indian Forms of Property — The Headman
— Property Recognised by the English — Absolute Ownership — Nature
of Rights of Property — Development of Absolute Ownership —
Vested Rights in India — The Feudalisation of Europe — Cultivation of
Waste-land — Improvements in Tillage — Village Communities and
Customs — Customary Tillage — Servile Dependants of Villagers —
Villages Cease to Absorb Strangers — Nasse's Work — The Statute of
Devises — Rules for Construing Wills — Restraints on Testamentary
Power.

LECT. V. FEUDALISM. 131

LECTURE Y.

THE PROCESS OF FEUDALISATION.

The student of legal antiquities who has once con-
vinced himself that the soil of the greatest part of
Europe was formerly owned and tilled by proprietary
groups, of substantially the same character and com-
position as those which are still found in the only
parts of Asia which are open to sustained and care-
ful observation, has his interest immediately drawn
to what, in truth, is the great problem of legal history.
This is the question of the process by which the pri-
mitive mode of enjoyment was converted into the
agrarian system, out of which immediately grew the
land-law prevaihng in all Western Continental Europe
before the first French Revolution, and from which
is demonstrably descended our own existing real-
property law. For this newer system no name has
come into general use except Feudalism, a word which
has the defect of calling attention to one set only of
its characteristic incidents. We cannot reasonably
doubt that one partial explanation of its origin is, so
far as it goes, correct. It arose from or was greatly

K 2

132 THE BENEFICES. lect. v.

. . influenced by the Benefices, grants of Roman provin-

^"^r^'^^ cial land by the chieftains of the tribes which overran
"^^"^""^ the Roman Empire ; such grants being conferred on

their associates upon certain conditions, of which the
commonest was military service. There is also toler-
ably universal agreement that somewhere in Roman
law (though where^ all are not agreed) are to be
found the rules which determined the nature of these
beneficiary holdings. This may be called the theory
of the official origin of feudalism, the enjoyment of
land being coupled with the discharge of certain de-
finite duties; and there are some who complete the
theory by asserting that among the Teutonic races,
at all events, there was an ineradicable tendency in
iiU offices to become hereditary, and that thus the
Benefices, which at first were held for life, became at
last descendible from father to son.

There is no question, as T said, that this account
is more than probable, and that the Benefices either
began or hastened the changes which led ultimately
to feudalism. Yet I think that nobody whose mind
has dwelt on the explanation, has brought himself to
regard it as complete. It does not tell us how the
Benefices came to have so extraordinary a historical
fortune. It does not account for the early, if partial,
feudalisation of countries like Germany and England,
where the cultivated soil was in the hands of free and
fully organised communities, and was not, like the

LECT. V. THE MANOR. 133

land of Italy or Gaul, at the disposal of a conquering
king — where the royal or national grants which re-
sembled the Benefices were probably made out of
waste land — and where the influence of Roman law
was feebly felt or not at all.

The feudalisation of any one country in Europe
must be conceived as a process including a long series
of political, administrative, and judicial changes; and
there is some difficulty in confining our discussion of
it to changes in the condition of property which be-
long more properly to this department of study. But
I think we may limit our consideration of the subject
by looking at it in this way. If we begin with
modern English real-property law, and, by the help
of its records and of the statutes affecting it, trace its
history backwards, we come upon a period at which
the soil of England was occupied and tilled by separ-
ate proprietary societies. Each of these societies is,
or bears the marks of having been, a compact and
organically complete assemblage of men, occupying a
definite area of land. Thus far it resembles the old
cultivating communities, but it differs from them in
being held together by a variety of subordinate rela-
tions to a feudal chief, single or corporate, the Lord.
I will call the new group the Manorial group, and
though my words must not be taken as strictly
correct, I will say that a group of tenants, autocra-
tically organised and governed, has succeeded a

134 THE MANORIAL GROUP. i.ect. v.

group of households of which the organisation and
government were democratic. The new group, as
known to our law, is often in a state of dissolution,
but, where it is perfect, it consists of a number of
^►(^ persons holding land of the Lord by free tenures,
^"^ *jtf^ ^^^ ^^ ^ number of persons holding land of the Lord
^ZZ^ by tenures capable of being shown to have been, in
their origin, servile — the authority of the Lord being
exercised over both classes, although in different ways,
through the agency of a peculiar tribunal, the Court
Baron. The lands held by the first description of
tenants are technically known as the Tenemental
lands ; those held by the second class constitute the
Lord's Domain. Both kinds of land are essential to
Xf, the completeness of the Manorial group. If there
\^^ j/\^ are not Tenemental lands to supply a certain mini-
^^^^w^ mum number of free tenants to attend the Court
^ >^ Baron, and, according to the legal theory, to sit with
"""''^ the lord as its judges, the Court Baron can no longer

in strictness be held ; if it be continued under such
circumstances, as it often was in practice, it can only
^ be upheld as a Customary Manorial Court, sitting for
A^f^Jj^ the assessment and receipt of customary dues from
^^ 0^1 r^ the tenants of the Domain. On the other hand, if

J^ there be no Domain, or if it be parted with, the
jC^ I ^^^^^^ity ^f ^^ Lord over the free tenants is no longer

d^ Manorial ; it becomes a Seignory in gross, or mere

Lordship.

LECT. V. NEW CONDITION OF THE WASTE. 135

Since much of the public waste land of our country
is known to have passed by national or royal grant to . ,,
individuals or corporations, who, in all probability, .^^J^j^^^^^
brought it extensively under cultivation from the k^^n/^^
first by servile labour, it cannot be supposed that
each of the new Manorial groups takes the place of a
Village group which at some time or other consisted
of free allodial proprietors. Still, we may accept
the belief of the best authorities that over a great
part of England there has been a true succession of
one group to the other. Comparing, then, the two,
let us ask what are the specific changes which have
taken place ? The first, and far the most important /j (U^^J^
of all, is that, in England as everywhere in Western .^-^(»^ ^
Europe, the waste or common-land of the community /W. t^yy-^^ t.
has become the lord's waste. It is still ancillary to
the Tenemental lands ; the free tenants of the lord,
whom we may provisionally take to represent the
freemen of the village community, retain all their
ascertained rights of pasture and gathering firewood,
and in some cases similar rights have been acquired
by other classes; but, subject to all ascertained rights,
the waste belongs, actually or potentially, to the lord's
domain. The lord's ' right of approvement,' afiirmed
by the Statute of Merton, and extended and confirmed
by subsequent statutes, permits him to enclose and
appropriate so much of the waste as is not wanted to
satisfy other existing rights ; nor can it be doubted

136 CHANGES IN THE GRASS-LANDS. lect. v.

that he largely exercises this right, reclaiming part
of the waste for himself by his personal dependants
and adding it to whatever share may have belonged
to him from the first in the cultivated land of
the community, and colonising other portions of it
with settlements of his villeins who are on their
way to become copyholders. The legal theory has
altogether departed from the primitive view; the waste
is now the lord's waste ; the commoners are for the
most part assumed to have acquired their rights by
sufferance of the lord, and there is a visible tendency
in courts and text-writers to speak of the lord's rights,
not only as superior to those of the commoners, but
as being in fact of greater antiquity.

When we pass from the waste to the grass lands
which were intermediate between the common land
and the cultivated area, we find many varieties in
the degree of authority acquired by the lord. The
customs of manors differ greatly on the point. Some-
times, the lord encloses for his own benefit from
Candlemas to Midsummer or Lammas, and the
common right belongs during the rest of the year to
a class of burgesses, or to the householders of a
village, or to the persons inhabiting certain ancient
tenements. Sometimes, the lord only regulates the
inclosure, and determines the time of setting up and
removing the fences. Sometimes, other persons en-

LECT. V. THE FREE TENANTS. 137

close, and the lord has the grass when the several
enjoyment comes to an end. Sometimes, his right
of pasture extends to the baulks of turf which sepa-
rate the common arable fields ; and probably there is
no manorial right which in later times has been more
bitterly resented than this, since it is practically fatal
to the cultivation of green crops in the arable soil.

Leaving the meadows and turning to the lands
under regular tillage, we cannot doubt that the free
holders of the Tenemental lands correspond in the
main to the free heads of households composing the
old village community. The assumption has often
been made, and it appears to be borne out by the
facts which can be established as to the common
fields still open or comparatively lately enclosed.
The tenure of a certain number of these fields is free-
hold ; they are parcelled out, or may be shown to have
been in the last century parcelled out, among many
different owners ; they are nearly always distributed
into three strips, and some of them are even at this
hour cultivated according to methods of tillage which
are stamped by their very rudeness as coming down
from a remote antiquity. They appear to be the
lands of a class which has never ceased to be free,
and they are divided and cultivated exactly as the
arable mark of a Teutonic township can be inferred,
by a large induction, to have been divided and tilled.

138 SETTLEMENTS OF VILLEINS. lect. v.

But, on the other hand, many large tracts of inter-
mixed land are still, or were till their recent enfran-
chisement, copyhold of particular manors, and some
of them are held by the intermediate tenure, known
as customary freehold, which is confined by the legal
theory to lands which once formed part of the King's
Domain. I have not been able to ascertain the pro-
portion of common lands held by these base tenures
to freehold lands of the same kind, but there is no
doubt that much commonable or intermixed land is
found, which is not freehold. Since the descent of
copyhold and customary freehold tenures from the
holdings of servile classes appears to be well esta-
blished, the frequent occurrence of intermixed lands
of this nature seems to bear out the inference sug-
gested by Sir H. Ellis's enumeration of the conditions
of men referred to in Domesday Book, that, during
the long process of feudalisation, some of the free
villagers sank to the status, almost certainly not a
uniform status, which was implied in villenage. (See
also Mr. Freeman's remark, ' Hist. Norm. Conq.' i.97.)
But evidence, supplied from quarters so wide apart as
British India and the English settlements in North
America, leads me to think that, at a time when a
system of customary tillage widely prevailed, assem-
blages of people planted on waste land would be likely
to copy the system literally; and I conjecture that
parts of the great wastes undoubtedly reclaimed by

LECT. V. THE MANORIAL COURTS. 139

the exercise of the right afterwards called the lord's
* right of approvement' were settled by servile colonies
modelled on the ancient Teutonic township.

The bond which kept the Manorial group together
w^as evidently the Manorial Court, presided over by
the lord or his representative. Under the name of
Manorial Court three courts are usually included,
which legal theory keeps apart, the Court Leet, the
Court Baron, and the Customary Court of the Manor.
I think there cannot be reasonable doubt of the le-
gitimate descent of all three from the assembly of the
Township. Besides the wide criminal and civil juris-
diction which belonged to them, and which, though it
has been partly abolished, has chiefly lost its impor-
tance through insensible decay, they long continued
in the exercise of administrative or regulative powers
which are scarcely distinguishable from legislation.
Other vestiges of powers exerted by the collective
body of free owners at a time when the conceptions of
legislative and judicial authority had not yet been
separated, remained in the functions of the Leet Jury ;
in the right asserted for the free tenants of sitting as i
Judges in the Court Baron ; and in the election of
various petty officers. It is true that, as regards one
of these Courts, the legal theory of its character is to
a certain extent inconsistent with the pedigree I have
claimed for it. The lawyers have always contended
that the Court Leet only existed through the King's

140 THE MANORIAL COURTS. lect. v.

grant, express or implied; and in pursuance of the
same doctrine they have laid down that, whereas the
lord might himself sit in the Court Baron, he must
have a person of competent legal learning to repre-
sent him in the Court Leet. But this only proves
that the Court Leet, which was entrusted with the
examination of the Frankpledge, had more public
importance than the other Manorial Courts, and was
therefore more distinctly brought under the assump-
tion which had been gradually forming itself, that
royal authority is the fountain of all justice. Even
in the last extremity of decline, the Manorial Courts
have not wholly ceased to be regarded as the tie
which connects the common interests of a definite
group of persons engaged in the cultivation of the
soil. Marshall (' Rural Economy of Yorkshire,' i. 27)
mentions the remarkable fact that these Courts were
sometimes kept up at the beginning of the century
by the voluntary consent of the neighbourhood in
certain districts where, from the disappearance of the
servile tenures which had enabled the Customary
Courts to be continued, the right to hold them had
been forfeited. The manorial group still sufficiently
cohered for it to be felt that some common authority
was required to regulate such matters as the repair of
minor roads, the cleansing of rivulets, the ascertain-
ment of the sufficiency of ring-fences, the assessment
of the damages of impounded cattle, the removal of
nuisances, and the stocking of commons.

LECT. V. ENCROACHMENTS OP THE LORD. 141

On the whole, the comparison of the Village Group
with the English group which I have called Manorial
rather than Feudal, suggests the following general
observations. Wherever that collective ownership of
land which was a universal phenomenon in primitive
societies has dissolved, or gone far to dissolve, into
individual property, the individual rights thus formed
have been but slightly affected by the process of feu-
dalisation. If there are reasons for thinking that
some free village societies fell during the process into
the predial condition of villenage — whatever that
condition may really have implied — a compensating
process began at some unknown date, under which
the base tenant made a steady approach to the level
of the freeholder. Even rights which savoured of the
collective stage of property were maintained compara-
tively intact, provided that they were ascertained:
such as rights of pasture on the waste and rights of j \ y^^^"'^''^
several or of common enjoyment (as the case might
be) in the grass land. The encroachments of the lord
were in proportion to the want of certainty in the
rights of the community. Into the grass land he
intruded more than into the arable land ; into the
waste much more than into either. The conclusion
suggested to my mind is that, in succeeding to the
legislative power of the old community, he was
enabled to appropriate to himself such of its rights as
were not immediately valuable, and which, in the
event of their becoming valuable, required legislative

4JL<-o:L5AJbcM,

142 ROMAX AND FEUDAL LAW. lect. v.

adjustment to settle the mode of enjoying them.
Let me add that the general truth of my description
of the character of the change which somehow took
place, is perhaps rendered antecedently more probable
by the comparison of a mature, but non-feudal, body
of jurisprudence, like the Eoman law, with any deeply
feudalised legal system. You will remember the
class of enjoyable objects which the Roman lawyers
call res nullius^ res puhlici usus^ res omnium or univer-
sorum ; these it reserves to the entire community, or
confers on the first taker. But, under feudalised law,
nearly all these objects which are capable of several
enjoyment belong to the lord of the manor, or to the
king. Even Prize of War, the most significant of the
class, belongs theoretically to the sovereign in the
first instance. By a very singular anomaly, which
has had important practical results, Game is not
strictly private property under English law ; but the
doctrine on the subject is traceable to the later
influence of the Roman law.

There must be a considerable element of conjec-
ture in any account which may be given of a series
of changes which took place for the most part in
remote antiquity, and which probably were far from
uniform either in character or in rate of advance. It
happens, however, that the vestiges of the earlier
stages of the process of feudalisation are more dis-
cernible in Germany than elsewhere, both in docu-

I.ECT. V. CAUSES OF FEUDALISATION. 143

mentary records and on the face of the land ; owing
in part no doubt to the comparatively feeble action
of that superior and central authority which has
obHterated or obscured so much in our own country.
A whole school of writers, among whom Von Maurer
has the first place, has employed itself in restoring
and interpreting these traces of the Past. How did
the Manor rise out of the Mark ? — this is their way
of stating the problem. What were the causes of
indigenous growth which, independently of grants of
land by royal or national authority, were leading to
a suzerainty or superiority of one cultivating com- ,^^q^5vaxJt, c\
munity over another, or of one family over the rest cwv^ uxmJ^
of the families composing the village community P"'^"'^^*^^^'^
The great cause in the view of these writers was the
exceeding quarrelsomeness of these little societies,
and the consequent frequency of intertribal war. ^
One community conquers another, and the spoil of war,
is generally the common mark or waste of the worsted!
community. Either the conquerors appropriate and
colonise part of the waste so taken, or they take the
whole domain and restore it to be held in dependence
on the victor- society. The change from one of these
systems to another occurred, you will remember, in
Roman history, and constitutes an epoch in the deve-
lopment of the Roman Law of Property. The effect
of the first system on the Teutonic communities was
inequality of property ; since the common land appro-

(TVm:^ (MJ^ cvtv

144 GROWTH OF SUZERAINTIES. lect. v.

priated and occupied does not seem to have been
equally divided, but a certain preference was given to
the members of the successful community who had
most effectually contributed to the victory. Under
the second system, when its land was restored to
the conquered society, the superiority over it which
remained to the victor, bore the strongest analogy to
a suzerainty or lordship. Such a suzerainty was not,
however, exclusively created by success in war.
Sometimes a community possessed of common land
exceptionally extensive or exceptionally fertile would
send colonies of families to parts of it. Each of these
new communities would receive a new arable mark,
but such of the land as remained unappropriated
would still be the common land of all the townships.
At the head of this sort of confederacy there would,
however, be the original mother -community from
which the colonists proceeded, and there seems no
doubt that in such a state of things she claimed a supe-
riority or suzerainty over all the younger townships.
But, even if we had the fullest evidence of the
growth of suzerainties in this inchoate shape, we
should still have advanced a very little way in trac-
ing the transmutation of the village system into the
manorial system, if it were not for another phenome-
non to which Landau has more particularly called
attention. The Teutonic communities, though their
organisation (if modern language must be employed)

LECT. V. LEADING FAMILIES. 145

can only be described as democratic, appear neverthe-
less to have generally had an abiding tradition that
in some one family, or in some families, the blood -
which ran in the veins of all the freemen was purest ; n
probably because the direct descent of such family or
families from a common ancestor was remembered or
believed in. From the members of these families,
the leader for a military expedition would as a rule
be chosen ; but as in this stage of thought the different
varieties of power were not distinguished from one
another, the power acquired by the chieftain would
be a combination of political, military, and judicial
power. The choice of the leader would in great
emergencies be a true election, but on less serious
occasions would tend to become an acquiescence in
the direction of the eldest male agnate of the family
which had the primacy of the township. Similarly
the power which had at first been more military than
anything else, would in more peaceful times tend
rather to assume a political and judicial form. The
leader thus taken from the privileged family would
have the largest share of the lands appropriated from
conquered village -societies ; and there is ground for
supposing that he was sometimes rewarded by an
exceptionally large share of the common land belong-
ing to the society which he had headed. Everything in
fact which disturbed the peaceful order of the village
system led to the aggrandisement of the leading I

at work which were leading to inequality of property
•^ in land. There were causes at work which were

146 ELEMENTS OF FEUDAL SYSTEM. lect. v.

family and of its chief. Among the privileges which
he obtained was one of which the importance did not
show itself till much later. He became powerful
enough in his own township to sever his own plot of
land from the rest, and, if he thought fit, to enclose
it; and thus to break up or enfeeble that system of
common cultivation imder rules of obligatory custom
1 which depended mainly on the concurrence of all the
* villagers.

There were therefore, in the cultivatmg communi-
x^^yties of the German and Scandinavian races, causes

i^\j)i-Vf<5t^ leading to the establishment of superiorities or suze-
*'^\jLy»fe^f ainties of one township over another. There were
wJjrf^U^ causes at work which tended to place the benefits of
'\j^ an unequal proprietary system and the enjoyment of

jA^ these suzerainties in the hands of particular families,

and consequently of their chiefs for the time being.
Here you have all the elements of the system we are
compelled to call feudal. But the system in its
ultimate development was the result of a double set
of influences. One set, which I have been describing,
were of primitive growth. Another showed them-
selves when powerful Teutonic monarchies began to
be formed, and consisted in grants of national waste
land or of the soil of conquered provinces. Doubtless
some of the grantees were chiefs of families already

LECT. V. SYSTEMATIC FEUDALISM. 147

risen to power under indigenous Teutonic conditions ;
but in any case a Beneficiary would be a chieftain of
a peculiarly powerful class. The cultivators of his
land would either be persons settled on it by himself,
or they would be vanquished provincials who had
no rights which he did not choose to recognise or
concede. It is not, therefore, surprising that there
should have been a completer constitution of feudalism
in the countries which at the time of conquest were
filled with Romanised populations. The mould
would be Teutonic, but the materials would be
unusually plastic, and here would more especially
come into play the influence of Roman law, giving
precision to relations which under purely Teutonic
social conditions may have been in a high degree
vague and indefinite. It is well known that this
systematic feudalism reacted upon the more purely
Teutonic societies and gave an impulse to changes
which were elsewhere proceeding at a slower pace.

I have very briefly summarised the results of a
very long and laborious enquiry, and only so far as
is necessary for my immediate purpose. Merely
remarking that I can see little or nothing in the
conclusions of these eminent German writers which
is out of harmony with the account given by English
scholars of the parallel phenomena of change mani-
fested in England before the Conquest, I proceed to
ask, following the scheme of these Lectures, whether

I. 2

148 ANTIQUARIANISM OF INDIAN POLITICS. lect. v.

the experience of Englishmen in India throws any-
light or has any bearing upon the questions which
have been occupying us? It is not too much to say
that the phenomena observed in the East, and those
estabUshed in the West by historical research, illus-
trate one another at every point. In India these dry
bones live. Not only, as I have told you, is the
Village Community the basis of British administration
in those provinces in which the art of government
has to be practised with skill and caution, but a
number of controversies turning on the mode of
transition from the village system to what I have
called the manorial system are as earnestly, and some-
times even as violently, debated by our countrymen
in the East as are the great aspects of politics among
ourselves. All Indian disputes take, I should explain,
a historical or antiquarian shape. The assumption
universally made is that the country must be governed
in harmony with the established usages of the natives,
and each administrative school has therefore to justify
its opinions by showing that the principles to which
it adheres are found in some sense or other to underlie
the known customary law of India. The extrava-
gance of partisanship which here shows itself in
unqualified assertion of the universal applicabihty
of general propositions has its Indian counterpart in
unqualified assertion of the universal existence of
particular customs. The Indian controversy is, how-

LECT. V. POLITICAL KESULTS OF SETTLEMEiSTS. 149

ever, a controversy about facts which, though they
are more complex than the disputants suppose, are
nevertheless much simpler than the material of
English political controversy ; and the results are
therefore proportionately more instructive to the by-
stander who has entire sympathy with neither party.
Let us suppose a province annexed for the first
time to the British Indian Empire. The first civil
act of the new government is always to effect a settle-
ment of the land revenue; that is, to determine the
amount of that relatively large share of the produce
of the soil, or of its value, which is demanded by the
sovereign in all Oriental States, and out of which
all the main expenses of government are defrayed.
Among the many questions upon which a decision
must be had, the one of most practical importance is,
' Who shall be settled with ? ' — with whom shall the
settlement be made? What persons, what bodies,
what groups, shall be held responsible to the British
Government for its land revenue ? What practically
has to be determined is the unit of society for ^-^^ U
agrarian purposes; and you find that, in determining '^vCa^^zHm
it, you determine everything, and give its character
finally to the entire political and social constitution of
the province. You are at once compelled to confer on
the selected class powers co-extensive with its duties
to the sovereign. Not that the assumption is ever
made that new proprietary powers are conferred on it.

150 VARIOUS FORMS OF SETTLEMENT. lect. v.

but what are supposed to be its rights in relation to all
other classes are defined ; and in the vague and floating
order of primitive societies, the mere definition of a
right immensely increases its strength. As a matter
of fact, it is found that all agrarian rights, whether
superior or subordinate to those of the person held
responsible to Government, have a steady tendency to
decay. I will not ask you to remember the technical
names of the various classes of persons ' settled with '
in difi^erent parts of India — Zemindars, Talukdars,
Lumberdars — names which doubtless sound uncouth,
and which, in fact, have not an identical meaning
throughout the country — ^but I dwell on the fact that
the various interests in the soil which these names
symbolise are seen to grow at the expense of all others.
Do you, on entering on the settlement of a new
province, find that a peasant proprietary has been
displaced by an oligarchy of vigorous usurpers, and
do you think it expedient to take the government
dues from the once oppressed yeomen ? The result is
the immediate decline, and consequently bitter dis-
content, of the class above them, who find themselves
sinking to the footing of mere annuitants on the land.
Such was the land settlement of Oudh, which was
shattered to pieces by the Sepoy mutiny of 1857, and
which greatly affected its course. Do you, reversing
this policy, arrange that the superior holder shall be
answerable to Government ? You find that you have

LECT. V. GEOWTH IN POWER OF OFFICIAL HOLDER. 151

created a landed aristocracy which has no parallel in
wealth or power except the proprietors of English
soil. Of this nature is the more modern settlement
of the province of Oudh, only recently consummated ;
and such will ultimately be the position of the
Talukdars, or Barons, among whom its soil has been
divided. Do you adopt a policy different from either
of those which I have indicated and make your ar-
rangements with the representative of the village com-
munity? You find that you have arrested a process
of change which was steadily proceeding. You have
given to this peculiar proprietary group a vitality
which it was losing, and a stiffness to the relations of
the various classes composing it which they never
had before.

It would be a mere conceit to try to establish any
close analogy between the Teutonic Kings and the
British government of India. Yet, so much as this
is true and instructive. The only owner of the soil
of India with whom the English Government has any
relations, is, in its eyes, a mere functionary. It
chooses him where it pleases, and exacts from him
services, chiefly pecuniary, but to a certain small
extent personal. It is found, however, that when
an official appointed by a powerful government acts
upon the loose constitution of a primitive society he
crushes down all other classes and exalts that to which
he himself belongs. But for recent legislation this

152 MAHOMETAN ASSUMPTIONS. lect. v.

process would have gone to any length in India, and
would have assuredly affected many other provinces
than those which were its immediate theatre. It may,
at least, be said that by observing it we gain a clearer
conception of the effect of beneficiary gifts on the
general tenure of land, and that we better understand
the enormous power acquired by the chieftains who
rendered immediate services to the Teutonic kings.

The English in India appear to have started with
the assumption of the Mahometans that the sovereign
might lawfully select anybody he pleased as the
collector of his revenue ; but they soon accepted the
principle that the class to be ' settled with ' was the
class best entitled to be regarded as having rights of
property in the soil. At a later date they discovered
that, even when this class was determined, they had
to decide what it was that proprietary rights over
Indian land implied, and what powers they carried
with them. Ko questions fuller of inherent diffi-
culties were ever proposed for solution. As regards
the first of them, the functionaries administering
India might, with some eminent exceptions, but still
not unfairly, be distributed into two great schools —
the partisans of the theory that the soil belongs to
the peasantry either as individuals or as organised in
groups ; and the partisans of the theory that owner-
ship of the soil ought to be, and but for British in-
fluence would be, everywhere in India vested in some
sort of native aristocracy. As regards the second

LECT. V. INDIAN SCHOOLS OF OPINION. 153

question, the Indian officials are much more exactly
divided into those who contend that the highest right
of property acknowledged to exist over the soil
carries with it the same powers which attach to an
English owner in fee-simple of the present day, and
into those who are of opinion that, if these powers are
to square with native idea and custom, they must be
more or less limited and controlled. The controver-
sies on these two points are the most vehemently de-
bated of Indian disputes ; and none ever presented
greater difficulties to the person who tries to form an
opinion on their merits, not from his own knowledge
but upon the evidence supplied to him by others.
He finds men of the utmost experience, of trained
power of observation, and of the most unquestionable
good faith, stating precisely opposite conclusions with
precisely equal positiveness. But if he avail himself
of the advantage given him by the parallel facts of
European tenure, he will, perhaps, venture to have an
opinion, and to think that in these, as in many other
fierce disputes, both sides are right and both sides
are wrong.

There is no doubt that the first point at issue was
much obscured, and attention diverted to irrelevant
matter, by the unlucky experiment tried at the end
of the last century by Lord Cornwallis. A province,
like Bengal Proper, where the village system had
fallen to pieces of itself, was the proper field for the
creation of a peasant proprietary; but Lord Cornwallis

154 INDIAN FOEMS OP PKOPERTY. lect. v.

turned it into a country of great estates, and was
compelled to take his landlords from the tax-
gatherers of his worthless predecessors. The politi-
cal valuelessness of the proprietary thus created, its
failure to obtain any wholesome influence over the
peasantry, and its oppression of all inferior holders, led
not only to distrust of the economical principles im-
plied in its establishment, but to a sort of reluctance
to believe in the existence of any naturally privileged
class in the provinces subsequently acquired and
examined. The most distinguished public servants of
that day have left much on record which unplies an
opinion that no ownership of Indian land was dis-
coverable, except that of the village communities,
subject to the dominion of the State.

But in fact it appears that, of all the landmarks on
the line of movement traced by German and English
scholars from the Yillage group to the Manorial
group, there is not one which may not be met with
in India, saving always the extreme points at either
end. I have not had described to me any village
community under the unmodified collective govern-
ment of the heads of households, but there are those
who think they find the vestiges of the original con-
stitution in a sort of democratic spirit and habit of
free criticism which prevail even when the govern-
ment has passed to an hereditary ofiicer. If any
thoroughly authenticated example could be produced

LECT. V. THE HEADMAN. 155

of a community exercising absolute liberty of choice
in electing its Headman, it would point still more
significantly to an unmodified original equality ; but
the preference alleged to be invariably shown to the
members of particular families appears to show that
these elections belong really to the phenomena of
hereditary succession. It is not, however, disputed
that villages are found in great numbers in which
the government is lodged with a council, neither
claiming to be nor regarded as being anything more
than a representation of the entire cultivating body.
The instances, however, in which the authority has
passed to some particular family or families are
extremely numerous. Sometimes the ofiice of Head-
man belongs absolutely to the head of a particular
family ; sometimes it belongs to him primarily, but
he may be set aside for incapacity or physical blemish;
sometimes there is a power of choosing him limited
to an election between the members of one or more
privileged households . The powers which he enjoys —
or which it perhaps should be said, he would enjoy
under native conditions of society — are also very
various. But the judicial poAver of mediating in
disputes and of interpreting customs appears to be
certainly vested in him, together with the duty
of keeping order; and, independently of the func-
tions whith he discharges with the consent of his
neighbours, the British Government often expressly

156 PROPERTY RECOGNISED BY THE ENGLISH, lect. v.

confides to liim a certain amount of regular jurisdic-
tion and of regular authority in matters of police.

There is no question that many of the families
whom the English have recognised as owners of
villages were privileged families enjoying the primacy
of the township ; but the widest difference of opinion
has prevailed as to the nature and origin of the rights
claimed by certain families for their chiefs over
whole tracts of country, embracing the domain of
several village communities. It has been strongly
contended on one side that these great proprietors
are nothing but the descendants of farmers of the
revenue under Native Governments ; on the other it
is asserted that in some cases at all events they were
^CUA^/^ '^ Chieftains of Clans who were selected by preference to
^ - l^^ryt^ represent the Royal or Imperial native government
jj^- ^j: in districts in which they had an hereditary influence.

There appears to me reasonable evidence that this
last theory is true of certain localities in India. Clan
society is also in Europe the Celtic form of the family
organisation of society; and, for myself, I have great
difficulty in conceiving the origin of customary law
otherwise than by assuming the former existence of
larger groups, under patriarchal chieftains, which at
a later date dissolved into the independent collec-
tions of families forming the cultivating commu-
nities of the Teutonic (including the Scandinavian)
races and of the Hindoos.

If it be taken for granted that the English in India

LECT. V. ABSOLUTE OWNERSHIP. 157

were bound to recognise rights of property some-
where, their selection of the persons in whom these
rights should vest does not seem to have been as
absurd as the adherents of one Indian school are in
the habit of hinting, if not of asserting. Claims to
some sort of superior right over land in fact existed
which corresponded to every single stage through
which the conception of proprietorship has passed
in the Western world, excepting only the later
stages. The variety of these claims was practically
infinite, and not only did not diminish, but greatly
increased, as native customs and ideas were more
accurately examined. Even when the village com-
munities were allowed to be in some sense the pro-
prietors of the land which they tilled, they proved on
careful inspection not to be simple groups, but highly
composite bodies, composed of several sections with
conflicting and occasionally with irreconcilable claims.
The English officials solved a problem of almost
hopeless perplexity by registering all the owners of
superior rights as landowners, their conception of
ownership being roughly taken from their own
country ; but the fundamental question very soon
revived under another form in the shape of the
second issue disputed between the Indian administra-
tive schools, which is, whether proprietorship in
India is to be taken to be the same assemblage of
powers which constitutes the modern English owner- '
ship of land in fee-simple.

158 NATURE OF RIGHTS OF PROPERTY. lect. v.

It seems to me that the error of the school which
asserts the existence of strong proprietary rights in
India lies much less in merely making this assertion
than in assuming the existence of a perfect analogy
between rights of property as understood in India and
as understood in this country. The presumption is
strongly against the reality of any such correspon-
dence. The rights of property are, in the eye of the
jurist, a bundle of powers, capable of being mentally
contemplated apart from one another and capable
of being separately enjoyed. The historical enquirer
can also, whenever there are materials for a history
of the past, trace the gradual growth of the conception
of absolute property in land. That conception appears
to me, for reasons which I shall afterwards assign, to
have grown out of the ownership of the lord in that
portion of his domain which he cultivated by his im-
mediate personal dependants, and therefore to be a late
and gradually matured fruit of the feudalisation of
Europe. A process closely resembling feudalisation was
undoubtedly once at work in India ; there are Indian
phenomena answering to the phenomena of nascent
absolute ownership in England and Europe ; but then
these Indian phenomena, instead of succeeding one
another, are all found existing together at the present
moment. The feudalisation of India, if so it may be
called, was never in fact completed. The character-
istic signs of its consummation are wanting. It may

LECT. V. DEVELOPMENT OF ABSOLUTE OWNEESHIP. 159

be doubted whether in any single instance the whole
power of regulating the aifairs of the village com-
munity had passed to an hereditary official when the
English entered the country ; on the other hand, in
the enormous majority of examples there are pecu-
liarities of organisation which show conclusively that
the village -group is either unmodified or has not yet
nearly passed into the manorial group. Even, how-
ever, were we at liberty to believe that India has been
completely feudalised, we should still be as far as
possible from being entitled to assume that the high-
est Indian form of ownership corresponds to the ab-
solute ownership of the English holder in fee-simple.
It has been said that many persons talk and write as
if all the Englishmen who lived between the Norman
Conquest and the Reformation lived at exactly the
same time ; but this Indian assumption implies that
there has been no change in our conception of landed
property between the epoch at which England be-
came completely feudal and the epoch (let us say) at
which the Corn-laws were repealed. Yet during all
these centuries England has been legislatively and to
a great extent judicially centralised, and has been
acted on by economical influences of very great uni-
formity. India, from the earliest ages till the British
entered it, was under the dominion of comparatively
powerful kings, who swept away the produce of the
labour of the village communities and carried oiF the

160 VESTED RIGHTS L\ INDIA. lect. v.

young men to serve in their wars, but did not other-
v\rise meddle with the cultivating societies. This was
doubtless the great cause of their irregular develop-
ment. Intertribal wars soon gave way to the wars
of great kings leading mercenary armies, but these
monarchs, with few and doubtful exceptions, neither
legislated nor centralised. The village communities
were left to modify themselves separately in their
own way.

This subject is one of much practical importance,
and I propose to treat of the more difficult problems
which it raises in the next Lecture ; at present I will
content myself with repeating that there seems to me
the heaviest presumption against the existence in
any part of India of a form of ownership conferring
the exact rights on the proprietor which are given by
the present English ownership in fee-simple. There
are now, however, a vast number of vested rights in
the country, fully recognised by the English Govern-
ment, which assume the identity of Indian and
English proprietorship, and neither justice nor policy
permits them to be disturbed. Moreover it is ab-
stractedly possible that further observation of par-
ticular localities by accurate observers may, so far as
regards those localities, rebut the presumption of
which I have spoken, provided that the enquirer be
acquainted with the parallel phenomena which belong
to European legal history, and provided that he possess

LECT. V. THE FEUDALISATION OF EUROPE. 161

the faculty, not very common among us, of distin-
guishing the rudimentary stages of legal thought from
its maturity. The way in which, among the unlet-
tered members of a primitive society, law and morality
run into one another ought especially to be studied.
The subordinate holder who in India states that the
superior holder has the power to do a certain act, but
that he ought not to do it, does not make an admis-
sion ; he raises a question of the utmost difficulty.

It has been usual to speak of the feudalisation of
Western Europe as if it had been an unmixed evil,
and there is but too much reason to believe that it
was accompanied in its course by a great amount of
human suffering. But there are some facts of Indian
experience which may lead us to think that the
advantage of some of the economical and juridical
results which it produced has been underrated. If
the process indeed had really consisted, as some of
the enthusiasts for its repetition in India appear to
suppose that it did, merely in the superposition of
the lord over the free owners of land, with power
to demand such services or dues as he pleased and
to vary his demands at pleasure, very little indeed
could be said for it. But this picture of it is cer-
tainly untrue of our own country. We are not at
liberty to assume that the obligations incurred by the
free owner of land who commended himself to a lord
were other than, within certain limits, fixed and

162 CULTIVATION OF WASTE-LAND. lect. v.

definite services ; and the one distinguishing charac-
teristic which the Enghsh feudists discover in that
free Socage tenure for which the English villagers
most probably exchanged their allodial ownership is
certainty, regularity and permanence of service. The
great novelties which the transition from one form of
property to another produced were, the new authority
over the waste which the lord acquired (and which
was connected with the transfer to him of the half
judicial, half legislative, powers of the collective
community) and the emancipation of the lord within
his own domains from the fetters of obligatory agri-
cultural custom. Now Europe was then full of great
wastes, and the urgent business in hand was to reclaim
them. I^arge forests were to be felled, and wide
tracts of untilled land had to be brought under
cultivation. In England, inexorably confined within
natural boundaries, there pressed with increasing force
the necessity for adopting the methods of agriculture
which were fitted to augment the total supply of food
for a growing population. But for this work society
organised in village communities is but little adapted.
The Indian administrators who regard the cultivating
groups with most favour, contend that they secure a
large amount of comfort and happiness for the families
included within them, that their industry is generally,
and that their skill is occasionally, meritorious. But
their admirers certainly do not claim for them that

LECT. V. IMPROVEMENTS IN TILLAGE. 163

they readily adopt new crops and new modes of tillage,
and it is often admitted that they are grudging and
improvident owners of their waste land. The British
Government, as I before stated, has applied a remedy
to this last defect by acting on the right to curtail
excessive wastes which it inherited from its prede-
cessors; and of late years it has done its utmost to
extend and improve the cultivation of one great
staple. Cotton — amid difficulties which seem to be very
imperfectly understood by those who suppose that in
order to obtain the sowing of a new crop, or the
sowing of an old crop in a new way, from a peasant
in bondage to hereditary custom, it is enough to
prove to him that it is very likely to be profitable.
There is Indian evidence that the forms of property |
imitated from modern English examples have a value \
of their own, when reclamation has to be conducted
on a large scale, or novelties in agriculture have to be
introduced. The Zemindars of Lower Bengal, the
landed proprietary established by Lord Cornwallis,
have the worst reputation as landlords, and appear to
have frequently deserved it; but the grants of land
originally made to them included great uncultivated
tracts, and at the time when their power over
subordinate holders was least limited they brought
large areas of waste land under tillage by the colonies
of peasants which they planted there. The pro-
prietorship conferred on them has also much to do

M 2

164 VILLAGE COMMUNITIES AND CUSTOMS. lect. v.

with the introduction into Lower Bengal, nearly-
alone among Indian provinces, of new and vast
agricultural industries, which, if they had been placed
under timely regulation (which unfortunately they
were not) would have added as much to the comfort
of the people as they have added to the wealth of the
country.

It appears therefore to me to be highly probable that
j^ I the autocratically governed manorial group is better
\ suited than the village group for bringing under cul-
tivation a country in which waste lands are extensive.
So also does it seem to me likely to have been at all
times more tolerant of agricultural novelties. It is a
serious error to suppose that the non-feudal forms of
property which characterised the cultivating commu-
nities had any real resemblance to the absolute
property of our own day. The land was free only
in the sense of being free from feudal services, but it
was enslaved to custom. An intricate net of usage
bound down the allodial owner, as it now binds the
Indian peasant, to a fixed routine of cultivation.
It can hardly be said that in England or Germany
these usages had ceased to exercise a deadening
influence even within living memory, since very
recent writers in both countries complain of the bad
agriculture perpetuated by custom in the open
common fields. The famous movement against
Inclosures under the Tudor reigns was certainly in

LECT. V. CUSTOMARY TILLAGE. 165

part provoked by inclosures of plots in the three
common fields made with the intention of breaking
the custom and extending the systematic cultivation
of grasses ; and it is curious to find the witnesses
examined before the Select Committee of 1844 using
precisely the same language which was employed by
the writers who in the sixteenth century took the
unpopular side, and declaring that the value and
produce of the intermixed lands might be very greatly
increased if the owner, instead of having one plot in
each field, had three plots thrown together in one
field and dealt with them as he pleased. As I said
before, it seems to me a plausible conjecture that our
absolute form of property is really descended from
the proprietorship of the lord in the domain which —
besides planting it with the settlements of ' unfree '
families — he tilled, when it was close to his castle or
manor-house, by his own dependants under his own
eye. He was free from the agricultural customs
which shackled those below him, and the services
exacted from above were not of a kind to affect his
management of the land which he kept in his hands.
The English settlers on the New England coast did
not, as T shall point out, at first adopt this form of
property, but they did so very shortly, and we
unquestionably owe to it such an achievement as
the cultivation of the soil of North America.

If, however, a society organised in groups on the

166 SERVILE DEPENDANTS OF VILLAGES. lect. v.

primitive model is ineffective for Production, so also
if left to develop itself solely under primitive influ-
ences it fails to secure any considerable improvement
in Distribution. Although it is hardly possible to
avoid speaking of the Western village groups as in
one stage democratically governed, they were really
i| oligarchies, as the Eastern communities always tend
to become. These little societies had doubtless
anciently a power of absorption, when men were of
more value than land. But this they lose in time.
There is plenty of evidence that, when Western
Europe was undergoing feudalisation, it was full of
enthralled classes ; and I imagine that the authority
acquired by the feudal chief over the waste was much
more of an advantage than the contrary to these
classes, whom he planted largely there in colonies
which have probably been sometimes mistaken for
assemblages of originally free villagers. The status
of the slave is always deplorable ; the status of
the predial slave is often worse than that of the
^.personal or household slave ; but the lowest depth
of miserable subjection is reached when the person
enthralled to the land is at the mercy of peasants,
whether they exercise their powers singly or in
communities.

Whether the Indian village communities had
wholly lost their capacity for the absorption of
strangers when the British dominion began, is a

LECT. V. VILLAGES CEASE TO ABSORB STRANGERS. 167

point on which I have heard several contradictory
opinions ; but it is beyond doubt that the influence
of the British Government, which in this respect is
nothing more than the ordinary influence of settled
authority, has tended steadily to turn the com-
munities into close corporations. The definition of
rights which it has eff*ected through its various
judicial agencies — the process of law by which it
punishes violations of right — above all the money
value which it has given to all rights by the security
which it has established from one end of India to
another — have all helped to make the classes in
possession of vested rights cling to them with daily
increasing tenacity. To a certain small extent this
indirect and unintended process of shutting the door
to the acquisition of new communal rights has been
counteracted by a rough rule introduced by the
English, and lately engrafted on the written law,
under which the cultivator of the soil who has been
in possession of it for a period of years is in some
parts of India protected against a few of the extreme
powers which attach to ownership of the modern
English type. But the rule is now in some discredit,
and the sphere of its operation has of late been much
curtailed. And my own opinion (which I shall state
more at length in the next Lecture) is, that even if
the utmost efifect were given to it, it would not make
up for some of the inequalities of distribution between

168 NASSE S WORK. lect. v.

classes actually included in the village group which
have made their way into it through the influence of
economical ideas originating in the West. On the
whole the conclusion which I have arrived at con-
cerning the village communities is that, during the
primitive struggle for existence they were expansive
and elastic bodies, and these properties may be per-
petuated in them for any time by bad government.
But tolerably good government takes away their
absorptive power by its indirect effects, and can only
restore it by direct interposition.

It was part of my design to append to these
Lectures an epitome of the work in which Professor
Nasse has attempted to connect the actual condition
of landed property in much of England at the end of
the last century as shown in the various publications
of Marshall, with the early English forms of tenure
and cultivation as known to us through the labours
of English and German scholars. But I have aban-
doned my intention on learning that Nasse's book is
likely to be made generally accessible through an
English translation. The undertaking is one which
presents considerable difficulties. Nasse complains
of the unusual scarcity of English records bearing
on tenure and agricultural custom, but in this place
we may note another class of difficulties having
its source in those abundant technicalities of English
real-property law which are so hard to read by any-

LECT. V. THE STATUTE OF DEVISES. 169

body except the professional lawyer ; and yet another
in the historical theory of their land law which
almost all English lawyers have adopted, and which
colours all English treatises and all the decisions of
English Courts — a theory which, it is not unjust to
say, practically regards the manorial system as having
no ascertainable antecedents, and all rights prima
facie inconsistent with it as having established them-
selves through prescription and by the sufferance of
the lord. I may be allowed to say that the book in
which Nasse has knotted together the two ends of the
historical thread is a very extraordinary one to be
written by a foreigner. Much of it deals with
matter which can only be discussed appropriately in
other departments of study; but I may notice in this
place one set of causes, of a purely juridical nature,
which, besides those assigned by Nasse, tended in
later times to throw small or yeomen properties into
the hands of large landowners. The popular opinion
much exaggerates the extent to which this accumu-
lation of landed properties had proceeded before the
great inclosures of the last century, but still it had
gone some length, and undoubtedly one cause was
the influence, not at first strongly felt, of the Statute
of Devises. Each landed proprietor ultimately ac-

» quired the power — within limits certainly, but very
wide ones^to create a private law for his own estate.

170 RULES FOR CONSTRUING WILLS. lect. v.

this chaos made it rather worse ; for the expedient
which they adopted for the purpose was to give a
forced technical meaning to the popular language of
testators. One large and complex branch of English
law is still concerned with the rules for construing
in a technical sense the loose popular expressions
found in wills. Every estate, willed away by a tes-
tator technically unlearned, was in danger of being
burdened with a mass of conflicting rights and in-
terests, for the most part never contemplated by the
testator himself. There was only one way of insuring
oneself against this consequence, and that was the
employment of an expert to make the will ; but there
is reason to believe that the wholesale employment
of legal experts which is now one of the singularities
of this country is of comparatively modern date, since
it is one of the traditions of the English Bar, derived
from the last generation of lawyers, that among the
I great sources of litigation were at one time wills
made by village schoolmasters. Estates thus bur-
dened could only be held by very rich men ; as they
alone could provide and insure against the technical
traps which abounded in the private law under which
the land was held, or could render them innocuous by
continued possession ending in a prescriptive title. It
is impossible not to see that the practice of un-
shackled devise tended to bring small estates into the
market as unprofitable to the holders through the

LECT. V. RESTRAINTS ON TESTAMENTARY POWER. 171

complication of interests in them, and at the same
time tended to make them purchaseable by rich men
only.

The simple truth is that, if a system of small or j
peasant holdings is to continue, the power of testators
must be severely restrained in order to produce sim-
plicity in the law of the estate. It does not at all
follow that the restrictions must be those of the Code
Napoleon; but restrictions there must be, and I
venture to think that a not unsatisfactory solution of
the problem is to be found in the law by which the
Indian Government has recently sought to control
the power of will-making, which the early English
judges either introduced into India or invested with
proportions which had never belonged to it before.

LECTURE VI.

THE EARLY HISTOEY OF PRICE AND RENT,

CONTENTS.

Structure of Village Communities— Divisions of tlie Community— Pro-
perty within the Community — Tradition as to Rights — Exactions of
Indian Sovereigns — Indian Rent — Difficulty of Question — Anglo-
Indian Ideas— Customary and Competition Rents — The Protected
Tenants — Indian and English Forms of Property — True Character of
Problem — The Irish Clan — Rack-Rent paid by Strangers — Primitive
Notion as to Price — Early Measure of Price — Basis of Political
Economy — The Market — Markets and Neutrality — Influence of Market
Law — Sentiments Adverse to Political Economy — Primitive Com-
mercial Principles — Influence of Carrying Trade — Price and Rent —
Market for Land in England — New Information Required— Village
Communities in America,

I.ECT. VI. STRUCTURE OF VILLAGE COMMUNITIES. 175

LECTURE VL

THE EARLY HISTORY OF PRICE AND RENT.

The VILLAGE COMMUNITIES which are still found in the
Eastern world, exhibit, at first sight, a much simpler
structure than appears on close examination* At the
outset they seem to be associations of kinsmen, united
by the assumption (doubtless, very vaguely con-
ceived) of a common lineage. Sometimes the com-
munity is unconnected with any exterior body, save
by the shadowy bond of caste. Sometimes it ac-
knowledges itself to belong to a larger group or clan.
But in all cases the community is so organised as to
be complete in itself. The end for which it exists is
the tillage of the soil, and it contains within itself the
means of following its occupation without help from
outside. The brotherhood, besides the cultivating
families who form the major part of the group, com-
prises families hereditarily engaged in the humble arts
which furnish the little society with articles of use
and comfort. It includes a village watch and a
village police, and there are organised authorities for

176 DIVISIONS OF THE COMMUNITY. lect. vi.

the settlement of disputes and the maintenance of
civil order.

But, when the Indian village communities are more
carefully scrutinised, a more complex structure dis-
closes itself. I told you that some dominant family oc-
casionally claims a superiority over the whole brother-
hood, and even over a number of separate villages,
especially when the villagers form part of a larger
aggregate, tribe or clan. But, besides this, the com-
munity itself is found, on close observation, to exhibit
divisions which run through its internal framework.
Sometimes men of widely different castes, or Maho-
metans and Hindoos, are found united in the same
village group; but in such cases its artificial struc-
ture is not disguised, and the sections of the commu-
nity dwell in different parts of the inhabited area.
But the most interesting division of the community
— though the one which creates most practical diffi-
culty— may be described as a division into several
Vparallel social strata. There are, first, a certain num-
ber of families who are traditionally said to be de-
scended from the founder of the village; and I may
here repeat a statement made to me that the agricul-
tural traditions of India, differing in this from the
heroic traditions which furnish a subject to the great
Sanscrit poems, imply that the occupation of the rich
Indian plains was a process rather of colonisation than
of conquest. Below these families, descended from

1\ -J<»y/w,iv.

LECT. VI. PEOPERTY WITIIIX THE COMMUNITY. 177

the originators of the colony, there are others, dis-
tributed into well ascertained groups. The brother-
hood, in fact, forms a sort of hierarchy, the degrees of
which are determined by the order in which the 'Wna^K ^ «/
various sets of families were amalgamated with the ^^^f^-^ ouv^
community. The tradition is clear enough as to the
succession of the groups and is probably the representa-
tion of a fact. But the length of the intervals of time
between each successive amalgamation, which is also
sometimes given and which is always enormous, may
be safely regarded as untrustworthy; and, indeed,
numbers count for nothing in the East.

The relations of these component sections to one
another have furnished Eastern statesmen with the
problem which, of all others, has perplexed them
most. For it has been necessary to translate them
into proprietary relations. The superiority of each
group in the hierarchy to those below it bears un-
doubtedly some analogy to superiority of ownership
in the land which all alike cultivate. But the
question has been. What is the superiority to carry
with it when translated into a higher right of pro-
perty? What division is it to imply of the total
produce of the village domain? What power is
it to confer of dealing with the land itself ? A
law of tenure and tenancy had in fact to be con-
structed, not only outside but inside the cultivating
group.

178 TRADITION AS TO RIGHTS. lect. vr.

It is easy to see that these questions were not of
the kind on which traditions were likely to throw any
considerable light. For traditions, as I before stated,
though tenaciously preserved by organised primitive
societies, are only thoroughly to be depended upon
when there have been acts and practices correspond-
ing to them. It is extremely likely that the tradi-
tional respect of each group of families within the
community for those above it did occasionally take
some concrete form, but it is in the highest degree
improbable that the various layers of the little society
were connected by anything like the systematic pay-
ment of rent. For what is it which in primitive states
of society forces groups of men to submit to that amal-
gamation of strangers with the brotherhood which
seems at first forbidden by its very constitution ? It is
the urgency of the struggle for existence — a struggle
in the West probably both with man and with nature —
^\ in the East a struggle less with savage enemies than
j with nature, not indeed unkindly, but extraordinarily
capricious, and difficult to subdue from her very
exuberance. The utmost available supply of human
labour at first merely extracts from the soil what is
sufficient for the subsistence of the cultivating group,
j( and thus it is the extreme value of new labour which
1; condones the foreign origin of the new hands which
bring it. No doubt there comes a time when this
process ceases, when the fictions which conceal it seem

LECT. VI. EXACTIONS OF INDIAN SOVEKEIGNS. 179

to die out, and when the village community becomes
a close corporation. As soon as this point is reached
there is no doubt that any new-comers would only be
admitted on terms of paying money or rendering
service for the use and occupation of land. But in
India, at all events, another set of influences then came
into play which have had the eiFect of making the
vestiges of the payment of rent extremely faint and
feeble. All Oriental sovereigns feed their courts and
armies by an unusually large share of the produce of
the soil which their subjects till. The Indian mon-
archs of whose practices we have any real knowledge
took so much of the produce in the shape of land-
revenue as to leave to the cultivating groups little
more than the means of bare subsistence. There is
no discernible difference in this respect between the
Mahometan Emperors of Delhi, the Mahratta princes
who were dividing the Mogul Empire between them
when the English first appeared, or the still more
modern Hindoo sectaries, called the Sikhs, from whom
we conquered the Punjab. Such nobility as existed]
was supported not by rents but by assignments of the \
royal revenue ; and the natural aristocracy of the \
country would have differed in little from the humbler
classes but for these assignments, or for the money
which stuck to their fingers as the tax-gatherers of
the king. The fund out of which rent is provided

N 2

180 INDIAN RENT. lect. vi.

is in fact a Britisli creation — the fruit of the peace
which the British have kept and of the moderation of
their fiscal demands.

It is sometimes said, in connection with this subject,
that the idea of property in land is realised with
extreme distinctness by the natives of India. The
assertion is true, but has not the importance which
it at first appears to possess. Between village commu-
nity and village community, between total group and
total group, the notion of an exclusive right to the
domain is doubtless always present; and there are
many striking stories current respecting the tenacity
with which expelled communities preserve traditions
of their ancient seat. But to convince himself that,
as regards the interior of the group, the notion of
dependent tenures connecting one stratum with an-
other are very imperfectly conceived, it is only neces-
sary for an impartial person to read or listen to the
contradictory statements made by keen observers of
equal good faith. The problem of Indian Rent cannot
be doubted to be one of great intrinsic difficulty. To
see this, it need only be stated. The question is not
one as to a custom, in the true sense of the word ;
the fund out of which rent comes has not hitherto
existed or has barely existed, and hence it has not
been asserted on either side of the dispute that
rent (as distinct from the Government revenue) was
paid for the use or occupation of land before the

LECT. VI. DIFFICULTY OF QUESTION. 181

establishment of the British Empire, or that, if it was
paid, it bore any relation to the competition value of
cultivable soil. Nor was it an enquiry as to a tra^
dition, because the further you recede from the be-
ginning of British rule the greater is your distance
from the conditions under which the exaction of
competition rent for land becomes conceivable. The
true problem can only be stated by making an assump*
tion contrary to the fact. Assume a market for land
and assume the existence of the fund out of which
rent comes — what primitive ideas can be traced which
point to the distribution of the fund in any particular
way? Such is the question. It is on the whole, I
think, to be regretted that the British Government
allowed its servants to embark on such an enquiry.
However desirable it may be to govern the natives
of the country in harmony with their own ideas, the
effect of attempting to grapple with a problem under
such vague conditions has led to violent recoils of
opinion and practice on a matter in which settled
policy was pre-eminently counselled by justice and
prudence ; and in this case it would have been better,
I think, to abandon the historical mode of dealing
with a practical question peculiar to the Indian
government, to choose the social and economical prin-
ciples on which it was intended to act, and to adhere
to them until their political unsoundness was esta-
blished. But to the student of legal history the ques-

182 ANGLO-INDIAN IDEAS. lect. vi.

tion is one of very considerable interest, and, however
little suited it may be for the Council chamber, it
may very excusably be handled in this place.

When first, amid the general discredit of the ex-
periment tried by Lord Cornwallis in Bengal Proper,
the Indian administrators of fifty years or sixty years
since began to recognise the village community as
the true proprietary unit of the country, they had
very soon to face the problem of rent. They in some
cases recognised an ownership superior to that of the
village itself ; though it is alleged by their critics that
they did not recognise it as much as they ought to
have done. Within the village community they in
all cases recognised a hierarchy of minor groups,
distinguished in some way by the difi^erence of their
rights in the soil. Besides their observation of Indian
phenomena, which was here (as I have explained)
conducted under extraordinary difiiculties, they had
nothing to guide them to a conclusion except the En-
glish forms of property in land ; and they probably
accepted unreservedly from the lawyers of that day
the belief that the system actually obtaining in Eng-
land was not only the ancient system of the country
but that it was semi-sacred. A further misleading
influence was the phraseology already introduced by
the Economists. Between customary rents and compe-
tition rents they did not fail to distinguish, and would
probably not have denied that, as a matter of fact,

LECT. VI. CUSTOMARY AXD COMPETITION RENTS. 183

customary rents were more common and, as a matter
of recorded history, were more ancient than competi-
tion rents. But still, misled by an error which has of
late been very justly compared with a still more famous
delusion of the Roman lawyers, they believed com-
petition-rents to be, in some sense or other, more
natural than customary rents, and to competition-
rents only they gave the name Rent, unqualified by
an epithet. This peculiar and (as it seems to me) im-
proper selection of a cardinal term is not probably of
much importance in this country ; but few sufficiently
instructed persons, who have followed recent Indian
controversies, can have failed to observe that almost
all the obscurities of mental apprehension whicli are
implied in the use of Nature as a juridical term clus-
ter in India round the word. Rent. Still there was
too much around the earliest Anglo-Indian observers
which seemed inconsistent with (to say the least) the
universal occurrence in India of the English relation
between landlord and tenant- at-will for them to
assume unhesitatingly that the absolute ownership of
the soil was vested in some one class, and that the rest
of the cultivating community were simply connected
with the proprietary class by paying for the use of
the land whatever the members of that class saw fit to
demand. They did assume that the persons who were
acknowledged to be entitled to have the highest rights
in the soil, whether within the community or without

184 THE PROTECTED TENANTS. lect. vi.

it, bore a very close analogy to English landowners in
fee simple. They further took for granted that the
great mass of the cultivators were tenants -at-will of
the English pattern. But they gave effect to their
doubts of the correctness of these analogies by creating
between landowner and tenant-at-will an intermediate
class of protected, or, as they are called in the East,
' occupancy ' tenants. When, under the government
dispossessed by the British, any cultivator was shown
to have held his land by himself or his ancestors for
a certain space of time, he was declared to be entitled
to a qualified protection against eviction and rack-rent.
By a recent legislative enactment this principle has
been generalised, and any cultivator who even under
the British Government has been undisturbed by his
landlord for the like period is invested, in some parts of
India, with the same protection. But at first the rule,
of which the origin is uncertain, was probably intended
as a rough way of determining a class which in some
sense or other was included within the village com-
munity. The exact period of occupation selected
was twelve years; the longest time during which it
seems to have been thought safe to carry back into
native society an enquiry upon legal evidence into a
question of fact.

On this rule the most vehement of controversies
has arisen. It is strongly asserted by a school of
observation and theory which has many adherents in

LFT.T. VT. IXDIAX AXD EXGLISII FOEMS OF PROPERTY. 185

tlie present day that close examination of village
communities does not show that mere lapse of time
conferred any rights on one section of the group as
against another. In Indian disputes, as in many
others, the advantage is at first with destructive
criticism, and, upon the evidence which I have seen,
I am on the whole disposed to think that the school
of which I am speaking is in the right. The errors
into which it has fallen appear to me to begin at a
subsequent point. Some of its adherents seem to
think that a certain correspondence being assumed to
exist between a certain Indian class and owners of
land in England, and a certain correspondence being
further assumed between another Indian class and
English tenants, the inference inevitably follows that
the correspondence must be so close as to imply all
the incidents of the English relation of landlord and
tenant-at-wilL But the Indian forms of property in
land are founded on the Village Group as the proprie-
tary unit ; the English forms are based partly on
the Manorial Group and partly on a state of things
produced by its disintegration — systems historically
so wide apart can hardly be used even to illustrate
one another. There are other adherents of the same
opinion who, conscious perhaps of the true difficulty,
attempt to get over it by asking the peasants belong-
ing to the village community what their customs are
as to eviction, rack-rent, and the relation of landlord

18G TRUE CHARACTER OF PROBLEM. lf.ct. vi.

and tenant. Now, if there were the faintest reason
for supposing that there ever existed in India an
open market for land and a system of competition-
rents, such an enquiry would be of great importance,
for unquestionably cultivating village groups are
highly retentive of tradition. But, eviction being
admitted to have been rarely (if ever) practised, and
it being allowed that rent was never paid for the use
of land or (if paid) was not paid on any scale which
indicated its principle, to ask a peasant whether a
given class of tenants ought or ought not to be
subject to rack-rent and eviction is to put to a very
ignorant man a question at once extremely complex,
extremely ambiguous, and only capable of being
answered (so far as it can be answered at all) after a
careful examination of the parallel phenomena of
many different ancient systems of law. The reference
to the peasantry is doubtless honestly made, but it is
an appeal to the least competent of tribunals.

The question. What vestiges remain of ancient ideas
as to the circumstances under which the highest ob-
tainable rent should be demanded for the use of land,
is of some interest to the student of legal antiquities ;
although even in this place it is not a question which
can be very confidently answered. The most distinct
ancient rule which I have discovered occurs in the
first of the official volumes containing the version of
the Ancient Laws of Ireland published by the Irish

LECT. vr. THE IRISH CLA^^ 187

Government. ' The three rents/ it says, ' are rack-
rent, from a person of a strange tribe — a fair rent,
from one of the tribe — and the stipulated rent, which
is paid equally by the tribe and the strange tribe.'
(Senchus Mor, p. 159.)

This very much expresses the conclusion on the
subject which I have arrived at upon the less direct
evidence derived from a variety of quarters. The
Irish clan was apparently a group much more exten-
sive and of much looser structure than the Eastern
or Western village community ; it appears even to
have embraced persons who cannot be distinguished
from slaves. Yet from none of these (apart from
express agreement) could any rent be required but
a rent fair according to received ideas, or, in other
words, a customary rent. It was only when a person
totally unconnected with the clan by any of those
fictions explaining its miscellaneous composition which
were doubtless adopted by this (as by all other) primi- 1
tive groups — when such a person came asking for
leave to, occupy land, that the best bargain could be
made with him to which he could be got to submit.
' Rack-rent ' is sometimes used as a dyslogistic ex-
pression for an extreme competition -rent ; but you
will see that ideas associated with competition-rents
in the economical sense have no relation whatever to
such a transaction. In a primitive society the person
who submits to extreme terms from one group is

188 RACK-EENT PAID BY STRANGERS. i.eot. vi.

pretty sure to be an outcast thrown on the world by
the breaking up and dispersion of some other group,
and the effect of giving him land on these terms is
not to bring him under the description of a tenant
as understood by the Economists, but to reduce him
to a condition resembling predial servitude. I need
hardly add that, in stating what seem to me the
circumstances under which a rack-rent could be de-
manded according to primitive ideas, I am merely
drawing an antiquarian inference, and expressing no
opinion whatever on the political expediency or other-
wise of limiting the claim of a landlord to rent.

The enquiry into these primitive ideas may also

be conducted by another route, which I will follow for

a brief space on account of some curious collateral

questions which it opens. Let me begin by saying

that the remains of ancient Roman law forcibly

suggest that in ancient times transfers of the pos-

; session of land were extremely rare. The formalities

\ which accompanied them were of extraordinary cum-

j brousness, and these formalities had to be strictly

I observed not only in transactions which we should

call Conveyances, but also in the transactions which

at a later date were styled Contracts. The ancient

law further gives reason to think that the letting and

hiring of movable property for a consideration was

unknown or uncommon. The oldest Roman contracts

systematically treated of are the Real Contracts, and

LECT. VI. PRIMITIVE NOTIONS AS TO PRICE. 189

to this class belongs Loan; but the loans there spoken
of are gratuitous, and the rules laid down grew
probably out of the practice of lending from house
to house the small articles of movable property in
use among a primitive people. There is some inte-
rest in observing the plentifulness of these rules in
a system so comparatively mature as Eoman law
when contrasted with their scantiness in English
jurisprudence. The explanation seems to be that the
abundant manufacture nowadays of all articles of
personal property causes them to be much oftener
owned than lent, so that minute rules on the subject
of gratuitous loans become superfluous.

It would almost certainly be labour wasted to
search among the records of ancient law for any trace
of the ideas which we associate with competition-
rents. But if land in primitive times was very rarely
sold or (in our sense) rented, and if movable pro-
perty was very rarely hired for money, it is at least
probable that from a very early date movables were
purchased. It does not appear to me quite an hope-
less undertaking to trace the gradual development
of the notions connected with Price; and here, if at
all, we shall be able to follow the early history of
bargaining or competition. Nor, if we can discover
any primitive ideas on the point, need we hesitate to
transfer them from the sale of movables to the com-
petition-rent of land. The Roman laT\yers remark

190 EARLY MEASURE OF PRICE. lect. vi.

of tlie two contracts called Emptio Venditio, or Sale
for Price, and Locatio Conductio, or Hiring for Con-
sideration, that they are substantially the same, and
that the rules which govern one may be applied to
the other. The observation seems to me not only
true, but one which it is important to keep in mind.
You cannot indeed without forcing language speak
of the Contract of Sale in terms of the Contract of
Letting and Hiring; but the converse is easy, and
there is no incorrectness in speaking of the Letting
and Hiring of Land as a Sale for a period of time,
with the price spread over that period. I must con-
fess I could wish that in some famous books this
simple truth had been kept in view. It has several
times occurred to me, in reading treatises on Political
Economy, that if the writer had always recollected
that a competition-rent is after all nothing but price
payable by instalments, much unnecessarily mys-
terious language might have been spared and some
(to say the least) doubtful theories as to the origin
of rent might have been avoided. The value of this
impression anybody can verify for himself.

What, in a primitive society, is the measure of
Price ? It can only be called Custom. Although in
jthe East influences destructive of the primitive notion
are actively at work, yet in the more retired villages
the artificer who plies an ancient trade still sells his
wares for the customary prices, and would always

LECT. VI. BASIS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 191

change their quality rather than their price — a prefer-
ence, I must remark, which has now and then ex-
posed the natives of India to imputations of fraud not
wholly deserved. And in the West, even in our own
country, there are traces of the same strong feeling
that price should be determined by Custom in the
long series of royal, parliamentary, and municipal
attempts to fix prices by tariff. Such attempts are
justly condemned as false political economy, but it is
sometimes forgotten that false political economy may
be very instructive history.

What, then, is the origin of the proposition on
which the whole of the great deductive science of
Political Economy is based? No good political econo-
mist asserts that, as matter of fact, everybody asks
for his saleable commodities the highest obtainable
price ; still less does he assert that everybody ought
to ask it. What he lays down is that the practice of
asking it is sufficiently general to make it safe for
practical purposes to treat it as universal. When,
however, we are discussing the ideas of very primitive
societies, it is extremely difficult to draw the line
between law, morality, and fact. It is of the very
essence of Custom, and this indeed chiefly explains its
strength, that men do not clearly distinguish between
their actions and their duties — what they ought to do
is what they always have done, and they do it.

What, then, is the origin of the rule that a man

192 THE MARKET. lect. vr.

may ask — or, if you clioose so to put it, that lie does
ask — the highest available price for the wares which
he has to sell? I think that it is in the beginning a
Kule of the Market, and that it has come to prevail
in proportion to the spread of ideas originating in
the Market. This indeed would be a proposition of
little value, if I did not go farther. You are well
aware that the fundamental proposition of Political
economy is often put as the rule of buying in the
cheapest market and selling in the dearest. But
since the primitive period the character of markets
has changed almost as much as that of society itself.
In order to understand what a market originally was,
you must try to picture to yourselves a territory
occupied by village communities, self-acting and as
yet autonomous, each cultivating its arable land in
the middle of its waste, and each, I fear I must add,
at perpetual war with its neighbour. But at several
points, points probably where the domains of two or
three villages converged, there appear to have been
spaces of what we should now call neutral ground.
These were the Markets. They were probably the
only places at which the members of the diiFerent pri-
mitive groups met for any purpose except warfare, and
the persons who came to them were doubtless at first
persons specially empowered to exchange the produce
and manufactures of one little village community for
those of another. Sir John Lubbock in his recent

LECT. VI. MARKETS AND NEUTRALITY. 193

volume on the ' Origin of Civilisation,' has some
interesting remarks on the traces which remain of \
the very ancient association between Markets and
Neutrality (p. 205) ; nor — though I have not now
an opportunity of following up the train of thought
— can I help observing that there is an historical
connection of the utmost importance to the moderns
between the two, since the Jus Gentium of the j i^tw^^!^
Koman Prsetor, which was in part originally a
Market Law, is the undoubted parent of our In-
ternational Law. But, besides the notion of neu-
trality, another idea was anciently associated with
markets. This was the idea of sharp practice
and hard bargaining. The three ideas seem all
blended in the attributes of the god Hermes or
Mercury — at once the god of boundaries, the prince
of messengers or ambassadors, and the patron of
trade, of cheating, and of thieves.

The Market was then the space of neutral
ground in which, under the ancient constitution of
society, the members of the different autonomous
proprietary groups met in safety and bought and
sold unshackled by customary rule. Here, it seems
to me, the notion of a man's right to get the best
price for his wares took its rise, and hence it spread
over the world. Market Law, I should here observe,
has had a great fortune in legal history. The Jus
Gentium of the Romans, though doubtless intended

194 INFLUENCE OP MARKET LAW. lect. vi.

in part to adjust the relations of Eoman citizens to a
subject population, grew also in part out of commer-
cial exigencies, and the Eoman Jus Gentium was
gradually sublimated into a moral theory which,
among theories not laying claim to religious sanction,
had no rival in the world till the ethical doctrines of
Bentham made their appearance. If, however, I could
venture to detain you with a discussion on technical
law, I could easily prove that Market Law has long
exercised and still exercises a dissolving and trans-
forming influence over the very class of rules which
are profoundly modifying the more rigid and archaic
branches of jurisprudence. The Law of Personal or
Movable Property tends to absorb the Law of Land or
of Immovable Property, but the Law of Movable
Property tends steadily to assimilate itself to the Law
of the Market. The wish to establish as law that
which is commercially expedient is plainly visible in
the recent decisions of English courts of justice ; a
[whole group of legal maxims having their origin in
the law of the market (of which the rule of caveat
emptor is the most significant) are growing at the ex-
pense of all others which compete with them; and there
is a steady tendency in English legislation to engraft
new rules, as from time to time they are developed
by traders, upon the commercial law of England.
Finally, the most recent of Indian disputes is whether
native opinion admits of including in the Civil Code of
the country the rule that a man who in good faith

LECT. VI. SENTIMENTS ADVERSE TO POLITICAL ECONOMY. 195

has purchased goods of another shall have them,
though the seller had really no title to them and ,
though the owner claim them. This is in reality an j^
extreme rule of Market Law, and it is often described
in fact as the rule of Market Overt, since it only obtains I
in England where that description of market exists. 1 ^

Political Economists often complain of the vague
moral sentiments which obstruct the complete recep-
tion of their principles. It seems to me that the half-
conscious repulsions which men feel to doctrines
which they do not deny might often be examined
with more profit than is usually supposed. They will
sometimes be found to be the reflection of an older
order of ideas. Much of moral opinion is no doubt in
advance of law, for it is the fruit of religious or philo-
sophical theories having a different origin from law
and not yet incorporated with it. But a good deal of
it seems to me to preserve rules of conduct which,
though expelled from law, linger in sentiment or
practice. The repeal of the Usury Laws has made it
lawful to take any rate of interest for money, yet
the taking of usurious interest is not thought to be
respectable, and our Courts of Equity have evidently
great difficulty in bringing themselves to a complete
recognition of the new principle. Bearing this exam-
ple in mind, you may not think it an idle question if
I ask. What is the real origin of the feeling that it is
not creditable to drive a hard bargain with a near

o 2

Aa.

19a PRIMITIVE COMMERCIAL PRINCIPLES. lect. vi.

relative or a friend ? It can hardly be said that there
, is any rule of morality to forbid it. The feeling seems
', to me to bear the traces of the old notion that men
united in natural groups do not deal with one another
on principles of trade. The only natural group in
which men are now joined is the family ; and the only
bond of union resembling that of the family is that
which men create for themselves by friendship. It is
stated that there is the strongest repulsion among the
natives of India to that extreme rule of Market Law
which I described to you as proposed to be engrafted
on the civil code. The point is doubtful on the
evidence, but, considering the prevalence and vitality
of organised natural groups in India, the a priori
presumption is certainly in favour of the existence
of the alleged repugnance.

All indications seem to me therefore to point to the
same conclusion. Men united in those groups out of
which modern society has grown do not trade together
on what I may call for shortness commercial prin-
ciples. The general proposition which is the basis of
Political Economy, made its first approach to truth
under the only circumstances which admitted of men
meeting at arm's length, not as members of the same
group, but as strangers. Gradually the assumption of
the right to get the best price has penetrated into the
interior of these groups, but it is never completely
received so long as the bond of connection between

LECT. VI. INFLUENCE OF CARRYING TRADE. 197

man and man is assumed to be that of family or clan-
connection. The rule only triumphs when the primi-
tive community is in ruins. What are the causes
which have generalised a Rule of the Market until it
has been supposed to express an original and funda-
mental tendency of human nature, it is impossible to
state fully, so multifarious have they been. Every-
thing which has helped to convert society into a col-
lection of individuals from being an assemblage of
families, has helped to add to the truth of the assertion
made of human nature by the Political Economists. ^,J^l±.JC^^'
One cause may be assimed, after observation of the ^^^'»'^'«^ \ff^
East, in the substitution of caravan or carrying trade '^^^^^ ^ <fc- >vJ,
for the frequentation of markets. When the first 3j8«a^

system grows up, the merchant, often to some extent
invested with the privileges of an ambassador, carries
his goods from the place of production, stores them in
local entrep6ts, and sells them on the principles of the
Market. You will here call to mind the curious fact,
stated to me on high authority, that the Grain-Dealer,
though a man of great consequence and wealth, is
often excluded in India from village or municipal
privileges to which the small tradesmen whose busi-
ness is an ancient appendage of the community are
freely admitted. I am also informed that the natives
of India will often pay willingly a competition price
for one article, when they would think it unjust to be
asked more than a customary price for another. A

198 PRICE AND RENT. lect. vi.

man who will pay the price of the day for corn col-
lected from all parts of India, or for cotton-cloth from
England, will complain (so I am told) if he is asked
an unaccustomed price for a shoe.

If the notion of getting the best price for movable
property has only crept to reception by insensible
steps, it is all but certain that the idea of taking the
I highest obtainable rent for land is relatively of very
1 modern origin. The rent of land corresponds to the
price of goods, but doubtless was infinitely slower in
conforming to economical law, since the impression of
a brotherhood in the ownership of land still survived
when goods had long since become the subject of
individual property. So strong is the presumption
against the existence of competition rents in a
country peopled by village communities that it
would require the very clearest evidence to con-
vince me that they were anywhere found under
native conditions of society, but the evidence (as I
told you) is remarkably unconvincing. I of course
admit that certain classes of people are so slightly
connected with the village community that, under
the new conditions introduced into India by the
English, their rents would probably have become
competition rents. The problem, however, presented
by these classes is not antiquarian but political. It
is identical with that terrible problem of pauperism
which began to press on English statesmen as soon

LECT. VI. MARKET FOE LAND IN ENGLAND. 199

as the old English cultivating groups began distinctly
to fall to pieces. In India the solution will be far
more difficult than it has proved here, since the
country has little mineral fuel and can have no
manufactures on a scale to occupy a large surplus
population; and emigration for the most part is
regarded as mortal sin.

The right to take the highest obtainable rent for
land is, as a matter of fact and as a matter of
morality, a right derived from a rule of the market.
Both the explanation and the justification of the
exercise of the right in England and Scotland is that
in these countries there really is a market for land.
Yet it is notorious that, in England at all events,
land is not universally rackrented. But where is it
that the theoretical right is not exercised? It is
substantially true that, where the manorial groups
substituted for the old village groups survive, there
are no rackrents. What is sometimes called the
feudal feeling has much in common with the old
feeling of brotherhood which forbade hard bargains, j
though like much else it has passed from the collective
community to the modern representative of its auto- ^
cratic chieftain. Even in England the archaic rules
I have been describing have not yet quite lost their
authority.

Here I conclude the Lectures of the Term. Their
chief object, as I have repeatedly stated, has been to

200 NEW INFORMATION REQUIRED. lect. vi.

establish a connection between the results of Indian
experience and observation and the conclusions
arrived at by German and English learning. But
another purpose will have been served if some of
those who have attended here are induced to help in
adding to our knowledge of ancient English tenures.
In spite of the information collected by the Select
Committee of 1844, we know far too little of Com-
mon and Commonable fields, of Lammas lands,
Common meadows, and limited rights over Wastes,
and generally of manorial customs. Yet forms of
property, savouring of the old collective enjoy-
ment, seem to occur so frequently that almost any-
body has the opportunity of collecting facts which
may have an important bearing on our enquiry.
The speculative interest of the subject I need scarcely
enlarge upon, but these ancient joint-holdings have
a farther interest as constituting not only some of
the oldest, but some of the most lasting phenomena
of English history. It is a striking remark of Nasse
that the English common field system bears the marks
j^jlA. ^vyyCc/wv of an exotic origin. In the time of the ruder agri-
^u&^vc. culture which has now given way to scientific tillage,

the natural fitness of the soil of England was for grass
farming, and the tendency to resort to it as the most
, profitable form of cultivation was apparently irresis-
tible, and out of it grew some very serious agrarian
movements. The three-field system was therefore
ibrought by our Teutonic ancestors^rom some^ drier

LBCT. VI. VILLAGE-COMMUNITIES IN AMERICA. 201

region of the Continent. It is a very remarkable
fact that the earliest English emigrants to North
America — who, you know, belonged principally to
the class of yeomanry — organised themselves at first^^^^^^e^^^ c^^t^
in village-communities for purposes of cultivation. - c^vm^lcu^
When a town was organised, the process was that
' the General Court granted a tract of land to a com-
pany of persons. The land was first held by the
company as property in common.' (Palfrey, ' History
of New England,' ii. 13.) An American commentator
on this passage adds : ' The company of proprietors
proceeded to divide the land by assigning first house -
lots (in Marlborough from fifteen to twenty acres),
then tracts of meadow land, and in some cases
mineral land, i.e. where bog-iron ore was found.
Pasture and woodland remained in common as the
property of the company, but a law of the General
Court in 1660 provided that "hereafter no cottage
or dwelling-house be admitted to the privilege of
commonage for wood, timber, or herbage but such
as are already in being, or shall be erected with the
consent of the town." From that time the com-
moners appear as a kind of aristocracy, and the'
commons were gradually divided up.' This is not
only a tolerably exact account of the ancient Euro-
pean and existing Indian village -community, but it is
also a history of its natural development, where the
causes which turn it into a manorial group are absent,
and of its ultimate dissolution.

APPENDICES,

APPENDIX U

MINUTE EECOEDED ON OCTOBER 1, 1868.

The first conclusion which I draw (from a Paper ' showing
in each case the authority at whose suggestion the Acts
of the Governor-General in Council, from No. I. of 1865,
to No. XXXYIII. of 1867, were passed ') is, that next
to no legislation originates with the Supreme Government
of India. The only exceptions to complete inaction in
this respect which are worth mentioning, occur in the case
of Taxing Acts — though, as there is often much communi-
cation with the Provincial Governments on the subject of
these Acts, the exception is only partial — and in that of a
few Acts adapting portions of English Statute law to India.
Former Indian Legislatures introduced into India certain
modern English Statutes, limiting their operation to
' cases governed by English law.' The most recent Eng-
lish amendments of the Statutes were, however, not fol-
lowed in this country until they were embodied in Indian
Acts by my predecessor, Mr. Ritchie, and myself, in accord-
ance with the general wish of the Bench and Bar of the
High Courts. Examples of this sort of legislation are Acts
XXYII. and XXVIII. of 1866, which only apply to ' cases
governed by English law.'

The second and much the most important interference
which the Paper appears to me to suggest is, that the
great bulk of the legislation of the Supreme Council is

1 Vide p. 70.

206 APPENDIX I.

attributable to its being the Local Legislature of many
Indian Provinces. At the present moment, the Council
of the Governor-General for making Laws and Eegulations
is the sole Local Legislature for the North-Western Pro-
vinces, for the Punjab, for Oudh, for the Central Provinces,
for British Burmah, for the petty Province of Coorg, and
for many small patches of territory which are scattered
among the Native States. Moreover, it necessarily divides
the legislation of Bengal Proper, Madras, and Bombay
with the local Councils of those Provinces. For, under
the provisions of the High Court's Act of 1861, it is only
the Supreme Legislature which can alter or abridge the
jurisdiction of the High Courts, and as this jurisdiction is
very wide and far-reaching, the effect is to throw on the
Governor-General's Council no small amount of legislation
which would naturally fall on the Local Legislatures.
Occasionally, too, the convenience of having but one law
for two Provinces, of which one has a Council and the
other has none, induces the Supreme Government to legis-
late for both, generally at the request of both their Govern-
ments.

Now these Provinces for which the Supreme Council is
the joint or sole Legislature, exhibit very wide diversities.
Some of these differences are owing to distinctions of race,
others to differences of land-law, others to the unequal
spread of education. Not only are the original diversities
between the various populations of India believed nowa-
days to be much greater than they were once thought to
be, but it may be questioned whether, for the present at
all events, they are not rather increasing than diminishing
under the influence of British Government. That in-
fluence has no doubt thrown all India more or less into
a state of ferment and progress, but the rate of progress
is very unequal and irregular. It is growing more and
more difficult to bring the population of two or more Pro-

APPENDIX I. 207

vinces under any one law, whicL. goes closely home to
their daily life and habits.

Not only, then, are we the Local Legislature of a great
many Provinces, in the sense of being the only authority
which can legislate for them on all or certain subjects, but
the condition of India is more and more forcing us to act
as if we were a Local Legislature, of which the powers do
not extend beyond the Province for which we are legisla-
ting. The real proof, therefore, of our over-legislation
would consist, not in showing that we pass between thirty
and forty Acts in every year, but in demonstrating that
we apply too many new laws to each or to some one of the
Provinces subject to us. Now, I will take the most im-
portant of the territories for which we are exclusively the
Legislature — the North- Western Provinces ; — and I will
take the year in which, judging from the Paper, there has
been most North-Western legislation — the year 1867.
The amount does not seem to have been very great or
serious. I find that in 1867, if Taxing Acts be excluded,
the North- West was affected in common with all or other
parts of India by an Act repressive of Public Gambling
(No. III.) ; by an Act for the Eegistration of Printing
Presses (No. XXV.) ; and by five Acts (IV., VIL, VIIL,
X., and XXXIII.) ; having the most insignificant tech-
nical objects. I find that it was exclusively affected by
an Act (I.) empowering its Government to levy certain
tolls on the Ganges ; by an Act (XXII.) for the Regula-
tion of Native Inns ; by an Act (XVIII.) giving a legal
constitution to the Courts already established in a single
district, and by an Act (XXVIII.) confirming the sen-
tences of certain petty Criminal Courts already existing.
I find further that, in the same year, 1867, the English
Parliament passed 85 Public General Acts applicable to
England and Wales, of which one was the Representation
of the People Act. The number of Local and Personal

208 APPENDIX I.

Acts passed in the same year was 188. All this legisla-
tion too came, it must be remembered, on the back of a
vast mass of statute-law, compared with which all the
written law of all India is the merest trifle. Now the
population of England and Wales is rather over 20 mil-
lions, that of the North- Western Provinces is supposed to
be above 30 millions. No trustworthy comparison can be
instituted between the two countries ; but, regard being
had to their condition thirty years ago, it may be doubted
whether, in respect of opinions, ideas, habits, and wants,
there has not been more change during thirty years in the
North- West than in England and Wales.

A third inference which the Paper suggests is, that our
legislation scarcely ever interferes, even in the minutest
degree, with Private Rights, whether derived from usage
or from express law. It has been said by a high authority
that the Indian Legislature should confine itself to the
amendment of Adjective Law, leaving Substantive Law
to the Indian Law Commissioners. It is meant no doubt
that the Indian Legislature should only occupy itself,
propria motu, with improvements in police, in administra-
tion, in the mechanism and procedure of courts of justice.
This proposition appears to me a very reasonable one in
the main, but it is nearly an exact description of the
character of our legislation. We do not meddle with
Private Eights ; we only create Ofiicial Duties. No
doubt Act X. of 1865 and Act XV. of 1866 do consider-
ably modify Private Eights, but the first is a chapter and
the last a section of the Civil Code framed in England by
the Law Commissioners.

The Paper does not of course express the urgency with
which the measures which it names are pressed on us by
their originators — the Local Governments. My Colleagues
are, I believe, aware that the earnestness with which these
Governments demand legislation, as absolutely necessar}^

APPENDIX T. 209

for the discharge of their duties to the people, is
sometimes very remarkable. I am very far indeed from
believing that, as they are now constituted, they think
the Supreme Council precipitate in legislation. I could
at this moment name half a dozen instances in which the
present Lieutenant-Governors of Bengal and the North-
West deem the hesitation of the Government of India in
recommending particular enactments to the Legislature
unnecessary and unjustifiable.

While it does not seem to me open to doubt that the
Government of India is entirely free from the charge of
initiating legislation in too great abundance, it may
nevertheless be said that we ought to oppose a firmer
resistance to the demands of the Local Governments and
other authorities for legislative measures. It seems
desirable therefore that I should say something of the
influences which prompt these Governments, and which
constitute the causes of the increase in Indian legislation.
I must premise that I do not propose to dwell on causes
of great generality. Most people would admit that, for
good or for evil, the country is changing rapidly, though
not at uniform speed. Opinion, belief, usage, and taste
are obviously undergoing more or less modification every-
where. The standard of good government before the
minds of ofiicials is constantly shifting, perhaps it is rising.
These phenomena are doubtless among the ultimate causes
of legislation; but, unless more special causes are as-
signed, the explanation will never be satisfactory to many
minds.

I will first specify a cause which is in itself of a merely
formal nature, but which still contributes greatly for the
time to the necessity for legislation. This is the effect of
the Indian Councils' Act of 1861 upon the system which
existed before that date in the Non-Regulation Provinces.
It is well known that, in any strict sense of the word, the

210 APPENDIX 1.

Executive Government legislated for those Provinces np to
1861. The orders, instructions, circulars, and rules for
the guidance of officers which it constantly issued, were,
to a certain extent, essentially of a legislative character,
but then they were scarcely ever in a legislative form. It
is not matter of surprise that this should have been so,
for the authority prescribing the rule immediately modified
or explained it, if it gave rise to any inconvenience, or was
found to be ambiguous. But the system (of which the
legality had long been doubted) was destroyed by the
Indian Councils' Act. No legislative power now exists
in India which is not derived from this Statute ; but to
prevent a wholesale cancellation of essentially legislative
rules, the 25th Section gave the force of law to all rules
made previously for Non-Regulation provinces by or under
the authority of the Government of India, or of a Lieute-
nant-Governor. By this provision, an enormous and
most miscellaneous mass of rules, clothed to a great
extent in general and popular language, was suddenly
established as law, and invested with solidity and un-
changeableness to a degree which its authors had never
contemplated. The difficulty of ascertaining what is law
and what is not in the former Non-Eegulation Provinces,
is really incredible. I have, for instance, been seriously
in doubt whether a particular clause of a Circular in-
tended to prescribe a rule or to convey a sarcasm. The
necessity for authoritatively declaring rules of this kiiid,
for putting them into precise language, for amending
them when their policy is doubted, or when tried by the
severer judicial tests now applied to them, they give
different results from those intended by their authors, is
among the most imperative causes of legislation. Such
legislation will, however, diminish as the process of
simplifying and declaring these rules goes on, and must
ultimately come to a close.

APPENDIX I. 211

I now come to springs of legislation wliicli appear to
increase in activity rather tlian otherwise. First among
these I do not hesitate to place the growing influence of
courts of justice and of legal practitioners. Our Courts
are becoming more careful of precise rule both at the top
and at the bottom. The more careful legal education of
the young civilians and of the younger Native judges,
diffuses th-e habit of precision from below ; the High
Courts, in the exercise of their powers of supervision, are
more and more insisting on exactness from above.

An even more powerful influence is the immense mul-
tiplication of legal practitioners in the country. I am
not now speaking of European practitioners, though their
number has greatly increased of late, and though they
penetrate much further into the Mofussil than of old.
The great addition, however, is to the numbers and in-
fluence of the native Bar. Practically a young educated
Native, pretending to anything above a clerkship, adopts
one of two occupations — either he goes into the service
of Government, or he joins the Native Bar. I am told,
and I believe it to be true, that the Bar is getting to be
more and more preferred to Government service by the
educated youth of the country, both on the score of its
gainfulness and on the score of its independence.

Now the law of India is at present, and probably will
long continue to be, in a state which furnishes opportunity
for the suggestion of doubts almost without limit. The
older written law of India (the Eegulations and earlier
Acts) is declared in language which, judged by modern
requirements, must be called popular. The authoritative
Native treatises on law are so vague that, from many of
the dicta embodied by them, almost any conclusion can
be drawn. More than that, there are, as the Indian Law
Commissioners have pointed out, vast gaps and interspaces
in the Substantive Law of India; there are subjects on

p 2

212 APPENDIX I.

which no rules exist, and the rules actually applied by
the Courts are taken, a good deal at haphazard, from
popular text-books of English law. Such a condition of
things is a mine of legal difficulty. The Courts are getting
ever more rigid in their demand of legal warrant for the
actions of all men, officials included. The lawyers who
practise before them are getting more and more astute,
and render the difficulty of pointing to such legal warrant
day by day greater. And unquestionably the Natives of
India, living in the constant presence of courts and
lawyers, are growing every day less disposed to regard an
act or order which they dislike as an unkindly dispensa-
tion of Providence, which must be submitted to with all
the patience at their command. If British rule is doing
nothing else, it is steadily communicating to the Native
the consciousness of positive rights, not dependent on
opinion or usage, but capable of being actively enforced.

It is not, I think, difficult to see how this state of the
law and this condition of the Courts and Bar renders it
necessary for the Local Governments, as being responsible
for the efficiency of their administration, to press for
legislation. The nature of the necessity can best be
judged by considering what would be the consequences
if there were no legislation, or not enough. A vast variety
of points would be unsettled until the highest tribunals
had the opportunity of deciding them, and the government
of the country would be to a great extent handed over to
the High Courts, or to other Courts of Appeal. No
court of justice, however, can pay other than incidental
regard to considerations of expediency, and the result
would be that the country would be governed on principles
which have no necessary relation to policy or statesmanship.
It is the justification of legislation that it settles difficulties
as soon as they arise, and settles them upon considerations
which a court of justice is obliged to leave out of sight.

APPENDIX I. -213

The consequences of having India to be governed by
the courts v^ould, in my judgment, be most disastrous.
The bolder sort of officials would, I think, go on v^^ithout
regard to legal rule, until something like the deadlock
vv^ould be reached with which we are about to deal in the
Punjab. But the great majority of administrative officials,
whether weaker or less reckless, would observe a caution
and hesitation for which the doubtful state of the law
could always be pleaded. There would, in fact, be a para-
lysis of administration throughout the country.

The fact established by the Paper, that the duties
created by Indian legislation are almost entirely official
duties, explains the dislike of legislation which occasion-
ally shows itself here and there in India. I must confess
that I have always believed the feeling, so far as it exists,
to be official, and to correspond very closely to the re-
pugnance which most lawyers feel to having the most
disorderly branch of case-law superseded by the simplest
and best drawn of statutes. The truth is, that nobody
likes innovations on knowledge which he has once ac-
quired with difficulty. If there was one legislative change
which seemed at the time to be more rebelled against than
another, it was the supersession of the former Civil Pro-
cedure of the Punjab by the Code of Civil Procedure.
The Civil Procedure of the Punjab had originally been
exceedingly simple, and far better suited to the country
than the then existing procedure of the Regulation Pro-
vinces. But two years ago it had become so overlaid by
explanations and modifications conveyed in Circular
orders, that I do not hesitate to pronounce it as uncertain
and difficult a body of rules as I ever attempted to study.
I can speak with confidence on the point ; for I came to
India strange both to the Code of Civil Procedure and to
the Civil Procedure of the Punjab, and, while the first has
always seemed to me nearly the simplest and clearest

214 APPENDIX I.

system of the kind in the world, I must own I never felt
sure in any case what was the Punjab rule. The intro-
duction of the Code was, in fact, the merest act of justice
to the young generation of Punjab officials, yet the older
men spoke of the measure as if some ultra-technical body
of law were being forced on a service accustomed to courts
of primitive simplicity.

It must, on the other hand, be admitted that, in
creating new of&cial duties by legislation, we probably in
some degree fetter official discretion. There is no doubt
a decay of discretionary administration throughout India ;
and, indeed, it may be said that in one sense there is now
not more, but much less, legislation in the country than
formerly ; for, strictly speaking, legislation takes place
every time a new rule is set to the people, and it may be
taken for granted that in earlier days Collectors and Com-
missioners changed their rules far oftener than does the
Legislature at present. The truth is, discretionary govern-
ment is inconsistent with the existence of regular courts
and trained lawyers, and, since these must be tolerated,
the proper course seems to me not to indulge in vague
condemnation of legislation, but to discover expedients by
which its tendency to hamper discretion may be mini-
mised. One of these may be found in the skilful drafting
of our laws — in confining them as much as possible to
the statement of principles and of well-considered general
propositions, and in encumbering them as little as possible
with detail. Another may be pointed out in the extension
of the wholesale practice of conferring by our Acts on Local
Governments or other authorities the power of making
rules consistent with the Act — a power in the exercise of
which they will be assisted by the Legislative Department
under a recent order of His Excellency. Lastly, but
principally, we may hope to mitigate the inconveniences
of legislation by the simplification of our legislative

APPENDIX I. 215

machinery as applied to those less advanced parts of the
country where a large discretion must inevitably be vested
in the administrator. The power of easily altering rules
when they chafe, and of easily indemnifying officials when
they transgress rules in good faith, is urgently needed by
us in respect of the wilder territory of India.

While I admit that the abridgment of discretion by
written laws is to some extent an evil — though, under the
actual circumstances of India, an inevitable evil — I do not
admit the proposition which is sometimes advanced that
the Natives of India dislike the abridgment of official
discretion. This assertion seems to me not only unsup-
ported by any evidence, but to be contrary to all the
probabilities. It may be allowed that in some cases
discretionary government is absolutely necessary ; but
why should a people, which measures religious zeal and
personal rank and respectability by rigid adherence to
usage and custom, have a fancy for rapid changes in the
actions of its governors, and prefer a regimen of discretion
sometimes coming close upon caprice to a regimen of law?
I do not profess to know the Natives of this country as
well as others, but if they are to be judged by their
writings, they have no such preference. The educated
youth of India certainly affect a dislike of many things
which they do not care about, and pretend to many tastes
which they do not really share; but the repugnance which
they invariably profess for discretionary government has
always seemed to me genuinely hearty and sincere.

21G

APPENDIX 11.^

G. L. V. Maurer^ Einleitung zur Geschichte der Mark-, Hof-, Dorf-,
und Stadt-Yerfassung und der ofFentlichen Gewalt. Munchen.

G. L. V. Maurer^ Geschichte der Dorfverfassung in Deutschland.
Erlangen.

G. L. V. Maurer, Geschichte der Frohnhofe, der Bauernhbfe und der
Hofverfassung in Deutschland. Erlangen.

G. L. V. Maurei^y Geschichte der Markenverfassimg in Deutschland.
Erlangen.

G. L. V. Maurer, Geschichte der Stadteverfassung in Deutschland.
Erlangen.

E. NassCf Ueber die mittelalterliche Feldgemeinschaft und die
Einhegungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts in England.
Bonn.

G, Landau, Die Territorien in Bezug auf ihre Bildung und ihre
Entwicklung. Hamburg.

G. Landau. Das Salgut. Kassel.

Ch. Lette, Die Vertheilung des Grundeigenthums in Zusammenhang
mit der Geschichte der Gesetzgebung und den Volkszustanden.
Berlin.

N. Kindlinger, Geschichte der deutschen Horigkeit, insbesondere
der sogenannten Leibeigenschaft. Berlin.

W. Gessner, Geschichtliche Entwickelung der gutsherrlichen und
bauerlichen Verhaltnisse Deutschlands, oder practische Ge-
schichte der deutschen Horigkeit. Berlin.

Von Haxthausen, Ueber die Agrarverfassung in Norddeutschland.
Berlin.

* Vide Preface.

INDEX

3>«t:c

ACC

ACCOUNTANT, village, his im-
portance in India, 125

Administrators, Indian, their fear of
altering native custom, 39

Agriculture, conditions of, in India
as compared with Northern and
Central Europe, 108. See Village
Communities

Arable Mark, existence of the, in the
Indian village community, 108.
See Village Communities

Austin, John, his view of jurispru-
dence, 4

BENEFICES, origin and influence
of, on feudalism, 132

Bengal, Lower, power of making a
will in, 40. Decay of the village
system in, 104. Lord Cornwallis's
land settlement of, 105, 153. Bad
reputation of the Zemindars of, as
landlords, 163

Blamire, Mr., adopts the popular
theory on landed property, 84

CALCUTTA, origin of the city of,
118
Carrying trade, influence of the, in

India, 197
Caste, real nature of, in India, 56,
57

CON

Cities, European, some probably
the Township Mark of Teutonic
villages, 118

Cities, Indian, causes of the growth
of villages into, 118. Origin of
the formation of Indian capitals,
119. The great deserted cities, 119

Civil courts in India, 34. Appeals
from the Settlement and Revenue
courts to the, 34. Difi^erence be-
tween a High and a Chief court,
35. The Supreme courts and
their j udicial powers, 36. Dismay
caused by the introduction of
English law, 38. Native and
English laws compared, 49

Clan society, the Celtic form of
family organisation, 156

Commercial principles, primitive,
196

Common, commonable, and common
fields, in England, 85. ' Stint of
common,' 89. The Indian waste
or common land, 120, 121. Con-
troversy after 1857 as to waste
land in India, 121. Action of the
government respecting it, 122.
Exotic origin of the ancient three-
field English system, 200

Contract, not the source of law in
primitive communities, 110. De-
struction of the village system by
the obligations arising out of, 113

220

INDEX.

CON

Conveyances, ancient, of land, 188

Cornwallis, Lord, his settlement of
Lower Bengal, 105, 153

Council, village, legislation of the,
116, 123. Sometimes superseded
by a Headman, 122

Court Baron, authority of the Lord
of the Manor in the, 134, 139

Court Leet, functions of the, 139,
140

Courts of Justice established by the
English in India, 71. None in
some of the semi-independent
native States, 71

Custom, stability of, in India, 9.
Slavery of Indians to, 13. Indian
administrators and native custom,
39. Attachment of an Oriental to
his local custom, 39. Varieties of
native usage, 51, 52. Preserva-
tion of customary law, 65. Agen-
cies by which this preservation
has been effected, 55. Antiquity
of Indian custom, 65, 66. Changes
in the nature of usage, 72, 75.
Origin and growth of custom,
109

Customary Manorial Courts, func-
tions of the, 139, 140

DELHI, exactions of the Maho-
metan Emperors of, 179
Devises, Statute of, influence of, in
throwing small properties into
the hands of large landowners,
169, 170
Distribution, failure of primitive till-
ing communities for securing, 166

ENGLAND, existence of the
Arable Mark and Common Mark
in, 85. Various names of the

FRE

cultivated portion of the domain
in, 85. True succession groups of
proprietors in, 135. Waste, or
common land, has become the
Lord's waste, 135. The modern
legal theory of the Lord's rights,
136. Advantages of absolute pro-
perty over the village communit}'^
system, 162

English in India, their influence on
legal conceptions, 69. Their un-
willing assumption of sovereignty,
70. Their establishment of Courts
of Justice, 71. A cause of the
growth of the conception of right,
73

Eviction rare in India, 186

Experts, legal, employment of, in
England, in modern times, 170

FAMILY, the great source of per-
sonal law, 11. Formation of
the Patriarchal Family, 15

Families, leading, causes of the ag-
grandisement of, 145

Feudalism, origin of, 131, 132. In-
fluence of benefices, 132. The
Manor, 133. Causes of feudalisa-
tioD, 142, 143. Growth of suze-
rainties, 144. Elements of the
feudal system, 146. Systematic
feudalism, 147. Imperfect feuda-
lisation of India, 158-160. Suf-
fering which accompanied feudali-
sation in Europe, 161. Advan-
tages which the transition of one
form of property to another pro-
duced, 162. Cultivation of waste
land in Europe, 162. Tendency
in the primitive Teutonic system
towards feudalism, 21

Freeman, Mr., his identification of
fragments of ancient Teutonic
society in Switzerland, 9

INDEX.

221

GAM

GAME not strictly private property-
according to English law, 142
Grain-dealer, the, excluded in India

from privileges, 197
Grass-lands, customs of various
manors respecting, 136

HEADMAN of an Indian village,
office of, 122, 155. Power
which he enjoys, 155. Nature and
origin of the rights claimed by
certain families, 156
Hereditary offices, tendency among

Teutonic races to, 132
Hermes, the three attributes of the
god, 193

INCLOSUEE and Inclosure Acts,
importance of the history of, 85
India, village communities of, 12,
et seq. India regarded in England
as uninteresting, 22. Importance
of the English conquest and go-
vernment, 23. Ignorance of India
discreditable in Englishmen, 23.
Gradual disappearance of Indian
phenomena, 24. Ignorance and
superstition of Indian native so-
ciety, 25. Influence of Western
ideas, of physical ideas, and of
British dominion, 26, 27. Eng-
lish compared with Indian society,
56. Influence of caste, 66, 57.
Influence of English law, 74.
Discovery and recognition of the
existence of the Indian village
community, 103. The Maho-
metan theory of ownership in the
land, 104. Conditions of agricul-
ture in India as compared with
Europe, 108, Common or waste
lands in, 120, 131. Peaceful cha-

IRE

racter of the people of, 124. Their
submission to the power of mer-
cenary armies, 124. The 'out-
siders ' of Indian villages, 127.
Shape taken by all disputes in, 128.
Mode of dealing with a newly-
annexed province, 149. The
various land settlements and their
results, 149-151. Analogy between
Teutonic kings and the British
government in India, 151. Ma-
hometan assumptions, 152. The
two great Indian schools of opi-
nion respecting the functionaries
administering the country, 153.
Property recognised by the English,
156. Absolute ownership, 157.
Comparison of English and Indian
Conditions, 159. Structure of
village communities in India, 175.
Exactions of Oriental sovereigns,
179. Questions about rent, 180,
181. Influence of the carrying
trade in India, 197. Minute on
the over-legislation attributed
to the English Government,
205

Indian Law, sources of, 31. Custo-
mary law, 31. Settlement, 32.
The Kecord of Eights, 33. Dis-
placement of native by English
law, 37. Dismay with which
English law was regarded, 38.
Mode of administering the Hin-
doo code, 49-51. Varieties of
native usage, 51, 52

Indians, secrecy of their family life,
114. Their intellectual quick-
ness, 56

International Law, the undoubted
parent of, 193

Ireland, quantity of detail in the
ancient Irish law, 81. The three
ancient kinds of rent in, 186,
187

222

INDEX.

JUR

MAN

JURISPRUDENCE, chief func-
tl tion of Comparative, 3, 4.
John Austin's views, 4. The
comparative and historical me-
thods, 6. Instruction which India
may yield to the student of his-
torical j urisprudence, 15
Jus Gentium, influence and impor-
tance of the, 193, 194

LAMMAS lands, 85. Inclosures
removed on Lammas Day, 86
Land, Record of Eights in, 72.
Oldest forms of property in, 76.
Scarcity of laws as to the tenure
of, 51. Teutonic origin of Eng-
lish theories of law in, 83. Un-
soundness of the popular theory,
84. Importance of the history of
inclosures and inclosure acts, 85.
The ancient cultivated portion of
the domain, and its various names,
86. Modes of redistributing
the shares, 86. Effect of shifting
severalties, 87. Great extent of
the common fields, 88. And of
the pasturage on haulks of turf, 89.
Existing baulks, 89. Vestiges of
the Mark, 88. Marshall's account
of the ancient state of England
quoted, 90-94. The Udal tenures
of Orkney and Shetland, 94, 95.
The ' Burgess Acres ' in the burgh
of Lauder, 95. Mohometan theory
of ownership in land, 104. Lord
Cornwallis's settlement of Lower
Bengal, 105. Estates in Oudh,
105. Creation of a peasant pro-
prietary under prosperous condi-
tions, 105, 106. Conditions of
agriculture in India as compared
with Europe, 108. Customs of
re-partition of the cultivated lands,
112. Common or waste lands in

India, 120, 121. The process of
feudalisation, 131. Benefices, 132.
The Manorial group, 133, 134.
Causes of the growth of suze-
rainties, 144. Causes in German
and Scandinavian cultivating com-
munities leading to inequality of
property in land, 146. Land set-
tlements in India, 105, 149-52.
Ancient rule as to the highest
obtainable rent for the use of land,

186. Ancient Iiish rents, 186,

187. Primitive notions as to price,
187. Rarity of ancient transfers
of land, 188. Competition-rent,
189

Lauder, the ' Burgess Acres ' in the
burgh of, 95, 96. The ^ Hill
parts,' 96

Law, analysis of a, 66, 67. Indian
conceptions of a, 68. English in-
fluence on legal conceptions, 69.
Sources of, in primitive commu-
nities, 110

Loans, nature of, in oldest Roman
contracts, 188, 189

Lubbock, Sir John, on the first steps
of mankind towards civilisation,
16. On markets, 192

irCLENNAN, Mr., on civilisation,

Madras, success of the peasant pro-
prietary of, 105

Mahometan law, foundation of, 49.
Its interest for the jurist, 49

Mahometan theory of ownership of
land, 104

Mahratta brigands, their rise against
the Mahometans, 124. Exactions
of their princes, 179

Manor, origin and formation of the,
133. Authority of the Lord in
the Court Baron, 134. Tene-

INDEX.

223

MAN

mental lands and tlie Lord's Do-
main, 134. Eights of the Lord to
the waste, 135. The ^ right of
approvement' aifirmed by the
Statute of Merton and subsequent
statutes, 135. Modern legal theory
of the Lord's rights, 136. Changes
in the grass-lands, 136. The
free holders of Tenemental land
corresponding to the old village
community, 137. Settlement of
villeins, 138. The Manorial Courts,
139. Encroachments of the Lord,
141. The Manorial group better
suited than the village group for
bringing waste lands under culti-
vation, 164. Customary tillage,
165

Manorial Court, Customary, power
of the, 134

Manorial courts, the three, 139

Manu, Code of, 20. Influence of
Brahminical theories upon the, 20.
Penetrates but little among the
people of India, 39. Development
of Hindoo law, 46. Mode of ad-
ministering it, 49-51

Mark, or township of Teutonic
families, 10. System of the, 10.
Vestiges of it in England, 1 1

Mark, the Arable, rights and duties
of the ancient Teutons respecting,
79, 80. The Mark occasionally
shifted, 81. Existence of the
Arable Mark in England, 85

Mark, the Common, in ancient Teu-
tonic Society, rights and duties of
the, 79

Markets, origin of, 192. Association
between markets and neutrality,
193. Three ideas as to, 193.
Extreme rule of Market Law, 195.
Eule of Market Overt, 195. Ten-
dency of decisions of English
courts towards the law of the

OWN

Market, 194. Causes which have
generalised a Kule of the Market,
197

Marshall, Mr. W., his account of the
ancient state of agriculture quoted,
90-94

Maurer, Von, on the law of the Mark
or township, 10. On the feudal
tendency of the primitive Teutonic
system, 21. His inquiry into the
forms of Teutonic village property,
summary of his conclusions, 77,
et seq.

Morier, Mr., his paper in ' Sys-
tem of Land Tenure in Various
Countries,' 78. His account of
the vestiges of collective property
in Germany, 78. On the aspects
of the Teutonic freeman as a lord
and as a commoner, 82

NASSE, Professor, on the land-law
of Germany and England, 11,
17. Account of his work, 168,
169
Neutrality, ancient association be-
tween markets and, 193
Nuncomar, fairness of the trial of,
38

i rvCCUPANCY ' tenants in In-
yj dia, creation of, 184. Period

of time required for determining

who are, 184
Orkney Isles, system of the township

in the, 10. Sir W. Scott on the

Udal tenure, 94
Oudh, settlement of estates in, 105.

Military character given to the

naturally peaceful population of,

124
Ownership, absolute, of the English

in India, 157-59

224

INDEX.

PAT

SWI

PATERFAMILIAS, the, in an-
cient Teutonic society, 78. Ilis
authority, 78. His relations to
the other heads of families, 79.
His authority in the Indian villapfe
community, 107

Peasant proprietary in India, esta-
blishment and success of the,
105

Personal Property, Law of, tenden-
cies of, 194

Police of Indian villages, recognised
and paid by the British Govern-
ment, 125

Political Economy, the contract of
hiring and letting in, 190. The
proposition which forms the basis
of, 191. The Market, 192

Price, early history and measure of,
189

Prize of War, theoretical right of
the sovereign to, 142

Production, primitive tilling com-
munities ineffective for, 166

Property, collective, native control
over testation of, 41

Pundits, consulted in the courts, 50.
Charges against them, 50

EACE, modern theories of, ] 4
Rack-rents in ancient Ireland,
187. Generally, 187, 188. Reason
why rack-rents do not exist in
some places, 199
Rent, creation and difficulties of, in
India, 180, 181. Ideas of Anglo-
Indians, 182. Customary and
competition rents, 183. Ancient
rule as to the highest obtainable
rent for the use of land, 186.
Rack-rents generally, 187, 188.
Modern origin of the highest
obtainable rent, 198. The market

for land in England and Scotland,
199. Reason why rack-rents do
not exist in some places, 199

Revenue courts and officers in India,
and their duties, 33, 34

Roman Law, period arrived at in, 19

SCOTT, Sir Walter, his remarks
on the Udal tenures of Orkney
and Shetland, 94, 95

Seignory in gross, 134

Settlement, Indian, 32. Settlement
officers and their reports, 32. Re-
cord of Rights, and its importance,
33. Settlement in newly-acquired
provinces in India, 149. Various
forms of, 150. Mahometan as-
sumptions, 152

Shetland Isles, system of township
in the, 10. Sir W. Scott on the
Udal tenure of, 94

Sikhs, exactions of the, 179

Slavery, generally, predial, and
under peasants, 166

Sudder courts, powerful influence of
the Supreme courts over the, 39.
History of, 43. Appeals to them,
43. Judges of the, 44. Their in-
fluence, 45. Effect of judicial
commentaries on the, 47

Supreme courts of India and their
powers, 36. Condemnation which
they have everywhere received
except in India, 37, 38. Their
powerful influence on the Sudder
courts, 39

Surnames, possible causes of the fre-
quency of trades as, in England,
126

Suzerainties, causes of the growth of,
144

Switzerland, Mr. Freeman's identifi-
cation of fragments of Teutonic
Society in, 9

INDEX.

225

TAL

VIL

ALUKDARS, settlement of the.

in Oiidh, and its results, 150,
151

Teutonic society, fragments of archaic,
in Switzerland, 9. Enquiries of
Von Maurer, 9, 77. The Teutonic
Mark, 10. The * vicus ' described
"by Tacitus, 10. Resemblances of
Indian village communities to
Teutonic townships, 12, Account
of an ancient Teutonic cultivating
community, 78-82. Tendency
among the Teutonic races to here-
ditary offices, 132. Causes and
results of the aggrandisement of
leading families, 145

Townships, Teutonic. See Mark

Trades, hereditary, of Indian villages,
125. Possible causes of the plen-
tifulness and persistence of trades
as surnames in England, 126

Tradition, subject of, 58. Effect of,
in India, 58. Different forms of,
58, 59. Value attached just now
to traditional law in India, 59

UDAL tenures of Orkney and Shet-
land, 94, 95
Usury laws, effect of the repeal of
the, 195

VICUS, the, described by Tacitus,
10
Village Communities of India, their
resemblance to Teutonic town-
ships, 12. The land-law of, 18. De-
cay of the village system in Lower
Bengal, 40, 104. Coincidence of
the systems of India and Teutonic
society, 61, 62. Rights and duties,
67. Declarations of the council of
village elders, 68, 69. Discovery
and recognition of the existence of

the Indian village community, 103.
The Mahometan theory of owner-
ship, 104. Secrecy of Indian
family life, 114. Dislike of Eng-
lish criminal law, 115. Legisla-
ture of the council of elders, 116,

123. Their customary rules, 117.
Causes of the growth of Indian
villages into cities, 118, 119.
Disputes sometimes decided by a
single Headman, 122. Submission
of naturally peaceful villagers to
the power of mercenary armies,

124. The village community or-
ganised and self-acting, 125. The
outsiders, 127. Power of absorp-
tion of strangers by the commu-
nity, 128. Tendency of agrarian
rights to decay, 150. Effect of
the land settlement of Oudh, 150.
The office of Headman in various
places, 155. Absolute ownership
of the English, 157-59. Imperfect
feudalisation of India, 158-60. The
communities left to their own way
by great kings and mercenary
armies, 160. The cultivating com-
munity as compared with the ab-
solute property of our own day,
164. Primitive tilling communities
ineffective for securing Produc-
tion and Distribution, 166. State
of the servile dependents of vil-
lagers, 166. Reasons why stran-
gers ceased to be absorbed by
villages, 167, 168. Structure of
Indian village communities, 175.
Divisions in the community itself,

176. Question of the right of
property within the community,

177. Tradition as to rights, 178.
Origin and difficulties of rent, 180,
181. Analogy of the holders of
the highest rights in India to
English landowners in fee simple,

226

INDEX

VIL

184. Creation of ' occupancy '
tenants, 184. Comparison of In-
dian and English forms of pro-
perty/ 185. Eviction rarely prac-
tised in India, 186

Village communities in North
America, organisation of the,
201

Village communities, Teutonic, 78,
et seq.

WASTE, or common lands, the
cultivation of, demanded hy a
growing population, 162
Water rules in India, 109, 110

ZEM

Widows, origin of the oppressive
disabilities of, in Hindoo laws, 54.
The written restrictions compared
with unwritten usage, 55

Will, the, of Lower Bengal, 40. A
modern Indian will, 41, 42. Dan-
gers caused by the wills of un-
learned testators, 170. Necessity for
restraints on testamentary power,
171

ZEMINDAES, their settlement

and its results, 150. Their bad

reputation in Lower Bengal aa
landlords, 163

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Maine- Henry Sumner
Village communities in
the East and West
AKF-8220

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